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I 


I 


1878. 


HISTORY 

OF  THE 

Two  Americas, 

CONTAINING 

A    HISTORY    OF    THE  POLICE 

OF 

NEW  YORK  AND  BROOKLYN. 


THE 


TWO  AMERICAS. 

THEIR  COMPLETE  HISTORY, 

FROM  TFIE  EARLIEST  DISCOVERIES  TO  TILE  PRESENl^  DAY 


BT  THE 

"FATHERS    OF   AMERICAN  HISTORY." 

CONTAINING,  WITHOUT  A  HKIDGM  ENT, 

BELKNAP'S  BIOGRAPHIES  OF  TllE  EARLY  DISCOVERERS;  (IRAIIAME'S  HISTORY  OF 
NORTH  AMERICA;  DR.  ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF  SOUTH  AMERICA;  AND 
RAMSAY'S  HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

AND  .\N  .APPENDIX  HY  PROF.   H.  L.  WILLIAMS,  BRINGING  THE  HISTORY  OF  BOTH  NORTH  AND  SOUTH 

AMERICA  DOWN  TO  THE  PRESENT  DAY. 

To  WHICH  AKE  ADDED 

HUBBARD'S   HISTORY   OF  THE   INDIAN   WARS   IN    NEW  ENGLAND, 

AND  "A  GENEIJAL  SUMMARY  OF  THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  IN  NATIONAL  WEALTH,  IN  DOMESTIC  AND  FOREIGN  COMMERCE, 
MANUKACTUIJES,  AGRICULTURE,  AND  MINING,  TOGETHER  WITH  DETAILS  RELATING  TO  THEIR  SOCIAL  PROGRESS,  THEIR  SYSTEM 

OF  PUBLIC  EDUCATION,  AND  THE  MORAL  ADVANCEMENT  OF  THE  PEOPLE." 

WITH  AN   INTRODUCTION   BY  P.  C.  HEADLEY. 


F[/L/.  CHRONOLOGY--HISTORICAL,  BIOGRAPHICAL,  AND  GENERAL—DATING  FROM  THE  YEAR 

458  TO  THE  PRESENT  TIME. 


A    COPIOUS    GENERAL  INDEX, 

THE  WHOLE  FORMING  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  TWO  AMERICAN  CONTINENTS,  UNSURPASSED  FOR  FULNE-^S  AND 

UNEQUALED  AS  A  BOOK  OF  REFERENCE. 

ILLUSTRATED   WITH   THIPxTY-FOUR   FULL-PAGE  STEEL  ENGRAVINGS 


CHICAGO: 

A.  L.  COBU  R  N  &  CO. 
1878. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1878,  by 

HENRY   S.  ALLEN, 
the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington,  D. 


TO 


THE  PEOPLE   OF  AMERICA. 


wnosB 

EFFORTS  IN  TEE- CAUSE  OF  POLITICAL  LIBERTY  OIYE  A  PECULIAR  CHARACTER 
TO  THE  RECORDS  OF  THE  PAST  CENTURY, 

AND  nv  wnoM 

TnH  GEllMS  OF  FREEDOM  INHERITED  FROM  THE  OLD  WORLD  HAVE  BEEN  MADE  TO 
DEVELOP  FRUITS  THAT  AI;E  A  BLESSING  TO  CIATLIZATIOIT, 

AND 


THIS  WORK, 

JIeCOI\DING    the    I^AF^J^ATiVE    OF    THEIf^  |ilSTORY, 

ll'ROM  TRD 

EARLIEST  TO  THE  LATEST  TIMES. 


IS  FAITHFUL  LY 


PREFACE. 


Is  this  volume  wc  present  to  tbe  public  a  history  of  tlic  two  American  Continents,  from  the  pens  of  our  ablest  his- 
torians, continued  in  each  instance  by  competent  writers  to  the  present  time.  For  purposes  of  reference,  and  in  order  to 
render  the  design  as  complete  as  possible,  we  have  prefixed  to  the  portion  which  is  more  purely  historical,  the  excellent 
biographies  of  the  early  discoverers  which  were  written  by  the  accomplished  scholar  and  divine.  Dr.  Belknap.  The 
record  of  those  men  must  not  be  forgotten.  For  the  early  history,  from  the  first  voyage  of  Columbus,  through  the  stirring 
events  that  signalized  the  settlement  of  Central  and  South  America,  the  gi-eat  work  of  Dr.  Robertson  possesses  clainis 
which  are  pre-eminent.  It  therefore  fitly  occupies  the  next  place,  but  with  an  additional  chapter,  wherein  are  traced  the 
gi-adual  development  of  the  several  South  American  Republics,  and  the  formation  of  Brazil  into  a  separate  Empire. 
"We  follow  the  chain  of  events  in  North  America  from  the  period  of  the  early  settlement,  down  to  that  of  the  English 
revolution  of  1688,  aided  by  the  impartial  pen  of  Mr.  Grahame ;  henceforth  rel}-ing  upon  a  number  of  equally  accredited 
authorities  till  we  reach  the  last  fourth  of  the  eighteenth  century.  At  this  eventful  point  in  our  history,  we  have  had 
recourse  to  the  lucid  nan'ative  that  has  come  to  us  from  the  pen  of  Mr.  Ramsay.  But  the  result  of  his  labors  extends 
only  to  1807.  For  subsequent  history  we  have  therefore  adopted  the  sanie  course  as  in  perfecting  the  continuation 
of  Dr.  Robertson's  work  on  South  America.  Rich  materials  lay  in  abundance  before  us  in  both  cases.  We  have  used 
the  best  means  at  our  disposal  to  gather  them  together,  and,  with  the  most  suitable  of  them,  to  produce  a  work  which 
shall  be  at  once  authentic  and  as  far  as  possible  complete. 

It  has  been  said,  that  ours  is  the  only  nation  which  has  no  age  of  fable.  This  is  only  partly  true.  It  is  true  of  the 
United  States,  but  it  is  not  true  of  America.  The  history  of  that  time  which  preceded  the  great  discovery  by  Columbus 
IS  a  page  which  has  yet  to  be  written.  Perhaps  it  never  can  be  fully  written.  But  it  refers  to  an  age  of  fable  than 
which  no  part  of  the  world  offers  any  that  is  more  interesting,  or  probably  more  marvellous.  "We  cannot  lose  sight  of 
this,  for  we  are  treating  not  only  of  this  Republic  which  has  no  such  fabulous  epoch,  but  of  the  entire  American  conti- 
nent ;  and  our  work  begins,  at  the  moment  when  the  fabulous  portion  of  that  history  ends.  Our  aim  has  been  to  con- 
struct, upon  a  combined  chronological  and  geographical  basis,  a  narrative  of  all  the  leading  events  in  American  history, 
wherewith  to  secure  at  once  a  work  of  reference  upon  the  widest  scale,  and  at  the  same  time  a  volume  of  pleasant  inter, 
est  which  shall  be  acceptable  to  the  people.  The  life  of  a  nation  should  mark  the  moral  and  intellectual  progress  of  its 
inhabitants ;  and  if  that  be  trae,  the  stoiy  is  one  which  surely  none  of  us  can  well  alford  to  leave  unread. 


C  O  ]\  T  E  ]\  '1'  ^. 


BIOGRAPHIES  OF  THE  EARLY  DISCOVERERS. 


CHAPTER   I.  PAGE 
BiRON :  His  Discovery  of  Iceland  and  Greenland — An  Account  of  his 

Voyage — Character  and  Appearance  of  the  Natives    .      •      .      .  1 

CHAPTER  II. 

Maboc  :  Ilia  Supposed  Discovery  of  America — An  Account  of  his  Voyage 

Examined — Ihe  Improbability  of  the  Story  2 

CHAPTER  III. 
Zeno  :  His  Rank  and  Birth — He  SaOs  on  a  Voyage  of  Discovery — Is  over- 
talieu  by  a  Storm — Aj'rives  at  Frisland — Dilliculties  with  the  Natives 
— His  Death — His  brother  Antonio  talies  the  Command     ...  3 

CHAPTER  IV. 
COLTTMBUS:  His  Reasons  for  seeking  India  by  Westerly  Route — His  Four 
Voyages,  and  the  Hardships  and  Difficulties  he  underwent — He  is 
Shipwrecked  on  Jamaica — His  Death  and  Character  ....  4 

CHAPTER  V. 
Americits  Vespucius:  His  Birth  and  Education — His  Scientific  Researches 
— His  First  Voyage  to  America  and  Claims  as  a  Discoverer — The 
Naming  of  the  Continent .  .   


CHAPTER  VI. 
John  and  Sebastian  Cabot  :  The  Commission  of  King  Henry  VII. — 
They  Sail  on  a  Voyage  of  Discovery,  and  sight  Land — Description  of 
the  New  Country — Return  to  England — Sebastian  starts  on  a  Second 
Voyage  

CHAPTER  VII. 

James  Cartier  :  Sails  on  a  Voyage  of  Discovery,  reaches  the  Island  of 
Newfoundland — Finds  Chaleur  Bay — His  Interview  with  the  Natives 
— Danacona,  the  Indian  Chief — His  Stratagem — Indian  Recei)ti<>n  of 
Cartior  and  his  Companions — Character,  Habits,  and  Customs  of  the 
Indians — Further  Discoveries — The  Expedition  attacked  by  Disease- 
Carter  falics  Possession  of  the  Country — Returns  to  France  with  two 
of  the  Natives— A  Second  Voyage — Kind  Reception  by  the  Indians. . 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

f  EKDiNANDO  DE  SoTO  :  Lands  in  Florida— Advances  into  the  Interior — 
Dilliculties  with  the  Natives— His  Death  


10 


10 


11 


13 


America- Arrival  at  Virginia— Smith  Is  taken  Prisoner  by  the  In- 
dians, and  Condemned  to  Dcatli— He  Is  Saved  by  Pocahontas— His 
Release,  and  subsequent  Discoveries — He  is  made  President  of  Vir- 
ginia—His Fame  among  tlie  Indians— Returns  to  England— The  His- 
tory of  Pocahontas— Smith's  Literaiy  Works  and  Death  . 


CHAPTER  IX. 
Humphret  Gilbert:  Voyage  of  Master  Hore — Great  Sufferings  of  the 
Party — Seizure  of  French  Vessel — Sir  H.  Gilbert  receives  a  Com- 
mission from  Queen  Elizabeth — He  Sails,  and  is  overtaken  by  a  Storm 
—Lands  on  Newfoundland,  and  takes  Possession  of  the  Island — Cor- 
dial Reception  by  the  Natives — A  Government  Established — Ship- 
wreck and  Death     .      -  14 

CHAPTER  X. 

BiR  Walter  Raleigh  and  Sir  Richard  Grenville  :  Raleigh  obtains 
a  Commission  from  Queen  Elizabeth,  and  sails  for  America — His  ar- 
rival at  Woeocon — Granganimeo,  the  Indian  Chief — Description  of 
an  Indian  Village — Kind  Reception  by  the  Natives— Return  to  Eng- 
land—Second Expedition  under  Sir.  R.  Grenville— Settlement  of  Vir- 

g'nia — Death  of  Granganimeo — Revenge  of  his  brother,  Wingina — 
is  Death— A  Third  Expedition — Progress  of  Virginia  and  its  ulti- 
mate Desertion — Introduction  of  Tobacco  into  Europe — Anecdote  of 
Sir  Walter  Raleigh  15 

CHAPTER  XI. 
John  de  Fcca  :  His  Adventures  and  Discoveries— The  Attempt  to  Pro- 
cure him  a  Commission  16 


CHAPTER  XII. 
Uarthoiomew  Gosnold:  His  Arrival  in  Virginia— Description  of  the 
Coaat— Visit  from  the  Indians— Abandonment  of  the  Colony  by  the 
English  


CHAPTER  XIII. 
John  Smith  :  Sketch  of  his  Career— He  joins  the  Austrian  Army- His 
Encounter  with  the  Turks— Is  made  a  Prisoner,  and  sold  as  a  Slave- 
Escapes,  and  Returns  to  England— Meets  Gcsnold.  and  they  sail  to 


17 


CHAPTER  XIX, 


1? 


CHAPTER  XIV. 
De  Monts,  Poutrincourt  and  Champlain  :  De  Mont's  Patent  for 
Acadia — His  Fort  at  St.  Croix— Champlain  NavipUes  the  St.  Law- 
rence— Builds  a  Fort  at  Quebec — Discovers  the  Lake  that  bears  his 
Name— Surrenders  Quebec  to  the  English- His  Character  and  Death  24 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Febdinando  Gorges  and  John  Mason  :  Discovery  of  a  Plot  Dgainst 
Queen  Elizabeth — Gorges  Defends  himself  before  Parliament — Hia 
Complaint  against  the  Dutch — Misfortunes  and  Death — Mason's 
Plantation  at "Piscataqua — Massachusetts  Established — Plans  for  In- 
dependence Suspected — Province  of  Maine — The  Form  of  Govern- 
ment— Protected,  and  afterwards  Purchased  by  Massachusetts  .      .  26 

CHAPTER  XVI. 
Henry  Hudson  :  Sails  on  a  Voyage  of  Discovery — Anives  at  Sandy 
Hook — Attempts  to  Sail  up  the  River — Hostility  of  the  Natives — Re- 
turns to  England — His  Second  Voyage — Discovery  of  Mermaid — 
Hudson's  Arrangements  with  the  Dutch — His  Misfortunes  and  Terri- 
ble end  80 

CHAPTER  XVII. 
SiB  Thomas  Smith  :  Charges  against  him — He  Resigns  the  Trensnrcrship 
of  the  Virginia  Company,  and  receives  a  Grant  of  Land  to  the  Colony 
— Sir  Edwin  Sandys  appointed  his  Successor — Lotteries— Supplies 
obtained  by  tlieir  means  for  the  Colony  81 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 
Lord  Delaware,  Sir  Thomas  Gates,  Sir  George  Somers,  Captain 
Newport,  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  Sir  F.  Wainman  :  Lord  Delaware 
arrives  in  Virginia — Builds  two  Forts  on  the  James  River — Leaves 
Virginia  and  goes  to  the  Western  Islands — Settlement  of  Daniel  Goo- 
kin  in  Virginia,  and  Removal  to  New  Englanu— Sir  Thomas  Dale  ap- 
pointed G'overnor  of  Virginia — Outline  of  his  Character — Appoint- 
ment of  Sir  Tliomas  Gates — Dispute  between  him  and  Admiral  Som- 
ers on  a  Question  of  Precedence — Wreck  of  Somers  hi  Burinuda — Ilia 
Death,  Burial,  and  Monument — First  Settlement  of  New  York — Ar- 
rival of  Sir  Ferdinaudo  Wainman  in  Virginia — His  Death — Death  of 
Lord  Delaware  


32j 


Sir  Samttel  Argal  and  Sir  George  Yeardlet  :  Argal's  Expedition 
to  Northern  Virginia,  and  his  Defeat  of  the  Freneli  at  .Mount  Desart 
— Takes  and  destroys  Port  Roval — Holds  a  Conference  with  Bicu- 
court — Visits  the  Dutch  at  the  Hudson  River— Tlie  Dutch  Governor 
Surrenders  to  him— His  Voyage  to  England— Is  appointed  Deputy- 
Governor  of  Virginia — His  severe  Disci])line— Charged  of  Peculation, 
and  is  Superscdi-d— But  Escapes  by  the  help  of  the  £arl  of  Warwick — 
Commands  an  Expedition  against  the  Algerines,  and  is  Knighted  by 
King  James- His  Character — Appointment  of  Sir  George  Yeardley 
to  the  Governorship  of  Virginia — He  encourages  the  Cultivation  of 
Tobacco— Att;uks  the  Chiekahominy  Indians— Vicissitudes  iu  hia 
Career — His  Death  34 

CHAPTER  XX. 
Sib  Francis  Wtat  :  Succeeds  Y'eardley  in  the  Government  of  Virginia 
— Is  Deceived  by  the  Native  Chiefs— Massacre  of  the  Colonists — He 
opposes  the  change  of  Government  contemplated  by  the  Crown,  and 
returns  to  Ireland  36 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

BABTHOLOiraw  GosKOLD,  Martin  Prisg,  Bartholomew  Gilbert,  and 
George  Weymouth  :  Gosnold's  Voyage  to  Virginia — His  Interview 
and  Traffic  with  the  Natives— Returns  to  England — Accompanieb 
John  Smith  to  Virtrinia — His  Death — Bring  sails  for  North  Virginia- 
Discovers  Fox  Island — Enters  Massachusetts  Bay — Interview  with 
the  Natives — Returns  to  England,  and  makes  a  Second  Voyage— Gil- 
bert sails  for  Virginia,  and  is  killed  by  the  Natives— Weynioutli's 
Voyage  to  America — He  Discovers  George's  Island  and  Pentecost 
Harbour,  and  Kidnaps  some  of  the  Natives  38 

CHAPTER  XXII. 
John  Robinson:  His  Birth  and  Eariy History— Minister  of  a  Dissenting 


Vlll 


C  ()  N  T  K  N  T  S . 


Conprocation— Tlolljriou';  Pcrsorutlon^— lie  rrmovca  to  AniRtrrJam— 
Ilia  DiBiiutation  willi  K|)iBci)|)U8— His  CbiircU  coiiU'iiiijlutcs  a  Re- 
moval—They  apply  lo  Uic  Virfjinia  C<)ini>aiiv— The  Sermon  before 
Jieriioval,  aud  I'artiii;;  from  those  who  Bailed  lor  America— llis  Ucalh 
— Character  and  I'osterily  *2 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 
/0ff!»  Carver:  AppoInU-d  Afjcnt  by  the  English  Settlers  at  Lcyden— 
Superintends  arrangements  for  Kinii^ration— Is  appointed  President 
of  Ihi!  Company — .Nfakcs  an  Excursion  from  Cape  Cod  in  Search  of  a 
Harbor— Lands  on  Clark's  Island— Forms  a  Settlement  at  Plymouth 

—  His  Interview  with  Massassoit — His  Death,  Character,  and  Poster- 
ity—Relics  In  the  Cabinet  of  the  Historical  Society    ....  44 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 
William  Uradpord:  His  Birth  and  Education — Removes  to  Amster- 
dam-Accompanies Emiirrants  to  New  England— Loss  of  his  Wife — 
Is  chosen  Governor  of  New  Plymouth— Indian  Conspiracies- Brad- 
ford ad(>|)t8  M  casures  of  Defence — Surrenders  the  Patent  to  the  Col- 
ony—ills  Death,  Character,  aud  Descendants  47 

CHAPTER  XXV. 
William  Brewster  :  Honors  from  the  Dutch  Government — Removes 
to  Holland— P^stiiblishes  a  Printing-Ofliee— Crosses  to  America— OIU- 
ciates  as  a  Preacher — His  Death  and  Cliaracter     ....  50 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 
Robert  CrsnMAN  :  Embarks  for  America— Returns  to  England — Arrival 
at  Plymouth— Ills  Lecture  on  Self-Love — His  Family  comes  to  New 
England   61 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 
Ekwarb  Wfnslow  :  Ills  Birth  and  Education— Travels  on  the  Continent 
of  Europe — Removes  to  America— Visits  Massassoit — Returns  to  Eng- 
land— Sails  again  for  New  Plymontli,  whence  lie  is  again  Sent  to 
England  as  Agent — His  Committal  to  the  Fleet  Prison— Is  Released, 
and  Returns  to  New  England — Is  Chosen  Governor,  and  then  m»de 
Commissioner  of  tlie  United  Colonies— Is  Sent  by  Cromwell  against 
the  Spaniards — Dies  on  thv  Passage  to  Jamaica — Ills  Posterity  .      .  52 

CHAPTER  XXVITI. 
UiLEP  STANDTsn  :  A  Soldii-r  In  the  Netherlands — Embarks  for  America 
— Compels  CorbltJiut  to  Submit  at  Swanzey — His  Resolute  Policy 
towards  the  Indians — His  Expedition  to  Wessajusset  and  Cape  Ann 
— Mr.  Hubt'ard's  (Jbservatlons  Respecting  II im — Returns  to  England 
as  Airent  for  the  Colony — His  Death  and  Descendants — Estimate  of 
Ills  Character — The  Policy  of  Sending  Convicts  to  Virginia      .      .  55 

CHAPTER  XXIX. 
Joint  WrarnROP;  First  Governor  of  Massachusetts  :  His  Birth  and  .An- 
cestry/—His  Character— Examination  of  His  Accounts— llis  DilTieul- 
cultles  with  Mrs.  Iliiteliinsou  and  Her  Followers — His  Conduct  to- 
wards tlie  Cliurcli  at  Boston — Opinions  of  Democracy,  Liliei-ty,  and 
the  .Magistnicy — Pecuniary  P^mbarrassraents  and  Family  A  mictions — 
His  Death  and  Posterity — The  Portrait  in  the  Senate  Chamber  of 
Massachuactta  67 

CHAPTER  XXX. 
JoiiN  WrNTnnop,  F.  R.  S.,  Governor  of  Connecticut— TTis  Birth  and 
Education — Removal  to  New  England — Obtains  a  Charter  Incorpo- 
rating Connecticut  and  New  Haven — Is  Chosen  Governor  of  the  Col- 
ony— Elected  Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society — Ills  Death      ...  68 

CHAPTER  XXXI. 

Geoboe  Calvert,  Cecilius  Calvert  (Lords  Baltimore),  Leonard  Cai.- 
VKKT  :  Birth  and  Ednc^Ulon  of  George  Calvert — He  Enters  the  Ser- 
vice of  Sir  Robert  Cecil — Is  made  Secretary  of  State,  and  Receives  a 
Pension  from  King  James — Becomes  a  Roman  Catholic — Is  Created 
Baron  of  Baltimore  —  Attempts  a  Settlement  In  Newfoundland  — 
Visits  Virginia— Receives  a  Grant  of  Territory  North  of  tlir  Potomac 

—  His  Cliaracter  and  Death— Cecil  Receives  a  Patent  of  Maryland— 
Rettlee  the  Colony  and  Appoints  Ills  Brother  Leonard  Governor — 
Leonard  Calvert  Promotes  Immigration  69 

CHAPTER  XXXII. 
WlIJ.lAM  Petts  :  Ills  Birth  and  Education— He  Travels  to  France,  and 
Visits  Ireland- Attaches  Himself  to  the  Society  of  Friends— Is  Ar- 
rested and  Discarded  by  Ills  Father— Becomes  an  Itinerant  Preacher 

—  Is  Imprisoned  In  the  Tower  of  London  —  Ills  Second  Jour- 
ney to  Ireland— Reconciled  with  His  Father— He  is  ag.iin  Arrested 
and  Imprisoned  In  Newgate?— Pleads  the  Cause  of  the  (Quakers  before 
Parliament — Receives  a  Charter  of  Pennsylvania— Terms  of  Settle- 
fiieiil — Sends  a  Letter  to  the  Indians— ICiiiharks  with  a  Nuiiilu  r  of 
tjiiakers  for  America  —  Arriveg  at  Ncwcaslle  —  Founds  and  Names 
Philadelphia— Is  Elected  a  Fellow  of  the  Royal  .Society-  1  In  Stvle  of 
Prea.-hing— Departure  for  England— Ho  Publishes  a  P.onk  oil  the 
Liberty  of  Conselenco— la  Suspected  of  being  Inimical  to  King  Wil- 
liam—Becomes Involved  In  Delit  — Signs  li  New  Charter  —  Again 
Visits  England— His  Embarrassments  and  Death        ...  60 

CHAPTER  XXXIII. 
AmiNnix  TO  thb  Dioobaphies  :  Account  of  the  Natives  of  New  Eng- 
land .      .  ...  ......  66 


HISTORY  OF  SOUTH  AMERICA. 


Editor's  Preface 

AUTnOR'S  PKEfACE 


PAoa 
.  03 


BOOK  I 


Progress  of  Navigation  among  the  Ancients — View  of  their  Discoveries 
as  Prejiaratory  to  those  of  the  .Modems — Imperfections  of  Ancient 
Navigation  and  Geography — Doctrine  of  the  Zones — Further  Discov- 
eries Checked  by  the  Irruption  of  Barbarous  Nations — Geographical 
Knowledge  still  Preserved  in  the  East  among  the  Arabians — Revival 
of  Commerce  and  Navigation  in  Europe — Favoured  by  the  Crusades — 
Extended  by  Travellers  into  the  East — Promoted  by  the  Invention 
of  the  Mariner's  Compass — First  Regular  Plan  of  Discovery  fonncd 
by  Portugal — State  of  that  Kingdom — Schemes  of  Prince  Henry — 
Early  Attempts  Feeble — Progress  along  the  Western  Coast  of  Africa 
— Hopes  of  Discovering  a  New  Route  to  the  East  Indies — Attempts 
to  Accomplish  this — Prospects  of  Success  60 

BOOK  II. 

Birth  and  Education  of  Columbus— He  acquires  Naval  Skill  In  the  Ser- 
vice of  Portugal — Conceives  Hopes  of  reaching  the  East  Indies  by 
holding  a  We-.terly  Course — His  System  Founded  on  the  Ideas  of  the 
Ancients  and  Knowledge  of  their  "Navigation,  and  on  the  Discoveries 
of  the  Portuguese — His  Negotiations  with  Different  Courts— Obsta- 
cles which  he  had  to  Surmount  in  Spain — Voyage  of  Discovery — 
Dilhculties  and  Success — Returns  to  Spain — Astonishment  there  at 
the  Discovery  of  a  New  World — Papal  Grants— Second  Voyage — 
Colony  Settled — Further  Discoveries — War  with  th?  Indians — First 
Tax  Imposed  upon  Them— Third  Vova^e — State- of  the  Spanish 
Colonj- — Errors  in  the  First  System  of  Colonizing — Voyage  of  the 
Portuguese  to  the  East  Indies  by  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope — Its  Effects 
— Discoveries  made  bj  Private  Adventurers  in  the  New  World — 
Name  of  America  given  to  it — Machinations  against  Columbus — He 
Is  Disgraced,  and  scut  in  Chains  to  Europe — His  Fourth  Voyage — 
Discoveries,  Dis.istors,  aud  Death  78 

BOOK  III. 

State  of  the  Colony  In  Hispaniola— New  War  with  the  Indians— Cruelty 
of  the  Spanianls — Fat^il  Regulations  couceniing  the  Condition  of 
the  Indians — Diniiuution  of  that  People — Discoveries  and  Settle- 
ments—First  ("ohtny  planted  on  the  Continent — Conquest  of  Cuba — 
Discovery  of  Florida — Discovery  of  the  South  Sea — Great  Expecta- 
tions aud  DisappoinUnents — Controversy  about  the  Treatment  of  the 
Indians — Contrary  Decisions — Zeal  of  the  Ecclesiastics,  particularly 
of  Las  Casus — Singular  Proceedings  of  Ximenes — Negroes  imported 
into  America — Las  Casas'  Ideas  of  a  New  Colony — He  is  Permitted 
to  Attempt  to  Carry  out  his  Scheme,  aud  is  Unsuccessful — Discover- 
ies towards  the  West— YucaUm — Campeachy — New  Spain — Prepara- 
tions for  luvasiun  


90 


BOOK  IV 


America  In  the  Fifteenth  Century— Its  Inhabitants — Sccnerv,  etc. — 
Tlieories  concerning  the  Early  Population — Condition  and  Character 
of  ttie  Americans — Higher  Civilization  of  the  Mexicans  and  Peru- 
vians— Physical  and  Mental  Characteristics  of  the  People — Their  Do- 
mestic Life — Political  Stiite  and  Institutions — System  of  War — Con- 
ditiou  of  the  Arts— Ecligloas  Belief  and  Institutlous^Genenkl  Cus- 
toms  96 


BOOK  Y. 

Thb  Conquest  of  New  Spain  by  Cortez      .  . 


118 


BOOK  VI 


Thb  Conquest  of  Peru  by  Pizarro— Dissensions  and  Civil  Wars  of  the 

Spaniards  in  that  Country — Their  Origin  and  Consequences      .      .  136 

BOOK  YII. 

Institutions  and  Manners  of  the  Mexicans  and  Peruvians — Their  Con- 
dition compared  with  otlier  American  States — Origin  of  tlie  Mexi- 
cans—  Their  Progress  in  Civilization  —  Genius  of  their  Religion  — 
The  Peruvian  Monarchy— Ita  Policy  Founded  on  Religion — Laws  of 
Property — Puldic  Works  among  the  Peruvians — Pacitie  Character  of 
the  People — t)ther  Dominions  of  Spain  in  America — Sonora — Califor- 
nia—Honduras ajid  Yucatan— Chili— Tucuman—Tiorra  Flrme- King- 
dom of  New  Grenada  

BOOK  VIII. 

Inteuiok  Government.  Commerce,  etc.,  of  the  Spanish  Colonics — De- 
population of  America- Siiani.sh  .Mode  of  Colonization— Eeclesias- 
tie:il  I'olicy— Character  of  the  Clergy— Progress  of  Christianity — 
Minend  Resimrees  of  the  Country — Mode  of  Working  the  Mines — 
Other  Commodities  of  South  A inericfl— Effects  of  this  New  Com- 
merce on  Spain  — Errors  in  the  Spanish  System — Contraband  Trade 

"'rinces — Trade  between 


inerce  on  r>paiii  — I'.rrors  iii  the  Spanlsli  bystc 
—  Decline  of  Spain — Policy  of  the  Bourbon  Pi 
New  Spain  and  the  Philippines- Revenue  of  S 


hilippiuc 

BOOK  IX, 


Spain  from  America 


Relations  of  Sp.nin  In  Europe— Ellcets  of  tlie  Policy  of  Napoleon  and 
of  the  Wars  with  England— Tlie  Spatilsh  American  Colonies  seeking 
Independence— Their  L'lliiualc  Success— SeparaUot'  <\i  b-uzil  into 


C  O  N  T  E  N  T  S . 


ix 


tin  Independent  Monarchy — War  between  Spiiin  and  the  Rcptiblics  of 
Chili  iiiid  Peru— The  War  against  raraguay — Defeat  and  Death  of 
Lopez — Ueview  of  the  Present  Couditiou  of  the  South  American 
Countries — Conclusion  170 

Notes  upon  the  History  of  South  America  186 


THE  HISTORY  OF  NOETH  AMERICA. 


Editor's  Preface 
AurnoB's  Pbefach 


209 


BOOK  r. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Cabot's  Voyage  and  Discovery  of  Newfoundland — Maritime  Enterprise 
Favored  by  Queen  Elizabeth — The  Slave  Trade — Sir  Walter  Ralcigli's  . 
Projects— Colony  in  North  America— First  Expedition--Thc  Country 
named  Virginia — A  Colony  Established  at  Roanoke — ^^Misfortnncs  of 
the  Coloniats — Tobacco  Introduced  into  England — The  Division  of 
North  America  between  Two  Corapaoies — Their  Charters — Code  of 
Laws — Arrival  of  Colonists  in  the  Bay  of  Chesapeak?— James  Town 
Founded — llostility  of  the  Indians — Distress  in  the  Colonv — Captain 
Smith— Ilis  Election  to  the  Presidency — New  Charter— Lord  Dela- 
ware appointed  Governor — Smith's  Return  to  England      .      .      .  210 

CHAPTER  II. 

Increasing  Difficulties  of  the  Colonists — The  Wise  Administration  of 
Lord  Delaware — Sir  Thomas  Dale — Martial  Law — Cultivation  of  To- 
bacco— First  Assembly  of  Representatives  in  Virginia— New  Consti- 
tution for  the  Colonj' — Dispute  between  the  King  and  the  Colony — 
Indian  Conspiracy  and  Massacre  of  the  Colonists— Dissensions  of  "the 
London  Company — Dissolution  of  the  Company— Tyrannical  Govern- 
ment of  Sir  John  Ilarvey — Sir  W.  Berkeley  appointed  Governor — The 
Popular  Assembly  Restored — Part  taken  by  Virginia  in  the  Rebellion 
of  Cromwell — Restrictions  on  the  Trade  of  the  Colony — Revolt  of  the 
Colonists  219 

CHAPTER  III. 
Imtolict  of  the  Navigation  Acts — Discontent  and  Distress  in  the  Colony 
— Naturalization  of  Aliens — Indian  Hostilities — Bacon's  Rebellion — 
Bill  of  Attiiinder — The  Administration  of  Colonel  Jeffreys — Dispute 
with  the  Assembly — Lord  Culpepper's  Administration — Continued 
Disaffection — Insurrection  and  Punishment  of  the  Rebels — Arbitrary 
Measures  of  the  Crown — James  II.  increases  the  Trade  of  the  Colo- 
nists— nie  Government  of  Lord  Effingham — Effect  upon  the  Colo- 
nies of  the  Revolution  of  1CS8— State  of  Virginia  at  this  Period — 
Population,  Laws,  and  Manners  226 

BOOK  II. 
The  New  England  States. 

CHAPTER  I. 

The  Plymouth  Company — Popham-  Establishes  a  Colony  at  Fort  Saint 
George — Sufferings  of  the  Colonists — Captain  Smith's  Voyage  and 
Survey  of  the  Countiy  —  It  is  named  New  England  —  Inetfcctual 
Attempt  to  Colonize  it— History  and  Character  of  the  Puritans — Rise 
of  the  Independents — A  Congregation  retires  to  Holland  and  ulti- 
mately Resolves  to  Settle  in  America — Their  Negotiation  with  King 
James — They  Arrive  in  Massachusetts  and  Found  New  Plymouth — 
Hardships  of  the  Colonists — Their  Civil  Institutions — Community  of 
Property— Salem  Founded — Charter  of  Massachusetts  Bay — Embark- 
ation of  a  New  Bai  d  of  Emigrants — Their  Arrival  at  Salem — Their 
Coustitutiou— Two  Persons  Banished  for  Schism — Intolerance  of  ;hc 
Puritans  233 

CHAPTER  II. 

I'OB  Charter  Government  transferred  from  England  to  Mafsachusetts — 
Continued  Emigration — Founding  of  Boston— Disfranchisement  of 
Dissenters— John  Cotton,  his  Colleagues  and  Successors— Williams' 
Schism — He  Founds  Providence — Arrival  of  Hugh  Peters  and  Ileni^ 
Vane— A  Representative  Assembly — Foundation  of  Connecticut  and 
"New  Haven — War  with  the  Indians— Severities  Exercised  Ijy  tlie 
Colonists — Mrs.  Hutchinson — Colonization  of  Rhode  Island,  Maine, 
and  New  Hampshire — State  of  New  England — Population,  Manners, 
and  Laws  243 

CHAPTER  III. 
Federal,  Union  of  the  New  England  States  —  Provincial  Coinage  of 
Money — Impeachment  and  Trial  of  Governor  Winthrop — Arbitrary 
Proceeding  ajrainst  Dissenters — Attempts  to  Civilize  the  Indians — 
Indian  Bible  Printed  in  Massachusetts — A  Synod  of  the  New  Eng- 
land Churches — Cromwell's  Administration  Favourable  to  New  Eng- 
land— Persecution  of  thi  Anabaptists  in  Massachusetts — Conduct 
and  Sulfcrug  of  the  Quakers — The  Restoration  of  the  King — Addresses 
of  the  Colonists  to  Charles  II.— The  Declaration  of  Rights— The 
Kind's  Message  to  Massachuoettu — Royal  Charter  of  Incorporation 
to  Rboie  Island,  Providence,  Connecticut,  and  New  l-^'Wutt  . 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Emigration  of  Ministers  to  New  England  —  A  Royal  Commission  — 
DilTcrences  between  the  Colonists  and  the  King— Cession  of  Acadia 
to  the  French  —  Prosperity  of  New  l>iigland  —  Conspiracy  of  ll>o 
Indians — Continuance  of  Disputes  with  the  Crown — Religion  and 
Morals  In  the  Colonv — Surrender  of  tlio  Charter  dcinanded  by  the 
King — Writ  of  Quo  Warranto  issued — The  Charter  adjudged  to  bo 
Forfeited  258 

CHAPTER  V. 

Dkath  of  Cliarles  II. — Its  Effect  upon  the  Colony— Andros  appointed 

Governor  of  New  England — Submission  of  Rhode  Island — Colonial 
Policy  of  King  James — Intrigues  of  the  French  Provoke  the  Hostili- 
ties of  the  Indians — Insurrection  at  Boston — Connecticut  and  Rliode 
Island  resume  their  Charters— William  and  Mary  Proclaimed — Con- 
auest  of  Acadia  by  Sir  William  Pliipps — Imoeachment  of  Governor 
Andros— The  King  refuses  to  Restore  the  Ancient  Constitution  of 
Massachusetts — Tiie  New  Charter — Witchcraft  in  New  England  — 
Peace  of  Rys  wick— Moral  aud  Political  Condition  of  the  Colouj      .  S06 

BOOK  III. 

Maryland — Charter  obtained  Iry  Lord  Baltimore  from  Charles  1. — Ro- 
man Catholic  Emigration — Treaty  with  the  Indians — First  Assembly 
in  Maryland — Early  Introduction  of  Negro  Slavery — War  with  the 
Indians — Cleyborne's  Rebellion— Religious  Toleration  Established, 
afterwards  Abolished — Establishment  of  a  Provincial  Mint — Pros- 
perous Condition  of  the  Colony — Naturalization  Acta— Law  against 
Importing  Felons — Si'paration  of  Delaware  from  Mai-yland — Report 
of  a  Popish  Plot — A  Protestant  Association  is  Formed — Estahlisli- 
nunt  of  the  Church  of  England — Persecution  of  the  Catholics — Stat« 
of  the  Province — Manners — Laws  S.T1 

BOOK  ly. 

CHAPTER  I. 

North  and  South  Carolina — Early  Attempts  of  the  French  and  Span- 
iards to  Colonize  this  Territory — First  Charter  granted  to  Lord  Clar- 
endon and  Others — Formation  of  Albemarle  Settlement — Settlement 
of  Ashley  River — Second  Charter — The  Constitutions  of  South  Caro- 
lina— Emigration  Thither — John  Locke  created  a  Landgrave — Hos- 
tilities with  the  Spaniards  in  Florida,  and  with  the  Indians — Culpep- 
per's Insurrection  —  His  Trial  and  Acquittal  —  Discord  among  tho 
Colonists  28S 

CHAPTER  II. 

Affairs  of  South  Carolina— Indian  War — Practice  of  Kidnapping  In- 
dians— Emigration  from  Great  Britain  and  France — Pirates  Enter- 
tained in  the  Colony — The  Navigation  Laws— Discontent  among  the 
Colonists — Naturalization  of  French  Refugees  resisted — The  Funda- 
mental Constitutions  Abolished — Wise  Administration  of  Archda)» 
and  Return  of  Proeperity— State  of  the  People — Manners — Trade  293 

BOOK  y. 

CHAPTER  I. 
Nbw  York— Hudson's  Voyage  of  Discovery- First  Settlement  of  the 
Dutch  at  Albanj — The  "Province  granted  by  the  States-General  to  tho 
West  India  Cornpwy  of  Holland- The  Dutch  extend  their  Posses- 
sions into  Connecticut — Disputes  with  New  England— Settlement  of 
Delaware  by  the  Swedes— VVar  between  the  Dutch  and  the  Indians — 
Alarm  of  the  Dutch  Governor — The  Province  granted  to  the  Duke  of 
York — Is  Invaded  by  an  English  Fleet — Surrenders — Government  of 
Colonel  Nichols- Holland  cedes  New  York  to  England— Recaptures 
it — Cedes  it  Again— A  New  Charter  Granted — A  Free  Constitution 
given  to  the  Colony  by  the  Duke  of  York  300 

CHAPTER  II. 
CoLONEi,  Dongan's  Administration— The  Five  Indian  Nations— Their 
Hostility  to  the  French— War— Discontent  at  New  York— The  French 
burn  Sclicncctady— Arrival  of  Governor  Slaughter— Trial  and  Execu- 
tion of  Leister — Wars  aud  Mutual  Cruelties  of  the  French  and  In- 
dians—Governor Fletcher's  Administration — Captain  Kidd — Trial  of 
Bayard— Administration  of  Lord  Corubury — State  of  the  Colony  at 
the  Close  of  the  Seventeenth  Century  StiS 

BOOK  yi. 

New  Jersey  Sold  by  the  Duke  of  York  to  Berkeley  and  Carteret— Emi- 
gration from  Long  Island  to  New  Jersey — Arrival  of  the  First  (io>- 
crnor  and  Settlers  from  England— Discontent  in  the  Colony— Con 
duct  of  the  Duke  of  York— Situation  of  the  Quakers  in  England  — 
Their  Emigration  to  New  Jersey — Remonstrance  of  the  Quakers 
Leading  to  the  Recognition  of  the  Independence  of  the  Province — 
First  Assembly — R.  Barclay  appointed  Governor- Scotch  Emigration 
to  New  Jersey — Surrender  of  the  Coloni.iJ  Patent  to  the  Crown— Con- 
stitution of  the  Provincial  Government  after  the  Reunion  of  East 
and  West  New  Jersey— State  of  the  Colonv  SIC 

BOOK  yii. 

CHAPTER  I. 

Pennsyxvanta  aud  Delaware — Birth  and  Character  of  William  Penn  — 
He  Solicits  a  Grant  of  American  Territory  from  Charles  II. — Chart«r 
of  Pennsylvania — Emigration  of  Quakers  to  the  Province — Letter 
from  Pcuu  to  the  Indiana- Grant  of  Delaware  to  Penn — Peuu's  .Ke- 


CONTENTS. 


ception  in  America — Numerous  Emigration — Tlie  First  Leprlslative 
Afscmblv— Controversy  with  Lord  Baltimore— Treaty  with  tlie  In- 
dians—>Iew  Fonn  of  Govcrumeut  Adopted— Philadelphia  Founded — 
Pcua's  Ketum  to  England  323 

CHAPTER  II. 

Pksn  at  the  Court  of  James  II. — Dissensions  among  the  Colonists — 
Their  Disnjrreements  with  Penn — He  iippointa  Five  Commissioners — 
Beiii^  Dissatisfied  witli  them,  he  makes  Markwell  Deputy-Governor 
—  Diltercuces  between  tlie  People  of  Delaware  and  Pennsylvania — 
Delaware  obtains  a  Separate  Executive — Schism  in  Pennsylvania — 
Penn  Deprived  of  his  Authority — Fletcher  appointed  Governor — 
Penn's  Authority  Restored — Oi>inions  of  the  Quakers  concerninc; 
Nejjro  Slavery — Renewal  of  the  Disi)utos  between  the  Two  States — 
Their  Union  Dissolved — Condition  of  Delaware  and  Pennsylvania  at 
the  close  of  the  Seventeenth  Centurv  830 

APPENDIX. 

Btate  and  Prospects  of  the  North  American  Provinces  at  the  close  of 
the  Seventeenth  Century — Opinions  of  the  Colonists  respecting  the 
Policy  of  Great  Britain  338 

NOTE»  to  the  First  Part  of  the  History  of  North  America  ....  341 
COXTIXUATION  OF  THE  HiSTOKY  OF  NoKTH  AlIERICA  FROM 

THE  Period  of  the  English  REVoLtrriox  of  1688. 

CHAPTER  I. 

Disputes  between  New  Tork  and  New  Jersey — Overthrow  of  the  Royal 
Govcriimcnt  in  New  York — Settlement  of  Pennsylvania — New  Char- 
ter for  .Massachusetts — Restoration  of  the  Government  in  New  York 
— War  with  the  French  and  Indians — War  with  Canada,  and  with  the 
Spanish  Colonies — Settlement  of  the  Boundaries  between  Massachu- 
setts and  Connecticut — Yale  College    .      .      .      .      .      .      .  348 

CHAPTER  II. 

PirPR  Money  in  Massachusetts — Inroads  of  the  Indians — Deputation  to 
the  French — Alterations  in  the  Cliarter- Disputes  between  the  Ex- 
ecutive and  the  Legislature — Adjustment  of  the  Boundary  Disputes 
between  New  York  and  New  Jersi.y — Controversy  between  New 
York  and  Canada — Prosperity  of  the  Northern  Colonies — Proceed- 
ings in  Carolina — Settlement  of  Yamasce  Territory— Settlement  of 
Georgia— Quarrel  with  the  Spaniards— Attack  upon  St.  Augustine — 
Abortive  Attempt  upon  Gcoriria  350 

CHAPTER  III. 
War  between  France  and  England — The  Attack  and  Surrender  of  Louis- 
burg — D'Anville's  Expedition — Abortive  Attempt  upon  Nova  Scotia 
— Peace — Paper  Money — Discovery  of  Louisiana  and  Founding  of  New 
Orleans — The  Rupture  l)etween  tlie  English  and  French  Colonics — 
Capture  of  Nova  Scotia  —  Expeditions  against  Crown  Point  and 
Niagara  —  Capture  of  Oswego  —  Unsuccessful  Attack  upon  Ticon- 
tleroga — Details  of  the  Several  Campaigns — Capture  of  Quebec  by 
the  English,  and  the  Death  of  Wolfe— Surrender  of  New  France — 
Gcnend  Peace  353 

CHAPTER  IV. 
I!  tSf OUT  of  the  Colonies  from  the  Peace  of  Paris,  1703,  to  1774       .      .  359 

CHAPTER  V. 

Proceedings  of  the  British  Parliament  in  Consequence  of  the  Destruc- 
tion of  Tea  bj  the  Bostonians  •  308 

CHAPTER  VI. 
PKOCEEnixos  in  the  Colonics— The  Congress  at  Philadelphia — Resolu- 
tions agreed  upon  S70 

CHAPTER  VII. 
Proceedings  In  Great  Britain  In  Response  to  the  Action  of  the  Colonies  870 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

CONSEO.UEXCES  in  America  of  the  Action  taken  In  Great  Britain- Com- 
meiieement  of  Hostilities — A  Day  of  Fasting  and  Humiliation  Ap- 
pointed— Laiuling  of  British  Troops  at  Boston — Battle  of  Bunker's 
ilill  and  Gallant  Uctrcat  of  the  Americans  380 

CHAPTER  IX. 
Meeting  of  the  Second  Congress— An  Army  Organized— Petition  to  the 
KL''.>(r — General  Washington  made  Commander -In -Chief — Transac- 
tions in  Massachusetts  884 

CHAPTER  X. 

TicoNDEnoGA  Taken— Canada  Invaded— Varied  Fortunes  of  the  Colo- 

uisU  887 

CHAPTER  XI. 
Transactions  In  Virginia— The  Carolinas— Georgia- (Jeneral  State  of 
AfTairs  In  the  Colonies  lu  1775  —  Proceedings  in  Massachusetts  — 
Evacu:|tion  of  Boston     ....  .  .       .  393 


CHAPTER  XII. 
Proceedings  in  Parliament— Operations  in  South  Carolina— New  York 
and  New  Jersey— Dr.  Franklin— A  British  Fleet  on  the  Hudson — 
Complaints  against  Washin;cton  —  Details  of  tlie  War  — Siclviiess 
among  the  American  Troops— The  Americans  Driven  out  of  Can- 
ada—Conquest of  New  York  by  the  British— Eud  of  the  Campaign 
of  1770   sgp 


HISTOEY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

CHAPTER  I. 

Of  Independence — State  Constitution  an<l  the  Confederation — Lcc's  Mo- 
tion in  Congress — The  Act  of  Independence — The  Council  of  Cen- 
eors  in  Pennsylvania   400 

CHAPTER  II. 

The  Campaign  of  1777  in  the  Middle  States— The  Speech  of  Jolm  Quincy 
Adams  on  Lafayette — Successes  of  Uie  British  under  Sir  W.  Howe— 
American  Privaieers  4U 

CHAPTER  III. 
The  Northern  Campaign  of  1777 — Movements  about  Lake  Cliamplaln — 
Memoir  of  General  Starke — The  Coniluct  of  General  Arnold— ile- 
moir  of  Horatio  Gates — The  Convention  w  ith  General  Bur^rovne      .  4Jfl 

CHAPTER  IV. 
AixiANCE  between  France  and  the  United  States — Campaign  of  1778 — 

Notice  of  Benjamin  Franklin  431 

CHAPTER  V. 
The  Campaign  of  1778  Continued— Memoir  of  General  Charles  Lcc — 
Expedition  against  East  Florida— Notice  of  Captain  Biddle — The 
War  at  Sea   441 

CHAPTER  VI. 
Campaign  of  1779 — Memoir  of  Major-Gcncral  Putnam — Warlike  Mani- 
festo by  the  Spanish  Ambassador  against  Great  Britain — The  Con- 
test in  Uie  South  447 

CHAPTER  VII. 
Op  Continental  Paper  Currency  453 

CHAPTER  VIII. 
The  Indians— Expeditions  into  their  Countrj-— The  Troubles  of  Wyo- 
ming— Horrors  of  the  War  455 

CHAPTER  IX. 
Campaign  of  17S0  in  the  South^Attack  upon  Charleston— Surrender  of 

the  Army  of  Defence— Defeat  of  the  American  Army  near  Camden  .  4.57 

CHAPTER  X. 
Campaign  of  17S0  in  the  Northern  States— Mi'^fortuncs  of  the  Colonists- 
Memoir  of  Major  Andre— Barbarity  Charged  against  the  Americans 
for  his  Execution   .  403 

CHAPTER  XI. 
FouKiGN  Affairs  in  Connection  with  the  .'.merican  Revolution — Abortive 
Plans  of  the  French  and  Spaniards — Dutch  .\ssistanec  to  the  .Anicri- 
cans— Attack  upon  St.  Eustatia  by  the  British— Its  Consequences    .  468 

CHAPTER  XII. 

Revolt  in  IVnnsvlvania  and  New  Jersey — Distresses  of  the  American 

Annies- Arnold's  luraslon  of  Virginia  470 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

Campaign  of  1781— Operations  In  the  Two  Carolinas  and  Georgia- Con- 
duct of  Genenil  Aloriran — Escape  of  General  Greene  into  VIrgiiii.i 
—His  Defeat  by  Lord  Cornwallis— The  Battle  of  EuUw  Final  lu  South 
Carolina    .      .      -  472 

CHAPTER  XIV. 
Operations  In  Virginia— The  Import.nnce  of  French  Assistance  to  the 
Cause  of  the  Colonists  — The  Investiture  of  Yorktown  — Capitula- 
tion of  Coniwallis — Congressional  Honours  to  Washington  and  the 
French  Generals   478 

CHAPTER  XV. 
The  Treatment  of  Prisoners  and  Distresses  of  the  Inhabitants       .      .  4S4 

CHAPTER  XVI. 
Campaign  of  1783— Foreign  Events  and  Negotiations— Peace  .      .      .  48<l 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

State  of  Parties- The  Quakers  averse  to  Independence— Eflccts  of  th» 
War  upon  the  Manners  of  the  People— Advantages  and  Disadvan- 
tages of  the  Revolution  


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 
Discharge  of  the  United  States  Army— Evacuation  of  New  York— Rc- 
sipiation  of  \Viisliins;t<)n— Arrangements  for  Disposing  of  tlie  Wcst- 
<'m  Territory — Pul)lic  Distress — Failure  of  the  Articles  of  Confedera- 
tjoii — Convention  for  Securing  Amendments — The  New  Constitution 
-Wasliingtou  Elected  to  the  Presidency — An  Address  to  the  People  493 

CHAPTER  XIX. 
rVASniNGTON's  Admmistration— Distress  of  the  People — The  President's 
Address  to  the  Senate  and  House  of  Kepresentatives — Policy  of  Spalu 
—Retirement  of  Washington  •      .  495 

CHAPTER  XX. 

Tnif  Administration  of  Jolin  Adams  and  Jefferson — Adams's  Address  to 
Congress— Henioval  of  the  Seat  of  Government  to  the  District  of 
C'olumt'ia— Jellerson's  Address  to  Congress — Policy  of  the  United  • 
States  iu  AJgeria — Convention  with  the  Delaware  Indians  .      .      .  500 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

Admixistkation  of  Madison — Intercourse  with  Franco  and  England 
Prohibited — War  Declared  against  Great  Britain — Details  of  the  Con- 
test— The  Treaty  of  Ghent— Abortive  Kes-ult  of  the  War— Madison's 
Address  to  Congress  507 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

Administrations  of  Monroe,  John  Quincy  Adams,  and  Part  of  that  of 
Andrew  Jackson — Monroe's  Address  to  Congress — Progress  of  the 
Country — Departure  of  Lafayette — Treaties  with  the  Iiulians,  and 
with  the  llepubiic  of  Colombia — The  Proclamation  of  Andrew  Jack- 
eon  upon  the  Constitution  in  Kegard  to  State  Kights  ....  51-1 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 

Administration  of  Van  Buren — Commercial  Panic— Canadian  Rebellion 

— Convention  between  the  United  States  and  Texas  ....  535 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 
Administration  of  Harrison  


536 


CHAPTER  XXV. 
Administration  of  Tyler — The  Ashburton  Treaty  536 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 
Administration  of  Polk — The  Admission  of  Texas  into  the  Union — 
Opposition  of  Mexico — Instructions  to  General  Taylor — War — Battle 
of  Bucna  Vista — Battle  of  Sacramento — Proceedings  in  California — 
Advance  of  General  Scott  towards  the  Capital  of  Mexico — Capture  of 
General  Valencia — Discovery  of  Gold  in  California     ....  53S 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 
Administration  of  Taylor — Slavei y  Discussed  in  Congress — Calhoun's 

Address  to  the  South — The  Expedition  of  Lopez  to  Cuba  .      .      .  549 


CHAPTER 
Administration  of  Fillmore 


XXVIII, 


550 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 


Administration  of  Pierce — Treaty  with  Mexico — Commercial  Recipro- 
city Treaty  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain — Expedition 
to  Japan — Treaty  with  Russia — Destruction  of  Greytown  by  a  United 
States  Ship  of  War  550 

CHAPTER  XXX. 
Administration  of  Buchanan — Condition  of  Kansas — Decision  in  the 
Dred  Scott  Case. — Admission  of  Minnesota — The  Crime,  Arrest,  and 
Execution  of  John  Brown — Election  of  Abraham  Lincoln — The  Presi- 
dent's Message  iu  Favor  of  Amending  the  Constitution — The  Seces- 
sion Movement — The  Star  of  the  IFe.si  Fired  upon — Seizure  of  Govern- 
ment Forts  and  Arsenals  by  the  Southern  States — Organization  of 
Kansas,  Colorado,  and  Dakota  553 

CHAPTER  XXXI. 

Administration  of  Lincoln  —  The  Cabinet  of  President  Davis  in  the 
South — Preparations  for  Active  Prosecution  of  the  Civil  War — At- 
tack upon  Fort  Sumter — Proclamation  Callinjr  Out  the  Militia — 
Blockade  of  the  Southern  Ports — The  Cause  of  Secession  Advancing 
— Seizure  of  Harper's  Ferry — Battle  and  Retreat  at  Bull  Run — Evacu- 
ation of  Sprinijfield — Escape  of  the  Savannah — The  War  at  Sea — 
Supereession  of  General  Scott — The  Army  of  the  Potomac — Failures 
znd  Successes  of  the  Union  Annies — Capture  of  Fort  Donnelson — 
Attack  on  New  Orleans — Capture  of  the  City — Inaction  of  MeClellan 
— Retreat  Across  the  Chickahominy — Battle  and  Retreat  from  Mechan- 
Icsville — Failure  of  McClcllan  to  Capture  Richmond — Misfortunes 
of  General  Pope — Advance  to  Antietam— Bloody  and  Indecisive  Bat- 
*le — Withdrawal  of  General  Lee  Across  the  Potomac — Elevation  of 
ucnsral  Ilalleek — Bnttle  at  Corinth— The  President's  Proclamation 
of  Freedom — Battle  at  Stone  River — General  Grant  assumes  Chief 
Command  of  the  Union  Forces — Operations  at  Grand  Gulf— Invest- 
ment and  Surrender  of  Vicksburg — Unsuccessful  Attack  upon  Port 
Hudson — Attack  upon  Sabine  City — General  Burnside  assumes  Com- 
mand of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac — Strategy  of  General  Lee — Battle 
of  Fredericksburg — Hooker  succeeds  Burnside — Confederate  Ditas- 
ter  at  Chancellorsville — Hooker  sujjerseded  by  General  Meade — Bat- 
tle of  Gettysburg — Severe  Losses  on  both  Sides — Successful  Raids 
of  General  Morgan — Advance  of  Rosecrans  towards  Chattanooga — 
Battle  of  Chiekamauga — Capture  of  Port  Royal — Attack  on  Fort 
Waener- -Offer  of  Mediation  by  the  Emperor  of  the  Frencli — Pro- 
ceedings of  the  Confederate  Congress — Inauguration  of  a  Free  State 


Government  for  Louisiana — Advance  of  General  Sherman's  Troops 
up  the  Red  River— Battle  of  Pleasant  Hill— Proceedings  at  the  \\  il- 
dcrness — Sheridan's  Expedition  to  Cut  off  Lee's  Coniniunication  with 
Richmond — Battle  at  Cold  Harbor — End  of  the  Campaign  of  1^04 — 
Review  of  the  War  in  Western  and  Northern  Virginia — Growth  of 
the  National  Debt — Attempts  to  Negotiate  a  Pence — Skill  of  the  Con- 
federates in  Building  Iron-clads  and  Constructing  Tor])cdoes — Sher 
man's  March  from  Atlanta  —  Attack  upon  Savannah  —  Expedition* 
against  Fort  Fisher  —  Demonstrations  against  Alabama  —  General 
Canby's  Movement  against  Mobile — The  Canii)aign  of  ISGl-i;.')  in  Vir- 
ginia— The  Conflict  about  Hatcher's  Hun— Correspondence  bctwcon 
Lee  and  Grant — Meeting  of  the  Two  Commanders  at  McLean's  Farm 
House — Surrender  of  the  Confederate  General — Flight  of  President 
Davis — The  Last  Conflict — Assassination  of  President  Lincoln — At- 
tempt to  Murder  Mr.  Seward  —  Burial  of  Lincoln — Losses  of  the 
Armies  Estimated— Review  of  the  Union  Armies       ....  Bfi> 

CHAPTER  XXXII. 

Administration  of  Andrew  Johnson  —  Proclamation  Concerning  the 
South— Equal  Riglits  for  Whites  and  Blacks— The  Test  Oath  Bill- 
Amendment  of  the  Constitution — Conduct  of  Mr.  Seward  against  the 
Emperor  of  Mexico — Canada  Refuses  Mr.  Seward's  Demands — Pol- 
icy of  the  President  on  the  Question  of  Civil  Rights  —  Convention 
of  the  National  Union  Club  at  Philadelphia — Political  Quarrels — 
Irish  American  Raid  upon  Canada — The  Fourteenth  Amendment — 
Proclamations  Regarding  Texas  and  the  Political  Rights  of  the  South 
—  Negotiations  for  the  Settlement  of  the  Alabama  Claims  —  The 
Mexican  Dilllculty  —  luijieachmeut  of  the  President — The  Fifteenth 
Amendment  to  the  Constitution  69S 

CHAPTER  XXXIII. 
Administration  of  Grant — Virginia,  Texas,  and  Mississippi — Congress 
Refuses  to  Acknowledge  a  Supreme  Being — Finances  of  the  Country 
— Panama  Ship  Canal — Progress  of  Reorganizing  the  South — Labor 
Movements  —  Proclamation  Relative  to  the  Franco-German  War  — 
Revocation  of  Shipping  Licenses  by  Canada — The  Alabama  Claims 
Again — Patrons  of  Husbandry — Seizure  of  the  Vinjinias — Labor  Riots 


-Financial  Discussions  in  Congress 


6oe 


CHAPTER  XXXIV. 


General  Summart — Education,  Commerce,  and  Navigation — Agricul- 
culture  —  Manufactures  —  Cotton,  Mining,  RaUroads,  and  Canals  — 
Immigration— Population — Religion— Telegraphs  —  Postal  Service — 
Newspapers— Gold— The  Public  Debt  60S 


NAERATIVE  OF  THE  INDIAN  WAES  IN 
NEW  ENGLAND. 

Preface  633 

CHAPTER  I. 
Introdtiction — First  Settlement  of  New  England — Conference  and  Con- 
clusion of  Peace  with  the  Indians- Treachery  of  the  Pequods— Fight 
with  the  Colonists  in  163t;— Visit  of  Miantonimo,  Sachem  of  the  Nar- 
ragansetts,  to  Boston— Captain  Mason's  Report  of  an  Attack  on  Mi- 
antonimo—Final  If  ue  of  the  Pcquod  War— Massassoit's  League  with 
the  English  at  Plymouth— Covenant  of  Philip,  Chief  Sachem  of  Pa- 
kanoketr— Renewed  Treacheries  and  Breach  of  Treaty  Engagements 
—New  Agreement  with  the  Narragansetts— Hostages  given  Tor  their 
Good  Behaviour— Oecui)ation  of  the  Plymouth  Forces- Expedition 
to  the  Indian  Settlements  on  the  Merrimac^Pertidy  of  the  Nipnct 
Indians— Alliance  with  the  Pequods— In'-jdents  in  the  War- Mur- 
ders of  Women  and  Children— Desperai-i  '  onflict  with  the  Narrn- 
gansetts— Sufferings  of  the  Colonists  and  their  ^Ulies- Destruction  of 
Lancaster— Attack  on  Groton  and  Other  Places— Amnesty  offered  by 
Proclamations  at  Boston— Persistence  of  Philip  in  the  War— Suffer- 
ings from  Drought — Great  Fire  at  Boston  624 

CHAPTER  II. 
The  War  from  Piscataqua  to  Pemmaquid— Causes  of  the  Disturbance — 
Barbarous  Conduct  at  Oyster  Bay  —  Attack  upon  the  Colonists  at 
Salmon  Falls— Remarkable  Escape  of  Anthony  Bracket  and  his  Wife 
—Indian  Surprises  of  the  Settlers— History  of  Francis  Card— Joan 
Paine  .  CC3 


KING  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

To  TUE  Rbadbb  631 

CHAPTER  I. 
Settlement  of  Mr.  Church — His  Difficulties  with  the  Natives — Assault 
upon  the  Settlement — Indian  Prisoners  Sold  as  Slaves — Strategy  of 
the  King — Comnnssion  to  Cajitain  Church — Interesting  Details  ol 
the  War — Successes  against  the  Enemy  682 

CHAPTER  II. 

The  History  Continued — The  Council  of  War  to  Captain  Church- 
General  Instructions— The  First  Expedition  East — Caption  Church's 
Report  to  the  Governor  and  Council  of  Massachusetts — The  Second 
Expedition — Ollicial  Reports — The  Third  Expedition — Official  Docu- 
ments and  Repnrts — The  Fourth  Expedition  -Proceedings  of  Major 
Church — The  Fifth  and  Last  Expedition- Official  Letters  and  '1d- 
structious — Details  of  the  Exoeditiou   .      .      ,  .      .  P9V 


CONTENTS  OF  THE  APPENDIX. 


CONTINUATION  OF  HISTORY  OF  THE 
UNITED  STATES. 

CHAPTER  XXXV. 

ADMrtnsTRATio>-s  of  Grnnt  and  Hayes — Important  Decisions  in  the  United 
Slates  Court — Conventions  of  Southern  Delegates,  Temperance  So- 
cieties, and  Grangers — National  Finances— Cabinet  Changes  in  1875 — 
Death  of  Vice-President  Henrj-  Wilson— Whisky  Frauds— Secretary 
Bi^lknap— Centennial  Exhibition,  Costs,  Receipts,  Etc. — Presidential 
Election  Returns,  Settlement  by  an  Arrangement — Stocks  and  Ship- 
ping— Rutherford  B.  Hayes  Inaugurated — New  Cabinet — Education, 
Common  Schools  and  Colleges — Indian  Wars,  Custer,  Sitting  Bull, 
Joseph — Labor  Strikes — Decline  in  Immigration — Failures — Fires — 
Fishery  Question.       .......        .  731 


CHAPTER  XXXVI. 

General  Soimart  and  Valuable  Statistical  Information — Foreign  and 
Domestic  Trade— Statistics  of  Schools,  Universities,  and  Seminaries — 
rul)lic  Debt,  Coin  and  Bullion — Newspapers  and  Periodicals — Dairy 
Products — Production  of  Gold  and  Silver — Railroads  and  Population — 
Pensions — Public  Lands.        .......  734 


CONTINUATION  OF  HISTORY  OF  SOUTH 
AMERICA. 

BRAZHy — Its  Resources — Dom  Pedro — Population — Immigration — Terri- 
tory— Wealth — Trade— Railroads — Agriculture.        .       .        .  729 

Chili — Territory — Population — Exports  and  Imports — Chili  and  Peru — 

Education.  .........  730 

Ecuador  —  Population  —  Territory —  Commerce  — Indigo  —  Harbors  — 

Revolts.  .........  730 

Peru — Extent — Inhabitants — Imports — Exports — Revolutions — Revenue 

— Public  Confidence.    ........  731 

Bolivia — President  Elect — Free  Port — Articles  of  Export— Railroads — 

Rich  Silver  Lodes— Depositions  of  President*— Prosperous  Times.  731 

Argestise  Repcblic — Population — Provinces — Revenue — Trade  in  Meat 

and  Horses — Railroads.         .......  731 

Guatemala — Presidential  Election — Revenue — Imports — Peaceful  State 

of  Affairs — Steamers,  Roads,  and  Aqueducts.   ....  731 

Costa  Rica — Revolution  —Revenue — Boundaries  —  Population — Educa- 
tion— Commerce — Costa  Rica  Railroad — British  Consul  Dismissed.  731 

Central  America — Conference  of  Delegates — Projects  for  a  Confedera- 
cy— Non-Success  of  the  Scheme.    ......  732 

Nicaragua— Territorv — Population — Exports— Imports — Route  of  Ship 

Canal— Trade— Tobacco  733 

Venezuela — Popuh-.tion — Education — Imports — Exports —Telegraphs.  733 

Colombia  -Boundaries  —Population  — Exports  — Imports  — Debt  — Isth- 
mus of  Panama  Railway — Improvements — Great  Canal  Project.  733 

Paraguay— Boundary  Troubles— Fluctuiiting  Revenues- Debt — Exports 

— Imports — Money  from  London— Rivers  Open  to  Free  Navigation.  733 

Mexico — Boundaries — Area— Population — Anny — Articles  of  Import  and 

Export— Tonnage — Revolutions — Brigands— Revenue — Smuffslinc.  733 

Editorial  Articles- From  New  York  Baily  Times— From  New  York 

Evening  Mail.      .........  733 

General  Remarks.  ........  734 


CHRONOLOGY, 


INDEX, 


73G 


827 


History  of  the  Police  and  Police  Departments  ot  the 
cities  of  New  York  and  Brooklyn.    Page  827a 


ADDIXIOlSAIv  IIvLUSXRAXIONS. 

PAGE. 

George  VV.  Walling.    Portrait,    ------  826 

Patrick  Campbell,  .<.-.--.  826 

William  Murray  827a 

George  W.  Dilks,  827^^ 

John  McDermott,  827a 

Thomas  W.  Thorne,  %rja 

George  A.  Waddy,  "         -        -        -         -        -        -  827a 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.   PORTRAIT  Frontispiece. 

(PERSICOS)  COLUMBUS  AND  THE  INDIAN  MAIDEN,     '      .  Vi<jnette  Title. 

DE  SOTO  DISCOVERING  THE  MISSISSIPPI  RIVER   Pago  U 

IN  SIGHT  OF  THE  NEW  WORLD,      "78 

LANDING  OP  COLUMBUS,     "80 

ALONZO  RESCUING  CORA  PROM  THE  PALACE  OP  THE  SUN,   "121 

CAPTURE  OF  THE  CITY  OF  MEXICO  BY  CORTEZ,   "132 

EXECUTION  OF  THE  INCA  OF  PERU  BY  PIZZARO,   "140 

THE  INCA  RECEIVING  THE  LAST  EMBRACES  OF  HIS  FAMILY,   "156 

DOM  PEDRO  II  ,  EMPEROR  OP  BRAZIL.   PORTRAIT,    "178 

HUMBOLDT.   PORTRAIT   "193 

ENGLISH  PURITANS  ESCAPING  TO  AMERICA,   "238 

DEATH  OF  GENERAL  WOLFE  AT  QUEBEC,  1759,    "358 

BOSTON  MASSACRE,   "  3o6 

RETREAT  OF  THE  BRITISH  FROM  CONCORD   "  37G 

CAPTURE  OF  FORT  TICONDEROGA,    "380 

BATTLE  OF  BUNKER  HILL,    "383 

PATRICK  HENRY  ADDRESSING  THE  VIRGINIA  ASSEMBLY,   "393 

DRAFTING  THE  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE,    "40(5 

AUTOGRAPHS  OF  THE  SIGNERS  OF  THE  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE,    "408 

TREASON  OF  ARNOLD,   "461 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON.   PORTRAIT,   "493 

"CONSTITUTION"  AND  "GUERRIERE,"   "503 

BATTLE  OF  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN,  McDONOUGH'S  VICTORY,   "513 

THE  BATTLE  OF  NEW  ORLEANS,   "516 

DEATH  OP  MAJOR  RINGGOLD  AT  THE  BATTLE  OF  PALO  ALTO,    "  510 

THE  BATTLE  OF  CHERUBUSCO— CAPTaRE  OF  THE  "TETE  DS  PONT,"   "546 

BATTLE  OF  BULL  RUN,  JULY,  1861,    "558 

THE  BATTLE  OF  MURFREESBORO— CAPTURE  OP  A  CONFEDERATE  FLAG,   "576 

BATTLE  OF  CHICK AMAUGA,   "583 

ATTACK  ON  FORT  WAGNER  /   "585 

BATTLE  OF  THE  WILDERNESS,   "5^8 

SURRENDER  OF  GENERAL  LEE,         .      .      .      .      •   "598 

MASSACRE  AT  FORT  MIMMS,   "660 


1 


•I 


COMMENDATORY  LETTER 

OF 

BENSON  J.  LOSSING,  Esq. 

 »-4  

The  Ridge,  Dover  Plains,  N.  Y.,  /Inarch  4,  J 878. 

Gentlemen — I  have  carefully  examined  your  work  entitled  "The  History  of  The  Two 
AMEracAS,"  and  can  commend  it  as  a  most  valuable  book  for  the  student  of  the  marvelous  story  of 
the  discovery,  settlement,  and  progress  of  the  Western  Continent.  The  value  of  the  portion  treat- 
ing of  the  history  of  earlier  events  here,  is  fully  attested  by  the  fact  that  it  contains,  in  complete  form, 
Belknap's  Biographies  of  the  Discoverers  of  America,  and  of  the  Early  Founders  of  the  North 
American  Colonies;  Robertson's  History  of  South  America;  Ramsay's  History  of  the  American 
Revolution;  Grahame's  Colonial  History  of  the  United  States,  and  Hubbard's  History  of  the  Indian 
Wars  in  New  England.  These  works  have  stood  the  tests  of  criticism  and  subsequent  investigations, 
the  first  three  for  a  greater  portion  of  a  century,  the  fourth  for  about  forty  years,  and  the  fifth  for  two 
hundred  years.  Rev.  Dr.  Belknap's  biographical  work  has  been  a  standard  authority  since  its  publi- 
cation in  1798.  Rev.  Dr.  Robertson's  qualities  as  a  historian  have  been  lauded  by  scholars  for  more 
than  a  hundred  years.  George  the  Third  appointed  him  Historiographer  of  Scotland  in  1764,  and 
afterward  offered  him  compensation  if  he  would  undertake  a  History  of  England,  notwithstanding 
Hume's  History  had  lately  been  published.  James  Grahame's  Colonial  History  of  our  Republic  is  a 
later  work,  but  is  regarded  by  scholars  as  one  of  the  best  of  its  class ;  and  Dr.  David  Ramsay's 
Story  of  the  Revolution,  in  the  scenes  of  which  he  was  a  participant,  has  received  the  highest  enco- 
miums for  its  fullness  and  accuracy.  General  Greene  vouched  for  'ts  truthfulness,  and  Lafayette  said : 
"He  has  put  everything  into  it;  he  abbreviates  like  a  Florus."  Rev.  William  Hubbard's  Indian  His- 
tory, published  in  1678,  has  been  copiously  used  as  a  standard  authority  by  writers  on  the  subject 
ever  since. 

Your  book,  containing  the  text  and  annotations  of  all  these  works,  with  a  continuation  of  each 
to  the  present  time  by  competent  pens,  is  a  volume  of  rare  intrinsic  value,  not  only  to  the  students  of 
American  History,  but  to  all  readers  of  the  same.  It  was  a  felicitous  idea  to  combine,  with  a  History 
of  the  United  States,  a  full  account  of  the  southern  portion  of  our  continent,  for  its  discovery  and 
early  settlement  were  coeval  with  that  of  North  America,  and  intimately  associated  with  the  history  of 
the  latter.  Besides,  the  Empire  of  Brazil  and  the  important  republics  of  South  America  are  daily 
becoming  more  and  more  intimately  associated  with  our  current  history,  our  commerce,  and  our 
social  life,  rendering  a  more  intimate  knowledge  of  the  past  of  those  republics  and  of  that  Empire 
essential  to  our  well-informed  people,  especially  the  portion  engaged  in  traffic. 

Robertson's  History  of  South  America  extends  from  the  discovery  to  1772,  and  has  been  con- 
tinued to  the  present  time  by  a  competent  hand.  The  same  may  be  said  of  Grahame's  History,  con- 
tinuing from  the  Revolution  until  now  in  a  well-written  and  well-arranged  condensed  History  of 
the  United  States  down  to  the  present  time.  In  addition  to  the  historical  portion  of  your  work,  there 
is  a  compact  statement  of  the  present  condition  of  our  country,  compiled  from  the  National  Census  of 
1870.  Altogether,  nothing  seems  w^anting  to  make  it,  as  its  title  imports,  a  complete  History  of 
America,  *  *  *  *  I  hope  its  circulation  may  be  adequate  to  its  merits. 

BENSON  J.  LOSSING. 


I 


INTRODUCTION 

TO 

THE  HISTORY  OF '  THE  TWO  AMERICAS. 

 M  

America  !  To  comparatively  few  has  it  been  possible  to  know  well  the  grand  significance  of 
that  single  word.  The  sources  of  information  were  not  accessible  to  ordinary  readers.  When  Dr. 
Smith,  without  a  thought  of  its  perennial  popularity,  wrote  his  national  hymn,  he  sang, — 

"  My  native  country,  thee, 
Land  of  the  noble  tree. 

Thy  name  I  love  ; 
I  love  thy  rocks  and  rills, 
Thy  woods  and  templed  hills, 
My  heart  with  rapture  thrills 
Like  that  above  :  " 

his  poetical  genius  swept  only  the  boundaries  of  that  belt  across  the  northern  half  which  is  included  in 
our  great  Republic.    Of  this 

"  Sweet  land  of  liberty  " 

we  have  excellent  histories,  and  their  record  of  the  little  more  than  two  centuries  since  the  germ  of 
our  nationality  was  planted  on  these  shores,  is  studied  in  our  comrr  on-schools. 

But  AMERICA  is  a  hemisphere,  stretching  from  pole  to  pole,  with  the  thrilling  annals  of  nearly 
a  thousand  years,  and  with  every  variety  of  climate,  scenery,  and  resources.  Columbus  was  not  the 
first  to  discover  this  continent  of  wonders  in  nature  and  in  civilization.  Almost  five  hundred  years  be- 
fore the  Genoese  looked  upon  America,  amid  his  mutinous  crew,  Bjarni  (or,  as  sometimes  written,  Biron), 
son  of  the  brave  old  Icelandic  navigator,  Hurjulf,  saw  its  wild,  mist-curtained  coast !  And  in  1006, 
Gudrid,  the  beautiful  wife  of  Thorfin,  whose  galley  followed  in  the  wake  of  Bjarni's,  gave  birth  to  the 
first  "live  Yankee"  on  the  shores  of  Massachusetts!  The  boy  was  named  Snorri,  and  in  his  noble 
manhood  founded  one  of  the  most  distinguished  families  of  Iceland,  then  the  abode  of  princely  Scan- 
dinavians, with  their  retinues  of  armed  followers.  An  American,  with  the  best  blood  of  Europe  in  his 
veins,  upon  its  Arctic  Island,  nearly  nine  hundred  years  ago  ! 

Standing  by  the  rude  cradle  of  Snorri,  upon  the  sands  of  Buzzard's  Bay,  in  this  colony  of  one 
hundred  and  fifty-eight  persons,  seven  of  whom,  including  Gudrid,  his  mother,  were  women,  we  look 
down  the  ages  to  the  present  hour.  Columbus,  Americus  Vespucius,  Cabot,  Cartier,  De  Soto,  Gilbert, 
Raleigh,  Gosnold,  Smith,  Champlain,  Gorges,  Hudson,  and  the  Puritans,  pass  in  stately  proces 
sion  before  us,  as  they  succeed  each  other  along  the  coasts  of  rocky  islands  and  stormy  mainland,  and 
up  the  majestic  rivers  of  North  America,  in  which  the  grandest  Republic  of  the  past  is  now  attracting 
the  gaze,  and,  by  its  marvelous  progress,  threatening  the  stability  of  the  monarchies  of  the  world. 
We  turn  the  view  southward,  and  the  dashing  Cortez  and  Pizzaro  lead  the  adventurous  colonies  of  the 
warmer  latitudes  into  the  sunny  plains  of  Mexico,  the  home  of  the  Montezumas  and  the  golden  realm 
of  the  Incas  of  Peru,  whose  ancient  and  marvelous  inhabitants,  and  their  achievements,  are  lost  in 
fascinating  mystery. 


xiv 


INTRODUCTION. 


Visions  of  cxhaustlcss  treasures,  dazzling  pageantry,  sanguinary  battles,  and  magnificence  be- 
yond the  descriptive  power  of  pen  or  pencil — of  forests,  mountains,  and  rivers,  haunt  the  imagination. 
The  narrative  of  all  these  lands,  their  people,  and  the  empires  and  republics  which  they  have  created, 
together  making  up  the  annals  of  the  Western  Hemisphere,  for  the  first  time  has  been  gathered  from 
libraries,  new  and  old,  and  with  unsparing  research  and  loyalty  to  truth,  in  a  single  volume  within  the 
reach  of  all. 

THE  TWO  AMERICAS 

is  this  marvel  of  clearly-written,  logically- arranged,  and  indispensable  information,  to  the  man  or  woman 
whose  boast  is,  "  I  am  an  American  citizen." 

The  essential  facts  of  this  vast  and  varied  continent  are  grouped  by  masters  in  historical  writ- 
ing, whose  authority  is  not  questioned  by  critics.  One  has  only  to  enter  the  largest  private  or  public 
libraries,  and  let  the  eye  glance,  till  it  is  weary,  along  the  shelves,  to  discern  clearly  the  investment 
beyond  the  means  of  the  many,  necessarj'  to  purchase  the  volumes  which  would  furnish  the  historical 
facts,  biography,  and  descriptive  sketches  contained  in  this  elegant  quarto. 

From  ten  hundred  and  two,  to  eighteen  hundred  and  seventy-eight,  this  story  of  our  own  land 
extends.  It  connects  the  remotest  outline  of  history  with  the  daily-reported  present,  for  the  youngest 
reader  now  coming  upon  the  stage  of  our  stirring  national  life.  The  political  revolutions,  the  wars  of 
the  Republic,  especially  so  the  latest  one,  and  the  most  delicate  and  difficult  to  chronicle  with  an  un- 
prejudiced mind,  are,  we  think,  recorded  with  remarkable  impartiality  and  fidelity.  No  bitter  words  to 
reopen  the  healing  wounds  of  the  recent  conflict  among  brethren  in  the  re-united  national  family, 
are  used  in  narrating  the  victories  of  its  loyal  sons.  It  is  thus  a  volume  for  every  latitude,  from  the 
settlements  of  the  Aroostock  region  of  Maine,  to  those  in  the  pines  of  evergreen  Florida,  and  being 
alike  attractive  to  young  and  old,  it  is  worthy  a  place  in  every  library. 

The  crimson  record  of  Indian  warfare,  since  the  first  arrow  was  shot  from  the  red  man's  bow 
at  the  white  invader  of  his  hunting  grounds,  is  also  added  to  these  American  Annals.  The  fearful 
romance  of  savage  bravery  and  cruelties,  of  massacre,  and  flying  men,  women,  and  children,  the 
pioneer  martyrs  of  the  nation,  is  vividly  portrayed,  not  alone  for  those  who  have  read  the  tragical 
pages  which  such  a  country  only  could  furnish  the  world,  but  preserved  for  the  generations  to  come, 
to  whom  the  Indian  will  be  a  being  of  the  past — a  shadowy,  startling  phantom  of  the  vanished  wilder- 
ness he  had  for  ages  called  his  own.  But  perhaps  no  part  of  this  library  in  one  book  will  have  fresher 
and  more  practical  attraction  to  not  a  few  readers,  than  that  which  reveals  the  greatness  and  richness 
in  resources  of  nearly  every  kind,  of  the  realm  of  Dom  Pedro,  the  royal  traveler.  Like  the  Russian 
Empire,  its  vast  area  includes  mountain  ranges  of  great  length,  mighty  rivers,  and  extensive  plains , 
and  in  these  it  is  second  only  to  the  domain  of  the  autocrat.  But  how  wide  the  contrast  in  climate, 
soil,  and  productions  !  That  Empire  of  the  Eastern  Hemisphere  is  half  the  year  ice-bound  and  mantled 
in  snow,  while  barren  wastes  stretch  across  its  interior.  Brazil  is  a  world  of  luxuriant  vegetation,  rich- 
est foliage,  and  flowers,  of  fruits  and  grains,  of  silver  and  diamonds,  of  colored  woods  for  furniture,  of 
sugar-cane  and  coffee.  With  a  limited  monarchy,  and  a  liberal  ruler,  who  has  devoted  a  year  and  a 
half  to  the  study  of  the  nations  which  he  has  traversed,  Brazil  has  an  importance  and  unbounded 
interest  to  all  the  citizens,  and  to  the  enterprising  merchant,  especially  of  the  United  States. 

Steamships,  railways,  and  telegraphic  lines,  together  with  the  lofty  ambition  of  the  Emperor  to 
develop  the  exhausticss  riches  of  his  dominions,  and  elevate  the  people,  will  make  Brazil  a  near  and  use- 
ful neighbor  in  the  brotherhood  of  nations,  during  the  opening  century  of  our  own  unrivaled  progress. 
Nor  is  this  all:  outside  of  our  multiplying  States,  this  new  aspect  of  Brazilian  wealth  and  advancement 
which  makes  a  comprehensive  work  on  America,  like  this  volume,  so  timely  and  valuable  for  general 
reading  and  reference  to  us,  will  be  true  to  some  extent  (and  no  one  can  tell  how  great)  of  every  other 
part  of  the  continent.  Chili,  Peru,  Columbia,  and,  indeed,  every  part  of  South  America,  is  rich  in 
manifold  productions,  which,  during  the  life  of  the  present  generation,  may  touch  the  material  interests 


INTRODUCTION. 


XV 


of  the  more  favored  States  of  our  own  nation.  The  waking  of  Brazil  from  the  slumber  of  ages  over  her 
latent  powers  of  unlimited  growth — under  the  quickening  energy  of  our  own  advancing  civilization — 
will  doubtless  be  followed  by  a  similar  resurrection  of  the  smaller,  yet  richly-endowed  commonwealths 
which  are  around  her.  To  all  these  lands,  our  central  and  beneficent  progress  of  every  kind  will 
extend,  and  they,  in  turn,  enrich  us  with  their  varied  and  exhaustless  resources.  It,  then,  becomes  a 
duty  pressing  upon  parents,  teachers,  and  all  who  have  any  responsibility  to  the  young,  to  encourage 
in  all  possible  ways  the  circulation  and  study  of  so  great  a  work  upon  our  majestic  continent.  Such  a 
treasury  of  knowledge  can  not  fail  to  be  welcomed  to  the  homes  and  libraries  of  all  the  people. 

The  day  is  passing  when  Americans  will  turn  away  from  their  land  of  undeveloped  wealth  and 
unseen  wonders,  to  the  dazzling  riches  and  natural  magnificence  of  the  old  monarchies  and  empires  of 
the  Eastern  Hemisphere,  worshipping  at  the  shrines  of  "  storied  greatness,"  while  ignorant  of  the  lands 
of  more  boundless  treasures,  and  grander  scenes  within  the  boundaries  of  their  own  twin  Americas. 

Into  this  New  World,  the  Old  World,  from  the  Arctic  Circle  to  sunny  Japan,  is  steadily 
pouring  the  tide  of  population.  And  surely  the  generation  of  our  native  citizens  now  in  our 
schools  and  seminaries,  ought  to  be  familiar  with  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  land  which  is  to  furnish 
homes  for  "every  kindred  tongue  and  people."  This  knowledge  is  accessible  in  the  humblest  cabin 
where  lies  "  The  Two  Americas."  The  early  peopling  of  the  Old  World,  the  moving  caravans  of 
ancient  tribes  across  the  steppes  of  Asia  and  over  the  plains  of  Europe,  are  lost  in  the  mystery  of 
an  unwritten  past.  But,  excepting  the  precise  origin  of  our  Indian  races,  we  can  track  the  emigration 
of  all  the  teeming  millions  of  the  Western  Hemisphere,  giving  to  our  annals  the  satisfying  charm  of 
certainty. 

Good  engravings  are  always  a  valuable  addition  to  any  pages  which  admit  of  illustration,  and 
are  preeminently  so  in  a  historical  narrative,  delighting  the  eye,  while  impressing  indelibly  upon  the 
mind  the  scenes  and  events  portrayed  by  the  artist. 

The  finished  sketches  which  adorn  this  volume  form  a  series  of  historical  pictures,  which 
add  their  illustrative  interest  to  the  text.  The  Indian,  Revolutionary,  and  late  Civil  Wars  have 
stirring  and  active  scenes  presented  to  the  vision  by  the  "cunning  hand  of  the  artist."  Indeed, 
nothing  is  omitted  which  thoughtful  and  comprehensive  design  could  appropriate  from  all  the 
materials  available,  to  make  the  great  work  exhaustive  and  monumental  in  character,  as  it  is  in  form, 
being  the  only  complete  history  ever  published  of  the  two  Americas.  And  in  addition  to  this 
unequaled  collection  of  historical  facts,  there  is  a  full  chronologica.  index,  the  only  complete  work  of 
the  kind  ever  published,  which  fully  covers  the  chronology  of  both  North  and  South  America.  The 
great  importance  and  value  of  this  will  be  appreciated  by  all.  The  scholar,  the  teacher,  and  the 
politician,  and  every  other  intelligent  student  of  history,  may  here  find  an  epitome  of  American  history, 
which  scholarship  and  patient  labor  have  made  full  and  accurate  ;  and  which  will  fiirnish  him,  Avithout 
loss  of  time,  with  any  event  or  date  to  which  he  may  desire  to  refer.  In  confirmation  of  the  high 
opinion  we  have  given  of  the  value  of  such  a  work,  the  publishers,  in  this  connection,  have  the  great 
satisfaction  of  presenting  to  the  public  a  letter  received  from  B.  J.  LossixG,  the  well-known  and 
admired  pen-and-pencil  historian  of  our  own  land.  This  appreciative  commendation,  on  a  preceding 
page,  will  be  a  fitting  prelude  to  the  outline  view,  in  this  introduction  of 

THE   TWO  AMERICAS. 


p.    C.  HEADLEY. 


BIOGRAPHIES 

OF  THE 

EARLY  DISCOVERERS. 


BY  JEREMY  BELKNAP,  D.  D 


INTRODUCTION. 

The  editor  of  this  work  believes  that  a  people  who  have  patronised  those  publications  which  treat  of  other  countries,  would  readily  en- 
courage one  that  was  altogether  devoted  to  our  own  country.  We  have  general  and  particular  histories,  man}'  of  them  abounding  in  ex- 
cellent matter  ;  but  as  yet  we  have  no  book  of  reference  on  subjects  relating  entirely  to  America.  Almon  published  in  England  during 
the  revolutionary  war  his  "  Remembrancer,"  a  collection  of  facts  in  regard  to  that  conflict,  remarkable  for  candor  and  correctness  ;  but 
this  is  out  of  print.  The  next  book  of  reference  is  Niles'  Register:  the  public  are  nmch  indebted  to  tliis  indefatigable  and  able  editor 
for  his  historical  treasures,  which  are  truly  great ;  but  his  periodical,  on  account  of  the  expense,  cannot  circulate  so  generally  as  to  dif- 
fuse the  intelligence  that  it  contains  among  all  classes  ;  and  he  has  not,  from  the  pressure  of  passing  events,  gone  much  into  our  early  an- 
nals. The  intention  of  the  editor  of  this  work  is  plainly  this — to  search,  with  competent  assistance,  the  records  of  the  discovery  and  set- 
tlement of  this  country,  and  to  give  in  a  cheap  but  handsome  form  the  rich  materials  that  are  to  be  found  scattered  throughout  the  United 
States.  He  will  commence  his  labors  with  tiie  lives  of  the  early  adventurers  who  explored  unknown  countries,  and  particularly  this. — 
There  is  a  direct  connexion  between  them,  if  some  only  prepared  the  way  for  others.  We  therefore  shall  present  the  whole  chain  of 
events  which  have  operated  in  any  way  to  our  existence  and  welfare  as  a  people.  Chronology  has  been  called  the  eye  of  history,  and  we 
shall  be  careful  to  give  correct  dates  for  all  the  incidents  we  enumerate.  Going  back  to  the  fountains  of  our  history,  we  shall  follow  the 
streams  to  the  presen.  time,  in  order  that  our  readers  m.ay  have  a  panoramic  view,  as  it  were,  of  all  that  regards  our  origin,  progress,  and 
present  situation.  Our  distinguished  minds  in  every  age  of  our  history  shall  not  be  forgotten,  and,  when  practicable,  some  of  their  men- 
tal eflorts  shall  be  furnished  the  reader.  The  reader  need  not  fear  that  the  subject  will  be  soon  exhausted  ;  for  Time,  who  destroys  all 
things  else,  makes  new  matter  for  the  historian,  not  only  in  the  birth  of  events,  but  in  opening  the  long  hidden  mines  of  knowledge.  The 
writer  from  whose  works  these  biographies  were  taken,  deserves  the  title  of  the /a^Aer  o/^mcricflw  A jsfory.  He  was  a  man  of  genius,  a 
scholar  of  extensive  erudition,  a  divine  of  a  holy  life,  and  a  lover  of  his  country.  He  established  a  historical  society,  and  produced  several 
historical  works.  He  wrote  with  a  more  polished  pen  than  his  cotemporaries,  and  showed  them  the  worth  of  historical  knowledge,  and  at 
the  same  time  gave  them  an  example  of  the  manner  in  which  history  should  be  written.  The  name  of  Jeremy  Belknap,  D.  D.,  is  sponsor 
for  all  that  has  been  said,  and  more.  This  great  historian  did  not  live  to  fill  up  his  outline,  which  embraced  "  adventurers,  statesmen, 
philosophers,  divines,  warriors,  authors,  and  other  remarkable  characters,  comprehending  a  recital  of  the  events  connected  with  their  lives 
and  actions  what  has  been  done,  is  well  done — and  we  shall  supply  a  portion  of  the  deficiency  from  other  sources.  In  fine,  we  shall  use 
every  exertion  to  make  the  work,  if  encouragement  is  given  to  the  undertaking,  a  valuable  collection  of  American  history,  biography,  elo- 
quence, polite  literature,  science,  and  statistics — interspersed  with  anecdotes  of  olden  time,  and  of  revolutionary  days,  to  amuse  as  well  as 
to  instruct  the  reader.  In  our  history  we  shall  come  down  to  the  present  time  without  a  particle  of  party  spirit,  and  strive  to  give  a  true 
record  of  events  as  they  liave  or  may  occur.  There  is  an  advantage  in  many  respects  in  this  method  of  presenting  history  and  polite  lit- 
erature to  the  public,  as  we  have  an  opportunity  of  being  optimists,  and  selecting  that  which  will  make  the  strongest  impression  on  the  mind  of 
the  reader.  There  are  epochs  in  our  history  which  have  not  often  been  distinctly  marked  by  writers.  We  shall  endeavor  to  point  them  out. 
There  is  a  philosophy  of  history  which  should  be  studied  while  we  are  endeavoring  to  fix  the  facts  in  our  memory.  Cause  and  efiect  have 
the  same  conne  xion  in  the  growth  of  a  nation  as  in  that  of  a  blade  of  grass,  and  are  much  more  clearly  open  to  our  investigation. 


BIRON. 

BiROtc,  a  native  of  Norway — His  discovery  of  Iceland  and 
Greenland  -An  account  of  his  voyage — Character  and  ap- 
pearance of  the  natives. 

The  ancient  inhabitants  of  Norway  and  Denmark, 
tollectively  taken,  were  distinguished  by  the  name  of 
Normans.  Their  situation  near  the  coast  of  the  sea,  and 
Ibe  advantages  which  that  cleinvnt  presented  to  ihcm 


beyond  all  which  they  could  expect,  from  a  rough  soil, 
in  a  cold  climate,  led  them  at  an  early  period  to  the 
science  and  practice  of  navigation.  They  built  their 
vessels  with  the  best  of  oak,  and  constructed  them  in 
such  a  manner  as  to  encounter  the  storms  and  billows 
of  the  northern  ocean.  Thev  covered  them  with  decks 
and  furnished  them  with  high  forecastles  and  sterns. 
They  .made  uee  of  sails  as  well  as  oars,  arid  had  learn- 


ed to  trim  their  sails  to  the  wind,  in  almost  any  direc- 
tic.i.  In  these  arts,  of  building  ships  and  of  navigation, 
they  were  superior  to  the  people  bordering  on  the  Me- 
diterranean sea,  who  depended  chiefly  on  their  oars 
and  used  sails  only  with  a  fair  wird. 

About  the  end  of  the  eighth  and  beginning  of  the 
ninth  century,  the  Normans  made  ihemselvrs  famous 
by  their  predatory  excursions.  England,  Scotland,  Ire- 


2 


AMERICAN  HISTORY. 


laod,  llie  Orkney  ai.J  Slictlaiid  islands,  wore  uhjccts  of 
their  deprcdalior.s  ;  and  ui  one  of  their  piratical  expe- 
ditions, A.  D.  SGI,  lliey  discovered  an  island,  which 
fiom  lis  lofly  mountain"*,  covered  with  ice  and  snow, 
obtained  the  name  of  Iceland.  In  a  few  years  after 
they  ()l3nted  a  colony  there,  which  was  continually  aug- 
mented by  migrations  from  the  neighboring  countries. 
Wiiiiin  the  space  of  thirty  years  88!>,  a  new  country  si- 
tuate 10  the  west,  was  discovered,  ar.J  fri)ni  its  verdure 
during  the  ?uinmer  months,  received  the  name  of  G'-een- 
land.  Tli>4  was  deemed  so  important  an  acquisition, 
liiat,  under  the  conduct  of  Eitic  kAUUii  or  Keu  Head,  a 
Danish  chief,  it  was  soon  peopled. 

Th«  emigrants  to  these  new  regions  were  still  in- 
flamed w  th  the  passion  for  adventure  and  discovery. 
An  Icela'ider  of  the  name  Hekiolf  and  his  son  Bikon* 
wade  a  *oyago  every  year  to  ditrerent  countries  for  the 
*akeof  iratlic.  About  the  beginning  of  the  lllh  cen- 
tury 1001,  their  ships  were  separated  by  a  storm. 
M'hen  IJiron  arrived  in  Norway,  he  heard  that  his  fa- 
ther waj  gone  to  Greenland,  and  he  resolved  to  follow 
him ;  but  another  storm  drove  him  to  the  suulhwcsl, 
where  he  discovered  a  flat  country,  free  from  rocks, 
but  c'.>vered  with  thick  woods,  and  an  island  near  the 
coast. 

He  made  no  longer  stay  at  cither  of  these  places 
than  till  the  storm  abated  ;  when  by  a  northeast  course 
he  hasted  to  Greenland.  The  discovery  was  no  sooner 
kriawn  there,  than  Leik  the  son  of  Eitic,  who,  like  his 
fa'.lier,  had  a  strong  desire  to  acquire  gloiy  by  adven- 
tures, equipped  a  vessel,  carrying  twenty-live  men  ; 
end  taking  itiroii  for  his  pilot,  sailed  in  1002,  in  search 
of  the  new  country. 

His  course  was  southwest.  On  the  first  land  which 
tie  saw,  he  found  nothing  but  flat  rocks  and  ice,  witli- 
out  any  verdure.  He  therefore  gave  it  the  name  of 
Helleland.  which  signifies  rocky.  Afterwards  he  came 
to  a  level  siiore,  wiihout  any  rocks,  but  overgrown  with 
woods,  and  lU<:  sand  v^■as  remarkably  white  This  he 
named  Marklaii'i  woody.  Two  days  after,  he  saw 
•and  again,  and  an  island  lying  before  the  iiorlhern 
coast  of  it.  Here  he  hrsl  landed  :  and  thence  sailing 
westward,  round  a  point  of  land,  found  a  creek  or  ri- 
ver into  which  the  ship  entered. 

On  the  banks  of  this  river,  were  bushes  bearing 
Bv,!eet  berries  ;  the  air  was  inild,  the  soil  fertile,  and  the 
river  well  stored  wilh  fish  among  which  were  very  fine 
salmon.  .•\l  the  head  of  this  river  was  a  lake,  on 
the  shore  of  which  they  resolved  to  pass  the  winter, 
and  erected  huts  for  their  accommodation.  One  of 
their  company,  a  Giirnian  named  Tyrker  having  strag- 
gled into  tlie  woods,  found  grapes  ;  from  w  hich  he 
told  tnem,  that  in  his  country,  they  made  wine. 
From  this  circumstance,  Leif  the  commander  of  the 
party,  called  ine  place  Wmland  dal  Godc,  the  Good 
Wine  Country. 

An  intercourse  being  thus  opened  between  Green- 
land and  Wmland,  several  voyages  were  made,  and 
the  new  country  was  further  explored.  Many  islands 
were  found  near  the  coast,  Jjut  not  a  human  creature 
was  seen  till  the  'Jiird  uuminer,  1004,  when  three  boats 
constructed  with  ribs  of  bone,  fastrncd  with  thongs  or 
twigi  and  covered  with  skins,  each  tioat  containing 
three  men,  made  their  appearance.  From  the  diminu- 
live  size  of  these  people,  the  Norinans  denominated 
them  ScTuclings,*  and  inhumanly  killed  them  all  but 
one  ;  who  escaoed  and  collected  a  large  number  of  his 
counlrymen,  to  make  an  attack  on  their  invaders.  'I'lie 
Normans  defended  their  ships  with  so  much  spirit  that 
the  assailants  were  obliged  to  retire. 

.^fter  this,  a  colony  ol  iSrormans  went  and  settled 
ot  Winland,  carrying  on  a  barter  trade  with  the  Scrae- 
lings  for  furs  ;  but  a  controversy  arose  in  the  colony, 
v»l-.ich  induced  some  to  return  to  Greenland.  The 
otticrs  dispe:sed  and  mix.  d  among  the  Scradings. 

In  the  next  century,  1121,  Eric,  bishop  of  Green- 
land, went  to  Winland,  wi  li  a  benevolent  design  to  re- 
cover and  convert  Ins  counlrymen  who  hud  degenerated 
inlosavagcs.  This  prelate 'lever  returned  to  Greenland  ; 
nor  was  any  thing  more  heard  of  Wmland,  for  several 
centuries. 

This  account  of  the  discovery  of  Winland  is  taken 
from  Ponlopp.dan's  History  of  Norway,  Crantz's 
History  of  Greenland,  and  \  late  History  of  Northern 
Voyages,  by  Dr.  John  Keinhold  I'orster.  The  facts 
•re  said  to  have  beeii  collected  from  a  "  great  num- 
ber of  Icelandic  Manuscri|)ts  by  'i'hormoiid  Tlior- 
foeus,  Adam  von  Bremen,  Arngrim  Jonas  and  many 


*  Ilia  name  is  apclt«d  by  difTercnl  autliurii  iiiron,  Biorn,  Ui- 
tfm,  and  Biaim. 
I  Cut  tijcka,  chips— dwarfs 


other  writers,  so  that  it  is  hardly  possible  to  eiiterlain 
the  least  doubt  concerning  the  authenticity  of  the  re- 
lation. 

Pontoppidan  says  "  that  they  could  see  the  sun  full 
six  hours  in  the  sliortcst  day  ;  but  Crantz  tells  us  that 
'■  the  sun  rose  on  the  shortest  day  at  eight  of  the  clock," 
and  Forsier  that  "  the  sun  was  eight  hours  above  the 
horizon,"  from  which  he  concludes  that  Winland  must 
be  found  in  the  49th  degree  of  northern  latitude  ;  and 
from  Its  being  in  a  southwesterly  direction  from  Green- 
land, he  supposes  that  it  is  either  a  |)art  of  Newfound- 
land or  some  place  on  the  northern  coast  of  the  gulf 
of  St.  Lawrence  ;  but  whether  grapes  are  found  in  either 
of  those  countries  he  cannot  say.  However,  he  seems 
so  fully  persuaded  of  the  facts,  that  he  gives  it  as  his 
opinion,  that  the  Normans  weie,  strictlv  s|)eaking,  the 
lirst  discoverers  of  America,  nearly  five  centuries  before 
Columbus. 

From  a  careful  perusal  of  the  first  accounts  of  New- 
foundland, preserved  by  those  painful  collectors  Hak- 
luyt  and  Purchas,  and  of  other  memoirs  respecting  that 
island  and  the  coast  of  Labrador ;  and  from  inspecting 
the  most  approved  maps  of  those  regions,  particularly 
one  in  the  .American  Atlas,  delineated  agreeably  to  the 
actual  surveys  of  the  late  celebrated  navigator,  Capt. 
James  Cook,  the  following  observations  occur. 

On  the  N.  E.  part  of  Newfoundland,  which  is  most 
directly  accessible  fiom  Greenland,  there  is  a  long 
range  of  coast,  m  which  are  two  bays,  the  one  called 
Gander  Bay,  and  the  oiher  the  Bay  of  Exploits.  Be- 
fore the  mouth  of  the  former,  among  many  smaller, 
there  lies  one  large  island,  called  Fogo  :  and  before  the 
mouth  of  the  latter,  another  called  the  New  World. 
Either  of  these  will  sulliciently  answer  to  the  situation 
described  in  the  account  of  Biron's  second  voyage. 
Into  each  of  these  bays,  runs  a  river,  which  has  its 
head  in  a  lake,  and  both  these  lakes  he  in  the  49th  de- 
gree of  north  latitude. 

The  earliest  accounts  of  Newfoundland  after  its 
discovery  and  the  establishment  of  a  fishery  on  its 
coast,  have  respect  chiefly  to  the  lands  about  Trinity 
and  Conception  Bays,  between  the  parallels  of  48 
and  49'"'.  These  lauds  are  represented  as  producing 
strawberries,  whortleberries,  raspberries,  pears,  wild 
cherries,  and  hazel  nuts,  in  very  great  plenty.  The 
rivers  are  said  to  have  been  well  stored  with  salmon 
and  trout.  The  natives,  who  inhabited  a  bay  lying 
to  the  northward  of  Trinity,  and  came  occasionally  thi- 
ther m  their  canoes,  are  described  as  broad  breasted 
and  upright,  with  black  eyes,  and  without  beards;  the 
hair  on  their  heads  was  of  dillerent  colours  ;  some  had 
black,  some  brown,  and  others  yellovv.  In  this  variety 
they  differed  from  the  other  savages  of  North  America, 
who  have  uniformly  black  hair,  unless  it  be  grown  gray 
with  age. 

The  climate  is  represented  as  more  mild  in  the  win- 
ter than  that  of  England  ;  but  much  colder  in  the 
spring,  by  reason  of  the  vast  islands  of  ice,  which  are 
driven  into  the  bays  or  grounded  on  the  banks. 

On  the  noriheastern  coast  of  Labrador,  between  the 
latitudes  of  53  and  56",  are  many  excellent  harbors 
and  islands.  The  st^as  are  full  of  cod,  the  rivers 
abound  willi  salmon  ;  and  the  climate  is  said  to  be 
more  mild  than  in  the  gulf  of  !St.  Lawrence. 

Nothing  is  said  in  any  of  these  accounts  of  vines 
or  grapes,  excepting  that  some  which  were  brought 
from  England  had  thriven  well.  If  any  evidence  can 
be  drawn  from  the  comparison  between  the  countries  of 
Newfoundland  and  New-England  it  may  be  observed 
that  all  the  above  mentioned  fruits  and  berries  are 
found  in  the  northern  and  eastern  parts  of  New-Eng- 
land as  far  as  Nova  Scotia,  in  the  latitudes  of  44 
and  45**  ;  and  that  grapes  valpina,  vUis  val- 

lirusca,)  are  known  to  grow  wherever  these  fruits  are 
found. 

Du  Monts  in  his  voyage  to  Acadia,  in  IfiOS,  speaks 
of  grapes  in  several  places  ;  and  they  were  in  such 
ph  Illy  on  the  isle  of  Orleans  in  iai.  47*"'  that  it  was  first 
called  the  island  of  Bacchus.*  Though  there  is  no  direct 
and  positive  testimony  of  grapes  in  the  i>laud  of  New- 
foundland, it  is  by  no  means  to  be  concluded  that  there 
were  none.  Nor  is  it  imjirobable  that  grapes,  though 
once  fctind  there,  migni  nave  been  so  scarce,  as  not  to 
merit  notice,  m  such  general  descriptions,  as  were 
given  by  the  first  English  adventurers. 

The  distance  between  Greenland  aud  Newfoundland 
is  not  greater  than  between  Iceland  and  Norway  ;  and 
there  could  be  no  more  dilliculty  in  navigating  the  wcst- 


*  II  i!)  also  saiil  tlial  Mr.  V.\\\s  inn  wiifi  Ific  vino  alxuii  the 
Knclinh  scltleiiicnts  at  Iluilsnn's  liny,  anil  c»iii)iiirc.i  ihu  truit  o 
it  tu  llie  currants  of  tha  Icvaiil.  Mursu's  Uii.  Ouu.  vuf.  i.  |i.  64 


em  than  the  eastern  parts  of  the  northern  ocean,  with 
such  vessels  as  were  then  in  use,  and  ly  such  seainon 
as  the  Normans  are  said  to  have  been ;  though  ihiy 
knew  nothing  of  the  magnetic  needle. 

Upon  the  whole,  though  we  can  come  to  no  poftitiva 
conclusion  in  a  question  of  such  remote  antiquity ; 
yet  there  are  many  circumstances  to  confirm,  and  none 
to  disprove  the  relation  given  of  the  voyages  of  Biroii. 
But  if  il  be  allowed  that  he  is  entitled  to  the  honour  of 
having  discovered  America  before  Columbus,  yet  this 
discovery  cannot  in  the  least  detract  from  the  merit  c( 
that  celebrated  navigator.  For  there  is  no  reason  U} 
suppose  that  Columbus  had  any  knowledge  of  the  Nor- 
man discoveries  ;  which  long  before  his  time  were  for- 
gotten, and  would  perhaps  never  have  been  recollected 
if  he  had  not  by  the  astonishing  exertions  of  his  genius 
and  his  persevering  industry,  effected  a  discovery  ol 
this  rontment,  in  a  clin'ate  more  friendly  to  the  views 
of  commercml  adventurers. 

Even  (ireenland  itself,  in  the  fifteenth  century,  wis 
known  to  the  Danes  and  Normans  only  by  the  name  ai 
lest  Greenland  ;  and  they  did  not  recover  their  know- 
ledge of  it,  till  after  the  English  had  ascertained  its  cx 
istence  by  their  voyages  to  discover  a  northwest  pass- 
age to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  and  the  Dutch  bad  coasied  it 
in  pursuing  of  whales. 

M  A  D  O  C . 

Madoc,  Prince  of  Wales — His  supposed  discovery  oT  Ainuii^a 
— All  account  of  liis  voyage  examined — The  iniprobabitit/ 
of  liis  supposed  discovery  shown. 

Tins  person  is  supposed  to  have  discovered  Ameri- 
ca, and  brought  a  colony  of  his  countrymen  hither,  be- 
fore ihe  discovery  made  by  Columbus.  The  slory  of 
his  emigration  from  Wales  is  thus  rela'cd  by  Hakluyt, 
whose  book  was  first  published  m  1589,  and  a  second 
edition  of  it  in  1600. 

"  The  voyage  of  Madoc,  the  son  of  Owen  Gwyn- 
neth,  prince  of  North  Wales,  to  the  West  Indies  in 
the  year  1170,  taken  out  of  the  Histoiv  of  Wales, 
lately  published  by  M.  David  Powel,  Doctor  of  D.vi- 
nitie." 

"After  the  death  of  Owen  Gwynneth,  his  sons  feL 
at  debate  who  should  inherit  after  htm.  For  the  eldesi 
son  born  in  maliiinony,  Edward  or  lorwcrth  Drwvdion, 
was  counted  unmeet  to  govern,  because  of  the  maime 
upon  his  face  ;  and  Howel,  that  took  u))on  him  ai' 
the  rule,  was  a  base  son  begotten  of  an  Irish  womaii. 
Tlierefore,  David  gathered  all  the  power  he  could  and 
came  against  Howel,  and  fighting  with  hiin,  slew  him  ; 
and  allersvard  enjoyed  quietly  the  whole  land  of  Norli" 
\\  ales,  until  his  brother  lorwerth's  son  came  to  age. 

"  Madoc,  another  of  Owen  Gwynneth  his  sons  left  thi 
land  in  contention  between  his  lirethien,  and  prepared 
certain  ships  with  men  and  munition,  and  sought  adven- 
tures by  sea,  sailing  west,  and  leaving  the  coast  of  Ire- 
land so  far  mntk  that  he  came  to  aland  unknown,  where 
he  saw  many  strange  things. 

"  This  hind  must  needs  be  some  part  of  that  country 
of  which  the  S|)aiiiariis  atlirin  themselves  to  be  the  lirst 
tinders  since  llanno's  time.  [*For  by  reason  and  order 
of  cosmographie,  this  land  to  the  which  Madoc  came, 
must  needs  be  some  part  of  Nova  Hispania  or  Florida.' 
\\  horeupon  it  is  manifest  that  that  country  was  long 
[before]  by  Briiams  discovered,  afore  [either]  Colum- 
bus [or  Americus  N'esjiutius]  led  any  Spaniards 
thither. 

"  Of  the  voyage  and  return  of  that  Madoc  there  be 
manv  fables  feigned,  as  the  common  people  do  use,  in 
distance  of  place  and  length  of  time,  rattier  to  augment 
than  dimmish,  but  sure  tl  is  llial  there  he  icas.  And  af- 
ter he  had  returned  home  and  declared  the  pleasant 
and  fruitful  counlnes  tliat  he  had  seen  without  mhabi 
tiinls  ;  and  upon  the  contrary  part,  for  what  w  ild  and 
barren  ground  his  brellireii  and  nephews  did  nnirlhtr 
one  another,  he  prepared  a  iiuiiil>er  of  ships  and  got 
with  him  such  men  and  women  as  were  desiroui  to 
live  in  quietness  ;  and  taking  leave  of  Ins  friends,  took 
his  journey  thitherwards  again. 

"  Therefore  it  is  to  be  presupposvd,  that  he  and  hia 
peojile  iiihaliited  part  of  those  countries  ;  for  it  app<"ar- 
elh,  by  Francis  Lopez  de  liomara,  that  m  Acuzainil, 
and  other  places,  the  people  honored  the  cross.  Wher'j- 
by  It  may  be  galhiifd,  that  Christians  had  been  tliero 
before  the  coming  of  the  Spaniards.  But  because  this 
peo|>le  were  not  manv,  they  followed  the  viuiiiiers  of 
the  land  they  came  to,  and  used  the  language  thuy 
found  there. 


♦  Tlic  words  iiu-iuc'td  in  cliroichcu  [  J  arc  oniiucd  Id  tti* 
uecond  edition  uf  llali  uyi'ii  voyaijes 


BIOGRAPHIES  OF  THE  EARLY  DISCOVERERS. 


3 


"  This  Madoc  arriving  in  that  western  country  un 
lo  the  which  he  came  in  the  year  IITO,  left  most  of 
bis  people  there,  and  retiirninj,'  back  for  more  of  his 
own  nation,  ac(iuaintance  and  friends,  to  inliahit  liiat 
fair  and  large  country,  went  thither  again,  with  ten 
sails,  as  I  find  noted  by  Gutyn  Owen.  I  am  ol'  opin- 
ion that  the  land  whereto  he  came,  was  some  |)art  of 
Meiico  i*  the  causes  which  make  me  think  so  be 
thess. 

1.  *'  The  common  report  of  the  inhabitants  of  that 
country,  which  affirm  that  their  rulers  descended  from 
6  strange  nation,  that  came  thither  from  a  far  country  ; 
which  thing  is  confessed  liy  Mutezuma,  King  of  that 
country,  in  an  oration  made  for  quieting  of  his  people 
Ol  his  submission  to  the  King  of  Castile;  Hernando 
Cortez  being  then  present,  which  is  laid  down  in  the 
Spanish  chronicles  of  the  conquest  of  tlie  West  In- 
dies. 

2.  "  The  British  words  and  names  of  places  used 
in  that  country  even  to  this  day  do  argue  the  same  ; 
as  when  they  talk  together,  they  use  the  word  Giriuii- 
do,  which  is  hearken,  or  listen.  Also  they  have  a  cer- 
tain bird  with  a  while  head,  which  they  call  pengutn, 
that  is  white  head.  But  the  island  of  Corroesu.  the 
river  of  Giii/mlor,  and  the  white  rock  of  I't-ntiyijii. 
which  be  ail  British  or  Welch  wonis,  do  manifestly 
show  that  it  was  that  country,  which  Madoc  and  his 
people  inhabited." 

"  Carjuina  Meredith  fdii  Rhesi  mentionem  facicn 
lia  de  Madoco  filio  Oweni  Gwynnedd  et  de  sua  na- 
vigatione  in  terras  incognitas.  Vixit  bic  Meredith  cir- 
citer  annum  Domini,  1477. 

Madoc  vvyf,  niwyedic  wedd 
lawn  genau,  Owen  Gwynedd, 
Ni  fynwm  dir,  fy  enaid  oedd 
Na  da  mawr,  ond  y  inoroedd. 

These  verses  I  leceived  of  my  learned  friend,  M. 
William  Camden. 

THE  SAME  IN  ENGLISH. 

"  Madoc  I  am  the  son  of  Owen  Gwynnedd, 
Willi  stature  larirc  and  comely  grace  adorned. 
No  lands  at  home,  nor  store  of  wealth  me  please, 
My  mind  was  whole  to  searcli  the  Ocean  seas. 

In  this  extract  from  llakluyt  is  contained  all  the 
original  information  which  I  have  been  able  to  find  re- 
specting the  supposed  discovery  of  America  by  the 
Welch.  The  account  itself  is  confused  and  contra- 
dictory. The  country  discovered  by  Madoc  is  said 
to  be  "  without  inhabitants  ;  and  yet  the  people  whom 
he  carried  thither  "  followed  the  manners  of  the  land, 
and  used  the  language  they  found  there.''  Though 
the  Welch  emigrants  lost  their  language,  yet  the  au- 
thor attempts  to  prove  the  truth  of  his  story  by  the 
preservation  of  several  Welch  words  in  the  American 
tongues.  Among  these  he  is  unfortunate  in  the  choice 
of  "  pCTioiti'n  a  bird  with  a  ichilc  head  all  birds  of 
that  name  on  the  American  shores  having  black  or 
dark  brown  heads,  and  the  name  penguin  is  said  to 
have  been  originally  pmducginc,  from  their  excessive 
fatness. 

Among  the  proofs  which  some  late  writers  have  ad- 
duced in  support  of  the  discovery  cf  Anievira  by  Ma- 
doc is  this,  that  a  language  resembling  the  Welch  was 
spoken  by  a  tribe  of  Indians  in  North  Carolina,  and 
that  it  is  still  used  by  a  nation  situate  on  some  of  the 
western  waters  of  the  Mississippi.  If  that  part  of  the 
account  preserved  by  Hakluyt  be  true,  that  the  lan- 
guage was  lost,  it  is  in  vain  to  offer  an  argument  of 
this  kind  in  support  of  the  truth  of  the  story  ;  but  a 
question  may  here  arise.  How  could  any  report  of  the 
loss  of  their  language  have  been  transmitted  to  Eu- 
rope at  so  early  a  period  ! 

An  attempt  has  lately  been  made  to  ascertain  the 
truth  of  this  piece  of  history  by  Dr.  John  W'illiams,  I 
have  not  seen  the  book  itself,  but  if  the  critical  review- 
ers may  be  credited,  no  new  facts  have  been  adduced. 
It  is  remarked  by  them,  that  "  if  Madoc  once  reached 
America,  it  is  difficult  to  explain  how  he  could  return 
home,  and  it  would  be  more  improbable  that  he  should 
arrive  in  America  a  second  time  ;  of  which  there  is  not 
the  slightest  evidence."  They  also  observe,  that  "if 
Madoc  sailed  westward  irom  Wales,  the  currents 
would  rather  have  carried  him  to  Nova  Scotia  than  to 
ihe  southward." 

The  mentioning  of  Nova  Scotia  reminds  me  of  some 
words  in  the  native  language  of  that  country  which 
begin  with  two  syllables  resembling  the  name  of  Ma- 
doc.   A  sachem  of  the  Penobscot  tribe  who  lived  in 

•  Jn  the  seconil  eiiition,  the  WDrd  '  Mexico'  is  cli.mged  tor 
'  tl-o  Wcil  ludics  ,'  iiiU  ihc  two  followiiis  [laraijrupUii  are 


the  end  of  the  last  and  in  the  beginning  of  the  pres- 
ent century  bore  the  name  of  Mmlokauando.  A  vil- 
lage on  I'enobscot  river  was  Madaicaiikce.  One 
braiu  li  of  the  river  St.  John,  which  runs  into  the  bay 
of  Fuiida  is  McJvclach,  and  another  is  Meducsccncca- 
tis.  'J'he  advocates  of  this  o|)inioii  may  avail  them- 
selves as  far  as  they  can  of  tiiis  coincidence,  but  in 
my  a|)prehension  it  is  too  precarious  to  be  the  basis 
of  any  just  conclusion. 

Alter  all  that  has  been,  or  can  be  said  on  the  sub- 
ject, we  must  observe  with  thecritical  reviewers,  that  if 
"  Madoc  lell  Wales  and  discovered  any  other  country 
it  must  always  remain  uncertain  where  that  country 
is."  Dr.  Robertson  thinks,  if  he  made  any  discovery 
at  all  it  might  be  Madeira,  or  one  of  the  Azores. 

The  book  of  Hakluyt,  in  which  the  original  story  is 
preserved,  was  written  in  the  reign  of  Queen  Eliza- 
beth, and  in  the  time  of  her  controversy  with  Spain, 
'i'he  design  of  his  bringing  forward  the  voyage  of  Ma- 
doc appears,  from  what  he  says  of  Columbus,  lo  have 
been,  the  asserting  of  a  discovery  prior  to  his,  and  con- 
sequently the  right  of  the  Crown  of  England  to  the 
sovereignly  of  America  ;  a  point  at  that  time  warmly 
contested  between  the  two  nations.  The  remarks 
which  till-  same  author  makeson  several  other  voyages, 
evidently  tend  to  the  establisliment  of  that  claim. 
But  if  the  story  of  Biron  be  true,  which  (though  Hak- 
luyt has  said  nothing  of  it)  is  better  authenticated  than 
this  of  Madoc,  the  right  of  the  Crown  of  Denmark,  is 
on  the  principle  of  prior  discovery,  superior  to  either 
of  them. 

Perhaps  the  whole  mystery  may  be  unveiled,  if  we 
advert  to  this  one  circumstance,  the  lime  when  Hak- 
luyt s  book  was  lirst  published,  national  prejudice  might 
prevail  even  with  so  hoi. est  a  writer,  to  convert  a 
Welch  fable  into  a  political  argument,  to  support, 
against  a  powerful  rival,  the  claim  of  his  sovereign  to 
the  dominion  cf  this  continent. 

Z  E  N  O  . 

Zeno — His  rank  and  birth — He  sails  on  a  voyage  of  discovery 
— Is  overtaken  liy  i  lenipest — Arrives  at  Fri.-iiand — Difficul- 
ties wilh  ilie  natives — Deu;li  of  i\icOio  ileiio — His  brother  An- 
tonio lakes  the  command. 

It  is  well  known  that  the  Venetians  were  reckon- 
ed among  the  most  expert  and  adventurous  of  the 
maritime  nations.  In  liiat  republic  the  faniily  ef 
Zeno  or  Zeni  is  not  only  very  ancient,  and  of  high 
rank,  but  cfdebrated  for  illustrious  achievements. 
Nicolo  Zeno  having  exhibited  great  valor  in  a  war 
wi'.h  the  Genoese,  conceived  an  ardent  desire,  agree- 
ably lo  the  genius  of  his  nation,  lo  travel  ;  that  he 
might,  by  his  acquaintance  with  foreign  nations  and 
languages,  render  himself  more  illustrious  and  use- 
ful. With  this  view  he  equipped  a  vessel  at  his  own 
expense,  and  sailed  through  tlie  straits  of  Gil>raltar  to 
the  northward,  A.  D  1380,  with  an  intention  to  visit 
Britain  and  Flanders ;  but  by  a  storm  which  lasted 
many  days,  he  was  cast  away  on  the  coast  of  Fris- 
land. 

The  prince  of  the  country,  Zichmni  (or  as  Purchas 
spells  it,  Zichmui),  finding  Zeno  an  expert  seaman, 
gave  him  the  command  of  his  fleet,  consisting  of  thir- 
teen vessels,  of  w  hich  two  only  were  rowed  with  oars  : 
one  was  a  ship,  and  the  rest  were  small  barks. 
Wilh  this  fleet  he  made  conquest  anil  depredations 
in  Eedovo  and  Iloso,  and  other  small  islands  ;  several 
barks  laden  wilh  fish  being  a  part  of  his  capture. 

Nicolo  wrote  to  his  brother  Antonio  Zeno  at  Venice, 
inviting  him  to  Frisland,  whither  he  went ;  and  being 
taken  into  the  service  of  Zichmni,  continued  with  him 
fourteen  years.  The  fleet  sailed  on  an  expedition  to 
Estland,  where  they  committed  great  ravages  ;  but 
hearing  that  the  King  of  Norway  was  coining  against 
them  with  a  sujierior  fleet,  they  departed,  and  were 
driven  by  a  storm  on  shoals,  where  part  of  the  fleet  was 
wrecked,  and  the  rest  were  saved  on  Grisland,  '■  a 
great  island,  but  not  inhabited. 

Zichmni  then  determined  to  attack  Iceland,  which 
belonged  to  the  King  of  Norway  ;  but  finding  it  well 
fortified  and  i!«iended,  and  his  fleet  being  diminished, 
he  retired  and  built  a  fort  in  Bress,  one  of  seven 
small  islands,  where  he  left  Nicolo  and  returned  to 
P'risland. 

In  the  next  spring  Zeno,  with  three  small  barks, 
sailed  to  the  northward  on  discovery,  and  arrived  at 
Engroenland, — where  he  found  a  monastery  of  Fri- 
ars, and  a  church  deilicated  to  St.  Thomas,  situate 
near  a  volcano,  and  heated  by  warm  springs  flowing 
from  the  mountain. 

After  the  death  of  Nicolo,  which  happened  in 
about  four  years,  Atitonio  succeeded  hiiii  iii  the  cuui- 


mand  of  the  fleet  ;  and  the  prince  Zichmni,  aiming  at 
the  sovereignly  of  the  sea,  undertook  an  exoedition 
westward,  because  that  some  fishermen  had  dis'coverej 
rich  and  |)opulous  islands  in  that  quarter. 

The  report  of  the  fishermen  was,  that  above  a 
thousand  miles  westward  from  Frisland,  to  which 
distance  they  had  been  driven  by  a  tempest,  there  was 
an  island  called  Estotrland,  w  hich  they  had  discovered 
twenty-six  years  before  ;  that  six  men  in  one  boat 
were  driven  upon  the  island,  and  being  taken  by  the 
inhabitants  were  brought  into  a  fair  and  populous 
city  ;  that  the  king  of  that  place  sent  for  many  iiiter- 
pretrrs,  but  none  was  found  who  could  under.sland 
the  language  of  the  fishermen,  except  one  who  coulj 
speak  Eatin,  and  he  had  formerly  been  cast  ashore 
on  the  island  ;  that  on  his  reporting  their  case  to  the 
king,  he  detained  them  five  years,  in  whwU  time  they 
learned  the  language  ;  that  one  of  them  visited  divers 
parts  of  the  island,  and  reported  that  it  was  a  very 
rich  country,  abounding  with  all  the  commodities  ol 
the  world  ;  that  it  was  less  than  Iceland,  but  far  more 
fruitful,  having  in  the  middle  a  very  high  mounlain, 
from  which  originated  lour  rivers. 

The  inhabitants  were  described  as  very  ingenious, 
having  all  mechanic  arts.  They  had  a  pecuhar  kind 
of  language  and  letters  ;  and  in  the  king's  library 
were  preserved  Latin  books,  w  hich  Ihey  did  not  under- 
stand. They  liad  all  kinds  of  inetals  (but  especially 
gold,  wilh  which  they  mightily  abounded.)  They 
held  traflic  with  the  people  of  Engroenland,  from 
whence  they  brought  fiirs,  pitch,  and  brimstone.  'I'hey 
had  many  great  forests,  which  supplieil  them  with 
timber  fi)r  the  building  of  ships,  houses,  and  fortifica- 
tions. The  use  of  the  loadstone  was  not  known  , 
but  these  fishermen,  having  the  mariners'  compass, 
were  held  in  so  high  estimation,  that  the  kiii^  sent 
them  wilh  twelve  barks  to  a  country  al  the  southward 
called  Drogio,  where  the  most  of  ihem  were  killed  and 
devoured  by  cannibals  ;  but  one  of  them  saved  himself 
by  showing  the  savages  a  way  of  taking  fish  by  nelH, 
in  much  greater  plenty  than  by  any  other  mode  before 
known  among  them.  This  fisherman  was  in  so  great 
demand  with  the  princes  of  the  country,  that  they  fre- 
quently made  war  on  each  other  fiir  the  sake  of  gain- 
ing him.  In  this  manner  he  passed  from  one  to  iih- 
other,  till  in  the  space  of  thirteen  years  he  had  lived 
with  twenty-five  difl'ereiit  princes,  low  hom  he  com- 
municated his  "  miraculous''  art  of  fishing  w  ith  ij-."  -j. 

He  thus  became  acquainted  wilh  every  part  of  Ihe 
country,  which  he  described  to  be  so  extensive  as  lo 
merit  the  name  of  a  iieu-  ivorUl.  The  people  were  rude 
and  ignorant  of  the  use  of  clothing,  though  their  cli- 
mate was  cold,  and  aflordi'd  beasts  fi>r  the  cha.se.  In 
I  '.heir  hunting  and  wars  they  used  the  bow  and  the 
lance  ;  but  they  knew  not  Ihe  use  of  melal. 

Farther  to  the  southwest  the  air  was  said  to  be 
more  temperate  and  the  people  more  civil.  They 
dwelt  in  cities,  built  temples,  and  worshipjied  idols,  to 
whom  they  oii'ered  human  victims ;  and  they  had 
plenty  of  gold  and  silver. 

The  fisherman  havi.ig  become  fully  acquaintei/ 
with  the  country,  niedilaled  a  return.  Having  fled 
through  the  woods  lo  Drogio,  after  three  years  some 
boats  arrived  from  Estotiland,  in  one  of  which  he  em- 
barked for  that  country  ;  and  liaving  acquired  con- 
siderable property,  he  filled  out  a  baik  of  his  own  and 
returned  lo  Frisland. 

Such  was  the  report  of  the  fisherman  ;  upon  hear- 
ing of  which  Zichmni  resolved  to  eciuip  his  fleet  anil 
go  in  search  of  Ihe  new  country  ;  Antonio  Zeno  being 
the  second  in  command.  But  "the  |)reparalion  for 
the  voyage  to  Estotiland  was  begun  in  an  evil  iiour  : 
the  fisherman,  who  was  to  have  been  the  pilot,  died 
three  days  befi)re  their  departure." 

However,  taking  certain  mariners  who  had  sailed 
with  the  fisherman,  Zichmni.  began  Ihe  intended 
voyage.  When  he  had  sailed  a  small  distance  to  the 
westward,  he  was  overtaken  by  a  storm  which  lasted 
eight  days,  at  the  end  of  which  they  discovered  land, 
which  the  natives  called  Icaria.  They  were  nunter-- 
ous  and  formidable  and  w  ould  not  permit  him  lo  como 
on  shore.  From  this  place  they  sailed  six  davsto  the 
westward  wilh  a  fair  wind  ;  but  a  heavy  gale  from 
the  southward  drove  them  four  days  before  it,  when 
they  discovered  land,  in  which  was  a  volcano.  The 
air  was  mild  and  temperate,  it  being  the  height  oi 
summer.  They  took  a  great  quantity  of  fish,  of  sea 
fowl  and  their  eggs.  A  j)arl  who  |)enelraled  the 
country  as  far  as  tlie  foot  of  ihe  volcano,  found  as|>ring 
from  which  issued  "  a  certain  water,  like  i)ilch, 
which  ran  into  the  sea."  They  discovered  some  o( 
the  inhabilaiils,  who  were  of  small  otatiixe  aud  v-iiii;, 


4 


AMERICAN  HISTORy. 


AiiJ  who,  at  Ihc  approach  of  ihe  strangers,  hid  tbem- 
selves  in  llicir  cavrs.  Havin"^  found  a  good  liarbour, 
Zichtnni  intended  to  make  a  selllcnienl ;  but  his  people 
opposing  it,  he  dismissed  part  uf  the  fleet  under 
Zeno,  who  returned  to  Frisland. 

Tlie  particulars  of  tins  narr%live  were  first  written 
by  Antonio  Zcno  in  iiis  letters  to  his  brother  Carlo,  at 
Venice  ;  from  some  fragments  of  which  a  compilation 
was  made  by  Francisco  Maicolini,  and  preserved  by 
Kamusio.  It  was  translated  by  Richard  Hackluyt,  and 
primed  in  the  third  volume  of  the  second  edition  of  his 
eollei-tion,  page  121,  «Sic.  From  it  Ortelius  has  made 
au  extriKtin  his  Thcatrum  Orbis. 

Dr.  Forsler  has  taken  much  pains  to  examine  the 
whole  account,  both  geographically  and  historically. 
The  result  of  his  inquiry  is,  that  Frisland  is  one  of  the 
Orkneys  ;  that  Porland  is  the  cluster  of  islands  called 
Faro,  and  tnai  Lstlaiid  is  Shetland. 

At  first,  indeed,  he  was  of  opinion  that  "  the  coun- 
tries, described  by  the  Zenos  actually  existed  at  that 
time,  but  had  since  been  swallowed  up  by  the  sea  in  a 
great  earthquake."  'I'his  ojiinion  he  founded  on  the 
probability  that  all  the  high  islands  in  the  middle  of  the 
sea  are  of  volcanic  origin  ;  as  is  evident  wuh  respect 
to  Iceland  and  the  Faro  islands  in  the  North  Sea  ;  the 
Azores,  Teneriffe,  Madeira,  the  Cape  de  Verds,  St.  He- 
lena and  Ascension  in  the  Atlantic  ;  the  Society  Islands, 
OtaheKe,  Easter,  the  Marquesas  and  other  islands  in 
the  Pacific.  This  opinion  he  was  induced  to  relinquish, 
partly  liccause  "  so  great  a  revolution  must  have  left 
behind  it  some  historical  vestiges  or  traditions  ;"  but 
principally  because  his  knowledge  of  the  Runic  lan- 
guage suggested  to  him  a  resemblance  between  the 
names  mentioned  by  Zeno  and  those  which  arc  given 
to  some  of  the  islands  of  Orkney,  Shetland  and  the 
Hebrides. 

However  presumptuous  it  may  appear  to  call  in 
question  the  opinion  of  so  learned  and  diligent  an 
.nquirer,  on  a  subject  which  his  philological  and  geo- 
gra|)hical  knowledge  must  enable  liim  to  examine  with 
the  greatest  precision  ;  yet  from  ihc  search  which  I 
have  had  opportunity  to  make,  it  appears  probable 
lo  me  that  his  first  opinion  was  right,  as  far  as  it 
respects  Frisland,  and  perhaps  Porland.  My  reasons 
are  these: 

1.  Dr.  Forsier  says  that  Frisland  was  much  larger 
than  Iceland  ;  and  Hakluyt  in  his  account  of  Zeno's 
voyage,  speaks  of  it  as  "  bigger  than  Ireland."  Nei- 
ther of  these  accounts  can  agree  with  the  supposition 
of  its  being  one  of  the  Orkneys  ;  for  Iceland  is  310 
miles  long,  and  200  wide.  Ireland  is  310  in  length, 
and  184  in  breadth  ;  But  Pomona,  the  mainland  of  the 
Oikneys,  is  but  22  miles  long,  and  20  wide. 

2.  Frisland  was  seen  by  Martin  Frobisher  in  each  of 
his  three  voyages  to  and  from  Greenland  in  the  years 
157(),  1577  ami  1578.  In  his  first  voyage  he  took  his 
departure  from  Foula,  the  westernmost  of  the  Shetland 
Islands,  ill  latitude  CO'  30',  and  after  sailing  \V.  by 
N.  fourteen  days,  he  made  the  land  of  Frisland, 
"bearing  W.  N.  W.  distance  16  leagues,  in  latitude 
61"."  In  his  second  voyage  he  sailed  from  the  Ork- 
neys W.  N.  W.  Iwcnty-six  days,  before  he  came 
"  within  making  of  Frisland  ;"  which  he  thus  do- 
Bcnbes  :  — 

"July  4th.  We  made  land  perfect,  and  knew  it  to 
be  F'risland.  Found  ourselves  in  lat.  60  and  a  half 
deg.  and  were  fallen  in  with  the  soutlieriimost  part  of 
this  land.  It  is  thought  to  be  m  bigness  not  inferior  to 
England  ;  and  is  called  of  some  au'hors  West  Frisland. 
Ithnik  it  lietli  more  west  lhanjiny  part  of  Europe.  It  ex- 
teiideih  to  the  north  very  far,, is  seemed  to  us,  and  ap- 
peareih  by  a  description  setouftiy  two  brethren,  Nicolo 
and  Antonio  Zeui  ;  who  being  driven  out  from  Ireland 
about  200  years  since,  were  ship-wrecked  there.  They 
have  in  their  sea  charts  described  every  part  ;  and  for 
•o  much  of  the  land  as  wc  have  sailed  along,  compar- 
ing their  charts  with  the  coast,  we  find  it  very  agreeable. 
All  along  this  coast  the  ice  lieth  as  a  continual  bulwark, 
and  so  defendeth  the  country  that  those  who  would 
land  there  incur  great  danger."  In  his  third  voyage  he 
tonnd  means  to  land  on  the  island.  'I'he  inhabitants 
tied  and  bid  themselves.  Their  tents  were  made  of 
•Kins,  and  ihcir  boats  were  like  those  of  Greenland. 
From  theHC  well  authenticated  accuunt.s  of  Frisland, 
•nd  Its  situation  so  far  westward  of  the  Orkneys  and 
Shetland,  it  seems  impossible  that  Dr.  Forster's  second 
opinion  can  be  right. 

3  One  of  the  reasons  which  led  the  doctor  to  give 
Dp  his  first  o|>lnioii,  that  tl:cse  lands  once  existed,  but 
bod  di*ap|>oared,  was,  that  so  great  a  revolution  mn?4t 
tuive  left  some  vestige  behind.  If  no  person  esca|M'd 
10  tell  the  news,  what  better  vcaligc  can  ihcro  be, 


than  the  existence  of  shoals  or  rocks  in  the  places 
where  these  islands  once  were  known  to  be  1  In  a  ina| 
prefixed  to  Craiitz's  history  of  Greenland,  there  is 
marked  a  very  extensive  shoal  between  the  latitudes  of 
69"  and  60*>,  called  "The  sunken  land  of  Buss."  Its 
longitude  is  between  Iceland  and  Greenland,  and  the 
author  speaks  of  it  in  these  words  : — "  Some  are  of 
opinion  that  Frisland  was  sunk  by  an  earthquake,  and 
that  it  was  situate  in  thooe  parts  where  the  sunken  land 
of  Buss  is  marked  in  the  maps  ;  which  the  seamen 
cautiously  avoid,  because  of  the  shallow  ground  and 
turbulent  waves." 

Respecting  Buss  Island,  I  have  met  with  no  other 
account  than  what  is  preserved  by  Purchas  in  his 
abridgment  of  the  journal  of  James  Hall's  voyages 
from  Denmark  to  Greenland.  In  his  first  voyage, 
A.  D.  1605,  he  remarks  thus:  "  Being  in  the  latitude 
of  59  and  a  half  degrees,  we  looked  to  have  seen  Buss 
Island  ;  but  I  do  verily  suppose  the  s^me  to  be  placed 
in  a  wrong  latitude  in  the  marine  charts."  In  his  se- 
cond voyage  (1606)  he  saw  land,  which  he  "  supposed 
to  be  Buss  Island,  lying  more  to  the  westward  than 
it  is  placed  in  the  marine  charts  ;"  and  the  next  day, 
viz.  July  2d,  he  writes,  "  We  were  in  a  great  currrcnt 
setting  S.  S.  W.,  which  I  suppose  to  set  between 
Buss  Island  and  Frisland  over  toward  America." 

In  a  fourth  voyage,  made  in  1612,  by  the  same 
James  Hall,  from  England,  for  the  discovery  of  a  north- 
west passage,  of  which  there  is  a  journal  written  by 
John  Gataiibe,  and  preserved  in  ChurcbiU's  Collections, 
they  kept  a  good  look  out,  both  in  going  and  returning, 
for  the  island  of  Frisland,  but  could  not  see  it.  In  a 
inip  prefixed  to  this  voyage,  Frisland  is  laid  down  be- 
tween the  latitude  of  61'*  ai.d  62",  and  Buss  in  the  lati- 
tude of  51'^.  Ill  Gralonbe's  journal  the  distance  be- 
tween Shetland  and  Frisland  is  computed  to  be  260 
leagues ;  the  southernmost  part  of  Frisland  and  the 
northernmost  part  of  Shetland  are  said  to  be  in  the 
same  latitude.  There  is  also  a  particular  map  of  P'ris- 
land  preserved  by  Purchas,  in  which  are  delineated  se- 
veral towns  and  cities  ;  the  two  islands  of  Iloso  and 
licdovo  are  laid  down  to  the  westward  of  it,  and  ano- 
ther called  Stromio  to  the  eastward. 

Ill  a  map  of  the  North  Seas,  prefixed  to  an  anony- 
mous account  of  Greenland,  in  Churchill's  Collections, 
we  find  Frisland  laid  down  in  the  latitude  62®  between 
Iceland  and  Greenland. 

We  have,  then,  no  reason  to  doubt  the  existence  of 
these  islands  as  late  as  the  beginning  of  the  last  century. 
At  what  lime  they  disappeared  is  uncertain  ;  but  that 
their  place  has  since  been  occupied  by  a  shoal,  we  have 
also  credible  testimony. 

The  appearance  and  disappearance  of  islands  in  the 
Northern  Sea  is  no  uncommon  thing.  Besides  former 
events  of  this  kind,  there  is  one  very  recent.  In  the 
year  1783,  by  means  of  a  volcanic  eruption,  two  islands 
were  produced  in  the  sea  near  the  S.  E.  coast  of  Ice- 
land. One  was  supposed  to  be  so  permanent  thai  the 
king  of  Denmark  sent  and  took  formal  possession  of  it 
as  [lart  of  his  dominions  ;  but  the  ocean,  paying  no  re- 
gard to  the  territorial  claim  of  a  mortal  sovereign,  has 
since  reabsorbed  it  in  his  watery  bosom. 

These  reasons  incline  me  to  believe  that  Dr.  Fors- 
ter's first  opinion  was  well  founded,  as  far  as  it  respects 
Frisland. 

He  supposes  Porland  to  be  the  cluster  of  i.-'lands 
called  Faro.  But  Porland  is  said  to  lie  south  of  Fris- 
land ;  whereas  the  Faro  Islands  lie  norlhwest  of  Ork- 
ney, which  he  supposes  to  be  Frisland.  The  learned 
doctor,  who  is  generally  very  accurate,  was  not  aware 
of  this  inconsistency. 

In  the  account  which  Hakluyt  has  given  of  Martin 
Frobisher's  third  voyage,  we  find  that  one  of  his  ships, 
the  Buss  of  Bridgewater,  in  her  return  fell  in  with  land 
fifty  leagues  S.  E.  of  Frisland,  "  which  (it  is  said)  was 
never  found  before," — the  southernmost  part  of  which 
lav  in  lat.  57  and  a  half  deg.  Along  the  coast  of  lhi» 
island,  which  they  judged  to  extend  twenty-five  leagues, 
they  sailed  for  three  days.  The  existence  of  tins  land 
Dr.  Forstcr  seems  to  doubt ;  but  yet  allows  '.hat  "  if 
it  was  then  really  discovered  it  must  have  sunk  after- 
wards into  the  sea,  as  it  lus  never  been  seen  again ;  or 
else  these  navigators  must  have  been  mistaken  in  their 
reckoning." 

If  such  an  island  or  cluster  of  islands  did  not  exist 
in  the  situation  described  by  Frobisher,  it  might  be  the 
Porland  of  Zeno;  for  the  soulhirnmost  part  of  Fris- 
land lay  in  the  latitude  of  60  and  a  half  deg.  -,  the 
southeriimodt  part  of  this  land  m  57  and  a  half  deg. 
in  a  direction  S.  K.  from  it.  It  was  probably  called 
Buss  by  the  Engliuli,  from  the  name  of  Frubishcr's 
vessel  which  discovered  it. 


The  only  proof  which  can  now  be  produced  of  th.t 
fact  must  be  the  actual  existence  of  rocks  and  shoal* 
in  or  near  the  same  place.  Of  this,  it  is  happily  in  mv 
power  to  produce  the  evidence  of  two  ex|ierienced 
shipmasters,  of  incontestible  veracity,  now  living.  The 
first  is  Isaac  Smith  of  Maiden  near  lioslon,  from  whose 
log-book  I  have  made  the  following  extract :  "  In  a 
voyage  from  Petersburg  to  Boston,  in  the  ship  Tho- 
mas and  Sarah,  belonging  to  Thomas  Russell,  Esq.  ol 
Boston,  merchant,  Thursday,  August  U,  1785.  course 
W.  N.  W.— wind  W.  S.  W.  At  4  A.  M.  discovered 
a  large  rock  ahead,  which  for  some  time  we  took  to  be 
a  ship  under  close-reefed  topsail.  At  7,  being  witl  in 
two  miles,  saw  breakers  under  our  lee,  on  which  ac- 
count wore  ship.  There  are  bieakers  in  two  places, 
bearing  S.  E.  ;  one  a  mile,  the  other  two  miles  from  (he 
rock.  It  lies  in  lat.  57"  38",  longitude  West  from  Lon- 
don 13"  36',  and  may  be  discovered  five  leagues  olF. 
We  sounded  and  had  fifty-six  fathom.  The  rock  ap- 
pears to  be  about  one  hundred  yards  in  circumference, 
and  fifty  feet  above  water.  It  makes  like  a  hay-stack 
black  below  and  white  on  the  top."  The  other  is  Na- 
thaniel Goodwin  of  Boston,  who,  in  his  homeward  pas- 
sage from  Amsterdam,  on  the  15th  of  August,  1793, 
saw  the  same  rock.  According  to  his  observation 
(which  however  on  that  day  was  a  little  dubious)  it  lies 
in  lat.  57"  48',  and  Ion.  13"  46'.  He  pas.^ed  within 
two  miles  of  it  to  the  southward,  and  saw  breaker.*  to 
the  northward  of  it.  Its  appearance  he  describes  in  the 
same  manner  with  .Smith. 

From  these  authorities  I  am  strongly  inclined  to 
believe  that  the  shoal  denominated  "  the  sunken  land 
of  Buss,"' is  either  a  part  of  the  ancient  Frisland  ot  of 
some  island  in  its  neighborhood  ;  and  that  the  rock  and 
ledges  Seen  by  Smith  and  Goodwin  belonged  to  the 
cluster  once  called  Porland.  If  these  conclusions  be 
admitted,  there  can  be  no  suspicion  of  fiction  in  the 
story  of  Zeno,  as  far  as  it  respects  Prince  Zichmni  and 
his  expeditions.  Shetland  may  then  well  eiiougn  agree 
with  Estland,  which  is  described  by  Hakluyt  as  laying 
"  between  Frisland  and  Norway." 

The  only  place  which  in  Zeno's  relation  is  called  by 
the  same  name,  by  which  it  is  now  known,  is  Iceland  ; 
though  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  Engroenland,  or 
Engroveland  is  the  same  with  Greenland  ;  where, 
according  to  Crantz,  there  was  once  a  church  dedicated 
to  St.  Thomas,  and  situate  near  a  volcano  and  a  iiot 
spring. 

But  the  question  is,  where  shall  we  find  Estotiland  ? 
Dr.  Forster  is  positive  that  "  it  cannot  be  any  oihei 
country  than  Winland  (discovered  in  1001),  where  the 
Normans  made  a  settlement.  The  Latin  books  seen 
there  by  the  fisherman,  he  supposes  to  have  been  the 
library  of  Eric,  Bishop  of  Greenland,  who  went  thither 
in  the  twelfth  century  to  convert  his  countrymen.  He 
is  also  of  opinion  that  this  fisherman  had  the  use  of  the 
magnetic  needle,  which  began  to  be  known  in  Europe 
about  the  year  1302  before  the  time  of  the  Zenos.  Ho 
also  thinks  that  the  country  called  Drogio  is  the  same 
with  Florida. 

In  some  of  the  old  maps,  particularly  in  Sanson's 
French  Atlas,  the  name  Estotiland  is  marked  on  the 
country  of  Labrador ;  but  the  pompous  description  of 
it  by  the  fisherman,  whether  it  be  Labrador  or  New- 
foundland, exceeds  all  the  bounds  uf  credibility,  and 
abuses  even  the  license  of  a  traveller.  The  utmost  ex- 
tent of  Zichmni's  expedition,  in  consequence  of  the 
fisherman's  re|>ort,  could  not  be  any  further  westward 
than  tireenland.  to  which  his  description  well  agrees. 
The  original  inhabitants  were  short  of  stature,  half 
wild,  and  lived  in  caverns  ;  and  between  the  years  1380 
and  1384  they  had  extirpated  the  Normans  and  the 
monks  of  St.  Thomas. 

The  discovery  of  Estotiland  must  therefore  rest  on 
the  report  of  the  fislierinan  ;  but  the  description  of  it, 
of  Drogio,  and  the  country  southwest  of  Drogio  must 
be  ranked  in  the  fabulous  history  of  America,  and 
would  probably  have  been  long  since  forgotten  i( 
(Jhrstopher  Columbus  had  not  made  his  grand  dis- 
covery ;  from  the  merit  of  which,  his  rivals  and  the 
ememies  of  the  Spanish  nation  have  uniformly  endea 
voured  to  detract. 

CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS 

CHlisTorEK  CoLeMDi's— rcisoiis  for  sri-khii;  Inilia  in  tb4 
wisl — Ills  first  voyage— Ills  second  Toyagc — His  third  voy- 
age—  His  fourth  ToyA;;c — Oitliculiies,  privaiioiis,  and  Ihs 
Iiar<l9lii|)9  he  undcrweiil— He  la  wrecked  on  Jamaica — His 
death  and  cliaracter. 

The  adventures,  which  have  already  been  spoken  of, 
were  more  the  result  of  accident  than  design  ;  we 
are  now  entering  on  one  founded  m  science  and  t  oa 


B  I  O  O  R  A  P  II I  E  S  OF  THE  EARLY  DISCOVERERS,. 


6 


durleil  by  judgment ;  an  adventure  which,  whether 
we  regard  ils  conception,  its  execution,  or  its  conse- 
quences, will  always  reflect  the  liighest  honour  on 
him  who  projected  it. 

About  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century,  when  the 
Portuguese  under  the  conduct  of  Prince  Henry,  and 
afterward  of  King  John  II.,  were  pursuing  their  dis- 
coveries along  the  western  shore  of  Africa,  to  find  a 
passage  by  the  south  to  India, — a  genius  arose,  whose 
■lemory  has  been  preserved  with  veneration  in  the 
pages  of  history,  as  the  instrument  of  enlarging  the 
regions  of  scicence  and  commerce  beyond  any  of  his 
predecessors.  Christopher  Columbus,  a  native  of 
the  republic  of  Genoa,  was  born  in  the  year  1447,  and 
at  the  age  of  fourteen  entered  on  a  seafaring  life,  as 
the  proper  sphere  in  which  his  vigorous  mind  was  des- 
tined to  perform  exploits  which  should  astonish  man- 
kind. He  was  educated  in  the  sciences  of  geometry 
and  astronomy,  which  form  the  basis  of  navigation  ; 
and  he  was  well  versed  in  cosmography,  history  and 
philosophy.  His  active  and  enterprising  genius, 
though  it  enabled  him  to  comprehend  the  old  systems, 
yet  would  not  suffer  him  to  rest  in  their  decisions, 
however  sanctified  by  time  or  by  venerable  names  ; 
but  determined  to  examine  them  by  actual  experiment, 
he  first  visited  the  seas  within  the  polar  circle,  and 
afterwards  those  parts  of  Africa  which  the  Portu- 
guese had  discovered,  as  far  as  the  coast  of  Guinea  ; 
and  by  the  time  he  had  attained  the  age  of  thirty-sev- 
en, he  had  from  his  own  experience  received  the  ful- 
lest conviction  that  the  opinion  of  the  ancients  respect- 
ing the  torrid  and  frigid  zones  was  void  of  any  just 
foundation. 

When  an  old  system  is  found  erroneous  in  one 
point,  it  is  natural  to  suspect  it  of  farther  imperfec- 
tions ;  and  when  one  difficulty  is  overcome,  others  ap- 
pear less  formidable.  Such  was  the  case  with  Co- 
lumbus ;  and  his  views  were  accelerated  by  an  inci- 
dent which  threatened  to  put  an  end  to  his  life.  Dur- 
ing one  of  his  voyages,  the  ship  in  which  he  sailed 
took  fire,  in  an  engagement  with  a  Venetian  galley, 
and  the  crew  were  obliged  to  leap  into  the  sea  to 
avoid  perishing  in  the  flames.  In  this  extremity  Co- 
lumbus, by  the  help  of  a  floating  oar,  swam  upwards 
of  two  leagues  to  the  coast  of  Portugal  near  Lisbon, 
and  met  with  a  welcome  reception  from  many  of  his 
countrymen  who  were  settled  there. 

At  Lisbon  he  married  the  daughter  of  Perestrello, 
Bn  old  seaman,  who  had  been  concerned  in  the  dis- 
covery of  Porto  Santo  and  Madeira  ;  from  whose  jour- 
nals and  charts  he  received  the  highest  entertainment. 
Pursuing  his  inquiries  in  geography,  and  observing 
what  slow  progress  the  Portuguese  made  in  their  at- 
tempts to  find  a  way  round  Africa  to  India,  "  he  be- 
gan to  reflect  that  as  the  Portuguese  travelled  so  far 
southward,  it  were  no  less  proper  to  sail  westward," 
ami  that  it  was  reasonable  to  expect  to  find  the  desir- 
ed land  in  that  direction. 

It  must  here  be  remembered  that  India  was  in  part 
known  to  the  ancients,  and  that  its  rich  «ind  useful 
productions  had  for  many  centuries  been  conveyed  into 
Europe,  either  by  caravans  through  the  deserts  of 
Syria  and  Arabia,  or  by  the  way  of  the  Red  Sea, 
through  Egypt  into  the  Mediterranean.  This  lu- 
crative commerce  had  been  successively  engrossed  by 
the  Phenecians,  the  Hebrews,  the  Egyptians,  the  As- 
syrians, the  Pahnyrenes,  the  Arabians,  the  Genoese, 
and  the  Venetians.  The  Portuguese  were  then  seek- 
ing it  by  attempting  the  circumnavigation  of  Africa; 
and  their  expectation  of  finding  it  in  that  direction 
was  grounded  on  ancient  historical  traditions  that  a 
Voyage  had  been  formerly  made  by  the  orders  of  Ne- 
cho  King  of  Egypt,  from  the  Red  Sea,  round  the 
southern  part  of  Africa,  to  the  straits  of  Hercules  ;  and 
that  the  same  route  had  been  traversed  by  Hanno  the 
Carthaginian,  by  Eudoxus  the  Egyptian,  and  others. 
The  Portuguese  had  consumed  about  half  a  century 
m  making  various  attempts,  and  had  advanced  no  far- 
ther on  the  western  coast  of  Africa,  than  just  to  cross 
the  equator,  when  Columbus  conceived  his  great  de- 
sign of  finding  India  in  the  west. 

The  causes  which  led  him  to  entertain  this  idea  are 
distinguished  by  his  son,  the  writer  of  his  life,  into 
these  three  ;  "  natural  reason,  the  authority  of  writeris, 
and  the  testimony  of  sailors." 

By  the  help  of  "  reason,"  he  argued  in  this  man- 
ner :  That  the  earth  and  sea  composed  one  globe  or 
sphere.  This  was  known  by  observing  the  shadow  of 
the  earth  in  lunar  eclipses.  Hence  he  concluded  that 
it  njiglit  be  travelled  over  from  east  to  west,  or  from 
west  to  east.  It  had  been  explored  to  the  east  by 
«ome  European  travellers  as  far  as  Cipango,  or  Jap- 


an ;  and  as  far  westward  as  the  Azores  or  Western 
Islands.  The  remaining  space,  though  now  known 
to  be  more  than  half,  he  supposed  to  be  but  one  third 
part  of  the  circmnference  of  the  globe.  If  this  space 
were  nn  open  sea,  he  imagined  ii  might  be  easily  sail- 
ed over;  and  if  there  were  any  land  extending  cast- 
vvardly  beyond  the  known  limits  of  Asia,  he  supposed 
that  it  must  bd  nearer  to  Spain  by  the  west,  than  by 
the  east.  For,  it  was  then  a  received  opinion  that  the 
continent  and  islands  of  India  extended  over  one  third 
part  of  the  circumference  of  the  globe  ;  that  another 
third  part  was  compreliended  between  India  and  the 
western  shore  of  Spain  ;  therefore  it  was  concluded, 
that  the  eastern  part  of  India  must  be  as  near  to  Spain 
as  the  western  part.  This  opinion  though  now  known 
to  he  erroneous,  yet  being  then  admitted  as  true,  made 
it  appear  to  Columbus  very  easy  and  practicable  to 
discover  India  in  the  west.  He  hoped  also  that  be- 
tween Spain  and  India,  in  that  direction,  there  might 
be  found  some  islands  ;  by  the  help  of  which,  as  rest- 
ing places  in  his  voyage,  he  might  the  better  pursue 
his  main  design.  The  probability  of  the  existence  of 
land  in  that  Ocean,  he  argued,  partly  from  the  opinion 
of  philosophers,  that  there  was  more  land  than  sea  on 
the  surface  of  the  globe  ;  and  partly  from  the  necessi- 
ty of  a  counterpoise  in  the  west,  for  the  immense 
quantity  of  land  which  was  known  to  be  in  the  east. 

Another  source,  from  which  he  drew  his  conclu- 
sion,was,  "  the  authority  of  learned  men,  '  who  had 
affirmed  the  possibility  of  sailing  from  the  western 
coast  of  Spain,  to  the  eastern  bounds  of  India.  Some 
of  the  ancient  Geographers  had  admitted  this  for  truth, 
and  one  of  them,  Pliny,  had  afTirmed  that  forty  days 
were  sufficient  to  perform  this  navigation.  These 
authorities  fell  in  with  the  theory  which  Columbus 
had  formed  ;  and  having,  as  early  as  1474,  communi- 
cated his  ideas  in  writing  to  Paul,  a  learned  physician 
of  Florence,  he  received  from  him  letters  of  that  dale, 
confirming  his  opinion  and  encouraging  his  design  ; 
accompanied  with  a  chart,  in  wlf^ch  Paul  had  laid 
down  the  city  of  Quisay  (supposed  to  be  the  capital 
of  China)  but  little  more  than  two  thousand  leagues 
westward  from  Lisbon,  which  in  fact  is  but  half  the 
distance.  Thus,  by  arguing  from  true  principles,  and 
by  indulging  conjectures  partly  well  founded  and  part- 
ly erroneous,  Columbus  was  led  to  the  execution  of  a 
plan,  bold  in  its  conception,  and,  to  his  view,  easily 
practicable  ;  for  great  minds  overlook  intermediate  ob- 
stacles, which  men  of  smaller  views  magnify  into  in- 
superable difficulties. 

The  third  ground  on  which  he  formed  his  ideas  was 
'•  the  testimony  of  mariners  ;"  a  class  of  men  who  at 
that  time,  and  in  that  imperfect  state  of  science,  were 
too  prone  to  mix  fable  with  fact ;  and  were  often  mis- 
led by  appearances,  which  they  could  not  solve.  In 
the  sea,  between  Madeira  and  the  Western  islands, 
pieces  of  carved  wood  and  large  joints  of  cane  had 
been  discovered,  which  were  supposed  to  be  brought 
by  westerly  winds.  Branches  of  pine  trees,  a  covered 
canoe,  and  two  human  bodies  of  a  complexion  differ- 
ent from  the  Europeans  and  Africans  had  been  found 
on  the  shores  of  these  islands.  Some  navigators  had 
affirmed,  that  they  had  seen  islands  not  more  than  a 
hundred  leagues  westward  from  the  Azores.  There 
was  a  tradition,  that  when  Spain  was  conquered  by  the 
Moors  in  the  eighth  century,  seven  Bishops,  who  were 
exiled  from  their  country,  had  built  seven  cities  and 
churches,  on  an  island  called  Antilla  ;  which  was  sup- 
posed to  be  not  more  than  two  hundred  leagues  west 
of  the  Canaries  ;  and  it  was  said  that  a  Portuguese 
ship  had  once  discovered  this  island,  but  could  never 
find  it  again.  These  stories,  partly  true  and  partly 
fabulouf:,  had  their  effect  on  the  mind  of  Columbus. 
He  believed  that  islands  were  to  be  found,  westward 
of  the  Azores  and  Canaries  ;  though  according  to  his 
theory,  they  were  at  a  greater  distance  than  any  of 
his  contemporaries  had  imagined.  His  candor  led 
him  to  adopt  an  opinion  from  Pliny  respecting  float- 
ing islands,  by  the  help  of  which  he  accounted  for  the 
appearances  related  to  him,  by  his  marine  brethren. 
It  is  not  improbable  that  the  large  islands  of  floating 
ice,  driven  from  the  Polar  Seas  to  the  southward  ;  or 
the  Fog  Banks,,  which  form  many  singular  appearan- 
ces resembling  land  and  trees,  might  have  been  the 
true  foundation  of  this  opinion  and  of  these  reports.* 

It  is  not  pretended  that  Columbus  was  the  only  per- 
son of  his  age  who  had  acquired  these  ideas  of  the 
form,  dimensions  and  balancing  of  the  globe  ;  but  he 
was  one  of  the  few  who  had  begun  to  think  for  them- 

*  The  following  account  of  a  curious  deceplion,  extracted 
from  ttie  Geiitlenian's  Magazine,  may  eluciJate  the  above  ob- 
servalioim 


selves,  and  he  had  a  genius  of  that  kind,  which  oiakes 
use  of  speculation  and  reasoning  only  as  excitements 
to  action.  He  was  not  a  closet  projector,  but  an 
enterprising  adventurer  ;  and  having  established  hi<» 
theory  on  principles,  he  was  determined  to  exert  him 
self  to  the  utmost  to  demonstrate  ils  truth  by  eX[iori- 
nient.  But  deeming  the  enterprise  too  great  to  be  under- 
taken by  any  but  a  sovereign  stale,  he  first  applied  (as 
it  is  said)  to  the  Republic  of  Genoa,  by  whom  his  pro- 
ject was  treated  as  visionary.*  He  then  pro|iosoj 
his  plan  to  John  II.  King  of  Portugal,  who,  though  a 
Prince  of  good  understanding  and  of  an  enterprisiRg 
disposition,  yet  was  so  deeply  engaged  in  prosecuting 
discoveries  on  the  African  coast,  with  a  view  to  find 
a  way  to  India  round  that  continent ;  and  had  beOQ 
at  so  vast  an  expense  without  any  considerable  suc- 
cess, that  he  had  no  inclination  to  accept  the  lerma 
which  Columbus  proposed.  Influenceil  however  by 
the  advice  of  Calzadilia,  a  favourite  courtier,  he  pri- 
vately gave  orders  to  a  ship,  bound  to  the  islands  of 
Capede  Verd,  to  attempt  a  discovery  in  the  west;  but 
through  ignorance  and  want  of  enterprise,  the  navi- 
gators, after  wandering  for  some  time  in  the  ocean 
and  making  no  discovery,  reached  theirdestined  port 
and  turned  the  project  of  Columbus  into  ridicule. 

Disgusted  with  this  base  arifice,  he  quitted  Portu- 
gal, and  went  to  Ferilinand,  King  of  Spain,  having 
previously  sent  his  brother  to  England  to  solicit  the 
patronage  of  Henry  VII.  But  being  taken  by  pirates, 
and  detained  several  years  in  captivity,  Bartholomew 
had  it  not  in  bis  power  to  reveal  his  project  to  Henry, 
till  Christopher  Columbus  had  succeeded  in  Spam. 
Before  this  could  be  accomplished,  he  had  various 
obstacles  to  surmount  ;  and  it  was  not  till  after  seven 
years  of  painful  solicitation  that  he  obtained  his  re- 
quest. 

The  objections  made  to  the  proposal  of  ColumbuR, 
by  the  most  learned  men  in  .''pain,  to  whom  the  con- 
sideration of  it  was  referred,  will  give  us  some  idea  of 
the  state  of  geographical  science  at  that  time.  One 
objection  was.  How  should  he  know  more  than  all  the 
wise  and  skilful  sailors  who  had  existed  since  the  cre- 
ation ]  Another  was  the  authority  of  Seneca,  who 
had  doubled  whether  it  were  possible  to  navigate  tbo 
ocean  at  any  great  distance  from  the  sh  .re;  but  ad- 
milling  that  it  were  navigable,  they  imagined,  that 
three  years  would  be  required  to  perforin  the 
voyage,  which  Columbus  proposed.  A  third  was, 
that  if  a  ship  should  sail  westward  on  a  round 
globe,  she  would  necessarily  go  down,  on  the  op[x>- 
sile  side,  and  then  it  would  be  impossible  to  return, 
because  it  would  be  like  climbing  up  a  hill,  which 
no  ship  could  do  with  the  strongest  wind.  A  fourtli 
objection  was  grounded  on  a  book  of  St.  Auguslinc, 
in  which  he  bad  expressed  his  doubt  of  the  existence 
of  antipodes  and  the  possibility  of  going  from  one 

"  March  4,  \HS — 9,  at  two  in  the  afternoon,  made  land, 
wliicti  bore  N.  E.  seven  leagues  distance  by  estimation  •  at  tivo 
laclied,  being  about  three  leagues  fruni  said  iaiaiid,  wind  E.  S 
E.  lat.  by  observation  4M  deg.  40  inin.  ;  Ion.  21  deg.  30  inin., 
from  the  Lizard.  This  island  stretches  N.  W.  and  S.  E.  aljout 
5  leagues  long,  and  9  miles  wide.  On  the  south  side  line  val- 
leys and  a  great  number  of  birds. 

March  5,  said  island  bore  N.  three  leagues.  N.  W.  a  reef  of 
rocks  three  miles.  Thin  day  a  ship's  mast  came  along  side. 
On  the  south  point  of  »aid  island  is  a  small  marshy  island." 

"  A  copy  of  my  journal  on  board  the  snow  St.  Faul,  of  Lon- 
don, bound  from  South  Carolina  to  London. 

William  Otton,  Commander." 

P.S.  Captain  Otlon  (houglii  he  saw  a  tent  on  the  island, 
and  would  have  gone  aihore,  but  had  unfortunately  stove  his 
boat  some  time  belbre." 

"  Commodore  Kodni.y  is  commissioned  to  go  in  quest  of  an 
island,  which,  according  to  the  report  of  a  masterof  a  ship,  and 
some  others,  on  examination  betbre  llie  lords  of  the  Admiral- 
ty, lies  about  50"  N.  and  about  300  leagues  west  of  England. 
Capt.  Murdock  Macki^nzic,  an  excellent  mathematician,  and 
author  of  the  sea  charts  of  the  Orkney  and  Lewis  island.",  al 
lends  hirn  in  ihe  Culkden  sloop,  to  bring  back  an  account  of 
what  discoveries  he  may  make.  As  this  island  lies  out  of  the 
track  of  the  trade  to  America,  it  is  supmiseil  to  have  lieen  mu- 
sed by  navig.itor.s  to  our  colonies,  though  marked  in  boiua 
Dutch  maps.  If  the  Commodore  discovers  it,  he  is  to  take  yarn- 
session  of  it  by  the  ni.nie  of  Rodney's  inland." 

"  Friday,  April  10,  UiJ,  Commoilore  Kodney  nrrived  at 
Woolwiih  ;  he  h.-id  leen  cruising  ten  days  in  quest  ol  an  iiland, 
and  the  men  at  the  top  mast-head  were  more  than  once  dec«l» 
ed  with  what  the  sailors  call  fog-banks.  About  the  tith  or  Till 
day  the  crew  observed  branches  of  trsee  with  their  leaveii  on, 
and  llighls  of  gulls,  and  pieces  of  shipwreck,  which  arc  geii*- 
rally  regarded  as  certain  signs  of  an  aujaceni  shore,  but  could 
not  discover  any."  GenL  Mag.  for  nil,  p.  ;  for  17o".',  p. 
S3,  IS9. 

JJ.  B.  The  island,  marked  in  the  Dutch  maps,  could  not  have 
been  mistaken  for  this  imaginary  island,  t>eing  but  a  single 
rook,  it  is  the  same  that  is  described  in  the  life  of  Zeno.  I'age 
Si. 

*  This  is  said  on  the  authority  of  Herrera,  the  royal  Spanish 
historian  ;Kerdinando  Columbus,  in  the  lite  of  Ids  father,  aayi 
nothing  of  it ;  but  represents  his  application  to  the  king  of  Per- 
tiigal  as  the  lirsi,  and  gives  this  reason  fur  ll,  "  beotusc  ii«  lit- 
cd  under  him." 


6 


AMERICAN  HISTORY. 


hcmisphore  to  the  other.  As  the  wriling  of  this 
Hjiy  Father  was  received  the  sanclion  of  the  church 
to  contradict  him  was  deemed  heresy. 

For  siirh  rea.soiis,  and  bv  such  leasoners,  the  pro- 
posal of  Columbus  vxas  at  (list  rejected  ;  but  by  the  in- 
fluence of  John  Perez,  a  Spanish  priest,  and  Lewis 
Santangel,  an  ofiicer  of  the  King's  household.  Queen 
Isabella  was  persuaded  to  listen  to  his  solicitation, 
and  after  he  had  been  twice  repulsed,  to  recall  him  to 
Court ;  when  she  olTercd  to  pawn  her  jewels  to  defray 
the  expense  of  the  equipment,  amounting  to  no  more 
than  2300  crowns  ;  which  sum  was  advanced  by  Sant- 
iitigel,  and  the  Queen's  jewelry  was  saved.  Thus,  to 
the  generous  decision  of  a  female  mind,  we  owe  the 
discovery  of  America. 

The  condition  stipulated  between  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella  on  the  one  part,  and  Columbus  on  the  other 
part,  were  these  :  "  That  he,  his  heirs  and  successors, 
should  hold  the  office  of  Admiral  in  all  those  islands 
and  conlmenls  which  he  should  discover ;  that  he 
should  be  Viceroy  and  Governor  of  the  same,  with 
power  of  nominating  three  associates,  of  whom  their 
majesties  should  appoint  one.  That  he  should  have  one 
tenth  part  of  the  nctt  proceeds  of  all  the  gold  and  sil- 
ver, precious  stones,  spice  and  other  merchandize 
which  should  be  found  ;  that  he,  or  a  deputy  of  his  own 
appointing,  should  decide  all  controversies  respecting 
the  trade  ;  that  he  shoulii  be  at  one  eighth  part  of  the 
expense  of  equipping  the  first  fleet,  and  should  receive 
one  eighth  part  of  the  profits  " 

The  necessary  preparations  being  made,  and  a  year's 
provision  laid  in,  on  the  3d  of  August,  1492,  Columbus 
sailed  from  Palos,  a  port  of  Spain,  on  the  Mediterran- 
ean, with  three  vessels,  oae  of  which  was  called  a  car- 
rack,  and  the  other  two  caravels,*  having  on  board  the 
whole,  ninety  men.  Having  passed  through  the  straits 
of  Giberalter,  he  arrived  at  the  Canaries,  on  the  12th 
of  the  same  month,  where  he  was  detained  in  refitting 
one  of  the  caravels,  and  taking  in  wood  and  water,  till 
the  6tli  of  September,  when  he  sailed  westward  on  his 
voyage  of  discovery. 

This  voyage,  which  is  now  considered  as  an  easy  and 
pleasant  run,  be'ween  the  latitudes  of  20  and  30  de- 
grees, with  a  trade  wind,  was  then  the  boldest  attempt 
which  had  ever  been  made,  and  filled  the  minds  of  the 
best  seamen  with  apprehension.  They  were  going  di- 
rectly from  home,  and  from  all  hope  of  relief,  if  any  ac- 
cident should  befall  them.  No  friendly  port  nor  human 
being  was  known  to  bo  in  that  direction.  Every  bird 
which  flew  in  the  air,  every  fish  which  appeared  in  the 
sea,  and  every  weed  which  floated  on  its  surface,  was 
regarded  with  the  most  minute  attention,  as  if  the  fate 
of  the  voyage  depended  on  it.  A  phenomenon  which 
had  never  before  been  observed  struck  them  with  terror. 
The  magnetic  needle  appeared  to  vary  from  the  pole. 
They  began  to  a|)prehend  that  their  compass  would 
prove  an  unfaithful  guide  ;  and  the  trade  wind  which 
wafted  them  along  with  its  friendly  wings,  they  feared 
would  obstruct  their  return. 

To  be  twenty  days  at  sea,  without  sight  of  land,  was 
what  the  boldest  mariner  had  never  before  attempted. 
At  the  expiration  of  that  time,  the  impatient  sailors  be- 
gan to  talk  of  throwing  their  commander  into  the  ocean, 
and  returning  home.  Their  murmurs  reached  1  is  ears  , 
but  his  active  mind  was  never  at  a  loss  for  expedient 
even  in  the  greatest  extremity.  By  soothing,  flatierv, 
and  artifice,  by  inventing  reasons  for  ever-  uiiCOu.n  .| 
appearance,  by  promising  rewanl  to  the  ob^i'itnt,  ant"  a 
gratuity  to  hiin  who  should  first  discover  lane,  in  a'H.t.'on 
to  what  the  king  hid  ordered  ;  and  by  decei"  ng  then. 
the  ship's  reckoning,  he  kept  them  on  their  couise  for  s'\ 
teen  days  longer.  In  the  Mii;ht  of  the  1  itp  cf  G>.ioLoi, 
he  himself  saw  a  light,  which  seemed  to  be  on  si  ori . 
and  on  the  morning  of  the  Vitli,  they  had  the  joylul 
sight  of  land,  which  proved  to  .>e  the  island  o.'  Guoina- 
hana,  one  of  the  cluster  called  liahamas,  in  th^  Soth 
degree  of  north  latitude. 

Thus  in  the  space  ef  ihirtysix  days,  and  in  the  45th 
year  of  his  age,  Columbus  completed  a  voyage  which 
ne  bad  spent  twenty  years  in  projecting  and  execr.ting; 
■  voyage  winch  opened  to  the  Euro()eaiis  a  new  world  ; 
which  gave  a  new  turn  to  their  thoughts,  to  their  spirit 
of  enterprisQ  and  of  commerce  ;  winch  enlarged  the 
empire  of  Spain,  and  stamped  with  iinmorlalily  the 
name  of  Columbus. 

After  Rpeniling  several  months  in  sailing  from  one 
ialand  to  another  in  that  vast  archipelago,  which,  from 
the  iiii8tai(i  »of  the  age  received  the  name  of  the  West  In- 
dies. Columbus  returned  to  Spain  with  the  two  smaller 
vrsscis  (the  larger  having  been  wreck  on  the  island  ol 
*  A  ciuruck  waa  a  vcuol  wUli  a  tlvck,  u  ciuarul  liail  iiuiia 


Ilispaniola),  leaving  behind  him  a  colony  of  thirty-nine 
men,  furnished  with  a  year's  provision,  and  lodged  in  a 
fort  which  have  been  built  of  the  limber  saved  from  the 
wreck.  During  his  (lassage,  he  met  with  a  violent  tem- 
pest which  threatened  him  with  destruction.  In  this 
extremity  he  gave  an  admirable  proof  of  his  calmness 
and  foresight.  He  wrote  on  parchment  an  account  of 
his  discoveries,  wrapt  it  in  a  piece  of  oil  cloth,  and  in- 
closed it  in  a  cake  of  wax,  which  he  put  into  a  tight 
cask  and  threw  into  the  sea.  Another  parchment,  se- 
cured in  the  same  manner,  he  placed  on  the  stern,  that 
if  the  ship  should  sink,  the  cask  might  float,  and  possi- 
bly one  or  the  other  might  be  driven  on  shore,  or  taken  up 
at  sea  by  some  future  navigator.  But  this  precaution 
proved  fruitless.  He  arrived  safe  in  Sj)ain,  in  March, 
1493,  and  was  received  with  the  honors  due  to  his  merit. 

The  account  which  Columbus  gave  of  his  new  dis- 
coveries, the  specimens  of  gold  and  other  valuable  pro- 
ductions, and  the  sight  of  the  natives  which  he  cairied 
from  the  West  Indies  to  Spain,  were  so  pleasing  that 
the  court  determined  on  another  expedition.  But  first 
it  was  necessary  to  obtain  the  sanction  of  the  Pope, 
who  readily  granted  it  ;  and  by  an  imaginary  line, 
drawn  from  pole  to  |)ole,  at  the  distance  of  one  hundred 
leagues  westward  of  the  Azores,  he  divided  between 
the  crowns  of  Spain  and  Portugal,  all  the  new  countries 
already  discovered  or  to  be  discovered ;  giving  the 
western  part  to  the  former,  and  the  eastern  to  the  latter. 
No  provision  however  was  made,  in  case  that  they 
should  meet,  and  their  claims  should  interfere  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  globe.  The  bull  containing  this 
famous  but  imperfect  line  of  demarkation,  was  signed 
by  Alexander  VI.  on  the  second  day  of  May,  1493  ; 
and  on  the  28th  of  the  same  month,  the  King  and 
Queen  of  Spain,  by  a  written  instrument,  explained  and 
confirmed  the  privileges  and  powers  which  they  had  be- 
fore granted  to  Columbus,  making  the  office  of  Vice- 
roy and  Governor  of  the  Indies  hereditary  in  his  fami- 
ly. On  the  25th  September  following  he  sailed  from 
Cadiz,  with  a  fleet  of  seventeen  ships,  great  and  small, 
well  furnished  with  all  necessaries  for  the  voyage  ;  and 
having  on  board  1500  peo|)le,  witu  horses,  cattle,  and 
implements  to  establish  plantations. 

On  Sunc'ay,  the  third  of  November,  he  discovered  an 
island,  to  which  in  honor  of  the  day,  he  gave  the  name 
of  Dominica.  Afterward  he  discovered  in  succession 
other  islands,  which  be  called  Marigalantc.  Guadaloupe, 
Montserrat,  Hedoiida,  Antigua,  St.  Martin's  St.  Ursu- 
la, and  St.  John  On  the  12th  of  November  he  came 
to  Psavidad,  on  the  north  aide  of  Hispaniola,  where  he 
'had  built  li.s  fort,  and  left  his  colony  ;  but  he  had  the 
i  niortificatioi:  vo  find  that  the  poopic  were  all  dead,  and 
that  the  fort  had  been  destroyed. 

The  account  given  by  the  natives  of  the  loss  of  the 
ti-.iory,  was,  that  they  fell  into  discord  among  them- 
1  .<cives,  on  the  usual  subjects  of  controversy,  women 
I  and  gold  ,  'l.at  having  provoked  a  chief,  whose  name 
I  was  Canautio,  he  ca  ne  against  them  with  a  superior 
force,  and  deslroyec  thein  ;  that  some  of  the  natives, 
in  attempting  to  defend  them,  had  been  kil'td,  and 
"ihers  were  then  ill  of  their  wounds  .  which,  o.n  in- 
.spection,  appeared  to  have  been  made  wiUi  Indian 
,  w.  apons. 

1     Columhus  prudently  forbore  to  make  any  crilicai  m- 
■  quirv  into  ti.e  matter;  but  hasted  to  establish  anolner 
i  c  dony  111  a  m.>ie  el.giblc  situi-t'on,  to  the  nastwatd  , 
I  which  he  cahed  Isabella  af'.'.r  his  royal  patroness  He 
liaa  n.anv  diflicu!tits  to  contend  witii.  les  des  tho.'-e 
wh'cn  unavoidablv  a'.te.^'l  undertakings  of  such  novel 
I  tv  and  magniluue.    Naturj  indeed  was  i'ountiful ;  '.he 
soi'  ant;  t'lmate  produced  vogelaMon  wiih  a  rai-."iii;v  t; 
I  which  the  Spaniards  had  not  been  accustome.l  Fi'.m 
'  wheat  sown  at  the  end  of  January,  foil  ears  wi!:e  ga- 
thered at  the  end  of  March.    The  stones  of  Iruit,  the 
sLps  of  vines,  and  the  joints  of  sugar  cane  s;.-ciKed  iii 
seven  days,  and  many  other  seeds  iii  half  the  time. 
This  was  an  encouraging  prospect ;  but  ti.t  slow  ope- 
rations of  agriculture  did  not  meet  the  views  of  san- 
gu  no  adventurers.    Tlio  numerous  followers  of  Co- 
lonibiis,  some  of  whom  were  of  the  best  families  in 
Spa.n,  had  coiiciived  hopes  of  suddenly  enriching 
themselves,  by  the  precious  metals  of  those  new  re- 
gions ;  and  were  not  disposed  to  listen  to  his  recom- 
mendations of  patience  and  industry  in  cultivating  the 
earth.  The  natives  were  displeased  with  the  licentious- 
ness of  their  new  neighbours  ;  who  endeavored  to  keep 
them  in  awe  by  a  display  of  force.    The  explosion  of 
fire  arms,  and  the  sight  of  men  mounted  on  horses, 
were  at  first  objects  of  terror  ;  but  use  had  rendered 
them  less  formidable.    Columbus,  overburdened  with 
care  and  fatigue,  fell  sick,  and  at  his  recovery,  found  a 


mutiny  among  his  men  ;  which  by  a  due  mixture  of  ro- 
solution  and  lenity,  he  had  the  address  to  quell.  H« 
then  endeavoured  to  establish  disci|)line  among  liis  own 
|i<  ople,  and  to  employ  the  natives  in  cutting  roads 
through  the  woods.  N\'hilst  he  was  present,  and  able 
to  attend  to  business,  things  went  on  so  prosperously 
that  he  thought  he  might  safely  proceed  on  his  discove- 
ries. 

In  his  former  voyage  he  had  visited  Cuba  ;  but  waa 
uncertain  whether  it  were  an  island  or  a  part  of  some 
continent.  He  therefore  passed  over  to  its  eastern  ex- 
tremity ;  and  coasted  its  southward  side,  till  he  found 
himself  entangled  among  a  vast  number  of  small 
islands,  which  for  their  beauty  and  fertility  he  called 
the  Garden  of  the  Queen  ;  but  the  dangerous  rocks 
and  shoals  which  surrounded  them,  obliged  hiin  to 
stretch  farther  to  the  southward  ;  by  which  means  he 
discovered  the  island  of  Jamaica,  where  he  found  wa- 
ter and  other  refreshments  for  his  men,  who  were  al- 
most dead  with  famine.  The  hazards,  fatigue,  and  dis- 
tress of  this  voyage,  threw  him  into  a  lethargic  disorder, 
from  which  he  had  just  recovered,  when  he  returned  to 
his  colony  and  found  it  all  in  confusion,  from  the  sam« 
causes  which  had  proved  destructive  lo  the  first. 

In  his  absence,  the  licentiousness  of  the  Spaniards 
had  provoked  several  of  the  chiefs  :  four  of  whom  had 
united  to  destroy  them,  and  had  actually  commenced 
hostilities,  in  which  twenty  Spaniards  were  killed. 
Columbus  collected  his  people,  put  them  into  the  best 
order,  and  by  a  judicious  combination  of  force  and 
stratagem  gained  a  decisive  victory,  to  which  the  horses 
and  dogs  did  not  a  little  contribute. 

At  his  return  to  Hispaniola,  he  had  the  pleasure  of 
meeting  his  brother  Bartholomew,  whom  he  had  not 
seen  for  several  years,  and  whom  he  supposed  to  havo 
been  dead.  Bartholomew  was  a  man  of  equal  knowledge, 
experience,  bravery  and  prudence  with  himself.  His 
patience  had  endured  a  severe  trial  in  their  long  sepa- 
ration. He  had  many  obstacles  lo  surmount  before  he 
could  get  to  England  and  obtain  access  to  the  king. 
He  was  at  Paris  when  he  heard  of  the  success  of  his 
brother's  first  enterprise  ;  who  had  gone  on  the  second 
before  Bartholomew  could  get  to  Spain.  On  his  arrival 
there,  and  being  introduced  to  the  court,  he  was  ap- 
pointed to  the  command  of  three  ships,  which  wei,^ 
destined  to  convey  supplies  lo  ihe  colony  ;  and  he  ar- 
rived whilst  Cristopher  was  absent  on  his  vovage  to 
Cuba  and  Jamaica.  Columbus  appointed  his  brother 
lo  command  at  Isabella,  whilst  he  went  into  the  inte- 
rior part  of  ihe  island  to  perfect  his  conquest,  and  re- 
duce the  natives  to  subjection  and  tribute. 

The  Indians  were  so  unused  to  collect  gold  dust  in 
such  quantities  as  their  conquerors  demanded  it.  that 
they  ofl'ered  to  plant  the  immense  plains  of  Hispaniola, 
and  pay  an  equivalent  in  corn.  Columbus  was  struck  wiih 
the  magnanimity  of  the  proposal  ;  and  in  consequence 
moderated  the  tribute.  This  did  not  satisfy  the  avarice 
of  his  fellow  adventurers,  who  found  means  lo  complain 
of  him  to  the  king's  ministers,  for  his  negligence  in  ac- 
quiring the  only  co.ninodity,  which  they  thought  de- 
served the  name  of  riches.  The  Indians  then  desisted 
from  planting  their  usual  quantity  of  corn,  and  attemp- 
ted to  subsist  chiefly  on  animal  food.  This  experiment 
proved  injurious  lo  themselves  as  well  as  their  conque- 
r-j.'s ",  and  it  was  computed,  that  within  four  years,  from 
'.he  discovery  of  the  island,  one  third  part  of  its  inha- 
bitat  Is  perished. 

The  complaint  against  Columbus  so  wrought  on 
the  jealous  mind  of  King  Ferdinand,  that  John  Agua 
do,  .vho  was  sent  in  1495,  with  supplies  to  the  colony, 
had  orders  to  act  as  a  spy  on  his  conduct.  This  man 
behaved  with  so  little  discretion,  as  lo  seek  mattsr  of 
accusation,  and  give  out  threats  against  the  .\diniral. 
At  die  same  time,  the  ships  which  be  commanded  being 
dtslroycd  by  a  hurricane,  he  had  no  means  left  lo  re- 
turn ;  till  Columlius,  knowing  that  he  had  enemies  at 
home  and  nothing  to  support  himself  but  his  own  me- 
rit, resolved  to  go  to  Spain  with  two  caravels,  himsett 
in  one  and  Af  uado  in  the  other.  Having  appointed 
proper  persons  lo  command  the  several  forts  ;  Ins  bro- 
ther Bartholomew  to  superintend  the  whole,  and  his 
brother  James  to  be  next  in  authoriiy  ;  he  set  sail  on 
the  tenth  of  March,  149C,  and  after  a  perilous  and  'e- 
dious  voyage  in  the  iropical  latitudes,  arrived  al  Cadix 
on  the  1 1th  of  June. 

His  presence  at  Court,  with  the  gold  and  other  val- 
uable articles  which  he  carried  home,  removed,  in 
some  measure,  the  prejudices  which  had  been  excited 
against  him.  But  his  enemies,  though  silent,  wero 
not  idle  ;  and  in  a  court  where  phh'gm  and  languor 
proved  a  clu>;  to  Ibc  spirit  of  enterprise,  they  found  it 


BIOGRAPHIES  OF  THE  EARLY  DISCOVERERS. 


7 


not  dilficult  to  obstruct  his  views  ;  which  notwithstanj- 
ing  all  (Jiscouragemetits,  were  still  pointed  to  the  dis- 
covery of  a  way  to  India  hy  the  vves-t. 

He  now  demanded  eight  ships,  to  carry  supplies  to 
his  colony,  and  six  to  go  on  discovery.  These  de- 
mands were  complied  with,  and  he  hegan  his  third 
»oyage  on  the  thirtieth  of  May,  1498.  He  kejit  a 
course  so  far  to  the  southward,  that  not  only  his  men, 
but  his  provisions  and  water  suH'ereil  greatly  from  ex- 
cessive heat.  The  first  land  he  made  after  leavitig 
(he  Isles  ot  <>ape  de  Verd,  was  a  large  island  which 
he  named  Trinidad,  from  its  appearance  in  the  form 
of  three  mountains.  He  then  passed  through  a  nar- 
row strait  and  whirlpool  into  the  gulf  of  Paria  ;  where 
observing  the -.  ide  to  be  rapid,  and  the  water  brackish, 
he  conjectured  that  the  land  on  the  western  and  south 
ern  sides  of  the  gulf  was  part  of  a  continent  ;  and 
that  the  fresh  water  proceeded  from  some  great  rivers. 

The  people  on  the  coast  of  I'aria  were  whiter  than 
those  of  the  islands.  They  had  about  their  necks 
plates  of  gold  and  strings  of  pearl ;  which  they  readily 
exchanged  for  pieces  of  tin  and  brass,  and  little  bells  ; 
anil  when  they  were  qucslione<!  whence  they  obtained 
the  "old  and  pearls,  they  pointed  to  the  west. 

The  AdmiraPs  provision  not  allowing  him  to  stay 
long  in  this  place  ;  he  passed  again  through  that  dan- 
gerous strait,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  the  Drag- 
ons Mouth  ;  and  having  satisfied  himself,  that  the 
land  on  his  left  was  a  continent,  he  ?teered  to  the  N. 
W.  ;  discovering  Margarita  and  several  other  islands 
in  his  course  ;  and  on  the  thirtieth  of  August  arrived 
at  ibe  harbour  of  St.  Domingo,  in  Hispani.>la ;  to 
which  place  bis  brother  had  removed  the  colony  in  his 
absence,  in  consequence  of  a  plan  preconcerted  be- 
tween them. 

Wearied  with  incessant  care  and  watching,  in  this 
danoerous  voyage,  he  ho|)ed  now  to  enjoy  repose  ;  in- 
stead of  which  he  found  his  colony  much  reduced  by 
deaths  ;  many  of  the  survivors  sick,  with  a  disease, 
tlie  peculiar  consequence  of  their  debauchery  ;  and  a 
large  number  of  them  in  actual  rebellion.  They  had 
formed  themselves  into  a  body  ;  they  had  gained  over 
many  of  the  Indians,  under  pretence  of  protecting 
them  ;  an  l  they  had  retired  to  a  distant  part  of  the  is- 
land,which  proved  a  resort  for  the  seditious  and  discon- 
tented. Their  commander  was  Francis  Roldan,  who 
had  been  Chief  .fustice  of  the  colony  ;  and  their  num- 
ber was  so  considerable,  that  Columbus  could  not 
command  a  force  sufficient  to  subdue  them.  He 
therefore  entered  into  a  negotiation,  by  ollering  a  par- 
don to  those  who  would  submit,  and  liberty  of  return- 
ing to  Spain  to  those  who  desired  it.  These  oli'ers, 
however  impolitic,  proved  successful.  Roldan  hiin- 
Belf  accepted  ihein,  and  persuaded  others  to  do  the 
same  ;  then,  being  restored  to  his  office,  he  tried  and 
condemned  the  refractory,  some  of  whom  were  put  to 
death. 

An  account  of  this  mutiny  was  sent  home  to  Spain 
by  Columbus  and  another  by  Roldan.  Each  had 
their  advocates  at  court,  and  the  cause  was  heard  by 
the  king  and  queen.  Roldan  and  his  men  were  ac- 
cused of  adultery,  perjury,  robbery,  murder,  and  dis- 
turbing the  peace  of  the  whole  island  ;  whilst  Colum- 
bus was  charged  with  cruelty  to  individuals,  aiming 
at  independence,  and  engrossing  the  tribute.  It  was 
insinuated,  that  not  being  a  native  of  Spain,  he  had 
no  proper  respect  for  the  noble  families,  who  liad  be- 
come adventurers  ;  and  that  the  debts  due  to  them 
could  not  be  recovered.  It  was  suggested,  that  if 
*ome  remedy  were  not  speedily  applied,  there  was 
danger  that  he  would  revolt,  and  join  with  some  other 
prince  ;  and  that  to  compass  this  design,  he  had  con- 
cealed the  real  wealth  of  the  colony,  and  prevented 
the  conversion  of  the  Indians  to  the  Catholic  faith. 

These  insinuations  prevailed  on  the  jealousy  of  Fer- 
dinand, and  even  staggered  the  constancy  of  Isabella. 
Tbcy  resolved  to  appoint  a  judge,  who  should  exam- 
ine facts  on  the  spot  :  and  if  he  should  find  the  Ad- 
mifttl  guilty,  to  supersede  him.  For  this  purpose  they 
sent  Francis  IJovadilla,  a  man  of  noble  rank,  but 
whose  poverty  alone  recommended  him  to  the  office. 
Furnished  with  these  powers,  he  arrived  at  St.  Do- 
mingo, when  Columbus  was  absent  ;  took  lodgings  in 
his  house  ;  invited  accusers  to  appear  against  him; 
seized  on  his  effects,  and  finally  sent  him  and  both  his 
brothers  to  Spain  in  three  diflerent  ships,  but  all  loaded 
vvilh  irons. 

The  r.iaster  of  the  ship  in  which  the  Admiral  sailed 
had  so  much  respect  for  him.  that,  when  he  had  got  to 
wa,  be  oii'ered  to  take  off  his  fetters  ;  but  Columbus 
nobly  declined,  that  he  would  jiermit  that  honor  to  be 
danu  to  liim  by  iior.o  but  his  sovereign.    In  this  hu- 


miliating confinement,  he  was  delivered  to  Foiiseca, 
Ui-bop  of  IJadajos,  who  had  been  the  chief  instigator 
of  all  these  rigorous  [jrocecdiiigs,  and  to  whom  had 
been  conmiitt<^d  the  ailairs  of  the  Indies. 

Not  content  with  robbing  Columbus  of  his  liberty, 
this  prejudiced  ecclesiastic  would  have  deprived  him 
of  his  well  earned  rejiutation  of  having  first  discovered 
the  new  continent.  With  the  accusations  which  Co- 
lumbus had  sent  home  against  Roldan,  he  had  trans- 
mitted an  account  of  the  discovery  of  the  coast  of  Pa- 
ria, which  he  justly  supposed  tobe  part  of  a  continent. 
Ojeda,  an  active  ollicer,  who  had  sailed  with  Columbus 
in  his  second  voyage,  was  at  Court  when  these  dis- 
patches arrived,  and  saw  the  draught  of  the  discove- 
ry, with  the  specimens  of  gold  and  pearls,  which  the 
Admiral  had  sent  home.  Being  a  favorite  of  Fonseca, 
he  easily  obtained  leave  to  pursue  the  discovery. — 
Some  merchants  of  Seville  were  prevailed  upon  to 
equip  four  ships  ;  with  w  hich,  in  1499,  Ojeda  follow- 
ed the  track  ofColumbus,  and  made  land  on  thecoast 
of  Paria.  Amerigo  Vespucci,  a  Florentine  merchant, 
well  skilled  in  geography  and  navigation,  accompani- 
ed Ojeda  in  this  voyage  ;  and  by  publishing  the  first 
book  and  chart,  describing  the  new  world  obtained  the 
honor  of  having  it  called  Ami:ric.\.  This  however  did 
not  happen  till  after  the  death  ofColumbus.  Several 
other  adventurers  followed  the  same  track,  and  all 
supposed  that  the  continent  which  they  had  seen,  was 
part  of  India. 

As  soon  as  it  was  known,  that  Columbus  was  ar- 
rived at  Cadiz,  Nov.  5,  1.^00,  in  the  disgraceful  situa- 
tion above  mentioned,  the  king  and  queen,  ashamed 
of  the  orders  Vihich  they  had  given,  commanded  him  to 
be  released,  and  invited  him  to  court,  w  here  they  apol- 
ogized for  the  misbehaviour  of  their  new  Governor, 
and  not  only  promised  to  recal  him,  but  to  restore  to 
the  Admiral  all  his  effects.  Columbus  could  not  for- 
get the  ignominy.  He  preserved  the  fetters,  hung 
them  up  in  his  apartment,  and  ordered  them  to  be  bu- 
ried ill  his  grave. 

Instead  of  reinstating  him  ill  his  government  ac- 
cording to  the  original  contract,  the  king  and  queen 
sent  Ovando,  to  Hispaniola,  to  supersede  liovadilla  ; 
and  only  indulged  Columbus  in  pursuing  his  darling 
project,  the  discovery  of  India  by  the  west,  which  he 
still  hoped  to  accomplish.  He  nailed  again  from  Ca- 
diz, on  t!:e  fourth  of  May,  !5('Ii  ;  with  four  vessels, 
canning  one  hundred  and  forty  men  and  boys  ;  of 
which  number  were  his  bronher  Bartholoraew  and  his 
son  Ferdinand,  the  writer  cf  his  life 

In  his  passage  to  the  Canl>bee  islands,  he  found  his 
largest  vessel,  of  seventy  tons,  unfit  for  service  ;  and 
therefore  went  to  St.  Domingo,  in  hope  of  exchang 
ing  it  for  a  better  ;  and  to  seek  shelter  from  a  storm 
which  he  saw  approaching.  To  his  infinite  surprise  , 
and  mortilicatioii,  Ovando  wculd  nit  admit  him  into 
the  port.  A  fleet  of  thirty  ships  was  then  ready  to 
sail  for  Spain,  on  board  of  which  Roldan  and  IJovadil- 
la  were  prisoners.  Columbus  informed  Ovando  of  the 
prognostics  which  he  had  observed,  which  Ovando 
disregarded,  and  the  fleet  sailed.  Columbus  then  laid 
three  of  his  vessels  under  the  lee  of  the  shore,  and, 
with  great  difficulty,  rode  out  the  tempest.  His  broth- 
er put  to  sea  ;  and  by  his  great  nrival  skill  saved  the 
ship  in  w  hich  he  sailed.  Of  the  fleet  bound  to  .''pain, 
eighteen  ships  were  lost,  and  in  them  perished  Roldan 
and  Bovadilla. 

The  enemie:;  of  Columb  js  fjave  out  that  he  had 
raised  the  storm  by  the  art  of  magic  ;  ai.d  such  was 
the  ignorance  of  the  age,  that  the  story  wiis  believed 
What  contributed  the  more  to  its  credit,  was,  that 
one  of  the  worst  ships  of  the  fleet,  on  board  of  which 
were  all  the  eiTects  which  had  been  saved  .''rom  the 
ruined  fortune  of  Colund)'is,  was  the  first  which 
arrived  in  Spain.  The  amount  of  these  efl'ccts  was 
•'  four  thousand  pesos  of  gold,  each  of  the  value  of 
eight  shillings."  The  remark  which  Fcdinaiido 
Columbus  makes  on  this  event,  so  destructive  to  the 
accusers  of  his  father,  is,  "  I  am  satisfied,  it  was  the 
hand  of  God,  who  was  pleased  to  infatuate  them  ; 
that  they  might  not  hearken  to  good  advice  ;  for  had 
they  arrived  in  Spain,  they  had  never  been  punished 
as  their  crimes  deserved,  but  rather  favored  and  pre- 
ferred as  being  the  Bishop's  friends. 

After  this  storm,  and  another  which  followed  it, 
Columbus  having  collected  his  little  squadron,  sailed 
on  discovery  toward  the  continent  ;  and,  steering  to 
the  southwest,  came  to  an  island  called  Guanania, 
twelve  leagues  from  the  coast  of  Honduras,  where  he 
met  with  a  large  covered  canoe,  having  on  board 
several  pieces  of  cotton  cloth  of  divers  colors,  which 
'  •  cl.ap.  S3 


tne  people  said  they  had  brought  from  the  westward. 
The  men  were  armed  with  swords  of  wood,  in  which 
sharp  flints  were  strongly  fixed.  Their  proviaioo 
was  maise  and  roots,  anil  they  used  the  berries  of  co 
coa  as  money.  When  the  Admiral  inijuircd  for  gold, 
they  ]iointcd  to  the  west,  and  w  hen  be  asked  tor  a 
strait  by  which  he  mij/lit  pass  through  the  land,  they 
pointed  to  the  east.  From  the  sjiecimens  of  colored 
cloth,  he  imagined,  that  they  had  come  from  liuli?. ;  and 
be  hoped  to  pass  thither,  by  the  strait  w  hich  they  do- 
scribed.  Pursuing  his  course  to  the  east  and  soutli, 
he  was  led  to  the  gulf  of  Darien  ;  and  visited  sevfrat 
harbors,  among  which  was  one  which  he  called  J'orto 
Bello  ;  but  he  found  no  passage  extending  thiough 
the  land.  He  then  returned  to  the  westwani,  and 
landed  on  the  coast  of  Veragua  ;  where  the  beauty 
and  fertility  of  the  country  invited  him  to  bigin  a 
plantation,  which  he  called  Belem  ;  but  the  natives, 
a  fierce  and  formidable  race,  deprived  him  of  the  ho- 
nor of  first  establishing  a  colony  on  the  tontinent,  by 
killing  some  of  his  people  and  obliging  him  to  retire 
with  the  others. 

At  sea,  he  met  with  tempestujus  weather  of  long 
continuance,  in  which  his  ships  were  so  shattered, 
that  with  the  utmost  difficulty  he  kept  them  above 
water,  till  he  ran  them  ashore  on  the  island  of  Jamai- 
ca. By  his  extraordinary  address,  he  procured  from 
the  natives  two  of  their  largest  canoes  ;  in  which  two 
of  his  most  faithful  friends,  Mendez  and  Fiesco,  ac- 
com])anied  by  simie  of  his  sailors  and  a  few  Indians 
embarked  for  Hispaniola.  Afler  encountering  tho 
greatest  difficulties  in  their  passage,  they  carried  tid- 
ings of  his  misfortune  to  Ovar.do,  and  solicited  his  aid. 
The  merciless  wretch  detained  them  eight  montha 
without  any  answer,  during  w  hich  time,  Columbus  suf- 
fered the  severest  harships  from  the  discontent  of  his 
company,  and  a  want  of  provisions.  By  the  hospita- 
lity of  the  natives,  he  at  first  received  such  supplies, 
as  they  were  able  to  spare  ;  but  the  long  continuance 
of  these  guests  had  diminished  their  store,  and  the 
in.'iolence  of  the  mutineers  gave  a  check  of  their  friend- 
ship. In  this  extremity,  the  fertile  invention  of  Co- 
lumbus suggested  an  expedient  which  proved  suc- 
cessful. He  knew  that  a  total  ecli|)se  of  the  moon 
was  at  hand,  w  hich  w  ould  be  visible  in  the  evening. 
On  the  preceding  day,  he  sent  for  the  principal  In- 
dians, to  speak  w  ith  them,  on  a  matter  of  the  utmost 
imjiortance.  Being  assembled,  he  directed  his  intei^ 
prefer  to  tell  them,  that  the  God  of  heaven,  w  hom  he 
worshipped,  was  angry  with  them  for  withholding  pro- 
visions from  him,  and  would  punish  then  with  tamine 
and  pestilence  ;  as  a  token  of  which,  the  moon  would 
in  the  evening,  appear  of ;  n  angry  and  bloody  color. 
Some  of  them  received  his  speech  w  itii  terror,  ai?d  olh- 

rs  with  indilTerence  ;  but  w  hen  tlie  moon  rose,  and 
the  eclipse  increased  as  she  advanced  from  the  hori- 
zon, they  came  in  crowds,  loaded  w  ith  provisions,  and 
begged  the  Admiral  to  intercede  with  God,  for  the  re- 
moval of  his  anger.  Columbus  retired  to  his  cabin; 
and  when  the  eclipse  bi'gan  to  go  oil",  he  came  out 
and  told  them,  that  he  had  prayed  to  his  God,  and 
had  received  this  answer  ;  that  if  they  would  be  good 
for  the  future,  and  bring  him  provision  as  he  shi  uld 
want,  God  would  forgive  them  ;  and  as  a  token  of  it, 
the  moon  would  put  on  her  usual  brightness.  They 
gave  him  thanks,  and  promised  compliance  ;  and 
whilst  he  remained  on  the  island  there  was  no  more 
want  of  provision. 

At  the  end  of  eight  months,  Ovando  sent  a  small 
vessel  to  Jamaica,  w  ilh  a  cask  of  wine,  two  flitches  of 
bacon,  and  a  letter  of  compliment  and  excuse,  w  hich 
the  ofiicer  delivered  ;  and  w  ithout  waiting  for  an  an- 
swer, weighed  his  anchor  the  same  evening  and  sail- 
ed back  to  Hispaniola.  The  men  who  adhered  to  Co 
lumbus  and  were  with  him  on  board  the  wrecks,  won- 
dered at  the  sudden  departure  of  the  vessel,  by  which 
they  expected  dcliverence.  Columbus,  never  at  a  loss 
for  an  evasion,  told  them  that  the  caravel  was  too 
small  to  take  the  whole  companj-,  <ind  he  would  not 
go  without  them.  This  fiction  had  the  desired  effect-, 
those  w  ho  adhered  to  him  resumed  their  patience  ; 
but  the  mutineers  became  so  insolent  that  it  was  ne- 
cessary to  subdue  them  by  force.  In  the  contest  ten 
of  them  were  killed.  I'orras,  their  leader,  was  made 
prisoner  and  the  others  escaped.  Bartholemew  Co- 
lunibusand  two  others  of  the  Admiral's  party  wcro 
wounded,  of  whom  one  died. 

The  fugitives,  having  lost  their  leader,  thought  it 
best  to  submit ;  and  on  the  next  day  sent  a  petition  to 
the  Admiral,  confessing  their  fault,  and  proinidino 

fidelity.  This  promise  they  confirmed  by  an  oath,  of 
which  the  imprecation  was  singular  ;  "  ihcy  reuouw><tl. 


8 


AMERICAN  HISTORY. 


m  ca»e  of  f»ilure,  «ny  absolution  from  Pnest,  Bishop, 
?r  Pope,  at  the  time  of  their  death  ;  and  all  benefit 
Irom  the  sacraments  of  the  chuich  ;  consenting  to  be 
buried  like  heathens  and  infidels  in  the  open  field." 
The  Admiral  recrived  their  submission,  provided  that 
Porras  should  continue  prisoner,  and  they  would  accept 
•  commander  of  his  appointment,  as  long  as  ihey  should 
remain  on  the  island. 

At  lenoth  a  vessel,  which  Mendcz  had  been  per- 
mitted to  "buy,  with  the  .admiral's  money,  at  Hispani- 
ola,  came  to  Jamaica,  and  look  them  off.  On  their 
arrival  at  St.  Uomingo,  August  13,  1504,  Ovando 
•fleeted  great  joy,  and  treated  the  Admiral  with  a 
show  of  respect ;  but  he  liberated  Porras,  and  threat- 
ened with  punishment  the  faithful  adherents  of  Co- 
lumbus. As  soon  as  the  vessel  was  refitted,  the  Ad- 
miral took  leave  of  his  treacherous  host,  and,  with 
bis  brother,  son,  and  servants  embarked  for  Spain. 
After  a  long  and  distressing  voyage,  in  which  the 
ship  lost  her  masts,  he  arrived  at  St.  Luca,  in  May, 
1505. 

His  patroness  Isabella  had  been  dead  about  a  year  ; 
and  with  her  had  expired  all  the  favor  which  he  ever 
enjoyed  in  the  Court  of  Ferdinand.  Worn  out  with 
sickness  and  fatigue,  disgusted  with  the  insincerity  of 
his  sovereign,  and  the  haughtiness  of  his  courtiers, 
Columbus  lingered  out  a  year  in  fruitless  solicitation 
for  his  violated  rights ;  till  death  relieved  him  from 
all  his  vexations.  He  died  at  Valadolid,  on  the  twen- 
tieth of  May,  1.506,  in  the  59th  year  of  his  age;  and 
was  buried  in  the  cathedral  of  Seville,  with  this  in- 
scription on  his  tomb. 

A  Caslilla  ya  Jjeon, 
Nucvo  Miindo  dio  Colon. 

Translated  thu  ; 
To  Castile  and  Leon, 
Columbus  gave  a  New  World. 

In  the  life  of  this  remarkable  man  there  is  no  defi- 
ciency of  any  quality  which  can  constitute  a  truly 
great  character.*  His  genius  was  penetrating,  and  his 
judgment  solid.  He  had  acquired  as  much  knowledge 
of  liie  sciences  as  could  be  obtained  at  that  day  ;  and 
he  corrected  what  he  had  learned,  by  his  own  obser\a- 
lions.  Hia  constancy  and  patience  were  equal  to  the 
most  hazardous  undertakings.  His  fortitude  surmount- 
ed many  difllculties  ;  and  his  invention  extricated  him 
out  of  many  perplexities.  His  prudence  enabled  him 
to  conceal  or  subdue  his  own  infirmities  ;  whilst  he 
took  advantage  of  the  passions  of  others,  adjusting  his 
l>«haviour  to  iiis  circumstances  ;  temporizing,  or  acting 
with  vigour,  as  the  occasion  required. 

His  fidelity  to  the  ungrateful  Prince,  whom  he 
served,  and  whose  dominions  he  enlarged,  must  render 
him  forever  conspicuous  as  an  example  of  justice  ;  and 
his  attachment  to  the  Queen,  by  whose  influence  he 
was  raised  and  sujiported,  will  always  be  a  monument 
of  his  gratitude. 

To  his  other  excellent  qualities  may  be  added  his 
piety.  He  always  entertained,  and  on  proper  occasions 
expressed,  a  reverence  for  the  Deity,  and  a  firm  confi- 
dence in  his  care  and  protection.  In  his  declining 
days,  the  consolations  of  religion  were  his  chief  sup- 
port ;  and  his  last  words  were,  "  Into  thy  hands,  O 
Lord,  I  commend  niy  spirit." 

The  persecution  and  injustice  which  he  suffered, 
may  be  traced  up  to  the  contract,  which  he  insisted  on, 
before  he  engaged  in  the  plan  of  discovery.  That  a 
foreigner  should  attain  so  high  a  rank  as  to  be  Viceroy 
for  life,  and  that  the  honor  of  an  Admiral  should  be 
hereditary  in  his  family,  to  the  exclusion  of  all  nobles 
of  .Spain,  was  more  than  their  pride  and  jealousy  could 
endure  ;  and  they  constantly  endeavoured  to  depreciate 
his  merit ;  the  only  fuundalion  on  which  his  honors 
were  erected. 

There  is  a  story  recorded  by  Peter  Martyr,  a  con- 
temporary historian,  which  exemplifies  their  malice,  and 
his  ingenuity  in  rising  superior  to  it.  .After  the  death 
of  the  Queen,  the  nobility  affected  to  insinuate,  that 
his  dl8,;overies  were  more  the  result  of  accident  and 
good  fortune,  than  of  any  well  concerted  measures. 
One  day  at  a  public  dinner,  Columbus  having  borne 
much  insul'.ing  railcry  on  that  head,  at  length  called 
for  an  egg,  and  asked  whether  any  of  them  could  set 
II  upright  i)n  its  little  end.  They  all  confessed  it  to  be 
impo.<iiiible.  Columbus  striking  it  gently,  flatted  the 
shell  till  It  stood  upright  on  the  table.  The  company, 
wih  a  disdainful  sneer,  cried  out,  "Any  body  might 
h»»e  done  it." — "  Yes,  (said  Coluuibus)  but  none  of 
you  iboiighl  of  it ;  so  I  discovered  the  Indies,  and  now 

•  Some  iif  ihoe  obnervaii.m!!  arc  taken  from  Dr.  C;fin|iliell'a 
■ooouia  uf  £ur"|>«sn  sciilvoieiil  iii  AiiieriM.   Vol.  1.  ch.  viii. 


every  pilot  can  steer  the  same  course  Many  things 
appear  easy  when  once  performed,  though  before,  they 
were  thought  impossible.  Kcincinber  the  scofl's  that 
were  thrown  at  me,  before  I  put  my  design  in  execution. 
Then  it  was  a  dream,  a  chimery  delusion  ;  now,  is  what 
any  body  might  have  done  as  well  as  I."  When  this 
story  was  told  to  Ferdinand,  he  could  not  but  admire 
the  grandeur  of  that  spirit,  which  at  the  same  time 
he  was  endeavoring  to  depress. 

Writers  of  different  countries  have  treated  the 
character  of  Columbus  according  to  their  prejudices, 
either  national  or  personal.  It  is  surprising  to  observe, 
how  these  perjudices  have  dt-scended  ;  and  that  even 
at  the  distance  of  three  centuries,  there  are  some,  who 
affect  to  deny  him  the  virtues  for  which  he  vas  conspi- 
cuous, and  the  merit  of  originating  a  discovery,  which 
is  an  honor  to  human  reaSon.  His  humanity  has  been 
called  in  question,  because  he  carried  dogs  to  the  West 
Indies,  and  employed  them  in  extirpating  the  natives. 
The  truth  is,  that  in  his  second  exjiedition  he  was  ac- 
companied by  a  number  of  gentlemen  of  the  best  fa- 
milies in  Spain  ;  and  many  more  would  have  gone  if  it 
had  been  possible  to  accommodate  ihem.  These  gen- 
tlemen carried  with  them  "'horses,  asses  and  other 
beasts  which  were  of  a  great  use  in  a  new  ])lantation." 
The  conflict  which  Columbus  had  with  the  natives  was 
in  consequence  of  the  disorderly  conduct  of  these 
Spaniards  ;  who,  in  his  absence,  had  taken  their  goods, 
abused  their  women,  and  coininittcd  other  outrages, 
which  the  Indians  could  not  endure,  and  therefore 
made  war  upon  them.  In  this  war  he  found  his  '-oloiiy 
engaged  when  he  returned  from  his  voyage  to  Cuba  ; 
and  there  was  no  way  to  end  it,  but  by  pursuing  it  with 
vigour.  With  two  hundred  Spaniards,  of  whom  lircniy 
were  mounted  on  "  horses  followed  by  as  many  dogs," 
he  encountered  a  numerous  body  of  Indians,  estimated 
at  one  hundred  ttiousand,  on  a  large  phin.  He  divided 
his  men  into  two  parties,  and  attacked  them  on  two 
sides  ;  the  noise  of  the  fire  arms,  soon  dispersed  them, 
and  the  horses  and  dogs  prevented  them  from  rallving ; 
fnd  thus  a  complete  victory  was  obtained.  In  this  in- 
stance alone,  were  the  dogs  used  against  the  natives. 
They  naturally  followed  their  masters  into  the  field,  and 
the  horses  to  which  they  were  accustomed  ;  but  lo  sup- 
pose that  Columbus  transported  them  to  the  West  In- 
dies, with  a  view  to  destroy  the  Indians,  appears  alto- 
gether idle,  when  it  is  considered  that  the  number  is 
reckoned  only  at  twenty.  Excepting  in  this  instance, 
wiiere  he  was  driven  by  necessity,  there  is  no  evidence, 
that  he  made  war  on  the  natives  of  the  West  indies  ; 
on  the  contrary,  he  endeavoured  as  far  a.-*  possible  to 
treat  them  with  justice  and  gentleness.  The  same  can- 
not be  said  of  those  who  succeeded  him. 

Attempts  have  also  been  made  to  detract  from  his 
merit  as  an  original  discoverer  of  the  New  World. 
The  most  successful  candidate,  who  has  been  set  up  as 
a  rival  to  him,  is  Martin  Behalm  of  Nurenberg,  in 
Germany.  His  claim  to  a  prior  discovery  has  been  so 
well  contested,  and  the  vanity  of  it  so  fully  exposed  by 
the  late  Dr.  Robertson,  that  I  should  not  have  thought 
of  adding  any  thing  lo  what  he  has  written,  had  not  a 
memoir  appeared  in  the  second  volume  of  Transactions 
of  the  American  Philosophical  Society  at  Philadel- 
phia, in  which  the  pretensions  of  Behaim  arc  revived 
by  M.  Otto  ;  who  has  produced  some  authorities  which 
he  had  obtained  from  Nuremberg,  an  imperial  city  of 
Germany,  and  which  ajipear  to  him,  "  to  establish  in 
the  clearest  manner  a  discovery  of  America  anterior  to 
that  of  Columbus. 

It  is  conceded  that  Behaim  was  a  man  of  learning 
and  enterprise  ;  that  he  was  contemporary  with  Colum- 
bus, and  was  his  friend  ;  that  he  pursued  the  same 
studies  and  drew  the  same  conclusions  ;  that  he  was 
employed  by  King  John  II.  in  making  discoveries; 
and,  that  he  met  with  a  deserved  honor  for  the  im[)ort- 
ant  services  which  ho  rendered  to  the  crown  of  Portu- 
gal. But  there  are  such  diincultirs  allending  the  story 
of  his  discovering  .America,  as  appear  to  me  insuper- 
able. 'I'hese  I  shall  stale  ;  logelher  with  some  remarks 
on  the  authorities  produced  by  M.  ()tIo. 

The  first  of  his  authorities  contains  several  asser- 
tions which  are  contradicted  by  other  histories;  (1.) 
That  Isabella,  daughter  of  John,  King  of  Portugal, 
reigned  after  the  death  of  Philip,  Duke  of  Burgundy, 
siirnamed  the  (lood.  («.)  That  this  lady,  when  regent 
of  the  Duchy  of  Burgundy,  and  Flanders,  Behaim  paid 
a  visit  in  1459.  .\nd  (3  )  That  having  informed  her  of 
his  designs,  he  procured  a  vessel  in  which  he  made  the 
discovery  of  the  island  of  Fayal,  in  14G0. 

It  IS  true  that  Philip,  Duke  of  Burgundy  and  Flan- 
ders, surnamed  the  Good,  married  Isabella  the  daughter 


of  King  John  I.  of  Portugal  ;  but  Philip  did  not  die 
tilt  1467,  and  was  immediately  succeeded  by  his  son 
Charles,  surnamed  the  Bold,  then  ihirty-four  years  ^A 
age.  There  could  therefore  have  been  no  interregnum, 
nor  female  regent,  after  the  death  of  Philip  ;  and  il 
there  had  been,  the  lime  of  Benaim's  visit  will  not  cor 
respond  with  it  ;  that  being  placed  in  1459,  eight  yean 
before  the  death  of  Philip.  Such  a  mistake  in  \io\n\,  of 
fact,  and  of  chronology,  is  sufficient  to  induce  a  suspi- 
cion that  the  "  archives  of  Nuremberg"  are  too  defi- 
cient in  accuracy  to  be  depended  on  as  authorities. 

Wiih  respect  to  the  discovery  of  Fayal,  in  1460,  M. 
Otto  acknowledges  that  it  is  "  contrary  to  the  received 
opinon  ;"  and  well  he  might  ;  for  the  first  of  the  .Azo- 
res, St.  Maria,  was  discovered  in  1431  ;  ihe  second, 
St.  Michael,  in  1444;  the  third,  Terceira,  in  1445; 
and  before  1449,  the  islands,  St.  George,  Graciosa, 
Fayal  and  Pico,  were  known  to  the  Portuguese.  How- 
ever, true  it  may  be  that  Behaim  settled  m  the  isUnd 
of  Fayal  and  lived  there  twenty  years  ;  yet  his  claim 
to  the  discovery  of  it  must  have  a  better  foundation 
than  the  '•  archives  of  Nuremberg,"  before  ii  can  be 
admitted. 

Tlic  genuine  account  of  the  settlement  of  Fayal, 
and  the  Interest  which  Behaim  had  in  it,  is  thus  related 
by  Dr.  Forsler,  a  German  author,  of  much  learning  and 
good  credit. 

".After  the  death  of  the  infant  Don  Henry,  which 
happened  in  1466,  the  island  of  Fayal  was  made  a  pre- 
sent by  his  sister,  Isabella,  Duchess  of  Burgundy,  lo 
Jobst  von  Hurler,  a  native  of  Nuremberg.  Hurler 
went  in  1466,  with  a  colony  of  more  than  2000  Flem- 
inings  of  both  sexes,  to  his  property,  the  isle  of  Fayal. 
The  Duchess  had  provided  the  Flemish  emigrants  with 
all  necessaries  for  two  years,  and  the  colony  soon  in- 
creased. About  the  year  14S6,  Martin  Behaim  mar- 
ried a  daughter  of  the  ("hcvalier  Jobst  von  Hurler,  and 
had  a  son  by  her  named  .Martin. — Jobst  von  Hurler,  and 
Martin  Behaim,  both  natives  of  Nuremberg,  were  lords 
of  Fayal  and  Pico." 

The  date  of  the  supposed  discovpry  of  .America,  by 
Behaim,  is  placed  by  M.  Otto,  in  1484,  eight  vears  be- 
fore the  celebrated  voyage  of  Columbus.  In  the  same 
year  we  are  told  that  .Alonzo  .Sanchaz  de  Huelva  was 
driven  by  a  storm  to  the  westward  for  twenty-nine  days ; 
and  saw  an  island  of  which  al  his  return  he  gave  an  in- 
formalion  lo  Columbus.  From  both  these  supjiosed 
discoveries  this  conclusion  is  drawn.  "Thai  Col'jmbus 
would  never  have  thought  of  this  exped:lion  lo  .Aiiie- 
ica,  had  not  Behalin  gone  there  before  bim."  Wlielher 
it  he  sup|>oscd  that  Behaim  and  Sanchaz  sailed  ir.  llic 
same  ship,  or  that  they  made  a  discovery  of  two  diffe- 
rent parts  of  .America,  in  the  same  year,  is  not  easy  ic 
understand  from  the  authorities  produced  ;  but  what 
destroys  the  credibility  of  this  plausible  talc,  is,  ll>al 
Columbus  had  formed  his  theory,  ami  projected  his  voy- 
age, at  least  ten  vears  before  ;  as  appears  by  his  cor- 
respondence with  Paul,  a  learned  physician  of  Florence, 
which  bears  date  in  1474.  It  is  uncertain  at  what  time 
Columbus  first  made  his  application  to  the  King  of 
Portugal,  lo  fit  him  out  for  a  western  >oyagc  ;  but  it  is 
certain  that  after  a  negoriation  with  him  on  the  subject, 
and  after  he  had  found  out  the  secret  and  unsuccesslul  at- 
tempt, which  had  been  made  to  anticipate  a  discovery  ; 
he  quilted  that  kingdom  in  disgust,  and  went  into 
Spain,  in  the  latter  end  of  the  year  1484.  'llicaa- 
thority  of  these  facts  is  unquestioned  ;  and  from  them 
it  fully  appears,  that  a  prior  discovery  of  America,  by 
Behaim  or  Sanchaz,  made  in  1484,  could  not  have  beea 
the  foundation  of  the  enterprise  of  Columbus. 

M.  Olio  speaks  of  letters  written  by  Bcbaim  in  1486, 
in  the  German  language,  and  preserved  in  the  "  arch- 
ives of  Nuremberg,"  which  support  his  claim  lo  a  prior 
discovery.  As  these  letters  are  not  produced,  no  cer- 
tain opinion  can  be  formed  concerning  them  ;  but  from 
the  date  of  the  letters,  and  from  the  letters,  and  from 
ihe  voyages  which  Behaim  actually  |>erforined  in  iho 
two  preceding  vears,  we  may  with  gieal  probability 
suppose  that  they  related  lo  the  discovery  of  (^ongo, 
m  Africa ;  to  which  Behaim  has  an  unconirovertej 
claim. 

I  will  now  state  the  facts  relative  to  this  event  partly 
from  the  authorities  cited  by  M.  Olio;  and  partly  from 
others. 

Dr.  Robertson  places  the  discovery  of  Congo  and 
Benin  in  1483,  ami  wiih  him  Dr.  Forsler  agrees. 
The  authors  of  the  Modern  Universal  History  s|H;ak 
of  two  voyages  lo  that  coast;  the  first  in  1484,  the 
second  in  14.85  ;  both  of  which  were  inade  by  Diego 
Cam,  who  is  said  lo  have  been  one  of  ihe  most  ex- 
pert sailors  and  of  an  enterprising  genius.    Froio  tbi 


BIOGRAPHIES  OF  THE  EARLV  DISCOVERERS. 


0 


chronicle  of  Hartman  Scheill,  as  quoted  by  M.  Otto, 
WP  are  informed,  that  Beluiim  sailed  from  Cani,  in 
iheKU  voyagos,  which  arc  described  in  the  following 
terms.  "  These  two,  by  the  bounty  of  heaven,  coast- 
ing along  the  southern  ocean,  and  having  crossed  the 
equator,  got  into  the  other  hemisphere;  vihcte,  facin<r 
to  (he  eastward,  their  shadows  projected  towards  the 
eouth,  and  right  hand."  No  words  could  be  more 
completely  descriptive  of  a  voyage  from  Portugal  to 
Congo,  as  any  person  may  be  sati.sfied  by  inspecting 
a  map  of  Africa  ;  but  how  could  M.  Otto  imagine  that 
the  discovery  of  America  was  accomplished  in  such  a 
toyage  as  this  \  "  Having  finished  llicir  cruise  (con- 
lii'ues  Schedl)  in  the  space  of  26  months,  they  return- 
ed to  Portugal,  with  the  loss  of  many  of  their  seamen  , 
by  the  violence  of  the  climate."  This  latter  circum- 
stance also  agrees  very  well  with  the  climate  of  the 
African  coast  ;*  but  Schedl  says  not  a  word  of  the 
discovery  of  America. 

M.  Otto  goes  on  to  tell  us  "  that  the  most  positive 
proof  of  the  great  services  rendered  to  the  crown  of 
Portugal  by  Behaim,  is  the  recompense  bestowed  on 
him  by  King  John  II.  ;  who,  in  the  most  solenm 
manner,  knighted  him  in  the  presence  of  .ill  his  court.  ' 
Then  follows  a  particular  detail  of  the  ceremony  of 
in.-tallation,  as  performed  on  the  ISth  of  February, 
148.'),  and  M.  Otto  fairly  owns  that  this  was  "a  reward 
for  the  discovery  of  Congo."  Now  let  us  bring  the 
detached  parts  of  the  story  together. 

Behaim  was  knighted  on  the  18th  of  February, 
14So,  for  the  discovery  of  Congo,  in  which  he  had 
been  employed  26  months  preceding ;  having  within 
that  time  made  two  voyages  (hither,  in  company  with 
Diego  Cam.t  It  will  follow  then  that  the  whole  of  the 
preceding  years,  H84  and  1483,were  taken  up  in  these 
two  voyages.  This  agrees  very  well  with  the  ac- 
comitsof  the  discovery  of  Congo,  in  Robertson  and 
Forster,  and  does  not  disagree  with  the  modern  univer- 
sal history,  as  far  as  the  year  1484  is  concerned  ; 
which  unfortunately  is  the  year  assigned  for  Beliaim's 
discovery  of"  that  part  of  America  called  Brazil,  and 
his  sailing  even  to  the  straits  of  Macellan." 

The  only  thing  to  Mr.  Ottos's  memoir  which  bears 
»ny  resemblance  to  a  solution  of  this  difficulty  is  this. 
"  We  may  suppose  that  Behaim,  engaged  in  an  ex- 
pedition to  Congo,  was  driven  by  the  winds  to  Fer- 
naiibouc,  and  from  thence  by  the  currents  toward  the 
coast  of  Guiana.''  But  supposition  without  proof 
will  avail  little  ;  and  supposition  against  proof  will 
avail  nothing  The  two  voyages  to  (yongo  are  ad- 
mitted. The  course  is  described  ;  the  time  is  deter- 
Diined  ;  and  both  of  these  are  directly  opposed  to  the 
supposition  of  his  being  driven  by  winds  and  currents 
to  America.  For  if  he  had  been  driven  out  of  his 
course  and  had  spent  "  several  years  in  examiningthe 
American  islands,and  discovering  the  strait  which  bears 
the  name  of  Magellan  ;''  and  if  one  of  those  years  was 
the  year  1484,  then  he  could  not  have  spent  26  months 
preceduig.  February  1485,  in  the  discovery  of  Congo; 
but  of  this  we  have  full  and  satisfoctory  evidence  ;  the 
discovery  of  America  therefore  must  be  given  up. 

There  is  one  thing  further  in  this  memoir  which  de- 
serves a  particular  remark,  and  that  is  the  reason  as- 
■ijned  by  M.  Otto,  for  which  the  King  of  Portugal 
declined  the  proposal  of  Columbus  to  sail  to  India  by 
tht  west.  "  The  refusal  of  John  II.  is  a  proof  of  the 
knowledge  which  that  politic  and  wise  prince  had  al- 
ready procured  of  the  existence  of  a  new  continent, 
which  oflered  him  only  barren  lands,  inhabited  by  un- 
conqjcrable  savages.  '  This  knowledge  is  supposed 
to  have  been  derived  from  the  discoveries  made  by 
B«haim.  But,  not  to  urge  again  the  chronological 
dilTiculty  with  which  this  conjecture  is  embarrassed,  I 
will  take  notice  of  two  circumstances,  in  the  life  of 
Columbus,  which  militate  with  this  idea.  The  first 
1»,  that  when  Columbus  had  proposed  a  western 
voyage  to  King  John  an<l  he  declined  it,  "  the  king, 
ty  the  advice  of  one  Dr.  Calzadilla,  resolved  to  send  a 
caravel  privately,  to  attempt  that  which  Columbus  had 
proposed  to  him ;  because  in  case  those  countries 
were  so  discovered,  bethought  himself  not  obliged  to 
bestow  any  great  reward.  Having  speedily  equipped 
a  caravel,  which  was  to  carry  supplies  to  the  islands 
of  Cabo  Verde,  he  sent  it  that  way  which  the  Admi- 
ral proposed  logo.  But  those  whom  he  sent  wanted 
the  knowledge,  constancy  and  spirit  of  the  Admiral. 
After  wandering  many  days  upon  the  sea,  they  turn- 
ed back  to  the  islands  of  Cabo  Verde,  laughing  at  the 


•  Si:e  Brookes's  Gazetteer,  Benin. 

f  Die^'o  ia  ihe  Sp.niisli  name  of  James,  in  Latin  Jacnbu9,an(I 
In  Portuguese,  Jago.  Cam  is  in  Latin,  Camus  or  Canus,  and 
in  Spanish,  Cano  ;  these  different  names  are  found  in  different 
tuUiors. 


undertaking ;  and  saying  it  was  impossible  there  should 
be  any  land  in  those  seas." 

Afterward,  "  the  king  being  sensible  how  faulty 
they  were  whom  he  had  sent  with  the  caravel,  had  a 
mind  to  restore  the  Admiral  to  his  favor,  and  desired 
that  he  should  renew  the  discourse  of  his  enterprise  ; 
but  not  being  so  diligent  to  put  this  in  execution,  as 
the  Admiral  was  in  getting  away,  he  lost  that  good 
opportunity ;  the  Admiral,  about  the  end  of  the  year 
1484,  stole  away  privately  out  of  Portugal  for  fear  of 
being  stopped  by  the  king."  This  account  does  not 
agree  with  the  supposition  of  a  prior  discovery. 

The  other  circumstance  is  an  interview  which  Co- 
lumbus had  with  the  people  of  Lisbon,  and  the  King 
of  Portugal,  on  his  return  from  his  first  voyage.  For 
it  so  happened  that  Columbus  on  his  return  was  by 
stress  of  weather  obliged  to  take  shelter  in  the  port  of 
Lisbon  ;  and  as  soon  as  it  was  known  that  he  had 
come  from  the  Indies,  "  the  people  thronged  to  see  (he 
natives  whom  he  had  brought,  and  hear  the  news  ;  so 
that  the  caravel  would  not  contain  them.  Some  of 
them  praising  God  for  so  great  n  happiness;  others 
storming  that  they  had  lost  the  discovery  through  their 
king's  incredidity ." 

When  the  king  sent  for  Columbus,  "  he  was  doubt- 
ful what  to  do  ;  but  to  take  olf  all  suspicion  that  he 
came  from  his  conquests,  he  con.sented."  At  the  in- 
terview, "  the  king  ollered  him  all  that  he  require<l  for 
the  service  of  their  ("atholic  Majesties,  though  he 
thought,  that  forasmuch  as  he  had  been  a  captain  in 
Portugal,  that  conquest  belonged  to  him.  To  which 
the  Admiral  answered,  that  he  knew  of  no  such  agree- 
ment, and  that  he  had  strictly  observed  his  orders, 
which  were  not  to  go  to  the  mines  of  Portugal,  [the 
gold  coast]  nor  to  Guinea."  Had  John  II.  heard  of 
Behaim's  voyage  to  a  western  continent,  would  he  not 
have  cl;:imed  it  by  priority  of  discovery,  rather  than 
by  the  commission  which  Columbus  had  formerly 
borne  in  his  service  ?  Had  such  a  prior  discovery 
been  made,  could  it  have  been  concealed  from  the  peo- 
ple of  Lisbon  ^  And  would  they  have  been  angry 
that  the  king  had  lost  it  by  his  incredulity  1  These 
circumstances  appear  to  me  to  carry  suflicient  evi- 
dience,  that  no  discovery  of  .America  prior  to  that  of 
Columbus  had  come  to  the  knowledge  of  the  King  of 
Portugal. 

In  answer  to  the  question,  "  Why  are  we  searching 
the  archives  of  an  imperial  city  for  the  causes  of  an 
event,  which  took  place  in  the  western  extremity  of 
Europe  1''  M.  Otto  gives  us  to  understand,  (hat 
"  from  the  fourteenth  to  the  sixteenth  centuries,  the 
Germans  were  the  best  geographers,  the  best  hislo 
rians,  and  most  enlightened  politicians."  Not  to  de- 
tract frimi  the  merit  of  the  German  literati  of  tlios' 
ages,  I  think  we  may  give  equal  credit  to  a  learneii 
German  author  of  the  present  age.  Dr.  John  Rein- 
hold  Forster  ;  who  appears  to  have  a  thorough  under- 
standing of  the  claims  not  only  of  his  own  country- 
men, but  of  others.  In  his  indefatigable  researches 
into  the  discoveries  which  have  been  made  by  all  na- 
tions, though  he  has  given  due  credit  to  the  adven- 
tures of  Behaim  in  Congo  and  Fayal,  yet  he  has  not 
said  one  word  of  his  visiting  America  ;  which  he  cer- 
tainly would  have  d<me,  if  in  his  opinion  there  had 
been  any  foundation  for  it. 

Letters  from  Paul,  a  Physician  of  Florence,  to  Christopher- 
Columbus,  concerning  the  discovery  of  the  Indies. 
LETTER  I. 

To  Christopher  Columbu.^,  Paul  the  Physician  wisheth 
health. 

I  PERCEIVE  your  noble  and  earnest  desire  to  sail  to 
those  parts  where  the  spice  is  produceil  ;  and  therefore 
in  answer  to  a  letter  of  yours,  I  send  you  another  let- 
ter, which  some  days  since  I  wrote  to  a  friend  of  mine, 
and  servant  to  the  King  of  Portugal,  before  the  wars 
of  Castile,  in  answer  to  another  he  wrote  to  me  by 
his  highness's  order,  upon  this  same  account  ;  and  I 
send  you  another  sea  chart  like  that  I  sent  him,  which 
will  satisfy  your  demands.  The  copy  of  the  letter  Is 
this. 

To  Ferdinand  Martinez,  canon  o  f  Lisbon,  Paul  the  Physt- 
citm  witheth  health. 
I  AM  very  ^ad  to  hear  of  the  familiarity  you  have 
with  your  most  serene  and  magnificent  king  ;  and 
though  I  have  very  often  discoursed  concerning  the 
short  way  there  is  from  hence  to  the  Indies,  where  (he 
spice  is  produced,  by  sea,  which  I  look  upon  (o  be 
shorter  than  that  you  take  by  the  coast  of  Guinea;  yet 
you  now  tell  me  that  his  highness  woidd  have  me 
make  out  and  demonstrate  it,so  as  it  may  bo  understood 
and  put  in  practice.  Therefore,  though  I  could  better 
show  it  him  with  a  globe  in  my  hand,  and  make  him 


sensible  of  the  figure  of  the  world  ;  yet  I  have  resolved 
to  render  it  more  easy  and  in(elligiblc,  to  show  (his 
way  upon  a  chart,  such  as  are  used  in  navigation  ; 
and  therefore  I  send  one  to  his  majesty,  made  and 
drawn  with  my  own  hand  ;  wherein  is  set  down  the 
utmost  bounds  of  the  west,  from  Ireland  in  (he  north, 
to  the  farthest  part  of  Guinea,  with  all  the  islands  (hat 
lie  in  (he  way.  Opposite  to  which  western  coast  isdo- 
scribed  the  beginning  of  the  Indies,  with  the  islands 
and  places  whither  you  may  go,  and  how  far  you  may 
bend  from  the  north  pole  toward  the  equinoctial,  and 
for  how  long  a  time ;  that  is,  how  niany  leagues  you 
may  sail  before  you  come  to  those  places  most  fruitfiil 
in  all  sorts  of  spice,  jewels,  ami  precious  stones.  D>i 
not  wonder  if  I  term  that  country  where  the  spice  grow4 
west,  (hat  product  being  generally  ascribed  to  the  cast; 
because  those  who  shall  sail  westward  will  always  find 
those  places  in  the  west  ;  and  they  (hat  travel  by  land 
eastward  will  ever  find  those  places  in  (he  east.  The 
strait  lines  that  lie  lengthways  in  the  chart,  show  (h* 
di.stance  there  is  from  west  (o  east  ;  the  others  cross 
them,  show  the  distance  from  north  to  south.  I  have 
also  marked  down  in  the  saiil  chart,  several  places  in 
India,  where  ships  might  jiiit  in  upon  any  storm,  or 
contrary  winds,  or  any  other  accident  unforeseen. 

Moreover  (o  give  you  fiill  information  of  all  those 
places  which  yon  are  very  desirous  to  know  ;  you 
must  understand,  that  lume  but  traders  live  or  resid« 
in  all  those  islands,  and  that  there  is  as  great  number 
of  ships  and  seafaring  [)eople  with  merchandise,  as  in 
any  other  jiart  of  (he  world  ;  particularly  in  a  most 
noble  port  called  Zactun,  where  there  are  every  year  a 
hundred  large  ships  of  pepper  loaded  and  uidoaded, 
besides  many  other  6hi|>6  that  take  in  other  spice. 

This  country  is  mighty  populous,  and  there  are 
many  provinces  and  kingdoms,  and  innumerable  cities 
under  the  dominion  of  a  prince  called  the  Kham, 
vi  liich  name  signifies.  King  of  Kings  ;  who  for  the 
most  part  resides  in  the  province  of  Cathay.  His 
predecessors  were  very  desirous  to  have  commerce 
and  be  in  amity  with  Christians ;  and  200  years 
since,  sent  ambassadors  to  the  Pope  ;  desiring  him  to 
send  them  many  learned  men  and  doctors  to  teach 
lliein  our  faith  ;  but  by  reason  of  some  obstacles  the 
and)assadors  met  with,  they  returned  back,  without 
coming  to  Rome. 

Besides,  there  came  an  ambassador  (o  Pope  Eoge- 
nus  IV.  who  told  him  the  great  friendship  there  was 
between  those  princes,  their  people  and  the  Chris- 
tians I  discoursed  with  him  a  long  while  upon  the 
several  matters  of  the  grandeur  of  the  royal  structures;, 
and  of  the  greatness,  length  and  breailth  of  their  ri- 
vers. He  told  me  many  wonderful  things  of  the  mul- 
titude of  towns  and  cities  founded  along  the  banks  of 
tl'.e  rivers  ;  and  that  there  were  200  cities  upon  one 
river  only,  with  marble  bridges  over  it,  of  a  great 
length  and  breadth,  and  adorned  with  abundance  of 
pillars.  This  country  deserves  as  well  as  any  other 
to  be  discovered  ;  and  there  may  not  only  be  gre.it 
profit  made  there,  and  many  things  of  value  found, 
l)Ut  also  gold,  silver,  all  sorts  of  precious  stones,  and 
spices  in  abundat.ce,  which  are  not  brought  into  our 
parts.  And  it  is  certain,  that  many  wise  men,  philo- 
sophers, astrologers,  and  other  persons  skilled  in  all 
arts,  and  very  ingenious,  govern  that  mighty  province, 
and  command  (heir  armies. 

From  Lisbon  direcdy  wc9(ward,  there  are  in  the 
chart  26  s[>aces,  each  of  which  con(ains  250  miles,  (o 
the  most  noble  and  vast  city  of  Quisay,  which  is 
100  miles  in  compass,  that  is  3 j  leagues;  in  it  there 
are  ten  marble  bridges.  The  name  signifies  a  hea- 
venly city  ;  of  which  wonderful  things  are  reported, 
as  to  the  ingenuity  of  (he  people,  the  buildings  and 
the  revenues.  This  space  iibove  mentioned  is  almost 
the  third  part  of  (he  globe.  This  city  is  in  (he  pro- 
vince of  Mango,  bordering  on  that  of  Cathay,  where 
the  king  for  the  most  p.'.rt  resides. 

P'rom  the  island  .Anti'.la,  which  you  call  the  seven 
cities,  and  of  which  you  have  some  knotcledj^e,  to  the 
most  noble  island  of  Cij)ango  are  ten  spaces,  whicQ 
make  2.'>00  miles,  or  225  leagues  ;  which  island 
abounds  in  gold,  pearls  and  precious  stones  ;  and  you 
must  understand,  they  cover  their  temples  and  pa- 
laces with  plates  of  pure  gold.  So  that  for  want  of 
knowing  the  way,  all  these  things  arc  hidden  and 
concealed,  and  yet  may  be  gone  to  with  safety. 

Much  more  might  be  said,  but  having  told  yoa 
what  is  most  ma(erial,  and  you  being  wise  and  judi- 
cious, 1  am  satisfied  there  is  nothing  of  it  but  what 
you  understand,  and  therefore  I  will  not  be  more  pro- 
lix. Thus  much  may  serve  to  satisfy  your  curiosity, 
it  being  as  much  as  the  shoilncss  of  tiiuc  aiid  my  bu* 


10 


AMERICAN  HISTORY. 


nness  wouM  permit  mc  to  say.    So  I  remain  most 
remily  to  giitistv  nnd  serve  his  highness  to  the  utmost 
in  all  (lie  coMuiianiN  he  ^hall  lay  upon  nie. 
Florence,  June  25.  1474. 

LETTER  II. 
To  ChritU-pher  Culumliuf,  Paul  the  Physician  wisheth 

health. 

I  FECEivKi)  yo\ir  letters  with  the  things  you  sent 
me,  which  I  shall  take  as  a  great  favor,  and  commend 
your  noble  aiul  ardent  desire  of  sailing  from  east  to 
west,  as  it  is  marked  out  in  the  chart  I  sent  you, 
which  would  demonstrate  itself  better  in  the  form  of  a 
globe. 

I  am  glad  it  is  well  underscood,  and  that  the  voyage 
laid  down  is  not  only  possible  but  true,  certain,  hono- 
rable, very  advantageous,  and  mo.st  glorious  among  all 
Christians.  You  cannot  be  perfect  in  the  knowledge 
of  it,  but  by  experience  and  practice,  as  I  Iiave  had  in 
preat  measure,  and  by  the  solid  and  true  information 
of  worthy  wnd  wise  men,  who  have  come  from  those 
parts  to  this  court  of  U(mie;  and  from  merchants  who 
have  traded  long  in  those  parl.s  and  arc  persons  of  good 
reputation.  .So  that  when  the  said  voyage  is  perform- 
ed, it  will  be  to  powerful  kingdoms,  and  to  the  most 
noble  cities  and  provinces  ;  rich  and  abounding  in  all 
things  we  stand  in  need  of,  particularly  in  all  sort.-;  of 
«pice  in  great  quantities,  and  store  of  jewels. 

This  will  moreover  be  grateful  to  those  kings  and 
princes,  who  are  very  desirous  to  converse  and  trade 
with  ('hristians  of  these  our  countries,  whether  it  be 
for  some  of  them  to  become  Christians,  or  else  to  have 
communication  with  the  wise  and  ingenious  men  of 
these  parts,  as  well  in  point  of  religion,  as  in  all  scien 
ces,  because  of  the  extraordinary  account  they  have 
of  the  kingdoms  and  government  of  these  parts.  - 

For  which  reasons,  and  many  more  that  might  be 
alleged.  I  do  not  at  all  admire,  that  you  who  have  a 
great  heart,  and  all  the  Portuguese  nation,  which  lias 
ever  had  notable  men  in  all  undertakings,  be  eagerly 
bent  upon  performing  this  voyage. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

Americus  Vespucius. — His  birth  and  education — His  scientific 
researches— ills  account  of  his  voyage  to  .\nierica — Tlie  first 
nccouni  of  America  published  hy  him — The  reason  ofthi.i 
Continent  being  named  America — He  has  no  claim  lo  the  dis- 
co»cry 

Ahericus  Vespi;chjs,  or  more  properly  Amerigo 
Vespucci  a  Florentine  gentleman,  iroin  whom  Ame 
rica  derives  its  name,  was  born  March  9,  1451,  of  an 
ancient  family.  His  father,  who  was  an  Italian  mer- 
chant, brought  him  up  in  this  business,  and  his  profes- 
sion led  him  to  visit  Spain  anil  other  countries.  Being 
eminently  skilful  in  all  the  sciences  subservient  to  na- 
vigation, and  possessing  an  enterprising  spirit,  he  be- 
came desirous  ofseeiiig  the  new  world,  which  Colum- 
bus had  discovered  in  1492.  He  accordingly  entered 
as  a  merchant  on  board  the  small  fleet  of  four  ships, 
equipped  by  the  merchants  of  Seville  and  sent  out  un- 
der the  command  of  Ojeda.  The  enterprise  was  sanc- 
tioned by  a  royal  license. 

According  to  Amerigo's  own  account  he  sailed  from 
Cadiz,  May,  20,  1497,  and  returned  to  the  same  port 
October  15,  1498,  having  discovered  the  coast  of  Pa- 
ria  and  passed  as  far  as  the  gulf  of  Mexico.  If  this 
•tatement  is  correct,  he  saw  the  continent  before  Co- 
lumbus ;  but  its  correctness  has  been  disproved,  and 
the  voyage  of  Ojeda  was  not  made  until  1499,  which 
Anjerigo  callb  his  second  vo^'age,  falsely  representing 
that  he  himself  had  the  command  of  six  vessels.  He 
Bailed  May  20,  1499,  under  the  command  of  Ojeda, 
an<i  proceeded  to  the  .\ntilla  islands,  and  thence  to  the 
coast  of  Cuiana  anil  Venezuela,  and  returned  to  Cadiz 
in  Nov.  1.500.  .\fter  his  return,  Emanuel,  king  of 
Portugal,  who  was  jealous  of  the  success  and  glory 
of  Spain,  invited  him  to  his  kingdom,  and  gave  him 
the  conimaiid  of  three  ships  to  make  a  third  voyage  of 
diKCovery,  He  sailed  from  Lisbon  May  10,1.501,  and 
ran  d'lwn  the  coasts  of  .Vfrica  as  far  as  Sierra  Leone 
and  the  Coast  of  .\ngi)la,  and  then  passed  over  to 
Diazil  in  South  Anirrira.  and  continued  his  discove- 
ries to  the  south  as  far  as  Patagonia.  He  then  re- 
turned to  Sierra  Leone  and  the  coast  of  (iuinea,  and 
entered  agp.iii  the  port  of  Lisbon.  September  7,  1502. 

King  KiiiaiiiM'l,  liiirhly  gratified  by  his  success, 
tquippi  d  for  liiin  six  ships,  with  which  lie  sailed  on  Ilia 
fiur'h  and  last  voyagi",  .\Liy  10,  150:J.  It  was  his  oh- 
jeet  to  discover  a  western  passage  to  the  Molucca  isl- 
uikJi  He  paHseil  the  coaKts  e.f  .Vfrica,  and  entered  the 
bay  of -Ml  .SaiiitK  in  Ilrazil  Having  provision  for  onlv 
',20  iiioiitliH,  .and  being  delained  on  the  coast  of  lirazil 
by  Uul  weather  and  contrary  winds  five  months,  he 


I  formed  the  resolution  of  returning  lo  Portugal,  where 
he  arrived  Jun«  14,  1.504.  As  he  carried  home  with 
j  liiin  considerable  quantities  of  the  IJrazil  wood,  and 
I  other  articles  of  value,  he  was  received  with  joy.  It 
was  soon  after  this  period,  that  he  wrote  an  account 
of  his  four  voyages.  The  work  was  dedicated  Rene 
II.  Duke  of  Lorraine,  who  took  the  title  of  the  king  of 
Sicily,  and  who  died  Dec.  10,1.508.  It  was  probably 
published  abcut  the  year  1507,  for  in  that  year  he 
went  from  Lisbon  to  Seville,  and  King  Ferdinand  ap- 
pointed him  to  draw  sea  charts  with  the  title  of  chief 
pilot.  He  died  at  the  Island  ofTercera  in  1514,  aged 
about  63  years,  or  agreeably  to  another  account,  at 
Seville,  in  1512. 

As  he  published  the  first  book  and  chart,  describing 
the  new  world,  and  as  he  claimed  the  honor  of  first 
discovering  the  continent,'  the  new  world  has  received 
from  him  the  name  oi  America.  His  pretensions  how- 
ever to  this  first  discovery  do  not  seem  lo  be  well  sup- 
ported against  the  claims  of  Columbus,  to  whom  the 
honor  is  uniformly  ascribed  by  the  Spanish  historians, 
and  who  first  saw  the  continent  in  1498.  Herrera, 
who  compiled  his  general  history  of  America  from  the 
most  authentic  records,  says,  that  Amerigo  never  made 
but  two  voyages,  and  those  were  with  Ojeda  in  1499 
and  1501,  and  that  his  relation  of  his  other  voyages 
was  proved  to  be  a  mere  imposition.  This  charge 
needs  to  be  confirmed  by  strong  jiroof,  for  Amerigo's 
hook  was  published  within  ten  years  of  the  period  as- 
signed for  his  first  voyage,  when  the  facts  must  have 
been  fresh  in  the  memories  of  thousands.  Besides  the 
improbability  of  his  being  guilty  of  falsifying  dates,  as 
he  was  accused,  which  arises  from  this  circumstance, 
it  is  very  possible,  that  the  Spanish  writers  might  have 
felt  a  national  resentment  against  him  for  having  de- 
serted the  service  of  Spain.  But  the  evidence  against 
the  honesty  of  Amerigo  is  very  convincing.  IVeither 
Martyr  nor  Benzoni,  who  were  Italians,  natives  of  the 
same  country,  and  the  former  of  whom  was  a  con- 
temporary, attribute  to  him  the  first  discovery  of  the 
continent.  Martyr  published  the  fi.'st  general  history 
of  the  new  world,  and  his  epistles  contain  an  account 
of  all  the  remarkable  events  of  his  time.  All  the 
Spanish  historians  are  against  Amerigo.  Herrera 
brings  against  him  the  testimony  of  Ojeda  as  given  :n 
a  judicial  inquiry.  Fonseca,  who  gave  Ojeda  the  li- 
cense for  his  voyage,  was  not  reinstated  i;;  the  direc- 
tion of  Indiar  aflairs  until  after  the  time,  which  Ame- 
rigo assigns  for  the  commencement  of  his  first  voy- 
age. Other  circumstances  might  be  mentioned  ;  and 
the  whole  mass  oi  evidence  it  is  dilFicult  lo  resist. 
The  book  of  Amerigo  was  probably  published  about  a 
year  after  the  death  of  Columbus,  when  his  preten- 
sions could  be  advanced  without  tne  fear  of  refutation 
from  ihat  illustrious  navigator.  But  however  thi« 
controversy  may  be  deciiied,  it  is  well  known,  that  the 
honor  of  first  discovering  the  continent  beloniis  r.eiih 
er  to  Columbus  nor  to  Vespucci,  even  admitting  the 
relation  of  the  latter  ;  but  lo  the  Cauots,  who  sailed 
from  England.  A  life  of  Vespucci  was  published  at 
Florence  by  Bandani,  1745,  in  which  an  altci^pt  is 
made  to  support  his  pretensions. 

The  relation  of  his  four  voyages,  which  was  first 
published  about  the  year  1507,  was  republished  i;:  the 
iVovus  Orbis,  fol.  1555.  His  letters  were  published 
after  his  death  at  Florence. 


JOHN  CABOT  AND  SEBASTIAN  CABOT- 

John  Cabot  and  his  son  Scb.isiian— Kine  Henry  VII.  pran'.s 
John  Cal)ot  a  commission — He  sails  wiili  his  son  on  a  voyace 
of  discovery — AppC'irance  of  land — Descripiioii  of  it — Tl  ey 
return  to  Ki]!;land— Sehaslian  sails  on  a  voyaj:e  of  ili3Cov.;iy 

The  economical  disposition  of  Henry  VII.  King  of 
England,  induced  him  to  preserve  t.'t(i>,piillity  in  his 
dominions,  wliich  greatly  conlributaJ  t.)  the  increase 
of  commerce  and  manufactures;  and  to  bring  thither 
merchants  from  all  parts  of  Europe.  The  Lombards 
and  the  Venetians  were  remarkably  numerous  :  the 
former  of  whom  had  a  street  in  London  appropriated 
to  them  and  called  by  their  name. 

Among  the  Venetians  resident  there  at  that  lime 
was  John  ('abot,  a  man  perfectly  skilled  in  all  the  sci- 
ences requisite  to  form  an  accomplished  mariner. — 
He  had  three  sons,  Lew  is,  Sebastian,  and  Sanctius, 
all  of  whom  he  educated  in  the  same  manner.  Lew- 
is and  Sanctius  became  eminent  men,  and  settled,  the 
one  at  Genoa,  the  other  at  Venice.  Of  Sebastian  a 
farther  account  will  be  tiven. 

The  famous  discovery  made  by  Columbus  caused 
great  admiration  and  much  discourse  in  the  court  of 
Henrv,  among  the  merchants  of  England.  To  find  a 
way  lo  India  by  the  west,  hud  luiij;  been  a  jirublcni 


with  men  of  science  as  well  as  a  desideratum  in  th« 
mercantile  interest.  The  way  was  then  supposed  ta 
be  opened  ;  and  the  specimens  of  gold  which  Coluoi' 
bus  had  brought  home,  excited  the  warmest  desire  at 
pursuing  that  discovery. 

Cabot,  by  his  knowledge  of  the  globe,  supposed  that 
a  shorter  way  might  be  found  from  England  to  India, 
by  the  northwest.  Having  communicated  his  project 
to  the  king,  it  was  favorably  received;  and  on  the 
filth  of  March  1496,  a  commission  was  granted  lo 
"  John  Cabot,  and  his  three  sons,  their  heirs  and  dep- 
uties, giving  them  liberty  to  sail  to  all  ports  of  cast, 
west,  and  north,  under  the  royal  banners,  and  en- 
signs ;  to  discover  countries  of  the  heathen  unknown 
to  Christians  ;  lo  set  up  the  king's  banners  there  ;  to 
occupy  and  possess  as  his  subjects,  such  places  as 
they  could  subdue  ;  giving  them  the  rule  and  jurisdic- 
tioii  of  the  same,  lo  be  holden  on  condition  of  [laying 
to  the  king,  as  often  as  they  should  arrive  at  Bristol 
(at  which  place  only  they  were  permitted  to  arrive,) 
in  wares  and  merchandise,  one  fifth  part  of  all  their 
gains  ;  with  exemption  from  all  customs  and  duties  on 
such  merchandise  as  should  be  brought  from  their 
discoveries." 

After  the  granting  of  this  commi.ssion,  the  king  gave 
orders  for  fitting  out  two  caravels  for  the  purpose  of 
the  discovery.  These  were  victualled  at  the  public 
expense  ;  and  freighted  by  the  merchants  of  London 
and  Bristol,  w  ilh  coarse  cloths  and  other  articles  of 
traffic.  The  whole  company  consisted  of  three  hun- 
dred men. 

With  this  equipment,  in  the  beginning  of  May, 
1497,*  John  Cabot  and  his  son  Sebastian  sailed  from 
Bristol  towards  the  northwest,  till  they  reached  the 
latitude  of  58"  ;  where  meeting  with  floating  ice,  and 
the  weather  being  severely  cold,  they  altered  their 
course  to  the  southwest ;  not  expecting  to  find  any 
land,  I'll  they  should  arrive  at  Cathay,  the  northern 
part  of  China,  from  whence  they  intended  lo  pass 
southward  to  India. 

'^n 'he  24lh  of  June,  very  early  in  the  morning, 
they  were  surprised  with  the  sight  of  land  ;  which, 
being  the  first  that  they  had  seen,  they  called  Prima 
Visla.  The  description  of  it  is  given  in  these  words. 
'•  The  island  which  licth  out  before  the  land,  he  called 
St.  John,  because  it  was  discovered  on  the  day  of  St. 
John,  the  Baptist.  The  inhabitants  of  this  island 
wear  beasts'  skins.  In  their  wars  they  use  bows,  ar- 
rov>s,  pikes,  darts,  wooden  clubs,  and  slings.  The 
soil  is  barren  in  some  places  and  yieldeth  little  fruit ; 
but  is  full  of  white  nears  and  stags,  far  greater  than 
ours.  It  yielileth  plenty  offish,  and  those  very  great, 
as  seals  and  salmons.  There  are  soles  above  a  yard 
in  length  ,  but  especial'y  there  is  great  abundance  ot 
that  kind  of  fish  which  the  savages  call  Bacalao. — 
(Cod.)  In  the  same  island  are  hawks  and  eagles,  as 
i  'olack  as  ravens  ;  also  partridges.  The  inhabitants 
I  liad  plenty  of  copper." 

T^ls  land  is  generally  supposed  lo  be  some  part  oi 
the  island  of  New  foundland  ;  and  Dr.  Foster  thinks 
that  the  name,  I'rima  Vista,  was  afterwards  cliaiigej 
to  Bona  Visla,  now  the  norlliern  cape  Trinity  Bay,  in 
latitude  48'-'  50'.  Peter  Martyr's  account  is,  that  Ca- 
bot called  the  land,  Bacalaus  ;  and  there  is  a  small 
island  olTthe  south  cape  of  Trinity  Bay,  which  bears 
ihat  name  :  Mr.  Prince,  in  bis  chronology  (jitiiig 
(lalvanus  for  an  authority,)  says,  that  the  land  dis- 
covered by  Cabot  was  in  latitude  45*^.  If  this  were 
true,  the  first  discovery  was  made  on  the  peninsula  of 
Nova  Scotia  ;  and  as  they  coasted  the  land  north- 
ward, they  must  have  gone  into  the  gulf  St.  Law- 
rence, in  pursuit  of  their  northwest  passage. 

'I'he  best  accounts  of  the  voyage  preserved  by  Hak- 
luyt  am)  Purchas,  say  nothing  of  the  latitude  of  I'ri- 
nia  A'isla  ;  but  speak  of  their  sailing  northward  alter 
they  had  made  the  land,  as  far  as  67''.  Stowe,  in  his 
chronicle,  savs  it  was  on  the  "north  side  of  Terra  de 
Labradore.''  This  course  must  have  carried  them  far 
up  the  strait  which  separates  Greenland  from  the  con- 
tinent of  .■Viiierica. 

Finding  the  land  still  stretching  lo  the  northward, 
and  the  weather  very  colil  in  the  month  of  July  ;  the 
men  became  uneasy,  and  the  commanders  found  it 
necessary  to  return  lo  Bacalaos.  Having  here  re- 
freshed themselves,  they  coasted  the  land  south- 
ward till  they  came  into  the  same  latitude  with  the 


•  There  Is  no  cood  account  of  this  voyage  written  by  any  con 
leniporary  aullior.  It  is  tliercfore  collected  from  several  wlio 
have  set  down  fact"  wiihout  much  order  or  precision.  To  r«- 
coiicile  their  contradictions,  and  deduce  conclusions  from  wbal 
they  have  related,  requires  much  troul)le,  and  leaves  an  uiicor. 
taiiiiy  Willi  respect  to  particular  circuinstanccs,  ihuu^h  ll/i 
l>riucij)al  facta  ore  wvU  osccrtaiuetL 


BIOORAPHIES  OF  THE  FARLY  DISCOVERERS. 


II 


etraits  o(  Oiliarallpr  36°,  accordinf;  to  some  no  I'arllier 
than  SS"  ;  when  thfir  provisions  falling  short,  they  rc- 
turiiPil  lo  Kii'iland  ;  hrinirin;;  thri-e  of'thr  savasres  as  a 
present  to  the  kin;;.  "  They  were  clothed  vvith  the  skins 
of  beasts,  and  hved  on  raw  llosh  ;  hut  after  two  years, 
were  seen  in  the  kinir's  court  clothed  hke  En!,'lishincn, 
and  could  not  be  discernei!  from  Enirlishmeu.'' 

Nolhiiiil  more  is  said  of  John  Cahot,  the  father; 
and  some  historians  ascribe  the  whole  of  this  discove- 
rv  to  Sebastian  only  ;  hut  at  llie  time  of  this  voyage 
he  could  not  have  been  more  than  twenty  years  old, 
when  thoutrh  he  might  accompany  his  father,  yet  he 
was  too  young  to  undertake  such  an  expedition  him- 
self The  voyage  having  produced  no  specimens  of 
gold,  and  the  king  being  engaged  in  a  controversy 
with  Scotland,  no  farther  encouragement  was  given 
to  the  spirit  of  discovery. 

After  the  king's  death,  Sebastian  Cabot  was  invit- 
ed to  Spain,  and  was  received  in  a  respectful  manner 
by  Kini:  Ferdinanri  and  Queen  Isabella.  In  their 
service  he  sailed  on  a  vnyau'e  of  discovery  to  the 
southern  parts  of  the  New  ( -ontinent  ;  and  having 
visited  the  coast  of  Brazil,  entered  a  great  river  to 
which  he  gave  the  natne  of  Rio  de  la  Plata.  He  sail- 
ed up  this  river  one  hundred  and  twenty  leagues  ;  and 
found  it  divided  into  many  branches  ;  the  shores  of 
which  were  inhabited  by  numerous  people. 

After  this  he  made  other  voyages,  of  which  no  par- 
ticular memorials  remain.  Ho  was  honored  by  Fer- 
dinand with  a  commission  of  Grand  Pilot  ;  and  was 
me  of  the  council  of  tlie  Indies.  His  residence  was 
in  the  city  of  Seville.  His  character  was  gentle, 
friendly  and  social.  His  employment  was  the  draw- 
ing of  charts ;  on  which  he  delineated  all  the  new 
discoveries  made  by  himself  and  others.  Peter  Mar- 
tyr speaks  of  him  as  a  friend  with  whom  he  loved  fa- 
xiliarly  to  converse. 

In  his  advanced  aje,  he  returned  to  England,  and 
resided  at  Bristol.  By  the  favor  of  the  Uuke  of  Som- 
erset, he  was  introduced  to  King  Edward  VI.  who 
look  great  delight  in  his  conversation,  and  settled  on 
jim  a  pension  of  IGG/,  I3s.  Ad.  per  annum  for  life.  He 
disappointed  governor  of  a  company  of  merchants, 
kjsociated  for  the  purpose  of  making  discoveries  of 
•jnknown  countries.  This  is  a  proof  of  the  great  es- 
teem in  which  he  was  held  as  a  man  of  knowledge 
and  experienced  in  his  profession.  He  had  a  strong 
persuasion  that  a  passage  might  be  found  to  China  by 
the  northeast, and  warmly  patronized  the  attempt  made 
bySirHugli  Willousrhby  in  1.5.53  to  explore  the  north- 
urn  seas  for  that  purpose.  There  is  still  extant  a 
complete  set  of  instructions  drawn  and  subscribed  by 
(Jabot,  for  the  direction  of  the  voyage  to  Cathay, 
uhich  alTords  the  clearest  proof  of  his  sagacity  and 
penetration.  But  though  this,  as  well  as  all  other  at- 
tempts of  the  kind,  proved  ineffectual  to  the  principal 
end  in  view,  yet  it  was  the  means  of  opening  a  trade 
with  Russia,  which  proved  very  beneficial  to  the  com- 
pany. 

The  Ia.?t  account  which  we  have  with'  Sebastian  is, 
that  in  15,56,  when  a  company  were  sending  out  a  ves- 
sel called  the  Search  thrift,  under  the  command  of 
Stephen  Burrougli,  for  discovery  ;  the  Governor  made 
a  visit  on  board  ;  which  is  thus  related  in  the  journal 
of  the  voyage  as  preserved  by  Hakluyt. 

"  The  27th  of  .\pril,  being  Monday,  the  Ri<;ht 
Worshipful  .Sebastian  Cabota  came  aboard  our  pin- 
nace, at  Gravesend  ;  accompanied  with  divers  jrenlle- 
men  and  gentlewomen  ;  who,  after  they  had  viewed 
our  pinnace,  and  tasted  of  such  cheer  as  we  could 
make  them,  went  ashore,  giving  to  our  mariners  right 
liberal  rewards.  The  good  old  gentleman  Master 
("abota  gave  to  the  poor  most  liberal  alms,  wishing 
l/icm  to  pray  for  the  good  fortune  and  prosperous  suc- 
cess of  the  Search  thrift,  our  pinnace.  .\m\  then  at 
the  sign  of  St.  Christopher,  he  and  his  friends  ban- 
queted ;  and  made  me  and  them  that  were  in  the  com- 
pany great  cheer  ;  and  for  very  joy  that  he  had  to  see 
the  towardness  of  our  intended  discovery,  he  entered 
into  the  dance  himself,  among  the  rest  of  the  young 
and  lusty  company  ;  which  beincr  ended  he  and  his 
fri  ends  departed,  most  gently  commending  us  to  the 
governance  of  .Mmighty  Gon.'' 

.According  to  the  calculation  of  his  age  by  Dr. Camp- 
bell, he  must  at  that  time  have  been  about  eighty 
years  old. 

He  was  one  of  the  most  extraordinary  men  of  the 
■26  in  which  he  lived.  By  his  ingenuity  and  indus- 
try, he  enlarged  the  bounds  of  science  and  promoted 
t'le  interest  of  the  English  nation.  Ur.  Campbell  sup- 
poses It  Was  he  who  first  took  notice  of  the  variation 
•ftho  magnetic  needle     It  had  been  observed  in  the 


first  voyage  of  Columbus  to  the  West  Indies  ;  thfuigh  I 
probably  (Jabot  might  riot  have  known  it,  till  after  he  I 
had  made  the  same  discovery.  I 

JAMES  C  A  R  T  I  E  R  . 

James  Caktikr — He  sails  on  a  voya5:e  of  iliscovery — Comes  in 
sight  of  land — .\crounl  of  his  voyaijc— Chaleur  Bay  (liscov- 
ereil — His  interview  with  llie  natives — Danncoiia — The  In- 
dian Cliief— His  straiai;cin — Reception  of  Curlier  and  his 
company  by  the  Indians— Cijaracter,  habits,  and  (austoms  of 
the  Indians — Cartier  makes  fnriher  di.<coveries — Raging  of 
the  scurvy  in  lus  company — Canier  tal<es  posses.-Jion  of  the 
country — He  returns  to  France  witli  two  of  ihe  natives — Car- 
tier  again  sails — The  natives  inquire  after  their  brethren — 
Kindness  of  the  Indians. 

Thouuh  the  English  did  not  prosecute  the  discove- 
ry made  by  the  Cabots,  nor  avail  themselves  of  the  on- 
ly advantages  which  it  could  have  afforded  them  ;  vet 
their  neighbours  of  Brittanny,  "  Normandy  and  Bis- 
cay wisely  pursued  the  track  of  those  adventurers  and 
took  vast  quantities  of  cod  on  the  banks  of  IVewfound- 
land. 

In  1521,  John  Verazzani,  a  Florentine,  in  Ihe  ser- 
vice of  France,  ranged  the  coast  of  the  new  continent 
from  Florida  to  Newfoundland,  and  gave  it  the  name 
oi  New  France.  In  a  subsequent  voyage  he  was  cut 
to  pieces  and  devoured  by  the  savages. 

It  is  remarkable  that  the  three  great  European 
kingdoms,  Spain,  England  and  France,  made  use  of 
three  Italians  to  conduct  their  discoveries;  Columbus 
a  Genoese  ;  Cabot,  a  Venetian  ;  and  Verazzani,  a 
Florentine.  This  is  a  proof  that  among  the  Italians, 
there  were  at  that  time  ()ersons  superior  in  maritime 
knowledge  to  the  other  nations  of  Europe  ;  though 
the  penurious  spirit  of  those  republics,  their  mutual 
jealousy  and  petty  wars,  made  them  overlook  the 
benefits  resulting  from  extensive  enterprises,  and  leave 
the  vast  regions  of  the  new  world  to  be  occupied  by 
others. 

The  voyages  of  Verazzani  having  produced  no  ad- 
dition to  the  revenue  of  France,  all  further  attempts 
to  perfect  his  discoveries  were  laid  aside  ;  but  the  fish- 
ery being  fo  jn  i  condjcive  to  the  commercial  interest, 
it  was  at  lenglh  cor.  leived;  that  a  plantation  in  the 
neighborh.iod  of  the  banks  might  be  advantageous. 
This  being  represented  to  King  Francis  I.  by  Chahot 
the  Admiral,  Jamej  Cartier  t  of  St.  Malo,  was  com- 
missioned to  explore  the  country,  with  a  view  to  find 
a  place  for  a  colony. 

On  the  20th  of  April  1534,  he  sailed  from  St.  Malo 
with  two  ships  of  sixty  tons,  and  122  men  ;  and  on  the 
tenth  of  May  came  in  sight  of  Bonavista,  on  the  island 
of  Newfoundland.  But  the  ice  which  lay  along  the 
shore  obliged  him  logo  southward  ;  and  he  entered  a 
harbor  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  St  Catharine  ; 
where  he  wailed  for  fair  weather,  and  fitted  his  boats 

As  soon  as  the  season  would  (lermit  he  sailed  north- 
ward, and  examined  several  harbors  and  islands,  on 
the  coast  of  Newfoundland  ;  in  one  of  which  he  fi)und 
such  a  quantity  of  birds,  that  in  half  an  hour,  two 
boats  were  loaded  with  them  ;  and  after  they  had  eat- 
en as  many  as  they  could,  five  or  six  barrels  full  were 
salted  fi)r  each  ship.  This  place  was  called  Bird  Island. 

Having  passed  Cape  de  Grat,  the  northern  extre- 
mity of  the  land  ;  he  entered  the  straits  of  Bellisle  and 
visited  several  harbors  on  Ihe  opposite  coast  of  Lab- 
rador, one  of  which  he  called  Cartier's  Sound.  The 
harbor  is  described  as  one  of  Ihe  best  in  the  world  ; 
but  the  land  is  stigmatized  as  the  place  to  which  Cain 
was  banished  ;  no  vegetation  being  produced  among 
the  rocks,  but  thorns  and  moss.  Yet.  bad  as  it  was. 
there  were  inhabitants  in  it.  who  lived  by  catching 
seals,  and  seemed  to  be  a  wandering  tribe. 

In  circumnavigating  the  great  island  of  Newfound- 
land, they  found  th.e  weather  in  general  cold  ;  but 
when  they  had  crossed  the  gulf  in  a  southwesterly  di- 
rection to  the  continent,  they  came  into  a  deep  bay, 
where  the  climate  was  so  warm,  that  they  named  it 
Baye  de  Chaleur,  or  the  Bay  of  Heat.  Here  were 
several  kinds  of  wild  berries,  roses  and  meadows  of 
grass.  In  the  fresh  waters  they  caught  salmon  in 
great  plenty. 

Having  searched  in  vain  for  a  passage  through  the 
bay,  they  quitted  it,  and  sailed  along  the  coast  east- 
ward, till  they  came  lo  the  smaller  bay  of  Gaspe  ; 
where  they  sought  shelter  from  a  tempest,  and  were 
detained  twelve  days  in  the  month  of  July.  In  this 
place  Cartier  performed  the  ceremony  of  taking  pos- 
session for  the  King  of  France.  A  cross  of  thirty  feet 
hii'h  was  erected  on  a  point  of  land.  On  Ibis  cross 
was  suspended  a  shield,  with  the  arms  of  France  and 

'  It  is  supposed  tliat  the  island  of  Cape  Breton  louk  its  name 
from  the  Bretons,  the  fislierrnen  Brittany. 
\  His  nante  19  sonietimcB  wriueu  (^uutier. 


the  words  Vwe  Ic  liny  de  France.  Before  it,  the  peo- 
ple kneeled,  uncovered  ;  with  their  hands  extended, 
and  their  eyes  lifted  toward  heaven  'i'he  natives, 
who  were  present,  beheld  Ihe  ceremony  at  first  with 
silent  admiration  ;  but  after  a  while,  an  old  man,  clad 
in  a  bear's  skin,  made  siirns  to  them  that  the  land  was 
his,  and  that  lliey  should  not  have  it,  wilhout  his  leave. 
They  then  informed  him  by  signs,  that  the  crosK  waa 
intended  only  as  a  mark  of  direction,  by  which  they 
might  again  find  the  port  ;  and  thev  (>roinised  to  re- 
turn Ihe  next  year,  and  to  bring  iron  and  other  com- 
modities. 

They  thought  it  proper  however  to  conciliate  the 
old  man  s  good  will,  by  entertaining  him  on  board  ihe 
ship  and  making  him  several  presents  ;  by  which 
means,  Ihey  so  prevailed  on  him,  that  he  permilled 
Cartier  to  carry  two  of  his  sons,  young  men,  to  France 
on  Ihe  security  of  a  promise  thai  he  w  ould  bring  tlieiu 
back,  at  his  return  tlie  next  spring. 

From  Graspe,  he  saileil  so  fiir  into  the  Great  Rivet 
afterward  called  St.  Lawrence,  as  lo  discover  land  on 
the  opposite  side  ;  but  the  weather  bring  boi.-lerous, 
and  the  current  selling  against  him.  he  Ihongbt  it 
best  to  return  lo  Newfoundland,  and  then  to  France  ; 
where  he  arrived  safe  in  the  harbor  of  St.  Malo,  on 
the  fiflh  of  September. 

The  discoveries  made  in  this  voyage  excited  farther 
curiosity  ;  and  the  vice  .Admiral  Melleraye  represent- 
ed Cartier's  merits  lo  the  King,  so  fiivorably  as  to 
procure  fi)r  him  a  more  ample  equiiuiicnt  Three 
shi|)s,  one  of  120,  one  of  fiO  and  one  o(  40  tons,  were 
destined  to  perform  another  voyage,  in  the  eiisniiig 
spring  ;  and  several  young  men  of  distinction  entered 
as  volunteers,  to  seek  adventures  in  Ihe  new  world. 
When  Ihey  were  ready  to  sail,  the  w  hole  company, 
after  the  example  of  Columbus,  w  ent  in  jirocession  to 
church,  on  Whitsunday,  w  here  the  Bishop  of  St. Malo 
pronounced  his  blessing  on  llieni.  Thev  sailed  on  the 
lyth  of  May  1535.  Meeting  with  tempestuous  wealh 
er,  the  shi[)S  were  separated  ;  ami  did  not  join  again, 
till  Cartier  in  the  largest  ship  arrived  at  Bird  Island  , 
where  he  again  filled  his  boats  with  fowls,  and  on  the 
26lhof  July  was  joined  by  the  other  vessels. 

From  Bird  Island  Ihey  pursoed  Ihe  same  course  a.s 
in  the  preceding  summer  ;  and  having  come  into  the 
gulf  on  Ihe  western  side  of  Newfiiiindlanil.  gave  it  the 
name  of  St.  Lawrence.  Here  Ihey  saw  abundance  of 
whales.  Passing  between  the  islainl  of  Assumption 
(since  called  Anlicosti)  and  the  northern  shore,  they 
sailed  up  the  great  river,  till  they  came  lo  a  branch  on 
the  northern  siiie,  which  the  young  natives  who  were 
on  board  called  Saguenay  ;  the  main  river  they  told 
liiin  would  carry  him  to  Hochelega,  the  capital  of  the 
whole  country. 

Af\er  spending  sometime  in  exploring  the  northern 
coast,  to  find  an  opening  to  the  northward  ;  in  th* 
beginning  of  September,  he  sailed  up  the  river,  and 
discovered  several  islands  ;  one  of  w  hich,  from  the 
multitude  of  filberts,  he  called  Coudres  ;  and  another, 
from  the  va.-l  (piantity  of  grapes,  he  luitued  Bacchus, 
(now  Orleans.)  This  island  was  full  of  inhabitants 
who  subsisted  by  fishing. 

When  the  shi[is  had  come  to  anchor  between  tho 
N.  W.  side  of  llie  island  and  the  main,  Cartier  went 
on  shore  with  his  two  young  Savages.  The  people 
of  the  country  were  at  first  afraid  of  ihem  ;  but  hear' 
ing  the  youths  speak  to  Ihem  in  their  own  laiiguiii!e 
they  became  sociable,  and  brought  eels  and  other  fisli, 
with  a  (piantity  of  Indian  corn  in  ears,  for  the  refresh- 
ment of  their  new  guests;  in  return  for  which,  ihcy 
were  presenleil  with  such  European  baubles  as  wero 
pleasing  to  them. 

The  next  day,  Donacona,  the  prince  of  Ihe  placo 
came  to  visit  them,  attended  by  twelve  boats  ;  but 
keeping  ten  of  them  at  a  distance,  he  approached 
with  two  only,  containing  sixteen  men.  In  the  true 
spirit  of  hospitality,  he  madi!  a  speech,  accompanied 
with  siijiiificant  gestures,  welcoming  the  French  to 
his  country  and  offering  his  service  to  to  them.  Tho 
young  savages,  Tiagnoagni  and  Domagaia  answered 
liim,  reporting  all  which  they  had  seen  in  France, 
at  w  hich  he  appeared  to  1«>  pleased.  Then  approach- 
in;;  the  (Japlain,  who  hr'd  out  his  hand,  he  kissed  it, 
and  laid  it  round  his  own  neck,  in  token  of  friend- 
ship. Cartier,  on  his  part,  eiilertaiiied  Uonacona 
with  bread  md  wine,  and  they  parted  niuPaally 
pleased. 

The  next  day  Cartier  went  up  in  his  boat  to  find  a 
harbor  for  his  ships;  the  season  being  so  far  ad- 
vanced that  it  became  necessary  to  secure  them  At 
the  west  end  of  tho  isle  of  Bacchus,  he  found  "  • 
goodly  and  plcasar  t  sound,  where  is  a  little  rivef 


13 


AMERICAN  HISTORY. 


a:id  hx7en  ;  about  three  fathoms  deep  at  high  water.  ' 
To  this  ne  gave  tfio  name  of  St.  Croix,  and  deleraiin- 
«d  there  to  lay  up  liis  ships. 

Near  this  place  was  a  village  called  Stadacona,  of 
wliieh  Donacona  was  the  lord.  It  was  environed 
with  forest  trees,  some  of  which  bore  fruit ;  and  un- 
der the  trees,  was  a  growth  of  wild  hemp.  As  Car- 
tier  was  returning  to  his  ships,  he  had  another  spe- 
cimen of  the  hospitable  manners  of  the  natives.  A 
company  of  people,  of  both  sexes,  met  him  on  the 
shore  of  the  little  river,  singing  and  dancing  up  to 
Iheir  knees  in  water.  In  return  for  their  courtesy,  he 
gave  them  knives  and  beads ;  and  they  continued  their 
njusic  till  lie  was  beyonil  hearing  it. 

When  Cartier  had  brought  his  ships  to  the  har- 
Sor  and  secured  them,  he  intimated  his  intention  to 
pass  in  his  boats  up  the  river  to  Hochclaga.  Dona- 
cona  was  loth  to  part  with  him  ;  and  invented  several 
artifices  to  prevent  his  going  thither.  Among  others, 
he  contrived  to  dress  three  of  his  men  in  black  and 
white  skins,  with  horns  on  their  heads,  and  their  fa- 
ces besmeared  with  coal,  to  make  them  lesemlile  in- 
fernal spirits.  They  were  put  into  a  canoe  and 
passed  to  the  ships ;  brandishing  their  horns  and 
making  an  unintelligible  harrangue.  Uonacona, 
with  his  people,  pursued  and  took  them,  on  which 
they  fell  down  as  if  dead.  They  were  carried  ashore 
Mito  the  wooils,  and  all  the  savages  followed  them. 
A  long  discourse  ensued,  and  the  conclusion  of  the 
farce  was,  that  these  demons  bad  brought  news  from 
the  god  of  Hochelaga,  that  his  country  was  so  full 
of  snow  and  ice,  that  whoever  should  adventure 
thither  would  perish  with  the  cold.  The  artifice 
afforded  diversion  to  the  French,  but  was  too  thin  to 
deceive  them.  Cartier  determined  to  proceed  ;  and 
on  the  nineteenth  of  September,  with  his  pinnace 
and  two  boats,  began  his  voyage  up  the  river  to 
Uochelaga. 

Among  the  woods  on  the  margin  of  the  river  were 
many  vines  loaded  with  white  grapes,  than  which 
nothing  could  be  a  more  welcome  sight  to  French- 
men, though  the  fruit  was  not  so  delicious  as  they 
had  been  used  to  taste  in  their  own  country.  Along 
the  banks  were  many  huts  of  the  natives  ;  who  made 
signs  of  joy  as  they  pas.sed  ;  presented  them  with  fish  ; 
piloted  them  through  narrow  channels  ;  carried  them 
ashore  on  their  backs,  and  helped  them  to  get  off  their 
boats  when  aground.  iSome  presented  their  children  lO 
them,  and  such  as  were  of  proper  age  were  accepted. 

The  water  at  that  time  of  the  year  being  low,  their 
passage  was  rendered  difficult ;  but  by  the  friendly  as- 
sistance of  the  natives  they  surmounted  the  obstruc- 
tions. On  the  25th  of  September  they  passed  the  rap- 
ids between  the  islands  in  the  upper  part  of  the  lake 
Angoleme,  (now  called  St.  I'eters)  and  on  the  second 
of  October  they  arrived  at  the  island  of  Hochelaga; 
where  they  had  been  expected,  and  preparations  were 
made  to  give  them  a  welcome  reception.  About  a 
thousand  persons  came  to  meet  them,  singing  and 
dancing,  the  men  on  one  side,  the  women  on  the  oth- 
er, and  the  children  in  a  distinct  body.  Presents  of 
fish  and  other  victuals  were  brought,  ami  in  return 
were  given  knives,  beads  and  other  trinkets.  The 
Frenchmen  lodged  the  first  night  in  their  boats,  and 
the  natives  watched  on  the  shore,  dancing  round  their 
fires  during  the  whole  night. 

The  next  morning  Cartier,  with  twenty-five  of  his 
company,  went  to  visit  the  town,  and  were  met  on  the 
way  by  a  person  of  distinction,  who  bade  them  wel- 
come. To  him  they  gave  two  hatchets  and  two  knives, 
and  hung  over  his  neck  a  cross  which  they  taught  him 
to  kiss.  As  they  proceeded,  they  passed  through 
groves  of  oak,  from  which  acorns  were  fallen  and  lay 
thick  on  the  ground.  After  this  they  came  to  fields 
of  ripe  corn,  some  of  which  was  gathered.  In  the 
niid.st  of  these  fields  was  situate  the  town  of  Hochc- 
kga. 

It  wag  of  a  round  form,  encompassed  with  three  lines 
of  iialiiiades.  through  which  was  one  entrance,  well  nc- 
eured  with  stakes  and  bars.  On  the  inside  was  a  ram- 
part of  timber,  to  which  were  ascents  by  ladders,  and 
heaps  of  stones  were  laid  in  proper  places  for  defence. 
In  the  town  were  aboiii  fifty  long  huts  built  with 
•takes  and  covered  with  bark.  In  the  middle  of  each 
fiiit  was  a  fire,  round  which  were  loilgiiig  places,  floor- 
ed with  liark  and  covercil  with  skins.  In  the  upi>er 
part  was  a  scaffold  on  which  they  dried  and  preserved 
their  corn.  To  prepare  it  for  eating,  they  pounded  it 
in  wo(Kli'n  mortars,  and  having  mixed  it  with  water, 
bikeil  it  on  hot  stones.  liesidex  corn  they  bad  beans, 
wjuasheN  and  pumpkins.  They  dried  their  fish  and 
(vvMnrod  Ujcui  in  troughs.  These  i>eople  lived  chiefly 


I  by  tillage  and  fishing,  and  seldom  went  far  from  home. 
I  Those  on  the  lower  parts  of  the  river  were  more  giv- 
I  en  to  hunting,  and  considered  the  Lord  of  Hochelaga 
as  their  sovereign,  to  whom  they  paid  tribute. 

When  the  new  guests  were  conducted  to  an  open 
square  in  the  centre  of  the  town  ;  the  females  came  to 
them,  rubbing  their  hands  and  faces,  weeping  with  joy 
at  their  arrival,  and  bringing  their  children  to  be 
touched  by  the  strangers.  They  spread  mats  for  them 
on  the  ground,  whilst  the  men  seated  themselves  in  a 
large  circle  on  the  outside.  The  king  was  then  brought 
into  a  litter  on  the  shoulders  of  ten  men,  and  placed 
on  a  mat  next  to  the  French  Captain.  He  was  about 
fifty  years  old,  and  had  no  mark  of  distinction  but  a 
coronet  made  of  porcupines's  quills  dyed  red  ;  which 
he  took  off  and  gave  to  the  Captain,  requesting  him  to 
rub  his  arms  and  legs  wliich  were  trembling  with  the 
palsy.  Several  persons,  blind,  lame  and  withered 
with  age,  were  also  brought  to  be  touched  ;  as  if  they 
supposed  that  their  new  guests  were  messengers  from 
heaven  invested  with  a  pov/er  of  healing  diseases. 
Cartier  gratified  them  as  well  as  he  could,  by  laying 
his  hands  on  them  and  repeating  some  devotional  pas- 
sages from  a  service  book,  which  he  had  in  his  pock- 
et ;  accompanying  his  ejaculations  with  significant 
gestures,  and  litUng  up  bis  eyes  to  heaven.  The  na- 
tives attentively  observed  and  imitated  all  his  motions. 

Having  performed  this  ceremony,  he  desired  the 
men,  women  and  children  to  arrange  themselves  in 
separate  bodies.  To  the  men  he  gave  hatchets,  to  the 
women  beads,  and  to  the  children  rings.  He  then  or- 
dered his  drums  and  trumpets  to  sound,  which  highly 
pleased  the  company  and  set  them  to  dancing. 

Being  desirous  of  ascending  the  hill,  under  which 
the  town  was  built,  the  natives  conducted  them  to  the 
summit ;  where  they  were  entertained  with  a  most 
extensive  and  beautiful  prospect  of  mountains,  woods, 
islands  and  waters.  They  observed  the  course  of  the 
river  above,  and  some  falls  of  water  in  it ;  and  the  na- 
tives informed  them  that  they  might  sail  on  it  for  three 
months ;  that  it  ran  through  two  or  three  great  lakes, 
beyond  which  was  a  sea  of  fresh  water,  to  which  they 
knew  of  no  bounds  ;  and  that  on  the  other  side  of  the 
mountains  there  was  another  river  which  ran  in  a 
contrary  direction  to  the  southwest,  through  a  coun- 
try full  of  delicious  fruits,  and  free  from  snow  and  ice; 
that  there  was  found  such  metal  as  the  Captain's 
silver  whistle  and  the  haft  of  the  dagger  belonging  to 
one  of  the  company  which  was  gilt  w  ith  g^oA/.  Being 
shown  some  copper,  they  pointed  to  the  nort'^ward, 
and  said  it  came  from  Saguenay.  To  this  hill  Car- 
tier  gave  the  name  of  MoiUreal,  which  it  has  ever  since 
retained. 

The  visit  being  finished,  the  natives  accompanied 
the  French  to  their  boats,  carrying  such  as  were  weary 
on  their  shoulders.  They  were  loth  to  part  with  their 
guests,  and  followed  them  along  the  shore  of  the  river 
to  a  coiisidejable  distance. 

On  the  4th  of  October,  Cartier  and  his  company 
departed  from  Hochelaga.  In  passing  down  the  river, 
they  erected  a  cross  on  the  point  of  an  island,  which, 
with  three  others,  lay  in  the  mouth  of  a  shallow  river, 
on  the  north  side,  called  Fouctz.  On  the  eleventh  they 
arrived  at  the  Portde  St.  Croix,  anil  founil  that  their 
companions  had  enclosed  the  ships  with  a  palisade 
and  rampart,  on  which  they  had  mounted  cannon. 

The  next  day  Donacona  invited  them  to  his  resi- 
dence, where  they  were  entertained  with  the  usual  fes- 
tivity and  made  the  customary  presents.  Thoy  ob- 
served that  these  people  used  the  leaves  of  an  herb 
(tobacco)  which  they  preserved  in  pouches  made  of 
skins  and  smoked  in  stone  pipes.  It  was  very  ollcn- 
sive  to  the  French  ;  but  the  natives  valued  it  as  con- 
tributing much  to  the  preservation  of  their  health. 
Their  houses  appeared  to  be  well  supplied  with  pro- 
visions. Among  other  things  which  were  new  to  the 
French,  they  observed  the  scal|>s  of  five  men,  spread 
and  dried  like  parchment.  These  were  taken  from 
their  enemies  the  Toudamani,  who  came  from  the 
south,  and  were  continually  at  war  with  them. 

Being  determined  to  speml  the  winter  among  those 
friendly  people,  they  traded  with  tliem  for  the  provis- 
ions which  they  could  spare,  and  the  river  supplied 
them  with  fish  till  it  wa.s  hard  frozen. 

In  December  the  scurvey  began  to  make  its  ap- 
pi'arancc  among  the  natives,  and  Cartier  prohibited  all 
intercourse  witli  them  ;  but  it  was  not  long  before  his 
own  men  were  taken  with  it.  Il  raged  with  uncon- 
trolle  l  violence  for  above  two  months,  and  by  the  mid- 
dle of  February,  out  of  one  hundred  and  ten  persons, 
fifty  were  sick  at  once,  and  eight  or  ten  had  died. 

In  thia  eUremity  Cartier  appointed  a  day  of  solemn 


humiliation  and  prayer.  A  crucifix  was  pi. \C8(!  (o  « 
tree,  and  as  many  as  were  able  to  walk  went  ir  pro- 
cession, through  the  ice  and  snow,  singing  tie  aeveo 
penitential  psalms  and  performing  otiier  devotional 
exercises.  At  the  close  of  the  solemnity  Cartier 
made  a  vow,  that  "  if  it  would  please  God  to  permit 
him  to  return  to  France,  he  would  go  in  pilgrimage  ta 
our  Lady  of  Koquemado."  But  it  was  necessary  to 
watch  as  well  as  pray.  To  prevent  the  natives  from 
knowing  their  weak  and  defenceless  state,  he  obliged 
all  who  were  able,  to  make  as  much  noise  as  possible 
with  axes  and  hammers  ;  and  told  the  natives  that 
his  men  were  all  busily  employed,  and  that  he  woukl 
not  suffer  any  of  them  to  go  from  the  ships  till  their 
work  was  done.  The  ships  were  fast  frozen  up  from 
the  midille  of  Novemt>er  to  the  middle  of  March;  the 
snow  was  four  feet  deep,  and  higher  than  the  sides  ot 
the  ships  above  the  ice.  The  severity  of  the  winter  ex- 
ceeded all  which  they  had  ever  ex|>erienced  ;  the  scur- 
vy still  raged  ;  twenty-five  men  had  fallen  victims  to 
it,  and  the  others  were  so  weak  and  low  in  spirits, 
that  they  despaired  of  ever  seeing  their  native  country. 

In  the  depth  of  this  distress  and  despondency.  Car- 
tier,  who  had  escaped  the  disease,  in  walking  one  day 
on  the  ice,  met  some  of  the  natives,  among  \\hom  was 
Domagaia,  one  of  the  young  men  who  had  been  with 
him  to  France  and  who  then  resided  with  his  country- 
men at  Stadacona.  He  had  been  sick  with  the  scur- 
vy, his  sinews  had  been  shrunk  and  his  knees  swol- 
len, his  teeth  loose,  and  his  gums  rotten  ;  but  he  was 
then  recovered,  and  told  Cartier  of  a  certain  tree  ;  the 
leaves  and  bark  of  which  he  had  used  as  a  remedy. — 
Cartier  expressed  his  wish  to  see  the  tree  ;  telling 
him  that  one  of  his  people  had  been  affected  with  ti.e 
same  disorder.  Two  women  were  immediately  dis- 
patched, who  brought  ten  or  twelve  branches,  and 
showed  him  how  to  prepare  the  decoction  ;  which 
was  thus,  "  to  boil  the  bark  and  the  leaves  ;  to  drink 
of  the  liquor  every  other  day  ;  and  to  put  the  dregs  on 
the  legs  of  the  sick."* 

This  remedy  presently  came  into  use,  on  boaid  the 
ships  ;  and  its  good  effects  were  so  surprising,  that 
within  one  week  they  were  completely  healed  of  the 
scurvey  ;  and  some  who  had  venereal  complaints  of 
long  standing  were  also  cured  by  the  same  means. 

The  severity  of  the  winter  having  continued  four 
months  without  intermission,  at  the  return  of  the  sun 
the  season  became  milder,  and  in  April  the  ice  l)egan 
to  break  up.  On  the  tliinl  of  May,  Cartier  look  pos- 
session of  the  country  by  erecting  a  cross,  thirty -five 
feet  high,  on  which  was  hung  a  shield,  bearing  the 
arms  of  France,  with  this  inscription  :  Francicub 
Primus,  Dei  gralia,  Fbancorim  Z^fj,  rtgnat. 

The  same  day  being  a  day  of  festivity,  the  two 
vouiig  savages,  Taignoagni  and  Domagaia,  with  Do- 
nacona the  chief  of  the  place,  came  on  board  the  ships, 
and  were  partly  prevailed  on  and  partly  constrained 
to  accompany  Cartier  to  France.  A  handsome  pre- 
sent was  made  to  the  family  of  Donacona,  but  it  was 
with  great  reluctance  that  his  friends  parted  with  him; 
though  Cartier  promised  to  bring  him  again  at  the  end 
of  twelve  months.  On  the  sixih  of  .May  they  saiU-d 
from  the  Port  of  St.  Croix  ;  and  having  toucheil  at 
St.  Peter's  in  Newfoundland,  they  arrived  at  St.  Ma- 
lo  in  I'rance  the  sixth  of  July,  l.WG. 

Whether  Cartier  performed  his  vow  to  God,  the 
history  docc  not  tell  us  ;  certain  it  is,  however,  that 
he  did  not  perform  his  promise  to  his  passengers.  The 
zeal  for  adventures  of  this  kind  began  to  abate.  Nei- 
theirgold  nor  silver  were  carried  home.  The  advan- 
tages of  the  I'ur  trade  were  not  fully  understood  ;  and 
the  prospect  of  benefit  from  cultivalioii  in  ihe  short 
EUinmer  of  that  cold  climate,  was  greatly  overbalan- 
ced, bvtlie  length  and  severity  of  a  Canadian  u  inter. 
The  natives  had  been  so  often  told  of  the  necessity  i>l 
baptism  in  order  to  salvation,  that  on  their  arrival  in 
France,  ihey  were  at  their  own  request  baptised  ;  but 
neiilier  of  them  lived  to  see  their  na:ivelaiid  again. 

The  report  which  Cartier  brought  home,  of  the 
fine  country  beyond  the  Lakes,  hail  however  made 
such  an  impression  on  the  minds  of  some,  that,  at 
the  end  of  four  years,  another  expedition  was  jrrcr- 
jected.  Francis  de  la  Roche,  Lord  of  Roberval, 
was  commissioned  by  the  King  as  his  Lieutenant, 
•  This  iree  was  calleil  liy  the  nnlivM,  Amcda  or  Halle,I^■— 
Mr  llakluyi  s\i|i|>os<-s  il  o  have  iM-fii  the  Sa.isal'rai;  but  »9  iba 
leaves  were  ii.-e J  wiih  the  bark,  it  llie  winter,  i(  must  har* 
been  an  evcrereen.  The  ilregs  ofihe  t)\rk  were  alsn  appheii 
to  the  sore  leia  i>f  the  patient.  Kr..ni  these circnnisianceii  I  am 
inrlincJ  In  tlnnk  ihat  it  wa.s  ihc  spruce  pine  (pinim  caii»ilen»i») 
which  is  used  in  the  sanu-  manner  liy  the  hidians.  ami  ciiirh  aJ 
have  learntil  of  them.  Spruce  beer  i's  well  kimwn  lo  be  a  pow- 
erful anii-Bcnrbulic  ;  ami  the  bark  of  this  and  oflh«  whila  piae 
■cf  TM  as  a  cataplnani  fur  woundi  mil  aUM 


BIOGRAPHIES  OF  THE  EARLY  DISCOVERERS. 


Governor  in  Canada  and  Hockelaga  ;  and  Cartier 
was  appointed  his  pilot,  with  the  command  of  five 
•hips.  When  they  were  ready  to  sail,  Robcrval  iiad 
not  finished  his  preparations,  and  was  therefore  de- 
tained. The  Kinij's  orders  to  Cartier  being  positive, 
he  sailed  from  St.  Malo  on  the  23d  of  May  1540. 

The  winds  were  adverse  and  the  voyage  tedious. 
The  ships  were  scattered,  and  did  not  arrive  at  the 
place  of  their  destination  till  the  23d  of  August ;  when 
Ihey  came  to  the  port  of  St.  Croix  in  the  river  of  Can- 
ada. 

The  first  inquiry  made  by  the  natives  was  for  their 
countrymen  who  had  been  carried  away.  The  an- 
swer was,  that  Donacona  was  dead,  and  that  the  oth- 
ers had  become  great  Lords,  were  married  in  France, 
and  refused  to  return.  Neither  sorrow  nor  resent- 
ment were  shown  on  this  occasion  ;  but  a  secret  jeal- 
ousy, which  had  been  long  working,  received  strength, 
from  an  answer  so  liable  to  suspicion. 

The  history  of  this  voyage  being  imperfect,  it  is  not 
possible  to  say,  in  what  particular  manner  this  jealou- 
sy operated.  Cartier  made  another  excursion,  up  the 
river  ;  and  pitched  on  a  place  about  four  leagues  above 
f^t.  Croix  to  lay  up  three  of  his  vessels  for  the  winter. 
The  other  two  he  sent  back  to  France,  to  inform  the 
Kinf,  of  what  they  had  done  ;  and  that  Roberval  had 
not  arrived. 

At  the  new  harbour,  which  he  had  chosen  for  his 
ships,  was  a  small  river,  running  in  a  serpentine 
course  to  the  south.  On  the  eastern  side  of  its  en- 
trance was  a  high  and  steep  clilf;  on  the  top  of  which, 
they  built  a  fort  and  called  it  Charleburg.  Below,  the 
ships  were  drawn  up  and  fortified,  as  they  had  been 
in  the  former  winter  which  he  S|)ent  here.  Not  far 
from  the  fort  were  some  rocks  containing  chrystals  ; 
which  they  denominated  diamonds  ;  and  on  the  shore 
were  picked  up  certain  specks  of  a  yellow  substance, 
which  their  imaginations  refined  into  gold.  Iron  ore 
was  found  in  abundance  ;  and  a  kind  of  black  slate, 
with  veins  of  an  apparent  metallic  substance. 

In  what  manner  they  passed  the  winter,  the  defec- 
tive accounts  which  we  have  do  not  inform  us.  In  the 
spring  of  the  following  year,  Cartier  and  his  company 
having  heard  nothing  of  lioberval  ;  and  concluding 
that  they  were  abandoned  by  tlieir  friends  and  expos- 
ed to  perish  in  a  climate  the  most  severe,  and  among 
people  whose  conduct  toward  them  was  totally  chang- 
ed, determined  to  return  to  France.  Accordingly 
having  set  sail,  at  the  breaking  up  of  the  ice,  they  ar- 
rived in  the  harbor  of  St.  John's  in  Newfoundland, 
fixnctime  in  June  ;  where  they  met  Roberval.  who, 
with  three  ships  and  two  hundred  persons,  male  and 
female,  had  sailed  from  Rochelle  in  April  ;  and  were 
on  their  way  to  establish  a  colony  in  Canada.  Car- 
tier  went  on  board  Roberval's  ship,  and  showed  him 
the  diamonds  and  gold  which  he  had  found  ;  but  told 
him  that  the  hostile  disposition  of  the  natives  had 
obliged  him  to  quit  the  country  ;  which  however  he 
represented  to  him  as  capable  of  profitable  cultivation. 
Roberval  ordered  him  to  return  to  Canada  ;  but  Car- 
tier  privately  sailed  out  of  the  harbor  in  the  night.and 
pursued  his  voyage  to  France. 

Mortified  and  disappointed,  Robcrval  continued 
some  time  longer  at  St.  John  s  before  he  proceeded, 
and  about  the  end  of  July  arrived  at  the  place  which 
Cartier  had  quitted.  There  he  erected  a  fort  on  a 
commanding  eminence,  and  another  at  its  foot ;  in 
which  were  deposited  all  the  provision, ammunition, ar- 
tillery, implements  of  husbandry,  and  other  materials 
for  the  intended  colony. 

In  September,  two  vessels  were  sent  back  to  France, 
to  carry  specimens  of  chrystal,  and  fetch  provisions 
for  the  next  year  ;  the  stores  which  they  had  brought 
being  much  reduced.  By  the  help  of  the  fish  which 
they  took  in  the  river,  and  the  game  which  they  pro- 
cured from  the  savages  ;  and  by  well  husbanding 
their  provisions,  they  lingered  out  a  tedious  winter, 
having  suffered  much  from  the  scurvy,  of  which  about 
fifty  of  them  died.  In  addition  to  this  distres.s,  Rob- 
erval exercised  such  severity  in  his  government,  that 
one  man  was  hanged,  several  were  laid  in  irons,  and 
some  of  both  sexes  underwent  the  discipline  of  the 
whip 

In  April  the  ice  began  to  break  up  ;  and  on  the 
fifth  of  June  he  proceeded  up  the  river;  leaving  De 
Royeze,  his  Lieutenant,  to  command  in  his  absence, 
with  orders  to  embark  for  France,  if  he  should  not  re- 
turn by  the  middle  of  July. 

As  the  account  of  the  expedition  ends  here,  wc  can 
only  reroaik  that  the  colony  was  broken  up  ;  and  no 
farther  attempt  was  made  by  the  French  to  establish 
»«iM«lves  ill  Canada,  till  after  the  expiration  of  half 


a  cpfitury.  The  last  account  of  Roberval  is  that,  in 
1549,  he  sailed  with  his  brother  on  some  voyage  of 
discovery,  and  never  Jrturned. 

In  this  fiist  visit,  which  the  natives  of  Canada  re- 
ceived from  the  Europeans,  we  have  a  striking  instance 
of  their  primitive  manners.  Suspecting  no  danger, 
and  influenced  by  no  fear,  they  embraced  the  stranger 
with  unaflected  joy.  Their  huts  were  open  to  re- 
ceive him,  their  fires  and  furs  to  give  warmth  and  rest 
to  his  weary  limbs  ;  their  food  was  shared  with  him  or 
given  in  exchange  for  his  trifles  ;  they  were  ready  with 
their  simple  medicines  to  heal  his  diseases  and  his 
wounds ;  they  would  wade  through  rivers  and  climb 
rocks  and  mountains  to  cuide  him  in  his  way,  and  they 
would  remember  and  requite  his  kindness  more  than  it 
deserved. 

Unhappily  for  them  they  set  too  high  a  value  on 
their  new  guest.  Imagining  him  to  be  of  a  heavenly 
origin,  they  were  extravagant  and  unguarded  in  their 
first  attachment,  and  from  some  specimens  of  his  su- 
periority, obvious  to  their  senses,  they  expected  more 
than  ought  ever  to  be  expected  from  beings  of  the 
same  species.  But  when  the  mistake  was  discover- 
ed, and  the  stranger  whom  they  adored  proved  to  be 
no  more  than  human,  having  the  same  inferior  desires 
and  passions  with  themselves  ;  especially  when  they 
found  their  confidence  misplaced  and  their  generous 
friendship  ill  requited  ;  then  the  rage  of  jealousy  ex- 
tinguished the  virtue  of  benevolence  ;  and  they  strug- 
gled to  rid  themselves  of  him,  as  an  enemy,  whom 
they  liad  received  into  their  bosom  as  a  friend. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  was  too  common  for  the  Eu- 
ropean adventurer  to  regard  the  man  of  nature  as  an 
inferior  being  ;  and  whilst  he  availed  himself  of  his 
strength  and  experience,  to  abuse  his  confiilence,  and 
repay  his  kindness  with  insult  and  injury  ;  to  stigma- 
tize him  as  a  heathen  and  a  savage,  and  to  bestow  on 
him  the  epithets  of  deceitful,  treacherous,  and  cruel ; 
though  he  himself  had  first  set  the  example  of  these 
detestable  vices. 


FERDINANDO  DE  SOTO. 

Ferdinando  dk  Soto — His  expcilition — Hi?  advcnlures — He 
peiielr.iies  irjtoilie  intcridrcif  ihe  Cdiimry — His  ililliculiy  wilh 
ilie  Im  ians — Ei.roumcr  with  the  Indians  in  which  many  are 
killeil— His  death. 

The  travels  and  transactions  of  this  adventurer  are 
of  so  little  importance  in  the  history  of  America,  that 
I  should  not  have  thought  them  worthy  of  notice  ;  had 
it  not  been,  that  some  gentlemen  of  ingenuity  and 
learning  have  had  recourse  to  the  expedition  of  this 
Spaniard  as  a  means  of  solving  the  question  respect- 
ing the  mounds  and  fortifications,  of  a  regular  con- 
struction, which  within  a  few  years  past  have  been 
discovered  in  the  thickest  shades  of  the  American 
forest.*  Though  the  opinion  seems  to  have  been 
candidly  given  up  by  one  of  the  writers  who  attempt- 
ed to  defend  it  ;  yet  as  what  was  published  on  the 
subject  may  have  impressed  some  persons  with  an 
idea  that  these  works  were  of  European  fabric,  I  shall 
briefly  relate  the  history  of  Soto's  march  ;  and  the  dif- 
ficulties which  attend  the  supposition  that  he  was  the 
builder  of  any  of  these  fortifications. 

After  the  conquest  of  Mexico  and  Peru,  in  the  be- 
ginning of  the  sixteenth  century,  the  inextinguisha- 
able  thirst  for  gold,  which  had  seized  the  Spanish  ad- 
venturers, prompted  them  to  search  for  that  bewitch- 
ing metal  wherever  there  could  be  any  prospect  of 
finding  it.  Three  unsuccessful  attempts  had  been  made 
in  Florida,  by  Ponce,  Gomez,  and  Narvacz  ;  but  be- 
cause these  adventurers  did  not  penetrate  the  interior 
parts  of  the  continent,  Ferdinando  de  Soto,  Govern- 
or of  Cuba,  who  had  been  a  companion  of  the  Pizar- 
ros  in  their  Peruvian  expedition,  and  had  there  amas- 
sed much  wealtli,  projected  a  march  into  Florida,  of 
which  country  he  had  the  title  of  Adelantado,  or  Pre- 
sident. He  sailed  from  the  port  of  Havannah,  May 
18,  1539,  with  nine  vessels,  six  hundred  nien.t  two 
hundred  and  thirteen  horses,  and  a  herd  of  sw  ine,  and 
arrived  on  the  30th  of  the  same  month  in  the  bay  of 
Espiritu  Santo,  on  the  western  coast  of  the  peninsula 
of  Florida. 

Being  a  soldier  of  fortune  and  determined  on  con- 
quest, he  immediately  pitched  his  camp  and  secured  it. 
A  foraging  party  met  with  a  few  Indians  who  resisted 

*  ir  the  reader  wishes  tn  see  a  particular  investigation  of  this 
hypothesis,  he  may  consult  the  American  Magazine,  primed  at 
New-York,  for  December  1787,  January  and  Kebniary  17SS, 
and  some  subsequent  iinnibers  :  compared  with  the  Colnmbian 
Magazine,  primed  at  Philadelphia,  for  September  and  Novem- 
ber^nss. 

t  In  Prince's  Chronology  it  is  said  that  Soto  had  900  men,  but 
he  quotes  Purchasfor  his  authority,  in  whose  book  the  uum- 
l>er  ia  "  six  hundred." 


13 

them  ;  two  were  killed,  the  others  escaped,  and  reiH.rt- 
ed  to  their  countrymen  that  the  warriurs  oj  fire  had 
invaded  their  territories;  upon  w  Inch  the  smaller  tow  u» 
were  deserted  and  the  natives  hid  in  the  woods 

Having  met  with  a  Spaniard  of  the  parly  of  Nar- 
vaez,  who  had  been  wrecked  on  the  coast,  and  had  been 
twelve  years  a  captive  with  the  Indians,  Solo  made 
use  of  him  as  a  messenger  to  them  to  inquire  for  gold 
and  silver  ;  and  wherever  he  could  receive  any  iiifof' 
Illation,  respecting  these  precious  metals,  thither  he 
directed  his  march. 

His  manner  of  marching  was  this ;  The  horsemen 
carried  bags  of  corn  and  other  provisions ;  the  foot-men 
marched  by  the  side  of  the  horses,  and  the  sw  ine  were 
driven  before  them.  When  they  first  landed  they  had 
thirteen  female  swine,  which  in  two  years  increa8«Kl 
to  several  hundreds;  the  warmth  of  the  climate  being 
favorable  to  their  propagation,  and,  the  forests  yielding 
them  a  plenty  of  food. 

The  lir.^t  summer  and  winter  were  spent  in  the  pe- 
ninsula of  Florida,  not  far  from  the  bay  of  Apalarbe; 
and  in  the  beginning  of  the  following  spring,  having 
sent  back  his  vpssels'to  Cuba  for  supplies,  and  left  a 
part  of  his  men  at  the  port,  where  he  expected  the  ships 
to  return,  he  marched  towards  the  north  and  east,  in 
search  of  a  place  called  Yujiaha,  where  he  had  been 
informed  there  was  gold. 

In  this  inarch  he  crossed  tlie  river  Allaniaha,  and 
probably  the  Ogechee,  and  came,  as  lie  was  informed, 
within  two  days'  journey  of  the  bay  of  St.  Helena, 
where  the  Spaniards  had  been  several  years  before.  In 
all  this  march  he  staid  not  more  than  a  week  in  any 
one  place. 

He  then  set  his  face  vorthirard,  and  having  |)assed 
a  hilly  country,  came  to  a  district  called  (.'balaque, 
which  is  supposed  to  be  the  country  now  called  Che- 
rokee, on  the  upper  branches  of  the  river  Savannah 
Thence  he  turned  ireslu-anl,  in  search  of  a  place  call- 
ed Chiaha,  and  in  this  route  lie  crossed  the  .MIegany 
ridge,  and  came  to  Chiaha,  where  his  horses  and  men 
being  excessively  fatigued,  he  rested  thirty  days.  'J'he 
horses  fed  in  a  meadow,  and  the  people  lay  under  the 
trees,  the  weather  being  very  hot,  and  the  natives  in 
peace.  This  was  in  tlie  monlhs  of  May  and  Jure. 
During  their  abode  there  they  heard  of  a  counlry  call- 
ed Chisca,  where  was  coppertiid  .Tnollier  metal  of  the 
same  color.  This  country  lay  noTllnnird,  and  a  party 
was  sent  with  Indian  guides  to  view  it.  Their  report 
was,  that  the  mountains  were  impassable,  and  Soto 
did  not  attempt  to  proceed  any  farther  in  that  direction 

From  a  careful  inspection  of  the  maps  in  the  Ame- 
rican Atlas,  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  the  place  where 
Soto  crossed  the  mountains  was  wilbin  the  ibirly-fifth 
degree  of  latitude.  In  Delisle's  map.  a  village  called 
Canasaga  is  laid  down  on  the  N.  W.  side  of  Ihe  Al- 
legany, or  (as  it  is  sometimes  called)  the  Apalachian 
ridge  of  mountains,  in  that  latitude;  and  Chiaha  is 
said  in  .'•'oto's  journal  to  be  five  days  westward  from 
Canasaga. 

To  ascertain  the  situation  of  Chiaha,  we  must  ob- 
serve that  it  is  said  to  be  subject  to  the  Lord  of  Cosa, 
which  is  situate  on  an  eastern  branch  of  ihe  Mobile; 
and  Sotos  sick  men  came  dainiihe  river  from  Chiaha 
in  boiUs.  This  river  could  be  none  but  a  branch  of  the 
Mobile;  and  his  course  was  then  turned  toward  Ihe 
south.  In  this  march  he  passed  ibroiigb  .Mibama,  Ta- 
lise,  Tascalusa,  names  which  are  still  known  and 
marked  on  the  maps,  till  he  came  to  the  Iovmi  of  Ma- 
villa,  which  the  French  |)ronouiice  Mouxille  and  Ma- 
bille.  It  was  then  a  walled  town,  but  llie  walls  witc 
of  wood.  The  inhabitants  had  conceived  a  disgust  to 
the  S|<aniards,  which  was  auginenlcd  by  an  outrage 
committed  on  one  of  their  chiefs,  and  finally  broke  out 
in  a  severe  conflict,  in  which  two  llioti.-ami  of  the  in- 
nocent natives  were  slain,  and  inaiivof  the  Spaiiiar<ls 
killed  and  wounded,  and  (be  town  was  burnt.  This 
was  in  the  latter  end  of  October. 

It  is  probable  that  Soto  intended  to  pass  the  winter 
in  the  neighborhood  of  that  village,  if  he  could  have 
kept  on  friendly  terms  wilh  the  Indians  ;  lor  there  he 
could  have  had  a  comiuuiiication  w  ith  Cuba.  'I  hern 
he  heard  that  the  vessels  which  he  had  sent  to  Cuba 
for  supplies  were  arrived  at  Ochus  (Peiisacola.)  where 
he  agreed  to  meet  them;  but  he  kept  this  information 
secret,  because  he  had  not  yet  made  aiiv  ilisscoveries 
which  his  Spanish  friends  would  think  worthy  of  re- 
gard. The  country  about  him  was  populous  and  hos- 
tile, and,  being  void  of  gold  or  silver,  was  not  an  ob- 
ject for  him  to  possess  at  the  risk  of  losing  his  army, 
of  which  above  an  hundred  had  already  perished.  He 
therefore,  after  slaying  twenty-eight  days  fur  lh«  i» 
coveijr  of  his  wouiidcdj  dcteruiincd  on  n  retreal. 


14 


AMERICAN  HISTORY. 


In  thi*  retreat  it  has  hcen  supposed  that  he  penetra- 
tod  northward,  beyond  the  Ohio.  The  truth  is,  tliat 
he  bet;an  his  march  from  Mavilla,  a  village  near  the 
mouth  of  tiie  Mobile,  on  the  18ih  of  November,  and 
on  the  17th  of  Deceniber  arrived  at  Cliicaca,  an  In- 
dian village  of  twenty  houses,  where  they  remained 
till  the  next  April. 

The  distance,  the  time,  the  nature  of  the  country, 
the  course  and  manner  of  the  march,  and  the  name  of 
the  village,  all  concur  to  determine  this  winter  station 
of  Soto  to  be  a  villa,'Te  of  the  Cliickcsair  Indians,  sit- 
uate on  the  upper  part  ofllie  Yasou,  a  branch  of  the 
Mississippi,  about  eighty  leagues  northwestward  from 
Mobile,  and  not  less  than  one  hundred  and  forty 
leagues  southwestward  from  the  Muskingum,  where 
the  great  fortifu-ations.  which  gave  rise  to  this  inquiry 
are  found.  From  Chicaca,  in  the  spring,  he  went 
westward,  and  crossed  a  river  within  the  thirty-fourth 
degree  of  latitude,  which  he  called  Rio  Grande,  and 
which  is  now  known  to  be  the  Mississippi. 

On  the  western  side  of  the  Mississippi,  after  ram- 
bling all  summer,  he  spent  the  next  winter,  at  a  place 
called  Autiamque,  where  he  enclosed  his  camp  with 
a  wall  of  timber,  the  work  of  three  days  only.  With- 
in this  enclosure  he  lodged  safely  during  three 
months  ;  and  in  the  succeeding  spring,  the  extreme 
fatigue  and  anxiety  which  he  had  sulTered.  threw  him 
into  a  fever,  of  which  he  died.  May  21,  l.'S42,  at  Gua- 
coya.  To  prevent  his  death  from  being  known  to  the 
Indians,  his  body  was  sank  in  the  middle  of  a  river. 

His  Ijieutenant,  Louis  de  Mo.scosco,  continued  to 
ramble  on  the  western  side  of  the  Mississippi,  till  the 
next  summer  ;  when  worn  with  fatigue,  disappoint- 
ment, and  loss  of  men,  he  built  seven  boats,  called 
brigantines,  on  the  Mississippi,  in  which,  the  shatter- 
ed remnants,  consistmg  of  three  hundred  and  eleven, 
returned  to  Cuba,  in  September,  1,543. 

The  place  where  Soto  died  is  said  to  have  been  on 
the  bank  of  the  Red  river,  a  western  branch  of  the 
Mississippi,  in  lat.  31°.  The  place  where  the  rem- 
nant of  his  army  l)uilt  their  ve.ssels  and  embarked  for 
Cuba,  is  called  in  the  journal  Minoya.  They  were 
seventeen  days  in  sailing  down  the  river,  and  they 
computeil  the  distance  to  be  two  hundred  and  fifty 
leagues.* 

F.'-J'n  this  account,  faithfully  abridged  from  Piirchas 
and  conjpared  with  the  best  maps,  I  am  fully  persua- 
ded that  the  whole  country  through  which  Soto  trav- 
elled on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Mississippi  is  compre- 
hended within  Florida,  Georgia  and  South  Carolina  ; 
and  that  he  never  went  farther  northward  than  the 
S.'ith  degree  of  latitude,  which  is  distant  two  degrees 
southward  from  any  part  of  the  Ohio.  The  conclu- 
sion then  i.s,  that  he  could  not  have  been  the  builder  of 
those  fortifications  still  remaining  in  lhat  part  of  the 
continent  which  lies  N.  W.  of  the  Ohio.  Nor  indeed 
can  any  works  which  he  erected  for  the  security  of  his 
camp  lie  subsisting  at  this  time  ;  for  the  best  of  them 
were  made  of  wood,  and  were  intended  to  cover  his 
men  and  protect  his  horses  and  swine  only  during  one 
winter. 

The  works  which  have  so  much  excited  curiosity 
and  conjecture,  are  far  more  numerous,  extensive  and 
durable.  They  are  found  in  various  and  distant  pla- 
ces, in  the  interior  part  of  the  continent,  on  both  sides 
of  the  .Mississippi;  on  the  Ohio  and  its  branches;  on 
James  and  I'otowmack  rivers  in  Virginia  ;  in  the 
rouiilry  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  on  the  shores  of 
Ijiike  Erie  ;  where  they  arc  exceedinctly  numerous. 

The  most  obvious  mode  of  solving  the  question  re- 
uperling  them,  is  by  inquiry  of  the  present  natives. — 
But  the  strurlures  are  too  ancient  for  (heir  tradition  ; 
the  oMest  and  wisest  men  know  nothing  of  their  orig- 
inal. The  form  and  materials  of  these  works,  inili- 
cate  the  existence  of  a  race  of  men  superior  to  the 
present  race,  in  iin(irovement,  in  desiirn,  and  in  that 
patience  which  must  have  accompanied  the  labor  of 
erecting  them. 

'I'rees  which  have  been  found  growing  on  them 
have  been  cut  down,  and  from  indubitable  marks,  are 
known  to  have  been  upwards  of  three  hundred  years 
oM  ;  nor  were  these  ihe  first  growth  upon  them 

The  muunils  and  ramparts  are  constructed  of  earth, 
ftnd  have  .ici|uired  a  firmness  and  solidity,  which  ren- 
der it  probable  that  they  are  the  work  of  some  remote 
age  Hiiil  some  other  people  ,  w  ho  had  dilferenl  ideas 
of  conveni"nce  and  were  belter  acquainted  with  the 
arts  of  de.'V'nce  ;  and  in  fact  were  much  more  numer- 
ous ihan  the  ancestry  of  those  natives,  ol  whom  we  or 
out  fathern  have  had  any  knowledge.     It  is  to  be 

• 'Jr.  I  rr  "i  •',  in  hin  rliroiioldi^r,  muv^  4iHI,  id  tltjiirrH  ;  l)ui 
I'lUcliJU),  from  wliuus  lie  quotes,  nays  ''cwo  liuiiJicU  mid  filly." 


hopod  that  the  persons  who  now  occupy  and  are  cul- 
tivating the  lands  where  these  singular  buildings  are 
found,  w  ill  preserve,  as  far  as  they  are  able,  some  at 
least  of  these  monuments  of  unknown  ages;  that  as 
they  have  long  resisted  the  ravages  of  time,  and  may 
possibly  baffle  the  researches  of  the  present  genera- 
tion, they  may  subsist  unimpaired  as  subjects  of  spec- 
ulation to  our  posterity. 


HUMPHREY  GILBERT. 

Master  Hore  sails  on  a  voyage  ofdiscovcrv,  arcompanieil  by  a 
nmiilitr  (ilgemlemen  of  rank  and  Ibrtuiie — They  jieiitilurcd 
— Thoy  devour  one  aiioilier — Seizure  ol  a  French  ve.<.-^el  with 
provisiiin  by  llio  English — HuMPIiREV  GiLBSBT — He  ob- 
tains a  roinmi.ssion  fioin  Queen  Elizabeth — He  sails  and  is 
overtaken  by  a  stiirni — Is  obliecd  to  put  back — His  diriirul- 
ties — He  acain  sets  sail  with  five  shijis  and  arrives  in  Amer- 
ica— His  reception — He  takes  possession  in  the  name  of  the 
Que?n — He  establishes  laws — He  sails  on  his  return — Loss 
of  the  Dcliphi — Loss  of  the  vessel  with  Gilbert  on  board. 
After  the  discovery  of  Newfoundland  by  the  Ca- 
bots,  the  passion  for  adventure,  among  the  English, 
met  with  many  severe  checks.    But  whilst  one  ad- 
ventu-fcr  »(ler  another  was  returning  home  from  an 
unsuccessful  vova^e,  intended  to  penetrate  unknown 
seas  to  China  ,  fo'iia.^-rs  were  reaping  the  benefit  of 
their  partial  discov-nes 

Within  the  first  forty  years  we  have  no  account  of 
any  attempt  made  by  the  English  to  prosecute  the 
discovery  of  the  new  continent,  except  that  in  1536, 
two  vessels  containing  one  hundred  and  twenty  per- 
sons, of  whom  thirty  where  gentlemen  of  education 
and  character,  under  the  conduct  of  "  Master  Hore 
of  London''  made  a  voyage  to  Newfoundland  ;  but 
they  were  so  ill  provided,  and  knew  so  liille  of  the  na- 
ture of  the  country,  that  they  suflercd  the  extremity 
of  famine.  For,  notwithstanding  the  immense  quan- 
tities of  fish  and  fowl  to  be  found  on  those  coasts  ; 
they  were  reduced  so  low  as  to  watch  the  nests  of  birds 
of  prey  and  rob  them  of  the  fish  which  they  brought 
to  feed  their  young.  To  collect  this  scanty  supply, 
with  a  mixture  of  roots  and  herbs,  the  men  dispersed 
themselves  in  the  woods,  until  several  of  them  were 
missing.  It  was  at  first  thought  they  were  devoured 
by  wild  beasts ;  hut  it  was  found  that  they  met  with  a 
more  tragical  fate ;  the  stronger  having  killed  the 
weaker  and  feasted  on  their  flesh.  In  the  midst  of 
this  distress,  a  French  shii)  arriving  with  a  supply  of 
provisions,  they  took  her  by  force,  and  returned  to  Eng- 
land ;  leaving  to  the  Frenchmen  their  own  smaller 
vessels,  and  dividing  the  provision  between  them. 
Complaint  of  this  act  of  piracy  was  made  to  King 
Henry  VIII ;  who  knowing  the  miseries  of  the  unfor- 
tunate crew,  instead  of  punishing  them,  paid  the  dam- 
age out  of  his  ow  n  coffers. 

Within  the  succeeding  forty  years,  the  English  had 
begun  to  make  some  advantage  by  the  fishery  ;  and  in 
l.')7S,tlie  state  of  it  is  thus  described.  "There  are  about 
one  hundred  sail  of  Spaniards  who  come  to  take  cod  ; 
who  make  it  all  wet,  and  dry  it  when  they  come  home; 
besides  twenty  or  thirty  more,  who  come  from  Biscay 
to  kill  whales  for  train.  These  be  better  appointed  for 
shipping  and  furniture  of  munition  than  any  other  na- 
tion save  the  English  ;  who  commonly  are  lords  of  the 
harbors.  As  loucbing  their  tonnage,  I  think  it  may  be 
near  five  or  six  thousand.  Of  Porlugals,  there  are  not 
above  fifty  sail,  w  hose  tonnage  may  amount  to  three 
thousand,  and  they  make  all  wet.  Of  the  French  na- 
tion are  about  one  hundred  and  fifiy  sail  ;  the  most  of 
their  shipping  is  very  small,  not  past  forty  tons;  amoBg 
which  some  are  great  and  reasonably  well  appointed  ; 
belter  tiian  the  Porlugals,  and  not  so  well  as  the  Span- 
iards ;  the  burden  of  them  may  be  about  seven  thous- 
and. The  English  vessels  have  increased  in  fouryears 
from  thirly  to  filly  sail.  The  trade  which  our  nation 
hath  to  Iceland,  inakelh,  lhat  ihc  English  are  not  there 
in  such  numbers  as  other  nations. '' 

The  next  year(l.')7Hj  (jueeii  Elizabeth  granted  to 
Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  a  patent  for  the  discovering, 
occu|)ving  and  peopling  of  ■■  such  remote,  heathen  and 
barbarous  countries  as  were  not  actually  possessed  by 
any  ('hristian  people."  In  consequence  of  this  grant 
many  of  his  friends  joined  him,  and  preparations  were 
made  for  an  expedition,  w  hich  promised  to  be  highly 
advantageous.  Hut  before  the  fleet  was  ready,  some 
declined  and  retracted  their  engagenienls.  (iilbert 
with  a  few  companions,  sailed  ;  but  a  violent  storm,  in 
vvhicli  one  of  the  ships  fouiidi'red,  caused  them  to  re- 
turii.  'I'luH  misforliine  involved  him  in  debt  ;  and  he 
had  no  way  to  satisfy  the  demands  of  his  creditors, 
liut  by  grants  of  land  in  .America.  Uy  such  means  the 
country  was  not  likely  to  be  peopled,  nor  ihe  conditions 
of  his  patent  fulfiileil.  He  was  obliged  therefore  to 
bell  Uis  estate  before  he  could  luukc  another  altcui^it  ; 


and  after  long  solicitation,  being  assisted  oy  Buna 
friends,  he  set  sail  from  Plymouth  with  five  ship«,  cur- 
rying two  hundred  and  sixty  men,  on  the  elevcntti  of 
June  1583;  and  on  the  eleventh  of  July  arrived  off  the 
bay  of  St.  John,  on  the  eastern  coast  of  Newfoundland 

Thirty-six  fishing  vessels  w  ere  then  in  the  harbor, 
who  refused  him  adinitlaiice.  He  prepared  to  cnte! 
by  force  of  arms;  but  previously  sent  in  his  boat  with 
his  commission  from  Queen  Elizabeth  ;  on  sight  of 
which  they  submitted,  and  he  sailed  into  the  port. 

The  intention  of  this  voyage  w  as  lo  take  formal  pos- 
session of  the  island,  and  of  the  fishery  on  its  banks, 
for  Ihe  crown  of  England.  This  w  as  (jone  in  the  fol- 
lowing manner  : 

On  Monday  the  fifth  of  August,  Admiral  Gilbert 
had  his  tent  jiitched  on  shore,  in  sight  of  all  ihe  ship- 
ping ;  and  being  attended  by  liis  own  people,  sum- 
moned the  merchants  and  masters  of  vessels,  both 
Englishmen  and  others  to  be  present  at  the  ceremonv. 
When  they  were  all  assembled,  his  commission  was 
read,  and  interpreted  to  the  foreigners.  Then  a  turf 
and  a  twig  were  delivered  to  him,  w  hich  he  received 
with  a  hazle  wand.  Immediately,  pruclamatiun  was 
made,  that  by  virtue  of  his  commission  from  the  t^ueen, 
he  took  possession  for  the  crown  of  England,  of  the 
harbor  of  St.  John,  and  two  hundred  leagues  evefy 
way  round  it. 

He  then  published  three  laws,  for  the  government 
of  the  territory.  By  the  first,  public  worship  was  es- 
tablished according  to  the  mode  of  the  church  of  Eng- 
land. By  the  second,  the  atlenipting  of  aiiv  thing  pre- 
judicial lo  her  Majesty's  title  w  as  declared  treason,  ac- 
cording to  Ihe  laws  of  England.  By  the  third,  the  ut- 
tering of  words  to  the  dishonor  of  her  Majesty  was  lo 
be  punished  with  the  loss  of  ears  and  the  confiscation 
of  property. 

The  proclamation  being  finished,  a.s.scnt  and  obedi- 
ence were  signified  by  loud  acclamations.  A  pillar  «  as 
erected,  bearing  a  plate  of  lead,  on  w  hich  the  (jueen's 
arms  were  engraven  ;  and  several  of  the  mercbaiits 
took  grants  of  land,  in  sec  farm  ;  on  which  they  might 
cure  their  fish,  as  they  had  done  before. 

A  lax  of  provision,  by  her  Majesty's  authorilv,  wai 
levied  on  all  the  shijis.  This  tax  was  readilv  paid  ; 
besides  which,  the  Admiral  received  presents  of  wine, 
fruit,  and  other  refreshments,  chiefly  from  the  Portu- 
guese. 

This  formal  possession,  taken  by  Sir  Humphrey 
Gilbert,  in  consequence  of  the  discovery  by  the  Cabots, 
is  the  foundation  of  Ihe  right  and  title  of  the  crown  ol 
England  to  the  territory  of  Newfoundland  and  to  the 
fishery  on  its  banks. 

As  far  as  the  time  would  permit,  a  survey  was  made 
of  the  country  ;  one  principal  object  of  which  w  as  the 
discovery  of  mines  and  minerals.  The  miiieralix'ist 
was  a  Saxon,  who  is  characlerized  as  "  honest  and  re- 
ligious.'' This  man  brought  lo  the  Admiral  first  a 
specimen  of  iron,  then  a  kind  of  ore,  which,  on  the 
peril  of  his  life,  he  protested  lo  be  silver.  The  Admi- 
ral enjoined  secrecy,  and  sent  it  on  board  ;  intending 
to  have  it  assayed,  when  they  should  get  to  sea. 

The  company  being  dispersed  abroad,  some  were 
taken  sick  and  died  ;  some  hid  Ibeiiiselves  in  ihe  wooils, 
with  an  intention  to  go  home,  by  the  first  opportunilv  ; 
and  others  cut  one  of  the  vessels  out  of  the  liarbor  and 
carried  her  off. 

On  tlie  20lh  of  August,  the  Adrriiral,  having  col- 
lected as  many  of  his  men  as  could  be  found,  and  or- 
dered one  of  his  vessels  lo  stay  and  lake  off  ihe  sick  ; 
set  sail  with  three  ships;  the  Delight,  the  Hind  and 
the  Squirrel.  He  coasted  along  Ihe  soulbern  pari  of 
ihe  island,  with  a  view  to  make  Cape  Hreloii  and  the 
Isle  of  Sable  ;  on  which  last,  he  had  heard  that  cattle 
and  swine  had  been  landed  liy  the  Portuguese,  thirty 
years  befiire. 

Being  entangled  among  shoals  and  involved  in 
fogs,  the  Delight  struck  on  a  sand  bank  and  was  lost 
Fourteen  men  only  saved  lliemsi  Ives  in  a  boat;  ihfl 
loss  of  the  Saxon  refiner  was  parlicularly  nolcil,  and 
nothing  farther  was  heard  of  ihe  silver  ore.  This 
misfortune delemiined  the  Admiral  lo  return  lo  Eng- 
land, without  attempting  to  make  any  farther  disco- 
veries, or  to  take  possession  of  any  other  part  of 
.America.  On  his  passage,  he  met  with  bad  weather. 
The  Squirrel  frigate,  in  which  Sir  Humphrey  sailed, 
was  overloadeil  on  her  deck  ;  but  he  persisted  in 
taking  his  passage  in  her,  notwiihslanding  the  re- 
moiislrances  of  his  friends,  in  the  Hind,  w  ho  w mild 
have  persuaded  him  to  sail  with  them.  From  iho 
circuiiislance  of  his  reluming  from  his  first  voyags 
without  accomplishing  ils  objecl.  it  had  been  rrporlwl 
ihut  he  was  ufraid  of  the  ica  ;  had  he  yielded  lo  ths 


BIOGRAPHIES  OF  THE  EARLY  DISCOVERERS. 


15 


■oliritation  of  his  friends,  the  stigma  might  liave  been  | 
indelible. 

When  the  winil  abated,  and  the  vessels  were  near 
enougli,  the  Admiral  was  seen  constantly  sittting  in 
the  stern  with  a  l)ook  in  his  hand.  On  the  'Jlli  of 
September,  he  was  seen  for  the  last  time ;  and  was 
heard  by  the  [leople  in  the  Hind  to  say,  "  We  are  as 
near  heaven  l)y  sea  as  l)y  land.''  In  the  following 
night,  the  lights  of  his  ship  suddenly  disappeared. — 
The  people  in  the  other  vessel  kept  a  good  look  out  for 
him,  during  the  remainder  of  the  voyage.  On  the 
twenty-second  of  Se|)tember,  they  arrived,  through 
much  tempest  and  peril,  at  Falmouth.  But  nothing 
more  was  seen  or  heard  of  the  .Admiral. 

Whilst  his  zeal  for  the  interest  of  the  Crown,  and 
the  settlements  of  its  .'\mcrican  dominions,  has  been 
largely  commended  ;  he  has  been  blamed  for  his  te- 
merity in  lavishing  his  own  and  other  men's  fortunes 
in  the  prosecution  of  his  designs.  This  is  not  the 
only  instance  of  a  waste  of  property  in  consequence 
of  sanguine  expectations;  which,  though  ruinous  to 
the  first  adventurers,  has  produced  solid  advantages  to 
their  successors. 

Dr.  Forster  has  a  remark  on  one  of  the  incidents  of 
this  voyage  which  is  worthy  of  repetition  and  remem- 
brance. "  It  is  very  clear  (says  he)  in  the  instance  of 
the  Portuguese  having  stocked  the  Isle  of  Sable  with 
domestic  aninals,  that  the  discoverers  of  the  new  world 
were  men  of  humanity  ;  desirous  of  providing  for  such 
unfortunate  people  as  might  happen  to  he  east  away 
on  those  coasts.  The  false  policy  of  modern  times  is 
callous  and  tyrannical,  exporting  dogs  to  devour  them. 
Are  these  the  ha[)i)y  consequences  of  the  so  much 
boasted  enlightened  state  of  the  present  age,  and  re- 
finement of  manners,  peculiar  to  our  times  !  Father 
■j(  mercies,  when  will  philanthropy  again  take  up  her 
abode  in  the  breasts  of  men,  of  Christians,  and  the 
rulers  of  this  earth  !" 


WALTER  RALEIGH, 

ANn 

RICHARD  GRENVILLE. 

Walter  Raleigh— Relative  of  Gilbert — Obtains  a  coinmis. 
siiin  from  Qcieeri  Elizaljeth — He  sails  for  America — Their 
arrival — Gramjanimeo,  tlie  Indian  cliief— Description  of  an 
Indian  village — Hoa-pitaliiy  and  kindness  of  tl>e  natives — lie- 
turn  iif  Raleifj'h  and  iiis  party  to  England  witli  two  natives — 
Virginia,  so  named  by  Elizabeth — Another  expedition  inider 
the  ccimmand  of  Sir  Richard  Grcnville — Their  arrival  in 
America — Rashness  of  Greiivi!le~His  return — Death  cif 
Grunganimeo — Winiiiiia  determines  on  a  revenue — He  is  en- 
snared by  the  English  and  killed — Departure  of  the  English 
— .\nothcr  expedition— Their  arrival — A  dispute  in  the  cnm- 
i;any — Governor  of  Virginia  returns  to  England  to  solicit 
supplies — His  ill-success — Disappointments  and  losses  of  Ra- 
leigh—Departure  (if  the  Governor  for  Virginia — His  arrival 
—Kinds  the  colony  desei'ted  and  in  ruins — He  returns  to  Eng- 
land— Introduction  of  Tobacco  in  Europe — Anecdote  of  Sir 
Walter  Raleigh. 

The  distinguished  figure,  which  the  life  of  Sir  Wal- 
ter Raleigh  makes  in  the  history  of  England  renders 
unnecessary  any  other  account  of  him  here,  than  what 
respects  his  adventures  in  .\inerica  :  and  particularly 
ill  Virginia  ;  of  which  colony  he  is  acknowledged  to 
have  been  the  unfortunate  founder. 

He  was  half  brother,  by  the  mother's  side,  to  Sir 
Humphrey  Gilbert,  and  was  at  the  expense  of  fitting 
out  one  of  the  ships  of  his  squadron.  Notwithstand- 
ing the  unhappy  fate  of  his  brother,  he  persisted  in  his 
design  of  making  a  settlement  in  America.  Being  a 
favorite  in  the  court  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  he  olitained 
a  patent,  bearing  date  the  'ZCnh  of  March,  15S4,  for 
the  discovering  and  planting  of  any  lands  and  coun- 
tries which  were  not  possessed  by  any  Christian  prince 
or  nation. 

About  the  same  time  the  Queen  granted  him  another 
patent  to  license  the  vending  of  wine,  throughout  the 
kingdom  ;  that  by  the  profits  tlience  arising  he  might 
be  able  to  bear  the  expense  of  his  intended  plan  of 
colonization.  Further  to  strengthen  his  interest,  he 
engaged  the  assistance  of  two  wealthy  kinsmen,  Sir 
Richard  Grenville  and  William  Sanderson.  They 
provided  two  barks,  and  having  well  furnished  them 
with  men  and  provisions,  put  them  under  the  com- 
mand of  Philip  Aniadas  ^nd  .\rthar  Barlow,  who  sail- 
ed from  the  west  of  England,  April  27,  1.'584. 

They  took  the  usual  route  by  the  way  of  the  Cana- 
ries and  the  M'^est  Indies  ;  the  reason  of  which  is  thus 
expressed  in  the  ancuunt  of  this  voyage  written  by 
Barlow,  "  because  vve  doubted  that  the  current  of  the 
bay  ol  Mexico  between  the  cape  of  Florida  and  II  a- 
vaiina  had  beeri  of  greater  force  than  we  afterwards 
found  it  to  be." 

Taking  advantage  of  the  Gulf  Stream,  they  ap- 
proached the  cjast  of  Florida  ;  and  on  the  second  of 


July  came  into  shoal  waters  ;  where  the  odoriferous 
omell  of  flowers  indicated  the  land  to  be  near,  though 
not  within  sight.  On  the  fourth  they  saw  land  ;  along 
which  they  sailed  forty  leagues  before  they  found  an 
entrance,  .\tlhe  first  opening,  they  cast  anchor,  (.luly 
13,)  and  having  devoutly  given  thanks  to  (Jud,  for  their 
safe  arrival  on  the  coast, they  went  ashore  in  their  boats, 
and  took  possession  la  the  name  of  Queen  Elizabeth. 

The  place  where  they  landed  was  a  sandy  island, 
called  Wococon,*  abojt  sixteen  miles  in  length  and  six 
in  breadth,  full  of  cedars,  pines,  cypress,  sassafras, 
and  other  trees  ;  among  which  were  many  vines  load- 
ed with  grapes.  In  the  wooils  they  found  deer  anil 
hares  ;  and  in  the  waters  and  marshes  various  kinds 
of  fowl  ;  but  no  human  creature  was  seen  till  the 
third  day  ;  when  a  canoe,  with  three  men,  came  along 
by  the  shore.  One  of  them  landed  ;  and,  without  any 
fear  or  precaution,  met  the  Europeans  and  addressed 
them  ill  a  friendly  manner,  in  his  own  language.  They 
carried  him  on  board  one  of  their  vessels  ;  gave  him 
a  shirt  and  some  other  trifles,  anc  regaled  bini  with 
meat  and  wine.  He  then  returned  to  his  canoe  ;  a.id 
with  his  companions  went  a  fishing.  When  he  c.i- 
noe  was  filled,  they  bnught  the  fish  on  sho'e  and  di- 
vided them  into  two  heaps  ;  rioKing  signs,  that  each 
of  the  vessels  should  nke  one. 

The  next  day,  several  canoes  camu  ;  in  which  were 
forty  or  fifty  people,  and  among  them  was  Grangani- 
rneo,  brother  of  Wingina  King  of  the  country  ;  who 
was  confined  at  home  by  the  wounds,  which  he  had 
received  in  battle,  with  a  neighbouring  Prince.  The 
manner  of  his  approach  was  fearless  and  respectful. 
He  left  his  boats  at  a  distance  ;  and  came  along  the 
shore,  accompanied  by  all  his  people,  till  he  was  abreast 
of  the  ships.  Then  advancing  with  four  men  only, 
who  spread  a  mat  on  the  ground,  he  sat  down  on  one 
end  ;  and  the  fiiur  men  on  the  other.  When  the  English 
went  on  shore,  armed,  he  beckoned  to  them  to  come  and 
sit  by  him  ;  which  they  did,  and  he  made  signs  of  joy 
and  friendship,  striking  with  his  hand  on  his  head  and 
breast,  and  then  on  theirs,  to  show  that  they  were  all 
one.  None  of  his  people  spoke  a  word  ;  and  when  the 
English  offered  ihem  presents,  he  took  them  all  into 
his  own  possession  ;  making  signs  that  they  were  his 
seavants  and  that  all  which  they  had,  belonged  to  him. 

After  this  interview,  the  natives  came  in  great  num- 
bers and  brought  skins,  coral,  and  materials  for  dyes  ; 
but  when  Granganimeo  was  present,  none  were  per- 
mitted to  trade,  but  himself  and  those  who  had  a  piece 
of  copper  on  their  head.'.  Nothing  pleased  him  so  much 
as  a  tin  plate,  in  which  he  made  a  hole  and  hung  it 
over  his  breast,  as  a  pi'ce  of  defensive  armour.  He 
supplied  them  every  day  with  venison,  fish,  and  fruits, 
and  invited  them  to  vis  it  him  at  his  village,  on  the 
north  end  of  an  island  called  Roanoke. 

This  village  consistbrl  of  nine  houses,  built  of  cedar, 
and  fortified  with  sharp  palisades.  When  the  English 
arrived  there  in  their  boat,  Granganimeo  was  absent ; 
but  his  wife  entertained  them  with  the  kindest  hospi- 
tality, washed  their  feet  and  their  clothes,  ordered 
their  boat  to  be  drawn  ashore  and  their  oars  to  be  se- 
cured ;  and  then  seated  them  with  venison,  fish,  fruits, 
and  homony.t  Whilst  they  were  at  supper,  some  of 
her  men  came  in  from  hunting,  with  their  bows  and 
arrows  in  their  hands  ;  on  which  her  guests  began  to 
mistrust  danger  ;  but  she  ordered  their  bows  to  be 
taken  from  tlieiii,  and  their  arrows  to  be  broken  ;  and 
then  turned  them  out  at  the  gate.  The  English  how- 
ever thought  it  most  prudent  to  pass  the  night  in  their 
boat,  which  they  launched  and  laid  at  anchor.  At  this 
she  was  much  grieved  ;  but  finding  all  her  solicitations 
inelTcctnal,  she  ordered  the  victuals  in  the  pots  to  be 
put  on  board,  with  mats  to  cover  the  people  from  the 
rain  ;  and  appointed  several  persons  of  both  sexes  to 
keep  guard  on  the  beacu  during  the  whole  night. — 

*  This  island  is  generally  supposed  to  lie  one  of  those  which 
lie  al  the  mouth  of  Albemarle  sound,  on  the  coast  of  North 
Carolina.  Barlow,  in  his  l».tter  to  Sir  W.  Raleigh,  preserveil 
by  Hakluyt,  says,  that  he,  with  seven  others,  went  In  about 
"  twenty  miles  into  the  river  Occam,  and,  the  evening  follow- 
ing, came  to  an  island  called  Roanoke,  distant  from  the  har- 
bor by  which  he  entered,  seven  leagues;  at  the  north  end 
Ihcueof  was  a  village."  Mr.  Stith.  who  wrote  the  history  of 
Viririnia,  and  who  jicknovvi  -dges  that  he  had  not  seen  this  let- 
ter in  English  but  in  a  Latin  translation,  supposes  that  the  is- 
land Wococon  must  lie  between  cape  Hatleras  and  cape  Fear, 
and  that  the  distance  might  oe  30  leagues.  But  it  appears  from 
Barlow's  letter  that  the  boat  went  in  one  day  and  came  in  the 
evening  to  the  north  end  of  Roanoke  ;  the  distance  is  twice 
mentioned,  once  in  miles  and  once  in  leagues.  I  see  no  reason 
therefore,  to  admit  Stith's  conjecture  in  opposition  to.  Barlow. 
Stith  however  apppears  to  h^ve  been  a  very  close  and  accnrato 
inquirer,  as  tar  as  his  materials  and  opportunity  permitted. 

t  Homony  is  made  of  Indian  corn  beaten  in  a  mortar  and  se- 
parated from  the  bran  j  then  boiled  either  by  itself  or  in  the 
brolli  of  meat. 


Could  there  be  a  more  engaging  specimen  i if  gerieiout 
hospitality  ! 

These  people  were  characterised  as  "  gentle,  loving) 
anil  faithful  ;  void  of  guile  and  treachery  ;  living  af- 
ter the  manner  of  the  golden  age  ;  caring  only  to  feed 
theinsi'lves,  with  such  food  as  the  soil  an'ord(.lh,  and 
to  defend  themselves  from  the  cold,  in  their  short 
winter." 

No  farther  discovery  was  made  of  the  couiilry  by 
these  adventurers.  From  the  natives  they  obtained 
some  uncertain  account  of  its  geograjdiy,  anil  of  a  ship 
which  had  been  wrecked  on  the  coast  between  twen- 
ty and  thirty  years  before.  They  carried  away  twc) 
of  the  natives,  Wanchese  and  Miinteo  ;  and  arrived  in 
the  west  of  England  about  the  middle  of  September 

The  account  of  this  discovery  was  so  welcome  to 
Queen  Elizabeth,  that  she  named  the  country 
ia  ;  either  in  memory  of  her  own  virginity,  or  because 
it  retained  its  virgin  i)urity,  and  the  people  their  pri- 
mitive simplicity. 

About  this  time  Raleigh  was  elected  knight  of  the 
shire,  for  his  native  county  of  Devon  ;  and  in  t!ie 
Parliament  which  was  lii  ld  in  the  succeeding  winter, 
he  caused  a  bill  to  be  brought  into  the  House  of  ("om- 
mons  to  confirm  his  patent  fiir  the  discovery  of  foreign 
countries,  .^fter  much  debate,  the  bill  was  carried 
through  both  houses,  and  received  the  royal  assent. — 
In  addition  to  which,  the  Queen  conferred  on  him  the 
order  of  Knighthood. 

A  second  expedition  being  resolved  on,  Sir  Richard 
Grenville  himself  took  the  coinmtind.  and  with  seven 
vessels,  large  and  small,  sailed  from  Plymouth,  on  the 
ninth  of  .April,  1585.  They  went  in  the  usual  course 
by  the  Canaries  and  the  West  Indies  ;  where  they 
took  two  Spanish  prizes  ;  and,  after  narrowly  escap- 
ing shipwreck  on  Cape  Fear,  arrived  at  Wococon  the 
2Cth  of  June.* 

The  natives  came,  as  before,  to  bid  them  welcome 
and  to  trade  with  them.  Maiiteo,  whom  they  had 
brought  back  proved  a  faithful  guide,  and  piloted  them 
about  from  place  to  place.  In  on  excursion  of  eight 
days  with  their  boats,  they  visited  several  Indian  vil- 
lages, on  the  islands  and  on  the  main  adjoining  to 
Albemarle  Sound.  Al  one  plai  e.  called  .\qiiasi-o(.'ok, 
an  Indian  stole  from  them  a  silvercup.  Impiirv  being 
made,  the  offender  was  detected  and  promised  to  re- 
store it  ;  but  the  promise  being  not  speedily  perform- 
ed, a  hasty  and  severe  revenge  was  taken,  by  the  orders 
of  Grenville  ;  the  town  was  burnt  and  the  corn  de- 
stroyed in  the  fields,  (July  16)  whilst  the  alVriglited 
people  fled  to  the  woods  for  safety.  From  tins  ill 
judged  act  of  violence,  may  be  dated  the  iiiislortunea 
and  failure  of  this  colony. 

Leaving  one  liunilred  and  eight  persons  to  attempt  a 
settlement,  Grenville  proceeded  with  his  fleet  to  the 
island  of  Hatteras  ;  where  he  received  a  visit  froir« 
Granganimeo,  and  then  sailed  for  Kiiglaiid  On  the 
13th  of  September  he  arrived  at  J'lymoiith  ;  with  a 
rich  Spanish  prize  which  he  had  taken  on  the  passage. 

Of  the  colony  left  in  A'irgiiiia,  Ralph  Jjane  was  a|> 
pointed  (Jovernor.  lie  was  a  military  man,  ol  eon 
siderable  reputation  in  the  service.  Philip  .\niadas, 
who  had  commanded  in  the  first  voyage,  was  .-Vdniiral. 
They  chose  the  island  of  Roanoke  in  the  inocth  ot 
Albemarle  Sound,  as  the  place  of  their  residence  ;  and 
their  chief  empli)yment  was  to  explore  and  siirvrvlbe 
count rv,  and  describe  the  persons  and  inniiiirrs  of  its 
inhabitants.  For  these  purposes,  Sir  Waller  Ralfi:;h 
had  sent  John  Withe,  an  ingenious  painter;  ami 
Thomas  Heriot,  a  skilful  mathematician,  and  a  iiiari 
of  curious  observation  :  both  of  whom  perlornied  their 
parts  with  fidelity  and  success.! 

The  farthest  discovery  which  they  nitule  to  the 
southward  of  Roanoke  was  Secotan,  an  Iiniian  town 
between  the  rivc/s  of  Pani|)lico  and  Neus,  dl^ta^t 
eighty  leagues.  To  the  northward  they  went  about 
forty  leagues,  to  a  nation  called  Chesepeags,  on  a 
small  river  now  called  Elisabeth,  which  falls  into 

■  Mr.  Stith  mistakes  in  saying  May  26,  and  Sir  William 
Keith,  who  cojiies  for  him,  adopts  the  same  mistake. 

t  The  drawings  which  Mr.  Withe  made  were  engraven  ane 
printed  at  Frankfort  (loOU)  by  Thcodnre  De  Bry.    They  rer 
resented  the  persons  and  tiabils  of  the  natives,  their  einplo) 
ments,  diversions,  and  supersiitimis.    From  these,  the  prints 
in  Beverly's  history  of  Virginia  are  copied. 

Mr.  Heriot  wrote  a  topographical  descrijition  of  the  country 
and  Its  nLtnra!  history, which  is  preserved  inllakluyt's  cidlecti  'n 
vol.  iii.  ^26.  It  wastransla'.sd  in'.o  Latin,  and  p-'tilished  by  De 
Bry  in  his  collection  of  voyages.  It  has  been  suppoo  d  thai  Ra- 
leigh himself  came  to  Virginia  wiih  tliis  cidony.  'i  h.s  is  a  nii«- 
take,  grounded  on  a  mistranslation  of  a  passage  in  Heriofs  nar- 
rative. It  is  thus  expressed  in  English  :  "The  .'tct.ons  of  tlioia 
who  have  been  by  Sir  Waller  Raleigh  therein  employed." — 
Which  is  thus  rendered  in  iheLaiin  translation, "  I'.ii  gencrotum 
1).  Waltcruin  Ruiiegh,  in  eain  rc'-ionem  coniitiUi  b.ij  SL'Jk 
p.  -2. 


AMERICAN  HISTORY. 


Chescpcag  bay,  below  Norfolk.  To  the  westward 
they  went  up  Albemarle  Sound  and  Chowan  river, 
about  forty  leagues,  to  a  nation  called  Chowanogs  ; 
whoso  king,  Mcnatoriona,  amused  them  with  a  story 
uf  a  copper  mine  and  a  pearl  fishery  ;  in  search  of 
which  they  spent  so  much  time  and  so  exhausted 
their  provisions,  that  they  were  glad  to  eat  their  dogs 
before  they  returned  to  Roanoke. 

During  this  excursion,  their  friend  Granganimeo 
died  ;  mnd  hit  brother  Wingina  discovered  his  hostile 
disposition  toward  the  colony.  The  return  of  Mr. Lane 
and  his  party,  from  their  excursion,  gave  a  check  to 
his  malice  for  a  while  ;  but  he  secretly  laid  a  plot  for 
their  destruction  ;  which  being  betrayed  by  the  Eng- 
lish, they  seized  all  the  boats  on  the  island-  This 
brought  on  a  skirmish,  in  which  five  or  six  Indians 
were  killed,  and  the  rest  fled  to  the  woods.  After  much 
jealousy  and  dissimulation  on  both  sides,  Wingina 
was  drawn  into  a  snare  ;  and  with  eight  of  his  men, 
fell  a  sacrifice  to  tha  resentment  of  the  English. 

In  a  few  days  after  Wingina  s  deatli,  Sir  Frances 
Drake,  who  hud  been  cruising  against  the  ."Spaniards 
in  the  West  Indies,  and  had  received  orders  from  the 
C^ueen  to  visit  this  colony,  arrived  with  his  fleet  on 
the  coast  ;  and  by  the  unanimous  desire  of  the  people, 
took  them  all  off"  and  carried  them  to  England,  where 
they  arrived  in  July  1586. 

Within  a  fortnight  after  the  departure  of  this  cnfor- 
tunate  colony, Sir  Richard  Grenville  arrived  with  three 
ships  for  their  relief  Finding  their  habitation  aban- 
boned,  and  being  unable  to  gain  any  intelligence  of 
(hem,  he  laniled  fifty  men  on  the  island  of  Roanoke, 
p.entifully  supplied  with  provisions  for  two  years,  and 
then  returned  to  England. 

The  next  year  (1587)  three  ships  were  sent,  under 
the  command  of  John  While,  who  was  appointed  Gov- 
ernor of  the  colony,  with  twelve  Counsellors.  To 
them  Raleigh  gave  a  charter  of  incorporation  for  the 
city  of  Kaleigh,  which  he  ordered  them  to  build  on  the 
river  Chesepcag,  the  northern  extent  of  the  discovery. 
After  narrowly  esca()ing  shipwreck  on  Cape  Fear  they 
arrived  at  Hatteras,  on  the  22d  of  Julv,  and  sent  a  party 
to  Roanoke  to  look  for  the  second  colony  of  fifty  men. 
They  fouml  no  person  living,  and  the  bones  of  but  one 
dead.  The  huts  were  standing,  but  were  overgrown 
with  bushes  and  weeds.  In  conversing  with  some  of 
the  natives,  they  were  informed,  that  the  colony  had 
been  destroyed  by  Wingina's  people,  in  revenge  of  his 
death. 

Mr.  White  endeavored  to  renew  a  friendly  inter- 
aourse  with  those  natives  ;  but  their  jealousy  rendered 
them  im[>lacable.  He  therefore  went  across  tlic  water 
to  the  main  with  a  party  of  twenty-five  men,  and 
camfl  suddenly  on  a  company  of  friendly  Indians,  who 
were  sealed  round  a  fire,  one  of  whom  they  killed  be- 
fore they  di.scovered  the  mistake. 

Two  remarkable  events  are  mentioned  as  happetiing 
at  this  time  ;  one  was  the  baptism  of  Manleo,  the  faith- 
ful Indian  guide  ;  the  other  was  the  birth  of  a  female 
child,  daughter  of  Ananias  Dare,  one  of  the  council  ; 
which,  being  the  first  child  born  in  the  colony,  was 
named  Virginia. 

l)y  this  time  (August21)  the  ships  had  unloaded 
their  stores  and  were  preparing  to  n'turii  to  Englaiul. 
It  was  evident  that  a  further  supply  was  necessary, 
and  that  some  person  must  go  home  to  solicit  it.  A 
dispute  arose  in  the  Council  on  this  point,  and  after 
much  altercation,  it  was  determined,  that  the  Governor 
was  the  most  proper  person  to  be  sent  on  this  errand. 
The  whole  colony  joined  in  requesting  him  to  proceed, 
promising  to  lake  care  of  his  interest  in  his  absence. 
Willi  nijch  reluctance  he  consented,  on  iheir  subscrib- 
ing a  lestiiiionial  of  his  unwillingness  lo  quit  the  plan- 
tatii)n  He  accor<lini;ly  sailed  on  the  27lh  of  August, 
and  arrived  in  England  the  following  November. — 
Thir  nation  was  in  a  stale  of  alarm  and  apprehension 
on  account  of  ihe  war  wiih  S|);'in,  and  of  the  invinci- 
ble armada,  whirh  had  threatened  it  with  an  invasion. 
Sir  Waller  Kaleigh  was  one  of  the  (Queen's  Council 
of  war,  as  were  also  .Sir  Richard  (irenville  and  Mr. 
Lane.  Their  time  was  wholly  taken  up  with  public 
consultations,  and  Governor  While  was  obliged  to 
wait,  till  the  plan  of  operations  against  the  enemy 
coulil  be  adjusted  and  carried  into  execution. 

The  next  spring, Kaleigh  and  Greiiville.who  had  Ihe 
command  of  the  militia  in  (^)r^wall,  and  were  training 
them  fir  the  ilefeiice  of  the  kingdom,  being  stronijly 
Boliriled  by  While,  provided  two  Kinall  barks,  which 
•ailed  froiii  Unldeford  on  the  22d  of  April  ^-iSS.— 
These  vessels  had  commissions  as  ships  of  war,  and 
hein^  more  intent  on  gain  lo  themselves,  than  relief  lo 
tbu  culunji  went  in  chaso  uf  prizes,  and  were  bull) 


driven  back  by  ships  of  superior  force,  to  the  great 
mortification  of  their  patron,  and  the  ruin  of  his  colony. 

These  disappointments  were  a  source  of  vexation 
lo  Kaleigh.  He  had  expended  forty  thousand  pounds, 
of  his  own  and  other  men's  money,  in  pursuit  of  his 
favorite  object,  and  his  gains  were  yet  to  come.  He 
therefore  made  an  assignment  of  his  patent  (March  7, 
1589)  to  Thomas  Smith,  and  other  merchants  and  ad- 
venturers, among  whom  was  Governor  While,  with  a 
donation  of  one  hundred  pounds  for  the  propagation 
of  the  Christian  religion  in  Virginia.  Beinglhus  dis- 
engaged from  ihe  business  of  colonization  ;  he  had  full 
scope  for  his  martial  genius  in  the  war  with  Spain. 

His  assignees  were  not  so  zealous  in  the  prosecu- 
tion of  their  business.  It  was  not  till  the  spring  of 
1590,  that  Governor  White  could  rcturr.  to  his  colony. 
Then,  with  three  ships,  he  sailed  from  I'lymoulh,  and 
passing  through  the  West  Indies  in  quest  of  Spanish 
prizes,  he  arrived  at  Hatteras  on  the  15th  of  Augu.st. 
From  this  place  they  observed  a  smoke  arising  on  the 
island  of  Roanoke,  which  gave  them  some  hope  that 
the  colony  was  there  subsisting  ;  on  their  coming  to 
the  place,  they  found  old  trees  and  grass  burning,  but 
no  human  being.  On  a  post  of  one  of  the  houses  they 
saw  the  word  Croaian,  which  gave  them  some  hope, 
that  at  the  island  of  that  name  ihey  should  finil  their 
friends.  They  sailed  for  that  island  :  which  lay 
southward  of  Hatteras ;  but  a  violent  storm  arising,  in 
which  they  lost  their  anchors,  they  were  obliged  to 
quit  the  inhospitable  coast  and  return  home  ;  nor  was 
any  thing  afterward  heard  of  the  unfortunate  colony. 

The  next  year  (1591)  Sir  Richard  Grenville  was 
mortally  wounded  in  an  engagement  with  a  Spanish 
fleet  ;  and  died  on  board  the  Admiral's  ship,  where  he 
was  a  prisoner. 

Raleigh,  though  disengaged  from  the  business  of 
colonizing  Virginia,  sent  five  times  at  his  own  expense 
to  seek  for  and  relieve  his  friends  ;  but  the  persons 
whom  he  employed,  having  more  profitable  business  in 
the  West  Indies,  either  went  not  lo  the  place,  or  were 
forced  from  it  by  stress  of  weather,  it  being  a  tempes- 
tuous region,  and  without  any  safe  harbor.  The  last 
atlem|it  which  he  made,  was  in  1602  ;  the  year  before 
his  imprisonment ;  an  event  which  galified  the  malice 
of  his  enemies,  and  prepared  the  way  for  his  death ; 
which  was  much  less  ignominious  to  him  than  to  bis 
sovereign,  Kitig  James  I,  the  British  Solomon;  suc- 
cessor to  Elizabeth,  the  British  Deborah.* 

This  unfortunate  allempt  to  settle  a  colony  in  Vir- 
ginia, was  productive  of  one  thing  which  will  always 
render  it  memorable,  the  introduction  of  tobacco  into 
England.  Carlier,  in  his  visit  to  Canada  fifty  years 
before,  had  observed  that  the  natives  used  this  weed 
fumigation,  but  it  was  an  object  of  disgust  to  French- 
men. Italph  Lane,  at  his  return  in  1586,  brought  it 
first  into  Euro|)e  ;  aeid  Raleigh,  who  was  a  man  of 
gaiety  and  fashion,  not  only  learned  the  use  of  it  him- 
self, but  introduced  it  into  the  polite  circles  ;  and  even 
the  yueen  her.self  gave  encouragement  to  it.  Some 
humourous  stories  respecting  it  arc  still  remembered. 
Raleigh  laid  a  wager  with  the  Queen,  that  he  would 
determine  exactly,  the  weight  of  smoke  which  issued 
from  his  pipe.  This  he  did  by  first  weighing  the  to- 
bacco and  then  the  ashes.  When  the  yueen  paid  the 
wager,  she  ph-asanlly  observed,  that  many  laborers 
had  turned  iheir  gold  into  smoke,  but  that  he  was  the 
first  who  had  converted  smoke  into  gold. 

It  is  also  related  that  a  servant  of  Sir  Walter,  bring- 
ing a  tankard  ol  ale  into  his  study  as  he  was  smoking 
his  pipe,  and  reading,  was  so  much  alarmed  at  the 
appearance  of  smoke,  issuing  out  of  his  mouth,  that 
he  threw  the  ale  into  his  face,  and  ran  down  to  alarm 
the  family,  crying  out  that  his  master  was  on  fire. 

King  James  had  so  rfjincd  a  taste,  that  he  not  only 
held  this  Indian  weed  in  great  abhorrence  himself,  but 
endeavored,  by  priH-lamations  and  otherwise,  to  pre- 
vent the  use  of  it  among  his  sulijects.  But  all  his  zeal 
and  aulliorily  could  not  suppress  it.  Since  his  time 
it  has  become  an  inqxirtant  article  of  commerce,  by 
which  individuals  in  Europe  and  America,  as  well  as 
colonics  and  nations,  have  risen  to  great  opulence. 

JOHN  DE  FUCA. 

John  De  Koci— A  iialivcof  fircpcc— An  acconnlofhia  adren- 
niri'B  anil  clir<covcri(  M  f.'ivcM  liy  liiinsclf— l.i>cke  endeavors  lo 
prtK'-iiro  I)e  Kuca  a  coinniitfHiitn. — Kemarks. 

Whkn  the  existence  of  a  western  continent  was 
known  lo  the  maritime  nations  of  Europe,  one  great 

a  MiHM'nnrii  ul'the  lititL'nii>:f  ol  (Itai  time,  lei  llie  leader 
lake  llie  lidlowinv  oxiraci  IViiin  riirchaa. 

"  lie  (i.  e.  KInc  James)  is  lieyi-nd  rompsrlson  a  mere  trans- 
cendein,  lieycmil  all  his  |ireilorei<!<i>r«,  prince.'i  ol' this  realm; 
beyuuii  llie  uui(jhboriug  lumcen  ul  bin  uwu  liuie ;  be)  uiid  llw 


object  of  their  inquiry  was,  to  find,  through  some  open* 
ings  which  appeared  in  it,  a  passage  to  India  and  Chi- 
na. For  this  purpose  several  expensive  and  unsuiy 
ccssful  voyages  were  made  ;  and  every  hint  which 
could  throw  any  light  on  the  subject  was  eagerly 
sought  and  attended  lo  by  those  who  considered  ila 
importance. 

John  he  Fi'ca  was  a  Greek,  born  in  the  island  of 
Cephalonia,  in  the  .Adriatic  gulf  He  had  been  em- 
ployed in  the  service  of  Spain,  in  the  West  Indies,  ad 
a  mariner  and  pilot,  above  forty  years.  Having  last 
his  fortune,  amounting  (j^s  he  said)  lo  sixty  tho  jsand 
ducats,  when  the  Acapulco  ship  was  taken,  '.y  Capt. 
Cavendish,  an  Englishman ;  and  being  disappointed 
of  the  recompense  which  he  had  expected  from  the 
court  of  Spain  ;  he  returned  in  disgust  to  his  native 
country,  by  the  way  of  Italy  ;  that  he  might  spend  the 
evening  of  his  life,  in  peace  and  poverty,  among  his 
friends. 

At  Florence  he  met  with  John  Douglas,  an  English- 
man, and  went  with  him  lo  Venice.  There,  Douglas 
introduced  him  to  Michael  Lock,  who  had  been  Con- 
sul of  the  Turkey  company  at  Aleppo,  and  was  then 
occasionally  resident  in  Venice.    (.\.  D.  1596.) 

In  conversation  with  Mr.  I.rf>ck,  De  Fuca  gave  him 
the  following  account  of  his  adventures. 

"  That  he  had  been  sent  by  the  Viceroy  of  Mexico, 
as  pilot  of  three  small  ves.sels,  to  discover  the  straits  o( 
Anian,  on  the  western  coast  of  -America  ;  through 
which,  it  was  conjectured  that  a  passage  might  be 
found,  into  some  of  the  deep  bays  on  the  eastern  side 
of  the  continent.  This  voyage  was  frustrated,  by  the 
misconduct  of  the  commander,  and  the  mutiny  of  the 
seamen. 

"In  1592  the  Viceroy  sent  him  again,  with  the  com- 
mand of  a  caravel  and  a  pinnace,  on  the  same  enter- 
prise. Between  the  latitudes  of  47°  and  48°  N.  he 
discovered  an  inlet,  into  which  he  entered  and  sailed 
more  than  twenty  days.  At  the  entrance  was  a  great 
headland,  with  an  exceeding  high  pinnacle  or  spired 
rock,  like  a  pillar.  Within  the  strait,  the  land  stretch 
ed  N.  W.  and  N.  E.  and  also  E.  and  S.  E.  It  was 
much  wider  within,  than  at  Ihe  entrance,  and  contain- 
ed many  islands.  The  inliabitanis  were  clad  in  ihe 
skins  of  beasts.  The  land  appeared  lo  be  fertile  like 
that  of  New  Spain,  and  was  rich  in  gold  and  silver. 

"  Supposing  that  he  had  accomplished  the  inteiiliba 
of  the  voyage  and  penetrated  into  the  North  Sea  ;  but 
not  being  strong  enough  to  resist  the  force  of  the  nu- 
merous savages,  who  appeared  on  the  shores  ;  he  re- 
turned to  Acapulco,  before  the  expiration  of  the  year.'' 

Such  was  the  account  given  by  De  Fuca  ;  and  Mr. 
Lock  was  so  impressed  with  the  sincerity  of  the  rela- 
tion and  the  advantages  which  his  countrvmen  might 
derive  from  a  knowledge  of  this  strait,  that  he  earnest- 
ly urged  him  to  enter  into  the  service  of  (jiieen  Eliz- 
abeth, and  perfect  the  discovery.  He  succeeded  so  tar, 
as  to  obtain  a  promise  from  the  fJreek,  though  sixty 
years  old,  that  if  Ihe  Queen  would  furnish  him  with 
one  ship,  of  forty  tens,  and  a  pinnace,  he  would  un- 
dertake the  voyage.  He  was  the  more  easily  jiersiia- 
ded  to  this,  'oy  a  hope  that  Ihe  Queen  would  make  him 
some  recompense  for  the  loss  of  his  fortune  by  Capt. 
Cavendish. 

Mr.  Lock  wrote  to  the  Lord  Treasurer  Cecil,  Sir 
Walter  Kaleigh  and  Mr.  Hakluyl,  requesting  that  they 
would  forward  the  scheme,  and  that  one  hundred 
pounds  might  be  advanced  to  bring  De  Fuca  to  Eng- 
land. The  scheme  was  approved,  but  the  money  was 
not  advanced.  Lock  was  so  much  engaged  in  it,  lhat 
he  would  have  sent  him  to  England  at  his  own  expense, 
but  he  was  then  endeavoring  to  recover  at  law,  his 
demands  from  the  Turkey  company,  and  could  not 
disburse  the  money.  The  pilot  therefore  returned  to 
Cephalonia  ;  and  Lock  kept  up  a  correspondence 
with  him,  till  1602,  when  he  heard  of  his  death. 

Though  this  account,  jireserved  by  I'urcbas,  bears 
sufficient  marks  of  aullienticily  ;  yel  it  has  been  re- 
jected as  fabulous  for  nearly  two  centuries  ;  and  is 
treated  so  even  by  the  very  candid  Dr.  Foster.  Late 
voyages  however,  have  eslablished  Ihe  existence  o( 
the  strait  ;  and  De  Fuca  is  no  longer  to  be  consider*-*} 
as  an  impostor  ;  though  the  gold  and  silver  in  hie  ac- 
count were  but  conjectural. 

The  slrait  which  now  bears  his  name  is  formed 
by  land,  which  is  supposed  to  l>e  the  continent  o( 
America  on  one  side  ;  and  by  a  very  extensive  chis- 
ler  of  Islands  on  the  other.    Its  southern  entrance 

conoeit  i>r  subjeeus  ilazilcil  Willi  si>  iniieh  lMiehine>s  .  hovoiid 
onr  viriorioiis  Drliorah,  iicl  in  .-<(  (  alone,  Imt  as  peace  is  mora 
rxeellciillban  war,  and  Solomoi.  Onin  David  ;  in  thiaaiaollii4 
be  is,  uiid  we  enjoy  hia  jucseni  ^uiiabinii." 


BIOGRAl'IIIES  OF  THE  EARLY  jJiSCOVEREKS. 


17 


\ies  in  lat.  48°  20'  N.  long.  124  W.  from  Greenwich, 
»n(l  is  about  seven  leagues  wide.  On  the  larboard 
Bide,  which  is  composed  of  islands,  the  land  is  very 
nionntamous  ;  rising  abrnptly  in  hiijh  and  sharp  peaks. 
On  the  starboard  side,  is  a  jionit  of  huid  ternniiating  in  a 
remarkably  tall  rock,  called  llie  pillar.  Within  the  en- 
trance, the  passage  grows  wider,  extending  to  the  S.  E., 
N.  and  N.  W.  and  is  full  of  islands.  On  the  E.  and 
N.  E.  at  a  great  distance  are  seen  the  tops  of  inonn- 
tsiiis,  supposed  to  be  on  the  continent  ;  but  the  ships 
trading  for  furs  have  not  penetrated  far  to  the  east- 
ward ;  the  sea  otters  being  their  principal  object,  and 
the  land  furs  of  small  consideration.  For  this  reason 
the  eastern  boundary  of  the  inland  sea  is  not  yet  fvilly 
explored.  Tlie  strait  turns  to  the  N.  atul  N.  W.  en 
compassing  a  large  cluster  of  islands,  among  which  is 
situate  Nootka  Sound,  and  comes  into  the  Pacific 
ocean  again  in  latitude  51°  15',long.  128°  40'.  I'his  cx- 
tremily  of  the  strait  is  called  its  northern  entrance,  and 
is  wider  than  the  southern. 

Another  strait  has  been  lately  seen  which  is  sup- 
posed to  bo  that  of  Ue  Fonte,  a  Spanish  admiral,  dis- 
covered in  1040  ;  the  existence  of  which  has  also  been 
treated  as  fabulous.  The  cluster  of  islands,  called  by 
the  British  seamen,  Queen  Charlotte's,  and  by  the 
Americans,  Washington's  Islands,  are  in  the  very  spot 
where  De  Fonte  placed  the  Archipelago  of  St.  Lazarus. 
The  entrance  of  this  strait  has  beer,  visited  by  the 
fur  ships.    It  lies  in  lat.  54°  35'  and  long  131°  W. 

These  recent  and  well  established  facts  may  induce 
us  to  treat  the  relations  of  foreign  voyages  with  decent 
respect.  The  circumnavigation  of  Africa  by  the  ancient 
Phenicians,  was  for  several  ages  deemed  fabulous  by 
the  learned  Greeks  and  Romans.  But  its  crediliility 
was  fully  established  by  the  I'ortuguese  discoveries  in 
the  fifteenth  century.  In  like  manner  the  discoveries 
of  De  Fuca  and  De  Fonte,  which  have  long  been  stig- 
matized by  geographers  as  pretended,  and  marked  in 
tlieir  maps  as  imaginary,  are  now  known  to  have  been 
founded  in  truth,  though  from  the  imperfection  of  in- 
struments or  the  inaccuracy  of  historians,  the  degrees 
and  minutes  of  latitude  and  longitude  were  not  pre- 
cisely marked,  and  though  some  circumstances  in  their 
accounts  are  but  conjectural.  Farther  discoveries  may 
throw  new  light  on  the  subject,  and  though,  per- 
haps, a  N.  W.  passage  by  sea  from  the  Atlantic  into 
the  Pacific  may  not  exist ;  yet  bays,  rivers  and  lakes 
are  so  frequent  in  those  northern  regions  of  our  conti- 
nent, that  an  inland  navigation  may  be  practicable. 

It  has  been  suggested  that  the  company  of  English 
merchants  who  enjoy  an  exclusive  trade  to  Hudson's 
Day  have,  from  interested  motives,  concealed  their 
knowledge  of  its  western  extremities.  Whether  there 
i)e  any  just  foundation  for  this  censure,  I  do  not  pre- 
tend to  determine  ;  but  a  survey  is  now  said  to  be 
making,  from  which  it  is  hoped,  that  this  long  contested 
,/uestion  of  a  N.  W.  passage  will  receive  a  full  solution. 


BARTHOLOMEW  GOSNOLD. 

Bartholomew  Go.'^nold— His  Voyage  to  America— IIis  ar- 
rival ill  Virginia— Description  of  the  Sea-coast— Visit  of  the 
Indians— Atardor.ii.em  of  the  Colony  by  the  English. 

The  unfortunate  issue  of  Raleigh's  attempt  to  make 
a  settlement  m  America,  together  with  the  war  with 
Spain,  which  continued  for  several  years,  gave  a  check 
to  the  spirit  of  colonizing.  In  the  beginning  of  the 
seventeenth  century  it  was  revived  by  Bartholomew 
GoSNOLDan  intrepid  mariner  in  the  west  of  England. 
At  whote  expensehe  undertook  his  voyage  to  the  north- 
ern part  of  Virginia  does  not  appear  ;  but  on  the  2Gth 
of  March  1602,  he  sailed  from  Falmouth  in  Cornwall, 
in  a  small  bark  with  thirty-two  men.  Instead  of  going 
by  the  way  of  the  Canaries  and  the  West  Indies,  ho 
kept  as  far  north  as  the  winds  would  permit,  and  was 
the  first  Englishman  who  came  in  a  direct  course  to 
this  part  of  America. 

On  the  14th  of  May  they  made  the  land,  and  met 
with  a  shallop  of  European  fabric,  in  which  were  eight 
savages,  one  of  whom  was  dressed  in  European  clothes, 
from  which  they  concluded  that  some  unfortunate  fish- 
ermen of  Biscay  or  Brittany  had  been  wrecked  on  the 
toast. 

The  next  day  they  had  again  sight  of  land,  which 
■ppeared  like  an  island,  by  reason  of  a  large  sound 
which  lay  bctwecT  it  and  the  main.  This  sound  they 
wiled  Shole  Hope.  Near  this  cape  they  took  a  great 
number  of  cod,  from  which  circumstance  they  named 
the  land  Cape  Cod.  It  is  described  as  a  low  sandy 
shore,  m  the  lat.  42°.  The  captain  went  on  shore  and 
found  the  sand  very  deep.  A  young  Indian,  with  plates 
W  copper  hanging  to  his  ears,  and  a  bow  and  arrows  in 

3 


his  hand,  came  to  him,  and  in  a  friendly  manner  offered 
his  service. 

Cn  the  16th  they  coasted  the  land  southerly,  and  at 
the  end  of  twelve  leagues  discovered  a  point  with 
breakers  at  a  distance  ;  and  in  attempting  to  double 
it,  came  suddenly  into  shoal  water.  To  this  point  of 
land  they  yave  the  name  of  Point  Care  ;  it  is  now 
called  Sandy  Point,  and  forms  the  south-eastern  ex- 
tremity of  tile  county  of  Barnstable,  in  Massachusetts. 

Finding  themselves  surrounded  by  shoals  and  break- 
ers, they  lay  at  anchor  till  they  had  examined  the  coast 
and  soundings  in  their  boat ;  during  which  time  some 
of  tlic  luitives  made  them  a  visii.  One  of  them  had 
a  plate  of  cop[)cr  over  his  breast,  a  foot  in  length  and 
half  a  foot  in  breadth  ;  the  others  had  [lendants  of  the 
same  metal  at  their  ears  i  they  all  had  pipes  of  tobacco, 
of  which  they  were  very  fond. 

In  surveying  the  coast  they  discovered  breakers  lying 
off  a  point  of  land,  whicli  they  denominated  Gilbert's 
Point  ;  it  is  now  called  Point  Gammon,  and  forms  the 
eastern  side  of  the  harbor  of  Ilyennes.  • 

On  the  19th  they  passed  the  breach  of  Gilbert's 
Point,  in  four  and  five  fa'homs  of  water,  and  anchored 
a  league  or  more  to  the  westward  of  it.  Several  hum- 
mocks and  hills  appeared,  which  at  first  were  taken  to 
be  islands  ;  these  were  the  high  lands  of  Barnstable 
and  Yarmouth. 

To  the  westward  of  Gilbert's  Point  appeared  an 
opening,  which  CJosnold  imagined  to  have  a  commu- 
nication with  the  supposed  sound  which  he  had  seen 
westward  of  Cape  Cod  ;  he  therefore  gave  it  the  same 
name,  Shole  Hope  ;  but  finding  the  water  to  be  no 
more  than  three  fathoms  deep,  at  the  distance  of  a 
j  league,  he  did  not  attempt  to  enter  it.  From  this  open- 
ing the  lanJ  tended  to  the  south-west ;  and  in  coasting 
it,  they  came  to  an  island,  to  which  tliey  gave  the  name 
of  Martha's  Vineyard.  This  island  is  described  as 
"  distant  eight  leagues  from  Shole  Hope,  tive  miles  in 
circuit,  and  uninhabited  ;  full  of  wood,  vines,  and 
berries  ;  here  they  saw  deer  and  took  abundance  of  cod." 

From  their  station  off  this  island,  where  they  rode  in 
eight  fathoms,  they  sailed  on  the  24th,  and  doubled  the 
cape  of  another  island,  next  to  it  which  they  called 
Dover  Cliff.  This  course  br./ught  them  into  a  sound, 
where  they  anchored  for  the  night,  and  the  next  mornino- 
sent  their  boat  to  examine  another  cape  which  lay  be- 
tween them  and  the  main,  from  which  projected  a  ledge 
of  rocks  a  mile  into  the  sea,  but  all  above  water,  and 
not  dangerous.  Having  passed  round  them,  they  came 
to  anchor  again  in  one  of  the  finest  sounds  they  had 
ever  seen  ;  and  to  which  they  gave  the  name  of  Gos- 
noid's  Hope,  On  the  northern  side  of  it  was  the  main  ; 
and  on  the  southern,  parallel  to  it,  at  the  distance  of 
four  leagues,  was  a  large  island,  which  they  called 
Elizabeth,  in  honor  of  their  queen.  On  this  island 
they  determined  to  take  up  their  abode,  and  pitched 
upon  a  small  woody  islet  in  the  middle  of  a  fresh  pond, 
as  a  safe  place  to  build  their  fort.  A  little  to  the  north- 
ward of  this  large  island  lay  a  small  one,  half  a  mile  in 
compass,  and  full  of  cedars.  This  they  called  Hill's 
Hap.  On  the  opposite  shore  appeared  another  similar 
elevation  to  which  they  gave  the  name  of  Hap's  Hill. 

By  this  description  of  the  coast,  it  is  evident  that  the 
sound  into  which  Gosnold  entered  was  Buzzard's  Bay. 
The  island  which  he  called  Martha's  Vineyard,  was  not 
that  which  now  goes  by  that  name,  but  a  small  island, 
the  eastermost  of  those  which  are  known  by  the  name 
of  Elizabeth's  Islands.  It  is  called  by  the  Indians 
Nenimissett ;  its  present  circumference  is  about  four 
miles,  but  it  has  doubtless  been  diminished  since  Gos- 
nold's  time,  by  the  force  of  the  tides  which  set  into  and 
out  of  the  bay  with  great  rajjidity.  Its  natural  ])roduc- 
tions  and  pleasant  situation  answer  well  to  his  descrip- 
tion ;  and  deer  are  frequently  svv.n  and  hunted  upon 
it  ;  but  none  were  ever  known  to  have  been  on  the 
great  island,  now  called  Martha's  Vineyard,  which  is 
above  twenty  miles  in  length,  and  was  always  full  of 
inhabitants.  For  what  reason  and  at  what  time  the 
name  was  transferred  from  the  one  to  the  other,  I  have 
not  yet  learned. 

The  cliff  named  Dover  is  supposed  to  be  the  eastern 
head  of  a  small  island  which  was  called  by  the  natives 
Onky  Tonky,  and  is  now  corrupted  into  Uncle  Timmy. 
The  rocky  ledge  iS  called  Rattlesnake  Neck.  Hill's 
Hap  consists  now  of  two  very  small  islands,  called 
Wiekpeckets.  There  is  every  appearance  that  these 
were  formerly  united,  and  there  are  now  a  few  cedars 
on  them.  Hap's  Hill,  on  the  opposite  part  of  the  main, 
is  a  small  elevated  island,  of  an  oval  form,  near  the 
mouth  of  a  river  which  passes  through  the  towns  of 
Wareham  and  Rochester.  It  is  a  conspicuous  object 
to  navigators. 


The  island  on  w.,icli  Gosnold  and  his  company  look 
up  their  abode,  is  now  called  by  its  Indian  name  iS'tu- 
shaun,  and  is  the  property  of  the  Honoralilc  Jave* 
BowDOlN,  of  Boston,  to  whom  I  am  indebted  for  these 
remarks  on  Gosnold's  journal,  which  is  extant  at  largo 
in  Purchas's  collections. 

Near  the  southwest  end  of  Nausliann  is  a  largo  frcsb 
pond  ;  such  an  one  as  answers  Gosnold's  descri])lion, 
excepting  that  tl'.ere  is  no  islet  in  the  middle  of  it.  The 
shore  is  sandy  ;  but  what  revolution  may  have  taken 
l-'iace  within  the  space  of  almost  two  centuries  past,  wo 
cannot  say. 

^^'hilst  some  of  Gosnold's  men  labored  in  liuildingQ 
fort  and  storehouse  on  the  small  island  in  the  pond,  and 
a  flat  boat  to  go  to  it,  he  crossed  the  bay  in  his  vessel 
and  discovered  the  months  of  two  rivers  ;  one  was  that 
near  which  lay  llajj's  Hill,  and  the  other,  that  on  the 
shore  of  which  the  town  of  New  Bedford  is  now  bunt. 

After  five  days  absence,  Gosnold  returned  to  tho 
island  and  was  received  by  his  people  with  great  cere 
mony,  on  account  of  an  Indian  chief  and  fifty  of  his 
men  who  were  there  on  a  visit.  To  this  chief  they 
presented  a  straw  hat  and  two  knives;  the  hat  he  little 
regarded,  but  the  knives  were  highly  valued.  They 
feiusted  these  savages  with  fish  and  mustard,  and  di- 
verted themselves  vvith  the  effect  of  tho  mustard  on 
their  noses.  One  of  them  stole  a  target  but  it  was 
restored.  They  did  not  appear  to  be  inhabitants,  but 
occasional  visitants  at  the  island,  for  the  sake  of  gather- 
ing shell  fish.  Four  of  them  remained  after  the  others 
were  gone,  and  helped  the  English  to  dig  the  roots  of 
sassafras,  with  which,  as  well  as  the  furs  which  they 
bought  of  the  Indians,  the  vessel  was  loaded. 

After  spending  three  weeks  in  preparing  a  store- 
house, when  they  came  to  divide  their  provision,  there 
was  not  enough  to  victual  the  shi[),  and  to  subsist  the 
planters  till  the  ship's  return.  Some  jealousy  also  arose 
about  the  intentions  of  those  who  were  going  back  ; 
and  after  five  day's  consultation  they  determined  to  givo 
up  their  design  of  planting  and  return  to  England.  On 
the  eighteenth  of  June  they  sailed  out  of  the  bay  through 
the  same  passage  by  whicli  they  had  entered  it ;  and  on 
the  twenty-thud  of  July  they  arrived  at  Eiinoulh,  in 
the  west  of  England. 

Gosnold's  intention  was  to  have  remained  wi'h  a 
part  of  his  men,  and  to  have  sent  Gilbert,  the  second  ii: 
command,  to  England,  for  farther  supplies  ;  but  half  o 
so  small  a  company  would  not  have  been  a  sufficien. 
number  to  resist  the  savages,  had  they  been  disposed 
to  attack  them. 

After  his  return  to  England  he  was  indefatigable  in 
his  endeavors  to  forward  the  settling  of  a  colony  in 
America,  and  was  one  of  those  who  embarked  in  the 
n^xt  expedition  to  Virginia.,  where  he  had  tiie  rank  ol 
a  .  oansellor,  aud  where  he  died  in  the  year  1607. 


JOHN  SMITH. 

,IoHN  Smith- His  travels  and  adventures  on  the  Continent 
— Ho  join.s  tho  Austrian  army — His  Encounter  with  tho 
Turks— Smith  is  made  Prisoner— He  is  sold  as  a  slave— 
His  escape  and  return  to  England — He  meets  Gosnold — 
They  sail  to  Virginia— Difficulties  in  the  company — Smith  is 
taken  prisoner  by  the  Indians — He  is  condeinncd  to  death- 
He  is  saved  by  1'ocahontas,  daughter  of  the  Indian  Chief 
— His  release — His  Discoveries — Smith  is  made  President 
of  Virginia — His  Fame  among  the  In>Iians — His  singular 
Discipline — His  Return  to  England — His  Voyage  to  North 
Virginia —His  Writings — His  Diiath. 

Though  the  early  part  of  the  life  of  this  extraordi- 
nary man  was  spent  in  foreign  travels  and  adventurefv 
which  have  no  refereuce  to  America,  yet  the  incident' 
of  that  period  so  .^trongly  mark  his  character,  and  give 
such  a  tincture  to  his  subsequent  actions,  and  a:e  wuhal 
so  singular  in  themselves,  that  no  reader  (it  is  pre- 
sumed) will  censure  the  introduction  of  them  here  as 
imjiertinent. 

lie  was  born  at  Willoughby,  in  Lincolnsliire,  in  the 
year  1579.'  From  the  first  dawn  of  reason,  lie  dis- 
covered a  roving  and  romantic  genius,  and  delighted  in 
extravagant  and  daring  actions  among  his  schoolfel- 
lows. W'hen  about  thirteen  years  of  age,  he  sold  lus 
books  and  satchel,  and  his  puerile  trinkets,  to  rais« 
money,  with  a  view  to  convey  himself  privately  to  sea; 
but  the  death  of  his  father  put  a  stop  for  the  present  to 
thisattempt,  and  threw  him  inta  the  hands  of  guardiai'S, 

*  This  is  determined  by  an  inscription  annexed  to  his  pcr- 
trait  on  his  map  of  New  England— "  ^tat  37.  Anno  1616." 
This  portrait  represents  him  clad  in  armour,  and  under  II 

are  these  verses : 

Such  are  tho  lines  tliat  show  thy  face ;  but  tboao 

That  show  thy  grace  and  glory  brighter  bee; 
Thy  I'aire  discoveries  and  fowle  overthrowes 

Of  salvages  much  civilized  by  thee, 
Best  shrjw  ihy  spirit,  and  to  it  glory  win 

So  thou  ait  btaaic  without,  but  goldo  within." 


AMERICAN  HISTORY. 


who  endeavored  to  check  the  ardor  of  his  genius  by 
coiitinii;!^  Iiiiii  to  a  coiii|>ling  house.  Being  put  ap- 
prentice to  a  merchant  at  Lynn,  at  the  age  of  fifteen, 
he  at  first  conceived  hopes  that  his  master  would  send 
hiiJilo  eea  i:ih;s  service,  but  tliis  hope  failing,  he  quitted 
liis  masier,  and  with  only  ten  shillings  in  his  pocket, 
e/.i-cred  into  the  train  of  a  young  nobleman  who  was 
ttavclliiig  to  France.  At  Orleans  he  was  discharged 
from  his  attendance  on  Lor(^  Uertie,  and  had  money 
given  him  to  return  to  England.  With  this  money  he 
visited  Paris,  and  proceeded  to  the  Low  Countries, 
where  he  enlisted  as  a  soldier,  and  learned  the  rudi- 
mints  of  war,  a  science  peculiarly  agreeable  to  his  ar- 
dent and  active  genius.  Meeting  with  a  Scots  gentle- 
man abroad,  he  was  ])ersuaded  to  pass  into  Scotland, 
with  the  promise  of  being  strongly  recommended  to 
King  James  ;  but  being  batiled  in  this  expectation,  he 
returned  to  his  native  town,  and  finding  no  company 
there  which  suited  his  taste,  he  built  a  booth  in  a  wood, 
and  betook  himself  to  the  study  of  military  history  ar.d 
tactics,  diverting  himself  at  intervals  with  his  horse  and 
lance  ;  in  which  exercise  he  at  length  found  a  compa- 
nion, an  Italian  gentleman,  rider  to  the  Earl  of  Lin- 
coln, who  drew  him  from  his  sylvan  retirement  to  Tat- 
tersal. 

Having  recovered  a  part  of  the  estate  which  his  father 
had  left  him,  he  put  himself  into  a  better  condition  than 
before,  and  set  olF  again  on  his  travels,  in  the  winter  of 
the  year  1596,  being  then  only  seventeen  years  of  age. 
His  first  stage  was  Flanders,  where  meeting  with  a 
Frenchman  who  pretended  to  be  heir  to  a  noble  family, 
he,  with  his  three  attendants,  prevailed  upon  Smith  to 
go  with  them  to  France.  In  a  dark  night  they  arrived 
at  St.  Valery  in  Picardy,  and,  by  the  connivance  of  the 
ship  master,  the  Frenchmen  were  carried  ashore  with 
the  tpinks  of  our  young  traveller,  wliilst  he  was  left  on 
board  till  the  return  of  the  boat.  In  the  mean  time 
they  had  conveyed  the  baggage  out  of  his  reach,  and 
were  not  to  be  found.  A  sailor  on  board,  who  knew 
the  villains,  generously  undertook  to  conduct  him  to 
Mortaine  where  they  lived,  and  supplied  his  wants  till 
their  arrival  at  the  place.  Here  he  found  their  friends, 
from  whom  he  could  gain  no  rccom])ensc  ;  but  the 
report  of  his  sufTeringe  induced  several  persons  of  dis- 
tinction to  invite  him  to  their  houses. 

Eager  to  pursue  his  travels,  and  not  caring  to  receive 
favors  which  he  was  unable  to  requite,  he  left  his  new 
friends,  and  went  from  port  to  port  in  search  of  a  ship 
of  war.  In  one  of  these  rambles,  near  Dinan,  it  was 
his  chance  to  meet  one  of  the  villains  who  had  robbed 
him.  Without  s|)eaking  a  word,  they  both  drew  ;  and 
Smith  having  wounded  and  disarmed  his  antagonist, 
obliged  him  to  confess  his  guilt  before  a  number  of  per- 
sons who  had  assembled  on  the  occasion. 

Satisfied  with  his  victory,  he  retired  to  the  seat  of  an 
Acquaintance,  the  Earl  of  Ployer,  who  had  been  brought 
up  in  England,  and  having  received  supplies  from  him, 
he  travelled  along  the  French  coast  to  ilayonne,  and 
from  thence  crossed  over  to  Manscilles  ;  visiting  and 
observing  every  thing  in  his  way  which  had  any  refer- 
ence to  naval  or  nnilitary  architecture. 

At  Marseilles  he  embarked  for  Ilaly,  in  company 
with  a  rabble  of  ])ilgriins.  The  ship  was  forced  liy  a 
tempest  into  the  harbor  of  Toulon,  and  afterwards  was 
obliged  by  a  contrary  wind  to  anchor  under  the  little 
island  of  St.  Mary,  olf  Nice,  in  Savoy.  The  bigotry  of 
the  pilgrims  made  them  ascribe  their  ill  fortune  to  the 
presence  of  a  heretic  on  board.  They  devoutly  ciir.sed 
Smith,  and  his  Queen  Elizabeth,  and  in  a  fit  of  pious 
rage  threw  him  into  the  sea.  He  swam  to  the  island, 
and  the  next  day  was  taken  on  board  a  ship  of  St.  Malo 
which  had  also  put  in  theie  for  shelter.  The  master 
of  the  ship,  who  was  well  known  to  his  noble  friend, 
the  Earl  of  Ployer,  entertained  him  kindly,  and  carried 
him  to  Alexandria  in  Egypt ;  from  thei.ce  he  coasted 
the  Levant ;  and  on  his  return  had  the  high  .satisfaction 
of  a  naval  engagement  with  a  Venetian  ship,  which 
ihcy  took  and  rilled  of  her  rich  cargo.  Smith  was  set 
on  shore  at  Antihcs,  with  a  box  of  a  lhou.si\nd  cliequins 
(about  two  thousand  dollars),  by  the  help  of  which,  he 
made  the  tour  of  Italy,  crossed  the  Adriatic  and  tra- 
velled into  Stiria,  to  the  seat  of  Fi  rdimnd,  Archduke 
of  Austria.  Here  he  met  with  an  English  and  an  Irish 
Jesuit  who  introduced  him  to  Lord  F.herspaugbt,  Baron 
Kizel,  and  other  otficers  of  dislinclioii,  and  here  he 
ft.und  full  scope  for  his  genius  ;  for  the  Emperor  being 
then  at  war  with  the  Turks,  he  entered  into  his  army 
Bs  a  volunteer. 

He  had  communicated  to  Eberspaughf  a  method  of 
conversing  at  a  distance  by  signals  made  with  torches, 
•hirh  being  alternately  sli'i»vn  and  hidden  a  certain 
Buuibcr  of  liioes,  desi{;nattd  every  letter  of  the  aljiha- 


bet.  He  had  soon  an  opportunity  of  making  the  ex|)cri- 
ment.  Eberspaught  being  besieged  by  the  Turks  in 
the  strong  town  of  Olimpach,  was  cut  olT  from  all  in- 
telligence and  hope  of  succour  from  his  friends.  Smith 
proposed  his  melliod  of  communication  to  Baron  Kizel, 
who  approved  it,  and  allowed  him  to  put  it  in  practice.* 
He  was  conveyed  by  a  guard  to  a  hill  within  view  of 
the  town,  and  sufficiently  remote  from  the  Turkish 
camp.  At  the  disjilay  of  the  signal,  Eberspaught  knew 
and  answered  it,  and  Smith  conveyed  to  him  this  intel- 
ligence, "  Thursday  night,  I  will  charge  on  the  East ; 
at  the  alarm  sally  thou."  The  answer  was,  "  I  will." 
Just  before  the  attack,  by  Smith's  advice,  a  great  num- 
ber of  false  fires  were  made  on  another  quarter,  which 
divided  the  attention  of  the  enemy  and  gave  advantage 
to  the  assailants  ;  who,  being  assisted  by  a  sally  from 
the  town,  killed  many  of  the  Turks,  drove  others  into 
the  river,  and  threw  succours  into  the  place,  which 
obliged  the  enemy  the  next  day  to  raise  the  siege. 
This  well  conducted  cxjiloit,  produced  to  our  young 
adventurer,  the  command  of  a  company,  consisting  of 
two  hundred  and  fifty  horsemen  in  the  regiment  of 
Count  Meldrick,  a  nobleman  of  Transylvania. 

The  regiment  in  which  he  served  being  engaged  in 
several  hazardous  enterprises.  Smith  was  foremost  in 
all  dangers  and  distinguished  himself  both  by  his  inge- 
nuity and  by  his  valor ;  and  when  Meldrick  left  the 
Imperial  army,  and  passed  into  the  service  of  his  native 
prince,  Smith  followed  him. 

At  the  siege  of  Regal,  the  Ottomans  derided  the 
slow  approaches  of  the  Transylvanian  army,  and  sent  a 
challenge,  purporting  that  the  Lord  Turbisha,  to  divert 
the  ladies,  would  fight  any  single  captain  of  the  Chris- 
tian troops.  The  honor  of  accepting  this  challenge 
being  determined  by  lot,  fell  on  Captain  Smith  ;  who, 
meeting  his  antagonist  on  horseback,  within  view  of 
the  ladies  on  the  battlements,  at  the  sound  of  music 
began  the  encounter,  and  in  a  short  time  killed  him, 
and  bore  away  his  head  in  triumph  to  his  general  the 
Lord  Moyzes. 

The  death  of  the  chief  so  irritated  his  friend  Grualgo, 
that  he  sent  a  particular  challenge  to  the  conqueror, 
who,  meeting  him  with  the  same  ceremonies,  after  a 
smart  combat  look  off  his  head  also.  Smith  then  in 
his  turn  sent  a  message  into  tfie  town,  informing  the 
ladies,  that  if  they  wished  for  more  diversion,  they 
should  be  welcome  to  his  head,  in  case  their  third 
champion  could  take  it.  This  challenge  was  accepted 
by  Bonamolgro,  who  unhorsed  Smith  and  was  near 
gaining  the  victory.  But  remounting  in  a  critical  mo- 
ment, ho  gave  the  Turk  a  stroke  with  his  faulchion 
which  brought  him  to  the  ground,  and  his  head  was 
added  to  the  number.  For  these  singular  exploits  he 
was  honored  with  a  military  procession,  consisting  of 
six  thousand  men,  three  led  horses,  and  the  Turks' 
heads  on  the  points  of  three  lances.  With  this  cere- 
mony Smith  was  conducted  to  the  pavillion  of  his  ge- 
neral, who,  after  embracing  him,  presented  him  with  a 
horse  richly  furnished,  a  scymitar  and  belt  worth  three 
hundred  ducats,  and  a  commission  to  be  major  in  his 
regiment.  The  jirincc  of  Transylvania,  after  the  cap- 
ture of  the  ])lace,  made  him  a  present  of  his  picture  set 
in  gold,  and  a  pension  of  three  hundred  ducats  per 
annum,  and  moreover  granted  him  a  coat  of  arms  bear- 
ing three  Turks'  head.s  in  a  shield.  The  patent  was 
admitted  and  recorded  in  the  college  of  Heralds  in 
England,  by  Sir  Henry  Segar,  garler-king-at-arms. 
Smith  was  always  proud  of  this  distinguishing  honor, 
and  these  arms  arc  accordingly  blazoned  in  the  frontis- 
piece to  his  history,  with  this  motto, 
"  Viiiccre  est  vivcrc." 

After  this,  the  Tr.insvlvanian  army  was  defeated  bv 
a  body  of  Turks  and  Tartars  near  Kotenton,  and  many 
lirave  men  were  slam,  among  whom  were  nine  English 
and  Scotch  olficers,  who,  after  the  fashion  of  that  day. 
had  entered  into  this  service  from  a  religious  zeal  to 
drive  the  Turks  out  of  Christendom,  Smith  was 
wounded  in  this  battle  and  lay  among  the  dead.  His 
habit  discovered  him  to  the  victors  as  a  person  of  con- 
seciucnce  :  they  used  hiin  well  till  his  wounds  were 
healed,  and  then  sold  him  to  the  Basha  Bogal.  who 
sent  him  as  a  present  to  his  mistress  Tragabigzanda 
at  Constantinople,  accompanied  with  a  message,  as  full 

*  Tlie  tnetlioii  is  tlii.^ :  First,  three  torches  arc  shcuvn  in  a 
Imo  eqiii-distant  from  cacli  other,  which  are  answoreJ  liy 
three  olliers  in  tlie  same  manner:  tlien  the  message  hcing 
written  as  liriclly  as  possihlp,  and  the  alphaix  t  diviilcil  into  two 
parls,  the  It'tlers  from  A  to  I.  are  sigiiifit-il  t>v  showmi;  and 
iiidmg  one  hght,  as  ollcii  ns  there  arc  letlcrs  from  A  to  that 
letter  wliirli  you  menu.  The  letlcrs  from  M  to  7.  hy  two 
hehts  III  the  same  manner.  The  end  of  a  word  is  suiiified 
hy  .showMii!  Ihrcc  hchts.  At  every  letter,  tlic  light  stands  till 
the  other  parly  may  write  it  down  and  Nuwer  by  his  signal, 
whicU  IS  one  light. 


of  vanity  as  void  of  truth,  thai  he  had  conquered  m 
battle  a  Bohemian  nobleman,  and  presented  hi.m  to  hei 
as  a  slave. 

The  present  proved  more  apceptable  to  the  lady  than 
her  lord  intended.  She  could  speak  Italian ;  and 
Smith,  in  that  language,  not  only  informed  her  jf  his 
country  and  quality,  but  conversed  with  her  in  so  pleas- 
ing a  manner  as  to  gain  her  affections.  The  connexion 
proved  so  tender,  that  to  secure  him  for  herself  and  to 
prevent  his  being  ill  used  or  sold  again,  she  sent  him  to 
her  brother,  the  Basha  of  Nalbrailz,  in  the  country  o( 
the  Cambrian  Tartars,  on  the  borders  of  the  sea  of 
.■\soph.  Her  pretence  was,  that  he  should  there  leare 
the  manners  and  language  as  well  as  religion  of  the 
Tartars.  By  llie  terms  in  which  she  wrote  to  her  bro- 
ther, he  suspected  her  design,  and  resolved  to  disap- 
point her.  Within  an  hour  after  Smith  s  arrival  ho 
was  strijipcd  ;  his  head  and  beard  were  shaven,  an  iron 
collar  was  put  about  his  neck  ;  he  was  clothed  with  a 
coat  of  hair  cloth,  and  driven  to  labor  among  other 
Christian  slaves.  He  had  now  no  hope  of  redemption, 
but  from  the  love  of  his  mistress,  who  was  at  a  great  dis- 
tance, and  not  likely  to  be  informed  of  his  misfortune  ; 
the  hopeless  condition  of  his  fellow-slaves  could  not 
alleviate  his  despondency. 

In  the  depth  of  his  distress,  an  opportunity  presented 
for  an  escape,  which  to  a  person  of  a  less  courageous 
and  adventurous  spirit  would  have  proved  an  aggravation 
of  misery.  He  was  employed  in  threshing  at  a  grange, 
in  a  large  field  about  a  league  from  the  bouse  of  his 
tyrant,  who  in  his  daily  visits  treated  him  with  abusive 
language,  accompanied  with  blows  and  kicks.  Thie 
was  more  than  Smith  could  bear,  wherefore  watching 
an  opportunity  when  no  other  person  was  present,  he 
levelled  a  stroke  at  him  with  his  threshing  instrument, 
which  despatched  him.  Then  hiding  his  body  in  the 
straw  af.d  shutting  the  doors,  he  filled  a  bag  with  grain, 
mounted  the  Basha's  horse,  and  betaking  himself  to  the 
desert,  wandered  for  tw  o  or  three  days,  ignorant  of  the 
wav.  and  so  fortunate  as  not  to  meet  with  a  single  per- 
son who  might  give  information  of  his  flight.  At 
length  he  came  to  a  post  erected  in  a  cross  road,  by  the 
marks  on  which  he  found  his  way  to  Muscovy,  and  in 
sixteen  days  arrived  at  Eiapolis  on  the  river  Hon, 
w  here  was  a  Russian  garrison,  the  commander  of  which 
understanding  he  was  a  Christian,  received  him  cour- 
teously ;  took  off  his  iron  collar,  and  gave  him  letters 
to  the  other  governors  in  that  region.  Thus  he  tra- 
velled through  part  of  Russia  and  Poland,  till  he  got 
back  to  his  friends  in  Transylvania  ;  receiving  presents 
in  his  way  from  many  persons  of  distinction,  among 
whom  he  particularly  mentions  a  charitable  ladv.  Ca^- 
mata,  being  always  proud  of  his  connexion  with  that 
sex,  and  fond  of  acknowledging  their  favors.  .\t  Leip- 
sic  he  met  with  his  colonel.  Count  Meldrick,  and  Sigis- 
mund,  prince  of  Transylvania,  who  gave  him  1500 
ducats  to  repair  his  losses.  With  this  money  he  was 
enabled  to  travel  through  Germany.  France,  and  Spain, 
ami  having  visited  the  kingdoms  of  Morocco,  he  returned 
by  sea  to  England  ;  having  in  his  passage  enjoyed  iho 
]>leasurc  of  another  naval  engagement.  .\t  his  arrival 
in  his  native  country  he  had  a  thousand  ducats  in  his 
purse,  which,  wilh  the  interest  he  had  remaining  in 
England,  he  devoted  to  seek  adventures  and  make  dis- 
coveries in  .NoKTii  .\mkrica. 

Bartholomew  Gosiiold,  having  conceived  a  favorable 
idea  of  .\mcrica,  had  made  it  his  business  on  his  return 
to  England,  to  solicit  assistance  in  prosecuting  disco- 
veries. Meeting  wilh  Captain  Smith,  he  readily  entered 
into  his  views,  the  employment  being  exactly  suited  to 
his  enterprising  genius.  Having  enirtged  Edwanl  .Ma- 
ria Wingfield,  a  merchant,  Robert  Hunt,  a  clergyman, 
and  several  others,  they  prevailed  u|>on  a  number  of 
iiolileineii,  genllemen,  and  merchants,  to  solicit  a  patent 
from  the  crown,  iiy  which  the  adventurers  to  \  irginia 
became  subject  to  legal  direction,  and  had  the  siipj>orl 
and  encourageiiient  of  a  wealthy  and  respectable  cor- 
poration ;  which  was  usually  styled  the  South  Virginia 
(Company,  or  the  London  Company,  in  distinction  from 
the  PIvmOMlh  Coiniiany,  who  superintended  the  affairs 
of  North  Virginia.  The  dale  of  their  patent  was  .Xpril 
10.  IGOO,  and  on  the  I'Jth  of  the  following  December, 
three  ships,  one  of  one  hundred  Ions,  another  of  forty, 
and  one  of  iweniy,  fell  down  the  river  Thames  for  Vir 
ginia.  The  commander  was  Christopher  Newport,  ar 
experienced  mariner.  They  had  on  board  the  necessary 
persons  and  jirovisions  for  a  colony  ;  and  their  order* 
lor  government  were  sealed  in  a  box,  which  was  not  to 
be  opened  till  they  should  arrire  in  Virgini*. 

The  ships  were  kept  in  the  Downs  by  bad  weati  pi 
six  weeks,  and  afterwards  had  a  tempcstuout  Toyagc. 
Thoy  look  ihe  old  route  by  ihe  Canary  and  Cai'b*»* 


u  r  O  G  R 


APIIIES  OF  THE  EARLY  DISCOVERERS 


Islands,  and  did  not  make  the  entrance  of  Chesapeake 
Bay  till  the  26th  of  April,  1607.  From  the  beginning 
of  their  embarkation  there  was  a  jealousy  and  dissen- 
sion among  the  company.  Smith  and  Hunt  were  friends, 
and  both  were  envied  and  suspected  by  the  others. 
Hunt  was  judicious  and  patient ;  his  office  secured  him 
from  insult.  Smith  was  ardent  and  industrious,  cour- 
teous in  his  deportment,  but  liberal  in  his  language. 
On  some  suggestions  that  he  intended  to  usurp  the 
government,  and  that  his  confederates  were  dispersed 
giiiong  the  companies  of  each  ship,  he  was  made  a  pri- 
soner from  the  time  of  their  leaving  the  Canaries,  and 
was  under  confinement  when  they  arrived  iu  the  Che- 
gapeake.  When  the  bo.x  was  0[)encd,  it  was  found  that 
Bartholomew  Gosnold,  John  Smith,  Edward  M.  Wing- 
field.  Christoiiher  Newport,  John  Ratcliff,  John  Martin, 
iiid  George  K  .'  ilal  were  named  to  be  of  the  council ; 
who  were  to  choose  a  president  from  among  themselves 
for  one  year  and  the  government  was  vested  in  them. 
Matters  of  moment  were  to  be  "examined  by  a  jury, 
but  determined  by  the  major  part  of  the  council,  n; 
which  the  president  had  two  Toices."  When  theco'in- 
cil  was  sworn,  Wingfield  was  chosen  president,  and  a 
declaration  was  made  of  the  reasons  for  which  S;nith 
was  not  admitted  and  sworn  among  the  others. 

Seventeen  days  from  their  arrival  were  spent  ''n 
seeking  a  proper  place  for  their  first  plantation.  The 
southern  point  of  the  bay  was  named  Cape  Henry,  and 
the  northern  Cape  Charles,  in  honor  of  the  two  sons  of 
King  James.  To  the  first  great  river  which  thev  dis- 
covered they  gave  the  name  of  their  sovereign  ;  and  the 
northern  point  of  its  entrance  was  called  Point  Com- 
fort, on  account  of  the  good  channel  and  anchorage 
which  they  found  there.  On  the  flats  they  took  plenty 
of  oysters,  in  some  of  which  were  pearls  ;  and  on  the 
plain  they  found  large  and  ripe  strawberries,  which  af- 
forded them  a  delicious  repast. 

Having  met  with  five  of  the  natives,  they  invited  them 
to  their  town,  Kccoughtan,  where  Hampton  is  now 
built.  Here  they  were  feasted  with  cakes  made  of  In- 
dian corn,  and  regaled  with  tobacco  and  a  dance.  I.-  re- 
turn they  presented  the  natives  beads  and  other  trinkets. 
Proceeding  up  the  river,  another  company  of  Indians 
appeared  in  arms.  Their  chief,  Apamatica,  iioldmg  m 
one  hand  his  bow  and  arrow,  and  in  the  other  a  pijie  of 
tol)acco,  demanded  the  cause  of  their  coming;  they 
made  signs  of  j  eace.  and  were  hospitably  received.  On 
the  13th  of  May  they  pitched  upon  a  peninsula,  where 
the  ships  could  lie  in  six  fathom  water,  moored  to  the 
trees,  as  the  plaoe  of  their  intended  settlement.  Here 
they  were  visited  by  Paspiha,  another  Indian  chief,  who 
being  made  acquainted  with  their  design,  otl'crod  them 
as  much  land  as  they  wanted,  and  afterwards  sent  them 
a  deer  for  their  entertainment.  On  this  spot  they 
pitched  their  tents,  and  gave  it  the  name  of  James- 
town 

Every  man  was  now  employed  either  in  digging  and 
planting  gardens,  or  making  nets,  or  in  cutting  and  riv- 
ing timber  to  reload,  the  ships.  The  president  at  first 
would  admit  of  no  martial  exercise,  nor  allow  any 
fortifications  to  be  made,  excepting  the  boughs  of 
trees  thrown  together  in  the  form  of  a  half  moon.  Cap- 
tain Newport  took  Smith  and  twenty  more  with  him 
to  discover  the  head  of  James  river.  In  six  days  they 
arrived  at  the  falls,  and  erecting  a  cross,  as  they  had  at 
Cape  Henry,  took  possession  of  the  country  in  the 
name  of  King  James.  In  this  route  they  visited  Pow- 
HAT.tN,  the  princijial  Indian  chief,  or  emperor.  His 
town  consisted  of  twelve  houses,  pleasantly  situated  on 
a  hill,  before  which  were  three  islands,  a  little  below 
the  spot  where  Richmond  is  now  built.  Captain  New- 
port presented  a  hatchet  to  this  prince,  which  he  grate- 
fully received  ;  and  when  some  of  his  Indians  mur- 
mured at  the  coming  of  the  English  among  them,  lie 
silenced  them  by  saying,  "why  should  we  be  oll'eiideil  ! 
they  hurt  us  not,  nor  take  any  thing  by  force  they 
want  only  a  little  ground,  which  we  can  easily  .pare." 
This  appearance  of  friendship  was  not  much  relied  on, 
when,  at  their  return  to  Jamestown,  they  found  that  the 
company  had  been  surprised  at  their  work  by  a  party  of 
Indians,  who  hal  killed  one  ar.d  wounded  seventeen 
Others.  A  double-headed  shot  from  one  of  the  ships 
had  cut  off  a  bough  of  a  tree,  which  falling  among  the 
Indians,  terrified  and  dispersed  them.  This  incident 
tbl.ged  the  President  to  alter  the  plan  of  the  fort, 
which  was  now  a  triangular  palisade  with  a  lunette  at 
each  angle,  and  five  pieces  of  artillery  were  mounted 
on  the  works,  which  were  completed  by  the  15th  of 
June.  It  was  also  found  necessary  to  exercise  the  men 
«t  arras,  to  mount  guard  and  be  vigilant ;  for  the  In- 
dians would  surprise  and  molest  stragglers,  whilst  by 
Ul««r  iupe^ior  agility  they  would  escape  unhurt. 


The  ships  being  almost  ready  to  return,  it  was 
thought  proper  that  some  decision  should  he  had  re- 
specting the  allegations  against  .Smith.  His  accusers 
affected  commisseration,  and  ])retended  to  refer  him  to 
the  censure  of  the  coin|)any  in  England,  rather  than  to 
expose  him  to  legal  prosecution  which  might  injure  his 
reputation  or  touch  his  life.  Smith,  who  knew  both 
their  malice  and  their  impotence,  ojienly  scorned  their 
pretended  pity  and  defied  their  resentment.  He  had 
conducted  himself  so  une.tceptionably  in  every  eni|)loy- 
ment  which  had  been  allotted  to  him,  that  he  had  ren- 
dered himself  very  ])opular;  and  his  accusers  had  by  a 
different  conduct  lost  the  all'ectioiis  and  confidence  of 
the  people.  Those  who  had  been  suborned  to  accuse 
him  acknowledged  their  fault,  and  discovered  the  secret 
arts  which  had  been  jicactised  against  him.  He  de- 
manded a  trial,  and  the  issue  was,  that  the  president 
was  adjudged  to  pay  him  two  hundred  pounds  ;  but 
when  his  property  was  seized  in  part  of  this  satisfaction, 
Smith  generously  turned  it  into  the  common  store  for 
the  benefit  of  the  colony.  Such  an  action  could  not 
but  increase  his  popularity.  Many  other  difficulties  had 
arisen  among  them,  which,  by  the  influence  of  Smith 
and  the  exhortation  of  Hunt,  their  chaplain,  were 
hroilj^lit  to  a  seemingly  amicable  conclusion.  Smith 
was  admitted  to  his  seat  in  the  council,  and  on  the  next 
Snndav  they  celebrated  the  communion.  At  the  same 
xim,>  *he  luJiand  came  in,  and  voluntarily  desired  peace. 
With  ibo  g<ioJ  rqiort  of  these  transactions  Newport 
sailed  for  England,  on  the  23d  of  June,  promising  to 
return  in  'wocty  weckd  with  fresh  supplies. 

The  colony  'hits  led  iu  Virginia  consisted  of  one 
hundred  and  foi.T  Persons,  tu  <icTy  miserable  circum- 
stances, especially  au  account  oi  provisions,  to  which 
calamity  their  long  v.-vH^o  dl>l  not  a  little  contribute, 
both  as  it  consumed  the'r  ^tocli,  md  deprived  them  of 
the  opportunity  of  towing  'Joasjnablv  in  the  spring. 
Whilst  the  ships  remained.  f.t\.'-  could  barter  with  the 
sailors  for  bread  ;  but  after  their dei)arture,  each  man's 
allowance  was  half  a  pint  of  damaged  wheat  and  as 
much  barley  per  day.  The  river,  which  at  the  flood 
was  salt,  and  at  the  ebb  was  muddy,  aflbrdcd  them  their 
only  drink  ;  it  also  sujiplied  them  with  sturgeon  and 
shell-fish.  This  kind  of  food,  with  their  continual  labor 
in  the  heat  of  summer,  and  their  Irccjucnt  watchings  by 
night  in  all  weathers,  having  only  the  bare  ground  to 
lie  on,  with  but  slight  covering,  produced  diseases 
among  them,  which,  by  the  month  of  September,  car- 
ried off  fifty  persons,  among  whom  was  Captain  Gos- 
nold. Those  who  remained  were  divided  into  three 
watches,  of  whom,  not  more  than  five  in  each  were 
capable  of  duty  at  once.  All  this  time  the  president, 
Wingfield,  who  had  the  key  of  the  stores,  monopolized 
the  few  refreshments  which  remained,  and  was  meditat- 
ing to  desert  the  plantation  privately  in  the  pinnace, 
and  remove  to  the  west  Indies.  These  things  rendered 
him  so  hateful  to  the  rest,  that  they  deposed  him,  and 
elected  Ratcliffe  in  his  room  :  they  also  removed  Kendal 
from  his  place  in  the  council ;  so  that  by  the  middle  of 
September,  three  memltcrs  only  were  left. 

Ratclifl'e,  being  a  man  of  no  resolution  nor  activity, 
committed  the  management  of  affairs  abroad  to  Smith, 
in  whom  his  confidence  was  not  misplaced.  At  the 
same  time  the  Indians  in  their  ncighbortiood  brought  m 
a  plentiful  eupply  of  such  provisions  as  they  had,  which 
revived  their  drooping  spirits  ;  and  Smith  seeing  the 
necessity  of  exertion  to  secure  themselves  and  provide 
for  the  approaching  winter,  partly  by  his  animating 
speeches,  but  more  by  his  example,  set  them  to  work 
in  mowing  and  binding  thatch,  and  in  building  and 
covering  houses.  In  these  exercises  he  bore  a  large 
share,  and  in  a  ehort  time  got  a  sufliciency  of  houses  to 
make  comfortable  lodgings  for  all  the  |)eople  excepting 
himself  This  being  done,  and  the  provisions  which 
the  natives  had  brought  in  lieing  expended,  he  picked  a 
number  of  the  best  hands  and  embarked  in  a  shallop 
which  they  had  brought  from  England,  to  search  the 
country  for  another  supply. 

The  party  which  a<:companied  Smith  in  this  ex- 
cursion consisted  of  six  men,  well  armed,  but  ill  pro- 
vided with  clothing  and  other  necessaries.  What  was 
wanting  in  equipment  was  to  be  supplied  by  reso- 
lution and  address  ;  and  Smith's  genius  was  equal  to 
the  attempt,  Thfey  proceeded  down  the  river  to  Ke- 
coughtan,  [Hampton]  where  the  natives,  knowing  the 
needy  state  of  the  colony,  treated  them  with  contempt, 
offering  an  ear  of  corn  in  exchange  for  a  musket  or  a 
sword,  and  in  like  proportion  for  their  scant  and  tat- 
tered garments.  Finding  that  courtesy  and  gentle 
treatment  would  not  jircvail,  and  that  nothing  was  to 
be  expected  in  the  way  of  barter,  and  moreover  pro- 
voked by  their  contempt,  .Smith  ordered  his  boat  to  be 


drawn  on  shore  and  his  men  to  fire  at  them.  The  nf- 
frighted  natives  lied  to  the  woods,  whilst  the  party 
searched  their  houses,  in  which  they  found  plenty  of 
corn  ;  but  Smith  did  not  permit  his  men  to  touch  it, 
expecting  that  the  Indians  would  return  and  attack 
them.  They  soon  appeared,  to  the  number  of  sixty  or 
seventy,  formed  into  a  stpiare,  carrying  their  idol  okek, 
composed  of  skins,  stiitled  with  moss,  and  adorned 
with  chains  of  cojijier.  They  were  armed  with  clubs 
and  targets,  bows  and  arrows,  and  advanced  singing 
to  the  charge.  The  party  received  them  with  a  volley 
of  shot,  which  l/ouglit  several  of  them  to  the  ground, 
and  their  idol  among  them  ;  the  rest  fled  again  to  the 
woods,  from  whence  they  sent  a  deputation  to  oflcr 
peace  and  redeem  their  god.  Smith,  having  in  Ins 
hands  so  valuable  a  Jilcdge,  was  able  to  bring  them  to 
hig  own  terms  ;  he  stipulated  that  six  of  them  shoulc 
come  unarmed,  and  load  his  boat  with  com,  and  on  this 
condition  he  would  be  their  friend  and  give  them 
hatchets,  beads  and  cop])er.  These  stipulations  were 
faithfully  performed  on  both  sides ;  and  the  Indians,  iu 
addition,  presented  them  with  venison,  turkies  and  other 
birds,  and  continued  singing  and  dancing  till  their  de- 
parture. 

The  success  of  this  attempt  encouraged  him  to  repeat 
his  excursions  by  land  and  water  ;  in  the  course  of 
which  he  discovered  several  branches  of  James  river, 
and  particularly  the  Chickahamony,  from  whose  fertile 
banks  he  hoped  to  sujiply  the  colony  with  provision. 
But  industry  abroad  will  not  make  a  flourishing  planta- 
tion without  economy  at  home.  What  he  had  taken 
pains  and  risked  his  life  to  provide,  was  carelessly 
and  wantonlessly  expended  ;  the  traffic  with  the  natives 
being  under  no  regulation,  each  person  made  his  own 
bargain,  and  by  outbidding  each  other,  they  taught  the 
Indians  to  set  a  higher  value  on  their  commodities,  and 
to  think  themselves  cheated  when  they  did  not  all  gei 
the  same  prices.  This  bred  a  jealousy  and  sowed  the 
seeds  of  a  quarrel  with  tliem,  which  the  colony  were  in 
a  poor  condition  to  maintain,  being  at  variart*  among 
themselves. 

The  shallop  being  again  fitted  for  a  trading  voyage, 
whilst  Smith  was  abroad  on  one  of  his  usual  rambles, 
and  the  people  being  discontented  with  the  indolence 
of  Ratclifl'e,  their  President,  and  the  long  sickness  of 
Martin,  Wingfield  and  Kendal,  who  had  been  displaced, 
took  advantage  of  .Smith's  absence,  and  conspired  with 
some  inalecontents  to  run  away  with  the  vessel  and  go 
to  England.  Smith  returned  unexpectedly,  and  the 
plot  was  discovered.  To  prevent  its  execution,  re- 
course was  had  to  arms,  and  Kendal  was  killed,  Ano 
ther  attempt  of  the  same  kind  was  made  by  Ratclitio 
himself,  assisted  by  .Archer  ;  but  Smith  found  means  to 
defeat  this  also.  He  determined  to  keep  possession  of 
I,  0  country,  the  value  of  which  was  daily  rising  in  his 
estimation  ;  4iot  only  as  a  source  of  w  ealth  to  individuals, 
but  as  a  grand  national  object  ;  and  he  knew  that  great 
undertakings  could  not  be  accomplished  without  labor 
and  perseverance. 

As  the  autumn  advanced,  the  waters  were  covered 
with  innumerable  wild-fowl,  which,  with  the  addition 
of  corn,  beans  and  pumpkins,  jirocured  from  the  Indian.*, 
changed  hunger  into  luxury,  and  abated  the  rage  for 
abandoning  the  country.  Smith  had  been  once  up  the 
river  Chickahamony,  but  because  he  had  not  iienetrated 
to  its  source,  exceptions  were  taken  to  his  conduct  ag 
too  dilatory.  Tins  imputation  he  determined  to  remove. 
In  his  next  voyage  he  went  so  high  that  he  was  obliged 
to  cut  the  trees  which  had  fallen  into  the  river,  to  make 
his  way  through  as  far  as  his  boat  could  swim.  He 
then  left  her  in  a  safe  place,  ordering  his  men  not  to 
quit  her  until  his  return  ;  then  taking  two  of  them,  and 
two  Indians  for  guides,  he  proceeded  m  one  of  theii 
canoes  to  the  meadows  at  the  river's  tiead  ;  and  leav- 
ing his  two  men  with  the  canoe,  he  went  with  his  In 
dian  guides  across  the  meadows.  .\  ])arty  of  300 
Indians  below,  had  watched  the  motions  of  the  boat. 
They  first  surprised  the  straggling  crew,  and  made  ono 
of  them  |)risoiier,  from  whom  they  learned  lliat  Smiiii 
was  above.  They  next  found  the  two  men  whom  he 
had  left  with  the  canoe  asleej)  by  a  fire,  and  killed  them  ; 
then  having  discovered  Smith,  they  wounded  him  in 
the  thigh  with  an  arrow.  Finding  him.self  thus  assault- 
ed and  wounded,  he  bound  one  of  his  Indian  guiden 
with  his  garters  to  his  left  arm,  and  made  use  of  him  aa 
a  shield,  whilst  he  despatched  three  of  his  enemies  and 
wounded  some  others.  He  was  retreating  to  his  canoe, 
when,  regarding  his  enemies  more  than  his  footste(>3, 
he  suddenly  plunged  with  his  guide  into  an  oozy  creek, 
and  stuck  fast  in  the  mud.  The  Indians,  astonished 
his  bravery,  did  not  apjjroath  him  till,  almost  dead  with 
cold,  he  threw  away  his  arms,  and  beg|;cd  tl  eui  tu  draw 


20 


A  iM  ERIC  AM  HISTORY. 


him  out,  which  they  did  and  led  him  to  the  Arc,  wlierc 
nis  slain  companions  were  lyinw.  This  sijiht  admo- 
nisheil  liim  what  he  was  to  expect.  Deincr  revived  by 
then  dialing  his  bcimnihid  limbs,  he  called  lor  llio 
chief,  •Jf^ecankanough.kinl^  of  Pamaunkee,  to  whom  he 
presented  his  ivory  compass  and  dial.  The  vibrations 
of  the  needle,  and  the  tly  under  the  glass,  which  they 
could  sse  but  not  touch,  afforded  tl.em  much  amiise- 
ment ;  and  Smith,  having  learned  some  of  their  lan- 
guage, partly  by  means  of  that,  and  partly  by  signs 
entertained  them  with  a  descriyjlion  of  the  nature  and 
uses  of  the  instrument ;  and  gave  them  such  a  lecture 
on  the  motions  of  the  heavens  and  earth  as  amazed 
them,  and  suspended  for  a  time  the  execution  of  their 
purpose.  At  length,  curiosity  being  satiated,  they  fas- 
tened him  to  a  tree,  and  prepared  to  despatch  him  with 
tneir  arrows.  At  this  instant,  the  chief  holding  u|)  the 
compass,  which  he  esteemed  as  a  divinity,  they  laid 
aside  their  arms,  and  forming  a  military  procession,  led 
him  in  triumph  to  their  village  Orapaxc.  The  order  of 
their  march  was  thus :  they  ranged  themselves  in  a 
single  file,  the  king  in  the  midst,  before  him  were  borne 
the  arms  taken  from  Smith,  and  his  companions  ;  next 
after  the  king  came  the  prisoner,  held  by  three  stout 
.■lavages,  and  on  each  side  a  file  of  six.  When  tliey 
arrived  at  the  village,  the  old  men,  women  and  children 
came  out  to  receive  them ;  after  some  manoeuvres, 
shich  had  the  appearance  of  regularity,  they  formed 
themselves  round  the  king  and  his  prisoner  into  a  cir- 
cle, dancing  and  singing,  adorned  with  paint,  furs  and 
feathers,  brandishing  their  rattles,  which  were  made  of 
the  tales  of  rattlesnakes.  After  three  dances,  they  dis- 
persed, and  Smith  was  conducted  to  a  long  hut,  guarded 
by  forty  men.  There  he  was  so  plentifully  feasted 
*ith  bread  and  venison,  that  he  suspected  their  inten- 
tion was  to  fatten  and  eat  him.  One  of  the  Indians,  to 
vvhoin  Smith  had  formerly  given  beads,  brought  him  a 
garment  of  furs  to  defend  him  from  the  cold.  Another, 
whoso  son  was  then  sick  and  d)ing,  attempted  to  kill 
him,  but  was  prevented  by  the  guard.  Smith  being 
conducted  to  the  dying  youth,  told  them  that  he  had  a 
aiedicine  at  Jamestown  which  would  cure  him,  if  they 
would  let  him  fetch  it ;  but  they  had  another  design, 
«hich  was  to  surprise  the  place,  and  to  make  use  of  him 
ij»  a  guide.  To  induce  him  to  perform  this  service,  they 
jiomised  him  his  bberty,  with  as  much  land  and  as 
many  women  as  war.lJ  cii'.tnt  him.  Smith  magnified 
he  diiriculty  and  danger  nf  their  attempt,  from  the 
ordnance,  mines  and  other  defences  of  the  place,  which 
exceedingly  terrified  them ;  and  to  convince  them  of  the 
truth  of  what  he  told  them,  he  wrote  on  a  loaf  of  his 
pocket-book  an  inventory  of  what  he  wanted,  with  some 
directions  to  the  people  at  the  fort,  how  to  afTright  the 
messengers  who  went  to  deliver  the  letter.  Tiiey  re- 
turned in  three  days,  reporting  the  terror  into  which 
they  had  been  thrown  ;  and  when  they  produced  the 
things  for  which  he  had  written,  the  whole  company 
were  astoni.shed  at  the  power  of  his  divination  by  the 
»piahiiig  leaf. 

After  this  they  carried  him  through  several  nations, 
inhibiting  the  banks  of  the  Potowmack  and  Rapalianock, 
»nd  at  length  brought  him  to  Pamaunkee,  where  they 
performed  a  strange  ceremony,  by  which  they  intended 
to  livine,  whether  his  intentions  towards  them  were 
friendly  or  hostile.  The  manner  of  it  was  this  :  earlv 
in  the  morning  a  great  lire  was  made  in  a  long  house, 
ond  a  mat  spread  on  each  side,  on  one  of  which  he  was 
placed,  and  the  guard  retired.  Presently,  an  Indian 
priest,  hideously  painted,  and  dressed  in  furs  and  snake 
skins,  came  skipping  in,  and  after  a  variety  of  uncouth 
noices  and  gestures,  drew  a  circle  with  meal  round  the 
fire  :  then  came  in  three  more  in  the  same  frightful 
dress,  and  after  they  had  performed  tlu'ir  dance,  three 
others.  Tliey  all  sat  opposite  to  him  in  a  line,  the  chief- 
priest  in  the  midst.  Alter  singing  a  song,  accompani(Hl 
with  the  music  of  their  rattles,  the  chief-priest  laid  down 
five  grains  of  corn,  and  after  a  short  speech,  three  more  ; 
this  was  repeated  till  the  fire  was  encircled.  Then 
continuing  the  incantation,  he  laid  sticks  between  the 
divisions  of  the  corn.  The  whole  day  was  spent  in 
'Jicse  ceremonies,  with  fasting,  and  at  night  a  feast  was 
prepared  of  the  beast  meals  which  they  had.  The  s.iine 
tricks  were  repeated  the  two  following  days.  They  told 
him  that  the  circle  of  meal  represented  their  country, 
the  circU''  of  corn  the  sea  shore,  and  the  s'.icks  his  coun- 
try ;  thev  did  not  acipiaint  him,  or  he  has  not  acciuainted 
08,  with  the  result  of  the  o|<eration,  but  he  ol)servcd  that 
the  gunpowder  which  they  had  taken  from  him.  was  laid 
up  among  their  corn,  to  \n-  planted  the  next  spring. 

After  tlitse  ceremonies,  they  brought  him  to  the  em- 
peror Powhatan,  who  receiveil  him  in  roval  state,  clothed 
tn  t  lobo  of  racoon  skins,  ttualcd  on  a  kind  of  thruuc, 


elevated  above  the  floor  of  a  large  hut,  in  the  midst  of 
I  which  was  a  fire  ;  at  each  hand  of  the  prince  sat  two 
I  beautiful  girls,  his  daughters,  and  along  each  side  of 
I  the  house,  a  row  of  his  counsellors,  painted  and  adorned 
with  leathers  and  shells.    At  Smith's  entrance  a  great 
I  shout  was  made.    The  queen  of  Apamatox  brought  hun 
I  water  to  wash  his  hands,  and  another  served  him  with  a 
bunch  of  feathers  instead  of  a  towel.    Having  feasted 
him  after  their  manner,  a  long  consultation  was  held, 
which  being  ended,  two  large  stones  were  brought  in 
on  one  of  which  his  head  was  laid,  and  clubs  were 
lifted  up  to  beat  out  his  brains.   At  this  critical  moment 
Pocahontas,  the  king's  favorite  daughter,  flew  to  him, 
took  his  head  in  her  arms,  and  laid  her  own  upon  it 
Her  tender  entreaties  prevailed.    The  king  consented 
that  Smith  should  live,  to  make  hatchets  for  hiin,  and 
ornaments  for  her. 

Two  days,  after,  Powhatan  caused  him  to  be  brought 
to  a  distant  house  ;  where,  after  another  threatening,  he 
confirmed  his  promise,  and  told  liiin  he  should  return  to 
the  fort,  and  send  him  two  |)ieces  of  cannon,  and  a  grind- 
stone ;  for  which  he  would  give  him  the  country  of  Ca- 
pahousick,  and  for  ever  esteem  him  as  his  son.  Twelve 
guides  accompanied  him,  and  he  arrived  at  Jamestown 
the  next  day  According  to  the  stipulation,  two  guns 
and  a  large  grindstone  were  otfercd  them  ;  but  having 
in  vain  tried  to  lift  them,  they  were  content  to  let  ihein 
remain  in  their  place.  Smith,  however,  had  the  guns 
loaded,  and  discharged  a  volley  of  stones  at  a  tree  co- 
vered with  icicles.  The  report  and  elfect  confounded 
them  ;  but  being  pacified  with  a  few  toys,  they  returned, 
carrying  presents  to  Powhatan  and  his  daughter  of  such 
things  as  gave  them  entire  satisfaction.  Alter  this  ad- 
venture, the  young  princess,  Pocahontas,  frequently 
visited  the  plantation  with  iier  attendants  ;  and  the  re- 
freshments which  she  brought  from  time  to  time  proved 
the  means  of  saving  many  lives,  which  otherwise  would 
have  been  lost. 

Smith's  return  happened  at  another  critical  juncture. 
The  colony  was  divided  into  i)arties,  and  the  malcon- 
tents were  again  preparing  to  quit  the  country.  His 
[irescnce  a  third  time,  defeated  the  project ;  in  revenge; 
for  which  they  meditated  to  put  hiin  to  death,  under 
pretence  that  he  had  been  the  means  of  murdering  the 
two  men  who  went  with  him  in  the  canoe  ;  but  by  a 
proper  application  of  valor  and  strength,  he  put  his  ac- 
cusers under  confinement,  till  an  opportunity  presented 
for  sending  them  as  prisoners  to  England. 

The  misfortunes  and  mismanagements  of  this  Vir- 
ginian colony  during  the  period  here  related,  seem  to 
have  originated  partly  in  the  tempers  and  qualifications 
of  the  men  who  were  ap|)ointcd  to  command,  and  partly 
in  the  nature  and  circumstances  of  the  adventure. 
There  could  be  no  choice  of  men  for  the  service  but 
among  those  who  oltercd  themselves  ;  and  these  w  ere 
previously  strangers  to  each  other,  as  well  as  dilTerent 
in  their  education,  ([ualities  and  habits.  Some  of  them 
had  been  used  to  the  command  of  ships,  and  partook  of 
the  roughness  of  the  element  on  which  th  ;y  were  bred. 
It  is,  perhaps,  no  great  compliment  to  Smith,  to  say 
that  he  was  the  best  qualified  of  ihcm  for  command  ; 
since  the  event  proved  that  none  of  them  who  survived 
the  first  sickness,  had  the  confidence  of  the  people  in 
any  degree.  It  is  certain  that  his  resolution  prevented 
tho  abandonment  of  the  |)lace  the  first  year  ;  his  enter- 
prising spirit  led  to  an  exploration  of  the  country,  and 
acquainted  them  wiih  its  many  advantages  ;  his  capti- 
vity produced  an  intercourse  with  the  savages  ;  and  the 
supplies  gained  from  them,  chiefly  by  means  of  his  ad- 
dress, kept  the  people  alive  till  the  second  arrival  of  the 
ships  from  England.  The  Virginians,  therefore,  justly 
regard  him,  if  not  as  the  father,  yet  as  the  saviour  of 
that  infant  plantation. 

In  the  winter  of  1G07,  Capt.  Newport  arrived  from 
England  in  Virginia.  The  other  ship,  commaiuh^d  by 
Capt.  Nelson,  which  sailed  at  the  same  lime,  was  dis- 
masted on  the  American  coast,  and  blown  olF  to  the 
West  Indies,  'i'he  supplies  sent  by  the  company  were 
received  in  Virginia  with  the  most  cordial  avidity  ;  but 
the  general  license  given  to  the  sailors,  to  trade  with 
the  savages,  proved  detrimental  to  the  planters,  as  it 
raised  the  prices  of  theit  commodities  so  high,  that  a 
pound  of  copper  would  not  purchase,  what  belore  couUl 
be  bought  for  an  ounce.  Newport  himself  was  not 
free  from  this  spirit  of  profusion,  so  common  to  sea- 
faring men,  which  he  manifested  by  sending  presents 
of  various  kinds  to  Powhatan,  intending  thereby  ic 
give  him  an  idea  of  the  grandeur  of  the  English  nation. 
In  a  visit  which  he  made  to  this  |<rince,  under  the  con- 
duct of  Smith,  he  was  received  and  eiitcrUiined  with  an 
equal  show  of  magnificence  ;  but  in  trading  with  the 
aavajio  chief,  he  found  huusell  outwitted.  Powhatan, 


in  a  lofty  strain,  sjioke  to  him  thus  "  It  is  not  agree- 
able to  the  greatness  of  such  men  as  we  are,  to  trade 
like  common  people  for  trifles  ;  lay  down  llieicl'ore  at 
once,  all  your  goods,  and  I  will  give  you  the  full  value 
for  them."  Smith  perceived  the  snare,  and  warned 
Newport  of  it ;  but  he,  thinking  to  outbrave  the  sa- 
;  age  prince,  displayed  the  wni,'«  of  his  store.  Powha- 
'  tan  then  set  such  a  price  on  his  cv-m,  that  not  morj 
I  than  four  bushels  could  be  procured  ;  and  the  neces- 
sary supplies  could  not  have  been  had,  if  Smith  s  ge- 
'  nius,  ever  ready  at  invention,  had  not  hit  on  an  artifice 
which  proved  successful.  He  had  secreted  wme  'ri- 
fles, and  among  them  a  parcel  of  blue  heads,  which, 
seemingly  in  a  careless  way,  he  glanced  in  the  eyes  of 
Powhatan.  The  bait  caught  him  ;  and  he  earnestly 
desired  to  purchase  them.  Smith,  in  his  turn,  raised 
the  value  of  them,  extolling  them  as  the  most  precious 
jewels,  resembling  the  color  of  the  sky,  and  jiroper 
only  for  the  noblest  sovereigns  in  the  universe.  Pow- 
hatan's imagination  was  all  on  fire  ;  he  made  large 
offers.  Smith  insisted  on  more,  and  at  length  sufl'ered 
himself  to  be  persuaded  to  take  between  two  and  threo 
hundred  bushels  of  corn  for  about  two  pounds  of  blue 
beads,  and  they  parted  in  very  good  humour,  each  one 
being  very  much  pleased  with  his  bargain.  In  a  sub- 
sequent visit  to  Opecankanongh,  King  of  Pamaunkee, 
the  company  were  entertained  witli  the  same  kind  of 
sjilendor  and  a  similar  bargain  closed  the  festivity  ;  by 
which  means,  the  blue  beads  grew  into  such  estima- 
tion, that  none  but  the  princes  and  their  families  were 
able  to  wear  them. 

Loaded  with  this  acquisition,  they  returned  to  James- 
town ;  where  an  unhappy  fire  had  consumed  several  uf 
their  houses,  with  much  of  their  provisions  and  furni- 
ture. Mr.  Hunt,  the  chaplain,  lost  his  apparel  ant" 
library  in  this  conflagration,  and  escaped  from  it  with 
only  the  clothes  on  his  back.  This  misfortune  was 
severely  felt ;  the  ship  staying  in  port  fourteen  weeks, 
and  reserving  enough  for  the  vo%age  home,  so  co.^- 
tracted  their  stock  of  provisions,  that  before  llie  winter 
was  gone,  they  were  reduced  to  great  cxtrenmv,  and 
many  of  them  died.  The  cause  of  the  ship's  detention 
for  so  long  a  time  was  this  :  In  searching  for  fresh  wa- 
ter in  the  neighborhood  of  Jamestown,  they  had  dis- 
covered in  a  rivulet  some  particles  of  a  yellowish  ising- 
glass,  which  their  sanguine  imaginations  had  refined 
into  gold  dust.  The  zeal  for  this  precious  matter  wa» 
so  strong,  that  in  digging,  washing  and  packing  t  to 
comjilete  the  lading  of  the  ship,  all  other  cares  wciv 
absorbed.  This  was  a  tedious  interval  to  Capt.  Smith ; 
his  judgment  condemned  their  follv,  his  patience  wai 
exhausted,  and  his  passion  irritated,  and  the  only  re- 
compense which  he  had  for  this  long  vexation,  was  tho 
pleasure  of  sending  home  Wiiigficld  and  Archer,  when 
the  ship  departed. 

The  other  ship  arrived  in  the  spring,  and  notwiih 
standing  a  long  and  unavoidable  detention  in  the  West 
Indies,  brought  them  a  comfortable  supply  of  provisionB 
'I'hey  took  advantage  of  the  opening  season,  to  rebuild 
their  houses  and  chajiel,  repair  the  palisades,  and  plant 
corn  for  the  ensuing  summer,  in  all  which  works  the 
example  and  authority  of  Smith,  were  of  eminent  ser- 
vice. Every  man  of  activity  was  fond  of  him,  and 
those  of  a  contrary  disposition  were  afraid  of  him.  It 
was  jiroposed  that  he  should  go  into  the  country  of  the 
iMonacans,  beyond  the  falls  of  James  river,  that  they 
might  have  some  news  of  the  interior  parts  to  send 
home  to  the  company  ;  but  a  fray  with  the  Indians  de- 
tained him  at  Jamestown,  till  the  ship  sailed  for  Eng- 
land, laden  chiefly  with  cedar,  but  not  without  another 
specimen  of  the  yellow  dust,  of  which  Martin  was  so 
fond,  that  he  took  charge  of  the  packages  himself  and 
returniul  to  England.  An  accession  of  above  one  hun- 
dred men,  among  whom  were  several  goldsmilhs  and 
refiners,  had  been  made  to  the  colony  bv  tho  two  last 
ships,  and  a  new  nieinber,  Matthew  Scrivener,  wa» 
added  to  the  council. 

Having  finished  the  necessary'  business  of  the  season, 
and  dcs|)atched  the  ship,  another  voyage  of  discovery 
I  was  undertaken  by  ('aptain  Smith  and  fourteen  others. 
'I'hey  went  down  the  river  in  an  open  barge,  June  10, 
1608,  in  company  with  the  ship,  and  having  ])arted  with 
her  at  Cape  Henry,  they  crossed  the  mouth  of  the  bay, 
and  fell  in  with  a  cluster  of  islands  without  Cape  Charles, 
to  which  they  gave  the  name  of  Smith's  Isles,  winch 
tliev  still  bear.  Then  re-entering  the  bay  they  lai^icd 
on  the  eastern  neck,  and  were  kindly  rcceive<l  by  Aco- 
mack,  the  prince  of  that  peninsula,  a  part  of  which  si  11 
bears  his  name.  From  ihenoe  ihey  coasted  llie  eastern 
shore  of  the  bav,  and  landed  sometimes  on  the  main, 
and  at  other  times  on  the  low  islands,  of  which  liicr 
found  many,  but  none  fit  fur  habitation.  They  prorccd>«J 


BIO  G  RAP  HIES   OF  THE  EARLY  DISCOVERERS. 


21 


Bp  llie  bay  to  the  northward  and  crossed  over  to  the 
vveslcrn  shore,  down  which  they  coasted  to  the  sontli- 
waid.  and  in  this  route  discovered  the  mouths  ol  the 
crreat  rivers,  which  fall  into  the  bay  on  that  side.  One 
m  particular  attracted  nuich  of  their  attention,  because 
of  a  reddish  earth  which  they  found  there,  and  from  its 
resemblance  to  bole-ammoniac,  they  gave  it  the  name 
of  lioliis  river,  and  it  is  so  named  in  all  the  early  maps 
of  the  country  ;  but  in  the  latter,  it  bears  the  Indian 
name  Patapsco  ;  on  the  north  side  of  which  is  now  the 
flourishing  town  of  Baltimore.  They  sailed  thirty  miles 
up  the  Potowmack,  without  seeing  any  inhabitants  ; 
but  on  entering  a  creek  found  themselves  surrounded 
by  Indians  who  threatened  them.  Smith  prepared  for 
an  encounter  ;  but  on  tiring  a  few  guns,  the  Indians, 
terrified  at  the  noise,  made  signs  of  peace,  and  ex- 
changed hostages.  One  of  the  company  was  by  this 
means  carried  to  the  habitation  of  their  prince,  and  the 
whole  were  kindly  used.  They  learned  that  it  was  by 
direction  of  Powhatan  that  the  Indians  were  in  arms, 
and  had  attempted  to  surprise  them  ;  from  this  circum- 
stance they  were  led  to  suspect  that  Powhatan  had 
been  infoniicd  of  this  expedition,  by  the  discontented 
part  of  the  colony  whom  Smith  had  obliged  to  stay  in 
the  country  when  they  would  have  deserted  it. 

It  was  Smith's  invariable  custom,  when  he  met  with 
the  Indians,  to  put  on  a  bold  face,  as  if  they  apiioarod 
desirous  of  peace  to  demand  their  arms,  and  some  of 
their  children  as  pledges  of  their  sincerity  ;  if  they 
complied,  he  considered  them  as  friends  ;  if  not,  as 
enemies.  In  the  course  of  this  voyage,  he  collected 
some  furs,  and  discovered  some  colored  earths,  which 
the  savages  used  as  paints,  but  found  nothing  of  the 
mineral  kind.  At  the  mouth  of  the  Rappahanock,  the 
boat  grounded,  and  whilst  they  were  waiting  for  the 
tide,  they  employed  themselves  in  sticking  with  their 
swords  the  fishes  which  were  left  on  the  fiats.  Smith 
having  struck  his  sword  into  a  stingray,  the  fish  raised 
its  tail,  and  with  its  sharp  indented  thorn,  wounded 
him  in  the  arm.  This  wound  was  extremely  painful, 
snd  he  presently  swelled  to  that  degree,  that  they  ex- 
pected hiin  to  die,  and  he  himself  gave  them  orders  to 
bury  him  on  a  neighboring  island.  But  the  surgeon, 
Dr.  Russel,  having  probed  the  wound,  by  the  help  of 
u  &");tain  oil,  so  allayed  the  anguish  and  swelling,  that 
Smith  was  able  to  eat  part  of  the  fish  for  his  supper. 
From  this  occurrence,  the  place  was  distinguished  by 
the  name  of  Stingray  Point,  which  it  still  bears. 

On  the  21st  of  July,  they  returned  to  Jamestown. 
Having,  with  the  colored  earths  which  they  had  found, 
disgi  ised  their  boat  and  streamers,  their  old  companions 
were  dlarmed  at  their  approach,  with  the  apprehension 
of  an  attack  from  the  Spaniards  ;  this  was  a  trick  of 
Smitli's  to  frighten  the  old  president,  who  had  rioted 
on  the  public  stores,  and  was  building  a  house  in  the 
woods,  that  he  might  seclude  himself  from  the  sickly, 
discontented,  quarrelsome  company.  On  Smith's  arri- 
val, they  signified  their  desire  of  investing  him  with  the 
government.  Ratclille  being  deposed,  it  fell  to  him  of 
course  ;  and  having  recommended  Scrivener  to  preside 
in  his  absence,  he  entered  on  another  voyage  ol  dis- 
covery, being  determined  to  spare  no  pains  for  a  full 
exploration  of  the  country. 

From  the  24th  of  July  to  the  7th  of  September, 
with  twelve  men  in  an  ojien  barge,  he  ranged  the  bay 
of  Chesaiteake,  as  far  northward  as  the  falls  of  Snsque- 
hannah,  entering  all  the  rivers  that  flow  into  the  bay, 
and  examining  their  shores.  In  some  places  the  na- 
tives were  friendly,  and  in  others  jealous.  Their  idea 
of  the  strange  visitors,  was,  that  they  had  come  "  from 
under  the  world  to  take  their  world  from  them." 
Smith's  constant  endeavor  was  to  preserve  peace  with 
them  ;  but  when  he  could  not  obtain  corn  in  the  way 
of  traffic,  he  never  scrupled  to  use  threats,  and  in  some 
cases  violence,  and  by  one  or  the  other  method  he  pre 
vailed  so  as  to  bring  home  a  load  of  provisions  for  his 
discontented  companions,  who  without  his  efforts  would 
not  have  been  able  to  live.  Sickness  and  death  were 
yety  frequent,  and  the  latest  comers  were  most  ailect- 
ad  by  the  disorders  of  the  climate. 

Smith  was  now  established  in  the  presidency,  hy  the 
election  of  the  council  and  the  request  of  the  company; 
but  the  commission  gave  to  a  majority  of  the  council 
the  whole  power.  Newport,  at  his  third  arrival, 
brought  over  two  new  members,  and  Ratclifie  having 
still  a  scat,  though  deposed  from  the  presidency.  Smith 
waD  obliged  in  some  cases  to  comply  with  their  opi- 
nions, contrary  to  his  own  judgment,  an  instance  of 
which  Aill  now  be  exhibited. 

Tlio.  Virginia  Company  in  London,  deceived  by  false 
Kpcrta,  and  misled  by  their  own  sanguine  imagina- 
tioiiE,had  conceived  an  expectation  not  only  of  finding 


precious  metals  in  the  country,  but  of  discovering  the 
South  Sea,  fiom  the  mountains  at  the  head  of  James 
river ;  and  it  was  thought,  that  the  journey  thither, 
might  be  performed  in  eight  or  ten  days.  For  the 
purpose  of  making  this  capital  discovery,  they  put  on 
lioard  Nevv])ort's  ship,  a  barge  capable  of  being  taken 
to  pieces,  and  put  together  again  at  pleasure.  This 
barge  was  to  make  a  voyage  to  the  head  of  the  river, 
then  to  be  carried  in  pieces  across  the  mountains,  and 
to  descend  the  rivers  which  were  supposed  to  run 
westward  to  the  South  Sea.  To  facilitate  this  plan,  it 
was  necessary  to  gain  the  favor  of  Powhatan,  through 
whose  country  the  passage  must  be  made  ;  and  as 
means  of  winning  him,  a  royal  present  was  brought 
over,  consisting  of  a  basin  and  ewer,  a  bed  and  furni- 
ture, a  chair  of  state,  a  suit  of  scarlet  clothes,  with  a 
cloak  and  a  crown,  all  which  were  to  be  jiresented 
to  him  in  due  form ;  and  the  crown  placed  on  his 
head,  with  as  much  solemnity  as  possible.  To  a  per- 
son who  knew  the  country  and  its  inhabitants  so  well 
as  Smith,  this  project  ajipearcd  chimerical,  and  the 
means  whereby  it  was  to  be  carried  on,  dangerous. 
With  a  small  quantity  of  copper  and  a  few  beads,  ho 
could  have  kept  Powhatan  in  good  humor,  and  made 
an  advantage  of  it  for  the  colony,  whereas  a  profusion 
of  presents  he  knew  would  but  increase  his  pride  and 
insolence.  The  project  of  travelling  over  unknown 
mountains  with  men  already  weakened  by  sickness, 
and  worn  out  with  fatigue,  in  a  hot  climate,  and  in  the 
midst  of  enemies,  who  might  easily  cut  off  their  retreat, 
was  too  romantic  even  for  his  sanguine  and  adventurous 
spirit.  His  opinion  upon  the  matter  cannot  be  ex- 
pressed in  more  pointed  language,  than  he  used  in  a 
letter  to  the  company.  "  If  the  quartered  boat  was 
burned  to  ashes,  one  might  carry  her  in  a  bag,  but  as 
she  is,  five  hundred  cannot,  to  a  navigable  jilace  above 
the  falls."  His  dissent  however  was  inelTectual,  and 
when  he  found  that  the  voice  of  the  council  was  for  ex- 
ecuting it,  he  lent  his  assistance  to  effect  as  much  of  it 
as  was  practicable. 

Previously  to  their  setting  out,  he  undertook,  with 
four  men  only,  lo  carry  notice  to  Powhatan  of  the  in- 
tended present,  and  invite  him  to  come  to  Jamestown, 
that  he  might  receive  it  there.  Having  travelled  by 
land  twelve  miles  to  Werocomoco,  on  Pamunky  (York) 
river,  where  he  expected  to  meet  Powhatan,  and  not 
finding  him  there,  whilst  a  messenger  was  despatched 
thirty  miles  for  him  ;  his  daughter  Pocahontas,  enter- 
tained Smith  and  his  company  with  a  dance,  which  for 
its  singularity,  merits  a  particular  description. 

In  an  open  plain,  a  fire  being  made,  the  gentlemen 
were  seated  by  it.  Suddenly  a  noise  was  heard  in  the 
adjacent  wood,  which  made  them  fly  to  their  arms,  and 
seize  on  two  or  three  old  men,  as  hostages  for  their 
own  security,  imagining  that  they  were  betrayed. 
Upon  this  the  young  princess  came  running  to  Smith, 
and  passionately  embracing  him,  offered  herself  to  be 
killed,  if  any  harm  should  happen  to  him  or  his  compa- 
nv.  Her  assurances,  seconded  by  all  the  Indians  pre- 
sent, removed  their  fears.  The  noise  which  had  alarmed 
them  was  made  by  thirty  girls,  who  were  preparing  for 
the  intended  ceremony.  Immediately  they  made  their 
apjiearance,  with  no  other  covering  than  a  girdle  of 
green  leaves  and  their  skins  painted,  each  one  of  a  dif- 
ferent color.  Their  leader  had  a  pair  of  buck's  horns 
on  her  head,  an  otter's  skin  as  her  girdle,  and  another 
on  one  arm  ;  a  bow  and  arrow  in  the  other  hard,  and 
a  quiver  at  her  back.  The  rest  of  them  had  liorns  on 
their  heads,  and  a  wooden  sword  or  staff  in  their  hands. 
With  shouting  and  singing  they  formed  a  ring  round  the 
fire,  and  performed  a  circular  dance  for  about  an  hour, 
after  which  they  retired  in  the  same  order  as  they  had 
advanced.  I'he  dance  was  followed  by  a  feast,  at 
which  the  savage  nymphs  were  as  eager  with  their 
caresses  as  with  their  attendance  ;  and  this  being  ended, 
they  conducted  the  gentlemen  to  their  lodging  by  the 
light  of  fire-brands. 

The  next  day  Powhatan  arrived,  and  Smith  delivered 
the  message  from  his  father,  Newjiort,  (as  he  always 
called  him)  to  this  effect  :  '•  That  lie  had  brought  him 
from  the  King  of  England,  a  royal  present,  and  wished 
to  see  him  at  Jamestown,  that  he  might  deliver  it  to 
him  ;  promising  to  assist  him  in  prosecuting  his  re- 
venge against  the  Monacans,  whose  country  they 
would  penetrate  even  to  the  sea  beyond  the  moun- 
tains." To  wliich  the  savage  prince  with  equal  siib- 
tilty  and  haughtiness,  answered,  "  If  your  king  has  sent 
me  a  jiresent,  I  also  am  a  king,  and  am  on  my  own 
land.  I  will  stay  here  eight  days.  Your  father  must 
come  to  me  ;  I  will  not  go  to  him,  nor  to  your  fort. 
As  for  the  Monacans,  I  am  able  to  revenge  myself. 
If  you  have  heard  of  salt  water  beyond  tho  niountams. 


from  any  of  my  people,  they  have  deceiveil  you."  Then 
with  a  slick  he  drew  a  plan  of  that  region  oii  tha 
ground  ;  and  after  many  compliments  the  conference 
ended. 

The  present  being  put  on  board  the  boats,  was  car- 
ried down  James  river  and  u|)  the  Pamaunkec,  whilst 
Newport,  with  fifty  men,  went  across  by  land  and  -net 
the  boats,  in  which  he  passed  the  river,  and  held  the 
pro|)osed  interview.  All  things  being  prepared  foi  tha 
ceremony  of  coronation,  the  present  was  brought  from 
the  boats  ;  the  basin  and  ewer  were  deposited,  the  bed 
and  chair  were  set  up,  the  scarlet  suit  and  cloak  wer^ 
put  on,  though  not  till  Namontac  (an  Indian  youth 
whom  Newport  had  carried  to  England  and  brought 
back  again),  had  assured  him  that  these  habiliments 
would  do  him  no  harm  ;  but  they  had  great  difliculty  in 
persuading  him  to  receive  the  crown,  nor  wouhl  ho 
liend  his  knee,  or  incline  his  head  in  the  least  degree 
After  many  attempts,  and  with  actual  pressing  on  liis 
slioulders,  they  at  last  made  him  stoop  a  little  and  put 
it  on.  Instantly,  a  signal  being  given,  the  men  in  the 
boats  fired  a  volley,  at  which  fhe  monarch  started  with 
horror,  imagining  that  a  design  was  forming  to  destroy 
him  in  the  summit  of  his  glory  ;  but  being  assured  that 
it  was  meant  as  a  compliment,  his  fears  subsided,  and 
in  return  for  the  baubles  of  royalty  received  from  King 
James,  he  desired  Newjiort  to  present  him  his  old  fui 
mantle  and  deer-skin  shoes,  which,  in  his  estimation, 
were  doubtless  a  full  ccpiivalent  ;  since  all  this  finery 
could  not  prevail  on  the  wary  chief  to  allow  them 
guides  for  the  discovery  of  the  inland  country,  or  to 
approve  their  design  of  visiting  it.  Thus  disai)|>oinled, 
'Jiey  returned  to  Jamestown,  determined  to  proceed 
without  his  assistance. 

Smith,  who  had  no  mind  to  go  on  such  a  fruitless 
errand,  tarried  at  the  fort  with  eighty  invalids  to  reload 
the  ship,  whilst  Newjiort  with  all  the  council,  and  one 
hundred  and  twenty  of  the  healthiest  men,  began  their 
transmontane  tour  of  discovery.  They  proceeded  in 
their  boats  to  the  falls  at  the  head  of  the  river  ;  from 
thence  they  travelled  up  the  country  two  days  and  a 
half,  and  discovered  two  towns  of  the  Monacans,  tho 
inhabitants  of  which  seemed  very  indifferent  towards 
them,  and  used  them  neither  well  nor  ill.  They  look 
one  of  their  petty  princes  and  led  him  bound  to  guide 
them.  Having  performed  this  march,  they  grew  wear- 
ricd  and  returned,  taking  with  them  in  their  way  back 
certain  portions  of  carlh,  in  which  their  refiner  pre- 
tended that  he  had  seen  signs  of  silver.  This  was  all 
the  success  of  their  expedition  ;  for  the  savages  had 
concealed  their  corn,  and  they  could  neither  jiersuade 
them  to  sell  it,  nor  find  it  to  lake  it  by  force.  Thus 
they  returned  to  Jamestov.n.  tired,  disajipointcd.  1.  an- 
gry and  sick,  and  had  the  additional  mortification  of 
being  laughed  at  by  Smith  for  their  vain  attemjjt. 

The  Virginia  Conijjany  had  not  only  a  view  to  the 
discovery  of  the  South  .Sea,  but  also  to  establish  manu- 
factures in  their  colony  ;  and  for  this  purpose  had  sent 
over  a  number  of  workmen  from  Poland  and  Germany, 
who  were  skilled  in  the  making  jiot-ashes  and  glass,  as 
well  as  pitch  and  tar.  Had  the  country  been  full  of 
people,  well  cultivated  and  jirovided  with  all  the  neces- 
saries for  carrying  on  these  works,  there  might  have 
been  some  jirospect  of  advantage  ;  but  in  a  new  region, 
the  princijial  objects  are  subsistence  and  defence ; 
these  will  necessarily  occiii)y  the  first  adventurers  to 
the  exclusion  of  all  others.  However,  Smith  was  of  so 
generous  a  disjwsition,  and  so  indefatigable  in  doing 
what  he  api)rehended  to  be  his  duty,  and  in  gratifying 
his  employers,  that  as  soon  as  New  jiort  returned  from 
his  fruitless  attempt  to  find  the  .South  Sea,  he  set  all  who 
were  able  to  work,  that  he  might,  if  jiossible,  answer 
the  exjiectation  of  the  comjiany.  Those  who  were 
skilled  in  the  manufactures,  he  left  under  ihe  care  of  tho 
council,  to  carry  on  their  works  ;  whilst  lie  took  thirty 
of  the  most  active  with  him,  about  five  miles  down  th« 
river,  to  cut  timber,  and  make  clajiboards  :  tliis  being 
as  he  well  knew,  an  einjiloyment  the  most  certain  o. 
success.  Among  these  were  several  young  gentlemen, 
whose  hands  not  having  been  used  to  labor,  were  blis- 
tered by  the  axes,  and  this  occasioned  frequent  expres- 
sions of  impatience  and  jirofaneness.  Tojuinish  tliem, 
Smith  caused  the  number  of  every  man's  oaths  to  bo 
taken  dow  n  daily,  and  at  night,  as  many  canns  of  water 
to  bo  jioured  inside  his  sleeve.  This  discijilme  was  no 
less  singular  than  effectual  ;  it  so  lessened  the  number 
of  oaths,  that  scarcely  one  was  heard  in  a  week,  and 
withal  it  made  them  perl'cctly  good  humored,  and  re- 
conciled tl.em  to  their  labor.  At  his  rctum  to  the  foit, 
he  found,  not  only  that  business  had  been  neglected,  but 
j  much  provision  consumed,  and  that  it  was  necessary 
'  for  him  to  undertake  another  eiycdition  for  covu.  He. 


AMERICAN  HISTORY. 


thrrefore,  went  up  llie  Cliick:ihamonv  with  two  lioats 
and  eightocTi  mm,  and  linding  the  Indians  not  in  a 
ouir.cr  for  trading,  hut  rather  Kcornful  and  insoleal,  he 
told  then:  t\M  he  had  conic  not  ^o  nuich  for  corn,  as  to 
revenge  his  iniprisf^iuneMt,  and  the  murder  of  liis  two 
men,  some  time 'jefore.  Putting  his  crew  in  a  posture 
of  attack,  the  Indians  fled,  and  presently  sent  messen- 
gers to  treat  of  peace  ;  for  the  obtaining  which,  he  made 
them  give  him  an  hundred  bu.shels  of  corn,  with  a  quan- 
tity of  fish  and  fowls ;  and  with  this  supply  he  kept  the 
colony  from  starving,  and  preserved  the  ship's  provi- 
sions for  her  voyage  to  England.  At  her  departure, 
she  carried  such  specimens  as  could  be  had  of  tar, 
pitch,  turpentine,  soap-aslies,  clapboards,  and  wainscot ; 
and  at  Point  Comfort  met  with  Scrivener,  who  had 
been  up  the  PamanuKee  for  corn,  and  had  got  a  quan- 
tity of  pocones,  a  red  root,  used  in  dying  ;  these  being 
taken  on  board.  Captain  Newport  returned  to  England 
the  third  time,  leaving  about  two  hundred  persons  in 
Virginia. 

The  han-est  of  160.S  had  fallen  short  both  among  the 
new  planters  and  the  natives  ;  and  the  colony  was  in- 
debted to  the  inventive  genius  and  indefatigable  perse- 
verance of  Smith  for  their  subsistence  durmg  the  suc- 
ceeding winter.  As  long  as  the  rivers  were  open,  he 
kept  the  boats  continually  going  among  the  natives  for 
such  supplies  as  could  be  obtained ;  and  he  never  would 
return  empty,  if  any  thing  were  to  be  had  by  any  means 
in  his  power.  Whilst  abroad  in  these  excursions,  ho 
and  his  men  were  obliged  frequently  to  lodge  in  the 
woods,  when  the  ground  was  hard  frozen  and  covered 
with  snow  ;  and  their  mode  of  accommodating  them- 
selves was,  first  to  dig  away  the  snow  and  make  a  fire  ; 
when  the  ground  was  dried  and  waimed,  they  removed 
the  fire  to  one  side,  and  spread  their  mats  over  the  warm 
spot  for  their  bed,  using  another  mat  as  a  screen  from 
the  wind  ;  when  the  ground  cooled,  they  shifted  the  fire 
again  ;  by  thus  continually  changing  their  position,  they 
kept  themselves  tolerably  warm  through  many  cold 
nights  ;  and  it  was  observed,  that  those  who  went  on 
this  service  and  submitted  to  these  hardships,  were  ro- 
bust and  healthy,  whilst  those  who  stayed  at  home  were 
always  weak  and  sickly. 

The  suDi  lies  procured  by  trading  being  insufficient, 
and  iiimger  very  pressing,  Smith  ventured  on  the  dan- 
g.'rous  prOjCct  of  surprising  Powhatan,  and  carrying  off 
his  whole  stock  of  provisions.  This  Indian  prince  had 
form.'J  a  similar  design  respecting  Smith  ;  and  for  the 
purposs  of  betraving  him,  had  invited  him  to  his  scat, 
promisiii^,  that  if  he  would  send  men  to  build  him  a 
house  after  the  English  mode,  and  give  him  some  guns 
and  swords,  copper  and  beads,  he  would  load  his  boat 
with  com.  Smith  sent  him  three  Dutch  carpenters, 
wlio  treacherously  revealed  to  him  the  design  which 
Smith  had  formed.  On  his  arrival  with  forty-six  men, 
he  found  the  prince  so  much  on  his  guard,  that  it  was 
impossible  to  execute  his  design.  Having  spent  the 
day  in  conversation,  (in  the  course  of  which  Powhatan 
had  in  vain  endeavored  to  f)crsuade  Smith  to  lay  aside 
lis  arms,  as  being  there  in  |)erfect  security,)  he  retired 
n  the  evening,  and  formed  a  design  to  surprise  Smith 
and  his  people  at  their  supper  ;  and  had  it  not  been  for 
the  alfectionato  friendship  of  Pocahontas,  it  would  pro- 
bably have  been  effected.  This  amiable  girl,  at  the 
risk  of  her  life,  stole  from  the  side  of  her  father,  and 
passing  in  the  dark  through  the  woods,  told  Smith  with 
tears  in  her  eyes  of  tlie  jiiot,  and  then  as  privately  re- 
ttjrned.  When  the  Indians  brought  in  the  supper 
Smith  obliged  them  to  taste  of  every  dish  ;  his  arms 
were  in  readiness,  and  his  men  vigilant  ;  and  ll.ough 
there  came  divers  sets  of  messengers,  one  after  ano- 
tiicr  during  the  night,  under  ])retcnce  of  friendly  in- 
quiries, they  found  tliem  so  well  prepared,  that  nothii:g 
was  attempted,  and  the  parly  relumed  in  safety. 

In  a  subsequent  vi.sit  to  Opecancaiiough,  tiy  whom 
he  formerly  was  taken  prisoner,  this  prince  put  on  the 
semblance  of  frien(lsiii|(,  wliilst  his  men  lay  in  ambush 
with  bows  and  arrows.  The  trick  being  di.scovcred  by 
one  of  Smitli's  party,  and  comniunioated  to  him,  he  re 
nolutely  seized  the  king  by  his  iiair,  and  holding  a  pistol 
to  his  breast,  led  him  trembling  to  the  ainbu.sh,  and  there, 
with  a  torrent  of  reproaihlul  and  menacing  word.s, 
obliged  him  to  order  those  verv  people,  not  only  to  lav 
down  their  arms,  but  to  load  him  with  provisions.  After 
this,  they  made  an  attempt  to  murder  him  in  his  sleep, 
and  to  [loison  him,  but  both  failed  of  success.  The 
chief  of  Paspilia  meeting  him  alone  in  tlie  woods,  armed 
only  with  a  sword,  attempted  to  shoot  him.  but  he 
closed  with  the  savage,  and  in  tiie  siruggle  both  fell 
into  tie  river;  whereafter  having  narrowU  escaped 
di'own  ng,  Sinilh  at  last  prevailed  to  gripe  him  by  the 
tiiruat,  aud  would  havo  cut  off  lus  head,  but  the  entrea- 


ties of  the  poor  victim  prevailed  on  his  humanity,  he ! 
led  him  prisoner  to  Jamestown.  ! 

This  intrepid  behavior  struck  a  dread  into  the  sa- 1 
vages,  and  they  began  to  believe  what  he  had  often  told 
theiii,  that  "  his  God  would  protect  him  against  all  their 
|)ower,  whilst  he  kept  his  promise  ;  which  was  to  pre- 
serve peace  with  them  as  long  as  they  should  refrain 
from  hostilities,  and  continue  to  sup[)ly  him  with  corn." 
An  incident  which  occurred  about  the  same  time,  con- 
firmed their  veneration  for  him.  An  Indian  having 
stolen  a  pistol  from  Jamestown,  two  brothers,  who 
were  known  to  be  his  companions,  were  seized,  and  one 
was  held  as  hostage  for  the  other,  who  was  to  return  in 
twelve  hours  wilii  the  pistol,  or  the  prisoner  was  to  be 
hanged.  The  weather  being  cold,  a  charcoal  fire  was 
kindled  in  the  dungeon,  which  was  very  close,  and  the 
vapor  had  so  suffocated  the  prisoner,  that  on  the  return 
of  his  brother  at  the  a|)pointed  time  with  the  pistol,  he 
was  taken  out  as  dead.  The  faithful  savage  lamented 
his  fate  in  the  most  distressing  agony.  Smith,  to  con- 
sole him,  promised,  if  they  would  steal  no  more,  that 
he  should  be  recovered.  On  the  application  of  spirits 
and  vinegar,  he  showed  signs  of  life,  but  appeared  de- 
lirious ;  this  grieved  the  brother  as  much  as  his  death. 
.Smith  undertook  to  cure  him  of  this  also,  on  the  repeti- 
tion of  the  promise  to  steal  no  more.  The  delirium 
being  only  the  effect  of  the  spirits  which  he  had  swal- 
lowed, was  remedied  by  a  few  hours  sleep  ;  and  being 
dismissed,  with  a  prci'ent  of  copper,  they  went  away, 
believing  and  reporting  that  Smitli  was  able  to  bring  the 
dead  to  life.  Tlie  effect  was,  that  not  only  many  stolen 
thiiigs  were  recovered,  and  the  thieves  punished,  but 
that  peace  and  friendly  intercourse  were  preserved,  and 
corn  brought  in  as  long  as  they  had  any,  whilst  Smitli 
remained  in  Virginia. 

He  was  equally  severe  and  resolute  with  his  own 
men,  and  finding  many  of  them  inclining  to  be  idle, 
and  this  idleness  in  a  great  measure  the  cause  of  their 
frequent  sickness  and  death,  he  made  an  order,  "  that 
he  who  would  not  work  should  not  eat,  unless  he  were 
disabled  by  sickness  ;  and  that  every  one  who  did  not 
gather  as  much  food  in  a  day  as  he  did  himself,  should 
be  banished."'  A  recent  attempt  having  been  made  to 
run  away  with  the  boats,  he  ordered,  that  the  next  per- 
son who  should  rejieat  this  offence,  sliould  be  hanged. 
By  firmness  in  the  execution  of  these  laws,  and  by  the 
concurrent  force  of  his  own  example,  in  laboring  con- 
tinually, and  distributing  his  whole  share  of  European 
|)rovisions  and  refreshments  to  the  sick,  he  kept  the 
colony  in  such  order,  that,  though  many  of  them  laur- 
mured  at  his  si  verity,  they  all  became  very  indus- 
trious ;  and  withal  so  healthy,  that  of  two  hundred  per- 
sons, there  died  that  winter  and  the  next  spring  no 
moro  than  seven.  In  the  space  of  three  months,  they 
had  made  »  quantity  of  tar,  pitch,  and  pot-ashes  ;  had 
produced  a  sample  of  glass  ;  dug  a  well  in  the  fort ; 
built  twenty  new  houses  ;  provided  nets  and  wiers  for 
fishing  ;  erected  a  block-house  on  the  isthmus  of  James- 
town ;  another  on  Hog  Island  ;  and  had  begun  a  for- 
tress on  a  commanding  eminence.  As  the  spring  came 
on,  they  paid  such  attention  to  husbandry,  as  to  have 
thirty  or  forty  acres  cleared  and  fit  for  planting  ;  and  a 
detachment  had  l)ccn  sent  to  the  soutliward,  to  look  for 
the  long  .OS*,  colony  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  but  without 
success. 

Such  was  the  state  of  the  Virginia  colony  when  Cap- 
tain Samuel  Argal  arrived  on  a  trading  voyage,  and 
brought  letters  from  the  company  in  England,  com- 
plaining of  their  disap])oiiitment,  and  blaming  Smith  as 
the  cause  of  it.  They  had  conceived  an  ill  o])inion  of 
him  from  the  persons  whom  he  had  sent  home,  who  re- 
presented him  as  arbitrary  and  violent  towards  the  colo- 
nists, cruel  to  the  savages,  and  disposed  totr-iverse  the 
views  of  the  adventurers,  who  expected  to  grow  rich 
very  suddenly. 

There  was  this  disadvantage  attending  the  business 
of  colonization  in  North  America  at  that  day,  that  the 
only  precedents  which  could  be  had  were  those  of  the 
Spaniards  who  had  treated  the  natives  with  extreme 
cruelty,  and  amassed  vast  sums  of  gold  and  silver. 
Whilst  the  English  adventurers  detested  the  means  by 
which  the  Spaniards  had  accpiired  their  riches,  they  still 
expected  that  the  same  kind  of  riches  might  be  acquired 
by  other  means  ;  it  was,  therefore,  thought  politic  to  be 
gentle  in  demeanor  and  lavish  of  presents  towards  the 
natives,  as  an  inducement  to  them  to  discover  the  riches 
of  their  country.  On  these  principles,  the  orders  of 
the  Virginia  (Company  to  their  servants  were  framed. 
But  experience  had  taught  Smith,  the  most  discerning 
and  faithful  of  all  whom  they  had  employed,  that  tlie 
country  of  Virginia  would  not  enrich  the  adventurers  in 
the  tuue  and  manner  which  tlicy  expected  ;  yet  ho  was 


far  from  abandoning  it  as  worthless  ;  his  aim  was  tho- 
roughly to  ex|)lore  it  ;  and  by  exploring,  he  had  dis- 
covered what  advantages  might  be  derived  from  it  ;  tc 
produce  which,  time,  patience,  expense,  and  labor, 
were  absolutely  necessary.  He  had  fairly  represented 
these  ideas  to  his  employers  ;  he  had  spent  three  years 
in  their  service,  and  from  his  own  observations  bad 
drawn  and  sent  them  a  map  of  the  countrv'  ;  and  m 
had  conducted  their  affairs  as  well  as  the  nature  of  cir- 
cumstances would  permit.  He  had  had  a  disorderly, 
factious,  discontented,  disappointed,  set  of  men  to  con- 
trol, by  the  help  of  a  few  adherents  ;  in  the  face  of  iho 
native  lords  of  the  soil,  formidable  in  their  numbers  and 
knowledge  of  the  country,  versed  in  stratagem,  ten*- 
cious  of  resentment,  and  jealous  of  strangers.  To  court 
them  by  |>resents,  was  to  acknowledge  their  superiority, 
and  inflate  their  pride  and  insolence.  Though  savages, 
they  were  men  and  not  children.  Though  destitute  of 
science,  they  were  possessed  of  reason,  and  a  sufficient 
degree  of  art.  To  know  how  to  manage  them,  it  was 
necessary  to  be  personally  acquainted  with  them  ;  and 
it  must  be  obvious,  that  a  person  who  had  resided  se^ 
veral  years  among  them,  and  had  been  a  prisoner  with 
them,  was  a  much  better  judge  of  the  pro[)er  methods 
of  treating  them,  than  a  company  of  gentlemen  at 
several  thousand  miles  distance,  and  who  could  know 
them  only  by  report.  Smith  had  certainly  the  interest 
of  the  plantation  at  heart,  and  by  toilsome  experience, 
had  just  learned  to  conduct  it,  when  he  found  himsel/ 
so  obnoxious  to  his  employers,  that  a  plan  was  con- 
certed to  supersede  him,  and  reinstate,  w  i'.h  a  share  o( 
authority,  those  whom  he  had  dismissed  from  the  ser- 
vice. 

The  Virginia  Company  had  applied  to  the  king  to 
recall  their  patent  and  grant  another ;  in  virtue  of 
which,  they  appointed  Thomas  Lord  de  la  Warre, 
general,  Sir  Thomas  Gates,  lieutenant-general ;  Sir 
Georire  Somers,  admiral ;  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  marshal  ; 
Sir  I'erdinando  Waiman,  general  of  horse  ;  and  Cap- 
tain Newport,  (the  only  one  of  them  who  had  seen  the 
country)  vice-amiral.  The  adventurers  having,  by 
the  alteration  of  their  patent,  acquired  a  reinforcement 
both  of  dignity  and  property,  equipped  nine  ships  ;  in 
which  were  embarked  five  hundred  persons,  men, 
women,  and  children.  Gates,  Somers,  and  Newport, 
had  each  a  commission,  investing  either  of  them  who 
might  first  arrive,  with  power  to  call  in  the  oid,  and 
set  up  the  new,  commission.  The  fleet  sailed  from 
England  in  May,  1G09,  and  by  some  strange  jiolicy,  the 
three  commanders  were  embarked  in  one  ship,  'i'hi* 
ship  being  separated  from  the  others  in  a  storm.  wa« 
wrecked  on  tlie  island  of  Bermuda  ;  another  foundered 
at  sea  ;  and  when  the  remaining  seven  arrived  in  Vir- 
ginia, two  of  which  were  commanded  by  Ratcliffc  and 
.Vrcher,  ihcv  found  themselves  destitute  of  authority  ; 
though  some  of  them  were  full  enough  of  prejudice 
against  Smith,  who  was  then  in  command.  'J  he  ships 
had  been  greatly  shattered  in  their  passage,  much  of 
their  provision  was  spoiled,  many  of  their  people  were 
sick  ;  and  llie  season  in  which  they  arrived  was  not  the 
most  favorable  to  their  recovery.  A  mutinous  spirit 
soon  broke  out,  and  a  scene  of  confusion  ensued  ;  the 
new  comers  would  not  obey  Smith,  because  they  sup- 
posed his  commission  to  be  superseded  ;  the  new  com- 
mission was  not  arrived,  and  it  was  uncertain  whether 
the  ship  which  carried  it  would  ever  be  seen  or  heard 
of  Smith  would  gladly  have  withdrawn  and  gone  back 
to  England,  but  his  honor  was  concerned  in  maintain- 
ing his  authority  till  he  should  be  regularly  superseded, 
and  his  sjiirit  would  not  sulier  him  to  be  trampled  on 
by  those  whom  he  despised.  \'\ion  due  consideration, 
he  determined  to  maintain  his  authority  as  far  as  he 
was  able  ;  waiting  some  proper  opportunity  to  retire, 
some  of  the  most  insolent  of  the  new  coiners  "  he  laid 
by  the  heels."  With  the  more  moderate  he  consulted 
what  was  best  to  be  done  ;  and,  as  a  sei>aration  seemed 
to  be  the  best  remedy,  and  it  had  been  m  conlonipla- 
tion  to  extend  the  settlements,  some  were  induced  to 
go  up  to  the  Falls,  others  to  Nanscmond.  and  others  to 
Point  Comfort.  Smith's  year  being  almost  expired,  he 
oU'ered  to  resign  to  Martin,  who  had  been  one  of  the 
old  council,  but  Martin  would  notaccejit  the  command  ; 
he,  therefore,  kept  up  the  form,  and  as  much  as  he  co  jld 
of  the  power  of  government,  till  an  accident,  which  .had 
nearly  proved  fatal  to  his  life,  obliged  him  to  return  to 
England. 

On  his  return  from  the  new  plantation  at  the  Falls, 
sleeping  by  night  in  his  boat,  a  bag  of  gunpowder  took 
fire,  and  burnt  him  m  a  most  terrible  manner.  Awiik- 
ing  in  surjirise,  and  linding  himself  wrapped  in  llaino*, 
he  leaped  into  the  water,  and  was  almost  drowned.  b<y 
fore  lua  roiupauious  could  recover  liuu.    At  bis  rcturi 


23 


lo  Jaincslown,  in  this  distressed  condition,  Ratcliti'c 
and  Archer  conspired  to  murder  him  in  his  bed;  but 
the  assassin  whom  they  em[iloycd,  had  not  courage  to 
fire  a  pistol.  Smith's  old  soldiers  would  have  taken  oil" 
tlieir  heads  ;  but  he  thought  it  prudent  to  pass  by  the 
ort'encc,  and  take  this  opportunity,  as  there  was  no  sur- 
geon in  the  country,  of  returning  to  England.  As  soon 
as  his  intention  was  known,  the  council  appointed  Mr. 
Pcrcie  to  preside  in  his  room,  and  detained  the  ship 
tJiree  weeks,  till  they  could  write  letters,  and  frame 
complaints  against  him.  He  at  length  sailed  for  Eng- 
land, about  the  latter  end  of  September,  1600  ;  much 
reuretled  by  his  few  friends,  one  of  whom  has  left  this 
character  of  him.  "  In  all  his  proceedings  he  made 
justice  his  first  guide,  and  experience  his  second  ;  hat- 
ing baseness,  sloth,  pride,  and  indignity,  more  than  any 
dangers.  He  never  would  allow  more  for  himself  than 
for  his  soldiers  ;  and  \ipon  no  danger  would  send  them 
where  he  would  not  lead  them  himself.  He  would 
never  see  us  want  what  he  had,  or  could  by  any  means 
get  for  us.  He  would  rather  want  than  borrow ;  or 
starve,  than  not  pay.  He  loved  action  more  than 
words  ;  and  hated  covetousness  and  falsehood  worse 
than  death.  His  adventures  were  our  lives  ;  and  iiis 
loss  our  deaths." 

There  needs  no  better  testimony  to  the  truth  of  this 
character,  than  what  is  related  of  the  miserable  colony 
ufter  he  had  quitted  it.  Without  government,  without 
prudence,  careless,  indolent  and  factious,  they  became 
B  prey  to  the  insolence  of  the  natives,  to  the  diseases  of 
the  climate  and  to  famine.  Within  sii  months,  their 
number  was  reduced  from  five  hundred  to  sixty  ;  and 
when  the  three  commanders,  who  had  been  wrecked 
cn  Bermuda,  arrived,  1610,  with  one  hundred  and  fifty 
men  in  two  small  vessels,  which  they  had  built  oi't  of 
the  ruins  of  their  ship,  and  the  cedars  which  grew  on 
the  island  ;  they  found  the  remnant  of  the  colony  in 
such  a  forlorn  condition,  that  without  hesitation,  they 
determined  to  abandon  the  country,  and  were  sailing 
down  the  river,  when  they  met  a  boat  from  the  Lord 
de  le  Warre,  who  had  come  with  a  fleet  to  their  relief. 
Bv  his  persuasion  they  resumed  the  plantation,  and  to 
this  fortunate  incident  may  be  ascribed  the  full  esta- 
blishment of  the  colony  of  Virginia. 

Such  a  genius  as  Smith's  could  not  remain  idle.  He 
was  well  known  in  England,  and  the  report  of  his  valor 
Bud  his  spirit  of  adventure,  pointed  him  out  to  a  num- 
ber of  merchants,  who  were  engaged  in  the  American 
fishery,  as  a  proper  person  to  make  discoveries  on  the 
coast  of  North  Virginia.  In  April,  1614,  he  sailed 
from  London  with  two  ships,  and  arrived  at  the  island 
of  Monahigon  in  latitude  43  1-2°,  as  it  was  then  com- 
puted, where  he  built  seven  boats.  The  design  of  the 
vovage  was  to  take  whales,  to  examine  a  mine  of  gold, 
and  another  of  copper,  which  were  said  to  be  there  ; 
and  if  either,  or  both  of  these  should  fail,  to  make  up 
the  cargo  with  fish  and  furs.  The  mines  proved  a  fic- 
tion, and  by  long  chasing  tho  whales  to  no  purpose, 
they  lost  the  best  season  for  fishing  ;  but  whilst  the 
seamen  were  engaged  in  these  services,  Smith,  in  one 
of  his  boats,  with  eight  men,  ranged  the  coast,  east  and 
west,  from  Penobscot  to  Cape  Cod  ;  bartering  with 
the  natives  for  beaver  and  other  furs,  and  making  ob- 
servations on  the  shores,  islands,  harbors  and  head 
lands ;  which,  at  his  retnrn  to  Englar.d,  he  wrought 
into  a  map,  and  presenting  it  to  j>rince  Charles,  after- 
wards the  royal  martyr,  with  a  request  that  he  would 
give  the  countiy  a  name,  it  was  for  the  first  time  called 
New  England.  The  prince  also  made  several  alter- 
ations in  the  names  which  Smith  had  given  to  particu- 
lar places.  For  instance,  he  had  called  the  nsme  of 
that  promontory,  which  forms  the  eastern  entrance  of 
Massachusetts  bay,  Tragabigzanda  ;  after  the  name  of 
the  Turkish  lady  to  whom  he  had  been  formerly  a  slave 
at  Cos^taniinople  ;  and  the  three  islands  which  lie  olF 
the  Cape,  the  Turks  Head,  in  memory  of  his  victory 
over  the  three  Turkish  champions,  in  his  Transylrani<.':i 
adventures.  The  former,  Charles,  in  filial  respect  to 
his  mother,  called  Cape  Anne,  which  name  it  has  ever 
aince  retained  ;  the  name  of  the  islands  has  iong  since 
Deen  bit ;  and  another  cluster  to  which  he  gave  his 
Own  name.  Smith's  Isles,  and  which  name  the  prince 
did  not  alter,  are  now,  and  have  for  more  than  a  cen- 
tury been  called  the  Isles  of  Shoals  ;  so  that  the  most 
pointed  marks  of  his  discoveries  on  the  coast  of  New 
England,  have,  either  by  his  own  complaisance  to  the 
8.:n  ol  his  sovereign,  or  by  force  of  time  and  accidents 
become  obsolete.  When  he  sailed  for  England  in  (ine 
of^  the  ships,  he  left  the  other  behind  to  complete  her 
Uuing,  with  orders  to  sell  the  fish  in  Spain.  The  mas- 
ter, Thomas  Himt,  decoyed  twenty-four  of  the  natives 
on  board,  und  sold  them  in  Sjjam  for  slaves.  The 


memory  of  this  base  transaction  was  long  preserved 
among  the  Americans,  and  succeeding  adventurers  suf- 
fered on  account  of  it. 

At  Smith's  return  to  England  he  put  in  at  Plymouth, 
where,  relating  his  adventures,  and  communicating  his 
sentiments  to  Sir  Fcrdinando  (iorges,  he  was  intro- 
duced to  the  Plymouth  Company  of  adventurers  to 
North  Virginia,  and  engaged  in  their  service.  At 
London  he  was  invited  hy  the  South  Virginia  Company 
to  return  to  their  service  ;  but  made  use  of  his  engage- 
ment with  the  Plymouth  adventurers  as  an  excuse  for 
declining  their  invitation.  From  this  circumstance 
it  seems,  that  they  had  been  convinced  of  his  for- 
mer fidelity,  notwithstanding  the  letters  and  reports 
which  they  had  formerly  received  to  his  disadvan- 
tage. 

During  his  stay  in  London,  he  had  the  very  singu- 
lar pleasure  of  seeing  his  friend  Pocahontas,  the  daugh- 
ter of  Powhatan.  Having  been  made  a  prisoner  in 
Virginia,  she  was  there  married  to  Mr.  John  Rolfe, 
and  by  him  was  bhought  to  England.  She  was  then 
about  twenty-two  years  of  age  ;  her  person  was  grace- 
ful and  her  deportment  gentle  end  pleasing.  She  had 
been  taught  the  English  language  and  the  Christain 
religion,  and  baptized  by  the  name  of  Rebecca.  She 
had  heard  that  Smith  was  dead,  and  knew  nothing  to 
the  contrary,  till  she  arrived  in  England. 

The  fame  of  an  Indian  princess  excited  great  curio- 
sity in  London  ;  and  Smith  had  the  address  to  write  a 
handsome  letter  to  the  queen,  setting  forth  the  merits 
of  his  friend,  and  the  eminent  services  she  had  done  to 
him  and  the  colony  of  Virginia.  She  was  introduced 
by  the  Lady  de  la  Warre  ;  the  queen  and  royal  family 
received  her  with  much  complacency,  and  she  proved 
herself  worthy  of  their  notice  and  respect.  At  her  first 
interview  with  Smith  she  called  him  father  ;  and  be- 
cause he  did  not  immediately  return  the  salutation  and 
call  her  child  she  was  so  overcome  with  grief,  that  she 
hid  her  face  and  would  not  speak  for  some  time.  She 
was  ignorant  of  the  ridiculous  afi'ectation  which  reigned 
in  the  court  of  James  ;  which  forbad  Smith  assuming 
the  title  of  father,  to  the  daughter  of  a  king  ;  and  when 
informed  of  it  she  des|)ised  it ;  passionately  declaring, 
that  she  loved  him  as  a  father,  and  had  treated  hini  as 
such  in  her  own  country,  and  would  be  his  child  wherever 
she  went.  The  same  pedantic  affection  caused  her 
husband  to  be  looked  upon  as  an  offender,  for  having, 
though  a  subject,  invaded  the  mysterious  rights  of 
royalty  in  marrying  above  his  rank.  This  marriage, 
however,  proved  beneficial  to  the  colony,  as  her  father 
had  thereby  become  a  friend  to  them,  and  when  she 
came  to  England,  he  sent  with  her  Uttamaccomac,  one 
of  his  trusty  counsellors  ;  whom  he  enjoined  to  inquire 
for  Smith,  and  tell  him  whether  he  was  alive.  Ano- 
ther order  which  ho  gave  him  was,  to  bring  him  the 
numner  of  people  in  England  ;  accordingly,  on  his  land- 
ing at  Plymouth,  the  obedient  savage  began  his  ac- 
count by  cutting  a  notch  on  a  long  stick  for  every  per- 
son whom  he  saw  ;  but  soon  grew  tired  of  his  employ- 
ment, and  at  his  return  told  Powliaton  that  they  ex- 
ceeded the  number  of  leaves  on  the  trees.  A  third 
command  from  his  prince  was,  to  see  the  God  of  Eng- 
laml,  and  the  king,  queen,  and  prir.ces,  of  whom  Smith 
had  told  him  so  nvjch  ;  and  when  he  met  with  Smith, 
he  desired  to  be  introduced  to  those  personages.  He 
had  before  this  seen  the  king,  but  would  not  believe  it ; 
because  the  person  ".vhom  they  pointed  out  to  him  had 
not  given  him  any  thing.  "  You  gave  Powhatan," 
said  he  to  Smith,  "  a  white  dog,  but  your  king  has 
give  me  nothing."  Mr.  Rolfe  was  preparing  to  re- 
turn with  his  v/ife  to  Vir;^inia,  when  she  was  taken  ill 
:xnd  died  at  Gravesend  ;  leaving  an  infant  son,  Thomas 
Rolfe,  from  whom  are  descendtd  several  families  of 
note  in  Virginia,  who  hold  their  lands  by  inheritance 
from  her. 

Smith  had  conceived  such  an  idea  of  the  value  and 
importance  of  the  American  <  ontinent,  that  he  was 
fullv  bent  on  the  business  of  plantation,  rather  than 
fishing  and  trading  for  furs.  In  this  he  agreed  with 
his  friend  Sir  Ferdmando  Gorges,  and  the  lew  other 
active  members  of  the  council  of  Plymouth,  but  it  had 
become  an  uiqiopular  theme.  One  colony  had  been 
driven  home  from  Sagadahock  by  the  severity  of  the 
-season  and  the  deaths  of  their  leaders.  Men  who  were 
fit  for  the  business  were  not  easily  to  be  obtained, 
those  who  had  formerly  been  engaged  were  discou- 
raged, and  it  required  great  strength  of  mind  as  well  as 
liberality  of  purse,  to  set  on  foot  another  experiment. 
Alter  much  trouble  in  endeavoring  to  unite  persons  of 
opposite  interests,  and  stimulate  those  who  had  sus- 
tained former  losses  to  new  attempts,  he  obtained  one 
ikir  of  two  hundred  tons,  and  another  of  fifty,  with 


which  he  sailed  in  1615.  Having  proceeded  abou' 
one  hundred  and  twenty  leagues,  tliev  were  scparaicO 
in  a  storm ;  the  smaller  one  commanded  by  CayL 
Tliomas  Dermer  pursued  her  voyage  ;  but  Smith  hav- 
ing lost  his  masts  was  obliged  to  put  back  under  a  jury- 
mast  to  Plymouth.  There  he  put  his  stores  on  board 
a  small  bark  of  sixty  tons,  and  thirty  men,  of  whom 
sixteen  were  to  assist  him  in  beginning  a  new  colony. 

Meeting  with  an  English  pirate,  his  men  would  havo 
had  him  surrender  ;  but  though  he  had  only  four  guns, 
and  the  pirate  thirty-six,  he  disdained  to  yield.  On 
speaking  with  her,  he  found  the  commander  and  sorne 
of  the  crew  to  be  his  old  shipmati^s,  who  had  run  away 
with  the  ship  from  Tunis,  and  were  in  distress  for  pro- 
visions ;  they  offered  to  put  themselves  under  his  com- 
mand, but  he  rejected  the  proposal  and  went  on  his 
voyage.  Near  the  Western  Islands  he  fell  in  with  two 
French  pirates  ;  his  men  were  again  thrown  into  a 
[lanic,  and  would  have  struck,  but  ho  threatened  tu 
blow  up  the  ship,  if  they  would  not  fight  ;  and  by  firing 
a  few  running  shot,  he  escaped  them  also.  After  thi? 
he  was  met  by  four  French-men-of-war,  who  had  order£ 
from  their  sovereign  to  seize  pirates.  He  showed  them 
his  commission  under  the  great  seal ;  but  they  perfi- 
diously detained  him  whilst  they  suHcred  his  sl.!p  to 
escape  in  the  night,  and  return  to  Plymouth.  They 
knew  his  enter|)rising  spirit,  and  were  afraid  of  his  mak- 
ing a  settlement  in  New  England,  so  near  to  their  co- 
lony of  Acculia ;  and  they  suspected,  or  at  least  pre- 
tended to  suspect,  that  he  was  the  person  who  had 
broken  up  their  fishery  at  Port  Royal  (which  was  really 
done  by  Captain  Argal)  the  year  before. 

When  their  cruise  was  finished,  they  carried  him  to 
Rochclle  ;  and  notwithstanding  their  promises  to  allow 
him  a  share  of  the  prizes  which  they  had  taken  whilst 
he  was  with  them,  they  kept  him  as  a  prisoner  on 
board  a  ship  at  anchor.  But  a  storm  arising,  which 
drove  all  the  people  below,  he  took  the  boat,  with  an 
half  pike  for  an  oar,  thinking  to  make  his  escape  in  the 
night.  The  current  was  so  strong  that  he  drifted  to 
sea,  and  was  near  perishing.  By  the  turn  of  the  tide 
he  got  ashore,  on  a  marshy  island,  where  some  fowlers 
found  him  in  the  morning  almost  dead  with  cold  anc 
hunger.  He  gave  them  his  boat  to  carry  him  to 
Rochelle,  where  he  learned  that  the  ship  which  had 
taken  him,  with  one  of  her  prizes,  which  was  very  rich, 
had  been  driven  on  shore  in  that  storm,  and  lost,  witL' 
her  captain  and  one  half  of  the  men 

Here  he  made  his  complaint  to  the  judge  of  the 
Admiralty,  and  produced  such  evidence  in  support  ol 
his  allegations,  that  he  was  treated  with  fair  words  ; 
but  it  does  not  ajipear  that  he  got  any  recompense 
He  met  here  and  at  Borrdeaui  with  many  friends, 
both  French  and  English,  and  at  his  return  to  Eng 
nnd,  published  in  a  small  quarto,  an  account  of  his  two 
last  voyages,  with  the  depositions  of  the  men  who  were 
in  t!ie  ship  when  he  was  taken  by  the  French.  To  this 
book  he  prefixed  his  map  of  New  England  ;  and  in  it 
gave  a  description  of  the  country,  with  its  many  advan- 
tages, and  the  proper  methods  of  rendering  it  a  valuable 
acquisition  to  the  English  dominions.  When  it  was 
printed,  he  went  all  over  the  v.cst  of  England,  giving 
copies  of  it  to  all  persons  of  note  ;  and  endeavoring  t« 
excite  the  nobility,  gentry,  and  merchants,  to  engage 
with  earnestness  in  the  business  of  colonizing  America. 
He  obtained  from  many  of  them  fair  promises,  and  was 
complimented  by  the  Plymouth  Com|)any  with  the  title 
of  Admiral  of  New  England.  But  the  former  ill  suc- 
cess of  some  too  sanguine  adventurers,  had  made  a 
deep  impression,  and  a  variety  of  cross  incidents,  batilcd 
all  his  attempts. 

However,  his  experience  and  advice  were  of  emi- 
nent service  lo  others.  The  open  frankness  and  gene- 
rosity of  his  mind  led  him  to  give  all  the  encourage- 
ment which  he  could  to  the  business  of  fishing  and 
planting  in  New  England  ,  for  which  purpose,  in  1622, 
he  published  a  book,  entitled,  "New  England's  Tryals,' 
some  extracts  from  which  are  preserved  by  Purchas. 
No  man  rejoiced  more  than  myself  in  the  establish- 
ment of  the  colonies  of  Plymouth  and  Massachu 
setts. 

When  the  news  of  the  massacre  of  the  Virginian 
planters  by  the  Indians,  1622,  arrived  in  England, 
Smith  was  all  on  fire  to  go  over  to  revenge  the  insult. 
He  made  an  offer  to  the  company  that  if  they  would 
allow  him  one  hundred  soldiers  and  thirty  sailors,  with 
the  necessary  provisions  and  equipments,  he  would 
range  the  country,  keep  the  natives  in  awe,  protect  thd 
planters,  and  make  discoveries,  of  the  hitherto  un- 
known parts  of  America  ;  and  for  his  own  risk  and 
pains  would  desire  nothing  but  what  he  would  "  pro- 
duce from  the  proper  labor  of  the  savages."'    On  ihif 


24 


AMERICAN  HISTORY. 


proposal  Ihe  company  was  divided,  but  the  pusilla- 
niiiioas  and  avaricious  parly  prevailed  ;  and  gave  him 
this  answer,  "  lhal  Ihe  char;;es  would  be  too  great  ; 
that  ihiir  stock  was  reduced;  that  ihe  jilanlers  oujjIiI 
to  dtlciid  Ihemselves  ;  hut,  that  it  he  would  go  at  liis 
own  expense,  they  would  give  him  Icarc,  provided  he 
wou.d  give  them  one-half  of  the  pillage."  Such  an 
answer  could  be  received  only  with  contempt. 

When  the  king  in  1G24,  instituted  a  commission  for 
the  relormalion  of  Virginia,  Sniilh,  by  desire  ol  the 
ommissioners,  gave  in  a  relation  of  his  former  procced- 
int'S  in  the  colony,  and  his  opinion  and  advice  respect- 
ing the  proper  methods  of  remedying  the  defects  m  go- 
vernment, and  carrying  on  the  jdantation  with  a  pros- 
pect of  success.*  These  with  many  other  papers  he 
collec'ed  and  published  in  1627,  in  a  thin  folio,  under 
the  I  tie  of  "The  General  History  of  Virginia,  New 
England,  and  the  Somer  Isles."  The  narrative  part  is 
made  up  of  journals  and  letters  of  those  who  were  con- 
cerned with  him  in  the  plantation,  iiiterini.xed  with  his 
own  observations.  His  intimate  friend,  Mr.  Purchas, 
riad  published  most  of  them  two  years  before  in  his 
"  Pilgrims." 

In  1629,  at  the  request  of  Sir  Robert  Cotton,  he  pub- 
lished a  history  of  the  early  part  of  his  life,  entitled, 
"The  true  Travels,  Adventures  and  Ob.servations  of 
CaiHain  John  Smith."  This  work  is  preserved  entire 
in  the  second  volume  of  Cluirchill's  Collections,  and 
from  it  the  former  jiart  of  this  account  is  compiled.  In 
the  conclusion  he  made  some  addition  to  the  history  of 
Virginia,  Bermuda,  New  England,  and  the  West  In- 
dies, respecting  things  which  had  come  to  his  know- 
ledge after  the  ]Hiblication  of  his  general  history.  He 
slated  the  inhaliitaiils  of  Virginia  in  1628  at  five  thou- 
sand, and  their  cattle  about  the  same  number.  Their 
[iroduce  was  chiefly  tobacco  ;  but  those  few  who  at- 
tended to  their  gardens  had  all  sorts  of  fruit  and  vege- 
tables in  great  abundance  and  perfection.  From  New 
England  they  received  salted  tish  ;  but  of  fresh  tish  their 
own  rivers  produced  enough,  besides  an  infinite  quantity 
of  fowl  ;  as  their  woods  did  of  deer  and  other  game. 
They  had  two  brew  houses  ;  but  they  cultivated  the 
Indian  corn  in  preference  to  the  European  grain.  Their 
plantations  were  scattered  ;  some  of  their  houses  were 
palisaded  ;  but  they  had  no  fortitications  nor  ordnance 
mounted. 

His  account  of  New  England  is,  that  the  country  had 
hecn  represented  by  adventurers  from  the  West  of  Eng- 
land, as  rocky,  barren,  and  desolate  :  but  that  since  his 
accoun;  of  it  had  been  published,  the  credit  of  it  was  so 
raised,  that  forty  or  tifty  sail  went  thither  annually  on 
fishing  and  tiading  voyages.  That  nothing  had  been, 
done  to  any  pur[)0se  in  establishing  a  plantation,  till 
"  about  an  hundred  IJrownists  went  to  New  Plymouth  ; 
whose  humorous  ignorance  caused  thein  to  endure  a 
wonderful  deal  of  misery  w  ith  infinite  patience." 

He  then  recapitulates  the  history  of  his  American  ad- 
ventures in  the  following  terms.  "  Now  to  conclude 
the  travels  and  adventures  of  Captain  Smith  :  how  first 
he  [ilanted  Virginia,  and  was  set  ashore  with  a  hundred 
men  in  the  wild  woods  ;  how  he  was  taken  prisoner  by 
the  savages,  and  by  the  King  of  Pamaunky,  tied  to  a 
tree  to  be  shot  to  death  ;  led  iij)  and  down  the  country 
to  be  shown  for  a  wonder  ;  fatted  as  he  thought  for  a 
sacrifice  to  their  idol,  before  whom  they  conjured  three 
days,  with  strange  dances  and  invocations  ;  then 
brought  before  their  Emperor  Powhatan,  who  com- 
manded him  to  be  slain  ;  how  his  daughtdr  Pocahontas 
saved  Ins  life,  returned  him  to  Jamestown,  relieved  him 
and  his  famished  conqiany,  which  was  but  eight  and 
thirty,  to  possess  those  large  dominions  ;  how  he  dis- 
covered all  the  several  nations  on  the  rivers  falling  into 
the  Day  of  Chesa|)eake  ;  how  he  was  slung  almost  to 
death  by  the  [loisonous  tail  of  a  fish  called  a  •  lingray  ; 
how  he  was  blown  up  with  gunpowder  and  returned  to 
England  to  be  cured. 

"  Also  how  he  brought  New  England  to  the  subjec- 
tion of  tlie  kingdom  of  fireat  Britain  ;  his  fights  with 
the  [urates,  left  alone  among  French  men-of-war,  and 
his  Khi|)  ran  from  him  ;  his  sea-fights  for  the  French 
against  ihe  Spaniards  ;  their  bad  usage  of  liim  ;  how 
in  France,  in  a  little  boat,  he  escaped  them  ;  was  adrift 
all  Buo!;  a  stormy  night  at  sea  by  himself,  when  thirteen 
French  ships  rvcre  sjilit  or  driven  on  shore  by  the  isle 
Rhee,  the  general  &:;d  most  of  his  men  drowned  ; 
when  fiod,  to  whom  be  all  lienor  and  praise,  brought 
him  safe  on  shore  to  the  admiration  of  all  who  escaped  ; 

•  Agreeably  to  Smith's  advice  to  these  commissioners, 
Kin^  Charleii  I.  at  his  accession  dissolved  the  company,  in 
16W,  and  reduced  the  colony  under  the  iininediatc  direction 
o(  the  crown,  ap|)<>iiiting  the  governor  and  r(Hinrii,  and  order- 
hif  all  palenliii  od  processes  to  inauo  in  lus  own  name. 


you  may  read  at  large  in  his  general  history  of  Virginia, 
the  Somer  islands,  and  New  England." 

This  wa»  probably  his  lasi  publication,  for  he  lived 
but  two  years  after.  By  a  note  m  Josselyn's  voyage, 
It  appears  lhal  he  died  in  1631,  at  London,  in  the  fifty- 
second  year  of  his  age. 

It  would  have  given  singular  pleasure  to  the  com- 
piler of  these  memoirs,  if  he  could  have  learned  from 
any  credible  testimony  that  Smith  ever  received  any 
recompense  for  his  numerous  services  and  sullerings. 
The  sense  which  he  had  of  this  matter,  in  1627,  shall 
be  given  in  his  own  words.  "  I  have  spent  five  years, 
and  more  than  five  hundred  pounds,  in  the  service  of 
Virginia  and  New  England,  and  in  neither  of  them 
have  I  one  foot  of  land,  nor  the  very  house  I  built,  nor 
the  ground  I  digged  with  my  own  hands ;  but  I  see 
those  countries  shared  before  me  by  those  who  know 
them  only  by  my  descriptions. 

DE  MONTS,  POUTRI  NCOURT, 

AND 

CHAM  PLAIN. 

De  Monts— His  Patent  for  Acadia— Ilis  Fort  at  St.  Croix — 
He  ■lulls  .\cadia — I'outkincourt— Samuel  Chami'Lain — 
lie  sails  up  the  St.  l^awrence— liuiids  a  Fort  at  Quehec — 
DLscovers  llie  Lake — Surrenders  yuebec  to  the  English — 
Ills  Ucath  and  Character. 

After  the  discovery  of  Canada  by  Cartier,  the 
French  continued  trading  to  that  country  for  furs,  and 
fishing  on  the  banks  of  Newfoundland,  Cape  Breton, 
and  Acac'ia,  where  they  found  many  excellent  and  con- 
venient harbors,  among  which  Canseau  was  early  dis- 
tinguished as  a  ]>lac6  extremely  suitable  for  the  fishery. 
One  Savalet,  an  old  mariner,  who  frequented  that  port, 
had  before  1609  made  no  less  than  forty-two  voyages 
to  those  parts. 

Henry  IV.  King  of  France,  perceived  the  advantages 
which  might  arise  to  his  kingdom  from  a  faither  explo- 
ration of  the  northern  parts  of  America  ;  and  therefore 
gave  encouragement  to  those  who  were  desirous  of 
making  adventures.  In  1598,  the  Marquis  de  la 
Roche  obtained  a  commission  of  Lord-lieutenant,  and 
undertook  a  voyage  with  a  view  to  establish  a  colony, 
consisting  of  convicts  taken  out  of  the  prisons.  Hap- 
pening in  the  course  of  his  voyage  to  fall  in  with  the 
isle  of  Sable,  a  low,  sandy  island,  lying  about  twenty- 
five  leagues  southward  of  Can.seau,  he  there  landed 
forty  of  his  miserable  crew,  to  subsist  on  the  cattle  and 
swine  with  which  the  place  had  been  stocked  by  the 
Portuguese,  for  the  relief  of  shipwrecked  seamen.  The 
reason  given  for  choosing  this  forlorn  |)lace  for  the  dis- 
embarkation of  his  colony,  was,  that  they  would  be  out 
of  all  danger  from  the  savages,  till  he  should  find  a 
better  situation  for  them  on  the  continent,  when  he  pro- 
mised to  return  and  take  them  otf.  Whether  he  ever 
reached  the  continent  is  uncertain,  but  he  never  again 
saw  the  isle  of  Sable.  Returning  to  France  he  en- 
gaged in  the  wars,  was  made  a  prisoner  by  the  Duke 
of  Merceur,  and  soon  after  died.  The  wretched  exiles 
subsisted  on  such  things  as  the  place  aliorded,  and 
clothed  themselves  with  the  skins  of  seals.  At. the  end 
of  seven  years.  King  Henry,  in  compassion,  sent  a  fish- 
erman to  bring  them  home.  Twelve  only  were  then 
alive.  The  fisherman,  concealing  from  them  the  gene- 
rous intention  of  their  sovereign,  took  all  the  skins 
which  they  had  collected  as  a  recompense  for  his  ser- 
vices, some  of  which  being  black  foxes  were  of  great 
value.  The  king  had  them  brought  before  him  in  their 
seal  skin  habits  and  long  beards.  He  pardoned  their 
former  crimes,  and  made  each  of  them  a  present  of  fifty 
crowns.  When  they  discovered  the  fraud  of  the  fish- 
erman, they  instituted  a  process  against  him  at  law, 
and  recovered  large  damages  ;  by  means  of  w  hich  they 
acquired  so  much  property  as  to  enter  into  the  same 
kind  of  tratFic. 

The  king  also  granted  to  Pontgrave  de  Chauvin,  an 
exclusive  privilege  of  trading  at  Tadousac,  the  mouth 
I  of  tho  river  Saguenay  ;  to  which  place  he  made  two 
voyages,  and  was  [irepariiig  for  a  third  when  he  was 
prevented  by  death. 

The  next  vwager  of  any  note  was  Samukl  Cham- 
pi.AiN,  of  Brouage  ;  a  man  of  a  noble  family  ;  who,  in 
1603,  sailed  up  the  river  of  Canada,  as  far  as  Cartier 
had  gone  in  1535.  He  made  many  inquiries  of  the 
natives  concerning  their  country,  its  rivers,  falls,  lakes, 
mountains  and  mines.  The  result  of  his  inquiry  was, 
that  a  communication  was  formed  by  means  of  two 
lakes,  with  the  country  of  the  Iroquois  towards  the 
south  ;  that  towards  llie  west  there  were  more  and 
greater  lakes  of  fresh  water,  to  one  of  which  they  knew 
no  limits  ;  and  that  to  the  northward  there  was  an  in- 
)  land  sea  of  salt  water.    In  the  course  of  this  voyage, 


Chaniplain  anchored  at  a  place  called  Quebec,  which  in 
t  the  language  of  the  country  signified  a  strait ;  and  ihis 
was  thought  to  be  a  yiroper  situation  for  a  fort  and  set- 
tlement. He  heard  of  no  mim's  but  one  of  copper,  far 
to  the  northward.  With  this  information  he  returned  to 
France,  in  the  inunlh  of  September. 
I  On  the  eighth  of  November  in  the  same  year.  King 
Henry  granted  to  the  Sieur  De  Monts,  a  gentleman  ol 
his  bed-chamber,  a  patent,  constituting  him  lieutei-ant- 
gcneral  of  all  the  territory  of  L' Acadia,  from  ihe  for- 
tieth to  ihe  forty-sixth  degree  of  north  latitude,  with 
power  to  subdue  the  inhabiianls  and  cor.v(-rl  them  to 
the  Christian  faith.  This  patent  was  published  in  all 
the  maritime  towns  of  France  ;  and  De  Monts  having 
equipped  two  vessels,  sailed  for  his  new  government 
on  the  7lh  of  March,  1004,  taking  wiih  him  the  afore- 
said Samuel  Champlain  for  a  pilot.  Monsieur  De  Pout- 
I  rincout,  who  had  been  for  a  long  liine  desirous  to  visit 
America. 

On  the  6th  of  May,  they  arrived  at  a  harbor  on  tho 
southeast  side  of  the  peninsula  of  Acadia,  where  ihey 
found  one  of  their  countrj  men,  Rossignol,  trading  with 
tho  Indians  without  license.  They  seized  his  ship  and 
cargo  ;  leaving  hiin  only  the  poor  consolation  of  giving 
his  name  to  the  harbor  where  he  was  taken.  The  pro- 
visions found  in  his  shij)  were  a  seasonable  supjjly,  and 
without  them  the  enterprise  must  have  been  abandoned. 
This  place  is  now  called  Livcr|)Ool. 

From  Port  Rossignol  they  coasted  the  peninsula  to 
the  southwest,  and  having  doubled  Cape  Sable,  came 
to  anchor  in  the  bay  of  St.  Mary,  where  Auury,  a  priest, 
goinf'  ashore, was  lost  in  the  woods,  and  a  Prolcslanl  was 
charged  with  having  murdered  him,  becasue  they  had 
sometimes  had  warm  disjiulation  on  religious  subjects. 
They  waited  for  him  several  days,  finng  guns  and 
sounding  truinjiels,  but  in  vain;  the  noise  ol  the  sea 
was  so  great,  that  no  other  sound  could  be  heaid. 
Concluding  that  he  was  dead,  they  ijuilted  the  placo 
after  sixteen  days,  inlending  to  examine  lhal  extensive 
bay  on  the  west  of  their  peninsula,  to  which  they  gave 
the  name  of  La  Bayo  I'raiicoisc  ;  but  which  is  no* 
called  the  Bay  of  Fundy.  The  priest  was  afterwards 
found  alive  but  almost  slar\ed  to  death. 

On  the  eastern  side  of  this  bay  they  discovered  a 
narrow  strait,  into  which  they  entered,  and  soon  lound 
themselves  in  a  spacious  bason,  environed  with  hills, 
from  w  hich  descended  streams  of  fresh  water  ;  and  be- 
tween the  hills  ran  a  fine  navigable  river,  which  they 
called  L"Equille.  It  was  bordered  with  fertile  mea- 
dows, and  full  of  delicate  fish.  Poutrincourl.  charmal 
with  the  beauty  of  the  place,  detenuined  here  to  make 
his  residence,  and  having  received  a  grant  of  it  from 
De  Monts,  gave  it  tiie  name  of  Port  Royal  [Amiu- 
polis] 

From  Port  Royal,  De  Monts  sailed  farther  into  tho 
great  bay,  to  visit  a  cofiper  mine.  It  was  a  high  rock, 
on  a  promontory,  between  two  bays.  [Menis  ]  The 
copper,  though  mixed  with  stone,  was  very  pure,  rt^- 
semblmg  that  called  Rozelle  copper.  .Among  iheso 
stones  they  found  chrystals,  and  a  certain  shining  stono 
of  a  blue  color.  Specimens  of  these  stones  were  sent 
to  the  king. 

In  farther  examining  the  bay  they  came  to  a  great 
river,  which  they  called  St.  John's,  full  of  islands,  and 
swarming  with  fish,  l.'p  this  river  they  sailed  fifty 
leagues,  and  were  extremely  delighted  with  the  vast 
quantity  of  grapes  which  grew  on  its  banks.  By  this 
river  they  imagined  that  a  shorter  communication  might 
be  had  with  the  Baye  de  Chalcur  and  the  port  ol  'l  a- 
dousac,  than  by  the  sea. 

From  the  river  St.  John  they  coasted  the  bay  south- 
westerly, till  they  came  to  an  island  in  the  middle  of  a 
river  which  Champlain  had  previously  explored.  Find- 
ing its  situation  safe  and  convenient.  De  .flouts  resolved 
there  to  bjilil  a  fort  and  pass  the  winter.  To  this 
island  he  gave  the  name  of  St.  Croix;*  because  that 


*  This  is  a  station  of  much  importance.  It  has  given  ris« 
to  a  controversy  between  the  llnilcd  Slates  and  ihe  llritista 
government,  which  is  nol  yet  ternunaled.  I  shall  Ihercloro 
(live  a  description  of  this  island  and  lis  surrounuing  wali  rs, 
from  a  Iranshilion  of  Mark  I.escarbot's  history  of  Ihe  voyates 
of  Ue  .Monts,  m  which  he  hiin.^elf  was  engaged,  and  therelore 
had  .seen  the  place  which  he  descril)cs.  Tlus  translation  is  lo 
be  found  al  large  in  ChmrhiU's  Collections,  vol.  viii.  TsW.  and 
an  abridgment  of  it  in  Purchas"s  Pilgrims,  vol.  v.  1619. 

"  Leaving  St.  John's  river,  they  came,  following  ihe  coa.it 
twenty  leagues  from  lhal  place,  to  a  great  river,  which  is 
properly  sea,  (i.  e.  salt  water]  where  they  lorlilied  Iheiiiselvc* 
in  a  little  isl.ind  seated  m  the  midst  of  this  river,  w  hirh  tho 
said  Cliairp'am  had  been  to  discover  and  view.  .\iid.  socnig 
il  strong  ht  iialure,  and  of  easy  defence  and  keeping  ;  besidot 
lhal  the  season  l>egan  lo  slide  away,  and  iheieioic  ii  wa»  be- 
hovoful  to  provide  of  loilging,  ^Vllhout  runiung  any  fart.-er, 
they  rescdvcd  lo  make  their  abode  Ihere. 

•■>4.i..r«  w»  ki>eak  of  the  ship's  roturato  France,  it  is  0)oa4 


BIOGRAPHIES  OF  THE  EARLY  DISCOVERERS. 


25 


two  Ifaguos  higher  there  were  brooks  which  "  came 
cro:=s-wise  to  fall  vvitJ'iii  this  large  branch  of  the  sea." 

'I'lic  vvinler  proved  severe,  and  the  people  snllered 
to  nuich  by  the  scurvy,  that  thirly-six  of  them  died  ; 
the  remaimng  forty,  vvho  were  all  sick,  lingered  till  the 
Bprmg,  (1605,)  when  they  recovered  by  means  of  the 
fresh  vegetation.  The  remedy  which  Carlier  had  found 
in  Canaila  was  here  unknown. 

As  soon  as  his  men  were  recovered,  De  Monts  re- 
f  olved  to  seek  a  comfortable  station  in  a  warmer  cli- 
mate. Having  victualled  and  armed  his  pinnace,  he 
sailed  along  the  coast  to  Norombago,  a  name  which  had 
been  given  by  some  European  adventurers  to  the  Bay 
of  Penobscot ;  from  thence  he  sailed  to  Kennebec, 
(Jasco,  Saco,  and  finally  came  to  Malebarre,  as  (Jape 
Cod  was  then  called  by  the  French.  In  some  of  the 
places  which  he  had  passed,  the  land  was  inviting  ,  .iiid 
particular  notice  was  taken  of  the  gra])es  ;  but  the 
savages  apiieared  numerous,  unfriendly  and  thievish. 
De  Monts'  company  being  small,  he  preferred  safety  to 
pleasure,  and  returned  first  to  til.  Croix,  and  then  to 
Port  Royal  ;  where  he  found  Dupont,  in  a  ship  from 
prance,  with  fresh  supplies,  and  a  reinforcement  of 
forty  men.  The  stores  which  had  been  deposited  at 
St.  Cioi.t  were  removed  across  the  bay,  but  the  build- 
ings were  left  standing.  jN'ew  houses  were  erected  at 
the  mouth  of  the  river  which  runs  into  the  basm  of 
Port  Royal  :  there  the  stores  and  people  were  lodged  ; 
and  De  Monts  having  put  his  aflairs  in  as  good  order 
as  possible,  in  the  month  of  September  embarked  for 
Prance,  leaving  Dupont  as  his  lieutenant,  with  Cham- 
plam  and  Champdore  to  perfect  the  settlement,  and  ex- 
plore the  country. 

During  the  next  winter  they  were  plentifully  sup- 
plied by  the  savages  with  venison,  and  a  great  trade 
was  carried  on  for  fnrs.  Nothing  is  said  of  the  scurvy  ; 
but  they  had  short  allowance  of  bread  ;  not  by  reason 
of  any  scarcity  of  corn,  but  because  they  had  no  other 

to  tell  you,  how  hard  llie  isle  of  St.  Croix  is  to  be  found  out, 
to  tiieiii  tliat  were  iie\"er  there.  For  lliere  are  so  many  isles 
Wid  threat  hays  to  i;o  hy  Ltroiii  St.  Joiiri's)  hefore  one  be  at  it, 
Inat  1  wonder  how  one  iriighl  ever  pierce  so  far  as  to  find  it. 
There  are  three  (»r  four  niouritains,  cniinerit  aliove  the 
others,  on  the  sides  ;  hut  on  the  north  side,  from  wlience 
the  river  runneth  down,  there  is  Ijiit  a  sharp  pointed  one, 
about  two  leagues  distant.  Tlie  woods  of  liie  mainland  are 
fair  and  admirable  hish,  and  well  prown,  as  in  like  maniier  is 
the  {rras.o.  There  is  right  over  asainst  the  island  fresli  water 
brooks,  very  pleasant  and  agreeable  ;  where  divers  of  Mons. 
De  Monts  men  djd  Iheir  business,  and  budded  there  certain 
cabins.  As  for  the  nature  of  the  Kiound,  it  is  most  excellent, 
and  most  abundantly  fruitful.  For  the  said  Mons.  De  Monts 
hivini?  caused  there  some  piece  of  groiniil  to  be  tilled,  and 
the  same  sowed  with  rye;  he  was  not  able  to  tarry  for  the 
maturity  thereof  to  reap  it;  and  notwilhstar.ding  the  grain 
fallen  hath  grown  and  increased  so  wonderfully,  that  two 
years  after,  we  reaped  and  did  gather  of  it  as  fair,  big,  and 
weighty  as  in  France,  which  the  soil  has  brought  forth  with- 
out any  tillage;  and  yet  at  this  present  [1609]  it  doth  con- 
tinue still  to  multiply  every  year. 

"The  said  island  containeth  s(»me  half  a  league  in  circuit, 
and  at  the  end  of  it,  on  the  sea  siile,  there  is  a  mount,  or 
6ni,-ill  hill,  which  is,  as  it  were,  a  little  isle,  severed  Iroin  the 
other,  w  here  Mons.  de  Monts  his  camion  were  placed.  There 
is  also  a  little  cliappel,  built  after  the  savage  fashion.  At  the 
foot  of  which  chappel  there  is  such  store  of  muscles  as  is 
wonderful,  which  may  be  gathered  at  low  water,  but  they 
are  small. 

"  Now  let  lis  prepare  and  hoist  up  sails.  Mons.  de  Pou- 
trincourt  made  the  voyage  into  these  parts,  with  some  men 
of  good  sort,  not  to  winter  there  ;  but  as  it  were  to  seek  out 
his  seat,  and  find  out  a  land  that  might  like  him.  Which  he 
having  done,  had  no  need  to  sojoiirne  there  any  longer.  So 
then,  the  ships  being  ready  for  the  reiurn,  he  shipped  him- 
self, and  those  of  his  company  in  one  of  them. 

"During  the  foresaid  navigation,  Mons.  de  Monts  his  peo- 
ple, did  work  about  the  fort;  which  he  seated  at  the  end  of 
the  island,  opposite  to  the  place  where  he  had  lodged  his 
cannon.  Which  was  wisely  considered,  to  the  end  to  com- 
mand the  river  up  and  down,  liut  there  was  an  inconve- 
nience ;  the  said  fort  did  lie  toward  the  north,  and  without 
any  shelter,  but  of  the  trees  that  were  on  the  isle  shore, 
which  all  about  he  commanded  to  be  kept  and  not  cut 
down. 

"The  most  urgent  tilings  being  done,  and  hoary  snowy 
fathe  being  come,  that  is  to  say  winter,  then  they  were 
forced  to  keep  within  doors,  and  to  live  every  one  at  his 
home  During  which  time,  our  men  had  three  special  dis- 
commodities in  this  island,  want  of  wood  (for  that  which  was 
in  the  said  isle  was  spent  in  buildings),  lack  of  fresh  water, 
and  the  continual  watch  made  by  night,  fearing  some  surprise 
from  -.he  savages  that  had  lodged  themselves  at  the  foot  of 
said  island,  or  some  otiiei  euemv.  For  ihe  malediction  and 
rage  of  many  Christians  is  such,  that  one  must  take  heed  of 
them  much  more  than  of  mfidcls.  When  they  h.ad  need  of 
walei  or  wood,  they  were  coii.strained  to  cross  over  the 
river,  which  is  thrice  as  broad  of  every  side  as  the  river  of 
Peine." 

By  a  gentlemen  who  resided  sever.al  years  in  those  parts,  I 
nave  bern  informed,  that  an  island  which  answers  to  the  de- 
scription lies  in  the  eastern  part  of  the  Bay  of  Passamacjuod- 
dy;  and  theie  the  liver  St.  Croix  was  supposed  to  be  by  the 
commissioners  who  negotiated  the  peace  in  1783,  who  had 
Mitcliel's  map  hefore  them  ;  but  in  a  map  of  the  coast  of  New 
England  and  Nova  Scotia,  published  in  l.imdon,  1787,  by  Ro- 
Ix-'it  Sayar,  and  said  to  be  drawn  by  Captain  Holland,  the 
nvet  St.  Croix  is  laid  down  at  the  western  part  of  the  bay ; 
tUc  bioadlh  oj  which  is  about  six  or  seven  leagues. 


mill  to  grind  it  than  the  hand-mill,  which  required  hard 
ami  continual  hilior.  The  savages  were  so  averse  to 
this  e.xcrcise,  that  they  |irelVrred  hunger  to  the  task  of 
grinding  corn,  though  they  were  ollered  half  of  it  in 
payment.  Six  men  only  died  in  the  course  of  this 
winter. 

In  the  spring  of  IGOG,  Dupont  attempted  to  find 
what  De  Monts  had  missed  in  the  preceding  year,  a 
more  soiit!  jrly  sett.'einent.  His  bark  was  twice  forced 
back  with  L  iverse  winds  ;  and  tiie  third  time  was  driven 
oil  rocks  and  bilged  at  the  mouth  of  the  port.  'I'he 
inen  and  stores  were  saved  ;  but  the  vessel  was  lost. 
These  fruitless  attempts  proved  very  discouraging  ;  but 
Dupont  employed  his  people  in  building  a  bark  and  shal- 
lo)),  that  they  might  employ  themselves  in  visiting  the 
ports,  whither  their  couiitrvmen  resort  to  dry  their  fish, 
till  new  supplies  should  arrive. 

Do  Monts  and  Poiitnncourt  were  at  that  time  in 
France,  preparing,  amidst  every  discouragement,  for 
another  voyage.  On  the  thirteenth  of  May,  they  sailed 
from  Rochelle,  in  a  shi|)  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  tons  ; 
and  on  the  27th  of  July  arrived  at  Port  Royal,  in  the  ab- 
sence of  Dupont,  who  had  left  two  men  only  to  guard 
the  fort.  In  a  few  days  he  arrived,  having  met  with 
one  of  their  boats  which  they  had  left  at  Canseau,  and 
great  was  the  joy  on  both  sides  at  their  meeting. 

Poutrincourt  now  began  his  plantation  ;  and  having 
cleared  a  spot  of  ground,  within  fifteen  days  he  sowed 
European  corn  and  several  sorts  of  garden  vegetables. 
But  notwithstanding  the  beauty  and  fertility  of  Port 
Royal,  De  .Monts  had  still  a  desire  to  find  a  better 
place  to  the  southward.  He  therefore  prevailed  on  Pou- 
trincourt to  make  another  voyage  to  Cape  Malebarre  ; 
and  so  earnest  was  he  to  have  this  matter  accomplished, 
that  he  would  not  wait  till  the  next  spring,  but  prepared 
a  bark  to  go  to  the  southward  as  soon  as  the  ship  was 
ready  to  sail. 

On  the  2Sth  of  August,  the  ship  and  the  bark  both 
sailed  from  Port  Royal.  In  the  ship,  De  Monts  and 
Dupont  returned  to  France;  whilst  I'outrincoiirt,  Cham- 
plain,  Champdore  and  others  crossed  the  bay  to  St. 
Croix,  and  thence  sailed  along  the  coast,  touching  at 
many  harbors  in  their  way  till  thev  arrived  in  sight  of 
the  Cape,  the  object  of  their  voyage.  Being  entangled 
among  the  shoals,  their  rudder  was  broken  and  they 
were  obliged  to  come  to  anchor,  at  the  distance  of  three 
leagues  from  the  land.  The  boat  was  then  sent  ashore  to 
find  a  harbor  of  fresh  water ;  which  by  the  information 
of  one  of  the  natives  was  accomplished.  Fifteen  days 
wore  spent  in  this  place  ;  during  which  time  a  cross  was 
erected,  and  possession  taken  for  the  King  of  France  ; 
as  De  Monts  had  done  two  years  before  at  Kennebec. 
When  the  bark  was  repaired  and  ready  to  sail,  Poutrin- 
court took  a  walk  into  the  country,  whilst  his  people 
were  baking  bread.  In  his  absence  some  of  the  natives 
visited  his  people  and  stole  a  hatchet.  Two  guns  were 
fired  at  them  and  they  fled.  In  his  return  he  saw  seve- 
ral parties  of  the  savages,  male  and  female,  carrying 
away  their  children  and  their  corn,  and  hiding  them- 
selves as  he  and  his  company  passed.  He  was 
alarmed  at  this  strange  ap|)earance  ;  but  much  more  so, 
when  early  the  next  morning  a  shower  of  arrows  came 
flying  among  his  people,  two  of  whom  were  killed  and 
several  others  wounded.  The  savages  having  taken 
their  revenge,  fled  ;  and  it  was  in  vain  to  pursue  them. 
The  dead  were  buried  at  the  foot  of  the  cross ;  and 
w'hilst  the  funeral  service  was  performing,  the  savages 
were  dancing  and  yelling  in  mock  concert  at  a  conve- 
nient distance,  but  within  hearing.  When  the  French 
retired  on  board  their  bark,  the  savages  took  down  the 
cross,  dug  up  the  bodies  and  stri|)ped  them  of  their 
grave  clothes,  which  they  carried  oil  in  triumph. 

This  unhappy  ijuarrel  gave  Poutrincourt  a  bad  idea 
of  the  natives.  He  attempted  to  pass  farther  round  the 
cape,  but  was  prevented  by  contrary  winds,  and  forced 
back  to  the  same  harbor,  where  the  savages  oliering  to 
trade,  six  or  seven  of  them  were  seized  and  put  to 
death. 

The  next  day  another  attempt  was  made  to  sail  far- 
ther ;  but  the  wind  came  against  them.  At  the  dis- 
tance ef  six  or  seven  leagues  thev  discovered  an  island; 
but  the  wind  would  not  permit  them  to  approach  it  ; 
they  therefore  gave  it  the  name  of  Douteuse,  or  Doubt- 
ful. This  was  jirobably  cither  Nantucket  or  Capa- 
wock,  now  called  Martha's  Vineyard  ;  and  if  so,  the 
contest  with  the  Indians  was  on  the  south  shore  of 
Cape  Cod.  where  are  several  harbors  and  streams  of 
fresh  water.  To  the  harbor  where  he  lay,  he  gave  the 
name  of  Port  Fortune. 

It  was  now  late  in  the  season  and  no  prospect  ap- 
peared of  obtaining  any  better  place  for  a  settlement ; 
besides,  he  had  two  wounded  men  whose  hves  were  in 


danger.  He  therefore  determined  to  return,  which  he 
did  by  the  shortest  and  most  direct  course  ;  and  after  s 
perilous  voyage,  in  which  the  rudder  was  again  broken, 
and  the  bark  narrowly  escaped  slii|nvreck,  he  armed 
at  Port  Royal  on  the  i4th  of  November. 

The  manner  in  which  they  spent  the  third  winter  wa» 
social  and  festive.  At  the  principal  talile,  to  which  fif- 
teen persons  belonged,  an  order  was  established,  by  iho 
name  of  L'order  de  bon  lemjis.  Every  one  took  hi« 
turn  to  be  caterer  and  steward,  for  one  dav.  dnriiii} 
w  hich  he  wore  the  collar  of  the  order  and  a  iiajikm,  and 
carried  a  stall.  After  supper  he  resigned  his  accoutre- 
ments, with  the  ceremony  of  drinking  a  cup  of  wine,  to 
the  next  in  succession.  The  advantage  of  this  institu- 
tion was,  that  each  one  was  emulous  to  be  prepared  for 
his  day,  by  previously  hunting  or  fisliing,  or  purchasing 
fish  and  game  of  the  natives,  who  constantly  resided 
among  them,  and  were  extremely  jileased  with  their 
manners. 

Four  only  died  in  this  winter ;  and  it  is  remarked 
that  these  were  "  sluggish  and  fretful."  The  winter 
was  mild  and  fair.  On  a  Sunday  in  the  middle  of  Ja- 
nuary, after  divine  service,  they  "  sported  and  had  music 
on  the  river  ;"  and  the  same  month  they  went  two 
leagues,  to  see  their  corn-field,  and  dmed  cheerfully  in 
the  sun  shine. 

At  the  first  opening  of  the  spring  (1607)  they  began 
to  pre|)arc  gardens  ;  the  produce  of  winch  was  extreme- 
ly grateful  ;  as  were  also  the  numberless  fish  which 
came  into  the  river.  They  also  erected  a  waler-mill. 
which  not  only  saved  them  much  hard  labor  at  the 
hand-mill,  but  gave  tliem  more  time  for  fishing.  The 
fish  which  they  took  were  called  herrings  and  jiilchards  ; 
of  which  they  pickled  several  hogsheads  to  be  sent 
liome  to  France. 

In  April  they  began  to  build  two  barks,  in  which 
they  might  visit  the  ports  frequented  by  the  fishermen, 
and  learn  some  news  from  their  mother  country,  as 
well  as  get  supplies  for  their  subsistence.  Having  no 
pitch  to  pay  the  seams,  they  were  obliged  to  cul  pine 
trees  and  burn  them  in  kilns,  by  which  means  lliey  ob- 
tained a  suHiciency. 

On  Ascension  day  a  vessel  arrived  from  France,  des- 
tined to  bring  supplies  ;  a  large  share  of  which,  the 
crew  had  ungenerously  consumed  during  their  voya"C. 
The  letters  brought  by  this  vessel  informed  them  that 
the  company  of  merchants,  associated  with  De  Monts, 
was  discouraged  ;  and  that  their  ship  was  to  be  em- 
ployed in  the  fi.>liery  at  Canseau.  The  reason  of  thij 
proceeding  was,  tiiat  contrary  to  the  king's  edict,  tho 
Hollanders  had  intruded  themselves  into  their  fur  trade 
in  the  river  of  Canada,  having  been  conducted  by  a 
treacherous  Frenchman  ;  in  consequence  of  which  the 
ting  had  revoked  the  exclusive  privilege  which  he  had 
given  to  De  .Monts  for  ten  years.  'I'he  avarice  of  these 
Hollanders  was  so  great,  that  they  had  opened  the 
graves  of  the  dead,  and  taken  the  beaver  skins  in  w  hich 
the  corpses  had  been  buried.  This  outrage  was  so 
highly  resented  by  the  savages  at  Canseau,  that  they 
killed  the  person  who  had  shown  the  places  where  the 
dead  were  laid.  This  news  was  extremely  unwel- 
come, as  it  portended  the  destruction  of  tiie  colony. 

Poutrincourt  however  was  so  well  pleased  with  hi.s 
situation,  that  he  determined  to  return  to  it,  though 
none  but  his  own  family  should  accompany  him.  Ho 
was  very  desirous  to  see  the  issue  of  his  attempt  at 
agriculture,  and  therefore  detained  the  vessel  as  long 
as  he  could,  and  employed  his  bark  in  small  voyages 
about  the  bay,  to  trade  lor  furs  and  gather  specimens 
of  iron  and  copper  to  be  transported  to  France.  When 
thev  were  all  ready  to  sail,  he  tarried  eleven  days  lon- 
ocr  than  the  others,  that  he  might  carry  home  the  first 
fruits  of  his  harvest  Leaving  the  buildings  and  part 
of  the  provision  with  the  standing  corn,  as  a  present  to 
the  friendly  natives,  he  finally  sailed  from  Port  Royal, 
on  the  1 1  ih  of  August,  and  joined  the  other  vessels  at 
Canseau  ;  from  which  place  he  proceeded  to  France, 
where  they  arrived  in  the  latter  end  of  Se|)lemher. 

Specimens  of  the  wheat,  rye  barley,  and  oats  were 
shown  the  king ;  which,  with  other  productions  oi 
the  country,  animal  and  mineral,  were  so  highly  accept- 
able, that  he  renewed  and  confirmed  to  De  .Monts  the 
|)rivilcgc  of  trading  for  beavers,  that  he  might  have  it  in 
ins  power  to  establish  a  colony.  Jn  consequence  ol 
which  the  next  spring  several  families  were  sent  to  re- 
new the  plantation,  who  found  that  the  savages  had 
gathered  several  barrels  of  the  corn  which  had  been  left, 
standing  ;  and  had  reserved  one  for  their  friends  whom 
thev  expected  to  return. 

The  revocation  of  liie  exclusive  patent  given  to  De 
Monts,  was  founded  on  complaints  made  by  the  mas- 
ters uf  fishing  vcssL.s,  that  the  branch  of  commerce  in 


96 


AMERICAN  HISTOR-J. 


which  they  were  engaged  would  be  ruined.  When 
tills  |iati-iit  was  restored,  it  was  limited  to  one  year  ; 
end  on  this  cuiidition,  that  he  should  make  an  estab- 
lishment in  the  river  St.  Lawrence.  De  Monts  there- 
fore qnittrd  his  connexion  with  Acadia,  and  the  com- 
pany ol  Mierchaiils,  with  whom  he  had  been  connected, 
fitted  out  two  ships  for  the  port  of  Tadousac,  in  1603. 
'l"he  fur  trade  was  of  very  considerable  value,  and  the 
company  made  great  profits  ;  but  De  Monts  finding 
their  interests  hurt  by  his  connexion  with  them,  with- 
ilrew  from  the  association. 

Pouinncourt  resolving  to  prosecute  his  plantation  at 
Port  Royal,  the  grant  of  which  had  been  confirmed  to 
nim  by  the  king,  sent  Biencourt,  his  son,  to  France, 
(ItJOS)  for  a  supply  >f  men  and  provisions.  One  con- 
dition of  the  grant  was,  that  attempts  should  be  made 
10  convert  the  natives  to  the  Catholic  faith,  it  was 
therefore  necessary  I )  engage  the  assistance  of  some 
ecrle.s-iastics.  The  first  who  embraced  the  proposal 
were  the  Jesuits,  by  whose  zealous  exertions  a  contri- 
bution was  soon  made  for  the  puqiose  ;  and  two  of 
tht  jr  order,  Diard  and  Masse,  embarked  for  the  new 
plantation.  It  was  not  long  before  a  controversy  arose 
between  them  and  the  proprietor,  who  said  "  it  was  his 
part  to  rule  them  on  earth,  and  theirs  only  to  <ruidc 
him  to  heaven."  After  his  departure  for  France,  his 
son  Biencourt,  disdaining  to  be  controled  by  those 
whom  he  had  invited  to  reside  with  him,  threatened 
them  with  corporeal  punishment,  in  return  for  their 
spiritual  anathemas.  It  became  necessary  then  that 
tliey  should  separate.  The  Jesuits  removed  to  Mount 
Desart,  where  they  planted  gardens  and  entered  on 
the  business  of  their  mission,  which  they  continued  till 
1613  or  1614  ;  when  Sir  Samuel  Argal  from  Virginia 
broke  up  the  French  settlements  in  Acadia.  In  the 
encounter  one  of  these  Jesuits  was  killed  and  the 
other  was  made  prisoner.  Of  the  other  Frenchmen, 
some  dispersed  themselves  in  the  woods  and  mixed 
with  the  savages  ;  some  went  to  the  river  St.  Law- 
rence and  strengthened  the  settlement  which  Cham- 
plam  had  made  there  ;  and  others  returned  to  France. 

Two  advantages  were  expected  to  result  from  es- 
tablishing a  colony  in  the  river  St.  Lawrence  ;  one 
was  an  extension  of  the  fur  trado,  and  another  was  the 
hope  of  penetating  westward,  through  the  lakes,  to  the 
Tacific  ocean,  and  finding  a  nearer  communication 
with  China.  One  of  the  vessels  sent  by  the  company 
of  merchants,  in  1608,  to  that  river  was  commandod 
by  Champlain.  In  his  former  voyage  he  had  marked 
the  strait  above  the  Isle  of  Orleans,  as  a  proper  situa- 
tion for  a  fort  ;  because  the  river  was  there  contracted 
in  its  breadth,  and  the  northern  Khore  was  high  and 
commanding.  He  arrived  there  in  the  beginning  of 
July,  and  immediately  began  to  clear  the  woods,  to 
build  houses,  and  prepare  fields  and  gardens.  Here  he 
spent  the  winter,  and  his  company  suffered  much  by 
the  scurvy.  The  remedy  which  Cartier  had  used,  was 
I  ot  to  be  found,  or  the  savages  knew  nothing  of  it.  It 
is  supposed  that  the  former  inhabitants  had  been  extir- 
pated, and  a  new  people  held  possession. 

In  the  spring  of  1609,  Champlain,  with  two  other 
Frenchmen  and  a  parly  of  the  natives,  went  up  the 
river,  now  called  Sorel,  and  entered  tho  lakes,  which  lie 
toward  the  south,  and  communicate  with  tho  country 
of  the  Iroquois.  To  the  largest  of  these  lakes  Cham- 
plain gave  his  own  name,  which  it  has  ever  since  re- 
tained. On  the  shore  of  another  which  he  called  Lake 
Sacrament,  now  Lake  George,  they  were  discovered 
by  a  company  of  the  Iro(iiiois,  with  whom  they  had  a 
skirmish.  Champlain  killed  two  of  them  with  his  mus- 
ket. The  scalps  of  fifty  were  taken  and  brought  to 
Quebec  in  triumph. 

In  the  autumn,  Champlain  went  to  France,  leaving 
Capt.  I'ier'-e  to  command  ;  and  in  1610  he  returned  to 
VJuebeo,  to  perfect  the  colony,  of  which  he  may  be  *,on- 
eidered  as  the  founder. 

After  the  death  of  Henry  IV,  he  obtained  of  the 
Viuccn  Regent,  a  commission  as  lieutenant  of  New 
France,  with  very  extensive  powers.  This  commission 
was  confirmed  by  Lewis  XHI  ;  and  Champlain  was 
continued  in  the  government  of  Canada. 

The  religious  controversies,  which  prevailed  in 
France,  augmented  the  number  of  colonists,  A  set- 
tlement was  made  at  Trois  Rivieres,  and  a  brii*  trade 
was  earned  cin  at  Tadousac.  In  1626,  Quebc-  )egan 
lo  assume  the  fao  of  a  city,  and  the  fortress  *as  re- 
built with  stone  ;  but  the  people  were  divided  in  their 
nliuioiis  principles,  and  the  Hiigonot  party  prevailed. 

In  this  divided  state,  (1629)  the  colony  was  attacked 
by  an  armament  from  Fngland  under  the  conduct  of 
bir  David  Kirk.  He  sailed  up  the  river  St.  Lawrence, 
*ua  a^xiarod  ticforo  Quebec,  which  wus  llien  iMiniseru- 


bly  supplied,  that  they  had  but  seven  ounces  of  bread 
to  a  man  for  a  day.  A  squadron  from  France,  with 
provision  for  their  relief,  entered  the  river  ;  but,  after 
some  resistance,  was  taken  by  the  English.  This 
disappointment  increased  the  distress  of  the  colony  and 
obliged  Champlain  to  capitulate.  He  was  carried  to 
France  in  an  English  ship  ;  and  there  found  the  mmds 
of  the  people  divided,  with  regard  to  Canada  ;  some 
thinking  it  not  worth  regaining,  as  it  had  cost  tho 
government  vast  sums,  without  bringing  any  return  ; 
others  deeming  the  fishery  and  fur  trade  to  be  great 
national  objects,  especially  as  they  proved  to  bo  a  nur- 
sery for  seamen.  These  sentiments,  supported  by  the 
solicitation  of  Champlain,  prevailed  ;  and  by  the  treaty 
of  St.  Germain's,  in  1632,  Canada,  Acadia  and  Cape 
Breton  were  restored  to  France. 

The  next  year  Champlain  resumed  his  government, 
and  the  company  of  New  France  were  restored  to  their 
former  lights  and  privileges.  A  large  recruit  of  inhabi- 
tants, with  a  competent  supply  of  Jesuits,  arrived  from 
France  ;  and  with  some  difficulty  a  mission  was  estab- 
lished among  tlie  Ilurons  ;  and  a  seminary  of  the  order 
was  begun  at  Quebec.  In  the  midst  of  this  prosperity 
Champlain  died,  in  the  month  ol  December,  1635  ;  and 
was  succeeded  the  next  year  by  De  Montmagny. 

Champlain  is  characterized  as  a  man  of  good  sense, 
strong  penetration  and  upright  views  ;  volatile,  active, 
enterprising,  firm  and  valiant.  He  aided  the  Hurons 
in  tiieir  wars  with  tho  Iroquois,  and  personally  engaged 
in  their  battles  ;  in  one  of  which  he  was  wounded. 
His  zeal  for  the  propagation  of  the  Catholic  religion 
was  so  great  that  it  was  a  common  saying  with  him, 
that  "  the  salvation  of  one  soul  was  of  more  value  than 
the  conquest  of  an  empire." 


FERDINANDO  GORGES, 

AND 

JOHN  MASON. 

Fehdinando  Goboes— His  perseverance — His  defence  before 
the  Commons — His  complaiiit  against  the  Dulch— His  ex- 
pense and  loss — His  misfortunes  and  deatli — John  Maso.n 
—is  connected  with  Gorges — His  plantation  at  I'lscataciua— 
His  great  expense  and  loss — Massachusetts  Colony  esta- 
blished— Independency  of  the  Colony  suspected — Province 
of  Maine — Its  plan  of  government — Protected  by  Massachu- 
setts—Purchased by  Massachusetts. 

We  know  nothing  concerning  Gorges  in  the  early 
part  of  his  life.  The  first  account  we  have  of  him,  is 
the  discoven,"  which  he  made  of  a  plot  which  the  Earl  of 
Essex  had  laid  to  overthrow  the  government  of  Queen 
Elizabeth,  tho  tragical  issue  of  which  is  too  well  Known 
to  be  here  repeated.  Gorges,  who  had  been  privy  to 
the  conspiracy  at  first,  communicated  his  knowledge 
of  it  to  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  his  intimate  friend,  but  the 
enemy  and  rival  of  Essex. 

There  was  not  only  an  intimacy  between  Raleigh 
and  Gorges,  but  a  similarity  in  their  genius  and  employ- 
ment ;  both  were  formed  for  intrigue  and  adventure  ; 
both  were  indefatigable  in  the  prosecution  of  their  san- 
guine projects  ;  and  both  were  naval  commanders. 

During  the  war  with  Spain,  which  occupied  the  last 
years  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  Gorges,  with  other  adven- 
turous spirits,  found  full  employment  in  the  navy  of 
their  mistress.  Wlien  the  peace,  which  her  successor, 
James  I.  made  in  1604,  put  an  end  to  their  hopes  of 
honor  and  fortune  by  military  enterjiriscs.  Sir  Fordi- 
iiando  was  appointed  f  iovcrnor  of  Plymouth,  in  Devon- 
shire. This  circumstance,  by  which  the  s[)irit  of  ad- 
venture might  seem  to  have  been  repressed,  proved 
the  occasion  of  its  breaking  out  with  fresh  ardor, 
though  in  a  pacific  and  mercantile  form,  connected 
with  the  rage  for  foreign  discoveries,  which  after  some 
interruption,  had  again  seized  the  English  nation. 

Lord  Arundel,  of  Wardour,  had  employed  a  (^aptain 
Weymouth  in  search  of  a  northwest  pas.sage  to  India. 
This  navigator  having  mistaken  his  course,  fell  in  with 
a  river  on  the  coast  of  America,  which,  by  his  descrip- 
tion, must  have  been  either  Kennebec,  or  Penobscot. 
From  thence  he  brought  to  England,  five  of  the  natives, 
and  arrived  in  the  month  of  July,  \60^,  in  the  harbor 
of  Plymouth,  where  Gorges  commanded,  who  im- 
mediately took  three  of  them  into  his  family.  Their 
names  were  Manida,  Sketwarroes  and  Tasquantum  ; 
they  were  all  of  one  language,  tnough  not  of  the  same 
tribe.  This  accident  proved  the  occasion,  under  (Jod's 
providence,  of  preparing  the  way  for  a  more  perfect  dis- 
covery than  had  yet  been  made  of  this  part  of  North 
America. 

Having  gained  the  aTections  of  these  savages  by 
kind  treatment,  he  foun.l  them  very  docile  and  intelli- 
gent ;  and  from  them  he  learned  by  inquiry,  many  par- 
ticulars concerning  their  country,  its  river*,  harbors, 
islands,  fish  and  other  aaiiuols ;  the  uiimbcrs,  di."i>o- 


sition,  manners  and  custom?  of  the  natives ;  ttieif 
government,  alliances,  enemies,  force  and  methods  of 
war.  The  result  of  these  inquiries  served  to  feed  a 
sanguine  hope  of  indnlging  his  genius  and  advancing 
his  lortune  by  a  more  thorough  discovery  of  the  :ouu- 
try. 

His  chief  associate  in  this  plan  of  discovery,  was 
Sir  John  Popham,  Lord  Chief  Justice  of  the  King's 
Bench,  who,  by  his  acquaintanco  with  divers  noblcmeii, 
and  by  their  interest  at  court,  obtained  from  King 
James  a  patent  for  making  settlements  in  America 
which  was  now  divided  into  two  districts,  and  called 
North  and  South  Virginia.  The  latter  of  these  districts 
was  j)ut  under  the  care  of  certain  noblemen,  knights, 
and  gentlemen  who  were  styled  the  London  Company ; 
the  former  under  the  direction  of  others  in  Bristol, 
Exeter  and  Plymouth,  who  were  called  the  Plymouth 
Company,  because  their  meetings  were  usually  held 
there. 

By  the  joint  efforts  of  this  company,  of  which  Poj)- 
ham  and  Gorges  were  two  of  the  most  enterprising 
members,  a  ship,  commanded  by  Henry  Chaloiig,  wiia 
fitted  out,  and  sailed  in  August,  1606,  for  the  discovery 
of  the  country  from  which  the  savages  had  been 
brought,  and  two  of  them  were  put  on  board.  Tno 
orders  given  to  the  master  were  to  keep  in  as  high  a 
latitude  as  Cape  Breton  till  he  should  discover  the 
main  land,  and  then  to  range  the  coast  southward  till 
he  should  lind  the  place  from  which  the  natives  bad 
been  taken.  Instead  of  observing  these  orders,  the 
captain  falling  sick  on  the  passage,  made  a  southern 
course,  and  first  arrived  at  the  island  of  Porto  Rico, 
where  he  tarried  some  time  for  the  recovery  of  his 
health ;  from  thence,  coming  northwardly,  he  fell  in 
with  a  S|)anish  fleet  from  the  Havannah,  by  whom  the 
ship  was  seized  and  carried  to  Spain. 

Captain  Prynne,  in  another  ship  which  sailed  from 
Bristol,  with  orders  to  find  Clialoiig,  and  join  with  hiin 
ill  a  survey  of  the  coast,  had  better  success  ;  for  though 
he  failed  of  meeting  his  consort,  yet  he  carried  home  a 
particular  account  of  the  coasts,  rivers,  and  harbors, 
with  other  information  relative  to  the  country,  which 
made  so  deep  an  impression  on  the  minds  of  the  com- 
pany, as  to  strengthen  their  resolution  of  prosecuting 
their  enterprise. 

It  was  determined  to  send  over  a  large  number  of 
pco[>le  sufficient  to  begin  a  colony.  For  this  pur|)Ose 
George  Popham  was  appointed  president ;  Raleigh 
('ilbert,  admiral ;  Edward  Harlon,  master  of  ordnance  ; 
Robert  Davis,  scrjeant-major  ;  Elis  Best,  marshal ; 
Mr.  Seamen,  secretary  ;  James  Davics.  commander  of 
the  fort ;  Gome  Carew,  searcher.  All  these  were  tc 
be  of  the  council ;  and  besides  these,  the  colony  con- 
sisted of  one  hundred  men,  who  were  styled  planters, 
'i'hey  saiU^d  from  Plymouth  in  two  ships,  .May  31,  1607, 
and  having  f.illen  in  with  the  island  of  Monahigon,  Au- 
gust 11,  landed  at  the  mouth  of  Sagadahock,  or  Kenne- 
bec river,  on  a  ])eninsula.  where  tliev  creeled  a  store- 
house, and  having  fortified  it  as  well  as  their  circum- 
stances would  admit,  gave  it  the  name  of  Fort  St. 
(leorge. 

By  means  of  two  natives  whom  they  brought  with 
them  to  England,  viz.  Sketwarroes,  sent  by  Gorges, 
and  Dehamida,  by  Popham,  they  found  a  cordial  wel- 
come among  the  Indians,  their  sachems  offering  to  con- 
duct and  introduce  them  to  the  Bashaba.  or  great  chief, 
whose  residence  was  at  Penobscot,  and  to  vN-hom,  it 
was  expected,  that  all  strangers  should  make  their  ad- 
dress.* 

The  president,  having  received  several  invitations, 
was  preparing  to  comply  with  their  reipiest,  and  had 
advanced  some  leagues  on  his  way,  but  contrary  winds 
and  bail  weather  obliged  him  to  return,  to  the  great 
grief  of  the  sachems,  who  were  to  have  attended  bun. 
The  Bashaba  hearing  of  their  disappointment,  sent 
his  son  to  visit  tho  president,  and  settle  a  trado  for 
furs. 

The  ships  departed  for  England  in  December,  leav- 
ing behind  them  only  45  persons  of  the  new  colony. 
The  season  was  too  far  advanced  before  their  arrival 
to  begin  planting  for  that  year,  if  there  had  been  ground 
prepared  for  till.ige.  They  had  to  subsist  on  the  jiro- 
visioiis  which  thev  had  brought  from  England,  and  the 
fish  and  game  which  the  country  afforded.  The  seve- 
rity of  an  ,\merican  winter  was  new  to  them;  and 


*  The  U.ashaba  of  Penobscot  was  a  prmcc  superior  in  rank 
to  the  saclieins  of  the  several  tribes.  All  the  sachems  west 
ward  as  far  as  Naumkceg  (Salem),  acknowledifed  subjection 
to  him.  Ho  IS  froqviontly  mentioned  in  the  accounts  of  tho 
first  voyaces  to  New  Enijland ;  but  w.is  killed  by  the  Tana 
tencs  in  1615,  before  any  clToclual  settlement  w.is  made  'n 
tho  country.  Wo  have  no  account  ol  any  other  Indian  chiet 
in  these  noithern  i>a:M  of  Amorica,  whuso  authority  wat  vl 

C>''S>>lil7.I 


niOGRAPHIES  OF  THE  EARLY  DISCOVERERS. 


ihoiiuh  it  was  observed  that  the  same  wmtor  was  un- 
cominoiilv  severe  in  Eiifrlaiid,  yet  that  oircuni»taiice 
bciiu'  vuikiiDvvti  eould  not  alleviate  tlicir  disliess.  Uy 
some  accident  their  storehouse  took  hre,  and  was  con- 
sumed with  the  crreater  part  of  tlieir  provisions,  in  the 
middle  of  tlie  winter;  and  in  the  spring  of  1G88,  they 
had  the  additional  misfortune  to  lose  their  president, 
Captain  I'opham,  hy  death.  The  ship  winch  their 
friends  in  England  by  their  united  exertions  sent  over 
with  supplies,  arrived  a  few  days  after  with  the  ine- 
lancholv  news  of  the  death  of  Sir  John  Popham,  whic'l 
ha])|)encd  while  she  lay  waiting  for  a  wind  at  Plymouth 
'I'he  command  of  the  colony  now  devolved  on  Gilbert. 
Diit  the  next  ship  brought  an  account  of  the  death  of 
his  brother,  Sir  Jiihn  Gilbert,  which  obliged  him  to  re- 
turn to  England,  to  take  care  of  the  estate  to  which  he 
*ucceeded.  These  repealed  misfortunes  and  disaj)- 
pointments,  operating  with  the  disgust  which  the  new 
colonists  had  taken  to  the  climate  and  soil,  determined 
lliein  to  quit  the  place.  Accordingly,  having  embarked 
with  their  president,  they  returned  to  England,  carrying 
with  them,  as  the  fruit  of  their  labor,  a  small  vessel, 
which  they  had  built  during  their  residence  here,  and 
thus  the  lirst  colony  which  was  attempted  in  i\ew  Eng- 
land, began  and  ended  in  one  year. 

The  country  was  now  branded  as  intolerably  cold, 
and  the  body  of  the  adventurers  relinquished  the  de- 
sign. Sir  Francis  Popham,  indeed,  employed  a  ship 
for  some  succeeding  years  in  the  fishing  and  fur  trade  ; 
jut  he,  at  length  became  content  with  his  losses,  and 
none  of  this  coin[iany  but  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  had 
the  rcsoluiioii  to  surmount  all  discouragements.  Though 
he  sincerely  lamented  the  loss  of  his  worthy  friend,  the 
Chief  Justice,  who  had  zealously  joined  him  in  these 
hitherto  fruitless,  but  expensive,  labors  ;  yet,  "  as  to 
the  coldness  of  the  clime  (he  says,)  he  had  too  much 
experience  in  the  world  to  be  frighted  with  such  a  blast, 
Bs  knowing  many  great  kingdoms  and  large  territories 
more  northeily  seated,  and  by  many  degrees  colder, 
were  plentifully  inhabited,  and  divers  of  l.hcm  stored 
w  itli  no  better  commodities  than  these  parts  alTord,  if 
tike  industry,  art  and  labor  be  used." 

Such  persevering  ardor  in  the  face  of  so  many  dis- 
f.ouragemenls,  must  be  allowed  to  discover  a  mind 
formed  for  enterprise,  and  fully  persuaded  of  the  prac- 
tii  aliility  of  the  undertaking. 

When  he  found  that  he  could  not  be  seconded  in  his 
8l;einpts  for  a  thorough  discovery  of  the  country  by 
cithers,  he  determined  to  carry  it  on  by  himself ;  and 
for  this  purpose  he  purchased  a  ship,  and  engaged  with 
a  master  and  crew  to  go  to  the  coast  of  New  England 
for  the  purpose  of  hshing  and  tralfic,  the  only  induce- 
rnent  which  seafaring  people  could  have  to  undertake 
fiuch  a  voyage.  On  board  this  ship  he  put  KiCHARn 
Vines,  and  several  others  of  his  own  servants,  in 
whom  he  i)laced  the  fullest  confidence,  and  whom  he 
hired  at  a  great  e.xpense  to  stay  in  the  country  over  the 
winter,  and  pursue  the  discovery  of  it.  These  persons 
having  left  the  ship's  company  to  follow  their  usual  oc- 
cupation on  the  coast,  travelled  into  the  land,  and  meet- 
ing with  the  savages  who  had  before  returned  to  .Ame- 
rica, by  their  assistance  became  acquainted  with  such 
particulars  as  Gorges  wished  to  know. 

Mr.  Vines  and  his  companions  were  received  by  the 
Indians  with  great  hospitality,  though  their  residence 
among  them  was  rendered  hazardous,  both  by  a  war 
which  raged  among  them,  and  by  a  pestilence  which 
accompanied  or  succeeded  it. 

This  war  and  pesiilcnce  are  frequently  spoken  of  by 
vhe  historians  of  New  England  as  remarkalile  events 
in  the  course  of  Providence,  which  prepared  the  way 
for  the  establishment  of  an  European  colony.  Con- 
cerning the  war,  we  know  nothing  more  than  this,  that 
it  was  begun  by  the  Tarratenes,  a  nation  who  re.sided 
eastward  of  Penobscot.  These  formidable  people  sur- 
Dristd  the  Bashaba,  or  chief  sachem,  at  his  head  quar- 
ters, and  destroyed  him  with  all  his  family  ;  upon  which 
al'  the  other  sachems  who  were  subordinate  to  him, 
quarrelled  among  themselves  for  the  sovereignty  ;  and 
m  these  dissensions  many  of  them  as  well  as  of  their 
unhappy  people  perished.  Of  what  particular  kind  the 
pestilence  was,  we  have  no  certain*  information  ;  but 
it  seems  to  have  been  a  disorder  peculiar  to  the  Indians, 
for  Mr.  Vines  and  his  companions,  who  were  intimately 
conversant  with  them,  and  frequently  lodged  in  their 
wigwams,  were  not  in  the  least  degree  atfected  by  if, 
though  it  swept  off  the  Indians  at  such  a  prodigious 
rate,  that  the  hving  were  not  able  to  bury  the  dead, 

*  Mr.  Gookm  says,  that  "  he  had  ilisooursed  vvitli  some  old 
Indians  who  were  tlien  youths,  who  told  him,  that  the  bodies 
of  tlie  sick  were  all  over  exceedins  yellow,  (winch  they  de- 
Sciihed  by  pointing  to  a  yellow  BJrinent,)  botli  before  they 
died  Slid  aftorwards  " 


and  their  bones  were  found  several  vcars  after  lying 
about  the  villages  where  they  had  resided.  'I'he  extent 
ol  tins  pestilence  was  between  i'enobscot  in  the  east, 
and  Narraganset  in  the  west.  These  two  tribes  es- 
caped, while  the  intermediate  people  were  wasted  and 
destroyed. 

The  information  which  Vines  obtained  for  Sir  Fer- 
dinando, though  satisfactory  in  one  view,  produced  no 
real  advantage  proportionate  to  the  expense.  N\  hilst 
he  was  deliberating  by  what  means  he  should  .'"arthcr 
prosecute  his  plan  of  colonization,  Captain  Henry  liar- 
ley,  who  had  been  one  of  the  unfortunate  adventurers 
to  Sagadahock.  came  to  him,  bringing  a  native  of  the 
Island  Capawock,  now  called  Martha's  Vineyard,  who 
had  been  treacherously  taken  from  his  own  country  by 
one  of  the  tishing  ships  ind  shown  in  London  as  a  sight. 
Gorges  received  this  savage,  whose  name  was  E])enow, 
with  great  pleasure  ;  and  about  the  same  time  reco- 
vered Assacumet,  one  of  those  who  had  been  sent  in 
the  unfortunate  voyage  of  Captain  ("halong.  These 
two  Indians  at  first  scarcely  understood  each  other; 
but  when  they  had  grown  better  acquainted,  Assacumet 
informed  his  old  master  of  what  he  had  learned  from 
Epcnow  concerning  his  country.  This  artful  fellow 
had  invented  a  story  of  a  nunc  of  gold  in  his  native 
island,  which  he  supposed  would  induce  some  adven- 
turer to  employ  him  as  a  pilot,  by  which  means  In; 
hoped  to  get  home,  and  he  was  not  disappointed  in  his 
expectation. 

Gorges  had  engaged  the  Earl  of  Southampton,  then 
commander  of  the  Islo  of  Wight,  to  advance  one  hun- 
dred pounds,  and  Captain  Hobson  another  hundred,  and 
also  to  go  on  the  discovery.  With  this  assistance, 
Harley  sailed  in  June,  1614,  carrying  with  him  several 
land  soldiers  and  the  two  before  mentioned  Indians, 
with  a  third  named  Wanape,  who  had  been  sent  to 
Gorges  from  the  Isle  of  Wight.  On  the  arrival  of  the 
ship,  she  was  soon  piloted  to  the  island  of  Capawock, 
and  to  the  harbor  where  Epenow  was  to  perform  his 
promise.  The  principal  inhabitants  of  the  place,  with 
some  of  his  own  kinsmen,  came  on  board,  with  whom 
he  held  a  conference,  and  contrived  his  escape.  They 
departed,  promising  to  return  the  next  day  with  furs 
for  traffic.  Epenow  had  pretended  that  if  it  were 
known  that  he  had  discovered  the  secrets  of  his  coun- 
try, his  life  would  be  in  danger  ;  but  the  company  were 
careful  to  watch  him  ;  and  to  i)revent  his  escape,  had 
dressed  him  in  long  clothes,  winch  could  easily  be  laid 
hold  of,  if  there  should  be  occasion.  His  friends  ap- 
peared the  next  morning  in  twenty  canoes,  and  lying 
at  a  distance,  the  captain  called  them  to  come  on  board, 
which  they  declining,  Epenow  was  ordered  to  renew 
the  invitation.  He,  mounting  the  forecastle,  hailed 
them  as  he  was  directed,  and  at  the  same  instant, 
though  one  held  him  by  the  coat,  yet  being  strong  and 
heavy,  he  jumped  into  the  water.  His  countrymen 
then  advanced  to  receive  him,  and  sent  a  shower  of 
arrows  into  the  ship,  which  so  disconcerted  the  crew, 
that  the  prisoner  completely  efFected  his  escape.  Thus 
the  golden  dream  vanished,  and  the  ship  returned  with- 
out having  performed  any  services  adequate  to  the  ex- 
pense of  her  equipment. 

The  Plymouth  Company  were  much  discouraged  by 
the  ill  success  of  this  adventure  ;  but  the  spirit  of  emu- 
lation bilweeti  them  and  the  London  ('oiupany  proved 
very  serviceable  to  the  cause  hi  which  they  were  jointly 
engaged.  For  these  having  sent  out  foi;r  sbijis  under 
the  command  of  .Michael  Cocpci,  to  South  Virginia, 
January,  1G15,  and  Captain  John  Smith,  who  had  been 
employed  by  that  company,  havi.-!g  relumed  to  i".ng- 
laiid,  and  engaged  with  the  company  at  I'lymon'h, 
their  hopes  revived.  Sir  Ferdmar.do  Gorge:",  in  coa- 
cert  with  Ur.  SutliH'o,  Dean  of  Exeter,  and  sevcr&l 
others,  equipped  two  vessels,  one  of  two  hundred,  the 
other  of  hfty  tons,  on  board  of  which  (besides  the  com- 
pliment of  seamen)  were  sixteen  men  who  were  destined 
to  begin  a  colony  in  New  England.  March,  1615,  when 
they  had  selled  one  hundred  and  twenty  leagues,  the 
large  ship  had  lost  her  masts,  and  sprung  a  leak  ;  which 
obliged  them  to  put  back  under  jury  masts  to  Ply- 
mouth. From  thence  Smith  sailed  again,  (June  24)  in  a 
bark  of  sixty  tons,carrymg  the  same  sixteen  men  ;  but 
on  this  second  voyage,  was  taken  by  four  French  men- 
of-war,  and  carried  to  France.  The  vessel  of  fifty  tons, 
which  had  been  separ-ited  from  him  pursued  her  voyage, 
and  returned  in  safety  ;  but  the  main  design  of  the  voy- 
age, which  was  to  effect  a  .settlement  was  frustrated. 

The  same  year  (October)  Sir  Richard  Hawkins,  by 
authority  of  the  Plymouth  Company,  of  which  he  was 
president  for  that  year,  visited  the  coast  of  New  Eng- 
land, to  try  what  services  he  could  do  them  in  searching 
the  country,  and  its  commodities  ;  but  on  his  arr:val, 


ST 

I  finding  the  natives  engaged  in  war,  he  passed  along  the 
coast  to  \  irginia,  and  from  thente  returned  to  England, 

{  by  the  way  of  Spam,  where  he  disjiosed  of  the  fish, 
which  he  had  taken  in  the  voyage. 

After  this,  ships  were  sent  every  season  by  the  I/jn- 
don  and  Plymouth  Companies  on  voyages  of  profit ; 
their  fish  and  furs  came  to  a  good  market  in  Euroj>*i, 
but  all  the  attempts  which  were  made  to  colonize  North 
Virginia,  by  some  unforeseen  acri'ijnts  failed  of  suo- 
cess.  Gorges,  however,  had  his  mind  still  invariaiily 
bent  on  his  original  plan,  and  every  incident  which 
seemed  to  favor  his  views,  was  eagerly  improved  for 
that  purpose.  Being  possessed  of  the  journals  and  let- 
ters of  the  several  voyagers,  and  of  all  ib.c  information 
which  could  be  had,  and  lieing  always  al  lia/id  to  attend 
the  meetings  of  the  company,  he  contrised  to  keep 
alive  their  liopes,  and  was  the  prime  mover  in  al!  their 
transactions. 

About  this  time.  Captain  Thomas  Dormer,  who  had 
been  employed  in  the  American  fishery,  and  had  en- 
tered fully  into  the  same  views,  offered  his  scrvicce  to 
assist  in  prosecuting  the  discovery  of  the  country.  He 
was  at  Newibiindland,  and  (iorges  prevailed  on  the 
company  to  send  Caj)tain  Edward  Kocraft,  in  a  ship,  to 
New  England,  with  orders  to  wait  there  till  he  should 
be  joined  by  Dernier.  Rocraft,  on  his  arrival,  met  with 
a  French  interloper,  which  he  seized,  and  then  sailed 
with  his  prize  to  South  Virginia.  In  the  nn^an  time 
Dernier  went  to  England,  and  having  conferred  with 
Gorges  and  the  company  on  the  intended  discovery, 
went  out  in  a  ship  which  Gorges  himself  owned,  ho(K 
ing  to  meet  with  Rocraft,  but  was  much  perplexes*  ai 
not  hnding  him. 

Having  ranged  and  examined  every  part  of  the  coast, 
and  m-ide  many  useful  observations,  which  he  lr?na- 
mitted  to  Gorges,  he  shaped  his  course  for  Virginia,* 
where  Rocraft  had  been  killed  in  a  quarrel,  and  his  bark 
sunk.  Dernier  being  thus  disappointed  of  his  consort, 
and  of  his  ex])ected  supplies,  returned  to  the  north- 
ward. At  the  island  of  Capawock,  he  met  with  Epe- 
now, who  knowing  hiin  to  be  eni|)loyed  by  Gorges, 
and  suspecting  that  his  errand  was  to  bring  him  back  to 
England,  conspired  with  his  countrymen,  to  seize  him 
and  his  companions,  several  of  whom  were  killed  in  tho 
fray.  Dernier  defended  himself  with  his  sword,  and  es- 
caped, though  not  without  fourteen  wounds,  which 
obliged  him  to  go  again  to  Virginia  where  ho  died. 
The  loss  of  this  worthy  man  was  the  most  discourag 
ing  circumstance  which  Gorges  had  met  with,  as  .';e 
himself  expresses  it,  "made  him  almost  resolve  never 
to  intermeddle  again  in  any  of  these  courses,"  But  he 
had  in  fact  so  deeply  engaged  in  them,  and  had  so 
many  persons  engaged  with  him.  that  he  could  not  re- 
'reat  with  honor,  whilst  any  hope  of  success  remained. 
."50011  after  this,  a  prosjiect  began  to  open  from  a  quar- 
ter where  it  was  least  expected. 

The  patent  of  1607,  which  divided  Virginia  into  twc 
colonies,  expressly  provided  that  neither  company  should 
begin  any  [)lantation  within  one  hundred  miles  of  the 
oti'.er.  By  this  interdiction  the  middle  region  of  North 
America  was  neglected,  and  a  bait  was  laid  to  attrart 
the  attention  of  foreigners. 

The  adventurers  to  South  Virginia  had  prohibited  all 
wlio  v;ere  not  free  of  their  conqiany  from  planting  or 
trading  within  their  limits  ;  tiio  northern  company  had 
made  no  such  regulations  ;  by  this  means  it  tiap|)ened 
that  the  South  Virgin  a  ships  could  fish  on  the  northern 
coast,  whilst  the  other  company  were  excluded  from  all 
the  privileges  in  the  southern  parts.  The  South  \'ir- 
ginians  had  also  made  other  regulations  in  the  manage- 
ment of  their  business,  which  the  northern  com,  any 
were  desirous  to  imitate.  They  thought  tho  most 
effectual  way  to  do  this,  was  to  procure  an  exclusive 
patent,  ^^'lth  this  view,  Gorges,  ever  active  to  pro- 
mote the  interest  which  he  had  espoused,  .solicited  ol 
the  crown  a  new  charter,  which,  by  the  interest  of  his 
friends  in  court,  was  after  some  delay  obtained.  By 
this  instrument,  forty  noblemen,  knights  and  gentlemen, 
were  incorporated  by  the  style  of  "  the  council  esta- 
blished at  Plymouth,  in  the  county  of  Devon,  for  the 
planting,  ruling  and  governing  of  New  England  m 
America."  The  date  of  the  charter  was  November  3, 
1620.  The  territory  subject  to  their  jurisdiction  was 
from  the  40th  to  the  48th  degree  of  north  latitude,  and 
from  sea  to  sea.  This  charter  is  the  foundation  of  all 
the  grants  which  were  made  of  the  country  of  New 
England. 

Before  this  division  was  made,  a  number  of  farcJlieo, 
who  were  styled  Puritans,  on  account  of  their  seok'ng 

«  It  is  said  that  he  was  the  first  wlio  passed  the  whole  rx 
tent  of  Long  Island  Sound,  and  discovered  th»t  it  was  nut 
coiuiuctcd  witli  llio  conliiient.   Tlus  was  m  16iy. 


98 


AMERICAN  HISTORY. 


A  farther  reformat loti  of  the  Church  of  England,  whicli 
Uluy  could  not  ohtain,  and  who  had  retired  into  Holland 
to  avoid  ihc  stverity  of  the  penal  laws  against  disscn- 
icrs,  meditated  a  removal  to  America.  'I'he  Dutch 
were  fond  of  retaining  them  as  their  suhjects,  and  made 
hem  larfje  oliers,  if  ihey  would  seltle  in  some  of  their 
'riiismariiie  territories  ;  but  they  chose  rattier  to  reside 
ill  tiic  dominions  of  iheir  native  jiriiice,  if  they  could 
have  liberty  of  conscience.  They  had,  by  iheir  agents 
negotiated  with  the  South  Virginia  Company,  and  ob- 
ta"ed  a  permission  to  transport  themselves  to  .\merica, 
within  their  limits  ;  but  as  to  liberty  of  conscience, 
thoiigt  thev  could  obtain  no  indulgence  from  the  crown 
under  hand  and  seal,  yet  it  was  declared,  that  "  the 
king  would  connive  at  thein,  provided  they  behaved 
peaceably."  As  this  was  all  the  favor  which  the  spirit 
of  tiic  time  would  allow,  they  determined  to  cast  them- 
selves on  the  care  of  J)ivine  Providence,  and  venture 
lo  America.  After  several  disasters,  they  arrived  at 
Cape  Cod  in  the  42d  degree  of  north  latitude,  a  place 
remote  from  the  object  of  their  intention,  which  was 
Hud.soii's  river.  The  Dutch  had  their  eye  on  that  place, 
and  bribed  their  pilot  not  to  carry  them  thither.  It  was 
late  111  the  .season  when  they  arrived  ;  their  permission 
from  the  Virginia  Company  was  of  no  use  here  ;  and 
having  neither  authority  nor  form  of  government,  they 
were  obliged  for  the  sake  of  order,  before  they  disem- 
barked, tu  form  themselves  into  a  body  politic,  by  a  writ- 
ten instrument.  'I'his  was  the  beginning  of  the  colony 
of  New  I'lymouth  ;  and  this  event  hapjicned  (Nov.  11 
1620)  a  few  days  after  King  James  had  signed  the 
patent  for  incorporating  the  council.  These  circum- 
stances served  the  interest  of  both,  though  then  wholly 
juknowii  to  each  other.  The  couiicil,  being  informed 
of  the  establishment  of  a  colony  within  their  limits, 
were  fond  of  taking  them  into  their  protection,  and  the 
t;olony  were  equally  desirous  of  receiving  that  protec- 
vion  as  far  as  to  obtain  a  grant  of  territory.  An  agent 
Deing  despatched  by  the  colony  lo  England,  Sir  E. 
Gorges  interested  himself  in  the  atl'air,  and  a  grant  was 
accordingly  made  (1623)  lo  John  Pierce,  m  trust  for 
the  colony.  Tins  was  their  first  palent  ;  they  after- 
A'ar  ls  (1629)  had  another  made  to  William  Bradford 
and  his  associates. 

One  end  which  the  council  had  in  view,  was,  to  pre- 
sent the  access  of  unauthorised  adventurers  lo  the  coast 
3(  New  England.  The  crews  of  their  ships,  m  their 
intercourse  with  the  natives,  being  far  from  any  esta- 
bll.'^hed  government,  were  guilty  of  great  licentious- 
tn'ss.  Besides  druiijtenness  and  debauchery,  some 
fl-  grant  enorinilics  had  been  cominiUe<l,  which  not  only 
injured  the  reputation  of  Europeans,  but  encouraged 
natives  to  acts  of  hostility.  'I'o  remedy  these  evils 
the  council  thought  proper  to  appoint  an  oliicer  to  exer- 
cise governmeiii  on  the  coast.  The  first  person  who 
was  sent  in  tins  character,  was  Captain  Francis  West, 
who  finding  the  fishermen  too  licentious  and  robust  to  be 
controlled  by  him,  soon  gave  up  this  inetleclual  com- 
mand. 'J'hey  next  ap|)0inted  Captain  Robert  Corges, 
a  son  of  Sir  Eerdmando.  He  was  like  his  father,  of 
an  active  and  enterprising  genius,  and  had  newly  re- 
turned from  the  Venetian  war.  He  obtained  of  the 
council  a  [latent  for  a  tract  of  land  on  the  northeastern 
side  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  containing  thirty  miles  in 
length  and  ten  in-  breadth,  and  by  the  mlbicnce  of  his 
father,  and  of  his  kinsman  Lord  Edward  Gorges,  he 
was  despatched  with  a  coinmirsion  to  be  "  Eieutenant- 
geiu  ral  and  (iovernor  of  New  p^ngland."  'J'hey  ap- 
pointed for  his  council  the  aforesaid  West,  v\  ith  Chris- 
lo|)lier  Level,  and  ihe  Governor  of  New  Plymouth  for 
thi:  time  being.  Gorges  came  to  Plymouth  m  1623, 
publiKlied  his  commisson,  and  made  some  ellorts  to 
fxicute  It.  He  brought  over  with  him  as  a  chaplain 
^\'llllam  Morrell,  an  Episcopal  clergyman.  This  was 
the  first  essay  for  the  establishment  of  a  general  go- 
verninenl  in  New  England,  and  Morrell  was  to  have 
eupcrmlondencc  in  ecclesiastical,  as  Gorges  had  in  civd 
affairs ;  but  he  made  no  use  of  his  comnussion  at 
Plymouth  ;  and  only  mentioned  it  in  his  conversation 
oboul  the  lime  of  his  di  jwrture.*  This  g(  neral  i>o- 
vernmenl  wuB  a  darling  object  with  the  Council  ofPly- 
moutli,  but  was  much  dreaded  by  the  |>lanters  of  New 
England  ;  however  all  the  atlc  nipts  winch  were  made 
In  :ariy  it  into  execution  failed  of  success.  Gorges, 
alter  about  &  year's  residence  m  the  country,  and  hold- 
ing one  court  at  I'lymourh,  upon  a  Mr.  \\  eston  who 
h.id  begun  a  |)lantation  at  Wessugussel,  (\\  eymoulh) 
wlu're  <iori;i's  himself  intended  a  settlement,  was  ru- 

•  This  Morrell  appuiirB  In  have  hcen  a  diligent  inqiiirer  into 
Ihf  sl:itc  ari'l  i  iri  uiiisla ncc.s  of  the  country,  its  natural  pro- 
JurUiHi.-i  nixl  a(lvaiitai;eM,  the  inaiiiier.s.  cusioiiiN.  niid  i;<ivi>rn- 
liicnt  of  the  natives  :  the  rrsitll  of  Ins  olisrt  v:ttit)iis  he  wrought 
kito  u  |iouni|  wluch  he  |irinlcil  bulh  in  Laliii  and  liii|;h  .h. 


called  to  England,  the  supplies  which  he  cxpecled  to 
have  received  having  failed.  'I'his  failure  was  owing 
lo  one  of  those  cross  accidenta  wluch  continually  befell 
the  Council  of  Plymouth.  Though  the  erection  of 
this  board  was  really  benelicial  to  the  nation,  and  gave 
a  projier  direction  to  the  spirit  of  colonizing,  yet  they 
had  to  struggle  witi  the  opposing  interests  of  various 
sorts  ol  jiersons. 

The  Company  of  South  Virginia,  and  indeed  the 
mercantile  interest  in  general,  linding  themselves  ex- 
cluded from  the  privilege  of  fishing  and  traliic,  com- 
plained of  this  institution  as  a  monopoly,  'i'he  com- 
mons of  England  were  growing  jealous  of  the  royal 
prerogative  ;  and  wishing  to  restrain  it ;  the  granting 
charters  of  mcor()oratii)n  with  exclusive  advantages  of 
commerce  was  deemed  a  usurpation  on  the  rights  of 
the  people.  Coinplaiuts  were  first  made  to  the  king 
111  council  ;  but  no  disposition  apjieared  there  to  coun- 
tenance them.  It  hapjiened  however,  that  a  parliament 
was  called  for  some  other  purposes  (February  1624) 
in  which  Sir  Edward  Cook  was  chosen  sjieaker  of  the 
Commons.  He  was  well  known  as  an  advocate  for 
the  liberties  of  the  people,  and  an  enemy  to  projectors. 
'I'he  king  was  at  hrst  in  a  good  humor  with  his  par- 
liament, and  advantage  was  taken  of  a  dejuand  for  sub- 
sidies to  bring  in  a  bill  agamst  monopolies. 

The  House  being  resolved  into  a  committee,  Sir 
Ferdinando  (iorges  was  called  to  the  bar,  where  the 
speaker  informed  him,  that  the  palent  granted  lo  the 
Council  of  i'lymouth  was  complained  of  as  a  grievance  ; 
that  under  color  of  planting  a  colony,  they  were  pursu- 
ing priyale  gams  ;  that  though  they  respected  him  as  a 
person  of  worth  and  honor,  yet  the  ])ublic  interest  was 
to  be  regarded  before  all  personal  considerations  ;  and 
therefore  they  required  that  the  patent  be  delivered  to 
the  House.  Gorges  answered,  that  he  was  but  one  of 
the  company,  inlerior  in  rank  and  abilities  to  many 
others  ;  that  he  had  no  power  lo  deliver  it,  without 
their  consent,  neither  in  fact,  was  it  in  his  custody. 
Being  asked  where  it  was,  he  said,  it  was  for  aught  he 
knew,  still  remaining  in  the  crown-olfice,  where  it  had 
been  left  for  the  amendment  of  some  errors.  As  to 
the  general  charge  he  answered  ;  that  he  knew  not 
how  It  could  be  a  public  grievance ;  since  it  had  been 
underlakcu  for  the  advancement  of  religion,  the  en- 
largement of  the  bounds  of  iho  nation,  the  increase  of 
trade,  and  the  employment  of  many  thousands  ol  peo- 
ple ;  that  it  could  not  be  a  mtniojiolij  ;  for  though  a  tew 
only  were  interested  in  the  business,  it  was  because 
many  could  not  be  induced  to  adventure  where  their 
losses  at  hrst  were  sure,  and  their  gams  uncertain  ; 
and,  indeed,  so  much  loss  had  been  sustained,  that 
most  of  the  adventurers  themselves  were  weary  ;  lhat 
as  lo  the  jirolit  arising  from  the  fishery  it  was  never  in- 
tended to  be  converted  to  private  use,  as  might  ajipear 
by  the  oilers  which  they  had  made  to  all  the  maritime 
cities  in  the  \Vesl  of  England  ;  that  the  grant  of  e.xclu- 
sive  privileges  made  by  the  crown,  was  intended  to 
regulate  and  settle  jilaiuatioiis,  by  the  jnotits  arising 
Iroin  the  trade,  and  was  in  ellccl  no  more  than  many 
gentlemen  and  lords  of  manors  in  England  enjoyed 
without  offence.  He  added,  that  he  was  glad  ol  an 
opjiortunity  for  such  a  parliamentary  incjuiry,  and  it 
they  would  take  upon  themselves  the  business  ol  colo- 
nization, he  and  his  associates  would  be  their  iiuinUlo 
servants  as  far  as  lay  in  their  power,  without  any  retro- 
sjii'ct  to  the  vast  expense  which  they  had  already  in- 
curred 111  discovering  and  taking  jiossession  of  the 
country,  and  bringing  matters  to  their  then  present 
situation.  He  also  desired,  lhat  if  any  thing  lurlher 
was  lo  be  inquired  into,  it  might  be  given  him  in  detail 
with  liberty  of  answering  by  his  counsel. 

A  committee  was  appointed  to  examine  the  patent 
and  make  objections  ;  w  hich  were  delivered  lo  Gorges ; 
accompanied  with  a  declaralioii  from  the  speaker  that 
he  ouoht  lo  look  upon  this  as  a  favor.  Ciorges  having 
acknowledged  the  lavor,  employed  counsel  to  draw  uj) 
answers  lo  the  objections.  His  counsel  were  Mr. 
(afterwards  I>ord)  Finch,  and  Mr.  Callrup,  alterwards 
allorney-general  lo  the  court  of  Wards.  'I'hougli  in 
causes  where  the  crown  and  parliament  are  concerned 
as  parlies,  counsel  are  oflen  afraid  of  wading  deeper 
than  they  can  safely  return;  yet  Gorges  was  satislied 
with  the  conduct  of  his  counsel,  who  fully  answered  the 
objections,  both  m  poinl  of  law  and  juslice  ;  these 
answers  being  read,  the  House  asked  what  lurlher  he 
had  lo  say,  upon  which  he  added  some  observations  m 
point  of  policy  '.a  the  loUowmg  etlect : 

That  the  adventurer.^  had  been  at  great  cost  and 
pains  lo  enlarge  the  kmg'u  dominions  ;  lo  employ  many 
seamen,  handicraftsmen,  and  laborers  ;  to  settle  a  nou- 
rishing plantation,  and  advance  religion  m  lliese  bavagc 


countries  ;  mailers  of  »,iie  highest  consequence  to  tbt 
nation,  and  far  exceeding  all  the  advantage  which  cculd 
be  expected  from  a  sim|)lc  course  of  tishing,  which 
must  soon  have  been  given  over,  for  that  so  valuable  a 
country  could  not  long  remain  unpossessed  cither  by 
the  French,  Spaniards,  or  Dutch  ;  so  lhat  if  the  planti- 
lions  were  to  be  given  up,  the  fishery  must  ineviiably 
be  lost,  and  the  honor,  as  well  as  interest  of  the  nation, 
greatly  siiti'er  ;  that  the  mischief  already  done  by  llio 
persons  who  were  foremost  in  their  complaints  was  m 
tolerable ;  for  in  their  disorderly  intercourse  with 
the  savages,  they  had  been  guilty  of  the  greatest  ex- 
cesses of  debauchery  and  knavery,  kud  in  addition 
lo  all  these  immcralilics,  ihey  had  furnished  liieia 
with  arms  and  ammunition  ;  by  which  they  were  ena- 
bled lo  destroy  the  peaceable  fishermen,  ajid  had 
become  formidable  enemies  to  the  planters. 

He  further  added,  that  he  had,  in  zeal  tor  the  inter- 
est of  his  country,  deeply  engaged  his  own  estate,  and 
sent  one  of  his  sons  to  llie  American  coast,  besides  en- 
couraging many  of  his  friends  to  go  thither  ;  this  ho 
hoped  would  be  an  apology  for  his  earnestness  in  this 
plea,  as  if  he  had  shown  less  warmth,  it  might  have 
been  construed  into  negligence  and  ingraii'.ude. 

These  pleas  how  ever  earnest  and  rational,  were  to  no 
purpose.  The  I'arliamenl  ]iresentcd  to  the  king  the 
grievances  of  the  nation,  and  the  patent  for  New  Eng- 
land was  the  first  on  the  list.  Gorges,  however,  had 
taken  caie  that  the  king  should  be  previously  acquainted 
with  the  objections  and  answers  ;  and  James  was  so 
jealous  of  the  prerogative,  lhat  though  he  ga>'e  't  fr  as- 
sent to  a  declaratory  act  against  monopolies  in  general, 
yet  he  would  not  recall  the  patent.  However,  in  defer- 
ence lo  the  voice  of  the  nation,  the  council  thought  tit 
lo  suspend  t.heir  operations,  'i'his  proved  for  a  whie, 
discouraging  to  the  spirit  of  adventure,  and  occasioned 
the  recalling  Robert  Gorges  from  his  government. 

But  the  Parliament  having  proceeded  wi'.h  more  free- 
dom and  boldness  in  their  com|)lamls  than  sui'.cd  the 
feelings  of  James,  he  dissolved  them  in  iiaste,  befor.i 
they  could  proceed  to  measures  for  remedying  the  dis- 
orders in  chiHTch  and  stale,  which  had  been  the  subject 
of  complaint ;  and  some  of  the  more  liberal  speakers 
were  conimilled  to  jirison.  'i'his  served  lo  damp  tho 
spirit  of  reformation,  and  jirepared  the  way  for  anolhel 
colony  of  emigrants  lo  New  England. 

About  the  same  time,  the  French  ambassador  put  m 
a  claim  in  behalf  of  his  court  to  these  temiories,  to 
which  Gorges  was  summoned  to  answer  before  the  king 
and  council,  which  he  did  in  so  ample  and  convincing  a 
maimer,  that  the  cla.iin  was  for  that  time  silenced. 
Gorges  then,  in  the  name  of  the  Council  of  i'lymouth, 
complained  of  the  Dutch,  as  intruders  on  inc  English 
possessions  in  America,  by  making  a  settlement  or. 
Hudson's  river.  To  this  the  Slates  made  answer,  lhat 
if  any  such  things  had  been  done  it  was  without  their 
Older,  as  they  had  only  erected  a  company  for  the  \\  est 
Indies.  'I'his  answer  made  the  council  resolve  lo 
prosecute  their  business  and  remove  their  intruders. 

Hitherto  Gorges  a|ijiears  in  the  light  of  a  zealous,  in- 
defatigable and  unsuccessful  adventurer  ;  bul  neither 
his  labors,  expense,  nor  ill  success  were  yet  come  to  a 
conclusion. 

'I'o  entertain  a  just  view  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges, 
we  must  consider  liim  both  as  a  member  ol  the  Councd 
of  Plymouth,  pursuing  the  general  interest  of  .Vmericaii 
plantations  ;  and  at  the  same  lime  as  an  adventurer 
undertaking  a  selllemcnl  of  his  own  in  a  particular  pari 
of  the  lerrilory  which  was  subject  to  the  jurisdiclion  ol 
tho  council.  Having  formed  an  intimacy  wiih  t'apiain 
John  Mason,  governor  of  I'ortsinoulh,  in  ihe  couniy  o) 
Hants,  who  was  also  a  member  of  the  council  ;  and 
having  (1622)  jointly  with  hiiii  procured  from  the  coun- 
cil a  grant  of  a  large  c.Menl  of  couiilry,  which  they 
called  Laconia,  extending  from  the  river  Merrimack  to 
Sagndahock,  and  from  the  ocean  lo  ll\c  lakes  and  rivel 
of  Canada,  lliev  indulged  sanguine  expectations  jf  suc- 
cess, i-'rom  the  accounts  given  of  the  country  by  ^ome 
romantic  travellers,  they  had  conceived  an  idea  of  it  aj 
a  kind  of  lerreslial  paradi.^e.  not  only  cajuMc  ol  pro 
ducini'  all  the  necessaries  and  conveniences  of  lile  but 
as  alreidy  richly  furnished  by  the  bounlilul  hand  of  »ia- 
lure,  'i'he  air  was  said  lo  be  pure  and  salubrious  ;  tlie 
country  )>leasant  and  delightful,  full  of  goodly  forests 
fair  valleys,  and  fertile  plains ;  abounding  m  vines 
chesnuts,  walnuts,  and  many  other  sorts  ot  fruit  ;  th(f 
rivers  stored  with  fish  and  environed  with  goodly  moa 
dows  full  of  limber  trees.  In  the  gfeal  lake  il.,ik< 
("hamplam)  it  was  said  were  lour  islands,  full  ol  jilca 
sanl  woods  and  meadows,  having  great  store  of  sl<.gM, 
sallow  deer,  elks,  roebucks,  beavers  and  other  game  ; 
and  theso  islands  were  supposed  to  be  coimiiodiously 


BIOGRAPHIES  OF  Tllii  EARLY  DISCOVERERS. 


20 


situated  for  liabilation  and  traffic,  in  tho  midst  of  a  fine 
lake,  abounding  with  the  most  dolicate  fish.  This  lake 
was  thoui;ht  to  be  less  than  100  miles  distant  from  the 
gca  coast ;  and  there  was  some  secret  expectation  that 
mines  and  precious  stones  would  be  the  reward  of  their 
patient  and  ddigent  attention  to  the  business  of  disco- 
very.   Sncli  wqre  the  charms  of  I^acoiiia  ! 

It  has  been  before  observed  that  Ciorges  had  sent 
over  Richard  Vines,  with  some  others,  on  a  discovery, 
to  prepare  the  way  for  a  colony.  The  place  which  Vines 
pitched  u|)on  was  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  Saco. 
Some  years  after,  another  settlement  was  made  on  the 
fiver  of  Aganienticus  by  Francis  Norton,  whom  Ciorges 
sent  over  with  a  number  of  other  people,  having  pro- 
cured for  them  a  patent  of  12,000  acres  on  the  east  side 
of  the  river,  and  12.000  more  on  the  west  side  ;  bis  son, 
Ferdimirvdo  Ciorges  being  named  as  one  of  the  grantees; 
this  was  the  beginning  of  the  town  of  York.  Norton 
was  a  liejtenant-colonel,  and  had  raised  himself  to  that 
r?nk  from  a  conmion  soldier  by  his  own  merit.  In  this 
company  were  several  artificers,  who  were  employed  in 
bmlding  saw-mills,  and  they  were  supplied  with  cattle 
and  other  necessaries  for  the  business  of  getting  lumber 

About  the  same  time  (viz.  1623)  a  settlement  was 
begun  at  the  river  Piscataqua  by  Captain  Mason  and 
several  othef  merchants,  among  whom  Ciorges  had  a 
share.  Tho  principal  design  of  these  settlements  was 
to  establish  a  permanent  fishery,  to  make  salt,  to  trade 
with  the  natives,  and  to  prepare  lumber  for  exportation. 
Agriculture  was  but  a  secondary  object,  though  in 
Itself  the  true  source  of  all  opulence  and  all  subsis- 
tence. 

These  attempts  proved  very  expensive  and  yielded 
ro  adequate  returns.  The  associates  were  discouraged, 
and  dropped  ofi"  one  after  another,  till  none  but  Ciorges 
and  Mason  remained.  Much-  patience  was  necessary, 
but  in  this  «ase  it  could  be  grounded  only  on  enthusi- 
asm. It  wau  not  possilile  in  the  nature  of  things  that 
their  interest  should  be  advanced  by  the  manner  in 
which  they  conducted  their  business.  Their  colonists 
came  over  either  as  tenants  or  as  hired  servants.  The 
produce  of  the  plantation  could  not  pay  their  wages, 
gnd  they  soon  became  their  own  masters.  The  charge 
of  making  a  settlement  in  such  a  wilderness  was  more 
than  the  value  of  the  lands  when  the  improvements  were 
made  :  overseers  were  apponited,  but  they  could  not 
hold  the  tenants  under  command,  nof  prevent  their 
changing  places  on  every  discontent.  The  proprietors 
themselves  never  came  in  person  to  superintend  their 
interests,  and  no  regular  government  was  established  to 
punish  offenders  or  preserve  order.  For  these  reasons, 
though  Gorges  and  Mason  expended  from  first  to  last 
more  than  twenty  thousand  pounds  each,  yet  they  only 
opened  the  way  for  others  to  follow,  and  the  money  was 
lost  to  them  and  their  posterity. 

Whilst  their  private  interest  was  thus  sinking  in 
America,  the  reputation  of  the  council  of  which  they  were 
members  lay  under  such  disadvantage  in  England  as 
tended  to  endanger  their  political  existence.  As  they 
had  been  incorporated  for  the  purpose  not  merely  of 
granting  lands,  but  of  making  actual  plantations  in 
America,  they  were  fond  of  encouraging  all  attempts 
from  whatever  quarter,  which  might  realize  their  views 
and  expectations. 

The  ecclesiastical  government  at  this  time  allowed 
no  liberty  to  scrupulous  consciences  ;  for  which  rea- 
BOn,  many  who  had  hitherto  been  peaceable  members 
of  the  national  church,  and  wished  to  continue  such, 
finding  that  no  indulgence  could  be  granted,  turned 
their  thoughts  towards  America,  where  some  of  their 
brethren  had  already  made  a  settlement.  They  first 
purchased  of  the  Council  of  Plymouth  a  large  territory, 
and  afterward  obtained  of  the  crown  a  charter,  by  which 
they  were  constituted  a  body  politic  within  the  realm. 
In  June,  1630,  they  broucrht  their  charter  to  America, 
<r»nl  began  the  colony  of  Massaihiisclls.  This  proved 
•li  effectual  settlement,  and  the  reasons  which  rendered 
It  so  were  the  zeal  and  ardor  which  animated  their  ex- 
ertions ;  the  wealth  which  they  possessed,  and  which 
they  converted  into  materials  for  a  new  plantation  ; 
but  principally  the  presence  of  the  adventurers  them- 
stives  on  the  spot,  where  their  fortunes  were  to  be  ex- 
ponded  and  their  zeal  exerted.  The  difference  between 
a  man's  doing  business  by  himself  and  by  his  substi- 
tutes, was  never  more  fairly  cxem|)hfied  than  in  the 
conduct  of  the  Massachusetts  planters,  compared  with 
that  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  :  what  the  one  had 
beeh  laboring  for  above  twenty  years  without  any  suc- 
cess, was  realized  by  the  others  in  two  or  three  years  ; 
••n  five,  they  were  so  far  advanced  as  to  be  able  to  send 
out  a  colony  from  themselves  to  begin  another  at  Con- 
nectical ;  and  m  leas  than  ten,  they  founded  an  tini- 


versity  which  has  ever  since  ))roduced  an  uninterrupted 
succession  of  serviceable  men  in  ch.urch  and  state. 

The  great  number  of  people  who  flocked  to  this  new 
l)lantation,  raised  an  alarm  in  England  As  they  had 
manifested  tlieir  discontent  with  th<  ecclesiastical 
government,  it  was  suspected  that  tlK")  Bimed  at 
dcpcndcnee,  and  would  throw  ofi  thc<r  alKgiance  to  the 
crown.  This  jealousy  was  so  strong,  that  a  royal 
order  was  made  to  restrain  any  from  coming  hither 
who  should  not  first  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  and 
supremacy,  and  obtain  a  license  tor  their  removal. 

To  refute  this  jealous  cavil  against  the  planters  of 
New  England,  wc  nerd  only  to  observe,  tliat  at  the 
time  when  they  began  tlieir  settlement,  and  foi  many 
years  alter,  the  lands  which  they  occujned  were  ob- 
jects of  envy  both  to  ihe  Dutch  and  French.  The 
Dutch  claimed  from  Hudson,  as  far  as  Connecticut 
river,  where  they  had  erected  a  trading  house.  The 
French  claimed  all  the  lands  of  New  England  ;  and 
the  governor  of  Port  Royal,  when  he  wrote  to  Ciovernor 
\\  inthroj),  directed  his  letters  to  him  as  gorci  nor  of 
the  English  at  Boston  tn  Acadia.  Had  tlie  New  Eng- 
land planters  thrown  off  their  subjection  to  the  crown 
of  England  they  must  have  become  a  prey  to  one  or 
the  other  of  these  riv.al  powers  Of  this  they  were 
well  aware,  and  if  they  had  entertained  any  idea  of  in- 
dependency, which  they  certainly  did  not  {/tor  did  their 
siiecessors  till  driven  to  it  hij  Britain  hersrlj )  it  would 
have  been  the  most  impolitic  thing  in  the  world  to  have 
avowed  it,  in  the  presence  of  neighbors  with  whom 
they  did  not  wish  to  be  connected. 

This  jealousy,  however  groundless,  had  an  influence 
on  the  public  councils  of  the  nation,  as  well  as  on  the 
sentiments  of  individuals,  and  contributed  to  increase 
the  prejudice  which  had  been  formed  against  all  who 
were  concerned  in  the  colonization  of  New  England. 
The  merchants  still  considered  the  Council  of  Ply- 
mouth, as  monopolizing  a  lucrative  branch  of  trade. 
The  South  Virginia  Company  disrelished  their  exclu- 
sive charter,  and  spared  no  pains  to  get  it  revoked. 
The  popular  party  in  the  Commons  regarded  them  as 
supporters  of  the  jirerogative,  and  under  the  royal 
influence.  The  high  church  i>arty  were  incensed 
against  them  as  enemies  of  prelacy,  because  they  had 
favored  the  settlement  of  the  Puritans  within  their  ter- 
ritory ;  and  the  king  himself  suspected  that  the  colo- 
nies in  New  England  had  too  much  liberty  to  consist 
with  his  notions  of  government.  Gorges  was  looked 
upon  as  the  author  of  all  tho  mischief ;  and  being  pub- 
licly called  upon,  declared,  "  that  though  ho  had  ear- 
nest.y  sought  the  interest  of  the  plantations,  yet  he 
could  not  answer  for  the  evib  which  had  happened  by 
them."  It  was  extremely  mortifying  to  him  to  find 
that  after  all  his  exertions  and  expenses  in  the  service 
of  the  nation,  he  had  become  a  very  unpopular  charac- 
ter, and  had  enemies  on  all  sidjs. 

To  remedy  these  difficulties,  he  projected  the  resig- 
nation of  the  charter  to  the  crown  ;  and  the  division  of 
the  territory  into  twelve  lordships,  to  be  united  under 
one  general  governor.  As  the  charter  of  Massachu- 
setts stood  in  the  way  of  this  project,  he,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  Mason,  petitioned  the  crown  for  a  revocat'on 
of  it.  This  brought  on  him  the  ill  will  of  those  colo- 
nists also,  who  from  that  time  regarded  him  and  Mason 
as  their  enemies.  Before  the  council  surrendered  their 
charter,  they  made  grants  to  some  of  their  own  mem- 
bers, of  twelve  districts,  from  Maryland  to  St.  Croix, 
among  which  the  district  from  Piscataqua  to  Saga- 
dahock,  extending  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles 
northward  into  the  country,  was  assigned  to  Gorges. 
In  June,  1635,  the  council  resigned  their  charter,  and 
petitioned  the  king  and  the  lords  of  the  privy  council 
for  a  confirmation  of  the  several  proprietary  grants, 
and  the  establishment  of  a  general  government.  Sir 
Ferdinando  Ciorges,  then  three  score  years  of  age,  was 
the  person  nominated  to  be  the  general  governor. 
About  this  time.  Mason,  one  of  the  principal  actors  in 
this  aflTair,  was  reuioved  bv  death  ;  and  a  ship,  which 
was  intended  for  the  service  of  the  new  government, 
fell  and  broke  in  launching.  A  quo  umrranto  was 
issued  against  the  Massachusetts  charter,  but  the  pro- 
ceedings upon  it  were  delayed,  and  never  completed. 
An  order  of  the  king  in  council,  was  also  issued  in 
1637,  for  the  establishment  of  the  general  government, 
and  Gorges  was  therein  appointed  governor ;  but  the 
troubles  in  Scotland  and  England,  at  this  time  grew 
very  serious  and  put  a  check  to  the  business.  Soon 
after.  Archbishop  Laud  and  some  other  lords  of  coun- 
cil, who  were  zealous  in  the  affair,  lost  their  authority, 
and  the  whole  project  came  to  nothing. 

Gorges,  however,  obtained  of  the  crown  in  1639,  a 
confirmation  of  his  own  grant,  which  was  styled  the 


Promiice  of  Maine,  and  of  which  he  was  made  ]>orJ 
Palatine  with  the  same  powers  and  jirivileges  as  the 
Bisiiop  of  Durham  in  the  County  I^alaline  o'f  Diirliani. 
In  virtue  of  these  powers,  he  constituted  a  government 
I  within  his  said  province,  and  incorporated  the  planta- 
:  tion  at  Agamenticus  into  a  city,  by  the  na.iie  of  Uor- 
;  grana,  of  which  his  cousin,  Thomas  Gorges,  was  nnyor, 
who  resided  there  about  two  years,  and  tlu  n  returi,c4 
to  England.    The  council  for  the  administration  ,>f 
government  were  Sir  Thomas  Josselyn,  Knight,  Rich- 
ard Vines,  (Steward,)  Francis  Champernuon  (a  m  pliew 
to  Gorges,)  Henry  Josselyn,  Richard  Bonitoii,  W  illiaic 
Hooke,  and  Edward  Ciodf'rey. 

'i'he  plan  wliich  lie  formed  for  the  government  of  liia 
province  was  this  :  It  was  to  be  divided  into  eight 
counties,  and  these  into  sixteen  hundreds,  the  hundreili 
were  to  be  subdivided  into  parishes  and  tythings,  as 
the  i>eople  should  increase.  In  the  absence  of  the  pro- 
prietor a  lieutenant  was  to  preside.  A  chancellor  was 
constituted  for  the  decision  of  civil  causes  ;  a  treasurer 
to  receive  the  revenue,  a  marshal  for  managing  tho 
militia,  and  a  marshal's  court,  for  criminal  matters  ;  an 
admiral,  and  admiral's  court,  for  maritime  causes  ;  a 
master  of  ordnance  and  a  secretary.  These  officers 
were  to  be  a  standing  council.  Eight  deputies  wcro 
to  be  elected,  one  from  each  county,  by  the  inhabitants, 
to  sit  in  the  same  council  ;  and  all  matters  of  moment 
were  to  be  determined  by  the  lieutenant  with  advice  ol 
the  majority.  This  council  were  to  ap(ioint  justices,  to 
give  licenses  for  the  sale  of  lands  suliject  to  a  rcn!  o( 
lour  pence  or  sixpence  per  acre.  When  any  law  wivs 
to  be~  enacted  or  repealed,  or  public  money  to  bo 
raised,  they  were  to  call  on  the  counties  to  elect  each 
two  deputies,  "  to  join  with  tlie  council  in  the  (lerforiii- 
ance  of  the  service  ;"  but  nothing  is  said  of  their  voting 
as  a  sejiarate  house.  One  lieutenant  and  eight  justices 
were  allowed  to  each  county ;  two  head  constables  to 
every  hundred  ;  one  constable  and  four  tythmgmen  to 
every  parish  ;  and  in  conformity  to  the  institutions  of 
King  Alfred,  each  tythingman  was  to  give  an  account 
of  the  demeanor  of  the  families  within  his  tytiiiiig  to 
the  constable  of  the  parish,  who  was  to  render  the  same 
to  the  head  constables  of  tho  hundred,  and  they  to  tho 
lieutenant  and  justices  of  the  county  ;  who  were  to 
take  cognizance  of  all  misdemeanors  ;  and  from  tlieir. 
an  appeal  might  be  made  to  the  proprietor's  lieutenant 
and  council. 

Forms  of  government,  and  plans  of  settlement,  are 
much  more  easily  drawn  on  paper,  than  carried  into 
execution.  Few  people  could  be  induced  to  become 
tenants  in  tlie  neighborhood  of  such  a  colony  as  Mas- 
sachusetts, where  all  were  freeholders.  No  provision 
was  made  for  public  institutions  ;  schools  were  un- 
kr.own,  anil  they  had  no  ministers,  till  In  pity  to  their 
u-  plorable  state,  two  went  thither  from  Boston  on  » 
voluntary  mission,  and  were  well  received  by  them 
Tlie  city  of  Ciorgeana,  though  a  loftv  name,  was  in  fact 
but  an  inconsiderable  village  ;  and  there  were  only  a 
few  houses  in  some  of  the  best  places  for  navigation. 
The  people  were  without  order  and  morals,  and  it  was 
said  of  some  of  them,  that  "  they  had  as  many  shares 
in  a  tcoman,  as  they  had  in  a  fishing  boat."  Gorges 
himself  complained  of  the  prodigality  of  his  servants, 
and  had  very  little  confidence  m  his  own  sons,  for 
whose  aggrandizement  he  had  been  laboring  to  estab- 
lish a  foundation.  He  had  indeed  erected  saw- mills 
and  corn-mills,  and  had  received  some  acknowledgment 
in  the  way  of  rents,  but  lamented,  that  he  had  not 
reaped  the  "  happy  success  of  those  who  are  their  own 
stewards,  and  the  disposers  of  their  own  affairs." 

How  long  Ciortjes  continued  in  his  ollice  as  Gover- 
nor of  Plymouth,  does  not  appear  from  anv  materials 
within  my  reach.  In  1625,  he  commanded  a  sliip  ol 
war  in  a  squadron  under  the  Uuke  of  Buckingham, 
which  was  sent  to  the  assistance  of  France,  under  pre- 
tence of  being  employed  against  the  Cienoese.  But  a 
suspicion  having  arisen  that  they  were  destined  to  assist 
Louis  against  his  Protestant  subjects  at  Rochelle,  as 
soon  as  they  were  arrived  at  Dieppe,  and  found  that 
tney  had  been  deceived.  Gorges  was  the  first  to  break 
his  orders  and  return  with  his  ship  to  England.  The 
others  followed  his  example,  and  their  zeal  for  the  Pro- 
testant religion  was  much  a|)plauded. 

When  the  civil  dissensions  in  England  broke  out 
into  a  war,  Ciorges  took  the  royal  side  ;  anu  iriough 
then  far  cdvanecd  in  years,  engaged  personally  in  the 
service  of  the  crown.  He  was  in  Pri.icc  Rupert's  army 
at  the  siege  of  Bristol,  in  164'.J  ;  and  when  that  city 
was  retaken  in  1645  by  the  Parliament's  forces,  he  wan 
plundered  and  imprisoned.  His  political  principles 
rendered  him  obnoxious  to  the  ruling  pow  ers,  and  whea 
It  was  necessary  for  him  to  appear  before  the  couiuii» 


80 


AMERICAN  n  I S  T  O  R  Y. 


sioncrs  for  foreign  plantations,  he  was  severely  frowned 
upon  and  consequently  discouraged. 

The  tune  of  his  death  is  uncertain  ;  he  is  spoken  of 
in  the  records  of  the  piovince  of  Maine  as  dead  in  June, 
1047.  Upon  his  decease,  his  estate  fell  to  his  eldest 
son,  John  Gorges,  who,  whether  discouraged  by  his  fa- 
ther's ill  success,  or  incapacitated  by  the  seventy  of 
the  times,  took  no  care  of  the  province,  nor  do  wc  lind 
any  thing  memorable  concerning  him.  Most  of  the 
commissioners  who  had  been  a|)poiiited  to  govern  the 
province  deserted  it  ;  and  the  remaining  inhabitants,  in 
1649,  were  obliged  to  combine  for  their  own  security. 
In  1651  they  petitioned  the  Council  of  State,  that  they 
might  be  considered  as  part  of  the  Commonwealth  of 
England.  The  next  year,  upon  the  request  of  a  great 
part  of  the  inhabitants,  the  colony  of  Massachusetts, 
took  them  under  their  protection,  being  supposed  to  be 
within  the  limits  of  their  charter ;  some  o])position  was 
made  to  this  step,  but  the  majority  submitted  or  ac- 
quiesced ;  and  considering  the  difficulties  of  the  times, 
and  the  unsettled  state  of  affairs  io  England,  this  was 
the  best  expedient  for  their  security. 

On  the  death  of  John  Gorges,  the  propriety  de- 
scended to  his  son,  Fcrdinando  Gorges,  of  Westmin- 
ster, who  seems  to  have  been  a  man  of  information 
and  activity.  He  printed  a  description  of  New  Eng- 
land m  165S,  to  which  he  annexed  a  narrative  written 
by  his  grandfather  ;  from  which  this  account  is  chiefly 
compiled  ;  but  another  piece  which  in  some  editions  is 
tacked  to  these,  entitled,  "  Wonder  working  Provi- 
dences," was  unfairly  ascribed  to  Sir  Eerdinando 
Gorges,  though  written  by  a  Mr.  Johnson,  of  Woburn, 
in  New  England. 

On  the  restoration  of  King  Charles  II.  Gorges  pe- 
titioned the  crown,  complaining  of  the  Massachusetts 
colony  for  usurping  the  government  of  Maine,  and  ex- 
tending the  boundary  lines.  In  1664  commissioners 
were  sent  to  America,  who  finding  the  people  in  the 
province  of  Maine  divided  in  their  opinions  with  respect 
to  matters  of  government,  appointed  justices  in  the 
king's  name  to  govern  them  ;  and  about  the  same  time 
the  proprietor  nominated  thirteen  commissioners,  and 
prepared  a  set  of  instructions,  which  were  entered  on 
the  records  cl  the  province.  But  upon  the  departure 
of  the  royal  commissioners,  the  colony  resumed  its  ju- 
risdiction ove  r  them.  These  two  sources  of  govern- 
ment kept  alive  two  parties,  each  of  whom  were  always 
ready  to  complain  of  the  other  and  justify  themselves. 

An  inquiry  into  the  conduct  of  Massachusetts  had 
been  i.istituted  in  England,  and  the  colony  was  ordered 
lo  send  over  agents  to  answer  tVic  complaints  of 
Gorges,  and  Mason,  the  proprietor  of  New  Hampshire, 
who  had  jointly  proposed  to  sell  their  property  to  the 
crown,  to  make  a  government  for  the  Duke  of  Mon- 
mouth. This  proposal  not  being  accepted,  the  colony 
themselves  took  the  hint,  and  thought  the  most  effec- 
tual way  of  silencing  the  complaint  would  be  to  make 
«  pui'  hase.  The  circumstances  of  the  province  of 
Maine  were  such  as  to  favor  their  views.  The  Indians 
had  invaded  it ;  most  of  the  settlements  were  destroyed 
or  deserted,  and  the  whole  country  was  in  trouble  ;  the 
colony  bad  afforded  them  all  the  assistance  which  was 
in  their  power,  and  they  had  no  help  from  any  other 
quailer.  In  tne  height  of  this  calamity,  John  Usher, 
Esq  ,  was  employed  to  negotiate  with  Mr.  Gorges  for 
the  purchase  of  the  whole  territory,  which  was  effected 
in  the  year  1677.  The  sum  of  tirelrc  hundred  and  fifty 
founds  sterling  was  paid  for  it,  and  it  has  ever  since 
been  a  part  t/f  Massachusetts.  It  is  now  formed  into 
two  counties  ('•rk  and  Cumberland  ;  but  the  Dis/nrI 
of  Maine,  8  <'stablished  by  the  laws  of  tiie  United 
States,  cor  prebends  also  the  counties  of  Lincoln, 
Washingt* /I,  and  Hancock;  extending  from  I'iscata- 
qua  to  >  ^  Ooix  ;  a  t<'rritory  large  enough  when  fully 
peopled  <o  be  formed  into  a  distinct  State.* 


HENRY  HUDSON. 

IlKlfRT  TTepfOn — Ifp  sails  on  a  voyacjo  of  disrovcrr — arrives 
at  Sanily  llnok — The  lirst  attempt  to  .sail  up  the  river  niaJe 
by  Inin— IliiNtility  ol  llie  iialive.s— Ho  returns  to  Englaiul — 
lie  again  sails— Mutiny— Hudson's  inislorluncs. 

NoTWiTHSTANiMNO  the  fruitless  attempts  which  had 
ocen  made  lo  find  a  passage  to  India  by  the  north,  the 
idea  was  not  given  up ;  but  it  was  supposed,  that  un- 
der the  direction  of  some  prudent,  resolute  and  expe- 
rienced commander,  the  object  might  yet  lie  attained 
A  society  of  wealthy  and  sanguine  ailvenlnrers  in 
England,  believed  the  practicabilitv  of  the  passage  ;  and 
•vith  a  resolution  and  liberality  almost  unexampled, 
raised  the  mvnry  to  carry  on  this  expensive  undcrlak- 

*  Mow  Stalu  u(  MdiiKi 


ing.  They  gave  the  command  of  the  expedition  to 
Hknrv  Hudson,  a  seamen  of  enlarged  views  and  long 
experience;  in  whose  knowledge  and  intrepidity  they 
could  safely  confide ;  and  whose  enterprising  spirit 
was  exceeded  by  none,  and  equalled  by  few  of  his  con- 
temporaries. 

When  the  ship  which  they  had  dest.i.eJ  for  the  voy- 
age was  ready,  Hudson  with  his  crew,  according  to  the 
custom  of  seamen  in  that  day,  went  to  church,  in  April 
19,  1607,  and  there  partook  of  the  Eord's  Supper.  On 
the  1st  of  May  he  sailed  from  Gravesend ;  and  on  the 
2 1st  of  June  discovered  land,  in  lat.  73",  on  the  eastern 
coast  of  Greenland,  which  he  called  Hold  with  Hope. 

His  design  was  to  explore  the  whole  coast  of  Green- 
land, which  he  supposed  to  be  an  island,  and,  if  ])Ossi- 
ble,  to  [lass  round  it,  or  else  directly  under  the  pole. 
But  having  sailed  as  far  as  the  lat.  of  82°,  he  found  the 
sea  obstructed  by  imjienetrable  ice,  and  was  obliged  lo 
return  to  England,  where  he  arrived  on  the  15th  of 
September. 

By  this  voyage  more  of  the  eastern  coast  of  Green- 
land was  explored  than  had  ever  before  been  known  ; 
and  the  island,  afterward  called  Spiizbergen,  was  first 
discovered.  It  also  opened  the  way  to  the  English, 
and  after  them  to  the  Dutch,  to  ]>rosecute  the  whale 
fishery  in  those  northern  seas. 

The  next  year  the  same  company  of  adventurers  re- 
solved to  make  another  attempt,  and  sent  Hudson  again 
to  find  a  passage  to  the  northeast.  He  sailed  on  the 
22d  of  August,  1608.  The  highest  latitude  to  which 
he  advanced  m  this  voyage,  was  75°  30'.  After  having 
made  several  attempts  to  pass  between  Spitzbergen 
and  Nova  Zembia,  which  he  found  impracticable,  the 
season  was  so  far  spent,  and  the  winds  so  contrary, 
that  he  had  not  time  to  try  the  strait  of  Waygats,  nor 
Lumley's  Inlet  ;  and  therefore  thought  it  his  "duty  to 
save  victual,  wages,  and  tackle,  by  a  speedy  return." 
He  arrived  at  Gravesend  on  the  20th  of  August.* 

After  his  return  from  his  second  voyage  he  went 
over  to  Holland,  and  entered  into  the  service  of  the 
Dutch.  Their  East  India  Company  fitted  out  a  ship 
for  discovery,  and  put  him  into  the  command. t  He 
sailed  from  Amsterdam  on  the  25th  of  March,  1609.  t 

The  highest  latitude  which  he  made  in  this  voyage 
was  61°  46' ;  where  he  found  the  sea  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Nova  Zeinbla  so  filled  with  ice,  and  covered 
with  fogs,  that  il  was  impossible  to  pass  the  strait  of 
Waygats  to  the  eastward.  He  therefore  tacked  and 
steered  westerly,  toward  Greenland  ;  intending  to  fall 
in  with  Buss  Island,  which  had  been  seen  by  one  of 
Frobishcr's  ships  in  1578  ;  but  when  he  came  into  the 
latitude  where  it  was  laid  down,  he  could  not  find  it. 

He  then  steered  south-westerly  ;  passed  the  banks 
of  Newfoundland  among  the  French  ships  which  were 
fishing,  without  speaking  with  any  of  them  ;  and  sailed 
along  the  coast  of  America.  In  this  route  he  disco- 
vered Cape  Cod  and  landed  there  ;  then  pursued  his 
course  to  the  south  and  west ;  making  remarks  on  the 
soundings  and  currents,  till  he  came  to  the  ertrancc  of 
('hesapeake  Bay.  Here  he  plied  off  and  on  for  several 
days,  and  then  turned  again  to  the  northward. 

In  his  return  along  the  coast,  on  the  28th  of  August, 
he  discovered  the  great  bay,  now  called  Delaware,  in 
the  latitude  of  39°  5'.  In  this  bay  he  examined  the 
soundings  and  currents,  and  the  appearance  of  the  land ; 
but  did  not  go  on  shore. 

From  this  bay,  passing  along  a  low  marshy  coast 
skirted  with  broken  islands,  on  the  2d  September  he 
saw  high  hills  to  the  northward  ;  which  I  suppose  were 
the  Neversinks  in  New  Jersey. 

On  the  4tli  of  Sejitember,  he  came  to  an  anchor  in 
"a  very  good  harbor"  in  the  latitude  40°  30',  which  is 
the  bay  within  Sandy  Hook.  On  the  6tb.  the  boat  was 
sent  to  survey  what  appeared  to  be  the  mouth  of  a 
river,  distant  four  leagues.  This  was  the  strait  called 
the  Narrows,  between  Long  Island  and  Stalen  Island  , 
here  was  a  good  depth  of  water;  and  within  was  a 


*  In  the  journal  of  tins  voyage,  written  hy  Hu(is<in  tiinisetr, 
is  the  tollowinK  reinark.  "June  15,  lat.  75~  7'.  This  morning 
one  of  oui  company  looking  overhoard  saw  a  mermaid,  and 
calling  up  s(»me  of  the  coir.pany  lo  sec  her,  one  more  came  np, 
and  liy  lhat  time  she  wa.s  close  to  the  ship's  side,  looking  ear- 
nestly on  the  men.  A  little  afler  a  sea  came  and  overt  urned 
her.  From  Ihe  naval  upward  licr  hack  and  lireasts  «  ere  like 
a  woman,  (as  they  say  that  saw  her.)  her  body  as  hig  as  one 
of  us  ;  her  skin  very  white,  and  long  hair  hanging  down  he- 
hm<l,  of  color  hiack.  In  her  going  down  they  saw  her  tall, 
\%  hirh  was  iikr  the  tall  of  a  p<u[)Oisc,  and  M>erkle»l  like  a 
mackerel.  Their  names  lhat  saw  her  were  "Thomas  Hillcs, 
and  Roherl  Ilavmir. — Purctias,  iv.  575. 

t  This  IS  said  on  Ihn  authority  of  Ur.  Foster.  The  journal 
says  noihing  of  it.    Il  was  written  hv  Robert  .Inet  Ins  mate. 

i  Smith  in  Ins  liistory  of  New  York,  f>>llowing  Oldmivon 
and  oiner  secondhand  aulnoritics.  places  this  voyage  in  KiOH. 
lint  as  Ihe  imirnals  of  Hudson's  lour  vuy.i(;>.'S  aio  extant  in 
I'u  ^Uua,  I  lake  all  da'.c»  lluiii  tlieui. 


large  opening,  and  a  narrow  river,  to  the  west  ;  th« 
channel  between  Bergen  Neck  and  Slaten  Island.  Ao 
the  boat  was  returning,  it  was  attacked  by  some  ol  the 
natives  in  two  canoes.  One  man,  John  Colman,  was 
killed  ;  he  was  buried  on  a  point  of  land,  which,  from 
that  circumstance,  was  called  Colman's  point.  It  is 
probably  Sandy  Hook,  within  which  the  ship  lay. 

On  the  11th,  they  sailed  through  the  Narrows,  and 
found  a  "  good  harbor  secure  from  all  winds."  1  he 
licit  day.  they  turned  against  a  N.  W.  wind,  into  the 
mouth  of  the  river,  wh.ch  bears  Hudson's  name  ;  and 
came  to  anchor  two  leagues  within  it.  On  these  two 
days,  they  were  visited  by  the  natives,  who  brought 
corn,  beans,  oysters  and  tobacco.  They  had  pipes  of 
copper,  in  which  they  smoked  ;  and  earthen  pots,  in 
which  they  dressed  their  meat.  Hudson  would  not 
suffer  them  to  stay  on  board  by  night. 

From  the  12th  to  tho  I9th  September,  he  sailed  up 
the  river ;  which  he  found  about  a  mile  wide  and  of  a 
good  depth,  abounding  with  fish,  among  which  were 
"great  store  of  salmons."  As  he  advanced,  the  land 
on  both  sides  was  high,  till  it  came  very  mountainous. 
This  "  high  land  had  many  points,  the  channel  was  nar- 
row, and  there  were  many  eddy  winds." 

From  a  careful  enumeration  of  the  computed  dis- 
tances, in  each  day's  run,  as  set  down  in  the  journal,  il 
apjiears  that  Hudson  sailed  fifty  three  leagues.  To  thi^ 
distance,  the  river  was  navigable  for  the  ship ;  the 
boat  went  up  eight  or  ten  leagues  farther  ;  but  found 
the  bottom  irregular,  and  the  depth  not  more  than  seven 
feet.  It  is  evident  therefore  that  he  penetrated  this 
river,  as  far  as  where  the  tity  of  Albany  now  stands. 

The  farther  he  went  uji  the  river,  the  more  friendly 
and  hospitable  the  natives  apjieared.  They  f,ave  hiin 
skins  in  exchange  for  knives  and  other  trifles.  But  as 
he  came  down,  below  the  mountains,  the  savages  were 
thievish  and  troublesome,  which  occasioned  frequent 
quarrels,  in  which  eight  or  nine  of  them  were  killed. 
The  land  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  river  near  its  mouth, 
was  called  Manahala. 

On  the  4th  of  October  he  came  out  of  the  river; 
and  without  anchoring  in  the  bay,  stood  out  to  sea  ;  and 
steering  directly  for  Europe,  on  the  7th  November  ar- 
rived "  in  the  range  of  Dartmouth  in  Devonshire." 
Here  the  journal  ends. 

The  discoveries  made  by  Hudson  in  this  remarkable 
voyage,  were  of  great  mercantile  consequence  to  his 
employers.  It  has  been  said,  that  he  "  sold  the  coun- 
tf-y,  or  rather  his  right  to  it,  to  the  Dutch.''  This  how- 
ever is  questionable.  The  sovereigns  of  England  and 
France  laid  equal  claim  to  the  country,  and  it  is  a  mat- 
ter which  requires  some  discussion,  whether  the  Hol- 
landers were,  at  that  time,  so  far  admitted  into  the 
community  of  nations,  as  to  derive  rights  which  would 
be  acknowledged  by  the  other  European  powers.  How- 
ever, whilst  they  were  struggling  for  existence  among 
the  nations,  they  were  growing  rich  by  their  mercantile 
adventures  ;  and  this  capital  discovery,  made  at  their 
expense,  was  a  source  of  no  small  advantage  to  them. 
They  had,  for  some  time  before,  cast  an  eye  on  the  fur 
trade ;  and  had  even  bribed  some  I^reiichmen  to  admit 
them  into  the  traflic  at  Acadia  and  St.  Lawrence.  The 
discovery  of  Hudson's  river  gave  them,  at  once,  an  en- 
trance of  above  fifty  leagues  into  the  heart  of  the  Ame- 
rican continent  ;  in  a  situation  where  the  best  furs 
could  be  procured  without  any  interruption  from  eithci 
the  French  or  the  English.  The  place  indeed  lay  witbiu 
the  claim  of  both  these  nations  ;  Acadia  extended  from 
the  latitude  of  40  '  to  48°  ;  and  Virginia  from  34  -  to 
45°  ;  but  the  French  had  made  several  fruitless  at- 
tempts to  (lass  southward  of  Cajie  Cod  ;  and  hatl  but 
just  began  their  plantations  at  -Vcadia  and  St  Law  rence. 
The  English  had  made  some  efforts  to  establish  colo- 
nies in  Virginia,  one  of  which  was  struoglmg  for  exist- 
ence, and  others  had  failed,  both  in  the  southern  and 
northern  division.  Besides,  King  James,  bv  a  stroke 
of  policy  jirruhar  lo  him.nlf,  in  dividing  Virginia  be- 
tween the  North  and  Soulh  Compatiies,  had  i H/rWocAr/l 
each  patent  with  the  other  ;  and  at  the  same  time  tn- 
'crdiclrd  the  jialentees  from  planting  within  one  hundred 
miles  of  each  other.  This  uncertainty,  concurring  with 
other  causes,  kept  the  adventurers  at  such  a  distance, 
that  the  intermediate  country,  by  far  the  most  valuable, 
lav  exposed  to  trie  intrusion  of  fo.-eigners  ;  none  of 
whom  knew  better  than  Ihe  Dutch,  how  to  avail  them- 
selves of  the  ignorance  or  inattention  of  their  neighbors 
in  pursuit  of  gain. 

But  whether  it  can  at  this  time  be  detenninej  or  not 
by  what  means  the  Hollanders  acquired  a  titlv-  to  the 
comitrv  ;  c<'rtam  it  is.  lhat  thev  understood  and  pur- 
sued the  advantage  which  this  discovery  opened  to 
them     With  II  lour  )t,iis,  n  furl  and  trading  bouhfl 


UrOGRAPIIIES  OF  THE  EARLY  DISCOVERERS- 


81 


were  erected  on  the  spot  where  Albany  is  now  built  ; 
&i!d  another  fort  on  the  S.  W.  pniiit  of  the  island, 
v.tiere  the  city  of  New  York  now  stands,  by  a  company 
of  inerchantt  who  had  jjrocnrtd  from  the  Stalee- 
gepcral  a  patent  for  an  exclusive  trade  to  Hudson's 
river. 

The  transactions  between  Hudson  and  his  Dutch 
employers  are  not  stated  in  the  accounts  of  his  voy- 
hi'cs.  Dr.  Foster  says  that  he  ofl'cred  to  undertake 
another  voyage  in  their  service,  but  that  they  declined 
it,  upon  which  he  returned  to  England  ;  and  again  en- 
tered into  the  service  of  the  company,  who  had  before 
employed  him. 

The  former  attempts  for  a  northern  passage  having 
been  made  in  very  high  latitudes,  it  was  now  deter- 
mined, to  seek  for  one,  by  passing  to  the  westward  of 
Cireenland,  and  examining  the  inlets  of  the  American 
rontinent.  For  this  purpose  a  ship  was  fitted  out,  and 
the  command  was  given  to  ]Iudson  ;  but  unhap])ily, 
the  company  insistv'-d  that  he  should  take  with  him  as 
an  assistant,  one  C'olburne,  a  very  able  and  expe- 
rienced seaman.  Their  great  confidence  in  Colburne's 
skill  excited  Hudson's  envy  ;  and  after  the  ship  had 
tallen  down  the  river,  he  put  him  on  board  a  pink, 
bound  up  to  London,  with  a  letter  to  the  owners,  con- 
taining the  reasons  of  his  conduct  ;  rnd  then  proceeded 
on  his  voyage.  [April  22,  1610.]  This  rash  step 
gave  the  crew  an  example  of  disobedience,  which  was 
so  severely  retaliated  on  himself,  as  to  prove  the  cause 
of  his  ruin. 

He  went  round  the  north  of  Scotland,  through  the 
Orkney  and  Faro  islands,  and  on  the  11th  of  May 
made  the  eastern  part  of  Iceland.  Sailing  along  its 
southern  shore,  in  sight  of  the  volcanic  mountain 
Hecia,  he  put  into  a  harbor  in  the  western  part  of  the 
island  ;  where  he  met  with  a  friendly  reception  from 
the  inhabitants  ;  but  found  great  dissensions  among 
his  crew,  which  he  could  not  appease  without  much 
difficulty. 

Having  doubled  the  southern  promontory  of  Green- 
land, he  steered  N.  W.  for  the  American  continent. 
In  this  passage  he  was  so  entangled  with  floating  ice, 
that  he  almost  despaired  of  getting  clear.  But  at 
length  with  much  labor  and  peril,  he  forced  his  way 
through  the  strait  and  into  the  bay  which  bears  his  name. 
The  farther  he  advanced,  the  greater  were  the  murmur- 
ings  among  his  men.  He  removed  his  mate  and  boat- 
swain and  put  others  in  their  places.  This  disci- 
pline not  only  rendered  him  more  unpopular,  but  in- 
flamed the  displaced  officers  with  bitter  lesentment 
against  him. 

The  whole  summer  having  been  spent  in  examining 
the  eastern  and  southern  extremities  of  the  deep  and 
extensive  bay  which  he  had  discovered  ;  in  October  it 
was  too  late  to  return  ;  the  discovery  was  yet  incom- 
plete, and  he  was  loth  to  leave  it.  He  had  taken  but 
half  a  year's  provision  from  England.  It  was  there- 
fore necessary  to  husband  what  was  left,  and  procure 
more  by  hunting  ;  which  was  done  in  great  plenty,  by 
reason  of  the  numerous  flights  of  fowl  which  succeed- 
ed each  other  through  the  winter. 

In  November  the  ship  was  frozen  up.  Soon  after 
the  gunner  died,  and  a  controversy  took  place  about 
dividing  his  clothes.  Hudson  was  partial  to  Henry 
Green,  a  young  man  of  a  debauched  character,  whom 
he  had  taken  on  board ;  and  whose  name  was  not  on 
the  ship's  books.  This  young  man  ungenerously  took 
part  with  the  discontented,  and  lost  Hudson's  favor. 

They  had  to  struggle  with  a  severe  winter,  and  bad 
accommodations,  which  produced  scorbutic  and  rheu- 
matic complaints.  These  were  relieved  by  a  decoc- 
tion of  the  buds  of  a  tree  filled  with  a  balsamic  juice  ; 
the  liquor  was  drank,  and  the  buds  applied  to  the 
swelled  joints.  This  is  supposed  to  have  been  the 
Populus  Balsamifera. 

When  the  spring  came  on,  the  birds  disappeared, 
and  their  provisions  fell  short.  To  still  the  clamor 
among  the  discontented,  Hudson  injudiciously  divided 
the  remaining  stores,  into  equal  shares,  and  gave  each 
man  his  portion  ;  which  some  devoured  at  once  and 
others  preserved. 

The  ship  being  afloat,  he  began  to  sail  toward  the 
N.  W.  to  pursue  the  object  of  his  voyage  ;  when, 
(June  21,  1611)  a  conspiracy  which  had  been  -some- 
time in  fermentation,  broke  out  into  open  mutiny. 
The  displaced  mate  and  boatswain,  accompanied  by 
th«  infamous  Green  and  others  rose  and  took  com- 
mand of  the  ship.  They  put  Hudson,  his  son,  the  car- 
penter, the  mathematician  ,  and  five  others,  most  of 
whom  were  sick  and  lame,  into  the  shallop  ;  with  a 
small  quantity  of  meal,  one  gun  and  ammunition,  two 
or  tt'tce  spears  and  an  iron  po*  ;  and  then  with  the 


most  savage  inhumanity  turned  them  adrift.  This  is 
the  last  account  of  Hud.son.  \A"hethcr  he,  with  his 
unfiappy  companions,  perithed  by  the  sea,  by  famine,  or 
by  the  savages,  is  unknown. 

The  consj'irators  put  the  ship  about  to  the  eastward 
and  hasted  to  get  out  of  the  bay.  Near  Cape  Digges, 
they  met  with  seven  canoes  of  the  savages,  by  whom 
they  were  attacked.  The  perfidious  Green  was  killed, 
and  three  others  wounded,  of  whom  two  died  in  a  few 
days.  The  miserable  remnant  pursued  their  course 
homeward,  and  suffered  much  by  famine ;  but  at  length 
arrived  in  Irelarid,  and  from  thence  got  to  England. 

This  account  of  the  unfortunate  end  of  Hudson  and 
the  return  of  the  ship,  is  taken  f  rom  a  narrative  w  ritten 
by  Abacuc  Pricket,  whom  the  mutineers  preserved,  in 
hope  that  by  his  connexion  with  Sir  Dudley  Digges, 
one  of  the  owners,  they  should  obtain  their  pardon. 

The  most  astonishing  circumstance  in  this  horrid 
act  of  cruelty,  is  the  oath  by  winch  the  conspirators 
bound  themselves  to  execute  their  plot  ;  the  form  of 
it  is  ])rcscrved  by  Pricket,  and  is  in  these  words. 

"You  shall  swear  truth,  to  Gon,  your  |)rince  and 
country  ;  you  shall  do  nothing  but  to  the  glory  of  Gon  ; 
and  the  good  of  the  action  in  hand,  and  harm  to  no 
man."  It  is  to  be  hoped,  that  the  absurdity,  hypocrisy, 
and  blasphemy  of  this  transaction  will  ever  be  unpar- 
rallelled  in  the  history  of  human  depravity  ! 


INTRODUCTION. 

The  beginning  of  the  colony  of  Virginia  has  been 
related  in  the  life  of  Captain  John  Smith  ;  to  whose 
ingenuity,  prudence,  patience,  activity,  industry  and 
resolution,  its  subsistence  during  the  first  three  years  is 
principally  to  be  ascribed.  It  would  have  been  either 
deserted  by  the  people,  or  destroyed  by  the  natives, 
had  he  not  encouraged  the  former  by  his  unremitted 
exertions,  and  struck  an  awe  into  the  latter  by  his  mi- 
litary address  and  intrepidity. 

The  views  of  the  adventurers  in  England  were  in- 
tent on  present  gain  ;  and  their  strict  orders  were  to 
preserve  peace  with  the  natives.  Neither  of  these 
could  be  realized.  Cultivation  is  the  first  object  in  all 
new  plantations  ;  this  requires  time  and  industry  ;  and 
till  the  wants  of  the  people  could  be  supplied  by  their 
own  labor,  it  was  necessary  to  have  some  dependence 
on  the  natives  for  such  provisions  as  they  could  spare 
from  their  own  consumption  :  and  when  the  supply 
could  not  be  obtained  by  fair  bargain,  it  was  thought 
necessary  to  use  stratagem  or  force.  Those  who  were 
on  the  spot  were  the  best  judges  of  the  time  and  occa- 
sion of  using  those  means  ;  but  they  were  not  permitted 
to  judge  for  themselves.  The  company  of  adventurers 
undertook  to  prescribe  rules,  to  insist  on  a  rigorous  ex- 
ecution of  them,  and  to  form  various  projects  which 
could  never  be  carried  into  effect.  In  short,  they  ex- 
pected more  from  their  colony  than  it  was  possible  for 
it  to  produce  in  so  short  a  time,  with  such  people  as 
they  sent  to  reside  there,  and  in  the  face  of  so  many 
dangers  and  difficulties,  which  were  continually  pre- 
sented to  them. 

After  the  arrival  of  Captain  Newport  in  England 
from  his  third  voyage,  the  Company  of  South  Virginia, 
disappointed  and  vexed  at  the  small  returns  which  the 
ships  brought  home,  determined  on  a  change  of  system, 
they  solicited  and  obtained  of  the  crown  a  new  charter 
(May  2.3,  1609),  and  took  into  the  company  a  much 
greater  number  of  adventurers  than  before.  Not  less 
than  six  hundred  and  fifty-seven  names  of  persons  are 
inserted  in  the  charter,  many  of  whom  wore  noblemen, 
and  gentlemen  of  fortune,  and  merchants  ;  besides 
fifty-sii  incorporated  companies  of  mechanics  in  the 
city  of  London  ;  and  room  was  left  for  the  admission 
of  more.  The  government  at  home  was  vested  in  a 
council  of  fifty-two  persons,  named  in  the  charter  ;  at 
the  head  of  which  was  Sir  Thomas  Smith,  the  formei 
treasurer  ;  and  all  vacancies  which  might  happen  in  the 
council,  were  to  be  filled  by  the  vote  of  a  majority  of 
the  company  legally  assembled.  This  council  in  Eng- 
land had  the  power  of  appointing  governors  and  other 
officers  to  reside  in  Virginia,  and  of  making  laws  and 
giving  instructions  for  the  government  of  the  colony. 
In  consequence  of  'this  power,  the  treasurer  and  coun- 
cil constituted  the  following  officers: 

Sir  Thomas  West,  Lord  Delaware,  Captain-general  ; 
Sir  Thomas  Gates,  Lieutenant-general ;  Sir  George 
Somers,  .admiral  ;  Captain  CliristO]iher  Newport, 
Vice-.\dmiral  ;  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  High  Marshall  ;  and 
Sir  Ferdinando  Wainman,  General  of  Horse. 

Several  other  gentlemen,  whose  names  are  not  men- 
tioned, were  appointed  to  other  oHices,  all  of  which 


were  to  be  holden  durinfr  life.  This  may  sn-tii  a 
strange  way  of  appointing  office  s  in  a  new  colony,  es- 
pecially when  the  charter  gave  the  council  power  'o  re- 
voke and  discharge  them.  But  it  is  probable  thu"  .iicse 
gentlemen  had  friends  in  the  company  who  wbeie  per- 
sons of  wealth  ami  influence,  and  who  thought  the 
offices  not  worthy  o'  'heir  accejitance,  uniL:,t  Ittjy 
could  hold  them  long  enough  to  make  their  fortunes. 
The  example  of  Columbus  might  have  served  as  a  pre- 
cedent, who  had  the  office  of  admiral  of  the  Went  In- 
dies, not  only  for  life,  but  as  an  inheritance  to  his  pos 
terity. 


SIR  THOMAS  SMITH. 

Sir  Thomas  Smith— He  is  calumniated— Decree  of  Ctianrcrj 
ill  Ills  favor- He  re>ii),'ns  liis  ollicc  of  Treasurer  of  tlie  Vij- 
giiiia  Company— Two  lliousanil  .-icres  of  Land  graiihvl  to 
lum  in  Virginia- Sir  Edwin  Sandys,  Treasurer  of  Hit-  Vir 
ginia  Company — l.olteries — Supplies  olilaincd  by  tlieiii  foi 
Vir^'inia — Tenaciousness  of  King  James. 

Ai.i,  which  is  known  with  ccrtaintv  of  this  gcntlcmnn 
is,  that  he  was  a  London  merchant,  of  great  wealth  and 
influence,  Governor  of  the  East  India  and  .Muscovy 
Companies,  and  of  the  company  associated  for  the  dis- 
covery of  a  northwest  passage  ;  that  be  had  beer,  sent 
(1604)  ambassador  from  King  James  to  the  Em|)enir 
of  Russia ;  ttiat  he  was  one  of  the  assignees  of  Sir 
Walter  Raleigh's  patent,  and  thus  became  interested  m 
the  colony  of  Virginia.  He  had  been  treasurer  of  the 
company  under  their  first  charter,  and  presided  m  all 
the  meetings  of  the  council  and  of  the  company  in  En- 
gland ;  but  he  never  came  to  America. 

It  is  unfortunate  for  the  memory  of  Sir  Thomas 
Smith,  that  both  the  company  and  colony  of  South 
Virginia  were  distracted  by  a  malevolent  party  sjiirit  ; 
and  that  he  was  equally  an  object  of  re])roach  on  the 
one  hand  and  of  panegyric  on  the  other.  To  decide  on 
the  merit  or  demerit  of  his  character,  at  this  distance 
of  time,  would  perhaps  require  more  evidence  than  ca;i 
be  produced  ;  but  candor  is  due  to  tho  dead  as  well  as 
to  the  living. 

He  was  a  warm  friend  of  Captain  John  Smith,  who, 
in  his  account  of  Virgin:a,  speaks  of  him  with  respect, 
as  a  diligent  and  careful  overseer,  espet  i.illy  in  sending 
supplies  to  the  colony  during  his  resideiu'e  there  ;  and 
after  his  return  to  England,  he  dcpi-nded  on  Sir 
Thomas  and  the  council  lor  those  accounts  cf  the  co 
lony  which  he  has  inserted  ii  his  history,  subsequent  to 
that  period. 

In  a  dedication  prefixed  to  a  narrative  of  the  ship- 
wreck of  Sir  George  .Soiners  on  the  Island  of  Uerinuda, 
Sir  Thomas  is  complimented  in  the  following  manner  ; 
"  Worthy  sir,  if  other  men  were  iike  you,  if  all  as  able 
as  vou  are  were  as  willing,  we  should  see  a  flourishing 
C.:ristian  church  and  commonwealth  in  Virginia.  But 
let  this  be  your  consolation,  there  is  one  that  is  more 
able  and  willing  than  you,  even  the  Ciod  of  heaven  and 
earth.  .\nd  know  further,  for  your  comfort,  that  though 
the  burden  lie  on  you  and  a  few  more,  yet  are  there 
manv  honorable  and  worthy  men  of  all  sorts  who  will 
never  shrink  from  you.  Go  on,  therefore,  with  courage 
and  constancy  ;  and  be  assured,  that  though  by  youi 
honorable  embassages  and  emjiloyments,  and  by  your 
charitable  and  virtuous  courses  you  have  gained  a 
worthy  reputation  in  this  world,  yet  nothing  that  you 
ever  did  or  sufl'ercd,  more  honors  you  in  the  eye«>  of  all 
that  are  godly-wise,  than  your  faithful  and  unwearied 
prosecution,  your  continual  and  comfortable  assistance 
of  those  foreign  plantations." 

But  thougli  flattered  and  complimenti'd  by  his  ad- 
mirers, yet  he  had  enemies  both  among  ilie  company  in 
England  and  the  colonists  in  Virginia,  By  some  of  h;s 
associates  he  was  accused  of  favoring  the  growth  of  to- 
bacco in  the  colony,  to  the  neglect  ol  other  staple  com- 
modities which  the  country  was  equally  capable  of  pro- 
ducing. It  was  also  alleged,  that  instead  of  a  body  of 
laws  agreeable  to  the  English  constitution,  a  book  had 
been  [irinted  and  dedicated  to  lum,  and  sent  to  \  irginii 
by  his  own  authority,  and  without  the  order  or  ccnsei  t 
of  the  company,  containing  '•  laws  written  in  blood  ;"' 
which,  tbouijh  they  might  serve  for  a  tune  of  war.  bc;!ig 
niosily  translated  from  the  marshal  law  of  the  United 
Netherlands,  yet  were  destructive  of  the  liberties  of 
English  subjects,  and  contrary  to  the  express  lettcr  of 
the  royal  charter.  For  this  reason  many  people  in  Eng- 
land were  deterred  from  emigrating  to  Virginia,  and 
many  persons  in  the  colony  were  unjustly  put  to  <'ealb. 

In  the  colony,  the  clamor  against  him  v  a;  Gtill 
louder.  It  was  there  said,  that  he  had  been  mojt  sran- 
dalously  negligent,  if  not  corrupt,  in  the  matter  of  sup- 
plies ;  that  in  a  certain  period  called  the  "  starving 
time,"  the  allowance  for  a  man  was  only  eight  junee* 


83 


AMERICAN  HISTORY. 


of  meal  and  a  half  pint  of  pease  per  day,  and  that  nci- 
llier  of  them  %\  ere  tit  to  be  eaten  ;  that  famine  obliged 
many  of  the  people  to  fly  to  the  savages  for  relief,  who 
bcinsj  retaken  were  put  to  death  for  desertion  ;  that 
others  were  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  stealing,  which 
bv  Ilia  sangumary  laws  was  punished  with  extreme  j 
rigor;  that  the  sick  and  intirm,  who  were  unable  to 
work,  were  denied  the  allowance,  and  famislied  for 
yrtj-t ;  that  sonic  in  these  extremities  dug  holes  in  the 
f^lT'.l\.  and  hid  tiicnisclves  till  they  perished  ;  that  the 
ncarcity  was  "  so  lamentable,"  that  they  were  con- 
strained to  cat  dogs,  cats,  snakes,  and  even  human 
coqises  ;  that  one  man  killed  his  wife,  and  jiut  her  flesh 
in  pickle,  for  which  he  was  burnt  to  death.  These  ca- 
lamities were  by  the  colonists  so  strongly  and  jioint- 
cdlv  laid  to  the  charge  of  the  treasurer,  that  when  they 
had  found  a  mare  which  had  been  killed  by  the  Indians, 
and  were  boiling  her  tlcsh  for  food,  they  wished  Sir 
Thomas  was  in  the  same  kettle.  A  list  of  these  grie- 
vances was  presented  to  King  James  ;  and  in  the  con- 
clusion of  the  petition,  they  begged  his  majesty,  that 
"  rather  than  be  reduced  to  live  under  the  like  govern- 
ineiil  again,  he  would  send  over  commissioners  to  liaitg 
them." 

In  answer  to  these  accusations,  it  was  said,  that  the  I 
original  grouTid  of  all  these  calamities  was  the  unfortu- 
nate shipwreck  of  a  vessel  loaded  w  ith  supplies,  on  the 
Island  of  Bermuda.  This  happened  at  a  time  when 
Captain  John  Smith  was  disabled  and  obliged  to  quit 
the  colony,  which  had  been  supported  in  a  great  mea- 
sure by  his  exertions.  Another  source  of  the  mischief 
was  the  indolence  of  the  colonists  themselves  ;  who 
regarded  only  the  present  moment,  and  took  no  care 
for  the  fulMTc.  'I'his  indolence  was  so  great,  that  thoy 
would  eat  their  fish  raw  rather  than  go  to  a  small  dis- 
tance from  the  water  for  wood  to  dress  it.  When  there 
was  a  plenty  of  sturgeon  in  the  river,  they  would  not 
take  any  more  than  to  serve  their  present  necessity, 
though  they  knew  the  season  was  approaching  when 
these  fish  return  to  the  sea  ;  nor  did  tliey  take  care  to 
preserve  their  nets,  but  sutTered  ihein  to  perish  for  went 
of  drying  and  mending.  Another  cause  was  the  dis- 
honesty of  those  who  were  employed  in  procuring  cor.n 
from  the  natives  ;  for  having  accomplished  their  object, 
they  went  to  sea,  and  turned  pirates  ;  some  of  them 
•jnited  with  other  pirates,  and  those  who  got  home  to 
England,  protested  that  they  were  obliged  to  (piit  Vir- 
ginia for  fear  of  starving.  Besides,  it  was  said  that 
when  ships  arrived  with  provision,  it  was  enibezi.led 
by  the  mariners,  and  the  articles  intended  for  traffic 
with  the  Indians,  were  privately  given  away  or  sold  for 
e  trifle  ;  and  some  of  the  people  venturing  too  far  into 
Iheir  villages  were  surjirised  and  killed. 

The  story  of  the  man  eating  his  dead  wife  was  pro- 
pagated in  England  by  some  of  the  deserters  ;  but  when 
it  was  examined  afterwards  by  Sir  Thomas  Gates,  it 
proved  to  be  no  more  than  this.  One  of  the  colonists 
who  hs'ed  his  wife,  secretly  killed  her;  then,  to  con- 
ceal the  murder  cut  her  body  in  pieces,  and  hid  them 
ni  different  parts  of  the  house.  When  the  woman  was 
missed,  the  man  was  suspected  ;  his  house  was  search- 
ed, and  the  pieces  were  found.  To  excuse  his  guilt, 
h"  pleaded  that  his  wife  died  of  hungi^r,  and  that  he 
daily  fed  on  her  remains.  His  house  was  again  search- 
ed, and  other  food  was  found  ;  on  which  he  was  ar- 
raigned, confessed  the  murder,  and  was  put  to  death  ; 
being  burned,  according  to  law. 

Though  calumniated  both  in  England  and  America, 
Sir  Thomas  .Smith  did  not  want  advocates  ;  and  his 
character  for  integrity  was  so  well  established  in  Eng- 
land, that  when  some  of  the  company  who  had  refused 
to  advance  their  quotas,  pleaded  his  negligence  and 
avarice  in  their  excuse,  the  Court  of  Chancery,  before 
whom  the  atiair  was  carried,  gave  a  decree  against 
them,  and  they  were  compelled  to  pay  the  sums  which 
thev  had  subscribed. 

'J'hc  charges  against  him  were  equally  icvelled  against 
the  council  and  company  ;  and  by  thinr  order  a  decla- 
ration was  published,  in  which  the  misfortunes  of  the 
colony  are  thus  summarily  represented.  "  Cast  up  the 
reckoning  together,  want  of  government,  store  of  idle- 
ness, their  expectations  frustrated  by  the  traitors,  their 
market  spoiled  by  the  mariners,  their  nets  broken,  the 
deer  chased,  their  boats  los  'heir  hogs  killed,  their 
trade  with. the  Indians  forbidtij-  some  of  their  men 
lied,  some  murdered,  and  most  by  drinking  the  brackish 
water  of  James  Fort,  weakened  and  endangered ; 
famine  and  sickness  by  all  these  means  increased.  Here 
at  home  the  monies  came  in  so  slowly,  that  the  Lord 
Delaware  could  not  be  despatched  till  the  colony  was 
ivorn  and  spent  with  dilRculties.  Aiiove  all.  having 
upllh'r  ruler  nor  preacher,  they  feared  neither  (Jod  nor 


man  which  provoked  the  Lord,  and  pulled  down  his 
judgments  upon  them." 

Sir  Thomas  •Smith  continv.ed  in  his  office  of  treasurer 
till  1619  ;  when  the  prejudice  against  him  became  so 
strong,  that  by  the  interest  if  the  Earl  of  Warwick, 
who  hated  him,  his  removal  was  in  contemplation.  At 
the  same  time,  Sir  Thomas,  being  advanced  in  years 
and  infirmities,  having  grown  rich,  and  having  a  suffi- 
ciency of  business  as  governor  of  the  East  India  Com- 
pany, thought  it  prudent  to  retire  from  an  office  of  so 
great  a  responsibility,  attended  with  so  much  trouble 
and  so  little  advantage  ;  and  accordingly  sent  in  his  re- 
signation to  the  Council  of  Virginia.  His  friends  would 
have  dissuaded  him  from  this  measure  ;  but  he  was  in- 
flexible. Sir  Edwin  Sandys  was  elected  his  successor : 
a  gentleman  of  good  understanding,  and  great  appli- 
cation to  business.  At  his  motion,  a  gratuity  of  2,000 
acres  of  land  in  Virginia  was  granted  to  Sir  Thomas. 
He  had  been  in  office  upwards  of  twelve  years,  in 
which  time  the  expenses  of  the  plantation  had  amounted 
to  80,000/.  ;  and  though  he  had  derlaicd  that  he  left 
4,000/.  for  his  successor  to  begin  with,  yet  it  was  found 
on  examination,  that  the  company  was  in  debt  to  a 
greater  amount  than  that  sum. 

•Several  ways  were  used  for  the  raising  of  supplies 
to  carry  on  the  colonization  of  Virginia.  One  was  by 
the  subscriptions  of  the  members  of  the  company  ;  ano- 
ther was  by  the  voluntary  donations  of  other  peojilc  ; 
and  a  tliird  was  by  lotteries.  Subscriptions,  if  not  vo- 
luntarily paid  were  recoverable  by  law  ;  but  this  me- 
thod was  tedious  and  expensive.  Donations  were  pre- 
carious, and  though  liberal  and  well  intended,  yet  they 
sometimes  consisted  only  of  books  and  furniture  for 
churches  and  colleges,  and  appropriations  for  the  edu- 
cation of  Indian  children.  Lotteries  were  before  this 
time  unknown  in  England  ;  but  so  great  was  the  rage 
for  this  mode  of  raising  money,  that  within  the  space  of 
six  years  the  sum  of  29,000/.  was  brought  into  the  trea- 
sury. This  was  "  the  real  and  substantial  food  with 
which  Virginia  was  nourii-hed."  The  authority  on 
which  the  lotteries  were  grounded  was  the  charter  of 
King  James  (1609),  and  so  tenacious  was  this  monarch 
of  his  prerogative,  that  in  a  subsequent  proclamation  he 
vainly  interdicted  the  "  speahiiig  against  the  Virginian 
Lottery."  Yet  when  the  House  of  Commons  (1621) 
began  to  call  in  question  some  of  the  supposed  rights 
of  royalty,  these  lotteries  and  the  proclamation  which 
enforced  them  were  complained  of  and  presented 
among  the  grievances  of  the  nation.  On  that  occasion 
an  apology  was  made  by  the  king's  friends,  "  that  he 
never  liked  the  lotteries,  but  gave  uay  to  ihcm,  because 
he  was  told  that  Virginia,  could  not  subsist  without 
them  ;"  and  when  the  Commons  insisted  on  their  com- 
plaint, the  monarch  revoked  the  license  by  an  order  of 
council  ;  in  consequence  of  which  the  treasury  of  the 
company  was  almost  without  resources. 


THOMAS  LORD  DELAWARE,  SIR  THOMAS 
GATES,  SIR  GEORGE  SOMERS,  CAPTAIN 
CHRISTOPHER  NEWPORT,  SIR  THOMAS 
DALE,  SIR  FERDINANDO  WALNMAN. 

Lord  Delaware — aiivesin  Virginia— Jle  builds  two  forts  on 
James  river — Ifc  leaves  Virginia — arrives  at  tlic  Western 
Island.'; — Uaiiiel  Gookin  settles  in  Virginia — He  removes  to 
New  England— Sir  Thomas  Dale,  Governor  of  Virginia— 
llis  eiicigelic  priK'cediiigs — His  character  as  Governor — 
Sir  Thomas  Gate.s— His  arrival  in  Virginia  as  Governor — 
]Iis  return  to  England — Sir  Georoe  Somers,  Admiral  of 
Virginia — Dispntc  Willi  Gates  about  rank— He  is  wrecked 
on  lliriiuula  inland— lie  arrives  in  Virginia — Uis  death, 
burial,  and  monuinent — i;iirisloj)her  Newport,  coininander 
in  the  Navy  of  yucen  Elizabelli — New  York  lirsl  soltled — 
Sir  Feudinando  Wainman— Ilis  arrival  in  Virginia — His 
death- Uealh  of  Lord  Delaware. 

The  history  of  these  persons  is  so  blended,  that  a 
separate  account  of  each  cannot  be  written  from  any 
materials  in  my  possession.  Their  characters,  how- 
ever, may  be  distinguished  in  a  few  words,  before  I 
proceed  to  the  history  of  their  united  transactions  in  the 
employment  of  the  company  and  colony  of  Virginia. 

Lord  Dkhwarb  is  said  to  have  been  a  worthy  peer 
of  an  ancient  family  ;  a  man  of  fine  jiarts  and  of  a  ge- 
nerous disposii  ion  °,  who  took  much  pains,  and  was  at 
a  great  expense  to  establish  the  colony,  in  the  service  of 
which  he  sufFered  much  in  his  health,  and  finally  died 
at  sea  (I61H,)  in  his  second  voyage  to  .\merica,  in  or 
near  ihe  moulli  of  the  bay  which  bears  his  name. 

Sir  TiioMvs  (i»TKs  was  probably  a  land  officer, 
between  liiin  and  Sir  (uorge  Somers,  there  was  not 
that  cordial  harmony  which  is  always  desirable  between 
lucn  who  are  cgaged  in  the  same  business.  Eicepl- 
ilig  this,  noihiiig  is  said  to  his  disadvantage. 

i.Mr  GKoKUb  SuutKS  was  a  ijcutlvtuui  of  rank  Biid 


fortune,  of  a()proved  fidelity  and  indefatigable  industry  ; 
an  excellent  sea  coinmander,  having  been  employed  id 
the  navy  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  and  having  distinguished 
himself  n  several  actions  against  the  Spaniards  in  the 
West  Indies.  At  the  time  of  his  appointment  to  bo 
Admiral  of  Virginia,  he  was  above  sixty  years  of  age. 
His  seat  in  Parliament  was  vacated  by  his  acceptance 
of  a  colonial  commission.  He  died  in  the  service  ol 
the  colony  (1610)  at  Bermuda,  highly  esteemed  and 
greatly  regretted. 

Christopher  Newport  was  a  mariner  of  ability  and 
experience  in  the  American  seas.  He  had  been  a 
commander  in  the  navy  of  Elizabeth,  and,  in  1.593,  had 
conducted  an  expedition  against  the  Spaniards  in  the 
West  Indies,  where,  with  three  or  four  ships,  he  plun- 
dered and  burned  some  towns,  and  took  several  prizes, 
with  a  considerable  booty.  He  was  a  vain,  empty,  con- 
ceited man,  and  very  fond  of  parade.  By  the  ad- 
vantage of  going  to  and  fro.  he  gained  the  confidence 
of  the  council  and  company  in  England  ;  and  whatever 
he  pro[>osed  was  adojited  by  them.  Some  traits  cf  his 
character  have  been  given  in  the  bfe  of  Captain  J'»hn 
Smith.  In  1651  he  imported  fifty  men,  and  seated 
them  on  a  plantation,  which  he  called  Newport's  News. 
Daniel  Gookin  came  with  a  cargo  of  cattle  from  Ire- 
land, and  settled  first  on  this  plantation.  He  after- 
wards removed  to  New  England. 

Silt  Thomas  Dale  is  said  to  have  been  a  gentleman 
of  much  honor,  wisdom  and  experience.  To  him  w  as 
entrusted  the  execution  of  the  laws  sent  over  by  Sir 
Thomas  Smith  ;  which,  though  perhaps  necessary  at 
that  time,  (1611)  when  so  many  turbulent  and  refrac- 
tory persons  were  to  be  governed,  yet  were  subversive 
of  that  freedom  which  Englishmen  claimed  as  their 
birthright,  and  gave  too  much  power  into  the  hands  ol 
a  governor.  Though  his  administration  was  marked 
with  rigor  and  severity,  yet  he  did  much  iGwards  ad- 
vancinsr  the  settlements.  On  a  high  neck  of  land  in 
James  river,  named  Varina,  he  built  a  town  which  he 
called  Henrico,  in  honor  of  Prince  Henry,  the  remains 
of '.vhich  were  visible  when  Mr.  Stith  wrote  his  history 
(1?46.)  On  the  opposite  side  of  the  nvcr  he  made  a 
plmtation  on  lands,  from  which  he  expelled  the  In- 
dians, and  called  it  New  Bermuda.  He  staid  in  \'ir- 
ginia  about  five  years,  and  relumed  to  England  (1616) 
after  which  there  is  no  farther  account  of  him. 

Of  Sir  pERDiXANno  ^^'Al^■.MA^•,  nothing  is  said  but 
that  he  died  soon  after  his  arrival  in  Virginia  with 
Lord  Delaware,  in  the  summer  of  1610. 

When  the  new  charter  of  Virginia  was  obtained,  the 
council  and  company  immediately  equipped  a  Heet, 
10  carry  supplies  of  men  and  women,  with  provisions 
and  other  necessaries  to  the  colony,  'i  he  fleet  con- 
isisted  of  seven  ships,  in  each  of  which,  beside  the  cap- 
lain,  went  one  or  more  of  the  counsellors  or  other 
officers  of  the  colony  ;  and  though  there  was  a  dispute 
about  rank  between  two  officers,  Somers  and  Gates, 
they  were  placed  in  one  ship  with  Newport,  the  third 
in  command.  The  Governor-general,  Lord  Delaware, 
did  not  sail  with  this  fleet  ;  but  waited  till  the  next 
ye.ir,  to  go  with  a  further  supply.  The  names  of  the 
ships  and  their  commanders  were  as  follows  : 

The  Sea-.\dventu/e,  Admiral  Sir  George  Somers, 
with  Sir  Thomas  Gates,  and  Captain  Christopher  New- 
poit  ;  the  Diamond,  Captain  Radclitl'e  and  Captai.. 
King  ;  the  Falcon,  Captain  Martin  and  Master  Nelson  ; 
the  blessing,  Ciabriel  Archer  and  Captain  Adams  ;  the 
Unity,  Captain  VN'ocd  and  Master  Pett ;  the  Lion, 
Captain  M'ebb ;  the  Swallow,  Captain  Moonc  and 
.Master  Somers. 

The  fleet  was  attended  by  two  smaller  vessels,  one 
of  which  was  a  ketch,  commanded  by  Matthew  Fitch, 
ilio  other  a  ]>innace,  in  which  wont  Captain  Davies  and 
Master  Davios. 

This  fleet  sailed  from  Plymouth  on  the  second  day 
of  June,  1609.  Though  their  orders  were  not  to  go 
by  the  old  route  of  tlie  Canaries,  and  the  West  Indiei 
but  to  steer  directly  for  Virginia,  yet  they  went  as  fai 
southward  as  the  twenty-sixth  degree  of  latitude ; 
where  the  heat  was  so  excessive,  that  many  of  the  |>eo 
pie  were  taken  with  ciilentures.  In  two  ships,  ihirty- 
two  persons  died  ;  others  sutTered  severely,  and  oiia 
vessel  o.".!y  was  free  from  sickness. 

The  whole  fleet  ke|>t  company  till  the  twenty-fourth 
of  July,  when  they  supposed  themselves  to  be  within 
eight  davs  sail  of  Virgini.i,  stretching  to  the  northwest, 
and  crossing  the  Gulf  .Stream.  On  that  day,  began  a 
violent  tempest  from  the  northeast,  accompanied  with 
a  horrid  darkness,  which  continued  forty-four  ho,  rs. 
In  this  gale  the  fleet  was  scattered.  The  .Vdinimi'i 
ship,  on  board  of  which  was  the  comniissioi.  for  lb* 
new  goveriuucnt,  wi'.hthc  three  principal  othcers,  wa* 


BIOGRAPHIES  OF  THE  E  A  R  L  V  DISCOVERERS. 


83 


^•ecked  on  ihe  island  of  Bermuda.  The  ketch  foun- 
iered  at  sea.  The  remainder,  much  damaged  and  di."- 
trcsscd,  arrived  one  after  another  in  James  river,  about 
me  middle  of  August. 

The  provisions  brought  by  these  ships  were  insuffi- 
cient for  the  colony  and  the  passengers.  This  deti- 
ciencv  proved  very  detrimental,  and  occasioned  the 
qiisOTies  and  reproaches  which  have  been  already  men- 
tioned. The  space  of  ten  months  from  August,  1609, 
to  the  arrival  of  Lord  Delaware,  in  Jinic,  1610,  was 
known  in  Virginia  for  many  years  after,  by  the  name  of 
"  the  starving  time."  But  the  want  of  provision  was 
not  the  only  deficiency  ;  there  was  a  total  want  of  prin- 
cijjlc  and  of  order. 

Of  the  company  who  arrived  at  this  time,  the  follow- 
ing description  is  given  by  a  native  Virginian.  "  A 
great  part  of  them  consisted  of  unruly  sparks,  packed 
olf,  by  their  friends,  to  escape  a  worse  destiny  at  home. 
The  rest  were  ehH^tly  made  up  of  poor  gentlemen,  bro- 
ken tradesmen,  rakes  and  libertines,  footmen,  and  such 
Others  as  were  nmch  titter  to  ruin  a  commonwealth  than 
to  help  to  raise  or  maintain  one.  This  lewd  conijiany 
were  led  by  their  seditions  captains  into  many  mischiefs 
and  extravagancies.  They  assumed  the  power  of  dis- 
posing of  the  government  ;  and  conferred  it  some- 
times on  one  and  sometimes  on  another.  To-day  the 
old  commission  must  rule,  to-morrow  the  new,  and  the 
ne.xt  day  neither.    All  was  anarchy  and  distraction." 

Such  being  the  character  of  the  peojde,  there  could 
not  have  been  any  great  hope  of  success,  if  the  whole 
fleet  had  arrived  in  safety. 

The  admiral's  sliip  had  on  board  a  great  quantity  of 
provision.  She  was  separated  from  the  fleet  in  the 
Rtorni,  and  sprang  a  leak  at  sea,  so  that  with  constant 
pumping  and  bailing,  they  could  scarcely  keep  her 
obove  water  for  three  days  and  four  nights  ;  during 
which  time  Sir  Cieorge  Somers  did  not  osice  leave  ths 
quarter-deck.  The  crew,  worn  out  with  fatigue  and 
despairing  of  life,  broached  the  strong  liquors,  and  look 
leave  of  each  other  with  an  inebriating  draught,  till 
many  of  them  fell  asleep.  In  this  dreadful  extremity, 
Sir  George  discovered  land  ;  the  news  of  which  awoke 
and  revived  them,  and  every  man  exerted  himself  to  do 
his  duty.  At  length  the  ship  struck  ground  in  such  a 
position  between  two  rocks,  at  the  distance  of  half  a 
mile  from  the  shore,  that  tho  people  and  a  great  part  of 
ilie  cargo  were  safely  landed. 

The  Bermuda  I,>lands  were  uninhabited,  and  had  the 
reputation  of  being  enchanted.*  But  when  the  people 
were  on  shore  they  found  the  air  pure  and  salubrious, 
«nd  fruits  of  various  kinds  growing  in  lu.xuriant  plenty 
and  perfection.  The  shore  was  covered  with  tortoises, 
the  sea  abounded  with  fish,  and  in  the  woods  they 
found  wild  hogs,  which  it  is  supposed  had  escaped 
from  some  vessel  wrecked  on  the  island. 

Here  they  remained  nine  months.  The  two  senior 
officers  lived  apart,  and  each,  with  the  assistance  of 
the  men,  built  a  vessel  of  the  cedars  which  grew  on 
the  island,  and  tho  iron  and  cordage  saved  from  the 
wreck.  Sir  George  Somers  labored  with  liis  own 
hands  every  day  till  his  vessel  was  completed.  One 
of  these  vessels  was  called  the  Patience,  the  other  the 
Deliverance. 

It  IS  remarked,  that  during  their  abode  on  this 
island,  they  had  morning  and  evening  prayers  daily  ; 
divine  service  was  performed  and  two  sermons  were 
preached  every  Lord's  day,  by  their  chaplain,  Mr. 
Bucke.  One  marriage  was  celebrated,  and  two  chil- 
dren were  born  and  baptized.  Five  of  the  company 
died,  one  of  whom  was  murdered.  The  murderer  was 
put  under  conhnement,  but  escaped,  and  hid  himself 
among  the  woods  and  rocks,  with  another  offender,  till 
the  departure  of  the  company,  when  they  were  left 
behind.  Many  of  the  p_eople  were  so  well  pleased  with 
the  place,  that  they  were  with  ditiicuky  prevailed  on  to 
quit  these  pleasant  islands. 

The  lower  seams  of  the  vessel  were  calked  with  the 
remains  of  the  useless  cables,  and  a  small  quantity  of 
tar  saved  from  the  wreck.  The  upper  seams  were 
secured  with  lime  made  of  calcined  stones  and  shells, 
slaked  with  fresh  water  and  softened  with  the  oil  of 
torto'ses.  This  cement  soon  became  dry  and  firm. 
Tl-e  wild  hogs  served  for  sea-stores,  being  preserved 
with  salt,  crystallized  on  the  rocks. 

On  the  tenth  of  May,  1610,  the  company,  consistinc 
of  one  hundred  and  twenty  persons,  embarked,  and 


*  "  Wlifireas  it  is  reported  tliat  tliis  land  of  bermudas,  with 
tlie  isl.iiid.s  about  it,  are  enchanted  and  kept  by  evil  and  wicked 
sprits  ;  It  is  a  most  idle  and  false  report.  God  ^rant  that  we 
have  brought  no  wicked  spirits  with  u>,  or  that  there  come 
neue  alter  us  ;  lor  we  found  nothing!  Ihuie  *o  ill  ajs  ocjscives." 
IJonliUi's  Nbv/s  fioiii  Borinuda,  1013. 

4 


after  encountering  some  difficulty  among  the  rocks, 
the  ne.xt  day  got  clear  of  the  land,  and  shaped  their 
course  for  Virginia  ;  where  they  arrived  on  the  twcnt) 
first,  at  Point  Comfort,  and  two  days  after  at  James- 
town. The  colony,  reduced  to  sixty  persons,  in  a 
sickly,  mutinous  and  starving  condition,  gave  them  a 
mournful  welcome.  The  new  governor.  Sir  Thomas 
Gates,  caused  the  bell  to  be  rung,  and  summoned  the 
whole  company  to  the  church  ;  where,  after  an  affec- 
tionate prayer  by  Mr.  Bucke,  the  new  commission  was 
read  and  the  former  president,  Mr.  Percy,  then  scarcely 
able  to  stand,  diidivered  up  the  old  patent,  with  his 
commission. 

On  a  strict  examination,  it  was  found  that  the  pro- 
visions brought  by  the  two  pinnaces,  would  serve  the 
people  not  more  than  sixteen  days,  and  that  what  they 
had  in  the  town  would  be  spent  in  ten.  It  being  seed 
time,  the  Indians  had  no  corn  to  spare,  and  they  were 
so  hostile  that  no  treaty  could  be  holden  with  them. 
The  sturgeon  had  not  yet  come  into  the  river,  and 
many  of  the  nets  were  useless.  No  hojie  remained  of 
preserving  the  colony  ;  and  after  mature  deliberation, 
it  was  determined  to  abandon  the  country.  The 
nearest  place  where  any  relief  could  be  obtained  was 
Newfoundland  ;  thither  they  proposed  to  sail,  and  there 
they  expected  to  meet  the  fishing  vessels  from  Eng- 
land, on  board  of  which  the  people  might  be  distributed 
and  get  jiassages  home,  when  the  season  of  fishing 
Sihould  be  completed. 

Having  taken  this  resolution,  and  buried  their  ord- 
nance at  the  gate  of  the  fort,  on  the  seventh  of  June, 
at  beat  of  drum,  the  whole  company  embarked  in  four 
pinnaces.  It  was  with  dilficiilly  that  some  of  the  peo- 
ple were  restrained  from  setting  fire  to  the  town  ;  but 
the  governor,  with  a  select  company,  remained  on 
shore  till  the  others  had  embarked,  and  he  was  the  last 
that  stepped  into  the  boat.  About  noon  they  came  to 
sail,  and  fell  down  with  the  ebb,  that  evening,  to  Hog 
Island.  The  next  morning's  ti<le  brought  them  to 
Mulberry  Island  Point;  where,  lying  at  anchor,  they 
discovered  a  boat  coming  up  the  river  with  the  fiood. 
In  an  hour's  timo  the  boat  came  along  side  the  gover- 
nor's pinnace,  and  proved  to  be  an  express  from  the 
Lord  Delaware,  who  had  arrived,  with  three  ships  and 
a  sujiply  of  provision,  two  days  before,  at  Point  Coin- 
lort  ;  where  the  captain  of  the  fort  had  informed  him 
of  the  intended  evacuation  ;  and  his  lordship  imme- 
diately despatched  his  skitl'  with  letters  by  Captain 
Edward  Brewster,  to  prevent  their  departure.  On  re- 
ceiving these  letters,  the  governor  ordered  the  anchors 
to  be  weighed,  and  the  wind,  being  easterly,  brought 
them  back  m  the  night,  to  their  old  quarters  at  James- 
town. 

On  the  Lord's  day,  June  10,  the  ships  came  to  an- 
chor before  the  town.  As  soon  as  Lord  Delaware 
came  on  shore,  he  fell  down  on  his  knees,  and  con- 
tinued some  time  in  silent  devotion.  He  then  went  to 
church,  and  after  service,  his  commission  was  read, 
which  constituted  him  "  governor  and  captain-general 
during  his  life,  of  the  colony  and  plantation  of  Vir- 
ginia." Sir  Thomas  Gates  delivered  up  his  commis- 
sion and  the  colony  seal.  On  this  occasion.  Lord 
Delaware  made  a  public  address  to  the  peoyile,  blaming 
ihcm  for  their  former  idleness  and  misconduct,  and  ex- 
horting them  to  a  contrary  behavior,  lest  he  should  be 
obliged  to  draw  the  sword  of  justice  against  delin- 
quents, and  cut  them  off;  adding,  that  he  had  rather 
spill  his  own  blood  to  protect  them  from  injuries. 

Having  displaced  such  men  as  had  abused  their 
power,  and  appointed  proper  persons  to  office,  he 
assigned  to  every  man  his  portion  of  labor,  according 
to  his  capacity  ;  among  which  the  culture  of  vines  was 
not  forgotten  ;  some  Frenchmen  having  been  im])orted 
for  the  purpose.  There  had  been  no  division  of  the 
lands,  but  all  was  common  property  ;  and  the  colony 
was  considered  as  one  great  family,  fed  daily  out  of 
the  public  store.  Their  ernplovnients  were  under  tho 
direction  of  the  government,  and  the  produce  of  their 
labors  was  brought  into  the  common  stock.  The  In- 
dians were  so  troublesome,  that  it  would  not  have  been 
prudent  for  the  people  to  disperse,  till  they  should  be 
l)ettcr  able  to  defend  themselves,  or  till  the  savages 
should  be  more  friendly.  They  were  therefore  lodged 
within  the  fortifications  of  Jamestown  ;  their  working 
and  fishing  parties,  when  abroad,  were  well  armed  or 
guarded  ;  their  situation  was  hazardous  ;  and  the  pros- 
pect of  improvement,  considering  the  character  of  the 
majority,  was  not  very  flattering.  "  The  most  honost 
and  industrious  would  scarcely  take  so  much  pains  in 
a  week,  as  they  would  have  done  for  themselves  in  a 
day  ;  presuming  that  however  the  harvest  prospered, 
the  general  store  mns*  mimtain  tlicni ;  by  which  means 


they  reaped  not  so  much  corn  from  the  labors  of  thirty 
men,  as  three  men  could  have  produced,  on  their  own 
lands." 

No  dependence  could  be  placed  on  any  supply  of 
provisions  from  this  mode  of  exertion.  The  sloreB 
brought  over  in  the  fleet  might  have  kept  them  alive, 
with  prudent  management,  for  the  greater  part  of  a 
year;  but  within  that  time  it  would  be  necessary  to 
[jrovide  more.  The  Bermuda  Islands  were  full  of 
hogs,  and  Sir  George  Somers  offered  to  go  thither  with 
a  (larty  to  kill  and  salt  ihem.  This  ofler  was  readily 
acce])ted,  and  he  embarked  in  his  own  cedar  vessel  of 
thirty  tons,  accompanied  by  Captain  Samuel  Argal,  in 
another. 

They  sailed  together,  till  by  contrary  winds  ihey 
were  driven  among  the  shoals  of  Nantucket  and  Caj* 
Cod  ;  whence  Argal  found  his  way  back  to  Virginia, 
and  was  despatched  to  the  Potowmack  for  corn.  'I'hcre 
he  found  Henry  Si)i!linan,  an  Plnglish  youth,  who  had 
been  preserved  from  the  fury  of  Powhatan,  by  his 
daughter  Pocahontas.  By  his  assistance  Argal  pro- 
cured a  supply  of  corn,  which  he  carried  to  Jamestown. 

Sir  George  Somers.  after  long  struggling  with  con- 
trary winds,  was  driven  to  the  northeastern  shore  of 
America ;  where  he  refreshed  his  men,  then  pursued 
the  main  object  of  his  voyage,  and  arrived  safely  at 
Bermuda  There  he  began  to  collect  the  swine,  and 
prepare  tfieir  flesh  for  food  ;  but  the  fatigues  to  which 
he  had  been  exposed  by  sea  and  land,  proved  too  severe 
for  his  advanced  age,  and  he  sunk  under  the  burden. 
Finding  his  time  short,  he  made  a  proper  disposition  of 
his  estate,  and  charged  his  nephew,  Matthew  Somers, 
who  commanded  under  him,  to  return  with  the  provi- 
sion to  Virginia.  But  the  love  of  his  native  country 
prevailed.  Having  buried  the  entrails  at  Bermuda,  ho 
carried  the  corpse  of  his  uncle  to  England,  and  dejiosi- 
ted  it  at  Whitchurch  in  Dorsetshire.  A  monument 
was  afterwards  erected  at  Bermuda  to  the  memory  of 
this  excellent  man.*  The  town  of  St.  George  v\-<i8 
named  for  him,  and  the  islands  were  called  Soiner  Is- 
lands. The  return  of  this  vessel  gave  the  first  account 
in  England  of  the  discovery  of  those  islands. 

Virginia,  thus  left  destitute  of  so  able  and  virtuous  a 
friend,  was  soon  after  deprived  of  the  presence  of  its 
Governor,  Lord  Delaware.  Having  built  two  forts  at 
the  mouth  of  James  river,  and  another  at  the  falls ; 
and  having  rendered  his  goverment  respectable  in  tho 
view  both  of  tho  English  and  Indians,  he  found  his 
health  so  much  impaired,  that  he  was  obliged  in  nine 
months  to  quit  the  country,  intending  to  go  to  Ncvia 
for  the  benefit  of  the  warm  baths.  By  contrary  winda 
ho  was  forced  to  the  Western  Islands,  where  he  ob- 
tained great  relief  from  the  fresh  fruits  of  the  country  ; 
bul  .e  was  advised  not  to  hazard  himself  again  in  Vir- 
ginia, till  his  health  should  be  more  perfectly  restored, 
by  a  voyage  to  England.  Sir  Thomas  Dale  and  Sir 
Thomas  Gates  having  previously  gone  at  different 
times  to  England,  the  government  was  again  left  in  the 
hands  of  Mr.  Percy ;  a  gentleman  of  a  noble  family 
and  a  good  heart,  but  of  very  moderate  abilities. 

At  tho  time  of  Lord  Delaware's  departure  (Marrh 
28,  IGll)  the  colony  consisted  of  above  two  hundred 
people,  most  of  whom  were  in  good  health  and  well 
[irovidcd  ;  but  when  Sir  Thomas  Dale  arrived,  in  less 
than  two  months,  (.May  10,)  with  three  ships,  bringing 
an  addition  of  three  hundred  peojile,  he  found  the  old 
colonists  again  relapsing  into  the  former  state  of  indo- 
lence and  penury.  Depending  on  the  public  store, 
they  had  neglected  planting,  and  were  amusing  them- 
selves with  bowling  and  other  diversions  in  the  streets 
of  Jamestown.  Nothing  but  the  presence  of  a  spirited 
governor,  and  a  severe  execution  of  his  orders,  could 
induce  these  people  to  labor.  The  severities  exer- 
cised upon  them  were  such  as  could  not  be  warranted 
by  the  laws  of  England.    The  consequences  were  dis- 

*  This  monument  was  erected  about  ten  years  after  his 
death  by  Nathaniel  Butler,  then  governor  of  Bcrmud  a,  of 
which  the  following  account  is  given  by  Captain  Smith,  in  liis 
history  of  Virginia  and  the  Somer  Islands,  p.  193. 

"  Finding  accidentally  a  hitle  cross  erected  in  a  bye  place 
among  many  bushes,  and  understanding  that  there  was  buried 
the  heart  and  entrails  of  Sir  George  Somers,  ho  resolved  to 
have  a  better  memory  to  so  worthy  a  soldier.  So  tinding  a 
groat  m.irble  stone,  brought  out  of  England,  he  caused  it  by 
masons  to  be  wrought  handsomely  and  laid  over  tho  place, 
which  he  environed  with  a  square  wall  of  hewn  stone,  tomb 
like  ;  whereon  he  caused  to  be  engraved  tliis  epitaph  lie  tial 
composed. 

"  In  the  year  sixteen  hundred  and  eleven. 
Noble  Sir  George  Somers  went  hence  to  heaven; 
Whose  well  tried  worth  that  held  him  still  cmploy'd, 
Gave  liiin  the  knowledge  of  the  world  so  w  ide. 
Hence  'twas  by  Heaven's  decree,  that  to  tins  place, 
lie  brought  new  guests-and  name,  to  mutual  gracu; 
A  t  l.isl  his  soul  and  Imdy  being  to  part, 
lie  here  bequeallivd  ills  cnUailii  nud  liu  b«4tt  " 


84 


AMERICAN  HISTORY. 


couteiit  aud  insurrection  in  some,  and  servile  acqui- 
escence in  others.  Sir  Tlioinas  Dale  was  esteemed  as 
e  nuin  wlio  mi^bt  safely  be  entrusted  with  power ;  but 
tho  laws  Ijy  n'll  -u  he  governed,  and  his  rigorous  ad- 
miaislration  of  them,  were  the  subject  of  bitter  reinon- 
sti'Hure  iuid  i  oinpln^nt. 

The  adveniurers  in  England  were  still  in  a  state  of 
(lisapi»)intinent;  and  wiien  Sir  Thomas  Gates  arrived 
without  bringing  any  returns  adequate  to  their  cxpecta- 
'  tions,  the  council  entered  into  a  serious  deliberation 
whether  to  proceed  in  their  adventure  or  abandon  the 
enterprise.  Lord  Delaware's  arrival  in  England  cast  a 
decjicr  gloom  on  the  melancholy  prospect.  But  the 
lepresentations  of  these  gentlemen,  delivered  in  council 
and  confirmed  by  oath,  served  to  keep  up  their  spirits, 
nnd  induce  them  still  to  renew  their  exertions.  ' 

The  substance  of  these  representations  was,  that 
the  country  was  rich  in  it.'^eif,  but  that  time  and  in- 
dustry were  necessary  to  make  its  wealth  profitable  to 
thf  adventurers  ;  that  it  yielded  abundance  of  valuable 
woods,  as  oak,  walnut,  ash,  sassafras,  mulherry  trees 
for  sjk  worms,  live  oak,  cedar  and  fir  for  shqiping,  and 
that  on  the  banks  of  the  Potowmack  there  were  trees 
large  enough  for  masts  ;  that  it  produced  a  species  of 
wild  hemp  for  cordage,  pines  which  yielded  tar,  and  a 
vtist  quantity  of  iron  ore  ;  besides  lead,  antimony,  and 
Other  minerals,  and  several  kinds  of  colored  earths ; 
that  in  the  woods  were  found  various  balsams  and 
other  medicinal  drugs,  with  an  immense  quantity  of 
myrtle-berries  for  wax  ;  that  the  forests  and  rivers  har- 
bored beavers,  otters,  foxes  and  deer,  whose  skins 
were  valuable  articles  of  commerce ;  that  sturgeon 
might  be  taken  in  the  greatest  plenty  in  five  noble 
rivers  ;  and  that  without  the  bay,  to  the  northward,  was 
an  ex  .elient  iisliing  bank  for  cod  of  the  best  quality  ; 
that  'he  soil  was  favorable  to  the  cultivation  of  vines, 
sugar  canes,  oranges,  lemons,  almonds  and  rice  ;  that 
the  winters  were  so  mild  that  cattle  could  get  their  food 
Abroad,  and  that  swine  could  be  fatted  on  wild  fruits  ; 
that  the  Indian  corn  yielded  a  most  luxuriant  harvest; 
ond  in  a  word,  that  it  wts  "one  of  the  goodliest  coun- 
tries (says  I'urchas),  promising  as  rich  entrails  as  any 
kingdom  of  the  earth,  to  which  the  sun  is  no  nearer  a 
a  neighbor." 

I/)rd  Delaware  further  assured  them,  that  notwith- 
standing the  ill  state  of  his  health,  he  was  so  far  from 
shrinking  or  giving  over  the  enterprise,  that  he  was 
willing  to  lay  all  he  was  worth  on  its  success,  and  to 
return  to  Virginia  with  all  convenient  expedition. 

Sir  Thomas  Gates  was  again  sent  out  with  six  ships, 
three  hundred  men,  one  hundred  cattle,  two  hundred 
B'.vine,  and  large  supplies  of  every  kind.  He  arrived  in 
the  beginning  of  .\ugust,  IGll,  and  received  the  com- 
tiiand  from  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  who  retired  to  Varina  and 
employed  himself  in  erecting  a  town,  Henrico,  and 
improving  his  plantation  at  New  Bermuda 

In  the  beginning  of  the  next  year  (1612),  Captain 
Argal,  who  had  carried  home  Lord  Delaware,  came 
again  to  Virginia  with  two  ships,  and  was  again  sent  to 
the  Potowmack  for  corn  ;  of  which  he  procured  four- 
teen hundred  bushels.  There  he  entered  into  an  ac- 
quaintance with  Japazaws,  the  sacliem,  an  old  friend  of 
Captain  Smith,  and  of  all  the  English  who  had  come  to 
America.  In  his  territory  I'ocahontas,  the  daughter 
of  Powhatan,  was  concealed.  The  reason  of  her  quit- 
ting the  dominion  of  her  father  is  unknown.  Certain  it 
is,  that  he  had  been  in  a  state  of  hostility  with  the 
colony  ever  since  the  departure  of  Smith  ;  and  that  the 
frequent  depredations  and  murders  committed  by  the 
Indians  on  the  English,  were  in  the  highest  degree 
]>ainfiil  to  this  tender-hearted  princess.  Argal  con- 
trived a  plan  to  get  her  into  his  possession.  He 
bargained  with  Japazaws  to  tiring  her  on  board  the  ship 
under  pretence  of  a  visit  in  company  with  his  own  wife ; 
then  dismissing  the  sachem  and  his  wile  with  the  pro- 
mised reward,  he  carried  Pocahontas  to  .lamestowii, 
where  the  had  not  been  since  Captain  iSinith  had  left 
tlie  colony. 

A  message  was  sent  to  Powhatan  to  inform  him 
tliBt  his  daughter  was  in  their  hands,  and  that  she  might 
be  restorod  to  him,  on  condition  that  he  would  deliver 
up  all  the  English  whom  he  held  as  captives,  with  all 
the  arms,  tools,  and  utensils  which  the  Indians  had 
eiolen,  and  furnish  the  colony  with  a  largo  quantity  of 
corn.  This  pro])Osal  tiirew  him  mto  much  [)erplexitv  ; 
for  though  he  loved  his  daughter,  he  was  loth  to  give  so 
much  for  her  redemption.  After  three  months  he  sent 
back  seven  of  the  captives,  with  three  unserviceable 
muskets,  an  axe,  a  saw,  and  one  canoe,  loaded  with 
com.  He  also  sent  word,  that  when  they  should  de- 
li\rr  his  daughter,  he  would  send  them  five  hundred 
tufcbttlsi  of  corn,  and  make  full  satisfacliou  for  all  past 


injuries.  No  reliance  could  he  placed  on  such  a  pro- 
mise. The  negotiation  was  broken,  aud  the  king  was 
offended.  The  next  spring  (1613)  another  attempt  was 
made,  accompanied  with  threatening  on  the  part  of  the 
English  ;  and  stratagem  on  the  part  of  the  Indians. 
This  proved  equally  inellectual.  At  length  it  was  an- 
nounced to  Powhatan,  that  John  Rolfe,  an  English 
gentleman,  was  in  love  with  Pocahontas,  and  had  ob- 
tained her  consent,  and  the  license  of  the  governor  to 
marry  her.  The  prince  was  softened  by  this  intelli- 
gence, and  sent  one  of  his  chiefs  to  attend  the  nujitial 
solemnity.  Alter  this  event  Powhatan  was  friendly 
to  the  colony  as  long  as  he  lived  ;  and  a  free  trade  was 
carried  on  between  them  and  his  peojile. 

The  visit  which  this  lady  made  to  England  with  her 
husband,  and  her  death,  which  happened  there  in  the 
uioom  of  her  youth,  have  been  related  in  the  life  of 
Captain  Smith.  It  is  there  observed,  that  "  several 
families  of  note  in  Virginia  are  descended  from  her." 
The  descent  is  thus  traced  by  Mr.  Stith  :  her  son, 
Thomas  Rolfe,  was  educated  in  England,  and  camo 
over  to  Virginia,  where  he  became  a  man  of  fortune 
and  distinction,  and  inherited  a  large  tract  of  land  which 
had  been  the  property  of  his  grandfather,  Powhatan. 
He  left  an  only  daughter,  who  was  married  to  Colonel 
Robert  Boiling.  His  son.  Major  John  Boiling,  was 
father  to  Colonel  John  Boiling,  whose  five  daughters 
were  married  to  Colonel  Richard  Randolph,  Colonel 
John  Fleming,  Dr.  William  Gay,  Mr.  Thomas  El- 
dridge,  and  Mr.  James  Murray.  Such  was  the  state  of 
the  family  in  1747. 

The  reconciliation  between  Powhatan  and  the  Eng- 
lish awakened  the  fears  of  the  Indians  of  Chickaho- 
inony,  a  formidable  and  free  people.  They  were  go- 
verned by  an  assembly  of  their  elders,  or  wise  men, 
who  also  bore  the  character  of  priests.  They  hated 
Powhatan  as  a  tyrant,  and  were  always  jealous  of  his 
design  to  subject  them.  They  had  taken  advantage  of 
the  dissension  between  him  and  the  English  to  assert 
their  liberty  ;  but  on  the  reconciliation,  they  apprehend- 
ed that  he  might  make  use  of  the  friendship  of  the  co- 
lony to  reduce  them  under  his  yoke.  To  prevent  this, 
they  sent  a  deputation  to  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  to  excuse 
their  former  ill-conduct,  and  submit  themselves  to  the 
English  government.  Sir  Thomas  was  pleased  with 
the  offer,  and  on  a  day  appointed  went  with  Captain 
Argal  and  fifty  men  to  their  village,  where  a  peace  was 
concluded  on  the  following  conditions. 

1.  That  they  should  forever  be  called  [Tossentessas] 
New  Englislimen,  and  be  true  subjects  of  King  James 
and  Ins  deputies. 

2.  That  they  should  neither  kill  nor  destroy  any  of 
the  English  nor  their  stray  cattle,  but  bring  them  homo. 

3.  That  they  should  always  be  ready  to  furnish  the 
English  with  three  hundred  men  against  the  Spaniards 
or  any  other  enemy. 

4.  That  tiicy  should  not  enter  any  of  the  English 
settlements  without  previously  sending  m  word  that 
they  were  New  Englishmen. 

5.  That  every  bow-man  at  harvest  should  bring  into 
the  store  two  measures  [two  one-half  bushelsj  of  corn, 
as  a  tribute,  for  which  he  should  receive  a  hatchet. 

6.  That  eight  elders  or  chiefs  should  see  all  this 
performed,  or  receive  punishment  themselves  ;  and  that 
tor  their  hdelity,  each  one  should  receive  a  rod  coat,  a 
copper  chain,  and  a  jiicture  of  King  James,  and  should 
be  accounted  his  noblemen. 

Though  this  transaction  passed  whilst  Sir  Thomas 
Gates  was  at  the  head  of  the  government,  and  residing 
within  the  colony,  yet  nothing  is  said  of  his  assenting 
to  It,  or  giving  any  orders  about  it.  Dale  appears  to 
have  been  the  most  active  and  enterprising  nian  ;  and 
on  (iates's  return  to  England  in  the  spring  of  1614, 
the  chief  command  devolved  on  him. 

Tho  experience  of  five  years  had  now  convinced  all 
thinking  men  among  the  Eniilisli,  that  the  colony  would 
never  thrive  whilst  their  lands  were  held  in  common, 
and  the  people  were  maintained  out  of  the  public 
stores.  In  such  a  case  there  is  no  spur  to  excrlion  ; 
the  industrious  person  and  the  drone  fare  alike,  and  the 
former  has  no  inducement  to  work  for  the  latter.  The 
time  prescribed  in  the  king's  instructions  for  their  tra- 
ding in  a  common  stock,  and  bringing  all  the  fruits  of 
their  labor  into  a  common  store,  was  expired.  An  al- 
teration was  then  contemplated,  but  the  first  measure 
adopted  did  not  much  mend  the  matter.  Three  acres 
only  were  allotted  to  each  man,  as  a  farm,  on  which  he 
was  to  work  eleven  months  for  the  store,  and  one 
month  for  himself;  and  to  receive  his  proportion  out  ol 
the  common  slock  Those  who  were  employed  on  Sir 
Thomas  Dale's  plantation  had  better  terms.  One 
month's  labor  only  was  required,  and  they  were  ex- 


empted from  all  further  service ;  and  for  thifc  exen-p- 

tion,  they  [laid  a  yearly  tribute  of  three  barrels  and  e 
half  of  corn  to  the  public  store.  These  farms  were  n»i 
held  by  a  tenure  of  common  soccage,  which  carries  with 
it  freedom  and  property  ;  but  merely  by  tenancy  at 
will,  which  jiroduces  dependence.  It  is,  however,  ob- 
served, that  this  small  encouragement  gave  some  pro- 
neiit  content,  and  the  fear  of  coining  to  want  gradually 
disappnared. 

AInut  two  years  after  (1616),  a  method  of  g-anting 
landu  in  freeholds,  and  in  lots  of  fifty  acres,  x'as  intro- 
duced into  Virginia.  This  quantity  was  allowed  to 
each  person  who  came  to  reside,  or  brought  others  'o 
reside  there.  The  design  of  it  was  to  encourage  emi- 
gration. Besides  this,  there  were  two  other  niethi'ds 
of  granting  lands.  One  was  a  grant  of  mcnt.  \Vhen 
»ny  person  had  conferred  a  benefit,  or  done  a  service  to 
the  colony,  it  was  requited  by  a  grant  of  land  which 
could  not  exceed  two  thousand  acres.  The  other  was 
called  the  adventure  of  the  purse.  Every  person  who 
paid  twelve  guineas  into  the  company's  tieasury  wk* 
entitled  to  one  hundred  acres. 

After  some  time,  this  liberty  of  taking  grants  wt>8 
abused  ;  partly  by  the  ignorance  and  knavery  of  sur 
veyors,  who  often  gave  draughts  of  land  without  ever 
actually  surveying  them,  but  describing  them  by  natu- 
ral boundaries,  and  allowing  large  measure  ;  and  partly 
by  the  indulgence  of  courts,  in  a  lavish  admittance  of 
claims.  Wlien  a  master  of  a  ship  came  into  court,  and 
made  oath  that  he  had  imported  himself  with  so  many 
seamen  and  passengers,  an  order  was  issued  granting 
him  as  many  rights  of  fifty  acres ;  and  the  clerk  had  a 
fee  for  each  right.  The  seamen  at  another  court  would 
make  oath,  that  they  had  adventured  themselves  so 
many  times  into  the  country,  and  would  obtain  an  order 
for  as  many  rights,  totics  quolics.  The  planter  who 
brought  the  imported  servants  would  do  ttm  same,  and 
procure  an  order  for  as  maiiy  times  fifty  acres.  These 
grants,  after  being  described  by  the  surveyors  in  the 
above  vague  and  careless  manner,  were  sold  at  a  small 
price  ;  and  whoever  was  able  to  purchase  any  consi- 
derable number  of  them,  became  entitled  to  a  vast 
quantity  of  land.  By  such  means  the  original  intention 
of  allotting  a  small  freehold  to  each  emigrant  was  frut'- 
trated  ;  and  the  settlement  of  the  country  in  convenient 
districts  was  precluded.  Land  speculators  becuiu) 
possessed  of  immense  tracts,  too  large  for  cultivation  ; 
and  the  inhabitants  were  scattered  over  a  great  extent 
of  territory  in  remote  and  hazardous  situations.  The 
ill  effects  of  this  dispersion  were,  insecurity  from  the 
savages ;  a  habit  of  indolence  ;  an  imperfect  mode  of 
cultivation ;  the  introduction  of  convicts  from  Ettg- 
land,  and  of  slaves  from  Africa. 

The  same  year  (1616),  Sir  Thomas  Dale  returned  to 
England,  carrying  with  him  Pocahontas,  the  wife  of  .Mr. 
Rolfe,  and  several  other  Indians.  The  motive  of  his 
return  was  to  visit  his  family  and  settle  his  private 
affairs,  after  having  spent  five  or  six  years  in  the  service 
of  the  colony.  He  is  characterized  as  an  active,  faithful 
governor,  very  careful  to  provide  supplies  of  corn,  rather 
by  planting  than  by  purchase.  So  much  had  these  sup- 
plies incieased  under  his  direction,  that  the  colony  wa« 
able  to  lend  to  the  Indian  princes  several  hundred 
bushels  of  corn,  and  take  mtirl!:a<;cs  of  their  land  in 
pavinent.  He  would  allow  no  tob.icco  to  be  planted  till 
a  sulliciency  of  seed-corn  was  in  the  ground.  He  was 
also  verv  assiduous  in  ranging  and  exploring  the  country, 
and  became  extremely  delighted  with  its  pleasant  an.1 
fertile  appearance.  Ho  had  so  high  an  opinion  of  it, 
that  he  declared  it  equal  to  the  best  parts  of  Europe,  if  it 
were  cultivated  and  inhabited  by  an  industrious  people* 


SIR  SAMUEL  AKGAL, 
SIR  GEORGE  YEARDLEY. 

SiMUEL  AboaI— Kxin-dilion  to  tliu  Noriliem  part  of  Vir^ini* 
Atrai  ks  llie  FTe  ei..it  .Mount  Uosarl— Takes  i'oasesMoii  of 
lliiMr  Fori— Takes  .inU  destroys  Port  lloyal— His  Coiilcrenco 
witli  Uiciirourl— Visits  tlie  Duicliat  Hudson's  river— Uulc"! 
Governor  surrenders  to  fiini — His  Voyase  to  Kiig'aiid — Ap- 
pointed Deputy-governor  of  Virginia— Arrives  in  Virijiiiu— 
Hcvivcs  discipline — Uccoincs  odious  by  Ins  rigor— CiiuigeU 
with  pei'ulatioii— He  is  supcisodeJ — Escapes  by  aid  of  itia 
Earl  of  Warwick — Cominands  a  ship  ncaiiist  tho  Alcennei 
— KniKhtodbyKing  James— His  character — CIkoroe  Veaiii>- 
LKY,  governor  of  Virginia — Encourages  the  cultivation  of 
Tobacco— Attacks  tlie  I'hickahoiiiony  Indians— Superseded 
byArgal- Appointed  (Jovenior-Creiieral  of  Virginia— Resigni 
— Kusumcs  the  Goveniniciit — His  Death. 

\Vb  have  no  account  of  Captain  .\RG.ti.  before  tho 
vear  1609,  when  he  came  to  Virginia  to  fish  for  stur- 

•  Since  the  loregoiiig  sheets  wer--'  pniited,  I  liavo  found  th» 
follow iiig  bnuf  aciMUMl  of  Sir  IJeorgn  Soiiiers,  in  JuUoi'* 
Worthies  of  Eiigl.ind,  p.  2.sa 

••  li'jorgo  Soiiivu,  Kiu^ht,  was  l>orn  Lt  cr  Dcix  L>mo,  m 


APIIIES  OP  THE  EARLr  DISCOVERERS. 


BIOGR 

geon  nnd  trade  with  the  colon}-.  Thi.<<  trade  was  then 
prohiliitcd  but  being  a  kinsman  of  Sir  Thomas  Srnilh, 
his  voyage  was  connived  at,  and  the  provisions  and 
wine  which  he  b.-ouglit  were  a  welcome  rchcf  to  ilie 
colony.  He  was  there  when  the  shattered  fleet,  es- 
caped from  the  tempest,  arrived  without  tlieir  conunan- 
ders  ;  and  he  continued  to  make  voyages  in  the  ser- 
rice  of  the  colony,  and  for  his  ov»n  advantage,  till  he 
was  made  deputy-governor,  under  Lord  Delaware. 

The  principal  e.xploit  in  which  ho  wiis  engaged,  was 
m  eiptxlition  to  the  northern  part  cf  Virginia  *  Sir! 
Thomas  Dale,  having  received  some  inf  irmation  of  the 
intrusion  of  the  French  and  D  itch  within  the  chai  tv'rcd 
limits  of  Virginia,  sent  Argal,  ostensibly  on  a  trading 
iiid  lishing  voyage  to  the  northward;  but  with  order* 
to  seek  for,  and  dispossess  intruders.  No  account  of 
this  force  is  mentioned  by  any  writer.  Having  visited 
several  parts  of  the  coast  of  North  Virginia,  and  ob- 
tained the  best  information  in  his  power,  he  arrived  at 
the  island  now  called  Mount  Desart,  in  tho  District  of 
Maine  ;  where  two  Jewits,  who  had  been  expelled  from 
Port  Royal,  by  the  governor,  Bicncourt,  for  their  inso- 
lence, had  made  a  plantation,  and  built  a  fort.  A 
French  ship  and  bark  were  then  lying  in  the  harbor. 
Most  of  the  people  were  dispersed,  at  their  various  em- 
ployments, and  were  unprepared  to  receive  an  enemy. 
Argal  at  once  attacked  the  vessels  with  mnsquetry, 
and  made  an  easy  conquest  of  them.  One  of  the  Je- 
suits was  killed  in  attempting  to  level  one  of  the  shi[)'s 
guns  against  the  assailants.  Argal  then  landed,  and 
summoned  the  fort.  The  commander  requested  time 
for  consultation,  but  it  was  denied  ;  on  which  tho  gar- 
rison abandoned  the  fort,  and,  by  a  private  passage,  es- 
caped to  the  woods.  Argal  took  possession  in  the 
name  of  the  crown  of  England,  and  the  next  day  the 
people  came  in,  and  surrendered  themselves,  and  their 
commission,  or  patent.  He  treated  them  with  polite- 
ness, giving  them  leave  to  go  either  to  France,  in  the 
fishing  vessels,  which  resorted  to  the  coast,  or  with  him 
to  Virginia. 

The  other  Jesuit,  Father  Biard,  glad  of  an  opportu- 
nity to  be  revenged  on  Biencourt,  gave  information  of 
ais  settlement  at  Port  Royal,  and  olTered  to  pilot  the 
vessel  thither.  Argal  sailed  across  the  Bay  of  Fundy, 
and,  entering  the  harbor,  landed  forty  men.  A  gun 
was  fired  from  the  fort,  as  a  signal  to  the  people  aboard; 
but  Argal  advanced  with  such  rapidity,  that  he  found 
Uie  fort  abandoned,  and  took  possession.  He  then 
tailed  up  the  river  with  his  boats  ;  where  he  viewed 
iheir  fields,  their  barns  and  mill  ;  these  he  spared  ;  but 
Ht  his  return  he  destroyed  the  fort,  and  defaced  the 
uims  of  (he  King  of  France. 

Biencourt  was  at  this  time  surveying  the  country  at 
a  distance;  but  was  called  home  suddenly,  and  requested 
a  conference  with  the  English  commander.  Tliey  met 
in  a  meadow,  with  a  few  of  their  followers.  After  an 
inetfectual  assertion  of  rights,  equally  claimed  by  both, 
Biencourt  proposed,  if  he  could  obtain  a  protection 
from  the  Crown  of  England,  and  get  the  obnoxious  Je- 
»uit  into  his  possession,  to  divide  the  fur  trade,  and  dis- 
close the  mines  of  the  country  ;  but  Argal  refused  to 
make  any  treaty,  alleging  that  his  orders  were  only  to 
dispossess  him  ;  and  threatening,  if  he  should  find  him 
there  again,  to  use  him  as  an  enemy.  Whilst  they  were 
in  conference,  one  of  the  natives  came  up  to  them,  and 
in  br('ken  French,  with  suitable  gestures,  endeavored 
to  mediate  a  peace  ;  wondering  that  persons,  who  seem- 
ed to  him,  to  be  of  one  nation,  should  make  war  on 
each  other.  This  alfecting  incident  served  to  put  them 
both  into  good  humor. 

As  it  was  a  time  of  peace  between  the  two  crowns, 
llic  only  i)retext  for  this  expedition,  was  the  intrusion  of 
the  French  into  limits  claimed  by  the  English,  in  virtue 
of  prior  discovery.  This  mode  of  dispossessing  them 
has  been  censured,  as  "  contrary  to  the  Law  of  Na- 
iKins,  because  inconsistent  with  their  peace."  It  was, 
however,  agreeable  to  tho  powers  granted  in  the  char- 
tei  of  1609  ;  and  even  the  seizure  of  the  French  ves- 
sels, on  board  of  which  was  a  large  quantity  of  pro- 
vision, clothing,  furniture,  and  trading  goods,  was  also 
warranted  by  the  same  charter.  There  is  no  evidence 
Uiat  this  transaction  was  either  approved  by  tho  Court 
of  England,  or  resented  by  the  Crown  of  France  ;  cer- 


Dorsetsliire.  He  was  a  lamb  npon  land,  and  a  lion  at  sea. 
80  patient  on  sliore,  that  few  couid  an?er  him ;  and  on  enter- 
Ins  a  ship  as  if  lie  had  assvimed  a  new  nature,  so  passionate 
lliit  few  could  pleasx  t-im.  Whitchurch,  where  liis  corpse 
was  deposited,  is  distant  three  miles  from  L>me. 

*  The  time  of  tins  voyage  is  not  accurately  mentioned  ;  but 
from  comparing  several  dates  and  transactions,  I  think  (with 
Mr.  Prince)  that  it  must  have  been  in  the  summer  of  1613. 
Curlaiiily  It  was  before  Argal  was  maile  deputy-(;overnor,  in 
lUI''  tLou«^  some  writers  liavo  placeU  it  alter  that  poiiod. 


tain  it  is,  however,  that  it  made  wav  for  a  patent,  which 
King  James  gave  to  Sir  William  Alexander,  in  1621, 
by  which  he  granted  him  the  whole  territory  of  Acadia, 
by  the  name  of  Nova  Scotia  ;  and  yet  the  t'rench  con- 
tinued their  occuiiacy. 

On  his  return  towards  Virginia,  with  his  prizes,  Ar- 
gal visited  the  settlement  which  the  Dutch  had  made  at 
Hudson's  river,  near  the  spot  where  Albany  is  now 
built,  and  demanded  possession  ;  alleging  that  Hudson 
being  an  English  subject,  though  in  the  service  of  Hol- 
I  land,  could  not  alienate  the  lands  which  he  had  disco- 
vered ;  which  were  claimed  by  the  crown  of  England, 
and  granted  by  charter  10  the  company  of  Virginia. 
The  Dutch  governor,  Ilendrick,  Christia;ns,  being  un- 
able to  make  any  resistance,  quietly  submitted  himself 
and  his  colony  to  the  Crown  of  England,  and  was  per- 
mitted to  remain  there.  But  on  the  arrival  of  a  rein- 
forcement the  next  year,  they  built  another  fort,  on  the 
south  end  of  the  island  .Manhattan,  where  the  city  of 
New  York  now  stands,  and  held  the  country  for  many 
years,  under  a  grant  from  the  States-general,  by  the 
name  of  New  Netherlands. 

The  next  spring  (1614)  Argal  went  to  England,  and 
two  years  after,  Sir  Thomas  Dale  followed  him,  leaving 
George  Yeardley  to  govern  the  colony  in  his  absence. 
It  liad  been  a  grand  object  with  Dale  to  discourage  the 
planting  of  tobacco  ;  but  his  succes.sor,  in  compliance 
with  the  humor  of  the  people,  indulged  them  in  culti- 
vating it,  in  preference  to  corn.  When  the  colony  was 
in  want  of  bread,  Yeardley  sent  to  the  Indians  of  Chick- 
ahomony  for  their  tribute,  as  promised  by  the  treaty 
made  with  Dale.  They  answered,  that  they  had  paid 
his  master;  but  that  they  had  no  orders,  nor  any  incli- 
nation to  obey  him.  Yeardley  drew  out  one  hundred 
of  his  best  men,  and  went  against  them.  They  received 
him  in  a  warlike  posture  ;  and  after  much  threatening 
on  both  sides,  Yeardley  ordered  his  men  to  fire. 
Twelve  of  the  natives  were  killed,  and  as  many  were 
made  prisoners,  of  whom  two  were  Elders  of  Senators. 
For  their  ransom,  one  hundred  bushels  of  corn  were 
paid,  in  addition  to  the  tribute.  Three  boats  were 
loaded  for  Jamestown,  one  of  which  was  overset  in  the 
passage,  and  eleven  men,  with  her  whole  cargo,  were 
lost.  The  natives  were  so  awed  by  this  chastisement, 
that  they  supplied  the  colony  with  such  provisions  as 
they  could  spare  from  their  own  stock,  or  procure  by 
hunting  ;  and  being  thus  supplied,  the  colonists  gave 
themselves  chiefly  to  the  planting  of  tobacco. 

In  1617,  Captain  Argal  was  appointed  deputy-go- 
vernor of  the  colony  under  Lord  Delaware,  and  admiral 
of  the  adjacent  seas.  When  he  arrived,  in  May,  he 
found  the  palisades  broken,  the  church  fallen  down,  and 
the  well  of  fresh  water  spoiled  ;  but  the  market-square 
and  the  streets  of  Jamestown  were  planted  with  tobacco, 
and  the  people  were  dispersed,  wherever  they  could 
find  room  to  cultivate  that  precious  weed ;  the  value  of 
which  was  supposed  to  be  much  augmented  by  a  new 
mode  of  cure,  drying  it  on  lines,  rather  than  fermenting 
it  in  heaps.  The  author  of  tlris  discovery  was  a  Mr. 
Lambert  ;  and  the  effect  of  it  was  a  great  demand 
from  England  for  lines,  which  afterwards  became  a 
capital  article  of  traffic. 

To  counteract  the  ill  effects  of  Yeardley's  indul- 
gence, Argal  revived  the  severe  discipline  which  was 
grounded  on  the  martial  laws,  framed  by  his  patron.  Sir 
Thomas  Smith  ;  a  specimen  of  which  may  be  seen  in 
the  following  edicts.  He  fixed  the  advance  on  goods 
imported  from  England,  at  twenty-five  per  cent,  and  ihe 
price  of  tobacco  at  three  shillings  per  pound  ;  the  pe- 
nalty for  transgressing  this  regulation  was  three  years 
slavery.  No  person  was  allowed  to  fire  a  gun,  except 
in  his  own  defence,  against  an  enemy,  till  a  new  supply 
of  ammunition  should  arrive  ;  on  penalty  of  one  year's 
slavery.  Absence  from  church  on  Sundays  and  holi- 
days, was  punished  by  laying  the  offender  neck  and 
heels,  for  one  whole  night,  or  by  one  week's  slavery  ; 
the  second  offence,  by  one  month's  ;  and  the  third  by 
one  year's  slavery.  Private  trade  with  the  savages, 
or  teaching  them  to  use  the  arms,  was  punishable  by 
death. 

These  and  similar  laws  were  executed  v/ith  such 
rigor,  as  to  render  the  deputy-governor  odious  to  the 
colony.  They  had  9ntertained  a  hope  of  deliverance, 
by  the  expected  arrival  of  Lord  Delaware,  who  sailed 
from  England  for  Virginia  (April,  1618)  in  a  largeship, 
containing  two  hundred  people.  After  touching  at  the 
Western  Islands,  a  succession  of  contrary  winds,  and 
bad  weather  protracted  the  voyage  for  sixteen  weeks, 
during  which  time,  many  of  the  people  fell  sick,  and 
about  thirty  died,  among  whom  was  Lord  Delaware. 
This  fatal  news  was  known  first  in  Virginia  ;  but  the 
report  of  Argal's  injurious  conduct  liad  gone  to  Eng- 


3(J 

land,  and  made  a  deep  impression  to  his  disadvBnu.^3, 
on  the  minds  of  his  best  friend;^.  Besides  a  gr-'-A 
number  of  wrongs  to  particular  persons,  ho  wts 
charged  with  converting  to  his  own  use,  what  reiiiaini'J! 
of  the  public  stores;  with  deprcdatirn  and  waste  cf  CiO 
revenues  of  the  company  ;  and  wiih  many  offeix-.vs  lu 
matters  of  state  and  government.  A  t  first  the  company 
were  so  alarmed,  as  to  think  of  an  application  to  tlic 
crown  for  redress  ;  but  on  further  consideraticii,  they 
wrote  a  letter  of  reprehension  to  him,  and  another  of 
comjilaint  to  Lord  Delaware,  whom  they  su|)pesed  'o 
be  at  the  head  of  the  colony,  requesting  that  Argal  might 
be  sent  to  England,  to  answer  the  charge*  laid  against 
him. 

Both  these  letters  fell  into  Argal's  hands.  Ccnvinced 
that  his  time  was  short,  he  determined  to  make  the 
most  of  it  for  his  own  interest.  Having  assumed  the 
care  of  Ins  lordship's  estate  in  Virginia,  he  caiiverted 
the  labor  of  the  tenants,  and  the  produce  of  Ihe  land  to 
his  own  use.  But  Edward  Brewster,  who  had  been 
appointed  overseer  of  the  ])lantation,  by  his  lordship's 
orders  before  his  death,  endeavored  to  withdraw  them 
from  Argal's  service,  and  employ  them  for  the  benefit 
of  the  estate.  When  he  threatened  one  who  refused 
to  obey  him,  the  fellow  made  his  com()lamt  to  tho 
governor ;  Brewster  was  arrested,  tried  by  a  court- 
martial,  and  sentenced  to  death,  in  consequence  of  the 
aforesaid  law  of  Sir  Thomas  Smith.  Sensible  of  the 
extreme  severity  of  these  laws,  the  court  which  had 
passed  the  sentence,  accompanied  by  the  clergy,  went 
in  a  body  to  the  governor,  to  intercede  for  Brewster'e 
life,  which,  with  much  diliicully  lliey  obtained,  on  thia 
condition,  that  he  should  quit  Virginia,  never  more  to 
return  ;  and  should  give  his  oath,  that  he  would,  neither 
in  England,  nor  elsewhere,  say  or  do  any  thing  to  tho 
dishonor  of  the  governor.  On  his  going  to  England,  he 
was  advised  to  appeal  to  the  company  ;  and  tho  prose- 
cution of  this  appeal,  added  to  the  odium  which  Argal 
had  incurred,  determined  them  to  send  over  a  new  go- 
vernor, to  examine  the  complaints  and  accusations  on 
the  spot. 

The  person  chosen  tc  execute  this  commission,  wan 
Yeardley,  his  rival,  who,  on  this  occasion,  was  knighted, 
and  appointed  governor-general  of  the  colony,  where  Iw 
arrived  in  the  spring  of  1619 

The  Earl  of  Warwick,  who  was  Argal's  friend  and 
partner  in  trade,  had  taken  care  to  give  him  informa- 
tion of  what  was  doing,  and  to  despatch  a  small  vessel, 
which  arrived  before  the  new  governor,  and  carried  olf 
Argal  with  all  his  effects.  By  this  mancBUvre,  and  by 
virtue  of  his  partnership  with  the  earl,  he  not  only  es- 
caped the  '"'ended  examination  in  Virginia,  but  secured 
the  greater  part  of  his  property,  and  defrauded  tho 
CO  pany  of  that  restitution  which  they  had  a  right  to 
expect. 

The  character  of  Captain  Argal,  like  that  of  most 
who  were  concerned  in  the  colonization  and  govern- 
ment of  Virginia,  is  differently  drawn.  On  the  one 
hand,  he  is  spoken  of  as  a  good  mariner,  a  civil  gentle- 
man, a  man  of  public  spirit,  active,  industrious,  and 
careful  to  provide  for  the  people,  and  keep  them  con- 
stantly employed.  On  the  other  hand,  he  is  described 
as  negligent  of  the  public  business,  seeking  only  hi.* 
own  interest,  rapacious,  passionate,  arbitrary,  and  cruel ; 
pushing  his  unrighteous  gains  by  all  means  of  extortion 
and  oppression.  Mr.  Stith,  who,  from  the  best  infor- 
mation which  he  could  obtain,  at  the  distance  of  more 
than  a  century,  by  searcliing  the  public  records  of  iho 
colony,  and  the  journals  of  the  company,  pronounces 
him  "  a  man  of  good  sense,  of  great  industry  and  reso- 
lution," and  says,  that  "  when  the  company  warned 
him  peremiitorily,  to  exhibit  his  accounts,  and  maku 
answer  to  such  things  as  they  had  charged  against  him, 
he  so  foiled  and  perplexed  all  their  proceedings,  and 
gave  them  .so  much  trouble  and  annoyance,  that  they 
were  never  able  to  bring  hiin  to  any  account  or  jiuiiiah- 
inent." 

Nothing  more  is  known  of  him,  but  that  after  quit- 
ting Virginia,  he  was  employed  in  1620,  to  command  a 
ship  of  war,  in  an  expedition  against  the  Algerines  ;  and 
that  in  1623,  he  was  knighted  by  King  James. 

About  the  same  time  that  Lord  Delaware  died  at  sea, 
the  great  In<lian  prince  Powhatan,  died  at  his  seat  in 
Virginia,  (Ajiril,  1618)*  He  was  a  person  of  excel- 
lent natural  talents,  penetrating  and  crafty,  and  a  com- 
plete master  of  all  the  arts  of  savage  policy  ;  but  totally 
void  of  truth,  justice,  and  magnanimity.  He  was  suc- 
ceeded bv  his  second  brother  0|)itchapan  ;  who,  being 
decrepid  and  inactive,  was  soon  obscured  by  the  siipe- 

*  The  same  year  is  also  memorable  for  the  death  01  Sir 
Waller  Ilaleish,  who  may  be  r  msiLcrcd  as  the  fouudet  of 
t!«i  colony  of  Virgin  a. 


86 


AMERICAN  HISTORY. 


rior  abilities  and  ambition  of  his  younger  brother  Ope- 
chaiicanough.  Both  of  them  rciicwrd  and  confirmed 
the  peuce  which  I'owhataii  had  made  willi  the  colony  ; 
Opecharicaiiough  finally  engrossed  the  whole  power  of 
government ;  for  the  Indians  do  not  so  much  regard  the 
order  of  succession,  as  brilliancy  of  talents,  and  intre- 
pidity of  mind  in  their  chiefs. 

To  ingratiate  themselves  with  the  prince  and  attach 
him  more  closely  to  their  interest,  the  colony  built  a 
house  for  him,  after  the  English  mode.  \Vith  this,  he 
.  was  so  much  pleased,  that  he  kept  the  keys  continually 
in  his  hands,  opening  and  shutting  the  doors  many  times 
in  a  day  and  showing  the  machinery  of  the  locks,  to  his 
own  people  and  strangers.  In  return  for  this  favor,  he 
gave  liberty  to  the  English  to  scat  themselves  at  any 
place  on  the  shores  of  the  rivers,  where  the  natives  had 
no  villages,  and  entered  into  a  further  treaty  w  ith  them 
for  the  discovery  of  mines  and  for  mutual  friendship  and 
defence.  This  treaty  was  at  the  request  of  Opechan- 
canough  engraven  on  a  brass  plale,  and  fastened  to  one 
ef  the  largest  oaks,  that  it  might  be  always  in  view,  and 
held  in  perpetual  remembrance. 

Yeardlcy,  being  rid  of  the  trouble  of  calling  Argal  to 
Account,  applied  himself  to  the  business  of  his  govern- 
ment. The  first  thing  he  did  was  to  add  six  new  mem- 
bers to  the  council,  Francis  West,  Nathaniel  I'owel, 
John  Pory,  John  llalfe,  William  Wickham,  and  !Sam- 
Ufcl  Maycock.  The  ne.xt  was  to  publish  his  intention  to 
call  a  General  Assembly,  the  privileges  and  powers  of 
which  were  defined  in  his  commission.  He  also  granted 
to  the  oldest  planters  a  discharge  from  all  service  to  the 
colony,  but  such  as  was  voluntary,  or  obligatory  by  the 
laws  and  customs  of  nations  ;  with  a  confirmation  of 
bll  their  estates,  real  and  personal,  to  be  holden  in  the 
same  manner  as  by  English  subjects.  Finding  a  great 
scarcity  of  corn,  he  made  sonic  amends  for  his  former 
error  by  promoting  the  cultivation  of  it.  The  lirst  year 
of  his  administration  (IGl'J)  was  remarkable  for  very 
great  crops  of  wheat  and  Indian  corn,  and  for  a  great 
mortality  of  the  people  ;  not  less  than  300  of  whom 
died. 

In  the  month  of  July  of  this  year,  the  first  General 
Assembly  of  the  colony  of  Virginia  met  at  Jamestown.* 
Tho  d^f  uties  were  chosen  by  tlic  townships  or  boroughs, 
no  counties  being  at  that  time  formed.  From  this  cir- 
cumstance tho  lower  House  of  Assembly  was  always 
afterwards  railed  the  House  of  Uurgess,  till  the  revolu- 
tion in  1776.  In  this  assembly,  the  governor,  council 
and  burgesses  r.at  in  one  house,  and  jointly  "  debated 
all  matters,  thought  expedient  for  the  good  of  the 
colony."  The  laws  then  enacted  were  of  the  nature 
of  local  regulations,  and  were  transmitted  to  England 
for  the  approbation  of  the  treasurer  and  company.  It 
is  said  that  they  were  judiciously  drawn  uj) ;  but  no 
vestigo  of  them  now  remains. 

Thus,  at  the  expiration  of  twelve  years  from  their 
Bcttlement,  the  Virginians  first  enjoyed  the  privilege  of 
a  colonial  legislature,  in  which  they  were  represented 
by  persons  of  their  own  tjection.  They  received  as  a 
favor,  what  they  might  have  claimed  as  a  right ;  and 
with  minds  depressed  by  the  arbitrary  sy.itein  under 
which  they  had  been  held,  thanked  the  company  for  this 
favor,  and  begged  them  to  reduce  a  compendium,  with 
his  majesty's  approbation,  the  laws  of  England  suitable 
for  Virginia  ;  giving  this  as  a  reason,  that  it  was  not  fit 
for  subjects  to  be  governed  by  any  laws,  but  those 
\vhich  received  an  authority  from  their  sovereign. 

It  seems  to  have  been  a  general  sentiment  among 
these  colonists,  not  to  make  Virginia  the  place  of  their 
permanent  residence,  but  after  having  acquired  a  for- 
tune by  planting  and  trade,  to  return  to  England  For 
tliis  reason,  most  of  them  were  destitute  of  families, 
and  had  no  natural  attachment  to  the  country.  To 
remedy  this  material  defect.  Sir  Edwm  Sandys  the 
new  treasurer,  jiroposed  to  the  company  to  send  over  a 
freight  of  young  women,  to  make  wives  for  the  planters. 
This  proposal  wilh  several  others  made  by  that  emi- 
nent statesman,  was  received  with  universal  applause  ; 
and  the  success  answered  their  exjiections.  Ninety 
girls,  "  young  and  uncorrui)t,"  were  sent  over  at  one 
Inne  (1G2U);  and  sixty  more,  "handsome  and  well 
recommended"  at  anollier  (1C21.)  These  were  soon 
blessed  with  the  object  of  their  wishes.  TUe  price  of 
a  wife,  at  first,  was  one  hundred  and  twenty  pounds  cf 
tobacco,  but  as  the  numbci  became  scarce,  the  price 
was  increased  to  one  hundred  and  fifty  pounds,  the  value 
of  wnich  in  money  was  three  shillings  per  pound,  liy  a 
subsequent  a'-t  of  assembly,  it  was  ordained,  that  "  the 


*  Bcveilcv  (p.  35)  says  that  the  flnt  Assembly  was  called 
In  lt)2U.  Uut  Stilli,  who  h.id  nioru  anuralely  suorrhoi  tlin 
rcciiiJit,  says  that  the  liiat  vus  in  lUlU  iind  Ihu  svcuiid  iii 


price  of  a  wife  should  have  the  precedence  of  all  other 
debts  of  recovery  and  payment,  because,  of  all  kinds 
of  merchandise,  this  was  the  most  desirable." 

To  this  salutary  project  of  the  company.  King  James 
was  pleased  to  add  another,  which  he  signified  to  the 
treasurer  by  a  letter,  commanding  them  to  send  to  Vir- 
ginia one  hundred  dissolute  persons,  convicted  of 
crimes,  who  should  be  delivered  to  them  by  the  knight- 
marshal.  The  season  of  the  year  (November)  was  un- 
favorable for  transportation  ;  but  so  peremirtory  w  as 
the  king's  command,  and  so  submissive  the  temper  of  the 
company,  that  thev  became  bound  for  the  subsistence 
of  these  wretches  till  they  could  sail,  which  was  not 
till  February.  The  cxjiense  of  this  equipment  was  4000/. 

On  this  transaction,  Mr.  Stith,  who  takes  every  op- 
portunity to  expose  the-weak  and  arbitrary  government 
of  King  James,  makes  tho  following  remarks.  "  Those 
who  know  with  how  high  a  hand  this  king  carried  it  even 
with  his  parliaments,  will  not  be  suq)rised  to  find  him 
thus  unmercifully  insult  a  private  company,  and  load 
them  against  all  law,  with  the  maintenance  and  extra- 
ordinary expense  of  transporting  such  persons  as  he 
thought  proper  to  banish.  And  I  cannot  but  remark, 
how  early  that  custom  arose  of  transporting  loose  and 
dissolute  persons  to  Virginia,  as  a  place  of  punishment 
and  disgrace ;  which  though  originally  designed  for 
the  advinceinent  and  increase  of  the  colony,  yet  has 
certainly  proved  a  great  hindrance  to  its  growth.  For 
it  hath  laid  one  of  the  finest  countries  in  America  un- 
der the  unjust  scandal  of  being  another  Siberia,  fit  only 
for  the  reccjition  of  malefactors,  and  the  vilest  of  the 
people.  So  that  few  have  been  induced  willingly  to 
transport  themselves  to  such  a  place  ;  and  our  younger 
sisters,  the  northern  colonies,  have  accordingly  profited 
thereby.  For  this  is  one  cause  that  they  have  out- 
stripped us  so  much  in  the  number  of  their  inhabitants, 
and  in  the  goodness  and  frequency  of  their  towns  and 
cities." 

In  the  same  year  (1620)  the  merchandise  of  human 
flesh,  was  further  augmented,  by  the  introduction  of 
negroes  from  Africa.  A  Dutch  ship  brought  twenty  of 
them  for  sale  ;  and  the  Virginians,  who  had  but  just 
emerged  from  a  state  of  vassalage  themselves,  began 
to  be  the  owners  and  masters  of  slaves. 

The  principal  commodity  produced  in  Virginia  be- 
sides corn,  was  tobacco  ;  an  article  of  luxury  much  in 
demand  in  the  north  of  Europe.  Great  had  been  the 
ditliculties  attending  this  trade,  partly  from  the  jealousy 
of  the  Spaniards,  wlio  cultivated  it  in  their  American 
colonies  ;  partly  from  the  obsequiousness  of  James  to 
that  nation  ;  and  partly  from  his  own  squeamish  aver- 
sion to  tobacco,  against  the  use  of  which,  in  his  princely 
wisdom,  he  had  written  a  book.* 

'I1ie  Virginia  Company  themselves  were  opposed  to 
its  cultivation,  and  readily  admitted  various  projects 
for  encouraging  other  i;roductions,  of  more  immediate 
use  and  benefit  to  mankind.  As  the  country  naturally 
yielded  mulberry  trees  and  vines,  it  was  thought  that 
silk  and  wine  might  be  manufactured  to  advantage. 
To  facilitate  these  I'rojects,  eggs  of  the  silk-worm  were 
procured  from  the  southern  countries  of  Eu.^Ojie  ;  books 
on  the  subject  were  translated  from  foreign  languages  ; 
persons  skilled  in  the  management  of  silk-worms  and 
the  cultivation  of  viues  were  engaged  ;  and  to  crown 
all,  a  royal  order  from  King  James,  enclosed  in  a  letter 
from  the  treasurer  and  council,  was  sent  over  to  Vir- 
ginia, with  high  expectations  of  success.  But  no  ex- 
ertions nor  authority  could  prevail,  to  make  the  cultiva- 
tion of  tobacco  yield  to  that  of  silk  and  w  ine  :  and 
after  the  trade  of  the  colony  was  laid  open  and  the 
Dutch  had  free  access  to  their  ports,  the  grow  th  of 
tobatco  received  such  encouragement,  as  to  become 
the  grand  staple  of  the  colony. 

At  this  time,  the  company  in  England  was  divided 
into  two  jiarlies  ;  the  Earl  of  Warwick  was  at  the  head 
of  one,  and  the  E.irl  of  Southampton  of  the  other. 
The  former  was  the  least  in  number,  but  had  the  ear 
and  su|)port  of  the  king ;  and  their  virulence  was 
directed  against  Yeardley,  who  had  intercepted  a 
packet  from  his  own  secretary,  Pory,  containing  the 
proofs  of  Argai's  misconduct,  which  had  been  prepared 
lo  be  used  against  him  at  his  trial  ;  but  which  the 
secretary  had  been  bribed  to  convi^y  lo  liis  close  friend 
the  Earl  of  Warwick.  The  governor,  being  a  man  of 
a  mild  and  gentle  temper,  was  so  overcome  with  the 
opposition  and  menaces  of  tho  faction,  which  were 
publicly  known  in  the  colony,  that  his  authority  was 


*  This  trook  is  entilled  "  A  Countcrl>last  to  Tobacco,"  and 
is  priiiU'din  a  lolio  volume  of  the  works  of  Kiii)!  James.  In 
this  ciiriou-S  \vi»ik,  ho  coinpaies  the  smoke  of  lot*acco  to  the 
smoke  of  tlie  bottomless  pit  i  and  suys  it  u  only  i>iopcr  to 
regale  the  duvil  alter  dumel. 


weakened,  his  spirits  dejected,  and  his  health  imparutl 
to  that  degree  that  he  became  unfit  for  business,  and 
requested  a  dismission  from  the  c^'tes  of  goveniinent. 
His  commission  expired  in  November,  1021,  but  be 
continued  in  the  colony,  was  a  member  of  the  council, 
and  enjoyed  the  respect  and  esteem  ol  the  people. 

During  this  short  admin  stration,  many  new  settle- 
ments were  made  on  James  and  York  rivers,  and  the 
planters  being  suj)plied  wilh  wives  and  servants  beg5.a 
to  think  themselves  at  home,  and  to  take  pleasure  in 
cultivating  their  lands ;  but  they  neglected  to  provide 
for  their  defence,  placing  too  great  confidence  in  tlie 
continuance  of  that  tranquillity  which  they  had  ioufi 
enjoyed  by  their  treaty  with  the  Indians. 

SIR  FRANCIS  WYAT. 

Sir  FRAycis  Wtat— Succeeds  Yeardley  in  t4ie  govemir.ent 

of  Virginia — Deceived  by  the  Indian  chief.s — Massacre  of  the 
colonists — He  opposes  the  change  of  governineiil  attempted 
by  the  Crown — He  returns  to  Ireland. 

When  Sir  George  Yeardley  requested  a  dismissioa 
from  the  burden  of  government,  the  Earl  of  Southamp- 
ton recommended  to  the  company  Sir  Francis  Wyst, 
as  his  successor.  He  was  a  young  gentleman  of  a 
good  family,  in  Ireland,  who,  on  account  of  his  educa- 
tion, fortune  and  integrity,  was  every  way  equal  lo  tho 
place,  and  was  accordingly  chosen. 

He  received  from  the  company  a  set  of  instnictions, 
which  were  intended  to  he  a  ])crnianenl  directory  for 
the  governor  and  council  of  the  colony.  In  these  it 
was  recommended  to  them,  to  provide  for  the  service 
of  God,  according  to  the  form  and  discipline  of  the 
Church  of  England  ;  to  administer  justice  according  to 
the  laws  of  England  ;  to  protect  the  natives,  and  culti- 
vate peace  with  them  ;  to  educate  their  children;  and 
to  endeavor  their  civilization  and  conversion  -,.10  encou- 
rage industry  ;  to  suppress  gaming,  intemperance,  and 
excess  in  api)ar(;l  ;  to  give  no  offence  to  any  other 
prince,  state,  or  people  ;  to  harbor  no  pirates  ;  to  buUd 
fortifications;  to  cultivate  corn,  wine,  and  silk;  to 
search  for  minerals,  dyes,  gums,  medical  drugs ;  end 
to  "  draw  off  the  people  from  the  excessive  planting  o( 
tobacco." 

Immediately  on  Wyafs  arrival,  (October,  1621)  ho 
sent  a  special  message  to  Opilchapan  and  0|<echancu- 
nough,  by  Mr.  George  Thorpe,  a  gentleman  of  note  in 
the  colony,  and  a  great  friend  to  the  Indians,  to  con- 
firm the  former  treaties  of  peace  and  friendship.  They 
both  expressed  great  satisfaction  at  the  arrival  of  ihd 
new  governor  ;  and  Mr.  Thorpe  imagined  thai  he  coulj 
perceive  an  uncommon  degree  of  religious  sensibility 
in  Opechancanough.  That  artful  chief  so  far  imposed 
on  the  credulity  of  this  good  gentleman,  as  to  persuade 
him  that  he  acknow  ledged  his  own  religion  to  be  w  rong; 
that  he  desired  to  be  instructed  in  the  Christian  doc- 
trine, and  that  he  wished  for  a  more  friendly  and  fanii- 
liar  intercourse  with  the  English.  He  also  confirmed  a 
former  jiromise  of  sending  a  guide  to  show  them  soinn 
mines  above  the  falls.  But  all  these  pretences  served 
only  to  conceal  a  design  which  he  'nad  long  meditated, 
to  destroy  the  whole  English  colony. 

The  peace  w  hich  had  subsisted  since  the  marriage  ol 
Pocahontas  had  lulled  the  English  into  security,  and 
disposed  them  to  extend  their  plantations  along  the 
banks  of  the  rivers,  as  far  as  the  Potowmack,  in  situa- 
tions too  remote  from  each  oilier.  Their  houses  v.cro 
open  and  free  to  the  natives,  who  became  acquainted 
wilh  their  manner  of  living,  their  hours  of  eating,  ol 
labor  and  repose,  the  use  of  their  arms  and  tools,  and 
frequentiv  borrowed  their  boats,  for  the  convenietice  ol 
fishing  and  fowling,  and  to  pass  the  rivers.  This  fami- 
liarity was  (ileasing  to  the  English,  as  it  indicated  a 
spirit  of  moderation,  which  had  been  always  recom- 
mended by  the  company  in  England  to  the  planters; 
and,  as  it  afforded  a  favorable  symptom  of  the  eivjhza- 
tion  and  conversion  of  the  natives  ;  but,  by  them,  or 
their  le.iders,  it  was  designed  lo  conceal  the  most  sdii- 
guinar>'  intentions. 

In  liie  spring  of  the  next  year.  (1622)  an  opportunity 
offered  to  throw  off  the  mask  of  friendship,  and  kindle 
their  secret  enmtty  into  a  blaze.  Among  the  natives 
who  frecpiently  visited  the  English,  was  a  tall,  hand- 
some, young  chief,  renowned  fo  courage  and  success 
in  war,  and  excessively  fond  of  finery  in  dress,  llis 
Indian  name  was  Neinatanow  ;  but  by  the  English  ha 
was  railed  Jack  of  the  Feather.  Coming  to  the  store 
of  one  Morgan,  he  there  viewed  several  toys  and  orna- 
ments, which  were  very  agreeable  to  the  Indian  taste  , 
and  persuaded  Morgan  to  carry  them  to  Painunty, 
where  he  assured  him  c  fan  advan'ag-L^us  IralHc.  M  >r- 
gbn  corscnicd  to  go  with  Imn  ;  but  vas  isu'.deiod  by 
i  the  way. 


BIOGRAPHIES  OF  THE  EARLY  DISCOVERERS. 


87 


In  a  few  days,  Nematanow  came  again  to  the  stori;, 
with  jMorgan's  cap  on  his  head  ;  and  bcinij;  interrogated 
bv  two  slout  lads,  who  attended  there,  what  was  become 
of  their  master,  he  answered  that  he  was  dead.  1'lic 
bovs  seized  him,  and  endeavored  to  carry  liim  before  a 
magislraco  ;  but  his  violent  resistance,  and  the  insolence 
of  his  onguage,  so  provoked  them,  that  tliey  shot  him. 
The  wound  proved  mortal ;  and  when  dying,  he  ear- 
nestly requested  of  the  boys,  that  the  manner  of  his 
death  might  be  concealed  from  his  countrymen,  and  that 
he  might  be  privately  buried  among  the  English. 

As  soon  as  this  transaction  was  known,  Opechanca- 
nough  demanded  satisfaction ;  but  being  answered  that 
the  retaliation  was  just,  he  formed  a  plan  for  a  general 
massacre  of  the  English,  and  appointed  Friday,  the 
twenty-second  day  of  March,  for  its  execution  ;  but  he 
dissembled  his  resentment  to  the  last  moment.  Parties 
of  Indians  were  distributed  tlirough  the  colony,  to  at- 
tack every  plantation,  at  the  same  hour  of  the  day, 
when  the  men  should  be  abroad  and  at  work.  On  the 
evening  before,  and  on  the  morning  of  that  fatal  day, 
the  Indians  came  as  usual  to  the  houses  of  the  Fmglish, 
bringing  game  and  fish  to  sell,  and  sat  down  with  them 
lO  breakfast.  So  general  was  the  combination,  and  so 
deep  the  plot,  that  about  one  hour  before  noon,  they  fell 
on  the  people  in  the  fields  and  houses  ;  and,  with  their 
own  tools  and  weapons,  killed  indiscriminately,  persons 
of  all  ages,  sexes  and  characters  ;  inhumanly  mangling 
their  dead  bodies,  and  triumphing  over  them,  with  all 
the  expressions  of  frantic  joy. 

Where  any  resistance  was  made  it  was  generally  suc- 
cessful. Several  houses  were  defended,  and  some  few 
of  the  assailants  slain  One  of  Captain  Smith's  old 
Boldiers,  Nathaniel  Causie,  though  wounded,  split  the 
ekuU  of  an  Indian,  and  put  his  whole  party  to  flight. 
Several  other  parties  were  dispersed  by  the  firing  of  a 
single  gun,  or  by  the  presenting  of  a  gun,  even  in  the 
hand  of  a  woman. 

Jamestown  was  preserved  by  the  fidelity  of  Chance, 
b  young  Indian  convert,  who  lived  with  Richard  Pace, 
end  was  treated  by  him  as  a  son.  The  brother  of  this 
Indian  came  to  lie  with  him,  the  night  before  the  mas- 
sacre, and  revealed  to  him  the  plot,  urging  him  to  kill 
his  master,  as  he  intended  to  do  by  his  own.  As  soon 
as  he  was  gone  in  the  morning,  Chanco  gave  notice  of 
what  was  intended,  to  his  master;  who,  having  secured 
his  own  house,  gave  the  alarm  to  his  neighbors,  and  sent 
an  express  to  .Jamestown. 

Three  hundred  and  forty-nine  people*  fell  at  this 
{[eiC'-l  massacre  ;  of  which  number,  six  were  members 
of  the  council.  None  of  these  were  more  lament(:d 
than  Mr  George  Thorj)e.  This  gentleman  was  one  of 
the  best  friends  of  the  Indians,  and  had  been  earnestly 
concerned  in  the  business  of  instructing  and  evange- 
lizing them.  He  had  left  a  handsome  estate,  and  an 
honorable  employment  in  England,  and  was  appointed 
chief  manager  of  a  plantation  and  a  seminary,  designed 
for  the  maintenance  and  education  of  young  Indians,  in 
Virginia.  He  had  been  remarkably  kind  and  generous 
to  them  :  and  it  was  by  his  exertion,  that  the  house  was 
built,  in  which  Opechancanough  took  so  much  pleasure. 
Just  before  his  death,  he  was  warned  of  his  danger,  by 
one  of  his  servants,  who  immediately  made  his  escape  ; 
but  Mr.  Thorpe  would  not  believe  that  they  intended 
him  any  harm,  and  thus  fell  a  victim  to  their  fury.  Hie 

*  The  number  slain  at  the  several  plantations  :  from  Cap- 
tain Smith's  Instory,  p.  149. 

At  Captain  Jolm  Berkley's  plantation,  seated  at  the  Falling 
Cieek,  sixty-six  miles  from  James  city,  himself  and  twetity- 
one  others  ;  at  Master  Tliotiias  Sheffield's  plantation,  three 
miles  from  the  Falling  Creek,  liimsulf  and  twelve  otliers  ;  at 
Henrico  Islands,  two  miles  from  Sheffield's  plantation,  six  ; 
f  lain  of  the  college  people,  twenty  miles  from  Henrico,  se- 
venteen ;  at  Churles  city,  and  of  Captain  Smith's  men,  live  ; 
it  the  iie.xt  adjoining  plantation,  eight ;  at  William  Farrar's 
house,  ten ;  at  Biickley  Hundred,  fifty  miles  from  Cliarles 
city,  Master  George  Thorpe  and  ten  more  ;  at  Westover,  a 
mile  from  Bncklev,  two  ;  at  Master  .John  West's  plantation, 
two  ;  at  Captain  Nathaniel  West's  plantation,  two  ;  at  Ricli- 
ard  Owen's  house,  himself  and  six  more  ;  at  Lieutenant 
Gibh's  plantation,  twelve  ;  at  Master  Owen  Macar's  house, 
himself  and  three  more;  at  Martin's  Hundred,  seven  miles 
from  James  city,  seventy-tluee  ;  at  another  place,  seven  ;  at 
Edward  Bonif  s  plantation,  fifty ;  at  Master  Water's  liouse, 
himself  and  four  more  ;  at  Apainatuck's  river,  at  Master 
Pe'se's  DlantatioD,  fi-'e  miles  from  the  College,  four;  at  Master 
«avcock's  aiviaend.  Captain  Samuel  Mavcock  and  four  more  ; 
at  Howcrda  Hundred,  Sir  George  Veardley's  plantation,  si.v: ; 
on  the  side  opposite  to  it,  seven;  at  Master  Swinhow's 
house,  .umseh  i.ml  seven  more  ;  at  Master  William  Bickar's 
house  himself  and  four  more  ;  at  Weanock,  of  Sir  George 
Ifeardley  s  people,  twenty-une  ;  at  Powel  Brooke,  Captain 
Watlianiel  Powcl  and  twelve  more;  at  Soutliainpton  Hun- 
dred, five;  at  Martin's  Brandon  Hundred,  seven;  at  Captain  i 
Henry  Spihr.an's  house,  two  ;  at  Ensign  Spence's  house,  live  ■ 
Et  NUst*r  Thomas  Perse's  house,  L-y  Mulberry  island,  himself 
&nd  foui  more.  The  whole  number,  three  hundred  and  forty- 


coipse  was  mangled  and  abused,  in  a  manner  too  shock- 
ing to  be  related. 

One  effect  of  this  massacre  was  the  ruin^of  the  iron- 
works, at  Falling  Creek,  where  the  destruction  was  so 
coinj.lete,  that,  of  twenty-four  people,  only  a  boy  and 
girl  e-scapcd  by  hiding  themselves.  I'he  supcrintendant 
of  this  work  had  discovered  a  vein  of  lead  ore,  which 
he  kept  to  himself ;  but  made  use  of  it,  to  sii])])ly  him- 
self and  his  friends  with  shot.  The  knowledge  of  this 
was  lost  by  his  death  for  many  years.  It  was  again 
found  by  Colonel  Uyrd,  and  again  lost.  The  place 
was  a  third  time  found  by  John  Chiswell ;  and  the  mine 
is  now.  or  has  been  lately,  wrought  to  advantage.. 

Another  consequence  of  this  fatal  event,  was  an  or- 
der of  the  govcrnmen',,  to  draw  together  the  remnant  of 
the  people  into  a  narrow  compass.  Of  eighty  planta- 
tions, all  were  abandoned  but  six,  which  lay  contiguous, 
at  the  lower  part  of  James  river.*  The  owners  or 
overseers  of  three  or  four  others  refused  to  obey  the 
order,  and  entrenched  themselves,  mounting  cannon  for 
their  defence. t 

The  next  effect  was  a  ferocious  war.  The  Indians 
were  hunted  like  beasts  of  prey,  and  as  many  as  could 
be  found  were  destroyed.  But  as  they  were  very  expert 
in  hiding  themselves  and  escaping  the  pursuit,  the  Eng- 
lish resolved  to  dissemble  with  them  in  their  own  way. 
To  this  they  were  further  impelled  by  the  fear  of  famine 
As  seed-time  came  on,  both  sides  thought  it  necessary 
to  relax  their  hostile  operations  and  attend  to  the  busi- 
ness of  planting.  Peace  was  then  offered  by  the  Eng- 
lish, and  accepted  by  the  Indians  ;  but  when  the  corn 
began  to  grow,  the  English  suddenly  attacked  the  In- 
dians in  their  fields,  killed  many  of  them,  and  destroy- 
ed their  corn.  The  summer  was  such  a  scene  of  con- 
fusion that  a  sufficiency  of  food  could  not  be  obtained, 
and  the  people  were  reduced  to  great  straits. 

The  unrelenting  severity  with  which  this  war  was 
prosecuted  by  the  Virginians  against  the  Indians,  trans- 
mitted mutual  abhorrence  to  the  posterity  of  both  ;  and 
procured  to  the  former  the  name  of  "the  long  knife," 
by  which  they  are  still  distinguished  in  the  hieroglyphic 
language  of  the  natives. 

Though  a  general  permission  of  residence  had  been 
given  by  Powhatan,  and  his  successors,  to  the  colo- 
nists ;  yet  they  rather  alfected  to  consider  the  country 
as  acquired  by  discovciy  or  conquest  ;  and  both  these 
ideas  were  much  favored  by  the  English  court,  t  The 
civilization  of  the  natives  was  a  very  desirable  object  ; 
but  those  who  knew  them  best,  thought  that  they  could 
not  be  civilized  till  they  were  first  subdued  ;  or  till 
their  priests  were  destroyed. 

It  is  certain  that  many  pious  and  charitable  persons 
in  England  were  very  warmly  interested  in  their  con- 
version. Money  and  books,  church  plate  and  other 
furniture  were  liberally  contributed.  A  college  was  in 
a  fair  way  of  being  founded  ;  to  the  supjiort  of  which 
lands  were  ajipropriatcd  and  brought  into  a  state  of  cul- 
tivation. Some  few  instances  of  the  influence  of  gos- 
pel principles  on  the  savage  mind,  particularly  Poca- 
hontas and  Chanco,  gave  sanguine  hope  of  success  ; 
and  even  the  massacre  did  not  abate  the  ardor  of  that 
hope,  in  the  minds  of  those  who  had  indulged  it.  The 
experience  of  almost  two  centuries  has  not  extinguish- 
ed it ;  and,  however  discouraging  the  prospect,  it  is  best 
for  the  cause  of  virtue  that  it  never  should  be  abandon- 
ed. There  may  be  some  fruit,  which  though  not  splen- 
did nor  extensive,  yet  may  correspond  with  the  genius 
of  a  religion,  which  is  compared  by  its  author,  to 
"leaven  hid  in  the  meal."  The  power  of  evangelical 
truth  on  the  human  mind,  must  not  be  considered  as 
void  of  reality,  because  not  exposed  to  public  observa- 
tion. 

WHien  the  news  of  the  massacre  v/as  carri?;d  to  Eng- 
land, the  governor  and  colony  were  considered  as  sub- 
jects of  blame,  by  those  very  persons  who  had  always 
enjoined  them  to  treat  the  Indians  with  mildness. 


*  The  six  plantations  to  which  the  government  ordered  the 
people  to  retire,  were,  Shirley  Hundred,  Flowerda  Hundred, 
Jamestown,  Paspiha,  Kiquotan,  Southampton. 

t  Those  persons  who  refused  to  obey  liie  order,  were  Mr. 
Edward  Hill,  at  Elizabeth  city  ;  Mr.  Samuel  Jordan,  at  Jor- 
dan's Point;  Mr.  Daniel  Gookin,  at  Newport  News;  Mrs. 
Proctor,  a  gentlewoman  of  an  heroic  spirit,  defended  her 
plantation  a  month,  till  the  officers  of  the  colony  obliged  her 
to  aliandon  it. 

i  Mr.  JelTerson  in  his  Notes  on  Virginia,  (p.  153)  observes, 
"  Tliat  the  lands  of  this  country  were  taken  from  them  by 
conquest  is  not  so  general  a  truth  as  is  supposed.  I  find  in 
our  hi-storians  and  records,  repeated  proofs  of  purchases, 
which  cover  a  considcralile  part  of  the  lower  country ;  and 
many  more  would  doubtless  he  found  on  further  search.  The 
upper  country,  we  know  has  been  acquired  altogether  by 
purchases  made  in  the  most  unexceptionable  form."  A  more 
p,art,icular  account  of  the  earliest  purchases  is  desirable,  spe- 
cifying the  date,  the  extent  'j.id  tiiu  couipeiisation. 


However,  ships  were  despatched  with  a  supply  of  pro- 
visions, to  which  the  corporation  of  London  as  well  as 
several  persons  of  fortune  largely  contributed.  Tlie 
king  icnl  them  twenty  barrels  of  powder,  and  a  quantity 
of  unserviceable  arms  from  the  tower,  and  promired 
to  levy  four  hundred  soliliers,  in  the  several  counties  of 
England,  for  their  protection  ;  but  though  frctiuenlly  so- 
licited by  the  company  in  P^ngland,  and  the  colony  in 
Virginia,  he  never  could  be  induced  to  fulfil  this  iironiisc. 

The  calamities  which  had  befallen  the  colony,  and 
the  dissensions  which  had  agitated  the  company,  be- 
came such  to[)ics  of  complaint,  and  were  so  represented 
to  the  king  and  his  jirivy  council,  that  a  coiiimissioa 
was  issued,  under  the  great  seal,  to  .Sir  William  Jones, 
Sir  Nicholas  I'orlescuc,  Sir  Francis  Goftoii,  Sir  Rich- 
ard Sutton,  Sir  William  Pitt,  Sir  Henry  Bouchier,  and 
Sir  Henry  Spilman,  or  any  four  of  them,  to  inquire 
into  all  matters  respecting  'i'irginia,  from  the  beginning 
of  its  settlement. 

To  enable  them  to  carry  on  this  inquiry,  all  the 
books  and  papers  of  the  company  were  ordered  into  the 
custody  of  the  commissioners  ;  their  deputy-treasurer 
was  arrested  and  confined  ;  and  all  letters  which  should 
arrive  from  the  colony,  were,  by  the  king's  command, 
to  be  intercepted.  This  was  a  very  discouraging  intro- 
duction to  the  business,  and  plainly  showed  not  only 
the  arbitrary  disposition  of  the  king;  but  the  turn 
which  would  be  given  to  the  inquiry.  On  the  arrival 
of  a  ship  from  Virginia,  her.  packets  were  seized,  and 
laid  before  the  privy  council. 

The  transactions  of  these  commissioners  were  always 
kept  concealed  ;  but  the  result  of  them  was  made 
known  by  an  order  of  Council,  (October,  16'23)  which 
set  forth,  "  That  his  majesty  having  taken  into  his 
princely  consideration  the  distressed  state  of  Virginia, 
occasioned  by  the  ill  government  of  the  company,  had 
resolved  by  a  new  charter,  to  appoint  a  governor  and 
twelve  assistants  to  reside  in  England  ;  and  a  gover- 
nor with  twelve  assistants  to  reside  in  Virginia  ;  tho 
former  to  be  nominated  by  his  majesty  in  council  ;  tb<? 
latter  to  be  nominated  by  the  governor  and  assistants 
in  England,  and  to  be  approved  by  the  king  in  council ; 
and  that  all  proceedings  should  be  subject  to  the  royal 
direction."  The  company  was  ordered  to  assemlile  and 
resolve  whether  they  would  submit,  and  resign  their 
charter  ;  and  in  default  of  such  submission,  the  king 
signified  his  determination  to  proceed  for  recalling  their 
charter,  in  such  manner  as  to  him  should  seem  meet. 

This  arbitrary  mandate  so  astonished  the  company, 
that  when  they  met,  it  was  read  over  three  times,  as  if 
they  had  distrusted  their  own  ears.  Then  a  long 
silence  ensued  ;  and  when  the  question  was  called  for, 
twenty-six  only  voted  for  a  surrender,  and  one  hundred 
an'l  twelve  declared  against  it. 

-  hesc  proceedings  gave  such  an  alarm  to  all  who 
were  concerned  in  the  plantation  or  trade  of  the  colony, 
that  some  ships  which  were  preparing  to  sail  were  stop- 
ped ;  but  the  king  ordered  them  to  proceed  ;  declaring 
that  the  change  of  government  would  injure  no  man's 
property.  At  the  same  time  he  thought  it  proper  to 
appoint  commissioners  to  go  to  Virginia,  and  inquire 
into  tho  state  of  the  colony.  These  were  Sir  John 
Harvey,  afterwards  governor,  .lohn  Pory,  who  had  been 
secretary,  Abraham  Percy,  Samuel  Matthews,  and  John 
Jefferson.  The  subjects  of  their  inquiry  were  "  How 
many  plantations  there  he  ;  which  of  them  be  public 
and  which  private  ;  what  [icqilc,  men,  women  and  chil- 
dren, there  be  in  each  plantation  ;  what  fortifications,  or 
what  place  is  best  to  be  fortified  ;  what  houses  and  how 
many  ;  what  cattle,  arms,  ammunition  and  ordnance  ; 
what  boats  and  barges  ;  what  bridges  and  public  works  ; 
how  the  colony  standeth  in  respect  of  the  savages  ;  what 
hopes  may  be  truly  conceived  of  the  plantation  and  the 
means  to  attain  these  hopes."  The  govenior  and  coun 
cil  of  Virginia  were  ordered  to  afford  their  best  assist- 
ance to  the  commissioners  ;  but  no  copy  of  their 
instructions  was  delivered  to  them. 

After  the  departure  of  the  commissioners,  a  writ  of 
Quo  Warranto  was  issued  by  the  court  of  King's  Bench 
against  the  company  (November  10,  IG23)  and  upon 
the  representation  of  the  attorney-general  that  no  de- 
fence could  be  made  by  the  company  w  ilhout  their  books 
and  their  deputy  treasurer,  the  latter  was  liberated  and 
the  former  were  restored.  The  re-delivery  of  them  to 
the  privy  council  was  protracted,  till  the  clerks  of  the 
company  had  taken  copies  of  them.* 


*  These  copies  were  deposited  in  <he  hands  of  the  Earl  of 
Southampton,  and  after  his  deatli,  which  happened  in  1624, 
descended  to  his  son.  After  his  death  in  1G07,  they  were  pur- 
chased of  Ills  executors  for  sixty  guineas,  by  Col.  Byrd,  of 
Virginia,  then  in  England.  From  tliese  copies,  and  from  t.*!* 
records  of  the  colony,  Mr.  Slilli  compiled  the  Histor  of  Vir- 
ginia ;  which  extends  do  further  than  tlie  year  l&ii. 


88 


AMERICAN  HISTORY. 


In  tlic  beginning  of  1624  the  commissioners  arrived 
in  Virginia,  and  a  General  Assembly  was  called,  not  at 
their  request  ;  for  they  kept  all  their  designs  as  secret 
SB  possible  Uut  nolwilhslanding  all  the  prei  aulions 
which  hail  been  taken,  to  prevent  the  colony  from  gel- 
ting  any  knowledge  of  the  proceedings  in  England, 
they  were  by  thrs  time,  well  informed  of  the  whole,  and 
hud  copies  of  several  papers  which  had  been  exhibited 
against  them. 

The  Assembly,  which  met  on  the  14th  of  February, 
4rew  up  answers  to  what  had  been  allege  J,  in  a  spirited 
end  masterly  style  ;  and  appointed  John  Porentis,  one 
of  the  council,  to  go  to  England  as  their  agent,  to  soli- 
cit the  cause  of  the  colony.  Tliis  gentleman  unhappily 
died  on  his  passage  ;  but  their  |)etition  to  the  king  and 
their  address  to  the  privy  council  were  delivered,  in 
which  they  requested  that  in  case  of  a  change  of  the 
government  they  might  not  again  fall  into  the  power  of 
Sir  Thomas  iSmith,  or  his  confidants  ;  that  the  gover- 
nors sent  over  to  them  might  not  have  absolute  autho- 
rity, but  be  restrained  to  act  by  advice  of  council  ;  and 
above  all,  that  they  might  "  have  the  liberty  of  CJeneral 
Assemblies,  than  which  nothing  could  more  conduce  to 
the  public  satisfaction  and  utility."  Tliey  complained 
that  the  short  continuance  of  their  governors  had  been 
very  disadvantageous.  "The  first  year  they  were  raw 
and  inexperienced,  and  generally  in  ill  health,  througli  a 
change  of  climate.  The  second,  they  began  to  under- 
stand something  of  the  affairs  of  the  colony  ;  and  the 
third,  they  were  preparing  to  return." 

To  the  honor  of  Governor  Wyat,  it  is  observed,  that 
he  wae  very  active,  and  joined  most  cordially  in  prepar- 
ing these  petitions  ;  and  was  very  far  from  desiring 
absolute  and  inordinate  power,  either  in  himself  or  m 
future  governors. 

The  Assembly  was  very  unanimous  in  their  proceed- 
ings, and  intended,  like  the  commissions,  to  keep 
them  secret.  But  Pory,  who  had  long  been  versed  in 
the  arts  of  corruption,  found  means  to  obtain  copies  of 
all  their  acts.  Edward  Sharpies,  clerk  of  the  council, 
was  afterwards  convicted  of  bribery  and  breach  of  trust, 
for  which  he  was  sentenced  to  the  pillory,  and  lost  one 
of  his  ears. 

The  commissioners,  finding  that  things  were  going  in 
the  Assembly  contrary  to  their  wishes,  resolved  to  open 
some  of  their  powers  with  a  view  to  intimidate  them  ; 
and  then  endeavored  to  draw  them  into  an  explicit  sub- 
mission to  the  revocation  of  their  charter.  But  the 
Assembly  had  the  wisdom  and  lirmness  to  evade  the 
proposal,  by  requesting  to  see  the  whole  extent  of  their 
commission.  This  being  denied,  they  answered,  that 
when  the  surrender  of  their  charter  should  be  demanded 
by  authority,  it  would  be  time  enough  to  make  a  reply. 

The  laws  enacted  by  this  Assemnly  are  the  oldest 
which  arc  to  be  found  in  the  records  of  the  colony. 
They  contain  many  wise  and  good  provisions.  One  of 
them  is  equivalent  to  a  Hill  of  liit^lUs,  defining  the 
powers  of  the  Governor,  Council,  and  Assembly  ;  and 
the  privilegf's  of  tlie  people,  with  regard  to  taxes,  bur- 
dens and  personal  services.*  The  twenty-second  of 
March,  the  day  of  the  massacre,  was  ordered  to  be 
solemnized  as  a  day  of  devotion. 

Whilst  (h"se  things  were  doing  in  the  colony,  its 
enemies  in  Er.gland  were  endeavoring,  by  means  of 
some  i)ersons  who  had  returned  from  Virginia,  to  injure 
the  ciiaracter  of  the  governor  ;  but  he  was  surtieienlly 
vindicated,  by  the  lesliinony  of  other  i)er.sons,  who  as- 
serted, on  their  own  knowledge,  the  uprightness  of  his 
proceedings,  and  declared  upon  their  honor  and  con- 
science, that  they  esteemed  him  "just  and  sincere,  free 
from  all  corruption  and  private  views.  As  he  had  re- 
quested leave  to  quit  the  government  at  the  expiration 
of  his  commission,  the  company  took  up  the  matter  ; 
and  when  Sir  Samuel  .\rgal  was  nominated  as  a  candi- 
date in  competition  with  liiin,  there  ajipeared  but  <;ight 
votes  in  his  favor,  and  sixty-nine  for  the  continuance 
of  Wyat. 

The  Parliament  assembled  in  February,  1624,  and 
the  company  finding  themselves  too  weak  to  resist  the 
rncroai  liinents  of  a  prmce,  who  had  engrossed  almost 
the  whole  power  of  the  State,  applied  to  the  House  of 
Commons  for  protection.  The  king  was  highly  of- 
fended at  this  attempt,  and  sent  a  prohibitory  letter  to  the 

•  AX  time  wi;Tnrn  wero  srarce  Mid  rr.iirli  in  request, 
•ii'l  It  wa.s  crjK.wuu  [or  .1  vvoMjii  to  i.chntcl  herself  witli 
more  '.Iw.u  cm;  mar.  at  &  time;  by  .vl.ich  irnians  great  unoasi- 
n<>»ii  3!ose  teliv^cn  private  persons, ami  mm  h  trouble  to  the 
p'>vernment.  It  win  thiTeforn  onli'rcil,  "  That  every  niiMH- 
t-'!  niiould  i^ve  notice  in  his  i  hurch,  that  wliat  man  or  wo- 
Ui.in  sncrvnr  should  uuo  any  word  tjr  spcectt,  tending  to  a 
ronturt  of  rn.irri.igc  to  two  scveia.  prrtoni  at  one  tune,  al- 
thou_'li  not  precise  and  Irgal,  sliiinlil  citlu  r  inidi  rco  rorpo- 
I- ui  punishmcM,  or  pay  a  line,  acconUni;  to  the  quality  of  the 
M'undur  "— ISlith,  3S2 


speaker,  which  was  no  sooner  read,  than  the  compa- 
ny's petition  was  ordered  to  be  withdrawn. 

However  singular  this  interference  on  the  one  hand, 
and  coinjihaiice  on  the  other  may  now  ap'pear,  it  was 
usual  at  that  time  for  the  king  to  impose  his  mandates, 
and  for  the  Commons,  who  knew  not  the  extent  of 
their  own  rights,  to  obey  ;  though  not  without  the  ani- 
madversions of  the  most  intelligent  and  zealous  mem- 
bers. The  royal  prerogative  was  held  inviolably  sa- 
cred, till  the  indiscretions  of  a  subsequent  reign  reduced 
it  to  an  object  of  contempt.  In  this  instance,  the 
Commons,  however  passive  in  their  submission  to  the 
crown,  yet  showed  their  regard  to  the  interest  of  the 
complainants  as  well  as  of  the  nation,  by  petitioning  the 
king  that  no  tobacco  should  be  iin|)orted,  but  of  the 
growth  of  the  colonies.  ,  To  this  James  consented,  and 
a  proclamation  was  issued  accordingly. 

The  commissioners,  on  their  return  from  Virginia, 
reported  to  the  king,  "  that  the  people  sent  to  inhabit 
there  were  most  of  them,  by  sickness,  famine  and  mas- 
sacre of  the  savages,  dead  ;  that  those  who  were  liv- 
ing were  in  necessity  and  want,  and  in  continual  danger 
from  the  savages  ;  but  that  the  country  itself  appeared 
to  be  fruitful,  and  to  those  who  had  resided  there 
some  time,  healthy  ;  that  if  industry  were  used,  it 
would  produce  divers  staple  commodities,  though  for 
sixteen  years  past,  it  had  yielded  few  or  none  ;  that  this 
neglect  must  fall  on  the  governors  and  company,  who 
had  power  to  direct  the  plantations  ;  that  the  said  plan- 
tations were  of  great  importance,  and  would  remain  a 
lasting  monument  to  posterity  of  his  majesty's  most 
gracious  and  happy  government,  if  the  same  were  prose- 
cuted to  those  ends  for  which  they  were  first  undertaken; 
that  if  the  provisions  and  instructions  of  the  first  char- 
ter (1C06)  had  been  pursued,  much  better  effect  had 
been  produced  than  by  the  alteration  thereof  into  so 
popular  a  course,  and  among  so  many  hands  as  it  then 
was,  which  caused  much  confusion  and  contention." 

On  this  report,  the  king,  by  a  proclamation,  (July 
15)  suppressed  the  meetings  of  the  company  ;  and,  till 
a  more  perfect  settlement  could  be  made,  ordered  a 
privy  council  to  sit  every  Thursday,  at  the  house  of  Sir 
Thomas  Smith  for  conducting  the  affairs  of  the  colony. 
Soon  after,  viz.  in  Trinity  term,  the  Quo  Waintn/o 
was  brought  to  trial,  in  the  court  of  king's  bench  ; 
judgment  was  brought  against  the  company,  and  the 
charter  was  vacated. 

This  was  the  end  of  the  Virginia  Company,  one  of 
the  most  public  s[)irited  societies  which  had  ever  been 
engaged  in  such  an  undertaking.  Mr.  Stith,  who  had 
searched  all  their  records  and  papers,  concludes  his 
history  by  observing  that  they  were  "  gentlemen  of 
very  noble,  clear,  and  disinK^resled  views,  willing  to 
spend  much  of  their  time  and  money,  and  did  actually 
cx|)cnd  more  tiian  100,000/.  of  their  own  fortunes, 
without  any  prospect  of  present  gain  or  retribution,  in 
advancing  an  enterprise  which  they  conceived  to  be  of 
very  great  consequence  to  their  country." 

No  sooner  was  the  company  dissolved,  tnan  James 
issued  a  new  commission  (.Vugust  26)  for  the  govern- 
ment of  the  colony.  In  it,  the  history  of  the  plantation 
was  briefly  recited.  Sir  Francis  Wyat  was  continued 
governor,  with  eleren  ossistants  or  counsellors,  Francis 
West,  Sir  George  Ycardlcy,  George  Sandys,  Roger 
Smith,  Ralph  Ilarnor,  who  had  been  of  the  former 
council,  with  the  addition  of  John  .Martin,  John  Har- 
vey, Samuel  Matthews,  Abraham  Percy,  Isaac  Madi- 
son, and  William  (Mayborne.  The  governor  and  coun- 
cil were  appointed  during  the  king's  pleasure,  with 
authority  to  rule  the  colony,  and  punish  offenders,  as 
fully  as  any  governor  and  cotineil  might  have  done. 
No  assembly  was  mentioned  or  allowed,  because  the 
king  supposed,  agreeable  to  the  report  of  the  commis- 
sioners, that  "  .so  popular  a  course"  was  one  cause  of 
the  late  calamities  ;  and  he  hated  the  existence  of  such 
a  body  within  any  part  of  his  dominions,  especially 
when  they  were  disposed  to  inquire  into  their  own 
rights,  and  redress  the  grievances  of  the  people. 

After  the  death  of  James,  which  happened  on  the 
27th  of  March,  162.').  his  son  and  successor,  Charles, 
issued  a  proclamation,  expressing  Ins  resolulion.  that 
the  colony  and  government  of  \  irgiiua  should  ilepend 
immediately  on  himself,  without  the  intervention  of 
any  commercial  company.  He  also  followed  the  ex- 
ample of  his  l'.itlir.r,  ;n  making  no  mention  of  a  repre- 
sentative issciiibly,  ii;  any  of  his  subsequent  commis- 
sions. 

(lovernor  Wyat,  on  the  death  of  his  father.  Si 
(ieorgo  Wvat,  having  returned  to  Ireland,  the  govern- 
ment of  \'irginia  fell  again  into  the  hands  of  S  r  lieorgc 
Veardley.    Uut,  his  death  happeniiijj  wiihin  the  year  , 
1626,  he  wa»  succeeded  by  Sir  Jolui  llarvoy.  1 


BARTHOLOMEW  GOSNOLD*  MARTIN  PRING,  BAIU 
THOLOMEW  GILBERT,  GEORGE  WEY.MOL'TH 

RiBTHOLOMEw  GosNoLD— His  voyage  to  Viisinia — Discovert 

Capo  Cod— His  interview  and  tniJfic  wiifi  the  naiues  

Sails  for  England— Accompanies  John  Smith  to  Vifinia  — 
His  death — MinTi.N  Pring — Sails  for  North  Virgnua— Di*- 
covcrs  Fox  Islands— Enters  Massachusetts  tay  -Intervitw 
with  the  natives — Ucturns  to  En^-land — IIis.serond  Voyage 
— Bartholomew  Gilhebt— His  voyage  to  Viiginia— He  Is 
killed  by  the  natives— George  Wetmocth— Sails  (or  Amt- 
rica — Discovers  George's  Islands  and  I'eiiiecosl  Harbor— 
Kidnaps  some  of  the  natives. 

The  voyages  made  to  America,  by  these  navigators, 
in  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century,  may  be 
considered  as  the  leading  steps  to  the  colonization  of 
New  England.  Excepting  the  fishery  at  Newfound- 
land, the  Europeans  were  at  that  time  in  actual  posses- 
sion of  no  part  of  North  America  ;  thoi  gh  the  English 
claimed  a  right  to  the  whole,  by  virtue  of  prior  dis- 
covery. The  attempts  which  Raleigh  had  made,  to 
colonize  the  southern  part  of  the  territory,  called  Vir- 
ginia, had  failed  ;  but  he  and  his  associates  enjoyed  an 
exclusive  patent  from  the  Crown  of  England,  for  the 
whole  coast  ;  and  these  adventurers  obtained  a  license, 
under  this  authority,  to  make  their  voyages  and  settle- 
ments. 

U.\RTHoi,OMEW  GosNOLD  was  an  active,  intrepid, 
and  experienced  mariner,  in  the  west  of  England.  He 
had  sailed  in  one  of  the  ships  employed  by  Raleigh,  to 
Virginia ;  and  was  coiivinced  that  there  must  be  a 
shorter  and  safer  way,  across  the  Atlantic,  than  tho 
usual  route,  by  the  Canaries  and  the  M  est  India  Is- 
lands. At  whose  expense  he  undertook  his  voyage  to 
the  northern  part  of  Virginia,  does  not  appear  ;  but 
that  it  was  with  the  approbation  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh 
and  his  associates,  is  evident  from  an  account  of  the 
voyage  whi'ih  was  presented  to  him. 

On  the  20th  of  March,  1602,  Gosnold  sailed  from 
Falmouth,  in  a  small  bark,  the  tonnage  of  which  is  not 
mentioned,  carrying  thirty-two  persons,  of  whom  eight 
were  mariners,  t  The  design  of  the  voyage  was  to  find 
a  direct  and  short  course  to  Virginia  ;  and,  upon  the 
discovery  of  a  proper  seat  for  a  jilantalion,  twelve  of  the 
company  were  to  return  to  England,  and  twenty  to  re- 
main in  America;  till  further  assistance  and  supplier 
could  be  sent  to  them. 

The  former  part  of  this  design  was  accomplished,  as 
far  as  the  winds  and  other  circumstances  would  permit. 
They  went  no  farther  soulhward,  than  the  37lh  decree 
jf  latitude,  w  ithin  sight  of  .St.  .Mary,  cne  o(  tne  Western 
Islands.  In  the  43d  degree  ihey  approached  the  con- 
tinent of  .Vmerica,  which  they  lirst  discovered  on  the 
14th  of  May,  after  a  passage  of  seven  weeks.  The 
weakness  of  their  bark,  and  their  ignorance  of  the  route, 
^lade  them  carry  but  little  sail ;  or  they  might  have 
arrived  -some  days  sooner.  They  judged  that  they  had 
shortened  the  distance  500  leagues. 

It  is  not  easy  to  determine,  from  the  journal,  what 
part  of  the  coast  they  first  saw.  Oldmi.xon  says  it 
was  the  north  side  of  Massachusetts  Bay.  The  de- 
scription in  the  journal  does,  in  some  respects,  agree 
with  the  coast,  extending  from  Cape  Ann  to  Marble- 
head,  or  to  the  rocky  point  of  Nahant. 

From  a  rock,  %vhich  they  called  ■Sarfln'e  Rork,  a 
shallop  o(  European  fabric  came  off  to  them  ;  in  which 
were  eight  savages  ;  two  or  three  of  whom  w  ere  dressed 
in  European  habits.  From  these  circumstances,  they 
concluded  that  some  fishing  vessel  of  Biscay  had  been 
there,  and  that  the  crew  were  destroyed  by  the  natives. 
These  iieoplc,  by  signs,  invited  them  to  slay,  but  "  the 
harbor  being  naught,  and  doubting  the  weather,"  they 
did  not  think  proper  to  accent  the  invitation. 

In  the  night  ihev  stood  to  the  southward,  and  the 
next  morning,  found  themselves  "embayed  with  a 
mighty  headland,"  which  at  first  appeared  "like  an 
island,  by  reason  of  a  large  sound,  which  lay  between 
it  and  the  main."  Withm  a  league  of  this  land,  Ihey 
came  to  anchor  in  fifteen  fathoms,  and  took  a  very 

*  Tlie  account  of  Gosnold's  voyage  and  discovery,  in  the 
first  Volume  of  this  work,  is  so  eridHcous,  from  tlie  iiiisiii- 
formation  which  I  had  received,  that  I  thought  it  host  to 
write  the  w  hole  of  it  anew.  The  former  mistakes  a'e  her« 
l  orreclcd.  partly  from  the  best  information  which  !  could  ob- 
tain, after  tho  most  assiduous  iiiijiiiry  ;  lr.it  pniicipHlly  Iroin 
my  own  observations  on  the  spot ;  compared  with  the  journal 
of  the  voyage,  more  critically  examined  than  before. 

t  The  names  of  the  persons  who  went  in  this  v<»yaf  e,  as 
far  as  1  can  colled  tlu'in,  are  as  follows  :  Bartholomew'  Gos- 
nold, commander  ;  It.irlholomew  Gilbert,  second  oMii'er  ;  John 
Aiieei ;  Uobert  Salterne— he  went  again  the  next  veai  w  ith 
Pniig — he  was  alterwards  a  clcrgyiean;  William  .■^l^eete; 
(Ji'.h.iel  Archer,  gentleman  and  journahst-hc  iiMerwardt 
went  to  Viruinia—.Vi Cher's  Hope, near  WiUiamsburs.  is  named 
from  him  ;  James  Rosier— he  wrote  an  acroniil  of  ihe  voyago 
mid  preaenied  it  to  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  ;  J.din  Unert..>r., 

llre-etoi;  Tucker    froia  whuon  the  slioo!  call  ul 

Tucker's  TtirTor  u  naino4 


BIOGRAPHIES  OF  THE  EARLY  DISCOVERERS. 


rioat  quantity  of  cod.  From  this  circumstance,  the 
land  was  named  Cape  Cod.  It  is  described  as  a  low 
eandy  shore,  but  without  dansrer,  and  lying  in  tlie  lati- 
tude of  42°.  (yapt.  Gosnold  with  Mr.  iirierton  and 
luife  men,  went  to  it  and  found  the  shore  bold  and  the 
sand  very  deep.  A  younfj  Indian,  with  copper  pen- 
dants in  liis  ears,  a  bow  in  his  hand,  and  arrows  at  his 
back,  came  to  them,  and  in  a  friendly  manner  offered 
his  service  ;  but  as  they  were  in  haste  to  return  to  the 
ship,  they  had  little  conference  with  him. 

C)n  the  16th,  they  sailed  by  the  shore  southerly  ;  and, 
at  the  end  of  twelve  leagues,  saw  a  point  of  land,  with 
breakers  at  a  distance.  In  attempting  to  double  this 
point,  they  came  suddenly  into  shoal  water  ;  from  which 
they  extricated  themselves  by  standing  olT  to  sea.  This 
point  they  named  Point  Care,  and  the  breakers. 
Tucker's  Terror,  from  the  person  who  first  discovered 
the  danger.  In  the  night  they  bore  up  towards  the  land, 
and  came  to  anchor  in  eight  fathoms.  The  next  day, 
(17th)  seeing  many  breakers  about  them,  and  the  wea- 
ther being  foul,  they  lay  at  anchor. 

On  the  18th,  the  weather  being  clear,  they  sent  their 
boat  to  sound  a  beach,  which  lay  off  another  point,  to 
which  they  gave  the  name  of  Gilbert's  Pomt.  The 
ship  remained  at  anchor  the  whole  of  this  day  ;  and 
some  of  the  natives  came  from  the  shore  in  their  canoes 
to  visit  them.  These  people  were  dressed  in  skins,  and 
furnished  with  pi))es  and  tobacco  ;  one  of  them  had  a 
breast-plate  of  copper.  I'hey  appeared  more  timorous 
than  those  of  Savage  Rock,  but  were  very  thievish. 

When  the  people  in  the  boat  returned  from  sounding, 
they  reported  a  depth  of  water  from  four  to  seven  fa- 
thoms, over  the  breach  ;  which  the  ship  passed  the  next 
day,  (19th)  and  came  to  anchor  again  above  a  league 
beyond  it.  Here  they  remained  two  days  surrounded 
by  scools  of  fish  and  flocks  of  aquatic  birds.  To  the 
northward  of  west,  they  saw  several  hummocks,  which 
they  imagined  were  distinct  islands  ;  but  when  they 
Bailed  towards  them,  (on  the  21st)  they  found  them  to 
be  small  hills  within  tlie  land.  They  discovered  also 
an  opening,  into  which  they  endeavored  to  enter,  sup- 
posing it  to  be  the  southern  extremity  of  the  sound  be- 
tween Cape  Cod  and  the  main  land.  But  on  examina- 
tion the  water  proving  very  shoal,  they  called  it  Shoal 
Hope,  and  proceeded  to  the  westward.  The  coast  was 
full  of  people,  who  ran  along  the  shore,  accompanying 
the  ship  as  she  sailed  ;  and  many  smokes  appeared 
within  the  land. 

In  coasting  along  to  the  westward,  they  discovered 
an  island,  on  which  the  next  day  (22)  they  landed.  The 
description  of  it  in  the  journal  is  this  :  "  A  disiiihabited 
island  ;  from  Shoal  Hope  it  is  eight  leagues  ;  in  cir- 
cuit it  is  five  miles,  and  hath  forty-one  degrees  and  one 
quarter  of  latitude.  The  place  most  pleasant ;  for  we 
found  it  full  of  wood,  vines,  gooseberry  bushes,  hurt- 
berries,  raspiccs,  eglantine  [sweet-briar,]  &c.  Here 
we  had  cranes,  herns,  shoulers,  geese,  and  divers  other 
birds  ;  which  there,  at  that  time,  upon  the  clifl's,  being 
sandy  with  some  rocky  stones,  did  breed  and  had  young. 
In  this  place  we  saw  deer.  Here  we  rode  in  eight 
fathoms,  near  the  shore  ;  where  we  took  great  store  of 
cod,  as  before  at  Cape  Cod,  but  much  bett>er.  This 
island  is  sound,  and  hath  no  danger  about  it."  They 
gave  it  the  name  of  Martha's  Vineyard,  from  the  great 
number  of  vines  which  thev  found  on  it. 

From  this  island,  they  passed  (on  the  24th)  round  a 
very  high  and  distinguished  promontory;  to  which  they 
gave  the  name  of  Dover  Cliff;  and  came  to  anchor  "  m 
a  fair  sound,  where  they  rode  all  night." 

Between  them  and  the  main,  which  was  then  in  sight, 
lay  a  "  ledge  of  rocks,  extending  a  mile  into  the  sea 
but  all  above  water,  and  without  danger."  They  went 
round  the  western  extremity  of  this  ledge,  and  came  to 
in  eight  fathoms  of  water,  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from  the 
shore,  in  one  of  the  stateliest  sounds  that  ever  they  had 
seen."  This  they  call*  d  Gosnold' s  Hope.  The  north 
side  of  it  was  the  mair  land  stretching  east  and  west, 
distant  four  leagues  fiom  the  island,  where  they  came 
to  anchor,  to  which_^they  gave  the  name  of  Elizabeth, 
in  honor  of  their  queen. 

On  the  2Stli  of  May,  they  held  a  council,  respecting 
the  place  of  their  abode,  which  they  determined  to  be 
"in  the  west  part  of  Elizabeth  Island,  the  north-east 
part  running  out  of  their  ken."  The  island  is  thus 
described.  "  In  the  western  side,  it  admitteth  some 
creeks  or  sandy  coves,  so  girded,  as  the  water  in 
fci'ine  places  meetctk  ;  to  which  the  Indians  from  the 
main,  do  offn  resort  for  fishing  crabs  There  is  eight 
fathom  very  near  the  shore,  and  the  latitude  is  41^^  10'. 
The  breadth  of  the  island  from  sound  to  sound,  in  the 
western  part,  is  not  passing  a  mile,  at  most ;  altogether 
H\  Jieojiled  and  disiiiliabilcd. 


"  It  is  overgrown  with  wood  and  rubbish.  The 
woods  arc  oak,  ash,  beech  walnut,  witch-hazel,  sassa- 
frage  and  cedars,  with  divers  others  of  unknown  names. 
The  rubbish  is  wild-peas,  young  sassafragc,  cherry 
trees,  vines,  eglantine  (or  sweet-briar),  gooseberry 
bushes,  hawthorn,  honeysuckles,  with  others  of  the  like 
quality.  The  herbs  and  roots  are  strawberries,  rasps, 
ground  nuts,  alexander,  surrin,  tansy,  &c.  without 
count.  Touching  the  fertility  of  the  soil,  by  our  own 
experience,  we  found  it  to  be  excellent ;  for,  sowing 
sonic  English  pulse,  it  sprouted  out  in  one  fortnight 
almost  half  a  foot. 

"  In  this  island  is  a  pond  of  fresh  water,  in  circuit 
two  miles  ;  on  one  side  not  distant  from  the  sea  thirty 
yards.  In  the  centre  of  it  is  a  rocky  islet,  conlainin" 
near  an  acre  of  ground,  full  of  wood  and  rubb.-th,  on 
which  we  began  our  fort  and  place  of  abode,  and  made 
a  punt  or  fiat-bottomed  beat  to  pass  to  and  fro  over 
the  fresh  water. 

"  On  the  north  side,  near  adjoining  to  Elizabeth,  is 
an  islet,  in  compass  half  a  mile,  full  of  cedars,  by  me 
called  Hill's  Hap  •  to  the  northward  of  which,  in  the 
middle  of  an  opening  on  the  main,  appeared  another 
like  it,  which  I  called  Hap's  Hill."  When  Captain 
Gosnold  with  divers  of  the  company  "  went  in  the  shal- 
lop towards  Hill's  Hap,  to  view  it  and  the  sandy  cove, 
they  found  a  bark  canoe,  which  the  Indians  had  quitted 
for  fear  of  them.  This  they  took  and  brought  to  Eng- 
land. It  is  not  said  that  they  made  any  acknowledg- 
ment or  recompense  for  it. 

Before  I  proceed  in  the  account  of  Gosnold's  tran- 
sactions, it  is  necessary  to  make  some  remarks  on  the 
preceding  detail,  which  is  either  abridged  or  extracted 
from  the  journal  written  by  Gabriel  Archer.  This 
journal  contains  some  inaccuracies,  which  may  be  cor- 
rected by  carefully  comparing  its  several  parts,  and  by 
actual  observations  of  the  places  described.  I  have 
taken  much  pains  to  obtain  information,  by  consulting 
the  best  maps,  and  conversing  or  corresponding  with 
pilots  and  other  persons.  But  tor  my  greater  satisfac- 
tion, I  have  visited  the  island  on  which  Gosnold  built 
his  house  and  fort,  the  ruins  of  which  are  still  visible, 
though  at  the  distance  of  nearly  two  centuries. 

That  Gosnold's  Cape  Cod  is  the  promontory  which 
now  bears  that  name,  is  evident  from  his  description. 
The  point  which  he  denominated  Care,  at  the  distance 
of  twelve  leagues  southward  of  Cape  Cod,  agrees  very 
well  with  Maiebarre,  or  Sandy  Point,  the  south-eastern 
extremity  of  the  county  of  Barnstable.  The  shoa! 
water  and  breach,  which  he  called  Tucker's  Terror, 
correspond  with  the  shoal  and  breakers  commonly 
called  the  Pollock  Rip,  which  extends  to  the  south- 
east of  this  remarkable  point. 

To  avoid  this  danger,  it  being  late  in  the  day,  he 
stood  so  far  out  to  sea,  as  to  overshoot  the  eastern  en- 
trance of  what  is  now  called  the  Vineyard  sound.  The 
land  which  he  made  in  the  night  was  a  white  cliff  on 
the  eastern  coast  of  Nantucket,  now  called  Sankoty 
Head.  The  breach  which  lay  off  Gilbert's  Point,  I 
take  to  be  at  the  Bass  Rip  and  the  Pollock  Rip,  with 
the  cross  riplings  which  extend  from  the  south-east  ex- 
tremity of  that  island.  Over  these  riplings  there  is  a 
depth  of  water,  from  four  to  seven  fathoms,  according 
to  a  late  map  of  Nantucket,  published  by  Peleg  Coffin, 
Esq.,  and  others.  That  Gosnold  did  not  enter  the 
Vineyard  Sound,  but  overshot  it  in  the  night,  is  demon- 
strated by  comparing  his  journal  with  that  of  Martin 
Pring,  the  next  year ;  a  passaae  from  which  shall  be 
cited  in  its  proper  place. 

The  large  opening  which  he  saw,  but  did  not  enter, 
and  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Shoal  Hope,  agrees 
very  well  with  the  open  shore,  to  the  westward  of  the 
little  island  of  Muskeget. 

The  island  which  he  called  Martha  s  Vineyard,  now 
bears  the  name  of  No-Man's  Land.  This  is  clear  from 
his  account  of  its  size,  five  miles  in  circuit  ;  its  distance 
from  Shoal  Hope,  eight  leagues,  and  from  Elizabeth 
Island,  five  leagues  ;  the  safety  of  approaching  it  on  all 
sides  ;  and  the  small,  but  excellent  cod,  which  are 
always  taken  near  it  in  the  spring  months.  The  only 
material  objection  is,  that  he  found  deer  ujion  the  island  ; 
but  this  is  removed  by  comparing  his  account  with  the 
journal  of  Martin  Pring,  who  the  next  year,  found  deer 
in  abundance  on  tlie  large  island,  now  called  the  Vine- 
yard. I  have  had  credible  testimony,  that  deer  have 
been  seen  swimming  across  the  Viiit\ar<l  Sound,  when 
pursued  by  hunters.  This  island  was  a  sequestered 
s[)0t,  where  those  deer  who  tooii  refuge  upon  it,  would 
probably  remain  undisturt)ed  and  multiply.* 


*  Tlie  fiillovving  inlornialion  was  given  to  me  by  Benjamin 
Bass'.^tt,  Esi|.  of  Cliilmaik. 
"  About  llio  year  1720,  the  last  deer  was  seen  on  tlio 


The  lofty  promontory  to  which  ho  gave  the  name  of 
Dover  Cliff,  is  Gay  Head  ;  an  object  too  singular  and 
entertaining  to  pass  unobserved,  and  far  superior  in 
magnitude  to  ar./  other  clilf  on  any  of  these  islanuo. 
Tlie  "  fair  sound''  into  which  he  entered  after  doubling 
this  clifl",  is  the  western  extremity  of  the  Vineyard 
Sound  ;  and  his  anchoring  place  was  probably  in  or 
near  Menemsha  Bight. 

For  what  reason,  and  at  what  time,  the  name  of  Mar- 
tha's Vineyard  was  trans/erred  from  the  small  island  so 
called  by  Gosnold,  to  the  large  island  which  now  bears 
it,  are  questions  which  remain  in  obscurity.  'I'liat 
Gosnold  at  first  took  the  southern  side  of  this  largo 
island  to  be  the  main,  is  evident.  When  he  doubled 
the  cliff  at  its  westtni  end,  he  knew  it  to  be  an  island; 
but  gave  no  name  to  any  part  of  it,  except  the  Cliff.* 

"The  ledge  of  rocks  extending  a  mile  into  the  sea," 
between  his  anchoring  ground  and  the  man,  is  that  re- 
markable ledge,  distinguished  by  the  name  of  the  Sow 
and  I'igs.  The  "  stately  sound"  which  he  entered, 
after  passing  round  these  rocks,  is  the  mouth  of  Buz- 
zard's Bay  ;  and  the  Island  Elizabeth,  is  the  western- 
most of  the  islands  which  now  go  by  the  name  of  Eli- 
zabeth's Islands.  Its  Indian  name  is  Cuttyhunk,  A 
contraction  of  Poo-cut-oh-hunk-un-noh,  which  signifies 
a  thing  that  lies  out  of  the  water.  The  names  of  tho 
otiiers  are  Nashawena,  Pasque,  Naushoii,  Ncnimisset, 
and  Peniquese,  besides  some  of  less  note. 

In  this  island,  at  the  west  end,  on  the  north  side,  ia 
a  pond  of  fresh  water,  three  quarters  of  a  mile  in  length, 
and  of  unequal  breadth  ;  but  if  measured  in  all  its  sinu- 
osities, would  amount  to  two  miles  in  circuit.  In  tho 
middle  of  its  breadth,  near  the  west  end,  is  a  "  rocky 
islet,  containing  near  an  acre  of  ground." 

To  this  spot  I  went,  on  the  20th  day  of  June,  1 797, 
in  company  with  several  gentlemen, t  whose  curiosity 
and  obliging  kindness  induced  them  to  accompany  mu. 
The  protecting  hand  of  Nature  has  reserved  this  favor- 
ite spot  to  herself  Its  fertility  and  its  productions  are 
exactly  the  same  as  in  Gosnold's  time,  excepting  tho 
wood,  of  which  there  is  none.  Every  species  of  what 
he  calls  "  rubbish,"  with  strawberries,  peas,  tansy,  and 
other  fruits  and  herbs,  appear  in  rich  abundance,  un- 
molested by  any  animal  but  aquatic  birds.  We  had  the 
supreme  satisfaction  to  find  the  cellar  of  Gosnold's 
storehouse  ;  the  stones  of  which  were  evidently  taken 
from  the  neighboring  beach  ;  the  rocks  of  the  islet  be- 
ing less  moveable,  and  lying  in  Icdijes. 

The  whole  island  of  Cuttyhunk  has  been  for  many 
years  stripped  of  its  wood  ;  but  I  was  informed  by  Mr. 
Greenill,  an  old  resident  farmer,  that  the  trees  which 
formerly  grew  on  it,  were  such  as  are  described  in 
Gosnold's  Journal.  The  so  l  is  a  very  fine  garden 
mould,  from  the  bottom  of  the  vallies  to  the  top  of  tno 
h  !s,  and  affords  rich  pasture. 

The  length  of  the  island  is  rather  more  than  two 
miles,  and  its  breadth  about  one  mile.  The  beach  be- 
tween the  ]iond  and  the  sea  is  twenty-seven  yards  wide. 
It  is  so  high  and  firm  a  barrier,  that  the  sea  never  fiowa 
into  the  pond,  but  when  agitated  by  a  violent  gale  from 
the  north-wost.  The  pond  is  deep  in  the  middle.  It 
has  no  visible  outlet.  Its  fish  are  perch,  eels  and  tur 
ties  ;  and  it  is  frequented  by  aquatic  birds,  both  wild 
and  domestic. 

On  the  north  side  of  the  island,  connected  with  it  by 
a  beach,  is  an  elevation,  the  Indian  name  of  which  is 
Copicut.  Either  this  hill,  or  the  little  island  of  Peni- 
quese, which  lies  a  mile  to  the  northward,  is  the  place 
which  Gosnold  called  Hill's  Hap.  Between  Copicut 
and  Cuttyhunk  is  a  circular  sandy  cove,  with  a  narrow 
entrance.    Hap's  Hill,  on  the  opposite  shore  of  the 


Vineyard  and  shot  at.  Tlic  horns  of  these  animals  have 
been  plouglied  up  several  times  on  the  west  end  of  the  island 
If  one  deer  could  swim  across  Vineyard  Sound,  "hy  not 
more  ?  No-Man's  Land  is  four  miles  from  the  Vineyard,  and 
if  the  deer  could  cross  the  Sound  7  miles,  why  not  from  the 
Vineyard  to  No-MaiVs land?" 

"  The  reader  will  give  the  following  conjecture  as  much 
wciijht  a.s  it  deserves  : 

The  large  island  is  frequently  called  Martin's  Vineyard,  cs 
pecially  by  llie  old  writers.  This  is  cominonl^  supposed  to 
be  a  mistake.  Uut  why  !  Captain  I'rjng's  Christian  nainu 
was  Martin,  and  this  island  has  as  good  a  riglit  to  the  apclia 
tioii  of  Vineyard  as  the  other,  being  equally  productive  of 
vines.  The  names  Martha  and  Martin  are  easily  confounded, 
and  as  one  island  only  was  supposed  to  be  designaled  bv 
The  Vineyard,  it  wa.';  natural  to  giv;  it  to  the  prca'er.  Tiio 
lesser  became  disregarded,  and  no',  l-^irii;  inlial-jtt^dor  claimed 
by  any, 11  was  supposed  to  belongto  nj  ttts,  aiid  »us  called 
No-Man"s  Land.  In  an  old  Dutch  map,  extant,  m  ();!'.hy'» 
history  of  America,  p.  168,  the  name  of  Martha's  Vinpyjrd  ia 
given  to  a  small  island  lying  southward  of  Elizabet  EyI ;  lUKi 
the  name  of  Texel  is  given  to  the  large  island,  which  is  no-.v 
called  The  Vineyard.  The  situation  of  the  small  island  agri  eo 
With  that  of  No-Man's  Land. 

t  Noah  Webster,  Esq.  oi  New  York ;  Ca-ilain  Tallmmi. 
Mr.  Jolm  Spooner,  Mr.  AJlec,  i  pilot  of  New  Bedlotd. 


40 


AMERICAN  IIISTOllY. 


main,  distant  four  leagues,  is  a  round  elevation,  on  a 
point  of  land,  near  tlie  Uuinplin  Rocks,  between  the 
nvers  of  Apoonciranset  and  Pabcainanset,  in  the  town- 
ship of  Dartinuutn. 

From  the  south  side  of  Cuttyhunk,  the  promontory 
of  Gay  head,  which  Gosnold  called  Dover  Clilf,  and 
the  i&land  v%hich  he  named  Martha's  V  ineyard,  lie  in 
full  view,  and  appear  to  great  advantage.  No  other 
objects,  in  that  region,  bear  any  resemblance  to  them, 
or  to  the  description  given  of  them  ;  nor  is  there  a  ledj;e 
of  rocks  projecting  from  any  other  island  a  imle  into 
the  sea. 

\\'b,3t  Gabriel  Archer,  and  a  party,  generally  con- 
sisting of  ten,  labored  in  clearing  the  "  rocky  islet"'  of 
wood,  and  building  a  store-house  and  fort.  Captain 
Gosnold  and  the  rest  of  the  company  were  employed 
cither  in  making  discoveries,  or  fishing,  or  collecting 
sassafras.  On  the  31st  of  May,  he  went  to  the  mam 
land,  on  the  shore  of  which  he  was  met  by  a  company 
of  the  natives,  "  men,  women,  and  children,  who,  with 
all  courteous  kindness,  entertained  him,  giving  him 
skins  of  wild  beasts,  tobacco,  turtles,  hemp,  artificial 
strings,  colored,  [wampum,]  and  such  like  things  as 
they  had  about  them."  The  stately  groves,  flowery 
meadows,  and  running  brooks,  atibrded  delightful  en- 
tertainment to  the  adventurers.  The  ]irincipal  disco- 
Tcry  which  they  made,  was  of  two  good  harbors  ;  one 
of  which  I  lake  to  be  Apooneganset,  and  the  other  I'as- 
camanset,  between  w.hich  lies  the  round  hill,  which 
they  called  Nap's  Hill.  They  observed  the  coast  to 
extend  five  leagues  further  to  the  south-west,  as  it 
docs,  to  Seconnet  Point.  As  they  spent  but  one  day 
in  this  excursion,  they  did  not  fully  explore  the  main, 
though  from  what  they  observed,  the  land  being  bro- 
ken, and  the  shore  rocky,  they  were  convinced  of  the 
exi-stcncc  of  other  harbors  on  that  coast. 

On  the  5th  of  June,  an  Indian  chief  and  fifty  men, 
armed  with  bows  and  arrows,  landed  on  the  island. 
Archer  and  his  men  left  their  work,  and  met  them  on 
the  beach.  After  mutual  salutations,  they  sat  down, 
and  began  a  traffic,  exchanging  such  things  as  they  had, 
to  mutual  satisfaction.  The  ship  then  lay  at  anchor,  a 
•eague  olf.  Gosnold  seeing  the  Indians  approach  the 
island,  came  on  shore  with  twelve  men,  and  was  re- 
ceived by  Archer's  party,  with  military  ceremony,  as 
their  commander.  The  captain  gave  the  chief  a  straw 
hat  and  two  knives.  The  former  he  little  regarded ; 
the  latter  he  received  with  great  admiration. 

In  a  subsequent  visit,  they  became  better  acquaint- 
ed, and  lad  a  larger  trade  for  furs.  At  dinner,  they 
entertained  the  savages  with  fish  and  mustard,  and 
ga-e  thcin  beer  to  drink.  The  effect  of  the  mustard 
on  the  noses  of  the  Indians  afforded  them  much  diver- 
sion. One  of  them  stole  a  target,  and  conveyed  it  on 
coard  his  canoe  ;  when  it  was  demanded  of  the  chief, 
it  was  immediately  restored.  No  demand  was  made 
of  the  birch  canoe,  which  Gosnold  had  a  few  days  be- 
fore taken  from  the  Indians.  XS'lien  the  chief  and  his 
retinue  took  their  leave,  four  or  five  of  the  Indians 
Btaid  and  helped  the  adventurers  to  dig  the  roots  of 
sassafras,  with  which,  as  well  as  furs  and  other  produc- 
tions of  the  country,  the  ship  was  loaded  for  her  home- 
ward voyage.  Having  performed  this  service,  the  In- 
dia';s  were  invited  on  lioard  tiie  ship,  but  they  declined 
the  invitation,  and  returned  to  the  main.  This  island 
had  no  fixed  inhabitants  ;  the  natives  of  the  ojipositc 
shore  fre(pienlly  visted  it,  for  the  purpose  of  gathering 
uhell-fish,  with  which  its  creeks  and  coves  aljoumled. 

All  these  Indians  had  ornaments  of  copper.  When 
the  adventurers  asked  them,  by  signs,  whence  they  ob- 
tained this  metal,  one  of  them  made  answer,  by  digging 
a  hole  in  the  ground,  and  pointing  to  the  main  ;  from 
which  circumstance  it  was  under.stood  that  the  adjacent 
country  contained  mines  of  copper.  In  the  course  of 
almost  two  centuries,  no  copper  has  been  there  dis- 
covered ;  though  iron,  a  much  more  useful  metal, 
wholly  unknown  to  the  natives,  is  found  in  great 
plenty.  The  question,  whence  did  they  obtain  copjier ! 
le  yet  without  an  answer. 

'i'hreo  weeks  wore  spent  in  clearing  the  islet,  dig- 
ging and  stoning  a  cellar,  building  a  house,  fortifying  it 
with  pallisade.i,  and  covering  it  with  sedge,  which  then 
grew  in  great  jilenty  on  the  sides  of  the  pond.  During 
this  time,  a  survey  was  made  of  their  provisions. 
After  reserving  enough  to  victual  twelve  men,  who 
were  to  go  home  in  the  bark,  no  more  could  be  left 
with  the  remaining  twenty  than  would  sullice  tliein  lor 
BIX  weeks  ;  and  the  ship  could  not  return  till  the  end 
of  the  next  autumn.  This  was  a  very  discouraging 
tircumslancc. 

A  jealousy  also  aro.^c  respecting  the  profits  of  the 
ahiiM'»  lu4ui^ ;  those  who  staid  behind  cldiiaing  a  sluic, 


as  well  as  those  who  siiould  return  to  England.  Whilal 
these  sulijects  were  in  debate,  a  single  Indian  came  on 
board,  from  whose  apparently  grave  and  sober  deport- 
ment they  suspected  him  to  have  been  sent  as  a  spy. 
In  a  few  days  after  the  ship  went  to  Hill's  llap,  out  of 
sight  of  the  fort,  to  take  in  a  load  of  cedar,  and  was 
there  detained  so  much  longer  than  they  expected,  that 
the  party  at  the  fort  had  expended  their  provision. 
Four  of  them  went  in  search  of  shell-fish,  anU  divided 
themselves,  two  and  two,  going  different  ways.  One 
of  these  small  parties  was  suddenly  attacked  by  four 
Indians  in  a  canoe,  who  wounded  one  of  them  m  the 
arm  with  an  arrow.  His  companion  seized  the  canoe, 
and  cut  their  bow-strings  on  which  they  Hed.  It  being 
late  in  the  day,  and  the  weather  stormy,  this  coiqile 
were  obliged  to  pass  the  night  in  the  woods,  and  did 
not  reach  the  fort  till  th,c  next  day.  The  whole  party 
subsisted  on  shell-fish,  ground  nuts,  and  herbs,  till  the 
ship  came  and  took  them  on  board.  A  new  -.onsulta- 
tion  was  then  holden.  Those  who  had  oeen  most 
resolute  to  remain,  were  discouraged  ;  and  the  unani- 
mous voice  was  in  favor  of  returning  to  England. 

On  the  17th  of  June,  they  doubled  the  rocky  ledge  of 
Elizabeth,  passed  by  Dover  Cliff,  sailed  to  the  island 
which  they  had  called  Martha's  Vineyard,  and  employed 
themselves  in  taking  young  geese,  cranes,  and  herns. 
The  next  day  ihey  set  sail  for  England  ;  and,  after  a 
pleasant  passage  of  five  weeks,  arrived  at  Exmouth,  in 
Devonshire. 

Thus  failed  the  first  attempt  to  plant  a  colony  in 
North  Virginia  ;  the  causes  of  which  are  obvious.  The 
loss  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh's  Company,  in  South  Vir- 
ginia, was  then  recent  in  memory,  and  tlie  same  cau.ses 
might  have  operated  here  to  produce  the  same  effect. 
Twenty  men,  situated  on  an  island,  surrounded  by 
other  islands  and  the  main,  and  furnished  with  si.x 
weeks  provisions  only,  could  not  maintain  possession  of 
a  territory  to  which  they  had  no  right  against  the  force 
of  its  native  proprietors.  They  migh'.  easily  have  been 
cut  off,  when  seeking  food  abroad,  or  their  fort  might 
have  been  invested,  and  they  must  have  surrendered  at 
discretion,  or  have  been  starved  to  death,  had  no  direct 
assault  been  made  upon  them.  The  prudence  of  their 
retreat  is  uncpiestioiiable  to  any  person  who  considers 
their  hazardous  situation. 

During  this  voyage,  and  especially  whilst  on  shore, 
the  whole  company  enjoyed  remarkably  good  health. 
They  were  highly  pleased  with  the  salubrity,  fertility, 
and  apparent  advantages  of  the  country.  Gosnold  was 
so  enthusiastic  an  admirer  of  it,  that  he  was  indefati- 
gable in  his  endeavors  to  forward  tlie  settlement  of  a 
colony  in  conjnnctioii  with  Captain  John  Smith.  With 
him,  in  1607,  he  embarked  in  the  expedition  lo  South 
Virginia,  where  he  had  the  rank  of  a  counsellor.  Soon 
after  his  arrival,  by  excessive  fatigue  in  the  extremity 
of  the  suininer  heat,  he  fell  a  sacrifice,  with  fifty  others 
to  the  insalubrity  of  that  climate,  and  the  scanty  mea- 
sure and  bad  quality  of  the  provisions  with  which  that 
unfortunate  colony  was  furnished. 

The  discovery  made  by  Gosnold,  and  especially  the 
shortness  of  the  time  in  which  his  voyage  was  per- 
formed, induced  Richard  Hackluyt,  then  Prebendary 
of  St.  Augustine's  Church  in  Bristol,  to  use  his  inllu- 
encc  with  the  major,  aldermen,  and  merchants  of  that 
opulent,  mercantile  city,  to  jirosecute  the  discovery  of 
the  northern  parts  of  \'irginia.  The  first  step  was  to 
obtain  permission  of  Raleigh  and  his  associates.  This 
was  undertaken  and  accomplished  by  Hackluyt,  in  con- 
junction of  John  Angel  and  Robert  Salterne,  both  of 
whom  had  been  with  Gosnold  to  America.  The  next 
was  to  e(]uip  two  vessels  ;  one  a  ship  of  fifty  tons, 
called  the  Speedwell,  carrying  thirty  men  ;  the  other  a 
bark  of  twenty-six  tons,  called  the  Discoverer,  carrying 
thirteen  men.  The  commander  of  the  sliip  was  Martin 
Pring,  and  his  mate,  Edmund  Jones.  Tlie  bark  was 
commanded  by  W^illiam  Browne,  whoso  mate  was 
Samuel  Kirkland.  Salterne  was  the  principal  agent, 
or  supercargo  ;  and  was  furnished  with  various  kinds 
of  clothing,  hardware,  and  trinkets,  lo  trade  with  the 
natives.  The  vessels  were  victualled  for  eight  months, 
and  .sailed  on  the  lOlh  of  .\pril,  1G03,  a  few  days  after 
the  death  of  Queen  Elizabeth. 

They  went  so  far  to  the  southward,  as  to  be  within 
sight  of  the  Azores  ;  and  in  the  beginning  of  June,  fell 
in  with  the  American  coast,  between  the  43d  and  44th 
degrees  of  latitude,  amonglhose  numerous  islands  which 
cover  the  district  of  Maine.  t^nc  of  these  they 
named  Fox  Island,  fioin  some  of  that  species  of  animal 
which  they  saw  upon  it.  Among  these  islands,  in  the 
mouth  of  Penobscot  Bay,  they  found  good  anchorage 
and  fishing.  The  land  being  rocky,  they  judged  it 
I  proper  for  the  drymj;  of  cod,  which  liicv  took  in  great 


I  plenty,  and  esteemed  better  than  those  usually  taken  at 
Newfoundland. 

Having  passed  all  the  islands,  they  ranged  the  coast 
to  the  south-west,  and  entered  four  init as,  which  are 
thus  described  :  "  The  most  easterly  was  barred  ai 
I  the  mouth  ;  but  having  passed  over  the  bar,  we  ran  up 
it  for  five  miles,  and  for  a  certain  space  found  very 
good  depth.  Coming  out  again,  as  we  sailed  south- 
west, we  lighted  on  two  other  inlets,  winch  we  founi 
to  pierce  not  far  into  the  land.  The  fourth  and  most 
westerly  was  the  best,  which  we  rowed  up  ten  oi 
twelve  m'ies.  In  all  these  places  we  found  no  people, 
but  signs  of  fires,  where  they  had  been.  Howbeil,  we 
beheld  very  goodly  groves  and  woods,  and  sundry  sorts 
of  beasts.  But  meeting  with  no  sasxajras,  we  left 
these  places,  with  all  the  aforesaid  islands,  shaping  our 
course  for  Sarage  Rock,  discovered  the  year  before  by 
Captain  Gosnold." 

From  this  description,  I  conclude,  that  after  they  had 
passed  the  islands  as  far  westward  as  Casco  Bay,  the 
eastcrmost  of  the  four  inlets  which  they  entered  was 
the  mouth  of  the  river  Saco.  The  two  next  were  Ken- 
nebunk  and  York  rivers  ;  the  westermost,  and  the 
best,  was  the  river  Piscataqua.  The  reason  of  their 
finding  no  people,  was  that  the  natives  were  at  that  sea- 
son (June)  fishing  at  the  falls  of  the  rivers  ;  and  t)io 
vestiges  of  fires  marked  the  places  at  or  near  the 
mouths  of  the  rivers,  where  they  had  resided  and  taken 
fish  in  the  earlier  months  of  the  spring.  In  steering 
for  iiarage  Ruck,  they  must  have  doubled  Cape  Ann, 
which  brought  thcin  into  the  bay  of  Massachusetts,  OD 
the  northern  shore  of  which,  I  suppose  Savage  Rock  to 
be  situated. 

It  seems  that  one  principal  object  of  their  voyage 
w'as  to  collect  sassafras,  which  was  esteemed  a  highly 
medicinal  vegetable.  In  several  parts  of  these  jour- 
nals, and  in  other  books  of  the  same  date,  it  is  celebra 
ted  as  a  sovereign  remedy  for  the  ])lague,  the  venerea) 
disease,  the  stone,  strangury  and  other  maladies.  One 
of  Gosnold's  men  had  been  cured  by  it,  in  twelve  hours 
of  a  surfeit,  occasioned  by  eating  greedily  of  the  bel- 
lies of  dog-fish,  which  is  called  a  "delicious  meat." 

The  journal  then  proceeds  :  "  Going  on  the  main  at 
Savage  Rock,  wc  found  people,  with  whom  he  had  no 
long  conversation,  because  here  also  we  could  find  no 
sassafras.  Departing  hence,  we  bare  into  lhal  great 
trulf  which  Capt.  Gosnold  overshot  the  year  before  ; 
coasting  and  finding  people  on  the  north  side  thereof. 
Not  yet  satisfied  in  our  expectation,  wp  'eft  them  and 
sailed  over,  and  came  to  anchor  on  l.c  s-'-uth  side,  lu 
tlie  latitude  of  forty  one  degress  and  odu  minutct* ; 
where  we  went  on  land,  in  a  certain  bay,  which  was 
called  Whilxon  liaij,  by  the  name  of  the  worshipful  mas- 
ter, John  Whitson,  then  mayor  of  the  city  of  Bristol, 
and  one  of  the  chief  adventurers.  Finding  a  pleasant 
hill  adjoining,  we  called  it  Mounl  Aldworlh,  for  master 
Robert  Aldworth's  sake,  a  chief  furtherer  of  the  voy- 
aue,  as  well  with  his  purse  as  with  his  travel.  Here  we 
had  sudicieiit  quantity  of  sassafras." 

In  another  part  of  this  journal,  Whitson  Bay  is  thus 
described  :  "  At  th<3  entrance  of  this  excellent  haven, 
we  found  twenty  fathoms  of  water,  and  rode  at  our  ease 
in  seven  fathoms,  being  land-locked;  the  haven  winding 
in  compass  like  the  shell  of  a  snail ;  and  it  is  in  latitude 
of  forty-one  degrees  and  twenty  minutes.  Wc  also  ob- 
served that  we  could  find  no  sassafras  but  in  sandy 
ground  "* 

Though  this  company  had  no  design  to  make  a  set- 
tlement in  America,  yet  considering  that  the  placo 
where  they  found  it  convenient  to  reside,  was  full  of 
inhabitants,  they  built  a  temporary  hut,  and  enclosed  it 
with  a  barricade,  in  which  they  kept  constant  guard  by 
day  and  night,  whilst  others  were  employed  in  collect- 

I  ♦  The  lollowine  note  is  from  Polce  Coffin.  E.-io.  "  The 
haven  lirrc  dokcribcd  must  have  hecn  that  of  EiiRarlown.  No 
other  could  with  propriety  ho  represented  as  wiiuiniK  or  Uiid- 
lockcd,  as  IS  truly  llie  liarbor  of  Edgartown,  generally  called 
Ohliown." 

To  tins  I  subjoin  an  extract  of  a  letter  from  the  Ri>v 
Josepli  Thaxtar,  minisiler  of  Edjartown,  dated  Nov.  15.  1797 
"Ills  evident  to  me,  and  olliers  better  acquainted  lhan  I 
am,  wilh  wlioin  1  have  consulted,  Ihat  Pnne.  as  soon  as  he 
pa.sscd  the  sandy  point  of  Monumoy  fMalebar).  l>ore  lo  Iho 
westward,  and  came  Ihroucli  what  i,s  called  llutler's  Hole; 
th<it  lie  kept  tlie  North  channel,  till  he  got  as  far  as  Fal 
mouth,  and  that  he  then  crossed  oier  into  Oldlown  harlnir, 
1  which  corresponils  m  evi  ry  respect  to  his  description,  eicept 
in  Iho  depth  of  water  at  the  entrance  of  the  hail-or,  there  arfl 
now  but  foiirleon  fathoms;  in  the  harbor  there  aif  »cvi:i 
and  a  half.  I  would  sUKiiest  an  idea,  whether  there  u  now 
the  same  depth  of  wall  r  at  the  enlranie  as  in  160.1 '  It  il 
cert.-uii  that  the  sho.ils  .shift,  and  that  Cape  I'orc,  wiihin  Iho 
memory  of  mnii,  has  been  wa.shed  into  the  sea  thirty  or  fort? 
rods,  i^'rom  this  nicuinslanre,  the  dilferencc  in  the  depth  ol 
water  may  ho  easily  accounted  for.  "  Ttierc  are  severs, 
pleasant  hilLs  adjouung  lo  Iho  harbor,  and  to  Uus  day  plcmy 
,  ol  sassafras." 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF  THE  EARLY  DISCOVERERS 


iiin  sassafras  in  the  woods.  The  Indians  frequently 
visited  them  in  parties,  of  various  numbers,  from  ten 
to  a  hundred.  'I'liey  were  used  i<indiy,  had  trnikcts 
presented  to  them,  and  were  fed  with  English  pulse  , 
their  own  food  he'ng  chietly  fish.  They  were  adorned 
with  plates  of  copper  ;  their  bows,  arrows  and  quivers 
were  very  neatly  made  ;  and  their  birchen  canoes  were 
considered  as  great  curiosities,  one  of  which,  of  seven- 
teen feet  in  length  and  four  in  breadth,  was  carried 
home  to  Bristol,  as  a  specimen  of  their  ingenuity. 
\\'hether  it  was  bought  or  stolen  from  them  is  uncer- 
tain. 

'I'he  natives  were  excessively  fond  of  music,  and 
would  diinco  in  a  ring  round  an  English  youth,  who 
played  on  an  instrument  called  a  gittcrne.  But  they 
were  greatly  terrified  at  ihe  barking  of  two  Englisli 
mastitis,  which  alwavs  kept  them  at  a  distance,  when 
the  people  were  tired  of  their  company. 

The  growth  of  the  place  consisted  of  sassafras,  vines, 
cedar,  oak,  ash,  beech,  birch,  cherry,  hazel,  walnut, 
maple,  liollv  and  wild  plum.  The  land  animals  were 
stags  and  fallow  deer  in  abunddiice,  bears,  wolves,fo.xes, 
lusernes,*  |iorcupiiies,  and  dogs  with  short  noses, t 
Tiie  waters  and  shores  abounded  with  fish  and  shell- 
fish of  various  kinds,  and  aquatic  birds  in  great  |)lenty. 

By  the  end  of  July  they  had  loaded  their  bark  with 
sassafras,  and  sent  her  to  England.  After  which  they 
made  as  much  despatch  as  possible  in  lading  their  ship, 
the  departure  of  which  was  accelerated  by  the  follow- 
ing incident. 

'I'he  Indians  had  hitherto  been  on  friendly  terms 
with  the  adventurers  ;  but  seeing  their  number  lessened 
and  one  of  their  vessels  gone,  and  those  who  remained 
riis|)ersed  at  their  several  employments,  they  came  one 
day,  about  noon,  to  the  number  of  one  hundred  and 
lorty,  armed  with  bows  and  arrows,  to  the  barricado, 
where  four  men  were  on  guard  with  their  muskets. 
The  Indians  called  to  them  to  come  out,  which  they 
refused,  and  stood  on  their  defence.  Captain  Pring, 
with  two  men  only  were  on  board  the  ship ;  as  soon  as 
he  perceived  the  danger,  he  secured  the  ship  as  well  as 
he  could.and  fired  one  of  his  great  guns,  as  a  signal  to  the 
laborers  in  the  woods,  who  were  reposing  after  their 
fatigue,  depending  on  the  mastitis  for  protection.  The 
dogs  hearing  the  gun,  awoke  their  masters,  who,  then 
Learing  a  second  gun,  took  to  their  arms,  and  came  to 
the  relief  of  the  guard.  At  the  sight  of  the  men  and 
dogs,  the  Indians  desisted  from  their  puqiose,  and 
stiecting  to  turn  the  whole  into  a  jest,  went  olf  laugh- 
mg  without  any  damage  on  either  side. 

In  a  few  days  after,  they  set  fire  to  the  woods  where 
the  sassafras  grew,  to  the  e.xtent  of  a  mile.  These 
alarming  circumstances  determined  Pring  to  retire. 
After  the  people  had  embarked,  and  were  weighing 
the  anchors,  a  larger  number  than  ever  they  had  seen, 
about  two  hundred,  came  down  to  the  shore,  and  some 
in  their  canoes  came  off  to  the  ship,  apparently  to  hi- 
vite  the  adventurers  to  a  longer  continuance.  It  was 
not  easy  to  believe  the  invitation  friendly,  nor  prudent 
to  accept  it.  They  therefore  came  to  sail,  -it  being  the 
9th  of  August.  After  a  passage  of  five  weeks,  by  the 
route  of  the  Azores,  they  came  into  soundings  ;  and  on 
the  2d  of  October  arrived  at  King  Road,  below  Bris- 
tol, where  the  bark  had  arrived  about  a  fortnight  before 
Ihem.  This  whole  voyage  was  completed  in  si.x 
months.  Its  objects  were  to  make  discoveries,  and  to 
collect  furs  and  sassafras.  No  instance  of  aggression 
on  the  part  of  the  adventurers  is  mentioned,  nor  on  the 
part  of  the  natives,  till  after  the  sailing  of  the  bark. 

At  ti  e  same  time  that  Martin  Pring  was  emploved 
in  his  voyage,  B.vktiioi.omew  Gilbkrt  went  on  a  far- 
ther discovery  to  tlie  southern  part  of  Virginia,  having 
it  also  in  view  to  look  for  the  lost  colony  of  Sir  Walter 
Ri>lei);li.  He  sailed  from  Plymouth,  May  10,  1G03, 
in  the  bark  Elizabeth,  of  fifty  tons,  and  went  by  the  way 
of  Madeira  to  the  West  Indies,  where  he  touched  at 


*"Luseme,  Liicem,  a  beast  near  the  bigness  of  a  wolf 
of  c:  lor  Let  ween  rud  and  brown,  sometliingmayled  like  a  cat, 
and  iiimglod  wiih  lilacii  spots ;  bred  in  Muscov)',  and  is  a  ricli 
furrc." — [Vide  Minslieu  in  verbum  Furre. 

Could  this  animal  be  the  racoon!  Josselyn  gives  the  name 
ef  luserne  to  the  wild  cat. 

t  As  the  existence  of  this  species  of  animal  has  been 
doubted,  I  must  remark,  that  it  is  several  times  mentioned 
by  the  earliest  adventurers,  and  twice  in  Pring's  .Tournal. 
Josselyn,  who  was  a  naturalist,  and  resided  several  years  in 
iihi.' eastern  parts  of  New  England,  gives  this  account  of  it : 
1  know  of  hut  one  kind  of  beast  in  New  England  pioduced 
»y  equivocal  generation,  and  that  is  the  Indian  dog,  begotten 
between  a  wolf  and  a  fo.x,  or  between  a  fox  and  a  wolf; 
which  they  made  use  of,  taming  them  and  bringing  them  up 
to  hunt  with;  but  since  the  English  came  among  them,  they 
nave  gotten  store  of  our  dogs,  which  they  bring  up  and  keep 
»  M  much  subjection  as  they  do  their  wi  'es."— [ Josselyn's 
»«>j  iiiCb  to  Use  N  E  p.  04 


several  of  the  islands,  taking  in  ligum-vita>,  tortuiscii, 
and  tobacco. 

On  the  Gth  of  July  he  quitted  the  islands,  and  steer- 
ed for  Virginia.  In  four  days  he  got  into  the  Gulf 
Stream,  and  was  becalmed  five  days.  After  which  the 
wind  sprang  u)),  and  on  the  20th  he  saw  land  in  the 
40th  degree  of  latitude.  His  object  was  to  fetch  the 
mouth  of  Chesapeake  Bay  ;  but  the  wind  being  adverse, 
after  beating  against  it  for  several  days,  the  necessity 
of  wood  and  water  obliged  them  to  come  to  anchor 
about  a  mile  from  the  shore,  where  there  w.as  an  ap- 
pearance of  the  entrance  of  a  river. 

On  Friday,  the  2!)th  of  July,  Captain  Gilbert  accom- 
jianied  by  Thomas  Canner,  a  gentleman  of  Bernard's 
Inn,  Richard  Harrison,  mate,  Henry  Kenton,  surgeon, 
and  Derrick,  a  DutchmiHi,  went  on  shore,  leaving  two 
boys  to  keep  the  boat.  Immediately  after  they  had 
entered  the  wood,  the  savages  attacked,  pursued  and 
killed  every  one  of  them  ;  two  of  them  fell  in  sight 
of  the  boys,  who  had  mnch  difiiculty  to  prevent  the  In- 
dians from  hauling  the  boat  on  shore. 

With  heavy  hearts  they  got  back  to  the  ship  ;  whose 
crew,  reduced  to  eleven,  including  the  boys,  durst  not 
make  any  further  attempt ;  but  steered  for  the  Western 
Islands  ;  after  passing  them,  they  arrived  in  the  river 
Tliaines,  about  the  end  of  September,  when  the  city 
of  London  was  "most  grievously  infected  with  the 
Plague." 

After  the  peace  which  King  James  made  with  Spain 
in  1604,  when  the  passion  for  the  discovery  of  a  north- 
west passage  was  in  full  vigor,  a  ship  was  sent  from 
England  by  the  Earl  of  Southampton  and  Lord  Arun- 
del of  Wardor,  with  a  view  to  this  object.  The  com- 
mander of  the  ship  was  George  Weymouth.  He  sail- 
ed from  the  Downs  on  the  last  day  of  March,  1G05,  and 
came  in  sight  of  the  American  coast  on  the  13th  of 
May,  in  the  latitude  of  41  degrees  30  minutes. 

Being  there  entangled  among  shoals  and  breakers,  he 
quitted  this  land,  and  at  the  distance  of  fifty  leagues,  dis- 
covered several  islands,  to  one  of  which  he  gave  the 
name  of  St.  George.  Within  three  leagues  of  this 
island  he  came  into  a  harbor,  which  he  called  PciUccus! 
harbor ;  and  sailed  up  a  noble  river,  to  which  it  does 
not  appear  that  he  gave  any  name,  nor  does  he  mention 
any  name  by  which  it  was  called  by  the  natives. 

The  conjectures  of  historians  respecting  this  river 
have  been  various.  Oldmixon  supposes  it  to  have 
been  James  river  in  Virginia,  whilst  Beverly,  who  aims 
to  correct  him,  affirms  it  to  have  been  Hudson's  river 
in  New  York.  Neither  of  them  could  have  made  these 
mistakes,  if  they  had  read  the  original  account  in  Pur- 
ehas  with  any  attention.  In  Smith's  history  of  Virginia 
an  abridgment  of  the  voyage  is  given,  but  in  so 
slight  and  indefinite  a  manner  as  lo  dfTonl  no  satisfac- 
tion respecting  the  situation  of  the  river,  whether  it 
were  northward  or  southward  irom  the  land  first  disco- 
vered. 

To  ascertain  this  matter  I  have  carefully  examined 
Weymouth's  journal  and  compared  it  with  the  best 
maps  ;  but  for  more  perfect  satisfaction,  I  gave  an  ab- 
stract of  the  voyage  with  a  number  of  queries  to  Capt. 
John  Foster  Williams,  an  experienced  mariner  and 
commander  of  the  Revenue  Cutter,  belonging  to  this 
port  ;  who  has  very  obligingly  communicated  to  me  his 
observations  made  in  a  late  cruize.  Both  of  these 
papers  are  hero  subjoined. 

"  Abstract  of  the  Voyage  of  Captain  George  'Wey- 
mouth to  the  Coa^t  of  America,  from  the  printed 
Journal,  extant  in  I'urchas's  Filgrinis,  part  iv. 
page  1659. 

A.  D.  1605,  March  31.— "Captain  George  Wey- 
mouth sailed  from  England  in  the  Archangel,  for  the 
northern  part  of  Virginia,  as  the  whole  coast  of  North 
America  was  then  called. 

May  13.-— Arrived  in  soundings — 160  fathoms. 

14.— In  five  or  six  leagues  distance  shoaled  the  water 
from  one  hundred  to  five  fathoms,  saw  from  the  mast- 
head a  u-hitish  sandy  cliff,  N.  N.  W.  6  leagues  :  many 
breaches  nearer  the  land  ;  the  ground  foul,  and  depth 
varying  from  six  to  fifteen  fathoms.  Parted  from  the 
land     Latitude '41  degrees  30  minutes. 

1^.— Wind  between  W.  S.  W.  and  S.  S.  W.  In 
want  of  wood  and  water.  Land  much  desired,  and 
therefore  sought  for  it  where  the  wind  would  best  suffer 
lis. 

Query  1. — As  the  wind  then  blew,  must  not  the 
course  be  to  the  north  and  east  ! 

16.  — In  almost  fifty  leagues  run,  found  no  land  ; 
the  charts  being  erroneous. 

17.  — Saw  land  which  bore  N.  N.  E.  a  great  gale  of 


 41 

wind  and  the  sea  high.  Stood  off  till  two  in  the  morn- 
ing ;  then  stood  in  again.  At  eight.  A.  M.  saw  land 
again  bearing  N.  E.  It  appeared  a  mean  high  land,  be- 
ing as  we  afterwards  found  it  an  islaiui  of  no  jpeii 
compass.  About  noon  came  to  anchor  on  the  north 
side  in  forty  fathoms,  about  a  league  from  .iiore. 
Named  the  island  St.  George. 

QuKRY  2. — Could  this  island  be  Scgxinn  or  Monhe- 
gan  1  or  if  neither,  what  island  was  it  ! 

Whilst  we  were  on  shore  on  the  island  our  men  on 
board  caught  thirty  large  cod  and  haddock.  From 
hence  we  discerned  many  islands,  and  the  main  land 
extending  from  W.  S.  W.  to  E.  N.  E.  A  grea»  way 
up  into  the  main,  as  it  then  seemed,  we  discerned  rrry 
high  mountains;  though  the  main  seemed  but  low 
land.  The  mountains  bore  N.  N.  E.  from  us. 
Qi'KRY  3. — What  mountains  were  these? 
19 — Being  Whitsunday,  weighed  anchor  at  twelve 
o'clock,  and  came  along  to  the  oilier  islands  more  ad- 
joining to  the  main,  and  in  the  road  directly  lo  the 
mountains,  about  three  leagues  from  the  first  island 
found  a  safe  harbor,  defended  from  all  winds,  in  an  ex- 
cellent depth  of  water  for  shi|is  of  any  burthen  in  six, 
seven,  eight,  nine,  ten  fathoms,  upon  a  clay  ooze,  very 
tough,  where  is  good  mooring  even  on  the  rocks,  by 
the  cliirside.    Named  it  Pentecost  harbor. 

Query  4. — Do  these  marks  agree  with  Sagadahock 
or  Musqueto  harbor  or  St.  George's  Island  ;  or  if  not 
with  what  harbor  do  they  agree  ! 

20. — Went  ashore,  found  water  issuing  from  springs 
down  the  rocky  clifTs,  and  dug  pits  lo  receive  it. 
Found,  at  no  great  depth,  clay,  blue,  red  and  white. 
Good  lobsters,  rock-fish,  jilaise,  and  lumjis.  With  two 
or  three  hooks  caught  cod  and  haddock  enough  for  the 
ship's  company  three  days. 

24. — Tlie  captain,  with  14  men  armed,  marched 
througli  two  of  the  islands,  one  of  which  we  guessed  to 
be  four  or  five  miles  in  compass,  and  one  broad.  Abun- 
dance of  great  muscles,  some  of  which  contained  peails. 
One  had  14  pearls  in  it. 

30.  — The  captain  with  13  men  departed  in  the  shij- 
lop,  leaving  the  ship  in  harbor. 

31.  — The  shallop  returned,  having  discovered  a  great 
rircr  trending  far  up  into  the  main. 

Query  5. — What  river  was  this  1 

June  1. — Indians  came  and  traded  with  us.  Point- 
ing to  one  part  of  the  main,  eastward,  they  signified  lo 
us  that  the  Basluibc,  their  king,  had  plenty  of  furs,  and 
much  tobacco. 

N.  B. — Here  Weymouth  kidnajiped  five  of  the  na- 
tives. 

11. — Passed  up  into  the  river  with  our  ship  about  26 
miles. 

'■'jscrvations  by  the  Author  of  the  Voyage,  James 
Rosier. 

"The  first  and  chief  thing  required  for  a  plantaluin 
is  a  l)old  coast,  and  a  fair  land  to  fall  in  with.  Tl^e 
next  is  a  safe  harbor  for  shijis  to  ride  in. 

"The  first  is  a  sj)ecial  attribute  of  this  shore,  being 
free  from  sands  or  dangerous  rocks,  in  a  continuil 
good  depth,  with  a  most  excellent  land-fall  as  can  bo 
desired,  which  is  the  first  island,  named  St.  George. 

"  For  the  second,  here  are  more  good  harbors  fot 
ships  of  all  burthens  than  all  Etigland  can  afford.  Tlio 
river,  as  it  runneth  up  into  the  main  very  nigh  forty 
miles,  towards  the  Great  Mountains,  beareth  in  breadth 
a  mile,  sometimes  three-fourths,  and  a  half  a  mile  is 
the  narrowest,  where  you  shall  never  have  less  than 
four  or  five  fathoms,  hard  by  the  shore  ;  but  six,  seven, 
eight,  nine,  ten  at  low  water.  On  both  sides,  every 
half  mile,  very  gallant  coves,  some  able  to  contain  al- 
most one  hundred  sail  of  ships  ;  the  ground  is  an  ex- 
cellent soft  ooze,  with  tough  clay  for  anchor  hold  ;  and 
ships  may  lie  without  anchor,  only  mooici  to  the  shore 
with  a  hawser. 

"  It  fioweth  fifteen  or  eighteen  feet  at  high  wafer. 

"  Here  are  made  by  nature,  most  excellent  place*, 
as  docks  to  grave  and  careen  ships  of  all  burthens,  se- 
cure from  all  winds. 

"  The  river  vieldeth  plenty  of  saljaon,  and  othei 
fishes  of  great  bigness. 

"  The  bordering  land  is  most  rich,  trending  all  along 
on  boiii  sides,  in  an  equal  plain,  nci:hcr  mountainoua 
nor  rocky,  but  verged  with  a  green  border  of  grass  ; 
which  may  be  made  good  feeding  ground,  being  plenti- 
ful like  the  outward  islands,  with  fresh  water,  which 
streameth  down  in  many  places. 

"  As  we  passed  with  a  gentle  wind,  in  our  ship,  up 
this  river,  any  man  may  conceive  with  what  admiration 
we  all  consented  in  joy  ;  many  who  had  been  iri- 
vellers  in  sundry  countries,  and  in  the  most  faoMus  »• 


43 


AMERICAN  HISTORY. 


vcrc.  hfliriiu'd  ihcin  iiol  coiiipar.ililo  to  this.  I  will  not 
prefer  it  before  our  river  of  'I'liaincs,  because  it  is 
England's  richest  treasure  ;  but  we  did  all  wish  those 
excellent  harbors,  good  depths,  continual  convenient 
breadth,  and  sinall-tide-gates,  to  be  as  well  therein,  for 
our  country's  good,  as  we  found  them  here  :  then  I 
would  lioldly  aHirni  it  to  be  the  most  rich,  beautiful, 
Urge,  secure  harboring  river  that  the  world  atl'ordeth." 

12.  — "  Our  captain  manned  his  shallop  with  seven- 
teen men,  and  ran  up  to  the  cudde  of  the  river,  where 
we  landed,  leaving  si.x  to  keej)  the  shallop.  Ten  of  us, 
with  our  shot,  and  some  armed,  with  a  boy  to  carry 
powder  and  match,  marched  up  the  country,  towards  the 
mouiilains,  which  we  described  at  our  first  falling  in 
with  the  land,  and  were  conlinualhj  in  our  view.  To 
some  of  them  the  river  brought  us  so  near,  as  we  judg- 
ed ourselves,  when  we  landed,  to  be  within  a  league  of 
them  ;  but  we  found  them  i.ot,  having  marched  well 
nigh  four  miles,  and  passed  three  great  hills.  Where- 
fore, because  the  weather  was  hot,  and  our  men  in 
their  armor,  not  able  to  travel  far  and  return  to  our 
l>mnace  at  night,  we  resolved  not  to  travel  further. 

'•  W'e  no  sooner  came  a  board  our  pinnace,  return- 
ing down  towards  our  ship,  but  we  espied  a  canoe  com- 
ing from  the  farther  part  of  the  codde  of  Ihc  river,  cast- 
ward.  In  it  were  three  Indians,  one  of  whom  we  had 
before  seen,  and  his  coming  was  very  earnestly  to  im- 
portune us  to  let  one  of  our  men  go  with  them  to  the 
Baslmlie,  and  then  the  ne.xt  morning  he  would  come  to 
our  ship  with  furs  and  tobacco." 

N.  13. — They  did  not  accept  the  invitation,  because 
they  suspected  danger  from  the  savages,  having  de- 
tained five  of  their  people  on  board  to  be  carried  to 
England. 

13.  — "  By  two  o'clock  in  the  morning,  taking  ad- 
vantage of  the  tide,  we  went  in  owr  jnnnacc  up  to  that 
part  of  the  river  which  trendelh  west  into  the  main, 
and  we  carried  a  cross  to  erect  at  that  point,  (a  thing 
never  omitted  by  any  Christian  travellers.)  Into  that 
river,  we  rowed  by  estimation,  twenty  miles. 

"  What  profit  or  pleasure  is  describad  in  the  former 
part  of  the  river,  is  wholly  doubled  in  this  ;  for  the 
breadth  and  depth  is  such,  that  a  ship,  drawing  seven- 
teen or  eighteen  feet  of  water,  might  have  passed  as 
ixt  as  we  went  with  our  shtitlep,  and  much  farther,  be- 
cause we  left  it  in  so  good  depth.  From  the  place  of 
cur  ship's  riding  in  the  harl)or,  at  the  entrance  into  the 
Sound,  to  the  farthest  point  we  were  in  this  river,  by 
ecr  estimation,  was  not  much  less  than  titrccscure  miles. 
[That  is,  as  I  umlorstand  it,  from  Pentecost  harbor 
they  went  in  the  ship  forty  miles,  to  the  codde  of  the 
river  ;  and  thence  in  the  shallop,  or  pinnace,  twenty 
miles  up  the  west  branch.] 

QuF.RV  6  — What  is  meant  by  codde  1  It  appears  to 
be  an  old  word. 

"  We  were  so  pleased  with  this  river,  and  so  loth  to 
forsake  it,  that  we  would  have  continued  there  wil- 
lingly for  two  days,  having  only  bread  and  cheese  to 
eat.  But  the  tide  not  sulTering  it,  we  came  down  with 
the  ebb.  We  conceived  that  the  river  ran  very  far  into 
the  land,  for  we  passed  si.x  or  seven  miles  altogether 
frcsk  water,  (whereof  we  all  drank)  forced  up  by  the 
flowing  of  the  salt  water. 

14.  — We  warped  our  ship  down  to  the  river's 
mouth,  and  there  came  to  anchor. 

15.  — Weighed  anchor,  and  with  a  breeze  from  the 
land,  came  to  our  watering  place,  in  Pentecost  harbor, 
snd  filled  our  cask. 

"  Our  captain  upon  a  rock  in  the  midst  of  this  har- 
bor, made  his  observation  bv  the  sun,  of  the  height, 
latitude,  and  variation,  exactly,  upon  all  his  instru- 
ments, viz.  astrolabe,  semis[)hcre,  ring,  and  cross-staff, 
and  an  excellent  variation  eoin[)ass.  The  latitude  he 
found  43  degrees  20  minutes,  north  ;  the  variation,  11 
degree.^  11)  minutes,  west." 

N.  B.-— In  this  latitude  no  part  of  the  American 
coast  lies,  ciccpt  Ca|)e  Porpoise  where  is  only  a  boat 
hartior.  The  rivers  nearest  to  it  are  on  the  south, 
Konncliunk,  a  tide  river  of  no  great  e.ttent,  terminating 
in  a  brook  ;  and  on  the  north,  Saco,  the  navigation  of 
which  is  obstriirted  by  a  bar  at  its  mouth,  aiid  by  a 
tail  at  the  distance  of  six  or  seven  miles  from  the  sea. 
Neither  of  these  could  be  the  river  described  in  Wey- 
mouth's Journal.  His  observation  of  the  latitude,  or 
the  printed  account  of  it,  must  have  been  erroneous, 

U^-'"  Captain  Williams  will  be  so  obliging  as  to  put 
down  his  remarks  on  the  above  abstract  in  writing,  for 
the  use  of  his  humble  servant, 

Boston,  Aug.  4,  17'J7.  Jeremy  Belknap." 

Captain  William's  Anxierr. 

"  The  first  land  {'aj)tain  Weymouth  saw,  a  whitish 
itioiy  cliil,  \^  .  N.  \\   six  Icajjues,  must  have  been 


I  Sankoty  Head  [Nantucket.]    With  the  wind  at  W.  S.  | 
\\  .  and  S.  S.  W.  he  could  have  fetched  into  this  bay, 
[Boston]  and  must  have  seen  Cape  Cud,  had  the  wea- 
ther been  clear.  But, 

The  land  he  saw  op  the  17th,  I  think  must  be  the 
island  Monhcgan,  as  no  other  island  answers  the  de- 
scription. In  my  last  cruise  to  the  eastward,  I  sound- 
ed, and  had  thirty  fatlioins,  about  one  league  to  the 
northward  of  the  island.  The  many  islands  he  saw, 
and  the  main  land,  extending  from  W.  S.  W.  to  E.  N. 
E.  agree  with  that  shore  ;  the  mountains  he  saw  bear- 
ing N.  N.  E.  were  Penobscot  Hills  or  Mountains  ;  for 
from  the  place  where  I  suppose  the  ship  lay  at  anchor, 
the  above  mountains  bear  N.  N.  E. 

The  harbor  where  he  lay  with  his  ship,  and  named 
Pentecost  harbor,  is,  I  suppose,  what  is  now  called 
George's  Island  i/arior,,  which  bears  north  from  .Mon- 
hegan,  about  two  leagues  ;  which  harbor  and  islands 
agri^e  with  his  descriptions,  I  think,  tolerable  well,  and 
the  name,  George's  Islatids,  serves  to  confirm  it. 

When  the  captain  went  in  his  boat  and  discovered  a 
great  river  trending  far  up  into  the  main,  I  suppose  he 
went  as  far  as  Two  Bush  Island,  about  three  or  four 
leagues  from  the  ship,  from  thence  he  could  discover 
Penobscot  liay. 

Distance  from  the  ship  to  Two  Bush  Island  is  about 
ten  miles  ;  from  Two  Bu.^h  Island  to  Owl's  Head,  nine 
miles  ;  from  Owl's  Head  to  the  north  end  of  Long 
Island,  twenty-seven  miles  ;  from  the  north  end  of 
Long  Island  to  Old  Fort  Pownal,  six  miles  ;  and  from 
the  Old  Fort  to  the  head  of  the  tide,  or  falls,  in  Penob- 
scot river,  thirty  miles ;  whole  number,  eighty-two 
miles. 

I  suppose  he  went  with  his  ship,  round  Two  Bush 
Island,  and  then  sailed  up  to  the  westward  of  Long 
Island,  supposing  himself  to  be  then  in  the  river ;  the 
mountains  on  the  main  to  the  westward  extending  near 
as  high  up  as  Belfast  bay.  I  think  it  probable  that  he 
anchored  with  his  ship  off  the  point  which  is  now 
called  the  Old  Fort  Point. 

The  codde  of  the  river,  where  he  went  with  his  shal- 
lop, and  marched  up  in  the  country,  toward  the  moun- 
tains, I  think  must  be  Belfast  bay. 

The  canoe  that  came  from  the  farther  part  of  the 
codde  of  the  river,  eastward,  with  Indians,  I  think  it 
probable,  came  from  Bagaduce. 

The  word  codde  is  not  common  ;  but  I  have  often 
heard  it :  as,  "  up  in  the  codde  of  the  bay,"  meaning 
the  bottom  of  the  bay.  I  suppose  what  he  calls  "  the 
codde  of  the  river,"  is  a  bay  in  the  river. 

The  latitude  of  St.  George's  Island  harbor,  accord- 
ing to  Holland's  map,  is  forty-three  degrees  forty-eight 
minutes,  which  is  nine,  leagues  more  north  than  the  ob- 
servation made  by  Captain  Weymouth. 

Boston,  October  1,  1797. 
Sir, — I  made  the  foregoing  remarks,  while  on  my 
last  cruize  to  the  eastward.    If  any  farther  information 
is  necessary,  that  is  in  my  power  to  give,  you  may  com- 
mand me. 

I  am,  with  respect.  Sir,  you  obedient  humble  ser- 
vant, John  Foster  Willi.\ms. 
Kev.  Dr.  Belknap. 

Weymotith's  voyage  is  memorable,  only  for  the  dis- 
covery of  Penobscot  river,  and  for  the  decoying  of  five 
of  the  natives  on  board  his  ship,  whom  be  carried  to 
England.  Three  of  tliein  were  taken  into  the  family 
of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  then  governor  of  Plymouth, 
in  Devonshire.  The  information  which  he  gained  from 
them,  corroborated  by  Martin  Pring,  of  Bristol,  who 
made  a  second  voyage  in  1606,  (and  prosecuted  the 
discovery  of  the  rivers  in  the  District  of  .Maine)  pre- 
pared the  way  for  the  attempt  of  Sir  John  Popham  and 
others  to  establish  a  colonv  at  Sagadahock,  m  1607; 
an  account  of  which  attempt,  and  its  failure,  is  already 
given  in  the  life  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges. 

In  the  early  accounts  of  this  country  wo  find  the 
names  of  Macoshrn  and  Norumhrga.  ^iavoshen  was 
a  name  for  the  whole  District  of  Maine,  contaiiimg  nine 
or  ten  rivers  ;  the  westeriiinost  of  which  was  Shawako- 
tock,  (written  by  the  French  Chouakoct  and  by  the 
English,  Saco.)  The  easternmost  was  Quibequesson, 
which  I  take  to  bo  eastward  of  Penobscot,  but  cannot 
say  by  what  name  it  is  now  called.  Norumbcga  was 
a  part  of  the  same  district,  comprehending  Penobscot 
bay  and  river  ;  but  its  eastern  and  western  hmits  are 
not  described. 

It  is  also  to  be  noted  that  the  river  Penobscot  was 
sometimes  called  Pema()uid,  though  this  latter  name  is 
now  restricted  to  a  point  or  neck  of  land  which  lie? 
about  six  leagues  to  the  westward.  Penobscot  it 
called  by  the  Freijeh,  Penta^oet. 


This  confusion  of  names  occasions  no  small  per- 
plexity to  inquirers  into  the  geography  and  early  his- 
tory of  thiii  country. 

JOHN  ROBINSON. 

John  Robi.nson— U:s  Birtli  and  education— Minister  of  • 
CoMjre;;a'ion  of  Dissenters — His  C  niirogallon  persccutH 
— Removes  with  liis  (Jliurcli  to  Aiu.sterdam— Ilis  d:sputal[o» 
Willi  Episcopius— Ills  Cliurcli  contemplates  a  Removal- 
Apply  to  the  Virjiiiia  Company— Preaches  to  lliem  previous 
to  Removal — Ilij  alTcctionale  leave  those  who  embarkcJ 
for  America— Ilia  Deatli,  Character,  and  Posterity 

The  first  effectual  settlements  of  the  English  in  New 
England  were  made  by  those,  who,  after  the  reforma- 
tion, dissented  from  th  establishment  of  the  Ejiiscopul 
Church,  who  suffered  on  account  of  their  dissent,  and 
sought  an  asylum  from  their  sufferings.  Uniformity 
was  insisted  on  with  such  rigor,  as  disgusted  many 
conscientious  ministers  and  peojile  of  the  Church  of 
England,  and  caused  that  separation  which  has  cvei 
since  subsisted.  Those  who  could  not  conform  to  the 
establishment,  but  wished  for  a  more  complete  reforma- 
tion, were  at  first  distinguished  by  the  name  of  Puri- 
tans ;  and  among  these  the  most  rigid  were  the 
BroicnisLs,  so  called  from  Robert  Brown,  "  a  fiery 
young  clergyman,"  who,  in  1580,  headed  a  zcaloui 
party,  and  was  vehement  for  a  total  separation.  But 
his  zeal,  however  violent,  was  void  of  consistency  ;  for, 
in  his  advanced  years,  he  conformed  to  the  church  ; 
whilst  others,  who  more  deliberately  withdrew,  retained 
their  separation,  though  they  became  more  candid  and 
moderate  in  their  principles.  Of  these  people  a  con- 
gregation was  formed,  about  the  year  1602,  near  the 
confines  of  the  counties  of  York,  Nottingham,  nnd 
Lincoln  ;  who  chose  for  their  ministers,  Richard  Clif- 
ton and  John  Robinson. 

Mr.  Robinson  was  bom  in  the  year  1576,  but  the 
place  of  his  birth  is  unknown.  He  was  probably  cdu 
cated  in  the  University  of  Cambridge  ;  and  he  is  said 
to  have  been  "  a  man  of  a  learned,  polished,  and  inodesc 
spirit;  pious  and  studious  of  the  truth  ;  largely  nccom- 
])lished  with  gifts  and  qualifications  suitable  to  be  a 
shepherd  over  this  flock  of  Christ."  Before  his  election 
to  this  office,  he  had  a  benefice,  near  Yarmouth,  in 
Norfolk,  where  his  friends  were  frequently  molested  by 
the  bishop's  officers,  aad  some  were  almost  ruined  by 
prosecutions  in  the  ecclesiastical  courts. 

The  reigning  prince,  at  that  time,  was  James  I.  than 
whom,  a  more  contemptible  character  never  sat  on  the 
British  throne.  Educated  in  the  principles  of  Presbytc- 
rianism,  in  Scotland,  he  forgot  them  all  on  his  adv&iice- 
incnt  to  the  throne  of  the  three  kingdoms.  Flattered 
by  the  bishops  he  gave  all  ecclesiastical  power  into 
their  hands,  and  entrusted  sycophants  with  the  manage- 
ment of  the  State  ;  whilst  he  indolently  resigned  him- 
self to  literary  and  sensual  indulgencies  ;  in  the  former 
of  which  he  was  a  pedant  ■  in  the  latter  an  epicure. 
The  prosecution  of  the  Puritans  was  conducted  with 
unrelenting  severity  in  the  former  part  of  his  reign, 
when  Bancroft  was  Archbishop  of  Canterbury.  Abbot, 
who  succeeded  him  was  favorable  to  them  ;  but  when 
Laud  came  into  power,  they  were  treated  with  every 
mark  of  insult  and  cruelty. 

Robinson's  congregation  did  not  escape  persecution 
by  separating  from  the  establishment  and  forming  an 
ir.depenilent  church.  Still  exposed  to  the  pcnaltiis  of 
the  ecclesiastical  law,  they  were  extremely  harrassed  ; 
some  were  thrown  into  prison,  some  were  confined  to 
their  ow  ii  houses ;  others  were  obliged  to  leave  their 
farms  and  suspend  their  usual  occupations.  Such  was 
their  distress  and  perplexity,  that  an  emigration  to  some 
foreign  coun'ry  seemed  the  only  means  of  safety. 
Their  first  views  were  directed  to  Holland,  where  the 
spirit  of  coinniercc  had  dictated  a  free  toleration  o( 
religious  opinions  ;  a  blessing,  which  neither  the  wis- 
dom of  politicians,  nor  the  charity  of  clergymen  had 
admitted  into  any  other  of  the  European  States.  Bn' 
the  ports  of  their  own  country  were  shut  against  thein. 
they  could  get  awav  only  by  seeking  concealment  and 
giving  extravagant  rates  for  their  jiassages  and  fees  to 
the  manners. 

In  the  autumn  of  1606,  a  company  of  these  dfssen 
ters,  hired  a  ship  at  Boston  in  Lincolnshire  to  carr/ 
them  to  Holland.  The  master  promised  to  be  reaay 
at  a  certam  hour  of  the  day,  to  take  them  on  board, 
with  their  families  and  effects.  They  assembled  at  the 
place  ;  but  he  disappointed  them.  Afterwards  he  came 
in  the  night ;  and  when  they  were  embarked,  betrayed 
them  into  tha  hands  of  searchers,  and  other  oflicers  , 
who,  having  robbed  them  of  money,  books  and  other 
articles,  and  treated  the  women  with  indecencT,  cai- 
ricd  then)  bark  into  the  town,  aiul  exposed  thcic  ds  t 


BIOGRAPHIES  OF  THE  EARLY  DISCOVERTRS. 


43 


laughing  sfectacleto  the  multitude.  They  were  ar- 
ralmicd  before  the  magistrates,  who  used  them  with 
civTlily;  Imt  could  not  release  them,  without  an  order 
of  the  kill!?  and  council.  Ti'l  this  arrived,  they  sniiured 
a  month's  Tniprisoninent;  seven  were  bound  over  to  the 
assizes,  and  the  others  were  released. 

The  next  spring  (1608)  they  made  another  attempt, 
and  hired  a  Dutch  vessel,  then  lying  in  the  harbor,  to 
take  them  on  board.  The  place  agreed  on  was  an  un- 
Ireciuented  coininon,  between  Hull  and  Grimsby,  re- 
mote I'loni  any  houses.  The  women  and  children,  with 
the  bai'o-age  were  sent  down  the  river  in  a  .small  bark, 
and  the  men  agreed  lo  meet  them  by  land  ;  but  they 
came  lo  the  place  a  day  before  the  ship  arrived.  The 
water  being  rough,  and  the  women  sick,  they  jirevailed 
on  the  pilot  of  the  bark  to  put  into  a  small  creek,  where 
they  lay  aground,  when  the  Dutchman  came  and  took 
one  boat  load  of  the  int'n  on  board.  Before  he  could 
send  for  the  others,  a  company  of  armed  men  appeared 
on  horseback  ;  which  so  frightened  him,  that  he  weighed 
anchor,  and,  the  wind  bei;ig  (air,  put  to  sea.  Some  of 
the  men  who  were  left  behind,  made  their  escape  ; 
others,  who  went  to  the  assistance  of  the  women,  were 
with  them  apprehended,  and  carried  from  one  justice 
of  the  peace  to  another  ;  but  the  justices,  not  knowing 
what  to  do  with  so  many  helpless  and  distressed  per- 
sons, dismissed  them  Having  sold  their  houses,  cat- 
tle and  furniture,  they  had  no  homes  to  which  they 
could  retire,  and  were  therefore  cast  on  the  charity  of 
their  friends.  Those  who  were  hurried  to  sea  without 
their  families,  and  destitute  even  of  a  change  of  clothes, 
endured  a  terrible  storm,  in  which  neither  sun,  moon, 
nor  stars  a[)peared  for  seveii  days.  This  storm  drove 
them  far  to  the  northward,  and  they  very  narrowly  es- 
caped foundering.  After  fourteen  days  they  arrived  at 
Amsterdam,  where  the  people  were  surprised  at  their 
deliverance  ;  the  tempest  having  been  very  severe,  and 
much  damage  having  been  sustained,  both  at  sea,  and 
II  the  harbors  of  the  continent. 

This  forlorn  company  of  emigrants  were  soon  after 
joined  by  their  wives  and  families.  The  remainder  of 
the  church  went  over,  in  the  following  summer ;  Mr. 
Robins  )n,  witn  a  few  others,  remained  to  help  the 
weakest,  till  they  were  all  embarked. 

At  Amsterdam,  they  found  a  congregation  of  their 
countrymen,  who  had  the  same  religious  views,  and 
had  emigrated  before  them.  Their  minister  was  John 
Smith,  a  man  of  good  abilities,  and  a  popular  preacher, 
but  unsteady  in  his  opinions.*  These  people  fell  into 
controversy,  and  were  soon  scattered.  Fearing  that 
the  infection  might  spread,  Robinson  proposed  to  his 
chi  rch  a  further  removal  ;  to  which,  though  much  to 
their  disadvantage,  in  a  temporal  view,  they  consented  ; 
end  after  one  year  spent  at  Amsterdam,  they  removed 
lo  Leyden,  where  they  continued  eleven  years.  During 
this  time,  their  number  so  increased,  by  frequent  emi- 
grations from  England,  that  they  had  in  the  church 
three  hundred  communicants. 

At  Leyden,  they  enjoyed  much  harmony  among 
themselves,!  and  a  friendly  intercourse  with  the  Dutch  ; 
who,  observing  their  diligence  and  fidelity  in  their  busi- 
ness, entertained  so  great  a  respect  for  them,  that  the 
magistrates  of  the  city  (1619),  m  the  seat  of  justice, 
having  occasion  to  censure  some  of  the  French  Pro- 
testants, who  had  a  church  there,  made  this  public  de- 
claration. "  These  English  have  lived  among  us  ten 
years,  and  yet  we  never  had  any  suit  or  accusation 
igainst  any  of  them  ;  but  your  quarrels  are  continual." 

The  year  (1609)  in  which  Mr.  Robinson  went  to 
Leyden,  was  remarkable  for  the  death  of  Jacobus  Ar- 
minius,  one  of  the  Divinity  Professors  of  the  University 
of  that  city.  Between  his  successor,  Episcopius,  and 
the  other  theological  professor,  Poly  and  er,  there  was 
much  opposition  ;  the  former  teaching  the  doctrine  of 
Arininius,  and  the  other  that  of  Calvin.    The  contro- 

*  .Mr.  Ntal  says,  that  he  refined  on  the  principles  of  the 
Drowllist^,  and  at  last  declared  for  the  Baptists;  that  he  left 
Am-sterdam,  and  settled  with  a  party  aiLeyden  ;wlK're,  being 
atalo.ss  for  a  proper  administrator  of  baptism,  he  first  plunged 
himsfilf,  and  Ihen  performed  the  ceremony  on  others  ;  which 
gained  liim  the  name  of  Se-baptibt.  Afler  this  he  embraced 
the  principles  of  Arininius,  and  ;  ublished  a  book,  which  Ro- 
binson answered  in  1611 :  but  Smith  soon  after  died,  and  his 
Congregation  was  dissolved. 

t  Governor  Hutchinson  (I  presume  through  inattention) 
has  misrepresented  this  matter,  (vol.  II.  451)  by  saying,  "  that 
.'n  the  twplvc  years  of  their  residence  in  Holland,  they  had 
contention  amimg  themselves,  divided,  and  became  two 
cluircnes."  The  two  churches  of  Smith  and  Robinson  sub- 
sisted d-.stinctly  and  unconnectedly  before  they  quitted  Eng- 
land It  w.is  to  avoid  contention  that  the  latter  removed 
from  Amsterdam,  where  the  former  fed  to  pieces.  Not  the 
least  evidence  of  contenlion,  in  the  rhurch  of  Leyden,  ap- 
p<>.i-5  in  any  of  our  first  historians  ;  but  there  is  the  fullest 
te.siimJuy  of  the  contrary  in  all  of  them.  No  division  took 
(unco,  till  the  emigration  of  part  of  them  to  America,  when  the 
uii'jost  harmony  and  lovu  were  manifested  on  the  occajsiou. 


versy  was  so  bitter,  that  the  disciples  of  the  one  would 
scarcely  hear  the  lectures  of  the  other.  Robinson,  though 
he  preached  constantly  three  times  in  the  week,  and  was 
much  engaged  in  writing,  attended  the  discourses  of 
each  ;  and  became  master  of  the  arguments  on  both 
sides  of  the  controverted  questions.  Being  fully  per- 
suaded of  the  truth  of  the  Calvinian  system,  and  openly 
jircaching  it,  his  zeal  and  abilities  rendered  him  formi- 
dable to  the  Arminians  ;  which  induced  Episcopius  to 
publish  several  theses,  and  engage  lo  defend  ihcm 
against  all  opposers. 

Men  of  equal  abilities  and  learning,  but  of  different 
sentiments,  are  not  easily  induced  to  submission  ;  es- 
pecially in  a  country  where  opinion  is  not  fettered  and 
restrained  by  the  ruling  power.  Polyander,  aided  by 
the  ministers  of  the  city,>  requested  Robinson  to  accept 
the  challenge.  Though  his  vanity  was  flattered  by  the 
reipiest,  yet  being  a  stranger,  he  modestly  declined  the 
combat.  But  their  pressing  importunity  prevailed  over 
his  reluctance  ;  and  judging  it  to  be  his  duty  he,  on  a 
set  day,  held  a  public  disputation  with  the  Arminian 
professor,  in  presence  of  a  very  numerous  assembly. 

It  is  usual,  on  such  occasions,  for  the  partizans  on 
both  sides  to  claim  the  victory  for  their  respective 
champions.  Whether  it  were  so,  at  this  time,  cannot 
be  determined,  as  we  havo  no  account  of  the  contro- 
versy from  the  Arminian  party.  Governor  Bradford, 
who  was  a  member  of  Robinson's  church,  and  proba- 
bly present  at  the  disputation,  gives  this  account  of  it : 
"  He  so  defended  the  truth,  and  foiled  the  opposer,  as 
to  put  him  to  an  apparent  nonplus  in  this  great  and 
public  audience.  The  same  he  did  a  second  and  a 
third  time,  upon  the  like  occasions  ;  which,  as  it  caused 
many  to  give  praise  to  God,  that  the  truth  had  so  fa- 
mous a  victory,  so  it  procured  for  Mr.  Robinson  much 
respect  and  honor  from  these  learned  men  and  others." 

When  Robinson  first  went  to  Holland,  he  was  one 
of  the  most  rigid  separatists  from  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land. He  had  written  in  defence  of  the  separation,  in 
answer  to  Dr.  William  Anics,*  whose  name,  in  the  pe- 
tulance of  his  wit,  he  had  changed  to  Amiss.  After 
his  removal  to  Holland,  he  met  with  Dr.  Ames  and 
Mr.  Robert  Parker,  an  eminent  divine  of  Wiltshire, 
who  ]>ad  been  obliged  to  fly  thither  from  the  terrors  of 
the  High  Commission  Court,  under  the  direction  of 
Archbishop  Bancroft.  In  a  free  conversation  with  these 
gentlemen,  Robinson  was  convinced  of  his  mistake, 
submitted  to  the  reproof  of  Dr.  Ames,  and  became, 
ever  after,  more  moderate  in  his  sentiments  respecting 
separation.  In  a  book  which  he  published,  (1610)  he 
allowed  and  defended  the  lawfulness  of  communicating 
with  the  Church  of  England,  "m  the  word  and  prayer," 
that  is,  in  the  extempore  prayer,  before  the  sermon, 
though  not  in  the  use  of  the  liturgy,  nor  in  the  indiscri- 
minate admission  to  the  sacraments.  Yet  he  would 
allow  the  pious  members  of  the  Church  of  England,  and 
of  all  the  Reformed  churches  to  communicate  with  his 
church  ;  declaring  that  he  separated  from  no  church  ; 
but  from  the  corruptions  of  all  churches.  This  book 
gained  hiin  the  title  of  Semi-separatist,  and  was  so  of- 
fensive to  the  rigid  Browiiists  of  Amsterdam,  that  they 
would  scarcely  hold  communion  with  the  Church  of 
Leyden.  These  were  called  Robinsonians  and  Inde- 
pendents ;  but  the  name  by  which  they  distinguished 
themselves,  was,  a  Congregational  Church. 

Their  grand  principle  was  the  same  which  was  after- 
wards held  and  defended  bv  ChiUingworth  and  Hoadley, 
that  the  Scriptures,  given  by  inspiration,  contain  the 
true  religion  ;  that  every  man  has  a  right  lo  judge  for 
himself  of  their  meaning  ;  to  try  all  doctrines  by  them, 
and  to  worship  God  according  to  the  dictates  of  his  own 
enlightened  conscience.  They  admitted,  for  truth, 
the  doctrinal  articles  of  the  Church  of  England,  as  wM 
as  of  the  Reformed  churches  m  France,  Genev,i,  Swit- 
zerland, and  the  United  Province.*! ;  allowing  all  their 
members  free  communion,  and  differing  from  them 
only  in  matters  of  an  ecclesiastical  nature.  Respect- 
ing these,  they  held,  (1.)   That  no  church  ought  to  con- 

*  Dr.  Ames  was  educated  at  Cambridge,  under  the  famous 
Perkins,  and  became  Fellow  of  Christ's  College.  In  1600  he  | 
gave  otTence  to  the  gentlemen  of  the  University,  by  preach- 
ing against  cards  and  dice  ;  and  to  avoid  prosecution  tor  non- 
conformity, fled  to  Holland.  He  first  settled  at  the  Hague, 
whence  he  was  invited  by  the  States  of  Fricsland  to  the 
chair  of  Theologital  Professer  at  Francker,  which  he  filled 
with  reputation  for  twelve  years.  He  was  an  able  contro- 
versial writer ;  his  style  was  concise  and  his  arguments 
acute.  He  wrote  several  treatises  against  the  Arniinians, 
besides  his  famous  Medulla  Theologix-.  He  afterwards  re- 
moved to  Rotterdam;  but  the  air  of  Holland  not  agreeing 
with  his  constitution,  he  determined  to  come  to  New  Eng- 
land. Tins  was  prevented  by  his  death,  in  1C33,  His  widow 
and  family  afterwards  came  over,  and  his  posterity  have  been 
respectable  ever  since.  His  valuable  library  became  the  pro- 
perty of  Harvard  CoUege,  where  it  was  consumed  by  fire  in 
17W. 


sist  of  more  members  than  can  conveniently  meet  to- 
gether for  worship  and  discipline.  (2.)  That  every 
church  of  Christ  is  to  consist  only  of  such  as  3|)pe«r  to 
believe  in  and  obey  him.  (3.)  That  any  competent 
number  of  such  have  a  right,  w  hen  conscience  obliges 
ihcm,  to  form  themselves  inlo  a  distinct  church.  (4.) 
Tl.at  this  incorporation  is,  by  some  contract  or  covu- 
nant,  expressed  or  implied.  (.5.)  That  being  thus  incor- 
porated, they  have  a  right  to  choose  their  own  officer*. 
(6.)  That  these  officers  are  Pa-sturs,  or  teaching  Elders, 
Riding  Elders  and  Deacons  (7.)  That  ciders  being 
chosen  or  ordained  have  no  power  to  rule  the  church 
but  by  consent  of  the  brethren.  (8.)  That  all  ciders  and 
all  churches  are  equal  in  respect  of  powers  and  pri- 
vileges. (9.)  With  respect  to  ordinances,  they  held 
that  baptism  is  to  be  administered  lo  visible  believers 
and  their  infant  children  ;  but  they  adniilled  only  the 
children  of  communicants  to  baptism.  That  the 
Lord's  Supper  is  to  bo  received  sitting  at  the  table ; 
wb.ilst  they  were  in  Holland,  they  received  it  every 
Lord's  Day.  That  ecclesiastical  censures  were  wholly 
spiritual,  and  not  to  be  accompanied  with  temporal 
penalties.  (10  )  They  admitted  no  holy  days  but  the 
Christian  Sabbath,  though  they  had  occasionally  days  of 
fasting  and  thanksgiving.  And,  finally,  they  renounced 
all  right  of  human  invention  or  imposition  in  religious 
matters. 

Having  enjoyed  their  liberty  in  Holland  eight  or  nine 
years,  in  which  time  they  had  become  acquainted  with 
the  country  and  the  manners  of  its  inhabitants,  they 
began  to  think  of  another  removal  (1617).  The  reasons 
of  which,  were  these.  (1.)  Most  of  them  had  been 
bred  lo  the  business  of  husbandry  in  England  ;  but  in 
Holland,  they  were  obliged  to  learn  mechanical  trades, 
and  use  various  methods  for  their  subsistence,  which 
were  not  so  agreeable  lo  them  as  cultivation.  (2.)  The 
language,  manners  and  habits  of  the  Dutch  were  not 
rendered  pleasing  by  familiarity  ;  and,  in  particjiar, 
the  loose  and  careless  manner  in  which  the  Sabbath 
was  regarded  in  Holland,  gave  them  great  offence. 
(3.)  The  climate  was  unfavorable  to  ihcir  health  ;  many 
of  them  were  in  the  decline  of  life  ;  their  children,  op- 
pressed with  labor  and  disease,  became  infirm,  and  tho 
vigor  of  nature  seemed  to  abate  at  an  early  age. 
(4.)  The  licentiousness  in  which  youth  was  indulged, 
was  a  pe.nicious  example  to  their  children  ;  some  of 
whom  became  sailors,  others  soldiers,  and  manv  were 
dissolute  in  their  morals  ;  nor  could  their  parents  re- 
strain them,  without  giving  offence  and  incurring  re- 
proach. These  considerations  afforded  them  tho 
melancholy  prospect,  that  their  posterity  would,  in  time, 
becoine  so  mixed  with  the  Dutch,  as  to  lose  their  ir- 
terest  in  the  English  nation,  lo  which  they  had  a  natural 
I'ld  strong  attachment,  (5.)  They  observed,  also,  that 
lany  other  English  people,  who  had  gone  to  Holland, 
suffered  in  their  health  and  substance  ;  and  either  re- 
turned home  to  bear  the  inconveniencies  from  which 
they  had  fled,  or  were  reduced  to  poverty  abroad.  For 
these  reasons,  they  concluded  that  Holland  was  not  a 
country  in  which  they  could  hope  for  a  permanent  and 
agreeable  residence. 

The  question  then  was,  to  what  part  of  the  world 
should  they  remove,  where  they  might  expect  freedom 
from  the  burdens  under  which  they  had  formerly  groaned, 
and  the  blessings  of  civil  and  religious  liberty,  which 
thev  had  lately  enjoyed. 

The  Dutch  merchants  being  apprised  of  their  discon- 
tent, made  them  large  offers,  if  they  would  go  to  some 
of  their  foreign  plantations  ;  but  their  attachment  to  tho 
English  nation  and  government  was  invincible.  Sir 
Walter  Raleigh  had,  about  this  time,  raised  the  fame  of 
(iuiana,  a  rich  and  fertile  country  of  America,  between 
the  tropics,  blessed  with  a  perpetual  spring,  and  pro- 
ductive of  every  thing  which  could  satisfy  the  wants  of 
man,  with  little  labor.  To  this  country,  the  views  c/ 
some  of  the  most  sanguine  were  directed  ;  but  consi- 
dering that  in  such  warm  climates,  diseases  were  gene- 
rated, which  often  proved  fatal  to  European  constitu- 
tions, and  that  iheir  nearest  neighbors  would  be  the 
I  Spaniards,  who,  though  they  had  not  actually  occupied 
the  country,  yet  claimed  it  as  their  own,  and  might 
easily  dispossess  them,  as  they  had  the  French  ot 
Florida  :  the  major  part  disapproved  of  this  proposal. 

They  then  turned  their  thoughts  towards  that  part  of 
.\merica,  coiti[  rehended  under  the  general  name  of 
Virginia.  There,  if  they  should  join  the  colony  already 
established,  they  must  submit  to  the  government  ot 
the  Church  of  England.  If  they  should  attein;.l  a  new 
plantation,  the  horrors  of  a  w  ilderness,  and  the  crueltiM 
of  its  savage  inhabitants  were  presented  to  their  vimv. 
It  was  answered,  that  the  Dutch  had  begun  to  plant 
within  these  himts.  aiid  wcis  unmolcsto«'  *  lluvt  bU 


41 


AMERICAN  HISTORY. 


proat  undertakings  were  al'ciidod  witli  dilTicullies ;  but 
Cial  the  prospect  of  dir.ger  did  not  render  the  enter- 
prise desperate  ;  that,  siioiild  they  remain  in  Holland, 
ihcy  were  not  free  (roni  danger,  as  a  truce  between  the 
United  Provinces  ami  Sjiain,  which  had  subsisted  12 
years,  was  nearly  exfircd,  and  prcp-.irations  were  mak- 
ing to  renew  the  war  ;  thai  the  Spaniards,  if  successful 
might  proye  as  cruel  as  the  savages  ;  and  that  liberty, 
both  civil  and  religious,  was  altogether  precarious 
III  Europe.  Tlitfe  considerations  determined  their 
views  towards  the  uninhabited  part  of  North  America, 
claimed  by  their  native  prince,  as  part  of  his  domi- 
nions ;  and  their  hope  was,  that  by  emigrating  hither, 
they  might  make  way  for  the  pro|)agation  of  the  Chris- 
tian religion  in  a  heathen  land,  though  (to  use  their  own 
|)lirase)  ••  they  should  be  but  as  stejiping-slones  to 
others,"  who  might  come  after  them. 

'J'liesc  things  were  first  debated  in  private,  and  after- 
wards proposed  to  the  whole  congregation,  who,  after 
mature  deliberation,  and  a  devout  address  to  Heaven, 
determined  to  make  application  to  the  Virginia  Com- 
pany in  I^ondon,  and  to  inquire  whether  King  James 
would  ifiatil  thein  liberty  of  conscience  in  his  American 
dominions.  John  Carver  and  Robert  Cushinan  were 
appointed  their  agents  on  this  occasion,  and  letters 
were  written  by  Mr  Robinson,  and  Mr.  Brewster,  their 
ruling  elder,  in  the  name  of  the  congregation,  to  Sir 
Edwin  Sandys  and  Sir  John  \\'orstenholine,  two  priii- 
cijial  members  of  the  Virginia  Company. 

In  those  letters  they  recoinrncnded  iheinselves  as  pro- 
per persons  for  emigration,  because  they  were,  "  wean- 
ed from  the  delicate  milk  of  their  own  country,  and  so 
inured  to  the  difficulties  of  a  strange  land,  that  no  small 
things  would  discourage  them,  or  make  them  wish  to 
return  home  ;  that  they  had  acquired  habits  of  fniga- 
lity,  industrv,  and  self-denial  ;  and  were  united  in  a  so- 
lemn covenant,  by  which  they  were  bound  to  seek  '.he 
welfare,  of  the  whole  company,  and  of  every  individual 
person."  'I'hcy  al^o  gave  a  succinct  and  candid  ac- 
count of  their  religious  principles  and  practices,  for  the 
.iiforination  of  the  king  and  his  council. 

The  answer  which  they  received  was  as  favorable  as 
they  could  expect.  The  Virginia  Company  promised 
them  as  ample  privileges  as  were  in  their  power  to 
grant.  It  was  thought  prudent  not  to  deliver  their  let- 
'ft  to  the  king  and  council  ;  but  application  was  made 
to  sir  Robert  IS'orlon,  Secretary  of  State,  who  cm- 
oloycd  his  interest  with  Archbishop  .Mibot  ;  and  t^y 
means  of  his  mediation,  the  king  promised  to  connive  at 
Iheir  religious  (iractices  ;  but  he  denied  them  toleration 
under  the  groat  seal.  With  an  answer,  and  some 
private  encouragement,  the  agents  returned  to  Hol- 
land. 

It  was  impossible  for  them  to  transport  themselves 
to  America  without  assistance  from  the  merchant  ad- 
venturers in  England.  Further  agency  and  agreements 
were  necessary.  The  dissensions  of  the  Virginia  Com- 
pany were  tedious  and  violent ;  and  it  was  not  till  after 
two  whole  years,  that  all  the  necessary  provisions  and 
arTan^cments  coulJ  be  made  for  their  voyage. 

In  the  be<,'iiinint;  of  1020,  they  kept  a  solemn  day  of 
prayer,  when  Mr.  Robinson  delivered  a  discourse  from 
I  Samuel,  xxiii.  3,  4  ;  in  which  ho  endeavored  to  re- 
move their  doubts,  and  conhrm  their  resolutions  It 
had  been  previously  determined,  that  a  part  of  them 
ehould  go  to  America,  and  prepare  the  way  for  the 
others  ;  and  that  if  the  major  part  should  consent  to 
go,  the  pastor  should  go  w  ith  them  ;  otherwise  he 
ehould  remain  in  Holland.  It  was  found  on  examina- 
tion, that  though  a  major  part  was  willing  to  go,  yet 
thi'y  could  not  all  get  ready  in  season  ;  therefore,  the 
greater  number  beini;  obliged  to  stay,  they  required  Mr. 
Kobinson  to  stay  with  them.  Mr.  Rrewster,  the  ruling 
cider,  was  appointed  to  go  with  the  minority,  who  were 
"  to  be  an  absolute  church  of  themselves,  as  well  as 
those  that  should  stay  ;  with  this  provi.so,  that,  as  any 
ohould  go  over  or  return,  they  should  be  reputed  as 
ini  inbc'rs,  without  farther  dismission  or  testimonial. 
The  others  were  to  follow  as  soon  as  ])0ssible. 

In  July,  they  kept  another  day  of  prayer,  when  Mr. 
Holrinson  preached  to  them  from  Ezra  viii.  21,  and  con- 
clmb  d  his  discourse  with  an  exhortation,  which  breathes 
B  noble  spirit  of  Christian  liberty,  and  gives  a  just  idea 
of  the  sentiments  of  this  excellent  divine,  whose  charily 
was  the  more  conspicuous,  because  of  his  former  nar- 
row principles,  and  the  general  bigotry  of  the  Reformed 
niinislers  and  churches  of  that  day. 

"  brethren,  (.said  he,)  we  arc  now  quickly  to  part 
fro. II  one  another,  and  whether  I  may  ever  live  to  see 
vour  fice  on  earth  any  more,  the  (iod  of  Heaven  only 
Know*  :  but  whether  the  I .iird  lialh  ap|iniiiled  that  or 
r^i.,  I  charge  you  before  (Jod  and  his  Ueb;icd  aiij^els, 


that  you  follow  mc  no  farther  than  you  have  seen  me  I 
follow  the  Eord  Jesus  Christ. 

"  If  God  reveal  any  thing  to  you  by  any  other  instru- 
ment of  his,  be  as  ready  to  receive  it,  as  ever  you  were 
to  receive  any  truth  by  my  ministry  ;  for  I  am  verily 
persuaded— I  am  very  confident,  that  the  Lord  has  more 
truth  yet  to  break  forth  out  of  his  holy  w'ord.  For  mv 
part,  I  cannot  sutiiciently  bewail  the  condition  of  the 
Reformed  churches,  who  are  come  to  a  jjcriod  in  re- 
ligion, and  will  go,  at  present,  no  farther  than  the  in- 
struments of  their  reformation.  The  Lutherans  can- 
not be  drawn  to  go  beyond  what  Luther  said  :  whatever 
part  of  his  will  our  good  God  has  revealed  unto  Calvin, 
they  will  rather  die  than  embrace  it.  And  the  Calvin- 
ists,  you  see,  stick  fast  where  they  were  left,  by  that 
great  man  of  God,  who  yet  saw  not  all  things. 

"  This  IS  a  misery  much  to  be  lamented  ;  for  though 
they  were  burning  and  shining  lights  in  their  times,  yet 
they  penetrated  not  into  the  whole  counsel  of  God  ;  but 
were  they  now  living,  would  be  as  willing  to  embrace 
farther  light,  as  that  which  they  first  received.  I  be- 
seech you,  remember,  it  is  an  article  of  your  church 
covenant,  '  ttiat  you  be  ready  to  receive  whatever  truth 
shall  be  made  known  to  you,  from  the  written  word  of 
God.'  Remember  that,  and  every  other  article  of 
your  sacred  covenant.  But  I  must,  herewithal,  exhort 
you  to  take  heed  what  you  receive  as  truth.  Examine 
it,  corisidcr  it,  and  compare  it  with  other  scriptures  of 
truth  before  you  receive  it ;  for  it  is  not  possible  that 
the  Christiin  world  should  come  so  lately  out  of  such 
thick  anti-Christian  darkness,  and  that  perfection  of 
knowledge  should  break  forth  at  once. 

"  I  must  also  advise  you  to  abandon,  avoid,  and 
shake  off  the  name  of  Brownists.  It  is  a  mere  nick- 
name ;  and  a  brand  for  the  making  religion,  and  the 
professors  of  it,  odious  to  the  Christian  world." 

Having  said  this,  with  some  other  things  relating  to 
their  private  conduct,  he  devoutly  committed  Ihetn  to 
the  care  and  protection  of  Divine  Providence. 

On  the  21st  of  July,  the  intended  passengers  quitted 
Leyden,  to  embark  at  Delflhaven,  to  which  place  they 
were  accompanied  by  many  of  their  brethren  and 
friends,  several  of  whom  had  come  from  Amsterdam  to 
take  their  leave  of  them.  The  evening  was  spent,  till 
very  late,  in  friendly  conversation  ;  and  the  next  morn- 
ing, the  wind  being  fair,  they  went  on  board  ;  where 
Mr.  Robinson,  on  his  knees,  in  a  most  ardent  and  alfec- 
tionate  prayer,  again  committed  them  to  their  divine 
Protector,  and  with  many  tears  they  parted. 

After  their  arrival  in  New  England,  he  kept  up  a 
friendly  correspondence  with  them  ;  and  when  any  of 
them  went  to  Eurojie,  they  were  received  by  him  with 
the  most  cordial  welcome.  The  ditliculties  which  then 
attended  a  voyage  across  the  Atlantic,  the  ex])cnse  ol 
an  equipment  for  a  new  colony,  and  the  hardships 
.  necessarily  incident  to  a  plantation  in  a  distant  wilder- 
ness, proved  a  burden  almost  too  great  for  those  who 
came  over.  They  had  a  hard  struggle  to  support  them- 
selves herci  and  pay  the  debts  which  they  had  con- 
tracted in  England  ;  whilst  those  who  remained  in 
Holland,  were  in  general  too  poor  to  bear  the  expense 
of  a  removal  to  America,  without  the  help  of  their 
brethren  who  had  come  before  them.  These  things 
prevented  Mr.  Robinson  from  gratifying  his  earnest 
desire  to  visit  his  American  brethren,  and  their  equally 
ardent  wish  to  see  him,  tdl  he  was  removed  by  death 
to  a  better  countr)'.* 

He  continued  with  his  church  at  Leyden,  in  good 
health,  and  with  a  fair  prospect  of  living  to  a  more  ad- 
vanced age,  till  Saturday,  the  22d  of  Feliruary,  lf>25, 
when  he  was  seized  with  an  inward  ague  ;  which,  how- 
ever distressing,  did  not  prevent  his  )ireaching  twice  on 
the  next  day.  Through  the  following  week  his  disor- 
der increased  in  malignity,  and  on  Saturday,  March  1, 
put  an  end  to  his  valuable  life  ;  in  the  fiftieth  year  of 
his  age,  and  in  the  height  of  his  reputation  and  useful- 
ness. 

Mr.  Robinson  was  a  man  of  a  good  genius,  quick 
penetration,  ready  wit,  great  modesty,  integrity  and 
candor.  His  classic  literature  and  aciileness  in  dispu- 
tation were  acknowledged  by  his  adversaries.  His 
manners  were  easy,  courteous  and ^  obliging.  His 
preaching  was  instructive  and  allecting.  Though  in 
his  younger  years  he  was  rigid  in  his  separation  from 


*  Morton,  in  his  Memorial  (p.  W>)  says,  that  "  his  ami  their 
adversaries  had  lonn  l.ri-ii  |>lot!imr  how  they  iiiis^lil  hinder  his 
rommK  to  New  KiiKlaiul."  lluli  hiii.son  (vol.  II.  p.  454)  says, 
"  he  was  preveiili  d  hy  di.-appoiiiliiieiils  from  these  in  Kiig- 
laiid,  who  undtTtook  to  provide  Ibr  the  passaite  of  hiin  and 
his  Congregation."  Wliellior  these  disappointnivnls  were 
dcsi);m'd  or  unavoidalile,  cannot  now  lie  deleriiiiiied.  Candor 
wiMild  lead  us  to  suppose  the  .alier.  Uut  Iho  foruicr  iiUi>iH>- 
biliuii  i»  within  the  limits  U  credibility. 


the  E|)iscopal  Church,  by  whose  govcmon  he  and  his 
friends  were  treated  with  unrelenting  severity,  yel 
when  convinced  of  his  error,  he  openly  acknowledgtJ 
it,  and  by  experience  and  conversation  with  good  men, 
he  became  moderate  and  charitable,  without  abating  hia 
zeal  for  strict  and  real  religion.  It  is  always  a  sign  of 
a  good  heart,  when  a  man  becomes  mild  and  candid  aa 
he  grows  in  years.  This  was  eminently  true  of  Mr. 
Robinson.  He  learned  to  esteem  all  good  men  of 
every  religious  persuasion,  and  charged  his  flock  to 
maintain  the  like  candid  and  benevolent  conduct.  His 
sentiments  respecting  the  Reformers  as  expressed  in 
his  valedictory  discourse,  will  entail  immortal  honor  to 
his  memory  ;  evidencing  his  accurate  discernment,  hit 
inflexible  honesty,  and  his  fervent  zeal  for  truth  and  a 
good  conscience.  He  was  also  possessed  in  an  emi- 
nent degree  of  the  talent  of  peace-making,  and  was 
happy  in  composing  diflerences  among  neighbors  and 
in  families  ;  so  that  peace  and  unity  were  preserved  m 
his  congregation.  It  is  said  that  "such  was  the  reci- 
procal love  and  respect  between  him  and  his  flock,  that 
It  might  be  said  of  them  as  it  was  said  of  the  Emperor 
Marcus  Aurelius  and  the  people  of  Rome,  that  it  was 
hard  to  judge,  whether  he  delighted  more  in  having 
such  a  people,  or  they  in  having  such  a  pastor."  Be- 
sides his  singular  abilities  in  moral  and  theological 
matters,  he  was  very  discerning  and  prudent  in  civil 
affairs,  and  able  to  give  them  good  advice  in  regard  to 
their  secular  and  political  conduct.  He  was  highly  es- 
teemed, not  only  by  his  own  flock,  but  by  the  magistracy 
and  clergy  of  Leyden,  who  gave  liim  the  Use  of  one  of 
their  churches,  in  the  chancel  of  which  he  was  buried 
Mr.  Prince,  who  visited  that  city  in  1714,  says  that  the 
most  ancient  peo[ilc  then  living  told  him  from  their 
parents,  that  the  whole  city  and  university  regarded  hira 
as  a  great  and  good  man,  whose  death  they  sincerely 
lamented  ;  and  that  they  honored  his  funeral  with  their 
presence. 

This  event  proved  the  dissolution  of  the  church  ovei 
which  he  had  presided  at  Leyden.  Some  of  them  re- 
moved to  Amsterdam,  some  to  other  parts  of  the 
Netherlands,  and  others  came  to  New  England,  among 
whom  were  his  widow  and  children,  liis  son  Isaac 
lived  to  the  age  of  ninety,  and  left  male  posterity  in  the 
county  of  Barnstable. 


JOHN  CARVER- 

JcHN  Carver— Appointed  agent  by  the  Englisn  settlers  at 
l.eydeii — Superintends  the  equipments  lor  emigralion— 
Chosen  Governor  of  the  Company — .Makes  an  excursion 
from  Capo  CoJ  to  look  for  a  harbor — Skirmish  « ith  the  na- 
tives— Lands  on  Clark's  Island — Makes  a  setllemeiit  at 
Plyinoulh— His  sickness  and  recovery — His  interview  willi 
Ma.ssassoil— Ills  death,  character,  and  posterity — lUs  sword 
ill  the  cabinet  of  the  llisloricaJ  Society. 

W'e  have  no  particulars  of  the  life  of  Mr.  Carver, 
previous  to  his  appointment  as  one  of  the  agents  ot  the 
English  ('ongregatioiial  Church  in  Leyden.  At  that 
lime  he  was  in  high  esteem,  as  a  grave,  pious,  prudent, 
judicious  man,  and  sustained  the  ofiicc  of  a  deacon. 
Ill  the  letters  written  by  Sir  Edwin  Sandys,  of  tho 
Virginia  Company,  to  .\lr.  Robinson,  the  agents  are 
said  to  have  "  carried  themselves  with  good  discretion." 

The  business  of  the  agency  was  long  delayed  by  the 
discontents  and  factions  in  the  com|>aiiy  of  \'irginia, 
by  the  removal  of  their  t'ormer  treasurer,  Sir  Thomas 
Smith,  and  the  enmity  between  him  and  Sir  Edwin 
Sandys,  his  successor.  At  length,  a  patent  was  ob- 
tained, under  the  company's  seal ;  but  by  the  advice  of 
some  friends,  it  was  taken  in  the  name  of  John  \\m- 
cob,  a  religious  gentleman,  belonging  to  the  lamily  of 
the  Countess  of  Lincoln,  who  intended  to  accompany 
the  adventurers  to  America.  This  patent  and  the  pro- 
posals of  Thomas  Weston  of  London,  merchant,  and 
other  persons,  who  appeared  friendly  to  tiie  design, 
were  carried  to  Leyden,  in  the  autumn  of  1619,  lor 
the  consideration  of  the  jieople.  At  the  same  lime 
there  was  a  |)lan  forming  for  a  new  cuui.cil  in  the  went 
cf  England,  to  suiiermleiid  the  plaiilalion  and  fishery  ol 
North  \  irg!!iia,  the  name  of  which  was  changed  lo 
New  England.  Tc>  this  expected  eslablishment,  Wes- 
ton, and  the  other  merchants  began  to  incline,  cluetly 
from  the  hope  of  present  gam  by  the  fisher)-.  Tim 
caused  some  embarrassment,  and  a  variety  of  opinions, 
but  considering  that  the  council  for  New  England  was 
not  yet  incorporated,  and  that  if  they  should  wait  for 
that  event,  they  might  be  detained  another  year,  before 
which  time  thi;  war  bet.veen  the  Dutch  and  tho  Spa- 
niards might  be  renewed,  the  majority  concluded  to 
take  the  patent  which  had  been  obtained  from  the  Com 
pany  of  South  Virginia,  and  emigrate  to  some  piac« 
near  liudsuo's  nvcr  which  was  wiiiuu  hcu  territory  ^ 


L 


BIOGRAPHIES  OF  THE  EARLY  DISCOVERERS. 


45 


The  next  spring,  (1620)  Weston  himself  went  over 
fo  lA!yden,  where  the  people  entered  into  articles  of 
ftjrrccinent  with  him,  both  for  shipping  and  money,  to 
assist  in  their  transportation.  Carver  and  Cushman 
were  again  sent  to  London,  to  receive  the  money  and 
provide  for  the  voyage.  When  they  came  there,  they 
found  the  otlier  merchants  so  very  penurious  and  severe, 
that  they  were  ohliged  to  consent  to  some  alteration  m 
the  articles  ;  which  though  not  relisned  by  their  con- 
stituents, yet  were  so  strongly  insisted  on,  that  without 
them,  the  whole  adventure  must  have  been  frustrated. 

The  articles,  with  their  amendments,  v\ere  these. 
"(1.)  The  adventurers  and  planters  do  agree,  that 
every  person  that  goeth,  being  si.xteen  year  old  and 
upward,  be  rated  at  ten  pounds  ;  and  that  ten  pound.s 
be  accounted  a  single  share.  (2.)  That  he  that  goeth 
in  person,  and  furnisheth  himself  out  with  ten  pounds, 
either  in  money  or  other  provisions,  be  accounted  as 
having  twenty  pounds  in  stock,  and  in  the  division  shall 
receive  a  doul.'le  share.  (3.)  The  persons  transported 
and  the  adventurers  shall  continue  their  joint  stock  and 
partnership,  the  space  of  seven  years,  except  some  un- 
expected nnpediments  do  cause  the  whole  company  to 
agree  otherwise  ;  during  which  time  all  profits  and 
benefits  that  are  gotten  by  trade,  traffic,  trucking,  work- 
ing, fishing,  or  any  other  means,  of  any  other  person  or 
persons,  shall  remain  still  in  the  common  stock,  until 
the  division.  (4.)  That  at  their  coming  '.here,  they 
shall  choose  out  such  a  number  of  persons,  as  may 
furnish  their  ships  and  boats,  for  fishing  upon  the  sea  ; 
employing  the  rest,  in  their  several  faculties,  upon  the 
land ;  as  building  houses,  tilling  and  planting  the 
ground,  and  making  such  commodities  as  shall  be  most 
useful  for  the  colony.  (.5.)  That  at  the  end  of  the 
seven  years,  the  capital  and  profits,  viz.  the  houses, 
lands,  goods  and  chattels  be  equally  divided  among  the 
adventurers  ;  if  any  debt  or  detriment  concerning  this 

adventure*  -  (6.)  Whosoever  cometh  to  the  colony 

hereafter,  or  putteth  any  thing  into  the  stock,  shall,  at 
the  end  of  the  seven  years  be  allowed  proportionally  to 
the  tune  of  his  so  doing.  (7.)  He  that  shall  carry  his 
wife,  or  children,  or  servants,  shall  be  allowed  for 
every  person,  now  aged  sixteen  years,  and  upwards  a 
single  share  in  the  division  ;  or  if  he  [irovidc  them  ne- 
cessaries, a  double  share,  or  if  they  be  between  ten 
years  old  and  sixteea,  then  two  of  them  to  be  reckoned 
for  a  person,  both  in  transportation  and  division. 
(8.)  That  such  children  as  now  go,  and  are  under  ten 
years  of  age,  have  no  other  share  in  the  division,  than 
fifty  acres  of  unmanured  land.  (9  )  That  such  persons 
as  die  before  the  seven  years  be  expired,  their  execu- 
tors to  have  their  parts  or  shares,  at  the  division  ;  pro- 
portionally to  the  time  of  their  life  in  the  colony. 
(10  )  That  all  such  persons  as  are  of  the  colony,  are 
to  have  meal,  drink  and  apparel  out  of  the  common 
stock  and  goods  of  the  said  colony." 

The  diflerenre  between  the  articles  as  first  agreed 
en,  and  as  finally  concluded,  lay  in  these  two  points 
(1  )  In  the  former,  it  was  provided  that  "  the  houses 
and  lands  improved,  especially  gardens,  and  home- 
fields,  should  remain  undivided,  wholly  to  the  planters 
at  the  end  of  the  seven  years  ;"  but,  in  the  latter,  the 
houses  and  lands  were  to  be  equally  divided.  (2.)  In 
the  former,  the  planters  were  "  allowed  two  days  in 
the  week,  for  their  own  private  employment,  for  the 
comlort  of  themselves  and  families,  especially  such  as 
Lad  them  to  take  care  for."  In  the  latter,  this  article 
was  wholly  omitted. 

On  these  hard  conditions,  and  with  this  small  en- 
couragement, the  pilgrims  of  Leyden,  supported  by  a 
pious  confidence  in  the  Supreme  Disposer  of  all  things, 
and  animated  liy  a  fortitude,  resulting  from  the  steady 
principles  of  the  religion  which  they  professed,  deter- 
mined to  cast  themselves  on  the  care  of  Divine  Provi- 
dence, and  embark  for  America. 

With  the  proceeds  of  their  own  estates,  put  info  a 
common  stock,  and  the  assistance  of  the  merchants,  to 
whom  they  had  mortgaged  their  labor  and  trade  for 
beven  years,  two  vessels  were  provided.  One  in  Hol- 
land, of  sixty  tons,  called  the  Speedwell,  commanded 
by  a  Captain  Reynolds,  which  was  intended  to  trans- 
fiort  some  of  them  to  America,  and  there  to  remain  in 
their  service,  one  year,  for  fishing  and  other  uses. 
Another  of  one  hundred  and  eighty  tons,  called  the 
May-flower,  was  chartered  by  Mr.  Cushman  in  London, 
and  sent  round  to  Southanijiton  in  Hampshire,  whither 
Mr.  Carver  went  to  superintend  her  equipment.  This 
vessel  was  connnanded  by  a  Captain  Jones,  and  after 
discharging  her  passengers  in  America,  was  to  return 
to  England.    Seven  hundred  pounds  sterUng  were  ex- 


•  Here  somelliiiig  seems  to  be  wanting  winch  cannot  now 
Uc  suj-plicd 


pended  in  provisions  and  stores,  and  other  necessary 
preparations  ;  and  the  value  of  the  trading  venture 
which  they  carried  was  seventeen  hundred  pounds 
Mr.  Weston  can.e  from  London  to  Southampton,  to 
see  them  despatched.  The  Speedwell,  with  the  pas- 
sengers having  arrived  there  from  Leyden,  and  the 
necessary  officers  being  chosen  to  govern  the  people 
and  take  care  of  the  provisions  and  stores  on  the  voy- 
age ;  both  ships,  carrying  one  hundred  and  twenty  pas- 
sengers, sailed  from  Southampton  on  the  fifth  day  of 
August,  1G20. 

'I'liey  had  not  sailed  many  leagues,  down  the  channel, 
before  Reynolds,  master  of  the  Speedwell,  complained 
that  his  vessel  was  too  leaky  to  proceed.  Both  shi))S 
then  put  in  at  Dartmouth,  where  the  Speedwell  was 
searched  and  repaired  >  and  the  workmen  judged  her 
sufficient  for  the  voyage.  On  the  tweiity-lirst  of  Au- 
gust, they  put  to  sea  again  ;  and,  having  sailed  in  com- 
pany about  one  hundred  leagues,  Reynolds  renewed 
his  complaints  against  his  ship  ;  declaring,  that  by  con- 
stant i)uijipnig  he  could  scarcely  keep  her  above  water; 
on  which,  both  ships  again  put  back  to  Plymouth. 
Another  search  was  made,  and  no  defect  appearing,  the 
leaky  condition  of  the  ship  was  judged  to  be  ownig  to 
her  general  weakness,  and  she  was  pronounced  unfit 
for  the  voyage.  About  twenty  of  the  passengers  went 
on  shore.  The  others,  with  their  provisions,  were  re- 
ceived on  board  the  May-flower  ;  and,  on  the  sixth  of 
September,  the  company,  consisting  of  one  hundred 
and  one  passengers,  (besides  the  ship's  officers  and 
crew)  took  their  last  leave  of  England,  having  consumed 
a  whole  month  in  these  vexatious  and  expensive  delays. 

The  true  causes  of  these  misadventures  did  not  then 
appear.  One  was,  that  the  Speedwell  was  overmasted  ; 
which  error  being  remedied,  the  vessel  afterwards  made 
several  safe  and  profitable  voyages.  But  the  principal 
cause  was  the  deceit  of  the  master  and  crew  ;  who  hav- 
ing engaged  to  remain  a  whole  year  in  the  service  of 
the  colony,  and  apprehending  hard  fate  in  that  employ- 
ment, were  glad  of  such  an  excuse  to  rid  themselves 
of  the  bargain. 

The  May-flower,  Jones,  proceeded  with  fair  winds 
in  the  former  part  of  her  voyage  ;  and  then  met  with 
bad  weather  and  contrary  winds,  so  that  for  several 
days  no  sail  could  be  carried  The  ship  labored  so 
much  in  the  sea,  that  one  of  the  main  beams  sprung, 
which  renewed  the  fears  and  distress  of  the  passengers. 
They  had  then  made  about  one-half  of  their  voyage, 
and  the  chief  of  the  company  began  a  consultation  with 
the  commander  of  the  ship,  whether  it  were  better  to 
proceed  or  to  return.  But  one  of  the  passengers  hav- 
ing on  board  a  large  iron  screw,  it  was  applied  to  the 
beam,  and  forced  it  into  its  place.  This  successfiU 
effort  determined  them  to  proceed. 

No  other  particulars  of  this  long  and  tedious  voyage 
are  preserved  ;  but  that  the  s,hip  being  leaky,  and  the 
jieople  close  stowed,  were  continually  wet ;  that  one 
young  man,  a  servant  of  Samuel  Fuller,  died  at  sea  ; 
and  that  one  child  was  born,  and  called  Oceanus  ;  he 
was  son  of  Stephen  Hopkins. 

On  the  ninth  of  November,  at  break  of  day,  they 
made  land,  which  proved  to  be  the  white  sandy  cliffs  of 
Cape  Cod.  This  landfall  being  further  northward  than 
they  intended,  tlicy  immediately  put  about  the  ship  to 
the  southward ;  and,  before  noon,  found  themselves 
among  shoals  and  breakers.*  Had  they  pursued  their 
southern  course,  as  the  weather  was  fine,  they  might, 
in  a  few  hours  more,  have  found  an  opening,  and  passed 
safely  to  the  westward,  agreeably  to  their  original  de- 
sign, which  was  to  go  to  Hudson's  river.  But  having 
been  so  long  at  sea,  the  sight  of  any  land  was  welcome 
to  women  and  children  ;  the  new  danger  was  formida- 
ble ;  and  the  eagerness  of  the  passengers  to  be  set  on 
shore  was  irresistible.  These  circumstances,  coincid- 
ing with  the  secret  views  of  the  master,  who  had  been 
promised  a  reward  by  some  agents  of  the  Dutch  West 
India  Company,  if  he  would  not  carry  them  to  Hudson's 
river,  induced  him  to  put  about  to  the  northward. 
Before  night,  the  ship  was  clear  of  the  danger.  The 
next  day  they  doubled  the  northern  extremity  of  the 
Cape,  (Race-Point)  and,  a  storm  coining  on,  the  ship 
was  brought  to  anchor  in  Capo  Cod  harbor,  where  she 
lay  perfectly  secure  from  winds  and  shoals. 

This  harbor,  being  in  the  forty-second  degree  of  north 
latitude,  was  without  the  territory  of  the  South  Virginia 
Company.  The  charter  which  these  emigrants  had 
received  from  them,  of  course  became  useless. 
Some  symptoms  of  faction,  at  the  same  time,  appearing 


*  Tlie.sc  shoals  he  off  the  south-east  extremity  of  the  cape, 
which  was  called  by  Gosnold,  Point  Care,  by  the  Dutch  and 
French,  Malebarre,  and  is  iiow  kiiowii  by  the  name  of  Sandy 
I  I'oiut 


among  the  servants,  who  hail  been  received  on  board 
in  England,  purporting  that  when  on  shore  they  fchould 
be  under  no  government,  and  that  one  man  would  1»» 
as  good  as  another,  it  was  thought  proper,  by  •jie  most 
judicious  persons,  to  have  recourse  to  natutjl  law; 
and  that,  before  disembarkation,  they  should  enter  i.ntri 
an  association,  and  combine  themselves  in  4  poliliral 
body,  to  be  governed  by  the  majority.  To  this  tboy 
consented  ;  and,  after  solemn  praver  and  thankstr  fimj, 
a  written  instrument  being  drawn,  they  subscribed  it 
with  their  own  hands,  and,  by  a  unanimous  vole,  chuM 
John  Carver  their  governor  for  one  year. 

The  instrument  w  as  conceived  in  these  terms.  "  In 
the  name  of  Ciod,  amen.  We  whose  names  are  under- 
written, the  loyal  subjects  of  our  dread  sovereign  Ix)rd, 
King  James,  by  the  grace  of  Cod,  of  Croat  Britain 
France  and  Ireland,  King,  Defender  of  the  Faith,  Ac. 
having  undertaken  for  the  glory  of  Cod,  and  the  ad- 
vancement of  the  Christian  faith,  and  honor  of  out 
King  and  country,  a  voyage  to  [ilant  the  first  colony  in 
the  northern  parts  of  Virginia,  do,  by  these  presents, 
solemnly  and  mutually,  in  the  jiresencc  of  COD  and  of 
one  another,  covenant  and  coinl)ine  ourselves  together 
into  a  civil  body  politic,  for  our  better  ordering  and 
preservation,  and  furtherance  of  the  ends  aforesaid  ; 
and,  by  virtue  hereof,  to  enact,  constitute  and  frame 
such  just  and  equal  laws  and  ordinances,  acts,  consti- 
tutions and  offices,  from  time  to  time,  as  shall  be  thought 
most  meet  and  convenient  for  the  general  good  of  the 
colony,  unto  which  we  promise  all  due  subjection  and 
obedience.  In  witness  whereof,  we  have  hereunto  sub- 
scribed our  names,  at  Cape  Cod,  the  eleventh  day  of 
November,  in  the  year  of  the  reign  of  our  sovereign 
Lord,  King  James  of  England,  France  and  Ireland,  the 
eighteenth,  and  of  Scotland  the  fifty-fourth.  Anno 
domini  1620."* 

Government  being  thus  regularly  established  on  a 
truly  republican  principle,  sixteen  aimed  men  were  sent 
on  shore,  as  soon  as  the  weather  would  permit,  to  fetch 
wood  and  make  discoveries.  They  relumed  at  nighl 
with  a  boat  load  of  juniper  wood  ;  and  made  report, 
"  that  they  found  the  land  to  be  a  narrow  neck  ;  having 
the  harbor  on  the  one  side,  and  the  ocean  on  the  other; 
that  the  ground  consisted  of  sand-hills,  like  the  Downs 
in  Holland  ;  that  in  some  places  the  soil  was  Mack 
earth,  "  a  spit's  depth  ;"  that  the  trees  were  oak,  pine, 
sassafras,  juniper,  birch,  holly,  ash,  and  walnut  ;  that 
the  forest  was  open  and  without  underwood  ;  that  no 
inhabitants,  houses,  nor  fresh  water  were  to  be  seen." 
This  account  was  as  much  as  could  be  collected  in 
one  Saturday's  afternoon.    The  next  day  they  rested. 

Whilst  they  lay  in  this  harbor,  which  was  the  space 
of  five  weeks,  they  saw  gieat  flocks  of  sea-fowl  and 
■vhales,  every  day  playing  about  them.  The  inastcf 
id  mate,  who  had  been  acquainted  with  the  fishery,  in 
the  northern  seas  of  Europe,  supposed  that  they  might, 
in  that  time,  have  made  oil,  to  the  value  of  three  or  four 
thousand  pounds.  It  was  too  late  in  the  season  for  cod, 
and,  indeed,  they  caught  none  but  small  fish,  near  the 
shore,  and  shell-fish.  The  margin  of  the  sea  was  so 
shallow,  that  they  were  obliged  to  wade  ashore  ;  and 
the  weather  being  severe,  many  of  them  took  colds  and 
coughs,  which,  in  the  course  of  the  winter,  proved 
mortal. 

*  The  names  of  the  subscribers  are  placed  in  the  following 
order  by  Secretary  Morton  ;  but  Mr.  Prince,  with  his  usual 
accuracy,  has  compared  the  list  with  Governor  Bradtord'a 
MS  History,  and  added  their  titles,  and  the  number  of  each 
one's  family  which  came  over  at  this  time;  observing  tliat 
some  left  the  whole,  and  others  part  of  their  families,  either 
m  England  or  Holland,  who  came  over  afterwards.  He  has 
also  been  so  curious  as  to  note  those  who  brought  their  wives, 
marked  with  a  (t),  and  those  who  died  before  the  end  of  next 
March,  dislinjnished  by  an  asterisin  (*). 


Mr.  John  Carver, t 
Mr.  William  Bradford,t  2 
.Mr.  Edward  Wmslow,t  5 
Mr.  Wilham  Brewster, t  6 
Mr.  Isaac  Allcrton,t  B 
Captain  Miles  Standish,t  2 
John  Alden,  1 
Mr.  Samuel  Fuller,  2 
*Mr.  (^iristophcr  .Martin,t  4 
'.Mr.  William  MuiUns,t  5 
*Mr.  William  While,t  5 
[besides  a  son  bom  in  Capo 
Cod    harbor,    and  named 
Peregrine.] 

Mr.  Richard  Warren,  1 
John  Howland,  [of  Carver's 
family. 1 

Gill>ert  Winslow,  1 
*Edmund  Margesor»  1 
Peter  Brown,  1 
•Richard  Britteridge  I 
George  Soule,  [of  Edward 
Winslow's  family.] 
'Richard  Clarke,  1 
1 


Mr.  Stephen  IIopkins,t 
•Edward  TiUy.t 
•John  Til'.i,; 
Francis  Cook, 
•Thomas  Rogers, 
•Thomas  Tinker, 1 
•John  Kid2dale,t 
♦Edward  Fuller,t 
♦John  Turner, 
Francis  Eaton, t 
♦James  Cliiiton,t 
♦John  Oackston, 
John  Billington.t 
♦.Moses  Fletcher, 
•John  Goodman, 
♦Dosory  Priest, 
•Tliomas  Williams, 
•John  Allerlon, 
•Thomas  English. 
Edward  Doley,  Edwar.i 
Leister,  [both  of  Stephen 
Hopkin's  family  ] 


Total  persons, 


Richard  Gardiner, 

Ul  vshoin  were  subsrJ'Jl>eri,  U 


46 


AMERICAN  HISTORY. 


On  Monday,  the  thirteenth  of  November,  the  women 
went  ashore,  \iiidcr  a  guard,  to  wash  their  clothes  ;  and 
the  men  were  itnpatient  for  a  further  discovery.  The 
Bhallop,  which  had  been  cut  down  and  stowed  between 
decks,  needed  rejiairing,  in  which  seventeen  days  were 
employed.  W  hilst  this  was  doing,  they  jirojioscd  that 
excursions  might  be  made  on  foot.  Much  caution  was 
necessary  in  an  enterprise  of  tliis  kind,  in  a  new  and 
savage  country.  After  consultation  and  projiaration, 
sixteen  men  were  equij  -icd  v\'ith  musket  and  aininurii- 
tion,  sword  and  corslet,  under  the  command  of  Captain 
Miles  Standish,  who  had  William  Bradford,  Stephen 
Hopkins  and  Edward  Tilly  for  his  Council  of  War. 
After  many  instructions  given,  they  were  rather  per- 
mitted than  ordered  to  go,  and  the  time  of  their  ab- 
sence was  limited  to  two  days. 

When  they  had  travelled  one  mile  by  the  shore,  they 
saw  five  or  si.x  of  the  natives,  who,  on  sight  of  them, 
fled.  They  attempted  to  pursue  ;  and,  lighting  on 
their  track,  followed  them  till  night ;  but  the  thickets 
through  which  they  had  to  pass,  the  weight  of  their  ar- 
mor, and  their  debility,  after  a  long  voyage,  made  them 
an  unequal  match,  in  point  of  travelling,  to  these  nim- 
ble sons  of  nature.  They  rested,  at  length,  by  a  spring, 
which  ati'orded  them  the  first  refreshing  draught  of 
American  water. 

The  discoveries  made  in  this  march  were  few,  but 
novel  and  amusing.  In  one  place  they  found  a  deer- 
trap,  made  by  the  bending  of  a  young  tree  to  the  earth, 
with  a  noose  under  ground,  covered  with  acorns.  Mr. 
Bradford's  foot  was  caught  in  the  trap,  from  which  his 
companions  disengaged  iiim,  and  they  were  all  enter- 
tained with  the  ingenuity  of  the  device.  In  another 
place  they  came  to  an  Indian  burying-ground  ;  and,  in 
one  of  the  graves,  they  found  a  mortar,  an  earthen  pot, 
a  bow  and  arrows,  and  other  implements,  all  which  they 
very  carefully  replaced  ;  because  they  would  not  be 
guilty  of  violating  the  repositories  of  the  dead.  But 
when  they  found  a  cellar,  carefully  lined  with  bark  and 
covered  with  a  heap  of  sand,  in  which  about  four  bush- 
els of  seed-corn  in  ears  were  well  secured,  after  reason- 
ing on  the  morality  of  the  action,  tliev  took  as  much  of 
the  corn  as  they  could  carry,  intending,  when  they 
should  find  the  owners,  to  pay  them  to  their  satisfac- 
tion. On  the  third  day  they  arrived,  weary  and  wel- 
come, where  the  ship  lay,  and  delivered  their  corn  into 
the  common  store.  The  company  resolved  to  keep  it 
<br  seed,  and  to  pay  the  natives  the  full  value,  when 
they  should  have  opportunity. 

When  the  shallop  was  repaired  and  rigged,  twenty- 
<cur  of  the  company  ventured  on  a  second  excursion  to 
tiic  same  place,  to  make  a  further  discovery  ;  having 
Captain  Jones  for  their  commander,  with  ten  of  his 
seamen  and  the  ship's  long-boat.  The  wind  being 
high,  and  the  sea  rough,  the  shallop  came  to  anchor 
under  tlie  land,  whilst  part  of  the  company  waded  on 
shore  from  tlie  long-boat,  and  travelled,  as  they  sup- 
posed, six  or  seven  miles,  having  directed  the  shalloj) 
to  follow  them  the  next  morning.  The  weather  was 
very  cold,  with  snow,  and  the  people,  having  no  shelter, 
took  such  colds  as  afterwards  proved  fiUal  to  many. 

Before  noon  the  next  day  the  shallop  took  them  on 
board,  and  sailed  to  the  pla<!e  which  they  denominated 
C'uld  Harbnr*  Finding  it  not  navigable  for  ships,  and 
consequently  not  proper  for  their  residence,  after  shoot- 
ing some  geese  and  ducks,  which  they  devoured  with 
"  soldier's  stomachs,"  they  went  in  search  of  seed-corn. 
The  ground  was  frozen  and  covered  with  snow  ;  but 
the  cellars  were  known  by  heaps  of  sand  ;  and  the  fro- 
zen earth  was  penetrated  with  their  swords,  till  they 
gathered  corn  to  the  amount  of  ten  bushels.  This  for- 
tunate su]]ply,  with  a  (piantity  of  beans  preserved  in 
the  same  manner,  they  look  on  the  same  condition  as 
before  ;  and,  it  is  remarked  by  (iovcrnor  Bradford,  that 
in  six  nionlhs  after,  they  paid  the  owners  to  their  entire 
satisfaction.  The  aciiui-iition  of  this  corn,  they  al- 
ways regarded  as  a  particular  favor  of  Divine  Provi- 
dence, without  which  the  colony  could  not  have  sub- 
sisted. 

(Captain  Jone.i  in  the  shallop  went  back  to  the  ship 
with  the  corn  and  fifteen  of  the  weakest  of  the  peo|)le  ; 
intending  to  send  mattocks  and  spades  the  next  day. 

*  Mr.  I'rince  conjectures  tliis  place  to  have  heen  Barnslalile 
darbor,  (p.  74).  Hut  nt  ilhnr  the  time  nor  distance  can  aRroe 
with  till!,  conjecture.  Uarnstabic  is  more  than  (illy  miles  from 
Cape  Coil  harlM>r  hy  land ;  a  distance  which  they  could  not 
have  travelled  and  back  vi%Mn  in  three  short  d.iys  of  November. 
I  ralhei  think,  after  inc|iiiry  of  a  eoiitlcman  well  aniuainted 
with  fape  Cod,  that  Cold  Harbor  is  Ihi-  mouMi  of  l'aoiii(?l 
Crpek,  brlwcf'ii  Truro  and  WcKlret  ;  and  llie  (ieseriptiiui  mviui 
in  Mourl'.s  Relation  corri'.s[K»ii'l.s  wtlh  this  idea.  l*.ioinel  is  a 
tide  harbor  for  boats,  distant  between  three  :8id  four  leagues 
lioni  the  ha/bor  of  Cape  Coil  — See  CuUuctiunn  uf  llisturii  al 
Uoei«lv  for  I7UI.  VuL  HI.  p.  lue 


The  eighteen  who  remained,  marched,  as  they  sup- 
posed, live  or  six  miles  into  the  woods,  and  returning 
another  way,  discovered  a  mound  of  earth,  in  which 
they  hoped  to  hnd  more  corn.  On  opening  it,  nothing 
appeared  but  the  skull  of  a  man,  preserved  in  red  earth, 
the  skeleton  of  an  infant,  and  such  arms,  utensils  and 
ornaments,  as  arc  usually  dejiosited  in  Indian  graves. 
Not  far  distant  were  two  deserted  wigwams,  with  their 
furniture  and  some  venison,  so  ill  preserved  that  even 
soldier's  stomachs  could  not  relish  it.  On  the  arrival  of 
the  shalloj),  they  returned  to  the  ship,  the  first  of  De- 
cember. During  their  absence,  the  wife  of  William 
White  had  been  delivered  of  a  son,  who,  from  the  cir- 
cumstances of  his  birth,  was  named  Peregrine.* 

At  this  time  they  held  a  consultation  respecting  their 
future  seltlemcnt.  Some  thought  that  Cold  Harbor 
might  be  a  proper  place,  because,  though  not  deep 
enough  for  ships,  it  might  be  convenient  for  boats,  and 
because  a  valuable  hshery  for  whales  and  cod  might  be 
carried  on  there.  The  land  was  partly  cleared  of  wood 
and  good  for  corn,  as  appeared  from  the  seed.  It  was 
also  likely  to  be  healthful  and  defensible.  But  the  prin- 
cipal reasons  were,  that  the  winter  was  so  far  advanced 
as  to  prevent  coasting  and  discovery,  without  danger 
of  losing  men  and  boats  ;  that  the  winds  were  variable, 
and  the  storms  sudden  and  violent ;  that  by  cold  and 
wet  lodgings  the  people  were  much  afl'ected  with 
coughs,  which,  if  they  should  not  soon  obtain  shelter 
would  prove  mortal ;  that  provisions  were  daily  consum- 
ing and  the  ship  must  reserve  sufficient  for  her  home- 
ward voyage,  whalcTer  became  of  the  colony. 

Others  thought  it  best  to  go  to  a  place  called  Aga- 
wam,  twenty  leagues  northward,  where  they  had  heard 
of  an  excellent  harbor,  good  fish  ig,  and  a  better  soil 
for  planting.  To  this  it  was  answered,  that  there  might 
possibly  be  as  good  a  place,  nearer  to  them.  Robert 
Coppin,  their  pilot,  who  liad  been  here  before,  assured 
them,  that  he  knew  of  a  good  harbor  and  a  navigable 
river,  not  more  than  eight  leagues  across  the  bay  to 
the  westward.  Upon  the  whole,  they  resolved  to  send 
the  shallop  round  tlie  shore  of  the  bay  on  discovery,  but 
not  beyond  the  harbor  of  which  Coppin  had  informed 
them. 

On  Wednesday,  the  sixth  of  December,  Governor 
Carver,  with  nine  of  the  principal  men,  well  armed,  and 
the  same  number  of  seamen,  of  which  Coppin  was  one, 
went  out  in  the  shallop.  The  weather  was  so  cold, 
that  the  spray  of  the  sea  froze  on  their  coats,  till  they 
were  cased  with  ice,  "  like  coats  of  iron."  They  sailed 
by  the  eastern  shore  of  the  bay,  as  they  judged,  six  or 
seven  leagues,  without  finding  any  river  or  creek.  At 
length  they  saw  "  a  tongue  of  land,+  being  flat  oil  from 
the  shore,  with  a  sandy  point  ;  they  bore  up  to  gain  the 
point,  and  found  there  a  fair  income,  or  road  of  a  bay, 
being  a  league  over  at  the  narrowest,  and  two  or  three 
in  length;  but  they  madu  right  over  to  the  land  before 
them."  As  they  came  near  the  shore,  they  saw  ten  or 
twelve  Indians  cutting  up  a  grampus,  who,  in  sight  of 
thein,  ran  away,  carrying  pieces  of  the  fish  which  they 
had  cut.  They  landed  at  a  distance  of  a  league  or 
more  from  the  gramjius,  with  great  difficulty,  on  ac- 
count of  the  flat  sands.  Here  they  built  a  barricade, 
and  placing  sentinels,  lay  down  to  rest. 

The  next  morning,  Thursday,  December  7th,  they 
divided  themselves  into  two  parties  ;  eight  in  the  shal- 
lop, and  the  rest  on  shore,  to  make  further  discovery  of 
this  place,  which  they  found  to  be  "  a  bay  without 
cither  river  or  creek  coming  into  it."  They  gave  it  the 
name  of  Grampus  Bay,  beeailse  they  saw  many  fish  of 
that  species.  They  tracked  the  Indians  on  the  sand,  and 
found  a  path  into  the  w-oods,  w  hich  they  followed  a  great 
way.  111!  ihey  came  lo  old  corn  lielils  and  a  sjiacious 
burying-ground,  inclosed  with  pales.  They  ranged  ihe 
wood  till  the  close  of  the  day,  and  then  came  down  to 
the  shore  to  meet  the  shallop  which  they  had  not  seen 
since  the  morning.  At  high  water  she  put  into  a  creek  ; 
and,  six  men  being  left  on  board,  two  came  on  shore 
and  lodged  with  their  companions,  under  cover  uf  a 
barricade  and  a  guard. 

On  Friday,  December  8th,  they  rose  at  five  in  the 


*  The  following  account  of  him  is  extracted  from  the  Bos- 
ton Newsletter  ol  July  31,  1704,  bcins  the  fifteenth  number  of 
the  first  newspaper  printed  in  New  England. — "  iMarshrield, 
July  22:  Captain  I'ereurino  While,  of  this  town,  aged  eighty- 
three  years  and  eight  months,  died  hero  the  20th  instant,  lie 
was  vigorous  and  of  a  comely  aspect,  to  the  last ;  wa-s  the 
son  of  William  White,  and  Susanna  his  wife,  born  on  board 
the  May-dower,  Captain  Jones,  commander,  in  I'ape  Cod 
harbor,  November,  1020,  the  first  Englishman  born  in  New 
England.  Although  lie  was  in  the  former  part  of  his  lile  ex- 
travagant, yet  lio  was  nmcli  reformed  in  lus  last  years,  and 
died  lii)petully.'' 

t  This  "  toniuc  of  Kind"  in  BiUingsgalo  Point,  the  western 
shore  ol  Welileet  harlior. 


morning,  to  be  reedy  to  go  on  board  at  high  water.  At 
the  da.vn  of  day  they  were  suqirised  with  the  war-vnf 
of  the  natives,  and  a  flight  of  arrows.  They  nnmediatcly 
seized  their  arms,  and  on  the  first  discharge  of  musketry 
all  the  Indians  fled,  but  one  stout  man,  who  stood  tliree 
shots  behind  a  tree,  and  then  retired,  as  they  supposed 
wounded  They  took  up  eighteen  arrows,  headeil  either 
with  brass,  deers'  horns,  or  birds'  claws,  which  they  sent 
as  a  present  to  their  friends  in  England.  This  unwelcome 
reception,  and  the  shoal  water  of  the  place,*  determined 
them  to  seek  further.  They  sailed  along  the  shore  as 
near  as  the  extensive  shoals  would  permit,  but  saw  no 
harbor.  The  weather  began  to  look  threatening,  and 
Coppin  assured  them  that  they  might  reach  the  harbor, 
of  which  he  had  some  knowledge,  before  night.  Tho 
wind  being  south-easterly  they  put  themselves  before  it.f 
After  some  hours  it  began  to  rain  ;  the  storm  increasing, 
their  rudder  broke,  their  mast  sprung,  and  their  sails 
fell  overboard.  In  this  piteous  plight,  steering  with 
two  oars,  the  wind  and  the  flood  tide  carried  them  into 
a  cove  full  of  breakers,  and  it  being  dark  they  were 
in  danger  of  being  driven  on  shore.  The  pilot  confessed 
that  he  knew  not  the  place  ;  but  a  stout  seaman,  who 
was  steering,  called  to  the  rowers  to  put  about  and  row 
hard.  This  cHbrt  happily  brought  them  out  of  the  cove, 
into  a  fair  sound,  and  under  a  point  of  land,  where  they 
came  safely  to  anchor.  They  were  divided  in  then 
opinions  about  goii.'g  on  shore  ;  but  about  midnight, 
the  wind  shifting  to  tl:e  north-west  ;  the  severity  of  tlu< 
cold  made  a  fire  necessary.  They  therefore  got  on 
shore,  and  with  some  difficulty  kindled  a  fire,  and  rested 
in  safety. 

In  the  morning  they  found  themselves  on  a  small 
uninhabited  island,  within  the  entrance  of  a  spacious 
bay.t  Here  they  staid  all  the  next  day  (Saturday) 
drying  their  clothes,  cleaning  their  arms,  and  repairing, 
as  well  as  they  could,  their  shallop.  The  following 
day,  being  the  Christian  Sabbath,  they  rested. 

On  Monday,  December  11th,  they  surveyed  ari 
sounded  the  bay,  which  is  described  to  be  "  in  the  shape 
of  a  fish  hook  ;  a  good  harbor  for  shipp'.ng,  larger  than 
that  of  Ca|)e  ('od  ;  containing  two  small  islands  with- 
out inhabitants  ;  innumerable  store  of  fowls,  difleren; 
sorts  of  fish,  besides  shell-fish  in  abundance.  As  Ihey 
inarched  into  the  land.i^  they  found  corn  fields  and 
brooks,  and  a  very  good  situation  for  building."  With 
this  joyful  news  they  returned  to  the  company  ;  and 
on  the  16th  of  December  the  ship  came  to  ar.chor  m 
tho  harbor,  with  all  the  passengers,  except  four,  who 
died  at  Cape  Cod 

Having  surveyed  the  land,  as  well  as  the  seasoa 
would  permit  in  three  days  ;  they  pitched  upon  a  high 
ground  on  the  southwest  side  of  the  bay,  which  was 
cleared  of  wood,  and  had  formerly  been  planted.  Un- 
der the  south  side  of  it,  was  "  a  very  sweet  brook  in 
the  entrance  of  which  the  shallop  and  boats  could  be 
secured,  and  many  delicate  springs  of  as  good  w  ater  as 
could  be  drank.''  On  the  opposite  side  of  the  brook 
was  a  cleared  field,  and  beyond  it  a  commanding  emi- 
nence, on  which  they  intended  to  lay  a  jdatfonn,  and 
mount  their  cannon. 

They  went  immediately  to  work,  laying  out  house- 
lots,  and  a  street  ;  felling,  sawing,  riving  and  carrying 
timber  ;  and  before  the  end  of  December,  though  much 
interrupted  by  stormy  weather,  by  the  death  of  two, 
and  the  sickness  of  many  of  their  nnmbi  r,  they  had 
erected  a  storehouse,  with  a  thatched  roof,  in  which 
their  goods  were  deposited  under  a  guard.  Two  rows 
of  houses  were  begun,  and  as  fast  as  they  could  be  co- 
vered, the  people,  who  were  classed  into  nineteen  fami- 
lies, came  ashore,  and  lodged  in  them.  On  Lord's 
dav,  the  31st  of  December,  they  atiended  divine  ser- 
vice, for  the  first  time  on  shore,  and  named  the  place 
I'l.VMOiiTH  ;  partly  because  this  harbor  was  so  called 
111  Captain  Smith's  map,  published  three  or  four  years 
before,  and  partly  in  remembrance  of  the  very  kind  and 

*  Morton  says,  "  This  is  lliouglil  lo  be  a  place  called  Nam- 
skeket."  A  creek  which  now  bears  the  HHiue  of  ^kakit,  lies 
between  Eastham  and  Harwich;  distant  al)out  three  or  lour 
miles  wcstw.ird  from  Nausct ;  the  seal  of  a  tribe  of  Indians 
who  (as  they  afterward.s  Icirned)  made  lliis  attack. 

t  The  distance  directly  across  the  hay  from  Skakit  is  about 
twelve  leagues ;  in  Prince's  Annals  it  is  said  they  sailed  fifleoD 
leagues, 

t  This  isKind  lias  ever  since  borne  Ihe  name  of  Clark  s 
Island,  from  the  mate  of  the  ship,  the  first  man  who  stepped 
on  shore.  The  cove  where  they  were  in  danger,  lies  betw  eon 
the  Gurnet  Head,  and  Saguish  Point,  at  the  onlrancc  ol  Ply- 
mouth Dav. 

<)  The  lock  on  which  they  first  stepped  ashore,  at  hitrh 
water  is  now  encloscil  with  a  w  harf.  The  upper  part  of  it 
has  been  separated  from  the  lower  pait,  and  drawn  inlo  tl.s 
public  sijuiire  of  Ihe  lown  of  I'lvmoulh,  where  it  is  d;«- 
liiiguished  by  the  name  of  The  Korefather".*  Rock.  Tlie  tSd 
of  Deci'inber  (IJeoigian  style)  is  regarded  by  the  pooi  lo  of 
PI)  mouth  <ua  tostiv^. 


» 


BIOGRAPHIES  OF  TUT.  EARLY  DISCOVERERS. 


47 


friendly  treatment  which  they  hsJ  received  frojii  the 
inhahit:inls  of  I'lyiuoiilli,  the  last  port  of  their  native 
country  from  winch  they  sailed. 

At  this  lime  some  of  the  jicople  lodged  on  shore, 
and  otiicrs  on  board  the  ship,  which  lay  at  the  dixlancc 
of  a  mile  and  a  half  from  •he  town  ;  and  when  the  tide 
was  ont,  there  could  he  no  communication  between 
them.  On  the  14th  of  Jatuiary,  very  early  in  the 
morning,  as  Governor  ('arver  and  Mr.  Bradford  lay 
sick  in  bed  at  the  storehouse,  the  thatched  roof,  by 
means  of  a  spark,  caught  on  fire,  and  was  soon  con- 
sumed ;  but  by  the  timely  assistance  of  the  people  on 
shore,  the  lower  part  of  the  building  was  preserved. 
Here  were  deposited  their  whole  stock  of  anununilioii, 
and  several  loaded  guns  ;  but  happily  the  tire  did  not 
reach  them.  The  tire  was  seen  by  the  people  on  hoard 
the  ship,  who  could  not  come  on  shore  till  an  hour  af- 
terwards. I'hcy  were  greatly  alarmed  at  the  appear- 
ance, because  two  men,  who  had  strolled  into  the 
woods,  were  missing,  and  they  were  apprehensive  that 
the  Indians  had  made  an  attack  on  the  place.  In  the 
evening  the  strollers  found  their  way  liome,  almost 
dead  with  hunger,  fatigue  and  cold. 

The  bad  weather  and  severe  hardships  to  which  this 
comnany  were  exposed,  in  a  climate  much  more  rigor- 
ous than  any  to  which  they  had  ever  been  accustomed, 
with  the  scorbutic  habits  contracted  in  their  voyage, 
and  by  living  so  long  on  shipboard,  caused  a  great 
mortality  among  them  in  the  winter.  Before  the  month 
of  April,  nearly  one  half*  of  them  died.  At  some 
times,  the  number  of  the  sick  was  so  great,  that  not 
more  than  six  or  seven  were  fit  for  duty,  and  these  were 
almost  wholly  em|)loycd  in  attending  the  sick.  The 
ship's  company  was  in  the  same  situation  ;  and  Cap- 
tain Jones,  though  earnestly  desirous  to  get  away, 
was  obliged  to  stay  till  April,  having  lost  one  lialf  of  his 
men. 

By  the  beginning  of  March,  the  governor  was  so  far 
recovered  of  his  first  illness,  that  he  was  able  to  walk 
three  miles,  to  visit  a  large  (lond  which  Francis  Bil- 
lington  had  discovered  from  the  top  of  a  tree  on  a  hill. 
At  first  it  was  supposed  to  be  part  of  the  ocean  ;  but 
It  proved  to  bo  the  head  water  of  the  brook  which  runs 
by  ihe  town.  It  has  ever  since  borne  the  name  of  the 
first  discoverer,  which  would  otherwise  have  been  for- 
gotten. 

Hitherto  thoy  had  not  seen  any  of  the  natives  at  this 
lacp.  The  mortal  pestilence  which  raged  through  the 
country,  four  years  before,  had  almost  depopulated  it. 
One  remarkable  circumstance  attending  this  pestilencs 
VV13  not  known  till  after  this  settlement  was  made.  A 
French  ship  had  been  wrecked  on  Cape  Cod.  The 
nirn  were  saved,  and  the  provisions  and  goods.  The 
psi.ves  kept  their  eye  on  them  till  they  found  an  oj)- 
porrur.ity  to  kill  all  but  three  or  four,  and  divide  their 
goods.  The  captives  were  sent  from  one  tribe  to  ano- 
ther, as  slaves.  One  of  them  learned  so  much  of  their 
language,  as  to  tell  them  that  "  God  was  angry  with 
them  for  their  cruelly,  and  would  destroy  them,  and 
glTc  their  country  to  another  people."  They  answered 
that  "they  were  too  many  for  God  to  kill."  He  re- 
plied, that  "  if  they  were  ever  so  many,  God  had  many 
ways  to  kill  them  of  which  they  were  then  ignorant." 
When  the  pestilence  came  among  them,  (a  new  disease, 
probably  the  yellow  fever,)  they  remembered  the 
Frenchman's  words  ;  and  when  the  Plymouth  settlers 
arrived  at  Cap  Cod,  the  few  survivors  imagined  that 
the  other  part  of  his  prediction  would  soon  be  accom- 
plished. Soon  after  their  arrival,  the  Indian  priests  or 
powows  convened,  and  performed  their  incantations  in 
a  dark  swamp  three  days  successively,  with  a  view  to 
curse  and  destroy  the  new  comers.  Had  they  known 
the  mortality  which  raged  among  them,  they  would 
doubtless  have  rejoiced  m  the  success  of  their  endea- 
vors, and  might  very  easily  have  taken  advantage  of 
their  weakness  to  exterminate  them  But  none  of 
them  were  seen  till  after  the  sickness  had  abated  ; 
though  some  tools,  which  had  been  left  in  the  woods, 
were  imssing,  which  they  had  stolen  in  the  night. 

On  the  sixteenth  of  Mirch,  when  the  spring  was  so 
far  advanced  as  to  invite  them  to  make  their  gardens,  a 
savage  came  boldly  into  the  place  alone,  walked  through 
the  street  to  the  rendezvous  or  storehouse,  and  pro- 
nounced the  words  Welcome  E/ifrlMmcn  !  his  name 
was  Samoset  ;  he  belonged  to  a  jilace  distant  five  days 


*  The  exact  bill  of  mortality  as  collected  by  Mr.  Prince,  is 
»s  follows :  ' 

In  December,  6  Of  these,   21  were  subscribers  to 

ill  iT"""'''    .5  Ihe  civil  compact. 

In  February,  17  and    23  were  women,  chil- 

*  "^'•<=''.      13  drcn  and  servants. 


Total,  a 


U 


journey  to  the  eastward,  and  had  learned  of  the  fisher- 
men to  speak  broken  English. 

He  was  received  with  kindness  and  hospitality,  and 
he  informed  them,  "that  by  the  late  pestilence,  and  a 
ferocious  war,  Ihe  number  of  his  countrymen  had  been 
so  diminished,  that  not  more  than  one  in  twenty  re- 
mained ;  that  the  spot  where  they  were  now  seated 
was  called  I'atukset,  and  though  formerly  |)Opu!ous, 
yet  every  human  being  in  it  had  died  of  the  pestilence." 
This  account  was  conhrined  by  the  extent  of  the  fields, 
the  number  of  graves,  and  the  remnants  of  skeletons 
lying  on  the  ground. 

The  account  which  he  gave  of  himself,  was,  "  that 
he  had  been  absent  from  home  eight  moons,  part  of 
the  time  among  the  Nausets,  their  nearest  neighbors  a' 
the  southeast,  who  were  •about  one  hundred  strong,  and 
more  lately  among  the  Wompaneags  at  the  westward, 
who  were  about  sixty  ;  that  he  had  heard  of  the  attack 
made  on  them  by  the  Nausets  at  Namskeket  ;  that 
these  people  were  full  of  resentment  against  the  Euro- 
peans, on  account  of  the  perhdy  of  Hunt,  master  of  an 
English  vessel,  who  had  some  years  before  the  pesti- 
lence decoyed  some  of  the  natives,  (twenty  from  Patuk- 
set  and  seven  from  Naiieet)  on  hoard  his  ship,  and  sold 
them  abroad  as  slaves  ;  that  thoy  had  killed  three  Eng- 
lish fishermen,  besides  the  Frenchmen  aforementioned 
in  revenge  for  this  ati'ront.  He  also  gave  information 
of  the  lost  tools,  and  promised  to  see  them  restored ; 
and  that  he  would  brinsr  the  natives  to  trade  with  them." 

Samoset  l)eing  dismissed  with  a  present,  returned 
the  next  day  with  five  more  of  the  natives,  bringing 
the  stolen  tools,  and  a  few  skins  for  trade.  They  were 
dismissed  with  a  request  to  bring  more,  which  they  pro- 
mised in  a  few  days.  Samoset  feigned  himself  sick, 
and  remained  ;  but  as  his  companions  did  not  return  at 
the  time,  he  was  sent  to  inquire  the  reason. 

On  the  22iid  he  returned,  in  company  with  Squanto 
or  Squantum,  a  native  of  Patukset,  and  the  only  one 
then  living.  Fle  was  one  of  the  twenty  whom  Hunt 
had  carried  away  ;  he  had  been  sold  m  Spain,  had  lived 
in  London  with  John  Slany  Merchant,  Treasurer  of  the 
Newfoundland  Company  ;  had  learned  tlie  English 
language,  and  came  back  to  his  native  country  with  the 
fishermen.  ^I'hcse  two  persons  were  deputed  by  the 
sachem  of  the  Wompaneags,  Ma-sass-o-il,*  whose  re- 
sidence was  at  Sowams  or  Pokanoket,  on  the  Narra- 
ganset  Bay,  to  announce  his  coming,  and  bring  some 
skins  as  a  present.  In  about  an  hour,  the  sachem, 
with  hi3  brother  Qu.a-dc-qm-7iah,  and  his  whole  force  of 
oixty  men,  appeared  on  the  hill  over  against  them. 
Squantum  was  sent  to  know  his  pleasure,  and  returned 
with  the  sachem's  request,  that  one  of  the  company 
should  come  to  him.  Edward  Winslow  immediately 
went  alone,  carrying  a  present  in  his  hand,  with  the  go- 
vernor s  compliments,  desiring  to  see  the  sachem,  and 
enter  on  a  friendly  treaty.  Masassoit  left  Winslow  in 
the  custody  of  his  brother,  to  whom  another  present  was 
made,  and  taking  twenty  of  his  men,  unarmed,  descend- 
ed the  hill  towards  the  l)rook,  over  which  lay  a  log  bridge. 
Captain  Miles  Standish,  at  the  head  of  six  men,  met 
him  at  the  brook,  and  escorted  him  and  his  train  to  one 
of  the  best  houses,  where  throe  or  four  cushions  were 
placed  on  a  green  rug,  spread  over  the  fioor.  The 
governor  came  in,  proceeded  by  a  drum  and  trumpet, 
the  sound  of  which  greatly  delighted  the  Indians. 
■\fter  mutual  salutations,  ho  entered  into  conversation 
with  the  sachem,  which  issued  in  a  treaty.  The  arti- 
cles were,  "(1.)  That  neither  ho  nor  his  should  injure 
any  of  our's.  (2.)  That  if  they  did,  ho  should  send  the 
ofl'ender,  that  we  might  punish  him.  (3.)  That  if  our 
tools  were  taken  away,  ho  should  restore  them.  (4.) 
That  if  any  unjuslly  warred  against  him,  we  would  aid 
him  ;  and  if  any  warred  against  us,  he  should  aid  us. 
(.')  )  'I'hat  he  should  certify  'lis  neii^libor  confederates 
of  this,  that  they  might  not  wrong  us,  but  be  comprised 
in  the  conditions  of  peace.  (C.)  That  when  tfieir  men 
came  to  us,  they  should  leave  their  bows  and  arrows 
behind  them  ;  as  we  should  leave  our  pieces  when  we 
came  to  them.  (7.)  That  in  doing  thus.  King  JaiMES 
would  esteem  him  as  his  friend  and  ally." 

The  conference  being  ended,  and  the  company  hav- 
ing been  entertained  with  such  refreshments  as  the 
place  alForded,  the  sachem  returned  to  his  camp.  This 
treaty,  the  work  of  one  day,  being  honestly  intended  on 
both  sides,  was  kept  with  fidelity  as  long  as  Masassoil 
lived,  but  was  afterward  broken  by  Philip,  his  successor. 

The  next  day  .Masassoit  sent  for  some  of  the  English 
to  visit  him.    Captain  Standish  and  Isaac  Allerion 


»  Mr.  I'nnce  says  that  Ma-sass-o-it  is  a  word  of  four  syl- 
lables, and  was  so  pronounced  by  the  ancient  people  of  Piy- 
mouth.  Tliis  remark  is  conliriiied  by  Iho  manner  m  winch 
it  is  spelled  in  some  parts  ot  Mr.  VVinslow"s  Narrative,  Ma- 
sas-o-wat. 


went,  were  kindly  received,  and  treated  with  ground- 
nuts and  tobacco. 

The  sachem  then  returned  to  his  head-quarters,  dis- 
tant about  forty  miles  ;  but  Squantum  and  Samoset  ro- 
mained  at  Plymouth,  and  mstructfcd  the  peojilc  how  to 
plant  their  corn,  and  dress  it  with  herrings,  of  which  an 
immense  quantity  came  into  the  brooks.  The  ground 
which  they  planted  with  corn  was  tvvanty  acres.  Thf  y 
sowed  six  acres  with  barley  and  peas ;  the  form>  I 
yielded  an  indiH'erent  crop  ;  but  the  latter  were  parched 
with  the  heat,  and  came  to  nothing. 

Whilst  they  were  engaged  in  this  labor,  in  which  all 
were  alike  employed,  on  the  5th  of  April,  (the  day  on 
which  the  ship  sailed  Ibr  England)  Governor  Carver 
came  out  of  the  field,  at  noon,  complaining  of  a  pain  in 
his  head,  caused  by  the  heat  of  Ihe  sun.  It  soon  d  '- 
prived  him  of  his  senses,  and  in  a  few  days  i)nt  an  end 
to  his  life,  to  the  great  grief  of  tliis  infant  plantation. 
He  was  buried  with  all  the  honors  which  coulil  be 
shown  to  the  memory  of  a  good  man  bv  a  grateful  peo- 
ple. The  men  were  under  arms,  and  lireiJ  stvetai  Tol- 
!ies  over  his  grave.  His  alfeciionate  wife,  overcomt 
with  her  loss,  survived  him  but  six  weeks. 

Mr.  Carver  is  represented  as  a  man  of  great  prudence, 
integrity,  and  firmness  of  mind.  He  had  a  goc  l  cstat" 
in  England,  which  he  spent  in  the  emigration  to  Jlol- 
iand  and  America.  He  was  one  of  liic  loremost  in  ac- 
tion, and  bore  a  large  share  of  sulTerings  in  the  service 
of  the  colony,  who  confided  in  him  as  their  friend  and 
father,  i'lety,  humility,  and  lienevolence,  were  emi- 
nent traits  in  his  character  ;  and  it  is  particularly  re- 
marked, that  in  the  time  of  general  sickness,  which  bc- 
fel  the  colony,  and  with  which  he  was  ali'ected,  alter  he 
had  himself  recovered,  he  was  assiduous  in  attcndintr 
the  sick,  and  performing  the  most  humiliating  services 
Ibr  them,  without  any  distinction  of  persons  or  charac- 
ters. 

One  of  his  grandsons  lived  to  the  age  of  one  hundred 
and  two  years  ;  and  about  the  middle  of  the  present 
century  (1755)  he,  his  son,  grandson,  and  great  grand- 
son, were  all,  at  the  same  time,  at  work  in  the  same 
field,  whilst  an  infant  of  the  fifth  generation  was  within 
the  house,  at  Marshfield. 

Tlie  memory  of  Governor  Carver  is  still  held  in  ei*- 
teem  ;  a  ship  belonging  to  Plymouth  now  bears  his 
name  ;  and  hi.s  broadsword  is  deposited,  as  a  curiosity, 
in  the  cabinet  of  the  Historical  Society,  at  Boston 


WILLIAM  BRADFORD. 

William  Bradford — His  Birth  and  Education— Rem ovrs  to 
Amsterdam — Accompanies  llie  Adventurers  to  New  Eng- 
land— His  Wife  Drowned — Chosen  Governor  of  New  I'ly- 
mouth — Conspiracy  of  the  In,Iians — He  adouts  Measures  of 
Defence — Surrenders  the  Patent  to  the  Colony — His  Dealt) 
and  Character— His  Descendants. 

William  Bradford  was  bom  in  1588,  at  Anster- 
field,  an  obscure  village  in  the  North  of  England.  His 
parents  dying  when  he  was  young,  he  was  educated, 
first  by  his  grand-parents,  and  afterwards  by  his  uncles, 
in  the  practice  of  agriculture.  His  paternal  inheritance 
was  considerable  ;  but  he  had  no  other  learning  but 
&uch  as  generally  falls  to  the  share  of  the  children  of 
husbandmen. 

At  twelve  years  of  age,  his  mind  became  seriously 
impressed  by  divine  truth,  in  reading  the  Scriptures  ; 
and  as  he  increased  in  years,  a  native  firmness  enabled 
him  to  vindicate  his  opinions  against  0|)position.  Beii;g 
stigmatized  as  a  Separatist,  he  was  obliged  to  bear  the 
frowns  of  his  relatives,  and  the  scoff  of  his  neighbors  ; 
but  nothing  could  divert  or  intimidate  him  from  attend- 
ing on  the  ministry  of  Mr.  Richard  Clifton,  and  con- 
necting himself  with  the  church  over  which  he  and  Mr 
Robinson  presided. 

\\'hen  he  was  eighteen  years  old,  he  joined  in  theit 
attempt  to  go  over  to  Holland,  and  was  one  ol  the 
seven  who  were  imprisoned  at  Boston,  in  Lincolnshire, 
as  is  already  related  in  the  life  of  Itobmsoii  ;  but  he 
was  soon  liberated  on  account  of  his  youth.  He  was 
also  one  of  tiiosc  who,  the  next  year,  lied  from  Grimsby 
Common,  when  part  of  the  company  went  to  sea,  and 
part  were  taken  by  the  pursuivants. 

After  some  time,  he  went  over  to  Zealand,  through 
various  ditliculties  ;  and  was  no  sooner  set  on  shore, 
than  a  malicious  passenger  in  the  same  vessel,  accused 
him  before  the  Dutch  magistrates,  as  a  fugitive  from 
England.  But  when  they  understood  the  cause  of  his 
emigration,  they  gave  him  protection,  and  permission 
to  join  his  brethren  at  Amsterdam. 

It  being  impossible  for  him  to  prosecute  agriculture 
in  Holland,  he  was  obliged  to  betake  himself  to  some 
other  business  ;  and  being  then  under  age,  he  put  him- 
self as  an  apprentice  to  a  French  J'lolcstant,  wlio 


48 


AMERICAN  HISTORY. 


tau^t  him  tl  -9  art  of  silk-dviiig.  As  soon  as  he  at- 
tajiie<i  the  years  of  manhood,  he  sold  his  paternal  estate 
III  England,  and  entered  on  a  commercial  life,  in  which 
he  was  not  very  successful. 

When  the  Church  of  Leyden  contemplated  a  re- 
moval to  America,  Bradford  zealously  engaged  in  the 
undertaking,  and  came  witli  the  first  coinjjany.  in  1620, 
to  Cape  Cod.  Whilst  the  ship  lay  in  that  harbor,  he 
■was  one  of  the  foremost  in  the  several  hazardous  at- 
tempts to  find  a  proper  place  for  the  seal  of  the  colony 
in  one  of  which  he,  with  others  of  the  principal  per- 
Bons,  narrt'wly  escaped  tlie  destruction  whicli  threat- 
ened their  shallop.  On  his  return  from  this  excursion 
to  the  ship  with  the  joyful  news  of  having  found  an 
lurhor,  and  a  place  for  settlement,  he  had  the  mortifi- 
cition  to  hear  that,  during  his  absence,  his  wife  had 
»ccidcntaily  fallen  into  the  sea,  and  was  drowned. 

After  the  sudden  death  of  Governor  Carver,  the  infant 
colony  cast  their  eyes  on  Bradford  to  succeed  him  ; 
but  being  at  that  time  so  very  ill,  that  hii  life  was  de- 
spaired of,  they  waited  for  his  recovery,  and  then  in- 
vested him  with  the  command.  He  was  in  the  thirty- 
third  year  of  his  age  ;  his  wisdom,  piety,  fortitude,  atid 
gix)dness  of  heart,  were  so  conspicuous  as  to  merit  the 
sincere  esteem  of  the  people.  Carver  had  been  alone 
in  command.  They  confided  in  his  prudence,  that  he 
wo-jld  not  adventure  on  any  matter  of  moment  without 
the  consent  of  the  peO[)le,  or  the  advice  of  the  wisest. 
Ta  Bradford  they  ap))ointcd  an  assistant,  Isaac  Aller- 
tOM,  not  because  tliey  had  not  the  same  confidence  in 
h'lii,  but  [Kirtly  for  the  sake  of  regularity,  and  partly  on 
8<  count  of  his  precarious  health.  They  appointed  but 
o'.ie,  because  they  were  so  reduced  in  number,  tJiat  to 
have  made  a  greater  disproportion  between  rulers  and 
people  would  have  been  absurd  ;  and  they  knew  that 
it  would  always  be  in  their  power  to  increase  the  num- 
ber at  their  pleasure.  Their  voluntary  combination 
•was  designed  only  as  a  temporary  expedient,  till  they 
sliould  obtain  a  charter  under  the  authority  of  their  sove- 
reign. 

One  of  the  first  acts  of  Bradford's  administration, 
was,  by  the  advice  of  the  company,  to  send  Edward 
Winslow  and  Stephen  Hopkins  to  Masassoit.  with 
Squanto  for  their  guide.  The  design  of  this  embassy 
was  to  explore  the  country,  to  confirm  the  league,  to 
iearn  the  situation  and  strength  of  their  new  friend,  to 
carry  some  jiresonts,  to  apologize  for  some  misbehavior, 
to  regulate  the  intercourse  between  them  and  t.he  In- 
dians, and  to  procure  seed-corn  for  the  next  planting 
•itason. 

These  gentlemen  found  the  sachem  at  Pokanoket,* 
about  forty  miles  from  Plymouth.  They  delivered  the 
presents,  renewed  the  friendship,  and  satisfied  them- 
Eci.e;)  respecting  the  strength  of  the  natives,  which  did 
not  appear  formidable,  nor  was  the  entertainment  which 
they  received  either  liberal  or  splendid.  The  marks  of 
desolation  and  death,  by  reason  of  the  pestilence,  were 
very  conspicuous,  in  all  the  country  through  which  they 
passed  ;  but  they  were  informed  that  the  Narragansets, 
who  residsd  on  the  western  shore  of  the  bay  of  that 
name,  '.vere  very  numerous,  and  that  the  pestilence  had 
not  reached  them. 

After  the  return  of  this  embassy,  another  was  sent 
to  Nauset,  to  recover  a  boy  who  had  straggled  from 
I'lymouth.  and  hud  oeen  taken  up  by  some  of  the  In- 
dians of  that  place.  They  were  so  fortunate  as  to  re- 
lover  the  boy,  and  to  nuikc  peace  with  Aspinct  the 
SRchcm,  when  they  paid  lor  the  seed-corn  which  '.hey 
had  takfii  out  of  the  ground  at  I'aomet,  in  the  preced- 
ing autumn.  During  this  expedition  an  old  woman, 
who  had  never  before  seen  any  white  people,  burst  into 
tears  of  grief  and  rage  at  the  sight  of  them.  She  had 
lost  three  sons  by  the  [lerfidy  of  'J'homas  Hunt,  who 
decoyed  them,  with  others,  on  board  his  ship,  and  sold 
them  for  slaves.  Sipianto,  who  was  present,  told  her 
that  he  had  been  carried  away  at  the  same  time  ;  that 
}Iunt  was  a  bad  man  ;  that  his  countrymen  disapproved 
bis  conduct,  and  that  the  English  at  Plymouth  would 
t)ot  otTer  them  any  injury.  This  declaration,  accom- 
pinied  by  a  small  prcstuit,  appeased  her  anger,  though 
It  was  impossible  to  remove  the  cause  of  her  griel". 

It  was  fortunate  for  the  colony  that  they  had  secured 
the  friend.-.hip  of  iVIasassoit  ;  for  his  influence  was  found 
to  be  very  extensive.  He  wts  regarded  and  reve- 
renced by  all  the  natives,  from  the  bay  of  Narragansct 

'  This  was  a  Kcm  ral  name  for  llic  nortlicrn  shore  of  the 
NarraKansi't  liny,  between  rrovidoiire  and  T.iiinlon  rivers, 
and  coinprchcndini;  the  present  to»  nshii's  of  Rri.stol,  Warr«ii, 
viU  Uiimn;<lon,  in  the  State  of  Ulioilr  I.slniiil,  »iiil  Swaiizey 
111  M^iwsru-liMHetls.  Its  northern  extriil  i.s  unknown.  The 
niinnpHl  M  ils  of  llie  Ka.'lirin  wt  re  at  Sowains  nnii  Kikciniiil. 
S'Uf  fortiH  r  IS  a  niM'k  of  Uinl  Inriiie'l  by  Ihc  ronlhii'nce  uf 
ta«iiUi«toii  uiiJ  i'aluivr'i  rivirs  ;  lliu  latter  i.s  Muuiil  lloixj 


that  of  Massachusetts.  Though  some  of  the  petty 
sachems  were  disposed  to  be  jealo"s  of  the  new  co- 
lony, and  to  disturb  its  peace,  yet  thei.  mutual  connec- 
tion with  Masassoit  proved  the  means  of  its  preserva- 
tion ;  as  a  proof  of  which,  nine  of  the  sachems  volun- 
tarily came  to  Plymouth,  and  subscribed  an  instrument 
of  submission  in  the  following  terms,  viz. 

"September  13,  Anno  Domini  1621.    Know  all 
men  by  these  presents,  that  we,  whose  names  are  un- 
derwritten, do  acknowledge  ourselves  to  be  the  loyal 
subjects  of  King  James,  king  of  (ireat-liritain  France, 
and  Ireland,  Defender  of  the  Faith,  &c.    In  witness 
whereof,  anil  as  a  testimonial  of  the  same,  we  have 
subscribed  our  names,  or  marks,  as  followeth ; 
Ohquamehud,    Nattawahunt,  Quadequina, 
Cawnacome,     Caunbatant,  Huttamoiden, 
Obbatmua,        Chikatabak,  Apannow." 

Hobamak,  another  of  these  subordinate  chiefs,  came 
and  took  up  liis  residence  at  Plymouth,  where  he 
continued  as  a  faithful  guide  and  interpreter  as  long  as 
he  lived,  'i'he  Indians  of  the  island  of  Ca|iawock, 
which  had  now  obtained  the  name  of  Martha's  or  Mar- 
tin's Vineyard,  also  sent  messengers  of  peace. 

Having  heard  much  of  thc^Bay  of  Massachusette, 
both  from  the  Indians  and  the  English  fishermen.  Go- 
vernor Biadford  appointed  ten  men,  with  Squanto,  and 
two  other  Indians,  to  visit  the  place,  and  trade  with 
the  natives.  On  the  18th  of  September,  they  sailed 
in  a  shallop,  and  the  next  day  got  to  the  bottom  of  the 
bay,  where  they  landed  under  a  cliH,*  and  were  kindly 
received  by  Obbatinewa,  the  sachem  who  had  sub- 
scribed the  submission  at  Plymouth  a  few  days  before. 
He  renewed  his  submission,  and  received  a  promise  of 
assistance  and  defence  against  the  Squaw  Sachem  of 
Massachusetts,  and  other  enemies. 

The  appearance  of  this  bay  was  pleasing.  They  saw 
the  mouths  of  two  rivers  which  emptied  into  it.  The 
islands  were  cleared  of  wood,  and  had  been  planted  ; 
but  most  of  the  |)C0ple  who  had  inhabited  them  either 
were  dead,  or  had  removed.  Those  who  remained 
were  continually  in  fear  of  the  Tarratones,  who  fre- 
quently came  from  the  eastward  in  a  hostile  manner, 
and  robbed  them  of  their  corn.  In  one  of  these  pre- 
datory invasions,  Nanepashamet,  a  sachem,  had  been 
slain  ;  his  body  lay  buried  under  a  fituiie,  surrounded 
by  an  intrenchment  and  palisade.  A  monument  on  the 
top  of  a  hill  desiiinated  the  place  where  he  was  killed. 

Having  explored  the  bay,  and  collected  some  beaver, 
the  shallop  returned  to  Plymouth,  and  brought  so  good 
a  report  of  the  place,  that  the  jieople  wished  ihe^  had 
been  seated  there.  Bui  having  planted  corn  and  built 
huts  at  Plymouth,  and  being  there  in  security  from  the 
natives,  they  judged  the  motives  for  continuance  to  be 
stronger  than  for  removal.  Many  of  their  posterity 
having  jndged  otherwise. 

In  iSovcmber,  a  ship  arrived  from  England,  with  thir- 
ty-five passengers,  to  augment  the  colony.  Unhappily 
they  wore  so  short  of  provision,  that  the  [icoplc  of  Ply- 
mouth were  obliged  to  victual  the  ship  home,  and  then 
put  themselves  and  the  new  comers  to  half  allowance. 
Before  the  next  spring,  (1622)  the  colony  began  to  feel 
the  rigor  of  famine.  In  the  height  of  this  distress, 
the  governor  received  from  Canonicus,  Sachem  of 
Narragansct,  a  threatening  message,  in  the  emblematic 
style  of  the  ancient  Scythians  ;  a  bundle  of  arrows, 
bound  with  the  skin  of  a  serpent.  The  governor  sent 
an  an.swer  in  the  same  style,  the  skin  of  the  serpent  fill- 
ed with  |)Owdor  and  ball.  The  N'arragansets,  afraid  of 
its  contents,  sent  it  back  unoiicned  ;  and  here  the  cor- 
respondence ended. 

It  was  now  judged  proper  to  fortify  the  town.  Ac- 
cordingly it  was  surrounded  with  a  stockade  and  four 
riankarts  ;  a  guard  was  kept  by  day  and  night,  the  com- 
pany being  divided  into  four  sijuadrons.  A  select 
nuniber  were  apjiointed,  in  case  of  accidental  lire,  t(> 
mount  guard  with  tbi'ir  backs  to  the  fire,  to  ])revenl  a 
surprise  from  the  Indians.  Within  the  stockade  was 
enclosed  the  top  of  the  hill,  under  which  the  town  was 
built,  and  a  sulficiency  of  land  for  a  garden  to  each 
family.  The  works  were  begun  in  February  and  fin- 
ished in  March. 

At  this  time  the  famine  was  very  severe.  Fish  and 
spring  waters  were  the  only  provision  on  which  tlx  neo- 
ple  subsisted,  'i'he  want  of  bread  reduced  their  llesh  ; 
yet,  they  had  so  much  health  and  .spirit,  that,  on  hear- 
ing of  the  massacre  in  Virginia,  they  erected  an  addi- 
tional fort  on  the  top  of  the  lull,  with  a  flat  roof,  on 
which  the  guns  were  mounted  ;  the  lower  story  served 
them  for  a  ))lace  of  worship.  Sixty  acres  of  ground 
were  planted  with  corn  ;  and  their  gardens  were  sown 

*  Sui>pu9vd  to  Iw  Cupp'ii  Uill  ill  lliu  luwii  of  Doalon. 


with  the  seeds  of  other  esculent  vegttablea,  in  great 
plenty. 

The  anival  of  two  ships  with  a  new  colony,  sent  out 
by  Thomas  Weston,  but  without  provisions,  was  an 
additional  misfortune.  Some  of  the.se  people  being 
sick,  were  lodged  in  the  hospital  at  Plymouth  till  thoy 
wcie  so  far  recovered  as  to  join  their  companionD, 
who  seated  themselves  at  Wessagusset,  since  called 
Wcyniouth. 

The  first  supply  of  provisions  was  obtained  from  the 
fishing  vessels  ;  of  which  thirty-five  came  this  spring, 
Irom  England  to  the  coast.  In  August,  two  ships  ar- 
rived with  trading  goods  ;  which  the  planters  bought  at 
a  great  disadvantage,  giving  beaver  in  exchange.  The 
summer  being  dry,  and  the  harvest  short,  it  became 
necessary  to  make  excursions  among  the  natives,  to 
procure  corn  and  beans,  with  the  goods  |>urchascd  from 
the  ships.  Governor  Bradford  undertook  this  service, 
having  Squanto  for  his  guide  and  interpreter  ;  who  was 
taken  i!)  on  the  jiassagc,  and  died  at  Manomoik.  Be- 
fore his  death,  he  requested  the  governor  to  pray  for 
him,  "  that  he  might  go  to  the  Englishman's  God." 

In  these  excursions,  Mr.  Bradford  was  treated  by 
the  natives  with  great  respect ;  and  the  trade  was  con- 
ducted, on  both  parts,  with  justice  and  conlidciicc.  At 
Naueet,  the  shallop  being  stranded,  it  was  necessary  to 
put  the  com,  which  had  been  purchased,  in  stack  and 
leave  it  covered  with  mats  and  sedge,  in  the  care  of  the 
Indians,  whilst  the  governor  and  his  party  came  home, 
fifty  miles  on  foot.  It  remained  there  from  November 
to  January  ;  and  when  atiother  shallop  was  sent,  it  was 
found  in  perfect  safety,  and  'he  stranded  shallop  was 
covered. 

At  Namaskct,  [Middleborough]  an  inland  place,  h<J 
bought  another  quantity,  which  was  brought  home, 
partly  by  the  jieople  of  the  colony,  and  partly  by  the 
Indian  women  ;  tiieir  men  disdaining  to  bi;ar  burdens. 

At  Manomct,  [Sandwich]  he  bargained  for  more, 
which  he  was  obliged  to  leave  till  Alarcli,  when  Cap- 
tain Slandish  went  and  fetched  it  home,  the  Indian 
women  bringing  it  down  to  the  shallop.  The  whole 
quantity  thus  purchased,  amounted  to  twenty-eight 
hogsheads  of  corn  and  beans ;  of  w  hich  Weston's  peo- 
ple had  a  share,  as  they  had  joined  in  the  jiurchase. 

In  the  spring  [162:3]  the  governor  received  a  mes- 
sage from  Masassoit  that  he  was  sick  ;  on  which  occa- 
sion it  is  usual  for  all  the  friends  of  the  Indians  to  visit 
them,  or  send  them  jiresents.  Mr.  \\  inslow  again 
went  to  visit  the  sachem,  accompanied  by  Mr.  John 
ilamden,*  and  they  had  Hobamak  for  their  guide  and 
interpreter.  The  visit  was  very  consolatory  to  their 
sick  friend,  and  the  more  so,  as  Winslow  carried  him 
some  cordials,  and  made  him  broth  after  the  English 
mode,  which  contributed  to  his  recovery.  In  return 
for  this  friendly  attention,  Masassoit  communicated  to 
Hobamak  intelligence  of  a  dangerous  conspiracy  then 
in  agitation  among  the  Indians  which  he  had  been  soli- 
cited to  join.  Its  object  was  nothing  less  than  the  total 
extirjiation  of  the  English,  and  it  was  occasioned  by 
the  imprudent  conduct  of  Weston's  people  in  the  Bay 
of  Massachusetts.  The  Indians  had  it  in  contenqila- 
tion  to  make  them  the  first  victims,  and  then  to  fall  on 
the  peojile  of  Plymouth.  Masassoil's  advice  was  tha 
the  English  should  seize  and  put  to  death  the  chief  con- 
spirators, whoin  he  named  ;  and  said  that  this  wouki 
prc^vent  the  execution  of  the  plot.  Hobamak  commu- 
nicated this  secret  to  Winslow  as  they  were  returning  • 
and  It  was  reported  to  the  governor. 

On  this  alarming  occasion  the  whole  company  wero 
assembled  in  court,  and  the  news  was  imparted  to  them. 
Such  was  their  confidence  in  the  governor,  that  they 
unanimously  requested  him,  w  ith  .Vllerloii,  his  assistant, 
to  concert  the  best  measures  for  their  safety.  1'ho 
result  was  to  strengthen  the  fortifications,  lo  be  vigi- 
lant at  home,  and  to  send  such  a  force  to  thu  Bay  of 
Massachusetts,  under  Captain  Staiidish,  as  he  should 
judge  sullicient  to  crush  the  conspiracy.  An  Indian 
who  had  come  into  the  town  was  suspected  as  a  spy, 
and  confined  in  irons.  Slandish  with  eight  rhjsea 
men,  and  the  faithful  Hobamak,  went  in  the  shallop  tu 
Weston's  plantation,  having  goods  as  usual  to  trndo 
with  the  Indians.  Here  he  met  the  persons  who  had 
been  named  as  conspirators,  who  personally  insulted 

*  In  Wiiislow's  Journal,  Mr.  llrimilon  is  .laid  lo  be  "  ii  Kcn 
ticinan  of  Loiitlon,  who  then  wiiilercd  with  us,  and  desired 
much  to  sec  the  country."  1  suppose  this  to  be  the  tains 
person  w  ho  dislmguishcd  hlnisell  liy  his  opposition  lo  the  il- 
lci!:J  and  arbitral)  deiiKiiids  of  King  C  harles  1.  lie  h.id  pro 
viously  (l(i3T)  I'liibarkc^d  lor  New  England  with  tllivcr  Cruin 
well.  Sir  Arthur  Ihistong  and  others  ;  but  thoy  were  prj 
vented  from  coming  by  the  king's  "  proelamatioii  against 
disorderly  transporlmg  lus  majesty's  subjects  lo  Ine  pianta 
tions  in  America."  llaiiiden  w;*s  bom  in  16tH,  a;id  nsj  IxojU) 
wars  old  at  Ike  liiuc  of  his  bolDf  U  rijruoulh,  to  1003 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF  THE   EARLY  DISCOVERERS. 


49 


and  threatened  him.  A  quarrel  ensued,  in  which  seven 
of  the  Indians  were  killed.  The  others  were  so  struck 
Willi  terror,  that  they  forsook  their  houses  and  retreat- 
ed to  the  swamps,  where  many  of  them  died  with  cold 
and  huni^er;  the  survivors  would  hare  sued  for  peace, 
hut  were  afraid  to  ao  to  Plymouth.  Weston's  people 
were  so  apprehensive  of  the  consequences  of  this  af- 
fair, that  they  quitted  the  plantation  ;  and  the  people 
of  Plymouth,  who  olfercd  them  protection,  which  they 
would  not  accept,  were  glad  to  he  rid  of  such  troublc- 
Bome  neighbors. 

Thus,  l)y  the  spirited  conduct  of  a  handful  of  brave 
men,  in  conformity  to  the  advice  of  the  friendly  sa- 
chem, the  whole  conspiracy  was  annihilated.  15ut  when 
thu  report  of  this  transaction  was  carrieil  to  their  bre- 
thren in  Holland,  Mr.  Robinson,  in  his  next  letter  to 
the  governor,  lamented  with  great  concern  and  ten- 
derness, '■  O  that  you  had  converted  some,  before  you 
had  killed  any  !" 

The  scarcity  which  they  had  hitherto  experienced 
was  partlv  owing  to  the  increase  of  their  numbers,  and 
the  scantiness  of  their  supplies  from  Europe  ;  but 
principally  to  their  mode  of  laboring  in  common,  and 
putting  the  fruit  of  their  labor  into  the  public  store  ;  an 
error,  which  had  the  same  elfect  here,  as  in  Virginia. 
To  remedy  this  evil,  as  far  as  was  Consistent  with  their 
engagements,  it  was  agreed  in  the  spring  of  1623  that 
every  family  should  plant  for  themselves,  on  such 
ground  as  should  be  assigned  to  them  by  lot,  without 
any  division  for  inheritance  ;  and  that  in  the  time  of 
harvest  a  competent  portion  should  be  brought  into 
the  common  store,  for  the  maintenance  of  the  public 
officers,  fishermen  and  such  other  persons  as  could  not 
be  employed  in  agriculture.  This  regulation  gave  a 
spring  to  industry  ;  the  women  and  children  cheerfully 
went  to  work  with  the  men  in  the  fields,  and  much 
more  corn  was  planted  than  ever  before.  Having  but 
one  boat,  the  men  were  divided  into  parties  of  six  or 
seven,  who  took  their  turns  to  cat*  h  tish  ;  the  shore 
afforded  them  shell  fish,  and  ground  nuts  served  them 
for  bread.  When  any  deer  was  killed  the  flesh  was 
divided  among  the  whole  colony.  Water  fowl  came 
in  plenty  at  the  proper  season,  but  the  want  of  boats 
prevented  them  from  being  taken  in  great  numbers. 
Thus  they  subsisted,  through  the  third  summer,  in  the 
latter  end  of  which  two  vessels  arrived  with  sixty  pas- 
sengers. The  harvest  was  plentiful ;  and  after  this 
time  they  had  no  general  want  of  food,  because  they 
had  learned  to  depend  on  their  own  exertions,  rather 
than  on  foreign  supplies. 

The  combination  which  they  madc.before  their  land- 
ing at  Cape  Cod,  was  the  first  foundation  of  their  go- 
vernment ;  but,  as  they  were  driven  to  this  expedient  by 
necessity,  it  was  intended  to  subsist  no  longer  than  till 
they  could  obtain  legal  authority  from  their  sovereign. 
As  soon  as  they  knew  of  the  establishment  of  the  Coun- 
cil of  New  England,  they  applied  for  a  patent ;  which 
was  taken  in  the  name  of  John  Peircc,  in  trust  for  the 
colony.  When  he  saw  that  they  were  well  seated,  and 
that  there  was  a  prospect  of  success  to  their  undertak- 
ing, he  went,  without  their  knowledge,  but  in  their 
naiiie,  and  solicited  the  council  for  another  patent,  of 
greater  extent  ;  intending  to  keep  it  to  himself,  and 
allow  them  no  more  than  he  pleased,  holding  them  as 
his  tenants,  to  sue  and  be  sued  at  his  courts.  In  pur- 
suance of  this  design,  having  obtained  the  patent,  he 
bought  a  ship,  which  he  named  the  Paragon  ;  loaded 
her  with  goods,  took  on  board  upwards  of  sixty  passen- 
gers, and  sailed  from  London,  for  the  colony  of  New 
Plymouth.  In  the  Downs,  he  was  overtaken  by  a  tem- 
pest, which  .so  damaged  the  ship,  that  he  was  obliged 
to  put  her  into  dock  ;  where  she  lay  seven  weeks,  and 
her  repairs  cost  him  one  hundred  ])0unds.  In  Decem- 
ber, 1022,  he  sailed  a  second  time  having  on  board  one 
humlred  and  nine  persons  ;  but  a  series  of  tempestuous 
weather  which  continued  fourteen  days,  disabled  his 
ship,  and  forced  him  back  to  Portsmouth.  These  re- 
peated disappointments  proved  so  discouraging  to  him, 
that  he  was  easily  prevailed  upon  by  the  Conqjaiiy  of 
Adventurers,  to  assign  his  patent  to  them  for  five  hun- 
dred pounds.  The  passengers  cami  over  in  other  ships. 

In  1639,another  patent  of  larger  extent  was  solicited 
by  Isaac  Allerton,  and  taken  out  in  the  name  of  "  Wil- 
liam Bradford,  his  heirs,  associates, and  assigns."  This 
patent  confirmed  their  title  (as  far  as  the  Crown  of 
England  could  confirm  it)  to  a  tract  of  land  bounded 
on  the  east  and  south  by  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  and  by 
lines  drawn  west  from  the  rivulet  of  Conohasset,  and 
north  from  the  river  of  Narragansct,  which  lines  meet 
in  a  point,  comprehending  all  the  country  called  Po- 
kanokct.  To  this  tract  they  suppo.sed  they  had  a  prior 
litlt  from  the  depopulation  of  a  great  part  of  it  by  a 


pestilence,  from  the  gift  of  Masassoit,  his  voluntary} 
subjection  to  the  Crown  of  England,  and  his  having! 
taken  protection  of  them.  In  a  declaration  published 
by  them  in  iri:5G,  they  asserted  their  "lawful  right  in 
respect  of  vacancy,  donation, and  purchase  of  the  na- 
tives,"which, together  with  their  patent  from  the  crown, 
through  the  ("ouncil  of  New  England  "formed  the  war- 
rantable ground  and  foundation  of  their  government,  of 
making  laws  and  disposing  of  lands."* 

In  the  same  patent  was  granted  a  large  tract  border- 
ing on  the  river  Keimebeck,  where  they  had  carried  on 
a  trallic  with  the  natives  for  furs,  as  they  did  also  at 
Connecticut  river.which  was  not  equally  beneficial,  be- 
cause there  they  had  the  Dutch  for  rivals.  The  fur 
trade  was  found  lo  be  much  more  advantageous  than 
the  fishery.  Sometimes  they  exchanged  corn  of  their 
own  growth,  for  furs  ;  but  European  coarse  cloths, 
hardware,  and  ornaments,  were  good  articles  of  trade 
when  they  could  command  them. 

The  Company  in  England,  with  which  they  were 
connected,  did  not  supply  them  in  plenty.  Losses 
were  sustained  by  sea  ;  the  returns  were  not  adequate 
to  their  expectations  ;  they  became  discouraged  ;  threw 
many  reflections  ontne  planters,  and  finally  refused 
thorn  any  farther  supplies;  but  still  demanded  the  debt 
due  from  them,  and  would  not  permit  them  to  connect 
themselves  in  trade  with  any  other  persons.  The 
planters  complained  to  the  Council  of  New  England, 
but  obtained  no  redress.  After  the  expiration  of  the 
seven  years  (1628)  for  which  the  contract  was  made, 
eight  of  the  principal  persons  in  the  colony,  with  four 
of  their  friends  in  London,  became  bound  for  the  ba- 
lance ;  and  from  that  time  took  the  whole  trade  into 
their  own  hands.  These  were  obliged  to  take  up  mo- 
ney at  an  exorbitant  interest,  and  to  go  deeply  into 
trade  at  Kennebeck,  Penobscot,  and  Connecticut ;  by 
which  means,  and  their  own  great  industry  and  econo- 
my, they  were  enabled  to  discharge  the  debt,  and  pay 
for  the  transportation  of  thirty  five  families  of  their 
friends  from  Leyden,  who  arrived  in  1629. 

The  patent  had  been  taken  in  the  name  of  Mr.  Brad- 
ford, in  trust  for  the  colony  ;  and  the  event  proved  that 
their  confidence  was  not  misplaced.  When  the  num- 
ber of  people  was  increased,  and  new  townships  were 
erecteil,  the  General  Court,  in  1640,  requested  that  he 
would  surrender  the  patent  into  their  hands.  To  this 
he  readily  consented  ;  and  by  a  written  instrument, 
under  his  hand  and  seal,  surrendered  it  to  them  ;  re- 
serving for  himself  no  more  than  his  proportion,  by 
previous  agreement.  This  was  done  in  open  court, 
and  the  patent  was  immediately  re-delivered  into  his 
custody. 

Whilst  they  were  few  in  number,  the  whole  body  of 
associates  or  freemen  assembled  for  legislative,  exe- 
cutive and  judicial  business.  In  1G34,  the  governor 
and  assi-stants  were  constituted  ;.  Judicial  Court,  and 
afterward,  the  Supreme  Judiciary.  Petty  offences, 
and  actions  of  debt,  trespass  and  damage,  not  exceed- 
ing forty  shillings,  were  tried  by  the  selectmen  of  each 
town,  with  liberty  of  appeal  to  the  next  Court  of  As- 
sistants. The  first  Assembly  of  Representatives  was 
held  in  1639,  when  two  deputies  were  sent  from  each 
town,  and  four  from  Plymouth.  In  1649  Plymouth 
was  restricted  to  the  same  number  with  the  other 
towns.  These  deputies  were  chosen  by  the  freemen  ; 
and  none  were  admitted  to  the  privilege  of  freemen^ 
but  such  as  were  twenty-one  years  of  age,  of  sober 
and  peaceable  conversation,  orthodox  in  the  funda- 
mentals of  religion,  and  possessed  of  twenty  pounds 
rateable  estate. 

By  the  former  patent,  the  Colony  of  Plymouth  was 
empowered  to  "enact  such  laws  as  should  most  befit 
a  state  in  its  nonage,  not  rejecting,  or  omitting  to  ob- 
serve such  of  the  laws  of  their  na'.ive  country,  as  would 
conduce  to  their  good.''  In  the  second  patent,  the 
power  of  government  was  granted  to  William  Brad- 
ford and  his  associates,  in  the  following  terms.    "  To 


frame  aud  make  orders,  ordinances  and  constitutionis 
as  well  for  th.c  better  goverimient  of  their  affairs  here, 
(in  England)  and  the  receiving  or  admitting  any  to  his 
or  their  society  ;  as  also  for  the  beller  government  of 
his  or  their  people,  at  sea,  in  going  thilher,  or  return- 
ing from  thence  ;  and  the  same  to  be  |Hit  in  execution, 
by  such  ollicers  and  ministers  as  he  or  thiiy  shall  au- 
thorise anil  depute  ;  provided,  that  the  said  laws  be  not 
repugnant  to  the  laws  of  England,  or  the  frame  of  go- 
vernment by  the  said  president  and  council  hereafter 
to  be  established.  ' 

At  that  time,  a  general  government  over  the  wholo 
territory  of  New  England,  was  a  favorite  object  with 
the  council,  which  granted  these  patents  ;  but  after 
several  attempts,  it  finally  miscarrieil,  to  the  no  small 
joy  of  the  planters,  who  were  then  at  liberty  lo  govern 
themselves. 

In  the  formation  of  the  laws  of  New  Plymouth,  re- 
gard was  had,  "primarily  and  principally,  to  the  ancient 
|)latform  of  God's  law."  For,  though  some  parts  of 
that  system  were  peculiar  to  the  circumstances  of  tho 
son's  of  Jacob,  yet  "the  whole  being  grounded  on  tho 
principles  of  moral  equity,"  it  was  the  o])inion  of  our 
first  planters,  not  at  Plymouth  only,  but  in  Massachu- 
setts, New  Haven,  and  Connecticut,  that  "  all  men, 
especially  Christians,  ought  to  have  an  eye  to  it,  in  the 
framing  of  their  political  constitutions.''  A  secondary 
regard  was  had  to  the  liberties  granted  to  them  by 
their  sovereign,  and  the  laws  of  England,  which  they 
supposed  "  any  impartial  person  might  discern,  in  the 
perusal  of  the  book  of  the  laws  of  the  colony.'' 

At  first  they  had  some  doubt  concerning  their  right 
of  punishing  cajiital  crimes.  A  murder  which  happened 
in  1630,  made  it  necessary  to  decide  this  question.  It 
was  decided  by  the  divine  law  against  shedding  human 
blood,  which  was  deemed  indispensable.  In  1636,  their 
code  of  laws  was  revised,  and  capital  crimes  were 
enumerated  and  defined.  In  1671,  it  was  again  re- 
vised, and  the  next  year  printed,  w  ith  this  title,  "  The 
Book  of  the  General  laws  of  the  Inhabitants  of  the 
jurisdiction  of  New  Plymouth  ;''*  a  title  very  similar 
to  the  codes  of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut,  which 
were  printed  at  the  same  time  by  Samuel  Green,  at 
Cambridge. 

The  piety,  wisdom,  and  integrity  of  Mr.  Bradford, 
were  such  prominent  features  in  his  character,  that  he 
was  annually  chosen  governor  as  long  as  he  lived,  ex- 
cepting three  years,  when  Mr.  Winslow,  and  two, 
when  Mr.  Prince,  were  chosen;  and  even  then,  Mr. 
Bradford  was  the  first  in  the  list  of  assistants,  vihich 
gave  him  the  rank  of  deputy-governor.  In  1624,  they 
chose  five  assistants,  and  in  1633,  seven  ;  the  governor 
having  a  double  vote.  These  augmentations  were  made 
at  the  earnest  request  of  Mr.  Bradford,  who  strongly 
rec.  nmended  a  rotation  in  the  election  of  a  governor 
but  could  not  obtain  it  for  more  than  five  years  in  thirty 
five  ;  and  never  for  more  than  two  years  in  succession. 
His  argument  was,  "  that  if  it  were  an  honor  or  be- 
nefit, othersbeside  himself  should  partake  of  it ;  if  it 
were  a  burthen,  others  beside  himself  should  help  to 
bear  it.''  Notwithstanding  the  reasonableness  and 
equity  ofhis  plea,  the  people  had  a  strong  attachment 
to  him,  and  confidence  in  him,  that  they  could  not  bo 
persuaded  to  leave  him  out  of  the  government. 

For  the  last  twelve  years  of  his  lile,  he  was  annu- 
ally chosen  without  interruption,  and  served  in  the  of- 
fice of  governor.  His  health  continued  good  till  the  au- 
tumn of  1556,  when  it  began  to  decline;  and  as  the 
next  spring  advanced,  he  became  weaker,  but  felt  not 
anv  acute  illness  till  the  beginning  of  May. 

.'Kfler  a  distressing  day,  his  mind  was,  in  the  follow, 
ing  night,  so  elevated  with  the  idi'a  of  futurity,  that  he 
said  to  his  friends  in  the  morning,  "  God  has  given  me 
a  pledge  of  mv  happiness  in  another  world,  and  the 
fir.'t  fruits  of  eternal  glory."  The  ne.\t  day,  being  the 
9th  of  May,  1657,  he  was  removed  from  this  world  by 
death,  in  the  sixty-ninth  year  of  his  age,  to  the  im- 


♦  111  1G39,  al'tor  llie  tcniiiiiaiioa  ofilic  Peiiiuul  \v;ir,  Masas- 
soit,wlio  liail  ilieii  cluuiiiLMl  liis  iiamu  lo  \V(H>sanioqin'ii,l)rou^ht 
his  sun,  Mdoaiiain,  to  I'lyinoutli,  ami  desired  th.it  the  league 
wliicli  he  hud  I'ovmerly  made,  might  be  renewed  and  invio- 
lable. The  sachem  and  his  son  voluntarily  promised,  "  for 
themselves  and  tlieir  surressoi's,  tliat  tliey  would  not  need- 
lessly nor  unjustly  r^iise  any  quarrels  or  do  any  wrong 
to  other  natives  to  provoke  them  to  war  against  the  colimy  :  "uid 
that  they  would  not  give,  sell  or  convey  any  of  their  land, 
territory  or  possessions  whatever,  lo  any  person  or  persons 
whomsoever,  without  the  privity  or  consent  of  the  govern- 
ment of  Plymouth,  other  than  to  such  as  the  said  govern- 
incnl  should  send  or  appoint.  The  whole  court  did  then 
ratify  and  ronlirm  the  aforesaid  league,  and  promise  to 
the  said  Woosamoqnen,  his  son  and  successors,  that  they 
would  dcfenil  them  against  all  such  as  shoiiUI  unjustly  rise 
U|>  p^ainsl  llieui,  to  wrong  or  oppose  iheni." — [Morton's  Mc 
luoriul. 


*  Governor  Itutcliiiison,  with  unacroniiiable  carelessness, 
has  dsscrteil,  (Vol.  II.  463)  that  Ihey  never  established  any  dis- 
tinct code  or  body  of  laws  grounding  his  as^rtion  on  a  pas- 
sage in  Hubbard's  MS  history,  which  implies  no  such 
thing.  The  quotation,  imperfectly  given  by  Huchinson,  is  cor- 
rectly as  follows,  (p.  nO  ) 

"  The  laws  ihey  intended  to  be  governed  by  were  the  laws 
of  England  ;  the  which  they  were  willing  to  be  subject  to, 
though  in  a  foreign  land  ;  and  have  since  that  time,  continueii 
in  that  mind  for  the  general,  adding  only  some  pariiciiliir  iiiuni- 
cipal  laws  of  their  own,  in  such  cases  wliere  the  common  laws 
and  statutes  of  England  could  not  well  reach,  or  afford  their, 
help  in  emergent  dillicullies  of  the  place  ;  possibly  on  the  same 
ground  that  Pacaviiis  sometimes  advised  his  neighbors  it 
Capua  not  to  cashier  their  old  magistrates,  till  they  cniild 
agree  on  lv?Iler  to  place  in  their  room.  So  did  these  cho  ise  i« 
abide  by  the  laws  uf  England,  till  ihe)  Ctiuid  b«  pruviUbd  uf  bul- 
let " 


50 


AMERICAN  HISTORY. 


dense  loai  and  cricf  of  the  people,  not  only  in  Ply-  jat  first  under  much  apprehension,  but  as  nothing  tran 
mouth,  but  the  neighboring  colonies  ;  four*  of  which  spired,  they  concluded  that  the  "rovernor  had  only  gone 
he  lived  to  see  established,  beside  that  of  which  he  was  I  on  board  to  carry  his  own  letters  ;  and  felt  themselves 
one  of  the  principal  founders.  j  secure. 


In  addition  to  what  has  been  said  of  Mr.  Bradford's 
character,  it  may  be  observed,  that  he  was  a  sensible 
man,  of  a  strong  mind,  a  sound  judgment,  and  a  good 


In  one  of  the  intercepted  letters,  Lyford  had  written 
to  his  friends,  the  discontented  part  of  the  adventurers, 
that  he  and  Oldham  intended  a  reformation  in  Church 


memory.  Though  not  favored  with  a  learned  education,  and  State.  Accordingly  they  began  to  institute  a  sepa- 


he  was  much  inclined  to  study  and  writing.  The 
French  and  Dutch  languages  were  familiar  to  him,  and 
he  attained  a  consider;il»k"  knowledge  of  the  Latin  and 
Greek  ;  but  he  more  assiduously  studied  the  Hebrew, 
because  he  said,  that  "  he  would  see  with  his  own  eyes 
the  ancient  oracles  of  GinI,  in  their  native  beauty." 

He  had  read  much  of  history  and  philosophy,  but 
theology  was  his  favorite  study.  He  was  able  to  ma- 
nage the  polemic  part  of  it  with  much  dexterity  ;  and 
was  particularly  vigilant  against  the  sectaries  which 
infested  the  colonies  ;  tlioujjh  by  no  means  severe  or 
intolerant,  as  long  as  they  continued  peaceable  ;  wish- 
ing rather  to  foil  them  l)y  argument,  and  guard  the 
people  against  receiving  their  tenets,  than  to  suppress 
them  by  violence,  or  cut  them  off  by  the  sword  of  ma- 
gistracy. Mr.  Hubbard's  character  of  hini  is,  that  he 
was  a  "  person  of  great  gravity  and  prudence,  of  sober 
principles,  and  for  one  of  that  persuasion,  (Brownists,) 
very  pliable,  gentle,  and  condescending." 

Ho  wrote  a  history  of  Plymouth  people  and  colony, 
beginning  with  the  first  formation  of  the  church,  in 
1602,  and  emiing  in  IGIC.  It  was  contained  in  a  folio 
Volume  of  270  pages.  Morton's  Memorial  is  an  abridg- 
ment of  it.  Prince  and  Hutchinson  haC  diC  uJt  of  it, 
and  the  manuscript  was  carefully  deposited  with  Mr. 
Prince's  valuable  collection  of  papers,  in  the  library  of 
the  Old  South  church  in  Boston,  which  fell  a  sacrifice 
to  th(3  unprincipled  fury  of  the  British  army  n  the  year 
177.5,  since  which  time  it  has  not  been  seen.  He  also 
had  a  large  book  of  copies  of  letters  relative  to  the  af- 
fairs of  the  colony,  a  fragment  of  which  was,  a  few 
years  ago,  recovered  by  accident,!  and  published  by 


rate  church;  and  when  Oldham  was  summoned  to  take 
his  turn  at  a  military  watch,  he  not  only  refused  com- 
pliance, but  abused  Ca|)tain  Standish,  and  drew  his 
knife  upon  him.  For  this  he  was  imprisoned  ;  and 
both  he  and  I.yford  were  brought  to  trial,  before  the 
whole  company.  Their  behavior  was  insolent  and  ob- 
stinate. The  governor  took  pains  to  convince  them  of 
their  folly,  but  in  vain.  The  letters  were  then  pro- 
duced ;  their  adherents  were  confounded  ;  and  the  evi- 
dence of  their  factious  and  disorderly  conduct  being 
satisfactory,  they  were  condemned,  and  ordered  to  be 
banished  from  the  plantation.  Lyford  was  allowed  six 
months  for  probation;  but  his  pretences  proved  hypo 
critical,  and  he  was  obliged  to  depart.  After  several 
removals  he  died  in  Virginia.  Oldham  having  returned 
after  banishment,  his  second  expulsion  was  conducted 
in  this  singular  manner.  "  A  guard  of  musketeers  was 
appointed, through  which  he  was  obliged  to  pass;  every 
one  was  ordered  to  give  him  a  blow  on  the  hinder  parts 
with  the  butt  end  of  his  musket ;  then  he  was  conveyed 
to  the  water  side,  where  a  boat  was  ready  to  carry  him 
away,  with  this  farewell,  fro  and  mend  your  manners.'" 
This  discipline  had  a  good  efl'ect  on  him;  he  made  his 
sutmiission,  and  was  allowed  to  come  and  go  on  tra- 
ding voyages.  In  one  of  these,  he  was  killed  by  the 
Pequod  Indians,  which  proved  the  occasion  of  a  war 
with  that  nation. 

Mr.  Bradford  had  one  son  by  his  first  wife  ;  and  by 
his  second,  Alice  Southworth,  whom  he  married  in 
1623,  he  had  two  sons  :ind  a  daughter.  His  son  Wil- 
liam, born  in  1624,  was  deputy  governor  of  the  colony 
after  his  father's  death,  and  lived  to  the  age  of  80  ;  as 


the  Historical  Society.  To  the  fragment  is  subjoined  i  appears  by  his  grave-stone  in  Plymouth  church  yard 
another,  being  a  "  descriptive  and  historical  account  of  i  O.ne  of  his  grandsons,  and  two  of  his  great  grandsons 
New-England,''  in  verse;  which  if  it  be  not  graced  j  were  counsellors  of  Massachusetts.  Several  other  of 
witji  the  charms  of  poetry,  yet  is  a  just  and  atrccling  |  his  descendants  have  borne  respectable  characters,  and 
narrative,  intermixed  with  pious  and  useful  reflections.  I  have  been  placed  in  stations  of  honor  and  usefulness. 
Besides  these,  he  wrote,  as  Dr.  Mather  says,  "  some  i  One  of  them,  William  Bradford,  has  been  deputy  go- 
significant  things,  for  the  confutation  of  the  errors  of  vcrnor  of  the  State  of  Rhode  Island,  and  a  Senator  in 
the  times  ;  by  which  it  appears,  that  he  was  a  person  the  Congress  of  the  United  Slates.  Two  others,  Alden 
of  a  good  temper,  and  free  from  that  rigid  spirit  of  se-  Bradford,  and  Gamaliel  Bradford  are  members  of  the 
paration,  which  broke  the  Separatists  to  pieces."  Historical  Society. 

In  his  ofKce  of  chief  magistrate,  he  was  jirudent, 
temperate  and  firm.  He  would  suffer  no  person  to 
trample  on  the  laws,  or  disturb  the  peace  of  the  colony. 
During  his  administration  there  were  frequent  acces 
sions  of  new  inhabitants  ;  some  of  whom  were  at  first 
refractory ;  but  his  wisdom  and  fortitude  obliged  them 
to  pay  a  decent  respect  to  the  laws  and  customs  of  the 
country.  One  particular  instance  is  preserved.  A 
company  of  young  men,  newly  arrived,  were  very  un- 
willing to  comply  with  the  governor's  order  for  working 
on  the  public  account.  On  a  Christinas  day,  they  ex- 
cused themselves,  under  pretence  that  it  was  against 
their  conscience  to  work.  The  governor  gave  them  no 
other  answer  than,  that  he  would  let  them  alone,  till 
they  should  be  belter  informed.  In  the  course  of  the 
jay,  he  found  them  at  play  in  the  streets,  and  com 
maiiding  the  instruments  of  their  game  to  be  taken  from 
them,  he  told  them,  that  it  was  against  his  conscience 
to  suffer  them  to  play,  whilst  others  were  at  work  ;  and 
that  if  they  had  any  religious  regard  to  the  day, 
they  should  show  it,  in  the  exercise  of  devotion  at 
home.  This  gentle  reproof  had  the  desired  efTect,  and 
prevented  a  repetition  of  such  disorders. 

His  conduct  toward  intruders  and  f.ilse  friends  was 
equally  moderate,  but  firm  and  decisive.  John  Lyford 
had  imposed  himself  upon  the  colony  as  a  minister,  be- 
ing reconimeniled  by  some  of  the  adveiitiirej-s.  .^t 
first  his  behavior  was  plausii)le,an(l  he  was  treated  with 
respect  ;  but  it  was  not  long,  before  he  began,  in  con- 
cert with  John  Oldham,  to  excite  a  faction.  The  go- 
vernor watched  them  ;  and  when  a  ship  was  about  sail- 
ing for  England,  it  was  ob.served  that  Lyford  was  very 

busy  in  writing  letters,  of  which  he  put  a  great  number  j  imprisoned,  fined,  and  ruined.  Davison  is  said  to 
on  iioard.  The  governor  in  a  boat  followed  the  ship  j  have  been  a  man  of  abililics  and  integrity,  but  easy  to 
to  sea,  and  by  favor  of  the  master,  who  was  a  friend '.be  impo-sed  upon,  and  for  that  very  reason  was  niaile 


WILLIAM  BREWSTER. 

William  Brewster,— His  F.diiraiion — Enters  ihe  service  of 
D;iTison — Honored  hy  the  Strttes  of  Holland — Removes  to 
Hi>!!aod — Sets  tip  a  Printin!;  Oinrc — Removes  to  America 
— Olliciatcs  as  a  Preaclier — His  death  and  character. 

The  place  of  this  gentleman's  birth  is  unknown  — 
The  time  of  it  was  A  D.  1.5G0.  He  received  his  edu- 
cation at  the  University  of  Cambridge,  where  he  be- 
came seriously  impressed  with  the  truth  of  religion, 
which  had  its  genuine  influence  on  his  character, 
through  his  whole  life. 

.\fter  leaving  the  University,  he  entered  into  the  ser 
vice  of  William  Davison, a  courtier  of  Queen  Elizabeth, 
and  her  ambassador  in  Scotland  and  in  Holland  ;who 
found  him  so  capable  and  faitlifiil,  that  he  reposed  the 
utmost  confidence  in  him.  He  esteemed  him  as  a  son. 
and  conversed  with  him  in  private,  both  on  religious 
and  political  subjects,  with  the  greatest  familiarity  ; 
and  when  any  thing  occurred  which  required  secrcsy, 
Brewster  was  his  confidential  friend. 

When  the  Queen  entered  into  a  league  with  the 
United  Provinces,  (1584)  and  received  possession  of 
several  towns  ami  fi>rts,  as  security  for  her  expenses  in 
defending  their  liberties  ;  Davison,  who  negociated  the 
matter,  entrusted  Brewster  with  the  keys  of  Flushing, 
one  of  those  cautionary  towns  ;  ami  the  .Stales  of  Hol- 
land were  so  .sensible  of  his  merit,  as  to  present  him 
with  the  ornament  of  a  golden  chain. 

He  returned  as  ambassador  to  England,  and  conti- 
nued in  his  service,  till  Davison,  having  incurred  the 
hypocritical  displeasure  of  his  arbitrary  mistress,  was 


lothe colony,  examined  the  letters,  someof  which  he  in- 
tercepted, and  concealed.    Lyford  and  Oldham  were 


•  Tliene  four  cnlnnics  were  Massachusetts,  Coniicciicul, 
New-IIaven,  and  Rhode  Islanil. 

f  It  w.is  accidentally  neen  in  n  ffrorer'rt  shop  at  Halifax,  No- 
va .Scotia,  hy  Jainefl  Clarke,  Ksi|  a  corresponding  inemher  of 
Uie  Historical  Suciciy,  aiiii  by  liiiii  iransinlited  lu  Bu:itun, 


.Secretary  of  .Slate.  When  .Mary,  the  unCirlunate 
Queen  of  .Scotland,  had  been  tried  and  comlemned, 
and  the  parliament  of  England  had  petitioned  their  so- 
vereiiin  for  her  execution,  Elizabeth  privately  ordered 
Davison  lodraw  a  de;ilh-warranl,which  she  signed, and 
sent  him  with  it  to  Ihe  clianeelliir  li)  have  the  great 
teal  aiinc.vcd.    Having  performed  this  duly,  she  pre- 


tended to  blame  him  for  his  precipitancy.  Davison  ac- 
quainted the  council  with  the  whole  transaction  ;  they 
knew  the  queen's  real  sentiments,  and  persuaded  him 
to  send  the  warrant  to  the  Earls  ot  Kent  and  Shrews, 
bury,  promising  to  justify  his  conduct,  and  take  the 
blame  on  themselves.  These  earls  attended  the  ex- 
ecution of  Mary  ;  but,  w  hen  Elizabeth  heard  of  it,  she 
afltcted  surprise  and  indignation  ;  threw  all  the  blame 
on  the  innocent  secretary,  and  committed  him  to  tha 
tower;  where  he  became  the  subject  of  raillery  from 
those  very  counsellors  who  had  promised  to  counte- 
nance and  protect  him.  He  was  tried  in  the  star  cham- 
ber, and  lined  ten  thousand  pound,  which  being  rigor 
ously  levied  upon  hiin,  reduced  him  to  poverty.* 

During  these  misfortunes,  Brewster  faithfully  ad 
hered  to  him,  and  gave  him  all  the  assistance  of  which 
he  was  capable.  When  he  could  no  longer  serve  hira. 
he  retired  into  the  north  of  England,  among  his  Jd 
friends,  and  was  very  highly  esteemed  by  those  who 
were  most  exemplary  for  religion.  Beini;  posses.sed 
of  a  handsome  property,  and  having  some  influence, 
he  made  use  of  both  in  promoting  the  cause  of  religi- 
on, and  procuring  persons  of  good  character,  to  serve 
in  the  olVice  of  ministers  to  the  parishes  in  his  neigh- 
borhood. 

By  degrees  he  became  disgusted  with  the  impositiona 
of  the  prelatical  party,  and  their  severity  toward  men 
of  a  moderate  and  peaceable  disposition.  This  led 
him  to  inquire  critically  into  the  nature  of  ecclesiasti- 
cal authority  ;  and  having  discovered  iimcli  corruption 
in  the  constitution,  forms,  ceremonies,  and  discipline  of 
the  Established  Church,  he  thought  it  his  duly  to  w  ilh- 
draw  from  its  communion,  and  join  with  others  of  the 
same  sentiments  in  the  inslilulion  of  a  separate  church; 
of  which  the  aged  Mr.  Clifton  and  the  younger  Mr. 
Robinson  were  appointed  pastors.  The  newly  formed 
society  met,  on  the  Lord  s  days,  at  Mr.  Brewster's 
house  ;  where  they  were  entertained  at  his  expense, 
with  much  afleclion  and  respect,  as  long  as  they  could 
assemble  without  opposition  from  their  adversaries. 

But  when  the  resentment  of  their  hierarchy,  height- 
ened by  the  countenance  and  authority  of  James,  the 
successor  of  Elizabeth,  obliged  him  to  seek  refuge  in 
a  foreign  country  ;  Brewster  was  the  most  forward  to 
assist  them  in  their  removal.  He  was  one  of  those  who 
went  on  board  of  a  vessel,  in  the  nigirt  at  Boston  in 
Lincolnshire,  (as  already  related  in  the  life  of  Robin- 
son ;)  and  being  apprehended  by  the  magistrates,  ho 
was  the  greatest  sufferer,  because  he  had  the  most 
property.  When  liberated  from  confinement,  he  first 
assistetl  the  weak  and  poor  of  the  society  in  their  em- 
barkation, and  then  followed  them  to  Holland. 

His  family  was  large,  and  his  dependents  numerous; 
his  education  and  mode  of  living  were  not  suited  to  a 
mechanical  or  mercantile  life,  and  he  could  not  prac- 
tice agriculture  in  a  commercial  city.  The  hardships 
which  he  suffered  inconsequence  of  this  removal  wcro 
grievous  and  depressing  ;  but  when  his  finances  were 
exhausted,  he  had  a  resource  in  his  learning  and  abili- 
ties. In  Leyden  he  found  employment  as  a  tutor ;  the 
youth  of  the  citv  and  university  came  to  biin  for  in- 
struction in  the  English  tongue  :  and  by  means  of  the 
Latin,  which  was  common  to  both,  and  a  grammar  ol 
his  own  construction,  they  soon  acquired  a  knowledge 
of  the  English  language.  By  the  help  of  some  friends, 
he  also  set  up  a  printing  oHice.  and  was  instrumental 
in  publishing  several  books  against  the  hierarchy, 
which  could  not  obtain  a  license  in  England. 

His  reputation  was  so  high  in  the  church  of  w  hich 
he  was  a  member,  that  they  chose  him  a  ruling  eliler, 
and  confided  in  his  wisdom,  experience  and  integrity, 
to  assist  in  conducting  their  temp,iral  as  w  ellasecclp- 
siaslical  concerns,  particularly  their  removal  to  .Ame- 
rica. With  the  minority  of  the  church  he  came  over, 
and  suffered  all  the  hardships  attending  their  sellle- 
mcnt  in  this  wilderness.  He  partook  wilh  them  of  la 
bor,  hunger  ami  watching  ;  his  bible  and  his  arms  were 
equally  familiar  to  him  ;  and  he  was  always  ready  for 
any  duty  or  suffering  to  which  he  was  called. 

For  some  time  al>er  their  arrival,  they  were  desti- 
tute of  a  leaching  elder  ;  expecting  and  hoping  that 
Mr.  Robinson,  w  iih  the  remainder  of  the  church,  would 
follow  them  to  .\merica.  Brewster  frequently  ofTicia- 
ted  as  a  preacher,  but  he  never  c  iuld  be  ji.Tsu.-ided  le 
ailininister  the  s,icraments,  or  take  on  him  ihe  pastoral 
ollice  ;  though  it  had  been  stipulated  Ix-lore  his  de- 
parture from  Holland.lhat  "  those  w  ho  first  went  should 

•  Kor  n  parlicniar  account  ofDavi.son,  and  a  fnll  vindicatlos 
of  hi-"  coniln  I,  the  reader  is  referred  lo  the  fifth  voluins  ol  Bio 
,raphia  llritlanica,  published  by  the  late  learned  aiH  cyidld 
I  r.  Kip|ii.-i ;  where  the  character  of  Elizabeth  is  dr»*n  in  Ui 
pi  op.T  colors,  p.  i — V3. 


'BIOGRAPHIES   OF  THE  EARLY  DISCOVERERS. 


51 


bean  absolute  church  of  themselves,  as  well  as  Ihoso 
who  staid  ;  '  and  it  was  one  of  their  principles,  that 
thfl  h'cthren  who  elected,  had  the  power  of  ordaining 
to  office. 

The  reason  of  his  refusal  was  his  extreme  diffidence ; 
Deing  unwilling  to  assume  any  other  office  in  iho 
church  than  that  with  which  he  had  been  invested  by 
the  whole  body.  This  plea  might  have  some  force  du- 
ring Robinson's  life,  by  whose  advice  he  had  been  pre- 
vailed upon  to  accept  the  office  of  ruling  elder;  but  after 
his  death  there  was  less  reason  for  it,  and  his  decli- 
ning to  officiate  was  really  productive  of  very  disagree- 
able effects. 

A  spirit  of  faction  and  division  was  excited  in  thf 
church,  partly  by  persons  of  different  sentiments  an  1 
characters,  who  came  over  from  England,  and  parti, 
by  uneasy  and  assuming  brethren  among  themselves. 
Such  was  the  notoriety  and  melancholy  appearance 
of  these  divisions,  that  their  friends  in  England  seri- 
ously admonished  them,  and  recommended  to  them 
"  to  let  their  practice  in  the  church  be  complete  and 
full ;  to  permit  all  who  feared  God,  to  join  them- 
selves to  them  without  delay  ;  and  to  let  all  divine  or- 
dinances be  u.sed  completely  in  the  church,  without 
longer  waiting  upon  uncertainties,  or  keeping  a  gap 
open  for  opposites." 

With  this  salutary  advice  they  did  not  comply  ;  and 
one  great  obstacle  to  their  comi)liance  was  the  liberty 
of  "  prophesying,"  which  was  allowed  not  only  to  the 
elders,  but  to  such  private  members  as  were  "  gifted.'' 
In  Robinson's  apology,*  this  principle  is  explained  in  a 
verv  cautious  manner :  the  exercise  of  the  gift  was 
subject  to  the  judgment  of  the  minister  ;  and  whilst 
they  were  under  his  superintendence, their  prophesy  ings 
were  conducted  with  tolerable  regularity  ;  but  when 
they  came  to  practice  on  this  principle  where  they  had 
not  that  advantage,  the  consequence  was  prejudicial  to 
the  establishment  of  any  regular  ministry  among  them. 
"  The  preachments  of  the  gifted  brethren  produced 
those  discouragements,  to  the  ministers,  that  almost 
all  left  the  colony,  apprehending  themselves  driven 
away  by  the  neglect  and  contempt,  with  which  the 
people  on  this  occasion  treated  them.''  This  practice 
was  not  allowed  in  any  other  church  in  New  England, 
except  that  of  Plymouth. 

Beside  the  liberty  of  prophesying,  and  public  con- 
ference, there  were  several  other  peculiarities  in  their 
jiractice,  which  they  learned  from  the  Brownists,  and 
in  which  they  differed  from  many  of  the  Reformed 
churches.  They  admitted  none  to  their  communion 
without  either  a  written  or  oral  declaration  of  their 
fiitli  and  religious  experiences,  delivered  before  the 
whole  church,  with  liberty  for  every  one  to  ask  ques- 
tions till  they  were  satisfied.  They  practised  ordina- 
tion by  the  hands  of  the  brethren.  They  disused  the 
Lord's  prayer  and  the  public  reading  of  the  Scriptures. 
They  did  not  allow  the  reading  of  the  psalm  before 
singing,  till,  in  compassion  to  a  brother  who  could  not 
read,  they  permitted  one  of  the  elders  or  deacons  to 
read  it  line  by  line,  after  it  had  been  previously  ex- 
pounded by  the  minister  They  admitted  no  children 
to  baptism,  unless  one,  at  least  of  the  parents,  were 
in  full  communion  with  the  church  ;  and  they  account- 
ed all  baptized  children  proper  subjects  of  ecclesiasti- 
cal discipline.  Whilst  in  Holland,  they  had  the  Lord's 
Supper  every  Sabbath  ;  but  when  they  came  to  Ame- 
rica, they  omitted  it  till  they  could  obtain  a  minister, 
and  then  had  it  monthly.  Most  of  these  practices 
were  continued  for  many  years,  and  some  are  yet  ad- 
hered to,  though  others  have  been  gradually  laid  aside. 

♦  "  We  learn  from  the  Apostle  Paul,  (1  Cor.  xiv,  3)  that  he 
who  pmiihcsielh,  speakeih  to  men  edification, and  exhortation, 
and  coinl'ort ;  which  to  perform  conveniently,  comes  within  the 
compass  nl"  but  a  few  of  the  multitude,  haply  two  or  three  in 
each  ol  our  churches.  Touching  prophecy,  then,  we  think  the 
same  that  the  Synod  of  Embden  (1571)  hath  decreed  in  these 
words  :' Let  the  order  of  prophecy  be  observed  according  to 
Paul's  institution.  Into  the  fellowship  of  this  work,  are  to  be 
udrniued,  not  only  the  ministers,  but  the  teachers,  ehlers, 
and  deacons,  yea,  even  of  the  multitude,  who  are  willing 
In  confer  their  gift,  received  of  God,  to  the  common  utility 
of  the  church  ;  but  so  as  they  first  be  allowed,  by  the  judg- 
ment of  the  ministers  and  others  *■ — [Robinson's  Apology, 
chap.  viii. 

Governor  Winthrop,  and  Mr.  'Wilson,  minister  of  Boston, 
made  a  visit  to  Plymouth,  in  October,  16:i2,  and  kept  Sab- 
bath there.  The  following  account  of  the  afternoon  exercise 
Is  preserved  in  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  44. 

"  In  the  afternoon,  Mr.  Roger  Williams,  according  to  their 
custom, propounded  a  question,  to  which  the  pastor, Mr.  Smith, 
•  pake  brieHy  ;  then  Mr.  Williams  prophesied  ;  and  after  him 
the  elder  [Brewster]  then  two  or  three  more  of  the  congrega- 
tion. Then  the  elder  desired  the  governor  of  Massachuseets 
and  Mr.  Wilson  to  speak  to  it,  which  thev  did.  When  this 
wa-s  ended,  the  deacon,  Mr.  Fuller,  put  tlie  congregation  in 
mind  of  their  duty  of  contribution;  upon  wliich  the  governor 
tni  ai;  the  rest  went  down  u-  the  deacon's  seat,  and  put  into 
toe  ba«,  and  theu  refilled." 


The  Church  of  Plymouth  had  no  regular  minister  till 
four  years  alter  the  death  of  Mr  Robinson,  and  nine 
years  after  their  coming  to  America.  In  16'29,  they 
settled  Ralph  Smith,  who  continued  with  them  about 
five  years,  and  then  resigned.  lie  is  said  to  have  been 
a  man  of  "  low  gifts,"  and  was  assisted  three  years  by 
Roger  Williams,  of"  bright  accomplishments,  but  of- 
fensive errors.''  In  1030,  they  hnd  John  Reyner,  "  an 
able  and  godly  man,  of  a  meek  and  humble  spirit, sound 
in  the  truth,  and  unreprovcable  in  bis  life  and  conver- 
sation. He  continued  with  them  till  10.^)1,  when  he 
removed  to  Dover,  in  New  Hampshire,  where  he  spent 
the  remainder  of  his  life. 

During  his  mitiistry  at  Plymouth,  elder  Brewster,, 
having  enjoyed  a  healthy  old  age, died  on  the  sixteenth 
of  April,  1044,  being  thdn  in  the  eighty  fourth  year  of 
his  age.  He  was  able  to  continue  his  ecclesiastica 
functions,  and  his  field  labor,  till  within  a  few  days  of 
his  death,  and  was  confined  to  his  bed  but  one  day. 

He  had  been  remarkably  temperate,  through  his 
whole  life,  having  drank  no  liquor  but  \vater,till  within 
the  last  five  or  six  years.  For  many  months  together 
he  had,  through  necessity,  lived  without  bread;  having 
nothing  but  fish  for  his  sustenance, and  sometimes  was 
destitute  of  that.  Yet,  being  of  a  pliant  and  cheerful 
temper,  he  easily  accommodated  himself  to  his  circum 
stances.  When  nothing  but  oysters  or  clams  were  set 
on  his  table,  he  would  give  thanks,  with  his  family, 
that  they  could  "  suck  of  the  abundance  of  the  seas, 
and  of  the  treasures  hid  in  the  sand." 

He  was  a  man  of  eminent  piety  and  devotion  ;  not 
prolix,  but  full  and  comprehensive  in  his  public  pray- 
ers ;  esteeming  it  his  duty,  to  strengthen  and  encou- 
rage the  devotion  of  others,  rather  than  to  weary  them 
with  long  performances.  On  days  of  fasting  and  hu- 
miliation, he  was  more  copious,  but  equally  fervent. 
.\s  an  instance  of  this,  it  is  observed,  that  in  1623,  a 
drought  of  six  weeks  having  succeeded  the  planting 
season,  in  July  a  day  was  set  apart  for  fasting  and 
prayer.  The  morning  was  clear  and  hot,  as  usual, 
but  after  eight  hours  employed  in  religious  exercises, 
the  weather  changed,  and  before  the  next  morning,  a 
gentle  rain  came  on,  which  continued,  with  intermis- 
sions of  fair  and  warm  weather,  fourteen  days,  by 
which  the  languishing  corn  revived.  The  neighbor- 
ing Indians  observed  the  change,  and  said  that  "  the 
Englishman's  God  was  a  good  God." 

In  his  public  discourses,  Mr.  Brewster  was  very 
clear  and  distinguishing,  as  well  as  pathetic  ;  address- 
ing himself  first  to  the  understanding,  and  then  to  the 
affections  of  his  audience  :  convincing  and  persuading 
them  of  the  superior  excellency  of  true  religion.  Such 
a  kind  of  teaching,  was  well  adapted,  and  in  many  in- 
stances effectual,  to  the  real  instruction  and  benefit  of 
his  hearers.  What  a  pity  that  such  a  man  could  not 
have  been  persuaded  to  take  on  him  the  pastoral  office  ! 

In  his  private  conversation,  he  was  social,  pleasant, 
and  inoffensive  ;  yet  when  occasion  reijuired,  he  exer- 
cised that  fortitude  which  true  virtue  inspires,  but 
mixed  with  such  tenderness,  that  his  reproofs  gave  no 
offence. 

His  compassion  towards  the  distressed  was  an  emi- 
nent trait  in  his  character  ;  and  if  they  were  suffering 
for  conscience  sake,  he  judged  them,  of' all  others,  most 
deserving  of  pity  and  relief  Nothing  was  more  dis- 
gusting to  him  than  vanity  and  hypocrisy. 

In  the  government  of  the  church,  he  was  careful  to 
preserve  order  and  purity,  and  to  suppress  contention. 
Had  his  diffidence  permitted  him  to  exercise  the  pas- 
toral office,  he  would  have  had  more  influence,  and 
kept  intruders  at  a  proper  distance. 

He  was  owner  of  a  very  considerable  libran,',  part  of 
which  was  lost,  when  the  vessel  in  which  he  embarked 
was  plundered  at  Boston  in  Lincolnshire.  After  his 
death,  his  remaining  books  were  valued  at  forty-three 
pounds,  in  silver,  as  aj)pears  by  the  colony  records, 
where  a  catalogue  of  them  is  preserved. 


ROBERT  CUSHMAN. 

Robert  Cushman — Embarks  for  America — Returns  to  Eng- 
land—.Arrives  at  Plymouth — Delivers  a  Discourse  on  Self 
Love — Sails  for  England — Taken  by  the  B'rench  -his  Death 
and  character. 

Robert  Ccshman  was  a  distinguished  character 
among  that  collection  of  worthies  who  quitted  England 
on  account  of  their  religious  difficulties,  and  settled 
with  Mr.  John  Robinson,  their  pastor,  in  the  city  of 
Leyden.  Proposing  afterwards  a  removal  to  America, 
in  the  year  1617,  Mr.Cushman,  and  Mr.  John  Carver, 


♦  This  account  of  Mr.  Cuslunan  was  published  in  17Sj,  at 
Plymouth,  as  an  Appendix  to  the  third  edition  of  fiis  Discourse 
on  Self  Love.    It  was  written  by  John  Davis,  Eaq. 


(afterward  the  first  governor  of  New  Plymouth)  were 
sent  over  to  England,  as  their  agents,  to  agree  with  the 
Virginia  Company  for  a  settlement,  and  to  obtain,  if 
possible,  a  grant  of  liberty  of  conscience  in  their  in- 
tended plantation,  from  King  James. 

From  this  negotiation,  though  conducted  on  their 
part  with  great  discretion  and  ability,  they  returned  un- 
successful to  Leyden,  in  May,  1018.  'I'liey  met  with 
no  difficulty  indeed  from  the  Virginia  Company,  who 
were  willing  to  grant  them  sufficient  territory,  wilhaH 
ample  privileges  as  they  could  bestow  :  but  the  prag- 
matical James,  the  pretended  vicegerent  ol  the  Deity, 
refused  to  grant  them  that  liberty  in  religious  matters, 
which  was  their  |)rincipal  object.  This  persevering 
people  determined  to  transport  themselves  to  this  coun- 
try, relying  upon  .lames'  promise  that  he  would  ctmttwe 
it,  though  not  expressly  lolcialc  them  ;  and  .Mr.  Cush- 
man  was  again  despatched  to  England  in  February, 
1019,  with  Mr.  William  Bradford,  to  agree  with  the 
Virginia  Company  on  the  terms  of  their  removal  and 
settk'ment. 

After  much  difficulty  and  delay,  they  obtained  a 
patent  in  the  September  following  ;  upon  which,  part 
of  the  church  at  Leyden,  with  their  elder,  Mr.  Brew- 
ster, determined  to  transport  themselves  as  soon  a» 
possible.  Mr.  Cushman  was  one  of  ihe  agents  in  Eng- 
land to  procure  money,  shipping  and  other  necessaries 
for  the  voyage,  and  embarked  with  them  at  South- 
hampton, August  5th,  1620.  But  the  ship,  in  which 
he  saileil,  proving  leaky,  and  after  twice  putting  into 
port  to  repair,  being  condemned  as  unfit  to  perform  iho 
voyage,  Mr.  Cushman  with  his  family,  and  a  number 
of  others,  were  obliged,  though  reluctantly,  to  relin- 
quish the  voyage  for  that  time,  and  return  to  I,ondon. 
Those  in  the  other  ship  proceeded  and  made  their  set- 
tlement at  Plymouth  in  December.  1020,  where  Mr. 
Cushman  also  arrived  in  the  ship  Fortune  from  Lorido» 
on  the  10th  of  November,  1021,  but  took  passage  in 
the  same  ship  back  again,  jiursuant  to  the  directions  ol 
the  merchant  adventurers  in  London,  (who  fitted  out 
the  ship,  and  by  whose  assistance  the  first  settlers  were 
transported)  to  give  them  an  account  of  the  plantation. 
He  sailed  from  Plymouth  December  13th,  1621  ;  and 
arriving  on  the  coast  of  England,  the  ship,  with  a  cargo 
valued  at  £.500  sterling,  was  taken  by  the  French. 
Mr.  Cushman,  with  the  crew,  was  carried  into  France; 
but  arrived  in  London  in  the  February  following. 
During  his  short  residence  at  Plymouth,  though  a  mere 
lay  character,  he  delivered  a  discourse  on  the  sin  and 
danger  of  self  love,which  was  printed  in  London(1022) 
and  afterward,  re  printed  in  Boston,  (1724)  and  again 
at  Plymouth,  (1785  )  And  though  his  name  is  not 
prefixed  to  cither  of  the  two  former  editions,  yet  un- 
q  'stionable  tradition  renders  it  certain  that  he  was  the 
author,  and  even  transmits  to  us  a  knowledge  of  Ihc 
spot  where  it  was  delivered.  Mr.  Cushman,  though  he 
constantly  corresponded  with  his  friends  here,  and  was 
very  serviceable  to  their  interest  in  London,  never  re- 
turned to  the  countn,'  again  ;  but,  w  hilst  preparing  for 
it,  was  removed  to  a  better,  in  the  year  1620.  Tho 
news  of  his  death,  and  Mr.  Robinson's,  arrived  at  the 
same  time,  at  Plymouth,  by  Captain  Standish,  and 
seems  to  have  been  equally  lamented  by  their  bereaved 
and  suffering  friends  there.  He  was  zealously  en- 
gaged in  the  prosperity  of  the  plantation,  a  man  of 
activity  and  enterprise,  well  yersed  in  business,  re- 
spectable in  point  of  intellectual  abilities,  well  accom- 
plished in  scriptural  knowledge,  an  unaffi'cted  profes- 
sor, and  a  .steady  sincere  practiser  of  religion.  The 
design  of  the  above  mentioned  discourse  was  to  keep 
up  that  flow  of  public  spirit,  which,  perhaps,  began  then 
to  abate,  hut  which  was  thought  necessary  for  their 
preservation  and  security.  The  policy  of  that  entire 
community  of  interests  which  our  fathers  established, 
and  which  this  sermon  was  designed  to  preserve,  is, 
nevertheless,  justly  questionable.  The  love  of  scpaiatc 
property,  for  good  and  wise  purpo.se*,  is  strongly  im- 
planted in  the  heart  of  man.  So  far  from  being  un- 
favorable to  a  reasonable  generosity  and  |)ublic  spirit, 
it  better  enables  us  to  display  them,  and  is  not  less  con- 
sistent with  the  precepts  of  Scripttire,  rightly  under- 
stood, than  with  the  dictates  of  reason.  This  is  evi- 
denced by  the  subsequent  conduct  of  this  very  peo- 
ple. In  the  year  1023,  departing  a  little  from  their  first 
system,  they  agreeil  that  every  family  should  plant 
for  themselves  ;  bringing  in  a  competent  portion  at 
harvest,  for  the  maintenance  of  public  officers,  fisher- 
men, &c.  and  in  all  other  things  to  go  on  in  the  gene- 
ral wall,  (as  they  term  it)  as  before  ;  for  this  pur[)ose 
they  assigned  to  every  (i\mily  a  parcel  of  land,  for  a 
year  only,  in  propoition  to  their  number.  Even  ihia 
temporary  tlivision,  as  Governor  Bradford, in  his  luaou- 


53 


AMERICAN  HISTORY. 


efripl  history,  observos,"  lias  a  very  gooii  eflcct ;  makes  together  to  lift  sonic  weighty  piece  of  timber,  or 


all  iiiilustriuus  ;  gives  content ;  even  the  women  and 
children  now  go  into  the  field  to  work,  and  much  more 
corn  is  plmited  than  ever."  In  the  spring  of  the  year 
1G21,  the  people  being  still  uneasy,  one  acre  of  land 
«  as  given  to  each,  in  fee-simple  ;  no  more  to  he  gircn, 
till  the  expiration  of  the  seven  years.  In  the  year  1627, 
when  they  purchased  the  interest  of  the  adventurers  in 
England,  m  the  plantation,  there  was  a  division  and 
allotment  of  almost  all  their  property,  real  and  per- 
sonal ;  twenty  acres  of  tillage  land  to  each,  besides 
what  they  held  before  ;  the  meadows  and  the  trade 
only,  remaining  in  common. 

Thus  it  is  observable,  how  men,  in  spite  of  their 
principles,  are  naturally  led  into  that  mode  of  conduct, 
which  truth  and  utility,  ever  coincident,  point  out 
Our  fathers  deserve  the  highest  commendation  for  pro 
Bccuting,  at  the  hazard  of  life  and  fortune,  that  reforma- 
tion in  religion,  which  the  Church  of  England  left  im- 
perfect :  taking  for  this  purpose,  the  Sacred  Scrip- 
tures, as  their  only  guide,  they  travelled  in  the  path  of 
truth,  and  appealed  to  a  most  noble  and  unerring  stan- 
dard ;  but  when  from  their  reverence  to  this  divine 
authority,  in  matters  of  religion,  they  were  inclined  to 
esteem  it  the  only  guide,  in  all  the  affairs  of  life,  and 
attempted  to  regulate  their  civil  polity  upon  church 
ideas,  they  erred,  and  involved  themselves  in  innume- 
rable ditBculties. 

The  end  of  civil  society  is  the  security  of  the  tempo- 
ral liberty  and  prosperity  of  man,  not  all  the  happiness 
and  perfection  which  he  is  capable  of  attaining,  for 
which  other  means  are  appointed.  Had  not  our  fa- 
thers placed  themselves  upon  such  a  footing,  with  re- 
spect to  property,  as  was  repuirnant  to  the  nature  of 
man,  and  not  warranted  by  the  true  end  of  civil  so- 
cietv,  there  would  probably  have  been  no  just  irround  of 
complaint  of  a  want  of  real  and  reasonable  public  spi- 
rit ;  and  the  necessity  of  the  exhortation  and  reproof, 
contained  in  Mr.  Cushman's  discourse,  would  have 
been  superseded.  Their  zeal,  their  enterprise,  and 
their  uncommon  sufferings  in  the  prosecution  of  their 
arduous  undertaking,  render  it  morally  certain,  that 
they  would  have  ever  cheerfully  performed  their  duty 
in  this  respect.  Their  contemporaries  might  censure 
them  for  what  they  iliil  not,  but  their  posterity  must 
ever  admire  and  revere  them  for  what  they  did  exhibit. 

After  the  death  of  Mr.  Cushman,  his  family  c?mc 
over  to  New  England.  His  son,  Thomas  Cushman, 
succeeded  Mr.  Brewster,  as  rulingelder  of  the  Church 
of  Plymouth,  being  ordained  to  that  office  in  1649. 
He  was  a  man  of  good  gifts,  and  frequently  assisted  in 
carrying  on  the  public  worship.preacliing  and  catechiz- 
ing. For  it  was  one  of  the  professed  principles  of  that 
church,  in  its  first  formation,  "  to  choose  none  for  go- 
verning elders,  but  such  as  were  able  to  teach."  He 
continued  in  this  oHice  till  he  died,  in  1691,  in  the 
eighty-fourth  year  of  his  age. 

The  above  menlioncil  discourse  of  Mr.  Robert  Cush- 
man, in  1621,  may  be  considered  as  a  specimen  of  the 
''  prophesyings''  of  the  brethren.  The  occasion  was 
singular;  the  exhortations  and  reproofs  are  not  less 
BO  ;  but  were  adapted  to  the  then  state  of  society. 
Some  specimens  may  not  be  disagreeable,  and  are 
therefore  here  inserted. 

"  Now,  brethren,  I  pray  you  remember  yourselves, 
and  know  that  you  arc  not  in  a '  retired  monastical 
course,  but  have  given  your  names  and  promises  one  to 
another,  and  covenanted  here  to  cleave  together  in  the 
nervice  of  God  and  the  king.  What  then  must  you  do1 
May  you  live  as  retired  hermits,  and  look  after  nobody! 
Nay,  you  must  seek  still  the  wealth  of  one  another  ; 
and  inquire,  as  David,  how  liveth  such  a  man  !  how  is 
he  clad  I  how  is  he  fed  !  He  is  my  brother,  and  my 
associate  ;  we  ventured  our  lives  together  here,  and 
had  a  hard  brunt  of  it  ;  and  we  are  in  league  together. 
Is  his  labor  harder  than  mine?  surely  I  will  ease  him. 
Hath  he  no  bed  to  lie  on  !  I  have  two  ;  I'll  lend  him 
one.  Hath  he  no  apparel  I  have  two  suits,  I'll  give 
liim  one  of  them.  Eats  he  coarse  fare,  bread  and  wa- 
ter !  and  have  I  better?  surely  we  will  part  slakes. 
Ho  is  as  good  a  man  as  I,  and  we  are  bound  each  to 
other  ;  so  that  his  wants  must  be  mv  wants,  his  sor- 
rows my  sorrows,  his  sickness  my  sickness,  and  his 
welfare  my  welfare  ;  for  I  am  as  he  is  .Such  a  sweet 
sympathy  were  excellent,  comfortable,  yea,  heavenly, 
und  is  the  only  maker  and  conscrver  of  churches  and 
commonwealtbs. 

"  It  wonderfully  cncourageth  men  in  llieir  duties, 
when  they  see  the  burthen  equally  borne  ;  but  when 


vessel,  if  one  stand  still  and  do  not  lift,  shall  not  the 
rest  be  weakened  and  disheartened  1    Will  not  a  few 


daily  eat  and  consume  one  another,  through  their  eni> 
ulations,  ways  and  contentions  ;  le  you,  therefore 
ashamed  of  il,  and  win  them  to  peace,  both  with  youi- 


idle  drones  spoil  the  whole  stock  of  laborious  bees  ?  |  selves,  and  with  one  another,  by  your  peaceable  exam 
So  one  idle  belly,  one  murmurer,  one  coniplaincr.  one  '  pics,  which  will  preach  louder  to  thcni,than  if  you  could 
self-lover,  will  weaken  and  di.-^heartcn  a  whole  colony,  cry  in  their  barbarous  language  ;  so  also  shall  you  be 
Great  matters  have  been  brought  to  pass,  w  here  men  an  encouragement  to  many  of  your  Christian  friends, 


have  cheerfully,  as  with  one  heart,  hand  and  shoulder, 
gone  about  it,  both  in  %vars,buildings  and  plantations  ; 
but  where  every  man  seeks  himself,  all  comcth  to  no- 
thing. 

"  The  country  is  yet  raw,  the  land  unfilled  ;  the  ci- 
tics  not  builded  ;  the  cattle  not  settled.  We  are  com- 
passed about  with  a  helpless  and  idle  people,the  natives 
of  the  country,  which  cannot,  in  any  comely  or  com- 
fortable manner,  help  themselves  ;  much  less  us.  We 
also  have  been  very  chargeable  to  many  of  our  loving 
friends  which  helped  us  hithcr,and  now  again  supplied 
us.  So  that  before  we  think  of  gathering  riches,  we 
must  even  in  conscience  think  of  requiting  their  charge, 
love,  and  labor  ;  and  curses  be  on  that  profit  and  gain 
which  aimeth  not  at  this.  Besides,  how  many  of  our 
dear  friends  did  here  die  at  our  first  entrance  !  many  of 
them,  no  doubt,  for  want  of  good  lodging,  shelter,  and 
comfortable  things;  and  many  more  may  go  after  them 
(piickly,  if  care  be  not  taken.  Is  this  then,  a  time  for 
men  to  begin  to  seek  themselves  1  Paul  sailh,  that 
men  in  the  last  days  shall  be  lovers  of  themselves  (2 
Tim.  iii.  2  ;)  but  it  is  here  yet  but  the  first  days,  and, 
as  it  were,  the  dawning  of  this  new  world.  It  is  now 
therefore  no  time  for  men  to  look  to  get  riches,  brave 
clothes,  dainty  fare  ;  but  to  look  to  present  necessities. 
It  is  now  no  time  to  pamper  the  iJesh,  live  at  case, 
snatch,  catch,  scrape,  and  hoard  up  ;  but  rather  to 
open  the  doors,  the  chests,  and  vessels,  and  say,  bro. 
ther,  neighbor,  friend,  what  want  ye  ?  any  thing  that  I 
have  1  make  bold  with  it  ;  it  is  yours  to  command,  to 
do  you  good,  to  comfort  and  cherish  you  ;  and  glad  I 
am  that  I  have  it  for  you. 

"  Let  there  be  no  prodigal  son  to  come  forth  and 
say,  give  me  the  portion  of  lands  and  goods  that  ap. 
pertaincth  to  me,  and  let  me  shift  for  myself  It  is 
yet  too  soon  to  put  men  to  their  shifts  ;  Israel  was 
seven  years  in  Canaan,  before  the  land  was  divided 
unto  tribes,  much  longer  before  it  was  divided  unto 
families  ;  and  why  wouldest  thou  have  thy  particular 
portion,  but  because  thou  thinkest  to  live  better  than 
thy  neighbor,  and  scornest  to  live  so  meanly  as  he  ! 
but  who,  I  pray  thee,  brought  this  particularizing  first 
into  the  world  !  Did  not  Satan  who  was  not  content 
to  keep  that  equal  state  with  his  fellows,  but  would 
set  his  throne  above  the  stars  1  Did  not  he  also  entice 
man  to  despise  his  general  felicity  and  happiness,  and 
go  try  pflr/!ci(/arknowledge  of  good  and  evil !  Nothing 
in  this  world  doth  more  resemble  heavenly  hap|)iness, 
than  for  men  to  live  as  one,  being  of  one  heart,  and 
one  soul  ;  neither  any  thing  more  resembles  hellish 
horror,  than  for  every  man  to  shift  for  himself,  for  if 
it  be  a  good  mind  and  practice,  thus  to  affect  parlicu- 
lars,m;He  and  lliinr,  then  it  should  be  best  also  for  God 
to  provide  one  heaven  for  thee,  and  another  for  thy 
neighbor. 

"  Ohjeetion.  But  some  will  say,  If  all  men  will  do 
their  endeavors,  as  I  do,  I  could  be  content  with  this 
iieneraliiy  ;  but  many  arc  idle  and  slothful, and  eat  up 
other's  labors,  and  therefore  it  is  best  to  part,  and  then 
every  man  may  do  his  pleasure. 

"  If  others  be  idle  and  Ihou  diligent,  thy  fellowship, 
provocation,and  exaniple.may  well  help  to  cure  that  ma- 
lady in  them,  being  together  ;  but  being  asuniler,  shall 
they  not  be  more  idle,  and  shall  not  gentry  and  beg- 
gary be  quickly  the  glorious  ensigns  of  your  con.iiion- 
w  eallh  ] 

'•  Be  not  too  hasty  to  say  men  are  idle  and  slothful. 
.Ml  men  have  not  strength,  faculty,  spirit,  and 

coura<ie  to  work  alike.  It  is  thy  glory  and  credit,  that 
thou  canst  do  so  well,  and  his  shame  and  reproach, 
that  he  can  do  no  better  ;  and  arc  not  these  sullicient 
rewards  to  you  both  ! 

"  If  any  be  idle  apparenllv,  you  have  a  law  and  go- 
vernors to  execute  the  same,  and  to  follow  that  rule  of 
the  apostle,  to  keep  back  their  bread,  and  let  them  not 
eat;  go  not  therefore  whispering,  to  charge  men  with 
idleness;  but  goto  the  governor  and  [trove  them  idle 
and  thou  slialt  see  them  have  their  deserts 

"  There  is  no  grief  so  tedious  as  a  churlish  compan- 
ion. Bear  ye  one  another  s  burdens,aiid  be  not  a  bur- 
den one  to  another.  Avoid  all  factions,  frowardiiess, 
sinjiilaritv,  ami  w ilhdrawini;s,  and  cleave  fast  to  the 


in  your  native  country,  to  come  to  you,  when  '.hey  hew 
of  your  peace,  love  and  kindness.  But,  above  all,  it 
shall  go  well  with  your  souls,  when  that  God  of  peace 
and  unity  shall  come  to  visit  you  with  death,  as  he 
hath  done  many  of  your  associates,  you  being  found 
of  him,  not  in  murmurings,  discontent,  and  jars,  but 
in  brotherly  love,  and  [leace,  may  he  translated  from 
this  wandering  wilderness,  unto  that  joyful  and  hear 
enly  Canaan."  Amen. 


Bomn  withdraw  themselves,  and  retire  to  their  own  par-  Lord,  and  one  to  another,  continually  ;  so  shall  you  be 
(iLHilar  case,  pleasure  or  profit,  what  heart  can  men  |  a  notable  precedent  to  these  jioor  heathens.wliose  eyes 
have  to  go  on  in  their  business  *  When  men  arc  come  |  arc  upon  you,  and  who  very  brutislily  and  cruelly  do 


EDWARD  WIN  SLOW. 

Edward  Wi.nslow— His  Birlli  and  EiJucation— Travels  on 
tlie  Continent — Removes  to  Aaienra — H;^  visit  to  Masa^- 
lioit — Returns  to  England — Sails  asain  for  n>  mouth — Sent 
as  A?ent  to  England — ("ommitled  to  the  I'leet  Prison- 
Released — Returns  to  New  England  and  chosen  Governor 
— Chosen  Coniiniisioner  of  the  United  Colonies— Sent  liy 
Cromwell  against  the  Spaniards — Dies  on  the  patsage  10 
Jamaica — Account  of  his  Descendants. 

This  eminently  useful  person  was  the  eldest  son  ot 
a  gentleman  of  the  same  name,  of  Droitwich,  in  Wor- 
cestershire, where  he  was  born  in  1594.  Of  his  edu- 
cation and  first  appearance  in  life  \ve  have  no  know- 
ledge. In  the  course  of  his  travels  on  the  continent  ot 
Europe,  he  became  acquainted  with  Mr.  Robinson  and 
the  church  under  his  pastoral  care  at  Leyden,  w  here  ho 
settled  and  married.  To  this  church  he  joineil  himself, 
ind  with  them  he  continued  till  their  removal  lo  Ame- 
rica. He  came  hither  with  the  first  company,  and  his 
name  is  the  third  in  the  list  of  those  who  subscribed  the 
covenant  of  incorporation,  before  their  disembarkation 
at  Cape  Cod.  His  family  then  consisted  of  his  wife 
and  three  other  persons.  He  was  one  of  the  company 
who  coasted  the  bay  of  Cape  Cod,  and  discovered  the 
harbor  of  Plymouth  ;  and  when  the  Sachem  .Masassoit 
came  lo  visit  the  strangers,  he  offered  himself  as  a 
hostage,  whilst  a  conference  was  held  and  a  treaty 
was  made  with  the  savage  prince. 

His  wife  died  soon  after  his  arrival ;  and  in  the  fol- 
lowing spring,  he  married  Susanna,  the  widow  of  Wit 
liani  White,  and  mother  of  Peregrine,  the  first  Englikb 
child  bom  in  New  England.  This  was  the  first  mar- 
riage solemnized  in  the  colony  ;  (May  12,  1621  ) 

In  June,  he  went  in  company  with  Stephen  Hopkin;* 
to  visit  Sachem  Masassoit  at  Pokanoket.  The  design 
of  this  visit  is  related  in  Bradford's  life.  The  particu- 
lar circumstances  of  il  may  properly  be  detailed  here, 
in  the  very  words  of  Winslow  s  original  narrative. 

"  We  set  forward,  the  lOlli  of  June,  about  nine  in 
the  morning  ;  our  guide  [Tisquantum]  resolving  th;it 
ni<;ht  to  rest  at  Namasket,a  town  under  Masassoit. and 
eoiiceivetl  by  us  lo  be  very  near,  because  the  inhabit- 
ants Hocked  so  thick,  on  every  slight  occasion  among 
us  ;  but  we  found  it  lo  be  fifteen  English  miles.  On 
the  w  ay,  we  found  ten  or  twelve  men. women  and  chil- 
dren, which  had  pestered  us  till  we  were  weary  ol 
them  ;  perceiving  that  (as  the  manner  of  them  all  is) 
where  victuals  is  easiest  to  be  got,  there  Ihey  live,  es- 
pecially in  the  summer  ;  by  reason  whereof,  our  bay 
aft'ording  many  lobsters,  they  resort  every  spring  lido 
thither,  and  now  returned  with  us  to  Naniasket. 
Thither  we  came  about  three  in  the  afternoon  ;  the  in- 
habitants entertaining  us.  w  ith  joy,  in  the  best  manner 
they  could,  giving  us  a  kind  of  bread,  called  by  ihem 
.Mazium,  and  the  spawn  of  shad,  which  then  they  got 
in  abundance ;  insomuch  as  they  gave  us  spoons  to 
eat  them  ;  with  these  they  boiled  niuslv  acorns, 
but  of  the  shad  we  ale  heartily.  They  desired  one  of 
our  men  to  shoot  at  a  crow,  coiii|>laiiiing  »  hat  damage 
they  sustained  in  their  corn  by  Ihem  ;  who  shooting 
ami  killing,  they  much  admired  it,  as  other  shots  od 
other  occasions. 

"  .After  this  Tisquantum  told  us,  we  should  hardly 
in  one  day  reach  Pakanokick.  moving  us  to  go  eight 
miles  fartlier,w  here  we  should  find  more  store  and  Ik'I- 
ter  victuals.  Being  w  illing  to  hasten  our  journey,  we 
went,  ami  came  tiiilher  at  selling-sun  ;  w  here  we  found 
nianv  of  ihe  men  of  Namasket  fishing  at  a  ware 
which  they  had  made  on  a  river,  which  belonged  to 
ihem,  w  here  they  caught  abundance  of  bass.  These 
welcomed  us  also,  gave  uscf  their  fish,  and  we  them 
of  our  victuals,  not  doubting  luit  we  should  have  enouj'h 
wherever  we  came.  Theii"  we  lod;;ed  in  the  open 
fielils  ;  for  houses  Ihey  lia<l  none,  though  thev  spent 
the  most<if  the  summer  there  The  head  of  this  ri^cr 
is  reported  tu  be  not  far  from  the  place  of  our  abodv  ; 


BIOGRAPHIES  OF  THE   EARLY  DISCOVERERS. 


upon  it  are  and  have  been  many  towns,  it  being  a  good 
leiigili-  The  ground  is  very  good  on  both  sides,  it  be- 
inL,  I'or  the  most  part  cleared.  Thousands  of  men  have 
lived  there,  wiiich  died  in  a  great  plague,  not  long 
since  ;  and  pity  it  was  and  is  to  see  so  many  goodly 
fields  and  so  well  seated,  vvitliout  men  to  dress  the 
same. 

"  The  next  morning  we  brake  our  fast,  and  took  our 
leave  and  departed  ;  being  then  accompanied  with  six 
savages.  Having  gone  about  six  miles  by  the  river's 
side,  at  a  known  shoal  place,  it  being  low  water,  they 
spake  to  us  to  put  off  our  breeches,  for  we  must  wade 
through.  Here  let  me  not  forget  the  valor  and  courage 
of  some  of  the  savages,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
river ;  for  there  were  remaining  alive  only  two  men, 
both  aged.  These  two,  spying  a  company  of  men  en- 
tering the  river,  ran  very  swiftly,  and  low  in  the  grass, 
to  meet  us  at  the  bank ;  where,  with  shrill  voices,  and 
great  courage,  standing,  charged  upon  us  with  their 
bows,  they  demanded  what  we  were,  supposing  us  to 
be  enemies,  and  thinking  to  take  advantage  of  us  in 
the  water :  but  seeing  we  were  friends,  they  welcom- 
ed us  with  such  food  as  they  had  ;  and  we  bestowed  a 
Binall  bracelet  of  beads  on  them.  Thus  far,  we  arc 
sure,  the  tide  ebbs  and  (lows. 

"  Having  here  again  refreshed  ourselves,  we  pro- 
ceeded on  our  journey,  the  weather  being  very  hot  ; 
yet  the  country  so  well  watered,  that  a  man  could 
scarce  be  dry,  but  he  should  have  a  spring  at  hand  to 
cool  his  thirst,  beside  small  rivers  in  abundance.  The 
savages  will  not  willingly  drink  but  at  a  spring-head. 
When  we  came  to  any  small  brook,  where  no  bridge 
was,  two  of  them  desired  to  carry  us  through  of  their 
own  accord  ;  also  fearing  we  were  or  would  be  weary, 
they  ollered  to  carry  our  pieces,  [guns  ;]  also,  if  we 
would  lay  off  any  of  our  clothes,  wc  should  have  them 
carried  ;  and  as  the  one  of  them  had  found  more  spe- 
cial kindness  from  one  of  the  messengers,  and  the 
other  savage  from  the  other,  so  they  showed  their 
thankfulness  accordingly  in  affording  us  all  help  and 
furtherance  in  the  journey. 

"  As  we  passed  along,  we  observed  that  there  were 
few  places  by  the  river,  but  had  been  inhabited  ;  by 
reason  whereof,  much  ground  was  clear  save  of  weeds 
which  grew  higher  than  our  heads.  There  is  much 
good  timber,  oak,  walnut,  fir,  beech,  and  exceeding 
great  chesnut  trees. 

"  Afterward  we  came  to  a  town  of  Masassoit's, 
where  we  eat  oysters,  and  other  fish.  From  thence 
we  went  to  Pockanokick,  but  Masassoit  was  not  at 
home.  There  we  staid,  he  being  sent  for.  When 
news  was  brought  of  his  coming,  our  guide,  Tisquan- 
tum,  requested  that  at  our  meeting,  we  would  dis- 
charge our  pieces.  One  of  us  going  to  charge  his 
piece,  the  women  and  children,  through  fear  ran  away 
and  could  not  be  pacified  till  he  laid  it  down  again  ; 
who  afterward  were  better  informed  by  our  interpreter. 

"  Masassoit  being  come,  we  discharged  our  pieces 
and  saluted  him,  who,  after  their  manner,  kindly  wel- 
comed us,  and  took  us  into  his  house,  and  set  us  down 
by  him,  where,  having  delivered  our  message  and  pre- 
sents, and  having  put  the  coat  on  his  back,  and  the 
chain  about  his  neck,  he  was  not  a  little  proud  to  be- 
hold himself,  and  his  men  also  to  see  their  king  so 
bravely  attired. 

"  For  answer  to  our  message,  he  told  us  we  were 
welcome  ;  and  he  would  gladly  continue  that  peace 
and  friendship  which  was  between  liim  and  us  ;  and 
for  his  men,  they  should  no  more  pester  us,  as  they 
had  done  ;  also  that  he  would  send  to  Paomet,  and 
help  us  to  seed-corn,  according  to  our  request. 

"  This  being  done,  his  men  gathered  near  to  him,  to 
whom  he  turned  himself  and  made  a  great  speech  ;  the 
meaning  whereof  (as  far  as  we  could  learn)  was,  that 
he  was  commander  of  the  country,  and  that  the  people 
should  bring  their  skins  to  us.  He  named  at  least 
thirty  places ;  and  their  answer  was  confirming  and 
applauding  what  he  said. 

•'  He  then  lighted  tobacco  for  us,  and  fell  to  dis- 
coursing of  England  and  of  the  king,  marvelling  that 
he  could  hve  without  a  wife.  Also  he  talked  of  the 
Frenchmen  ;  bidding  us  not  to  suffer  them  to  come  to 
IVarrowhiganset  ;  for  it  was  King  James's  country, 
and  he  was  King  James's  man.  It  grew  late,  but  he 
oll'ered  us  no  victuals  ;  for  indeed  he  had  not  any,  be- 
ing so  newly  come  home.  So  we  desired  to  go  to  rest. 
He  laid  us  on  the  bod  with  himself  and  his  wife  ;  they 
at  the  one  end,  and  we  at  the  other  ;  it  being  only 
Jilaiiks.  laid  a  foot  from  the  ground,  and  a  thin  mat 
upon  them.  Two  more  of  his  chief  men,  for  want  of 
room,  pressed  by  and  upon  us  ;  so  that  wc  were  worse 
iv^ahed  of  our  lodging,  than  of  our  journey. 


"  The  next  day  being  Thur.sday,  many  of  their  sa- 
chems or  petty  governors  came  to  see  us,  and  many  of 
their  men  also.  They  went  to  their  manner  of  games 
fi)r  skin.s  and  knives.  We  challenged  them  to  shoot 
for  skins,  but  they  durst  not  ;  only  they  desired  to  see 
one  of  us  shoot  at  a  mark  ;  who  shouting  with  hail-shot, 
they  wondered  to  see  the  mark  so  full  of  holes. 

"About  one  o'clock,  Masassoit  brought  two  fishes 
that  he  had  shot ;  they  were  like  bream, but  three  times 
so  big,  and  better  meat.  [Probably  the  fish  called  Ta- 
taug.]  These  being  boiled,  there  were  at  least  forty, 
that  looked  for  a  share  in  them  ;  the  most  eat  of  them. 
This  meal  only,  we  had  in  two  nights  and  a  day ;  and 
had  not  one  of  us  brought  a  jiartridge,  we  had  taken 
our  journey  fasting.  Very  importunate  he  was  with 
us  to  stay  with  him  loiiger  ;  but  we  desired  to  keep 
the  sabbath  at  home  and  feared  we  should  be  light- 
headed for  want  of  sleep;  for  what  with  bad  lodging, 
barbarous  singing,  (for  they  use  to  sing  themselves  to 
sleep)  lice  and  fleas  within  doors,  and  musketoes  with- 
out, we  could  hardly  sleep,  all  the  time  of  our  being 
there  ;  and  we  much  feared  that  if  wc  should  stay  any 
longer,  we  should  not  be  able  to  recover  home  for  want 
of  strength. 

"  On  Friday  morning,beforc  sun-rising,  we  took  our 
leave  and  departed.  Masassoit  being  both  grieved  and 
ashamed,  that  he  could  not  better  entertain  us.  Re- 
taining Tisquantum  to  send  from  place  to  place, to  pro- 
cure truck  for  us,  he  appointed  another  [guide]  Toka- 
mahamon  in  his  place,  whom  we  found  faithful  before 
and  after  upon  all  occasions." 

This  narrative  gives  us  a  just  idea  of  the  hospitality 
and  poverty  of  the  Indians.  They  gladly  entertain 
strangers  with  the  best  they  can  afford ;  but  it  is 
familiar  to  them  to  endure  long  abstinence.  Those 
who  visit  them  must  be  content  to  fare  as  they  do,  or 
carry  their  own  provisions  and  share  it  with  them. 

Mr.  Winslow  s  next  excursion  was  by  sea  to  Mona- 
higon,  an  island  near  the  mouth  of  Penobscot  Bay,  to 
procure  a  supply  of  bread  from  the  fishing  vessels, who 
resorted  to  the  eastern  coast  in  the  spring  of  1622. 
This  supply,  though  not  large,  was  freely  given  to  the 
suffering  colony  ;  and  being  prudently  managed  in  the 
distribution,  amounted  to  one  quarter  of  a  pound  for 
each  person,  till  the  next  harvest.  By  means  of  this 
excursion,  the  people  of  Plymouth  became  acquainted 
with  the  eastern  coast ;  of  which  knowledge  they  after- 
wards availed  themselves,  for  a  beneficial  traffic  with 
the  natives. 

In  the  spring  of  the  year  1G23,  Mr.  Winslow  made 
a  second  visit  to  the  sachem,  on  account  of  his  sick- 
ness ;  the  particular  circumstances  of  which  are  thus 
given  in  his  own  words. 

"  News  came  to  Plymouth  that  Massassowat*  was 
like  to  die,and  that  at  the  same  time  there  was  a  Dutch 
ship  driven  so  high  on  the  shore,  before  his  dwelling, 
by  stress  of  weather,  that  till  the  tides  increased,  she 
could  not  be  got  off.  Now  it  being  a  commendable 
manner  of  the  Indians,  when  any,  especially  of  note, 
are  dangerously  sick,  for  all  that  profess  friendship  to 
them  to  visit  them  in  their  extremity  ;  therefore  it  was 
thought  meet,  that  as  we  had  ever  professed  friend- 
ship,so  we  should  now  maintain  the  same, by  observing 
this  their  laudable  custom  ;  and  the  rather,  because 
we  desired  to  have  some  conference  with  the  Dutch, 
not  knowing  when  we  should  have  so  fit  an  opportu- 
nity. 

"  To  that  end,  myself  having  formerly  been  there, 
and  understanding  in  some  measure  the  Dutch  tongue, 
the  governor  [Bradford]  again  laid  this  service  on  my- 
self, and  fitted  me  with  some  cordials  to  administer  to 
him  ;  having  one  Mr.  John  Hamden,  a  gentleman  of 
London,  who  then  wintered  with  us, and  desired  much 
to  see  the  country,  for  my  comfort,  and  Hobamock  for 
our  guide.  So  we  set  forward,  and  lodged  the  first 
night  at  Nainaskat,  where  we  had  friendly  entertain- 
ment. 

"  The  next  day,  about  one  o'clock,  we  came  to  a 
ferry  in  Conbatant'st  country,  where,  upon  discharge 
of  my  piece,  divers  Indians  came  to  ns.  from  a  house 
not  far  oiT.  They  told  us  that  Massassowat  was  dead, 
and  that  day  buried  ;  and  that  the  Dutch  would  be  gone 
before  we  could  get  thither,  having  hove  oil"  their  ship 
already.  This  news  struck  us  blank  ;  but  especially 
Hobamock,  who  desired  me  to  return  with  all  speed. 
I  told  him  I  would  first  think  of  it,  considering  now, 
that  he  being  dead,  Conbatant,  or  Corbitant,  was  the 
most  likely  to  succeed  him,  and  that  we  were  not 


*  Thus  it  is  spelt  in  Winslow's  narrative. 

t  Ills  name  is  spelt  Corbitant,  Conbatant,  and  Conbutant. 
This  ferry  is  prob:ibly  the  samo  which  is  now  called  Slade's 
Ferry,  in  Swanzoy. 


abovethree  miles  from  M<attapuyst,"  hisdwclliiig  placo. 
.Mthough  he  were  but  a  hollow-hearted  friend  to  us,  I 
lliouglil  no  time  so  fit  as  this  to  enter  into  more  f  riendly 
terms  with  him,  and  the  rest  of  the  sachems  theri>- 
abouts  ;  hoping,  through  th«!  blessing  of  God.  it  would 
be  a  means  in  that  unsettled  state, to  settle  iheir  affec- 
tions towards  us  ;  and  though  it  were  somewhat  danger- 
ous, ill  respect  of  our  personal  safety,  yet  esteeming  it 
the  best  means,  leaving  the  event  to  (iod  in  his  mercy, 
I  resolved  to  put  it  in  practice,  if  Mr.  Hamden  and 
Hobamock  durst  attempt  It  with  me,  whom  I  found 
willing.    So  we  went  toward  Mattapuyst. 

"  111  the  way,  Kobamoek  m  uiifesting  a  troubled 
spirit,  brake  forth  into  these  speeches.  Accn  xr(iiii<i.\n 
Siigamus,  iSfC.  "My  loving  .Sachem  I  many  have  I 
known  but  never  any  like  thee  I"  'i'hen  turning  to 
me,  he  said,  whilst  I  lived,  I  should  never  see  his  like 
among  the  Indians.  He  was  no  liar,  he  was  not 
bloody  and  cruel  like  other  Indians ;  in  anger  and  pas- 
sion he  was  soon  reclaimed  ;  easy  to  be  reconcileil  to- 
ward such  as  had  ofl'eiided  him  ;  ruled  by  reason,  in 
such  measure  as  he  would  not  scorn  the  advice  of  mean 
men;  and  that  he  governed  his  men  belter  with  tew 
strokes  than  others  did  with  many  ;  truly  loving  w  here 
he  loved  ;  yea,  he  feared  we  had  not  a  faithful  friend 
left  among  the  Indians, sliowinghow  often  he  restrained 
their  malice.  He  continued  a  long  speech,  with  such 
signs  of  lamentation  and  unfeigned  sorrow,  as  would 
have  made  the  hardest  heart  relent. 

"  At  length  we  came  to  Mattapuyst,and  went  fo  the 
sachem's  place  ;  Conbutant  was  not  at  home,  but  at 
Pokanokick,  five  or  six  miles  off.  The  squaw  saehein 
gave  us  friendly  entertainment.  Here  we  inquired 
again  concerning  Massassowat;  theythought  him  dead; 
but  knew  no  certainty.  Whereupon  I  hired  onet3go 
with  all  exhibition  to  Pokanokick,that  we  might  know 
the  certainty  thereof,and  withal  to  acquaint  Conbutant 
with  our  being  there.  About  half  an  hour  before  sun- 
setting  the  messenger  returned, and  told  us  that  he  was 
not  yet  dead,though  there  was  no  hope  that  we  should 
find  him  living.  Upon  this,  we  were  much  reviveil, 
and  set  forward  with  all  speed, though  it  was  late  with- 
in night  when  we  got  thither.  About  two  o'clock, that 
afternoon,  the  Dutchman  had  departed,  so  that,  in  that 
respect,  our  journey  was  frustrate. 

"  When  we  came  thither,we  found  the  house  so  full 
of  men,  as  we  could  scarce  get  in,  though  they  used 
their  best  diligence  to  make  way  for  us.  They  were 
in  the  midst  of  their  charms  for  him,  making  such  a 
hellish  noise,  as  distempered  us  that  were  well,  and 
therefore  unlike  to  ease  him  that  was  sick-  About  him 
were  six  or  eight  women, who  chafed  his  arms  and  legs 
to  keep  heat  in  him.  When  they  h.id  made  an  end  ot 
tl  nr  charming,  onefold  him  that  his  friends  the  Eng- 
ll^il  were  come  to  see  him.  Having  his  understanding 
left,  though  his  sight  wholly  gone,  he  asked  who  was 
come  !  they  told  him  Winsmnv  ;)  for  they  cannot  pro- 
nounce the  lettef  L  but  ordinarily  N  in  place  of  it :) 
he  desired  to  speak  with  me.  When  I  came  to  him 
and  they  told  him  of  it,  he  put  forth  his  hand  to  me, 
which  I  took  ;  then  he  said  twice, though  very  inward- 
ly, '  keen,  Wmxnwv '!'  art  thou  Winslow  !  I  an- 
swered '  ahhe,'  that  is,  'yes,'  Then  he  doubled  these 
words,  '  Malta  7iecn  vortchinct  namen  Winsmiw  !' 
that  is  to  say,  '  O  Winslow,  I  shall  never  sec  theo 
again  !'  Then  I  called  Hobamock,  and  desired  him  to 
tell  Masassoit,  that  the  governor  hearing  of  his  sick- 
ness,was  sorry  for  the  same  ;  and  though,  by  reason  of 
many  businesses,  he  could  not  himself  come,  yet  he 
had  sent  me,  with  such  things  for  him  as  he  thought 
most  likely  to  do  him  good  in  this  extremity  ;  and 
whereof  if  he  pleased  to  take,  I  would  presently  give 
him;  which  he  desired  ;  and,  having  a  confection  of 
many  comfortable  conserves,  on  the  point  of  niy  knife, 
I  gave  him  some, which  I  could  scarce  get  through  his 
teeth  ;  when  it  was  dissolved  in  his  mouth,  be  swal- 
lowed the  juice  of  it,  whereat  those  that  were  about 
him  were  much  rejoiced,  saying  he  had  not  swallowed 
any  thing  in  two  days  before.  Then  I  desired  to  sec 
his  mouth,  which  was  exceedingly  furred,  and  his 
tongue  swelled  in  such  a  manner,tliat  it  was  not  possi- 
ble for  him  to  eat  such  meat  as  they  had.  Then  I 
washed  his  mouth. and  scraped  his  tongue;  after  which 
I  gave  him  more  of  the  confection, w  hich  he  swallowed 
with  more  readiness.  Then  he  desired  to  drink;  I 
dissolved  some  of  it  in  water,  and  gave  him  thereof ; 
and  within  half  an  hour.this  wrought  a  great  alteration 
in  him,  and  presently  after  his  sight  began  to  come  to 
him.    Then  I  gave  him  more,  and  told  him  of  a  niis- 


•  A  neclc  of  land  in  the  township  of  Swanzoy,  commouj 
proQounccd  Maltapuisct. 


54 


AMERICAN'  HISTORY. 


nap  we  liail  liy  the  way,  in  breaking  a 'joltle  of  ilrini(,  | 
which  iIk!  governor  also  sent  him,  saying,  if  he  would  j 
send  .my  of  his  men  to  Plymouth,  I  would  send  for, 
more  of  the  eiinie  ;  also  for  chickens,  to  make  him 
oroih,  and  for  other  things  which  I  knew  were  good  for 
him,  and  would  stay  the  return  of  the  messenger. 
This  he  took  marvellous  kindly,  and  appointed  some 
ivho  were  ready  to  go  by  two  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
against  which  time  I  made  ready  a  leltcr,declaring  our 
good  success,  and  desiring  such  things  as  wore  proper. 
He  reqneste<l  me  that  I  would  the  next  day  take  my 
piece,  and  kill  him  some  fowl,  and  make  him  such  pot- 
tage as  he  had  eaten  at  Plymouth,  which  I  promised  ; 
but  his  stomach  coming  to  him,  I  must  needs  make 
ilim  some  without  fowl,  before  I  went  abroad.  I 
caused  a  woman  to  bruise  some  corn  an«  take  the 
flour  from  it,  and  set  the  broken  corn  in  a  pipkin,  (for 
ihey  have  earthen  pots  of  all  size.*.)  When  the  day 
broke,  we  went  out  to  seek  lierbs,  (it  being  the  m.iddle 
of  March)  but  could  not  find  any  but  strawberry  leaves, 
of  which  I  gathered  a  handfid  and  j>ut  into  the  same, 
and  because  I  had  nothing  to  relish  it,  I  went  forth 
again  and  pulled  up  a  sassatVas  root,  and  sliced  apiece 
and  boiled  it,  till  it  had  a  good  r-clish.  Of  this  broth  I 
gave  him  a  pint,vvhich  he  drank  and  liked  it  well ;  after 
this  his  sight  mende<l,  and  he  took  some  rest.  That 
morning  he  caused  me  to  spend  in  going  among  the 
sick  in  the  town,  re  .nesting  me  to  wash  their  mouths, 
and  give  them  some  of  the  same  I  gave  him.  This 
pains  I  took  willingly,  though  it  were  nmch  olfensive 
to  me. 

"  When  the  messengers  were  returned,  finding  his 
stomach  come  to  him,  he  would  not  have  the  chickens 
killed,  but  kept  them  for  breed.  Ncithcrdarst  wc  give 
him  any  physic,  because  he  was  so  much  altered,  not 
doubting  of  his  recovery  if  he  were  careful.  Upon  his 
recovery  he  brake  forth  into  these  speeches  :  '  Now  I 
see  the  English  are  my  friends,  and  love  me  ;  whilst  I 
live,  I  will  never  forget  this  kindness  they  have  showed 
me.'  At  our  coming  away,  he  called  Hobamock  to 
him,  and  privately  told  him  of  a  plot  of  the  Massachu- 
setts against  Weston's  colony,  and  so  against  us.  But 
he  would  neither  join  therein,  nor  give  way  to  an)'  of 
his.  With  this  he  charged  him  to  acquaint  me,  by  the 
way,  that  I  might  inform  the  governor.  Being  fitted 
for  our  return,  we  took  leave  of  him,  who  returned 
many  thanks  to  our  governor,  and  also  to  ourselves,  for 
our  labor  and  love  ;  the  like  did  all  that  were  about 
him.    So  we  departed." 

In  the  autumn  of  the  same  year,  Mr.  Winslow  went 
to  England  as  agent  to  the  colony,  to  give  an  account 
of  their  proceedings  to  the  adventurers,  and  procure 
Buch  things  as  were  necessary.  Whilst  he  was  in  Eng- 
land, he  published  a  narrative  of  the  settlement  and 
raiisactions  of  the  colony  at  Plymouth, under  this  title, 
"  Good  news  from  New  England,  or  a  relation  of 
things  remarkable  in  that  plantation,  by  E.  Wins- 
low." 

This  narrative  is  abridged  in  Purchas's  Pilgrims, and 
has  been  of  great  service  to  all  succeeding  historians. 
To  it,  he  subjoined  an  account  of  tlie  manners  and 
customs,  the  religious  opinions  and  ceremonies  of  the 
Indian  natives  ;  which,  being  an  original  work  and  now 
rarely  to  be  found,  is  inserted  in  the  Appendix. 

In  the  following  spring  (March  1624)  Mr.  Winslow 
returned  from  England,  having  been  absent  no  longer 
than  six  months  ;  bringing  a  good  supply  of  clothing 
and  other  necessaries,  and,  what  was  of  more  value 
than  any  other  supply,  Ihrec  heifers  and  one  hull ;  the 
first  neat  cattle  brought  into  New-England. 

The  sameyear.he  went  again  to  England, where  he 
had  an  opportunity  of  correcting  a  mistake  which  had 
been  made  in  his  former  voyage.  The  adventurers, 
had  llien.  in  the  same  ship  w  ith  the  gattle,  sent  over 
John  Lyford,  as  a  minister  ;  who  was  soon  sus|)ected 
of  being  a  person  unlit  for  that  olfice.  When  Mr. 
Winslow  went  again  to  Englan.l, he  imparted  this  sus- 
picion ;  and  at  a  meeting  of  the  adventurers,  it  appear 
ed  on  examination  that  Lyford  had  been  a  minister  in 
Ireland  ;  where  his  conduct  had  been  so  bad  as  to 
oblige  him  to  quit  that  kingdom  ;  and  that  the  adven- 
turers had  been  imposed  upon,  by  false  testimony  con- 
cerning him.  With  this  discovery,  Mr.  Winslow  came 
back  to  Plymouth  in  1625,  and  found  the  court  sitting, 
on  the  alfair  of  Oldham,  who  had  returned,  after  ba- 
nishment. The  true  characters  of  these  imposlorsbe- 
iuL'  llm»  discovered,  they  were  both  expelled  from  the 
plantation. 

.\biiul  the  same  time.  Governor  Bradford  having 
prevaib'd  on  the  people  of  Plymouth  to  choose  five  as- 
eiatants,  instead  of  one,  Mr.  Winslow  was  first  elected 
to  this  oflke  ;  in  which  he  waa  continued  till  1633, 


when  by  the  same  influence,  he  was  chosen  governor,* 
for  one  year. 

Mr.  \\'inslow  was  a  man  of  great  activity  and  reso- 
lution, and  therefore  well  i|ualilied  to  conduct  cnler- 
prixes  for  the  benefit  of  the  colony.  He  frequently 
went  to  Penobscot,  Kennebcck,  and  Connecticut  ri- 
vers, on  trading  voyages,  and  rendered  himself  useful 
and  agreeable  to  the  people. 

In  1635,  he  undertook  another  agency  in  England 
for  the  colonics  of  Plymouth  and  Massachusetts  ;  part- 
ly on  occasion  of  the  intrusions  which  were  made  on 
the  territory  of  New  England,  by  the  French  on  the 
east,  and  by  the  Dutch  on  the  west  :  and  partly  to  an- 
swer complaints,  which  had  been  made  to  the  go- 
vernment against  the  Massachusetts  Colony,  by  Tho- 
mas Morton,  who  had  bee;i  twice  cxix  lled  for  his  mis- 
behavior. 

At  that  time,  the  care  of  the  colonies  was  commit- 
ted to  a  number  of  bishops,  lords,  and  gentlemen, 
of  whom  Archbishop  Laud  was  at  the  head.  It  was 
also  in  contemplation  to  establish  a  general  govern- 
ment in  America,  which  would  have  superseded  the 
charters  of  the  colonies. 

Wiiislow's  situation  at  that  time,  was  critical,  and 
bis  treatment  was  severe.  In  his  petition  to  the  com- 
missioners, he  set  forth  the  encroachments  of  the 
French  and  Dutch,  and  prayed  for  "a  special  warrant 
to  the  English  Colonies  to  defend  themselves  against 
;ill  foreign  enemies."  Governor  Winthrop  censured 
this  petition,  as  "  ill  advised  ;  because  such  precedents 
might  endanger  their  liberties  ;  that  they  should  do 
nothing,  but  by  commission  out  of  England." 

The  petition,  however,  was  favorably  received  by 
some  of  the  Board.  Winslow  was  heard  several  times 
in  support  of  it,  and  pointed  out  a  way  in  which  the  ob- 
ject might  have  been  attained  without  any  charge  to 
the  Crown,  by  furnishingsome  of  the  chief  men  of  the 
colonies  with  authority,  which  they  would  exercise  at 
their  own  expense, and  without  any  public  national  dis- 
turbance. This  proiwsal  crossed  ihc  design  of  George 
and  Mason,  whose  aim  was  to  establish  a  general  go- 
vernment ;  and  the  archbishop  who  was  engaged  in 
their  interest,  put  a  check  to  Winslow's  proposal,  by 
questioning  him  on  Morton's  accusation,  for  his  own 
personal  conduct  in  .\merica.  The  oHcnces  alleged 
against  him  were,  that  he,  not  being  in  holy  orders, 
but  a  mere  layman,  had  taught  publicly  in  the  church, 
and  had  officiated  in  the  celebration  of  marriages.  To 
the  former, Winslow  answered,  "  that  sonietimes,when 
the  church  was  destitute  of  a  minister,  he  had  exercis- 
ed his  gift  for  the  edification  of  his  brethren.''  To  the 
latter,  that  though  he  had  officiated  as  a  magi.'^tratc 
in  the  solemnizing  of  marriage,  yet  he  regarded  it  only 
as  a  civil  contract  ;  that  the  people  of  Plymouth  had 
for  a  long  time  been  destitute  of  a  minister,  and  were 
compelled  by  necessity  to  have  recourse  to  the  magis- 
trate in  that  solemnity  ;  that  this  was  not  to  them  a  no- 
velty, having  been  accustomed  to  it  in  Holland  where 
he  himself  had  been  married  by  a  Dutch  magistrate,  in 
the  state  house.''  On  this  honest  confession,  the  arch- 
bishop pronounced  him  guilty  of  the  crime  of  se[)ara- 
lion  from  the  national  church,  and  prevailed  on  the 
Board  to  consent  to  his  imprisonment.  He  was  there- 
fore committed  to  the  Fleet  prison,  where  he  lay  con- 
fined seventeen  weeks.  But  after  that  time,  on  peti- 
tioning the  Board,  he  obtained  release. 

At  his  return  to  New  England,  the  colony  showed 
him  the  highest  degree  of  respect,  by  choosing  him 
their  governor  for  the  succeeding  year  (1636.)  In  this 
office  he  conducted  himself  greatly  to  their  satisfaction, 
jlii  1641  he  was  again  honored  with  the  same  ap- 
pointment, and  in  the  intermediate  years,  was  the  first 
on  the  list  of  magistrates. 

M'lu'ii  the  colonies  of  New  England  entered  into  a 
confederation  lor  their  mutual  defence,  in  1G43,  Mr. 
Winslow  was  chosen  one  of  the  commissioners  on  be- 
half of  Plymouth,  and  was  continued  in  that  office  till 
1646.  when  he  was  solicited  by  the  Colony  of  .Massa- 
chusetts, to  go  again  to  England  to  answer  to  the  com- 
[ilaiiils  of  SaiiHiel  (iorton  and  otijers,  wb.o  had  charged 
them  with  religious  intolerance  and  persecution.  The 
times  being  changed,  and  the  Puritans  being  in  power. 


I  *  Tlie  following  note  from  Governor  Wintlirop's  Journal  is 
I  worlliy  of  otiservatioii.t    "  Mr.        ;iril  Winslow  wa.s  rliosen 

Kovernor  of  Plymoutli.    Mr.  llra<lfi>ril  liaviiig  l>eeii  governor 
'almvil  ten  [twelve  years.]  ami  imw  by  iinporltinity  gut  olf." 
I    Tills  MMgular  trait  in  Ilnulliir  I's  rliararter,  of  whlcli  tlicrc  1s 

lliotnllisl  eviilenre,  Millicirnlly  iiiv.tlhlates  an  insinuation 
Uif  Iliilchinson,  that  WihsIdw's  "  ernployinont  abroad  prc- 
I  i-cnlf(l  a  rumpetition  between  DradlurJ  and  liim  for  llie 
'  governor's  place. "t 

j    lltilrblnson  wiis  a.(fovemor  of  a  lilfToront  rli.iratcr  I 
I         t  VViiitlurup's  Journal,  47.      Ilutcli.  llist.  11.  4i7. 


Mr.  Winslow  had  great  advantage  in  this  business, 
I  from  the  credit  and  esteem  which  he  enjoyed  with  that 
party.  Wc  have  no  account  of  the  particulars  of  this 
agency,  but  only  in  general,  that  "  by  his  prudent 
j  management,  he  prevented  any  damage,  and  cleared 
I  the  colony  from  any  blame  or  dishonor." 

One  design  of  the  confederation  of  the  colonies,  was 
to  promote  the  civilization  of  the  Indians, and  their  con- 
version to  the  Christian  religion.  In  this  great  and 
good  work,  Mr.  Winslow  was  from  principle,  very  zea- 
lously engaged.  In  England,  he  employed  his  interest 
and  friendship  with  members  of  the  Parliament,  an  l 
other  gentlemen  of  quality  and  fortune  to  erect  a  cor- 
poration there  for  the  prosecution  of  the  design.  For 
this  purpose,  an  act  of  Parliament  was  passed  (1649) 
incorporating  a  society  in  England  "  for  propagating 
the  Gospel  in  New  England."'  The  commissioners  of 
the  United  Colonies  were  constituted  a  Board  of  Cor- 
respondents, and  distributors  of  the  money,  which  w  as 
siip|)lied  in  England  by  charitable  donations  from  all 
the  cities,  towns,  and  parishes  in  the  kingdom.  By 
the  influence  and  exertions  of  both  these  respectable 
liodies,niinisterswere  supported  among  the  Iiuliaiis  of 
New  England  :  the  Bible  and  other  books  of  piety  w  ere 
translated  into  the  Indian  tongue,  and  printed  for  their 
use  ;  and  much  pains  were  taken  by  several  worthy 
mil  isters,  and  other  gentlemen  to  instruct  the  Indians, 
and  reduce  them  to  a  civilized  life.  This  society  is 
still  in  existence,  and,  till  the  revolution  in  America, 
they  kept  up  a  Board  of  Correspondents  at  Boston,  but 
since  that  period  it  has  been  discontinued.  Of  this 
corporation,  at  its  first  establishment,  Mr  M'inslow 
was  a  very  active  and  faithful  member  in  England  ; 
where  his  reputation  was  great,  and  his  abilities  highly 
valued  by  the  prevailing  party,  w  ho  found  him  so  much 
employment  there,  and  elsewhere,  that  he  never  re- 
turned to  New  England. 

When  Oliver  Cromwell  (1655)  planned  an  expedi- 
tion against  the  Spaniards  in  the  West  Indies,  and 
sent  Admiral  Pcnn  and  General  Venables  to  execute 
it,  he  appointed  three  commissioners  to  superintend 
and  direct  thi  ir  operations  :  of  which  number  N\  ins- 
low  was  the  chief ;  the  other  two  were  Richard  Hol- 
drip.  and  Edw  ard  Blagge.  Their  object  was  to  attack 
St.  Domingo,  the  cmly  place  of  strength  which  the 
Spaniards  had  in  Hispaniola. 

The  comiii:!nders  disagreed  in  their  tempers  and 
views,  and  the  control  of  the  commissioners  was  of  no 
avail.  The  troops,  ill  appointed  and  badly  provided, 
were  landed  ut  loo  great  a  distance  from  the  city,  and 
lost  their  wav  in  the  woods.  Worn  with  hunger  and 
thirst,  heat  and  fatigue,  they  were  routed  by  an  incon- 
siderable nuinl  er  of  Spaniards;  six  hundred  were  killed, 
and  the  remnant  took  refuge  on  board  their  vessels. 

To  compensate  as  far  as  possible  for  this  unfortunate 
event,  the  fleet  sailed  for  Jamaica,  which  surrendered 
without  any  retislancc.  But  Mr.  Winslow,  who  par- 
took of  the  chai;rin  of  the  defeat,  did  not  enjoy  the  plea- 
sureof  the  vicli  ry.  In  the  passage  between  Hispanio- 
la and  Jamaica,  the  heat  of  the  climate  threw  hiin  into 
a  fever ;  which,  operating  w  ith  the  dejection  of  his 
mind,  put  an  end  to  his  life  on  the  Sth  of  May,  16.')5, 
in  the  sixty-fir.>-t  year  of  his  age.  His  body  w  as  com- 
mitted to  the  deep,  w  ith  the  honors  of  war,  forty-two 
guns  being  fired  by  the  fleet  on  that  occasion. 

The  following  well-meant  but  inelcgan*  verses  were 
written  by  one  of  the  passengers  on  board  the  sauie 
ship  in  w  hich  he  died. 

"  Tlie  rislitli  of  May,  west  from  'Spaniola  shore, 
God  tcmk  from  us  our  grand  cominissloner, 
\\'mslow  by  name  ;  a  man  in  cliielcsl  trust, 
"Whose  life  was  sweet  and  conversation  just ; 
Wliosp  parts  and  wisdom  most  men  did  cxcol; 
An  honor  to  his  place,  as  all  can  tell." 

Before  his  departure  from  New-England.  Mr  Wins- 
low bad  made  a  settlement  on  a  valuable  tract  of  bind 
in  Marshfield,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Cari>w  ell, 
probably  from  a  castle  and  seat  of  that  name  in  Staf- 
fordshire. His  son,  Josiah  \\  inslow,  was  a  magistrate 
and  governor  of  the  colony,  and  general  of  the  .New- 
England  forces.in  the  war  with  the  liidians,calleil  Phi- 
lip s  war.  He  died  in  1630  Isaac,  the  son  of  Jiisiah 
Winslow. sustained  the  chief  civil  and  military  offices  in 
the  county  of  Plymouth,  after  its  incorporation  with 
Massachusetts  ;  and  was  President  of  the  Provincial 
Council.  He  died  in  1738.  John  Winslow,  the  son 
of  Isaac. was  a  captain  in  the  unfortunate  expedition  to 
('uba  in  1740,  and  atVrward  an  officer  in  the  British 
service,  and  major-general  in  several  expeditions  tc 
Kennebeck,  Nova  Scotia,  and  Crown  Point.  He  died 
in  1774,  aged  7  1  His  son,  l)r  Isaac  Winslow. is  now 
in  possossion  of  the  family  estate  at  Marshfield.  Uj 


BIOGRAPHIES   6f  THE  EARLY  DISCOVERERS 


the  fflvor  of  tluB  gentleman,  the  letter  books  and  jour- 
nals of  his  late  father,  Major  general  Winsbw,  with 
many  ancient  family  papers,  containing  a  fuf.il  of  ge- 
nuine information,  are  deposited  in  the  library  of  the 
Historical  Society.  There  are  several  other  reputa- 
ble branches  of  this  family  in  New  England  and  Nova 
Scotia. 


MILES  STANDISH. 

Miles  Stakdish — A  Soldier  in  the  Netherlands— Kmbarkg 
for  America — Compels  Corbitant  to  siil)mit — His  resolute 
conduct  with  the  Indians — His  Expedition  to  Wessagusset 
end  Cape  Ann — Mr.  IIi!t?bard's  Ol)servations  relating  to 
him — Mr.  Robinson's  Letter — Standish  returns  to  Plymouth 
— E-tpcdition  apainst  Morton — His  settlement  at  Danbury 
His  Deatli  and  Descendants — Stith's  Remarks  on  sendnij 
Convicts  to  Virginia. 

Tins  intrepid  soldier,  the  hero  of  New  England,  as 
JohnSmith  was  of  Virginia, was  a  native  of  liancashire, 
in  the  north  of  England  ;  but  the  date  of  his  birth  is 
not  preserved.  Descended  from  the  younger  branch 
of  a  family  of  distinction,*  he  was  "  heir  apparent  to  a 
great  estate  of  lands  and  livings,  surreptitiously  de- 
tained from  him,"  which  compelled  him  to  seek  subsis- 
tence for  himself  Though  small  in  stature,  he  had  an 
active  genius,  a  sanguine  temper,  and  a  strong  consti- 
tulinn.  These  qualities  led  him  to  the  profession  of 
arms  ;  and  the  Netherlands  being,  in  his  youth,  a  the- 
atre of  war,  he  entered  into  the  service  of  Queen  Eliza- 
beth, in  aid  of  the  Dutch  ;  and  after  the  truce,  settled 
with  the  English  refugees  at  Leyden. 

When  they  meditated  a  removal  to  America,  Stand- 
ish, though  not  a  member  of  their  church,  was  thought 
a  proper  person  to  accompany  them.  Whether  he  joined 
them  at  their  request  or  his  own  motion,  does  not  ap- 
pear ;  but  he  engaged  with  zeal  and  resolution  in  their 
enterprise,  and  embarked  with  the  first  company  in 
1620. 

On  their  arrival  at  Cape  Cod,  he  was  appointed 
commander  of  the  first  party  of  sixteen  men,  who  went 
ashore  on  discovery  ;  and  when  they  began  their  set- 
tlement at  Plymouth,  he  was  unanimously  chosen 
captain,  or  chief  military  commander.  In  several  in- 
terviews with  the  natives  he  was  the  first  to  meet  them, 
and  was  generally  accompanied  with  a  very  small 
number  of  men,  selected  by  himself 

After  the  league  was  made  with  Masassoit,  one  of 
his  petty  sachems, Corbitant,  became  discontented,  and 
was  meditating  to  join  with  the  Narragansets  against 
the  English.  Standish,  with  fourteen  men  and  a  guide, 
went  to  Corbitant's  place,  (Svvanzey)  and  surrounded 
his  house;  but  not  finding  him  at  home,  they  inform- 
ed his  people  of  their  intention  of  destroying  him,  if  he 
should  persist  in  his  rebellion.  Corbitant,  hearing  of 
his  danger.made  an  acknowledgment  to  Masassoit, and 
entreated  his  mediation  with  the  English  for  peace. 
He  was  soon  after  [Sept.  13,  1621]  admitted  with  eight 
other  chiefs,  to  subscribe  an  instrument  of  submission 
to  the  English  government. 

In  every  hazardous  enterprise,  Capl.  Standi.sh  was 
ready  to  put  himself  f )remost,whether  the  objects  were 
discovery,  traffic,  or  war  ;  and  the  people,  animated  by 
his  example,  and  confiding  in  his  bravery  and  fidelity, 
thought  themselves  safe  under  his  command. 

When  the  town  of  Plymouth  [1622]  was  enclosed 
and  fortified,  the  defence  of  it  was  committed  to  the 
captain,  who  made  the  most  judicious  disposition  of 
their  force.  He  divided  them  into  four  squadrons,  ap- 
pointing those  whom  he  thought  most  fit,  to  command  ; 
and  ordered  every  man,  on  any  alarm,  to  repair  to  his 
respective  station,  and  put  himself  under  his  proper  of- 
ficer. A  select  company  was  appointed,  in  case  of 
accidental  fire,  to  mount  guard,  with  their  backs  to  the 
fire,  that  they  might  prevent  the  approach  of  an  enemy 
during  the  conflagration. 


♦  All  which  I  have  been  able  to  collect  relative  to  the 
family  of  Standish,  is  as  follows  : 

Henry  Standish,  a  Franciscan,  D.  D.  of  Cambridse,  Bishop 
of  St.  Asaph,  before  the  Reforniati-n,  was  a  bi?ot  to  Poperv. 
Fallins  down  on  his  knees,  before  Km?  Henry  VIII.  he  peti- 
tioned him  to  continue  the  religions  establishment  of  his  ances- 
tors.  This  prelate  died,  A.  D.  1535,  at  a  very  advanced  a?c. 

John  Standish,  nephew  to  Henrv,  wrote  a  book  against  the 
translation  of  the  bible  into  the  English  Language  f  and  pre- 
•ented  it  to  the  Parliament.  He  died  in  1556,  in  the  reign  of 
Queen  Mary. 

Sir  Richard  Standish,  of  Whittle,  near  Charley.  In  his 
grounds  a  lead  mine  was  discovered,  not  long  before  1(595, 
und  wrought  with  good  success.  Near  lae  same  place  is  a 
quarry  of  Mill-stones. 

The  village  of  Standish,  and  a  seat  called  Standish-Hail, 
are  situate  lie ir  the  river  Douglas,  in  Lancashire,  between 
Uic  towns  of  Charley  and  Wigan,  which  are  aliout  6  miles 
dutant.  Wiji-j'  is  9  miles  north  of  Warrington,  on  the  south- 
tiTiaideof  the  county.   See  Camden's  Map  of  Lancasliire. 


Being  sent  on  a  trading  voyage  to  Matachiest,  [be- 
tween Barnstable  and  Farino'utli,  Feb.  1623]  a  severe 
storm  came  on, during  the  (irst  night,  by  wliicli  the  har- 
bor was  filled  with  ice  and  Captain  Standish  with  his 
party  was  obliged  to  lodge  in  one  of  the  huts  of  the 
savages.  They  came  together  in  a  considerable  num- 
ber,ar!d  under  the  mask  of  friendsliip.promised  to  supply 
him  with  corn.  Standish  suspecting,  by  their  number, 
that  their  intention  was  hostile,  would  not  permit  his 
men  to  lie  down  all  at  once,  but  ordered  them  to  sleep 
and  watch  by  turns.  In  the  morning,  a  discovery  was 
made  that  some  things  had  been  stolen  from  his  shallop. 
The  captain  immediately  went  with  his  whole  force, 
consisting  of  si.x  men,  surrounded  the  house  of  the  sa- 
chem lanough,  and  obliged  him  to  find  the  thief  and 
restore  the  stolen  things.  This  resolute  behavior  struck 
them  with  awe  ;  the  trade  went  on  peaceably, and  when 
the  harbor  was  cleared  the  shallop  came  off  with  a  load 
of  corn,  and  arrived  safely  at  Plymouth. 

This  was  the  first  susjiicion  of  a  conspiracy,  which 
had  for  some  time  been  forming  among  the  Indians.to 
destroy  the  English.  In  the  following  month  [March] 
he  had  another  specimen  of  their  insolence  at  Mano- 
met,"  whither  he  went  to  fetch  home  the  corn  which 
Governor  Bradford  had  bought  in  the  preceding  au- 
tumn. The  captain  was  not  received  with  that  welcome 
which  the  governor  had  experienced.  Two  Indians 
from  Massachusetts  were  there,  one  of  whom  had  an 
iron  dagger,  which  he  had  gotten  from  some  of  Wes- 
ton's people  at  Wessagusset,  [Weymouth]  and  which 
he  gave  to  Canacum,  the  Sachem  of  Manomet,  iii  the 
view  of  Standish.  The  present  was  accompanied  with 
a  speech,  which  the  captain  did  not  then  perfectly  tin- 
derstand,  but  the  purport  of  it  was,  "  That  the  English 
were  too  strong  for  the  Massachusetts  Indians  to  attack 
without  help  from  the  others  ;  because  if  they  should 
cut  offthe  people  in  their  bay.yet  they  feared  that  those 
of  Plymouth  would  revenge  their  death.  He  therefore 
invited  the  sachem  to  join  with  them, and  destroy  both 
colonies.  He  magnified  his  own  strength  and  courage, 
and  derided  the  Europeans,  because  he  had  seen  them 
die,  crying  and  making  sour  faces,  like  children.''  An 
Indian  of  Paomet  was  present,  who  had  formerly  been 
friendly,  and  now  professed  the  same  kindness,ofrering 
his  personal  service  to  get  the  corn  on  board  the  shallop, 
though  he  had  neverdone  such  work  before;  and  inviting 
the  captain  to  lodge  in  his  hut.as  the  weather  was  cold. 
Standish  passed  the  night  by  his  fire,  but  though  earn- 
estly pressed  to  take  his  rest,  kept  himself  continuallv 
in  motion, and  the  rfext  day,  by  the  help  of  the  squaws, 
got  his  corn  on  board,  and  returned  to  Plymouth.  It 
was  afterward  discovered  that  this  Indian  intended  to 
kill  him,  if  he  had  fallen  asleep. 

About  the  same  time,  happened  Mr.  Winslow's  visit 
to  Masassoit  in  his  sickness,  and  a  full  discovery  of  the 
plot,  which  the  Indians  at  Massachusetts  had  contrived 
to  destroy  the  English.  The  people  whom  Weston  had 
sent  to  plant  a  colony  at  Wessagusset,  were  so  disor 
derly  and  imprudent,  that  the  Indians  were  not  only 
disgusted  witn  them,  but  despised  them.  These  were 
destined  to  be  the  first  victims.  Their  overseer,  John 
Sanders,was  gone  to  Monhegan,  to  meet  the  fishermen, 
at  their  coming  to  the  coast,  and  get  some  provisions. 
During  his  absence,  the  Indians  had  grown  more  inso- 
lent than  before  ;  and  it  was  necessary  that  some  force 
should  be  sent  thither,  as  well  to  protect  the  colony  as 
to  crush  the  conspiracy.  Standish  was  the  commander 
of  the  party  ;  and  as  this  was  his  capital  exploit,  it  may 
be  most  satisfactory  and  entertaining  to  give  the  ac- 
count of  it,  as  related  bv  Mr  Winslow  in  his  narrative. 

"The  23d  of  March  [1623]  being  a  yearly  Court 
day,we  came  to  this  conclusion;  that  Captain  Standish 
should  take  as  many  men  as  he  thought  suftlcient  to 
make  his  party  good,  against  all  the  Indians  in  Massa- 
chusetts Bay;  and  because  it  is  imi)ossible  to  deal  with 
them  in  open  defiance,  but  to  take  them  in  such  traps 
as  they  lav  for  others  ;  therefore  that  he  should  pretend 
trade  as  at  other  times  ;  but  first  to  goto  the  English, 
and  acquaint  them  with  the  plot  and  the  end  of  his  own 
coming,that  bv  comparing  it  with  their  carriage  towards 
them,  he  might  better  judge  of  the  certainty  of  it,  and 
more  fitly  take  opportunity  to  revenge  the  same  ;  but 
should  forbear,  if  it  were  possible,  till  such  time  as  he 
could  make  sure  of  Wittuwamat,  a  bloody  and  bold 
villain,  whose  head  he  had  orders  to  bring  with  him. 


♦  Manomet  is  the  name  of  a  creek  or  river  which  runs 
hrongh  the  town  of  Sandwich,  into  the  upper  part  of  Buz- 
zard's Bay,  formerly  called  Manomet  Bay.  Between  this  and 
Scusset  Creek,  (into  which  Standish  went  and  received  his 
corn)  is  the  place,  which,  for  more  than  a  century,  has  been 
thought  of,  as  proper  to  be  cut  through,  to  form  a  commu- 
nication by  a  navigable  canal,  froir.  Barnstable  Bay  to  Buz- 
zard's Bay. 




Upon  this,  Captain  Standish  made  choice  of  eight  iDen. 
and  would  not  take  more,  because  he  would  prevent 
jealousy.  On  the  next  day,  before  he  could  go,  catna 
one*  of  Weston's  company  to  us  with  a  pack  on  bin 
back,  who  made  a  pitiful  narration  of  their  lamentable 
and  weak  estate,  and  of  the  Indians' carriage ;  wIioho 
boldness  increased  abundantly, insoinuch-as  they  would 
take  their  victuals  out  of  their  [lols,  and  eat  before  thi'ir 
faces  ;  yea,  if  in  any  thing  they  gainsayed  them,  they 
were  ready  to  hold  a  knile  at  their  breasts.  He  said 
that,  to  give  them  content,  they  had  hanged  onef  of  tho 
company,  who  had  stolen  their  corn,  and  yet  they  re- 
garded it  not  ;  that  another  of  them  had  turned  savage; 
that  their  people  had  mostly  forsaken  the  town,  and 
made  their  rendezvous  where  they  got  their  victualn, 
besause  they  would  not  take  pains  to  bring  it  home  ; 
that  they  had  sold  their  clothes  for  corn,  and  were  ready 
to  perish  with  hunger  and  cold,  and  that  they  were  dis- 
persed into  three  companies,  having  scarcely  any  pow- 
der and  shot.  As  this  relation  was  grievous  to  us,  so 
it  gave  us  good  encouragement  to  proceed  ;  and  the 
wind  coming  fair  the  next  day,  March  2.'),  Captain 
Standish  being  now  fitted,  set  forth  tor  Massachusetts. 

"  The  captain  being  come  to  Massachusetts,  went 
first  to  the  ship,  but  found  neither  man  nor  dog  tln  re- 
in.  On  the  discharge  of  a  musket,  the  master  and 
some  others  showed  themselves,  who  were  on  slioro 
gathering  ground-nuts  and  other  food.  After  saluta- 
tion, Captain  Standish  asked  them  how  they  durst  so 
leave  the  ship,  and  live  in  such  security!  They  an- 
swered, like  men  senseless  of  their  own  misery,  that 
they  feared  not  the  Indians,  but  lived  and  sullered  them 
to  lodge  with  them,  not  having  a  sword  nor  a  gun.  or 
needing  the  same.  To  which  the  captain  replied,  that 
if  there  were  no  cause,  he  was  glad.  But  ujion  further 
inquiry,  understanding  that  those  in  whom  John  San- 
ders had  reposed  most  confidence  were  at  the  plantu- 
tion,thither  he  went  and  made  known  the  Indians'  pur- 
pose, and  the  end  of  his  own  coming  ;  and  told  tliein 
that  if  they  durst  not  stay  there,  it  was  the  intention  of 
the  governor  and  people  of  Plymouth,  to  receive  theni 


*  His  name  was  Phinehas  Pratt:  an  Indian  followed  him 
to  kill  him,  but  by  missing  his  way,  he  escaped  and  got  into 
Plymoutli.  This  man  was  living  in  1677,  when  Mr.  flubliarJ 
wrote  his  history.  Tlie  Indian  who  followed  him  wont  to 
Manomet,  and  on  his  return,  visited  Plymouth,  where  he 
was  put  in  irons. 

t  Mr.  Hubbard's  account  of  this  matter,  is  as  fo!!ow«. 
"  The  company,  as  some  report,  pretended,  in  'vay  of  satit- 
faction,  to  punish  him  that  did  the  theft ;  but  i.t  his  stead, 
hanged  a  poor  decrepit  old  man,  that  was  unserviceable  to 
the  company,  and  burdensome  to  keep  alive  :  This  was  ti.e 
ground  of  the  stoiy,  with  which  the  merry  gentleman  that 
wrote  the  poem  called  Iludibras  did  in  his  poetical  f.incy, 
make  so  much  sport.  The  inhabitants  of  Plymouth  tell  tho 
stf  vmuch  otherwise,  as  if  the  person  hanged,  was  reailf 
gui.oy  of  stealing,  as  were  many  of  thereat.  Yet,  it  is  posai> 
ble,  that  justice  might  be  executed,  not  on  him  that  most 
deserved  it,  but  on  him  that  could  best  be  spared,  or  wfao 
was  not  likely  to  live  long,  if  he  had  been  let  alone." 

The  passage  of  Hudibras  above  referred  to,  is  in  Part.  8 
canto  2,  line  403,  ic. 

"  Tho'  nice  and  dark  the  point  appear. 
Quoth  Ralph, it  may  hold  up  and  clear; 
That  sinners  may  supply  the  place 
Of  sutlering  saints,  is  a  plain  case. 
Justice  gives  sentence  many  times, 
On  one  man  for  another's  crimes. 
Our  brethren  of  New  England  use, 
Choice  malefactors  to  excuse, 
And  hang  the  guiltless  in  their  stead. 
Of  whom  the  churches  have  less  need; 
As  lately  happened.    In  a  town. 
There  liv'd  a  Cobbler,  and  but  one. 
Who  out  of  doctrine,  could  cut  use. 
And  mend  men's  lives  as  well  as  shoes. 
This  precious  brother,  having  slain 
In  time  of  peace,  an  Indian, 
Not  out  of  malice,  but  mere  zeal 
Because  he  was  an  Infidel , 
The  mighty  Tottipotimoy 
Sent  to  our  elders  an  envoy. 
Complaining  sorely  of  the  breach 
Of  league,  held  forth  hy  brother  Patch, 
Against  the  articles  in  force 
Between  both  churches,  his  and  ours: 
For  which  he  crav'd  the  saints  to  render 
Into  his  hands,  or  hang  tli'  offender. 
But  they,  maturely  having  weighed, 
They  had  no  more  but  him  of  the  trade; 
A  man  that  serv'dtheni,  in  a  double 
Capacity,  to  teach  and  cobble, 
Jtesolv'd  to  spare  him,  yet  to  do 
The  Indian  Hogan  Mogan,  loo, 
.Impartial  justice,  in  his  stead  did 
Hang  an  old  Weaver,  that  was  bed-rid. 
Then,  wherefore  may  not  you  be  skipp'd, 
And  in  your  room  another  whipp'd  !" 

The  -Story  is  here  most  ridiculously  caricatured  as  a  slur 
upon  the  cfiurches  of  New  England.  I  do  not  find  that  th» 
people  of  Weston's  plantation  had  any  church  at  all  ;  they 
were  a  set  of  needy  adventurers,  intent  only  on  gaining  • 
Bubsintenre.  Mr.  Neal  says,  that  "  ho  obtained  a  p^itenl 
under  pretence  of  propagating  the  discipline  of  the  Church  <d 
England  tn  America. 


AMERICAN  HISTORY. 


till  tlioy  coulil  l)e  better  provided  for.  These  men  an- 
swered that  they  could  expect  no  better,  and  it  was 
of  Oixl  s  merry  lhat  thev  were  not  killed  before  his 
eomin^,  desiring  that  he  would  iieijlecl  no  opportunity 
to  proceed  ;  hereupon  he  advised  them  to  secrecy  and 
to  order  one  third  of  their  company  that  were  farthest 
off  to  come  home,  and  on  pain  of  death  to  keep  there, 
himself  allowing  Ihem  a  pint  of  Indian  corn,  to  a  man, 
for  a  dav,  though  that  was  spared  out  of  our  seed. — 
The  weather  proving  very  wet  and  stormy,  it  was  the 
longer  before  he  could  do  any  thing. 

"  In  the  meantime  an  Indian  came  to  hira  and 
brought  some  furs,  but  rather  to  get  what  he  could 
from  the  captain  than  to  trade;  and  though  the  captain 
carried  things  as  smoothly  as  he  could,  yet  at  his  re- 
turn, the  Indian  reported  that  he  saw  by  his  eyes  that 
he  was  angry  in  his  heart, and  therefore  began  to  sus- 
pect themselves  discovered.  This  caused  one  Peck- 
sout,  who  was  a  Pinese  [chief]  being  a  man  of  a  nota- 
ble spirit,  to  come  to  Hobamock,  [StanJish's  Indian 
guide  and  interpreter]  and  tell  him  that  he  understood 


the  captain  returned  to  the  plantation  ;  where  he  re- 
leased the  women  and  took  not  their  beaver  coats  from 
them,  nor  suffered  the  least  di.scourtesy  to  be  offered 
them 

"  Xow  were  Weston's  people  resolved  to  leave  the 
plantation,  and  go  to  IMonhegan,  hoping  to  get  passage 
and  return  [to  England]  with  the  fishing  ships.  The 
captain  told  them,  that  for  his  own  part,  he  durst  live 
there  with  fewer  men  than  they  were  ;  yet  since  they 
were  otherwise  minded,  according  to  his  orders  from 
the  governor  and  people  of  Plymouth,  he  would  help 
them  with  corn,  which  he  did,  scarce  leaving  himself 
more  than  brought  them  home.  Some  of  them  disliked 
to  go  to  Monhegan ;  and  desiring  to  go  with  him  to 
Plymouth,  he  took  them  into  the  shallop  ;  and  seeing 
the  others  set  sail,  and  clear  of  .Massachusetts  Bay,  he 
took  leave  and  returned  to  Plymouth,  bringing  the  head 
of  Wittuwamat,  which  was  set  up  on  the  fort.* 

"  This  sudden  and  unexpected  execution,  had  so 
terrified  and  amazeil  the  other  people  who  intended  to 
join  with  IheMassachusencks  against  us,  that  they  for- 


the  captain  was  come  to  kill  himself  and  the  rest  ofjsook  their  houses,  running  to  and  fro  like  men  dis- 


Ihe  savages  there ;  '  Tell  him,  said  he,  we  know  it,  but 
fear  him  not,  neither  will  we  shun  him  ;  but  let  him 
begin  when  he  dare, ho  shall  not  take  us  at  unawares.' 
Many  times  after,  divers  of  them,  severally  or  a  few 
together,  came  to  the  plantation,  where  they  would 
whet  and  sharpen  the  points  of  their  knives  before  his 
face,  and  use  many  other  insulting  gestures  and 
speeches.  Among  the  rest,  Wittuwamat  bragged  of 
the  excellency  of  his  knifr,  on  the  handle  of  which  was 
pictured  a  woman's  face.  'But,  said  he,  I  have  another 
at  home,  wherewith  I  have  killed  both  French  and 
English,  and  that  hath  a  man's  face  on  il,  and  by  and 
by,  these  two  must  be  married.'  Further  he  said  of 
that  knife  which  he  there  had,  Hinnain  namen,  lun- 
nam  michen,  malla  cul.i,  that  is  to  say,  btj  and  by  il 
fhoitld  see,  hy  and  by  il  should  eat,  but  not  speak.  Also 
Pecksout  beinga  man  of  greater  stature  than  the  cap- 
tain, told  him,  '  though  you  arc  a  great  captain,  yet 
you  are  but  a  little  man  ;  though  I  be  no  sachem,  yet 
I  am  a  man  of  great  strength  and  courage.  '  These 
things  the  captain  observed,  but  for  the  present,  bore 
them  with  patience. 

"  On  the  next  day,  seeing  he  could  not  get  many  of 
them  together  at  once,  but  Pecksout  and  Wittuwamat 
b(!l:ig  together,  with  another  man,  and  the  brother  of 
Wittuwamat,  a  youth  of  eighteen,  putting  many  tricks 
on  the  weaker  sort  of  men, and  having  about  as  many  of 
his  own  men  in  the  same  room,  the  captain  gave  the  word 
to  his  men  ;  and  the  door  being  fast  shut,  he  begun  him- 
•elf  with  Pecksout,  and  snatching  the  knife  from  his 
neck,  after  much  struggling  killed  him  therewith  ;  the 
rest  killed  Wittuwamat  and  the  other  man  ;  the  youth 
they  took  and  hanged.  It  is  incredible  how  many 
wounds  these  men  received,  before  they  died,  not  mak- 
ing any  fearful  noise,  but  catching  at  their  weapons, 
and  striving  to  the  last.  Hobamock  stood  by  as  a  spec- 
tator, observing  how  our  men  demeaned  themselves 
in  the  action  ;  which  being  ended,  he,  smiling,  brake 
forth  and  said,  '  Yesterday  Pecksout  bragged  of  his 
own  strength  and  stature,  and  told  you  that  though 
you  were  a  great  captain,  yet  you  were  but  a  little 
man  ;  but,  to-day,  I  see  you  are  big  enough  to  lay  him 
on  the  ground.' 

"  There  being  some  women  at  the  same  time  there. 
Captain  Standish  left  them  in  the  custody  of  Weston  s 


traded  ;  living  in  swamps,  and  other  desert  places 
and  so  brought  di.sease  upon  themselves,  whereof  many 
are  dead  ;  as  Canacujn,  Sachem  of  .Manomct ;  Aspi- 
net,  of  Nauset  ;  and  lanough,  of  Maiitachiest.  This 
sachem,  [lanough]  in  the  midst  of  these  distractions, 
said,  '  the  God  of  the  English  was  offended  with  them, 
and  would  destroy  them  in  his  anger.'  From  one  of 
these  places,  a  boat  was  sent  with  presents  to  the  go- 
vernor, hoping  thereby  to  work  their  peace  ;  but  the 
boat  was  lost,  and  three  of  the  people  drowned  ;  only 
one  escaped,  who  returned  ;  so  that  none  of  them 
durst  come  among  us." 

The  Indian  who  had  been  confined  at  Plymouth,  on 
his  examination,  confessed  the  plot ;  in  which  five  per- 
sons were  principally  concerned,  of  whom  two  were 
killed.  He  protested  his  own  innocence,  and  his  life 
was  spared  on  condition  that  he  would  carry  a  message 
to  his  sachem,  Obtakiest,  demanding  three  of  Weston's 
men,  whom  he  held  in  custody.  A  woman  returned 
with  his  answer,  that  the  men  were  killed  before  the 
message  arrived,  for  which  he  was  very  sorry. 

Thus  ended  Weston's  plantation,  within  one  year 
afker  it  began.  He  had  been  one  of  the  adventurers  to 
Plymouth  ;  but  quitted  them,  and  took  a  separate  pa- 
tent ;  and  his  plantation  was  intended  to  rival  that  of 
Plymouth.  He  did  not  come  in  person  to  America,  till 
alter  the  dispersion  of  his  people,  some  of  whom  he 
found  among  the  eastern  fishermen,  and  from  them  he 
first  hear<l  of  the  ruin  of  his  enlerprize.  In  a  storm,  he 
was  cast  away  between  the  rivers  of  Pascataqua  and 
Merrimack,  and  was  robbed  by  the  natives  of  all  which 
he  had  saved  from  the  wreck.  Having  borrowed  a  suit 
of  clothes  from  some  of  the  people  at  Pascataqua.  he 
came  to  Plymouth  ;  where,  in  consideration  of  his  ne- 
cessity, the  government  lent  him  two  hundred  weight 
of  beaver,  with  which  he  sailed  to  the  eastwanl,  with 
such  of  his  own  people  as  were  disposed  to  accompany 
him.  It  is  observed  that  he  never  repaid  the  debt  but 
with  enmity  and  reproach. 

The  next  adventure  in  which  we  find  Captain  Stan- 
dish  engaged,  was  at  Cape  Ann,  where  the  fishermen 
of  Plymouth  had  in  1024  erected  a  stage,  and  a  com- 
pany from  the  west  of  England  in  the  following  year 
liad  taken  possession  of  it.  Standish  was  ordered  from 
Plymouth  with  a  party  to  retake  it ;  but  met  a  refiisal. 


people,  at  the  town  ;  and  sent  word  to  another  com- 1  The  controversy  grew  warm, and  high  words  passed  on 


pany  to  kill  thone  Indian  men  that  were  among  them 
These  killed  two  more  ;  himself  with  sonic  of  his  own 
rnen,  went  to  another  place  and  killed  another;  hut 
through  the  negligence  of  one  man, an  Indian  escaped, 
who  discovered  and  crossed  their  proceedings. 

':Captain  .Standish  took  one  half  of  his  men  with  one 
or  two  of  Weston's  and  Hobamock,  still  seekiog  them. 
At  length  they  espied  a  file  of  Indians,  making  toward 
them  ;  and  there  being  a  small  advantage  in  the  ground 
by  reason  of  a  hill,  both  comi>anie3  strove  for  it.  Cap- 
tain Standish  got  it,  whereupon  the  Indians  retreated, 
and  took  each  man  his  tree,  letting  fly  Iheir  arrows 
amain,  especially  at  himself  and  Hobamock.  Where- 
upon Hobamock  cast  olF  his  coat,  and  chased  them  so 
faiit,  that  our  people  were  not  able  to  hold  %v,ay  with 
him.  They  could  have  but  one  certain  mark,  the  arm 
and  half  the  face  of  a  notable  villain  as  he  drew  [his 
bow]  at  Ca[itain  .Standish,  who  with  another,  both  dis- 
charged at  him  and  brake  his  arm.  Whercu|)on  they 
fleii  into  a  swamp;  when  they  were  in  the  thicket, 
they  parlied  but  got  nothing  but  foul  language.  So 
our  captain  dared  the  sachem  to  come  out  and  fight 
like  a  mail,  showing  how  base  and  woman  like  he  was, 
iu  tcnguing  it  aa  tio  did  ;  but  he  refused  and  lied.  So 


both  sides.  But  the  prudence  of  Roger  Conant,  agent 
for  the  west  countrymen,  and  of  .Mr.  Pierce,  mas'er  of 
their  shi[), prevented  matters  from  coming  to  extremity. 
The  shi|)'s  crew  lent  their  assistance  in  building  ano- 
ther stage,  which  the  Plymouth  fishermen  accepted  in 
lieu  of  the  former,  ami  thus  peace  and  harmony  were 
restored.  Mr.  Hubbard,  who  has  preserved  the  memo- 
ry of  this  affair,  relli'clson  Captain  .Standish  in  the  fol- 
lowing manner  :  He  had  been  bred  a  soldier  in  the  low 
countries,  and  never  entered  into  the  school  of  ("hrist, 
or  of  John  the  Baptist ;  or  if  ever  he  was  there,  he  had 
forgot  his  first  lessons,  to  offer  violence  to  no  man,  and 
to  part  with  the  cloak,  rather  than  needlessly  contend 
fur  the  coat,  though  taken  away  without  order.  A 
little  chimnev  is  soon  fired  ;  so  was  the  Plymouth  cap- 
tain, a  man  of  very  small  stature,  yet  of  a  very  hot  and 
angry  temper.    The  fire  of  his  passion,  soon  kindled, 


•Tliis  may  excite  in  some  minds  an  ohlcction  to  the  hu- 
manity of  our  forefatlirrs.  Tlin  reason  asxipned  for  it  was, 
iliat  It  mmlit  priive  a  ic  rrnr  to  others.  In  matters  of  war 
and  piililic  justice,  tliey  ohscrvrd  llio  riisloms  and  laws,  of 
tlio  Knijlisli  nation.  Aslale  as  llie  year  1747,  the  heads  of 
the  lords,  who  wore  eoiicorned  in  tiie  Scots  rohcliion,  were 
set  np  over  Temple-Bar,  tlio  most  freiiucnted  passage  be- 
tween l,oiidon  and  Wosliiunslor. 


and  blown  up  into  a  flame  by  hot  words,  might  eiuil) 
have  consumed  all,  had  it  not  been  seasonably 
ipienched." 

When  the  news  of  the  transactions  at  Wessagnsset 
where  Standish  had  killed  the  Indians,  was  carried  to 
Europe,  .Mr.  Robinson  from  Leyden  wrote  to  thn 
Church  of  Plymouth,  "to  consider  the  disposition  of 
their  captain,  who  was  of  a  warm  temper.  He  hoped 
the  Lord  had  sent  him  among  them  for  good,  if  they 
u.sed  him  right;  but  he  doubted  whether  there  was  not 
wanting  that  tenderness  of  the  life  of  man,  made  after 
God's  image,  which  was  meet ;  and  he  thought  it 
would  have  been  happy  ifthey  had  converted  some, 
before  they  had  killed  any." 

The  best  apology  for  Captain  Starulish  is,  that  as  a 
soldier  he  had  been  accustomed  to  discipline  and  obe- 
dience ;  that  he  considered. himself  as  the  military  ser 
vant  of  the  colony,  and  received  his  orders  from  iht 
governor  and  people.  Sedentary  persons  are  not  al- 
ways the  best  judges  of  a  soldier's  merit  or  feelings. — 
Men  of  his  own  profession  will  a<lniire  the  courage  of 
Standish, his  promptitude  and  decision  in  the  execution 
of  his  orders.  No  one  has  charged  him  either  with  fai- 
lure in  point  of  obedience  or  of  wantonly  exceeding  the 
limits  of  his  commission.  If  the  arm  of  flesh  were  ne- 
cessary to  establish  the  rights  and  defend  the  lives  and 
property  of  coloni.sts  in  a  new  country, surrounded  with 
enemies  and  false  friends,  certaiidy  such  a  man  as 
.Standish,  with  all  his  imperfections,  will  hold  a  high 
rank  among  the  worthies  of  New-England.  Mr. 
Prince  does  not  scruple  to  reckon  him  among  those  he- 
roes of  antiquity,  "  who  chose  to  suffer  affliction  with 
the  people  of  God  ;  who  through  faith  sulnlued  king- 
doms, wrought  righteousness,  obtained  promises, 
stopped  the  mouths  of  lions,waxed  valiant  in  fight,  and 
turned  to  flight  the  armies  of  the  aliens ;"  and  even 
Mr.  Hubbard, in  another  part  of  his  histon,'.  savs  that 
Captain  Standish  "was  a  gentleman  very  expert  in 
military  service  ;  by  whom  the  people  were  all  willing 
to  be  ordered  in  those  concerns.  He  was  likewise  im- 
proved [employed]  to  good  acceptance  and  success  in 
affairs  of  the  greatest  moment  in  that  colony,  to  who.se 
interest  he  continued  firm  and  stedfastto  the  last,  and 
always  managed  his  trust  with  great  integrity  and 
faithfulness.'" 

Two  ships  which  had  come  with  supplies  to  the  co- 
lony the  same  year  (102.5)  returned  in  the  autunm  with 
cargoes  of  fish  and  furs.  In  one  of  these  >Standish 
embarked  as  agent  for  the  colony. and  arrived  safelv  in 
England  ;  the  other  was  captured  by  a  Turkish  ship 
of  war,  and  the  loss  of  her  valuable  cargo  was  a  severe 
blow  to  the  colony.  He  arrived  in  a  very  unfortunate 
time  :  the  plague  raging  in  London,  carried  off  more 
than  fortj'  thousand  people  in  the  space  of  one  year. 
Commerce  was  stagnated,  the  merchants  and  members 
of  the  council  of  New-England  were  dispersed  and  no 
meeting  could  be  holden.  All  which  Captain  Standish 
could  do,  was,  by  private  conference,  to  prepare  the 
way  for  a  composition  with  the  company  of  adventurers, 
and  by  the  help  of  a  few  friends, with  great  trouble  and 
danger,  to  procure  a  small  quantity  of  goods  for  the  co- 
lony, amounting  to  l.'iO/.  which  he  took  up  at  the  exor- 
bitant interest  of  50  per  cent.  With  this  insuflicient 
but  welcome  supply,  he  returned  to  Plymouth,  in  the 
spring  of  162G  ;  bringing  the  sorrowful  news  of  the 
death  of  Mr.  Robinson  and  .Mr.  Cushman. 

Several  attempts  were,  about  this  time,  made  to 
form  plantations,  within  the  Bay  of  Massachusetts,  at 
Cape  Ann  and  Pascataqua.  Among  these  adventur- 
ers was  one  Captain  Wollaston,  "  a  man  of  considera- 
ble parts,  and  with  him  three  or  four  more  of  some 
eminence,  who  brought  over  many  servants  and  much 
provisions."  He  jiitchcd  on  the  southern  side  of  tho 
bay,  at  the  head  of  the  creek,  and  called  an  adjoining 
hill  Mount  ^\'ollaston.  [Ijuincy  ]  One  of  his  conqiany 
was  Thomas  Morton,  "a  pettifogger  of  Furnival'a 
Inn,"  who  had  some  property  of  his  own,  or  of  other 
men  committed  to  him.  After  a  short  trial,  ^\'ollas• 
ton,  not  finding  his  expectations  realized, went  to  Vir- 
j  ginia,  with  a  great  part  of  the  servants  ;  and  being  bet- 
ter pleased  with  that  country,  sent  for  the  rest  to  come 
to  him.  Morton  thought  this  a  proper  opporlunitv  to 
make  himself  head  of  the  company  ;  and,  in  a  drunken 
frolic,  persuad(xl  Ihem  to  depose  Filcher,  the  lieute- 
nant, and  set  up  for  hhnly  and  eqiuilily. 

l.'nderthis  influence  they  soon  became  licentious  and 
I  debauched.  They  sold  their  gooils  to  the  natives  for 
j  furs,  taught  them  the  use  ol  arms,  and  enqiloyed  them 
I  in  hunting.  They  invitcil  and  receive<l  fugitives  from 
all  the  neighboring  selllements;  and  thus  enilangered 
their  safety, and  obliged  them  to  unite  their  strength  in 
opposition  to  them.  Captain  £ndicott,firoui  iS'aumktag, 


BIOGRAPHIES  OF  THE   EARLY  DISCOVERERS. 


57 


ceiiLiMl  of  ilis>iiiutio]i  :inil  rxtiiuai^Miicc  ;  but  it 

was  rcsorviHl  Cor  Captuiii  Staiiilisli  to  break  up  (heir 
inliimous  coinbiuatioii.  After  repeated  friendly  admoni- 
tions, which  were  disrejrarded,  at  llie  request  and  joint 
expense*  of  tlie  scattered  planters,  and  by  order  of  the 
Government  of  Plynioulli,lie  went  to  MountWolla.ston, 
and  ,«umiuoned  Morton  to  surrender  Morion  prepared 
for  his  defence,  armed  his  adherents,  heated  them  with 
liquor,  and  answered  Standish  with  abusive  language. 
But,  wlien  he  stepped  out  of  his  door,  to  take  aim  at 
his  antagonist,  the  ca|)tain  seized  his  musket  with  one 
hand  and  his  collar  with  the  other,  and  made  him  pri- 
soner The  others  quietly  submitted.  No  blood  was  shed 
awr  a  gun  fired.  They  were  all  conducted  to  Plymouth, 
anil  then  sent  to  Enirland  ;  where  Morton  was  treated 
with  less  severity  than  he  <leserved,  and  was  permitted 
to  return  and  disturb  the  settlements,  till  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Massachusetts  colony,  when  he  retired  to 
Piseataqua,  and  there  ended  his  days. 

After  this  encounter,  which  liap()ened  in  162S,  we 
have  no  particular  account  ol  (^"aptain  Standish.  He 
is  not  mentioned  in  the  account  of  the  Pequot  war,  in 
l(iJ7.  He  was  chosen  one  of  the  magistrates  or  assist- 
ants of  Plymouth  Colony  as  long  as  he  lived.  As  he 
advanced  in  years,  he  was  nnich  afHicted  with  the  stone 
and  the  strangury  ;  he  died  in  165t>,  being  then  very 
old,  at  Duxbury,  near  Plymouth  ;  where  he  had  a  tract 
of  land,  which  to  this  day  is  known  by  the  name  of 
Captain's  Hill. 

He  had  one  son,  Alexander,  who  died  in  Duxbury. 
The  late  Ur.  Wheelock,  founder  of  Dartmouth  College, 
and  Mr.  Kirkland,  Missionary  to  the  Indians,  were  de- 
scended from  him.  One  of  his  grandsons  was  in  pos- 
session of  his  coat  of  mail,  which  is  now  supposed  to 
be  lost  ;  but  his  sword  is  preserved  in  the  Cabinet  of 
the  Historical  .'-'ociety,  of  which  one  of  his  descendants, 
John  Thornton  Kirkland,  is  a  member.  His  name  is 
still  venerated,  and  the  merchants  of  Plymouth  and 
Boston  have  named  their  ships  after  him.  His  poste- 
rity chielly  reside  in  several  towns  of  the  county  of 
Plymouth. 


made  them  a  visit,  and  gave  them  a  small  check,  Ivy  |  pounds  sterling  |)er  annum  into  money,  he  embarked 
cutting  down  a  May-pole,  which  they  had  erected  as  a  i  for  New  Englaiul,  in  the  lorty-third  year  of  his  age  and 

'  arrived  at  Salem  with  ill.  Jlassuchu.-^i'lts  charter,  June 
12,  1G30.  Within  five  (la>  s,  he,  with  some  of  the  prin- 
cipal persons  of  the  colony  travelled  through  the  woods 
twenty  miles,  to  look  out  a  convenient  situation  for  a 
town,  in  some  part  of  the  Bay  of  Massachusetts.  Some 
of  them  built  their  huts  on  the  north  side  of  Charles' 
river,  [Charlestown]  but  the  governor,  and  most  of  the 
assistants  pitched  upon  the  peninsula  of  S/mirmiit  and 
lived  there  the  first  winter,  intending  in  the  spring  to 
build  a  fortitie<l  town,  but  undetermined  as  to  its  situa- 
tiim.  On  the  sixth  of  December,  they  resolved  to  for- 
tify the  isthmus  of  that  peninsula  ;  but  changing  their 
minds  before  the  niontlj  expired,  they  agreed  upon  a 
place  about  tliree  miles  above  Charlestown,  which  they 
called  first  Newtown,  and  afterwards  (Jandiridge, where 
they  engaged  to  build  houses  the  ensuing  spring.  The 
rest  of  the  winter  they  snflered  much  by  the  severity 
of  the  season,  and  were  obliged  to  live  upon  acorns, 
ground  nuts,  and  shell  fish.  One  of  the  poorer  sort 
coming  to  the  governor  to  complain,  was  told  that  the 
last  liatch  was  in  the  oven,  but  of  this  he  had  his  share. 
They  had  appointed  the  22d  of  February  for  a  fast ,  but 
before  it  came,  a  ship  arrived  with  provisions,  and  they 
turned  it  into  a  day  of  thanksgiving. 

In  the  spring  of  1(531,  in  pursuance  of  the  intended 
plan,  the  governor  set  up  the  frame  of  an  house  at 
Newtown  ;  the  deputy  governor  also  built  one,  and  re- 
moved his  family.  About  this  time  ("hicketawbu,  the 
chief  of  the  Indians  in  that  neighbourhood,  made  a  visit 
to  the  governor,  with  high  professions  of  friendship. 
The  apprehension  of  danger  from  the  Indians  abated, 
and  the  scheme  of  a  fortified  town  was  gradually  laid 
aside ;  though  if  it  had  been  retained,  the  |>eninsula 
would  have  been  a  situation  far  preferable  to  Newtown. 
The  governor  took  down  his  frame  and  removed  it  to 
Shawmut,  which  was  finally  determined  upon  for  the 
metropolis,  and  named  Boston. 

The  three  following  years  he  was  continued,  by  an- 
nual election,  at  the  head  of  the  govermnent,  for  which 
office  he  was  eminently  qualified,  and  in  which  he  shone 
with  a  lustre, which  would  have  done  him  honor  in  a  lar- 
ger sphere  and  a  more  elevated  situation.  He  was  the 
father,  as  well  as  the  governor,  of  an  infant  plantation. 
His  time,  his  study,  his  exertions,  his  influence  and  his 
interest  were  all  employed  in  the  public  service.  His 
wisdom,  patience  and  magnanimity  were  conspicuous 
in  the  most  severe  trials,  and  his  exf  niplary  behaviour 
as  a  christ  an  added  a  splendor  to  all  his  rare  qualifica- 
tions. He  naintained  the  dignity  of  a  governor  with  the 
obliging  condescension  of  a  gentleman,  and  was  so  de- 
servedly respected  and  beloved,  that  when  Archbishop 
Laud,  hearkening  to  some  calumnies  raised  against  the 
country  on  account  of  their  Puritan  principles,  sum- 
moned one  Mr. Cleaves  before  King  Charles  I.  in  hopes 
of  getting  some  accusation  against  the  governor,  he 
gave  such  an  account  of  his  laudable  deportment  in  his 
station,  and  withal  of  the  devotion  with  which  prayers 
were  made,  both  in  private  and  public,  for  the  king, 
that  Charles  expressed  his  concern,  that  so  worthy  a 
person  as  Mr.  Winthrop  should  be  no  better  accomo- 
dated than  in  an  American  wilderness. 

He  was  an  example  to  the  people  of  that  frugality, 
decency  and  temperance  which  were  necessary  in  their 
circumstances,  and  even  denied  himself  many  of  the 
elegancies  and  superfluities  of  life,  which  his  rank,  and 
fortune  gave  him  a  just  iitle  to  enjoy,  both  that  he  might 
set  them  a  proper  example,  and  be  the  better  enabled 
to  exercise  that  liberality  in  which  he  delighted,  even, 
in  the  end,  to  the  actual  impoverishnientof  himself  and 
his  family.  He  would  often  send  his  servants  on  some 
errand,  at  meal  times,  to  the  houses  of  his  neighbors, 
to  see  how  they  were  provided  with  food  ;  and  if  there 
was  a  deficiency,  would  supply  them  from  his  own  ta- 
ble. The  following  singular  instance  of  his  charity, 
mixed  with  humor,  will  give  us  an  idea  of  the  man. 
In  a  very  severe  winter,  when  wood  began  to  be  scarce 
in  Boston,  he  received  private  information,  that  a 
neighbor  was  wont  to  help  himself  from  the  pile  at  his 
door.  "  Does  he,"  said  the  governor,  "  call  him  to 
me,  and  I  will  take  a  course  with  him  that  shall  cure 
him  of  stealing.'"  Thetiian  appeared,  and  the  gover- 
nor addressed  him  thus.  "  Friend  it  is  a  cold  winter, 
and  I  hear  you  are  meanly  provided  with  wood,  you 
are  welcome  to  help  yourself  at  my  pile  till  the  winter 
i.s  over."  And  then  merrily  asked  his  fricn<l  whether 
he  had  not  put  a  stop  to  the  man  s  stealing  I 

In  the  administration  of  justice,  he  was  for  tcmper- 
innr  the  severity  of  law  with  the  exercise  of  mercy. 
He  judged  that  in  the  infancy  of  a  plantation,  justice 
should  be  administered  with  more  lenity  than  in  a  .sot- 


JOHN  WINTHROP, 

FII5ST  GOVERNOR  OF  MASS.4CHUSETTS. 

Jrnf  Winthrop — Hisljirth  and  ancestry — First  Governor  of 
tl.e  Colonies — Ills  Cliaracler — Exaniinatitin of  fiis  accounts 
and  lioiioraljle  result — His  tiuiuilily,  firumess,  and  deci- 
sion— His  difficulties  with  Mrs.  Hutchinson  and  her  fol- 
lowers—  His  firm  and  correct  conduct;  with  the  Churcli  at 
Bos'oii— His  opinions  of  Democracy,  Magistracy  and  Li- 
berty— His  pecuniary  einharrassnients  and  afflictions— His 
death— Preservation  of  his  picture  in  the  Senate  Chamtier 
of  Massachusetts — His  posterity. 

Tills  worthy  gentleman  was  descended  from  a  family 
remarkable  for  its  attachment  to  the  reformed  religion, 
from  the  earliest  period  of  the  Reformation.  His  grand- 
father, .\dam  Winthroj),  was  an  eminent  lawyer  and 
lover  of  the  Gospel,  in  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.  and 
brother  to  a  memorable  friend  of  the  Reformation,  in 
the  reign  of  Mary  I.  in  whose  hands  the  Martyr  Phil- 
pot  left  his  paper,  which  make  a  considerable  part  of 
the  History  of  theMartyrs.  His  father,  AdamWinthrop, 
was  a  gentleman  of  the  same  profession  and  character. 
Governor  Winthrop  was  born  at  the  family  seat  at 
Groton,  in  SufTolk,  June  12,  15.S7,  and  was  bred  to  the 
law.  though  he  had  a  strong  inclination  to  theological 
studies.  At  the  age  of  eighteen  he  was  made  a  justice 
of  the  peace,  and  his  virtues  became  conspicuous.  He 
was  exemplary  in  his  professioi>  as  an  upright  and  im- 
partial magistrate,  and  in  his  private  character  as  a 
christian.  He  had  wisdom  to  discern,  and  f  n-fitude  to 
do  right  in  the  execution  of  his  office  ;  and  as  a  gentle- 
man, was  remarkable  for  liberality  and  hospitality. 
These  qualities  rendered  him  dear  to  men  of  sobriety 
and  religion,  and  fitted  him  to  engage  in  the  great  and 
difficult  work  of  founding  a  colony. 

When  the  design  of  settling  a  colony  in  NewEngland 
was  by  some  eminent  persons  undertaken,  this  gentle- 
n\an  was,  by  the  consent  of  all,  chosen  for  their  leader. 
Having  converted  a  fine  estate  of  six  or  seven  hundred 

*  From  the  bill  of  expense,  sent  to  the  Council  of  New 
En?lanii,  may  be  seen  the  number  and  ability  of  tlie  planta- 
tions in  \&2S. 


Plymouth  contributed 

21. 

10 

Naumkoa?,  [Salem] 

2 

10 

Piscala'iuack,  (Mason's  Company] 

a 

10 

Mr.  JeliVey  and  Burslem, 

1 

Nantascot, 

1 

10 

Mr.  Thomson,  [Sfjuantum  neck] 

15 

Mr.  niackston,  [Boston] 

12 

Ml  Edward  Hilton,  [Dover] 

1 

12  7 

tied  slate.  But  when  other  gentlemen  ol  leariiinnand 
influence  had  taken  offence  at  his  lenity,  and  adopted 
.III  o|)iiiii)n  that  a  .stricter  discipline  was  necessary,  hu 
submitted  to  their  judgment,  and  strictly  adhered  to 
the  proposals  which  were  made  to  supjiorl  the  diginty 
of  government. by  an  a|)pearancc  of  union  and  lirniness, 
and  a  concealment  of  dilfcrences  and  dissentioim 
among  the  public  officers. 

His  delicacy  was  so  great,  that,  though  he  could  not 
without  incivility  decline  accepting  gratuities  from  di- 
vers towns,  as  well  as  particular  persons,  for  his  public 
services,  yet  betook  occasion  in  a  public  speech,  at 
his  third  election  to  declare,  that  "  lie  received  liieiii 
with  a  trembling  haml  in  regard  of  God  s  w  ord,  and  hi? 
own  infirmity,  '  and  desired  them,  that  for  the  future 
they  would  not  be  offended,  if  he  should  wholly  refuse 
such  presents. 

In  the  year  1034,  and  thd  two  years  following,  he 
was  left  out  of  the  magistracy.  Though  his  conduct, 
from  his  first  engaging  in  the  service  of  the  colonv,  had 
been  irreproachable,  yet  the  envy  of  some,  raised  a 
suspicion  of  his  fidelity,  and  gave  him  a  small  taste  of 
what,  in  other  popular  government!,  their  greatest  be- 
nefactors have  had  a  large  share  of  An  inquiry  hav- 
ing been  made  of  his  receipts  and  disbursements  of  tlio 
public  moneys,  during  his  jiast  adniinistration,  though 
it  was  conducted  in  a  manner  too  harsh  foi  his  delicat<! 
sensibility,  yet  he  patiently  submitted  to  the  examina- 
tion of  his  accounts,  which  ended  to  his  honor.  Upon 
which  occasion  he  made  a  declaration  which  he  con- 
cludcNl  in  these  words  ; — "  In  the  things  which  I  oll'ej, 
I  refer  myself  to  the  wisdom  and  justice  of  the  Court, 
with  this  protestation,  that  it  reiienteth  me  not  of  my 
cost  and  labor  bestowed  in  the  service  of  this  Com- 
monwealth ;  but  I  do  heartily  bless  the  Lord  our  God, 
that  he  has  been  pleased  to  honor  me  so  far  as  to  call 
for  any  thing  he  hath  bestowed  upon  nie,  for  the  ser- 
vice of  his  church  and  people  here  ;  the  prosperity 
whereof,  and  his  gracious  acceptance,  shall  be  an 
abundant  recompense  to  me." 

The  same  rare  biiiiiility  and  steady  equality  of  mind, 
were  conspicuous  in  his  behavior,  when  a  pretence  waj 
raised  to  get  him  left  out  of  the  government,  left  by 
the  too  frequent  choice  of  one  man,  the  office  should 
cease  to  be  elective,  and  seem  to  be  his  by  prescription. 
This  pretence  was  advanced  even  in  the  election  ser- 
mons ;  and  when  he  was  in  fact  reduced  to  a  lower 
station  in  the  government,  he  endeavoured  to  serve  llie 
people  as  faithfully  as  in  the  liioliest,  nor  would  l.e  suf- 
fer any  notice  to  be  taken  of  some  undue  methods, 
which  were  used  to  have  him  left  out  of  the  choice. 
.^11  instance  of  this  rare  tp.nper,  and  the  happy  fruit 
of  it,  deserves  remembrance.  There  was  a  time  when 
received  a  very  angry  letter  from  a  member  of  the 
Court,  which  having  read,  he  delivered  back  to  the 
messenger  with  this  answer  ''  I  am  not  willing  to  ke  ep 
by  me  such  a  matter  of  ])rovocation."  .Slioitly  after, 
the  writer  of  this  letter  was  comjielled  by  the  scarcity 
of  provision,  to  send  to  buy  one  of  the  governor's  cat- 
tle :  he  begged  him  to  accept  it  as  a  gift,  in  token  ol 
his  good  will.  On  which  the  gentleman  came  to  him 
with  till*  acknowleilgment  "  Sir,  your  overcoming 
yourself,  hath  overcome  me." 

But  though  coiidesceiidiii^  and  gentle  on  every  occa- 
sion of  personal  ill  treatment,  yet  where  the  honor  of 
oovernment  or  religion,  and  the  interest  of  the  people 
were  concerned, he  was  eipially  firm  and  intrepid, slaiid- 
iu"  foremost  in  op]i(isit:on  to  those  w  horn  he  judged  to 
be  reallv  public  enemies.though  in  thedisguise  of  warm 
and  zealous  friends.  Of  this  number  was  the  famous 
An.n'a  Hcti  uinson,  a  woman  of  a  masculine  under- 
standing and  consuniinate  art, who  held  private  lectures 
to  the  women  at  her  house, in  which  she  advanced  these 
doctrines,  viz.  "  That  the  Holy  Ghost  dwells  prrsoiuilly 
in  a  justified  person, anil  that  sanctilication  does  not  evi- 
dence justification.''  Those  who  held  with  her  were 
said  to  be  '•  under  a  covenant  of  grace."  and  those  w  h.' 
opposed  her  '■  under  a  o)venant  of  works."'  Into  lho.se 
two  deiioiiiiiialions  the  whole  colony  began  to  be  divi- 
ded. Her  adherents  prevailed  in  1636,  to  choose  for 
governor,  Hknky  V.vni;,*  a  young  gentleman  of  an  ap- 
parently grave  and  serious  deportment,  who  had  just 
arrived  from  England,  and  who  paid  great  attention  to 
this  woman,  and  seemed  zealously  attached  to  her  dis- 


*  This  person,  so  well  known  afterwards  in  England,  is 
thus  characterized  by  Lord  Clarendon  : 

*'  A  man  of  great  natural  parts  and  of  very  profound  dis- 
simulation, of  a  quick  conception  and  ready,  sharp  and  weighty 
expression.  He  had  an  unusual  aspect,  a  vultum  dausum 
that  though  no  man  could  make  a  guess  of  what  he  intended, 
yet  made  men  think  tnere  was  something  in  him  cxtr.ior 
dinaiy,  and  his  whole  life  made  pood  th.'it  iinaginalion 
There  need  no  moru  be  said  of  lus  ability,  thiui  that  lie  wai 


53 


AMERICAN  HISTORY. 


linguishin!;  tenets.  Wintlirop,  then  deputy  governor, 
not.  only  diH'ered  in  sentiment,  bnt  saw  the  pernicious 
inlhieiice  of  this  controversy  witii  regret,  and  feared, 
thai  if  it  were  sull'ered  to  prevail,  it  would  endanger  the 
existence  of  the  colony.  In  the  heat  of  the  controver- 
sy. Wheelvvri!;;hl,  a  zealous  sectarian,  prcacheil  a  ser- 
mon.which  not  only  carried  these  points  to  their  utmost 
leiijjlh.but  contained  sonic  expressions  which  the  Court 
laid  hold  of  as  lending  to  sedition,  for  which  he  was 
examined  ;  but  a  more  full  inquiry  was  deferred  for  that 
time.  Some  warm  brethren  of  Boston  petitioned  Ihe 
Court  in  Wheelwright's  favor,  reflecting  on  their  pro- 
ceedings, which  raised  ouch  a  resentment  in  the  Court 
against  the  town  that  a  moliim  was  inaiie  for  the  iie.xt 
election  to  be  made  at  Cambridge.  Vane,  the  governor, 
having  no  negative  voice,could  only  show  his  dislike  by 
refusing  to  put  the  question.  Winthrop,  the  de[)Uty 
governor,  declined  it,  as  being  an  inhabitant  of  Boston  ; 
the  question  was  then  put  by  Kndicot  of  Salem,  and 
carried  for  the  removal. 

.It  the  opening  of  the  election,  (May  IV,  1637)  a  pe- 
tition was  again  presented  by  many  inhabitants  of  Bos 
ton,  which  Vane  wouM  h.tve  read  previous  to  the 
choice.  Winthrop,  who  clearly  saw  that  this  was 
a  contrivance  to  throw  all  into  confusion,  and  spend 
the  day  in  debate,  that  the  election  might  be  prevented 
for  that  time,  0|)p()sed  the  reading  of  the  |)etition  until 
the  election  shoiihl  be  over.  Vane  and  his  party  were 
strenuous,  but  Winthrop  called  to  the  people  to  divide, 
and  Ihe  majority  appeared  for  the  election.  Vane  still 
refused,  till  Winthrop  said  he  would  proceed  without 
liim.  v\'hicli  obliged  him  to  submit.  The  election  was 
carried  in  favor  of  Winthrop  and  his  friends.  The  Ser- 
jeants who  had  waited  on  Vane  to  the  place  of  election, 
threw  down  their  halberds,  and  refused  to  attend  the 
newlv  elected  governor;  he  took  no  other  notice  of  the 
alfronMlian  to  order  his  own  servants  to  bearthem  be- 
fore him,  and  when  the  people  expressed  their  resent- 
ment, he  begged  them  to  overlook  tlie  matter. 

The  town  of  Boston  being  generally  in  favor  of  the 
new  opinions,  the  governor  grew  unpopular  there,  and 
a  law  which  was  passed  this  year  of  his  restoration  to 
ollice,  increased  their  dislike.  Many  persons  who  were 
supposed  to  favor  those  opinions,  were  expected  from 
England,  to  (irevent  whose  settlement  in  the  country, 
the  Court  laid  a  pi-iially  on  all  who  should  entertain  any 
8lraiiger.s,  or  allow  them  the  use  of  any  house,  or  lot, 
above  three  weeks,  without  liberty  first  granted.  This 
severe  order  was  so  ill  received  in  Boston,  that  on  the 
covernor's  return  from  the  Court  of  Cambridiie,  they 
all  refused  to  go  out  to  mei?t  him,  or  to  show  him  anv 
token  of  resjiect.  The  other  towns  on  this  occasion 
increased  their  respect  towards  him, and  the  same  sum- 
mer, in  a  journey  to  Ipswich,  he  was  guarded  from 
town  to  town  with  more  ceremony  than  he  desired. 

The  same  year  a  synod  was  called  to  determine  on 
the  controverted  points,  in  which  assembly  Winthrop. 
though  he  did  not  preside,  yet  as  the  head  of  the  civil 
magistracy, was  obliged  often  to  interpose  his  authority, 
which  he  did  with  wisdom  and  gravity,  silencing  pas- 
sionate and  impertinent  speakers,  desiring  that  the  di- 
vine oracles  might  be  allowed  to  express  their  own 
meaning,  and  be  appealed  to  for  the  decision  of  the 
controversy;  and  when  he  saw  heat  and  passion  prevail 
in  the  assembly,  he  would  adjourn  it, that  time  might  be 
allowed  for  co.il  consideration,  by  which  prudent  man- 
agement, the  synod  came  to  an  amicable  agreement  in 
condemning  the  errors  of  the  day.  But  the  work  was 
not  wholly  done,  until  the  erroneous  persons  were 
banislied  the  colony.  This  act  of  severity  the  Court 
thojglit  necessary  for  the  peace  of  the  Commonwealth. 
Toll-ration  had  not  then  been  introduced  into  any  of 
the  ProtestaHt  countries,  and  even  the  wisest  and  best 
men  WvTC  afraid  of  it  as  the  parent  of  all  error  and 
ini-^i'hief 

Some  of  the  zealous  opinionists  in  the  church  of 
Boston, would  have  hail  the  el<lcrs  procee<l  against  the 
governor  in  the  way  of  ecclesiastical  discipline,  for  his 
activity  in  procuring  thesentenceof  baiiislimeiiton  their 
brethren.  Upon  this  occasion  in  a  well  judged  speech 
to  ti.e  congregation,  he  told  them  that  "  though  in  his 
private  capacity,  it  was  his  duty  to  submit  to  the  cen- 
MUre  of  his  lirelhren,  yet  he  was  not  amenable  lo  them 
lor  liis  conduct  as  a  magistrate,  even  though  it  were 
unjust.  That  in  the  present  case,  lie  had  acted  accord- 
ing to  his  con.'icience  and  his  oath,  and  hi/  Ihrnilricr  nf 
lite  elders  nf  the  chinch,  and  was  fully  satisfied  that  It 
would  not  lia.ve  been  consistent  with  the  public  peace 
lo  iiave  done  ollierwii»e."    These  reasons  satisfied  the 

rbJtnn  to  rozen  anl  dfceive  a  whole  nation  (the  Scots] 
■j>-|m  li  wan  llicHight  ici  in  rriifi  and  cunning  which  h6 

|iit  Willi  a  nuliUilo  (jrcgiiuncy  and  Uextorily."  ' 


uneasy  brethren,  and  his  general  condescending  and 
obliging  depii  tment,  so  restored  him  to  their  aireclioiis, 
that  he  was  held  in  greater  esteem  than  before  ;  as  a 
proof  of  thi.s,  upon  occasion  of  a  loss  v/hich  lie  had 
sustained  in  his  temporal  estate,  they  made  liira  a  pre- 
sent, amounting  to  several  hundred  pounds. 

A  warm  disjiute  having  arisen  in  the  General  Court, 
concerning  the  negative  voice  of  the  Upper  House,  the 
governor  published  his  sentiments  in  writing,  some  pas- 
sages of  which  giving  great  offence,  he  took  occasion 
at  the  next  meeting  of  the  Court  in  a  public  speech  to 
tell  them  "  that  as  to  the  matter  of  his  writing,  it  was 
according  to  liis  judgment,  which  was  not  at  tiis  own 
disposal,  and  that  having  examined  it  by  the  rules  of 
reason,  religion,  and  custom,  he  saw  no  cause  to  re- 
tract it ;  but  as  lor  the  manner,  which  was  wholly  liis 
own,  lie  was  ready  to  acknowledge  whatever  was 
blameable.  He  said,  that  v\'hat  he  wrote  was  on  great 
(irovocation,  and  to  vindicate  himself  and  others  from 
unjust  aspersion.s,  yet  he  ought  not  to  have  allowed  a 
di.steiiiper  of  spirit,  nor  to  have  been  so  free  with  the 
reputation  of  his  brethren  ;  that  he  might  have  main- 
tained his  cau.se  without  casting  any  rellection  on  them, 
and  that  he  perceived  an  unbecoming  pride  and  arro- 
gancy  in  some  of  his  expressions,  for  which  he  desired 
forgiveness  of  God  and  man  !"  By  this  condescending 
spirit,  he  greatly  endeared  liimself  to  liis  friends,  and 
his  enemies  were  ashamed  of  their  opposition. 

He  had  not  so  high  an  opinion  of  a  dcmocialical  go- 
vernment as  some  other  gentlemen  of  equal  wisdom 
and  goodness  ;  but  plainly  perceived  a  danger  in  refer- 
ring matters  of  counsel  and  judicature  to  the  body  of 
the  people  ;  and  when-  those  who  had  removed  to  Con- 
necticut, were  about  forming  their  government,  he 
warned  them  of  this  danger  in  a  friendly  and  faithful 
letter,  wherein  are  these  remarkable  words :  "  The 
best  part  of  a  community  is  always  the  least  and  of 
that  best  part  the  wiser  is  still  less  ;  wherefore  the  old 
canon  was,  choose  ye  out  judges,  and  thou  shall  bring 
the  matter  before  the  judge." 

In  1G4.5,  when  he  was  deputy  governor,  a  great  dis- 
turbance was  raised  by  some  petitioners  from  Hiiig- 
ham,  who  complained  that  the  fundamental  laws  of  i 
England  were  not  owned  in  the  colony  as  the  basis  of 
government  ;  that  civil  ])rivileges  were  denied  to  men, 
merely  for  not  being  members  of  the  churches  ;  and 
they  could  not  enjoy  divine  ordinances  because  they 
belonged  to  the  Church  of  England.  With  these  com- 
plaints, they  petitioned  for  liberty  of  conscience  ;  or, 
if  that  could  not  be  granted,  for  freedom  from  taxes 
aiKl  military  services  ;  the  petition  concluded  with  a 
menace,  that  in  case  of  a  refusal,  conqilaint  would  be 
had  to  the  Parliament  of  England.  This  petition  gave 
much  oli'ence,  and  the  petitioners  were  cited  to  Court, 
and  fined  as  "  movers  to  sedition.''  Winthrop  was 
active  in  their  prosecution  ;  but  a  party  in  the  House  of 
Deputies  was  so  strong  in  their  favor  as  to  carry  a  vote, 
requiring  him  to  answer  for  his  conduct  in  public;  the 
result  of  which  was,  that  he  was  honorably  acquitted. 
Then  resuming  his  seat,  he  took  that  opporlunily  pub- 
licly to  declare  his  sentiments  on  the  questionsconcern- 
ing  the  authority  of  the  magistracy,  and  the  liberty  of 
the  people.  "  You  have  called  us,"  said  he.  to  ollice, 
but  being  called,  we  have  our  authority  from  God,  it  is 
tlie  ordinance  of  God,  and  hath  the  image  of  God 
stamped  on  it  ;  and  the  conlempt  of  it  hath  been  vin- 
dicated byGod  with  terrible  examples  of  his  vengeance. 
When  you  choose  niagistrales,  you  lake  Ihem  from 
among  yourselves,  men  subject  lo  the  like  passions 
with  yourselves.  If  you  see  our  infirmities,  reflect  on 
your  own,  and  you  will  not  he  so  severe  on  ours.  The 
covenant  between  us  and  you  is,  that  we  shall  govern 
you  and  judge  your  causes  according  to  the  laws  of 
God*  and  our  best  skill.  As  for  our  skill,  you  must 
run  the  hazard  of  it  ;  and  if  there  be  an  error,  not  :n 
the  will,  but  the  skill,  it  becomes  you  lo  bear  it.  Nor 
would  I  have  you  niislake  in  the  point  of  your  liberty. 
There  is  a  liberty  of  corrupt  nature,  which  is  inconsis- 
tent with  authority,  impatient  of  restraint,  the  grand 
enemy  of  truth  and  peace,  and  all  the  ordinances  of 
God  are  bent  against  it.  But  there  is  a  civil,  moral, 
federal  liberlv,  which  is  the  proper  end  and  object  of 
authority,  a  liberty  forlhat  only  which  is  ji'sr  and  ijooi). 
For  this  liberty  yon  are  to  stand  with  your  lives  ;  and 
whatever  crosses  it,  is  not  autliorily,  hut  a  distemper 
thereof  This  liberty  is  maintained  in  a  way  of  suli- 
jeclion  to  autliorily,  and  ihc  authority  set  over  you  will 
in  all  administrations  for  your  good,  he  quietly  sub- 
milted  lo  by  all  but  such  as  have  a  disjiosiliun  to  sliake 

*  It  niu.'.t  be  observed,  lli.it  the  Mosaic  law  was  at  tliat 
t'nc  considered  as  the  ijrnoral  stand.ird,  luid  most  of  Iho 
'  l4ira  of  tho  country  were  (uuiidcd  un  it. 


olTlhc  yoke,  and  lose  their  liberty  by  murmuring  at  the 
honor  and  power  of  authority. '' 

'I  his  kind  of  argument  was  frequently  urged  by  tlie 
fathers  of  NcwEngland  in  justification  of  their  severity 
toward  those  w  ho  dissented  from  them.  They  main- 
tained that  all  men  had  liberty  to  do  nght,  but  no  liber- 
ty to  do  wrong.  However  true  this  principle  may  be  is 
point  of  morality,  yet  in  mailers  of  opinion,  in  mode*  ^ 
faith,  worship,  and  ecclesiastical  order,  the  question  ifv, 
who  shall  be  the  judge  of  right  anrl  wrong  ?  and  it  is  too 
evident  ftom  their  conduct,  that  they  supposed  the 
pov\'er  of  judging  to  be  in  those  who  were  vested  with 
authority  ;  a  principle  destructive  of  liberty  of  con- 
science, and  the  right  of  private  judgment,  and  big  with 
all  the  horrors  of  persecution.  The  exercise  of  such 
authority  they  condeniTied  in  the  high  church  party ,who 
had  oppressed  them  in  England ;  and  yet,  such  is  the 
frailty  of  human  nature,  they  held  ihe  same  principles, 
and  practised  the  same  oppressions  on  those  who  dis- 
sented from  them.  Winthrop,  before  he  left  England, 
v\'as  of  more  Catholic  spirit  than  some  of  his  brethren  ; 
after  he  had  come  lo  America,  he  fell  in  with  the 
reigning  principle  of  intolerancy,  which  almost  all  the 
Keformers  unhappily  retained  as  a  relict  of  the  persecu- 
ting church,  I'rom  which  they  had  separated  ;  but  as  he 
advanced  in  life,  he  resumed  his  former  moderation  ; 
and  in  the  time  of  his  last  sickness,  when  Dudley,  the 
deputy-governor  pressed  him  to  sign  an  order  for  the 
banishment  of  a  person  who  was  deemed  heterodox, 
he  refused,  saying,  that  "  he  had  done  too  much  of 
that  work  already.'' 

Having  devoted  the  greatest  part  of  his  interest  to 
the  service  of  the  public,  and  sulfering  many  losses  by 
accidents,  and  by  leaving  the  management  of  his  pri- 
vate alTairs  to  unfaithful  servants,  whilst  his  whole 
time  and  attention  were  employed  in  the  public  busi- 
ness, his  fortune  was  so  much  impaired,  that  some 
years  before  his  death,  he  was  obliged  to  sell  the  most 
of  his  estate  for  the  payment  of  an  accumulated  debt. 
He  also  met  v\  ith  much  affliction  in  his  family,  having 
buried  three  wives  and  six  children.  These  troubles, 
joined  to  the  opposition  and  ill  treatment  which  he 
i  frequently  met  with  from  some  of  the  people,  so  preyed 
upon  his  nature,  already  much  worn  by  the  toils  and 
hardships  of  planting  a  colony  in  a  wilderness,  that  ho 
perceived  a  decay  of  his  faculties  seven  years  before 
he  reache<i  his  grand  cliniateric  and  often  spoke  of  hib 
approaching  dissolution,  w  ith  a  calm  resignation  to  the 
will  of  Heaven.  At  length,  w  hen  he  had  entered  the 
sixly-lhird  year  of  his  age,  a  fever  occasioned  by  a  cold, 
after  one  month's  conlinenient,  put  an  end  to  his  life 
on  the  Sfilh  of  March.  1C49. 

The  island  called  Governor's  Island,  in  the  harbor 
of  Boston,  w  as  granted  to  him.  and  still  remains  in  ihe 
possession  of  his  descendanls.  His  picture  is  preserved 
in  the  senate-chamber,  with  those  of  other  ancient 
governors.  The  house  in  which  he  lived,  remained  till 
177.5,  w  hen,  v^■ith  many  oilier  old  wooden  buildings,  it 
was  pulled  down  by  the  British  troops  for  fuel.  He 
kept  an  exact  journal  of  the  occurrences  and  transac- 
tions in  the  colony  tluring  his  residence  in  it.  This 
journal  was  of  great  service  to  several  historians,  par- 
ticularly Hubbard,  Mather,  and  Prince.  It  is  still  in 
possession  of  the  ('onnecticut  branch  of  his  family,  and 
was  published  at  Hartford  in  1790.  It  all'ords  a  more 
exact  and  circumstantial  detail  of  events  within  that 
period,  than  any  compilation  which  has  beenorcaii  bo 
made  from  it  ;  the  principles  and  conduct  of  this  truly 
great  and  good  man,  therein  appear  in  the  light  which 
he  himself  viewed  them  ;  while  his  abilities  for  the  ar- 
duous slrtlion  which  he  held,  the  diiliciillies  which  he 
had  lo  encounter,  and  his  lidelily  in  business,  are  dis- 
played with  that  truth  and  justice  in  which  ihey  ought 
to  appear. 

He  had  five  sons  living  at  his  decease,  all  of  whom, 
nolwillislaiiding  the  reduction  ol  his  fortune,  acquired 
and  possessed  large  property,  and  were  persons  of  enii- 
iieiice  Many  of  his  po.>,lerily  have  borne  respeclablo 
characters,  and  filled  some  of  the  principal  places  of 
trust  and  usefulness. 


JOHN  WINTHROP,   F.   R.  S 

COVSR.SOR  OK  CONNECTICUT. 

John  Winthrop,  Governor  of  Conncrliciit — His  liirth  and 
eiliiralion— His  removal  to  New  Knitland— t)l>tains  a  Char- 
ter liicorporalini;  t^onnocliciil  and  New  H^ven— CJovemor 
of  tlie  colony  of  Connecticut— Elected  Tellow  of  the 
Uoyal  Society— His  death. 

John  Winthrop,  eldest  son  of  Govemi.r  Winthrop. 
by  his  first  wife,  was  horn  at  (Jroton,  in  Sulfolk.  Feb. 
12,  1G05.    His  fine  genius  was  much  improved  by  n 


BIOGRAPHIES  OF  THE  EARLY  DISCOVERERS. 


69 


Iibi'ral  education,  in  tlie  universities  of  Canibritlsre,  and 
Dublin,  ami  bv  IraveJIinj;  throui;b  luo^t  ol'thc  Europe- 
an l<inirtloins,  as  far  as  Turkey.  He  came  !i)  iN'ew 
Eni/laml  uitli  liis  father's  family,  Nov.  4,  1(131  ;  and 
though  not  above  twenty-si.t  years  of  age,  vviis  by  tiie 
uiiaiiiinous  choice  of  the  freemen,  appointed  a  n;!igis- 
trate  of  the  coh)nv,  of  which  his  fattier  was  goveiiiov. 
He  rendered  mauy  services  to  the  country,  both  at  honi'! 
ind  abroad,  particularly  in  the  year  1634,  when  return- 
in"  to  England,  lie  wa.s  by  the  stress  of  weatlier,  for- 
ced into  Ireland  ;  where  meeting  witli  many  influen- 
tial persons  at  the  house  of  Sir  John  Closworthy,  he 
hail  an  o|)porlunity  to  promote  the  interest  of  the  co- 
lony, by  their  means. 

'i'he  ne.xt  year  he  came  back  to  New  England,  with 
powers  from  the  Lords  .""ay  and  Erooke,  to  settle  a 
plantation  on  Connecticut  river.  But  finding  tiiat  some 
worthy  persojis  from  Massachusetts  had  already  re- 
moved, and  others  were  about  removing  to  make  a  set- 
tlement on  that  river  at  Harlford  and  Wetherslield,  he 
gave  them  no  disturbance  ;  but  having  made  an  ami- 
cable agreement  with  tliem,  built  a  fort  at  the  mouth 
of  the  river,  and  furnished  it  with  artillery  and  stores 
which  iiad  been  sent  over,  and  began  a  town  there, 
which,  from  the  two  Lords  who  liad  a  princi[)al  share 
in  the  undertaking,  was  called  Saybrook.  This  fort 
lept  the  Indians  in  awe  and  proved  a  security  to  the 
planters  on  the  river. 

When  they  had  formed  themselves  into  a  body  politic 
they  honoured  liim  with  an  election  to  the  magistracy, 
and  afterward  chose  him  governor  of  the  colony.  At 
the  restoration  of  King  Charles  II.  he  undertook  a  voy- 
age to  England,  on  the  behalf  of  tlw  people  both  of 
Connecticut  and  New  Haven  ;  and,  by  liis  prudent  ad- 
dress, obtained  from  the  king  a  charter,  incorporating 
both  colonies  into  one,  with  a  grant  of  jirivileges,  and 
powers  of  government,  superiortoany  plantation  which 
had  been  settled  in  America.  During  this  negotiation, 
at  a  private  conference  with  the  king,  he  presented  his 
majesty  with  a  ring,  which  King  Charles  I.  had  given 
tc  his  grandl'ather.  This  present  rendered  iiim  very 
acceptable  to  the'  king,  and  greatly  facilitated  tlie  busi- 
ness. The  people,  at  his  return,  expressed  their  gra- 
titude to  him  by  electing  him  to  the  oiKce  of  governor, 
for  fourteen  years  togolher,  till  his  death. 

Mr.  Winthrop's  genius  led  him  to  philosophical  in- 
quiries, and  his  opportunities  for  conversing  with  learn- 
ed men  abroad,  furnished  him  with  a  rich  variety  of 
knowledge,  particularly  of  the  mineral  kingdom  ;  and 
there  are  some  valuable  communications  of  his  in  the 
philosophical  transactions,  which  procured  him  the 
honor  of  being  elected  a  Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society. 
He  had  also  mucii  skill  in  the  art  of  physic  ;  and  gene- 
rously distributed  many  valuable  medicines  among  the 
people,  w!;o  constantly  applied  to  him  whenever  they 
had  need,  and  were  treated  with  a  kindness  that  did 
honor  to  their  benefactor. 

His  many  valuable  qualities  as  a  gentleman,  a  chris- 
tian, a  philosopher,  and  a  public  ruler,  procured  him 
tiie  universal  respect  of  tlie  people  under  his  govern- 
ment ;  and  his  unwearied  attention  to  the  public  busi- 
ness, and  great  understanding  in  the  art  of  government, 
was  of  unspeakable  advantage  to  them.  Being  one  of 
the  commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies  of  New  Etig- 
land,  in  the  year  1G7(),  in  the  height  of  the  first  general 
Indian  war,  as  he  was  attending  the  service  at  Boston, 
he  fell  sick  of  a  fever,  and  died  on  tiie  5th  of  April,  in 
the  seventy -first  year  of  his  age,  and  was  honorably 
buried  in  the  same  tomb  with  his  excellent  father 


GEORGE  CALVERT,  CECILIUS  CALVERT,— 
(LoKi)s  B.u,Ti.MORE.)    LEONARD  CALVERT. 

GBonr.E  Calvert — His  birth  and  education — In  the  service 
of  Sir  Roljert  Cecil — lie  is  made  .Secretary  of  State — He 
receives  a  pension  I'roni  King  James — Becomes  a  Catliolic 
— Created  Baron  of  Ballunore — He  attempts  a  settle- 
ment at  Newfoundland — Visits  Virginia — Receives  a  grant 
o(  the  territory  nortli  of  the  Potowrnack— His  Death— His 
Character — Cecil  IJalvert — He  receives  a  I'atcnt  of  Ma- 
ryland—Settles  th?  lAilony — Appoints  his  brother,  Leonard, 
Governor — Leu.mard  Calvert — Conducts  settlers  to  the 
Colony 


vert  in  his  service,  and  employed  him  in  several 
weighty  matters  of  slale. 

By  the  interest  of  Sir  Robert, then  Earl  of  Salisbury, 
he  was  appointed  one  of  the  clerks  of  the  council,  and 
received  the  honor  of  knighthood  (1C17  ;)  and  in  the 
following  year  was  made  Secretary  of  Slate,  in  the 
room  of  Sir  Thomas  Lake.  Conceiving  llic  Duke  of 
Buckingham  to  liave  been  instrumental  in  his  prefer- 
ment, he  presented  him  with  a  jewel  of  great  value  ; 
Hit  the  duke  returned  it,  with  a  message  that  he  owed 
lis  advancement  to  his  own  merit  and  the  good  plea- 
sure of  his  sovereign,  who  was  fully  sensible  of  it. 
His  great  knowledge  of  public  business,  and  his  dili- 
gence and  fidelity  in  conducting  it,  had  rendered  him 
very  acceptable  to  the  king.who  granted  him  a  pension 
of  1,000/.  out  of  the  customs. 

In  lG24.he  conscientiously  became  a  Roman  Catho- 
lic, and  having  freely  owned  his  principles  to  the  king, 
resigned  iiis  oll'ice.  This  ingenuous  confession  so 
atlccted  the  mind  of  .Tames,  that  he  not  only  continued 
lim  on  the  list  of  Privy  Counsellors,  but  created  iiim 
Baron  of  Baltimore,  in  the  county  of  Longford,  in 
Ireland. 

Whilst  he  was  Secretary  of  State  and  one  of  the 
committee  of  trade  and  ])lantations,  he  obtained  from 
the  king,  a  patent  for  the  south-eastern  peninsula  of 
Newfoundland,  which  lie  named  the  Province  of  Ava- 
lon  ;  from  Avalonius,  a  monk,  who  was  supposed  to 
have  converted  the  British  King  Lucius,  and  all 
his  court  lo  Christianity  ;  in  remembrance  of  whicii 
event,  the  Abbey  of  Glastonbury  was  founded  at 
Avalon,  in  Somersetshire.  Sir  George  gave  his 
province  this  name,  imagining  it  would  be  the  first 
place  in  North  America  where  tlie  Gospel  would  be 
preached. 

At  Ferryland,  in  liis  Province  of  Avalon,  he  built  a 
fine  house,  and  spent  25,000/.  in  advancing  his  planta- 
tion, which  he  visited  twice  in  person.  But  it  was  so 
annoyed  by  the  French,  that  though  he  once  repulsed 
and  pursued  their  ships,  and  took  si.xty  prisoners;  yet, 
he  found  his  ])rovince  so  much  exposed  to  their  insults, 
and  the  trouble  and  expense  of  defending  il  so  very 
great,  that  he  was  obliged  to  abandon  it.  and  be  con- 
tent with  the  loss  of  what  he  had  laid  out,  in  the  im- 
provement of  a  territory,  the  soil  and  climate  of  whicii 
were  considered  as  unfavorable  to  his  views. 

Being  still  inclined  to  form  a  settlement  in  America, 
whilher  he  might  retire  with  his  family  and  friends,  of 
the  same  religious  principles,  he  made  a  visit  to  Virgi- 
nia, the  fertility  and  advantages  of  which  had  been 
highly  celebrated  ;  and  in  which  he  had  been  interested, 
as  one  of  the  adventurers.  But  tiie  people  there,  being 
Protestants  of  the  Church  of  England,  regarded  him 
with  a  jealous  eye,  on  account  of  his  religion  ;  and  by 
their  unwelcome  reception  of  hii.i,  he  was  discouraged 
from  settling  within  their  jurisdiction. 

In  visiting  tiie  Bay  of  Chesapeake,  he  observed  that 
the  Virginians  had  established  trading  houses  on  some 
of  the  islands  ;  but  that  thev  had  not  extended  their 
plantations  to  the  northward  of  the  river  Potowmack  ; 
although  the  country  there  was  equally  valuable  w  ith 
that  which  they  had  planted. 

V/lien  he  returned  to  England,  he  applied  to  King 
Charles  I.  for  the  grantof a  territory  northward  oftlie 
Potowmack  ;  and  the  king,  who  had  as  great  an  affec- 
tion for  him  as  had  his  father  James,  readily  complied 
with  his  request.  But  owing  to  the  tedious  forms  of 
public  business,  belore  a  patent  could  be  completed 
and  pass  the  seals,  Lord  Baltimore  died  at  London 
on  the  15th  of  April,  1632,  in  the  51st  year  of  his 
age. 

The  cliaracter  of  this  nobleman  is  thus  drawn 
Though  he  was  a  Roman  Catholic,  he  kept  himself 
disengaged  from  all  interests,  behaving  with  such 
moderation  and  propriety,  that  all  parlies  were  pleased 
with  him, and  none  complained  of  him.  He  was  a  man 
of  great  good  sense,  not  obstinate  in  his  opinions,  ta- 
king as  much  pleasure  in  hearing  the  sentiments  of 
others  as  in  delivering  his  own.  Whilst  he  w  as  Secre- 
tary of  Slate,  he  examincil  all  letters,  and  carried  to 
the  king  everv  night  an  exact  ami  well  diL'csted  account 


of  affairs.  He  agreed  with  Sir  John  Popham  in  the 
design  of  foreign  pfantations  ;  but  differed  in  the  man- 
(iF.oRGE  Calvert  was  descended  from  a  noble  fa-  ner  of  executing  it.  Popham  was  for  extirpating  the 
mily  of  Flanders,  and  born  at  Kiplinij  in  Yorkshire,  original  inhabitants, Calvert  was  for  civilizing  and  con- 
f  1582  )  He  received  his  education  at  Trinity  College,  'verting  them.  The  former  was  for  present  profit ;  the 
in  Oxf;rd,  and  after  taking  his  Bachelor's  degree,  latter  for  reasonable  expectation,  and  for  employing 
(l.'>9'')  travelled  over  the  continent  of  Europe.  At  governors  who  were  not  interested  merchants,  but  nn- 
his  return  to  England,  in  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  concerned  crentlemen  ;  he  w  as  for  <;rantinii  liberties 


writing,  but  it  does  not  appear  that  it  waa  evcl 
printed. 

Alter  the  death  of  ."^ir  George  the  patent  was  again 
drawn  in  the  name  of  his  eldest  son,  (."ecil,  I  ord  Haiti 
more,  and  passed  the  seals  on  the  28th  of  June,  1032 
The  original  draught  being  in  Latin,  t!ie  |)atentee  is 
called  C'cciliiis  and  the  country  ''  Tirra  Martit,  nliaa 
Maryland,"  in  honor  of  Henrietta  Maria,  the  Q  icc;i 
consort  of  Charles  I.* 

From  the  great  precision  of  this  charter  the  powers 
which  it  gives  to  the  proprietor,  and  the  privileges  and 
exemptions  which  it  grants  lo  the  peo]ile,  it  is  evident 
that  fSir  tieorgt  himself  was  the  chief  penman  of  it. 
One  omission  was  soon  discovered  ;  no  |)ro\ision  was 
made,  that  the  law  s  should  be  transmitted  to  the  sove- 
reign for  his  approbation  or  <lisallowancc.  'J'he  com- 
missioners of  trade  and  ]ilanlations  made  a  represen- 
tation of  this  defect  to  the  House  of  ('omnions,  in  1633, 
and  an  act  of  Parliament  was  proposed  as  the  only 
remedy. 

The  province  of  Maryland  is  thus  described.  All 
that  part  of  a  peninsula  in  .\merica,  lying  lietween  the 
ocean  on  the  east,  and  the  Bay  of  (Chesapeake  on  the 
west,  and  divided  from  the  other  part,  liy  a  right  line 
drawn  from  Watkin's  Point,  in  the  aforesaid  bay,  on 
the  west,  to  the  main  ocean  on  the  east,  'i'hcnce  to 
that  part  of  Delaware  Bay  on  the  north,  which  lielh 
under  Ihi:  foiiiiih  drisrcr.  of  north  latitude  from  the 
equinoctial,  where  New  England  ends.  Thence  in  a 
riglit  hue,  liy  the  degree  aforesaid,  to  the  true  ineriilian 
of  the  first  fountains  of  the  river  i'otowmack.  Thence 
following  the  course  of  said  river  to  its  moutli,  w  here 
it  falls  into  the  Bay  of  Chesapeake.  Thence  on  a 
right  line,  across  the  bay  to  Watkin's  Point  ;  with  all 
the  islands  and  islets  within  tliese  limits. 

This  region  was  erected  into  a  province  ;  and  llie 
proprietor  was  invested  with  palatine  honors.  In  con- 
junction with  the  freemen  or  their  delegates  he  had 
le<>islative,  and,  in  person,  or  by  officers  of  his  own 
appointment,  lie  had  executive  powers.  He  had  also 
the  advow  soii  of  churches,  the  erection  of  manors,  bo- 
roughs, cities,  ami  ports;  saving  the  liberty  of  fishing 
and  drying  fish  which  was  declared  common  lo  all  the 
king's  subjects.  The  cliarter  |)rovided,  tliat  if  any 
doubts  should  arise  concerning  the  sense  of  it,  such  an 
interpretation  should  be  given  as  would  be  most  favora- 
ble to  the  interest  of  the  projirietor. 

The  territory  is  said  to  be  "  in  llie  parts  of  America 
not  yet  ciiltiraicd,  though  inhabited  by  a  harbiro'ii 
people,''  and  it  is  provided,  that  the  province  "should 
not  be  holden  or  reputed  as  jiart  of  Virirunu,  or  of  any 
other  colony,  but  immediately  dependant  on  the  Crown 
of  England."  Tliese  clauses,  together  w  ith  the  con- 
st/, ction  put  on  the  fortieth  degree  of  latitude,  proved 
the  ground  of  long  and  liitter  controversies,  one  of 
which  was  not  closed  till  after  the  lapse  of  a  cen- 
tury. 

Twelve  years  before  the  date  of  the  charter,  (1620.) 
John  Porey,  sometime  secretary  of  Virginia,  who  had 
sailed  into  the  northern  part  of  the  Bay  of  Chesapeake, 
reported  that  he  found  near  one  hundred  English  perpio 
very  happily  settled  there,  and  engaged  in  a  fur  tiade 
with  the  natives.  In  the  year  before  the  date  of  the 
cliarter,  (163f,)  King  Charles  had  granted  a  license 
under  the  [irivy  seal  of  .Scotland,  to  Sir  A\'illiain 
.Mexaniler,  proprietor  of  Nova  Scotia,  and  to  William 
Cleyborne,  counsellor  and  secretary  of  A'irginia,  to 
trade  intlio.se  parts  of  .'\merica,  for  which  there  had 
not  been  a  patent  granted  to  others  ;  and  sent  an  order 
to  the  governor  of  Virginia  to  permit  them  freely  lo 
trade  there.  In  consequence  of  w  hich.  Sir  John  Har- 
vey and  his  council,  in  the  same  year,  had  granted  to 
"lie  s.iid  Cleyborne,  a  permission  lo  sail  and  trallic  to 
the  'adjoining  plantations  of  the  Dutch,  or  to  any 
English  planlation  on  the  territory  of  .America.''  As 
notbinii  is  said  in  these  instruments  of  the  Swedes,who 
first  planted  the  shores  of  the  Hay  of  Delaware,  it  has 
been  Inferred  by  the  advocati  s  of  Haltimore,  that  they 
had  not  settled  there  previous  to  the  charter  of  Mary- 
land; tlioiii.'h  the  family  iif  Pcnn  insisted  on  it  as  a 
fact,  that  the  occupancy  of  the  Swedes  was  prior  to 
that  period.  In  consequence  of  the  license  given  lo 
Cleyborne,he  and  his  associates  had  made  a  settlement 


James  I.  he  was  taken  into  the  ofTice  of  Sir  Robert 
Cecil,  Secretary  of  State  ;  ami  when  Sir  Robert  was 
tdvanccd  to  the  Lord  High  Treasurer,  he  retained  Cal- 


with  caution,  leaving  every  one  to  provide  for  himself 
by  his  own  in<lustry,  and  not  to  depend  on  a  common 
interest.    Ho  left  something  respecting  America  in 


i     "  Ogilhy  says  th,at  a  l)lanlt  was  left  for  tlic  name  of  the  ter- 
ritory, whicli  Lord  Baltimore  intended  to  have  filled  with 
Crcscentia.    But  wlicn  the  liins;  asked  )iim  for  a  name,  lie 
I  tomplai.'iantly  referred  it  to  liis  Maiesty's  pleasure,  who  pio- 
I  posed  tlic  name  of  tlie  queen,  to  wliieli  Ids  lordship  coulu  not 
but  consent. 

He  also  says,  that  the  second  Lord  Baltimore  was  chri.H 
I  tened  Cecil,  in  honor  of  his  father's  patron ;  but  waa  comirrottd 
I  by  the  name  of  Ceciliiu 


CO 


AMERICAN  HISTOKY. 


on  the  Isle  of  Kent,  far  within  tne  limits  of  Maryland  ;  ]  other  part,  till  the  next  harvest ;  when  Ihoy  promised 
ami  claimed  a  monopoly  of  the  trade  of  the  Chesapeake.  !  to  quit  tlio  place,  and  resign  it  wholly  to  them.  Both 


These  people,  it  is  !,ai<l,  sent  Uurfjessos  to  the  Li 
g  slature  of  Virginia,  and  were  considered  as  subject 
its  jurisdiction,  hofore  the  cstahlishmcnt  of  Mary- 
and. 

.■\fter  receiving  the  charter.  Lord  Baltimore  benan  to 
srcparc  for  the  collecting  and  transporting  a  colony  to 
America  At  first,  he  intended  to  go  in  person  ;  but 
afterward  changeil  his  mind, and  appointed  his  brother 
Lonard  Calvert,  governor,  with  two  assistants,  .lere- 
niv  Hawlv  and  Thomas  Cornwallis.  These.with  about 
two  hundred  persons,*  of  good  families  and  of  the  Ro- 
man (catholic  persuasion,  enibarkeil  at  Cowes  at  the 
Isle  of  Wight,  and  on  the  twenty-second  of  November, 
Ki:!;',  and  after  a  circuitous  voyage  through  the  West 
India  islands,  touching  first  at  Barbadoes  and  then  at 
St.  Christopher's  they  came  to  anchor  before  Point 
Comfort  in  Virginia,  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  February, 
1034  ;  and,  on  going  up  to  Jamestown,  delivered  to 
Oovcrnor  Harvey,  the  letters  which  the  king  had 
written  in  their  favor.  The  governor  and  his  council 
received  thorn  with  that  civility  which  was  due  to  the 
command  of  their  sovereign  ;  but  they  resolved  "  to 
luainlain  the  rights  of  the  prior  settlement."  They  af- 
forded to  the  new  colony  supplies  of  provision  for  do- 
mestic use,  but  considered  them  as  intruders  on  their 
territory,  and  as  obstructing  that  trallic,  from  which 
they  had  derived  and  expected  to  derive  much  advan- 
tage. 

On  the  3i!  of  March,  Calvert  with  his  colony  pro- 
ceeded in  the  Bay  of  (Chesapeake,  to  the  northward,and 
entered  the  Potowmack,  up  which  he  sailed  twelve 
leagues,  and  came  to  anchor  under  an  island,which  he 
named  St.  Clement.  Here  he  fired  his  canon,  erected 
a  cross,  and  took  possession,  "  in  tiie  name  of  the  Sa- 
viour of  the  world  and  the  King  of  England.'  Thence 
ne  went  with  his  pinnaces  fifteen  leagues  higher  to  the 
Indian  town  of  Potowmack,  on  the  Virginian  side  of 
the  river,  now  called  New  Marlborough  ;  where  he  was 
received  in  a  friendly  manner  by  the  guardian  regent, 
the  prince  of  the  country  being  a  minor.  Thence  he 
sailed  twelve  leagues  farther,  to  the  town  of  Pi.seata- 
way.  on  the  Marylaml  side;  where  he  found  Henry 
Fleet,  an  Englishman,  who  had  resided  several  years 
among  the  natives,  and  was  held  by  them  in  great  es- 
teem. He  procured  an  interview  between  Calvert 
am!  the  Werowance  or  lord  cf  the  place,  and  otlicia- 
ted  as  their  interpreter.  Calvert,  determining  to  pur 
sue  a  course  of  conduct  founded  on  pacific  and  hono 
rable  intentions, asked  the  \A'erowance, whether  he  was 
w  illing  that  he  and  I'.is  people  should  settle  in  his  coun- 
try. His  answer  was  short  .■\rid  prudent ;  "  I  will  not 
hid  you  to  go,  v.cj  to  stay  ;  but  you  may  use  your  own 
discretion."  This  interview  was  held  on  board  the 
governor's  pinnance  ;  the  natives  on  shore  crowded  to 
the  water's  edge,  to  look  after  their  sovereign,  and 
were  not  satisfied  of  his  safety,  till  he  stood  up  and 
showed  himself  to  them 

Having  made  this  discovery  of  the  river,  and  con- 
vinced the  natives  that  his  designs  were  amicable,  the 
governor  not  thinking  it  advisable  to  make  his  first  set- 
tlement so  high  up  the  river,  sailed  down  to  the  ships, 
taking  Fleet  with  him  for  a  guide.  The  natives, 
who,  when  they  first  saw  the  ships,  and  heard  the 
guns,  had  fled  from  St.  Clement's  island  and  its 
neiirhborhood,  returned  to  their  habitations,  and  seem- 
eil  to  repose  confidence  in  their  new  friends  ;  but 
this  was  not  deemed  a  proper  station.  Under  the  con- 
duct of  Fleet. the  governor  visited  a  creek  on  the  north- 


partu?s  cntereil  into  a  contract  to  live  together  in  a 
friendly  manner;  or,  if  any  injury  should  be  done,  on 
either  side,  the  offending  party  should  make  satisfac- 
tion. Calvert  having  given  them  what  he  deemed  a 
valuable  consideration,  with  which  they  appeared  to  be 
content,  they  readily  quitted  a  number  of  their  houses 
and  retired  to  liie  others  ;  and,  it  being  the  season  for 
planting,  both  parties  went  to  work.  Thus  on  the  27th 
of  March,  1634,  the  English  colony  took  peaceable 
possession  of  the  country  of  Maryland  ;  and  gave  to  the 
town  the  name  of  St.  Mary,  and  to  the  creek  on  which 
it  was  situate,  the  name  of  .St.  George. 

The  desire  of  quieting  the  natives,  by  giving  them  a 
reasonable  and  satisfactory  compensation  for  their  lands 
is  a  trait  in  the  character  of  the  first  planters,  which 
will  always  do  honor  to  their  memory. 

It  was  a  fortunate  circumstance  for  these  adventu- 
rers, that,  previous  to  their  arrival,  the  Indians  of  Voa- 
comoco,  had  resolved  to  quit  their  country,  and  retire 
to  the  westward,  that  they  might  he  free  from  the  in- 
cursions of  the  Susquehanocks,  a  powerful  and  warlike 
nation,  residing  between  the  Bays  of  Chesapeake  and 
Delaware,  who  frequently  invaded  them, and  carried  olf 
their  provisions  and  women.  Some  had  actually  re- 
moved, and  others  were  preparing  to  follow,  but  were 
encouraged  to  remain  another  season,  by  the  presence 
of  the  English.  They  lived  on  friendly  terms  with  the 
colony  ;  tlie  men  assisted  them  in  hunting  and  fishing  ; 
the  women  taught  them  tomanage  the  plantingand  cul- 
ture of  corn,  and  making  it  into  bread  ;  and  they  were 
compensated  for  their  labor  and  kindness  in  such  tools 
and  trinkets  as  were  pleasing  to  them.  According  to 
their  promise,  they  quitted  the  place  wholly,  in  the 
following  year,  and  the  colony  had  full  and  quiet  pos- 
session. 

At  his  first  settlement  in  this  place.Calvert  erected  a 


WILLIAM  PENN. 

William  Penn— His  Birth  and  Educat.on — He  travels  ta 
Fnnce — Goes  to  Ireland — .attaches  liimself  to  llie  Quakert 
— Ills  arrest  and  discharge — Discarded  by  his  father — B«. 
comes  an  ilinerant  preacher — Imprisoned  in  the  tower— Hib 
second  journey  to  Ireland— His  lallicr  reconciled  to  him — 
His  imprisonment  in  Newsrale — He  pleads  for  tlie  Quakeri 
before  Parhament— Receives  a  Charter  of  Pennsylvania 
His  terms  of  selllcnicnt — Sends  a  letter  to  the  Indians 
Embarks  witli  a  number  of  Quakers  for  America — Amvcj 
at  Newcastle — Goes  to  Chester — Names  his  settlement 
Philadelphia — Specimen  of  his  style  of  preaching — His  de 
parture  for  Ensland—  He  publishes  a  book  on  the  liljcrty  of 
conscience — Suspected  of  being  an  enemy  to  King  VVilhain 
— He  is  involved  in  debt — His  prudent  measures — Signs  a 
new  charter — Returns  to  England — Uis  embarrassments— 
His  death. 

The  Founder  of  Pennsylvania  was  the  grandson  of 
Captain  Giles  Penn,  an  English  Consul  in  the  Medi- 
terranean, and  the  son  of  Sir  William  Penn,  an  Admi- 
ral of  the  English  navy,  in  the  protectorate  of  Crom- 
well, and  in  the  reign  of  Charles  II.  in  which  oflice 
he  rendered  very  important  services  to  the  nation, 
[larticularly  by  the  conquest  of  Jamaica  from  the 
Spaniards,  and  in  a  naval  victory  over  the  Dutch 
William  was  born  October  14,  1614,  in  the  parish  of 
St.  Catharine,  near  the  tower  of  London,  educated  at 
Chigwell,  in  Essex,  and  at  a  private  school  in  London 
and  in  the  fifteenth  year  of  his  age  entered  as  a  stu- 
dent and  gentleman  commoner  of  Christ  Church  in 
Oxford. 

His  genius  was  bright,  his  disposition  sober  and  stu- 
dious, and  being  possessed  of  a  lively  imagination  and 
a  warm  heart,  the  first  turn  of  his  mind  towards  reli- 
gious subjects,  was  attended  with  circumstances  bor- 
dering on  enthusiasm.  Having  received  his  first 
impressions  from  the  preaching  of  Thomas  Loe,  an 
itinerant  Quaker,  he  conceived  a  favorable  opinion  of 
the  flights  and  refinements  of  that  rising  sect,  which 
led  him,  while,  at  the  university,  in  conjunction  with 
some  other  students,  to  withJrav/  from  the  established 


house,and  mounteil  a  guard  forthc  security  of  his  people  worship,  and  hold  a  private  meeting,  where  they 


ind  stores.  He  was,soon  after,  visited  by  Sir  John  Har- 
vey and  by  several  of  the  Indian  princes.  At  an  enter- 
tainment on  board  one  of  the  ships,  the  Werowance  of 
Paluxent  was  seated  between  the  Governor  of  Virginia 
and  the  governor  of  Maryland.  One  of  his  own  subjects 
coming  on  board  and  seeing  his  sovereign  in  that  situa- 
tion,started  with  surprize, thinking  him  a  prisoner,as  he 
had  been  once before,to  the  Virginians.  The  prince  rose 
from  the  table  and  satisfied  the  Indian  that  he  was  safe, 
which  prevented  his  affectionate  subject  from  leaping 
into  the  water,  as  he  had  attempted.  This  Wero- 
wance was  so  much  pleased  w  ith  the  conduct  of  Cal- 
vert and  his  people,  that  after  many  other  compliments 
he  said  to  them,  at  parting,  "  I  love  the  Ent  lish  so 
well,  that  if  I  knew  they  would  kill  me,  I  would  com- 
mand my  people  not  to  revenge  my  death  ;  because  I 
am  sure  they  would  not  kill  me,  but  through  my 
own  fault.'' 

The  colony  had  brought  with  them  English  meal ; 
but  they  found  Indian  corn  in  great  )ileiity,  both  at 
Barbadoes  and  Virginia  ;  and  by  the  next  spring,  they 
were  able  to  export  one  thousand  bush<"ls  to  New 
Englanil  and  Newfoundland  ;  for  which  they  received 
dried  fish  and  other  provisions  in  return.  They  pro- 
cured cattle,  swine  and  poultry  from  Virginia.  'I'hey 
were  very  industrious  in  building  houses  and  making 
gardens  ;  in  which  they  sowed  the  seeds  of  European 
esculent  vegetabh'S  ;  and  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing 
them  come  to  high  perfection.  They  suH'ered  much 
in  their  health  by  the  fever  and  ague,  and  many  of 
them  died  ;  but  when  the  survivors  were  seasoned  to 


em  side  of  the  Potowmack,  about  four  leagues  from  its  j  the  climate,  and  had  learned  the  use  of  indigenous 
mouth,  where  was  an  Indian  village,  surrounded  by  inedicinal  remedies,  they  enjoyed  their  health  much 


corn-fields,  and  called  Voacoinaco.  ('alvert  went  on 
shore,  and  accpiainled  the  prince  of  the  place  with  liis 
iiiti-nlion  ;  who  was  r.itl-.er  reserved  in  his  answer,  but 
entertained  him  in  a  friendly  manner,  and  gave  him  a 
lo,l'jiiig  in  his  own  bed. 

On  the  next  day,  he  showed  Calvert  the  country  ; 
which  pleased  him  so  well,  that  he  determined  there  to 
fix  his  abode  ;  and  treated  with  the  prince  about  jiur- 
chasing  the  place.  (Jalverl  presented  him  and  his  prin- 
cipal men  with  English  cloth,  axes,  hoes  and  knives  ; 
and  they  consented  tli.it  their  new  friends  should  re- 
side in  one  part  of  their  town,  and  themselves  in  the 


*  The  names  of  tlio  principal  men  in  the  colony  were, 
George  Calvert,  brotlier  to  the  proprietor  and  governor. 

Richard  (Jerard,  Henry  Green, 

Edwanl  Wiiiler.  Nirlmlas  Fairfax, 

Fri.'dcni  k  Winter,  Thomas  Uorrell, 

lli  nry  VViseinan,  J.>lin  Mod.  alf, 

Joltti  Sanders,  William  Sayie, 

John  »axt(T,  John  Hill, 
Edward  Cruifiold, 


better.  The  country  had  so  many  natural  advantages 
that  it  soon  became  [lopulous.  Many  Roman  ( "atholic 
families  from  England  resorted  thither,  and  the  pro- 
prietor with  a  degree  of  wisdom  and  generosity,  then 
unparalleled  but  in  Holland,  after  hax  ing  established 
the  (Christian  religion  upon  the  foolini;  of  common  law, 
granted  liberty  of  conscience  and  ecpial  jirivileges  to 
Christians  of  every  denomination.  With  this  essential 


preached  and  prayed  their  own  way.  Th«  discipline 
of  the  university  being  very  strict  in  such  matters,  he 
was  fined  for  the.t)«  of  nonconformity  ;  this  served  to 
fix  him  more  firmly  in  his  principles  and  habits,  and 
exposed  his  singularity  more  openly  to  the  world.  His 
conduct  being  then  deemed  obstinate,  he  was,  in  the 
sixteenth  year  of  his  age,  exiielled  as  an  incorrigible 
oll'ender  against  the  laws  of  uniformity. 

On  his  return  home,  he  found  his  father  highly 
incensed  against  him.  As  neither  remonstrancvs,  nor 
threatenings,  nor  liloics  could  divest  him  of  his  reli- 
gious attachments,  he  was,  for  a  while  turned  out  of 
the  house;  but  bv  the  influence  of  his  mother  he  was 
so  far  restored  to  favor  as  to  lie  sent  to  France,  in 
coniiiaiiy  w  ith  some  persons  of  quality,  with  a  view  to 
unbend  his  mind,  and  refine  his  manners.  Here  he 
learnt  the  language  of  the  country, and  acquired  such  a 
polite  and  courtly  behaviour,  that  his  father,  after  two 
years  fibsenee,  reC4"ived  him  w  ith  joy,  hoping  that  the 
object  of  his  wishes  was  attained.  He  was  then 
admitted  into  Lincoln's  Inn.  where  he  studied  law  till 
the  )ilague  broke  out  in  1665,  when  he  returned  to  his 
father's  house. 

About  this  time  (1666)  the  king's  coffers  being  low, 
and  claims  for  unrewarded  services  being  importunate, 
grants  were  frequently  made  of  lands  in  Ireland;  and 
the  merits  of  Sir  William  Peiinbeing  not  the  least  con- 
sjiicuous.  he  received  a  valuable  estate  in  the  county  of 
(,'ork,  and  committed  the  nianagcmenl  of  it  to  his  son, 
then  in  the  tweiitv  second  year  of  his  age.  Here  he 
met  with  his  old  friend  Loe.  and  immediately  attached 
himself  to  the  society  of  Quakers,  though  at  thst  time 
thev  were  subject  to  severe  persecution.  This  might 
have  operated  as  a  discouragement  to  a  yomg  gentle- 
man of  such  quality  and  expectations.especia'ly  as  he 
exjiosed  him.self  thereby  to  the  renewed  disphasnre  of 
a  parent  w  ho  loved  liiin.  had  not  the  integrity  and  ler- 
vor  of  his  mind  induced  him  to  sacrifice  all  worldly 
considerations  to  the  dictates  of  his  conscience. 

It  was  not  long  before  he  was  apprehended  at  a  re- 
ligious " r.uurcniielt."  and  with  einhleen  others,  coni- 


benefit,  was  connected  security  of  property;  lands  niitted  to  prison  by  the  mayor  of  Cork  ;  but  upon  his 
were  given  in  lots  of  lifty  acres,  to  every  emigrant,  in  writing  a  handsome  address  to  the  Earl  of  Orrery. Lon) 
absolute  fee  simple.  I'nder  such  advantages  the  peo-  j  President  of  .Munster.in  w  hich  he  very  sensibly  pleaded 
pie  thought  themselves  so  happy. that  in  an  early  period  ;  (or  liberty  of  conscience,  and  professed  his  desire  ol  a 
of  their  colonial  existence,  they  in  return  granted  to  ]  peaceable,  and  his  abhorrence  of  a  tumultuous  ami  dis- 
ihe  ])roprietor  a  subsidy  of  fifteen  pounds  of  tobacco,  on  I  respectfiil  separation  from  the  established  worship,  he 
every  poll,  "as  a  testimony  of  their  gratitude  for  his  was  discharged.  This  second  stroke  of  persecution 
great  charge  and  nolicilude,  in  maintaining  the  gov-  engaged  him  more  closely  to  the  (Quakers.  He  asi-o- 
ernnieni,  in  protecting  the  inhabitants  in  their  rights,  jcialed  openly  with  them,  and  bore,  with  calmness  and 
and  for  reimbursing  his  vast  expense  ;"  which  during  j  patience, the  cruel  abuse  w  hich  was  liberally  bestowed 
tlie  two  first  years  exceeded  forty  thousand  pounds  on  that  singular  parly 


slcrlii)){. 


His  father  being  informed  of  his  conduct,  remandeJ 


BIOGRAPHIES  OF  THE  EARLY  DISCOVERERS. 


61 


aim  home  ;  and  though  now  William's  ajjo  forbad  his  i 
irying  tlie  force  of  that  species  of  <hscipliiie,  to  which  | 
as  a  naval  conimander,  he  had  liceii  accustomed,  vet  ^ 
nc  plied  him  with  those  arguments,  which  it  was  na- 
tural for  a  man  of  the  world  to  use,  and  which,  to  such  i 
an  one,  would  have  been  prevailing.  'I'lie  |)rincipal  one  ] 
was  a  threateninir  to  disitdierit  him  ;  aiid  to  this  he 
hiunlily  submitted,  thou<rh  he  could  by  no  means  be 
persuaded  to  take  ofl'his  hat  in  presence  of  tlie  king,] 
the  Uuke  of  Vork,  or  his  father.  For  this  inllexiliilily 
he  was  again  turned  out  of  doors  ;  upon  which  he  i 
commenced  an  itinerant  preacher,  and  had  much  suc- 
cess in  making  ))roselytes.  In  these  excursions,  the 
opposition  which  he  met  with  from  the  clergy  and  the 
magistracy,  frequently  brought  him  into  dilliculties, 
and  sometimes  to  imprisonment;  but  his  integrity  was 
so  manifest,  and  his  patience  so  invincible,  that  his 
father,  at  length,  became  softened  toward  him,  and 
not  only  exerted  his  interest  to  release  him  from  con- 
finement, but  winked  at  his  return  to  the  family  when- 
ever it  suited  his  conveniency.  His  mother  was  al- 
ways his  friend,  and  often  supplied  his  necessities 
without  the  knowledge  of  the  father." 

In  the  year  1()6S,  he  commenced  author  ;  and  having 
written  a  book,  entitled  "  The  Sandy  Foundation 
Shaken,"  which  gave  great  olfeuce  to  the  spiritual 
'ords,  he  was  imprisoned  in  the  tower,  and  the  visits  of 
nis  friends  were  forbidden.  But  his  adversaries  found 
him  proof  against  all  their  efforts  to  subdue  him  ;  for 
a  message  being  brought  to  him  by  the  Bishop  of  Lon- 
don, that  he  must  either  publicly  recant,  or  die  a  prison- 
er, his  answer  was,  '•  My  prison  shall  be  my  grave.  I 
owe  my  conscience  to  no  man.  They  are  niisTaken  in 
me  ;  I  value  not  their  threats.  They  shall  know  that 
I  can  weary  out  their  malice,  and  bafllc  all  their  de- 
signs by  the  spirit  of  patience."  During  this  confine- 
ment he  wrote  his  famous  book,  "  No  Cross,  no 
Crown  ;"  and  another,  "  Innocency  with  her  open 
face,"  in  which  he  explained  and  vindicated  the  prin- 
ciples which  he  had  advanced  in  the  book  for  which  he 
was  imprisoned.  This,  with  a  letter  whicb  he  wrote 
to  Lord  Arlington,  secretary  of  State,  aided  bv  the  in- 
terest which  his  father  had  at  court,  procured  his  re- 
lease, afler  seven  months'  confinement. 

Soon  after  this,  he  made  another  visit  to  Ireland  to 
settle  his  father's  concerns,  in  which  he  exerted  him- 
self with  great  industry  and  success.  Here  he  con- 
stantly appeared  at  the  meetings  of  the  Quakers,  and 
not  only  olliciatcd  as  a  preacher,  but  used  his  interest 
with  the  lord  lieutenant,  and  others  of  his  nobility,  to 
procure  indulgence  for  them,  and  get  some  of  them  re- 
leased from  their  imprisonment. 

In  1G70,  an  act  of  Parliament  was  made,  which  pro- 
hibited the  mcelings  of  dissenters,  under  severe  penal- 
ties.   The  Quakers  being  forcibly  debarred  entering 
their  meeting  house  in  Grace  Church  street,  London^ 
assembled  before  it  in  the  street,  where  Penn,  preached 
to  a  numerous  concourse  ;  and  being  apprehended  on 
the  spi>t,  by  a  warrant  from  the  lord'mayor,  was  com- 
mitted to  Newgate,  and  at  the  next  session,  took  his 
trial  at  the  Old  Bailey,  where  he  pleaded  his  own  cause 
with  the  freedom  of  an  Englishman  and  the  magnani- 
mity of  a  hero.  The  jurv  at  first  brought  in  their  ver- 
dict, "  guilty  of  sprakir,!!  in  Grace  Church  street ;" 
but  tins  being  unsatisfactory  to  the  court,  thev  were 
detained  all  night,  and  the  next  day  returned  their  ver- ' 
diet,  "  not  guilty."    The  court  were  highly  incensed  | 
against  them,  fined  Ihem  forty  marks  each,  "and  impri- 
soned them  along  with  Penn,"  till  their  fines  and  fees] 
were  paid.    An    unlucky  expression  which  dropped  I 
troin  the  recorder  on  this  trial,  rendered  the  cause  of  ' 
Itie  Quakers  popular,  and  their  persecutors  odious  :  "  It 
WUI  never  be  well  with  us,"  said  the  infamous  Sir  John 
Uowel  "  till  .something  like  the  Spanish  Inquisition  be  I 
established  in  England.  '    The  triumph  of  Penn  was 
compete;  being  acquitted  by  his  peers,  he  was  re- 1 
leased  (mm  prison,  on  the  payment  of  his  fees,  and 
returned  t..  the  zealous  exercise  of  his  ministry.  i 

ills  conduct  under  this  prosecution  did  him  areat 
liouor.  Hi.s  father  became  perfecMy  reconciled  to  him, 
and  soon  afler  died,*  leaving  his  parental  blessin-rand 
a  plentiful  estate.    This  accession  of  fortune  made  no  I 
alteration  ,n  his  manners  or  habits  ;  he  continued  tol 
r«  ach,  to  write,  and  to  travel  as  before  ;  and,  within 


menTl  Lred  T.  T I,  h  f""'"  '""i  deserves  to  be  re- 
tl.i  r  temnt  vm  '  to  you.    I.  Let  no- 

Denoe  aT  ,o,„p  „     n'?"'  c<"'ciencel  if  vou  keep 

8-  W.ato ve  ,^„VX,'r  ""f >:°" '"ay  of  troul/e. 
sonHl.lv;  for  that  tM-^c  "  ''"•.•"V  U  justly,  and  time  it  sea- 
tioul.l^d  iit  d.«nn  ^  ,  security  and  despatch.  3.  Be  not 
it:  If  not  troufr?  ""^>'  '"^>  '"^  recovered,  do 

»iml'ra„7cw'  tX"-    These  rul.s  will  carry  you  with 
■»"u  roiniort  tlirougli  tins  inconstant  world." 


a  few  months  afterwards,  was  taken  up  again  for 
preaching  in  the  street,  and  carried  to  the  tower  ;  from 
whence,  atler  a  long  examination, he  was  sent  to  New- 
gale, and  being  discharged  without  any  trial,  at  the  end 
of  nine  months, he  went  over  to  Holland  and  (iermanv, 
where  he  continued  travelling  and  preaching,  till  the 
king  published  his  declaration  of  indulgence  to  tender 
consciences;  upon  which  he  returned  to  England  I 
married  a  daugliter  of  Sir  William  Springet,  and  set- 
tled at  Rickmansworth,  in  llerfordshire  ;  where  he' 
pursued  his  studies,  and  multiplied  his  controversial ^ 
writings  for  about  five  years. 

In  1677,  he  "had  a  drawing"  to  renew  his  travels 
in  Holland  and  Germany,  in  company  with  F'ox,  Bar- 
clay, Keith,  and  several  others  of  his  brethren.  The 
inducement  to  this  journey  was  the  candid  reception 
which  had  been  given  by  divines,  and  other  learned 
men  in  Germany,  to  the  sentiments  of  every  well 
meaning  preacher  who  dissented  from  the  ('hurch  of 
Rome.  In  the  course  of  these  travels  they  settled  the 
order  of  church  government,  discipline,  correspondence 
and  marriage*  among  their  friends  in  Holland  ;  dis- 
persed their  books  among  all  sorts  of  people  who  were 
inclined  to  receive  them  ;  visited  many  persons  of  dis- 
tinction, and  wrote  letters  to  others, particularly  to  the 
King  of  Poland  and  the  Elector  Palatine.  They  were 
received  very  courteously  by  the  Princess  Elizabeth, 
grand  daughter  of  King  James  I.  then  resident  at  Her- 
wcrden,  who,  though  not  perfectly  initiated  into  the 
mystery  of  "  the  holy  silence,"  yet  had  been  brought 
to  a  "  a  waiting  frame,"  and  admitted  them  to  several 
private  meetings  and  conferences  in  her  apartments,  in 
company  with  the  Countess  of  Homes,  and  other  la- 
dies, her  attendants  ;  and  afterwards  kept  up  a  cor- 
respondence with  Mr.  Penn  till  her  death. 

On  his  return  to  England,  he  found  his  friends  suf- 
fering by  the  operation  of  a  law  made  against  Papists, 
the  edge  of  which  was  unjustly  turned  against  them. 
The  law  required  a  certain  oath  to  be  tendered  to  those 
who  were  suspected  of  popery  ;  and  because  the  Qua- 
kers denied  the  lawfulness  of  oaths  in  any  case  what- 
ever, they  were  obliged  to  bear  the  penalty  annexed  to 
the  refusal  of  this  oath,  which  was  no  less  than  a  fine  of 
twenty  pounds  per  month,  or  two  thirds  of  their  estate. 
By  Penn's  advice  they  petitioned  the  Parliament  for  re 
dress  of  this  grievance, and  after  explaining  the  reason 
of  their  declining  the  oath,  offered  to  give  their  word 
to  the  same  purport,  and  to  submit  to  the  penalty,  "  if 
they  should  be  found  faulty."  Penn  had  a  hearing  be- 
fore a  committee  of  Parliament,  when  he  jdcaded  the 
cause  of  his  friends  and  of  himself,  in  a  sensible,  decent 
convincing  manner ;  and  what  he  said  had  so  much 
weight,  that  the  committee  agreed  to  insert  in  a  bill, 
then  pending,  a  proviso  for  their  relief  The  bill  passed 
the  Commons,  but  before  it  cou'd  be  got  through  the  j 
House  of  Lords,  it  was  lost  by  a  sudden  prorogation  of 
Parliament. 

We  have  hitherto  viewed  Mr.  Penn  as  a  Christian 
and  a  preacher  ;  and  he  appears  to  have  been  honest, 
zealous,  patient  and  industrious  in  the  concerns  of  re- 
ligion. His  abilities  and  his  literary  acquirements  were 
eminently  .serviceable  to  the  fraternity  with  which  he 
was  connected  ;  ami  it  was  owing  to  his  exertions,  in 
conjunction  with  Barclay  and  Keith,  that  they  were 
formed  into  order,  and  that  a  regular  correspondence 
and  discipline  were  established  among  the  several  so- 
cieties of  them  dispersed  in  Europe  and  America.  His 
writings  served  to  give  the  world  a  more  just  and  fa- 
vorable idea  of  their  principles,  than  could  be  had  from 
the  harangue  of  illiterate  preachers,  or  the  rhapsodies 
of  enthusiastic  writers  ;  while  his  family  and  fortune 
procured  for  them  a  degree  of  respectability  at  home 
and  abroad.  His  controversial  writings  are  modest, 
candid  and  persuasive.  His  book, entitled  "  The  Chris- 
tian Quaker,"  is  a  sensible  vindication  of  the  doctrine 
of  Universal  Saving  Light.  His  style  is  clear  and  ])er- 
spicuous  ;  and  though  he  does  not  affect  so  much  scho- 
lastic subtility  in  his  argumentation  as  his  friend  Bar- 

*■  It  may  not  he  amiss  liere  to  introduce  an  extract  from 
Mr.  Penn's  .roiirnal  containing  the  sentiments  of  tiie  Quakers 
concerning  marriage.    "  Amsterdam  the  3d  of  the  6tli  montl;. 
1677.    A  scruple  concerning  the  law  of  the  magistrate  about 
marriage  heing  propo'sed  and  discoursed  of  in  the  fear  of  I 
God,  among  Friends,  at  a  select  meeting,  it  was  the  univer- 1 
sal  and  unanimous  sense  of  Friends,  that  joining  in  marriage  I 
is  tlie  work  of  the  Lord  only,  and  not  of  priest  or  magistrate.  1 
It  is  God's  ordinance  and  not  man's.    It  was  God's  work  be- 
fore the  fall,  and  it  is  God's  work  in  the  restoration.  We 
marry  none  ;  it  is  the  Lord's  work,  and  we  arc  but  witnesses.  : 
But  if  a  Friend  have  a  desire  that  the  magistrate  siiould  know  : 
it  before  the  marriage  be  concluded,  he  may  publish  the  same  | 
(alter  the  ;hing  lialli  by  Friends  been  found  clear)  after  the] 
marriagB  is  performed  in  a  public  meeting  of  Friends  and ; 
others,  may  carry  a  copy  of  the  certificate  to  the  magistrates, 
that,  if  they  please,  they  may  register  it."  i 


clay,  yet  he  is  by  no  means  inferior  to  him  in  nolidity 
of  reasoning.  His  character  is  thus  drawn  by  ibc  edi- 
tor of  his  works  :  "  Our  worthy  friend.  William  Perm 
was  known  to  be  a  man  of  great  abilities  ;  of  an  ex 
ccllent  sweetness  of  disposition  ;  of  cpiick  'liought  and 
ready  utterance  ;  full  of  love,  without  )i.ssimulHlion 
as  extensive  in  charity  as  comprehensive  in  knowledge 
so  ready  to  forgive  enemies,  that  the  ungrateful  were 
not  excepted.  He  was  learned  without  vanity  ;  ant 
without  forwardness  ;  facetious  in  coiiversaliim,  yet 
weighty  and  serious  ;  of  an  exiraoriliiiary  greatness 
of  mind,  yet  void  of  the  slain  of  ambition.'' 

We  shall  now  view  him  in  the  character  of  a  legisla- 
tor, in  which  respect  his  learning,  his  snfl'erings,  his 
acipiaintance  with  mankind,  and  his  genuine  liberality, 
were  of  great  use  to  him.  .•\inoiig  his  various  studies, 
he  had  not  omitted  to  acquaint  liiiiiself  with  the  princi- 
ples of  law  and  government  ;  and  he  had  mure  especial 
inducements  to  this,  from  the  prosecutions  and  arresis 
which  he  fre(iueiitly  suffered,  into  the  legality  of  which 
it  was  natural  for  him  to  inquire.  He  had  observed  in 
his  travels  abroad,  as  well  as  in  his  aeipiaiiilance  at 
home,the  workings  of  arbitrary  power.aiid  the  miscliiefa 
of  usurpation  ;  and  he  had  studied  the  whole  contro- 
versy between  regal  and  popular  claims  :  the  result  of 
which  was,  that  government  must  be  founded  in  jus- 
tice, and  exercised  with  moderation.  One  of  his  max- 
ims was,  that  "  the  jieople  being  the  irifc  poldic  of  the 
prince,  is  better  managed  by  wisdom  than  ruled  by 
force."  His  own  feelings,  as  well  as  reflections,  li'il 
him  to  adopt  the  most  liberal  idea  of  toleration.  Free- 
dom of  profession  and  inquiry,  and  a  total  abhorrence 
of  persecution  for  conscience  sake,  were  his  darling 
principles  ;  and  it  is  a  singular  circumstance  in  the  his- 
tory of  mankind,  that  Divine  Providence  shouM  give  to 
such  a  man  as  William  Penn  an  oiiportuiiily  to  make 
a  fair  and  consistent  experiment  of  these  excellent 
inaxims,  by  establishing  a  colony  in  America,  on  the 
most  liberal  principles  of  toleration,  at  a  time,  when 
the  policy  of  the  oldest  nations  in  Europe  were  in- 
effectuallv  employed  in  endeavouring  to  reduce  the 
active  minds  of  men  to  a  most  absurd  unil<)riiiity  in 
articles  of  faith  ami  modes  of  worship. 

It  has  been  observed  that  liis  father.  Sir  \\'illiain 
Penn  had  merited  much  by  his  services  in  the  Fngli.sh 
navy.  There  were  also  certain  debts  due  lo  him  from 
the  crown,  at  the  time  of  his  death,  which  the  royal 
treasures  were  poorly  able  to  discharge.  His  son,  af- 
ter much  solicitation,  found  no  prosjiect  of  getting  his 
due,  in  the  coimiion  mode  of  payment,  and  theref()re 
turned  his  thoughts  toward  obtaining  a  grant  of  land 
in  America,  on  which  he  might  make  the  experiment 
of  settling  a  colony,  and  establishing  a  government 
su,  'd  to  his  own  principles  and  views. 

Mr.  Penn  had  been  concerned  with  several  other 
Quakers  in  purchasing  of  Lord  Berkeley,  his  patent  u\ 
West  Jersey,  to  make  a  settlement  for  tlieir  persecuted 
brethren  in  England,  many  of  whom  transported  them- 
selves thither.in  hope  of  an  exemption  from  the  troubles 
which  they  had  endured, from  the  execution  of  the|)enal 
laws  against  dissenters.  But  they  found  themselves 
subject  to  the  arbitrary  imjiositions  of  Sir  Edmund 
Andros,  who  governed  the  Duke  of  York's  territory, 
and  exercised  the  juri-sdiction  overall  ihe  seltleiiieiits 
on  both  sides  the  Delaware.  Penn  and  his  associates 
remonstrated  against  his  conduct,  but  their  elforls  pro- 
ved ineffectual.  However,  the  concern  w  Inch  Penn  had 
in  this  purchase  gave  him  not  only  a  taste  for  specu- 
lating in  landed  intercst,but  a  knowledge  of  the  middle 
region  of  the  .American  coasts;  and  being  desirous  of 
acquiring  a  separate  estate,  where  he  might  realize  his 
sanguine  wishes,  he  had  great  advantage  in  making 
inquiry  and  determining  on  a  place. 

Having  examined  all  the  former  grants  to  the  com- 
panies of  Virginia  and  New  England,  the  Lord  Balti- 
more and  the  Duke  of  York,  he  fixed  upon  a  territory 
bouniled  on  the  east  by  the  bay  and  river  of  Delaware, 
extending  southward  to  Lord  Baltimore's  province  of 
Maryland,  westward  as  fiir  as  the  western  extent  of 
Maryland,  and  northward  "as  far  as  plantable.  For 
this  he  petitioned  the  king  ;  and  being  examined  be- 
fore the  Privy  Council;  on  the  Ulh  of  June,  concern- 
ing those  words  of  his  petition  "  as  far  as  plantable," 
he  declared,  "  that  he  should  be  satisfied  with  the  ex- 
tent of  three  degrees  of  latitude;  and  that  in  lieu  of 
such  a  grant,  he  was  willing  to  remit  his  debt  from  the 
crown,  or  same  part  of  it,  and  to  stay  for  the  remain- 
der, till  his  Majesty  should  be  in  a  better  condition  to 
satisfy  it. 

Notice  of  this  application  was  given  tollie  a  gents  ol 
the  Duke  of  Vork  and  Lord  Baltimore,  and  inquiry  was 
made,  how  far  the  pretensions  of  i'enn  might  coi\»isJ 


AMERICAN  HISTORY. 


with  the  grants  already  made  to  thcin.    The  peninsula  |  unprecedented  in  any  other  American  colony.  But 


between  the  bays  of  Chesapeake  and  Delaware  had 
been  planted  by  detached  companies  of  Swedes,  Fin- 
landers,  Dutch,  and  English.  It  was  first  by  force, 
and  afterwards  by  treaty,  brought  under  the  dominion 


Penn  distinguished  between  the  character  of  propric 
tor  and  governor,  urging  the  necessity  of  supporting 
government  with  dignity,  and  that  by  complying  with 
this  expedient,  they  would  bo  freed  from  other  taxes 


of  the  Crown  of  England.    That  part  of  it  which '  Such  distinctions  are  very  convenient  to  a  politician 


bordered  on  the  Delaware  was  within  the  Duke  of 
I'ork's  patent,  while  that  which  joined  on  the  Chesa- 
'^cake  was  within  the  grant  to  I^^ord  Baltimore. 

The  Duke's  agent  consented  that  Penn  should  have 
the  land  west  of  Delaware  and  north  of  Newcastle,  "in 
"consideration  of  the  reason  he  had  to  expect  faror 
from  his  majesty."  Lord  Baltimore's  agent  petitioned 
that  Penn's  graTit  might  be  expressed  to  lie  north  of 
^usqueliannah  fort,  and  of  a  hne  dra%vn  east  and  west 
from  it,  and  that  he  might  not  be  allowed  to  sell  arms 
and  ammunition  to  the  Indians.  To  these  restrictions 
Penn  had  no  objection. 

The  draught  of  a  charter  being  prepared,  it  was  sub- 
mitted to  lord  chief  justice  North,  who  was  ordered  to 
provide  by  fit  clauses  for  the  interest  of  the  king  and 
the  encouragement  of  the  planters.  While  it  was  un- 
der consideration,  the  Bishop  of  London  petitioned 
that  Penn  might  be  obliged  by  his  patent  to  admit  a 
cha|)lain  of  his  lordship's  appointment,  at  the  request 
of  any  number  of  the  planters.  The  giving  a  name  to 
the  province  was  letl  to  the  king. 

The  charter,  consisting  of  twenty-three  sections, 
"  penned  with  all  the  appearance  of  candor  and  sim- 
plicity," was  signed  and  sealed  by  King  Charles  II., 
on  the  4th  of  JVlarch,  1681.  It  constitutes  William 
I'cnn,  and  his  heirs,  true  and  absolute  proprietaries  of 
the  province  of  Pennsylvania,  saving  to  the  crown  their 
allegiance  and  the  sovereignly.  It  gives  him,  his  heirs 
and  their  deputies,  power  to  make  laws  "  for  the  good 
and  hat)py  government  of  the  country,"  by  advice 
of  the  freemen,  and  to  erect  courts  of  justice  for  the 
execution  of  those  laws,provided  they  be  not  repugnant 
to  the  laws  of  England.  For  the  encouragement  of 
planters,  they  were  to  enjoy  the  privileges  of  English 
subjects,  paying  the  same  duties  in  trade  ;  and  no  tax- 
as  were  to  be  levied  on  them,  but  by  their  own  Assem- 
blies or  by  acts  of  Parliament.  With  respect  to  religion, 
no  more  is  said  than  what  the  Bishop  of  London  had 
suggested,  that  if  twenty  inhabitants  should  ilesire  a 
preacher  of  his  lordship's  approbation,  he  should  be 
allowed  to  reside  in  the  province.  This  was  perfectly 
agreeable  to  Mr.  Penn's  professed  principles  of  liberty 
of  conscience  ;  but  it  may  seem  rather  extraordinary 
that  this  distinguished  leader  of  a  sect,  who  so  point- 
edly denied  fhe  lawfulness  of  war,  should  accept  the 
powers  given  him  in  the  sixteenth  article  of  the  charter, 
"  to  levy,  muster,  and  train  all  sor'«  of  men  ;  to  pursue 
and  vanquish  enemies  ;  to  take  ana  pni  them  to  death 
by  the  laws  of  war ;  and  to  do  every  tiling  which  be- 
longed to  the  oliice  of  captain-general  in  an  army." 
Mr.  Porn,  for  reasons  of  state,  might  find  it  conve- 
nient that  he  and  his  heirs  should  lie  thus  invested  with 
the  power  of  the  sword,  though  it  was  impossible  for 
him  or  them  to  exercise  it,  without  first  apostatizing 
from  their  religious  profession. 

The  charter  being  tlius  obtained,  he  found  himself 
authorized  to  agree  with  such  persons  as  were  disposed  \ 


and  by  this  insinuation  the  point  was  carried  :  upon 
which  it  was  remarked,  (perhaps  too  severely,)  that 
less  of  the  man  of  God  now  appeared,  and  more  of  the 
man  of  the  world." 

According  to  the  powers  given  by  the  charter,  "  for 
regulating  and  governing  properly  within  the  province,' 
he  entered  into  certain  articles  witli  the  purchasers  and 
adventurers  (July  1 1 ,1681)  which  were  entitled  "  Con- 
ditions and  Concessions."  These  related  to  the  lay 
ing  out  roads,  city  and  country  lots  ;  the  privilege  of 
water  courses;  the  properly  of  mines  and  minerals: 
the  reservation  of  timber  and  mulberry-trees  ;  the  terms 
of  improvement  and  cultivation  ;  the  traflic  with  the 
Indians,  and  the  means  of  preserving  peace  with  them ; 
of  preventing  debtors,  and  other  defaulters  from  mak- 
ing their  escape  ;  and  of  preserving  the  morals  of  the 
planters,  by  the  execution  of  the  penal  laws  of  Eng- 
land, till  an  -Assembly  should  meet. 

These  preliminaries  being  adjusted,  the  first  colony 
under  his  authority,  came  over  to  America,  and  began 
their  settlement  above  the  confluence  of  the  Schuylkill 
with  the  Delaware.  By  them  the  proprietor  sent  a  let- 
ter to  the  Indians,  informing  them  that  "  the  Gke.at 
God  had  been  pleased  to  make  him  concerned  in  their 
part  of  the  world  ;  and  that  the  king  of  the  country 
where  he  lived  had  given  him  a  great  province  therein  ; 
but  that  he  did  not  desire  to  enjoy  it  without  their  con- 
sent ;  that  he  was  a  man  of  peace,  and  that  the  people 
whom  he  sent  were  of  the  same  disposition  ;  but  if  any 
dilfcrence  should  happen  between  them,  it  might  be 
adjusted  by  an  equal  number  of  men  chosen  on  both 
sides."  With  this  letter,  he  appointed  commissioners 
to  treat  with  the  Indians,  about  purchasing  land,  and 
promised  them  that  he  would  shortly  come  and  con- 
verse with  them  in  person. 

About  this  time  (Nov.  1681)  he  was  elected  a  Fel- 
low of  the  Royal  Society. 

The  next  spring  he  completed  a  frame  of  govern- 
ment (.\pril  2.5,  1682)  with  the  express  design  "  to 
support  power  in  reverence  with  the  people,  and  to 
secure  the  people  from  the  abuse  of  power."  It  is 
prefaced  with  a  long  discourse  on  the  nature,  origin, 
use  and  abuse  of  government ;  which  shows  that  he 
had  not  only  well  studied  the  subject,  but  that  he  was 
fond  of  displaying  his  knowledge. 

By  this  frame  of  government,  there  was  to  be  a  Pro- 
vincial Crtuncil,  consisting  of  seventy-two  persons,  an- 
swering to  the  number  of  elders  in  the  .lewish  sanhe- 
drim, who  were  to  be  divided  into  three  classes : 
twenty-four  to  serve  for  three  years,  twenty-four  for 
two  years,  and  twenty-four  for  one  year  ;  the  vacan- 
cies thus  made  to  be  supplied  by  new  elections  ;  and 
after  seven  years,  every  one  of  those  who  went  off 
yearly,  were  to  be  incapable  of  re-election  for  one 
year  Ibllowing.  This  rotation  was  intended  "  that  alt 
might  be  fitted  for  government,  and  have  experience  of 
the  care  and  burthen  of  it."  Of  this  council  two-thirds 


lo  be  adventurers  to  his  new  province.  By  a  |)ublic  I  were  to  be  a  quorum,  and  the  consent  of  two-thirds  of 
advertisement,  lie  invited  purchasers,  and  described  |tliis  ([uorum  was  to  be  had  in  all  matters  of  moment  ; 
the  country  with  a  display  of  the  advantages  which!  but  in  matters  of  lesser  moment  one-third  might  be  a 
might  be  expected  from  a  settlement  in  it.  This  indu- 1  quorum,  the  majority  of  whom  might  determine.  The 
ced  many  single  persons,  and  some  families,  chielly  distinction  between  matters  of  moment  and  of  lesser 
of  the  denomination  of  t^uakers,  to  think  of  a  remo- 1  moment  was  not  defined  ;  nor  was  it  declared  who 
val.  A  number  of  merchants  and  others  formed  them- 1  was  to  be  judge  of  the  distinction.  The  governor  was 
selves  into  a  company,  for  the  sake  of  encouraging  the  |  not  to  have  a  negative  but  a  treble  voice.  The  coun- 
iteltlement  and  trade  of  the  country,  and  purchased  I  cil  were  to  prepare  and  propose  bills  to  the  (Jcneral 
twenty  thousand  acres  of  his  land.   They  had  a  presi.  .\ssembly,  which  were  to  be  published  thirty  days  be- 


deiit,  treasurer,  secretary,  and  a  committee  of  twelve, 
who  resided  in  England  and  transacted  their  common 
business.  Their  objects  were  to  encourage  the  manu- 
facturers of  leather  and  glass,  the  cutting  and  sawing 
tf  limber,  and  the  wliale-fi.shery. 

The  land  was  sold  at  the  rale  of  twenty  pounds  for 


fore  its  meeting.  When  met,  the  .\ssembly  might  de 
liberate  eight  days,  but  on  the  ninth  were  to  give  their 
assent  or  dissent  to  the  proposed  bills  ;  two-thirds  of 
them  to  be  a  quorum.  With  res|)ect  to  the  number  of 
the  .\ssembly,  it  was  pruvided,  that  the  first  year  all 
ihe  freemen  in  person  iiiiglit  compose  it  ;  afterward  a 


rvery  thousand  acres.  They  who  rented  lands  were  to  i  delegation  of  two  hundred,  w  hich  might  be  inerea.sed 


pay  one  penny  yearly  \nr  acre  Servants,  when  their 
leriiiswere  expired,  were  entitled  to  fifty  acres, subject 
lo  two  shillings  per  annum  ;  and  their  masters  were 
allowed  fifty  acres  fi>r  each  servant  so  liberated,  but 
Dubjecl  to  four  shillings  per  annum  ;  or  if  the  master 
ithould  give  the  servant  fifty  acres  out  of  his  own  di- 


to  five  hundred.''  Tlie  governor,  with  (he  eouneil  lo 
be  the  supreme  executive,  with  a  parental  and  pruden- 
tial authority,  and  to  be  diviiled  into  fi)ur  departments 
of  eighteen  each  ;  one  of  which  was  called  a  commit- 
tee of  plantations,  another  of  justice  and  safely,  anoth- 
er of  trade  and  revenue,  and  another  of  manners,  edu- 


viaion,  he  might  ri'ceive  from  the  proprietor  one  bun-  ; cation  and  arts, 
dred  acres,  subject  to  six  shillings  pi'r  annum.  In  |  To  this  frame  of  government  was  subjoined  a  body 
every  liuiiilred  thousand  acres,  ihe  proprietor  reserved  of  fundamental  laws,  agreed  upon  by  Penn  and  the  ad- 
ieu f»i  himself  Ivenlurers  in  I.ondon,  which  respecteil  moral,  political, 
The  qui.  renlswere  not  agreed  to  without  dillieultv.  and  economical  mailers  ;  which  were  not  to  be  altered 
Tm  yur".Siaiicr«  rcuioiisti.tcd  arrainsl  them  ox  a  burden,  ^  but  by  the  consent  of  the  ^ovcrr  r,  or  his  heirs,  and  si.\ 


parts  in  the  seven  of  the  freemen,  met  in  Provincia. 
Council  and  Assembly.  In  this  code  we  find  thai  eel  •- 
brated  lU  claration  which  has  contributed  more  than  any 
thing  else  to  ihe  prosperity  of  Pcnnsylvania,viz .  "  Thai 
all  persons  living  in  the  province,  w  ho  confess  and  ac- 
knowledge the  o.NE  almighty  and  eternal  Gou  lo  be  the 
creator,  upholder,  and  ruler  of  the  world  ;  and  hold 
themselves  obliged  in  conscience  to  live  peaceably  and 
justly  in  civil  society,  shall  in  no  ways  be  molested  for 
their  religious  persuasion  or  |)ractice  in  matters  of  faith 
and  worship ;  nor  shall  they  be  compillcd  at  any  time 
lo  frequent  or  maintain  any  religious  worship,  place  or 
ministry  whatever."  To  which  was  added  another 
equally  conducive  to  the  welfare  of  society.  "That 
according  to  the  good  example  of  the  primitive  Chris- 
tians, and  the  case  of  the  aeaiion,  every  first  day  of  the 
week,  called  the  Lord's  Day,  people  shall  abstain  from 
their  common  daily  labor,  that  they  may  the  better  dis- 
pose themselves  to  worship  God,  according  to  theit 
understandings  " 

These  laws  were  an  original  compact  between  the 
governor  and  the  freemen  of  the  colony.  They  appear 
to  be  Ibunded  in  wisdom  and  equity,  and  some  of  them 
have  been  copied  into  the  declarations  of  rights  pre- 
fixed to  several  of  the  present  republican  constitutions 
in  America.  The  system  of  government  which  i'enn 
produced  has  been  regarded  as  an  Utopian  project ;  but 
though  in  some  parts  visionary  and  inqiracticable,  yet 
it  was  liberal  and  popular,  calculated  to  gain  adventu- 
rers with  a  prospect  of  republican  advantages.  Some 
of  its  provisions,  particularly  the  rotation  of  the  coun- 
cil, have  been  adopted  by  a  very  enlightened  body  ot 
American  legislators,  after  the  expiration  of  a  century. 
The  experiment  is  now  in  operation,  and  without  ex- 
periment nothing  can  be  fairly  decided  in  the  political, 
any  more  than  in  the  physical  world. 

Having  by  the  help  of  Sir  William  Jones,  and  other 
gentlemen  of  the  long  robe  constructed  a  plan  of  go- 
vernment for  his  colony,  Mr.  Penn  prepared  to  make 
the  voyage  to  America,  that  he  might  attempt  the  ex- 
ecution of  it. 

A  part  of  the  lands  comprehended  within  his  grant  had 
been  subject  to  the  government, w  hich  wascxercisi-)!  by 
the  deputy  of  the  Duke  of  York,  'l  o  prevent  any  dilli- 
culty,  he  thought  it  convenient  to  obtain  from  the  Duke 
a  deed  of  sale  of  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania, which  ho 
did  on  the  21st  of  .•\ugusl,1682  ;  and  by  two  subsequent 
deeds,  in  the  same  month,  the  Duke  conveyed  to  him 
tiic  town  of  Newcastle,  situate  on  the  western  side  of 
the  Delaware  with  a  circle  of  12  miles  radius  from  the 
centre  of  the  town,  and  from  thence  extending  south- 
erly to  the  Hoar  Kills,  at  Cape  Henlopen,  the  western 
point  of  the  entrance  of  Delaware  Bay  ;  which  tract 
contained  the  settlements  m.ade  by  the  Dutch,  Swedes, 
and  Finns.  This  was  called  the  territory,  in  distinc- 
tinction  from  the  province  of  Pennsylvania,  and  was 
divided  into  three  counties,  Newcastle,  Kent  and  Sus- 
sex. 

At  this  time  the  penal  laws  against  dissenters  were 
executed  with  rigor  in  England,  which  made  many  of 
the  Quakers  desirous  of  accompanying  or  following 
Penn  into  America,  where  they  had  a  prospect  of  the 
most  extensive  liberty  of  conscience.  Having  chosen 
some  for  his  particular  companions,  he  embarked  with 
them  in  August  1682,  and  from  the  Downs,  w  here  the 
ship  lay  wailing  for  a  wind,  he  wrote  an  atleclionalc 
letter  lo  his  friends,  which  he  called  "  a  farewell  to 
England."  After  a  pleasant  passage  of  six  weeks,  they 
came  within  sight  of  the  American  coast,  and  were  re- 
freshed by  the  land  breezes,  at  the  distance  of  twelve 
leagues.  .\s  the  ship  sailed  up  the  Delaware,  the  in- 
habitants came  on  board,  and  saluted  the  new  gover- 
nor with  an  air  of  joy  and  satisfaction.  He  landed  at 
Newcastle,  and  summoned  the  people  lo  meet  him, 
when  possession  of  the  soil  was  given  him  in  the  legal 
form  of  that  day  ;  and  he  entertained  them  with  a 
speech,  explaining  the  puq)ose  of  his  coining,  and  the 
views  of  his  government  :  assuring  them  of  Ins  iiileii- 
tion  to  preserve  civil  and  religious  liberty,  ami  exhort- 
ing them  lo  peace  and  sobriety.  Having  renewed 
the  commissions  of  their  former  iiiagistr.iles,  he  went 
lo  Chester,  w  here  he  repealed  the  same  things,  and  re- 
ceived their  cong'atulalioiis.  The  Swedes  ap|)oinl<><l 
a  delegate  to  compliment  him  on  his  arrival,  and  lo 
assure  him  of  their  alVection  and  fidelity. 

.•\l  this  time  ihe  riiiiiiber  of  inhabilantii  was  almul 
ihree  ihousand.  The  first  planters  were  the  Dutch, 
and  after  them  the  Swedes  and  Finns.  'I'liere  had 
been  formerly  disputes  among  ihem,  but  for  above 
Iweiilv  vearslhey  had  been  in  a  slate  of  peace.  The 
Dutch  were  settled  on  the  bay,  and  applied  themselvM 
chielly  to  trade  ;  at  Newcastle  they  had  a  court  house 


BIOGRAPHIES  OF  THE  EARLY  DISCOVERERS. 


«3 


and  a  pl:\ce  of  worship.  The  Svvoilos  and  Finns  lived  ] 
higher  up  the  river,  and  followed  luishandry.  Their 
gottleinents  were  Cliristina,  Tcnocuin,  atid  Wicoco  ;  at 
each  of  which  they  had  a  church.  They  were  a  plain, 
robust,  sober  and  industrious  people,  and  most  of  them 
had  large  families.  The  colony  whi(-h  Penn  had  sent 
the  year  before,  began  their  settlement  above  Wi- 
coco, and  it  was  by  special  direction  of  the  proprie- 
tor, called  PuiLAnKi.PHiA.  The  province  was  divi- 
ded into  three  counties,  Chester,  Buckingham,  and 
Philadelphia. 

Three  principal  objects  engaged  the  attention  of  Mr. 
Penn  ;  one  was  to  unite  the  territory  with  the  pro- 
vince ;  another  was  to  enter  into  a  treaty  with  the  In- 
dians ;  and  the  third  was  to  lay  out  a  capital  city. 

The  first  was  entered  upon  immediately.  Within 
a  month  after  his  arrival,  he  called  a  General  Assembly 
at  Chester,  when  the  constitution,  which  had  been 
formed  in  England,  was  to  undergo  an  experiment. 

The  freemen  both  of  the  province  and  territory  were 
summoned  to  compo.se  this  Assembly  in  person.  In- 
stead of  which,  they  elected  twelve  members  in  each 
county,  amounting  in  all  to  seventy-two,  the  precise 
number,  which  by  the  frame  of  government  was  to 
compose  one  house  only  The  elections  wore  accom- 
panied by  petitions  to  the  governor,  importing  that  the 
fewness  of  the  people,  their  inability  in  estate,  andun- 
skilfulness  m  government,  would  not  permit  them  to 
serve  in  so  large  a  council  and  assembly,  and  therefore 
it  was  their  desire  that  the  twelve  now  returned  from 
each  countv,  might  serve  both  for  Provincial  Council 
and  General  Assembly,  with  the  same  powers  and  [)ri- 
vilcges  which  by  the  charter  were  granted  to  the 
whole." 

The  members  were  accordingly  distributed  into  two 
houses  ;  three  out  of  each  county  made  a  council, 
consisting  of  eighteen,  and  the  remaining  part  formed 
an  assembly  of  fifty-four.  In  this  assembly  was  passed 
"  the  act  of  settlement,"  in  which  the  frame  of  govern- 
ment made  in  England,  being  styled  a  prohationanj  act, 
was  so  far  changed, as  that  three  persons  of  each  county 
might  compose  the  council,  and  fiz  the  assembly. 
After  several  other  "  variations,  explanations  and  addi- 
tions, requested  by  the  .Assembly,  and  yielded  to  by  the 
governor,  the  aforesaid  charter,  and  frame  of  govern 
ment  was  "  recognised  and  accepted,  as  if  with  these 
alterations  it  was  supposed  to  be  complete."  The 
Assembly  is  styled  "  the  General  .Assembly  of  the  pro 
vince  of  Pennsylvania  and  the  territories  thereunto 
belonging.'' 

Thus  the  lower  counties,  at  this  time,  manifested 
their  willingness  to  be  united  with  the  province  of 
Penn.sylvania ;  but  the  proprietor  had  not  received 
from  the  crown,  any  right  of  jurisdiction  over  that 
territory,  though  the  Duke  had  sold  him  the  right  of 
soil  ;  and  it  was  not  in  the  povi'cr  of  the  people,  as 
subjects  of  the  King  of  England,  to  put  themselves 
under  any  form  of  government,  without  the  royal 
authority.  The  want  of  this,  with  the  operation  of 
other  causes,  produced  difficulties,  which  afterward 
rendered  this  union  void  ;  and  the  three  lower  counties 
had  a  separate  Assembly,  though  under  the  same  gov- 
ernor. 

Mr.  Penn's  next  object  was  to  treat  with  the  natives 
The  benevolence  of  his  disposition  led  him  to  exercise 
great  tenderness  toward  them,  which  was  much  increas- 
ed by  an  opinion  which  he  had  formed,  and  which  he 
openly  avowed,  that  they  were  descendants  of  the  ten 
dispersed  tribes  of  Israel.  He  travelled  into  the  coun- 
try, visited  them  in  their  cabins,  was  present  at  their 
feasts,  conversed  with  them  in  a  free  and  familiar 
manner,  and  gained  their  afiection  by  his  obliging  car- 
riage, and  his  frequent  acts  of  generosity.  But  on 
public  occasions,  he  received  them  with  ceremony,  and 
transacted  business  with  solemnity  and  order. 

In  one  of  his  excursions  in  the  winter,  he  found  a 
chief  warrior  sick,  and  his  wife  preparing  to  sweat 
aim,  in  the  usual  manner,  by  pouring  water  on  a  heap 
>f  hot  stones,  in  a  ';losely  covered  hut,  and  then  plung- 
mg  him  into  the  river,  through  a  hole  cut  in  the  ice. 
To  divert  himself  during  the  sweating  operation,  the 
ch'.ef  sang  the  achievements  of  his  ancestors,  then  his 
own,  and  concluded  his  song  with  this  rellection  :  Why 
are  we  sick,  and  these  strangers  well  !  It  seems  as  if 
they  were  sent  to  inherit  the  land  in  our  stead  !  Ah  ! 
it  is  because  they  love  the  Great  Spirit,  and  we  do 
not !"  The  sentiment  was  rational,  and  such  as  often 
occurred  to  the  sagacious  among  the  natives  ;  We 
cannot  suppose  it  was  disagreeable  to  Mr. Penn,  whose 
view  was  to  impress  them  with  an  idea  of  his  hone.st 
and  pacific  intentions,  and  to  make  a  fair  bargain  with 


Some  of  their  Chiefs  made  him  a  voluntary  present  j"  no  person  .shall  buy  land  of  any  Indian,  without  li- 
of  the  land  which  they  claimed  ;  others  sold  it  at  a, cense  first  had  ,inil  obtaine<l  of  the  (Jeneral  (Jour'." — ■ 


stipulated  price.  The  forjn  of  one  of  these  treaties  is 
thus  described, in  a  letter  which  he  wrote  to  his  friends 
in  England.  "  The  kmg  sat  in  the  middle  of  a  half 
moon,  and  had  his  council,  old  and  wise,  on  each  hand. 
Behind,  at  a  little  distance,  sat  the  young  ones,  in  the 
same  figure.  Having  consulted  and  resolved  the  busi- 
ness, the  king  ordered  one  of  them  to  speak  to  me 
He  stood  up,  came  to  me,  took  me  by  the  band, saluted 
me  in  the  name  of  the  king,  told  me  he  was  ordered 
by  the  king  to  speak  to  me,  and  that  now  it  was  not  he 
that  spoke  but  the  king,  because  what  he  should  say 
was  the  king  s  mind.  [Having  made  an  aj)ology  for 
their  delay,]  he  fell  to  the  bounds  of  the  land  they  had 


Other  regulations  respecting  trallic  with  llieni  wera 
made  at  the  same  time,  which  bear  the  appearance, 
not  only  of  justice  and  moderation,  but  of  a  parentb) 
regard  to  their  interest  and  proi)erly. 

JVor  is  it  to  be  supposed  that  other  Europor.nit  no- 
gleeted  their  duty  in  these  respects.  Several  pi.rcl.a'tsa 
were  made  before  I'enn's  time  in  New  .lerH<,v.  Mr. 
Penn  himself,  in  one  of  his  letters,  speaking  of  the 
quarrels  between  the  Dutch  and  the  Swedes,  who  had 
occupied  the  lands  on  the  Delaware  before  iiim  says, 
"  the  Dutch,  who  were  the  first  planters,  looked  on 
them  [the  .Swedes]  as  intruders  on  their  |)urchase  atid 
poseession."    Of  whom  could  the  Dutch  have  [)ur 


to  dispo.se  of,  and  the  price,  which  is  now  dear,  that  chased  those  lands,  but  of  the  natives  !    They  couM 


which  would  once  have  bought  twenty  miles,  not  now 
buying  two.  During  the  time  this  person  was  speak- 
ing, not  a  man  of  them  was  observed  to  vvhisper  or 
smile.  When  the  purchase  was  agreed,  great  promises 
passed  between  us  of  kindness  and  good  neighborhood, 
and  that  the  English  and  Indians  must  live  in  love,  as 
long  as  the  sun  gave  light.  Which  done,  another 
made  speech  to  the  Indians  in  the  name  of  all  the  sa- 
chems, first  to  tell  them  what  was  done,  next  to  charge 
them  to  love  the  christians,  to  live  in  peace  with  me 
and  my  people,  and  that  they  should  never  do  me  or 
my  people  any  wrong.  At  every  sentence  of  which 
they  shouted,  and  said  Amen,  in  their  way.  The  pay 
or  presents  I  made  them,  were  not  hoarded  by  the  par- 
ticular owners,  but  the  neighboring  kings  and  clans 
being  present  when  the  goods  were  brought  out,  the 
parties  chiefly  concerned  consulted  what  and  to  VThom 
they  should  give  them.  To  every  king,  then,  by  the 
hands  of  a  person,  for  that  work  appointed,  was  a  pro- 
portion sent.sorted  and  folded, with  that  gravity  which 
is  admirable.  Then  that  king  subdivided  it  in  like 
manner  among  his  dependants,  they  hardly  leaving 
themselves  an  equal  share  with  one  of  their  subjects.'' 

Mr.  Penn  was  so  happy  as  to  succeed  in  his  en 
deavors  to  gain  the  good  will  of  the  Indians.  They 
have  frequently,  in  subsequent  treaties  many  years 
after,  expresseil  great  veneration  for  his  memory  ;  and 
to  per|)etuate  it,  they  have  given  to  the  successive 
governors  of  IVnnsylvania  the  name  of  Oiias,  which 
signifies  a  Pen.  By  this  name  they  are  commonly 
known  and  addressed  in  the  speeches  made  by  the  Six 
Nations  in  all  their  treaties. 

One  p.\rt  of  his  agreement  with  the  Indians  was, 
that  they  should  sell  no  lands  to  any  person  but  to  him 
self  or  his  agents  ;  another  was,  that  his  agents  should 
not  occupy  nor  grant  any  lands,  but  those  which  were 
fixirly  purchased  of  the  Indians.  These  stipulations 
were  confirmed  by  subsequent  acts  of  Assembly  ;  and 
every  bargain  made  between  private  persons  and  the 
Indians  without  leave  of  the  proprietor,  was  declared 
void.  The  charter  which  Mr.  Penn  had  obtained  of 
the  crown,  comprehended  a  fiir  greater  extent  of  terri- 
tory, than  it  was  proper  for  him  at  first  to  purchase  of 
the  natives. 

He  did  not  think  it  for  his  interest  to  take  any  more 
at  once  than  he  had  a  prospect  of  granting  away  to  set- 
tlers. But  his  colony  increased  beyond  his  expecta- 
tion, and  when  new  tracts  were  wanted,  the  Indians 
rose  in  their  demands.  His  first  purchases  were  made 
at  his  own  expense  ;  and  the  goods  delivered  on  these 
occasions,  went  by  the  name  of  presents.  In  a  course 
of  time  when  a  treaty  and  a  purchase  went  on  together, 
the  governor  and  his  successors  made  the  speeches, 
and  the  Assembly  were  at  the  expense  of  the  presents. 
When  one  paid  the  cost,  and  the  other  enjoyed  the 
profit,  a  subject  of  altercation  arose  between  the  pro- 
prietary and  the  popular  interests,  which  other  causes 
contributed  to  increase  an<l  inflame. 

The  purcha.ses  which  Mr.  Penn  made  of  the  Indians 
were  undoubtedly  fair  and  honest  ;  and  he  is  entitled 
to  praise  for  his  wise  and  peaceable  conduct  toward 
them.  But  there  is  such  a  thing  as  over  rating  true 
merit.  He  has  been  celebrated  l)y  a  late  author,  as 
having  in  these  purchases  "  set  an  example  of  mode- 
ration and  justice  in  .America,  which  was  never  thought 
of  before  by  the  Europeans."  It  had  been  a  common 
thing  in  New-England,  for  fifty  years  before  his  time, 
to  make  fair  and  regular  purchases  of  land  from  the 
Indians  ;  and  many  of  their  deeds  are  preserved  in  the 
public  records.  .\s  early  as  1633,  a  law  was  enacted 
in  the  colony  of  Massachusetts,  that  "  no  person  shall 
put  any  of  the  Indians  from  their  planting  grounds,  or 


not  have  occupied  them  without  (he  consent  of  llie 
Indians,  who  were  very  lUimerous,  and  could  easily 
have  extirpated  them,  or  prevented  their  settlement. 
It  is  probable  that  this  Dutch  (lurchase  is  referred  to  in 
that  part  of  Penn's  letter  before  (pioled,  where  ho 
speaks  of  the  land  at  that  lime,  (HiS:!)  as  dearer" 
than  formerly, for  how  could  this  have  been  ascertained 
but  by  comparing  his  with  former  purchases  l 

It  mav  then  be  proper  to  consider  Mr.  Penn  as  hav- 
ing  followed  the  "  examples  of  justice  an<l  r.nod<"r£tion," 
which  had  tieen  set  by  former  Europeans,  in  their  con- 
duct toward  the  natives  of  .America:  and  as  having 
united  his  example  with  theirs,  (or  the  imitation  of 
succeeding  adventurers.  This  will  give  us  t!ie  truo 
idea  of  his  merit,  without  detracting  from  the  respect 
due  to  those  who  preceded  him  in  the  arduous  work  of 
colonizing  .America. 

Mr.  Penn  easily  foresaw  that  the  situation  of  hm 
province,  and  the  liberal  encouragement  which  be  hail 
given  to  settlers,  would  draw  j)Oople  of  all  denomina- 
tions thither,  and  render  it  a  place  of  commerce  ;  ho 
therefore  determined  to  lay  the  plan  of  a  capital  city, 
which  in  conformity  to  his  catholic  and  pacillc  ideas, 
he  called  Philmlrlphia.  The  cite  of  it  was  a  neck  of 
land  between  the  river  Delaware  on  the  east  and  the 
Schuylkill,  Uidm^  Creek,  a  branch  on  the  west ;  and 
he  designed  that  the  city  should  extend  from  one  to 
the  other,  the  distance  being  two  miles.  This  spot  was 
chosen  on  account  of  the  firm  soil,  the  gentle  rising 
from  each  river  towards  the  midst,  the  numerous  s|]ring.s, 
the  convenience  of  coves  capable  of  being  used  aa 
docks,  the  depth  of  water  for  shi|)s  of  burthen,  and  the 
good  anchorage.  The  ground  was  survey eil.  and  a 
plan  of  the  intended  city  was  drawn  by  ThomasHolme, 
surveyor-general.  Ten  streets,  of  two  miles  in  length, 
were  laid  "out  from  river  to  ri-er,  and  twenty  streets  of 
one  mile  in  length,  crossing  them  at  right  angels.  Four 
s'l  ares  were  reserved  forcommon  |)urposes,one  in  each 
quarter  of  the  city,  and  in  the  centre,  on  the  most  ele- 
vated spot,  was  a  larger  square  often  acres,  in  which 
were  tobe  built  a  state-house, a  market-house,  a  school- 
house  and  a  place  of  worship.  On  the  side  of  each  river 
it  was  intended  to  build  wharves  and  ware-houses,  and 
from  each  front  street  nearest  to  the  rivers,  an  ojien 
si)ace  was  to  be  lef^,  in  the  descent  to  the  shores.which 
would  have  ad.leil  much  to  the  beauty  of  the  city.  All 
owners  of  one  thousand  acres  were  enlitled  to  a  city 
lot,  in  the  front  streets,  or  in  the  central  high  street, 
and  before  each  house  was  to  bean  oi)en  court,  planted 
with  rows  of  trees.  Smaller  ynirchasers  were  to  be 
accommodated  in  the  other  streets  ;  and  care  was  ta- 
ken in  all,  that  no  building  should  encroach  on  the 
street  lines.  This  last  regulation  has  been  always  at- 
tended to,  though  in  some  other  respects  the  plan  has 
been  either  disregarded  or  not  completed. 

The  city  was  begun  in  If>«'2,  and  within  less  than  a 
vear,  "eighty  houses  and  cottages  were  built,  wherein 
inerchants  and  mechanics  exercised  their  resin-ctive  oc- 
cupations ;"  and  thev  soon  found  the  country  around 
them  so  well  cultivated  by  the  planters,  as  to  allori! 
them  bread  and  vegetables,  while  the  venison,  fowl 
and  fish,  made  an  agreeable  variety  with  the  salted  pro- 
visions which  they  imported.  Penn  himself  writes, 
with  an  air  of  cheerfulne*?,  that  he  was  well  contented 
with  the  country,and  the  entertainment  which  he  found 
in  it.  This  letter  is  among  his  printed  works,  and  in 
the  same  collection  we  find  an  allectionatc  address  to 
the  people  of  Pennsylvania  ;  in  it  he  appears  to  ..ave  a 
tender  concern  for  their  inr)ral  and  religious  improve- 
ment, and  warns  them  against  the  temptatiuus  to  wiiich 
they  were  exposed.  Their  circumstances  were  indeed 
peculiar;  they  liad  sulVered  contempt  and  persecution 


fishing'  places;  and  that  upon  complaint  and  proof!  in  England,  and  were  now  at  rest  ;  in  the  enjoyment 
thereof,  they  shall  have  relief  in  any  of  the  courts  of!  of  liberty,  under  a  popular  form  of  government;  the 
.justice,  as  the  English  have.'"  To  prevent  frauds  in  |  eyes  of  the  world  were  upon  them  ;  their  former  eiie- 
iprivate  bargains,  irwas  ordered  by  the  same  act,  that  luies  were  walchin;;  their  conduct,  and  would  Lave 


AMERICAN  HISTORY. 


been  glaJ  of  an  opportunity  to  reproach  them ;  it  was 
therefore  his  desire  that  they  should  be  moderate  in 
prosperity,  as  they  had  been  patient  in  adversity.  The 
concluding  words  of  this  addross  may  give  us  a  speci- 
men of  his  style  and  maimer  of  preaching.  "  jMy 
friends,  remember  that  the  Lord  hath  brought  you  upon 
the  stage  ;  he  hath  now  tried  you  with  liberty,  yea,  and 
with  power  ;  he  hath  put  precious  opportunities  into 
your  hands  :  have  a  care  of  a  perverse  spirit,  and  do 
not  provoke  the  Iiord  by  doing  those  things  by  which 
the  inhabitants  of  the  land  that  were  before  you, 
grieved  his  spirit  ;*  but  sanctify  God,  the  living  God  in 
your  hearts,  that  his  blessing  may  fall  and  rest  as  the 
dew  of  Heaven  on  you  and  your  offspring.  Then  shall 
it  be  seen  to  the  nations,  that  there  is  no  enchantment 
against  Jacob,  nor  divination  against  Israel ;  but  your 
tents  shall  be  goodly  and  your  dwellings  glorious.'' 

In  the  spring  of  1683,  a  second  Assembly  was  held 
in  the  new  city  of  Philadelphia,  and  a  great  imniber  of 
laws  were  passed.  Among  other  good  regulations,  it 
was  enacted,  that  to  prevent  lawsuits,  three  arbitrators, 
called  peacemakers,  should  be  chosen  by  every  county 
court,  to  hear  and  determine  small  dilferences  between 
man  and  man.  This  Assembly  granted  to  the  go- 
vernor an  impost  on  certain  goods  exported  and  im- 
ported, which  he,  after  acknowledging  their  goodness, 
was  pleased  for  the  encouragement  of  the  traders, 
"  freely  to  remit."  Hut  the  most  distinguished  act  of 
this  Assembly,  was  their  acceptance  of  another  frame 
of  government  which  the  proprietor  had  devised,  which 
was  "  in  part  conformed  to  the  first,  in  part  modified 
according  to  the  act  of  settlement,  and  in  part  essen- 
tially dill'erent  from  both."  The  most  material  altera- 
tions were  the  reducing  the  number  of  the  Assembly 
from  seventy-two  to  fifty-four,  and  the  giving  the  go- 
vernor a  negative  in  lieu  of  a  treble  voice  in  acts  of 
legislation.  Their  "  thankful"  acceptance  of  this  se- 
cond charter,  was  a  proof  of  his  great  ascendency  over 
them,  and  the  cotifidence  which  they  placed  in  him  ; 
but  these  changes  were  regarded  by  some  as  a  depar- 
ture from  the  principles  on  which  the  original  compact 
was  grounded. 

The  state  of  the  province  at  this  time  has  been 
coinpaired  to  that  of  "  a  father  and  his  family,  the  latter 
a.Tited  by  interest  and  affection  ;  the  former  revered 
fur  the  wisdom  of  his  institutions  and  the  indulgent  use 
of  his  authority.  Those  who  were  ambitious  of  repose, 
found  it  in  Pennsylvania  ;  and  as  none  returned  with 
an  evil  report  of  the  land,  numbers  followed.  All 
paitook  of  the  leaven  which  they  found:  the  commu- 
liity  wore  the  same  equal  face  :  no  one  aspired,  no  one 
was  oppressed  :  industry  was  sure  of  profit,  know  ledge 
of  esteem,  and  virtue  of  veneration."  When  we  con- 
template this  agreeable  picture,  we  cannot  but  lament 
that  Mr.  Penn  should  ever  have  quitted  his  ])rovince  ; 
but  after  residing  in  it  about  two  years,  he  found  him- 
Belf  urged  by  motives  of  interest  as  well  as  philanthro- 
py, to  retuni  to  England.  At  his  departure  in  the  sum- 
mer of  IDS'!,  his  capital  city,  then  only  of  two  years 
standing,  contained  nearly  three  hundred  houses,  and 
two  thousand  inhabitants  ;  besides  which  there  were 
twenty  other  settlements  begun,  including  those  of  the 
Dutch  and  Swedes.  He  left  the  administration  of 
government  in  the  hands  of  the  Council  and  ,\ssem- 
bly,  having  ap|)ointcd  five  commissioners  to  preside  in 
his  place. 

The  motives  of  his  return  to  England  were  two. 
A  controversy  with  lord  Ualtiinore,  the  proprietor  of 
Maryland,  concerning  the  limits  of  their  respective  i 
patents,  and,  a  concern  for  his  brethren,  who  were  suf- 1 
fering  by  the  operation  of  the  penal  laws  against  dis- 
senters from  the  Established  (Church.  | 

The  controversy  with  Lord  Baltimore  originated  in 
this  manner.  Before  Penn  came  to  .\nierica,  he  had 
written  to  James  Frisby  and  others,  at  their  plantations 
on  Delaware  Bay,  then  reputed  a  part  of  Maryland, 
advising  them,  that  as  he  was  confident  they  were 
within  his  limits,  they  should  yield  an  olu-dieiice  to  the 
laws  of  Maryland.  This  warning  served  as  a  pretext 
to  some  of  the  inhabitants  of  Ci'cil  and  Baltimore 
counties,  who  were  impatient  of  control,  to  withhold 
the  payment  of  their  rents  and  la.xes  Lord  Baltimore 
mid  hi.s  council  onlercd  the  military  oflicers  to  assist 
the  shentrK  in  the  execution  of  their  duty  which  was 
:»ceoinplished,  though  with  great  dilUculty.  .Mler 
this,  Markham,  Peiin's  agent,  had  a  meeting  with  Lord 
Ualtiiiiore  at  the  village  of  Upland,  which  is  now 
called  ("liester,  where  a  discovery  was  made  bv  a 
q;Milrant,  that  the  place  was  twelve  miles  south  of  the 
40th  degree  of  latitude,  a  circumstance  before  unknown 

•  Priiliahlv  alliKtiiii;  tn  llie  Ion  tribi'S  of  Israol,  froni  wliuiii 
t.f>  sapiKwes  tlic  Iikdiajta  lu  bu  dcscuaJud. 


to  both  parties.  Baltimore,  therefore,  concluded  to  Penn's  character.  This  ingenuou,s  acknowledi^oient, 
derive  an  advantage  from  precision,  whilst  Penn  ^  from  a  centlemen  of  so  much  information,  and  so  de- 
wished  to  avail  himself  of  uncertainty.  After  Penn's  temiincd  an  enemy  to  Popery,  is  one  of  the  best  evi- 
arrival  in  America,  he  visited  Lord  Baltimore,  and  had  deuces  which  can  be  had.  of  Mr.  Penn's  integrity  it\ 
a  conference  with  him  on  the  subject.  An  account  of  ^  this  respect  ;  but  the  current  of  popular  prejudice  was 
this  conference  taken  in  short  hand  by  a  person  pre-  at  that  time  so  strong,  that  it  was  not  in  the  powtro' 
sent,  with  a  statement  of  the  matter  in  debate,  were  sent  so  great  and  good  a  man  as  Doctor  Tillotson  to  turn  it 
by  Lord  Baltimore  to  England,  and  laid  before  the  I  Had  .Mr.  Penn  fallen  in  with  the  discontented  p-vrt 
Lords  of  Trade  and  ])lantations  in  April,  1683.    Upon  I  of  the  nation,  and  encouraged  the  emigration  of  thoso 


which  letters  were  written  to  both,  advising  them  to 
come  to  an  amicable  agreement.  This  could  not  be 
done  ;  and  therefore,  they  both  went  to  England, 
and  laid  their  respective  complaints  before  the  Board 
of  Trade.  Baltimore  alleged  that  the  tract  in  question, 
was  within  the  limits  of  his  charter,  and  had  always 
been  so  understooil,  and  his  claim  allowed  until  dis- 
turbed by  Penn.  The  w'ords  of  his  charter  were,  "  to 
that  part  of  Delaware  bay  on  the  north,  which  lies 
under  the  40th  degree  of  northerly  latitude  from  the 
e(iuiiioclial.'  Penn,  on  the  other  hand,  aiiiriiied  that 
Lord  Baltimore's  grant  was  of  "  lands  not  inhabited  by 
the  subjects  of  any  Christian  prince  ;'"  that  the  land 
in  question  was  possessed  by  the  Dutch  and  Swedes 
[irior  to  the  date  of  the  charter  of  Maryland  ;  that  a 
surrender  having  been  made  by  the  Dutch  of  this 
territory  to  King  Charles,in  lG64,tlie  country  had  ever 
since  been  in  possession  of  the  Duke  of  York.  The 
Lords  at  several  meetings,  having  examined  the  evi- 
dences on  both  sides,  were  of  opinion  that  the  lands 
bordering  on  the  Delaware  did  not  belong  to  Lord  Bal- 
timore, but  to  the  king.  They  then  proceeded  to  settle 
the  boundary,  and  on  the  7tli  of  JNovember,  1CS5,  it 
was  determined,  that  "  for  avoiding  further  dilVeren(<es, 
the  tract  of  land  lying  between  the  river  and  bay  of  De- 
laware, and  the  eastern  sea,  on  the  one  side,  and  Che- 
sapeake bay  on  the  other  side,  be  divided  into  two 
equal  parts  by  a  line  from  the  latitude  from  Cape  Hen- 
lopen,  to  the  40th degree  of  northern  latitude,  and  that 
one  half  thereof  lying  towards  the  Bay  of  Delaware  and 
tlie  eastern  sea,  be  adjudged  to  belong  to  his  majesty, 
and  that  the  other  half  remain  to  the  Lord  Baltimore, 
as  comprised  within  his  charter.  '  To  this  decision 
Lord  Baltimore  submitted,  happy  that  he  had  lost  no 
more,  since  a  (|Uo  warranto  had  been  issued  against  his 
charter.  But  the  decision,  like  many  others,  left  room 
for  a  farther  controversy, w  hich  was  carried  on  by  their 
respective  successors  for  above  half  a  century.  The 
question  was  concerning  the  construction  of  "the  40th 
(legree  of  latitude,"  which  Penn's  heirs  contended  was 
the  beiiinning,  and  Baltimore's  the  complelion  of  the 
40th  degree,  the  dilTcrence  being  sixty. nine  miles  and 
a  half 

The  other  cause  of  Mr.  Penn's  departure  for  Eng- 
land proved  a  source  of  much  greater  vexation,  and 
involved  consequences  injurious  to  his  reputation  and 
interest.  His  concern  for  his  sullering  brethren  indu- 
ced him  to  use  the  interest  which  he  had  at  court  for 
their  relief    He  arrived  in  the  month  of  .August,  and 


who  dreaded  the  consequences  of  King  James'  open 
profession  of  Pojiery,  he  might  have  made  large  addi- 
tions to  the  numbers  of  his  colonists,  and  greatly  in 
creased  his  fortune  ;  but  he  had  received  such  assu- 
rances from  the  king,  of  his  intention  to  introduce 
unircrsul  toleration,  that  he  thought  it  his  duty  to  wail 
for  the  enlargement  which  his  brethren  must  experience 
from  the  expected  event.  His  l-ook  on  liberty  of  con- 
.science,  addressed  to  the  king  and  council,  bad  not 
been  published  man)-  days,  before  the  king  issued  a 
general  pardon,  and  instructed  the  Judges  of  Assize  on 
their  respective  circuits  to  extend  the  benefit  of  it  to 
the  Quakers  in  particular.  In  consequence  of  this, 
about  thirteen  hundred  of  them,  who  had  been  confined 
in  the  prisons,  were  set  at  liberty.  This  was  followed 
by  a  declaration  for  liberty  of  conscience,  and  for  sus- 
pending the  execution  of  the  penal  laws  against  dis- 
senters, which  was  an  occasion  of  great  joy  to  all  de- 
nominations of  them.  The  Quakers,  at  their  next 
general  meeting,  drew  up  an  address  of  thanks  to  the 
king,  which  was  presented  by  Mr.  Penn. 

The  declaration  of  indulgence,  being  a  specimen  of 
that  dispensing  power,  which  the  house  of  Stuart  were 
fond  of  assuming,  and  being  evidently  intended  to  favor 
the  free  exercise  of  the  Popish  religion,  gave  an  alarm 
to  the  nation,  and  caused  very  severe  censures  on  those 
who,  having  felt  the  benefit  of  it,  had  exiiresstd  their 
gratitude  in  terms  of  ali'ection  and  respect.  The  Qua- 
kers in  particular  became  verv'  obnoxious,  and  the  pre- 
judice against  Penn  as  an  abettor  of  the  arbitrary  max- 
ims of  the  court,  was  increased  ;  though  on  a  candid 
view  of  the  matter,  there  is  no  evidence  that  he  sought 
any  thing  more  than  an  impartial  and  universal  hberty 
of  conscience.* 

It  is  much  to  be  regretted,  that  he  had  not  taken  this 
critical  opportunity  to  return  to  Pennsylvania.  His  con- 
troversy with  Lord  Baltimore  had  been  decided  by  the 
council,  and  his  pacific  ])rinciples  ought  to  have  led  him 
to  acquiesce  in  their  determination,  as  did  his  antago- 
P'st.  He  had  accomplished  his  purpose  v.  ith  regard  to 
his  brethren,  the  Quakers,  who,  being  delivered  from 
their  dilliculties,  were  at  liberty  either  to  remain  in  the 
kingdom,  or  follow  him  to  America.  The  stale  of  the 
province  was  such  as  to  require  his  pri'sence,  and  he 
might  at  this  time  have  resumed  his  (.ftice,  and  carried 
on  his  business  in  Pennsylvania,  with  the  greatest  pro- 
bability of  spending  the  remainder  of  his  days  there  iu 
usefulness  and  peace. 

The  revolution  which  soon  followed,  placed  him  in 


the  death  of  Charles,  which  happened  the  nt.vt  Febru-  a  very  disagreeable  situation.  Having  been  a  friend  to 


ary,  brought  to  the  throne  James  II.  under  whom,  when 
Lord  high-admiral,  Penn's  father  had  commanded, 
and  who  had  always  maintained  a  steady  friendship 
with  the  son.  This  succession  rather  increased  than 
liminished  his  attachment  to  the  court  ;  but  as  James 
openly  professed  himself  a  Pajiist,  and  the  prejudices 
of  a  great  part  of  the  nation  against  him  were  very 
high,  it  was  impossible  for  his  intimate  friends  to 
escape  the  imputation  of  being  popishly  alTected.  Penn 
had  before  been  suspected  to  be  a  Jesuit, and  what  now 
contributed  to  fix  the  Migma  upon  him  was,  his 
writing  a  book  on  liberty  of  conscience.a  darling  prin- 
ciple at  court,  and  vindicating  the  Duke  of  Bucking- 
ham, who  had  written  on  the  same  subject  Another 
circumstance  which  strengthened  the  suspicion  was, 
his  taking  lodgings  at  Kensington, in  the  neighborhood 
of  the  court,  and  his  frequent  attendance  there,  to  so- j 
licit  the  lil;eration  of  his  brethren  who  now  filled  the 
prisons  of  the  kingdom. 

He  endeavored  to  allay  these  suspicions  by  publish- 
in"  an  adilress  to  his  brethren,  in  which  he  refers  to 


James,  he  was  supposed  to  be  an  enemy  to  William. 
As  he  was  walking  one  day  in  Whitehall,  he  Wiis  ar- 
rested and  examined  by  the  lords  in  council,  before 
whom  he  solemnly  declared,  "  that  he  lo\ed  his  country 
anil  the  Protestant  religion  above  his  life,  and  that  he 
had  never  acted  against  either  ;  but  that  King  James 
had  been  his  friend,  and  his  f.tlher  s  friend,  and  that  he 
thought  himself  bounil  in  justice  and  graliliide  to  be  a 
friend  to  him."  The  jealous  policy  of  that  day  had  no 
ear  for  sentiments  of  the  heart.  He  was  obliged  to  find 
securities  for  his  ap])earance  at  the  next  term,  and 
thence  to  the  succeeding  term,  in  the  last  d.ay  of  which, 
nothing  having  been  specially  laid  to  his  charge,  he 
was  acquitted. 

The  ue.xt  vear  n690)  he  was  taken  up  again  on  sus- 
picion of  holding  correspondence  with  the  exiled  king. 
The  lords  requiring  security  for  his  appearance,  he 
appealed  to  King  William  in  person,  who  was  inclined 
to  acquit  him,  but  to  please  some  of  the  council,  he 
was  for  awhile  held  to  bail  and  then  acquitted. 

Soon  after  this,  his  name  was  inserted  in  a  prm-la- 


their  knowledge  of  his  character,  principles  ami  wri-  niation, wherein  eighteen  lords  and  others  were  charged 
tings,  for  eighteen  years  past, and  expresses  his  love  of  with  adhering  to  the  enemies  of  the  kingdom  ;  but  no 
moderation,  and  his  wish  that  the  nation  might  not  be-  evidence  appearing  agaiiust  him.  he  w  as  a  third  time 
come  "barbarous  for  Christianity,  nor  abuse  one  aiioth-  acquitted  by  the  Court  of  King's  Bench. 

er  f<ir  Goil's  sake."  But  what  gave  him  the  greate.<;l  pain  '  

was.  that  his  worthy  friend  DiK'tor  Tillotson  had  enter- 1    •  "If  an  universal  charitj,  if  the  assrrtiii);  an  iinpartiil 
tained  the  same  suspicion. and  expressed  il  in  his  con-  Iit>crty  of  consi  iem  e,  if  doins  to  others  as  ono  would  Ut 
Ti       l  .        i„    ..    ...     i,.i„,       I  done  l>v,  and  .in  open  avowinp  and  su-adv  rractisini:  of  lh<s» 

versation.    T  o  him  he  wrote  an  .  xpostulatory  leller,  „„„^„;  „„;,,^_       ^^      parti,  s.       jusiiy  lav  a  m.i. 

anil  the  Doctor  frankly  owned  to  hilii  the  groiiiulof  his  under  llie  rofleclion  of  Iwinn  a  .lesuil  or  I'apisl.  1  must  not 
apprehension,  which  Penn  so  fully  reimivod,  that  Doc-         sul.nni  to  tlie  cliaracii  r.  hm  end. race  ii  ;  and  I  ran  btu 

tor  Tillotson  candidly  acknowledged  bis  mistake,  and  j;.-'!'  ;;r;;;;.^';ir';n::^iiv;u:^te;".:;;.^:';v,;^^t^ 

made  it  his  business  on  all  occasions  to  vindicate  v!4  lo^B. 


blUGRAPHIES  OF   THE   EARLY  DISCOVERERS. 


6.-) 


Ueinif  now  at  liberty,  he  meditated  a  return  to  Penn-  I 
svlvauia,  and  published  proposals  for  another  eniiirra- 
tiDii  of  settlers  He  had  proceeded  so  far  as  to  obtain 
fidiii  the  Secretary  of  State  an  order  for  a  convoy  ;  but 
liis  vovage  was  prevented  by  a  fourth  accusation,  on 
the  oath  of  a  person  whom  the  Parliament  aflerward 
declared  a  cheat  and  imposter;  a  warrant  was  issued 
for  apprehending  him,  and  he  narrowly  escaiied  an  ar- 
rest, at  his  return  from  the  funeral  of  his  fi  ieud,  tJeorije 
Fox,  on  the  16th  of  January,  1691.  He  then  tlioui;lit 
it  prudent  to  retire,  and  accordmjriy  ke|)t  himself  con- 
cealed for  two  or  three  years,  during  which  time  he  em- 
ployed himself  in  writing  several  pieces,  one  of  which 
entitled  "  Maxims  and  Reflections  relating  to  the  con- 
duct of  hiunan  life,"  being  the  result  of  nmch  observa- 
tion and  experience,  has  been  much  celebrated,  and  has 
passed  through  several  editions.  In  1093,  by  the  me- 
diation of  several  persons  of  rank,  he  was  admitted  to 
appear  before  the  king  in  council,  where  he  so  main- 
tained his  innocence  of  what  had  been  alleged  against 
him,  that  he  was  a  fourth  time  honorably  acquitted. 

The  true  cause  of  these  frequent  suspicions  was  the 
conduct  of  his  wife;  who  being  passionately  attached 
to  the  queen,  consort  of  .lames,  made  a  practise  to  vi- 
sit her  at  .'''t.  Germains  every  year,  and  to  carry  to  her 
such  presents  as  she  could  collect  from  the  friends  of 
the  unhappy  royal  family.  Though  there  was  no  po- 
litical coimexion  or  correspondence  between  Penn  s 
family  and  the  king's,  yet  this  circumstance  gave  color 
to  the  jealousy  which  had  been  conceived ;  hut  the 
death  of  his  wife  which  happened  in  February,  1694, 
put  an  end  to  all  these  suspicions.  He  married  a  se- 
cond wife  in  1696,  a  daughter  of  Thomas  Callowhill, 
of  Bristol,  by  whom  he  had  four  sons  and  one  daugh- 
ter. 

By  his  continual  expenses,  and  by  the  peculiar  dif- 
ficulties to  which  he  had  been  exposed,  he  had  run  him- 
self deeply  into  debt.  He  had  lost  £7000  before  the 
revolution,  and  £4000  since  ;  besides  his  paternal  es- 
tate in  Ireland,  valued  at  £4.')0  per  annum.  To  rep.air 
his  fortune,  he  requested  his  friends  in  Peiuisvlvania, 
that  oiie  hundred  of  them  would  lend  him  £100  each, 
for  some  years,  on  landed  security.  This,  he  said, 
would  enable  him  to  return  to  America,  and  bring  a 
large  number  of  inhabitants  with  him.  What  answer 
was  given  to  this  request,  docs  not  appear,  but  from 
his  remaining  in  England  six  or  seven  years  after,  it 
may  be  concluded  that  he  received  no  encour.Tgement 
of  this  kind  from  them.  The  low  circumstances  of  the 
first  settlers,  must  have  rendered  it  impossible  to  com- 
ply with  such  a  request. 

Pennsylvania  had  experienced  many  inci.nvcniences 
from  his  absence.  The  Provincial  Council  having  no 
steady  hand  to  hold  the  balance,  had  fallen  into  a  con- 
troversy respecting  their  several  powers  and  privileges, 
and  Moore,  one  of  the  proprietary  officers,  had  been  im- 
peached of  high  misdemeanors.  Disgusted  with  their 
disputes,  and  dissatisfied  with  the  constitution  which 
he  had  framed  and  altered,  Penn  wrote  to  his  commis- 
sioners (1686)  to  require  its  dissolution  ;  but  the  As- 
sembly, perceiving  the  loss  of  their  privileges,  and  of 
the  rights  of  the  people  to  be  involved  in  frequent  inno- 
vations, opposed  the  surrender.  The  commissioners 
themselves  were  soon  after  removed  by  the  proprietor, 
who  appointed  for  his  deputy  John  Blackwell,  an  officer 
trained  under  Cromwell,  and  completely  versed  in  the 
arts  of  intrigue.  He  began  his  administration  in  De- 
cember, 1688,  by  a  display  of  the  power  of  the  pro- 
prietor, and  by  endeavoring  to  sow  discord  among  the 
freemen.  Unawed  by  his  insolence,  they  were  firm  in 
defence  of  their  privileges,  whilst  at  the  same  time  they 
made  a  profession  of  peace  and  obedience.  He  impri- 
soned theSpcaker  of  theAssembly  which  had  impeached 
Moore,  and  by  a  variety  of  artiiices  evaded  the  grant- 
ing an  Habeas  Corpus.  He  delayed  as  long  as  possi- 
ble the  meeting  of  a  new  Assembly  ;  and  when  they  en- 
tered on  the  subject  of  grievances.he  prevailed  on  some 
of  the  members  to  withdraw  from  their  seats,  that  there 
niiglitnol  be  a  quorum. The  remainder  voted  that  his  con- 
duct was  treacherous,  and  a  strong  prejudice  was  con- 
ceived not  only  against  the  deputy,  but  the  proprietor 
who  had  appointed  him.  The  province  also  fell  under 
the  royal  displeasure.  Their  laws  had  not  been  pre- 
sented for  approbation,  and  the  new  king  and  queen 
were  not  proclaimed  in  Pennsylvania  for  a  long  time 
after  their  accession  ;  but  the  administration  of  govern- 
ment was  contiimed  in  the  name  of  the  exiled  monarch. 
At  what  time  the  alteration  was  made,  we  cannot  be 
certain  ;  but  in  the  year  1692,  tbeking  aixl  queen  took 
the  government  of  the  colony  into  their  own  hands,  and 
ai  ponued  Colonel  Fletcher,  governor  of  New-York 
md  Pennsylvania,  with  equal  [lowcrs  and  prerogatives 


in  both,  without  any  reference  to  the  charter  of  Penn- 
sylvania. 

It  being  a  time  of  war  between  England  and  France, 
and  the  province  of  New  York  being  much  exposed  to 
the  incursions  of  the  Indians  in  the  French  interest,  the 
principal  object  which  Fletcher  had  in  view,was  to  pro- 
cure supplies  for  the  defence  of  the  country,  and  the 
."support  of  those  Indians  who  were  in  alliance  with  the 
Fnglisli.The  assembly  insisted  on  a  confirmation  of  their 
laws,  as  a  condition  of  their  granting  a  supply,  to  which 
he  consented,  during  the  king's  pleasure.    They  would  1 
have  gone  farther,  and  demanded  a  redress  of  grie- 1 
vances  ;  but  Fletcher  having  intimated  to  them  that! 
the  king  might  |)rol)ably  annex  them  to  New  York,  and  ] 
they  knowing  themselves  unable  to  maintain  a  contro-i 
versy  witn  the  crown,  subinitted  for  the  present  to  hold 
their  liberties  by  courtesy,  and  voted  a  supply.  On 
another  application  of  the  same  kind,  they  nominated 
collectors  in  their  bill,  which  he  deemed  inconsistent 
with  his  prerogative,  and  after  some  altercation  dis- 
solved them 

In  1090,  William  Markham,  depiit3'-governor  under 
Fletcher,  made  a  similar  proposal,  but  could  obtain  no 
supjily,  till  an  expedient  was  contrived  to  save  their  pri- 
vileges. A  temporary  act  of  settlement  was  passed, 
sul)jectto  the  confirmation  of  the  proprietor,  and  then 
a  grant  was  made  of  three  hundred  pounds  ;  but  as 
they  had  been  represented  by  some  at  New-York,  as 
having  acted  inconsistently  with  their  principles  in 
granting  money  to  maintain  a  war,they  appropriated  the 
grant  to  "  the  relief  of  those  friendly  Indians  who  had 
suft'ered  by  the  war."  The  request  was  repeated  every 
year,  as  long  as  the  war  continued  ;  but  the  infancy, 
poverty,  and  embarrassments  of  the  province  were  al- 
ledged  for  non-compliance.  The  peace  of  Ryswick  in 
1698,  put  an  end  to  these  requisitions. 

Thus  the  province  of  Pennsylvania,  as  well  as  its 
proprietor,  experienced  many  inconveniences  during 
their  long  separation  of  fifteen  years  ;  and  it  is  some- 
what singular  to  remark,  that  whilst  they  were  em- 
ployed in  an  inefTectual  struggle  with  the  royal  gover- 
nor and  his  deputy,  he,  whom  Montesquieu  styles  the 
American  Lycurgus,  was  engaged  in  his  darling  work 
of  religious  controversy  and  of  itinerant  preaching 
through  England,  M'ales,  and  Ireland. 

In  August,  1699,  he  embarkeil  with  his  family,  and 
after  a  tedious  passage  of  three  months,  arrived  in 
Pennsylvania.  By  reason  of  this  long  voyage,  they 
escaped  a  pestilential  distemper,  which  during  that 
time  raged  in  the  colony. 

He  did  not  find  the  people  so  tractable  as  before. — 
Their  minds  were  soured  by  his  long  absence,  by  the 
conduct  of  his  deputies  and  the  royal  governors  ;  their 
system  of  laws  was  incomplete,  and  their  title  to  their 
lands  insecure.  After  much  time  spent  in  trying  their 
tempers  and  penetrating  their  views,  he  found  it  most 
advisable  to  listen  to  their  remonstrances.  Five  ses- 
sions of  assembly  were  held  during  his  second  resi- 
dence with  them;  his  expressions  in  his  public  speeches 
were  soothing  and  captivating,  and  he  promised  to  do 
every  thing  in  his  power  to  render  them  happy.  They 
requested  of  him  that  in  case  of  his  future  absence,  he 
would  appoint  for  his  deputies  men  of  integrity  and 
properly,  who  should  be  invested  with  full  powers  to 
grant  and  confirm  lands,  and  instructed  to  give  true 
measure  ;  and  that  he  would  execute  such  an  instru- 
ment as  would  secure  their  privileges  and  possessions. 
To  these  requests  he  seemed  to  consent,  and  with  the 
most  flattering  complaisance  desired  thern  to  name  a 
person  for  his  substitute,  which  they  with  equal  polite- 
ness declined. 

In  May,  1700,  the  charter  was  surrendered  by  six 
parts  in  seven  of  the  assembly, under  a  solemn  promise 
of  restitution  with  such  alterations  and  amendments  as 
should  be  found  necessary.  When  a  new  charter  was 
in  debate,  the  representatives  of  the  lower  counties 
wanted  to  obtain  some  privileges  peculiar  to  them- 
selves, which  the  others  were  not  willing  to  allow. — 
The  members  from  the  territory  therefore  refused  to 
join,  and  thus  a  separation  was  made  of  the  Province 
of  Pennsylvania  from  the  three  lower  counties. 

In  this  new  charter,  the  people  had  no  voice  in  the 
election  of  counsellors, ;  whoever  afterwards  served  in 
this  capacity  were  appointed  by  the  proprietor,  but  they 
I  had  no  power  of  legislation.  The  executive  was  vested 
Isolelv  in  him,  and  he  had  a  negative  on  all  their  laws. 
I  On  the  other  hand  the  assembly  had  the  right  of  origi- 
Inaling  laws,  which  befo.-e  had  been  prepared  for  their 
!  deliberation.  The  number  of  members  was  four  from 
j  each  county,  and  more  if  the  governor  and  Assembly 
I  should  agree.  They  were  invested  with  all  the 
j  powers  of  a  legislative  body,  according  to  the  rights 


of  English  subjects  and  the  practice  of  other  ,\nierican 
colonies.  The  privilenes  before  granted  were  con- 
firmed, and  some  of  their  most  salutary  laws  were  in- 
cluded in  the  bodv  of  the  charter  ;  all  which  were  de- 
clared irrevocable,  except  by  consent  of  six-sevenths  of 
the  assembly  with  the  governor;  but  the  clause  re- 
specting liberty  of  conscience  was  declared  absolutidy 
irrevocable.  A  provisional  article  was  added,  that  if 
in  three  years,  the  representatives  of  the  province  and 
territories  should  not  join  in  leijislation,  each  county  of 
the  prosince  mi<;ht  choose  eight  persons,  and  the  city 
of  Philadelphia  two,  to  represent  them  in  one  ,\ssem- 
bly,  and  each  county  of  the  territory  the  same  number 
to  constitute  another  Assembly.  On  the  28lh  of  Octo- 
ber, 1701,  this  charter  was  accepted  by  the  representa- 
tives of  the  province  :  previous  to  which  (viz.  on  Iho 
S.Oth)  the  city  of  Philadelphia  was  incorporated  by 
another  charter,and  the  government  of  it  conunitted  to 
a  Mayor  atid  Recorder,  eiijht  .Mdernien  and  twelve 
Common  Council  men.  The  persons  in  each  of  theso 
offices  were  appointed  by  name  in  the  charier,  who 
were  empowered  to  choose  successors  to  theinselvea 
j  annually,  and  to  add  to  the  number  of  Aldermen  and 
Common  Councilmen  so  many  of  the  freemen  as  tho 
1  w  hole  court  should  think  proper. 

I     These  two  charters  were  the  last  public  acts  of  Mr. 
I  Penn's  personal  administration  in  Pennsylvania.  Thej 
j  were  done  in  haste,  and  while  he  was  preparing  to  re- 
embark  for  England,  which  he  did  immediately  on 
signing  them.  The  cau^^c  of  his  sudden  departure  waa 
I  an  account  which  he  had  received,  that  a  bill  was  about 
I  to  be  brought  into  Parliament,  for  reducing  the  proprie- 
tary and  chartered  governments  to  an  inunediate  dc- 
'  pendence  on  the  crown.     In  his  speech  io  the  Assem- 
jbly,  he  intimated  his  intention  to  return  and  setiln 
among  them  with  his  family;  but  this  proved  to  be  his 
last  visit  to  America.    He  sailed  from  Philadelphia  in 
the  end  of  October,  and  arrived  in  England  about  the 
middle  of  December,  1701.    The  bill  in  Parli.iment, 
which  had  so  greatly  alarmed  him,  was  by  the  solicita- 
tion of  the  friends  oi"  the  colonies  postponed  and  finally 
lost.    In  about  two  months.  King  VVilliam  died,  and 
Queen  .\nne  came  to  the  throne,  w  hich  brought  Penn 
again  into  favor  at  court,  and  in  the  name  of  the  so- 
ciety, of  which  he  was  at  the  head,  he  presented  to 
her  an  address  of  congratulation. 

He  then  resumed  his  favorite  employment  of  writing, 
preaching,  and  visiting  the  societies  of  Friends  in  Eng- 
land, till  the  year  1707,  when  he  found  himself  in- 
volved in  a  suit  at  law  with  the  executors  of  a  person 
who  had  formerly  been  his  steward.  The  cause  was 
attended  with  such  circumstances,  that  though  many 
thought  him  ill  used,  the  Court  of  Chancery  did  not 
give  im  relief;  which  obliged  him  to  live  within  the 
rules  of  the  fleet  prison  for  about  a  year  till  the  matter 
was  accommodated.  After  this  he  made  another  cir- 
cuitous journey  among  his  friends,  and  in  the  year 
1710  took  a  handsome  seat  at  Rushcombe  in  Bucking- 
hamshire, where  he  resided  during  the  remainder  of 
his  life. 

At  his  departure  from  Philadelphia,  he  left  fi)r  his 
deputy,  Andrew  Hamilton,  whose  i>rincipal  Imsinesa 
was  to  endeavor  a  re  union  of  the  province  and  terri- 
tory, whioti  being  inellectual,  the  province  claimed 
the  privilege  of  a  distinct  .Assembly. 

On  Mr.  Hamilton's  death.John  Evans  was  appointed 
in  1704  to  succeed  him.  His  administration  was  one 
unvaried  scene  of  controversy  and  uneasiness.  The 
territory  would  have  received'  the  charter,  and  the  go- 
vernor warmly  recommended  an  union, but  the  province 
would  not  hearken  to  the  measure.  They  drew  up  a 
statement  of  their  grievances,  and  transmitted  to  the 
proprietor  a  long  and  bitter  remonstrance,  in  which 
they  charge  him  with  not  performing  his  promises,  but 
by  deep  laid  artifices  evading  them  ;  and  with  neglect- 
ing to  get  their  laws  confirmed,  thoiiirh  be  had  received 
great  sums  of  money  to  negoeiate  the  business.  They 
took  a  retrospective  view  of  his  whole  conduct,  and 
partiuilarly  blamed  his  long  absence  from  1684  to 
1699,  during  which  the  interest  of  the  province  was 
sinking,  which  might  have  been  much  advancred,  if  he 
had  come  over  according  to  his  repealed  promises. 
They  complained  that  he  had  not  atlixed  his  seal  to  the 
last  charter;  that  he  hail  ordered  his  deputy  to  call  as 
semblies  by  his  writs,  and  to  prorogue  and  dissolve 
them  at  his  pleasure  :  that  he  Had  reserved  to  himself, 
though  in  England,  an  assent  to  bills  passed  by  hia 
deputy,  by  which  means  three  negatives  were  put  on 
their  acts,  one  by  the  deputy  governor,  another  by  the 
proprietor,  and  a'  third  by  the  crown.  They  also  added 
to  their  li.st  of  grievances,  the  abuses  and  extortions  oi 
the  secretary,  surveyor,  and  other  oJEpcrs,  which  might 


63 


AMERICAN  IIISTORT. 


have  lieen  prevpntoil  if  h(^  hiul  passed  a  bill  proposed 
by  the  Asscinlily.  in  1701,  for  ri'<julating  fees  ;  tlie 
want  of  an  established  judicature  between  him  und  the 
people,  f)r  the  iudj;es  being  appointed  by  him,  could 
not  in  that  case  be  considered  as  indepemlent  and  un- 
biassed ;  the  imposition  of  quit  rents  on  the  city  lots, 
and  leavinn  the  gro'ind  on  which  the  city  was  built, 
encumbered  with  the  claim  of  its  first  possessors  the 
Swedes. 

The  language  of  this  remonstrance  was  plain  and 
nnresrrved  ;  but  the  mode  of  their  conducting  it,  was 
attended  with  a  degree  of  prudence  and  delicacy  which 
is  not  commonly  observed  by  public  bodies  of  men  in 
such  circumstances.  They  sent  it  (o  him  privately  by 

confidential  person,  and  refused  to  give  any  copy  of 
it  though  strongly  urged.  They  were  willing  to  re- 
claim the  proprietor  to  a  due  sense  of  his  obligations, 
but  were  equally  unwilling  to  expose  him.  Th?y  had 
also  some  concern  for  themselves  ;  for  if  it  had  been 
publicly  known  that  they  had  such  objections  to  his 
conduct,  the  breach  might  have  been  so  widened  as  to 
dissolve  the  relation  between  them  ;  in  which  case 
certain  inconveniences  might  have  arisen  respectin<; 
oaths  and  militia  laws,  which  would  not  have  been 
pleasing  to  an  Assembly  consisting  chiefly  of  (.Quakers. 

Three  years  after,(viz.  in  1707)  they  sent  him  another 
remonstrance,  in  which  they  complained  that  the  griev- 
ance before  mentioned  was  not  redressed  ;  and  they 
added  to  the  catalogue  articles  of  impeachment  against 
Iiogan  the  secretary,  and  Evans  the  de[)uty  governor. 
The  latter  was  removed  from  his  olFice,  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Gookin  in  1709,  and  he  by  Sir  William 
Keith  in  1717  ;  but  Logan  held  his  place  of  secretary, 
and  was  in  fact  the  prime  minister  and  mover  in  behalf 
of  the  proprietor,  though  e.\tremely  obno.xious  to  the 
people. 

These  deputy  governors  were  dependent  on  the  pro- 
prietor for  their  appointment,  and  on  the  people  for 
their  support  ;  if  they  displeased  the  former,  tliey  were 
recalled,  if  the  latter,  their  allowance  was  withheld  ; 
anil  it  was  next  to  impossible  to  keep  on  good  terms 
with  both.  Such  an  appointment  could  be  accepted  by 
none  but  indigent  persons,  and  could  be  relished  by 
none  but  tho.sc  who  were  fond  of  perpetual  controversy. 

To  return  to  the  proprietor.  His  infirmities  and 
misfortunes  increased  with  his  age,  and  unlittcd  him 
for  the  exercise  of  his  beloved  work.  In  1711,  he  die 
tated  a  preface  to  the  journal  of  his  old  friend  John 
Banks,  which  was  his  last  printed  work.  The  next 
year  he  was  seized  with  a  paralytic  disonler.which  im- 
paired his  memory.  For  three  succeeding  years  he 
continued  in  a  state  of  great  debility,  but  attended  the 
meeting  of  Friends  at  Reading,  as  long  as  he  was  able 
to  ride  in  his  chariot,  and  sometimes  spoke  short  and 
weighty  sentences,  being  incapable  of  pronouncing  a 
long  discourse.  Approaching  by  gradual  decay  to  the 
close  of  life,  he  died  on  the  30th  of  July,  1718,  in  the 
74th  year  of  his  age,  and  was  buried  in  his  family  tomb 
at  Jordon's  in  Buckinghamshire. 

Notwithstanding  his  large  paternal  inheritance,  and 
the  great  opportunities  which  he  enjoyed  of  accumula- 
ting property  by  his  connexion  with  America, his  latter 
days  were  passed  in  a  state  far  from  atfluent.  He  was 
continually  subject  to  the  importunity  of  his  creditors, 
and  obliged  to  mortgage  his  estate.  He  was  on  the 
point  of  surrendering  his  province  to  the  crown  for  a 
valuable  consideration,  to  extricate  himself  from  debt. 
The  instrument  was  preparing  for  his  signature,  but 
his  dealt,  which  happened  rather  unexpectedlv,  pre- 
vented ttie  execution  of  it  ;  and  thus  his  province  in 
America  descended  to  his  posterity,  who  held  it  till  the 


first,  thev  say,  that  there  was  no  sachem  or  king,  but 
Kiehtan,  who  dwelleth  above  the  heavens,  whither  all 
rood  men  go  when  they  die,  to  see  their  friemls  and 
have  their  fill  of  all  things.  This  his  habitation  lieth 
westward  in  the  heavens,  they  say  ;  thither  the  bad 
men  go  also,  and  knock  at  his  door,  but  he  bids  them 
ijuarJtr.l,  that  is  to  say, walk  abroail  for  there  is  no  place 
for  such  :  so  that  they  wander  in  restless  want  and  pe- 
nury. Never  man  saw  this  Kiehtan,  only  old  men  tell 
them  of  him, and  bid  them  tell  their  children,  yea  charge 
them  to  Leach  their  po.sterities  the  same,  and  lay  the 
like  charge  njion  them.  This  power  thoy  acknowledge 
to  be  good  ;  and  when  they  would  obtain  any  great 
matter,  meet  together  and  cry  unto  him  ;  and  so  like- 
wise for  plenty,  victory,  &c.  sing,  dance,  feast,  give 
thanks,  and  hang  up  garlands  and  other  things  in  me- 
mory of  the  same. 

Another  power  they  worship,  whom  they  call  Holla- 
mock^  and  to  the  northward  of  us.  Hubbamoqni ;  this, 
as  far  as  we  can  conceive  is  the  devil.  Him  they  call 
u])on  to  cure  their  wounds  and  diseases.  When  they 
are  curable,  he  persuades  them  he  sends  the  same,  for 
some  conceived  anger  against  them  ;  but  upon  their 
calling  upon  him,  can  and  doth  hel|)them  ;  but  when 
they  are  mortal  and  not  curable  in  nature,  then  he  per- 
suades them  Kiehtan  is  angry,  and  sends  them,  whom 
none  can  cure;  insomuch  as  in  that  respect  only  they 
somewhat  doubt  whether  he  be  simply  good,  and  there- 
fore in  sickness  never  call  upon  him.  This  Hobba- 
mock  appears  in  sundry  forms  unto  them,  as  in  the 
shape  of  a  man,  a  deer,  a  fawn,  an  eagle,  &c.  but  most 
ordinarily  a  snake.  He  appears  not  to  all,  but  the 
chiefest  and  most  judicious  among  them;  though  all  of 
them  strive  to  attain  to  that  hellish  heiirht  of  honor 


skins,  hatchets,  beads,  knive«,&c.  all  which  are  cast  ^y 
the  priests  into  a  gruat  fire  that  they  make  in  the  niidiit 
of  the  house,  and  there  consumed  to  ashes.  To  th»k 
offering  every  man  brini;eth  freely  :  and  the  more  he  lit 
known  to  brins  halh  the  better  esteem  of  all  men. 
This,  the  other  Indians  about  us  approve  of  as  good, 
ind  wish  their  .■'achems  would  appoint  die  like  ;  and  be- 
cause the  plague  has  not  reigned  at  Narohiggansct  oa 
at  other  places  about  them,  they  attributed  to  this  cus- 
tom there  used. 

The  Panieses  are  men  of  great  courage  and  wi.sdom, 
and  to  the.-e  also  the  devil  appeareth  more  familiarly 
than  to  others,  and  as  we  conceive,  maketli  eovenivtit 
with  them  to  preserve  lliem  from  death,  bv  wounds 
with  arrows,knives.liatchets,  &c.  oral  least  both  the.n- 
selves  and  especiallj'  the  people  think  themselves  to  be 
freed  from  the  same.  And  though  against  their  bailies 
all  of  them  by  painting,  disfiyure  themselves,  vet  they 
are  known  by  their  courage  and  boldness,  by  reason 
whereof  one  of  them  will  chase  almost  an  hundri'd 
men  ;  for  they  account  it  death  for  whomsoever  stand 
in  their  way.  These  are  highly  esteemed  of  all  sorts 
of  people,  and  are  of  the  sachem  s  counsel,  wilhout 
whom  they  will  not  war,  or  undertake  anv  weighty 
business.  In  war  their  sachems,  fortheir  more  safely, 
go  in  the  midst  of  them.  They  are  coinmonlv  nienof 
great  stature  and  strength, and  such  as  will  endure  most 
hardness,  and  yet  are  more  discreel,  courteous  and  hu- 
mane in  their  carriai;es  than  any  amoni;6t  them, scorn- 
ing theft,  lying,  and  the  like  base  dealings,  and  stand 
as  much  upon  iheir  reputation  as  any  men.  And  to 
the  end  they  may  have  store  of  these,  they  train  up  the 
most  forward  and  likeliest  boys  from  their  childhood, 
;n  great  hardness,  and  make  them  abstain  frnni  daii.ty 


He  appears  most  ordinary,  and  is  most  conversant  with  I  meat,  observing  divers  orders  prescribed,  to  the  end  th'>t 


revolution. 


APPENDIX. 


Mb.  Winslow's  accoiinl  cT  the  nativesiif  New  F.nil.inil,  .nn- 
iiiMvl  111  hi.s  >iuiative  of  ihc  riuiiiaiieiis,  A.  D.  16-.M.— 
(Puicli.is  IV.  Iti67. 

A  KKw  thinijs  I  thought  meet  to  add  hereunto,  which 
I  have  observed  ainong.st  the  Indians  ;  both  touching 
iheir  religion  and  sundry  other  customs  among  them. 
Anil  first,  whereas  myself  and  others,  in  former  letters, 
(which  came  to  the  press  against  my  will  and  know- 
Vilge)  wrote  that  the  Indians  about  us  are  a  peo|)le 
wiliiout  any  religion,or  knowledge  of  any  (Jod;  therein 
I  erred,  though  wecoulil  Ib.cn  gather  no  Ix-tter  ;  for  as 
they  conceive  of  many  divine  powers,  so  of  one,  whom 
they  call  Kicli/an,  to  be  the  principal  maker  of  all  the 
rest  ;  and  to  be  made  by  none.    He,  they  say,  created 


three  sorts  of  people;  one,  I  confess,  I  neither  know 
by  name  or  ollice  directly  ;  of  these  they  have  few,  but 
esteem  highly  of  them,  and  think  no  weapon  can  kill 
them  :  another  they  call  by  the  name  oiPuwah,  and  the 
third  Panifsc. 

The  oH'ice  and  duty  of  the  Powah  is  to  be  exercised 
principally  in  calling  upon  the  devil,  and  curing  dis- 
eases of  the  sick  or  wounded.  The  common  people 
join  with  them  in  the  exercise  of  invocation,  but  do  but 
only  assent,  or  as  we  term  it,  say  Amen  to  that  he 
saith  ;  yet  sometimes  break  out  into  a  short  musical 
note  with  him.  The  Povvah  is  eager  and  free  in  speech; 
fierce  in  countenance,  and  joineth  many  antic  and  la- 
borious gestures  with  the  same,  over  the  p.irly  dis- 
eased. If  the  |)arly  be  wounded,  he  will  also  seem  to 
suck  the  wound  ;  but  if  they  be  curable,  (as  they  say) 
hetouchelh  it  not  ;  but  a  shooke,  that  is  the  snake,  or 
VV^)bsacuck,  that  is  the  eagle,  sitteth  on  the  shouliler, 
and  licks  the  same.  This  none  see  but  the  Powah, 
who  tells  them  he  d(<th  it  himself  If  the  party  be 
otherwise  diseased,  it  is  accounted  sufiicient  if  in  any 
shape  he  but  come  into  the  house,  taking  it  for  an  un- 
doubted sign  of  recovery. 

And  as  in  former  ages  Apollo  had  his  temple  at 
Delphos,  and  Diana  at  Ephesus,  so  have  I  heard  them 
call  upon  some  as  if  they  had  their  residence  in  some 
certain  places,  or  because  I  hey  appeared  in  tho.se  fi)rms 
in  the  same.  In  the  Powah's  speech  he  promiseth  to 
sacrifice  many  skins  of  beasts,  kettles,  hatchets,  beads, 
knives, and  other  the  best  things  they  have  to  the  fiend, 
if  he  will  come  to  help  the  party  diseased;  but  whether 
they  perform  it  I  know  not.  The  other  practices  I 
have  seen,  being  necessarily  called  sometimes  to  be 
with  their  sick,  and  have  used  the  best  arguments  I 
could  to  makethem  undersland  against  tliesame.  'I'hey 
have  told  me  I  should  see  the  devil  at  those  limes  come 
to  the  party  ;  but  I  assured  myself  and  them  of  ihe 
contrary,  which  so  proved  ;  yea,  themselves  have  con- 
fessed they  never  saw  him  when  any  of  us  were  pre- 
.sent.  Irj  desperate  and  extraordinary  hard  travail  in 
child  birth,  when  the  party  cannot  be  delivered  by  the 
ordinary  means,  they  send  for  this  Powah,  though  or- 
dinarily their  travail  is  not  so  exlreme  as  in  oilier  parts 
oflhe  world,  they  being  ot  a  more  hardy  nature  ;  for 
on  the  third  day  after  child  birth,  I  have  seen  the  mo- 
ther with  the  infant,  upon  a  small  occasion,  in  cold 
weather,  in  a  boat  upon  the  sea. 

Many  sacrifice 
they  kill  children 


when  they  are  of  age,  the  devil  inay  appear  to  thei»), 
causing  to  drink  the  juice  of  sentry  and  other  billc. 
herbs,  till  they  cast,  which  they  must  disgorge  into  tlit 
platter,and  drink  again  and  again,  till  at  length  through 
extraordinary  pressing  of  nature  it  will  seem  to  be  atf 
blood;  and  this  the  boys  will  do  with  easerness  allhf 
first,  and  so  continue  till  by  reason  of  faiiitness,  ihry 
can  scarce  stand  on  their  legs,  and  then  must  go  foilli 
into  the  cold  ;  also  they  beat  their  shins  with  sticks, 
and  cause  them  to  run  through  bushes  and  stumps  and 
brambles,  to  make  them  hardy  and  acceptable  to  the 
devil,  that  in  time  he  may  appear  unto  them. 

Their  sachems  cannot  be  all  called  kings,  but  only 
some  few  of  them,  to  whom  the  rest  resort  for  protec- 
tion and  pay  homage  unto  them;  neither  may  ihev  war 
without  their  knowledge  and  approbation  ;  vet  to  Im! 
commande<l  by  the  greater,  as  occasion  seenielh.  01 
ihi.s  sort  is  jMassassowat  our  friend,  and  C'onanacus  of 
Narohigganset  our  supposed  enemy.  Every  .sachem 
takelhcareof  the  widow  and  fatherless,  also  lor  such 
as  are  aged  and  any  way  maimed,  if  their  friendii  be 
dead,  or  not  able  to  provide  for  them.  A  sachem  will 
not  take  any  to  wife  but  such  an  one  as  is  equal  to  him 
in  birth  ;  otherwise,  they  say  their  seed  would  become 
iirnoble  ;  and  llioiigli  they  have  many  other  wives,  vet 
are  ll-.ey  no  other  tf.an  concubines  or  servants,  and 
yield  a  kind  of  obedience  to  the  principal,  who  orderelh 
the  family  and  them  in  it.  The  like  iheir  men  observe 
also,  and  will  adhere  to  the  first  durinjj  their  lives  ;  but 
put  away  the  other  at  their  pleasure.  This  jjovernment 
is  succensive  and  not  by  cb.oice;  ifllie  father  die  before 
the  son  or  daughter  be  of  age.lhen  the  child  iscoiimiit- 
teil  to  the  protection  and  tuition  of  some  one  amongst 
them,  who  ruleth  in  his  stead  till  he  be  of  age,  Iml 
when  that  is,  I  know  not. 

Every  sachem  knowelh  how  far  Ihe  bounds  and 
limits  of  his  own  country  exiendelh  ;  ami  that  is  hit 
own  proper  inheritance  ;  out  of  thai,  if  any  of  his  men 
desire  land  to  set  their  corn,  he  uivelh  them  as  much 
as  ihey  can  use.  and  sets  ihem  in  their  bounils.  In 
this  circuit,  whoever  hunlelh.  if  anv  kill  venison,  ihev 
bring  bim  his  fee  ;  which  is  four  parts  of  the  same,  if 
it  be  kilb'd  on  land,  but  if  in  the  water,  then  Ihe  ekin 
thereof.  The  great  sachems  or  kintrs  know  not  iheir 
own  bounds  or  limits  of  land,  as  well  as  ihe  rest  All 
travellers  or  strangers  for  the  most  part  lodjre  at  Ihe  fa- 
chein  s  When  they  come.  Ihey  tell  ihem  how  long 
the  Indians  use,  and  in  some  ca.ses  ithey  will  slay  and  lo  w  hat  place  they  go;  during  whicn 
It  seeiiic-tli  thev  are  various  in  their  time  they   receive  enlerlainmeiil.  accordin"  lo  Iheir 


religious  worship  in  a  little  dislance,  and  grow  more  I  persons,  but  want  not  (Ince  a  vear  Ihe  Paniesen  n»e 
and  more  colil  in  Iheir  worship  lo  Kiehtan;  saying,  in  jlo  provoke  the  peo|)le  to  bestow  much  corn  on  the  Ka- 


their  memory  he  was  much  more 
Narohisiiiansels  exceed  in  their  blind  di 


'd  upon.  The  ichem 
M)tion,aiid  have  p 


To  that  end  they  ap|>oinl  a  certain  lime  and 
lice,  near  Ihe  sachem's  dwellini:.  where  the  pcipl* 


the  heavens,  earth,  sea,  and  all  creatures  contained  a  great  spacious  house,  wherein  only  some  few  (that  bring  many  baskets  of  corn  and  make  a  great  stark 
therein.  .Vl  so  that  he  made  one  man  and  one  woman,  are,  as  \\v  may  term  them,  jiriesls)  come;  Ihilher.  at  thereof  There  the  Panieses  stand  readv  lo  eive  ibanks 
of  whom  they,  and  we,  and  all  mankind  came  ;  but  how  certain  known  limes,  resort  all  their  people,  and  ofler  to  the  people  on  the  sachem's  behalf;  and  alter  ae 
the-/  became  so  fiir  dispersed,  that  they  know  not.    At  j  almost  all  the  riches  they  have  to  their  gods,as  kettles,  I  quaintiiij;  ihc  sachem  ihercw  ilh,  who  fetches  the  taM 


BIOORAPHIES  OF  THE   EARLY  DISCOVERERS, 


er/ 


Rlid  in  no  less  thankful,  bestowing  many  gifts  on  them. 
Whon  any  are  visited  witli  sickness,  their  friends  re- 
eort  unto  thcni  for  their  comfort,  and  continue  with 
them  oftentimes  till  their  death  or  recovery.  If  they 
die,  they  stay  a  certain  time  to  mourn  fir  them.  Night 
and  morning  they  perlorm  tliis  duty,  many  days  after 
the  burial, in  a  most  doleful  nianner,insoniuch  as  though 
it  be  ordinary  and  the  note  musical  which  they  take 
from  one  another  and  altogether  ;  yet  it  will  draw  tears 
from  their  eyes  and  almost  from  ours  also.  But  if  they 
recover,  then  because  their  sickness  was  chargeable, 
they  send  corn  and  otlier  gifts  unto  therii,  at  a  certain 
appointed  time,  whereat  they  feast  and  dance,  which 
they  call  commoro.  When  they  bury  the  dead,  they 
sow  up  the  corpse  in  a  mat,  and  so  put  it  in  the  earth  ; 
if  the  party  be  a  sachem,  they  cover  him  with  many  cu- 
rious mats,  and  bury  all  Ins  riches  with  him,  an<l  en- 
close the  grave  with  a  pale.  If  it  be  a  child,  the  fatlier 
will  also  put  his  own  most  special  jewels  and  orna- 
ments in  the  earth  with  it;  also  he  will  cut  his  hair, 
and  disfigure  liimsclf  very  much  in  token  of  sorrow. 
If  it  be  the  n>an  or  woman  of  the  house  ;  they  will  pull 
down  the  mats,  and  leave  the  frame  standing,  and  bury 
them  in  or  near  the  same,  and  either  remove  their 
dwelhng  or  give  over  house  keeping. 

The  u:en  employ  themselves  wholly  in  hunting,  and 
other  exercises  of  t!ie  bow,  except  at  some  times  they 
take  some  [)ains  in  fishing.  The  women  live  a  most 
glavisli  life  ;  they  carry  all  their  burdens  ;  set  and  dress 
their  corn,  gather  it  in,  and  seek  out  for  much  of  their 
food  ;  beat  and  make  ready  the  corn  to  eat,  and  have 
all  household  care  lying  upon  them. 

The  younger  sort  reverence  the  elder,  and  do  all 
mean  oflices,  whilst  they  are  together,  although  they 
be  strangers.  Boys  and  girls  may  not  wear  their  hair 
like  men  and  women,  but  are  distinguished  thereby. 

A  man  is  not  accounted  a  man  till  he  do  some  no- 
table act,  or  show  forth  such  courage  and  resolution  as 
becouicth  his  place.  The  men  take  much  tobacco,  but 
for  boys  so  to  do,  they  account  it  odious. 

All  their  names  are  siguiticant  and  variable  ;  for 
when  they  come  to  the  state  of  men  and  women,  they 
alter  them  according  to  theirdeeds  or  dispositions. 

When  a  maid  is  taken  in  marriage,  she  first  cutfeth 
her  hair,  and  after  weareth  a  covering  on  her  head,  till 
her  hair  be  grown  out.  Their  women  are  diver.selv  dis- 
posed, some  as  modest  as  they  will  .scarce  talk  one  with 
another  in  the  company  of  men  ;  being  very  chaste 
also ;  yet  otlier  some  are  light,  lascivious  and  wanton. 
If  a  woman  have  a  bad  husband,  or  cannot  alfect  him, 
and  there  be  war  or  opposition  between  that  and  any 
other  people,  she  will  run  away  from  him  to  the  con- 
trary party,  and  there  live,  where  they  never  come  un- 
welcome ;  for  where  are  most  women  there  is  greatest 
plenty. 

When  a  woman  hath  her  monthly  terms,  she  sepa- 
rateth  herself  from  all  other  company, and  liveth  certain 
days  in  a  house  alone  ;  after  which,  she  washeth  her- 
self, and  all  that  she  hath  touched  or  used,  and  is  again 
received  to  her  husband  s  bed  or  family.  For  adultery, 
the  husband  will  beat  his  wife  and  put  her  away,  if  he 
plea.se.  Some  common  strumpets  there  ari 
in  other  places  ;  but  they  are  such  as  either  never  mar- 
ried, or  widows,  or  put  away  for  adultery  ;  for  no  man 
will  keep  such  a  one  to  wife. 

In  matters  of  unjust  and  dishonest  dealing,  the  sa- 
chem examineth  and  punisheth  the  same.  In  case  of 
thert,  for  the  first  oflence,  he  is  disgracefully  rebuked  ; 
for  the  second,  beaten  by  the  sachem,  with  a  cudgel  on 
the  naked  back  ;  for  the  third,  he  is  beaten  with  many 
strokes, and  hath  his  nose  slit  upwards,  that  thereby  all 
men  may  know  and  shun  him.  If  any  man  kill  another 
he  must  likewise  die  for  the  same.  The  sachem  not 
only  passeth  sentence  upon  malefactors,  but  e.xecuteth 
the  same  with  his  own  hands,  if  the  party  be  then  pre- 
sent; if  not,  .-endeth  his  own  knife  in  case  of  death, 
in  the  hands  of  others  to  perform  the  same.  But  if 
the  offender  be  to  receive  other  punishment,  he  will  not 
receive  the  same  but  from  the  sachem  himself,  before 
whom,  being  naked,  he  kneeleth,  ami  will  not  olfer  to 
run  away,  though  he  beat  him  never  so  much,  it  being 


time  of  his  correction,  than  in  his  offence  and  punish 
ment. 

As  for  their  apparel,  they  wear  breeches  and  stock- 
ings in  one,  like  some  Irish,  which  is  made  of  deer- 
skins, and  have  shoes  of  the  same  leather.  They  wear 
also  a  deer's-skin  loose  about  them  like  a  cloak,  which 
they  will  turn  to  the  weather  si<le.  In  this  habit  they 
travel  ;  but  when  they  are  at  home,  or  come  to  their 
journey's  end,  they  presently  pull  off  their  breeches, 
stockings  and  shoes,  wring  out  the  water,  if  they  be 
wet,  and  dry  them,  and  rub  or  chafe  the  same.  Though 
these  be  olf,  yet  have  they  another  small  garment  which 
covcreth  their  secrets.  The  men  wear  also,  when  they 
go  abroad  in  cold  weather,  an  otter,  or  fox. skin  on 
their  right  arm  ;  but  only  their  bracer  on  the  left. 
Women,  anil  all  of  that  se.x,  wear  strings  about  their 
legs,  which  men  never  do 

The  people  are  very  ingenious  and  observativc  ;  they 
keep  account  of  time,  by  the  moon,  and  winters  or 
summers  ;  they  know  divers  of  the  stars  by  name  ;  in 
particular  they  know  the  North  Star,  and  call  il Maske, 
which  is  to  say  Ihc  Bear ;  also  they  have  many  names 
for  the  winds.  They  will  guess  very  well  at  the  wind 
and  weather  beforehand,  by  oh.servations  in  the  heav- 
ens. They  report  also,  that  some  of  them  can  cause 
the  wind  to  blow  in  what  part  they  list— can  raise 
storms  and  tempests,  which  they  usually  do,  when  they 
intend  the  death  or  destruction  of  other  people,  that  by 
reason  of  the  unseasonable  weather,  they  may  take  ad- 
vantage of  their  enemies  in  their  houses.  At  such 
times  they  perform  their  greatest  exploits,  and  at  such 
seasons,  when  they  are  at  enmity  with  any,  they  keep 
more  careful  watch  than  at  other  times. 

As  for  their  language,  it  is  very  copious,  large,  and 
dillicult,  as  yet  we  cannot  attain  to  any  great  measure 
thereof;  but  can  understand  them,  and  explain  our- 
selves to  their  understanding  by  the  help  of  those  that 
daily  converse  with  us. 

And  though  there  be  difference  in  an  hundred  miles 
distance  of  place,  both  in  language  and  manners,  yet 
not  so  much  but  that  they  very  well  understand  each 
other.    And  thus  much  of  their  lives  and  manners. 

Instead  of  records  and  chronicles  they  lake  this 
course  :  where  any  remarkable  act  is  done,  in  memory 
of  it,  either  in  the  place,  or  by  some  pathway  near  ad- 
joining, they  make  a  round  hole  in  the  ground  about  a 
foot  deep,  and  as  much  over,  which  when  others  pass- 
ing by  behold,  they  inquire  the  cause  and  occasion  of 
I  he  same,  which  being  once  known,  they  are  careful  to 
acquaint  all  men,  as  occasion  servelh  therewith  ;  and 
lest  such  holes  should  be  filled  or  grown  up  by  any  ac- 
cident, as  men  pass  by,  they  will  oft  renew  the  same  : 
by  which  means  many  things  of  great  antiquity  are 
fresh  in  memory.  So  that  as  a  man  travelleth,  if  he 
can  understand  his  guide,  his  journey  will  be  less  te- 
dious, by  reason  of  many  historical  discourses  which 
will  be  related  to  him. 

For  that  continent  on  which  we  are,  called  New 
England,  although  it  hath  ever  been  conceived  by  the 
English  to  be  a  part  of  the  main  land  adjoining  to  Vir- 
ginia, yet  by  relation  of  the  Indians  it  should  appear  to 
for  they  aflirm  confidently  that  it  is  an 
island, and  that  eitherthe  Dutch  or  French  pass  through 
from  sea  to  sea  between  us,  and  Virginia,  and  drive  a 
great  trade  in  the  same.  The  name  of  that  inlet  of  the 
sea  they  call  Mchcgan,  which  I  take  to  be  the  same 
which  we  call  Hudson's  river,up  which  Masterlludson 
went  many  leagues,  and  for  want  of  means  (as  I  hear) 
left  it  undiscovered.  For  confirmation  of  this  their 
opinion  thus  is  much  ;  though  V^irginia  be  not  above  an 
hundred  leagues  from  us,yet  they  never  heard  of  Pau-- 
hataii,  or  knew  that  any  English  were  planted  in  his 
country,  save  only  by  us  and  Tisquantum,  who  went 
thither  in  an  English  ship  ;  and  therefore  it  is  more 
probable,  because  the  water  is  not  passable  for  them 
who  are  very  adventurous  in  their  boats. 

Then  for  the  temperature  of  the  air,  in  almost  three 
years  experience  I  can  scarce  distinguish  New  Eng- 
land, from  Old  England,  in  respect  of  heat  and  cold, 
frost,  snow,  ram,  wind,  &c.  Some  object  because  our 
plantation  lieth  in  the  latitudeof  two  and  forty,  it  must 


t  (greater  disparagement  for  a  man  to  cry  during  the|needs  be  much  hotter.    I  confess  I  cannot  give  the 


reason  of  the  contrary  ;  only  experience  leaches  us, 
that  if  it  do  exceed  England,  it  is  so  little  as  must  re- 
quire better  judgments  to  discern  it.  .Xiid  for  the  win- 
ter, I  rather  think  (if  iheri^  be  dillcrence)  it  is  both  shar- 
[)cr  and  longer  in  New-England  than  Old  ;  andyet  the 
want  of  those  comforts  in  the  one,  which  I  have  en- 
joyed in  the  other,  may  deceive  my  judgment  also.  But 
in  my  best  observation,  comparing  our  own  conditions 
with  the  relations  of  other  parts  of  .\meriea,  I  cainiot 
conceive  of  any  to  agree  better  with  the  constilutiona 
of  the  English,  not  being  op|)ressed  w  ith  the  extremity 
of  heat,  nor  nipped  by  biting  cold,  by  whi<-h  means, 
blessed  be  CJod,  we  enjoy  our  health,  notwithstanding 
these  dillieulties  we  have  undergone,  in  such  a  measure 
as  would  liave  been  admired  had  we  lived  in  England 
with  the  like  means.  The  day  is  two  liours  longer 
than  here  when  at  the  shortest,  and  as  much  shorter 
when  at  the  lonijest. 

The  soil  is  variable,  in  some  places  mould,  in  some 
clay,  and  others  a  mixed  sand,  &c.  The  chiefest 
grain  is  the  Indian  inaise,  or  Guinea  wheat  ;  the  seed 
time  beginneth  in  the  middle  of  April,  and  conlinueth 
good  till  the  midst  of  May.  Our  harvest  beginneth 
with  September.  This  corn  increaselli  in  great  mea- 
sure, but  is  inferior  in  quality  to  the  same  in  Virginia, 
the  reason  I  conceive  is  because  A'irginia  is  far  liotter 
than  it  is  with  us,  it  requiring  great  ht:,t  to  ripen.  But 
whereas  it  is  objected  against  New-England,  that  corn 
will  not  grow  there  except  the  ground  be  manured  with 
fish  :  I  answer,  that  where  men  set  with  fish  (as  with 
us)  it  is  more  easy  so  to  do  than  to  clear  ground,  and 
set  without  some  five  or  six  years,  and  so  begin  anew, 
as  in  Virginia  and  elsewhere..  Not  but  that  in  some 
places,  where  they  cannot  be  taken  with  ease  in  such 
abundance,  the  Indians  set  four  years  together  without 
them,  and  have  as  good  corn  or  belter  than  we  have, 
that  set  with  them  ;  though  indeed  I  think  if  we  had 
cattle  to  till  the  ground,  it  would  be  more  profitabio 
and  better  agreeable  to  the  soil  to  sow  wheat,  rye,  bar- 
ley, peas  and  oats,  than  to  set  maise,  which  our  Indians 
call  Ewachim  ;  for  we  have  had  experience  that  they 
like  and  thrive  well  ;  and  the  other  will  not  be  pro- 
cured without  good  labor  and  diligence,  especially  at 
seed  time,  when  it  must  also  be  watched  by  night,  to 
keep  the  wolves  from  the  fish,  till  it  be  rotten,  which 
will  be  in  fourteen  days,  yet  men  agreeing  together, 
and  taking  their  turns,  it  is  not  much. 

Much  might  be  spoken  of  the  benefit  that  may  come 
to  such  as  shall  plant  here,  by  trading  with  the  Indians 
for  furs,  if  men  take  a  right  course  for  obtaining  the 
same  ;  for  I  dare  presume  upon  that  small  experience 
I  have  had  to  affirm,  that  the  English, Dutch  and  French 
return  yearly  many  thousand  pounds  profit  by  trade 
only,    om  that  island  on  which  we  are  seated. 

Tobacco  may  be  there  planted,  but  not  with  that 
profit  as  in  some  other  places,  neither  were  it  profit- 
able there  to  follow  it,  though  the  increase  were  equal, 
because  fish  is  a  better  and  richer  commodity,  and 
more  necessary,  which  may  be,  and  there  are  had  in  as 
great  abundance  as  in  any  other  part  of  the  world  ; 
witness  the  west  country  merchants  of  England, which 
return  incredible  gains  yearly  from  tliencc.  And  il 
they  can  so  do,  which  lierc  buy  their  salt  at  a  great 
charge,  and  transport  more  company  to  make  theit 
voyage  than  will  sail  their  ships,w  hat  may  the  [jlanters 
expect  when  once  they  are  sealed,  and  make  the  most 
of  their  salt  there,  and  employ  themselves  at  least  eight 
months  in  fishing,  whereas  the  other  fish  but  four,  and 
have  their  ship  lie  dead  in  the  harbor  all  the  time, 
whereas  such  shipping  as  belong  to  plantations  may 
take  freight  of  passengers  or  cattle  thither,  and  have 
their  lading  provided  against  they  come  !  I  confess 
we  have  come  so  far  short  of  the  means,  to  raise  such 
returns,  as  with  great  difficulty  we  have  preserved  our 
lives  ;  insomuch  as  w  hen  I  look  back  upon  our  condi- 
tion, and  weak  means  to  preserve  the  same,  I  rather 
admire  at  God's  mercies  and  providence  in  our  pre- 
servation, than  that  no  greater  things  have  been 
effected  by  us.  But  thoui;h  our  beginning  have  been 
thus  raw,  small  and  dillicult,  as  thou  hast  seen. yet  the 
same  God  that  hath  hitherto  led  us  through  the  formei 
I  hope  will  raise  means  to  accomplish  the  latter. 


THE 


HISTORY  OF  SOUTH  AMERICA, 


BY  WILLIAM  ROBERTSON,  D.  D. 


EDITOR'S  PREFACE. 

In  studying  the  early  history  of  America,  attention  has  to  be  directed  chiefly  to  the  central  and  southern  portions.  Itwas  there  that  the  first  adventurers  from 
Europe  estuhlished  the  one  ffrcat  centre  whence  conquest  began  to  spread  itself  over  the  land ;  and  it  was  there  that  the  ancient  civilization  of  the  native 
races  faded  and  succutnbtid  before  the  moral  and  material  power  of  the  East.  Consequently  a  history  of  this  portion  of  the  continent  naturally  follows  after 
tlie  publication  of  the  "  Biographies  of  the  Early  Discoverers,"  and  Dr.  Robertson's  elaborate  work  necessarily  finds  a  place.  I  say  "necessarily,"  for  in 
fact,  there  is  no  history  of  South  America  which  rivals  it ;  none  which  evinces  the  same  degree  of  research,  the  same  elaboration  of  detail,  or  the  same 
impartiality  in  dealing  with  the  data  that  arc  presented.  The  only  deficiency  to  be  noticed  in  it  I  have  myself  endeavoured,  with  as  much  impartiality, 
though  with  more  brevity,  to  supply,  thereby  making  the  narrative  in  a  measure  complete  to  the  present  day. 

Dr.  Robertson,  writing  at  the  end  of  the  last  century,  brought  his  portion  of  the  work  down  to  a  period  hardly  later  than  our  own  Declaration  of 
Independence.  It  has  been  my  object  to  supplement  his  labors  by  an  outline  of  the  vast  changes  that  have  been  recorded  since.  My  first  intention  in  doing 
this,  was  to  take  up  Dr.  Robertson's  account  in  the  eighth  book,  making  such  alterations  in  the  test  as  would  be  necessary  to  a  consecutive  historj-  adapted 
to  the  readers  of  to-day.  But  further  consideration  led  me  to  a  different  course.  I  have  preferred  to  leave  the  original  work  intact,  and  to  circnmstribe 
the  supplementary  portion  within  the  limits  of  a  ninth  book.  But  in  doing  this,  it  was  impossible  in  the  prescribed  space  to  follow  out  the  plan  laid 
down  by  the  original  author.  A  history  of  South  America  during  the  last  century,  if  written  with  the  comprehensiveness  he  followed,  would  Lave  added 
vastly  to  the  size  of  this  volume.  I  have,  therefore,  perforce  been  guided  by  the  necessity  for  conciseness,  while  exercising  in  all  respects,  a  careful  rcard 
for  accuracy  and  fairness  of  judgment. 


PREFACE. 

In  fulfillins;  the  cngHJement  which  I  had  come  under 
to  the  Pul)lir,  with  respect  to  the  History  of  .America, 
it  was  my  intention  not  to  have  pubHshcd  any  part  of 
the  work  until  the  whole  was  completed.  The  pre- 
sent slate  of  the  British  colonics  has  induced  me  to 
alter  tliat  resolution.  While  they  are  engaged  in  civil 
war  with  Great  Britain,  inquiries  and  speculations  con 
ccrning  their  ancient  forms  of  policy  and  laws,  which 
exist  no  longer,  cannot  he  interesting.  The  attention 
and  expectation  of  mankind  are  now  turned  towards 
their  future  condition.  In  whatever  manner  this  un- 
happy contest  may  terminate,  a  new  order  of  things 
must  arise  in  North  America,  and  its  affairs  will  as- 
sume another  aspect.  I  wait  with  the  solicitude  of  a 
good  citizen,  until  the  ferment  sul)side,and  regular  go- 
vernment be  re  established,  and  then  I  shall  return  to 
this  part  of  my  work,  in  which  I  had  made  some  pro- 
gress. That,  together  with  the  history  of  Portuguese 
America,  and  of  the  settlements  ma<le  by  the  several 
nations  of  Europe  in  the  West  India  Islands,  will  com- 
plete my  plan. 

The  three  volumes  which  I  now  publish  contain  an 
account  of  the  discovery  of  the  New  World,  and  of  the 
progress  of  the  Spani.sh  arms  and  colonies  there.  This 
is  not  only  the  most  splendid  portion  of  the  American 
story,  but  so  much  detached  as  by  itself  to  form  a  per- 
fect whole,  remarkable  for  the  unity  of  the  subject.  .'\s 
the  principles  and  maxims  of  the  Spaniards  in  planting 
colonies,  which  have  been  adopted  in  some  measure  by 
every  nation,  are  unfolded  in  this  part  of  my  work  ;  it 
will  serve  as  a  proper  introduction  to  the  history  of  all 
the  European  establishments  in  ,\merica,  and  convey 
such  information  concerning  this  important  article  of 
policy,  as  may  be  deemed  no  less  interesting  than  cu 
rious. 

In  describing  the  achievements  and  institutions  of 
the  Spaniarils  in  the  New  World,  I  have  departed  in 
many  instances,  from  the  accounts  of  preceding  his- 
torians, and  have  often  related  facts  which  seem  to 
have  been  unknown  to  them.  It  is  a  dutv  I  owe  the 
Public  to  mention  the  sources  from  which  I  have  deri 
ved  such  Intelllijence  which  justifies  me  either  in  pla- 
cing transactions  in  anew  lii;ht,or  in  formlii!;any  new 
opinion  with  respect  to  their  causes  and  elFcrts.  This 
duly  I  perform  with  greater  satisfaction,  as  it  will  af- 
ford an  opportunity  of  expressing  my  gratitude  to  those 
benefactors  who  have  lionored  mo  with  their  counte- 
nance and  aid  in  my  researches. 

As  it  was  from  .Spain  that  I  had  to  expect  the  most 
\ini»rtu]il  iiiforiralion,  with  regard  to  this  part  of  my 


work,  I  considered  it  as  a  very  fortunate  circumstance 
for  me  when  Lord  (irantham,  to  whom  I  had  the  hon- 
or of  being  personally  known,  and  with  whose  liber- 
ality of  sentiment,  and  disposition  to  oblige,  I  was  well 
acqu;iinted.  was  appointed  ambassador  to  the  court  of 
Madrid.  Upon  applying  to  him,  I  met  with  such  a  re- 
ception as  satisfied  me  that  his  endeavors  would  be 
employed  in  the  most  proper  manner.in  order  to  obtain 
the  gratification  of  my  wishes  ;  and  I  am  perfi  ctly  sen- 
sible, that  what  progress  I  have  made  in  my  inquiries 
among  the  Spaniards,  ought  to  be  ascribed  chiefly  to 
their  knowing  how  much  his  lordship  interested  him- 
self in  my  success. 

But  did  I  owe  nothing  more  to  Ijord  Grantham  than 
the  advantage  which  I  have  derived  from  his  attention 
in  engaging  Mr.  Waddilove,  the  chaplain  of  his  embas- 
sy, to  take  the  conduct  of  my  literary  inquiries  in  Spain, 
the  ol)ligations  I  lie  under  to  him  would  be  very  great 
During  five  years  that  gentleman  has  carried  on  re- 
searches for  my  behoof,  with  such  activity,  persever 
ance  and  knowledge  of  the  subject, to  which  his  atten- 
tion was  turned,  as  have  filled  me  with  no  less  asto- 
nishment than  satisfaction.  He  procured  for  me  Ih*" 
(jreater  part  of  the  Spanish  books,  which  I  have  con- 
sulted ;  and  as  many  of  them  were  printed  early  in  the 
sixteenth  century,  and  are  become  extremely  rare,  the 
collecting  of  these  was  such  an  occupation  as  alone  re 
quired  much  time  and  assiduity.  To  his  friendly  atten- 
tion I  am  indebted  for  copies  of  several  valuable  manu- 
scripts, containing  facts  and  details  which  I  might  have 
searched  for  in  vain  in  works  that  have  been  made  pub 
lie.  Encouraged  by  the  inviting  good  will  with  which 
Mr.  Waddilove  conferred  liis  favors,  I  transmitted  to 
him  a  set  of  (jueries,  with  respect  both  to  the  customs 
and  policy  of  the  native  Americans,  and  the  nature  of 
several  institutions  in  the  Spanish  settlements,  framed 
in  suoh  a  manner  that  a  Spaniard  niinht  answer  them 
without  disclosing  any  thing  that  w;is  improper  to  be 
communicated  to  a  foreigner.  He  translated  these  into 
Spanish,  and  obtained  from  various  persons  who  had 
resided  in  most  of  the  Spanish  colonies,  such  replies 
as  have  alTorded  me  nnicli  instruction. 
Notwithstanding  tho.se  peculiar  advantages  with  which 
my  inquiries  were  carried  on  in  .Sp.iin,  it  is  with  renrel 
I  am  obliged  to  add,  that  their  success  nuisl  be  ascribed 
to  the  beneficence  of  individuals,  not  to  any  connnu- 
nication  by  pid)lic  authority-  By  a  singular  arranue- 
menl  of  I'liillipII  the  reconlsof  the  .Spanish  monar<'liy 
are  deposited  in  the  Arrhiro  ol  .Simancas,  near  Valla 
dolid,  at  the  distance  of  a  hundred  and  twenty  miles 
from  the  seat  of  government  and  the  supreme  courts  of 
justice.    The  papers  relative  to  .America,  and  chiefly 


[to  that  early  period  of  its  history  towards  which  my 
k.ttenlion  was  directed, are  so  numerous,  that  they  alon« 
[according  to  one  account,  fill  the  largest  apartment  in 
the  Archivo;  and,  according  to  another,  they  compose 
ei^ht  hundred  and  seventy  three  large  bundles.  Con- 
scious of  possessing,  in  some  degree,  the  industry 
which  belongs  to  an  historian,  the  prospect  of  such  a 
treasure  excited  my  most  ardent  curiosity.  But  tho 
prospect  of  It  is  all  that  I  have  enjoyed.  Spain,  with 
an  excess  of  caution,  has  uniformly  thrown  a  veil  over 
her  transactions  in  .America.  From  strangers  they  are 
concealed  with  peculiar  solicitude.  Even  to  her  own 
subjects  the  .Archivo  of  Simancas  is  not  opened  with- 
out a  particular  order  from  the  crown  ;  and,  after  ol>- 
taininir  that,  papers  cannot  be  copied  without  paying 
fees  of  oflice  so  exorbitant  that  the  expense  exceed* 
what  it  would  be  proper  to  bestow,  when  the  gralitica- 
tion  of  literary  curiosity  is  the  only  object.  It  is  to  be 
hoped,  that  the  Spaniards  will  at  last  discover  this  svg- 
tPin  of  concealment  to  be  no  less  impolitic  than  illiber- 
al. From  what  I  have  experienced  in  the  course  of  hit 
inquiries,  I  am  satisfied,  that  upon  a  more  minute 
scrutiny  into  their  early  operations  in  the  New  World, 
however  reprehensible  the  actions  of  individuals  mny 
appear,  the  conduct  of  the  nation  will  be  placed  in  a 
more  favorable  light. 

In  other  parts  of  Europe  very  different  sentiments 
prevail.  Havinjj  searched,  without  success  in  Spain, 
for  a  letter  of  Cortes  lo  Charles  V.,  written  soon  aller 
he  landed  in  the  Mexican  Empire,  which  has  nut  hith- 
erto been  published  ;  it  occurred  to  nie.  that  as  the 
Emperor  was  setting  out  lor  (Jermany  at  the  time  when 
the  messengers  from  Cortes  arrived  in  Europe,  the  let- 
ter with  whieh  they  were  intrusted  might  possiblv  be 
preserved  in  the  Imperial  librarv  at  \'ienna.  I  rom- 
municated  this  idea  lo  Sir  Robert  Murrav  Keitli.  with 
whom  I  have  long  had  the  honor  to  live  in  frieiiii.>^hi(>, 
ind  I  had  soon  the  pleasure  to  learn,  that  upon  his  ap- 
plication her  Imperial  .Majesty  had  been  graeioiiiily 
pleaseil  lo  issue  an  order,  that  not  only  a  copy  of  that 
etter(lfil  were  found),  hut  of  any  other  papers  in  the 
library  which  could  throw  light  upon  the  Hislery  of 
.\merica,  should  br  transmitted  to  me.  '1  he  letter 
from  Cortes  Is  not  in  the  Imperial  librarv  ;  but  an  au- 
thentic copy,  altest-'d  by  a  notary,  of  the  letter  written 
by  the  magistrates  of  the  colony  planted  by  him  at  \  em 
Cruz,  which  I  hr.ve  mentioned,  p.  210,  having  been 
found.  It  was  transcribed,  and  sent  to  me.  .As  thii 
letter  IS  no  less  curious,  and  as  little  known  a»ih»t 
which  was  the  object  of  my  inquiries,  I  have  given 
some  account,  in  Its  proper  place,  of  what  is  most  wor- 
thy of  iiulicc  in  it.  Together  with  it,  I  received  a  iop» 


"Dr.  Robertson's  qualities  as  a  Historian  have  been  lauded  by 
scholars,  — liEN^oN  j.  LogsiNO, 


•'  No  History  of  South  America  can  ever  supplant  the  work  oi 
Robertson." — chambers'  cvclo,  ok  en(;,  lueratuke. 


r  HE    COMPLETE    H  1  S  T  O  K  V 

OK 

SOUTH  AMERICA, 

MEXJCQ, 

AND 

CENTRAL  AMERICA, 

EMBRACING 

THE    BRAZILEAN  EMPIRE,  PERU,  BOEIVIA,  CHILI,  COLOMBIA,  VENEZUELA,  NEW 
GRANADA,  EQUADOR,  GUIANA,  THE  ARGENTINE  CONFEDERATION,  PARA- 
GUAY,  URUGUAY,  PATAGONIA,  THE  FALKLAND  ISLANDS, 
YUCATAN,  THE  WEST  INDIES,  Etc.,  Etc., 

FROM.  THE  EARLIEST  DISCOVERIES. 

BY  WILLIAM  ROBERTSON,  D.D, 

INCLUDING 

The  Progress  of  Navigation  among  the  Ancients,  the  Early  Voyages 
and  Discoveries,  Life  of  Columbus,  Treachery  and  Cruelty  of  ^ 

the  Spaniards  toward  the  Natives. 


jlMEpjl  l\  THE  FIFTEEtiTH  CEtiTURY. 

ITS 

INHABITANTS,  SCENERY,   ETC,  AND   THEORIES  CON- 
CERNING THE,  EARLY  POPULATION. 

WITH  A  ■  ' 

CONTINUATION  AND  AN  APPENDIX,  BRINGING  THE  WORK  DOWN  TO   TffE  PRESENT  DAY. 

THE  WHOLE 

ABOUXDIX(J    WITH    .SOTKS  1  Li.U.STIi.V'I'K  ).\s. 


THIS  WONDERFUL  CONQUEST  OF  ^MEXICO  WAS  AN  ACHIEVEMENT  THE  ACCOM- 
PLISHMENT OF  WHICH  DISPLAYED  MORE  HEROIC  COURAGE,  ENDURANCE. 
AND  ABILITY  TO  COMMAND.  THAN  ANY  EXAMPLE  IN  MODERN 
HISTORY.    LIKE  HANNIBAL,  HE  LEFT  NO  CHANCE  FOR  RETREAT,  BURNING  HIS 
SHIPS  ON  THE  SHORE  OF  THE  STRANGE  AND  HOSTILE  COUNTRY. 


Which  for  reckless  daring,  suft'ering,  endurance,  cruelty,  and  sudden 
acquisition  of  vast  wealth  by  military  conquest,  admits  of  no 

parallel  in  the  World's  History. 

THE  CONQUESTS  OF  MEXICO  AiND  PERU 

Are  the  very  romance  of  History  ;  Fiction  is  shorn  of  its  laurels,  and  even 
the  pages  of"  tradition  tell  no  tales  more  wonderful  and  interesting. 

Xlie  Mistori|  of  ^oiitli  (America 

IS   CONTINUKD   TO    I'HE   PRESENT  TIME. 
BY  PROF.  H.  L.  WTLLEVMS. 

It  traces  the  gradual  decline  of  the  Spanish  Colonies,  their  struggle  for 
Independence,  their  ultimate  success.     Separation  of  Brazil  into 
an  Independent  Monarchy.     War  between  Spain  and  the 
Republics  of  Chili  and  Peru.    War  against  Paraguay. 
Defeat  and  Death  of  Lopez,  and  view  ot  the  present  condition  of 
South  American  Countries.    Making,  all  together,  the  only  full, 
complete,  and  exhaustive  History  of  South  America,  to 

the  present  day,  published. 


Notp:. — South  America  is  rich  in  manilold  productions  which  are  now  touching  the  material  interests 
of  the  United  States  ;  and  what  India  has  been  to  Enjrland,  South  America  yet  may  be  to  us  :  A  source  o' 
unbounded  wealth. 


SOUTH  AMERICA 


ot  a  letter  from  Cortes,  containing  a  long  account  of 
his  expedition  to  Honduras,  with  respect  to  which  I  did 
not  think  it  necessary  to  enter  into  any  particular  de- 
tail ;  and  likewise  those  curious  Mexican  paintings, 
which  I  have  described. 

My  inquiries  at  St.  Petersburg  were  carried  on  with 
equal  facility  and  success.  In  examining  into  the  near- 
est communication  between  our  continent  and  that  of 
America,  it  became  of  consequence  to  obtain  authentic 
information  concerning  the  discoveries  of  the  Russians 
in  their  navigation  from  Kannchatka  towards  the  coast 
of  America.  Accurate  relations  of  their  first  voyage, 
in  1741,  have  been  published  by  Muller  and  Gmelin 
Several  foreign  authors  have  entertained  an  opinion  that 
the  court  of  Russia  studiously  conceals  the  progress 
which  has  been  madd  by  more  recent  narigators,  and 
sulfers  the  public  to  be  amused  with  false  accounts  of 
their  route.  Such  conduct  appeared  to  me  unsuitable 
to  those  liberal  sentiments,  and  that  patronage  of  sci- 
ence, for  which  the  present  sovereign  of  Russia  is  emi- 
nent; nor  could  I  discern  any  political  rea.son,  that 
might  render  it  improper  to  apply  for  information  con- 
cerning the  late  attem()ts  of  the  Russians  to  0|)en  a 
communication  between  Asia  and  .America.  My  in- 
genious countryman.  Dr.  Rogerson,  first  physician  to 
the  Empress,  presented  my  request  to  Her  Imperial 
.Majesty,  who  not  only  disclaimed  any  idea  of  conceal- 
nient,but  instantly  ordered  the  journal  of  Captain  Kre- 
nitzin,  who  conducted  the  only  voyage  of  discovery 
made  by  public  authority  since  the  ye.ar  1741,  to  be 
translatecl,  and  his  original  chart  to  be  copied  for  my 
use.  By  consulting  them,  I  have  been  enabled  to  give 
a  more  accurate  view  of  the  progress  and  extent  of  the 
lUissian  Di.scoveries  than  has  hitherto  been  communi- 
:ated  to  the  public. 

From  other  quarters  I  have  received  information  of 
great  utility  anil  importance.  M.  le  Chevalier  de  Pinto, 
the  minister  from  Portugal  to  the  court  of  Great  Bri- 
tain, who  commanded  for  several  years  at  Matagrosso, 
a  settlement  of  the  Portuguese  in  the  interior  part  of 
Brazil,  where  the  Indians  are  numerous,  and  their  ori- 
ginal manners  little  altered  by  intercourse  with  Euro- 
peans, was  pleased  to  send  me  very  full  answers  to 
some  queries  concerning  the  character  and  institutions 
of  the  natives  of  America,  which  his  polite  reception 
of  an  application  made  to  him  in  my  name  encouraged 
me  to  propose.  These  satisfied  me,  that  he  had  con- 
templated with  a  discerning  attention  the  curious  ob- 
jects which  his  situation  presented  to  his  view,  and  I 
have  often  followed  him  as  one  of  my  best  instructed 
guides. 

M.  Suard.to  whose  elegant  translation  of  the  Hi.story 
of  the  Reign  of  Charles  V.,  I  owe  the  favorable  recep- 
tion of  that  work  on  the  continent,  procured  me  answers 
to  the  same  queries  from  M.  de  Bougainville,  who  had 
opportunities  of  observing  the  Indians  both  of  North 
and  South  America,  and  from  M.  Godin  le  Jeutie,  who 
resided  fifteen  yearsamong  Indiansin  Quito.and  twenty 
years  in  Cayenne.  The  latter  are  more  valuable  from 
having  been  examined  by  M.  de  la  Condamine,  who,  a 
few  weeks  before  his  death. made  some  short  additions 
to  them,  which  may  be  considered  as  the  last  eflortof 
that  attention  to  science  which  occupied  a  long  life. 

My  inquiries  were  not  confined  to  one  region  in 
America.  Governor  Hutchinson  took  the  trouble  of 
recommending  the  consideration  of  my  queries  to  Mr. 
Hawley  and  Mr.  Brainerd.  two  protestant  missionaries 
employed  among  the  Indians  of  the  Five  Nations,  who 
favored  me  with  answers  which  discover  a  considerable 
knowledge  of  the  people  whose  customs  they  describe. 
From  William  Smith,  Esq  the  ingenious  historian  of 
New  York,  I  received  some  useful  information.  AVhen 
I  enter  upon  the  History  of  our  Colonies  in  North 
America,  I  shall  have  occasion  to  acknowledge  how 
much  I  have  been  indebted  to  many  other  gentlemen 
of  that  country. 

From  the  valuable  collection  of  Voyages  made  by 
Alexander  Dalrvmple,  Esq  ,  with  whose  attention  to 
the  History  of  Navigation  and  Discovery  the  Public 
is  well  acquainted.!  have  received  some  very  rare  books, 
particularly  two  larije  volumes  of  Memorials,  partly 
manuscript  and  partly  in  print,  which  were  presented 
to  the  court  of  Spain'during  the  reigns  of  Philip  III 
and  Philip  IV.  From  these  I  have  learned  many  curi- 
ous particulars  with  respect  to  the  interior  state  of  the 
'Spanish  colonies,  and  the  various  schemes  formed  for 


to  them,  I  have  endeavored  to  authenticate  whatever  I 
relate.  The  longer  I  reflect  on  the  nature  of  historical 
composition,  the  more  I  am  convinced  that  this  scrupu- 
lous accuracy  is  necessary.  The  historian  who  records 
the  events  of  his  own  time  is  credited  in  proportion  to 
the  opinion  wlu'jh  the  Public  entertains  with  respect  to 
his  means  of  information  and  his  veracity.  He  who 
delineates  the  transactions  of  a  remote  period,  lias  no 
title  to  claim  assent,  unless  he  produces  evidence  in 
proof  of  his  assertions.  Without  this  he  may  write  an 
amusing  tale,  but  cannot  be  said  to  have  composed  an 
authentic  history.  In  those  sentiments  I  have  been 
confirmed  by  the  opinion  of  an  Author,  whom  his  in- 
dustry, erudition,  and  di-scernment,  have  deservedly 
placed  in  a  high  rank  among  the  most  eminent  histo- 
rians of  the  age.  Imboldenetl  by  a  hint  from  him, I  have 
published  a  catalogue  of  the  Spanish  books  which  I  have 
consulted.  This  practice  was  frequent  in  the  last  cen- 
tury, and  was  considered  as  an  evidence  of  laudable 
industry  in  an  author  ;  in  the  present,  it  may,  perhaps, 
be  deemed  the  effect  of  ostentation ;  but,  as  many  of 
those  books  are  unknown  in  Great  Britain,  I  could  not 
otherwi.sc  have  referred  to  them  as  authorities.witliout 
encumbering  the  page  with  an  insertion  of  their  full 
titles.  To  any  person  who  may  choose  to  follow  me  in 
this  path  of  inquiry,  the  catalogue  must  be  very  useful. 

My  readers  will  observe,  that  in  mentioning  sums  of 
money,  I  have  uniformly  followed  the  Spanish  method 
of  computing  by  pesos.  In  America,  the  peso  fuerlc, 
or  diiro  is  the  only  one  known  ;  and  that  is  always 
meant  when  any  sum  imported  from  America  is  men- 
tioned. The  peso  fuerte,  as  well  as  other  coins,  has 
varied  in  its  numerary  value  ;  but  I  have  been  advised, 
without  at  tending  to  such  minute  variations,  to  consider 
it  as  equal  to  four  shillings  and  sixpence  of  our  money. 
It  is  to  be  remembered,  however,  that  in  the  sixteenth 
century,  the  effeetivevalue  of  a  peso,  i.  e.  the  quantity 
of  labor  which  it  represented.orof  goods  which  it  would 
purchase,  was  five  or  six  times  as  much  as  at  present. 

N.  B.  Since  this  edition  was  put  into  the  press,  a 
History  of  Mexico,  in  two  volumes  in  quarto.translated 
from  the  Italian  of  the  .\bbc  de  Francesco  Saverio  Cla- 
igero,  has  been  published.    From  a  person  who  is  a 


tries  which  they  now  inhabit.  Neither  history  nor  tra- 
dition furnishes  such  information  concerning  these  re- 
mole  events,  as  enables  us  to  trace  with  anv  certainly 
the  operations  of  the  human  race  in  the  infancy  of  so- 
ciety. 

We  may  conclude,  however,  that  all  the  early  migra- 
tions of  mankind  were  made  by  land.  The  ocean  which 
surrounds  the  habitable  earth,  as  well  as  the  various 
arms  of  the  sea  which  separate  one  region  from  another 
though  destined  ttafacilitate  the  communication  between 
distant  countries,  seem,  at  first  view,  to  be  formed  to 
check  the  progress  of  man,  and  to  mark  the  bounds  of 
that  portion  of  the  globe  to  which  nature  had  confined 
him.  It  was  long,  we  may  believe,  before  men  at- 
tempted to  pass  these  formidable  barrier*,  and  became 
so  skilful  and  adventurous  as  to  commit  themselves  to 
the  m<!rcy  of  the  winds  and  waves,  or  to  quit  their  na- 
tive shores  in  quest  of  remote  and  unknown  regions 

Navigation  and  ship-building  are  arts  so  nice  and 
complicated,  that  they  require  the  ingenuity,  as  well  as 
experience,  of  many  successive  ages  to  bring  them  to 
any  degree  of  perfection.  From  the  raft  or  canoe,  which 
firtt  served  to  carry  a  savage  over  the  river  that  ob- 
structed him  in  the  chase,  to  the  construction  of  a  vessel 
capable  of  conveying  a  numerous  crew  with  safely  to 
a  distant  coast,the  progress  in  improvement  is  immense. 
Many  efforts  would  be  made,  many  experiments  would 
be  tried,  and  much  labor  as  well  as  invention  would  be 
employed,  before  men  could  accomplish  this  arduous 
and  important  undertaking.  The  rude  and  imperfect 
state  in  which  navigation  is  still  found  among  all  na- 
tions which  are  not  considerably  civilized,  corresponds 
with  this  account  of  its  progress,  and  demonstrates  that 
in  early  times  the  art  was  not  so  far  improved  as  to 
enable  men  to  undertake  distant  voyages,  or  to  attempt 
remote  discoveries. 

As  soon,  however,  as  the  art  of  navigation  became 
known,  a  new  species  of  correspondence  among  men 
took  place.  It  is  from  this  era  that  we  must  date  the 
c(  mmencement  of  such  an  intercourse  between  na- 
tions as  deserves  the  appellation  of  commerce.  Men 
are,  indeed,  far  advanced  in  improvement  before  com- 
merce becomes  an  object  of  great  importance  to  them. 


native  of  New  Spain,  who  has  resided  forty  years  in  'I'hey  must  even  have  made  some  considerable  proijress 
that  country,and  who  is  acquainted  with  the  Mexican  towards  civilization, before  they  acquired  the  idea  ofpro- 
languagc,  it  was  natural  to  expect  much  new  inforniii-  jperty,  and  ascertain  it  so  perfectly  as  to  be  acquainted 
tion.  Upon  perusing  his  work,  however,  I  find  that  it  with  the  most  simple  of  all  contracts, that  of  exchanging 
contains  hardly  any  addition  to  the  ancient  History  of  by  barter  one  rude  commodity  for  another.  But  as 
the  Mexican  empire,as  related  by  ."Vcosta  and  Herrera,  soon  as  this  important  right  is  established,  anil  every 
but  what  is  derived  fiom  the  improbable  narratives  and  individual  feels  that  he  has  an  exclusive  title  to  pos- 


fanciful  conjectures  of  Torqueinaila  and  Bolurini.  Ha- 
ving copied  their  splendid  descriptions  of  the  high  state 
of  civilization  in  the  Mexican  empire,  M.  Clavigero,  in 
the  abundance  of  his  zeal  for  the  honor  of  his  native 
country ,charges  me  with  having  mistaken  some  points, 
and  with  having  misrepresented  others  in  the  history 
of  it.  When  an  author  is  consciou.s  of  having  exerted 
industry  in  research,  and  impartiality  in  decision,  he 
may,  without  presumption,  claim  what  praise  is  due 
to  these  qualities,  and  he  cannot  be  insensible  to  any 
accusation  that  tends  to  weaken  the  force  of  his 
claim.  A  feeling  of  this  kind  has  induced  me  to  exam- 
ine such  strictures  of  M.  Clavigero  on  my  history  of 
.\merica,  as  merited  any  attention,  especially  as  these 
are  made  by  one  who  seemed  to  possess  the  means  of 
obtaining  accurate  information  ;  and  to  show  that  the 
greater  part  of  them  is  destitute  of  any  just  founda- 
tion. This  I  have  done  in  notes  upon  the  passages  iu 
my  History  \yhich  gave  rise  to  his  criticisms. 
College  of  Eilinbui-gh,  March  1,  178S. 


BOOK  I. 

Progress  of  Navigation  among  tlie  ancier.ts — View  of  their 
ilisroverieg  as  preparatory  to  those  of  the  niiiilcrns — Iin- 
perfections  of  ancient  navigation  anil  eeograpliy — Doctrine 
of  the  zones — Further  discoveries  checked  by  tiie  irruiition 
of  barbarous  nations — Geographical  knowledge  still  pre- 
served ill  tlie  East,  and  among  the  Arabians— Revival  of 
commerce  ami  inivigation  in  Knrope— favored  by  the  C'roi- 
sades — extended  by  travellers  Into  the  East — promoted  by 
the  invention  of  the  mariner's  compass — First  resnlar  plan 
of  discovery  formed  by  Fortngal — State  of  that  kiagdom — 
Schemes  of  Prince  Henry — Early  attempts  feeble — Progress 
along  the  Western-coast  of  Africa--Hopes  of  discovering  a 
new  route  to  the  East  Indies — Attempts  to  accomplish  this — 
Prospects  of  Success. 

The  progress  of  men,  in  discovering  and  peopling 
i  the  various  partsof  the  earth,  has  been  extremely  slow. 


t.ieir  improvement,  .^s  this  collection  of  Memorials  |  Several  ages  elapsed  before  they  removed  far  from 
foriuorly  helonL'ed  to  the  Colbert  Library,  I  have  quo- 1  those  mild  and  fertile  regions  in  which  they  were  ori- 
ted  them  by  that  title.  ginally  placed  by  their  Creator.  The  occasion  of  their 

.All  those  books  and  manuscripts  I  have  consulted  first  general  dispersion  is  known  ;  but  we  are  unac- 
»»;'.hthat  attention  which  the  respect  due  from  an  Au   quaiiited  with  the  course  of  their  migrations,  or  the  jit  penetrated  into  new  regions,  and  contributed  mor<i 
Uiof  to  the  Public  required  ;  and  by  minute  references  i  time  when  they  took  possession  of  the  "different  coun-|  than  any  other  cause  to  lilng  nicn  acquainted  with  th« 


scss  or  to  alienate  whatever  he  has  acquired  by  his  own 
labor  and  dexterity,  the  wants  and  ingenuity  of  his  na- 
ture suggest  to  him  a  new  metnod  of  increasing  his 
acqu' -itions  and  enjoyments,  by  disposing  of  w  hat  is 
superduous  in  his  own  stores,  in  order  to  procure  what 
is  necessary  or  desirable  in  those  of  other  men.  Thus 
a  commercial  intercourse  begins,  and  is  carried  on 
among  the  members  of  the  same  community.  By  de- 
grees, they  discover  that  neighboring  tribes  possess 
what  they  themselves  want,  and  enjoy  comforts  of 
which  they  wish  to  partake.  In  the  same  mode,  and 
upon  the  same  principles.that  domestic  traffic  is  carried 
on  within  the  society,  an  external  commerce  is  esta- 
blished with  other  tribes  or  nations.  Their  mutual  in- 
terest and  mutual  wants  render  this  intercourse  desir- 
able, and  imperceptibly  introduce  the  maxims  and  laws 
which  facilitate  its  progress  and  render  it  secure.  But 
no  very  extensive  commerce  can  take  place  between 
contiguous  provinces,  whose  soil  and  climate  being 
nearly  the  same  yield  similar  productions.  Remote 
countries  cannot  convey  their  commodities  by  land,  to 
those  places  where,  on  account  of  their  rarity,  they  are 
desired,  and  become  valuable.  It  is  to  navigation  that 
men  are  indebted  for  the  power  of  transporting  the  su- 
perfluous stock  of  one  part  of  the  earth  to  su|)ply  the 
wants  of  another.  The  luxuries  and  blessings  of  a  par- 
ticular clim.-.te  are  no  longer  confined  to  itself  alone, 
but  the  enjoyment  of  them  is  communicated  to  the 
most  distant  regions. 

In  proportion  as  the  knowledge  of  the  advantages  de- 
rived from  navigatioiiandcommercecontinued  tospread 
the  intercourse  among  nations  extended.  The  ambi- 
tion of  conquest,  or  the  necessity  of  procuring  new  set 
ticmcnts,  were  no  longer  the  sole  motives  of  visiting 
distant  lands.  The  desire  of  gain  became  a  new  in- 
centive to  activity,  roused  adventurers,  and  sent  them 
forth  upon  long  voyages,  in  search  of  oountries  whose 
products  or  wants  might  incrcasethat  circulation  which 
nourishes  and  gives  vigor  to  commerce.  Trade  proved 
a  great  source  of  discovery  ;  it  opened  unknow  n  seas. 


70 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY'  OF 


iitiiati  >n,  the  nature  ami  commodities  of  the  different 
parts  if  the  irlobe.  But  even  aftera  regular  commerce 
was  esliihli.^lied  in  the  world,  after  nations  were  con- 
siderably civilized,  and  the  sciences  and  arts  were  cul- 
tivated with  ardor  and  success,  navigation  continued 
to  1)0  so  imperfect,  that  it  can  hardly  be  said  to  have 
advanced  beyond  the  infancy  of  its  improvement  in 
the  ancient  world. 

Among  all  the  nations  of  antiquity,  the  structure  of 
their  vessels  was  extremely  rude,  and  their  method  of 
working  them  very  defective.  They  were  unacquainted 
with  several  principles  and  operations  in  navigation, 
which  are  now  considered  as  the  first  elements  on  which 
that  .science  is  founded.  Though  that  property  of  the 
magnet  by  which  it  attracts  iron  was  well  known  to  the 
ancients,  its  more  important  and  amazing  virtue  ol 
pointing  to  the  poles  had  entirely  escaped  their  obser- 
vation. Destitute  of  this  faithful  guide,  which  now 
conducts  the  pilot  with  so  much  certainty  in  the  un- 
bounded ocean  during  the  darkness  of  night,  or  when 
the  heavens  are  covered  with  clouds,  the  ancients  had 
no  other  method  of  regulating  their  course  than  by  ob- 
serving the  sun  and  stars.  Their  navigation  was  of  con- 
sequence uncertain  and  timid.  They  durst  seldom  quit 
sight  of  land,  but  crept  along  the  coast,  exposed  to  all 
the  dangers,  and  retarded  by  all  the  obstructions,  una- 
avoidable  in  holding  such  an  awkward  course.  An  in- 
credible length  of  time  was  requisite  for  performing 
voyages  which  are  now  finished  in  a  short  space.  Even 
in  the  mildest  climates,  and  in  seas  the  least  tenijies- 
tuous,  it  was  only  during  the  summer  months  that  the 
ancients  ventured  out  of  their  harbors.  The  remainder 
of  the  year  was  lost  in  inactivity.  It  would  have  been 
deemed  most  inconsiderate  rashness  to  have  braved  the 
fury  of  the  winds  and  waves  during  winter. 

While  both  the  science  and  practice  of  navigation 
continued  to  be  so  defective,  it  was  an  undertaking  of 
no  small  dilficulty  and  danger  to  visit  any  remote  re- 
gicm  of  the  earth.  Under  every  disadvantage,  how- 
ever, the  active  spirit  of  commerce  e.terted  itself.  The 
Egyptians,  soon  after  the  establishment  of  their  mon- 
arcliy,  are  said  to  have  opened  a  trade  between  the 
Arabian  Gulf  or  Red  Sea,  and  the  western  coast  of 
the  great  Indian  continent.  The  commodities  which 
tliey  imported  from  the  East, were  carried  by  land  from 
iho  Arabian  (>ulf  to  the  banks  of  the  Nile,  and  con- 
veyed ilown  that  river  to  the  Mediterranean.  I3ut  if 
lh!»  Egyptians  in  early  times  applied  themselves  to 
commerce,  their  attention  to  it  was  of  short  duration. 
The  fertile  soil  and  mild  climate  of  Egypt  produced  the 
necessaries  and  comforts  of  life  with  such  j)rofusion, 
as  rendered  its  inhabitants  so  independent  of  other 
countries,  that  it  became  an  established  maxim  among 
that  people,  whose  ideas  and  institutions  dilTered  in 
almost  every  point  from  those  of  other  nations,  to  re- 
nounce all  intercourse  with  foreigners.  In  conse- 
quence of  this,  they  never  v\'ent  out  of  their  own  coun- 
try ;  they  held  all  seafaring  persons  in  detestation,  as 
im|)ious  and  profane;  and  fortifying  their  own  harbors, 
they  denieil  strangers  admittance  into  them.  It  was 
in  the  decline  of  their  power.and  when  their  veneration 
for  ancient  maxims  had  greatly  abated,  that  they  again 
opened  their  ports,  and  resumed  atiy  communication 
with  foreigners.  I 

The  character  and  situation  of  the  Phenicians  were 
as  favorable  to  the  S|)irit  of  commerce  and  discovery  as 
Ihose  of  the  Ei^yptians  were  adverse  to  it.  They  had 
no  distinguishing  peculiarity  in  their  manners  and  in- 
stitutions ;  they  were  not  addicted  to  any  sincrularand 
unsocial  form  of  superstition  ;  they  could  mini;le  with] 
other  natiotis  without  scruple  or  reluctance.  The  terri- 
tory which  they  possessed  was  neither  large  nor  fertile. 
Comnjerce  was  the  only  source  from  which  they  couM 
derive  opulence  or  power.  ,\ccordinif|y,  the  trade 
carrie  l  on  by  the  I'heiiiciaiis  of  .Sidon  and  Tyre,  was 
more  extensive  and  enti'rpri:iini,'  than  that  of  any  state 
in  the  ancient  world  The  genius  of  the  Phetiicians, 
as  well  as  the  object  of  their  policy  and  the  spirit  of 
their  laws,  were  entirely  conunercial.  They  were  a 
people  of  merchants,  who  aimed  at  the  empire  of  the 
aea,  and  actually  possessed  it.  Their  ships  not  only 
frequented  all  the  ports  in  the  Mediterranean, but  they 
were  ihie  first  who  veiitureil  beyoinl  the  aneienl  lioun 
daries  of  navii;alion,  and,  passiri(;  the  .Sirails  of  (lades, 
visiti'd  the  western  coasts  of  Spain  and  .M'rica.  In 
many  of  the  places  to  whi(!h  they  resorted, they  planted 
colonies,  and  connnunicated  to  the  rude  iidiabitants 
fome  knowledge  of  their  arts  and  improvements 
While  they  exlemled  their  discoveries  towards  the 
north  and  the  west,  they  iliil  not  ne^jlect  to  peiu-trate 
into  the  more  o|)ulent  and  fertile  regions  of  the  south 
ftud  cast.    Having  rendered  ihomsclveg  masters  of 


several  commodious  harbors  towards  the  bottom  of  the 
.\rabian  Gulf,they,  after  the  example  of  the  Egyptians, 
established  a  reijular  intercourse  with  Arabia  and  the 
continent  of  India  on  the  one  hand,  and  with  the 
eastern  coast  of  Africa  on  the  other.  From  these 
countries  they  imported  many  valuable  commodities 
unknown  to  the  rest  of  the  world,  and  during  a  long 
period  engrossed  that  lucrative  branch  of  commerce 
without  a  rival.  [8] 

The  vast  wealth  which  the  Phenecians  acquired  by 
monopolizing  the  trade  carried  on  in  the  Red  Sea,  in- 
cited their  neighbors  the  Jews,  under  the  prosperous 
reigns  of  David  and  Solomon,  to  aim  at  being  admitted 
to  some  share  of  it.  This  they  obtained,  partly  by 
their  conquest  of  Idumea,  w  hich  stretches  along  the 
Red  Sea,  and  partly  by.  their  alliance  « ith  Hiram,  king 
of  Tyre.  Solomon  fitted  out  fieets,  which,  under  the 
direction  of  Phenecian  pilots,  sailed  from  the  Red  Sea 
to  Tarshish  and  Ophir.  These,  it  is  probable,  were 
ports  in  India  and  Africa,  which  their  conductors  were 
accustomed  to  frequent  and  from  them  the  Jewish 
ships  returned  with  such  valuable  cargoes  as  suddenly 
diHused  wealth  and  splendor  through  the  kingdom  of 
Israel.  But  the  singular  institutions  of  the  Jews,  the 
observance  of  which  was  enjoined  by  their  divine  Le- 
gislator, with  an  intention  of  preserving  them  a  sepa- 
rate people,  uninfected  by  idolatry,  formed  a  national 
character,  incapable  of  that  open  and  liberal  intercourse 
with  strangers  which  commerce  requires.  According- 
ly, this  unsocial  genius  of  the  people,  togetl-.er  with i 
the  disasters  w  hich  befell  the  kingdom  of  Israel,  pre- 
vented the  commercial  spirit  which  their  monarchs  la 
bored  to  introduce  and  to  cherish,  from  spreading 
among  them.  The  Jews  cannot  be  numbered  ariiong 
the  nations  which  contributed  to  improve  navigation, 
or  to  extend  discovery. 

But  though  the  instructions  and  example  of  the 
Phenicians  were  unable  to  mould  the  manners  and 
temper  of  the  Jews,  in  opposition  to  the  tendency  of 
their  laws,  they  transmitted  the  commercial  spirit  with 
facility,  and  in  full  vigor,  to  their  own  descendants  the 
Carthaginian.".    The  commonwealth  of  Carthage  ap-j 
plied  to  trade  and  naval  allairs,  with  no  loss  ardor,  in- 1 
genuity,  and  success,  than  its  parent  state.    Carthage  | 
early  rivalled  and  soon  surpassed  Tyre  in  opulence  ami  i 
))Ovver,  but  seems  not  to  have  aimed  at  obtaining  any  I 
share  in  the  commerce  with  India.    The  Phenicians  | 
had  engrossed  this,  and  had  such  a  command  of  the  j 
Red  .Sea  as  secured  to  them  the  •xclusive  jios^ession  | 
of  that  lucrative  branch  of  trade.    The  conmiercial  j 
activity  of  the  Carthaginians  was  exerted  in  another 
direction.     Without  contemling  for  the  trade  of  the' 
East  with  their  mother  country,  they  extended  their 
navigation  chiefly  towards  the  west  and  north.  Fol- 
lowing the  course  which  the  Phenicians  had  opened, 
they  passed  the  Straits  of  Gades,  and  pushing  their 
Jiscoveries  far  beyond  those  of  the  parent  state,  visited 
not  only  all  the  coasts  of  Spain,  hut  those  of  (>aul,and 
penetrated  at  last  into  Britain.  At  the  same  time  that 
they  acquired  knowledge  of  new  countries  in  this  part 
of  the  globe,  they  gradually  carried  their  researches  to- 
wards the  south.    They  made  considerable  progress 
by  land  into  the  interior  i)rovinces  of  Africa,  traded 
with  some  of  them,  and  subjected  others  to  their  em- 
pire.   They  sailed  along  the  western  coast  of  that 
great  continent  almost  to  the  tropic  of  Cancer,  and 
planted  several  colonies,  in  order  to  civilize  the  natives 
and  accustom  them  to  cotimierce.    They  discovered 
the  Fortunate  Islands,  now  known  by  the  name  of  the 
("anaries,  the  utmost  boundary  of  ancient  navigation 
in  the  western  ocean. 

Nor  was  the  progress  of  the  Phenicians  and  Cartha- 
ginians in  their  knowledge  of  the  globe,  owing  entirely  | 
to  the  desire  of  extending  their  trade  from  one  country  1 
to  another.    Commerce  was  f  )llowed  by  its  usual  j 
elVects  among  both  these  people.     It  awakened  euri-  [ 
osity,  enlarged  the  ideas  and  ilesires  of  men,  and  inci-  j 
ted  them  to  bold  enterprises.     Voyages  were  under- 1 
taken,  the  sole  object  of  which  was  to  discover  new  j 
countries,  and  to  ex[)lore  unknown  seas.  Such,  during  ] 
the  prosperous  age  of  the  Carthaginian  republic,  were 
the  tainous  navigations  of  Hanno  and  Himilco.  Both 
their  fleets  were  eipiipped  by  authority  of  the  senate, 
and  at  public  expi'iise.    Hanno  was  directed  to  steer 
towards  the  south,  along  the  coast  of  .\frica,  and  he 
seems  to  have  advanced  much  nearer  the  equinoctial 
line  than  any  fi)rmer  navigator.    Himilco  had  it  in 
char<;e  to  proceed  toward  the  north,  and  to  examine 
the  western  coasts  of  the  European  continent.  Of  the 
same  nature  was  the  extraordinary  navigation  of  the 
Phenicians  round  .\frica.    A  Phenician  Hrel,  we  are 
tcid,  fitted  out  by  JNecho  king  of  Egypt,  took  its  de- 1 


Iparture  about  six  hundred  and  four  years  belore  the 
!  Christian  era,  from  a  port  in  the  Red  Sea,  doubled  Iba 
I  southern  promontory  of  Africa,  and  after  a  voyage  uf 
three  years  returned  by  the  Straits  of  Gades  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Nile.  Eudoxus  of  ('yzicus  is  said  to 
have  held  the  same  course,  and  to  have  accoiiiplibhed 
the  same  arduous  undertaking. 

These  voyages,  if  performed  in  the  manner  »  hieh  I 
have  related, may  justly  be  reckoned  the  greatest  ellort 
of  navigation  in  the  ancient  world;  and  it  w  e  attei  d  lo 
the  imperfect  state  of  the  art  at  that  lime,  it  is  dilhcult 
to  determine  whether  we  should  most  admire  the  cour- 
age and  sagacity  with  which  the  design  w  as  fornied.or 
the  conduct  and  good  fortune  withwbich  ilwasexecu- 
ted.  But  unfortunately  all  the  original  ai;d  authentic 
accounts  of  the  Phenician  and  Carthaginian  voyages, 
whether  undertaken  by  public  authority  or  in  prosecu- 
tion of  their  private  trade,  have  perished.  The  infor- 
mation which  we  receive  concerning  them  from  the 
Greek  and  Roman  authors  is  not  only  obscure  and  in- 
accurate, but  if  we  except  a  short  narrative  ol  Haniio's 
expedition,  is  of  suspicious  authority.  Whatever  ac- 
(luainlance  with  the  remote  regions  of  the  earth  the 
I'henicians  or  Carthaginians  may  have  acquired,  was 
concealed  from  the  rest  of  mankind  with  a  mercantile 
jealousy.  Every  thing  relative  to  the  course  of  tlicii 
navigation  was  not  only  a  mystery  of  trade.but  a  secret 
of  state.  Extraordinary  facts  are  related  concerning 
their  solicitude  to  prevent  other  nations  iVom  penetra- 
ting into  what  they  wished  should  remain  undivuiged. 
.Many  of  their  discoveries  seem,  accordingly,  to  have 
been  scarcely  known  beyond  the  precincts  ol  their  own 
slates.  The  navigation  round  .•\frica,  in  particular,  is 
recorded  by  the  Greek  and  Roman  writers  rather  as  a 
strange  amusingtale,  whichthey  did  not  comprehend ot 
did  not  believe,  than  as  a  real  transaction  which  en- 
larged their  knowledge  and  influenced  their  opinions  [9] 
.•\s  neither  the  progress  of  the  Phenician  or  ( -'art  haginian 
discoveries,  nor  the  extent  of  their  navigation,  were 
communicated  to  the  rest  of  mankind,  all  inemoriAlsof 
their  extraordinary  skill  in  naval  aflairsseem  in  a  great 
measure  lo  have  perished,  when  the  maritime  power 
of  the  former  w  as  annihilated  by  Alexander's  conquest 
of  Tyre,  and  the  empire  of  ihe  latter  was  overturned 
by  the  Roman  arms 

l.eavmg.tben.theobscureand  pompous  accounts  of 
the  Phenician  and  ("arthaginian  voyages  lothccuriosily 
and  conjectures  of  antiquaries,  history  must  rest  satis- 
fied with  relating  the  progress  of  navigation  and  disco- 
very among  the  Greeks  and  Romans,  w  hich.  though  Ies3 
splendid,  is  belter  ascertained.  It  is  evident  that  the 
Phenicians,  who  instructed  the  Greeks  i.n  many  other 
uselul  sciences  and  arts,  did  not  communicate  lotliem 
that  extensive  knowledge  of  navigation  which  they 
themselves  possessed  ;  nor  did  the  Romans  imbil>e  that 
commercial  spirit  and  ardor  for  discovery  wliich  dis- 
tinguished their  rivals  the  Carthaginians.  Though 
Greece  be  almost  encompassed  by  the  sea,  which  form- 
ed many  spacious  bays  and  commodious  harbors  ; 
though  it  be  surrounded  by  a  great  number  of  fertile 
islands,  yet.  notwilhstandii  g  such  a  favorable  situation 
which  seemed  to  invite  that  ingenious  people  to  apply 
themselves  to  navigation,  it  was  long  belbre  this  art 
attained  any  degree  of  perfection  among  them.  Their 
early  voyages,  the  object  of  which  w  as  piracy  rather 
than  commerce,  were  so  inconsiderable  that  the  expe- 
dition of  the  .\rgonauts  from  the  coast  of  Thessaly  to 
the  Euxine  .Sea,  appeared  such  an  amazing  ellort  ot 
skill  and  courage,  as  entitled  the  conductors  ol  it  to  be 
ranked  among  the  demigods,  and  exalted  the  vessel  in 
wliich  they  sailed  to  a  place  among  Ihe  heavenly  con- 
stellations. Even  at  a  later  period,  when  the  Gieeks 
engaged  in  the  fatnous  enterprise  against  Troy,  their 
knowledge  in  naval  afl'airs  seems  not  to  have  been  much 
improved,  .\ccording  lo  the  account  of  iloiner.  the 
only  poet  lo  w  hom  history  venluri-s  to  appeal,  and  who 
by  his  scrupulous  accuracy  in  describing  the  manners 
and  arts  of  early  ages.merits  this  distinction. the  science 
of  navigation  at  that  time,  had  hardly  advanced  beyond 
its  rudest  state.  The  (ireeks  in  the  heroic  age  seem 
to  have  been  unacquainted  with  the  use  of  iron,  the 
most  serviceable  of  all  the  metals,  wilbont  which  no 
considerable  progress  w;'.sever  made  in  the  ineclianiral 
arts.  Their  vessels  were  of  inconsiilerable  burtlen.  and 
mostly  without  decks.  They  had  only  one  mast,  wliicb 
was  erected  or  taken  down  at  pleasure.  They  were 
strangers  to  the  use  of  anchors.  AW  their  operations 
in  sailing  were  clumsy  and  unskilfiil.  They  turned 
their  ob.«ervations  towards  stars,  w  liich  were  improper 
for  regulating  their  course.and  their  mode  of  obserMna 
them  Was  inaccurate  and  fallacious.  When  they  liaJ 
finished  a  voyage  they  drew  their  paltry  barks  ashor^ 


SOUTH  AMERICA 


as  savagrs  do  their  canoes,  and  these  remained  on  dry 
land  until  tiie  season  of  returtiing  to  sea  approached. 
Il  is  not  tiicn  in  the  early  heroic  ages  of  Greece  that 
we  can  expect  to  observe  the  science  of  navigation, 
and  the  spirit  of  discovery,  making  any  considerable 
progress.  During  ttiat  period  of  disorder  and  igno- 
rance, a  thousand  causes  concurred  in  restraining  cu- 
riosity and  enterprise  vvilhiii  very  narrow  boumis. 

But  the  Greeks  advanced  with  rapidity  to  a  state  of 
greater  civilization  and  refinement.  Government,  in 
its  most  liberal  and  perfect  form,  began  to  be  estab- 
lished in  their  different  communities  ;  equal  laws  and 
regular  police  were  gradually  introduced  ;  the  sciences 
and  arts  which  arc  useful  or  ornamental  in  life  were 
carried  to  a  high  pitch  of  improvement ;  and  several  of 
the  Grecian  commonwealths  applied  to  commerce  with 
such  ardor  and  success,  that  tliey  were  considered,  in 
the  ancient  world,  as  maritime  powers  of  the  first  rank. 
Even  then,  however,  the  naval  victories  of  the  Greeks 
must  he  ascril)cd  rather  to  the  native  spirit  of  the  peo- 
ple, and  to  that  courage  which  the  enjoyment  of  liberty 
inspires,  than  to  any  extraordinary  progress  in  the  sci- 
ence of  navigation.  In  the  Persian  war,  those  exploits, 
which  the  genius  of  the  Greek  historians  has  rendered 
so  famous,  were  performed  by  fleets  composed  chiefly 
of  small  vessels  without  decks  ;  the  crews  of  which 
rushed  forward  with  impetuous  valor,  but  little  art,  to 
board  those  of  the  enemy.  In  the  war  of  Peloponnesus, 
their  ships  seem  still  to  have  been  of  inconsiderable  bur- 
den and  force.  The  extent  of  their  trade,  how  highly 
soever  it  may  have  been  estimated  in  ancient  times, 
was  in  proportion  to  this  low  condition  of  their  marine. 
The  maritime  states  of  Greece  hardly  carried  on  any 
commerce  beyond  the  limits  of  the  Mediterranean  sea. 
Their  chief  intercourse  was  with  the  colonies  of  their 
countrymen  planted  in  the  Lesser  Asia,  in  Italy,  and 
Sicily.  They  sometimes  visited  the  ports  of  Egj'pt,  of 
the  southern  provinces  of  Gaul,  and  of  Thrace  ;  or, 
passing  through  the  Hellespont,  they  traded  with  the 
countries  situated  around  the  Euxine  sea.  Amazing 
instances  occur  of  their  ignorance,  even  of  those  coun- 
tries which  lay  within  the  narrow  precincts  to  which 
their  navigation  was  confined.  When  the  Greeks  had 
assembled  their  combined  fleet  against  Xerxes  at  Egina 
they  thought  it  unadvisable  to  sail  to  Samos,  because 
they  believed  the  distance  between  that  island  and 
Egina  to  be  as  great  as  the  distance  between  Egina 
and  the  Pillars  of  Hercules.  They  were  either  utterly 
unacquainted  with  all  the  parts  of  the  globe  beyond  the 
Mediterranean  sea, or  what  knowledge  they  had  of  them 
was  founded  on  conjecture,  or  derived  from  the  infor- 
mation of  a  few  persons  whom  curiosity  and  the  love  of 
science  had  prompted  to  travel  by  land  into  the  Upper 
Asia,  or  by  sea  into  Egypt,  the  ancient  seats  of  wis- 
dom and  arts.  After  all  that  the  Greeks  learncil  from 
them,  they  appear  to  have  been  ignorant  of  the  most 
important  facts  on  which  an  accurate  and  scientific 
knowledge  of  the  globe  is  founded. 

The  expedition  of  Alexander  the  Great  into  the  East 
considerably  enlarged  the  sphere  of  navigation  and  of 
geographical  knowledge  among  the  Greeks.  That  ex- 
traordinary man,  notwithstanding  the  violent  passions 
which  incited  him  at  some  times  to  the  wildest  actions 
and  the  most  extravagant  enterprises,  possessed  talents 
which  fitted  him,  not  only  to  conquer,  but  to  govern  the 
world.  He  was  capable  of  framing  those  bold  and  ori- 
ginal schemes  of  policy,  which  gave  a  new  form  to  hu- 
man aflairs.  The  revolution  in  commerce,  brought 
about  by  the  force  of  his  genius,  is  hardly  inferior  to 
that  revolutiim  in  empire  occasioned  by  the  success  of 
his  arms  It  is  probable  that  the  opposition  and  eflbrts 
of  the  republic  of  Tyre,  which  checked  him  so  long  in 
the  career  of  his  victories,  gave  Alexander  an  opportu- 
nity of  observing  the  vast  resources  of  a  maritime  pow- 
er, and  conveyed  to  him  some  idea  of  the  immense 
wealth  which  the  Tyrians  derived  from  their  commerce 
especially  that  with  the  East  Indies  As  soon  as  he 
had  accomplished  the  destruction  of  Tyre,  and  reduced 
Egypt  to  subjection,  he  formed  the  plan  of  rendering 
the  empire  which  he  proposed  to  establish,  the  centre 
of  commerce  as  well  as  the  seal  of  dominion.  With 
this  view  he  ft>unded  a  great  city,  which  he  honored 
with  his  own  name,  near  one  of  the  mouths  of  tlie  river 
Nile,  that  by  the  Mediterranean  sea,  and  the  neighbor- 
liood  of  the  Arabian  Gulf,  it  might  command  the  trade 
both  of  the  East  and  West.  This  situation  was  chosen 
with  such  discernment,  that  Alexandria  soon  became 
the  chief  commercial  city  in  the  world  Not  only  du- 
ring tlie  subsistence  of  the  Grecian  empire  in  Egvpt 
and  in  llie  East,  but  amidst  all  the  successive  revolu- 
tion* in  those  countries  from  the  time  of  the  Ptolemies 
to  the  discovery  of  the  navigation  by  the  Cape  of  Good 


Hope,  commerce,  particularly  that  of  the  East  Indies, 
continued  to  flow  in  the  channel  which  the  sagacity 
and  fi)resighl  of  .\lexander  had  marked  out  for  it. 

His  ambition  was  not  satisfied  with  having  opened  to 
the  Greeks  a  communication  with  India  by  sea  ;  he 
aspired  to  the  sovereignty  of  those  regions  which  fur- 
nislied  the  rest  of  inai-.kiiid  with  so  many  precious  com- 
modities, and  conducted  h'.s  army  thither  by  land.  En- 
terprising, however,  as  he  was,  he  may  he  said  rather 
to  have  viewed  than  to  have  conquered  that  country. 
He  did  not,  in  his  progress  towards  the  East,  advance 
beyond  the  banks  of  the  rivers  that  fall  into  the  Indus, 
which  is  now  the  western  boundary  of  the  vast  conti- 
nent of  India.  Amidst  the  wild  exploits  which  distin- 
guish this  part  of  his  history,  he  pursued  measures  that 
mark  the  superiority  of  hi»genius  as  well  as  the  extent 
ofhisviews.  He  had  penetrated  as  far  into  India  as  to 
confirm  his  opinion  of  its  commercial  importance,  and 
to  perceive  that  immense  wealth  might  be  derived  from 
intercourse  with  a  country  where  the  arts  of  elegance, 
having  been  more  early  cultivated,  were  arrived  at 
greater  perfection  than  in  any  other  part  of  the  earth. 
Full  of  this  idea,  he  resolved  to  examine  the  course  of 
navigation  from  the  mouth  of  the  Indus  to  the  bottom 
of  the  Persian  Gulf;  and,  if  it  should  be  found  practi- 
cable, to  establish  a  regular  communication  between 
them.  In  order  to  alfect  this,  he  proposed  to  remove 
the  cataracts,  with  which  the  jealousy  of  the  Persians, 
and  their  aversion  to  correspondence  with  foreigners, 
had  obstructed  the  entrance  into  the  Euphrates  ;  to 
carry  the  commodities  of  the  East  up  that  river,  and 
the  Tigris,  which  unites  vyith  it,  into  the  interior  parts 
of  his  Asiatic  dominions  ;  while,  by  the  way  of  the 
Arabian  Gulf  and  the  river  Nile,  they  might  be  con- 
veyed to  Alexandria,  atid  distributed  to  the  rest  of  the 
world.  Nearchus,  an  officer  of  eminent  abilities,  was 
intrusted  with  the  command  of  the  fleet  fitted  out  for 
this  expedition.  He  performed  this  voyage,  which  was 
deemed  an  enterprise  so  arduous  and  important,  that 
.\lexander  reckoned  it  one  of  the  most  extraordinary 
events  which  distinguished  his  reign.  Inconsiderable 
as  it  may  now  appear.it  was  at  that  time  an  undertak- 
ing of  no  little  merit  and  difficulty.  In  the  prosecu- 
tion of  it,  striking  instances  occur  of  the  small  progress 
which  the  Greeks  had  made  in  naval  knowledge.  [4] 
Having  never  sailed  beyond  lh(!  bounds  of  the  Mediterra- 
nean, where  the  ebb  and  flow  of  the  sea  are  hardly  per- 
ceptible, when  th(  y  first  observed  this  phenomenon  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Indus,  it  appeared  to  them  a  prodigy, 
by  which  the  gods  testified  the  displeasure  of  heaven 
against  their  enterprise.  [5]  During  their  whole  course, 
they  seem  never  to  have  lost  sight  of  land,  but  followed 
the  bearings  of  the  coast  so  servilely,  that  they  could 
not  avail  themselves  of  those  periodical  winds  which 
facilitate  navigation  in  the  Indian  ocean.  Accordingly 
they  spent  no  less  than  ten  monihs  in  performing  this 
voyage,  which, from  the  mouth  of  the  Indus  to  that  of 
the  Persian  Gulf,  does  not  exceed  twenty  degrees.  It 
is  probable  that  amidst  the  convulsions  and  frequent 
revolutions  in  the  East,  occasioned  by  the  contests 
among  the  successors  of  Alexander,  the  navigation  to 
India  by  the  course  which  Nearchus  had  opened  was 
discontinued.  The  Indian  trade  carried  on  at  Alexan- 
dria, not  only  subsisted,  but  was  so  much  extended, 
under  the  Grecian  monarchs  of  Egypt,  that  it  proved  a 
great  source  of  the  wealth  which  distinguished  their 
kingdom. 

The  progress'which  the  Romans  made  in  navigation 
and  discovery,  was  still  more  inconsiderable  than  that 
of  the  Greeks-.  The  genius  of  the  Roman  people,  their 
military  education, and  the  spirit  of  their  laws,  concur- 
red in  estranging  them  from  commerce  and  naval  af 
fairs.  It  was  the  necessity  of  opposing  a  formidable 
rival,  not  the  desire  of  extend. ng  trade,  which  first 
prompted  them  to  aim  at  maritime  power.  Though 
they  soon  perceived,  that  in  order  to  acquire  the  uni- 
versal dominion  after  w  hich  they  aspired,  it  was  neces- 
sary to  render  themselves  masters  of  the  sea,  they  still 
considered  the  naval  service  as  a  subordinate  station, 
and  reserved  {or  it  such  citizens  as  were  not  of  a  rank 
to  be  admitted  into  the  legions.  In  the  history  of  the 
Roman  Republic,  hardly  one  event  occurs  that  marks 
attention  to  navigation  any  further  than  it  was  instru- 
mental towards  conquest.  When  the  Roman  valor 
and  discipline  had  subdued  all  the  maritime  states 
known  in  the  ancient  world;  when  Carthage,  Greece, 
and  Egypt  had  submitted  to  their  power,  the  Romans 
did  not  imbibe  the  coniinereial  spirit  of  the  conquered 
nations.  Among  that  people  of  soldiers,  to  have  ap- 
plied to  trade  would  have  been  deemed  a  degradation 
to  a  Roman  citizen.  They  abaniloned  the  mechanical 
arts, commerce,  and  navigation,  to  slaves,  to  freedmen, 


to  provincials,  and  to  citizens  of  the  lowest  class.  Even 
after  the  subversion  of  liberty,  when  the  scvcriiy  and 
haughtiness  of  ancient  manners  began  to  abate,  com- 
merce (lid  not  rise  into  high  estimation  among  llic  Ro- 
mans. The  trade  of  Greece,  Egypt,  and  the  other  con- 
quered countries, continued  to  be  carried  on  in  its  usual 
channels,  afierthey  were  reduced  into  the  foim  ol  Ro- 
man provinces.  As  Rome  was  the  capital  of  the  world, 
and  the  seatof  government, all  the  vM  allh  and  valuable 
productions  of  the  provinces  flowed  naturally  thither. 
The  Romans,  satisfied  with  this,  seem  to  have  sufl'ered 
commerce  to  remain  almost  entirely  in  the  hands  of  the 
natives  of  the  respective  countries.  The  extent,  how- 
ever, of  the  Roman  power,  which  reached  over  tho 
greatest  part  of  the  known  wr)rld,  the  vigilant  inspec- 
tion of  the  Roman  magistrates,  and  the  spirit  of  the 
Roman  government,  no  less  intelligent  tlian  active, 
gave  such  additional  security  to  commerce  as  animated 
it  with  new  vigor.  The  union  among  nations  wan 
never  so  entire, nor  the  intercourse  so  perfect, as  within 
the  bounds  of  this  vast  empire,  ('omiiierce,  under  iho 
Roman  dominion,  was  not  ol)structed  by  the  jealousy 
of  rival  slates,  interrupted  by  frecpient  hostilities,  or 
limited  by  partial  restrictions.  ()ne  superintending 
power  moved  and  regulated  tho  inilustry  of  mankind, 
and  enjoyed  the  fruits  of  their  joint  efforts. 

Navigation  felt  its  influence,  and  improved  under  it. 
As  soon  as  the  Romans  acquired  a  taste  forthe  luxuries 
of  the  East,  the  trade  with  India  through  Egypt  was 
pushed  with  new  vigor,  and  carried  on  to  greater  ex- 
tent. By  frequenting  the  Indian  continent,  navigators 
became  acquainted  with  the  periodical  course  of  the 
winds,  which,  in  the  ocean  that  separates  Africa  from 
India,  blow  with  little  variation  during  one  half  of  the 
year  from  the  east,  and  during  the  other  half  blow  w  illi 
equal  steadiness  from  the  west.  Encouraged  by  ob- 
serving this,  the  pilots  who  sailed  from  Egypt  to  India 
abandoned  their  ancient  slow  and  dangerous  course 
along  the  coast,  and,  as  soon  as  the  western  monsoon 
set  in,  took  their  departure  from  Ocelis.  at  the  iiiouth 
of  the  Arabian  Gulf,  and  stretched  boldly  across  the 
ocean.  The  uniform  direction  of  the  wind,  su()[)lying 
the  place  of  the  com[)asB,  and  rendering  the  guidance 
of  the  stars  less  necessary,  condiieled  them  to  the  port 
of  Musiris.onthewestern  shore  of  the  Indian  continent. 
There  they  took  on  board  their  cargo,  and,  returning 
with  the  eastern  monsoon,  finishe<l  tiieir  voyage  to  the 
Arabian  Gulf  within  the  year.  This  ])atl  of  India,  now 
known  by  thenameof  the  Malabar  coast,  seems  tohave 
been  the  utmost  limit  of  ancient  navigation  in  that 
quarter  of  the  globe.  What  imperfect  knowleilge  the 
ancients  had  of  the  immense  countries  which  stretch 
beyond  this  towards  the  East.lney  received  from  a  few 
adventurers  who  had  visited  them  by  land.  Sucli  ex- 
cursions were  neither  frequent  nor  extensive,  and  it  is 
probable  that, while  the  R<,man  intercourse  w  ith  India 
subsisted,  no  traveller  ever  penetrated  further  than  to 
the  banks  of  the  Ganges  [6].  The  fleets  from  Egypt 
which  traded  at  Musiris.were  loaded  it  is  true, w  ith  the 
spices  and  other  rich  commodities  of  the  continent  and 
islands  of  the  further  India ;  but  these  were  brought  to 
that  port,  which  became  the  staple  of  the  commerce 
between  the  east  and  west,  by  the  Indians  themselvcH 
in  canoes  hollowed  out  of  one  tree.  The  Egyptian  and 
Roman  merchants,  satisfied  with  acquiring  those  com- 
modities in  this  manner,  did  not  think  it  necessary  to 
explore  unknown  seas,  and  venture  upon  a  dangerous 
navigation,  in  ipiest  of  the  countries  which  produced 
them.  But  though  the  discoveries  of  the  Romans  in 
India  were  so  limited,  their  commerce  there  was  such 
as  will  appear  considerable,  even  to  the  present  age,  in 
which  the  Indian  trade  has  been  extended  far  beyond 
the  practice  or  conception  of  any  iireceding  period. 
We  are  informed  by  one  author  of  credit, that  the  com- 
merce with  India  drained  the  Roman  empire  every  year 
of  more  than  four  hundred  thousand  pounds;  and  by 
another,  that  one  hundred  and  tw  enty  ships  sailed  an- 
nually from  the  Arabian  Gulf  to  that  country. 

Tlie  discovery  of  this  new  method  of  sailing  to  In- 
dia,is  the  most  c'onsiderable  iiiiproveiiK  nl  in  navigation 
made  during  the  coiilinuanee  of  the  I{oman  pi.wer. 
But  in  ancient  times,  the  knowledge  of  remote  coun- 
tries was  acquired  more  frequently  by  land  than  by  sea: 
[7]  and  the  Romans,  from  their  peculiar  disinclin.Ation 
to  naval  alTairs,  may  be  said  to  have  neglected  totally 
the  latter,  though  a  more  easy  and  expeditious  method 
of  discovery.  The  progress,  however,  of  their  victo- 
rious armies  through  a  considerable  portion  of  Europe, 
Asia,  and  Africa,  contributed  greatly  to  extend  disco- 
very by  land,  and  gradually  opened  the  navigation  o( 
new  aiid  unknown  seas.  Previous  to  the  Roman  con- 
quests, the  civilized  nations  of  antiquity  ha  1  little  c-sn- 


n 


U0T3ERT  SON'S  HISTORY  OF 


munication  with  those  countries  in  Europe  which  now 
form  its  most  opulent  and  powerful  kitigdorns.  The 
interior  parts  of  Spain  anil  (Jaul  were  imperfectly 
known.  Britain,  separated  from  the  rest  of  the  world, 
had  never  been  visited,  except  by  its  neijrlibors  the 
Gauls,  and  by  a  few  Carthai;iiiian  merchants.  The 
name  of  Germany  had  scarcely  been  heard  of.  Into 
all  these  countries  the  arms  of  the  Romans  penetrated. 
They  entirely  subdued  .Spain  and  Gaul;  they  conquered 
the  greatest  and  most  fertile  parts  of  Britain;  they  ad- 
vanced into  Germany,  as  far  as  the  banks  of  the  river 
Elbe.  In  Africa,  they  acquired  a  considerable  know 
ledi(e  of  the  provinces,  which  stretched  along  the  Me 
diterraiiean  Sea, from  Egypt  westward  to  the  Straits  of 
Gadcs.  In  Asia,  they  not  only  subjected  to  thfir  power 
most  of  the  provinces  which  composed  the  Persian  and 
the  Macedonian  empires,  but  after  their  victories  over 
Mithridates  and  Tigranes,  they  seem  to  have  made  a 
more  accurate  survey  of  the  countries  contiguous  to 
the  Euxine  and  Caspian  seas,  and  to  have  carried  on  a 
more  extensive  trade  than  that  of  the  Greeks  with  the 
opulent  and  commercial  nations  then  seated  round  the 
Euxine  sea. 

From  this  succinct  survey  of  discovery  and  naviga- 
tion,which  I  have  traced  from  the  earliest  dawn  of  his- 
torical knowledge,  to  the  full  establishment  of  the 
Roman  dominion,  the  progress  of  both  appears  to  have 
been  wondeifullv  slow.  It  seems  neither  adequate  to 
what  we  might  have  expected  from  the  activity  and  en- 
terprise of  the  human  mind,  nor  to  what  might  have 
Deen  performed  by  the  power  of  the  great  empires  which 
successively  governed  the  world.  If  we  reject  accounts 
that  are  fabulous  and  obscure  ;  if  we  adhere  steadily 
to  the  light  and  information  of  authentic  history,  with- 
out substituting  in  its  place  the  conjectures  of  fancy  or 
the  dreams  of  etymologists,  we  must  conclude, that  the 
knowledge  which  the  ancients  had  acquired  of  the  ha- 
bitable globe  was  extremely  confined.  In  Europe,  the 
extensive  provinces  in  the  eastern  part  of  Germany 
were  little  known  to  them.  They  were  almost  totally 
unacquainted  with  the  vast  countries  which  are  now 
subject  to  the  kings  of  Denmark,  Sweden,  Prussia,  Po- 
land, and  the  Russian  empire.  The  more  barren  re- 
gions that  stretch  within  the  arctic  circle,  were  quite 
unexplored.  In  Africa, their  researches  did  not  extend 
'ar  beyond  the  provinces  which  border  on  the  Mediter- 
ranean, and  those  situated  on  the  western  shore  of  the 
Arabian  Gulf  In  Asia,  they  were  unacquainted,  as  I 
formerly  observed,  with  all  the  fertile  and  opulent  coun- 
tries beyond  the  Ganges,  which  furnish  the  most  valu- 
able commodities  that  in  modern  times  have  been  the 
great  object  of  the  European  commerce  with  India;  nor 
do  they  seem  to  have  ever  penetrated  into  those  im- 
mense regions  <)ccu|)ied  by  the  wandering  tribes,which 
they  called  by  the  general  name  of  Sarmatians  or  Scy- 
thians, and  which  are  now  possessed  by  Tartars  of  va- 
rious denominations,  and  by  the  Asiatic  subjects  of 
Russia. 

But  there  is  one  opinion  that  universally  prevailed 
among  the  ancients,  which  conveys  a  more  striking 
idea  of  the  small  progress  they  had  made  in  the  know- 
ledge of  the  habitable  globe  than  can  be  derived  from 
any  detail  of  their  discoveries.  They  su|)posed  the 
earth  to  be  divided  into  five  regions,  which  they  dis- 
tinguished by  the  name  of  Zones.  'J'vvo  of  these,whicli 
were  nearest  the  poles,  tiiey  termed  frigid  zones,  and 
believed  the  extreme  cold  wliich  reigned  perpetually 
there  rendered  them  uniidiabitable.  Another,  seated 
under  the  line,  and  extending  on  either  side  towards 
the  tropics. they  called  the  Torrid  zone,  and  imagined  it 
to  be  so  burned  up  with  unremitting  heat,  as  to  be 
equally  destitute  of  iidiabitants.  On  the  two  other 
zones,  which  occupied  the  remainder  of  the  earth,  they 
bi'stowed  the  appellation  of  Tomperate,and  taught  that 
these  being  the  ordy  regions  in  which  life  could  sub 
sist,werc  allotted  to  man  for  his  habitation.  This  wild 
opinion  was  not  a  conceit  of  the  uninformed  vulgar,  or 
a  fanciful  fi.-tion  of  the  poets,  but  a  system  adopted  by 
the  m<ijt  enlightened  philosophers,  the  most  accurate 
historians  and  geographers  in  (Jreece  and  Rome. 
According  to  this  theory,  a  vast  portion  of  the  habitable 
earth  was  pronounceil  to  be  unfit  for  sustaining  the 
human  species.  Those  fertile  and  populous  regions 
within  the  torrid  zone,  which  are  now  known  not  only 
toyieM  their  own  iiiliabitaiits  the  necessaries  and  com- 
forts of  life  with  most  luxuri.ml  profusion,  but  to  com- 
municate their  superfluous  stores  to  the  rest  of  the 
World,  were  sii|)posed  to  be  the  m.insion  of  perpetual 
•terility  and  desolation.  As  all  the  ports  of  the  globe! 
wTlh  which  the  ancients  wen'  ac(|uaiiited  lay  within  the  ' 
northern  leinper.ite  zone,  their  opinion  that  ll;e  other' 
ttiiu^-oralc  7011U  was  filled  wilhiiiUubituutj,was  ioundcj  { 


Ion  reas(ming  and  conjecture,  not  on  discovery.  They 
even  believed  that,  by  the  intolerable  heat  of  the  torrid 
zone,  such  an  insuperable  barriei  was  placed  between 
the  two  temperate  regiims  of  the  earth  as  would  pre- 
vent forever  any  intercourse  between  their  respective 
inhabitants.  Thus,  this  extravagant  theory  not  only 
proves  that  the  ancients  were  unacquainted  with  the 
true  state  of  the  globe,  but  it  tended  to  render  their 
ignorance  perpetual,  by  representing  all  attempts  to- 
wards opening  a  communication  with  the  remote  re- 
gions of  the  earth,  as  utterly  impracticable.  [8.] 

But,  however  imperfect  or  inaccurate  the  geographi- 
cal knowledge  which  the  Greeks  and  Romans  had  ac- 
quired may  appear,  in  respect  of  the  present  im- 
proved state  of  that  science,  their  progress  in  discovery 
will  seem  considerable,  and  the  extent  to  which  they 
carried  navigation  and  commerce  must  be  reckoned 
great,  when  compared  with  the  ignorance  of  early 
times.  As  long  as  the  Roman  Empire  retained  such 
vigor  as  to  preserve  its  authority  over  the  conciuercd 
nations,  and  to  keep  them  united,  it  was  an  object  of 
publicpolicy,  as  well  as  of  private  curiosity,  to  examine 
and  describe  the  countries  which  composed  this  great 
body.  Even  when  the  other  sciences  began  to  decline, 
geograjihy,  enriched  with  new  observations,  and  re- 
ccivingsome  accession  from  ihcexperienceof  every  age, 
and  the  reports  of  every  traveller,  continued  to  im- 
prove. It  attained  to  the  highest  point  of  perliclion 
and  accuracy  to  which  it  ever  arrived  in  the  ancient 
worM,  by  the  industry  and  genius  of  Ptolemy  the  Phi- 
losopher. He  flourished  in  the  second  century  of  the 
Christian  a  ra,  and  published  a  description  of  the  ter- 
restrial globe,  more  ample  and  exact  than  that  of  any 
of  his  predecessors. 

But,  soon  after,  violent  convulsions  began  to  shake 
the  Roman  state  ;  the  fatal  ambition  or  caprice  of  Con- 
stantine,  by  changing  the  seat  of  government,  divided 
and  weakened  its  force  ;  the  barbarous  nations,  w  hich 
Providence  prepared  as  instruments  to  overturn  the 
mighty  fabric  of  the  Roman  power,  began  to  assemble 
and  to  muster  their  armies  on  its  frontier  ;  the  empire 
tottered  to  its  fall.  During  this  decline  and  olil  age 
of  the  Roman  state, it  was  impossible  that  the  sciences 
should  go  on  improving.  The  ell'orts  of  genius  were, 
at  that  period,  as  languid  and  feeble  as  those  of  go- 
vernment. From  the  time  of  Ptolemy,  no  inconsider- 
able addition  seems  to  have  been  made  to  a  geographi- 
cal knowledge  ;  nor  did  any  important  revolution  hap- 
pen in  trade,  excepting  that  Constantinople,  by  its  ad- 
vantageous situation,  and  the  encouragement  of  the 
eastern  emperors,  became  a  commercial  city  of  the  first 
note. 

At  length, the  clouds  which  hr.d  hecn  so  long  g.ither- 
ing  round  the  Roman  empire  burst  into  a  storm.  Bar- 
barous nations  rushed  in  from  several  quarters  with  ir- 
resistable  impetuosity,  and  in  the  general  wreck,  occa- 
sioned by  the  inundation  which  overwhelmed  Europe, 
the  arts,  sciences,  inventions,  and  discoveries  of  the 
Romans  perished  in  a  great  measure, and  disappeared 
All  the  various  tribes  which  settled  in  the  dillerent 
provinces  of  the  Roman  empire  were  uncivilized, 
strangers  to  letters,  destitute  of  arts,  unacquaitited  with 
regular  government,  subordination  or  laws.  The  man- 
ners and  institutions  of  some  of  them  were  so  rude  as 
to  be  hardly  compatible  with  a  state  of  social  union. 
Europe, when  occupied  by  such  inhabitants, maybe  said 
to  have  returned  to  a  second  infancy,  and  had  to  begin 
anew  its  career  in  improvement,  science,  and  civility. 
The  first  effect  of  the  settlemeut  of  those  barbarous  in- 
vaders was  to  dissolve  the  union  by  which  the  Roman 
power  had  cemented  mankind  together.  They  par- 
celled out  Europe  into  many  small  and  independent 
stales,  (liirering  from  each  other  in  language  and  cus- 
toms. No  intercourse  subsisted  between  the  meml)ers 
of  those  divided  and  hostile  communities.  Accustom- 
ed to  a  simple  mode  of  life,  and  averse  to  industry, 
they  ha<l  few  wantstosup[)ly.and  few  superfluities  lodis- 
pose  of  The  names  of  4/(aHi'fr  andrwCHiy  became  once 
more  words  of  the  same  import.  Customs  every  where 
prevaileil  and  even  laws  were  established,  which  ren- 
dered it  disagreeable  and  dangerousto  visit  any  foreign 
country  (^'ities,  in  which  alone  an  extensive  commerce 
can  he  carried  on,  were  few,  inconsiderable,  and  desti- 
tute of  those  immunities  which  produce  security  or  excite 
enterprise.  The  sciences,  on  which  geography  and  na- 
vigation are  founde<l,  were  little  cultivated.  The  ac- 
counts of  ancient  im|)ri>venients  an<l  discoveries,  con- 
tained in  the  (Jreek  and  Roman  authors, were  neglected 
or  misunderstood.  The  knowledge  of  remote  regions 
was  lost,  their  situation,  their  coiuuiudities,and  almost 
their  names  were  unknown. 
One  circuiuslaucc  prevented  commercial  intercourse 


j  with  distant  nati,)ns  from  ceasing  altogether.  Con 
stanlinople,  though  often  threatened  by  the  fierce  in 
vaders  who  spread  desolation  over  the  rest  of  Eurojn-, 
was  so  fortunate  as  to  escape  their  destructive  rage  In 
that  city  the  knowledge  of  ancient  arts  and  ilisco\eriei 
was  preserved  ;  a  taste  for  elegance  and  splendor  suIh 
sisted  ;  the  proiluctions  and  luxuries  of  foreign  coun- 
tries were  in  request  :  and  commerce  eoniinued  to 
flourish  there  when  it  was  almost  extinct  in  every  other 
part  of  Europe.  The  citizens  of  Constantinople  did 
not  confine  theirlradeto  the  Islandsofihe  Archipelago 
or  to  the  adjacent  coasts  of  Asia  ;  they  look  a  wider 
range,  and,  following  the  course  which  the  ancients 
had  marked  out,  im[)orled  the  commodities  oflhe  East 
Indies  from  Alexandria.  W  hen  Egypt  was  torn  Irom 
the  Roman  empire, by  the  Arabians,  the  industry  ofilie 
Greeks  discovered  a  new  channel  by  w  hich  the  pro- 
ductions of  India  might  be  conveyed  to  Constantino' 
pie.  They  were  carried  up  the  Indus  as  far  as  that 
great  river  is  navigable  ;  thence  they  were  transported 
by  land  to  the  banks  of  the  river  (Jxus,  and  proceeded 
down  its  stream  lo  the  Cas|(ian  sea.  There  they  en- 
tered the  ^'olga,  and,  sailing  up  it,  were  carried  by  land 
to  the  Tanaie,  which  conducted  them  into  the  Luxino 
sea,  where  vessels  from  Constantinople  waited  theirar- 
rival.  'I'his  extraordinary  and  tedious  mode  of  convey- 
ance merits  attention. not  only  as  a  proof  of  the  violent 
passion  w  hich  the  inh.\bitanls  of  Constantinople  had 
conceived  for  the  lu.xuries  of  the  East,  and  as  a  speci- 
men of  the  ardor  and  ingenuity  with  w  Inch  they  carried 
on  commerce  ;  but  because  it  demonstrates  that,  du- 
ring the  ignorance  w  hich  reigned  in  the  rest  of  Europe, 
an  extensive  knowledge  of  remote  countries  was  still 
preserved  in  the  capital  of  the  Greek  empire. 

At  the  same  time  a  gleam  of  light  and  knowledge 
broke  n  upon  the  East.  The  Arabians  having  con- 
tracted some  relish  for  the  sciences  of  the  people  whose 
empire  thi-y  had  contributed  lo  overturn,  translated  the 
books  of  several  of  the  Greek  philosojihers  into  their 
own  lani;uage.  One  of  the  first  was  that  valuable 
work  of  Ptolemy  w  hich  I  have  already  mentioned.  The 
study  of  geography  became,  of  consequence,  an  early 
object  of  attention  to  the  Arabians.  But  that  acute 
and  ingenious  people  cultivated  chiefly  the  speculative 
and  scientific  parts  of  geography.  In  order  to  ascer- 
tain the  figure  and  dimensions  of  the  terrestrial  globe, 
they  applied  the  principles  of  geometry,  they  had  re- 
course to  a.slronoinical  observations,  they  employed 
e.vperiments  and  operations,  which  Europe  in  more 
enlightened  limes  lias  been  proud  to  adopt  and  lo  imi- 
tate. At  that  period,  however,  the  fame  ot  the  improve- 
ments madi'  by  the -Arabians  did  not  reach  Europe.  The 
knowledge  of  their  discoveries  was  reserved  lor  ages 
cajiable  of  com|)rehending  and  of  perfecting  them. 

By  degrees  the  calamities  and  desolation  brought 
upon  the  western  provinces  of  the  Roman  empire  by 
its  barbarous  con<]uerors  were  forgotten,  and  in  sonic 
measure  repaired  The  rude  tribes  which  settled  there 
acquiring  insensibly  some  idea  of  regular  government, 
and  some  relish  for  the  functions  and  cimiforls  of  civil 
life.Europe  began  lo  awake  from  ilstor|iid  and  inactive 
state.  The  first  symptoms  of  revival  w  ere  discerned  in 
Italy.  The  northern  tribes  whi<-h  took  possession  of  Ibis 
country, made  ])rogress  in  improvement  with  greater  r?- 
pidity  than  the  people  settled  in  other  parts  of  Europe. 
Various  causes,  which  it  is  not  the  object  of  this  work 
to  enumerate  or  explain,  concurred  in  restoring  liberty 
and  independence  to  the  cities  of  Italy.  The  acquisi- 
tion of  these  roused  industry,  anil  gave  motion  and  vi- 
gor  lo  all  the  active  powers  of  the  human  mind.  Fo- 
reign commerce  revived,  navigation  was  attended  to 
and  improved.  Constantinople  became  the  chief  mart 
to  which  the  Italians  resorted.  There  they  not  only 
met  with  a  favorable  reception,  but  obtained  such  mer- 
cantile privileges  as  enabled  them  lo  carry  on  trade 
w  ith  great  advantage.  They  were  sujiplied  both  with 
the  precious  commodities  of  the  east,  and  with  many 
curious  manufactures,  the  product  of  ancient  arts  and 
ingenuity  which  still  subsi.sted  among  the  Greeks.  As 
the  labor  and  expen.sc  of  convey  ing  the  productions  of 
India  toConstantinople  by  that  loiigand  indirect  course 
which  I  have  described,  rendered  them  extremely  rare, 
and  of  an  exorbitant  price,  the  industry  of  the  Italians 
discovered  other  methods  of  procuring  them  in  greater 
abundance  and  at  an  easier  rale.  They  simietimes 
purchased  them  in  Aleppo,  Tripoli,  and  other  ports  od 
the  coast  of  Syria,  to  which  they  were  brought  by  a 
route  not  unknown  to  the  ancients.  They  w  ere  con- 
veyed from  India  by  .sea  up  the  Persian  (Julf,  and  as- 
cending the  Euphrates  and  Tigris  as  fiir  as  Bagdad, 
were  carried  by  land  across  the  desert  of  Palmyra,  and 
from  thence  to  the  towns  on  tbo  Mcditcrranc:ui.  Bui 


SOUTH  AMERICA 


73 


franillirlenfftli  of  the  journoy,;xnil  the  (Inngors  to  which  ]  infonnalion  roncerniiiir  a  lar^e  district  of  the  gloheal- 
the  caravans  wero  exposcil, this  [)ioveil  always  a  tedious  !  togpthrr  iiiikiiowii  at  that  time  to  the  western  world. 

'I'hezeal  of  Iho  lica<l  (if  the  ('liristian  ("liurcli  co  ope- 


aiul  otlfii  a  precarious  mode  of  conveyance.  At  lenglh 
the  Soldans  of  Efiypt,  liaving  revived  the  conuueree 
witli  India  in  its  ancient  charniel,  by  the  Arabian  (iulf, 
he  Italian  merchants,  notwillistandini;  the  violent  an- 
tipathy to  each  other  with  which  Christians  and  the 
followers  of  Mahomet  were  then  possessed,  repaired  to 
Alexandria,  and  endurini;,  from  the  love  of  gain,  the 
insolence  and  exactions  of  the  jMahometans.established 
a  lucrative  trade  in  that  port.  From  that  period  the 
commercial  spirit  of  Italy  became  active  and  enterpri- 
sing. Venice,  Genoa,  Pisa,  rose  from  inconsiderable 
towns  to  be  populous  and  wealthy  cities.  Their  naval 
power  incri»ased  ;  their  vessels  frequented  not  only  all 
the  ports  in  the  Mediterranean, but  venturingsonietimes 
bevond  the  straits,  visited  the  maritime  towns  of  Spain, 
France,  the  IjOW  Countries,  and  England  ;  and,  by 
distributing  their  commodities  over  Europe,  began  to 
communicate  to  its  various  nations  some  taste  for  the 
valuable  productions  of  the  East,  as  well  as  some  ideas 
of  manufactures  and  arts,  which  were  then  unknown 
beyond  the  precincts  of  Italy. 

While  the  cities  of  Italy  were  thus  advancing  in 
their  career  of  improvement,  an  event  happened,  the 
most  extraordinary,  perhaps,  in  the  history  of  mankind, 
which, instead  of  relanling  the  commercial  progress  of 
the  Italians  ri'udered  it  more  rapid.  The  martial 
spirit  of  the  European.^,  heightened  and  inflamed  by 
religious  zeal,  prompted  them  to  attempt  the  deliver- 
ance of  the  Holy  Eand  from  the  dominion  of  Infidels 
Vast  armies  composed  of  all  the  nations  in  Europe, 
marched  towards  Asia  upon  this  wild  enterprise.  The 
Genoese,  the  Pisans,  and  Venitians,  furnished  the 
transports  which  carried  them  thither.  They  supplied 
them  with  provisions  and  military  stores.  Besides  the 
immense  sums  which  they  received  on  this  account, 
lliey  obtained  commercial  privileges  and  establish- 
ments of  great  consequence  in  the  settlements  which 
the  Crusaders  made  in  Palestine,  and  in  other  provin- 
ces of  Asia.  From  those  sources,  prodigious  wealth 
flowed  into  the  cities  which  I  have  mentioned.  This 
was  accompanied  with  a  proportional  increase  of  pow- 
er :  and,  by  the  end  of  the  Holy  War,  Venice  in  parti- 
cular became  a  great  maritime  state,  possessing  an  ex- 
tensive commerce  and  ample  territories.  Italy  was  not 
the  only  country  in  which  the  crusades  contributed  to 
revive  and  dilfuse  such  a  spirit  as  prepared  Europe 
for  future  discoveries.  By  their  expeditions  into  Asia, 
the  other  European  nations  became  well  acquainted 
with  remote  regions,  which  formerly  they  knew  only 
bv  name,  or  by  the  reports  of  ignorant  and  credulous 
pilgrims.  They  had  an  opportunity  of  observing  the 
manners,  the  arts,  and  the  accommodations  of  peo 
pie  more  polished  than  themselves.  This  intercourse 
between  the  East  and  West  subsisted  almost  two  cen- 
turies. The  adventurers  who  returned  from  Asia, 
communicated  to  their  countrymen  the  ideas  which 
they  had  acquired,  and  the  habits  of  life  thev  had  con- 
tracted by  visiting  more  refined  nations.  The  Euro- 
peans began  to  be  sensible  of  wants  with  which  they 
were  formerly  unacquainted;  new  desires  were  excited; 
and  such  a  taste  for  the  commodities  and  arts  of  other 
countries  gradually  spread  among  them,  that  they  not 
only  encouraged  the  resort  of  foreigners  to  their  har- 
bors, but  began  to  perceive  the  advantages  and  neces- 
sity of  applying  to  commerce  themselves. 

This  communication,  which  was  opened  between 
Europe  and  the  western  provinces  of  Asia,  encouraged 
several  persons  to  advance  far  beyond  the  countries  in 
which  the  ('rusaders  carried  on  their  operations,  and 
to  travel  by  land  into  the  more  remote  and  opulent  re- 
gions of  the  East.  The  wild  fanaticism,  which  seems 
at  that  period  to  have  mingled  in  all  the  schemes  of  in- 
dividuals, no  less  than  in  all  the  counsel  of  nations. 
Jirsl  incited  men  to  enter  upon  those  long  and  danger- 
ous peregrinations.  They  were  afterwards  undertaken 
from  |>rospects  of  commercial  advantage,  or  from  mo 


rated  wilh  the  superstition  ol'Uenjamin  the  .lew  in  dis- 
covering the  interior  and  remote  provinces  of  Asia. 
.'Ml  Christendom  having  been  alarmed  with  the  accounts 
of  the  rapid  progress  of  the  Tartar  arms  under  Zengis 
Khan  [12'1(),]  Innocent  IV.,  who  entertaineil  most  ex- 
alted ideas  concerning  the  plenitude  of  his  own  power, 
and  the  submission  due  to  his  injunctions,  sent  Father 
John  de  Piano  Carpini,  at  the  head  of  a  mission  of 
Franciscan  monks,  and  Father  .\scolino,  at  the  head  of 
Dominicans,  to  enjoin  Kayuk  Kahn,  the  jrrandson  of 
Zengis,  who  was  then  at  the  head  of  the  Tartar  em- 
pire, to  embrace  the  Chriijtian  faith,  and  to  desist  from 
desolating  the  earth  by  his  arms.  The  haughty  de- 
scendant of  the  greatest  conqueror  Asia  had  ever  be- 
held, astonished  at  this  strange  mandate  from  an 
Italian  priest,  whose  name  and  jurisdiction  were  alike 
unknown  to  him,  received  it  with  the  contempt  which 
it  merited,  though  he  dismissed  the  mendicants  who 
delivered  it  with  impunity.  But  as  they  had  penetra- 
ted into  the  country  by  dillerent  routes,  and  followed 
Ibr  some  time  the  Tartar  camps,  which  were  always  in 
motion,  they  had  an  opportunity  of  visiting  a  great  part 
of  Asia.  Carpini,  who  proceeded  hy  the  way  of  Poland 
and  Russia.travelled  through  its  northern  provinces  as 
far  as  the  extremities  of  Thibet.  Ascolino,  who  seems 
to  have  landed  some  where  in  Syria,  advanced  through 
its  southern  provinces  into  the  interior  parts  of  Persia. 

Not  long  after,  [1253]  St.  Louis  of  France  con- 
tributed further  towards  extending  the  knowledge 
which  the  Europeans  had  begun  to  acquire  of  those 
distant  regions.  Some  designing  impostor,  who  took 
advantage  of  the  slender  acquaintance  of  Christendom 
with  the  state  and  character  of  the  Asiatic  nations, 
having  informed  him  that  a  powerful  Khan  of  the  Tar 
tars  had  embraced  the  Christian  faith,  the  monarch 
listened  to  the  tale  with  pious  credulity,  and  instantly 
resolved  to  send  ambassadors  to  this  illustrious  con- 
vert, with  a  view  of  enticing  him  to  attack  their  com- 
mon enemy  the  Saracens  in  one  quarter,  while  he  fell 
upon  them  in  another.  As  monks  were  the  only  per- 
sons in  thatage  who  possessed  such  a  degree  of  know- 
ledge as  qualified  them  for  a  service  of  this  kind  he 
employed  in  it  Father  .\ndrcw,  a  Jacobine,  who  was 
followed  by  Father  William  de  Rubruquis,  a  Francis 
can.  With  respect  to  the  progress  of  the  former,  there 
is  no  memorial  extant.  The  journal  of  the  latter  has 
been  published.  He  was  admitted  into  the  presence 
of  Mangu,  the  third  Khan  in  succession  from  Zengis, 
and  made  a  circuit  through  the  interior  parts  of  Asia, 
more  extensive  than  that  of  any  European  who  had 
hitherto  explored  them. 

To  those  travellers  whom  religious  zeal  sent  forth  to 
visit  Asia,  succeeded  others  who  ventured  into  remote 
countries  from  the  prospect  of  commercial  advantage, 
or  from  motives  of  mere  curiosity.  The  first  and  most 
eminent  of  these  was  Marco  Polo,  a  Venetian  of  a 
noble  family.  Having  engaged  early  in  trade  [1265,] 
according  to  the  custom  of  his  country,  his  aspiring 
mind  wished  for  a  sphere  of  activity  more  extensive  I 
than  was  afforded  to  it  by  the  established  traflic  carried 
on  in  those  ports  of  Europe  and  Asia  which  the  Veni- 
tians frequented.  This  prompted  him  to  travel  into 
unknown  countries,  in  expectation  of  opening  a  com- 
mercial intercourse  with  them  more  suited  to  the  san- 
guine ideas  and  hopes  of  a  young  adventurer. 

As  his  father  had  already  carried  some  European 
commodities  to  the  court  of  the  great  Khan  of  the 
Tartars,  and  had  disposed  of  them  to  advantage,  he 
resorted  thither.  Un<ler  the  protection  of  Knblay 
Khan,  the  most  powerful  of  all  the  successors  of  Zen- 
gis, he  continued  his  mercantile  peregrinations  in 
Asia  upwards  of  twenty-six  years  ;  and  during  that 
time  advanced  towards  the  east,  far  beyond  the  utmost 
boundaries  to  which  any  European  traveller  had  ever 
proceeded.   Instead  of  following  the  course  of  Carpini 


lives  of  mere  curiosity.    Benjamin,  a  Jew  of  Tudela,  |  and  Rubriquis,  along  the  vast  unpeopled  plains  of 


in  the  kingdom  of  Navarre,  possessed  with  a  super- 
stitious veneration  for  the  law  of  Moses,  and  solicit- 
ous to  visit  his  countrymen  in  the  East,  whom  he  ho- 
ped to  find  in  such  a  state  of  power  and  opulence  as 
might  redound  to  the  honor  of  his  sect,  set  out  from 
Sjiain,  in  the  year  1 160,  and  travelling  by  land  to  Con- 
stantinople, proceeded  through  the  countries  to  the 
north  of  the  Euxineand  Caspian  Seas  asfaras  Chinese 
Tartary.  From  thence  he  look  his  route  towards  the 
eouth,  and  after  traversing  various  provinces  of  the 
further  India, he  emba  rked  on  the  Indian  Ocean,  visited 


I'artary,  he  passed  through  the  chief  trading  cities  in 
the  more  cultivated  parts  of  .Asia,  and  penetrated  to 
Cambalu,  or  Peking;  the  capital  of  the  great  kingdom 
of  Cathay,  or  Chiria,  subject  at  that  time  to  ihe  suc- 
cessors of  Zengis.  He  made  more  than  one  voyage 
on  the  Indian  ocean  ;  he  traded  in  many  of  the  islands 
from  which  Europe  had  long  received  spiceries  and 
other  commodities  which  it  held  iti  high  estimation, 
though  unacquainted  with  the  particular  countries  to 
which  it  was  indebted  for  those  previous  productions  ; 
and  he  obtained  information  concerning  several  coun- 


sevtral  of  its  islands,  and  returned  at  the  end  of  thir- 1  tries  which  he  did  not  visit  in  person,  particularly  the 
•ejiyews,  by  the  waj  of  Egypt,  to  Europe,  wilh  much  I  island  Zipangri,  probably  the  same  now  known  by  the  I 


name  of  Japan.  On  his  return,  ho  astonished  his  con- 
ten)poraries  with  his  descriptions  of  vast  regions  whoM 
n.imes  liad  never  been  heard  of  in  Europe,  and  with 
such  pomjious  accounts  of  their  fertility,  their  popu- 
lousness,  their  opulence,  the  variety  of  their  manu- 
factures, and  the  extent  of  their  tratle.  as  rose  far 
above  the  conception  of  an  uninformed  age. 

About  half  a  century  after  Marco  Polo  [1322.]  Sir 
John  Mandeville,  an  Englishman,  encouraged  bv  his 
example,visited  mostof  thecountries  in  the  East  which 
he  had  described,  and,  like  him,  published  an  accoutit 
of  them.  The  narrations  of  these  early  travellerB 
abound  with  many  wild  incoherent  tales,  cotu-erniiig 
giants,  enchanters,  and  monsters.  But  thev  were  rnlt 
from  that  circumstance  less  acceptable  to  an  ignorant 
age,  which  delighted  in  what  was  niarvellou.s'  The 
wonders  which  they  told,  mostly  on  hearsay,  filled  ths 
multitude  w  ith  admiration.  The  facts  which  they  re- 
lated from  their  own  observation  altracted  the  attcniioti 
of  the /nore  discerning.  Tlu-  former,  wliicli  maybe 
considered  as  the  popular  traclilions  and  fabh  s  of  ihe 
countries  through  which  they  had  passed, were  gradu- 
ally disregarded  as  Europe  advanced  in  knowledge. 
The  latter,  however  iiu-reilible  some  of  them  may  have 
appeared  in  their  own  time, have  been  confirmed  by  the 
observations  of  modern  travellers.  Bv  means  of  i)otli, 
however,  the  curiosity  of  mankind  was  excited  with 
respect  to  the  remote  parts  of  th(!  earth  ;  their  ideas 
were  enlarged  ;  and  they  were  not  ofdy  insensibly  dis- 
posed to  attempt  new  discoveries,  but  received  such 
information  as  directed  to  tliat  particular  course  in 
which  these  were  afterwards  carried  on. 

While  this  spirit  was  gradually  forming  in  Europe,  a 
fortunate  discovery  was  made,  which  conlribiiled  more 
than  all  the  ellbrts  and  ingenuity  of  the  preceding  a<'e« 
to  im[)rove  and  to  extend  navigation.  That  wonderful 
property  of  the  magnet, by  which  it  communicates  such 
virtue  to  a  needle  or  slender  rod  of  iron  as  to  point  to- 
wards the  poles  of  theeaith,  was  observed.  The  use 
which  might  be  made  of  this  in  directing  navigation 
was  immediately  perceived.  That  valuable,  but  nowr 
familiar  instrument,  the  mariner's  compass  was  con- 
structed. When  by  means  of  it  navigators  found  that, 
at  all  seasons  and  in  every  place,  they  coulil  discover 
the  north  and  south  with  so  much  ease  and  accuracv.it 
became  no  longer  necessary  to  depend  merely  on  the 
light  of  the  stars  and  the  observation  of  the  sea  coast. 
They  gradually  abandoned  their  ancient  timid  anJ 
lingering  course  along  the  shore,  ventured  boldly  into 
the  ocean,  and  relying  on  this  new  guide,  could  steer 
in  the  darkest  night,  and  under  the  most  cloudy  sky, 
with  a  security  and  precision  hitherto  unknown.  The 
cOTiipass  may  be  said  to  have  opened  to  man  the  do- 
ini  ion  of  the  sea,  and  to  have  put  him  in  full  posses- 
sion of  the  earth,  hy  enabling  him  to  visit  every  part  of 
it.  Flavio  Gioia,  a  citizen  of  Almafi,  a  tow  n  of  con- 
siderable trade  in  the  kiuiidom  of  Naples,  w  as  Ihe  au- 
thor of  this  great  discovery,  about  the  year  one  thou- 
sand three  hundred  and  two.  It  halh  been  often  the 
fate  of  those  illustrious  benefactors  of  mankind  who 
have  enriched  science  and  improved  the  arts  by  their 
inventions,  to  derive  more  reputation  than  benefit  from 
the  happy  eflorts  of  their  genius  But  the  lot  of  Gioia 
has  been  still  more  cruel  ;  througli  the  inatlenlion  or 
ignorance  of  contemporary  historians,  he  has  been  de- 
frauded even  of  the  fame  to  which  he  had  such  a  just 
title.  We  receive  from  them  no  information  wilh  re- 
spect to  his  profession,  his  character,  the  precise  time 
when  he  maile  this  important  discovery, or  Ihe  accidents 
and  inquiries  which  led  to  it.  The  knowledge  of  this 
event,  though  productive  of  greater  efVecLs  than  any 
recorded  in  the  annals  of  thehnmaii  race.istransniiitcd 
to  us  without  any  of  those  circumslances  which  can 
•/ratify  the  curiosity  that  il  naturally  awakens.  But 
though  the  use  of  the  compass  might  enable  the  Itali.iiis 
to  perforin  the  short  voyages  to  which  they  were  ac- 
customed with  greater  security  anil  expedil'on.  its  in- 
fluence was  not  so  sudden  or  extensive  as  iiMinedialely 
to  render  navigation  advenlurous.and  to  excite  a  spirit 
of  discovery.  Many  causes  combined  in  preventing 
this  beneficial  invention  from  producing  its  full  ellect 
instantaneously.  Men  relinquish  ancient  habits  slowly 
and  with  reluctance.  They  are  averse  to  new  experi- 
ments, and  venture  upon  them  with  timidity  The 
commercial  jealousy  of  the  Italians,  it  is  probi.ble  la- 
bored to  conceal  the  happy  discovery  of  their  counlry- 
men  from  oilier  nations.  The  art  of  steering  bv  llie 
compass  with  such  skill  and  accuracy  as  to  inspire  a 
full  confidence  in  its  direction,  was  acquired  gradually. 
Sailors  unaccustomed  to  quit  the  sight  of  land,  du  at 
not  launch  out  at  once  and  commit  themselves  to  un- 
known £cus.  Accuidiiigly,  uuar  half  a  century  elapse(l 


T4 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


from  Ihc  time  of  CJioia's  discovery,  before  navigators  licightpiied  among  the  Portuguese.  A  fierce  civil  war  ]  ting  discovery,  and  who  was  animated  with  ardor  that 
ventured  into  any  seas  which  thev  had  not  bcett  accus  !  towards  the  close  of  tlie  fourteenth  century. occasioned  would  persevere  in  spite  of  obstacles  and  repuUet 


loined  to  frequent. 

The  first  appearance  of  a  bolder  spirit  may  be  dated 
from  the  voyages  of  the  Spaniards  to  the  Canary  or 
Fortunate  Islands  By  what  accident  they  were  led 
to  the  discovery  of  those  small  isles, which  lie  near  five 
.hi'.ndred  miles  from  the  Spanish  coast, and  above  a  hun- 
dred and  fifty  miles  from  the  coast  of  .Africa,  contempora- 
ry writers  have  not  explaineil.  But,  about  the  middle  of 
the  fourteenth  century,  the  peo|ilc  of  all  the  diirerent 
kingdoms  into  which  .Spain  was  then  divided,  were  ac- 
customed to  make  piratical  excursions  thither;  in  or 


by  a  disputed  succession,  augmented  the  military  Happily  for  Portugal,  she  found  all  those  qualities  in 
ardor  of  the  nati(m,  and  formed  or  called  forth  men  j  Henry  Uuke  of  Viesco,  the  fourth  son  of  King  John, by 
of  such  active-and  daring  genius  as  are  fit  for  bold  |  Philippa  of  Lancasler.sisterof  Henry  IV.king  of  Eng. 


undertakings.  The  situation  of  the  kingdom. bounded 
on  every  side  by  the  dominions  of  a  more  powerful 
neighbour,  did  not  aflord  free  scope  to  the  activity  of 
the  Portuguese  by  land,  as  the  strength  of  their  mon- 
archy was  no  match  for  that  of  Castile.  But  Portugal 
was  a  maritime  state,  in  which  there  were  many  com- 
modious harbors  ;  the  people  had  begun  to  make  some 
progress  in  the  knowledge  and  practice  of  navigation 


der  to  i>lun(ler  the  inhabitants,  or  to  carry  them  ofTas  aiid  the  sea  was  open  to  them,  presenting  the  only 


slaves  ("lenient  VF  ,  in  virtue  of  the  right  claimed 
bv  the  Holy  See  to  dispose  of  all  countries  possessed 
bv  Infulels,  erected  those  isles  into  a  kingdom  in  the 
year  one  thousand  three  hinidred  and  forty  four,  and 
conferred  it  on  Lewis  de  la  Cerda,  descended  from  the 
roval  familv  of  Castile.  But  that  unfortunate  |)rince, 
destitute  of  power  to  as.sert  his  nominal  title,  having 
never  visited  the  Canaries,  John  de  Bethencourt,  a 
Norman  li.iron,  obtained  a  grant  of  them  from  Henry 
III.  ofCastile.  Bethencourt,  with  the  valour  and  good 
loriune  which  distinguished  the  adventurers  of  hisj 
country,  attempted  and  ellected  the  conquest  ;  and  the 
possession  of  the  Canaries  remained  for  some  time  in 
Ilis  familv,  as  a  fief  held  of  the  crown  of  Castile.  Pre- 
vious to  this  expedition  of  Bethencourt,  liis  country 
men  settled  in  Normandy  are  said  to  have  visited  the 
;oast  of  .Africa, and  to  have  proceeded  far  to  the  south 
of  the  Canary  Islands  [13()5J  Buttheir  voyages  thither 
seem  not  to  have  been  undertaken  in  con5e(pience  of 
any  public  or  regular  plan  for  extending  navigation 
and  attempting  new  discoveries.  They  were  cither 
excursion-s  suggested  by  that  roving  piratical  spirit 
which  descended  to  the  Normans  from  their  ancestors, 
or  the  coiinnercial  enterprises  of  private  merchants, 
which  attracteil  so  little  notice  that  hardly  any  memo- 
rial of  iheni  is  to  be  fuiind  in  contemporary  authors. — 
In  a  general  survey  of  the  progress  of  discovery,  it  is 
eu('i<'ient  to  have  mentioned 'this  event  ;  and  lea  ving  it 
among  those  of  dubious  existence,  or  of  small  import- 
ance, we  may  conclude,  that  though  much  additional 
information  concerning  the  remote  regions  of  the  East 
had  been  received  by  travellers  who  visited  them  by 
hind,  navigation  at  the  beginning  of  the  fifleenlh  cen- 
tury had  not  advanced  beyond  the  state  to  which  it 
bud  attained  before  the  downfall  of  the  Roman  em- 
pire. 

At  length  the  period  arrived,  when  Providence  de- 
creed that  men  were  to  pass  the  limits  within  which 
they  had  been  so  long  confined, and  open  to  themselves 
a  more  ample  field  wherein  to  display  their  talents, 
their  enterprise,  and  courage.  The  first  considerable 
efTorls  towards  this  were  not  made  by  any  of  the  more 
powerful  states  of  I"uro|)e,  or  by  those  who  had  ap- 
plied to  naviijation  with  the  irreatest  asBiduity  and  suc- 
cess. The  glory  of  leading  the  way  in  this  new  career 
was  reserved  fi)r  Portugal, one  of  the  smallest  and  least 
powerful  of  the  European  kingdoms.  As  the  attempts 
of  the  Portuguese  to  acquire  the  knowledge  of  those 
parts  of  the  globe  with  which  mankind  were  then  un- 
acquainted, not  otdy  improved  and  extended  the  art  of 
navigation,  but  roused  such  a  spirit  of  curiosity  and 
enterprise  as  led  to  the  discovery  of  the  New  World, 
of  which  I  propose  to  write  the  history,  it  is  necessary 
to  take  a  full  view  of  the  rise,  the  progress,  and  suc- 
cess of  their  various  naval  operations.  It  was  in  this 
school  that  the  discoverer  of  America  was  trained  ; 
and  unless  we  trace  the  ste[)s  by  which  his  instructors 
and  guides  advanced,  it  will  be  impossible  to  compre- 
hend the  circumstances  which  suggested  the  idea,  or 
facilitated  the  execution,  of  his  great  design. 

Various  circumstances  prompted  the  Portuguese  to 
exert  their  activity  in  this  new  direction,  and  enabled 
them  to  accomplish  undertakmgs  apparently  superior 
to  the  natural  force  of  their  monarchy.  The  king."!  of 
Portugal,  having  driven  the  Moors  out  of  their  domin- 
ions, had  acquired  power  as  well  as  glorv,  by  the  suc- 
cess of  their  arms,  against  the  Infidels.  By  their  vic- 
tories over  them,  they  had  extended  the  roval  authori- 
ty beyond  lhe  narrow  limits  within  wliic^h  it  was  ori- 
gin.illy  cirrnniscribed  in  Portugal,  as  well  as  in  other 
feudal  kiii!;di)nis.  They  had  the  eonniiand  i>f  the  na- 
tional forte,  could  rouse  it  to  act  with  united  vigour, 
anil,  after  the  expulsion  of  the  .Moors,  could  employ  it 
without  dread  of  interruption  from  any  domestic  enemv. 
By  the  per|)etnal  hoslililies  carried  on  for  several  cen- 
turies air/iinst  the  Mahometans, the  martial  and  adven- 
turous ipint  which  distinguished  all  the  European 
nations  durinj;  the  middle  ages.  wa«  improved  and 


field  for  enterprise  in  which  they  could  distinguish 
themselves. 

Such  was  the  state  of  Portugal,  and  such  the  dis- 
position of  the  people  when  John  I.,  surnamed  the 
Bastard,  obtained  secure  possession  of  the  crown  by 
the  peace  concluded  with  Castile,  in  the  year  one 
thousand  four  hundred  and  eleven.  He  was  a  prince 
of  L'reat  merit,  who,  by  superior  courage  and  abilities, 
had  opened  his  way  to  a  throne  which  of  right  did  not 
iielong  to  him.  He  instantly  perceived  that  it  would  be 
impossible  to  preserve  public  order,  or  ilomestic  tran- 
(piility.  without  finding  some  employment  for  the  rest- 
less spirit  of  his  subjects.  With  this  view  he  assembled 
a  numerous  fleet  at  ],isbon,  composed  of  all  the  ships 
which  he  could  fit  out  in  his  own  kingdoni,and  of  many 
hired  from  foreigners.  This  great  armament  was  des- 
tined to  attack  the  Moors  settled  on  the  co"st  of  Bar- 
bary  [1412  ]  M'hile  it  was  etiuipping,  a  few  vessels 
were  appointed  to  sail  along  the  western  shore  of  .\(- 
riea,  bounded  by  the  Atlantic  ocean,  and  to  discover 
the  unknown  countries  situated  there.  From  this  in- 
considerable attempt,  we  may  date  the  commencement 
of  that  spirit  of  discovery  which  opened  the  barriers 
which  had  so  long  shut  out  mankind  from  the  know- 
ledge of  one  half  of  the  terrestrial  globe. 

At  the  time  when  John  sent  forth  these  ships  on  this 
new  voyage,  the  art  of  navigation  was  still  very  imper- 
fect. Though  Africa  lay  so  near  to  Portugal,  and  the 
fertility  of  the  countries  already  known  on  that  con- 
tinent invited  men  to  explore  it  more  fiilly,  the  Portu- 
irnese  had  never  ventured  to  sail  beyond  Cape  l\'i>>!. 
That  [)roniontorv.  as  its  name  imports,  was  hitherto 
consiilereil  as  a  boundary  which  could  not  be  passed. 
But  the  nations  of  Europe  had  now  acquired  as  much 
knowledge  as  emboldened  them  to  disregard  the  pre- 
judices and  to  correct  the  errors  of  their  ancestors 
The  long  reign  of  ignorance,  the  constant  enemy  of 
every  curious  inquiry  and  of  every  new  undertaking, 
was  approaching  to  its  period.  The  light  of  science 
beiran  to  dawn.  The  works  of  the  ancient  Greeks  and 
Romans  began  to  be  read  with  admiration  and  profit. 
The  sciences  cultivated  by  the  Arabians  were  introdu- 
ced into  Europe  by  the  Moors  settled  in  Spain  and 
Portugal,  and  by  the  Jews,  who  were  very  numerous 
in  both  these  kingdoms.  Geometry,  astronomy,  and 
geography,  the  sciences  on  which  the  art  of  navigation 
is  founded,  became  objects  of  studious  attention.  'I'lie 
memory  of  discoveries  made  by  the  ancients,  was  re- 
vived, and  the  progress  of  their  naviijation  and  com- 
merce began  to  be  traced.  Some  of  the  causes  which 
have  obstructed  the  cultivation  of  science  in  Portugal, 
during  this  century  and  the  last  did  not  exist,  or  did 
not  operate  in  the  same  manner,  in  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury ;  [9]  and  the  Portuguese  at  that  period  seem  to 
have  kept  pace  with  otiier  nations  on  this  side  of  the 
Alps  in  literary  pursuits 


land.  That  prince,  in  his  early  youth,  having  accom- 
panied his  father  in  his  cx[)edilion  to  Barbary,  distin 
guished  himself  by  many  deeds  of  valor.  To  the  mar- 
tial spirit,  which  was  the  characteristic  of  every  man  of 
noble  birth  at  that  time,  he  added  all  the  accomplish- 
ments of  a  more  eidightened  and  polished  age.  He 
cultivated  the  arts  and  sciences,  wliich  were  then  un- 
known and  des[)ised  by  persons  of  his  rank.  He  ap- 
plied with  peculiar  fi)ndness  to  the  study  of  geography; 
and  by  the  instruction  of  able  masters,  as  well  as  by 
the  accounts  of  travellers,he  early  acquired  such  know- 
ledge of  the  habitable  globe,  as  discovered  the  great 
possibility  of  finding  new  and  opulent  countries,  by 
sailing  along  the  coast  of  Africa.  Such  an  object  was 
formed  to  awaken  the  enthusiasm  and  ardor  of  a  youth- 
ful mind,  and  he  espoused  with  the  utmost  zeal  fhe 
patronage  of  a  design  which  n)ight  prove  as  beneficial 
as  it  a|ipeared  to  be  splendid  and  honorable.  In  order 
that  he  might  pursue  this  great  scheme  without  inter- 
ruption, he  retired  from  court  immediately  after  his  re- 
turn from  Africa,  and  fixed  his  residence  at  Sagres, 
near  Cape  St.  Vincent,  w  here  the  prospect  of  the  At- 
lantic ocean  invited  his  thoughts  continually  towards 
his  favorite  project, and  encouraged  him  to  execute  it. 
In  this  retreat  he  was  attended  by  some  of  the  most 
learned  men  in  his  country,  who  aided  him  in  his  re- 
searches. He  applied  for  information  to  the  Moors  of 
Barbary,  who  were  accustomed  to  travel  by  land  into 
the  interior  provinces  of  .Africa  in  quest  of  ivory,  gold 
dust, and  other  rich  commodities.  He  consulted  the  Jews 
settled  in  Portugal.  By  promises,  rewards  and  marks  of 
respect,  he  allured  into  his  service  several  persons,  fo- 
reigners as  well  as  Portuguese,  who  were  eminent  for 
their  skill  in  navigation.  In  taking  those  preparatory 
steps,  the  great  abilities  of  the  prince  were  seconded 
by  his  private  virtues.  His  integrity,  his  alVability,  his 
respect  for  religion,  his  zeal  for  the  honor  of  his  coun- 
try, engaged  persons  of  all  ranks  to  applaud  his  de- 
sign, and  to  favor  the  execution  of  it.  His  schemes 
were  allowed,  by  the  greater  part  of  his  countrymen, 
to  proceed  neither  from  ambition  nor  the  desire  of 
wealth,  but  to  flow  from  the  warm  benevolence  of  a 
h'-nrt  eager  to  promote  the  b.appiness  of  mankind,  and 
which  justly  entitle  him  to  assume  a  motto  for  his  de- 
vice, that  described  the  quality  by  w  Inch  he  wished  to 
be  distinguished,  the  laUnl  of  doiiip good. 

His  first  eflort,  as  is  usual  at  the  commencement  of 
any  new  undertaking,  was  extremely  inconsiderable. 
He  fitted  out  a  single  shi|i  [1418,]  and  giving  the  com- 
mand of  it  to  John  Gonzales  Zarco  and  Tristan  Vaz, 
two  gentlemen  ofhis  household, who  voluntarily  offered 
to  coiiduet  the  enterprise,  he  instructed  them  to  use 
theirutmost  efforts  to  double  Cape  Bojador,and  thence 
to  steer  towards  the  south  They,  according  to  the 
mode  of  navigation  which  still  prevailed,  held  their 
course  along  the  shore  ;  and  bv  following  that  direc- 
tion, thry  must  have  encountered  almo^l  insuperable 
difiiculties  in  attempting  to  pass  Cape  Bojador.  But 
fortune  came  in  aid  lo  theirwant  of  skill, and  prevented 
the  voyage  from  hi  iiig  altogether  fruitless.  A  sudden 
squall  of  wind  arose,  drove  them  out  to  sea.  and  when 
they  expected  every  moment  to  perish,  landed  them  on 
an  uidiiiown  island, which  from  their  hapjiy  esca|ie  they 
named  Porlo  .SVih^j.  In  the  infancy  of  navigation,  the 
discovery  of  this  small  island  appeared  a  matter  ofsuch 


As  the  genius  of  the  age  favored  the  execution  ol  j  moment, that  they  instantly  returned  to  Portugal  with 


that  new  undertaking,  to  which  the  peculiar  state  of 
the  country  invited  the  Portuguese  ;  it  proveil  success- 
ful. The  vessels  sent  on  the  discovery  doubled  thai 
formidable  Cape,  which  had  terminated  the  progress  of 
former  navigators,  and  proceeded  a  hundred  and  sixty 
miles  beyond  it,  to  Cape  Bojador.  .\s  its  ro<  ky  cliffs, 
which  stretched  a  consideralile  way  into  the  .Atlantic, 
appeared  more  dreadful  than  the  promontory  which 
they  bad  passed. the  Portuguese  connnanders  durst  not 
attempt  to  sail  rounil  it,  but  returned  to  Lisbon,  more 
satisfied  with  having  advanced  so  far,  than  ashamed  of 
having  ventured  no  further. 

Inconsiderable  as  this  voyage  was.  it  increased  the 
passion  for  discovery  which  begantoarise  in  Poi^ngal. 
The  fortunate  issue  of  the  king  s  expedition  against  the 
Moors  of  Barbary  added  strength  to  that  spirit  in  the 
nation,  and  iinshed  it  on  to  new  tnulertakiniih  In  or- 
der lo  render  these  successful,  it  was  necessary  that 
thev  should  be  conducted  by  a  person  who  possessed 
abilities  capable  of  discerning  what  was  attainable. who 


the  good  tidings,  and  were  received  by  Henry  w  ith  the 
apphiu.seand  honor  due  to  fortunate  adventurers.  This 
fiiint  dawn  of  success  filled  a  mind  ardent  in  the  pur- 
suit of  a  favorite  object,  with  such  sanguine  hopes  as 
were  sufficient  incitements  to  proceed.  Next  year 
[1419J  Henry  sent  cut  three  shi[)s  under  the  same 
commanders,  to  whom  he  joineil  Bartholomew  Peres- 
trellow,  in  order  to  lake  possession  of  the  island  which 
they  had  discovered.  When  they  began  lo  settle  in 
Porto  Santo.  Ihey  observed  towards  the  ^oulh  a  fixfJ 
spot  in  the  horizon  like  a  small  black  cloud.  By  de- 
grees, Ihey  were  led  lo  conjecture  that  it  might  be 
land  ;  and  steering  towards  it,  ihey  arrived  at  a  con- 
siderable island,  uninhabited  and  covered  with  wood, 
which  on  that  account  they  called  Madeira  As  it  was 
Henry's  chief  object  to  render  his  discoveries  useful  to 
hiscountry,  he  immediately  equip[>ed  a  licet  to  carry  a 
colony  of  Portuguese  to  these  islands  [1420  ]  By  his 
provident  care,  they  were  furnished  not  only  witbtha 
seeds,  plants  and  d<>meslic  animals  comiikun  in  Eu- 


enjoyed  leisure  to  form  a  regular  system  for  prosscu- 1  rope ;  but,  as  he  foresaw  that  the  warmth  of  the  cJ» 


SOUTH  AMERICA 


TC 


niatfi  and  fertility  of  tlinsoil  would  prove  favorable  to 
the  rearins;  of  otiier  productions,  he  procured  slips  of 
the  vino  Croni  the  island  of  Cyprus,  the  rich  wines  of 
which  were  then  in  <rreat  request,  and  plants  of  the 
sugar  cane  from  Sicily,  into  which  it  had  been  lately 
introduced.  These  throve  so  prosperously  in  this  new 
countrv,  that  the  benefit  of  cultivating  them  was  im 
mediately  perceived,  and  the  sugar  and  wine  of  Ma- 
deira quickly  became  articles  of  some  consequence  in 
the  coMuiierce  of  Portugal. 

As  soon  as  the  advantages  derived  from  this  first 
settlement  to  the  west  of  the  European  continent  began 
to  he  felt,  the  spirit  of  discovery  appeared  less  chimeri- 
cal, and  became  more  adventurous.  I?y  their  voyages 
to  Madeira,  the  Portuguese  were  gradually  accustomed 
to  a  bolder  navigation,  and,  instead  of  creeping  ser- 
vilely along  the  coast,  ventured  into  the  open  sea.  In 
consequence  of  taking  this  course,  Gilianez,  who  com- 
manded one  of  prince  Henry's  shi[)s,  doubled  Cape  I3o- 
jador  [i  r-!3.J  the  boundary  of  the  Portuguese  naviga- 
tion upwards  of  twenty  years,  and  which  had  hitherto 
been  deemed  unpassable.  This  successful  voyage, 
which  the  ignorance  of  the  age  placed  on  a  level  with 
the  nio.st  famous  exploits  recorded  in  history,  opened  a 
new  sphere  to  naviir:iiii)ii,  as  it  discovered  trie  vast  con- 
tinent of  Africa,  still  washed  by  the  Atlantic  ocean, 
and  stretching  lowards  the  south.  Part  of  this  was 
soon  explored  ;  the  Portuguese  advanced  within  the 
tropics,  and  in  the  space  of  a  few  years  discovered  the 
river  Sene-;al,  and  all  the  coast  extending  from  Cape 
Blanco  to  Cape  de  Verd. 

Hitherto  the  Portuguese  had  been  guided  in  their 
discoveries,  or  encouraged  to  attempt  them,  by  the 
liglit  and  information  which  they  received  from  the 
works  of  the  ancient  mathematicians  and  geographers. 
But  when  they  began  to  enter  the  torrid  zone,  the  no- 
tion which  prevailed  among  the  ancients,  that  the  heat 
which  reigned  perpetually  there  was  so  excessive  as  to 
render  it  unirdiabitable,  deterred  them,  for  some  time, 
from  proceeding.  Their  own  observations,  when  they 
first  ventured  into  this  unknown  and  formidable  region, 
'.ended  to  confirm  the  opinion  of  antiquity  concerning 
the  violent  operation  of  the  direct  rays  of  the  sun.  As 
far  as  the  river  Senegal,  the  Portuguese  had  found  the 
coast  of  Africa  inhabited  by  people  nearly  resembling 
the  Moors  of  Barbary.  When  they  advanced  to  the 
s.iuth  of  that  river,  the  human  form  seemed  to  put  on 
a  new  appearance.  They  beheld  men  with  skins  black 
as  ebony,  with  short  curled  hair,  flat  noses,  thick  lips, 
and  all  the  peculiar  filatures  which  are  now  known  to 
distinguish  the  race  of  negroes.  This  surprising  altera- 
tion they  naturally  attributed  to  the  influence  of  heat, 
and  if  they  should  advance  nearer  to  the  line,  they  be- 
gan to  dread  that  its  elfects  would  be  still  more  violent. 
Those  dangers  were  exaggerated  ;  and  many  other  ob- 
jections against  attempting  further  discoveries  were 
proposed  by  some  of  the  grandees,  who,  from  igno- 
rance, from  envy,  or  from  that  cold  timed  prudence 
winch  rejects  whatever  has  the  air  of  novejty  or  enter- 
prise, had  hitherto  condemned  all  prince  Henry's 
schemes.  They  represented,  that  it  was  altogether 
chniierical  to  expect  any  advantage  from  countries 
situated  in  that  region  which  the  wisdom  and  expe- 
rience of  antiquity  had  pronounced  to  be  unflt  for  the 
habitation  of  men  ;  that  their  forefathers,  satisfied  with 
cultivating  the  territory  which  Providence  had  allotted 
them,  did  not  waste  the  strength  of  the  kingdom  by 
fruitless  projects  inquest  of  new  settlements;  that 
Portugal  was  already  exhausted  by  the  expense  of 
atlenifits  to  discover  lands  which  either  did  not  exist,] 
or  which  nature  destined  to  remain  unknown;  and  was 
drained  of  men,  who  might  have  been  employed  in  un- 
dertakings attended  with  more  certain  success,  and 
productive  of  greater  benefit.  But  neither  their  appeal 
to  the  authority  of  the  ancients,  nor  their  reasonings 
concerning  the  interests  of  Portugal,  made  any  im- 
pression upon  the  determined  philosophic  mind  of 
prince  Henry.  The  discoveries  which  he  had  already 
niade,  convinced  him  that  the  ancients  had  little  more 
than  a  conjectural  knowledge  of  the  torrid  zone.  He 
was  no  less  satisfied  that  the  political  arguments  of 
his  opponents,  with  respect  to  the  interest  of  Portugal, 
were  malevolent  and  ill  founded.  In  those  sentim^'nts 
he  was  strenuously  supported  by  his  brother  Pedro, 
who  g.iverned  the  kingdom  as  guardian  of  their  ne- 
phew .Mphonso  "V.,  who  hail  succeeded  to  the  throne 
durinir  his  minority  [1438]  ;  and,  instead  of  slacken- 
fninir  bis  efforts,  Henry  continued  to  pursue  his  dis- 
coveries with  fresh  ardor. 

But  in  order  to  silence  all  the  murmurs  of  opposition, 
liC  enileavored  to  obtain  the  sanction  of  the  highest 
authority  in  I'avor  of  his  operations.    With  this  view 


he  applied  to  the  Pope,  and  represented,  in  pompous 
terms,  the  pious  and  unwearied  zeal  with  which  he  had 
exerted  himself  during  twenty  years,  in  discovering 
unknown  countries,  the  wretched  inhabitants  ofwhicli 
were  utter  strangers  to  true  religion,  wandering  in 
heathen  darkness,  or  led  astray  by  the  delusions  of 
Mahomet.  He  besought  the  holy  father,  to  v\  hom,  as 
the  vicar  of  Christ,  all  the  kingdoms  of  the  earth  were 
subject,  to  confer  on  the  crown  of  Portugal  a  right  to 
all  the  countries  possessed  by  infidels, which  should  be 
discovered  by  the  industry  of  its  subjects,  and  subdued 
by  the  force  of  its  arms.  He  entreated  him  to  enjoin 
all  Christian  powers,  under  the  highest  penalties,  not 
to  molest  Portugal  while  engaged  in  this  laudable  en- 
terprise, and  to  prohibit. them  from  settling  in  any  of 
the  countries  which  the  Portuguese  should  discover. 
Ho  promised  that  in  all  their  expeditions,  it  should  be 
the  chief  object  of  his  countrymen  to  spread  the  know- 
ledge of  the  Christian  religion,  to  establish  the  au- 
thority of  the  Holy  See,  and  to  increase  the  flock  of 
the  universal  pastor.  As  it  was  by  improving  with 
dexterity  every  favorable  conjuncture  for  acquiring 
new  powers,  that  the  court  of  Rome  had  gradually 
extended  its  usurpations,  Eugene  IV.,  the  Pontiffto 
whom  this  application  was  made,  eagerlv  seized  the 
opportunity  which  now  presented  itself  He  instantly 
perceived  that,  by  complying  with  Prince  Henry's  re- 
quest, he  might  exercise  a  preroi;ative  no  less  flatter- 
ing in  its  own  nature  than  likely  to  prove  beneficial  in 
its  consequences.  A  bull  was  accordingly  issued,  in 
which,  after  ajiplauding  in  the  strongest  terms  the  past 
efforts  of  the  Portuguese,  and  exhorting  them  to  pro- 
ceed in  that  laudable  career  on  which  they  nad  entered, 
he  granted  them  an  exclusive  right  to  all  the  countries 
which  they  should  discover,  from  Cape  Non  to  the 
continent  of  India. 

Extravagant  as  this  donation, comprehendi.ig  such  a 
large  portion  of  the  habitable  globe,  would  now  appear, 
even  in  Catholic  countries,  no  person  in  the  fifteenth 


filleen  hundred  miles  of  the  coast  of  .\frica  were  dis- 
covered. To  an  age  accpiainted  with  the  efl'i.rls  o. 
navigation  in  its  state  of  maturity  and  improvement, 
these  essays  of  itn  early  years  must  necessarily  appear 
feeble  and  unskilful.  But  inconsi<lerabIe  as  I'hey  may 
be  deemed,  they  were  sullicient  to  turn  the  curiosity  oi 
the  European  nations  into  a  new  channel,  to  excite  an 
enterprising  spirit,  and  to  point  the  way  to  future  dis- 
coveries. 

Al|)honso,  who  possessed  the  throne  of  Portugal  at 
the  lime  of  prince  Henry's  death,  was  so  nmch  engaged 
in  supporting  his  own  pretensions  to  the  crown  of  ( 'as- 
tile,  or  in  carrying  on  his  expeililions  aiiainst  iIib 
Moors  of  Bariiary,  that,  the  force  of  his  kinjidom  being 
exerted  in  other  operations,  he  could  not  |)rosecule  iho 
discoveries  in  Africa  with  ardor.  He;  comiiiilled  iho 
conduct  of  them  to  Fernando  fJomez,  a  merchant  in 
Lisbon,  to  whom  he  granted  an  exclusive  right  of  com- 
merce with  all  the  countries  of  which  i)rince  Henry 
had  taken  possession.  I'nder  the  restraint  and  oppres- 
sion of  a  monopoly,  the  spirit  of  discovery  languished. 
It  ceased  to  be  a  national  object,  and  became  the  con- 
cern of  a  private  man  more  attentive  to  his  own  gain 
than  to  the  glory  of  his  country.  Some  progress,  how- 
ever, was  made.  'I'he  Portuguese  ventured  at  length 
[1471,]  to  cross  the  line,  and,  to  their  astonishment, 
found  that  region  of  the  torrid  zone,  which  was  sup- 
posed lo  be  scorched  with  intolerable  heat,  to  be  not 
only  habitable,  but  populous  and  fertile. 

John  II  ,  who  succeeded  iiis  faiiier  .•\i[)honso  [1481,] 
possessed  talents  cajjable  both  of  forming  and  execute 
ing  great  designs.  As  part  of  liis  revenues,  while 
prince,  had  arisen  from  duties  on  the  trade  with  Iho 
newly  discovered  countries,  this  naturally  turned  hi.i 
attention  towards  them,  and  satisfied  him  with  respect 
to  their  utility  and  importance.  In  i>r<iportion  as  his 
'iiiowledge  of  these  countries  extendeil.  the  possession 
of  them  appeared  to  be  of  greater  consequence.  W  hile 
the  Portuguese  proceeded  along  the  coast  of  Africa,  from 


century  doubted  that  the  Pope  in  the  plenitude  of  his  Cape  Non  to  the  river  of  Senegal,  Ihev  found  all  that 
apostolic  power,  had  a  right  to  confer  it.  Prince  Henry  extensive  tract  to  he  sandy. barren  and  thinly  inhabited 
was  soon  sensible  of  the  advantages  which  he  derived  i  by  a  wretched  peopleprofessingthe  Mahometan  reliiiion. 


from  this  transaction.  His  schemes  were  authorized 
and  sanctified  hy  the  bull  approving  of  them.  The 
spirit  of  discovery  was  connected  with  zeal  for  religion, 
which  in  that  age  was  a  principle  of  such  activity  and 
vigor  as  to  influence  the  conduct  of  nations.  All  Chris- 
tian princes  were  deterred  from  intruding  into  those 
countries  which  the  Portuguese  had  discovered,  or 
from  interrupting  the  progress  of  their  navigation  and 
contjuests.  [10] 

The  fame  of  the  Portuguese  voyages  soon  spread 


and  subject  to  the  vast  emjiire  of  Moroccr).  But  to  the 
south  ot  that  river,  the  power  and  religion  of  the  Mah.i- 
metans  were  unknown.  The  country  was  divided  in'o 
small  independent  principalities,  the  population  wis 
considerable,  the  soil  fertile,  and  the  Portuguese  soon 
discovered  trial  it  produce.l  ivorv.  rich  gums,  gold,  aui 
other  valuable  commodities.  By  the  acquisition  of 
these,  commerce  was  enlarged,  and  became  more  ad- 
venturous. Men,  animated  and  rendered  active  by  the 
certain  prospect  of  gain,  pursued  discovery  w  ith  great- 


over  Europe.    Men  long  accustomed  to  circumscribe  I  e'  eagerness  than  when  they  were  excited  onlv  by 


the  activity  and  knowledge  of  the  human  mind  w  ithin 
the  limits  to  which  they  had  'oeen  hitherto  confined, 
were  astonished  to  behold  the  sphere  of  navigation  so 
suddenly  enlarged,  and  a  prospect  ojiened  of  visiting 
regions  of  the  globe  the  existence  of  which  was  un- 
known in  former  times.  The  learned  and  speculative 
reasoned  and  formed  theories  concerning  those  unex- 
pected discoveries.  The  vulgar  inquired  and  won- 
dered ;  while  enterprising  adventurers  crowded  from 
every  part  of  Europe,  soliciting  prince  Henry  to  employ 
them  in  this  honorable  service.  Many  Venetians  and 
Genoese,  in  particular,  who  were  at  that  time  superior 
to  all  other  nations  in  the  science  of  naval  afTairs, entered 
aboard  the  Portuguese  ships,  and  acquired  a  more  per- 
fect and  extensive  knowledge  of  their  profession  in  that 
new  school  of  navigation.  In  emulation  of  these  fo- 
reigners, the  Portuguese  exerted  their  own  talents. 
The  nation  seconded  the  designs  of  the  prince.  Pri- 
vate merchants  formed  companies  [1446,]  with  a  view 
to  search  for  unknown  countries.  The  Cape  dc  Verde 
Islands,  which  lie  off  the  promontory  of  that  name, 
were  discovered  [1449,]  and  soon  after  the  isles  calleii 
Azores.  As  the  former  of  these  are  above  three  hun- 
dred miles  from  the  African  coast,  and  the  latter  nine 
hundred  miles  from  any  continent,  it  is  evident  hy  their 
venturing  so  boldly  into  the  open  seas,  thatthe  Portu- 
guese had  by  this  time  improved  greatly  in  the  art  of 
navigation. 

While  the  passion  for  engaging  in  new  undertakings 
was  thus  warm  and  active,  it  received  an  unfortunate 
check  by  the  death  of  prince  Henry  [1463,]  whose  su- 
perior knowledge  had  hitherto  directed  all  the  opera- 
tions of  the  discoverers,  and  whose  patronage  had  en- 
couraged and  protected  them.    But  notwithslandini; 


curiosity  and  hope. 

This  spirit  deriveil  no  small  i-einforcemcnt  of  vi^'or 
from  the  countenance  of  such  a  monarch  asjohn.  De- 
claring himself  the  patron  of  every  atleinpl  towards 
discovery,  he  promoted  it  with  all  the  ardor  of  his 
ijrand  uncle,  [irince  Hi'iirv,  and  with  superior  power. 
The  efl'ects  of  this  w  ere  immediately  fell.  A  powerful 
fleet  was  fitted  out  [1484. J  which  alter  discoverin<;  the 
kingdoms  of  Benin  and  Congo,  advanced  above  filleen 
hundred  miles  beyond  the  line, and  the  Portuouese.  for 
the  first  time,  beheld  a  new  heaven,  and  observed  the 
stars  of  another  licmisplii're.  John  was  not  only  so- 
licitous to  discover,  but  attentive  lo  secure  the  po; ses- 
sion of  those  countries.  He  built  forts  on  the  coast  of 
(Juinea  ;  he  sent  out  colonies  to  settle  there;  he  es- 
lablished  acommercial  intercourse  with  the  more  pow- 
erful kingdoms;  he  endeavored  to  render  such  as  were 
feelile  or  divided  tributary  to  the  crown  of  Portngil. 
.Some  of  the  petty  princes  voluntarily  acknowledged 
Ihi'msi'lves  his  vassals.  Others  were  compelled  to  do 
so  by  force  of  arms.  A  regular  and  well  ilii;ested  sys- 
tem was  formed  with  respect  to  this  new  object  of  po- 
licy, and  by  firmly  adhering  to  it  'he  Portuguese  pow- 
er and  commerce  in  Africa  were  established  upon  a 
solid  foundation. 

By  their  constant  intercourse  with  Iho  people  of  .Af- 
rica, the  Portuguese  gradually  acipiired  some  know  - 
ledge of  those  parts  of  that  country  which  they  had  not 
visited.  The  information  which  they  received  from  the 
natives,  added  to  what  they  had  observed  in  their  own 
voyages,  began  to  open  prosjiects  more  extensive,  and 
to  suggest  the  iiiea  of  schemes  more  important  than 
those  which  had  hitherto  allured  and  occupied  them. 
I'hey  liad  detected  the  error  of  the  ancients  concerning 


all  the  advantages  which  they  derived  from  these,  the  I  the  nature  of  the  torrid  zone.  They  found  as  they  pro- 
Portuguese  during  his  life  did  not  advance  in  their  ut.  Iceeded  southwarils,tliat  the  continent  of  Africa, insiead 
most  progress  towards  the  south,  w  ithin  five  degrees  of  of  extending  in  breadth,  according  to  the  doctrine  oj 
the  equinoctial  line;  and  after  their  continued  exer- !  Ptolemy. at  that  time  the  oracle  and  guide  of  the  If  irned 
tions  for  half  a  century,  [lioui  1412  to  1463,]  hardly  I  in  the  science  of  geography,  appeared  sensibly  to  cou 


76 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


tract  itself,  and  to  bend  towards  the  east.  This  in- 
diicotl  'liem  ti)  giv(  ercdit  to  the  accounts  of  the  ancient 
Pht'iiii;i;in  voyages  rtnirid  Alrica,  which  had  long  been 
de(Mi»i'(l  falmlDus,  and  led  tlirm  to  conceive  hjopes,  that 
hv  following  the  same  route,  they  might  arrive  at  the 
East  Indies,  and  engross  that  commerce  which  has 
been  the  source  of  wealth  and  power  to  everj'  nation 
possessed  of  it.  The  comprehensive  genius  of  prince 
Henrv.  as  we  may  conjecture  from  the  words  of  the 
Pope  s  hull,  had  early  formed  some  idea  of  this  navign- 
tion.  But  though  his  countrymen,at  that  perio<i,  were 
■incapable  of  conceiving  the  extent  of  his  views  and 
schemes,  all  the  Portuguese  mathematicians  and  pilots 
now  concurred  in  representing  them  as  well  founded 
and  practicable.  The  king  entered  with  warmth  into 
their  sentiments,  and  began  to  concert  measures  for 
this  arduous  and  important  voyage. 

Before  his  preparations  for  this  expedition  were 
finished,  accounts  were  transmitted  from  Africa,  that 
various  nations alongthecoast  had  mentioned  amighty 
kingdom  situat<Ml  on  their  continent,  at  a  great  distance 
towards  the  east,  the  king  of  which,  according  to  their 
description,  professed  the  (>liristian  religion.  The 
Portuguese  monarch  immediately  concluded,  that  this 
must  be  the  emperor  of  .\byssinia,  to  whom  the  Euro- 
peans.seduced  by  a  mistake  of  Rubruquis,  Marco  Polo, 
and  other  travellers  to  the  East,  absurdly  gave  the  name 
of  Pregter,  or  Presbyter  John  ;  and  as  he  hoped  to  re- 
ceive information  and  assistance  from  a  Christian 
prince,  in  prosecutini;  a  scheme  that  tended  to  propa- 
gate their  conunon  faith,  he  resolved  to  open,  if  possi- 
nle,  some  intercourse  with  his  court.  With  this  view, 
he  nia<le  choice  of  Pedro  de  Covillam,  and  .\lphonso 
de  Payva,  who  were  perfect  masters  of  the  .\rabic  lan- 
guage, and  sent  them  to  the  East  to  search  for  the  resi- 
dence of  this  unknown  potentate,  and  to  make  him 
|)roirers  of  friendship.  They  had  in  charge  hkewise  to 
procure  whatever  intelligence  the  nations  which  they 
visited  could  supply, with  respect  to  the  trade  of  India, 
and  the  course  of  navigation  to  that  continent. 

While  John  inaile  this  new  attempt  by  land,  to  ob- 
tain .some  knowledge  of  the  country  which  he  wished 
so  ardently  to  di.scover,  he  did  not  neglect  the  prosecu- 
tioti  of  this  great  design  by  sea.  The  conduct  of  a 
voyaoe  for  this  purpose,  the  most  arduous  and  import- 
ant which  the  Portuguese  had  ever  j>r(>jected,  was  com- 
niitlcd  to  Bartholomew  Diaz  [1480]  an  officer  whose 
sajjarity,  experience,  and  fortitude,  rendered  him  equal 
to  the  undertaking.  He  stretched  l)ol(ily  towards  the 
fO'Uh,  and  proceeding  beyond  the  utmost  limits  to 
%vh:ch  hiscountrymen  had  hitherto  advanced. discovered 
near  a  thousand  miles  of  new  country.  Neither  the 
danger  to  which  he  was  exposed,  by  a  succession  of 
violent  tempests  in  unknown  seas,  and  by  the  frequent 
niutiniesof  hiscrrw,northe  calamitiesof  afamine  which 
ho  sullered  from  losing  his  storeship,  could  deter  him 
from  prosecuting  his  enterprise.  In  recompense  of  his 
labors  and  perseverance,  he  al  last  descried  that  lofty 
promontory  which  bounds  Africa  to  the  south.  But  to 
(lescry  it  was  all  that  he  had  in  his  power  to  accomplish. 
The  violence  of  the  winds,  the  shattered  condition  of 
his  ships,  and  tlio  turbulent  spirit  of  the  sailors,  com- 
pelled him  to  return  after  a  voyage  of  sixteen  months, 
in  which  he  discovered  a  far  greater  extent  of  country 
than  any  former  navigator.  Diaz  had  called  the  pro- 
montory which  terminated  hisvoyage  Capo  Tormcnlosn, 
or  the  stormy  ('ape  ;  but  the  king,  his  master,  as  he 
now  entertained  no  doubt  of  having  found  the  long  de- 
sired route  to  India,  gave  it  a  name  more  inviting,  and 
of  a  better  omen,  Tlic  Cape  of  Good  Hope. 

Those  sanguine  expectations  of  success  were  con- 
firmed by  the  intelligence  which  John  receiveil  over 
land,  in  consecpience  of  his  enibassy  to  Abyssinia. 
Covillam  and  Payva,  in  obedience  to  iheir  master's  in- 
Btructir>ns,  liad  repair<'d  to  (Jrand  Cairo.  From  that 
rity  lliey  travelled  along  with  a  caravan  of  Egyptian 
merchants,  and  embarking  on  the  Red  Sea,  arrived  at 
Aden,  in  .\rabia  There  Ihev  separated  ;  Payva  sailed 
directly  towards  .-Miyssinia;  Covillam  endiarked  for  the 
East  Indies,  and  having  visited  Calecut.  fJoa,  and  oth- 
er cities  on  the  Malabar  coast,  returned  to  .*>ofalo,  on 
the  east  side  of  Africa,  and  thence  to  Grand  Cairo,, 
which  Payva  and  he  had  fixed  upon  as  their  place  of 
renile/.vcus.  Unfortunately  the  former  was  cruellv 
murdered  in  .Abyssinia  ;  but  (Jovillam  found  at  Cairo 
two  Porluijuese  Jews,  whom  John,  whose  provident 
sarr;irily  attended  to  every  circumstance  (hat  could  fa 
militate  the  execution  of  his  schemes,  bad  despatcheil 
after  tliem,  in  ordi-r  to  receive  a  iletail  of  their  proceeil- 
ing't,  and  to  communicate  to  them  new  instructions. 
By  one  of  these  Jews,  ('ovillam  transmitted  to  Portu- 
ga  a  journal  of  hi«  travels  by  sea  and  land, his  rcmarlis 


upon  the  trade  of  India,  together  with  exact  maps  of 
the  coasts  on  which  he  had  touched  ;  and  from  what 
he  himself  had  observed,  as  well  as  from  the  informa- 
tion of  skilful  seamen,  in  dilTerent  countries,  he  con- 
chuh-d,  that,  by  sailing  round  Africa,  a  passage  might 
be  found  to  the  East  Indies. 

The  happy  coincidence  of  Covillam's  opinion  and 
report, with  the  discoveries  which Diazhad  lately  made, 
left  hardly  any  shadow  of  doubt  with  respect  to  the 
possibility  of  sailing  from  Europe  to  India.  But  the 
vast  length  of  the  voyage,  and  the  furious  storms  which 
Diaz  had  encountered  near  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope, 
alarmed  and  intimidated  the  Portuguese  to  such  a  de- 
gree, although  by  long  experience  they  were  now  be- 
come adventurous  and  skilful  mariners,  that  some  time 
was  requisite  to  prepare  their  minds  fortius  dangerous 
and  extraordinary  voyage.  The  courage,  however, 
and  authority  of  the  monarch  gradually  dispelled  the 
vain  fears  of  his  subjects,  or  made  it  necessary  to  con- 
ceal them.  As  John  thought  himself  now  upon  the 
eve  of  accomplishing  that  great  design  which  had  been 
the  principal  object  of  his  reign,  his  earnestness  in 
prosecuting  it  became  so  vehement,  that  it  occupied 
his  thoughts  by  day  and  bereaved  him  of  sleep  through 
the  niijht.  While  he  was  taking  every  precaution  that 
his  wisdom  and  experience  could  suggest,  in  order  to 
ensure  the  success  of  the  expedition,  which  was  to  de- 
cide concerning  the  fate  of  his  favorite  project,  the 
fame  of  the  vast  discoveries  which  the  Portuguese  had 
already  made,  the  reports  concerning  the  extraordinary 
intelligence  which  they  had  received  from  the  East, 
and  the  prospect  of  the  voyage  which  they  now  medi- 
tated, drew  the  attention  of  all  the  European  nations, 
and  held  them  in  suspense  and  expectation.  By  some, 
the  maritime  skill  and  navigation  of  the  Portuguese 
were  compared  with  those  of  the  Phenicians  and  Car- 
thaginians, aud  exalted  above  them.  Others  formed 
conjectures  concerning  the  revolutions  which  the  suc- 
cess of  the  Portuguese  schemes  might  occasion  in  the 
course  of  trade,  and  the  political  state  of  Europe. - 
The  Venetians  began  to  be  disquieted  with  the  appre- 
hension of  losing  their  Indian  conmierce,  the  mono- 
poly of  which  was  the  chief  source  of  their  power 
as  well  as  opulence,  and  the  Portuguese  already  en- 
joyed in  fancy  the  wealth  of  the  East.  But  during  this 
interval,  which  gave  such  scope  to  the  various  work- 
ings of  curiosity,  of  hope,  and  of  fear,  an  account 
was  brought  to  Europe  of  an  event  no  less  extraor- 
dinary than  unexpected,  the  discovery  of  a  New 
World  situated  on  the  West ;  and  the  eyes  and  admi- 
ration of  mankind  turned  immediately  towards  that 
great  object. 


BOOK  11. 

Birth  and  education  of  Columbus — acquires  naval  skill  in  the 
service  of  Poituijal — conceives  liopes  of  reacliins  (lie  Easi 
Indies  by  holding  a  westerly  conrse — his  system  I'oinided 
on  tlie  ideas  of  Ihe  ancients,  and  knowleilge  of  itieir  naviga- 
tion— and  on  the  discoveries  of  the  Porlugnese — his  ne- 
golialmns  with  different  courts — obstacles  which  he  had  to 
surmount  in  Spain — Voyage  of  discovery — ililhculiies — suc- 
cess— return  to  Spain — Astonishmant  of  mankind  on  lliis 
discovery  of  a  new  wcrld — Papal  grant  of  i( — Second  voy- 
age— Colony  settled — Further  discoveries — War  with  llie 
Indians — Kirst  tax  iniiK>sed  on  them— Tliird  voyage — He 
covers  the  Continent — State  of  the  Spanish  colony — Erri>rs 
in  the  first  system  of  coloiii/ing — Voyage  of  ilie  l\>itu- 
guese  to  the  F.asl  Indies  by  the  Cape  of  (iood  Hope — Kf- 
fects  of  this — discoveries  made  by  private  adventurers  in  the 
New  World — Name  of  America  given  to  it — Machinations 
against  Columbus — disgraced  and  sent  in  chains  lo  Ku- 
rope — Fourth  voyage  of  Columbus — His  discoveries — dis- 
asters— death. 

Among  the  foreigners  whom  the  fame  of  the  disco- 
veries made  by  the  Portuguese  had  allured  into  their 
service,  was  Christopher  Colon,  or  Cohniibus,  a  sub- 
ject of  the  Republic  of  Genoa  Neither  the  time  nor 
place  of  his  birth  isknown  with  certaitity  [11]  ;  but  he 
was  descended  of  an  honorable  family,  thoiioh  re- 
duced to  indigence  by  various  misfortunes.  His  an- 
cestors having  betakcti  themselves  for  subsistence  to  a 
seafaring  life.  Cobiinbus  discovered  in  his  earlv  youth 
the  peculiar  character  and  talents  whii-h  mark  out  a 
man  for  that  profession.  His  parents,  instead  of 
thwarting  thisorigitial  propensity  of  his  iniiul,  seem  to 
have  encouraged  and  conlirmed  it  by  the  education 
which  they  gave  him.  Afler  acquiritig  some  know- 
ledge of  Ihe  Ijalin  tongue,  the  only  language  in  w  hich 
.scietice  was  taught  at  that  time,  he  was  instructed  in 
geometry,  cosmogra[)hy,  astronomy,  and  the  art  of 
drawing.  To  these  he  applied  with  such  ardor  and 
predilection,  on  account  of  their  connexion  with  navi- 
gation,his  fivorite  object,  that  he  advanced  with  rapid 
proliciency  in  the  study  of  them.  Thus  qualified,  he 
wc'f  to  sea  at  the  age  of  fourteen  [M61J,  and  began 


his  career  on  that  element  which  conducted  him  to  wo 
much  glory.  Hi's  early  voyages  were  to  those  ports  in 
the  Mediterranean  which  hiscountrymen  the  Genoese, 
frequented.  This  being  a  sphere  too  narrow  for  hia 
active  mind. he  made  an  excursion  to  the  northern  seaa 
[1-167,]  and  visited  the  coast  of  Iceland,  to  which  the 
English  and  other  nations  had  begun  to  resort  on  ac- 
counlof  its  fishery.  As  navigation, in  every  direction, w  as 
now  become  eiiter[)rising,  he  proceeded  bevond  that 
island,  the  Tliule  of  the  ancients,  and  advanced  several 
degrees  within  the  polar  circle.  Having  satisfied  his 
curiosity,  by  a  voyage  which  tended  more  to  enlarge 
his  knowledge  of  naval  aflairs  than  to  improve  his  for- 
tune, he  entered  into  the  service  of  a  famous  sea-cap- 
tain of  his  own  name  ar.d  family.  This  man  com- 
manded a  small  squadron  fitted  out  at  his  own  expense, 
and  by  cruising  sometimes  against  the  Mahometans, 
sometimes  against  the  Venetians, the  rivalsof  his  coun- 
try ill  trade,  had  acquired  both  wealth  and  reputation. 
With  him  Columbus  continued  for  several  years,  no 
less  distinguished  for  his  courage  than  for  his  expe- 
rience as  a  sailor.  At  length,  in  an  obstinate  engage- 
ment off  the  coast  of  Portugal,  with  some  Venetian 
caravels  returning  richly  laden  from  the  Low  Countries, 
tlie  vessel  on  board  which  he  served  took  fire,  together 
with  one  of  the  enemy's  ships  to  which  it  was  fast  grap- 
pled. In  this  dreadful  extremity  his  intrepidity  and  pre- 
sence of  mind  did  not  forsake  him.  He  threw  himself 
into  the  sea,  laid  hold  of  a  floating  oar,  and  by  the  sup- 
port of  it,  and  his  dexterity  in  swimming,  he  reached 
the  shore,  though  above  two  leagues  distant,  and  sa- 
ved a  life  reserved  for  great  undertakings. 

As  soon  as  he  recovered  strength  for  the  journey,  ho 
repaired  lo  Lisbon, where  many  of  his  countrymen  were 
settled.  They  soon  conceived  such  a  favorable  opinion 
of  his  merit,  as  well  as  talents,  that  they  w  armly  so- 
licited him  to  remain  in  that  kingdom,  where  his  naval 
skill  and  experience  could  not  fail  of  rendering  himcon- 
spicuous.  To  every  adventurer  animated  either  with 
curiosity  to  visit  new  countrics,or  with  ambition  to  dis- 
tinguish hiinself,the  Portuguese  service  wasat  that  time 
extremdy  inviting.  Columbus  listened  with  a  favorable 
ear  to  the  advice  of  his  friends,  and  having  gained  the 
esteem  of  a  Portuguese  lady,  whom  he  married  fixed 
his  residence  in  Lisbon.  This  alliacce,  instead  of  de- 
taching him  from  a  seafaring  life,  contributed  to  enlarge 
the  sphere  of  his  naval  knowledge,  and  to  excite  a  de- 
sire of  extending  it  still  further.  His  w  ife  was  a  daugh- 
ter of  Bartholomew  Perestrello,  one  of  the  captains  em- 
ployed by  prince  Henry  in  his  early  navigations,  and 
who,  under  his  protection,  had  discovered  and  planted 
the  islands  of  Porto  Santo  and  Madeira.  Columt)Us  got 
possession  of  the  journals  and  charts  of  this  experienced 
navigator;  and  from  them  he  learned  the  course  which 
the  Portuguese  had  held  in  making  their  discoveries, 
as  well  as  the  various  circumstances  which  guiiled  or 
encouraged  them  in  their  attempts.  The  study  of  these 
soothed  and  inflamed  his  favorite  passion;  and  while 
he  contemplated  the  maps,  and  read  the  descriptions 
of  the  new  countries  which  Perestrello  had  seen,  his 
impatience  to  visit  them  became  irresistible.  In  order 
to  indulge  it,  he  made  a  voyage  to  Madeira,  and  Con- 
tinued duriiig  several  years  to  trade  with  that  island, 
with  the  Canaries,  the  .Azores,  the  .settlements  in  Gui- 
nea, and  all  the  other  places  which  the  Portuguese  had 
discovered  on  the  continent  of  .\frica. 

By  the  experience  which  Columbus  acquired. during 
such  a  variety  of  voyasjes  to  almost  every  port  of  the 
globe  with  which  at  that  time  any  inlercour.se  was  car- 
ried on  by  sea,  he  was  now  become  one  of  the  most 
skilful  navigators  in  Europe.  But,  not  satisfied  with 
that  praise,  his  ambition  aimed  at  something  more. 
The  successful  progress  of  the  Portuguese  navigators 
had  awakened  a  spirit  of  curiosity  and  emulation, which 
-set  every  man  of  science  ui>on  examining  all  the  cir- 
cumstances that  letl  to  the  discoveries  which  they  had 
made,  or  that  afVorded  a  i)rospect  of  succ  eeding  in  any 
new  and  bolder  undertaking.  The  mind  of  Colunibus, 
iialiirally  inquisitive,  capable  of  deep  reflection,  and 
turned  to  speculations  of  this  kinil,  whs  so  often  em- 
ployed in  revolving  the  principles  upon  w  hich  the  Por- 
lugitese  had  toiinded  their  scheme*  of  discovery,  and 
the  mode  on  which  they  had  carried  them  on.  that  he 
gradually  began  toform  an  ideaof  iniprovingupon  thetr 
|)lan,  and  of  accoin])lishing  discoveries  which  hitherto 
thev  liad  atleri])led  in  vain. 

To  find  out  I  passage  by  sea  to  the  East  Indies,  was 
Ihe  important  object  in  view  at  that  period.  From  the 
time  that  the  Portuguese  doubled  (Jape  de  Verd,  this 
was  the  [loint  at  w  hich  they  aimed  in  all  their  naviga- 
tions, and  in  comparison  with  all  their  discoveries  in 
Africa   appeared  inconsiderable     The  f.iilility  «  imI 


SOUTH  AMERICA 


77 


riches  of  India  had  boon  known  foi  many  aires  ;  its 
epices  and  other  vakiable  cominodit  ss  were  in  high 
request  throucrhout  Europe,  and  the  vast  wealth  of  the 
Veuilians,  arisinj;  from  their  having  engrossed  this 
trade,  had  raised  the  envy  of  all  nations.  But  how 
intent  soever  the  Portuguese  were  upon  discovering  a 
new  route  to  those  desirable  regions,  they  searched  for 
it  only  by  steering  towards  the  south,  in  hopes  of  arri- 
ving at  India  by  turning  to  the  east  after  they  had 
sailed  round  the  further  extremity  of  Africa.  This 
course  was  still  unknown,  and  even  if  discovered,  was 
of  such  immense  length,  that  a  voyage  from  Europe  to 
India  must  have  appeared  at  that  period  an  undertaking 
extremely  arduous,  and  of  very  uncertain  issue.  More 
than  half  a  century  had  been  employed  in  advancing 
from  Cape  Non  to  the  equator  ;  a  much  longer  space 
of  time  might  elapse  before  the  more  extensive  naviga- 
tion from  that  to  India  could  be  accomplished.  Tiiese 
retlectionsupon  the  uncertainty, the  danger,aiid  tedious- 
nessofthc  course  which  the  Portuguese  were  pursuing, 
naturally  led  Columbus  to  consider  whether  a  shorter 
and  more  direct  ])assage  to  the  East  Indies  might  not 
be  found  out.  After  revolving  long  and  seriously  every 
circumstance  suggested  by  his  superior  knowledge  in 
the  theory  as  well  as  the  practice  of  navigation:  after 
comparing  attentively  the  observations  of  modern  pilots 
with  the  hints  and  conjectures  of  ancient  authors,  he  at 
last  concluded,  that  by  sailing  directly  towards  the 
west,  across  the  Atlantic  ocean,  new  countries,  which 
probably  formed  a  part  of  the  great  continent  of  India, 
must  infallibly  be  discovered 

Principles  and  arguments  of  various  kinds,  and  de- 
rived from  different  sources,  induced  him  to  adopt  this 
opinion, seemingly  as  chimerical  as  it  was  new  and  ex- 
traordinary. The  spherical  figure  of  the  earth  was 
known, and  its  magnitude  ascertained  with  some  degree 
of  accuracy.  From  this  it  was  evident,  that  the  con- 
tinents of  Europe,  Asia,and  Africa, as  far  as  they  were 
known  at  that  time,  formed  but  a  small  portion  of  the 
terraqueous  globe.  It  was  suitable  to  our  ideas  con- 
serning  the  wisdom  and  beneficence  of  the  Author  of 
Nature,  to  believe  that  the  vast  space  still  unexplored 
was  not  covered  entirely  by  a  waste  unprofitable  ocean, 
but  occupied  by  countries  fit  for  the  habitation  of  man. 
It  appeared  likewise  extremely  probable  that  the  con- 
,inent  on  this  side  of  the  globe  was  balanced  by  a  pro- 
portional quantity  of  land  in  the  other  hemis|)here. 
These  conclusions  concerning  the  existence  of  another 
continent,  drawn  from  the  figure  and  structure  of  the 
globe,  were  confirmed  by  the  observations  and  conjec- 
tures of  modern  navigators.  A  Portuguese  pilot,  hav 
ing  stretched  further  to  the  west  than  was  usual  at  that 
time,  took  up  apiece  of  timber  artificially  carved  float- 
ing upon  the  sea  ;  and  as  it  was  driven  towards  him  by 
a  westerly  wind, he  concluded  that  it  came  from  some 
unknown  land  situated  in  that  quarter.  Columbus's 
brother-in-law  had  found  to  the  west  of  the  Madeira 
isles,  a  piece  of  timbtr  fashioned  in  the  same  manner, 
and  brought  by  the  same  wind  ;  and  had  seen  likewise 
canes  of  an  enormous  size  floating  upon  the  waves, 
which  resembled  those  described  by  Ptolemy  as  pro- 
ductions peculiar  to  the  East  Indies.  After  a  course 
of  westerly  winds, trees  torn  up  by  the  roots  wercoften 
driven  upon  the  coast  of  the  Azores;  and  at  one  time, 
the  dead  bodies  of  two  men,  with  singular  features, 
resembling  neither  tho  inhabitants  of  Europe  nor  of 
Africa,  were  cast  ashore  there. 

As  the  force  of  this  united  evidence,  arising  from 
theoretical  principles  and  practical  observations,  led 
Columbus  to  expect  the  discovery  of  new  countries  in 
the  western  ocean,  other  reasons  induced  him  to  be- 
heve  that  these  must  be  connected  with  the  continent 
ofl  ndia.  Though  the  ancients  had  hardly  ever  ])ene- 
trated  into  India  further  than  the  banks  of  the  Ganges, 
yet  some  Greek  authors  had  ventured  to  describe  the 
provinces  beyond  that  river.  As  men  are  prone,  and 
at  liberty,  to  magnify  what  is  remote  or  unknown,  they 
represented  them  as  regions  of  an  immense  extent. 
Ct  esiHs  aflirmed  that  India  was  as  lar<Te  as  all  the  rest 
of  Asia.  Onesicritus,  whom  Pliny  the  naturalist  fol- 
lows, contended  that  it  was  equal  to  a  third  part  of  the 
habitable  earth.  Nearchus  asserted,  that  it  would  take 
four  months  to  march  in  a  straight  line  from  one  ex- 
tremity of  India  to  the  other 


most  accurate  that  the  people  of  Europe  had  received 
at  that  period  with  respect  to  the  remote  parts  of  the 
East,  Columbus  drew  a  just  conclusion.  He  contended 
that,  in  proportion  as  the  continent  of  India  stretched 
out  towards  the  East,  it  must,  in  consequence  of  the 
spherical  figure  of  the  earth, approach  near  to  the  islands 
which  had  lately  been  discovered  to  the  west  of  Africa; 
that  the  distance  from  the  one  to  the  other  was  proba- 
bly not  very  considerable  ;  and  that  the  most  direct  as 
well  as  shortest  course  tothe  remote  regions  of  the  East 
was  to  be  found  by  sailing  due  west.  [12]  This  notion 
concerning  the  vicinity  of  India  tothe  western  parts  of 
our  continent,  was  countenanced  by  some  eminent 
writers  among  the  ancients,  the  sanction  of  whose  au- 
thority was  necessary.in  that  age,  to  procure  a  favora- 
ble reception  to  any  tenet.  Aristotle  thought  it  pro- 
bable that  the  Columns  of  Hercules,  or  Straits  of  Gib- 
raltar, were  not  far  removed  from  the  East  Indies,and 
that  there  niijiht  be  a  communication  by  sea  between 
them.  Seneca,  in  terms  still  more  explicit,  affirms, 
that  with  a  fair  wind  one  might  sail  from  Spain  to  India 
in  a  few  days.  The  famous  .Atlantic  islands  described 
by  Plato,  and  supposed  by  many  to  be  a  real  country, 
beyond  which  an  unknown  continent  was  situated,  is 
represented  by  him  as  lying  at  no  great  distance  from 
Spain.  After  weighing  all  these  particulars,Colunibus, 
in  whose  character  the  modesty  and  ditlidence  of  true 
genius  were  united  with  the  ardent  enthusiasm  of  a 
projector,  did  not  rest  with  such  absolute  assurance, 
either  upon  his  own  arguments,  or  upon  the  authority 
of  the  ancients,  as  not  to  consult  such  of  his  cotein- 
poraries  as  were  capable  of  comprehending  the  nature 
of  the  evidence  which  he  produced  in  support  of  his 
opinion.  As  early  as  the  year  one  thousand  lour  hun- 
dred and  seventy  four,  he  communicated  his  ideas  con- 
cerning the  probability  of  discovering  new  countries, by 
sailing  westward, to  Paul, a  physician  of  Florence,  emi- 
nent for  his  knowledge  of  cosmography, and  who.  from 
the  learning  as  well  as  candor  which  he  discovers  in 
his  reply, a[>pears  to  have  been  well  entitled  to  the  con- 
fidence which  Columbus  placed  in  him.  He  warmly 
approved  of  the  plan,  suggested  several  facts  in  con- 
firmation of  it,  and  encouraged  Columbus  to  persevere 
in  an  undertaking  so  laudable,  and  which  must  re 
dound  so  much  to  the  honor  of  his  country  and  the 
benefit  of  Europe. 

To  a  mind  less  capable  of  forming  and  of  executing 
great  designs  than  that  of  Coiumbus,  all  those  rea- 
sonings and  observations  and  authorities  would  have 
served  only  as  the  foundation  of  some  plausible  and 
fruitless  theory,  which  might  have  furnished  matter 
for  ingenious  discourse  or  fanciful  conjecture.  But 
with  his  sanguineand  enterprising  temper  speculation 
led  directly  to  action.  Fully  satisfied  himself  with 
respect  to  the  truth  of  his  system,  he  was  impatient  to 
bring  it  tothe  test  of  experiment,  and  to  set  out  upon 
a  voyage  of  discovery.  The  first  step  toward.'s  this 
was  to  secure  the  patronage  of  some  of  the  considera- 
ble powers  in  Europe  capable  of  undertaking  such  an 
enterprise.  As  long  absence  had  not  extinguished  the 
alfection  which  he  bore  to  his  native  country, he  wished 
that  it  should  reap  the  fruits  of  his  labors  and  inven- 
tion. With  this  view,  he  laid  his  scheme  before  the 
senate  of  Genoa,  and,making  his  country  the  fiist  ten- 
der of  his  service,  ofl'ered  to  sail  under  the  banners  of 
the  republic  in  quest  of  the  new  regions  which  he  ex- 
pected to  discover.  But  Columbus  had  resided  for  so 
many  years  in  foreign  part.s,lhat  his  countrymen  were 
unacquainted  with  his  abilities  and  character  ;  and, 
though  a  maritime  people,  were  so  little  accustomed 
to  distant  voyages,  that  they  could  form  no  just  idea  of 


well  as  his  personal  good  qualities,  were  thoroughly 
known,  and  as  the  former  rendered  it  probable  that 
his  scheme  was  not  altogether  visionary,  the  latter  ex- 
empted him  from  the  suspicion  of  any  pinistcr  iiilcn- 
tion  in  proposing  it.  Accordingly,  the  king  lit^tcnrd 
to  him  in  the  most  gracious  maimer,  and  referred  the 
consideratiim  of  his  plan  to  IJiego  Orlis,  Bishop  ol 
Ceuta,  and  two  Jewish  Phj'sicians,  eminent  cosniog- 
raphers,  whom  he  was  accustomed  to  consult  in  mat- 
ters of  this  kind.  As  in  (ienoa,  ignorance  had  opposed 
and  disappointed  Columbus  ;  in  Lisbon,  he  had  to 
combat  with  prejudice,  an  enemy  no  less  formidable. 
The  persons  according  to  whose  decision  his  scheme 
was  to  be  adopted,  or  rejected,  liad  been  the  chief  di- 
rectors of  the  Portuguese  navigations,  and  had  advised 
to  search  for  a  passage  to  India,  by  steering  a  course 
directly  opposite  to  that  which  Columbus  recommend 
ed  as  shorter  and  more  certain.  They  could  not, 
therefore,  approve  of  his  proposal  without  submitting 
to  the  double  mortification  of  condemning  their  own 
theory,  and  acknowledging  his  superior  sagacity.  Af- 
ter teasing  him  with  captious  questions,  and  starting 
innumerable  objections,  with  a  view  of  betraying  him 
into  such  a  particular  ex[>laiiatiun  of  his  system  as 
might  draw  from  him  a  full  discovery  of  its  nature, 
they  deferred  passing  a  final  judgment  with  res|iect  li 
it.  In  the  meantime  they  conspired  to  rob  him  of  the 
honorand  advantages  which  he  expected  from  the  suc- 
cess of  his  scheme,  advising  the  king  to  despatch  a 
vessel  secretly,  in  order  to  attempt  the  proposed  disco- 
very, by  following  exactly  the  course  which  Colum- 
bus seemed  to  point  out.  .lohn,  forgetting  on  this  oc- 
casion the  sentiments  becoming  a  monarch,  meanly 
adopted  this  i)erfi(lious  counsel.  But  the  [)ilol  chosrii 
to  execute  Columbus's  plan  had  neither  the  genius  nor 
the  fortitude  of  its  author.  Contrary  winds  arose,  no 
sight  of  approaching  land  appeared. his  courage  failed, 
and  he  returned  to  Lisbon,  execrating  the  project  as 
equally  extravagant  and  dangerous. 

Upon  discovering  this  dishonorable  transaction,  Co- 
lumbus felt  the  indignation  natural  to  an  ingenious 
mind,  and  in  the  warmth  of  his  resentment  delerininrd 
to  break  off  all  iiitercnurse  with  a  nation  capable  of 
such  flagrant  treachery.  He  instantly  ipiitted  the 
kingdom,  and  landed  in  Spain  towards  the  close  ol  the 
year  one  thousand  four  hundred  and  eighty-four.  A* 
he  was  now  at  liberty  to  court  the  protection  of  any 
patron  whom  he  could  engage  to  ap|)rove  of  his  plan, 
and  to  carry  it  into  execution,  he  resolved  to  pro|>ose 
it  in  person  to  Ferdinand  and  Isabella. who  at  that  time 
governed  the  united  kingdoms  of  Castile  and  .Aragoii. 
But  as  he  had  already  experienced  the  uncertain  Issue 
of  application  to  kings  and  ministers,  he  took  the  pre- 
c  ution  of  sending  into  England  his  brother  Bartho- 
lomew, to  whom  he  had  fully  comnuinicaled  his  ideas, 
in  order  that  he  might  negotiate  at  the  same  lime  with 
Henry  VII.  who  was  reputed  one  in  the  most  sag;i- 
cious  as  well  as  opulent  princes  in  Europe. 

It  was  not  without  reason  that  Columbus  entertained 
doubts  and  fears  with  respect  to  the  reception  of  his 
proposals  in  the  Spanish  court.  Spain  was  at  that 
juncture  engaged  in  a  dangerous  war  with  Granada, 
the  last  of  the  Moorish  kingdoms  in  that  country 
The  wary  and  suspicious  temper  of  Ferdinand  was 
not  formed  to  relish  bold  or  uiicoininon  designs.  Isa- 
bella, though  more  generous  and  enterprising,  was 
under  the  influence  of  her  husband  in  all  her  acticms. 
The  Spaniards  had  hitherto  made  no  efforts  to  extend 
navigation  beyond  its  ancient  limits,  and  had  beheld 
the  amazing  progress  of  discovery  among  their  neigh- 
bors the  Portuguese  without  one  attempt  to  imitate  or 


the  principles  on  which  he  founded  his  hopes  of  sue- I  to  rival  them.   The  war  with  the  infidels  afforded  an 
They  inconsiderately  rejected  his  proposal,  as  |  ample  field  to  the  national  activity  and  love  of  glory. 


the  dream  of  a  chimerical  projector,  and  lost  forever 
the  opportunity  of  restoring  their  commonwealth  to 
its  ancient  splendour. 

Having  performed  what  was  due  to  his  country, 
Columbus  was  so  little  discouraged  by  the  repulse 
which  he  had  received,  that  instead  of  relinquishing 
his  un<lertaking  he  pursued  it  with  fresh  ardor.  He 
made  his  nt\xt  overture  to  John  II.  king  of  Portugal, in 
whose  dominions  he  had  been  long  established,  and 
whom  he  considc'red  on  that  account,  as  having  the 


Under  circuin.-^tances  so  unfavorable,  it  was  iinpossi- 
sible  for  Columbus  to  make  rapid  progress  with  a  na 
lion  naturally  slow  and  dilatory  in  forming  all  its  reso- 
lutions. His  character,however,was  admirably  ailapted 
to  that  of  the  people  whose  confidence  and  protrction 
he  solicited.  He  was  grave,  though  courteous  in  bis 
deportment  ;  circumspect  in  his  words  and  actions,  ir- 
reproacable  in  his  morals,  and  exemplary  in  his  alien, 
tion  to  all  the  duties  and  functions  of  religion.  Uy 
qualities  so  respectable,  he  not  only  gained  many  pri- 


second  claim  to  his  service.  Here  every  circum.stance '  vale  friends,  but  acquired  such  general  esteem,  thet, 
seemed  to  promise  him  a  more  favorable  reception  :,  notwithstanding  the  plainness  of  his  appearance, suit- 


  The  journal  of  Marco 

Polo,  who  had  proceeded  towards  the  East  far  beyond  „. 

the  limits  to  which  any  European  had  ever  advanced,  he  applied  to  a  monarch  of  an  enterprising  genius,  no  able  to  the  mediocrity  of  his  fortune,  he  was  not  con- 
incompetent  judge  in  naval  affairs,  and  proud  of  patro- 
nising every  attempt  to  discover  new  countries  His 


ieeined  to  confirm  these  exaggerated  accounts  of  the 
ancients.  By  his  magnificent  descriptions  of  the  king 
dome  of  Cathaij  and  Cipaiiffo,nni]  of  many  other  coun- 
tries the  names  of  which  were  unknown  in  Europe, 
^nJi^  appeared  to  be  a  region  of  vast  extent.  From 


sidered  as  a  mere  adventurer,  to  whom  indiirencc  had 
Uggested  a  visionary  project,  but  was  received  as  a 


subjects  were  the  most  experienced  navigators  in  person  to  whose  propositions  serious  attention  wasdue. 


Europe,  and  the  least  apt  to  be  intimidated  either  by 
the  novelty  and  boldness  of  any  maritime  expedition. 


Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  though  fully  occupied  by 
theiroperalionsagainst  the  Moors.pald  so  much  regarj 


these  accounts,  which,  however  defective,  were  the '  In  Portugal,  the  professional  skill  of  Coluuibus,  as ,  to  Columbus,  as  to  remit  the  consideration  of  la.-- viae 


78 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


to  the  queen's  confessor,  Ferdinand  de  Talavcra.  He 
consulted  such  of  his  countrymen  as  were  supposed 
best  qualified  to  decide  with  respect  to  a  subject  of  this 
kind.  Hut  true  science  had  hitherto  made  so  little 
profpress  in  Spain,  that  the  pretended  philosophers,  se- 
lected to  jud<;e  in  a  matter  of  such  moment,  did  not 
comprehsnd  the  first  principles  upon  which  Colundius 
founded  his  conjectures  and  hopes.  Some  of  them 
from  mistaken  notions  concerning  the  dimensions  of 
the  glohe,  contended  that  a  voyage  to  those  remote 
parts  of  the  east  which  Columbus  expected  to  discover, 
could  not  he  performed  in  less  than  three  years. 
Others  concluded,  that  eitlier  he  would  find  the  ocean 
to  he  of  infinite  extent,  according  to  the  opinion  of  some 
ancient  philoso|)hers  ;  or,if  he  should  per.sist  in  steering 
towards  the  west  beyond  a  certain  point,  that  the  con- 
vex figure  of  the  globe  would  prevent  his  return,  and 
that  he  must  inevitably  perish  in  the  vain  atteinp'  to 
open  a  communication  between  the  two  opposite  hem- 
ispheres which  nature  had  forever  disjoined.  Even 
without  deigning  to  enter  into  any  particular  discussion, 
many  rejected  the  scheme  in  general,  U[)on  the  credit 
of  a  maxim,  under  which  the  ignorant  and  unenterpri 
sing  shelter  themselves  in  every  age.  "  That  it  is  pre- 
sumptuous in  any  person,  to  suppose?  that  he  alone  pos- 
sesses knowledge  superior  to  all  the  rest  of  mankind 
united."  They  maintained,  that  if  there  were  really 
any  such  countries  as  Columbus  pretended,  they  could 
not  have  remained  so  long  concealed,  nor  would  the 
wisdom  and  sai;acity  of  former  ages  have  left  the  glory 
of  this  invention  to  an  obscure  (Jerioese  pilot. 

It  required  all  Columlius's  patience  and  address  to 
negotiate  with  men  capable  of  advancing  such  strange 
propositions.  He  had  to  contend  not  only  with  the 
obstinacy  of  ignorance,  but  with  what  is  still  more  in- 
tractable, the  pride  of  false  knowledge.  After  innu- 
merable conferences,and  wasting  five  vears  in  fruitless 
endeavors  to  inform  and  to  satisfy  judges  so  little  capa- 
ble of  deciding  with  propriety,  Talavera  at  last  made 
such  an  unfavorable  report  to  Ferdinand  and  Isabella, 
as  induced  them  to  acquaint  Columbus,  that  until  the 
war  with  the  .Moors  should  be  brought  to  a  period,  it 
would  be  imprudent  to  engage  in  any  new  and  exten- 
sive enter[)rise. 

M'hatever  care  was  taken  to  soften  the  harshness  of 
•his  declaration,  Columbus  considered  it  as  a  final  re- 
jection of  his  proposals.  But,  happily  for  mankind, 
that  superiority  of  genius,  which  is  capable  of  formiiiij 
great  and  uncommon  designs,  is  usually  accompanied 
with  an  ardent  enthusiasm. which  can  neither  be  cooled 
by  delays  nor  dain[ied  by  disappointment.  Columbus 
w  as  of  this  sanguine  temper.  Though  he  felt  deeply 
the  cruel  blow  given  to  his  hopes,  and  retired  immedi- 
ately from  a  court  where  he  had  been  amused  so  long 
with  vain  expectations,  his-  confidence  in  the  jii.^tness 
of  his  own  system  did  not  diminish,  and  his  impatience 
to  ileinonstrate  the  truth  of  it  by  an  actual  exjierimenl 
i)ecame  greater  than  e  ver.  Having  courted  the  protec- 
tion of  sovereign  states  without  success,  he  applied 
next  to  persons  of  inferior  rank,  and  addressed  succes- 
sively the  Dukes  of  Medina  Sidonia  and  Medina  Celi, 
who,  though  subjects,  were  possessed  of  power  and 
opulence  more  than  equal  to  the  enterprise  which  he 
projected.  His  negotiations  with  them  proved  as  fruit- 
less as  those  in  which  he  had  been  hitherto  engaged  ; 
for  these  noblemen  were  either  as  little  convinced  by 
Columbus's  arguments  as  their  superiors,  or  they  were 
afraid  of  alarming  the  jealousy  and  olFending  the  pride 
of  Ferdinand,  by  countenancing  a  scheme  which  he  had 
rejected. 

.\mid  the  painful  sensations  occasioned  by  such  a 
succession  of  disappointments,  Columbus  had  to  sus- 
tain the  additional  distress  of  having  received  no  ac- 
counts of  his  brother  whom  he  had  sent  to  the  court  of 
England.  In  his  voyage  to  that  country,  Bartholomew 
hail  been  so  unfortunate  as  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  pi- 
rales,  who  having  stripped  him  of  every  thing  <Ietaiiied 
him  a  prisoner  for  several  years.  At  length  lie  made 
his  escape,  and  arrived  in  London,  but  in  such  extreme 
indigence,  that  he  was  obliged  to  employ  himself,  du- 
ring a  considerable  time  in  drawing  and  selling  maps, 
in  order  to  pick  up  as  much  money  as  would  [nirchase 
a  decent  dress  in  which  he  ini<;lit  venture  to  appear  at 
court.  He  then  laid  before  the  king  the  proposals  with 
which  he  had  been  intrusted  by  his  brother;  ani  iiot- 
willistanding  Henry 'sexcessivecaution  and  parsimony, 
which  rendered  him  averse  to  new  or  extensive  under- 
takings, he  received  Columbus's  overtures  with  more 
approbation  than  any  monarch  to  whom  they  had  hi- 
therto oeen  presented. 

Mean«vhile,  (/'oliiiiibus  being  unacquainted  with  his 
■SOttter*  fate,  and  hu\  tig  now  no  prospect  of  encour- 


agement in  Spain,  resolved  to  visit  the  court  of  England 
in  person,  in  hopes  of  meeting  with  a  more  favorable 
reception  there.  He  had  already  made  preparations 
for  this  purpose,  and  taken  measures  for  the  disposal 
of  his  children  during  his  absence,  when  Juan  Perez, 
the  guardian  of  the  monastery  of  Rabida,  near  Palos, 
in  which  they  had  been  educated,  earnestly  solicited 
him  to  defer  his  journey  for  a  short  time.  Perez  was 
a  man  of  considerable  learning,  and  of  some  credit 
with  queen  Isabella,  to  whom  he  was  known  personally. 
He  was  warmly  attached  to  Columbus,  with  whose 
ability  as  well  as  integrity  he  had  many  opportunities 
of  being  acquainted.  Prompted  by  curiosity  or  by 
friendship.he  entered  upon  an  accurate  examination  of 
his  system,  in  conjunction  with  a  physician  settled  in 
the  neighborhood, who  wag  a  considerable  proficient  in 
mathematical  knowledge.  This  investigation  satisfied 
them  so  thorou^/lily,  with  respect  to  the  solidity  of  the 
principles  on  which  Columbus  founded  his  opinion, and 
the  probability  of  success  in  executing  the  plan  which 
he  proposed,  that  Perez,  in  order  to  prevent  his  coun- 
try from  being  deprived  of  the  glory  and  benefit  which 
must  accrue  to  the  patrons  of  such  a  grand  enterprise, 
ventured  to  write  lo  Isabella,  conjuring  her  to  consider 
the  matter  anew  with  the  attention  which  it  merited. 

Moved  by  the  representations  of  a  person  whom  she 
respected,  Isabella  desired  Perez  to  repair  immedi- 
ately to  the  village  of  Santa  Fe,  in  which,  on  account 
of  the  siege  of  Granada,  the  court  resided  at  that  time, 
that  she  might  confer  with  him  on  this  important 
subject.  The  first  effect  of  their  interview  was  a 
gracious  invitation  of  Columbus  b.ack  to  court,  ac- 
companied with  the  present  of  a  small  sum  to  equip 
him  for  the  journey.  As  there  was  now  a  certain 
prospect  that  the  war  with  the  Moors  would  speedily 
be  brought  to  a  happy  issue  by  the  reduction  of  Gra- 
nada,which  would  leave  the  nation  at  liberty  to  engage 
in  new  undertakings  ;  this,  as  well  as  the  mark  of 
roval  favor,  with  which  Columbus  had  been  lately 
honored,  encouraged  his  friends  to  appear  with  greater 
confidence  than  formerly  in  support  of  his  scheme. 
The  chief  of  these,  Alonza  de  Quinlanilla,  compt- 
roller of  the  finances  in  Castile,  and  Luis  de  Santan- 
gel,  receiver  of  the  ecclesiastical  revenues  in  Aragon, 
whose  meritorious  zeal  in  promoting  this  great  design 
entitles  their  names  to  an  honorable  place  in  history, 
introduced  Columbus  to  many  persons  of  high  rank, 
and  interested  them  warmly  in  his  behalf 

But  it  was  not  an  easy  matter  to  inspire  Ferdinand 
with  favorable  sentiments.  He  still  regarded  Colum- 
bus's project  as  extravagant  and  chimerical ;  and  in  or- 
der to  render  the  ellorts  of  his  partisans  inefl'eclual  he 
had  the  address  to  employ,  in  this  new  negotiation  with 
him,  some  of  the  persons  who  had  formerly  pronounced 
his  scheme  to  be  impracticable.  To  their  astonishment, 
{'oluinbus  appeared  before  them  with  the  same  confi- 
dent hopes  of  success  as  formerly,  and  insisted  upon 
the  same  high  recompense.  He  proposed  that  a  small 
lleet  should  be  fitted  out,  under  his  command,  to  at- 
tem[)t  the  discovery,  and  demanded  to  he  appointed 
hereditary  admiral  and  viceroy  of  all  the  seas  and  lands 
which  he  should  discover,  and  to  have  the  tenths  of  the 
profits  arising  from  them, settled  irrevocably  upon  him- 
self and  his  descendants.  At  the  same  time,  he  offered 
to  advance  the  eighth  part  of  the  sum  necessary  lor  ac- 
com[)lishing  his  design,  on  condition  that  he  should  be 
entitled  to  a  proportional  share  of  benefit  from  the  ad- 
venture. If  the  eiilerpri.se  should  totally  miscarry,  he 
made  no  stipulation  for  any  rewardor  emolument  what- 
ever. Instead  of  viewing  this  conduct  as  the  clearest 
evidence  of  his  full  persuasion  with  respect  to  the  truth 
of  his  own  system,  or  being  struck  with  that  magna- 
nimity which. after  so  many  delays  and  repulses,would 
sloop  lo  nothing  inferior  to  its  original  claims,  the  per- 
sons with  whomColumbiis  treated  began  meanly  local- 
culale  the  expense  of  the  expedition,  and  the  value  of 
the  reward  which  he  demanded.  The  expense,  mode- 
rate as  it  was,  they  represented  to  he  too  great  for 
.Spain  in  the  present  exhausted  state  of  its  finances. 
They  contended  that  the  honors  and  emolumenls 
claimed  by  Columbus  were  exorbitant, even  if  he  should 
perform  the  utmost  of  what  he  had  promised  ;  and  if 
all  his  sanguine  hopes  would  prove  illusive,  such  vast 
concessions  to  an  adventurer  would  he  deemed  not 
only  inconsiderate,  but  ridiculous.  In  this  imposing 
garb  of  caution  and  prudence,  their  opinion  appeared 
so  plausible,  and  was  so  warmly  supported  by  Ferdi- 
nand, that  Isabella  declined  giving  any  countenance  to 
(yolumhus,  and  abruptly  broke  off  the  negotialion  with 
him  which  she  had  begun 

This  was  tnore  mortifying  to  ('olumbus  than  all  the 
disappointments  which  he  had  hitherto  uiet  with.  The 


I  invitation  to  court  from  Isabella,  like  an  nnexpfcted 
|ray  of  light,  had  opened  such  prospects  of  success  aa 
encouraged  him  lo  hope  that  his  labors  were  at  an  end  ; 
but  now  darkness  and  uncertainty  returned,  and  his 
mind  firm  as  it  was,  could  hardly  support  the  shock  ol 
such  an  unforeseen  reverse.  He  withdrew  in  deep 
anguish  from  court,  with  an  intention  of  prosecuting 
his  voyage  to  England  as  his  last  resource. 

About  that  lime  Granada  surrendered, and  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella,  in  triumphal  pomp,  look  possession  ofc 
city  [Jan.  2,  1489.]  the  reduction  of  which  extirpated 
a  foreign  jiower  from  the  heart  of  their  dominions,  and 
rendered  them  master,  of  all  the  provinces  extending 
from  the  bottom  of  the  Pyrenees  lo  the  frontiers  ot 
Portugal.  As  the  flow  of  spirits  which  accompanieg 
success  elevates  tlie  mind,  and  renders  it  enterprising. 
Cjuintanilla  and  .Santangel,  the  vigilant  and  discerning 
patrons  of  Columbus,  look  advantage  of  this  favorable 
situation,  in  order  to  make  one  effort  more  in  behalf  of 
their  friend.  They  addressed  themselves  to  Isabella  ; 
and  after  expressing  some  surprise,  that  she,  who  had 
always  been  the  munificent  patroness  of  generous  un- 
dertakings, should  hesitate  so  long  to  countenance  the 
most  splendid  scheme  that  had  ever  been  proposed  to 
any  monarch  ;  they  represented  to  her,  that  (;ohimbua 
was  a  man  of  a  sound  understanding  and  virtuous  cha- 
racter, well  qualified,  by  his  experience  in  navigation, 
as  well  as  his  knowledge  of  geometry, lo  form  just  ideas 
with  respect  to  the  structure  of  the  gloiie  and  the  situa- 
tion of  its  various  regions  ;  that,  by  otfering  to  risk  his 
own  life  and  fortune  in  the  execution  of  his  scheme,  he 
gave  the  most  satisfying  evidence  both  of  his  integrity 
and  hope  of  success  ;  that  the  sum  requisite  for  equip- 
ping such  an  armament  as  he  demanded  was  inconsi- 
derable, and  the  advantages  wliich  might  accrue  from 
his  undertaking  were  immense  ;  that  he  demanded  no 
recompense  for  his  invention  and  labor,  but  what  was 
to  arise  from  the  countries  which  he  should  di.scover  , 
that,  as  it  was  worthy  of  her  magnanimity  to  make  this 
noble  attempt  lo  extend  the  sphere  of  human  know- 
ledge, and  to  open  an  intercourse  with  regions  hitherto 
unknown, so  it  would  afford  the  hiirhesl  satisfaction  to 
her  piety  and  zeal,  after  re  estabiishiui.'  the  Christian 
faith  in  those  provinces  of  .Spain  from  which  it  hail  been 
long  banished,  to  discover  a  new  world,  lo  which  she 
might  communicate  the  light  and  blessings  of  divine 
truth  ;  that  if  now  she  did  not  decide  in.-^tanllv,  the  op- 
portunity would  be  irretrievably  lost  ;  that  Colundius 
was  on  his  way  lo  foreign  countries. where  some  prince 
more  fotunate  or  adventurous,  would  close  with  his 
proposals  and  Spain  would  for  ever  bewail  that  fatal 
timidity  which  had  excluded  her  from  the  glory  and 
advantages  that  she  had  once  in  her  power  lo  have 
enjoyed. 

These  forcible  arguments,  urged  by  persons  of  such 
authority,  and  at  a  juncture  so  well  chosen,  produced 
the  desired  effect.  They  dispelled  all  Isabella's  doubts 
and  fears  ;  she  ordered  Columbus  lo  be  instantly  re- 
called, declared  her  resolution  of  employinsx  him  on  his 
own  terms,  and  regretting  the  low  estate  of  her  fi- 
nances, generously  offcreil  to  pledge  her  own  jewels 
in  order  lo  raise  as  much  money  as  might  Iw  needed 
iu  making  preparations  for  the  voyage.  Santangel,  in 
a  transport  of  gratitude,  kissed  the  queen's  hand,  ami, 
in  order  to  save  her  from  having  recourse  to  such  a 
mortifying  expedient  for  procuring  money, engaged  lo 
advance  immediately  the  sum  that  was  requisite. 

Columbus  had  proceeded  some  leagues  on  his  jour 
ney,  when  the  messenger  from  Isabella  overtook  him 
Upon  receiving  an  account  of  the  unexpected  resolu- 
tion in  his  favor,  he  returned  directly  lo  Santa  Fe, 
though  some  remainder  of  ilitl'ideiice  still  mingled  it.self 
with  his  joy.  But  the  cordial  reception  which  he  met 
with  from  Isabella,  together  with  the  near  prospect  of 
setting  out  upon  that  voyage  which  had  so  long  been 
the  object  of  his  thoughts  and  wishes,  soon  ed'aced  the 
remembrance  of  all  that  he  hadsullered  in  Spain  during 
eight  tedious  years  of  solicitation  and  suspense.  The 
negotiation  now  went  forward  with  facility  and  des- 
patch, and  a  treaty  of  capitulation  with  Columbus  was 
signed  on  the  17lh  of  .\pril,one  tlioue;  nd  ft.ur  hundred 
and  ninety-two.  The  chief  articles  of  it  were: — I, 
Ferdinand  and  Isibella.  as  soverei;:ns  of  the  ocean, 
constituted  Colunibustheirhigh  admiral  in  all  the  seas, 
islands,  and  continents,  which  should  he  discovered  by 
his  industry;  and  stipulated  lhal  he  and  his  heirs  for 
ever  should  enjoy  this  office,with  the  same  powers  and 
prerogatives  whichbelongedtolhc  high  admiral  of  Cas- 
tile within  the  limits  of  his  jurisdiction.  2.  They  ap- 
pointed Columbus  their  viceroy  in  all  ihe  islands  and 
continents  which  he  should  iliscover  ;  Imt  if,  for  the 
better  admiiiUtrutiun  of  alFairs,  it  woulU  hcrcui'tcx  In 


SOUTH  AME  RrC  A  . 


necessary  to  establish  a  separate  governor  in  any  of 
those  countries  ;  they  authorized  Columbus  to  name 
three  persons  ol  whom  they  would  choose  one  for  that 
oiHco  ;  and  the  dignity  of  viceroy  with  all  its  immu- 
nities,was  likewise  to  be  hereditary  in  the  family  of  Co- 
lumbus. 3.  They  granted  to  Columbus  and  his  heirs 
for  ever  the  tenth  of  the  free  profits  accruing  from  the 
productions  and  commerce  of  the  countries  which  he 
should  discover.  4.  They  declared,  that  if  any  con- 
troversy or  lawsuit  should  arise  with  respect  to  any 
mercantile  transaction  in  the  countries  which  should  he 
discovered,  it  should  be  determined  by  the  sole  au- 
thority of  Colujiibus,  or  of  judges  to  be  ap[)ointcd  by 
him.  5.  They  permitted  Columbun  to  advance  one- 
eighth  part  of  what  should  be  e.\pended  in  preparing 
for  the  expedition,  and  in  carrying  on  commerce  with 
the  countries  wlm-h  he  should  di.scover,  and  entitled 
him.  in  return  to  one  eighth  part  of  the  profit. 

Though  the  name  of  Ferdinand  appears  enjoined 
with  that  of  Isabella  in  this  transaction,  his  distrust  of 
Columbus  was  still  so  violent  that  ho  refused  to  take 
any  part  in  the  enterprise  as  king  of  Aragon.  As  the 
whole  e.\pense  of  the  expedition  was  to  be  defrayed  by 
the  crown  of  ('astile,  Isabella  reserved  for  her  subjects 
of  that  kingdom  an  exclusive  right  to  all  the  benefits 
which  might  redound  from  its  success.  * 

As  soon  as  the  treaty  was  signed,  Isabella,  by  her 
attention  and  activity  in  forwarding  the  preparations  for 
the  voyage,  enileavored  to  make  some  reparation  to 
Columbus  for  the  time  which  he  had  lost  in  fruitless  so- 
licitation. By  the  twelfth  of  May,  all  that  depended 
upon  her  was  adjusted  ;  and  Columbus  wailed  oti  the 
king  and  queen  in  order  to  receive  their  final  instruc- 
tions. Every  thing  respecting  thedestination  and  con- 
duct of  the  voyage  they  committed  im[)licitly  to  the 
disposal  of  his  prudence.  But  that  they  might  avoi<l 
giving  any  just  cause  of  offence  to  the  king  of  Portu- 
gal, they  strictly  enjoined  him  not  to  approach  near  to 
the  Portuguese  settlements  on  the  coast  of  Guinea,  or 
in  any  of  the  other  countries  to  which  the  Portuguese 
claimed  right  as  discoverers.  Isabella  had  ordered  the 
ships  of  which  Columbus  was  to  lake  the  command  to 
be  fitted  out  in  the  port  of  Palos  a  small  maritime  town 
in  the  province  of  Andalusia.  As  the  guardian  Juan 
Perez,  to  whom  Columbus  had  already  been  so  much 
indebted,  resided  in  the  neighborhood  of  this  place,  he, 
by  the  infhience  of  that  good  ecclesiastic,  as  well  as  by 
his  own  connection  with  the  inhabitants,  not  only  rais- 
ed among  them  what  he  wanted  of  the  sum  that  he 
was  bound  by  treaty  to  advance,  but  engaged  several 
of  them  to  accompany  him  in  the  voyage.  The  chief 
of  these  associates  were  three  brothers  of  the  name  of 
Pinzon,  of  considerable  wealth,  and  of  great  experi- 
ence in  naval  affairs,  who  were  willing  to  hazard  their 
lives  and  fortunes  in  the  expedition. 

But  after  all  the  efforts  of  Isabella  and  Columbus, 
the  armament  was  not  suitable  either  to  the  dignity  of 
the  nation  by  which  it  was  equipped,  or  to  the  impor- 
tance of  the  service  for  which  it  was  destined.  It  con 
sisted  of  three  vessels.  The  largest,  a  ship  of  no  con- 
siderable burden,  was  commanded  by  Columbus,  as 
admiral,  who  gave  it  the  name  of  Santa  Maria,  out  of 
respect  for  the  Blessed  Virgin,  whom  he  honored  with 
singular  devotion.  Of  the  second,  called  the  Pin'a, 
Marlon  Pinzon  was  captain,  and  his  brother  Francis 
pilot.  The  third,  named  the  Nigna,  was  under  the 
command  of  Vincent  Yanez  Pinzon.  These  two  were 
light  vessels  hardly  si!j)erior  in  burden  or  force  to  large 
boats.  The  squadron,  if  it  merits  that  name,  was  vic- 
tualled for  twelve  months,  and  had  on  board  ninety 
men,  mostly  sailors,  together  with  a  few  adventurers 
who  fuliowed  the  fortune  of  Columbus,  and  some  gen- 
tlemen of  Isabella's  court,  whom  she  appointed  to  ac- 
company him.  Though  the  expense  of  the  undertaking 
Was  one  of  the  circumstances  which  chiefly  alarmed 
the  court  of  Spain, and  retarded  so  long  the  negotiation 
with  Columbus,  the  sum  employed  in  fitting  out  this 
squadron  did  not  exceed  four  thousand  pounds. 

As  the  art  of  shi|)-building  in  the  fifteenth  century 
was  e.xtremely  rude,  and  the  buli\  of  vessels  was  ac- 
commodated to  the  short  and  easy  voyages  along  the 
coast  wiiich  they  were  accustomed  to  perform,  it  is  a 
proof  of  the  courage,  as  well  as  enterprising  genius  of 
Columbus,  that  he  ventured,  with  a  fleet  so  unfit  for  a 
distant  navigation,  to  explore  unknown  seas,  where  he 
"ad  no  chart  to  guide  him,  no  knowledge  of  the  tides 
and  currents,  and  no  experience  of  the  dangers  to 
which  he  might  l)e  exposed.  His  eagerness  to  accom-  j 
plish  ihe  great  design  which  had  so  long  engrossed  his 
thoughts,  made  him  overlook  or  disregard  every  cir- 
cumstance that  would  have  intimidated  a  mind  less  ad- 
»enlurous.  He  pus'hed  forward  the  preparations  with, 


I  such  ardor,  and  was  seconded  so  eflcctually  by  the 
persons  to  whom  Isabella  conunitted  the  superinten- 
dence of  this  business,  that  every  thing  was  soon  in 
readiness  for  the  voyage.  But  as  Colund)us  was  deeply 
impressed  with  sentiments  of  religion,  he  would  not 
set  out  upon  an  expedition  so  arduous,  and  of  which 
one  great  object  was  to  extend  the  knowledge  of  the 
Christian  faith, without  imploring  publicly  the  guidance 
and  i)roteclion  of  Heaven.  With  this  view,  he,  toge- 
ther with  all  the  persons  under  his  command,  marched 
in  solenm  procession  to  the  mornistery  of  Habida. 
After  confessing  their  sins,  and  oblaining  absolution, 
they  received  the  holy  sacrament  from  Ihe  hands  of  Ihe 
guardian,  who  joined  his  prayers  to  theirs  for  the  suc- 
cess of  an  enterprise  which  he  had  so  zealously  pa- 
tronized. 

Next  morning,  beingFriday  the  third  day  of  August, 
in  the  year  one  thousand  four  hundred  and  ninety-two, 
Columbus  set  sail,  a  little  before  sunrise,  in  presence 
of  a  vast  crowd  of  spectators,  who  sent  up  their  sup- 
plications to  Heaven  for  the  prosperous  issue  of  the 
voyage,  which  they  wished  rather  than  expected.  Co- 
lumbus steered  directly  for  the  Canary  Islands,  and 
arrived  there  [Aug.  13]  without  any  occurrence  that 
would  have  deserved  notice  on  any  other  occasion. 
But,  in  a  voyage  of  such  expectation  and  importance, 
every  circumstance  was  the  object  of  attention.  The 
rudder  of  the  Pintia  broke  loose  the  day  after  she  left 
the  harbor  ;  and  that  accident  alarmed  the  crew,  no  less 
superstitious  than  unskilful,  as  a  certain  omen  of  the 
unfortunate  destiny  of  the  expedition.  Even  in  the 
short  run  to  the  Canaries,  the  ships  were  found  to  be 
so  crazy  and  ill  appointed,  as  to  be  very  improper  for 
a  navigation  which  was  expected  to  be  both. long  and 
dangerous  Colund)US  refitted  them,  however,  to  the 
best  of  his  po\yer;  and  having  supplied  himself  with 
fresh  provisions,  he  took  his  dejjarture  from  Gomera, 
one  of  the  most  westerly  of  the  Canary  Islands,  on  the 
sixth  day  of  .'"'eptember. 

Here  the  voyage  of  discovery  may  properly  he  said 
to  begin  ;  for  Columbus,  holding  his  course  due  west, 
left  immediately  the  usual  tract  of  navigation,  anil 
stretched  into  unfrequented  and  unknown  seas.  The 
first  day,  as  it  was  very  calm,  he  made  but  little  way  ; 
but  on  the  second  he  lost  sight  of  the  Canaries  ;  and 
many  of  the  sailors,  dejected  already,  and  dismayed, 
when  they  contemplated  Ihe  boldness  of  the  undertak- 
ing, began  to.beat  their  breasts,  and  to  shed  tears,  as  if 
they  were  never  more  to  behold  land.  Columbus  com- 
forted them  with  assurances  of  success,  and  the  pros- 
pect of  vast  wealth  in  those  opulent  regions  whither 
he  was  conducting  them.  This  early  discovery  of  the 
spirit  of  his  followers  taught  Columbus  that  he  nmst 
prepare  to  struggle  not  only  with  the  unavoidable  difll- 
culties  which  might  be  ex|)ected  from  the  nature  of  his 
undertaking,  but  with  such  as  were  likely  to  arise  from 
the  ignorance  and  tinudity  of  the  people  under  his  com- 
mand ;  and  he  perceived  that  the  art  of  governing  the 
minds  of  men  would  be  no  less  requisite  for  accom- 
plishing the  discoveries  which  he  had  in  view,  than 
naval  skill  and  undaunted  courage.  Happily  for  him- 
self and  for  the  country  by  which  he  was  employed, 
he  joined  to  the  ardent  temper  and  inventive  genius  of 
a  ;)rojector,  virtues  of  another  species  which  are  rarely 
united  with  them.  He  possessed  a  thorough  know- 
ledge of  mankind,  an  insinuating  address,  a  patient 
perseverance  in  executing  any  plan,  the  perfect  gov- 
ernment of  his  own  passions,  and  the  talent  of  acquir- 
ing an  ascendant  over  those  of  other  men.  All  these 
qualities,  which  formed  him  to  command,  were  accom 
panied  with  that  superior  knowledge  of  hisprofession, 
which  begets  confidence  in  times  of  difficulty  and  dan- 
ger. To  unskilful  Spanish  sailors,  accustomed  oidy  to 
coasting  voyages  in  the  Mediterranean,  the  maritime 
science  of  Columbus,  Ihe  fruit  of  thirty  years'  experi- 
ence, improved  by  an  acquaintance  with  all  the  inven- 
tions of  the  Portuguese,  appeared  innnense.  As  soon 
as  they  put  to  sea,  he  regulated  every  thing  by  his  sole 
authority  ;  he  superintended  the  execution  of  every 
order  ;  and  allowing  himself  only  a  few  hours  forsleep, 
he  was  at  all  other  times  upon  deck.  As  his  course  lay 
through  seas,  which  had  not  formerly  been  visited,  the 
sounding  line,  or  instruments  for  observation,  were 
continually  in  his  hands.  After  the  example  of  the 
Portuguese  discoverers,  he  attended  to  the  motion  of 
tides  and  currents,  watched  the  flight  of  birds,  the  ap- 
pearance of  fishes,  seaweeds,  and  of  every  thing  that 
floated  on  the  waves,  and  entered  every  occurrence, 
with  a  minute  exactness,  in  the  journal  \\  hich  he  kept. 
.\s  the  length  of  the  voyage  could  not  fail  of  alarm- 
ing sailors,  habituated  only  to  short  excursions,  Co- 
lumbus endeavored  to  conceal  froui  them  the  real  pro- 


gress which  they  made.  'With  this  view,  though  they 
run  eighteen  leagues  on  the  second  day  after  they  let< 
Gomera,  he  gave  out  that  they  had  advanced  only  fif- 
teen, and  he  uniformly  enqiloyed  the  .-same  artifice  nl 
reckoning  short  during  the  whole  voyage.  Bv  the  four- 
teenth of  .S<'ptcmlier  ihc  fleet  was  above  two  hundred 
leagues  to  the  west  of  the  {^anary  Isles, at  a  greater  ili* 
lance  from  land  than  any  Spanaird  had  been  beforethat 
time.  There  they  were  struck  with  an  appearance  nc 
less  astonishing  than  new.  They  observed  that  iho 
magnetic  needle,  in  their  compa.sses.  did  not  jioint  ex- 
actly to  the  polar  star,  but  varied  towards  Ihe  west  ; 
anil  as  they  proceeded,  this  variation  increased.  Thil 
appearance,  which  is  now  familiar,  though  it  still  re- 
mains one  of  the  mysteries  of  nature,  into  Ihe  cause 
of  which  the  sagacity  of  man  has  not  been  able  to  j)en- 
etrate,  filled  the  companions  of  Colundius  with  ter- 
ror. They  were  now  in  a  boundless  and  unknown 
ocean,  far  from  the  usual  course  of  navigation  ;  nature 
itself  seemed  to  be  altered,  and  the  only  guide  which 
they  hadleft  was  about  to  fail  them.  Columbus,  with  no 
less  quickness  than  ingenuity,  invented  a  reason  for 
this  ap))earance,  which,  though  it  did  not  satisfy  him- 
self, seemed  so  plausible  to  them,  that  itdispelled  Ihi.'ir 
fears  or  silenced  their  murmurs. 

He  si  ill  continued  to  steer  due  west,  nearlv  in  the 
same  latitude  with  the  Canary  Islands.  In  this  course 
he  can)e  within  the  s|)here  of  the  trade  wind  which 
blows  invariably  from  east  to  west,  between  the  tro!)'.t^ 
and  a  few  degrees  beyond  them.  He  advanced  bt  iV  H 
this  steady  gale  with  such  uniform  rapidity  that  it  was 
seldom  necessary  to  shift  a  sail  When  about  four 
hundred  leagues  to  the  west  of  the  Canaries,  he  found 
the  sea  so  covered  with  weeds,  that  it  resembled  a 
meadow  of  vast  extent,  and  in  some  places  they  were 
so  thick  as  to  retard  Ihe  motion  of  the  vessels.  This 
strange  appearance  occasioned  new  alarm  and  di.i- 
quiet.  The  sailors  imagiried  that  they  were  now  ar- 
rived at  the  utmost  boundary  of  the  navigable  ocean  ; 
that  these  floating  weeds  would  obstruct  their  furthir 
progress,  and  concealed  dangerous  rocks,  or  some 
large  track  of  land,  which  had  sunk,  they  knew  not 
how,  in  that  place.  Cohnnbus  emleavdred  to  per- 
suade them  that  what  had  alarmed  ought  rather  to 
have  encouraged  them,  and  w  as  to  be  considered  as  a 
sign  of  ajiproaching  land.  At  the  same  time,  a  hri.-k 
gale  arose,  and  carried  them  forward.  Several  birds 
were  seen  hovering  about  the  ship  [13.]  and  directing 
their  flights  towards  the  west.  'I'he  despimding  crew 
resumed  some  degree  of  spirit,  and  began  to  enti-rtain 
fresh  hopes. 

Upon  the  first  of  October  they  were,  according  to 
the  'dmiral's  reckoning,  seven  hundred  and  seventy 
leagues  to  the  west  of  the  Canaries  ;  but  lest  his  men 
should  be  intimidated  by  the  prodigious  length  of  the 
navigation,  he  gave  out  that  they  had  [iroceeded  only 
five  hundred  and  eighty  four  leagues,  and  fortunately, 
for  Columbus,  neither  his  own  jiilot,  nor  those  of  ihe 
other  ships,  had  skill  sufficient  to  correct  this  error,  and 
discover  the  deceit.  They  had  now  been  above  three 
weeks  at  sea  ;  they  had  proceeded  far  beyond  what 
former  navigators  had  altemptcd  or  deemed  possible, 
all  their  prognostics  of  discovery,  drawn  from  thefligh 
of  birds  and  other  circumstances,  had  proved  fallacious; 
the  appearances  of  land,  with  which  their  own  cre- 
dulity or  the  artifice  of  their  coiTunander  had  from  time 
to  time  flattered  and  anuised  them,  had  l)een  alioirether 
illusive,  and  their  prospect  of  success  seemed  now  to 
be  as  distant  as  ever.  These  reflections  occurrel 
often  to  men  who  had  no  olher  object  or  occupation 
than  to  reason  and  discourse  concerning  the  intentiim 
and  circumstances  of  their  expedition.  They  made 
impression  at  first  upon  the  ignorant  and  timid,  and 
extending  by  degress  to  such  as  were  belter  infinnied 
or  more  resolute,  the  contagion  spread  at  length  from 
ship  to  ship.  From  secret  whisjiers  or  nmrmurings, 
they  proceeded  to  open  cabals  an<l  public  com|ilainls. 
They  taxed  their  sovereign  with  inconsi  leratecredidily 
in  paving  such  regard  to  the  vain  promises  and  rash 
conjectures  of  an  indigent  foreigner,  as  to  hazard  the 
lives  of  so  many  of  her  own  subjects  in  prosecuting  a 
chimerical  scheme.  They  affirmed  that  they  had  fully 
performed  their  duty,  by  venturing  solar  in  an  .inknown 
and  hopeless  course,  and  couli^  incur  no  blame  for  re- 
fusing lo  follow  any  longer  a  desperate  adventurer  to 
certain  destruction.  They  eonlended,  that  it  was  ne- 
cessary to  think  of  returning  to  Spain,  while  their  crazy 
vessels  were  still  in  a  condition  to  keep  the  sea,  but 
ex]iressed  their  fears  that  the  attem|)l  would  prove  vain, 
as  the  w  ind,  whi(  h  hitherto  have  lie<'n  so  favourable  t; 
their  course,  must  render  it  inqiossible  to  sail  in  an  op- 
posite direction.    All  agreed  that  Columbus  &huuliJ  Iw 


80 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


compel  <tl  by  force  (o  ailopt  a  nieaaurc  on  which  their 
rommon  safely  ilepetideil.  Some  of  tiic  more  auda- 
cious proposed,  as  the  most  expeditious  and  certain 
niethod  of  fjetting  rid  at  once  of  his  remonstrances,  to 
thpow  liim  into  the  sea,  being  persuaded  tliat,  upon 
their  return  to  Spain,  the  death  of  an  unsuccessful  |)ro- 
jcctor,  would  excite  little  concern,  and  be  inquired  into 
v/ith  no  curiosity. 

Columbus  was  fully  sensible  of  his  periloua  situa 
tion.  He  had  observed,  with  great  uneasiness,  the 
fatal  operation  of  ignorance  and  of  fear  in  producing 
disadVction  among  his  crew,  and  saw  that  it  was  now 
ready  to  burst  out  into  open  mutiny.  He  retained, 
however,  perfect  presence  of  mind,  He  aflVcted  to 
seem  ignorant  of  their  machinations.  Notwithstanding 
the  agitation  and  solicitude  of  his  own  mind,  he  ap- 
jiearcd  with  a  cheerful  countenance,  like  a  man  satisfied 
with  the  progress  he  had  made,  and  confident  of  suc- 
cess. Sometimes  he  employed  all  the  arts  of  insinua- 
tion to  soothe  his  men.  Sometimes  he  endeavored 
',o  work  upon  their  ambition  or  avarice,  by  magnificent 
descriptions  of  the  fame  and  wealth  which  they  were 
about  to  acquire.  On  other  occasions  he  assumed  a 
tone  of  authority,  and  threatened  them  wilh  vengeance 
from  their  sovereign,  if,  by  their  dastardly  behavior, 
they  should  defeat  this  noble  effort  to  promote  the 
glory  of  (iod,  and  to  exalt  the  Spanish  name  above 
that  of  every  other  nation.  Even  wilh  seditious  sailors, 
the  words  of  a  man  whom  they  had  been  accustomed 
to  reverence,  were  weighty  and  persuasive,  and  not 
only  restrained  them  from  those  violent  excesses 
which  they  meditated,  but  prevailed  with  them  to  ac- 
company their  admiral  for  some  time  longer. 

As  they  proceeded,  the  indications  of  approaching 
land  seemed  to  be  more  certain,  and  excited  hope  in 
proportion.  The  birds  began  to  apjiear  in  flocks, 
making  towards  the  south-west.  Columbus,  in  imita- 
tion of  the  Portuguese  navigators,  who  had  been 
guided,  in  several  of  their  discoveries,  by  the  motion 
of  birds,  altered  his  course  from  due  west  towards 
that  quarter  whither  they  pointed  their  flight.  But, 
alter  holding  on  for  several  days  in  this  n?vv  direction, 
Without  any  l)elter  success  than  formerly,  having  seen 
no  object,  during  thirty  days,  but  the  sea  and  the  sky, 
the  hopes  of  his  companions  subsided  faster  than  they 
had  risen  ;  their  fears  revived  with  adililional  force  ; 
impatience,  rage,  and  despair,  a[)peared  in  every  coun- 
tenance. All  sense  of  subordination  was  lost  :  the 
olfieers,  who  had  hitherto  concurred  with  Columbus  in 
opinion,  and  supported  his  authority,  now  took  part 
with  the  i)rivate  men  ;  they  assembled  tumultuously 
on  the  deck,  ex[)ostnlatcd  wilh  their  commander, 
mingled  threats  with  their  expostulations,  and  required 
him  instantly  to  tack  about  and  to  return  to  Europe. 
Columlius  perceived  that  it  would  be  of  no  avail  to 
have  recourse  to  any  of  his  former  arts,  which,  having 
been  tried  so  often,  bad  lost  their  effect  ;  and  that  it 
was  impossible  to  rekindle  any  zeal  for  the  success  ol 
the  exf)edilion  among  men  in  whose  breasts  fear  bad 
extinguished  every  generous  sentiment.  He  saw  that 
It  was  no  less  vain  to  think  of  enq)loyiug  either  gentle 
Dr  severe  measures  to  quell  a  mutiny  so  general  and  so 
violent.  It  was  necessary,  on  all  these  accounts,  to 
soothe  passions  which  be  could  no  longer  command, 
and  to  give  way  to  a  torrent  loo  impetuous  lo  be 
checked.  He  promised  solemnly  to  his  men  that  be 
woulil  comply  with  their  recpiest,  provided  they  would 
accompany  him,  and  obey  hiscomtuand  for  three  days 
longer,  and,  if  during  that  time,  land  were  not  dis- 
covered, he  would  then  abandon  the  enterprise,  and 
direct  his  course  towards  Spain. 

Enraged  as  the  sailors  were,  and  impatient  to  turn 
their  fares  again  toward  their  native  country,  this  pro- 
position did  not  appear  lo  them  unreasonable  Nor 
did  C'>lumlius  ha/.ard  much  in  confining  himself  to  a 
♦••rm  so  short,  'i'he  presages  ofdiscoveriiigland  were 
now  so  numerous  and  promising,  that  he  deemed  them 
infallible.  For  some  days  the  sounding  line  reached 
the  bottom,  and  the  soil  which  it  brought  up  indicated 
land  to  be  at  no  great  distance.  The  flocks  of  birds 
iiicrea.sed.  and  w  ere  composed  not  only  of  sea-fowl,  but 
of  such  land  birds  as  could  not  be  supposed  to  fly  far 
Jrom  the  ^hore.  The  crew  of  the  Pinta  observed  a  cr.ne 
floating,  which  seemed  to  have  been  newly  cut,  and 
likewise  a  piece  of  timber  artificially  carved.  The 
(jailors  aboaril  the  Nigna  took  up  the  branch  ofa  tree 
wilh  red  berries,  perfectly  fresh.  The  clouds  around 
'he  selling  sun  assumed  a  new  a])pearance  ;  the  air 
WHS  more  unld  and  warm,  and  during  the  night  the 
wind  became  unequal  and  varial)le.  From  all  these 
•yinpti'tas,  Columbus  was  so  confiileni  of  being  near 
UnJ.lhal  00  the  evmiiig  of  the  eleventh  of  October, 


after  public  prayers  for  success,  he  ordered  the  sails  to 
be  furled,  and  the  ships  to  lie  to,  keeping  strict  watch, 
lest  they  should  be  driven  ashore  in  the  night.  During 
this  interval  of  suspense  and  expectation,  no  man  shut 
his  eyes,  all  kept  upon  deck,  gazing  intently  towards 
that  quarter  where  they  expected  to  discover  the  land, 
which  had  been  so  long  the  object  of  their  wishes. 

About  two  hours  belorc  midnight,  Columbus,  stand- 
ing on  the  forecastle,  observed  a  light  at  a  distance, 
and  privately  pointetl  it  out  to  Pedro  Guttieres,  a  page 
of  the  Queen's  wardrobe.  Guttierez  perceived  it,  and 
calling  lo  Salcedo.  couiptrollcr  of  the  licet,  all  three 
saw  it  in  motion,  as  if  it  w  ere  carried  from  place  to 
place.  A  little  after  inidniiiht  the  joyful  sound  o(la?id! 
land  !  was  heard  from  the  Pinta,  which  kept  always  a- 
head  of  the  other  ships.  But,  having  been  so  often  de- 
ceived by  fallacious  appearances,  every  man  w  as  now 
become  slow  of  belief,  and  waited  in  all  the  anguish  of 
uncertainty  and  impatience  for  the  return  of  day.  As 
soon  as  morning  dawned  [Oct.  12],all  doulitsand  fears 
were  dispelled.  From  every  shi|)  an  island  was  seen 
about  two  leagues  to  the  north,  w  hose  flat  and  verdant 
fields,  well  stored  with  wood,  and  watered  with  many  j 
rivulets,  presented  the  aspect  ofa  delightful  country.! 
The  crew  of  the  Pinta  instantly  began  the  Tc  Dcum,  ' 
as  a  hymn  of  thanksgiving  to  God,  and  were  joined  by  I 
those  ofthe  other  ship.s,  wilh  tears  of  joy  and  transports 
of  congratulation.  This  office  of  gratitude  lo  Heaven, 
was  followed  by  an  act  of  justice  to  their  commander,  j 
They  threw  themselves  at  the  feet  of  Columbus,  with 
feelings  of  self-condemnation  mingled  with  reverence. 
They  implored  him  to  pardon  their  ignorance,  incre- 
dulity, and  insolence,  which  had  created  him  so  much 
unnecessary  disquiet,  and  had  so  often  obstructed  the 
prosecution  of  bis  well  concerted  plan  ;  and  passing,  in 
the  warmth  of  their  admiration,  from  one  extreme  to 
another,  they  now  pronounced  the  man,  whom  they  had 
so  lately  reviled  and  threatened,  to  be  a  person  inspir- 
ed by  Heaven  wilh  sagacity  and  fi)rtitude  more  than  ' 
human,  in  order  to  accomplish  a  design  so  far  beyond  j 
the  ideas  and  conception  of  all  former  ages. 

As  soon  as  the  sun  arose,  all  their  boats  were  manned 
and  armed.  They  rowed  towards  the  island  with  their  j 
colors  displayed,  w  ilh  warlike  music,  and  other  martial 
pom|).  As  they  approached  the  coast,  they  saw  it' 
covered  with  a  nniltitudc  of  people,  whom  the  novelty] 
ofthe  spectacle  had  drawn  together,  whose  attitudes 
and  gestures  expressed  wonder  and  astonishment  at  i 
the  strange  objects  which  presented  themselves  toj 
their  view,  (yolumbus  was  the  first  European  who| 
set  foot  in  the  New  World  which  he  had  discovered. 
He  landed  in  a  rich  dress,  and  with  a  naked  sword  in 
his  hand.  His  men  followed,  and  kneeling  down, 
they  all  kissed  the  ground  which  they  had  so  long  de- 
sired to  see.  They  next  erected  a  crucifix,  and  pros- 
trating themselves  before  it,  returned  thanks  to  God 
for  conducting  their  voyage  to  such  a  happy  issue. 
They  then  took  solemn  possession  of  the  country,  for 
the  crown  of  (Jastile  and  Leon,  wilh  all  the  formali- 
ties w  liich  the  Portuguese  were  accustomed  to  observe 
in  acts  of  this  kind,  in  their  new  discoveries. 

The  Spaniards. while  thus  employed,  were  surround- 
ed by  many  of  the  natives,  who  gazed  in  silent  admi- 
ration upon  actions  which  they  could  not  conq)rehen<l, 
and  of  which  they  did  not  foresee  the  consequences 
The  dress  of  the  .Spaniards,  the  whiteness  of  their 
t^kins,  tlieir  beards,  their  arms,  appeared  strange  and 
surjirining.  The  vast  machines  in  which  they  had 
traversed  Ihe  ocean,  that  seemed  lo  move  upon  the 
waters  with  wings,  and  uttered  a  drea<lful  sound  re- 
sembling thunder,  accompanied  with  lighlning  and 
smoke,  struck  them  with  such  terror,  that  they  began 
lo  respect  their  new  guests  as  a  superior  order  of  be- 
ings, and  concluded  that  they  were  children  of  the 
Sun,  who  had  ilescended  lo  visit  ihe  earth. 

The  Europeans  were  hardly  less  amazed  at  the  scene 
now  before  I  hem.  Every  herb,  and  shrub,  and  tree, 
w  as  dilferenl  from  those  w  hich  flourished  in  Europe 
The  soil  seemed  lo  be  rich,  but  bore  few  marks  of  cul- 
tivation. The  climate,  even  to  the  Spaniards,  felt 
warm,  though  extremely  <lelighlfiil.  The  inhabitants 
appeared  in  the  simple  innocence  of  nature,  entirely 
naked.  Their  hlack  hair,  long  and  uncurled,  floated 
upon  their  shoulders,  or  was  lK>und  in  tresses  aroiiixl 
their  heads  They  had  no  beards. anil  every  part  of  their 
boilies  was  perfectly  smooth.  Their  complexion  was  of 
adusky  cojiper  color.their  featuressingular,  rather  than 
disagreeable,  their  aspect  gentle  and  timid.  Thoui;h 
not  tall,  lliey  were  well  shaped  and  active.  Their' 
faces,  and  several  ])arls  of  their  bodv,  were  fantasli- 
cally  painleil  w  ilh  glaring  colors.  They  were  sliv  at 
fir.^t  through  tear,  but  soon  became  faiuihar  wilh  the' 


Spaniards,  and  with  transports  of  joy  received  frm 
them  hawksbclls,  glas«  beads,  or  other  baubles,  in  i« 
turn  for  which  they  gave  such  pro\ibionsas  they  bad, 
ami  some  cotton  yarn,  the  only  comniedily  ol  \aluc 
!  that  they  could  produce.  Tow  ards  evening,  Colunibug 
returned  lo  his  ship,  accou'panied  by  many  of  the  is- 
landers in  their  boats,  which  Ihey  called  canoes,  and 
though  rudely  formed  out  of  the  trunk  of  a  single  tree, 
they  rowed  them  w  ith  surprising  dexterity.  Thus,  in 
the  first  interview  between  the  inhabilanis  ofthe  old 
and  new  worlds,  every  thing  was  conducted  amicably, 
audio  their  mutual  satisfaction.  The  former,  en- 
lightened and  ambitious,  fonueil  already  vast  ideat 
^with  respect  to  the  advantages  which  they  might  de- 
rive from  the  regions  that  began  to  open  to  their  view. 
The  latter,  simple  and  undiscerning,  had  no  loresight 
of  the  calamities  and  desolation  w  hich  were  approach- 
ing their  country. 

Columbus,  w  ho  now  assumed  the  title  and  aulliorily 
of  admiral  and  viceroy,  called  Ihe  island  w  hich  he  had 
discovered  Sa7i  Saira(/(/r.  It  is  better  known  by  the 
name  of  Guaiiahani,  w  hich  the  natives  gave  lo  it,  and 
is  one  of  that  large  cluster  of  islands  called  the  Lucaya 
or  Bahama  isles.  It  is  situated  above  three  thousand 
miles  to  the  west  of  Gomera  ;  from  w  hich  the  squadron 
took  ils  departure,  and  only  four  degrees  to  the  south 
of  it  ;  so  little  had  Colundius  deviated  from  the  wcst- 
erlv  course,  which  he  had  chosen  as  the  most  proper. 

Columbus  employed  the  next  day  in  visiting  the 
coasts  ofthe  island  ;  and  from  the  universal  poverty  of 
the  inhabitants,  he  perceived  that  this  \\  ?.s  not  the  rich 
country  for  w  hich  he  sought.  But,  conformably  lo  his 
Iheory  concerning  the  discovery  of  those  regions  of 
.'\sia  which  stretched  towards  the  east,  he  concluded 
that  San  Salvador  was  one  of  the  isles  which  geogra- 
phers described  as  situated  in  the  great  ocean  adjacent 
lo  India.  Having  observed  that  most  of  the  people 
whom  he  had  seen  wore  small  plates  of  gold,  by  way 
of  ornament,  in  their  nostrils,  he  eagerly  inquired  where 
they  got  that  precious  metal.  They  pointed  towards 
the  south,  and  made  him  coir.preheiid  by  signs,  that 
gold  abounded  in  countries  situated  in  ibal  quarter 
Thither  he  immediately  determined  lo  direct  his  course, 
in  full  confidence  of  finding  there  those  iq^ulent  regions 
which  had  been  the  object  of  his  voyage,  and  would 
be  a  recompense  for  all  his  toils  and  dangers.  He  look 
along  with  him  seven  ofthe  natives  ol  San  Salvador, 
that,  by  acquiring  the  Spanish  language,  they  niight 
serve  as  guides  and  interpreters  ;  and  those  innocent 
|)eopl»  considered  it  as  a  mark  of  distinction  when 
they  were  selected  to  accompany  hiin. 

He  saw  several  islands,  and  touched  at  three  ofthe 
largest,  on  which  he  bcstoweil  the  names  of  St.  Mary 
of  the  Conception,  Fcrnandina,  and  Isabella.  Bui,  as 
iheir  soil,  productions,  and  inhabilanis  nearly  resem- 
bled those  of  San  Salvador,  he  made  no  slay  in  any  of 
ihem.  He  inquired  every  w  here  for  gold,  and  the  signs 
that  were  uniformly  made  by  way  of  answ  er,  confirmed 
him  in  the  opinion  that  it  was  brought  from  the  south. 
He  followed  that  course,  and  soon  discovered  a  coun- 
trv  which  ajqieared  very  extensive,  not  jierfeclly  level, 
like  those  which  he  had  already  visited,  but  so  iliversi- 
fied  w  ilh  rising  grounds,  hills,  rivers,  woods,  and  plains, 
that  he  was  uncertain  w  hether  it  might  jirove  an  island, 
or  part  of  the  continent.  The  natives  of  San  Salvador, 
wh.  ni  he  had  on  board,  called  it  Cula  ;  Coluinbus 
gave  it  the  name  of  Juana  He  entered  the  iiioulb  ol 
a  large  river  w  ilh  his  squadron,  all  the  inhabilanis  fletl 
to  the  mountains  as  be  approached  the  shore.  But  as 
he  resolved  to  careen  the  ships  in  lhat  place,  he  sent 
some  Spaniards,  togelhei  wilh  one  of  the  people  of 
San  Salvador,  lo  view  the  interior  part  of  ihe  country. 
They  having  advanced  about  sixty  mili  s  from  the  shore 
reported,  upon  their  return,  that  I  he  soil  w  as  richer  and 
more  cultivated  than  any  they  had  hitherto  ili.scovered  ; 
that,  besides  many  scattered  collages,  they  had  found 
one  village,  ronlainmg  above  a  thousand  iidiabilanis  ; 
that  the  people,  though  naked,  seemed  to  be  more  in- 
telligent than  those  of  San  Salvador,  but  had  treated 
Ihem  with  the  same  respectful  attentitin.  kissing  theii 
feet,  and  honoring  them  as  sacred  beings  allied  lo 
heaven  ;  that  they  had  given  them  lo  eat  a  certain 
root,  the  taste  of  which  resembled  roasted  chestnuts, 
and  likewise  a  singular  species  of  corn  called  maize, 
which,  either  w  hen  roasted  whole  or  ground  into  meal, 
was  abundantly  palatable  ;  lhat  there  seemed  to  be  no 
four  footed  animals  in  the  country,  but  a  species  of 
dog,  which  could  not  bark,  and  a  creature  reseniblmg 
a  nd)bil,  but  of  a  much  smaller  size;  ibet  they  had 
observed  some  ornaments  of  gold  among  the  people, 
but  of  no  great  value. 

Tliesc  uicbseiigers  had  prevailed  with  iM>"^ 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


8-1 


natives  to  accoini):iny  them,  who  informed  Cohimbus, 
that  the  "oUl  of  which  they  made  tlu  ir  ornaments  was 
found  in  CiitMiinnin.  By  this  word  they  meant  the 
middle  or  inland  part  of  Cuba  ;  but  Columbus,  being 
ianorant  o(  their  language,  as  well  as  unaccustomed  to 
then  pronunciation,  and  his  thoughts  running  conti- 
nually U|ion  his  own  theory  concerning  the  discovery 
of  the  East  Indies,  he  was  led,  by  the  resemblance  of 
sound,  to  suppose  that  they  spoke  of  the  groat  Khan, 
and  imagined  that  the  opulent  kingdom  of  Cathaij,  de- 
scribed bv  Marco  Polo,  was  not  very  remote.  This 
induced  him  to  employ  some  time  in  viewing  the  coun- 
try.  Ho  visited  almost  every  harbor,  from  Porlo  del 
Principe,  on  the  north  coast  of  Cuba,  to  the  eastern 
extremity  of  the  island  :  but,  though  delighted  with  the 
DPauty  of  the  scenes  which  every  where  presented 
themselves,  and  amazed  at  the  luxuriant  fertility  of  the 
soil,  both  which,  from  their  novelty,  made  a  more  lively 
impression  upon  his  imagination  [14],  he  did  not  find 
gold  111  such  ipiaiitity  as  was  surticienl  to  satisfy  either 
the  avarice  of  his  followers,  or  the  expectations  of  the 
court  to  which  he  was  to  return.  The  people  of  the 
country,  as  much  astonished  at  his  eagerness  in  quest 
of  gold  as  the  Europeans  were  at  their  ignorance  and 
simplicity,  pointed  towards  the  east,  where  an  island 
which  they  called  Haiili  was  situated,  in  which  that 
metal  was  more  abundant  than  among  them.  Colum- 
bus ordered  his  squadron  to  bend  its  course  thither ; 
but  Marton  Alonso  Pinzon,  impatient  to  be  the  hrst 
who  should  take  possession  of  the  treasures  which  this 
country  was  sui)posed  to  contam,  quitted  his  com- 
panions, regardless  of  all  the  admiral's  signals  to 
slacken  sail  until  they  should  come  up  with  him. 

Columbus,  retarded  by  contrary  winds,  did^iot  reach 
Hs/  i  till  the  sixth  of  December.  He  called  the  port 
where  he  hrst  touched  St.  Nicholas,  and  the  island  itself 
Espagnola,  in  honor  of  the  kingdom  by  which  he  was 
employed  ;  and  it  is  the  only  country,  of  those  he  had 
yet  discovered,  which  has  retained  the  name  that  he 
gave  it.  As  he  could  neither  meet  with  the  Pinta,  nor 
have  any  intercourse  with  the  inhal)itanls,  who  fled  in 
great  consternation  towards  the  woods,  he  soon  quitted 
St.  Nicholas,  and,  sailing  along  the  northern  coast  of 
the  island,  he  eMter«^d  another  harbor,  which  lie  called 
Coicc))tiun.  Here  he  ivas  was  more  fortunate;  his  people 
overtook  a  woman  who  was  (lying  from  them,  and  alter 
treating  her  with  great  gentleness,  dismissed  her  with 
a  present  of  such  tovs  as  they  knew  were  most  valued 
Ll  those  regions.  The  description  which  she  gave  to 
her  countrymen  of  the  humanity  and  wonderful  quali- 
ties of  the  strangers ;  their  admiration  of  the  trinkets, 
wh'.c'n  si'.e  showed  with  exultation ;  and  their  eagerness 
to  participate  of  the  same  favors  ;  removed  all  their 
fears,  and  induced  many  of  them  to  repair  to  the  har- 
bor. The  strange  objects  which  they  (leheld,  and  the 
baubles  which  Columbus  bestowed  U|)on  them,  ani])lv 
gratihed  their  curiosity  and  their  wishes.  They  nearly 
resembled  the  people  of  Gnanahani  and  Cuba.  '^Phey 
were  naked  like  them,  ignorant  and  simple  ;  and  seemed 
to  be  equally  unacquainted  with  all  the  arts  wliich  ap- 
pear most  necessary  in  polished  societies  ;  but  they 
were  gentle,  credulous,  and  timid,  to  a  degree  which 
rendered  it  easy  to  acquire  the  ascendant  over  them, 
especially  as  their  excessive  admiration  led  them  into 
the  same  error  with  the  people  of  the  other  islands,  in 
Delicving  the  Spaniards  to  be  more  than  mortals,  and 
descended  immediately  from  heaven.  They  possessed 
gold  in  greater  abundance  than  their  neighbors,  which 
thcv  readily  exchanged  for  bells,  beads,  or  pins ;  and 
in  this  unequal  tratHc  both  jiarties  were  highly  pleased, 
each  considering  themselves  as  gainers  by  the  trans- 
action. Here  Columbus  was  visited  by  a  prince  or 
ca:i(/iic  of  the  country.  He  appeared  with  all  the 
pomp  known  among  a  simple  |)eople,  being  carried  in 
a  sort  of  palanquin  upon  the  should(!rs  of  four  men, 
and  attended  by  many  of  his  subjects,  who  served  him 
with  great  respect.  His  deportment  was  grave  and 
stately,  very  reserved  towards  his  own  people,  but  with 
Coiumbus  and  the  Spaniards  extremely  courteous  He 
gave  the  admiral  some  thin  plates  of  gold,  and  a  girdle 
ot  curious  workmajiship,  receiving  in  return  presents 
of  small  value,  hut  highly  acceptable  to  him. 

Columbus,  still  intent  on  discovering  the  mines 
wh'ch  yielded  aold,  continued  to  interrogate  all  the  na- 
tives with  whom  he  had  any  intercourse,  concerning 
their  situation.  They  concurred  in  (winting  out  a 
mountainous  country,  which  they  called  (.'ihao,  at  some 
distance  from  the  sea,  and  further  towards  the  cast. 
Struck  with  this  sound,  which  appeared  to  him  the 
same  with  Cipaniro,  the  name  by  which  Marco  Polo, 
and  other  travellers  to  the  east,  distinguished  the 
'ulaiid  of  Japan,  he  nc  h-gc-  doubted  with  respect  to 


the  vicinity  of  the  countries  which  he  had  discovered 
to  the  remote  parts  of  Asia  ;  and  m  full  expectation  of 
reaching  soon  those  regions  which  had  been  the  object 
of  his  voyage,  he  directed  his  course  towards  the  east. 
Ho  put  into  a  commodious  harbor,  which  he  called  St. 
Thomas,  and  found  that  district  to  bo  under  the  govern- 
ment of  a  powcrfui  cazicpie,  named  G  ii  <i  c  a  miliar  i,  who, 
as  he  afterwards  learned,  was  one  of  the  live  sovereigns 
among  whom  the  whole  island  was  divided.  He  im- 
mediately sent  messengers  to  Columbus,  who  in  his 
name  delivered  to  him  the  present  of  a  mask  curiously 
fashioned  with  the  ears,  no.5C  and  mouth  of  beaten  gold, 
and  invited  him  to  th.c  place  of  his  residence,  near  the 
harbor  now  called  Cape  Francois  some  leagues  towards 
the  cast.  Columbus  despatched  some  of  his  officers  to 
visit  this  prince,  who,  as  he  behaved  himself  with  greater 
dignity,  seemed  to  claim  more  attention.  They  re- 
turned with  such  favorable  accounts  both  of  the  country 
and  ol  the  people,  as  made  Columbus  impatient  for 
that  interview  with  Guacanahari  to  which  he  had  been 
invited. 

He  sailed  for  this  purpose  from  St.  Thomas,  on  the 
twenty-fourth  of  December,  with  a  fair  wind,  and  the 
sea  perfectly  calm  ;  and  as,  amidst  the  multiplicity  of 
his  occupations,  he  had  not  shut  his  eyes  for  two  days, 
he  retired  at  midnight  in  order  to  take  some  repose, 
having  committed  the  helm  to  the  pilot,  with  strict  in- 
junctions not  to  quit  it  for  a  moment.  The  pilot,  dread- 
ing no  danger,  carelessly  left  the  helm  to  an  unexpe- 
rienced cabin  boy,  and  the  ship,  carried  away  by  a  cur- 
rent, was  dashed  against  a  rock.  The  violence  of  the 
shock  awakened  Columbus.  He  ran  up  to  the  deck. 
There  all  was  confusion  and  despair.  He  alone  re- 
tained presence  of  mind.  He  ordered  some  of  the  sai- 
lors to  take  a  boat,  and  carry  out  an  anchor  astern  ;  but 
instead  of  obeying,  they  made  off  towards  the  Nigna, 
which  was  about  half  a  league  distant.  He  then  com- 
manded the  masts  to  be  cut  down,  in  order  to  lighten 
the  ship  ;  but  all  his  endeavors  were  too  late  ;  the  ves- 
sel opened  near  the  keel,  and  filled  so  fast  with  water 
that  its  loss  was  inevitable.  The  smoothness  of  the 
sea,  and  the  timely  assistance  of  boats  from  the  Nigna, 
enabled  the  cresv  to  save  their  lives.  As  soon  as  the 
islanders  heard  of  this  disaster,  they  crowded  to  the 
shore,  with  their  prince  Guacanahari  at  their  head.  In- 
stead of  taking  advantage  of  the  distress  in  which  they 
beheld  the  Spaniards,  to  attempt  any  thing  to  their  de- 
triment, they  lamented  their  misfortune  with  tears  of 
sincere  condolence.  Not  satisfied  with  this  unavailing 
expression  of  their  sympathy,  ;,tiey  put  to  sea  a  number 
of  canoes,  and  under  the  diioction  of  the  Spaniards, 
assisted  in  saving  whatever  could  be  got  out  of  the 
wreck  ;  and  by  the  united  labor  of  so  many  hands, 
almost  every  thing  of  value  was  carried  ashore.  As 
fast  as  the  goods  were  landed,  Gcacanahari  in  person 
took  charge  of  them.  By  his  orders  they  were  all  de- 
posited in  one  place,  and  armed  sentinels  were  posted, 
who  kept  the  multitude  at  a  distance,  in  order  to  pre- 
vent them  not  only  from  embezzling,  but  from  inspect- 
ing too  curiously  what  belonged  to  their  guests.  [15] 
Next  morning  this  prince  visited  Columbus,  who  was 
now  on  board  the  Nigna,  and  endeavored  to  console  him 
for  his  loss,  by  offering  all  that  he  possessed  to  repair 
it. 

The  condition  of  Columbus  was  such  that  lie  stood 
in  need  of  consolation.  He  had  hitherto  procured  no 
intelligence  of  the  Pinta,  and  no  longer  doubted  but 
that  his  treacherous  associate  had  set  sail  for  Europe,  in 
order  to  have  the  merit  of  carrying  the  first  tidings  of 
the  extraordinary  discoveries  which  had  been  made,  and 
to  preoccupy  so  far  the  ear  of  their  sovereign,  as  to  rob 
him  of  the  glory  and  reward  to  which  he  was  so  justly 
entitled.  There  remained  but  one  vessel,  and  that  the 
smallest  and  most  crazy  of  the  squadron,  to  traverse 
such  a  vast  ocean,  and  carry  so  many  men  back  to 
Europe.  Each  of  those  circumstances  was  alarming, 
and  filied  the  mind  of  Columbus  with  the  utmost  so- 
licitude. The  desire  of  overtaking  J'inzon,  and  of  of- 
facmg  the  unfavorable  impressions  which  his  misrepre- 
sentations might  make  in  Spain,  made  it  necessary  to 
return  thither  without  delay.  The  difiiculty  of  taking 
such  a  number  of  persons  on  l>oard  tne  Nigna  confirmed 
him  in  an  opinion  whicdi  the  fertility  of  the  country,  and 
the  gentle  temper  of  the  people,  had  already  induced 
him  to  form.  He  resolved  to  leave  a  part  of  his  crew 
in  the  island,  that  by  residing  there,  they  might  learn 
the  language  of  the  natives,  study  their  disposition,  ex- 
amine the  nature  of  the  country,  search  for  mines,  pre- 
pare for  the  commodious  settlement  of  the  colony  which 
he  [uirposed  to  return,  and  thus  secure  and  facilitate 
the  acipnsiiion  af  those  advantages  which  he  expected 
from  his  discoveries.    A\'hen  he  mentioned  this  to  Ijis 


men,  all  ap|)rovcd  of  the  design  ;  and  from  iin])atience 
under  the  fatigue  of  a  long  voyage,  from  the  lev'v  na- 
tural to  sailors,  or  from  the  ho])es  of  amassing  wealth  in 
a  country  which  atlbrded  such  promising  specimens  ol 
its  riches,  many  oti'ered  voluntarily  to  be  among  iht) 
number  of  those  who  should  remain. 

Nothing  was  now  wanting  towards  the  execution  of 
this  scheme,  but  to  obtain  the  consent  of  Guacanahari . 
and  his  unsuspicious  simplicity  soon  presented  to  iho 
admiral  a  favorable  opportunity  of  proposing  it  Co- 
lumbus having,  in  the  best  manner  he  could,  by  brok";:i 
words  and  signs,  expressed  some  curiosity  to  know  the 
cause  which  had  moved  (he  islanders  to  (ly  with  such 
precipitation  upon  the  approach  of  his  ships,  thecazique 
informed  him  that  the  country  was  much  infested  by 
the  incursions  of  certain  people,  whom  ho  called  Car 
rilKans,  who  inhabited  several  islands  to  the  south-cast. 
Those  he  described  as  a  fierce  and  warlike  race  of  men, 
who  delighted  in  blood,  and  devoured  the  flesh  of  the 
prisoners  who  were  so  nnhap])y  as  to  fall  into  their 
hands  ;  and  as  the  .Spaniards  at  their  first  appearance 
were  .■supposed  to  be  Carribeans,  whom  the  native.*, 
however  numerous,  durst  not  face  in  battle,  they  haj 
recourse  to  their  usual  method  of  securing  their  safely, 
by  flying  into  the  thickest  and  most  impenetrable  woods, 
(luacanahari,  while  speaking  of  those  dreadful  invaders, 
discovered  such  symptoms  of  terror,  as  well  as  such 
consciousness  of  the  inability  of  his  ow  n  people  to  re- 
sist them,  as  led  Columbus  to  conclude  that  he  would 
not  be  alarmed  at  the  proposition  of  any  scheme  vvh;ch 
aflbrded  him  the  prospect  of  an  additional  security 
against  their  attacks.  He  instantly  ollerc  1  him  the  ;.s- 
sistance  ■>(  the  .Spaniards  to  repel  his  encnrcs  :  he  en- 
gaged tc  take  him  and  his  peojilo  under  the  protection 
of  the  powcrfui  monarch  whom  he  served,  and  ofi'ercd 
to  leave  in  the  island  such  a  number  of  his  men  aa 
should  be  sullicient,  not  on.y  to  defend  'he  inhabitants 
from  future  incursions,  but  to  avenge  th  ir  past  wrongs. 

The  credulous  prince  closed  eagerly  with  the  pro- 
posal, and  thought  himself  already  safe  under  the  pa- 
tronage of  beings  sprung  from  heaven,  and  superior  m 
power  to  mortal  men.  'J'he  ground  was  m.irkt  d  out 
ibr  a  small  Ibi'l,  which  Columbus  called  JS'uriiliul.  be- 
cause he  had  landed  there  on  Christmas  diy.  A  deep 
ditch  was  drawn  around  it.  The  ramparts  were  fortified 
with  palhsades,  and  the  great  guns,  saved  out  of  the 
admiral's  ship,  were  planted  upon  them.  In  ten  days 
the  work  was  finished  ;  that  simple  race  of  men  lalior- 
ing  with  inconsiderate  assiduity  in  erecting  this  first 
monument  of  their  own  servitude.  During  this  time, 
Columbus,  by  his  caresses  and  liberality,  labored  to  in- 
crease the  high  opinion  which  the  natives  cntcrlairied 
of  tho  Spaniards.  But  while  he  endeavored  to  inspire 
them  vith  confidence  in  their  disposition  to  do  good,  he 
wished  likewise  to  give  them  some  striking  idea  of  their 
power  to  punish  and  destroy  such  as  were  the  objeclj 
■){  their  indignation.  With  this  view,  in  jiresence  of  a 
vast  assembly,  he  drew  up  his  men  in  order  of  battle, 
and  made  an  ostentatious  but  innocent  display  of  the 
sharpness  of  the  Spanish  swords,  of  the  force  of  their 
spears,  and  the  operation  of  their  cross-bows.  'I'hcse 
rude  people,  strangers  to  the  use  of  iron,  and  unac 
quainted  with  any  hostile  weapons  hut  arrows  of  reed 
pointed  with  the  bones  of  fishes,  wooden  swonls,  and 
javelins  hardened  in  the  fire,  wondered  and  trembled. 
Befbre  this  surprise  or  fear  had  time  to  aliate.hc  ordered 
the  great  guns  to  he  fired.  The  sudilen  explosion  struck 
them  with  such  terror  that  they  fell  flat  to  the  ground, 
covering  their  faces  with  their  hands  ;  and  when  they 
beheld  the  astonishing  elTccl  of  the  bullets  among  the 
trees,  towards  which  the  cannon  had  been  pointed,  they 
concluded  that  it  was  impossible  to  resist  men,  who  had 
the  command  of  such  destructive  instruments,  and  wh« 
came  armed  with  thunder  and  lightning  against  liicir 
enemies. 

After  giving  such  impressions  both  of  the  beneficent  e 
and  power  of  the  Spaniards,  as  might  have  rendered  il 
easy  to  preserve  an  ascendant  over  the  minds  of  the 
natives,  Columbus  appointed  thirty-eight  of  his  peo[>lo 
to  remain  in  the  island.  He  intrusted  the  command  o( 
these  to  Diego  <lc  Arado,  a  gentleman  of  Cordova,  in 
vesting  him  with  the  same  powers  which  he  himself  had 
received  from  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  ;  and  furnished 
him  with  cverv  thing  recpiisite  for  the  subsistence  or 
defence  of  this  infant  colony.  He  strictly  enjoined 
them  to  maintain  concord  ainong  themselves,  to  yield 
an  unreserved  obedience  to  their  commander,  to  avoid 
iriving  oflence  to  the  natives  by  any  violence  or  exaction, 
to  cultivate  the  friendship  of  Guacanahari,  but  noi  to 
put  themselves  in  his  power  by  straggling  in  small  par- 
I  ties,  or  marching  too  far  from  the  fort.  He  promised 
to  visit  Ihcm  soon  with  such  a  reinforcement  of  streu^ 


83 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


B3  might  enable  them  to  take  full  possession  of  the  couti- 
Iry,  and  to  reap  all  the  fniiis  of  tlieir  discoveries.  In 
the  mean  time  he  engaged  to  mention  their  names  to 
ihe  kmg  and  queen,  and  to  place  their  merit  and  ser- 
vices m  the  most  advantageous  light. 

Having  thus  taken  every  precaution  for  the  security 
of  the  colony,  he  left  Xavidad  on  the  fourth  of  January, 
one  thousand  four  lumdrod  and  ninety-three,  and  steer- 
ing towards  the  cast,  discovered  and  gave  names  to 
most  of  the  harbor.'*  on  tlie  norlliorn  coast  of  the  i.-^land. 
On  the  sixth  lie  descried  the  I'liita.  and  soon  camo  up 
with  her,  after  a  separation  of  more  than  six  weeks. 
Pinzon  endeavored  to  ju.stify  his  conduct  by  pretcndii>g 
that  he  had  been  driven  from  his  course  by  stress  of 
weather,  and  prevented  from  returning  by  contrary 
winds.  Tiie  admiral,  though  he  still  suspected  his  per- 
fidious intentions,  and  knew  well  what  he  urged  in  his 
own  defence  to  be  frivolous  as  well  as  false,  was  so 
sensible  that  this  was  not  a  proper  time  for  venturing 
u])on  any  high  strain  of  authority,  and  felt  such  satis- 
faction in  this  junction  with  his  consort,  which  delivered 
him  from  many  disquieting  apprehensions,  that,  lame  as 
Pinion's  aiMjIogy  was,  he  ad.nitted  of  it  vvitlioul  dilFi- 
cidty,  and  restored  him  to  favor.  During  his  absence 
from  the  tdmiral,  I'inzon  had  visited  several  harbors  in 
the  island,  had  acquired  some  gold  by  trafficking  with 
the  natives,  but  had  made  no  discovery  of  any  impor- 
tance. 

From  the  condition  of  his  ships,  as  well  as  the  tem- 
per of  his  men,  Columbus  now  found  it  necessary  to 
nasten  his  return  to  Europe.  The  former  having  suf- 
fered much  during  a  voyage  of  such  an  unusual  length, 
were  extremely  leaky.  The  latter  expressed  the  ut- 
most impatience  to  revisit  their  native  country,  from 
which  they  hud  been  so  long  absent,  and  where  they 
had  things  .so  woudei  ful  and  unheanl-of  to  relate.  Ac- 
cordingly, on  the  sixteenth  of  January,  he  directed  his 
course  towards  the  north-east,  and  soon  lost  sight  of 
land.  He  had  on  board  some  of  the  natives,  whom  he 
had  takc'i  from  the  dififerent  islands  which  he  d:sco- 
vcrcJ  ;  and  besides  the  gold,  wliich  was  the  chief  ob- 
ject of  research,  he  had  collected  specimens  of  all  the 
productions  which  were  likely  to  become  subjects  ol 
commerce  in  the  several  countries,  well  as  many  u.i- 
known  birds,  an  other  natural  curi<>sities,  which  might 
attract  tlio  attention  of  the  learned,  or  excite  the  wonder 
of  the  |)Coplc.  The  voyage  was  prosperous  to  the  four- 
Icjnth  of  February,  and  he  had  advanced  near  five  bun- 
dled leagues  across  the  Atlantic  ocean,  when  the  wind 
began  to  rise,  and  continued  to  blow  with  increasing 
rage,  which  terminated  in  a  furious  hurricane.  Every 
thing  that  the  naval  skill  and  experience  of  Columbus 
could  devise  was  employed  in  order  to  save  the  ships. 
Bui  it  was  impossible  to  withstand  the  violence  of  the 
storm,  and,  as  they  were  still  far  from  any  land,  de- 
struction seemed  inevitable.  The  sailors  had  recourse 
to  prayers  lo  Almighty  God,  to  the  invocation  of  saints, 
to  vows,  and  charms,  to  every  thing  that  religion  dic- 
tates, or  superstition  suggests  to  tlie  affrighted  mind  of 
man.  No  prospect  of  deliverance  a))pearing,  they  aban- 
doned themselves  to  despair,  and  expected  every  mo- 
ment to  be  swallowed  up  in  the  waves.  Besides  the 
passions  which  naturally  agitate  and  alarm  the  human 
mind  in  such  awful  situations,  when  certain  death,  in 
one  of  his  most  terrible  forms,  is  before  it,  Cobiinbus 
had  to  endure  feelings  of  distress  peculiar  to  himself 
He  dreaded  that  all  knowledge  of  the  amazing  disco- 
veries which  he  had  made  was  now  to  perish  ;  mankind 
were  to  be  deprived  of  every  benefit  that  might  have 
been  derived  from  the  happy  success  of  his  schemes, 
*nd  his  own  name  would  descend  to  posterity  as  that 
of  a  rash  deluded  adventurer,  instead  of  being  transmit- 
ted with  the  honor  due  to  the  author  and  conductor  of 
tne  most  noble  enterprise  that  had  ever  been  undertaken. 
Thest  reflections  extinguished  all  sense  of  his  own  per- 
sonal danger.  Eess  affected  with  the  loss  of  life  than 
Kjlicitous  to  preserve  the  memory  of  what  he  had  at- 
tempted and  achieved,  he  retired  to  his  cabin  and  wrole 
U|>on  a  parchment  a  -short  account  of  the  voyage  which 
he  had  made,  of  the  course  which  he  had  taken,  of  the 
Situation  and  riches  of  the  countries  which  he  had  dis- 
covered, and  of  the  colony  that  he  had  left  there.  Ilav- 
mg  wrapped  up  thi.s  in  on  oiled  cloth,  whicli  he  en- 
closed in  a  cake  of  wax,  he  put  it  into  a  cask  carefully 
•lopped  up,  and  threw  it  into  the  sea,  in  ho[)es  that 
•oine  fortunate  accident  might  i)rescrve  a  deposit  of  so 
much  importance  to  the  world.  [16] 

At  length  Providence  interposed  to  save  a  life  re- 
served for  oihci  services.  'I'he  wind  abated,  the  sea 
became  calm,  and  on  the  evening  of  the  fifteenth,  Co- 
lumbus and  his  companions  discovered  laud  ;  and 
Ibuugh  uncertain  what  it  wa.'<,  tliey  made  towanli  it. 


They  soon  knew  it  to  be  St.  Mary,  one  of  the  Azores  ; 
or  western  isles,  subject  to  the  crown  of  Portugal. 
There,  after  a  violent  contest  with  the  governor,  in 
which  Columbus  displayed  no  less  spirit  than  prudence, 
he  obtained  a  supply  of  fresh  provisions,  and  whatever 
else  he  needed.  One  circumstance,  however,  greatly 
disquieted  him.  The  Pinta,  of  which  he  had  lost  sight 
cn  the  first  day  of  the  hurricane,  did  not  appear  ;  he 
dreaded  for  some  time  that  she  had  foundered  at  sea,  ' 
and  that  all  her  crew  had  j)Prislied  ;  afterwards,  his 
former  suspicions  recurred,  and  he  became  apprehen- 
sive that  Pinzon  had  borne  away  for  Spain,  that  he 
might  reach  it  before  him,  and  by  giving  the  first  ac- 
count of  his  discoveries,  might  obtain  some  share  of  liis 
fame.  .  j 

In  order  to  prevent  this,  he  left  the  Azores  as  soon 
as  the  weather  .vould  permit  [Feb.  24].  At  no  great  I 
distance  from  the  coast  of  Spain,  when  near  the  end  ol 
his  voyage,  and  seemingly  beyond  the  reach  of  any  dis- 
aster, another  storm  arose,  little  inferior  to  the  former  in 
violence  ;  and  after  driving  before  it  during  two  days  and 
two  nights,  he  was  forced  to  take  shelter  in  the  river 
Tagus  [.March  4J.  Upon  application  to  the  King  of 
Portugal,  he  was  allowed  to  come  up  to  Lisbon  ;  and, 
notwithstanding  the  envy  which  it  was  natural  for  the 
Portuguese  to  feel,  when  they  beheld  another  nation 
entering  upon  that  province  of  discovery  which  they  li;'d 
hitherto  deemed  peculiarly  their  own,  and  in  its  first 
essay  not  only  rivalling  but  eclipsing  their  fame,  Co- 
kimlius  was  received  with  all  the  marks  of  distinction 
due  to  a  man  who  had  performed  things  so  extraordi- 
nary and  unexpected.  The  king  admitted  him  into  his 
presence,  treated  him  with  the  highest  respect,  and 
hstened  to  the  account  which  he  gave  of  his  voyage 
with  admiration  mingled  with  regret.  While  Colum-  j 
bus,  on  h.s  part,  enjoyed  the  satisfaction  of  describing  j 
the  importance  of  his  discoveries,  and  of  being  now- 
able  to  prove  the  solidity  of  his  schemes  to  those  very 
persons,  who,  with  an  ignorance  disgraceful  to  them- 
selves, and  fatal  to  their  country,  had  lately  rejected 
them  as  tiio  projects  of  a  visionary  or  designing  adven- 
tnrer. 

Columbus  was  so  impatient  to  return  to  .Spain,  that 
he  remained  only  five  days  in  Lisbon.  On  the  fifteenth 
of  March  he  arrived  in  the  port  of  Palos,  seven  ^ 
months  and  eleven  days  from  the  time  when  he  set  out  ] 
thence  upon  his  voyage.  As  soon  as  the  ship  was  j 
discovered  approaching  the  |)ort,  all  the  inhabitants  of 
Palos  ran  eagerlv  to  the  sliore,  in  order  to  welcome 
their  relations  and  fellow-citizens,  and  to  hear  tidings 
of  their  voyage.  \Vhen  the  prosperous  issue  of  it  was 
known,  when  they  beheld  the  strange  people,  the 
unknown  animals,  and  singular  productions,  brought 
from  the  countries  which  had  been  discovered,  the 
effusion  of  joy  was  general  and  unbounded.  The 
bells  were  rung,  the  cannon  fired  ;  Columbus  was 
received  at  landing  with  royal  honors,  and  all  the  people 
in  solemn  jirocession.  accompanied  him  and  his  crew  to 
the  church,  where  they  returned  thanks  to  Heaven, 
which  had  so  woni'erfully  conducted  and  crowned  with 
success  a  voyage  of  greater  length  and  of  more  im- 
portance than  had  been  attempted  in  any  former  age. 
On  the  eviming  of  the  same  day,  he  had  the  satisfaction 
ot  seeing  the  Piiita,  which  the  violence  of  the  tempest 
had  driven  far  to  the  north,  enter  the  harbor. 

The  first  care  of  Columbus  was  to  inform  the  king 
and  q'jecn,  who  were  then  at  Barcelona,  of  his  arrival , 
and  success.  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  no  less  as- ' 
tonished  than  delighted  with  this  unexpected  event, 
desired  Columbus,  in  terms  the  most  respectlul  and 
flattering,  to  repair  immediately  to  court,  that  from  his 
own  mouth  they  miglit  receive  a  full  detail  of  his  extra- 
ordinary services  and  discoveries.  During  his  journey 
to  Barcelona,  the  people  crowded  from  the  adjacent 
country,  following  him  every  where  with  admiration 
and  applause.  His  entrance  into  the  city  was  con- 
ducted, by  order  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  with  pomp 
suitable  to  the  great  event,  which  added  such  dis- 
tinguishing lustre  to  their  reign.  The  people  whom  he 
brought  along  with  him  Irom  the  countries  which  he 
had  discovered,  marched  first,  and  by  their  singular 
complexion,  the  wild  peculiarity  of  their  features,  and 
uncouth  finery,  appeared  like  men  of  another  species.  ' 
Next  to  them  were  carried  the  ornaments  of  gold, 
fashioned  by  the  rude  art  of  the  natives,  the  grains  of 
gold  found  in  the  mountains,  and  dust  of  the  same 
metal  gathered  in  the  rivers.  After  these  appeared 
the  various  commodities  of  the  new  discovered  coun- 
tries, together  with  their  curious  productions.  Colum- 
bus himself  closed  the  procession,  and  attracted  the 
eyes  of  ull  the  spectators,  who  gazed  with  ndmiratioii  I 
on  tLc  extraordinary  man,  whose  superior  sa^jacity  and  , 


fortitude  had  conducted  their  courlrynien,  by  a  loms 
concealed  from  past  ages,  to  the  knowledge  of  a  new 
world.  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  received  him  cUd  in 
their  royal  robes,  and  seated  upon  a  throne,  under  a 
magnificent  canopy.  When  he  approached,  they  stood 
up,  and  raising  him  as  he  kneeled  to  kiss  their  bancs, 
commanded  him  to  take  his  seal  upon  a  chair  prepared 
for  him,  and  lo  give  a  circumstantial  account  of  bis 
voyage.  He  delivered  it  with  a  gravity  and  composure 
no  less  suitable  to  the  disposition  of  the  S|)an!ah 
nation  than  to  the  dignity  of  the  audience  in  which  he 
spoke,  and  with  thai  modest  simplicity  which  charac- 
terizes men  of  superior  minds,  who.  satisfied  wiih 
having  performed  great  actions,  court  not  vain  applause 
by  an  ostentatious  display  of  their  exploits.  AVheii  he 
had  finished  his  narration,  the  king  and  queen,  kneeling 
down,  offered  up  solemn  thanks  to  Almighty  God  for 
the  discovery  of  those  new  regions,  from  which  iliey 
expected  so  many  advantages  to  flow  in  upon  the  king- 
doms subject  to  their  government.  [17]  Every  ma.'k  of 
honor  tliat  gratitude  or  admiratiou  could  suggest  was 
conferred  upon  Columbus.  Letters  patent  were  issued, 
confirming  lo  him  and  to  his  heirs  all  tne  privileges 
contained  in  the  capitulation  concluded  at  Santa  Fe  ; 
his  family  was  ennobled  ;  the  king  and  queen,  and 
after  their  example  the  courtiers,  treated  him  on  cverjr 
occasion  with  all  the  ceremonious  respect  paid  lo 
persons  of  the  highest  rank.  But  what  pleased  h'ln 
most,  as  it  gratified  his  active  mind,  bent  conlmuallv 
upon  great  objects,  was  an  order  to  equip,  without 
delay,  an  armament  of  such  force  as  might  enable  liim 
not  only  to  take  possession  of  the  countries  which  he 
had  already  discovered,  but  to  go  in  search  of  those 
more  opulent  regions  which  he  still  confidently  ex- 
pected to  find. 

While  prejiarations  were  making  for  this  expedition, 
the  fame  of  Columbus's  successful  voyage  spread  ovrr 
Europe,  and  excited  general  attention.  The  mii.litude, 
struck  with  amazement  when  ih^y  heard  that  a  new 
world  had  been  found,  could  hardly  believe  an  event  »o 
much  above  their  conception.  .Men  of  t-icnce,  ca- 
pable of  comprehending  the  nature,  and  of  discerning 
the  effects  of  this  great  discovery,  received  th-.-  account 
of  it  with  admiration  and  joy.  They  spoke  of  his 
voyage  with  rapture,  and  congratulated  one  another 
upon  their  felicity  in  having  lived  m  the  period  when, 
by  this  extraordinary  event,  the  boundaries  of  human 
know  ledge  were  so  much  extended,  and  such  a  new 
field  of  inquiry  and  observation  opened,  as  would  lea  l 
mankind  lo  a  perfect  acquaintance  with  the  struci  irt 
and  productions  of  the  habitable  globe.  [18]  Venous 
opinions  and  conjectures  were  formed  concerning  the 
new  found  countries,  and  what  division  of  the  earth 
they  belonged  to.  Columbus  adhered  tenaciously  to 
his  original  opinion,  that  they  should  be  reckoned  s 
part  of  those  vast  regions  in  .Vsia,  coinprehendtd 
under  the  general  name  of  India.  This  sentiment  was 
confirmed  by  the  observations  which  he  made  con 
cerning  the  productions  of  the  countries  he  had  dis- 
covered Gold  was  known  to  abound  in  India,  and  b« 
had  met  with  such  promising  samples  of  it  in  the 
islands  which  he  visited,  as  Ted  him  to  believe  that 
rich  mines  of  it  might  be  found,  (."otton,  anotlier 
production  of  the  East  Indies,  was  common  thero. 
The  pimento  of  the  islands  he  imagined  to  be  a  s pc<  les 
of  the  East  Indian  pepper.  He  mistook  a  root,  soiuo- 
what  resembling  rhubarb,  for  that  valuable  dnip,  which 
was  then  supposed  to  be  a  plant  peculiar  to  the  F,j  ( 
Indies.  The  birds  brought  home  by  him  were  adumed 
with  the  same  rich  plumage  which  distinguishes  Vaxim 
of  India.  The  alligator  of  the  one  country  apjicirM 
to  be  the  same  with  the  crocodile  of  the  other.  Afiff 
weighing  all  these  circumstances,  not  only  ih*  Spa- 
niards, but  the  other  nations  of  Europe,  seem  to  bavo 
adopted  the  o|iinion  of  Columbus.  The  couuiiies 
which  he  had  discovered  were  considered  as  i  p.irt  of 
India.  In  consetpieiicc  of  Ibis  notion,  the  tiut^e  of 
Indies  is  given  to  them  by  Ferdinand  and  Uabell-v  in 
a  ratification  of  tlieir  former  agreement,  which  wad 
granted  lo  Columbus  upon  his  return.  E>ecaftoi  iho 
error  which  gave  rise  to  this  opinion  was  detected,  iiul 
the  true  position  of  the  New  World  was  ascertau.od, 
the  name  has  remained,  and  the  appellation  of  West 
JnilicM  is  given  by  all  the  people  of  Europe  lo  th* 
country,  and  that  of  Intliaiis  to  its  inhabitants. 

Tiie  name  by  which  Columbus  distinguished  the 
countries  which  he  had  discovered  was  so  inviting,  tho 
specimens  of  their  riches  and  fertility  which  he  pro- 
duced were  so  considerable,  and  the  reports  ol  his 
com|)anions,  delivered  frequently  with  the  exaggeration 
natural  to  travollers,  so  favorable,  as  to  excite  a 
wonderful  spirit  of  cntorprise  Aiiion^  the  Sp.iiiiirJi 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


fl3 


Though  little  accustomed  to  naval  expeditioiie,  they 
were  impatient  to  set  out  upon  their  voyage.  \'olun- 
teers  of  e.-ery  rank  solicited  to  be  enipKiyed.  Allured 
by  tlie  invitiiiji  prospects  \%hich  opened  to  their  am- 
bition and  avarice,  neither  the  length  nor  danger  of  the 
navi;,'aiion  intimidated  them.  Cautious  as  Ferdinand 
was,  and  averse  to  everv  thing  new  or  adventurous,  he 
seems  to  hiive  catchcd  the  same  sp  rit  with  his  sub- 
jei  td.  Under  :ts  influence,  preparations  fur  a  second 
cji  edition  vvc  re  carried  on  with  rapidity  unusual  in 
Spain,  an  1  to  an  extent  that  would  be  deemed  not  in- 
coiri(lc:ab!e  in  the  present  age.  The  fleet  consisted  of 
seventeen  ships,  some  of  which  were  of  good  burden. 
It  had  on  hoard  fifteen  hundred  persons,  among  whom 
wire  many  of  noble  families,  who  l;ad  served  in 
honorable  sUitiona  The  greater  part  of  the?c,  being 
destined  to  remain  in  the  country,  were  I'urnished  with 
everv  tlnng  riquisile  for  conquest  or  settlement,  with 
all  kinds  of  I'.uropean  domestic  animals,  with  such 
seeds  and  plants  as  were  most  likely  to  thrive  in  the 
i-limatc  of  the  West  Indcs  with  utensils  and  instruments 
of  every  sort,  and  with  such  artificers  as  might  be 
most  useful  m      infant  colony. 

But,  fofimdable  and  well  provided  as  this  fleet  was, 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella  did  not  rest  their  title  to  the 
possession  of  the  newly  discovered  countries  u\)on  its 
Ojicrations  alone.  The  example  of  the  Portuguese,  as 
well  as  the  superstuion  of  the  age,  made  it  necessary 
to  obtain  from  the  Koman  pontiff  a  grant  of  those  terri- 
tories which  they  wished  to  occupy.  The  Pope,  as  the 
viear  and  representative  of  Jesus  Christ,  was  su|iposed  to 
have  a  right  of  dominion  over  all  the  kingdoms  of  the 
earth.  Alexander  VI.,  a  pontiff  infamous  for  every 
crime  which  disgraces  humanity,  filled  the  Papal  throne 
at  that  time.  As  ho  was  born  Ferdinand's  subject, 
and  very  solicitous  to  secure  the  protection  of  S])ain, 
in  order  to  facilitate  the  execution  of  his  ambitious 
schemes  in  favor  of  his  own  family,  he  was  extremely 
willing  to  gratify  the  Spanish  monarchs.  By  an  act 
of  liberality  which  cost  him  nothing,  and  that  served  to 
establish  the  jurisdictions  and  pretensions  of  the  Papal 
See,  he  granted  in  full  right  to  Ferdinand  and  Isabella 
»U  the  countries  inhabited  by  Infidels,  which  they  had 
discovered,  or  should  discover ;  and,  in  virtue  of  that 
power  which  he  derived  from  Jesus  Christ,  he  conferred 
vn  the  crown  of  Castile  vast  regions,  to  the  possession 
of  which  he  himself  was  so  far  from  having  any  title, 
that  he  was  unac(|uaintcd  with  their  situation,  and 
ignorant  even  of  their  existence.  As  it  was  necessary 
to  prevent  this  grant  from  interfering  with  that  formerly 
made  to  the  crown  of  Portuga\,  he  appointed  that  a 
line,  supposed  to  be  diawn  from  pole  to  pole,  a  hun- 
dred leagues  to  the  westward  of  the  Azores,  should 
eervc  as  a  limit  between  them  ;  and,  in  the  plentitude 
of  his  power,  bestowed  all  to  the  cast  of  this  imaginary 
line  upon  the  Portuguese,  and  all  to  the  west  of  it 
upon  the  Spaniards.  Zeal  for  propagating  the  Chris- 
tian faith  was  the  consideration  employed  by  Ferdinand 
in  soliciting  this  bull,  and  is  mentioned  by  Alexander 
as  his  chief  motive  for  issuing  it.  In  order  to  mani- 
fest some  concern  for  this  laudable  object,  several 
friars,  under  the  direction  of  Father  Boyl,  a  Catalonian 
monk  of  great  reputation,  as  apostolical  vicar,  were 
appointed  to  accompany  Columbus,  and  to  devote 
themselves  to  the  instruction  of  the  natives.  The  In- 
dians whom  Columbus  had  brought  along  with  him, 
having  received  some  tincture  of  Christian  knowledge, 
were  baptized  with  much  solemnity,  the  king  himself, 
the  prince  his  son,  and  the  chief  persons  of  his  court, 
etanding  as  their  godfathers.  Those  first  fruits  of  the 
New  World  have  not  been  followed  by  such  an  in- 
crease as  pious  men  wished,  and  had  reason  to  expect. 

Ferdinand  and  Isabella  having  thus  acquired  a  title, 
which  was  then  deemed  completely  valid,  to  extend 
their  discoveries  and  to  establish  their  dominion  over 
such  a  considerable  portion  of  the  globe,  nothing  now 
retarded  the  departure  of  the  fleet.  Columbus  was 
extremely  impatient  to  revisit  the  colony  which  he  had 
left,  and  to  pursue  that  career  of  glory  upon  which  he 
had  entered.  He  set  sail  from  the  bay  of  Cadiz  on  the 
twcnty-lifth  of  September,  and  touching  again  at  the 
island  of  Goinera,  he  steered  further  towards  the  south 
than  in  his  former  voyage.  By  holding  this  course,  he 
enjoyed  more  steadily  the  benefit  of  the  regular  winds, 
which  reign  within  the  tropics,  and  was  carried  towards 
a  large  cluster  of  islands,  situated  considerably  to  the 
east  of  those  which  he  had  already  discovered.  On 
the  twenty-sixth  day  after  his  departure  from  Comcra 
[Nov.  2],  be  made  land.  It  was  one  of  the  Carribbee 
or  Lcewatd  Islands,  to  which  he  gav^  the  name  of 
Deseada,  on  account  of  the  impatience  of  his  crew  to 
<iectvcr  some  ^ixit  of  the  New  W  orld.    After  this  he 


Visited  successively  Dominica,  Marigalante,  Guada- 
loupc,  Antigua,  San  Juan  de  Puerto  Rico,  and  several 
other  islands,  scattered  in  his  way  as  ho  advanced  to- 
wards the  north-west.  All  these  he  found  to  be  in- 
l  aliited  by  that  fierce  race  of  people  whom  Guacan- 
ahari  had  painted  in  such  frighful  colors.  Ilis  descrip- 
tions appeared  not  to  have  been  exaggerated.  The 
S|):!niards  never  attempted  to  land  without  meeting 
w  th  such  a  reception  as  discovered  the  martial  and 
daring  spirit  of  the  natives  :  and  in  their  habitations 
were  found  relics  of  those  horrid  feasts  which  they  had 
made  upon  the  bodies  of  their  enemies  taken  in  war. 

But  as  Columbus  was  eager  to  know  the  state  of 
tl'.e  colony  which  he  had  planted,  and  to  supply  it  with 
the  necessaries  of  which  h'c  supposed  it  to  be  in  want, 
he  made  no  stay  in  any  of  those  islands,  and  proceeded 
diri'ctly  to  Ilispauiola  [Nov.  22].  A'hen  he  arrived 
off  Navidad,  the  station  in  which  he  had  left  the  thirty- 
eight  men  under  the  command  of  Arada,  he  was 
astonished  that  none  of  them  appeared,  and  expected 
every  moment  to  see  them  running  with  transports  of 
joy  to  welcome  their  countrymen.  Full  of  solicitude 
about  their  safety,  and  foreboding  in  his  mind  what  had 
hcfallt  11  them,  he  rowed  instantly  to  land.  All  the  na- 
tives from  whom  he  might  have  received  information 
had  ficd.  But  the  fort  which  he  had  built  was  entirely 
demolished,  and  the  tattered  garments,  the  broken  arms 
and  utensils  scattered  about  it,  left  no  room  to  doubt 
concerning  the  unhappy  fate  of  the  garrison.  While 
the  Spaniards  were  shedding  tears  over  those  sad 
memorials  of  their  fellow-citizens,  a  brother  of  the 
caziquc  Guacanahari  arrived.  From  him  Columbus 
received  a  particular  detail  of  what  had  happened  after 
his  departure  from  the  island.  The  familiar  intercourse 
of  the  Indians  with  the  Spaniards  tended  gradually  to 
diminish  the  superstitious  veneration  with  which  their 
first  appearance  had  inspired  that  simple  people.  By 
their  own  indiscretion  and  ill  conduct,  the  Spaniards 
speedily  effaced  those  favorable  impressions,  and  soon 
convinced  the  natives,  that  they  had  all  the  wants,  and 
weaknesses,  and  passions  of  men.  As  soon  as  the 
powerful  restraint  which  the  presence  and  authority  of 
Columbus  imposed  was  withdrawn,  the  garrison  threw 
off  all  regard  for  the  officer  whom  he  had  invested  with 
command.  Regardles  of  the  prudent  instructions  which 
he  had  given  them,  every  man  became  independent, 
and  gratified  his  desires  without  control.  The  gold, 
the  women,  the  provisons  of  the  natives,  were  all  the 
prey  of  those  licentious  oppressors.  They  roamed  in 
small  parties  over  the  island,  extending  their  rapacity 
and  insolence  to  every  corner  of  it.  Gentle  and  timid 
as  the  people  were,  those  unprovoked  injuries  at  length 
exhausted  their  patience,  and  roused  their  courage. 
The  cazique  of  Cibao,  whose  country  the  Spaniards 
chiefly  infested  on  account  of  the  gold  which  it  con- 
tained, surprised  and  cut  off  several  of  them,  whde  they 
straggled  in  as  perfect  security  as  if  their  conduct  had 
been  altogether  inoffensive.  He  then  assembled  his 
subjects,  and  surrounding  the  fort,  set  it  on  fire. 
Some  of  the  Spaniards  were  killed  in  defending  it ; 
the  rest  perished  in  attempting  to  make  their  escape 
by  crossing  an  arm  of  the  sea.  Guacanahari,  whom 
all  their  exactions  had  not  alienated  from  the  Spaniards, 
took  arms  in  their  behalf,  and,  in  endeavoring  to  pro- 
tect them,  had  received  a  wound,  by  vvhich  he  was 
still  confined. 

Though  this  account  was  far  from  removing  the  sus- 
picions which  the  Spaniards  entertained  with  respect 
to  the  fidelity  of  Guacanahari,  Columbus  perceived  so 
clearly  that  this  was  not  a  proper  juncture  for  inquiring 
into  his  conduct  with  scrupulous  accuracy,  that  he  re- 
jected the  advice  of  several  of  his  officers,  who  urged 
him  to  seize  the  person  of  that  prince,  and  to  revenge 
the  death  of  their  countrymen  by  attacking  his  subjects. 
He  represented  to  them  the  necessity  of  securing  the 
friendship  of  some  potentate  of  the  country,  in  order  to 
facilitate  the  settlement  which  they  intended,  and  the 
danger  of  driving  the  natives  to  unite  in  some  despe- 
rate attempt  against  them,  by  such  an  ill-timed  and  un- 
availing exercise  of  rigor.  Instead  of  w  asting  his  time 
in  punishing  past  wrongs,  he  took  jirecautions  for  pre- 
venting any  future  injury.  With  this  view,  he  made 
choice  of  a  situation  more  healthy  and  commodious  than 
that  of  Navidad.  He  traced  out  the  plan  of  a  town  in 
a  large  plain  near  a  spacious  bay,  and  obliging  every 
person  to  put  his  hand  to  a  work  on  which  their  com- 
mon safety  depended,  the  houses  and  ramparts  were 
soon  so  far  advanced,  by  their  united  labor,  as  to  afford 
them  shelter  and  security.  This  rising  citv,  the  first 
that  the  Europeans  founded  in  the  New  World,  he 
named  Isabella,  in  honor  of  his  patroness  the  Queen  of 
Cublile. 


In  carrying  on  this  necessary  work,  Columbus  had 
not  only  to  sustain  all  the  hardships,  and  to  encount  t 
all  the  difliculties,  to  which  infant  colonics  are  ex|iosecl 
when  tliey  settle  in  an  uncultivated  country,  but  he  had 
to  contend  with  what  was  more  insuperable,  the  lazi- 
ness, the  im|)atience,  and  mutinous  disposition  of  his 
followers.  By  the  enervating  influence  of  a  hot  climate, 
the  natural  inactivity  of  the  Sjianiards  seemed  to  in 
crease.  Many  of  them  were  L'enilemcn,  unaccustomed 
to  the  fatigue  of  bodily  labor,  and  all  had  engaged  in 
the  enterprise  with  the  sanguine  hopes  excited  by  the 
splendid  and  exaggerated  description  of  their  countrv- 
inen  who  returned  from  the  first  voyage,  or  by  the  mis- 
taken opinion  of  Columbus,  that  the  country  which  ho 
had  discovered  was  either  the  (^ipango  of  Marco  I'olo, 
or  the  Upliir,  from  which  Solomon  iniporled  those  pre- 
cious commodilies  which  suddenly  diffused  such  extra- 
ordinary riches  through  his  kingdom.  But  when,  in- 
stead of  that  golden  harvest  which  they  had  expected 
to  reap  without  toil  or  pains,  the  Spaniards  saw  that 
their  prosjicct  of  wealth  was  remote  as  well  as  uncer- 
tain, and  that  it  could  not  be  obtained  but  by  the  slow 
and  persevering  efforts  of  industry,  the  disap|ioiiitmcnt 
of  those  chimerical  hopes  occasioned  such  dijection  of 
mind  as  bordered  on  despair,  and  led  to  general  discon- 
tent, lu  vain  did  Columbus  endeavor  to  revive  their 
spirits  by  pointing  out  the  fertility  of  the  soil,  and  ex- 
hibiting the  specimens  of  gold  daily  brought  in  from 
different  parts  of  the  island.  'I'hey  had  not  patience  to 
wait  for  the  gradual  returns  which  the  former  might 
yield,  and  the  latter  they  despised  as  scanty  and  incon- 
siderable. The  spirit  of  disalfectioii  spread,  and  a  con- 
spiracy was  formed,  which  might  have  been  fatal  to 
Columbus  and  the  colony.  Happily  he  discovered  it ; 
and  seizing  the  ringleaders,  punished  some  of  them, 
sent  others  prisoners  into  Spain,  whilher  he  desj)atched 
twelve  of  the  ships  which  had  served  as  transjiorts,  with 
an  earnest  request  for  a  reinforcement  of  men  and  a 
a  large  supply  of  provisions. 

1494]  \Ieanwhile,  in  order  to  banish  that  idleness 
which,  by  allowing  his  people  leisure  to  brood  over 
their  disappointment,  nourished  the  spirit  of  discontent, 
Columbus  planned  several  expeditions  into  the  interior 
part  of  the  country.  He  sent  a  detachment,  under  the 
command  of  Alonzo  de  Ojeda,  a  vigilant  and  enterpris- 
ing officer,  to  visit  the  district  of  Cibao,  which  was  said 
to  yield  the  greatest  quantity  of  gold,  and  followed  him 
in  person  with  the  main  body  of  his  troops.  In  this  ex- 
pedition he  displayed  all  the  pomp  of  military  inagni 
ficence  that  he  could  exhibit,  in  order  to  sirike  the 
imagination  of  the  natives.  He  marched  with  colors 
flying,  with  martial  music,  and  with  a  small  body  of 
cavt'Iry  that  paraded  sometimes  in  the  front  and  some- 
times in  the  rear.  As  those  were  the  first  horses  which 
appeared  in  the  New  World,  they  were  objects  of  tt*rror 
no  less  than  of  admiration  to  the  Indians,  who,  having 
no  tame  animals  themselves,  were  unacqr.aint«d  with 
that  vast  accession  of  power  which  man  hath  acquired 
by  subjecting  them  to  his  dominion.  They  supposed 
them  to  b3  rational  creatures.  They  imagined  that 
the  horse  and  the  rider  formed  one  animal,  with  whose 
speed  they  were  astonisticd,  and  whose  impetuosity  and 
strength  they  considered  as  irresistible.  But  while 
Columbus  endeavored  to  inspire  the  natives  with  a 
dread  of  his  power,  he  did  not  neglect  the  arts  of  gain- 
ing their  love  and  confidence.  He  adhered  scnipu- 
lously  to  the  principles  of  integrity  and  justice  in  all 
his  transactions  with  them,  and  treated  them,  on  every 
occasion,  not  only  with  humanity  but  with  indulgence. 
The  district  of  Cibao  answered  the  description  given 
of  it  by  the  natives.  It  was  mountainous  and  unculti- 
vated, but  in  every  river  and  brook  gold  was  gatnered 
either  in  dust  or  in  grains,  some  of  wliich  were  of  con- 
siderable size.  The  Indians  had  never  opened  any 
mines  in  search  of  gold.  To  penetrate  into  the  bowels 
of  the  earth,  and  to  refine  the  rude  ore,  were  operations 
too  complicated  and  laborious  for  their  talenis  and  in- 
dusti-y,  and  they  had  no  such  high  value  for  gold  as  to 
put  their  ingenuity  and  invention  upon  the  stretch  in  or- 
der to  obtain  it.  The  small  quantity  of  that  precious 
metal  which  they  possessed,  was  cither  picked  up  in 
the  beds  of  the  rivers,  or  washed  from  the  mountains 
by  the  heavy  rains  that  fall  within  the  tropics.  But 
from  those  indications,  the  Spaniards  could  no  longer 
doubt  that  the  country  contained  rich  treasures  in  its 
bowels,  of  which  thev  hoped  soon  to  be  masters.  In 
order  to  secure  the  command  of  this  valuable  province, 
Columbus  erected  a  small  fort,  to  which  he  gave  the 
name  of  St.  Thsmas,  by  way  of  ridicule  upon  some  of 
his  incredulous  followers,  who  would  not  believe  that 
the  country  produced  gold,  until  they  saw  it  with  tltcii 
own  eyes,  and  touched  it  with  their  hands. 


84 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTOUY  OF 


The  accoi'iit  of  those  proniisini;  appearances  of 
wealth  in  the  coiintrvof  Cibao  came  verv  soasonably  to 
comfort  the  df-sponding  colony,  which  was  affected 
with  distresses  of  various  kinds.  The  stock  of  pro- 
visions which  had  been  broiij;ht  from  Europe  was 
inostlv  consumed  ;  what  remained  was  so  much  cor- 
nipted  bv  the  heat  and  moisture  of  the  climate  as  to  be 
almost  unfit  for  use  ;  the  natives  cultivated  so  small  a 
portion  of  £rround,  and  with  so  little  skill,  that  it  hardly 
yielded  what  was  sufficient  for  their  own  subsistence  ; 
the  Spaniards  of  Isabella  had  hitherto  neither  time  nor 
leisure  to  clear  the  soil,  so  as  to  reap  any  considerable 
fruits  of  their  own  industry.  On  all  these  accounts, 
thcv  became  afraid  of  pcrishins  with  hunger,  and  were 
reduced  already  to  a  scanty  allowance.  At  the  same 
time,  the  diseases  predominant  in  the  torrid  zone,  and 
which  rajje  chiefly  in  those  uncultivated  countries  -vhere 
the  hand  of  industry  bad  not  opened  the  woods,  drained 
the  mirshes,  and  confined  the  rivers  within  a  certain 
channel,  began  to  spread  among  them.  Alarmed  at 
the  violence  and  unusual  svniptoms  of  those  maladies, 
they  exclaimed  against  Columbus  and  liis  companions 
in  the  former  voyaire,  who.  bv  their  splendid  but  deceit- 
ful descriptions  of  Hispaniola,  had  allured  them  to  quit 
i^pain  for  a  barbaro\is  imcultivated  land,  where  they 
must  either  be  cut  off  by  famine,  or  die  of  unkiiown 
distempers.  Several  of  the  officers  and  persons  of 
note,  itistead  of  checking,  joined  in  those  seditious 
complaints.  Father  Royl,  the  apostolical  vicar,  was 
one  of  the  most  turbulent  and  outrasfeous.  It  required 
all  the  authority  and  address  of  Columbus  to  re-esta- 
hlish  subordination  and  tranquillity  in  the  colony. 
Threats  and  promises  were  alternately  employed  for 
this  purpose  :  but  nothing  contributed  more  to  soothe 
the  malccontcnts  than  the  y)rospect  of  finding,  in  the 
mines  of  Cibao,  svich  a  rich  store  of  treasure  as  would 
be  a  recompense  for  all  their  sufferings,  and  efface  the 
memory  of  former  disappointments. 

When,  by  his  unwearied  endeavors,  concord  and 
order  were  so  far  restored  that  he  could  venture  to 
leave  the  island,  Cohimbus  resolved  to  pursue  his  dis- 
coveries, that  he  might  be  able  to  ascertain  whether 
ll.ose  new  countries  with  which  he  had  opened  a  com- 
munication were  connected  with  any  region  of  the 
earth  already  known,  or  whether  thev  vvere  to  be  consi- 
dered as  a  separate  portion  of  the  plobe  hitherto  un- 
visited.  He  appointed  his  brother  Don  Diego,  with 
the  assistance  of  a  coun'  il  of  officers,  to  govern  the 
island  in  his  absence  :  and  sjave  the  command  of  a  body 
of  Roldieis  to  Don  Pedro  Margarita,  with  which  he  was 
.0  visit  ttk"  ('ifferenl  parts  of  the  island,  and  endeavor 
to  est.iblish  the  authority  of  the  Spaniards  among  the 
inhabitants.  Having  left  them  very  ]:artirular  instruc- 
tions with  respect  to  their  conduct,  he  weighed  anchor 
on  the  24th  of  April,  with  one  ship  and  two  small  barks 
ander  bis  command  During  a  tedious  voyage  of  full  five 
months,  he  had  a  tri.il  of  almost  all  the  numerous  hard- 
ships to  which  persons  of  his  profession  are  exposed,  with- 
out making  any  discovery  of  importance,  except  the  island 
of  .Jamaica.  As  he  ranged  alonji  the  southern  coast  of 
Cuba,  [l!)]  he  was  entangled  in  a  labyrinth  formed  by 
an  incredible  number  of  small  islands,  to  which  he  cave 
the  name  of  the  Queeirs  Garden.  In  this  unknown 
course,  among  rocks  and  shelves,  ho  was  retarded  by 
contrary  winds,  assaulted  with  furious  storms,  and 
tiarmed  with  the  terrible  thunder  and  lightning  which  , 
is  often  almost  incessant  between  the  tropics.  At 
lenijlh  his  provisions  fell  short  ;  his  crew,  exhausted 
with  fatigue  as  well  as  hunger,  murmured  and  threat- 
ened, and  were  ready  to  proceed  to  the  most  desperate 
extremities  against  him.  Reset  with  danger  in  such 
various  forms,  he  was  obliged  to  keep  continual  watch, 
to  observe  every  occurrence  with  his  own  eyes,  to  issue 
every  order,  and  to  superintend  the  execution  of  it.  On 
no  occasion  was  the  extent  of  his  skill  and  experience 
as  a  navigator  so  much  tried.  To  these  the  squadron 
owed  its  safety.  Hut  this  unremitted  fati<.'iie  of  bodv, 
•nd  intense  application  of  mind,  overpowering  his  con- 
stitution, ihoiiL'b  naturally  vigorous  and  robust,  brought 
on  a  feverish  disorder,  which  terminated  in  a  Irlharny, 
rhBt  deprived  him  of  sense  and  memory,  and  had  almost 
proved  fatal  to  his  life. 

But,  on  his  return  to  Hispaniola  [Sept.  27],  the  sud- 
den emotion  of  |oy  which  he  felt  upon  meeting  with  his 
brother  Bartholomew  at  Isabella,  occasioned  such  a 
flow  of  spirits  as  contributed  greatly  to  his  recoverv. 
Il  was  now  Ihirlecn  years  since  the  two  brotlieto,  whom 
similarity  of  tilents  united  in  close  friendship,  had  se- 
naraled  from  each  other,  and  during  that  long  period 
there  had  been  no  intercourse  between  them.  Burtho- 
lomrw  after  finishing  his  negotiation  in  the  court  ot 
Li  Inland  had  set  out  for  Spain  by  the  way  of  France. 


At  Paris  he  received  an  account  of  the  extraordiiiary 
discoveries  which  his  brother  had  made  in  his  first  voy- 
'  age.  and  that  he  was  then  preparing  to  embark  on  a  se- 
cond expedition.  Though  this  naturally  induced  him 
I  to  pursue  his  journey  with  the  utmost  despatch,  the  ad- 
miral had  sailed  for  Hispaniola  before  he  reached  Spain. 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella  received  him  with  the  respect 
due  to  the  nearest  kinsman  of  a  person  whose  merit 
and  services  rendered  him  so  conspicuous  ;  and  as  they 
knew  what  consolation  his  presence  would  afford  to  his 
brother,  they  persuaded  him  to  take  the  command  of 
three  ships,  which  they  had  appointed  to  carry  provi- 
sions to  the  colony  at  Isabella. 

He  could  not  have  arrived  at  any  juncture  when  Co- 
lumbus stood  more  in  need  of  a  friend  capable  of  assist- 
ing him  with  his  counsels,  or  of  dividing  with  him  the 
cares  and  burdens  of  government.  For  although  the 
provisions  now  brought  from  Europe  afforded  a  tem- 
porary relief  to  the  Spaniards  from  the  calamities  of 
famine,  the  supply  was  not  in  such  quantity  as  to  sup- 
port them  long,  and  the  island  did  not  hitherto  yield 
what  was  sufficient  for  sustenance.  They  were  threat- 
tened  with  another  danger,  still  more  formidable  than 
the  return  of  scarcity,  and  which  demanded  more  im- 
mediate attention.  No  sooner  did  Columbus  leave  the 
island  on  his  voyage  of  discover)',  than  the  soldiers  un- 
der Margarita,  as  if  they  had  been  set  free  from  dis- 
cipline and  subordination,  scorned  all  restraint.  In- 
stead of  conforming  to  the  prudent  instructions  of  Co- 
lumbus, they  dispersed  in  straggling  parties  over  the 
island,  lived  at  discretion  upon  the  natives,  wasted 
their  provisions,  seized  their  women,  and  treated  that 
inoffensive  race  with  all  the  insolence  of  military  op- 
pression. 

As  long  as  the  Indians  had  any  prospect  that  their 
sufferings  might  come  to  a  period  by  the  voluntary  de- 
parture of  the  invaders,  they  submitted  in  silence,  and 
dissembled  their  sorrow  ;  but  they  now  perceived  that 
the  yoke  would  be  as  permanent  as  it  was  intolerable. 
The  Spaniards  had  built  a  toivn,  and  surrounded  it  with 
ramparts.  They  had  erected  forts  in  ditfcrent  places. 
They  had  enclosed  and  sown  several  fields.  It  w  as  ap- 
parent that  they  came  not  to  visit  the  country,  but  to 
settle  in  it.  Though  the  number  of  tho.^e  strangers 
was  inconsiderable,  the  slate  of  cultivation  among 
these  rude  people  was  so  imperfect,  and  in  such 
exact  proportion  to  their  own  consumption,  that  it  was 
with  difficulty  they  could  afford  subsistence  to  their 
new  gtu  sts.  Their  own  mode  of  life  was  so  indolent 
and  inactive,  the  warmth  of  the  climate  so  encrvatinsr, 
the  constitution  of  their  bodies  naturally  so  feeble,  and 
so  unaccustomed  to  the  laborious  exertions  of  indus- 
try, that  they  were  satisfied  with  a  proportion  of  food 
amazinijly  small.  A  handful  of  maize,  or  a  little  of  the 
insipid  bread  made  of  the  cassadaroot,  was  sufficient  to 
support  men  whose  strength  and  spirits  were  not  ex- 
hausted by  any  vigorous  efforts  either  of  body  or  mind. 
The  Spaniards,  though  the  most  abstemious  of  all  the 
European  nations,  appeared  to  them  excessively  vora- 
cious. One  Spaniard  consumed  as  much  as  several 
Indians.  This  keenness  of  appetite  surprised  them  so 
much,  and  seemed  to  be  so  insatiable,  that  they  sup- 
posed the  Spaniards  had  left  ihcir  own  conntn-  because 
it  did  not  produce  as  much  as  was  requisite  to  gratify 
their  immoderate  desire  of  food,  and  had  come  anion" 
them  in  quest  of  nourishment.  Self-preservation 
prompted  them  to  wish  for  the  departure  of  guests  w  ho 
wasted  so  fast  their  slender  stock  of  provisions.  The 
injuries  which  they  suffered  added  to  their  impatience 
/or  this  event.  They  had  long  expected  thai  the  Spa- 
niards would  retire  of  their  own  accord.  They  now 
perceived  that,  in  order  to  avert  the  destruction  with 
which  they  were  threatened,  either  by  the  slow  con- 
sumption of  famine,  or  by  the  violence  of  their  oppres- 
sors, it  was  necessary  to  assume  courage,  to  attack 
those  formidable  invaders  with  united  force,  and  drive 
tliem  from  the  settlements  of  which  they  had  violently 
taken  possession. 

Such  were  the  sentiments  which  universally  pre- 
vailed among  the  Indians,  when  Columbus  returned  to 
Isabella.     Inflamed,  by  the  uniirovoked  outrages  of^ 
the  Spaniards,  with  a  degree  of  rage  of  which  their  I 
gentle  natures,  formed  to  suffer  and  submit,  seemed 
hardly  susceptible,  they  waited  only  for  a  signal  from  I 
their  leaders  to  fall  upon  the  colony.    Some  of  the 
caziquci  had  already  surprised  and  cut  off  several 
stragL'lers.    The  dread  of  this  impending  danger  uni- 
ted the  Spaniards,  and  re-established  the  authority  of ' 
Columbus,  as  they  saw  no  prospect  of  safety  but  in  i 
committing  themselves  to  his  prudent  guidance.  It 
was  now  necessary  to  have  recourse  to  arms,  the  em- 
ploying of  which  against  the  Indians  Columbus  had  I 


hitherto  avoided  witu  the  greatest  solicitude.  I'nequal 
as  the  conflict  may  seem,  between  the  naked  inhabi- 
tants of  the  New  World  armed  with  clubs,  stick* 
hardened  in  the  fire,  wooden  swords,  and  arrows 
pointed  with  bones  or  flints,  and  troops  accustomed  to 
the  discipline,  and  provided  with  the  instruments  o( 
destruction  known  in  the  European  art  of  war,  the  aitii- 
ation  of  the  Spaniards  was  far  from  being  exempt 
from  danger.  The  vast  superiority  cf  the  natives  ui 
number  compensated  many  defects.  A  handful  of 
men  was  about  to  encounter  a  whole  nation.  One 
adverse  event,  or  even  any  unforseen  delay  in  deter- 
mining the  fate  of  the  war,  might  prove  fatal  to  the 
Spaniards.  Conscious  that  success  depended  on  th« 
vigor  and  rapidity  of  his  operations,  Columbus  in- 
stantly assembled  his  forces.  They  were  reduced 
to  a  very  small  number.  Diseases,  engendered  bj 
the  warmth  and  humidity  of  the  country,  or  occa- 
sioned by  their  own  licentiousness,  had  raged  among 
them  with  much  violence ;  experience  had  not  yet 
taught  them  the  art  either  of  curing  these,  or  the 
precautions  requisite  for  guarding  against  them  ;  two- 
thirds  of  the  original  adventurers  were  dead,  and 
many  of  those  who  survived  were  incapable  of  service. 
The  body  which  took  the  field  [March  24,  149.5]  con- 
sisted only  of  two  hundred  foot,  twenty  horse,  and 
twenty  large  dogs  ;  and  how  strange  soever  it  may 
seem  to  mention  the  last  as  composing  T>art  of  a  mili- 
tary force,  they  were  not  perhaps  the  least  formidable 
and  destnictive  of  the  whole,  when  employed  against 
naked  and  timid  Indians.  All  the  caziques  on  the 
island,  Gucanahari  excepted,  who  retained  an  inviolable 
attachment  to  the  Spaniards,  were  in  arms  to  oppose 
Columbus,  with  forces  amounting,  if  we  may  believe 
the  Spanish  historians,  to  a  hundred  thousand  men. 
Instead  of  attempting  to  draw  the  Spaniards  into  the 
fastnesses  of  the  woods  and  mountains,  they  were  so 
imprudent  as  to  take  their  station  in  tl;e  Vega  Real, 
the  most  open  plain  in  the  country.  Cohimbus  did  not 
allow  them  time  to  perceive  their  error,  or  to  alter  the;r 
position.  He  attacked  them  during  the  night,  when 
undisciplined  troops  are  least  capable  of  acting  with 
union  and  concert,  and  obtained  an  easy  and  bloodless 
victory.  The  consternation  with  which  the  Ind;r.ns 
were  filled  by  the  noise  and  havoc  made  by  the  lire- 
arms,  by  the  impetuous  force  of  the  cavalry,  and  the 
fierce  onset  of  the  dogs  was  so  great,  that  they  threw 
down  their  weapons,  and  fled  without  attempting  re 
sistance.  Many  were  slain  ;  more  were  taken  pri- 
soners, and  reduced  to  servitude  ;  [20]  and  so  tho 
roughly  were  the  rest  intimidated,  that  from  that  mo- 
ment thev  abandoned  themselves  to  despair,  relinquisii- 
ing  all  thoughts  of  contending  with  aggressors  whom 
thev  deemed  invincible. 

Columbus  employed  several  months  in  roarchin{; 
through  the  island,  and  in  subjecting  it  to  the  Spanish 
government,  without  meeting  with  any  op|>osition. 
He  imposed  a  tribute  upon  all  the  inhabitants  above 
the  age  of  fourteen.  Each  person  who  lived  in  those 
districts  where  gold  was  found,  was  obliged  to  i>ay 
quarterly  as  much  gold  dust  as  filled  a  hawk's  bell ; 
from  those  in  other  parts  of  the  countr)',  iwenty-five 
pounds  of  cotton  were  demanded.  This  w  as  the  first 
regular  taxation  of  the  Indians,  and  sened  as  a  pre- 
cedence for  exaclioiis  stili  more  intolerable.  Such  an 
imposition  was  extremely  contrary  to  those  maxiin» 
which  Columbus  had  hitherto  inculcated  with  respect 
to  the  mode  of  treating  them.  But  intrigues  were 
carrying  on  in  the  court  of  .'<pain  at  this  juncture,  in 
order  to  undermine  his  power,  and  discrcdi*  hi» 
operations,  which  constrained  him  to  depart  from  his 
own  system  of  administration.  Several  unfavorable 
accounts  of  his  conduct,  as  well  as  of  the  couiiliies 
discovered  bv  him,  had  been  transmitted  to  Spain. 
Margarita  and  Father  Boyl  were  now  at  court,  and  in 
order  to  justify  their  own  conduct,  or  to  gralily  their 
resentment,  watched  with  malevolent  allenlioii  for 
even'  opportunity  of  spreading  insinuations  to  his 
detriment.  Many  of  the  courtiers  viewed  his  growing 
reputation  and  power  with  envious  eyes.  Fonsecs, 
archdeacon  of  t^eville.  who  was  intnisted  wiih  the 
chief  direction  ol  Indian  affairs,  had  conceived  such 
an  unfavorable  opinion  of  Columbus,  for  some 
reason  which  the  contemparary  writers  hrfv'e  not  men- 
tioned, that  he  listened  w  ith  partiality  to  every  invec- 
tive against  him.  It  was  not  easy  for  an  unfriended 
stranger,  unjiractiscd  in  courtly  arts,  to  counteract  the 
machinations  of  so  nianv  (iiemics.  Columbus  saw 
that  there  was  but  one  metnod  of  sui>porling  his  own 
credit,  and  of  silencing  all  his  a<lversarics.  He  must 
jiroduce  such  a  quantilv  of  gold  as  would  not  only 
tustifv  what  he  hud  rej)orted  with  respect  to  ibo  ricJ» 


SOUTH  AMERICA 


85 


cess  of  the  country,  but  encourage  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella  to  persevere  in  prosecutmir  his  plans.  The 
necessity  of  obtaining  it  forced  him  not  only  to  impose 
this  heavy  tax  upon  the  Indians,  but  to  exact  payment 
of  it  with  extreme  rigor ;  and  may  be  pleaded  in  ex- 
cuse for  his  deviating  on  this  occasion  from  the  mildness 
and  humanity  with  which  he  uniformly  treated  that 
unhappy  people. 

The  labor,  attention,  and  foresight  which  the  Indians 
were  obliged  to  employ  in  procuring  the  tribute  de- 
manded of  them,  appeared  the  most  intolerable  of  all 
evils,  to  men  accustomed  to  pass  their  days  in  a  care- 
less improvident  indolence.  They  were  incapable  of 
such  a  regular  and  persevering  exertion  of  mdustry, 
and  felt  it  such  a  grievous  restraint  upon  their  liberty, 
that  they  had  recou.se  to  an  expedient  for  obtaining 
deliverance  from  this  yoke,  which  demonstrates  the 
excess  of  their  impatience  and  despair.  They  formed 
a  scheme  of  starving  those  oppressors  whom  they  durst 
not  attempt  to  expel  ;  and  from  the  opinion  which  they 
entertained  with  respect  to  the  voracious  appetite  of 
the  Spaniards,  they  concluded  the  execution  of  it  to  be 
very  practicable.  With  this  view  they  suspended  all 
the  operations  of  agriculture  ;  they  sowed  no  maize, 
they  pulled  up  the  roots  of  the  manoic  or  cassada 
which  were  planted,  and  retiring  to  the  most  inacces- 
sible parts  of  the  mountains,  left  the  uncultivated 
plains  to  their  enemies.  This  desperate  resolution  pro- 
duced in  some  degree  the  efTects  which  they  expected. 
The  Spaniards  were  reduced  to  extreme  want  ;  but 
they  received  such  seasonable  supplies  of  provisions 
from  Europe,  and  found  so  many  resources  in  their 
own  ingenuity  and  industry,  that  they  sutTered  no  great 
loss  of  men.  The  wretched  Indians  were  the  victims 
of  ihcr  own  ill-concerted  policy.  A  great  multitude 
of  ppop'e,  shut  up  in  the  mountainous  or  wooded  part 
of  the  c'untry,  without  any  food  but  the  spontaneous 
productioni  of  the  earth,  soon  felt  the  utmost  distresses 
of  famine.  This  brought  on  contagious  diseases  ;  and 
in  the  course  of  a  few  months  more  than  a  third  part 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  island  perished,  after  expe- 
riencing misery  in  all  its  various  forms. 

But  while  Columbus  was  establishing  the  founda- 
tions of  the  Spanish  grandeur  in  the  New  World,  his 
enemies  labored  with  unwearied  assiduity  to  deprive 
him  of  the  glory  and  rewards  which,  by  his  services 
and  sufferings,  he  was  entitled  to  enjoy.  The  hard- 
ships unavoidable  in  a  new  settlement,  the  calamities 
occasioned  by  an  unhealthy  climate,  the  disasters  at- 
tfading  a  voyage  in  unknown  seas,  were  all  represented 
as  the  effects  of  his  restless  and  inconsiderate  ambi- 
tion. His  prudent  attention  to  preserve  discipline  and 
•ubordination  was  denominated  excess  of  rigor  ;  the 
p-inishments  which  he  inflicted  upon  the  mutinous  and 
disorderly  were  imputed  to  cruelty.  These  accusa- 
tions gained  such  credit  in  a  jealous  court,  that  a  com- 
missioner was  appointed  to  repair  to  Hispaniola,  and 
to  inspect  into  the  conduct  of  Columbus.  By  the  re- 
commendation of  his  enemies,  Aguado,  a  groom  of 
the  bedchamber,  was  the  person  to  whom  this  im- 
portant trust  was  committed.  But  in  this  choice  they 
seem  to  have  been  more  influenced  by  the  obsequious 
attachment  of  the  man  to  their  interest,  than  by  his 
capacity  for  the  station.  Puffed  up  with  such  sudden 
elevation,  Aguado  displayed,  in  the  exercise  of  this  of- 
fice, all  the  frivolous  self-importance,  and  acted  with 
all  the  disgusting  insolence  which  are  natural  to  little 
minds,  when  raised  to  unexpected  dignity,  or  employed 
in  functions  to  which  they  are  not  equal.  By  listen- 
ing with  eagerness  to  every  accusation  against  Colum- 
bus, and  encouraging  not  only  the  malecontent  Spa- 
niards, but  even  the  Indians,  to  produce  their  griev- 
ances, real  or  imaginary,  he  fomented  the  spirit  of 
dissension  in  the  island,  without  establishing  any  regu- 
lations of  public  utility,  or  that  tended  to  redress  the 
many  wrongs,  with  the  odium  of  which  he  wished  to 
load  the  admiral's  administration.  As  Columbus  felt 
sensibly  how  humiliating  his  situation  must  be,  if  he 
should  remain  in  the  country  whilq  such  a  partial  in- 
spector observed  his  motions  and  controlled  his  juris- 
diction, he  took  the  resolution  o.'  returning  to  Spam,  in 
order  to  lay  a  full  account  of  all  his  transactions,  par- 
ticularly with  respect  to  the  points  in  dispute  between 
him  and  his  adversaries,  before  Ferdinand  and  Isabella, 
from  whose  justice  and  discernment  he  expected  an 
equal  and  a  favorable  decison.  [1496]  He  committed 
the  administration  of  affairs,  during  his  absence,  to 
Don  Bartholomew,  his  brotlier,  with  'he  title  of  Ade- 
lantado,  or  Lieutenant-Governor.  By  a  choice  less 
fortunat?,  and  which  proved  the  source  of  many  cala- 
Buties  t )  the  colony,  he  appointed  Francis  Roldan  chief 
juaticc,  vith  very  extensive  powers. 


In  returning  to  Europe,  Columbus  held  a  course 
different  from  that  which  he  had  taken  in  h:s  former 
voyage.  He  steered  almost  due  east  from  Hispaniola, 
in  the  parallel  of  twenty-two  degrees  of  latitude  ;  as 
experience  had  not  yet  discovered  the  more  certain  and 
expeditious  method  of  stretching  to  the  north,  in  order 
to  fall  in  with  the  south-west  winds.  By  this  ill  ad- 
vised choice,  which,  in  the  infancy  of  navigation  be- 
tween the  New  and  Old  World,  can  hardly  be  imputed 
to  the  admiral  as  a  defect  in  naval  skill,  he  was  ex- 
posed to  infinite  fatigue  and  danger,  in  a  perpetual 
struggle  with  the  trade  winds,  which  blow  without 
variation  from  the  east  between  the  tropics.  Notwith- 
standing the  almost  insuperable  difiicultics  of  such  a 
navigation,  he  persisted  in  his  course  with  his  usual 
patience  and  firmness,  but  made  so  little  way  that  he 
was  three  months  without  seeing  land.  At  length  his 
provisions  began  to  fail,  the  crew  was  reduced  to  the 
scanty  allowance  of  six  ounces  of  bread  a  day  for 
each  person.  The  admiral  fared  no  better  than  the 
meanest  sailor.  But,  even  in  this  extreme  distress,  he 
retained  the  humanity  which  distinguishes  his  charac- 
ter, and  refused  to  comply  with  the  earnest  solicitations 
of  his  crev^,  some  of  whom  proposed  to  feed  upon  the 
Indian  prisoners  whom  they  were  carrying  over,  and 
others  insisted  to  throw  them  overboard,  in  order  to 
lessen  the  consumption  of  their  small  stock.  He  re- 
presented that  they  were  human  beings,  reduced  by  a 
common  calamity  to  the  same  condition  with  them- 
selves, and  entitled  to  share  an  equal  fate.  His 
authority  and  remonstrances  dissipated  those  wild 
ideas  suggested  by  despair.  Nor  had  they  time  to 
recur  ;  as  he  came  soon  within  sight  of  the  coast  of 
Spain,  when  all  their  fears  and  sufferings  ended. 

Columbus  appeared  at  court  with  the  modest  but 
determined  confidence  of  a  man  conscious  not  only  of 
integrity  but  of  having  performed  great  services.  Fer- 
dinand and  Isabella,  ashamed  of  their  own  facility  in 
lending  too  favorable  an  ear  to  frivolous  or  unfounded 
accusations,  received  him  with  such  distinguished 
marks  of  respect  as  covered  his  enemies  with  shame. 
The  censures  and  calumnies  were  no  more  heard  of 
at  that  juncture.  The  gold,  the  pearls,  the  cotton,  and 
other  commodities  of  value  which  Columbus  produced, 
seemed  fully  to  refute  what  the  malecontents  had 
propagated  with  respect  to  the  poverty  of  the  country. 
By  reducing  the  Indians  to  obedience,  and  imposing  a 
regular  tax  upon  them,  he  had  secured  to  Spain  a 
.large  accession  of  new  subjects,  and  the  establishment 
of  a  revenue  that  promised  to  be  considerable.  By 
the  mines  which  he  had  found  out  and  examined,  a 
source  of  wealth  still  more  copious  was  opened.  Great 
and  unexpected  as  those  advantages  were,  Columbus 
represented  them  only  as  preludes  to  future  acquisitions, 
and  as  the  earnest  of  more  important  discoveries, 
which  he  still  meditated,  and  to  which  those  he  had 
already  made  would  conduct  him  with  ease  and  cer- 
tainty. 

The  attentive  consideration  of  all  these  circum- 
stances made  such  an  impression,  not  only  upon  Isa- 
bella, who  flattered  with  the  idea  of  being  the  patron- 
ess of  all  Columbus's  enterprises,  but  even  upon 
Ferdinand,  who  having  originally  expressed  his  dis- 
approbation of  his  schemes,  was  still  apt  to  doubt 
of  their  success,  that  they  resolved  to  supply  the 
colony  of  Hispaniola  with  every  thing  which  could 
render  it  a  permanent  establishment,  and  to  furnish 
Columbus  with  such  a  fleet,  that  he  might  proceed  to 
search  for  those  new  countries  of  whose  existence  he 
seemed  to  be  confident.  The  measures  most  proper 
for  accomplishing  both  these  designs  v/ere  concerted 
with  Columbus.  Discovery  had  been  the  solo  object 
of  the  first  voyage  to  the  New  World  ;  and  though, 
in  the  second,  settlement  had  been  proposed,  the  pre- 
cautions taken  for  that  purpose  had  either  been  in- 
sufficient, or  were  rendered  ineffectual  by  the  mutinous 
spirit  of  the  Spaniards,  and  the  unforeseen  calamities 
arising  from  various  causes.  Now  a  plan  was  to  be 
formed  of  a  regular  colony,  that  might  serve  as  a 
model  in  all  future  establishments.  Every  particular 
was  considered  with  attention,  and  the  whole  arranged 
with  a  scrupulous  accuracy.  The  precise  number  of 
adventurers,  who  should  be  permitted  to  embark  was 
fixed.  They  were  to  be  of  ditlerent  ranks  and  pro- 
fessions, and  the  proportion  of  each  was  established 
according  to  their  usefulness  and  the  wants  of  the 
colony.  A  suitable  number  of  women  were  to  be 
chosen  to  accompany  these  new  settlers.  As  it  was 
the  first  object  to  raise  provisions  in  a  country  where 
scarcity  of  food  had  been  the  occasion  of  so  much 
distress,  a  considerable  body  of  husbandmen  was  to 
be  carried  over.    As  the  Spaniards  had  then  no  con- 1 


ception  of  deriving  any  benefit  from  ilin=,o  production* 
of  the  New  M'orld  which  have  siice  vii  lded  such 
large  returns  of  wealth  to  l^urope,  but  had  formed  mag- 
nificent ideas,  and  entertained  sanguine  hopes  with  re- 
.spcct  to  the  riches  contained  in  the  mines  which  had 
been  discovered,  a  band  of  workmen,  skilled  in  the 
various  arts  employed  in  digging  and  refining  the  pre- 
cious metals,  was  provided.  All  these  emigrants  wero 
to  receive  pay  and  subsistence  for  some  years,  at  tho 
public  expense. 

Thus  far  the  regulations  were  prudent,  and  well 
adapted  to  the  end  in  View.  But  as  it  was  foreseen 
that  few  would  engage  voluntarily  to  settle  in  a 
country  whose  noxious  climate  had  been  fatal  to  so 
many  of  their  countrymen.  Columbus  pro])Oscd  to 
transport  to  Hispaniola  such  malefactors  as  had  been 
convicted  of  crimes  which,  though  capital,  were  of  a 
less  atrocious  nature  ;  and  that  for  the  future  a 
certain  proportion  of  the  oli'cndcrs  usually  sent  to  the 
galleys,  should  be  condemned  to  labor  in  the  mines 
which  were  to  be  opened.  This  advice,  given  without 
due  reflection,  was  as  inconsiderately  adopted.  The 
prisons  of  Sijain  were  drained,  in  order  to  collect 
members  for  the  intended  colony  ;  and  the  judges  em- 
powered to  try  criminals  were  instructed  to  recruit  it 
by  their  future  sentences.  It  was  not,  however,  with 
such  materials  that  the  foundations  of  a  society, 
destined  to  be  permanent,  should  be  laid.  Industry, 
sobriety,  patience,  and  mutual  confidence,  are  indis- 
pensably requisite  in  an  infant  settlement,  where  puritv 
of  morals  must  contribute  more  towards  establishin 
order  than  the  operation  or  authority  of  laws  But 
when  such  a  mixture  of  what  is  corrupt  is  admittid 
into  the  original  constitution  of  the  political  body,  tho 
vices  of  those  unsound  and  incurable  members  will 
probably  infect  the  whole,  and  must  certainly  be  pro- 
ductive of  violent  and  unhappy  fffects.  This  the 
Spaniards  fatally  experienced  ;  and  the  other  Eu- 
ropean nations  having  successively  imitated  the  practice 
of  Spain  in  this  particular,  pernicious  consequences 
have  followed  in  their  settlement,  which  can  be  im- 
puted to  no  other  cause. 

Though  Columbus  obtained,  with  great  facility  and 
despatch,  the  royal  approbation  of  every  measure  and 
regulation  that  he  proposed,  his  endeavors  to  carry 
them  into  execution  were  so  long  retarded,  as  must 
have  tired  out  the  patience  of  any  man  less  accustomed 
to  encounter  and  surmount  difficulties.  Those  delays 
were  occasioned  partly  by  that  tedious  formality  and 
spirit  of  procrastination,  with  which  the  Spaniards  con- 
duct business,  and  partly  by  the  exhausted  slate  of  the 
treasury,  which  was  drained  by  the  expense  of  celebra- 
ting the  marriage  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella's  only  son 
w'  h  Margaret  of  Austria,  and  that  of  Joanna,  their  se- 
cond daughter,  with  Philip  Archduke  of  Austria  ;  but 
must  be  chiefly  imputed  to  the  malicious  arts  of  Co- 
lumbus's enemies.  Astonished  at  the  reception  which 
he  met  with  upon  his  return,  and  overawed  by  his  pre- 
sence, they  gave  way,  for  some  time,  to  a  tide  of  favor 
too  .strong  for  them  to  oppose.  Their  enmity,  however, 
was  too  inveterate  to  remain  long  inactive.  They  re- 
sumed their  operations  ;  and  by  the  assistance  of  Fon- 
seca,  the  minister  for  Indian  affairs,  who  was  now  pro- 
moted to  the  Bishopric  of  Badajos,  they  threw  in  so 
many  obstacles  to  protract  the  preparations  for  Colum- 
bus's expedition,  that  a  year  elapsed  before  he  could 
procure  two  ships  to  carry  over  a  part  of  the  supplies 
destined  for  the  colony,  and  almost  two  years  wjre 
spent  before  the  small  squadron  was  equipped,  of  which 
he  himself  was  to  take  the  command. 

[1498.]  This  squadron  consisted  of  six  ships  only, 
of  no  great  burden,  and  but  indiflerently  provided  for  a 
long  or  dangerous  navigation.  The  voyage  which  he 
now  meditated  was  in  a  course  different  from  any  he 
had  undertaken.  As  he  was  fully  persuaded  that  the 
fertile  regions  of  India  lay  to  the  south-west  of  those 
countries  which  he  had  discovered,  he  jiroposed,  as  the 
most  certain  method  of  finding  out  these,  to  stand  di- 
rectly south  from  the  Canary  or  Cape  de  Verd  islands, 
until  he  came  under  the  equinoctial  line,  and  then  to 
stretch  to  the  west  before  the  favorable  wind  for  such 
a  course,  which  blows  invariably  between  the  tropica. 
With  this  idea  he  set  sail  [May  30],  and  touched  first 
at  the  Canary,  and  then  at  the  Cape  de  Verd  islands 
[July  4].  From  the  former  he  despatched  three  of  his 
ships  with  a  supply  of  provisions  for  the  colony  in  His- 
paniola ;  with  the  other  three,  he  continued  his  voyage 
towards  the  south.  No  remarkable  occurrence  h?p- 
pened  until  they  arrived  within  five  degrees  of  the  Une 
[J\;ly  19].  There  they  were  becalmed,  and  at  the 
same  time  the  heat  became  so  excessive  that  many  of 
their  wuie  casks  burst,  tho  liquors  in  others  souied, 


86 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


end  their  provisions  corrupted.  The  Spaniards,  who 
had  never  ventured  so  far  to  the  south,  were  afraid  that 
the  siiips  would  take  fire,  and  began  to  apprehend  the 
reality  of  what  the  ancients  had  tauglit  concerning  the 
destructive  qualities  of  that  torrid  region  of  the  globe. 
They  were  relieved,  in  some  measure,  from  their  fears 
by  a  seasonable  fall  of  rain.  This,  however,  though  so 
heavy  and  unintcrmitting  that  the  men  could  iiardly 
keep  the  deck,  did  not  greatly  mitigate  the  intenseness 
of  the  heat.  The  admiral,  who  with  his  u.sual  vigilance 
had  in  person  directed  every  operation  from  the  begin 
ning  of  the  voyage,  was  so  much  exhausted  by  fatigue 
and  want  of  sleep,  that  it  brought  on  a  violent  fit  of  the 
gout,  accompanied  with  a  fever.  All  these  circum- 
stances constrained  him  to  yield  to  the  importunities  of 
his  crew,  and  to  alter  his  course  to  the  north-west,  in 
order  to  reach  some  of  the  Caribbec  islands,  where  he 
might  refit,  and  be  sujjplied  with  provisions. 

On  the  first  of  August,  the  man  stationed  in  the 
roi:nd  top  surprised  them  with  the  joyful  cry  of  Land  ! 
1'hey  stood  toward  it,  and  discovered  a  considerable 
island,  which  the  admiral  called  Trinidad,  a  name  it 
still  retains.  It  lies  on  the  const  of  Ciuiana,  near  tlie 
mouth  of  the  Orinoco.  This,  though  a  river  only  of 
the  third  or  fourth  magnitude  in  the  IS'ew  World,  far 
surpasses  any  of  the  streams  in  our  hemisphere.  It 
rolls  towards  the  ocean  such  a  vast  body  of  water,  and 
rushes  into  it  with  such  impetuous  force,  that  when  it 
meets  the  tide,  which  on  thatcoast  rises  to  an  uncommon 
height,  their  collision  occasions  a  swell  and  agitation  of 
the  waves  no  less  surprising  than  formidable.  In  this 
conflict,  the  irresistible  torrent  of  the  river  so  far  pre- 
vails, that  it  freshens  the  ocean  many  leagues  with  its 
flood.  Columbus,  before  he  could  conceive  the  dan- 
ger, was  entangled  among  these  adverse  currents  and 
tempestuous  waves,  and  it  was  with  the  utmost  diffi- 
culty that  he  escaped  through  a  narrow  strait,  which 
appeared  so  tremendous  that  he  called  it  La  I3oca  del 
Drago.  As  soon  as  the  consternation  which  this  occa- 
sioned permitted  him  to  reflect  upon  the  nature  of  an 
appearance  so  extraordinary,  he  discerned  in  it  a  source 
of  comfort  and  hope.  He  justly  concluded  that  such  a 
vast  bodv  of  water  as  this  river  contained,  could  not  be 
8u|'plied  by  any  island,  but  must  flow  through  a  coun- 
try of  immense  extent,  and  of  consequence  that  he  was 
now  arrived  at  that  continent  which  it  had  long  been 
the  object  of  his  wishes  to  discover.  Full  of  this  idea, 
he  stood  to  the  west  along  the  coast  of  those  provinces 
which  are  now  known  by  the  names  of  Para  and  Cu- 
inana.  He  landed  in  several  places,  and  had  some  in- 
tercourse with  the  peo])le,  who  resembled  those  of  His- 
paniola  in  ttsir  appearance  and  manner  of  life.  They 
\Nore,  as  oniaments,  small  ])lates  of  gold,  and  pearls  of 
consii'crablc  value,  which  they  willingly  exchanged  foi 
Kurojjean  toys.  They  seemed  to  possess  a  better  un- 
derstanding and  greater  courage  than  the  inhabitants  of 
the  islands.  The  countrv'  produced  four-footed  animals 
of  several  kinds,  as  well  as  a  great  variety  of  fowls  and 
fniits.  The  admiral  was  so  much  delighted  v/ith  its 
beauty  and  Icrtility,  that,  with  the  warm  entl'.usiasm  of 
a  discoverer,  he  imagined  it  to  be  the  Paradise  dcjicribed 
in  Scripture,  which  the  Almighty  chose  for  the  residence 
of  man  while  he  retained  innocence  that  rendered  him 
worthy  of  such  a  habitation.  [21]  'J'hus  Columbus 
had  the  glory  not  only  of  discovering  to  inaukinj  the 
existence  of  a  new  M'orld,  but  made  considcrilile  pro- 
j;ress  towards  a  perfect  knowledge  of  i!  ;  and  v.is  the 
first  man  who  conducted  the  Spaniards  to  that  v.ist 
continent  which  has  been  the  chief  seat  of  their  eiapire, 
and  the  source  of  their  treasures  in  this  quarter  of  tho 
globe.  The  shattered  condition  of  his  ships,  scarcity 
of  provisions,  his  own  infirmities,  together  with  the  im- 
patience of  his  crew,  prevented  him  from  jiursuiiig  his 
di.fcoverics  any  further,  and  made  it  necessary  to  bear 
away  for  Hispaniola.  In  his  w  ay  thither  he  discovered 
the  islands  of  Cubagua  and  Margarita,  which'aflerrtards 
became  remarkable  for  their  pearl-fi.shery.  \\'heii  he 
arrived  at  Hispaniola  [.\iig.  30],  he  was  wasted  to  an 
extreme  degree,  with  fatigue  and  sickness  ;  but  found 
the  alfairs  of  the  colony  in  such  a  situation  as  afforded 
him  no  prospect  of  enjoying  that  repose  of  which  he 
Blood  so  much  in  need 

Many  rovulutions  had  happene  d  in  tliat  country  during 
his  absenct  1 1  is  brother,  the  adelantado,  in  consc- 
-,ucncc  of  an  advice  which  the  admiral  gave  before  liia 
departure,  had  removed  the  colony  from  Isabella  to  a 
more  cominodioiKi  station,  on  llie  opposite  side  of  the 
iMand,  and  laid  the  found. it  ion  of  St.  Domingo,  w  hich 
was  long  the  most  coiisideral>le  European  town  in  the 
Kew  ^\'orld,  and  the  scat  of  the  supreme  courts  in  the 
Sfianisb  domin  ons  t'i(  re.  As  soon  as  the  Spaniards 
were  established  ui  his  new  se'tleiuent,  the  adclautado, 


that  they  might  neither  languish  in  inactivity,  nor  have 
leisure  to  form  new  cabals,  marched  into  those  parts  of 
the  island  which  his  brother  had  not  vet  visited  or  re- 
duced to  obedience.  As  the  people  were  unable  to  re- 
sist, they  submitted  every  where  to  the  tribute  which 
he  imposed.  But  they  soon  found  the  burden  to  be  so 
intolerable  that,  overawed  as  they  were  by  the  superior 
power  of  their  oppressors,  they  took  arms  against  them. 
Those  insurrections,  however,  were  not  formidable.  A 
conflict  with  timid  and  naked  Indians  was  neither  dan- 
gerous nor  of  doubtful  issue. 

But  while  the  adelantado  was  employed  against 
them  in  the  field,  a  mutiny  of  an  aspect  far  more 
alarming  bioke  out  among  the  Spaniards.  The  ring- 
leader of  it  was  Francis  Roldan,  whom  Columbus  had 
placed  in  a  station  which  required  him  to  be  the  guar- 
dian of  order  and  tranquillity  in  the  colony.  A  turbu- 
lent and  inconsiderate  ambition  precijiitated  him  into 
this  desperate  measure,  so  untiecoming  his  rank.  The 
arguments  which  he  employed  to  seduce  his  country- 
men were  frivolous  ajid  ill  founded.  He  accused  Co- 
lumbus and  his  two  brothers  of  arrogance  and  seventy  ; 
he  pretended  that  they  aimed  at  establishing  an  inde- 
pendent dominion  in  the  country ;  he  taxed  them  with 
an  intention  of  cutting  olT  part  of  the  Spaniards  by 
hunger  and  fatigue,  that  they  might  more  ea.-sily  re- 
duce the  remainder  to  siibjeclion  ;  he  represented  it  as 
unworthy  of  Castilians,  to  remain  the  tame  and  passive 
slaves  of  these  Genoeee  adventurers.  As  men  have 
always  a  propensity  to  impute  the  hardships  of  which 
they  feel  the  [)ressure  to  the  misconduct  of  their  rulers ; 
as  every  nation  views  with  a  jealous  eye  the  power  and 
exaltation  of  foreigners,  Itoldan's  insinuations  made  a 
deep  impression  on  his  countrymen.  His  character 
and  rank  added  weight  to  them.  A  considerable  num- 
ber of  the  Spaniards  made  choice  of  him  as  their 
leader;  and,  taking  arms  against  the  adelantado  and 
his  brother,  seized  the  king's  magazine  of  provisions, 
and  endeavored  to  surprise  the  fort  at  St.  Domingo. 
This  was  preserved  by  the  vigilance  and  courage  of 
Don  Diego  Columbus.  The  mutineers  were  obliged 
to  retire  to  the  province  of  Xaragua,  where  they  con- 
tinued not  only  to  disclaim  the  adclantado"s  authority 
themselves,  but  excited  the  Indians  to  throw  oft"  the 
yoke. 

Such  was  the  distracted  state  of  the  colony  when 
Co'urnb'...s  landed  at  St.  Domingo.  He  was  astonished 
to  find  that  the  three  ships  which  he  had  despatched 
from  the  Canaries  were  not  yet  arrived.  By  the  un- 
skilfulness  of  the  pilots,  and  the  violence  of  currents, 
they  had  been  carried  a  hundred  and  Siity  miles  to  llie 
west  of  St.  Domingo,  and  forced  to  take  shelter  in  a 
harbor  of  the  province  of  Xaragua,  where  Roldan  and 
his  seditious  followers  were  cantoned.  Roldan  care- 
fully concealed  from  the  commanders  of  the  ships  his 
insurrection  against  the  adelantado,  and,  employing  his 
utmost  address  to  gain  their  confidence,  persuaded 
them  to  set  on  shore  a  considerable  part  of  the  new 
settlers  whom  they  brought  over,  that  they  might  pro- 
ceed by  land  to  St.  Domingo.  It  required  but  few 
arguments  to  prevail  with  those  men  to  espouse  his 
cause.  They  were  the  refuse  of  the  jails  of  Spain,  to 
whom  idleness,  licentiousness,  and  deeds  of  violence 
were  familiar ;  and  'hey  returned  eagerly  to  a  course 
of  life  nearly  resembling  that  to  which  they  had  been 
accustomed.  The  commanders  of  the  shqis  perceiv- 
ing, when  it  was  too  late,  their  imprudence  in  disem- 
I  barking  so  many  of  their  men,  stood  away  for  St. 
Domingo,  and  got  safe  into  the  port  a  few  days  after 
the  admiral;  but  their  stock  of  provisions  was  s> 
wasted  during  a  vovage  of  such  long  continuance  that 
they  lirought  little  relief  to  the  colony. 

By  this  junction  with  a  baud  of  such  bold  and  des- 
perate associates,  Kobhin  became  extremely  formidable, 
and  no  less  extravagant  in  his  demands.  Columbus, 
though  filled  with  resentment  at  his  ingratitude,  and 
highly  exasperated  by  the  insolence  of  his  followers, 
made  no  haste  to  take  the  field.  He  trembled  at  the 
thoughts  of  kindling  the  flames  of  a  civil  war. in  which, 
whatever  party  prevailed,  the  power  and  strength  of 
both  must  be  so  much  wasted  as  m:ght  encourage  the 
common  eneniy  'o  unite  and  complete  their  destruc- 
tion. At  the  same  time,  he  observed,  that  the  preju- 
dices and  passions  which  incited  the  lebels  to  take 
arms,  had  so  far  infected  those  who  still  adhered  to 
him,  that  many  of  them  were  adverse,  and  all  cold  to 
the  service.  From  such  sentiments,  with  respect  to 
the  public  interest,  as  well  ns  from  this  view  of  his  own 
situation,  he  cJioso  to  negotiate  rather  than  to  fight 
By  a  seasonable  proclamation,  olTering  free  jiardon  to 
such  as  should  merit  it  bv  returning  to  their  duty,  he 
made  imptession  upon  soiiic  of  tho  malecontonts.  By 


engaging  to  grant  such  as  should  desire  it  the  libeit; 
of  returning  to  Spain,  he  allured  all  those  unfortunata 
adventurers,  who,  from  sickness  and  disapjiointment 
were  disgusted  with  the  country.  By  promising  to 
re-establish  Roldan  in  his  former  office,  he  soothed  his 
Iiride ;  and,  by  complying  with  most  of  his  dertands  id 
behalf  of  his  followers,  he  satisfied  their  avarice.  Thus, 
gradually  and  without  bloodshed,  but  after  ma-xy  te«li 
ous  negotiations,  he  dissolved  this  dangerous  combina- 
tion, which  threatened  the  colony  with  ruin :  and  re- 
stored the  appearance  of  order,  regular  government 
and  tranquillity. 

In  consequence  of  this  agreement  with  the  muti- 
neers, lands  were  allotted  them  in  different  parts  of  tho 
island,  and  the  Indians  settled  in  each  district  were 
appointed  to  cultivate  a  certain  portion  of  ground  for 
the  use  of  those  new  masters  [1499].  The  perform- 
mance  of  this  work  was  substituted  in  place  of  the 
tribute  formerly  im])Ofed;  and  how  necessary  soever 
such  a  regulation  might  be  in  a  sickly  and  feeble 
colony,  it  introduced  among  the  Spaniards  the  KepaUi- 
miciilns,  or  distributions  of  Indians  established  by  them 
in  all  their  settlements,  which  brought  numberless 
calamities  ujion  that  unhappy  people,  and  subjected 
them  to  the  most  grievous  oppression.  This  was  not 
the  cuily  bad  effect  of  the  insurrection  in  Hispaniola; 
it  prevented  Columbus  from  prosecuting  his  discove- 
ries on  the  continent,  as  self  preservation  obliged  him 
to  keep  near  his  person  his  brother  the  adelantado,  and 
the  sailors  whom  he  intended  to  have  employed  in  that 
service.  As  soon  as  his  affairs  would  permit,  be  sent 
some  of  his  ships  to  Spain  with  a  journal  of  the  voy- 
age which  he  had  made,  a  description  of  the  new  coun- 
tries which  he  had  discovered,  a  chart  of  the  coast 
along  which  he  had  sailed,  and  specimens  of  the  gold, 
the  pearls,  and  other  rurious  or  valuable  productions 
which  he  had  acquired  by  trafficking  with  the  natives. 
At  the  same  time  he  transmitted  an  account  of  the  in- 
surrection in  Hispaniola ;  he  accused  the  mutineers 
not  only  of  having  thrown  the  colony  into  such  violent 
convulsions  as  threatened  its  dissolution,  but  of  having 
obstructed  every  attempt  towards  discovery  and  im- 
provement, by  their  unprovoked  rebellion  again.st  their 
superiors,  and  proposed  several  regulations  for  the 
better  government  of  the  island,  as  well  as  the  ex- 
tinction of  that  mutinous-  spirit,  which,  though  sup- 
pressed at  present,  might  soon  burst  out  with  addi- 
tional rage.  Roldan  and  his  associates  did  not  neglect 
tj  convey  to  Spam,  by  the  same  ships,  an  apology  for 
their  own  conduct,  together  with  their  recriminations 
upon  the  admiral  and  his  brothers,  rnfortunatelv  for 
tiie  honor  of  I^pain  and  the  happiness  of  (Columbus,  the 
latter  gained  most  credit  in  the  court  e  f  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella,  and  produced  unexpected  effects. 

But,  previous  to  the  relating  of  these,  it  is  proper  to 
take  a  view  of  some  events,  which  merit  attention, 
both  on  account  of  their  own  importance,  and  their 
connection  with  the  history  of  the  New  World.  While 
Columbus  was  engaged  in  his  successive  voyages  to 
the  west,  the  spirit  of  discovery  did  not  languish  in 
Portugal,  the  kingdom  where  it  first  acquired  vigor, 
and  became  enterprising.  Self-condemnation  and  ne- 
glect were  not  the  only  sentiments  to  which  the  success 
of  Columbus,  and  reflection  upon  their  own  impnidence 
in  reiecting  his  proposals,  gave  rise  among  the  Portu- 
guese. 'J'hcy  excited  a  general  emulation  to  surpass 
Ins  performances,  and  an  ardent  desire  to  make  some 
reparation  to  their  country  for  their  own  error.  With 
this  view,  Emanuel,  who  inherited  the  enter|)rising  ge- 
nius of  his  predecesisors,  persisted  in  their  grand  scheme 
of  openiig  a  passage  to  the  East  Indies  by  the  Capo 
of  (iood  Mope,  and  soon  after  his  accession  to  tho 
tlironc  equipped  a  squadron  for  that  important  voyage. 
He  gave  the  command  of  it  to  Vasco  de  Gama,  a  man 
of  noble  birth,  possessed  of  virtue,  pnidence.  cud  cou- 
rage. e(pial  to  the  station.  The  squadron,  like  all  those 
fitted  out  for  discovery  in  the  infancy  of  navigation, 
was  extremely  feeble,  consisting  only  of  three  vessels, 
of  neither  burden  nor  force  adecjuate  to  the  service. 
.\s  the  Europeans  were  at  that  time  little  acquainted 
with  the  course  of  the  trade-w  inds  and  periodical  mon- 
soons, which  render  navigation  in  the  .Vtlantic  ocean 
as  well  as  in  the  sea  that  separates  .\frica  from  India, 
at  some  seasons  easy,  and  at  others  not  onlv  dangerous 
but  almost  impracticable,  the  time  chosen  for  Gaina's 
departure  was  the  most  iihprojier  during  the  wliols 
year.  He  .set  sail  from  Lisbon  on  the  ninth  of  July, 
[1497],  .Tud  standing  towards  the  south,  had  to  slru(l- 
gle  tor  four  months  with  oontrarv  winds  before  h* 
could  reach  the  Cape  of  tiood  Hope.  Here  their  vio- 
lence began  to  abate  [Nov.  20]  ;  and  during  an  inter- 
val of  calm  weather,  Gama  doubled  tliat  foriiudablf 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


8? 


promontory,  which  had  so  long  been  the  boundary  of 
navigation,  and  directed  his  course  towards  tlie  north- 
east, along  the  Alrican  coast.  He  touched  at  several 
ports ;  and  after  various  adventures,  which  the  Portu- 
guese historians  relate  with  high  but  just  enconiums 
upon  his  conduct  and  intrepidity,  he  came  to  anchor 
before  the  city  of  Melinda.  Throughout  all  the  vast 
countries  which  extend  along  the  coast  of  Africa,  from 
the  river  Senegal  to  the  confines  of  Zangucliar,  the 
Portuguese  had  found  a  race  of  men  rude  and  unculti- 
vated, strangers  to  letters,  to  arts  and  commerce,  and 
dillcring  from  the  inhabitants  of  Eurojie  no  less  in 
their  features  and  complexion  than  in  their  manners 
and  institotions.  As  they  advanced  from  this,  they 
observed,  to  their  inexpressible  joy,  that  tlie  human 
form  gradually  altered  aud  improved  ;  the  Asiatic  fea- 
tures began  to  predominate,  marks  of  civilization 
appeared,  letters  were  known,  the  Mahometan  religion 
was  cstabhshed,  and  a  commerce  far  from  being  incon- 
siderable was  carried  on.  At  that  time  several  vessels 
from  India  were  in  the  port  of  Melinda.  Gama  now 
pursued  his  voyage  wiih  almost  absolute  certainty  of 
success,  and  under  the  conduct  of  a  Mahometan  pilot, 
arrived  at  Calecut,  upon  the  coast  of  Malabar,  on  the 
twenty-second  of  May,  one  thousand  four  hundred  and 
ninety-eigiit.  What  he  beheld  of  the  wealth,  the  po- 
pulousness,  the  cultivation,  the  industry,  and  arts  of 
this  highly  civilized  country,  far  surpassed  any  idea 
that  he  had  formed,  from  the  imperfect  accounts  which 
the  Europeans  had  hitherto  received  of  it.  But  as  he 
possessed  neither  sufficient  force  to  attempt  a  settle- 
ment, nor  proper  commodities  with  which  he  could 
carry  on  commerce  of  any  consequence,  he  hastened 
back  to  Portugal,  with  an  account  of  his  success  in  per- 
forming «  voyage,  the  longest,  as  well  as  most  difficult, 
that  had  ever  been  made  since  the  first  invention  of 
navigation.  He  landed  at  Lisbon  on  the  fourteenth  ^f 
September,  one  thousand  four  hundred  and  ninety-nine, 
two  years  two  months  and  live  days  from  the  time  he 
left  that  port. 

Thus,  during  the  course  of  the  fifteenth  century, 
mankind  made  greater  progress  in  exploring  the  state 
of  the  habitable  globe,  that  in  all  the  ages  which  had 
elapsed  previous  to  that  period.  The  spirit  of  discovery, 
feeble  at  first  and  cautious,  moved  within  a  very  nar- 
row sphere,  and  made  its  efforts  with  hesitation  and 
timidity.  Encouraged  by  success,  it  became  adven- 
turous, and  boldly  extended  its  operations.  In  the 
course  of  its  progression,  it  continued  to  acquire  vigor, 
and  advanced  at  length  with  a  rapidity  and  force  which 
burst  through  all  the  limit  within  which  ignorance  and 
fear  had  hitherto  circumscribed  the  activity  of  the 
human  race.  Almost  fifty  years  were  employed  by  the 
Portuguese  in  creeping  along  the  coast  of  Africa  from 
Cape  Non  to  Cape  de  Verd,  the  latter  of  which  lies 
only  twelve  degrees  to  the  south  of  the  former.  In 
less  than  thirty  years  they  ventured  beyond  the  equi- 
noctial line  into  another  hemisphere,  and  penetrated  to 
the  southern  extremity  of  Africa,  at  the  distance  of 
forty-nine  degrees  from  Cape  de  Verd.  During  the 
last  seven  years  of  the  century,  a  New  World  was  dis- 
covered in  the  west,  not  inferior  in  extent  to  all  the 
parts  of  the  earth  with  which  mankind  were  at  that 
time  acquainted.  In  the  East,  unknown  seas  and 
countries  were  found  out,  and  a  communication,  long 
desired,  but  hitherto  concealed  was  opened  between 
Europe  and  the  opulent  regions  of  India.  In  compa- 
rison with  events  so  wonderful  and  unexpected,  all  that 
had  hitherto  been  deemed  great  or  splendid  faded 
away  and  disappeared.  Vast  objects  now  presented 
themselves.  The  human  mind,  roused  and  interested 
by  the  prospect,  engaged  with  ardor  in  pursuit  of  them, 
and  exerted  its  active  powers  in  a  new  direction. 

This  spirit  of  enteq)rise,  though  but  newly  awakened 
in  Spain,  began  soon  to  operate  extensively.  All  the 
attempts  towards  discovery  made  in  that  kingdom  had 
hitherto  been  carried  on  by  Columbus  alone,  and  at  the 
expense  of  the  Sovereign.  But  now  private  adven- 
turers, allured  by  the  magnificent  descriptions  he  gave 
of  the  regions  which  he  had  visited,  as  well  as  by  the 
specimens  of  their  wealth  whicii  he  produced,  ottered 
to  fit  out  squadrons  at  their  own  risk,  and  to  go  in 
qnest  of  new  countries.  The  Spanish  court,  whose 
scanty  revenues  were  exhausted  by  the  charge  of  its 
expeditions  to  the  New  Worid,  which,  though  they 
opened  alluring  prospects  of  future  benefit,  yielded  a 
verv  sparing  return  of  present  profit,  was  extremely 
willing  to  devolve  the  burden  of  dis-overy  upon  its 
tuDjects.  It  seized  with  joy  an  opportunity  of  render- 
ing tlie  avarice,  the  ingenuity,  and  efl'orts  of  projectors 
uittrumental  in  promoting  designs  of  certain  advantaire 
10  the  public,  though  of  doubtful  success  with  respect 


to  themselves.  One  of  the  first  propositions  of  this 
kind  was  made  by  .Monzo  dc  Ojeda,  a  galhint  and  ac- 
tive oHicer,  who  had  accompanied  Columbus  in  his 
second  voyage.  His  rank  and  character  procured  him 
such  credit  with  the  merchants  of  Seville,  that  they 
undertook  to  equip  four  ships,  provided  he  could  obtain 
the  royal  license,  auihorising  the  vovagc.  The  power- 
ful patronage  of  the  Bishop  of  Badajos  easily  secured 
success  in  a  suit  so  agreeable  to  the  court.  M'lthout 
consulting  Columbus  or  regarding  the  rights  and  juris- 
diction which  he  had  acquired  by  the  capitulation  in 
one  thousand  four  hundred  and  ninety-two,  Ojeda  was 
permitted  to  set  out  for  the  New  World.  In  order  to 
direct  his  course,  the  bishop  communicated  to  him  the 
admiral's  journal  of  his  last  voyage,  and  his  charts  of 
the  countries  which  he  had  discovered.  Ojeda  struck 
out  into  no  new  path  of  navigation,  but  adticring  ser- 
vilely to  the  route  which  Columbus  had  taken,  arrived 
on  the  coast  of  Paria  [May].  He  traded  with  the  na- 
tives, and,  standing  to  the  west,  proceeded  as  far  as 
Cape  de  Vela,  and  ranged  along  a  considerable  extent 
of  coast  beyond  that  on  which  Columbus  had  touched. 
Having  thus  ascertained  the  opinion  of  Columbus,  that 
this  country  was  a  part  of  the  continent,  Ojeda  re- 
turned by  way  of  Hispaniola  to  Spain  [October],  with 
some  reputation  as  a  discoverer,  but  with  little  benefit 
to  those  who  had  raised  the  funds  for  the  expedition. 

Amerigo  Vespucci,  a  Florentine  gentleman,  accom- 
panied Ojcda  in  this  voyage.  In  what  station  he  served 
is  uncertain  ,  but  as  ho  was  an  experienced  sailor,  and 
eminently  skilled  in  all  the  sciences  subservient  to 
navigation,  he  seems  to  have  acquired  such  authority 
among  his  companions,  that  they  willingly  allowed  him 
to  have  a  chief  share  in  directing  their  operations  during 
the  voyage.  Soon  after  his  return,  he  transmitted  an 
account  of  his  adventures  and  discoveries  to  one  of  his 
countrymen  ;  and  laboring  with  the  vanity  of  a  traveller 
to  magnify  his  own  exploits,  he  had  the  address  and 
confidence  to  frame  his  narrative  so  as  to  make  it  ap- 
pear that  he  had  the  glory  of  having  first  discovered  the 
continent  in  the  New  World.  Amerigo's  account  was 
drawn  up  not  only  with  art,  but  with  some  elegance. 
It  contained  an  amusing  history  of  his  voyage,  and  ju- 
dicious observations  upon  the  natural  productions,  the 
inhabitants,  and  the  customs  of  the  countries  which  he 
I  had  visited.  As  it  was  the  first  description  of  any  part 
I  of  the  New  World  that  was  published,  a  performance 
so  well  calculated  to  gratify  the  passion  of  mankind  for 
what  is  new  and  marvellous,  circulated  rapidly,  and 
was  read  with  admiration.  The  country  of  which 
Amerigo  was  supposed  to  be  the  discoverer,  came 
gradually  to  be  called  by  his  name.  The  caprice  of 
mankind,  often  as  unaccountable  as  unjust,  has  per- 
petuated this  error.  By  the  universal  consent  of  na- 
tions, America  is  the  name  bestowed  on  this  new  quar- 
ter of  the  globe.  The  bold  pretensions  of  a  fortunate 
imposter,  have  robbed  the  discoverer  of  the  New  World 
of  a  distinction  which  belonged  to  him.  The  name  of 
Amerigo  has  supplanted  that  of  Columbus  ;  and  man- 
kind may  regret  an  act  of  injustice,  which,  having  re- 
ceived the  sanction  of  time,  it  is  now  too  late  to  re- 
dress. [22] 

During  the  same  year,  another  voyage  of  discovery 
was  undertaken.  Columbus  not  only  introduced  the 
spirit  of  naval  enterprise  into  Spain,  but  all  the  first 
adventurers  who  distinguished  themselves  in  this  new 
career  were  formed  by  his  instructions,  and  acquired  in 
his  voyages  the  skill  and  information  which  qualified 
them  to  imitate  his  example.  Alonso  Nigno,  who  had 
."erved  under  the  admiral  in  his  last  expedition,  fitted 
out  a  single  ship,  in  conjunction  with  Christopher 
Guerra,  a  merchant  of  Seville,  and  sailed  to  the  coast 
of  Paria.  This  voyage  seems  to  have  been  conducted 
with  greater  attention  to  private  emolument  than  to  any 
general  or  national  object.  Nigno  and  Guerra,  made 
no  discoveries  of  any  importance  ;  but  they  brought 
home  such  a  return  of  gold  and  pearls  as  inflamed  their 
countrymen  with  the  desire  of  engaging  in  similar  ad- 
ventures . 

Soon  after  [Jan.  13,  1500],  Vincent  Yanez  Pinzon, 
one  of  the  admiral's  companions  in  his  first  voyage, 
sailed  from  Palos  with  four  ships.  He  stood  boldly 
towards  the  south,  and  was  the  first  Spaniard  who  ven- 
tured across  the  equinoctial  line  ;  but  he  seems  to  have 
landed  on  no  part  of  the  coast  beyond  the  mouth  of  the 
Maragnon,  or  river  of  the  Amazons.  All  these  navi- 
gators adopted  the  erroneous  theor)'  of  Columbus,  and 
believed  that  the  countries  which  they  had  discovered 
were  part  of  the  vast  continent  of  India. 

During  the  last  year  of  the  fifteenth  century,  that 
fertile  district  of  America,  on  the  confines  of  which 
Pmzon  had  s'opped  short,  was  more  fully  discovered. 


The  successful  voyage  of  Gama  to  the  East  Indies 
having  encouraged  the  King  of  Portugal  to  r.l  out  A 
fleet  so  powerful  as  not  only  to  carry  on  trade  but  to 
attempt  conquest,  he  gave  the  command  of 't  to  Pedro 
Alvarez  Cabral.  In  order  to  avoid  the  coast  of  Africa, 
where  he  was  certain  of  meeting  with  variable  breezeo 
or  frequent  calms,  which  might  retard  his  voyage, 
Cabral  stood  out  to  sea,  and  kept  so  far  to  the  west, 
that,  to  his  surprise,  he  found  himself  upon  the  shore 
of  an  unknown  country,  in  the  tenth  degree  beyond 
the  line.  He  imagined  at  first  that  it  was  some  island 
in  the  Atlantic  ocean,  hitherto  unobserved ;  but,  pro- 
ceeding along  its  coast  for  several  days,  he  was  led 
gradually  to  believe,  that  a  country  so  extensive  fonncd 
a  part  of  some  great  continent.  This  latter  opinion 
was  well  founded.  The  country  with  which  he  fell  in 
belongs  to  that  province  in  South  America  now  known 
by  the  name  of  Brasil.  He  landed  ;  and  having  fonned 
a  very  high  idea  of  the  fertility  of  the  soil,  and  agree- 
ableness  of  the  climate,  he  took  possession  of  it  for  the 
crown  of  Portugal,  and  despatched  a  ship  to  Lisbon 
with  an  account  of  this  event,  which  appeared  to  be  no 
less  important  than  it  was  unexpected.  Columbus's 
discovery  of  the  New  World  was  the  effort  of  an  active 
genius  enlightened  by  science,  guided  by  experience, 
and  acting  upon  a  regular  plan  executed  with  no  less 
courage  than  perseverance.  But  from  this  adventure 
of  the  Portuguese,  it  appears  that  chance  might  have 
accomplished  that  great  design  which  it  is  now  the 
pride  of  human  reason  to  have  formed  and  perfected. 
If  the  sagacity  of  ('olumbus  had  not  conducted  man- 
kind to  America,  Cabral,  by  a  fortunate  accident,  might 
have  led  them,  a  few  years  later,  to  the  knowledge  of 
that  extensive  continent. 

While  the  Spaniards  and  Portuguese,  by  those  suc- 
cessive voyages,  were  daily  acquiring  more  enlarged 
ideas  of  the  extent  and  opulence  of  that  quarter  of  th« 
globe  which  Columbus  had  made  known  to  them,  ho 
himself,  far  from  enjoying  the  tranquillity  and  honors 
with  which  his  services  should  have  been  recompensed, 
was  siniggling  with  every  distress  in  which  the  envy 
and  malevolence  of  the  people  under  his  command,  or 
the  ingratitude  of  the  court  which  he  served,  could  in- 
volve him.  Though  the  pacification  with  Roldan  broko 
the  union  and  v.'eakened  the  force  of  the  mutineers,  it 
did  not  extirpate  the  seeds  of  discord  out  of  the  island. 
Several  of  the  malecontents  continued  in  arms,  refusing 
to  submit  to  the  admiral.  He  and  his  brothers  were 
obliged  to  take  the  field  alternately,  in  order  to  check 
their  incursions,  or  to  punish  their  crimes.  The  per- 
petual occupation  and  disquiet  which  this  created,  pre- 
vented him  from  giving  due  attention  to  the  dangerous 
machinations  of  his  enemies  in  the  court  of  Spain.  A 
grod  number  of  such  as  were  most  dissatisfied  with  his 
administration  had  embraced  the  opportunity  of  return- 
ing to  Europe  with  the  ships  which  he  despatched  from 
St.  Domingo.  The  final  disappointment  of  all  their 
hopes  inflamed  the  rage  of  these  unfortunate  adventur- 
ers against  Columbus  to  the  utmost  pitch.  Their  po- 
verty and  distress,  by  e.vciting  compassion,  rendered 
their  accusations  credible,  and  their  complaints  interest- 
ing. They  teased  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  incessantly 
with  memorials,  containing  the  detail  of  their  own 
grievances,  and  the  articles  of  their  charge  against  Co- 
lumbus. Whenever  either  the  king  or  queen  appeared 
in  public,  they  surrounded  them  in  a  tumultuary  man- 
ner, insisting  with  importunate  clamours  for  the  pay- 
ment of  the  arrears  due  to  them,  and  demanding  ven- 
geance upon  the  author  of  their  sufferings.  They  in- 
sulted the  admiral's  sons  wherever  they  met  them,  re- 
proaching them  as  the  offspring  of  the  projector,  whoso 
fatal  curiosity  had  discovered  those  pernicious  regions 
which  drained  Spain  of  its  wealth,  and  would  prove  the 
grave  of  its  people.  These  avowed  endeavors  of  the 
malecontents  from  America  to  ruin  Columbus,  were 
seconded  by  the  secret  but  more  dangerous  insinuations 
of  that  party  among  the  courtiers,  which  had  alway* 
thwarted  his  schemes,  and  envied  his  success  and  cre- 
dit. 

Ferdinand  was  disposed  to  listen,  not  only  with  K 
willing  but  with  a  partial  ear,  to  these  accusations. 
Notwithstanding  the  flattering  accounts  which  Colum- 
bus had  given  of  the  riches  of  America,  the  remittancea 
from  it  had  hitherto  been  so  scanty  that  they  fell  far 
short  of  defraying  the  expense  of  the  armaments  fitted 
out.  The  glory  of  the  discovery,  together  with  the 
prospect  of  remote  commercial  advantages,  was  all  that 
Spain  had  yet  received  in  return  for  the  cflbrts  which 
she  had  made.  But  time  had  already  diminished  iho 
first  sensations  of  joy  which  the  discovery  of  a  New 
World  occasioned,  and  fame  alone  was  not  an  objact 
to  satisfy  the  cold  interested  mind  of  Ferdinaad.  'I'he 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


nature  of  commerce  wa?  then  so  little  understood  that, 
where  immediate  gain  was  not  acquired,  the  hope  of 
distant  benefit,  or  of  slow  and  moderate  returns,  was 
iDtally  disregarded.  Ferdinand  considered  Spain,  on 
this  account,  as  having  lost  by  the  enterprise  of  Colum- 
bus, and  imputed  it  to  his  nusconduct  and  incapacity 
for  government,  that  a  country  abounding  in  gold  had 
yielded  nothing  of  value  to  its  conquerors.  Lven  Isa- 
bella, who  from  the  favorable  opinion  which  she  enter- 
'Jiined  of  Columbus  had  uniformly  protected  him,  was 
rtbaken  at  length  by  the  number  and  boldness  of  his 
nccuicrs,  and  began  to  suspect  that  a  disaffection  so 
gen*r?.i  must  have  been  occasioned  by  real  grievances 
which  called  for  redress.  The  Bishop  of  Badajos,  with 
bis  usual  animosity  against  Columbus,  encouraged  these 
Buopicions,  and  confirmed  them. 

As  soon  as  the  queen  began  to  give  way  to  the 
torrent  of  calumny,  a  resolution  fatal  to  Columbus 
was  taken.  Francis  de  BovadiUa,  a  knight  of  Cala- 
trava,  was  appointed  to  repair  to  Hispaniola,  with  full 
powers  to  inquire  into  the  conduct  of  Columbus,  and 
if  he  should  find  the  charge  of  maladministration 
proved,  to  supersede  him,  and  assume  the  government 
of  the  island.  It  was  impossible  to  escape  condem- 
nation, when  this  preposterous  commission  made  it  the 
interest  of  the  judge  to  pronounce  the  person  whom 
he  was  sent  to  try,  guilty.  'I'hough  Columbus  had 
now  composed  all  the  dissension.'!  in  the  island  ;  though 
he  had  brought  both  Spaniards  ;ind  Indians  to  submit 
jieacjably  to  his  government  ;  though  he  had  made 
5uch  effectual  provision  for  working  the  mines,  and 
cultivating  the  country,  as  would  have  secured  a  con- 
siderable revenue  to  the  king,  ns  well  as  large  profits 
:o  individuals  ;  Bovadilla,  without  designing  to  attend 
to  the  nature  or  merit  of  thof  e  services,  discovered 
fiom  the  moment  that  he  landed  in  Hispaniola,  a  de- 
termined purpose  of  treating  him  as  a  criminal.  He 
took  possession  of  the  admiral's  house  in  St.  Domingo, 
from  which  its  master  happened  at  that  time  to  be 
absent,  and  seized  his  effects,  .is  if  his  guilt  had  been 
already  fully  proved  ;  he  rcndiired  himself  master  of 
the  fort  and  of  the  King  s  stores  by  violence  ;  he  re- 
quired all  persons  to  acknowledge  him  as  supreme 
governor  ;  he  set  at  liberty  the  prisoners  confined  by 
the  admiral,  and  summoned  him  to  appear  before  his 
tribunal,  in  order  to  answer  for  his  conduct ;  trans- 
mitting to  him,  together  with  the  summons,  a  copy  of 
the  royal  mandate,  by  which  Columbus  was  enjoined 
'jO  yield  implicit  obedience  to  his  commands. 

Columbus,  though  deejily  affected  with  the  in- 
gratitude and  injustice  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  did 
not  hesitate  a  moment  about  his  own  conduct.  He 
submitted  to  the  will  of  his  sovereigns  with  a  respect- 
ful silence,  and  repaired  directly  [October]  to  the 
court  of  that  violent  and  partial  judge  whom  they  had 
authorised  to  try  him.  Bovadilla,  without  admitting 
him  into  his  presence,  ordered  him  instantly  to  be  ar- 
rested, to  be  loaded  with  chains,  and  hurried  on  board 
a  ship.  Even  under  this  humiliating  reverse  of  fortune, 
the  firmness  of  mind  which  distinguishes  the  character 
of  Columbus  did  not  forsake  him.  Conscious  of  his 
own  integrity,  and  solacing  himself  with  reflecting 
upon  the  great  things  which  he  had  achieved,  he  en- 
dured this  insult  offered  to  his  character,  not  only  with 
composure  but  with  dignity.  Nor  had  he  the  con- 
solation of  sympathy  to  mitigate  his  sufferings.  Bo- 
vidilla  had  already  rendered  himself  so  extremely 
popular,  by  granting  various  immunities  to  the  colony, 
by  liberal  donations  of  Indians  to  all  who  ajiplied  for 
them,  and  by  relaxing  the  reins  of  discipline  and 
government,  that  the  .Spaniards,  who  were  mostly 
adventurers,  whom  their  indigence  or  crimes  had  com- 
pelled to  abandon  their  native  country,  expressed  the 
most  indecent  satisfaction  with  the  disgrace  and  im- 
prisonment of  (Joluinbus.  They  flattered  themselves 
that  now  they  should  enjoy  an  uncontrolled  liberty  more 
suitable  to  their  disposition  and  former  habits  of  life. 
Among  persons  thus  prepared  to  censure  the  proceed- 
ings, and  to  asperse  the  character  of  Columbus, 
Bovadilla  colh  cted  materials  for  a  charge  against  him. 
All  accusations  the  most  iinproliable  as  well  as  incou- 
sislent,  were  received  Ao  informer,  however,  infa- 
mous, was  rejected.  The  result  of  this  inquest,  no  less 
indecent  than  partial,  he  transmitted  to  S|)ain.  At  the 
same  time  he  ordered  (Columbus,  with  his  two  brothers, 
to  be  carried  thither  in  fetters  ;  and,  adding  cruelty  to 
insult,  he  confined  ihem  in  different  shipM,  and  excluded 
tlienj  from  the  comfort  of  that  friendly  intercourse 
which  might  have  soothed  their  common  distress. 
But  while  the  Spaniards  in  Hispaniola  viewed  the 
•rbitrary  and  insolent  prorec^dings  of  Bovadilla  witli  a 
gtiocral  approbation,  which  rotlocts  dishonor  upon  their 


name  and  country,  one  man  still  retained  a  proper 
sense  of  the  great  actions  which  Columbus  had  per- 
formed, and  wajs  touched  with  tlie  sentiments  of  vene- 
ration and  pity  due  to  his  rank,  his  age,  and  his  merit.  I 
Alonzo  de  Valejo,  the  captain  of  the  vessel  on  board  I 
which  the  admiral  was  confined,  as  soon  as  he  was 
clear  of  the  island,  approached  his  prisoner  with  great 
respect,  and  offered  to  release  him  from  the  fetters 
with  which  he  was  unjustly  loaded.  "  No,"  replied 
Columbus  with  a  generous  indignation,  "  I  wear  these 
irons  in  consequence  of  an  order  from  my  sovereigns. 
They  shall  find  me  as  obedient  to  this  as  to  their  other 
injunctions.  By  their  command  I  have  been  confined, 
and  their  command  alone  shall  set  me  at  liberty." 

Nov.  23.]  Fortunately  the  voyage  to  Spain  was 
extremely  short.  As  ^oon  as  Ferdinand  and  Isabella 
were  informed  that  Columbus  was  brought  home  a 
prisoner  and  in  chains,  they  perceived  at  once  what 
universal  astonishment  this  event  must  occasion,  and 
what  an  impression  to  their  disadvantage  it  must  make. 
All  Europe,  they  foresaw,  would  be  filled  with  indig- 
nation at  this  ungenerous  requital  of  a  man  who  had 
performed  actions  worthy  of  the  highest  recompense, 
and  would  exclaim  against  the  injustice  of  the  nation, 
to  which  he  had  been  such  an  eminent  benefactor,  as 
well  as  against  the  ingratitude  of  the  princes  whose 
reign  he  had  rendered  illustrious.  Ashamed  of  their 
own  conduct,  and  eager  not  only  to  make  some  repara- 
tion for  this  injury,  but  to  efface  the  stain  which  it 
might  fix  upon  their  character,  they  instantly  issued 
orders  to  set  Columbus  at  liberty  [Dec.  17,]  invited 
him  to  court,  and  remitted  money  to  enable  him  to  ap- 
pear there  in  a  manner  suitable  to  his  rank.  AVhen  he 
entered  the  royal  presence,  Columbus  threw  himself 
at  the  feet  of  his  sovereigns.  He  remained  for  some 
time  silent ;  the  various  passions  which  agitated  his 
mind  suppressing  his  power  of  utterance.  At  length 
he  recovered  himself,  and  vindicated  his  conduct  in  a 
long  discourse,  producing  the  most  satisfying  proofs  of 
his  own  integrity  as  well  as  good  intention,  and  evidence, 
no  less  clear,  of  the  malevolence  of  his  enemies,  who, 
not  satisfied  with  having  ruined  his  fortune,  labored  to 
deprive  him  of  what  alone  was  now  left,  his  honor  and 
his  fame.  Ferdinand  received  him  with  decent  civilitv, 
and  Isabella  with  tenderness  and  respect.  They  both 
expressed  their  sorrow  for  what  had  happened,  disa- 
vowed their  knowledge  of  it,  and  joined  in  promising 
him  protection  and  future  favor.  But  though  they  in- 
stantly degraded  Bovadilla,  in  order  to  rcmovi,  from 
themselves  any  suspicion  of  having  authorized  his 
violent  proceedings,  they  did  not  restore  to  Columbus 
his  jurisdiction  and  privileges  as  viceroy  of  those 
countries  which  he  had  discovered.  Though  willing 
to  appear  the  avengers  of  Columbus's  wrongs,  that 
illiberal  jealousy  which  prompted  them  to  invest 
Bovadilla  with  such  authority,  as  put  it  in  his  power 
to  treat  the  admiral  with  indignity,  still  subsisted. 
They  were  afraid  to  tru.st  a  man  to  whom  they  had 
been  so  highly  indebted  ;  and  retaining  him  at  court 
under  various  pretexts,  they  appointed  Nicholas  de 
Ovando,  a  knight  of  the  military  order  of  Alcantara, 
governor  of  Hispaniola. 

Columbus  was  deeply  affected  with  this  new  injury, 
which  came  from  hands  that  seemed  to  be  employed 
in  making  reparation  for  his  past  sufferings.  The 
sensibility  with  which  great  minds  feel  every  thing  that 
implies  any  suspicion  of  their  integrity,  or  that  wears 
the  aspect  of  an  atfront,  is  exquisite.  Columbus  had 
experienced  both  from  the  Spaniards,  and  their  un- 
generous conduct  exasperated  him  to  such  a  degree  that 
he  could  no  longer  conceal  the  sentiments  which  it 
excited.  Wherever  he  went  he  carried  about  with 
him,  as  a  memorial  of  their  ingratitude,  those  fetters 
with  which  he  had  been  loaded.  They  were  constantly 
hung  up  in  his  chamber,  and  he  gave  orders,  that  when 
he  died  they  should  be  buried  in  his  grave. 

l.'iOl  ]  Meanwhile  t'ne  spirit  of  discovery,  notwith- 
standing the  severe  check  which  it  had  received  by  the 
ungenerous  treatment  of  the  man  who  first  excited  it  in 
.Spain,  continued  active  and  vigorous.  [January]  Ho- 
dcrigo  de  Bastidas,  a  person  of  distinction,  fitted  out 
two  ships  in  copartnery  with  John  de  la  Cosa,  who  hav- 
ing served  under  the  admiral  in  two  of  his  voyages  was 
deemed  the  most  skilful  ])ilot  in  Spain.  They  steered 
directly  towards  the  continent,  arrived  on  the  coast  of 
Paria,  and,  proceeding  to  the  west,  discovered  all  the 
coast  of  the  province  now  known  by  the  name  of 
Tierra  Firmo,  from  Cape  de  Vela  to  the  Gulf  of  Da- 
rien.  Not  long  after  t)jeda,  with  his  former  associate 
.\merigo  Vespucci,  set  out  upon  a  second  voyage, 
and,  being  unacquainted  with  the  destination  of  Bas- 
tidas, held  the  same  courxo  and  touched  at  the  same 


places.  The  voyage  of  Bastidas  was  prosperous  »nd 
lucrative,  that  of  Ojeda  unfortunate.  But  both  tended 
to  increase  the  ardor  of  discovery  ;  for  in  proportion 
las  the  Spaniards  acquired  a  more  extensive  know- 
I  ledge  of  tlie  American  continent,  their  idea  of  i*.s  opu- 
lence and  fertility  increased. 

Before  these  adventurers  returned  from  their  voy- 
ages, a  fleet  was  equipped,  at  the  public  expense,  for 
carrying  over  Ovando,  the  new  governor,  to  His|>a- 
niola.  His  presence  there  was  extremely  requisi?»r,  in 
order  to  stop  the  inconsiderate  career  of  BovaJilla, 
whose  imprudent  administration  threatened  the  seltlp- 
ment  with  ruin.  Conscious  of  the  violence  and  iniquity 
of  his  proceedings  against  Columbus,  he  continued  to 
make  it  his  sole  object  to  gain  the  favor  and  support  of 
his  countrymen,  by  accommodating  himself  to  their 
passions  and  prejudices.  With  this  view,  he  esta- 
'blished  regulations  in  every  point  the  reverse  of  those 
which  Columbus  deemed  essential  to  the  prosperity 
of  the  colony.  Instead  of  the  severe  discipline  neces- 
sary in  order  to  habituate  the  dissolute  and  corrupted 
members  of  which  the  society  was  composed,  to  the 
restraints  of  law  and  subordination,  he  suffered  them  to 
enjoy  such  uncontrolled  license  as  encouraged  llic 
wildest  excesses.  Instead  of  protecting  the  Indians, 
he  gave  a  legal  sanction  to  the  oppression  of  that  un- 
ha[ipy  people.  He  took  the  exact  number  of  such  as 
survived  their  past  calamities,  divided  them  into  dis- 
tinct classes,  distributed  them  in  property  among  his 
adherents,  and  reduced  all  the  people  of  the  island  to  a 
state  of  complete  servitude.  As  the  avarice  of  the 
.Spaniards  was  too  rapacious  and  impatient  to  try  any 
method  of  acquiring  wealth  but  that  of  searching  for 
gold,  this  servitude  became  as  grievous  as  it  was  un- 
just. The  Indians  were  driven  in  crowds  to  the  moun- 
tains, and  compelled  to  work  in  the  mines,  by  masters 
who  imposed  their  tasks  without  mercy  or  discretion. 
Labor  so  disproportioned  to  their  strength  and  former 
habits  of  life,  wasted  that  feeble  race  of  men  with  such 
rapid  consumption,  as  must  have  soon  terminated  in 
the  utter  extinction  of  the  ancient  inhabitants  of  the 
country. 

The  necessity  of  applying  a  speedy  remedy  to  those 
disorders  hastened  Ovando's  departure.  He  had  the 
command  of  the  most  respectable  armament  hitherto 
fitted  out  for  the  New  World.  It  consisted  of  thirty- 
two  ships,  on  board  of  which  two  thousand  five  hundred 
persons  embarked  with  an  intention  of  settling  in  the 
country.  [1502.1  Upon  the  arrival  of  the  new  governor 
with  this  powerful  reinforcemet  to  the  colony.  Bovadilla 
resigned  his  charge,  and  was  commarded  to  return  in- 
stantly to  Spain,  in  order  to  answer  for  his  conduct. 
Roldan  and  the  other  ringleaders  of  the  mutineers,  who 
had  been  most  active  in  opposing  Columbus,  were  re- 
quired to  leave  the  island  at  the  same  time.  A  pro- 
clamation was  issued,  declaring  the  natives  to  be  free 
subjects  of  Spain,  of  whom  no  service  was  (o  be  ex- 
pected contrar)'  to  their  own  inclination,  and  without 
|)aying  them  an  adequute  price  for  their  labor.  With 
rcs))ect  to  the  Spaniards  themselves,  various  regula- 
tions were  made,  tending  to  suppress  the  licentious 
spirit  which  had  been  so  fatal  to  the  colony,  and  to 
establish  that  reverence  for  law  and  order  on  wliich  so- 
ciety is  founded,  and  to  which  it  is  indebted  for  its  in- 
crease and  stability.  In  order  to  limit  the  exorbitant 
gain  which  private  persons  were  supposed  to  make  by 
workins;  the  mines,  an  ordinance  was  published,  direct- 
ing all  the  gold  to  be  brought  to  a  public  smelting- 
house,  and  declaring  one-half  of  it  to  be  the  property  o' 
the  crown. 

Wule  these  steps  were  taking  for  securing  the  tran- 
quillilv  and  welfare  of  the  colony  which  Columbus  had 
planted,  he  himself  was  ejigaged  in  the  unpleasant  em- 
ployment of  soliciting  the  favor  of  an  ungrateful  court, 
and  notwithstanding  all  his  merit  and  services,  he  so- 
licited in  vain.  He  demanded,  in  terms  of  the  original 
capitulation  in  one  thousand  four  hundred  and  ninety- 
two,  to  be  reinstated  in  his  office  of  viceroy  over  the 
countries  which  he  had  discovered.  By  a  strange  fa- 
tality, the  circiuustaiice  which  he  urged  in  support  of 
his  cUun,  determined  a  jealous  monarch  to  reject  it 
The  greatness  of  his  discoveries,  and  the  prospect  of 
their  increasing  value,  made  Ferdinand  consider  the 
concessions  in  the  capitulation  as  extravagant  and  im- 
politic. He  was  afraid  of  intrusting  a  subject  with  the 
exercise  of  a  jurisdiction  that  now  appeared  to  be  so 
extremely  extensive,  and  might  grow  to  be  no  less  for- 
midable. He  inspired  Isabella  with  the  same  suspi- 
cions ;  and  under  various  pretexts,  equally  frivolowi 
and  unjust,  they  eluded  all  Columbus's  requisitions  i<> 
perform  that  which  a  solemn  compact  bound  them  u> 
accomplish.    After  attending  the  court  of  Spain  fm 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


86 


r.par  iv/o  years,  as  an  humble  suitor,  he  found  it  im- 
possible to  remove  Ferdinand's  prejudices  and  appre- 
nensions  ;  and  perceived  at  length  that  he  labored  in 
vain,  when  he  ur^ed  a  claim  of  justice  or  merit  with  an 
interested  and  unleeling  prince. 

But  even  this  ungenerous  return  did  not  discourage 
hiin  from  pursuing  the  great  object  which  first  called 
forth  his  inventive  genius,  and  excited  him  to  attempt 
discovery.  To  open  a  new  passage  to  the  East  Indies 
was  his  original  and  favorite  scheme.  This  still  en- 
grossed his  thoughts  ;  and  either  from  his  own  obser- 
vations in  his  voyage  to  Paria,  or  from  some  obscure 
hint  of  the  natives,  or  from  the  accounts  given  by  Bas- 
tidas  and  de  la  Cosa  of  their  expedition,  he  conceived 
an  opinion  that  beyotid  the  continent  of  America  there 
was  a  sea  which  extended  to  the  East  Indies,  and 
hoped  to  find  some  strait  or  narrow  neck  of  land,  by 
which  a  communication  might  be  opened  with  it  and 
the  part  of  the  ocean  already  known.  By  a  very  for- 
tunate conjecture,  he  supposed  this  strait  or  isthmus  to 
be  situated  near  the  Gulf  of  Darien.  Full  of  this  idea, 
though  he  was  now  of  an  advanced  age,  worn  out  with 
fatiuuc,  and  broken  with  infirmities,  he  ofTercd,  with 
the  alacrity  of  a  youthful  adventurer,  to  undertake  a 
voyage  which  would  ascertain  this  important  point,  and 
perfect  the  grand  scheme  which  from  the  beginning  he 
proposed  to  accomplish.  Several  circumstances  con- 
curred in  disposing  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  to  lend  a 
favorable  ear  to  this  proposal  They  were  glad  to  have 
the  pretext  of  any  honorable  employment  for  removing 
from  court  a  man  with  whose  demands  they  deemed  it 
impolitic  to  comply,  and  whose  services  it  was  indecent 
■■o  n.?g'ect.  Though  unwilling  to  reward  Columbus, 
^isy  w«re  not  insensible  of  his  merit,  and  from  their  ex- 
perience of  his  skill  and  conduct,  had  reason  to  give 
credit  to  his  cenjectures,  and  to  confide  in  his  success. 
To  these  considerations,  a  third  must  be  added  of  still 
jiore  powerful  influence.  About  this  time  the  Portu- 
g  lese  fleet,  under  Cabral,  arrived  from  the  Indies  ;  and 
by  the  richness  of  its  cargo,  gave  the  people  of  Europe 
u  more  perfect  idea  than  they  had  hitherto  been  able  to 
form,  of  the  opulence  and  fertility  of  the  East.  The 
Portuguese  had  been  more  fortunate  in  their  disco- 
veries than  the  Spaniards.  They  had  opened  a  com- 
munication with  countries  where  industry,  arts,  and 
elegance  flourished  ;  and  where  commerce  had  been 
longer  established,  and  carried  to  greater  extent  than 
in  any  region  of  the  earth.  Their  first  voyages  tliither 
yielded  immediate  as  well  as  vast  returns  of  profit,  in 
commodities  extremely  precious  and  in  great  request. 
Lisbon  became  immediately  the  seat  of  commerce  and 
wealth  ;  while  Spain  had  only  the  expectation  of  remote 
benefit,  and  of  future  gain  from  the  western  world. 
Nothing,  then,  could  be  more  acceptable  to  the  Spa- 
niards ttian  Columbus's  offer  to  conduct  them  to  the 
East,  by  a  route  which  he  expected  to  be  shorter,  as 
well  as  less  dangerous  than  that  which  the  Portuguese 
had  taken.  Even  Ferdinand  was  roused  by  such  a 
prospect  and  warmly  approved  of  the  undertaking. 

But  interesting  as  the  object  of  this  voyage  was  to 
the  nation,  Columbus  could  procure  only  four  small 
barks,  the  largest  of  which  did  not  e.xceed  seventy  tons 
in  burden,  for  performing  it.  Accustomed  to  brave 
danger,  and  to  engage  in  arduous  undertakings  with 
inadequate  force,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  accept  the 
command  of  this  pitiful  squadron.  His  brother  Bar- 
tholomew, and  his  second  .son  Ferdinand,  the  historian 
of  his  actions,  accompanied  him.  He  sailed  from 
Cadiz  on  the  ninth  of  May,  and  touched,  as  usual,  at 
the  Canary  islands  ;  from  thence  he  proposed  to  have 
stood  directly  for  the  continent ;  but  his  largest  vessel 
was  so  clumsy  and  unfit  for  service,  as  constrained 
him  to  bear  away  for  Hispaniola,  in  hopes  of  exchang- 
ing her  for  some  ship  of  the  fleet  that  had  carried  out 
Ovando.  When  he  arrived  at  St.  Domingo  [June  29], 
he  found  eighteen  of  these  ships  ready  loaded,  and  on 
the  point  of  departing  for  Spain.  Columbus  mime- 
diately  acquainted  the  governor  with  the  destination  of 
his  voyage,  and  the  accident  which  had  obliged  him  to 
alter  his  route.  He  requested  p'^rmission  to  enter  the 
harbor,  not  only  that  he  might  negotiate  the  exchange 
orh.s  ship,  but  that  he  might  take  shelter  during  a  vio- 
lent hurrieane,  of  which  he  discerned  the  approach 
fron'  various  prognostics  which  his  experience  and 
sagacity  had  taught  him  to  observe.  On  that  account, 
he  advised  him  likewise  to  put  oflf  for  some  days  the 
departure  of  the  fleet  bound  for  Spain.  But  Ovando 
refused  his  request,  and  despised  his  counsel.  Under 
circumstances  in  which  humanity  would  have  afforded 
reluge  to  a  stranger,  Columbus  was  denied  admittance 
mto  a  country  of  which  he  had  discovered  the  ex- 
istence iand  acquured  the  possession.    His  salutarv 


warning,  which  merited  the  greatest  attention,  was 
regarded  as  the  dream  of  a  visionary  pro|)hct,  who 
arrogantly  pretended  to  predict  an  event  beyond  the 
reach  of  human  foresight.  The  fleet  set  sail  for  Spain. 
Next  night  the  hurricane  came  on  with  dreadful  im- 
petuosity. Columbus,  aware  of  the  danger,  took  pre- 
cautions against  it,  and  saved  his  little  squadron.  The 
fleet  destined  for  Spain  met  with  the  fate  which  the 
rashness  and  obstinacy  of  its  commanders  deserved. 
Of  eighteen  ships  two  or  three  only  escaped.  In  this 
general  wreck  perished  Bovadilla,  Iloldan,  and  the 
greater  part  of  those  who  had  been  the  most  active  in 
persecuting  Columbus,  and  oppressing  the  Indians. 
Together  with  themselves,  all  the  wealth  which  they 
had  acquired  by  their  injustice  and  cruelty  was  swal- 
lowed up.  It  exceeded  in  value  two  hundred  thousand 
pesos ;  an  immense  sum  at  that  period,  and  sufficient 
not  only  to  have  screened  them  from  any  severe 
scrutiny  into  their  conduct,  but  to  have  secured  them 
a  gracious  reception  in  the  Spanish  court.  Among 
the  shqis  that  escaped,  one  had  on  board  all  the  effects 
of  Columbus  which  had  been  recovered  from  the  ruins 
of  his  fortune.  Historians,  struck  with  the  exact  dis- 
crimination of  characters,  as  well  as  the  just  distri- 
bution of  rewards  and  punishments,  conspicuot  s  in 
those  events,  universally  attribute  them  to  an  imme- 
diate interposition  of  Divine  Providence,  in  order  to 
avenge  the  wrongs  of  an  injured  man,  and  to  punish 
the  oppressors  of  an  innocent  people.  Upon  the 
ignorant  and  superstitious  race  of  men,  who  were 
witnesses  Df  this  occurence,  it  made  a  different  im- 
uression.  From  an  opinion  which  vulgar  admiration 
is  apt  to  entertain  with  respect  to  persons  who  have 
distinguished  themselves  by  their  sagacity  and  inven- 
tions, they  believed  Columbus  to  be  possessed  of 
supernatural  powers,  and  imagined  that  he  had  conjured 
up  this  dreadful  storm  by  magical  art  and  incantations 
in  order  to  be  avenged  of  his  enemies. 

Columbus  soon  left  Hispaniola  [July  14],  whore  he 
met  with  such  an  inhospitable  reception,  and  stood 
towards  the  continent.  After  a  tedious  and  dangerous 
voyage,  he  discovered  Guania,  an  island  not  far  distant 
from  the  coast  of  Honduras.  There  he  had  an  inter- 
view with  some  inhabitants  of  the  continent,  who  ar- 
rived in  a  large  canoe.  The)  appeared  to  be  a  people 
more  civilized,  and  who  had  made  greater  progress  in 
the  knowledge  of  useful  arts  than  any  whom  he  had 
hitherto  discovered.  In  return  to  the  inquiries  which 
the  Spaniards  made,  with  their  usual  eagerness,  con- 
cerning the  places  where  the  Indians  got  the  gold  which 
they  wore  by  way  of  ornament,  they  directed  them  to 
countries  situated  to  the  west,  in  which  gold  was  found 
in  such  profusion  that  it  was  applied  to  the  most  com- 
mon uses.  Instead  of  steering  in  quest  of  a  country 
so  inviting,  which  would  have  co.iducted  him  along  the 
coast  of  Yucatan  to  the  rich  empire  of  Mexico,  Colum- 
bus was  so  bent  upon  his  favorite  scheme  of  finding  out 
the  strait  which  he  supposed  to  communicate  with  the 
Indian  ocean,  that  he  bore  away  to  the  east  towards 
the  gulf  of  Darien.  In  this  navigation  he  discovered 
all  the  coast  of  the  continent,  from  Cape  Gracias  a 
Dios  to  a  harbor  which,  on  account  of  its  beauty  and 
security,  he  called  Porto  Bello.  He  searched  in  vain 
for  the  imaginary  sirait,  through  which  he  expected  to 
make  his  way  into  an  unknown  sea  ;  and  though  he 
went  on  shore  several  times,  and  advanced  into  the 
country,  he  did  not  penetrate  so  far  as  to  cross  the  nar- 
row isthmus  which  separates  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  from 
the  great  Southern  ocean.  He  was  so  much  delighted, 
however,  with  the  fertility  of  the  country,  and  conceived 
such  an  idea  of  its  wealth  from  the  specimens  of  gold 
produced  by  the  natives,  that  he  resolved  to  leave  a 
small  colony  upon  the  river  Belen,  in  the  province  of 
Veragua,  under  the  command  of  his  brother,  and  to 
return  himself  to  Spain  [1503],  in  order  to  procure 
what  was  requisite  for  rendering  the  establishment  per- 
manent. But  the  ungovernable  spirit  of  the  people 
under  his  command,  deprived  Columbus  of  the  glory 
of  planting  the  first  colony  on  the  continent  of  Ame- 
rica. Their  insolence  and  rapaciousness  provoked  the 
natives  to  take  arms  ;  and  as  these  were  a  more  hardy 
and  warUke  race  of  men  than  the  inhabitants  of  the 
islands,  they  cut  ofT'part  of  the  Spaniards,  and  obliged 
the  rest  to  abandon  a  station  which  was  found  to  be 
untenable. 

This  repulse,  the  first  that  the  Spaniards  met  with 
from  any  of  the  American  nations,  was  not  the  only 
misfortune  that  befell  Columbus  ;  it  was  followed  by  a 
succession  of  all  the  disasters  to  which  navigation  is 
exposed.  Furious  hurricanes  with  violent  storms  of 
thunder  and  lightning,  threatened  his  leaky  vessels 
with  destruction  ;  wliile  his  discontented  ctew,  ex- 


hausted with  fatigue,  and  destitute  of  provisions,  v»a* 
unwilling  or  unable  to  execute  his  commands.  One  of 
his  ships  perished  ;  he  was  obliged  to  abandon  arp'»- 
ther,  as  utifit  for  service  ;  and  with  the  two  whicn 
remained,  he  quitted  that  part  of  the  continent,  which, 
in  his  anguish,  he  named  the  Coast  of  Vexation,  and 
bore  away  for  Hispaniola.  New  distresses  awaited 
him  in  his  voyage.  He  was  driven  back  by  a  violent 
tempest  from  the  coast  of  Cuba,  his  shins  fell  foul  of 
one  another,  and  were  so  much  shattered  by  the  shock 
that  with  the  utmost  difliculty  they  reached  Jamaica 
[June  21],  where  he  was  obliged  to  run  them  aground, 
to  prevent  them  from  sinking.  'I'he  measure  of  his 
calamities  seemed  now  to  be  full.  He  was  cast  ashore 
upon  an  island  at  a  considerable  distance  from  the  only 
settlement  of  the  Spaniards  in  America.  His  shi[>9 
were  ruined  beyond  the  possibility  of  being  repaired. 
To  convey  an  account  of  his  situation  to  Hi.sjianiola 
appeared  impracticable  ;  and  without  this  it  was  in  vain 
to  expect  relief.  His  genius,  fertile  in  resources,  and 
most  vigorous  in  those  perilous  extremities  when  feeble 
minds  abandon  themselves  to  despair,  discovered  the 
only  expedient  which  afforded  any  prospect  of  deliver- 
ance. He  had  recourse  to  the  hospitable  kindness  of 
the  natives,  who,  consideiing  the  Spaniards  as  beings 
of  a  superior  nature,  were  eager,  on  every  occasion,  to 
minister  to  their  wants.  From  them  he  obtained  two 
of  their  canoes,  each  formed  out  of  the  trunk  of  a  single 
tree  hollowed  with  fire,  and  so  misshapen  and  awkward 
as  hardly  to  merit  the  name  of  boats.  In  tiiese,  which 
were  fit  only  for  creeping  along  the  coast,  or  crossing 
from  one  side  of  a  bay  to  another,  Men:!ez,  a  Spaniard; 
and  Fieschi,  a  Genoese,  two  gentlemen  particularly 
attached  to  Columbus,  gallantly  offered  to  set  out  for 
Hispaniola,  upon  a  voyage  of  above  thirty  leagues. 
This  they  accomplished  in  ten  days,  after  surmounting 
incredible  dangers,  and  enduring  such  fatigues,  that 
several  of  the  Indians  who  accompanied  them  sunk 
under  it,  and  died.  The  attention  paid  to  them  by  the 
governor  of  Hispaniola  was  neither  such  as  their  cou- 
rage merited,  nor  the  distress  of  the  persons  from  whom 
they  came  required.  Ovando,  from  a  mean  jealousy  of 
Columbus,  was  afraid  of  allowing  him  to  set  foot  in 
the  island  under  his  government.  This  ungenerous 
passion  hardened  his  heart  against  every  tender  sen- 
timent which  reflection  upon  the  services  and  misfor- 
tunes of  that  great  man,  or  compassion  for  his  own 
fellow-citizens,  involved  in  the  same  calamities,  must 
have  excited.  Mendez  and  Fieschi  spent  eight  months 
in  soliciting  relief  for  their  commander  and  associates, 
without  any  prospect  of  obtaining  it. 

During  this  period,  various  passions  agitated  the 
mird  of  Columbus  and  his  companions  in  adversity. 
At  ;irst,  the  expectation  of  speedy  deliverance,  from 
the  success  of  Mendez  and  Fieschi's  voyage,  cheered 
the  spirits  of  the  most  desponding.  After  some  time 
the  most  timorous  began  to  suspect  that  they  had  mis- 
carried in  their  daring  attempt  [150-1].  At  length,  even 
the  most  sanguine  concluded  that  they  had  |)erishcd. 
The  ray  of  hope  which  had  broke  in  upon  them,  made 
their  condition  appear  now  more  dismal.  Despair, 
heightened  by  disappointment,  settled  in  every  breast. 
Their  last  resource  had  failed,  and  nothing  remained 
but  the  prospect  of  ending  their  miserable  days  among 
naked  savages,  far  from  their  country  and  their  friends. 
The  seamen,  in  a  transport  of  rage,  rose  in  open  mu- 
tiny, threatened  the  life  of  Columbus,  whom  they  re- 
proached as  the  author  of  all  their  calamities,  seized 
ten  canoes,  which  they  had  purchased  frora  the  Indians, 
and,  despising  his  remonstrances  and  entreaties,  made 
otl"  with  them  to  a  distant  part  of  the  island.  At  the 
same  time  the  natives  murmured  at  the  long  residence 
of  the  Spaniards  in  their  country.  As  their  industry 
was  not  greater  than  that  of  their  neighbors  in  Hispa- 
niola, like  them  they  found  the  burden  of  supporting  so 
many  stangcrs  to  be  altogether  intolerable.  They  be- 
gan to  bring  in  provisions  with  reluctance,  they  fur- 
nished them  with  a  sparing  hand,  and  threatened  to 
withdraw  those  supplies  altogether.  Such  a  resolution 
must  havo  been  quickly  fatal  to  the  Spaniards.  Their 
safety  depended  upon  the  good  will  of  the  Indians  ; 
and  unless  thev  could  revive  the  admiration  and  reve- 
rence with  which  that  simple  people  had  at  first 
beheld  them,  destruction  was  unavoidable.  Though 
the  licentious  proceedings  of  the  mutineers  had  in  a 
great  measure  effaced  those  impressions  which  had 
been  so  favorable  to  the  Spaniards,  the  ingenuity  of  Co 
lumbus  suggested  a  happy  artifice,  that  not  only  re 
stored  but  heightened  the  high  opinion  which  the 
Indians  had  originally  entertained  of  them.  By  his 
skill  in  astronomy,  he  knew  that  there  was  shortly  to 
be  a  total  eclipse  of  the  moon.    He  atwiombled  all  (hp 


90 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


principal  persons  of  tlie  district  around  him  on  tliu  day 
before  it  ha|>pcned,  and,  after  reproaching  them  for  their 
fickleness  m  withdrawing  their  atlfction  aixl  assistance 
from  men  whom  they  had  lately  revered,  he  told  them, 
that  the  S[)aniardN  were  servants  of  the  Cireat  Spirit 
who  d'.vclls  in  heaven,  who  made  and  governs  the 
world  ;  that  he.  otl'cnded  at  their  refusal  to  support  men 
who  were  the  objects  of  his  peculiar  favor,  was  prepar- 
ing to  punish  this  crime  with  exemiilary  severity,  and 
that  very  night  the  moon  should  witliliold  her  light,  and 
appear  of  a  hloody  hue,  as  a  sign  of  the  d?  vine  wrath 
and  an  emblem  of  the  vengeance  ready  l.>  ''ill  upon 
tbera.  To  this  marvellous  prediction  somi  of  them 
listened  w  iih  the  careless  indilierencc  peculiar  to  the 
people  of  America  ;  others,  with  the  credulous  asto- 
nishment natural  to  harharians.  But  when  the  moon 
began  gradually  to  be  darkened,  and  at  length  appeared 
of  a  red  color,  all  were  struck  with  terror.  They  ran 
with  consternation  to  their  houses,  and  returning  in- 
stantly to  Columbus  loaded  with  provisions,  threw  them 
at  his  feet,  conjuring  him  to  intercede  with  the  Great 
Spirit  to  avert  the  destruction  with  which  they  were 
threatened.  Columbus,  seeming  to  be  moved  by  their 
entreaties,  promised  to  comply  with  their  desire.  The 
eclipse  went  olT,  the  moon  recovered  its  splendour,  and 
from  that  day  the  Spaniards  were  not  only  furnished 
profusely  with  provisions,  but  the  natives,  with  super- 
stitious attention,  avoided  every  thing  that  could  give 
them  otrence. 

During  those  transactions,  the  mutineers  had  made 
repeated  attempts  to  pass  over  to  Hispaniola  in  the 
canoes  which  they  had  seized.  But,  from  their  own 
misconduct  or  the  violence  of  the  winds  and  currents, 
their  efforts  were  ail  unsuccessful.  Enraged  at  this 
disappointment,  they  marched  towards  that  part  of  the 
island  where  Columbus  remained,  threatening  him  with 
ncv;  insults  and  dangers.  Wliile  they  were  advancing, 
an  event  happened,  more  cruel  and  atHicting  than  any 
calamity  which  he  dreaded  from  them.  The  governor 
of  Hispaniola,  whose  mind  was  still  filled  with  some 
dark  suspicions  of  Columbus,  sent  a  small  bark  to  Ja- 
maica, not  to  deliver  his  distressed  countrymen,  but  to 
8|)y  put  their  condition.  Lest  the  sympathy  of  those 
whom  he  emploved  should  allbrd  them  relief,  contrary 
to  his  intention,  he  gave  the  command  of  this  vessel  to 
Escobar,  an  inveterate  enemy  of  Columbus,  who,  ad- 
hering to  his  instructions  with  malignant  accuracy,  cast 
anchor  at  some  distance  from  the  island,  approached 
the  shore  in  a  small  boat,  observed  the  wretched  plight 
of  the  .Spaniards,  delivered  a  letter  of  empty  compli- 
flicnts  to  the  admiral,  received  his  answer,  and  de- 
parted. When  the  Spaniards  first  descried  the  vessel 
Branding  towards  the  island,  every  heart  exulted,  as  if 
the  long  expected  hour  of  their  deliverance  had  at 
length  arrived  ;  but  when  it  disappeared  so  suddenly, 
they  sunk  into  the  deepest  dejection,  and  all  their 
hopes  died  away.  Columbus  alone,  though  he  felt 
most  sensibly  this  wanton  insult  which  Ovando  added 
to  his  past  neglect,  retained  such  composure  of  mind 
as  to  be  able  to  cheer  his  followers.  He  assured  them 
that  Mendez  and  Fieschi  had  reached  Hispaniola  in 
safety  ;  that  they  would  speedily  procure  ships  to  carry 
them  off;  but  as  Escobar's  vessel  could  not  take  them 
■  II  on  board,  that  he  had  refused  to  go  with  her,  be- 
cause he  was  determined  never  to  abandon  the  faithful 
companions  of  his  distress.  Soothed  with  the  expecta- 
tion of  speedy  deliverance,  and  delighted  with  his  appa- 
rent generosity  in  attending  more  to  their  preservation 
than  to  his  own  safety,  their  spirits  revived,  and  he 
regained  their  confidence. 

Without  this  confidence  he  could  not  have  resisted 
the  mutineers,  who  were  now  at  hand.  All  his  endea- 
vors to  reclaim  those  desperate  men  had  no  elfcct  but 
to  increase  their  frenzy.  Their  demands  became  every 
day  more  extravagant,  and  their  intentions  more  vio- 
lent and  bloody.  The  common  safety  rendered  it  ne- 
cessary to  oppose  them  with  open  force.  Columbus, 
who  had  been  long  atllicted  with  the  gout,  could  not 
take  the  field.  His  brother,  the  adelantado,  marched 
against  them  [May  20]  They  quickly  met.  The 
mutineers  rejected  with  scorn  terms  of  accommoda- 
tion, which  were  once  more  ofTercd  them,  and  rushed 
Oil  boldly  to  the  attack.  They  fell  not  upon  an  enemy 
unprepared  to  receive  them.  In  tlie  first  shock,  se- 
»erai  of  their  most  daring  leaders  were  slain.  The 
adelantado,  whose  strength  was  equal  to  his  courage, 
closed  with  their  captain,  wounded,  disarmed,  and  took 
him  prisoner.  ,\t  sight  of  this,  the  rest  Med  with  a 
diislardlv  fear  suitable  to  their  former  insolence.  .Soon 
afier.  they  submitted  in  a  bodv  to  (yolumbiis,  and  bound 
ihemsOlves  by  the  most  solemn  oaths  to  obey  all  his 
automaiids.     llar''lv  was  tranquillity  rc-cstablishod 


when  the  ships  appeared,  whose  arrival  Columbus  had 
promised  with  great  address,  though  he  could  foresee 
it  with  little  certainty.  M  itli  transports  of  joy  the 
Spaniards  quilted  an  island  in  which  the  unfeehng jea- 
lousy of  Uvando  had  suffered  them  to  languish  above 
a  year,  exposed  to  misery  in  all  its  various  forms. 

When  they  arrived  at  St.  Domingo  [.A.ug.  13],  the 
governor  with  the  mean  artifice  of  a  vulgar  mind,  that 
labors  to  atone  for  insolence  by  servility,  fawned  on 
the  man  whom  he  envied,  and  had  attempted  to  ruin. 
He  received  Columbus  with  the  most  studied  respect, 
lodged  him  in  his  own  house,  and  distinguished  him 
with  every  mark  of  honor.  But  amidst  those  over- 
acted demonstrations  of  regard,  he  could  not  conceal 
llie  hatred  and  malignity  latent  in  his  heart.  He  set 
at  liberty  the  captain  of  the  mutineers,  whom  Colum- 
bus had  brought  over  in  chains  to  be  tried  for  his 
crimes  ;  and  threatened  such  as  had  adhered  to  the 
admiral  with  proceeding  with  a  judicial  inquiry  into 
their  conduct.  Columbus  submitted  in  silence  to 
what  he  could  not  redress  ;  but  discovered  an  extreme 
impatience  to  quit  a  country  which  was  under  the  ju- 
risdiction of  a  man  who  had  treated  him,  on  every  oc- 
casion, with  inhumanity  and  injustice.  His  prepara- 
tions were  soon  finished,  and  he  set  sail  for  Spain  with 
two  ships  [Sept.  12J.  Disasters  similar  to  those  which 
had  accompanied  him  through  life  continued  to  pursue 
him  to  the  end  of  his  career.  One  of  his  vessels  being 
disabled,  was  soon  forced  back  to  St.  Domingo  ;  the 
other,  shattered  by  violent  storms,  sailed  several  hun- 
dred leagues  with  jury-masts,  and  reached  with  diffi- 
culty the  port  of  St.  Lucar  [December]. 

There  he  received  the  account  of  an  event  the  most 
fatal  that  could  have  befallen  him,  and  which  com- 
pleted his  misfortunes.  This  was  the  death  of  his  pa- 
troness Queen  Isabella  [Nov.  9],  in  whose  justice,  hu- 
manity, and  favor  he  confided  as  his  last  resource. 
None  now  remained  to  redress  his  wrongs,  or  to  re- 
ward him  for  his  services  and  sufferings,  but  Ferdi- 
nand, who  had  so  long  opposed  and  so  often  injured 
him.  To  solicit  a  prince  thus  prejudiced  against  him 
was  an  occupation  no  less  irksome  than  hopeless.  In 
this,  however,  was  Columbus  doomed  to  employ  the 
close  of  his  days.  As  soon  as  his  health  was  in  some 
degree  re-established,  he  repaired  to  court ;  and  though 
lie  was  received  there  with  civility  barely  decent,  he 
plied  Ferdinand  with  petition  after  petition,  demanding 
the  punishment  of  his  oppressors,  and  the  restitution  of 
all  the  privileges  bestowed  upon  him  by  the  capitula- 
tion of  one  thousand  four  hundred  and  ninety-two. 
Ferdinand  amused  him  with  fair  words  and  unmeaning 
promises.  Instead  of  granting  his  claims,  he  proposed 
expedients  in  order  to  elude  them,  and  spun  out  the 
affair  with  such  apparent  art,  as  plainly  discovered  his 
intention  that  it  should  never  bo  terminated.  The  de- 
clining health  of  Columbus  flattered  Ferdinand  with  the 
hopes  of  being  soon  delivered  from  an  importunate  sui- 
tor, and  encouraged  him  to  persevere  in  this  illiberal 
plan.  Nor  was  he  deceived  in  his  ex[)ectations.  Dis- 
gusted with  ingratitude  of  a  monarch  whom  he  had 
served  with  such  fidelity  and  success,  exhausted  with 
the  fatigues  and  hardships  which  he  had  endured  and 
broken  with  the  infirmities  which  these  had  brought 
upon  him,  Columbus  ended  his  life  at  Valladolid  on 
the  twentieth  of  May,  one  thousand  five  hundred  and 
six,  in  the  fifty-ninth  year  of  his  age.  He  died  with  a 
composure  of  mind  suitable  to  the  magnanimity  which 
distinguished  his  character,  and  with  sentiments  of 
piety  becoming  that  supreme  respect  for  religion  which 
he  manifested  in  every  occurrence  of  his  life. 


BOOK  III. 

state  of  the  colony  in  Ilispaniol.-i— New  war  with  the  Indians 
— Cruelty  of  tlie  Spaniarils — Fatal  regulations  concerning 
the  conililion  of  llio  Indians— Duiunution  of  that  people — 
Discovorios  and  settlements — First  colony  planted  on  the 
Continent— CoiHiuest  of  Cuha — Discover)'  of  Flor.da — ofllie 
South  Sea — Ciieal  expectations  raised  by  this — Causes  of 
disappointment  with  respect  to  these  for  some  time — Con- 
troversy concernini;  the  treatment  of  the  Indians — Contrary 
decisions— Zeal  of  the  ecclesiastics,  particularly  of  Las 
Ca-sas — Sin(;ularproceediii(!s  of  Xiiiienes—Ncgroes  imported 
into  America — Las  Casas'  idea  of  a  new  colony — peniulled 
to  attempt  it — unsuccessful — Discoveries  towards  the 
West— Yucatan— Cainpoachy-New  Spaiii-prcparations  for 
invadnig  it 

Wmi.K  Columbus  was  employed  in  his  last  voyage, 
several  events  worthy  of  notice  happened  in  Hispa- 
niola. The  colony  there,  the  parent  and  nurse  of  all 
the  subsequent  establishments  of  .Spain  in  the  New 
World,  gradually  ac(]uired  the  form  of  a  regular  and 
prosperous  society.  The  humane  solicitude  of  Isabella 
to  protect  the  IndiaOB  from  oppression,  and  particuhirly 
Uio  proclamation  by  which  the  Spaniards  were  pro- 


hibited to  compel  them  to  work,  retarded,  it  is  lni«. 
for  some  time  the  progress  of  improvement.  Th« 
natives,  who  considered  exemption  from  toil  as  cz 
treme  felicity,  scorned  every  allurement  and  reward 
by  which  they  were  invited  to  labor.  The  Spaniards 
had  not  a  sufficient  number  of  hands  either  to  work 
the  mines  or  to  cultivate  the  soil.  Several  of  the  first 
colonists  who  had  been  accustomed  to  the  service  of 
the  Indians,  quitted  the  island,  when  deprived  of  those 
instruments,  without  which  they  knew  not  how  to 
carry  on  any  operation.  Many  of  the  new  settlers  who 
came  over  with  Ovando,  were  seized  with  the  distem- 
pers peculiar  to  the  climate,  and  in  a  short  space  abovo 
i  a  thousand  of  them  died.  At  the  same  time,  the 
exacting  one-half  of  the  product  of  the  mines,  as  the 
royal  share,  was  found  to  be  a  demand  so  exorbitant 
that  no  adventurers  would  engage  to  work  them  upon 
such  terms.  In  order  to  save  the  colony  from  ruin, 
Ovando  ventured  to  relax  the  rigor  ol  the  royal  edict* 
[1.505].  He  made  a  new  distribution  of  the  Indian* 
among  the  Spaniards,  and  compelled  them  to  labor,  for 
a  stated  time,  in  digging  the  mines,  or  in  cultivating 
the  ground  ;  but  in  order  to  screen  himself  from  ihb 
imputation  of  having  subjected  them  again  to  servitude, 
he  enjoined  their  masters  to  pay  them  a  certain  sum, 
as  the  price  of  their  work.  He  reduced  the  royal 
share  of  the  gold  found  in  the  mines  from  ti  e  half  to 
the  third  part,  and  soon  after  lowered  it  to  a  fifth,  at 
which  it  long  remained.  Notwithstanding  Isabella'* 
tender  concern  for  the  good  treatment  of  the  Indians, 
and  Ferdinand's  eagerness  to  improve  the  royal  reve- 
nue, Ovando  persuaded  the  court  to  approve  of  both 
these  regulations. 

But  the  Indians,  after  enjoying  respite  from  op- 
pression, though  during  a  short  interval,  now  felt  the 
yoke  of  bondage  to  be  so  galling  that  they  made  S4've- 
ral  attempts  to  vindicate  their  own  hberty.  This  the 
Spaniards  considered  as  rebellion,  and  took  arms  in 
order  to  reduce  them  to  subjection.  When  war  i* 
carried  on  between  nations  whose  slate  of  improve- 
ment is  in  any  degree  similar,  the  means  of  defence 
bear  some  proportion  to  those  employed  in  the  attack  ; 
and  in  this  equal  contest  such  efforts  must  be  made, 
such  talents  arc  disjilayed,  and  such  passions  roused, 
as  cxhibil  mankind  to  view  in  a  situation  no  less  strik- 
ing than  interesting.  It  is  one  of  the  noblest  functions 
of  history  to  observe  and  to  delineate  men  at  a  junc- 
ture when  their  minds  are  most  violently  agitated,  and 
all  their  powers  and  passions  are  called  forth.  Hence 
the  operations  of  war,  and  the  struggles  between  con- 
tending states,  have  been  deemed  by  historians,  ancient 
as  well  as  modern,  a  ca])ital  and  important  article  in 
the  annals  of  human  actions.  But  in  a  contest  be- 
tween naked  savages,  and  one  of  the  most  warlike  of 
the  European  nations,  where  science,  courage,  and  dis- 
cipline on  one  side,  were  opposed  by  ignorance,  timi- 
dity, and  disorder  on  the  other,  a  particular  detail  of 
events  would  be  as  unpleasant  as  uninstructive.  If 
the  simplicity  and  innocence  of  the  Indians  had  inspired 
tlie  Spaniards  with  humanity,  had  softened  the  pride  of 
superiority  into  compassion,  and  had  induced  them  to 
improve  the  inhabitants  of  the  New  World,  instead  of 
oppressing  them,  some  sudden  acts  of  violence,  like 
the  too  rigorous  chastisements  of  impatient  instructors, 
might  have  been  related  without  horror.  But,  un- 
fortunately, this  consciousness  of  superiority  operated 
in  a  dillerent  manner.  The  Spaniards  were  advanced 
so  far  beyond  the  natives  of  .-Xmerica  in  improvement 
of  every  kind,  that  they  viewed  them  with  conlcinpl 
They  conceived  the  .\iiiericans  to  be  animals  of  an  in- 
ferior nature,  who  were  not  entitled  to  the  rights  and 
privileges  of  men.  In  peace  they  subjected  them  to 
servitude.  In  war  they  paid  no  regard  to  those  laws 
which,  by  a  tacit  convention  between  contending  na- 
tions, regulate  hostility,  and  set  some  bounds  to  its 
rage.  Th^y  considered  them  not  as  men  fighting  in 
defence  of  their  liberty,  but  as  slaves  who  had  re- 
volted against  their  masters.  Their  caziques,  when 
taken,  were  condemned,  like  the  leaders  of  banditti,  to 
the  most  cruel  and  ignominous  punishments  ;  and  all 
their  subjects,  witl.out  regarding  the  distinction  of 
ranks  established  among  them,  were  reduced  to  the 
same  str.le  of  abject  slavery.  With  such  a  spirit  and 
sentiments  were  hostilities  carried  on  against  the 
cazique  of  Higuey,  a  ))rovincc  at  the  eastern  extremity 
of  the  island.  This  was  occasioned  by  the  ])erfidy  of 
the  Spaniards,  in  violating  a  treaty  which  tliey  had 
made  with  the  natives,  and  it  was  terminated  '•y 
hanging  up  the  cazique,  who  defended  his  people  with 
bravery'  so  far  superior  to  that  of  his  counir)  incn,  w 
entitled  him  to  a  better  fate. 

The  conduct  of  Ovando,  in  another  part  of  ihr  island. 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


9 


was  slili  m'^e  treacherous  and  cruel.  'J  he  ])roviiice 
aiiciiMitlv  named  Xaragiia,  which  extends  from  tlie  fer- 
tile ()luin  where  Lcogaiie  is  now  situated  to  tlie  western 
exlrenntv  of  the  island,  was  subject  to  a  lemale  ca- 
zi<(US,  named  Anacoana,  highly  respected  by  the  natives. 
She,  from  that  partial  fondness  with  which  the  women 
of  America  were  attached  to  the  Europeans  (the  cause 
of  which  shall  be  afterwards  explained),  had  always 
courted  the  friendship  of  the  Spaniards,  and  loaded 
them  with  beiiehts.  But  some  of  the  adherents  of 
Koldan  having  settled  in  her  country,  were  so  mucii 
exasperated  at  her  endeavoring  to  restrain  their  ex- 
cesses, that  they  accused  her  of  having  formed  a  plan 
to  throw  olf  the  yoke,  and  to  exterminate  the  Spaniards. 
Ovando,  though  he  knew  well  what  little  cretiit  was 
due  to  such  prolligate  men,  marched,  without  further 
inquiry,  towards  Xaragua,  with  three  hundred  foot  and 
seventy  horsemen.  To  prevent  the  Indians  from  taking 
alarm  at  this  hostile  appearance,  he  gave  out  that  his  sole 
intention  was  to  visit  Anacoana,  to  whom  his  country- 
men had  been  so  much  indebted,  in  the  most  respect- 
ful manner,  and  to  regulate  with  her  the  mode  of  levy- 
ing the  tribute  payable  to  the  king  of  Spain.  Anaco- 
ana, in  order  to  receive  this  illustrious  guest,  with  due 
honor,  assembled  the  principal  men  in  her  dominions, 
to  the  number  of  three  hundred  ;  and  advancing  at  the 
head  of  these,  accompanied  by  a  great  crowd  of  per- 
sons of  inferior  rank,  she  welcomed  Ovando  with 
songs  and  dances,  according  to  the  mode  of  the 
country,  and  conducted  him  to  the  place  of  her  rcsi- 
deme.  There  he  was  feasted  for  some  days,  with  all 
the  kindness  of  simple  hospitality,  and  amused  with 
the  games  and  spectacles  usual  among  the  Americans 
upon  occasions  of  mirth  and  festivity.  But  amidst  the 
security  which  this  inspired,  Ovando  was  meditating 
the  destruction  of  his  unsuspicious  entertainer  and  her 
sulijects  ;  and  the  mean  perfidy  with  which  he  ex- 
ecuted this  scheme,  equalled  his  barbarity  in  forming 
it.  Under  color  of  exhibiting  to  the  Indians  the  pa- 
rade of  a  European  tournament,  he  advanced  with  his 
troops,  in  battle  array,  towards  the  house  in  which 
Anacoana  and  the  chiefs  who  attended  her  were  as- 
sembled. The  infantry  took  possession  of  all  the 
avenues  which  led  to  the  village.  T.he  horsemen  en- 
co'npassed  the  house.  Those  movements  were  the  object 
of  admiration,  without  any  mixture  of  fear,  until,  upon 
a  signal  which  had  been  concerted,  the  Spaniards  sud- 
denly drew  their  swords,  and  rushed  upon  the  Indians, 
defenceless,  and  astonished  at  an  act  of  trcacliery 
which  exceeded  the  concejjtion  ol  undesigning  men. 
In  a  moment  Anacoana  was  secured.  All  her  attend- 
ants were  seized  and  bound.  Fire  was  set  to  the 
house  ;  and  without  examination  or  conviction,  all  these 
unhappy  persons,  hlie  most  illustrious  in  their  OvS'n 
country,  were  consumed  in  the  flames.  Anacoana 
was  reserved  for  a  more  ignominious  fate.  She  was 
carried  in  chains  to  St.  Domingo,  and,  after  the  for- 
mality of  a  trial  before  Spanish  judges,  she  was  con- 
demned, upon  the  evidence  of  those  very  men  who  had 
betrayed  her,  to  be  puolicly  hanged. 

Overawed  and  humbled  by  this  atrocious  treatment 
of  their  princes  and  nobles,  who  were  objects  of  their 
highest  reverence,  the  people  in  all  the  provinces  of 
Hispaniola  submitted,  without  further  resistance  to  the 
Spanish  yoke.  Upon  the  death  of  Isabella  all  the  re- 
gulations tending  to  mitigate  the  rigor  of  their  servi- 
tude were  forgotten.  The  small  gratuity  paid  to  them 
as  the  price  of  their  labor  was  withdrawn,  and  at  the 
same  time  the  tasks  imposed  upon  them  were  increased 
[laOB].  Ovando,  without  any  restraint,  distributed 
Indians  among  his  friends  in  the  island.  Ferdinand, 
to  whom  the  queen  had  left  by  will  one-half  of  the  re- 
venue arising  from  the  settlements  in  the  New  World, 
conferred  grants  of  a  similar  nature  u[)on  his  courtiers, 
as  the  least  expensive  mode  of  rewarding  their  ser- 
vices. They  farmed  out  the  Indians,  of  whom  they 
were  rendered  proprietors,  to  their  countrymen  set- 
tled in  Hispaniola  ;  and  that  wretched  people,  being 
compelled  to  labor  in  order  to  satisfy  the  rapacity  of 
both,  the  exactions  of  their  oppressors  no  longer  knew 
»ny  bounds.  But,  barbarous  as  tiieir  policy  was,  and 
fatal  to  the  inhabitants  of  Hispaniola,  it  produced,  for 
Dome  Cum,  very  considerable  ctfects.  By  calling  forth 
the  force  of  a  whole  nation,  and  exerting  itself  in  one 
direction,  the  forking  of  the  mines  was  carried  on  with 
•ma-iing  rapidity  snd  success.  During  several  years 
the  gold  brought  into  the  royal  smelting-houses  in  His- 
paniola amounted  annually  to  four  hundred  and  sixty 
tliousand  pesos,  above  a  hundred  thousand  pounds  ster- 
ling ;  which,  if  we  attend  to  the  great  change  in  the 
value  of  miney  since  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth 
♦taitury  to  the  present  times,  must  appear  a  consider- 


able sum.  Vast  fortunes  were  created,  of  a  sudden, 
by  some.  Others  dissi])ated,  in  ostentatious  prolusion, 
what  they  acquired  with  facility.  Dazzled  by  both, 
new  adventurers  crowded  to  America,  with  the  most 
eager  impatience,  to  share  in  those  treastires  which  had 
enriched  their  countrymen  ;  and,  notwithstanding  the 
mortality  occasioned  by  the  unhealthiness  of  the  climate, 
the  colony  continued  to  increase. 

Ovando  governed  the  Spaniards  with  wisdom  and 
justice  not  inferior  to  the  rigor  with  which  he  treated 
the  Indians.  He  established  equal  laws  ;  and,  by  ex- 
ecuting them  with  impartiality,  accustomed  the  people 
of  the  colony  to  reverence  them.  He  founded  severaj  new 
towns  in  different  parts  of  theisland,  and  alluicd  inhabit- 
ants to  them  by  the  concession  of  various  immunities. 
He  endeavored  to  turn  the  attention  of  the  Spaniards  to 
some  branch  of  industry  more  useful  than  that  of  searching 
for  gold  in  the  mines  Some  slips  of  the  sugarcane  having 
been  brought  from  the  Canary  islands  by  way  of  experi- 
ment, they  were  found  to  thrive  with  such  increase  in  the 
rich  soil  and  warm  cilmate  to  which  they  were  trans- 
planted, that  the  cultivation  of  them  soon  became  an 
object  of  commerce.  Extensive  plantations  were  be- 
gun ;  sugarworks,  which  the  Spaniards  called  ingcmos, 
from  the  various  machinery  employed  in  them,  were 
erected,  and  in  a  few  years  the  manufacture  of  this 
commodity  was  the  great  occupation  of  the  inhabitants 
of  Hispaniola,  and  the  most  considerable  source  of  their 
wealth. 

The  prudent  endeavors  of  Ovando,  to  promote  the 
welfare  of  the  colony,  were  powerfully  seconded  by 
Ferdinand.  The  large  remittances  which  he  received 
from  the  New  World  opened  his  eyes,  at  length,  with 
respect  to  the  importance  of  these  discoveries,  which 
he  had  hitherto  affected  to  undervalue.  Fortune,  and 
his  own  address,  having  now  extricated  him  out  ol 
those  difliulties  in  which  he  had  been  involved  by  the 
death  of  his  queen  [1507],  and  by  his  disputes  with  his 
son-in-law  about  the  government  of  her  dominions,  he 
had  full  leisure  to  turn  his  attention  to  the  affairs  of 
America.  To  his  provident  sagacity  Spain  is  indebted 
for  many  of  those  regulations  which  gradually  formed 
that  system  of  profound  but  jealous  policy,  by  which 
she  governs  her  dominions  in  the  New  World.  He 
erected  a  court  distinguished  by  the  title  of  Casa  de 
Contralacion,  or  Board  of  Trade,  composed  of  persons 
eminent  for  rank  and  abilities,  to  whom  ho  committed 
the  administration  of  American  3 Hairs.  This  board  as- 
sembled regularly  in  Seville,  and  was  invested  with  a  dis- 
tinct and  extensive  jurisdiction.  He  gave  a  regular  form 
to  ecclesiastical  government  in  America,  by  nominating 
archbishops,  bishops,  deans,  together  with  clergymen 
of  subordinate  ranks,  to  take  charge  of  the  Spaniards  es- 
tablished there,  as  w  ell  as  of  the  natives  who  -should  em- 
brace the  Christian  faith,  but  notwithstanding  the  obse- 
quious devotion  of  the  Spanish  court  to  the  papal  see, 
such  was  Ferdinands'  solicitude  to  prevent  any  foreign 
power  from  claiming  jurisdiction,  or  acquiring  intiu- 
ence,  in  his  new  dominions,  tliat  he  reserved  to  the 
crown  of  Spain  the  sole  right  of  patronage  to  the  bene- 
fices in  America,  and  stipulated  that  no  papal  bull  or 
mandate  should  be  promulgated  there  until  it  was  pre- 
viously examined  and  approved  of  bv  his  council.  With 
the  same  spirit  of  jealousy,  he  prohibited  any  goods  to 
be  exported  to  America,  or  any  person  to  settle  there 
without  a  special  license  from  that  council. 

But,  notwithstanding  this  attention  to  the  police  and 
welfare  of  the  colony,  a  calamity  impended  which 
threatened  its  dissolution.  The  original  inhabitants, 
on  whose  labor  the  Spaniards  in  Hispaniola  depended 
for  their  prosperity,  and  even  their  existence,  wasted  so 
fast  that  the  extinction  of  the  whole  race  seemed  to  be 
inevitable.  When  Columbus  discovered  Hispaniola, 
the  number  of  its  inhabitants  was  computed  to  be  at 
least  a  million.  They  were  now  reduced  to  sixty  thou- 
sand in  the  space  of  fifteen  years.  This  consumption 
of  the  human  species,  no  less  amazing  than  rajud,  was 
the  effect  of  several  concurring  causes.  The  natives  of 
the  American  islands  were  of  a  more  feeble  constitu- 
tion than  the  inhabitants  of  the  other  hemisphere.  They 
could  neither  perform  the  same  work  nor  endure  the 
same  fatigue  with  men  whose  organs  were  of  a  more 
vigorous  conformatioq.  The  listless  indolence  in  which 
they  delighted  to  pass  their  days,  as  it  was  the  effect  ol 
their  debility,  contributed  likewise  to  increase  it,  and 
rendered  them  from  habit,  as  well  as  constitution,  inca- 
pable of  hard  labor.  The  food  on  which  they  subsisted 
afforded  little  nourishment,  and  they  were  accustomed 
to  take  it  in  small  quantities,  not  sufficient  to  invigorate 
a  languid  frame,  and  render  it  equal  to  the  efforts  of 
active  industry.  The  Spaniards,  without  attending  to 
those  peculiarities  in  the  constitution  of  the  Americans 


imposed  tasks  upon  them  which,  though  not  j7roat(  r 
than  Europeans  might  have  performed  with  ease,  wcit 
so  disproportioned  to  \\\v\x  sirengih,  that  i«anv  .suni 
under  the  faiigue,  and  ended  their  wretched  day«. 
Others,  prompted  by  im|)aticnce  and  despair,  cut  ^hort 
their  own  lives  with  a  violent  hand.  Famine,  brought 
on  by  compelling  such  numbers  to  abandon  the  culture 
of  their  lands,  in  order  to  labor  in  the  mines,  provej 
fatal  to  many.  Diseases  of  various  kinds,  some  occa- 
sioned by  the  hardships  to  which  they  were  exposed, 
and  others  by  their  intercourse  with  the  Europeans, 
who  communicated  to  them  some  of  their  jicculiar  ma- 
ladies, completed  the  desolation  of  the  island.  The 
Spaniards,  being  thus  dejirived  of  the  iiiBtruments  which 
they  were  accustomed  to  employ,  found  it  impossible 
to  extend  their  improvements,  or  even  to  <  arry  on  the 
works  which  they  had  already  begun  [1508).  In  order 
to  jirovide  an  immediate  remedy  for  an  evil  s"  alarm- 
ing, Ovando  proposed  to  transport  the  in..oi)itants  of 
the  Lucayo  islands  to  Hispaniola,  under  pretence  that 
they  might  be  civilized  with  more  facility,  and  instruct- 
ed to  greater  advantage  in  the  Christian  religion,  if  they 
were  united  to  the  Spanish  colony,  and  jjlaced  under  the 
immediate  inspection  of  the  missionaries  settled  there. 
Ferdinand,  deceived  by  this  artifice,  or  willing  to  con- 
nive at  an  act  of  violence  which  policy  represented  as 
necessary,  gave  his  assent  to  the  proposal.  Several 
vessels  were  fitted  out  for  the  Lucayos.  the  comman- 
ders of  which  infonne<l  the  natives,  with  whose  lan- 
guage they  were  now  well  acquainted,  that  they  came 
from  a  delicious  country,  in  which  the  departed  ances- 
tors of  the  Indians  resided,  by  whom  they  were  sent  to 
invite  their  descendants  to  resort  thither,  to  partake  of 
the  bliss  enjoyed  there  by  happv  spirits.  That  simple 
people  listened  with  wonder  and  credulity  ;  and,  fond 
of  visiting  their  relations  and  friends  in  that  happy  re- 
gion, followed  the  Spaniards  with  eagerness.  By  this 
artifice  above  forty  thousand  were  decoyed  into  His- 
paniola, to  share  in  the  suflcrings  which  were  the  lot  o( 
the  inhabitants  of  that  island,  and  to  mingle  their  groans 
and  tears  with  tho.se  of  that  wretched  race  of  men. 

The  Spaniards  had,  for  some  time,  carried  on  their 
operations  in  the  mines  of  Hispaniola  with  such  ardor 
as  well  as  success,  that  these  seemed  to  have  en- 
grossed their  whole  attention.  The  spirit  of  discovery 
languished;  and,  since  the  last  voyage  of  ColumbuUi 
no  enteqirise  of  any  moment  had  been  undertaken. 
But  as  the  decrease  of  the  Indians  rendered  it  impossi- 
ble  to  acquire  wealth  in  that  island  wiib  the  simo 
rapidity  as  formerly,  this  urged  some  of  the  more 
adventurous  Si)aniards  to  search  for  new  countries, 
where  their  avarice  might  be  gratified  with  mor*- 
facility.  Juan  Ponce  de  Leon,  who  commanded  nndei 
Ov.  ndo  m  the  eastern  district  of  His[)aniola,  passed 
over  to  the  island  of  St.  Juande  Puerto  Rico,  w  hich  ('o- 
lumbus  had  discovered  in  his  second  voyage,  and  pene- 
trated into  the  interior  part  of  the  country.  As  he 
found  the  soil  to  be  fertile,  and  expected,  from  sornp 
symptoms,  as  well  as  from  the  information  of  the  in- 
habitants, to  discover  mines  of  gold  in  the  mountains, 
Ovando  permitted  him  to  attempt  making  a  settlement 
in  the  island.  This  was  easily  effected  by  an  officer 
eminent  for  conduct  no  less  than  for  courage.  In  a 
few  years  Puerto  Rico  was  subjected  to  the  Spanish 
government,  the  natives  were  reduced  to  servitude  ; 
and  being  treated  with  the  same  inconsiderate  rigor 
as  their  neighbors  in  Hispaniola,  the  race  of  original 
inhabitants,  worn  out  wilh  fatigue  and  sufferini;s,  was 
soon  exterininalecl. 

.\bout  the  same  time  Juan  Diaz  de  Solis,  in  conjun.,- 
tion  with  Vincent  Yanez  Pinzon,  one  of  Columbus's 
original  com|)anions,  made  a  voyage  to  the  coniinent. 
They  held  the  same  course  which  Columbus  had  taken 
as  far  as  the  island  of  Ouanaios  ;  but,  standing  from 
thence  to  the  west,  they  discovered  a  new  and  exten- 
sive province,  alierwards  known  by  the  name  of  Yuca- 
tan, and  proceeded  a  considerable  way  along  the  coast 
of  that  country.  Though  nothing  memorable  occurred 
in  this  voyage,  it  deserves  notice,  because  it  led  to  dis- 
coveries of  greater  importance.  For  llie  same  reason 
the  vogage  of  Sebastian  de  0cam|)O  must  be  men- 
tioned. By  the  command  of  Ovando  he  sailed  round 
Cuba,  and  first  discovered  with  certainty,  that  this 
country,  which  Columbus  once  supposed  to  be  a  part 
of  the  continent,  was  a  large  island. 

This  voyage  round  Cuba  was  one  of  the  last  occur- 
rences under  the  administration  of  Ovando.  Evci 
since  the  death  of  Columbus,  his  son,  Don  Diego,  had 
been  employed  in  soliciting  Ferdinand  to  grant  him  the 
ortices  of  viceroy  and  admiral  in  the  New  W'or  d,  to 
gether  with  all  the  other  immunities  and  profits  uvbich 
descended  \o  him  by  iiiiicr  taiicc,  in  consuuonce  of  tiis 


93 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


origins!  capitulation  with  his  father.  But  if  these 
dignities  an-l  revcmies  appeared  so  considerable  to 
Ferdinand,  that,  at  tlic  expense  of  being  deemed  un- 
just as  well  as  ungrateful,  he  had  wrested  them  from 
Columbus,  it  was  not  surprising  that  he  should  be 
nuwilling  to  confer  them  on  his  son.  Accordingly 
Uon  Diego  wasted  two  years  in  incessant  but  fruitless 
•mportiinity.  Weary  of  this,  he  endeavored  at  length 
to  obtain  by  a  legal  sentence  what  he  could  not  pro- 
cure froiri  the  favor  of  an  interested  monarch  He 
commenced  a  suit  against  Ferdinand  before  the  coun- 
cil which  managed  Indian  affairs  ;  and  that  court,  with 
integrity  which  reflects  honor  upon  its  proceedings, 
decided  against  the  king,  and  sustained  Don  Diego's 
claim  of  the  viceroyalty,  together  with  all  the  other 
privileges  stipulated  in  the  capitulation.  Even  after 
this  decree  Ferdinand's  repugnance  to  put  a  subject  in 
po.-i.sessioii  of  such  extensive  rights  might  have  tlirown 
in  new  obstacles,  if  Don  Diego  had  not  taken  a  step 
which  interested  very  powerful  persons  in  the  success 
of  his  claims.  The  sentence  of  the  council  of  the 
Indies  gave  him  a  title  to  a  rank  so  elevated,  and  a 
fortune  so  opulent,  that  he  found  no  difficulty  in  con- 
cluding a  marriage  with  Donna  Maria,  daughter  of  Don 
Ferdinand  de  Toledo,  great  comiiieiidator  of  Leon, 
and  brother  of  the  duke  of  Alva,  a  nobleman  of  the 
first  rank,  and  nearly  related  to  the  king.  The  duke 
a. id  his  family  esjioused  so  warmly  the  cause  of  their 
nf"  ally,  that  Ferdinand  could  not  resist  their  solicita- 
tions [1509].  He  recalled  Ovando,  and  appointed 
Don  Diego  liis  successor,  though  even  in  conferring 
thi«  favor  he  could  not  conceal  his  jealousy  ;  for  he 
»Kiwed  him  to  assume  only  the  title  of  governor,  not 
that  of  viceroy,  which  had  been  adjudged  to  belong 
vo  hiin. 

Don  Diego  quickly  repaired  to  Hispaniola,  attended 
bv  his  brother,  his  uncles,  his  wife,  whom  the  courtesy 
of  the  Spaniards  honored  with  the  title  of  vice-queen, 
and  a  lu  rnerous  retinue  of  persons  of  both  se,xes  born- 
of  good  families.  He  lived  with  a  splendor  and  mag- 
nificence hitherto  unknown  in  the  New  World  ;  and 
the  family  of  Columbus  seeinea  now  to  enjoy  the  honors 
and  rewards  due  to  his  inventive  genius,  of  which  he 
nimsclf  had  been  cruelly  defrauded.  The  colony  itself 
acquired  new  lustre  by  the  accession  of  so  many  in- 
habitants, of  a  ditferent  rank  and  character  from  most 
of  those  who  had  hitherto  migrated  to  America,  and 
many  of  the  most  illustrious  families  in  the  Spanish 
settlements  are  descended  from  the  persons  who  at 
tJiat  time  accompanied  Don  Diego  (Columbus. 

No  benefits  accrued  to  the  unhappy  natives  from 
this  change  of  governors.  Don  Diego  was  not  only 
authorized  by  a  royal  edict  to  continue  the  rcparti- 
mienlos,  or  distribution  of  Indians,  but  the  particular 
number  which  he  might  grant  to  everv  person,  accord- 
ing to  his  rank  in  the  colony,  was  specified.  He 
tvailed  himself  of  that  i)ermission  ;  and  soon  after  he 
landed  at  St.  Domingo,  he  divided  such  Indians  as 
were  still  unappropriated,  among  his  relations  and 
attendants. 

The  next  care  of  the  new  governer  was  to  comply 
with  an  instruction  which  he  received  from  the  king, 
about  settling  a  colonv  in  Cuba^ua,  a  small  island 
which  Columbus  had  discovered  m  his  third  voyage. 
Though  this  barren  spot  hardly  yielded  subsistence  to 
its  wretched  inhabitants,  such  quantities  of  those  oys- 
ters which  produce  pearls  were  found  on  its  coast,  that 
It  did  not  long  escape  the  inquisitive  avarice  of  the 
Spaniards,  and  became  a  place  of  considerable  resort. 
Large  fortunes  were  acquired  by  the  fishery  of  pearls, 
which  was  carried  on  with  extraordinary  ardor.  The 
Indians,  especially  those  from  the  Lucayo  islands,  were 
compelled  to  dive  for  them  ;  and  this  dangerous  and 
unhealthy  cinplovment  was  an  additional  calamity 
which  contril)uted  not  a  little  to  the  extinction  of 
that  devoted  race. 

About  this  period,  Juan  Diaz  do  Solis  aiid  Pinzon 
Bet  out,  in  conjunction,  upon  a  second  voyage.  They 
Mtood  directly  south,  towards  the  equinoctial  line, 
which  I'inzon  had  formerly  crossed,  and  advanced  as 
far  as  the  fortieth  degree  of  southern  latitude.  They 
were  astonished  to  find  that  the  continent  of  Amcric* 
itr"lchud  on  their  right  hand  through  all  this  vast  ex- 
tent ol  ocean.  Tiiey  landed  in  different  places,  to 
take  possession  in  name  of  their  sovereign  ;  but  though 
the  country  appeared  to  be  extremely  fertile  and  in- 
viting, their  force  was  so  small,  having  been  fitted  out 
rather  for  discovery  than  making  settlements,  that  they 
left  no  colony  behind  Ihoin.  Their  voyage  served, 
however,  to  give  the  Spaiiiiirdn  more  exalted  and 
•deqiiate  ideaa  with  respect  It  the  dimensions  of  this 
oew  quirt^-r  of  the  globe. 


Though  it  was  about  ten  years  since  Columbus  had 
discovered  the  main  land  of  America,  the  Spaniards 
had  hitherto  made  no  scttleineiit  in  any  part  of  it. 
What  had  been  so  long  neglected  was  now  seriously 
attempted,  and  with  considerable  vigor ;  though  the 
plan  for  this  purpose  was  neither  formed  by  the  crown, 
nor  executed  at  the  expense  of  the  nation,  but  carried 
on  by  the  enterprising  spirit  of  private  adventurers. 
The  scheme  took  its  rise  from  Alonso  de  Ojeda,  who 
had  already  made  two  voyages  as  a  discoverer,  by 
which  he  acquired  considerable  reputation,  but  no 
wealth.  But  his  character  for  intrepidity  and  conduct 
easily  procured  him  associates,  who  advanced  the 
money  requisite  to  defray  the  charges  of  the  expe- 
dition. About  the  same  time,  Diego  de  Nicuessa,  who 
had  acquired  a  large  fortune  in  Hispaniola,  formed  a 
similar  design.  Ferdinand  encouraged  both ;  and 
though  he  refused  to  advance  the  smallest  sum,  he 
was  extremely  liberal  of  titles  and  patents.  He  erected 
two  governments  on  the  continent,  one  extending  from 
Cape  de  Vela  to  the  Gulf  of  Darien,  and  the  other  from 
that  to  Cape  Gracias  a  Dios.  The  former  was  given  to 
Ojeda,  the  latter  to  Nicuessa.  Ojeda  fitted  out  a  ship 
and  two  brigantincs,  with  three  hundred  men  ;  Nicuessa 
six  vessels  with  seven  hundred  and  eighty  men.  They 
sailed  about  the  same  time  from  St.  Domingo  for 
their  respective  governments.  In  order  to  give  their 
title  to  those  countries  some  appearance  of  validity, 
several  of  the  most  eminent  divines  and  lawyers  in 
Spain  were  employed  to  prescribe  the  mode  in  which 
they  should  take  possession  of  them.  There  is 
not  in  the  history  of  mankind  any  thing  more  sin- 
gular or  extravagant  than  the  form  which  they  devised 
for  this  purpose.  They  instructed  those  invaders,  as 
soon  as  they  landed  on  the  continent,  to  declare  to  the 
natives  the  principal  articles  of  the  Christian  faith  ;  to 
ac(;uaint  them  in  particular,  with  the  supreme  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  Pope  over  all  the  kingdoms  of  the  earth ; 
to  inform  them  of  the  grant  which  this  holy  pontiff  had 
made  of  their  country  to  the  king  of  Spain  ;  to  require 
them  to  embrace  the  doctrines  of  that  religion  wliich 
the  Spaniards  made  known  to  them  ;  and  to  submit  to 
the  sovereign  whose  authority  they  proclaimed.  If 
the  natives  refused  to  comply  with  this  requisition,  the 
terms  of  which  must  have  been  utterly  incomjirciien- 
sible  to  uninstructed  Indians,  then  Ojeda  and  Nicuessa 
were  authorized  to  attack  them  with  fire  and  sword  ; 
to  reduce  them,  their  wives  and  children,  to  a  state  of 
servitude  ;  and  to  compel  them  by  force  to  recognise 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  church,  and  the  authority  of  the 
monarch,  to  which  they  would  not  voluntarily  subject 
themselves.  [23] 

As  the  inhabitants  of  the  country  could  not  at  once 
yield  assent  to  doctrines  too  refined  for  their  uncul- 
tivated understandings,  and  explained  to  them  by  in- 
terpreters imperfectly  acquainted  with  their  lai.guage  ; 
as  they  did  not  conceive  how  a  foreign  priest,  of  whom 
they  had  never  heard,  could  have  any  right  to  dispose 
of  their  country,  or  how  an  unknown  prince  should 
claim  jurisdiction  over  them  as  his  subjects  ;  they 
fiercely  opposed  the  new  invaders  of  their  territories. 
Ojeda  and  Nicuessa  endeavoured  to  effect  by  force 
what  they  could  not  accomplish  by  persuasion.  The 
contemporary  writers  enter  into  a  very  minute  detail  in 
relating  their  transactions  ;  but  as  they  made  no  dis- 
covery of  importance,  nor  established  any  permanent 
settlement,  their  adventures  arc  not  entitlrd  to  any 
considerable  place  in  the  general  history  of  a  period 
where  ijgmantic  valor,  struggling  with  incredible  hard- 
shijjs,  distinguishes  every  effort  of  the  Spanish  arms 
They  found  the  natives  in  those  countries  of  which 
they  went  to  assume  the  government,  to  be  of  a  cha- 
racter very  dilferent  from  that  of  their  countrymen  in 
the  islands.  They  were  free  and  warlike.  'I'lieir  ar- 
rows were  dipped  in  a  poison  so  noxious,  that  every 
wound  was  followed  with  certain  death.  In  one  en- 
counter they  slew  above  seventy  of  Ojeda's  followers, 
and  the  Spaniards,  for  the  first  time,  wore  taught  to 
dread  the  inhabitants  of  the  New  World.  Nicuessa 
was  opposed  by  people  equally  resolute  in  defence  of 
their  pi^ssessions.  Nothing  could  soften  their  lerocity. 
Thougti  the  Spaniards  employed  every  art  to  soothe 
them,  and  to  gam  their  confidence,  they  refused  to  hold 
any  intercourse,  or  to  exchange  any  friendly  ollice, 
with  men  whose  residence  among  them  they  considered 
as  fatal  to  their  liberty  and  independence  [15U)].  Tins 
implacable  enmity  of  the  natives,  though  it  rendered 
an  attempt  to  estiiblish  a  settlement  in  their  country 
extreiiK'ly  dillicult  as  well  as  dangerous,  might  have 
been  surmounted  at  length  by  the  perseverance  of  the 
.Spaniards,  by  the  superiority  of  their  arms,  and  their 
skill  in  the  art  of  war.    But  every  disaster  which  can 


be  accumulated  upon  the  unfortunate  com'oined  to  coot- 
plete  their  ruin.  The  less  of  their  ships  by  Tsrioui 
accidents  upon  an  unknown  coast,  the  diseases  pe- 
culiar to  a  climate  the  most  noxious  in  all  America, 
the  want  of  provisions  unavoidable  in  a  country  imper- 
fectly cultivated,  dissension  among  themselves,  and  the 
incessant  hostilities  of  the  natives,  involved  them  in  a 
succession  of  calamities,  the  bear  recital  of  which 
strikes  one  with  horror.  Though  they  received  two 
considerable  reinforcements  from  Hispaniola,  the 
greater  part  of  those  who  had  engaged  in  this  unhappy 
expedition  perished^  in  less  than  a  year,  in  the  most 
extreme  misery.  A  few  who  survived  settled  as  a 
feeble  colony  at  Santa  Maria  el  Antigua,  on  the  Gulf 
of  Darien,  under  the  command  of  Vasco  Nugnez  de 
Balboa,  who,  in  the  most  desperate  exigencies,  dis- 
played such  courage  and  conduct  as  first  gained  the 
confidence  of  his  countrymen,  and  marked  him  out  as 
their  leader  in  more  splendid  and  successful  under- 
takings. Nor  was  he  the  only  adventurer  in  this  ex- 
pedition who  will  appear  with  lustre  in  more  important 
scenes.  Francisco  Pizarro  was  one  of  Ojeda's  com- 
panions, and  in  this  school  of  adversity  acquired  or 
improved  the  alents  which  fitted  him  for  the  extraor- 
dinary actions  which  he  afterwards  performed.  Her- 
nan  Cortes,  whose  name  became  still  more  famous, 
had  likewise  engaged  early  in  this  enterprise,  which 
roused  all  the  active  youth  of  Hispaniola  to  arms  ;  but 
the  good  fortune  that  accompanied  him  in  his  subse- 
quent adventures  interposed  to  save  him  from  the  dis- 
asters to  which  his  companions  were  exposed.  He 
was  taken  ill  at  St.  Domingo  before  the  departure  of 
the  fleet,  and  detained  there  by  a  tedious  indisposition. 

Notwithstanding  the  unfortunate  issue  of  this  expe- 
dition, the  Spaniards  were  not  deterred  from  engaging 
in  new  schemes  of  a  similar  nature.  MTien  wealth  is 
acquired  gradually  by  the  pcrserving  hand  of  industry, 
or  accumulated  by  the  slow  operations  of  regular  com- 
merce, the  means  employed  are  so  proportioned  to  the 
end  attained,  that  there  is  nothing  to  strike  the  imagi- 
nation, and  little  to  urge  on  the  active  powers  of  the 
mind  to  uncommon  efforts.  But  when  large  fortunes 
were  created  almost  instantaneously  ;  when  gold  and 
pearls  were  procured  in  exchange  for  baubles  ;  when 
the  countries  which  produced  these  rich  commodities, 
defended  only  hy  naked  savages,  might  be  seized  by 
the  first  bold  invader  ;  objects  so  singular  and  alluring 
roused  a  wonderful  spirit  of  enterprise  among  the 
Spaniards,  who  rushed  with  ardor  into  this  ro-f--  na'h 
that  was  opened  to  wealth  and  distinctior.  Wiile 
this  spirit  continued  warm  and  vigorous,  every  attempt 
either  towards  discovery  or  conquest  was  applauded, 
and  adventurers  engaged  in  it  with  emulation.  The 
passion  for  new  undertakings,  which  characterizes  the 
age  of  discovery  in  the  latter  part  of  the  fifteenth  and 
beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century,  would  alone  have 
been  sufficient  to  prevent  the  Spaniards  from  stopping 
short  in  their  career.  But  circumstances  peculiar  to 
Hispaniola,  at  this  juncture,  concurred  with  it  in  ex- 
tending their  navigation  and  conquests.  The  rigorous 
treatment  of  the  inhabitants  of  that  island  having  al- 
most extirpated  the  race,  many  of  the  Spanish  plant- 
ers, PS  I  have  alrcaily  observed,  finding  it  impossible 
to  carry  on  their  works  with  the  same  vigor  and  profit, 
were  obliged  to  look  out  for  settlements  in  some  coun- 
try where  people  were  not  yet  wasted  by  oppression 
Others,  with  the  inconsiderate  levity  natural  to  men 
upon  whom  wealth  pours  in  with  a  sudden  flow,  had 
squandered  in  thoughtless  prodigality  what  they  a  .■- 
quired  with  ease,  and  were  driven  by  necessity  to  em 
bark  in  the  most  desperate  schemes,  in  order  to  re- 
trieve their  affairs.  From  all  these  causes,  w  hen  Don 
Diego  Columbus  proposed  [151 1]  to  conquer  the  island 
of  Cuba,  and  to  establish  a  colonv  there,  many  persons 
of  chief  distinction  in  Hispaniola  engaged  with  sla 
crity  in  the  measure.  He  gave  the  command  of  the 
troops  destined  for  that  service  to  Diego  Valasquez, 
one  of  his  father's  companions  in  his  second  voyage, 
and  who,  having  been  long  settled  in  Hispaniola.  had 
acquired  an  ample  fortune,  with  such  reputation  for 
|)robity  and  pnidence,  that  he  seemed  to  be  well  quali- 
fied for  conducting  an  ('X|Hxlition  of  importance.  Three 
hundred  men  were  deemed  suflicient  for  the  conquest 
of  an  island  of  above  seven  hundred  miles  in  longth, 
and  filled  with  inhabitants.  But  iney  were  of  the 
same  unwarlike  character  with  the  people  of  Hispa« 
niola.  They  were  not  only  intimidated  by  the  appear- 
ance of  their  new  enemies,  but  unprepared  to  resist 
them.  For  though,  from  the  time  that  the  Sp3nla^l!l 
took  possession  of  the  adjacent  island,  thtro  w«» 
reason  to  expect  a  descent  on  their  territories,  non* 
of  tlie  small  communities  into  which  Cuba  wa.'*  • 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


93 


flded,  had  c'iiIkt  inadi:  any  provision  for  its  own  de- 
fence, or  had  I'onni'd  any  concert  for  their  common 
safety.  The  only  obstruction  the  Spaniards  met  with 
was  from  ILitnev,  a  cazique,  who  iiad  tied  from  His- 
paiiiola,  and  had  taken  possession  of  the  eastern  extrc- 
mitv  of  Unba.  lie  stood  upon  the  defensive  at  tiicir  tirst 
landing,  and  endeavored  to  drive  them  back  to  their 
ships.  His  feeble  troops,  however,  were  soon  broken 
and  dispersed  ;  and  he  himself  being  taken  prisoner, 
Velas<picz,  according  to  the  barbarous  maxim  of  the 
Spaniards,  considered  him  as  a  slave  who  had  taken 
arms  against  his  master,  and  condemned  him  to  the 
flames.  When  llatuey  was  fastened  to  the  stake,  a 
Franciscan  friar,  laboring  to  convert  him,  promised 
him  immediate  admittance  into  the  joys  of  heaven,  if 
he  would  embrace  the  Christian  faith.  "  Arc  there 
any  Spaniards,"  says  he,  after  some  pause,  "  in  that 
region  of  bliss  which  you  describe  ! — "  Yes,"  replied 
the  monk,  "  but  only  such  as  are  worthy  and  good." 
'•  Tne  best  of  them,"  returned  the  indignant  cazi;pie, 
"  have  neither  worth  norgoodne^ss  :  I  will  not  go  to  a 
place  where  I  may  meet  with  one  of  that  accursed 
race."  This  dreadful  example  of  vengeance  struck 
the  people  of  Cuba  with  such  terror  that  they  scarcely 
gave  any  opposition  to  the  progress  of  their  invaders  ; 
and  Velasquez,  without  the  loss  of  a  man,  annexed 
this  extensive  and  fertile  island  to  the  Spanish  mo- 
narchy. 

The  facility  with  which  this  iinportant  conquest  was 
completed  served  as  an  incitement  to  other  undcrtak- 
I  ings    Juan  Ponce  de  Leon,  having  acquired  both  fame 
and  wealtti  by  the  reduction  of  Puerto  Rico,  was  im- 
patient to  engage  in  some  new  enterprise.    He  fitted 
out  three  ships  at  his  own  expense,  for  a  voyage  of  disco- 
»erv  [1512],  and  his  reputation  soon  drew  together  a 
lespectable  body  of  followers.    He  directed  his  course 
•jwards  the  Lucayo  islands  ;  and  after  touching  at  se- 
veral of  them,  as  well  as  of  the  Bahama  isles,  he  stood 
to  the  south-west,  and  discovered  a  country  hitherto 
unknown  to  the  Spaniards,  which  ho  called  Florida, 
either  because  he  fell  in  with  it  on  Palm  Sur.day,  or  on 
account  of  its  gay  and  beautiful  appearance     He  at- 
tempted to  land  in  different  places,  but  met  with  such 
vigorous  opposition  from  the  natives,  who  were  fierce 
and  warlike,  as  convinced  him  that  an  increase  of  force 
was  requisite  to  cllect  a  settlement.    Satisfied  with 
having  opened  a  communication  with  a  new  country,  of 
whose  value  and  importance  he  conceived  very  san- 
I  guine  hopes,  he  returned  to  Puerto  Rico  through  the 
I  channel  now  known  by  the  name  of  the  Gulf  of  Florida. 
It  was  not  merely  the  passion  of  searching  for  new 
countries  that  prompted  Ponce  de  Leon  to  undertake 
this  voyage  ;  he  was  influenced  by  one  of  those  vision- 
ary ideas,  which  at  that  time  often  mingled  with  the 
spirit  of  discovery,  and  rendered  it  more  active.  A 
tradition  prevailed  among  the  natives  of  Puerto  Rico, 
that  in  the  isle  of  Diniini,  one  of  the  Lucayos,  there 
was  a  fountain  of  such  wonderful  virtue  as  to  renew 
the  youth  and  recall  the  vigor  of  every  person  who 
bathed  in  its  salutary  waters.     In  herpes  of  finding  this 
grand  restorative.  Ponce  de  Leon  and  his  followers 
ranged  through  the  islands,  searching  with  fruitless  so- 
licitude and  labor  for  the  fountain  which  was  the  chief 
object  of  their  expedition.    That  a  tale  so  fabulous 
should  gain  credit  among  simple  and  uninstructcd  In- 
dians is  not  surprising.    That  it  should  make  any  im- 
pression upon  an  enlightened  people  appears  in  the 
present  age  altogether  incredible.    The  fact,  however, 
IS  certain  ;  and  the  most  authentic  Spanish  historians 
mention  this  extravagant  sally  of  their  credulous  coun- 
trymen.   The  Spaniards  at  that  period  were  engaged 
in  a  career  of  activity  which  gave  a  romantic  turn  to 
their  imagination,  and  daily  presented  to  them  strange 
and  marvellous  objects.    A  New  World  was  opened  to 
their  view.    They  visited  islands  and  continents,  of 
wliosc  existence  mankind  in  former  ages  had  no  con- 
ception.   In  those  delightful  countries  nature  seemed 
to  assume  another  form  :  every  tree  and  plant  and  ani- 
mal was  different  from  those  of  the  ancient  hemisphere. 
Tney  seemed  to  be  transported  into  enchanted  ground; 
and  after  the  wonders  which  they  had  seen,  nothing,  in  the 
warmth  and  novelty  of  their  admiration,  appeared  to 
them  so  extraordinary  as  to  be  beyond  belief    If  the 
rapid  succession  of  new  and  striking  scenes  made  such 
impression  even  upon  the  sound  understanding  of  Co- 
lumbus, that  he  boasted  of  having  found  the  seat  of 
Paradise,  it  will  not  appear  strange  that  Ponc-J  de  Leon 
should  dream  of  discovering  the  fountain  of  youth. 

Soon  after  the  expedition  to  Florida,  a  discovery  of 
much  greater  importance  was  made  in  another  part  of 
America.  Balboa  having  been  raised  to  the  govcrn- 
raont  of  ihc  small  colony  at  Santa  Maria  in  Darien,  by 


the  voluntary  suffrage  of  his  associates,  was  so  extreme- 
ly desirous  to  obtain  from  the  crown  a  conlirmalion  of 
tlieir  election,  that  he  despatched  one  of  his  olficers  to 
Spain,  in  order  to  solicit  a  royal  commission,  which 
might  invest  him  with  a  legal  title  to  the  supreme  com- 
mand. Conscious,  however,  that  he  could  not  expect 
success  from  the  patronage  of  Ferdinand's  ministers, 
with  whom  he  was  unconnected,  or  from  negotiating  in 
a  court  to  the  arts  of  which  ho  was  a  stranger,  he  en- 
deavored to  merit  the  dignity  to  which  he  aspired,  and 
aimed  at  performing  some  signal  service  that  would 
secure  him  the  ])n-ference  to  every  competitor.  Full 
of  this  idea,  he  made  frequent  inroads  into  the  adjacent 
country,  subdued  several  of  the  caziqucs,  and  collected 
a  considerable  (piantity  of  gold,  which  abounded  more 
in  that  part  of  the  continent  than  in  the  islands.  In 
one  of  those  excursions,  the  Spaniards  contended  with 
such  eagerness  about  the  division  of  some  gold,  that 
they  were  at  the  point  of  proceeding  to  acts  of  violence 
against  one  another.  A  young  cazique  who  was  pre- 
sent, astonished  at  the  high  value  which  they  set  upon 
a  thing  of  which  he  did  not  discern  the  use,  tumiiled 
the  gold  out  of  the  balance  with  indignation  ;  and  turn- 
ing to  the  Spaniards,  "  Why  do  you  quarrel  (says  he) 
about  such  a  trifle  !  If  you  are  so  passionately  fond  of 
gold,  as  to  abandon  your  own  country,  and  to  disturb 
the  tranquillity  of  distant  nations  for  its  sake,  I  will 
conduct  you  to  a  region  where  the  metal  which  seems 
to  be  the  chief  object  of  your  admiration  and  desire  is 
so  common  that  the  meanest  utensils  are  formed  of  it." 
Transported  with  what  they  heard,  Balboa  and  his  com- 
panions inquired  eagerly  where  this  happy  country  lay, 
and  Iww  they  might  arrive  at  it.  He  informed  them 
that  at  the  distance  of  six  suns,  that  is,  of  six  days' 
journey,  towards  the  south,  they  should  di.<iCover  another 
ocean,  near  to  which  this  wealthy  kingdom  was  situa- 
ted ;  but  if  they  intended  to  attack  that  powerful  state, 
they  must  assemble  forces  far  superior  in  number  and 
strength  to  those  with  which  they  now  appeared. 

This  was  the  first  information  which  the  Spaniards 
received  concerning  the  great  southern  ocean,  or  the 
opulent  and  extensive  country  known  afterwards  by  the 
name  of  Peru.  Balboa  had  now  before  him  objects 
suited  to  his  boundless  ambition,  and  the  enterprising 
ardor  of  his  genius.  He  immediately  concluded  tlie 
ocean  which  the  cazique  mentioned,  to  be  that  for 
which  Columbus  had  searched  without  success  in  this 
part  of  America,  in  hopes  of  opening  a  more  direct 
communication  with  the  East  Indies  ;  and  he  conjec- 
tured that  the  rich  territory  which  had  been  described 
to  him  must  be  part  of  that  vast  and  opulent  region  of 
the  earth.  Elated  with  the  idea  of  performing  what  so 
great  a  man  had  attempted  in  vain,  and  eager  to  accom- 
plish a  discovery  which  he  knew  would  be  no  less  ac- 
ceptable to  the  king  than  beneficii.1  to  his  country,  he 
was  impatient  until  he  could  set  out  upon  this  enter- 
prise, in  comparison  of  which  all  his  former  exploits  ap- 
peared inconsiderable.  But  previous  arrangement  and 
preparation  were  requisite  to  ensure  success.  He  be- 
gan with  courting  and  securing  the  friendship  of  the 
neighboring  caziques.  He  sent  some  of  his  officers  to 
Hispaiiiola  with  a  large  quantity  of  gold,  as  a  proof  of 
his  past  success,  and  an  earnest  of  his  future  hopes. 
By  a  proper  distribution  of  this,  they  secured  the  favor 
of  the  governor,  and  allured  volunteers  info  the  service. 
A  considerable  reinforcement  from  that  island  joined 
him,  and  he  thought  himself  in  a  condition  to  attempt 
the  discovery. 

The  isthmus  of  Darien  is  not  above  sixty  miles  in 
breadth  ;  but  this  neck  of  land  which  binds  together 
the  continents  of  North  and  South  America,  is  strength- 
ened by  a  chain  of  lofty  mountains  stretching  through 
its  whole  extent,  which  render  it  i  barrier  of  solidity 
sufficient  to  resist  the  impulse  of  two  opposite  oceans. 
The  mountains  are  covered  with  forests  almost  inac- 
cessible. The  valleys  in  that  moist  climate  where  it 
rains  during  two-thirds  of  the  year,  are  marshy,  and  so 
frequently  overflowed  that  the  inhabitants  find  it  neces- 
sary, in  many  places,  to  build  their  houses  upon  trees, 
in  order  to  be  elevated  at  some  distance  from  the  damp 
soil,  and  the  odious  reptiles  engendered  in  the  putrid 
waters.  Large  rivers  rush  down  with  an  iin[)ctuous 
current  from  the  high  'grounds.  In  a  region  thinly  in- 
habited by  wandering  savages,  the  band  of  industry  had 
done  nothing  to  mitigate  or  correct  those  natural  disad- 
vantages. To  march  across  this  unexplored  country 
with  no  other  guides  but  Indians,  whose  fidelity  could 
be  little  trusted,  was,  on  all  those  accounts,  the  iiold- 
est  enterprise  on  which  the  Spaniards  had  hitherto 
ventured  in  the  New  World.  But  the  intrepidity  of 
Balboa  was  such  as  distinguished  him  among  his  coun- 
trymen, at  a  period  when  every  adventurer  was  conspi- 


cuous for  daring  courage  [l.'inij.  Nor  was  bravery 
his  only  merit ;  he  was  prudent  in  conduct,  geiieiour-, 
alfablc,  and  possessed  of  those  popular  talents  which, 
in  the  most  desperate  undertakings,  inspire  confidence 
and  secure  attachment.  Even  after  the  junction  of  the 
volunteers  from  Hispaniola,  he  was  able  to  m\ijtiron!y 
a  hundred  and  ninety  men  for  his  expediiion  But 
they  were  hardy  veterans,  inured  to  the  clunalc  t| 
America,  and  ready  to  follow  him  through  every  dan- 
ger. A  thousand  Indians  attended  them  to  carry  tlieit 
provisions  ;  and,  to  comjiletc  their  warlike  array,  they 
took  with  them  several  of  those  fierce  dogs,  which  were 
no  less  formidable  than  destructive  to  their  naked 
enemies. 

Balboa  set  out  upon  this  important  expedition  on  the 
first  of  .September,  about  the  time  that  the  periodical 
rains  began  to  abate.  He  proceeded  by  sea,  and  with- 
out any  difficulty,  to  the  territories  of  a  cazique  whose 
friendship  he  had  gained  ;  but  no  sooner  d;d  he  begin 
to  advance  into  the  interior  part  of  the  country,  than 
he  was  retarded  by  every  obstacle,  which  he  had  reason 
to  apprehend,  from  the  nature  of  the  territory,  or  the 
disjiosition  of  its  inhabitants.  Some  of  the  caziques, 
at  his  approach,  fled  to  the  mountains  with  all  their 
people,  and  carried  olT  or  destroyed  whatever  could 
afford  subsistence  to  his  troops.  Others  collected 
their  subjects,  in  order  to  oppose  his  progress  ;  and  he 
quickly  perceived  what  an  arduous  undertaking  it  was 
to  conduct  such  a  body  of  men  through  hostile  nations, 
across  swamps,  and  rivers,  and  woods,  whi?h  had  nevci 
been  passed  but  by  straggling  Indians.  But  by  shar- 
ing in  every  hardship  with  the  meanest  soldier,  by  ap- 
pearing the  foremost  to  meet  every  danger,  by  promis- 
ing confidently  to  his  troops  the  enjoyment  of  lionorand 
riches  superior  to  what  had  been  attained  bv  the  most 
successful  of  their  countrymen,  he  inspired  them  with 
such  enthusiastic  resolution,  that  they  Ibllowcd  hun 
without  murmuring  When  they  had  penetrated  a  good 
way  into  the  mountains,  a  powerful  cazique  appeared 
in  a  narrow  pass,  with  a  numerous  body  of  his  subjects, 
to  obstruct  their  progress.  But  men  who  had  sur- 
mounted so  many  obstacles,  despised  the  op[.osilion  of 
such  feeble  enemies.  They  attacked  them  with  iuipe 
tuosity,  and,  having  dispersed  them  with  much  case 
and  great  slaughter,  continued  their  inarch.  Though 
tiieir  guides  had  represented  the  breadth  of  the  ist'Tinus 
to  be  only  a  journey  of  six  days,  they  had  already  sjient 
twenty-five  in  forcing  their  way  through  the  woods  and 
mountains.  Many  of  them  were  ready  to  sink  'indcr 
such  uninterrupted  fatigue  m  that  sultry  climate,  stve- 
ral  were  taken  ill  of  the  dvsentery  and  other  discasrs 
frequent  in  that  country,  and  alt  became  imp.alisnl  to 
reaci  the  period  of  their  labors  and  sufferings.  Al  length 
the  Indians  assured  them,  that  from  the  top  of  the  next 
mountain  they  should  discover  the  ocean  which  was  the 
object  of  their  wishes.  When,  with  infinite  toil,  they 
had  clinied  U[)  the  greater  part  of  that  sleep  ascent. 
Ballioa  commanded  his  men  to  halt,  and  advanced 
alone  to  the  summit,  that  he  miglit  be  the  first  who 
should  enjoy  a  spectacle  which  he  had  so  long  desired. 
As  soon  as  he  beheld  the  South  Sea  stretchiug  in  end- 
less prospect  below  him,  he  fell  on  his  knees,  anri,  lift- 
ing up  his  hands  to  heaven,  returned  thanks  to  God, 
who  had  conducted  him  to  a  discovery  so  beneficial  to 
his  country,  and  so  honorable  tc  himself  His  follow- 
ers, observing  his  transports  of  joy,  rushed  forward  to 
join  in  his  wonder,  exultation,  and  gratitude.  They 
held  on  their  course  to  the  shore  with  great  alacrity, 
when  Balboa,  advancing  up  to  the  middle  in  the  waves 
with  his  buckler  and  sword,  took  possession  of  that 
ocean  in  the  name  of  the  king  his  master,  and  vowed 
to  defend  it  with  these  arms,  against  all  his  enemies. 

That  part  of  the  great  Pacific  or  Southern  ocean 
which  Balbao  first  discovered,  still  retains  the  name  of 
the  Gulf  of  St.  Michael,  which  he  gave  to  it,  and  is  si- 
tuated to  the  east  of  Panama.  From  several  of  the 
petty  princes,  who  governed  in  the  districts  adjacent  to 
that  gulf,  he  extorted  provisions  and  gold  by  force  of 
arms.  Others  sent  them  to  him  voluiilarily.  To  these 
acceptable  presents,  some  of  the  caziques  added  a  con- 
siderable quantity  of  pearls  ;  and  be  learned  from  them, 
with  much  satisfaction,  that  pearl  oysters  abounded  in 
the  sea  which  he  had  newly  discovered. 

Together  with  the  acuuisition  of  this  wealth,  which 
served  to  soothe  and  encourage  his  followers,  he  re- 
ceived acco.ints  which  confirmed  his  sanguine  hopes  ol 
future  and  more  extensive  benefits  from  the  cxpeditioi\ 
All  the  people  on  the  coast  of  the  .South  Sea  concurred 
in  informing  him  that  there  was  a  mighty  and  opulent 
kingdom  situated  at  a  considerable  distance  towards 
the  south-east,  the  inhabitants  of  which  had  tame  ani 
maU  to  carry  their  burdens.    In  order  to  'jive  the  Spa- 


94 


ROBEUTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


niards  an  idea  of  these,  they  drew  upon  the  sand  the 
tiiinrc  of  the  llamas  or  sheep,  aflcrwards  found  in  I'ern, 
which  the  Fernvians  hiid  taught  to  perform  such  services 
as  they  described.  As  the  llama  in  its  form  nearly  resem- 
bles a  camel,  a  beast  of  burden  deemed  peculiar  to 
Asia,  this  circumstance  in  conjunction  with  the  disco- 
very of  the  pearls,  another  noted  production  of  that 
country  ;  tended  to  confirm  the  Spaniards  in  their  mis- 
lak^'i  theory  with  respect  to  the  vicinity  of  the  New 
"World  tc  the  East  Indies. 

Hut  though  the  information  which  Balboa  received 
from  the  people  on  the  coast,  as  well  as  iiis  own  con- 
jectures and  hopes,  rendered  him  extremely  impatient 
to  visit  this  unknown  country,  his  prudence  restrained 
him  from  attempting  to  invade  it  with  a  handful  of  men 
e.xhausted  bv  fatigue  and  weakened  by  diseases.  [24J 
He  determined  to  lead  liack  his  followers,  at  present,  to 
their  settlement  of  .Santa  Maria  in  Darien,  and  to  icturn 
next  season  with  a  force  more  adequate  to  such  an  ar- 
duous enterprise.  In  order  to  acquire  a  more  cxten- 
81VS  knowledge  of  the  isthmus,  he  niarclied  back  by  a 
difTcrent  route,  which  he  found  to  be  no  less  dangerous 
and  ditlicult  than  that  whicli  he  had  formerly  taken. 
But  to  men  elated  with  success,  and  animated  with 
hope,  nothing  is  insurmountable.  Balboa  returned  to 
Sunta  Maria  [I514j,  from  which  he  had  been  absent 
four  montlis,  with  greater  glory  and  more  treasure  than 
the  Spaniards  had  acquired  in  any  expedition  in  the 
New  World.  None  of  Balboa's  olficcrs  distinguished 
themselves  more  in  this  service  than  Francisco  Pizarro, 
or  assisted  witi.  greater  courage  and  ardor  in  opening  a 
communication  with  those  countries  in  which  he  was 
destined  to  act  soon  a  more  illustrious  part. 

Balboa's  first  care  was  to  send  information  to  Spain 
of  the  important  discovery  wliich  he  had  made  ;  and  to 
demand  a  reinforcement  of  a  thousand  men,  in  ordi^r 
lo  attempt  the  conquest  of  that  opulent  country  con- 
cerning which  ho  had  received  such  inviting  intelli- 
gence. 'J'he  first  account  of  the  discovery  of  the  New 
\V'orld  hardly  occasioned  greater  joy  than  the  unex- 
pected tidings  that  a  passage  was  at  last  found  to  the 
great  southern  ocean.  The  communication  with  the 
East-  Indies,  by  a  course  to  the  westward  of  the  line 
of  demarcation  drawn  ty  the  Pope,  seemed  now  to  be 
certain.  The  vast  wealth  which  Hovved  into  Portugal, 
L'Otn  its  settlements  and  compiests  in  that  country, 
•xcited  the  envy  and  called  forth  the  emulation  of 
other  states.  Ferdinand  hoped  now  to  come  in  for  a 
•hare  in  this  lucrative  commerce,  and,  in  his  eagerness 
to  obtain  it,  was  willing  to  make  an  eflbrt  beyond  what 
Balboa  required.  But  even  in  this  exertion,  his  jealous 
policy,  as  well  as  the  fatal  antipathy  of  Fonseca,  now 
Bishop  of  Burgos,  to  every  in?n  of  merit  who  dis- 
tinguished himself  in  the  New  World,  was  conspicu- 
ous. N  jtwihstanding  Balboa't  recent  services,  which 
marked  him  out  as  the  mos*  proper  person  to  finish 
that  great  undertaking  which  he  had  begun,  Ferdinand 
was  so  ungenerous  as  to  overlook  these,  and  to  appoint 
I'edrarias  Davila  governoi  of  Darien.  Ho  gave  him 
the  command  of  fifteen  stout  vessels  and  twelve  hun- 
dred soldiers.  These  were  fitted  out  at  the  public 
expense,  with  a  liberality  which  Ferdinand  had  never 
displayed  in  any  former  armament  destined  for  the 
New  World  ;  and  such  was  the  ardor  of  the  Spanish 
pcntlcmcn  lo  follow  a  leader  who  was  about  lo  con- 
duct them  lo  a  country  where,  as  fame  reported,  they 
had  only  to  throw  their  nets  into  the  sea  and  draw  out 
gold,  that  fifteen  hundred  embarked  on  board  the  fleet, 
and,  if  they  had  not  been  restrained,  a  much  greater 
number  would  have  engaged  in  the  service. 

Pfdrarias  reached  the  Uulf  of  Darien  without  any 
remarkelile  accident,  and  immediately  sent  some  of  his 
principal  oHicers  ashore  to  inform  Bilboa  of  his  arrival, 
with  the  king's  commission  to  be  governor  of  the 
colony.  To  their  astonishment,  they  found  Balboa,  of 
whose  great  exjiloits  they  had  hcNird  so  much,  and  of 
whose  opulence  they  had  formed  such  high  ideas,  clad 
in  a  canvass  jacket,  and  wearing  coarse  hemiicn  san- 
dals used  only  by  the  meanest  peasants,  employed, 
together  with  some  Indians,  in  thatching  his  own  hut 
with  reeds.  Even  in  this  simple  garb,  which  cor- 
resjionded  »o  ill  with  the  cx()ectalions  and  wishes  of 
hiH  new  guests,  IJalho.i  received  them  with  dignity. 
The  fame  of  his  discoveries  had  drawn  so  many  adven- 
liircrs  from  the  islands,  that  he  could  now  muster  four 
hundred  and  fifty  men.  At  the  head  of  those  daring 
veterans,  he  was  more  than  a  match  for  the  forces 
which  Pcdrarias  brought  with  him.  But,  though  bis 
troops  murmured  loudly  at  the  injustice  of  the  king  m 
superseding  their  coiiiinaiidiT,  and  complained  that 
Blraiigers  would  now  reap  the  fruits  of  tliiur  toil  and 
lucceMd.  iSalbua  submitted  willi  implicil  gbcilienro  to 


the  will  of  his  sovereign,  and  received  Pcdrarias  with  troops  lo  those  provinces  which  he  purjioscd  toinva<i» 
all  the  deference  due  to  his  character.  i[1517.]  Aftcrsurmountingmany obstacles, and endurin" 

Notwithstanding  this  moderation,  lo  which  Pcdrarias  i  a  variety  of  those  hardships,  which  were  the  portion  ol 
owed  the  peaceable  possesion  of  his  government,  he  j  the  conquerors  of  America,  he  at  length  finishefl  foul 
appointed  a  judicial  inquiry  to  be  made  into  Balboa's  i  small  brigantines.  In  these,  with  three  hundrcu  chosen 
conduct,  while  under  the  command  of  Nicuessa,  and  I  men,  a  force  superior  to  that  with  which  Pizarro  afic" 
imposcd  a  considerable  fine  upon  liiin,  on  account  of  !  wards  undertook  the  same  expedition,  he  was  ready  lo»ail 


the  irregularities  of  wliich  he  had  then  been  guilty 
Balboa  felt  sensibly  the  mortification  of  being  sub- 
jected to  trial  and  to  punishment  in  a  place  where  he 
had  so  lately  occupied  the  first  station.  Pcdrarias 
could  not  conceal  his  ji'alousy  of  his  superior  merit 


towards  Peru,  when  he  received  an  unexpected  mes- 
sage from  Pcdrarias.  As  his  reconciliation  with  Bal- 
boa had  never  been  cordial,  the  jirogress  which  his  son- 
in-law  was  making  revived  his  ancient  enmity,  and 
added  to  its  rancour.    He  dreaded  the  prosperity  and 


so  that  the  resentment  of  the  one  and  the  envy  of  the  |  elevation  of  a  man  whom  he  had  injured  so  deeply.  He 
other  gave  rise  to  dissensions  extremely  detrimental  to  i  suspected  that  success  would  encourage  him  to  aim  at 


tl-e  colony.  It  was  thr(-atened  with  a  calamity  sti 
more  fatal.  Pcdrarias 'had  landed  in  Darien  at  a  most 
unlucky  time  of  the  year  [July],  about  the  middle  of 
the  rainy  season,  in  that  part  of  the  torrid  zone  where 
the  clouds  pour  down  such  torrents  as  are  unknown  in 
more  tem|)erate  climates.  'J'he  village  of  Santa  Maria 
was  seated  in  a  rich  plain,  environed  with  marshes  and 


independence  u|)0n  his  jurisdiction  ;  and  so  violently 
did  the  passions  of  hatred,  fear,  and  jealousy  operate 
U])on  his  niind,  that,  in  order  to  gratify  his  vengeance, 
he  scrupled  not  lo  defeat  an  enterprise  of  the  greatest 
moment  to  his  country.  Under  prete.\ls  which  were 
false,  but  plausible,  he  desired  Ualboa  to  postpone  hia 
vovage  for  a  short  time,  and  lo  repair  lo  Ada,  in  orde.r 


woods.    The  constitution  of  Europeans  was  unable  to  that  he  might  have  an  interview  with  him.  Balboa, 


withstand  the  pestilential  influence  of  such  a  situation, 
in  a  climate  naturally  so  noxious,  and  at  a  season  so 
peculiarly  unhealthy.  A  violent  and  destructive  malady 
carried  off  many  of  the  soldiers  who  accompcned  Pc- 
drarias. An  extreme  scarcity  of  provision  augmented 
this  distress,  as  it  rendered  it  impossible  to  find  proper 
r'-freshinent  for  the  sick,  or  the  necessary  sustenance 
for  the  healthy.  In  the  space  of  a  month,  above  six 
hundred  persons  perished  in  the  utmost  misery.  De- 
jeclion  and  despair  spread  through  the  colony.  Many 
princi|ial  persons  solicited  their  dismission,  and  were 
glad  to  relinquish  all  their  hopes  of  wealth,  in  order  to 
escape  from  that  pernicious  region.  Pcdrarias  en- 
deavored lo  divert  those  who  remained  from  brooding 
over  their  misfortunes,  by  finding  them  employment. 
With  tliis  view,  he  sent  several  detachments  into  the 
interior  parts  of  the  country,  to  levy  gold  among  the 
natives,  and  to  searcli  for  the  mines  in  which  it  was 
produced.  Those  rapacious  adventurers,  more  atten- 
tive to  present  gain  than  to  the  means  of  facilitating 
their  future  progress,  plundered  without  distinction 
wherever  tliey  inarched.  Itegardless  of  the  alliances 
which  Balboa  had  made  with  several  of  the  caziques, 
they  stripped  them  of  every  thing  valuable,  and  treated 
thcin,  as  well  as  their  subjects,  with  the  utmost  inso- 
lence and  cruelty.  By  their  tyranny  and  exactions, 
which  Pcdrarias,  cither  from  want  of  authoril)  or  in- 
clination, did  not  restrain,  all  the  country  from  the 
Gulf  of  Darien  to  the  lake  of  Nicaragua  was  desolated, 
and  the  Spaniards  were  inconsiderately  deprived  of  the 
advantages  which  they  might  have  derived  from  the 
friendship  of  the  natives,  in  extending  their  conquests 
to  the  South  Sea.  Balboa,  who  saw  with  concern  that 
such  ill-judged  jiroceedings  retarded  the  execution  of 


with  the  unsuspicious  confidence  of  a  man  conscious  of 
no  crime,  instantly  obeyed  the  summons;  but  as  soo:; 
as  he  entered  the  place.hc  was  arrested  by  order  of  Pcdra- 
rias, who.sc  impatience  to  satiate  his  revenge  did  not  suf- 
fer him  to  languish  long  in  confinement.  Judges  were  ;m- 
inediately  appointed  to  proceed  to  his  trial  An  accusation 
of  disloyalty  to  the  king,  and  of  an  intention  to  revolt 
against  the  governor  was  preferred  against  hiin.  Sen- 
tence of  death  was  pronounced  ;  and  though  the  judge* 
who  passed  it,  seconded  by  the  whole  colony,  inter- 
ceded warmly  for  his  pardon,  Pcdrarias  continue-'  inex- 
orable ;  and  the  Spaniards  beheld,  with  astonishment 
and  sorrow,  the  public  execution  of  a  man  whon:  ;hcj 
universally  deemed  more  capable  than  any  . one  who 
had  borne  command  in  America,  of  forming  and  accom- 
plishing great  designs.  Upon  his  death,  the  cxpeditio" 
which  he  had  planned  was  relinquished.  l'eui>irias, 
notwithstanding  the  violence  and  injustice  of  his  pro- 
ceedings, was  not  only  screened  from  jmiiishmcnt  hy 
the  powerful  jiatronage  of  the  Bishop  of  Burgos  and 
other  courliers,  but  continued  in  power.  Soon  aftei 
he  obtained  permission  to  remove  the  colony  Irom  its 
unwholesome  station  of  Santa  Maria  to  PaAama.  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  isthmus  ;  and  though  it  did  not 
gain  much  in  point  of  healtlifuliiess  by  the  change,  the 
commodious  situation  of  this  new  settlement  contribu- 
ted greatly  to  facilitate  the  subsequent  conquest;  of  the 
Spaniards  in  the  extensive  countries  situated  upon  the 
Southern  Ocean. 

During  these  transactions  in  Darien  [1515],  the  his- 
tory of  which  it  was  ])roper  lo  carry  on  in  an  uninter- 
ru|)led  tenor,  several  important  events  occurred  with 
respect  to  the  discovery,  the  coiKpiest,  and  government 
of  other  provinces  in  the  New  World.    Ferdinand  waa 


his  favorite  scheme,  sent  violent  remonstrances  to  Spain  so  intent  upon  opening  o  communii  ation  with  the  .Mo- 


against  the  imprudent  government  of  Pcdrarias,  who 
had  ruined  a  happy  and  flourishing  colony.  Pcdrarias, 
on  the  othi^r  hand,  accused  him  of  having  deceived  the 
king,  by  magnifying  his  own  exploits,  as  well  as  by  a 
false  re[)resentation  of  the  opulence  and  value  of  the 
country. 

Ferdinand  became  sensible  at  length  of  his  impni- 
dcnce  in  supeiscding  t.hc  most  active  and  cxjiericnccd 
officer  ho  had  in  the  New  World,  and,  by  way  of 
compensation  lo  Balboa,  appoinUd  him  Adclanttulo,  or 
Lieutenant-( iovernor  of  the  countries  upon  the  South 
Sea,  with  very  extensive  privileges  and  authority. 
At  the  same  time  he  enjoined  Pcdrarias  to  supjiort 
Balboa  in  all  his  operations,  and  to  consult  with  him 
concerning  every  measure  which  he  himself  pursued. 
[1515]  But  to  crt'ect  such  a  sudden  transition  from 
inveterate  enmity  to  perfect  confidence,  exceeded 
Ferdinand's  jiowcr.  Pcdrarias  continued  lo  treat 
his  rival  with  neglect ;  and  Balboa's  fortune  be- 
I  ing  exhausted  liy  the  payment  of  his  fine,  and  other 
exactions  of  Pedraria.i,  ho  could  not  make  suit- 
able preparations  for  taking  possession  of  his  new 
government.  At  length,  by  the  inter])osition  and  ex- 
I  hortalions  of  the  Uisho))  of  Darien,  they  were  brought 
I  to  a  reconciliiilion  ;  and,  in  order  lo  cement  this  union 
more  firmly,  Pcdrarias  agreed  lo  ^ive  his  daughter  in 
marriage  lo  Balboa.  [1510  ]  The  first  eflect  of 
their  concord  was,  that  I'iilboa  was  permitted  to  make 
several  small  incursions  .:..o  the  country.  'J'hcsc  he 
conduclcd  with  such  prudence,  as  added  to  the  repu 


lucca  or  Spice  Islands  by  the  west,  that  in  ihe  year  one 
thousand  five  hundred  and  fifteen  lie  fitted  out  two 
ships  at  his  own  expense,  in  order  to  attempt  such  t 
voyage,  and  gave  the  command  of  them  lo  Juan  Diaa 
de  Solis,  who  was  deemed  one  of  the  most  skilful  navi- 
gators in  Spain.  He  stood  along  the  coast  of  South 
.America,  and  on  tlic  first  of  Januarv",  one  thousand  five 
hundred  and  sixteen,  entered  a  river  which  he  called 
Janeiro,  where  an  extensive  commerce  is  now  carried 
on.  From  thence  he  proceeded  to  a  spacious  bay, 
which  he  supposed  to  be  the  entrance  into  a  strait  lliat 
communicated  with  the  Indian  Ocean  ;  but.  upon  ad- 
vancing further,  he  found  it  to  be  the  mouth  of  Rio  de  la 
Plata  one  of  the  vast  rivers  by  which  the  southern  con- 
tinent of  America  is  watered.  In  endeavoring  to  make 
a  descent  in  this  country,  De  Solis  and  several  ol  his 
crew  were  slain  by  the  natives,  who,  in  siaht  of  iho 
ships,  cut  their  bodies  in  pieces,  roasted  and  devonreU 
them.  Discouraged  wilh  the  loss  ol  their  commander, 
and  terrified  at  this  shocking  spectacle,  the  surviving 
Spaniards  set  sail  for  Europe,  without  aiming  at  ani 
further  discovery.  Though  this  attemiit  proved  abor- 
tive, it  was  not  without  benefit.  It  turned  the  atlcniioo 
of  ingenious  men  lo  this  course  of  navigation,  and  pro 
pared  Ihe  way  for  a  more  forliinale  voyage,  by  which,  a 
few  years  posterior  to  this  period,  the  great  desi<fn  tliiit 
Ferdinand  had  in  view  was  accomplished. 

Though  the  Spaniards  were  thus  actively  enrployed 
in  extending  iheir  discoveries  and  settlements  w  .Vino 
rica,  they  still  considered  Hispaniola  as  their  principal 


lalion  wliich  he  had  already  acquired.  Many  adven- 'coloiiy,  and  ihe  seat  of  government.  Don  Diego  Co 
turers  resorted  lo  him.  and,  with  the  coiinlcnance  and  luinbus  wauled  neither  inclination  nor  abii.'ies  to  havf 
aid  of  Pcdrarias.  he  began  lo  pre|mre  (or  his  expedition  rendered  the  ineinbcrs  of  this  colony,  Aho  were  'nosl 
to  Ihe  South  Sea.  In  order  lo  accomplish  this,  it  was  imuiedialely  under  his  jurisdiction,  prosperous  \tI 
necessary  to  build  vessels  ca|)ablu  of  conveying  his  i  happy.    But  he  was  circuinscribod  ji  all  hji  operations 


SOUTH  A  iM  ERIC  A. 


95 


by  the  suspici(?v.s  policy  of  Fcrilinaiid,  who  on  every  oc-  j 
casion,  and  under  pretexts  the  most  frivolous,  retrenched  j 
his  privilei^es,  and  encouraged  the  treasurer,  the  judges, 
and  other  snhordniate  oHicers  to  counteract  his  mea- 
sures, and  to  dispute  his  authority.  The  most  valuable 
prerogative  which  the  govenor  possessed  was  that  of  j 
distributing  Indians  amonfj  the  Spaniards  settled  in  the 
island.  'J'l.e  rigorous  servitude  of  those  unhappy  men 
having  been  but  little  mitigated  by  all  the  regulations 
in  their  favor,  the  power  ot  parcelling  out  such  neces- 
sary instruments  of  labor  at  pleasure,  secured  to  the 
governor  great  influence  in  the  colony.  In  order  to 
strip  him  of  this,  Ferdinand  created  a  new  oflice,  with 
the  power  of  distributing  the  Indians,  and  bestowed  it 
upon  Rodrigo  Albuquerque,  a  relation  of  Zapata,  his 
confidential  minister.  Mortified  with  the  injustice  as 
well  as  indignity  of  this  invasion  upon  his  rights,  in  a 
point  so  essential,  Don  Uiego  could  no  longer  lemain 
in  a  place  where  his  power  and  consequence  were  al- 
most annihilated.  He  repaired  to  Spain  with  the  vain 
hopes  of  obtaining  redress.  Albuquerque  entered  upon 
his  office  with  all  the  rapacity  of  an  indigent  adventurer 
impatient  to  amass  wealth.  He  began  with  taking  the 
exact  number  of  Indians  in  the  island,  and  found  that 
from  sixty  thousand,  who  in  the  year  one  thousand  five 
hundred  and  eight  survived  after  all  their  sufferings, 
they  were  now  reduced  to  fourteen  thousand.  These 
he  threw  into  separate  divisions  or  lots,  and  bestowed 
them  upon  such  as  were  willing  to  purchase  them  at 
the  highest  price.  By  this  arbitrary  distribution  several 
of  the  natives  were  removed  from  their  original  habita- 
tions, many  were  taken  from  their  ancient  masters,  and 
all  of  them  subjected  to  heavier  burdens,  and  to  more 
intolerable  labor,  in  order  to  reimburse  their  new  pro- 
prietors. Those  additional  calamities  completed  the 
misery,  and  hastened  on  the  extinction  of  this  wretched 
and  innocent  race  of  men. 

The  violence  of  these  procedings,  together  with  the 
fatal  consequences  which  attended  them,  not  only  ex- 
cited complaints  among  such  as  thought  themselves 
aggrieved,  but  touched  the  hearts  of  all  who  retained 
any  sentiments  of  humanity.  From  the  time  that  ec- 
clesiastics were  sent  as  instructors  into  America,  they 
perceived  that  the  rigor  with  which  their  countrymen 
treated  the  natives,  rendered  their  ministry  altogether 
fruitless.  The  missionaries,  in  conformity  to  the  mild 
spirit  of  that  religion  which  they  were  employed  to  pub- 
lish, early  remonstrated  against  the  maxims  of  the 
1  planters  with  respect  to  the  Americans,  and  condemned 
the  rcpartimicnlos,  or  dmlribiitiuns,  by  which  they  were 
given  up  as  slaves  to  their  conquerors  as  no  less  con- 
trary to  natural  justice  and  the  precepts  of  Christianity 
than  to  sound  policy.  Tbe  Dominicans,  to  whom  the 
mstruction  of  the  Americans  was  originally  committed, 
were  most  vehement  in  testifying  against  the  rcparli- 
mientos.  In  the  year  one  thousand  five  hundred  and 
eleven,  Montesino,  one  of  their  most  eminent  preachers, 
inveighed  against  this  practice,  in  the  great  church  of 
St.  Domingo,  with  all  the  impetuosity  of  popular  elo- 
quence. Don  Diego  Columbus,  the  principal  officer  of 
the  colony,  and  all  the  laymen  who  had  been  his 
hearers,  complained  of  the  monk  to  his  superiors ;  but 
they,  instead  of  condemning,  applauded  his  doctrine  as 
equally  pious  aud  seasonable.  The  Franciscans,  influ- 
enced by  the  spirit  of  opposition  and  rivalship  which 
\  subsists  between  the  two  orders,  discovered  some  in- 
clination to  take  part  with  the  laity,  and  to  espouse  the 
defence  o{  ihe  rcpartimicntos.  But  as  they  could  not 
with  decency  give  their  avowed  approbation  to  a  system 
of  oppression  so  repugnant  to  the  spirit  of  religion,  they 
endeavored  to  palliate  what  they  could  not  justify,  and 
alleged,  in  excuse  for  the  conduct  of  their  countrymen, 
that  it  was  impossible  to  carry  on  any  improvement  in 
the  colony,  unless  the  Spaniards  possessed  such  do- 
minion over  the  natives  that  they  could  compel  them  to 
labor. 

The  Dominicans,  regardless  of  such  political  and 
.ntcrested  considerations,  would  not  relax  in  any  degree 
I  the  rigor  of  their  sentiments,  and  even  lefused  to  ab- 
I  aolve,  or  admit  to  the  sacrament,  such  of  their  country- 
'  men  as  continued  to  hold  the  natives  in  servitude. 
Doth  parties  applied  to  the  king  for  his  decision  in  a 
matter  of  such  importance.  Ferdinand  empowered  a 
committee  of  his  privy  council,  assisted  by  some  of  the 
moiit  eminent  civilians  and  divines  in  Spain,  to  hear  the 
deputies  sent  from  Hispaniola  in  support  of  their  re- 
f  pective  opinions.  After  a  long  discussion,  the  specu- 
liitive  jiouit  in  controversy  was  determined  in  favor  of 
the  Dominicans,  the  Indians  were  declared  to  be  a  free 
P«ople  entitled  to  all  the  natural  ri  ghts  of  men  ;  but 
notwithstanding  this  decision,  the  rcpartimieiitos  were 
ontmued  upon  ihcir  ancient  footing.    As  this  deter- 


mination admitted  th6  principles  upon  which  the  Do- 
minicans founded  their  ojiinion,  they  renewed  their  ef- 
forts to  obtain  relief  for  the  Indians  with  additional 
boldness  and  zeal.  At  length,  in  order  to  quiet  the 
colony,  which  was  alarmed  at  their  remonstrances  and 
censures,  Ferdinand  issued  a  decree  of  his  privy  coun- 
cil [  1513],  declaring,  that  after  mature  consideration 
of  the  Apostolical  Bull,  and  other  titles  by  which  the 
crown  of  Castile  claimed  a  right  to  its  [losscssions  in 
the  New  World,  the  servitude  of  the  Indians  was  war- 
ranted both  by  the  laws  of  God  and  of  man  ;  that  un- 
less they  were  subjected  to  the  dominion  of  the  Spa- 
niards, and  compelled  to  reside  under  their  inspection, 
it  would  be  impossible  to  reclaim  them  from  idolatry, 
or  to  instruct  them  in  the'  principles  of  the  Christian 
faith  ;  that  no  farther  scruple  ought  to  be  entertained 
concerning  the  lawfulness  of  the  rcpartimicntos,  as  the 
king  and  council  were  willing  to  take  the  charge  of 
that  upon  their  own  consciences  ;  and  that  therefore 
the  Dominicans  and  monks  of  other  religious  orders 
should  abstain  for  the  future  from  those  invectives 
which,  from  an  excess  of  charitable  but  ill-informed 
zeal,  thcv  had  uttered  against  that  practice. 

That  his  intention  of  adhering  to  this  decree  might 
be  fully  understood,  Ferdinand  conferred  new  grants 
of  Indians  upon  several  of  his  courtiers  [25].  But,  in 
order  that  he  might  not  seem  altogether  inattentive  to 
the  rights  of  humanity,  he  published  an  edict,  in  which 
he  endeavored  to  provide  for  tnc  mild  treatment  of  the 
Indians  under  the  yoke  to  which  he  subjected  them  ; 
he  regulated  the  nature  of  the  work  which  they  should 
be  required  to  perform  ;  he  prescribed  the  mode  in 
which  they  should  be  clothed  and  fed,  and  gave  direc- 
tions with  respect  to  their  instructions  in  the  principles 
of  Christianity. 

But  the  Dominicans,  who  from  their  experience  of 
what  was  past  judged  concerning  the  future,  soon  per- 
ceived the  in('fricacy  of  those  provisions,  and  foretold, 
that  as  long  as  it  was  the  interest  of  individuals  to  treat 
the  Indians  with  rigor,  no  public  regulations  could  ren- 
der their  servitude  mild  or  tolerable.  They  considered 
it  as  vain,  to  waste  their  own  time  and  strength  in  at- 
tempting to  communicate  the  sublime  truths  of  religion 
to  men  whose  spirits  were  broken  and  their  faculties 
imnaired  by  oppression.  Some  of  them  in  despair,  re- 
quested the  permission  of  their  superiors  to  remove  to 
the  continent,  and  to  pursue  the  object  of  their  mission 
among  such  of  the  natives  as  were  not  hitherto  cor- 
rupted by  the  example  of  the  Spaniards,  or  alienated  by 
their  cruelty  from  the  Christian  faith.  Such  as  re- 
mained in  Hispaniola  continued  to  remonstrate,  with 
decent  firmness,  against  the  servitude  of  the  Indians. 

The  violent  operations  of  Albuquerque,  the  new  dis- 
tributor of  Indians,  revived  the  zeal  of  the  Dominicans 
against  the  repa^timicntos,  and  called  forth  an  advocate 
for  that  oppressed  people,  who  possessed  all  the  cou- 
rage, the  talents,  and  activity  requisite  in  supporting 
such  a  desperate  cause.  This  was  Bartholemew  de 
las  Casas,  a  native  of  Seville,  and  one  of  the  clergy- 
men sent  out  with  Columbus  in  his  second  voyage  to 
Hispaniola,  in  order  to  settle  in  that  island.  He  early 
adopted  the  opinion  prevalent  among  ecclesiastics, 
with  respect  to  the  unlawfulness  of  reducing  the  na- 
tives to  servitude ;  and  that  he  might  demonstrate  the 
sincerity  of  his  conviction,  he  relinquished  all  the 
Indians  who  had  fallen  to  his  own  share  in  the  division 
of  the  inhabitants  among  their  conquerors,  declaring 
that  he  should  ever  bewail  his  own  misfortune  and 
guilt,  in  having  exercised  for  a  moment  this  impious 
dominion  over  his  fellow-creaturs.  From  that  time 
he  became  the  avowed  patron  of  the  Indians  ;  and  by 
his  bold  interpositions  in  their  behalf,  as  well  as  by  the 
respect  due  to  his  abilities  and  character,  he  had  often 
the  merit  of  setting  some  bounds  to  the  excesses  of 
his  countrymen.  He  did  not  fail  to  remonstrate 
warmly  against  the  proceedings  of  Albuquerque  ;  and 
though  he  soon  found  that  attention  to  his  own  interest 
rendered  this  rapacious  officer  deaf  to  admonition,  he 
did  not  abandon  the  wretched  people  whose  cause  he 
had  espoused.  He  instantly  set  out  for  Spain,  with 
the  most  sanguine  hopes  of  opening  the  eyes  and 
softening  the  heart, of  Ferdinand,  by  that  striking 
picture  of  the  oppression  of  his  new  subjects  which 
he  would  exhibit  to  his  view. 

He  easily  obtained  admittance  to  the  king,  whom  he 
found  in  a  declining  state  of  health.  With  much 
freedom,  and  no  less  eloquence,  he  represented  to  him 
all  the  fatal  effects  of  the  reparlimicnlos  in  the  New 
World,  boldly  charging  him  with  the  guilt  of  having 
authorized  this  impious  measure,  which  had  brought 
misery  and  destruction  upon  a  numerous  and  iiuiocent 
race  of  men,  wkom  Providence  had  ptaced  under  his 


protection.  Ferdinand,  vi'hose  mind  as  well  as  bodv 
was  much  enfeebled  by  his  distemper,  was  greailf 
alarmed  at  this  charge  of  impiety,  which  at  another 
juncture  he  would  have  despised.  He  listened  with 
deep  compunction  to  the  discourses  of  Las  Casas,  and 
promised  to  take  into  serious  consideration  the  meant 
of  redressing  the  evil  of  which  he  conqilaincd.  But 
death  prevented  him  from  executing  his  resolution 
Charles  of  Vustria,  to  whom  all  his  crowns  devohol, 
resided  at  that  time  in  his  paternal  dominions  in  the 
Low  Countries.  Las  Casas,  with  his  usual  ardor,  jiro- 
parcd  immediately  to  set  out  for  Flanders,  in  order  to 
occupy  the  ear  of  the  young  monarch,  when  Cardinal 
Ximeiics,  who,  as  Kegent,  assumed  the  reins  of  go- 
vernment in  Castile,  commanded  him  to  desist  from 
the  journey,  and  engaged  to  hear  his  coinpiaints  in 
person. 

He  accordingly  weighed  the  matter  with  attention 
equal  to  its  importance  ;  and  as  his  impetuous  mind 
delighted  in  schemes  bold  and  uncommon,  he  soon 
fixed  upon  a  plan  which  astonished  the  ministers 
trained  up  under  the  formal  and  cautious  administration 
of  Ferdinand.  Without  regarding  either  the  rights  of 
Don  Diego  Columbus,  or  the  regulations  established 
by  the  late  king,  he  resolved  to  send  three  persons  to 
America  as  superintendents  of  all  the  colonies  there, 
with  authority,  after  examining  all  circumstances  on 
the  spot,  to  decide  finally  with  respect  to  the  point  in 
question.  It  was  a  matter  of  deliberation  and  delir-acy 
to  choose  men  qualified  for  such  an  important  statioi.. 
As  all  the  laymen  settled  in  America,  cr  who  had  been 
consulted  in  the  administration  of  that  department, 
had  given  their  opinion  that  the  Spaniards  coulc  not 
keep  possession  of  their  new  settlements,  unless  they 
were  allowed  to  retain  their  dominion  over  the  Indians, 
he  saw  that  he  could  not  rely  on  their  nnpartialily,  and 
determined  to  commit  the  trust  to  ecclesiastics.  As 
the  Dominicans  and  Franciscans  had  already  espoused 
opposite  sides  in  the  controversy,  he,  from  the  same 
principle  of  impartiality,  excluded  both  tliese  fraternities 
from  the  commission.  He  confined  his  choice  to  the 
monks  of  St.  Jerome,  a  small  but  respectable  order  in 
Spain.  With  the  assistance  of  their  general,  and  io 
concert  with  Las  Casas,  he  soon  pitched  upon  three 
persons  whom  he  deemed  equal  to  the  charge.  To  them 
he  joined  Zuazo,  a  private  lawyer  of  distinguished  ])ro- 
bity,  with  unbounded  power  to  regulate  all  judicial 
proceedings  in  the  colonies.  Las  Casas  was  appointed 
to  accompany  them  with  the  title  of  protector  of  tbo 
Indians. 

To  vest  such  extraordinary  powers,  as  might  at  onoo 
overturn  the  system  of  government  establi.^hed  in  the 
Ne'  World,  in  four  persons,  who,  from  their  humble 
condition  in  life,  were  little  entitled  to  possess  this  high 
authority,  appeared  to  Zapata,  and  other  ministers  of 
the  late  king,  a  measure  so  wild  and  dangerous,  that 
they  refused  to  issue  the  despatches  necessary  for  car- 
rying it  into  execution.  But  Ximcnes  was  not  of  a 
teinpei  patiently  to  brook  opposition  to  any  of  his 
schemes.  He  sent  for  the  refractory  ministers,  and  ad- 
dressed them  in  such  a  tone  that  in  the  utmost  conster- 
nation they  obeyed  his  orders.  The  superintt^ndcnts, 
with  their  associates  Zuazo  and  Las  Casas,  sailed  for 
St.  Domingo.  Upon  their  arrival,  the  first  art  of  their 
authority  was  to  set  at  liberty  all  the  Indians  w  ho  had 
been  granted  to  the  Spanish  courtiers,  or  to  any  person 
not  residing  in  America.  This,  togeliier  with  the  in- 
formation which  had  been  received  from  Spain  con- 
cerning the  object  of  the  commission,  spread  a  general 
alarm.  The  colonists  concluded  that  they  were  to  be 
deprived  at  once  of  the  hands  with  which  they  carried 
on  their  labor,  and  that,  of  consequence,  ruin  was  un- 
avoidable. But  the  fathers  of  St.  Jerome  proceeded 
with  such  caution  and  prudence  as  soon  dissipated  all 
their  fears.  They  discovered,  in  every  step  of  then 
conduct,  a  knowledge  of  the  world,  -and  of  affairs, 
which  is  seldom  acquired  in  a  cloister ,  and  displayed 
a  moderation  as  well  as  gentleness  still  more  rare 
among  persons  trained  up  in  the  solitude  and  austerity 
of  a  monastic  life.  Their  ears  were  open  to  informa- 
tion from  every  quarter  ;  they  compared  the  different 
accounts  which  they  received  ;  and,  after  a  mature 
consideration  of  the  whole,  they  were  fully  satisfied 
that  the  state  of  the  colony  rendered  it  impossible  to 
adopt  the  plan  proposed  by  Las  Casas,  and  recora 
mended  by  the  Cardinal.  They  plainlv  nerceived  that 
the  Spaniards  settled  in  America  were  so  few  in  nuiii 
bcr,  that  they  could  neither  work  the  mines  which  had 
been  opened,  nor  cultivate  the  country  ;  that  they  de 
pended  for  effecting  both  upon  the  labor  of  the  natives, 
and,  if  deprived  of  it,  they  must  instantly  relinquish 
their  conquests,  or  give  up  all  the  advantages  wl.icj) 


96 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OP 


they  dcrii'cd  from  them  ;  that  no  allurement  was  so 
powerful  as  to  surmount  the  natural  aversion  of  the 
Indians  to  any  laborious  cfibrt,  and  that  nothing  but  the 
Hulhoritv  of  a  master  could  comijel  them  to  work  ;  and 
if  iney  were  not  kept  constantly  under  the  eye  and  dis- 
cipline of  a  superior,  so  great  was  their  natural  listless- 
ness  and  indifference,  that  they  would  neither  attend 
to  religious  instruction,  nor  observe  those  rites  of 
Christianity  which  they  had  been  already  taught.  Upon 
all  those  accouuts,  the  superintendents  found  it  neces- 
sary to  tolerate  the  rcpartimienios,  and  to  suffer  the 
Ind'.ans  to  remain  under  subjection  to  their  Spanish 
masters.  They  used  their  utmost  endeavors,  how- 
ever, to  prevent  the  fatal  effects  of  this  establishment, 
and  to  secure  to  the  Indians  the  consolation  of  the 
best  treatment  compatible  with  a  state  of  servitude. 
For  this  purpose,  they  revived  former  regulations,  they 
prescribed  new  ones,  they  neglected  no  circumstance 
that  tended  to  mitigate  the  rigor  of  the  yoke  ;  and  by 
their  authority,  their  example,  and  their  exhortations, 
they  labored  to  inspire  their  countrymen  with  senti- 
ments of  equity  and  gentleness  towards  the  unhappy 
people  upon  whose  industry  they  depended.  Zuazo, 
in  his  department,  seconded  the  endeavors  of  the 
superintendents.  He  reformed  the  courts  of  justice 
in  such  a  manner  as  to  render  their  decisions  equitable 
as  well  as  expeditious,  and  introduced  various  regula- 
tions which  greatly  improved  the  interior  policy  of  the 
colony.  The  satisfaction  which  his  conduct  and  that 
of  the  superintendents  gave  was  now  universal  among 
the  Spaniards  settled  in  the  New  World ;  and  all 
admired  the  boldness  of  Ximenes  in  having  departed 
from  the  ordinary  path  of  business  in  forming  his  plan, 
as  wclC  as  his  sagacity  in  pitching  upon  persons  whose 
wisdom,  moderation,  and  disinterestedness  rendered 
them  worthy  of  this  high  trust. 

Las  Casas  alone  was  dissatisfied.  The  prudential 
consideration  which  influenced  the  superintendents 
made  no  impression  upon  him.  He  regarded  their 
idea  of  acommodating  their  conduct  to  the  state  of  the 
colony,  as  the  maxim  of  an  unhallowed  timid  policy, 
which  tolerated  what  was  unjust  because  it  was 
beneficial.  He  contended  that  the  Indians  were  by 
nature  free,  and,  as  their  protector,  he  requured  the 
superintendents  not  to  bereave  them  of  the  common 
privilege  of  humanity.  They  received  his  most  viru- 
lent remonstrances  without  emotion,  but  adiiered  lirmly 
to  their  own  system.  The  Spanish  planters  did  not 
bear  with  him  so  patiently,  and  were  ready  to  tear  him 
in  pieces  for  insisting  in  a  requisition  so  odious  to 
them.  Las  Casas,  in  order  to  screen  himself  from 
Ihci;  rage,  found  it  necessary  to  take  shelter  in  a  con- 
vent ;  and  perceiving  that  all  his  efforts  in  America 
were  fruitless,  he  soon  set  out  for  Europe,  with  a  lixed 
resolution  not  to  abandon  the  protection  of  a  people 
whom  he  deemed  to  be  cruelly  oppressed. 

Had  Ximenes  retained  that  vigor  of  mind  with 
which  he  usually  applied  to  business.  Las  Casas  must 
have  met  with  no  very  gracious  reception  upon  his 
return  to  Spain.  But  he  found  the  Cardinal  languish- 
ing under  a  mortal  distemper,  and  preparing  to  resign 
his  authority  to  the  young  king,  who  was  daily  ex- 
pected from  the  Low  Countries.  Charles  arrived, 
took  posssion  of  the  government,  and,  by  the  death  of 
Ximenes,  lost  a  minister  whose  abilities  and  integrity 
entitled  him  to  direct  his  affairs.  Many  of  the  Flemish 
nobility  had  accompanied  their  sovereign  to  Spain. 
From  that  warm  predilection  to  his  countrymen,  which 
was  natural  at  his  age,  he  consulted  them  with  respect 
to  all  the  transactions  in  his  new  kingdom  ;  and  they, 
with  an  indiscreet  eagerness,  intruded  themselves  into 
every  business,  and  seized  almost  every  department  of 
tdininistration.  The  direction  of  American  affairs  was 
an  object  too  alluring  to  escape  their  attention.  Las 
Casus  observed  their  growing  influence  ;  and  though 
projectors  are  usually  too  sanguine  to  conduct  their 
schemes  with  mucii  dexterity,  he  possessed  a  bustling, 
indefatigable  activity,  which  sometimes  accomplishes 
its  J  urroses  witn  greater  success  than  the  most  ex- 
<)iiii'.te  discernment  and  address.  Ho  courted  the 
F!emi(-h  ministers  with  assiduity.  He  represented  to 
them  the  absurdity  of  all  the  maxims  hitherto  adopted 
with  respect  to  the  government  of  America,  particu- 
larly during  the  adn<inistralion  of  Ferdinand,  and 
pointed  out  the  defects  of  those  arrangements  which 
Aiincnes  had  introduced.  The  memory  of  Ferdinand  was 
odious  to  the  Flemings.  'J'hc  superior  virtues  and  abi- 
lities of  Ximenes  had  long  been  the  object  of  their  envy. 
They  fondly  wished  to  have  a  plausible  pretext  forcon- 
di'mi.ing  the  measures  both  of  the  monarch  and  of  the 
lmni'<ter,  and  of  reflecting  some  discredit  on  their  poli- 
tical wisdom     'llie  frieiidd  of  Don  Dii^go  (Joluiiibuii, 


as  well  as  the  Spanish  courtiers  who  had  been  dissa- 
tisfied with  the  Cardinal's  administration,  joined  Las 
Casas  in  censuring  the  scheme  of  sending  superinten- 
dents to  America.  This  union  of  so  many  interests 
and  passions  was  irresistible  ;  and  in  consequence  of  it 
the  fathers  of  St.  Jerome,  together  with  their  associate 
Zuazo,  were  recalled,  lloderigo  de  Figueroa,  a  lawyer 
of  some  eminence,  was  appointed  chief  judge  of  the 
island,  and  received  instructions,  in  compliance  with 
the  request  of  Las  Casas,  to  examine  once  more,  with 
the  utmost  attention,  the  point  in  controversy  between 
him  and  the  people  of  the  colony,  with  respect  to  the 
treatment  of  the  natives  :  and  in  the  mean  time  to  do 
every  thing  in  his  power  to  alleviate  their  sufferings, 
and  to  prevent  the  extinction  of  the  race. 

This  was  all  that  the  zeal  of  Las  Casas  could  pro- 
cure at  that  juncture  in  favor  of  the  Indians.  The  im- 
possibility of  carrying  on  any  improvements  in  America, 
unless  the  Spanish  planters  could  command  the  labor  of 
the  natives,  was  an  insuperable  objection  to  his  plan  of 
treating  them  as  free  subjects.  In  order  to  provide 
some  remedy  for  this,  without  which  he  found  it  was  in 
vain  to  mention  his  scheme.  Las  Casas  proposed  to 
purchase  a  sufficient  number  of  negroes  from  the  Por- 
tuguese settlements  on  the  coast  of  Africa,  and  to 
transport  them  to  America,  in  order  that  they  might  be 
employed  as  slaves  in  working  the  mines  and  cultivat- 
ing the  ground.  One  of  the  tirst  advantages  which  the 
Portuguese  bad  derived  from  their  discoveries  in  Africa 
arose  from  the  trade  in  slaves.  Various  circumstances 
concurred  in  reviving  this  odious  commerce,  which  had 
been  long  abolished  in  Europe,  and  which  is  no  less  re- 
pugnant to  the  feelings  of  humanity  than  to  the  princi- 
ples of  religion.  As  early  as  the  year  one  thousand 
five  hundred  and  three,  a  few  negro  slaves  had  been 
sent  into  the  New  World.  In  the  year  one  thousand 
five  hundred  and  eleven,  Ferdinand  permitted  the  im- 
portation of  them  in  greater  numbers.  They  were 
found  to  be  a  more  robust  and  hardy  race  than  the  na- 
tives of  America.  They  were  more  capable  of  endur- 
ing fatigue,  more  patient  under  servitude,  and  the  labor 
of  one  negro  was  computed  to  be  equal  to  that  of  four 
Indians.  Cardinal  Ximenes,  however,  when  solicited 
to  encourage  this  commerce,  peremi)torily  rejected  the 
proposition,  because  he  perceived  the  iniquity  of  reduc- 
ing one  race  of  men  to  slavery,  while  he  was  consult- 
ing about  the  means  of  restoring  liberty  to  another. 
But  Las  Casas,  from  the  inconsistency  natural  to  men 
who  hurry  with  headlong  impetuosity  towards  a  favorite 
point,  was  incapable  of  makmg  this  distinction.  While 
he  contended  earnestly  for  the  liberty  of  the  people 
born  in  one  quarter  of  the  globe,  he  labored  to  enslave 
the  inhabitants  of  another  region  ;  and  in  the  warmth 
of  his  zeal  to  save  the  Americans  from  the  yoke,  pro- 
nounced it  to  be  lawful  and  expedient  to  impose  one 
still  heavier  upon  the  Africans.  Unfortunately  for  the 
latter.  Las  Casas's  plan  was  adopted.  Charles  granted 
a  patent  to  one  of  his  Flemish  favorites,  containing  an 
exclusive  right  of  importing  four  thousand  negroes  into 
America.  The  favorite  sold  his  patent  to  some  Geno- 
ese merchants  foi  twenty-five  thousand  ducats,  and 
they  were  the  first  who  brought  into  a  regular  form  that 
commerce  for  slaves  between  Africa  and  America, 
which  has  since  been  carried  on  to  such  an  amazing 
extent. 

But  the  Genoese  merchants  [1518],  conducting  their 
operations,  at  first,  with  the  rapacity  of  monopolists, 
demanded  such  a  high  price  for  negroes,  that  the  num- 
ber imported  into  llispaniola  made  no  great  change 
upon  the  state  of  the  colony.  Las  Casas,  whose  zeal 
was  no  less  inventive  than  indefatigable,  had  recourse 
to  another  expedient  for  the  relief  of  the  Indians.  He 
observed,  that  most  of  the  persons  who  had  settled  hi- 
therto in  America,  were  sailors  and  soldiers  employed 
in  the  discovery  or  conquest  of  the  country  ;  the  younger 
sons  of  noble  families,  allured  by  the  prospect  of  ac- 
quiring sudden  wealth;  or  desperate  adventurers,  whom 
their  indigence  or  crimes  forced  to  abandon  their  native 
land.  Instead  of  such  men,  who  were  dissolute,  rapa- 
cious, and  incajiable  of  that  sober  persevering  industry 
which  is  requisite  in  forming  new  colonies,  he  proposed 
to  supply  the  settlements  in  Hl^:paniohk  and  other 
parts  of  the  New  World  with  a  suHicient  number  of 
laborers  and  husbandmen,  who  should  be  allured  by 
suitable  prciiiiuma  to  remove  thither.  These,  as  they 
were  accustomed  to  k'.i<riO,  would  be  able  to  perform 
the  work  10  which  the  Indians,  from  the  feebleness  of 
their  coiislitiitioii,  were  unequal,  and  might  soon  become 
useful  and  opulent  citizens.  But  though  llispaniola 
stood  miu'li  111  need  of  a  recruit  of  inhabitants,  having 
been  vi;;itfd  (it  this  time  with  the  small-pox,  which 
Hwi  i>t  off  uliuo.s'  ill  the  natives  who  had  survived  thei: 


long  continued  oppression  ;  and  though  Las  Casas  liai) 
the  countenance  of  the  Flemish  ministers,  this  scheme 
was  defeated  by  the  bishop  of  Burgos,  who  thwarted  ail 
his  projects. 

Las  Cases  now  despaired  of  procuring  any  relief  foi 
the  Indians  in  those  places  where  the  Spaniards  v.ere 
already  settled.  The  evil  was  become  so  inveterate 
there  as  not  to  admit  of  a  cure.  But  such  discoveries 
were  daily  making  in  the  continent  as  gave  a  high  idea 
both  of  its  extent  and  populousness.  In  all  those  vast 
regions  there  was  but  one  feeble  colony  planted  ;  and 
except  a  small  spot  on  the  isthmus  of  Darien,  the  na- 
tives still  occupied  the  whole  country.  This  opened  a 
new  and  more  ample  field  for  the  humanity  and  zeal  of 
Las  Casas,  who  flattered  himself  that  he  might  prevent 
a  pernicious  system  from  being  introduced  there,  though 
he  had  failed  of  success  in  his  attempts  to  overturn  it 
where  it  was  already  established.  Full  of  this  idea,  he 
apphed  for  a  grant  of  the  unoccupied  country  stretching 
along  the  seacoast  from  the  Gulf  of  Paria  to  the  west- 
em  frontier  of  that  province  now  known  by  the  name 
of  Santa  Martha.  He  proposed  to  settle  there  with  i 
colony  composed  of  husbandmen,  laborers,  and  eccle- 
siastics. He  engaged  in  the  space  of  two  years  to 
civihze  ten  thousand  of  the  natives,  and  to  instnict 
them  so  thoroughly  in  the  arts  of  social  life,  that  from 
the  fruits  of  their  industry  an  annual  revenue  of  fifteen 
thousand  ducats  should  arise  to  the  kin^.  In  ten  years 
he  expected  that  his  improvements  would  be  so  far 
advanced  as  to  yield  annually  sixty  thousand  ducats. 
He  stipulated,  that  no  soldier  or  sailor  should  ever  be 
permitted  to  settle  in  this  district ;  and  that  no  Spa- 
niard whatever  should  enter  it  without  his  permission. 
He  even  projected  to  clothe  the  people  whom  he  took 
along  with  him  in  some  distinguishing  garb,  which  did 
not  resemble  the  Spanish  dress,  that  they  might  appear 
to  the  natives  to  be  a  different  race  of  men  from  those 
who  had  brought  so  many  calamities  upon  their  coun- 
try. From  this  scheme,  of  wliich  I  have  traced  onlv 
the  great  lines,  it  is  manifest  that  Las  Casas  had  formed 
ideas  concerning  the  method  of  treating  the  Indians, 
similar  to  those  by  which  the  Jesuits  afterwards  earned 
on  their  great  operations  in  another  part  of  the  same 
continent.  He  supposed  that  the  Europeans,  by  avail- 
ing themselves  of  that  ascendant  which  they  possessed 
in  consequence  of  their  superior  progress  in  science 
and  improvement,  might  gradually  form  the  minds  ol 
Americans  to  relish  those  comforts  of  which  they  were 
destitute,  might  train  them  to  the  arts  of  civil  hfe,  and 
render  them  capable  of  its  functions. 

But  to  the  bishop  of  Burgos,  and  the  council  of  the 
Indies,  this  project  appeared  not  only  chimerical,  but 
dangerous  in  a  high  degree.  They  deemed  the  fa- 
culties of  the  Americans  to  be  naturally  so  limned,  and 
their  indolence  so  excessive,  that  every  attempt  to  in- 
struct or  to  improve  them  would  be  fruitless.  They 
contended,  that  it  would  be  extremely  imprudent  to 
give  the  command  of  a  country  extending  above  a  thou- 
sand miles  along  the  coast  to  a  fanciful  presumptuous 
enthusiast,  a  stranger  to  the  affairs  of  the  world,  and 
unacquainted  with  the  arts  of  government.  Las  Casas, 
far  from  being  discouraged  with  a  repulse,  which  he 
had  reason  to  expect,  had  recourse  once  more  to  the 
Flemish  favorites,  who  zealously  patronised  his  scheme 
merely  because  it  had  been  rejected  by  tho  Spanish 
ministers.  They  prevailed  with  their  master,  who  had 
lately  been  raised  to  the  Imperial  dignity,  to  refer  the 
consideration  of  this  measure  to  a  select  number  of  his 
privy  counsellors ;  and  Las  Casas  having  excepted 
against  the  members  of  the  council  of  the  Indies,  as 
partial  and  interested  they  were  all  excluded.  Tho 
decision  of  men  chosen  by  recommendation  of  the 
Flemings  was  perfectly  conformable  to  their  sentiments. 
They  warmly  approved  of  Las  Casas's  plan,  and  gave 
orders  for  carrying  it  into  execution,  but  restricted  iht 
territory  allotted  him  to  three  hundred  miles  along  the 
coast  of  Cumana ;  allowing  him,  however,  to  extend 
it  as  far  as  he  pleased  towards  tlie  interior  part  of  the 
coi.nlry. 

This  determination  did  not  pass  uncensured.  .\lniost 
every  person  who  had  been  in  the  West  Indies  ex- 
claimed against  it,  and  supported  their  opinion  so  con- 
fidentlv,  and  with  such  plausible  reasons,  as  made  it 
advisable  to  pause  and  to  review  the  subject  more  de- 
I  libcralely.    (diaries  himself,  though  accustomed,  at  this 
I  early  period  of  his  life,  to  adopt  the  sentiments  of  hit 
ministers  with  such  submissive  deference  as  did  not 
promi.sc  that  decisive  vigor  of  mind  which  distingiii'lied 
his  riper  years,  could  not  help  suspecting  that  the  v.i'^t't- 
ness  with  which  the  Flemings  took  part  in  every  aifail 
flowed  from  some  iirproiier  motive,  and  began  to  'li* 
I  cover  un  incliiiulion  lo  examine  in  person  into  the  state 


S  O  TI T  H  AMERICA. 


97 


of  the  question  concerning  the  character  of  the  Ame- 
cicans,  and  the  proper  manner  of  treating  them.  An 
opnortumty  of  making  this  ii  ipiiry  with  great  advantage 
soon  occurred  [June  20].  Qiicvedo,  tiic  bishop  of 
Darien,  who  had  accompanied  J'edrarias  to  the  conti- 
nent in  the  yeai  one  liiousand  live  hundred  and  thirteen, 
happened  to  land  at  Barcelona,  where  the  court  then 
resided.  It  was  quickly  known  that  his  sentiments 
concerning  the  talcnt.s  and  disposition  of  the  Indians 
dirt'ered  from  those  of  Las  Casas :  and  Charles  na- 
-uirally  concluded  that  bv  confronting  two  respectable 
persons  who,  during  their  residence  in  America,  had 
full  leisure  to  observe  the  manners  of  the  people  whom 
they  pretended  to  describe,  he  might  be  able  to  discover 
which  of  them  had  formed  his  opinion  with  the  greatest 
discernment  and  accuracy. 

A  day  for  this  solemn  audience  was  appointed.  The 
Mnpcror  appeared  with  extraordinary  pomp,  and  took 
his  scat  on  a  throne  in  the  great  hall  of  the  ])alace.  His 
principal  courtiers  attended.    Don  Diego  Columbus, 
admiral  of  the  Indies,  was  summoned  to  be  jiresent. 
The  bishop  of  Darien  was  called  upon  first  to  deliver 
his  opinion.    lie,  in  a  short  discourse,  lamented  the 
fatal  desolation  of  America  by  the  extinction  of  so 
many  of  its  inhabitants  ;  he  acknowledged  that  this 
must  be  imputed,  in  some  degree,  to  the  extensive 
rigor  and  inconsiderate  proceedings  of  the  Spaniards  ; 
but  declared  that  all  the  people  of  the  New  World 
whom  he  had  seen  either  in  the  continent  or  in  the 
islands,  appeared  to  him  to  be  a  race  of  men  marked 
out,  by  the  Inferiority  of  their  talents,  for  servitude, 
I  and  whom  it  would  be  impossible  to  instruct  or  improve, 
unkis  they  were  kept  under  the  continual  inspection 
I  of  a  master.    Las  Casas,  at  greater  length  and  with 
more  fervor,  defended  his  own  system.    He  rejected 
with  indignation  the  idea  that  any  race  of  men  was 
born  to  servitude  as  irreligious  and  inhuman.    He  as- 
serted that  the  faculties  of  the  Americans  were  not 
naturally  despicable^  but  unimproved  ;  that  they  were 
i  capable  of  receiving  instruction  in  the  principles  of  re- 
I  ligion,  as  well  as  of  acquiring  the  industry  and  arts 
which  wLuld  qualify  them  for  the  various  olfices  of 
social  life,  that  the  mildness  and  timidity  of  their  nature 
,  rendered  them  so  submissive  and  docile,  that  they 
I  might  be  led  and  formed  with  a  gentle  hand.  He 
'  professed  that  his  intentions  in  proposing  the  scheme 
now  under  consideration  were  pure  and  disinterested  ; 
and  though  f-om  the  accomphshment  of  his  designs 
■  inestimable  benefits  would  result  to  the  crown  of 
I  Castile,  he  never  had  claimed,  nor  ever  would  receive, 
ftnv  recompense  on  that  account. 

Charles,  after  hearing  both,  and  consulting  with  his 
ministers,  did  n  it  think  himself  sufficiently  informed 
j  to  establish  any  general  arrangement  with  respect  to 
j  the  state  of  the  Indians  ;  but  as  he  had  perfect  conti- 
I  dence  in  the  integrity  of  Las  Casas,  and  as  even  the 
I  bishop  of  Darien  i,dm!ttcd  his  scheme  to  Le  of  such 
i  importance  that  a  trial  should  be  made  ol  its  etiects, 
I  ha  issued  a  patent  [1522],  granting  him  the  district  of 
f  Comana  formerly  nr.sntioned,  with  full  power  to  es- 
tailish  a  colony  there  according  to  his  own  plan. 

Las  Casas  i)ushed  on  the  preparations  for  his  voyage 
with  his  usual  ardor.    But,  either  from  his  own  inex- 
p<iricnce  in  the  condu  t  of  atfairs,  or  from  the  secret 
(  opposition  of  the  Spanish  nobility,  who  universally 
t  dreaded  the  success  of  an  institution  that  might  rob 
[••thein  of  the  industriout  and  useful  hands  which  culti- 
vated their  estates,  his  p/ogress  in  engaging  husband- 
men iind  laborers  was  extremely  slow,  and  he  could 
not  prevail  on  more  than  \wo  hundred  to  accompany 
hiin  to  Oumana. 

Nothirg,  however,  could  damp  his  zeal.    With  this 
slender  train,  hardly  suHicient  to  take  possession  of 
such  a  large  territory,  and  altogether  uneijual  to  any 
etfcctual  a'.tempt  towards  civilizing  its  inhabitants,  he 
Eel  sail.    The  lirst  place  at  which  he  touched  was  the 
island  of  Puerto  Rico.    There  he  received  an  account 
of  »  new  obstacle  to  the  execution  of  his  scheme,  more 
insuperable  tl.an  any  he  had  hitherto  encountered. 
[  When  he  left  America,  in  the  year  one  thousand  live 
I  hundred  and  sixteen,  the  Spaniards  had  little  inter- 
I  course  with  any  part  ot  the  continent  except  the  coun- 
t  tries  adjacent  to  the  Gulf  of  Darien.    But  as  every 
ppecios  of  interna  industry  began  to  stagnate  in  His- 
paniola,  when,  by  the  rapid  decrease  of  the  natives, 

■  the  Spaniards  were  deprived  of  those  hands  with  which 
I  they  had  hitherto  carried  on  their  operations,  this 
f  prompted  them  to  try  various  expedients  for  su])plying 
I  that  loss.  Considerable  numbers  of  negroes  were 
!  imported ;  but,  on  account  of  their  e.xorbitant  price, 

■  many  of  the  planters  could  not  afford  to  purchase 
iViein.    In  order  to  procure  slaves  at  an  easier  rate, 


some  of  the  Spaniards  in  His[)aniola  fitted  out  vessels 
to  cruise  along  the  coast  of  the  continent.  In  places 
where  they  found  themselves  inferior  in  strength,  they 
traded  with  the  natives,  and  gave  Kiiropean  toys  m 
exchange  for  the  plates  of  gold  worn  by  ihein  as  orna- 
ments; but,  whenever  they  could  surprise  or  over- 
power the  Indians,  they  carried  them  olf  by  force,  and 
sold  them  as  slaves.  In  those  predatory  excursions 
such  atrocious  acts  of  violence  and  cruelty  had  b(^en 
committed,  that  the  Spanish  name  was  held  in  detesta- 
tion all  over  the  continent.  A\'hencvcr  any  ships  ap- 
peared, the  inhabitants  either  fled  to  the  woods,  or 
rushed  down  to  the  shore  in  arms  to  repel  those  hated 
disturbers  of  llieir  tranquillity.  They  forced  some 
parties  of  tne  Spaniards  to  teticat  with  precipitation  ; 
they  cut  oil'  others  ;  and  in  the  violence  of  their  ro- 
sentinent  against  the  whole  nation,  they  murdered  two 
Dominican  missionaries,  whose  zeal  had  prompted 
them  to  settle  in  the  province  of  Cuniana.  This  out- 
rage against  persons  revered  for  their  sanctity  excited 
such  indignation  among  the  people  of  His))aniola,  who, 
notwithstanding  all  their  licentious  and  cruel  proceed- 
ings, were  possessed  with  a  wonderful  zeal  for  religion, 
and  a  superstitious  respect  for  its  ministers,  that  thev 
determined  to  inflict  exemplary  punishment,  not  only 
upon  the  perpetrators  of  that  crime,  but  upon  the  whole 
race.  With  this  view,  thev  gave  the  command  of  five 
ships  and  three  liundred  men  to  Diego  Ocamjjo,  with 
orders  to  lay  waste  the  country  of  Cumana  with  fire 
and  sword,  and  to  transport  all  the  inhabitants  as 
slaves  to  Hispaniola.  This  armament  Las  Casas 
found  at  Puerto  Rico,  on  its  way  to  the  continent ; 
and  as  Ocampo  refused  to  defer  his  voyage,  he  imme- 
diately perceived  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  attempt 
the  execution  of  his  pacific  plan  in  a  country  destined 
to  be  the  seat  of  war  and  desolation. 

In  order  to  provide  against  the  effects  of  this  un- 
fortunate incident,  he  set  sail  directly  for  St.  Domingo 
[April  11],  leaving  his  followers  cantoned  out  among 
the  planters  in  Puerto  Rico.  From  many  concurring 
causes,  the  reception  which  Las  Casas  met  with  in 
Hispaniola  was  very  unfavorable.  In  his  negotiations 
for  the  relief  of  the  Indians,  he  had  censured  the  con- 
duct of  his  countrvmen,  settled  there  with  such  honest 
severity  as  rendered  him  universally  odious  to  them. 
They  considered  their  own  ruin  as  the  inevitable  con- 
sequence of  his  success.  They  were  now  elated  with 
hope  of  receiving  a  large  recruit  of  slaves  from  Cu- 
mana, which  must  be  relinquished  if  Las  Casas  were  as- 
sisted in  settling  his  projected  colony  there.  Figueroa,  in 
consequence  of  the  instructions  which  he  had  received 
in  Spain,  had  made  an  experiment  concerning  the 
capacity  of  the  Indians,  that  was  represented  as  decisive 
against  the  system  of  Las  Casas.  He  collected  in  His- 
paniola a  good  number  of  the  natives,  and  settled  them 
in  two  villages,  leaving  them  at  perfect  liberty,  and 
with  the  uncontrolled  direction  of  their  own  actions. 
But  that  people,  accustomed  to  a  mode  of  life  ex- 
tremely ditt'erent  from  that  which  takes  place  wherever 
civilization  has  made  any  considerable  progress,  were 
incapable  of  assuming  new  habits  at  once.  Dejected 
with  their  own  misfortunes  as  well  as  those  of  their 
country  they  exerted  so  little  industry  in  cultivating 
the  ground,  appeared  so  devoid  of  solicitude  or  foresight 
in  providing  for  their  own  wants,  and  were  such  stran- 
gers to  arrangement  in  conducting  their  affairs,  that  the 
S|)aniards  pronounced  them  incapable  of  being  formed 
to  live  like  men  in  social  life,  and  considered  them  as 
children,  who  should  be  kept  under  the  perpetual  tute- 
lage of  persons  superior  to  themselves  in  wisdom  and 
sagacity. 

Notwithstanding  all  those  circumstances,  which  alien- 
ated the  persons  in  Hispaniola  to  whom  Las  Casas  applied 
from  himself  and  from  his  measures,  he,  by  his  activity  and 
perseverance,  by  some  concessions  and  many  threats, 
obtained  at  length  a  small  body  of  troops  to  protect  him 
and  his  colony  at  their  first  landing.  But  upon  his  re- 
turn to  Puerto  Rico,  he  found  that  the  diseases  of  the 
climate  had  been  fatal  to  several  of  his  ))eople  ;  and 
that  others  havnig  got  employment  in  that  island,  refu- 
sed to  follow  him.  With  the  handful  that  remained, 
he  set  sail  and  landed  in  Cumana.  Ocampo  had  exe- 
cuted his  commission  in  that  province  with  such  bar- 
barous rage,  having  massacred  many  of  the  inhabitants, 
sent  others  in  chains  to  Hispaniola,  and  forced  the  rest 
to  fly  for  shelter  to  the  woods,  that  the  ])eoplc  of  a  small 
colony,  which  he  had  planted  at  a  place  which  he  named 
Toledo,  were  ready  to  perish  for  want  in  a  desolated 
country.  There,  however.  Las  Casas  was  obliged  to 
tlx  his  residence,  though  deserted  both  by  the  troops 
appointed  to  jirotcct  him,  and  by  those  under  the  com- 
mand of  Ocampo,  who  foresaw  and  dreaded  the  calaiiu- 


tics  to  which  he  must  be  exposed  in  that  wretched  sta- 
tion. He  made  the  best  provision  in  his  power  for  tlio 
safety  and  subsistence  of  his  followers,  but  as  his  ut- 
most efforts  availed  little  towards  securing  either  the 
one  or  the  other,  he  returned  to  Hispaniola,  in  order  to 
solicit  more  elfcctual  aid  for  the  preservation  of  men 
who,  from  conlidcnce  in  him,  hud  ventured  into  a  i)ost 
of  so  much  danger.  Soon  after  Ins  departure,  the  na- 
tives, having  discovered  the  feeble  and  defenceless  state 
of  the  Spaniards,  assembled  secretly,  attacked  them 
with  the  fury  natural  to  men  exasperated  by  many  in- 
juries, cut  olf  a  good  number,  and  compelled  the  rest  to 
fly  in  the  utmost  consternation  to  the  island  of  Cubagua 
The  small  colony  settled  there  on  account  of  the  pearl 
fishery,  catching  the  panic  with  which  their  counlrymer. 
had  been  seized,  abandoned  the  island,  and  not  a  S|)a- 
niard  remained  in  any  part  of  the  continent,  or  adjacent 
islands,  from  the  Gulf  of  Paria  to  the  borders  of  Darien. 
Astonished  at  such  a  succession  of  disasters.  Las  Casas 
was  ashamed  to  show  his  face  after  this  fatal  termination 
of  all  his  splendid  schemes.  He  shut  himself  up  in  the 
convent  of  the  Dominicans  at  St.  Domingo,  and  soon 
after  assumed  the  habit  of  that  order. 

Though  the  expulsion  of  the  colony  from  Cumana 
happened  in  the  year  one  thousand  five  hundred  and 
twenty-one,  I  have  chosen  to  trace  the  progress  of  Las 
Casas's  negotiations  from  their  first  rise  to  their  nnal 
issue  without  interruption.  His  system  was  the  object 
of  long  and  attentive  discussion  ;  and  though  his  eflbrls 
in  behalf  of  the  oppressed  Americans,  partly  from  his 
own  rashness  and  imprudence,  and  partly  from  the  male- 
volent opposition  of  his  adversaries,  were  not  attended 
with  that  success  which  he  promised  with  too  sanguine 
confidence,  great  praise  is  due  to  his  humane  activity, 
which  gave  rise  to  various  regulations  that  were  of  some 
benefit  to  that  unhappy  people.  I  return  now  to  the 
history  of  the  Spanish  discoveries  as  they  occur  in  the 
order  of  time. 

Diego  V'elasqucz,  who  conquered  Cuba  in  the  year 
one  thousand  five  hundred  and  eleven,  still  retained  the 
government  of  that  island,  as  the  deputy  of  Don 
Diego  Columbus,  though  he  seldom  acknowledged  his 
superior,  and  aimed  at  rendering  his  own  authority  al- 
together independent.  Under  liis  prudent  adminis- 
tration, Cuba  became  one  of  the  most  flourishing  of 
the  Spanish  settlements.  The  fame  of  this  allured 
thither  many  persons  from  the  other  colonics,  in  hopes 
of  finding  either  some  permanent  establishment  oi 
some  employment  for  their  activity.  As  Cuba  lay  to 
the  west  of  all  the  islands  occu[)ied  by  the  Spaniards, 
and  as  the  ocean  which  stretches  beyond  it  towards 
that  quarter  had  not  hitherto  been  explored,  these  cir- 
cumstances naturally  invited  the  inhabitants  to  attempt 
new  discoveries.  An  expedition  for  this  purpose,  in 
which  activity  and  resolution  might  conduct  to  sudden 
wealth,  was  more  suited  to  the  genius  of  the  age  than 
the  patient  industry  requisite  in  clearing  ground  and 
manufacturing  sugar.  Instigated  by  tliis  spirit,  seve- 
ral oflicers,  who  had  served  under  Pedrarias  m  Darien, 
entered  into  an  association  to  undertake  a  voyage  ol 
discovery.  They  persuaded  Francisco  Hernandez  Coi- 
dova,  an  opulent  planter  in  Cuba,  and  a  man  of  distin- 
guished courage,  to  join  with  them  in  the  adventure, 
and  chose  him  to  be  tlieir  cominander.  Veiasquez  not 
only  approved  of  the  design,  but  assisted  in  carrying  it 
on.  As  the  veterans  from  Darien  were  eslremely  indi- 
gent, he  and  Cordova  advanced  money  for  purchasing 
three  small  vessels,  and  furnished  them  with  every  thing 
requisite  either  for  traffic  or  for  war.  A  hundred  and 
ten  men  embarked  on  board  of  them,  and  sailed  from 
St.  Jago  de  Cuba,  on  the  eighth  of  February,  one  thou- 
sand five  hundred  and  seventeen.  By  the  advice  of 
their  chief  pilot,  Antonio  Alaminos,  who  had  served 
under  the  first  admiral  Columbus,  they  stood  directly 
west,  relying  on  the  opinion  of  that  great  navigator, 
who  uniformly  maintained  that  a  westerly  course  would 
lead  to  the  most  important  discoveries. 

On  the  twenty-first  day  after  their  departure  from  St. 
.lago,  '.hey  saw  land,  which  proved  to  be  Cape  Caloc.hc, 
the  eastern  point  of  that  large  peninsula  projecting  from 
the  continent  of  America,  which  still  retains  its  origi- 
nal name  of  Yucatan.  As  they  ajiproached  the  shore, 
five  canoes  came  off  full  of  peoi)le  decently  clad  in  cot- 
ton garments  ;  an  astonishing  spectacle  to  the  Spa- 
niards, who  had  found  every  other  part  of  America  pos- 
sessed by  naked  savages.  Cordova  endeavored  by 
small  presents  to  gain  the  good  will  of  these  people. 
They,  though  amazed  at  the  strange  objects  now  pre- 
sented for  the  first  time  to  their  view,  invited  the  Spa- 
niards to  visit  their  habitations,  with  an  appearance  ol 
cordiality.  They  landed  accordingly,  and  as  thpy  ad- 
vanced into  the  country,  thev  observed  with  new  v.yt>- 


38 


ROBERTS  ON'S  HISTORY  OF 


ilvi  sonio  larj;c  houses  built  with  stone.  But  they  soon 
found  that,  if  the  people  of  Yui  alan  liad  made  progress 
in  iiitproveuient  beyond  their  countrymen,  they  were 
Liicwisc  more  artful  and  warlike.  For  though  the 
ra/iijuc  had  received  Cordova  with  many  tokens  of 
frieiidship,  he  had  ])0sted  a  considerable  body  of  his 
biibjects  ill  ambush  behind  a  thicket,  who,  upon  a  signal 
(jncii  by  him,  rushed  out  and  attacked  the  Spaniards 
w;th  great  boldness,  and  some  degree  of  martial  order. 
At  the  first  flight  of  their  arrows,  iiftecn  of  the  Spaniards 
were  wounded  ;  but  the  Indians  were  struck  with  such 
terror  by  the  sudden  explosion  of  the  fire  arms,  and  so 
surprised  at  the  execution  done  by  them,  by  the  cross 
bows,  and  by  the  other  wea|)ons  of  their  new  enemies, 
that  they  fled  precipitately.  Cordova  quitted  a  country 
where  he  had  met  with  such  a  fierce  reception,  carry- 
ing oflT  two  prisoners,  together  with  the  ornaments  of  a 
small  temple  which  he  plundered  in  his  retreat. 

He  continued  his  course  towards  the  west,  without 
losing  sight  of  the  coast,  and  on  the  sixteenth  day  ar- 
rived at  Cainpeachy.  There  the  natives  received  them 
more  hospitably  ;  but  the  Spaniards  were  much  sur- 
prised, that  on  all  the  exten.sive  coast  along  which  they 
had  sailed,  and  which  they  imagined  to  be  a  large 
island,  they  had  not  observed  any  river.  [26]  As  their 
water  had  began  to  fail,  they  advanced,  in  hopes  of  find- 
ing a  supply  ;  and  at  length  they  discovered  the  mouth 
of  a  river  at  Potonchan,  some  leagues  beyond  Cam- 
peachy. 

Cordova  landed  all  his  troops,  in  order  to  protect 
the  sailors  while  employed  m  filling  the  casks  ;  but  not- 
withstanding this  precaution,  the  natives  rushed  down 
upon  them  with  such  fury  and  in  such  numbers,  that 
forty-seven  of  the  S[)aniards  were  killed  upon  the  spot, 
and  one  man  only  of  the  whole  body  escaped  unhurt. 
Their  commander,  though  wounded  in  twelve  different 
places,  directed  the  retreat  with  presence  of  mind  equal 
to  the  courage  with  which  he  had  led  them  on  in  the 
engagement,  and  with  much  difficulty  they  regained 
ise'T  ships.  After  this  fatal  repulse,  nothing  remained 
but  to  hasten  back  to  Cuba  with  their  shattered  forces. 
In  their  passage  thither  they  suffer  3d  the  most  e.tqui- 
site  distress  for  want  of  water,  that  aien,  wounded  and 
sickly,  shut  up  in  small  vessels,  and  exposed  to  the 
heat  of  the  torrid  zone,  can  be  sup|)Osed  to  endure. 
Some  of  them,  sinking  under  these  calamities,  died  by 
the  way  :  Cordova,  their  commander,  expired  soon 
after  they  landed  in  Cuba. 

Notwithstanding  the  disastrous  conclusion  of  this 
c;{j)edition,  it  contributed  rather  to  animate  than  to  damp 
a  spirit  of  enterprise  among  the  Spaniards.  They  had 
discovered  an  extensive  country,  situated  at  no  great 
distance  from  Cuba,  fertile  in  appearance,  and  possessed 
by  a  peop.c  far  superior  in  improvement  to  any  hitherto 
known  in  America.  Though  they  had  carried  on  little 
comrnerciel  intercourse  with  the  natives,  they  had 
brought  off  some  ornaments  of  gold,  not  considerable 
in  value,  but  of  singular  fabric.  These  circumstances, 
related  with  the  exaggeration  natural  to  men  desirous 
of  heipfc'ening  the  merit  of  their  own  exploits,  were 
more  than  •ulficient  to  excite  romantic  hopes  and  ex- 
pectations. Great  immbers  offered  to  engage  in  a  new 
expedjtion.  Velasquez,  solicitous  to  distinguish  him- 
self by  some  service  so  meritorious  as  might  entitle 
him  to  claim  the  government  of  Cuba  independent  of 
■he  a<imiral,  not  only  encouraged  their  ardor,  but  at  his 
)wn  expense  fitted  out  four  siiips  for  the  voyage.  Two 
lundred  aud  forty  volunteers,  among  whom  were  se- 
veral persons  of  rank  and  fortune,  embarked  in  this  en- 
lerpTise.  The  command  of  it  was  given  to  Juan  de 
Grij;dva,  a  young  man  of  known  merit  and  courage, 
with  instructions  to  observe  attentively  the  nature  of 
the  countries  which  he  should  discover,  to  barter  for 
gold,  and,  if  circumstances  were  inviting,  to  settle  a 
rcloiiy  iu  some  prop(;r  station.  He  sailed  from  St. 
ftf  o  de  Cuba  on  the  eighth  of  April,  one  thousand  five 
Auiidrpd  and  eighteen.  The  pilot,  Alaminos,  held  the 
•ajrio  course  as  in  the  former  voyage  :  but  the  violence 
of  die  currents  carrying  the  ships  to  the  south,  the  first 
land  which  they  made  wa.s  the  island  of  Coziimcl,  to 
tli£  cast  of  Yucatan.  As  all  the  inhabitants  lied  to  the 
Wii-jits  and  mountains  at  the  approach  of  the  Spaniards, 
ihey  made  no  long  stay  there,  and  without  any  romark- 
sblc  occurrence  they  reachad  Potonchan  on  the  oppoi^ite 
tide  of  the  peninsula.  The  desire  of  avenging  their 
countrymen,  who  had  been  slain  there,  concurred  with 
their  ideas  of  good  policy,  in  piompting  them  to  land, 
that  they  might  chastise  the  Indians  of  that  district  with 
iuch  exemiilary  rigor  as  would  strike  terror  into  all  the 
people  round  tlieiii.  IJu"  though  they  discmiiarkcd  all 
their  troops,  and  carried  nsliore  some  field  pieces,  the 
Indians  fought  with  such  courage,  that  the  Spaniards 


gained  the  victory  with  difficulty,  and  were  confirmed 
in  their  opinion  that  the  inhabitants  of  this  country 
would  prove  more  formidable  enemies  than  any  they 
had  met  with  :ii  other  parts  of  America.    From  Pc^- 
tonchau   they  continued  their  voyage  towards  the 
west,  keeping  as  near  as  possible  to  the  shore,  and 
casting  anchor  every  evenintr,  from  dread  of  the  dan- 
gerous accidents  to  which  thev  might  be  exposed  in  an 
unknown  sea.    During  the  day  ihcir  eyes  were  turned 
continually  towards  land,  with  a  mixture  of  surprise  and 
wonder  at  the  beauty  of  the  countr)'.  as  well  as  the 
novelty  of  the  objects  which  they  beheld.    Many  vil- 
lages were  scattered  along  the  coast,  in  which  they 
could  distinguish  houses  of  stone  that  appeared  white 
and  lofty  at  a  distance.    In  the  warmth  of  their  admira- 
tion, they  fancied  these  to  be  cities  adorned  with 
towers  and  pinnacles  ;  and  one  of  the  soldiers  happen- 
ing to  remark  that  this  country  resembled  Spain  in  ap- 
pearance, Grijalva,  with  universal  applause,  called  it 
New  Spain,  the  name  which  still  distinguishes  this 
extensive  and  opulent  province  of  the  Spanish  empire 
in  America  [27.]    They  landed  in  a  river  which  the 
natives  called  Tabasco  [June  9]  ;  and  the  fame  of  their 
victory  at  Potonchan  having  reached  this  place,  the 
cazique  not  only  received  them  amicably,  but  bestowed 
presents  upon  them  of  such  value,  as  confirmed  the 
high  ideas  which  the  Spaniards  had  formed  with  respect 
to  the  wealth  and  fertility  of  the  country.    These  ideas 
were  raised  still  higher  by  what  occurred  at  the  place 
where  they  next  touched.    This  was  considerably  to 
the  west  of  Tabasco,  in  the  province  since  known  by 
the  name  of  Guaxaca.    There  they  were  received  with 
the  respect  paid  to  superior  beings.    The  people  per- 
fumed them,  as  they  landed,  with  incense  of  gum  copal, 
and  presented  to  them  as  offerings  the  choicest  delica- 
cies of  their  country.    They  were  extremely  fond  of 
trading  with  their  new  visitants,  and  in  six  days  the 
Spaniards  obtained  ornaments  of  gold  of  curious  work- 
manship, to  the  value  of  fifteen  thousand  pesos,  in  ex- 
change for  European  toys  of  small  price.    The  two 
prisoners  whom  Cordova  had  brought  from  Yucatan, 
had  hitherto  served  as  interpreters  ;  but  as  they  did  not 
understand  the  language  of  this  country,  the  Spaniards 
learned  from  the  natives  by  signs,  that  they  were  sub- 
jects of  a  great  monarch  called  .Montezuma,  whose  do- 
minions extended  over  that  and  many  other  provinces. 
Leaving  this  place,  with  which  he  had  so  much  reason 
to  be  pleased,  Grijalva  continued  his  course  towards  tae 
west.    He  landed  on  a  small  island  [June  19],  which 
he  named  the  Isle  of  Sacrifices,  because  there  the  Spa- 
niards beheld,  for  the  first  time,  the  honid  sjiectacle  of 
human  victims,  which  the  barbarous  superstition  of  the 
natives  offered  to  their  gods.    He  touched  at  another 
small  island,  which  he  called  St.  Juan  de  Ulua.  From 
this  place  he  despatched  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  one  of  his 
officers,  to  Velasquez,  with  a  full  account  of  the  im- 
portant discoveries  which  he  had  made,  and  with  all 
the  treasure  that  he  acquired  by  trafficking  with  the 
natives.    After  the  departure  of  Alvarado,  he  himself, 
with  the  remaining  vessels,  proceeded  along  the  coast 
as  far  as  the  river  Panuco,  the  country  still  appearing  to 
be  well  peopled,  fertile,  and  opulent. 

Several  of  tirijalva's  officers  contended  that  it  was 
not  enough  to  have  discovered  those  delightful  regions, 
or  to  have  performed,  at  their  different  landing-places, 
the  empty  cf  rcmony  of  taking  |)osscssion  of  them  for 
the  crown  of  ("astilc,  and  that  their  glory  was  incom- 
plete, unless  they  planted  a  colony  in  some  proper  sta- 
tion, which  might  not  only  secure  the  Spanisli  nation  a 
footing  in  the  country,  but  with  the  reinforcements 
which  they  were  certain  of  receiving,  might  gradually 
subject  the  whole  to  the  dominion  of  their  sovereign. 
But  the  squadron  had  now  been  above  five  months  at 
sea  ;  the  greatest  part  of  their  provisions  was  exhausted, 
and  what  remained  of  their  stores  so  much  corrupted 
by  the  heat  of  the  climate,  as  to  be  almost  unfit  for 
use  ;  they  had  lost  some  men  by  death  ;  others  were 
sickly ;  the  country  was  crowded  with  people  who 
seemed  to  be  intelligent  as  well  as  brave  ;  and  they 
wore  under  the  government  of  one  powerful  monarch, 
who  could  Dring  them  to  act  against  their  invaders  with 
united  force.  To  plant  a  new  colony  under  so  many 
circumstances  of  disadvantage,  appeared  a  scheme  too 
perilous  to  be  attempted.  Grijalva,  though  possessed 
of  ambition  and  courage,  was  destitute  of  the  superior 
talents  capable  of  forming  or  executing  such  a  great 
plan.  He  jud.ji  d  it  more  prudent  to  return  to  Cuba, 
having  fulfilled  the  purpose  of  hi.'^  voyage,  and  accom- 
plished all  ih.it  the  armament  whu  h  he  commanded  en- 
abled liiin  to  p(  riorin.  He  ri  turiied  to  St.  Jago  de 
Cuba,  on  the  tweiitv-sixth  of  October,  from  which  he 
had  taken  his  departure  about  six  months  before. 


This  was  the  longest  as  well  as  the  most  successful 
voyage  which  the  Spaniards  had  hitherto  made  in  tho 
New  World.  They  had  discovered  that  Yucatan  wan 
not  an  island  as  they  had  supposed,  but  jiart  of  the 
great  continent  of  America.  From  Polonch?n  they 
had  pursued  their  co-jrse  for  many  hundred  miles  along 
a  coast  formerly  unexplored,  stretching  first  toward* 
the  west,  a. id  then  turning  to  the  north  ;  all  the  coun- 
try which  they  had  discovered  appeared  to  be  no  lesi 
valuable  than  extensive.  As  soon  as  Alvarado  reached 
Cuba,  Velasquez,  transported  with  success  so  far  be- 
yond his  most  sanguine  expectations,  immediately  des- 
patched a  person  of  confidence  to  carry  this  imjiortant 
intelligence  to  Spain,  to  exhibit  the  rich  productions  of 
the  countries  which  had  been  discovered  by  his  ineana, 
and  to  solicit  such  an  increase  of  authority  as  mioht 
enable  and  encourage  him  to  attempt  the  conquest  of 
them.  Without  waiting  for  the  return  of  his  mesienger, 
or  for  the  arrival  of  Grijalva.  of  whom  he  was  become 
80  jealous  or  distrustful  that  he  was  resolved  no  longer 
to  employ  him,  he  began  to  prepare  with  such  a  [jowcr- 
ful  armament  as  might  jirove  equal  to  an  entcrprist  of 
so  much  danger  and  importance. 

But  as  the  expedition  upon  which  Velasquez  was  now 
intent  terminated  in  conque.Us  of  greater  moment  than 
what  the  Spaniards  had  hitherto  achieved,  and  led  them 
to  the  knowledge  of  a  people,  who,  if  compared  with 
those  tribes  of  America  with  whom  they  were  hitherto 
acquainted,  may  be  considered  as  highly  civilized ;  it  is 
proper  to  pause  before  we  proceed  to  the  history  of 
events  extremely  different  from  those  which  we  have 
already  related,  in  order  to  take  a  view  of  the  state  of 
the  New  World  when  first  discovered,  and  to  contem- 
plate the  policy  and  manners  of  the  rude  uncultivated 
tribes  that  occupied  all  the  parts  of  it  with  which  itie 
Spaniards  were  at  this  time  acquainted. 


BOOK  IV. 

View  of  America  when  first  di.'scovercd,  and  of  the  manners 
and  policy  of  its  most  uncivilized  inhabitants— Va.sl  extent 
of  America — grandeur  of  the  objects  it  presents  to  view— lu 
mountains — rivers — lakes — its  form  favoral>le  locumincrca 
— temperature — predominance  of  cold— causes  of  this— un- 
cultivated— unwholesome — its  animals — soil — Ireiuir}-  how 
America  was  peopled — various  theories — what  app«an 
most  probable — Condition  and  character  of  the  Amencani 
— All,  the  Mexicans  and  Peruvians  excepted,  in  the  Mala 
of  savages — Inquiry  coiiliiied  to  the  uncivilized  tribrs— 
Difficulty  of  obtaining  information — various  causes  of  this— 
Method  observed  in  the  inquiry — I.  The  bodily  constitution 
of  the  Americans  considered— II.  The  nualities  ol  their 
nnnds — III.  Their  domestic  state — IV.  Tiieir  |H>litiral  stii* 
and  institutions — V  Their  system  of  war  and  public  secu- 
rity— VI.  The  arts  with  which  they  were  acquainttd— 
VII.  Their  religious  ideas  and  institutions — VUI.  Such  sin- 
gular and  detached  customs  as  are  not  reducible  to  ar.y  of 
ti.e  former  heads — IX.  General  review  and  estimate  of  tttcir 
virtues  and  defects. 

Twenty-six  years  had  elapsed  since  Colnmbus  had 
conducted  the  people  of  Europe  to  the  New  World. 
During  that  period  the  Spaniards  had  made  great  pro- 
gress in  exploring  its  various  regions.  They  had  vi- 
sited all  the  islands  scattered  in  different  cluslen 
through  that  part  of  the  ocean  which  flows  in  between 
North  and  .South  America.  They  had  sailed  alon»tho 
eastern  coast  of  the  continent  from  the  river  De  la 
Plata  to  the  bottom  of  the  Mexican  Golf,  and  had  found 
that  it  stretched  without  interruption  through  this  T»st 
portion  of  the  globe.  They  had  discovered  the  great  . 
Southern  Ocean,  which  opened  new  prospects  in  that 
quarter.  They  had  acquired  some  knowledge  of  the 
coast  of  Florida,  which  led  them  to  observe  the  conti- 
nent as  it  extended  in  an  opposite  direction  ;  and  ihoueb 
they  pushed  their  discoveries  no  further  towards  the 
North,  other  nations  had  visited  those  parts  whiih  they 
neglected.  The  English  in  a  voyage  the  motnes  and 
success  of  which  shall  be  related  in  another  part  of  llii« 
lli.story,  had  sailed  along  the  coast  of  America  front 
Labrador  to  the  confines  of  Florida  ;  and  the  I'ortu- 
guese,  in  quest  of  a  shorter  pa.ssage  lo  the  East  Indies, 
had  ventured  into  the  northern  seas,  and  viewed  ths 
saipe  regions.  Thus,  at  the  period  where  I  have  choseo 
lo  take  a  view  of  the  state  of  the  New  M'orld.  its  ex- 
tent was  known  almo.st  from  its  northern  extremity  to 
thirty-five  degrees  south  of  the  equator.  The  countnes 
which  stretch  from  thence  to  the  southern  boundiry  ol 
.\mcrica,  the  great  empire  of  Peni,  and  the  interiot 
state  of  the  extensive  dominions  subject  to  the  sove- 
reions  of  .Mexico,  were  still  undiscovered. 

When  we  coiiteniplate  the  New  World,  the  first  tar- 
v,umstaiice  that  strikes  us  is  its  immense  extent,  h 
was  not  a  small  portion  of  the  earth,  so  inconsiderali 
that  it  inii:ht  have  escaped  the  observation  or  resear 
of  former  ages,  which  Columbus  discovf  red.    lb'  '"-idi^ 
known  a  new  heinisphore,  larger  than  either  Europe, 


SOUTH  AM  F,  RICA. 


or  Asia,  or  Africa,  the  three  noted  divisions  of  the  an- 
cient continent,  and  not  mucii  inferior  in  dimensions  to 
a  third  part  of  the  habitable  globe. 

America  is  remarkable,  not  only  for  its  magnitude, 
but  for  its  position.  It  stretches  from  the  I'orlhcrn 
polar  circle  to  a  high  southern  latitude,  above  fifteen 
hundred  miles  beyond  the  furthest  extremity  of  the  old 
continent  on  that  side  of  the  line.  A  country  of  such 
ex'.cnt  passes  through  all  the  climates  capable  of  be- 
coming the  habitation  of  man,  and  fit  for  yielding  the 
various  productions  jieculiar  either  to  the  temperate  or 
to  the  torrid  regions  of  the  earth. 

Next  to  the  extent  of  the  New  World,  the  grandeur 
of  the  objects  which  it  presents  to  view  is  rno«t  apt  to 
strike  the  eye  of  an  observer.  Nature  seems  here  to 
have  carried  on  her  operations  upon  a  larger  scale  and 
with  a  bolder  hand,  and  to  have  distinguished  the  fea- 
tures of  this  country  by  a  peculiar  magnificence.  The 
mountains  in  America  are  much  superior  in  height  to 
those  in  the  other  divisions  of  the  globe.  Even  the 
|)lain  of  Quito,  which  may  be  considered  as  the  base  of 
the  Andes,  is  elevated  further  above  the  sea  than  the 
top  of  the  Pyrenees.  This  stupendous  ridgo  of  the 
Andes,  no  less  remarkable  for  extent  than  elevation, 
rises  in  different  places  more  than  one-third  above  the 
Peak  of  Teneriffe,  the  highest  land  in  the  ancient  he- 
misphere. The  Andes  may  hterally  be  said  to  hide  their 
heads  in  the  clouds  ;  the  storms  often  roll,  and  the  thun- 
der bursts  below  their  summits,  which,  though  exposed 
tn  the  rays  of  the  sun  in  the  centre  of  the  torrid  zone, 
aie  covered  with  everlasting  snows.  [2S] 

From  these  lofty  mountains  descend  rivers,  propor- 
tionably  large,  with  which  the  streams  in  the  ancient 
continent  are  not  to  be  compared,  either  for  length  of 
course,  or  the  vast  body  of  water  which  they  roll  to- 
wards the  ocean.  The  Maragnon,  the  Orinoco,  the 
Plata  in  South  America,  the  Mississippi  and  St.  Lau- 
rence in  North  America,  flow  in  such  spacious  chan- 
nels, that  long  before  they  feel  the  influence  of  the  tide, 
.licy  resemble  arms  of  the  sea  rather  than  rivers  of  fresli 
water.  [29] 

The  lakes  of  the  New  World  are  no  less  conspicuous 
for  grandeur  than  its  mountains  and  rivers.  There  is 
iiotliing  in  other  parts  of  tlie  globe  which  resembles  the 
prodigious  chain  of  lakes  m  North  America.  They 
may  properly  he  termed  inland  seas  of  fresh  water  ; 
and  even  those  of  the  second  or  third  class  in  magni- 
tude are  of  larger  circuit  (the  Caspain  Sea  excepted) 
than  the  greatest  lake  of  the  ancient  continent. 

The  New  World  is  of  a  form  extremely  favorable  to 
vOniniercial  intercourse.  When  a  continent  is  formed, 
ike  Africa,  of  one  vast  solid  mass,  unbroken  by  arms 
of  the  sea  penetrating  into  its  interior  jiarts,  with  few 
arge  rivers,  and  those  at  a  considerable  distance  from 
each  other,  the  greater  part  of  it  seems  destined  to  re- 
.iiain  for  ever  uncivilized,  and  to  be  debarred  from  any 
active  or  enlarged  communication  with  the  rest  of  man- 
Kiiid.  When,  like  Europe,  a  continent  is  opened  by 
.niets  of  the  ocean  ol  great  extent,  such  as  the  Medi- 
terranean and  Baltic  ;  or  when,  like  Asia,  its  coast  is 
broken  by  deep  bays  advancing  far  into  the  country, 
such  as  the  Black  Sea,  the  Gulfs  of  Arabia,  of  Persia, 
of  Bengal,  of  Siam,  and  of  Leotang ;  when  the  sur- 
roiMiding  seas  are  filled  with  large  and  fertile  islands, 
and  the  continent  itself  watered  with  a  variety  of  navi- 
gable rivers,  those  regions  may  be  said  to  possess  what- 
ever can  facilitate  the  progress  of  their  inhabitants  in 
commerce  and  improvement.  In  all  these  respects 
America  may  bear  a  comparison  with  the  other  quarter* 
of  the  globe.  The  Gulf  of  Mexico,  which  flows  in  be- 
tween North  and  South  America,  may  be  considered  as 
a  Mediterranean  sea,  which  opens  a  maritime  commerce 
with  all  the  fertile  countries  by  which  it  is  encircled. 
The  islands  scattered  in  it  are  inferior  only  to  those  in 
the  Indian  -\rchipelago,  in  number,  in  magnitude,  and 
'n  value.  As  we  stretch  along  the  northern  division  of 
the  American  hemisphere,  the  Bay  of  Chesapcak  pre- 
sents a  spacious  inlet,  which  conducts  the  navigator  far 
into  the  interior  parts  of  provinces  no  less  fertile  than 
extensive  ;  and  if  ever  the  progress  ^{  culture  and  popu- 
lation shall  mitigate  the  extreme  rigor  of  the  chniate  in 
the  more  northern  districts  of  America,  Hudson's  Bay 
.nay  become  as  subservient  to  commercial  intercourse 
in  that  quarter  of  the  globe,  as  the  Baltic  is  in  Europe. 
The  other  great  portion  of  the  New  World  is  encom- 
passed on  every  side  by  the  sea,  except  one  narrow 
neck  which  separates  the  Atlantic  from  the  Pacific 
Ocean ;  and  though  it  be  not  opened  hy  spacious  bays 
"T.".'^  '^^  ''^^  s*^^!  ''s  interior  parts  are  rendered  ac- 
cessio.e  by  a  number  of  large  rivers,  fed  by  so  many 
auxiliary  streams,  flowing  in  such  various  directions', 
Uiat  ahnost  without  any  aid  fcoii  the  hand  of  industry 


'  and  art,  an  inland  navigation  may  be  carried  on  through 
all  the  provinces  from  the  river  Dc  la  Plata  to  the  Gulf 
of  Paria.  Nor  is  this  bounty  of  nature  confined  to  the 
soulhirti  division  of  America;  its  northern  continent 
abounds  no  less  in  rivers  which  are  navigable  almost  to 
their  sources,  and  by  its  immense  chain  of  lakes  provi- 
sion is  made  for  an  inland  communication,  more  exten- 
sive and  commodious  than  in  any  quarter  of  the  globe. 
The  countries  stretching  from  the  Gulf  of  Darien  on 
one  side,  to  that  of  (Jalifornia  on  the  other,  which  form 
the  chain  that  binds  the  two  parts  of  the  American  con- 
tinent together,  are  not  destitute  of  peculiar  advantages. 
Their  coast  on  one  side  is  washed  by  the  Atlantic 
Ocean,  on  the  other  by  the  Pacific.  Some  of  their 
rivers  flow  into  the  former,  some  into  tiic  latter,  and 
secure  to  them  all  the  commercial  benefits  that  may 
result  from  a  communication  with  both. 

But  what  most  distinguishes  America  from  other 
parts  of  the  earth  is  the  peculiar  temperature  of  its  cli- 
mate, and  tlie  ditTerent  laws  to  which  it  is  subject  with 
respect  to  tlie  distribution  of  heat  and  cold.  We  can- 
not determine  with  precision  the  portion  of  heat  felt  in 
any  part  of  the  globe,  merely  by  measuring  its  distance 
from  the  equator.  The  climate  of  a  country  is  affected, 
in  some  degree,  by  its  elevation  above  the  sea,  by  the 
extent  of  continent,  by  the  nature  of  the  soil,  the  height 
of  adjacent  mountains,  and  many  other  circumstances. 
The  influence  of  these,  however,  is  from  various  causes 
less  considerable  in  the  greater  part  of  the  ancient  con- 
tinent ;  and  from  knowing  the  position  of  any  country 
there,  we  can  pronounce  with  greater  certainty  what 
will  be  the  warmth  of  its  climate,  and  the  nature  of  its 
productions. 

The  maxims  which  are  founded  upon  observation  of 
our  hemisphere  will  not  apply  to  the  other.  In  the 
New  World,  cold  predominates.  The  rigor  of  the 
frigid  zone  extends  over  half  of  those  regions  which 
should  be  temperate  by  their  position.  Countries 
where  the  grape  and  the  fig  should  ripen,  are  buried 
under  snow  one  half  of  the  year ;  and  lands  situated 
in  the  same  parallel  with  the  most  fertile  and  best  cul- 
tivated provinces  in  Europe,  are  chilled  with  perpetual 
frosts,  which  almost  destroy  the  power  of  vegetation. 
[30]  As  we  advance  to  tliose  parts  of  America  which 
lie  in  the  same  parallel  with  provinces  of  Asia  and 
.\frica,  blessed  with  a  uniform  enjoyment  of  such  genial 
warnuh  as  is  most  friendly  to  life  and  vegetation,  the 
dominion  of  cold  continues  to  be  felt,  and  winter  reigns, 
tliough  during  a  short  period,  with  extreme  severity. 
If  \ve  proceed  along  the  American  continent  into  the 
torrid  zone,  we  shall  find  the  cold  prevalent  in  the  New 
World  extending  itself  also  to  this  region  of  the  globe, 
and  mitigating  the  excess  of  its  fervor.  While  the 
negro  on  the  coast  of  Africa  is  scorched  with  unremit- 
ting heat,  the  inhabitant  of  Peru  breathes  an  air  equally 
mild  and  temperate,  and  is  perpetually  shaded  under  a 
canopy  of  gray  clouds,  which  intercepts  the  fierce  beams 
of  the  sun,  without  obstructing  his  friendly  influence. 
Along  the  eastern  coast  of  America,  the  climate, 
though  more  similar  to  that  of  the  torrid  zone  in  other 
parts  of  the  earth,  is  nevertheless  considerably  milder 
than  in  those  countries  of  Asia  and  Africa  which  lie 
in  the  same  latitude.  If  from  the  southern  tropic  we 
continue  our  progress  to  the  extremity  of  the  Ame- 
rican continent,  we  meet  with  frozen  seas,  and  coun- 
tries horrid,  barren,  and  scarcely  habitable  for  cold 
much  sooner  than  in  the  north. 

Various  causes  combine  m  rendering  the  climate  of 
America  so  extremely  different  from  that  of  the  an- 
cient continent.  Though  the  utmost  extent  of  Ame- 
rica towards  the  north  be  not  yet  discovered,  we  know 
that  it  advances  much  nearer  to  the  pole  than  either 
Europe  or  Asia.  Both  these  have  large  seas  to  the 
north,  which  are  open  during  part  of  the  year  ;  and 
even  when  covered  with  ice,  the  wind  that  blows  over 
them  is  less  intensely  cold  than  that  which  blows  over 
land  in  the  same  high  latitudes.  But  in  America  the 
land  stretches  from  the  river  St.  Laurence  towards  the 
pole,  and  spreads  out  immensely  to  the  west.  A  chain 
of  enormous  mountains  covered  with  snow  and  ice, 
runs  through  all  this  dreary  region.  The  wind,  in  pas- 
sing over  such  an  extent  of  high  and  frozen  land,  be- 
comes so  impregnated  with  cold,  that  it  acquires  a 
piercing  keenness,  which  it  retains  in  its  progress  through 
warmer  climates,  and  it  is  not  entirely  mitigated  until 
it  reach  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  Over  all  the  continent 
of  North  America  a  north-westerly  wind  and  exces- 
sive cold  arc  synonymous  terms.  Even  in  the  most 
sultry,  the  moment  that  the  wind  veers  to  that  quarter, 
its  penetrating  influence  is  felt  in  a  transition  from  heat 
to  cold  no  less  violent  than  sudden.  To  this  powerful 
cause  we  may  ascribe  the  extiaor-dmary  domimoii  ol  ' 


cold,  and  its  violent  inroads  into  the  southern  provin- 
ces, ;n  that  part  of  the  globe. 

Other  causes,  no  less  remarkable,  diminish  the  activd 
power  of  heat  in  those  parts  of  the  .Vmerican  contin- 
ent which  lie  between  the  tropics.  In  all  that  portion 
of  the  globe,  the  wind  blows  in  an  invariable  direction 
from  east  to  west.  As  this  wind  holds  its  coursu 
across  the  ancient  continent,  it  arrives  at  the  coi.mirie* 
which  stretch  along  the  western  shoics  of  .Africa,  in- 
flamed with  all  the  fiery  jiarticles  which  it  had  col- 
lected from  the  sultry  plains  of  Asia,  and  the  burning 
sands  in  tlie  African  deserts  The  coast  of  Africa  is, 
accordingly  the  region  of  the  earth  which  feels  the  most 
fervent  heat,  and  is  exposed  to  the  unmitigated  ardor  of  the 
torrid  zone.  But  this  aame  wind,  which  brings  such 
an  accession  of  warintL  *.o  the  other  countries  lying 
between  the  river  of  Senegal  and  Cafraria,  traverses 
the  Atlantic  Ocean  before  it  reaches  the  American 
shore.  It  is  cooled  in  its  passage  over  this  vast  body 
of  water,  and  is  felt  as  a  refreshing  gale  along  the 
coa«t  of  Brazil,  [31]  and  Guiana,  rendering  these 
countries,  though  among  the  warmest  in  America, 
temperate,  when  compared  with  those  which  lie  0|>- 
posito  to  them  in  Africa.  [32]  As  this  wind  advances 
in  its  course  across  America,  it  meets  with  immense 
plains  covered  with  impenetrable  forests,  or  occupied 
by  large  rivers,  marshes,  and  stagnating  waters,  where 
it  can  recover  no  considerable  degree  of  heat.  At 
length  it  arrives  at  the  Andes,  which  run  from  north  to 
south  through  the  whole  continent.  In  passing  over 
their  elevated  and  frozen  summits,  it  is  so  thoroughly 
cooled,  that  the  greater  part  of  the  countries  beyond 
them  hardly  leel  the  ardor  to  which  they  seem  exposed 
by  their  situation.  In  the  other  provinces  of  America, 
from  Tierrc  Ferme  westward  to  the  Mexican  empire, 
the  heat  of  the  climate  is  tempered,  in  some  places, 
by  the  elevation  of  the  land  above  the  sea,  in  others, 
by  their  extraordinary  humidity,  and  in  all,  by  the  enor- 
mous mountains  scattered  over  this  tract.  The  islands 
of  America  in  the  torrid  zone  are  either  small  or  moun- 
tainous, and  are  fanned  alternately  by  refreshing  sea 
and  land  breezes. 

The  causes  of  the  extrordinary  cold  towards  the 
southern  limits  of  America,  and  in  the  seas  beyond  it, 
catinot  be  ascertained  in  a  manner  equally  satisfying. 
It  was  long  supposed  that  a  vast  continent,  distin- 
guished by  the  name  of  Terra  Australis  Incognita, 
lay  between  the  southern  extremity  of  America  and 
the  Antarctic  pole.  The  same  principles  which  ac- 
count for  the  extraordinary  degree  of  cold  in  the 
northern  regions  in  America,  were  employed  in  order 
to  explain  that  which  is  felt  at  Cape  Horn  and  the  ad- 
jace'it  countries.  The  immense  extent  of  the  south- 
ern continent,  and  the  large  rivers  which  it  poured  iiito 
the  ocean,  were  mentioned  and  admitted  by  philo- 
sophers as  causes  sufficient  to  occasion  the  unusual 
sensation  of  cold,  and  the  still  more  uncommon  ap- 
pearances of  frozen  seas  in  that  region  of  the  globe. 
But  the  imaginary  continent  to  which  such  influence 
was  ascribed,  having  been  searched  for  in  vain,  and  the 
space  which  it  was  supposed  to  occupy  having  been 
found  to  be  an  open  sea,  new  conjectures  must  be 
I  formed  with  resjiect  to  the  causes  of  a  temperature  of 
climate,  so  extremely  different  from  that  which  we  ex- 
perience in  countries  removed  at  the  same  distance 
from  the  opposite  polo.  \3.i] 

After  contemplating  those  pennanent  and  character- 
istic qualities  of  the  American  continent,  which  arise 
from  the  peculiarity  of  its  situation,  and  the  disposition 
of  its  parts,  the  next  object  that  merits  attention  is  its 
condition  when  first  discovered,  as  far  as  that  de- 
pended upon  the  industry  and  operations  of  man. 
The  effects  of  human  iiigrnuity  and  labor  are  more  ex- 
tensive and  considerable  than  even  our  own  vanity  isapt 
at  first  to  imagine.  When  we  survey  the  face  of  the 
habitable  globe,  no  small  part  of  thai  fertility  and 
beauty  which  we  ascribe  to  the  hand  of  nature,  is  the 
work  of  man.  His  efforts,  when  continued  through  a 
succession  of  ages,  change  the  appearance  and  im- 
prove the  qualities  of  the  earth.  As  a  great  part  of 
the  ancient  continent  has  long  been  occupied  by  na- 
tions far  advanced  in  arts  and  industry,  our  eye  is  ac- 
customed to  view  the  earth  in  that  form  which  it 
assumes  when  rendered  fit  to  be  the  residence  of  a 
numerous  race  of  men,  and  to  supply  them  with 
nourishment. 

But  in  the  New  World,  the  state  of  mankind  was 
ruf  or,  and  the  aspect  of  nature  extrennely  different. 
Thiounhout  all  its  vast  regions,  therp  were  only  two 
monarchies  remarkable  for  extent  of  territory,  or  dis- 
linguished  by  any  progress  in  improvement.  The  rest  of 
tills  continent  w  as  possessed  by  small  iiideHtiideiit  tiibe^ 


100 


KOUERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


dcslitulcof  arls  ami  itnlustry,  and  ncithcrcapablc  to  cor- 
rect the  cHbcts  nor  desirous  to  meliorate  tlie  condition  of 
that  part  of  the  earth  allotted  to  them  for  their  hihitation. 
Countries  occupied  l>v  such  people  were  almost  in  the 
same  state  as  if  llicy  had  been  without  inhabitants.  Im- 
mense forests  covered  a  great  jjart  of  the  uncultivated 
earth  ;  and  a?  the  hand  of  industry  h.id  not  taught  the  rivers 
to  run  ma  pioper  channel,  or  drained  otF  the  stagnating 
water,  many  of  the  most  fertile  plains  were  overflowed 
with  inundations,  or  converted  into  marshes.  In  the 
southern  provinces,  where  the  warmth  of  the  sun,  the 
moisture  of  the  climate,  and  the  fertility  of  the  soil, 
combine  in  calling  forth  the  most  vigorous  powers  of 
vegetation,  the  woods  are  so  choked  with  its  rank  luxu- 
riance as  to  be  almost  impervious,  and  the  surface  of 
the  ground  is  hid  from  the  eye  under  a  thick  covering 
of  shrubs  and  herbs  and  weeds.  In  lliis  state  ot  wild 
unassisted  nature,  a  great  part  of  the  large  provinces  in 
South  America,  which  extend  from  the  bottom  of  the 
Andes  to  the  sea,  still  remain.  The  European  colonics 
have  cleared  and  cultivated  a  few  spots  along  the 
coast  ;  but  the  original  race  of  inhabitants,  as  rude  ar,d 
indolent  as  ever,  have  done  nothing  to  open  or  improve 
a  country  possessing  almost  every  advantage  of  situa- 
tion and  chmate.  As  we  advance  toward.-:  the  north- 
ern provinces  of  America,  nature  continues  to  wea' 
the  same  uncultivated  aspect,  and,  in  proportion  as  the 
rigor  of  the  climate  increases,  appears  more  desolate 
and  horrid.  There  the  forests,  though  not  encumbered 
with  the  same  exuberance  of  vegetation,  arc  of  im- 
mense extent  ;  prodigious  marshes  overspread  the 
plains,  and  few  marks  appear  of  human  activity  in  any 
attempt  to  cultivate  or  embellish  the  earth.  No  won- 
der that  the  colonies  sent  from  Europe  were  astonished 
at  their  f.rsl  entrance  into  the  New  \\'orld.  It  ap- 
t)eaied  to  them  waste,  solitary,  and  uninviting.  When 
the  English  began  to  settle  in  America,  they  termed 
the  countries  of  which  they  took  possession.  The 
Wilderness.  Nothing  but  their  eager  expectation  of 
finding  mines  of  gold  co'.;!d  !.;ivc  ir.dr.ccd  ihe  Spaniards 
to  penetrate  through  ilie  woods  and  marshes  of  Ame- 
rica, where  at  every  step,  they  observed  the  extreme 
difference  between  the  uncultivated  face  of  nature,  and 
that  which  it  acquires  under  the  forming  hand  of  in- 
dustry and  art.  [34] 

The  labor  and  operations  of  man  not  only  improve 
and  embellish  the  earth,  but  render  it  more  wholesome 
and  friendly  to  life.  When  any  region  lies  neglected 
and  destitute  of  cultivation,  the  air  stagnates  in  the 
woods  ;  jiutrid  exhalations  arise  from  the  waters  ;  the 
surface  of  the  earth,  loaded  with  rank  vegetation,  feels 
not  the  ])urifying  influence  of  the  sun  or  of  the  wind  ; 
the  malignity  of  the  distempers  natural  to  the  climate 
increases,  and  new  maladies  no  less  noxious  are  en- 
gendered. Accordingly,  all  the  provinces  of  America, 
when  first  discovered,  were  found  to  bo  remarkably 
tinliCalthy.  This  the  Spaniards  experienced  in  every 
expedition  into  the  New  World,  whether  destined  for 
conquest  or  seltlemetil.  Though  by  the  natural  con- 
stitution of  their  bodies,  their  habitual  tem|)cranco,  and 
the  persevering  vigor  of  their  minds,  they  were  as 
much  formed  as  any  people  in  Europe  for  active  ser- 
vice in  a  sultry  climate,  they  felt  severely  the  fatal  and 
end  pernicious  qualities  of  those  uncultivated  regions 
through  which  they  marched,  or  where  they  endeavored 
to  plsnt  coloriies.  Great  numbers  were  cut  oil'  by  the 
unknown  and  violent  diseases  with  which  they  were 
infected.  Such  as  survived  the  destructive  rage  of 
tho;3  maladies,  were  not  exempted  from  the  noxious 
influence  of  the  climate.  They  returned  to  Europe, 
according  to  the  description  of  the  early  Spanish  his- 
torians, feeble,  emaciated,  with  languid  looks,  and 
complexions  of  such  a  sickly  yellow  color  as  indicated 
Ihc  unwholesome  temperature  of  the  countries  where 
they  had  resided. 

'I'ho  uncultivated  state  of  the  New  World  affected 
not  only  the  temperature  of  the  air,  but  the  qualities 
of  its  productions.  The  principle  of  life  seems  to  have 
been  less  active  and  vigorous  there  than  in  the  ancient 
continent.  Notwithstanding  the  vast  extent  of  Ame- 
rica, and  the  variety  of  its  climates,  the  different 
•ppcics  of  animals  peculiar  to  it  arc  much  fewer  in 
proportion  than  those  of  the  other  hemisphere.  In  the 
■xlands  there  were  only  four  kinds  of  quadrupeds 
known,  the  largest  of  which  did  not  exceed  the  size  of 
a  rabbit.  On  the  ronlinent,  the  variety  was  crcaler; 
and  though  the  individuals  of  each  kind  could  not  fail 
of  multiplying  exceedingly  when  almost  unmolested 
by  men,  who  were  neither  so  numerous,  nor  so  united 
in  society,  as  to  be  formid.ible  enemies  to  the  animal 
creation,  the  mimber  of  dislinct  species  must  still  be 
eooaidcrcd  as  cx  rcir.ely  small.    Of  two  hundred  dif- 


I  fercnt  kinds  of  animals  spread  over  the  face  of  the 
earth,  only  about  one-third  existed  in  America  at  the 
time  of  its  discovery.  Nature  was  not  only  less  pro- 
lific in  the  New  ^\'orld,  but  she  appears  likewise  to 
have  been  less  vigorous  in  her  pjoductions.  The 
animals  originally  belonging  to  this  quarter  of  the 
globe  appear  to  be  of  an  inferior  race,  neither  so  robust 
nor  so  fierce  as  those  of  the  other  continent.  America 
gives  birth  to  no  creature  of  such  bulk  as  to  be  com- 
pared with  the  elephant  or  rhinoceros,  or  that  equals 
the  lion  and  tiger  m  strength  and  ferocity.  [3.")]  The 
Tajiyr  of  Brazil,  the  largest  quadruped  of  the  ravenous 
tribe  in  the  New  World,  is  not  larger  than  a  calf  of 
six  months  old.  The  Puma  and  Jii<<uaT,  its  fiercest 
beasts  of  prey,  which  Europeans  have  inaccurately 
denominated  lions  and  tigers,  possess  neither  the 
undaunted  courage  of  the  former,  nor  the  ravenous 
cruelty  of  the  latter.  They  are  inactive  and  timid, 
hardly  formidable  to  man,  and  often  turn  their  backs 
u|)on  the  least  appearance  of  resistance.  The  same 
qualities  in  the  climate  of  America  which  stinted  the 
growth,  and  enfeebled  the  spirit,  of  its  native  animals, 
have  proved  pernicious  to  such  as  have  migrated  into 
it  voluntarily  from  the  other  continent,  or  have  been 
transported  thither  by  the  Europeans.  The  bears,  the 
wolves,  the  deer  of  .\nierica,  arc  not  equal  in  size  to 
tno»e  of  the  Old  World.  Most  of  the  domeslic  ani- 
mals, with  which  the  Europeans  have  stored  the  pro- 
vinces wherein  they  settled,  have  degenerated  with 
respect  either  to  bulk  or  quality,  in  a  country  whose 
tcmj)erature  and  soil  seem  to  be  less  favorable  to  the 
strength  and  peifection  of  the  animal  creation.  [36] 

The  same  causes  which  checked  the  growth  and  the 
vigor  of  the  more  noble  aniinais,  were  friendly  to 
the  propagation  and  increase  of  reptilos  and  insects. 
Though  this  is  not  |)eculiar  to  the  New  World,  and 
those  odious  tribes,  ncuri.slieil  by  heat,  moisture,  and 
corruption,  infest  every  part  of  the  toiTid  zone  ;  they 
multiply  faster,  perhaps,  in  America,  and  grow  to  a 
more  monstrous  Dulk.  As  this  country  is  on  the 
whole  less  cultivated  and  less  pco])l('d  than  the  other 
quarters  of  the  earth,  the  active  [irinciplc  of  life  wastes 
its  force  in  productions  of  this  inferior  form.  The  air 
is  often  darkened  with  clouds  of  insects,  and  the 
ground  covered  with  shocking  and  noxious  reptiles. 
The  country  around  Porto  Bello  swarms  with  toads  m 
such  nuiUitudcs  as  hide  the  surface  of  the  earth.  At 
Guayaquil,  snakes  and  vipers  are  hardly  less  numerous. 
Carthagena  is  infest  -d  with  numerous  flocks  of  bats, 
which  annoy  not  only  the  cattle  but  the  inhabitants. 
In  the  islands,  legions  of  ants  have  at  different  times 
consumed  every  vegetable  production,  [37]  and  left 
the  earth  entirely  bare  as  if  it  had  been  burned  with 
fire.  The  damp  forests  atid  rank  soil  of  the  countries 
on  the  banks  of  the  Orinoco  and  Maragnon  teem  with 
almost  every  offensive  and  poisonous  creature  which 
the  power  of  a  sultry  sun  can  quicken  into  life. 

The  birds  of  the  New  Vvorld  are  not  distinguished 
by  qualities  so  conspicuous  and  characteristical  as 
those  which  wc  have  ol).served  in  its  quadrupeds. 
Birds  are  more  independent  of  man,  and  less  affected 
by  the  changes  which  his  industry  and  labor  make 
upon  the  state  of  the  earth.  They  have  a  greater 
propensity  to  migrate  from  one  country  to  another, 
and  can  gratify  this  instinct  of  their  nature  without 
ditficulty  or  danger.  Hence  the  number  of  birds  com- 
mon to  both  continents  is  much  greater  than  that  of 
(puidrupeds  ;  and  even  such  as  arc  peculiar  to  America 
nearly  resemble  those  with  which  mankind  were  ac- 
quainted in  similar  regions  of  the  ancient  hemisphere. 
The  .Vmcrican  birds  of  the  torrid  zone,  like  those  of 
the  same  climate  in  Asia  and  Africa,  are  decked  in 
|)lumagc  which  dazzles  thi^  eye  with  the  beauty  of  its 
colors  ;  but  nature,  satisfied  with  clothing  them  in  this 
gay  dress,  has  denied  most  of  them  that  melody  of 
sound  and  variety  of  Jioles  which  catch  and  delight  the 
car.  The  birds  of  the  tcmi)erate  climalcs  there,  m  the 
same  manner  as  in  our  continent,  are  less  splendid  in 
their  appearance  ;  but,  in  comi)cusalion  for  that  defect, 
they  have  voices  of  greater  compass,  and  more  melo- 
dious. In  some  districts  of  .Vnicrica,  the  unwhole- 
some temperature  of  the  air  seems  to  be  unfavorable 
even  to  this  part  of  the  creation.  The  number  of  birds 
is  less  than  in  other  countries,  and  the  traveller  is 
struck  with  the  amazing  solitude  and  silence  of  its 
forests.  It  is  remarkable,  however,  that  .\merica, 
I  where  the  ipiadrupi  ds  are  so  dwarfish  and  dastardly, 
I  should  produce  the  Cnndor  which  is  entitled  to  [ire- 
eminence  over  all  the  Hying  tribe,  in  bulk,  in  strength, 
and  in  courage. 

The  soil  in  a  continent  so  extensive  as  .Vmerica, 
must,  of  course,  be  extremely  various.    In  e«ch  of  its 


provinces  wc  find  some  distinguishing  peculiarities, 
j  the  description  of  \\  hicli  belongs  to  those  who  write  theii 
|)articular  history.  In  general  wc  may  obsene,  that 
the  moisture  and  cold,  wluch  pri.'doniiiiatcso  remarkably 
in  all  parts  of  America,  must  have  great  influence 
upon  the  nature  of  its  so.) ;  countries  lying  in  the  same 
parallel  with  those  regions  whi:h  never  feel  the  ex- 
treme rigor  of  winter  in  the  ancient  continent,  are 
frozen  over  in  America  during  a  great  part  of  the  year. 
Chilled  by  this  intense  cold,  the  ground  never  acquire* 
warmth  sufficient  to  ripen  the  fruits  which  are  found  in 
the  corresponding  parts  of  the  other  continent.  11  -ve 
wish  to  rear  in  .\merica  the  productions  which  abound 
in  any  particular  district  of  the  ancient  world,  we  must 
advance  several  degrees  nearer  to  the  line  than  in  the 
other  hemisphere,  as  it  requires  such  an  increase  of 
heat  to  counterbalance  the  natural  frig  dily  of  the  toil 
and  climate.  [38]  At  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  seve- 
ral of  the  ]ilants  and  fruits  |>eculiar  to  the  countries 
within  the  tropics  are  cultivated  with  success  ;  whereas, 
at  St.  Augustine  in  Florida,  and  Charles  Town  io 
South  Carolina,  though  considerably  nearer  the  line, 
they  cannot  be  brought  to  thrive  with  equal  certainty. 
[39]  But,  if  allowance  be  made  for  this  diversity  in 
the  degree  of  heat,  the  soil  of  America  is  naturally  as 
rich  and  fertile  as  in  any  part  of  the  earth.  .\s  the 
country  was  thinly  inhabited,  ami  by  a  people  of  little 
industry,  who  had  none  of  the  domestic  animals  which 
civiliied  nations  rear  in  such  vast  numbers,  the  earth 
was  not  exhausted  by  their  consumption.  The  vege- 
table productions,  to  which  the  fertility  of  the  sod  gave 
birth,  often  remained  untouched,  and,  being  suffered  to 
corrupt  on  its  surface,  returned  with  inciease  into  its 
bosom.  As  trees  and  plants  derive  a  great  part  ol 
their  nourishment  from  air  and  water  ;  if  they  were  not 
destroyed  by  man  and  other  animals,  they  would  ren- 
der to  the  larth  more,  perhaps,  than  'hey  take  Irom  it, 
and  feed  rather  than  impoverish  it.  Thus  the  uuoccu- 
l)ied  soil  of  America,  may  have  gone  on  enriching  foi 
many  ages.  The  vast  number  as  well  as  enormous 
size  of  the  trees  in  America,  indicate  the  exttaordinary 
vigor  of  the  soil  in  its  native  state.  When  the  Euro- 
peans first  began  to  cultivate  the  New  World,  they  were 
astonished  at  the  luxuriant  power  of  vegetation  in  its 
virgin  mould  ;  and  in  several  places  the  iiigeniiity  of 
the  planter  is  still  employed  in  diminishing  and  wasliiiji 
its  superfluous  fertility,  in  order  to  bring  it  down  tc 
state  fit  for  profitable  culture.  [40] 

Having  thus  surveyed  the  state  of  the  New  M'or 
at  the  time  of  its  discovery,  and  considered  the  pecuiii/ 
features  and  qualities  which  distinguish  and  character- 
ize it,  the  next  inquiry  that  merits  attention  is.  How 
was  America  peopled  !  By  what  course  did  mankii.d 
migrate  from  the  one  continent  to  the  other  !  Ami  m 
what  quarter  is  it  most  probable  that  a  communicatiun 
was  opened  betwevn  them  ! 

We  know  with  infallible  certainty  that  all  the  human 
race  spring  from  the  same  source,  and  that  the  descend- 
ants of  one  man,  under  the  protection,  as  well  as  in 
obedience  to  the  command  of  Heaven,  multiplied  and 
replenished  the  earth.  But  neither  the  annals  nor  the 
traditions  of  nations  reach  back  to  those  remote  ages,  m 
w  luch  they  took  possession  of  the  dillerent  countries 
where  they  are  now  settled.  We  cannot  trace  the 
branches  of  this  first  family,  or  point  out  w  ith  certainty 
the  time  and  manner  m  which  they  divided  and  spread 
over  the  face  of  the  globe.  Even  among  the  most  eu- 
lightened  people,  the  period  of  authentic  history  is  ex- 
tremely short ;  and  every  thing  prior  to  that  is  fabu- 
lous or  obscure.  It  is  not  suri)rising,  then,  that  the 
unlettered  inhabitants  of  .\mcrica,  who  have  no  solici- 
tude about  futurity,  and  little  curiosity  concerning  wnat 
is  passed,  should  be  altogether  unacquainted  with 
their  own  original.  The  people  on  the  two  opposite 
coasts  of  .Vmerica,  who  occupy  those  countries  in  .Vme- 
rica which  approach  nearest  to  the  ancient  contineni  are 
so  remarkably  rude,  that  it  is  altogether  vain  to  search 
among  them  for  such  information  as  might  disco .  i  r  the 
])lace  from  whence  they  came,  or  the  ancestors  oi  whom 
they  are  descended.  \Vhatevcr  light  has  been  thrown 
on  this  subject  is  derived  not  from  the  natives  ol  .Vinn- 
rica,  but  from  the  iiKpnsilive  genius  of  their  conquerors 

When  the  people  of  Europe  unexpectedly  discovcnsl 
a  New  World,  removed  at  a  vast  distance  froiii  every 
part  of  the  ancient  continent  which  was  then  knuwn, 
and  filled  with  inhabitants  whose  appearance  and  man- 
ners differed  remarkably  from  the  rest  of  the  hunuD 
species,  the  question  concerning  their  original  bccarao 
naturally  an  object  of  curiosity  and  attention,  'ITjo 
theories  and  speculations  of  ingenious  men  with  respect 
to  this  subject,  would  fill  many  volumes  ,  but  are  oUcn  M 
w  lid  and  chimerical,  that  I  should  offer  au  insult  ii  dio 


8  0UTH  AMERICA. 


101 


cnderstaiiJing  of  mv  readers,  if  I  attempted  either  mi- 
nutely to  eriMmcrate  or  to  refute  tiiciii.  Some  have 
presumptuously  imagined,  that  the  pf'0|)lo  ol  America 
were  not  the  ofTspruig  of  li.e  same  common  parent 
with  the  rest  of  mankind,  but  that  they  I'ormed  a  sepa- 
rate race  of  men,  distinguishable  by  peculiar  features 
in  the  constitution  of  their  bodies,  as  well  as  in  the 
characteristic  qualities  of  their  minds.  Others  con- 
tf.nd,  that  they  are  descended  from  some  renuiant  of 
the  antediluvian  inhabitants  of  the  earth,  who  survived 
the  deluge  which  swept  away  the  greatest  part  of  the 
human  species  in  the  days  of  Noah  ;  and  preposter- 
ously suppose  rude,  uncivilized  tribes,  scattered  over 
an  uncultivated  continent,  to  be  the  most  ancient  race 
of  people  on  the  earth.  There  is  hardly  any  nation 
from  the  north  to  the  south  pole,  to  which  some  anti- 
quary, in  the  extravagance  of  conjecture,  has  not 
ascribed  the  honor  of  peopling  America.  The  Jews, 
the  Canaanites,  the  Phoenicians,  the  Carthaginians,  the 
Greeks,  the  Scythians,  in  ancient  times,  are  supposed 
10  have  settled  in  this  western  World.  The  (.Chinese, 
the  Swedes,  the  Norwegians,  the  Welsh,  the  Spa- 
niards, are  said  to  have  sent  colonies  thither  in  later 
ages,  at  dirt'erent  periods  and  on  various  occasions. 
Zealous  advocates  stand  forth  to  support  the  respective 
claims  of  those  people  ;  and  though  they  rest  upon  no 
better  foundation  than  the  casual  resemblance  of  some 
customs,  or  the  supposed  affinity  between  a  few  words 
in  their  different  languages,  much  erudition  and  more 
zeal  have  been  employed,  to  little  purpose,  in  defence 
of  the  opposite  systems.  Those  regions  of  conjecture 
and  controversy  belong  not  to  the  historian.  His  is  a 
more  limited  province,  confined  by  what  is  established 
by  certain  or  highly  probable  evidence.  Beyond  this 
I  shall  not  venture,  in  offering  a  few  observations 
which  may  contribute  to  throw  some  light  upon  tliis 
curioi'S  and  much  agitated  question. 

1.  There  are  authors  who  have  endeavored  by  mere 
conjecture  to  account  for  the  peopling  of  America. 
Some  have  supposed  that  it  was  originally  united  to 
the  ancient  continent,  and  disjoined  from  it  by  the 
Bhock  of  an  earthquake,  or  the  irruption  of  a  deluge. 
Others  have  imagined,  that  some  vessel  being  forced 
from  its  course  by  the  violence  of  a  westerly  wind, 
might  be  driven  by  accident  towards  the  American 
coast,  and  have  given  a  beginning  to  population  in 
that  desolate  continent.  But  with  respect  to  all  those 
systems,  it  is  in  vain  either  to  reason  or  inquire,  be- 
cause it  is  impossible  to  come  to  any  decision.  Such 
eve.its  as  they  suppose  are  barely  possible,  and  may 
tave  happened.  That  they  ever  did  happen,  we  have 
no  evidence,  either  from  the  clear  testimony  of  history, 
or  from  the  obscure  intimations  of  tradition. 

2.  Nothing  can  be  more  frivolous  or  uncertain  than 
the  attempts  t3  discover  the  original  of  the  Americans 
merely  by  tracing  the  resemblance  between  their  man- 
ners and  those  of  any  particular  people  in  the  ancient 
continent.  If  we  suppose  two  tribes,  though  placed  in 
the  most  remote  regions  of  the  globe,  to  hve  in  a  cli- 
mate nearly  of  the  same  temperature,  to  be  iri  the  same 
state  of  society,  and  to  resemble  each  other  in  the  de- 
gree of  their  improvement,  they  must  feel  the  same 
wants,  and  exert  the  same  endeavors  to  supply  them. 
The  same  objects  will  allure,  the  same  passions  will 
animate  them,  and  the  same  ideas  and  sentiments  will 
arise  in  their  minds.  The  character  and  occupations 
of  the  hunter  in  America  must  be  litte  different  from 
those  of  an  Asiatic  who  depends  for  subsistence  on  the 
chase.  A  tribe  of  savages  on  the  banks  of  the  Danube 
must  nearly  resemble  one  upon  the  plains  washed  by 
the  Mississippi.  Instead  then  of  presuming  from  this 
similarity,  that  there  is  any  affinity  between  them,  we 
should  only  conclude  that  the  disposition  and  manners 
of  men  are  formed  by  their  situation,  and  arise  from  the 
state  of  society  in  which  they  live.  The  moment  that 
begins  to  vary,  the  character  of  a  people  must  change. 
In  proportion  as  it  advances  in  improvement,  their 
mani.ers  refine,  their  powers  and  talents  are  called 
forth.  In  every  part  of  the  earth,  the  progress  of  man 
hath  been  nearly  tf»e  same  ;  and  we  can  trace  him  in 
bi'i  career  from  the  rude  simplicity  of  savage  life,  until 
he  attains  the  industry,  the  arts,  and  the  elegance  of 
polished  society.  There  is  nothing  wonderful,  then, 
in  the  similitude  between  the  Americans  and  the  bar- 
barous nations  of  our  continent.  Had  Lafitau,  Garcia, 
»nd  many  other  authors  attended  to  this,  they  would 
not  have  perplexed  a  subject,  which  they  pretend  to 
llhisirate,  by  their  fruitless  endeavors  to  establish  an 
tifiinity  between  various  races  of  people,  in  the  old  and 
rj5  V  continents,  upon  no  other  evidence  than  such  a  re- 
semblance in  their  manners  as  necessarily  arises  from 
Uie  smularity  of  their  condit  jn.    There  aic,  it  is  true, 


among  every  people,  some  customs  which,  as  they  do 
not  flow  from  any  natural  want  or  desire  peculiar  to 
their  situation,  may  be  denominated  usages  of  arbitrary 
in.stilution.  If  between  two  nations  settled  in  remote 
parts  of  the  earth,  a  perfect  agreement  witli  respect  to 
any  of  these  should  be  discovered,  one  might  be  led  to 
suspect  that  they  were  connected  by  some  affinity.  If, 
for  example,  a  nation  were  found  in  America  that  con- 
secrated the  seventh  day  to  religious  worship  and  rest, 
we  might  justly  suppose  that  it  had  derived  its  know- 
ledge of  this  usage,  which  is  of  arbitrary  institution, 
from  the  Jews.  But,  if  it  were  discovered  that  another 
nation  celebrated  the  first  appearance  of  every  new 
moon  with  extraordinary  demonstrations  of  joy,  we 
should  not  be  entitled  to  c.onclude  that  the  observation 
of  this  monthly  festival  was  borrowed  from  the  Jews, 
but  ought  to  consider  it  merely  as  the  ex|)ression  of  that 
joy  which  is  natural  to  man  on  the  return  of  the  planet 
which  guides  and  cheers  him  in  the  night.  The  in- 
stances of  customs,  merely  arbitrary,  common  to  the 
inhabitants  of  both  hemispheres,  are,  indeed,  so  few 
and  so  equivocal,  that  no  theory  concerning  the  popu- 
lation of  the  New  World  ought  to  be  founded  upon 
them. 

3.  The  theories  which  have  been  formed  with  respect 
to  the  original  of  the  Americans,  from  observation  of 
their  religious  rites  and  practices,  are  no  less  fanciful 
and  destitute  of  solid  foundation.  When  the  religious 
opinions  of  any  people  arc  neither  the  result  of  rational 
inquiry,  nor  derived  from  the  instructions  of  revelation, 
they  must  needs  be  wild  and  extravagant.  Barbarous 
nations  are  incapable  of  the  former,  and  have  not  been 
blessed  with  the  advantages  arising  from  the  latter. 
Still,  however,  the  human  mind,  even  where  its  opera- 
tions appear  most  wild  and  capricious,  holds  a  course 
so  regular,  that  in  every  age  and  country  the  dominion 
of  particular  passions  will  be  attended  with  similar  ef- 
fects. The  savage  of  Europe  or  America,  when  filled 
with  superstitious  dread  of  invisible  beings,  or  with  in- 
quisitive solicitude  to  penetrate  into  the  events  of  fu- 
turity, trembles  alike  with  fear,  or  glows  with  impa- 
tience. He  has  recourse  to  rites  and  practices  of  the 
same  kind,  in  order  to  avert  the  vengeance  which  he 
supposes  to  be  impending  over  him,  or  to  divine  the 
secret  which  is  the  object  of  his  curiosity.  Accordingly, 
the  ritual  of  superstition  in  one  continent  seems,  in 
many  particulars,  to  be  a  transcript  of  that  established 
ill  the  other,  and  both  authorize  similar  institutions, 
sometimes  so  frivolous  as  to  excite  pity,  sometimes  so 
bloody  and  barbarous  as  to  create  horror.  But  without 
supposing  any  consanguinity  between  such  distant  na- 
tions, or  imagining  that  their  religious  ceremonies  were 
conveyed  by  tradition  from  the  one  to  the  other,  we 
may  ascribe  this  uniformity,  which  in  many  instances 
seems  verv  amazing,  to  the  natural  operation  of  super- 
stition and  enthusiasm  upon  the  weakness  of  the  human 
mind. 

4.  We  may  lay  it  down  as  a  certain  principle  in  this 
inquiry,  that  America  was  not  peopled  by  any  nation 
of  the  ancient  continent  which  had  made  considerable 
progress  in  civilization.  The  inhabitants  of  the  New 
World  were  in  a  state  of  society  so  extremely  rude  as 
to  be  unacquainted  with  tiiosc  arts  which  are  the  first 
essays  of  human  ingenuity  in  its  advance  towards  im- 
provement. Even  the  most  cultivated  nations  of  Ame- 
rica were  strangers  to  many  of  those  simjile  inventions 
which  were  almost  coeval  with  society  in  other  parts  of 
the  world,  and  were  known  m  the  earliest  periods  of 
civil  life  with  which  we  have  any  acquaiutance.  From 
this  it  is  manifest,  that  the  trilies  vihich  originally  mi- 
grated to  America,  came  off  from  nations  which  must 
have  been  no  less  barbarous  than  their  posterity,  at  the 
time  when  they  were  first  discovered  by  the  Europeans. 
For,  although  the  elegant  or  refined  arts  may  decline  or 
perish,  amidst  the  violent  shocks  of  those  revolutions 
and  disasters  to  which  nations  are  exposed,  the  neces- 
sary arts  of  life,  when  once  they  have  been  introduced 
among  anv  people,  are  never  lost.  None  of  the  vicis- 
situdes in  hum.an  affairs  affect  these,  and  they  continue 
to  be  practised  as  long  as  the  race  of  men  exists.  If 
ever  the  use  of  iron  had  been  known  to  the  savages  of 
America,  or  to  their  progenitors  ;  if  ever  they  had  em- 
ployed a  plough,  a  loom,  or  a  forge,  the  utility  of  those 
inventions  would  have  preserved  them,  and  it  is  impos- 
sible that  thev  should  have  been  abandoned  or  forgotten. 
Vi'e  may  conclude,  then,  that  the  Americans  s|)rung 
from  some  people,  who  were  themselves  in  such  an 
early  and  unimproved  stage  of  society,  as  to  be  unac- 
quainted with  all  those  necessary  arts,  which  continued 
to  be  unknown  among  their  posterity  when  first  visited 
by  the  S|)aniards. 

5.  It  appears  no  less  evident  that  America  was  not 


peopled  by  any  colony  from  the  more  southern  nations 
of  the  ancient  continent.  None  of  the  rude  tribes  sot- 
tied  in  that  part  of  our  hemisphere  can  be  sujiposed  to 
have  visited  a  country  so  remote.  They  possessed 
neither  enter|)risc,  nor  ingenuity,  nor  power  that  could 
prompt  them  to  undertake,  or  enable  them  to  perforin 
such  a  distant  voyage.  That  the  more  civilized  nations 
in  Asia  or  Africa  are  not  the  progenitors  of  the  Ameri- 
cans, is  manifest  not  only  from  the  observations  which 
I  have  already  made  concerning  their  ignorance  of  the 
most  simple  and  necessary  arts,  but  from  an  additional 
circumstance.  Whenever  any  people  have  experienced 
the  advantages  which  men  enjoy  by  their  dominion  over 
the  inferior  animals,  they  can  neither  subsist  without 
the  nourishment  which  these  afford,  nor  carry  on  any 
considerable  operation  independent  of  their  ministry 
and  labor.  Accordingly,  the  first  care  of  tlie  Spaniards, 
when  they  settlf  d  in  America,  was  to  stock  it  with  ail 
the  domestic  animals  of  Europe  ;  and  if,  prior  to  Itiem, 
the  Tyrians,  the  ('arthaginians,  the  Clunese,  or  any 
other  polished  people,  had  taken  possession  of  that  con- 
tinent, we  should  have  found  there  the  animals  peculiar 
to  those  regions  of  the  globe  where  they  were  originally 
seated.  In  all  America,  however,  there  is  not  one  ani- 
mal, tame  or  wild,  wluch  properly  belongs  to  the  warm 
or  even  tlie  more  temperate  countries  of  the  ancient 
continent.  Tlie  camel,  the  dromedary,  the  horse,  the 
cow,  were  as  much  unknown  in  America  as  the  ele- 
phant or  the  lion.  From  which  it  is  obvious,  that  the 
people  who  first  settled  in  the  western  world  did  not 
issue  from  the  countries  where  those  animals  abound, 
and  where  men,  from  having  been  long  accustomed  tc 
their  aid,  would  naturally  consider  it  not  only  as  bene- 
ficial, but  as  indisjjensably  necessary  to  the  improve- 
ment, and  even  the  preservation  of  civil  society. 

6.  From  considering  the  animals  with  which  Ame- 
rica is  stored,  we  may  conclude  that  the  nearest  point 
of  contact  between  the  old  and  new  continents  is  to- 
wards the  northern  extremity  of  both,  and  that  there 
the  communication  was  opened,  and  the  intercourse 
carried  on  between  them.  All  the  extensive  countries 
in  America  which  lie  within  the  tropics,  or  approacli 
near  to  them,  are  filled  with  indigenous  animala  of 
various  kinds,  entirely  different  from  those  in  the  cor- 
responding regions  of  the  ancient  continent.  But  the 
northern  provinces  of  the  New  World  abound  with 
many  of  the  wild  animals  which  are  common  in  such 
parts  of  our  hemisphere  as  lie  in  a  similar  situation. 
Ttie  bear,  the  wolf,  the  fox,  the  hare,  the  deer,  the 
roebuck,  the  elk,  and  several  other  species,  frequent 
the  forests  of  North  America,  no  less  than  those  in  the 
north  of  Europe  and  Asia.  It  seems  to  be  evident, 
then,  that  the  two  continents  approach  each  other  in 
thi  quarter,  and  are  either  united,  or  so  nearly 
adjacent  that  these  animals  might  pass  from  the  one 
to  the  other. 

7.  The  actual  vicinity  of  the  two  continents  is  so 
clearly  established  by  modern  discoveries,  that  the 
chief  difficulty  with  respect  to  the  peopling  of  America 
is  removed.  \Miile  those  immense  regions  which 
stretch  eastward  from  the  river  Oliy  to  the  sea  of 
Kamchatka  were  unknown  or  imperfectly  explored, 
the  north-east  extremities  of  our  hemisphere  were 
supposed  to  be  so  far  distant  from  any  part  of  the 
New  World,  that  it  was  not  easy  to  conceive  how  any 
coinmu;;ication  should  have  been  carried  on  between 
them.  Bat  the  Russians,  having  subjected  the  west- 
ern part  of  Siberia  to  their  empire,  gradually  extended 
their  knowledge  of  that  vast  country,  oy  advancing 
towards  the  east  into  unknown  provinces.  These 
were  discovered  by  hunters  in  their  excursions  after 
game,  or  by  soldiers  employed  in  levying  the  taxes  ; 
and  the  court  of  Moscow  estimated  the  importance  of 
those  countries,  only  by  the  small  addition  which  they 
made  to  its  revenue.  At  length  Peter  the  Great 
ascended  the  Russian  throne.  His  enlightened,  com- 
prehensive mind,  intent  upon  every  circumstance  that 
could  aggrandize  his  eini)ire,  or  render  his  reign  illus- 
trious, discerned  consequences  of  those  discoveiics 
which  had  escaped  the  observation  of  bis  ignorant  pre- 
decessors. He  perceived  that  in  proportion  as  the 
regions  of  Asia  extended  towards  the  east,  they  must 
approach  nearer  to  America ;  that  the  communication 
between  the  two  continents,  which  had  long  been 
searched  for  in  vain,  would  probably  be  found  m  this 
quarter ;  and  that  by  opening  it,  some  part  of  the 
wealth  and  commerce  qf  the  western  world  might  be 
made  to  flow  into  his  dominions  by  a  new  channel. 
Such  an  object  suited  a  genius  that  delighted  in  grand 
schemes.  Peter  drew  up  instructions  with  his  ovvn 
hand  for  prosecuting  tlus  design,  and  gave  Drdera  fof 
carrying  it  into  executiou 


103 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


His  successors  adopted  his  ideas  and  pursued  his- 
plan.  The  ofliccrs  whom  the  Russian  court  employed 
ID  this  service  hnd  to  struggle  with  so  many  dlffi- 
culties,  that  their  profiress  was  extremely  slow.  Eu- 
tourajTcd  bv  some  faint  traditions  amonir  the  pocple  of 
Siberia,  conciTumg  a  successful  voyage  in  the  ycarl 
one  thousand  six  hundred  and  forty-eight,  round  the  j 
north-east  pj-omontory  of  Asia,  they  attempted  to  j 
follow  the  same  course.  Vessels  were  fitted  out,  with 
this  view,  at  differetit  times,  from  the  rivers  I^ena  and 
Kolyma  ;  but  in  a  frozen  ocean,  which  nature  seems 
not  to  have  destined  for  navi;;ation,  they  were  exposed 
to  many  disasters,  without  bcini;  able  to  accomplish 
their  purpose.  N'o  vessel  fitted  out  by  the  Russian 
court  ever  doubled  this  formidable  Cape  ;  [41]  we  are 
indebted  for  what  is  known  of  those  extreme  regions 
of  Asia,  to  the  discoveries  made  in  excursions  by  land. 
In  all  those  provinces  an  opinion  prevails,  tliat  there 
are  countries  of  great  extent  and  fertility  which  lie  at 
no  considerable  distance  from  their  own  coasts.  These 
the  Russians  imagined  to  be  part  of  America  ;  and 
several  circumstances  concurred  not  only  in  confirming 
them  in  this  belief,  but  in  persuading  them  that  some 
portion  of  that  continent  could  not  be  very  remote. 
Trees  of  various  kinds  unknown  in  those  naked  regions 
of  Asia,  are  driven  upon  the  coast  by  an  easterly  wind. 
By  the  same  wind,  floating  ice  is  brought  thither  in  a 
few  days  ;  flights  of  birds  arrive  annually  from  the 
same  quarter ;  and  a  tradition  obtains  among  the  in- 
habitants, of  an  intercourse  formerly  carried  on  with 
fomo  coutilri'-9  situated  to  the  east. 

After  weighing  all  these  particulars,  and  comparing 
the  position  of  the  countries  in  Asia  which  had  been 
discovered,  with  such  parts  in  the  northwest  of  Ame- 
rica as  were  already  known,  the  Russian  court  formed 
a  plan,  which  would  have  hardly  occurred  to  a  nation 
less  accustomed  to  engage  in  arduous  undertakings, 
and  to  contend  with  great  difticulties.  Orders  were 
issued  to  build  two  vessels  at  the  small  village  of 
Ochotz,  situated  on  the  sea  of  Kamchatka,  to  sail  on  a 
voyage  of  discovery.  Though  that  dreary  uncultivated 
region  furnished  nothing  that  could  be  of  use  in  con- 
ptructing  them,  but  some  larch  trees  ;  though  not  only 
the  iron,  the  cordage,  the  sails,  and  all  the  numerous 
articles  requisite  for  their  equipment,  but  the  provi- 
sions for  victualling  thcin  were  to  be  carried  through 
the  immense  deserts  of  Siberia,  down  rivers  of  dithcult 
navigation,  and  along  roads  almost  impassible,  the 
mandate  of  the  sovereign,  and  the  perseverance  of  the 
people,  at  last  surmounted  every  obstacle.  Two  ves- 
sels were  finished,  and,  under  the  command  of  the 
Captains  Behriiig  and  Tschirikow,  sailed  from  Kam- 
chatka, in  quest  of  the  New  World  in  a  quarter  where 
it  had  never  been  approached.  They  sha|)cd  their 
course  towards  the  east ;  and  though  a  storm  soon 
beparaled  the  vessels,  which  never  rejoined,  and  many 
disasters  befell  them,  the  expectations  from  the  voyage 
were  not  altogether  frustrated.  Each  of  the  com- 
manders discovered  land,  which  to  them  appeared  to 
be  part  of  the  American  continent ;  and,  according  to 
their  observation,  it  seems  to  be  situated  within  a  few 
degrees  of  the  north-west  coast  of  California.  Each 
set  some  of  his  people  ashore  :  but  in  one  place  the 
inhabitants  fled  as  the  Russians  approached  ;  in  ano- 
ther, they  carried  oif  those  who  landed,  and  destroyed 
their  boats.  The  violence  of  the  weather,  and  the  dis- 
tress of  their  crews,  obliged  both  captains  to  quit  this 
mhospitable  coast.  In  their  return  they  touched  at  se- 
veral islands  which  stretched  in  a  chain  from  cast  to 
west  between  the  country  which  they  had  discovered 
and  the  coast  of  Asia.  They  had  some  intercourse 
v/iih  the  natives,  who  seemed  to  them  to  resemble  the 
North  Americans.  They  presented  to  the  Russians 
the  calumet,  or  pipe  of  peace,  which  is  a  symbol  of 
friendship  universal  among  the  people  of  North  Ame- 
rica, and  a  usage  of  arbitrary  institution  peculiar  to 
them. 

Though  the  islands  of  this  New  Archipelago  have 
been  frequented  since  that  time  by  the  Russian  hun- 
ters, the  court  of  St.  Petersburgh,  during  a  period  of 
more  than  forty  years,  seems  to  have  relinquished  every 
thought  of  prosecuting  discoveries  in  that  quarter. 
B  '.t  in  the  year  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  sixty- 
eight  it  was  unexpectedly  resumed.  The  sovereign 
who  had  been  .ately  sealed  on  the  throne  of  Peter  the 
Great,  possessed  the  genius  and  talents  of  her  illustri- 
ous priulecessor.  During  the  operations  of  the  most 
orrtiious  and  extensive  war  in  wliicli  the  Russian  em- 
pire was  ever  engaged,  she  formed  schemes  and  exo- 
culpd  nndertakings,  to  which  more  limited  abilities 
would  have  been  incapable  of  attending  but  amidst  the 
leiaucv  of  pacific  limes.    A  new  voyajje  of  discovery 


from  the  eastern  extremity  of  .^sia  was  planned,  and 
captain  Krentizin  and  Lieutenant  Levashcfl'  were  ap- 
pointed to  command  the  two  vessels  fitted  out  for  that 
purpose.  In  their  vovaire  outward  they  held  nearlv  the 
same  course  with  the  former  navigators,  they  touched 
at  the  same  islands,  observed  their  situation  and  [■ro- 
ductions  more  carefully,  and  discovered  several  new 
islands  with  which  Behring  and  Tschirikow  had  not 
fallen  in.  Though  they  did  not  proceed  so  far  to  the 
cast  as  to  revisit  the  country  which  Behring  and 
Tschirikow  supposed  to  be  part  of  the  .\nierican  con- 
tinent, yet,  by  returning  in  a  coi'rse  considerably  to  the 
north  of  theirs,  they  corrected  some  capital  mistakes 
into  which  their  predecessors  had  fallen,  and  have  con- 
tributed to  facilitate  the  progress  of  future  navigators  in 
those  seas.  [42J 

Thus  the  possibility  of  a  communication  between 
the  continents  in  this  quarter  rests  no  longer  ujion  mere 
conjecture,  but  is  established  by  undoubted  evidence. 
Some  tribe,  or  some  families  of  wandering  Tartars, 
from  the  restless  spirit  peculiar  to  their  rate,  might 
migrate  to  the  nearest  islands,  and,  rude  es  their  know- 
ledge of  navigation  was,  might,  by  passing  from  one 
to  tlie  other,  reach  at  length  the  coast  of  America,  and 
give  a  beginning  to  population  in  that  continent.  The 
distance  between  the  Marian  or  Ladrone  islands  and  tlic 
nearest  land  in  Asia,  is  greater  than  that  between  the 
part  of  America  which  the  R  issians  discovered,  and 
the  coast  of  Kamchatka  ;  and  yet  the  inhabitants  of 
those  islands  are  manifestly  of  Asiatic  extract.  If, 
notwithstanding  their  remote  situation,  we  admit  that 
the  Marian  islands  were  peopled  from  our  continent, 
distance  alone  is  no  reason  why  we  should  hesitate 
about  admitting  that  the  Americans  may  derive  their 
original  from  the  same  source  It  is  probable  that  fu- 
ture navigators  in  those  seas,  by  steering  further  to  the 
north,  may  find  that  the  continent  of  America  approach- 
es still  nearer  to  Asia.  According  to  the  information 
of  the  barbarous  people  who  inhabit  the  country  about 
the  north-east  promontory  of  Asia,  there  lies,  off  the 
coast,  a  small  island,  to  which  they  sail  in  less  than  a 
day.  From  that  they  can  descry  a  large  continent 
which,  according  to  flieir  descri|)tion,  is  covered  with 
forests,  and  possessed  by  people  whose  language  they 
do  not  understand.  By  them  they  are  supplied  with 
the  skins  of  martens,  an  animal  unknown  in  the  north- 
ern parts  of  Siberia,  and  which  is  never  found  but  in 
countries  abounding  with  trees.  If  we  could  rely  on 
on  this  account,  we  might  conclude  that  the  American 
continent  is  separated  from  ours  only  by  a  narrow 
strait,  and  all  the  difficulties  with  respect  to  the  com- 
munication between  them  would  vanish.  What  could 
be  offered  only  as  a  conjecture,  when  this  history  was 
first  published,  is  now  known  to  be  certain.  The  near 
approach  of  the  two  continents  to  each  other,  has  been 
discovered,  and  traced  in  a  voyage  undertaken  tipon 
principles  so  pure  and  so  liberal,  and  conducted  with  so 
much  professional  skill,  as  reflect  lustre  upon  the  reign 
of  the  sovereign  by  whom  it  was  planned,  and  do  honor 
to  the  otticers  intrusted  with  the  execution  of  it.  [-13] 

It  is  likewise  evident  from  recent  discoveries,  that  an 
intercourse  between  our  continent  and  .\merica  might 
be  carried  on  with  no  less  facility,  from  the  north-west 
extremities  of  Europe.  As  early  as  the  ninth  centurv, 
[A.  D.  830,]  the  Norwegians  discovered  (ireenland, 
and  planted  colonies  there.  The  communication  with 
that  country  after  a  long  interruption  was  renewed  in 
the  last  ccrAury.  Some  Lutheran  and  Moravian  mis- 
sionaries, prompted  by  zeal  for  propagating  the  Chris- 
tian faith,  have  ventured  to  settle  in  this  frozen  and  un- 
cultivated region.  To  them  we  are  indebted  for  mucli 
curious  information  with  respect  to  its  nature  and  inhal)i- 
tants.  We  learn  that  the  north-west  coast  of  Green- 
land is  separated  from  America  by  a  very  narrow 
strait;  that,  at  the  bottom  of  the  bay,  into  which  this 
strait  conducts,  it  is  highly  probable  that  they  are  uni- 
ted ;  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  two  countries  have 
some  intercourse  with  one  another  ;  that  the  Es(piimaux 
of  America  perfectly  resemble  the  Greenlanders  in  their 
aspect,  dress,  and  mode  of  living  ;  that  some  sailors 
who  had  acquired  the  knowledge  of  a  few  words  in  the 
(ireenlandish  language,  reported  that  these  were  un- 
derstood by  the  Escpiimaux  ;  that,  at  length  [.\.  1). 
1764,]  a  Moravian  missionary,  well  acquainted  with  the 
language  of  Greenland,  having  visited  the  country  of 
the  Esquimaux,  found,  to  his  astonishment,  thit  they 
s[)oke  the  same  language  with  the  (ireenlanders  ;  that 
they  were  in  every  respect  the  same  people,  and  he 
was  accordingly  received  and  entertained  by  them  as  a 
friend  and  a  brother. 

By  those  decisive  facts,  not  only  the  consanguinity 
of  the  Esquimaux  and  Greenlanders  is  established,  but 


the  possibility  of  peopling  America  from  the  north  of 
Europe  is  demonstrated.  If  the  Norwegians,  m  a  har- 
barous  age.  when  science  had  not  begun  to  dawn  ia 
the  north  of  Europe,  possessed  such  naval  .~kill  as  tc 
Ojjen  a  communication  with  Greenland,  their  ancestors, 
as  much  addicted  to  roving  by  sea,  as  the  Tartars  aic 
to  wandering  by  land,  might,  at  some  more  ren:.Tif 
period,  accomplish  the  same  voyage,  and  settle  a  colonv 
there,  whose  descendants  might,  in  progress  of  time,  nii- 
grate  into  America.  But  if,  instead  of  venturing  to  sail 
directly  from  their  own  coast  to  Greenland,  we  suppose 
that  the  Norwegians  held  a  more  cautious  course,  and 
advanced  from  Shetland  to  the  Feroe  islands,  and  from 
them  to  Iceland,  in  all  which  they  had  planted  colonies  ; 
their  progress  may  have  been  so  gradual,  that  tliis  na- 
vigation cannot  be  considered  as  either  longer  or  more 
hazardous  than  these  voyages  which  that  hardy  and 
enterprising  race  of  men  is  know  n  to  have  performed  in 
every  age. 

8.  Though  it  he  possible  that  America  may  have  re- 
ceived its  first  inhabitants  from  our  continent,  either  by 
the  north-west  of  Europe,  or  the  north-east  of  Asia, 
there  seems  to  be  good  reason  for  supposing  that  ;he 
progenitors  of  all  the  American  nations  from  Cape 
Horn  to  the  southern  confines  of  Labrador,  migrated 
from  the  latter  rather  than  the  former.  The  Esquimaux 
I  are  the  only  people  in  America,  who  in  their  aspect 
or  character,  bear  any  resemblance  to  the  northern 
Europeans.  They  are  manifestly  a  race  of  men  dis- 
tinct from  all  the  nations  of  the  .\merican  continent,  in 
language,  in  disposition,  and  habits  of  life.  Their  ori- 
ginal, then,  may  warrantably  be  traced  up  to  that  source 
which  I  have  pointed  out.  But  among  all  the  other  in- 
habitants of  America,  there  is  such  a  striking  simili- 
tude in  the  form  of  their  bodies  and  the  qualities  of 
their  minds,  that  notwithstanding  the  diversities  occa- 
sioned by  the  influences  of  climate,  or  unequal  pro- 
gress in  improvement,  we  must  pronounce  them  to  be 
descended  from  one  source.  There  may  be  a  variety 
in  the  shades,  but  we  can  every  where  trace  the  same 
original  colour  Each  tribe  has  something  peculiar 
which  distinguishes  it,  hut  in  all  of  them  we  discern 
certain  features  commoti  to  the  whole  race.  It  is  re- 
markable, that  in  every  peculiarity,  whether  in  their  per- 
sons or  dis[)ositions,  which  characterize  the  Americans, 
they  have  some  resemblance  to  the  rude  tribes  scatter- 
ed over  the  north-east  of  Asia,  hut  almost  none  to  the 
I  nations  settled  in  the  northern  extremities  of  Europe. 
^^'e  may.  therefore,  refer  them  to  the  former  origin,  and 
conclude  that  their  Asiatic  progenitors,  having  settled 
m  those  parts  of  America  where  the  Russians  have  dis- 
covered the  proximity  of  the  two  continents,  spread 
gradually  over  its  various  regions.  This  account  of  the 
progress  of  population  in  America  coincides  with  the 
traditions  of  the  .Mexicans  concerning  their  own  origin, 
which,  imperfect  as  they  are,  were  preserved  with  more 
accuracy,  and  merit  greater  credit,  than  those  of  any 
people  in  the  New  World.  According  to  them,  their 
ancestors  came  from  a  remote  country  situated  to  the 
north-west  of  .Mexico.  The  .Mexicans  point  out  their 
various  stations  as  they  advanced  from  this  into  the 
interior  provinces,  and  it  is  precisely  the  same  route 
which  they  must  have  held  if  they  had  been  emigrants 
from  Asia.  The  Mexicans,  in  describing  the  ap|)car- 
ance  of  their  progenitors,  their  manners  and  habits  of 
life  at  that  period,  exactly  delineate  those  of  the  rude 
Tartars  from  whom  I  suppose  them  to  have  sprung 

Thus  have  I  fini.4ied  a  Disquisition  which  has  been 
deemed  of  so  much  importance  that  it  would  have  been 
improper  to  omit  it  in  writing  the  history  of  .•\merua. 
I  have  ventured  to  iixpiire.  but  without  presuming  to 
decide.  Satisfied  with  otFering  conjectures.  I  pretend 
not  to  establish  any  system.  \\'hen  an  investigation 
is,  from  its  nature,  so  intricate  and  obscure,  that  it  is 
impossible  to  arrive  at  conclusions  which  are  certain, 
there  may  be  some  merit  in  pointing  out  such  as  arc 
probable. 

The  condition  and  character  of  the  American  nations, 
at  the  time  when  they  became  known  to  the  European!, 
deserve  more  attentive  consideration  than  the  inquiry 
concerning  their  original.    The  latter  is  merely  an  ob- 
ject of  curiosity  ;  the  former  is  one  of  the  most  impor- 
tant as  well  as  instructive  researcnes  which  can  occupy 
the  philosopher  or  historian.    In  ortler  to  completu 
the  history  of  the  liuinan  mind,  and  attain  to  a  perfect 
knowledge  of  its  nature  and  operations,  we  must  eon- 
tem|)late  man  in  all  those  various  situations  wherein  h# 
has  been  placed.    We  must  follow  him  in  his  proijreM 
through  till'  dillercnt  stages  of  society,  as  he  gradu.illy 
I  advances  from  the  infant  stale  of  civil  life  towards  il* 
j  maturity  and  decline.    We  mu«t  observe  at  each  \>o- 
I  nod,  how  the  faculties  of  his  understanding  unfold  ;  we 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


103 


must  attend  to  ihc  efforts  of  his  active  powers,  watcli 
the  various  movetncnts  of  desire  and  affection,  as  they 
rise  in  his  breast,  and  mark  whither  tliey  tend,  and  with 
v'hat  ai-dor  they  are  exerted  The  philosophers  and  liis- 
lorians  of  ancient  Greece  and  Home,  our  guides  in  this 
OS  well  as  every  othcrdisquisition.had  only  a  limited  view 
of  this  subject,  as  they  had  hardly  any  opportunity  of  sur- 
veying man  in  his  rudest  and  most  early  state.  In  all 
those  regions  of  the  earth  with  which  they  were  well  ac- 
qi-airited,  civil  society  had  made  considerable  advances, 
and  nations  had  finished  a  good  part  of  their  career  be- 
fore they  began  to  observe  them.  The  Scythians  and 
Germans,  the  rudest  people  of  whom  any  ancient  au- 
thor has  transmitted  to  us  an  authentic  account,  pos- 
sessed flocks  and  herds,  had  acquired  property  of  va- 
rious kinds,  and,  when  compared  with  mankind  in  their 
primitive  state,  may  be  reckoned  to  have  attained  to  a 
great  degree  of  civilization. 

But  the  discovery  of  the  New  World  enlarged  the 
sphere  of  contemplation,  and  presented  nations  to  our 
view,  in  stages  of  their  progress  much  less  advanced 
than  those  wherein  they  have  been  observed  in  our  con- 
tinent. In  America,  man  appears  under  the  rudest 
form  in  whicli  we  can  conceive  him  to  subsist.  We 
behold  communities  just  beginning  to  nuite,  and  may 
ciamine  the  sentiments  and  actions  of  human  beings 
m  the  infancy  of  social  life,  while  they  feel  but  imper- 
fectly the  force  of  its  ties,  and  have  scarcely  relin- 
quished their  native  liberty.  That  state  of  primeval 
sim|)licity,  which  was  known  in  our  continent  only  by 
the  fanciful  description  of  poets,  really  existed  in  the 
other.  The  greater  part  of  its  inhabitants  were  stran- 
gers to  industry  and  labor,  ignorant  of  arts,  imperfectly 
iicquainted  with  the  nature  of  property,  and  enjoy- 
ing almost  without  restriction  or  control  the  blessings 
which  flowed  spontaneously  from  the  bounty  of  nature. 
There  were  only  two  nations  in  this  vast  continent 
ivhich  had  emerged  from  this  rude  state,  and  had  made 
any  considerable  progress  in  acquiring  the  ideas,  and 
adopting  the  institutions,  which  belong  to  polished  so- 
cieties. Their  governm.'^nt  and  manners  will  fall  na- 
turally under  our  review  in  relating  the  discovery  and 
conquest  of  the  Mexican  and  Peruvian  empires  ;  and 
we  shall  have  there  an  opportunity  of  contemplating 
Jie  Americans  in  the  state  of  highest  improvement  to 
"•vhich  they  ever  attained. 

At  pr«-sent,  our  attention  and  researches  shall  be 
turned  to  the  small  independent  tribes  which  occupied 
every  other  part  of  America.  Among  these,  though 
with  some  diversity  in  their  character,  their  manners, 
and  institutions,  the  state  of  society  was  nearly  siini- 
.ar,  and  so  extremely  rude,  that  the  denomination  of 
lanage  may  be  applied  to  them  all.  In  a  general  his- 
tor)  >f  America,  it  \vould  be  highly  improper  to  describe 
the  condition,  of  each  petty  community,  or  to  investi- 
gate every  minute  circumstance  which  contributes  to 
form  the  character  of  its  members.  Such  an  inquiry 
would  lead  to  details  of  immeasurable  and  tiresome 
extent.  The  qualities  belonging  to  the  people  of  all  the 
difterent  tribes  have  such  a  near  resemblance,  that  they 
may  be  painted  with  the  same  features.  Where  any 
circumstances  seem  to  constitute  a  diversity  in  their 
character  and  manners  worthy  of  attention,  it  will  be 
suflicient  to  point  these  out  as  they  occur,  and  to  in- 
quire into  the  cause  of  such  peculiarities. 

It  is  extremely  difficult  to  procure  satisfying  and  au- 
thentic information  concerning  nations  while  they  re- 
main uncivilized.  To  discover  their  true  character  un- 
der this  rude  form,  and  to  select  the  features  by  which 
thev  are  distinguished,  requires  an  observer  possessed 
of  no  less  impartiality  than  discernment.  For,  in  every 
stage  of  society,  the  faculties,  the  sentiments,  and  de- 
sires of  men  arc  so  accommodated  to  their  own  state, 
thatthi  y  become  standards  of  excellence  to  themselves, 
they  affix  the  idea  of  perfection  and  happiness  to  those 
oltainments  which  resemble  their  own,  and,  wherever 
the  objects  and  enjoyments  to  which  they  have  been 
Bccuatomcd  are  wanting,  confidently  pronounce  a  peo- 
ple to  be  barbarous  and  miserable.  Hence  the  mutual 
contempt  with  which  the  menibers  of  communities, 
unequal  in  their  degrees  of  imnrovoment,  regard  each 
ether.  Polished  nations,  conscious  of  the  advantages 
which  they  derive  from  their  knowledge  and  arts,  are 
apt  to  view  rude  nations  with  peculiar  scorn,  and,  in 
the  pride  of  superiority,  will  hardly  allow  either  their 
occupations,  their  feelings,  or  their  pleasures,  to  be 
worthy  of  men.  It  has  seldom  been  the  lot  of  com- 
munities, in  their  early  and  unpolished  state,  to  fall 
under  the  observation  of  persons  endowed  with  force 
cf  mind  superior  to  vulgar  prejudices,  and  capable  of 
contemplating  man,  under  whatever  aspect  he  appears, 
with  a  candid  and  discerning  eyo. 


The  Spaniards,  who  first  visited  America,  and  who 
had  opportunity  of  l)eliol(lmg  its  \arious  tribes  while 
entire  and  unsubdued,  and  before  any  change  had  been 
made  in  their  ideas  or  manners  by  intercourse  with  a 
race  of  men  much  advanced  beyond  them  in  improve- 
ment, were  far  from  possessing  the  qualities  requisite  for 
observing  the  striking  spectacle  presented  to  their  view. 
Neither  the  age  in  which  they  lived,  nor  the  nation  to 
which  they  belonged,  had  made  such  progress  in  true  sci- 
ence, as  inspires  enlarged  and  liberal  sentiments.  The 
I  conquerors  of  the  New  World  were  mostly  illiterate 
j  adventurers,  destitute  of  all  the  ideas  which  should 
have  directed  them  in  contemplating  objects  so  extreme- 
ly different  from  those  with  which  they  were  acquaint- 
ed. Surrounded  continually  with  danger  or  struggling 
with  hardships,  they  had  little  leisure,  and  less  capacity, 
for  any  .speculative  inquiry.  Eager  to  take  possession 
of  a  country  of  such  extent  and  opulence,  and  happy 
in  finding  it  occupied  by  inhabitants  sc  incapable  to  de- 
fend it,  they  hastily  pronounced  them  to  be  a  wretched 
order  of  men,  formed  merely  for  servitude  ;  and  were 
more  employed  in  computing  the  profits  of  their  labor, 
than  in  inquiring  into  the  operations  of  their  minds,  or 
the  reasons  of  their  customs  and  institutions.  The 
persons  who  penetrated  at  subsequent  periods  into  the 
interior  provinces,  to  which  the  knowledge  and  devas- 
tations of  the  first  concpierors  did  not  reach,  were  ge- 
nerally of  a  similar  character  ;  brave  and  enterprising 
in  a  high  degree,  but  so  uninformed  as  to  be  little  quali- 
fied either  for  observing  or  describing  what  they  beheld. 

Not  only  the  incapacity  but  the  prejudices  of  the 
Spaniards  rendered  their  accouiits  of  the  people  of 
America  extremely  defective.  Soon  after  they 
planted  colonies  in  their  new  conquests,  a  differ- 
ence in  0])inion  arose  with  respect  to  the  treatment  of 
the  natives.  One  party,  solicitous  to  render  their  ser- 
vitude perpetual,  represented  them  as  a  brutish,  obsti- 
nate race,  incapable  either  of  acquiring  religious  know- 
ledge, or  of  being  trained  to  the  functions  of  social  life 
The  other,  full  of  pious  concern  for  their  conversion, 
contended  that,  though  rude  and  ignorant,  they  were 
gentle,  affectionate,  docile,  and  by  proper  instructions 
and  regulations  might  be  formed  gradually  into  goud 
Christians  and  useful  citizens.  This  controversy,  as  I 
have  already  related,  was  carried  on  with  all  the  warmth 
which  is  natural,  when  attention  to  interest  on  the  one 
hand,  and  religious  zeal  in  the  other,  animate  the  dis- 
putants. Most  of  the  laity  espoused  the  former  opi- 
nion ;  all  the  ecclesiastics  were  advocates  for  the 
latter  ;  and  we  shall  uniformly  find  that,  accordingly  as 
an  author  belonged  to  either  of  these  parties,  he  is  apt 
to  magnify  the  virtues  or  aggravate  the  defects  of  the 
Americans  far  beyond  truth.  Those  repugnant  ac- 
counts increase  the  difficulty  of  attaining  a  perfect 
knowledge  of  their  character,  and  render  it  ne- 
cessary to  peruse  all  the  descriptions  of  them  by  Spa- 
nish writers  with  distrust,  and  to  receive  their  nforina- 
tion  with  some  grains  of  allowance. 

Almost  two  centuries  elapsed  after  the  discovery  of 
America,  before  the  manners  of  its  inhabitants  attract- 
ed, in  any  considerable  degree,  the  attention  of  philo- 
sophers. At  length  they  discovered  that  the  contem- 
plation of  the  condition  and  character  of  the  Ameri- 
cans, in  their  original  state,  tended  to  complete  our 
knowledge  of  the  human  species  ;  might  enable  us  to 
fill  up  a  considerable  chasm  in  the  history  of  its  pro- 
gress ;  and  lead  to  speculations  no  less  curious  than 
important.  They  entered  upon  this  new  field  of  study 
with  great  ardor  ;  but,  instead  of  throwing  light  upon 
the  subject,  they  have  contributed  in  some  degree  to 
involve  it  in  additional  obscurity.  Too  impatient  to 
inquire,  they  hastened  to  decide  ;  and  began  to  erect 
systems,  when  they  should  have  been  searching  for 
facts  on  which  to  establish  their  foundations.  Struck 
with  the  appearance  of  degeneracy  in  the  human  spe- 
cies throughout  the  New  World,  and  astonished  at  be- 
holding a  vast  continent  occupied  by  a  naked,  feeble, 
and  ignorant  race  of  men,  some  authors,  of  great  name, 
have  maintained  that  this  part  of  the  globe  had  but 
lately  emerged  from  the  sea,  and  become  fit  for  the 
residence  of  man  ;  that  every  thing  in  it  bore  marks  of 
a  recent  original ;  and  that  its  inhabitants,  lately  called 
into  existence,  and'  still  at  the  beginning  of  their  ca- 
reer, were  unworthy  to  be  compared  with  the  people  of 
a  more  ancient  and  improved  continent.  Others  have 
imagined,  that,  under  the  influence  of  an  unkindly  cli- 
mate, which  checks  and  enervates  the  principle  of  life, 
man  never  attained  in  America  the  perfection  which 
belongs  to  his  nature,  but  remained  an  animal  of  an 
inferior  order,  defective  in  the  vigor  of  his  bodily  frame, 
and  destitute  of  sensibility,  as  well  as  of  force,  in  the 
operations  of  his  mind.    In  opposition  to  both  these, 


other  philosophers  have  supp>..?ed  that  man  arrive*  at 
his  h'ghc  st  dignity  and  excellence  long  before  he  rracbi«8 
a  state  of  refinement  ;  and,  in  the  rude  si:nplicilv  of 
savage  life,  displays  an  elevation  of  sent  nnent,  an  iuco- 
pcndenco  of  mind,  and  a  warmth  of  attachment,  fjr 
which  it  is  vain  to  search  among  llie  members  of  po- 
lished societies.  They  seem  to  consider  that  as  the 
most  ])erfect  state  of  man  which  is  the  least  civili/cd. 
They  describe  the  manners  of  the  rude  .\mcricans  with 
such  rapture,  as  if  they  proposed  them  for  models  to  the 
test  of  the  species.  Thc.se  contradictory  theories  have 
been  |)roposed  with  c(]ual  confidence,  and  uncommoi! 
powers  of  genius  and  eloquence  have  been  exerted,  in 
order  to  clothe  them  with  an  ajipearance  of  truth. 

As  all  those  circuinstatices  concur  in  rendering  an 
inquiry  into  the  state  of  the  rude  nations  in  .Xmerica 
intricate  and  obscure,  it  is  necessary  to  carry  it  on  with 
caution.  When  guided  in  our  researches  by  the  intel- 
ligent observations  of  the  few  plnlosojihers  who  have 
visited  this  part  of  the  globe,  we  may  venture  to  decide. 
When  obliged  to  have  recourse  to  the  su|)erficial  re- 
marks of  vulgar  travellers,  of  sailors,  traders,  bucancers, 
and  missionaries,  we  must  often  pause,  and  comparin'r 
detached  facts,  endeavor  to  discover  what  they  wanted 
sagacity  to  observe.  Without  indulging  conjecture,  o 
betraying  a  propensity  to  either  system,  we  must  study 
with  equal  care  to  avoid  the  extremes  of  extravagant 
admiration,  or  of  supercilious  contempt  for  those  man- 
ners which  we  describe. 

In  order  to  conduct  this  incpiiry  with  greater  accu- 
racy, ir  should  be  rendered  as  simple  as  possible.  Man 
existed  as  an  individual  before  he  became  the  member 
of  a  community  ;  and  the  qualities  which  belong  to  him 
under  his  former  capacity  should  be  known,  before  wo 
proceed  to  examine  those  which  arise  from  the  latter 
relation.  This  is  peculiarly  necessary  in  investigating 
the  manners  of  rude  nations.  Their  political  union  is 
so  incomplete,  their  civil  institutions  and  regulations  so 
few,  so  simple,  and  of  such  slender  authority,  that  men 
in  this  state  ought  to  be  viewed  rather  as  independent 
agents,  than  as  members  of  a  regular  society.  The 
character  of  a  savage  results  almost  entirely  from  his 
sentiments  or  feelings  as  an  individual,  and  is  but  little 
influenced  by  his  imperfect  subjection  to  govesnment 
and  order.  I  shall  conduct  my  researches  concerning 
the  manners  of  the  Americans  in  this  natural  order, 
proceeding  gradually  from  what  is  simple  to  what  is 
more  complicated. 

I  shall  consider,  I.  The  bodily  constitution  of 
the  Americans  in  those  regions  now  urder  review. 
II.  The  qualities  of  their  minds,  III.  Their  domestic 
state.  IV.  Their  political  state  and  institutions. 
V.  Their  system  of  war,  and  public  security.  VI.  The 
an?  with  which  they  were  acquainted.  VII.  Their  re- 
ligions ideas  and  institutions.  VIII.  Such  singular  de- 
tached customs  as  are  not  reducible  to  any  of  the  for- 
mer heads.  IX.  I  shall  conclude  with  a  general  review 
and  estimate  of  their  virtues  and  defects. 

I.  The  bodily  constitution  of  the  Americans. — The 
human  body  is  less  affected  by  climate  than  that  of  any 
other  animal.  Some  animals  are  confined  to  a  parti- 
cular region  of  the  globe,  and  cannot  exist  beyond  it : 
others,  though  theyinay  be  brought  to  bear  the  injuries 
of  a  climate  foreign  to  them,  cease  to  multiply  when 
carried  out  of  that  district  which  nature  destined  to  be 
their  mansion.  Even  such  as  seem  capable  of  being 
naturalized  in  various  climates  feel  the  effect  of  every 
remove  from  their  proper  station,  and  gradually  dwin- 
dle and  degenerate  from  the  vigor  and  perfection  pe- 
culiar to  their  species,  Man  is  the  only  living  creature 
whose  frame  is  at  once  so  hardy  and  so  flexible, 
that  he  can  spread  over  the  whole  earth,  become  the 
inhabitant  of  every  region,  and  thrive  and  multiply  un- 
der every  climate.  Subject,  however,  to  the  general 
law  of  "Nature,  the  human  body  is  not  entirely  exempt 
from  the  operation  of  climate  ;  and  when  exposed  to 
the  extremes  either  of  heat  or  cold,  its  size  or  vigor 
diminishes. 

The  first  appearance  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  New 
World  filled  the  discoverers  with  such  astonishment 
thaf  they  were  apt  to  imagine  them  a  race  of  men  dif- 
ferent from  those  of  the  other  hemisphere.  Their  com- 
plexion is  of  a  reddish  brown,  nearly  resembling  the 
color  of  copper.  The  hair  of  their  heads  is  always 
black,  long,  coarse,  and  uncurled.  They  have  no 
beard,  and  every  part  of  their  body  is  perfectly  smooth. 
Their  persons  are  of  a  full  size,  extremely  straight,  and 
well  proportioned.  [44]  Their  features  are  regular, 
though  often  distorted  by  absurd  endeavors  to  improve 
the  beauty  of  their  natural  form,  or  to  render  their  aspprt 
more  dreadful  to  their  enemies.  In  the  islands,  where 
four-footed  animals  were  both  lew  and  small,  and  ilis 


104 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OP 


carlh  yielded  her  productions  almost  spontaneously, 
the  coiisliliuioii  ol  llie  nalivcs,  neither  braced  by  the 
iclive  eiereiscs  of  the  cliase,  nor  invigoratrd  by  the 
la'jor  of  cultivation,  was  extremely  feeble  and  languid. 
On  the  continent,  where  the  forests  abound  with  game 
of  various  kinds,  and  the  chief  occupation  of  many 
tribes  was  to  pursue  it,  the  human  Iraine  acquired 
greater  hr.nness.  Still,  however,  the  Americans  were 
more  remarkablfi  for  agility  than  strength.  They  re- 
sembled beasts  of  prey,  rather  than  animals  formed  for 
labor.  [45]  They  were  not  onl"  averse  to  toil,  but  in- 
capable of  it ;  and  when  roused  by  force  from  their 
native  indolence,  and  compelled  to  work,  they  sunk 
under  tasks  which  the  people  of  the  other  coiitinciit 
would  have  performed  with  case.  This  feebleness  ol 
constitution  was  universal  among  the  inhabitants  of 
those  regions  in  America  which  we  are  surveying,  and 
may  be  considered  as  characteristic  of  the  opecics 
there. 

The  beardlcs*  countenance  and  smooth  skin  of  the 
American  stems  to  indicate  a  defect  of  vigor,  oc- 
casioned by  some  vice  in  Ins  frame.  He  is  destitute 
of  one  sign  of  manhood  and  of  strength.  This  pecu- 
liarity, by  which  the  inhabitants  of  the  New  World  are 
distinguished  from  the  peojile  of  all  other  nations,  can- 
not be  attributed,  as  some  travellers  have  supposed,  to 
their  mode  of  subsistence.  For  though  the  food  of 
many  Americans  be  extremely  insipid,  as  they  are 
altogether  unacquainted  with  the  use  of  salt,  rude 
tribes  in  other  parts  of  the  earth  have  subsisted  on 
aliments  equally  simple,  without  this  mark  of  degra- 
dation, or  any  apparent  symptom  of  a  diminution  in 
their  vigor. 

As  the  external  forms  of  the  Americans  lead  us  to 
suspect  that  there  is  some  natural  debility  in  their 
frame,  the  smallness  of  their  appetite  for  food  has  been 
iiientioned  by  many  authors  as  a  conlirination  of  this 
suspicion.  The  quantity  of  food  which  men  consume 
vanes  according  to  the  temperature  of  the  climate  in 
Arhich  they  live,  the  degree  of  activity  which  they 
exert,  and  the  natural  vigor  of  their  constitutions. 
Under  the  enervating  heal  of  the  torrid  zone,  and  when 
Qien  pass  their  days  in  indolence  and  ease,  they  re- 
qure  less  nourishment  than  the  active  inhabitants  of 
.cinpcrate  or  cold  countries.  But  neither  the  warmth 
jf  their  c\j'jiatc,  nor  their  extreme  laziness,  will  ac- 
:ount  for  tne  um.ommon  aefcct  of  appetite  among  the 
Americans.  The  Spaniards  were  astonished  with  ob- 
BC-rving  this,  not  only  in  the  islands,  but  in  several 
parts  of  the  continent.  The  constitutional  temperance 
of  the  natives  far  exceeded,  in  their  opinion,  the  absti- 
nence of  the  most  mortified  hermits  :  while,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  appetite  of  the  Spaniards  appeared  to 
U>s  Americans  insatiably  voracious  ;  and  they  atiirined, 
that  one  Spaniard  devoured  more  food  in  a  day  than 
A'as  sufficient  for  ten  Americans. 

A  proof  of  some  fetbleiicss  in  their  frame,  still  more 
ctrikiiig,  is  the  insensibility  of  the  Americans  to  the 
charms  of  beauty,  and  the  power  of  love.  That  passion 
which  was  destined  to  perpetuate  life,  to  be  the  bond  of 
social  union,  and  the  source  of  tendernsss  and  joy,  is 
the  most  ardent  in  the  human  breast.  Though  the 
perils  and  hardships  of  the  savage  state,  though  exces- 
sive fatigue  on  some  occasions,  and  the  difficulty  at  all 
times  of  jirocuring  subsistence,  may  seem  to  be  adverse 
to  this  jiassion,  and  to  have  a  tendency  to  abate  its 
vigor,  yet  the  rudest  nations  in  every  other  part  of  the 
globe  seem  ti  feel  its  influence  more  powerfully  than 
the  inhabitants  of  the  New  World.  The  negro  glows 
with  all  ihe  warmth  of  desire  natural  to  his  climate  ; 
and  the  inust  uncultivated  Asiatics  discover  that  sensi- 
bility, which,  from  their  situation  on  the  globe,  we 
should  expect  them  to  have  felt.  But  the  Americans 
arc,  in  an  amazing  degree,  strangers  to  the  force  of  this 
first  instinct  of  nature.  In  every  part  of  the  New 
W'lrld  the  natives  treat  their  women  with  coldness  and 
indillerence  'I'hey  are  neitiier  the  ol)j()<!ls  of  that  ten- 
der attachment  which  takes  ])lace  in  civilized  society, 
nor  of  that  ardent  desire  conspicuous  among  rude  na- 
tions. Even  in  climates  where  this  passion  usually 
Hcquircs  its  greatest  vigor,  the  savage  of  America 
views  his  female  with  disdain,  as  an  animal  of  a  less 
noble  species.  He  is  at  no  pains  to  win  her  favor  by 
the  assiduity  of  courtship,  and  still  less  solicitous  to 
preserve  it  by  indulgence  and  gentleness.  Mission- 
aries themselves,  notwithstanding  the  austerity  of  mo- 
nastic ideas,  cannot  refrain  from  expressing  their  as- 
tiinishmcnt  at  the  dispassionate  coldness  of  the  Ame- 
rican young  men  in  their  intercourse  with  the  other  sex. 
Nor  is  this  reserve  to  be  ascribed  to  any  opinion  which 
ihey  entertain  with  reopoct  to  the  merit  of  female  chas- 
tity.   That  is  un  idea  too  refined  for  a  savage,  and  sug- 


gested by  a  delicacy  of  sentiment  and  affection  to  which 
he  is  a  stranger. 

But  in  inipiiries  concerning  either  the  bodily  or 
menial  qualities  of  particular  races  of  men,  there  is  not 
a  more  common  or  more  seducing  errt  r,  than  that  of 
ascribing  to  a  single  cause,  those  characteristic  pecu- 
liarites  which  are  the  etf'ect  of  the  combined  operation 
of  many  causes.  The  climate  and  soil  of  America 
differ  in  so  many  respects  from  those  of  the  other 
hemisphere,  and  this  difl'erence  is  so  obvious  and 
striking,  that  philosophers  of  great  eminence  have 
laid  hold  on  this  as  sufKcient  to  account  for  what  is 
peculiar  in  the  constitution  of  its  inhabitants.  'I'hey 
rest  on  physical  causes  alone,  and  consider  the  feeble 
frame  and  languid  desire  of  the  Americans,  as  con- 
sequences of  the  temperament  of  that  portion  of  the 
globe  which  they  occupy.  But  the  iiiHueiices  of 
political  and  moral  causes  ought  not  to  have  been 
overlooked.  These  operate  with  no  less  effect  than 
that  on  which  many  philosophers  rest  as  a  f  ull  explana- 
tion of  the  singular  appearances  which  have  been  men- 
tioned. Wherever  the  stale  of  society  is  such  as  to 
create  many  wants  and  desires,  which  cannot  be  satis- 
fied without  regular  exertions  of  industry,  the  body 
accustomed  to  labor  becomes  robust  and  patient  of 
fatigue.  In  a  more  simple  state,  where  the  demands 
of  men  are  so  few  and  so  inodr:rate  that  they  may  be 
gratified,  almost  without  any  eliort,  by  the  spontaneous 
productions  of  nature,  the  powers  of  the  body  arc  not 
called  forth,  nor  can  they  attain  their  proper  strength. 
The  natives  of  Chili  and  of  North  America,  the  two 
temperate  regions  in  the  New  World,  who  live  by 
hunting,  may  be  deemed  an  active  and  vigorous  race, 
when  compared  with  the  inhabitants  of  the  isles,  or  of 
those  parts  of  the  continent  where  hardly  any  labor  is 
requisite  to  procure  subsistence.  The  exertions  of  a 
hunter  are  not,  however,  so  regular,  or  so  continued, 
as  those  of  persons  employed  in  (he  culture  of  the 
earth,  or  in  the  various  arts  of  civilized  life ;  and 
though  his  agility  may  be  greater  than  theirs,  his 
strength  is  on  the  whole  inferior.  If  another  direction 
were  given  to  the  active  powers  of  man  in  the  New 
World,  and  his  force  augmented  by  exercise,  he  might 
acquire  a  degree  of  vigor  w  hich  he  does  not  in  his  pre- 
sent state  possess.  The  truth  of  this  is  confirmed 
by  experience.  Wherever  the  Americans  have  been 
gradually  accustomed  to  hard  labor,  their  constitutions 
become  robust,  and  they  have  been  found  capable  of 
performing  such  tasks,  as  seemed  not  only  to  exceed 
the  powers  of  such  a  feeble  frame  as  has  been  deemed 
peculiar  to  their  country,  but  to  ei7,ual  any  effort  of  the 
natives  cither  of  Africa  or  of  Eur.-pe.  [46] 

The  same  reasoning  will  cp',;'y  to  what  has  been  ob- 
served concerning  their  slender  demand  for  food.  As 
a  proof  that  this  should  be  ascribed  as  much  to  their 
extreme  indolence,  and  often  total  want  of  occupation, 
as  to  any  thing  peculiar  in  the  physical  structure  of  their 
bodies,  it  has  been  observed,  that  in  these  districts 
where  the  people  of  America  arc  obliged  to  exert  any 
unusual  effort  of  activity,  in  order  to  |)rocure  subsis- 
tence, or  wherever  they  are  employed  in  severe  labor, 
their  appetite  is  not  inferior  to  that  of  other  men,  and 
in  some  places,  it  has  struck  observers  as  remarkably 
voracious. 

The  operation  of  political  and  moral  causes  is  still 
more  conspicuous  in  modifying  the  degree  of  attach- 
ment between  the  sexes.  In  a  state  of  high  civilization, 
this  passion,  inflamed  by  restraint,  refined  by  delicacy, 
and  cherished  by  fashion,  occupies  and  engrosses  the 
heart.  It  is  no  longer  a  simple  instinct  of  nature;  sen- 
timent heightens  the  ardor  of  desire,  and  liie  mOLt  len- 
der emotions  of  which  our  frame  is  susceptible  soothe 
and  agitate  the  soul.  This  description,  however,  ap- 
plies only  to  those,  who,  by  their  situation,  are  cxemjit- 
cd  from  the  cares  and  laliors  of  life.  Among  persons 
of  inferior  order,  who  arc  doomed  by  their  condi- 
tion to  incessant  toil,  the  dominion  of  this  passion  is 
less  violent ;  their  solicitude  to  procure  subsistence, 
and  to  provide  for  the  first  demand  of  nature,  loaves 
little  leisure  for  attending  to  its  second  call.  But  if  the 
nature  of  the  intercourse  between  the  sexes  varies  so 
much  in  persons  of  dilferent  rank  in  polished  societies, 
the  condition  of  man  while  he  rcnuins  uncivilized  must 
occasion  a  variation  still  more  ap|)arent.  We  may 
well  suppose,  that  amidst  the  h.irdships,  the  dangers, 
and  the  simplicity  of  domestic  life,  where  subsistence 
is  always  precarious  and  often  scanty,  where  men  arc 
almost  continually  engaged  in  the  jmrsuit  of  their  ene- 
mies, or  in  guarding  against  their  attacks,  and  where 
neither  dress  nor  reserve  arc  employed  as  arts  of  female 
allurement,  that  ihc  attention  of  the  Americans  to  llieir 
women  would  bo  extremely  feeble,  without  imputing 


this  solely  to  any  physical  defect  or  degradation  in  ilioii 
frame. 

It  is  accordingly  observed,  that  in  those  countries  of 
.\merica  where,  from  the  fertility  of  the  soil,  the  niilj- 
ness  of  the  climate,  or  some  further  advances  winch 
the  natives  have  made  in  improvement,  the  mcuns  uf 
subsistence  are  more  abundant,  and  the  hardships  uf 
savage  life  are  less  severely  felt,  the  animal  passion  of 
the  sexes  becomes  more  ardent.  Striking  examples  of 
this  occur  among  some  tribes  scaled  on  the  banks  of 
great  rivers  well  stored  with  food,  among  others  who 
are  masters  of  hunting  grounds  abounding  so  much 
with  game,  that  they  have  a  regular  and  plentiful  supply 
of  nourishment  with  little  labor.  The  superior  decree 
of  security  and  affluence  which  those  tribes  enjoy  is 
I  followed  by  their  natural  effects.  The  passions  im- 
planted in  the  human  frame  by  the  hand  of  nature  ac- 
quire additional  force ;  new  tastes  and  desires  are 
formed ;  the  women,  as  they  are  more  valued  and  ad- 
mired, become  more  attentive  to  dress  and  ornament ; 
the  men  beginning  to  feel  how  much  of  their  own  hap- 
piness depends  upon  them,  no  longer  disdain  the  art? 
of  winning  their  favor  and  affection.  The  intercourse 
of  the  sexes  becomes  very  different  from  that  winch 
lakes  place  among  their  ruder  countrymen  ;  and  as 
hardly  any  restraint  is  imposed  on  the  gratification  of 
desire  either  by  religion  or  laws  or  decency,  the  disso- 
lution of  their  manners  is  excessive. 

Notwithstanding  the  feeble  make  of  the  Americans, 
hardly  any  of  them  are  deformed,  or  mutilated.or  defec- 
tive in  any  one  of  their  senses.  All  travellers  have  licen 
struck  with  this  circumstance,  and  have  celebrated  the 
uniform  symmetry  and  perfection  of  their  external  ligure. 
.Some  authors  search  for  the  cause  of  this  appearancvi 
in  their  physical  condition.  As  the  parents  are  not  ex- 
hausted or  over  fatigued  with  hard  labor,  they  sup|)cio 
that  their  children  are  born  vigorous  and  sound.  They 
imagine  that,  in  the  liberty  of  savage  life,  the  human 
body,  naked  and  unconlined  from  its  earliest  age,  pre- 
serves Its  natural  form  ;  aud  that  all  its  limbs  and  mem- 
bers acquire  a  juster  proportion  than  when  fettered  with 
artificial  restraints,  which  stint  its  growth  and  distort 
its  shape.  iSoinething,  without  doubt,  may  be  ascribed 
to  the  operation  of  these  causes ;  but  the  true  reasona 
of  this  apparent  advantage,  which  is  common  to  all  ra- 
vage nations,  lie  deeper,  and  are  closely  interwoven 
with  the  nature  and  genius  of  that  state.  The  infancy 
'  of  man  is  so  long  and  so  helpless,  that  it  is  extremely 
difficult  to  rear  children  among  rude  nations.  Tht  r 
means  of  subsistence  are  not  only  scanty,  but  precarious. 
Such  as  live  by  hunting  must  range  over  extensiva 
countries,  and  shift  often  from  place  to  place.  The 
care  of  children,  as  well  as  every  other  laborious  ta^k, 
IS  devolved  upon  the  women.  The  distresses  and  hard- 
ships of  the  savage  life,  which  are  often  such  as  can 
hardly  be  supported  by  persons  in  full  vigor,  must  be 
fatal  to  those  of  more  tender  age.  Afraid  of  under- 
taking a  task  so  laborious,  and  of  such  long  duration, 
as  that  of  rearing  their  offspring,  the  women,  in  some 
parts  of  America,  procure  frequent  abortions  by  the  uro 
of  certain  herbs,  and  extinguish  the  first  sparks  of  that 
life  which  they  are  unable  to  cherish.  Sensible  that 
only  stout  and  well  formed  children  have  force  of  con- 
stitution to  struggle  through  such  a  hard  infancy,  other 
nations  abandon  and  destroy  such  of  their  progeny  as 
appear  feeble  or  defective,  as  unworthy  of  attention 
Even  when  they  endeavor  to  rear  all  their  children 
without  distinction,  so  great  a  proportion  of  the  whole 
number  peri.Uics  under  the  rigorous  treatment  which 
must  be  their  lot  in  the  savage  state,  that  few  of  those 
who  labored  under  any  original  frailty  attain  the  agecf 
ni.'.nhood.  Thus  in  polished  societies,  where  the  meant 
of  .subsistence  arc  secured  with  certainty,  and  acquired 
with  ease;  where  i\w  talents  of  the  mind  are  ofien  ol 
more  importance  than  the  powers  of  the  body  ;  children 
are  preserved  iiolwilhstaiiding  their  defects  or  defor- 
mity, and  grow  up  to  be  useful  citizens.  In  rude  na- 
tions, such  persons  .ire  cither  cut  off  as  soon  as  they 
are  born,  or,  becoming  a  burden  to  themselves  and  to 
the  community,  cannot  long  protract  their  lives.  But 
in  those  iiroviiices  of  the  New  World,  where,  by  the 
establishment  of  the  Europeans,  more  regular  provision 
has  been  made  for  the  subsistence  of  Us  inhabitants, 
and  they  are  restrained  from  laying  violent  hands  on 
their  children,  the  Americans  are  so  far  from  being 
eminent  for  any  superior  perfection  in  their  form.  thOl 
one  should  rather  suspect  some  peculiar  imbecility  i« 
the  race,  from  the  extr.iordmary  number  of  indinduaU 
who  are  deformed,  dwanish.  mutilated,  blind,  or  deaf. 

How  feeble  soever  the  constitution  of  the  .\mericanc 
may  be,  it  is  remarkable  that  there  is  leas  variety  in 
the  human  form  throughout  the  New  World  than  lu  lU 


S  0  U  T II  A  M    K  I  C  A. 


105 


aiirient  continent.  MTion  Coluinb  is  and  llie  other 
discoverers  first  visited  the  different  countries  of  Anie- 
ruT.  wlm  h  he  within  the  torrid  zone,  they  natnrally 
expected  lo  lind  people  of  the  i?:ime  complexion  with 
those  111  the  corresijondini;  reginns  of  the  other  henii- 
fphere.  To  their  aiiiazeiiient,  however,  they  disco- 
vered that  America  contained  no  negroes  ;  and  the 
rause  of  thie  singular  appearance  became  as  much  the 
object  of  curiosity  as  the  fact  itself  was  of  wonder.  In 
what  part  or  membrane  of  the  body  that  humor  resides 
which  tinges  the  complexion  of  the  negro  with  a  deep 
black,  it  IS  the  business  of  anatomists  to  inquire  and 
describe.  The  powerful  operation  of  heat  appears 
manifestly  to  be  the  cause  which  produces  this  striking 
variety  in  the  human  species.  All  Europe,  a  great 
part  of  Asia,  and  the  temperate  countries  of  Africa, 
ore  inhabited  by  men  of  a  white  complexion.  All  the 
torrid  zone  in  Africa,  some  of  the  warmer  regions 
adjacent  to  it.  and  several  countries  in  Asia,  are  hlled 
w  ith  jieople  of  a  deep  black  color.  If  we  survey  the 
nations  of  our  conlinent,  making  our  progress  from 
cold  and  temperate  countries  towards  those  parts 
which  are  exposed  to  the  inlhience  of  vehement  and 
unremitting  heat,  we  shall  tind  that  the  extreme  white- 
ness of  llieir  skin  soon  begins  to  diminish  ;  that  its 
color  deepens  gradually  as  we  advance  ;  and,  after 
parsing  through  all  the  successive  gradations  of  shade, 
teimmales  in  a  uniform  unvarying  black.  But  in 
America,  where  the  agency  of  heat  is  checked  and 
alialcd  by  various  causes,  which  I  have  already  ex- 
plained, the  climate  seems  to  be  desf'.ute  of  that  force 
which  produces  such  wonderful  efii  ;ts  on  the  human 
frame.  The  color  of  the  natives  of  the  torrid  zone  in 
America  is  hardly  of  a  deeper  hue  than  that  of  the  peo- 
ple in  thft  more  temperate  parts  of  their  continent. 
Accurate  observers,  who  had  an  opportunity  cf  viewing 
the  Americans  in  very  dillerent  climates,  and  in  pro- 
vinces far  removed  from  each  other,  have  been  struck 
with  the  amazing  similarity  of  their  figure  and  as- 
pect. [47] 

But  though  the  hand  of  nature  has  deviated  so  little 
from  one  standard  in  fashioning  the  human  form  in 
America,  the  creation  of  fancy  hath  been  various  and 
extravagant.  The  same  fables  that  were  current  in  the 
ancient  continent,  have  been  revived  with  respect  to 
the  New  AVorld,  and  America  too  has  been  peopled 
with  human  beings  of  monstrous  and  fantastic  appear- 
ance. The  inhabitants  of  certain  provinces  wei  3  de- 
scribed to  be  pigmies  of  three  feet  high  ;  those  of  others 
to  be  giants  of  an  enormous  size.  Some  travellers 
published  accounts  of  |)(  ople  with  only  one  eye  ;  others 
pretended  to  have  discovered  men  without  heads,  whose 
eyes  and  mouths  were  planted  in  their  breasts.  The 
variety  of  Nature  in  her  productions  is  indeed  so  great, 
tliat  it  is  presumptuous  to  set  bounds  to  her  fertility, 
and  to  reject  indiscriminately  every  relation  that  does 
not  perfectly  accord  with  our  own  limited  observation 
and  experience.  But  the  other  exirenie,  of  yielding  a 
hasty  assent  on  the  sliglUest  evidence  to  whatever  has 
the  appearance  of  being  strange  and  marvellous,  is  still 
Uiore  unbecoming  a  philosophical  inquirer  ;  as,  in  every 
period,  men  are  more  apt  to  be  betrayed  into  error  by 
their  weakness  in  believing  too  much,  than  by  their  ar- 
rogance in  believing  too  little.  In  proportion  as  science 
extends,  and  nature  is  examined  with  a  discerning  eye, 
the  wonders  which  amused  ages  of  ignorance  disappear. 
The  tales  of  credulous  travellers  concerning  America, 
are  forgotten;  the  monsters  which  they  describe  have 
been  searched  for  in  vain  ;  and  those  provinces  where 
they  pretend  to  have  found  inhabitants  of  singular  forms 
are  now  known  to  be  possessed  by  a  people  nowise 
ditfcrent  from  the  other  Americans. 

Though  those  relations  inay,  without  discussion,  be 
rejected  as  fabulous,  there  are  other  accounts  of 
varieties  in  the  human  species  in  some  parts  of  the 
New  World,  which  rest  upon  belter  evidence,  and 
merit  more  attentive  examination.  This  variety  has 
been  particularly  observed  in  three  diflcrent  districts. 
1  he  first  of  these  is  situated  in  the  isthmus  of  Daricn, 
near  the  centre  of  America.  Licnel  Wafer,  a  traveller 
po'jsessed  of  more  curiosity  and  intelligence  than  we 
snould  have  expeited  to  find  in  an  associate  of  Bucca- 
neers, discovered  there  a  race  of  men  few  in  number, 
but  of  a  singular  make.  They  are  of  low  stature, 
eccording  to  his  description,  of  a  feeble  frame,  incapa- 
ble of  enduring  fatigue.  Their  color  is  a  dead  milk 
white  ;  not  resembling  that  of  fair  people  among  the 
Enropeans,  but  without  any  tincture  of  a  blush  or  san- 
guine complexion.  I'licir  skin  is  covered  with  a  fine 
hairy  down  of  a  chalky  white  ;  the  hair  of  their  heads, 
their  eyebrows,  and  eye  lashes,  are  of  the  same  hue. 
Their  eyes  are  of  a  singular  form,  and  so  weak  that 


they  can  hardiv  bear  the  light  of  the  sun  ;  but  they  see 
clearly  by  moonlight,  and  are  most  active  and  gay  m 
the  niglit.  No  race  similar  to  this  has  been  discovered 
in  any  other  part  of  America,  (.'ortcs,  indeed,  found 
some  persons  exactly  resembling  the  white  people  of 
Daricn  among  the  rare  and  monstrous  animals  which 
Montezuma  had  collected.  But  as  tlie  power  of  the 
Mexican  empire  extended  to  the  provinces  bordering 
on  the  istlimus  of  Darien,  they  were  probably  brought 
thence.  Singular  as  the  appearance  of  those  peo)ile 
may  be,  they  cannot  be  considered  as  constituting  a 
distinct  species.  Among  the  negroes  of  Africa,  as 
well  as  the  natives  of  the  Indian  islands,  nature  some- 
times produces  a  small  number  of  individuals,  with  all 
the  characteristic  features  and  qualities  of  the  white 
people  of  Darien.  The  former  are  called  Albinos  by 
the  Portuguese,  the  latter  Kackcrlakes  by  the  Dutch. 
In  Darien  the  parents  of  those  Whites  are  of  the  same 
color  with  the  other  natives  of  the  country  and  this  obser- 
vation applies  equally  to  the  anomalous  progeny  of  the 
Negroes  and  Indians.  1'he  same  mother  who  produces 
some  children  of  a  color  that  does  not  belong  to  the 
race,  brings  forth  the  rest  with  a  complexion  peculiar 
to  her  country.  One  conclusion  may  then  be  formed 
with  respect  to  the  people  described  by  Wafer,  the 
Albinos  and  the  Kackerlakcs ;  they  are  a  degenerated 
breed,  not  a  separate  class  of  men  ;  and  from  some 
disease  or  defect  of  their  parents,  the  peculiar  color  and 
debility  which  mark  their  degradation  are  transmitted 
to  them.  As  a  decisive  proof  of  this,  it  hiis  been 
observed,  that  neither  the  white  peo])le  of  Darien,  nor 
the  Albinos  of  Africa,  propagate  their  race ;  their 
children  are  of  the  color  and  temperament  peculiar  to 
the  natives  of  their  respective  countries.  [48J 

The  second  district  that  is  occupied  by  inhabi- 
tants diflering  in  appearance  from  the  other  people  of 
America,  is  situated  in  a  high  northern  latitude,  exteiid- 
ing  from  the  coast  of  Labrador  tow  ards  the  pole,  as  far 
as  the  country  is  habitable.  The  people  scattered  over 
those  dreary  regions  are  known  to  the  Europeans  by 
the  name  of  Esquimaux.  They  themselves,  with  that 
idea  of  their  own  superiority,  which  consoles  the  rudest 
and  most  wretched  nations,  assume  the  name  of  A'f7a- 
lit,  or  Mrn.  They  are  of  a  middle  size,  and  robust, 
with  heads  of  a  disproportioiied  bulk,  and  feet  as  re- 
markably small.  Their  complexion  though  swarthy,  by 
being  continually  exposed  to  the  rigor  of  a  cold  climate, 
inclines  to  the  European  white,  rather  than  to  the  cop- 
per color  of  America,  and  the  men  have  beards  which 
are  sometimes  bushy  and  long.  From  these  marks  of 
distinction,  as  well  as  from  one  still  less  equivocal,  the 
affinity  of  their  language  to  that  of  the  Greenlanders, 
which  I  have  already  mentioned,  we  may  conclude, 
with  some  degree  of  confidence,  that  the  Esquimaux 
are  a  race  ditfercnt  from  the  rest  of  the  Americans. 

We  cannot  decide  with  equal  certainty  concerning 
the  inhabitants  of  the  third  district,  situated  at  the  south- 
ern extremity  of  America.  These  are  the  famous  Pata- 
gonians,  who  during  two  centuries  and  a  half,  have  af- 
forded a  subject  of  controversy  to  the  learned,  and  an 
object  of  wonder  to  the  vulgar.  They  are  supposed  to 
be  one  of  the  wandering  tribes  which  occupy  the  vast 
but  least  known  region  of  America,  which  extends  from 
the  river  de  la  Plata  to  the  Straits  of  Magellan.  Their 
jirojier  station  is  in  that  part  of  the  interior  country 
which  lies  on  the  banks  of  the  river  Negro  ;  but  in  the 
hunting  season,  they  often  roam  as  far  as  the  straits 
which  separate  Tierra  del  Fuego  from  the  main  land. 
The  first  accounts  of  this  people  were  brought  to  Eu- 
rope by  the  companions  of  Magellan,  who  described 
them  as  a  gigantic  race,  above  eight  feet  high,  and  of 
strength  in  proportion  to  their  enormous  size.  Among 
several  tribes  of  animals,  a  disparity  in  bulk  as  consi- 
derable may  be  observed.  Some  large  breeds  of  horses 
and  dogs  exceed  the  more  diminutive  races  in  stature 
and  strength,  as  far  as  the  Patagonian  is  supposed  to 
rise  above  the  usual  standard  of  the  human  body.  But 
animals  attain  the  highest  perfection  of  their  species 
only  in  mild  climates,  or  where  they  find  the  most  nu- 
tritive food  in  greatest  abundance.  It  is  not  then  in 
the  uncultivated  waste  of  the  Magellanic  regions,  and 
among  a  tribe  of  improvident  savajes,  that  we  should 
expect  to  find  man  possessing  the  highest  honors  of  his 
race,  and  distinguished  by  a  superiority  of  size  and 
vigor,  far  beyond  what  he  has  reached  in  any  other  part 
of  the  earth.  The  most  explicit  and  unexceptionable 
evidence  is  requisite,  in  order  to  establish  a  fact  repug- 
nant to  those  general  principles  and  laws,  which  seem 
to  affect  the  human  frame  in  every  other  instance,  and 
to  decide  v\ith  respect  to  its  nature  and  qualities.  Such 
evidence  has  not  hitherto  been  produced.  Though  se- 
veral persons,  lo  wliose  testimony  great  respect  iij  due. 


have  visited  this  part  of  America  since  the  time  of  Ma- 
gellan, and  have  had  interviews  with  the  natives;  though 
some  have  atlinned,  that  such  as  they  saw  were  of  gi- 
gantic stature,  and  others  have  formed  the  same  con- 
clusion from  measuring  their  footsteps,  or  from  viewing 
the  skeletons  of  their  dead  ;  yet  llieir  accounts  vary 
from  each  oilier  in  so  many  essential  points,  and  are 
mingled  w  ith  so  many  circumstances  manifestly  false  (  r 
fabulous,  as  detract  much  from  their  credit.  On  the 
other  hand,  some  navigators,  and  those  among  the  most 
eminent  of  their  order  for  discernment  and  accuracy, 
have  asserted  that  the  natives  of  Patagonia,  with  whom 
they  had  intercourse,  though  stout  and  well  made,  are 
not  of  such  extraordinary  size  as  to  lie  distinguished 
from  the  rest  of  the  human  species.  [49]  The  exist- 
ence of  thi.^  gigantic  race  of  men  seems,  then,  to  be  one 
of  those  points  in  natural  history,  with  respect  to  which 
a  cautious  inquirer  will  hesitate,  and  will  choose  lo  sus- 
pend his  assent  until  more  coin])lete  evidence  shall  de- 
cide whether  he  ought  to  admit  a  fact,  seemingly  in- 
consistent w-ith  what  reason  and  experience  have  dis- 
covered concerning  the  struclure  and  condition  of  man, 
in  all  the  various  situations  in  which  he  has  been  ob- 
served. 

In  order  to  form  a  comjilete  idea  with  respect  to  the 
constitution  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  and  the  other  he- 
misphere, we  should  attend  not  only  lo  the  make  and 
vigor  of  their  bodies,  but  consider  w  hat  degree  of  health 
they  enjoy,  and  to  what  period  of  longevity  they  usually 
arrive.  In  the  simplicity  of  the  savage  state,  when 
man  is  not  oppressed  with  labor,  or  enervated  by  luxury, 
o:c  disquieted  with  care,  we  are  apt  to  imagine  that  this 
iil'e  will  flow  on  almost  untroubled  by  disease  or  sulfer- 
ing,  until  his  days  be  terminated  in  extreme  old  age  by 
the  gradual  decays  of  nature.  We  find,  accordingly, 
among  the  Americans,  as  well  as  among  other  rude 
people,  persons  whose  decrepid  and  shrivelled  form 
seems  to  indicate  an  extraordinary  length  of  life.  But 
as  most  of  them  are  unacquainted  with  the  art  of  num- 
bering, and  all  of  them  as  forgetful  of  what  is  past,  as 
they  are  improvident  of  what  is  to  come,  it  is  impossi- 
ble to  ascertain  their  age  with  any  degree  of  precision. 
It  is  evident  that  the  [leriod  of  theuTongevity  must  vary 
considcrahlv.  according  to  the  diversity  of  climates, 
and  their  diti'ercnt  modes  of  subsistence.  They  seem, 
however,  to  be  every  where  exempt  from  many  of  the 
distempers  which  atllict  polished  nations.  None  of  th< 
maladies,  which  arc  the  immediate  offspring  of  luxury 
ever  visited  them  ;  and  they  have  no  names  in  thcit 
languages  by  which  to  distinguish  this  numerous  train 
of  adventitious  evils. 

But  whatever  be  the  situation  in  which  man  is  placed, 
he  is  born  to  sufl'er  ;  and  his  diseases  in  the  savage 
slate,  though  fewer  in  number,  are,  like  tho.se  of  ilie 
animals  whom  he  nearly  resembles  in  his  iiiodf  of  lifc, 
more  violent  and  more  fatal.  If  luxury  engenders  and 
nourishes  dislemjiers  of  one  species,  the  rigor  and  dis- 
tresses of  savage  life  bring  on  those  of  another.  As 
men  in  this  state  are  wonderfully  iiniirovident,  and  their 
means  of  subsistence  precarious,  they  often  pass  from 
extreme  want  to  exuberant  plenty,  according  to  the 
vicissitudes  of  fortune  in  the  chase,  or  in  consequence 
of  the  various  degrees  of  abundance  with  which  the 
earth  affords  to  them  its  productions  in  dillerent  seasons. 
Their  inconsiderate  gluttony  in  the  one  situation,  ar.d 
their  severe  abstinence  in  the  other,  are  equally  perni- 
cious. For  though  the  human  constitution  may  be  ac- 
customed by  habit,  like  that  of  animals  of  prey,  to  to- 
lerate long  famine,  and  then  to  gorge  voraciously,  it  is 
not  a  little  aflected  by  such  sudilen  and  violent  transi- 
tions. The  strength  and  vigor  of  .savages  are  at  some 
seasons  impaired  by  what  they  suffer  from  a  scarcity  of 
food  ;  at  others  they  are  afflicted  with  disorders  arising 
from  indigestion  and  a  superfluity  of  gross  aliment. 
These  are  so  common,  that  they  may  be  considert^d  as 
the  unavoidable  consequence  of  their  mode  of  subsi<- 
ting,  and  cut  off  considerable  numbers  in  the  prime  ol 
life.  They  are  likewise  extremely  subject  to  consump- 
tions, to  pleuritic,  asthmatic,  and  paralytic  disorders, 
brought  on  by  the  iinnioderate  hardships  and  fatigue 
which  ihcv  endure  in  hunting  and  in  war;  or  owing  to 
lo  the  inclemency  of  the  seasons  lo  which  they  are  con 
tinually  exposed.  In  the  savage  state,  hardships  and 
fiitigue  violently  assault  the  constitution.  In  polished 
societies,  intemperance  undernnnes  it.  It  is  not  easy 
lo  determine  which  of  them  operates  with  most  fatal 
effect,  or  tends  most  to  abridge  human  life.  The  influ- 
ence of  the  former  is  certainly  most  extensive.  1"he 
pernicious  consequences  of  luxury  reach  only  a  few 
members  in  any  community  ;  the  distresses  of  savage 
life  are  felt  by  all.  As  far  as  I  can  judge,  after  very 
minuto  inquiry   thr  geuurai  period  of  human  lifc  u 


106 


R  (J  b  p:  R  r  s  o  N  •  s  his  t  (j  r  n'  o  t 


eliorter  among  savages  than  in  well  regulated  and  in- 
dustrious sociclics. 

One  drtadlui  malady,  the  severest  scourge  with 
which,  in  this  life,  otleiidcd  Heaven  chastens  the  indul- 
gence of  criminal  desire,  seems  to  have  been  peculiar 
to  the  Americans.  Uy  communicating  it  to  their  con- 
querors, they  have  not  only  am|)ly  avenged  their  own 
wrongs,  but,  by  adding  this  calamity  to  those  wiiich 
formerly  imbitlered  human  life,  they  have,  pcrha|)s, 
more  than  counterbalanced  all  the  benefits  which  Eu- 
rope has  derived  from  the  discovery  of  the  New  \\'orld. 
'I'his  distemper,  from  the  country  in  which  it  first  raged, 
or  from  the  people  by  whom  it  was  supposed  to  have 
been  spread  over  Europe,  has  been  sometimes  called 
the  Neapolitan,  and  sometimes  the  French  disease.  Al 
its  first  a|)pearaiice,  the  infection  was  so  maliijnant,  its 
eyin|)toms  so  violent,  its  operation  so  ra|>id  and  fatal,  as 
to  batlle  all  the  ellorts  of  medical  skill.  Astonishment 
»nd  terror  accompanied  this  unknown  affliction  in  its 
rogress,  and  men  began  to  dread  the  extinction  of  the 
unian  race  by  such  a  cruel  visitation.  Experience, 
and  the  ingenuity  of  physicians,  gradually  discovered 
remedies  of  such  virtue  as  to  cure  or  to  mitigate  the  evil. 
During  the  course  of  tw  o  centuries  and  a  half,  its  viru- 
lence seems  to  have  abated  considerably.  At  length, 
in  the  same  manner  with  the  leprosy,  which  raged  in 
Eiir0[)e  for  some  centuries,  it  may  waste  its  force  and 
disappear  ;  and  in  some  happier  age,  this  western  in- 
fection, like  that  from  the  east,  may  be  known  only  by 
description.  [50J 

II.  After  considering  what  appears  to  be  pecu- 
liar in  the  bodily  constitution  of  the  Americans,  our  at- 
tention is  naturally  turned  towards  the  powers  and 
qualities  of  their  minds.  As  the  individual  advances 
from  the  ignorance  and  imbecility  of  the  infant  slate  to 
vigor  and  maturity  of  understanding,  something  similar 
to  this  may  be  observed  in  the  progress  of  the  species. 
With  respect  to  it,  too,  there  is  a  period  of  infancy, 
during  which  several  jiowers  of  the  mind  are  not  un- 
folded, and  all  are  feeble  and  defective  in  their  opera- 
tion. In  the  early  ages  of  society,  while  the  condition 
of  man  is  simple  and  rude,  his  reason  is  but  little  exer- 
cised', and  his  desires  move  within  a  verv  narrow 
tiohere.  Hence  arise  two  remarkable  characteristics  of 
the  human  mind  in  this  state.  Its  intellectual  [jowers 
are  extremely  limited  ;  its  emotions  and  efforts  are 
few  and  languid.  Both  these  distinctions  are  con- 
epieuous  among  the  rudest  and  most  unimproved  of 
the  American  tribes,  and  constitute  a  s.r'king  part  of 
their  description. 

What,  among  polished  nations,  is  called  speculative 
reasoning  or  research,  is  altogether  unknown  in  the 
rude  state  of  society,  and  never  becomes  the  occujia- 
tion  or  amusement  of  the  human  faculties,  until  man 
be  so  far  improved  as  to  have  secured,  with  certainty, 
the  means  of  subsistence,  as  well  as  the  possession  of 
leisure  and  tranquillity.  The  thoughts  and  attention  of 
a  savage  are  confined  within  the  small  circle  of  objects 
immediately  conducive  to  his  preservation  or  enjoy- 
ment. Every  thing  beyond  that  escapes  his  observa- 
tion, or  is  perfectly  indilferent  to  him.  Like  a  mere 
animal,  what  is  before  his  eyes  interests  ai.d  affects 
hiin  ;  what  is  out  of  sight,  or  at  a  distance,  makes  little 
impression.  There  are  several  people  in  America, 
whose  limited  understandings  seem  not  to  be  capable  of 
forming  an  arrangement  for  futurity  ;  neither  their  soli- 
citude nor  their  foresight  extend  so  far.  They  follow 
blindly  the  iinjiulse  of  the  appetite  which  they  feci,  but 
are  entirely  regardless  of  distant  consequences,  and 
even  of  those  removed  in  the  least  degree  from  imme- 
diate ap|)rehension.  While  they  highly  prize  such 
things  as  serve  for  present  use,  or  minister  to  present 
enjoyment,  they  set  no  value  iqion  those  which  arc  not 
the  object  of  some  immediate  want.  When,  on  the 
approach  of  the  evening,  a  Carribbec  feels  himself  dis- 
posed to  go  to  rest,  no  consideration  will  tempt  him  to 
sell  his  hammock.  But,  in  the  morning  when  he  is 
sallvmg  out  to  th(!  business  or  i)asstime  of  the  day,  he 
will  part  with  it  for  the  slightest  toy  that  catches  his 
fancy.  At  the  close  of  winter,  while  the  impression  of 
what  he  has  siitFered  from  the  rigor  of  the  cli'nate,  is 
fre-th  in  the  mind  of  the  North  American,  he  sets  him- 
self with  vigor  to  prepare  materials  for  erecting  a  com- 
fortable hut  to  protect  him  agaiiist  the  inclemency  of 
the  siiccei  ding  season  ;  but,  as  soon  as  the  weather 
becomes  mild,  he  forgets  what  is  past,  abandons  his 
work,  and  never  thinks  of  it  more  until  the  return  of 
cold  compels  hini,  when  loo  lute,  to  resume  it. 

If  in  concerns  the  most  intereslmg,  and  seemingly 
the  most  simple,  the  reason  of  man  while  rude  and  ties- 
Utule  of  culture,  ditfers  so  little  from  the  thoughtless 
levil)  of  childrciu  or  the  ini|>tovideiit  instinct  of  animals, 


its  exertions  in  other  directions  cannot  be  very  con- 
siderable. The  objects  towards  which  reason  turns, 
and  the  disqumitioiis  in  which  it  engages,  must  depend 
ui)ou  the  slate  in  which  man  is  ))laced,  and  are  sug- 
gested by  his  necessities  and  desires.  Disquisitions, 
which  appear  the  most  necessary  and  important  to  men 
in  one  state  of  society,  never  occur  to  those  in  another. 
Among  civilized  nations,  arithmetic,  or  the  art  of  num- 
bering, is  deemed  an  essential  and  elementary  science  : 
and  in  our  continent,  the  invention  and  use  of  it  reaches 
back  to  a  period  so  remote  as  is  beyond  the  knowledge 
of  hi.storv.  But  an;ong  savages,  who  have  no  property 
to  estimati',  no  hoarded  treasures  to  count,  no  variety  of 
objects  or  multiplicity  of  ideas  to  enumerate,  arith- 
metic is  a  superfluous  and  useless  art.  Accordingly, 
among  some  tribes  in  America  it  seems  to  be  quite  un- 
known. There  are  many  who  cannot  reckon  further 
than  three  ;  and  have  no  denomination  to  distinguish 
any  number  above  it.  Several  can  proceed  as  far  as 
ten,  others  to  twenty.  When  they  would  convey  an 
idea  of  any  number  bevond  these,  they  point  to  the 
hair  of  their  head,  intimating  that  it  is  ecjual  to  them,  or 
with  wonder  declare  it  to  be  so  great  that  it  cannot  be 
reckoned.  Not  only  the  Americans,  but  all  nations 
while  extremely  rude,  seem  to  be  unacquainted  with 
the  art  of  computation.  As  soon,  however,  as  they 
acquire  such  acquaintaace  or  connexion  with  a  variety 
of  objects,  that  there  is  frequent  occasion  to  combine 
or  divide  them,  their  knowledge  of  numbers  increases, 
so  that  the  state  of  this  art  among  any  people  may  be 
considered  as  one  standard  by  which  to  estimate  the 
degree  of  their  improvement.  The  Iroqnoisc,  in  North 
America,  as  they  are  much  mere  civilized  than  the 
rude  inhabitants  of  Brazil,  Paraguay,  or  Guiana,  have 
likewise  made  greater  advances  in  this  respect  ;  though 
even  tneir  arithmetic  does  not  extend  beyond  a  thou- 
sand, as  in  their  petty  transactions  they  have  no  occa- 
sion for  any  higher  number.  The  Cherokee,  a  less 
considerable  nation  on  the  same  continent,  can  reckon 
only  as  far  as  a  hundred,  and  to  that  extent  have  names 
for  the  several  numbers  ;  the  smaller  tribes  in  their 
neighborhood  can  rise  no  higher  than  ten.  [51] 

In  other  respects,  the  exercise  of  the  understanding 
among  rude  nations  is  still  more  limited.  The  first 
ideas  of  every  human  being  must  be  such  as  he  receives 
by  the  senses.  But  in  the  mind  of  man,  while  in  the 
savage  state,  there  seem  to  be  hardly  any  ideas  but 
what  enter  by  this  avenue.  Th  '.  objects  around  him 
are  presented  to  his  eye.  Such  as  may  he  subservient 
to  his  use,  or  can  gratify  any  of  his  appetites,  attract 
his  notice  ;  he  views  the  rest  without  curiosity  or  at- 
tention Satisfied  with  considering  them  under  that 
simple  mode  in  which  they  appear  to  hiin,  as  separate 
and  detached,  he  neither  combines  them  so  as  to  form 
general  classes,  nor  couti  inplates  their  qualities  aj>art 
from  the  subject  in  which  tliey  inhere,  nor  bestows  a 
thought  upon  the  opi^rations  of  his  own  mind  concern- 
ing them.  Thus  he  is  unacquainted  with  all  the  ideas 
which  have  been  denominated  unwcrsal,  or  ahslracl,  or 
of  Vt  flection.  The  range  of  his  understanding  must,  ot 
course,  be  very  confined,  and  his  reasoning  powers  be 
etn|iloycd  merely  on  what  is  sensible.  This  is  so  re- 
maikablv  tiie  case  with  the  ruder  nations  of  America, 
that  their  I«.1i;'U.htp,  (as  we  shall  afterwards  find)  have 
not  a  word  to  e.vjiress  any  thing  but  what  is  material  or 
corporeal.  T»  ne,  space,  suh^itancc,  and  a  thousand 
teriiis,  i  f  those i'lesent  abstract  and  universal  ideas,  are 
abogetlii  r  uii '.i!Own  to  them.  A  naked  savage,  cower- 
ing over  llic  fire  in  his  mi.serable  cabin,  or  stretched  un- 
der a  few  branches  which  alloid  him  a  temporary  shel- 
ter, has  as  little  iiiciiiialion  as  capacity  lor  useless  spe- 
culation. His  thoughts  extend  not  bevond  what 
relates  to  animal  life  ;  and  when  they  are  not  directed 
towards  some  of  its  concerns,  his  mind  is  totally  inac- 
tive. In  situations  where  no  extraordinary  effort  either 
of  ingenui'v  or  l.ibor  is  recpiisite,  in  order  to  satisfy  the 
simple  demands  of  nature  the  powers  of  the  inind  are 
so  seldom  roused  to  any  exertion,  that  the  rational  fa- 
culties continue  almost  dormant  and  unrxercisi  d  The 
numerous  tribes  scattered  over  the  rich  phiins  of  South 
.America,  the  inhabitants  of  some  of  the  islands,  and  of 
several  fertile  regions  on  the  continent,  come  under  this 
description.  Their  vacant  countenance,  their  staring 
unexpressive  eve,  their  listless  inattenlmn,  and  total 
Ignorance  of  subjects  which  seemed  to  be  the  first 
which  should  occupy  the  thoughls  of  rational  beings, 
madi;  such  impression  upon  the  Spaniards,  when  they 
first  beheld  those  rude  people,  that  they  considered 
them  as  animals  of  an  inferior  order,  and  eculd  not  be- 
lieve that  they  belonged  to  tlie  liuinaii  species.  It  re- 
()uired  th.e  authority  of  a  pajial  liull  to  counteract  this 
opinion,  and  to  convince  thcni  that  the  Americans  weio 


capable  of  the  functions  and  entitled  to  the  privilege 
of  humanity.  Since  that  time,  persons  more  enlight 
ened  and  impartial  than  the  discoverers  oi  conquea<f* 
of  America,  have  had  an  opportunity  of  contemplating 
the  most  savage  of  its  inhatiitants,  and  they  have  been 
astonished  and  humbled  w  ith  observing  how  nearly  mao 
in  this  condition  approaches  to  the  brute  creation.  But 
m  severer  climates,  where  subsistence  cannot  be  pro- 
cured with  the  same  ease,  where  men  must  unite  mote 
closely,  and  act  with  greater  concert,  necessity  call* 
forth  their  talents  and  sharpens  their  invention,  ec 
that  the  intellectual  powers  are  more  exercised  and  im- 
proved. The  North  American  tribes,  and  the  natives 
of  {^hili,  who  inhabit  the  temperate  regions  in  the.  two 
great  districts  of  America,  are  people  of  cultivated  aiid 
enlarged  understandings,  when  viewed  in  coinpanson 
with  some  of  those  seated  in  the  islands,  or  on  the 
banks  of  the  Maragnon  and  Orinoco  Their  occupa- 
tions are  more  various,  their  system  of  policy,  as  well 
as  of  war,  more  complex,  their  arts  more  numerous, 
But  even  among  them,  the  intellectual  powers  are  ex- 
tremely limited  in  their  operations,  and,  unless  when 
turned  directly  to  those  objects  which  interest  a  savage, 
are  held  in  no  estimation.  Both  the  North  Americans 
and  Chilese,  when  not  engaged  in  some  ol  the  functions 
belonging  to  a  warrior  or  hunter,  loiter  away  their  time 
in  thoughtless  indolence,  unacquainted  with  any  otlicr 
subject  worthy  of  their  attention,  or  capable  cf  occupy- 
ing their  minds.  If  even  among  them  reason  is  so  much 
circumscribed  in  its  exertions,  and  never  arrives,  in  its 
highest  attainments,  at  the  knowledge  of  those  general 
piinciples  and  maxims  which  serve  as  the  foundation  of 
science,  we  may  conclude  that  the  intellectual  powers 
of  man  in  the  savage  state  are  destitute  of  their  proper 
object,  and  cannot  acquire  any  considerable  degree  of 
vigor  and  enlargement. 

From  the  same  causes,  the  active  eflTorts  of  the  mind 
are  few,  and  on  most  occasions  languid.  If  wc  ex- 
amine into  the  motives  which  rouse  men  to  activity  in 
civilized  life,  and  prompt  them  to  persevere  in  fatiguing 
exertions  of  their  ingenuity  or  strength,  we  shall  find 
that  they  arise  chiefly  from  acquired  wants  and  appe- 
tites. These  arc  numerous  and  imiiortunatc  ;  they 
keep  the  mind  in  perpetual  agitation,  and  in  order  to 
gratify  ihein,  invention  must  be  always  on  the  stretch, 
and  industry  must  be  incessantly  employed.  But  the 
desires  of  simple  nature  are  few,  and  where  a  favor- 
able climate  yields  almost  spontaneously  what  sutiicea 
to  gratify  them  they  scarcely  stir  the  soul,  or  excite 
any  violent  emotion.  Hence  the  people  of  several 
tribes  in  America  waste  their  life  in  a  listless  indolence. 
To  be  free  from  occupati  on,  seems  to.be  all  the  enjoy- 
ment towards  which  they  aspire.  They  will  continue 
whole  days  stretched  out  in  their  hammocks,  or  seated 
on  the  earth  in  perfect  idleness,  without  changing  their 
posture,  or  raising  their  eyes  from  the  ground,  or  ut- 
tering a  single  word. 

Such  IS  their  aversion  to  labor  that  neither  the  hope 
of  future  good,  nor  the  apprehension  of  future  evil  can 
surmount  it.  They  appear  equally  indiU'erent  to  both, 
di.scovcring  little  solicitude,  and  taking  no  precautioni 
to  avoid  tlie  one  or  to  secure  the  other.  The  cravings 
of  hunger  may  rouse  them  ;  but  as  they  devour,  with 
little  distinction,  whatever  will  appease  its  instinctive 
deinau'ls.  the  exertions  which  these  occasion  are  of 
short  duration.  Destitute  of  ardor,  as  well  as  variety 
of  desire,  they  feel  not  the  force  of  those  jwwerful 
s|)rmgs  which  give  vigor  to  the  moveim  nts  of  the  mmd, 
and  urge  the  patient  hand  of  industry  to  persevere  in 
Its  efforts.  Alan,  in  some  parts  of  America,  appears  in 
a  form  so  rude  that  we  ^n  discover  no  effects  of  his 
activity,  and  the  principle  of  understanding,  which 
should  direct  it,  seems  hardly  to  be  unfolded.  Like 
the  other  animals  he  has  no  lixed  residence  ;  he  has 
erected  no  habitation  to  shelter  him  from  the  inclemency 
of  the  wealher;  he  has  taken  no  measures  for  securing 
certain  subsistence  ;  he  neither  sows  nor  n^aps  ;  but 
roams  about  as  led  m  search  of  the  plants  and  Iruits 
w  Inch  the  earth  brings  fo,  lb  m  succession  ;  and  in  quest 
of  the  game  which  he  kills  in  the  forest,  or  of  the  lish 
which  he  catches  in  the  rivers. 

This  description,  however,  applies  only  to  some  tribes 
Man  cannot  continue  long  in  this  state  of  feeble  and 
uninformed  infancy.  He  was  made  for  mduslry  and 
action,  and  the  powers  of  his  nature,  as  well  as  tho 
necessity  of  his  condition,  urge  him  to  fullil  his  des- 
tiny. Accordingly,  among  most  of  the  AnuTicaii  na- 
tions, especially  those  seated  in  rigorous  climates,  some 
efforts  are  employed,  and  some  previous  precautious 
are  taken,  for  securing  subsistence.  The  career  ol 
regular  industry  is  bej;un  and  the  laborious  arm  has 
uiado  the  first  cssoys  of  its  powers.    Sstill,  hoivovcb 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


107 


the  improvident  and  slothful  genius  of  the  savage  state 
predominates.  Even  among  those  more  iinprovcd 
tribes,  labor  is  deemed  ignominious  and  degrading.  ]t 
is  only  to  work  of  a  certain  kind  that  a  man  will  deign 
to  "ut  his  hand.  The  greater  part  is  devolved  entirely 
upon  the  women.  One  half  of  the  community  remains 
inactive,  while  the  other  is  oppressed  with  the  multi- 
tude and  variety  of  its  occupations.  Thus  their  in- 
dustry is  partial,  and  the  foresight  which  regulates  il  is 
no  less  limited.  A  remarkable  instance  of  this  occurs 
in  the  chief  arrangement  with  respect  to  their  manner 
of  living  They  depend  for  their  subsistence,  during 
one  part  of  tlie  year,  on  fishing  ;  during  another,  on 
hunting  ;  during  a  third,  on  the  produce  of  their  agri- 
culture. Though  experience  has  taught  them  to  fore- 
see the  return  of  those  various  seasons,  and  to  make 
some  provision  for  the  respective  exigencies  of  each, 
•hey  either  want  sagacity  to  proportion  this  provision 
to  their  consumption,  or  are  so  incapable  of  any  com- 
mand over  their  appetites,  that,  from  their  inconside- 
rate waste,  they  often  feel  tlw  calamities  of  famine  as 
severely  as  the  rudest  of  the  savage  tribes.  What 
they  suHer  one  year  does  not  augment  their  industry, 
or  render  them  more  provident  to  prevent  similar  dis- 
tresses. This  inconsiderate  tho\ightlcssness  about 
futurity,  the  eti'ect  of  ignorance  and  the  cause  of  sloth, 
accompanies  and  characterizes  man  in  every  stage  of 
savage  life  ;  and,  by  a  oa|iricious  singularity  in  his  ope- 
rations ho  is  then  least  solicitous  about  supplying  his 
wants,  when  the  means  uf  satisfying  them  are  most 
precarious,  and  prociTcd  with  the  greatest  difficulty. 

III.  After  viewii.gthe  bodily  constitutions  of  the  Ame- 
ricans, and  contemplating  the  powers  of  their  minds,  we 
are  led,  in  the  natural  order  of  inquiry,  to  consider 
them  as  united  together  m  society.  Hitherto  our  re- 
iearches  have  been  contined  to  the  operations  of  under- 
standing respecting  themselves  as  individuals  ;  now 
ihey  will  extend  to  the  degree  of  their  sensibility  and 
ilfection  towards  their  species 

The  domestic  state  is  the  fust  and  most  simple  form 
of  human  as.sociation.  The  union  of  the  sexes  among 
JitTereut  animals  is  of  longer  or  shorter  duration  in 
liroportion  to  the  case  or  difficulty  of  rearing  their  oH- 
spring.  Among  those  tribes  where  the  season  of 
Infancy  is  short,  and  the  young  soon  acquire  vigor  or 
agiiity,  no  permanent  union  is  formed.  Nature  com- 
mits the  care  of  training  up  the  offspring  to  the  mother 
alone,  and  her  tenderness,  without  any  other  assist- 
ance, is  equal  to  the  task.  But  where  the  stale  of 
infancy  is  long  and  helpless,  and  the  joint  assiduity  of 
l>oth  parents  is  recjuisite  in  tending  their  feeble  pro- 
geny, there  a  more  intimate  connexion  takes  place, 
and  continues  until  the  purpose  of  nature  be  accom- 
plished, and  the  new  race  grow  up  to  full  maturity. 
As  tiie  infancy  of  man  is  more  feeble  and  helpless  than 
that  of  any  other  animal,  and  he  is  dependent  during  a 
much  longer  period  on  the  care  and  foresight  of  his 
parents,  the  union  between  husband  and  wife  came 
early  to  be  considered  not  only  as  a  solemn  but  as  a 
permanent  contract.  A  general  state  of  promiscuous 
intercourse  between  the  sexes  never  existed  but  in  the 
imagination  of  poets.  In  the  infancy  of  society  when 
men,  destitute  of  arts  and  industry,  lead  a  hard  preca- 
rious life,  the  rearing  of  their  progeny  demands  the 
attention  and  efforts  of  both  parents  ;  ^nd  if  their 
union  had  not  been  formed  and  continupd  with  this 
view,  the  race  could  not  have  been  preserved.  Ac- 
cordingly in  America,  even  among  the  rudest  tribes, 
«  regular  union  between  husband  and  wife  was  univer- 
sal, and  the  rights  of  marriage  were  understood  and 
recognised.  In  those  districts  where  subsistence  was 
scanty,  and  the  difficulty  of  maintaining  a  family  was 
great,  the  man  conhncd  himself  to  one  wife.  In 
warmer  and  more  fertile  provinces,  the  facility  of 
procuring  food  concurred  with  the  influence  of  cli- 
mate in  inducing  the  inhabitants  to  increase  the 
iimnber  of  their  wives.  In  some  countries  the  mar- 
rage-union  subsisted  during  life  ;  in  others,  the  im- 
patience of  the  Americans  under  restraint  of  uny  spe- 
cies, together  with  their  natural  levity  and  caprice, 
prompted  them  to  dissolve  it  on  very  slight  pretexts, 
and  often  without  assigning  any  cause. 

But  in  whatever  light  the  Americans  considered  the 
cblisation  of  this  contract,  cither  as  perpetual  or  only 
rs  temporary  ;  the  condition  of  women  was  equally  hu- 
miliating and  miserable.  Whether  mm  has  been  im- 
proved by  the  progress  of  arts  and  civilization  in  society, 
IS  a  question  which,  in  the  wantonness  of  disputation, 
has  been  agitated  among  philosophers.  That  women 
ore  indebted  to  the  refinements  of  polished  manners, 
for  a  hajipy  change  in  their  state,  is  a  point  which  can 


admit  of  no  doubt.  To  despise  and  to  degrade  the  fe- 
male sex  is  a  characteristic  of  the  savage  state  in  every 
part  of  the  globe.  Man  proud  of  excelling  in  strength 
and  in  courage,  the  chief  marks  of  pre-eminence  among 
rude  people,  treats  wonuui,  as  an  inferior,  with  disdain. 
The  Americans,  perhaps  from  that  coldness  and  insen- 
sibility which  has  been  considered  as  peculiar  to  their 
constitution,  add  neglect  and  harshness  to  contempt. 
The  most  intelligent  travellers  have  been  struck  with 
this  inattention  of  the  Americans  to  their  women.  It 
is  not,  as  I  have  already  observed,  by  a  studied  display 
of  tenderness  and  attachment  that  the  American  at- 
tempts to  gain  the  heart  of  the  woman  w  hom  he  wishes 
to  marry.  Marriage  itself,  instead  of  being  a  union  of 
aflfection  and  interests  between  C(|uals,  becomes  among 
them  the  unnatural  conjunction  of  a  master  with  his 
slave.  It  is  the  observation  of  an  author  whose  opinions 
are  deservedly  of  great  weight,  that  wherever  wives 
are  purchased  their  condition  is  extremely  depressed. 
They  become  the  property  and  the  slaves  of  those  who 
buy  them.  In  whatever  part  of  the  globe  this  custom 
prevails,  the  observation  holds.  Ir.  countries  whsre 
refinement  has  made  some  progress,  women  when  pur- 
chased are  excluded  from  society,  shut  up  in  se- 
questered apartments,  and  kept  under  the  vigilant 
guard  of  their  masters.  In  ruder  nations  they  are 
degraded  to  the  meanest  functions.  Among  many 
people  of  America  the  marriage  contract  is  properly  a 
purchase.  The  man  buys  his  wife  of  her  parents. 
Though  unacquainted  with  the  use  of  money,  or  with 
such  commercial  transactions  as  take  place  in  more 
improved  society,  he  knows  how  to  give  an  equivalent 
for  any  object  which  he  desires  to  possess.  In  some 
places,  the  suitor  devotes  his  service  for  a  certain  time 
to  the  parents  of  the  maid  whom  he  courts  ;  in  others 
he  hunts  for  them  occasionally,  or  assists  in  cultivating 
their  fields  and  forming  their  canoes  ;  in  others,  he 
offers  presents  of  such  things  as  are  deemed  most 
valuable  on  account  of  their  usefulness  or  rarity.  In 
return  for  these  he  receives  his  wife  ;  and  this  circum- 
stance, added  to  the  low  estimation  of  women  among 
savages,  leads  him  to  consider  her  as  a  female  servant 
whom  he  has  purchased,  and  whom  he  has  a  title  to 
treat  as  an  inferior.  In  all  unpolished  nations,  it  is 
true,  the  functions  in  domestic  economy  whicli  fall 
naturally  to  the  share  of  women  are  so  many,  that  they 
are  subjected  to  hard  labor,  and  must  bear  more  than 
their  full  portion  of  the  common  burden.  But  in 
America  their  condition  is  so  peculiarly  grievous,  and 
their  depression  so  complete,  that  servitude  is  a  name 
too  mild  to  describe  their  wretched  state.  A  wife 
among  most  tribes  is  no  better  than  a  beast  of  burden, 
destined  to  every  office  of  labor  and  fatigue.  While 
the  men  loiter  out  the  day  in  sloth,  or  spend  it  in 
amusement,  the  women  are  condemned  to  incessant 
toil.  Tasks  are  imposed  upon  them  without  pity,  and 
services  are  received  without  coin[)lacence  or  grati- 
tude. Every  circumstance  reminds  women  of  this 
mortifying  inferiority.  They  must  approach  their  lords 
with  reverence  ;  they  must  regard  them  as  more  ex- 
alted beings,  and  are  not  permitted  to  eat  in  their 
presence.  There  are  districts  in  America  where  this 
dominion  is  so  grievous,  and  so  sensibly  felt,  that 
some  women,  in  a  wild  emotion  of  maternal  tender- 
ness, have  destroyed  their  female  children  in  their 
infancy,  in  order  to  deliver  them  from  that  intolerable 
bondage  to  which  they  knew  they  were  doomed.  Thus 
the  first  institution  of  social  life  is  perverted.  That 
state  of  domestic  union  towards  which  nature  leads  the 
human  species,  in  order  to  soften  the  heart  to  gentle- 
ness and  humanity,  is  rendered  so  unequal  as  to  estab- 
lish a  cruel  distinction  between  the  sexes,  which  forms 
the  one  to  be  harsh  and  unfeeling,  and  humbles  the 
other  to  servility  and  subjection. 

It  is  owing,  perhaps,  in  some  measure,  to  this  state 
of  depression,  that  women  in  rude  nations  are  far  from 
being  prolific.  The  vigor  of  their  constitution  is  ex- 
hausted by  excessive  fatigue,  and  the  wants  and  dis- 
tresses of  savage  life  are  .so  numerous  as  to  force  them 
to  take  various  precautions  in  order  to  prevent  too  rapid 
an  increase  of  their  progeny.  Among  wandering  tribes, 
or  such  as  depend  chieHy  upon  hunting  for  subsistence,  | 
the  mother  cannot  attempt  to  rear  a  second  child  until 
the  first  has  attained  such  a  degree  of  vigor  as  to  be  in 
some  measure  independent  of  her  care.  From  this 
motive  it  is  the  universal  practice  of  the  American 
women  to  suckle  their  children  during  several  years  : 
and,  as  they  seldom  marry  early,  the  period  of  their 
fertility  is  over  before  they  can  finish  tlie  long  but  ne- 
cessary attendance  upon  two  or  three  children.  Among 
some  of  the  least  polished  tribes,  whose  industry  and 
foresight  do  not  extend  so  far  as  to  make  any  regular 


provision  for  their  sulisistencc,  it  is  a  maxim  not  tn 
burden  themselves  with  rearing  more  than  two  children  ; 
and  no  such  numerous  families  as  are  frequent  m  civi- 
lized societies  are  to  be  found  among  men  in  the  savage 
state.  When  twins  are  born,  one  of  them  commonly 
is  abandoned,  because  the  mother  is  not  equal  to  iho 
task  of  rearing  both.  [.53]  ^\'hen  a  mother  dies  w  hile 
she  is  nursing  a  child,  all  hope  of  |)reserving  its  life  fails, 
and  it  is  buried  togtllier  with  her  in  the  same  gravn. 
As  tiic  parents  are  l^requenlly  exi<oscd  to  want  by  their 
ow-n  improvident  indolence,  the  difliculty  of  sustaining 
their  children  becomes  so  great  that  il  is  not  uncoinmoa 
to  abandon  or  destroy  thoin.  'J'lius  their  experience  of 
the  difliculty  of  training  up  an  infant  to  maturity,  amidst 
the  hardships  of  savage  life,  often  stifks  the  voice  of 
nature  among  the  Americans,  and  suppresses  the  strong 
emotions  of  parental  icndw'rness. 

But  though  necessity  compels  the  inhabitants  of 
America  thus  to  set  bounds  to  the  increase  of  theil 
families,  they  are  not  deficient  in  afTection  and  attach- 
ment to  their  offspring.  They  feel  the  |)0wer  of  t\i\a 
lastinct  in  its  full  force,  and  as  long  as  their  |]rogeny 
conlinue  feeble  and  heljiless,  no  people  exceed  them  in 
tenderness  and  care.  But  in  rude  nations  the  depen- 
dence of  children  upon  their  ])areiits  is  of  shorter  con- 
tinuance than  in  polished  societies.  When  men  must 
be  trained  to  the  various  functions  of  civil  life  by  pre- 
vious discipline  and  education,  when  the  knowledge  of 
abstruse  sciences  must  be  taught,  and  dexterity  in  in- 
tricate arts  must  be  acquired,  belbri;  a  young  man  is 
prepared  to  begin  his  career  of  action,  the  attentive 
feelings  of  a  parent  are  not  contined  to  the  years  of  in- 
fancy, but  extend  to  what  is  more  remote,  the  esta- 
blishment of  his  child  in  the  world.  Even  then  his 
solicitude  does  not  terminate.  His  protection  may  still 
be  requisite,  and  his  wisdom  and  experience  still  prove 
useful  guides.  Thus  a  permanent  connexion  is  formed  ; 
parental  tenderness  is  exercised,  and  filial  respect  re- 
turned, throughout  the  whole  course  of  life.  But  in  the 
simplicity  of  the  savage  state  the  affection  of  parents, 
like  the  instinctive  fondness  of  animals,  ceases  almost 
entirely  as  soon  as  their  ofTspring  attain  maturity. 
Little  instruction  fits  them  for  tiiat  mode  of  life  to 
which  they  are  destined.  The  parents,  as  if  tb*:ir  duty 
were  accom|ilished,  when  they  have  cond-jcted  their 
children  through  the  helpless  years  of  infancy,  leave 
them  afterwards  at  entire  liberty.  Even  in  their  ten- 
der age,  they  seldom  advise  or  adinonisfi  ;  they  never 
chide  or  chastise  them.  They  suffer  them  to  be  abso- 
lute masters  of  their  own  actions.  In  an  American 
hut,  a  father,  a  mother,  and  their  j)Ostcrity,  live  toge- 
ther like  persons  assembled  l)y  accide.it,  without  seem- 
ing 'o  feel  the  obligation  of  the  duties  mutually  arising 
froui  this  connection.  As  filial  love  is  not  cherished 
by  the  continuance  of  attention  or  good  ofFices,  the 
recollection  of  benefits  received  in  early  infancy  is  too 
faint  to  excite  it.  Conscious  of  their  own  liberty,  and 
impatient  of  restraint,  tl>e  youth  of  America  are  accus- 
tomed to  act  as  if  they  were  totally  independent  Their 
parents  are  not  objects  of  greater  regard  than  other  jiei^ 
sons.  They  treat  them  always  with  neglect,  and  often 
with  such  harshness  and  insolence  as  to  fill  those  who 
have  been  witnesses  of  their  conduct  with  horror.  Thus 
the  ideas  which  seem  to  be  natural  to  man  in  his  sa- 
vage state,  as  they  result  necessarily  from  his  circum- 
stances and  condition  in  that  period  of  his  progress, 
atfect  the  two  capital  relations  in  domestic  life.  They 
render  the  union  between  husband  and  wile  unequal. 
They  shorten  the  duration  and  weaken  the  force  of  tho 
connection  betwe(ui  parents  and  children. 

IV'.  From  the  domestic  state  of  the  Americans,  the 
transition  to  the  consideration  of  their  civil  govern- 
ment and  political  institutions  is  natural.  In  every  in- 
quiry concerning  the  operations  of  men  when  united 
togelher  in  society,  the  first  object  of  attention  should 
be  their  mode  of  subsistence.  Accordingly  as  that  va- 
ries, their  laws  and  policy  must  be  diffticnt.  The  in- 
stitution suited  to  the  ideas  and  exigencies  of  tribes 
which  subsist  chieffy  by  fishini;  or  hunting,  and  which 
have  as  yet  acquired  but  an  im[)erfect  conception  of 
any  species  of  property,  will  be  much  more  simple  than 
those  which  must  take  place  when  the  earth  is  culli- 
vated  with  regular  industry  ;  and  a  right  of  property, 
not  only  in  its  productions,  but  in  the  soil  itself,  la 
completely  ascertained. 

All  (he  peo|)le  of  America,  now  under  review,  be- 
long to  the  former  class.  But  thouirh  they  may  all  bo 
comprehended  under  the  general  denomination  of  sa- 
vage, the  advances  which  thev  had  made  in  the  art  of 
procuring  to  themselves  a  certain  and  ]ilentiful  sut>- 
sistence  were  very  unequal.  On  the  extensive  plains 
of  South  America  man  appears  in  one  cf  the  radtst 


108 


ROBERTSON'S   HISTORY  OF 


Slates  in  which  he  has  ever  been  observed,  or  perhaps 
can  exist  Several  tribes  depend  entirely  upon  the 
bountv  of  nature  for  subsiritr-ice.  They  discover  no 
Bohcitude,  they  employ  liltle  foresight,  they  scarcely 
eiert  ary  industry  to  secure  what  is  necessary  for  their 
support.  The  Tupm/ers,  of  Brazil,  the  Guaxcros,  of 
T'crra  Firnie,  the  Caiguas,  the  Moxos,  and  several 
other  people  of  Paraguay,  are  unacquainted  with  every 
SDCcies  of  cultivation.  They  neither  sow  nor  plant. 
£veri  the  culture  of  the  manioc,  of  which  cassada  bread 
is  made  of  is  an  art  too  intricate  for  their  ingenuity,  or 
too  fatiguing  to  their  indolence.  The  roots  which  the 
earth  produces  spontaneously  ;  the  fruits,  the  berries, 
and  the  seeds  which  they  gather  in  the  woods  ;  toge- 
ther with  lizards  and  other  reptiles,  which  multiply 
amazingly  with  the  heat  of  the  climate  in  a  fat  soil, 
moistened  by  frei)uent  rains,  sup|)ly  them  with  food 
during  some  part  of  the  year.  At  other  times  they  sub- 
sist by  fishing;  and  nature  seems  to  have  indulged  the 
laziness  of  the  South  American  tribes  by  the  liberality 
with  which  she  ministers  in  this  way  to  their  wunts. 
The  vast  rivers  of  that  region  in  America  abound  with 
an  infinite  variety  of  the  most  delicate  fish.  The  lakes 
and  marshes  formed  by  the  annual  overflowing  of  the 
waters  are  filled  with  all  the  dilTerent  species,  where 
they  remain  shut  up,  as  in  natural  reservoirs,  for  the 
tise  of  the  Mihabilants.  They  swarm  in  such  shoals, 
that  in  some  places  they  are  catched  without  art  or  in- 
dustry. [54]  In  others,  the  natives  have  discovered 
a  method  of  infecting  the  water  with  the  juice  of  cer- 
tain plants,  by  which  the  fish  are  so  intoxicated  that 
they  float  on  the  surface,  and  are  taken  with  the  hand. 
[55J  Some  tribes  have  ingenuity  enough  to  preserve 
them  without  salt,  by  drying  or  smoking  them  upon 
hurdles  over  a  slow  tire.  The  prolific  quality  of  the 
rivers  in  South  America,  induces  many  of  the  natives 
to  resort  to  their  banks,  and  to  depend  almost  entirely 
for  nourishment  on  what  their  waters  supply  with  such 
profusion.  In  this  part  of  the  globe  hunting  seems  not 
to  have  been  the  first  ein[)loyment  of  men,  or  the  first 
effort  of  their  invention  and  labor  to  obtain  food  They 
were  fisners  before  they  became  hunters  ;  and  as  the 
eccUpations  of  the  former  do  not  call  for  equal  exer- 
tions of  activity  or  talents  with  those  of  the  latter,  peo- 
ple in  that  state  appear  to  possess  neither  the  same  de- 
gree of  enterprise  nor  of  ingenuity.  The  petty  nations 
adjacent  to  the  Maragnon  and  Orinoco  are  manifestly 
the  most  inactive  and  least  intelligent  of  all  the  Ameri- 
cans. 

None  but  tribes  contiguous  to  great  rivers  can  sus- 
tain themselves  in  this  manner.  The  greater  part  of 
the  American  nations,  dispersed  over  tne  forests  with 
which  their  country  is  covered,  do  not  procure  subsis- 
tence with  the  same  facility.  For  although  these  forests, 
especially  in  the  southern  continent  of  America,  are 
ktored  plentifully  with  game,  considerable  efforts  of  ac- 
tivity and  ingenuity  are  requisite  in  pursuit  of  it.  Ne- 
cessity incited  the  natives  to  the  one,  and  taught  them  the 
other.  Hunting  became  their  principal  occupation;  and 
as  it  called  forth  strenuous  exertions  of  courage,  offeree, 
and  of  invention,  it  was  deemed  no  less  honorable  than 
oecessary.  This  occupation  was  peculiar  to  the  men. 
They  were  trained  to  it  from  their  earliest  youth.  A 
bold  and  dexterous  hunter  ranked  next  in  fame  to  the 
distinguished  warrior,  and  an  alliance  with  the  former 
is  often  courted  in  preference  to  one  with  the  latter. 
Hardly  any  device,  which  the  ingenuity  of  man  has  dis- 
covered for  ensnaring  or  destroying  wild  animals,  was 
unknown  to  the  Americans.  While  engaged  in  this 
favorite  exercise,  they  shake  off  the  indolence  peculiar 
to  their  nature,  the  latent  powers  and  vigor  of  their 
minds  are  roused,  and  they  become  active,  persevering, 
and  indefatigable.  Their  sagacity  in  finding  their  prey 
and  their  address  in  killing  it  are  equal.  Their  reason 
and  their  senses  being  constantly  directed  towards  this 
one  object,  the  former  displays  such  fertility  of  inven- 
tion and  the  latter  acquire  such  a  degree  of  aruteness 
as  appear  almost  incredible.  'J'hey  discern  the  foot- 
steps of  a  wild  beast,  which  escape  every  other  eye, 
and  can  follow  them  with  certainly  through  the  pathless 
forest.  If  they  attack  their  game  openlv,  their  arrow 
Fcldoin  errs  from  the  mark  :  if  thev  endeavor  to  cir- 
rumve>;t  it  by  art,  it  is  almost  impossible  to  avoid  their 
lorls.  Among  several  tribes,  their  young  men  were 
not  permitted  to  marry  until  they  had  given  such  proofs 
of  their  skill  in  hiiiilmg  as  put  it  bcvond  doubt  that  they 
were  capable  of  providing  for  a  family.  Their  ingenuity, 
always  on  the  stretch,  and  sharpened  by  emulation  as 
well  as  necessity,  has  struck  out  many  inventions 
which  fftcaOy  facilitate  success  in  the  chase.  The 
inoit  singular  of  those  is  the  discovery  of  a  poison,  in 
wtucb  ihey  dip  the  arrows  employed  m  hunting.  The 


slightesr  wound  with  those  envenomed  shafts  is  mortal. 
If  they  only  pierce  the  skin,  the  blood  fixes  and  con- 
geals in  a  moment,  and  the  strongest  animal  falls  mo- 
tionless to  tJie  ground.  Nor  does  this  poison,  notwith- 
standing its  violence  and  subtlety,  infect  the  flesh  of 
the  animal  which  it  kills.  That  may  be  eaten  with 
perfect  safety,  and  retain  its  native  relish  and  qualities. 
All  the  nations  situated  upon  the  banks  of  the  Marag- 
non and  Orinoco  are  acquainted  with  this  composi- 
tion, the  chief  ingredient  in  which  is  the  juice  extracted 
from  the  root  of  the  curare,  a  species  of  withe.  In 
other  parts  of  America  they  employ  the  juice  of  the 
mandumlle  for  the  same  purpose,  and  it  operates  with 
no  less  fatal  activity.  To  people  possessed  of  those 
secrets  the  bow  is  a  more  destructive  weapon  than  the 
musket,  and,  in  their  skilful  hands,  does  grtat  execution 
among  the  birds  and  beasts  which  abound  in  the  forests 
of  America. 

But  the  life  of  a  hunter  gradually  leads  man  to  a 
state  more  advanced.  The  chase,  even  where  prey  is 
abundant,  and  the  dexterity  of  the  hunter  much  im- 
proved, affords  but  an  uncertain  maintenance,  and  at 
some  seasons  it  must  be  suspended  altogether.  If  a 
savage  trusts  to  his  bow  alone  for  food,  he  and  his 
family  will  be  often  reduced  to  extreme  distress.  [-50] 
Hardly  any  region  of  the  earth  furnishes  man  sponta- 
neously with  what  his  wants  require.  In  the  mildest 
climates,  and  most  fertile  soils,  his  own  industry 
and  foresight  must  be  exerted  in  some  degree  to 
secure  a  regular  supply  of  food.  Their  experience 
of  this  surmounts  the  abhorrence  of  labor  natural  to 
savage  nations,  and  compels  them  to  have  recourse  to 
culture,  as  subsidiary  to  hunting.  In  particular  situa- 
tions, some  small  tribes  may  subsist  by  fishing,  inde- 
pendent of  any  production  of  the  earth  raised  by  theit 
own  industry.  But  throughout  all  America,  we  scarcely 
meet  with  any  nation  of  hunters  which  does  not  prac- 
tise some  species  of  cultivation. 

The  agriculture  of  the  Americans,  however,  is  nei- 
ther extensive  nor  laborious.  As  game  and  fish  are 
their  principal  food,  all  they  aim  at  by  cultivation  is 
to  supply  any  occasional  defect  of  these.  In  the  south- 
ern continent  of  America,  the  natives  confined  their 
industry  to  rearing  a  few  plants,  which,  in  a  rich  soil 
and  warm  climate,  were  easily  trained  to  maturity. 
The  chief  of  these  is  maize,  well  known  in  Europe  by 
the  name  of  Turkey  or  Indian  wheat,  a  grain  extremely 
prolific,  of  simple  culture,  agreeable  to  the  taste,  and 
affording  a  strong  hearty  nourishment.  The  second  is 
the  nuinioc,  which  grows  to  the  size  of  a  large  shrub 
or  small  tree,  and  produces  roots  somewhat  resembling 
parsnips.  After  carefully  squeezing  out  the  juice,  these 
roots  are  grated  down  to  a  fine  powder,  and  formed 
into  thin  cakes  called  cassada  bread,  which,  though 
insipid  to  the  taste,  proves  no  contemptible  food.  As 
the  juice  of  the  manioc  is  a  deadly  ])oison,  some  au- 
thors have  celebrated  the  ingenuity  of  the  Americans  in 
converting  a  noxious  plant  into  wholesome  nourish- 
ment. But  it  should  rather  be  considered  as  one  of  the 
desperate  expedients  for  procuring  subsistence  to  which 
necessity  reduces  rude  nations  ;  or,  perliaps,  men  were 
led  to  the  use  of  it  by  a  progress  in  which  there  is 
nothing  marvellous.  One  species  of  manioc  is  alto- 
gether free  of  any  poisonous  quality,  and  may  be  eatfui 
without  any  preparation  but  that  of  roasting  it  in  the 
embers.  This,  it  is  probable,  was  first  usi  d  by  the 
Americans  as  food  ;  and,  necessity  having  gradually 
taught  them  the  art  of  separating  its  pernicious  juice 
from  the  other  species,  they  have  by  experience  fou"d 
it  to  be  more  prolific  as  well  as  more  nourishing.  [f'7J 
The  third  is  the  plantain,  which,  though  it  rises  lo<  the  j 
height  of  a  tree,  is  of  such  quick  growth,  that  in  ici.i 
than  a  year  it  rewards  the  industry  of  the  cultiva'.or 
with  its  fruit.  This,  when  roasted,  supplies  the  place 
of  bread,  and  is  both  palatable  and  nourishing.  [58] 
The  fourth  is  the  polatuc,  whose  culture  and  qualities 
are  too  well  known  to  need  any  description.  The  fifth 
is  pimcnii),  a  small  tree  yielding  a  strong  aromatic 
spice.  The  .Vmericans.  who,  like  other  inhabitants  of 
warm  climates,  delight  in  whatever  is  hot  and  of  poig- 
nant flavor,  deem  this  seasoning  a  necessary  of  life, 
and  mingle  it  copiously  with  evejy  kind  of  food  they 
take. 

Such  are  the  various  prodnctions,  which  were  the 
chief  object  of  culture  among  the  hunting  tribes  on  the 
continent  of  .\merica :  and  with  a  moderate  exertion 
of  active  and  provident  industry  these  might  have 
yielded  a  full  supply  to  the  wants  of  a  numerous  peo- 
ple. But  men,  accustomed  to  the  free  and  vagr»nl 
life  of  hunters,  are  incapable  of  regular  application  to 
labor,  and  consider  agriculture  as  a  secondary  and  infe- 
rior occupation.    Accordingly,  the  provision  for  sub- 


sistence, arising  from  cultivation,  was  so  limited  aad 
scanty  among  the  .\m?r;cans,  that,  upon  any  accidental 
failure  of  their  usual  success  in  hunting,  they  wer» 
often  reduced  to  extreme  distress. 

In  the  islands,  the  mode  of  subsisting  was  conside- 
rably different.  None  of  the  large  animals  which 
abound  on  the  continent  were  known  there.  Only  fom 
species  of  quadrujjcds,  besides  a  kind  of  small  dumb 
dog  existed  in  the  islands,  the  biggest  of  which  did  not 
exceed  the  size  of  a  rabbit.  To  hunt  such  a  diminutive 
prey  was  an  occupation  which  required  no  effort  either 
of  activity  or  courage.  The  chief  employment  of  a 
hunter  in  the  isles  was  to  kill  birds,  which  on  the  con- 
tinent are  deemed  ignoble  game,  and  left  chiefly  to  the 
pursuit  of  boys.  This  want  of  animals,  as  well  as 
their  peculiar  situation,  led  the  islanders  to  depend 
principally  upon  fishing  for  their  subsistence.  Their 
rivers,  and  the  sea  wilh  which  they  are  surrounded, 
supplied  them  with  this  species  of  food.  At  some  par- 
ticular seasons,  turtle,  crabs,  and  other  shellfish  abound- 
ed in  such  numbers  that  the  natives  could  support  them- 
selves with  a  facility  in  which  their  indolence  delighted. 
At  other  times,  they  ate  lizards  and  various  reptiles  of 
odious  forms.  To  fishing  the  inhabitants  of  the  islands 
added  some  degree  of  agriculture.  Maize,  [59]  manioc, 
and  other  plants  were  cultivated  in  the  same  manner 
as  on  the  continent.  But  all  the  fruits  of  their  indus- 
try, together  with  what  their  soil  and  climate  produced 
spontaneously,  afforded  them  but  a  scanty  maintenance. 
Though  their  demands  for  food  were  very  sparing,  they 
hardly  raised  what  was  sufficient  for  their  own  con- 
sumption. If  a  few  Spaniards  settled  in  any  district, 
such  a  small  addition  of  supernumerary  mouths  soon 
exhausted  their  scanty  stores,  and  brought  on  a  famine 

Two  circumstances  common  to  all  the  savage  na- 
tions of  America,  concurred  wilh  those  which  1  hav* 
already  mentioned,  not  only  in  rendering  their  agri- 
cnlture  imperfect,  but  in  circumscribing  their  power  in 
all  their  operaftons.  They  had  no  tame  animals ;  and 
they  were  unacquainted  with  the  useful  metals. 

In  other  parts  of  the  globe,  man.  in  his  rudest  stale, 
appears  as  lord  of  the  creation,  giving  law  to  various 
trilies  of  animals,  which  he  has  tamed  and  reduced  to 
subjection.  The  Tartar  follows  his  prey  on  the  horse 
which  he  has  reared ;  or  tends  his  numerous  herds, 
which  furnish  him  both  with  food  and  clothing :  the 
Arab  has  rendered  the  camel  docile,  and  ava'is  himself 
of  its  persevering  strength  :  the  Laplander  has  formed 
the  reindeer  to  be  subservient  to  his  will ;  and  even 
the  people  of  Kamchatka  have  trained  their  dogs  to 
labor.  This  command  over  the  inferior  creatures  is 
one  of  the  noblest  prerogatives  of  man,  and  among  the 
greatest  efforts  of  his  wisdom  and  power.  W  :thout 
this  his  dominion  is  incomplete.  He  is  a  monarch 
who  has  no  subjects,  a  master  without  servants,  and 
must  perform  every  operation  by  the  strength  of  his 
own  arm.  Such  was  the  condition  of  all  the  rude  na- 
tions in  .\merica.  Their  reason  was  so  little  improved, 
or  their  union  so  incomplete,  that  they  seem  not  to 
have  been  conscious  of  the  superiority  of  their  nature, 
and  suffered  all  the  animal  creation  to  retain  its  liberty, 
without  establishing  their  own  authority  over  any  one 
species.  Most  of  the  animals,  indeed,  which  have 
been  rendered  domestic  in  our  continent,  do  not  exist 
in  the  New  World  ;  but  those  peculiar  to  it  are  neither 
so  fierce  nor  so  formidable  as  to  have  exempted  them 
from  servitude.  There  are  some  animals  of  the  same 
sjiecies  on  both  continents.  But  the  rein-deer,  which 
has  been  tamed  and  broken  to  the  yoke  in  the  one 
liemisphere,  runs  wild  in  the  other  The  hisim  of 
.\merica  is  manifeslly  of  the  same  species  wilh  the 
himied  cattle  of  the  other  hemisphere.  The  latter, 
even  among  the  rudest  nations  in  our  continent,  have 
been  rendered  domestic  ;  and,  in  consequence  of  Ids 
dominion  over  them,  man  can  accomplish  works  of 
labor  with  greater  facility,  and  has  made  a  great  addi- 
tion to  his  means  of  subsistence.  The  inhabitanis  of 
many  regions  of  the  New  World,  where  the  bisot 
abovinda.  might  have  derived  the  same  advantage* 
from  it.  It  u  not  of  a  nature  so  indocile,  but  that  it 
might  have  been  trained  to  be  as  subservient  '.o  man 
as  our  cattle.  But  a  savage,  in  that  uncultivated  state 
wherein  the  .\mericans  were  discovered,  is  the  cnciii* 
of  the  other  animals,  not  their  superior.  He  wastes 
and  destroys,  but  knows  not  how  to  multiply  or  to 
govern  them. 

This,  perhap.s  is  the  most  notable  distinction  be- 
tween the  inhabitants  of  the  .\ncieni  and  New  World* 
and  a  high  pre-eminence  of  civilized  men  above  such 
as  continue  rude.  The  greatest  operations  of  man  in 
changing  and  improving  the  face  of  nature.  «s  well  as 
his  most  considerable  effort"  in  cuUivaling  the  earilk 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


109 


are  accomplished  by  means  of  the  aid  which  he  re- 
ceives from  the  animals  thai  he  has  tamed,  and  em- 
ploys in  labor.  I'  is  by  their  strength  that  he  subdues 
(he  stiiliborn  soil,  and  ronverls  the  desert  or  marsh  into 
R  fnulful  held.  But  man,  in  his  civilized  state,  is  so 
Bccusiomed  to  the  service  of  t!>e  domestic  animals, 
that  he  seldom  reflects  upon  th  i  vast  benefits  which 
he  derives  from  it.  If  wc  were  ,0  suppose  him,  even 
when  most  improved,  to  he  de|  rived  of  their  useful 
ministry,  his  empire  over  nature  must  in  .some  mea- 
sure cease,  and  he  would  remain  a  feeble  anini  il,  at  a 
loss  how  to  subsist,  and  incapable  of  attempting  such 
arduous  undertakings  as  their  assistance  enables  him 
to  e.xccute  with  ease. 

It  is  a  doubtful  point,  whether  the  dominion  of  man 
over  the  animal  creation,  or  his  ac(piiring  the  useful 
metals,  has  contributed  most  to  extend  lus  power. 
The  era  of  this  important  discovery  is  vitiknown,  and 
ni  our  hemisphere  very  remote.  It  is  only  bv  tradition, 
or  by  digging  up  sonic  rude  instrumeius  of  our  fore- 
fathers, that  we  learn  that  mankind  were  originally  un- 
acquainted with  the  use  of  metals,  and  endeavored  to 
supply  the  want  of  them  by  employing  Hints,  shells, 
bones,  and  other  hard  substances,  for  the  same  pur- 
poses which  metals  serve  among  [)olished  nations. 
IS'ature  completes  the  formation  of  some  metals. 
Gold,  silver,  and  copper,  are  found  in  their  perfect 
state  in  the  clefts  of  rocks,  in  the  sides  of  mountains, 
or  the  channels  of  rivers.  These  were  accordingly  the 
metals  first  known,  and  first  ap|)lied  to  use.  But  iron, 
the  most  serviceable  of  all,  and  to  which  man  is  most 
iiidelited,  is  never  discovered  in  its  [lerfect  form  ;  its 
gross  and  stubborn  ore  must  feel  twice  the  force  of 
tire,  and  go  through  two  laborious  processes,  before  it 
becomes  fit  for  use.  Man  was  long  acquainted  with 
the  other  metals  before  he  accjuired  the  art  of  fabricat- 
ing iron,  or  attained  such  ingenuity  as  to  perfect  an 
invention,  to  which  he  is  indebted  for  those  instruments 
wherewith  he  subdues  the  earth,  and  commands  all  its 
inhabitants.  But  in  this,  as  well  as  in  many  other  re- 
spects, the  inferiority  of  the  Americans  was  cons[jicu- 
0U3.  All  the  savage  tribes,  scattered  over  the  conti- 
l  nent  and  islands,  were  totally  unacquainted  with  the 
[  metals  which  their  soil  produces  in  great  abundance, 
'  if  we  except  some  trifling  (juantity  of  gold,  which  they 
picked  up  in  the  torrents  that  descended  from  their 
mountains,  and  formed  into  ornaments.  Their  devices 
to  supply  this  want  of  the  serviceable  metals  were  e.K- 
'    tremely  rude  and  awkward.    The  most  simple  opera- 

ition  was  to  them  an  undertaking  of  immense  difficulty 
and  labor.  To  fell  a  tree  with  no  other  instruments 
than  hatchets  of  stone,  was  employment  for  a  month. 
To  form  a  canoe  into  shape,  and  to  hollow  it,  con- 
sumed years  ;  and  it  frequently  began  to  rot  before 
they  were  able  to  finish  it.  Their  operations  in  agri- 
culture were  equally  slow  and  defective.  In  a  country 
covered  with  woods  of  the  hardest  timber,  the  clearing 
of  a  small  field  destined  for  culture  required  the  united 
eti'orts  of  a  tribe,  and  was  a  work  of  much  time  and 
great  toil.  This  was  the  business  of  the  iiien,  and 
their  indolence  was  satisfied  with  performing  it  in  a 
very  slovenly  manner.    The  labor  of  cultivation  was 

I left  to  the  women,  who,  after  digging,  01  rather  stirring 
the  field,  with  wooden  mattocks,  and  stakes  hardened 
ill  the  fire,  sowed  or  |)lanted  it ;  but  they  were  more 
indebted  for  the  increase  to  the  fertility  of  the  soil  than 
\  to  their  own  rude  industry. 

Agriculture,  even  when  the  strength  of  man  is  se- 
conded by  that  of  the  animals  which  he  has  subjected 
to  the  yoke,  and  his  power  augmented  by  the  use  of  the 
various  inslruinents  with  which  the  discovery  of  metals 
has  furnished  him,  is  still  a  work  of  great  labor  ;  and  it 
is  with  the  sweat  of  his  brow  that  he  renders  the  earth 
fertile.  It  is  not  wonderful,  then,  that  people  destitute 
of  both  these  advantages  should  have  made  so  little 
progress  in  cultivation,  that  they  must  be  considered  as 
depending  for  subsistence  on  fishing  and  hunting,  rather 
than  on  the  fruits  of  their  own  labor. 

From  this  dcscriiHion  of  the  mode  of  subsisting 
among  the  rude  American  tribes,  the  form  and  genius 

I of  their  political  institutions  may  be  deduced,  and  we 
are  enabled  to  trace  various  circumsta  ices  of  distinction 
between  them  and  more  civilized  na(,oiis. 
1.  They  were  divided  into  small  independent  com- 
munities. While  hunting  is  the  chief  source  of  sul)- 
sistence,  a  vast  extent  of  territory  is  requisite  for  sup]iort- 
ing  a  email  number  of  people.  In  proportion  as  men  mul- 
tiply and  unite,  the  wild  animals  on  which  they  depend 
for  food  diminish,  or  fly  at  a  greater  distance  from  tlic 
nauL.s  of  their  enemy.  The  increase  of  a  society  in 
this  state  is  limited  by  its  own  iisture,  and  the  mem- 
bers of  It  must  either  disperse,  like  the  game  which 


they  pursue,  or  fall  upon  some  better  method  of  pro- 
curing food  than  by  hunting.  Beasts  of  prey  are  by 
nature  solitary  and  unsocial,  they  go  not  forth  to  the 
cha.sc  in  herds,  but  delight  in  tho.^e  recesses  of  the 
forest  where  they  can  roam  and  destroy  undisturbed. 
A  nation  of  hunters  resembles  them  both  in  occuiiation 
and  in  genius.  They  cannot  form  into  large  commu- 
nities, because  it  would  be  iinjiossiblc  to  find  subsist- 
ence ;  and  they  must  drive  to  a  distance  every  rival 
who  may  encioach  on  those  domains,  which  thev  con-  I 
sidcr  as  their  own.  This  was  the  state  of  all  tiie  .Xine- 
rican  tribes  ;  the  numbers  in  each  wei(;  inconsiderable, 
though  .scattered  over  countries  of  great  extent  ;  they 
were  far  removed  from  one  another,  and  engaged  in 
perpetual  hostilities  or  rival^hip.  In  America,  the  word 
nation  is  not  of  the  same  import  as  in  other  parts  of 
the  globe.  It  is  applied  to  small  socicMies,  not  exceed- 
ing, perhaps,  two  or  three  hundred  persons,  but  occu- 
pying provinces,  greater  than  some  kingdoms  in  Eu- 
rope. The  country  of  Guiana,  though  of  larger  extent 
than  the  kingdom  of  France,  and  divided  among  a 
greater  number  of  nations,  did  not  contain  above  twenty- 
five  thousand  inhabitants.  In  the  provinces  which  bor- 
der on  the  Orinoco,  one  may  travel  several  hundred 
miles  in  ditferent  directions,  without  finding  a  single 
hut,  or  observing  the  footsteps  of  a  human  creature. 
In  North  America,  where  the  climate  is  more  rigorous, 
and  the  soil  less  fertile,  the  desolation  is  still  greater. 
There,  journeys  of  some  hundred  leagues  have  been 
made  through  uninhabited  plains  and  forests.  [60j  As 
long  as  hunting  continues  to  be  the  chief  employment 
of  man,  to  which  he  trusts  for  subsistence,  he  can  hardly 
be  said  to  have  occupied  the  earth.  [61] 

2.  Nations  which  depend  upon  bunting  are  in  a  great 
measure  strangers  to  the  idea  of  property.  As  the  ani- 
mals on  which  the  hunter  feeds  arc  not  bred  under  his 
inspection,  nor  nourished  by  his  care,  he  can  claim  no 
right  to  them  while  they  run  wild  in  the  forest.  Where 
game  is  so  plentiful  that  it  may  be  catched  with  little 
trouble,  men  never  dream  of  appropriating  what  is  of 
small  value,  or  of  easy  acquisition.  Where  it  is  so 
rare,  that  the  labor  or  danger  of  the  chase  requires  the 
united  eli'orts  of  a  tribe,  or  village,  what  is  killed  is  a 
common  stock  belonging  equally  to  all,  who,  by  their 
skill  or  their  courage,  have  contributed  to  the  success 
of  the  excursion.  The  forest  or  hunting-grounds  are 
deemed  the  property  of  the  tribe,  from  which  it  has  a 
title  to  exclude  every  rival  nation.  But  no  individual 
arrogates  a  right  to  any  district  of  these  in  preference 
to  his  fellow-citizens.  They  belong  alike  to  all  ;  and 
thither,  as  to  a  general  and  undivided  store,  all  repair 
in  quest  of  sustenance.  The  same  princi[)les  by  which 
they  regulate  their  chief  occupation  extend  to  that 
which  is  subordinate.  Even  agriculture  has  not  intro- 
duced among  them  a  complete  idea  of  jiroperty.  As 
the  men  hunt,  the  women  labor  together,  and  after  they 
have  shared  the  toils  of  the  seed  time,  they  enjoy  the 
harvest  in  common.  Among  some  tribes,  the  increase 
of  their  cultivated  lands  is  dejjosited  in  a  public  gra- 
nary, and  divided  among  them  at  stated  times,  accord- 
ing to  their  wants.  [62]  Among  others,  though  they 
lay  up  separate  stores,  they  do  not  acquire  such  an  ex- 
clusive right  of  property,  that  they  can  enjoy  superfluity 
while  those  around  them  suffer  want.  Thus  the  dis- 
tinctions arising  from  the  inequality  of  possessions  are 
unknown.  The  terms  rich  or  poor  enter  not  into  their 
language  ;  and  being  strangers  to  property,  they  are 
unacquainted  with  what  is  the  great  object  of  laws  and 
policy,  as  well  as  the  chief  motive  which  induced  man- 
kind to  establish  the  various  arrangements  of  regular 
government. 

3.  People  in  this  state  retain  a  high  sense  of  equality 
and  independence.  Wherever  the  idea  of  [iroperty  is 
not  established,  there  can  be  no  distinction  among  men 
but  what  arises  from  personal  qualities.  These  can  be 
conspicuous  only  on  such  occasions  as  call  them  forth 
into  exertion.  In  times  of  danger,  or  in  affairs  of  in- 
tricacy, the  wisdom  and  experience  of  age  are  consult- 
ed, and  prescribe  the  measures  which  ought  to  be  pur- 
sued. When  a  tribe  of  savages  takes  the  field  agains'.; 
the  enemies  of  their  country,  the  warrior  of  most  ap- 
proved courage  leads  the  youth  to  the  combat.  If  they 
go  forth  in  a  body  to  the  chase,  the  most  expert  and 
adventurous  hunter  is  foremost,  and  directs  their  mo- 
tions. But  during  seasons  of  tranc]uillitv  and  inaction, 
when  there  is  no  occasion  to  display  those  talents,  all 
pre-eminence  ceases  Every  circumstance  indicates  that 
all  the  members  of  the  cominnnity  are  on  a  level.  They 
are  clothed  in  the  same  simple  garb.  They  feed  on  the 
same  plain  fare.  Their  houses  and  furniture  arc  exactly 
similar.  No  distinction  can  arise  from  the  inequality  of 
possessions.    Whatever  forms  dependence  on  one  part, 


or  constitutes  superiority  on  the  other,  is  unknown.  AU 
are  freemen,  all  feel  themselves  to  hv  such,  and  asK«:i1 
with  firmness  the  rights  which  belong  to  that  coiiditi'jn 
'J'his  sentiment  of  indi  iK^ndcnce  is  iinpriiitcd  so  deeply 
in  their  nature  that  no  change  of  condition  can  tradi 
cate  it,  and  bend  their  minds  to  servitude.  Accu» 
tomed  to  be  absolute  masters  of  their  own  conniic', 
they  disdain  to  execute  the  orders  of  another  ;  and  hav- 
ing never  known  control  they  will  not  submit  to  cor- 
rection. [03]  Many  of  the  Americans,  when  thev 
found  that  they  were  treated  as  slaves  by  Spaniards, 
di(^d  of  grief  ;  many  destroyed  themselves  in  despair. 

4.  Among  the  people  in  this  state,  government  caii 
assume  little  authority,  and  the  .sense  of  civil  sub- 
ordination must  remain  very  imperfect.  While  the 
idea  of  property  is  unknown,  or  iiicom|)letely  con- 
ceived ;  while  the  spontaneous  proiluctions  of  (he  earth, 
as  well  as  the  fruits  of  iiidustrv,  are  considered  as  be- 
longing to  the  public  stock,  there  can  har<lly  be  any 
such  subject  of  difference  or  discussion  among  the 
members  of  the  same  cominnnity,  as  will  reijuiro  the 
hand  of  authority  to  interpose  in  order  to  adjust  it. 
Where  the  right  of  separate  and  exclusive  ])ossession  is 
not  introduced,  the  great  object  of  law  and  jurisdiction 
does  not  exist.  When  the  members  of  a  tribe  are 
called  into  the  field,  either  to  invade  the  territories  of 
their  enemies,  or  to  repel  their  attacks  ;  when  they  are 
engaged  together  in  the  toil  and  dangers  of  the  chase, 
they  then  perceive  that  they  are  part  of  a  political  body. 
They  are  conscious  of  their  own  connexion  with  the 
companions  in  conjunction  with  whom  thev  act ;  and 
they  follow  and  reverence  such  as  excel  in  conduct  and 
valor.  But  during  the  intervals  between  '■uch  com- 
mon efforts  thev  seem  scarcely  to  feel  the  ties  of  politi- 
cal union.  [64]  No  visible  form  of  government  is  es- 
tablished. The  names  of  magistrate  and  subject  are 
not  in  use.  Every  one  seems  to  enjoy  his  natural 
independence  almost  entire.  If  a  scheme  of  public 
utility  be  jiroposed,  the  mambers  of  the  comniunitv  are 
left  at  liberty  to  choose  whether  they  will  or  will  not 
assist  in  carrying  it  into  execution.  No  statute  im- 
poses any  servi<c  as  a  duty,  no  compulsory  laws  oblige 
them  to  perform  it.  All  their  resolutions  arc  voluntary 
and  flow  from  the  impulse  of  their  own  minds.  The 
first  step  towards  establishing  a  public  jurisdiction  has 
not  been  taken  in  those  rude  societies.  The  right  0. 
revenge  is  left  in  private  hands.  If  violence  is  com- 
mitted, or  blood  is  shed,  the  community  does  not 
assume  the  power  either  of  hiflicting  or  of  moderating 
the  punishment.  It  btdoiigs  to  the  family  and  friends 
of  the  person  injured  or  slain  to  avenge  the  wrong,  or 
to  accept  of  the  reparation  oft'^red  by  the  aggressor. 
If  the  elders  interpose,  it  is  to  advise,  not  to  decide, 
and  •  is  seldcm  their  counsels  are  listened  to  ;  for,  as 
it  is  deemed  pusillanimous  to  sutler  an  oli'ender  to  es- 
cape with  impunity,  resentment  is  implacable  and  ever- 
lasting. The  object  of  government  among  savages  ia 
rather  foreign  than  domestic.  They  do  not  aim  at 
maintaining  interior  order  and  police  by  public  regula- 
tions, or  the  exertions  of  any  permanent  authority,  but 
labor  to  preserve  such  union  among  the  members  of 
their  tribe,  that  they  may  watch  the  motions  of  their 
enemies,  and  act  against  them  with  concert  and  vigor. 

Such  was  the  form  of  political  order  established 
amoncr  the  greater  part  of  the  American  nations.  In 
this  state  were  almost  all  the  tribes  spread  over  the  pro- 
vinces extending  eastward  of  the  Mississippi,  from  the 
mouth  of  the  St^.  Lawrence  to  the  confines  of  Florida. 
In  a  similar  condition  were  the  people  of  Brazil,  the  in- 
habitants of  ('lull,  several  tribes  of  Paragua  and  Guiana, 
and  in  the  countries  which  stretch  from  the  mouth  of 
the  Orinoco  to  the  jieiiinsula  of  Yucatan.  Among  such 
an  infinite  number  of  petty  associations,  there  may  be 
peculiarities  which  constitute  a  distinction,  and  mark 
the  various  degrees  of  their  civilization  and  improve- 
ment. But  an  attempt  to  trace  and  enumerate  these 
would  be  vain,  as  they  have  not  been  observed  by  per- 
sons capable  of  discerning  the  minute  and  delicate  cir 
cumstances  which  serve  to  discriminate  nations  re 
sembling  one  another  in  their  general  character  and 
features.  The  description  which  I  have  given  of  the 
political  institutions  which  took  place  amona  those  rude 
tribes  m  America,  concerning  which  we  have  received 
the  most  complete  information,  will  ap]>ly,  with  little 
variation,  to  evi^ry  people,  both  in  its  northern  and 
southern  division,  who  have  advanced  no  further  iu 
civilization  than  to  add  some  slender  degree  of  agricid- 
ture  to  fishing  and  hunting. 

Imperfect  as  those  institutious  may  appear,  sever.il 
tribes  were  not  so  far  advanced  in  their  political  pi(>- 
trress.  Among  all  those  |)etiy  nations  which  trusted  io\ 
subsistence  entirely  to  fishing  md  hiiiiling  willioul  any 


110 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


species  of  ctiltiraiion,  the  union  was  so  incomplete, and 
their  sense  ol  nnitii.il  dcpciKlcnce  so  feeble,  that  hardly 
any  aj)|)eara,)ice  ol  governnieiit  or  order  can  be  discerned 
in  their  proceedings,  'i'heir  want*  are  few,  their  ob- 
jecisot  pursuit  siinpl*!,  thev  form  into  separate  tribes, 
and  act  together,  fioin  instinct,  habit,  or  conveniciicy, 
rather  than  from  any  formal  concert  and  association. 
To  this  class  belong  the  Californians,  several  of  the 
small  nations  in  the  extensive  country  of  I'aragua,  some 
of  the  people  on  the  banks  of  the  Orinoco,  and  on  the 
river  St.  Magdalene,  in  the  new  kingdom  of  Granada. 

But  though  among  these  last  mentioned  tribes  there 
was  hardly  any  shadow  of  regular  government,  and 
even  among  those  which  I  first  described  its  authority 
is  slender  and  confined  within  narrow  bounds,  there 
were,  however,  some  places  in  America  where  govern- 
ment was  carried  far  beyond  the  degree  of  perfection 
which  seems  natural  to  rude  nations.  In  surveying  the 
political  operations  of  man,  either  in  his  savage  or  ci- 
vdized  state,  we  discover  singular  and  eccentric  insti- 
tutions, which  start  as  it  were  from  their  station,  and 
fly  otf  so  wide,  that  we  labor  in  vain  to  bring  them 
within  the  general  laws  of  any  system,  or  to  account 
for  them  by  those  principles  which  influence  other  com- 
munities in  a  similar  situation.  Some  instances  of  this 
occur  among  those  people  of  America  whom  I  have  in- 
sluded  under  the  common  denomination  of  savage. 
These  are  so  curious  and  important  that  I  shall  describe 
them,  and  attempt  to  explain  their  origin. 

In  the  New  World,  as  well  as  in  other  parts  of  the 
globe,  cold  or  temperate  countries  appear  to  be  the  fa- 
vorite seat  of  freedom  and  inde[)endence.  There  the 
mind,  like  the  body,  is  firm  and  vigorous.  There  men, 
conscious  of  their  own  dignity,  and  capable  of  the 
greatest  efforts  in  asserting  it,  aspire  to  independence, 
and  their  stubborn  spirits  stoop  with  reluctance  to  the 
yoke  of  servitude.  In  warmer  climate.s,  by  whose  in- 
fluence the  whole  frame  is  so  much  enervated  that  pre- 
sent pleasure  is  the  supreme  felicity,  and  mere  repose 
is  enjoyment,  men  acquiesce,  almost  without  a  strug- 
gle, in  the  dominion  of  a  superior.  Accordingly,  if  we 
proceed  from  north  to  south  along  the  continent  of 
America,  we  shall  find  the  power  of  those  vested  with 
authority  gradually  increasing,  and  the  spirit  of  the  peo- 
ple becoming  more  tame  and  passive.  In  Florida,  the 
authority  of  the  sachems,  caziques,  or  chiefs,  was  not 
only  permanent,  but  hereditary.  They  were  distin- 
guished by  peculiar  ornaments,  they  enjoyed  preroga- 
tives of  various  kinds,  and  were  treat(!d  by  their  subjects 
with  that  reverence  which  people  accustomed  to  sub- 
jet' liou,  pay  to  a  master. 

Among  the  iVatchcz,  a  powerful  tribe  now  extinct, 
fonnerly  situated  on  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi,  a  dif- 
ference of  rank  took  i)lace,  with  which  the  northern 
tribes  were  altogether  unacquainted.  Some  families 
were  reputed  noble,  and  enjoyed  hereditary  dignity. 
Tlie  body  of  the  people  was  considered  as  vile,  and 
formed  only  for  subjection.  This  distinction  was 
marked  by  appellations  which  distinguished  the  high 
elevation  of  the  one  state,  and  the  ignoiniisous  depres- 
sion of  the  other.  The  former  were  called  licspecl- 
ablr. ;  the  latter,  the  isiinkard.i.  The  great  Chief,  in 
whom  the  supreme  authority  was  vested,  is  reputed  to 
be  a  being  of  superior  nature,  the  brother  of  the  sun, 
the  solo  object  of  their  worship.  They  approach  this 
great  Chief  with  religious  veneration,  and  honor  him  as 
the  representative  of  their  deily.  His  will  is  a  law,  to 
whii  h  all  suiimit  with  implicit  obedience.  The  lives  of 
his  subjects  are  so  absolutely  at  his  disposal,  that  if  any 
one  has  incurred  his  displeasure,  the  offender  comes 
with  profound  humility  and  offers  him  his  head.  Nor 
does  the  dominion  of  tlie  Chiefs  end  with  their  lives  ; 
their  principal  officers,  their  favorite  wives,  together 
with  many  domestics  of  inferior  rank,  are  sacrificed  at 
their  tomt)s,  that  they  may  be  attended  in  the  next 
world  by  the  same  persons  who  served  tlicm  m  this  ; 
and  siicli  is  the  reverence  in  which  they  arc  held,  that 
those  victims  welcome  death  with  exultation,  deeming 
It  a  recompense  of  their  fidelity  and  a  mark  of  distinc- 
tion to  be  selected  to  accompany  their  deceased  mas- 
ter. Thus  a  perfect  despotism,  with  its  full  train  of 
•upeistitioii,  arroijancc,  and  cruelty, is  eslalilishrd  among 
the  Natchez,  and,  liy  a  singular  fatality,  that  people  has 
tasted  of  the  worst  calamities  incident  to  polished  na- 
tions, though  they  themselves  are  not  far  advanced  be- 
vond  iht  tribes  around  them  in  civility  and  improvement. 
\n  llL-ipaniola,  Cuba,  and  the  larger  islands,  their  ca- 
2H|Ues  or  chiefs  po-isesscd  extensive  power.  The  dig- 
nity was  transmilted  by  hereditary  right  from  fillier  to 
fon.  Its  honors  and  prerogatives  were  consiileraliie 
Their  sulijeels  paid  great  respect  to  the  caziques,  and 
•I»-cute'l  tlitir  orders  v\ithout  hesitation  or  reserve 


They  were  distinguished  by  peculiar  ornaments,  and  in 
order  to  pre.scrve  or  augment  the  veneration  of  the 
jieople,  they  had  the  address  to  call  in  the  aid  of  super- 
stition to  uphold  their  authority.  They  delivered  their 
mandates  as  the  oracles  of  heaven,  and  pretended  to 
possess  the  power  of  regulating  the  seasons,  and  of  dis- 
pensing rain  or  sunshine  according  as  their  subjects 
stood  in  need  of  them. 

In  some  parts  of  the  southern  continent,  the  power 
of  the  caziques  seems  to  have  been  as  extensive  as  in 
the  isles,  in  Bogota,  which  is  now  a  province  of  the 
new  kingdom  of  Granada,  there  was  settled  a  nation 
more  considerable  in  number,  and  more  improied  in 
the  various  arts  of  life,  than  any  in  America,  except  the 
Mexican  and  Peruvians.  The  people  of  Bogota  sub- 
sisted chiefly  by  agriculture.  The  idea  of  properly 
was  introduced  among  them,  and  its  rights,  secured  by 
laws,  handed  down  by  tradition,  and  observed  with 
great  care.  They  lived  in  towns  which  may  be  termed 
large  when  compared  with  those  in  other  parts  of  Ame- 
rica. They  \%'erc  clothed  in  a  decent  manner,  and  their 
houses  may  be  termed  commodious  when  compared 
with  those  of  the  small  tribes  around  them.  The  effect 
of  this  uncommon  civilization  were  conspicuous.  Go- 
vernment had  assumed  a  regular  form.  A  jurisdiction 
was  established,  which  took  cognizance  of  different 
crimes,  and  punished  them  with  rigor.  A  distinction 
of  ranks  was  known  ;  their  chief,  to  whom  the  Spa- 
niards gave  the  title  of  monarch,  and  who  merited  that 
name  on  account  of  his  splendour  as  well  as  power, 
reigned  with  absolute  authority.  He  was  attended  by 
officers  of  various  conditions  ;  he  never  appeared  in 
public  without  a  numerous  retinue  ;  he  was  carried  in 
a  sort  of  palanquin  with  much  pomp,  and  harbingers 
went  before  him  to  sweep  the  road  and  strew  it  with 
flowers.  This  uncommon  pomp  was  supported  by  pre- 
sents or  taxes  received  from  his  subjects,  to  whom 
their  prince  was  such  an  object  of  veneration  that  none 
of  them  presumed  to  look  him  directly  in  the  face,  or 
ever  approached  him  but  with  an  averted  countenance 
There  were  other  tribes  on  the  same  continent,  among 
.vhich,  though  far  less  advanced  than  the  people  of 
Bogota  in  their  progress  towards  refinement,  the  free- 
dom and  independence  natural  to  man  in  his  savage 
state  was  much  abridged,  and  their  caziques  had  as- 
sume-J  extensive  authority. 

It  is  not  easy  to  point  out  the  circumstances,  or  to 
discover  the  causes  which  contributed  to  introduce  and 
establish  among  each  of  those  people  a  form  of  govern- 1 
metit  so  different  from  that  of  the  tribes  around  them,  ' 
and  so  repugnant  to  the  genius  of  rude  nations.  If  the 
persons  who  h?d  an  opportunity  of  observing  them  in 
their  original  state  had  been  more  attentive  and  more 
discerning,  we  might  have  received  information  from 
their  conquerors  sufficient  to  guide  us  in  this  inquiry. 
If  the  transactions  of  people  unacquainted  with  the  use 
of  letters  were  not  involved  in  impenetrable  •bscurity, 
we  might  have  derived  some  information  from  this  do- 
mestic source.  But  as  nothing  satisfactory  can  lie 
gathered  either  from  the  accounts  of  the  Spaniards,  or 
from  their  own  traditions,  we  must  have  recourse  to 
conjectures  in  order  to  explain  the  irregular  apjiear- 
anccs  in  the  political  state  of  the  people  whom  i  have 
mentioned.  As  all  those  tribes  which  had  lost  their 
native  liberty  and  independence  were  seated  in  the  tor- 
rid zone,  or  in  countries  approaching  to  it,  the  climate 
may  be  supposed  to  have  had  some  influence  in  forming 
their  minds  to  that  servitude  which  seems  to  be  the 
destiny  ol  man  in  those  regions  of  the  globe.  But 
though  the  influence  of  climate,  more  powerful  thai, 
that  of  any  other  natural  cause,  is  not  to  be  overlooked, 
that  alone  cannot  be  admitted  as  a  solution  of  the  ))oint 
in  question.  The  operations  of  mind  arc  so  complex 
that  we  must  not  attribute  the  form  which  they  assume 
to  the  force  of  a  siiiirlo  |irinci|ile  or  cause.  Although 
despotism  be  confined  m  America  to  the  torrid  zone, 
and  to  the  warm  regions  bordering  upon  it,  I  have 
already  observed  that  these  coimlries  contain  various 
tribes,  some  of  which  possess  a  high  degree  of  free- 
dom, and  others  are  altogether  iinacciuainted  with  the 
restraints  of  government.  'J'he  indolence  and  timidity 
peculiar  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  islands,  render  them 
so  incapable  of  the  sentiments  or  efforts  iiecessar)'  for 
maintaining  independence,  that  there  is  no  occasion  to 
search  for  any  other  cause  of  their  tame  submission  to 
the  will  of  a  superior.  The  subjection  of  the  Natchez, 
and  of  the  people  of  Bogota,  seems  to  have  been  the 
consequence  of  a  difference  in  their  stale  from  that  of 
tli<'  other  Americans.  They  were  settled  nations,  re- 
SMling  coiistanllv  in  one  place,  llviiitiiig  was  not  the 
chief  occupation  of  the  former,  and  tlie  latter  seem 
hardly  to  have  trusted  to  it  lor  any  part  of  their  Hubsist- 


ence.  Both  had  made  such  progress  in  agriculture  in4 
arts  that  the  idea  of  i)roperty  was  introduced  in  sora* 
degree  in  the  one  community,  and  fully  established  in 
the  other.  Among  people  in  this  state,  avarice  aiM] 
ambition  have  acquired  objects,  and  have  begun  to  ex- 
ert their  power  ;  vie'vs  of  interest  allure  the  selfish ; 
tlie  desire  of  pre-eminence  excites  the  enterprising; 
dominion  is  courted  by  both  ;  and  passions  unknown  to 
man  in  his  savage  slate  prompt  the  interested  and  am- 
bitious to  encroach  on  the  rights  of  their  fellow-citizena. 
Motives,  with  which  rude  nations  are  equally  unac 
quainted,  mduce  the  people  to  submit  tamely  to  the 
usuiped  authority  of  their  superiors.  But  even  among 
nations  in  this  state,  the  spirit  of  subjects  could  not  have 
been  rendered  so  obse<juious,  or  the  power  of  rulers  so 
unbounded,  without  the  inlcTention  of  superstitioD. 
By  its  fatal  influence  the  human  mind,  in  every  stage 
of  its  progress,  is  depressed,  and  its  native  vigor  and 
independence  subdued.  Whoever  can  acquire  ihe 
direction  of  this  fcrmidable  engine,  is  secure  of  domi- 
nion over  his  species.  Unfortunately  for  the  people 
whose  institutions  are  the  subject  of  inquiry,  this  power 
was  in  the  hands  of  their  chiefs.  Tlie  caziques  of  the 
isles  could  put  what  responses  they  pleased  into  the 
mouths  of  their  Ccmix  or  gods  ;  and  it  was  by  their 
interposition,  and  in  thoir  name,  that  they  imjiosed  any 
tribute  or  burden  on  their  people.  The  same  power 
and  prerogative  was  exercised  by  the  great  chief  of  the 
Natchez,  as  the  principal  minister  as  well  as  the  repre- 
sentative of  the  Sun.  their  deily.  The  respect  which 
the  people  of  Bogota  paid  to  their  monarchs  was  like- 
wise inspired  by  religion,  and  the  heir  apparent  of  the 
kingdom  was  educated  in  the  innermost  recess  of  their 
principal  temple,  Tindersuch  austere  discipline,  and  w  ith 
such  peculiar  riles,  as  tended  to  fill  his  subjects  with 
high  sentiments  concerning  the  sanctity  of  his  cha- 
racter, and  the  dignity  of  his  station.  Thus  supersti- 
tion, which  in  the  rudest  period  of  society,  is  either 
altogether  unknown,  or  wastes  its  force  in  chihlish  un- 
meaning practices,  had  acquired  such  an  ascendant 
over  those  people  of  America,  who  had  n.ade  some 
little  progress  towards  refinement,  that  it  became  the 
chief  instrument  of  bending  their  minds  to  an  untimely 
servitude,  and  subjected  them,  in  the  beginning  of  their 
political  career,  to  a  despotism  hardly  less  rigorous  than 
that  which  awaits  nations  in  the  last  stage  of  their  cor- 
ruption and  decline. 

V.  After  examining  the  political  institutions  of  the 
rude  nations  in  America,  the  next  object  of  atlentioa 
is  their  art  of  war,  or  their  provision  for  public  secutity 
and  defence.  The  small  tribes  dispersed  over  America 
are  not  only  independent  and  unconnected,  but  engaged 
in  perpetual  hostilities  with  one  another.  Though 
mostly  strangers  to  the  idea  of  separate  property, 
vested  in  any  individual,  the  nidcst  of  the  American 
nations  are  well  acquainted  with  the  rights  of  each 
community  to  its  own  domains.  This  right  they  hold 
to  be  perfect  and  e.\clusive,  entitling  the  possessor  to 
oppose  the  encroachment  of  neighboring  tribes.  A» 
it  IS  of  the  utmost  consequence  to  prevent  them  from 
destroying  or  disturbing  the  game  m  their  hunting 
grounds,  they  guard  this  national  property  with  a  jealous 
attention.  But  as  their  territories  are  extensive,  and 
the  boundaries  of  them  not  exactly  ascertained,  innu- 
merable sulijecis  of  dispute  arise,  which  seldom  termi- 
nate without  bloodshed.  Even  in  this  simple  and  pri 
inilive  state  of  society,  interest  is  a  source  of  discord, 
and  nficn  prompts  savage  trilies  to  take  arms  in  order 
to  repel  or  punish  such  as  encroach  on  the  forests  or 
piains  to  wnieh  they  trust  for  subsistence. 

But  interest  is  not  either  the  most  frequent  or  the 
most  powerful  motive  ol  the  incessant  hostilities  among 
rude  tuitions.  These  must  be  imputed  to  the  passion 
of  revenge,  which  rages  with  such  violence  in  the  breast 
of  savages,  that  eagerness  to  gratify  it  may  be  con- 
sidered as  Ihe  distinguishing  characteristic  of  men  in 
their  uncivilized  stale.  Circumstances  of  ])Owerfiil 
influence,  both  in  the  interior  government  of  rude  tribes, 
and  in  their  external  operations  against  foreign  ene- 
mies, concur  in  cherishing  and  adding  strength  to  a  pas- 
sion fatal  to  the  general  tranquillity.  When  the  right 
of  redressing  his  own  wrongs  is  left  in  the  hands  « 
every  individual,  injuries  arc  felt  with  exquisite  fciisi- 
bility,  and  vengeance  exercised  with  unrelenting  ran- 
cor. No  time  can  obliterate  the  memory  of  an  of- 
fence, and  it  is  seldom  that  it  can  be  expiated  but  by 
the  blood  of  the  offender.  In  carrying  on  their  public 
wars,  savage  nations  are  influenced  by  the  same  idciB, 
and  animated  with  the  same  spirit,  as  in  prosecuting 
private  vengeance.  In  small  communities,  everv  nun 
IS  touched  with  the  injury  or  affront  offered  to  the  tiod» 
of  which  ne  is  a  member,  as  if  it  were  a  personal  .iiiafk 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


Ill 


upon  his  own  honor  or  safety.  The  desire  of  revenge 
is  roininuniciitod  from  breast  to  breast,  and  soon  knidles 
into  rage.  As  feeble  societies  can  take  the  held  only 
in  small  ])artieB,  each  warrior  is  conscious  of  the  impor- 
tance of  his  own  arm,  and  feels  that  to  it  is  comniitted 
a  considerable  portion  of  the  public  vengeance.  War, 
which  between  extensive  kingdoms  is  carried  on  with 
little  animosity,  is  prosecuted  by  small  tribes  with  all 
the  rancor  of  a  private  quarrel.  The  resentment  of 
nations  is  as  implacable  as  that  of  individuals.  It  may 
be  dissembled  or  supjjrcsscd,  but  is  never  extinguished  ; 
and  often,  when  least  expected  or  dreaded,  it  bursts  out 
with  redoubled  fury.  W'hsn  polished  nations  have 
obtained  the  glory  oi'  victory,  or  have  acquired  an  addi- 
tion of  territory,  they  may  terminate  a  war  with  honor. 
But  savages  are  not  satishcd  until  thoy  extirpate  the 
community  which  is  the  object  of  their  hatred.  They 
fignt,  not  to  conquer,  but  to  destroy.  If  they  engage 
in  hostilities,  it  is  with  a  resolution  never  to  see  the 
face  of  the  eneuiv  in  peace,  but  to  prosecute  the  quar- 
rel with  imiiiprtal  enmity.  The  desire  of  vengeance  is 
the  first  and  almost  the  only  principle  which  a  savage 
mslils  into  the  minds  of  his  children.  This  grows  up 
with  him  as  he  advances  in  life  ;  and  as  his  attention  is 
directed  to  few  objects,  it  acquires  a  degree  of  force 
unknown  among  men  whose  passions  are  dissipated 
and  weakened  by  the  variety  of  their  occupations  and 
pursuits.  The  desire  of  vengeance,  which  takes  pos- 
session of  the  heart  of  savages,  resembles  the  instinc- 
tive rage  of  an  animal  rather  than  the  passion  of  a 
man.  It  turns,  with  undiscerning  fury,  even  against 
inanimate  objects.  If  hurt  accidentally  by  a  stone, 
they  often  seize  it  in  a  transport  of  anger,  and  endeavor 
to  wreak  their  vengeance  upon  it.  If  struck  with  an 
arrow  in  a  battle,  they  will  tear  it  from  the  wound,  break 
and  bite  it  with  their  teeth,  and  dash  it  on  the  ground. 
VVith  lesjiect  to  their  enemies  their  rage  of  vengeance 
knows  no  bounds.    When  under  the  dominion  of  this 

?assion,  man  becomes  the  most  cruel  of  all  animals, 
le  neither  pities,  nor  forgives,  nor  spares. 
The  force  of  this  passion  is  so  well  understood  by 
the  Americans  themselves,  that  they  always  apply  to  it 
171  order  to  excite  their  people  to  take  arms.  If  the 
ciders  of  any  tribe  attempt  to  rouse  their  youth  from 
sloth,  it  a  chief  wishes  to  allure  a  band  of  warriors  to 
follow  him  in  invading  an  enemy's  country,  the  most 
persuasive  topics  of  their  martial  eloquence  are  drawn 
from  revenge.  "  The  bones  of  our  countrymen,"  say 
they,  "he  uncovered  ;  their  bloody  bed  has  not  been 
washed  clean.  Their  spirits  cry  against  us  ;  they  must 
be  appeased.  liCt  us  go  and  devour  the  people  by 
whom  they  were  slain.  Sit  no  longer  inactive  upon  j 
your  mats  ;  lift  the  hatchet,  console  the  spirits  of  the 
dead,  and  tell  them  that  they  shall  be  avenged."  I 
Animated  with  such  exhortations,  the  youth  snatch  | 
iheir  arms  in  a  transjiort  of  fur",  raise  the  song  oi  war,  i 
and  burn  with  im])alieiice  to  imbrue  their  hands  in  the 
blood  of  their  enemies.  Private  chiefs  often  assemble 
small  parties  and  invade  a  hostile  tribe  without  con- 
xulting  the  rulers  of  the  coniinunity.  A  single  warrior, 
prompted  by  ca])rice  or  revenge,  will  take  the  field 
alone,  and  march  several  hundred  miles  to  surprise  and 
cut  off  a  straggling  enemy.  [65]  The  exploits  of  a 
noted  warrior,  m  such  solitary  excursions,  often  form 
the  chief  part  in  the  history  of  an  American  cam- 
paign ;  [66]  and  their  ciders  connive  at  such  irregular 
salhes,  as  they  t?nd  to  cherish  a  martial  spirit,  and  ac- 
custom their  people  to  enterprise  and  danger.  But 
when  a  war  is  national,  and  undertaken  by  public  autho- 
rity, the  deliberations  are  formal  and  slow.  The  elders 
assemble,  they  deliver  their  0|jinions  in  solemn  si>eeches, 
chey  weigh  with  maturity  the  nature  of  the  enterjirise, 
and  balance  its  beneficial  or  disadvantageous  conse- 
quences with  no  inconsiderable  porlion  of  political  dis- 
cernment or  sagacity.  Their  [iricsts  and  soothsayers 
are  coiisulled,  and  sometimes  they  ask  the  advice  even 
of  their  women.  If  the  determination  be  for  war,  they 
prepare  lor  it  with  much  ceremony.  A  leader  oilers  to 
conduct  the  cxi)edition,  and  is  accepted.  But  no  man 
is  constrained  to  follow  him ;  the  resolution  of  the 
community  to  commence  hostilities  imposes  no  obliga- 
tion upon  any  member  to  lake  part  in  the  war.  Each 
individual  is  still  master  of  his  own  conduct,  and  his 
«ng8gcinent  in  the  service  is  perfectly  voluntary. 

The  maxims  by  which  they  regulate  their  military 
»perations,  though  exlrcmcly  different  from  those  which 
take  place  among  more  civilized  and  populous  nations, 
are  well  suited  to  their  own  political  state,  and  the  na- 
tuie  of  the  country  in  which  they  act.  Thev  never 
take  the  field  in  numerous  bodies,  as  it  would  reejuire  a 
greater  effort  of  foresight  and  industry  than  is  usual 
unoiig  savages,  to  provide  foi  their  subsistence  during 


a  march  of  some  hundred  miles  through  dreary  forests, 
or  during  a  long  voyage  upon  their  lakes  and  rivers. 
Their  armies  arc  not  encumbered  with  baggage  or 
military  stores.  Each  warrior,  besides  his  arms,  car- 
ries a  mat  and  a  small  bag  of  pounded  maize,  and  with 
these  IS  completely  etjuipped  for  anv  service.  While 
at  a  distance  from  the  enemy's  Ironticr,  they  disperse 
through  the  woods,  and  support  themselves  with  the 
game  which  they  kill,  or  the  fish  which  they  catch. 
As  they  ap])roach  nearer  to  the  territories  of  the  na- 
tion which  they  intei>d  to  attack,  they  collect  their 
troops,  and  advance  with  greater  caution.  Even  in 
their  hcltest  and  most  active  wars  they  proceed  wholly 
by  stratagem  and  ambuscade.  They  place  not  their 
glory  in  attacking  their  enemies  with  open  force.  To 
surprise  and  destroy  is  the  greatest  merit  of  a  com- 
mander, and  the  highest  pride  of  his  followers.  War 
and  hunting  are  their  only  occupations,  and  they  con- 
duct both  with  the  same  spirit  and  the  same  arts. 
They  follow  the  track  of  their  enemies  through  the 
forest.  They  endeavor  to  discover  their  haunts,  they 
lurk  in  some  thicket  near  to  these,  and,  with  the 
patience  of  a  sportsman  lying  in  wait  for  game,  will 
eoniinue  in  their  station  day  after  day  until  they  can 
rush  upon  their  prey  when  most  secure,  and  least  able 
to  resist  them.  If  they  meet  no  straggling  party  of  the 
enemy,  they  advance  towards  their  villages,  but  with 
such  solicitude  to  conceal  their  own  approach,  that  they 
often  creep  on  their  hands  and  feet  through  the  woods, 
and  paint  their  skins  of  the  same  color  with  the 
withered  leaves,  in  order  to  avoid  detection.  If  so 
fortunate  as  to  remain  unobserved,  they  set  on  fire  the 
enemies'  huts  in  the  dead  of  night,  and  massacre  the 
inhabitants  as  they  Hy  naked  and  defenceless  from  the 
flames.  If  they  hope  to  effect  a  retreat  without  being 
pursued,  thoy  carry  off"  some  prisoners,  whom  they  re- 
serve for  a  more  dreadful  fate.  But  if,  notwithstanding 
all  their  address  and  precautions,  they  find  that  their 
motions  are  discovered,  that  the  enemy  has  taken  the 
alarm,  and  is  prepared  to  oppose  them,  they  usually 
deem  it  most  prudent  to  retire.  They  regard  it  as  ex- 
treme folly  to  meet  an  enemy  who  is  on  his  guard, 
upon  equal  terms,  or  to  give  battle  in  an  open  field. 
The  most  distinguished  success  is  a  disgrace  to  a 
leader  if  it  has  been  purchased  with  any  considerable 
loss  of  h^s  followers,  [67]  and  they  never  boast  of  a 
victory  if  stained  with  the  blood  of  their  own  country- 
men. To  fall  in  batlle,  instead  of  being  reckoned  an 
honorable  death,  is  a  misfortune  which  subjects  the 
memory  of  a  warrior  to  the  imputation  of  rashness  or 
imprudence.  [68] 

This  system  of  war  was  universal  in  America  ;  and 
the  small  uncivilized  tribes,  dispersed  through  all  its 
different  regions  and  climates,  display  more  craft  than 
boldness  in  carrying  on  their  hostilities.  Struck  with 
this  conduct,  so  opposite  to  the  ideas  and  maxims  of 
Europeans,  several  authors  contend  that  it  flows  from 
a  feeble  and  dastardly  spirit  peculiar  to  the  Americans, 
which  is  incapable  of  any  generous  or  manly  exertion. 
But  when  we  reflect  that  many  of  these  tribes,  on  occa- 
sions which  call  for  extraordinary  efforts,  not  only  de- 
fend themselves  with  obstinate  resolution,  but  attack 
their  enemies  with  the  most  daring  courage,  and  that 
they  ])ossess  fortitude  of  mind  superior  to  the  sense  of 
da..ger  or  the  fear  of  death,  we  must  ascribe  their 
habitual  caution  to  some  other  cause  than  constitutional 
timidity.  The  number  of  men  in  each  Iribe  is  so  small, 
the  difficulty  of  rearing  new  members  amidst  the  hard- 
ships and  dangers  of  savage  life  is  so  great,  that  the 
life  of  a  citizen  is  extremely  precious,  and  the  jjreserva- 
tion  of  it  becomes  a  capital  object  in  their  policy. 
Had  the  point  of  honor  been  the  same  among  the 
feeble  American  tribes  as  among  the  powerful  nations 
of  Europe,  had  they  been  tauglit  to  court  fame  or  vic- 
tory in  contempt  of  danger  and  death,  they  must  have 
been  ruined  by  maxims  so  ill  adapted  to  their  con- 
dition. But  wherever  their  coiunuinities  are  more 
populous,  so  that  they  can  act  with  considerable  force, 
and  can  sustain  the  loss  of  several  of  their  members 
without  being  sensibly  weakened,  the  military  opera- 
tions of  the  Americans  more  nearly  resemble  those  of 
other  nations.  The  Brazilians,  as  well  as  the  tribes 
situated  upon  the  bdnks  of  the  river  De  la  Plata,  often 
take  the  field  in  such  numerous  bodies  as  deserve  the 
name  of  armies.  They  defy  their  enemies  to  the  com- 
bat, engage  in  regular  battles,  and  maintain  the  conflict 
with  that  desperate  ferocity  which  is  natural  to  men 
who.  having  no  idea  of  war  but  that  of  exterminating 
their  enemies,  never  give  or  take  quarter.  [69]  In  the 
powerful  empires  of  Mexico  and  Peru,  great  armies 
were  assembled,  frequent  battles  were  fought,  and  the 
theory  as  well  as  practice  of  war  were  duiertiit  from 


what  took  place  in  those  petty  societies  which  asaume 
the  name  of  nations. 

But  though  vigilance  and  attention  are  the  qualities 
chiefly  requisite  where  the  object  of  war  is  to  deceive 
and  to  surprise  ;  and  though  the  Americans,  when 
acting  singly,  display  an  amazing  degree  of  atldress  in 
concealing  their  own  motions,  and  discovering  thus* 
of  an  enemy,  yet  it  is  remarkable  that,  when  they  tale 
the  field  in  parties,  they  can  seldom  be  brought  to  ob- 
serve the  precautions  most  essential  to  their  own  secu- 
rity. Such  is  the  difficulty  of  accustoming  savages  (o 
subordination,  or  to  act  in  concert  ;  such  is  their  im- 
patience under  restraint,  and  such  their  caprice  and 
prosumplion,  that  it  is  rarely  they  can  be  brought  10 
conform  themselves  to  the  counsels  and  directions  of 
their  leaders.  They  never  station  sentinels  around  tho 
place  where  they  rest  at  night,  and  after  marching  some 
hundred  miles  to  suprise  an  enemy,  are  often  surprised 
themselves,  and  cut  off",  while  sunk  in  as  profound 
sleep  as  if  they  were  not  within  reach  of  danger. 

If,  notwithstanding  this  negligence  and  security, 
which  often  frustrate  their  most  artful  schemes,  they 
catch  the  enemy  unprepared,  they  rush  upon  them  with 
the  utmost  ferocity,  and  tearing  off  the  scalps  of  all 
those  who  fall  victims  to  their  rage,  [70]  they  carry 
home  those  strange  trophies  in  triumph.  These  they 
preserve  as  monuments,  not  only  of  their  own  prowess, 
but  of  the  vengeance  which  their  arm  has  inflicted  upon 
the  people  who  were  objects  of  public  resentinenl. 
They  are  still  more  solicitous  to  seize  prisoners.  Du- 
ring their  retreat,  if  they  hope  to  effect  it  unmolested, 
the  prisoners  are  commonly  exempt  from  any  insult,, 
and  treated  with  some  degree  of  humanity,  though 
guarded  with  the  most  strict  attention. 

But  after  this  temporary  suspension,  the  rage  of  the 
conquerors  rekindles  with  new  fury.  As  soon  as  thoy 
approach  their  own  frontier,  some  of  their  number  arc 
despatched  to  inform  their  countrymen  with  respect  to 
the  success  of  the  expedition,  'i'hen  the  prisoners  be- 
gin to  feel  the  wretchedness  af  their  condi:ion.  The 
women  of  the  village,  together  with  the  youth  who  have 
not  attained  to  the  age  of  bearing  arms,  assemble,  and 
forming  themselves  into  two  lines,  through  .vhich  'ha 
prisoners  must  pass,  beat  and  bruise  thein  with  sticks 
or  stones  in  a  cruel  manner.  After  this  first  gratifica- 
tion of  their  rage  against  their  enemies,  follow  lamenta- 
tions for  the  loss  of  such  of  their  own  countrymen  es 
have  fallen  in  the  service,  accompanied  with  words  and 
actions  which  seem  to  express  the  utmost  anguish  and 
grief  But  111  a  moment,  upon  a  signal  given,  their 
tears  cease  ;  they  pass,  with  a  sudden  and  unaccount- 
able transition,  from  the  depth;  of  sorrow  to  the  trans- 
ports of  joy;  and  begin  to  celebrate  their  victory  with 
all  .he  wild  exultation  of  a  barbarous  triumph.  The 
fate  of  the  prisoners  remains  still  undecided.  The  old 
men  deliberate  concerning  it.  Some  are  destined  to 
be  tortured  to  death,  in  order  to  satiate  the  revenge  of 
the  conquerors  ;  some  to  replace  the  members  which 
the  community  has  lost  in  that  or  former  wars.  They 
who  are  reserved  for  this  milder  fate,  are  led  to  the  hut3 
of  those  whose  friends  have  been  killed.  The  women 
meet  them  at  the  door,  and  if  they  receive  them,  their 
suff'erings  are  at  an  end.  They  are  adopted  into  the 
family,  and,  according  to  their  phrase,  are  seated  upon 
the  mat  of  the  deceased.  They  assume  his  name,  they 
hold  the  same  rank,  and  are  treated  thenceforward  with 
all  the  tenderness  due  to  a  father,  a  brother,  a  husband, 
or  a  friend.  But,  if  either  from  caprice  or  an  unrelecl- 
ing  desire  of  revenge,  the  women  of  any  family  refuse 
to  accept  of  the  prisoner  who  is  offered  to  them,  his 
doom  is  fixed.  No  power  can  then  save  him  froi» 
torture  and  death. 

While  their  lot  is  in  suspense,  the  prisoners  them 
selves  appear  altogether  unconcerned  about  what  may 
befall  them.  They  talk,  they  eat,  they  sleep,  asifthcj 
were  perfectly  at  ease,  and  no  danger  impending. 
When  the  fatal  sentence  is  intimated  to  them,  ihey  re- 
ceive it  with  an  unaltered  countenance,  raise  ihcil 
death  song,  and  prepare  to  suffer  like  men.  Their 
conquerors  assemble  as  to  a  solemn  festival,  resolt  cd  lo 
put  the  fortitude  of  the  captive  to  the  utmost  -jroof 
A  scene  ensues,  the  bare  description  of  which  is  enough 
to  chill  the  heart  with  horror,  wherever  men  have  beon 
accustomed,  by  milder  institutions,  to  respect  their 
species,  and  to  melt  into  tenderness  at  ihe  sight  of 
human  sufferings.  The  prisoners  arc  tied  naked  to  a 
stake,  but  so  as  to  he  at  liberty  to  move  round  it.  Ail 
who  are  present,  men,  women,  and  children,  rush  upon 
them  like  furies.  Every  species  of  torture  is  appbed 
that  the  rancor  of  revenge  can  invent.  Some  burn 
their  limbs  with  red  hot  nous,  some  mangle  their  bodies 
with  kiuves,  others  tear  their  tiesli  fix»m  tlieir  bone? 


113 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


pluck  out  their  naih  by  the  roots,  and  rend  and  twist 
tlieir  sinews.  They  vii*  with  one  anollier  in  relinements 
of  torture.  Noiliin^  sets  bounds  to  their  rage  but  the 
dread  of  abridtring  thi  duration  of  their  vengeance  by 
hastening  the  death  of  the  sufferers  ;  and  such  is  their 
cruel  ingenuity  in  tormenting,  that,  by  avoiding  indus- 
triously to  hurt  any  Vital  jiart,  they  often  prolong  this 
scene  of  anguish  for  several  days.  Jn  s[)ite  of  all  that 
they  sutfer,  the  victims  contiiuic  to  chatit  their  death 
song  with  a  firm  voice,  they  boast  of  their  own  cx- 
.ploits,  they  insult  their  torinenters  for  the  want  of  skill 
in  avenging  their  friends  and  relations,  they  warn  them 
cf  the  vengeance  which  awaits  them  on  account  of 
what  they  are  now  doing,  and  excite  their  ferocity  by 
the  most  provoking  reproaches  and  threats.  To  dis- 
play unddunled  fortitude,  in  such  dreadful  situations  ia 
the  nobli'st  triumph  of  a  warrior.  To  avoid  the  trial  by 
a  voluntary  death,  or  to  shrink  under  it,  is  deemed  in- 
famous and  cowardly.  If  any  one  betray  syinj)toms  of 
timidity,  his  tormentors  often  despatch  him  at  once 
vvith  contempt,  as  unworthy  of  being  treated  like  a 
man.  Animated  with  tho.>ie  ideas,  they  endure  without  a 
groan  what  it  seems  almost  impossible  that  human  nature 
should  sustain.  They  appear  to  be  not  only  insensible 
to  pain,  but  to  court  it.  Forbear,"  said  an  aged 
cluefof  the  Iro.piois,  when  his  insults  had  provoked  one 
of  his  tormentors  to  wound  him  with  a  knife,  '■  forbear 
these  stabs  of  your  knife,  and  rather  let  me  die  by  fire, 
that  those  dogs,  your  allies,  from  beyond  the  sea,  may 
learn  by  my  c.tainple  to  suffer  like  men."  This  magni- 
liiity  of  which  there  arc  frequent  instances  among  the 
American  warriors,  instead  of  exciting  admiration,  or 
calling  forth  sympathy,  exasperates  the  fierce  spirits  of 
their  torturers  to  fresh  acts  of  cruelty.  Weary,  at 
length  of  contending  with  men  whose  constancy  of 
mind  they  cannot  vanquish,  some  chief,  in  a  rage,  puts 
a  period  to  their  sutferings,  by  despatching  them  with 
his  dagger  or  club. 

'i'his  barbarous  scene  is  often  succeeded  by  one  no 
less  shocking.  .'\s  it  is  impossible  to  appease  the  fell 
spirit  of  revenge  which  rages  in  the  heart  of  a  savage, 
this  freipiently  prompts  the  Americans  to  devour  those 
iintiappy  persons  who  have  been  the  victims  of  their 
cruellv.  In  the  ancient  world,  tradition  has  preserved 
the  memcrv  of  barbarous  nations  of  cannibals,  who  fed 
on  human  llesh.  IJut  in  every  part  of  the  iN'cw  World 
tiiere  were  pcojile  to  wliom  this  custom  was  familiar. 
It  prevailed  <u  the  southern  continent,  in  several  of  the 
islands,  and  in  various  districts  of  North  America. 
K\cn  in  those  parts  where  circumstances  with  which 
we  are  unacquainted  had  in  a  great  measure  abolished 
this  practice,  it  seems  formerly  to  have  been  so  well 
known  that  it  is  incorporated  into  the  idiom  of  their 
language.  Among  the  Irotpiois,  the  phrase  by  which 
they  express  their  resolution  of  making  war  against  an 
enemy  is,  "Let  us  go  and  cat  that  nation."  If  they 
solicit  the  aid  of  a  neighboring  tribe,  they  i.ivite  it  "  to 
eat  brolh  made  of  the  tiesh  of  their  enemies."  [71] 
Nor  was  the  practice  peculiar  to  rude  unpolislied  tribes; 
the  principle  from  which  they  took  rise  is  so  diH'[ily 
roolt^d  m  the  minds  of  the  Americans,  that  it  subsisted  in 
Mexico,  one  of  the  civilized  empires  in  the  New  World, 
and  relics  of  it  may  be.  discovered  among  the  more 
mild  inhabitants  of  Per\i.  It  was  not  scarcity  of  food, 
as  some  authors  imagine,  and  the  importunate  cravings 
of  hunger,  which  forced  the  Americans  to  those  horrid 
repasts  on  their  fellow-c:rcatures.  Human  llesh  was 
never  used  as  common  food  in  any  country,  and  tho 
various  relations  concerning  people  who  reckoned  it 
among  the  stated  means  of  subsistence,  flow  from  the 
credulity  and  mistakes  of  travellers.  The  rancor  of 
tevonge  first  prompted  men  to  this  barbarous  action. 
The  fiercest  tnbes  devoured  none  but  prisoners  taken 
in  war,  or  such  as  they  regarded  as  enemies.  [7'Z] 
Women  and  children  who  were  not  the  objects  of  en- 
mity, if  not  cut  otfin  lh(^  fury  of  their  (irst  inroad  into  a 
'iobtile  country,  si  lduin  sulfetcd  by  the  deliberate  ef- 
t'ert.s  of  their  revenge. 

The  people  of  South  America  gratify  their  revenge 
m  a  manner  somewhat  ditltrent,  but  with  no  less  unre- 
Unling  nncor.  Their  [irisoi  ers,  after  meeting  ct  their 
first  entrance  with  the  same  rough  rece|)iion  as  among 
the  North. Americans,  are  not  orly  exempt  from  injury, 
but  treated  with  the  greatest  kindness.  They  are 
feasted  and  caressed,  and  some  be.iutiful  young  women 
are  appointed  to  attend  and  solace  them.  It  is  not 
eisy  to  account  for  this  part  of  their  conduct,  unless 
we  impute  it  to  u  relincment  in  cruelty.  For,  while 
they  seem  studious  to  attach  the  captives  to  life,  by 
hupplying  them  with  every  enjoyment  that  can  render 
it  mj.'ce.ilile.  llieir  (looin  m  irri-voci<blv  lived.  On  a 
ilnyn]i])oiiitcd  Ihc  victorious  tribe  isseiiiblcs,  the  uri- 


soner  is  brought  forth  with  great  solemnity,  he  views 
the  pre[)arations  for  the  sacrifice  with  as  much  indilTcr- 
ence  as  if  he  himself  was  not  the  victim,  and  meeting 
his  fate  with  undaunted  firmness,  is  despatched  with  a 
single  blow.  The  moment  he  falls,  the  women  seize 
the  body  and  dress  it  for  the  feast.  Thev  besmear 
their  children  with  the  blood,  in  order  to  kindle  in  their 
bosoms  a  hatred  of  their  enemies,  which  is  never  extin- 
guished, and  all  join  in  feeding  upon  the  flesh  with 
amazing  greediness  and  exultation.  To  devour  the 
body  of  a  slaughtered  enemy  they  deem  the  most  com- 
[ilete  and  exquisite  gratification  of  revenge.  Wherever 
this  practice  prevails,  captives  never  escape  death,  but 
they  are  not  tortured  with  the  same  cruelty  as  among 
tribes  which  are  less  accustomed  to  such  horrid 
feasts.  [73] 

As  the  constancy  of  every  American  warrior  may 
be  put  to  such  severe  proof,  the  great  object  of  military 
education  and  discipline  in  the  New  World  is  to  form 
the  mind  to  sustain  it.  When  nations  carry  on  war 
with  open  force,  defy  their  enemies  to  the  combat,  and 
vanquish  them  by  the  superiority  of  their  skill  or  cou- 
rage, soldiers  are  trained  to  be  active,  vigorous,  and  en- 
terprising. But  in  America,  where  the  genius  and 
maxims  of  war  are  extremely  dilTerent,  passive  fortitude 
is  tho  quality  in  highest  estimation.  Accordingly,  it  is 
early  the  study  of  tlie  Americans  to  acquire  sentiments 
and  habits  which  will  enable  tiiem  to  behave  like  men 
when  tlieir  resolution  shall  be  put  to  the  proof  As  the 
youth  of  other  nations  exercise  themselves  in  feats  of 
activity  and  force,  those  of  America  vie  with  one 
another  in  exhibitions  of  their  patience  under  sullerinus. 
They  harden  their  nerves  by  those  voluntary  trials,  and 
gradually  accustom  themselves  to  endure  the  sharpest 
pain  without  complaining.  A  boy  and  a  girl  will  bind 
their  naked  arms  together,  and  place  a  burning  coal 
between  them,  in  order  to  try  who  first  discovers  such 
impatience  as  to  shake  it  oil.  All  the  trials  customary 
in  America,  when  a  youth  is  admitted  into  the  class  of 
warriors,  or  when  a  warrior  is  promoted  to  the  dignity 
of  captain  or  chief,  are  accommodated  to  this  idea  of 
manliness.  They  arc  not  displays  of  valor,  but  of  pa 
tience ;  they  arc  not  exhibitions  of  their  ability  to 
otiend,  but  of  their  ca[Kicity  to  suffer.  Among  the 
tribes  on  the  banks  of  the  Orinoco,  if  a  warrior  aspires 
to  the  rank  of  captain,  his  probation  begins  with  a  long 
last,  more  rigid  than  any  ever  observed  by  the  most  ab- 
stemious hermit.  At  the  close  of  this  the  chiefs  assem- 
ble, each  gives  him  three  lashes  with  a  large  whip, 
applied  so  vigorously  that  his  body  is  almost  flayed,  and 
if  he  betrays  the  least  symptoms  of  impatience  or  even 
sensibility  he  is  disgraced  for  ever,  and  rejected  as  un- 
worthy of  the  honor  to  which  he  aspires.  After  some 
interval,  the  constancy  of  the  candidate  is  proved  by  a 
more  excrutiating  trial.  Ho  is  laid  in  hammoc  with 
his  hands  bound  fast,  and  innumerable  multitude  of 
venomous  ants,  whose  bite  occasions  exquisite  pain, 
and  produces  a  violent  inflammation,  are  thrown  ujion 
him.  The  judges  of  his  merit  stand  around  the  ham- 
moc, and,  while  these  cruel  insects  fasten  upon  the 
most  sensible  parts  of  his  body,  a  sigh,  a  groan,  an  in- 
voluntary motion,  expressive  of  what  he  suffers,  would 
exclude  him  for  ever  from  the  rank  of  captain.  Even 
after  this  evidence  of  his  fortitude,  it  is  not  deemed  to 
be  completely  ascertained,  but  must  stand  another  test 
more  dreadful  than  any  he  has  hitherto  undergone 
He  is  again  suspended  in  his  hammoc,  and  covered 
With  leaves  of  the  palmetto.  A  lire  of  stinking  herbs 
IS  kindled  underneath,  so  as  he  may  feel  its  heat  and  be 
involved  in  its  smoke.  Though  scorched  and  almost 
suffocated,  he  must  continue  to  endure  with  the  same 
])atient  insensibility.  Many  perish  in  this  rude  essav 
of  their  firmness  and  courage,  but  such  as  go  througii 
it  with  applause,  receive  the  ensigns  of  their  new  dig- 
nity with  much  solemnily,  and  are  ever  after  regarded 
as  leaders  of  approved  resolution,  whose  behavior  in 
tho  most  trying  situations  will  do  honor  to  their  coun- 
try. In  North  .\m(!rica  the  previous  trial  of  a  warrior 
is  neither  so  formal  nor  so  severe.  Though  even  there, 
before  a  youth  is  permitted  to  bear  arms,  his  patience 
and  fortitude  ine  proved  by  blows,  by  fire,  and  by  in- 
sults more  iivlolerable  to  a  haughty  spirit  than  both. 

The  amazing  steadiness  with  which  the  Americans 
I  endure  the  most  exquisite  torments,  has  induced  some 
authors  to  su|>pose  that,  from  the  peculiar  feebleness  of 
their  frame  their  sensibility  is  not  so  acute  as  that  of 
other  people  ;  as  women,  and  persons  of  a  relaxed 
habit,  are  observed  to  be  less  allectcd  with  pain  than 
robust  men,  whoso  nerves  arc  more  firmly  braced. 
'  lint  the  cousliiiition  of  tho  .Vmericans  is  not  so  dillcrent 
in  its  texture  from  that  of  the  rest  of  the  human  species 
'  as  to  account  fur  this  diversity  in  their  In-haviur  It 


flows  from  a  priciple  of  honor,  instilled  early  and  tulli- 
vated  with  such  care,  as  to  inspire  man  in  his  ru<:ttt 
state  with  an  heroic  magnanimity,  to  which  philosophy 
hath  endeavored  in  vain  to  form  him.  when  more 
highly  improved  and  polished.  This  invincible  con- 
stancy he  has  been  taught  to  consider  as  the  chief  dis- 
tinction of  a  man,  and  the  highest  attainment  of  4  war- 
rior. The  ideas  which  iuflucnce  his  conduct,  and  tho 
passions  which  take  possession  of  his  heart,  are  few. 
Thev  operate  »f  course  with  more  decisive  effect  than 
when  the  mind  is  crowded  with  a  multiplicity  of  objects, 
or  distracted  by  the  variety  of  its  pursuits  ;  and  when 
every  motive  that  acts  with  any  force  in  forming  the  sen- 
timents of  a  savage,  prompts  him  to  suffer  with  dignity, 
he  will  bear  what  might  seem  to  be  impossible  /or  hu- 
man patience  to  sustain  But  vihcrever  the  fortitude  o( 
the  Americans  is  not  roused  to  exertion  by  their  ideas 
of  honor,  their  feelings  of  pain  are  the  same  w  ith  those 
of  the  rest  of  mankind.  [74]  Nor  is  that  patience  un- 
der sufferings  for  which  the  Americans  have  been  so 
justly  celebrated,  a  universal  attainment.  The  con- 
stancy of  many  of  the  victims  is  overcome  by  the  aco 
nies  of  torture.  Their  weakness  and  lamentations  com- 
plete the  triumph  of  their  enemies,  and  reflect  disgrace 
upon  their  own  country. 

The  perpetual  hostilities  carried  on  among  the  Ameri- 
can tribes  are  productive  of  very  fatal  effects.  Even 
in  seasons  of  jiublic  tranquillity,  their  imperfect  industry 
docs  not  su|)ply  them  w  ith  any  su|)erfluous  store  cf  pro- 
visions ;  but  when  the  irruption  of  an  enemy  dcsolatesi 
their  cultivated  lands,  or  disturbs  them  in  their  hunt- 
ing excursions,  such  a  calamity  reduces  a  community, 
naturally  unprovident  and  destitute  of  resources,  to  ex- 
treme want.  All  the  people  of  the  district  that  is  inva- 
ded are  frequently  forced  to  take  refuge  in  woods  and 
mouiilains,  which  can  afford  them  little  subsistence,  and 
where  manv  of  them  perish.  Notwithstanding  their  ex- 
cessive caution  in  conducting  their  military  operations, 
and  the  solicitude  of  every  leader  to  preserve  the  lives 
of  his  followers,  as  the  rude  tribes  in  .\mcrica  seldom 
enjoy  any  interval  of  peace,  the  loss  of  men  among 
them  is  considerable  in  proportion  to  the  degree  of 
population.  Thus  famine  and  the  sword  combine  in 
thinning  their  numbers.  All  their  communities  arc 
feeble,  and  nothing  now  remains  of  several  nations 
which  were  once  considerable,  but  the  name. 

.Sensible  of  this  continual  decay,  there  are  trilics 
whicti  endeavor  to  recruit  their  national  force  wlien 
exhausted,  by  adopting  prisoners  taken  in  war,  and  by 
this  expedient  prevent  their  total  extinction.  The 
practice,  however,  is  not  universally  received.  Ue- 
scntment  operates  more  powerfully  among  savages 
than  considerations  of  policy.  Far  the  greater  part  of 
Iheir  captives  was  anciently  sacrificed  to  their  ven- 
geance, and  it  is  only  since  their  numbers  began  to 
decline  fast,  that  they  have  generally  adopted  milder 
maxims.  But  such  as  they  do  naturalize  renounce  for 
ever  their  native  tribe,  and  assume  the  manners  as  well 
as  passions  of  the  pcojile  by  whom  they  are  adopted  so 
entirely,  that  they  often  join  them  in  expeditions 
against  their  own  countrymen  Such  a  sudden  transi- 
tion, and  so  repugnant  to  one  of  the  most  powerful  in- 
stincts implanted  by  nature,  would  be  deemed  strange 
among  many  people  ;  but  among  the  members  of  small 
communities,  where  national  enmity  is  violent  and  deep 
rooted,  it  has  the  appearance  of  being  still  more  unac- 
countable. It  seems,  however,  to  result  naturally  from 
the  principles  upon  which  war  is  carried  on  in  America. 
When  nations  aim  at  exterminating  their  enemies,  no  ex- 
change of  prisoners  can  ever  lake  place.  From  the  mo- 
ment one  is  made  a  prisoner,  his  country  and  his  friondi 
consider  him  as  dead.  [75]  He  has  incurred  indellihlo 
disgrace  by  suflering  himself  to  be  surprised  or  to  be 
taken  by  an  enemy  ;  and  were  he  to  return  home,  alter 
such  a  stain  upon  Ins  honor,  his  nearest  relations  would 
not  receive  or  even  acknowledge  that  they  Itnew  nun. 
Some  tribes  were  still  more  rigid,  ana  ii  a  jirisoncr  rj- 
tiirned,  the  infamy  which  he  had  brought  on  his  country 
was  expiated,  by  putting  liim  instantly  to  dcalh  *« 
the  unfortunate  captive  is  thus  an  outcast  from  h» 
own  country,  and  (he  ties  which  bound  him  to  it  am 
irreparably  broken,  he  feels  less  reluctance  in  forming 
a  new  connexion  with  people,  who,  as  an  evidence  o( 
their  friendly  sentiments,  not  only  deliver  him  from  a 
cruel  death,  but  oHer  to  admit  liim  to  all  the  rigliis  of» 
fcllow-cilizen.  The  perfect  similarity  of  manners  aiiione 
savage  nations  facilitates  and  compleles  the  union,  .iiid 
induces  a  captive  to  transfer  not  only  his  allegiance,  unl 
his  affection  to  the  community  into  the  bosom  of  wliicO 
he  is  received. 

Hut  though  war  be  the  chief  occupation  of  men  i» 
lliiir  rude  state,  and  to  excel  in  it  their  hii'liesi  dl>i 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


113 


tirclion  and  pride  tlieir  inferiority  is  always  manifest 
v  hen  thev  engase  in  competition  with  polished  nations. 
Destitute  of  that  foresight  which  discerns  and  provides 
for  remote  events,  strangers  to  the  union  and  mutual 
conlidcncc  requisite  in  forming  any  extensive  plan  of 
operutiotiM.  and  incapable  of  the  suhoriiiiial ;on  no  less 
requisite  in  carrvingsuch  plans  into  execution,  savaj^'c 
nations  may  astonish  a  disciplined  enemy  by  their  valor, 
;iut  seldom  prove  formidable  to  hiin  by  their  conduct  ; 
and  whenever  the  contest  is  of  long  contiiiiiauce,  must 
yield  to  superior  art.  [70]  The  empires  of  Peru  and 
Mexico,  though  their  progress  in  civilization,  when 
measured  by  the  European  or  Asiatic  standards,  v\as  in- 
considerable, acquired  such  an  ascendancy  over  the 
rude  tribes  around  them,  that  they  subjected  most  of 
them  with  great  facility  to  their  power.  When  the 
people  of  Europe  overran  the  various  provinces  of  Ame- 
rica, this  superiority  was  still  more  conspicuous.  Nei- 
ther the  courage,  nor  number  of  the  natives  could  repel 
a  handful  of  invaders.  The  alienation  and  enmity,  pre- 
valent among  barbarians,  prevented  them  from  uniting 
in  any  common  scheme  of  defence,  and  while  each 
tribe  fought  sejiarately,  all  were  subdued. 

VI.  The  arts  of  rude  nations  unaccpiainted  with  the 
ise  of  metals,  hardly  merit  any  attention  on  their  own 
iccount,  but  are  worthy  of  some  notice,  as  far  as  they 
serve  to  display  the  genius  and  manners  of  man  in  this 
stage  of  his  progress.  The  first  distress  a  savage  must 
feel,  will  arise  from  the  manner  m  which  his  body  is 
affected  by  the  heat,  or  cold,  or  moisture  of  the  climate 
under  which  he  lives;  and  his  first  care  will  be  to  pro- 
vide some  covering  for  his  own  defence.  In  the  warmer 
and  more  mild  climates  of  America,  none  of  the  rude 
tribes  were  clothed.  To  most  of  them  nature  had  not 
even  suggested  any  idea  of  impropriety  in  being  altoge- 
ther uncovered.  As  under  a  mild  climate  there  was  little 
need  of  any  defence  from  the  injuries  of  rhc  air,  and 
their  extieme  indolence  shunned  every  species  of  labor 
to  which  it  was  not  urged  by  absolute  necessity,  all  the 
inhabitants  of  the  isles,  and  a  considerable  ])art  of  the 
people  on  the  continent,  remained  in  this  state  of  naked 
simplicity.  Others  were  satisfied  with  some  slight  co- 
vering, such  as  decency  required.  But  tliough  naked, 
they  were  not  unadorned.  They  dressed  their  hair  in 
many  different  forms.  They  fastened  bits  of  gold,  or 
shells,  or  shining  stones,  in  their  ears,  their  noses  and 
cheeks.  They  stained  their  skins  with  a  great  variety 
of  figures ;  and  they  spent  nmch  time,  and  submitted 
to  great  pain,  in  ornamenting  tlieir  persons  in  this  fan- 
tastic manner.  Vanity,  however,  which  finds  endless 
occupation  for  ingenuity  and  invention  in  nations  where 
dress  has  become  a  complex  and  intricate  art,  is 
circumscribcil  within  so  narrow  bounds,  and  confined 
to  so  few  articles  among  naked  savages,  that  they  are 
Dot  satisfied  with  those  simple  decorations,  and  have  a 
wonderlul  propensity  to  alter  the  natural  form  ol  their 
bodies,  in  onler  to  render  it  (as  they  imagine)  more 
perfect  and  beautiful.  This  practice  was  universal 
among  the  rudest  of  the  American  tribes.  Their  ope- 
rations for  that  purpose  begin  as  soon  as  an  infant  is 
born.  By  compressing  the  bones  of  the  skull,  while 
still  soft  and  flexible,  some  flatten  the  crown  of  their 
heads  ;  some  squeeze  them  into  the  sliape  of  a  cone  ; 
others  mould  them  as  much  as  possible  into  a  square 
figure  ;  and  they  often  endanger  the  lives  of  their  pos- 
terity by  their  violent  and  absurd  efforts  to  derange  the 
plan  of  nature,  or  to  improve  upon  her  designs.  I3ut  in 
all  their  attempts  either  to  adorn  or  to  new  model  their 
persons,  it  seems  to  have  been  less  the  object  of  the 
Americans  to  please,  orto  appear  beautiful,  than  to  give 
an  air  of  dignity  and  terror  to  their  aspect.  Their  at- 
tention to  dress  had  more  reference  to  war  than  to  gal- 
lantry. The  difference  in  rank  and  estimation  between 
the  two  sexes  was  so  great,  as  seems  to  have  extin- 
guished, in  some  measure,  their  solicitude  to  appear 
mutually  amiable.  The  man  deemed  it  beneath  him  to 
adorn  his  ])erson,  for  the  sake  of  one  on  whom  he  was 
accustomed  to  look  down  as  a  slave.  It  was  when  the 
warr.or  hid  m  view  to  enter  the  council  of  his  nation, 
or  to  take  the  field  against  its  enem'-  s,  that  he  assumed 
his  choicct  ornaments,  and  decked  his  person  wiih  the 
nicest  cate.  The  decorations  of  the  women  were  few 
and  simi  le  ;  whatever  was  precious  or  splendid  was 
reserved  for  the  men.  In  several  tribes  the  women 
were  obliged  to  spend  a  considerable  part  of  their  time 
every  day  in  adorning  and  painting  their  husbands,  and 
could  bestow  little  attention  upon  ornamenting  them- 
selves. Among  a  race  of  men  so  haughty  as  to  despise, 
or  60  cold  as  to  neglect  them,  the  women  naturally  be- 
came careless  and  slovenly,  and  the  love  of  finery  anJ 
snow,  which  had  been  deemed  their  favorite  passion, 
'vas  confined  rhieflv  "-o  the  other  sex.    To  dock  his 

9 


person  was  the  distinction  of  a  warrior,  as  well  as  one 
cf  his  most  serious  occupations.  [77]  In  one  part  of 
their  dress,  which  at  firit  sight  appears  the  most  sin- 
gular and  capricious,  the  Americans  have  discovered 
considerable  sagacity  in  providing  against  the  chief 
inconvcniencics  of  their  climate,  which  is  often  sultry 
and  moist  to  excess.  All  the  dilferent  tribes,  which 
remain  unclothed,  are  accustomed  to  anoint  and  rub 
their  bodies  with  the  grease  of  animals,  with  viscous 
gums,  and  with  oils  of  diil'ercnt  kinds.  By  this  they 
clicck  that  profuse  perspiration,  which  in  the  torrid 
/.one  wastes  the  vigor  of  the  frame,  and  abridges  the 
period  of  human  life.  By  this,  too,  they  provide  a  de- 
fence against  the  extreme  moisture  during  the  rainy 
season.  [78]  They  likewise,  at  certain  seasons,  tem- 
per paint  of  different  colors  with  those  unctuous  sub- 
stances, and  bedaub  themselves  plentifully  with  that 
composition.  Sheathed  with  this  impenetrable  varnish, 
their  skins  are  not  only  protected  from  the  penetrating 
heat  of  the  sun,  but  as  all  the  innumerable  tribes  of 
insects  have  an  antipathy  to  the  smell  or  taste  of  that 
mixture,  they  are  delivered  from  their  teasing  persecu- 
tion, which  amidst  forests  and  marshes,  especially  in 
the  warmer  regions,  would  have  been  altogether  mto- 
Icrable  in  a  state  of  perfect  nakedness. 

The  next  object  to  dress  that  will  engage  the  at- 
tention of  a  savage,  is  to  prepare  some  habitation  which 
may  afford  him  shelter  by  day,  and  a  retreat  at  night. 
Whatever  is  connected  with  his  ideas  of  personal  dig- 
nity, whatever  bears  any  reference  to  his  military  cha- 
racter, the  savage  warrior  deems  an  object  of  import- 
ance. Whatever  relates  only  to  peaceable  and  inactive 
life,  he  views  with  indifference.  Hence,  though  fini- 
cally  attentive  to  dress,  he  is  little  solicitous  about  the 
elegance  or  disposition  of  his  habitation.  Savage  na- 
tions, far  from  that  state  of  improvement,  in  which  the 
mode  of  living  is  considered  as  a  mark  of  distinction, 
and  unacquainted  with  those  wants,  which  require  a 
variety  of  accommodation,  regulate  the  construction 
of  their  houses  according  to  their  limited  ideas  of 
necessity.  Some  of  the  .American  tribes  were  so  ex- 
tremely rude,  and  had  advanced  so  little  beyond  the 
primaeval  simplicity  of  nature,  that  they  had  no  houses 
at  all.  During  the  day,  they  take  shelter  from  the 
scorching  rays  of  the  sun  under  thick  trees  ;  at  night 
they  form  a  siied  with  their  branches  and  leaves.  [79] 
In  the  rainy  season  they  retire  into  caves,  formed  by 
the  hand  of  Nature,  or  hollowed  out  by  their  own  in- 
dustry. Others,  who  have  no  fixed  abode,  and  roam 
through  the  forest  in  quest  of  game,  sojourn  in  tempo- 
rary huts,  which  they  erect  with  little  labor,  and  aban- 
don without  any  concern  The  inhabitants  of  those 
vast  plains,  which  are  deluged  by  the  overflowing  of 
rivers  during  the  heavy  rains  that  fall  periodically  be- 
tween the  tropics,  raise  houses  uj  on  piles  fastened  in 
the  ground,  or  place  them  among  the  boughs  of  trees, 
and  are  thus  safe  amidst  that  wide  extended  inunda- 
tion which  surrounds  them.  Such  were  the  first 
essays  of  the  rudest  Americans  towards  providing 
themselves  with  habitations.  But  even  among  tribes 
which  arc  more  improved,  and  whose  residence  is  be- 
come altogether  fixed,  the  structure  of  their  houses  is 
extremely  mean  and  simple.  They  are  wretched  huts, 
sometimes  of  an  oblong  and  sometimes  of  a  circular 
form,  intended  merely  for  shelter,  with  no  view  to 
elegance,  and  little  attention  to  conveniency.  The 
doors  are  so  low  that  it  is  necessary  to  bend  or  to 
creep  on  the  hands  and  feet  in  order  to  enter  them. 
They  are  without  windows,  and  have  a  large  hole  m 
the  middle  of  the  roof,  to  convey  out  the  smoke.  To 
follow  travellers  in  other  minute  circumstances  of  their 
descriptions,  is  not  only  beneath  the  dignity  of  history, 
but  would  be  foreign  to  the  object  of  my  researches. 
One  circumstance  merits  attention,  as  it  is  singular, 
and  illustrates  the  character  of  the  people.  Some  of 
their  houses  are  so  large  as  to  contain  accommodation 
for  fourscore  or  a  hundred  persons.  These  are  built 
for  the  reception  of  different  families,  which  dwell  to- 
gether under  the  same  roof,  [80]  and  often  around  a 
common  fire,  without  separate  apartments,  or  any  kind 
of  screen  or  partition  between  the  spaces  which  they 
t  respectively  occupy.  As  soon  as  men  have  acquired 
distinct  ideas  of  proi^erty  ;  or  when  they  are  so  much 
attached  to  their  females,  as  to  watch  them  with  care 
and  jealousy  ;  families  of  course  divide  and  settle  in 
separate  houses,  where  they  can  secure  and  guard 
whatever  they  wish  to  preserve.  This  sigular  mode  of  j 
habitation  among  several  people  of  America,  may  there- 
fore be  considered  not  only  as  the  effect  of  their  im- 
perfect notions  concerning  property,  but  as  a  proof  of 
inattention,  and  indifference  towards  their  women.  If  | 
they  had  not  been  accustomed  to  perfect  equality,  such  | 


an  arrangement  could  not  have  taken  place.  If  ihoir 
s(msibility  had  been  apt  to  have  taken  alarm,  they 
would  not  have  trusted  the  virtue  of  their  wom(!i» 
amidst  the  temptations  and  opportunities  of  such  a  pio- 
miscuous  intercourse.  At  the  same  time,  the  perp«  'ual 
concord,  which  reigns  in  habitations  where  so  many 
families  are  crowded  together,  is  surprising,  and  affords 
a  striking  evidence  that  they  must  be  peojile  of  either 
a  very  gentle,  or  of  a  very  phlegmatic  temper,  who  in 
such  a  situation,  are  unacquainted  with  animosity, 
brawling,  and  discord. 

After  making  some  provision  for  his  dress  and  habi- 
tation, a  savage  will  perceive  the  necessity  of  preparing 
jiroper  arms  with  which  to  assault  or  repel  an  enemy. 
This,  accordingly,  has  early  eserci'srd  the  ingenuity 
and  invention  of  all  rude  n^t'oiifi.  The  first  oH'cnsivo 
weapons  were  doubtless  sucti  as  chance  ))resented,  and 
the  first  efforts  of  art  lu  improve  upon  these,  were  ex- 
tremely awkward  and  simple.  Clubs  made  of  somo 
heavy  wood,  stakes  hardened  in  the  fire,  lances  whoso 
heads  were  armed  with  flint  or  the  bones  of  some  ani- 
mal, are  weapons  known  to  the  rudest  nations.  All 
these,  however,  are  of  use  only  in  close  encounter.  But 
men  wished  to  annoy  their  enemies  while  at  a  distance, 
and  the  bow  and  arrow  it  the  most  early  invention  foi 
this  purpose.  This  weapon  is  in  the  hands  of  people 
whose  advances  in  improvement  are  extremely  incon- 
siderable, and  is  familiar  to  the  inhabitants  of  every 
quarter  of  the  globe.  It  is  remarkable,  however,  that 
some  tribes  in  America  were  so  destitute  of  art  and 
and  ingenuity;  that  they  had  not  attained  to  the  disco- 
very of  this  simple  invention,  and  seem  to  have  been 
unacquainted  with  the  use  of  any  missile  weapon.  The 
sling,  though  in  its  construction  not  more  complex  than 
the  bow,  and  among  many  nations  of  equal  antiquity, 
v-Jas  little  known  to  the  people  of  North  America,  or 
the  islands,  but  appears  to  have  been  used  by  a  few 
tribes  in  the  southern  continent.  [-91]  The  i)eoplc,  in 
some  provinces  of  Chili,  and  those  of  Patagonia,  to- 
wards the  southern  extremity  of  America,  use  a  wea- 
pon [leculiar  to  themselves.  They  fasten  stones,  about 
the  size  of  a  fist,  to  each  end  of  a  leather  thong  of  eight 
feet  in  length,  and  swing  these  round  their  heads,  throw 
them  with  such  dexterity,  that  they  seldom  miss  tho 
object  at  which  they  aim. 

Among  people  who  had  hardly  any  occupation  but  war 
or  hunting,  the  chief  exertions  of  their  invention,  [82] 
as  well  as  industry,  were  naturally  directed  towards 
these  objects.  With  respect  to  every  thing  else,  their 
wants  and  desires  were  so  limited,  that  their  invention 
was  not  upon  the  stretch.  As  their  food  and  habita- 
tions are  perfectly  simple,  their  domestic  utensils  are 
few  and  rude.  Some  of  the  southern  tribes  had  dis- 
co vc.-'d  the  art  of  forming  vessels  of  earthern  ware,  and 
baking  them  in  the  sun,  so  as  they  could  endure  tho 
fire.  In  North  America,  they  hollowed  a  piece  of  hard 
wood  in  the  form  of  a  kettle,  and  filling  it  with  water, 
brought  it  to  boil,  by  putting  red-hot  stones  into  it. 
[83]  These  vessels  they  used  in  preparing  part  of 
their  provisions  ;  and  this  may  be  considered  as  a  step 
towards  refinement  and  luxury  ;  for  men  in  their  rudest 
state  were  not  acquainted  v\ith  any  method  of  dressing 
their  victuals  but  by  roasting  them  on  the  fire  ;  and 
among  several  tribes  in  America,  this  is  the  only  spe- 
cies of  cookery  yet  known.  But  the  masterpiece  of 
art,  among  the  savages  of  America,  is  the  construction 
of  the  canoes.  An  Esquimaux,  shut  up  in  his  lioat  of 
whalebone,  covered  with  the  skins  of  seals,  can  bravo 
that  stormy  ocean  on  which  the  barrenness  of  his  coun- 
try compels  him  to  depend  for  the  chief  part  of  his 
subsistence.  The  people  of  Canada  venture  upon  their 
rivers  and  lakes  in  boats  made  of  the  bark  of  trees,  and 
so  light  that  two  men  can  carry  them,  wherever  shal- 
lows or  cataracts  obstruct  the  navigation.  [84]  In 
these  frail  vessels  they  undertake  and  accomplish  long 
voyages.  The  inhabitants  of  the  isles  ami  of  tho 
southern  continent  form  their  canoes  by  hollowing  the 
trunk  of  a  large  tree,  with  infinite  labor  ;  and  though 
in  appearance  they  are  extremely  awkward  and  un- 
wieldy, they  jiaddle  and  steer  them  with  such  dexterity, 
that  Europeans,  well  acquainted  with  all  the  improve- 
ments in  the  science  of  navigation,  have  been  astonisiied 
at  the  rapidity  of  their  motion,  and  the  quickness  of 
their  evolutions.  Their  p2rngues,  or  war  boats,  arc 
so  large  as  to  carry  forty  or  iifty  men  ;  their  canoes, 
employed  in  fishing  and  in  short  voyages  arc  1? ss  capi^- 
cious  .  The  form  as  well  as  materials  of  ail  these  va- 
rious kinds  of  vessels,  is  well  adapted  to  the  service  fnt 
which  they  are  destined  ;  and  the  more  mirutely  they 
are  examined,  the  mechanism  of  their  structure,  as  wpU 
as  neatness  of  their  fabric,  will  aj>peai  the  more  sur 
prismg. 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY 


But,  ir.  every  attempt  towards  industry  among  the 
Americans,  one  stnkini;  quality  in  tlicir  cliaractcr  is 
conspicuous.  They  apply  to  work  without  ardor,  carry 
it  on  with  little  activity,  and,  like  children,  arc  easily 
diverted  from  it.  Even  in  operations  which  seem  the 
most  interesting,  and  where  iho  most  pow  erful  motives 
urge  them  to  vigorous  exertions,  they  lahor  with  a  lan- 

fuid  listlessncss.  Their  work  advances  under  their 
and  with  such  slowness,  that  an  eye  witness  compares 
it  to  the  imperceptible  progress  of  vegetation.  They 
will  spend  so  many  years  in  forming  a  canoe,  that  it 
often  begins  to  rot  with  age  before  they  finish  it.  They 
will  eulfer  one  part  of  a  roof  to  decay  and  perish,  be- 
for:  they  complete  the  other.  The  slightest  manual 
operation  consumes  an  amazing  length  of  tunc,  and 
what  in  pol.shed  nations  would  hardly  be  an  ellbrt  of 
industry,  is  among  savages  an  arduous  undertaking. 
This  slowness  of  the  Americans  in  executing  works  of 
every  kind  may  be  imputed  to  various  causes.  Among 
savages,  who  do  not  depend  for  subsistence  upon  the 
efforts  of  regular  industry,  time  is  of  so  little  impor- 
tance that  they  set  no  value  u|)on  it ;  and  provided 
they  can  finish  a  design,  they  never  regard  how  long 
they  arc  employed  about  it.  The  tools  which  they  em- 
ploy are  so  awkward  and  defective  that  every  work  in 
which  they  engage  must  ncces.sarily  be  teriious.  The 
hand  of  the  most  industrious  and  skilful  artist,  were  it 
furnished  with  no  better  instrument  than  a  stone  hatchet, 
a  shell,  or  the  bone  of  some  animal,  would  tind  it  dilli- 
cult  to  perfect  the  most  simple  work.  It  is  by  length 
of  labor  that  he  must  endeavor  to  supply  his  defect  of 
power.  Hut  above  all,  the  cold  phlegmatic  temper  pe- 
culiar to  the  Americans,  renders  iheir  operations  languid. 
It  is  almost  impossible  to  rouse  them  from  that  habitual 
indolence  to  which  they  are  sunk  ;  and  unless  when 
engaged  in  war  or  in  hunting,  they  seem  incapable  of  ex- 
crting  any  vigorous  ctibrt.  Their  ardor  of  application 
is  not  so  great  as  to  call  forlh  that  inventive  spirit 
which  suggests  expedients  for  facilitating  and  abridg- 
ing labor  They  will  return  to  a  task  day  after  diiy, 
but  all  their  methods  of  executing  it  are  tedious  and 
cperose.  [85]  Even  since  the  Europeans  have  commu- 
nicated to  them  the  knowledge  of  their  instruments,  and 
taught  them  to  imitate  their  arts,  the  peculiar  genius  of 
the  Americans  is  conspicuous  in  every  attempt  they 
make.  They  may  be  patient  and  assiduous  in  labor, 
they  can  copy  with  a  servile  and  minute  accuracy,  but 
discover  little  invention  and  no  talents  for  despatch. 
En  spile  of  instruction  and  example,  ttie  spirit  of  the 
race  predominates  ;  their  motions  are  naturally  tardy, 
and  it  is  in  vain  to  urge  them  to  quicken  their  pace. 
Among  the  Spaniards  in  America,  the  work  of  an  In- 
dian is  a  phrase  by  which  they  describe  any  thing,  in 
the  execution  of  which  an  immense  time  has  been  cm- 
ployed  and  much  labor  wasted. 

VII.  No  circumstance  respecting  rude  nations  has 
been  the  object  of  greater  curiosity  than  their  religious 
tenets  and  riles  ;  and  none,  perhaps,  has  been  so  im- 
perfectly understood,  or  represented  with  so  little  fide- 
lity. Priests  and  missionaries  are  the  persons  who 
have  iiad  the  best  opportunities  of  carrying  on  this 
inquiry  among  the  most  urcivilized  of  the  American 
tribes.  Their  minds,  engrossed  by  the  doctrines  of 
•heir  own  religion,  and  habituated  to  its  institutions, 
are  apt  to  discover  something  which  resembles  those 
objects  of  their  veneration,  in  the  opinions  and  rites  of 
every  people.  AVhatever  thcv  contemplate  they  view- 
through  one  medium,  and  draw  and  accommodate  it  to 
their  own  system.  They  study  to  reconcile  the  insti- 
tutions which  fall  under  their  observation  to  their  own 
creed,  not  to  explain  them  according  to  the  rude  notions 
of  the  people  themselves.  They  ascribe  to  them  ideas 
whic'  'hey  are  incapable  of  forming,  and  suppose  them 
to  1)1"  icquainted  with  principles  and  facts,  which  it  is 
impossible  that  they  .shouM  know.  Hence,  some  mis- 
eionuries  h»ve  been  induced  to  believe,  that  even  among 
the  most  barbarous  nations  in  America,  they  had  dis- 
covered traren,  no  less  distinct  than  amazing,  of  their 
aeipiamtance  with  the  sublime  mysteries  and  peculiar 
inslitulions  of  (,"hri.stianity.  From  their  ow  n  interpre- 
tation of  certain  expressions  and  ceremonies,  they  have 
concluded  that  these  peeple  had  some  knowledge  of  the. 
doctririe.of  the  Trinity,  of  the  incarnation  of  the  Son  of 
God,  of  his  expiatory  sacrifice,  of  the  virtue  of  the  cross, 
ondofthe  etPicacy  of  the  Sacraments.  In  such  unmtelli- 
gcnl  and  credulous  guides  we  can  place  little  confidence. 

Hut  even  when  we  make  our  choice  of  conductors 
with  the  greatest  care,  we  must  not  follow  them  with 
implicit  faith.  An  inquiry  into  the  religious  notions  of 
liide  nations  is  involveil  in  peculiar  intricacies,  and  we 
must  dflen  pau.xe  in  order  to  separate  the  facts  which 
our  informers  relate  from  the  reasonings  with  which 


they  are  accompanied,  or  the  theories  which  they  build 
upon  them.  Several  pious  writers,  more  attentive  to 
the  impo.-tance  of  the  subject  than  the  condition  of  the 
people  whose  sentiments  they  were  ciideavoring  to  dis- 
cover, have  bestowed  much  unprofitable  labor  in  re- 
searches of  this  nature.  [86] 

'I'here  are  two  fundamental  doctiines,  upon  which 
the  whole  system  of  religion,  as  far  as  it  can  be 
discovered  by  tlie  light  of  nature,  is  established.  The 
one  respects  the  being  of  a  Ciod,  the  other  the  immor- 
tality of  the  soul.  To  discover  the  ideas  of  the  uncul- 
tivated nations  under  our  review,  with  regard  to  those 
important  points,  it  is  not  only  an  object  of  curiosity, 
but  may  atiord  instruction.  To  these  two  articles  I 
shall  confine  my  researchee,  leaving  subordinate  opi- 
nions, and  the  detail-  of  local  superstitions,  to  more 
minute  inquirers.  Whoever  has  had  any  opportui.ity 
of  examining  into  the  religious  opinions  of  persons  in 
the  inferior  ranks  of  life,  even  in  the  most  enlightened 
and  civilized  nations,  will  find  that  their  system  of  belief 
is  derived  from  instruction,  not  discovered  by  inquiry. 
That  numerous  part  of  the  human  species,  whose  lot  is 
labor,  whose  principal  and  almost  sole  occupation  is  to 
secure  subsistence,  views  the  arrangement  and  ope- 
rations of  nature  with  little  reflection,  and  has  neither 
leisure,  nor  capacity  for  entering  into  that  path  of 
refined  and  intricate  speculation  which  conducts  to  the 
knowledge  of  the  princi|)les  of  natural  religion.  In  the 
early  and  most  rude  periods  of  savage  life,  such  dis- 
quisitions arc  altogether  unknown.  When  the  intel- 
lectual powers  are  just  beginning  to  unfold,  and  their 
first  feeble  exertions  are  directed  towards  a  few  objects 
of  primary  necessity  and  use  ;  when  the  faculties  of  the 
nimd  are  so  limited  as  not  to  have  formed  abstract  or 
general  idc<is  ;  when  language  is  so  bairen  as  to  be 
destitute  of  names  to  distinguish  any  thing  that  is  not 
perceived  by  some  of  tiie  senses  ;  it  is  preposterous  to 
expect  that  man  should  be  capable  of  tracing  with  ac- 
curacy the  relation  between  cause  and  effect  ;  or  to 
suppose  that  he  should  rise  from  the  contemplation  of 
the  one  to  the  knowledge  of  the  other,  and  form  just 
conceptions  of  a  Ueity,  as  the  Creator  and  Uoveriior 
of  the  universe.  The  idea  of  creation  is  so  familiar, 
wherever  the  mind  is  enlarged  by  science  and  illumi- 
nated with  revelation,  thai  wo  seldom  reflect  how  \iro- 
found  and  abstruse  this  idea  is,  or  consider  what  jiro- 
gress  man  must  have  made  in  observation  and  re- 
search, before  he  could  arrive  at  any  knowledge  of  this 
elementary  principle  in  religion.  Accordingly,  several 
tribes  have  been  discovered  in  America,  which  have  no 
idea  whatever  of  a  Supreme  Being,  and  no  rites  of  le- 
ligious  worship.  Inattentive  to  that  magnificent  spec- 
tacle of  beauty  and  order  presented  to  their  view,  un- 
accustomed to  reflect  either  upon  what  they  them- 
selves arc,  or  to  inquire  who  is  the  author  of  their  ex- 
istence, men,  in  their  savage  slate,  pass  their  days  like 
the  animals  around  them,  without  knowledge  or  vene- 
ration of  any  superior  power.  Some  rude  Iribes  have 
not  in  their  language  any  name  for  the  Deity,  nor  have 
the  most  accurate  oliservcrs  been  able  to  discover  any 
practice  or  institution  which  seemed  to  imply  that  they 
recognised  his  autliority,  or  were  solicitous  to  obtain 
his  favor.  [87]  It  is  however  only  among  nv?n  in  the 
most  uncultivated  state  of  nature,  and  while  their  intel- 
lectual faculties  are  .so  feeble  and  limited  as  hardly  to 
elevate  them  above  the  irrational  creation,  that  ue  dis- 
cover this  total  insensibility  to  the  impressions  of  any 
invisible  [lower. 

Uut  the  human  mind,  formed  for  religion,  soon  opens 
to  the  rece|)tion  of  ideas,  which  arc  destined,  when 
corrected  and  relined,  to  be  the  great  source  of  conso- 
lation amidst  the  calamities  of  life.  Among  some  of 
the  American  tribes,  still  in  the  infancy  of  improve- 
ment, we  discern  a])prehensions  of  some  invisible  and 
jjowerful  beings.  'l'he.<e  apiirehensions  are  originally 
indistinct  and  perplexed,  and  seem  to  be  suggested 
rather  by  the  dread  of  im|)ending  evils  than  to  flow  iVom 
gratitude  for  blessings  received.  Wiiile  nature  holds 
on  her  course  with  uniform  and  undisturbed  regularity, 
men  enjoy  the  benefits  resulting  from  it,  without  in- 
quiring concerning  its  cause.  But  every  deviation 
from  this  regular  course  rouses  and  astonishes  them. 
When  they  beliold  events  to  which  they  are  not  accus- 
tomed, they  search  lor  the  reasons  of  them  with  eager 
curiosity.  Their  understanding  is  unable  to  penelralt 
into  these  ;  but  imagination,  a  more  forward  and  ardent 
faculty  of  the  mind,  decides  wilhoiit  hesitation.  It 
ascribes  the  extraordinary  occurrences  in  nature  to  the 
influence  of  invisible  beings,  and  supposes  that  the 
thunder,  the  hurricane,  and  the  cartiiquake  arc  ell'ecls 
of  their  interposition.  Some  such  confused  notion  of 
spiritual  or  mvisiblc  power,  superintending  over  those 


natural  calamities  which  frequently  desolate  the  cartb, 
and  terrify  its  inhabitants,  may  be  traced  among  nisny 
rude  nations.  [88]  But  besides  this,  ine  disasters  and 
dangers  of  savage  life  are  so  many,  and  men  often  find 
themselves  in  situations  so  formidalilc,  that  'he  mind, 
sensible  of  its  own  weakness,  has  no  resource  but  in 
the  guidance  and  protection  of  wisdom  and  pjw-r 
sujicrior  to  what  is  human.  Dejected  with  calamities 
which  opjiress  him,  and  exposed  to  dangers  which  he 
cannot  rejiel,  the  savage  no  longer  relies  u|)on  himself; 
he  feels  his  own  iiniiotence,  and  sees  no  prospect  o< 
being  extricated,  but  by  the  interposition  of  some  un- 
seen arm.  Hence,  in  all  unenlightened  iiation.\  Itic 
first  rites  or  practices  which  bear  any  resemblance  to  a.  .a 
of  religion,  have  it  for  their  object  to  avert  evils  which 
men  suffer  or  dread.  The  .Uanitous  or  Vkkis  of  the 
North  Americans  were  amulets  or  clianns.  which  tliey 
imagined  to  be  of  such  virtue  as  to  preserve  tfje  ;>er- 
sons  who  reposed  confidence  in  them  from  any  disas- 
trous event,  or  they  were  considered  as  tutelary  spirit.s, 
whose  aid  thev  might  implore  in  circumstances  of  dis- 
tress. The  C'cmis  of  the  islanders  were  reputed  by 
them  to  be  the  authors  of  every  calamity  that  atilicts 
the  human  race  ;  they  were  represented  under  the  most 
frightful  forms,  and  religious  homage  was  paid  to  them 
with  no  other  view  than  to  ajipease  these  furious  deities. 
Even  among  those  tribes  whose  religious  svstein  was 
more  enlarged,  and  who  had  formed  some  conception  ol 
benevolent  beings,  which  delighted  in  conferring  bene- 
fits, as  well  as  of  malicious  powers  prone  to  inflict  evil ; 
superstition  still  appears  as  the  olVsprmg  of  fear,  and 
all  its  cllbrts  were  employed  to  avert  calamities.  They 
were  persuaded  that  their  good  denies,  prompted  by 
the  beneficence  of  their  nature,  would  bestow  every 
blessing  in  their  power,  without  solicitation  or  acknow- 
li  (Igcineiit  ;  and  their  only  anxiety  was  to  soothe  and 
deprecate  the  wrath  of  the  powers  whom  ihey  regarded 
as  the  enemies  ol  mankind. 

Such  were  the  imperfect  conceptions  of  the  greater 
part  of  the  Americans  with  respect  to  the  interposition 
of  invisible  agents,  and  such,  almost  universally,  waf 
the  mean  and  illiberal  object  of  their  superstitions 
^\'ere  we  to  trace  back  the  ideas  of  other  nations  to 
that  rude  slate  in  w  hich  history  first  presents  them  to  ^jt 
view,  we  should  discover  a  surprising  resemblaiiLe  ir 
tli.-ir  tenets  and  practices  ;  and  should  be  convinced, 
that  in  similar  circumstances,  the  faculties  of  the  hu- 
man mind  hold  nearly  the  same  course  in  their  jirc- 
gress,  and  arrive  at  almost  the  same  conclusions.  The 
impressicns  of  fear  are  conspicuous  in  all  the  svn 
tems  of  superstition  formed  in  this  situation.  '1  he 
most  exalted  notions  of  men  rise  no  higher  than  to  a 
|)erplexed  apj>rehension  of  certain  beings,  whose  power, 
though  supernatural,  is  limited  as  well  as  partial. 

But,  among  other  tribes,  which  have  been  longer 
united,  or  have  made  greater  progress  in  improvement, 
we  discern  some  feeble  pointing  towards  more  just  and 
adequate  conceptions  of  the  power  that  presides  in 
nature.  They  seem  to  perceive  that  there  must  bo 
some  universal  cause  to  whom  all  things  are  indebted 
for  their  being.  If  we  may  judge  by  some  of  their 
expressions,  they  appear  to  acknowledge  a  divine  ()owe( 
to  be  the  maker  of  the  world,  and  the  disposer  of  all 
events.  Thev  denominate  him  the  Girat  IS/nnl.  Bui 
these  ideas  are  faint  and  confused,  and  when  tney  at- 
tempt to  explain  them,  it  is  manifest  that  among  them 
the  word  spirit  has  a  meaning  very  different  from  that 
in  which  we  employ  it,  and  that  they  have  no  concep- 
tion of  any  deity  but  what  is  cor|)oreal.  They  beluve 
their  gods  to  be  of  ihc  human  form,  though  of  a  nali  re 
more  excellent  than  man,  and  retail  such  wild  iucole- 
rent  fables  concerning  their  functions  and  operatioi  s, 
asjdfere  altogether  unw  orthy  of  a  place  in  history.  Ev.-n 
among  these  tribes,  there  is  no  established  form  o( 
public  wors  up  ;  there  arc  no  temples  erected  in  houjr 
of  their  deities  ;  and  no  ministers  peculiarly  consecra- 
ted to  their  service.  They  have  the  kiiowled::e,  hov;- 
cver,  of  several  superstitious  ceremonies  ami  praclicii 
handed  down  to  them  by  tradition,  and  to  <liese  ihty 
have  recour.sc  with  a  childish  credulity,  when  :ousoJ 
by  any  emergence  from  their  usual  msciisibihly.  auJ 
excited  to  acknowledge  the  power,  and  to  implore  the 
protection  of  sujjerior  beings. 

The  tribe  of  the  .Natchez,  and  the  people  of  Dogol& 
had  advanced  beyond  the  other  uncultivated  nations  o. 
.\merica  m  their  ideas  of  religion,  as  well  as  in  tiic.r 
political  institution!;  ;  and  Jt  is  no  less  dillicull  to  ex- 
plain the  cause  of  this  distinction  than  of  that  which 
we  have  already  considered.  'l"he  Sun  was  ihe  chid 
object  of  religious  worship  among  the  Natchez.  In 
their  temples,  which  were  conslructed  with  some  majj- 
nitkeuce,  and  decora'ed  with  various  oniamentx,  ic 


SOUTH  A  Mi:  RICA. 


115 


cording  to  their  mode  of  architecture,  they  preserved 
1  perpetual  tire,  as  the  purest  emblem  of  their  diviiuty. 
Muuslers  were  appointed  to  watch  and  feed  this  sacred 
fiame.  The  first  function  of  the  great  chief  of  the 
nation,  every  morning,  was  an  act  of  obeisance  to  the 
Sun  ;  anil  festivals  returned  at  stated  seasons,  which 
were  celebrated  by  the  whole  coniinututy  with  solemn 
but  unbloody  rites.  This  is  the  most  refined  species 
of  superstition  known  in  America,  and  perhaps  one  of 
the  most  natural  as  well  as  most  seducing.  The  Sun 
is  the  apparent  source  of  the  joy,  fertility,  and  life, 
ditTused  through  nature  ;  and  while  the  human  mind, 
in  Its  earlier  essays  towards  inquiry,  contemplates  and 
adniiies  his  universal  and  animating  energy,  its  admi- 
pUion  is  apt  to  stop  short  at  what  is  visible,  without 
reaching  to  the  unseen  cause  ;  and  pays  that  adoration 
to  the  most  glorious  and  beneficial  work  of  God,  which 
is  due  oidy  to  him  who  formed  it.  As  fire  is  the  purest 
and  most  active  of  the  elements,  and  in  some  of  its 
qualities  and  effects  resembles  the  Sun,  it  was,  not 
hnproperly,  chosen  to  be  the  emblem  of  his  powerful 
0|ieration.  The  ancient  Persians,  a  people  far  superior 
in  every  respect,  to  that  rude  tribe  whose  rites  I  am 
describing,  founded  their  religious  system  on  similar 
principles,  and  established  a  form  of  public  worship, 
less  gross  and  exceptionable  than  that  of  any  people 
destitute  of  guidance  from  revelation.  This  surprising 
coincidence  in  sentiment  between  two  nations,  in  such 
ditl'crcnt  states  of  nnprovement,  is  one  of  tlie  many 
singular  and  unaccountable  circumstances  which  occur 
in  the  history  of  human  affairs. 

Among  the  people  of  Bogota,  the  Sun  and  Moon 
were,  hkewise,  the  chief  objects  of  veneration.  Their 
Bvstem  of  religion  was  more  regular  and  complete, 
though  less  pure,  than  that  of  the  Natchez.  They  h.ad 
temples,  altars,  priests,  sacrifices,  and  that  long  train  of 
ceremonies,  which  superstition  introduces,  wherever 
ehe  has  fully  established  her  dominion  over  the  minds 
Df  men.  But  the  rites  of  their  worship  are  cruel  and 
Dioody.  They  ofitred  human  victims  to  their  deities, 
ond  many  of  their  practices  nearly  resembled  the  bar- 
barous institutions  of  the  Mexicans,  the  genius  of  which 
we  shall  l,ave  an  opportunity  of  considering  more  atten- 
tively in  Its  proper  place. 

Witli  respect  to  the  other  great  doctrine  of  religion, 
concerning  the  immortahty  of  the  soul,  the  sentiments 
of  the  Americans  were  more  united  :  the  human  mind 
even  when  least  improved  and  invigorated  by  culture, 
shrinks  from  the  thoughts  of  annihilation,  and  looks  for- 
ward with  hope  and  expectation  to  a  state  of  future  ex- 
istence. This  sentiment,  resulting  from  a  secret  con- 
sciousness of  its  own  dignity,  from  an  instinctive  long- 
ing after  immortality,  is  universal,  and  may  be  deemed 
natural.  Upon  thio  are  founded  the  most  exalted 
hopes  of  man  in  his  highest  slate  of  improvement  ;  nor 
has  nature  withheld  from  him  this  soothing  consolation, 
111  the  most  early  and  rude  period  of  his  progress.  We 
can  trace  this  opinion  from  one  extremity  of  America 
to  the  other,  in  some  regions  more  faint  and  obscure, 
in  others  more  perfectly  developed,  but  nowhere  un- 
known. The  most  uncivilized  of  its  savage  tribes  do 
not  apprehend  death  as  the  extinction  of  being.  All 
entertain  hopes  of  a  future  and  more  hapjiy  state,  where 
they  shall  be  for  ever  exem[)t  from  the  calamities  which 
imbitter  human  life  in  its  present  condition.  This  fu- 
ture state  they  conceive  to  be  a  delightful  country, 
blessed  with  perpetual  spring,  whose  forests  abound 
witli  game,  whose  rivers  swarm  with  fish,  where  famine 
is  never  felt,  and  uninterrupted  plenty  shall  be  enjoyed 
without  labor  or  toil.  But  as  men,  in  forming  their  first 
imperfect  ideas  concerning  the  invisible  world,  suppose 
that  there  they  shall  continue  to  feel  the  same  desires, 
and  to  be  engaged  in  the  same  occupations,  as  in  the 
present  world  ;  they  naturally  ascribe  eminence  and 
distinction,  in  that  state  to  the  same  qualities  and 
talents  which  are  here  the  objects  of  their  esteem.  The 
Americans,  accordingly  allotted  the  highest  jjlace,  in 
iheir  country  of  spirits,  to  the  skilful  hunter,  to  the  ad- 
venturous and  successful  warrior,  and  to  such  as  had 
tortured  the  greatest  number  of  cap'ives,  'and  devoured 
their  flesh.  Tliese  notions  were  so  prevalent  that 
they  gave  rise  to  a  universal  custom,  which  is  at  once 
the  strongest  evidence  that  the  Americans  believe  in  a 
future  state,  and  the  best  illustration  of  what  they 
expect  there.  As  they  imagine,  that  departed  spirits 
begin  their  career  anew  in  the  world  whither  they  arc 
P^'ic,  that  their  friends  may  not  enter  upon  it  defence- 
le>s  and  unprovided,  they  bury  together  with  the  bodies 
of  the  dead,  their  bow,  their  arrows,  and  other  weapons 
used  in  hunting  or  war;  thev  deoosit  in  their  tombs 
tlx  t\insor  stutis  of  which  tney  make  garments,  Indian 
torn  T>»nioc,  v[>jiisou,  domestic  utensils,  and  whatever 


is  reckoned  among  the  necessaries  in  their  simple 
mode  of  life.  In  some  provinces,  upon  the  decease  of 
a  eazique  or  chief,  a  certain  number  of  his  wives,  of  his 
favorites,  and  of  his  slaves,  were  put  to  death  and  in- 
terred together  with  him,  that  he  might  appear  with 
the  same  dignity,  in  his  future  station,  and  wailed  upon 
by  the  same  attendants.  'i'his  persuasion  is  so  deep 
rooted  that  many  of  the  deceased  person's  retainers 
offer  themselves  as  voluntary  victims,  and  court  the 
privilege  of  accompanying  their  dejiarled  master,  as  a 
high  distinction.  It  has  been  found  diHicult,  on  some 
occasions,  to  set  bounds  to  this  enthusiasm  of  affection- 
ate duty,  and  to  reduce  the  tram  of  a  favorite  leader 
to  such  a  number  as  the  tribe  could  afford  to  spare.  [89] 

Among  the  Americans,  !is  well  as  other  uncivilized 
nations,  many  of  the  rites  and  observances  which  bear 
some  resemblance  to  acts  of  religion,  have  no  con- 
nection with  devotion,  but  proceed  from  a  fond  desire 
of  prying  into  futurity.  The  human  mind  is  most  apt 
to  feel  and  to  discover  this  vain  curiosity,  when 
its  own  powers  are  most  feeble  and  uninformed.  As- 
tonished with  occurrences  of  which  it  is  unable  to  com- 
prehend the  cause,  it  naturally  fancies  that  there  is 
something  mysterious  and  wonderful  in  their  origin. 
Alarmed  at  events  of  which  it  cannot  discern  the 
issue  or  the  coriscquences,  it  has  recourse  to  other 
means  of  discovering  them  than  the  exercise  of  its  own 
sagacity.  Wherever  supersution  is  so  established  as 
to  form  a  regular  system,  this  desire  of  penetrating  into 
the  secrets  of  futurity  is  connected  with  it.  Divination 
becomes  a  religious  act.  Priests,  as  the  ministers  of 
heaven,  pretend  to  deliver  its  oracles  to  men.  They 
are  the  only  soothsayers,  augurs,  and  magicians,  who 
profess  the  sacred  and  important  art  of  disclosing  what 
is  hidden  from  other  eyes. 

But,  among  rude  nations,  who  pay  no  veneration  to 
any  superintending  power,  and  who  have  no  established 
rites  or  ministers  of  religion,  their  curiosity  to  discover 
what  is  future  or  unknown,  is  cherished  by  a  different 
principle,  and  derives  strength  from  another  alliarice. 
As  the  diseases  of  men  in  the  savage  state,  are  (as  has 
been  already  observed)  like  those  of  the  animal  crea- 
tion, few,  but  extremely  violent,  their  impatience  un- 
der what  they  suffer,  and  solicitude  for  the  recovery  of 
health,  soon  inspired  them  wnh  extraordinary  reverence 
for  such  as  pretended  to  understand  the  nature  of  their 
maladies,  and  to  be  possessed  of  knowledge  sufficient 
to  preserve  or  deliver  them  from  their  sudden  and  fatal 
effects.  These  ignorant  pretenders,  however,  were 
such  utter  strangers  to  tiie  structure  of  the  human 
frame,  as  to  be  equally  unacquainted  with  the  causes 
of  its  disorders,  and  the  manner  in  which  they  will  ter- 
minate. Superstition,  mingled  frequently  with  some 
portion  of  craft,  supplied  what  they  wanted  in  science. 
They  imputed  the  origin  of  diseases  to  supernatural 
influence,  and  prescribed  or  performed  a  variety  of 
mysterious  rites,  which  they  gave  out  to  be  of  such  effi- 
cacy as  to  remove  the  most  dangerous  and  inveterate 
maladies.  The  credulity  and  love  of  the  marvellous, 
natural  to  uninformed  men,  favored  the  deception,  and 
prepared  them  to  be  the  dupes  of  those  impostors. 
Among  savages,  their  first  physicians  are  a  kind  of 
conjurors  or  wizards,  who  boast  that  they  know  what  is 
past,  and  can  fortell  what  is  to  come.  Incantations, 
sorcery,  and  mummeries  of  diverse  kinds,  no  less 
strange  than  frivolous,  are  the  means  which  they  employ 
to  expel  the  imaginary  causes  of  malignity  ;  and  rely- 
ing upon  the  efficacy  of  these,  they  predict  with  con- 
fidence what  will  be  the  fate  of  their  deluded  patients. 
Thus  superstition,  in  its  earliest  form,  flowed  from  the 
solicitude  of  man  to  be  delivered  from  present  distress, 
not  from  his  dread  of  evils  awaiting  him  in  a  future 
life,  and  was  originally  higrafted  on  medicine,  not  on 
religion.  One  of  the  first  and  most  intelligent  histo- 
rians of  America,  was  struck  with  this  alliance  between 
the  art  of  divination  and  that  of  physic,  among  the  peo- 
ple of  Hispaniola.  But  this  was  not  peculiar  to  them. 
The  Alexis,  the  Piaijas,  the  Aulmoiits,  or  whatever 
was  the  distinguishing  name  of  their  diviners  and 
charmers  in  other  parts  of  America,  were  all  the  physi- 
cians of  their  respective  tribes,  in  the  same  manner  as 
the  Buhilos  of  Hijpaniola.  As  their  function  led  them 
to  apply  to  the  huinah  mind  when  enfeebled  by  sick- 
ness, and  as  they  found  it,  in  that  season  of  dejection, 
prone  to  be  alarmed  Vvilh  imaginary  fears,  or  amused 
with  vain  hojies,  they  easily  ir.duced  it  to  rely  with 
implicit  confidence  on  ih^  virtue  of  their  spells,  and 
the  certainty  of  their  pred'ct!ons. 

Whenever  .nen  acknowledge  the  reality  of  superna- 
tural power  and  discernment  in  one  instance,  they  have 
a  propensity  to  admit  it  in  others.  The  .Americans  did 
not  long  suppose  the  eliicacy  of  conjuration  to  be  con- 


fined to  one  object.  They  had  recourse  to  it  in  every 
situation  of  danger  or  distress.  When  the  events  o( 
war  were  peculiarly  disastrous,  when  they  met  with 
unforeseen  disappointment  in  hunting,  when  inunda- 
tions or  drought  threatened  their  crops  witn  destruc- 
tion, they  called  upon  their  conjurors  to  begin  thcil 
incantations,  in  order  to  discover  the  causes  of  thoEO 
calamiti(^s.  or  to  foretell  what  would  be  their  issue. 
Their  confidence  in  this  delusive  art  grailually  increased, 
and  manifested  itself  in  all  the  occurrences  of  life. 
^^'hen  involved  in  any  difficulty,  or  about  to  enter  upon 
any  transaction  of  moment,  every  individual  regularly 
consulted  the  s(>rcerer,  ami  depen<led  ufion  his  instruc- 
tions to  extricate  him  from  the  former,  as  well  as  to 
direct  his  connuet  ir  the  latter.  Even  among  tho 
rudest  tribes  in  Amer;ca,  siii)erstition  apjiears  in  this 
form,  and  divination  is  an  art  in  high  esteem.  Long 
before  man  had  acquired  such  knowledge  of  a  deUy  as 
inspires  reverence,  and  leads  to  adoration,  we  obscrvo 
him  stretching  out  a  presumptuous  hand  to  draw  aside 
that  veil  with  which  Providence  kindly  conceals  its 
purposes  from  human  knowledge  ;  and  we  find  him 
laboring  with  fruitless  anxiety  to  penetrate  into  the 
mysteries  of  tho  divine  administration.  To  discern 
and  to  wor-ship  a  superintending  power,  is  an  evidence 
of  the  enlargement  and  maturity  of  the  human  under- 
standing ;  a  vain  desire  of  prying  into  futurity  is  tho 
error  of  its  infancy,  and  a  proof  of  its  weakness. 

From  this  weakness  proceeded  likewise  the  faith  of 
the  Americans  in  dreams,  their  observation  of  omens, 
their  attention  to  the  chirping  of  birds,  and  the  cries  of 
animals,  all  which  they  sup])0se  to  be  indications  of  fu- 
ture events;  and  ;f  any  one  of  these  prognostics  is  deemed 
unfavorable,  they  instantly  abandon  the  pursuit  of  thoso 
measures  on  which  they  are  most  eagerly  bent. 

VIII.  But  if  we  would  form  a  complete  idea  of  tho 
uncultivated  nations  of  America,  we  must  not  pass  un- 
observed some  singular  customs,  which,  though  uni- 
versal and  characteristic,  coa.ld  not  be  reduced,  with 
propriety,  to  any  of  the  articles  into  which  1  have  di- 
vided my  inquiry  concerning  their  manners. 

Among  savages,  in  every  part  of  the  globe,  ihe  lovo 
of  dancing  is  a  favorite  passion.  As,  during  a  great 
part  of  their  time,  they  languish  in  a  state  of  inactivity 
and  indolence,  without  any  occupation  to  rou5.e  or  in- 
terest them,  they  delight  universally  in  a  pastime  wnich 
calls  forth  the  active  powers  of  their  nature  into  exor- 
cise. The  Spaniards,  when  they  first  visited  Amercn, 
were  astonished  at  the  fondness  of  the  natives  for  dan- 
cing, and  beheld  with  wonder  a  people,  cold  and  un- 
animated  in  most  of  their  other  pursuits,  kindle  into 
life,  and  exert  themselves  with  ardor,  as  often  as  this 
favorite  amusement  recurred.  Among  them,  indeed, 
danc.ig  ought  not  to  be  denominated  an  amusen  ent. 
It  is  a  serious  and  important  occupation  which  mii  gles 
in  every  occurrence  of  public  or  private  life.  If  any 
intercourse  be  necessary  between  two  American  tiibes, 
the  ambassadors  of  the  one  approach  in  a  solemn  dmce, 
and  present  the  calumet  or  emblem  of  peace  ;  the 
sachems  of  the  other  receive  it  with  the  same  ceremony. 
If  war  is  denounced  against  an  enemy,  it  is  by  a  d  mce 
expressive  of  the  resentment  which  they  feel,  an  i  of 
the  vengeance  which  thev  meditate.  If  the  wra  h  of 
their  gods  is  to  be  appeased,  or  their  beneficence  tJ  be 
celebrated  ;  if  they  rejoice  at  the  birth  of  a  child,  or 
mourn  the  death  of  a  friend,  they  have  dances  aj  pro- 
priated  to  each  of  these  situations,  and  suited  to  the 
dift'erent  sentiments  with  which  they  are  then  aniin:  ted. 
If  a  person  is  indisposed,  a  dance  is  prescribed  as  the 
most  effectual  means  of  restoring  him  to  health  ;  and 
if  he  himself  cannot  endure  the  fatigue  of  such  an  e  ter- 
cise.  the  physician  or  conjuror  performs  it  in  his  name, 
as  if  the  virtue  of  his  activity  could  be  transferred  ti  his 
patient. 

All  their  dances  are  imitations  of  some  action  ;  ind 
though  the  music  by  which  they  are  regulated  is  c.v 
tremely  simple,  and  tiresome  to  the  ear  by  its  dull  iqo- 
notony,  some  of  their  dances  appear  wondcrfullv  ex- 
pressive and  animated.  The  war  dance  is,  perhaps, 
the  most  striking.  It  is  the  representation  of  a  cc  m- 
plete  American  campaign.  The  departure  of  the  war- 
riors from  their  village,  their  march  into  the  enemy's 
country,  the  caution,  wi'.n  which  they  encamp,  the  a<i 
dress  with  which  they  station  some  of  their  party  in 
ambush,  the  manner  of  surprising  the  enemy,  the  ncise 
and  ferocity  of  the  combat,  the  scalping  of  those  who 
are  slain,  tne  seizing  of  [irisoners,  the  triumph.'ir.t  itturn 
of  the  conquerors,  and  the  torture  of  the  victims,  aro 
successively  exhibited.  The  performers  enter  with  such 
enthusiastic  ardor  into  their  several  parts  ;  their  ges- 
tures, their  countenance,  their  voice,  are  so  wild  anrf 
\  so  well  adapted  to  their  various  situations  that  Euro. 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OP 


pcans  can  hardly  believe  it  to  be  a  mimic  scene,  or 
view  it  without  emotions  of  fear  and  horror. 

But  however  expressive  some  of  the  American 
dances  may  be,  there  is  one  circumstance  in  them 
remarkable,  and  connected  with  the  character  of  the 
race.  The  sonps,  the  dance-s  the  amusements  of  other 
nations,  expressive  of  the  sentiments  which  animate 
their  hearts,  are  often  adapted  to  display  or  excite  that 
Bensibilitv  which  mutually  attaches  the  sexes.  Among 
!<ome  jieople,  such  is  the  ardor  of  this  passion,  that  love 
is  almost  the  sole  object  of  festivity  and  joy  ;  and  as 
rude  nations  are  strangers  to  delicacy,  and  unaccus- 
tomed to  disguise  any  emotion  of  their  minds,  their 
dances  are  often  extremely  wanton  and  indecent. 
Such  is  the  Calerulti,  of  which  the  natives  of  Africa 
are  so  passionately  fond  ;  and  such  the  feats  of  the 
dancing  girls  which  the  Asiatics  contemplate  with  so 
much  avidity  of  desire.  But  among  the  Americans, 
more  cold  and  inditlerent  to  their  females,  from  causes 
which  I  have  already  explained,  the  passion  of  love 
mingles  but  little  with  tlieir  festivals  and  pastimes. 
Their  songs  and  dances  are  mostly  solemn  and  mar- 
tial ;  they  aie  connected  with  some  of  the  serious  and 
important  all'airs  of  life  ;  and,  having  no  relation  to  love 
or  gallantry,  are  seldom  common  to  the  two  sexes,  but 
executed  by  the  men  and  women  apart.  [90j  If,  on 
some  occasions,  tlie  women  are  permitted  to  join  in  the 
festival,  the  character  of  the  entertainment  is  still  the 
same,  and  no  movement  or  gesture  is  expressive  of  at- 
tachment, or  encourages  familiarity. 

An  immoderate  love  of  play,  especially  at  games  of 
hazard,  which  seems  to  be  natural  to  all  people  unac- 
cu->tomed  to  the  occupations  of  regular  industry,  is 
likewise  universal  among  the  Americans.  The  same 
causes,  which  so  often  prompt  persons  in  civilized  life, 
who  are  at  their  case,  to  have  recourse  to  this  pastime, 
render  it  the  delight  of  the  savage.  The  former  are  in- 
dependent of  labor,  the  latter  do  not  feel  the  necessity 
of  it ;  and  as  both  are  unemployed,  they  run  with  trans- 
port to  whatever  is  interesting  enough  to  stir  and  to 
agitate  their  minds.  Hence  the  Americans,  who  at 
other  times  are  so  indifferent,  so  phlegmatic,  so  silent, 
mid' animated  with  so  few  desires,  as  soon  as  they  en- 
gage in  play  become  rajjacious,  impatient,  noisy,  and 
almost  frantic  with  eagerness.  Their  furs,  their  do- 
mestic utensils,  their  clothes,  their  arms,  are  staked  at 
■.he  gaming  table,  and  when  all  is  lost,  high  as  their 
oeiise  of  indc|)endenre  is,  in  a  wild  emotion  of  des[)air 
or  of  hope,  they  will  often  risk  their  personal  iibcrty 
upon  a  single  cast.  Among  several  tribes,  such  gaming 
parties  frequently  recur,  and  become  their  most  ac- 
ceptable entertainment  at  every  great  festival.  Super- 
stition, which  is  apt  to  take  hold  of  those  passions 
which  are  most  vigorous,  fre(piently  lends  its  aid  to 
confirm  and  strengthen  this  favorite  inclination.  Their 
conjurors  arc  accustomed  to  prescribe  a  solemn  inatch 
ut  play  as  one  of  the  most  ellicacious  methods  of  aj)- 
pcasing  their  gods,  or  of  restoring  the  sick  to  health. 

From  causes  similiar  to  those  which  render  them 
fond  of  play,  the  Americans  are  extremely  addicted  to 
drunkenness.  It  seems  to  have  been  one  of  the  first 
exertions  of  human  ingenuity  to  discover  some  compo- 
sition of  an  intoxicating  quality  ;  and  there  is  hardly 
any  nation  so  rude,  or  so  destitute  of  invention,  as  not 
to  have  succeeded  in  this  fatal  research.  The  most 
barbarous  of  the  American  tribes  have  been  so  un- 
fortunate as  to  attain  this  art  ;  and  even  those  which 
are  so  deficient  in  knowledge,  as  to  be  unacquainted 
with  the  method  of  giving  an  inel>riating  strength  to  j 
liquors  by  fermentation,  can  accomplish  the  same  end 
by  other  means.  The  people  of  the  islands  of  North 
America,  and  of  California,  used,  for  this  purpose,  the 
smoke  of  tobacco,  drawn  up  with  a  certain  instrument 
into  the  nostrils,  the  fumes  of  which  ascending  to  the 
brain,  they  fell  all  the  transports  and  phrensv  of  intoxi- 
cation. ['J!  J  In  almost  everv  other  part  of  the  New 
World,  the  nalivcs  possessed  the  art  of  extracting  an 
intoxicating  licpior  Iroiii  m^ize  or  the  manioc  root,  the 
same  »ub.^lallces  which  they  tonvert  into  bread.  The 
0|ier^ilion  by  which  they  elfect  this  nearly  resembles  the 
common  one  of  brewing,  but  with  this  difference,  that, 
in  jilacc  of  yeast,  tliey  use  a  nauseous  infusion  of  a 
certain  quantity  of  maize  or  mamoc  chewed  by  their 
women.  The  saliva  excites  a  vigorous  fermentation, 
und  in  a  few  days  the  li<|Uor  becomes  fit  for  drinking. 
It  is  r.Jt  disagreeable  to  the  taste,  and,  when  swallowed 
in  large  quantities,  in  of  an  intoxicating  quality.  This 
IS  the  general  beverage  of  the  .\mcricans,  which  they 
diHtiiiguish  by  various  names,  and  for  which  they  feel 
turh  a  violent  and  insatiable  desire  as  it  is  not  easy 
oiiner  to  conceive  or  describe,  .•\mong  jiolished  na- 
bi'UJ,  where  a  cucccssion  of  various  funciioiu  audi 


amusements  keeps  the  mind  in  continual  occupation, 
the  desire  for  strong  drink  is  regulated  in  a  great  mea- 
sure by  the  climate,  and  increases  or  diminishes  accord- 
ing to  the  variations  of  its  temperature.  In  warm  re- 
gions, the  delicate  and  sensible  frame  of  the  inhabitants 
does  not  require  the  stimulation  of  fermented  liquors. 
In  colder  countries,  the  constitution  of  the  natives, 
more  robust  and  more  sluggish,  stands  in  need  of 
generous  liquors  to  quicken  and  animate  it.  But 
among  savages,  the  desire  of  something  that  is  of  |)Ower 
to  intoxicate  is  in  every  situation  the  same.  All  the 
people  of  America,  if  we  except  some  small  tribes  near 
the  Straits  of  .Magellan,  whether  natives  of  the  torrid 
zone,  or  inhabitants  of  its  more  temj>eratc  regions,  or 
placed  by  a  harder  fate  in  the  severe  climate  towards 
Its  northern  or  southern  extremity,  appear  to  be  equally 
under  the  dominion  of  this  apjietite.  Such  a  similarity 
of  taste,  among  people  in  such  different  situations, 
must  be  ascribed  to  the  influence  of  some  moral  cause, 
and  cannot  be  considered  as  the  effect  of  any  physical 
or  constitutional  want.  While  engaged  in  war  or  in 
the  chase,  the  savage  is  often  in  the  most  interesting 
situations,  and  all  the  powers  of  his  nature  are  loused 
to  the  most  vigorous  exertions.  But  those  animating 
scenes  are  succeeded  by  long  intervals  of  repose, 
during  which  the  warrior  meets  with  nothing  that  he 
deems  of  sufficient  dignity  or  importance  to  merit  his 
attention  He  languishes  and  mopes  in  this  season  of 
indolence.  The  posture  of  his  body  is  an  emblem  of 
the  state  of  his  mind.  In  one  climate,  cowering  over 
the  fire  in  his  cabin  ;  in  another,  stretched  under  the 
shade  of  some  tree,  he  dozes  away  his  time  in  sleep, 
or  in  an  unthinking  joyless  inactivity  not  far  removed 
from  it.  As  strong  liquors  awake  him  from  this  torpid 
slate,  give  a  brisker  motion  to  his  spirits,  and  enliven 
him  more  thoroughly  than  either  dancing  or  gaming, 
his  love  of  them  is  excessive.  A  savage,  when  not 
engaged  in  action,  is  a  pensiye  melancholy  animal ; 
but  as  soon  as  he  tastes,  or  has  a  prospect  of  tasting, 
the  intoxicating  draught,  he  becomes  gay  and  frolic- 
some. Whatever  be  the  occasion  or  pretexts  on  which 
the  Americans  assemble,  the  meeting  always  termi- 
nates in  a  debauch.  Many  of  their  festivals  have  no 
other  object,  and  they  welcome  tlic  return  of  them  with 
transports  of  joy.  As  they  arc  not  accustomed  to  re- 
strain any  appetite,  they  set  no  bounds  to  this.  The 
riot  often  continues  without  intermission  several  davs  ; 
and  whatever  may  be  the  fatal  effects  of  their  excess, 
they  never  cease  from  drinking  as  long  as  one  drop  of 
liquor  remains.  The  persons  of  greatest  eminence,  the 
most  distinguished  warriors,  and  the  chiefs  most  re- 
nowned for  their  wisdom,  have  no  greater  command 
of  themselves  than  the  most  obscure  members  of  the 
community.  Their  eagerness  for  jirescnt  enjoyment 
renders  them  blind  to  its  fatal  consecpienccs ;  and 
those  very  men,  who  in  other  situations  seem  to  pos- 
sess a  force  of  mind  more  than  human,  are  in  this  in- 
stance inferior  to  children,  in  forsight  as  .veil  as  con- 
sideration, and  mere  slaves  of  brutal  appetite.  When 
their  passions,  naturally  strong,  are  heightened  and  in- 
flamed by  drink,  they  are  guilty  of  the  most  enormous 
outrages,  and  the  festivity  seldom  concludes  without 
deeds  of  violence  or  bloodshed. 

But,  amidst  this  wild  debauch,  there  is  one  circum- 
stance remarkable;  the  women,  in  most  of  the  Ame- 
rican tribes,  are  not  permitted  to  (lartake  of  it.  [92] 
Their  province  is  to  prepare  the  liqour,  to  serve  it  about 
to  the  guests,  and  to  take  care  of  their  husbands  and 
friends  when  their  reason  is  overjiowered.  This  ex- 
clusion of  the  women  from  an  enjovment  so  highly 
valued  by  savages,  m.iv  be  justiv  considered  as  a  mark 
of  their  inferiority,  and  as  an  addilional  evidence  of  that 
contempt  with  which  they  were  treated  in  the  New 
World.  The  people  of  North  America,  when  first  dis- 
covered, were  not  acquainted  with  any  inloxicatiug 
drink  ;  but  as  the  Europeans  early  found  it  their  in- 
terest to  supply  them  with  spirituous  Inpiors,  drunken- 
ness soon  became  as  universal  among  them  as  among 
their  countrymen  to  the  south  ;  and  their  women,  hav- 
ing acquired  this  new  taste,  indulge  it  with  as  little 
decency  and  moderation  as  the  men. 

It  were  endless  to  enumerate  all  the  detached  cus- 
toms which  have  excited  the  wonder  of  travellers  in 
Ami'rica  ;  but  I  cannot  omit  one  seemingly  as  singular 
as  any  that  has  been  mentioned.  When  their  parents 
and  other  relations  become  old,  or  labor  under  any  dis- 
tcm|)er  which  their  slender  knowledge  of  the  healing 
art  cannot  remove,  the  .\mericans  cut  short  their  davs 
with  a  violent  hand,  in  order  to  be  relieved  from  the 
burden  of  supporting  and  lending  them.  This  practice 
prevailed  among  the  ruder  tribes  in  every  part  of  the 
comment,  from  Iludf  vi's  Bay  to  the  river  l)c  la  I'ijta; 


and  however  shocking  it  may  be  to  those  senttinenL>  cl 

tenderness  and  attachment,  which,  in  civilized  hfe,  we 
arc  apt  to  consider  as  congenial  with  our  frame,  the 
condition  of  man  in  the  savage  state  leads  and  recon- 
ciles him  to  it.  The  same  hardships  and  dilttcultv  o* 
procuring  subsistence,  which  deter  savagei,  n  Bomo 
cases,  from  rearing  their  children,  prompt  them  m  de- 
stroy the  aged  and  infirm.  The  declining  slate  of  tha 
one  IS  as  helpless  as  the  infancy  of  the  other.  Tho 
former  are  no  less  unable  than  the  latter  to  perform  the 
functions  that  belong  to  a  warrior  or  hunter,  or  to  en- 
dure those  various  distresses  in  which  savages  are  ho 
often  involved  by  their  own  want  of  foresight  and  in- 
dustry. Their  relations  feel  this  ;  and,  incapable  of  at- 
tending to  the  wants  or  weaknesses  of  others,  their  im- 
patience under  an  additional  burden  prompts  them  to 
extinguish  that  life  which  they  find  it  ditlicull  to  sus- 
tain. This  is  not  regarded  as  a  deed  of  cruelty,  but  as 
an  act  of  mercy.  An  .American,  broken  with  years  and 
infirmities,  conscious  that  he  can  no  longer  depend  on 
the  aid  of  those  around  him,  places  himself  contentedly 
in  his  grave  ;  and  it  is  by  the  hands  of  his  children  07 
nearest  relations  that  the  thong  is  pulled,  or  the  blow 
inflicted,  which  releases  him  for  ever  from  the  sorrows 
of  life. 

IX.  After  contemplating  the  rude  American  tribes 
in  such  various  lights  ;  after  taking  a  view  of  their  cus- 
toms and  manners  from  so  many  dilferent  stations, 
nothing  remains  but  to  form  a  general  estimate  of  their 
character  comjiared  with  that  of  more  polished  nations. 
A  human  being,  as  he  comes  originally  from  the  hand 
of  nature,  is  every  where  the  same.  At  his  first  ap- 
[learance  in  the  state  of  infancy,  whether  it  be  among  the 
rudest  savages  or  in  the  most  civilized  nation,  we  can 
discern  no  quality  which  marks  any  distinction  or  su- 
periority. The  capacity  of  improvement  seems  to  bo 
the  same  ;  and  the  talents  he  may  afterwards  ac  jUirc, 
as  well  as  the  virtues  he  may  be  rendered  capal.le  of 
exercising,  depend,  in  a  great  measure,  upon  the  stale 
of  society  in  which  he  is  placed.  To  this  state  his 
mind  naturally  accommodates  itself,  and  from  it  receives 
discipline  and  culture.  In  proportion  to  the  wanli, 
which  it  accustoms  a  human  being  '.o  foel,  and  ihc 
functions  in  which  these  engage  him.  his  intellcctu-v 
powers  are  called  forth.  According  to  the  cimneiioi.s 
which  it  establishes  between  him  and  the  rest  of  hu 
species,  the  allections  of  his  heart  are  exerted.  Il  i; 
only  by  attending  to  this  great  principle  that  wc  can 
discover  what  is  the  character  of  man  m  every  didcreiil 
period  of  his  progress. 

If  we  apply  it  to  savage  life,  and  measure  the  attaitt- 
ments  of  the  human  mind  in  that  state  by  this  standard, 
we  shall  find,  according  to  an  observation  which  1  havs 
already  made,  that  the  intellectual  powers  of  man  musi 
be  extremely  limited  in  their  operations.  They  arc 
confined  within  the  narrow  sphere  of  what  he  deems 
necessary  for  supplying  his  own  wants.  Whatever  has 
not  some  relation  to  these  neither  attracts  his  attention, 
nor  IS  the  object  of  his  imiuiries.  But  however  narrow 
the  bounds  may  be  within  which  the  knowledge  of  a 
savage  is  circumscribed,  he  possesses  thoroughly  lhal 
small  jiortion  which  he  has  attained.  It  was  not  com- 
municated to  him  by  formal  instruction  ;  he  does  not 
attend  to  it  as  a  matter  of  mere  speculation  and  cun- 
ositv  ;  It  is  the  result  of  his  own  observalion,  ihc  Iniil 
of  his  own  experience,  and  accommodated  to  his  con- 
dition and  exigencies.  While  employed  in  the  active 
occupations  of  war  or  of  hunting,  he  olten  finds  hiinscll 
m  dilliciilt  and  perilous  situations,  from  which  the 
ert'orls  of  his  own  sagacity  must  ex'.ricale  him.  He  is 
Irequentlv  engaged  in  measures,  where  every  slej)  de- 
pends upon  his  own  ability  to  decide,  where  he  must 
rely  solely  upon  Ibis  own  penetration  to  discern  the 
dangers  to  which  he  is  exposed,  and  upon  his  own  wis- 
dom in  providing  against  ihrm.  In  consequence  of 
this,  he  feels  the  knowledge  which  he  possesses,  and 
ellorls  which  he  makes,  and  cither  in  doliberaliun  01 
action  rests  on  himself  alone. 

As  the  talents  of  individuals  are  exercised  and  iir. 
proved  by  such  exertions,  much  political  wisdom  is  said 
to  be  displayed  in  conducting  the  atfairs  of  their  sinal! 
communities.  The  council  of  old  men  in  an  Anierican 
tribe,  deliberating  upon  its  interests,  and  determininjj 
with  respect  to  peace  or  war.  has  been  compared  to  tho 
senate  m  more  polished  republics.  Tiie  proceedings 
of  the  former,  we  are  told,  are  often  no  less  lormal  and 
sagacious  than  those  of  the  laltor.  Ureal  poliiicaJ 
wisdom  is  exhibited  in  pondering  the  various  measures 
proposed,  and  in  balancing  their  probable  advai.tagcs 
against  the  evils  of  which  they  may  be  productive. 
Much  adilress  and  eio.^uence  are  employed  by  ihs 
leaders,  who  aspire  at  acquiring  such  confiduiico  witi 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


117 


their  countrymen,  as  to  have  an  ascendant  in  those  as- 
eeinl'lics.  I3ut,  among  savage  tvil)cs,  the  ticld  for  dis- 
playing poUtical  talents  cannot  be  extensive.  Wliere 
iho  idea  of  private  property  is  incomplete,  and  no  cri- 
minal jurisdiction  is  established,  there  is  hardly  any 
function  of  internal  government  to  exercise.  M  here 
there  is  no  commerce,  and  scarcely  any  intercourse 
gmong  separate  tribes  ;  where  enmity  is  implacable, 
and  hostilities  are  carried  on  almost  without  intermis- 
6ion  ;  there  will  be  few  points  of  public  concern  to 
adjust  with  their  neighbors  ;  and  that  department  of 
their  affairs  which  may  be  denominated  foreign,  cannot 
be  so  intricate  as  to  refiuire  much  refined  policy  in  con- 


other  as  imposing  a  burden,  or  laying  a  restraint  upon  are  engaged.  With  them  war  is  a  system  of  craft,  in 
his  will,  which  they  trust  for  success  to  stratagem  more  than  to 


I  have  already  remarked  the  intiuence  of  this  hard 
unfeeling  temper  upon  domestic  "life,  with  respect  to 
the  connection  between  husband  and  wife,  as  well  as 
that  between  parents  and  childrci  .    Its  elJ'ects  are  no 


open  force,  and  have  their  invention  continually  on  the 
stretch  to  circumvent  and  sur|)rise  their  cnennes.  A» 
hunters,  it  is  their  constant  object  to  ensnare  in  order 
that  they  may  destroy.    Accordingly,  art  and  cunning 


less  conspicuous,  in  the  performance  of  those  mutual  :  have  been  universally  observed  as  distinguishing  cha- 


offices  of  tenderness  which  the  inlirnntics  of  our  naiure 
frequently  e.xact.  Among  some  tribes,  when  anv  of 
their  number  are  seized  with  any  violent  disease,  they 
are  generally  abandoned  by  all  around  them,  who,  care- 
less of  their  recovery,  fly  in  the  utmost  consternation 
from  the  supposed  danger  of  infection.  But  even  where 


racteristics  of  all  savages.  The  people  ol  the  rude 
tribes  of . America  are  remarkable  for  their  artifice  and 
duplicity.  Imjienetrably  secret  in  fonnmg  their  mea- 
sures, they  pursue  them  with  a  patient  undeviating  at- 
tention, and  there  is  no  refinement  of  dissimulation 
which  they  cannot  employ,  in  order  to  ensure  success. 


lm|)rovident  as  seldom  to  take  effectual  precautions  for 
self-preservation,  it  is  vam  to  e.xjiect  that  public  mea- 
sures and  deliberations  will  be  regulated  by  the  con- 
templation of  remote  events.  It  is  the  genius  of  sa- 
vages to  act  from  the  impulse  of  present  jiassion.  They 
have  neither  foresight  nor  temper  to  form  complicated 
arrangements  with  respect  to  their  future  conduct.  The 
consultations  of  the  Americans,  indeed,  are  so  frequent, 
and  their  negotiations  are  so  many,  [93]  and  so  long 
protracted,  as  to  give  their  proceedings  an  extraordi- 
nary aspect  of  wisdom  But  this  is  not  owing  so  much 
to  the  depth  of  their  schemes,  as  to  the  coldness  and 
phlegm  of  their  temper,  which  render  them  slow  in  de- 
termining. If  we  excejit  the  celebrated  league,  that 
united  the  Five  Nations  in  Canada,  into  a  federal  re- 
public, which  shall  be  considered  in  its  proper  place, 
we  can  discern  few  such  traces  of  political  wisdom, 
ainonu  the  rude  American  tribes,  as  discover  any  great 
degree  of  foresight  or  extent  of  intellectual  abilities. 
Even  among  them,  we  shall  find  public  measures  more 
frequently  directed  by  the  impetuous  ferocity  of  their 
youth,  than  regulated  by  the  experience  and  wisdom  of 
their  old  men. 

As  the  condition  of  man  in  the  savage  state  is  unfa- 
vorable to  the  progress  of  the  understanding,  it  has  a 
tendency  likewise,  in  some  respects,  to  check  the  ex- 
ercise of  affection,  and  to  render  the  heart  contracted. 
The  strongest  feeling  in  the  mmd  of  a  savage  is  a  sense 
ef  his  own  independence.    He  has  sacrificed  so  small  a 


which  they  are  attended  can  allbrd  them  little  consola^ 
tion.  Ko  look  of  sympathy,  no  soothing  expressions, 
no  officious  services,  contribute  to  alleviate  the  distress 
of  the  suli'crcrs,  or  to  make  them  forget  what  lliey  en- 
dure. Their  nearest  relations  will  often  refuse  to  sijb- 
mit  to  the  smallest  inconveniency,  or  to  part  with  the 
least  trifle,  however  much  it  may  tend  to  their  accom- 
modation or  relief.  So  little  is  the  breast  of  a  savage 
susceptible  of  those  sentiments  which  prompt  men  to 
that  feeling  attention  which  mitigates  the  calamities  of 
human  life,  that,  in  some  provinces  of  America,  the 
Spaniards  have  found  it  necessary  to  enforce  the  com- 
mon duties  of  humanity  by  positive  laws,  and  to  oblige 
husbands  and  wives,  parents  and  children,  under  severe 
penalties,  to  take  care  of  each  other  during  their  sick- 
ness. The  same  harshness  of  temper  is  still  more  con- 
spicuous in  their  treatment  of  the  animal  creation. 
Prior  to  their  intercourse  with  the  people  of  Europe, 
the  North  Americans  had  some  tame  dogs,  which  ac- 
companied them  in  their  hunting  excursions,  and  served 
them  with  all  the  ardor  and  fidelity  peculiar  to  the  spe- 
cies. But,  instead  of  that  fond  attachment  which  the 
hunter  naturally  feels  towards  tho.se  useful  companions 
of  his  toils,  they  requite  their  services  with  neglect, 
seldom  feed,  and  never  caress  them.  In  other  provinces 
the  Americans  have  become  acquainted  with  the  do- 
mestic animals  of  Europe,  and  availed  Ihemselves  of 
their  service  ;  but  it  is  universally  observed  that  they 
always  treat  them  harshly,  and  never  employ  any  me- 


portioii  of  his  natural  liberty  by  becoming  a  member  of  1  thod  either  for  breaking  or  managing  them,  but  force 


iocioty,  that  he  remains,  in  a  great  degree,  the  sole 
master  of  his  own  actions.  He  often  takes  his  resolu- 
tions alone,  without  consulting  or  feeling  any  connec- 
tion with  the  persons  around  him.  In  many  of  his 
operations  he  stands  as  much  detached  from  the  rest 
ot  his  species  as  if  he  had  formed  no  union  with  them. 
Conscious  how  little  he  depends  upon  other  men,  he  is 
apt  to  view  them  with  a  careless  indifference.  Even 
tho  force  of  his  mind  contributes  to  increase  this  uncon- 
cern ;  and  as  he  looks  not  beyond  himself  in  deliberat- 
ing with  resjject  to  the  part  which  he  should  act,  his 
solicitude  about  tiie  consequences  of  it  seldom  extends 
further.  He  pursues  bis  own  career,  and  indulges  his 
own  fancy,  without  inquiring  or  regarding  whether  what 
bo  does  be  agreeable  or  offensive  to  others, "  whether 
Ihey  may  derive  benefit  or  receive  hurt  from  it.  Hence 
the  ungovernable  caprice  of  savages,  their  impatience 
uuder  any  species  of  restraint,  their  inability  to  sup- 
press or  moderate  any  inclination,  the  scorn  or  neglect 
w-ith  which  they  receive  advice,  their  high  estimation  of 
themselves,  and  their  contempt  of  other  men.  Among 
them,  the  pride  of  independence  produces  almost  the 
same  effects  with  interestedness  in  a  more  advanced 
Btate  of  society;  it  refers  every  thing  to  a  man  himself, 
it  leads  him  to  be  indifferent  about  the  manner  in  which 


and  cruelty.  In  every  part  of  the  deportment  of  man 
in  his  savage  state,  whether  towards  his  equals  of  ihe 
human  species,  or  towards  the  animals  below  him,  wc 
recognise  the  same  character,  and  trace  the  operations 
of  a  mind  intent  on  its  own  gratifications,  and  regu- 
lated by  its  own  caprice,  with  little  attention  or  sensi- 
bility to  the  sentiments  and  feelings  of  the  beings  around 
him. 

After  explaining  how  unfavorable  the  savage  state 
is  to  the  cultivation  of  the  understanding,  and  to  the 
improvement  of  the  heart,  I  shoi  ld  not  have  thought  it 
necessary  to  mention  what  may  be  deemed  its  lesser 
defects,  if  the  character  of  nations,  as  well  as  of  in- 
dividuals, were  not  often  more  distinctly  marked  by 
circumstances  ap]iarently  trivial  than  by  those  of  greater 
moment.  A  savage  frequently  placed  in  situations  of 
danger  and  distress,  depending  on  himself  alone,  and 
wrapped  up  in  his  own  thoughts  and  schemes,  is  a  se- 
rious melancholy  animal.  His  attention  to  others  is 
small.  The  range  of  his  own  ideas  is  narrow.  Hence 
that  taciturnity  which  is  so  disgusting  to  men  accus- 
tomed to  the  open  intercourse  of  social  conversation. 
When  they  are  not  engaged  in  action,  the  Americans 
often  sit  whole  days  in  one  posture,  without  opening 
their  lips.   When  they  go  forth  to  war,  or  tn  the  chase. 


ducting  it.    Where  individuals  are  so  thoughtless  and   they  are  not  thus  deserted,  the  cold  indifference  with  The  natives  of  Peru  were  engaged  above  thirty  years  in 

concerting  the  plan  of  that  insurrection  \»liicli  took  place 
under  the  vice-royalty  of  the  Marquis  do  Villa  Garcia  ; 
and  though  it  was  communicaled  to  a  great  number  of 
persons,  in  all  ditt'erent  ranks,  no  indication  of  it  ever 
transpired  during  that  long  period  ;  no  man  betrayed  hii 
trust,  or,  liy  an  unguarded  look,  or  rash  word,  (rave  rise 
to  any  sus|>icion  of  what  was  intended.  The  dissimu- 
I  lation  and  craft  of  individuals  is  no  less  remarkable  than 
that  of  nations.  \\'heii  set  upon  deceiving,  they  wrap 
themselves  \ip  so  artificially,  that  it  is  impossible  to 
penetrate  into  their  intentions,  or  to  detect  their  dfv- 
signs. 

But  if  there  be  defects  or  vices  peculiar  to  the  savage 
state,  there  are  likewise  virtues  which  it  inspires,  and 
good  qualities,  to  the  exercise  of  which  it  is  friendly. 
The  bonds  of  society  sit  so  loose  upon  the  members  ol 
the  more  rude  American  tribes,  that  they  hardly  feel 
any  rcsiraint.  Hence  the  spirit  of  independence,  which 
IS  the  pride  of  a  savage,  and  which  he  considers  as  the 
unalienable  prerogative  of  man.  Incapable  of  control, 
and  disdaining  to  acknowledge  any  superior,  his  mind, 
though  limited  in  its  powers,  and  erring  in  many  of  its 
pursuits,  acquires  such  elevation  by  the  consciousnes-i 
of  its  own  freedom,  that  he  acts  on  some  occasioiis 
with  astonishing  I'orcc,  and  perseverance,  and  dignity. 

As  indeiiendence  nourishes  this  high  spirit  anions 
savages,  the  perpetual  wars  in  which  they  are  engaged 
call  it  forth  into  action.  Such  long  intervals  of  tran- 
quillity as  are  frequent  in  polished  societies  are  un- 
known in  the  savage  state.  Their  enmities,  as  I  have 
observed,  are  implacable  and  immortal.  The  valor  of 
the  young  men  is  never  allowed  to  rust  in  inaction. 
The  hatchet  is  always  in  the  hand,  either  for  attack  or 
defence.  Even  in  their  hunting  excursions,  they  must 
be  on  their  guard  against  surprise  from  the  hostile 
tribes  by  which  they  are  surrounded.  Accustomed  to 
continual  alarms,  they  grow  familiar  with  danger  ;  cou- 
rage becomes  an  habitual  virtue,  resulting  naturally 
fror  their  situation,  and  strengthened  by  constant  ex- 
ertions. The  mode  of  displaying  fortitude  may  not  bo 
the  same  in  small  and  rude  communities,  as  in  more 
powerful  and  civilized  states.  Their  system  of  war, 
and  standard  of  valor  may  be  formed  upon  different 
principles  ;  but  in  no  situation  does  the  human  mind 
rise  mote  superior  to  the  sense  of  danger,  or  the  dread 
of  death,  than  in  its  most  simple  and  uncultivated 
state. 

Another  virtue  remarkable  among  savages,  is  attach- 
ment to  the  community  of  which  they  are  members 
From  the  nature  of  their  political  union,  one  might  ex 
pect  this  tie  to  be  extremely  feeble.  But  there  are  cir 
cuinstances  which  render  the  influence,  even  of  their 
loose  mode  of  association,  very  powerful.  The.\meri 
can  tribes  are  small  ;  combined  against  their  neighbors, 
in  prosecution  of  a'ncicrt  enmities,  or  in  avenging  re 
cent  injuk.es,  their  interests  and  operations  are  neithei 
numerous  nor  complex.  These  are  objects  which  tht 
uncultivated  understanding  of  a  savage  caii  compre- 
hend. His  heart  is  capable  of  forming  connections 
which  are  so  little  ditl'used.  He  assents  with  warmth 
to  public  measures,  dictated  by  passions  similar  t'j 
those  which  direct  his  ow-n  conduct.  Hence  the  ardor 
with  which  individuals  undertake  the  mo^t  perilous  ser- 
vice, when  the  community  deems  it  necessary.  Hence 


IS  actions  may  affect  other  men,  and  renders  the  gra- 1  they  usually  march  in  a  line  at  some  distance  from  one 


t.fication  of  his  own  wishes  the  measure  and  end  of 
ctnduct. 

To  the  same  cause  may  be  imputed  the  hardness  of 
heart  and  insensibility  remarkable  in  all  savage  nations. 
Their  minds,  roused  only  by  strong  emotions,  are  little 
susceptible  of  gentle,  delicate,  or  tender  afl'ectious. 
Their  union  is  so  incomplete  that  each  individual  acts 
as  if  he  retained  all  his  natural  rights  entire  and  undi- 
minished. If  a  favor  is  conferred  upon  him,  or  any 
beneficial  service  is  performed  on  his  account,  he  re- 
ceives it  with  much  satisfaction,  because  it  contributes 
to  his  enjoyment ;  but  this  sentiment  extends  not  be- 
yond himself,  it  excites  no  sense  of  obligation,  he  nei- 
ther feels  gratitude,  nor  thinks  of  making  any  return. [94] 
Even  among  persons  the  most  closely  connected,  the 
exchange  of  those  good  offices  which  strengthen  attach- 
ment, mollify  tho  heart,  and  sweeten  the  intercourse  of 
life,  is  not  frequent.  The  high  ideas  of  indejiendcnce 
WMong  the  .\inericans  nourish  a  sullen  reserve,  which 
keeps  them  at  a  distance  from  each  other.  The  nearest 
Klalioiis  are  mutually  afraid  to  make  any  demand,  or  to 
•olicti  any  service,  lest  it  should  be  considered  by  Uio 


another,  and  without  exchanging  a  word.  The  same 
profound  silence  is  observed  when  they  row  together  in 
a  canoe.  It  is  only  when  they  are  animated  by  intoxi- 
cating liquors,  or  roused  by  the  jollity  of  the  festival 
and  dance,  that  they  become  gay  and  conversible. 

To  the  same  causes  may  be  imputed  tho  refined 
cunning  with  which  they  form  and  execute  their 
schemes.    Men  who  are  not  habituated  to  a  liberal 


communication  of  their  own  sentiments  and  wishes,  are  I  their  fierce  and  deep  rooted  ar.tipathy  to  the  public 


apt  to  be  so  distrustful  as  to  place  little  confidence  in 
others,  and  to  have  recourse  to  an  insidious  craft  in 
accomplishing  their  i  own  purposes.  In  civilized  life, 
those  persons  who  by  their  situations  have  but  a  few 
objects  of  pursuit  on  which  their  minds  incessantly 
dwell,  are  most  remarkable  for  low  artifice  in  carrying 
on  their  little  projects.  Among  savages,  whose  views 
are  equally  confined,  and  their  attention  no  less  perse- 
vering, those  circumstances  must  operate  still  more 
powerfully,  and  gradually  accustom  thein  to  a  disinge- 
nuous subtlety  in  all  their  transactions.  The  force  of 
this  is  increased  by  habits  which  they  acquire  in  carry- 
ing on  the  two  most  interesting  operations  wherein  they 


enemies.  Hence  their  zeal  for  the  honor  of  their 
tribe,  and  that  love  of  their  country,  which  prompts 
them  to  brave  danger  that  it  may  triumpti,  and  to  endure 
the  most  exquisite  torments,  without  a  groan,  that  it 
may  not  be  disgraced. 

Thus,  in  every  situation  where  a  human  being  can 
be  placed  ever,  in  the  most  unfavorable,  there  are  vir- 
tues which  peculiarly  belong  to  it  ;  there  are  afl'ectionu 
which  it  calls  forth  ;  there  is  a  species  of  happines* 
which  it  yields.  Nature,  with  the  most  beneficent  in 
tention,  conciliates  and  forms  the  mind  to  its  condi 
tion;  the  ideas  and  wishes  of  man  extend  not  bevond 
that  statu  of  society  to  which  hn  is  habitu&ted.  \\hdi 


118 


RODERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


it  presents  as  objects  of  conlcmplation  or  enjoyment, 
fills  and  satisfies  his  mind,  and  he  can  hardly  conceive 
»nv  otlicr  mods  of  life  to  l>e  pleasant,  or  even  tolerdblc. 
Tlie  Tartar,  accustomed  lo  roam  over  extensive  plains, 
•  nd  to  snbsist  on  the  product  of  his  herds,  imprecates 
upon  his  enemy,  as  the  greatest  of  all  curses,  that  he 
may  be  condemned  to  reside  in  one  place,  and  to  be 
nourished  with  the  top  of  a  weed.  The  rude  Ameri- 
cans, fond  of  their  own  pursuits,  and  satisfied  with 
their  own  lot,  arc  equally  unable  to  comprehend  the 
intention  or  utility  of  the  various  accommodations, 
»vhich,  in  more  polished  society  arc  decmed'csscntial 
to  the  comfort  of  life.  Far  from  complaining  of  their 
own  situation,  or  viewing  that  of  men  in  a  more  im- 
proved state  with  admiration  or  envy,  they  regard  them- 
selves as  the  standard  of  excellence,  as  beings  the  best 
entitled,  as  well  as  the  most  perfectly  qualified  to  enjoy 
real  happiness.  I"i:accustoined  to  any  restraint  upon 
their  will  or  their  actions,  they  behold  with  amazement 
the  inequality  of  rank,  and  the  subordination  which  takes 
place  in  civilized  life,  and  consider  the  voluntary  sub- 
mission of  one  man  to  another  as  a  renunciation  no  less 
base  than  unaccountable,  of  the  first  distinction  of  hu- 
manity. Void  of  foresight  as  well  as  free  from  care 
themselves,  and  di'bghted  witli  that  state  of  indolent 
security,  they  wonder  at  the  an.\ioiis  precautions,  the 
unceasing  industry,  and  complicated  arrangements  of 
Europeans,  in  guarding  against  distant  evils,  or  provid- 
ing for  future  wants  ;  and  they  often  e.xclaim  against 
their  preposterous  lolly,  in  thus  multiplying  the  troubles 
and  increasing  the  labor  of  life.  This  preference  of 
Iheir  own  manners  is  conspicuous  on  every  occasion. 
Even  the  names,  by  which  the  various  nations  wish  to 
De  distinguished,  are  assumed  from  this  idea  of  their 
oxvi:  pre-eminence.  The  appellation  which  the  Iro(|uois 
g;:vo  to  themselves  is  the  chief  of  men.  Carailic,  the 
oiiginal  name  of  the  fierce  inhabitants  of  the  Wind- 
wurd  Islands,  signifies  the  warlike  people.  'l"he  Chc- 
rekees,  from  an  idea  of  their  own  superiority,  call  tlie 
Eurojieans  Nothins^s,  or  ihc  arcuTscd  race,  and  as- 
s'lmc  to  themsejves  the  name  of  the  beloned  people. 
'J'hc  same  principle  regulated  the  notions  of  the  other 
Americans  concerning  the  Europeans  ;  for  although  at 
nrst  iliey  were  filled  with  astonishment  at  their  arts, 
and  with  dread  of  tlieir  power,  they  soon  came  to  f,bate 
their  estimation  of  men  whose  maxims  of  life  were  so 
diH'erent  from  their  own.  Hence  they  called  them  die 
froth  of  the  sea,  men  without  father  or  mother.  They 
sujiposed,  that  either  thev  had  no  country  of  their  own, 
and  therefore  invaded  that  which  belonged  to  others  ; 
or  that,  being  destitute  of  the  necessaries  of  life  at 
nome,  they  were  obliged  to  roam  over  tiie  ocean,  in  or- 
der to  rob  such  as  were  more  amply  provided. 

Men  thus  satisfied  witli  their  own  condition  are  far 
from  any  inclination  to  relinquish  their  own  habits,  or 
to  adopt  those  of  civilized  life.  The  transition  is  too 
violent  to  be  suddenly  made.  Even  where  endeavors 
have  been  used  to  wean  a  savage  from  his  own  customs, 
and  to  render  the  accommodations  of  polished  society 
familiar  to  him  ;  even  where  ho  has  been  allowed  to 
taste  of  those  pleasures,  and  has  been  honored  with 
those  distinctions,  which  are  the  chief  objects  of  our 
desire,  he  droops  and  languishes  under  the  restraint  of 
laws  and  forms,  he  seizes  the  first  opportunity  of  break- 
ing loose  from  them,  and  returns  with  transport  to  the 
forest  or  the  wild,  where  he  can  enjoy  a  careless  and 
uncontrolled  freedom. 

Thus  I  have  finished  a  laborious  delineation  of  the 
character  and  manners  of  the  uncivilized  tnlies  scat- 
tered over  the  vast  continent  of  America.  In  this,  I 
aspire  not  at  rivalling  the  great  masters  who  have 
painted  and  adorned  savage  life,  either  m  boldness  of 
design,  or  in  the  glow  and  beauty  of  tlieir  coloring.  I 
am  .satisfied  with  the  more  humble  merit  of  having  pcr- 
si.sted  with  patient  industry,  in  viewing  my  subject  in 
many  various  lights,  and  collecting  from  the  most  accu- 
rate observers  such  detached,  and  often  minute  fea- 
tures, as  might  enable  mo  to  exhibit  a  portrait  that 
resembles  the  original. 

IJefore  I  close  this  part  of  my  work,  one  observation 
more  is  neees.iary,  in  order  to  justify  the  conclusions 
which  I  have  formed,  or  to  prevent  the  mistakes  into 
which  Riuha*  exainini!  them  may  fall.  In  contemplat- 
ing the  mhaliitaiits  of  a  country  so  widely  extended  as 
America,  great  attention  slioiild  be  paid  to  the  diver- 
sity of  clim.iles  under  which  they  are  [ilaced.  The 
inriucncc  of  this  I  have  pointed  out  witn  respect  to 
several  important  particulars  which  have  been  the  ob- 
ject of  research  ;  but  even  where  it  has  not  been  ipcii- 
tloned,  it  ought  not  lo  be  overlooked,  The  provinces 
of  America  are  of  such  dilfereiit  temperament,  that 
liiis  alono  M  suficiont  to  coiistituln  a  distinction  botwuc:i 


their  inhabitants.  In  every  part  of  the  earth  where 
man  exists,  the  power  of  climate  operates,  with  deci- 
sive influence,  upcui  his  coiidilion  and  character.  In 
those  countries  which  approach  near  to  the  extremes 
of  heat  or  coid,  this  influence  is  so  conspicuous  as  to 
strike  every  eye.  Whether  we  consider  man  merely 
as  an  animal,  or  as  being  endowed  with  rational  pow- 
ers which  fit  him  for  activity  and  speculation,  we  shall 
find  that  be  has  uniformly  attained  the  greatest  perfec- 
tion of  which  his  nature  is  capable,  in  the  temperate 
regions  of  the  globe.  There  his  constitution  is  most 
vigorous,  his  organs  most  acute,  and  his  form  most 
beautiful.  There,  too,  he  possesses  a  sujierior  extent 
of  capacity,  greater  fertility  of  imagination,  more  enter- 
prising courage,  and  a  sensibility  of  heart  which  gives 
birth  to  desires,  not  only  ardent,  but  persevering.  In 
this  favorite  situation  he  has  displayed  the  utmost  ef- 
forts of  his  genius,  in  literature,  in  policy,  in  com- 
merce, in  war,  and  in  all  the  arts  which  improve  or 
embellish  life. 

This  powerful  operation  of  climate  is  felt  most  sen- 
sibly by  rude  nations,  and  produces  greater  eliects  than 
in  societies  more  improved.  The  talents  of  civilized 
men  are  contiiiually  exerted  in  rendering  their  own 
condition  more  comforlaMc  ;  and  by  their  ingenuity 
and  inventions,  they  can  in  a  great  measure  supjily  the 
defects,  and  guard  against  the  inconveniences  of  any 
climate.  But  the  improvident  savage  is  affected  by 
every  circumstance  peculiar  to  his  situation.  He  takes 
no  precaution  either  to  mitigate  or  to  improve  it.  Like 
a  plant  or  an  animal,  he  is  formed  by  the  climate  under 
which  he  is  placed,  and  feels  the  full  force  of  its  influ- 
ence. 

In  surveying  the  rude  nations  of  America,  this  natu- 
ral distinction  between  the  inhabitants  of  the  temperate 
and  torrid  zones  is  very  remarkable.  Ti'.ey  may,  ac- 
cordingly, be  divided  into  two  great  classes.  The  one 
comprehends  all  the  North  Americans  from  the  river 
St.  Laurence  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  together  with  the 
people  of  Chili,  and  a  few  small  tribes  towards  the 
extremity  of  the  southern  continent.  To  the  other 
belong  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  islands,  and  those  set- 
tled in  the  various  provinces  which  extend  from  the 
isthmus  of  Uarien  almost  to  the  southern  confines  of 
Brasil,  along  the  east  side  of  the  Andes.  In  the  for- 
mer, which  comprehends  all  the  regions  of  the  tempe- 
rate zone  that  in  America  are  inhabited,  the  human 
species  appears  manifestly  to  be  more  perfect.  The 
natives  are  more  robust,  more  active,  more  intelligent, 
and  more  courageous.  They  possess,  in  the  most  emi- 
nent degree,  that  force  of  mind,  and  love  of  indejicn- 
dcnce,  which  I  have  pointed  out  as  the  cliief  virtues  of 
man  in  his  savage  slate.  They  have  defended  their 
liberty  with  persevering  fortitude  against  the  Europeans, 
who  subdued  the  other  rude  nations  of  .Vmerica  with 
the  greatest  ease.  The  natives  of  the  temperate  zone 
are  the  only  people  in  the  New  World  who  are  indebted 
for  their  freedom  to  their  own  valor.  The  North 
Americans,  though  long  encom])assed  by  three  formi- 
dable European  powers,  still  retain  part  of  their  original 
possessions,  and  continue  to  exist  as  indejiendont  na- 
tions. The  jieople  of  Chili,  though  early  invaded,  still 
maintain  a  gallant  contest  with  the  Spaniards,  and 
have  set  bounds  to  their  encroachments  ;  whereas,  in 
the  warmer  rejjions,  men  are  more  feeble  in  their  frame, 
less  vigorous  in  the  ellorts  of  their  minds,  of  a  gentle 
but  dastardly  spirit,  more  enslaved  by  pleasure,  and 
more  sunk  in  indolence.  Accordingly,  it  is  in  the  tor- 
rid zone  that  the  Europeans  have  most  completely 
established  their  dominion  over  .\merica  ;  the  most 
fertile  and  desirable  provinces  in  it  arc  subjected  to 
their  yoke  ;  and  if  several  tribes  there  still  enjoy  inde- 
pendence, it  is  either  because  they  have  never  lieen 
attacked  by  an  enemy  already  satiated  with  conijuest. 
and  possessed  of  larger  territories  than  he  was  able  to 
occupy,  or  because  thev  have  been  saved  from  oj)|)res- 
sion  by  their  remote  and  inaccessible  situation. 

Conspicuous  as  this  distinction  n>ay  appear  bi^tween 
the  inhabitants  of  those  dilferent  regions,  it  is  not, 
however,  universal.  Moral  and  [lolitical  causes,  as  I 
have  formerly  observed,  affect  the  disposition  and  cha- 
racter of  individuals,  as  well  as  nations,  still  more 
powerfully  than  the  influence  of  climate.  There  arc. 
accordingly,  some  tribes,  in  various  |)arts  of  the  torrid 
zone,  possessed  of  courage,  hi^h  sjiirit,  and  the  love  of 
independence,  in  a  degree  hardly  inferior  lo  the  natives 
of  more  temperate  climates.  We  are  too  little  acquainted 
with  the  history  of  these  people,  to  be  able  to  trac  the 
several  circumstances  in  their  jirogress  and  condition, 
to  which  they  are  indebted  for  this  remarkable  ])re- 
emmcncc  'I'hc  fact,  nevertheless,  is  certain.  .\s 
early  od  tho  first  voyage  of  Columbus,  ho  received 


information  that  several  of  the  islands  were  itdialiiied 
!  by  the  Carnbhccs,  a  fierce  race  of  men,  nowii-.c  resem- 
bling their  feeble  and  timid  neighbors     In  his  second 
i  expedition  lo  the  New  World,  he  found  this  iiiforina- 
lion  to  be  just,  and  was  himself  a  witness  of  iheu 
intrepid  valor,  [a.")]  The  same  character  they  have  main- 
tained invariably  in  all  subsccpient  contests  wiih  the 
peo|)le  of  Europe  ;  and  even  in  our  own  times  wc  have 
j  seen  ihein  make  a  gallant  stand  in  ilcf'eiu-e  of  the  la.si 
1  territory  which  the  rapacity  of  the  invaders  had  left 
[  in  their  jiossession.  [9f)]    .Some  nations  in  Brasil  were 
j  no  less  eminent  for  vigor  of  mind  and  bravery  in  war. 
j  The  people  of  the  isthmus  of  Darien  boldly  met  tbo 
S|)aniaril.s  in  the  field,  and  fre(p)ently  re|H'llf;d  those 
formidable  invaders.    Other  instances  might  be  pro- 
duced.   It  is  not  by  attending  lo  any  single  cau.<ie  or 
principle,  how  powerful  and  extensive  soever  its  influ- 
ence may  appear,  that  we  can  explain  the  actions,  or 
account  fur  the  character  of  men.    Even  the  law  of 
j  climate,  more  universal,  perhaps,  in  its  operation  than 
any  that  allects  the  human  species,  cannot  be  applied, 
ill  judging  of  their  conduct,  without  many  exceptions. 

BOOK  V. 

History  of  the  conquest  of  New  Spain  by  Cortes. 
WiiK.v  Crijalva  [1518.]  returned  to  Cuba,  he  found 
the  armament  destined  to  attempt  the  conquest  of  that 
rich  country  which  he  had  discovered  almost  complete. 
Not  only  ambition,  but  avarice,  had  urged  Velasquez 
to  hasten  his  preparations  ;  and  having  such  a  prospect 
of  gratifying  both,  he  had  advanced  consideralde  sums 
out  of  his  private  fortune  towards  defraying  the  ex- 
penses of  the  expedition.  \\.  the  same  time,  he  ex- 
erted his  influence  as  governor,  in  engaging  the  most 
distinguished  persons  in  the  colony  to  undertake  the 
Ecrvice.  [97]  At  a  time  when  the  spirit  of  the  Spanish 
nation  was  adventurous  to  excess,  a  number  of  •■•.Idiers, 
eager  to  embark  in  any  daring  enterprise,  soon  ap- 
peared. But  it  was  not  .so  easy  lo  fiml  a  person  quali- 
fied to  take  the  command  in  an  expedition  of  so  much 
importance  ;  and  the  character  of  Velasquez,  who  had 
the  right  of  nomination,  greatly  increased  the  ditliculiy 
of  the  choice.  Though  of  most  aspiring  ambilion,  and 
not  destit  ite  of  talents  for  government,  he  possessed 
neither  such  courage,  nor  such  vigor  and  activity  ol 
mind,  as  to  undertake  in  person  the  coi.d.ct  of  the 
irmament  which  he  was  preparing.  In  this  embarrass- 
ing situation,  he  formed  the  chimerical  scheme,  not 
only  of  achieving  great  exjiloits  by  a  deputy,  but  o( 
securing  to  himself  the  glory  of  conquests  which  were 
to  be  made  by  another.  In  the  execution  of  this  plan, 
he  fondly  aimed  at  reconciling  contradictions.  He  was 
solicitous  to  choose  a  commander  of  intrepid  resolu- 
tion, and  of  superior  abilities,  because  he  know  ihese 
to  be  requisite  in  order  to  ensure  success  ;  but.  at  the 
same  time,  from  the  jealousy  natural  to  little  minds,  he 
wished  this  person  to  be  of  a  spirit  so  tame  and  ob.se- 
quious  as  to  be  entirely  dependent  on  his  will.  But 
when  he  came  to  apply  those  ideas  in  forming  an 
opinion  concerning  the  several  oflicers  who  occurred 
to  his  thoughts  as  worthy  of  being  intrusted  with  the 
command,  he  soon  perceived  that  it  was  im]iossible  to 
find  such  incom|)atible  qualities  united  in  one  character. 
Such  as  were  distinguished  for  courage  and  talentii 
were  too  high  s|)irited  to  be  passive  instruments  in  hi* 
hands.  Those  who  appeared  more  gentle  and  tracta- 
ble were  destitute  of  capacay,  and  unecpial  lo  the 
charge.  This  augmented  his  perjilexilv  and  his  fears, 
lie  deliberated  long  and  with  much  solicitude,  and  was 
still  wavering  in  his  choice  when  .\mador  de  Lares, 
the  royal  treasurer  in  Cuba,  and  .\ndres  Duera,  his  own 
secretary,  the  two  persons  in  whom  he  chiefly  confided, 
were  encouraged  by  this  irresolution  lo  propose  a  new 
candidate  ;  and  they  supported  their  recommendation 
with  such  assiduity  ami  address,  that,  no  less  fatally 
for  Velasquez  than  ha|>pily  for  their  country,  it  proved 
successful. 

The  man  whom  they  pointed  out  to  him  was  Fer- 
nando (,'ortes.  He  was  born  at  Medellin,  a  small  town 
m  Estreniadura,  in  the  year  one  thousand  four  hundred 
and  eighty-five,  and  descended  from  a  family  of  noble 
blood,  but  of  very  moderate  fortuii'V  Being  orii'inally 
destined  by  his  parents  to  the  study  of  law,  as  the  most 
likely  method  of  bettering  his  condition,  he  was  sent 
early  to  the  university  of  Salamanca,  where  he  imbibed 
some  tincture  of  learning.  But  he  vsas  soon  disgusted 
with  an  academic  life,  which  did  not  suit  his  ardent  and 
restless  genius,  and  retired  lo  Medellin,  where  lie  gave 
himself  up  entirely  to  active  sports  ami  martial  exer- 
cises .\t  this  period  of  life  he  was  so  impetuous,  ao 
ovctl)car;iig,  and  so  dissipated,  that  hin  fatlicr  wa«  g^ti 


SOUTH  AMKRIOA. 


119 


10  comply  with  his  inclination,  and  sent  him  abroad  as 
mi  adventurer  in  arms.  'I'licre  were  in  that  ai;e  two 
conspicuous  theatres,  on  which  such  ol'  tlie  Spanisli 
youth  as  courted  military  glory  miirht  display  their 
valor;  one  in  Italy,  under  the  coininaiid  of  the  Great 
Captain  ;  tiie  otlier  in  the  New  \\'i)rld.  Cortes  pre- 
ferred the  former,  but  was  prevented  by  indisj)Osition 
from  eniburking  with  a  reinforcement  of  troops  sent  to 
Naples,  lipon  this  disappointment  he  turned  his 
views  towards  America,  whither  he  was  allured  by  the 
prospect  of  the  advantages  which  lie  might  derive  from 
the  patronage  of  Ovando,  [98]  the  governor  of  His-  ^ 
paiiiola,  who  was  his  kinsman.  When  lie  landed  at 
St.  Domingo,  in  one  thousand  five  hundred  and  lour, 
his  recejition  w-as  su^n  as  e(iualled  his  most  sanguine 
hopes,  and  he  was  employed  by  the  Governor  in  several 
honorable  and  lucrative  stations.  These,  however,  did 
not  satisfy  his  ambition  ;  and,  in  the  year  one  thousand 
five  huiidrt^d  and  eleven,  he  obtained  permission  to 
accoinp any  Diego  Velasquez  in  his  expedition  to  Cuba. 
In  this  service  he  distinguished  himself  so  much,  that, 
notwithstanding  some  violent  contests  with  Velasquez, 
occasioned  by  trivial  events  unworthy  of  remembrance, 
he  was  at  length  taken  into  favor,  and  received  an  am- 
ple concession  of  lands  and  of  Indians,  the  recompense 
isually  bestowed  ujion  adventurers  in  the  New  \\'orld. 

Though  Cortes  liad  not  hitherto  acted  in  high  com- 
mand, he  had  disjdayed  such  qualities  in  several  scenes 
of  ditiiculty  and  danger,  as  raised  universal  e.vpecta- 
tion,  and  turned  the  eyes  o(  his  countrymen  towards 
hira  as  one  capable  of  performing  great  things.  The 
turbulence  of  youth,  as  soon  as  he  found  objects  and 
occupations  suited  to  the  ardor  of  his  mind,  gradually 
subsided  and  settled  into  a  liabit  of  regular  indefatigable 
activity.  The  impetuosity  of  his  temper,  when  he 
came  to  act  with  his  equals,  insensibly  abated,  by  being 
kept  under  restraint,  and  mellowed  into  a  cordial 
Boldierly  frankness.  These  qualities  were  accom- 
panied with  calm  prudence  in  concerting  his  schemes, 
with  persevering  vigor  in  executing  them,  and  with, 
wilat  is  peculiar  to  superior  genius,  the  art  of  gaining 
ilio  conhdence  and  governing  the  minds  of  men.  To 
all  which  were  added  the  inferior  accomplishments  that 
strike  the  vulgar,  and  command  their  respect ;  a  grace- 
ful person,  a  winning  aspect,  extraordinary  address  in 
martial  exercises,  and  a  constitution  of  such  vigor  as 
to  be  capable  of  enduring  any  fatigue. 

As  soon  as  Cortes  was  mentioned  to  Velasquez  by 
his  two  confidants,  he  flattered  himself  that  he  had  at 
leng'h  found  what  he  had  hitherto  sought  in  vain,  a 
man  with  talents  for  command,  but  not  an  object  for 
jealousy.  Neither  the  rank  nor  the  fortune  of  Cortes, 
as  he  imagined,  was  such  that  he  could  aspire  at  inde- 
pendence. He  had  reason  to  believe  that  by  his  own 
read:ness  to  bury  ancient  animosities  in  oblivion,  as 
well  as  his  liberality  in  conferring  several  recent  favors, 
he  had  aiieady  gained  the  good  will  of  Cortes,  and 
hoped,  by  this  new  and  unexpected  mark  of  confidence, 
that  he  might  attach  him  for  ever  to  his  interest. 

Cortes,  receiving  his  commission  [Oct.  23,]  with  the 
warmest  expressions  of  respect  and  gratitude  to  the 
governor,  immediately  erected  his  standard  before  his 
own  house,  appeared  in  a  military  dress,  and  assumed 
all  the  ensigns  of  his  new  dignity.    His  utmost  in- 
fluence and  activity  were  exerted  in  persuading  many 
of  his  friends  to  engage  in  the  service,  and  m  urging 
forward  the  prejiarations  for  the  voyage.    All  his  own 
funds,  together  with  what  money  he  could  raise  by 
mortgaging  his  lands  and  Indians,  were  expended  in  I 
purchasing  military  stores  and  provisions,  or  m  suuply- 1 
ing  the  wants  of  such  of  his  otHcers  as  were  unable  to  . 
equip  themselves  in  a  manner  suited  to  their  rank.  [99] 
InoH'eiisive  and  even  laudable  as  this  conduct  was,  his 
disappointed  com|)etitors  were  malicious  enough  to 
give  It  a  turn  to  his  disadvantage.    They  represented 
him  as  aiming  already,  with  little  disguise,  at  estabhsh- 
mg  an  independent  authority  over  his  troops,  and  en- 
deavoring to  secure  their  res^iect  or  love  by  his  osten-  [ 
tatious  and  interested  liberality.    They  reminded  Ve-  [ 
lasquez  of  his  former  dissensions  with  the  man  in 
whom  he  now  reposed  so  much  confidence,  and  fore- 
told that  Cortes  would  be  more  apt  to  avail  himself  of 
the  power  which  the  governor  was   inconsiderately  j 
putting  in  his  hands,  to  avenge  past  injuries  than  to  [ 
requite  recent  obligations.    These  insinuations  made 
iuch  unpression  upon  the  suspicious  mmd  of  Velas- 
quez, that  Cortes  soon  observed  soire  svmptoms  of 
0  growmg  alienation  and  distrust  in  his  behavior,  and  1 
was  advised  by  Lares  and  Duero  to  hasten  his  depar- 
ture belore  these  should  become  so  confirmed  as  to  . 
break  out  with  open  violence.    Fully  sensible  of  this  j 
Jw^ef,  he  urjcd  forward  his  i;renir  -*>ions  with  such ! 


rapidity  that  ho  set  sail  from  St.  Jago  de  Cuba  on  the  ! 
eighteenth  of  November.  Velasquez  accompanying 
hull  to  the  shore,  and  taking  leave  of  him  with  an 
appearance  of  perfect  friendship  and  confidence,  though 
he  had  secretly  given  it  in  charge  to  some  of  Cortes' 
officers,  to  keep  a  watchful  eye  upon  every  part  of  their 
commander's  conduct. 

Cortes  proceeded  to  Trinidad,  a  small  settlement  on 
the  same  side  of  the  island,  where  he  was  joined  by 
several  adventurers,  and  received  a  supply  of  provisions 
and  military  stores,  of  which  his  stock  was  still  very 
incomplete.  He  had  hardly  left  St.  Jago,  when  the 
jealousy  which  had  been  working  in  the  breast  of  Ve- 
lasquez grew  so  violent  that  it  was  impossible  to  sup- 
press it.  The  armament  w>as  no  longer  under  his  own 
eye  and  direction  ;  and  he  felt  that  as  his  power  over 
it  ceased,  that  of  Cortes  would  become  more  absolute. 
Imagination  now  aggravated  every  circumstance  which 
had  formerly  excited  suspicion  :  the  rivals  of  Cortes 
industriously  threw  m  reflections  which  increased  his 
fear  ;  and  with  no  less  art  than  inilice  they  called  su- 
perstition to  their  aid,  employing  the  predictions  of  an 
astrologer  in  order  to  complete  the  alarm.  All  these, 
by  their  united  operation,  produced  the  desired  effect. 
Velasquez  repented  bitterly  of  his  own  impriid^ice,  in 
having  committed  a  trust  of  so  mnch  importance  to  a 
person  whose  lidelity  ajipoarcd  so  doubtful,  and  hastily 
despatched  instructions  to  Trinidad,  em|ioweriiig  Ver- 
dugo,  the  chief  magistrate  there,  to  deprive  Corlcs  of 
his  commission.  But  Cortes  had  already  made  such 
progress  in  gaining  the  esteem  and  confidence  of  his 
troops,  that,  finding  officers  as  well  as  soldiers  equaiiy 
zealous  to  support  his  authority,  he  soothed  or  intimi- 
dated Verdugo,  and  was  permitted  to  depart  from  Trini- 
dad without  molestation. 

From  Trinidad  Cortes  sailed  for  the  Havana,  in  or- 
der to  raise  more  soldiers,  and  to  complete  the  victual- 
ling of  his  fleet.  There  several  persons  of  distinction 
entered  into  the  service,  and  engaged  to  supply  what 
provisions  were  still  wanting  ;  but  as  it  was  necessary 
to  allow  them  some  time  for  performing  what  they  had 
promised,  Vslasquez,  sensible  that  he  ought  no  longer 
to  rely  on  a  man  of  whom  he  had  so  openly  discovered 
his  distrust,  availed  himself  of  the  interval  which  this 
unavoidable  delay  afforded,  in  order  to  make  one  at- 
tempt more  to  wrest  the  command  out  of  the  hands  of 
Cortes.  He  loudly  complained  of  Verdugo's  conduct, 
accusing  him  either  of  childish  facility,  or  of  manifest 
treachery,  in  suffering  Cortes  to  escape  from  Trinidad. 
Anxious  to  guard  against  a  second  disappointment,  he 
sent  a  person  of  conhdence  to  the  Havana,  with  pe- 
remptory injunctions  to  Pedro  Barba,  his  lieutenant- 
governor  in  that  colony,  instantly  to  arrest  Cortes,  to 
send  him  prisoner  to  St.  Jago  under  a  strong  guard, 
and  to  countermand  the  sailing  of  the  armament  until 
he  should  receive  further  orders.  He  wrote  likewise 
to  the  nrinciual  officers,  requiring  them  to  assist  Barba 
in  executing  what  he  had  given  him  in  charge.  But 
before  the  arrival  of  this  messenger,  a  Franciscan  friar 
of  St.  Jago  had  secretly  conveyed  an  account  of  this 
interesting  transaction  to  Bartholomew  de  Olmedo,  a 
mo.ik  of  the  same  order,  who  acted  as  chaplain  to  the 
expedition.  Cortes,  forewarned  of  the  danger,  had  time 
to  take  precautions  for  his  own  safety.  His  first  step 
was  to  find  some  pretext  for  removing  from  the  Havana 
Diego  de  Ordaz,  an  officer  of  great  merit,  but  in  whom, 
on  account  of  his  known  attachment  to  Velasquez,  he 
could  not  confide  in  this  trying  and  delicate  juncture. 
He  gave  him  the  command  of  a  vessel  destined  to  take 
on  board  some  provisions  in  a  small  harbor  beyond  Cape 
Antonio,  and  thus  made  sure  of  his  absence  without 
seeming  to  suspect  his  fidelity.  When  he  was  gone, 
Cortes  no  longer  concealed  the  intentions  of  Velasquez 
from  his  troops ;  and  as  officers  and  soldiers  were 
equally  impatient  to  set  out  on  an  expedition,  in  pre- 
paring for  which. most  of  them  had  expended  all  their 
fortunes,  they  expressed  their  astonishment  and  indig- 
nation at  that  illiberal  jealousy  to  which  the  governor 
was  about  to  sacrifice,  not  only  the  honor  of  their  ge- 
neral, but  all  tiieir  sanguine  hopes  of  glory  and  wealth. 
With  one  voice  thev  entreated  that  he  would  not  aban- 
don the  important  station  to  which  he  had  such  a  good 
title.  They  conjured  him  not  to  deprive  them  of  a 
leader  whom  thev  followed  with  such  \vell  founded  con- 
fidence, and  offered  to  shed  the  last  drop  of  their  blood 
in  maintaining  his  authority.  Cortes  was  easily  in- 
duced to  comjily  with  what  he  himself  so  ardently  de- 
sired. He  swore  that  he  would  never  desert  soldiers 
who  had  given  him  such  a  signal  [iroof  of  their  attach- 
ment, and  promised  instantly  to  conduct  them  to  that 
rich  country  which  had  been  so  long  the  object  of  their 
thoughts  and  wishes.    This  declaration  was  received 


with  transports  of  military  applause,  accompanied  with 
threats  and  imprecations  against  all  who  should  pre- 
sume to  call  in  question  the  jurisdiction  of  their  ge- 
neral, or  to  obstruct  the  execution  of  his  dcsifrn*. 

Every  thing  was  now  ready  for  their  drjiarture  ;  bnt 
though  tins  expcdilion  was  fitted  out  by  the  united  ef- 
fort of  the  Spanish  |)Ower  in  (Juba  ;  though  every  settle- 
ment had  contributed  its  (jiiota  of  men  and  provisions ; 
though  the  governor  had  laid  out  considerable  sums, 
and  each  adventurer  had  exhausted  his  block,  or  strain- 
ed his  credit,  the  poverty  of  the  jireparations  was  such 
as  must  astonish  the  present  age,  and  bore,  indeed,  no 
resemblance  to  an  armament  destined  lor  the  conijucst 
of  a  great  empire.  The  fleet  consist<'d  of  eleven  veo- 
sels  ;  the  largest  of  a  hundred  tons,  which  was  digni- 
fied by  the  name  of  Admiral  ;  three  of  seventy  or  eighty 
tons,  and  the  rest  small  open  barks.  On  board  of  theso 
were  six  hundred  and  seventeen  men  ;  of  which  five 
hundred  and  eight  belonged  to  the  land  service,  and  a 
hundred  and  nine  were  seamen  or  artificers.  The  sol- 
diers were  divided  into  eleven  companies,  accord- 
ing to  the  number  of  the  ships  ;  to  each  of  which 
Cortes  appointed  a  captain,  and  committed  to  him 
the  command  of  the  vessel  while  at  sea,  and  of  tho 
men  when  on  shore.  [lOOJ  As  the  use  of  fire  arms 
among  the  nations  of  Europe  was  hitherto  confined  to 
a  few  battalions  of  regularly  disciplined  infantry,  only 
thirteen  soldiers  were  armed  with  muskets,  thirty-two 
were  cross-bow  men,  and  the  rest  had  swords  and 
spears.  Instead  of  the  usual  defensive  armour,  which 
must  have  been  cumbersome  in  a  hot  climate,  the  sol- 
diers wore  jackets  quilted  with  cotton,  which  experi- 
ence had  taught  the  Spaniards  to  be  a  sufficient  pro- 
tection against  the  weapons  of  the  Americans.  They 
had  only  sixteen  horses,  ten  small  field  pieces,  and  four 
falconets. 

With  this  slender  and  ill  provided  train  did  Cortea 
set  sail  [Feb.  10,  1519,]  to  make  war  upon  a  monarch 
whose  dominions  were  more  extensive  than  all  tho 
kingdoms  subject  to  the  Spanish  crown.  As  religious 
enthusiasm  always  mingled  with  the  spirit  of  adventure 
in  the  New  World,  and,  by  a  combination  still  more 
strange,  united  with  avarice,  in  prompting  the  Spaniards 
to  all  their  enterprises,  a  large  cross  was  displayed  in 
their  standards,  with  this  inscription.  Let  us  Julluu  the 
cross,  for  under  this  sign  we  sliall  comjuer. 

So  powerfully  were  Cortes  and  his  followers  anima- 
ted with  both  these  passions,  that  no  less  eager  to 
plunder  the  opulent  country  whither  they  were  bound, 
than  zealous  to  propagate  the  Christian  faith  among  ita 
inhabitants,  they  set  out,  not  with  the  solicitude  natu- 
ral to  men  going  upon  dangerous  services,  but  with 
that  confidence  which  arises  from  security  of  success, 
ana  certainty  of  the  divine  protection. 

As  Cortes  had  determined  to  touch  at  every  placo 
where  Grijalva  had  visited,  he  steered  directly  towards 
the  island  of  Cozumel  ;  there  he  had  the  good  fortune 
to  redeem  Jerome  de  Aguilar,  a  Spaniard,  who  had  been 
eight  years  a  prisoner  among  the  Indians.  This  man 
vras  perfectly  acquainted  with  a  dialect  of  their  lan- 
guage understood  through  a  large  extent  of  country, 
and  possessing  besides  a  considerable  share  of  prudence 
and  sagacity,  proved  extremely  useful  as  an  interpreter. 
From  Cozumel,  Cortes  jiroceeded  to  the  river  of  Ta- 
basco [March  4,]  in  hopes  of  a  reception  as  friendly  as 
Grijalva  had  met  with  there,  and  of  finding  gold  in  tho 
same  abundance  ;  but  the  disposition  of  the  natives, 
from  some  unknown  cause,  was  totally  changed.  After 
repeated  endeavors  to  conciliate  their  good  will,  he  was 
constrained  to  have  recourse  to  violence.  Though  tho 
forces  of  the  enemy  were  numerous,  and  advanced  with 
1  extraordinary  courage,  they  were  routed  with  f.reat 
I  slaughter  in  several  successive  actions.  Tiia  loss 
j  which  they  had  sustained,  and  still  more  tlie  astonish- 
ment and  terror  excited  by  the  destructive  effect  of  tho 
fire  arms,  and  t1)e  dreadful  appearance  of  the  horses, 
humbled  their  fierce  spirits,  and  induced  them  to  sue 
for  peace.  They  acknowledged  the  King  of  Castile  as 
their  sovereign,  and  granted  Cortes  a  supply  of  provi 
sions  with  a  present  of  cotton  garments,  some  gold, 
and  twenty  female  slaves.  [101] 

Cortes  continued  his  course  to  the  westward,  keep 
ing  as  near  the  shore  as  possible,  in  order  to  observo 
the  country  ;  but  could  discover  no  proper  |)lace  for 
landing  until  he  arrived  at  St.  Juan  de  I'lua.  As  he 
entered  this  harbor,  [.\pril  2.]  a  large  canoe  full  of  peo- 
ple, among  whom  were  two  who  seemed  to  be  persons 
of  distinction,  ajiproached  his  ship  with  signs  of  peace 
and  amity.  They  came  on  board  without  fear  or  dis- 
trust, and  addressed  him  in  a  most  respectful  manner, 
1  but  in  a  language  altogether  unknown  to  AguiUr. 
;  Cortes  was  in  the  utmost  perplexity  and  distress  at  oa 


180 


ROBEKTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


event  of  which  he  instantly  foresaw  the  consequences, 
and  already  felt  the  hesitation  and  uncertainty  with 
which  he  should  carry  on  the  great  schemes  which  he 
meditated,  if,  m  liis  transactions  with  the  natives,  he 
must  depend  entirely  upon  such  an  imperfect,  ainbigu- 
C'JS,  and  conjectural  mode  of  communication  as  the 
use  of  signs,  liut  he  did  not  remain  long  in  his  em- 
oarrassing  situation  ;  a  fortunate  accident  extricated 
him  when  his  own  sagacity  could  have  contributed  lit- 
tle towards  his  relief.  One  of  the  female  slaves,  whom 
he  had  received  from  the  caziquc  of  Tabasco,  happened 
to  be  present  at  the  tirst  interview  between  Cortes  and 
his  new  guests.  She  perceived  his  distress,  as  well 
03  the  confusion  of  Aguilar ;  and,  as  she  peifcctly  un- 
derstood the  Mexican  language,  she  explained  what 
'.hey  had  said  in  the  Yucatan  tongue,  with  which  Agui- 
lar was  acquainted.  This  woman,  known  afterwards 
by  the  name  of  Donna  Marina,  and  who' makes  a  con- 
spicuous figure  in  the  history  of  the  New  World,  where 
great  revolutions  were  brought  about  by  small  causes 
and  inconsiderable  instruments,  was  born  in  one  of  the 
provinces  of  the  Mexican  Empire.  Having  been  sold 
(xs  a  slave  in  the  early  part  of  her  life,  after  a  variety 
of  adventures  she  fell  into  the  hands  of  tho  Tabascans, 
and  had  resided  long  enough  among  them  to  acquire 
their  language  without  losing  the  use  of  her  own 
Though  it  was  both  tedious  and  troublesome  to  con- 
verse by  the  intervention  of  two  diHerent  interpreters, 
Cortes  was  so  highly  pleased  with  having  discovered 
this  method  of  carrying  on  some  intercourse  with  tho 
people  of  a  country  into  which  he  was  determined  to 
penetrate,  that  in  the  transports  of  his  joy  he  consi- 
nered  it  as  a  visible  interposition  of  Providence  in  his 
favor. 

He  now  learned  that  the  two  persons  whom  he  had 
received  on  board  of  his  ship  were  dejiuties  from  Tcu- 
tile  and  Pilpatoe,  two  officers  intrusted  with  the  go- 
vernment of  that  province  by  a  great  monarch  whom 
tliey  called  Montezuma  ;  and  that  they  were  sent  to 
lii(|uire  what  his  intentions  were  in  visiting  their  coast, 
and  to  offer  him  what  assistance  he  might  need,  in 
order  to  continue  his  voyage.  Cortes,  struck  with  the 
aj)pearance  of  those  people,  as  well  as  the  tenor  of  the 
message,  assured  them,  in  respectful  terms,  that  he 
approached  their  country  with  most  friendly  sentiments, 
and  came  to  propose  matters  of  great  importance  to 
Jie  welfare  of  their  prince  and  liis  kingdom,  which  he 
would  unfold  more  fully,  in  person,  to  the  governor  and 
the  general.  Xext  morning,  without  waiting  for  any 
on?vver,  be  landed  his  troops,  his  horses,  and  artillery  ; 
»Jid,  having  chosen  jiroper  ground,  began  to  erect  huts 
for  his  men,  and  to  fortify  his  camp.  The  natives,  in- 
stead of  opposing  the  entrance  of  those  fatal  guests 
hito  their  country,  assisted  them  in  all  their  operations 
with  an  alacrity  of  which  they  had  ere  long  good  rea- 
son to  repent 

Xext  day  Teutile  and  Pilpatoe  entered  the  Spanish 
camp  with  a  numerous  retinue  ;  and  Cortes,  consider- 
ing them  as  the  ministers  of  a  great  monarch  entitled 
to  a  degree  of  attention  very  dillercnl  from  that  which 
the  Spaniards  were  accustomed  to  pay  the  petty  ca- 
ziques  with  whom  they  had  intercourse  in  the  isles, 
received  them  with  much  formal  ceremony.  He  in- 
formed them,  that  he  came  as  ambassador  from  Don 
Carlos,  of  Austria,  King  of  Castile,  the  greatest 
monarch  of  the  East,  and  was  intrusted  with  proposi- 
tions of  such  moment,  that  he  could  impart  them  to 
none  but  the  Emperor  .Montezuma  himself,  and  there- 
fore required  them  to  conduct  him,  without  loss  of 
time,  into  the  presence  of  their  master.  'I'he  Mexican 
officers  could  not  conceal  their  uneasiness  at  a  request 
which  they  knew  would  be  disagreeable,  and  which 
they  foresaw  might  prove  extremely  embarrassing  to 
their  sovereign,  whose  mind  had  been  filled  with  many 
disquieting  apprcliensions  ever  since  the  former  appear- 
ance of  the  Spaniarils  on  his  coasts.  Uut  before  they 
attempted  to  dissuade  Cortes  from  insisting  on  his 
demand,  they  endeavored  to  conciliate  his  good  will  by 
entreating  him  to  acco|rt  of  certain  presents,  which,  as 
humble  slaves  of  .Montezuma,  they  laid  at  his  feet 
They  were  intiodiiced  with  great  parade,  and  consisted 
of  fine  cotton  cloth,  of  plumes  of  various  colors,  and 
of  ornanieiits  cf  gold  and  silver  to  a  considerable  value  ; 
ibe  workmanship  of  which  appi-ared  to  be  as  curious 
u  the  materials  were  rich.  'I'he  display  of  these  pro- 
duced an  effect  very  different  from  what  the  Mexicans 
iiitendod.  Instead  of  .satisfving,  it  increased  the  avidity 
of  the  .Spaniards,  and  rendered  them  so  eager  and  impa- 
tient to  become  masters  of  a  country  which  aboundi.'d 
with  siirh  precious  productions,  that  Cortes  could 
hardly  listen  with  patience  lothe  argiiiiientH  which  Pilpa- 
toe ajidTcuiilc  coijiloyod  todias'Aadu  him  from  visiting 


the  capital,  and  in  a  haughty  determined  tone,  he  in- 
sisted on  his  demand  of  being  admitted  to  a  personal 
audience  of  their  sovereign.  During  this  interview, 
some  painters,  in  the  train  of  the  Mexican  chiefs,  had 
been  diligently  employed  in  delineating,  upon  white 
cotton  cloths,  figures  of  the  ships,  the  norscs,  the  artil- 
lery, the  soldiers,  and  whatever  else  attracted  their 
eyes  as  singular.  When  Cortes  observed  this,  and  was 
informed  that  these  pictures  were  to  be  sent  to  Mon- 
tezuma, in  order  to  convey  to  him  a  more  lively  idea 
of  the  strange  and  wonderful  objects  now  presented  to 
their  view  than  any  words  could  communicate,  he  re- 
solved to  render  the  representation  still  more  animating 
and  intertviting,  by  exhibiting  such  a  spectacle  as  might 
give  both  them  and  their  monarch  an  awful  impression 
of  the  extraordinary  prowess  of  his  followers,  and  the 
irresistible  force  of  their  arms.  The  trumpets,  by  his 
order,  sounded  an  alarm ;  the  troops,  in  a  moment, 
formed  in  order  of  battle,  the  infantry  performed  such 
martial  exercises  as  were  best  suited  to  display  the 
effect  of  their  different  weapons  ;  the  horse,  in  various 
evolutions,  gave  a  specimen  of  their  agility  and 
strength  ;  the  artillery,  pointed  towards  the  thick  woods 
which  surrounded  the  camp,  were  fired,  and  made 
dreadfid  havoc  among  the  trees.  'I'he  .Mexicans  looked 
on  with  that  silent  amazement  which  is  natural  when 
the  mind  is  struck  with  objects  which  are  both  p.wful  and 
above  its  comprehension.  But,  at  the  explosion  of  the 
cannon,  many  of  them  fled,  some  fell  to  the  ground, 
and  all  were  so  much  confounded  at  the  sight  of  men 
whose  power  so  nearly  resembled  that  of  the  gods,  that 
Cortes  found  it  difficult  to  cora[)Osc  and  reassure  them. 
The  painters  had  now  many  new  objects  on  which  to 
exercise  their  art,  and  they  put  their  fancy  on  the 
stretch  in  order  to  invent  figures  and  symbols  to  repre- 
sent the  extraordinary  things  which  they  had  seen. 

Messengers  were  immediately  despatched  to  .Monte- 
zuma with  those  pictures,  and  a  full  account  of  every 
thing  that  had  passed  since  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards, 
and  by  them  Cortes  sent  a  present  of  some  European 
curiosities  to  Montezuma,  which,  though  of  no  great 
value,  he  believed  would  be  acceptable  on  account  of 
their  novelty.  The  .Mexican  inonarchs,  in  order  to  ob- 
tain early  information  of  every  occurrence  in  all  the 
corners  of  their  extensive  empire,  had  introduced  a  re- 
finement in  police  unknown  at  that  time  in  Europe. 
They  had  couriers  posted  at  proper  stations  along  the 
principal  roads  ;  and  as  these  were  trained  to  agibty  by 
a  regular  education,  and  relieved  one  another  at  mode- 
rate distances,  they  conveyed  intelligence  with  surfiris- 
ing  rapidity.  Though  the  capital  in  which  .Montezuma 
resided  was  above  a  hundrt>d  and  eighty  miles  from  St. 
.luan  de  Ulua,  Corles's  presents  were  carried  thither,  and 
an  answer  to  his  demands  received  in  a  few  days. 
The  same  officers  who  had  hitherto  treated  with  the 
.Spaniards  were  employed  to  deliver  this  answer;  but 
as  they  knew  how  leimgnaiit  the  determination  of  their 
master  was  to  all  the  schemes  and  wishes  of  the  Spa- 
nish commander,  they  would  not  venture  to  make  it 
knov>  n  until  they  had  previously  endeavored  to  soothe 
and  mollify  him.  For  this  purpose  they  renewed  their 
negotiation,  by  introducing  a  tram  of  a  hundred  Indians 
loaded  with  presents  sent  to  him  by  Montezuma.  The 
magnificence  of  these  was  such  as  became  a  great  mo- 
narch, and  far  exceeded  any  idea  which  the  Spaniards 
had  hitherto  formed  of  his  wealth.  They  were  placed 
on  mats  spread  on  the  ground  m  such  order  as  showed 
them  to  the  greatest  advantage.  Cortes  and  his  ollicers 
viewed  with  admiration  the  various  manufactures  of  the 
country  ;  cotton  stuffs  so  fine,  and  of  such  delicate 
texture  as  to  resemble  silk  ;  pictures  of  animals,  trees, 
and  other  natural  objects,  formed  with  feathers  of  dif- 
ferent colors,  disj)Osed  and  inmgled  with  such  skill  and 
elegance  as  to  rival  the  works  of  the  pencil  in  truth  and 
beauty  of  imitation.  Uut  what  chieflly  attracted  their 
eves  were  two  large  plates  of  a  circular  form,  one  of 
massive  gold  representing  the  sun,  the  other  of  silver, 
an  emblem  of  the  moon.  [102]  These  were  accompa- 
nied with  bracelets,  collars,  rings,  and  other  trinkets  of 
gold  ;  and  that  nothing  might  be  wanted  which  could  yive 
the  Spaniards  a  comi)lete  idea  of  w  hat  the  country  allord- 
ed,  with  some  boxes  rilled  with  pearls,  precious  stones, 
and  grains  of  gold  uiiwroughl,  as  they  had  been  found 
in  the  mines  or  rivers,  (fortes  received  all  these  with  an 
L'ppearance  ol  profound  veneration  for  the  monarch  by 
whom  they  were  bestowed.  But  when  the  .Mexicans, 
presuming  upon  this,  informed  him  that  their  master, 
though  he  had  desired  him  to  accept  of  what  he  had  sent 
as  a  token  of  regard  for  that  monarch  whom  (.fortes  re- 
presented, would  not  give  his  consent  that  foreign  troojis 
should  approach  nearer  to  his  capitol,  or  even  allow  them 
to  continue  longer  in  his  domimoiis,  the  Sj)anish  general 


declared,  in  a  manner  more  resolute  and  pereinptm 
than  formerly,  tnat  he  must  insist  on  his  first  deinaco, 
as  he  could  not  without  dishonor,  return  to  his  owj 
country,  unlil  iie  was  admitted  into  the  presence  of  th? 
prince  whom  he  was  appointed  to  visit  in  the  name  o! 
his  soverei^i.  The  Nlexicans.  astonished  at  stieiiia 
any  man  dare  to  oppose  that  will  which  they  were  ac- 
customed to  consider  as  supreme  and  irresistible,  yet 
afraid  of  precipitating  their  country  into  an  open  rup 
ture  with  such  formidable  enemies,  prevailed  with  Cor 
tes  to  promise  that  he  would  not  remove  from  his  pre 
sent  camp  until  the  return  of  a  messenger  whom  lhe» 
sent  to  Montezuma  for  further  instructions. 

'J'he  firmness  with  which  Cortes  adhered  to  his  origi- 
nal proposal  should  naturally  have  brought  the  negotia- 
tion between  him  and  Montezuma  to  a  speedy  issue,  as 
it  seemed  to  leave  the  .Mexican  monarch  no  choice,  but 
either  to  receive  him  with  confidence  as  a  friend,  or  to 
oppose  him  openly  as  an  enemy.  The  latter  was  what 
might  have  been  expected  from  a  haughty  prince  in  pos- 
session of  extensive  power.  The  ^^exican  empire  at 
this  period  was  at  a  pitch  of  grandeur  to  which  no  so- 
ciety ever  attained  in  so  short  a  period.  Though  it 
had  subsisted,  according  to  their  own  traditions,  only 
a  hundred  and  thirty  years,  its  dominion  extended  from 
the  North  to  the  South  Sea,  over  territories  stretching, 
with  some  small  interruption,  above  five  hundred 
leagues  from  east  to  west,  and  more  than  two  hundred 
from  north  to  south,  comprehending  provinces  not  in- 
ferior in  fertility,  pojuilation  and  opulence,  to  any  in  th« 
torrid  zone.  The  people  were  warlike  and  enterpris- 
ing ;  the  authority  of  the  monarch  unbounded,  and 
his  revenues  considerable.  If,  with  the  forces  which 
might  have  been  suddenly  assembled  in  such  an  empire, 
Montezuma  had  fallen  upon  tho  S[)aniards  while  en- 
camped on  a  barren  unhealthy  coast,  unsupported  by 
any  ally,  without  a  place  of  retreat,  and  destitute  of 
provisions,  it  seems  to  be  impossible,  even  with  all  the 
advantages  of  their  superior  discipline  and  arms,  that 
they  could  have  stood  the  shock,  and  they  must  either 
have  perished  in  such  an  unequal  contest,  or  have  aban- 
doned the  enterprise. 

As  the  power  of  .Montezuma  enabled  him  to  take  this 
spirited  part,  his  own  dispositions  were  such  as  seemed 
naturally  to  prompt  him  to  it.  Of  all  the  princes  who 
had  swayed  the  .Mexican  sceptre,  he  was  the  most 
haughty,  the  most  violent,  and  the  most  impatient  of 
control.  His  subjects  looked  up  to  him  with  awe,  and 
his  enemies  with  terror.  The  former  he  governed  with 
unexampled  rigor  ;  but  they  were  impressed  with  such 
an  opinion  of  his  capacity  as  commanded  their  respect  ; 
and,  by  many  victories  over  the  latter,  he  had  spread 
far  the  dread  of  his  arms,  and  had  added  several  con- 
siderable provinces  to  his  dominions.  But  iho'igh  his 
talents  might  be  suited  to  the  transactions  of  a  slate  so 
imperfectly  jjolished  as  tho  Mexican  empire,  and  suffi- 
cient to  conduct  them  while  in  their  accustomed  course, 
they  were  altogether  inadequate  to  a  conjuncture  so  ex- 
traordinary, and  did  not  qualify  him  either  to  judge  with 
the  discernment,  or  to  act  with  the  decision  requisite  in 
such  tn  ing  emergence. 

From  the  moment  that  the  Spaniards  appeared  on 
his  coast,  he  discovered  symptoms  of  timidity  and  em- 
barrassment. Instead  of  taking  such  resolutions  at 
the  consciousness  of  his  own  power,  or  the  memory  ol 
his  former  exploits,  might  have  inspired  !io  deliberated 
with  an  anxiety  and  hesitation  which  did  not  esca|)e  tho 
notice  of  his  meanest  courtiers.  The  perjile.xity  and 
discomposure  of  Montezuma's  mind  upon  this  occa- 
sion, as  well  as  the  general  dismay  of  his  subjects,  were 
not  owing  wholly  to  the  impression  which  the  Spaniards 
had  made  bv  the  novelty  of  their  appearance  and  tho 
terror  of  their  arms.  Its  origin  may  be  traced  up  to  a 
more  remote  source.  There  was  an  opinion,  if  wo 
may  believe  the  earliest  and  most  authentic  .Spanish 
historians,  almost  universal  among  the  .■\mericans,  that 
some  dreadful  calamity  was  impending  over  their  heads 
from  a  race  of  formidable  invaders,  who  should  come 
from  regions  towards  the  rising  sun.  to  overrun  and 
desolate  their  country.  Whether  this  discpiieting  ap 
prehension  fiowed  Irom  the  memory  of  some  nainral 
calamity  which  had  atflicted  that  part  of  tho  globe,  and 
impressed  the  minds  of  the  inhabitants  with  supersti- 
tious fears  and  forebodings,  or  whether  it  was  an  ima- 
gination acoidenlally  suggested  by  the  astonishment 
which  the  lirst  sight  of  a  new  race  of  men  ocrasioned. 
It  IS  im|)Ossililo  to  determine.  But  as  the  .Mexican* 
were  more  prone  to  superstition  than  any  people  in  ine 
New  World,  they  were  more  deeply  affected  by  iho 
appearance  of  the  Spaniards,  whom  their  credulity  in- 
stantly represented  as  the  instrument  de«tineil  to  bnnf 
about  this  fatal  rovolutiou  which  ihcy  dreodixl  Uiidw 


SOUTH  AMERICA 


12t 


Ihose  circiiinstaiices  it  ceases  to  be  incredible  that  a 
haiiclliil  of  advenf.iriTs  should  alarm  the  monarch  of  a 
gri'at  tnipirc,  aiid  all  liis  subjects. 

Notwiihstaiidiiii;  the  influence  of  this  impression, 
when  iho  messenger  arrived  from  the  Spanish  camp 
with  an  account  that  the  leader  of  the  strangers,  adher- 
ing to  his  onyinal  demand,  refused  to  obey  the  order 
O!i;ouiing  hiin  to  leave  the  country.  Montezuma  assumed 
smie  degree  of  resolution  ;  and  in  a  transport  of  rage 
natural  to  a  fierce  prince  unaccustomed  to  meet  with 
anv  opposition  to  his  will,  he  threatened  to  sacrifice 
those  presumptuous  men  to  his  gods.  But  his  doubts 
and  fears  (piickly  returned  ;  and  instead  of  issuing  or- 
ders to  carry  his  threats  into  execution,  he  again  called 
his  ministers  to  confer  and  oiler  their  advice.  Feeble 
and  temporising  measures  will  always  be  the  result 
when  men  assemble  to  deliberate  in  a  situation  where 
they  ought  to  act.  The  Mexican  counsellors  look  no 
eli'ectual  measure  for  expelling  such  troublesome  in- 
truders, and  were  satisfied  with  issuing  a  more  positive 
injunction,  requiring  them  to  leave  the  country  ;  but 
this  preposterously  accompanied  with  a  present  of 
such  value  as  proved  a  fresh  inducement  to  remain 
there. 

Meanwhile,  the  Spaniards  were  not  without  solici- 
tude, or  a  variety  of  sentiments,  in  deliberating  con- 
corning  their  own  future  conduct.  From  what  they  had 
tlready  seen,  many  of  them  formed  such  extravagant 
ideas  concerning  tlic  opulence  of  the  country,  that  des- 
pising danger  or  hardships  when  they  had  in  view  Irea- 
i-ures  which  afipeared  to  be  inexhaustible,  they  were 
eager  to  attempt  the  conquest.  (Others,  estimating  the 
power  of  the  Mexican  empire  by  its  wealth,  and  enu- 
meratincT  the  various  proofs  which  had  occured  of  its 
being  under  a  well  regulated  administration,  contended 
that  it  would  be  an  act  of  the  wildest  frenzy  to  attack 
such  a  state  with  a  small  body  of  men,  in  want  of 
provisions,  unconnected  with  any  ally,  and  already  en- 
feebled by  (he  disea.ses  peculiar  to  the  climate,  and  the 
loss  of  several  of  their  number.  Cortes  secretly  ap- 
plauded the  advocates  for  bold  measures,  andchcrished 
their  romantic  hopes,  as  such  ideas  corresponded  with 
bis  own,  and  favored  the  execution  of  the  schemes 
which  he  had  formed.  From  the  time  that  the  suspi- 
cions of  \'elasquez  broke  out  with  open  violence  in  the 
attempts  to  deprive  him  of  the  command,  Cortes  saw 
the  necessity  of  dissolving  a  connection  which  would 
Dbstruct  and  embarrass  all  his  operations,  and  watched 
for  a  [iropcr  opportunity  of  coming  to  a  final  rupture 
with  him  Having  this  in  view,  he  had  labored  by 
ovcry  art  to  secure  the  esteem  and  affection  of  his  sol- 
diers. With  his  abilities  for  cominand,  it  was  easy  to 
gam  their  esteem  ;  and  his  followers  were  quickly  satis- 
fied tliat  they  might  rely,  with  perfect  confidence,  on  the 
conduct  and  courage  of  their  leader.  IS'or  was  it  more 
dirticiilt  to  acquire  their  atl'ection.  Among  adventurers 
nearly  of  the  same  rank,  and  serving  at  their  own  ex- 
pense, the  dignity  of  cominand  did  not  elevate  a  ge- 
neral above  mingling  with  those  who  acted  iHider  him. 
Corlos  availed  himself  of  this  freedom  of  intercourse  to 
insinuate  himself  into  their  favor,  and  by  his  affable 
manners,  by  well  timed  acts  of  liberality  to  some,  by 
inspiring  all  with  vast  hopes,  and  by  allowing  them  to 
trade  privately  with  the  natives,  [103]  he  attached  the 
greater  part  of  his  soldiers  so  firmly  to  himself,  that 
they  almost  forgot  that  the  armament  had  been  fitted 
out  by  the  authority  and  at  the  expense  of  another. 

During  these  intrigues,  Teutile  arrived  with  the  pre- 
sent from  Montezuma,  and,  together  with  it,  delivered 
the  ultimate  order  of  tlrat  monarch  to  depart  instantly 
out  of  his  dominions  ;  and  when  Cortes,  instead  of 
complying,  renewed  his  request  of  an  audience,  the 
Mexican  turned  from  him  abrnbtly,  and  quitted  the 
camp  with  looks  and  aestures  which  strongly  ex[)ressed 
his  surprise  and  resentment.  Next  morning,  none  of 
the  natives,  who  used  to  frequent  the  camp  in  great 
numbers  in  order  to  barter  with  the  soldiers,  and  to 
bring  in  provisions,  appeared.  All  friendly  correspond- 
ence seemed  now  to  be  at  an  end,  and  it  was  expected 
every  mojnent  that  hostilities  would  commence.  This, 
thoiii;h  an  event  that  might  have  been  foreseen,  occa- 
sioned a  sudden  consternation  among  the  Spaniards, 
which  emboldened  the  adherents  of  Velasquez  not  only 
to  murmur  and  cabal  against  their  general,  but  to  ap- 
point one  of  their  number  to  remonstrate  openly  against 
his  imprudence  in  attempting  the  conquest  of  a  mighty 
fimpire  witli  such  inadeouate  force,  and  to  urge  the  ne- 
cessity of  returning  to  Cuba,  in  order  to  refit  the  fleet 
ar.d  augment  the  army.  Diego  do  Ordaz,  one  of  his 
pr:r»ipal  officers,  whom  the  maleonntents  charged  with 
Ihw  commission,  delivered  it  with  a  soldierly  freedom 
'Ciuulncss,  assuring  Cortes  that  he  spgko  the  senti- 


ments of  the  whole  army.  He  listened  to  this  remon- 
strance without  any  appearance  of  emotion,  and  as  he 
well  knew  the  teinjier  and  wishes  of  his  soldiers,  and 
foresaw  how  they  would  receive  a  proposition  fatal  at 
once  to  all  the  splendid  hopes  and  schemes  which  they 
had  been  forming  with  such  complaccny,  he  carried  his 
dissimulation  so  far  as  to  seem  to  relinquish  his  own 
measures  in  compliance  with  tlie  request  of  Ordaz,  and 
issued  orders  that  the  army  shoulil  be  in  readiness  next 
day  to  re-embark  for  Cuba.  As  soon  as  this  was 
known,  the  disappointed  adventurers  exclaimed  and 
threatened ;  the  emissaries  of  Cortes,  mingling  with 
them,  inflamed  their  rage  ;  the  ferment  became  general  ; 
the  whole  camp  was  almost  in  0[)en  mutiny  ;  all  de- 
manding with  eagerness  to" see  their  commander.  Cor- 
tes was  not  slow  in  appearing  ;  when,  with  one  voice, 
ollicers  and  soldiers  expressed  their  astonishment  and 
indignation  at  the  orders  which  they  had  received.  It 
was  unworthy,  they  cried,  of  the  Castillian  courage  to 
be  daunted  at  the  first  aspect  of  danger,  and  infamous 
to  fly  before  anv  enemy  appeared.  For  their  parts, 
they  were  determined  not  to  relinquish  an  enterprise 
that  had  hitherto  been  successful,  and  which  tended  so 
visibly  to  spread  the  know  ledge  of  true  religion,  and  to 
advance  the  glory  and  interest  of  their  country.  Happy 
under  his  command,  they  would  follow  him  with  ala- 
crity through  every  danger  in  quest  of  those  settlements 
and  treasures  which  he  had  so  long  held  out  to  their 
view  ;  but  if  he  chose  rather  to  return  to  Cuba,  and 
tamely  give  up  all  his  hopes  of  distinction  and  opulence 
to  an  envious  rival,  they  would  instantly  choose  another 
general  to  conduct  them  in  that  path  of  glory  which  he 
had  not  spirit  to  enter. 

Cortes,  delighted  with  their  ardor,  took  no  offence  at 
the  boldness  with  which  it  was  uttered.  The  senti- 
ments wore  what  he  himself  had  inspired,  and  the 
vTarmth  of  expression  satisfied  him  that  his  followers 
had  imbibed  them  thoroughly.  lie  affected,  however, 
to  \ie  surprised  at  what  he  heard,  declaring  that  his  or- 
ders to  prepare  for  embarking  were  issued  from  a  per- 
suasion that  this  was  agreeable  to  his  troops  ;  that,  from 
deference  to  what  he  had  been  informed  was  their  in- 

;  clination,  he  had  sacrificed  his  own  private  opinion, 
which  was  firmly  bent  on  establishing  immediately  a 
settlement  on  the  sea  coast,  and  then  on  endeavoring 
to  penetrate  into  the  interior  part  of  the  country  ;  that 
now  he  was  convinced  of  his  error  ;  and  as  he  perceived 
that  they  were  animated  with  the  generous  spirit  which 
breathed  in  every  true  Spaniard,  he  would  resume,  with 

I  fresh  ardor,  his  original  plan  of  operation,  and  doubted 
not  to  conduct  them,  in  the  career  of  victory,  to  such 
independent  fortunes  as  their  valor  merited.  Upon 
this  declaration,  shouts  of  applause  testified  the  excess 
of  their  joy.  'l"he  measure  seemed  to  be  taken  with 
unanimous  consent ;  such  as  secretly  condemned  it 
being  obliged  to  join  in  the  acclamations,  partly  to  con- 
ceal their  disall'ection  from  their  general,  and  partly  to 
avoid  the  imputation  of  cowardice  from  their  fellow- 
soldiers. 

Without  allowing  his  men  time  to  cool  or  to  reflect, 
Cortes  set  about  carrying  his  design  into  execution. 
In  order  to  give  a  beginning  to  a  colony,  he  assembled 
the  principal  persons  in  his  army,  and  by  their  suffrage 
elected  a  council  and  magistrates,  in  whom  the  govern- 
ment was  to  be  vested.  As  men  naturally  transplant 
the  institutions  and  forms  of  the  mother  country  into 
their  new  settlements,  this  was  framed  upon  the  model 
of  a  Spanish  corporation.  The  magistrates  were  dis- 
tinguished by  the  same  names  and  ensigns  of  otlice, 
and  were  to  exercise  a  similar  jurisdiction.  All  the 
persons  chosen  were  most  firmly  devoted  to  Cortes, 
and  the  instrument  of  their  election  was  framed  in  the 
king's  name,  without  any  mention  of  their  dependence 
on  Velasquez.  The  two  principles  of  avarice  and  en- 
thusiasm, which  proin})ted  the  Spaniards  to  all  their 
enterprises  in  the  New  ^\'orld,  seem  to  have  concurred 
in  suggesting  the  name  which  Cortes  bestowed  on  his 
infant  settlement.  He  called  it,  The  Kick  Town  of  the 
True  Cross. 

The  first  meeting  of  the  new  council  was  distin- 
guished by  a  transaction  of  great  moment.  As  soon 
as  it  assembled.  Cortes  a|)plied  for  leave  to  enter  ;  and 
ap])roaching  with  many  marks  of  profound  respect, 
which  added  dignity  to  the  tribunal,  and  set  an  example 
of  reverence  for  its  authority,  he  began  a  long  harangue, 
m  which,  with  much  art,  and  m  terms  extremely 
flattering  to  persons  just  entering  upon  their  new  func- 
tion, he  observed,  that  as  the  supreme  jurisdiction  over 
the  colony  which  they  had  planted  was  now  vested  in 
this  court,  he  considered  them  as  clothed  with  the  au- 
thority and  representing  the  person  of  their  sovereign  ; 
that  accordingly  he  would  comiuuaicato  to  ihcm  what 


I  he  deemed  essential  to  the  jiulilic  safety,  with  tho  same 
dutiful  fidelity  as  if  he  were  addressing  his  royal  iimo* 

I  ter ;  that  the  security  of  a  colony  settled  in  a  ureal 
empire,  whose  sovereign  had  already  discovered  hw 
hostile  intentions,  de))eiided  upon  arms,  and  the  efficacy 
of  these  upon  the  subordination  and  discipline  |)reserved 
among  the  troops  ;  that  his  right  to  command  was  do- 
rived  from  a  commission  granted  by  the  governor  o/ 
Cuba  ;  and  as  that  had  been  long  since  revoked,  tho 
lawfulness  of  his  jurisdiction  might  well  be  (piestioned; 
that  he  might  be  thought  lo  act  upon  a  defective  ol 
even  a  dubious  title  ;  nor  could  they  trust  an  army 
which  might  dispute  the  powers  of  its  general,  at  a 
juncture  when  it  ouijht  implicitly  to  obey  nis  orders  ; 
that,  moved  by  these  considerations,  he  now  resigned  all 
his  authority  to  them,  that  they,  having  both  right  to 
choose,  and  power  to  confer  full  jurisdiction,  might  af - 
point  one  in  the  king's  name  to  cominand  the  army  in 
its  future  operations  ;  and  as  for  his  own  part,  such 
was  his  zeal  for  the  service  in  which  they  were  en- 
gaged, that  he  would  most  cheerfully  take  np  a  pike  with 
the  same  iiand  that  laid  down  the  general  s  truncheon, 
and  convince  his  fellow-soldiers,  that  though  accus- 
tomed to  command,  he  had  not  forgotten  how  to  obey. 
Having  finished  his  discourse,  he  laid  the  commission 
from  Velasquez  upon  the  table,  and,  after  kissing  bis 
Iruncliooii,  delivered  it  to  the  chief  magistrate,  and 
withdrew. 

The  deliberations  of  the  council  were  not  long,  as 
Cortes  had  concerted  this  iin|)ortant  measure  with  his 
confidants,  and  had  pre[)ared  the  other  members  with 
great  address  for  the  part  which  he  wished  them  to 
take.  His  resignation  was  accepted  ;  and  as  the  unin- 
terrupted tenor  of  their  prosperity  under  his  conduct 
afforded  the  most  satisfying  evidence  of  his  abilities 
for  command,  they,  by  their  unanimous  siillrage,  elected 
him  chief  justice  of  the  colony,  and  captain-general  of 
its  army,  and  appointed  his  commission  to  be  made  out 
in  the  king's  name,  with  most  ample  powers,  which 
were  to  continue  in  force  until  the  rnyal  pleasure  should 
be  further  known.  That  this  deed  might  not  be  deemed 
the  machination  of  a  junto,  the  council  called  together 
the  troops,  and  acquainted  them  with  what  had  been 
resolved.  The  soldiers,  with  eager  applause,  ratified 
the  choice  which  the  council  had  made  ;  the  air  re- 
sounded with  the  name  of  Cortes,  and  all  vowed  to 
shed  their  blood  in  support  of  his  autnority. 

Cortes,  having  now  brought  his  intrigues  to  the  t'.o- 
sired  issue,  and  shaken  off  his  mortifying  depcndenco 
on  the  governor  of  Cuba,  accepted  of  the  commission, 
which  vested  in  him  supreme  nirisdiction,  civil  as  well 
as  military  over  the  colony,  with  many  professions  of 
re?  ect  to  the  council  and  gratitude  to  the  army.  To- 
getner  with  this  new  command,  he  assumed  greater 
dignity,  and  began  to  exercise  more  extensive  powers. 
Formerly  he  had  felt  himself  to  be  only  the  deputy  of  a 
subject;  now  he  acted  as  the  representative  of  his  so- 
vereign. The  adherents  of  Velasquez,  fully  aware  of 
what  would  be  the  ettect  of  this  change  in  the  situation 
of  Cortes,  could  no  longer  continue  silent  and  passive 
S|)ectators  of  his  actions.  They  exclaimed  openly 
against  the  proceedings  of  the  council  as  illegal,  and 
against  those  of  the  army  as  mutinous.  Cortes,  in- 
stantly perceiving  the  necessity  of  giving  a  timely  check 
to  such  seditious  discourse  bv  some  vigorous  measure, 
arrested  Ordaz,  Escudero,  and  N'elasquez  de  Leon,  the 
ringleaders  of  this  faction  and  sent  them  prisoner* 
aboard  the  fleet,  loaded  with  chains.  Their  dependants, 
astonished  and  overawed,  remained  quiet ;  and  Cortes, 
more  desirous  to  reclaim  than  to  punish  his  prisoners, 
who  were  officers  of  great  merit,  courted  their  friend- 
ship with  such  assiduity  and  address,  that  the  reconci- 
liation was  perfectly  cordial  ;  and  on  the  most  trying 
occasions,  neither  their  connection  with  the  governor 
of  Cuba,  nor  the  memory  of  the  iuditrnitv  with  which 
they  had  been  treated,  tempted  them  to  swerve  from 
an  inviolable  attachment  to  his  interest.  In  this,  as 
well  as  his  other  negotiations  at  this  critical  conjuncture, 
which  decided  with  respect  to  his  future  fame  and  for- 
tune Cortes  owed  much  of  his  success  to  the  .Mexican 
gold,  which  he  distributed  with  a  liberal  hand  both 
among  his  friends  and  his  op[>oneiits. 

Cortes,  having  thus  rendered  the  union  between 
himself  and  his  army  indissoluble,  by  engaging  it  to 
join  him  in  disclaiming  any  dependence  on  the  governor 
of  Cuba,  and  in  repeated  acts  of  disobedience  to  his 
authority,  thought  he  now  might  venture  to  quit  tho 
camp  in  which  he  had  hitherto  remained,  and  advance 
into  the  country.  To  this  he  was  encouraged  bv  an 
event  no  less  f^ortunate  than  seasonable.  .Some  In- 
dians having  approached  his  camp  in  a  mysterious  man- 
I  ncr,  were  introduced  into  his  presence.    He  found  that 


123 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


Uioy  were  sent  with  a  protlcr  of  friendship  from  the 
caziqiic  oi  Zciiipoalla,  a  coni'idcrable  town  at  no  great 
Aiata^icc  ;  and  from  their  answers  to  a  variety  of  ques- 
tions wmcli  he  put  to  them,  according  to  his  usual 
practice  in  every  interview  with  the  people  of  the 
country,  he  jjathcred,  that  their  master,  though  subject 
lo  llie  Mexican  enijiire,  was  inipalient  of  the  yoke,  and 
filled  with  such  dread  and  hatred  of  Montezuma,  that 
nothing  could  be  more  acceptable  to  him  than  any 
prospect  of  deliverance  from  the  oppression  under 
which  he  groaned.  On  hearing  this,  a  ray  of  light  and 
hope  broke  in  upon  the  mind  of  Cortes.  lie  saw  that 
the  great  empire  which  lie  intended  to  attack  was  neither 
eriectly  mined,  nor  its  sovereign  universally  beloved. 
Ic  concluded,  that  the  causes  of  disaffection  could  not 
he  confined  to  one  province,  but  that  in  other  corners 
there  must  be  malcconteiits,  so  weary  of  subjection,  or 
80  desirous  of  change,  as  to  be  ready  to  follow  the 
standard  of  any  protector  Full  of  those  ideas,  on 
which  lie  began  to  form  a  scheme  that  time  and  more 
perfect  information  concerning  the  state  of  the  country 
enabled  him  to  mature,  he  gave  a  most  gracious  recep- 
tion to  the  Zempoallans,  and  promised  soon  to  visit 
their  caziquc. 

In  order  to  perform  this  promise,  it  was  not  ne- 
cessary to  vary  the  route  which  he  had  already  fixed 
for  his  march.  Some  ollicers.  whom  he  had  employiid 
to  survijy  the  coast,  having  discovered  a  village  named 
tjiiiabislan,  about  forty  miles  to  the  northward,  which, 
lx:th  on  account  of  the  fertility  of  the  soil  and  com- 
modiousness  of  the  harbor,  seemed  to  be  a  more  pro- 
per station  for  a  settlement  than  that  where  he  was 
encamped,  Cortes  determined  to  remove  thither.  Zcm- 
poalla  lay  in  his  way,  wliere  the  cazique  received  him 
in  the  manner  which  he  had  reason  to  expect ;  with 
gifts  and  caresses,  like  a  man  solicitous  to  gain  his 
good  will  ;  with  respect  approaching  almost  to  adora- 
tion, like  one  who  looked  up  to  him  as  a  deliverer. 
From  him  he  learned  many  particulars  with  respect  to 
tho  character  of  Montezuma,  and  the  circumstances 
which  rendered  his  dominion  odious.  He  wis  a  tyrant, 
aj  the  cazique  told  him  with  tears,  haughty,  cruel,  and 
suspicious  ;  who  treated  his  own  subjects  with  arro- 
gance, ruined  the  conquered  provinces  by  excessi.\e 
exactions,  and  often  tore  their  sons  and  daughters  from 
them  by  violence  :  the  ferine r  to  be  olfered  as  victims 
to  his  gods  ;  tl.o  .atter  to  be  reserved  as  concubines 
for  himaelf  cr  favorites.  Cortes,  in  reply  to  him,  art- 
fully .'iminuated,  that  one  great  object  of  the  Spaniards 
Ui  visiting  a  country  so  remote  from  their  own.  f/ds  to 
redress  grievances,  and  to  relieve  the  oppressed  ;  and 
having  encouraged  him  to  hope  for  this  interposition 
in  due  time,  he  continued  his  march  to  Quiabislan. 

The  s()ot  which  his  ollicers  had  recommended  as  a 
proper  sii.iation,  appeared  to  him  to  bo  so  well  chosen, 
that  he  immediately  marked  out  ground  for  a  town. 
'I'he  houses  to  be  erected  were  only  huts  ;  but  these 
were  to  be  surrounded  with  fort'ticalions  of  sutiicieiit 
strength  to  resist  the  assaults  of  an  Indian  army.  As 
the  tinishiiig  of  those  fortifu  ations  was  essential  to  the 
existence  of  a  colony,  and  of  no  less  importance  in 
prosecuting  the  designs  which  the  leader  and  his  fol- 
lowers meditated,  both  in  order  to  secure  a  place  of 
retreat,  and  to  preserve  their  communication  with  the 
Bea,  every  man  in  the  army,  officers  as  well  as  soldiers, 
put  his  hand  to  the  work,  Cortes  himself  setting  them 
an  example  of  actirity  and  perseverance  in  labor.  The 
Indians  of  Zenij)oalla  and  Quiabislan  lent  their  aid  ; 
and  this  petty  station,  the  parent  of  so  many  mighty 
fletllcinents,  was  soon  in  a  state  of  defence. 

While  engaged  in  this  necessary  work,  Cortes  had 
several  interviews  with  the  caziqucs  of  Zeinpoalla  and 
Quiabislan  ;  and  availing  himself  of  their  wonder  and 
ostonishment  at  the  new  objects  which  they  daily 
beheld,  he  gradually  iiisjiirod  them  with  such  a  high 
upinion  of  the  .Spaniards,  as  beings  of  a  superior  order, 
and  irresistible  in  arms,  that,  relying  on  their  protection, 
they  ventuud  to  insult  the  Mexican  power,  at  the  very 
naino  of  which  they  were  accustomed  to  tremble. 
&>oinc  of  Montezuma's  officers  having  appeared  to  levy 
the  u:uial  tribute,  and  to  demand  a  certain  number  of 
human  victims,  as  an  expiation  for  their  guilt  in  pre- 
suming lo  hold  intercourse  with  those  strangers  whom 
the  emperor  h;id  commanded  to  leave  his  dominions  ; 
Mislead  of  obeying  the  order,  the  cazi<pies  made  them 
priiOiKTs,  treated  iheni  with  great  indignity,  and  as  ihcir 
Fiiper.slition  was  no  less  barbarous  than  thut  of  the 
Mexicans,  they  prepared  to  sacnhce  them  to  their 
go  ls.  From  ihis  last  danger  they  were  delivered  by 
tlie  mterposilion  of  (fortes,  who  manifested  the  utmost 
liorror  at  the  mention  of  such  a  deed.  The  two 
caciques  having  now  been  pushed  to  an  act  of  such 


open  rebellion,  as  left  them  no  hofie  of  safety  but  in 
attaching  themselves  inviolably  to  the  Spaniards,  they 
soon  completed  their  union  with  them,  by  formally 
acknowledging  themsclees  to  be  vassals  of  the  same 
monarch.  Their  example  was  followed  by  the  Tolo- 
naques.  a  fierce  people  who  inhabited  the  mountainous 
part  of  the  country.  They  willingly  subjected  them- 
selves to  the  crown  of  Castile,  and  offered  to  accom- 
pany Cortes,  with  all  their  forces,  in  his  march  towards 
Mexico. 

Cortes  had  now  been  above  three  months  in  New 
Spain ;  and  though  this  period  had  not  been  dis- 
tinguished by  martial  exploit.s,  every  moment  had  been 
employed  in  operations  which,  though  less  splendid, 
were  more  important..  By  his  address  in  conducting 
liis  intrigues  with  his  own  armv,  as  well  as  his  sagacity 
in  carrying  on  his  negotiations  with  the  natives,  he 
had  already  laid  the  foundations  of  his  future  success. 
But  whatever  confidence  he  might  place  in  the  plan 
wliich  he  had  formed,  he  could  not  but  perceive,  that 
as  his  title  to  command  was  derived  from  a  doubtful 
authority,  he  held  it  by  a  precarious  tenure.  The  in- 
juries which  V  elasquez  had  received  were  such  as 
would  naturally  prompt  him  to  apply  for  redress  to 
their  common  sovereign  ;  and  such  a  representation, 
he  foresaw,  might  be  given  of  his  conduct  that,  he  had 
reason  to  apprehend,  not  only  that  he  might  be  de- 
graded from  his  present  rank,  but  subjected  lo  punish- 
ment. Before  he  began  his  inarch,  it  was  neces.sary 
to  take  the  most  effectual  precautions  against  this  im- 
pending danger.  With  this  view  he  persuaded  the 
magistrates  of  the  colony  at  Vera  Cruz  to  address  a 
letter  to  the  king,  the  chief  object  of  which  was  to 
justify  their  own  conduct  in  establishing  a  colony  in- 
dependent on  the  jurisdiction  of  Velasquez.  In  order 
to  accomplish  this,  they  endeavored  to  detract  from  his 
merit  in  fitting  out  the  two  former  armaments  under 
Cordova  and  Orijalva,  affirming  that  these  had  been 
equi|)ped  by  the  adventurers  who  engaged  in  the  ex- 
peditions, and  not  by  the  governor.  They  contended 
that  the  sole  object  of  Velasipiez  was  to  trade  or  barter 
with  the  natives,  not  to  attempt  the  conquest  oi  New 
Spain,  or  to  settle  a  colony  there.  They  asserted  that 
Cortes  and  the  officers  who  served  under  him  had 
defrayed  the  greater  part  of  the  expense  of  fitting  out 
the  armament.  On  this  account,  they  humbly  re- 
quested their  sovereign  to  ratify  what  they  had  done  in 
his  name,  and  to  confirm  Cortes  in  the  supreme  com- 
mand by  his  royal  commission.  That  Charles  might 
be  induced  to  grant  more  readily  what  they  demanded, 
they  gave  him  a  [lompous  desc'iption  of  the  country 
which  they  had  discovered  ;  of  its  riches,  the  number 
of  its  inhabitants,  their  civilization  and  arts;  they  re- 
lated the  progress  which  thev  had  already  ma<lc  in 
annexing  some  parts  of  the  cn^.ury  situated  on  the  sea 
coast  to  the  crown  of  Castile  ;  and  mentioned  the 
schemes  which  thev  had  formed,  as  well  as  the  hopes 
which  they  entertained,  of  reducing  the  whole  to  sub- 
jection.* Cortes  himself  wrote  in  a  similar  strain  ;  and 
as  he  knew  that  the  Spanish  court,  accustomed  to  the 
exaggerated  representations  of  every  new  county  by 
its  discoverers,  would  give  little  credit  to  their  splen- 
did accounts  of  New  Spain,  if  these  were  not  accom- 
panied with  such  a  specimen  of  what  it  contained 
as  would  excite  a  high  idea  of  its  opulence,  he 
solicited  his  soldiers  lo  relinquish  what  they  might 
claim  as  their  part  of  the  treasures  which  had  hitherto 
been  collected,  in  order  that  the  whole  might  be  sent 
lo  the  kitig.  Such  was  the  ascendant  which  he  had 
acquired  over  their  minds,  and  such  iheir  own  romanlic 
expectations  of  future  wealth,  that  an  army  of  indigen: 
and  ra|)acious  adventurers  was  capable  of  this  generous 
effort,  and  offered  to  their  sovereign  the  richest  present 
that  had  hitherto  been  transmitted  from  the  New  World. 
[  104  j  I'ortocarrero  and  .Montejo,  the  chief  magistrates 
of  the  colony,  were  appointed  to  carry  this  present  to 
{'astilc,  with  express  orders  not  to  touch  at  Cuba  in 
thtir  passage  thither 

Wlulo  a  vessel  was  preparing  for  their  departure  an 
unexpected  event  occasioned  a  general  alarm.  Some 
soldiers  and  sailors,  secretly  attached  lo  Velasquez,  or 

♦  In  this  letter  it  is  asserted,  tlial  tlioui;!!  a  considoriil>lc 
number  of  Spaniards  liave  been  wounded  in  llicir  various 
encounters  with  llio  people  of  Toba.sro,  not  one  of  Iheni  died, 
and  ali  h.id  recovoied  ni  a  very  short  time.  Tins  .seems  lo 
coiilirin  what  I  observe  in  p.  12:i!  conreniinif  the  iinperleclion 
of  llic  olfeiisivc  weapons  used  by  tlie  Americans.  In  tbi.s 
'.etier,  the  human  sacrilioes  olfored  by  the  .Mexicans  to  their 
deities  are  described  ininutoty,  and  Willi  j:real  horror ;  some 
of  llie  Spaniards,  it  is  s:iid,  had  been  eye-wimcsses  of  those 
barbarous  riles.  To  lb',-  letter  is  subjoined  a  catalouj;c  and 
description  of  the  pre«enti  scut  to  Ibo  ciiiperoi  That  pul>- 
lislied  by  Gomara.  Cron.  c.  2!),  seems  to  have  been  copied 
from  it.  Pet.  Mart)T  descrilies  many  of  tliu  articles  in  tus 
tteatijo,  '  Uu  huiulis  iiu^er  in\  vnlis,'  j>.  3>1,  itc. 


I  intimidated  at  the  prospect  of  the  dangers  unaroidabit 
in  atlempling  to  penetrate  into  the  heart  of  a  great  em 
I  pirc  Willi  such  unequal  force,  formed  the  design  of 
I  seizing  one  of  the  briganlines,  and  making  their  escape 
I  to  Cuba,  in  order  to  give  ihe  governor  such  intelligence 
as  might  enable  liim  to  intercept  the  ship  which  was  u 
carry  ihe  treasure  and  despatches  lo  Spain.    This  con- 
spiracy, though  formed  by  persons  of  low  rank,  was 
conducted  with  profound  secrecy  ;  but  al  the  moment 
when  every  thing  was  ready  for  execution,  they  were 
betrayed  by  one  of  their  associates. 

Though  the  good  fortune  of  Cortes  interposed  so 
seasonably  on  this  occasion,  the  detection  of  this  con- 
spiracy filled  his  mind  with  most  disquieting  appre- 
hensions, and  prompted  him  lo  execute  a  scheme  which 
he  had  long  revolved.  He  perceived  that  the  spirit  of 
disaffection  still  lurked  among  his  troops ;  that 
though  hitherto  checked  by  the  uniform  success  of  his 
schemes,  or  suppressed  by  the  hand  of  aulhoritv  va- 
rious events  might  occur  which  would  encourage  and 
call  it  forth.  He  observed,  that  many  of  his  mcn.wearv 
of  the  fatigue  of  service,  longed  to  revisit  their  settle- 
ments in  Cuba  ;  and  that  upon  any  appearance  of  ex- 
traordinary danger  or  any  reverse  of  fortune,  it  would 
be  impossible  to  restrain  them  from  returning  thither. 
He  was  sensible,  that  his  forces,  already  too  feetile, 
could  bear  no  diminution,  and  that  a  very  small  defec- 
tion of  his  followers  would  oblige  him  to  abandon  the 
enterprise.  After  ruminating  often,  and  with  much 
solicitude,  upon  those  particulars,  he  saw  no  hope  of 
success  but  in  cutting  off  all  possibility  cf  retreat,  and 
in  reducing  his  men  lo  the  necessity  of  adojiting  the 
same  resolution  with  which  he  himself  was  aninalcd 
either  to  conquer  or  to  perish.  With  this  view  ho 
determined  to  destroy  his  fleet  ;  but  as  he  durs*  not 
venture  to  execute  such  a  bold  resolution  by  his  s  ngle 
authority,  he  labored  to  bring  his  soldiers  to  adopt  his 
ideas  with  respect  to  the  propriety  of  this  measure. 
His  address  in  accomplishing  this  was  not  inferior  to 
the  arduous  occasion  in  which  it  was  employed.  Ho 
,  persuaded  some  that  the  ships  had  suffered  so  much  by 
having  been  long  at  sea,  as  to  be  altogether  unfit  for 
service  ;  to  others  he  pointed  out  what  a  seasonable  re- 
inforcement of  strength  they  would  derive  from  'he 
junction  of  a  hundred  men,  now  unprolitably  emplo-  ed 
as  sailors  ;  and  to  all  he  represented  the  necessity  of 
fixing  their  eves  and  wishes  u|)on  what  was  bei\.re 
them,  without  allowing  the  idea  of  a  relieat  once  lo 
enter  their  thoughts.  With  universal  consent  ihe  ship: 
were  drawn  ashore,  and  after  stripping  them  of  ilicit 
sails,  rigging,  iron  works,  and  whatever  else  might  bn 
of  use,  they  were  broke  in  pieces.  Thus,  from  an  ef- 
fort of  magnanimity,  to  which  there  is  nothing  parallel 
in  history,  live  hundred  men  voluntarily  consented  to  b« 
shut  up  in  a  hostile  country,  filled  with  powerful  and 
unloiown  nations  ;  and.  having  precluded  every  niea:is 
of  escape,  left  themselves  without  any  resource  but 
their  own  valor  and  perseverance. 

Nothing  now  retarded  Cortes  ;  the  alacrity  of  bis 
troops  and  the  disposition  of  his  allies  were  equally  fa- 
vorable. All  the  advantages,  however,  derived  from 
the  latter,  though  procured  by  much  assiduity  and  ad- 
dress, were  well  nigh  lost  in  a  moment,  by  an  indis- 
creet sally  of  religious  zeal,  which  on  many  occasions 
precipitated  Cortes  into  actions  inconsistent  with  the 
|ir.  dence  that  distinguishes  his  character.  Though 
hitherio  he  had  neither  time  nor  opportunity  to  explam 
to  the  natives  the  errors  of  their  own  supen'iition,  or  lo 
instruct  them  in  the  principles  of  the  Christian  faith,  he 
commanded  his  soldiers  to  overturn  the  altars  and  to 
destroy  the  idols  in  the  chief  temple  of  Zempoalla.  and 
ii;  their  place  to  erect  a  crucifix  and  an  image  of  the 
Virgin  .Mary.  The  people  beheld  this  with  astonish- 
ment and  horror  ;  the  priests  excited  them  lo  arms  . 
but  such  was  the  authority  of  (fortes,  and  so  great  ihe 
ascendint  which  the  Sjianiards  had  acquired,  that  the 
commotion  was  appea.sed  without  bloodshed,  and  con- 
cord perfectly  re-established. 

Cortes  began  his  march  from  Zempoalla.  on  thp  sii 
leenth  of  .\ugust,  with  live  hundred  men.  tifleen  horse 
and  six  tield  pieces.  The  rest  of  his  troops,  consisting 
chiefly  of  such  as  from  age  or  inlirnuty  were  less  lil  for 
active  service,  he  left  as  a  garrison  in  Villa  Kica.  under 
Ihe  command  of  Escalante,  an  officer  of  merit,  and 
warmly  attached  lo  his  interest.  The  cazupie  of  Zem- 
poalla sup|)lied  hiin  with  |.>rovisions,  and  with  Iwo  huii- 
i  dred  of  those  Indians  called  Tamcmcs,  whoae  oflicc,  ID 
a  coiinlrv  where  tame  animals  were  unknown,  was  in 
carry  burdens,  and  to  perform  all  servile  labor.  They 
were  a  great  relief  to  the  Spanish  soldiers,  who  hllhc^ 
to  had  been  obliged  not  only  to  carry  iheir  own  h^e 
gajj'c,  but  to  drag  alono  ihu  artillery  by  main  force.  lU 


S  O  U  T  n  AMERICA. 


128 


oflered  likewise  a  coiisiderahio  body  of  liis  troops,  but 
Cortes  vviis  satisfied  witli  four  hundred  ;  takiiiff  care, 
liowevcr,  to  choose  persons  of  such  note  as  ir.ight  |)rove 
Vstaijes  for  tlie  tidehty  of  ihcir  master.  Nothing  me- 
morable happened  in  his  progress,  until  he  arrived  on 
the  confines  of  TIaucala.  The  inhabitants  of  that  pro- 
vince, a  warlike  people,  were  implacable  enemies  of  tlie 
Mexicans,  and  had  beer,  united  in  an  ancient  alliance 
wiln  the  ca/.iipies  of  Zeinpoalla.  Though  less  civilized 
than  the  subjects  of  Montezuma,  they  were  advanced 
in  improvement  far  jeyond  the  rude  nations  of  America 
v/iiose  maimers  we  have  described.  They  had  made 
consider-jble  progress  in  agriculture;  they  dwell  in 
large  towns  ;  they  were  not  strangers  to  some  species 
of  coinineice  ;  and  m  the  imperfect  accounts  of  their 
institutions  and  laws,  transmitted  to  us  by  the  early 
Spanish  writers,  we  discern  traces  both  of  distributive 
justice  and  of  criminal  jurisdiction  in  their  interior  po- 
lice. I!iit  still,  as  the  degree  of  their  civilization  was 
incomplete,  and  as  they  depended  for  subsistence  not 
on  agriculture  alone,  but  trusted  for  it  in  a  great  mea- 
sure to  hunting,  they  retained  many  of  the  qualities 
natural  to  men  in  this  state.  Like  them  they  were 
fierce  and  revengeful  ;  like  them,  too,  they  were  high 
spirited  and  independent.  In  consequence  of  the  for- 
mer, they  were  involved  in  perpetual  hostilities,  and 
had  but  a  slender  and  occasional  intercourse  with 
neighboring  stales.  The  latter  inspired  them  with  such 
dotestation  of  servitude,  that  they  not  only  refused  to 
stoop  to  a  foreign  yoke,  and  maintain  an  obstinate  and 
successful  contest  in  defence  of  their  liberty  against 
the  superior  power  of  the  Mexican  empire,  but  they 
jrtia.'ded  with  equal  .solicitude  against  domestic  tyranny  ; 
tud  disdaining  to  acknowledge  any  master,  they  lived 
under  the  mild  and  limited  jurisdiction  of  a  council 
elected  by  their  several  tribes. 

Cortes,  though  he  had  received  information  concern- 
ing the  martial  character  of  this  people,  fiattored  him- 
self that  his  professions  of  delivering  the  oppressed 
from  the  tyranny  of  .Montezuma,  their  inveterate  enmity 
to  the  Mexicans,  and  the  e.xample  of  their  ancient  allies 
the  Zeinpoallans,  might  induce  the  Tlascalans  to  grant 
him  a  friendly  reception.  In  order  to  dispose  them  to 
this,  four  Zeinpoallans  of  great  eminence  were  sent 
«mb,issadors,  to  request  in  his  name,  and  in  that  of 
their  caziipie,  that  they  would  permit  the  Spaniards  to 
pass  through  the  territories  of  the  republic  in  their  way 
to  Mexico.  LJu;  instead  of  the  favorable  answer  which 
■^'as  expected,  thu  Tlascalans  seized  the  ambassadors, 
«nd,  without  any  regard  to  tiieir  public  character,  made 
preparations  for  sacrificing  them  to  their  gods.  At  the 
same  time  they  as-icmbled  their  troops,  in  order  to  op- 
pose those  unknown  invaders  if  they  should  attempt  to 
liiske  their  passage  good  by  force  of  arms.  Various  mo- 
tives concurred  in  prei  ipitating  the  Tlascalans  into  this 
resolution.  A  fierce  people,  shut  up  within  its  own 
narrow  precincts,  and  .-ttle  accustomed  to  any  inter- 
course with  foreigners,  is  tnt  to  consider  every  stranger 
«s  an  enemy,  and  is  easily  i  xcited  to  arms.  They  con- 
cluded, from  Cortes's  proposal  of  visiting  Montezuma 
in  his  capital,  that,  notwithstanding  all  his  professions, 
he  courted  the  friendship  of  a  monarch  whom  they  both 
hated  and  feared.  The  impruilont  zeal  of  Cortes  in 
violating  the  temples  in  Zeinpoalla,  filled  the  Tlasca- 
lans with  horror ;  and  as  they  were  no  less  attached  to  ! 
their  superstition  than  the  other  nations  of  New  Spain, 
they  were  impatient  to  avenge  their  injured  gods,  and 
to  acquire  the  merit  of  olFering  up  to  them  as  victims, 
those  impious  men  who  had  dared  to  profane  their  al- 
tars ;  they  contemned  the  small  number  of  the  Spa- 
niards, as  they  had  not  yet  measured  their  own  strength 
with  that  of  these  new  enemies,  and  had  no  idea  of  the 
superiority  which  they  derived  from  their  arms  and  dis- 
cipline. 

Cortes,  after  waiting  some  days  in  vain  for  the  re- 
turn of  his  ambassadors,  advanced  [Aug.  30,]  into  the 
Tlascalan  territories.  As  the  resolutions  of  people 
who  delight  in  war  arc  executed  with  no  less  prompti- 
tude than  they  are  formed,  he  found  troops  in  the  field 
toady  to  oppose  him.  They  attacfced  him  with  great 
latrcpidity,  and  in  the  first  encounter,  wounded  some  of 
the  Spaniards,  and  killed  two  horses  ;  a  loss,  in  their 
situation,  of  great  moment,  because  it  was  irreparable. 
Fiom  this  specimen  of  their  courage,  Cortes  saw  the 
Bccessity  ol  proceeding  witti  caution.  His  army 
marched  m  close  order  ;  he  chose  the  stations  where 
I:b  halted,  with  attention,  and  fortified  e^ery  camp  with 
extraordinary  oire.  During  fourteen  days  he  was  ex- 
posed to  almost  uninterrupted  assaults,  the  Tlascalans 
WVNricing  with  numerous  armies,  and  renewing  the  at- 
<  in  various  forms,  with  a  degree  of  valor  and  perse- 
vsronce  to  which  the  Spaniards  had  seen  nothing  paral- 


lel in  the  New  World.  The  Spanish  historians  describe 
those  successive  battles  with  great  pomp,  and  enter 
into  a  minute  detail  of  particulars,  mingling  many  e.\- 
aggerated  and  incredible  circumstances  [103]  with  such 
as  are  real  and  marvellous.  But  no  power  of  words  can 
render  the  recital  of  a  combat  interesting,  where  there 
IS  no  equality  of  danger  ;  and  when  the  narrative  closes 
w  th  an  account  of  thousands  slain  on  the  one  side, 
while  not  a  single  person  falls  on  the  other,  the  most 
labored  descriptions  of  the  previous  disposition  of  the 
troops,  or  of  the  various  vicissitudes  in  the  engagement, 
command  no  attention. 

There  are  some  circumstances,  however,  in  this  war, 
which  are  memorable,  and  merit  notice,  as  they  throw 
light  upon  the  character  both  of  the  people  of  New 
Spain,  and  of  their  conquerors.  Thou.gh  the  Tlasca- 
lans brought  into  the  neid  such  nuineious  armies  as  ap- 
pear sufficient  to  have  overwiielmed  the  Spaniards,  they 
were  never  able  to  make  any  impression  upon  their 
small  battallion.  Singular  as  this  may  seem,  it  is  not 
incx]}licable.  The  Tlascalans,  though  addicted  to  war, 
were  like  all  unpolished  nations,  strangers  to  military 
order  and  discipline,  and  lost  in  a  great  measure  the  ad- 
vantage which  they  might  have  derived  from  their  num- 
bers, and  the  impetuosity  of  their  attack,  by  their  constant 
solicitude  to  carry  ofl'  the  dead  and  wounded.  This 
point  of  honor,  founded  on  a  sentiment  of  tenderness 
natural  to  the  human  mind,  and  strengthened  by  anxiety 
to  preserve  the  bodies  of  their  countrymen  from  being 
devoured  by  their  enemies,  was  universal  among  the 
people  of  New  Spain.  Attention  to  this  pious  olHce 
occujiied  them  even  during  the  heat  of  combat,  broke 
their  union,  and  diminished  the  force  of  the  impression 
which  they  might  have  made  by  a  joint  effort. 

Not  only  was  their  superiority  in  number  of  little 
avail,  but  the  imperfection  of  their  military  weapons 
rendered  their  valor  in  a  great  measure  motrensive. 
After  three  battles  and  many  skirmishes  and  assaults, 
not  one  Spaniard  was  killed  in  the  field.  Arrows  and 
spears,  headed  with  flint  or  the  bones  of  fishes,  stakes 
hardened  in  the  fire,  and  wooden  swords,  though 
destructive  weapons  among  naked  Indians,  were  easi- 
ly turned  aside  by  the  Spanish  bucklers,  and  could 
hardly  penetrate  the  escaupilts,  or  quilted  jackets, 
which  the  soldiers  wore.  The  Tlascalans  advanced  j 
boldly  to  the  charge,  and  often  fought  hand  to  hand. 
.Many  of  the  Spaniards  were  wounded  though  all  slight- 
ly, which  cannot  be  imputed  to  any  want  of  courage  or 
strength  in  their  enemies,  but  to  the  defect  of  the  arms 
with  which  they  assailed  them. 

Notwithstanding  the  fury  with  which  the  Tlascalans 
attacked  the  Spaniards,  they  seemed  to  have  conducted 
their  hostilities  with  some  degree  of  barbarous  genero- 
sity. They  gave  the  Spaniards  warning  of  their  hostile 
intentions  ;  and  as  they  knew  that  their  invaders  wanted 
provisions,  and  imagined  perhaps,  like  the  other  Ame- 
ricans, that  they  had  left  their  own  country  because  it 
did  not  atlbrd  them  subsistence,  they  sent  to  their  camp 
a  large  supply  of  poultry  and  maize,  desiring  them  to 
eat  plentifully,  because  they  scorned  to  attack  an  enemy 
enlcebled  fjy  hunger,  and  it  would  be  an  affront  to  their 
gods  to  ofl'er  them  famished  victims,  as  well  as  dis- 
agreeable to  themselves  to  feed  on  such  emaciated 
prey. 

When  they  were  taught  by  the  first  encounter  with 
their  new  enemies,  that  it  was  not  easy  to  execute  this 
threat ;  when  they  perceived,  in  the  subsequent  en- 
gagements, that  notwithstanding  all  the  efforts  of  their 
own  yalor,  of  which  they  had  a  very  high  opinion,  not 
one  of  the  Spaniards  was  slain  or  taken,  they  began  to 
conceive  them  to  be  a  superior  order  of  beings,  against 
whom  human  power  could  not  avail.  In  this  extremity, 
they  had  recourse  to  their  priests,  requiring  them  to 
reveal  the  mysterious  causes  of  such  extraordinarv 
events,  and  to  declare  what  new  means  they  should 
employ  in  or.ier  to  repulse  those  formidable  invaders. 
I'.Ke  p.'iests,  after  many  sacrifices  and  incantations,  de- 
livered this  response  :  That  these  strangers  were  the 
ofl'spring  of  the  sun,  procreated  by  his  animating  energy 
in  the  regions  of  the  east  ;  that,  by  day,  while  cherished 
with  the  influence  of  his  parental  beams,  they  were  in- 
vincible ;  but  by  night,  when  his  reviving  heat  was 
withdrawn,  their  vigor  declined  and  faded  lik3  the  herbs 
in  the  field,  and  they  dwindled  down  into  n.ortal  men. 
Theories  less  plausible  have  gained  credit  with  more 
enlightened  nations,  and  have  influenced  thjir  conduct. 
In  consequence  of  this,  the  Tlascalans,  with  the  impli- 
cit confidence  of  men  who  fanry  thcmselvei  to  be  under 
the  guidance  of  Heaven,  acted  in  contra!  ction  to  one 
of  their  most  established  maxims  in  war,  and  ventured 
to  attack  the  enemy,  with  a  strong  boJ  r,  in  the  night 
time,  in  hopes  of  dcstroving  them  whoL  jaf«e.blcd  and 


Kurprised.  But  Cortes  had  greater  vigi'anco  and  dis- 
cernment, than  to  be  deceived  by  the  rude  stratagems 
of  an  Indian  army.  The  sentinels  at  his  oul()Osts,  ob- 
serving some  extraordinary  movement  among  the  Tla- 
scalans, gave  the  alarm.  In  a  moment  the  troops  wero 
under  arms,  and  sallying  Dut,  dispersed  the  ijarty  with 
great  slaughter,  without  allowing  it  to  approach  tlw 
camp.  The  Tlascalans  conv  need  by  s^d  exjicrienco 
that  their  priests  had  deluded  them,  and  satisfied  'hat 
they  attempted  in  vain  either  to  deceive  or  to  vanquish 
their  enemies,  their  fierceness  abated,  and  they  began 
to  incline  seriously  tt,  peace. 

They  were  at  a  loss,  however,  in  what  manner  to 
address  the  strangers,  what  idea  to  form  of  their  cha- 
racter, and  whether  to  consider  them  as  beings  of  a 
gentle  or  of  a  malevolent  nature.  There  were  circum- 
stances in  their  conduct  which  seemed  to  favor  each 
opinion.  On  the  one  hand,  as  the  Spaniards  constantly 
dismissed  the  prisoners  whom  they  took,  not  only  with- 
out injury,  but  often  with  presents  of  European  toys, 
and  renewed  their  offers  of  peace  after  every  victory  ; 
this  lenity  amazed  people,  who,  according  to  the  exter- 
minating system  of  war  known  in  America,  were  ac- 
customed to  sacrifice  and  devour  without  mercy  ail  the 
captives  taken  in  battle,  and  disposed  them  to  entertain 
favorable  sentiments  of  the  humanity  of  their  new  ene- 
mies. But,  on  the  other  hand,  as  Cones  had  soizeil 
fifty  of  their  countrymen  who  brought  provisions  to  hia 
camp,  and  supposing  them  to  tie  spies,  bad  cut  oil' their 
liands  ;  this  bloody  spectacle,  added  to  the  terror  occa- 
sioned by  the  fire-arms  and  horses,  filled  them  with 
dreadful  impressions  of  the  ferocity  of  their  invaders. 
[106]  This  uncertainty  was  apparent  in  the  mode  o( 
addressing  the  Spaniards.  "  If,"  said  they,  "  you  aro 
divinities  of  a  cruel  and  savage  nature,  we  present  to 
you  five  slaves,  that  you  may  drink  their  blood  and  eat 
their  flesh.  If  you  are  mild  deities,  accept  an  ontring 
of  incense  and  variegated  plumes.  If  you  are  men, 
here  is  meat,  and  bread,  and  fruit  to  nourish  you."  The 
peace,  which  both  parties  now  desired  with  eipial  ardor, 
was  soon  concluded.  The  Tlascalans  yielded  them- 
selves as  vassals  to  the  crown  of  Castile,  and  engaged 
to  assist  Cortes  in  all  his  future  operations.  He  took 
the  republic  under  his  protection,  and  promised  tc 
defend  their  persons  and  possessions  from  ii  jury  or 
violence. 

This  treaty  was  concluded  at  a  seasonable  juiicturo 
for  the  Spaniards.  The  fatigue  of  service  among  a 
small  bodv  of  men.  surrounded  bv  such  a  multitude  of 
enemies  was  incredible.  Half  the  army  was  on  djty 
every  night,  and  even  they  whose  turn  it  was  to  rest, 
slept  always  upon  their  arms,  that  they  might  be  ready 
to  r-  .1  to  their  posts  on  a  moment's  warning.  Many 
of  them  were  wounded  ;  a  good  number,  and  among 
these  Cortes  himself,  labored  under  the  distempers  pre- 
valent in  hot  climates,  and  several  had  died  since  they 
set  out  from  Vera  Cruz.  Notwithstandm<r  the  supplies 
which  they  received  from  the  Tlascalans,  they  wero 
often  in  want  of  provisions,  and  so  destitute  of  the 
necessaries  most  requisite  in  dangerous  service,  that 
they  had  no  salve  to  dress  their  wounds,  but  what  was 
composed  of  the  fat  of  the  Indians  whom  they  hail 
slain.  Worn  out  with  such  intolerable  toil  and  hard- 
ships, many  of  the  soldiers  began  to  murmur,  and  when 
they  reflected  on  the  multitude  and  boldness  of  their 
enemies,  more  were  ready  to  despair.  It  required  the 
utmost  exertion  of  Cortes's  authority  and  address  tti 
clieck  this  spirit  of  despondency  in  its  progress,  and  to 
reanimate  his  followers  with  their  wonted  sense  of 
their  own  superiority  over  the  enemies  with  whom  they 
had  to  contend.  The  submission  of  the  Tlascalans, 
and  their  own  triumphant  entry  into  the  capital  city, 
where  they  were  received  with  the  reverence  paid  to 
beings  of  a  superior  order,  banished  at  once  from  tho 
iniiuls  of  the  Spaniards  all  memory  of  past  sufferings, 
dispelled  every  anxious  thought  with  respect  to  their 
future  operations,  and  fully  satisfied  them  that  there 
was  not  now  any  power  in  America  able  to  withstajui 
their  arms. 

Cortes  remained  twenty  days  in  Tlascala,  in  order 
to  allow  his  troops  a  short  interval  of  repose  after  such 
hard  service.  During  that  time  he  was  employed  m 
transactions  and  inquiries  of  great  moment  with  respect 
to  his  future  schemes.  In  his  daily  conferences  with 
the  Tlascalan  chiefs,  he  received  information  concern- 
ing every  particular  relative  to  the  stati  of  the  Mexican 
empire,  or  to  the  qualities  of  its  sovereign,  which  could 
be  of  use  in  regulating  his  conduct,  whether  he  should 
be  obliged  to  act  as  a  friend  or  as  an  enemy.  As  be  foun.) 
that  the  antipathy  of  his  new  allies  to  the  Mexican  na- 
tion was  no  less  implacable  than  had  been  represented, 
and  perceived  what  benefit  he  lu'ght  derive  from  tho. 


134 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


(id  of  ciiich  powerful  confederates,  he  employed  all  his 
pf>wcr.s  of  iiiJiniiatioii  in  order  lo  gain  their  confidence. 
N"r  was  any  extraordinary  exertion  of  these  necessary. 
The  'I'lascalans,  with  tlie  levity  of  mind  natural  lo 
unpolished  men,  were,  of  their  own  accord,  disposed  to 
ton  from  tiic  extreme  of  hatred  to  that  of  fondness. 
Every  thing  in  the  appearance  and  conduct  of  their 
guests  was  to  them  matter  of  wonder.  [107j  'i'hey 
gazed  witli  admiration  at  whatever  the  Spaniards  did, 
end,  fancying  them  to  be  of  heavenly  origin,  were  eager 
not  only  to  comply  with  their  demands,  but  to  antici- 
pate their  wishes.  'I'hey  ortered,  accordingly,  to  accom- 
pany Cortes  in  his  march  to  .Mexico,  with  all  the  forces 
of  the  republic,  under  the  command  of  their  most  expe- 
rienced captains. 

But,  after  bestowing  so  much  pains  on  cementing 
this  union,  all  the  beneficial  fruits  of  it  were  on  the 
point  of  being  lo.st  by  a  new  effusion  of  that  intempe- 
rate religious  zeal  with  which  Cortes  was  animated  no 
less  than  the  other  adventurers  of  the  age.  They  all 
considered  themselves  as  instruments  employed  by 
Heaven  lo  propagate  the  Christian  faith,  and  the  less 
they  were  qualihed,  either  by  their  knowledge  or  morals, 
for  such  a  function,  they  were  more  eagt-r  to  discharge 
it.  The  profound  veneration  of  the  TIascalans  for  the 
Spaniards  having  encouraged  Cortes  to  explain  to  some 
of  their  chiefs  the  doctrines  of  the  Christian  religion, 
and  to  insist  that  they  sliould  abandon  their  own  super- 
stitions, and  embrace  the  faith  of  their  new  friends, 
they,  according  to  an  idea  universal  among  barbarous 
nations,  readily  acknowledged  the  truth  and  excellence 
of  what  he  taught ;  but  contended,  that  the  Tculcs  of 
Tlawala  were  divinities  no  less  than  the  God  in  whom 
the  Spaniards  believed  ;  and  as  that  Being  was  entitled 
10  the  homage  of  Europeans,  so  they  were  bound  to 
revere  the  same  [Kiwers  which  their  ancesters  had  wor- 
ohifiped.  Cortes  continued,  nevertheless,  to  urge  his 
demand  in  a  tone  of  authority,  mingling  threats  with 
his  arguments,  until  the  TIascalans  could  bear  it  no 
longer,  and  conjured  him  never  to  mention  this  again, 
Itiht  the  gods  should  avenge  on  their  heads  the  guilt  of 
having  listened  to  such  a  proposition.  Cortes,  aito- 
nislv'l  and  enraged  at  their  obstinacy,  prepared  to  exe- 
C'lte  by  force  what  he  could  not  accomplish  by  persua- 
sion, and  was  going  to  overturn  their  altars  and  cast 
down  their  idols  with  the  same  violent  hand  as  at  Zem- 
ptialla,  if  Father  Bartholomew  do  Olinedo,  chaplain  to 
*iie  expedition,  had  not  checked  his  inconsiderate  im- 
petuosity. He  represented  the  imprudence  of  such  an 
Uteinpt  in  a  large  city  newly  reconciled,  and  tilled  with 
people  no  less  superstitious  than  warlike  ;  he  declared, 
ihdt  the  proceeding  at  Zempoalla  had  always  appeared 
to  him  |)reci|)itate  and  unjust ;  that  religion  was  not  to 
be  pro)>agated  by  the  sword,  or  infidels  to  be  converted 
by  violence  ;  that  other  weapons  were  to  be  em|)loyed 
in  this  ministry  ;  patient  instuction  must  enlighten  the 
understanding,  and  pious  exainj)lc  captivate  the  heart, 
before  men  could  be  induced  to  abandon  error,  and 
embrace  the  truth.  Amidst  scenes  where  a  narrow 
niiiidcd  bigotry  appears  in  such  close  union  with  op- 
pression and  cruelly,  sentiments  so  liberal  and  humane 
soothe  the  mind  with  unexjiected  pleasure  ;  and  at  a 
time  when  the  rights  of  conscience  were  little  under- 
Blood  in  the  Christian  world,  and  the  idea  of  toleration 
unknown,  one  is  astonished  to  find  a  Spanish  monk  of 
the  sixteenth  century  among  the  first  advocates  against 
persecution,  and  in  behalf  of  religious  liberty.  The 
remonstrances  of  an  ecclesiastic,  no  less  respectable 
for  wisdom  than  virtue,  had  iheir  proper  weight  with 
Cortes.  He  left  the  TIascalans  in  the  undisturbed 
exercise  of  their  own  rites,  recpiiring  only  that  they 
should  desist  from  their  horrid  practice  of  otfering  hu- 
man victims  in  sacrifice. 

Cortes,  as  soon  as  his  troops  were  fit  for  service,  re- 
solved lo  continue  his  march  towards  Mexico,  notwilh- 
litaridmg  the  earnest  dissuasives  of  the  TIascalans,  who 
represented  his  destruction  as  unavoidable  if  he  put 
himself  in  the  power  of  a  prince  so  faithless  and  cruel 
au  Montezuma.  As  he  was  accompanied  by  six  thou- 
luiiid  TIascalans,  he  had  now  the  command  of  forces 
which  resembled  a  regular  army  'I'hey  directed  their 
course  towards  Cholula  [Oct  13]  ;  Montezuma,  who 
had  at  length  consented  to  admit  the  Spaniards  into  his 
prcHi-nre.  havmg  informed  Cortes  that  he  had  given 
orilrrs  for  Ins  friendly  rece|);ion  there.  Cholula  was  a 
considerable  town,  and  though  oiilv  five  leagues  distant 
from  Tlascala,  was  formerly  an  independent  state,  but 
hul  been  lately  siilijected  to  lh(^  Mexican  empire.  This 
was  consiili  ri'd  by  all  the  peo]>le  of  N'ew  Spain  as  a 
holy  i\la>  e.  the  sanrtiiarv  and  chief  seat  of  Iheir  gods,  to 
tvt.ich  pilgrimsi  resorted  from  every  province  and  a 
gn'atrr  luimbci  of  human  victimu  wero  olfered  in  its 


principal  temple  than  even  in  that  of  Mexico.  Monte- 
zuma seems  to  have  inviied  the  Spaniards  thither,  either 
from  some  superstitious  hope  that  the  gods  would  not 
suffer  this  sacred  mansion  to  be  defiled,  without  pour- 
ing down  their  wrath  upon  those  impious  strangers,  who 
ventured  to  insult  the  ir  power  in  the  place  of  its  pecu- 
liar residence  ;  or  from  a  belief  that  he  himself  might 
there  attempt  to  cut  them  off  with  more  certain  suc- 
cess, under  the  immediate  protection  of  his  divinities. 

Cortes  had  been  warned  by  the  TIascalans,  before 
he  set  out  on  his  march,  to  keep  a  watchful  eye  over 
the  Choliilans.  He  himself,  though  received  into  the 
town  with  much  seeming  respect  and  cordiality,  ob- 
served several  circumstances  in  their  conduct  which 
excited  suspicion.  'Two  of  the  TIascalans,  who  were 
encamped  at  some  distance  from  the  town,  as  the  Cho- 
lulans  refused  to  admit  their  ancient  enemies  within  its 
precincts,  having  found  means  to  enter  in  disguise,  ac- 
(juaintcd  Cortes  that  they  observed  the  women  and 
children  of  the  principal  citizens  retiring  in  great  hurry 
every  night  ;  and  that  six  children  had  been  sacrificed 
in  the  chief  temple,  a  rite  which  indicated  the  execu- 
tion of  some  warlike  enterprise  to  be  approaching.  At 
the  same  time,  Marina  the  interpreter  received  informa- 
tion fiom  an  Indian  woman  of  distinction,  whose  confi- 
dence she  had  gained,  that  the  destruction  of  her  friends 
was  concerted  ;  that  a  body  of  Mexican  troops  lay  con- 
cealed near  the  town  ;  that  some  of  the  streets  were 
barricaded,  and  in  others,  pits  or  deep  trenches  were 
dug,  and  slightly  covered  over,  as  traps  into  which  the 
horses  might  fall ;  that  stones  or  missive  weapons  were 
collected  on  the  tops  of  the  temples,  with  which  to 
overwhelm  the  infantry  ;  that  the  fatal  hour  was  now 
at  hand,  and  their  ruin  unavoidable.  Cortes,  alarmed 
at  this  concurring  evidence,  secretly  arrested  three  of 
the  chief  priests,  and  extorted  from  them  a  confession, 
that  confirmed  the  intelligence  which  he  had  received. 
As  not  a  moment  was  to  be  lost,  he  instantly  resolved 
to  prevent  his  enemies,  and  to  inflict  on  them  such 
dreadful  vengeance  as  might  strike  Montezuma  and  his 
subjects  with  terror.  For  this  purpose,  the  Spaniards 
and  Zempoallans  were  drawn  up  in  a  large  court,  which 
had  been  allotted  for  their  quarters  near  the  centre  of 
the  town  ;  the  TIascalans  had  orders  to  advance  ;  the 
magistrates  and  several  of  the  chief  citizens  were  sent 
for,  under  various  pretexts,  and  seized.  On  a  signal 
given,  the  troops  rushed  out  and  fell  upon  the  multi- 
tude, destitute  of  leaders,  and  so  much  astonished,  tluu 
the  weapons  dropping  from  their  hands,  they  stood  mo- 
tionless, and  incapable  of  defence.  'While  the  Spa- 
niards pressed  them  in  front,  the  TIascalans  attacked 
them  in  the  rear.  Tlie  streets  wero  filled  witli  blood- 
shed and  death.  The  temples,  which  afforded  a  re- 
treat to  the  priests  and  some  of  the  leading  men,  were 
set  on  fire,  and  they  perished  in  the  flames.  Tins  scene 
of  horror  continued  two  days ;  during  which,  the 
wretched  inhabitants  sullered  all  that  the  destructive 
rage  of  '.he  Spaniards,  or  tne  implacable  revenge  of  their 
Indian  allies  could  inflict.  At  length  the  carnage 
ceased,  after  the  slaughter  of  six  thousand  Cholulans, 
without  the  loss  of  a  single  Spaniard.  Cortes  then  re- 
leased the  magistiates,  and,  reproaching  them  bitterly 
for  their  intended  treachery,  declared,  that  as  justice 
was  now  apjieased,  he  forgave  the  otl'ence,  but  recjuired 
them  to  recall  the  citizens  who  had  fled,  and  re-esta- 
blish order  in  the  town.  Such  was  the  ascendant  which 
the  Spaniards  had  acquired  over  this  sui.erslitious  race 
of  men,  and  so  deeply  were  they  impressed  with  an  opi- 
nion of  their  superior  discernment,  as  well  as  power, 
that,  in  obedience  to  this  command,  the  city  was  in  a 
few  days  filled  again  with  people,  who,  amidst  the 
ruins  of  their  sacred  buildings,  yielded  respectful  ser- 
vice to  men  whose  hands  were  stained  with  the  blood 
of  their  relations  and  fellow-citizens.  [108 J 

From  Cholula,  Corles  advanced  directly  towards 
Mexico  [Oct.  2'J],  which  was  only  twenty  leagues  dis- 
tant. In  every  |)lacc  through  which  he  passed,  he  was 
received  as  a  person  po.ssessed  of  snilicient  power  to 
deliver  the  empire  from  the  oppression  ntider  which  it 
groaned  ;  and  the  caziques  or  governors  communicated 
to  him  all  the  grievances  which  they  felt  under  the  ty- 
rannical government  of  Montezuma,  with  that  unre- 
served confidence  which  men  naturally  repose  in  su- 
perior beings.  When  ('ones  first  observed  the  seeds 
of  discontent  in  the  remote  provinces  of  the  empire, 
hope  dawned  upon  his  mind  ;  but  when  he  now  disco- 
vered such  8ym|)toins  of  alienation  from  their  monarch 
ne.ir  the  seat  of  government,  he  concluded  that  the 
vital  parts  of  the  constitution  were  affected,  and  con- 
ceived the  most  sanguine  expectations  of  overlurning 
a  stale  whose  natural  strength  was  thus  divided  and 
iinpalrcJ.    While  those  reflections  encouraged  the  ge- 


neral to  persist  in  his  arduous  undertaking,  the  soldiers 
were  no  less  animated  by  observations  more  obvious  to 
their  capacity.  In  descending  from  the  mountains  ol 
(^halco,  across  which  the  road  lay,  the  vast  plain  o. 
Mexico  opened  gradually  to  their  view.  %\'hen  they 
first  beheld  this  prospect,  one  of  the  most  striking  and 
beautiful  on  the  face  of  the  earth  ;  when  they  observed 
lertile  and  cultivated  fields  stretching  furthei  than  the 
eye  could  reach  ;  when  they  saw  a  lake  resembling  the 
sea  in  extent,  encompassed  with  large  towns,  and  dis- 
covered the  capital  city  rising  upon  an  island  in  tho 
middle,  adorned  with  its  temples  and  turrets  ;  the 
scene  so  far  exceeded  their  imagination,  that  son.s  be- 
lieved the  fanciful  descri|)tions  of  romance  were  rea- 
lized, and  that  its  enchanted  palaces  and  gilded  omcs 
were  presented  to  their  sight  ;  others  could  hardly 
persuade  themselves  that  this  wonderful  spectacl**  was 
any  thing  more  than  a  dream.  [109]  As  they  adva.iced, 
their  doubts  were  removed,  but  their  amazement  in- 
creased. They  were  now  fully  satisfied  that  tho  coun- 
try was  rich  beyond  any  conception  which  they  had 
formed  of  it,  and  flattered  themselves  that  at  length 
they  should  obtain  an  ample  recompense  for  all  their 
services  and  sufferings. 

Hitherto  they  had  met  with  no  enemy  to  oppose  their 
progress,  though  several  circumstance.s  occurred  which 
led  them  to  suspect  that  some  design  was  formed  to 
surprise  and  cut  them  off.  Many  messengers  arrived 
successively  from  Montezuma,  permitting  them  one  day 
to  advance,  requiring  them  on  the  next  to  retir-i,  as  his 
hopes  or  fears  alternately  prevailed  ;  and  so  wonderful 
was  this  infatuation,  which  seems  to  be  unaccountable 
on  any  supposition  but  that  of  a  superstitious  dread  of 
the  Spaniards,  as  beings  of  a  superior  nature,  that 
Cortes  was  almost  at  the  gates  of  the  capital,  before  the 
monarch  had  determined  whether  to  receive  him  as  a 
friend,  or  to  oppose  him  as  an  enemy.  But  as  no  sign 
of  open  hostility  appeared,  the  Sjianiards,  without  re- 
garding the  fluctuations  of  Montezuma's  scntimenU), 
continued  their  march  along  the  causeway  whicii  led  to 
Mexico  through  the  lake,  with  great  circumspection  and 
the  strictest  discipline,  though  wi'.hout  seeming  to  sus- 
pect the  prince  whom  they  were  about  to  visit. 

When  they  drew  near  the  city,  about  a  thousand 
persons,  who  appeared  to  be  of  distinction,  came  forth 
to  meet  them,  adorned  with  plumes  and  clad  in  mantles 
of  fine  cotton.  Each  of  these  in  his  order  passed  by 
Cortes,  and  saluted  him  according  to  the  mode  deemed 
most  respectful  and  submissive  in  their  country  They 
announced  the  approach  of  Montezuma  hlmtolf,  aiiJ 
soon  after  his  harbingers  came  in  sight.  There  appeared 
first  two  hundred  persons  in  a  uniform  dress,  with  large 
plumes  of  feathers,  alike  in  fashion,  marching  two  and 
two,  in  deep  silence,  barefooted,  with  their  eyes  fixed 
on  the  ground.  These  were  followed  by  a  compuny  ol 
higher  rank,  in  their  most  showy  apparel,  in  the  midst 
of  whom  was  .Montezuma,  in  a  chair  or  litter  richly  orna- 
mented w  ith  gold,  and  feathers  of  various  colors.  Four 
of  his  jirincipal  favorites  carried  him  on  their  shoulders, 
others  supjiorted  a  canopy  of  curious  workmanship  over 
his  head  Before  him  marched  three  ollicers  with  rods 
of  gold  in  their  hands,  which  they  lifted  up  on  high  at 
certain  intervals,  and  at  that  signal  all  the  people  bowed 
their  heads,  and  hid  their  faces,  as  unworthy  to  look  on 
so  great  a  monarch.  When  he  drew  near,  Cortes  dis- 
mounted, advancing  towards  him  with  officious  haste, 
and  in  a  respectful  posture.  At  the  same  lime  .Monte- 
zuma alighted  from  his  chair,  and,  leaning  on  the  arm^ 
of  two  of  his  near  relations,  approached  with  a  slow 
and  stately  pace,  his  attendants  covering  the  streets 
with  cetton  cloths,  that  he  might  not  touch  the  ground. 
Cortes  accosted  him  with  profound  reverence,  afier  the 
European  fashion.  He  returned  the  staluiatiot],  accord- 
ing to  the  mode  of  his  country,  by  touching  the  carlli 
with  his  hand,  and  then  kissing  it.  This  ceremony 
the  customary  exjircssion  of  veneration  from  interiors 
towards  those  who  were  above  them  m  rank,  appeared 
such  amazing  condescension  in  a  proud  monarch,  who 
scarcely  deigned  to  consider  the  rcsl  of  mankind  as  o( 
the  same  species  with  himself,  that  all  his  subjecis 
firmly  believed  those  persons,  before  whom  he  humbled 
himself  in  this  manner,  to  be  soir.  Jihing  more  than  hu 
man.  Accoidingly,  as  they  marched  through  the  crowd, 
tho  Spaniards  frequently,  and  with  much  satislactioo, 
heard  themselves  denominated  Tculis,  or  divmilicj. 
Nothing  material  passed  in  this  first  interview.  Moit 
tezuma  conducted  Cortes  lo  the  quarters  which  he  had 
prepared  for  his  reception,  and  immediately  took  leave 
of  him,  with  a  politeness  not  unworthy  of  a  com',  mere 
refined,  '•  You  arc  now,"  says  he,  "  with  your  hroiherr 
in  your  own  house  ;  refresh  yourselves  alter  your  Ir- 
tiguo,  and  bo  happy  untd  I  rciurn."    Tho  place  alloi 


VI 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


123 


ted  to  the  Spaniards  for  their  lodfxing,  was  a  house 
huilt  bv  the  tatlior  of  Montezuma.  It  was  surrounded 
LiV  a  sioue  wall,  with  towers  at  proper  distances,  which 
Bcrvcd  for  defence  as  well  as  for  ornament,  and  its  apart- 
ments and  courts  were  so  lartjc  as  to  acconnnodale 
both  the  .Spaniards  and  their  hidian  allies.  The  lirot 
care  of  (,'ortes  was  to  take  precautions  for  his  security, 
by  planlinfr  the  artillery  so  as  to  command  the  diH'erent 
avenues  which  led  to  it,  by  appointing  a  large  division 
of  his  troops  to  be  always  on  guard,  and  by  posting 
lentioels  at  proper  stations,  with  injunctions  to  ob- 
serve the  same  vigilant  discipline  as  if  they  were  in 
sight  of  an  enemy's  camp. 

In  the  evening,  Montezuma  returned  to  visit  his 
guests  with  the  same  pomp  as  in  their  first  interview, 
and  brought  presents  of  such  value,  not  only  to  Cortes 
and  to  his  otiicers,  but  even  to  the  private  men,  as 
proved  the  liberality  of  the  monarch  to  be  suitable  to 
the  opulence  of  his  kingdom.  A  long  conference  en- 
sued, in  which  Cortes  learned  what  was  the  opinion 
of  Montezuma  with  res-pect  to  the  Spaniards.  It 
was  an  established  tradihon,  he  told  him,  among  the 
Mexicans,  that  their  ancestors  came  originally  from  a 
remote  region,  and  conquered  the  provinces  now  sub- 
ject to  his  dominion  ;  that  after  they  were  settled  there, 
the  great  captain  who  conducted  this  colony  returned 
10  his  own  country,  promising  that  at  some  future  pe- 
riod his  descendants  should  visit  them,  assume  the  go- 
vernment, and  reform  their  constitution  and  laws  ;  that 
from  what  he  had  heard  and  seen  of  Cortes  and  his 
followers,  he  was  convinced  that  they  were  the  very 
persons  whose  appearance  the  Mexican  traditions  and 
prophecies  taugiit  tliem  to  expect ;  that  accordingly  he 
had  received  them  not  as  strangers,  but  as  relations  of 
the  same  blood  and  parentage,  and  desired  that  they 
might  consider  themselves  as  masters  in  his  dominions, 
for  both  himself  and  his  subjects  should  be  ready  to 
comply  with  their  will,  and  even  to  jjrevent  their  wishes. 
Cortes  made  a  reply  in  his  usual  stvle,  with  respect  to 
the  dignity  and  power  of  his  sovereign,  and  his  inten- 
tion of  sending  hiin  into  that  country  ;  artfully  endea- 
voring so  to  frame  his  discourse,  that  it  might  coincide 
as  much  as  possible  with  the  idea  which  Montezuma 
had  formed  concerning  the  origin  of  the  Spaniards. 
Next  morning,  (^^ortes  aud  some  of  his  principal  at- 
tendants wercadmitted  to  a  public  audience  of  the  em- 
peror. Tlie  three  subsequent  days  were  em])loyed  in 
viewing  the  city  ;  the  appearance  of  which,  so  far  supe- 
rior in  the  order  of  its  buildings  and  tne  numoer  of  its 
inhabitants,  to  any  place  the  Spaniards  had  beheld  in 
America,  and  yet  so  little  resembling  the  structure  of 
B  European  city,  filled  them  with  surprise  and  admira- 
tioti. 

Mexico,  or  Temichtillan,  as  it  was  anciently  called 
by  the  natives,  is  situated  in  a  large  plain,  environed 
by  mountains  of  such  height  that,  though  within  the 
torrid  zone,  the  temperature  of  its  climate  is  mild  and 
healthful.  All  the  moisture  which  descends  from  the 
high  grouuds,  is  collected  in  several  lakes,  the  two 
largest  of  which,  of  about  ninety  miles  m  circuit,  com- 
municate with  each  other.  The  waters  of  the  one  are 
fresh,  tliose  of  the  other  brackish.  On  the  banks  of 
the  latter,  aud  on  some  small  islands  adjoining  to  them, 
the  capital  of  Montezuma's  empire  was  built.  The 
access  to  the  city  was  by  artificial  causeways  or  streets 
formed  of  stones  and  earth,  about  thirty  feet  in  breadth. 
*  As  the  waters  of  the  lake  during  the  rainy  season  over- 
flowed the  (lat  country,  these  causeways  were  of  consi- 
derable length.  That  of  Tacuba,  on  the  west,  extended 
a  mile  and  a  half;  that  of  Tepeaca,  on  the  north-west, 
three  miles ;  that  of  Cuoyacan,  towards  the  south,  six 
miles.  On  the  east*  there  was  no  causeway,  and  the 
city  could  be  approached  only  by  canoes.  In  each  of 
these  causeways  were  openings  at  proper  intervals, 
through  which  the  waters  Howes,  and  over  these  beams 
of  timber  were  laid,  which  being  covered  with  earth, 
the  causeway  or  street  had  every  where  a  uniform  ap- 
pearance. As  the  approaches  to  the  city  were  singular, 
Its  construction  was  remarkable.  Not  only  the  temples 
of  their  gods,  but  the  houses  belonging  to  the  monarch, 
ind  to  persons  of  distinction,  were  of  such  dimensions, 
that,  in  comparison  with  any  other  buildings  which 
hilherlo  had  been  discovered  in  .\merica,  they  might  be 
lerined  magnificent.  The  habitations  of  the  common 
people  were  mean,  resembling  the  huts  of  other  Indians. 


I  am  indebted  to  M.  Clavigero  for  correcting  an  error  of 
importance  in  my  description  of  Mexico.  From  tlie  east, 
wnere  Tezeuco  was  situated,  there  was  no  cau.seway,  as  I 
nave  observed,  and  yet  by  some  inattention  on  my  part,  or  on 
inai  ot  tlie  printer,  in  all  the  former  editions,  one  of  tlie  cause- 
ways was  sa.d  to  lead  to  Tezeuco.  M.  Clavigero's  measure- 
■L.,  of  ll'ese  caasewavs  differs  somewlial  from 

•uu  whicli  1  have  adopted  from  F.  Torribio.  Clarig.  ii.  p  72. 


But  thev  were  all  placed  in  a  regular  manner,  on  the 
banks  of  the  canals  which  passed  through  the  city,  in 
some  of  its  districts,  or  on  the  sides  of  the  streets 
which  intersected  it  in  other  quarters.  In  several 
jiiaces  were  largo  openings  or  squares,  one  of  which, 
allotted  for  the  great  market,  is  said  to  have  been  so 
spacious,  that  forty  or  fifty  thousand  persons  carried  on 
traflic  there.  In  this  city,  the  pride  of  the  New  World, 
and  the  noblest  monument  of  the  industry  and  art  of 
man,  while  nnaccpiaintcd  with  the  use  of  iron,  and  des- 
titute of  aid  from  any  doincstic  animal,  the  Spaniards, 
who  are  most  moderate  in  their  computations,  reckon 
that  there  were  at  least  sixty  thousands  inhabitants. 

But  how  much  soever  the  novelty  of  those  objects 
might  amnso  or  astonish  tlie  Sparnards,  they  fell  the 
utmost  solicitude  with  respect  to  their  own  situation. 
From  a  concurrence  of  circumstances,  no  less  unex- 
pected than  favorable  to  their  progress,  they  had  been 
allowed  to  penetrate  into  the  heart  of  a  powerful  king- 
dom, and  were  now  lodged  in  its  capital  without  having 
once  met  with  open  opposition  from  its  monarch.  The 
Tlascalans,  however,  had  earnestly  dissuaded  them 
from  placing  such  confidence  in  Montezuma,  as  to  enter 
a  city  of  such  peculiar  situation  as  Mexico,  whore  that 
prince  would  have  them  at  mercy,  shut  up  as  it  were 
in  a  snare,  from  which  it  was  impossible  to  escape. 
They  assured  them  that  the  Mexican  priests  had,  in  the 
name  of  the  gods,  counselled  their  sovereign,  to  admit 
the  Spaniards  into  the  capital,  that  he  might  cut  them 
otr  there  at  one  blow  with  perfect  security.  They  now 
perceived  too  jilainly,  that  the  apprehensions  of  their 
allies  were  not  destitute  of  foundation  ;  that,  by  break- 
ing the  bridges  placed  at  certain  intervals  on  the  cause- 
ways, or  by  destroying  part  of  the  causeways  them- 
selves, their  retreat  would  be  rendered  impracticable, 
and  they  must  remain  cooped  up  in  the  centre  of  a 
hostile  city,  surroi'.r.ded  by  multitudes  sufficient  to 
overwhelm  them,  and  without  a  possibility  of  receiv- 
ing aid  from  tlieir  allies.  Montezuma  had,  indeed, 
received  them  with  distinguished  respect.  But  ought 
they  to  reckon  upon  this  as  real,  or  to  consider  it  as 
feigned  1  Even  if  it  were  sincere,  could  they  promise 
on  its  continuance  1  Their  safety  depended  upon  the 
will  of  a  monarch  in  whose  attachment  they  had  no 
reason  to  confide ;  and  an  order  flowing  from  his  caprice, 
or  a  word  uttered  by  him  in  passion,  might  decide  irre- 
vocably concerning  their  fate. 

These  reflections,  so  obvious  as  to  occur  t-o  the 
meaii<«t  soldier,  did  not  escape  the  vigilant  sagaci'y  of 
their  general.  Before  he  set  out  from  Cholula,  Cortes 
had  received  advice  from  Vdia  Rica,  that  Qualpo- 
poca,  one  of  the  Mexican  generals  on  the  fron- 
tiers, having  assembled  an  army  in  order  to  attack  some 
of  the  people  whom  tho  Spaniards  had  encouraged  to 
throw  off  the  Mexican  yoke,  Escplante  had  marched 
out  with  part  of  the  garrison  to  support  his  allies  ;  that 
an  engagement  had  ensued,  in  which,  though  the 
Spaniards  were  victorious,  Escalante  with  seven  of  his 
men,  had  been  mortally  wounded,  his  horse  killed,  and 
one  Spaniard  had  been  surrounded  by  the  enemy  and 
taken  alive  ;  that  the  head  of  this  unfortunate  captive, 
after  being  carried  in  triumph  to  difTerent  cities,  in 
order  to  convince  the  people  that  their  invaders  were 
not  immortal,  had  been  sent  to  Mexico.  Cortes,  though 
alarmed  with  this  intelligence,  as  an  indication  of  Mon- 
tezuma's hostile  intentions,  had  continued  his  march. 
But  as  soon  as  he  entered  Mexico  he  became  sensible, 
that,  from  an  excess  of  confidence  in  the  superior  valor 
and  discipline  of  his  troops,  as  well  as  from  the  disad- 
vantage of  having  nothing  to  guide  him  in  an  unknown 
country,  but  the  defective  intelligence  which  he  had 
received  from  people  with  whom  his  mode  of  commu- 
nication was  very  imperfect,  he  had  pushed  forward 
into  a  situation  where  it  was  difficult  to  continue,  and 
from  which  it  was  dangerous  to  retire.  Disgrace,  and 
perhaps  ruin,  was  the  certain  consequence  of  attempt- 
ing the  latter.  The  success  of  his  enterprise  depended 
upon  supporting  the  high  opinion  which  the  people  of 
New  Spain  had  formed  with  respect  t-o  the  irresistible 
power  of  his  arms.  Upon  the  first  symptoms  of  timi- 
dity on  his  part,  their  veneration  would  cease,  and 
Montezuma,  whom  fear  alone  restrained  a<  present, 
would  let  loose  upon  <  him  the  whole  force  of  his  em- 
l)ire.  At  the  same  time,  he  knew  that  the  counte- 
nance of  his  own  sovereign  was  to  be  obtained  only  by 
a  series  of  victories,  and  that  nothing  but  the  merit  of 
extraordinary  success  could  screen  his  conduct  from 
the  censure  of  irregularity.  From  all  these  considera- 
tions, it  was  necessary  to  maintain  his  station,  and  to 
extricate  himself  out  of  the  difficulties  in  which  one  bold 
step  had  involved  him,  by  venturing  upon  another  still 
bolder.    The  situation  was  trying,  but  his  mind  was 


equal  to  it ;  and  after  revolving  the  matter  with  do<tp 
attention,  he  fixed  upon  a  plan  no  less  extraordinary 
than  daring.  He  dcterinined  to  seize  Montezuma  ia 
his  palace,  and  to  carry  him  as  a  prisoner  to  the  Spo- 
nish  (piarters.  From  the  superstitious  veneration  o( 
the  Mexicans  for  the  jjerson  of  their  inonari  h,  as  wcU 
as  their  implicit  submission  to  his  will,  he  hoped,  by 
laving  Montezuma  in  his  power,  to  acquire  the  supreme 
direction  of  their  alfairs  ;  or,  at  least,  with  such  a  sa- 
creil  pledge  in  his  hands,  he  made  no  doubt  of  being 
secure  from  any  eflort  of  their  violence. 

This  he  immediately  jiropoicd  to  his  officers.  TLo 
timid  startled  at  a  measure  so  audacious,  and  raised 
objections.  The  more  intelligent  and  resolute,  con- 
scious that  it  was  the  only  resource  in  which  there  ap- 
peared any  prospect  of  safely,  warmly  approved  of  it, 
and  brought  over  their  companions  so  cordially  to  tho 
same  opinion,  that  it  was  agreed  instantly  to  make  the 
attempt.  At  his  usual  hour  of  visiting  Montezuma, 
Cortes  went  to  the  palace,  accoinpanicd  by  Alvarado, 
Sandoval,  Lugo,  Velascpiez  de  Leon,  and  Davila,  five 
of  his  principal  officers,  and  as  many  trusty  soldiers. 
Thirty  chosen  men  followed,  not  in  regular  order,  but 
sauntering  at  some  distance,  as  if  they  bad  no  object 
but  curiosity  ;  small  parties  were  posted  at  proper  in- 
tervals, in  all  the  streets  leading  from  the  S|)anish 
quaiters  to  the  court ;  and  the  remainder  ol  his  trooiis, 
With  the  Tlascalan  allies,  were  under  arms  ready  to 
sally  out  on  the  first  alarm.  Cortes  and  his  attendants 
were  adiniltcd  without  suspicion  ;  the  Mexicans  retiring, 
as  usual,  out  of  respect.  He  addressed  the  rnonarcn 
in  a  tone  very  diflerent  from  that  which  he  had  employ- 
ed in  former  conferences,  reproaching  him  bitterly  ns 
the  author  of  the  violent  assault  made  upon  the  Spa- 
niards by  one  of  his  officers,  and  demandeil  public  re- 
paration for  the  loss  which  they  had  sustained  by  tho 
death  of  some  of  their  companions,  as  well  as  for  tho 
insult  offered  to  the  great  prince  whose  servants  they 
were.  Montezuma,  confounded  at  this  tinexpectcd  ac- 
cusation, and  changing  color,  either  from  consciousness 
of  guilt,  or  from  feeling  the  indignity  with  which  he  wns 
treated,  asserted  his  own  innocence  with  great  earnest 
ness,  and,  as  a  proof  of  it,  gave  orders  instantly  to  bring 
Qualpopoca  and  his  accomplices  prisoners  to  Mexico. 
Cortes  replied  with  seeming  complaisance,  that  a  de- 
claration so  respectable  left  no  doubt  remaining  in 
own  mind,  but  that  something  more  was  requisite  ti> 
satisfy  his  followers,  who  would  never  be  convmcc-d 
that  Montezuma  did  not  harbor  hostile  intentions  atrainiit 
them,  unless  as  an  evidence  of  his  confidence  and  st- 
tachment,  he  removed  from  his  own  palace,  and  took 
up  his  residence  in  the  Spamsh  quarters,  where  ho 
should  be  served  and  honored  as  became  a  great  rno- 
narcn The  first  mention  of  so  strange  a  proposal  be- 
reaved Montezuma  of  speech,  and  almost  of  motion. 
At  length  indignation  gave  him  utterance,  and  ho 
haughtily  answered,  "  That  persons  of  his  rank  were 
not  accustomed  voluntarily  to  give  up  themselves  as 
prisoners  ;  and  were  he  mean  enough  to  do  so,  his  sub- 
jects would  not  permit  such  an  affront  to  bo  offered  to 
their  sovereign."  Cortes,  unwilling  to  employ  force, 
endeavored  alternately  to  soothe  and  to  intimidate  him. 
The  altercation  became  warm  ;  and  having  continued 
above  three  hours,  Velasquez  de  Leon,  an  impetuous 
and  gallant  young  man,  exclaimed  with  impatience, 
"  Why  waste  more  time  in  vain  !  Let  us  either  seize 
him  instantly,  or  stab  him  to  the  heart."  'I'hc  threat- 
ening voice  and  fierce  gestures  with  which  these  words 
were  uttered,  struck  Montezuma.  The  Sjianiards,  ho 
was  sensible,  had  now  proceeded  so  far,  as  left  him  no 
hope  that  they  would  recede.  His  own  danger  was 
imminent,  the  necessity  unavoidable.  He  saw  both, 
and  abandoning  himself  to  his  fate,  complied  with  their 
request. 

His  officers  were  called.  He  communicated  lo 
them  his  resolution.  Though  astonished  and  alflicted, 
they  presumed  not  to  question  the  will  of  their  master, 
but  carried  hiin  in  silent  pomp,  all  bathed  in  tears,  to 
the  .Spanish  quarters.  When  it  was  known  that  the 
strangers  were  conveying  away  the  Emperor,  the  pco 
pie  broke  out  into  the  wildest  transports  of  grief  and 
rage,  threatening  the  Spaniards  with  immediate  do 
stniction,  as  the  punishment  justly  due  to  their  iinpioua 
audacity.  But  as  soon  as  Montezuma  a|]iearFd,  with 
I  a  seeming  gayety  of  countenance,  and  waved  his  hand, 
i  the  tumult  was  hushed  ;  and  upon  his  declaring  it  to 
be  of  his  own  choice  that  he  went  to  reside  for  snino 
time  among  his  now  friends,  the  multitude,  taught  W 
revere  every  intimation  of  their  sovercigns's  pleasure, 
quietly  dispersed. 

Thus  was  a  powerful  prince  seized  by  a  few  stranpori 
in  the  midst  of  his  capital,  at  noonday,  ."Mid  carnwl  uM. 


120 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


■u  a  pnsoncr,  without  opposition  or  blooilblicd.  His- 
tory contains  nothini;  parallt-l  to  liiis  event,  either  with 
respect  to  the  temerity  of  the  attempt,  or  the  success 
of  the  execution  ;  and  were  not  all  the  circumstatces 
of  this  extraordinary  transaction  authenticated  by  the 
most  unquestionable  evidence,  they  would  appear  so 
wild  and  extravagant  as  to  go  far  beyond  the  bounds 
of  that  probability  which  must  be  preserved  even  m 
fictitious  narrations. 

Montezuma  was  received  in  the  Spanish  quarters 
with  all  the  ceremonious  respect  which  Cortes  had 
promised.  He  was  attended  by  his  own  domestics, 
and  served  with  his  usual  state.  His  principal  oHicers 
had  free  access  to  him,  and  he  carried  on  every  func- 
tion of  government  as  if  he  had  been  at  perfect  liberty. 
The  Spaniards,  however,  watched  him  with  the  scru- 
pulous vigilance  which  was  natural  in  guarding  such 
an  important  prize,  [110]  endeavoring  at  the  same 
time  to  sooth  and  reconcile  him  to  his  situation  by 
every  external  demonstration  of  regard  and  attachment. 
But  from  captive  princes,  the  hour  of  humiliation  and 
Buffering  is  never  far  distant.  Qualpojjoca,  his  son, 
and  five  of  the  principal  officers  who  served  under 
biin,  were  brought  prisoners  to  the  capital  [Dec.  4],  in 
consequence  of  the  orders  which  Montezuma  had 
issued.  The  Emperor  gave  them  up  to  Cortes,  tliat 
he  might  inquire  into  the  nature  of  their  crime,  and 
determine  their  punishment.  They  were  formally  tried 
by  a  Spanish  court  martial ;  and  though  they  had  acted 
no  other  part  than  what  became  loval  subjects  and 
brave  men,  in  obeyii>g  the  orders  of  their  lawful  sove- 
reign, and  in  opposing  the  invaders  of  their  country, 
they  were  condemned  to  be  burnt  alive.  The  execu- 
tion of  such  atrocious  deeds  is  seldom  long  suspended. 
The  unhappy  victims  were  instantly  led  forth.  'I'he 
pile  on  which  they  were  laid  was  composed  of  the 
weapons  collected  in  the  royal  magazine  for  the  public 
defence.  An  innumerable  multitude  of  Mexicans  be- 
held, in  silent  astonishment,  the  double  insult  offered 
to  the  majesty  of  their  empire,  an  officer  of  distinction 
committed  to  the  flames  by  the  authority  of  strangers 
for  having  done  what  he  owed  in  duty  to  his  natural 
sovereign  ;  and  the  arms  provided  by  the  foresight  of 
their  ancestors  for  avenging  public  wrongs,  consumed 
before  their  eyes. 

But  these  were  not  the  most  shocking  indignities 
which  the  Meaicans  had  to  bear.  The  Spaniards,  con- 
rinced  that  Qiialpopoca  would  not  have  ventured  to 
ettack  Escalante  without  orders  from  his  master,  were 
not  eatisfip.d  with  inflicting  vengeance  on  the  instrument 
employed  in  cominitting  that  crime  while  the  author  of 
it  escaped  with  impunity.  Just  before  Qual[)opoca 
T-aa  led  out  to  suffer,  Cortes  entered  the  apartment  of 
Montezuma,  followed  by  some  of  his  officers,  and  a 
soldier,  carrying  a  pair  of  letters  ;  and  approaching  the 
monarch  with  a  stern  countenance  told  him,  that  as 
the  persons  who  were  now  to  undergo  the  punishment 
which  they  merited,  had  charged  him  as  the  cause  of 
the  outrage  committed,  it  was  necessary  that  he  like- 
wise should  make  atonement  for  that  guilt ;  then  turn- 
ing away  abruptly,  without  waiting  for  a  reply,  com- 
manded the  soUlicr  to  clap  the  fetters  on  his  legs.  The 
orders  were  instantly  executed.  The  disconsolate  mon- 
arch, trained  up  with  an  idea  that  his  person  was  sacred 
nnd  inviolable,  and  considering  this  profanation  of  it  as 
the  prelude  of  munediale  death,  broke  out  into  loud 
lamentations  and  complaints.  Hi.s  attendants,  speech- 
less with  horror,  fell  at  his  feet,  bathing  them  with  their 
tears  ;  and,  bearing  up  the  fetters  in  their  hands,  en- 
deavored with  ollicious  tenderness  to  lighten  their  pre.>- 
Bure.  Nor  did  their  grief  and  despondency  abate,  until 
Cortes  returned  from  the  execution,  and  with  a  cheer- 
ful countenance  ordered  the  fetters  to  be  taken  off. 
As  Montezuma's  spirits  had  sunk  with  unmanly  dejec- 
tion, they  now  rose  into  indecent  joy  ;  and  with  an  un- 
becoming transiiio:),  he  passed  at  once  from  the  anguish 
of  de.i[iHir  to  transports  of  gratitude  and  cxpres.sioiis  of 
fondness  towards  his  deliverer. 

In  those  traii«aclioiis,  as  rei)resenled  by  the  Spanish 
Historians,  we  search  in  vain  for  the  qualities  which 
distinguish  other  parts  of  Cortes's  conduct.  To  usurp 
a  jurisdiction  which  could  not  belong  to  a  stranger, 
who  assumed  no  higher  character  than  that  of  an  am- 
bassador from  a  foreign  prince,  and,  under  color  of  it, 
t"  inflict  a  capital  punislimeni  on  men  whose  conduct 
entitled  them  to  esteem,  apfieara  an  act  of  barbarous 
cruelty.  To  put  the  monarch  of  a  great  kingdom  in 
ir<'>ii'>,  and,  after  such  ignominious  treatment,  smldenlv 
to  rcloiise  hini,  seems  to  be  a  display  of  |)0wcr  no  \v»<i 
i;iconsideratc  than  Wiinton.  According  to  the  common 
rolaiiiiN.  no  Hccoun!  can  be  given  either  of  the  one 
action  or  the  other  but  ihjt  Cortes,  iiitoMceted  with 


success,  and  presuming  on  the  ascendant  which  he  had 
acquired  over  the  minds  of  the  Mexicans,  thought 
nothing  too  bold  for  him  to  undertake,  or  too  dangerous 
to  execute.  But,  in  one  view,  these  proceedings,  how- 
ever re|)ugnant  to  justice  and  humanity,  may  have 
flowed  from  that  artful  policv  which  regulated  every 
part  of  Cortes's  behavior  towards  the  Mexicans.  They 
I  tiad  conceived  the  Spaniards  to  be  an  order  of  beings 
superior  to  men.  It  was  of  the  utmost  consequence 
to  cherish  this  illusion,  and  to  keep  up  the  veneration 
which  it  inspired.  Cortes  wished  that  shedding  the 
blood  of  a  Spaniard  should  be  deemed  the  most  heinous 
of  all  crimes  ;  and  nothing  appeared  better  calculated 
to  establish  this  opinion  than  to  condemn  the  first 
Mexicans  who  had  ventured  to  commit  it  to  a  cruel 
death,  and  to  oblige  their  monarh  himself  to  submit  to 
a  mortifying  indignity  as  an  expiation  for  being  acces- 
sary to  a  deed  so  atrocious.  [1 11] 

1520  ]  The  rigor  with  which  Cortes  punished  the 
unhappy  persons  who  first  presumed  to  lay  violent 
hands  upon  his  followers,  seems  accordingly  to  have 
made  all  the  impression  that  he  desired.  The  spirit 
of  Montezuma  was  not  only  overawed  but  subdued. 
During  six  months  that  Cortes  remained  in  Mexico,  the 
monarch  continued  in  the  Spanish  quarters  with  an  ap- 
pearance of  as  entire  satisfaction  and  tranquillity  as  if 
lie  had  resided  there  not  from  constraint,  but  through 
choice.  His  ministers  and  officers  attended  him  as 
usual.  He  took  cognisance  of  all  affairs  ;  every  order 
was  issued  in  his  name.  The  external  aspect  of 
government  appearing  the  same,  and  all  its  ancient 
forms  being  scrupulously  observed,  the  people  were  so 
little  sensible  of  any  change,  that  they  obeyed  the 
mandates  of  their  monarch  with  the  same  submissive 
reverence  as  ever.  Such  was  the  dread  which  both 
Montezuma  and  his  subjects  had  of  the  Spaniards,  or 
such  the  veneration  in  which  they  held  them,  '.hat  no 
attempt  was  made  to  deliver  their  sovereign  from  con- 
finement; and  though  Cortes,  relying  on  this  ascendant 
which  he  had  acquired  over  their  minds,  permitted  him 
not  only  to  visit  his  temples,  but  to  make  hunting  ex- 
cursions beyond  the  lake,  a  guard  of  a  few  Spaniards 
carried  with  it  such  a  terror  as  to  intimidate  the  multi- 
tude, and  secure  the  captive  monarch. 

Thus,  by  the  fortunate  temerity  of  Cortes  in  seizing 
Montezuma,  the  Spaniards  secured  at  once  to  them- 
selves more  extensive  authority  in  the  Mexican  Empire 
than  it  was  possible  to  have  acquired  in  a  long  course 
of  time  by  open  force  ;  and  thev  exercised  more  abso- 
lute sway  in  the  name  of  another,  than  they  could  have 
done  in  their  own.  The  arts  of  polished  nations,  in 
subjecting  such  as  are  less  imjiroved,  have  been  nearly 
the  same  in  every  period.  The  system  of  screening  a 
foreign  usurpation,  under  the  sanction  of  authority  de- 
rived from  the  natural  rulers  of  a  country,  the  device 
of  employing  the  magistrates  and  forms  already  esta- 
blished as  instruments  to  introduce  a  new  dominion,  of 
which  we  are  apt  to  boast  as  sublime  refinements  in 
policy  peculiar  to  the  present  age,  were  inventions  of  a 
more  early  period,  and  had  been  tried  with  success  in 
the  West  long  before  they  were  practised  in  the  East. 

Cortes  availed  himself  to  the  utmost  of  the  powers 
which  he  possessed  by  being  able  to  act  in  the  name  of 
Montezuma.  1  le  sent  some  Spaniards,  w  hom  he  judged 
best  qualified  for  such  commissions,  into  diUcrent  parts 
of  the  empire,  accompanied  by  persons  of  distinction, 
whom  Montezuma  ajipointed  to  attend  them,  both  as 
guides  and  |)roteclors.  They  visited  most  of  the  pro- 
vinces, viewed  their  soil  and  productions,  surveyed  with 
particular  care  the  districts  which  yielded  gold  or  silver, 
pitched  upon  several  places  as  proper  stations  for  future 
colonies,  and  endeavored  to  prepare  the  minds  of  the  i)eo- 
ple  for  submitting  to  the  Spanish  yoke.  While  they 
were  thus  employed,  Cortes,  in  the  name  and  by  the 
authority  of  Montezuma,  degraded  some  of  the  princi- 
pal officers  in  the  empire,  whose  abilities  or  indepen- 
dent S|>irit  excited  his  jealousy,  and  sut)stituted  in  their 
|)lace  persons  less  capable  or  more  obsequious. 

One  thing  still  was  wanting  to  coin|)|rte  his  security. 
He  wished  to  have  such  command  of  the  lake  as  might 
ensure  him  a  retreat  if,  either  from  levity  or  disgust, 
the  Mexicans  should  take  arms  against  him,  and  break 
down  the  bridges  or  causeways.  This,  too,  his  own 
address,  and  the  facility  of  Montezuma,  enabled  him  to 
a(  COm|)lish.  Having  frcipientlv  entertained  his  prisoner 
with  pompous  accounts  of  the  European  marine,  and  art 
of  navigation,  he  awakened  his  curiosity  to  sec  those 
moviii!;  palaces  which  made  their  way  through  the  wa- 
ter, without  oars.  Under  pretext  of  gratifying  this  de- 
sire, ("ones  persuaded  Monleziima  to  appoint  some  of 
his  subjects  to  fetch  part  of  the  naval  stores  which  the 
S2>3iiiard«  had  deposucd  at  Vera  Cruz  to  .Mexico,  and 


to  employ  others  in  cutting  down  and  preparing  timbei: 
With  their  assistance,  the  Spanish  caryjeniers  sooi 
completed  two  brigantines.  which  afforded  a  frivolout 
amusement  to  the  monarch,  and  were  considered  by 
Corte.s  as  a  certain  resource  if  he  should  be  obliged  to 
retire. 

Encouraged  by  so  many  instances  of  the  monarch's 

tame  submission  to  his  will,  Cortes  ventured  to  put  it 
to  a  proof  still  more  trying.  He  urged  Montezuma  to 
acknowledge  himself  a  vassal  of  the  king  of  Castile,  to 
hold  his  crown  of  him  as  superior,  and  to  subject  his 
dominions  to  the  payment  of  an  annual  tribute.  With 
this  requisition,  the  last  and  most  humbling  that  can  bo 
made  to  one  possessed  of  sovereign  authority,  Monte- 
zuma was  so  obsequious  as  to  comply.  He  called  to- 
gether the  chief  men  of  his  empire,  and  in  a  solemn 
harangue,  reminding  them  of  the  traditions  and  prophe- 
cies which  led  them  to  expect  the  arrival  of  a  jieoplc 
sprung  from  the  same  stock  with  themselves,  ii  order 
to  take  possession  of  the  supreme  power,  he  declared 
his  belief  that  the  Spaniards  were  this  promised  race  ; 
that  therefore  he  recognised  the  right  of  their  monarch 
to  govern  the  Mexican  empire  ;  that  he  would  lay  his 
crown  at  his  feet,  and  obey  him  as  a  tributary.  While 
uttering  these  words,  Montezuma  discovered  how  deeply 
he  was  atFected  in  making  such  a  sacrifice.  Tears  and 
groans  frequently  interrupted  his  discourse.  Overawed 
and  broken  as  his  spirit  was,  it  still  retained  such  o 
sense  of  dignity  as  to  feel  that  pang  which  pierces 
the  heart  of  princes  when  constrained  lo  resign  inde- 
[)endent  power  The  first  mention  of  such  a  resolution 
struck  the  assembly  dumb  with  astonishment.  This 
was  followed  by  a  sudden  murmur  of  so^ow,  mingled 
with  indignation,  which  indicated  some  violent  irruption 
of  rage  to  be  near  at  hand.  This  Cortes  foresaw,  and 
seasonably  interposed  to  prevent  it  by  declaring  that 
his  master  had  no  intention  to  deprive  Montezuma  ol 
the  royal  dignity,  or  to  make  any  innovation  upon  the 
constitution  and  laws  of  the  Mexican  empire.  'I'hiD 
assurance,  added  to  their  dread  of  the  Spanish  fowcr 
and  to  the  authority  of  their  monarch's  example,  eitort- 
ed  a  reluctant  consent  from  the  assembly.  [112]  'l1io 
act  of  submission  and  homage  was  executed  with  ibo 
formalities  which  the  Spaniards  were  pleased  to  pro- 
scribe. 

Montezuma,  at  the  desire  of  Cortes,  accompanied 
this  profession  of  fealty  and  homage  with  a  magniticent 
present  to  his  new  sovereign  ;  and  after  his  example 
liis  subjects  brought  in  very  liberal  contributions.  Th9 
.Spaniards  now  collected  all  the  treasures  which  had 
been  either  voluntarily  bestowed  upon  them  at  different 
times  by  Montezuma,  or  had  been  extorted  from  his 
people  under  various  pretexts  ;  and  having  melted  die 
gold  and  silver,  the  value  of  these,  without  including; 
jewels  and  ornaments  of  various  kinds,  which  were- 
preserved  on  account  of  their  curious  workmanship, 
amounted  to  six  hundred  thousand  pesns.  The  sol- 
diers were  impatient  to  have  it  divided,  and  Cortes 
complied-  with  their  desire.  A  fifth  of  the  whole  vm 
first  set  apart  as  the  tax  due  to  the  king.  Another  fi.lh 
was  allotted  to  Cortes  as  commander  in  chief.  The 
sums  advanced  by  Velasquez,  by  Cortes,  and  by  sorao 
of  the  officers,  towards  defraying  the  expense  of  fitting 
out  the  armament,  were  then  deducted.  The  remain- 
der was  divided  among  the  armv,  including  the  garri- 
son at  Vera  Cruz,  in  projiortion  lo  their  dillcrent  ninks. 
.Vfter  so  many  defalcations,  the  share  of  a  private  man 
did  not  exceed  a  hundred  pesos.  This  sum  fell  fO 
far  below  their  sanguine  exjiectations  that  some  sol- 
diers rejected  it  with  scorn,  and  others  murmured  fO 
loudly  at  this  cruel  disappointment  of  their  hopes,  that 
it  required  all  the  address  of  Cortes,  and  no  small  ex- 
ertion of  his  liberality,  to  appease  them.  The  com- 
plaints of  the  army  were  not  altogether  destitute  oi 
foundation.  As  the  crown  had  contributed  nothing  to- 
wards the  equipment  or  success  of  the  armaminl,  il 
was  not  without  regret  that  the  soldiers  behelil  it  sweep 
away  so  great  a  proportion  of  the  treasure  purclui.;cd 
by  their  blood  and  toil.  What  fell  to  the  share  of  the 
general  appeared  according  to  the  ideas  of  wealth  in 
the  sixteenth  century,  an  enormous  sum.  Some  ol 
(Cortes's  favorites  had  secretly  appropriated  to  tlieii 
own  use  several  ornaments  of  gold,  which  neither  |>aid 
the  royal  fifth,  nor  were  brought  into  account  as  part  of 
the  common  stock.  It  was,  however,  so  manifestly  tho 
interest  of  Cortes  at  this  peiiod  to  make  a  large  remit- 
tancc  to  the  king,  that  it  is  highly  probable  those  con- 
cealments were  not  of  great  consequence. 

The  total  sum  amassed  by  the  .Spaniards  beari  iM 
pro|H)rtion  to  the  ideas  which  miijht  be  formed,  eitiiir 
by  reflecting  on  the  descriptions  ^iven  by  historians  u( 
the  ancient  splendor  of  Mexico  or  by  conKidcrin^j  tlM 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


.27 


prodnotious  of  its  mines  in  modern  times.  I3ut  among 
tiie  ancient  Mexicans,  gold  and  silver  were  not  the 
utandards  by  which  the  worth  of  other  commodities 
was  rstiiiiaicd  ;  and  destitute  of  the  artificial  value  de- 
rived from  th  s  circumsiame,  were  no  further  in  request 
than  as  they  furnished  materials  for  ornannenta  and  trin- 
kets. 'J'h(^se  were  either  consecrated  to  the  gods  in 
iheir  temples,  or  were  worn  as  marks  of  distinction  by 
their  [innces  and  some  of  their  most  eminent  chiels. 
As  the  constnnption  of  the  precious  metals  was  incon- 
sidcrable,  the  demand  for  them  was  not  such  as  to  put 
cither  the  ingenuity  or  industry  of  the  Mexicans  on 
the  stretch  in  order  to  augment  their  store.  They 
were  altogether  unacquainted  with  the  art  of  working 
the  rich  mines  with  which  their  country  abounded. 
What  gold  they  had  was  gatheied  in  the  beds  of  the 
rivers,  native,  and  ripened  into  a  pure  metallic  state. 
The  utmost  eHort  of  their  labor  in  search  of  it  was  to 
wash  the  earth  carried  down  by  torrents  from  the 
mountains,  and  to  pick  out  the  grains  of  gold  which  sub- 
sided ;  and  even  this  simple  operation,  .iccording  to 
the  rejiort  of  the  persons  whom  Cortes  uj)pointed  to 
survey  the  provinces  where  there  was  a  prospect  of 
finding  mines,  they  performed  very  unskilfully.  From 
all  those  causes,  the  whole  mass  of  gold  in  possession 
of  the  Mexicans  was  not  great.  A.s  silver  is  rarely 
found  pure,  and  the  Mexican  art  was  too  rude  to  con- 
duct the  process  for  rerunng  it  in  a  properlnauner,  the 
Huanlity  of  this  metal  was  still  less  considerable.  Thus, 
though  the  Spaniards  had  exerted  all  the  power  which 
they  possessed  in  Mexico,  and  often  with  indecent  ra- 
pacity, in  order  to  gratify  their  predominant  passion, 
and  though  Montezuma  had  fondly  exhausted  his  irca- 
Rurns,  in  hopes  of  satiating  their  thirst  for  gold,  the  pro- 
duct of  both,  which  probably  included  a  great  part  of 
t.ne  bullion  in  the  empire,  did  not  rise  in  value  above 
what  has  been  inentionod.  [113J 

But  however  pliable  Montezuma  might  be  in  other 
matters,  with  respect  to  one  point  he  was  inflexible. 
Though  Cortes  often  urged  him,  with  the  importunate 
zeal  of  a  missionary,  to  renounce  his  false  gods,  and  to 
embrace  the  Christian  faith,  he  always  rejected  the  |iro- 
position  with  horror.  Superstition,  among  the  Mexi- 
cans, was  formed  into  such  a  regular  and  complete  sys- 
tem, that  its  institutions  naturally  took  fast  hold  of  the 
inifid  ;  and  while  the  rude  tribes  in  other  parts  of  Ame- 
rica were  easily  induced  to  relinquish  a  few  notions  and 
rites,  so  loose  and  arbitrary  as  hardly  to  merit  the  name 
of  a  public  religion,  the  Mexicans  adhered  tenaciously 
to  their  mode  of  worship,  which,  however  barbarous, 
was  accompanied  with  such  order  and  solemnity  as  to 
render  it  an  object  of  the  highest  veneration.  Cortes, 
finding  all  his  attempts  inetl'ectual  to  shake  the  con- 
stancy of  Montezuma,  was  so  much  enraged  at  his  ob- 
stinacy, that  in  a  transport  of  zeal  he  led  out  his  sol- 
diers to  throw  down  the  idols  in  the  grand  tem])le  by 
force.  But  the  priests  taking  arms  in  defence  of  their 
altars,  and  the  people  crowding  with  great  ardor  to  sup- 
jWt  them,  Corles's  prudence  overruled  his  zeal,  and 
mduced  him  to  desist  from  his  rash  attempt,  after  di.s- 
loiltfiiig  the  idols  from  one  of  the  shrines,  and  placing 
in  their  stead  an  image  of  '.he  Virgin  Mary.  [114J 

From  that  moment  the  Mexicans,  who  had  permitted 
the  imprisonment  of  their  sovereign,  and  suflfercd  the 
exactions  of  strangers  without  a  struggle  began  to  me- 
ditate how  they  might  expel  or  des.roy  the  Spaniards, 
t  and  thought  themselves  called  upon  to  avenge  their  in- 
sulted deities.  The  priests  and  leading  men  held  fre- 
quent consultations  with  Montezuma  for  this  purpose. 
But  as  It  might  prove  fatal  to  the  captive  monarch  to 
attempt  either  the  one  or  the  other  by  violence,  he  was 
willing  to  try  more  gentle  means.  Having  called 
Cortes  into  his  presence,  he  observed,  that  now,  as  all 
the  purposes  of  his  embassy  were  fully  accomplished, 
the  gods  had  declared  their  will,  and  the  people  signilicd 
their  desire,  that  he  and  his  followers  should  instantly 
depart  out  of  the  empire.  With  this  he  required  theiii 
to  comply,  or  unavoidable  destruction  would  fall  sud- 
denly on  their  heads.  The  tenor  of  this  unexpected 
requisition,  as  well  as  the  determined  tone  in  which  it 
wis  uttered,  left  Cortes  no  room  to  doubt,  that  it  was 
the  result  of  some  deep  scheme  concerted  between 
Montezuma  and  his  subjects.  He  quickly  perceived 
that  he  might  derive  more  advantage  from  a  seeming 
compliance  with  the  monarch's  inclinations,  than  from 
•II  ill-timed  attempt  to  change  or  oppose  it;  and  re- 
plied, with  great  composure,  that  he  had  already  begun 
to  prepare  for  returning  to  his  own  country  ;  but  as  he 
had  destro/ed  the  vessels  m  which  he  arrived,  some 
time  was  requisite  for  building  other  ships.  This  ap- 
peared reasooAble.  A  number  of  Me  xicans  were  sent 
«•  Vw!)  Cruz  to  cut  down  timber,  and  some  Spanish 


carpenters  were  appointed  to  superintend  the  work. 
Cortes  flattered  himself  that  during  this  interval  he 
might  either  find  means  to  avert  the  threatened  danger, 
or  receive  such  reinforcements  as  would  enable  him 
to  despise  it. 

Almost  nine  months  were  elapsed  since  Portocarrero 
and  Montejo  had  sailed  with  his  despatchos  to  Spain  ; 
and  ho  daily  expected  their  return  with  a  confirmation 
of  his  authority  from  the  king  Without  this,  his  con- 
dition was  insecure  and  precarious  ;  and  after  all  the 
great  things  which  he  had  done,  it  might  be  his  doom  to 
bear  the  name  and  suffer  the  punishment  of  a  traitor. 
Rapid  and  extensive  as  his  progress  had  been,  he  could 
not  hope  to  complete  the  reduction  of  a  great  empire 
with  so  small  a  body  «f  mor\,  which  by  this  time  diseases 
of  various  kinds  considerably  thiniKrd  ;  nor  could  he 
apply  for  recruits  to  the  Spanish  settlements  in  the 
islands,  until  he  received  the  royal  approbation  of  his 
proceedings. 

While  he  remained  in  this  cruel  situation,  anxious 
about  what  was  past,  uncertain  with  respect  to  the 
future,  and  by  the  late  declaration  of  Montezuma,  op- 
pressed with  a  new  addition  of  cares,  a  Mexican  cou- 
rier arrived  with  an  account  of  some  ships  having  ap- 
peared on  the  coast.  Cortes,  with  fond  credulity, 
imagining  that  his  messengers  were  returned  from 
Spain,  and  that  the  completion  of  all  his  wishes  and 
hopes  was  at  hand,  imparted  the  glad  tidings  to  his 
companions,  who  received  them  with  transports  of 
mutual  gratulation.  Their  joy  was  not  of  long  conti- 
nuance A  courier  from  Sandoval,  whom  Cortes  had 
appointed  to  succeed  Escalante  in  command  of  Vera 
Cruz,  brought  certain  information  that  the  armament 
was  fitted  out  by  Velasquez,  governor  of  Cuba,  and 
instead  of  bringing  the  aid  which  they  expected,  threat- 
ened them  with  immediate  destruction. 

The  motives  which  prom])ted  Velasquez  to  this 
violent  measure  are  obvious  From  the  circumstances 
of  Cortes's  departure,  it  was  impossible  not  to  suspect 
his  intention  of  throwing  off  all  dependence  upon  him. 
His  neglecting  to  transmit  any  account  of  his  opera- 
tions to  Cuba,  strengthened  this  suspicion,  which  was 
at  last  confirmed  beyond  doubt  by  the  indiscretion  of 
the  officers  whom  Cortes  sent  to  Spain.  They,  from 
some  motive  which  is  not  clearly  explained  by  the  con- 
temporary historians,  touched  at  the  island  of  Cuba, 
contrary  to  the  peremptory  orders  of  their  general.  By 
this  means  Velasquez  not  only  learned  that  Cortes  and 
his  followers,  after  formally  renouncing  all  connection 
with  him,  had  established  an  independent  colony  in 
New  Spain,  and  were  soliciting  the  king  to  confirm 
their  proceedings  by  his  authority  ;  but  he  obtained  par- 
ticular information  concerning  the  opulence  of  the 
country,  the  valuable  presents  which  Cortes  had  re- 
ceived, and  the  inviting  prospects  of  success  that 
opened  to  his  view.  Every  passion  which  can  agitate 
an  ambitious  mind  ;  shame,  at  having  been  so  grossly 
overreached  ;  indignation,  at  being  betrayed  by  the 
man  whom  he  had  selected  as  the  object  of  his  favor 
and  confidence  ;  grief,  for  having  wasted  his  fortune  to 
aggrandize  an  enemy  ;  and  despair  of  recovering  so  fair 
an  opportunity  of  establishing  his  fame  and  extending 
his  power,  now  raged  in  the  bosom  of  Velasquez.  All 
these,  with  united  force,  excited  him  to  make  an  ex- 
traordinary eiibrt  in  order  to  be  avenged  on  the  author 
of  his  wrongs,  and  to  wrest  from  him  his  usurped  au- 
thority and  conquests.  Nor  did  he  want  the  appear- 
ance of  a  good  title  to  justify  suchan  attempt.  The  agent 
whom  he  sent  to  Spain  with  an  account  of  Grijalva's 
voyage,  had  met  with  a  most  favorable  reception  ;  and 
from  the  specimens  which  he  produced,  such  high  ex- 
pectations were  formed  concerning  the  opulence  of 
New  Spain,  that  Velasquez  was  authorized  to  prosecute 
the  discovery  of  the  country,  and  appointed  governor  of 
it  during  life,  with  more  extensive  power  and  privileges 
than  had  been  granted  to  any  adventurer  from  the  time  of 
Cr/iuinbiis.  Elated  by  this  distinguishing  mark  of  favor, 
and  v/arrar.ted  to  consider  Cortes  not  only  as  intruding 
upon  his  jurisdiction,  but  as  disobedient  to  the  royal  man- 
date, he  determined  to  vindicate  his  own  rights,  and 
the  honor  of  his  sovereign  by  force  of  arms.  [115]  His 
ardor  in  carrying  on  his  preparations  whs  such  as  might 
have  been  expected  from  the  violence  of  the  passions 
with  which  he  was  animated  ;  and  in  a  short  time  an 
armament  was  completed,  consisting  of  eighteen  ships 
which  had  on  board  fourscore  horsemen,  eight  hundred 
foot  soldiers,  of  which  eis;hty  were  musketeers,  and  a 
hundred  and  twenty  cross-bow  men,  together  with  a 
train  of  twelve  pieces  of  cannon.  As  Velasquez's  ex- 
perience of  the  fatal  consequence  of  committing  to 
another  what  he  ou£;ht  to  have  executed  himself,  b.-ul 
i  not  Tendered  him  more  eutcqiriting,  be  vostod  the  I 


command  of  this  formidable  body,  which,  in  the  infaocv 
of  the  Spani.'ih  power  in  America,  merits  tiie  ap|)cllation 
of  an  armv,  in  I'ampliilo  de  -Narvaez.  with  iiis'.ructiono 
to  seize  Cortes  and  his  ])rincipal  ofl'iccrs,  to  send  them 
prisoners  to  him,  and  th(!n  to  complete  the  discovery 
and  conquest  of  tiio  country  in  his  name. 

After  a  prosperous  voyage,  Narvaez  landed  his  men 
without  opposition  near  St.  Juan  de  Ulna  [April]. 
Three  soldiers,  whom  Cortes  had  sent  to  search  for 
nnnes  in  that  district,  immediately  joined  liim.  ]iy 
this  accident  he  not  only  received  information  concgni- 
ing  the  progress  and  situation  of  Cortes,  but,  as  thr-so 
soldiers  had  made  some  progress  in  the  knowledge  oi 
the  Mexican  language,  he  acquired  interpreters,  oy 
whose  mean's  he  was  enabled  to  hold  some  intercourao 
with  the  people  of  the  country.  Hut,  accordmir  to  the 
low  cunning  of  deserters,  they  framed  lh(nr  intelligenco 
will!  more  attention  to  what  Ihey  thoui,'ht  would  bo 
agreeable  than  to  what  they  knew  to  be  true  ;  and  re- 
presented the  situation  of  Cortes  to  be  so  des])erato, 
and  the  disaffection  of  his  followers  to  be  so  general, 
as  increased  the  natural  confidence  and  presumption  o( 
Narvaez.  His  first  operation,  however,  might  havo 
taught  him  not  to  rely  on  their  partial  accounts.  Hav- 
ing sent  to  summon  the  governor  of  Vera  Cruz  to  sur- 
render, Guevara,  a  priest  whom  he  employed  in  that 
service,  made  the  requisition  with  such  insolence,  tliat 
Sandoval,  an  officer  of  high  spirit,  and  zealously  at- 
tached to  Cortes,  instead  of  coin])lying  with  his  de- 
mands, seized  him  and  his  attendants,  and  sent  them 
in  chains  to  Mexico. 

Cortes  received  them  not  like  enemies,  but  as  friends, 
and,  condemning  the  severity  of  Sandoval,  set  them 
immediately  at  liberty.  By  this  well  timed  clemency, 
seconded  by  caresses  and  presents,  he  gained  their  con- 
fidence, and  drew  from  them  such  particulars  concern- 
ing the  force  and  intentions  of  Narvaez,  as  gavo  him  n 
view  of  the  impending  danger  in  its  full  extent.  Ho 
had  not  to  contend  now  with  half  naked  Indians,  no 
match  for  him  in  war,  and  still  more  inferior  in  tlio 
arts  of  policy,  but  to  take  the  field  against  an  army  in 
courage  and  martial  discipline  equal  to  his  own,  in 
number  far  superior,  acting  under  tlie  sanction  of  roy.il 
authority,  and  commanded  by  an  olficer  of  known  bra- 
very. He  was  informed  that  Narvaez,  more  solicitous 
to  gratify  the  resentment  of  Velasquez  than  attentive  lo 
the  honor  or  interest  of  his  country,  had  begun  his  in- 
tercourse with  the  natives,  by  representing  him  and  his 
followers  as  fugitives  and  outlaws,  guilty  of  rebellion 
against  their  own  sovereign,  and  of  injustice  in  invading 
the  Mexican  empire  ;  and  had  declared  that  his  chief 
object  in  visiting  the  country  \.as  to  punish  the  Spa- 
niards who  had  committed  these  crimes,  and  to  rescue 
the  3[exicans  from  oppression.  He  soon  perceiviv.l 
that  the  same  unfavorable  representations  of  his  charac- 
ter and  actions  had  been  ccmvcyed  to  Montezuma,  aii(\ 
that  Narvaez  had  found  mcms  to  assure  him,  that  as 
the  conduct  of  those  who  kept  him  under  restraint  was 
highly  displeasing  to  the  King  his  master,  he  had  it  in 
charge  not  only  to  rescue  an  injured  monarch  from 
confinement,  but  to  reinstate  him  in  the  possession  «( 
his  ancient  power  and  independence.  Animated  with 
this  prospect  of  being  set  free  from  subjection  to  stran- 
gers, the  Mexicans  in  several  provinces  began  openly 
to  revolt  from  Cortes,  and  to  rega.rd  Narvaez  as  a  de- 
liverer no  less  able  than  willing  lo  nave  them.  Monl*>- 
zuma  himself  kept  up  a  secret  intercourse  with  the  new 
commander,  and  seemed  to  court  him  as  a  |)erson  su- 
perior in  power  and  dignity  to  those  Spaniards  whom 
he  had  hitherto  revered  as  the  first  of  men.  [1  l(3J 

Such  were  the  various  aspects  of  danger  and  diffi- 
culty which  presented  themselves  to  the  view  of  (.'ortes. 
No  situation  can  be  conceived  mere  trying  to  the  capa- 
city and  firmness  of  a  general,  or  where  the  choice  of 
the  plan  which  ought  to  be  adopted  was  more  difliuult 
If  he  should  wait  the  approach  of  Narvaez  in  .Mexico, 
destruction  seemed  to  be  unavoidable;  tor,  while  the 
Spaniards  pressed  him  from  without,  the  inhabitants, 
whoso  turbulent  spirit  he  could  hardly  restrain  with  all 
his  authority  and  attention,  would  eagerly  lay  hold  on 
such  a  favorable  opportunity  of  avenging  all  their 
wrongs.  If  he  should  abandon  the  capital,  set  tho 
captive  monarch  at  liberty,  and  to  march  out  to  meet 
the  enemy,  he  must  at  once  forego  the  fruits  of  all  his 
toils  and  victories,  and  relinquish  advantages  which 
could  not  be  recovered  without  extraordinary  etions 
and  infinite  danger.  If,  instead  of  employing  foicc,  iio 
should  have  recourse  to  conciliating  measures,  and  s^- 
tempt  an  accommodation  with  Narvaez  ;  the  natural 
haughtiness  of  that  orficer,  augmented  by  consciousntwp 
of  Eifi  jireeeiit  siiperioritv',  forb.iiii!  h'ln  to  rnenpu  any 
sanguiiic  uojie  ot  success.      After  rcvoiviuf;  evtarj 


128 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


•cheme  with  deep  attention,  Cortes  fixed  upon  that 
which  in  execution  was  most  liazardoiis,  hut.  if  success- 
ful, would  prove  most  bencticial  to  himself  and  to  his 
country  ;  and  with  the  decisive  intrepidity  suited  to 
desperate  situations,  determined  to  make  one  bold  ef- 
fort for  victory  under  every  disadvantage,  rather  than 
sacrifice  bis  own  conquests  and  the  Spanish  interests 
in  Mexico. 

But  though  he  foresiw  that  the  contest  must  be 
terminated  finally  by  arms,  it  would  have  been  not  only 
indecent  but  criminal  to  have  inarched  against  his  coun- 
trymen, without  attempting  to  adjust  matters  by  an 
amicable  negotiation.  In  this  service  he  employed  01- 
medo,  his  chaplain,  to  whose  character  the  function 
was  well  suited,  and  who  possessed,  besides,  such  pru- 
dence and  address  as  qualified  him  to  carry  on  the  se- 
cret intrigues  in  which  Cortes  placed  his  chief  confi- 
dence. Narvaez  rejected  with  scorn  every  scheme  of 
accommodation  that  Olmcdo  proposed,  and  was  with 
difficulty  restrained  from  laying  violent  hands  on  him 
and  his  attendants.  He  met,  however,  with  a  more 
favorable  reception  among  the  followers  of  Narvaez,  to 
many  of  whom  he  delivered  letters,  either  from  Cortes 
or  his  officers,  their  ancient  friends  and  companions. 
Cortes  artfully  accompanied  those  with  presents  of 
rings,  chains  of  gold,  and  other  trinkets  of  value,  which 
inspired  those  needy  adventurers  with  high  ideas  of  the 
wealth  that  he  had  acquired,  and  with  envy  of  their 
ffood  fortune  who  were  engaged  in  hia  service.  Soine, 
from  hopes  of  becoming  sharers  in  those  rich  spoils,  de- 
clared for  an  immediate  accommodation  with  Cortes. 
Others,  from  public  spirit,  labored  to  prevent  a  civil 
war,  which,  whatever  parly  should  prevail,  must  shake, 
and  perhaps  subvert  the  Spanish  power  in  a  country 
where  it  was  so  imperfectly  established.  Narvaez  dis- 
regarded both,  and  by  a  public  proclamation  denounced 
Cortes  and  lus  adherents  rebels  and  enemies  to  their 
country.  Cortes,  it  is  probable,  was  not  much  sur- 
prised at  the  nntractable  arrogance  of  Narvaez  ;  and 
after  having  given  such  a  proof  of  his  own  pacific  dis- 
position as  might  justify  his  recourse  to  other  means, 
be  determined  to  advance  towards  an  enemy  whom  he 
bad  labored  in  vain  to  appease. 

He  left  a  hundred  and  fifty  men  in  the  capital,  [May,] 
under  the  command  of  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  an  officer 
of  distinguished  courage,  for  whom  the  Mexicans  had 
conceived  a  singular  degree  of  respect.  To  the  cus- 
tody of  this  slender  garrison  he  committed  a  great  city, 
with  all  the  wealth  he  had  amassed,  and,  what  was  of 
Btill  greater  importance,  the  person  of  the  imprisoned 
monarch.  His  utmost  art  was  employed  in  concealing 
from  Montezuma  the  real  cause  of  his  march,  lie 
labored  to  persuade  him.  that  the  strangers  who  had 
lately  arrived  were  his  friends  and  fcllow-suhjccls  ; 
and  that,  after  a  short  interview  with  them,  they  would 
depart  together,  and  return  to  their  own  country.  The 
caiJtive  prince,  unable  to  comprehend  the  designs  of 
the  Spaniard,  or  to  reconcile  what  he  now  heard  w  ith 
the  declarations  of  Narvaez,  and  afraid  to  discover  any 
symptom  of  suspicion  or  distrust  of  Cortes,  promised 
to  remain  (juicily  in  iIk^  .Spanish  quarters,  and  to  culti- 
vate the  same,  frcindsliip  with  Alvarado  which  he  had 
uniformly  maintained  with  him.  Cortes,  with  seeming 
confidence  in  this  promise,  but  relying  principally  upon 
the  injunctions  which  he  had  given  Alvarado  to  guard 
bis  prisoner  with  the  most  scrupulous  vigilance,  set 
out  from  Mexico. 

His  strength,  even  after  it  was  reinforced  by  the 
junction  of  Sandoval  and  the  garrison  of  Vera  Cruz, 
did  not  exceed  two  iiuiidred  and  fifty  men.  As  he 
hoped  for  success  chiefly  from  the  rapidity  of  his  mo- 
tions, his  troops  were  not  encumbered  either  with  bag- 
gage or  artillery.  But  as  he  dreaded  cxtremelv  the 
impression  which  the  enemy  might  make  with  their 
cavalry,  he  had  provided  again.^l  this  danger  with  the 
foresight  an<l  »ag.icily  which  distinguish  n  great  com- 
niaiider.  Having  observed  that  the  Indians  in  ihc 
provincp  of  Cliinaiitia  used  spears  of  exlraoidiiiaiy 
length  and  force,  he  armed  his  soldiers  with  these,  and 
•ccustomed  them  to  that  deep  and  compact  arrange- 
ment which  the  use  of  this  formidable  weapon,  the 
best  perh.ips  that  was  ever  invented  for  defence, 
enabled  ihem  lo  assume 

M  itli  this  small  but  firm  battalion,  Cortes  advanced 
towards  Zempo.illa,  of  which  Narvaez  had  taken  pos- 
session. During  his  march,  he  made  r('|ieated  attempts 
tow  ards  some  accommodation  with  his  opponent.  But 
Narvaez  re(|uiring  tliat  Cortes  and  his  followers  should 
instaiiily  recognise  his  title  lo  be  governor  of  New 
Spam,  m  virtue  of  the  powers  wliKth  he  derived  from 
Velasquez  ;  and  C  irtea  refusing  to  sutiinit  to  any  | 
ftuiiiuruy  wbicb  wuu  not  fnundud  lui  a  comii)>?i>iun  froin  I 


I  the  Emperor  himself,  under  whose  immediate  protec- 
I  tion  he  and  his  adherents  had  placed  their  infant 
I  colony  ;  all  these  attempts  proved  fruitless.  The  in- 
tercourse, however,  which  this  occasioned  between  the 
two  parlies,  proved  of  no  small  advantage  to  Cortes, 
as  it  afforded  bin.  an  opportunity  of  gaining  some  ofj 
Narvaez's  officers  by  liberal  presents,  of  softening 
others  by  a  scmblaiifc  of  moderation,  and  of  dazzling 
all  by  the  appearance  of  wealth  among  his  troops,  most 
of  his  soldiers  having  converted  their  share  of  the  .Mexi- 
can gold  into  chains,  bracelets,  and  other  ornamenls, 
which  they  displayed  with  military  ostentation.  Nar- 
vaez and  a  little  junto  of  his  creatures  excepted,  all  the 
army  leaned  towards  an  accommodation  with  their 
countrymen.  This  discovery  ol  men  inclination  irritat- 
ed his  violent  temper  almost  to  madness.  In  a  trans- 
port of  rage,  he  set  a  price  upon  the  head  of  Cortes, 
and  of  his  principal  officers  ;  and  having  learned  that 
he  was  now  advanced  within  a  league  of  Zempoalla 
with  his  small  body  of  men,  he  considered  this  as  an 
insult  which  merited  immediate  chastisement,  and 
marched  out  with  all  his  troops  to  offer  him  battle. 

But  Cortes  was  a  leader  of  greater  abilities  and  ex- 
perience than,  on  equal  ground,  to  fight  an  enemy  so 
far  superior  in  number,  and  so  much  belter  appointed. 
Having  taken  his  station  on  the  opposite  bank  of  the 
river  de  Canoas,  where  he  knew  that  he  could  not  be 
attacked,  he  beheld  the  aj^roach  of  the  enemy  without 
concern,  and  disregarded  this  vain  bravade.  It  was 
then  the  beginning  of  the  wet  season,  and  the  rain  had 
poured  down,  during  a  great  part  of  the  day,  with  a 
violence  peculiar  to  the  torrid  zone.  The  followers  of 
Narvaez,  unaccustomed  to  the  hardships  of  military 
service,  murmured  so  much  at  being  thus  fruitlessly 
exposed,  that,  from  their  unsoldierlike  impatience,  as 
well  as  his  own  contempt  of  his  adversary,  their  general 
permitted  them  to  retire  to  Zempoalla.  The  very  cir- 
cunislance  whK;h  induced  them  to  quit  the  field,  en- 
couraged Cortes  to  form  a  scheme  by  which  he  hoped 
at  once  to  terminate  the  war.  He  observed  that  his 
hardy  veterans,  though  standing  under  the  torrents 
which  continued  to  fall  without  a  single  tent  or  any 
shelter  whatsoever  to  cover  them,  were  so  far  from 
repining  at  hardships  which  were  become  familiar  lo 
them,  that  they  were  still  fresh  and  alert  for  service. 
He  forsaw  that  the  enemy  would  naturally  give  them- 
selves up  to  repose  after  their  fatigue,  and  that,  judging 
of  the  conduct  of  others  by  their  own  elleminacy,  they 
would  deem  themselves  perfectly  secure  at  a  suason  so 
unfit  lor  action.  He  resolved,  therefore,  to  fall  upon 
them  in  the  dead  of  night,  when  the  suprise  and  terror 
of  this  unexpected  attack  might  more  than  compensate 
the  inferiority  of  his  numbers.  His  soldiers,  sensible 
that  no  resource  remained  but  in  some  desperate  effort 
of  courage,  approved  of  the  measure  with  such  warmth, 
that  Cortes,  in  a  military  oration  which  he  addressed 
to  them  before  they  began  their  march,  was  more 
solicitous  to  temper  than  to  inflame  their  ardor.  He 
divided  ihein  into  three  parties.  At  the  head  of  the 
first  he  placed  Sandoval ;  intrusting  this  gallant  officer 
with  the  most  dangerous  and  important  service,  that  of 
seizing  the  enemy's  artiUer)',  which  was  planted  before 
the  principal  tower  of  the  temple  where  Narvaez  had 
fixed  his  head-quarters.  Christoval  de  Olid  com-! 
maiidcd  the  second,  with  orders  to  assault  the  tower, 
and  lay  hold  on  the  general.  Cortes  himself  con- 
ducted the  third  and  smallest  division,  which  was  to 
act  as  a  body  of  reserve,  and  to  support  the  other  two 
as  there  should  be  occasion.  Having  passed  the  river  | 
de  Canoas,  which  was  much  swelled  with  the  rains,  I 
not  without  ditliculty,  the  water  reaching  almost  to  i 
their  chins,  they  advanced  in  profound  silence,  with-  j 
out  beat  of  drum,  or  sound  of  any  wailiko  instrument;  ; 
each  man  armed  with  his  sword,  his  dagger,  and  his 
Chinantlan  spear.  Narvaez,  remiss  in  proportion  to 
his  securitv,  had  posted  only  two  sentinels  to  watch  i 
the  motions  of  an  enemy  whom  he  had  such  good 
cause  to  dread.  One  of  these  was  .seized  by  the  ad- 1 
vanccd  guard  of  Cories's  troops  ;  the  other  made  his 
escape,  and,  hurrying  to  the  town  with  all  the  precipi- 
tation of  fear  and  zeal,  gave  such  timely  notice  of  the 
enemy's  approach,  that  there  was  full  leisure  to  have 
prejiared  for  their  reception.  But,  through  the  arro- 
gance and  infatuation  of  Narvaez,  this  important  inter- 
val was  lo.st.  He  imputed  this  alarm  to  the  cowardice 
of  the  sentinel,  and  treated  with  derision  the  idea  of 
being  attacked  bv  forces  so  unequal  to  bis  own.  The 
shouts  of  Cories's  soldiers,  rushing  on  lo  the  assault, 
convinced  him  at  last  that  the  danger  which  be  de- 
spised was  real.  The  rapidity  with  which  they  ad- 
vanced w  as  such  that  only  one  cannon  could  be  fired 
before  Sandovul's  party  closed  wllli  the  caeniVi  drove 


them  from  their  guns,  and  began  to  force  their  way 
the  steps  of  the  tow  er.  Narvhez,  no  less  brave  in  actiOQ 
than  prcs'imptuous  in  conduct,  armed  himself  in  iiasle, 
and  by  his  voice  and  example  animated  his  men  to  the 
combat  Olid  advanced  to  su.^lain  his  companions  ;  and 
Cortes  himself  rushing  to  the  front,  conducted  and  sdded 
new  vigor  to  the  attack.  The  comf)act  order  in  which 
this  small  body  pressed  on.  and  the  impenetrable  fror.t 
which  they  presented  with  their  long  spears  bore  down 
all  opposition  before  it.  'J'hey  had  now  reached  thi 
gate,  and  were  struggling  to  burst  it  open,  when  a  sol- 
dier having  set  fire  to  the  reeds  wi'h  which  the  lower 
was  covered,  compelled  Narvaez  lo  sally  out.  In  ilia 
first  encounter  he  was  wounded  in  tiie  eye  with  tha 
spear,  and,  falling  to  the  ground,  was  dragged  down 
the  steps,  and  in  a  moment  clapped  in  fetters.  The  cry 
of  victory  resounded  among  the  troops  of  Cortca. 
Those  who  had  sallied  out  with  their  leader  now  main- 
tained the  conflict  feebly,  and  began  to  surrender. 
Among  the  remainder  of  his  soldiers,  stationed  in  two 
smaller  towers  of  the  temple,  terror  and  confiision  pro 
vailed.  The  darkness  was  so  great,  that  they  could 
not  distinguish  between  their  friends  and  foes.  Their 
own  artillery  was  pointed  against  them.  Wherever 
they  turned  their  eye,  they  beheld  lights  gleaming 
through  the  obscurity  of  the  night,  which,  though  pro- 
ceeding only  from  a  variety  of  shining  insects  that 
abound  in  moist  and  sultry  climates,  their  affrighted 
imaginations  represented  as  numerous  bands  of  muske- 
teers advancing  with  kindled  matches  to  the  attack. 
After  a  short  resistance,  the  soldiers  compelled  their  of- 
ficers to  cai>itulate,  and  before  morning  all  laid  down 
their  arms,  and  submitted  quietly  to  their  conquerors. 

This  complete  victory  proved  more  acceptable,  as  it 
was  gained  almost  without  bloodshed,  only  two  sol- 
diers being  killed  on  the  side  of  Cortes,  and  two  otli 
cers.  with  fifteen  private  men  of  the  adverse  faction 
Cortes  treated  the  vanquished  not  like  enemies,  but  ss 
countrymen  and  friends,  and  olfered  either  to  send 
them  back  directly  to  Cuba,  or  to  take  thein  into  hw 
service,  as  partners  in  his  fortune,  on  eqnal  terms  witlj 
his  own  soldiers.  This  latter  proposition,  seconded  by 
a  seasonable  distribution  of  some  jiresents  from  (^or'.ej, 
and  liberal  promises  of  more,  opened  prospects  so 
agreeable  lo  the  romantic  expectations  which  uad  iti- 
vited  them  to  engage  in  this  service,  that  all.  a  few 
partisans  of  Narvaez  excented,  closed  with  it,  and  vied 
with  each  other  in  professions  of  fidelity  and  attach- 
ment to  a  general,  whose  recent  success  had  given 
them  such  a  striking  proof  of  his  abilities  for  command. 
Thus,  by  a  series  of  events  no  less  fortunate  than  un- 
common, Cortes  not  only  escaped  from  perdition  which 
seemed  inevitable,  but,  when  he  had  least  reason  to 
exjiect  it,  was  placed  at  the  head  of  a  thousand  Spa- 
niards, ready  to  follow  wherever  be  should  lead  them. 
Whoever  reflects  upon  the  facility  with  which  this  vic- 
tory was  obtained,  or  considers  w  ith  what  sudden  and 
unanimous  transition  the  followers  of  Narvaez  rangfd 
themselves  under  the  standard  of  his  rival,  will  be  apt 
to  ascribe  both  events  as  mucn  to  the  intrigues  as  to 
the  arms  of  Cortes,  and  cannot  but  suspect  lhat  the 
ruin  of  Narvaez  was  occasioned  no  less  by  the  treach- 
ery of  his  own  followers,  than  by  the  valor  of  th« 
enemy. 

But  in  one  point  the  prudent  conduct  and  good  tot- 
tune  of  Cortes  were  equally  conspicuous.  If,  by  the 
rapidity  of  his  operations  after  he  began  his  march,  ho 
had  not  brought  matters  to  such  a  sjieedy  issue,  even 
this  decisive  victory  would  have  come  too  late  to  ha»'0 
saved  his  companions  whom  he  left  in  Mexico.  .\  few 
davs  after  the  discomfiture  of  Narvaez,  a  courier  arnvtyt 
with  an  account  that  the  Mexicans  had  taken  arms, 
and,  having  seized  and  destroyed  the  two  brigantincn 
which  Cortes  had  built  in  order  to  secure  the  command 
of  the  lake,  and  attacked  the  Spaniartis  in  their  quar- 
ters, had  killed  several  of  them,  and  wounded  more, 
had  reduced  to  ashes  their  magazine  of  |>rovision$,  and 
carried  on  hostilities  with  such  fur)',  that  though  .Al- 
varado and  his  men  defended  themselves  with  undaunt- 
ed resolution,  they  must  either  be  soon  cut  olf  by  fa- 
mine, or  sink  under  the  multitude  of  tbcir  eiiemieo. 
This  revolt  was  excited  by  motives  which  rendered  it 
still  more  aiarmmg.  Ou  the  departure  of  (Jones  fol 
Zempoalla,  the  Mexicans  flattered  themselves  thai  Uk 
long-eipecled  opportunity  of  restoi-ing  their  soverci^ 
to  liberty,  and  of  vindicating  their  country  from  wf 
odious  donumon  of  strangers,  was  ai  length  arnrrd ; 
that  w  hile  the  forces  of  their  oppressors  were  divided, 
and  the  arms  of  one  party  lurned  against  the  other,  ihtj 
might  triumph  w  ith  greater  facility  over  both.  < 'civ 
sullations  were  held,  and  schemes  fonned  with  tbi»  nc 
tentiuii.    The  S|>auianla  in  Mexico,  couscwim  i-f  tlie* 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


120 


own  feeblftncss,  suspected  and  dreaded  those  machina- 
I  Hons.    Alvarado,  though  a  gallant  otlk-er,  possessed 
.    j  n'Jilher  that  extent  of  capacity  nor  dignity  of  manners, 
by  which  Cortes  had  acquired  such  an  ascendant  over 
i  the  rnlTids  of  the  Mexicans,  as  never  allowed  them  to 
■  form  ft  just  estimate  of  his  weakness  or  of  their  own 
strength.    Alvarado  knew  no  mode  of  supporting  his 
'  authority  but  force.    Instead  of  employing  address  to 
disconcert  the  plans  jr  to  soothe  the  spirits  of  the  iMcxi- 
cana,  he  waitei  the  return  of  one  of  their  solemn  festi- 
vals    When  the  principal  persons  in  the  empire  were 
dancing,  according  to  custom,  in  the  court  of  the  great 
temple,  he  seized  all  the  avenues  which  led  to  it  ;  and 
alUired  partly  by  the  rich  ornaments  which  they  wore 
in  honor  of  their  gods,  and  partly  by  the  facility  of  cut- 
tmg  oil  at  once  the  authors  of  that  consjiiracy  which  he 
dreaded,  he  fell  upon  them,  unarmed  and  unsuspicious 
of  any  danger,  and  massacred  a  great  number,  none  es- 
caping but  such  as  made  their  way  over  the  battlements 
of  the  temple.    An  action  so  cruel  and  treacherous 
tilled  not  only  the  city,  but  the  whole  empire  with  in- 
dignation and  rage.    All  called  aloud  for  vengeance  ; 
and  regardless  of  the  safety  of  their  monarch,  whose 
life  was  at  the  mercy  of  the  Spaniards,  or  of  their  own 
'  danger  in  assaulting  an  enemy  who  had  been  so  long 
the  object  of  their  terror,  they  committed  all  those  acts 
of  violence  of  which  Cortes  received  an  account. 

To  him  the  danger  appeared  so  imminent  as  to  admit 
neither  of  deliberation  nor  delay.    He  set  out  instantly 
with  all  his  forces,  <ind  returned  from  Zempoalla  with  no 
less  rapidity  than  he  had  advanced  thither.   At  Tlascala 
he  was  joined  by  two  thousand  chosen  warriors.  On 
entering  the  Mexican  territories,  he  found  that  disaflec- 
tion  to  the  Spaniards  was  not  confined  to  the  capital, 
ji  The  principal  inhabitants  had  deserted   the  towns 
I  through  which  he  passed  ;  no  person  of  note  appearing 
I  to  meet  him  with  the  usuul  respect ;  no  provision  was 
t  made  for  the  subsistence  of  his  troops  ;  and  though  he 
was  permitted  to  advance  without  opposition,  the  soli- 
tude and  silence  which  reigned  in  every  place,  and  the 
horror  with  which  the  people  avoided  all  intercourse 
with  him,  discovered  a  deep  rooted  antipathy  that  ex- 
cited the  most  just  alarm.    But  implacable  as  the  en- 
i  a^'ity  of  the  Mexicans  was,  they  were  so  unacquainted 
I  w  ith  the  science  of  war,  that  they  knew  not  how  to  take 
'  the  proper  measures  either  for  their  own  safety  or  the 
'  destruction  of  the  Spaniards.    Uninstructed  by  their 
foimer  arror  in  admitting  a  formidable  enemy  into  their 
ra^jital,  instead  of  breaking  down  the  causewavs  and 
brdges,  by  which  they  might  have  enclosed  Alvarado 
»rd  his  party,  and  have  effectually  stopped  the  career 
of  Cortes,  they  again  suffered  him  to  march  into  the 
city  [June  24]  without  molestation,  and  to  take  quiet 
possession  of  his  ancient  station. 

The  transports  of  joy  with  which  Alvarado  and  his 
soldiers  received  their  companions  cannot  be  expressed. 
Both  parties  were  so  much  elated,  the  one  with  their 
seasonable  deliverance,  and  the  other  with  the  great 
exploits  which  they  had  achieved,  that  this  intoxication 
of  success  seems  to  have  reached  Cortes  himself ;  and 
he  behaved  on  this  occasion  neither  with  his  usual 
sagacity  nor  attention.    He  not  only  neglected  to  visit 
Montezuma,  but  embittered  the  insult  by  expressions 
full  of  contempt  for  that  unfortunate  prince  and  his 
[i  (iconle.    The  forces  of  which  he  had  now  the  command 
I  appeared  to  him  so  irresistible  that  ho  might  assume  a 
higher  tone,  and  lay  aside  the  mask  of  moderation  under 
which  lie  had  hitherto  concealed  his  designs.  Some 
Mexicans,  who  understood  the  Spanish  language,  heard 
the  contemptuous  words  which  Cortes  uttered,  and, 
reporting  them  to  their  countrymen,  kindled  their  rage 
cnew.    They  were  now  convinced  that  the  intentions 
oi  the  general  were  equally  bloody  with  those  of  Alva- 
rado, and  that  his  original  purpose  in  visitJng  their 
ccuntry  had  not  been,  as  he  pretended,  to  court  the 
alliance  of  their  sovereign,  but  to  attempt  the  conquest 
"I  his  dominions.    They  resumed  their  arms  with  the 
addnioiial  fury  which  this  discovery  inspired,  attacked 
I  a  considerable  body  of  Spaniards  who  were  marching 
t      j  towards  the  great  square  in  which  the  public  market 
was  held,  and  compelled  them  to  retire  with  some  loss. 
Kinboldened  by  this  success,  and  delighted  to  find  that 
their  oppressors  were  not  invincible,  they  advanced  the 
I       I  next  day  vvith  extraordinary  martial  pomp  to  assault 
)        the  Spaniards  in  their  quarters.    Their  number  was 
I       I  torinidiblc,  and  their  undaunted  courage  still  more  so. 
(       I  Though  the  artillery  pointed  against  their  numerous 
i    •   :  battahons,  crowded  together  in  narrow  streets,  swept 
f     .   on  multitudes  at  every  discharge  ;  though  every  blow 
li       :  of  the  Spanish  weapons  fell  wilh  mortal  effect  upon 
(       '  WIT  naked  hoaies,  the  impetuosity  of  the  assault  did 
I       iBultittte.    Freah  men  nibbed  forward  to  occupy  tht 
10 


places  of  the  slain,  and,  meeting  with  the  same  fate, 
were  succeeded  by  others  no  less  intrepid  and  eager  for 
vengeance.  The  utmost  efforts  of  Cortes  abilities  and 
experience,  seconded  by  the  disciplined  valor  of  his 
troops,  were  hardly  suliicieiit  to  defend  the  fortifica- 
tions that  surrounded  the  post  where  the  S])aniards 
were  stationed,  into  which  the  enemy  were  more  than 
once  on  the  point  of  forcing  their  way. 

Cortes  beheld  with  wonder  the  implacable  ferocity 
of  a  people  who  seemed  at  first  to  submit  tamely  to 
the  yoke,  and  had  continued  so  long  passive  under  it. 
The  soldiers  of  Narvaez,  who  fondly  imagined  that 
they  followed  Cortes  to  share  in  the  spoils  of  a  con- 
quered empire,  were  astonished  to  find  that  they  were 
involved  in  a  dangerous  war  with  an  enemy  whose 
vigor  was  still  unbroken,  and  loudly  execrated  their 
own  weakness  in  giving  such  easy  credit  to  the  delu- 
sive promises  of  their  new  leader.  But  surprise  and 
complaints  were  of  no  avail.  Some  immediate  and 
extraordinary  effort  was  necessary  to  extricate  them- 
selves out  of  their  present  situation.  As  soon  as  the 
approach  of  evening  induced  the  Mexicans  to  retire  in 
compliance  with  their  national  custom  of  ceasing  from 
hostilities  with  the  setting  sun,  Cortes  began  to  prepare 
for  a  sally,  next  day,  with  such  a  considerable  force  as 
might  either  drive  the  enemy  out  of  the  city,  or  com- 
pel them  to  listen  to  terms  of  accommodation. 

He  conducted  in  person  the  troops  destined  for  this 
important  service.  Every  invention  known  in  the  Eu- 
ropean art  of  war,  as  well  as  every  precaution  suggested 
by  his  long  acquaintance  with  the  Indian  mode  of  fight- 
ing were  employed  to  ensure  success.  But  he  found 
an  enemy  prepared  and  determined  to  oppose  him. 
The  force  of  the  Mexicans  was  greatly  augmented  by 
fresh  troops,  which  jjoured  in  continually  from  the 
country,  and  their  animosity  was  in  no  degree  abated. 
They  were  led  by  their  nobles,  inflamed  by  the  exhor- 
tations of  their  priests,  and  fought  in  defence  of  their 
temples  and  families,  under  the  eye  of  their  gods,  and 
in  presence  of  their  wives  and  children.  Notwith- 
standing their  numbers,  and  enthusiastic  contempt  of 
danger  and  death,  wherever  the  Spaniards  could  close 
with  ihem,  the  superiority  of  their  discipline  and  arms 
obliged  the  Mexicans  to  give  way.  But  in  narrow 
streets,  and  where  many  of  the  bridges  of  communica- 
tion were  broken  down,  the  Spaniards  could  seldom 
come  to  a  fair  rencounter  with  the  enemy,  and,  as  they 
advanced,  were  exposed  to  showers  of  arrows  and 
stones  from  the  tops  of  houses.  After  a  day  of  in- 
cessant exertion,  though  vast  numbers  of  the  Mexicans 
fell,  and  part  of  the  city  was  burnt,  the  Spaniards  weary 
with  the  slaughter,  and  harrassed  by  multitudes  which 
successively  relieved  each  other,  were  obliged  at  length 
to  retire,  with  the  mortification  of  having  accomplished 
nothing  so  decisive  as  to  compensate  the  unusual  cala- 
mity of  having  twelve  soldiers  killed,  and  above  sixty 
wounded.  Another  sally,  made  with  greater  force,  was 
not  more  effectual,  and  in  it  the  general  himself  was 
wounded  in  the  hand. 

('ortes  now  perceived,  too  late,  the  fatal  error  into 
which  be  had  been  betrayed  by  his  own  contempt  of  the 
Mexican?,  and  was  satisfied  that  he  could  neither  main- 
tain his  picsent  station  in  the  centre  of  a  hostile  city, 
nor  retire  from  it  without  the  most  imminent  danger. 
One  resource  still  remained,  to  try  what  effect  the  in- 
terposition of  Montezuma  might  have  to  soothe  or  over- 
awe his  subjects.  When  the  Mexicans  approached 
next  morning  to  renew  the  assault,  that  unfortunate 
prince,  at  the  mercy  of  the  Spaniards,  and  reduced  to 
the  sad  necessity  of  becoming  the  instrument  of  his 
own  disgrace,  and  of  the  slavery  of  his  people,  [117] 
advanced  to  the  battlements  in  his  royal  robes,  and 
with  all  the  pomp  in  which  he  used  to  appear  on  solemn 
occasions.  At  sight  of  their  sovereign,  whom  they  had 
lone  been  accustomed  to  honor,  and  almost  to  revere 
as  a  god,  the  weapons  dropped  from  their  hands,  every 
tongue  was  silent,  all  bowed  their  heads,  and  many  pros- 
trated themselves  on  the  ground.  Montezuma  addressed 
them  with  every  argument  that  could  mitigate  their 
rage,  or  persuade  them  to  cease  from  hostilities.  When 
he  ended  his  discourse,  a  sullen  murmur  of  disappro- 
bation ran  through  the,  ranks  ;  to  this  succeeded  re- 
proaches and  threats;  and  the  fury  of  ibe  multituJe 
rising  in  a  moment  above  every  restraint  of  decency  or 
respect,  flights  of  arrows  and  volleys  of  stones  poured 
in  so  violently  upon  the  rami)arts,  tiiat  before  the  Spa- 
nish soldiers,  appointed  to  cover  Montezuma  with  their 
bucklers,  had  time  to  lift  them  in  his  defence,  two  ar- 
rows wounded  the  unhappy  monarch,  and  the  blow  of 
a  stone  on  his  temple  struck  him  to  the  ground.  On 
seeing  him  fall,  the  Mexicans  were  so  much  astonished, 
that  wilh  a  transition  not  uncommon  m  popular  tumults, 


they  passed  in  a  moment  from  one  extreme  totheothcr, 

remorse  succeeded  to  insult,  and  they  fled  with  horror, 
as  if  the  vengeance  of  heaven  were  pursuing  the  crima 
which  they  coimnittcd.  The  Spaniards  without  moles- 
tation carried  Montezuni  i  to  his  ajiartments,  and  Cortes 
hastened  thither  to  console  him  under  his  misfortune. 
But  the  unhappy  monarch  now  perceived  how  low  he 
was  sunk  ;  and  the  haughty  spirit  which  seemed  to  have 
been  so  long  extinct,  returning,  he  scorned  to  survive 
this  last  humiliation,  and  to  protract  an  ignominious 
life,  not  only  as  the  prisoner  and  tool  of  his  eneinicrT, 
but  as  the  object  of  contempt  or  detestation  among  hifl 
subjects.  In  a  transport  of  rage  he  tore  the  bandages 
from  his  wounds,  and  refused,  with  such  obstinacy,  to 
take  any  nourishment,  that  he  soon  ended  his  wretched 
days,  rejecting  with  disdain  all  the  solicitations  of  the 
Spaniards  to  embrace  the  Cliristian  faith. 

Upon  the  death  of  Montezuma,  Cortes,  having  lost 
all  hope  of  bringing  the  Mexicans  to  an  accommodation, 
saw  no  prospect  of  safety  but  in  attempting  a  relrcut, 
and  began  to  prepare  for  it.  But  a  sudden  motio:i  of 
the  Mexicans  engaged  him  in  new  conflicts.  They 
took  possession  of  a  high  tower  in  the  great  temple 
which  overlooked  the  Spanish  quarters,  and  placing 
there  a  garrison  of  their  (irincipal  warriors,  not  a  Spa- 
niard could  stir  without  being  exposed  to  their  missile 
weapons.  From  this  post  it  was  necessary  to  dislodge 
them  at  any  risk  ;  and  Juan  dc  Escobar,  with  a  nume- 
rous detachment  of  chosen  soldiers,  was  ordered  to 
make  the  attack.  But  Escobar,  though  a  gallant  offi- 
cer, and  at  the  head  of  troops  accustomed  to  conquer, 
and  who  now  fought  under  the  eyes  of  their  country- 
men, was  thrice  repulsed.  Cortes,  sensible  that  not 
only  the  reputation  but  the  safety  of  his  army  depended 
on  the  success  of  this  assault,  ordered  a  buckler  to  l.e 
tied  to  his  arm,  as  he  could  not  manage  it  with  his 
wounded  hand,  and  rushed  with  his  drawn  sword  into 
the  thickest  of  the  combatants.  Encouraged  by  the 
presence  of  their  general,  the  Spaniards  returned  to  the 
charge  with  such  vigor,  that  they  gradually  forced  their 
way  up  the  steps,  and  drove  the  Mexicans  to  the  plat- 
form at  the  top  of  the  tower.  There  a  dreadful  car- 
nage began  ;  when  two  young  Mexicans  of  high  rank, 
observing  Cortes  as  he  animated  his  soldiers  by  hiu 
voice  and  example,  resolved  to  sacrifice  their  own  lives 
in  order  to  cut  off  the  author  of  all  the  calamities  which 
desolated  their  country.  They  approached  him  in  i\ 
suppliant  posture,  as  if  they  had  intended  to  lay  down 
their  arms,  and  seizing  him  in  a  moment,  hurried  him 
towards  the  battlements,  over  which  they  threw  them- 
selves headlong,  in  hopes  of  dragging  him  along  te  bo 
dashed  in  pieces  by  the  same  fall.  But  Cortes,  by  his 
strong  1  and  agility,  broke  loose  from  their  grasp,  and 
the  gallant  youths  perished  m  this  generous  though  un- 
successful attempt  to  save  their  country.*  As  soon  as 
the  Spaniards  became  masters  of  the  tower,  they  sot 
fire  to  it,  and,  without  farther  molestation,  continued 
the  preparations  for  their  retreat. 

This  became  the  more  necessary,  as  the  Mexicans 
were  so  much  astonished  at  the  last  effort  of  the  Spa- 
nish valor,  that  they  began  to  change  their  whole  sys- 
tem of  hostility,  and,  instead  of  incessant  attacks,  en- 
deavored, by  barricading  the  streets  and  breaking  down 
the  causeways,  to  cut  off  the  communication  of  the  Spa 
niards  with  the  continent,  and  thus  to  starve  an  enemy 
whom  they  could  not  sutidue.  The  first  point  to  be  de- 
termined by  Cortes  and  his  followers,  was,  whether  they 
should  march  out  openly  in  the  face  of  day,  when  they 
could  discern  every  danger,  and  see  how  to  regulate  their 
own  motions,  as  well  as  how  to  resist  the  assaults  of  the 
enemy  ;  or,  whether  they  should  endeavor  to  retire  se- 
cretly in  the  night  !  The  latter  was  preferred,  partly  from 
hopes  that  their  national  superstition  would  restrain  the 
Mexicans  from  venturing  to  attack  them  m  the  night,  and 
partly  from  their  own  fond  belief  in  the  predictions  of  a 
private  soldier,  who  having  acquired  universal  credit  by 
a  smattering  of  learning,  and  his  pretensions  to  astro- 
logy, boldly  assured  his  countrymen  of  success,  if  they 
made  their  retreat  in  this  manner.  They  began  to 
move,  towards  midnight,  in  three  divisions.  Sandoval 
led  the  van  ;  Pedro  Alvarado  and  Velasquez  de  Leon 
had  the  conduct  of  the  rear;  and  Cortes  commanded 
in  the  centre,  where  he  placed  the  prisoners,  among 
whom  were  a  son  and  two  daughters  of  .Monlezuina, 
together  with  several  Mexicans  of  distinction,  the  artil- 
lery, the  baggage,  and  a  portable  bridge  of  timber  in- 

*  M.  Clavigcro  has  censured  me  with  asperity  for  relating 
this  gallant  action  of  the  two  Mexicans,  and  for  sup|)o.sii,g 
that  there  were  battlements  round  the  temple  .if  Muxiro  I 
related  the  attempt  to  destroy  Cortes  on  the  aulliorily  of  Her. 
dec.  2.  lit).  X.  c.  t).  and  of Toninemado  lib.  iv.  c.  fi9.  1  followed 
them  hkewise  in  supposmj,'  the  uppermost  platform  of  tiu> 
temple  to  tie  encompassed  by  abatllument  or  rail. 


ISO 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  or 


tended  to  be  laid  ever  tne  broaches  in  the  causewav- 
Thoy  marched  in  profound  silence  along  the  causeway 
«»hich  led  to  Tacuba,  because  it  was  shorter  than  any 
of  the  rest,  and,  lyin^  most  remote  from  iho  road  to- 
wards Tlascala  and  llic  sca-ccast,  had  been  left  more 
entire  by  the  Mexicans.  They  reached  the  first  breach 
in  it  without  molestation,  hoping  that  their  retreat  was 
undiscovered. 

But  the  Mexicans,  unpcrceived,  had  not  only  watched 
all  their  motions  with  attention,  but  had  made  pro])er 
dispositions  for  a  most  formidable  attack.  U'hilc  the 
.Spaniards  were  intent  upon  placnig  their  bridge  in  the 
breach,  and  occupied  in  conducting  their  horses  and 
artillery  along  it,  they  were  suddenly  alarmed  with  a 
tremendous  sound  of  warlike  instruments,  and  a  gen".- 
ral  shout  from  an  innumcral)le  multitude  of  encm'es  ; 
the  lake  was  covered  with  canoes  ;  flights  of  arrows 
and  showers  of  stones  poured  in  upon  them  from  every 
(juarter  ;  the  Mexicans  rushing  forward  to  the  charge 
with  fearless  impetuosity,  as  if  they  hoped  in  that  mo- 
ment to  be  avenged  for  all  their  wrongs.  Unfortunately 
the  wooden  bridge,  by  the  weight  of  the  artillery,  was 
wedged  so  fast  into  the  stones  and  mud,  that  it  was  im- 
possible to  remove  it.  Dismaved  at  this  accident,  the 
Spaniards  advanced  with  precipitation  towards  the  se- 
cond breach.  The  Mexicans  hemmed  them  in  on 
every  side  ;  and  though  they  defended  themselves  with 
their  usual  courage,  yet  crowded  together  as  they  were 
on  a  narrow  causeway,  their  discipline  and  military  skill 
were  of  little  avail,  nor  did  the  obscurity  of  the  night 
permit  them  to  derive  great  advantage  from  their  fire- 
arms, or  the  superiority  of  their  other  weapons.  All 
Mexico  was  now  in  arms  ;  and  so  eager  were  the  people 
on  the  destruction  of  their  oppressors,  that  they  who 
were  not  near  enough  to  annoy  them  in  person,  impa- 
tient of  the  delay,  pressed  forward  with  such  ardor  as 
drove  on  their  countrymen  in  front  with  irresistible  vio- 
lence. Fresh  warriors  instantly  filled  the  place  of 
such  as  fell.  The  Spaniards,  weary  with  slaughter, 
end  unable  to  sustain  the  weight  of  the  torrent  that 
foured  in  upon  them,  began  to  give  way.  In  a  moment 
the  confu.sion  was  universal  :  horse  and  foot,  officers 
and  soldiers,  friends  and  enemies,  were  mingled  to- 
gether ;  and  while  all  fought  and  many  fell,  they  could 
hardly  distinguish  from  what  hand  the  blow  came. 

Cortes,  with  about  a  hundred  foot  soldiurs  and  a 
few  horse,  forced  his  way  over  the  two  remaining 
breaches  in  the  causeway,  the  bodies  of  the  dead  ser- 
ving to  fill  up  the  chasms,  and  reached  the  main  land. 
Having  formed  them  as  soon  as  they  arrived,  he  re- 
turned with  such  as  were  yet  capable  of  service  to 
assist  his  friends  in  their  retreat,  and  to  encourage  them, 
t  y  his  presence  end  example,  to  persevere  in  the  clforts 
requisite  to  effect  it.  He  met  with  part  of  his  soldiers 
who  had  broke  through  the  enemy,  but  found  many 
more  overwhelmed  by  the  multitude  of  their  aggres- 
sors, or  perishing  in  the  lake  ;  and  heard  the  piteous 
lamentations  of  others,  whom  the  Mexicans,  having 
taken  alive,  were  carrying  ofl'in  triumph  to  be  sacrificed 
to  the  god  of  war.  Before  day,  all  who  had  escaped 
as.;embled  at  Tacuba.  Hut  w  hen  the  morning  dawned, 
and  discovered  to  the  view  of  Cortes  his  shattered 
battilion  reduced  to  less  than  half  its  number,  the  sur- 
vivors dejected,  and  most  of  them  covered  witb  wounds, 
the  thoughts  of  w  hat  they  had  sulTered,  aod  the  remem- 
brance of  so  many  faithful  friends  and  gallant  followers 
who  l.ad  fallen  in  that  night  of  sorrow, *  pierced  his 
soul  w.th  such  anguish,  that  while  he  was  forming  their 
ranks,  and  issuing  some  necessary  orders,  his  soldiers 
observed  the  tears  trickling  from  his  eves,  and  remarked 
with  much  satisfaction,  that  while  attentive  to  the  duties 
of  a  general,  he  was  not  insensible  to  the  feelings  of 
a  man. 

In  this  fatal  retreat  many  officers  of  distinction 
perished  [IISJ,  and  among  these  Velasquez  de  Leon, 
who  having  forsaken  the  party  of  his  kinsman,  tlie  go- 
vernor of  Cuba,  to  follow  the  fortune  of  his  compa- 
iiions,  wag,  on  that  account,  a.s  we'i  as  for  his  superior 
merit,  respected  by  ihein  as  the  second  person  in  the 
unny.  All  'he  artillery,  ammunition,  and  baggage,  were 
Kilt  ;  the  greater  part  of  the  horse.s,  and  above  two 
thousand  'i'lascalans,  were  killed,  and  only  a  very  small 
pt  "•tioii  of  the  treasure  which  they  had  amassed  was 
•aved.  This,  which  had  been  always  their  chief  olijeot, 
proved  a  great  cause  of  their  calamity  ;  for  many  of  the 
soldiers  having  so  overloaded  themselves  with  bars  of 
gold  as  rendered  them  unfit  for  action,  and  retarded 
llieir  fliL'bt,  fell  ignominiously,  the  victims  of  their  own 
inconsiderate  avarice.  ,\midst  so  many  disasters,  it 
was  Bome  corisolation  to  tind  that  Aguilar  and  Marina, 

•  Naclii<trlste  la  the  name  by  »hlch  it  is  still  distinguished 
t\  t'l  Av  .'<pun 


whose  function  as  interpreters  was  of  such  essential 
iniportance,  had  made  their  escape. 

The  first  care  of  Cortes  was  to  find  some  shelter  for 
his  wearied  troops;  for  as  the  Mexicans  infested  them 
on  every  side,  and  the  people  of  Tacuba  began  to  take 
arms,  he  could  not  continue  in  his  present  station.  He 
directed  his  march  towards  the  rising  ground,  and  hav- 
ing fortunately  discovered  a  temple  situated  on  an  emi- 
nence, took  possession  of  it.  Tliere  he  found  not  only 
the  shelter  for  which  he  wished,  but,  what  was  no  less 
wanted,  some  provisions  to  refresh  his  men  ;  and  though 
the  enemy  did  not  intermit  their  attacks  throughout  the 
day,  they  were  with  less  dilliculty  prevented  from  mak- 
ing any  impression.  During  this  time  Cortes  was  en- 
gaged in  deep  consultation  with  his  officers,  concern- 
ing the  route  which'they  ought  to  take  in  their  retreat. 
They  were  now  on  the  west  side  of  the  lake.  Tlas- 
cala, the  only  jilace  where  they  could  hope  for  a  friendly 
reception,  lay  about  sixty-four  miles  to  the  east  of 
Mexico  ;  so  that  they  were  obliged  to  go  round  the 
north  end  of  the  lake  before  they  could  fall  into  the 
road  which  led  thither.  A  TIascalan  soldier  undeitook 
to  be  their  guide,  and  conducted  them  through  a  coun- 
try in  some  places  marshy,  in  others  mountainous,  in 
all  ill  cultivated  and  thinly  peopled.  Tlir>y  marched 
for  six  days  with  little  respite,  an(J  under  continual 
alarms,  numerous  bodies  of  the  Mexicans  hovering 
around  them,  sometimes  harassing  them  at  a  distance 
with  their  missile  weapons,  and  sometimes  attacking 
them  closely  in  front,  in  rear,  in  flank,  with  great  bold- 
ness, as  they  now  knew  that  they  were  not  invincible. 
Nor  were  the  fatigue  and  danger  of  those  incessant  con- 
flicts the  worst  evils  to  which  they  were  exposed.  As 
the  barren  country  through  which  they  passed  afforded 
hardly  any  provisions,  they  were  reduced  to  feed  on 
berries,  roots,  and  the  stalks  of  green  maize  ;  and  at 
the  very  time  that  famine  was  depressing  their  spirits 
and  wasting  their  strength,  their  situation  required  the 
most  vigorous  and  unremitting  exertions  of  courage  and 
activity.  Amidst  those  complicated  distresses,  one 
circumstance  supported  and  animated  the  Spaniards. 
Their  commander  sustained  this  sad  reverse  of  fortune 
with  unshaken  magnanimity.  His  presence  of  mind 
never  forsook  him  ;  his  sagacity  foresaw  every  event, 
and  his  vigilance  provided  for  it.  He  was  foremost  in 
every  danger,  and  endured  every  hardship  with  cheer- 
fulness. The  difiiculties  with  which  he  was  surrounded 
seemed  to  call  forth  new  talents  ;  and  his  soldier", 
though  despairing  themselves,  continued  to  follow  him 
with  increasing  confidence  in  his  abilities. 

On  the  sixth  day  they  arrived  near  to  Otumba,  not 
far  from  the  road  between  Mexico  and  I'lascala.  Early 
nest  morning  thev  began  to  advance  to.vards  it,  flying 
jiarties  of  the  enemy  still  hanging  on  tlieir  rear ;  and, 
amidst  the  insults  with  which  they  accompanied  their 
hostilities,  Marina  remarked  that  they  often  exclaimed 
with  exultation,  "  Go  on,  robbers  ;  go  to  the  j)lacc 
where  you  shall  quickly  meet  with  the  vc-ngeancc  due 
to  your  crimes."  The  meaning  of  this  threat  the  Spa- 
niards did  not  comprehend,  until  they  reached  the 
summit  of  an  eininenc(^  before  them.  There  a  spa- 
cious valley  opened  to  their  view,  covered  with  a  vast 
army,  extending  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach.  The 
Mexicans,  while  with  one  body  of  their  troops  they 
harassed  the  Spaniards  in  their  retreat,  had  assem- 
bled their  principal  force  on  the  other  side  of  the  lake ; 
and  marching  along  the  road  which  led  directly  to 
']'la.sc^ia,  posted  it  in  the  plain  of  Otumba,  through 
which  they  knew  (>ortes  must  pass.  At  the  sight  of 
tins  incredible  multitude,  which  they  could  survey  at 
once  from  the  rising  ground,  the  Spaniard.^  were  as- 
toiiiiihcil,  and  even  the  boldest  began  to  despair.  13ut 
Corles,  without  allowing  leisure  for  their  fears  to  ac- 
quire strength  by  reflection,  after  warning  tliem  briclly 
that  no  alternative  now  remained  but  to  conquer  or  to 
die.  leil  them  in.>tantly  to  the  chirge.  The  .Mexicans 
waited  their  approach  with  unusual  fortitude.  Such 
however  was  the  su))eriorily  of  the  Sjianish  discipline 
and  arms,  that  the  impression  of  this  small  body  was 
irresistible  ;  and  whichever  way  its  force  was  directed, 
it  penetrated  and  dispersed  their  most  numerous  bat- 
talions. Uut  while  these  gave  way  in  one  quarter,  new 
combatants  advanced  from  another,  and  the  Spaniards, 
though  successful  in  every  attack,  were  ready  to  sink 
under  those  repeated  efforts,  without  seeing  any  end  of 
their  toil,  or  any  liojie  of  victory.  M  that  time  Corles 
observed  the  great  standard  of  the  empire,  which  was 
carried  before  the  Mexican  general,  advancing  ;  and 
fortunately  rerolleeling  to  have  heard,  that  on  the  fate 
of  it  depended  the  event  of  every  battle,  he  as- 
sembled a  few  of  his  bravest  olliecrs,  whose  horses 
were  still  capable  of  service,  and.  placin;;  himself  at 


their  head,  pushed  forward  tov/aidi  'ne  standard  wilfc 
an  impetuosity  which  bore  down  every  thing  before  it. 
A  chosen  body  of  nobles,  who  guarded  the  standard 
made  some  resistance,  but  were  soon  broken  Cones 
with  a  stroke  of  his  lance,  wounded  the  Mexican  ge- 
neral, and  threw  him  on  the  ground.  One  of  ihe 
Spanish  officers,  alighting,  put  an  end  to  his  life,  and 
laid  hold  of  the  imperial  standard.  The  moment  tlial 
their  leader  fell,  and  the  standard,  tosvards  which  bU 
directed  their  eyes,  disappeared,  a  universal  ym.c 
struck  the  Mexicans  ;  and,  as  if  the  bond  which  held 
them  together  had  been  dissolved,  every  ensign  was 
lowered,  each  soldier  threw  away  his  weapons,  and  all 
fled  with  precipitation  to  the  mountains.  The  Spa- 
niards unable  to  pursue  them  far,  returned  to  collect 
the  spoils  of  the  field,  which  were  so  valuable  as  to  be 
some  compensation  for  the  wealth  which  they  had 
lost  in  .Mexico  ;  for  in  the  enemy's  army  >vpre  most  ol 
their  principal  warriors  dressed  out  in  their  richest  or- 
naments as  if  they  had  been  inarching  to  assured  vic- 
tory. Next  day  [July  8],  to  their  great  joy,  they  en- 
tered the  TIascalan  territories. 

But  amidst  their  satisfaction  in  having  got  beyond 
the  precincts  of  a  hostile  countr)',  they  could  not  look 
forward  w  ithout  solicitude,  as  they  were  still  uncertain 
what  reception  they  might  meet  with  fiom  allies  to 
whom  they  returned  in  a  condition  very  different  froai 
that  in  which  they  had  lately  set  out  from  their  do- 
minions. Hap[)ily  for  them,  the  enmity  of  the  Tlas- 
calans  to  the  Mexican  name  was  so  inveterate,  ihcii 
desire  to  avenge  the  death  of  their  countrymen  so  ve- 
hement, and  the  ascendant  which  Cortes  had  acquired 
over  the  chiefs  of  the  republic  so  complete,  that,  fii 
from  entertaining  a  thought  of  taking  any  advantage  of 
the  distressed  situation  in  which  they  beheld  the  Spa- 
niards, they  received  them  with  a  tenderness  and  cor- 
diality which  quickly  dissipated  a'l  their  suspicions. 

Some  interval  of  tranquillity  and  indulgence  was no« 
absolutely  necessary  ;  not  only  that  the  Spaniards 
might  give  attention  to  the  cure  of  their  wounds,  which 
had  been  loo  long  neglected,  but  in  order  to  recruit 
their  strength,  exhausted  by  such  a  long  succession  ol 
fatigue  and  hardships.  During  this.  Cortes  learned 
that  he  and  his  coinjianions  were  not  the  only  Spaniard! 
who  had  felt  the  effects  of  the  Mexican  enmity.  A 
considerable  detachment  which  was  marchins;  frora 
Zempoalla  towards  the  capital,  had  been  cut  off  ny  the 
licople  of  Tepeaca.  A  smaller  party,  returning  from 
Tlascala  to  Vera  Cruz,  with  the  share  of  the  Mexican 
gold  allotted  to  the  garrison,  had  been  surprised  anj 
destroyed  in  the  mountains.  At  a  juncture  wben  lh« 
life  of  every  Spaniard  was  of  im|)ortance,  such  \omt 
were  deeply  felt.  The  schemes  which  CJorles  wm 
meditating  rendered  them  peculiarly  affliclive  to  him. 
While  his  enemies,  and  even  many  of  his  own  fol- 
lowers, considered  the  disasters  which  had  befallen  him 
as  fatal  to  the  progress  of  his  arms,  and  imagined  that 
nothing  now  remained  but  speedily  to  abandon  a  conn- 
try  which  he  had  invaded  with  unequal  force,  his  mind, 
as  eminent  for  pers^erance  as  for  enterprise,  was  still 
bent  on  accomplishing  his  original  ])urpose,  of  subjecting 
the  Mexican  empire  to  the  crown  of  Castile.  Severs 
and  unexpected  as  the  check  was  which  he  had  re- 
ceived, it  did  not  appear  to  him  a  sulficicnt  reason  lor 
relinquishing  the  conquests  which  he  had  alread» 
made,  or  against  resuming  his  operations  with  bcltei 
lioj-.es  of  success.  The  colony  at  Vera  Cruz  was  not 
only  safe,  but  had  remained  unmolested.  The  pcopio 
of  Zempoalla  and  the  adjacent  districts  had  disi  ove^xl 
no  .symptoms  of  defection.  Ti-.c  TIascalans  coni  niied 
faithful  to  their  alliance.  On  their  martial  spirr,  easily 
roused  to  arms,  and  inflamed  with  implacable  hatred  of 
the  Mexicans,  Cortes  de|)endcd  for  |M)werril  aid.  He 
had  still  the  command  of  a  body  of  Span-ards,  equal  in 
number  to  that  with  which  he  had  opci  cd  his  way  into 
the  centre  of  the  empire,  and  had  taken  possession  of 
the  cajntal  ;  so  that  with  the  benefit  of  greater  exp<>- 
rience,  as  well  as  more  perfect  knswiedge  of  the  roun 
trv,  he  did  not  despair  of  quickly  recovering  all  that  be 
had  been  deprived  of  by  untoward  events. 

Full  of  this  idea,  he  courted  the  TIascalan  ch'sSj 
with  su'.-h  attention,  and  distributed  among  them  so  li- 
berally the  rich  spoils  of  Otumba,  that  he  was  secure  « 
obtaining  whatever  he  should  require  of  the  republic 
He  drew  a  small  supply  of  ammunition  and  two  or  ihrfe 
field-pieces  from  his  stores  at  Vera  Cniz.  He  de- 
spatched an  officer  of  confidence  with  four  ships  of 
Narvaez's  fleet  to  Hispaniola  and  Jamaica,  to  engage 
adventurers,  and  to  purchase  horses,  gunpowder,  and 
other  military  stores.  ,\s  he  knew  that  it  would  b« 
vain  to  alleinpt  the  reduction  of  Mexico,  unless  h# 
could  secure  iho  pominand  of  the  lake,  be  gave  otden 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


13t 


to  prepaic  in  the  mountains  of  TIascala,  materials  for 
Duilding  twelve  brigantincs,  so  as  tlicy  might  be  carried 
thither  in  pieces  ready  to  bo  put  together,  and  launched 
when  he  stood  in  need  of  their  service. 

But  while,  with  provident  attention,  he  was  taking 
those  necessary  steps  towards  the  execution  of  his 
measures,  an  obstacle  arose  in  a  quarter  where  it  was 
least  expected,  but  most  formidable.  The  s|)irit  of 
discontent  and  mutiny  broke  out  in  his  own  army- 
Many  of  Narvaez's  followers  were  planters  rather  than 
soldiers  ;  and  had  accompanied  him  to  New  Spain 
with  sanguine  hopes  of  obtaining  settlements,  but  v%'ith 
little  inclination  to  engage  in  the  hardships  and  dangers 
of  war.  As  the  same  motives  had  induced  them  to 
enter  into  their  new  engagements  with  Cortes,  they  no 
sooner  became  acquainted  with  the  nature  of  the  ser- 
vice, than  they  bitterly  repented  of  their  choice.  Such 
of  them  as  had  the  good  fortune  to  survive  the  perilous 
adventures  in  which  their  own  imprudence  had  involved 
•hem,  happy  in  having  made  their  escape,  trembled  at 
die  thoughts  of  being  exposed  a  second  time  to  similar 
calamities.  As  soon  as  they  discovered  the  intention 
of  Cortes,  they  began  secretly  to  murmur  and  cabal, 
and,  waxing  gradually  more  audacious,  they,  in  a  body 
otfercd  a  remonstrance  to  their  general  against  the  im- 
prudence of  attacking  a  powerful  empire  with  his  .shat- 
tered forces,  and  formally  required  him  to  lead  them 
back  directly  to  Cuba.  Though  Cortes,  long  practised 
in  the  arts  of  command,  employed  arguments,  entreaties, 
and  presents  to  convince  or  to  soothe  them  ;  though 
nis  own  soldiers,  animated  with  the  spirit  of  their 
leader,  warmly  seconded  his  endeavors  ;  he  found  their  j 
fears  too  violent  and  deep  rooted  to  be  removed,  and 
the  utmost  he  could  effect  was  to  prevail  with  them  to 
defer  their  departure  for  some  time,  on  a  promise 
that  he  would,  at  a  more  proper  juncture,  dismiss  such 
as  should  desire  it. 

That  the  malecontents  might  have  no  leisure  to 
brood  over  the  causes  of  their  disaffection,  he  resolved 
instantly  to  call  forth  his  troops  into  action.  He  pro- 
psed  to  chastise  the  people  of  Tepeaca  for  the  outrage 
which  they  had  committed  ;  and  as  the  detachment 
which  they  had  cut  otf  happened  to  be  composed  mostly 
of  snldiers  who  had  served  under  Narvaez,  their  com- 
p:tnions,  from  the  desire  of  vengeance,  engaged  the 
more  willingly  in  this  war.  He  took  the  command  in 
pt/soM,  [August]  accompanied  by  a  numerous  body  of 
I'lis^alans,  and  in  a  space  of  a  few  weeks,  after  various 
ercounters,  with  great  slaughter  of  the  Tepcacans,  re- 
duced that  province  to  subjection.  During  several 
months,  while  he  waited  for  the  supplies  of  men  and 
snimunition  which  he  expected,  and  was  carrying  on 
his  prejiarations  for  constructing  the  brigantines,  he 
kept  his  troops  constantly  employed  in  various  expedi- 
tions against  the  adjacent  provinces,  all  of  which  were 
conducted  with  a  uniform  tenor  of  success.  By  these,  his 
men  became  again  accustomed  to  victory,  and  resumed 
their  wonted  sense  of  superiority  ;  the  ^Iexican  ]iower 
v.as  weakened  ;  the  Tlascalan  warriors  acquired  the 
habit  of  acting  in  conjunction  with  the  Spaniards  ;  and 
the  chiefs  of  the  republic  delighted  to  see  their  country 
enriched  with  the  spoils  of  all  the  people  around  them ; 
and  astonished  every  day  with  fresh  discoveries  of  the 
irresistible  prowess  of  their  allies,  they  declined  no  ef- 
fort requisite  to  support  them. 
,  All  those  preparatory  arrangements,  however,  though 
'the  most  prudent  and  efficacious  which  the  situation  of 
Ccrtes  allowed  him  to  make,  would  have  been  of  little 
avail  without  a  reinforcement  of  Spanish  soldiers.  Of 
this  he  was  so  deeply  sensible,  that  it  was  the  chief  ob- 
ject of  his  thoughts  and  wishes  ;  and  yet  his  only  pros- 
pect of  obtaining  it  from  the  return  of  the  officer  whom 
he  had  sent  to  the  isles  to  solicit  aid,  was  both  distant 
and  uncertain.  But  what  neither  his  own  sagacity  nor 
power  could  have  procured,  he  owed  to  a  series  of 
fortunate  and  unforeseen  incidents.  The  governor  of 
Cuba,  to  whom  the  success  of  Narvaez  appeared  an 
event  ol  infallible  certainty,  having  sent  two  small  ships 
alter  him  with  new  instructions,  and  a  supply  of  men 
and  military  stores,  the  oflicer  whom  Cortes  had  ap- 
[loinlcd  to  command  on  the  coast,  artfully  decoyed 
them  into  the  harbor  of  Vera  Cruz,  seized  the  vessels, 
and  easily  persuaded  the  soldiers  to  follow  the  standard 
of  a  more  able  leader  than  him  whom  they  were  destined 
to  join.  Soon  after,  three  ships  of  more  considerable 
force  came  into  the  harbor  separately.  These  belonged 
to  an  armament  fitted  out  by  Francisco  de  Garay,  go- 
fernor  of  Jamaica,  who.  being  possessed  with  the  rage 
of  discovery  and  conquest  which  animated  every  Spa- 
niard scttltd  in  America,  had  long  aimed  at  intruding 
j  jftto  some  district  of  New  Spain,  and  dividing  with 
l-ortt's  tlio  glory  and  gain  of  annexing  that  empire  to 


the  crown  of  Castile.  Thev  unadvisedly  made  their 
attempt  on  the  northern  provinces,  where  the  country 
was  poor,  and  the  people  tierce  and  warlike  ;  and  after 
a  cruel  succession  of  disasters,  famine  compelled  them 
to  venture  into  Vera  Cruz,  and  cast  themselves  upon 
the  mercy  of  their  countrymen  [Oct.  28].  Their  fi- 
delity was  not  proof  against  the  s|)leiidid  hopes  and 
promises  which  had  seduced  other  adventurers;  and, 
as  if  the  spirit  of  revolt  bad  been  contagious  in  New 
Spam,  they  likewise  abandoned  the  master  whom  they 
were  bound  to  serve,  and  enlisted  under  Cortes.  Nor 
was  it  America  alone  that  furnished  such  unexpected 
aid  ;  a  ship  arrived  from  Spain,  freighted  by  some  pri- 
vate merchants  with  military  stores,  in  hopes  of  a  pro- 
fitable market  in  a  country,  the  fame  of  whose  opulence 
began  to  spread  over  Europe.  Cortes  eagerly  pur- 
chased a  cargo  which  to  him  was  invaluable,  and  the 
crew,  following  the  general  example,  joined  him  at 
TIascala. 

From  those  various  quarters,  the  army  of  Cortes  was 
augmented  with  a  hundred  and  eif^hty  men,  and  twenty 
horses,  a  reinforcement  too  inconsiderable  to  produce 
any  consequence  which  woijld  have  entitled  it  to  have 
been  mentioned  in  the  history  of  other  parts  of  the 
globe.  But  in  that  of  America,  where  great  revolu- 
tions were  brought  about  by  causes  which  seemed  to 
bear  no  proportion  to  their  effects,  such  small  events 
rise  into  importance,  because  they  were  sufficient  to 
decide  with  respect  to  the  fate  of  kingdoms.  Nor  is  it 
the  least  remarkable  instance  of  the  singular  felicity 
conspicuous  in  many  passages  of  Cortcs's  story,  that 
the  two  persons  chiefly  instrumental  in  furnishing  him 
V'ith  those  seasonable  supplies,  should  be  an  avowed 
enemy  who  aimed  at  his  destruction,  and  an  envious 
rival  who  wished  to  supplant  him. 

The  first  effect  of  the  junction  with  his  new  fol- 
lowers was  to  enable  him  to  dismiss  such  of  Narvaez's 
soldiers  as  remained  with  reluctance  in  his  service. 
Aflcr  their  departure,  he  still  mustered  five  hundred 
and  fifty  infantry,  of  which  fourscore  were  armed  with 
muskets  or  crossbows,  forty  horsemen,  and  a  train  of 
nine  field-pieces  At  the  head  of  these,  accompanied 
by  ten  thousand  Tlascalans  and  other  friendly  Indians, 
Cortes  began  his  march  towards  Mexico,  on  the  twen- 
ty-eighth of  December,  six  months  after  his  disastrous 
retreat  from  that  city. 

Nor  did  he  advance  to  attack  an  enemy  unprepared 
to  receive  him.  Ujion  the  death  of  Montezuma,  the 
Mexican  chiefs,  in  whom  the  right  of  electing  the  em- 
peror was  vested,  had  instantly  raised  his  brother 
Quetlavaca  to  the  throne.  His  avowed  and  inveterate 
enmity  to  the  Spaniards  would  have  been  sufficient  to 
gain  their  suffrages,  although  he  had  been  less  dis- 
tinguished for  courage  and  capacity.  He  had  an  im- 
mediate opportunity  of  showing  that  he  was  worthy  of 
their  choice,  by  conducting  in  person  those  fierce 
attacks  which  compelled  the  Spaniards  to  abandon  his 
capital ;  and  as  soon  as  their  retreat  afforded  him  any 
respite  from  action,  he  took  measures  for  preventing 
their  return  to  Mexico,  with  prudence  equal  to  the 
spirit  which  he  had  displayed  in  driving  them  out  of  it. 
As  from  the  vicinity  of  TIascala,  he  could  not  be  un- 
acquainted with  the  motions  and  intentions  of  Cortes, 
he  observed  the  storm  that  was  gathering,  and  began 
early  to  provide  against  it.  He  repaired  what  the 
Spaniards  had  ruined  in  the  city,  and  strengthened  it 
with  such  new  fortifications  as  the  skill  of  his  subjects 
was  capable  of  erecting.  Besides  filling  his  magazines 
with  the  usual  weapons  of  war,  he  gave  directions  to 
make  long  spears  headed  with  the  swords  and  daggers 
taken  from  the  Spaniards,  in  order  to  annoy  the 
cavalry.  He  summoned  the  people  in  every  province 
of  the  empire  to  take  arms  against  iheir  oppressors,  and 
as  an  encouragement  to  exert  themselves  with  vigor, 
he  promised  them  exemption  from  all  the  taxes  which 
his  predecessors  had  imposed.  Bnt  what  he  labored 
with  the  greatest  earnestness  was,  to  deprive  the 
Spaniards  of  the  advantages  which  they  derived  from 
the  friendship  of  the  Tlascalans,  by  endeavoring  to 
persuade  that  people  to  renounce  all  connexion  with 
men  who  where  not  only  avowed  enemies  of  the  gods 
whom  they  worshipped,  but  who  would  not  fail  to  sub- 
ject them  at  last  to  the  same  yoke  which  they  were 
now  inconsiderately  lending  their  aid  to  impose  upon 
others.  These  representations,  no  less  striking  than 
well  founded,  were  urged  so  forcibly  by  his  ambassa- 
dors, that  it  required  all  the  address  of  Cortes  to  pre- 
vent their  making  a  dangerous  imiiiession. 

But  while  Quetlavaca  was  arranging  his  plan  of  de- 
fence, with  a  degree  of  foresight  iincominoii  in  an 
American,  his  davs  were  cut  short  by  the  small-pox. 
This  distemper,  which  ra^ed  at  that  time  in  Nlvv  Spain 


with  fatal  malignity,  was  unknown  in  that  quartc  ol 
the  globe  until  it  was  introduced  uy  the  Furopcans, 
and  may  be  reckoned  among  the  greatest  calam  ties 
brought  upon  them  by  their  invaders.  In  his  .itead  the 
Mexicans  raised  to  the  throne  Guatitnozin,  ncpliew  and 
son-in-law  of  Montezuma,  a  young  man  of  such  higl 
rrpiitafioii  for  abilities  and  valor,  that  in  this  dangerouv 
crisis,  his  countrymen,  with  one  voice,  called  him  to 
the  supreme  command. 

15iJl.]  As  soon  as  Cortes  entered  the  enemy's  terri- 
tories, he  discovered  various  preparations  to  obsti  uct 
his  progress.  But  his  troops  forced  their  way  with  lit- 
tle difficulty  and  took  posession  of  Tezeuco,  the  se- 
cond city  of  the  empire,  situated  on  the  banks  of  the 
lake  about  twenty  miles  from  Mexico.  Here  he  deter- 
mined to  establish  his  head-quarters,  as  the  most  pro- 
per station  for  launching  his  brigantincs,  as  well  as  fot 
making  his  approaches  to  the  capital.  In  order  to  ren- 
der his  residence  there  more  secure,  he  deposed  the 
caziquc,  or  chief,  who  was  at  the  head  of  that  commu- 
nity, under  pretext  of  some  defect  in  his  title,  and  sub- 
stituted in  his  ["lace  a  person  whom  a  faction  of  the 
nobles  pointed  out  as  the  right  heir  of  that  dignity. 
Attached  to  liim  by  this  benefit,  the  cazi(]ue  and  his 
adherents  served  the  Si)aniards  with  inviolable  fidelity. 

As  the  preparations  for  constructing  the  brigantines 
advanced  slowly  under  the  unskilful  hands  of  soldiers 
and  Indians,  whom  Cortes  was  obliged  to  employ  in 
assisting  three  or  four  carpenters  who  happened  for- 
tunately to  be  in  his  service  ;  and  as  he  had  not  yet 
received  the  reinforcement  which  he  expected  from 
Hispaniola,  he  was  not  in  a  condition  to  turn  his  arms 
directly  against  the  capital.  To  have  attacked  at  this 
period,  a  city  so  populous,  so  well  prepared  for  defence, 
and  in  a  situation  of  such  peculiar  strength,  must  have 
exposed  his  troops  to  inevitable  destruction.  Three 
months  elapsed  before  the  materials  for  the  brigantines 
were  finished,  and  before  he  heard  any  thing  with  re- 
spect to  the  success  of  the  officer  whom  he  nad  sent 
to  Hispaniola.  This,  however,  was  not  a  season  of 
inaction  to  Cortes.  He  attacked  successively  several 
of  the  towns  situated  around  the  lake  ;  and  though  ah 
the  Mexican  power  was  exerted  to  obstruct  his  opera- 
tions, he  either  compelled  them  to  submit  to  the 
Spanish  crown,  or  reduced  them  to  ruins.  The  in 
habitants  of  other  towns  he  endeavored  tr  conciliate 
by  more  gentle  means  ;  and  though  he  could  not  hold 
any  intercourse  with  them  but  by  the  intervention  of 
interpreters,  yet,  under  all  the  disadvantages  of  that 
tedious  and  imperfect  mode  of  communication  he  had 
acquired  such  thorough  knowledge  of  the  state  of  the 
country,  as  well  as  of  the  dispositions  of  the  people, 
that  e  conducted  his  negotiations  and  intrigues  with 
astonishing  dexterity  and  success.  Most  of  the  cities 
adjacent  to  Mexico  were  originally  the  capitals  of  small 
independent  states  ;  and  some  of  them  having  been  but 
lately  annexed  to  the  Mexican  empire,  still  retained  the 
remembrance  of  their  ancient  liberty,  and  bore  with 
impatience  the  rigorous  yoke  of  their  new  masters. 
Cortes,  having  early  observed  symptoms  of  their  di.s- 
affection,  availed  himself  of  this  knowledge  to  gain 
their  confidence  and  friendship.  By  offering  with  con- 
fidence to  deliver  them  from  the  odious  dominion  of 
the  Mexicans,  and  by  liberal  promises  of  more  indul- 
gent tieatment  if  they  would  unite  with  him  against 
their  oppressors,  he  prevailed  on  the  people  of  several 
considerable  districts,  not  only  to  acknowledge  the 
King  of  Castile  as  their  sovereign,  but  to  supply  the 
Spanish  camp  -with  provisions,  aud  to  strengthen  his 
army  with  auxiliary  troops.  Gautimozin,  on  the  first 
appearance  of  defection  among  his  subjects,  exerted 
himself  with  vigor  to  prevent  or  to  punish  their  revolt ; 
but,  in  spite  of  his  efforts,  the  spirit  continued  to 
spread.  The  Spaniards  gradually  ac()uircd  new  allies, 
and  with  deep  concern  he  beheld  Cortes  arming  against 
his  empire  tliose  \evy  hands  which  ought  to  have  been 
active  in  its  defence,  and  ready  to  advance  against  tha 
cafiital  at  the  head  of  a  numerous  body  of  his  own 
subjects. 

While,  by  those  various  methods,  Cortes  was  gradu- 
ally circi  inscribing  the  Mexican  power  in  such  a  man- 
ner that  his  prospect  of  overturning  it  seemed  neither 
to  be  uncertain  nor  remote,  all  his  schemes  were  well 
nigh  defeated  by  a  conspiracy  no  less  unexpected  than 
dangerous.  The  soldiers  of  Narvaez  had  never  united 
perfectly  with  the  original  companions  of  Cortes,  nor 
did  they  enter  into  his  measures  with  the  same  cordial 
zeal.  Upon  every  occasion  that  reipiired  any  extraor- 
dinary effort  of  courage  or  of  patience,  ihtir  spirilo 
were  apt  to  sink  ;  and  now,  on  a  near  view  of  what 
they  had  to  encounlcr,  in  attempting  to  reduce  a  city 
so  inaccessible  as  .Mez  co,'aad  deleudcd  by  a  numeroM 


132 


ROBERTSON  S  HISTORY  OF 


anny,  the  resolution  even  of  those  ainonji  ihcm  who 
iiod  adhered  to  Cortes  when  he  was  descried  by  their 
associates,  began  to  fail.  Their  fears  led  them  to  pre- 
ejinpluous  and  unsoldicrlike  discussions  concertiiiig 
the  propriety  of  their  general's  measures,  aud  the  im- 
jirobability  of  their  success.  From  these  they  pro- 
oeedtd  to  censure  and  invectives,  and  at  last  began  to 
deliberate  how  they  might  provide  for  their  own  safety, 
of  which  they  deemed  their  commander  to  be  totally 
negligent.  Antonia  Villefagna,  a  private  soldier,  but 
Dold,  intriguing,  and  strongly  attached  to  Velasquez,  arl- 
tiWy  fomented  this  growing  spirit  of  disafrcction.  His 
quarters  became  the  rendezvous  of  the  malecontents, 
v'here,  after  many  consultations,  they  could  discover 
no  method  of  checking  Cortes  in  his  career,  but  by 
assassinating  him  and  his  most  considerable  ofRcers, 
and  conferring  the  command  upon  some  person  who 
would  relinquish  his  wild  plans,  and  adopt  measures 
more  consistent  with  the  general  security.  Despair 
inspired  them  with  courage.  The  hour  for  perpetrating 
the  crime,  the  persons  whom  they  destined  as  victims, 
the  officers  to  succeed  them  in  command,  were  all 
named  :  and  the  conspirators  signed  an  association,  by 
which  they  bound  themselves  with  most  solemn  oaths, 
10  mutual  fidelity.  But  on  the  evening  before  the  ap- 
pointed day,  one  of  Cortes's  ancient  followers,  who 
had  been  seduced  into  the  conspiracy,  touched  with 
compunction  at  the  imminent  danger  of  a  man  whom 
he  had  long  been  accustomed  to  revere,  or  struck  with 
horror  at  his  own  treachery,  went  privately  to  his  gene- 
ral and  revealed  to  him  all  that  he  knew.  Cortes, 
though  deeply  alarmed,  discerned  at  once  what  conduct 
was  proper  in  a  situation  so  critical.  He  repaired  m- 
utantly  to  Villcfagna's  quarters,  accompanied  by  some 
of  his  most  trusty  officers.  The  astonishment  and 
confusion  of  the  man  at  this  unexpected  visit  antici- 
pated the  confession  of  his  guilt.  Cortes,  while  his 
attendarts  seized  the  traitor,  snatched  from  his  bosom 
m  paper,  containing  the  association,  signed  by  the  con- 
spirators. Impatient  to  know  how  far  the  infection 
extended,  he  retired  to  read  it,  and  found  there  names 
which  tilled  him  with  surprise  and  sorrow.  But  aware 
bow  dangerous  a  strict  scrutiny  might  prove  at  such  a 
uncture,  he  confined  his  judicial  inquiries  to  Villefagna 
alone.  As  the  proofs  of  his  guilt  were  manifest,  he 
was  condemned  after  a  short  trial,  and  next  morning 
ne  was  seen  hanging  before  the  door  of  the  house  in 
which  he  had  lodged.  Cortes  called  his  troops  together, 
and  having  explained  to  them  the  atrocious  purpose  of 
the  conspirators,  as  well  as  the  justice  of  the  punish- 
aient  indicted  on  Villefagna,  he  added,  with  an  appear- 
ance of  satisfaction,  that  he  was  entirely  ignorant  with 
respect  to  all  the  circumstances  of  this  dark  transac- 
tion, as  the  traitor,  when  arrested,  had  suddenly  torn 
and  swallowed  a  paper  which  probably  contained  an 
account  of  it,  and  under  the  severest  tortures  possessed 
such  constancy  as  to  conceal  the  names  of  his  accom- 
plices. This  artful  declaration  restored  tranquillity  to 
many  a  breast  that  was  throbbing,  while  he  spoke,  with 
consciousness  of  guilt  and  dread  of  detection  ;  and  by 
this  prudent  moderation,  Cortes  had  the  advantage  of 
having  discovered,  and  of  being  able  to  observe,  such 
of  his  followers  as  were  disaffected  ;  while  they,  flat- 
tering themselves  that  their  past  crime  was  unknown, 
fndeavored  to  avert  any  suspicion  of  it  by  redoubling 
their  activity  and  zeal  in  his  service. 

Cortes  did  not  allow  them  leisure  to  ruminate  on 
what  had  happened  ;  and  as  the  most  effi;ctual  means 
of  preventing  the  return  of  a  mutinous  spirit,  he  deter- 
mined to  call  forth  his  troops  immediately  to  action. 
Fortunately,  a  proper  occasion  for  this  occurred  with- 
out his  seeming  to  court  it.  He  received  intelligence 
that  ihe  materials  for  building  the  bngantines  were  at 
length  completely  finished,  and  waited  only  for  a  body 
of  Spaniards  to  conduct  them  to  Tezeuco.  The  com- 
mand of  this  convoy,  consisting  of  two  hundred  foot 
soldiers,  fifteen  horsemen,  and  two  field-pieces,  he  gave 
to  Sandoval,  who,  by  the  vigilance,  activity,  and  cou- 
rage which  he  manifested  on  every  occasion,  was  grow- 
ing daily  in  his  confidence,  and  in  the  estimation  of  his 
feilow-soldiers.  'I'he  service  was  no  less  singular  thaii 
important  ;  the  beams,  the  planks,  the  masts,  the  cord- 
age, the- sails,  the  ironwork,  and  all  the  infinite  variety 
of  articles  requisite  for  the  construction  of  thirteen 
origanlmes,  were  to  be  carried  sixty  miles  over  land, 
through  a  mountainous  country,  by  peojile  who  were 
nnacquainted  with  the  ministry  of  domestic  animals,  or 
the  rid  of  machines  to  facilitate  any  work  of  labor. 
The  Tlascalans  furnished  eight  thousand  Tamcncs,  an 
inferior  order  of  men  dostiiu  d  for  servile  tasks,  to  carry 
the  materials  on  their  shoulders,  and  appointed  fifteen 
ihouaaml  wamcrs  to  accompany  ai'.d  defend  them. 


Sandoval  made  the  disposition  for  their  progress  with 
great  propriety,  placing  the  Tamcncs  in  the  centre, 
one  body  of  warriors  in  the  front,  another  in  the  rear, 
Willi  considerable  parlies  to  cover  the  flanks.  To  each 
of  these  he  joined  some  Spaniards,  not  only  to  assist 
them  in  danger,  but  lo  accustom  them  to  regularity  and 
subordination.  A  body  so  numerous,  and  so  much  en- 
cumbered, advanced  leisurely  but  in  excellent  order  ; 
and  in  some  places,  where  it  was  confined  by  the  woods 
or  mountains,  the  line  of  march  extended  above  six 
miles  Parties  of  Mexicans  frequently  appeared  hover- 
ing around  them  on  the  high  grounds  ;  but  perceiving 
no  prospect  of  success  in  attacking  an  enemy  continu- 
ally on  his  guard,  and  prepared  to  receive  them,  they 
did  not  venture  to  molest  him  ;  and  Sandoval  had  the 
glory  of  conducting  safely  to  Tezeuco,  a  convoy  on 
which  all  the  future  operations  of  his  countrymen  de- 
pended. 

This  was  followed  by  another  event  of  no  less  mo- 
ment. Four  ships  arrived  at  Vera  Cruz  from  Hispa- 
niola,  with  two  hundred  soldiers,  eighty  horses,  two 
battering  cannon,  and  a  considerable  supply  of  ammu- 
nition and  arms.  Elevated  with  observing  that  all  his 
preparatory  schemes,  either  for  recruiting  his  own  array, 
or  impairing  the  force  of  the  enemy,  had  now  produced 
their  full  ell'ect,  Cortes  impatient  to  begin  the  siege  in 
form,  hastened  the  launching  of  the  brigantines.  To 
facilitate  this,  he  had  employed  a  vast  number  of  In- 
dians for  two  months,  in  deepening  the  small  rivulet 
which  runs  by  Tezeuco  into  the  lake,  and  in  forming  it 
into  a  canal  near  two  miles  in  length;  [119]  and 
though  the  Mexicans,  aware  of  his  intentions,  as  well 
as  of  the  danger  which  threatened  them,  endeavored 
frequently  to  interrupt  the  laborers,  or  to  burn  the 
brigantines,  the  work  was  at  last  completed.  On  the 
twenty-eighth  of  April,  all  the  Spanish  troops,  together 
with  the  auxiliary  Indians,  were  drawn  up  on  the  banks 
of  the  canal  ;  and  with  extraordinary  military  pomp, 
rendered  more  solemn  by  the  celebration  of  the  most 
sacred  rites  of  religion,  the  brigantines  were  launched. 
As  ihev  fell  down  the  canal  in  order,  Fallier  Olmcdo 
blessed  them,  and  gave  each  its  name.  Every  eye  fol- 
lowed them  with  wonder  and  hope,  until  they  entered 
the  lake,  when  they  hoisted  their  sails  and  bore  away 
before  the  wind.  A  general  shout  of  joy  was  raised  ; 
all  admiring  that  bold  inventive  genius,  which,  by 
means  so  extraordinary  that  their  success  almost  ex- 
cced<.'d  belief,  had  accpured  command  of  a  fleet,  with- 
out the  aid  of  which  .Sicxico  would  have  continued  to 
set  the  Spanish  power  and  arms  at  defiance. 

Cortes  determined  to  attack  the  city  from  three  dif- 
ferent quarters  ;  from  Tepeaca  on  the  north  side  of  the 
lake,  from  Tabuca  on  the  west,  and  from  Cuyocan  to- 
wards the  south.  These  towns  were  situated  on  the 
principal  causeways  which  led  to  the  capital,  and  in- 
tended for  their  defence.  He  appointed  Sandoval  to 
command  in  the  first,  Pedro  de  Alvarado  in  the  second, 
and  Christoval  de  Olid  in  the  third  ;  allotting  to  each  a 
numerous  body  of  Indian  auxiliaries,  together  with  an 
equal  division  of  Spaniards,  who,  by  thejimction  of  the 
troops  from  Hispaniola,  amounting  now  to  eighty-six 
horsemen,  and  eight  hundred  and  eighteen  foot  soldiers  ; 
of  whom  one  hundred  and  eighteen  were  armed  with 
muskets  or  cross-bows.  The  train  of  artillery  consist- 
ed of  three  battering  caniion,  and  fifteen  field-pieces, 
lie  reserved  for  hiinsell,  as  the  station  of  greatest  im- 
portance and  danger,  the  conduct  of  the  brigantines, 
each  armed  with  one  of  his  small  cannon,  and  manned 
with  twenty-five  Spaniards. 

As  Alvarado  and  Olid  proceeded  towards  the  posts 
assigned  them  [May  10],  they  broke  down  the  aque- 
ducts which  the  ingenuity  of  the  Mexicans  had  erected 
for  conveying  water  into  the  capital,  and,  by  the  dis- 
tress to  which  this  reduced  the  inhabitants,  gave  a  be- 
ginning to  tlie  calamities  which  they  were  destined  to 
sulfer.  Alvarado  and  Olid  found  the  towns  of  which 
they  were  ordered  to  take  possession  deserted  by  their 
inhabitants,  w  ho  had  lied  for  safety  lo  the  capital,  where 
Giiatimozin  had  collected  the  chief  force  of  his  empire, 
as  there  alone  he  could  hope  to  make  a  successful  stand 
against  the  formidable  enemies  who  were  approaching 
10  assault  him. 

The  first  elTort  of  the  Mexicans  was  to  destroy  the 
fleet  of  brigantines,  the  fatal  elfects  of  whose  operations 
they  foresaw  and  dreaded.  Though  the  brigantines, 
after  all  the  labor  and  merit  of  Cortes  in  forming  them, 
were  of  inconsiderable  bulk,  rudelv  constructed,  and 
manned  chiefly  with  landsmen  hardiv  possessed  of  skill 
enough  to  ronduct  them,  they  must  have  been  objects 
of  terror  to  a  people  unacquainted  with  any  navigation 
but  that  of  tlieir  lake,  and  jiossesscd  of  no  vessel  larger 
than  a  canoe.    Necessity,  however,  urj^ed  (juatimozin 


to  hazard  the  attack  ;  and  hoping  to  supply  by  namben 
what  he  wanted  in  force,  he  assembled  such  anuihitude 
of  caiioes  as  covered  the  face  of  the  lake.  They  rowed 
on  boldly  lo  the  charge,  while  the  brigantines,  retarded 
by  a  dead  calm,  could  scarcely  advance  to  meet  theia. 
But  as  the  enemy  drew  near,  a  breeze  suddenly  sprung 
up  ;  in  a  moment  the  sails  were  spread,  the  brigantiiiee, 
with  the  utmost  ease,  broke  through  their  feeble  oppo- 
nents, overset  many  canoes,  and  dissipated  the  wliolt 
armament  with  such  slaughter,  as  convinced  the  .Mexi- 
cans, that  the  prosrress  of  the  Europeans  in  kiiowledgs 
and  arts  rendered  their  superiority  greater  on  this  new 
element  than  they  had  hitherto  found  il  by  land. 

From  that  lime  Cortes  remained  master  of  the  lake, 
and  the  brigantines  not  only  preserved  a  communicatioa 
between  the  Spaniards  in  their  dilferent  stations,  though 
at  considerable  distance  from  each  other,  but  were  em- 
ployed 10  cover  the  causeways  on  each  side,  and  keep 
off  the  canoes  when  they  attempted  to  annoy  the  troojis 
as  they  advanced  towards  the  city.  Cortes  fonned  iho 
brigantines  in  three  divisions,  appointing  one  to  cover 
each  of  the  stations  from  which  an  attack  was  to  be 
carried  on  against  the  city,  with  orders  lo  second  the 
operations  of  the  officer  wiio  commanded  there.  From 
all  the  three  stations  he  pushed  on  the  attack  against 
the  citv  with  equal  vigor ;  but  in  a  manner  so  very  dif- 
ferent from  the  ronduct  of  sieges  in  regular  war,  that  he 
himself  seems  afraid  it  would  appear  no  less  improper 
than  singular  to  persons  unacquainted  with  his  silua- 
tioQ.  Each  morning  his  troops  assaulted  the  barricades 
which  the  enemv  had  erected  on  the  causeways,  forced 
their  way  over  the  trenches  which  they  had  dug,  and 
through  the  canals  where  the  bridges  were  broken 
down,  and  endeavored  to  penetrate  into  the  heart  of  the 
citv,  in  hopes  of  obtaining  some  decisive  advantage 
which  might  force  the  enemy  to  surrender,  and  termi- 
nate the  war  at  once  ;  but  when  the  obstinate  valor  of 
ihe  Mexicans  rendered  the  efforts  of  the  day  inelfeclual, 
the  Spaniards  retired  in  the  evening  to  their  former 
([uartcrs.  Thus  their  toil  and  danger  were  in  some 
measure  continually  renewed  ;  the  Mexicans  repainiia 
in  the  night  what  the  Spaniards  had  destroyed  through 
the  dav,  and  recovering  the  posts  from  which  they  had 
driven  them.  But  necessity  prescribed  this  slow  and 
untoward  mode  of  operation.  The  number  of  his  troops 
were  so  small  that  Cortes  durst  not,  wilh  a  handful  of 
men,  attempt  to  make  a  lodgment  in  a  city  where  he 
might  be  surrounded  and  annoyed  by  such  a  mu'titudc 
of  enemies.  The  remembrance  of  what  he  had  a. ready 
suffered  by  the  ill  judged  confidence  wilh  which  he  bad 
ventured  into  such  a  dangerous  situation,  was  still  fresb 
in  his  mind.  The  Spaniards,  exhausted  with  fatigue, 
were  unable  to  guard  the  various  posts  which  they  daily 
gained  ;  and  though  their  camp  was  filled  with  Indian 
auxiliaries,  they  durst  not  devolve  this  charge  upon 
them,  because  they  were  so  little  accustomed  to  disci- 
pline, that  no  confidence  could  be  placed  in  their  vigi- 
lance. Besides  this,  Cortes  was  extremely  solicitous  to 
preserve  the  city  as  much  as  possible  from  being  de- 
stroyed, both  because  he  destined  it  to  be  the  capital  of 
his  conquests,  and  wished  that  it  might  remain  as  a 
monument  of  his  glory.  From  all  these  considerations, 
he  adhered  obstinately,  for  a  month  after  the  siege  was 
opened,  to  the  system  which  he  had  adopted.  The 
Mexicans,  in  their  own  defence,  displayed  valor  which 
was  hardly  inferior  lo  that  with  which  the  Spaniards 
attacked  them.  On  land,  on  water,  by  night  and  by 
day.  one  furious  conflict  succeeded  to  another.  Several 
Spaniards  were  killed,  more  wounded,  and  all  were 
ready  to  sink  under  ihe  toils  of  unmtermitlm^  service, 
which  were  rendered  more  intolerable  by  the  injuries  ol 
the  season,  the  periodical  rams  being  now  set  in  with 
their  usual  violence. 

Astonished  and  disconcerted  wiih  the  length  and  dif- 
ficulties of  the  siege,  Cortes  determined  to  make  one 
great  effort  to  get  possession  of  the  cily,  before  he  ri- 
riiiquishcd  the  plan  which  he  had  hiilierio  followed,  s-hI 
had  recourse  to  any  other  mode  of  attack.  \\  iih  tins 
view  he  sent  instructions  to  Alvarado  and  Sandoval  lo 
advance  with  their  divisions  to  a  general  assault,  and 
took  Ihe  command  in  person  [July  3)  of  that  [W.^ted  on 
the  causeway  of  Cuyocan.  Animated  by  his  presence, 
and  the  expectation  of  some  decisive  evcnl,  the  Sjia- 
niards  pushed  for\vard  wilh  irresistible  iinpeiuosiiv. 
They  broke  through  one  barricade  after  another,  forced 
their  way  over  the  ditches  and  canals,  and,  hsfing  en- 
tered the  city,  gained  ground  incessantly  in  spiic  o( 
the  multitude  and  ferocitv  of  their  opponents.  Cor'es, 
though  delighted  with  the  rapidity  of  his  pro^ros.-<.  di^ 
not  forget  that  he  iniglit  still  find  it  necesfcaiy  to  rft- 
treat  ;  and,  in  order  lo  secure  il,  ap|)Ointe<J  Juliet  08 
Aldcrcte,  a  captain  of  chief  note  in  the  lioopa  wlueh 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


133 


ce  l.ad  received  from  Hispaniola,  to  fill  up  the  canals  and 
gaps  in  the  causeway  as  the  main  body  advanced.  That 
officer,  deeming  it  inglorious  to  be  thus  employed,  while 
his  companions  were  in  the  heat  of  action  and  the  ca- 
reer of  victory,  neglected  the  important  charge  com- 
mitted to  him,  and  hurried  on,  inconsiderately,  to  min- 
gle with  the  combatants.  The  Mexicans,  whose  mili- 
tary attention  and  skill  were  daily  improving,  no  sooner 
phserved  this  than  they  carried  an  account  of  it  to  their 
monarch. 

Gualimozin  instantly  discerned  the  consequence  of 
the  error  which  the  Spaniards  had  committed,  and,  with 
admirable  presence  of  mind,  prepared  to  take  advantage 
of  It.  He  commanded  the  troops  posted  in  the  front  to 
slacken  their  efforts,  in  order  to  allure  the  Spaniards  to 
push  forward,  while  he  despatched  a  large  body  of 
chosen  warriors  through  different  streets,  some  by  land, 
and  others  by  water,  towards  the  great  breach  in  the 
causeway  which  had  been  left  open.  On  a  signal 
which  he  gave,  the  priests  in  the  principal  temples 
struck  Ihe  great  drums  consecrated  to  the  god  of  war. 
No  sooner  did  the  Mexicans  hear  its  doleful  solemn 
sound,  calculated  to  inspire  them  with  contempt  of  death, 
and  enthusiastic  ardor,  than  they  rushed  upon  the  ene- 
my with  frantic  rage.  1"he  Spaniards,  unable  to  resist 
men  urged  on  no  less  by  religious  fury  than  hope  of 
sacces's,  began  to  retire,  at  first  leisurely,  and  with  a 
good  countenance  ;  but  as  the  enemy  pressed  on,  and 
their  own  impatience  to  escape  increased,  the  terror 
Rnd  confusion  became  so  general,  that  when  they  ar- 
rived at  the  gap  in  the  causeway,  Spaniards  and  Tlas- 
ealans,  horsemen  and  infantry,  plunged  in  promis- 
C\iously,  while  the  Mexicans  rushed  upon  them  fiercely 
from  every  side,  their  light  canoes  carrying  Ihem  through 
shoals  which  the  brigantines  could  not  ap])roach.  In 
vain  did  Cortes  attempt  to  stop  and  rally  his  flying 
troops  ;  fear  rendered  them  regardless  of  his  entreaties 
or  commands.  Finding  all  his  endeavors  to  renew  the 
combat  fruitless,  his  next  care  was  to  save  some  of 
ihose  who  had  thrown  themselves  into  the  water ;  but 
while  thus  employed,  with  more  attention  to  their  situ- 
tion  than  to  his  own,  six  Mexican  captains  suddenly 
laid  hold  of  him,  and  were  hurrying  him  off  in  triumph  ; 
and  though  two  of  his  officers  rescued  him  at  the  ex- 
pense of  their  own  lives,  he  received  several  dangerous 
nounds  before  he  could  break  loose.  Above  sixty 
Spaniards  perished  in  the  rout  ;  and  what  rendered  the 
disaster  more  afflicting,  forty  of  these  fell  alive  into 
the.  hands  of  an  enemy  nerer  known  to  show  mercy  to 
B  captive. 

The  approach  of  night,  though  it  delivered  ths  de- 
jected Spaniards  from  the  attacks  of  the  enemy,  ushered 
in  what  was  hardly  less  grievous,  the  noise  of  their  bar- 
barous triumph,  and  of  the  horrid  festival  with  which 
they  celebrated  their  victory.  Every  quarter  of  the 
city  was  illuminated  ;  the  great  temple  shone  with  such 
peculiar  splendor,  that  the  Spaniards  could  plainly  see 
the  people  in  motion,  and  the  priests  busy  in  hastening 
the  preparations  for  the  death  of  the  prisoners.  Through 
the  gloom,  they  fancied  that  they  discerned  their  com- 
panions by  the  whiteness  of  their  skins,  as  they  were 
striyt  naked,  and  compelled  to  dance  before  the  image 
of  the  god  to  whom  they  were  to  be  offered.  Thev 
heard  the  shrieks  of  those  who  were  sacrificed,  and 
thought  that  they  could  distinguish  each  unhappy  vic- 
tim by  the  well  known  sound  of  his  voice.  Imagina- 
tion added  to  what  they  really  saw  or  heard,  and  aug- 
mented its  horror.  The  most  unfeeling  melted  into 
tears  of  compassion,  and  the  stoutest  heart  trembled 
at  the  dreadful  spectacle  which  they  beheld  [120  ] 

Cortes,  who,  besides  all  that  he  felt  in  common  with 
his  soldiers,  was  oppressed  with  the  additional  load  of 
anxious  reflections  natural  to  a  general  on  such  an  un- 
expected calamity,  could  not,  like  them,  relieve  his 
mind  by  giving  vent  to  its  anguish.  He  was  obliged 
10  assume  an  air  of  tranquillity,  in  order  to  revive  the 
•pint  and  hopes  of  his  followers.  The  juncture,  indeed, 
required  an  extraordinary  exertion  of  fortitude.  The 
Mexicans,  elated  with  their  victory,  sallied  out  next 
morning  to  attack  him  in  his  quarters.  But  they  did 
not  rely  on  the  efforts  of  their  own  arms  alone.  They 
sent  the  heads  of  Spaniards  whom  they  had  sacrificed 
to  the  leading  men  in  the  adjacent  provinces,  and  as- 
sured them  that  the  god  of  war,  appeased  by  the  blood 
of  their  invaders,  which  had  been  shed  so  plentifully 
on  his  altars,  had  declared  with  an  audible  voice,  that 
m  eight  days  time  those  hated  enemies  should  be 
Dually  destroyed,  and  peace  and  prosperity  re-esta- 
blished in  the  empire. 

A  pre«!ction  uttered  with  such  confidence,  and  in 
terms  so  void  of  ambiguity,  gained  universal  credit 
•mong  a  people  prone  to  superstition.    The  zeal  ol 


the  provinces,  which  had  already  declared  against  the 
Spaniards,  augmented  ;  and  several  which  had  hitherto 
remained  inactive,  took  arms,  with  enthusiastic  ardor, 
to  execute  the  decree  of  the  gods.  The  Indian  auxilia- 
ries who  had  joined  Cortes,  accustomed  to  venerate 
Ihe  same  deities  with  the  Mexicans,  and  to  receive  the 
responses  of  their  priests  with  the  same  implicit  faith, 
abandoned  the  Spaniards  as  a  race  of  men  devoted  to 
certain  destruction.  Even  the  fidelity  of  the  Tlasca- 
lans  was  shaken,  and  the  Spanish  troojis  were  left 
almost  alone  in  their  stations.  Cortes,  finding  that  he 
attempted  in  vain  to  dispel  the  superstitious  fears  of 
his  confederates  by  argument,  took  advantage,  from 
the  imprudence  of  those  who  had  framed  the  prophecy 
in  fixing  its  accomplishments  so  near  at  hand,  to  give  a 
striking  demonstration  of  its  falsity.  He  susjiendcd 
all  military  operations,  during  the  period  marked  out 
by  the  oracle.  Under  cover  of  the  brigantines,  which 
kept  the  enemy  at  a  distance,  his  troops  lay  in  safety, 
and  the  fatal  term  expired  without  any  disaster. 

Many  of  his  allies,  ashamed  of  their  own  credulity, 
returned  to  their  station.  Other  tribes,  judging  that 
the  gods,  who  had  now  deceived  the  Mexicans,  had 
decreed  finally  to  withdraw  their  protection  from  them, 
joined  his  standard  ;  and  such  was  the  levity  of  a  sim- 
ple people,  moved  by  every  slight  impression,  that  in  a 
short  time  after  such  a  general  defection  of  his  con- 
federates, Cortes  saw  himself,  if  we  may  believe  his 
own  account,  at  the  head  of  a  hundred  and  fifty  thou- 
sand Indians.  Even  with  such  a  numerous  army,  he 
found  it  necessary  to  adopt  a  new  and  more  wary  sys- 
tem of  operation.  Instead  of  renewing  his  attempts  to 
become  master  of  the  city  at  once,  by  such  bold  but 
dangerous  efforts  of  valor  as  he  had  already  tried,  he 
made  his  advances  gradually,  and  with  every  possible 
precaution  against  exposing  his  men  to  any  calamity 
similar  to  that  which  they  still  bewailed.  As  the 
Spaniards  pushed  forward,  the  Indians  regularly  re- 
paired the  causeways  behind  them.  As  soon  as  they 
got  possession  of  any  part  of  the  town,  the  houses 
were  instantly  levelled  with  the  greund.  Day  by  day, 
the  Mexicans,  forced  to  retire  as  their  enemies  gained 
ground,  were  hemmed  in  within  more  narrow  limits. 
Gautimozin,  though  unable  to  stop  the  career  of  the 
enemy,  continued  to  defend  his  capital  with  obstinate 
resoluton,  and  disputed  every  inch  of  ground.  The 
Spaniards  not  only  varied  their  mode  of  attack,  but,  by 
orders  of  Cortes,  changed  the  weapons  with  which 
they  fought.  They  were  again  armed  with  the  long 
Ch.nantlan  spears  which  they  had  employed  with  such 
success  against  Narvaez ;  and,  by  the  firm  array  in 
which  this  enabled  them  to  range  themselves,  they  re- 
pelled, with  little  danger,  the  loose  assault  of  the  Mexi- 
cans :  incredible  numbers  of  them  fell  in  the  conflicts 
which  they  renewed  every  day.  While  war  wasted 
without,  famine  began  to  consume  them  within  the 
city.  The  Spanish  brigantines  having  the  entire  com- 
mand of  the  lake,  rendered  it  almost  impossible  to  con- 
vey to  the  besieged  any  supply  of  provisions  by  water. 
The  immense  number  of  his  Indian  auxiliaries  enabled 
Cortes  to  shut  up  the  avenues  to  the  city  by  land. 
The  stores  which  Guatimozin  had  laid  up  were  ex- 
hausted by  the  multitudes  which  had  crowded  into  the 
capital  to  defend  their  sovereign  and  the  temples  of 
their  gods.  Not  only  the  people,  but  persons  of  the 
highest  rank,  felt  the  utmost  distresses  of  famine. 
What  they  suffered  brought  on  infectious  and  mortal 
distempers,  the  last  calamity  that  visits  besieged  cities, 
and  which  filled  up  the  measure  of  trieir  woes. 

But,  under  the  pressure  of  so  many  and  such  various 
evils,  the  spirit  of  Guatimozin  remained  firm  and  un- 
subdued. He  rejected  with  scorn  every  overture  of 
peace  from  Cortes  ;  and,  disdaining  the  idea  of  sub- 
mitting to  the  oppressors  of  his  country,  determined 
not  to  survive  Us  ruin.  The  Spaniards  continued  their 
progress.  At  length  all  the  three  divisons  penetrated 
into  the  great  square  in  the  centre  of  the  city,  and 
made  a  secure  lodgment  there  [Julv  27.]  Three- 
fourths  of  the  city  were  now  reduced  and  luid  in  rums. 
The  remaining  quarter  was  so  closely  pressed,  that  it 
could  not  long  withstand  assailants,  who  attacked  it 
from  their  new  statipn  with  superior  advantage,  and 
more  assured  expectation  of  success.  The  Mexican 
nobles,  solicitous  to  save  the  lile  of  a  monarch  whom 
they  revered,  prevailed  on  Guatimozin  to  retire  from  a 
place  where  resistance  was  now  vain,  that  he  might 
rouse  the  more  distant  provinces  of  the  empire  to  arms, 
and  maintain  there  a  more  successful  struggle  with  the 
public  enemy.  In  order  to  facilitate  the  execution  of 
this  measure,  they  endeavored  to  amuse  Cortes  with 
overtures  of  submission,  that,  while  his  attention  was 
employed  in  adjusting  the  articles  of  pacification,  Gua- 


timozin might  escape  u:  perceived.  But  the)  made 
this  attempt  upon  a  leader  of  greater  sagacity  and  dis- 
cernnieiit  than  to  be  deceived  by  their  arts.  Cones, 
suspecting  their  intention,  and  aware  of  what  moment 
it  was  to  defeat  it,  appointed  Sandoval;  the  officer  on 
whose  vigilance  he  could  most  perfectly  relv,  to  take 
the  command  of  the  brigantines,  with  strict  injunctions 
to  watch  everv  motion  of  the  enemy.  Sandoval,  at- 
tentive to  the  charge,  observing  some  large  canoes 
crowded  with  people  rowing  across  the  lake  with  ex- 
traordinary rapidity,  instantly  gave  the  signal  to  chase. 
Garcia  Holguin,  who  commanded  the  swiftest  sailing 
brigantine,  soon  overtook  them,  and  was  preparing  to 
fire  on  the  foremost  canoe,  which  seemed  to  carry  some 
person  whom  all  the  rest  followed  and  obeyed.  At 
once  the  rowers  dropped  their  oars,  and  all  on  board, 
throwing  down  their  arms,  conjured  him  with  cries  and 
tears  to  forbear,  as  the  emperor  was  there.  Holguin 
eagerly  seized  his  prize  ;  and  Guatimozin,  with  a  dig- 
nified composure,  gave  himself  up  into  his  hands,  re- 
questing oidy  that  no  insult  might  be  offered  to  the 
empress  or  his  children.  When  conducted  to  Cortes, 
he  appeared  neither  with  the  sullen  fierceness  of  a  bar- 
barian, nor  with  the  dejection  of  a  supplicant.  "  I 
have  done,"  said  he,  addressing  himself  to  the  Spanish 
general,  "  what  became  a  monarch.  I  have  defended 
my  people  to  the  last  extremity.  Nothing  now  re- 
mains but  to  die.  Take  this  dagger,"  laying  his  hand 
on  one  which  Cortes  wore,  "  plant  it  in  my  breast,  and 
put  an  end  to  a  life  which  can  no  longer  be  of  use." 

As  soon  as  the  fate  of  their  sovereign  was  known, 
the  resistance  of  the  Mexicans  ceased  ;  and  Cortes 
took  possession  of  that  small  part  of  the  capital  which 
yet  remained  undestroyed  [Aug.  13j.  Thus  terminated 
the  siege  of  Mexico,  the  most  memorable  event  in  the 
conquest  of  America.  It  continued  seventy-five  days, 
hardly  one  of  which  passed  without  some  extraordinary 
effort  of  one  party  in  the  attack,  or  of  the  other  m  tho 
defence  of  a  city,  on  the  fate  of  which  both  knew  that 
the  fortune  of  the  empire  depended.  As  the  struggle 
here  was  more  obstinate,  it  was  likewise  more  equal 
than  any  between  the  inhabitants  of  the  Old  and  New 
Worlds.  The  great  abilities  of  Guatimozin,  the  num- 
ber of  his  troops,  the  peculiar  situation  of  his  capital, 
so  far  counterbalanced  the  superiority  of  the  Spaniards 
in  arms  and  discipline,  that  they  must  have  relinquished 
the  enterprise  if  they  had  trusted  for  success  to  them- 
selves alone.  But  Mexico  was  overturned  by  the 
jealousv  of  neighbors  who  dreaded  its  power,  and  by 
the  levolt  of  subjects  impatient  to  shake  otf  its  yoke. 
By  their  effectual  aid,  Cortes  was  enabled  to  accom- 
plish what,  without  such  support,  he  would  hardly  have 
vent  ,ed  to  attempt.  How  much  soever  this  account 
of  the  reduction  of  Mexico  may  detract,  on  tho  one 
hand,  from  the  marvellous  relations  of  some  Spanish 
writers,  by  ascribing  that  to  simple  and  obvious  causes 
which  they  attribute  to  the  romantic  valor  of  their 
countrymen,  it  adds,  on  the  other,  to  the  merit  and 
abilities  of  Cortes,  who,  under  every  disadvantage,  ac- 
quired such  an  ascendant  over  unknown  nations,  a.s  to 
render  them  instruments  towards  carrying  his  schemes 
into  execution.  [121] 

The  exultation  of  the  Spaniards,  on  accomplishing 
this  arduous  enterprise,  was  at  first  excessive.  But 
this  was  quickly  damped  by  the  cruel  disappointment  of 
those  sanguine  hopes  which  had  animated  them  amidst 
so  many  hardships  and  dangers.  Instead  of  the  inex- 
haustible wealth  which  they  expected  from  becoming 
masters  of  Montezuma's  treasures,  and  the  ornaments 
of  so  many  temples,  their  rapaciousness  could  only 
collect  an  inconsiderable  booty  amidst  ruins  and  desola- 
tion. Guatimozin,  aware  of  his  impending  fate,  had 
ordered  what  remained  of  the  riches  amassed  by  his 
ancestors  to  be  thrown  into  the  lake.  The  Indian  au.xi- 
liaries,  while  the  Spaniards  were  engaged  in  conflict 
with  the  enemy,  had  carried  off  the  most  valuable  part 
of  the  spoil.  The  sum  to  be  divided  among  the  con- 
querors was  so  small  that  many  of  them  disdained  to 
accept  of  the  pittance  which  fell  to  their  share,  and  all 
murmured  and  exclaimed  ;  some  against  Cortes  and 
his  confidants,  whom  they  suspected  of  having  secretly 
appropriated  to  their  own  use  a  large  [)ortion  of  the 
riches  which  should  have  been  brought  into  the  com- 
mon stock  ;  others,  against  Guatimozin,  whom  they 
accused  of  obstinacy  in  refusing  to  discover  the  place 
where  he  had  hidden  his  treasure. 

Arguments,  entreaties,  and  promises  were  employed 
in  order  to  soothe  them,  but  with  so  little  effect,  that 
Cortes,  from  solicitude  to  check  this  growing  spi- 
rit of  discontent,  gave  way  to  a  deed  which  stains  the 
I  glory  of  all  his  great  actions.  Without  regarding  tr.« 
I  former  dignity  of  Guatimozin,  or  feeling  uiv  reveieoo* 


134 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTOkV  OF 


(or  tho9«  virlues  which  he  had  displayed,  he  subjected 
the  unhappy  monarch,  together  with  his  chief  favorite, 
M  torture,  in  order  to  force  from  tlicin  a  discovery  of 
ihe  royal  treasures,  which  it  was  supposed  they  had 
concealed.  Guatimozin  bore  whatever  the  refined  cru- 
uity  of  his  tormentors  could  inflict,  witli  the  invincible 
fortitude  of  an  American  warrior.  His  fellow-sufTerer, 
overcome  by  the  violence  of  the  anguish,  turned  a  de- 
jected eye  towards  his  master,  which  seemed  to  implore 
his  permission  to  reveal  all  that  he  knew.  But  the 
high  spirited  prince,  darting  on  him  a  look  of  authority 
mnigled  with  scorn,  checked  his  weakness  by  asking, 
"  Am  I  now  reposing  on  a  bed  of  flowers  V  Over- 
awed by  the  reproach,  the  favorite  persevered  in  his 
dutiful  silence  and  expired.  Cortes,  ashamed  of  a  scene 
so  horrid,  rescued  the  royal  victim  from  the  hands  of 
his  torturers,  and  prolonged  a  life  reserved  for  new  in- 
dignities and  sufferings. 

The  fate  of  the  capital,  as  both  parties  had  foreseen, 
decided  that  of  the  empire.  The  provinces  submitted 
one  after  another  to  the  conquerors.  Small  detach- 
•jients  of  Spaniards  marching  through  them  without  in- 
tciruption,  penetrated  in  diticrent  quarters  to  the  great 
Southern  Ocean,  which,  according  to  the  ideas  of  Co- 
lumbus, they  imagined  would  open  a  short  as  well  as 
easy  passage  to  the  East  Indies,  and  secure  to  the 
crown  of  Castile  all  the  envied  wealth  of  those  fertile 
regions  ;  and  the  active  mind  of  Cortes  began  already 
lo^form  schemes  for  attempting  this  important  dis- 
covery. 

He'  did  not  know,  that  during  the  progress  of  his 
victorious  arms  in  Mexico,  the  very  scheme,  of  which 
he  began  to  form  some  idea,  had  be<'n  undertaken  and 
accomplished.  As  this  is  one  of  the  most  splendid 
events  in  the  history  of  the  Spanish  discoveries,  and 
has  been  productive  of  effects  peculiarly  interesting  to 
those  extensive  provinces  which  Cortes  had  now  sub- 
jected to  the  crown  of  Castile,  the  account  of  its  rise 
and  progress  merits  a  particular  detail. 

Ferdinand  Magalhaens,  or  Magellan,  a  Portuguese 
gentleman  of  honorable  birth,  having  served  several 
years  in  the  East  Indies,  with  distinguished  valor,  un- 
tlcr  the  famo  is  Albuquerque,  demanded  the  recompense 
which  he  thought  due  to  his  services,  with  the  boldness 
natural  to  a  high  spirited  soldier.  13ut  as  his  general 
would  not  grant  his  suit,  and  he  expected  greater  jus- 
tice from  his  sovereign,  whom  he  knew  to  be  a  good 
).dge  and  a  generous  rewarder  of  merit,  he  quitted  In- 
dia alruptly,  and  returned  to  Lisbon.  In  order  to  in- 
duce Emanuel  to  listen  more  favorably  to  his  i:laiin,  he 
not  only  statcil  his  past  services,  but  offered  to  add  to 
them  by  conducting  his  countrymen  to  the  Molucca  or 
Spice  Islands,  by  holding  a  westerly  course  ;  which  he 
contended  would  be  both  shorter  and  less  hazardous 
than  that  which  the  Portuguese  now  followed  by  the 
Cape  of  Good  Hope,  through  the  immense  extent  of 
the  F^astern  Ocean.  This  was  the  original  and  favorite 
project  of  Columbus,  and  Magellan  founded  his  hopes 
of  success  on  the  ideas  of  that  great  navigator,  con- 
tinned  by  many  observations,  tlie  result  of  his  own 
naval  experience,  as  well  as  that  of  his  country- 
men in  their  intercourse  with  the  East.  But  though 
the  I'ortuguese  monarchs  had  the  merit  of  having  first 
awakened  and  encouraged  the  spirit  of  discovery  in 
that  age,  it  was  their  destiny,  in  the  course  of  a  few 
years,  to  reject  two  grand  schemes  for  this  purpose, 
the  execution  of  which  would  have  been  atlcndcd  with 
I  great  accession  of  glory  to  themselves,  and  of  power 
to  their  kingdom.  In  consequence  of  some  ill  founded 
prejudice  against  Magellan,  or  of  some  dark  intrigue 
which  contem|)orary  historians  have  not  explained, 
Emanuel  would  neither  bestow  the  recompense  which 
he  claimed,  nor  approve  of  the  scheme  which  he  pro- 
posed ;  and  dismissed  him  with  a  disdainful  coldness 
intolerable  to  a  man  conscious  of  what  he  deserved, 
and  animatcil  with  the  sanguine  hopes  of  success  pe- 
culiar to  those  who  are  capable  of  forming  or  of  con- 
ducting new  and  great  undertakings.  In  a  transport  of 
ro«cntinent,  [1517]  Magillan  formally  renounced  his 
allegiance  to  an  ungrateful  master,  and  fled  to  the  court 
of  Castile,  where  he  expected  thai  his  talents  would  be 
more  justly  estimated.  He  endeavored  to  recommend 
himself  by  oflering  to  execute,  under  the  patronage  of 
Spam,  that  soheiue  which  he  had  laid  before  the  court 
01  I'ortugal,  the  nicom|ilishment  of  which,  he  knew, 
would  wound  the  monarch  against  whom  he  was  exas- 
perated in  the  mout  tender  part.  In  order  to  establish 
U*  justness  of  his  theory,  he  produced  the  same  argu- 
im  iils  which  he  had  employed  at  Lisbon  ;  acknowledg- 
ing, at  the  same  time,  that  the  undertaking  was  both 
arduous  and  expensive,  as  it  could  not  be  attempted 
but  with  a  squadron  of  considerable  force,  and  vic- 


tualled for  at  least  two  years.  Eortunately,  he  applied 
to  a  minister  who  was  not  apt  to  be  deterred  either  by 
the  boldness  of  a  design,  or  the  expense  of  carrying  it 
into  execution.  Cardinal  Ximenes,  who  at  that  lime 
directed  the  affairs  of  Spain,  discerning  at  once  what 
an  increase  of  wealth  and  glory  would  accrue  to  his 
country  by  the  success  of  Magellan's  proposal,  listened 
to  it  with  a  most  favorable  ear.  Charles  V.,  on  his  ar- 
rival in  his  Spanish  dominions,  entered  into  the  measure 
with  no  less  ardor,  and  orders  were  issued  for  equip- 
ping a  proper  squadron  at  the  public  charge,  of  which 
the  command  was  given  to  Magellan,  whom  the  king 
honored  with  the  habit  of  St.  Jago  and  the  title  of  Cap- 
tain general. 

On  the  tenth  of  August,  one  thousand  five  hundred 
and  nineteen,  Magellan  sailed  from  Seville  with  five 
ships,  which,  according  to  the  ideas  of  the  age,  weie 
deemed  to  be  of  considerable  force,  though  the  burden 
of  the  largest  did  not  exceed  one  hundred  and  twenty 
tons.  The  crews  of  the  whole  amounted  to  two  hun- 
dred and  thirty-four  men,  among  whom  were  some  of 
the  most  skilful  pilots  in  Spain,  and  several  Portuguese 
sailors,  in  whose  experience,  as  more  extensive,  Ma- 
gellan placed  still  greater  confiilence.  After  touching 
at  the  Canaries,  he  stood  directly  south  towards  the 
equinoctial  line  along  the  coast  of  America,  but  was  so 
long  retarded  by  tedious  calms,  and  spent  so  much  time 
in  searching  every  bay  and  inlet  for  that  communication 
with  the  Southern  Ocean  which  he  wished  to  discover, 
that  he  did  not  reach  the  river  De  la  Plata  till  the 
twelfth  of  January,  [1520.]  That  spacious  opening 
through  which  its  vast  body  of  water  pours  into  the  At- 
lantic allured  him  to  enter  ;  but  after  sailing  up  it  for 
some  days,  he  concluded  from  the  shallowness  of  the 
stream  and  the  freshness  of  the  water,  that  the  wished- 
for  strait  was  not  situated  there,  and  continued  his 
course  towards  the  south.  On  the  ihirty-drst  of  March 
he  arrived  in  the  Port  of  St.  Julian,  about  forty-eight 
degrees  south  of  the  line,  where  he  re.-;olved  to  winter. 
In  this  uncomfortable  station  he  lost  one  of  his  squa- 
dron ;  and  the  Spaniards  suffered  so  much  fiom  the 
excessive  rigor  of  the  climate,  that  the  crews  of  three 
of  his  ships,  headed  by  their  officers,  rose  in  open  mu- 
tiny, and  insisted  on  relinquishing  the  visionary  project 
of  a  desperate  adventurer,  and  returning  directly  to 
Spain.  This  dangerous  insurrection  Magellan  suii- 
pressfcd,  by  an  effort  of  courage  no  less  prompt  tlian 
intrepid,  and  inflicted  exemplary  punishment  on  the 
ringleaders.  With  the  rcmaiiidcr  of  his  followers, 
overawed  but  not  reconciled  to  his  scheme,  he  con- 
tinued his  voyage  towards  the  south,  and  at  length  dis- 
covered, near  the  fifty-third  degree  of  latitude,  the 
mouth  of  a  strait,  into  which  he  entered,  notwithstand- 
ing the  murmurs  and  remonstrances  of  the  peojile  un- 
der his  command.  After  sailing  twenty  days  in  that 
winding  dangerous  channel,  to  which  he  gave  his  own 
name,  and  where  one  of  his  ships  deserted  him,  the 
great  Southern  Ocean  opened  to  his  view,  and  with 
tears  of  joy  he  returned  thanks  to  Heaven  for  having 
thus  far  crowned  his  endeavors  with  success. 

But  he  was  still  at  a  greater  distance  than  he  ima- 
gined from  the  object  of  his  wishes.  He  sailed  during 
three  months  and  twenty  days  in  a  uniform  direction 
towards  the  north-west  without  discovering  land.  In 
this  voyage,  the  longest  that  had  ever  been  made  in  the 
unbounded  ocean,  he  suffered  incredible  distress.  His 
stock  of  provisions  was  almost  exhausted,  the  water 
became  putrid,  the  men  were  reduced  to  the  shortest 
allowance  with  which  it  was  possible  to  sustain  life,  and 
the  scurvy,  the  most  dreadful  of  all  the  maladies  with 
which  sea-faring  people  are  inflicted,  began  to  spread 
among  the  crew.  One  circumstance  alone  afforded 
them  some  consolation  ;  they  enjoyed  an  uninterrupted 
course  of  fair  weather,  with  such  favorable  winds  that 
Magellan  bestowed  on  that  ocean  the  name  of  I'at  ijic, 
which  it  still  retains.  Wiien  reduced  to  such  extre- 
mity that  they  must  have  sunk  under  their  suti'crmgs, 

I  they  fell  in  with  a  cluster  of  small  but  fertile  islands 
[March  6,]  which  afforded  them  refreshments  in  such 
abundance,  that  their  health  was  soon  re-established. 
From  these  isles,  which  he  called  J)c  los  Ladroncs,  he 
proceeded  on  his  voyage,  and  soon  made  a  more  im- 
portant discovery  of  the  islands  now  known  by  the 
name  of  the  I'lulippnies.  In  one  of  these  he  got  into 
an  unfortunate  quarrel  with  the  natives,  who  attacked 
him  with  a  numerous  body  of  trDO])s  well  armed  ;  and 
while  he  fought  at  tlie  head  of  his  men  with  his  usual 
valor,  he  fell  [.\(iril  26]  by  the  hands  of  those  barba- 
rians, together  with  several  of  his  principal  officers. 

'J'he  exjiedition  was  |)rosecuted  under  other  com- 
manders.   After  visititing  many  of  the  smaller  isles 

1  acattcrod  in  thd  cuatern  part  of  llie  Indian  ocean,  they 


touched  at  the  great  Island  of  Borneo,  [Nov.  bj  and 
at  length  landed  in  Tidore,  one  of  the  Moluccas,  to  the 
astonishment  of  the  Portuguese,  who  could  not  com- 
prehend how  the  Spaniards,  by  holding  a  westerly 
course,  had  arrived  at  that  sequestered  si  at  of  then 
most  valuable  commerce,  which  they  then  selves  had 
discovered  by  sailing  in  an  opposite  directioi.  There, 
and  in  the  adjacent  isles,  the  Spaniards  found  a  people 
acquainted  with  the  benefits  of  extensive  tr..de.  a;:J 
willing  to  open  an  intercourse  with  a  new  nation.  They 
took  in  a  cargo  of  the  precious  spices,  which  are  the 
distinguished  production  of  these  islands  ;  and  v*iih 
that,  as  well  as  with  specimens  of  the  rich  commodities 
yielded  by  the  other  countries  which  they  had  visited, 
the  Victory,  which,  of  the  two  ships  that  remaii;ed  o! 
the  squadron,  was  most  fit  for  a  long  voyage,  set  ac.l 
for  Europe,  [Jan.  1522]  under  the  command  of  Juan 
Sebastian  del  Cano.  H"!  followed  the  course  of  the 
Portuguese,  by  the  Capf  of  Good  Hope,  and  after 
disasters  and  sufferings  he  nrrived  at  St.  Lucar  on  the 
seventh  of  September,  one  thousand  five  hundred  and 
seventy-two,  having  sailed  round  the  globe  in  the  space 
of  three  years  and  twenty-eigl.t  days. 

Though  an  untimely  fate  deprived  Magellan  of  the 
satisfaction  of  accomplishing  iMs  great  undertaking, 
his  contemporaries,  just  to  his  memory  and  talents 
ascribed  to  him  not  only  the  honor  of  having  formed 
the  plan,  but  of  having  surmounted  almost  every  ob- 
stacle, to  the  completion  of  it ;  and  in  the  present  age 
his  name  is  still  ranked  among  the  highest  in  the  roll 
of  eminent  and  successful  navigators.  The  naval 
glory  of  Spain  now  eclipsed  that  of  every  other  nation  , 
and  by  a  singular  felicity  she  had  the  merit,  in  the 
course  of  a  few  years,  of  discovering  »  new  continent 
almost  as  large  as  that  part  of  the  earth  which  was  for- 
merly known,  and  of  ascertaining  by  experience  the 
form  and  extent  of  the  whole  of  the  terraqueous  globe. 

The  Spaniards  were  not  satisfied  with  the  glory  ol 
having  first  encompassed  the  earth  ;  they  expected  ta 
derive  great  commercial  advantages  from  this  new  and 
boldest  effort  of  their  maritime  skill.  Ths  men  of 
science  among  them  contended,  that  the  Spice  Islands, 
and  several  of  the  richest  countries  in  the  East,  were 
so  situated  as  to  belong  of  right  to  the  crown  of  Cas- 
tile, in  consequence  of  the  partitions  made  ty  Alex- 
ander VI,  The  merchants,  without  attending  to  ihis 
discussion,  engaged  eagerly  in  that  lucrative  and  allur- 
ing commerce,  which  was  now  open  to  them.  The 
Portuguese,  alarmed  at  the  intrusion  of  such  form'dable 
rivals,  remonstrated  and  negotiated  in  J^urope,  while 
in  Asia,  they  obstructed  the  trade  of  the  Spaniards  by 
force  of  arms.  Charles  V.,  not  sufficiently  instructec 
with  respect  to  ihe  importance  of  this  valuable  br.nch 
of  commerce,  or  distracted  by  the  multiplicity  of  his 
schemes  and  operations,  did  not  afl'ord  his  subjects 
proper  protection.  At  last,  the  low  state  of  his  finan- 
ces, exhausted  by  the  efforts  of  his  arms  in  every  part 
of  Europe,  together  with  the  dread  of  adding  a  new 
war  with  Portugal  to  those  in  which  he  was  already  en- 
gaged, induced  hiii)  to  make  over  his  claim  of  the  Mo- 
luccas to  the  Portuguese  for  three  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  ducats.  He  reserved,  however,  to  the  crown 
of  Castile  the  right  of  reviving  its  pretensions  on  re- 
payment of  that  sum  ;  but  other  objects  engrossed  hie 
attention  and  that  of  his  successors;  and  Spam  was 
finally  excluded  from  a  branch  of  commerce  in  which 
it  was  engaging  w  ith  sanguine  cx|M;ctalions  of  profit 

Though  the  trade  with  the  Moluccas  was  rehu 
quishcd,  the  voyage  of  Magellan  was  followed  by  coin 
mercial  ell'ects  of  great  moment  to  Spain.  Itiilip  II., 
in  the  year  one  thousand  five  hundred  and  sixty-four, 
reduced  those  islands  which  he  discovered  in  the  East- 
ern ocean  to  subjection,  and  established  settlement* 
there  ;  between  which  and  the  kingdom  of  New  S|)ain 
a  regular  intercourse,  the  nature  of  which  shall  bo  ex- 
plained in  its  proper  place,  is  still  carried  on.  I  retiiiD 
now  to  the  transactions  in  New  Spain. 

At  the  time  that  C^ortes  was  acquiring  such  exten- 
sive territories  for  his  native  country,  and  pre|)aring  thf 
way  for  future  conquests,  it  was  his  singular  fate  not 
only  10  be  destitute  of  any  commission  or  aiiihority 
from  the  sovereign  whom  he  was  serving  with  such 
successful  zeal,  but  to  be  regarded  as  an  undutiful  a.id 
seditious  subject.  By  the  influence  of  Fonseca,  Bishop 
of  Burgos,  his  conduct  in  assuming  the  government  of 
New  Spain  was  declared  to  be  an  irregular  usurjmtion, 
in  contempt  of  the  royal  authority  ;  and  Christoval  ii 
Tapia  received  a  commission,  empowering  hiin  I* 
si>|)crsede  Cortes,  to  seize  his  person,  to  confiscate  hii 
ellects,  to  make  a  strict  scrutiny  into  his  proceedings, 
and  to  trajismit  the  result  of  all  the  inquiries  carried  M 
in  New  Sjiaiii  to  tbc  Council  of  the  Indies,  olviiiek 


hOUTH  AMETITOA. 


135 


jie  Bijhop  of  Burgos  was  presidoiit  A  few  weeks 
»ftcr  the  reduction  of  Mexico,  Tapia  landed  at  Vera 
Cruz  with  the  royal  mandate  to  strij)  its  ron<iu<'r()r  of 
hi«  power,  and  treat  Inm  as  a  criinnial.  Uiit  l''onseca 
had  chosen  a  very  improper  instrument  to  wreak  his 
veni^eance  on  Cortes.  Tapia  had  neither  the  rcputa- 
tioi^nor  the  taiJents  that  suited  the  h.nj\\  command  to 
which  he  was  appointed,  ('ortes,  wliilc  he  publicly  ex- 
pressed the  most  respectful  veneration  for  the  em- 
pcr'):  s  autiiority,  secretly  took  measures  to  defeat  the 
erfcc;  of  his  commission  ;  and  having  involved  Tapia 
■nd  his  followers  in  a  multiplicity  of  negotiations  and 
conferences,  in  which  he  sometimes  had  recourse  to 
threats,  but  more  frequently  employed  bribes  and 
promises,  he  at  length  prevailed  upon  that  weak  man 
to  abandon  a  province  which  he  was  unworthy  of  go- 
verning. 

But  notwithstanding  the  fortunate  dexterity  with 
which  he  had  eluded  this  danger,  (Jortes  was  so  sensi- 
ble of  the  precarious  teinirc  by  which  he  held  liis 
power,  that  he  despatched  deputies  to  S\>a'm  [May  15,] 
with  a  pompous  account  of  the  success  of  his  arms, 
with  further  specimens  of  the  productions  of  the  coun- 
try, and  with  rich  presents  to  the  emperor,  as  the  car- 
nest  of  future  contributions  from  his  new  conquests  ; 
requesting,  in  recompense  for  all  his  services,  the  ap- 
probation of  his  proceedings,  and  that  he  might  be  in- 
trusted with  the  government  of  those  dominions,  whit  h 
his  conduct  and  the  valor  of  his  followers  had  added 
to  the  crown  of  Castile.  The  juncture  in  which  his 
deputies  reached  the  court  was  favorable.  The  inter- 
nal commotions  in  Spain,  which  had  disquieted  the  be- 
gi:ining  of  Charles's  reign,  were  just  appeased.  Tlic 
ministers  had  leisure  to  turn  their  attention  towards 
foreign  affairs.  The  account  of  Cortcs's  victories 
filled  his  countrymen  with  admiration.  The  extent  and 
value  of  his  conquests  became  the  object  of  vast  and 
interesting  hopes.  Whatever  stain  he  might  have  con- 
tracted, by  the  irregularity  of  the  steps  which  he  took 
;n  order  to  attain  power,  was  so  fully  effaced  by  the 
splendor  and  merit  of  the  great  actions  which  this  had 
enabled  him  to  perforin,  that  every  heart  revolted  at  the 
thought  of  indicting  any  censure  on  a  man  whose  ser- 
vices entitled  him  to  the  highest  marks  of  distinction. 
The  public  voice  declared  warmly  in  favor  of  his  pre- 
tensions ;  and  Charles,  arriving  in  Spain  about  this 
time,  adopted  the  sentiments  of  his  subjects  with  a 
yjutliful  ardor  Notwithstanding  the  claims  of  Velas- 
gufz,  and  the  partial  representations  of  the  Bishop  of 
Burgcs,  the  emperor  appointed  Cortes  captain  general 
eni  governor  of  New  Spain,  judging  that  no  person 
was  so  capable  of  maintaining  the  royal  authority,  or  of 
c«tablishing  good  order  botli  among  his  Spanish  and 
Indian  subjects,  as  the  victorious  leader  whom  the  for- 
mer had  long  been  accustomed  to  obey,  and  the  latter 
had  been  taught  to  fear  and  to  respect. 

Even  before  his  jurisdiction  received  this  legal  sanc- 

cn.  Cortes  ventured  to  exercise  all  the  powers  of  a 
^oveti.rr.  and,  by  various  arrangements,  endeavored 

o  render  his  crnouest  a  secure  and  beneficial  acquisi- 
tion to  his  country.  He  determined  to  establish  the 
seat  of  governmer/.  in  its  ancier.t  station,  and  to  raise 
Mexico  again  from  its  ruins  ;  and  having  conceived 
high  ideas  concerning  the  future  grandeur  of  the  state 
of  which  he  was  laying  the  foundation,  he  began  to  re- 
build its  capital  on  a  plan  which  hath  gradually  formed 
the  most  magnificent  city  in  the  New  World.  At  the 
same  time,  he  employed  skilful  jicrsons  to  search  for 
mines,  in  different  parts  of  the  country,  and  opened 
some  which  were  found  to  be  richer  than  any  which 
the  Spaniards  had  hitherto  discovered  in  America. 
He  detached  his  principal  ofTicers  into  the  remote  pro- 
vinces, and  encouraged  them  to  settle  there,  not  only 
by  bestowing  upom  them  large  tracts  of  land,  but  by 
granting  them  the  same  dominion  over  the  Indians,  anil 
the  same  right  to  their  service,  which  the  Spaniards 
had  assumed  in  the  islands. 

It  was  not  however,  without  difficulty  that  the  Mexi- 
can empire  could  be  entirely  reduced  into  the  form  of 
a  Spanish  colony.  Enraged  and  ri  .idered  desperate  by 
oppression,  the  natives  often  forgot  the  superiority  of 
their  enemies,  and  ran  to  arms  in  defence  of  their 
liberties.  In  every  contest,  however,  the  European 
valor  and  discipline  prevailed.  But  fatally  for  the  ho- 
nor of  their  country,  the  Spaniards  sullied  the  glory  re- 
dounding from  these  repeated  victories  by  their  mode 
of  treating  the  vanquished  people.    After  taking  Guad- 

mozin,  and  becoming  masters  of  his  capital,  they  sup- 

t  o»ed  that  the  king  of  Castile  entered  on  possessio.T  of 
t^l  the  rights  of  the  captive  monarch,  and  affected  to 

toasider  every  effort  of  the  Mexicans  to  assert  their 
independence,  as  the  rebellion  of  vassals  against 


their  sovereign,  or  the  mutiny  of  slaves  against  their 
master.  Under  llie  sanction  of  those  ill  founded  max- 
ims, they  violated  every  right  that  should  be  held  sacred 
between  liostilc  nations.  After  each  insurrection,  they 
reduced  the  common  people,  in  the  provinces  which 
lliey  subdued,  to  the  most  huinili.itmg  of  all  conditions, 
that  of  personal  servitude,  'i'heir  chiefs,  supposed  to 
be  more  criminal,  were  punished  with  greater  severity, 
and  put  to  death  in  the  most  ignominious  or  the  most 
excruciating  mode  that  the  insolence  or  the  cruelty  of 
their  conquerors  could  devise.  In  almost  every  district 
of  the  Mexican  empire,  the  progress  of  the  Spanish 
arms  is  marked  with  blood,  and  with  deeds  so  atrocious 
as  disgrace  the  enterprising  valor  that  conducted  them 
to  success.  lu  the  country  of  Paiiuco,  sixty  cazicpies 
or  leaders,  and  four  hundred  nobles  were  burnt  at  one 
time.  Nor  was  this  shocking  barbarity  perpetrated  in 
any  sudden  sally  of  rage,  or  by  a  commander  of  inferior 
note.  It  was  the  act  of  Sandoval,  an  otlicer  whose  name 
is  entitled  to  the  second  rank  in  the  annals  of  New 
Spain,  and  executed  after  a  solemn  consultation  with 
Cortes  ;  and  to  complete  the  horror  of  the  scene,  the 
children  and  relations  of  the  wretched  victims  were  as- 
sembled, and  compelled  to  be  spectators  of  their  dying 
agonies.  It  seems  hardly  possible  to  exceed  in  horror 
this  dreadful  example  of  severity  ;  but  it  was  followed 
by  another,  which  affected  the  Mexicans  still  more 
sensibly,  as  it  gave  them  a  most  feeling  proof  of  their 
own  degradation,  and  of  the  small  regard  which  their 
haughty  masters  retained  for  the  ancient  dignity  and 
splendor  of  their  state.  On  a  slight  suspicion,  con- 
firmed by  very  imperfect  evidence,  that  Guatimozin  had 
formed  a  scheme  to  shake  off  the  yoke,  and  to  excite 
his  former  subjects  to  take  arms,  Cortes,  without  the 
formality  of  a  trial,  ordered  the  unhappy  monarch,  to- 
gether with  the  caziques  of  Tezeuco  and  Tacuba,  the 
two  persons  of  greatest  eminence  in  the  empire,  to  be 
hanged ;  and  the  Mexicans,  with  astonishment  and 
horror,  beheld  this  disgracoful  punishment  inflicted  upon 
persons  to  whom  they  were  accustomed  to  look  up 
with  reverence  hardly  inferior  to  that  which  they  paid 
to  the  gods  themselves.  [122]  The  example  of  Cortes 
and  his  principal  officers  encouraged  and  justified  per- 
sons of  subordinate  rank  to  venture  upon  committing 
greater  excesses.  Nuno  de  Guzman,  in  particular, 
stained  an  Illustrious  name  l)y  deeds  of  peculiar  enor- 
mity and  rigor,  in  various  expeditions  which  he  con- 
ducted. 

One  circumstance,  however,  saved  the  Mexicans 
from  further  consumption,  perhaps  from  as  complete  as 
that  which  had  depopulated  the  islands.  The  first  con- 
querors did  not  attempt  to  search  for  the  precious 
metals  in  the  bowels  of  the  earth.  They  were  neither  suf- 
ficiently wealthy  to  carry  on  the  expensive  works  which 
are  requisite  for  opening  those  deep  recesses  where 
nature  has  concealed  the  veins  of  gold  and  silver,  nor 
sufficiently  skilful  to  perform  the  ingenious  operations 
by  which  those  precious  metals  are  separated  fromtheit 
r<^spective  ores.  They  were  satisfied  with  the  more 
simple  method,  practised  by  the  Indians,  of  washing 
the  earth  carried  down  rivers  and  torrents  from  the 
mountains,  and  collecting  the  grains  of  native  metal  de- 
posited there.  The  rich  mines  of  New  Spain,  which 
have  poured  forth  their  treasures  with  such  profusion 
on  every  quarter  of  the  globe,  were  not  discovered  for 
several  years  after  the  conquest.  By  that  time  [1.552], 
&c  ],  a  more  orderly  government  and  police  were  in- 
troduced into  the  colony  ;  experience,  derived  from 
former  errors,  had  suggested  many  useful  and  humane 
regulations  for  the  protection  and  preservation  of  the 
Indians  ;  and  though  it  then  became  necessary  to  in- 
crease the  number  of  those  employed  in  the  mines,  and 
they  were  engaged  in  a  species  of  l  ibor  more  pernicious 
to  the  human  constitution,  they  sullercd  less  hardship 
or  diminution  than  from  the  ill  judged,  but  less  exten- 
sive, schemes  of  the  first  conquerors. 

While  it  was  the  lot  of  the  Indians  to  si.ffer,  their 
new  masters  seemed  not  to  have  derived  any  consider- 
able wealth  from  their  ill  conducted  researches.  Ac- 
cording to  the  usual  fate  of  first  settlers  in  new  colonies, 
it  was  their  lot  to  encounter  danger  and  to  struggle 
with  difficulties  ;  the  fruits  of  their  victories  and  toils 
were  reserved  for  times  of  tranquillity,  and  reaped  by 
successors  of  great  industry,  but  of  inferior  merit.  The 
early  h  storians  of  America  abound  with  accounts  of 
the  sufferings  aiid  of  the  poverty  of  its  conquerors.  In 
.New  Spain,  their  condition  was  rendered  more  grievous 
by  a  peculiar  arrangement.  When  Charles  V.  advanced 
(Jortes  to  the  government  of  that  country,  he  at  the 
same  time  appointed  certain  commissioners  to  receive 
and  administer  the  royal  revenue  there,  with  nulepend- 
ent  jurisdiction.    Those  men,  chosen  from  inferior 


stations  in  various  dei)artments  of  public  business  at 
Madrid,  were  so  much  elevated  with  their  prcnotion, 
that  they  thought  they  were  called  to  act  a  part  of  tli« 
first  cousecinence.  But  being  accustomed  to  iho 
minute  formalities  of  oflice,  and  having  contracted  the 
narrow  ideas  suited  to  the  sphere  in  which  they  had 
hitherto  moved,  they  were  astonished  on  arriving  in 
Mexico  [l.')2'l],  at  the  high  authority  which  Cortes  ex 
ercised.and  could  not  conceive  that  the  mode  of  admi- 
nistidtiou,  in  a  country  recently  subdued  and  settled, 
must  be  different  from  what  took  place  in  one  where 
tranquillity  and  regular  government  had  been  long  esta- 
blished. In  their  letters,  they  represented  Cortes  as 
an  ambitions  tyrant,  who,  having  usurped  a  jurisdiction 
superior  to  law,  aspired  at  independence,  and,  by  his 
exorbitant  wealth  and  extensive  influence,  might  ac- 
complish those  disloyal  schemes  which  he  apparently 
meditated.  'I'hese  insinuations  made  such  deep  im- 
pression upon  the  Spanish  ministers  most  of  whom  had 
been  formed  to  business  under  the  jealous  and  rigid  ad- 
ministration of  Ferdinand,  that  unmindful  of  all  Cortes's 
past  services,  and  regardless  of  what  he  was  then  suf- 
fering in  conducting  that  extraordinary  expedition,  in 
which  he  advanced  from  the  lake  of  Mexico  to  the 
western  extremities  of  Honduras,  [123]  they  infused 
the  same  suspicions  into  the  minds  of  their  master,  and 
prevailed  on  him  to  order  a  solemn  inquest  to  be  made 
into  his  conduct  [1525],  with  powers  to  the  licentiate 
Ponce  de  heon,  intrusted  with  that  commission,  to 
seize  his  person,  if  he  should  find  that  expedient,  and 
send  him  prisoner  to  Spain. 

The  sudden  death  of  Ponce  de  Leon,  a  few  day* 
after  his  arrival  in  New  Spain,  prevented  the  execution 
of  this  commission.  But  as  the  object  of  his  appoim- 
ment  was  known,  the  mind  of  Cortes  was  deeply  wound- 
ed with  this  unexpected  return  for  servic<;s  which  far 
exceeded  whatever  any  subject  of  Spain  had  rendered 
to  his  sovereign.  He  endeavored,  however,  to  main 
tain  his  station,  and  to  recover  the  confidence  of  the 
court.  But  every  person  in  office,  who  had  arrived 
from  Spain  since  the  conquest,  was  a  spy  upon  his  con- 
duct, and  with  malicious  ingenuity  gave  an  unfavorable 
representation  of  all  his  actions.  The  apprehensions 
of  Charles  and  his  ministers  increased.  A  new  com- 
mission of  inquiry  was  issued  [1528],  with  more  ex- 
tensive powers,  and  various  precautions  were  taken  in 
order  to  prevent  or  to  punish  him,  if  he  should  be  so 
])resumptuous  as  to  attempt  what  was  inconsistent 
with  the  fidelity  of  a  subject.  Cortes  beheld  the  ap- 
proaching crisis  of  his  fortune  with  all  the  violent  emo- 
tions natural  to  a  haughty  mind  conscious  of  high  de- 
sert, and  receiving  unworthy  treatment.  But  though 
some  of  his  desperate  followers  urged  him  to  assert  his 
own  eights  against  his  ungrateful  country,  and  with  a 
hold  hand  to  seize  that  power  which  the  courtiers  mean- 
ly accused  him  of  coveting,  he  retained  such  self-com- 
mand, or  was  actuated  with  such  sentiments  of  loyally, 
as  to  reject  their  dangerous  counsels,  and  to  choose 
the  only  course  in  which  he  could  secure  his  own  dig- 
nity, without  departing  from  his  duty.  He  resolved 
not  to  expose  himself  to  the  ignominy  of  a  trial  in  that 
country  which  had  been  the  scene  of  his  triumphs;  but, 
without  waiting  for  the  arrival  of  his  judges,  to  repair 
directly  to  Castile,  and  commit  himself  and  his  cause 
to  the  justice  and  generosity  of  his  sovereign. 

Cortes  appeared  in  his  native  country  with  the  splen- 
dour that  suited  the  conqueror  of  a  mighty  kingdom. 
He  brought  with  him  a  great  part  of  his  wealth,  many 
jewels  and  ornaments  of  great  value,  several  curious 
productions  of  the  counlrv,  [121]  and  was  attended  by 
some  Mexicans  of  the  first  rank,  as  well  as  by  the  most 
considerable  of  his  own  officers.  His  arrival  in  Spain 
removed  at  once  every  susjiicioii  and  fear  that  had  been 
entertained  with  respect  to  his  intentions.  The  em- 
peror, having  now  nothing  to  apprehend  from  the  de- 
sin-ns  of  Cortes,  received  him  like  a  person  whom  con 
sciousness  of  his  own  innocence  had  brought  into  the 
presence  of  his  master,  and  who  was  entitled,  by  the 
eminence  of  his  services,  to  the  highest  marks  of  dis- 
tinction and  respect.  The  order  of  St.  Jago,  the  title 
of  Marquis  del  Valle  de  Gua.xaca,  the  grant  of  an  am 
pie  territory  in  New  Spain,  were  successively  bestowed 
upon  him  ;  and  as  his  manners  were  correct  and  ele- 
gant, although  he  had  passed  the  greater  part  of  his  lifn 
among  rough  adventurers,  the  emperor  admitted  him  to 
the  same  familiar  intercourse  with  himself,  that  was 
enjoyed  by  noblemen  of  the  first  ranK. 

But,  amidst  those  external  proofs  of  regard,  symjv 
toms  of  remaining  distrust  appealed.  Though  Cortc« 
earnestly  solicited  to  be  reinstated  in  the  governmen' 
of  New  Spain,  Charles,  tpo  sagacious  to  commit  auch 
an  important  charge  to  a  man  whom  he  had  once  sua 


136 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


pected,  peremptorily  refused  to  invest  him  again  with 
powers  which  he  might  find  it  impossible  to  control. 
Cones,  though  dignified  with  new  titles,  rtturncd  to 
Mexico  [ITjaoj,  with  diminished  authority.  The  nuU- 
lary  department,  with  powers  to  attempt  new  disco- 
veries, was  left  in  his  hands  ;  but  the  supreme  direction 
of  civil  aflairs  was  placed  in  a  board  called  Tlie  Av- 
dieitr.e  of  Aeic  Spain.  At  a  subsequent  period,  when, 
upon  the  increase  of  the  colony,  the  exertion  of  authority 
more  united  and  extensive  became  necessary,  Antonio 
de  Mendoza,  a  nobleman  of  high  rank,  was  sent  thither 
as  Viceroy,  to  take  the  government  into  his  hands. 

This  division  of  power  in  New  Spain  proved,  as  was 
unavoidable,  tlw  source  of  perpetual  dissension,  which 
imbittered  the  .ife  of  Cortes,  and  thwarted  all  his 
schemes.  As  he  had  now  no  o|iportunity  to  display 
his  active  talents  but  in  attempting  new  discoveries,  he 
fonned  various  schemes  for  that  purpose,  all  of  which 
bear  impressions  of  a  genius  that  delighted  in  what  was 
bold  and  splendid.  He  early  entertained  an  idea,  that, 
either  by  steering  through  the  Gulf  of  Florida  along  the 
east  coast  of  North  America,  some  strait  would  be 
found  that  communicateJ  with  the  western  ocean  ;  or 
that,  by  examining  the  isthmus  of  Darien,  some  passage 
would  be  discovered  between  the  North  and  South 
Seas.  But  having  been  disajipointed  in  his  expecta- 
tions with  respect  to  both,  he  now  confined  his  views 
to  such  voyages  of  discovery  as  he  could  make  from 
the  ports  of  New  Spain  in  the  South  Sea.  There  he 
fitted  out  successively  several  small  squadrons,  which 
cither  perished  in  the  attempt,  or  returned  without 
making  any  discovery  of  moment.  Cortes,  weary  of 
intrusting  the  conduct  of  his  operations  to  others,  look 
the  command  of  a  new  armament  in  person  [1536]  ; 
and,  after  enduring  incredible  hardships,  and  encoun- 
tering dangers  of  every  species,  he  discovered  the  large 
peninsula  of  California,  and  surveyed  the  greater  part 
of  the  gulf  which  separates  it  from  New  Spain.  The 
discovery  of  a  country  of  such  extent  would  have  re- 
flected credit  on  a  common  adventurer  ;  but  it  could 
add  little  new  honor  to  the  name  of  Cortes,  and  was 
.'ar  from  satisfying  the  sanguine  expectations  which  he 
had  formed.  Disgusted  with  ill  success,  to  which  he 
had  not  been  accustomed,  and  weary  of  contesting  with 
idversaries  to  whom  he  considered  it  as  a  disgrace  to 
be  opposed,  he  once  more  sought  for  redress  in  his  na- 
tive country  [1540]. 

But  his  reception  there  was  very  different  from  that 
which  gratitude,  and  even  decency,  ought  to  have  se- 
cured for  him.  The  merit  of  his  ancient  exploits  was 
ilready,  in  a  great  measure,  forgotten  or  eclipsed  by 
the  fame  of  recent  and  more  valuable  conquests  in 
another  quarter  of  .America.  No  service  of  moment 
was  now  expected  from  a  man  of  declining  years,  and 
who  began  to  be  unfortunate.  The  emperor  behaved 
10  him  with  cold  civility  ;  his  ministers  treated  him 
sometimes  with  neglect,  sometimes  with  insolence. 
His  grievances  received  no  redress  ;  his  claims  were 
urged  without  effect  ;  and  after  several  years  spent  in 
fruitless  application  to  ministers  and  judges,  an  occu- 
ation  the  most  irksome  and  mortifying  to  a  man  of 
igh  spirit,  who  had  moved  in  a  sphere  where  he 
was  more  accustomed  to  command  than  to  solicit, 
Coites  ended  his  days  on  the  second  of  December,  one 
thousand  five  hundred  and  forty-seven,  in  the  sixty- 
second  year  of  his  age.  His  fate  was  the  same  with 
ttiat  of  all  the  persons  who  distinguished  themselves  in 
the  discovery  or  conquest  of  the  New  M'orld.  Lnvicd 
by  his  contemporaries,  and  ill  requited  by  the  court 
which  he  served,  he  has  been  admired  and  celebrated 
by  succeeding  ages.  Which  has  formed  the  most  just 
estimate  of  his  character,  an  impartial  consideration  of 
his  actions  must  determine. 


BOOK  VI. 
Histor>-  of  the  conquest  of  Peru  by  Pizarro   and  of  the  dis- 
sensions and  rival  wars  of  the  Spaniards  in  that  country— 
Oripin,  pro|,'ress,  and  ciTocts  of  llicso. 

1523.]  Fkom  the  time  that  Nugnez  de  Balboa  dis- 
covered the  great  Southern  Ocean,  and  received  the 
first  obscure  hints  concerning  the  o[)ulent  counlries  with 
which  it  might  open  a  communication,  the  wishes  and 
schemes  of  every  enterprising  person  in  the  colonies  of 
Darien  and  Panama  were  turned  towards  the  wealth  of 
those  unknown  regions.  In  an  age  when  the  spirit  of 
idventurc  was  so  ardent  and  vigorous,  that  large  for- 
tunes wer*"  wasttd,  and  the  most  alarming  dangers 
braved,  in  pursuit  of  discoveries  merely  possible.'ihe 
faintest  ray  of  hope  was  followed  with  an  eager  expec- 
tation, and  the  slightest  information  was  sulficient  to 
ins|)ire  such  perfect  confidence  as  conducted  men  to 
Ihe  most  arduous  undertakings.  [I25J 


Accordingly,  several  armaments  were  fitted  out  in 
order  to  explore  and  take  possession  of  the  countries  to 
the  east  of  Panama,  but  under  the  conduct  of  leaders 
whose  talents  and  resources  were  unequal  to  tlie  at- 
tempt. As  the  excursions  of  those  adventurers  did  not 
extend  beyond  the  limits  of  the  province  to  which  the 
Spaniards  have  given  the  name  of  Ticrra  Firme,  a 
mountainous  region  covered  with  woods,  thinly  inha- 
bited, and  extremely  unhealthy,  they  returned  with  dis- 
mal accounts  concerning  the  distresses  to  which  they 
had  been  exposed,  and  the  unpromising  aspect  of  t.he 
places  which  they  had  visited.  Dami)ed  by  these  tid- 
ings, the  rage  for  discovery  in  that  direction  abated  ; 
and  it  became  the  general  opinion  that  BalVioa  had 
founded  visionary  hojies,  on  the  tale  of  an  ignorant  In- 
dian, ill  understood,  or. calculated  to  deceive. 

1524.]  But  there  were  three  persons  settled  in  Pa- 
nama, on  whom  the  circumstances  which  deterred  others 
made  so  little  impression,  that,  at  the  very  moment 
when  all  considered  Balboa's  expectations  of  discover- 
ing a  rich  country,  by  steering  towards  the  east,  as  chi- 
merical, they  resolved  to  attempt  the  execution  of  his 
scheme.  The  names  of  those  extraordinary  men  were 
Francisco  Pizarro.  Diego  de  Almagro,  and  Hernando 
Luque.  Pizarro  was  the  natural  son  of  a  gentleman  of 
an  honorable  family  by  a  very  low  woman,  and  accord- 
ing to  the  cruel  fate  which  often  attends  the  offspring 
of  unlawful  love,  had  been  so  totally  neglected  in  his 
youth  by  the  author  of  his  birth,  that  he  seems  to  have 
destined  him  never  to  rise  beyond  the  condition  of  his 
mother.  In  consequence  of  this  ungenerous  idea,  he 
set  tiim,  when  bordering  on  manhood,  to  keep  hogs. 
But  the  aspiring  mind  of  young  Pizarro  disdaining  that 
ignoble  occupation,  he  abruptly  abandoned  his  charge, 
enlisted  as  a  soldier,  and  after  serving  some  years  in 
Italy,  embarked  for  America,  which,  by  opening  such  a 
boundless  range  to  active  talents,  allured  everv  adven- 
turer whose  fortune  was  not  equal  to  his  ambitious 
thoughts.  There  Pizarro  early  distinguished  hinuself 
With  a  temper  of  mind  no  less  daring  than  the  consti- 
tution of  his  body  was  robust,  he  was  foremost  in  every 
danger,  patient  under  the  greatest  hardships,  and  unsub- 
dued by  any  fatigue.  Tliough  so  illiterate  that  he  could 
not  even  read,  he  was  soon  considered  as  a  man  formed 
to  command.  Every  operation  committed  to  his  con- 
duct proved  successful,  as,  by  a  happy  but  rare  con- 
junction, he  united  perseverance  with  ardor,  and  was 
as  cautious  in  executing  as  he  was  bold  in  forming  his 
plans.  By  engaging  early  in  active  life,  witho  it  any 
resource  but  his  own  talents  and  industry,  and  by  de- 
pending on  himscif  alone  in  his  struggles  to  emerge 
from  obscurity,  he  acquired  such  a  thorough  knowledge 
of  affairs,  and  of  men,  that  he  was  fitted  to  assume  a 
superior  part  in  conducting  the  former,  and  in  govern- 
ing the  latter. 

Almagro  had  as  little  to  boast  of  his  descent  as  Pi- 
zarro. The  one  was  a  bastard,  the  other  a  foundling. 
Bred,  like  his  companion,  in  the  camp,  he  yielded  not 
to  him  ill  any  of  the  soldierly  qualities  of  intrepid  valor, 
indefatigable  activity,  or  insurmountable  constancy  in 
enduring  the  hardships  inseparable  from  military  service 
in  the  New  World.  But  in  Almagro  these  virtues 
were  accompanied  with  the  openness,  generosity,  and 
candor,  natural  to  men  whose  profession  is  arms  ;  in 
Pizarro,  they  were  united  with  the  address,  the  craft, 
and  the  dissimulation  of  a  politician,  with  the  art  of 
concealing  his  own  purposes,  and  with  sagacity  to  pene- 
trate into  those  of  other  men. 

Hernando  de  Luque  was  an  ecclesiastic,  who  acted 
both  as  priest  and  schoolmaster  at  Panama,  and,  by 
means  wiiich  the  contemporary  writers  have  not  de- 
scribed, had  amassed  riches  that  inspired  him  with 
thoughts  of  rising  to  greater  eminence. 

Such  were  the  men  destined  to  overturn  one  of  the 
most  extensive  empires  on  the  face  of  the  earth.  Their 
confederacy  for  this  purpose  was  authorized  by  Pedra- 
rias,  the  governor  of  Panama.  Each  engaged  to  em- 
ploy his  whole  fortune  in  the  adventure.  Pizarro,  the 
least  wealthy  of  the  three,  as  he  could  not  throw  so 
large  a  sum  as  his  associates  into  the  common  slock, 
engaged  to  lake  the  department  of  greatest  fatigue  and 
danger,  and  to  command  in  person  the  armament  which 
was  to  go  first  upon  discovery.  Almagro  offered  to 
conduct  the  supplies  of  provisions  and  reinforcements 
of  troops,  of  w  hich  Pizarro  might  stand  in  need.  Luque 
wa3  to  remain  at  Panama  to  negotiate  with  the  go- 
vernor, and  superintend  whatever  was  carrying  on  for 
the  general  interest.  As  the  spirit  of  enthusiasm  uni- 
formly accompanied  that  of  adventure  in  the  New 
World,  and  by  that  strange  union  both  acquired  an 
increase  of  force,  this  confederacy,  formed  by  ambition 
and  avarice,  was  confirmed  by  the  most  solemn  act  of 


religion.  Luque  celchra',ed  mass,  divided  a  consecrated 
host  into  three,  and,  reserving  one  part  to  himself,  gave 
the  other  two  to  his  associates,  of  which  they  partook  ; 
and  thus,  in  the  name  of  the  Prince  of  Peace,  laliiied 
a  contract  of  which  plunder  and  bloodshed  were  the  ob- 
jects. 

The  attempt  was  begun  with  a  force  more  suited  to 
the  humble  condition  of  the  three  associates  than  to  the 
greatness  of  the  enterprise  in  which  liiey  were  engaged. 
Pizarro  set  sail  from  Panama  [Nov.  14],  with  a  sinnle 
vessel  of  small  burden  and  a  hundred  and  twelve  men. 
But  in  that  age,  so  little  were  the  Spanish  acquainted 
with  the  peculiarities  of  the  climate  in  America,  that  the 
time  which  Pizarro  chose  for  his  departure  w  as  the  most 
improper  in  the  whole  year  ;  the  periodical  winds,  which 
were  then  set  in,  being  directly  adverse  to  the  course 
which  he  proposed  to  steer.  After  beating  about  for 
seventy  days,  with  much  danger  and  incessant  fatigue, 
Pizarro's  progress  towards  the  south-east  was  not 
greater  than  what  a  skilful  navigator  w  ill  now  make  in 
as  many  hours.  He  touched  at  several  places  on  the 
coast  of  Tierra  Firme,  but  found  every  where  the  sime 
uninviting  country  which  former  adventurers  had  de- 
scribed ;  the  low  grounds  converted  into  swamps  by  ai 
overflowing  of  rivers  ;  the  higher,  covered  with  im 
pervious  woods ;  few  inhabitants,  and  those  fierce  and 
hostile.  Famine,  fatigue,  frequent  rencounters  with 
the  natives,  and,  above  all,  the  distemjiers  of  a  moist, 
sultry  climate,  combined  in  wasting  his  slender  band 
of  followers.  [1525  ]  The  undaunted  resolution  of 
their  leader  continued,  however,  for  some  time,  to  sus- 
tain their  spirits,  although  no  sign  had  yet  appeared  of 
discovering  those  golden  regions  to  which  he  had  pr>> 
mised  to  conduct  them.  At  length  he  was  obliged  U 
abandon  that  inhospitable  coast,  and  retire  to  Chuchama, 
opposite  to  the  pearl  islands,  wheie  he  hoped  la  re- 
ceive a  supply  of  provisions  and  troops  from  Panama. 

But  Almagro,  having  sailed  from  that  port  with 
seventy  men,  stood  directly  towards  that  |)art  of  the 
continent  where  he  hoped  to  meet  with  his  associates. 
Not  finding  them  there,  he  landed  his  soldiers,  who,  la 
searching  for  their  companions,  underwent  the  same 
distresses,  and  were  exposed  to  the  same  dangers, 
which  had  driven  thorn  out  of  the  country.  Repulsed 
at  length  by  the  Indians  in  a  sharp  conflict,  in  which 
their  leader  lost  one  of  his  eyes  by  the  w  ound  of  an 
arrow,  they  likewise  were  compelled  to  re-embark. 
Chance  led  them  to  the  place  of  Pizarro's  retreat, 
where  they  found  some  consolation  in  rocountin;;  to 
each  other  their  adventures,  and  comparing  their  sutler- 
ings.  As  Almagro  had  advanced  as  far  as  the  river 
St.  Juan  [June  24,]  in  the  province  of  Popayau,  where 
both  the  country  and  inhabitants  appeared  with  a  more 
promising  aspect,  that  dawn  of  better  fortune  was  suf- 
ficient to  determine  such  sanguine  projectors  not  to 
abandon  their  scheme,  notwithstandmg  all  that  they  had 
suffered  in  prosecuting  it.  [126] 

1526  ]  Almagro  repaired  to  Panama  in  hopes  of  re- 
cruiting their  shattered  troops.  But  what  he  and 
Pizarro  had  sufleicd  gave  his  conntrymen  such  an  un- 
favorable idea  of  the  service,  that  it  was  with  difliculty 
he  could  levy  fourscore  men.  Feeble  as  this  reinforco 
ment  was,  Almagro  took  the  command  of  it,  and,  hav 
ing  joined  Pizarro,  they  did  not  hesitate  about  resum- 
ing their  operations.  After  a  long  series  of  disasters 
and  disappointments,  not  inferior  to  those  which  they 
had  already  experienced,  part  of  the  armament  reached 
the  Bay  of  St.  .Matthew,  on  the  coast  of  (juito,  and 
landing  at  Tacamcz,  to  the  south  of  the  river  of  Eine- 
raulds,  they  beheld  a  country  more  champaign  and  fer- 
tile than  anv  they  had  yet  discovered  in  the  Southerp 
Ocean, 'the  natives  clad  in  garments  of  woollen  or  cot- 
ton stuff,  and  adorned  with  several  trinkets  of  gold  and 
silver. 

But  notwithstanding  those  favorable  appearances, 
magnified  beyond  the  truth,  both  by  the  vanity  of  lh« 
persons  who  brought  the  report  from  Tacamez,  and  by 
the  fond  imagination  of  those  who  listened  to  thcni, 
Pizarro  and  .Vlmagro  durst  not  venture  to  invailc  i 
country  so  populous  with  a  handful  of  men  cnlcebled 
by  fatigue  and  diseases.  They  reined  to  the  siiul 
island  of  Gallo,  wlierc  Pizarro  remained  with  part  ol 
the  troops,  and  his  associates  returned  to  I'anama,  in 
hopes  of  l)ringing  such  a  reinforcement  as  might  enable 
them  to  take  possession  of  the  opulent  territories  whos« 
existence  seemed  to  be  no  longer  doubtful. 

But  some  of  ihe  adventurers,  less  enleprising,  or  lew 
hardy,  than  their  leaders,  having  secretly  convcy^J 
lameiUablo  acconnls  of  their  sulfernigs  and  losses  to 
llieir  friends  at  I'anama,  Almagro  met  with  an  unfavoia- 
ble  reception  from  Pedro  de  los  Kios,  who  had  suc- 
ceeded Pcdrarias  iii  the  goveronient  of  that  sctilemcirf 


6  00  1  rt  A  M  K  !<  IC!  A. 


187 


Al'tPr  weighing  the  matter  with  that  cold  economical 
prudence  which  appears  the  first  of  ail  virtues  to  per- 
sons whose  limited  faculties  are  incapable  of  conceiv- 
irij;  or  executing  great  designs,  he  concluded  an  expe- 
dition, attended  with  such  certain  waste  of  men,  to  be 
so  detrimental  to  an  infant  and  feeble  colony,  that  he 
not  only  prohibited  the  raising  of  new  levies,  but  de- 
epatchcd  a  vessel  to  bring  home  Pizarro  and  his  com- 
I  anions  from  the  island  of  Gallo.  Alinagro  and  Luque, 
though  deeply  aflcctcd  with  those  measures,  which  they 
could  not  prevent,  and  durst  not  oppose,  found  means 
of  coinmunieating  their  sentiments  privately  to  Pizarro, 
gnd  exhorted  him  not  to  relinquish  an  enterprise  that 
was  the  foundation  of  all  their  hopes,  and  the  only 
means  of  re-establishing  their  reputation  and  fortune, 
which  were  both  on  the  decline.  Pizarro's  mind,  bent 
with  inflexible  obstinacy  on  all  its  purposes,  needed  no 
incentive  to  persist  in  the  scheme.  He  peremptorily 
refused  to  obey  the  governor  of  Panama's  orders,  and 
employed  all  his  address  and  eloquence  in  persuading 
nis  men  not  to  abandon  him.  But  the  incredible 
..•alaniities  to  which  they  had  been  exposed  were  still 
10  recent  in  their  memories,  and  the  thoughts  of  re- 
visiting their  families  and  friends,  after  a  long  absence, 
rushed  with  such  joy  into  their  minds,  that  when 
P  zarro  drew  a  line  upon  the  sand  with  his  sword,  per- 
m  ttiiig  such  as  wished  to  return  home  to  pass  over  it, 
oiny  thirteen  of  all  the  darmg  veterans  in  his  service 
Lad  resolution  to  remain  with  their  commander. 

^Ihis  small  but  determined  band,  whose  names  the 
Spaii'.sh  historians  record  with  deserved  praise,  as  the 
pcrsoi.s  to  whose  persevering  fortitude  their  country  is 
indebtc.l  for  the  most  valuable  of  all  its  American  pos- 
sessions, fixed  their  residence  in  the  island  of  Gorgona. 
This,  as  it  was  further  removed  from  the  coast  than 
Gallo,  and  uninhabited,  they  considered  as  a  more 
secure  retreat,  where,  unmolested,  they  might  wait  for 
supplies  from  Panama,  which  they  trusted  that  the 
activity  of  their  associates  would  be  able  to  procure. 
Almagro  and  Luqre  were  not  inattentive  or  cold 
solicitors,  and  their  incessant  importunity  was  seconded 
by  the  general  voice  of  the  colony,  which  exclaimed 
lnudly  against  the  infamy  of  exposing  brave  men,  en- 
gaged in  the  public  service,  and  chargeable  with  no 
error  but  what  flowed  from  an  excess  of  zeal  and 
courage,  to  perish  like  the  most  odious  criminals  in  a 
desert  island.  Overcome  by  those  entreaties  and  ex- 
postulations, the  governor  at  last  consented  to  send  a 
1     email  vessel  to  their  relief.    But  that  he  might  not 

ifpem  to  encourage  Pizarro  to  any  new  unterprise,  he 
would  not  permit  one  landman  to  embark  on  board 
of  it. 
By  this  time,  Pizarro  and  his  companions  had  re- 
mained live  months  in  an  island  infamous  for  the  rcioz* 
unhealthy  climate  in  that  region  of  America.  [127] 
j    Duiing  all  this  period,  their  eyes  were  turned  towards 
Paj.ama,  in  hopes  of  succour  from  their  countrymen  ; 
but  worn  out  at  length  with  fruitless  expectations,  and 
I     dis)  iritcd  with  sufl'ering  hardships  of  which  they  saw 
f    no  end,  they,  in  despair,  came  to  a  resolution  of  com- 
mitting themselves  to  the  ocean  on  a  float,  rather  than 
continue  in  that  detestable  abode.    But,  on  the  arrival 
,    of  the  vessel  from  Panama,  they  were  transported  with 
such  joy  that  all  their  sufl'erings  were  forgotten.  Their 
hopes  revived  ;  and,  with  a  rapid  transition  not  un- 
\   natural  among  men  accustomed  by  their  mode  of  life 

I to  sudden  vicissitudes  of  fortune,  high  confidence  suc- 
ceeding to  extreme  dejection,  Pizarro  easily  induced 
not  only  his  own  followers,  but  the  crew  of  the  vessel 
from  Panama,  to  resume  his  former  scheme  with  fresh 
ardor.  Instead  of  returning  to  Panama,  they  stood  to- 
wards the  south-east,  and,  more  fortunate  in  this  than 
n  any  of  their  past  efforts,  they,  on  the  twentieth  day 
aflor  their  departure  from  Gorgona.  discovered  the 
coast  of  Peru.  After  touching  at  several  villages  near 
the  shore,  which  they  found  to  be  nowise  inviting,  they 
landed  at  Tuiubez,  a  place  of  some  note  about  tliree 
degrees  south  of  the  line,  distinguished  for  its  stately 
temple,  and  a  palace  of  the  Incas  or  sovereigns  of  the 
country.  Thine  the  Spaniards  fea.>led  their  eyes  with 
the  first  view  of  the  opulence  and  civilization  of  the 
Peruvian  empire.  They  beheld  a  country  fully  peo- 
pled, and  cultivated  with  an  appearance  of  regular  in- 
dustry ;  the  natives  decently  clothed,  and  possessed  of 
ingenuity  so  far  surpassing  the  other  inhabitants  of  the 
New  \\  orld  as  to  have  the  use  of  tame  domestic  ani- 
mals. But  what  chiefly  attracted  their  notice  was 
such  a  show  of  gold  and  silver,  not  only  in  the  orna- 
ments of  their  persons  and  temples,  but  in  several  ves- 
8ci3  and  utensils  for  &-,inmon  use,  formed  of  those  pre- 
cious metals,  as  left  no  room  to  doubt  that  they  aboun- 
with  profuuon  in  the  country.    Pizarro  and  his 


companions  seemed  now  to  have  attained  to  the  com- 
pletion of  their  most  sanguine  hopes,  and  fancied  that 
all  ihrir  wishes  and  dreams  of  rich  domains,  and  inex- 
haustible treasures,  would  soon  be  realized. 

But  with  the  slender  force  then  under  his  command, 
Pizarro  could  only  view  the  rich  country  of  which  he 
hoped  hereafter  to  obtain  possession.  He  ranged, 
however,  for  some  time  along  the  coast,  niaiiilaiiiiiig 
every  where  a  peaceable  intercourse  with  the  natives, 
no  less  astonished  at  their  new  visitants  than  the  Spa- 
niards were  with  the  uniform  appearance  of  opulence 
and  cultivation  which  they  beheld.  [1527.]  Having 
explore  d  the  country  as  far  as  requisite  to  ascertain  the 
importance  of  the  discovery,  Pizarro  procured  from  the 
inhabitants  some  of  their  'Llamas  or  tame  cattle,  to 
which  the  Spaniards  gave  the  name  of  sheep,  some 
vessels  of  gold  and  silver,  as  well  as  some  specimens 
of  their  other  works  of  ingenuity,  and  two  young  men, 
whom  he  proposed  to  instruct  in  the  Gastilian  language, 
that  they  might  serve  as  interpreters  in  tfie  expedition 
which  he  meditated.  With  these  he  arrived  at  Panama, 
towards  the  close  of  the  third  year  from  the  time  of  his 
departure  thence  No  adventurer  of  the  age  suffered 
hardships  or  encountered  dangers  which  equal  those  to 
which  he  was  exposed  during  this  long  period.  The 
patience  with  which  he  endured  the  one,  and  the  forti- 
tude with  which  ho  surmounted  the  other,  exceed  what- 
ever is  recorded  in  the  history  of  the  New  World, 
where  so  many  romantic  displays  of  those  virtues  occur. 

1528.]  Neither  the  splendid  relation  that  Pizarro 
gave  of  the  incredible  opulence  of  the  country  which 
he  had  discovered,  nor  his  bitter  complaints  on  account 
of  that  unreasonable  recall  of  his  forces,  which  had 
put  it  out  of  his  power  to  attempt  making  any  settle- 
ment there,  could  move  the  governor  of  Panama  to 
swerve  from  his  former  plan  of  conduct.  He  still  con- 
tended, that  the  colony  was  not  in  a  condition  to  invade 
such  a  mighty  empire,  and  refused  to  authorize  an  expe- 
dition which  he  foresaw  would  be  so  alluring  that  it 
might  ruin  the  province  in  which  he  presided,  by  an 
effort  beyond  its  strength.  His  coldness,  however,  did 
not  in  any  degree  abate  the  ardor  of  the  three  asso- 
ciates ;  but  they  perceived  that  they  could  not  carry 
their  scheme  into  execution  without  the  countenance 
of  superior  authority,  and  must  solicit  their  sovereign 
to  grant  that  permission  which  they  could  not  extort 
from  his  delegate.  With  this  view,  after  adjusting 
among  themselves  that  Pizarro  should  claim  the  station 
of  governor,  Almagro  that  of  lieutenant-governor,  and 
Luque  the  dignity  of  bishop  in  the  country  which  they 
proposed  to  conquer,  they  sent  Pizarro  as  their  agent 
to  Spain,  though  their  fortunes  were  now  so  much  ex- 
hausted by  the  repeated  etibrts  which  they  had  made, 
that  they  found  some  difTiculty  in  borrowing  the  small 
sum  requisite  towards  equipping  hnn  for  the  voyage. 

Pizarro  lost  no  time  in  repairing  to  court  ;  and  new 
as  the  scone  miglit  be  to  him,  he  appeared  before  the 
em[)eror  with  the  unembarrassed  dignity  of  a  man  con- 
scious of  what  his  services  merited  ;  and  he  conducted 
his  negotiation  with  an  insinuating  dexterity  of  address, 
which  could  not  have  been  expected  either  from  his 
education  or  former  habits  of  life.  Plis  feeling  descrip- 
tion of  his  own  sufferings,  and  his  pompous  account  of 
the  country  which  he  had  discovered,  confirmed  by  the 
specimens  of  its  productions  which  he  exhibited,  made 
such  an  impression  both  on  Charles  and  his  ministers, 
that  they  not  only  approved  of  the  intended  expedition, 
but  seemed  to  be  interested  in  the  success  of  its  leader. 
Presuming  on  these  dispositions  m  his  favor,  Pizarro  paid 
little  attention  to  the  interest  of  his  associates.  As 
the  pretensions  of  Luque  did  not  interfere  with  his 
own,  he  attained  for  him  the  ecclesiastical  dignity  to 
which  he  aspired.  For  .•Mmagro  he  claimed  only  the 
command  of  the  fortress  which  should  be  erected  at 
Tumbez.  To  himself  he  secured  whatever  his  bound- 
less ambition  could  desire.  He  was  appointed  [July 
2G]  governor,  captain-general,  and  adelantado  of  ail  the 
country  whicfi  he  had  discovered,  and  hoped  to  conquer, 
with  supreme  authority,  civil  as  well  as  military  ;  and 
with  full  right  to  all  the  privileges  and  emolunicnts 
usually  granted  to  adventurers  in  the  New  World.  His 
jurisdiction  was  declared  to  extend  two  hundred  leagues 
along  the  coast  to  the  south  of  the  river  St.  Jago  ;  to 
be  independent  of  the  governor  of  Panama  ;  and  he 
had  power  to  nominate  all  the  officers  who  were  to 
serve  under  him.  In  return  for  those  concessions, 
which  cost  the  court  of  Spain  nothing,  as  the  enjoy- 
ment of  them  depended  upon  the  success  of  Tizarro's 
own  efforts,  he  engaged  to  raise  two  hundred  and  fifty 
men,  and  to  provide  the  ships,  arms,  and  warlike  stores 
requisite  towards  subjecting  to  the  crown  of  Castile 
the  country  of  which  the  government  was  allotted  him. 


1529.]  Inconsiderable  as  the  body  of  men  was  which 
Pizarro  had  undertaken  to  raise,  his  funds  and  credit 
were  so  low  that  he  could  hardly  complete  half  lao 
number ;  and  after  obtaining  his  patents  from  the 
crown,  he  was  obliged  to  steal  privately  out  of  the  port 
of  Seville,  in  order  to  elude  the  scrutiny  of  the  oliiccr.s, 
who  had  it  in  charge  to  examine  whether  he  had  ful- 
filled the  stipulations  of  his  contract.  Before  his  de- 
parture, however,  he  received  some  supply  of  money 
from  Cortes,  who  having  returned  to  Spain  about  this 
time,  was  willing  to  contribute  his  aid  towards  enabling 
an  ancient  companion,  with  whose  talents  and  courage 
he  was  well  acquainted,  to  begin  a  career  of  glory  simi- 
lar to  that  which  he  himself  bad  finished. 

He  landed  at  Nombre  de  Dios,  and  inarched  across 
the  isthmus  to  I'anaina,  accompanied  by  his  three  bro- 
thers, Ferdinand,  .luan,  and  Gonzalo,  of  whom  the  first 
was  born  in  lawful  wedlock,  the  two  latter,  like  him- 
self, were  of  illegitimate  birth,  and  by  Francisco  Ue 
Alcantara,  his  mother's  brother.  They  were  all  in  the 
prime  of  life,  and  of  such  abilities  and  courage  as  fitted 
them  to  take  a  distinguished  part  in  his  subsequent 
transactions. 

1.530.]  On  his  arrival  at  Panama,  Pizarro  found  Al 
magro  so  much  exasperated  at  the  maimer  in  whicii  he 
had  conducted  his  negotiation,  that  he  not  only  refused 
to  act  any  longer  in  concert  with  a  man  by  whose  per- 
fidy he  had  been  excluded  from  the  power  and  bonora 
to  which  he  had  a  just  claim,  but  labored  to  form  a  new 
association,  in  order  to  thwart  or  to  rival  his  former 
confederate  in  his  discoveries.  Pizarro,  however,  had 
more  wisdom  and  address  than  to  suffer  a  rupture  so 
fatal  to  all  his  schemes,  to  become  irreparable.  By 
offering  voluntarily  to  relinquish  the  office  of  adelan- 
tado. and  promising  to  concur  in  soliciting  that  title, 
with  an  independent  government  for  Almagro,  he  gra- 
dually mitigated  the  rage  of  an  open-hearted  soldier, 
whi<:h  had  been  violent,  but  was  not  implacable.  Luque, 
highly  satisfied  with  having  beep  successful  in  all  his 
own  pretensions,  cordially  seconded  J'izarro's  endea- 
vors. A  reconciliation  was  effected,  and  the  confede- 
racy renewed  on  its  original  terms,  that  the  enterprise 
should  be  carried  on  at  the  common  expense  of  the 
associates,  and  the  profits  accruing  from  it  should  be 
equally  divided  among  them. 

Eviui  after  their  reunion,  and  the  utmost  efforts  of 
their  interest,  three  small  vessels,  with  a  hundred  and 
eighty  soldiers,  thirty-six  of  whom  were  horsemen,  com- 
posed the  armament  which  they  were  able  to  fit  oiil- 
But  the  astonishing  progress  of  the  Spaniards  in  Ame- 
rica had  insjjircd  them  with  such  ideas  of  their  own 
superiority,  that  Pizarro  did  not  hesitate  to  sail  with 
this  ontemptible  force,  [Feb.  1531,]  to  invade  a  great 
empire,  Almagro  was  left  at  Panama,  as  formerly,  to 
follow  him  with  what  reinforcement  of  men  he  should 
be  able  to  muster.  As  the  season  for  embarking  was 
properly  chosen,  and  the  course  of  navigation  between 
Panama  and  Peru  was  now  better  known,  Pizarro  com- 
pleted the  voyage  in  thirteen  days;  thougli  by  the  force 
of  the  winds  and  currents  he  was  carried  above  a  hun- 
dred leagues  to  the  north  of  Tumbez,  the  place  of  his 
destination,  and  obliged  to  land  bis  troops  in  the  bay  o. 
St.  Matthew.  Without  losing  a  moment,  he  began  to 
advance  towards  the  south,  taking  care,  however,  not 
to  depart  far  from  the  sea  shore,  botli  that  ho  might 
easily  effect  a  junction  with  the  supjilies  which  he  ex- 
pected from  Panama,  and  secure  a  retreat  in  case  ol 
any  disaster,  by  keeping  as  near  as  possible  to  his  ships. 
But  as  the  country  in  several  parts  on  the  coast  of 
Peru  is  barren,  nnheallhful,  and  thinly  peopled  ;  as  th€ 
Spaniards  had  to  pass  all  the  rivers  near  their  mouth, 
where  the  body  of  water  is  greatest ;  and  as  the  impru- 
dence of  Pizarro.  in  attacking  the  natives  whv.n  he 
should  have  studied  to  gain  their  confidence,  had  forced 
them  to  abandon  their  habitations  ;  famine,  fatigue, 
and  diseases  of  various  kinds  brought  upon  him  and  his 
followers  calamities  hardly  inferior  to  those  which  they 
had  endured  in  their  former  expedition.  What  they 
now  experienced  corresponded  so  ill  with  the  alluring 
description  of  the  country  given  by  Pizarro,  that  many 
began  to  reproach  him,  and  every  soldier  must  have 
become  cold  to  the  service,  if  even  in  this  unfer- 
tile region  of  Peru,  they  had  not  met  with  some  ap- 
pearances of  wealth,  and  cultivation,  which  seeimii  to 
justify  the  report  of  their  leader.  At  length  lliey 
reached  the  province  of  Coaquc  f.\pril  14]  ;  and  hav 
ing  surprised  the  principal  settlement  of  the  natives, 
i  they  seized  their  vessels  and  ornaments  of  gold  and 
silver,  to  the  amount  of  thirty  thousand  pesos,  with 
ether  booty  of  such  value  as  dispelled  all  their  doubts, 
ind  inspired  the  most  desponding  with  sanguine  hopes 

Pizarro  liiinself  was  so  much  delighted  with  ihib  ricb 


138 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


Bjioil,  which  he  considered  as  the  first  fruits  of  a  land 
Blioundin!^  with  treasure,  tliat  he  instantly  despatched 
one  of  his  sliips  to  Panama  with  a  large  reiniltaiicc  to 
Almagro  ;  and  another  to  Nicaragua  with  a  considera- 
ble sum  to  several  persons  of  influence  in  that  province, 
in  hopes  of  alluring  adventurers  bv  this  early  display  of 
ihe  wealth  which  he  had  acquired.  Meanwhile,  he  con- 
tinued his  march  along  the  coast,  and  disdaining  to  em- 
ploy any  means  of  reducing  the  natives  but  force,  he 
attacked  them  with  such  violence  in  their  scattered 
habitations,  as  compelled  them  cither  to  retire  into  the 
interior  country,  or  to  submit  to  his  yoke.  This  sudden 
appearance  of  invaders,  whose  aspect  and  manners 
were  so  strange,  and  whose  power  seemed  to  be  :-o 
irresistible,  made  the  same  dreadful  imjiression  as  in 
other  parts  of  Ameiica.  Pizarro  hardly  met  with  resist- 
ance until  he  attacked  the  island  of  I'una  in  the  bay  of 
Guayaquil.  As  th.it  was  better  peopled  than  the  coun- 
try through  which  he  had  passed,  and  its  inhabitants 
fiercer  and  less  civilized  than  those  of  the  continent, 
they  defended  thems<  lvcs  with  such  obstinate  valor, 
that  Pizarro  spent  six  months  in  reducing  them  to  sub- 
jection. Prom  I'una  he  proceeded  to  Tumbez,  where 
the  distempers  which  raged  among  his  men  compelled 
him  to  remain  for  three  months. 

While  he  was  thus  einp'loyed,  he  began  to  reap  ad- 
vantage from  his  attention  to  spread  the  fame  of  his 
first  success  to  Coacjue.  Two  dilferent  detachments 
arrived  from  Nicaragua  [1532],  which,  though  neither 
exceeded  thirty  inen,  he  considered  as  a  reinforcement 
of  great  consequence  to  his  feeble  band,  especially  as 
Ihe  one  was  under  the  coininand  of  Sebastian  Benalca- 
zar,  and  the  other  of  Hernando  Soto,  officers  not  in- 
ferior in  merit  and  reputation  to  any  who  had  served  in 
America.  Prom  Tumbez  he  proceeded  to  the  river 
Piura  [May  16],  and  in  an  advantageous  station  near 
the  mouth  of  it  he  established  the  first  Spanish  colony 
Ui  Peru  ;  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  St.  Michael. 

As  Pizarro  continued  to  advance  towards  the  centre 
of  tnc  Peruvian  empire,  he  gradually  received  more 
full  information  concerning  its  extent  and  policy,  as 
well  as  the  situation  of  its  affairs  at  that  juncture. 
Without  some  knowledge  of  these,  he  could  not  have 
conducted  his  operations  with  propriety  ;  and  without 
a  suitable  attention  to  them,  it  is  impossible  to  account 
for  the  progress  which  the  Spaniards  had  already  made, 
or  to  unfold  the  causes  of  their  subsequent  success. 

At  the  time  when  the  Spaniards  invaded  Peru,  the 
ioniinions  of  its  sovereigns  extended  in  length,  from 
wjrrh  tc  south,  above  fifteen  hundred  miles  along  the 
Pa.;ific  Ocean.  Its  lireadth,  from  east  to  west,  was 
much  less  considerable  ;  being  uniformly  bounded  by 
the  vast  ridge  of  the  Andes,  stretching  from  its  one  ex- 
tremity to  the  other.  I'cru,  like  the  rest  of  the  New 
World,  was  originally  possessed  by  small  independent 
tribes,  differing  from  each  other  in  manners,  and  in 
their  forms  of  rude  policy.  All,  however,  were  so  little 
civilized,  that,  if  the  traditions  concerning  their  mode 
of  life,  preserved  among  their  descctidants,  deserve 
credit,  they  must  be  classed  among  the  most  unimproved 
savages  of  America.  Strangers  to  every  species  of 
cultivation  or  regular  industry,  without  any  fixed  resi- 
dence, and  unacquainted  with  those  sentiments  and  ob- 
ligations which  form  the  first  bonds  of  social  union, 
they  are  said  to  have  roamed  about  naked  in  the  forests, 
Wjth  which  the  country  was  then  covered,  more  like 
wild  beasts  than  like  men.  After  they  had  strnggled 
for  several  ages  with  the  hardships  and  calamities  which 
are  inevitable  in  such  a  state,  and  when  no  circumstance 
seemed  to  indicate  the  apjiroach  of  any  uncommon 
effort  towards  improvement,  wc  are  told  that  there  ap- 
jicarcd,  on  the  hanks  of  the  lake  Titiaca,  a  man  and 
woman  of  majestic  form,  clothed  in  decent  garments. 
They  declared  themselves  to  be  children  of  the  Sun, 
sent  by  their  beneficent  parent,  who  beheld  with  pity 
the  miseries  of  the  human  race,  to  instruct  and  to  re- 
claim them.  At  their  persuasion,  enforced  by  reve- 
rence for  the  divinity  in  whose  name  they  were  sup- 
j<osed  to  speak,  several  of  the  dispersed  savages  united 
tjgclKer,  and,  receiving  their  commands  as  herfxenly 
injunctions,  followed  them  to  Cuzco,  where  they  settled, 
and  began  to  lay  Ihe  foundations  of  a  city. 

Manco  (^apac  and  Mama  Ocollo,  for  such  were  the 
names  of  tliose  extraordinary  personages,  having  thus 
collided  some  wandering  tribes,  formed  that  social 
union  which,  by  multiplying  the  desires  and  uniting  the 
ellorts  of  the  human  species,  excites  industry  and  leads 
10  iinproveineiit.  Maiico  Capac  inslructed  the  men  in 
agriculture,  and  other  useful  arts.  Mama  Ocollo  taught 
Ihe  women  to  spin  and  to  weave.  Uy  ihe  labor  of  the 
«ne  sex,  sulisistencc  lircame  less  precarious  ;  by  that 
of  the  other,  life  w  as  rendered  aiore  comfortable.    After , 


Securing  the  objects  of  first  necessity  in  an  infant  state, 
by  providing  food,  raiment,  and  habitations  for  the  rude 
people  of  whom  he  took  charge,  Manco  Capac  turned 
his  attention  towards  introducing  such  laws  and  policy 
as  might  jierpetiiate  their  happiness.  By  his  institu- 
tions, which  shall  be  more  particularly  explained  here- 
after, the  various  relations  in  private  life  were  estab- 
lished, and  the  duties  resulting  from  them  prescribed 
with  such  propriety,  as  gradually  '"ormed  a  barbarous 
people  to  decency  of  manners.  In  public  administra- 
tion, the  functions  of  persons  in  authority  were  so  pre- 
cisely defined,  and  the  subordination  of  those  under 
their  jurisdiction  maintained  with  such  a  steady  hand, 
that  the  society  in  which  he  presided  soon  assumed  the 
aspect  of  a  regular  and  well  governed  state. 

Thus,  according  to  the  Indian  tradition,  was  founded 
the  empire  of  the  Incas  or  Lords  of  Peru.  At  first  its 
extent  was  small.  The  territory  of  Manco  Capac  did 
not  reach  above  eight  leagues  from  Cuzco.  But  within 
its  narrow  precincts  he  exercised  absolute  and  uncon- 
trolled authority.  His  successors,  as  their  dominions 
extended,  arrogated  a  similar  jurisdiction  over  the  new 
subjects  which  they  acquired  ;  the  despotism  of  Asia 
was  not  more  complete.  The  Incas  were  not  only 
obeyed  as  monarclis,  but  revered  as  divinities.  Their 
blood  was  held  lo  be  sacred,  and,  by  prohibiting  inter- 
marriages with  the  people,  was  never  contaminated  by 
mixing  with  that  of  any  other  race.  The  family,  thus 
Koparuted  from  the  rest  of  the  nation,  was  distinguished 
by  peculiarities  iu  dress  and  ornaments,  which  it  was 
unlawful  for  others  to  assume.  The  monarch  himself 
appeared  with  ensigns  of  royalty  reserved  for  him  alone; 
and  received  from  his  subjects  marks  of  obsequious 
homage  and  respect  which  approached  almost  to  adora- 
tion. 

But,  among  the  Peruvians,  this  unbounded  power  of 
their  monarch  seems  to  have  been  uniformly  accompa- 
nied with  attention  to  the  good  of  their  subjects.  It 
was  not  the  rage  of  conquest,  if  we  may  believe  the 
accounts  of  their  countrymen,  that  prompted  the  Incas 
to  extend  their  dominions,  but  the  desire  of  diffusing 
the  blessings  of  civilization,  and  the  knowledge  of  the 
arts  which  they  possessed,  among  the  barbarous  people 
whom  they  reduced.  During  a  succession  of  twelve 
monarchs,  it  is  said  that  not  one  deviated  from  this 
beneficent  character. 

When  the  Spaniards  first  visited  the  coast  of  Peru, 
in  the  year  one  thousand  five  hundred  and  twenty-six, 
Huaiia  Capac,  the  tw  elfth  monarch  from  the  founder  of 
the  state,  was  scatc'l  on  the  throne  He  is  represented 
as  a  prii!ce  distinguished  not  only  for  the  pacific  virtues 
peculiar  to  the  race,  but  eminent  for  bis  martial  talents. 
By  his  victorious  arms  the  kingdom  of  Quito  was  sub- 
jected, a  conquest  of  such  extent  and  importance  as 
almost  doubled  the  power  of  the  Peruvian  empire. 
He  was  fond  of  residing  in  the  capital  of  that  valuable 
province  which  he  had  added  to  Ins  dominions  ;  and 
notwithstanding  the  ancient  and  fundamental  law  of 
the  monarchy  against  polluting  the  royal  blood  by  any 
foreign  alliance,  he  married  ihe  daughter  of  the  van- 
quished monarch  of  Quito.  She  bore  him  a  son  named 
Atahualpa,  whom,  on  his  death  at  Quito,  which  seems 
to  have  happened  about  the  year  one  thousand  five 
hundred  and  twenty-nine,  he  appointed  his  successor  in 
that  kingdom,  leaving  the  rest  of  his  dominions  to  Hu- 
ascar,  his  eldest  son  by  another  of  the  royal  race. 
Greatly  as  the  Peruvians  revered  the  memory  of  a 
monarch  who  had  reigned  with  greater  rejiutation  and 
splendor  than  any  of  his  predecessors,  the  destination 
of  Iluana  Capac  concerning  the  succession  appeared  so 
repugnant  to  a  maxim  coeval  with  the  empire,  and 
founded  on  authority  deemed  sacred,  that  it  was  no 
sooner  known  at  Cuzco  than  it  excited  general  disgust. 
Encouraged  by  those  sentiments  of  his  subjects,  Huas- 
car  required  his  brother  to  renounce  the  government  of 
Quito,  and  to  acknowledge  him  as  his  lawful  superior. 
But  it  had  been  the  first  care  of  Atahualpa  to  gain  a 
large  body  of  troops  which  had  accompaiiied  his  father 
to  tjuito.  These  were  the  flower  of  the  Peruvian  war- 
riors, to  whose  valor  Iluana  Capac  had  been  indebted 
for  all  his  victories.  Relying  on  their  support,  Atahu- 
alpa first  eluded  his  brother's  demand,  and  then  marched 
against  him  in  hostile  array. 

Thus  the  amiiition  of  two  young  men,  the  title  of 
the  one  founded  on  ancient  usage,  and  that  of  the  other 
asserted  by  the  veteran  troops,  involved  Peru  in  a  civil 
war,  a  calamity  to  which,  under  a  succession  of  vir- 
tuous princes,  it  had  hilhcrto  been  a  stranger.  In  such 
a  contest  the  issue  was  obvious.  The  force  of  arms 
triumphed  over  tho  authority  of  laws.  Atahualpa  re- 
mained victorious,  and  made  a  cruel  use  of  his  victory. 
Conscious  of  tho  defect  in  his  own  title  lo  the  crown, 


he  attempted  to  exienninate  the  royal  race,  by  puttii>g 
to  death  all  the  children  of  the  Sun  descended  from 
-Manco  Capac,  whom  he  could  seize  either  by  force  or 
stratagem.  Prom  a  political  motive,  the  life  of  his  un 
fortunate  rival  Huascar,  who  had  been  taken  prisoner 
in  a  battle  which  decided  the  fa'e  of  the  empire,  v/at 
prolonged  for  some  time,  that  bv  issuing  orders  in  hia 
name,  the  usurper  might  more  easily  estabhsh  bis  own 
authority. 

When  Pizarro  landed  in  the  bay  of  St.  Matthew, 
this  civil  war  raged  between  the  two  brothers  in  il« 
greatest  fury.  Had  he  made  any  hostile  atteni)  t  in  hit 
former  visit  to  Peru,  in  the  year  one  thousand  five  hun 
dred  and  twenty-seven,  he  must  then  have  encou  itered 
the  force  of  a  powerful  state,  united  under  a  monareli 
possessed  of  capacity  as  well  as  courage,  and  unem- 
barrassed with  any  care  that  could  divert  him  from  op- 
posing his  progress.  But  at  this  time,  the  two  compe- 
titors, though  they  received  early  accounts  of  the  arri- 
val and  violent  proceedings  of  the  Spaniards,  were  so 
intent  upon  the  operations  of  a  war  which  they  deemed 
more  interesting,  that  they  paid  no  attention  lo  the 
motions  of  an  enemy,  too  inconsiderable  in  number  to 
excite  any  great  alarm,  aud  to  whom  it  would  be  easy, 
as  they  imagiiied,  lo  give  a  check  when  more  at  lei- 
sure. 

By  this  fortunate  coincidence  of  events,  whereof 
Pizarro  could  have  no  foresight,  and  of  which,  from  his 
defective  mode  of  intercourse  with  the  people  of  the 
country,  he  remained  long  ignorant,  he  was  permitted 
to  carry  on  his  operations  unmolested,  and  advanced 
to  the  centre  of  a  great  empire  before  one  effort  of  its 
power  was  exerted  to  slop  his  career.  During  their 
progress,  the  Spaniards  had  acquired  some  imperfect 
knowledge  of  this  struggle  between  the  two  contend- 
ing factions.  The  first  complete  information  with 
respect  to  it  they  received  from  messengers  whom  Hu- 
ascar sent  to  Pizarro  in  order  to  solicit  his  aid  against 
Atahualpa,  whom  he  represented  as  a  rebel  and  a  usur- 
per. Pizarro  perceived  at  once  the  importance  of  tie* 
intelligence,  and  foresaw  so  clearly  all  the  advantages 
which  might  be  derived  from  this  divided  state  of  the 
kingdom  which  !;e  had  invaded,  that  without  waiting 
for  the  reinforcement  which  he  expected  from  Panama, 
he  determined  to  jiush  forward,  while  intestine  discord 
put  it  out  of  the  power  of  the  Peruvians  to  attack  liim 
with  their  whole  force,  and  while,  by  taking  part,  a« 
circumstances  should  incline  him,  with  one  of  the  com- 
petitors, ho  might  be  enabled  with  greater  case  to  crush 
lioth.  Enterprising  as  the  Spaniards  of  that  age  were 
in  all  their  operations  against  Americans,  and  distin- 
guished as  Pizarro  was  among  his  countrymen  for  dar- 
ing courage,  we  can  hardly  suppose  that,  after  having 
proceeded  hitherto  slowly,  and  with  much  caution,  he 
would  have  changed  at  once  his  sy.stem  of  operation, 
and  have  ventured  upon  a  measure  so  hazardous,  with- 
out some  new  motive  or  prospect  to  justify  it. 

As  he  was  obliged  to  divide  his  troops,  in  order  to 
leave  a  garrison  in  St.  Michael,  sufficient  to  defend 
a  station  of  equal  importance  as  a  place  of  reireat 
in  case  of  any  disaster,  and  as  a  port  for  receiving 
any  supplies  which  should  come  from  Panama,  he  be- 
gan his  march  with  a  very  slender  and  ill-accoutred 
train  of  followers.  Thev  consisted  of  sixty-two  horse- 
men [128],  and  a  hundred  and  two  foot  soldiers,  of 
whom  twenty  were  armed  with  cross  bows,  and  three 
with  muskets.  He  directed  his  course  towards  Caxa 
inalca,  a  small  town  at  the  distance  of  twelve  days' 
march  from  St.  Michael,  where  .-\tahualpa  was  en- 
camped with  a  considerable  body  of  troops.  Before  he 
had  proceeded  far,  an  officer  despatched  bv  the  Inci 
met  him  with  a  valuable  present  from  that  prince,  ac 
companied  w  ith  a  proffer  of  his  alliance,  and  assurance* 
of  a  friendly  reception  at  Caxamaica  Pizarro,  accor 
ding  lo  the  usual  artifice  of  his  countrymen  in  Aine 
rica.  pretended  to  come  as  the  ambassador  of  a  ver) 
powerful  monarch,  and  declaring  that  he  was  now  ad- 
vancing with  an  intention  to  otfer  .\tahualpa  his  aid 
against  those  enemies  who  disputed  his  title  lo  the 
throne. 

As  the  object  of  the  Spaniards  in  entering  their 
country  was  altogether  incomprehensible  lo  ihe  Peru- 
vians, thev  had  formed  various  conjectures  coiiccrnina 
it  without  lieing  able  lo  decide  whether  they  should 
consider  their  new  guests  as  beings  of  a  superior  na- 
ture, who  had  visited  them  from  some  beneficent  mo- 
tive, or  as  formidable  avengers  of  their  cnincs,  and 
enemies  to  their  repose  and  liberty.  The  conlinua. 
professions  of  the  Spaniards,  that  they  came  lo  en- 
lighten them  with  the  knowledge  of  truth,  and  le*l 
them  in  the  way  of  happiness,  favored  the  former  opi 
nion  ;  the  outrages  which  ihcy  comniittsd,  their  rap«- 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


139 


eioujnesp  and  cruelty,  were  awful  confirmations  of  the 
latter.  AN'iiile  in  this  state  of  uncertainty,  Pizarro's 
declaration  of  his  pacific  intentions  so  far  removed  all 
the  Inca's  fears  thai  he  dt-  ermined  to  give  hi-n  a  friendly 
reception.  In  consequence  of  this  resolution,  tlie  Spa- 
niards were  allowed  to  march  in  tranijuillity  across 
the  sandy  desert  between  St.  Michael  and  Motupe, 
where  the  most  feeble  eflort  of  an  enemy,  added  to 
the  unavoidable  distresses  which  they  suffered  in  pass- 
in"  through  that  comfortless  region,  must  have  proved 
fatal  to  them.  [129]  From  Motupe  they  advanced 
towards  the  mountams  which  encompassed  the  low 
country  of  Peru,  and  passed  through  a  defile  so  narrow 
and  inaccessible,  that  a  few  men  might  have  defended 
it  against  a  numerous  army.  But  here  likewise,  from 
the  same  inconsiderate  credulity  of  the  Inca,  the  Spa- 
niards met  with  no  op[)Osition,  and  took  quiet  posses- 
sion of  a  fort  erected  lor  the  security  of  that  important 
station.  As  they  now  approached  near  to  Caxainalca, 
Atahnalpa  renewed  his  professions  of  friendship  ;  and, 
BR  an  evidence  of  their  sincerity,  sent  them  presents  of 
greater  value  than  the  former. 

On  entering  (Ja.xamalca,  Pizarro  took  possession  of 
a  large  court,  on  one  side  of  which  was  a  house  which 
the  Spanisli  historians  call  a  palace  of  the  Inca,  and  on 
the  other  a  teinjile  of  the  Sun,  the  whole  surrounded 
with  a  strong  rampart  or  wall  of  earth.  When  he  had 
posted  his  troops  in  this  advantageous  station,  he  des- 
patched his  brother  Ferdinand  and  Hernando  Soto  to 
the  camp  of  Atahualpa.  wliich  was  about  a  league  dis- 
tant from  the  town.  He  instructed  them  to  confirm  the 
declaration  which  ho  had  formerly  made  of  his  pacific 
disposition,  and  to  desire  an  interview  with  the  Inca, 
that  he  might  explain  more  fully  the  intention  of  the 
Spaniards  in  visiting  his  country.  They  were  treated 
with  all  the  respectful  hospitality  usual  among  the  Pe- 
rtiviaiis  in  the  reception  of  their  most  cordral  friends, 
end  Atahualpa  promised  tovisit  the  Spanish  conunander 
ne:tt  day  in  his  quarters.  The  decent  deportment  of 
the  Peruvian  inonajch,  the  order  of  his  court,  and  the 
reverence  with  which  his  subjects  approached  his  per- 
son and  obeyed  his  commands,  astonished  those  Spa- 
niards who  had  never  met  in  America  with  any  thing 
more  dignineu  than  the  petty  cazique  of  a  barbarous 
tribe.  But  their  eyes  were  still  powerfully  attracted 
by  the  vast  profusion  of  wealth  which  they  observed  in 
;he  Inca's  camp.  The  rich  ornaments  worn  by  him  and 
ais  attendants,  the  vessels  of  gold  and  silver  in  which 
the  repast  oflfered  to  them  was  served  up,  the  multitude 
)f  utensils  of  every  kind  formed  of  those  precious 
Jictals,  oiicncd  prospects  far  exceeding  any  idea  of 
ipulcnce  that  a  Europem  of  the  sizteenth  century  could 
brm. 

On  their  return  to  Caxamalca,  while  their  minds 
vera  yet  warm  with  admiration  and  desire  of  the  wealth 
.vliich  they  had  beheld,  they  gave  such  a  description  of 
t  to  their  countrymen  as  confirmed  Pizarro  in  a  reso- 
■ution  wliich  he  had  already  taken.  From  his  own  ob- 
servation of  American  manners  during  his  long  service 
in  the  New  World,  as  well  as  from  the  advantages 
which  Cortes  had  derived  from  seizing  Montezuma,  he 
knew  of  what  consequence  it  was  to  have  the  Inca  in 
his  power.  For  this  purpose,  he  formed  a  plan  as  daring 
as  It  was  perfidious.  Notwithstanding  the  characte'r 
that  he  had  assumed  of  an  ambassador  from  a  powerful 
monarch,  who  courted  an  alliance  with  the  Inca,  and 
in  violation  of  the  repeated  ofl'ers  which  he  had  made  to 
him  of  his  own  friendship  and  assistance,  he  <leteriniiied 
to  avail  himself  of  the  unsuspicious  simplicity  with 
which  Atahualpa  relied  on  his  professions,  and  to  seize 
the  person  of  the  Inca  during  the  interview  to  which  he 
had  mvitcd  him.  He  prepared  for  the  execution  of  his 
scheme  with  the  same  deliberate  arrangement,  and  with 
as  httle  compunction  as  if  it  had  reflected  no  disgrace 
on  himself  or  his  country.  He  divided  his  cavalry  into 
lliiee  small  squadrons,  under  the  command  of  his  bro- 
ther Ferdinand,  Soto,  and  Benalcazar ;  his  infantry 
Rcre  formed  in  one  body,  except  twenty  of  most  tried 
courage,  whom  he  kept  near  his  own  person  to  support 
him  m  the  dangeroLs  service,  which  he  reserved  for 
himself;  the  arullery,  consisting  of  two  field-pieces,  and 
•-he  cross  bowmen,  were  placed  opposite  to  the  avenue 
ny  which  Atahualpa  was  to  approach.  All  were  C04n- 
inamled  to  keep  within  the  square,  and  not  to  move 
uniilihe  signal  lori-clion  was  given. 

i-arly  in  the  morning  [Nov.  16],  the  Peruvian  camp 
was  ill  in  motion.  But  as  Atahualpa  was  solicitous  to 
appear  with  the  greatest  splendor  and  magnificence  in 
«>s  first  interview  with  the  strangers,  the  preparations 
)tr  this  were  so  icdious  that  the  day  was  far  advanced 
•-clore  he  began  his  march.  Even  then,  lest  the  order 
««  ..10  procetsiou  should  ha  deranged,  he  moved  so 


slowly,  that  the  Spaniards  became  impatient,  and  ap- 
prehensive that  some  suspicion  of  their  mteiitioii  might 
be  the  cause  of  this  delay.  In  order  to  remove  this, 
J'izarro  despatched  one  of  his  otTicers  with  fresh  assur- 
ances of  his  friendly  disposition.  At  length  tlie  Inca 
approached.  First  of  all  appeared  four  hundred  men, 
in  a  unilbrm  dress,  as  harbingers  to  clear  the  way  before 
him.  He  himself,  sitting  on  a  throne  or  couch  adorned 
with  plumes  of  various  colors,  and  almost  covered  with 
plates  of  gold  and  silver  enriched  with  precious  stones, 
was  carnsd  on  the  bhD'jlders  of  his  principal  attejid- 
ants.  Behind  liim  came  some  ckief  ofHcer*  of  his 
court,  carried  in  the  same  manner.  Several  bands  of 
singers  and  dancers  accompanied  this  cavalcade  ;  and 
the  whole  plain  was  covered  with  troops,  amounting  to 
more  than  thirty  thousand  men. 

As  the  Inca  drew  near  the  Spanish  quarters.  Father 
Vincent  Valverde,  chaplain  to  the  expedition,  advanced 
with  a  crucifix  in  one  hand,  and  a  breviary  in  the  other, 
and  in  a  long  discourse  explained  to  hmi  the  doctrine 
of  the  creation,  the  fall  of  Adam,  the  mcarnation,  the 
sufTerings  and  resurrection  of  Jesus  Christ,  the  appoint- 
ment of  St.  Peter  as  God's  vicegerent  on  earth,  the 
transmission  of  his  apostolic  power  by  succession  to  the 
Popes,  the  donation  made  to  the  King  of  Castile  by 
Pope  Alexander  of  all  the  regions  of  the  New  World. 
In  consequence  of  all  this,  he  required  Atahualpa  to 
embrace  the  Christian  faith,  to  acknowledge  the  su- 
preme jurisdiction  of  the  Pope,  and  to  submit  to  the 
King  of  Castile  as  his  lawful  sovereign  ;  promising,  if 
he  complied  instantly  with  this  requisition,  that  the 
Castilian  monarch  would  protect  his  dominions,  and 
permit  him  to  continue  in  the  cxcicisc  of  his  royal  au- 
thority ;  but  if  he  should  impiously  refuse  to  obey  this 
summons,  he  denounced  war  against  him  in  his  mas- 
ter's name,  and  threatened  him  with  the  most  dreadful 
eH'ects  of  his  vengeance. 

This  strange  harangue,  unfolding  deep  mysteries, 
and  alluding  to  unknown  facts,  of  which  no  power  of 
eloquence  could  have  conveyed  at  once  a  distinct  idc-i 
to  an  American,  was  so  lamely  translated  by  an  unskilful 
interpreter,  little  acquainted  with  the  idiom  of  the  Spa- 
nish tongue,  and  incapable  of  exjiressmg  himself  with 
propriety  in  the  language  of  the  Inca,  that  its  general 
tenor  was  altogether  incomprehensible  to  Atahualpa. 
Some  parts  in  it,  of  more  obvious  meaning,  fiU^j'l  him 
with  astonishment  and  indignation.  His  reply,  how- 
ever, was  temperate.  He  began  with  observing,  that 
he  was  lord  of  the  dominions  over  which  he  reigned  by 
hereditary  succession  ;  and  added,  that  he  could  not 
conceive  how  a  foreign  priest  should  pretend  to  dispose 
of  territories  which  did  not  belong  to  him  ;  that  if  such 
a  preposterous  grant  had  been  made,  he,  who  was  the 
rightful  jiossessor,  refused  to  confirm  it ;  that  he  had  no 
inclination  to  renounce  the  religiojs  institutions  esta- 
blished by  his  ancestors  ;  nor  would  he  forsake  the  ser- 
vice of  the  Sun,  the  immortal  divinity  whom  he  and 
his  people  revered,  in  order  to  worship  the  God  of  the 
Spaniards,  who  was  subject  to  death  ;  that  with  respect 
to  other  matters  contained  in  his  discourse,  as  ho  had 
never  heard  of  them  before,  and  did  now  understand 
their  meaning,  he  desired  to  know  where  the  priest  had 
learned  things  so  extraordinary.  "  In  this  book," 
answered  Valverde,  reaching  out  to  him  his  breviary. 
The  Inca  opened  it  eagerly,  and,  turning  over  the 
leaves,  lifted  it  to  his  ear  ;  "  This,"  says  he,  "  is  silent ; 
ii  tells  me  nothing;"  and  threw  it  with  disdain  to  the 
ground.  The  enraged  monk,  running  towards  his  coun- 
trymen, cried  out,  "  To  arms.  Christians,  to  arms  ;  the 
word  of  God  is  insulted  ;  avenge  this  profanation  on 
those  impious  dogs."  [130] 

Pizarro,  who,  during  this  long  conference,  had  with 
difficulty  restrained  his  soldiers,  eager  to  seize  the  rich 
spoils  of  which  they  had  now  so  near  a  view,  immedi- 
ately gave  the  signal  of  assault.  At  once  the  martial 
music  struck  up,  the  cannon  and  muskets  began  to  fire, 
the  horse  sallied  out  fiercely  to  the  charge,  ttie  infantry 
rushed  on  sword  in  hand.  The  Peruvians,  astonished 
at  the  suddenness  of  an  attack  which  they  did  not  ex- 
pect, and  dismayed  with  the  destructive  effect  of  the 
fire-arms,  and  the  irresistible  impression  of  the  cavalry, 
fleil  with  universal  consternation  on  every  side,  without 
attempting  either  to  dnnoy  the  enemy,  or  to  defend 
themselves.  Pizarro,  at  the  head  of  his  chosen  baud, 
advanced  directly  towards  the  Inca  ;  and  though  his 
nobles  crowded  around  him  with  officious  zeal,  and 
fell  in  numbers  at  his  feet,  while  they  vied  one  with 
another  in  sacrificing  their  own  lives,  that  they  might 
cover  the  sacred  [lerson  of  their  sovereign,  the  Spa- 
niards soon  penetrated  to  the  royal  seat;  and  Pizairo, 
seizing  the  Inca  by  the  arm,  dragged  him  to  the  ground, 
and  earned  him  as  a  prisoner  to  his  quarters.  The  fate 


of  the  monarch  increased  the  [irecipitate  light  of  his 
followers.  The  Spaniards  pursued  them  towaids  every 
quarter,  and  wilh  deliberate  and  uiirelenliiig  barbarity 
continued  to  slaughter  wretched  fugitives,  who  never 
once  offered  to  resi'it.  The  carnage  did  not  cease  un- 
til the  close  of  day.  Above  lour  thousand  Peruviain 
were  killed.  Net  a  single  Spaniard  fell,  nor  was  one 
wounded  but  Pizarro  himself,  whose  hand  was  slightll 
hurt  by  one  o(  Lis  own  soldiers,  while  struggling  eagerly 
to  lay  hold  on  the  Inca.  [131] 

The  plunder  of  the  field  was  rich  beyond  any  idea 
which  the  .Spaniards  had  yet  formed  concerning  the 
wealth  of  Peru  ;  and  they  were  so  transported  witti  the 
value  of  the  accpusition,  as  well  as  tlie  greatness  ol 
their  success,  that  Ihcy  passed  the  night  m  the  extrava- 
gant exultation  natural  to  indigent  adventurers  on  such 
an  extraordinary  change  of  fortune. 

At  first  the  captive  monarch  could  hardly  believe  a 
calamiiy  which  he  so  little  expected  to  be  real.  But 
he  soon  felt  all  the  misery  of  his  fate,  and  the  dejection 
into  which  lie  sunk  was  iii  pro|iortioii  to  the  height  of 
grandeur  from  v>'hich  he  had  fallen.  Pizarro,  afraid  of 
losing  all  the  advantages  which  he  hoped  to  derive  from 
the  possession  of  such  a  prisoner,  labored  to  console 
him  with  professions  of  kindness  and  rei()ect,  that  cor- 
respoiidi'd  ill  with  his  actions.  By  residing  among  the 
Spaniards,  the  Inca  quickly  discovered  their  ruling 
passion,  which  indeed  they  were  in  nowise  solicitous  to 
conceal,  and,  by  apjilying  to  tl\at,  made  an  attempt  to 
recover  his  lilierty.  He  ofTerea  as  a  ransom  what  as- 
tonished the  .S|)aniards,  even  after  all  they  now  knew 
concerniiig  the  ojjulence  of  his  kingdom.  The  apart- 
ment in  which  he  was  confined  was  tw(!nty-two  feet  in 
length  and  sixteen  in  breadth  ;  he  undertook  to  fill  it  ■ 
with  vessels  of  gold  as  high  as  he  could  reach.  Pizarro 
closed  eagerly  with  this  tempting  proposal,  and  a  line 
was  drawn  upon  t!;e  walls  of  the  chamber,  to  mark  itie 
stipulated  height  to  which  the  treasure  was  to  rise. 

Atah-ilpa,  transoortid  with  having  obtained  some 
prosjit^;  ?f  libercv,  oi*  measures  instantly  for  fulfiiimg 
his  part  of  the  agreement,  by  sending  messengers  to 
Cuzco,  Quito,  and  other  places,  where  gold  had  been 
amassed  in  largest  quantities,  either  for  adorning  the 
temples  of  the  gods,  or  the  houses  of  the  Inca,  to  bring 
what  was  necessary  for  completing  his  ransom  directly 
10  Caxamalca.  Though  Atahualpa  was  now  in  the 
custody  of  his  enemies,  yet  so  much  were  the  Peruviana 
accustomed  to  respect  every  mandate  issued  by  their 
sovereign,  that  his  orders  were  executed  with  the  ijreat 
est  alacrity.  Soothed  with  hopes  of  recovering  his 
liberty  by  this  means,  the  subjects  of  the  Inca  wore 
afraid  of  endangering  his  life  by  forming  any  other 
scheiT.e  for  his  relief  ;  and  though  the  force  of  the  ein 
pire  was  still  entire,  no  preparations  were  made,  and 
no  army  assembled  to  avenge  their  own  wrongs  or  those 
of  their  monarch.  The  Spaniards  remained  in  Caxa 
malca  tranquil  and  unmolested.  Small  detachment'j 
of  their  number  marched  into  remote  provinces  of  tha 
empire,  and,  instead  of  meeting  with  any  opposition, 
were  every  where  received  witti  marks  of  the  mosl 
submissive  respect.  [132] 

Inconsiderable  as  those  parties  were,  and  desirous  as 
Pizarro  might  be  to  obtain  some  knowledge  of  the  in- 
terior state  of  the  country,  he  could  not  have  ventured 
upon  any  diminution  of  his  mam  body,  if  he  had  not 
about  this  time  [Ueceinber,]  received  an  account  of 
Almagro's  having  landed  at  St.  Mrchae.  with  such  a 
rciufbrcement  as  would  almost  double  the  number  ol 
his  followers.  The  arrival  of  this  long  expected  suc- 
cour was  not  more  agreeable  to  the  Spaniards  than 
alarming  to  the  Inca.  He  saw  the  power  of  his 
enemies  increase  ;  and  as  ho  knew  neither  the  source 
whence  they  derived  their  supfilies,  nor  the  means  by 
which  they  were  conveyed  to  Peru,  he  could  not  fore- 
see to  what  a  height  the  inundation  that  pouri  d  m  upot 
his  dominions  might  rise  [1533].  Wliile  disquieted 
with  such  apprehensions,  he  learned  that  some  .Spa- 
niards, in  their  way  to  Cuzco,  had  visited  his  brother 
Iluascar  in  the  place  where  he  kept  hiin  confined,  and 
that  the  captive  prince  had  represented  to  tt.em  ths 
justice  of  his  own  cause,  and,  as  an  inducement  to 
espouse  it,  had  promised  them  a  quantity  of  treasure 
greatly  bevond  that  which  .Vtahualpa  had  engaged  to 
pay  for  his  ransom.  If  the  Spaniards  should  listen  to 
this  proposal.  Atahualpa  ])erceived  his  own  destruction 
to  be  inevitable  ;  and  suspecting  that  their  insatiable 
thirst  for  gold  would  tempt  them  to  lend  a  favorable 
ear  to  it,  he  determined  to  sacrifice  his  brother's  lifo 
that  he  might  save  his  own  ;  £nd  his  orders  for  this 
purpose  were  executed,  like  ail  his  other  cominanria. 
with  scrupulous  punctuality. 

Meanwhile,  Indians  daily  arrived  at  Caxamalca  (torn 


140 


ROBEKTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


diflerent  par  .8  of  the  kinijdom,  loaded  with  treasure. 
A  gre-it  part  of  the  stipulated  quantity  was  now 
•tnas^>(■d,  and  Ataliiiaipa  assured  liie  .Spaiiiurds  that  tlic 
onlv  ttuiig  wliieli  prevented  the  whole  from  being 
"rxouuht  in,  was  the  remoteness  of  the  provinces  where 
/t  was  deposited.  Hut  such  vast  piles  of  gold  pre- 
sented continually  to  the  view  of  needy  soldiers,  had 
so  infiained  their  avarice,  that  it  was  impossible  any 
lor.gftr  to  restrain  their  impatience  to  obtain  possession 
of  this  rich  booty.  Orders  were  given  for  melting 
(iown  the  whole,  except  some  pieces  of  curious  fabric 
reserved  as  a  present  for  the  emperor.  After  setting 
apart  the  fifth  due  to  the  crown,  and  a  hundred  thou- 
sand pesos  as  a  donative  to  the  soldiers  which  arrived 
with  Alinagro,  there  remained  one  million  live  hundred 
and  twenty-eight  thousand  five  hundred  pesos  to 
Pizarro  and  his  followers.  The  festival  of  St.  James 
[July  the  patron  saint  of  Spain,  was  the  day  cho- 
sen for  the  partition  of  this  enormous  sum,  and  the 
manner  of  conducting  it  strongly  marks  the  strange 
alliance  of  fanaticism  with  avarice,  which  I  have  more 
than  once  had  occasion  to  point  out  as  a  striking  fea- 
ture in  the  character  of  the  conquerors  of  the  New 
World.  Though  assembled  to  divide  the  spoils  of  an 
innocent  people,  procured  by  deceit,  extortion,  and 
cruelty,  the  transaction  began  with  a  solemn  invocation 
of  the  name  of  God,  as  if  they  could  have  expected  the 
guidance  of  heaven  in  distributing  those  wages  of 
iniquity.  In  this  division  above  eight  thousand  pesos, 
at  that  time  not  inferior  in  ell'cctive  value  to  as  many 
pounds  sterling  in  the  present  century,  fell  to  the  share 
of  each  horseman,  and  half  that  sum  to  each  foot 
eoldier.  Pizarro  himself,  and  his  olJicers,  received 
dividends  in  proportion  to  the  dignity  of  their  rank. 

There  is  no  example  in  history  of  such  a  sudden 
acquisition  of  wealth  by  military  service,  nor  was  ever 
B  sum  so  great  divided  among  so  small  a  number  of 
soldiers.  Many  of  them  having  received  a  recompense 
for  their  services  far  beyond  their  most  sanguine  hopes, 
were  so  impatient  to  retire  from  fatigue  and  danger,  in 
Order  to  spend  the  remainder  of  their  days  in  their  na- 
tive country  in  case  and  opulence,  that  they  demanded 
thsir  discharge  with  clamorous  importunity.  Pizarro, 
•onsible  that  from  such  men  he  could  expect  neither 
entcr[)rise  in  action  nor  fortitude  in  sutiering,  and  per- 
suaded that  wherever  they  went  the  disjilay  of  their 
riches  would  allure  adventurers,  less  opulent  but  more 
baidy,  to  his  standard,  granted  their  suit  without  reluct- 
ance, and  permitted  above  sixty  of  them  to  accompany 
Kis  brother  I't-rdinand,  whom  he  sent  to  Spain  with  an 
account  of  his  success,  and  the  present  destined  for 
the  emperor. 

The  Sj'aniards  having  divided  among  them  the  trea- 
sure amassed  for  the  Inca's  ransom,  he  insisted  with 
them  to  fulfil  their  promise  of  setting  him  at  liberty. 
Hut  nothing  was  further  from  Pizarro's  thoughts. 
During  his  long  service  in  the  New  World,  he  had 
imbibed  those  ideas  and  maxims  of  his  fellow-soldiers, 
which  led  them  to  consider  its  inhabitants  as  an  in- 
ferior race,  neither  worthy  of  the  name,  nor  entitled  to 
the  rights  of  men.  In  his  compact  with  Atahualpa,  he 
had  no  other  object  than  to  amuse  his  captive  with  such 
a  prospect  of  recovering  his  liberty,  as  might  induce 
him  to  lend  all  the  aid  of  his  authority  towards  collect- 
ing the  wealth  of  his  kingdom.  Having  now  accom- 
plished thi.-i,  he  no  longer  regarded  his  plighted  faith  ; 
aiid  at  the  very  time  when  the  credulous  prince  hoped 
10  be  replaced  on  his  throne,  he  had  secretly  resolved 
to  bereave  him  of  life.  Many  circumstances  seem  to 
have  concurred  in  prompting  him  to  this  action,  the 
most  criminal  and  atrocious  that  stains  the  Spanish 
name,  amidst  all  the  deeds  of  violence  committed  in 
carrying  on  the  conquests  of  the  New  World. 

'Chough  Pizarro  had  seized  the  Inca  in  imitation  of 
Cortcs's  conduct  towards  the  Mexican  monarch,  he  did 
not  |iosses8  talents  for  carrying  on  the  same  artful  plan 
of  policy.  Destitute  of  the  temper  and  address  rc- 
quiRile  for  gaining  the  confidence  of  his  prisoner,  he 
never  reaped  all  the  advantages  which  might  have  been 
deprived  from  being  master  of  his  person  and  authority. 
Atahualpa  was,  indi'cd,  a  ))rince  of  greater  abilities  and 
di.icernment  than  Montezuma,  and  seems  to  have  pene- 
tiatcd'  nioi-e  thoroughly  into  the  character  and  inten- 
tions of  the  Spaniards.  Mutual  suspicion  and  distrust 
scc<.rdiiii.'lv  look  place  between  them.  The  strict 
attention  with  which  it  was  necessary  to  guard  a  cap- 
tive of  such  importance,  greatly  increased  the  fatigue 
of  military  duty.  The  utility  of  keeping  him  appeared 
inciinsiilerable  ;  and  I'izarro  felt  hiin  as  an  encum- 
braiKP,  from  which  he  wished  to  be  delivered. 

Aliiiugro  and  hii  followers  had  made  a  demand  of 
•u  r^uul  share  in  iho  Inch's  ransom  ;  and  though 


Pizarro  had  bestowed  upon  the  jirivate  men  the  large 
gratuity  which  I  have  mentioned,  and  endeavored  to 
soothe  their  leader  by  presents  of  great  value,  they 
still  continued  dissatisfied.  'I'hey  were  apprehensive, 
that  as  long  as  Atahualpa  remained  a  prisoner,  Pizarro's 
soldiers  would  apply  whatever  treasure  should  be  ac- 
quired, to  make  up  what  was  wanting  of  the  quantity 
stipulated  for  his  ransom,  and  under  that  pretext  ex- 
clude them  from  any  part  of  it.  They  insisted  eagerly 
on  putting  the  Inca  to  death,  that  all  the  adventurers 
in  Peru  might  thereafter  be  on  an  equal  footing. 

Pizarro  himself  began  to  be  alarmed  with  accounts 
of  forces  assembling  in  the  remote  provinces  of  the 
empire,  and  suspected  Atahualpa  of  having  issued  or- 
ders for  that  purpose.  These  fears  and  suspicions 
were  artfully  increased  by  Pliilippillo,  one  of  the  In- 
dians, whom  Pizarro  had  carried  otf  from  Tumbez  in 
the  year  one  thousand  five  hundred  and  twenty-seven, 
and  whom  he  employed  as  an  interpreter.  The  func- 
tion which  he  performed  admitting  this  man  to  familiar 
intercourse  with  the  captive  monarch,  he  presumed, 
notvrfithstanding  the  meanness  of  his  birth,  to  raise  his 
alfections  to  a  Coya,  or  descendant  of  the  Sun,  one  of 
Atahualpa 's  wives  ;  and  seeing  no  prospect  of  gratify- 
ing that  passion  during  the  hfe  of  the  monarch,  he  en- 
deavored to  fill  the  ears  of  the  Spaniards  with  such 
accounts  of  the  Inca's  secret  designs  and  preparations, 
as  might  awaken  their  jealousy,  and  excite  them  to  cut 
him  otf. 

While  Almagro  and  his  followers  openly  demanded 
the  life  of  the  Inca,  and  Philippillo  labored  to  ruin  hiin 
by  private  machinations,  that  unhappy  prince  inadvert- 
ently contributed  to  hasten  his  own  fate.  During  his 
confinement  he  had  attached  himself  with  peculiar 
affection  to  Ferdinand  Pizarro  and  Hernando  Soto  ; 
who,  as  they  were  persons  of  birth  and  education 
superior  to  the  rough  adventurers  with  whom  they 
served,  were  accustomed  to  behave  with  more  decency 
and  attention  to  the  captive  monarch.  Soothed  with 
this  respect  from  persons  of  such  high  rank,  he  de- 
lighted in  their  society.  But  in  the  presence  of  the 
governor  he  was  always  uneasy  and  overawed.  This 
dread  soon  came  to  be  mingled  with  contempt.  Among 
all  the  European  arts,  what  he  admired  most  was  that 
of  reading  and  writing  ;  and  he  long  deliberated  with 
himself,  whether  ho  should  regard  it  as  a  natural  or  ac- 
quired talent.  In  order  to  determine  this,  he  desired 
one  of  the  soldiers,  who  guarded  him,  to  write  t'le 
name  of  God  on  the  nail  of  his  thumb.  This  he 
showed  successively  to  several  Spaniards,  asking  its 
meaning  ;  and  to  his  amazemeent,  they  all,  without 
hesitation,  returned  the  same  answer.  At  length 
Pizarro  entered  ;  and,  on  presenting  it  to  him,  he 
blushed,  and  with  some  confusion  was  obliged  to  ac- 
knowledge his  ignorance.  From  that  moment  Atahu- 
aljia  considered  him  as  a  mean  person  less  instructid 
than  his  own  soldiers  ;  and  he  had  not  address  enough 
to  conceal  the  sentiments  with  which  ihis  discovery 
inspired  him.  To  be  the  object  of  a  barbarian's  scorn, 
not  only  mortified  the  pride  of  Pizarro,  but  excited 
such  resentment  in  his  breast,  as  added  force  to  all  the 
other  considerations  which  jjromptcd  him  to  put  the 
Inca  to  death. 

But  in  order  to  give  some  color  of  justice  to  this 
violent  action,  and  that  he  himself  might  be  exempted 
from  standing  singly  responsible  for  the  commission  of 
It,  Pizarro  resolved  to  try  the  Inca  with  all  the  formali- 
ties observed  in  the  criminal  courts  of  Spain.  Pizarr'o 
himself,  and  Almagro,  with  two  assistants,  were  ap- 
pointed judges,  with  full  power  to  acquit  or  to  con- 
demn ;  an  attorney-general  was  named  to  carry  on  the 
prosecution  in  the  king's  name  ;  counsellors  were  cho- 
sen to  assist  the  prisoner  in  his  defence  ;  and  clerks 
were  ordained  to  record  the  proceedings  of  court. 
Before  this  strange  tribunal,  a  charge  was  exhibited 
still  more  amazing  It  con.-iisted  of  various  articles  ; 
that  .\tahualpa,  though  a  bastard,  had  dispossessed  the 
rightful  owner  of  tiio  throne,  and  usurped  the  regal 
power ;  that  he  had  put  his  brother  and  lawful  sove- 
reign to  death  ;  that  he  was  an  idolater,  and  had  not 
only  permitted  but  commanded  the  offering  of  human 
sacrifices  ;  that  he  had  a  great  number  of  concubines  ; 
that  since  his  imprisonment  he  had  wasted  and  embez- 
zled the  royal  treasures,  which  now  belonged  of  right 
to  the  conipierors  ;  that  he  had  incited  his  subjects  to 
take  arms  against  the  Spaniards.  On  these  beads  of  | 
accusation,  some  of  which  are  so  ludicrous,  others  so  j 
absurd,  that  the  ell'ronlery  of  Pizarro,  in  making  them 
the  foundation  of  a  serious  procedure,  is  not  less  s'jr- 
prising  than  his  injusliec,  did  this  strange  court  go  on  to 
try  the  sovereign  of  a  great  empire,  over  whom  it  had  I 
no  jurisdiction.    With  respect  to  each  of  the  articles, ' 


witnesses  were  examined  ;  but  as  they  delivered  ihelt 
evidence  in  their  native  tongue,  Philippillo  had  it  in  his 
power  to  give  their  words  whatever  turn  best  suited 
his  malevolent  intentions.  To  judges  pre-detcrnuned 
in  their  opinion,  this  evidence  appeared  sufficient. 
They  pronounced  Atahualpa  guilty,  and  condemned 
him  to  be  burnt  alive.  Friar  Valverde  prostituted  the 
authority  of  his  sacred  function  to  confirm  this  sen- 
tence, and  by  his  signature  warranted  it  to  be  just. 
Astonished  at  his  fate  Atahualpa  endeavored  to  aveit 
it  by  tears,  by  promises,  and  by  entreaties  that  he 
might  be  sent  to  Spain,  where  a  monarch  would  be  the 
arbiter  of  his  lot.  But  pity  never  touched  the  unfeel- 
ing heart  of  Pizarro.  He  ordered  him  to  be  led  in- 
stantly to  execution  ■,  and  what  added  to  the  bitterness 
of  his  last  moments,  the  same  monk  who  had  just  rati- 
fied his  doom,  offered  to  console  and  attempted  to  con- 
vert him.  The  most  powerful  argument  Valverde  em- 
ployed to  prevail  with  him  to  embrace  the  Chiistian 
faith,  was  a  promise  of  mitigation  in  his  punishment. 
The  dread  of  a  cruel  death  extorted  from  the  trembhng 
victim  a  desire  of  receiving  baptism.  The  ceremoiijf 
was  performed  ;  and  Atahualpa,  instead  of  being  burnt, 
was  strangled  at  the  slake. 

Happily  for  the  credit  of  the  Spanish  nation,  cveo 
among  the  profligate  adventurers  which  it  sent  forth  to 
conquer  and  desolate  the  New  World,  there  were  per- 
sons who  retained  some  tincture  of  ihe  Castilian  gen^ 
rosity  and  honor.  Though,  before  the  trial  of  Atahualpa, 
Ferdinand  Pizarro  had  set  out  for  S|>ain,  and  Soto  was 
sent  on  a  separate  command  at  a  distance  from  Caxa- 
malca,  this  odious  transaction  was  not  carried  on  with- 
out censure  and  opposition.  Several  officers,  and 
among  those  some  of  the  greatest  reputation  and  most 
respectable  families  in  the  service,  not  only  remonstra- 
ted but  protested  against  this  measure  of  their  general, 
as  disgraceful  to  their  country,  as  repugnant  to  every 
maxim  of  equity,  as  a  violation  of  public  faith,  and  a 
usurpation  of  jurisdiction  over  an  independent  monarch, 
to  which  they  had  no  title.  But  thSir  laudable  endea- 
vors were  vain.  Numbers,  and  the  opinion  of  such  *• 
held  every  thing  to  be  lawful  which  they  deemed  advan* 
tageous,  prevailed.  History,  however,  records  even 
the  unsuccessful  exertions  of  virtue  with  applause;  and 
the  Spanish  writers,  in  relating  events  where  the  valor 
of  their  nation  is  more  conspicuous  than  its  humanity, 
have  not  failed  to  preserve  the  names  of  those  who 
made  this  laudable  effort  to  save  their  country  from  tb^ 
infamy  of  having  perpetrated  such  a  crime. 

On  the  death  of  Atahualpa,  Pizarro  invested  one  ol 
his  sons  with  the  ensigns  of  royalty,  hoping  that  a 
young  man  without  experience  might  prove  a  more  pas- 
sive instrument  in  his  hands  than  an  air.bitious  monarch, 
who  had  been  accustomed  to  independent  command. 
The  people  of  Cuzco,  and  the  adjacent  country,  ac- 
knowledged Manco  Capac,  a  brother  of  Huascar,  as 
Inca.  But  neither  possessed  the  authority  which  bo- 
longed  to  a  sovereign  of  Peru.  The  violent  convul- 
sions into  which  the  empire  had  been  thrown,  first  bjr 
the  civil  war  between  the  two  brothers,  and  then  by  the 
invasion  of  the  Spaniards,  had  not  only  deranged  the 
order  of  the  Peruvian  government,  but  almost  dissolved 
its  frame.  When  they  beheld  their  monarch  a  captive 
in  the  power  of  strangers,  and  at  last  suffering  an  igno- 
minious death,  the  people  in  several  provinces,  as  if 
they  had  been  set  free  from  every  restraint  of  law  and 
decencv,  broke  out  into  the  most  licentious  excesses. 
So  many  descendants  of  the  Sun,  after  being  treated 
with  the  utmost  mdignitv,  had  been  cut  oH"  by  Atahu- 
alpa, that  not  only  their  influence  in  the  state  diminish- 
ed with  their  number,  but  the  accustomed  reverence 
for  that  sacred  race  sensibly  decreased.  In  consequence 
of  this  state  of  things,  ambitious  men  in  different  parts 
of  the  empire  asjiired  to  independent  authority,  and 
usurped  jurisdiction  to  which  they  had  no  title.  Th* 
general  who  commanded  Ibr  Atahualjia  in  Quito,  seized 
the  brother  and  children  of  his  master,  put  them  to  a 
cruel  death,  and,  disclaiiiiiiig  any  connection  with  eithei 
Inca,  endeavored  to  established  u  separate  kingdom  foi 
himself. 

The  Spaniards  with  pleasure  beheld  the  spirit  of  dis-' 
cord  diffusing  itself,  and  the  vigor  of  governmciil  re- 
laxing among  Ihe  I'eruvians.  Tlicy  considered  lliosa 
disorders  as  svniptoms  of  a  state  hastening  towards  its 
dissolution.  Pizarro  no  longer  hesitated  to  advance 
towards  Cuzco,  and  he  had  received  such  considerable 
reinforcements,  that  he  could  renture,  with  little  dan- 
ger, to  penetrate  so  far  into  the  interior  part  of  iImj 
country.  The  account  rf  the  wealth  acquired  at  C»\a- 
malca  operated  as  he  had  foreseen.  No  sooner  did  his 
brother  Ferdinind,  with  the  officers  and  soldiers  to 
whom  he  had  given  their  discharije  ailot  the  |>arti(iot 


SOUTH  AMERICA, 


141 


of  tho  Inca's  ransom,  arrive  at  Panama,  and  display 
ifaeir  riches  in  the  view  of  their  astonished  countrymen, 
Jtian  fame  spread  the  account  with  such  exaggeration 
through  all  the  Spanish  settlements  on  the  South  Sea, 
that  the  governors  of  Guatimala,  Panama,  and  Nicara- 
gua, could  hardly  restrain  the  people  under  their  juris- 
diction, from  ahandoning  their  possessions,  and  crowd- 
ini'  to  tiiat  inexhaustible  source  of  wealth  which  seem- 
ed to  be  opened  in  Peru.  In  spite  of  every  check  and 
leoulalion,  such  numbers  resorted  thither,  that  Pizarro 
began  his  march  at  the  head  of  five  hundred  men,  after 
leaving  a  considerable  garrison  in  St  Michael,  under 
the  command  of  Bcnalcazar.  The  Peruvians  had  as- 
sembled some  large  bodies  of  troops  to  oppose  his  pro- 
gress. Several  fierce  encounters  happened.  But  they 
terminated  like  all  tho  actions  in  America  ;  a  few  Spa- 
niards were  killed  or  wounded  ;  the  natives  were  put 
to  flight  with  incredible  slaughter.  At  length  Pizarro 
forced  his  way  to  Cuzco,  and  took  quiet  possession  of 
that  capital.  The  riches  found  there,  even  after  all 
that  the  natives  had  carried  ofT  and  concealed,  either 
from  a  superstitious  veneration  for  the  ornaments  of 
their  temples,  or  out  of  hatred  to  their  rapacious  con- 
queiors,  exceed  in  value  what  had  been  received  as 
Atahualpa's  ransom.  But  as  the  Spaniards  were  now 
accustomed  to  the  wealth  of  the  country,  and  it  came 
to  be  parcelled  out  among  a  great  number  of  adven- 
turers, this  dividend  did  not  excite  the  same  surprise, 
cither  from  novelty,  or  the  largeness  of  the  sum  that 
fell  to  the  share  of  each  individual.  [133] 

During  the  march  to  Cuzco,  that  son  of  Atahualpa 
whom  Pizarro  treated  as  Inca,  died  ;  and  as  the  Spa- 
niards substituted  no  person  in  his  place,  tlie  title  of 
Manco  Capac  seems  to  have  been  universally  recog- 
nised. 

While  his  fellow-soldiers  were  thus  employed,  Bcnal- 
cazar, governor  of  St.  Michael,  an  able  and  enterprisir.g 
officer,  was  ashamed  of  remaining  inactive,  and  impa- 
tient to  have  his  name  distinguished  among  the  disco- 
verers and  conquerors  of  the  New  World.  The  sea- 
sonable arrival  of  a  fresh  bodv  of  recruits  from  Panama 
and  Nicaragua  put  it  in  his  power  to  gratify  this  pas- 
sion. Leaving  a  sufficient  force  to  protect  the  infant 
settlement  intrusted  to  his  care,  he  placed  himself  at 
the  head  of  the  rest,  acd  set  out  to  attempt  the  reduc- 
tion o(  Quito,  where,  according  to  the  report  of  the  na- 
tives, Atahualpa  had  left  the  greatest  part  of  his  trea 
sure.  Notwithstanding  the  distance  of  that  city  from 
St.  Michael,  the  difficulty  of  marching  through  a  moun- 
tainous country  covered  with  woods,  and  the  frequent 
and  fierce  attacks  of  the  best  troops  in  Peru  commanded 
by  a  skilful  leader,  the  valor,  good  conduct,  and  perse- 
verance of  Benalcazar  surmounted  everv  obstacle,  and 
he  entered  Quito  with  his  victorious  troops.  But  they 
met  with  a  cruel  mortification  there.  The  natives  now 
acquainted  to  their  sorrow  with  the  predominant  pas- 
sion of  their  invaders,  and  knovving  how  to  disappoint 
It,  had  carried  otf  all  those  treasures,  the  prospect  of 
wiuch  had  prompted  them  to  undertake  this  arduous 
expedition,  and  had  supported  them  under  all  the  dan- 
gers and  hardships  wherewith  they  had  to  struggle  in 
carrying  it  on. 

Benalcazar  was  not  the  only  Spanish  leader  who 
attacked  the  kingdom  of  Quito.  The  fame  of  its 
riches  attracted  a  more  powerful  enemy.  Pedro  de 
Alvarado,  who  had  distinguished  himself  so  eminently 
in  the  conquest  of  Mexico,  having  obtained  the  govern- 
ment of  Guatimala  as  a  recompense  for  his  valor,  soon 
became  disgusted  with  a  life  of  uniform  tranquillity,  and 
longed  to  be  again  engaged  in  the  bustle  of  military 
service.  The  glory  and  wealth  acquired  by  the  con- 
querors of  Peru  heightened  this  passion,  and  gave  it 
a  determined  direction.  Believing,  or  pretending  to 
believe,  that  the  kingdom  of  Quito  did  not  lie  wTthin 
the  limits  of  the  province  allotted  to  Pizarro,  he  resolved 
to  invade  it.  The  nigh  reputation  of  the  commander 
alhircd  volunteers  from  every  quarter.  He  embarked 
with  five  hundred  men,  of  whom  above  two  hundred 
were  of  such  distinction  as  to  serve  on  horseback.  He 
aiided  at  Puerto  Viejo,  and  without  sufficient  know- 
ledge of  the  country,  or  proper  guides  to  conduct  him, 
attempted  to  march  directly  to  Quito,  by  following  the 
course  of  the  river  Guayoquil,  and  crossing  the  ridge 
the  Andes  towards  its  head.  But  in  this  route,  one 
A  i""^'  impracticable  in  all  America,  his  troops 
endured  such  fatigue  in  forcing  their  W3y  thro'igh 
forests  and  marshes  on  the  low  grounds,  and  sufl'ered 
f9  much  from  excessive  cold  when  they  becran  to  as- 
cend the  mountains,  that  before  thev  reached  the  plain 
Quito,  a  fifth  part  of  the  men  and  half  their  horses 
«ied,  and  the  rest  were  so  much  dispirited  and  worn 
Dot.  M  to  bo  almost  unfit  for  service.  [131]  There 


they  met  with  a  body,  not  of  Indians,  but  of  Spaniards, 
drawn  in  hostile  array  against  them.  Pizarro  having 
received  an  account  of  Alvarado's  armament,  had  de- 
tached Almagro  with  some  troops  to  oppose  this  formi- 
dable invader  of  his  jurisdiction  ;  and  these  were  joined 
by  Bcnalcazar  and  his  victorious  parly.  Alvarado, 
though  surprised  at  the  sight  of  enemies  whom  he 
did  not  expect,  advanced  boldly  to  the  charge.  But, 
by  the  interposition  of  some  moilcrate  men  in  each 
party,  an  amicable  accommodation  took  place  ;  and  the 
fatal  jieriod  when  Spaniards  suspended  their  conquests 
to  imbrue  their  hands  in  the  blood  of  their  countrymen, 
was  postponed  a  few  years.  Alvarado  engaged  to 
return  to  liis  government,  upon  Almagro's  paying  him 
a  hundred  thousand  pesos  ip  defray  the  expense  of  his 
armament.  Most  of  his  followers  remained  in  the 
country  ;  and  an  expedition,  which  threatened  Pizarro 
and  his  colony  with  ruin,  contributed  to  augment  Us 
strength. 

1534.]  By  this  time  Ferdinand  Pizarro  had  landed 
in  Spain.  The  immense  quantities  of  gold  and  silver 
which  he  imported  [135]  filled  the  kingdom  with  no 
less  astonishment  than  they  had  excited  in  Panama 
and  the  adjacent  provinces.  Pizano  was  received  by 
the  emperor  with  the  attention  due  to  the  bearer  of  a 
present  so  rich  as  to  exceed  any  idea  which  the  Spa- 
niards had  formed  concerning  the  value  of  their  acqui- 
sitions in  America,  even  after  they  had  been  ten  years 
masters  of  Mexico.  In  recompense  of  his  brother's 
services,  his  authority  was  confirmed  with  new  powers 
and  privileges,  and  the  addition  of  seventy  leagues, 
extending  along  the  coast,  to  the  southward  of  the 
territory  granted  in  his  former  patent.  Almagro  re- 
ceived the  honors  which  he  had  so  long  desired.  The 
title  of  Adelantado,  or  governor,  was  conferred  upon 
him,  with  jurisdiction  over  two  hundred  leagues  of 
country,  stretching  beyond  the  southern  limits  of  the 
province  allotted  to  Pizarro.  I'erdinand  himself  did 
not  go  unrewarded.  PIc  was  admitted  into  the  mili- 
tary order  of  St.  Jago,  a  distinction  always  acceptable 
to  a  Spanish  gentleman,  and  soon  'iet  out  on  his  return 
to  Peru,  accompa.nied  by  many  pr.rsons  of  higher  rank 
than  had  yet  served  in  that  country. 

Some  account  of  his  negotiations  reached  Peru  be- 
fore he  arrived  there  himself.  Almagro  no  sooner 
learned  that  he  had  obtained  the  royal  grant  of  an  inde- 
pendent government,  than  pretending  that  Cuzco,  the 
imperial  residence  of  the  Incas,  lay  within  its  boun- 
daries, he  attempted  to  render  himself  master  of  that 
important  station.  Juan  and  Gonzalez  Pizarro  pre- 
pared to  oppose  him.  Each  of  the  contending  parties 
was  supported  by  powerful  adherents,  and  the  dispute 
was  on  the  point  of  being  terminated  by  the  sword, 
when  Francis  Pizarro  arrived  in  the  capital.  The  re- 
conciliation between  him  and  Almagro  had  never  been 
cordial.  The  treachery  of  Pizarro  in  engrossing  to 
himself  all  the  honors  and  emoluments,  which  ought  to 
have  been  divided  with  his  associate,  was  always  pre- 
sent in  both  their  thoughts.  The  former,  conscious  of 
his  own  perfidy,  did  not  expect  forgiveness  ;  the  latter 
feeling,  that  he  had  been  deceived,  was  impatient  to 
be  avenged  ;  and  though  avarice  and  ambition  had 
induced  them  not  only  to  dissemble  their  sentiments, 
but  even  to  act  in  concert  while  in  pursuit  of  wealth 
and  power,  no  .sooner  did  they  obtain  possession  of 
these,  than  the  same  passions  which  had  formed  this 
tem|)orary  union,  gave  rise  to  jealousy  and  discord. 
To  each  of  them  was  attached  a  small  band  of  inte- 
rested dependants,  who,  with  the  malicious  art  peculiar 
to  such  men,  heightened  their  suspicions,  and  magni- 
fied every  appearance  of  otTeiice.  But  with  all  those 
seeds  of  enmity  in  their  minds,  and  thus  assiduously 
cherished,  each  was  so  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the 
abilities  and  courage  of  his  rival,  that  they  equally 
dreaded  the  consequence  of  an  open  rupture.  The 
fortunate  ani\ai  of  Pizarro  at  Cuzco,  and  the  address 
mingled  with  firmness  which  he  manifested  in  his  e.x- 
postulations  with  Almagro  and  his  partisans,  averted 
that  evil  for  the  present.  A  new  reconciliation  took 
place  ;  tho  chief  article  of  which  was,  that  Almagro 
should  attempt  the  conquest  of  Chili  ;  and  if  he  did 
not  find  in  that  province  an  establishment  adequate  to 
his  merit  and  expectations,  Pizarro,  by  way  of  indem- 
nification, should  yield  up  to  him  a  part  of  Peru.  This 
new  agreement,  though  confirmed  [June  12]  with  the 
same  sacred  solemnities  as  their  first  contract,  was 
observed  with  as  little  fidelity. 

Soon  after  he  concluded  this  important  transaction, 
Pizarro  marched  back  to  the  countries  on  the  sea  coast  ; 
and  as  he  now  enjoyed  an  interval  of  tranquillity  undis- 
turbed by  any  enemy,  either  Spaniard  or  Indian,  he 
applied  himself  with  that  persevering  ariior,  v\hich  dis- 


tinguishes his  character,  to  introduce  a  form  of  rcf'ular 
government  into  the  extensive  provinces  subject  to  lii« 
authority.  Though  ill  qualified  by  his  education  to 
enter  into  any  disquisition  concerning  the  principles  o 
civil  policy,  and  little  accustomed  by  his  former  habits 
of  life  to  attend  to  its  arrangements,  his  natural  saga- 
city supplied  the  want  both  of  science  and  experience. 
He  distributed  the  country  into  variou^^  districts  ;  he 
appointed  proper  magistrates  to  preside  in  each  ;  and 
established  regulations  concerning  the  administration  oi 
justice,  the  collection  of  the  royal  revenue,  the  work- 
ing of  tho  mines,  and  the  treatment  of  the  Indians, 
extremely  jimple,  but  well  calculated  to  promote  the 
public  prosperity.  But  though,  for  the  present,  ho 
adapted  his  plan  to  the  infant  .-state  of  his  colony,  his 
aspiring  mind  looked  forward  to  its  future  grandeur 
He  considered  himself  as  laying  the  foundation  of  a 
great  empire,  and  deliberated  long,  and  with  much  soli 
citude,  in  what  place  he  should  fix  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment. Cuzco,  the  imperial  city  of  the  Incas,  wa." 
situated  in  a  corner  of  the  empire,  above  four  hundred 
miles  from  the  sea,  and  much  further  from  Quito,  a 
province  of  whose  value  he  had  formed  a  high  idea. 
No  other  settlement  of  the  Peruvians  was  so  conside- 
rable as  to  merit  the  name  of  a  town,  or  to  allure  the 
Spaniards  to  fix  their  residence  in  it.  But  in  marching 
through  the  country,  Pizarro  had  been  struck  with  the 
beauty  and  fertility  of  the  valley  of  Kimac,  one  of  the 
most  extensive  and  best  cultivated  in  i'eni.  There, 
on  the  banks  of  a  small  river  of  the  same  name  with 
the  vale  which  it  waters  and  enriches,  at  the  distance 
of  six  miles  from  Callao,  the  most  commodious  harbor 
in  the  Pacific  Ocean,  he  founded  a  city  which  he  des- 
tined to  be  the  capital  of  his  government,  [Jan.  18, 
1535  ]  He  gave  it  the  name  of^  Ciudad  de  los  Reyes, 
either  from  the  circumstance  of  having  laid  the  first 
stone  at  that  season  when  the  church  celebrates  the 
festival  of  the  Three  Kings,  or,  as  is  more  probable,  in 
honor  of  Juana  and  Charles,  the  joint  sovereigns  of 
Castile.  This  name  it  still  retains  among  the  Spaniards 
in  all  legal  and  formal  deeds  ;  but  it  is  better  known 
to  foreigners  by  that  of  Lima,  a  corruption  of  the  an 
cient  appellation  of  the  valley  in  which  it  is  situated. 
Under  his  inspection,  the  buildings  advanced  with  such 
rapidity,  that  it  soon  assumed  the  form  of  a  city,  which, 
by  a  magnificent  palace  that  he  erected  for  himself,  and 
by  the  stately  houses  built  by  several  of  his  officers, 
gave,  even  in  its  infancy,  some  indication  of  its  subse- 
quent grandeur. 

In  conseijuence  of  what  had  been  agreed  with 
Pizarro,  Almagro  began  his  march  towards  (/bill ;  and 
as  he  possessed  in  an  eminent  I'.egree  the  virtues  most 
admired  by  soldiers,  boundless  liberality  and  fearless 
coui  ige,  his  standard  was  followed  by  five  luiiidrFd  and 
seventy  men,  the  greatest  body  of  Europeans  that  had 
hitherto  been  assembled  in  Peru  From  impatience  to 
finish  the  expedition,  or  from  that  contempt  of  hardship 
and  danger  acquired  by  all  the  Sj)aniards  who  had  served 
long  in  America,  Almagro,  instead  of  advancing  along 
the  level  country  on  the  coast,  ciiose  to  march  across 
the  mountains  by  a  route  that  was  shorter  indeed,  but 
almost  impracticable.  In  this  attempt  his  troops  were 
exposed  to  every  calamity  which  men  can  sutTer,  from 
fatigue,  from  famine,  and  from  the  rigor  of  the  climate  in 
those  elevated  regions  of  the  torrid  zone,  where  the  de- 
gree of  cold  is  hardly  inferior  to  what  is  felt  within  the 
polarcirrle.  Many  of  thein  perished  ;  and  the  survivors 
when  they  descended  into  the  fertile  plains  of  Chili,  had 
new  difficulties  to  encounter.  Thev  found  tiiere  a  race 
of  men  very  different  from  the  people  of  Peru,  intrepid, 
hardy,  independent,  and  in  their  bodily  constitution,  as 
well  as  vigor  of  spirit,  nearly  resembling  the  warlike 
tribes  in  North  America.  Though  filled  with  wonde. 
at  the  first  appearance  of  the  Spaniards,  and  still  more 
astonished  at  the  operations  of  their  cavalry  and  the 
etTects  of  their  fire-arms,  the  (.^hilese  soon  recovered 
so  far  from  their  surprise,  as  not  only  to  defend  them- 
selves with  obstinacy,  but  to  attack  their  new  enemies 
with  more  determined  fierceness  than  any  American 
nation  had  hitherto  discovered.  The  S[)aniards,  how 
ever,  continued  to  penetrate  into  the  country,  and  col- 
lected some  considerable  quantities  of  gold  ;  but  wero 
so  far  from  thinking  of  making  any  settlement  amidst 
such  formidable  neighbors,  that  in  spite  of  all  the  expe- 
rience and  valor  of  their  leader,  the  final  issue  of  the 
expedition  still  remained  extrimely  dubious,  when  they 
were  recalled  from  it  by  an  unexpected  revolution  at 
Peru.  The  causes"of  this  important  event  I  shall  en 
deavor  to  trace  to  their  source. 

So  many  adventurers  had  flocked  to  Peru  from  every 
Spanish  colony  in  America,  and  all  with  such  high  ex- 
pectations of  accumulating  independent  fuitubca  a( 


143 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


oiice,  tlial,  to  men  possessed  with  notions  so  extrava- 
gant, any.  mention  of  acquiring  Nveallii  gradually,  and 
Oy  sclicinos  of  patient  iiidusiry,  would  have  been  not 
only  a  disappointment  but  an  insult.  In  order  to  find 
occupation  for  men  who  could  not  with  safety  be  al- 
lowed to  remain  inactive,  Pizarro  encouraged  some  of 
the  most  distmgtiislicd  olTiccrs  who  had  lately  joined 
hin\,  to  invade  dillerent  |)rovinccs  of  tl' 3  empire,  which 
the  Spaniards  had  not  hitherto  visited.  Several  large 
bodies  were  formed  for  this  purpose  ;  and  about  the 
time  that  Almagro  set  out  for  Chili,  they  marched  into 
remote  districts  of  the  country.  No  sooner  did  Manco 
Capac,  the  Inca,  observe  the  inconsiderate  security  of 
the  Spaniards  in  thus  dispersing  their  troops,  and  that 
only  a  handful  of  soldiers  remained  in  ("uzco,  under 
Juan  and  Gonzalez  Pizarro,  than  he  thought  that  the 
happy  period  was  at  length  come  for  vindicating  his 
own  rights,  for  avenging  the  wrongs  of  his  country,  and 
extirpating  its  oppressors.  'J'hough  strictly  watched 
by  the  Spaniards  who  allowed  him  to  reside  in  the 
palace  of  his  ancestors  at  Cuzco,  ho  found  means  of 
communicating  his  scheme  to  the  persons  who  were  to 
be  intrusted  with  the  execution  of  it.  Among  people 
accustomed  to  revere  their  sovereign  as  a  divinity, 
every  hint  of  his  will  carries  the  authority  of  a  com- 
mand ;  and  they  themselves  were  now  convinced,  by 
the  daily  increase  in  the  number  of  their  invaders,  that 
,he  fond  hopes  which  they  had  long  entertained  of  their 
voluntary  departure  were  altogether  vain.  All  per- 
ceived that  a  vigorous  effort  of  the  whole  nation  was 
requisite  to  expel  them,  and  the  preparations  for  it 
.  were  carried  on  with  the  secrecy  and  silence  peculiar  to 
Americans. 

After  some  unsuccessful  attempts  of  the  Inca  to 
make  his  escape,  Ferdinand  Pizarro  happening  to  arrive 
at  that  time  in  Ouzco  [1536],  he  obtained  permission 
from  him  to  attend  a  great  festival  which  was  to  be  ce- 
lebrated a  few  leagues  from  the  capital.  Under  pretext 
of  that  solemnity,  the  great  men  of  the  empire  were 
assembled.  As  soon  as  the  Inca  joined  them,  the 
standard  of  war  was  erected  ;  and  in  a  short  time  <j11 
the  fighting  men,  from  the  confines  of  Quito  to  the 
frontier  of  Chili,  were  in  arms.  Many  Spaniards,  liv- 
ing securely  on  the  settlements  allotted  them,  were 
massacred.  Sc-eral  detachments,  as  they  marched 
carelessly  thro  Jgh  a  country  which  seemed  to  be  tamely 
••ubmissive  to  their  dominion,  were  cut  off  to  a  man. 
An  army  amounting  (if  we  may  believe  the  Spanish 
writers)  to  two  hundred  thousand  men,  attacked  Cuzco, 
Khich  the  three  brothers  endeavored  to  defend  with 
only  one  hundred  and  seventy  Spaniards.  Another 
fcMiiidablc  body  invested  Lima,  and  kept  the  governor 
closely  shut  up.  There  was  no  longer  any  communi- 
ratioii  between  the  two  cities  ;  the  numerous  forces  of 
the  Peruvians  spreading  over  the  country,  intercepted 
every  messenger;  and  as  the  part  3s  in  Cuzco  and 
Lima  were  equally  unacquainted  with  the  fate  of  their 
countrymen,  each  boded  the  worst  concerning  the 
other,  and  imagined  that  they  themselves  were  the  only 
persons  who  had  survived  the  general  extinction  of  the 
Spanish  name  in  Peru  . 

It  was  at  Cuzco,  where  the  Inca  commanded  in  per- 
son, that  the  I'eruvians  made  their  chief  efforts.  Dur- 
ing tune  months  they  carried  on  the  siege  with  inces- 
sant ardor,  and  in  various  forms  ;  and  though  they  dis- 
played not  the  same  undaunted  ferocity  as  the  Mexican 
warrior.M,  they  conducted  some  of  their  operations  in  a 
manner  which  discovered  greater  sagacity,  and  a  genius 
more  silscejitible  of  improvement  in  the  military  art. 
They  not  only  observed  the  advantages  which  the  Spa- 
niards derived  from  their  discipline  and  their  weapons, 
but  they  endeavored  to  imitate  the  former,  and  turned 
the  latter  against  them.  They  armed  a  considerable 
body  of  their  bravest  warriors  with  the  swords,  the 
spears,  and  bucklers,  which  they  had  taken  from  the 
Spanish  soldiers  whom  they  had  cut  off  in  different 
parts  of  the  country.  These  they  endeavored  to  mar- 
»ha!  m  that  regular  compact  order,  to  which  experience 
had  taught  them  that  the  Spaniards  were  indebted  for 
their  irresistible  force  in  action.  Some  appeared  in  the 
field  wnh  SpaiiMh  muskcits,  and  had  acquired  skill  and 
resolution  enough  to  u.se  them.  A  few  of  the  boldest, 
among  whom  was  thu  Inca  himself,  were  mounted  on 
the  horses  which  they  had  taken,  and  advanced  brisklv  to 
the  charge  like  Spanish  cavaliers, with  their  lances  in  the 
rest.  It  was  more  by  their  numbers,  however,than  by  those 
imperfect  essays  to  miilate  Huropeanarts  and  to  employ 
Lropean  arms,  th.il  the  Peruvians  aiinoved  the  Spaniards 
113'.)J.  Ill  spile  of  the  valor,  heightened  bv  despair,  with 
wliM-li  lhe  three  brothers  deletidi  d  Cuzro,  .Manco  (."npac 
recovered  jios3<"ssion  ol  one  half  of  his  capiiul  ;  and  in  j 
tiuair  vdiiuus  eliort^itodrivu  Ldiii  uulul  it  tho  Sj>aiiijrdi' 


lost  Juan  Pizarro,  the  best  beloved  of  all  the  brothers, 
together  with  some  other  persons  of  note,  ^\'orn  out 
with  the  fatigue  of  incessant  duty,  distressed  with  want  of 
provisions,  and  despairing  of  being  able  any  longer  to 
resist  an  enemy  whose  numbers  daily  increased,  the 
soldiers  became  impatient  to  abandon  Cuzco,  in  hopes 
cither  of  joining  their  countrymen,  if  any  of  them  yet 
survived,  or  of  forcing  their  way  to  the  sea,  and  finding 
some  means  of  escaping  from  a  country  wliich  had 
been  so  fatal  to  the  Spanish  name.  While  they  were 
brooding  over  those  desjionding  thoughts,  which  their 
officers  labored  in  vain  to  dispel,  Almagro  appeared  sud- 
denly in  the  neighborhood  of  Cuzco. 

The  accounts  transmitted  to  Almagro  concerning 
the  general  insurrection  of  the  Peruvians,  were  such  as 
would  have  induced  him,  without  hesitation  to  relin- 
quish the  conquest  of  Chili,  and  hasten  to  the  aid  of  his 
countrymen.  But  in  this  resolution  he  was  confirmed 
by  a  motive  less  generous,  but  more  interesting.  By 
tho  same  messenger  who  brought  him  intelligence  of 
the  Inca's  revolt,  he  received  the  royal  patent  creating 
him  governor  of  Chili,  and  defining  the  limits  of  his 
jurisdiction.  Upon  considering  the  tenor  of  it,  he 
deemed  it  manifest  beyond  contradiction,  that  Cuzco 
lay  within  the  boundaries  of  his  government,  and  he 
was  equally  solicitous  to  prevent  the  Peruvians  from 
recovering  possession  of  their  capital,  and  to  wrest  it 
out  of  the  hands  of  the  Pizarros.  From  impatience  to 
accomplish  both,  he  ventured  to  return  by  a  new  route  ; 
and  in  marching  through  the  sandy  plains  on  the  coast, 
he  sufTered  from  heat  and  drought,  calamities  of  a  new 
species  hardly  inferior  to  those  in  which  he  had  been 
involved  by  cold  and  famine  on  the  summits  of  the 
Andes. 

1537.]  His  arrival  at  Cuzco  was  in  a  critical  mo- 
ment. The  Spaniards  and  Peruvians  fixed  their  eyes 
upon  him  with  equal  solicitude.  The  former,  as  he 
did  not  study  to  conceal  his  pretensions,  were  at  a  loss 
whether  to  welcome  him  as  a  deliverer,  or  to  take  pre- 
cautions against  him  as  an  enemy.  The  latter,  know- 
ing the  points  in  contest  between  h  jn  and  his  country- 
men, flattered  themselves  that  they  had  more  to  hope 
than  to  dread  from  his  operations.  Almagro  himself, 
unacquainted  with  the  detail  of  the  events  which  had 
happened  in  his  absence,  and  solicitous  to  learn  the  pre- 
cise posture  of  affairs,  advanced  towards  the  capital 
slowly,  and  with  great  circumspection.  Various  nego- 
tiations with  both  parties  were  set  on  foot.  The  Inca 
conducted  them  on  his  jiart  with  much  address.  At 
first  he  endeavored  to  gain  the  friendship  of  Almagro  ; 
and  after  many  fruitless  overtures,  despairing  of  any 
cordial  union  with  a  Spaniard,  he  attacked  him  by  sur- 
prise with  a  numerous  body  of  chosen  troops.  But  the 
Spanish  discipline  and  valor  maintained  their  wonted 
superiority.  The  Peruvians  were  repulsed  with  such 
slaughter  that  a  great  part  of  their  army  dispersed,  and 
Almagro  proceeded  to  the  gates  of  Cuzco  without 
interruption. 

The  Pizarros,  as  they  had  no  longer  to  make  head 
against  the  Peruvians,  directed  all  their  attention  to- 
wards their  new  enemy,  and  took  measures  to  obstruct 
his  entry  into  the  capital.  Prudence,  however,  re- 
strained both  parties  for  some  time  from  turning  their 
arms  against  one  another,  while  surrounded  by  com- 
mon enemies  who  would  rejoice  in  the  mutual  slaugh- 
ter. Different  schemes  of  accommodation  were  pro- 
posed. Each  endeavored  to  deceive  the  other,  or  to 
corrupt  his  followers.  The  generous,  open,  affable 
temper  of  Almagro  gained  many  adherents  of  the  Pi- 
zarros, who  were  disgusted  with  their  harsh,  domineer- 
ing manners.  Encouraged  by  this  defection,  he  ad- 
vanced towards  the  city  by  night,  surprised  the  senti- 
nels, or  was  admitted  by  them,  and,  investing  the  house 
where  the  two  brothers  resided,  compelled  them,  after 
an  obstinate  defence,  to  surrender  at  discretion  Al- 
magro's  claim  of  jurisdiction  over  Cuzco  was  univer- 
sally acknowledged,  and  a  form  of  administration  esta- 
blished in  his  name. 

Two  or  three  persons  only  were  killed  in  this  first 
act  of  civil  hostility  ;  but  it  was  soon  followed  by  scenes 
more  bloody-  Francisco  Pizarro  having  dispersed  the 
Peruvians  who  had  invested  Lima,  and  received  sonic 
considerable  reinforcements  from  Ilispaiiiola and  Nica- 
ragua, ordered  five  hundred  men,  under  the  command 
of  Aloiizo  do  Alvarado,  to  march  to  (^uzco,  in  hojies  of 
relieving  his  brothers,  if  they  and  their  garrison  were 
not  already  cut  off  by  the  Peruvians.  This  body, 
which  at  that  period  of  the  Spanish  power  in  America 
must  be  deemed  a  considerable  force,  advanced  near 
to  the  capit.il  before  ihev  knew  that  tlu  v  had  any  enemy 
more  foriiiulable  than  Indians  to  encounter.  It  was 
with  astonishment  that  thoy  beltcid  lh«.ir  countryicun 


posted  on  the  banks  of  the  river  Abancay  to  oppose 
their  progress  Almagro,  however,  wished  rather  to 
gain  than  to  conquer  them,  and  by  bribes  and  pro 
mises,  endeavored  to  seduce  their  leader.  The  tidtliiy 
of  Alvarado  remained  unshaken  ;  but  his  talents  for 
war  were  not  equal  to  his  virtue.  Almagro  amused 
him  with  various  movements,  of  which  he  did  not  com- 
prehend the  mean'ng,  while  a  large  detachment  of 
i  chosen  soldiers  pasa<-d  the  river  by  night  [July  12],  fell 
upon  his  camp  by  surprise,  broke  his  troops  before  tlicy 
had  time  to  form,  and  took  him  prisoner,  together  with 
his  principal  officers. 

By  the  sudden  route  of  this  body,  the  contest  be 
twcen  the  two  rivals  must  have  been  decided,  if  .\|- 
magro  had  known  as  well  how  to  improve  as  how  to 
gain  a  victor)'.  Rodrigo  Orgognez,  an  officer  of  great 
abilities,  who  having  served  under  the  Consiable 
Bourbon,  when  he  led  the  imperial  armv  to  Home,  had 
been  accustomed  to  bold  and  decisive  measures,  ad- 
vised him  instantly  to  issue  orders  for  putting  to  death 
Ferdinand  and  Gonzalo  Pizarros,  Alvarado,  and  a  few 
other  persons  whom  he  could  not  hope  to  gain,  and  to 
march  directly  with  his  victorious  troops  tn  Lima,  before 
the  governor  had  time  to  prepare  for  bis  defence.  But 
Almagro,  though  he  discerned  at  once  the  utility  of  the 
counsel,  and  though  he  had  courage  to  have  carried  it 
into  execution,  suffered  himself  to  be  intluenced  by 
sentiments  unlike  those  of  a  soldier  of  fortune  grown 
old  in  service,  and  by  .scruples  which  suited  not  the 
chief  of  a  party  who  had  drawn  his  sword  in  civd  war. 
Feelings  of  humanity  restrained  him  from  shedding  i.he 
blood  of  his  opponents  ;  and  the  dread  of  being  deemed 
a  rebel  deterred  him  from  entering  a  province  which 
the  king  had  allotted  to  another.  Though  he  knew 
that  arms  must  terminate  the  dispute  between  him  and 
Pizarro,  and  resolved  not  to  shun  that  mode  of  deci- 
sion :  yet,  with  a  timid  delicacy,  preposterous  at  such 
a  juncture,  he  was  so  solicitous  that  his  rival  should  be 
considered  as  the  aggressor,  that  he  marched  quietly 
back  to  Cuzco,  to  wait  his  approach. 

Pizarro  was  still  unacquainted  wilh  all  the  intercst- 
mg  events  which  had  happened  near  Cuzco.  Account] 
of  AIniagro's  return,  oi  the  loss  of  the  capital,  of  the 
death  of  one  brother,  of  the  imprisonment  of  the  other 
two,  and  of  the  defeat  of  Alvarado,  were  brought  to 
him  at  once.  Such  a  tide  of  misfortunes  almost  over- 
whelmed a  spirit  which  had  continued  firm  and  erect 
under  the  rude.^  shocks  of  adversity.  But  the  neces- 
sity of  attending  to  his  own  safety,  as  well  as  the  dfr 
sire  of  revenge,  preserved  him  from  sinking  under  iL 
He  took  measures  for  both  with  his  wonted  sagacity. 
As  he  had  the  command  of  the  seacoast,  and  expected 
considerable  supplies  both  of  men  and  militar)-  s'ores, 
it  was  no  less  his  interest  to  gain  time,  and  to  avoul 
action,  than  it  was  that  of  Almagro  to  precipitate  ope- 
rations,  and  to  bring  the  contest  to  a  speedy  issue.  He 
had  recourse  to  arts  which  he  had  formerly  practised  with 
success  ;  and  Almagro  was  again  weak  enough  to  suffer 
himself  to  be  amused  with  a  prospect  of  terminating 
their  differences  by  some  amicable  accommodation. 
By  varying  his  overtures,  and  shif:ing  his  ground  as 
often  as  it  suited  his  purpose,  sometimes  seeming  to 
yield  to  every  thing  which  his  rival  could  desire,  and 
then  retracting  all  that  he  had  granted,  Pizarro  dexter- 
ously protracted  the  negotiation  to  such  a  length,  that, 
though  every  day  was  precious  to  Almagro,  sever*! 
months  elapsed  without  coming  to  any  final  agreement. 
While  the  attention  of  .Mmagro,  and  of  the  officers 
wilh  whom  he  consulted,  was  occupied  in  delcctiog 
and  eluding  the  fraudulent  intentions  of  the  governor, 
Gonzalo  Pizarro  and  Alvarado  found  means  to  corrupt 
the  soldiers  to  whose  custody  they  were  committed, 
and  not  only  made  their  escape  themselves,  but  per- 
suaded sixty  of  the  men  who  formerly  gu.arded  them  to 
accompany  their  llighl.  Fortune  having  thus  dehvercd 
one  of  his  lirothcrs,  the  governor  scrujiled  not  at  one 
act  of  perfidy  more  to  procure  the  release  of  the  other, 
lie  proposed  that  even,-  point  in  controversy  between 
Almagro  and  himself  should  be  submitted  to  the  deci- 
sion of  their  sovereign  ;  that  until  his  award  was  known, 
each  should  retain  undisturbed  possession  of  whatever 
part  of  the  country  he  now  occupied  ;  that  Ferdinand 
Pizarro  should  be  set  at  liberty,  and  return  instantly  to 
Spain,  together  with  the  officers  whom  Almagro  pur- 
posed to  send  thither  to  represent  the  justice  of  his 
claims.  Obvious  as  the  design  of  Pizarro  was  in  those 
propositions,  and  familiar  as  his  artifices  might  now 
have  been  to  his  opponent,  Almagro,  with  a  credulity 
approaching  to  infatuation,  relied  on  his  sincerity,  and 
concluded  an  agreement  on  these  terms. 

Tin-  moment  that  Ferdinand  Pizarro  rccoverwl  Ilis 
liberty,  the  goverr.or,  no  longiT  fettered  :o  his  otwra 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


148 


tioiis  by  anxiety  about  his  brother's  life,  tlircvv  off  every 
disguise  which  his  concern  for  it  had  obhged  him  to 
assume.  The  treaty  was  forgotten  ;  pacific  and  con- 
cihating  measures  were  no  more  mentioned  ;  it  was  in 
the  field  he  openly  declared,  and  not  in  the  cabinet, — 
by  arms  and  not  by  negotiation, — that  it  must  now  be 
determined  who  should  be  master  of  Peru.  'I'he  ra- 
pidity of  liis  preparaiions  suited  such  a  decisive  resolu- 
tion. Seven  hundred  men  were  soon  ready  to  march 
towards  Cuzco.  The  command  of  these  was  given  to 
his  two  brothers,  in  whom  he  could  perfectly  confide 
for  the  execution  of  his  most  violent  schemes,  as  they 
were  urged  on,  not  only  by  the  enmity  flowing  from  the 
rivalship  between  their  family  and  Almagro,  but  ani- 
mated with  the  desire  of  vengeance,  excited  by  recol- 
lection of  their  own  recent  disgrace  and  sufferings. 
After  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  cross  the  mountains 
in  the  direct  road  between  Lima  nnd  Cuzco,  they 
marched  towards  the  south  along  the  coast  as  far  as 
Nasca,  and  then  turning  to  the  left,  penetrated  through 
the  defiles  in  that  branch  of  the  Andes  which  lay  be- 
tween them  and  the  capital.  Almagro,  instead  of 
hearkening  to  some  of  his  officers,  who  advised  him  to 
attempt  the  defence  of  those  difficult  passes,  waited  the 
aporoach  of  the  enemy  in  the  plain  of  Cuzco.  Two 
reasons  seem  to  have  induced  him  to  take  this  resolu- 
tion. His  followers  amounted  hardly  to  five  hundred, 
and  he  was  afraid  of  weakening  such  a  feeble  body  by 
sending  any  detachment  towards  the  mountains.  His 
cavalry  far  exceeded  that  of  the  adverse  party,  both  in 
number  and  discipline,  and  it  was  only  in  an  open  coun- 
try that  he  could  avail  himself  of  that  advantage. 

The  Pizarros  advanced  without  any  obstruction,  but 
what  arose  from  the  nature  of  the  desert  and  horrid 
regions  through  which  they  marched.  As  soon  as  they 
reached  the  plain,  both  factions  were  equally  impatient 
to  bring  this  long  protracted  contest  to  an  issue. 
Though  countrymen  and  friends,  the  subjects  of  the 
.same  sovereign,  and  each  with  the  royal  standard  dis- 
played ;  and  though  they  beheld  the  mountains  that 
surrounded  the  plain  in  which  they  were  drawn  i  p,  co- 
vered with  a  vast  multitude  of  Indians  assembled  to 
enjoy  the  spectacle  of  their  mutual  carnage,  and  pre- 
pared to  attack  whatever  party  remained  master  of  the 
field  ;  so  fell  and  implacable  was  the  rancor  wnich  had 
taken  possession  of  every  breast,  that  not  one  pacific 
counsel,  not  a  single  overture  towards  accommodation 
proceeded  from  either  side.  Unfortunately  for  Alma- 
gro, he  was  so  worn  out  with  the  fatigues  of  service,  to 
which  his  advanced  age  was  unequal,  that,  at  this  crisis 
of  his  fate,  he  could  not  exert  his  wonted  activity,  and 
he  was  obliged  to  commit  the  leading  his  troops  to  Or- 
gognez,  who,  though  an  ofiicer  of  great  merit,  did  not 
possess  the  same  ascendant  either  over  the  spirit  or 
affections  of  the  soldiers,  as  the  chief  whom  they  had 
long  been  accustomed  to  follow  and  revere. 

The  conflict  was  fierce,  and  maintained  by  each 
party  with  equal  courage  [.\pril  2G].  On  the  side  of 
Almagro  were  more  veteran  soldiers,  and  a  larger  pro- 
portion of  cavalry  ;  but  these  were  counterbalanced  by 
Pizarro's  superiority  in  numbers,  and  by  two  compa- 
n'.e«  of  well  disciplined  musketeers,  which,  on  receiving 
an  account  of  the  insurrection  of  the  Indians,  the  em- 
peror had  sent  from  Spain.  As  the  use  of  fire  arms 
was  not  frequent  among  the  adventurers  in  America, 
hastily  equipped  for  service,  at  their  own  expense,  this 
small  hand  of  soldiers  regiilarly  trained  and  armed,  was 
a  novelty  in  Peru,  and  decided  the  fate  of  the  day. 
VN  tierever  it  advanced,  the  weight  of  a  heavy  and  well 
ausiained  fire  bore  down  horse  and  foot  before  it  ;  and 
Orgognez,  while  he  endeavored  to  rallv  and  animate 
his  troops,  having  received  a  dangeri  js  wound,  the 
route  became  general.  The  barbarity  jf  the  conquer- 
ors stained  the  glory  which  they  acquned  by  this  com- 
ple'e  victory.  The  violence  of  civil  rage  hurried  on 
some  to  slaughter  their  countrymen  with  Indiscriminate 
cruelty ;  the  meanness  of  private  revenge  instigated 
others  to  single  out  individuals  as  the  objects  of  their 
vengeance.  Orgognez  and  several  officers  of  distinc- 
tion were  massacred  in  cold  blood  ;  above  a  hundred 
and  forty  soldiers  fell  in  the  field  ;  a  large  proportion, 
where  the  number  of  combatants  was  fevv,  and  the  heat 
of  the  contest  soon  over.  Almagro,  though  so  feeble 
that  he  could  not  bear  the  motion  of  a  horse,  had  in- 
sisted on  being  carried  in  a  litter  to  an  eminence  which 
overlooked  the  field  of  battle.  From  thence,  in  the 
utmost  agitation  of  mind,  he  viewed  the  various  move- 
tnents  of  both  parties,  and  at  last  beheld  the  total  defeat 
nis  own  troops,  with  all  the  passionate  indignation 
of  a  veteran  leader  long  accustomed  to  victory.  He 
endeavored  to  save  himself  by  flight,  but  was  taken 
pnsoner,  and  guarded  with  the  stncicst  vigilance. 


The  Indians,  instead  of  executing  the  resolution 
which  they  had  formed,  retired  quietly  after  the  battle 
was  over  ;  and  in  the  history  of  the  New  World,  there 
is  not  a  more  striking  instance  of  the  vvoiidcrlul  ascend- 
ant which  the  Sjianiards  had  acquired  over  its  inhabi- 
tants, than  that,  after  seeing  one  of  the  contending  par- 
ties ruined  and  dispersed,  and  the  other  weakened  and 
fatigued,  they  had  not  courage  to  fall  upen  their  ene- 
mies, when  fortune  presented  an  opportunity  of  attack- 
ing them  with  such  advantage. 

Cuzco  was  pillaged  by  the  victorious  troops,  who 
found  there  a  considerable  booty,  consisting  partly  of 
the  gleanings  of  the  Indian  treasures,  and  |)arlly  of  the 
wealth  amassed  by  their  antagonists  from  the  spoils  of 
Peru  and  Chili.  But  so  far  did  this,  and  whatever  the 
bounty  of  their  leader  could  add  to  it,  fall  below  the 
high  ideas  of  the  recompense  which  they  conceived  to 
be  due  to  their  merit,  tlsat  Ferdinand  Pizarro,  unable  to 
gratify  such  extravagant  expectations,  had  recourse  to 
the  same  expedient  which  his  brother  had  employed  on 
a  similar  occasion,  and  endeavored  to  find  occupation 
for  this  turbulent  assuming  spirit,  in  order  to  prevent  it 
from  breaking  out  into  open  mutiny.  With  this  view, 
he  encouraged  the  most  active  officers  to  attempt  the 
discovery  and  reduction  of  various  provinces  which  had 
not  hitherto  submitted  to  the  Spaniards.  To  every 
standard  erected  by  the  leaders  who  undertook  any  of 
those  new  expeditions,  volunteers  resorted  with  the 
ardor  and  hope  peculiar  to  the  age.  Several  of  Alma- 
gro's  soldiers  joined  them,  and  thus  Pi'zarro  had  the 
satisfaction  of  being  delivered  both  from  the  imjiortu- 
nity  of  his  discontented  friends,  and  the  dread  of  his 
ancient  enemies. 

Almagro  himself  remained  for  several  months  in  cus- 
tody, under  all  the.  anguish  of  suspense.  For  although 
his  doom  wis  determined  by  the  Pizarros  from  the  mo- 
ment that  he  fell  into  their  hands,  prudence  constrained 
them  to  defer  gratifying  their  vengeance,  until  the  sol- 
diers who  had  served  under  him,  as  well  as  several  of 
their  own  followers  in  whom  they  could  not  perfectly 
confide,  had  left  Cuzco.  As  soon  as  they  set  out  upon 
their  diffi:rent  expeditions,  Almagro  was  impeached  of 
treason,  formally  tried,  and  condemned  to  die.  The 
sentence  astonished  him  ;  and  though  he  had  often 
braved  death  with  undaunted  spirit  in  the  field,  its  ap- 
jiroach  under  this  ignominious  form  appalled  him  so 
much,  that  he  had  recourse  to  abject  supplications  un- 
worthy of  his  former  fame.  He  besought  the  Pizarros 
to  remember  the  ancient  friendship  between  their  bro- 
ther and  him,  and  how  much  he  had  contributed  to  the 
prosperity  of  their  family  ;  he  reminded  them  of  the 
humanity  with  which,  in  opposition  to  the  repeated  re- 
monstrances of  his  own  most  attached  friends,  he  had 
spared  their  lives  when  he  had  them  in  his  power ;  he 
conjured  them  to  pity  his  age  and  infirmities,  and  to 
suffer  him  to  pass  the  wretched  remainder  of  his  days 
in  bewailing  his  crimes,  and  in  making  his  peace  with 

!  Heaven.    The  entreaties,  says  a  Spanish  historian,  of 

I  a  man  so  much  beloved  touched  many  an  unfeeling 
heart,  and  drew  tears  from  many  a  stern  eye.  But  the 
brothers  remained  inflexible.  As  soon  as  Almagro 
knew  his  fate  to  be  inevitable,  he  met  it  with  the  dig- 
nity and  fortitude  of  a  veteran.  He  was  strangled  m 
prison,  and  afterwards  publicly  beheaded.  He  suffered 
in  the  seventy-fifth  year  of  his  age,  and  left  one  son  by 
an  Indian  woman  of  Panama,  whom,  though  at  that 
time  a  prisoner  in  Lima,  he  named  as  successor  to  his 
government,  pursuant  to  a  power  which  the  emperor 
had  granted  him. 

1539  ]  As,  during  the  civil  dissensions  in  Peru,  all 
intercourse  with  Spam  was  suspended,  the  detail  of  the 
extraordinary  transactions  there  did  not  soon  reach  the 
court.  Unfortunately  for  the  victorious  faction,  the  first 
intelligence  was  brought  thither  by  some  of  Almagro 's 
officers,  who  left  the  country  upon  the  ruin  of  their 
cause  ;  and  they  related  what  had  happened,  with  every 
circumstance,  unfavorable  to  Pizarro  and  his  brothers. 
Their  ambition,  their  breach  of  the  most  solemn  engage- 
ments, their  violence  and  cruelty,  were  painted  with 

I  all  the  malignity  and  exaggeration  of  party  hatred. 

'  Ferdinand  Pizarro,  who  arrived  soon  after,  and  ajipeared 
in  court  with  exft-aordinary  splendor,  endeavored  to 
efface  the  impression  which  their  accusation  had  made, 
and  to  justify  his  brother  and  himself  by  representing 
Almagro  as  the  aggressor.  The  emperor  and  his  minis- 
ters, though  thcv  could  not  pronounce  which  of  the 
contending  factions  was  most  criminal,  clearly  discerned 
the  fatal  tendency  of  their  dissensions.  It  was  obvious 
that  while  the  leaders,  intrusted  with  the  conduct  of 
two  infant  colonics,  emplovcd  the  arms  which  should 
have  Peen  turned  against  the  common  enemy,  in  de- 

I  stroymg  one  another,  all  attention  to  the  public  good 


must  cease,  and  there  was  reason  to  dread  that  th« 
Indians  might  improve  the  advantage  which  the  disu- 
nion of  the  .Spaniards  presented  to  them,  and  extirpa* 
both  the  victors  and  vanquished.  But  the  evil  was 
more  apparent  than  the  remedy.  M'here  the  informa- 
tion which  had  been  received  was  so  defective  and  sus- 
picious, and  the  scene  of  action  so  remote,  it  was 
almost  inqiossible  to  chalk  out  the  line  of  conduct  ihit 
ought  to  be  followed  ;  and  before  any  plaji  that  should 
be  approved  of  in  Spain  could  be  carried  mtu  execu- 
tion, the  situation  of  the  parties,  and  the  circumstances 
of  affairs,  might  alter  so  entirely  as  to  render  its  effect* 
extremely  pernicious. 

Nothing  therefore  remained,  but  to  send  a  person  to 
Peru,  vested  with  exten.iive  and  discretionary  power 
who,  after  viewing  deliberately  the  posture  of  affairs 
with  his  own  eyes,  and  inquiring  upon  the  spot  into 
the  conduct  of  the  different  leaders,  should  be  autho- 
rized to  establish  the  government  in  that  form  which 
he  deemed  most  conducive  to  the  interest  of  the  parent 
state,  and  the  welfare  of  the  colony.  The  man  se- 
lected for  this  important  charge  was  Christoval  Vaca 
de  Castro,  a  judge  in  the  court  of  royal  audience  at 
Valladolid  ;  and  his  abilities,  integrity,  and  firmness 
justified  the  choice.  His  instructions,  though  amfile, 
were  not  such  as  to  fetter  him  in  his  operations.  Ac- 
cording to  the  diflercnt  aspect  of  affairs,  he  had  power 
to  take  upon  him  different  characters.  If  he  found  the 
governor  still  alive,  he  was  to  assume  only  the  title  of 
judge,  to  maintain  the  appearance  of  acting  in  concert 
with  him,  and  to  guard  against  giving  any  just  cause 
of  offence  to  a  man  who  had  merited  so  highly  of  his 
country.  But  if  Pizarro  were  dead,  he  was  intrusted 
with  a  commission  that  he  might  then  produce,  by  which 
he  was  appointed  his  successor  in  the  government  of 
Peru.  This  attention  to  Pizarro,  however,  seems  to 
have  flowed  rather  from  dread  of  his  power  than  from 
any  approbation  of  his  measures  ;  for,  at  the  very  time 
that  the  court  seemed  so  solicitous  not  to  irrita'e  him. 
his  brother  Ferdinand  was  arrested  at  Madrid,  and  con- 
fined to  a  prison,  where  he  remained  above  twenty 
years. 

1540.]  Whde  Vaca  de  Castro  was  preparing  for  his 
voyage,  events  of  great  moment  lia]ipened  m  Peru. 
The  governor,  considering  himself,  upon  the  death  of 
Almagro,  as  the  unrivalled  possessor  of  that  vast  em- 
pire, proceeded  to  parcel  out  its  territories  among  the 
conquerors  ;  and  had  this  division  been  made  with  any 
degree  of  impartiality,  the  extent  of  country  which  ho 
had  to  bestow  was  sufficient  to  have  gratified  his  friends, 
and  to  have  gained  his  enemies.  But  Pizarro  con- 
ducted this  transaction,  not  with  the  eciuity  and  candor 
of  a  iudge  attentive  to  discover  and  to  reward  merit, 
but  wth  the  illiberal  spirit  of  a  party  leader.  Large 
districts,  in  parts  of  the  country  most  cultivated  and 
populous,  were  set  apart  as  fiis  own  property,  or  granti^d 
to  his  brothers,  his  adherents,  and  favorites.  To  oth- 
ers, lots  less  valuable  and  inviting  were  assigned.  The 
followers  of  Almagro,  amongst  whom  were  many  ol 
the  original  adventurers  to  whose  valor  and  perseve- 
rance Pizarro  was  indebted  for  his  success,  were  to- 
tally excluded  from  any  portion  in  those  lands,  towards 
the  acquisition  of  which  they  had  contributed  so  largely. 
As  the  vanity  of  everv  individual  set  an  immoderate 
value  upon  his  own  services,  and  the  idea  of  each  con- 
cerning the  recompense  due  to  them  rose  gradually  to 
a  more  exorbitant  height  in  proportion  as  their  con- 
quests extended,  all  who  were  disappointed  in  theii 
expectations  exclaimed  loudly  against  the  rapacious- 
ness  and  partiality  of  the  governor.  The  partisans  o. 
Almagro  murmured  in  secret,  and  meditated  revenge. 

Rapid  as  the  progress  of  the  Spaniards  in  South 
America  had  been  since  Pizarro  landed  in  Peru,  their 
avidity  of  dominion  was  not  yet  satisfied.  The  officers 
to  whom  Ferdinand  Pizarro  gave  the  command  of  dif 
ferent  detachments,  jienetrated  into  several  new  pro- 
vinces ;  and  though  some  of  thein  were  exposed  to 
great  hardships  in  the  cold  and  barren  regions  of  the 
Andes,  and  others  suffered  distress  not  inferior  amidst 
the  woods  and  marshes  of  the  plains,  they  made  dis- 
coveries and  coiKpiests  which  not  only  extended  iheir 
knowledge  of  the  country,  but  added  considerably  to 
the  territories  of  Spain  in  the  New  World.  Pedro  de 
Valdivia  reassumed  Almagro's  scheme  of  invading 
Chili,  and  notwithstanding  the  fortitude  of  the  natives 
in  defending  their  possessions,  made  such  progress  in 
the  conquest  of  the  country,  that  he  founded  the  city 
of  St.  Jago,  and  gave  a  beginning  to  the  establishment 
of  the  .Spanish  dominion  m  that  province.  But  of  all 
the  enterprises  undertaken  about  this  period,  thai  of 
Gonzola  I'izarro  was  the  most  remarkable,  Tiie  go- 
vernor, who  seems  to  have  resolved  that  no  person  in 


144 


ROBERTSON'S    HISTORY  OF 


Peru  should  possess  any  station  of  (listuigiiishtd  cmi- 
oencc  or  authority  but  lho>e  of  his  owti  family,  had 
deprived  Uenalcazar,  the  comjucror  of  Quito,  of  his 
cornmanil  in  that  knif;doni,  and  appointed  his  brother 
Gonzalo  to  take  the  yovcrnnient  of  it.  He  instructed 
him  to  attempt  the  discovery  and  conquest  of  the  coun- 
try to  the  east  of  tiie  Andes,  which,  according  to  the 
information  of  the  Indians,  aboundid  with  cinnamon 
and  other  valuable  spices.  Gonzalo,  not  inferior  to 
any  of  his  brotiiers  in  courage,  and  no  less  ambitious 
of  acquiring  distinction,  eagerly  engaged  in  this  ditli- 
cnlt  service.  He  set  out  from  (juito  at  tlie  head  of 
tluee  hundred  and  forty  soldiers,  near  one  half  of  whom 
were  horsemen  ;  with  four  thousand  Indians  to  carry 
their  provisions.  In  forcing  their  way  through  the  de- 
files, or  over  the  ridges  of  the  Andes,  excess  of  cold 
and  fatigue,  to  neither  of  which  they  were  accustomed, 
proved  fatal  to  the  greater  part  of  their  wretched  at- 
tendants. The  Spaniarde,  though  more  robust,  and 
inured  to  a  variety  of  climates,  sulFered  considerably, 
and  lost  some  men  :  but  when  they  lioscended  into  the 
low  country,  their  distress  increased.  During  two 
months  it  rained  incessantly,  without  any  interval  of 
fair  weather  long  enough  to  dry  their  clothes.  The 
immense  plains  upon  which  they  were  now  entering, 
cither  altogether  without  inhabitants,  or  occupied  by 
the  ru'fest  and  least  industrious  tribes  in  the  New 
World,  yielded  little  subsistence.  They  could  not  ad- 
vance a  step  but  as  they  cut  a  road  through  woods,  or 
made  it  through  marshes.  Such  incessant  toil,  and 
continual  scarcity  of  food,  seem  more  than  sufficient 
to  have  exhausted  and  dispirited  any  troops.  But  the 
fortitude  and  perseverance  of  the  Spaniards  in  the  si.x- 
lecnth  century  were  insuperable.  Allured  by  frequent 
but  false  accounts  of  ricii  countries  before  them,  they 
persisted  in  struggling  on,  until  they  reached  the  banks 
of  the  Coca  or  Napo,  one  of  the  large  rivers  whose 
waters  pour  into  the  Maragnon,  and  contribute  to  its 
grandeur.  There,  with  inlinite  labor,  they  built  a 
bark,  which  they  expected  would  prove  of  great  utility 
in  conveying  them  over  rivers,  in  procuring  provisions, 
and  in  exploring  the  country.  This  was  manned  with 
fifty  soldiers,  under  the  command  of  Francis  Orellana, 
the  officer  next  in  rank,  to  Pizarro.  The  stream  car- 
ried them  down  with  such  rapidity,  that  they  were  soon 
fai  ahead  of  their  countrymen,  who  followed  slowly  and 
wilb  difficulty  by  land. 

At  this  distance  from  his  commander,  Orellana,  a 
Toung  man  of  an  aspiring  mind,  began  to  fancy  himself 
independ  ent  ;  and  transported  with  the  predominant 
passion  of  the  age,  he  formed  the  scheme  of  distinguish- 
ing himself  as  a  discoverer,  by  following  the  course  of 
the  Maragnon  until  it  joined  the  ocean  and  by  survey- 
ing the  vast  regions  through  which  it  flows.  Tiiis 
ernemc  of  Orellana's  was  as  bold  as  it  was  treacherous. 
For,  if  he  be  chargeable  with  the  guilt  of  having  vio- 
lated his  duty  to  his  commander,  and  with  having 
ahandoMcd  his  fellow  soldiers  in  a  pathless  desert, 
where  they  had  hardly  any  hopes  of  success,  or  even 
of  safety,  but  what  were  founded  on  the  service  which 
they  ex[)cctcd  from  the  bark  ;  his  crime  is  in  some 
measure-balanced  by  the  glory  of  having  ventured  upon 
a  navigation  of  near  two  thousand  leagues,  through 
unknown  nations,  in  a  vessel  hastily  constructed,  with 
green  timber,  and  by  very  unskilful  bands,  without  pro- 
vifions,  without  a  compass,  or  a  pilot.  Hut  his  courage 
and  alacrity  su[)plii'd  every  defect.  Committing  him- 
self fearlessly  to  the  guidance  of  the  stream,  the  Napo 
bore  him  along  to  the  south,  until  he  reached  the  great 
channel  of  the  Maragnon.  Turning  with  it  towards 
the  coast,  he  held  on  his  course  in  that  direction.  Ho 
made  frequent  descents  on  both  sides  of  the  river, 
sometimes  seizing  by  force  of  arms  the  provisions  of 
the  tierce  savages  seated  on  its  banks  ;  and  sometimes 
procuring  a  supply  of  food  by  fl  friendly  inlcrrourse 
wiih  more  gentle  tnlx'S.  After  a  lou^  sorie»  of  <lan- 
gers,  which  he  encountered  with  amazing  fortitude, 
and  of  distresses  which  he  supported  with  no  les< 
miignaniimtv,  he  reached  the  ocean  [137,]  where  new 
perils  awaited  him.  These  he  likewise  surmounted, 
and  got  safely  to  the  .Spanish  settlement  in  the  island 
of  (aibagua;  from  thence  he  sailed  to  Spain.  The 
vamiy  natural  to  travellers  who  visit  regions  unknown 
to  the  rest  of  manknxl,  ai  d  the  art  of  an  adventurer 
FolicitoiiH  to  magnify  his  own  merit,  concurred  in 
prompting  him  to  mingle  an  extraordinary  proportion 
of  the  marvellous  in  the  narrative  of  his  voyage.  He 
pretende«l  to  have  discovered  nations  so  rich  that  the 
roofs  of  their  temples  were  covered  with  plates  of  gold  ; 
end  i!esci\b;^d  a  republic  of  women  so  warlike  and 
powerful,  4<  to  have  extended  tht;r  dominion  over  a 
c«xu(td»rab>l«  tract  of  tha  furtilu  iLitiu  wltich  he  liad 


visited.  Extravagant  as  those  talcs  were,  they  gave 
rise  to  an  opinion,  that  a  region  abounding  with  gold, 
distinguished  by  the  name  of  Ei  Uorada,  and  a  com- 
munity of  Amazons,  were  to  be  found  in  this  ))art  of 
the  world  ;  and  such  is  the  propensity  of  mankind  to 
believe  what  is  wonderful,  that  it  has  been  slowly  and 
with  difficulty  that  reason  and  observation  have  ex- 
ploded those  fables.  The  voyage,  however,  even  when 
stripped  ol  every  romantic  cinbellishinent,  deserves  to 
be  recorded  not  only  as  one  of  the  most  memorable 
occurrences  in  that  adventurous  ago,  but  as  the  first 
event  which  led  to  any  certain  know  ledge  of  the  exten- 
sive countries  that  stretch  eastward  from  the  Andes  to 
the  ocean. 

No  words  can  describe  the  consternation  of  Pizarro, 
when  he  did  not  find  Xhe  bark  aL  the  confluence  of  the 
Napo  and  Maragnon,  where  he  had  ordered  Orellana 
to  wail  for  him.  He  would  not  allow  himself  to  sus- 
pect that  a  man,  whom  he  had  intrusted  with  such  an 
important  command,  could  be  so  base  and  so  unfeeling 
as  to  desert  him  at  such  a  juncture.    But  imputing  his 

]  absence  from  the  place  of  rendezvous  to  some  unknown 
accident,  he  ad\anced  above  fifty  leagues  along  the 
banks  of  the  Maragnon,  expecting  every  moment  to  see 
the  bark  appear  with  a  sup{)lv  of  provisions  [1541].  At 
length  lie  came  up  with  an  oflicer  whom  Orellana  had 
left  to  perish  in  the  desert,  because  he  had  the  courage 
to  remf^nstrate  against  his  perfidy.  From  him  he  learned 
the  extent  of  Orellana's  crime,  and  his  followers  per- 
ceived at  once  their  own  desperate  situation,  when 
deprived  of  their  only  resource.  The  spirit  of  the 
stoutest  hearted  veteran  sunk  within  him,  and  all  de- 
manded to  be  led  back  instantly.  Pizarro,  though  he 
assumed  an  appearance  of  tranquillity,  did  not  oppose 
their  inclination.  But  he  was  now  twelve  hundred 
miles  from  Quito  ;  and  in  that  long  march  the  Spaniards 

'  encountered  hardships  greater  than  those  which  they 
had  endured  in  their  progress  outward,  without  the 
alluring  hopes  which  then  soothed  and  animated  them 
under  their  sufferings.     Hunger  compelled  them  to 

I  feed  on  roots  and  berries,  to  eat  all  their  dogs  and 

I  horses,  to  devour  the  most  loathsome  leptiles,  and  even 
to  gnaw  the  leather  of  their  saddles  and  swordbclts. 
Four  thousand  Indians,  and  two  hundred  and  ten  Spa- 
niards, perished  in  this  wild  disastrous  expedition, 
which  continued  near  two  years  ;  and  as  fifty  men  were 
aboard  the  bark  with  Orellano,  only  four  score  got  back 
to  Quito.  'I'hcse  were  naked  like  savages,  and  so 
emaciated  with  famine,  or  worn  out  with  fatigrc,  that 
thev  had  more  the  apjiearance  of  spectres  than  of  men. 

But,  instead  of  returning  to  enjoy  the  repose  which 
his  condition  required,  Pizarro,  on  entering  Quito,  re- 
ceived accounts  of  a  fatal  event  that  threatened  cala- 
mities more  dreadful  to  him  than  those  through  which 
he  had  passad.  From  the  tunc  that  his  brother  made 
that  partial  division  of  his  conquests  which  has  been 
mentioned,  the  adherents  of  Almagro,  considering 
themselves  as  proscribed  by  the  party  in  power,  no 
longer  entertained  any  hope  of  bettering  their  condition, 
(ireat  numbers  in  despair  resorted  to  Lima,  where  the 
house  of  young  Almagro  was  always  open  to  them,  and 
the  slender  portion  of  his  father's  fortune,  which  the 
governor  allowed  him  to  enjoy,  was  spent  in  aflbrding 
them  subsistence.  The  warm  attachment  with  which 
every  person  who  had  served  under  the  elder  Almagro 
devoted  himself  to  his  interests,  was  quickly  transferred 
to  bis  son,  who  was  now  grown  np  to  the  age  of  man- 
hood, and  possessed  all  the  qualities  which  captivate  the 
alhctioiis  of  soldiers  Of  a  graceful  appearance,  dex- 
terous at  all  martial  exercises,  bold,  open,  generous, 
he  seemed  to  be  fomied  for  command  ;  and  as  his 
father,  conscious  of  his  own  inferiority  from  the  total 
want  of  education,  had  been  extremely  attentive  to  have 
him  instructed  in  every  .science  becoming  a  gentleman  ; 
the  accomplishments  which  he  had  acquired  heightened 
the  resnect  of  his  followers,  as  they  gave  him  distinc- 
tion and  eminence  among  illiterate  adventurers.  In 
this  young  man  the  .Mmagriaiis  found  a  point  of  union 
which  they  wanted,  and,  looking  up  to  him  as  their 
head,  were  ready  to  undertake  any  thing  for  his  ad- 
vancement. Nor  was  alfection  for  Almagro  their  only  in- 
citement ;  they  were  urged  on  by  their  own  distresses. 
Many  of  them,  destitute  of  common  necessaries,  [i:5S] 
and  weary  of  loitering  away  life,  a  burden  to  their  chief, 
or  to  such  of  their  associates  as  had  saved  some  rem- 

'  naiit  of  their  fortune  from  pillage  and  conliscalion, 
longed  impatiently  for  an  occasion  to  exert  their  acti- 
vity and  courage,  and  began  to  deliberate  how  they 
might  be  Bven;;ed  on  the  author  of  nil  their  misery. 
Their  frequent  cabals  did  not  pass  unobserved  ;  and 
the  governor  was  warned  to  be  on  hi.i  guard  against 
men  who  meditated  sumo  desperate  deed,  and  had  re- 


solution to  execute  it.  But  either  from  the  native  n> 
trepidity  of  his  mind,  or  for  contempt  of  persons  whoM 
poverty  seemed  to  render  their  machinations  of  littU 
consecpicnce,  he  disregarded  the  admonitions  of  hia 
friends.  '•  Be  in  no  pain,''  said  he  carelessly,  "  about 
my  life  :  it  is  perfectly  safe,  as  long  as  every  man  in 
Peru  knows  that  I  can  in  a  moment  cut  nlf  any  head 
which  dares  to  harbor  a  thought  against  it."  This 
security  gave  the  Alinagrians  full  leisure  to  digest  and 
ripen  every  ])art  of  their  ."cheme  ;  and  Juan  de  Hcrrado, 
an  officer  of  great  abilities,  who  had  the  charge  of  Al- 
magro's  education,  took  the  direction  of  their  consulta- 
tions with  all  the  zeal  which  this  connection  inspired, 
and  with  all  the  authority  which  the  ascendant  that  he 
was  known  to  have  over  the  mind  of  his  pupil  gave  him. 

On  Sunday  the  twenty-sixtlt  of  .lune,  at  mid-day,  the 
season  of  tranquillity  and  re[iosc  in  all  sultry  climates, 
Herrada,  at  the  head  of  eighteen  of  the  most  deter- 
I  mined  conspirators,  sallied  out  of  Almagro's  house,  in 
complete  armor ;  and,  drawing  their  swords,  as  they 
advanced  hastily  towards  the  governor's  palace,  cried 
out,  "  Long  live  the  King,  but  let  the  tyrant  die  I" 
Their  associates,  warned  of  their  motions  bv  a  signal, 
were  in  arms  at  different  stations  ready  to  support 
them.  Though  Pizarro  was  usually  sorrounded  by 
such  a  numerous  train  of  attendants  as  suited  the  niag- 
nilicence  of  the  most  opulent  subject  of  the  age  in 
which  he  lived  ;  yet  as  he  was  just  risen  from  table, 
and  most  of  the  domestics  had  retired  to  their  own 
apartments,  the  conspirators  passed  through  the  two 
outer  courts  of  the  palace  unobser\ed.  They  were  at 
the  bottom  of  the  stair-case  before  a  page  in  wailing 
could  give  the  alarm  to  his  master,  who  was  conversing 
with  a  few  friends  in  a  large  hall.  The  governor, 
whose  steady  mind  no  form  of  danger  could  appal, 
starting  up,  called  for  arms,  and  commanded  Francisco 
de  Chaves  to  make  fast  the  door.  But  that  oflicer. 
who  did  not  retain  so  much  presence  of  mind  as  to  obey 
this  prudent  order,  running  to  the  top  of  the  stair-caso, 
wildly  asked  the  conspirators  what  they  meant,  and 
whither  they  were  going  !  Instead  of  answering,  they 
stabbed  him  to  the  heart,  and  burst  into  the  hall  Some 
of  the  persons  who  were  there  threw  themselves  from 
the  windows  ;  others  attempted  to  fly  ;  and  a  few  draw- 
ing their  swords  followed  their  leader  into  an  inner 
apartment.  The  conspirators,  animated  with  haung 
the  object  of  their  vengeance  now  in  view,  rushed  for- 
ward after  them.  Pizarro,  with  no  other  arms  than  hi» 
sword  and  buckler,  defended  the  entry  ;  and.  supported 
by  his  half  brother  Alcantara,  and  his  little  knot  of 
friends,  he  maintained  the  unequal  contest  with  intre- 
pidity worthy  of  his  past  cxjiloits,  and  «ith  the  vigor  of 
a  youthful  combatant.  "  Courage  "  cried  he,  "  com- 
panions I  we  are  yet  enow  to  make  those  traitors  rejient 
of  their  audacity."  But  the  armor  of  the  conspiraton 
protected  them,  while  every  thrust  they  made  took 
effect.  Alcantara  fell  dead  at  his  brother  s  feet ;  hi« 
other  defenders  were  mortally  wounded.  The  governor, 
so  weary  that  he  could  hardly  wield  his  sword,  and  no 
longer  able  to  pa.ry  the  many  weapons  furiously  aimed 
at  him,  received  a  deadly  thrust  full  m  his  throat,  sunk 
to  the  ground,  and  expired. 

As  soon  as  he  was  slain,  the  assassins  ran  out  into 
the  streets,  and,  waving  their  bloody  swords,  pro- 
claimed the  death  of  the  tyrant.  Above  two  hundred 
of  their  associates  having  joined  them,  they  conducted 
young  Almagro  in  solemn  procession  through  the  city, 
and,  assembling  the  magistrates  and  principal  citizeiif, 
compelled  them  to  acknowledge  him  as  lawl'ul  suc- 
cessor to  his  father  in  his  government.  The  palace  ol 
Pizarro,  together  with  the  houses  of  several  of  his  ad- 
herents, was  pillaged  by  the  soldiers,  who  had  the  satis- 
faction at  once  of  being  avenged  on  their  enemies,  and 
of  enriching  themselves  by  the  spoils  of  those  throegh 
whose  hands  all  the  wealth  of  Peru  had  passed. 

The  boldness  and  success  of  the  conspiracy,  as  well 
as  the  name  and  popular  qualities  of  Almagro,  drew 
many  soldiers  to  his  standard.  Every  adventurer  ol 
desperate  fortune,  all  who  were  dissatisfied  with  Pizarro 
(and  from  the  lapaciousness  of  his  government  in  the 
latter  years  of  his  life  the  number  of  maleconletits  was 
considerable),  declared  without  hesitation  in  favor  of 
Alin.igro,  and  he  was  soon  at  the  head  of  eight  hundred 
of  the  most  gallant  veterans  in  Peru.  As  bis  youth 
and  inexperience  disqualified  him  from  taking  the  com- 
mand of  them  himself,  he  appointed  Herrada  to  act  ID 
general.  But  though  Almagro  speei'.ily  collected  suck 
a  respectacle  force,  the  acquiescence  in  his  govcrniiieiil 
was  far  from  being  general.  Pizarro  had  left  many 
friends  to  whom  his  memory  was  dear;  the  barluroui 
nssaisination  of  a  man  to  whom  his  country  wj»  «0 
highly  indebted,  filled  every  iuipatlMl  person  with  liof 


SOUTH  AMERICA 


143 


ror.  The  ignomimuus  birth  of  Almagro,  as  well  as 
the  Jomitfui  liile  on  which  he  founded  his  pretensions, 
icd  others  to  consider  him  as  a  usurper.  I'he  oHicers 
who  coimnaiidcd  in  some  provinces  refused  to  recog- 
nize his  authority  until  it  was  conlirined  by  the  em- 
peror. In  others,  particularly  at  Cuzco,  the  royal 
standard  was  erected,  and  preparations  were  begun  in 
Drder  to  revenge  the  murder  of  tlieir  ancient  leader. 

Those  seeds  of  discord,  which  could  not  have  lain 
long  dormant,  acquired  great  vigor  and  activity  when 
arrival  of  Vaca  de  Castro  was  known.    After  a 
j  Jong  and  disastrous  voyage,  he  was  driven  by  stress  of 
weather  into  a  small  harlwr  in  the  province  of  Popayan  ; 
aiii!  proceeding  from  thence  by  land,  after  a  journey  no 
less  tedious  than  ditlicult,  he  reached  Quito.    In  his 
;  way  he  received  accounts  of  Pizarro's  death,  and  of 
I  the  events  which  followed  upon  it.    He  immediately 
produced  the  royal  commission  appointing  him  governor 
of  Peru,  with  the  same  privileges  and  authority  ;  and 
his  jurisdiction  was  acknowledged  without  hesitation 
by  Benalcazar,  adelantado  or  lieutenant-general  for  the 
emperor  in  Popayan,  and  by  Pedro  de  Puelles,  who,  in 
the  absence  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  had  the  command  of 
the  troops  left  in  Quito.    Vaca  de  Castro  not  only 
assumed  the  supreme  authority,  but  showed  that  he 
possessed  the  talents  which  the  exercise  of  it  at  that 
•uncture  required.    By  his  influence  and  address  he 

I soon  assembled  such  a  body  of  troops  as  not  only  to 
set  him  above  all  fear  of  being  exposed  to  any  insult 
from  the  adverse  party,  but  enabled  him  to  advance 
from  Quito  with  the  dignity  which  became  his  cliarac- 
ter.    By  despatching  persons  of  confidence  to  the  dif- 
ferent settlements  in  Peru  with  a  formal  notification  of 
nis  arrival  and  of  his  commission,  he  communicated  to 
nis  countrymen  the  royal  pleasure  with  respect  to  the 
I  government  of  the  country.    By  private  emissaries,  he 
.  excited  such  officers  as  had  discovered  their  disappro- 
bation of  Almagro's  proceedings,  to  manifest  their  duty 
I  to  their  sovereign  by  supporting  the  person  honored 
I  with  his  commission.   Those  measures  were  [iroductive 
■  of  great  effects.    Encouraged  by  the  approach  of  the 
new  governor,  or  prepared  by  his  machinations,  the 
>oyal  were  confirmed  in  their  principles,  and  avowed 
1  ihem  with  greater  boldness ;  the  timid  ventured  to 
I  declare  their  sentiments  ;  the  neutral  and  wavering, 
(in  ling  it  necessary  to  chose  a  side,  began  to  lean  to 
that  which  now  appeared  to  be  the  safest  as  well  as  the 
uiost  just. 

Almagro  observed  the  rapid  progress  of  this  spirit  of 
'  disaffection  to  his  cause  ;  and  in  order  to  give  an  ctTec- 
tual  check  to  it  before  the  arrival  of  Vaca  de  Castro, 
he  set  out  at  the  head  of  his  troops  for  Cuzco,  [1.542,] 
where  the  most  considerable  body  of  opponents  had 
erected  the  royal  standard,  under  the  command  of  Pe- 
dro Alverez  Ilolguin.  During  his  march  thither,  Iler- 
rada.  the  skilful  guide  of  his  youth  and  of  his  counsels, 
died  ;  and  from  that  time  his  measures  were  conspicu- 

ious  for  their  violence,  but  concerted  with  little  sagacity, 
and  executed  with  no  address.  Ilolguin,  who,  with 
forces  far  inferior  to  those  of  the  opposite  party,  was 
descending  towards  the  coast  at  the  very  time  thai, 
Almagro  was  on  his  way  to  Cuzco,  deceived  his  ine  x- 
perienced adversary  by  a  very  simple  stratagem,  avoided 
ail  engagement,  and  effected  a  junction  with  Alvarpdo, 
an  officer  of  note,  who  had  been  the  first  to  declare 
l^agamst  Almagro  as  a  usurper. 

^  Soon  after  Vaca  de  Castro  entered  their  camp  with 
the  troops  which  he  brought  from  Quito  ;  and  eracting 
the  royal  standard  before  his  own  tent,  he  declared  that, 
as  governor,  he  would  discharge  in  person  all  the  func- 
tions of  general  of  their  combined  forces.  'I'hough 
formed  by  the  tenor  of  his  past  life  to  the  habits  of  a 
sedentary  and  pacific  profession,  he  at  once  assumed 
the  activity  and  discovered  the  decision  of  an  ofiicer 
long  accustomed  to  command.  Knowing  his  strength 
to  be  now  far  superior  to  that  of  the  enemy,  he  was 
impatient  to  terminate  the  contest  by  a  b.ittle.  Nor 
did  the  followers  of  Almagro,  who  had  no  hopes  of 
obtaining  a  jjardon  for  a  crime  so  atrocious  as  the  mur- 
der of  the  governor,  decline  that  i.iode  of  decision 
They  met  at  Chupaz,  [Sept.  16,]  about  two  hundred 
miles  from  Cuzro,  and  fought  with  all  the  fierce  ani- 
mosity inspired  by  the  violence  of  civil  rage,  the  ran- 
cor of  private  enmity,  the  eagerness  of  revenge,  and 
the  last  efforts  of  despair.  Victory,  after  remaining 
<  long  doubtful,  declared  at  last  for  Vaco  de  Castro° 
The  superior  number  of  his  troops,  his  own  intrepidity, 
and  the  martial  talents  of  Francisco  de  Carvajal,  a 
j  veteran  officer  formed  under  the  great  captain  in  the 
wars  of  Italy,  and  who  on  that  day  laid  the  foundation 
I  of  us  future  fame  in  F'eru,  triumphed  over  the  bravery 
M  iu»  opponents,  though  led  vin  by  ycojig  Alma-ro 

a 


with  a  gallant  spirit  worthy  of  a  better  cause,  and  de- 
serving another  fate.  The  carnage  was  great  in  pro- 
portion to  the  number  of  the  combatants.  Many  of  the 
vanquished,  especially  such  as  were  conscious  that 
they  might  be  charged  with  being  accessary  to  the 
assassination  of  Pizarro,  rusliing  on  the  swords  of  the 
enemy,  chose  to  fall  like  soldiers  rather  than  wait  an 
ignominious  doom.  Of  fourteen  hundred  men,  the 
total  amount  of  combatants  on  both  sides,  five  hundred 
lay  dead  on  the  field,  and  the  number  of  the  wounded 
was  still  greater. 

If  the  military  talents  displayed  by  Vaca  de  Castro, 
both  in  the  council  and  in  the  field,  surprised  the  ad- 
venturers in  Peru,  they  were  still  more  astonished  at 
his  conduct  after  the  victory.'  As  he  was  by  nature  a 
rigid  dispenser  of  justice,  and  persuaded  that  it  required 
examples  of  extraordinary  severity  to  restrain  the  licen- 
tious spirit  of  soldiers  so  far  removed  from  the  seat  of 
government,  he  proceeded  directly  to  try  his  prisoners 
as  rebels.  Forty  were  condemned  to  suffer  the  death 
of  traitors,  others  were  banished  from  Peru.  Their 
leader,  who  made  his  escape  from  the  battle,  being 
betrayed  by  some  of  his  officers,  was  publicly  beheaded 
in  Cuzco  ;  and  in  him  the  name  of  Almagro,  and  the 
spirit  of  the  party,  was  extinct. 

During  those  violent  convulsions  in  Peru,  the  empe- 
ror and  his  ministers  were  intently  employed  in  prepa- 
ring regulations,  by  which  they  hoped  not  only  to  re- 
establish tranquillity  there,  but  to  introduce  a  more 
perfect  system  of  internal  policy  into  all  their  settle- 
ments in  the  New  World.  It  is  manifest  from  all  the 
events  recorded  in  the  history  of  America,  that,  rapid 
and  extensive  as  the  Spanish  conquests  there  had  been, 
they  were  not  carried  on  by  any  regular  exertion  of  the 
national  force,  but  by  the  occasional  efforts  of  private 
adventurers.  After  fitting  out  a  few  of  the  first  arma- 
ments for  discovering  new  regions,  the  court  of  Spain, 
during  the  busy  reigns  of  Ferdinand  and  Charles  V., 
the  former  the  most  intriguing  prince  of  the  age,  and 
the  latier  the  most  ambitious,  was  encumbered  with 
such  a  multiplicity  of  p.ohemes,  and  involved  in  war 
with  so  many  nations  of  Europe,  that  he  had  not  lei- 
sure to  attend  to  diftant  and  less  interesting  objects. 
The  care  of  prosecuting  discovery,  or  of  attempting 
conquest,  was  abandoned  to  individuals  ;  and  with  such 
ardor  did  men  push  forward  in  this  new  career,  on  which 
novelty,  the  spirit  of  adventure,  avarice,  ambition,  and 
the  hope  of  meiiting  heaven,  prompted  thein  with  com- 
bined influeiif  e  to  enter,  that  in  less  than  half  a  cen- 
tury almost  the  whole  of  that  extensive  empire  which 
Spain  now  possesses  in  the  New  World,  was  subjected 
to  its  dominion.  As  the  Spanish  court  contributed 
nothing  towaid-s  the  various  expeditions  undertaken  in 
Ameri'^a,  it  wasi  not  entitled  to  claim  much  from  their 
success.  The  sovereignty  cf  the  conquered  provinces, 
with  the  fifth  of  the  gold  and  silver,  was  reserved  for 
tho  crown  ;  every  thing  else  was  seised  by  the  asso- 
ciates in  each  expedition  as  their  own  right.  The  plun- 
der of  the  countries  which  they  invaded  served  to  in- 
demnify them  for  what  they  had  expended  in  equipping 
themselves  for  the  service,  and  the  conquered  territory 
was  divided  among  them,  according  to  rules  which  cus- 
tom had  introduced,  as  permanent  establishments  which 
their  successful  valor  merited.  In  the  infancy  of  those 
settlements,  when  their  extent  as  well  as  their  value 
was  unknown,  many  irregularities  escaped  observation, 
and  it  was  found  necessary  to  connive  at  many  excesses. 
The  conquered  people  were  frequently  pillaged  with 
destructive  rapacity,  and  their  country  parcelled  out 
among  its  new  masters  in  exorbitant  shares,  far  ex- 
ceeding the  highest  recompense  due  to  their  services. 
The  rude  conquerors  of  America,  incapable  of  forming 
their  establishments  upon  any  general  or  ettensive  plan 
of  policy,  attentive  only  to  private  interest,  unwilling 
to  forego  present  gain  from  the  prospect  of  remote  or 
public  benefit,  seem  to  have  had  no  object  but  to  amass 
sudden  wealth,  without  regarding  what  might  be  the 
consequences  of  the  means  by  which  they  acquired  it. 
But  when  time  at  length  discovered  to  the  Spanish 
court  the  importance  of  its  American  possessions,  the 
necessity  of  new-modelling  their  whole  frame  became 
obvious,  and  in  place  ol^  the  maxims  and  practices  pre- 
valent among  military  adventurers,  it  was  found  requi- 
site to  substitute  the  institutions  of  regular  govern- 
ment. 

One  evil  in  particular  called  for  an  immediate  reme- 
dy. The  conijuerors  of  Mexico  and  Peru  imitated  the 
fatal  example  of  their  countrymen  settled  in  the  islands, 
and  employed  themselves  in  searching  for  gold  and  sil- 
ver witli  the  same  inconsiderate  eagerness.  Similar 
effects  followed.  The  n.itives  employed  in  this  labor 
by  iiiaalcrs,  who  in  imposing  tasks  had  no  regard  either 


to  what  they  felt  or  to  what  they  were  able  to  perfonn, 
pined  away  and  perished  so  fast,  that  there  was  reason 
to  apprehend  that  Spain,  instead  of  possessing  countrieH 
peo])led  to  such  a  degree  as  to  be  susceptibit  of  prc- 
gressive  improvement,  would  soon  remain  proprietor 
only  of  a  vast  uninhabited  desert. 

I  hc  emperor  and  his  ministers  were  so  sensible  of 
this,  and  so  solicitous  to  prevent  the  extinction  of  the 
Indian  race,  which  threatened  to  render  their  accjuisi- 
tions  of  no  value,  that  from  time  to  time  various  laws, 
which  I  have  mentioned,  had  been  made  for  securing 
to  that  unhappy  people  more  gentle  and  equitable  treat- 
ment. But  the  distance  of  America  from  the  seat  of 
empire,  the  feebleness  of  government  in  the  new  colo- 
nies, the  avarice  and  audacity  of  soldiers  unaccustomed 
to  restraint,  prevented  these  salutary  regulations  from 
operating  with  any  considerable  influence.  The  evil 
continued  to  grow,  and  at  this  time  the  emperor  found 
an  interval  of  leisure  from  the  affairs  of  Europe  to  take 
it  into  attentive  consideration.  He  consulted  not  only 
with  his  ministers  and  the  members  of  the  council  of 
the  Indies,  but  called  upon  several  persons  who  hai 
resided  long  in  the  New  World  to  aid  them  with  the 
result  of  their  experience  and  observation.  Fortunately 
for  the  people  of  America,  among  these  was  Bartholo- 
mew de  las  Casas,  who  happened  to  be  then  at  Madrid 
on  a  mission  from  a  Chapter  of  his  order  at  Chiapa. 
Though  since  the  miscarriage  of  his  former  schemes 
for  the  relief  of  the  Indians,  he  had  continued  .shut  up 
in  his  cloister,  or  occupied  in  religious  functions,  his 
zeal  ill  behalf  of  the  former  objects  of  his  pity  was  so 
far  from  abating,  that,  from  an  increased  knowledge  of 
their  sufferings,  its  ardor  had  augmented.  He  seized 
eagerly  this  opportunity  of  reviving  his  favorite  maxims 
concerning  the  treatment  of  the  Indians.  With  llio 
moving  eloquence  natural  to  a  man  on  whose  mind  tho 
scenes  which  he  had  beheld  had  made  a  deep  impres- 
sion, he  described  the  irreparable  waste  of  the  human 
species  in  the  New  World,  the  Indian  race  almost  to- 
tally swept  away  in  the  islaiuls  in  less  than  fifty  years, 
and  hastening  to  extinction  on  the  continent  with  the 
same  rapid  decay.  With  the  decisive  tone  of  one 
strongly  prepossessed  with  the  truth  of  his  own  system, 
he  imputed  all  this  to  a  single  cause,  to  the  exactions 
and  cruelty  of  his  countrymen,  and  contended  that 
notfiing  could  prevent  the  dcjiopulation  of  America,  but 
the  declaring  of  its  natives  to  be  freemen,  and  treating 
them  as  subjects,  not  as  slaves.  Nor  did  he  confide 
for  the  success  of  this  proposal  in  the  powers  of  his 
oratory  alone.  In  order  to  enforce  them,  he  composed 
his  famous  treatise  concerning  the  destruction  of  Ame- 
rica, in  which  he  relates,  with  many  horrid  circum- 
stancr  ,  but  with  apparent  marks  of  exaggerated  de- 
scription, the  devastation  of  every  province  which  had 
been  visited  by  the  Spaniards. 

The  emperor  was  deeply  afllicted  with  the  recital  of 
so  many  actions  shocking  to  humanity.  But  as  his 
views  extended  far  bev'-nd  tl.ose  of  Las  Casas,  he  per- 
ceived that  relieving  the  Indians  from  ojipression  was 
but  one  step  towards  rendering  his  possessions  in  the 
New  World  a  valuable  acquisition,  and  would  be  of 
little  avail,  unless  he  cculd  circumscribe  the  power  and 
usurpations  of  his  own  subjects  there.  The  conquerois 
of  America,  however  great  their  merit  had  been  towards 
their  country,  were  mostly  persons  of  such  mean  birth, 
and  of  such  an  abject  rank  in  society,  as  gave  no  di» 
tir.ction  in  the  eye  of  a  monarch.  The  exorbitant 
wealth  with  which  some  of  them  returned,  gave  um- 
brage to  an  age  not  accustomed  to  see  men  in  inferior 
ccpditicn  elevated  above  their  level,  and  rising  to  cma- 
la'.c  or  to  surpass  the  ancient  nobility  in  splendor.  The 
territories  which  their  leaders  had  appropriated  to  them- 
selvoa  were  of  such  enormous  extent  [1.59],  that,  if  the 
country  should  ever  be  improved  in  projiortion  to  the 
fertility  of  the  soil,  they  must  grow  too  wealthy  and  too 
powerful  for  subjects.  It  apjieared  to  Charles  that  this 
abuse  re<piired  a  remedy  no  less  than  the  other,  and  that 
the  regulations  concerning  both  must  be  enforced  by  a 
mode  of  government  more  vigorous  than  had  yet  been 
introduced  into  America. 

With  this  view  he  framed  a  body  of  laws,  containing 
many  salutary  appointments  with  respect  to  the  consti- 
tution and  powers  of  the  supreme  council  of  the  Indies, 
concerning  the  station  and  jurisdiction  of  the  royal  au- 
diences in  different  parts  of  America  ;  the  adininistra 
tion  of  justice  ;  the  order  of  government,  both  ecclesi- 
astical and  civil.  These  were  approved  of  by  all  ranks 
of  men.  But  together  with  them  were  issued  the  fol- 
lowing  regulations,  which  excited  universal  alarm,  and 
occasioned  the  most  violent  convulsions  :  "  That  as  the 
repailiiiiienliis  or  shares  of  land  seized  by  several  per- 
.  sons  appeared  to  be  c.\cessivc,  the  royal  audientes  are 


146 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OP 


empowered  to  reduce  them  to  a  mo<Jerate  extent :  That 
upon  the  Jeath  of  any  conqueror  or  planter,  the  lands 
and  Indians  granted  to  hiin  shall  not  descend  to  his 
widow  or  children,  but  return  to  the  crown  :  That  the 
Indians  shall  henceforth  be  exempt  from  personal  ser- 
vice, and  shall  not  be  compelled  to  cairy  the  baggage 
of  travelleis,  to  labor  in  the  mines,  or  to  dive  in  the 
pearl  fisheries  ;  That  the  stated  tribute  due  by  them  to 
their  superior  shall  be  ascertained,  and  they  shall  be 
jiaid  as  servants  for  any  work  they  voluntarily  perform  : 
'I'hat  all  persons  who  are  or  have  been  in  public  offices, 
ull  ecclesiastics  of  every  denomination,  all  hospitals  and 
monasteries,  shall  be  deprived  of  the  lands  and  Indians 
allotted  to  them,  and  these  be  annexed  to  the  crown  : 
ITiat  every  person  in  I'eru,  who  had  any  criminal  con- 
cerns in  the  contest  between  Pizarro  and  Almagro 
bhould  forfeit  his  lands  and  Indians." 

All  ihe  Spanish  ministers  who  had  hitherto  been  in- 
trusted with  Ihe  direction  of  American  aH'airs,  and  who 
were  best  acquainted  with  the  state  of  the  country,  re- 
monstrated against  those  regulations  as  ruinous  to  their 
infant  colonies.  They  rei)resented,  that  the  number 
of  Spaniards  who  had  hitherto  emigrated  to  the  New 
World  was  so  extremely  small,  that  nothing  could  be 
expected  from  any  etiort  of  theirs  towards  improving 
the  vast  regions  over  which  they  were  scattered  ;  that 
the  success  of  every  scheme  for  this  purpose  must  de- 
pend upon  the  ministry  and  service  i)f  the  Indians, 
whose  native  indolence  and  aversion  to  labor,  no  pros- 
pect of  benefit  or  promise  of  reward  could  surmount ; 
that  the  moment  the  right  of  imposing  a  task,  and  ex- 
acting the  performance  of  it,  was  taken  from  their  n-.a",- 
ters,  every  work  cf  industry  must  cease,  and  ?'.!  the 
sources  from  which  wealth  began  to  pour  'jpcn  Sp^in 
must  be  stopped  for  ever.  But  Charles,  tenicx-;:-  at 
all  times  of  his  own  opinions,  and  so  much  impressed 
at  present  with  the  view  of  the  disorders  which  re'gned 
in  America,  that  he  was  willing  to  hazard  the  applica- 
tion even  of  a  dangerous  remedy,  persisted  in  his  reso- 
lution of  publishing  the  laws.  That  they  might  be  car- 
ried into  execution  with  greater  vigor  and  authority,  he 
authorized  Francisco  Teilo  de  Sandoval  to  repair  to 
Mexico  as  Kjif/fuJor,  or  superintendent  of  that  country, 
and  to  co-operate  with  Antonio  de  Mendozo,  the  vice- 
roy in  enforcing  them.  He  appointed  Blasco  Nugiiez 
Vela  to  be  governor  of  Peru,  with  the  title  of  viceroy  ; 
and  in  order  to  strengthen  his  adminstration,  he  estab- 
lished a  court  of  royal  audience  in  Lima  [1343],  in 
which  four  lawyers  of  eminence  were  to  preside  as 
judges. 

The  viceroy  and  superintendent  sailed  at  the  same 
time  ;  and  an  account  of  the  laws  which  they  were  to 
enforce  reached  America  before  them.  The  entry  of 
Sandoval  into  Mexico  was  viewed  as  the  prelude  of 
general  ruin.  The  unlimited  grant  of  liberty  to  the 
Indians  affected  every  Spaniard  in  America  without 
diutmction,  and  there  was  hardly  one  who  might  not  on 
some  pretext  be  included  under  the  other  regulations, 
and  suffer  by  them.  But  the  colony  m  New  Spam 
had  now  been  so  long  accustomed  to  the  restraints  of 
law  and  authority  under  the  steady  and  [irudent  admin- 
istration of  Mendoza,  that,  how  much  soever  the  spirit 
of  the  new  statutes  was  detested  and  dreaded,  no  at- 
tempt was  made  to  obstruct  the  publication  of  them  by 
any  act  of  violence  unbecoming  subjects.  The  magis- 
trates and  principal  inhabitants,  however,  presented 
dutiful  addresses  to  the  viceroy  and  superinteiideiit, 
representing  the  fatal  conseciuences  of  enforcing  them. 
Happily  for  them,  Mendoza,  by  long  residence  m  the 
country,  was  so  thoroughly  acquainted  with  its  state, 
that  he  knew  what  was  for  its  mterest  as  well  as  what 
it  could  bear  ;  and  Sandoval,  though  new  in  office,  dis- 
played a  degree  of  moderation  seldom  possessed  by  per- 
•cns  just  entering  upon  the  exercise  of  power.  They 
engaged  to  Kusjiend,  for  some  time,  Ihe  execution  ol 
what  was  offensive  m  the  new  laws,  and  not  only  con- 
sented that  a  di'putaliuii  of  citizens  should  be  sent  to 
Europe  to  lay  before  the  emperor  the  apprehensions  of 
his  subjects  in  New  Spain  with  respect  to  their  ten- 
dency and  ed'ecls,  but  they  concurred  with  them  in 
•upportmg  their  b.<ntirnents.  Charles,  moved  by  the 
opinion  of  men  wliose  abilities  and  integrity  entitled 
them  to  decide  concDrniiig  what  fell  immediately  under 
their  own  view,  granted  such  a  relaxation  of  the  rigor 
of  the  laws  as  rc-eslablished  the  colony  in  its  former 
tnnquilliiy. 

In  I'eru  the  storm  gathered  with  an  aspect  still  more 
6erce  and  threatening,  and  was  not  so  soon  dispelled 
The  conquerors  of  I'eru,  of  a  rank  much  inferior  to 
those  wi\o  had  subjected  Mexico  to  the  Spanish  crown, 
further  removed  from  the  inspection  of  tli(-  parent  state, 
and  intoxicatoU  with  the  sudden  acquisition  of  wealth, 


carried  on  all  their  operations  with  greater  license  and 
irregularity  than  any  body  of  adventurers  in  the  New 
World.  Amidst  the  general  subversion  of  law  and 
order,  occasioned  by  two  successive  civil  wars,  when 
each  individual  was  at  liberty  to  decide  for  himself, 
without  any  guide  but  his  own  interest  or  passions, 
this  turbulent  spirit  rose  above  all  sense  of  subordina- 
tion. To  men  thus  corrupted  by  anarchy,  the  intro- 
duction of  regular  government,  the  power  of  a  viceroy, 
and  the  authority  of  a  respectable  court  of  judicature, 
would  of  themselves  have  appeared  formidable  re- 
straints, to  which  they  would  have  snbmittcd  with  re- 
luctance. But  they  revolted  with  indignation  against 
the  idea  of  complying  with  laws,  by  which  they  were  to 
be  stripped  at  once  of  all  they  had  earned  so  hardly 
during  many  years, of  service  and  suffering.  As  the 
account  of  the  new  laws  spread  successively  through 
the  different  settlements,  the  inhabitants  ran  together, 
the  women  in  tears,  and  the  men  exclaiming  against 
the  injustice  and  ingratitude  of  their  sovereign  in  de- 
priving them,  unheard  and  unconvicted,  of  their  pos- 
sessions. "  Is  this,"  cried  they,  "  the  recompense  due 
to  persons,  who,  without  public  aid,  at  their  own  ex- 
pense, and  by  their  own  valor,  have  subjected  to  the 
crown  of  Castile  territories  of  such  immense  extent 
and  opulence  1  Are  these  the  rewards  bestowed  for 
having  endured  unparallelitl  distress,  for  having  encoun- 
tered every  specious  of  danger  in  the  service  of  their 
country  1  V>'hose  merit  is  so  great,  whose  conduct 
has  been  so  irreprochable,  that  he  may  not  be  con- 
demned by  some  penal  clause  in  regulations,  conceived 
I  ii:  terms  as  loose  and  comprehensive,  as  if  it  had  been 
intended  that  all  should  be  entangled  in  their  snare  1 
Every  Spaniard  of  note  in  Peru  has  held  seme  pubhc 
office,  and  all,  without  distincticn,  have  been  con- 
strained to  take  an  active  part  in  the  contest  between 
the  two  rival  chiefs.  Were  the  former  to  be  robbed 
of  their  property  because  they  had  done  their  duty  ! 
Were  the  latter  to  be  punished  or.  account  of  what 
they  could  not  avoid  '.  Shall  the  conquerors  of  this 
great  empire,  instead  of  receiving  marks  of  <listinction, 
l)c  deprived  of  the  natural  consolation  of  providing  for 
their  widows  and  children,  ind  leave  them  to  depend 
for  subsistence  on  the  scanty  supply  they  can  extort 
from  unfeeling  courtieri  1  We  are  not  able  now," 
continued  they,  "  to  explore  unknown  regions  in  quest 
of  more  secure  settle ments  ;  our  constitutions  debili- 
tated with  age,  and  our  bodies  covered  with  wounds, 
are  no  longer  fit  for  active  service;  but  still  we  pos- 
sess vigor  sufficient  to  assert  our  just  rights,  and  we 
will  not  tamely  cutler  them  to  be  wrested  from  us." 

By  discourses'  of  this  sort,  uttered  with  vehemence, 
and  listened  Vi  with  universal  approbation,  their  pas- 
sions were  inPamcd  to  such  a  pitch  that  they  were  pre- 
pared for  tho  most  violent  measures  ;  and  began  to 
iiold  consultations  in  different  places,  how  they  might 
oppose  the  entrance  of  the  viceroy  and  judges,  and  ])re- 
vent  not  only  the  execution  but  the  promulgation  of 
the  new  laws.  From  this,  however,  they  were  diverted 
by  the  address  of  Vaca  de  Castro,  who  flattered  them 
with  hopes,  that,  as  soon  as  the  viceroy  and  judges 
should  arrive,  and  had  leisure  to  e.^aminc  thtir  petitions 
and  remonstrances,  they  would  concur  with  them  in 
endeavoring  to  procure  ?c:.ic  mitigation  in  the  rigor  of 
laws  which  had  been  framed  without  due  attention 
cither  to  the  state  of  the  country,  or  to  the  sentiments 
of  the  people.  A  greater  degree  of  accommodation  to 
these,  and  even  some  concessions  on  the  part  of  go- 
vernment, were  now  become  requisite  to  compose  the 
])resent  ferment,  and  to  soothe  the  colonists  into  sub- 
mission, by  inspiring  them  with  contidence  in  their 
superiors.  But  without  profound  discernment,  con- 
ciliating manners,  and  flexibility  of  temper,  such  a  plan 
could  not  be  carried  on.  The  viceroy  possessed 
none  of  these.  Of  a!l  the  qualities  that  tit  men  for  high 
command,  he  was  endowed  only  w  ilh  integrity  and  cou- 
rage ;  the  former  harsh  and  uncomplymg,  the  latter 
bordering  so  frequently  on  rashness  or  obstinacy,  that, 
in  his  situation,  they  were  defects  rather  than  virtues 
From  the  moment  that  he  landed  at  Tiimbez  [.March 
4],  Nugiiez  Vela  seems  to  have  considered  himself 
merely  as  an  executive  olFiccr,  without  any  discretionary 
power;  and  regardless  of  whatever  he  observed  or 
heard  concerning  the  state  of  Ihe  country,  he  adhered 
to  the  letter  of  the  regulations  w  ith  unrelenting  rigor. 
In  all  the  towns  through  which  he  jiassed.  the  natives 
were  declared  to  be  fri'e,  every  person  in  public  otlicc 
was  deprived  of  his  lands  and  servants  ,  and  as  an  ex- 
ample of  obedience  to  others,  he  would  not  sutler  a 
siiiL'le  Indian  lo  be  eiiiploved  in  carrying  his  own  bag- 
gage in  his  march  towards  Lima.  .'\mn/emcnt  and 
consteruation  went  before  him  as  he  nporoachcd  ;  and 


so  little  solicitous  was  he  to  prevent  these  from  aiio. 
menting,  that,  on  entering  the  capital,  he  openly  avowMl 
that  he  came  to  obey  the  orders  of  his  sovcrciirn,  not 
to  dispense  with  his  laws.  This  harsh  declaration  was 
accompanied  with  what  rendered  it  still  more  intole- 
rable, hauahtiness  in  deportment,  a  lone  of  arrotranco 
and  decision  in  discourse,  and  an  insolence  of  oSica 
grievous  to  men  little  accustomed  to  hold  civil  auth<». 
lity  in  high  respect.  Every  attempt  to  procure  a  sus- 
pension or  mitigation  of  the  new  laws,  the  viceroy  con- 
sidered as  (lowing  from  a  spirit  of  disaffection  that 
tended  to  rebellion.  Several  persons  of  rank  were  cori- 
fined,  and  some  put  lo  death,  without  any  form  of  triaL 
Vaca  de  Castro  was  arrested  ;  and  notwiihstandino  the 
dignity  of  his  former  rank,  and  his  merit,  in  havir.g 
prevented  a  general  insurrection  in  the  colony,  he 
was  loaded  with  chains,  and  shut  up  in  the  common 
jail. 

But  however  general  the  indignation  was  against  such 
proceedings,  it  is  probable  the  hand  of  authority  woijld 
have  been  strong  enough  to  suppress  it,  or  to  prevent  it 
bursting  out  with  open  violence,  if  the  maleconlenta 
had  not  been  provided  with  a  leader  of  credit  and  emi- 
nence to  unite  and  to  direct  their  efforts.  From  the 
lime  that  the  purport  of  the  new  regulations  was  known 
in  Peru,  every  Spaniard  there  turned  his  eyes  towards 
Gonzalo  Pizarro,  as  the  only  person  able  lo  avert  tho 
ruin  with  which  they  threatened  the  colony.  From  all 
(juarters,  letters  and  addresses  were  sent  to  him,  con- 
juring him  to  stand  forth  as  their  common  protector, 
and  offering  lo  support  him  in  the  attempt  with  their 
lives  and  fortunes.  Gonzalo,  though  inferior  in  talenln 
to  his  other  brothers,  was  equally  ambitious,  and  o( 
courage  no  less  daring.  The  behavior  of  an  ungratelul 
court  towards  his  brothers  and  himself  dwelt  continu- 
ally on  his  mind.  Ferdinand  a  state  prisoner  in  Eu- 
rope, the  children  of  the  governor  m  custody  of  the 
viceroy,  and  sent  aboard  his  fleet,  himself  reducel  to 
the  condition  of  a  private  citizen  in  a  country  for  the 
discovery  and  conquest  of  which  Spain  was  indehled 
lo  his  family — these  thoughts  prompted  him  to  seek  for 
vengeance,  and  to  assert  the  rights  of  his  family,  ol 
which  he  now  considered  himself  as  the  guardian  and 
the  heir.  But  as  no  Sjjaniard  can  eas.ly  surmount  that 
veneration  for  his  sovereign  which  seems  to  be  inter- 
woven in  his  frame,  the  idea  of  marching  in  arms  against 
the  royal  standard  filled  him  with  horror.  He  hesitated 
long,  and  was  still  unresolved,  when  the  violence  of  iho 
viceroy,  the  universal  call  of  his  countrymen,  and  the 
certainty  of  becoming  soon  a  victim  himself  to  the 
severity  of  the  new  laws,  moved  him  to  quit  his  rc»i- 
dence  at  Chuquisaca  de  la  Plata,  and  repair  to  Cuzco. 
All  the  inhabitants  went  out  to  meet  him,  and  rcceiv«l 
him  with  transports  of  joy  as  the  deliverer  of  the  colony. 
In  the  fervor  of  their  zeal,  they  elected  him  procurator- 
general  of  the  Spanish  nation  in  Peru,  to  solicit  the 
repeal  of  the  late  regulations.  They  em[)owered  hiin 
to  lay  their  remonstrances  before  the  royal  audience  in 
I.,ima,  and  upon  pretext  of  danger  from  the  Indians, 
authorized  him  to  march  thither  in  arms  [1514].  Un- 
der sanction  of  this  nomination  Pizarro  look  [X).ssession 
of  the  royal  treasure,  appointed  ofliccrs,  levied  soldioiH, 
seized  a  large  train  of  artillery  which  Vaca  de  Ca.stio 
had  deposited  in  Gumanga.  and  set  out  for  Lima  as  if  lo 
had  been  advancing  against  a  public  eiiemy.  Disaffec- 
tion having  now  assumed  a  regular  form,  and  bcinj; 
united  under  a  chief  of  such  distinguished  name,  inatr/ 
persons  of  note  resorted  to  his  standard;  and  a  coi.ti- 
deralile  part  of  the  troops,  raised  by  the  viceroy  ti» 
oppose  his  progress,  deserted  to  him  in  a  body. 

Before  Pizarro  reached  Lima,  a  revolution  had  lia> 
pened  there,  which  encouraged  him  to  proceed  wri 
almost  certainty  of  success.  The  violence  of  the  vic9- 
roy's  administration  was  not  more  formidable  lo  the 
.Spaniards  of  Peru  than  his  overbearing  haughtiness  w  i» 
odious  to  his  associates,  the  judges  of  the  royal  au- 
dience. During  their  voyage  from  Spain,  some  syinp 
toms  of  coldness  between  the  viceroy  and  iliein  lieg-an 
to  appear.  But  as  soon  as  they  entered  upon  th'.;  ex- 
trtisc  of  their  respective  offices,  both  parlies  wire  so 
much  exasperated  by  frecpieiit  contests,  arising  from 
interference  of  jurisdiction  and  contrariety  of  O(iiiiion, 
ihat  their  mulual  di.sgust  soon  grew  into  open  en- 
mity. The  judges  thwarted  the  viceroy  in  every  mea- 
sure, set  at  liberty  prisoners  whom  he  had  confined,  jus- 
tified the  malecontents,  and  applauded  their  remon- 
strances. At  a  lime  when  both  deparlment?  of  govern- 
ment  should  have  united  against  the  approaching  enemy, 
they  were  contei)din<i  w  illi  e.ich  other  for  superioiity. 
The  judges  at  length  prevailed.  The  viceroy,  univer- 
sally odious,  and  abandoned  even  by  his  own  giunl^ 
was  seized  iu  his  jialacc  [Sept.  18],  and  carried  to  i 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


147 


doscrt  islaiiQ  on  the  coast,  to  be  kept  there  until  hd 
could  be  sent  home  to  Spain. 

The  judges,  in  consequence  of  this,  having  assumed 
the  supreme  direction  of  affairs  into  their  own  hands, 
issued  a  proclamation  suspending  the  execution  of  the 
obiiotious  laws,  and  sent  a  message  to  Pizarro,  requir- 
in"  him,  as  they  had  already  granted  whatever  he  could 
request,  to  dismiss  his  troops,  and  to  repair  to  Lima 
with  liftcen  or  twenty  attendants.  They  could  hardly 
e.xpect  that  a  man  so  daring  and  ambitious  would  fainoly 
comply  with  this  requisition.  It  was  made,  probably, 
with  no  such  attention,  but  only  to  throw  a  decent 
veil  over  their  own  conduct  ;  for  Cepeda,  the  president 
of  the  court  of  audience,  a  pragmatical  and  aspiring 
lawyer,  seems  to  have  held  a  secret  correspondence 
with  Pizarro,  and  had  already  formed  the  plan,  which 
Ue  afterwards  executed,  of  devoting  himself  to  his  ser- 
vice. The  imprisonment  of  tnc  viceroy,  the  usurpation 
of  the  judges,  together  with  the  universal  confusion 
and  anarchv  consequent  upon  events  so  singular  and 
unexpected,  opened  new  and  vast  prospects  to  Pizarro. 
He  now  beheld  the  supreme  power  within  his  reach. 
Nor  did  he  want  courage  to  push  on  towards  the  object 
which  fortune  presented  to  his  view.  Carvajal,  the 
prompter  of  his  resolutions,  and  guide  of  all  his  actions, 
had  long  fixed  his  eye  upon  it  as  the  onlv  end  at  which 
Pizarro  ought  to  aim.  Instead  of  the  inferior  function 
of  procurator  for  the  Spanish  settlements  in  Peru,  he 
openly  demanded  to  be  governor  and  Captain-general 
of  the  whole  province,  and  required  the  court  of  au- 
dience to  grant  him  a  commission  to  that  etfect.  At 
the  head  of  twelve  hundred  men,  within  a  mile  of 
Lima,  where  there  was  noither  leader  nor  army  to  op- 
pose him,  such  a  request  carried  with  it  the  authority  of 
a  command.  But  the  judges,  either  from  unwilling- 
ness to  relinquish  power,  or  from  a  desire  of  preserving 
some  attention  to  appearances,  hesitated,  or  seemed  to 
hesitate,  about  complying  with  what  he  demanded. 
Carvajal,  impatient  of  delay,  and  impetuous  in  all  his 
operations,  marched  into  the  city  by  night,  seized  se- 
veral officers  of  distinction  obnoxious  to  Pizarro,  and 
hanged  them  without  the  formality  of  a  trial.  Next 
morninc  the  court  of  audience  issued  a  commission  in 
,he  emperor's  name,  appointing  Pizarro  governor  of 
Peru,  with  full  powers,  civil  as  well  as  military,  and  he 
•rJeied  the  town  that  day  with  extraordinary  pomp,  to 
tixe  possession  of  his  new  dignity. 

Oct.  23.1  But  amidst  the  disorder  and  turbulence 
which  accompanied  this  total  dissolution  of  the  frame 
of  government,  the  minds  of  men,  set  loose  from  the  or- 
Jmarv  restraints  of  law  and  authority,  acted  with  such 
fapiicious  irregularity,  that  events  no  less  extraordi- 
riary  than  unexpected  followed  in  rapid  succession. 
I'izarro  had  scarcely  begun  to  exercise  the  new 
powers  with  which  he  was  invested,  when  ho  beheld 
formidable  enemies  rise  up  to  oppose  him.  The  vice- 
roy having  been  put  on  board  a  vessel  by  the  judges  of 
the  audience,  in  order  that  he  might  be  carried  to 
Spiin  under  custody  of  Juan  Alvarez  one  of  their  own 
number ;  as  socJfl  as  they  were  nut  at  sea,  Alvarez, 
cither  touched  with  remorse,  or  moved  by  fear,  kneeled 
down  to  his  prisoner,  declared  him  from  that  moment 
Id  be  free,  and  that  he  himself,  and  every  person  in  the 
fhip,  would  obey  him  as  the  legal  representative  of 
llieir  sovereign.  Nugnez  Vela  ordered  the  pilot  of 
4  the  vessel  to  shape  his  course  towards  Tuinbez,  and  as 
Boon  as  he  landed  there,  erected  the  royal  standard,  and  rc- 
Rumed  his  functions  of  viceroy.  Several  persons  of  note, 
to  whom  the  contagion  of  the  seditious  spirit  which 
reigned  at  Cazco  and  Lima  had  not  reached,  instantly 
avowed  their  resolution  to  support  his  anthoritv.  The 
violence  of  Pizarro's  government,  who  observed  every 
f  individual  with  the  jealousy  natural  to  usurpers,  and 
who  punished  every  appearance  of  disaffection  with 
unforgiving  severity,  soon  augmented  the  number  of 
the  viceroy's  adherents,  as  it  forced  some  leading  men 
in  the  colony  to  fly  to  him  for  refuge.  While  he  was 
gathering  such  strength  atTumbez,  that  his  forces  be- 
gan to  assume  the  appearance  of  what  was  considered 
as  an  army  m  America,  Diego  Centeno,  a  bold  and  ac- 
tive oflicer,  exasperated  by  the  cruelty  and  oppression 
of  PizbTo's  lieutenant-governor  in  the  province  of 
Chdrcas,  formed  a  conspiracy  against  his  life,  cut  him 
1    off,  and  declared  for  the  viceroy. 

j       LVtS  ]  Pizarro,  though  alarmed  with  those  appear- 
I    ances  of  hostility  in  the  opposite  extremes  of  the  em- 
pire, was  not  disconcerted.    He  prepared  to  assert  the 
authority,  to  which  he  had  attained,  with  the  spirit  and 
conduct  of  an  officer  accustomed  to  command,  and 
I    marched  directly  against  the  viceroy  as  the  enemy  who 
I    was  nearest  as  well  as  most  formidable.    As  he  was 
«  u->l"r  of  tUc  public  revennea  in  Peru,  and  most  of  the 


military  men  were  attached  to  his  family,  his  troops 
were  so  numerous,  that  the  vicerov,  unable  to  face  them, 
retreated  towards  Quito.  Pizarro  followed  him  ;  and 
in  that  long  march,  through  a  wild,  mountainous  coun- 
try, suli'ercd  hardships,  and  encountered  difficulties, 
which  no  troops  but  those  accustomed  to  serve  in  Ame- 
rica could  have  endured  or  surmounted  [140]  The 
viceroy  had  scarcely  reached  (Juito,  when  the  vanguard 
of  Pizarro's  forces  appeared,  led  by  Carvajal,  who, 
though  near  fourscore,  was  as  hardy  and  active  as 
aiiv  young  soldier  under  his  command.  Nugnez  Vela, 
instantly  abandoned  a  town  incapable  of  defence,  and, 
with  a  rapidity  more  resembling  a  flight  than  a  retreat, 
marched  into  the  |)rovince  of  Popayan.  Pizarro  conti- 
nued to  pursue  ;  but,  finding  it  impossible  to  overtake 
him,  returned  to  Quito.  From  thence  he  despatched 
Carvajal  to  oppose  Centeno,  who  was  growing  formi- 
dable in  the  southern  provinces  of  the  empire,  and  he 
himself  remained  there  to  make  head  against  the  vice- 
roy. 

By  his  own  activity,  and  the  assistance  of  Benalca- 
zar,  Nugnez  Vela  soon  assembled  four  hundred  men  in 
Popayan.  As  he  retained,  amidst  all  his  disasters,  the 
same  elevation  of  mind,  and  the  same  high  sense  of  his 
own  dignitv,  he  rejected  with  disdain  the  advice  of  some 
of  his  followers  who  urged  him  to  make  overtures  of 
accomm.odation  to  Pizarro,  declaring  that  it  was  only 
by  the  sword  that  a  contest  with  rebels  could  be  de- 
cided. With  this  intention  he  marched  back  to  Quito 
[154G.]  Pizarro  relying  on  the  superior  number,  and 
still  more  on  the  discipline  and  valor  of  his  troops,  ad- 
vanced resolutely  to  meet  him  [Jan.  18].  The  battle 
was  fierce  and  bloody,  both  parties  fighting  like  men 
who  knew  that  the  possession  of  a  great  empire,  the 
fate  of  their  leaders,  and  their  own  future  fortune,  de- 
pended upon  the  issue  of  that  day.  But  Pizarro's  vete- 
rans pushed  forward  with  sucli  regular  and  well  directed 
force,  that  they  soon  began  to  make  impression  on  their 
enemies.  The  viceroy,  bv  extraordinary  exertions,  in 
which  the  abilities  of  a  commander  and  the  courage  of 
a  soldier  were  equally  displayed,  held  victory  for  some 
time  in  suspense.  At  length  he  fell,  pierced  with  many 
wounds  ;  and  the  route  of  his  followers  became  gene- 
ral. They  were  hotly  pursued.  His  head  was  cut  off, 
and  placed  on  the  public  gibbet  in  Quito,  which  Pizarro 
entered  in  triumph.  The  troops  assembled  by  Centeno 
were  dispersed  soon  after  by  Carvajal,  and  he  himself 
compelled  to  fly  to  the  mountains,  where  he  remained 
for  several  months  concealed  in  a  cave.  Every  person 
in  Peru,  from  the  frontiers  of  Popayan  to  those  of  Chili, 
submitted  to  Pizarro  ;  and  by  his  fl«et,  under  Pedro  de 
Hinojosa,  he  had  not  only  the  urrivalled  command  of 
the  South  Sea,  but  had  taken  possession  of  Panama, 
and  placed  a  garrison  in  Nombre  de  Dios,  on  the  oppo- 
site side  of  the  isthmus,  which  rendered  him  master  of 
the  only  avenue  of  communication  between  Spain  and 
Peru,  that  was  used  at  that  period. 

After  this  decisive  victory,  Pizarro  and  his  follow- 
ers remained  for  some,  time  at  Quito  ;  and  during  the 
first  transports  of  their  exultation,  they  ran  into  every 
excess  of  licentious  indulgence,  with  the  riotous  spirit 
usual  among  low  adventurers  upon  extraordinary  suc- 
cess. But  amidst  this  dissipation,  their  chief  and  his  con- 
fidants were  obliged  to  turn  their  thoughts  sometimes 
to  what  was  serious,  and  deliberated  with  much  soli- 
citude concerning  the  part  that  he  ought  now  to  take. 
Carvajal,  no  less  bold  and  decisive  in  council  than  in 
the  field,  had  from  the  beginning  v;arned  Pizarro,  that 
in  the  career  on  which  he  was  entering,  it  w.is  vain  to 
think  of  holding  a  middle  course  ;  that  he  must  either 
boldly  aim  at  all,  or  attempt  nothing.  From  the  time 
that  Pizarro  obtained  possession  of  the  government  of 
Peru,  he  inculcated  the  same  maxim  with  greater  earn- 
estness. Upon  receiving  an  account  of  the  victory  at 
Quito,  he  remonstrated  with  him  in  a  tone  still  more 
peremptory.  "  You  have  usurped,"  said  he,  in  a  letter 
written  to  Pizarro  on  that  occasion,  "  the  supreme 
power  in  this  country,  in  contempt  of  the  emperor's 
commission  to  the  viceroy.  You  have  marched  in  hos- 
tile array  against  the  royal  standard  ;  you  have  attacked 
the  representative  of  your  sovereign  in  the  field,  have 
defeated  him,  and  cut  off  his  head.  Think  not  that 
ever  a  monarch  will  forgive  such  insults  on  his  dignity  ; 
or  that  any  reconciliation  with  him  can  be  cordial  or 
sincere.  Depend  no  longer  on  the  precarious  favor  of 
another.  Assume  yourself  the  sovereignty  over  a 
country  to  the  dominion  of  which  your  family  has  a 
title  founded  on  the  rights  both  of  discovery  and  con- 
quest. It  is  in  your  power  to  attach  every  Spaniard  in 
Peru  of  any  consequence  inviolably  to  your  interest, 
by  liberal  grants  of  land  and  Indians,  or  by  instituting 
ranks  of  nobility,  and  creating  titles  of  honor  similar  to 


I  those  which  are  courted  with  so  much  eagerness  in  En- 
rope.  By  establishing  orders  of  knighthood,  with  pri- 
vileges and  distinctions  resembling  those  in  Spain,  you 
may  bestow  a  gratification  upon  the  oflicers  in  your 
service,  suited  to  the  ideas  of  military  men.  Nor  in  it 
to  your  countrymen  only  that  you  ought  to  attend  ; 
endeavor  to  gain  the  natives.  By  marrying  the  (^oyp 
or  daughter  of  the  Sun  next  in  succession  to  the  crown, 
you  will  induce  the  Indians,  out  of  veneration  for  the 
blood  of  their  ancicn  princes,  to  unite  with  the  Spa- 
niards in  support  of  your  authority.    Thus,  at  the  head 

I  of  the  ancient  inhabitants  of  Peru,  as  well  as  of  tho 
new  settlers  there,  you  may  set  at  defiance  the  pow  er  of 
Spain,  and  repel  w  ith  ease  any  feeble  force  which  it  can 
send  at  such  a  distance."  Cepeda,  the  lawyer,  who  was 
now  Pizarro's  confidential  counsellor,  warmly  seconded 
(^arvajal's  exhortations,  and  employed  whatever  learn- 
ing he  possessed  in  demonstrating,  that  all  the  founders 
of  great  monarchies  had  been  raised  to  pre-eminence, 
not  by  the  antiquity  of  their  lineage,  or  the  validity  of 
their  rights,  but  by  their  own  aspiring  valor  and  per- 
sonal merit 

Pizarro  listened  attentively  to  both,  and  conld  not 
conceal  the  satisfaction  with  which  he  contcm|)latcd 
the  object  that  they  presented  to  his  view.  But,  hap- 
pily for  the  tranquillity  of  the  world,  few  men  possess 
that  superior  strength  of  mind,  and  extent  of  abilities, 
which  are  capable  of  forming  and  executing  such  daring 
schemes,  as  cannot  be  accomplished  without  overturn- 
ing the  established  order  of  society,  and  violating  thos-e 
maxims  of  duty  which  men  are  accustomed  to  hold 
sacred.  The  mediocrity  of  Pizarro'^  talents  circum- 
scribed his  ambition  within  more  narrow  limits.  In- 
stead of  aspiring  at  independent  power,  he  confined  his 
views  to  the  obtaining  from  the  court  of  .Spain  a  con- 
firmation of  the  authority  which  he  now  possessed  ; 
and  for  that  purpose  he  sent  an  officer  of  distinction 
thither,  to  give  such  a  representation  of  his  conduct, 
and  of  the  state  of  the  country,  as  might  induce  tho 
emperor  and  his  ministers,  either  from  inclination  or 
from  necessity,  to  continue  him  in  his  present  station. 

While  Pizarro  was  deliberating  with  respect  to  the 
part  which  he  should  take,  consultations  were  held  in 
Spain,  with  no  less  solicitude,  concerning  the  measures 

I  which  ought  to  be  pursued  in  order  to  re-establish  the 
emperor's  authority  in  Peru.  Though  unacquainted 
with  the  last  excesses  of  outrage  to  which  the  male 

I  contents  had  proceeded  in  that  country,  the  court  had 
received  an  account  of  the  insurrection  against  the 
viceroy,  of  his  imprisonment,  and  the  usurpation  of  the 
government  by  Pizarro.  A  revolution  so  alarming 
called  for  an  immediate  interposition  of  the  emperor's 
abili  ss  and  authority.  But  as  he  was  fully  occupied 
at  that  time  in  Germany,  in  conducting  the  war  against 
the  famous  league  of  Smalkaide,  one  cf  the  most  inte- 
resting and  arduous  enterprises  in  his  reign,  the  care  of 
providing  a  remedy  for  the  disorders  in  Peru  devolved 
upon  his  son  Philip,  and  the  counsellors  whom  Charles 
had  appointed  to  assist  him  in  the  government  of  Spain 
during  his  absence.  At  first  view,  the  actions  of  Pi- 
zarro and  his  adherents  appeared  so  repugnant  to  the 
duty  of  subjects  towards  their  sovereign,  that  the 
greater  part  of  the  ministers  insisted  on  declaring  them 
instantly  to  be  guilty  of  rebellion,  and  on  proceeding  to 
punish  them  with  exemplary  rigor.  But  when  the  fer- 
vor of  their  zeal  and  indignation  began  to  abate,  innu- 
merable obstacles  to  the  execution  of  this  measure  pre- 
sented themselves.  Tlie  veteran  bands  of  infantry,  the 
strength  and  glory  of  the  Spanish  armies,  were  then 
employed  in  Germany.  Spain,  exhausted  of  men  and 
money  by  a  long  series  of  wars,  in  which  she  had  been 
involved  by  the  restless  ambition  of  two  successive 
monarchs,  could  not  easily  equip  an  armament  of  sutfi- 

i  cient  force  to  reduce  Pizarro.  To  transport  any  re- 
spectable body  of  troops  to  a  country  so  remote  as 
Peru,  appeared  almost  impossible.  While  Pizarro  con- 
tinued master  of  the  South  Sea,  the  direct  route  by 
Nombre  de  Dios  and  Panama  was  impracticable.  \n 
attempt  to  march  to  Quito  by  land  through  the  new 
kingdom  of  Granada,  and  the  province  of  Popayan, 
across  regions  of  prodigious  extent,  desolate,  unhealthy, 
or  inhabited  by  fierce  and  hostile  tribes,  would  be  at 
tended  with  insurmountable  danger  and  hardships.  The 
passage  to  the  South  Sea  by  the  Straits  of  Magelian 
was  so  tedious,  so  uncertain,  and  so  little  known  in. 
that  age,  that  no  confidiUice  could  be  placed  in  any  effoit 
carried  on  in  a  course  of  navigation  so  remote  and  pre- 
carious. Nothing  then  remained  but  to  relinquish  ihe 
system  which  the  ardor  of  their  loyalty  had  first  sug- 
gested, and  to  attempt  by  lenient  measures  what  could 
not  be  effected  by  force.  It  was  manifest  from  Pizar- 
ro's solicitude  to  represiiil  his  conduct  m  a  favoratJl* 


148 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OP 


ighl  to  the  emperor,  that  notwithstanding  the  eiccsses 
Dl  winch  ho  had  heen  gudty,  he  slill  retained  sentiments 
of  veneration  for  his  sovereign.  By  a  proper  apphca- 
iion  to  these,  together  with  some  such  concessions  as 
sI'.ouUl  discover  a  spirit  of  moderation  and  forbearance 
in  ;;overnment,  there  was  still  room  to  hope  that  he 
might  he  yet  reclaimed,  or  the  ideas  of  loyalty  natural 
to  Spaniards  might  so  far  revive  among  his  followers, 
that  they  would  no  longer  lend  their  aid  to  uphold  his 
jsurped  authority. 

The  success,  however,  of  this  negotiation,  no  less 
delicate  than  it  was  important,  depended  entirely  on 
the  abilities  and  address  of  the  person  to  whom  it 
should  be  committed.  After  weighing  with  much  at- 
tention the  comparative  merit  of  various  persons,  the 
Spanish  ministers  fixed  with  unanimity  of  choice  upon 
Pedro  de  la  Gasca,  a  priest  in  no  higher  station  than 
•hat  of  counsellor  to  the  Inquisition.  Though  in  no 
public  office,  he  had  been  occasionally  employed  by  go- 
vernment in  alfairs  of  trust  and  consequence,  and  had 
conducted  them  with  no  less  skill  than  success  ;  dis- 
playing a  gentle  and  insinuating  temper,  accompanied 
with  much  firmness  ;  probity,  superior  to  any  feeling  of 
private  interest ;  and  a  cautious  circumspection  in  con- 
certing measures,  followed  by  such  vigor  in  executing  . 
them  as  is  rarely  found  in  alliance  with  the  other. 
These  qualities  marked  him  out  for  the  function  to 
which  he  was  destined.  The  emperor,  to  whom  Gasca 
was  not  unknown,  warmly  approved  of  the  choice,  and 
communicated  it  to  hiin  in  a  letter  containing  e.t[)res- 
sions  of  good  will  and  confidence,  no  less  honorable  to 
the  prince  who  wrote,  than  to  the  subject  who  received 
it.  Gasca,  notwithstanding  his  advanced  age  and  fee- 
ble constitution,  and  thuugh,  from  the  apprehensions 
natural  to  <>  man,  who,  during  the  course  of  his  life, 
had  nevci  oeen  out  of  his  own  country,  he  dreaded  the 
ctfpcts  of  a  long  voyage,  and  of  an  unhealthy  climate, 
did  not  hesitate  a  moment  about  coinplving  with  the 
vill  0*"  nis  sovereign.  But  as  a  proof  thit  it  was  from 
this  princi[)le  alone  he  acted,  he  refused  a  bishopric 
which  was  oli'ercd  to  him  in  order  that  he  might  appear 
in  Peru  with  a  more  dignified  character;  he  would  ac- 
cept, of  no  higher  title  than  that  of  President  of  the 
Court  of  Audience  in  liima  ;  and  declared  that  he  | 
AOnld  receive  no  salary  on  account  of  his  discharging 
the  duties  of  that  office.  All  he  required  was.  that  the 
ctpense  of  supporting  his  family  should  be  defrayed  by 
the  public  ;  and  as  he  was  to  go  like  a  minister  of  peace 
with  his  gown  and  breviary,  and  without  any  retinue 
but  a  few  domestics,  this  would  not  load  the  revenue 
with  any  enormous  burden. 

But  while  lie  discovered  such  disinterested  modera- 
tion with  respect  to  whatever  related  personally  to  him- 
self, he  demanded  his  official  powers  in  a  very  different 
tone.  He  insisted,  as  he  was  to  be  employed  in  a  coun- 
try so  remote  from  the  seat  of  government,  where  he 
could  not  have  recourse  to  his  sovereign  for  new  in- 
structions on  every  emergence  ;  and  as  the  whole  suc- 
cess of  his  negotiations  must  depend  upon  the  confi- 
dence which  the  people  with  whom  he  had  to  treat 
could  place  in  the  extent  of  his  powers,  that  he  ought 
to  be  invested  with  unlimited  authority  ;  that  his  juris- 
diction must  reach  to  all  persons  and  to  all  causes  ; 
that  he  must  be  empowered  to  pardon,  to  punish,  or  to 
reward,  as  circumstances  and  the  behavior  of  diirerent 
nien  might  require  ;  that  in  case  of  resistance  from  the 
inalecontents,  he  might  be  authorized  to  reduce  them 
to  obedience  by  force  of  arms,  to  levy  troops  for  that 
purpose,  and  to  call  for  assistance  from  the  governors 
of  all  the  Spanish  settlements  in  America.  These 
powers,  though  manifestly  conducive  to  the  groat  ob- 
ject* of  his  mission,  appeared  to  the  Spani-sh  ministers 
to  be  inalienable  [trerogatives  of  royalty,  which  ought 
not  to  be  delegated  to  a  subject,  and  they  refused  to 
grant  them.  But  the  emperor's  views  were  more  en- 
larged. As,  from  the  nature  of  his  employment,  Gasca 
must  be  intrusted  with  discr(;tionary  power  in  several 
points,  and  all  his  ellbrts  might  prove  ineireclual  if  he 
was  circumscribed  in  any  one  particular,  Charles  scru- 
pled not  to  invest  liim  with  authority  to  the  full  extent 
that  he  demanded.  Highly  satisfied  with  this  fresh 
prool  ol  Ins  master's  confidence,  Gasca  hastened  his 
de|>iiriare,  and.  witho  jt  either  money  or  troops,  set  out 
to  <]uell  A  formidable  fcbcllioii. 

On  hiK  irrival  it  Nomlire  de  Dies  [July  27],  he 
fr>ui.l  llonnart  Mtsia,  an  ollicer  of  note  posted  there, 
bv  orilet  »1  Pi/.iiriu  with  a  considerable  body  of  men. 
le  oppiise  thii  ituidiiig  of  any  hostile  forces.  But  (lasca 
npfn-ured  in  maTi  piicilic  guise,  with  a  train  so  little  for- 
nnilable.  aii<l  with  a  title  of  no  such  dignity  as  to  cx- 
ere  lerror.  that  ho  was  received  with  much  rcHpect 
from  Nombrc  du  Dios  ho  advanced  to  1'auii.aa,  and ! 


met  with  a  similar  reception  from  Hinojosa,  whom 
Pizarro  had  intrusted  with  the  government  of  that 
town,  and  the  command  of  his  fieet  stationed  there. 
In  both  places  he  held  the  same  language,  declaring 
that  he  was  sent  by  their  sovereign  as  a  messenger  of 
peace,  not  as  a  minister  of  vengeance  ;  that  he  came 
to  redress  all  their  grievances,  to  revoke  the  laws  which 
had  e.^cited  alarm,  to  pardon  past  offences,  and  tc  ro- 
establish  order  and  justice  in  the  government  of  Peru. 
His  mild  deportment,  the  simplicity  of  his  manners,  the 
sanctity  of  his  profession,  and  a  winning  appearance 
of  candor,  gained  credi'.  to  his  declarations.  The 
veneration  due  to  a  person  clothed  with  legal  authority, 
and  acting  in  virtue  of  a  royal  commission,  began  to 
revive  among  men  accustomed  for  some  time  to 
nothing  more  resjiectable  than  a  usurjied  jurisdiction. 
Hinojosa,  Mexia,  and  several  other  officers  of  distinc- 
tion, to  each  of  whom  Gasca  applied  separately,  were 
gained  over  to  his  interest,  and  waited  only  for  some 
decent  occasion  of  declaring  openly  in  his  favor. 

Tfiis  the  violence  of  Pizarro  soon  afforded  them. 
As  soon  as  he  heard  of  Gasca's  arrival  at  Panama, 
though  he  received,  at  the  same  time,  an  account  of 
the  nature  of  his  commission,  and  was  informed  of  his 
ofTcrs  not  only  to  render  every  Spaniard  in  Peru  easy 
concerning  what  was  past,  by  an  act  of  general  otjlivion, 
but  secure  with  respect  to  the  future,  by  repealing  the 
obnoxious  laws  ;  instead  of  accepting  with  gratitude 
his  sovereign's  gracious  concessions,  he  was  so  much 
exasperated  on  (inding  that  he  was  not  to  be  continued 
in  his  station  as  governor  of  the  country,  that  he  in- 
stantly resolved  to  oppose  the  president's  entry  into 
Peru,  and  to  prevent  his  exercising  any  jurisdiction 
there.  To  this  desperate  resolution  he  added  another 
highly  preposterous.  He  sent  a  new  deputation  to 
Spain  to  justify  this  conduct,  and  to  insist,  in  name  of 
all  the  communities  in  Peru,  for  a  confirmation  of  the 
government  to  himself  during  life,  as  the  only  means 
of  preserving  tranquillity  there.  The  persons  intrusted 
with  this  strange  commission,  intimated  the  intention 
of  Pizarro  to  the  president,  and  required  him,  in  his 
name,  to  depart  from  Panama  and  return  to  Spain. 
They  carried  likewise  secret  instructions  to  Hinojosa, 
directing  him  to  offer  Gasca  a  present  of  fifty  thousand 
pesos,  if  he  would  comply  voluntarily  with  what  was 
demanded  of  hiin  ;  and  if  he  should  continue  obstinate, 
to  cut  hiin  off,  either  by  assassination  or  poison. 

Many  circumstances  concurred  in  pushing  on  Pizarro 
to  those  wild  measures.  Having  been  once  accus- 
tomed to  supreme  command,  he  could  not  bear  the 
thoughts  descending  to  a  private  station.  Conscious 
of  his  own  demerit,  he  suspected  that  the  emperor 
studied  only  to  deceive  him,  and  would  never  pardon 
the  outrages  which  he  had  committed.  His  chief  con- 
fidants, no  less  guilty,  entertained  the  same  apprehen- 
sions. The  approach  of  Gasca  without  any  military 
force  excited  no  terror.  There  were  now  above  six 
thousand  Spaniards  settled  in  Peru  ;  and  at  the  head 
of  these  he  doubted  not  to  maintain  his  own  indepen- 
dence, if  the  court  of  Spain  should  refuse  to  grant  what 
he  icquired.  But  he  knew  not  that  a  spirit  of  defec- 
tion fiad  already  begun  to  spread  among  those  whom 
he  trusted  most.  Hmojosa,  amazed  at  I'lzarro's  pre- 
cijiitate  resolution  of  setting  himself  in  opposition  to 
the  emperor's  commission,  and  disdaining  to  be  his  in- 
strument in  perpetrating  the  odious  crimes  pointed  out 
in  his  secret  instructions,  publicly  recognised  the  title 
of  the  president  to  the  supreme  authority  in  Peru. 
The  officers  under  his  command  did  the  same.  Such 
was  the  contagious  influence  of  the  example,  that  it 
reached  even  the  deputies  who  had  been  sent  from 
Peru  ;  and  at  the  time  when  Pizarro  expected  to  hear 
either  of  Gasca's  return  to  Spain,  or  of  his  death,  he 
received  an  account  of  his  being  master  of  the  fleet,  of 
i'anama,  and  of  the  troops  stationed  there. 

1547  ]  Irritated  almost  to  madness  by  events  so 
unexpected,  he  openly  prepared  for  war ;  and  in  order 
to  give  some  color  of  justice  to  his  arms,  he  ap|)ointed 
the  court  of  audience  in  Lima  to  proceed  to  the  trial  of 
Ciasca,  for  the  crimes  of  having  seized  his  ships, 
seduced  his  oll'iccrs,  and  prevented  his  deputies  from 
proceeding  in  their  voyage  to  Spain.  Ccpeda,  thousjh 
acting  as  a  judge  in  virtue  of  the  royal  commission,  did 
not  scruple  to  prostitute  the  dignity  of  his  function  by 
finding  Ciasca  guilty  of  treason,  and  condemning  him 
to  death  on  thai  account.  Wild  and  oven  ridiculous 
as  this  proceeding  was,  it  im|)Oscd  on  the  low  illi- 
terate adventurers,  with  whom  Peru  was  filled,  by 
the  semlilance  of  a  legal  sanction  warranting  Pizarro 
to  carry  on  hostilities  against  a  convicted  traitor. 
Soldiers  accordingly  resorted  from  every  quarter  to  his 
standard,  and  he  was  soon  at  the  head  of  a  thousand 


men,  the  best  equipped  that  bad  ever  taken  the  field  ia 
Peru. 

Gasca.  on  his  part,  perceiving  that  force  mutt  be 
employed  in  order  to  accomplish  the  purpose  of  \m 
mission,  was  no  less  assiduous  in  collecting  troops  fiota 
-Nicaragua,  Carthagena,  and  other  settlements  on  the 
continent ;  and  with  such  success,  that  he  was  soon  ia 
a  condition  to  detach  a  squadron  of  his  fleet,  with  « 
considerable  body  of  soldiers,  to  the  coast  of  Peru 
[.Vpril].  Their  appearance  excited  a  dreadful  ahrn) ; 
and  though  they  did  not  attempt  for  some  time  to  mako 
any  descent,  they  did  more  eflectual  service  by  betting 
ashore  in  different  places  persons  who  dispersed  copies 
of  the  act  of  general  indemnity,  and  the  revocation  oi 
the  late  edicts  ;  and  who  made  known  every  where 
the  pacific  intentions,  as  well  as  mild  temper,  of  the 
president.  The  effect  of  spreading  this  inforinatioa 
was  wonderful.  All  who  were  dissatisfied  with  Pizar- 
ro's  violent  administration,  all  who  retained  any  senti- 
ments of  fidelity  to  their  sovereign,  began  to  meditairt 
revolt.  Some  openly  deserted  a  cause  which  they  now 
deemed  to  be  unjust.  Cenleno,  leaving  the  cave  lo 
which  he  lay  concealed,  assembled  about  fifty  of  bis 
former  adherents,  and  with  this  feeble  half-armed  bauj 
advanced  boldly  to  Cnxco.  By  a  sudden  attack  in  i<-o 
night-time,  in  which  he  displayed  no  less  militarv  skiII 
than  valor,  he  rendered  himself  master  'hat  capital, 
though  defended  by  a  garrison  of  five  oundred  incn 
Most  of  these  having  ranged  themselves  umler  his  ban- 
ners, he  had  soon  the  command  of  a  respectable  body 
of  troops. 

Pizarro,  though  astonished  at  beholding  one  enemy 
approaching  by  sea,  and  another  by  land,  at  a  time  when 
he  trusted  to  a  union  of  all  Peru  in  his  favor,  was  ofi 
spirit  more  undaunted,  or  more  accustomed  lo  the 
vicissitudes  of  fortune,  than  to  f>e  disconcerted  or  ap- 
palled. As  the  danger  from  (,"enteno's  operations  was 
the  most  urgent,  he  instantly  set  out  to  oppose  iiim. 
Having  provided  horses  for  all  his  soldiers,  he  marched 
with  amazing  rapidity.  But  every  morning  he  found 
his  force  diminished,  by  numbers  who  had  It  fl  h  m 
during  the  night  ;  and  though  he  became  suspicions  13 
excess,  and  punished  without  mercy  all  whom  h«  s  c 
pected,  the  rage  of  desertion  was  too  violent  lo  oe 
checked.  Before  he  got  within  sight  of  the  entiny  at 
Huariiia,  near  the  lake  of  Titiaca,  he  could  not  iniisi-r 
more  than  four  hundred  soldiers.  But  these  he  jusi,* 
considered  as  men  of  tried  attachment,  on  whom  he 
might  depend.  They  were  indeed  the  boldest  ani 
most  desperate  of  his  followers,  conscious,  like  him- 
self, of  crimes  for  which  they  could  hardly  expect  for- 
giveness, and  without  anv  hope  but  in  the  success  o' 
their  arms.  With  these  he  did  not  hesitate  to  aitack 
Centeno's  troops,  [Oct.  20,]  though  double  to  Ins  own 
in  number.  The  royalists  did  not  decline  the  combat. 
It  was  the  most  obstinate  and  bloody  that  had  hi'hcflo 
been  f.'jght  in  Peru.  At  leniith  the  intrepid  valor  'A 
Pizano,  and  the  su|)eriority  of  Carvajal's  militaiy  ta- 
lents, triumphed  over  numbers,  and  obtained  a  fom- 
plete  victory.  The  booty  was  immense,  [  14 1  ]  a:id  tb« 
treatr.nent  of  the  vanquished  cruel.  By  this  signal  suc- 
cess the  reputation  of  Pizarro  was  re-estalilislied ;  and 
being  now  deemed  invincible  in  the  field,  hi*  army  in- 
creased daily  in  number. 

But  events  happened  in  other  parts  of  Peru,  which 
more  than  counterbalanced  the  splendid  victory  at  Hi:a- 
rina.  Pizarro  had  scarcely  left  Lima,  when  the  cut- 
zens,  weary  of  his  oppressive  dominion,  erected  the 
royal  standard,  and  Aldana,  with  a  detachment  of  sol- 
diers from  the  fleet,  took  possession  of  the  town. 
.Vbout  the  same  time,  Gasca  landed  at  i'umbf  i  with 
five  hundred  men.  Encouraged  by  his  presence,  e'  trv 
s.'ttlement  in  the  low  country  declared  for  the  k.iig 
The  situation  of  the  two  parties  was  now  perfectly 
reversed  ;  Cuzco  and  the  adjacent  provinces  were  \>oa- 
sessed  by  Pizarro  ;  all  the  rest  of  the  empire,  from  tjuilo, 
southward,  acknowledged  the  jurisdiction  of  the  presi- 
dent. .\s  his  numbers  augmented  last,  (iasca  advanced 
into  the  interior  part  of  the  country.  His  l>eliavior  still 
continued  to  be  gentle  and  unassuming  ;  he  expressed 
on  every  occasion,  his  ardent  wish  of  terminating  the 
contest  without  bloodshed.  .More  solicitous  lo  reclaim 
than  to  punish,  he  upbraided  no  man  for  past  olfcnces, 
but  received  them  as  a  father  receives  penitent  children 
returning  to  a  .sense  of  their  duty.  Though  desirous 
of  peace,  he  did  not  slacken  his  preparations  for  wir. 
He  appointed  the  general  rendezvous  of  his  troops  in 
the  fertile  valley  of  Xauxa.  on  the  road  to  Cu7.(0. 
There  he  reinaitiod  for  some  months,  not  only  thai  he 
might  have  time  lo  make  another  atlempi  towards  an 
accommodation  with  Pizarro,  but  that  >ie  migl't  ir.un 
his  new  soldiers  to  the  uf :  of  arms,  and  accustom  thcia 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


149 


to  tlie  discipline  of  a  cainp,  before  lie  led  thorn  against 
a  l)ody  of  viclorious  veterans.  Pizarro,  intoxicated 
with  llie  success  which  had  hitherto  accompanied  his 
arms,  and  elated  with  having  again  near  a  thousand 
men  under  his  command,  refused  to  listen  to  any  terms, 
ehhough  Cepeda,  together  with  several  of  his  oflicers, 
Biid  even  Carvajal  himself,  [142J  gave  it  as  their  ad- 
vice, to  close  with  the  president's  ofl'er  of  a  general 
indemnity,  and  the  revocation  of  the  obnoxious  laws. 
Gasca,  having  tried  in  vain  every  expedient  to  avoid 
imbruing  his  hands  in  the  blood  of  his  countrymen, 
began  to  move  towards  Cuzco  [Dec.  29]  at  the  head 
oi  si.vteen  hundred  men. 

Pizarro,  confident  of  victory,  suffered  the  royalists 
to  pass  all  the  rivers  which  lie  between  Guanianga 
and  Cuzco  without  opposition,  [1548]  and  to  ad- 
vance within  four  leagues  of  that  capital,  flattering 
himself  that  a  defeat  in  such  a  situation  as  rendered 
escape  impracticalUe  would  at  once  terminate  the  war. 
He  tlien  marched  out  to  meet  the  enemy,  and  Carvajal 
rhose  his  ground,  and  made  the  disposition  of  the  troops 
with  the  discerning  eye  and  profound  knowledge  in  the 
art  of  war  conspicuous  in  all  his  operations.  As  the 
two  armies  moved  forward  slowly  to  the  charge,  [April 
9,]  the  appearance  of  each  was  singular.  In  that  of 
Pizarro,  com|)Osed  of  men  enriched  with  the  spoils  ot 
the  most  opulent  country  in  America,  every  officer,  and 
almost  all  llie  private  men,  were  clothed  in  stuffs  of  silk, 
or  brocade,  embroidered  with  gold  and  sdvcr  ;  and 
their  horses,  their  arms,  their  standards,  were  adorned 
with  all  the  ))ride  of  military  pomp.  That  of  Gasca, 
though  not  so  splendid,  exhibited  what  was  no  less 
striking.  He  hir  iself,  accompanied  by  the  archbishop 
of  Lima,  the  bishops  of  Quito  and  Cuzco,  and  a  great 
number  of  ecclesiastics,  marching  along  the  lines,  bless- 
int'  the  men,  and  encouraging  them  to  a  resolute  dis- 
charge of  their  duty. 

When  both  armies  were  just  ready  to  engage,  Ce- 
peda set  spurs  to  his  horse,  galloped  off,  and  surren- 
dered himself  to  the  president.  Garcilasso  de  la 
Vega,  and  other  officers  of  note,  followed  his  example. 
The  revolt  of  persons  in  such  high  rank  struck  all  with 
amazement.  The  mutual  confidence  on  which  the 
union  and  strength  of  armies  depend,  ceased  at  once 
Distrust  and  consternation  spread  from  rank  i)  rank 
Some  silently  slipped  away,  others  threw  down  their 
arms,  the  greatest  number  went  over  to  the  royalists. 
Pizarro,  Carvajal,  and  some  leaders,  employed  author- 
ity, threats,  and  entreaties,  to  stop  them,  but  in  vain. 
In  less  than  half  an  hour,  a  body  of  men,  which  might 
have  decided  the  fate  of  the  Peruvian  empire,  was 
totally  dispersed.  Pizarro,  seeing  all  irretrievably  lost, 
cried  out  in  amazement  to  a  few  officers,  who  still 
faithfully  adhered  to  him,  "  What  remains  for  us  to 
do!" — "Let  us  rush,"  replied  one  of  them,  "upon 
the  enemy's  firmest  battalion,  and  die  like  Komms." 
Dejected  with  such  a  reverse  of  fortune,  he  had  not 
spirit  to  follow  this  soldierly  counsel,  and  with  a  tame- 
ncss  disgraceful  to  his  former  fame  he  surrendered  to 
one  of  Gasca's  officers.  Carvajal,  endeavoring  to  es- 
cape, was  overtaken  and  seized. 

Gasca,  happy  in  this  bloodless  victory,  did  not  stain 
it  with  cruelty.  Pizarro,  Carvajal,  and  a  small  number 
of  the  most  distinguished  or  notorious  offenders,  were 
punished  capitally.  Pizarro  was  beheaded  the  day  after 
he  surrendered.  He  submitted  to  his  fate  with  a  com- 
posed dignity,  and  seemed  desirous  to  atone  by  repen- 
tance for  the  crimes  which  he  had  committed.  The 
end  of  Carvajal  was  suitable  to  his  life.  On  his  trial 
he  offered  no  defence.  When  the  sentence  adjudging 
biin  to  be  hanged  was  pronounced,  he  carelessly  re- 
plioil,  "  One  can  die  but  once."  During  the  interval 
between  the  sentence  and  execution,  he  discovered  no 
»ign  either  of  remorse  for  the  past,  or  of  solicitude  about 
the  future  ;  scoffing  at  all  who  visited  him,  in  his  usual 
sarcastic  vein  of  mirth,  with  the  same  quickness  of 
repartee  and  gross  pleasantry  as  at  any  other  period  of 
his  hfe.  Cepeda,  more  criminal  than  either,  ought  to 
have  shared  the  same  fate  ;  but  the  merit  of  having 
deserted  his  associates  at  such  a  critical  moment,  and 
with  such  decisive  effect,  saved  him  from  immediate 
punishment.  He  vins  sent,  however,  as  a  prisoner  to 
Spain,  and  died  in  confinement. 

In  the  minute  details  which  the  contemporary  histo- 
rians have  given  of  the  ciril  dissensions  tliat  raged  in 
Peru,  with  little  interruption,  during  ten  years,  many 
circumstances  occur  so  striking,  and  which  indicate 
Buch  an  uncommon  state  of  manners  as  to  merit  par- 
ticular attention. 

Though  the  Spaniards  who  first  invaded  Peru  were 
of  the  lowest  order  in  society,  and  the  greater  part  of 
lliose  who  aftorwards  joined  them  were  persons  of  des- 


perate fortune,  yet  in  all  the  bodies  of  troops  brought 
into  the  field  by  the  different  leaders  who  contended  for 
superiority,  not  one  man  acted  as  a  hired  soldier,  that 
follows  his  standard  for  pay.  Every  adventurer  in  Peru 
considered  himself  as  a  conqueror,  entitled  by  his  ser- 
vices, to  an  establishment  in  that  country  which  had 
been  acquired  by  his  valor.  In  the  contests  between 
the  rival  chiefs,  each  chose  his  side  as  he  was  directed 
by  his  own  judgment  or  affections.  He  joined  his  (com- 
mander as  a  companion  of  his  fortunes,  and  disdaiued 
to  degrade  himself  by  receiving  the  wages  of  a  merce- 
nary. It  was  to  their  sword,  not  to  pre-eminence  in 
office,  or  nobility  of  birth,  that  most  of  the  leaders 
whom  they  followed  were  indebted  for  their  elevation  ; 
and  each  of  their  adherents  hoped,  by  the  same  means, 
to  open  a  way  for  himself  to  the  possession  of  power 
and  wealth. 

But  though  the  troops  in  Peru  served  without  any 
regular  pay,  they  were  raised  at  immense  expense. 
Among  men  accustomed  to  divide  the  spoils  of  an  opu- 
lent country,  the  desire  of  obtaining  wealth  acquired 
incredible  force.  The  ardor  of  pur.-iuit  augmented  in 
proportion  to  the  hope  of  success  \^'herc  all  were  in- 
tent on  the  same  object,  and  under  the  dominion  of  the 
same  passion,  there  was  but  one  mode  of  gaining  men, 
or  of  securing  their  attachment.  Officers  of  name  and 
influence,  besides  the  promise  of  future  establishments, 
received  in  hand  largo  gratuities  from  the  chief  with 
whom  they  engaged.  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  in  order  to 
raise  a  thousand  men,  advanced  five  hundred  thou- 
sand pesos.  Gasca  expended  in  levying  the  troops 
which  he  led  against  Pizarro  nine  hundred  thousand 
pesos.  The  distribution  of  property,  bestowed  as  the 
reward  of  services,  wQs  still  more  exorbitant.  Cepeda, 
as  the  recompense  of  his  perfidy  and  address,  in  per- 
suading the  court  of  royal  audiiuice  to  give  the  sanction 
of  its  authority  to  the  usurped  jurisdiction  of  Pizarro, 
received  a  grant  of  lands  wh'ch  yielded  an  annual  in- 
come of  a  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  pesos.  Ilinojosa, 
who  by  his  early  defection  from  Pizarro,  and  surrender 
of  the  fleet  to  Gasca,  decided  the  fate  of  Peru,  obtained 
a  district  of  country  affording  two  hundred  thousand 
pesos  of  yearly  value.  While  such  rewards  were  dealt 
out  )  the  principal  officers,  with  more  than  royal  mu- 
nificence, proportional  shares  were  conferred  upon  those 
of  inferior  rank. 

Such  a  rapid  change  of  fortune  produced  its  natural 
effects  It  gave  birth  to  new  wants  and  new  desires. 
Veterans,  long  accustomed  to  hardship  and  toil,  ac- 
quired of  a  sudden  a  taste  for  profuse  and  inconsiderate 
dissipation,  and  indulged  in  all  the  excesses  of  military 
licentiousness.  The  riot  of  low  debauchery  occupied 
some;  a  relish  for  expensive  luxuries  spread  among  others. 
The  meanest  soldier  in  Peru  would  have  thought  him- 
self degraded  by  inarching  on  foot  ;  and  at  a  time  when 
the  prices  of  horses  in  that  country  were  exorbitant, 
each  insisted  on  being  furnished  with  one  before  he 
would  take  the  field.  But  though  less  patient  under 
the  fatigue  and  hardships  of  service,  they  were  ready  to 
face  danger  and  death  with  as  much  intrepidity  as  ever; 
and  animated  by  the  hope  of  new  rewards,  they  never 
failed,  on  the  day  of  battle,  to  display  all  their  ancient 
valor. 

Together  with  their  courage,  they  retained  all  the 
ferocity  by  which  they  were  originally  distinguished. 
Civil  discord  never  raged  with  a  more  fell  spirit  than 
among  the  Spaniards  in  Peru.  To  all  the  passions 
which  usually  envenom  contests  among  countrymen, 
avarice  was  added,  and  rendered  their  enmity  more 
rancorous.  Eagerness  to  seize  the  valuable  forfeitures, 
expected  upon  the  death  of  every  opponent,  shut  the  door 
against  mercy.  To  be  wealthy  was  of  itself  sufficient 
to  expose  a  man  to  accusation,  or  to  subject  him  to 
punishment.  On  the  slightest  suspicions,  Pizarro  con- 
demned many  of  the  most  opulent  inhabitants  in  Peru 
to  death.  Carvajal,  without  searching  for  any  pretext 
to  justify  his  cruelty,  cut  ofl  niany  more.  The  number 
of  those  who  suffered  by  the  hands  of  the  executioner 
was  not  much  inferior  to  what  fell  in  the  field  ;  [143] 
and  the  greater  part  was  condemned  without  the  forma- 
lity of  any  legal  trial. 

The  violence  with  which  the  contending  parties  treat- 
ed their  opponents  v<'as  not  accompanied  with  its  usual 
attendants,  attachment  and  fidelity  to  those  with  whom 
they  acted.  The  ties  of  honor,  which  ought  to  be  held 
sacred  among  soldiers,  and  the  principle  of  integrity, 
interwoven  as  thoroughly  in  the  Spanish  character  as 
in  that  of  any  nation,  seem  to  have  been  equally  for- 
gotten. Even  regard  for  decency,  and  the  sense  of 
shame  were  totally  lost.  During  their  dissensions, 
there  was  hardly  a  Spaniard  in  Peru  who  did  not  aban- 
don the  party  which  he  had  originally  espoused,  betray 


the  associates  with  whom  he  had  united,  and  violate  th« 
engagements  under  which  he  had  come.  The  viceroy 
Nugnez  \'ela  was  ruined  by  the  treachery  of  Cepeda 
and  the  other  judges  of  the  royal  audience,  who  were 
bound  by  the  duties  of  their  function  to  have  supported 
his  authority.  The  chief  advisers  and  companioiiB  of 
Gonzalo  Pizarro's  revolt  were  the  first  to  forsake  him, 
and  submit  to  his  enemies.  Ills  fleet  was  given  up  to 
Gasca  by  the  man  whom  he  had  singled  out  among  his 
oflicers  to  intri'st  with  that  important  command.  On 
the  day  that  was  to  decide  his  fate,  an  army  of  veterans, 
in  sight  of  the  enemy,  threw  down  their  arms  without 
striking  a  blow,  and  deserted  a  leader  who  had  often 
conducted  tliein  to  victory.  Instances  of  such  general 
and  avowed  contempt  of  the  principles  and  obligations 
which  attach  man  to  man,  and  bind  them  together  i:i 
social  union,  rarely  occur  in  history.  It  is  only  where 
men  are  far  removed  from  the  seat  of  government, 
where  the  restraints  of  law  and  order  are  little  felt, 
where  the  prospect  of  gain  is  unbounded,  and  where 
immense  wealth  may  cov(!r  the  crimes  by  which  it  is 
accjuired,  that  we  can  find  any  parallel  lo  the  levity,  the 
rapaciousness,  the  pertidy,  and  corruption  prevalent 
among  the  Spaniards  in  Peru. 

On  the  death  of  I'izarro,  the  malecontents  in  every 
corner  of  Peru  laid  down  their  arms,  and  tranquillity 
seemed  to  be  perfectly  re-established.  But  two  very 
interesting  objects  still  remained  to  occupy  the  presi- 
dent's attention.  The  one  was  to  find  immediately 
such  employment  for  a  multitude  of  turbulent  and  dar- 
ing adventurers  with  which  the  country  was  filled,  as 
might  prevent  them  from  exciting  new  commotions. 
The  other,  to  bestow  proper  gratifications  upon  those 
to  whose  loyalty  and  valor  he  had  been  indebted  for  his 
success.  The  former  of  these  was  in  some  measure 
accomplished,  by  appointing  Pedro  de  Valdivia  to  pro- 
secute the  conquest  of  Chili  ;  and  by  empowering  Diego 
Centeno  to  undertake  the  discovery  of  the  vast  regions 
bordering  on  the  river  De  la  Plata.  The  reputation  of 
those  leaders,  together  with  the  hopes  of  acquiring 
wealth,  and  of  rising  to  consequence  in  some  unex- 
plored country,  alluring  many  of  the  most  indigent  and 
desperate  soldiers  to  follow  their  standards,  drained  ofl 
no  inconsiderable  portion  of  that  mutinous  spirit  whicb 
Gasca  dreaded. 

The  latter  was  an  affair  of  greater  difficulty  and  to 
be  adjusted  with  a  more  attentive  and  delicate  hand. 
The  reparlimtmtos,  or  allotments  of  lands  and  Indians 
which  fell  to  be  distributed,  in  consequence  of  the  death 
or  forfeiture  of  the  former  possessors,  exceeded  two 
millions  of  pesos  of  yearly  rent.  Gasca,  when  nov 
absolute  master  of  this  immense  properly,  retained  the 
same  disinterested  sentiments  which  he  had  originally 
pro.  jssed,  and  refused  to  reserve  the  smallest  portion 
of  it  for  himself  But  the  number  of  claimants  was 
great ;  and  whilst  the  vanity  or  avarice  of  every  indi- 
vidual fixed  the  value  of  his  own  services,  and  esti- 
mated the  recompense  which  he  thought  due  to  him, 
the  pretensions  of  each  were  so  extravagent  that  it  was 
impossible  to  satisfy  all.  Gasca  listened  to  them  ono 
by  one,  with  the  most  patient  attention  ;  and  that  he 
might  have  leisure  to  weigh  the  comparative  merit  of 
their  several  claims  with  accuracy,  he  retired,  with  tho 
archbishop  of  Lima  and  a  single  secretary,  to  a  village 
twelve  leagues  fiom  Cusco.  There  he  spent  several 
days  in  allotting  to  each  a  district  of  lands  and  number 
of  Indians,  in  proportion  to  his  idea  of  their  past  ser- 
vices and  future  importance.  But  that  he  might  get  be- 
yond the  reach  of  the  fierce  storm  of  clamor  and  rage, 
which  he  foresaw  would  burst  out  on  the  publication  of 
his  decree,  notwithstanding  the  impartial  equity  with 
which  he  had  framed  it,  he  set  out  for  Lima,  leaving 
the  instrument  of  partition  sealed  up,  with  orders  not 
to  open  it  for  some  days  after  his  departure. 

The  indignation  excited  by  publishing  the  decree  of 
partition  [Aug.  24]  was  not  less  than  Gasra  had  ex 
pccted.  Vanity,  avarice,  emulation,  envy,  shame,  rage, 
and  all  the  other  passions  which  most  vehemently  agi- 
tate the  minds  of  men  when  both  their  honor  and  their 
interest  are  deeply  affe«ted,  conspired  in  adding  to  its 
violence.  It  broke  out  with  all  the  fury  of  military  in- 
solence. Calumny,  threats,  and  curses,  were  pourcil 
out  openly  upon  the  president.  He  was  accused  •f  in- 
gratitude, of  partiality,  and  of  injustice.  Among  sol- 
diers prompt  to  action,  such  seditioi>s  discourse  would 
have  been  soon  followed  by  deeds  no  less  violent,  and 
they  already  began  to  turn  their  eyes  towards  some  dis- 
contented leaders,  expecting  them  to  stand  forth  ii. 
redress  of  their  wrongs.  Uy  some  vigorous  interposi- 
tions of  government,  a  timely  check  was  given  to  ihia 
mutinous  spirit,  and  the  danger  of  angther  civil  Wi4« 
was  averted  for  t^e  present. 


150 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


1549  ]  Gasca,  however,  perceiving  that  the  flame 
was  suppressed,  rather  than  extinjruishrd,  labored  with 
the  uliiiosl  assiduity  to  soothf  the  inalecontenis,  by 
bt  slowiiig  large  gratuities  on  some,  by  proinisiiii;  repar- 
timicnlns,  when  they  fell  vacant,  to  others,  and  by  ca- 
ressiiiij  and  flattering  all.  But  that  the  public  security 
might  rest  on  a  foundation  more  stable  than  their  good 
aliection,  he  endeavored  to  strengthen  the  hands  of  his 
successors  m  office,  by  re-establishing  the  regular  ad- 
ministration of  justice  in  every  part  of  the  empire.  He 
introduced  order  and  simplicity  into  the  mode  of  col- 
lecting  the  royal  revenue.  He  issued  regulations  con- 
cerning the  treatment  of  the  Indians,  well  calculated  to 
protect  them  from  oppression,  and  to  provide  for  their 
instruction  in  the  principles  of  religion,  without  depriv- 
ing the  Spaniards  of  the  benefit  accruing  from  their 
labor.  Having  now  accomplished  every  object  of  his 
mission,  Gasca,  longing  to  return  again  to  a  private 
station,  committed  the  government  of  Peru  to  the  court 
of  audience,  and  set  out  for  Spain  [Feb.  1,  1550].  As, 
during  the  anarchy  and  turbulence  of  the  four  last  years, 
there  liad  been  no  remittance  made  of  the  royal  reve- 
nue, he  carried  with  him  thirteen  hundred  thousand 
pesos  of  public  money,  which  the  economy  and  order 
of  his  adinir.istration  enabled  him  to  save,  after  paying 
all  the  expenses  of  the  war. 

He  was  received  in  his  native  country  with  universal 
iidmiration  of  his  abilities  and  of  his  virtue.  Both 
were,  indeed,  highly  consi)icuous.  Vilhout  army,  or 
fleet,  or  public  funds  ;  with  a  train  so  simple,  that  only 
three  thousand  rlucats  were  expended  in  equijijjing  him, 
he  set  out  to  oppose  a  formidable  rebellion.  By  his 
address  and  talents  he  supplied  all  those  defects,  and 
seemed  to  create  instruments  for  executing  his  dccigna. 
He  acquired  such  a  naval  force  as  gave  him  the  com- 
mand of  the  sea.  He  raised  a  body  of  men  able  to 
cope  with  the  veteran  bands  which  gave  laws  to  Peru. 
He  vanquished  their  leader,  on  whose  arms  victory  had 
hitherto  attended,  and  in  place  of  anarchy  and  usurpa- 
tion, he  established  the  government  of  laws,  and  the 
authority  of  the  rightful  sovereign.  But  the  praise  be- 
stowed on  his  abilities  was  exceeded  by  that  which  his 
virtue  merited.  After  residing  in  a  country  where 
Wealth  presented  alhircments  which  had  seduced  every 
person  who  had  hitherto  possessed  power  there,  he  re- 
turned froii.  that  trying  station  with  integrity  not  only 
untainted  but  unsuspected.  After  distributing  among 
his  countrymen  p'lssessions  of  greater  extent  and  v^lue 
than  had  ever  been  in  the  disposal  of  a  subject  in  any 
age  or  nation,  he  himself  remained  in  his  original  state 
of  poverty  ;  and  at  the  very  time  when  he  brought  such 
■  large  recruit  to  the  royal  treasury,  he  was  obliged  to 
apply  by  petition  for  a  small  sum  to  discharge  some 
petty  debts  which  he  had  contracted  during  the  course 
of  his  service.  Charles  was  not  insensible  to  such  dis- 
interested merit.  Gasca  was  received  by  him  with  the 
most  distinguishing  marks  of  esteem  ;  and  being  pro- 
moted to  the  bishopric  of  Palcncia,  he  passed  the  re- 
mainder of  his  days  in  the  tranquillity  of  retirement, 
respected  by  his  country,  honored  by  his  sovereign, 
and  beloved  by  all. 

Notwithstanding  all  Gasca's  wise  regulations,  the 
tranquillity  of  Peru  was  not  of  long  continuance.  In  a 
country  where  the  authority  of  government  had  been 
almost  forgotten  during  the  long  [irevalcncc  of  anarchy 
and  misrule,  where  there  were  disappointed  leaders  ripe 
for  revolt,  and  seditious  soldiers  ready  to  follow  them, 
it  was  not  difficult  to  raise  combustion.  Several  sue 
ccssive  insurrections  desolated  the  country  for  some 
years.  But  as  those,  though  fierce,  were  only  transient 
3torm5,  ex<  ited  rather  by  the  ambition  and  turbulence 
of  particular  men,  than  by  general  or  public  motives, 
the  detail  of  them  is  not  the  object  of  this  history. 
These  commotions  in  Peru,  like  every  thing  of  extreme 
violence  either  in  the  natural  or  political  t)ody,  were 
not  of  long  duration  ;  and  by  carrying  off  the  corrupted 
humor.-f  which  had  given  rise  to  the  disorders,  they  con- 
tributed in  the  end  to  strengthen  the  sof-ietv  which  at 
first  they  threatened  to  destroy.  During  their  fierce 
contests,  several  of  the  first  invaders  of  Peru,  and 
many  of  those  licentious  adventurers  whom  the  fame 
of  their  success  had  allured  thither,  fell  by  eacli  other's 
hands.  Each  of  the  parties,  as  they  alternately  pre- 
vailed in  the  struggle,  gradually  cleared  the  country 
of  a  number  of  turbulent  spirits,  by  executing,  pro- 
scribing, or  banishing  their  opponents.  Men  less 
enterprising,  less  desperate,  and  more  accu.vtomed 
to  move  in  the  path  of  sober  and  peaceable  industry, 
settled  in  Peru  ;  and  the  royal  authority  was  gra- 
dually established  ixi  firmly  there  as  in  other  Spanish 
colunip* 


BOOK  VII. 

View  o>  .he  institutions  and  manners  of  the  Mexicans  and 

Pcrtiviaiis — <;jvili/c<j  states  in  coiiipdrison  ot  dlluT  Ame- 
ricans— Recent  orii,'in  of  the  iMe.xicans — Facts  wliirli  prove 
their  projjress  in  civilization — View  of  their  policy  in  its  va- 
rious brandies — nft!ieir  arts — Facts  which  indicate  a  small 
progress  in  civilization — What  opinion  .should  be  formed  on 
comparini;  those  contradictory  facts — Genius  of  their  re- 
li^on — Peruvian  monarchy  more  ancient — its  pohcy  found- 
ed on  religion— Singular  effects  of  tlii.s — Peculiar  state  of 
property  among  the  Peruvians — Tlicir  pubhc  worlis  and 
arts — roads — bridges — buildings — Their  unwarhke  spirit — 
View  of  otlier  dominions  of  Spain  in  America — Cinaloa  and 
S(mora— California — Yucutan  and  Honduras— Cliili — Tucu- 
man — Kingdom  of  Ticrra  Firme— New  Kingdom  of  Granada. 

As  the  conquest  of  the  two  great  empires  of  Mexico 
and  Peru  forms  the  most  splendid  and  interesting  pe- 
riod in  the  history  of  America,  a  view  of  their  political 
institutions,  and  a  description  of  their  national  man- 
ners, will  exhibit  the  human  species  to  the  contempla- 
tion of  intellioent  observers  in  a  very  singular  stage  of 
its  progress.  [144] 

\\  hen  compared  with  other  parts  of  the  New  World, 
Mexico  and  Peru  may  be  coivsidered  as  polished 
states.  Instead  of  small,  inpedendcnt,  hostile  tribes, 
struggling  for  subsistence  amidst  woods  and  marshes, 
strangers  to  industry  and  arts,  unacquainted  with  sub- 
ordination, and  almost  without  the  appearance  of  regu- 
lar government,  we  find  countries  of  great  extent  sub- 
jected to  the  dominion  of  one  sovereign,  the  inhabitants 
collected  together  in  cities,  the  wisdom  and  foresight 
of  rulers  employed  in  providing  for  the  inaintciiance 
and  security  of  the  people,  the  empire  of  laws  in  some 
measure  established,  the  authority  of  religion  recog- 
nized, many  of  the  arts  essential  to  life  brought  to  some 
degree  of  maturity,  and  the  dawn  of  such  as  are  orna- 
mental beginning  to  appear. 

But  if  the  comparison  be  made  with  the  people  of 
the  ancient  continent,  the  inferiority  of  America  in 
improvement  wili  be  conspicuous,  and  neither  the  .Mex- 
icans nor  Peruvians  will  be  entitled  to  rank  with  those 
nations  which  merit  the  name  of  civilized.  The  people 
of  both  the  great  empires  in  America,  like  the  rude 
tribes  around  them,  were  totally  unacquainted  with  '.he 
useful  metals,  and  the  progress  which  they  had  made 
in  extending  their  dominion  over  the  animal  creation 
was  inconsiderable.  The  Mexicans  had  gone  no  fur- 
ther than  to  tame  and  rear  turkeys,  ducks,  a  species  of 
small  dogs,  and  rabbits.  By  this  feeble  essay  of  inge- 
nuity, the  means  of  subsistence  were  rendered  some- 
what more  ])lentiful  and  secure  than  when  men  depend 
solely  on  hunting  ;  but  they  had  no  idea  of  attei.ipting 
to  subdue  the  more  robust  animals,  or  of  derivino  any 
aid  from  their  ministry  in  carrying  on  works  of  labor. 
The  Peruvians  seem  to  have  neglected  the  inferior  ani- 
mals, and  had  not  rendered  any  of  them  domestic  ex- 
cept the  duck  ;  but  they  were  more  fortunate  in  taming 
the  Llama,  an  animal  peculiar  to  their  country,  of  a  form 
which  bears  some  resemblance  to  a  deer,  and  some  to 
a  camel,  and  is  of  a  size  somewhat  larger  than  a  sheep. 
Under  the  protection  of  man,  this  species  multiplied 
greatly.  Its  wool  furnished  the  Peruvians  with  clo- 
thing, its  flesh  with  food.  It  was  even  employed  as  a 
beast  of  burden,  and  carried  a  moderate  load  with 
much  patience  and  docility.  It  was  never  used  for 
draught ;  and  the  breed  being  confined  to  the  moun- 
tainous country,  its  service,  if  we  may  judge  by  inci- 
dents which  occur  in  the  early  Spanish  writers,  was  not 
very  extensive  among  the  Peruvians  in  llieir  original 
state. 

In  tracing  the  line  by  which  nations  proceed  towards 
civilization,  the  discovery  of  the  useful  metals,  and  the 
acquisition  of  dominion  over  the  animal  creation,  have 
been  marked  as  steps  of  capital  importance  in  their 
progress.  In  our  continent,  long  after  men  had  attained 
lioth,  society  cotitinued  in  that  slate  which  is  denomi- 
nated barbarous.  Even  with  ail  that  command  over 
nature  which  these  confer,  many  ages  elapse  before 
industry  becomes  so  regular  as  to  render  subsistence 
secure,  before  the  arts  which  supply  the  wants  and  fur- 
nish the  accommodations  of  life  are  brought  to  any 
considerable  degree  of  perfection,  and  before  any  idea 
is  conceived  of  various  institutions  requisite  in  a  well 
ordered  society.  The  Mexicans  and  Peruvians,  with- 
out knowledge  of  the  usual  metals,  or  the  aid  of  domes- 
tic animals,  labored  under  disadvantages  which  must 
have  greatly  retarded  their  progress,  and  in  their  high- 
est state  of  improvement  their  power  was  so  limited, 
and  their  operations  so  feeble,  that  they  can  hardly  be 
considered  as  having  advanced  beyond  the  infancy  of 
civil  life. 

.•\ftcr  this  general  observation  concerning  llie  most 
singular  and  dittiiiguislimg  circumstances  in  the  state 
of  both  the  great  empirtis  m>  America,  I  shall  endeavor 


to  give  such  a  view  of  the  constitution  of  the  interioi 
police  of  each  as  may  enable  us  to  ascertain  their  place 
in  the  political  scale,  to  allot  ihem  their  jiropcr  station 
between  the  rude  tribes  in  the  New  World,  and  tlis 
polished  states  of  the  ancient,  and  to  determine  how  far 
they  had  risen  aboVe  the  former,  as  well  as  how  much 
they  fell  below  the  latter. 

Mexico  was  first  subjected  to  the  Spanish  tro-.vn 
But  our  acquaintance  with  its  laws  and  manners  .s  not, 
from  that  circumstance,  more  complete.  What  I  hive 
remarked  concerning  the  defective  and  inaccurate  infor- 
mation nn  which  we  must  rely  with  respect  to  the  con- 
dition and  customs  of  the  .savage  tribes  in  .\rnerca, 
may  be  apjilied  likewise  to  our  knowledge  of  the  Mexi- 
can empire.  Cortes,  and  the  rapacious  adventurers 
who  accompanied  him,  had  not  leisure  or  capacity  to  en- 
rich either  civil  or  natural  history  with  new  ot>serva- 
tions.  They  undertook  their  expedition  in  quest  of  one 
object,  and  seemed  hardly  to  have  turned  their  eyes 
towards  any  other.  Or,  if  during  some  short  interval 
of  tranquillity,  when  the  occupations  of  war  ceased,  and 
the  ardor  of  plunder  was  suspended,  the  institution* 
and  manners  of  the  people  whom  they  invaded,  drew 
their  attention,  the  inquiries  of  illiterate  soMiers  were 
conducted  with  so  little  sagacity  and  precision,  that  the 
accounts  given  by  them  of  the  policy  and  order  esta- 
blished in  the  Mexican  monarchy  are  superficial,  con- 
i  fused,  and  inexplicable.  It  is  rather  from  incidenti 
which  they  relate  occasionally,  than  from  their  own  de- 
ductions and  remarks,  that  we  are  enabled  to  form  some 
idea  of  the  genius  and  manners  of  that  people.  The 
obscurity  in  which  the  ignorance  of  its  conquerors  in- 
volved the  annals  of  Mexico,  was  augmented  by  Ibo 
superstition  of  those  who  succeeded  them.  As  the  me- 
mory of  past  events  was  preserved  among  the  Mexi- 
cans by  figures  painted  on  skins,  on  cotton  cloths,  on 
a  kind  of  pasteboard,  or  on  the  bark  of  trees,  the  early 
missionaries,  unable  to  comprehend  their  meaning,  and 
struck  with  their  uncouth  forms,  conceived  them  to  he 
monuments  of  idolatry,  which  ought  to  be  destroyed  m 
order  to  facilitate  the  conversion  of  the  Indians.  In 
obedience  to  an  edict  issued  by  Juan  de  Zummaraga, 
a  Franciscan  monk,  the  first  bishop  of  Mexico,  as  many 
records  of  the  ancient  Mexican  story  as  could  be  col- 
lected were  committed  to  the  flames.  In  consequence 
of  this  fanatical  zeal  of  the  monks  who  first  visited  New 
Spain  (which  their  successors  soon  began  to  lament), 
whatever  knowledge  of  remote  events  such  rude  mono* 
nents  contained  was  almost  entirely  lost,  and  no  infor- 
mation remained  concernin<i  the  ancient  revolutions  and 
policy  of  the  empire,  but  what  was  derived  from  tradition, 
or  from  some  fragments  of  their  historical  paintings  that 
escaped  the  barbarous  researches  of  Zummaraga.  From 
the  experience  of  all  nations  it  is  manifest,  that  the  me- 
mory of  past  transactions  can  neither  be  long  preser\'ed, 
nor  be  transmitted  with  any  fidelity,  by  tradition.  The 
.Mexican  paintings  which  are  supposed  to  have  ser>ed 
as  annals  of  their  empire,  are  few  m  number,  and  of 
ambiguous  meaning.  Thus,  amidst  the  uncertainty  of 
the  former,  and  the  obscurity  of  the  latter,  we  must 
glean  what  intelligence  can  be  collected  from  the  scanty 
materials  scattered  in  the  Spanish  writers.* 


•  In  the  first  edition,  1  observed  that  inconsequence  oflhs 
destruction  of  the  ancient  MexicaH  paintings,  occasioned  by 
the  zeal  of  Zummaraga,  whatever  knowledge  they  nughl  havo 
conveyed  was  entirely  lost.  Ever>' candid  reader  must  have 
perceived  that  the  expression  was  inaccurate ;  as  in  a  lew 
lines  afterwards  I  mention  someancicnt  paintings  lobe  still  ex- 
tant. M.  t'lavigcro,  not  satisfied  with  laying  hold  of  this  inac- 
curacy, which  1  corrected  In  the  subsequent  ediiions,  labors  to 
render  it  more  glaring  by  the  manner  m  which  he  quotes  the 
rern^uniiig  part  of  the  sentence.  lie  reprehends  with  great 
asperity  the  account  which  1  gave  of  ihe  scanty  matunals  for 
willing  the  ancient  history  of  Mexico.  Vol.  I.  Account  o( 
Writers,  p.  xxvi.  Vol.  II.  .Ititl.  My  words,  however,  are  almost 
the  same  with  those  ot  Torqueinada,  who  seems  u>  have  t>een 
better  aciiuainled  with  the  ancient  monuments  of  Ihe  .Mexi- 
cans than  any  Sp.anish  author  whose  works  I  have  seen. 
Lib.  xiv.c.  6.  M.  t'lavigcro  himself  gives  a  description  of  ihe 
destruction  of  ancient  paintings  in  almost  the  same  lerina  1 
have  used ;  and  mentions  as  an.idditional  reason  of  iherc  beuvi 
sosm.-ill  a  number  of  ancient  paintings  known  lo  the  Spaniard*. 
lh.1t  the  natives  have  become  so  solicitous  to  preserve  ana 
conceal  them,  that  it  is  "dillicult,  if  not  im|>ossiblc,  to  make 
them  part  wuh  one  of  lliem."  Vol.  I.  4(17.  II.  I*t.  No  point  can 
be  more  ascertained  than  that  lew  ot  ihe  Mexican  hisloncal 
paintinss  have  lieen  preserved.  Though  several  Spani.irdj 
have  carried  on  inquiries  into  the  anlupiities  of  the  Sletiran 
empire,  no  engravings  from  .Mexican  painlings  have  been  com- 
municaled  lo  Ihe  pulilic,  except  those  byl'archas,  CcmcUi 
L'arreri,  and  Lorenzana.  It  affords  me  some  s.itisfaction,  that 
in  the  course  of  my  researches  I  have  discovered  two  collec- 
tions of  Mexican  paintings  which  were  unknown  to  former 
inquirers.  The  cut  which  I  published  la  an  exact  copy  of  tha 
origin.ll,  and  gives  no  high  idea  of  the  progress  wbich  llis 
Mejicans  hn>l  made  m  the  art  of  painting.  I  cannot  conjei-lurs 
what  could  induce  M.  Clavniero  to  express  some  dissalislac- 
tion  Willi  nio  for  having  published  it  without  the  same  colon 
it  nas  in  the  original  painting,  p.  xiii.  He  might  lisve  recol 
leclcd,  that  nui'XS'  Purcbu,  nur  GcmcJIi  Carrcn,  nor  Lona 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


151 


According  to  the  account  of  tlic  Mexicans  tlipin- 
aelvps,  their  empire  was  not  of  lonj;  <liiration.  'I'lieir 
country,  as  they  relate,  was  orifrinally  possesse<l,  rallicr 
than  [ieO|)icd,  by  small  independent  tribes,  whose  mode 
of  life  and  manners  resembled  those  of  the  rudest  sava- 
ges which  wo  have  described.  But  about  a  period  cor- 
rcspondmg  to  the  beginning  of  the  tenth  century  in  the 
Christian  era,  several  tribes  moved  in  successive  mi- 
grations from  unknown  regions  towards  the  north  and 
north-west,  and  settled  in  different  ])rovinccs  of  Ami- 
huac,  the  ancient  name  of  New  Spain.  These,  more 
civilized  than  the  original  inhabitants,  began  to  form 
them  to  the  arts  of  social  life.  At  length,  towards  the 
commencement  of  the  thirteenth  century,  the  Mexi- 
cans, a  people  more  polished  than  any  of  the  former, 
advanced  from  the  border  of  the  Californian  gulf,  and 
took  possession  of  the  plains  adjacent  to  the  great  lake 
near  the  centre  of  the  country.  After  residing  there 
about  fifty  years,  they  founded  a  town,  since  distin- 
guished by  the  name  of  Mexico,  which,  from  humble 
beginnings,  soon  grew  to  be  the  most  considerable  city 
in  the  New  World.  The  Mexicans,  lo>ig  after  they 
were  established  in  their  new  possessions,  continued, 
like  other  martial  tribes  in  America,  unacquainted  with 
regal  dominion,  and  were  governed  in  peace,  and  con- 
ducted in  war,  by  such  as  were  entitled  to  pre-eminence 
by  their  wisdom  or  their  valor.  But  among  them,  as 
in  other  states  whose  power  and  territories  become  ex- 
tensive, the  supreme  authority  centered  at  last  in  a  sin- 
gle person  ;  and  when  ihe  Spaniards  under  Cortes  in- 
vaded the  country,  Montezuma  was  the  ninth  monarch 
in  order  who  had  swayed  the  Moxican  sceptre,  not  by 
hereditary  right,  but  by  election. 

Such  is  the  traditional  tale  of  the  Mexicans  concern- 
ing the  progress  of  their  own  empire.  According  to 
this,  its  duration  was  very  short.  From  the  first  mi- 
gration of  their  parent  tribe,  they  can  reckon  little  more 
than  three  hundred  years.  From  the  establishment  of 
monarchical  government,  not  above  a  hundred  and 
thirty  years  according  to  one  account,  or  a  hundred 
and  ninety-seven  according  to  another  computation, 
nad  elapsed.  If,  on  one  hand,  we  suppose  the  Mexi- 
can state  to  have  been  of  higher  antiquity,  and  to  have 
iubsisted  during  such  a  length  of  time  as  the  Spanish 
accounts  of  its  civilization  would  naturally  lead  us  to 
conclude,  it  is  difticult  to  conceive  how,  among  a  peo- 
ple who  possessed  the  art  of  recording  events  by  pic- 
tures, and  who  considered  it  as  an  essential  part  of 
their  national  education,  to  teach  their  children  to  re- 
peat the  historical  songs  which  celebrated  the  exploits 
of  their  ancestors,  the  knowledge  of  past  transactions 
•hould  be  so  slender  and  limited.  If,  on  the  other 
hand,  we  adopt  their  own  system  with  respect  to  the 
antiquities  of  their  nation,  it  is  no  less  difficult  to  ac- 
count either  for  that  improved  state  cf  society,  or  for 
the  extensive  dominion  to  which  their  empire  had  at- 
tained when  first  visited  by  the  Spaniards.  The  in- 
fancy of  nations  is  so  long,  and,  even  when  every  cir- 
cumstance is  favorable  to  their  progress,  they  advance 
so  slowly  towards  any  maturity  of  strength  or  policy, 
that  the  recent  origin  of  the  Mexicans  seems  to  be  a 
strong  presumption  of  some  exaggeration  in  the  splen- 
did descriptions  which  have  been  giveri  of  their  govern- 
ment and  manners. 

But  it  is  not  by  theory  or  conjectures  that  history 
decides  with  regard  to  the  state  or  character  of  nations. 
It  produces  facts  as  the  foundation  of  every  judgment 
which  it  ventures  to  pronounce.  In  collecting  those 
which  must  regulate  our  opinion  in  the  present  inquiry, 
some  occur  that  suggest  an  idea  of  considerable  pro- 
gress hi  civilization  in  the  Mexican  empire,  and  others 
which  seem  to  indicate  that  it  had  advanced  but  little 
beyond  the  savage  tribes  around  it.  Both  shall  he  ex- 
hibited to  the  view  of  the  reader,  that,  from  eom|)aring 
them,  he  may  determine  on  which  side  the  evidence 
preponderates. 

In  the  Mexican  empire,  the  right  of  private  property 
was  perfectly  understood,  and  established  in  its  lull 
extent.    Among  several  savage  tribes,  we  have  seen, 


lana,  thought  it  necessary  to  color  the  prints  which  tliey  have 
rul)Ushed  and  they  have  never  been  censured  on  that  ac- 
count. He  may  rest  assured,  that  though  the  colors  iii  the 
painl.nss  in  the  Imperial  Library  are  remarkably  bright,  they 
»re  laid  on  without  art,  and  without  "  any  of  that  rcard  to 
light  and  shade,  or  the  niU-s  of  poispectivc,"  which  M.  Cla- 
■Jicero  rciuires.  Vol.  11.  378.  If  the  public  express  any  dc- 
•'re  to  Have  the  seven  paintings  still  in  my  posses.-  ion  ensraved, 
I  am  ready  to  communicnle  thetn.  The  iinnt  published  by 
(.eiiielli  Larreri,  of  the  route  of  the  aMcu.nt  Mexicans  when 
they  irayelled  towards  the  lake  on  which  they  built  the  capi- 
tal of  heir  empire,  (Churclnll,  Vol.  IV,  p.  4SI.)  is  the  most 
limshed  monument  of  art  brought  from  the  New  World,  and 
yet  a  very  sliglit  inspection  of  it  will  satisfy  every  one,  that 
lue  annals  of  a  nation  conveved  in  tliis  manner  must  be  very 
OiOiicra  »nd  imperfect.  ' 


that  the  idea  of  a  title  to  the  separate  and  exclusive 
possession  of  any  object  was  hardly  known  ;  and  that 
among  all  it  was  extremely  limited  and  ill  defined. 
But  in  Mexico,  where  agriculture  and  industry  had 
made  some  progress,  the  distinction  between  properly 
in  land  ai  d  property  in  goods  had  taken  place.  Both 
might  be  transferred  from  one  person  to  another  by 
sale  or  barter  ;  both  might  descend  by  inheritance. 
Every  person  who  could  be  denominated  a  freeman  had 
property  in  land.  This,  however,  they  held  by  various 
tenures.  Some  possessed  it  in  full  right,  and  it  de- 
scended to  their  heirs.  The  title  of  others  to  their 
lands  was  derived  from  the  office  or  dignity  which  they 
enjoyed  ;  and  when  deprived  of  the  latter,  they  lost 
possession  of  the  former.  Both  these  modes  of  occii- 
[lying  land  were  deemed  noble,  and  peculiar  to  citizens 
of  the  highest  class.  The  tenure  by  which  the  great 
body  of  the  people  held  their  property,  was  very  dif- 
ferent. In  every  district  a  certain  quantity  of  land  was 
measured  out  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  families. 
This  was  cultivated  by  the  joint  labor  of  the  whole  ; 
its  produce  was  deposited  in  a  common  storehouse,  and 
divided  among  them  according  to  their  respective  exi- 
gencies. The  members  of  the  Calpullie,  or  associa- 
tions, could  not  alienate  their  share  of  the  common 
estate  ;  it  was  an  indivisible  permanent  property,  des- 
tined for  the  support  of  their  families.  In  consequence 
of  this  distribution  of  the  territory  of  the  state,  every 
man  had  an  interest  in  its  welfare,  and  the  happiness 
of  the  individual  was  connected  with  the  public  secu- 
rity. 

Another  striking  circumstance,  which  distinguishes 
the  Mexican  empire  from  those  nations  in  America 
we  have  already  described,  is  the  number  and  great- 
ness of  its  cities.  While  society  continues  in  a  rude 
state,  the  wants  of  men  are  so  few,  and  they  stand  so 
little  in  need  of  mutual  assistance,  that  their  induce- 
ments to  crowd  together  are  extremely  feeble.  Their 
industry  at  the  same  time  is  so  imperfect,  that  it  can- 
not secure  subsistence  for  any  considerable  number  of 
families  settled  in  one  spot.  They  live  dispersed,  at 
this  period,  from  choice,  as  well  as  from  necessity,  or 
at  the  utmost  assemble  in  small  hamlets  on  the  banks 
of  the  river  which  supplies  them  with  food,  or  on  the 
border  of  some  plain  left  open  by  nature,  or  cleared  by 
their  own  labor.  The  Spaniards,  accustomed  to  this 
mode  of  habitation  among  all  the  savage  tribes  with 
which  they  were  hitherto  acquainted,  were  astonished, 
on  entering  New  Spain,  to  find  the  natives  residing  in 
towns  of  such  extent  as  resembled  those  of  Europe. 
In  the  first  fervor  of  their  admiration,  they  compared 
Zempoalla,  though  a  town  only  of  the  second  or  third 
size,  to  the  cities  of  greatest  note  in  their  own  country. 
When,  afterwards,  they  visited  in'succession  Tlascala, 
Cholula,  Tacuba,  Tczeuco,  and  Mexico  itself,  their 
amazement  increased  so  much,  that  it  led. them  to  con- 
vey ideas  of  their  magnitude  and  populousness  border- 
ing on  what  is  incredible.  Even  when  there  is  leisure 
for  observation,  and  no  interest  that  leads  to  deceive, 
conjectural  estimates  of  the  number  of  people  in  cities 
are  extremely  loose,  and  usually  much  exaggerated. 
It  is  not  surprising,  then,  that  Cortes  and  his  com- 
panions, little  accustomed  to  such  computations,  and 
powerfully  tempted  to  magtiify,  in  order  to  exalt  the 
merit  of  their  own  discoveries  and  conquests,  should 
have  been  betrayed  into  this  common  error,  and  have 
raised  their  descriptions  considerably  above  truth.  For 
this  reason,  some  considerable  abatement  ought  to  be 
made  from  their  calculations  of  the  number  of  inhabi- 
tants in  the  Mexican  cities,  and  we  may  fix  the  stan- 
dard of  their  population  much  lower  tliaii  they  have 
done  ;  but  still  they  will  appear  to  be  cities  of  such 
consequence  as  are  not  to  be  found  but  among  people 
who  have  made  some  considerable  progress  in  the  arts 
of  social  life.  [145]  From  their  accounts,  we  can 
hardly  suppose  Mexico,  the  capital  of  the  empire,  to 
have  contained  fewer  than  sixty  thousand  inhabitants. 

The  separation  of  professions  among  the  Mexicans  is 
a  symptom  of  improvement  no  less  remarkable.  Arts, 
in  the  early  ages  of  society,  are  so  few  and  so  simple, 
that  each  man  is  sufliciently  master  of  them  all,  to 
gratify  every  demand  of  his  own  limited  desires  The 
savage  can  form  his  bow,  point  his  arrows,  rear  bis  hut, 
and  hollow  his  canoe,  wilbout  calling  in  the  aid  of  any 
hand  more  skilful  than  his  own.  Time  must  have  aug- 
mented the  wants  of  men,  and  ripened  their  ingenuity, 
before  the  productions  of  art  became  so  complicated  in 
their  structure,  or  so  curious  in  their  fabric,  that  a  par- 
ticular course  of  education  was  requisite  towards  form- 
ing the  artificer  to  expertness  in  contrivance  and  work- 
manship. In  proportion  as  refinement  spreads,  the 
distinction  of  professions  increases,  and  they  branch 


out  into  more  numerous  and  minute  subdivisions. 
Among  the  Mexicans,  this  separation  of  the  arts  ner.e> 
sary  in  life  had  taken  place  to  a  considerable  extent. 
The  functions  of  the  mason,  the  weaver,  the  goldsmith, 
the  painter,  and  of  several  other  crafts,  were  carried  oc\ 
by  different  persons.  Each  was  regularly  instructed  in 
his  calling.  To  it  alone  his  industry  was  confined, 
and  by  assiduous  application  to  one  object,  togelhei 
with  the  persevering  patience  peculiar  to  Americans, 
their  artisans  attained  to  a  degree  of  neatness  and  per- 
fection in  work,  far  beyond  what  could  have  been  ex- 
pected from  the  rude  tools  which  they  employed. 
Their  various  productions  were  brought  into  commerce; 
and  by  the  exchange  of  them  in  llio  stated  markets 
held  ill  the  cities,  not  only  were  their  mutual  wants 
supplied,  in  such  orderly  intercourse  as  chararterizea 
an  improved  state  of  society,  but  their  industry  wat» 
daily  rendered  persevering  and  inventive. 

The  distinction  of  ranks  established  in  the  Mexican 
empire,  is  the  next  circumstance  that  merits  attention. 
In  surveying  the  savage  tribes  of  America,  we  ob- 
served, that  consciousness  of  equality,  and  impaticnco 
of  subordination,  are  sentiments  natural  to  man  in  the 
infancy  of  civil  life.  During  peace,  tlie  authority  of  a 
superior  is  hardly  felt  among  them,  and  even  in  war  it 
is  but  little  acknowledged.  Strangers  to  the  idea  of 
property,  the  diflercncc  in  condition  lesulling  from  the 
inequality  of  it  is  unknown.  Birth  or  titles  confer  no 
pre-eminence  ;  it  is  only  by  personal  merit  and  accom- 
plishments that  distinction  can  be  acquired.  The  form 
of  society  was  very  different  among  the  Mexicans. 
The  great  body  of  the  people  was  in  a  most  humiliating 
state.  A  considerable  number,  known  by  the  name  of 
Mayaqucs,  nearly  resembled  in  condition  those  peasants 
who,  under  various  denominations,  were  considered 
during  the  prevalence  of  the  feudal  system,  as  instru- 
ments of  labor  attached  to  the  soil.  The  Mayaqucs 
could  not  change  their  place  of  residence  without  per- 
mission of  the  superior  on  whom  they  depended.  They 
were  conveyed,  together  with  the  lands  on  which  they 
were  settled,  from  one  proprietor  to  another ;  and  were 
bound  to  cultivate  the  ground,  and  to  perform  several 
kinds  of  servile  work.  Others  were  reduced  to  the 
lowest  form  of  subjection,  that  of  domestic  servitude, 
and  felt  the  utmost  rigor  of  that  wretched  state.  Their 
condition  was  held  to  be  so  vile,  and  their  lives  deemed 
of  so  little  value,  that  a  person  who  killed  one  of  theso 
slaves  was  not  subjected  to  any  punishment.  Even 
those  considered  as  freemen  were  treated  by  their 
haughty  lords  as  beings  of  an  mferior  species.  The 
nobles,  possessed  of  ample  territories,  were  divided 
into  various  classes,  to  each  of  which  peculiar  titles  of 
honor  belonged.  Some  of  these  titles,  like  their  lamU, 
descv  nded  from  father  to  son  in  perjietual  succession. 
Others  were  annexed  to  particular  ollices,  or  conferred 
during  life  as  marks  of  personal  distinction.  The 
monarch,  exalted  above  all,  enjoyed  extensive  powef 
and  supreme  dignity.  Thus  the  distinction  of  ranks 
was  completely  established,  in  a  line  of  regular  subor- 
dination, reaching  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest  mem- 
ber of  the  community.  Each  of  these  knew  what  ho 
could  claim,  and  what  he  owed.  The  people,  who 
were  not  allowed  to  wear  a  dress  of  the  same  fashion, 
or  to  dwell  in  houses  of  a  form  similar  to  those  of  the 
nobles,  accosted  them  wilh  the  most  submissive  reve- 
rence. In  the  presence  of  their  sovereign,  they  durst 
not  lift  their  eyes  from  the  ground,  or  look  him  in  the 
face.  The  nobles  themselves,  when  admitted  to  an 
audience  of  their  sovereign,  entered  barefooted,  in 
mean  garments,  and,  as  his  slaves,  paid  him  homage 
ap|)roacliing  to  adoration.  This  respect,  due  from  in- 
feriors to  those  above  them  in  rank,  was  prescribed 
with  such  ceremonious  accuracy,  that  it  incorporated 
with  the  language,  and  influenced  its  genius  and  idiom. 
The  Mexican  tongue  abounded  in  expressions  of  reve- 
rence and  courtesy.  The  style  and  appellations  used 
in  the  intercourse  between  equals  would  have  been  so 
unbecoming  in  the  mouth  of  one  in  a  lower  sphere, 
when  he  accosted  a  person  in  higher  rank,  as  to  be 
deemed  an  insult.  [146]  It  is  only  in  societies,  which 
time  and  the  institution  of  regular  government  have 
moulded  into  form,  that  we  find  such  an  orderly  ar- 
rangement of  men  into  difierent  ranks,  and  such  nic* 
attention  paid  to  their  various  rights. 

The  spirit  of  the  Mexicans,  thus  familiarized  and 
bended  to  subordination,  was  prepared  for  submitting 
to  monarchical  government.  But  the  description  of 
their  policy  and  laws,  by  the  Spaniards  who  overturned 
them,  are  so  inaccurate  and  contradictory,  that  it  it^ 
ditlicult  to  delineate  the  form  of  their  constitution  with 
any  precision.  Sometimes  they  represent  the  moii- 
archs  of  Mexico  as  absolute,  deciding  acconling  to 


m 

their  pleasure  with  respect  to  every  operation  of  the 
«tale.  On  other  occasions,  we  disrovci  tlie  trices  of 
established  customs  and  laws,  framed  in  order  to  cir- 
cumscrbi!  the  |)0wer  of  the  crown,  and  we  meet  with 
righis  and  privileges  of  the  nobles  whitli  seemed  to 
be  opposed  as  barriers  ajrainst  its  encroachments. 
This  appearance  of  inconsistency  has  arisen  from  in- 
attention to  the  innovations  of  Montezuma  upon  tiie 
Mexican  policy.  His  aspiring  ambition  subverted  the 
ori^^inal  system  of  government,  and  introduced  a  pure 
dtspotism.  He  disregarded  the  ancient  laws,  violated 
the  privileges  held  most  sacred,  and  reduced  his  sub- 
jects of  every  order  to  the  level  of  slaves.  The  chiefs, 
or  nobles  of  the  first  rank,  submitted  to  the  yoke  with 
euch  reluctance  that,  from  impatience  to  shake  it  off, 
end  hope  of  recovering  their  rights,  many  of  them 
courted  the  protection  of  Cortes,  and  joined  a  foreign 
power  against  their  domestic  oppressor.  It  is  not  then 
under  the  dominion  of  Montezuma,  but  under  the 
government  of  his  predecessors,  that  we  can  discover 
what  was  the  original  form  and  genius  of  Mexican 
policy.  From  the  foundation  of  the  monarchy  to  the 
election  of  Montezuma,  it  seems  to  have  subsisted  with 
little  variation.  That  body  of  citizens,  which  may  be 
distinguished  by  the  name  of  nobility,  formed  the  chitf 
arid  most  respectable  order  in  the  state.  They  were 
of  various  ranks,  as  has  been  already  observed,  and 
their  honors  were  acquired  and  transmitted  in  different 
manners.  Their  number  seems  to  have  been  great. 
According  to  an  author  accustomed  to  examine  with 
attention  what  he  relates,  there  were  in  the  Mexican 
empire  thirty  of  this  order,  each  of  whom  had  in  his 
teriitories  about  a  hundred  thousand  people  ;  and  sub- 
ordinate to  these,  there  were  about  three  thousand 
nobles  of  a  lower  class.  The  territories  belonging  to 
the  chiefs  of  Tezeuco  and  Tacuba  were  hardly  inferior 
:n  extent  to  those  of  the  Mexican  monarch.  Each  of 
these  possessed  complete  territorial  jurisdiction,  and 
levied  taxes  from  their  own  vassals.  But  all  followed 
the  standard  of  Mexico  in  war,  serving  with  a  number 
of  men  in  pro[)ortion  to  their  domain,  an(lmost  of  them 
paid  tribute  to  its  monarch  as  their  superior  lord. 

In  tracing  those  great  lines  of  the  Mexican  constitu- 
tion; an  image  of  feudal  policy,  in  its  most  rigid  form, 
rises  to  view,  and  we  discern  its  three  distinguishing 
characteristics,  a  nobility  possessing  almost  independent 
authority,  a  people  depressed  into  the  lowest  state  of 
Bubjection,  and  a  king  intrusted  with  the  executive 
power  of  the  state.  Its  spirit  and  principles  seem  to 
have  operated  in  the  New  World  in  the  same  manner 
as  ir  the  ancient.  The  jurisdiction  of  the  crown  was 
extremely  limited.  All  real  and  effective  authority  was 
retained  by  the  Mexican  nobles  in  their  own  hands,  and 
the  shadow  of  it  only  left  to  the  king.  Jealous  to  ex- 
cess of  their  own  rights,  they  guarded  with  the  most 
vigilant  anxiety  against  the  encroachments  of  their  sove- 
reigns. By  a  fundamental  law  of  the  empire,  it  was 
provided  that  the  king  should  not  determine  concerning 
any  point  of  general  importance  without  the  approba- 
tion of  a  council  composed  of  the  prime  nobility.  Un- 
less he  obtained  their  consent,  he  could  not  engage  the 
nation  in  war,  nor  could  he  dispose  of  the  most  con- 
siderable branch  of  the  public  revenue  at  pleasure  ;  it 
was  appropriated  to  certain  purposes  from  which  it 
cotild  not  be  diverted  by  the  regal  authority  alone.  In 
order  to  secure  full  effect  to  those  constitutional  re- 
straints, the  Mexican  nobles  did  not  permit  their  crown 
to  descend  by  inheritance,  but  disposed  of  it  by  elec- 
tion. The  right  of  election  seems  to  have  been 
originally  vested  in  the  whole  body  of  nobility,  but  was 
afterwards  committed  to  six  electors,  of  whom  the  chiefs 
of  Tezeuco  and  Tacul)a  were  always  two.  From  res- 
pect for  the  family  of  their  monarchs,  the  choice  fell 
generally  upon  some  person  sprung  from  it.  But  as 
the  activity  and  valor  of  their  prince  were  of  greater 
moment  to  a  people  perpetually  engaged  in  war,  than 
a  strict  adherence  to  the  order  of  birth,  collaterals  of 
mature  age  or  of  distinguished  merit  were  often  pre- 
ferred 10  those  who  were  nearer  the  throne  in  direct 
descent.  To  this  maxim  in  their  policy,  the  Mexicans 
appear  to  ue  inuebted  for  such  a  succession  of  able  and 
warlike  princes,  as  raised  their  em|)ire  in  a  short  period 
to  that  extraordinary  height  of  power  which  it  had  at- 
tained when  ("ones  landed  in  New  Sjiain. 

Wlnlc  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Mexican  monarch  con 
linucd  to  be  limited,  it  is  probable  that  it  was  exercised 
with  little  ostentation.  But  as  their  authority  became 
irore  extensive,  the  splendor  of  their  government  aug- 
inentcd.  It  vvai  in  this  lust  state  that  the  Spaniards 
beheld  it  ;  and  stnick  with  the  appearance  of  Monte- 
luma'v  court,  they  describe  its  pomp  at  great  length, 
and  with  much  admiration    The  number  of  his  aiteiid- 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 

ants,  the  order,  the  silence,  and  the  reverence  with 
which  they  served  him  ;  the  extent  of  his  royal  man- 
sion, the  variety  of  its  apartments  allotted  to  dillerent 
ollicers,  and  the  ostentation  with  which  his  grandeur 
was  displayed,  whenever  he  permitted  his  subjects  to 
behold  him,  seem  to  resemble  the  magnificence  of  the 
ancient  monarchies  in  Asia,  rather  than  the  simplicity 
of  the  infant  states  in  the  New  A\'orld. 

But  it  was  not  in  the  mere  parade  of  royalty  that 
the  Mexican  |)Otcntates  exhibited  their  power  ;  they 
manifested  it  more  beneficially  in  the  order  and  regu- 
larity with  which  they  conducted  the  internal  adminis- 
tration and  police  of  their  dominions.  Complete  juris- 
diction, civil  as  well  as  criminal,  over  its  own  imme- 
diate vassals,  was  vested  in  the  crown.  Judges  were 
appointed  for  each  department  ;  and  if  we  may  rely  on 
the  account  which  the  Spanish  writers  give  of  the  max- 
ims and  laws  upon  which  they  founded  their  decisions 
with  respect  to  the  distribution  of  property  and  the 
punishment  of  crimes,  justice  was  administered  in  the 
Mexican  empire  with  a  degree  of  order  and  ecjuity 
resembling  what  takes  place  in  societies  highly  civilized. 

Their  attention  in  providing  for  the  sup|)ort  of  govern- 
ment was  not  less  sagacious.  Taxes  were  laid  upon 
land,  upon  the  acqui.Mtions  of  industry,  and  upon  com- 
modities of  every  kind  exposed  to  sale  in  the  public 
markets.  These  duties  were  considerable,  but  not 
arbitrary  or  unequal.  They  were  imposed  according 
to  established  rules,  and  each  knew  what  share  of  the 
common  burden  he  had  to  bear.  As  the  use  of  money 
was  unknown,  all  the  taxes  were  paid  in  kind  ;  and  thus 
not  only  the  natural  productions  of  all  the  different  pro- 
vinces in  the  empire,  but  every  species  of  manufacture, 
and  every  work  of  ingenuity  and  art,  were  collected  in 
tjie  public  storehouses.  From  those  the  emperor  sup- 
plietl  his  numerous  train  of  attendants  in  peace,  and  his 
armies  during  war,  with  food,  with  clothes,  and  orna- 
ments. People  of  inferior  condition,  neither  possess- 
ing land  nor  engaged  in  commerce,  were  bound  to  the 
performance  of  various  services.  By  their  slated  labor 
the  crown  lands  were  cultivated,  public  works  were 
carried  on,  and  the  various  houses  belonging  to  the 
emperor  were  built  and  kept  in  repair.  [147] 

The  improved  state  of  government  among  the  Mex- 
icans is  conspicuous,  not  only  in  points  essential  to  the 
being  of  a  well  ordered  society,  but  in  several  regula- 
tions of  inferior  consequence  with  respect  to  police. 
The  institution  which  I  have  already  mentioned,  of 
public  couriers,  stationed  at  proper  intervals,  to  con- 
vey intelligence  from  one  part  of  the  empire  to  the 
other,  was  a  refinement  in  (lolice  not  introduced  into 
any  kingdom  of  Europe  at  that  period.  The  structure 
of  the  capital  city  in  a  lake,  with  artificial  dykes,  and 
causeways  of  great  length,  which  served  as  avenues  to 
it  from  different  quarters,  erected  in  the  water,  with  no 
less  ingenuity  than  labor,  seems  to  be  an  idea  that 
could  not  have  occurred  to  any  but  a  civilized  people. 
The  same  observation  may  be  applied  to  the  structure 
of  the  aqueducts  or  conduits,  by  which  they  conveyed 
a  stream  of  fresh  water  from  a  considerable  distance, 
into  the  city,  along  one  of  the  causeways.  [148]  The 
appointment  of  a  number  of  persons  to  clean  the  streets, 
to  light  them  by  fires  kindled  in  different  places,  and 
to  patrol  as  watchmen  during  the  night,  discovers  a 
degree  of  attention  which  even  polished  nations  arc 
Lite  in  acquiring. 

The  progress  of  the  Mexicans  in  various  arts  is  con- 
sidered as  the  most  decisive  proof  of  their  superior  re- 
finement. Cortes  anU  the  early  Spanish  authors  de- 
scribe this  with  rapture,  and  maintain,  that  the  most 
celeuratcd  European  artists  could  not  surpass  or  even 
equal  them  in  ingenuity  and  neatness  of  workmanship. 
They  represented  men,  animals,  and  other  objects,  by 
such  a  disposition  of  various  colored  feathers,  as  is  said 
to  have  produced  all  the  ell'ects  of  light  and  shade,  and 
to  have  imitated  nature  with  truth  and  delicacy.  Their 
ornaments  of  gold  and  silver  have  been  described  to  be 
of  a  fabric  no  less  curious.  But  in  forming  any  idea 
from  general  descriptions,  concerning  the  state  of  arts 
among  nations  imperfectly  polished,  we  are  extremely 
ready  to  err.  In  examining  the  works  of  people  whose 
advances  in  improvement  arc  nearly  the  same  with  our 
own,  we  view  them  with  a  critical  and  often  with  a 
jealous  eve.  Whereas  when  conscious  of  our  own 
superiority,  we  survey  the  arts  of  nations  comparatively 
rude,  we  are  astonished  at  works  executed  by  them 
under  such  manifest  disadvantages,  and,  in  the  warmth 
of  our  admiration,  are  apt  to  represent  them  as  produc- 
tions more  finished  than  they  really  arc.  To  the  inllu- 
encc  of  this  illusion,  without  supposing  any  intention 
to  deceive,  we  may  impute  the  exaggeration  of  some 
Spaiush  authors,  in  their  accounts  of  the  Mexican  arts. 


It  is  not  from  those  descri|>tions,  but  from  ronsiiW- 
ing  such  specimens  of  their  arts  as  are  still  preserved 
that  we  must  decide  concerning  that  degree  of  merit 
As  the  ship  in  which  Cortes  sent  to  (Jharles  V.  tha 
most  curious  productions  of  the  Mexican  artisans, 
which  were  collected  by  the  Spaniards  when  they  first 
pillaged  the  empire,  was  taken  by  a  french  corsair,  tlie 
remains  of  their  ingenuity  are  less  numerous  than  those 
of  the  Peruvians,  ^\'llether  any  of  their  works  with 
feathers,  in  imitation  of  painting,  be  still  extant  ia 
Spain,  I  have  not  learned;  but  many  of  their  ornainenla 
in  gold  and  silver,  as  well  as  various  utensils  employed 
in  common  life,  are  deposited  in  the  magnificent  ca- 
binet of  natural  and  artificial  productions  lately  opened 
by  the  king  of  .Spain  ;  and  I  am  informed  by  persons 
on  whose  judgment  and  taste  I  can  rely,  that  these 
boasted  efforts  of  their  art  are  uncouth  representations 
of  common  olijects,  or  very  coarse  images  of  the  human 
and  some  other  forms,  destitute  of  grace  and  propriety, 
[  I4'JJ  The  justness  of  these  observations  is  confirmed 
by  inspecting  the  wooden  prints  and  copper  plates  of 
their  paintings,  which  have  been  published  by  various 
authors.  In  them  every  tigure  of  men,  of  quadrupeds, 
or  birds,  as  well  as  every  representation  of  inammated 
nature,  is  extremely  rude  and  awkward.*  The  hardest 
Egyptian  style,  stiff  and  imperfect  as  it  was,  is  more 
elegant.  The  scrawls  of  children  dehneate  objects 
almost  as  accurately. 

But  however  low  the  Mexican  paintings  may  ba 
ranked,  whiui  viewed  merely  as  works  of  art,  a  very 
different  station  belongs  to  them  when  considered  as 
thj  records  of  their  country,  as  historical  monuineiils 
of  its  policy  and  transactions ;  and  they  liecoinc  cu- 
rious as  w  ell  as  interesting  objects  of  attention.  Tiia 
noblest  and  most  beneficial  invention  of  which  human 
ingenuity  can  boast,  is  that  of  writing.  But  the  first 
essays  of  this  art,  which  hath  contributed  more  than  all 
others  to  the  improvement  of  tlic  species,  were  very 
rude,  and  it  advanced  towards  perfection  slowly,  and 
by  a  gradual  progression.  When  the  warrior,  eagci 
for  fame,  wished  to  transmit  some  knowledge  of  hia 
exploits  to  succeeding  ages  ;  when  the  gratitude  of  a 
people  to  their  sovereign  prompted  them  to  hand  lown 
an  account  of  his  beneficent  deed?  to  posterity  ;  the 
first  method  of  accomplishing  this,  which  seems  to  have 
occurred  to  them,  was  to  delineate,  in  the  best  manner 
they  could,  figures  representing  the  action,  of  which 
they  were  solicitous  to  preserve  the  memory.  Of  tins, 
which  has  very  properly  been  called  picture  wriling, 
we  find  traces  among  some  of  the  most  savage 
tribes  of  America.  A\  hen  a  leader  returns  from  the 
field,  he  strips  a  tree  of  its  bark,  and  with  red  paint 
scratches  upon  it  some  uncouth  figures  which  represent 

*  As  a  specimen  of  tlie  spirit  and  style  in  which  M.  Clavi- 
gcro  makes  lus  strictures  upon  niy  History  of  America,  I  -<h-Ul 
publish  his  reiiiarlvs  upon  tlus  passage.  "  Thus  l.\r  llobert- 
son;  tu  wiioin  we  answer,  first.  That  tlicre  is  no  reason  to 
t)eliLve  that  tliose  riiJc  works  were  really  Mexican  :  secondly, 
Tlial  neither  do  we  know  whether  those  persons  in  whose 
judgment  he  conlides,  may  be  persons  fit  to  iiiunt  our  I'ailh,  be- 
cause wc  have  observed  that  Uobcrtsoii  trusts  freiiueiuly  lo 
the  testimony  of  Gage,  Correal,  Il)agiiez,  and  other  such  au- 
thors, who  arc  entirely  undeserving  of  credit :  thirdly.  It  is 
more  probable  tlial  the  arms  of  copper,  believed  by  those  in- 
telligent judges  lo  be  certainly  Oriental,  are  really  .Mexican." 
Vol.  II.  3'JI.— When  an  author,  not  enlin  ly  dcsiilule  ol  in- 
tegrity or  discernment,  and  who  has  some  solicilude  about 
his  own  character,  asserts  that  he  received  Ins  inlorinalian 
concerning  any  particular  point  from  persons  "  on  whose 
judgment  and  taste  he  can  rely;"  a  very  slender  degree  of 
candor,  one  should  think,  might  induce  tlie  reader  lo  behove 
that  he  does  not  endeavor  lo  impose  upon  the  public  by  an 
appeal  lo  testimony  altogether  unworthy  of  credit.  My  iiilor- 
iiiiiUoii  <  oncoriiiiig  the  .Mexican  works  of  art,  deposited  iii  llio 
king  of  Spain's  cabinet,  was  received  from  the  late  Lord 
tJraiitham,  ainl)assador  exlraordinary  from  the  court  of  Lon- 
don to  that  of  Madrid,  and  from  Mr.  Archdeacon  Waddilove, 
chaplain  to  the  embassy  ;  and  it  was  upon  their  authority  lh»t 
1  proMounrcd  the  coal  of  armor,  mentioned  in  ihe  note,  to  be 
of  tViental  tabric.  As  they  were  both  al  M.nlridin  tlieir  pub- 
lic characier,  when  the  first  edition  of  Ihe  History  of  Aineric* 
was  pulili.~hed,  1  thought  it  improper  at  that  time  to  mculion 
thi  ir  names.  Uid  tlirir  decision  concerning  a  matter  of  ta-ste, 
orlhoir  testimony  concerning  s  point  of  fai-t,  stand  in  need 
(il  confirmation,  1  might  produce  the  evidence  of  an  intclli- 
gi  iil  traveller,  who,  in  describing  the  royal  i:aliinet  of  .Mad.'id' 
takes  notice  that  It  contains  "specimens  of  Mexican  and  Pe- 
ruvian uleu.Mls,  vases,  <tc.  in  earthenware,  wretched  both  ui 
tasle  ,ind  execution."  Dillon's  Travels  thiough  Spam,  p.  77. 
.\s  i;age  composed  his  Survey  of  .New  Spain  with  all  the  IQtl 
and  acrimony  of  a  new  convert,  1  have  paid  lilllc  regard  10 
hi^  testimony  with  respect  to  points  n^lalicg  to  icligion.  But 
as  he  resided  in  several  provinces  in  New  Spa'n,  which  lr» 
vcUers  seldom  visit,  and  as  ho  seems  to  have  observed  llioit 
manners  and  laws  with  an  intelligent  eye,  1  have  availed  my- 
self of  lus  information  with  respect  to  matters  where  religious 
opmiiui  could  have  little  iiilluencc.  Correal  I  have  seluort 
qn.iti  il,  and  never  rested  uimii  his  evldcnco  alono  The  ela- 
tion in  which  Ibagnez  was  employed  in  Aiiienca,  as  well  al 
the  credit  given  to  lus  veracity,  by  printing  his  Kegno  Jei» 
ilico  among  Ihe  large  collection  of  documents  pulilisliea  iX 
1  behove  by  authority)  at  Madrid,  A.D.  1767,juslUie«  toe  Mi 
appealing  to  lus  authority 


SOUTH  AMERH'A. 


153 


ihc  order  cf  his  march,  the  number  of  his  followers,  the 
enemy  h(  in  he  attacked,  the  scalps  and  captives  which 
he  liroiii'hl  lumic.  'I'o  those  siinjile  annuls  he  trusts 
for  rciioun.  :ind  soothes  liiinseH'  with  hope  that  hy  their 
ni';ans  he  shall  receive  praise  from  the  warriors  of  fu- 
ture times. 

Compared  with  those  awkward  essays  of  their  savage 
couiitrvnien.  the  paintings  of  the  Mexicans  may  be  con- 
kiderec  as  works  of  comiiosition  and  design.  They 
were  not  acquaiiitcd,  it  is  true,  with  any  other  method 
of  recording  tran-oactions  than  that  of  delineating  the 
objects  which  they  wished  to  represent.  But  they 
could  exhibit  a  more  complex  series  of  events  in  pro- 
gressive order,  and  describe,  by  a  proper  disposition  of 
figures,  the  occurrences  of  a  king's  reign  from  his  ac- 
cession to  his  death  ;  the  progress  of  an  infant's  edu- 
cation from  its  birth  until  it  attain  to  the  years  of  ma- 
turity ;  the  different  recompenses  and  marks  of  distinc- 
tion conferred  upon  warriors,  in  proportion  to  the 
exploits  which  they  had  |)erformed.  Some  singular 
specimens  of  this  picture  writing  have  been  preserved, 
which  are  justly  considered  as  the  most  curious  monu- 
Dicnts  of  art  brought  from  the  IS'ew  World.  The  most 
valuable  of  these  was  publi.^hed  by  Purchas  in  sixty-six 
plates.  It  IS  divided  into  three  |)arts.  The  first  con- 
tains the  history  of  the  Mexican  empire  under  its  ten 
monarchs.  The  second  is  a  tribute  roll,  representing 
what  each  conquered  town  paid  into  the  royal  treasury. 
The  third  is  a  code  of  their  institutions,  domestic,  po- 
litical, and  military.  Another  specimen  of  Mexican 
painting  has  been  published  in  thirty-two  plates,  by  the 
present  archbishop  of  Toledo.  To  both  is  annexed  a 
full  explanation  of  what  the  figures  were  intended  to 
represent,  which  was  obtained  by  the  Spaniards  from 
Indians  well  acquainted  with  their  own  arts.  The 
style  of  jiainting  in  all  these  is  the  same.  They  repre- 
sent things,  not  irords.  They  exhibit  images  to  the 
eye,  not  ideas  to  the  understanding.  They  may  there- 
fore be  considered  as  the  earliest  and  most  imperfect 
essay  of  men  in  their  progress  towards  discovering  the 
»rt  of  writing.  The  defects  in  this  mode  of  recording 
transactions  must  have  been  early  felt.  To  paint  every 
occurrence  was  from  its  nature  a  very  tedious  opera- 
tion ;  and  as  affairs  became  more  complicated,  and 
events  multiplied  in  any  society,  its  annals  must  have 
swelled  to  an  enormous  bulk.  Besides  this,  no  objects 
could  be  delineated  but  those  of  sense  ;  the  concep- 
tions of  the  mind  had  no  corporeal  form  ;  and  as  long 
as  picture  writing  could  not  convey  an  idea  of  these,  it 
must  have  been  a  very  imperfect  art.  The  necessity 
of  improving  it  must  have  roused  and  sharpened  inven- 
tion ;  and  the  human  mind,  holding  the  same  course  in 
the  New  World  as  in  the  Old,  might  have  advanced  by  the 
same  successive  steps,  first,  from  an  actual  picture  to 
the  plain  hieroglyphic  ;  next  to  the  allegorical  symbol  ; 
then  to  the  arbitrary  character  ;  until,  at  length,  an 
alphabet  of  letters  was  discovered,  capable  of  express- 
ing all  the  various  combinations  of  sound  employed  in  i 
speech.  In  the  paintings  of  the  Mexicans  we  accord- 
ingly perceive  that  this  progress  was  begun  among 
them.  Upon  an  attentive  inspection  of  the  plates, 
which  I  have  mentioned,  we  may  observe  some  ap- 
proach to  the  plain  or  sim)ile  hieroglyphic,  where  some 
principal  part  or  circumstance  in  the  subject  is  made  to 
stand  for  the  whole  In  the  annals  of  their  kings,  pub- 
.Sshed  by  Purchas,  the  towns  conquered  by  each  are 
uniformly  represented  in  the  same  manner  by  a  rude 
delineation  of  a  house  ;  but  in  order  to  point  out  the  i 
particular  towns  which  submitted  to  their  victorious 
arms,  peculiar  emblems,  sometiines  natural  objects, 
and  sometimes  artificial  figures,  are  employed.  In  the 
tribute-roll  published  by  the  Archbishop  of  Toledo,  the 
house  which  was  properly  the  picture  of  the  town,  is 
omitted,  and  the  emblem  alone  is  employed  to  represent 
It.  1  he  Mexicans  stem  even  to  have  made  some  ad- 
vances beyond  this,  towards  the  use  of  the  more  figura- 
tive and  fanciful  hieroglyphic.  In  order  to  descrilie  a 
monarch  who  had  enlarged  his  dominious  by  force  of 
arms,  they  painted  a  target  ornamented  with  darts,  and 
placed  It  between  him  and  those  towns  which  he  sub- 
dued. But  it  is  only  in  one  instance,  the  notation  of 
t:imihfr3,  that  we  discern  any  attempt  to  exhibit  ideas 
vliich  had  no  corporeal  form.  The  Mexican  painters 
had  invented  artificial  marks,  or  sirrns  uf  cnnvcniion, 
for  this  purpose.  By  means  of  these,  they  computed 
the  years  of  their  kings'  reigns,  as  well  as  the  amount 
of  tnbuto  to  be  paid  into  the  royal  treasure.  The  figure 
of  a  circle  represented  unit  ;  and  in  small  numbers, 
the  computation  was  made  by  repeatimr  it.  Larger 
eunibers  were  expressed  by  a  peculiar  mark  ;  and  they 
Md  .such  as  denoted  all  integral  numbers,  from  twenty 
'JO  iight  iLouband.    The  short  duration  of  their  empire 


prevented  the  Mexicans  from  advancing  further  in  that 
long  course  which  conducts  men  from  the  labor  of  de- 
lineating real  olijccts,  to  the  simplicitv  and  ease  of 
alphabetic  writing.  'J'heir  records,  notwithstanding 
some  dawn  of  such  ideas  as  might  have  led  to  a  more 
perfect  style,  can  De  considered  as  little  more  than  a 
species  of  picture-writing,  so  far  improved  as  to  mark 
their  superiority  over  the  savage  tribes  of  America  ;  but 
still  so  defective  as  to  prove  tliat  they  had  not  proceed- 
ed far  beyond  the  first  stage  in  that  progress  which 
must  be  completed  before  any  people  can  he  ranked 
among  polished  nations.  [150] 

Their  mode  of  computing  time  may  be  considered 
as  a  more  decisive  evidence  of  their  progress  in  im- 
provement. They  divided"  their  year  into  eighteen 
months,  consisting  of  twenty  days  ;  amounting  in  all 
to  three  hundred  and  sixty.  But  as  they  observed  that 
the  course  of  the  sun  was  not  completed  in  that  time, 
they  added  five  days  to  the  ye.ir.  These,  which  were 
properly  intercalary  days,  they  termed  snpermimerary 
or  irastc ;  and  as  they  did  not  belong  to  any  month,  no 
work  was  done,  and  no  sacred  rite  performed  on  them  ; 
they  were  devoted  wholly  to  festivity  and  pastime.* 
This  near  approach  to  philosophical  accuracy  is  a  re- 
markable proof,  that  the  Mexicans  had  bestowed  some 
attention  upon  inquiries  and  speculations  to  which  men 
in  a  very  rude  state  never  turn  their  thoughts. 

Such  are  the  most  striking  particulars  in  the  manners 
and  policy  of  the  Mexicans,  which  exhibit  them  to  view 
as  a  people  considerably  refined.  But  from  other  cir- 
cumstances, one  is  apt  to  suspect  that  their  character, 
and  many  of  their  institutions,  did  not  differ  greatly 
from  those  of  the  other  inhabitants  of  America. 

Like  the  rude  tribes  around  thetn,  the  Mexicans  were 
incessantly  engaged  in  war,  and  the  motives  which 
prompted  them  to  hostility  .seem  to  have  been  the 
same.  They  fought  in  order  to  gratify  their  vengeance 
by  shedding  the  blood  of  their  enemies.  In  battle  they 
were  chiefly  intent  on  taking  prisoners  ;  and  it  was  by 
the  number  of  these  that  they  estimated  the  glory  of 
victory.  No  captive  was  ever  ransomed  or  spared. 
All  were  sacrificed  without  mercy,  and  their  flesh 
devoured  with  the  same  barbarous  joy  as  among  the 
fiercest  savages.  On  some  occasions  it  arose  to  even 
wilder  excesses.  Their  principal  warriors  covered 
themselves  with  the  skins  of  the  unhappy  victims,  and 
danced  about  the  streets,  boasting  of  their  own  valor, 
and  exulting  over  their  enemies.  Even  in  their  civil 
institutions  we  discover  traces  of  that  barbarous  dis- 
position which  their  system  of  war  inspired.  The  four 
chief  counsellors  of  the  empire  were  distinguished  by 
titles,  which  could  have  been  assumed  only  by  a  peo- 
ple who  delighted  in  blood.  [151]  This  ferocity  of 
character  prevailed  among  all  the  nations  of  New 
Spain.  The  Tlascalans,  the  people  of  Mechoacan,  and 
other  states  at  enmitv  with  the  Mexicans,  delighted 
equally  in  war,  and  treated  their  prisoners  with  the 
same  cruelty.  In  proportion  as  mankind  combine  in 
social  union,  and  live  under  the  influence  of  equal  laws 
and  regular  policy,  their  manners  soften,  sentiments  of 
humanity  arise,  and  the  rights  of  the  species  come  to 
be  understood.  The  fierceness  of  war  abates,  and 
even  while  engaged  in  hostility,  men  remember  what 
they  owe  one  to  another.  The  savage  fights  to  de- 
stroy, the  citizen  to  conquer.  The  former  neither 
pities  nor  spares,  the  latter  has  acquired  sensibility 
which  tempers  his  rage.  To  this  sensibility  the  Mexi- 
cans seem  to  have  been  perfect  strangers  ;  and  among 
them  war  was  carried  on  with  so  much  of  its  original 
barbarity,  that  we  cannot  but  suspect  theii  degree  of 
civilization  to  have  been  very  imperfect. 

Their  funeral  rites  were  not  less  bloody  than  those 
of  the  most  savage  tribes.  On  the  death  of  any  dis- 
tinguished personage,  especially  of  the  emperor,  a  cer- 
tain number  of  his  attendants  were  chosen  to  accom- 
pany him  to  the  other  world  ;  and  those  unfortunate 
victims  were  put  to  death  without  mercy,  and  buried 
in  the  same  tomb. 

Though  their  agriculture  was  more  extensive  than 
that  of  the  roving  tribes  who  trusted  chiefly  to  their 
bow  for  food,  it  seems  not  to  have  supplied  them  with  | 
such  subsistence  as  men  require  when  engaged  in 
efforts  of  active  industrv.  The  Spaniards  appear  not 
to  have  been  struck  with  any  superiority  of  the  Mexi- 
cans over  the  other  people  of  America  in  bodily  vigor. 
Both,  according  to  their  observation,  were  of  such  a 
feeble  frame  as  to  be  unable  to  endure  fatigue,  and  the 

*  Tlie  Mexican  mode  of  computing  time,  and  every  other 
particular  relating  to  their  chronology,  have  been  consider- 
ably elucidated  by  M.  Clavigero,  vol.  i.  288;  vol.  ii.  225,  &c. 
The  observations  and  theories  of  the  Me.xicans  concerning 
those  subject.?  discover  a  greater  proffresa  in  speculative 
scieace  ttiaa  we  find  ainor\g  any  people  w  he  New  World. 


Ktrcngth  of  one  Spaniard  exceeded  that  of  several  In- 
dians. This  they  imputed  to  their  .scanty  diet,  on  poof 
fare,  suflicirnt  to  jirescrvc  life,  but  not  to  give  firmncas 
to  their  constitution.  Such  a  remark  could  hardly 
have  been  made  with  respect  to  any  people  furnished 
plentifully  with  the  necessaries  of  life.  The  difiiculty 
which  Cortes  found  in  procuring  subsistence  for  his 
small  body  of  soldiers,  who  were  often  constrained  to 
live  on  the  spontaneous  productions  of  the  earth,  seems 
to  confirm  the  remark  of  the  Spanish  writers,  and 
gives  no  high  idea  of  the  slate  of  cultivation  in  the 
Mexican  empire. 

A  practice  that  was  universal  in  New  Spain  appears 
to  favor  this  opinion.  The  Mexican  women  gave  suck 
to  their  children  for  several  years,  and  doling  that  time 
they  did  not  cohabit  with  their  husbands.  'I'his  pre- 
caution against  a  burdensome  increase  of  progeny, 
though  necessary,  as  I  have  already  observed,  among 
savages,  who  from  the  hardships  of  their  condition,  and 
the  precariousness  of  their  subsistence,  find  it  impossi- 
ble to  rear  a  numerous  family,  can  hardly  be  supposed 
to  have  continued  among  a  people  who  lived  at  case 
and  in  abundance. 

The  vast  extent  of  the  Mexican  empire,  which  hus 
been  considered,  and  with  justice,  as  the  most  decisive 
proof  of  a  considerable  progress  in  regular  government 
and  police,  is  one  of  those  facts  in  the  history  of  the 
New  World  which  seems  to  have  been  admitted  with- 
out due  examination  or  sufficient  evidence.  The  Spa- 
nish historians,  in  order  to  magnify  the  valor  of  tlieir 
countrymen,  are  accustomed  to  represent  the  dominiOD 
of  Montezuma  as  stretching  over  all  the  provinces  ot 
New  Spain  from  the  Northern  to  the  Southern  Ocean. 
But  a  great  part  of  the  mountainous  country  wa.^  pos- 
sessed by  the  Otoviics,  a  fierce  uncivilized  people,  who 
seem  to  have  been  the  residue  of  the  original  inhabi- 
tants. The  provinces  towards  the  north  and  west  of 
Mexico,  were  occupied  by  the  Cluchemccas,  and  other 
tribes  of  hunters.  None  of  these  recognised  the  Mex- 
ican monarch  as  their  superior.  Even  in  the  interior 
and  more  level  country,  there  were  several  cities  and 
provinces  which  had  never  submitted  to  the  Mexican 
yoke.  Tlascala,  though  only  twenty-one  leagues  from 
the  capital  of  the  empire,  was  an  independent  and  hos- 
tile republic.  Cholula,  though  still  nearer,  had  been 
subjected  only  a  short  time  before  the  arrival  of  the 
Spaniards.  Tepeaca,  at  the  distance  of  thirty  leagues 
from  Mexico,  seems  to  have  been  a  sefiarate  state, 
governed  bv  its  own  laws.  Mcchoacar.  the  frontier  of 
which  extended  within  forty  leagues  ol  Mexico,  was  a 
powerfukkingdom  remarkable  for  its  implacable  enmity 
to  the  Mexican  name.  By  these  hostile  powers  the 
Mexican  empire  was  circumscribed  on  every  quarter, 
and  ii.e  high  ideas  which  we  are  apt  to  form  of  it  from 
the  description  of  the  Spanish  historians,  should  be  con- 
siderably moderated. 

In  consequence  of  this  independence  of  several  states 
in  New  Spain  upon  the  Mexican  empire,  there  was  not 
any  considerable  intercourse  between  its  various  pro- 
vinces. Even  in  the  interior  country  not  far  distant 
from  the  capital,  there  seems  to  have  been  no  roads  to 
facilitate  the  communication  of  one  district  with  ano- 
ther ;  and  when  the  Spaniards  first  attempted  to  pene- 
trate into  its  several  provinces,  they  had  to  open  their 
wav  through  forests  and  marshes.  Cortes,  in  his  ad- 
venturous march  from  Mexico  to  Honduras,  in  1525, 
met  with  obstructions,  and  endured  hardships  little  infe- 
rior to  those  with  which  he  must  have  struggled  m  the 
most  uncivilized  regions  of  America.  In  some  places 
he  could  hardly  force  a  passage  through  impervious 
woods,  and  plains  overflowed  with  water.  In  others 
he  found  so  little  cultivation,  that  his  troops  were  fre- 
quently in  danger  of  perishing  by  famine.  Such  facts 
correspond  ill  with  the  pompons  description  which  thi» 
Spanish  writers  give  of  Mexican  police  and  industry, 
and  convey  an  idea  of  a  country  nearly  similar  to  that 
possessed  bv  the  Indian  trilies  in  North  .Vnierica.  Hero 
and  there  a  trading  or  a  war  path,  as  they  are  called  m 
North  America,  led  frofn  one  settlement  to  another ; 
but  generally  there  appeared  no  sign  of  any  established 
communication,  few  marks  of  industry,  and  fewer 
monuments  of  art. 

A  proof  of  this  imperfection  in  their  commercial 
intercourse  no  less  striking  is  their  want  of  money,  or 
some  universal  standard  by  which  to  estimate  the  value 
of  commodities.  The  discovery  of  this  is  among  the 
steps  of  greatest  consequence  in  the  progress  of  na- 
tions. Until  it  has  been  made,  all  their  iransactioDn 
must  be  so  awkard,  so  operose,  and  so  limited,  that  wo 
may  boldly  pronounce  that  they  have  advanced  but  a  lit- 
tle way  in  tlieir  career.  The  invention  of  such  a  co-n- 
incrcial  standard  is  of  such  high  antiquity  in  our  hcui.> 


1S4 


ROBERTSON'S    HISTORY  OF 


phetf,  and  rises  so  far  beyond  the  era  of  authentic  his- 
tory, as  10  a[i|)rar  ahnost  coeval  with  the  existence  of 
society  The  precious  metals  seem  to  have  been  early 
einpioyed  for  this  purpose  ;  and  from  their  permanent 
value,  their  divisibility,  and  many  other  qualities,  they 
are  better  adapted  to  serve  as  a  corninon  standard  than 
anv  other  substance  of  v\hii-li  nature  has  given  us  the 
command.  ]}ut  in  the  New  World,  where  these  metals 
abound  most,  the  use  of  them  was  not  known.  The 
exifxencies  of  rude  tribes,  or  of  monarchies  imperfectly 
civilized,  did  not  call  for  it.  All  their  commercial  inter- 
course was  carried  on  by  barter  ;  and  their  ignorance 
of  any  common  standard  by  which  to  facilitate  that 
eichange  of  commodities  which  contributes  so  much 
towards  the  comfort  of  life,  may  be  justly  mentioned 
as  an  evidence  of  the  infant  state  of  their  policy.  But 
even  in  the  New  World  the  inconvenience  of  wanting 
BOine  general  instrument  of  commerce  began  to  tie  felt 
and  some  efforts  were  making  towards  sujjplying  that 
defect.  The  Mexicans,  among  whom  the  number  and 
greatness  of  their  cities  gave  rise  to  a  more  extended 
commerce  than  in  any  other  part  of  America,  had  be- 
gun to  employ  a  common  standard  of  value  which  ren- 
dered smaller  transactions  much  more  easy.  As  cho- 
colate was  the  favorite  drink  of  persons  in  every  rank 
of  life,  the  nuts  or  almonds  of  cacao,  of  which  it  is 
composeil,  were  of  such  universal  consumption,  that, 
in  their  st-jted  markets,  these  were  willingly  leceived 
in  return  for  commodities  of  small  price.  Thus  they 
came  to  be  (considered  as  the  instrument  of  commerce 
and  the  value  of  what  one  wished  to  dispose  of  was 
estimated  by  the  number  of  nuts  of  the  cacao,  which 
he  might  expect  in  exchange  for  it.  This  seems  to  he 
the  utmost  length  which  the  Americans  had  advanced 
towards  the  discovery  of  any  expedient  for  supplying 
the  use  of  money.  And  if  the  want  of  it  is  to  be  held, 
on  one  hand,  as  a  proof  of  their  barbarity,  this  expe- 
dient for  supplying  that  want  should  be  admitted,  on 
the  other,  as  an  evidence  no  less  satisfying  of  some 
progress  which  the  Mexicans  had  made  m  refinement 
and  civilization  beyond  the  savage  tribes  around  them. 

In  such  a  rude  state  were  many  of  the  Mexican  pro- 
vince.s  when  first  visited  by  their  conquerors.  Even 
their  cities,  cxten.sive  and  populous  as  they  were,  seem 
more  fit  to  be  the  habitation  of  men  just  emerging 
from  barbarity,  than  the  residence  of  a  polished  people. 
The  descri[)tion  of  TIascala  nearly  resembles  that  of 
an  Indian  village.  A  number  of  low  straggling  huts, 
scatti'red  about  irregularly,  according  to  the  caprice  of 
each  pro|)rietor,  built  with  turf  and  stone,  and  thatched 
with  r<!eds,  without  any  li^ihl  but  what  they  received  by 
a  door,  so  low  mat  it  could  not  be  entered  upright.  In 
Mexico,  though  from  the  peculiarity  of  its  situation,  the 
disposition  of  the  houses  was  more  orderly,  the  struc- 
ture of  the  greater  part  was  equally  mean.  Nor  does 
the  fabric  of  their  temples,  and  other  public  edifices, 
appear  to  have  been  such  as  entitled  them  to  the  high 
praise  bestowed  upon  them  by  many  Spanish  authors. 
As  far  as  one  can  gather  from  their  obscure  and  inaccu- 
rate descriptions,  the  great  temple  of  Mexico,  the  most 
famous  in  New  Spain,  which  has  been  represented  as 
a  magnificent  building,  raised  to  such  a  height,  that  the 
ascent  to  it  was  by  a  flight  of  a  hundred  and  fourteen 
steps,  was  a  solid  mass  of  earth  of  a  square  form,  faced 
partly  with  stone.  Its  base  on  each  side  extended 
ninety  feel  ;  and  decreasing  gradually  as  it  advanced 
in  height,  it  terminated  in  a  quadrangle  of  about  thirty 
feet,  where  were  placed  a  shrine  of  the  deity,  and  two 
altars  on  which  the  victims  were  sacrificed.  All  the 
other  celebrated  temples  of  New  Spain  exactly  resem- 
bled that  of  Mexico.  [152  J  Such  structures  convey  no 
high  id<?a  of  progress  in  art  and  ingenuity  :  and  one  can 
hardly  conceive  that  a  form  more  rude  and  simple  could 
have  occurred  to  a  nation  in  its  first  efforts  towards 
erecting  any  great  work. 

(ireater  skill  and  ingenuity  were  displayed,  if  we 
may  believe  the  Spanish  historians,  in  the  houses  of  the 
tmperor,  and  in  those  of  the  i)rinci|)al  nobility.  There 
some  elegance  of  design  was  visible,  and  a  commodious 
arrainiemcnt  of  the  apnrtiniMits  was  attended  to.  Hut 
if  building.*  corresponding  to  such  descriptions  had  ever 
existed  111  the  Mexu  an  cities,  it  l.>  probable  that  some 
leiiiains  of  them  would  still  be  visible.  From  the  man- 
lier III  which  Cortes  conducted  the  siege  of  Mexico,  we 
can  indeed  easily  account  for  the  total  destruction  of 
whatever  had  any  appearance  of  splendor  in  that  capital, 
iiiilas  only  two  ceiiluries  and  a  half  have  elapstcd  since 
the  conquest  of  New  Spain,  it  seems  altogether  incre- 
dible that  in  a  period  so  short,  every  veslige  of  this 
boa^•ted  elegance  and  grandeur  should  have  disappeared; 
ai'«l  that  in  the  other  cilies,  jiarticularlv  in  those  which 
djil  not  tuller  by  the  destructive  hand  of  the  coui^uer- 


I  ors.thereare  notany  ruins  which  can  be  considered  as 
monuments  of  their  ancient  magninceiice. 

Even  in  a  village  of  the  rudest  Indians,  there  are 
buildings  of  greater  extent  and  elevation  than  common 
dw  elling  houses.  Such  as  are  destined  for  holding  the 
council  of  the  tribe,  and  in  which  all  assemble  on  oc- 
casions of  public  festivity,  may  be  called  stately  edi- 
fices, when  compared  with  the  rest.  As  among  the 
Mexicans  the  distinction  of  ranks  was  established,  and 
property  was  unequally  divided,  the  number  of  distin- 
guished structures  in  their  towns  would  of  course  be 
greater  than  in  other  jiarts  of  America.  But  these 
seem  not  to  have  been  either  so  solid  or  magnificent  as 
to  merit  the  pompous  epithets  which  some  Spanish  au- 
thors emjiloy  in  describing  them.  It  is  probable  that, 
though  more  ornamented,  and  built  on  a  larger  scale, 
they  were  erected  with  the  same  slight  materials  which 
the  Indians  employed  in  their  common  buildings,  [153] 
and  Time,  in  a  space  much  less  than  two  hundred  and 
fifty  years,  may  have  swept  away  all  remains  of  them 

From  this  enumeration  of  facts,  it  seems,  upon  the 
whole,  to  be  evident,  that  the  state  of  society  in  Mexico 
was  considerably  advanced  beyond  that  of  the  savage 
tribes  which  we  have  delineated.  But  it  is  no  less 
manifest  that,  with  respect  to  many  particulars,  the 
S|)anish  accounts  of  their  progress  ajipear  to  be  highly 
embellished.  There  is  not  a  more  lre[)uent  or  a  more 
fertile  source  of  decc|)lion  in  descnbiug  the  manners 
and  arts  of  savage  nations,  or  of  such  as  are  imperfectly 
civilized,  than  that  of  applying  to  them  the  names  and 
phrases  appropriated  to  the  institutions  and  refinements 
of  polished  life.  WTien  the  leader  of  a  small  tribe,  or 
the  head  of  a  rude  community,  is  dignified  with  the 
name  of  King  or  Emperor,  the  place  of  his  residence 
can  receive  no  other  name  than  that  of  his  palace  ;  an<l 
whatever  his  attendants  may  be,  they  must  be  called 
h:s  court.  Under  such  appellations  they  acquire,  in  our 
estimation,  an  importance  and  dignity  which  does  not 
belong  to  them.  The  illusion  spreads;  and  giving  a 
false  color  to  every  part  of  the  narrative,  the  imagina- 
tion is  so  much  carried  away  with  the  resemblance, 
that  it  becomes  difficult  to  discern  objects  as  they 
really  are.  The  Spaniaids,  when  they  first  touched  on 
the  Alexican  coast,  were  so  much  struck  with  the  ap- 
pearance of  attainments  in  policy  and  in  the  arts  of  life, 
far  superior  to  those  of  the  rude  tribes  with  which  they 
were  hitherto  acquainted,  that  they  fancied  they  had  at 
length  discovered  a  civilized  people  in  the  New  World. 
This  comparison  between  the  people  of  Mexico  and 
their  uncultivated  neighbors,  they  appear  to  have  kept 
constantly  in  view  ;  and  observing  with  admira- 
tion many  things  which  marked  'he  pre-eminence 
of  the  former,  they  employ,  in  desciibmg  their  im- 
perfect policy  and  infant  arts,  such  terms  as  are  ap- 
pli';ahle  to  the  institutions  of  men  far  beyond  them  m 
improvement.  Both  these  circumstances  concur  in  de- 
tracting from  the  credit  due  to  the  descriptions  of  .Mexi- 
can manners  by  the  early  Spanish  writers.  By  draw- 
ing a  parallel  between  them  and  those  of  people  so 
muoh  less  civilized,  they  raised  their  own  ideas  too 
high.  By  their  mode  of  describing  them,  they  conveyed 
ideas  to  others  no  less  exalted  above  truth.  Later 
writers  have  adopted  the  style  of  the  original  histo- 
rians, and  improved  upon  it.  The  colors  with  which 
Do  Solis  delineates  the  character  and  describes  the 
actions  of  Montezuma,  the  splendor  of  his  court,  the 
laws  and  policy  of  his  empire,  are  the  same  that  he 
must  have  employed  in  exhibiting  to  view  the  monarch 
and  institutions  of  a  highly  polished  people. 

But  though  we  may  admit,  that  the  warm  imagination 
of  the  Sfianish  writers  has  added  some  cmliellishmeiit 
to  their  descriptions,  this  will  not  justify  the  decisive 
and  ])eremptory  tone  with  which  several  authors  pro- 
nounce all  their  accounts  of  the  .Mexican  power,  policy, 
and  laws,  to  be  the  fictions  of  men  who  wished  to  de- 
ceive, or  who  delighted  in  the  marvellous.  There  are 
few  historical  facts  that  can  be  ascertained,  by  evidence 
more  unexceptionable,  than  may  be  produced  i:i  support 
of  the  material  articles  in  the  description  of  the  Mexi- 
can constitution  and  munners.  Eye-svitnesses  relate 
what  th(?y  beheld  Men  who  had  resided  among  the 
Mexicans,  both  before  and  after  the  compiest,  describe 
institutions  and  customs  which  were  familiar  to  them. 
Persons  of  professions  so  dillcrent  that  objects  must 
have  presented  themselves  to  their  view  under  every 
various  aspect  ;  soldiers,  priests,  and  lawyers,  all 
concur  in  their  testimony.  Had  Cortes  ventured 
to  im[)Osc  upon  his  sovereign,  by  exhibiting  to  him 
a  picture  of  imaginary  manners,  there  wanted  not 
enemies  and  rivals  who  were  qualified  to  detect  his 
deceit,  and  who  would  have  rejoiced  iu  exposing  U. 


But  according  to  the  just  remark  of  an  author,  whon 
ingenuity  has  illustrated,  and  whose  eloquence  h-u 
adorned,  the  history  of  America,  this  supposition  la  is 
itself  as  improbable  as  the  attempt  would  have  bcena.i 
dacious.  \\'ho.  among  the  destroyers  of  this  great  em 
pire,  was  so  enlightened  by  science,  or  so  attentive  to 
the  progress  and  operations  of  men  in  social  life,  as  l« 
frame  a  fictitious  system  of  policy  so  well  combined 
and  so  consistent,  as  that  which  they  delineate  m  theu 
accounts  of  the  Mexican  government  !  Whero  could 
they  have  borrowed  the  idea  of  many  institutions  lo 
legislation  and  police,  to  which,  at  that  period,  there  was 
nothing  parallel  in  the  nations  with  which  they  w»rB 
acquainted  ?  There  was  not,  at  the  beginning  of  tlis 
sixteenth  century,  a  regular  establishment  of  posts  for 
conveying  intelligence  to  the  sovereign  of  any  kingdom 
in  Europe.  The  same  observation  will  apply  to  wlal 
the  Spaniards  relate  with  respect  to  the  structure  of  the 
city  of  Mexico,  the  regulations  concerning  its  police, 
and  various  laws  established  for  the  administration  of 
justice,  or  securing  the  happiness  of  the  community. 
\\'hoever  is  accustomed  to  contemplate  the  piogress  of 
nations  will  often,  at  very  early  stages  of  it,  discover  a 
premature  and  unexpected  dawn  of  those  ideas  which 
gave  rise  to  institutions  that  arc  the  pride  and  orna- 
ment of  its  most  advanced  period.  Even  in  a  state  as 
imperfectly  polished  as  the  Mexican  empire,  the  happy 
genius  of  some  sagacious  observer,  excited  or  aided  by 
circumstances  unknown  to  us,  may  have  introduced 
institutions  which  are  seldom  found  but  m  societies 
highly  refined.  But  it  is  almost  impossible  that  the 
illiterate  conquerors  of  the  New  World  should  have 
formed  in  any  one  instance  a  conception  of  customs  and 
laws  beyond  the  standard  of  improvement  m  their  own 
age  and  country.  Or  if  Cortes  had  been  capable  ol 
this,  what  inducement  had  those  by  whom  heAvas  super- 
seded to  continue  the  deception  !  Why  should  Corita, 
or  Motolinea,  or  Acosta,  have  amused  their  sovereiga 
or  their  fellow-citizens  with  a  tale  purely  fabulous! 

In  one  particular,  however,  the  guides  whom  ws 
must  follow  have  represented  the  Mexicans  to  be  mors 
barbarous,  perhaps,  than  they  really  were.  Their  reli- 
gious tenets  and  the  rites  of  their  worship  are  described 
by  them  as  wild  and  cruel  in  an  extreme  degree.  Ke- 
liu^ioii,  which  occupies  no  considerable  place  in  the 
thoughts  of  a  savage,  whose  conceptions  of  any  su- 
petior  power  are  obscure,  and  his  sacred  rites  few  as 
well  as  simple,  was  formed,  among  the  Mexicans,  into 
a  regular  system,  with  its  complete  tram  of  priests, 
temples,  victims,  and  festivals.  This,  of  itsell',  is  a 
clear  proof  that  the  state  of  the  .Mexicans  was  very 
ditfcrent  from  that  of  the  ruder  American  tribes.  But 
from  the  extravagance  of  their  religious  notions,  or  the 
barbarity  of  their  rites,  no  conclusion  can  be  drawo 
with  certainty  concerning  the  degree  of  their  civiliza- 
tion. For  nations,  long  after  their  ideas  begin  to  en- 
large, and  their  manners  to  refine,  adhere  to  systems  oi 
superstition  founded  on  the  crude  conceptions  of  early 
ages.  From  the  genius  of  the  .Mexican  religion  ws 
mav,  however,  form  a  most  just  conclusion  with  respect 
to  its  iiirtuence  upon  the  character  of  the  people.  Tlie 
aspect  of  superstition  in  Mexico  was  gloomy  and  atro- 
cious. Its  divinities  were  clothed  with  terror,  and  de- 
lighted in  vengeance.  They  were  exhibited  to  the 
peoj)le  under  detestable  forms,  which  created  horror. 
The  figures  of  serpents,  of  tigers,  and  of  other  destruc- 
tive animals,  decorated  their  temples.  Fear  was  the 
only  principle  that  ins|)ired  their  votaries.  Fasts,  mor- 
tifications, and  penaqces,  all  rigid,  and  many  of  them 
excruciating  to  an  extreme  degree,  were  the  means 
employed  to  appease  the  wrath  of  their  gods,  and  the 
Mexicans  never  approached  their  altars  without  sprink- 
ling them  with  blood  drawn  from  their  o«n  bodies. 
But.  of  all  offerings,  human  stcrifices  were  deemed  the 
most  acceptable.  This  religious  belief  minglmg  with 
the  implacable  spirit  of  vengeance,  and  adding  iic«r 
force  to  It,  every  cajilive  taken  m  war  was  brought  to 
the  temple,  was  ilevoled  as  a  victim  lo  the  deity,  and 
sacrificed  with  rites  no  less  solemn  than  cruel.  [I55J 
The  heart  and  head  were  the  portion  consecrated  to 
the  gods  ;  the  warrior,  by  whose  jirowess  the  prisoner 
had  been  seized,  carried  oil"  the  body  to  feast  upon  It 
with  his  friends.  Under  the  impression  of  ideas  so 
dreary  and  terrible,  and  accustomed  daily  to  sc>':ic.«  ol 
bloodshed  rendered  awful  by  religion,  the  heart  of  iiiaa 
must  harden  and  be  steeled  to  every  scnimieiit  of  bu 
inanity.  The  spirit  of  tiie  Mexicans  was  accordinj.'ly 
unfeeling  ;  and  the  genius  of  their  religion  so  far  cou:i 
terbalaiK  i  il  the  influence  of  |iolicy  and  arts,  that  nol 
withstanding  their  progress  in  both,  their  maimers,  lO 
stead  of  softening,  became  more  fierce.  To  what  CIT' 
cumstaiices  it  was  owing  that  su^>vriitiiion  assumed 


SOUTH  AM  ERICA. 


1.' 


eiich  a  dreadful  form  among  the  Mexicans,  we  have 
not  siitficient  knowledge  of  their  history  to  determine. 
Hut  its  iiifliu  lice  is  visihlc,  and  produced  an  ell'ect  that 
is  sini>ular  in  the  history  of  the  human  species.  The 
manners  of  the  people  in  the  New  World,  who  h.id 
made  the  greatest  progress  in  the  arts  of  policy,  were, 
in  seTcral  respects,  the  most  ferocious,  and  the  liar- 
liarity  of  so.iie  of  their  customs  exceeded  even  those  of 
tlie  savage  stale. 

The  empire  of  Peru  boasts  of  a  higher  antiquity  than 
that  of  Mexico.  According  to  the  traditionary  accounts 
collected  by  the  Spaniards,  it  had  subsisted  four  hun- 
dred years,  under  twelve  successive  inonarchs.  But 
the  knowledge  of  their  ancient  story,  which  the  Peru- 
vians could  communicate  to  their  concpierors,  must 
have  been  both  imperfect  and  uncertain.  [156]  Like 
the  oilier  American  nations,  they  were  totally  unac- 
quainted with  the  art  of  writing,  and  destitute  of  the 
only  means  by  which  the  memory  of  past  transactions 
can  be  preserved  with  anv  degree  of  accuracy.  Even 
among  people  to  whom  the  use  of  letters  is  known, 
the  era  where  the  authenticilv  of  history  commences 
IS  much  posterior  lo  the  introduction  of  writing.  That 
noble  invention  continued  every  where  to  be  long  sub- 
servient to  the  common  business  and  wants  of  life,  be- 
fore it  was  employed  in  recording  events,  with  a  view 
of  conveying  information  from  one  age  to  another.  But 

[  in  no  coiintrv  did  ever  tradition  alone  carry  down  histo- 
rical knowledge,  in  anv  full  continued  stream,  during 
a  period  of  half  the  length  that  the  monarchy  of  Peru 
is  said  to  have  subsisted. 

The  Qiiipns,  or  knots  on  cords  of  different  colors, 
which  are  celebrated  by  authors  fond  of  the  marvellous, 
as  if  they  had  been  regular  annals  of  the  empire,  imper- 
fectly supplied  the  place  of  writing.    According  to  the 

[  obscure  description  of  them  by  Acosta,  which  Garci- 

! lasso  de  la  Vega  has  adopted  with  little  variation  and 
no  improvement,  the  quipos  seem  to  have  been  a  device 
for  rendering  calculation  more  expeditious  and  accu- 
rate. By  the  various  colors  dirt'erent  objects  were 
'  denoted,  and  by  each  knot  a  distinct  number.  Thus 

I an  account  was  taken,  and  a  kind  of  register  kept,  of 
the  inhabitants  in  each  province,  or  of  the  several 
'  proauclion,>  collected  there  for  public  use.    But  as  these 
ki.ots,  however  varied  or  combined,  no  moral  or  ib- 
■  stiact  idea,  no  operation  or  quality  of  the  mind  could 
'  he  re[iresented,  they  contributed  little  towards  pre- 
'  serving  the  memory  of  ancient  events  and  institutions. 
'  iiy  the  Mexican  paintings  and  symbols,  rude  as  they 
'  were,  more  knowledge  of  remote  transactions  seems 
to  have  been  conveyed  than  the  Peruvians  could  derive 
from  their  boasted  quipos.     Had  the  latter  been  even 
of  more  extensive  use,  and  better  adapted  to  supply 
the  place  of  written  records,  they  perished  so  generally, 
together  with  other  monuments  of  Peruvian  ingenuity, 
m  the  wreck  occasioned  by  the  Spanish  conquest,  and 
the  civil  wars  subsequent  to  it,  that  no  accession  of 
light  or  knowledge  comes  from  them.    All  the  zeal  of 
Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  for  the  honor  of  that  race  of 
moiiarchs  from  whom  he  descended,  all  the  industry  of 
hif  researches,  and  the  su])erior  advantages  with  which 
he  carried  them  on,  opened  no  source  of  information 
unknown  to  the  Spanish  authors  who  wrote  before  him. 
In  his  Kiiyal  Commc/i/anc.i,  he  confines  himself  to 
illiistratfc  what  they  had  related  concerning  the  anliqui- 
tics  and  institutions  of  Peru  ;  and  his  illustrations,  like 
their  accounts,  are  derived  entirely  from  the  tradition- 
ary tales  current  among  his  countrymen. 

Very  liule  oredit  then  is  due  to  the  minute  details 
which  have  been  given  of  the  exploits,  the  battles,  the 
conquests,  and  private  character  of  the  early  Peruvian 
nionarchs.  We  can  rest  upon  nothing  in  their  story  as 
auiheiitic,  but  a  few  facts  so  interwoven  in  the  system 
of  their  religion  and  policy,  as  preserved  the  memory 
of  them  from  being  lost ;  and  upon  the  description  of 
such  customs  and  institutions  as  continued  in  force  at 
the  time  of  the  conquest,  and  fell  under  the  immediate 
observation  of  the  Spaniards.  By  attending  carefully 
to  these,  and  endeavoring  to  separate  them  I'rom  what 
ippears  to  be  fabulous  or  of  doubtful  authority,  I  have 
iaiiored  to  form  an  idea  of  the  Peruvian  government 
»nd  manners. 

The  people  of  Peru,  as  I  have  already  observed,  had 
not  advanced  beyond  the  rudest  form  of  savage  life, 
when  Manco  Capac,  and  his  consort  Mama  OcoUo, 
appeared  to  instruct  and  civilize  them.  Who  these 
txtraordmary  personages  were,  whether  they  imported 
their  system  of  legislation  and  knowledge  of  arts  from 
»ome  country  more  improved,  or,  if  natives  of  Peru, 
BOW  they  accpiire/i  ideas  so  far  superior  to  those  of  the 
ptop.e  whom  they  addressed,  are  circumstances  with 
n»pccl  U)  which  the  Peruvian  tradition  conveys  no 


information.  Manco  Capac  and  his  consort,  taking 
advantage  of  the  propensity  in  the  Peruvians  to  super- 
stition, and  particularly  of  their  veneration  for  the  Sun, 
pretended  to  be  children  of  that  glorious  luminary,  and 
10  deliver  their  instructions  in  his  name,  and  by  autho- 
rity from  hiin.  'I'lie  multitude  listened  and  believed. 
^\'hat  reformation  in  jiolicy  and  manners  the  Peruvians 
ascribe  to  those  founders  of  their  empire,  and  how,  from 
the  precepts  of  the  Inca  and  his  consort,  their  ances- 
tors gradually  acquired  some  knowhxlge  of  those  arts, 
and  some  relish  for  that  industry,  which  render  sub- 
sistence secure  and  life  comfortable,  hath  been  formerly 
related.  Those  blessings  were  originally  confined 
within  narrow  precincts  ;  but  in  process  of  time,  the 
successors  of  Manco  Capac  pxteiided  their  dominion 
over  all  the  regions  that  stretch  to  the  west  of  the 
Andes  from  Chili  to  Quito,  establishing  in  every  pro- 
vince their  peculiar  policy  and  religious  institutions. 

The  most  singular  and  striking  circumstance  in  the 
Peruvian  government  is  the  influence  of  religion  upon 
its  genius  and  laws.  Religious  ideas  make  such  a  fee- 
ble impression  on  the  mind  of  a  savage,  that  their  effect 
upon  his  sentiments  and  manners  is  hardly  percepti- 
ble Among  the  Mexicans,  religion,  reduced  into  a 
regular  system,  and  holding  a  considerable  place  in 
their  public  institutions,  operated  with  conspicuous  effi- 
cacy in  forming  the  peculiar  character  of  that  people. 
But  in  Peru,  the  whole  system  of  ])olicy  was  founded 
on  religion.  The  Inca  appeared  not  only  as  a  legisla- 
tor, but  as  the  messenger  of  Heaven.  His  precepts 
were  received  not  merely  as  the  injunctions  of  a  supe- 
rior, but  as  the  mandates  of  the  Deity.  His  race  was 
to  be  held  sacred  ;  and  in  order  to  preserve  it  distinct, 
without  being  polluted  by  any  mixture  of  less  noble 
blood,  the  sons  of  Manco  Capac  married  their  own 
sisters,  and  no  person  was  ever  admitted  to  the  throne 
who  could  not  claim  it  by  such  a  pure  descent.  To 
those  Children  of  the  Sun,  for  that  was  the  appellation 
bestowed  upon  all  the  offspring  of  the  first  Inca,  the 
people  looked  up  with  the  reverence  due  to  beings  of  a 
superior  order.  They  were  deemed  to  be  under  the 
immediate  protection  of  the  deity  from  whom  they 
issued,  and  by  him  every  order  of  the  reigning  Inca 
was  supposed  to  be  dictated. 

From  those  ideas  two  consequences  resulted.  The 
authority  of  the  Inca  was  unlimited  and  absolute  in  the 
most  extensive  meaning  of  the  words.  Whenever  the 
decrees  of  a  prince  are  considered  as  the  commands  of 
the  Divinity,  it  is  not  only  an  act  of  rebellion,  but  of 
impiety,  to  dispute  or  oppose  his  will.  Obedience  be- 
comes a  duty  of  religion  ;  and  as  it  would  be  jirofane 
to  control  a  monarch  who  is  believed  to  be  under  the 
guidance  of  Heaven,  and  presumptuous  to  advise  him, 
nothing  remains  but  to  submit  with  implicit  respect. 
This  must  necessarily  be  the  effect  of  every  govern- 
ment established  on  pretensions  of  intercourse  with 
superior  powers.  Such  accordingly  was  the  blind  sub- 
mission which  the  Peruvians  yielded  to  their  sove- 
reigns. The  persons  of  highest  rank  and  greatest 
power  in  their  dominions  acknowledged  them  to  be  of 
a  more  exalted  nature  ;  and  m  testimony  of  this,  when 
admitted  into  their  presence,  they  entered  with  a  bur- 
den upon  their  shoulders,  as  an  emblem  of  their  servi- 
tude, and  willingness  to  bear  whatever  the  Inca  was 
pleased  to  impose.  Among  their  subjects,  force  was 
not  requisite  to  second  their  commands.  Every  oflicer 
intrusted  with  the  execution  of  them  was  revered,  and, 
according  to  the  account  of  an  intelligent  observer  of 
Peruvian  manners,  he  might  proceed  alone  from  one 
extremity  of  the  empire  to  another  without  meeting 
opposition  ;  for,  on  producing  a  fringe  from  the  royal 
horla,  an  ornament  of  the  head  [leculiar  to  the  reigning 
Inca,  the  lives  and  fortunes  of  the  people  were  at  his 
disposal. 

Another  consequence  of  establishing  government  in 
Peru  on  the  foundation  of  religion  was,  that  all  crimes 
were  punished  capitally.    They  were  not  considered 
as  transgressions  of  human  laws,  but  as  insults  ofl'ered  j 
to  the  Deity.    Each,  without  any  distinction  between 
such  as  were  slight  and  such  as  were  atrocious,  called  ' 
for  vengeance,  and  could  be  expiated  only  by  the  blood  i 
of  the  offender.    Consonantly  to  the  same  ideas,  pun-  | 
ishment  followed  the  trespass  with  inevitable  certainty,  j 
because  an  ofi'ence  against  Heaven  was  deemed  such  a 
high  enormity  as  could  not  be  pardoned.    Among  a 
people  of  corrupted  morals,  maxims  of  jurisprudence 
so  severe  and  unrelenting,  by  rendering  men  ferocious 
and  desperate,  would  be  more  apt  to  multi[ily  crimes 
than  to  restrain  them.    But  the  Peruvians,  of  simple 
manners  and  unsuspicious  faith,  were  held  in  such  awe 
by  this  rigid  discipline,  that  the  number  of  offenders 
was  extremely  small.    Veneraliou  for  inonarchs  en- 


lightened and  directed,  as  they  believed,  by  the  divmily 
whom  they  adored,  prompted  them  to  their  duty  ;  the 
dread  of  punishment,  which  they  were  taught  to  con- 
sider as  unavoidable  vengeance  inflicted  by  offended 
Heaven,  withli'.ld  them  from  evil. 

The  system  of  superstition,  on  which  the  Incas  iri- 
graftcd  their  preiensioiis  to  such  high  authority,  was  of 
a  genius  very  diUcre-it  from  that  established  among  tiie 
Mexicans.  Manco  Capac  turned  the  veneration  of  his 
followers  entirely  towards  natural  objects.  The  Sun, 
as  the  great  source  of  light,  of  joy,  and  fertility  in  the 
creation  attracted  their  principal  homage.  Tlie  Moon 
and  .Stars,  as  co-operating  with  him,  were  entitled  lo 
secondary  honors.  Wherever  the  propensity  in  the 
human  mind  to  acknowledge  and  to  adore  some  supe- 
rior power  takes  this  direction,  and  \»  employed  in  con- 
templating the  order  and  beneficence  that  really  exists 
in  nature,  the  spirit  of  superstition  is  mild.  Whercvur 
imaginary  beings,  created  by  the  fiincy  and  the  fears  of 
men,  arc  sujiposed  to  preside  in  nature,  and  become  the 
objects  of  worship,  superstition  always  assumes  a  more 
severe  and  atrocious  form.  Of  the  latter  we  have  an 
example  among  the  Mexicans,  of  the  former  among  the 
people  of  Peru  The  Peruvians  had  not,  indeed,  made 
such  progress  in  observation  or  inquiry,  as  to  have 
attained  just  conceptions  of  the  Deity ;  nor  was  tbcro 
in  their  language  any  proper  name  or  appellation  of  the 
Supreme  Power,  which  intimated  that  they  had  formed 
any  idea  of  him  as  the  Creator  and  Governor  of  the 
world. 

But  by  directing  their  veneration  to  that  glorious  lu- 
minary, which,  by  its  universal  and  vivifying  energy,  is 
the  best  emblem  of  Divine  beneficence,  the  rites  and 
observances  which  they  deemed  acceptable  to  him  were 
innocent  and  humane.  They  offered  to  the  Sun  a  part 
of  those  productions  which  his  genial  w  armth  had  called 
forth  from  the  bosom  of  the  earth,  and  reared  to  matu- 
rity. They  sacrificed,  as  an  oblation  of  gratitude,  .<oinc 
of  the  animals  which  were  indebted  to  his  influence  for 
nourishment.  They  presented  to  him  choice  specimens 
of  those  works  of  ingenuity  which  his  light  had  guided 
the  hand  of  man  in  forming.  But  the  Incas  never 
stained  his  altars  with  human  blood,  nor  could  they 
conceive  that  their  beneficent  father,  the  Sun,  would  be 
delighted  with  such  horrid  victims  [157J  Thus  the 
Peruvians,  unacquainted  with  those  barbarous  rites 
which  extinguish  sensibility,  and  suppress  the  feelings 
of  nature  at  the  sigtit  of  human  sufferings,  were  formed 
by  the  spirit  of  the  superstition  which  they  had  adopted, 
to  a  national  character  more  gentle  than  that  of  any 
peo[ilo  in  America. 

The  influenco  of  this  supcrstiJon  operated  in  the 
same  'nanner  upon  their  civil  institutions,  and  tended 
to  coriict  in  them  whatever  was  adverse  to  gentleness 
of  char.icter.  The  dominion  of  the  Incas,  though  the 
most  absolute  of  all  despotisms,  was  mitigated 
by  its  alliance  with  religion.  The  mind  was  not  hum- 
bled and  depressed  by  the  idea  of  a  forced  subjection 
to  the  w  ill  of  a  superior  ;  obedience,  paid  to  one  who 
was  believed  to  be  clothed  with  Divine  authority,  was 
willingly  yielded,  and  implied  no  degradation.  The 
sovereign,  conscious  that  the  submissive  reverence  ol 
his  people  flov.ed  from  their  belief  of  his  heavenly 
descent,  was  continually  reminded  of  a  distinction 
which  prompted  him  to  imitate  that  beneficent  power 
which  he  was  supposed  to  represent.  In  consequence 
of  those  impressions,  there  hardly  occurs  in  the  tradi- 
tional history  of  Peru,  any  instance  of  rebellion  against 
the  reigning  prince,  and  among  twelve  successive 
monarchs  there  was  not  one  tyrant. 

Even  the  wars  in  which  the  Incas  engaged  were  car- 
ried on  with  a  spirit  very  different  from  that  of  other 
American  nations.  They  fought  not,  like  savages,  to 
destroy  and  to  exterminate;  or,  like  the  Mexicans,  to 
glut  blood-thirsty  divinitits  with  human  sacrifices. 
They  conquerc"!,  in  order  lo  reclaim  and  civilize  the 
vanquished,  and  to  diffuse  the  knowledge  of  their  own 
institutions  and  arts.  Prisoners  seem  not  to  have  been 
exposed  to  the  insults  and  tortures  which  were  their  lot 
in  every  other  part  of  the  New  World.  The  Incas  took 
the  people  whom  they  subdued  under  their  protection, 
and  admitted  them  to  a  participation  of  all  the  advanta- 
ges enjoyed  by  their  original  subjects.  This  practice, 
so  repugnant  lo  .Vmerican  ferocity,  and  resembling  the 
humanity  of  the  most  polished  nations,  must  be  ascribed, 
like  other  peculiarities  which  we  have  observed  m  the 
Peruvian  manners,  lO  the  genius  of  their  religion.  The 
Incas,  considering  the  homage  paid  to  any  other  object 
than  to  the  heavenly  powers  which  they  adored  as  im- 
pious, were  fond  of  gaining  proselytes  to  their  favorite 
system.  The  idols  of  every  conquered  province  were 
carued  in  triumph  to  the  great  temple  at  Guzco,  and 


.56 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTOKV  OP 


placed  there  as  trophies  of  the  superior  power  of  the 
divinity  who  was  the  protector  of  their  empire..  The 
pco|ilt  were  treated  with  lenity,  and  instriictcu  in  the 
relii:ioiis  tenets  of  'heir  new  masters,  that  the  conqueror 
init;ht  have  the  glory  of  having  added  to  the  number  ol 
tlin  votaries  of  his  father  the  Sun. 

The  state  of  property  in  Peru  was  no  less  singular 
than  thai  of  rchgion,  and  contributed,  likewise,  towards 
giving  a  niild  turn  of  ciiaracter  to  the  people.  All  the 
lands  capable  of  cultivation  were  divided  into  three 
shares.  One  was  consecrated  to  the  Sun,  and  the  pro- 
duct of  it  was  applied  to  the  erection  of  temples,  and 
furnishing  what  was  requisite  towards  celebrating  the 

i)ublic  riles  of  religion.  The  second  belonged  to  the 
nca,  and  was  set  a|)art  as  the  provision  made  by  the 
coiiiniunity  for  the  support  of  government.  The  third 
and  largest  share  was  reserved  for  the  maintenance  of 
the  people,  among  whom  it  was  parcelled  out.  Neither 
individuals,  however,  nor  communities  had  a  right  of 
exclusive  property  in  the  portion  set  apart  for  their  use. 
They  possessed  it  only  for  a  year,  at  the  expiration  of 
which  a  iK  vv  division  was  made  in  proportion  to  the 
rank,  the  number,  and  exigencies  of  each  family.  All 
those  .ands  were  cultivated  by  the  joint  indu»try  of  the 
coinmunitv.  The  peojile  summoned  by  a  proper  officer, 
repaired  .11  a  oody  to  the  fields,  and  performed  their 
lOmmon  task,  while  songs  and  musical  instruments 
cheered  them  to  their  labor.  By  this  singular  distri- 
bution of  territory,  as  well  as  by  the  mode  of  cultivat- 
ing it,  the  idea  of  a  common  interest,  and  of  mutual 
Bubserviency,  was  continually  inculcated.  Each  indi- 
vidual felt  his  connexion  with  those  around  him,  and 
knew  that  he  depended  on  their  friendly  aid  for  what 
increase  he  was  to  reap.  A  state  thus  constituted  may 
oe  considered  as  one  great  family,  in  which  the  union 
of  the  memb'^rs  was  so  complete,  and  the  exchange  of 
good  offices  so  perceptible,  as  to  create  stronger  at- 
tachment, and  to  bind  man  to  man  in  closer  intercourse 
than  subsisted  under  any  form  of  society  established  in 
America.  From  this  resulted  gentle  manners  and 
mild  virtues  unknown  in  the  savage  state,  and  with 
which  the  Mexicans  were  little  acquainted. 

But,  though  the  institutions  of  the  Incas  were  so 
framed  as  to  strengthen  the  bonds  of  affection  among 
ihsir  subjects,  there  was  great  inequality  in  their  con- 
dition. 'I'he  distinction  of  ranks  was  fully  established 
in  Peru.  A  great  body  of  the  inhabitants,  under  the 
denomination  of  Yanaconas,  were  held  in  a  state  of 
servitude.  Their  garb  and  houses  were  of  a  form  dif- 
ferent from  those  of  freemen.  Like  the  Tamencs  of 
Mexico,  (hey  were  employed  in  carrying  burdens,  and 
in  performing  every  other  work  of  drudgery.  Next  to 
them,  ir  rank,  were  such  of  the  people  as  were  free, 
but  distinguished  by  no  official  or  hereditary  honors. 
Above  them  were  raised  those  whom  the  Spaniards 
call  Orejoncs,  from  the  ornaments  worn  in  their  ears. 
'J'liey  formed  what  may  be  denominated  the  order  of 
nobles,  and  in  peace  as  well  as  war  held  every  office  of 
power  or  trust.  And  the  head  of  all  were  the  children 
of  the  Sun,  who,  by  their  high  descent  and  peculiar 
jirivileges,  were  as  much  exalted  above  the  Orejones, 
as  these  were  elevated  above  the  peo])le. 

Such  a  form  of  society,  from  the  union  of  its  mem- 
bers, as  well  as  from  the  distinction  in  their  ranks,  was 
favorable  to  progress  in  the  arts.  But  the  Spaniards, 
having  been  acquainted  with  the  improved  state  of 
various  arts  in  Mexico  several  years  before  thev  disco- 
vered Peru,  were  not  so  much  struck  with  what  they 
observed  in  the  latter  country,  and  describe  the  ap- 
pearances of  ingenuity  there  with  less  warmth  of  ad- 
miration. The  Peruvians,  nevertheless,  had  advanced 
far  beyond  the  Mexicans,  both  in  the  necessary  arts  of 
life,  and  in  such  as  have  some  title  to  the  name  of  ele- 
gant. 

In  Peru,  agriculture,  the  art  of  primary  necessity  in 
social  life,  wcs  more  extensive,  and  carried  on  with 
greater  skill  than  in  any  part  of  America.  The  Spa- 
niards, in  their  progress  through  the  country,  were  so 
fully  supplied  with  provisions  of  every  kind,  that  in  the 
rel.itioii  of  their  adventures  we  meet  with  few  of  those 
dismal  scenes  of  distress  occasioned  by  famine,  in 
which  the  coiupierors  of  Mexico  were  so  often  involved. 
'I'he  quantity  of  soil  under  cultivation  was  not  left  to 
the  discretion  of  individiial.s,  but  regulated  by  public 
aulhoritv  in  proportion  to  the  exigencies  of  the  coinmu- 
nitv. Kven  the  calamity  of  an  unfruitful  season  was 
t'lit  little  felt  ;  for  the  product  of  the  lands  consecrated 
10  the  .Sun,  as  well  as  those  set  apart  for  the  Incas, 
being  deposited  in  the  'J'umlms,  or  public  slori  liouses, 
it  remained  there  as  a  slated  provision  for  times  of 
•carcity  As  the  extent  of  cultivation  was  determined 
«.th  such  provident  aticiitioii  to  ttic  demands  of  thu 


slate,  the  invention  and  industry  of  the  Peruvians  were 
called  forth  to  extraordinary  exertions,  by  certain  de- 
fects peculiar  to  their  climate  and  soil.  All  the  vast 
rivers  that  flow  from  the  Andes  take  their  course  east- 
ward to  the  Atlantic  Ocean.  Peru  is  watered  only  by 
some  streams  which  rush  down  from  the  mountains 
like  torrents.  A  great  part  of  the  low  country  is  sandy 
and  barren,  and  never  refreshed  with  rain.  In  order 
to  render  such  an  unpromising  region  fertile,  the  inge- 
nuity of  the  Peruvians  had  recourse  to  various  expedi- 
ents. By  means  of  artificial  canals,  conducted  with 
much  patience  and  considerable  art  from  the  torrents 
that  poured  across  their  country,  they  conveyed  a  regu- 
lar supply  of  moisture  to  their  fields.  [158]  They  en- 
riched tlie  soil  by  manuring  it  with  the  dung  of  sea 
fowls,  of  which  they  found  an  inexhaustible  store  on  all 
the  islands  scattered  along  the  coasts.  In  describing 
the  customs  of  any  nation  thoroughly  civilized,  such 
practices  would  hardly  draw  attention,  or  be  mentioned 
as  in  any  degree  remarkable  ;  but  in  the  history  of  the 
improvident  race  of  men  in  the  New  World,  they  are 
entitled  to  notice  as  singular  proofs  of  industry  and  of 
art.  The  use  of  the  plough,  indeed,  was  unknown  to 
the  Peruvians.  They  turned  up  the  earth  with  a  kind 
of  mattock  of  hard  wood.  Nor  was  this  labor  deemed 
so  degrading  as  to  be  devolved  wholly  upon  the  women. 
Both  sexes  joined  in  performing  this  necessary  work. 
Even  the  children  of  the  Sun  set  an  example  of  indus- 
try, by  cultivating  a  held  near  Cuzco  with  their  own 
hands,  and  they  dignified  this  function  by  denominating 
it  their  triumph  over  the  earth. 

The  superior  ingenuity  of  the  Peruvians  is  obvious, 
likewise,  in  the  construction  of  their  houses  and  public 
buildings.  In  the  extensive  plains  which  stretch  along 
the  Pacific  Ocean,  where  the  sky  is  perpetually  serene, 
and  the  climate  mild,  their  houses  were  very  properly 
of  a  fabric  extremely  slight.  But  in  ihe  higher  regions, 
where  rain  falls,  where  the  vicissitude  of  seasons  is 
known,  and  their  rigor  felt,  houses  were  constructed 
with  greater  solidity.  They  were  generally  of  a  square 
form,  the  walls  about  eight  feet  high,  built  with  bricks 
hardened  in  the  sun,  without  any  windows,  and  the 
door  low  and  straight.  Simple  as  these  structures 
were,  and  rude  as  the  materials  may  seem  to  be  of 
which  they  were  formed,  they  were  so  durable  that 
many  of  them  still  subsist  in  different  parts  of  Peru, 
long  after  every  monument  that  might  have  conveyed 
to  us  any  idea  of  the  domestic  state  of  the  other  Ame- 
rican nations  has  vanished  from  the  face  of  the  eaith. 
But  It  was  in  the  temples  consecrated  to  the  Sun,  and 
in  the  buildings  destined  for  the  residence  of  their  mon- 
arclis,  that  the  Peruvians  displayed  the  utmost  extent 
of  their  art  and  conlrivapce.  The  descriptions  of  them 
by  such  of  the  Spanish  writers  as  had  an  opportunity 
of  contemplating  them,  while  in  some  measure  entire, 
might  have  appeared  highly  exaggerated,  if  the  ruins 
which  still  remain  did  not  vouch  the  truth  of  their  rela- 
tions. These  ruins  of  sacred  or  royal  buildings  are 
found  in  every  province  of  the  emjiire,  and  by  their  fre- 
quency demonstrate  that  they  are  monuments  of  a 
powerful  people,  who  must  have  _subsisted,  during  a 
period  of  some  extent,  in  a  state  of  no  inconsiderable 
improvement.  They  appear  to  have  been  edifices 
various  in  their  dimensions  ;  some  of  a  moderate  size, 
many  of  immense  extent,  all  remarkable  for  solidity, 
and  resembling  each  other  in  the  style  of  architecture. 
The  temple  of  Pachacamac,  together  with  a  jialacc  of 
the  Inca,  and  a  fortress,  were  so  connected  together  as 
to  form  one  great  structure  above  half  a  league  in  cir- 
cuit. In  this  prodigious  pile,  the  same  singular  taste 
in  building  is  conspicuous  as  in  other  works  of  the 
Peruvians.  As  they  were  unaciiuaiiited  with  the  use 
of  the  pulley,  and  other  mechanical  powers,  and  could 
not  elevate  the  large  stones  and  bricks  wliu  h  they  em- 
ployed in  building  to  any  considerable  height,  t!ie  walls 
of  this  edifice,  in  which  they  seem  to  have  made  their 
greatest  effort  towards  magnificence,  did  not  rise  above 
twelve  feet  from  the  ground.  Though  they  had  not 
discovered  the  use  of  mortar  or  of  any  other  cement  in 
building,  the  bricks  or  stones  were  joined  with  so  much 
nicety,  that  the  seams  can  hardly  be  discerned.  [159] 
The  a)iartmcnts,  as  far  as  the  distribution  of  them  can 
be  traced  in  the  ruins,  were  ill  disposed,  and  allordcil 
little  accommodation.  There  was  not  a  single  window 
in  any  jiarl  of  the  building  ;  and  as  no  light  could  enter 
but  by  the  door,  all  the  apartments  of  large.-it  dimen- 
sions must  either  have  been  perfectly  dark,  or  illumi- 
nated t)V  some  other  means.  But  with  all  these,  and 
many  other  impcrfertioiis  that  might  be  mentioned  m 
their  art  of  building,  the  works  of  the  Peruvians  which 
sti''  remain  must  be  considered  as  stupendous  efforts 
of  a  people  unaci^uainted  with  the  use  of  iron,  and  con- 


vey to  us  a  high  idea  of  the  j)ower  possessed  by  tbeit 
aiicieiit  monarchs. 

These,  however,  were  not  the  noblest  or  most  useful 
works  of  the  Incas.  The  two  great  roads  from  Cuzcc 
to  Quito,  extending  in  an  uninterrupted  stretch  abovi> 
fifteen  hundred  miles,  are  entitled  to  still  higher  praise 
The  one  was  couducted  through  the  interior  and  moun- 
tainous country,  the  other  through  the  plains  on  the 
sea  coast.  From  the  language  of  admiration  ni  which 
some  of  the  early  writers  express  their  astonishment 
when  they  first  viewed  those  roads,  and  from  the  more 
pompous  description  of  later  writers,  who  labor  to  sup- 
port some  favorite  theory  concerning  America,  one 
might  be  led  to  compare  this  uoik  of  the  Incas  to  the 
famous  military  ways  which  remain  as  monumenta  01 
the  Roman  power  ;  but  in  a  country  where  there  was 
no  tame  animal  except  the  llama,  which  was  nevei 
u^ed  for  draught,  and  but  little  as  a  beast  of  burden, 
where  the  high  ro^ds  were  seldom  trod  by  any  but  a 
human  foot,  no  great  degree  of  labor  or  art  was  re- 
quisite in  forming  them.  The  Peruvian  roads  were 
only  fifteen  feet  in  breadth,  and  in  many  places  so 
slightly  formed,  that  time  has  effaced  every  vestige  ol 
the  course  in  which  they  ran.  In  the  low  country 
little  more  seems  to  have  been  done  than  to  plant  tree* 
01  to  fix  posts  at  certain  intervals,  in  order  to  mark  the 
proper  route  to  travellers.  To  otien  a  path  through  lha 
mountainous  country  was  a  more  arduous  task.  Emi- 
nences were  levelled,  and  hollows  filled  up.  and  for  tb» 
preservation  of  the  road  it  was  fenced  with  a  bank  ol 
turf.  At  proper  distances,  Tambos,  or  storehouses 
were  erected  for  the  accommodation  of  the  Inca  and 
his  attendants,  in  their  progress  through  his  dominions 
From  the  manner  in  which  the  road  was  originally 
formed  in  this  higher  and  more  impervious  region,  il 
has  proved  more  durable  ;  and  though,  from  the  inat- 
tention of  the  Spaniards  to  every  object  but  that  of 
working  their  mines,  nothing  has  been  done  towards 
keeping  it  in  repair,  its  course  may  still  be  traced 
Such  was  the  celebrated  road  of  the  Incas  ;  and  eveo 
from  this  description,  divested  of  every  circumstance 
of  manifest  exaggeration  or  of  suspicious  aspect,  i. 
must  be  considered  as  a  striking  proof  of  an  extraordi- 
nary progress  in  improvement  and  policy.  To  the 
savage  tribes  of  America,  the  idea  of  facilitating  com- 
munication with  places  at  a  distance  had  never  occurcd. 
To  the  Mexicans  it  was  hardly  known.  Even  in  the 
most  civilized  countries  in  Europe,  men  had  advanced 
far  in  refinement,  before  it  became  a  regular  object  ol 
national  police  to  form  such  roads  as  render  intercourse 
commodious.  It  was  a  capital  object  of  Knican  policy 
to  open  a  communication  with  all  the  provinces  of  their 
extensive  empire  by  means  of  those  roads  which  are 
justly  considered  as  one  of  the  noblest  monuments  both 
of  their  wisdom  and  their  power.  But  during  the  long 
reigi;  of  barbarism,  the  Roman  roads  were  neglected  or 
destroyed  ;  and  at  the  tune  when  the  Spaniards  enlereu 
Peru,  no  kingdom  in  Europe  could  boast'of  any  worn 
of  public  utility  that  could  be  compared  with  ttie  great 
roads  formed  by  the  Incas. 

The  formation  of  those  roads  introduced  another  im- 
provement in  Peru  equally  unknown  over  all  the  rest  01 
America.  In  its  course  from  south  to  north,  the  road 
of  the  Incas  was  intersected  by  all  the  torrents  which 
roll  from  the  Andes  towards  the  Western  Ocean. 
From  the  rapidity  ol  their  course,  as  well  as  from  tb* 
frequency  and  violence  of  their  inundation,  these  were 
not  fordable.  Some  expedient,  however,  was  to  b« 
found  for  passing  them.  The  Peruvians  from  their 
unacquaintance  with  the  use  of  arches,  and  their  in- 
ability to  work  in  wood,  could  not  construct  bridge* 
cither  of  stone  or  timber.  But  necessity,  Ihe  parent  01 
invention,  suggested  a  device  which  supplied  llial  de- 
fect. They  formed  cables  of  great  strength,  bv  twist- 
ing together  some  of  the  pliable  withs,  or  osiers,  with 
winch  their  country  abounds  ;  six  of  these  c-'.bles  ihct 
stretched  acrcss  the  stream  parallel  to  one  another,  and 
made  thcin  fast  on  each  side.  These  they  bound  firmly 
together  by  interweaving  smaller  ropes  so  close  as  10 
form  a  compact  piece  of  net-work,  which  iH-iiig  covered 
with  branches  of  trees  and  earth,  they  passed  along  it 
with  tolerable  security.  [UiO]  Proper  persons  were 
a|ipoiiited  lo  attend  at  each  bridge,  to  keep  11  in  icpiir, 
and  to  assist  passengers.  In  the  level  country,  where 
the  rivers  became  deep  and  bread  and  still,  they  arc 
passed  in  liahas,  or  floats  ;  m  the  construction,  as  well 
as  navigation  of  which  the  ingenuity  of  the  Peruvniit 
appears  to  be  far  superior  lo  that  of  any  people  in  Ame- 
rica. These  had  advanced  no  further  in  naval  skili 
than  the  use  of  the  paddle  or  oar  ;  the  Penivians  ven- 
tured to  raise  a  mast,  and  spread  a  sail,  by  mean*  of 
which  their  balzas  not  oid/  wcut  mui\>\y  before  iho 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


ir,7 


wind,  b'll  coiiUl  veer  ami  tack  witr.  grrat  celerity. — 
\or  \v<re  the  ingenuity  and  art  of  lliu  Peruvians  con- 
fined so  ely  to  objects  of  essential  utility.  They  had 
made  some  progress  in  arts,  which  may  be  called  ele- 
sant.  They  possessed  the  precious  metals  in  greater 
abvmdance  than  any  people  of  America.  They  obtained 
gold  in  the  same  manner  with  the  Mexicans,  by  search- 
ing in  the  channels  of  rivers,  or  washing  the  earth  in 
which  particles  of  it  were  contained.  But  in  order  to 
procure  sdvcr,  they  e.\erted  no  inconsideral)le  degree 
of  skill  and  hiveiition.  They  had  nut,  indeed,  attained 
the  art  of  sinking  a  shaft  into  the  bowels  of  the  earth, 
and  penetrating  to  the  riches  concealed  there  ;  but  they 
hollowed  deep  caverns  on  the  banks  of  rivers  and  the 
sides' of  mountains,  and  emptied  such  vcms  as  did  not 
(lip  suddenly  beyond  their  reach.  In  other  places, 
where  the  vein  lay  near  the  surface,  they  dug  pits  to 
such  a  depth,  that  the  person  who  worked  below  could 
throw  out  the  ore,  or  hand  it  up  in  baskets.  They  had 
discovered  the  art  of  smelting  and  refining  this,  either 
by  the  simple  application  of  fire,  or,  where  the  ore  was 
more  stubborn  or  impregnated  with  foreign  substances, 
by  placing  it  in  small  ovens  or  furnaces,  on  high 
grounds,  so  artificially  constructed  that  the  draught  of 
air  performed  the  function  of  a  bellows,  an  engine  with 
which  they  were  totally  unacquainted.  By  this  simple 
device,  the  purer  ores  were  smelted  with  facility,  and 
the  quantity  of  silver  in  Peru  was  so  considerable,  that 
many  of  the  utensils  employed  in  the  functions  of  com- 
mon life  were  made  of  it.  Several  of  those  vessels  and 
trinkets  are  said  to  have  merited  no  small  degree  of 
estimation,  on  account  of  the  neatness  of  the  work- 
manship as  well  as  the  intrinsic  value  of  the  materials. 
But  as  the  conquerors  of  America  were  well  acquainted 
with  the  latter,  but  had  scarcely  any  conception  of  the 
former,  most  of  the  silver  vessels  and  trinkets  were 
molted  down,  and  rated  according  to  the  weight  and 
fineness  of  the  metal  in  the  division  of  the  spoil. 

In  other  works  of  mere  curiosity  or  ornament,  their 
ingenuity  has  been  highly  celebrated.  Many  specimens 
of  those  have  been  dug  out  of  the  Guacas,  or  mounds 
of  earth,  with  which  the  Peruvians  covered  the  bodies 
of  the  dead.  Among  these  are  mirrors  of  various  di- 
mensions, of  hard  shining  stones  highly  polished  ;  ves- 
sels of  earthen  ware  of  diHerent  forms  ;  hatchets,  and 
other  instruments,  some  destined  for  war,  and  others 
lor  labor.  Some  were  of  flint,  some  of  copper,  har- 
dened to  such  a  degree  by  an  unknown  process,  as  to 
supply  the  place  of  iron  on  several  occasions.  Had 
the  use  of  those  tools,  formed  of  copper,  been  general, 
the  progress  of  the  Peruvians  m  the  arts  might  have 
been  such  as  to  emulate  that  of  more  cultivated  nations. 
But  either  the  metal  was  so  rare,  or  the  operation  by 
which  it  was  hardened  so  tedious,  that  their  instru- 
ments of  copper  were  few,  and  so  extremely  small,  that 
they  seem  to  have  been  employed  only  in  slighter 
works.  But  even  to  such  a  circumscribed  use  of  this 
imperfect  metal,  the  Peruvians  were  indebted  for  their 
superiority 'to  the  other  people  of  America  in  various 
arts.  The  same  observation,  however,  may  be  applied 
to  them,  which  I  formerly  made  with  respect  to  the 
arts  of  the  Mexicans.  From  several  specimens  of  Pe- 
ruvian utensils  and  ornaments,  which  are  deposited  in 
the  royal  cabinet  of  Madrid,  and  from  some  preserved 
in  diH'eren*  collections  in  other  parts  of  Europe,  I  have 
reason  to  believe  that  the  workmanship  is  more  to  be 
admired  on  account  of  the  rude  tools  with  which  it  was 
executed,  than  on  account  of  its  intrinsic  neatness  and 
elegance  ;  and  that  the  Peruvians,  though  the  most 
improved  of  all  the  Americans,  were  not  advanced  be- 
yond the  infancy  of  arts. 

But  notwithstanding  so  many  particulars,  which 
seemed  to  indicate  a  high  degree  of  improvement  in 
leru,  other  circumstances  occur  that  suL'gest  the  idea 
ol  a  society  still  in  the  first  stages  of  its  transition  from 
barbarism  to  civilization.  In  all  the  dominions  of  the 
Incas,  Cuzco  was  the  only  place  that  had  the  appear- 
ance, or  was  entitled  to  the  name,  of  a  city.  Every 
where  else  the  people  lived  mostly  m  detached  habita-  ' 
tiORs,  dispersed  over  the  country,  or,  at  the  utmost, 
settled  together  in- small  villages.  But  until  men  are 
brought  to  assemble  in  numerous  bodies,  and  incorpo- 
rated in  such  close  union  as  to  enjoy  frequent  inter- 
course, and  to  feel  mutual  dependence,  they  never  im- 
bibe perfectly  the  spirit,  or  assume  the  manners  of 
Kocial  life.  In  a  country  of  immense  extent,  with  only 
ene  city  the  progress  of  manners,  and  the  improrement 
either  of  the  necessary  or  more  refined  arts,  must  have 
been  so  slow,  and  carried  on  under  such  disadvantages, 
that  It  ,s  more  surprising  the  Peruvians  should  ifave 
advanced  so  far  in  refinement,  than  that  they  did  not 
r«)cecd  fvuiher. 


In  con.sequence  of  this  state  of  imperfect  union,  the 
separation  of  professions  in  Peru  was  not  so  complete 
as  among  the  Mexicans.  Tlie  less  closelv  men  asso- 
ciate, the  more  simple  arc  their  manners,  and  the 
fewer  their  wants.  The  crafts  of  common  and  most 
necessary  use  in  life  do  not,  in  such  a  state,  become  so 
complex  or  difficult  as  to  render  it  reijuisite  that  men 
should  be  trained  to  them  by  any  particular  course  of 
education.  All  the  arts,  accordingly,  which  were  of 
daily  and  indi.spensible  utility,  were  exercised  by  every 
Peruvian  indi.^criininately.  None  but  the  arti.sts  em- 
ployed in  works  of  mere  curiosity,  or  ornament,  con- 
stituted a  separate  order  of  men,  or  were  distinguished 
from  other  citizens. 

From  the  want  cf  cities  in  Peru,  another  consequence 
followed.  There  was  little  commercial  intercourse 
among  the  inhabitants  of  that  great  empire.  The  ac- 
tivity of  commerce  is  coeval  with  the  foundation  of 
citie's ;  and  from  the  moment  that  the  members  of  any 
community  settle  in  considerable  numbers  in  one  place, 
its  operations  become  vigorous.  The  citizen  must  de- 
pend for  subsistence  on  the  labor  of  those  who  cultivate 
the  ground.  They,  in  return,  must  receive  some  equi- 
valent. Thus  mutual  intercourse  is  established,  and 
the  productions  of  art  are  regularly  exchanged  for  the 
fruits  of  agriculture.  In  the  towms  of  the  Mexican  em- 
pire, stated  markets  were  held,  and  whatever  could 
supply  any  want  or  desire  of  man  was  an  object  of 
commerce.  But  in  Peru,  from  the  singular  mode  of 
dividing  property,  and  the  manner  in  which  the  people 
were  settled,  there  was  hardly  any  species  of  commerce 
carried  on  between  different  provinces  and  the  com- 
munity was  less  acquainted  with  that  active  intercourse, 
which  is  at  once  a  bond  of  union  and  an  incentive  to 
improvement. 

But  the  unwarlike  spirit  of  the  Peruvians  was  the 
most  remarkable  as  well  as  the  most  fatal  defect  in 
their  character.  The  greater  part  of  the  rude  nations 
of  America  opposed  their  invaders  with  undaunted 
ferocity,  though  with  little  conduct  or  success.  The 
Mexicans  maintained  the  straggle  in  defence  of  their 
liberties,  with  such  persevering  fortitude,  that  it  was 
vvith  difficulty  the  Spaniards  triumphed  over  them. 
Peru  was  subdued  at  once,  and  almost  without  resist- 
ance ;  and  the  most  favorable  opportunities  of  regain- 
ing their  freedom,  and  of  crushing  their  oppressors, 
were  lost  through  the  timidity  of  the  people.  Though 
the  traditional  history  of  the  Peruvians  represents  all 
the  Incas  as  warlike  princes,  frequently  at  the  head  of 
armies,  which  they  led  to  victory  and  conquest,  few 
symptoms  of  such  a  martial  spirit  appear  in  any  of  their 
operations  subsequent  to  the  invasion  of  the  Spaniards. 
The  influence,  jierhaps,  of  those  institutions  which  ren- 
dered their  manners  gentle,  gave  their  minds  this  un- 
manly softness  ;  perhaps  the  consi,ant  serenity  and 
mildness  of  the  climate  may  have  enervated  the  vigor 
of  tlieir  frame  ;  perhaps  some  principles  in  their  go- 
vernment, unknown  to  us,  was  the  occasion  of  this 
political  debility.  WTiatever  may  have  been  the  cause, 
the  fact  is  certain  ;  and  there  is  not  an  instance  in  his- 
tory of  any  people  so  little  advanced  in  refinement,  so 
totally  destitute  of  military  enterprise.  This  character 
has  descended  to  their  posterity.  The  Indians  of  Peru 
are  now  more  tame  and  depressed  than  any  people  of 
America.  Their  feeble  spirits,  relaxed  in  lifeless  inac- 
tion, seem  hardly  capable  of  any  bold  or  manly  ex- 
ertion. 

But,  besides  these  capital  defects  in  the  political 
state  of  Peru,  some  detached  circumstances  and  facts 
occur  in  the  Spanish  writers,  which  discover  a  conside 
rable  remainder  of  barbarity  in  their  manners.  A  cruel 
custom,  that  prevailed  in  some  of  the  most  savage 
tribes,  subsisted  among  the  Peruvians.  On  the  death 
of  the  Incas,  and  of  other  eminent  persons,  a  conside- 
rable number  of  their  attendants  were  put  to  death, 
and  interred  around  their  Guacas,  that  they  might  ap- 
pear in  the  next  world  with  their  former  dignity,  and 
be  served  with  the  same  respect.  On  the  death  of 
Huana  Capac,  the  most  powerful  of  their  monarrhs, 
above  a  thousand  victims  were  doomed  to  accompany 
him  to  the  tomb.  In  one  particular  their  manners  ap- 
pear to  have  been  more  barbarous  than  those  of  most 
rude  tribes.  Though  acquainted  with  the  use  of  fire 
in  preparing  maize  and  other  vegetables  for  food,  they 
devoured  both  flesh  and  fish  perfectly  raw,  and  aston- 
ished the  Spaniards  with  a  practice  repugnant  to  the 
ideas  of  all  civilized  peoiile. 

But  though  Mexico  and  Peru  are  the  possessions  of 
Spain  in  the  New  M'orld.  which,  on  account  both  of 
their  ancient  and  present  state,  have  attracted  the  great- 
est attention  ;  her  other  dominions  there  are  far  from 
being  inconsiderable  either  in  extent  or  value.  Ttie 


greater  part  of  them  was  reduced  to  subjection  dunng 
the  first  part  of  the  sixteenth  century,  by  priva'e  adven- 
turers, who  fitted  out  their  small  armaments  either  iii 
Ilispaniola  or  in  Old  Spain  ;  and  were  we  to  follow 
each  leader  in  his  progress,  we  should  discover  the 
same  daring  courage,  the  same  persevering  ardor,  the 
same  rapacious  desire  for  wealth,  and  the  same  capacity 
for  enduring  and  surmounting  every  thing  in  order  to 
attain  it,  which  distinguished  the  operations  of  the  .Sp.a- 
niards  in  their  greater  American  conquests.  But,  in- 
stead of  entering  into  a  detail,  which,  from  the  simi- 
larity of  the  transactions,  would  ajipear  almost  a  repe- 
tition of  what  has  been  already  related,  I  shall  satisfy 
myself  with  such  a  view  of  those  provinces  of  the 
Spanish  empire  in  America,  which  have  not  hitherto 
been  mentioned,  as  may  convi^y  to  my  readers  an  ade- 
quate idea  of  its  greatness,  fertility,  and  opulence. 

I  begin  with  the  countries  contiguous  to  the  two 
great  monarchies  of  whose  history  and  institutions  I 
have  given  some  account,  and  shall  then  briefly  describe 
the  other  districts  of  Spanish  America.  The  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain  extends  over  several 
provinces  which  were  not  subject  to  the  dominion  of 
the  Mexicans.  The  countries  of  Cinaloa  and  Sonora 
that  stretch  along  the  east  side  of  the  Vermilion  Sea, 
or  Gulf  of  California,  as  well  as  the  immense  king- 
doms of  New  Navarre,  and  New  Mexico,  which  ber.d 
towards  the  west  and  north,  did  not  acknowledge  the 
sovereignty  of  Montezuma,  or  his  predecessors.  These 
regions,  not  inferior  in  magnitude  to  all  the  Mexican 
empire,  are  reduced  some  to  a  greater,  others  to  a  less 
degree  of  subjection  to  the  Spanish  yoke.  They  ex- 
tend through  the  most  delightful  part  of  the  temperate 
zone  ;  their  soil  is,  in  general,  remarkable  fertile  ;  and 
all  their  productions,  whether  animal  or  vegetable,  are 
most  perfect  in  their  kind.  They  have  all  a  communi- 
cation either  with  the  Pacific  ocean,  or  with  '.he  Gult 
of  Mexico,  and  arc  watered  by  rivers  which  not  only 
enrich  them,  but  may  become  subservient  to  commerce. 
The  number  of  Spaniards  seitled  in  these  vast  countriet 
is  indeed  extremely  small.  They  may  be  said  to  have 
subdued  rather  than  to  have  occupied  them.  But  if 
the  population  in  their  ancient  establishments  in  Ame- 
rica shall  continue  to  increase,  they  may  gradually 
spread  over  those  provinces,  of  which,  however  invi- 
ting, they  have  not  hitherto  been  able  to  take  full  ]i08- 
session. 

One  circumstance  may  contribute  to  the  speedy  po- 
pulation of  some  districts.  Very  rich  mines  botii  <  / 
gold  and  silver  have  been  discovered  in  many  of  the 
regions  which  I  have  mentioned.  Wherever  these  are 
opened,  and  worked  with  success,  a  multitude  of  peo- 
ple re!-(  rt.  In  order  to  supply  them  with  the  necessa- 
ries 01  life,  cultivation  must  be  increase  I,  arli.5ans  of 
various  kinds  must  assemble,  and  industry  as  well  as 
wealth  will  be  gradually  diflused.  Many  examples  of 
this  have  occured  in  diflerent  parts  of  Amer  ja  since  they 
fell  under  the  dominion  of  the  Spaniards.  Populous  vil- 
lages and  large  towns  have  suddenly  arisen  amidst  unin- 
habitable wilds  and  Jiiountains  ;  and  the  working  of  mines 
though  far  from  being  the  most  jiro[.er  object  toward* 
which  the  attention  of  an  infant  society  should  bo 
turned,  may  become  the  means  both  of  jiroinotmg  use- 
ful activity,  and  of  augmenting  the  number  of  jieoiile 
A  recent  and  singular  instance  of  this  has  liapjiened, 
which,  as  it  is  but  little  known  in  Europe,  anU  may  be 
productive  of  great  effects,  merits  attention.  The 
Spaniards  settled  in  the  provinces  of  Cmaloa  and  So- 
nora had  been  long  disturbed  by  the  de|)re(latioiis  of 
some  fierce  tribes  of  Indians.  In  the  year  176.5,  the 
incursions  of  those  savages  became  so  Ireipient  and  so 
destructive,  that  the  Spanish  inhabitants,  in  despa.i, 
applied  to  the  Marquis  de  Croix,  viceroy  of  Mexico, 
for  such  a  body  of  troops  as  might  enable  them  to  drive 
those  formidable  invaders  from  their  places  of  retreat 
in  the  mountains.  But  the  treasury  of  Mexico  was  so 
much  cxiiausted  by  the  large  sums  draw  n  from  it,  in 
order  to  support  the  late  war  against  Great  Britain,  that 
the  viceroy  could  aflbrd  them  no  aid.  The  respect  due 
to  his  virtues  accomplished  what  his  oflicial  power 
could  not  efl'ect.  He  prevailed  with  the  merchants  ol 
New  S[iain  to  advance  about  two  hundreii  thousand 
pesos  for  defraying  the  expenses  of  the  expedition. 
The  war  was  conducted  by  an  officer  of  abilities  ;  and 
after  being  protracted  for  three  years  chiefly  by  the 
difliculty  of  pursuing  the  fugitives  over  the  inounlams, 
and  through  defiles  which  were  almost  im|iassable.  it 
terminated,  in  the  year  1771.  in  the  final  submission  of 
the  tribes  which  had  been  so  long  the  object  of  terror 
to  the  two  provinces.  In  the  course  of  this  service, 
the  Spaniards  marched  through  countries  into  which 
thfcv  seem  not  to  have  pcnetraleu  before  that  t;:ue,  a.id 


ROBERTSON'S    HISTORY  OF 


discovtred  mines  of  such  value  as  was  astonishinji  even 
to  men  acquainted  with  the  riches  contained  in  the 
•nountains  of  the  New  World.  At  Cincguilla,  in  the 
province  of  Sonora,  they  entered  a  plain  of  fourteen 
)cagues  in  extent,  in  which,  at  the  depth  of  only  six- 
teen inches,  they  found  gold  in  grains  of  such  a  size, 
that  some  of  them  weighed  nine  marks,  and  in  such 
quantities,  that  in  a  short  time,  with  a  few  laborers, 
they  collected  a  thousand  marks  of  gold  ingrains,  even 
without  taking  time  to  wash  the  earth  that  had  been 
d'lg,  which  appeared  to  be  so  rich,  that  [lersons  of  skill 
computed  that  it  might  yield  what  would  be  equal  in  va- 
luc  to  a  million  of  pesos.  Before  the  end  of  the  year 
1771,  above  two  thousand  persons  were  settled  in  Ciiiu- 
guilla,  under  the  government  of  proper  magistrates,  and 
the  inspection  of  several  ecclesiastics.  As  several 
other  mines,  not  inferior  in  richness  to  that  of  Cine- 
piiilla,  have  been  discovered,  both  in  Sonora  and  Cina- 
ioa,  [161]  it  is  probable  that  these  neglected  and  thinly 
inhabited  provinces  may  soon  become  as  populous  and 
valuable  as  any  part  of  the  Spanish  empire  of  Ame- 
rica. 

The  peninsula  of  California,  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Vermillion  Sea,  seems  to  have  been  less  known  to  the 
ancient  Mexicans  than  the  provinces  which  I  have  men- 
tioned. It  was  discovered  by  Cortes  in  the  year  1536. 
During  a  long  period  it  continued  to  be  so  little  fre- 
quented, that  even  its  form  was  unknown,  and  in  most 
charts  it  was  represented  as  an  island,  not  as  a  penin- 
sula. [162]  Though  the  climate  of  this  country,  if  we 
may  judge  from  its  situation,  must  be  very  desirable, 
tiie  Spaniards  have  made  small  progress  in  jjcojilmg  it. 
Towards  the  close  of  the  last  century,  the  Jcsufts,  u  ho 
had  great  merit  in  exploring  this  neglected  province, 
and  in  civilizing  its  rude  inhabitants,  imperceptibly  ac- 
quired a  dominion  over  it  as  complete  as  that  which 
they  possessed  in  their  missions  in  Paraguay,  and  they 
labored  to  introduce  into  it  the  same  policy,  and  to 
govern  the  natives  by  the  same  maxims  In  order  to 
prevent  the  court  of  Spain  from  conceiving  any  jea- 
lousy of  their  designs  and  operations,  they  seem  stu- 
diously to  have  depreciated  the  country,  by  represent- 
ing the  climate  as  .so  disagreeable  and  unwholesome, 
and  the  soil  as  so  barren,  that  nothing  but  a  zealous 
desire  of  converting  the  natives  could  have  induced 
them  to  settle  there.  Several  public  spirited  citizens 
endeavored  to  undeceive  their  sovereigns,  and  to  give 
them  a  better  view  of  California  ;  but  in  vain.  At 
length,  on  the  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits  from  the  Spa- 
nish dominions,  the  court  of  Madrid,  as  prone  at  that 
juncture  to  suspect  the  purity  of  the  Order's  intentions, 
as  formerly  to  confide  in  them  with  implicit  trust,  ap- 
pointed Don  Jose|)h  Galvez,  whose  abilities  have  since 
raised  him  to  the  high  rank  of  minister  for  the  Indies, 
to  visit  that  peninsula.  His  account  of  the  country 
was  favorable  ;  he  found  the  pearl  fishery  on  its  coast 
to  be  valuable,  and  he  discovered  mines  of  gold  of  a 
very  proinijing  appearance.  From  its  vicinity  to  Cina- 
loa  and  Sonora,  it  is  probable  that,  if  the  population  of 
these  provinces  shall  increase  in  the  manner  which  I 
have  supposed,  California  mav,  by  degrees,  receive 
from  them  such  a  recruit  of  inhabitants,  as  to  be  no 
longer  reckoned  among  the  desolate  and  useless  districts 
of  the  Spanish  empire. 

On  the  east  of  Mexico,  Yucatan  and  Honduras 
was  comprehended  in  the  government  of  New 
Spain,  though  anciently  they  can  hardly  be  said  to 
have  formed  a  part  of  the  Mexican  empire.  These 
large  provinces,  stretching  from  the  bay  of  Cam- 
peach'  beyond  Cape  Oracios  a  Dios,  do  not,  like 
the  otl  er  territories  of  Spain  in  the  New  World,  de- 
rive their  value  either  from  the  fertility  of  their  soil, 
or  the  richness  of  their  mines  ;  but  they  produce  in 
greater  abundance  than  any  part  of  America,  the  log- 
wood tree,  which,  in  dving  some  colors,  is  so  far  pre- 
ferable to  any  other  material,  that  the  consumption  of 
it  ill  Kuropfc  IS  considerable,  and  it  has  become  an  arti- 
cle in  commerce  of  great  value.  During  a  long  pe- 
riod, no  European  nation  intruded  upon  the  Spaniards 
in  those  provinces,  or  attempted  to  obtain  any  share  in 
this  branch  of  trade.  But  after  the  conquest  of  .la- 
maica  by  the  English,  it  soon  appeared  that  a  formida- 
lile  riTal  was  now  seated  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  .Spa- 
nish territories.  One  of  the  firstobjects  which  teiiqilrd 
the  English  settled  in  that  island,  was  the  gre.it  profit 
•rising  from  the  logwood  trade,  and  the  facility  of 
wresting  some  portion  of  it  from  the  Spaniards.  Some 
adventurers  from  Jamaica  made  the  first  attemp'  at 
Cape  Catoche,  the  sDiitb  east  iiromoiilory  of  Yucatan, 
and  by  rutting  hx/wood  there  carrit  d  on  a  gainful 
Irailici  When  most  of  the  tree^  m  ar  the  roast  in  that 
|i|jce  were  felled,  lin  y  removed  to  the  ixljiid  ofTii.st, 


in  the  bay  of  Campeachy,  and  in  later  times  their  prin- 
ri|)al  station  has  been  in  the  bay  of  Hondun  s.  The 
Spaniards,  alarmed  at  this  encroachment,  endeavored 
by  negotiation,  remonstrances,  and  open  force,  to  pre- 
vent the  English  from  obtaining  any  footing  on  that 
part  of  the  American  continent.  But  after  struggling 
against  it  for  more  than  a  century,  the  disasters  of  the 
last  war  extorted  from  the  court  of  Madrid  a  reluctant 
consent  to  tolerate  this  settlement  of  foreigners  in  the 
heart  of  its  territories.  The  pain  which  this  humbling 
concession  occasioned  seems  to  have  prompted  the 
.Spaniards  to  devise  a  method  of  rendering  it  of  little 
consequence,  more  effectual  than  all  the  etlbrts  of  ne- 
gotiation or  violence.  The  logwood  produced  on  the 
west  coast  of  Yucatan,  where  the  soil  is  drier,  is  in 
quality  far  superior  to  that  which  grows  on  the  marshy 
grounds  where  the  English  are  settled.  By  encourag- 
ing the  cutting  of  this,  and  permitting  the  importation 
of  it  into  Spain  without  paying  any  duty,  such  vigor 
has  been  given  to  this  branch  of  commerce,  and  the 
logwood  which  the  English  bring  to  market  has  sunk  so 
much  in  value,  that  their  trade  to  the  bay  of  Honduras 
has  gradually  declined  [163]  since  it  obtained  a  legal 
sanction  ;  and,  it  is  probable,  will  soon  be  finally  aban- 
doned. In  that  event,  Yucatan  and  Honduras  will 
become  possessions  of  considerable  importance  to  Spain. 

Still  further  east  than  Honduras  lie  the  two  pro- 
vinces of  Costa  Rica  and  Veragua,  which  likewise  be- 
long to  the  viccroyalty  of  New  Spain  ;  but  both  have 
been  so  much  neglected  by  the  Spaniards,  and  arc  ap- 
parently of  sucli  small  value,  that  they  merit  no  par- 
ticular attention. 

The  most  important  province  depending  on  the  vice- 
royalty  of  Peru  is  Chili.  The  Incas  had  established 
their  dominion  in  some  of  its  northern  districts  ;  but  in 
the  greater  part  of  the  country,  its  gallant  and  high 
spirited  inhabitants  maintained  their  independence. 
The  Spaniards,  allured  by  the  fame  of  its  opulence, 
early  attempted  the  conquest  of  it  under  Diego  Alma- 
gro  ;  and  after  his  death  Pedro  de  Valdivia  resumed 
the  design.  Both  met  with  fierce  opposition.  The 
former  relinquished  the  enterprise  in  the  manner  I  have 
mentionnd.  The  latter,  after  having  given  many  dis- 
plays both  of  courage  and  military  skill,  was  cut  off, 
together  with  a  considerable  body  of  troops  under  his 
command.  Francisca  dc  Villagra,  Valdivia's  lieute- 
nant, by  his  spirited  conduct  checked  the  natives  in 
their  career,  and  saved  the  remainder  of  the  Spaniards 
from  destruction.  By  degrees  all  the  champaiijn  coun- 
try along  the'coast  was  subjected  to  the  Spanish  do- 
minion. The  mountainous  country  is  still  possessed 
by  the  Puclches,  Araucos,  and  other  tribes  of  its  ori- 
ginal inhabitants,  formidable  neighbors  to  the  Spa- 
niards ;  with  whom  during  the  course  of  two  centuries, 
they  have  been  obliged  to  maintain  an  almost  perpetual 
hostility,  suspended  only  by  a  few  intervals  of  insecure 
peace. 

That  part  of  Chili,  then,  which  may  properly  be 
deemed  a  Spanish  province,  is  a  narrow  district  ex- 
tended along  the  coast  from  the  desert  of  Atacamas  to 
the  island  of  Chiloe,  above  nine  hundred  miles.  Its 
climate  i«  the  mo^t  delicious  in  the  New  World,  and  is 
hardly  equalled  by  that  of  any  region  on  the  face  of  the 
earth.  Though  bordering  on  the  Torrid  Zone,  it  never 
feels  the  extremity  of  heat,  being  screened  on  the  east 
by  the  .\ndes,  and  refreshed  from  the  west  by  cooling 
sea  breezes.  'J'he  temperature  of  the  air  is  so  mild  and 
equable,  that  the  Spaniards  give  it  the  preference  to 
that  of  the  southern  provinces  in  their  native  country. 
The  fertility  of  the  soil  corresponds  with  the  benignity 
of  the  climate,  and  is  wonderfully  accommodateil  to 
European  productions.  The  most  valuable  of  these, 
corn,  wine,  and  oil,  abound  in  Chili  as  if  they  had  been 
native  to  the  country.  All  the  fruits  imported  from 
Europe  attained  to  full  maturity  there.  'i"he  animals 
of  our  hemis|)herc  not  only  multiply,  but  improve  in 
this  delightful  region.  The  horned  cattle  are  of  larger 
size  than  those  of  Spain.  Its  breed  of  horses  surpasses, 
both  in  beiuity  and  spirit,  the  famous  Andalusian  race, 
from  which  thev  sprung.  Nor  has  nature  exhausted  her 
bounty  on  the  surface  of  the  earth  ;  she  has  stored  its 
bowels  with  riches.  Valuable  mines  of  gold,  of  silver, 
of  copper,  and  of  lead,  have  been  discovered  in  various 
parts  of  it. 

A  country  distinguished  by  so  many  blessings,  we 
may  be  a|)t  to  conrlude,  would  early  become  a  favorite 
station  of  the  Spaniards,  and  must  have  been  cultivated 
with  peciilior  predili'ction  and  care.  Instead  of  this,  a 
great  part  of  it  remains  unoccupied.  In  all  this  extent 
of  roMiitrv,  there  are  not  above  eighty  thousand  white 
i  inhaliitaiils  and  about  three  limes  that  number  of  Ne- 
'  <;ri  c»  and  j>l;o|>lc  of  a  mi.\i  (l  race     The  most  fertile 


soil  in  America  lies  uncultivated,  and  some  of  its  mos' 
promising  mines  remain  unwrought.  Strange  as  this 
neglect  of  the  Spaniards  to  avail  themselves  of  advan 
tages  which  seemed  l-o  court  their  acceptance  may  ap- 
pear, the  causes  of  it  can  lie  traced  The  only  inter- 
course of  Spain  with  its  colonies  in  the  South  Sea  was 
carried  on  during  two  centuries  by  the  annual  fleet  to 
Porto  Bello.  All  the  produce  of  these  colonies  wai 
shipped  in  the  ports  of  Callao  or  Arica  jn  Peru,  foi 
Panama,  and  carried  from  thence  across  the  isthmus. 
All  the  commodities  which  they  received  from  the  mo- 
ther countries  were  conveyed  from  Panama  to  the  same 
harbors.  Thus  both  the  exports  and  imports  of  Chili 
passed  through  the  hands  of  merchants  settled  in  Peru. 
These  had  of  course  a  profit  on  each  ;  and  in  both 
transactions  the  Chilese  fi'lt  their  own  subordination 
and  having  no  direct  intercourse  wKh  the  parent  state, 
they  depended  upon  another  province  for  the  dis|>osal 
of  their  productions,  as  well  as  for  the  supply  of  iheit 
wants.  Under  such  discouragements,  population  toulj 
not  increase,  and  industry  was  destitute  of  one  chief 
incitement.  But  now  that  S|>ain,  from  motives  which 
I  shall  mention  hereafter,  has  adopted  a  new  system, 
and  carries  on  her  commerce  with  the  colonies  in  llie 
South  Sea  by  ships  which  go  round  Cape  Horn,  a 
direct  intercourse  is  opened  between  ChiL  and  the  nio 
Iher  country.  The  gold,  the  silver,  and  the  other  com- 
modities of  the  province,  will  be  exchanged  in  Us  own 
harbors  for  the  manufactures  of  Europe.  Chili  may 
speedily  rise  into  that  importance  among  the  .Spanish 
settlements  to  which  it  is  entitled  by  its  natural  advan- 
tages. It  may  become  the  graiiarv  of  Peru,  and  the 
other  provinces  along  the  Pacific  Ocean.  It  may  sup- 
ply them  with  wine,  with  cattle,  with  horses,  wiih 
hemp,  and  many  other  articles  for  which  they  now  de- 
pend upon  Europe.  Though  the  new  system  has  been 
established  only  a  few  years,  those  effects  of  it  begin 
already  to  be  observed.  If  it  shall  be  adhered  to  with 
any  steadiness  for  half  a  century,  one  may  venture  to 
foretell  that  population,  industry,  and  opulence  will  ad- 
vance in  this  province  with  rapid  progress. 

To  the  east  of  the  Andes,  the  provinces  of  TucumaD 
and  Rio  de  la  Plata  border  on  Chili,  and  like  it  were 
dependent  on  the  viccroyalty  of  Peru.  Fhese  regions 
of  immense  extent  stretch  in  length  from  north  to  souih 
above  thirteen  hundred  miles,  and  in  breadth  more 
than  a  thousand.  This  country,  which  is  larger  than 
most  European  kingdoms,  naturally  forms  itself  into 
two  great  divisions,  one  on  the  north  and  the  other  on 
the  south  of  Rio  de  la  Plata.  The  former  comjirebetids 
Paraguay,  the  famous  missions  of  the  Jesuits,  and  se- 
veral other  districts.  But  as  disputes  have  long  sub- 
sisted between  the  courts  of  Spam  and  Portugal,  con- 
cerning its  boundaries,  which,  it  is  probable,  will  be 
soon  finally  ascertained,  either  amicably  or  by  the  de- 
cision of  the  sword,  I  choose  to  reserve  my  account  of 
this  northern  division,  until  I  enter  upon  the  history  of 
Portuguese  America,  with  which  it  is  intimately  con- 
nected ;  and  in  relating  it,  I  shall  be  able,  from  authen- 
tic materials  supplied  both  by  Spain  and  Portugal,  to 
give  a  full  and  accurate  description  of  the  oiKralioiis 
and  views  cf  the  Jesuits,  in  rearing  that  singular  fabric 
of  policy  in  America,  which  has  drawn  so  much  atten- 
tion, and  has  been  so  imperfectly  understood.  The 
latter  division  of  the  province  contains  the  governments 
of  Tucuman  and  Buenos  Ayres,  and  to  these  I  slall  *t 
present  confine  iny  observations. 

The  Spaniards  entered  this  part  of  America  by  the 
river  De  la  Plata  ;  and  though  a  succession  of  cruel 
disasters  befell  them  in  their  early  attempts  to  establish 
their  dominion  in  it,  they  were  encouraged  to  pcr.iist 
in  the  design,  at  first  by  the  hopes  of  discovering  mines 
in  the  interior  country,  and  afterwards  by  the  necessiiy 
of  occupying  it,  in  order  to  prevent  any  other  natioi 
from  settling  there,  and  penetrating  by  this  roule  into 
their  rich  possessions  in  Peru.  But  except  at  liurnos 
Ayres,  they  have  made  no  settlement  of  any  consc- 
(pieiice  in  all  the  vast  space  which  1  have  nuiitioiied. 
There  are  indeed,  scattered  over  it,  a  few  places  oi 
which  they  have  bestowed  the  name  of  towns,  aiid  to 
which  they  have  endeavored  to  add  some  digiiily.  by 
erecting  tliem  into  bishoprics  ;  but  they  are  no  brttcl 
than  paltry  villages,  each  with  two  or  three  huiidreo 
inhabitants.  One  circumstance,  however,  which  w»* 
not  originally  foreseen,  has  contributed  to  render  thii 
I  district,  though  thinly  peopled,  of  considerable  impor 
tance.  The  province  of  Tucuman,  together  with  thi 
I  country  to  the  south  of  the  I'kita,  instead  of  being  co 
!  vered  with  wood  like  olher  parts  of  America,  fornit 
*  one  extensive  0|)en  plain,  almost  without  a  tree.  Fho 
■sod  IS  a  deep  fertile  mould,  watered  by  many  flreams 
'  descending  from  the  Andoo,  and  clothed  in  per|KiuJ 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


rerdiire.  In  this  rich  iiasturago,  the  horses  and  cattle 
imported  by  the  Spaniard?  from  Europe  have  imiitiphed 
to  a  degree  which  ahiiost  exceeds  hehef.  'J'his  has 
enabled  the  inhabitants  not  only  to  open  a  lucrative 
I  trade  with  I'cni,  by  su|)plying  it  with  cattle,  horses, 
I  and  mules,  but  to  carry  on  a  commerce  no  less  bcneli- 
cial,  by  the  exportation  of  hides  to  Kurope.  From  both, 
the  colony  has  derived  great  advantages.  But  its 
commodious  situation  for  carrying  on  contraband  trade 
has  been  the  chief  source  of  its  prosperity.  While  the 
court  of  Madrid  adhered  to  its  ancient  system,  with 

I respect  to  its  communication  with  America,  the  river 
Dc  la  Plata  lay  so  much  out  of  the  course  of  .Spanish 
navigation,  that  interlopers,  almost  without  any  risk  of 
being  either  observed  or  obstructed,  could  pour  in  Eu- 
ropean manufactures  in  such  quantities,  that  they  not 
only  supplied  the  wants  of  the  colony,  but  were  con- 
veyed into  all  the  eastern  districts  of  Peru.  When 
the  Portuguese  in  Brazhl  extended  their  settlements  to 
the  banks  of  Rio  dc  la  Plata,  a  new  channel  was 
'  opened,  by  which  prohibited  commodities  Howed  into 
the  Spanisli  territories  with  still  more  facility,  and  in 
greater  abundance.    This  illegal  traffic,  however  detri- 
mental to  the  parent  state,  contributed  to  the  increase 
of  the  settlement  which  had  the  immediate  benefit  of  it, 
and  Buenos  Ayres  became  gradually  a  populous  and 
I  opulent  town.    What  may  be  the  effect  of  the  altera- 
'  tion  lately  made  in  the  government  of  this  colony,  the 
nature  of  which  shall  be  described  in  the  subsequent 
'  Book,  cannot  hitherto  be  known. 

All  the  other  territories  of  Spain  in  the  New  World, 
the  islands  excepted,  of  whose  discovery  and  reduction 
I  have  formerly  given  an  account,  are  comprehended 
under  two  great  divisions  ;  the  former  denominated  the 
Kingdom  of  Tierra  Firiiie,  the  provinces  of  which  stretch 

I along  the  Atlantic,  from  the  eastern  frontier  of  New 
Spain  to  the  mouth  of  the  Orinoco  ;  the  latter,  the  New 
Kingdom  of  Granada,  situated  in  the  interior  countrv. 
With  a  short  view  of  these  I  shall  close  this  part  of  my 
work. 

To  the  east  of  Veragua,  the  last  province  subject  to 
the  viceroy  of  Mexico,  lies  the  isthmus  of  Darien. 
Though  it  was  in  this  part  of  the  continent  that  the 
Spaniards  first  began  to  plant  colonics,  they  have  made 
I,  no  considerable  progress  in  propling  it.    As  the  coun- 
'  try  is  extremely  mountainous,  deluged  with  rain  during 
'  a  good  part  of  the  year,  remarkably  unhealthful,  and 
contains  no  mines  of  great  value,  the  .Spaniards  would 
robahly  have  abandoned  it  altogether,  if  they  had  not 
ecu  allured  to  continue  by  the  excellence  of  the  har- 
bor of  Porto  Bello  on  the  one  sea,  and  that  of  Panama 
on  the  other.    These  have  been  called  the  keys  to  the 
communication  between  the  north  and  south  sea,  be- 
j  tween  Spain  and  her  most  valuable  colonies.    In  con- 
sequence of  this  advantage,  Panama  has  become  a  con- 
siderable and  thriving  town.    The  peculiar  noxiousness 
I  of  its  climate  has  prevented  Porto  Bello  from  increas- 
!  ing  in  the  same  proportion.    As  the  intercourse  with 

Ithe  settlements  in  tiie  Pacific  Ocean  is  now  carried  on 
by  another  channel,  it  is  probable  that  both  Porta  Bello 
and  Panama  will  decline,  when  no  longer  nourished 
and  enriched  by  that  commerce  to  which  they  were  in- 
debted for  their  prosperity,  and  even  their  existence. 

The  provinces  of  Carthagena  and  Santa  Martha 
stretch  to  the  eastward  of  the  isthmus  of  Darien.  The 
j  country  still  continues  mountainous,  but  its  valleys 
,bcgin  to  expand,  are  well  watered,  and  extremely  fer- 
tile. Pedro  de  Ileredia  subjected  this  part  of  America 
to  the  crown  of  Spain  about  the  year  1532.  It  is 
thinly  peopled,  and  of  course  ill  cultivated.  It  produces, 
however,  a  variety  of  valuable  drugs,  and  some  pre- 
cious stones,  particularly  emeralds.  But  its  chief  im- 
portance is  derived  from  the  harbor  of  Carihagcna,  the 

1 safest  and  best  fortified  of  any  in  the  .\merican  do- 
minions of  Spain.  In  a  situation  so  favorable,  com- 
merce soon  began  to  flourish.  As  early  as  the  year 
1544.  it  seems  to  have  been  a  town  of  -some  note.  But 
when  Carthagena  was  chosen  as  the  port  in  which  the 
galeons  should  first  begin  to  trade  on  their  arrival  from 
Europe,  and  to  which  they  were  directed  to  return,  in 
order  to  prepare  for  their  voyage  hoi.ieward,  the  com- 
l  mercc  of  its  inhabitants  was  so  much  favored  by  this 
arrangement,  that  it  soon  became  one  of  the  most  popu- 
lous, opulent,  and  beautiful  cities  in  America.  There 
is,  however,  reason  to  apprehend  that  it  has  reached  its 
highest  point  of  exaltation,  and  that  it  will  be  so  far 
affected  by  the  change  in  the  Spanish  system  of  trade 
with  America,  which  has  withdrawn  from  it  the  desira- 
ble visits  of  the  galeons,  as  to  feel  at  least  a  temporary 
Ideohne.  Rut  the  wealth  now  collected  there  will  soon 
|5ind  or  create  employment  for  itself,  and  may  he  turned 
iwith  advantage  into  some  new  channel.    lis  harbor  is 


so  safe,  and  so  conveniently  situated  for  receiving  com- 
modities from  Europe,  its  merchants  have  been  so  long 
accustomed  to  convey  these  into  all  the  a<ljacent  ])ro- 
vinces,  that  it  is  probable  they  will  sliU  retain  this 

branch  of  trade,  and  Carthagena  continue  to  be  a  city 

f  ■  ° 

01  great  importance. 

The  provinces  contiguous  to  Santa  Martha  on  the 
east,  was  first,  visited  by  Alonso  de  Ojcda,  in  the  year 
1499  ;  and  the  Spaniards,  on  their  landing  there,  having 
observed  some  huts  in  an  Indian  village,  built  u])on 
piles,  in  order  to  raise  them  above  the  stagnated  water 
which  covered  the  plain,  were  led  to  bestow  upon  it 
the  name  of  Venezuela,  or  little  Venice,  by  their  usual 
propensity  to  lind  a  resemblance  between  what  they 
discovered  in  America,  and  the  objects  which  were 
familiar  to  them  in  Europe.  They  made  some  attempts 
to  settle  there,  but  with  little  success.  The  final  re- 
duction of  the  province  was  accomplished  by  means 
very  different  from  those  to  which  Spain  was  indebted 
for  its  other  acquisitions  in  the  New  World.  The 
ambition  of  Charles  V.  often  engaged  him  in  operations 
of  such  variety  and  extent,  that  his  revenues  were  not 
sufTicient  to  defray  the  expense  of  carrying  them  into 
execution.  Among  other  expedients  for  supplying  the 
deficiency  of  his  funds,  he  had  borrowed  large  sums 
from  the  Velsers  of  .Augsburg,  the  most  opulent  mer- 
chants at  that  time  in  Europe.  By  way  of  retribution 
for  these,  or  in  hopes,  perhaps,  of  obtaining  a  new  loan, 
he  bestowed  upon  them  the  province  of  Venezuela,  to 
be  held  as  an  hereditary  fief  from  the  crown  of  Castile, 
on  condition  that  within  a  limited  time  they  should  ren- 
der themselves  masters  of  the  country,  and  establish  a 
colony  there.  Under  the  direction  of  such  persons,  it 
might  have  been  expected  that  a  settlemeut  would  have 
been  established  on  maxims  very  difTercnt  from  those 
of  the  Spaniards,  and  better  calculated  to  encourage 
such  useful  industry,  as  mercantile  proprietors  might 
have  known  to  be  the  most  certain  source  of  prosperity 
and  opulence.  But  unfortunately  they  committed  the 
execution  of  their  plan  to  some  of  those  soldiers  of 
fortune  with  which  Germany  abounded  in  the  sixteenth 
century.  These  adventurers,  impatient  to  amass  riches, 
that  they  might  speedily  abandon  a  station  which  they 
soon  disco.vered  to  be  very  uncomfortable,  instead  of 
planting  a  colony  in  order  to  cultivate  and  improve  the 
country,  wandered  from  district  to  district  in  search  of 
mines,  plundering  the  natives  with  unfeeling  rapacity, 
or  oppressing  them  by  the  imposition  of  intolerable 
tasks.  In  the  course  of  a  few  years,  their  avarice  and 
exactions,  in  comparison  with  which  those  of  the  Spa- 
niards were  moderate,  desolated  the  province  so  com- 
pletely, that  It  could  hardly  afford  them  subsistence, 
and  the  Velsers  relinquished  a  property  from  which  the 
inconsiderate  conduct  of  their  agents  left  them  no  hope 
of  ever  deriving  any  advantage.  When  the  wretched 
remainder  of  the  Germans  deserted  Venezuela,  the 
Spaniards  again  look  possession  of  it  ;  but  notwith- 
standing many  natural  advantages,  it  is  one  of  their 
most  languishing  and  unproductive  selllcinenls. 

The  provinces  of  Caraccas  and  Cumana  are  the  last 
of  the  Spanish  territories  on  this  coast  ;  but  in  relating 
the  origin  and  operations  of  the  mercantile  company  in 
which  an  exclusive  right  of  trade  with  them  has  been 
vested,  I  shall  hereafter  have  occasion  to  consider  their 
state  and  productions. 

The  New  Kingdom  of  Granada  is  entirely  an  inland 
country  of  great  extent.  This  important  addition  was 
made  to  the  dominions  of  Spain  about  the  year  1536, 
by  Sebastian  de  Benalcazar  and  Gonzalo  Ximenes  de 
Quesada,  two  of  the  bravest  and  most  accomplished 
officers  employed  in  the  conquest  of  America.  The 
former,  who  commanded  at  that  time  in  Quito,  attacked 
it  from  the  south  ;  the  latter  made  his  invasion  from 
Santa  Martha  on  the  north.  As  the  original  inhabitants 
of  this  region  were  further  advanced  in  improvement 
than  any  people  in  .\merica  but  the  Mexicans  and  Pe- 
ruvians, they  defended  themselves  with  great  resolution 
and  good  conduct.  The  abilities  and  perseverence  of 
Benalcazar  and  Quesada  surmounted  all  opposition, 
though  not  without  encountering  many  dangers,  and 
reduced  the  country  into  the  form  of  a  Spanish  pro- 
vince. 

The  New  Kingdom  pf  Granada  is  so  far  elevated 
above  the  level  of  the  sea  that,  though  it  approaches 
almost  to  the  equator,  the  climate  is  remarkably  tem- 
perate. The  fertility  of  its  valleys  is  not  inferior  to 
that  of  the  richest  districts  in  .\merica,  and  its  higher 
grounds  yield  gold  and  precious  stones  of  various  kinds. 
It  is  not  by  digging  into  the  bowels  of  the  earth  that 
this  gold  is  found  ;  it  is  mingled  with  the  soil  near  the 
surface,  and  separated  from  it  by  repeated  washing 
With  water.    This  operation  is  carried  on  wholly  by 


Negro  slaves  ;  for  though  the  chill  subterranean  air  has 
been  discovered,  by  experience,  to  be  so  fatal  to  them, 
that  they  cannot  be  em[)loyed  with  advantage  in  the 
deep  silver  mines,  they  are  more  capabU^  of  perform- 
ing the  other  species  of  labor  than  Indians.  As  the 
natives  in  the  New  Kingdom  of  (Jninad.i  are  exempt 
from  that  service,  which  has  wasted  their  race  so  ra- 
pi<lly  in  other  parts  of  America,  the  country  is  siill 
remarkably  po|>ulous.  .Some  districts  yield  gold  with 
a  profusion  no  less  wonderful  than  that  in  the  vale  ol 
Cmeguilla,  which  I  have  formerly  mi'iitioiicd,  and  it  is 
often  found  in  large  jirti/a.i,  or  grains,  wliicli  manifest 
tlic  abundance  in  which  it  is  produced.  On  a  rismjj 
ground  near  Pamplona,  single  laborers  have  collected 
in  a  day  what  was  equal  in  value  to  a  thousand  pesos. 
A  late  governor  of  .Santa  Fe  brought  with  him  to  Spain 
a  lump  of  pure  gold,  estimated  to  be  worth  seven  hun- 
dred and  forty  pounds  sterling  This,  which  is  per- 
haps the  l?rgest  and  finest  specimen  ever  found  in  the 
New  World,  is  now  deposited  in  the  royal  cabinet  of 
Madrid.  But  without  founding  any  calculation  on 
what  is  rare  and  extfaordmary,  the  value  of  the  gold 
usually  collected  m  this  country,  particularly  in  the 
provinces  of  Popayan  and  Choco,  is  of  considerable 
amount.  Its  towns  are  populous  and  flourishing.  The 
number  of  inhabitants  in  almost  every  part  of  the  coun- 
try daily  increases.  Cultivation  ami  industry  of  various 
kinds  begin  to  be  encouraged,  and  to  prosper.  A  con- 
siderable trade  is  carried  on  with  (Jartlingena,  the  pro- 
duce of  the  mines,  and  other  commodities,  being  con- 
veyed down  the  great  river  of  St.  Magdalene  to  that 
city.  On  another  quarter,  the  New  Kingdom  of  Gra- 
nada has  a  communication  with  the  Ailaulic  by  the 
river  Orinoco  ;  but  the  country  which  stretches  along 
its  banks  towards  the  east,  is  little  known,  and  imper- 
fectly occupied  by  the  Spaniards. 


BOOK  VIII. 

View  of  the  interior  government,  commerce,  &c.  of  th<>  Sj-* 
nish  colonies — Depopulation  of  America — first  cdects 
tlieir  settlements — not  the  consetiueuce  of  any  system  ff 
policy— nor  to  be  imputed  to  reli^'ioii — Numhcr  of  Imiian 
still  remainins — Fundamental  maxims  on  which  the  Spa 
nish  syst^n  of  colonization  is  founded — Condilion  of  diOer 
ent  orders  of  men  in  llieir  colonies— Chapetones—Crcolei 
. — Negroes — Indians — Ecclesiastical  state  and  policy — Cha 
racter  of  secular  and  regular  clergy — Small  progress  o 
Christianity  among  the  natives — Mines,  chief  object  of  iheii 
attention — Mode  of  working  these — their  produce — Etfecti 
of  encouraging  this  species  of  industry — Other  com 
modities  of  Spanish  America — First  effects  of  this  new 
commerce  with  America  on  Spain — Whv  the  Spanisli 
colonies  have  not  been  as  beneficial  to  the  parent  state  as 
those  of  other  nations — Errors  m  the  Spanish  system  of 
regulating  this  commerce — confinea  to  one  port — earned  on 
by  annual  Heets — Contraband  trade — Decline  of  Spain  both 
in  p-  i'Ulation  and  weallli— Jlemedies  proposed — View  of 
the  vMse  regulations  of  the  Bourbon  princes — A  new  and 
more  liberal  system  introduced — benelici.il  eHects  of  this— 
probable  consequences — Tr.nle  between  New  Spain  and  the 
Philippines — llevenue  of  Spain  from  America — whence  it 
ari.ses — to  wliat  it  amounts. 

AktIiR  tracing  the  progress  of  the  .Spaniards  in  their 
discoveries  and  conquests  during  more  than  half  a  cen- 
tury, I  have  conducted  them  to  that  period  when  their 
authority  was  established  over  almost  all  the  vast  re- 
gions in  the  New  World  still  subject  to  their  dominion. 
The  effect  of  their  settlements  upon  the  countries  of 
which  they  took  possession,  the  maxims  which  they 
adopted  in  forming  their  new  colonies,  the  interior 
structure  and  policy  of  these,  together  with  the  influ- 
ence of  their  progressive  improvement  upon  the  parent 
state,  and  upon  the  commercial  intercourse  of  nations, 
are  the  objects  to  which  we  now  turn  our  attention 

The  first  visible  consequence  of  the  establishments 
made  by  the  Sj)aniards  in  .\merica,  was  the  diminution 
of  the  ancient  inhabitants,  to  a  degree  ('qually  astonish- 
ing and  deplorable.  I  have  already,  on  dillerent  occa- 
sions, mentioned  the  disastrous  influence  under  which 
the  connection  of  the  Americans  with  the  people  of  oui 
hemisphere  commenced,  both  in  the  islands  and  in 
several  parts  of  ttie  continent,  ind  have  touched  u|)on 
various  causes  of  their  rapid  consumption,  ^\'herev,~r 
the  inhabitants  of  America  had  resolution  to  take  arms 
in  defence  of  their  liberty  and  rights,  many  perished  m 
the  unequal  contest,  and  were  cut  oil  by  their  fierce  in- 
vaders. But  the  greatest  desolation  followed  after  the 
sword  was  sheathed,  and  the  coiiciuerors  were  settled 
in  tranquillity.  It  was  in  the  islands,  and  in  those  pro- 
vinces of  the  continent  which  stretch  from  the  (iulf  ol 
Trinidad  to  the  confines  of  Mexico,  that  the  fatal  effects 
of  the  .Spanish  dominion  were  first  and-  most  sensibly 
felt.  All  these  were  occupied  either  by  wanderinj; 
tribes  of  hunters,  or  by  such  as  had  made  but  si.iall 
I  progress  in  cultivation  and  mdustrv.  When  they  wi>i« 
I  compelled  by  their  new  masters  to  take  uu  a  fired  teii- 


dencc.  and  ta  apply  to  regular  labor ;  when  tasks  were 
imposed  upon  them  disproportioncd  to  their  strength, 
ond  were  enacted  with  unrelenting  severity,  they  pos- 
sessed not  vigor  cither  of  mind  or  of  body  to  sustain 
this  unus\ial  load  of  oppression.  Dejection  and  de- 
spair drove  many  to  end  their  lives  by  violence.  Fa- 
tigue and  famine  destroyed  more.  In  all  those  e.xten- 
•ive  regions,  the  original  race  of  inhabitants  wasted 
away  ;  in  some  it  was  totally  extinguished.  In  Mexi- 
co, where  a  powerful  and  martial  pco|)le  distinguished 
their  o[)position  to  the  Spaniards  by  efforts  of  courage 
worthy  of  a  better  fate,  great  numbers  fell  in  the  field  ; 
and  there,  as  well  as  in  Peru,  still  greater  numbers 
perished  under  the  hardships  of  attending  the  Spanish 
armies  in  their  various  expeditions  and  civil  wars,  worn 
out  with  the  incessant  toil  of  carrying  their  baggage, 
jirovisions,  and  military  stores. 

But  neither  the  rage  nor  cruelty  of  the  Spaniards 
was  so  destructive  to  the  people  of  Mexico  and  Peru, 
as  the  inconsiderate  policy  with  which  they  established 
their  new  settlements.  The  former  were  temporary 
calamities,  fatal  to  individuals  :  the  latter  was  a  pcr- 
mamcnt  evil,  which,  with  gradual  consumption,  wasted 
the  nation.  When  the  provinces  of  Mexico  and  Peru 
were  divided  among  the  conquerors,  each  was  eager  to 
obtain  a  district  from  which  he  might  expect  an  in- 
stantaneous recompense  for  all  his  services.  Soldiers, 
accustomed  to  the  carelessness  and  dissipation  of  a 
military  life,  had  neither  industry  to  carry  on  any  plan 
of  regular  cultivation,  nor  patience  to  wait  for  its  slow- 
but  certain  returns.  Instead  of  settling  in  the  valleys 
occupied  by  the  natives,  where  the  fertility  of  the  soil 
would  have  amply  rewarded  the  diligence  of  the  plarter, 
they  chose  to  fix  their  stations  in  some  of  the  moun- 
tainous regions,  frequent  both  in  New  Spain  and  in 
Peru.  To  search  for  mines  of  gold  and  silver  was  the 
chief  object  of  their  activity.  The  prospects  which 
this  opens,  and  the  alluring  hopes  which  it  continually 
presents,  correspond  wonderfully  with  the  spirit  of  en- 
terprise and  adventure  that  animated  the  first  emigrants 
to  America  in  every  part  of  their  conduct.  In  order  to 
jiush  forward  those  favorite  projects,  so  many  hands 
were  wanted,  that  the  service  of  the  natives  became 
indis|)ensably  requisite.  They  were  accordingly  com- 
pelled to  abandon  their  ancient  habitations  in  the  plains, 
and  driven  in  crowds  to  the  mountains.  This,  sudden 
transition  from  the  sultry  climate  of  the  valleys  to  the 
chill  penetrating  air  peculiar  to  high  lands  in  the  torrid 
zone  ;  exorbitant  labor,  scanty  or  unwholesome  nourish- 
ment, and  the  despondency  occasioned  by  a  species  of 
opnrossioti  to  which  they  were  not  accustomed,  and  of 
which  they  saw  no  end,  affected  them  nearly  as  much 
as  tbcir  less  industrious  countrymen  in  the  islands. 
They  sunk  under  the  united  pressure  of  those  calami- 
ties, and  melted  away  with  almost  equal  rapidity.  In 
consequence  of  this,  together  with  the  introduction  of 
the  sinall-pox,  a  malady  unknown  in  America,  and  ex- 
tremely fatal  to  the  natives,  the  number  of  jieople  both 
in  New  Spain  ar:d  Peru  was  so  much  reduced,  that  in 
a  few  years  the  accounts  of  their  ancient  population 
appeared  almost  incredible.  [164] 

Such  arc  the  most  considerable  events  and  causes 
which,  by  their  combined  operation,  contributed  to  de- 
pO|)ulatc  .\merica.  Without  attending  to  these,  many 
authors,  astonished  at  the  suddenness  of  the  desolation, 
have  ascribed  this  unexam[)led  event  to  a  system  of 
policy  no  less  profound  than  atrocious.  The  Spaniards, 
Bs  they  pretend,  conscious  of  their  own  inability  to  oc- 
cupy the  vast  regions  which  they  had  rliscovered,  and 
foreseeing  the  impossibility  of  maintaining  their  au- 
thority over  a  people  infinitely  superior  to  themselves 
in  number,  in  order  to  preserve  the  possession  of  Ame- 
rica, resolved  to  exterminate  the  inhabitants,  and,  by 
converting  a  great  part  of  the  coiinlry  into  a  desert, 
endeavored  to  .seciiri'  tlu-ir  own  dominion  over  it.  [Ifi-'jJ 
But  nations  seldom  extend  their  views  to  objeots  so 
remote,  or  lay  their  plans  so  deep  ;  and  for  the  honor 
of  humanity  we  may  observe,  that  no  nation  ever  de- 
liberately formed  such  an  execrable  scheme.  The 
Sjiaiush  monarchs,  far  from  acting  upon  any  such  svs- 
teci  of  destruction,  were  uniformly  solicitous  for  the 
prestrv3lion  of  their  new  subjects.  Wnh  Isabella, 
zeal  for  [iropagating  the  Christian  faith,  together 
with  the  desire  of  communicating  the  knowledge  of 
truth,  and  the  consolations  of  religion,  to  peo[ilc  desti- 
tute of  spiritual  light,  were  more  than  ostensible  mo- 
tive* for  encouraL'ing  ("oluinbus  to  attempt  his  disco- 
veries, rpoii  hi>  success,  iihc  endeavored  to  fiillil  her 
pious  purpose,  and  mamfested  the  most  tender  concern  j 
to  leciire  not  only  religious  instruction,  but  niild  treat- 
ir,«nl,  to  ihal  inoffensive  race  of  men  subjected  to  her 
crowu  ( 106 )    Her  succcssura  adopted  iLu  muiic  ide;^  ;  I 


and,  on  many  occasions,  which  I  have  mentioned,  theii 
authority  was  interposed,  in  the  most  vigorous  exer- 
tions, to  protect  the  people  of  America  from  the  op- 
pression of  their  Spanish  subjects.  Their  regulations 
for  this  purpose  were  numerous,  and  often  repeated. 
They  were  framed  with  wisdom,  and  dictated  by  hu- 
manity. After  their  possessions  in  the  New  World 
became  so  extensive  as  might  have  excited  some  ap- 
prehensions of  difficulty  in  retaining  their  dominion 
over  them,  the  spirit  of  their  regulations  was  as  mild  as 
when  their  settlements  were  confined  to  the  islands 
alone.  Their  solicitude  to  protect  the  Indians  seems 
rather  to  have  augmented  as  their  acquisitions  increased: 
and  from  ardor  to  accomplish  this,  they  enacted,  and 
endeavored  to  enforce  the  execution  of  laws,  which  ex- 
cited a  formidable  rebellion  in  one  of  their  colonies, 
and  spread  alarm  and  'disaffection  through  all  the  rest. 
But  the  avarice  of  individuals  was  too  violent  to  be 
controlled  by  the  authority  of  laws.  Rapacious  and 
daring  adventurers,  far  removed  from  the  seat  of  go- 
vernment, little  accustomed  to  the  restraints  of  military 
disci))line  while  in  service,  and  still  less  disposed  to  re- 
spect the  feeble  jurisdiction  of  civil  power  in  an  infant 
colony,  despised  or  eluded  every  regulation  that  set 
bounds  to  their  exactions  and  tyranny.  The  parent 
stale,  with  persevering  attention,  issued  edicts  to  pre- 
vent the  oppression  of  the  Indians  ;  the  colonists,  re- 
gardless of  these,  or  trusting  to  their  distance  for  im- 
punity, continued  to  consider  and  treat  ihcm  ie  ?lavcs. 
The  governors  themselves,  and  other  officers  employed 
in  the  colonies,  several  of  whom  were  as  indigent  and 
rapacious  as  the  adventurers  over  whom  they  presided, 
were  too  apt  to  adopt  their  contemptuous  ideas  of  the 
conquered  people  ;  and,  instead  of  checking,  encou- 
raged or  connived  at  their  excesses.  The  desolation  of 
the  New  World  should  not  then  be  charged  on  the 
court  of  Spain,  or  be  considered  as  the  effect  of  any 
system  of  policy  adopted  there.  It  ought  to  be  im- 
puted wholly  to  the  indigent  and  often  unprincipled 
adventurers,  whose  fortune  it  was  to  be  the  conquerors 
and  first  planters  of  .America,  who,  by  measures  no  less 
inconsiderate  than  unjust,  counteracted  the  edicts  of 
their  sovereign,  and  have  brought  disgrace  upon  their 
country. 

With  still  greater  injustice  have  manv  authors  re- 
presented the  intolerating  spirit  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
religion,  as  the  cause  of  exterminating  the  Americans, 
and  have  accused  the  Spanish  ecclesiastics  of  ani- 
mating their  countrymen  to  the  slaughter  of  that  inno- 
cent people,  as  idolaters  and  enemies  of  God.  But 
the  first  missionaries  who  visited  America,  though 
weak  and  illiterate,  were  pious  men.  They  early  es- 
poused the  defence  of  the  natives,  and  vindicated  their 
character  from  the  aspersions  of  their  conquerors,  who, 
describing  them  as  incapable  of  being  formed  to  the 
offices  of  civil  life,  or  of  comprehending  the  doctrines 
of  religion,  contended,  that  they  were  a  subordinate 
race  of  men,  on  whom  the  hand  of  nature  had  set  the 
mark  of  servitude.  From  the  accounts  which  I  have 
given  of  the  humane  and  persevering  zeal  of  the  S|)a- 
nish  missionaries,  in  protecting  the  helpless  fiock  com- 
mitted to  their  charge,  they  appear  in  a  light  which  re- 
flects lustre  upon  their  function.  They  were  ministers 
of  jieacc,  who  endeavored  to  wrest  the  rod  from  the 
hands  of  oppressors  To  their  powerful  inteqwsition 
the  .\merii  ans  were  indebted  for  every  regulation  tend- 
ing to  mitigate  the  rigor  of  their  fate.  The  clergy  in 
the  .Spanish  settlements,  regular  as  well  as  secular,  are 
slill  considered  by  the  Indians  as  their  natural  guar- 
dians, to  whom  they  have  recourse  under  the  hard- 
ships and  exactions  to  which  they  are  too  often  ex- 
posed. [167] 

But,  notwithstanding  the  rapid  depopulation  of  Ame- 
rica, a  very  considerable  number  of  the  native  race  still 
remains  both  in  .Mexico  and  Peru,  es|)eeHally  in  those 
|Kirts  which  were  not  exposed  to  the  first  furv  of  the 
.Spanish  arms,  or  desolated  by  the  first  efforts  of  their 
industry,  still  more  ruinous.  In  (iuatmiala,  Chiapa, 
Nicaragua,  and  the  other  delightful  provinces  of  the 
Mexican  empire,  which  stretch  along  the  South  .Sea, 
the  race  of  Indians  is  still  numerous.  Their  settle- 
ments in  some  places  are  so  po|iuluus  as  to  incrit  the 
iiamc  of  cities.  [168]  In  the  three  audiences  into 
which  New  Spain  is  divided,  there  are  at  least  two  mil- 
lions of  Indians  ;  a  pitiful  remnant,  indeed,  of  its  an- 
cient population,  but  such  as  slill  forms  a  body  of  peo- 
ple superior  in  number  to  that  of  all  the  other  inhabi- 
tants of  this  extensive  countrv  [169]  In  Peru  several 
distru  ls,  particularly  in  the  kingdom  of  Quito,  are  oc- 
<  upied  almost  entirely  by  Indians.  In  other  provinces 
they  are  mingled  with  the  .Spaniards,  and  in  manv  of 
their  sultlemunls  are  almost  the  only  pcrsoiiu  who 


practise  the  mechanic  arts,  and  fill  most  of  tlie  inferiot 
stations  in  society.  As  the  inhabitants  both  of  .Mexico 
and  Peru  were  accustomed  to  a  fixed  residence,  and  to 
a  ccrtian  degree  of  regular  industry,  less  violence  was 
requisite  in  bringing  then  to  some  conformity  with  the 
European  modes  of  civil  ife  But  wherever  the  Spa- 
niards settled  among  the  si  -age  tribes  of  America,  their 
attempts  to  incorporate  with  them  have  been  aiwava 
fruitless,  and  often  fatal  to  the  natives.  Impatient  of 
restraint,  and  disdaining  labor  as  a  mark  of  servility, 
they  cither  abandoned  their  original  seats,  and  sought 
for  independence  in  mountains  and  forests  inaccessible 
to  their  oppressors,  or  perished  when  reduced  to  a  stale 
repugnant  to  their  ancient  ideas  and  habits.  In  the 
districts  adjacent  to  Carthagena,  to  Panama,  and  to 
Buenos  Ayres,  the  desolation  is  more  general  than 
even  in  those  parts  ol  .Mexico  and  Peru  of  which  the 
Spaniards  have  taken  most  full  possession. 

But  the  establishments  of  the  Spaniards  in  the  New 
World,  though  fatal  to  its  ancient  inhabitants,  were 
made  at  a  period  when  that  monarchy  was  capable  ol 
forming  them  to  best  advantage.  By  the  union  of  all 
its  petty  kingdoms,  Spain  was  become  a  powerful  stale, 
equal  to  so  great  an  undertaking.  Its  monarchs,  hav- 
ing extended  their  prorogatives  far  beyond  the  limits 
which  once  circumscribed  the  regal  power  in  every 
kingdom  of  Europe,  were  hardly  subject  to  control, 
either  in  concerting  or  in  executing  their  measures. 
In  every  wide-extended  empire,  the  form  of  govern- 
ment must  be  simple,  and  the  sovereign  authority  such, 
that  its  resolutions  may  be  taken  with  promptitude,  a.nd 
may  pervade  the  whole  with  sufficient  force.  Such 
was  the  power  of  the  Spanish  monarchs  when  they 
were  called  to  deliberate  concerning  the  mode  ol 
establishing  their  dominions  over  the  most  remote  pro- 
vinces which  had  ever  been  subjected  to  any  European 
state.  In  this  deliberation,  they  felt  themselves  uiidei 
no  constitutional  restraint,  and  that,  as  independent 
masters  of  their  own  resolves,  they  might  issue  the 
edicts  requisite  for  modelling  the  government  of  the 
new  colonies,  by  a  mere  act  of  prerogative. 

This  early  interposition  of  the  Spanish  crown,  m 
order  to  regulate  the  pobcy  and  trade  of  its  colonics, 
is  a  peculiarity  which  distinguishes  their  progress  from 
that  of  the  colonics  of  any  other  European  nation. 
\\'hcn  the  Portuguese,  the  English,  and  French  took 
possession  of  the  regions  in  America  which  they  nov 
occupy,  the  advantages  which  these  promised  to  yield 
were  so  remote  and  uncertain,  that  their  colonies  weie 
suffered  to  struggle  through  a  hard  infancy,  ahiieit 
without  guidance  or  protection  from  the  parent  stale. 
But  gold  and  silver,  the  first  productions  of  the  Spsiiish 
settlements  in  the  New  World,  were  more  alluring,  and 
immediately  attracted  the  attention  of  their  monarchs. 
Though  they  had  contributed  little  to  the  discovery,  and 
almost  nothing  to  the  conquest  of  the  New  \\"orld,  they 
instantly  assumed  the  function  of  its  legislators  ;  and 
having  acquired  a  species  of  dominion  formerly  un- 
known, they  formed  a  plan  for  exercising  it,  to  which 
nothing  similar  occurs  in  the  history  of  human  affairs. 

The  fundamental  maxim  of  the  S|)anish  jurispru- 
dence, wilh  respect  to  America,  is  to  consider  what  lias 
been  acquired  there  as  vested  in  the  crown,  rather  than 
in  the  state.  By  the  bull  of  Alexander  \'I.,  on  which, 
as  its  great  charter,  Spain  founded  its  right,  all  the  re- 
gions that  had  been  or  should  be  discovered  were 
bestowed  as  a  free  gift  upon  Ferdinand  and  Isabella. 
They  and  their  successors  were  uniformly  held  to  l>»* 
the  universal  proprietors  of  the  vast  territories  which 
the  arms  of  their  subjects  conquered  in  the  New  World. 
From  them  all  grants  of  land  there  flowed,  and  to  ihcin 
ihey  finally  returned.  The  leaders  who  conducted  llw 
various  expeditions,  the  governors  who  prcsideil  over 
the  different  colonies,  the  oflicers  of  justice,  and  iho 
ministers  of  religion,  were  all  appointed  by  their  aullio- 
rity,  and  rcmoveable  at  their  pleasure,  'i  hc  people 
who  composed  infant  settlements  were  entitled  to  no 
privileges  independent  of  the  sovereign,  or  that  served 
as  a  barrier  against  the  power  of  the  crown.  It  is  true, 
that  when  towns  were  built,  and  formed  into  boilies 
corporate,  the  citizens  were  permitted  to  elect  Iheir 
own  magistrates,  who  governed  them  by  laws  which 
the  community  enacted.  Even  in  the  most  dc.s|)Otic 
states,  this  feeble  spark  of  libcriy  is  not  eilinguished. 
But  in  the  cities  of  Spanish  America,  this  jurisdiction 
is  merelv  municipal,  and  is  confined  to  the  regulation 
of  their  own  interior  commerce  and  jiolicc.  In  what- 
ever relates  to  public  government,  and  the  general  in- 
terest, the  will  of  the  sovereign  is  law.  No  political 
power  originates  from  the  people  All  centres  in  t!iO 
crown,  and  m  the  ollicers  of  its  nomination. 

When  lUu  conc^uusls  of  the  Spaniards  in  Aii'.sr.c* 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


ICl 


were  completed,  ihcir  monarohs,  in  forming  the  plan  of 
inti'rnal  policy  for  their  new  dominions,  divided  ihem 
iiilo  two  nnniense  governments,  one  subject  to  the 
viceroy  of  New  Spain,  the  other  to  the  viceroy  of 
Peru.  'I'lie  jurisdiction  of  the  former  extended  over 
all  the  jirovinces  belonging  to  Spain  in  the  northern 
division  of  the  American  continent.  Under  that  of  the 
latter,  v\'as  comprt liendcd  whatever  she  possessed  in 
South  America.  'J'his  arrangement,  which,  from  the 
beginning,  was  attended  with  many  inconveniencies, 
uecame  intolerable  when  the  remote  jirovinces  of  each 
viceroyalty  began  to  improve  in  industry  and  po|)u!a- 
tion,  'I'he  people  complained  of  their  subjection  to  a 
superior,  whose  place  of  residence  was  so  distant,  or 
so  inaccessible,  as  almost  excluded  them  from  any  in 
lercourse  with  the  scat  of  government.  'I'he  authority 
of  the  viceroy  over  districts  so  far  removed  from  his  own 
eye  and  observation,  was  unavoidably  botli  feeble  and  ill 
directed.  As  a  remedy  for  those  evils,  a  third  vice- 
royaltv  has  been  established  in  the  present  century,  at 
Santa  Fe  de  Bogota,  the  capital  of  the  new  kingdom  of 
Granada,  the  jurisdiction  of  which  extends  over  the 
whole  kingdom  of  Tierra  Firme  and  the  province  of 
Quito.  'J'hose  viceroys  not  only  represent  the  person 
of  iheir  sovereign,  but  possess  his  regal  prerogatives 
within  the  ^)recincts  of  their  own  governments  in  their 
utmost  extent.  Like  him,  they  exercise  supreme  au- 
thority in  every  department  of  government,  civil,  mili- 
tary, and  criminal.  They  have  the  sole  right  of  nomi- 
nating the  persons  who  hold  many  offices  of  the  highest 
importance,  and  the  occasional  privilege  of  sujiplying 
those  which,  when  they  become  vacant  by  death,  arc  in 
the  royal  gift,  until  the  successor  appointed  by  the 
king  shall  arrive.  The  external  pomp  of  their  govern- 
ment is  suited  to  its  real  dignity  and  power.  Their 
courts  are  formed  upon  the  model  of  that  of  Ma- 
drid, with  horse  and  foot  guards,  a  household  regularly 
established,  numerous  attendants,  and  ensigns  of  coin- 
mind,  displaying  such  magnificence  as  hardly  retains 
tne  appearance  of  delegated  authority. 

But  ap  the  viceroys  cannot  discharge  in  person  the 
functions  of  a  supreme  magistrate  in  every  part  of  their 
extensive  jurisdiction,  they  are  aided  in  their  govern- 
ment by  officers  aud  tribunals  similar  to  those  in  Sjiain. 
The  cot  duct  of  civil  affairs  in  the  var  ous  provinces  and 
districtf,  into  which  the  Spanish  dominions  in  Ame- 
rica are  divided,  is  cominitt;d  to  magistrates  of  various 
orders  end  denominations  ;  some  appointed  by  the  king, 
others  by  the  viceroy,  but  all  subject  to  the  command 
of  the  latter,  and  amenable  to  his  jurisdiction.  The 
sdmini  itration  of  justice  is  vested  in  tribunals,  known 
by  the  name  of  Audioices,  and  formed  upon  the  model 
01  the  court  of  Chancery  in  Spain.  These  are  eleven 
in  number,  and  dispense  justice  to  as  many  districts 
into  \\  Inch  the  Spanish  dominions  in  America  are  di- 
vided fl'/O]  I'he  number  of  judges  in  the  Court  of 
Audience  is  various,  according  to  the  extent  and  im- 
portajice  of  their  jurisdiction.  The  station  is  no  less 
honcvuble  than  lucrative,  and  is  commonly  filled  by 
persons  of  such  abilities  and  merit  as  render  this  tri- 
bunal extremely  respectable.  Both  civil  and  criminal 
canacis  come  under  their  cognizance,  and  for  each  pe- 
culiar judges  are  set  apart.  Though  it  is  only  in  the 
most  despotic  governments  that  the  sovereign  exercises 
m  person  the  formidable  prerogative  of  administering 
justice  to  his  subjects,  and,  in  absolving  or  condemn- 
\  ing,  consults  no  law  but  what  is  deposited  in  his  own 
breast;  though,  in  all  the  monarchies  of  Europe,  ju- 
dicial authority  is  committed  to  the  ir.agistrates,  whose 
decisions  are  regulated  by  known  laws  and  established 
forms ;  the  Spanish  viceroys  have  often  attem|)ted  to 
intrude  themselves  into  the  seat  of  justice,  and,  with  an 
ambition  which  their  distance  from  the  control  of  a 
superior  rendered  bold,  have  aspired  at  a  power  which 
ihi'ir  mastc  does  not  venture  to  assume.  In  order  to 
check  a  usurj  ation  which  must  have  annihilated  iuslice 
and  security  in  the  Spanish  colonies,  in  subjecting  the 
lives  and  property  of  all  to  tlie  will  of  a  single  man,  the 
viceroy:-  liave  been  prohibited  in  the  most  ex])licit 
terms,  by  repeated  laws,  from  interfering  in  the  judicial 
proceedings  of  the  Courts  of  Audience,  or  from  de- 
livering an  opinion,  or  giviiig  a  voice,  with  respect  to 
any  ooint  lit  gated  before  them.  In  some  particular 
cases,  in  whic  i  any  question  of  civil  right  is  involved, 
tveii  the  political  regujations  of  the  viceroy  may  be 
Drought  under  the  review  of  the  Court  of  Audience, 
which  in  those  instances  may  bo  deemed  an  inter- 
mediate power  placed  between  him  and  the  people,  as 
a  constitutional  barrier  to  circumscribe  his  jurisdiction. 
Oul  as  legal  restraints  on  a  person  who  represents  the 
iovereign,  and  is  clothed  with  his  authoritv,  are  little 
lulled  to  iLt  gemwS  of  Spanish  policy  ■  tlifl  Lcsitatiou 

12 


and  reserve  with  which  it  confers  this  power  on  the 
Courts  of  Audience  are  remarkable.  They  may  advisee, 
they  may  remonstrate  ;  but,  in  the  event  of  a  direct 
collision  between  their  opinion  and  the  will  of  the  vice- 
roy, what  he  determines  must  be  earned  into  execution, 
and  nothing  remains  for  them,  but  to  lay  the  matter 
before  the  king  and  the  (Council  of  the  Indies.  But  to 
be  entitled  to  remonstrate,  and  inform  against  a  person 
before  whom  all  others  must  be  silent,  and  tamely  sub 
mit  to  his  decrees,  is  a  privilege  which  adds  dignity  to 
the  Courts  of  Audience.  This  is  further  augmented 
by  anotiier  circumstance.  Upon  the  death  of  a  vice- 
roy, without  any  provision  of  a  successor  by  the  king 
the  supreme  power  is  vested  in  the  Court  of  Audience 
resident  in  the  capital  of  the  viceroyalty  ;  and  the  senior 
judge,  assisted  by  his  brethren,  exercises  all  the  func- 
tions of  the  viceroy  while  the  office  continues  vacant. 
In  matters  which  come  under  the  cognizance  of  the 
Audiences,  in  the  course  of  their  ordinary  jurisdiction, 
as  courts  of  justice,  their  sentences  are  final  in  every 
litigation  concerning  property  of  less  value  than  six 
thousand  pesos  ;  but  when  the  subject  in  dispute  ex- 
ceeds that  sum,  their  decisions  are  subject  to  review, 
and  may  be  carried  by  appeal  before  the  royal  Council 
of  the  Indies. 

In  this  council,  one  of  the  most  considerable  in  the 
monarchy  for  dignity  and  power,  is  vested  the  supremo 
government  of  all  the  Spanish  dominions  in  America. 
It  was  first  established  by  Ferdinand  in  the  year  1511, 
and  brought  into  a  more  perfect  form  by  Charles  V.  in 
the  year  1524.  Its  jurisdiction  extends  to  every  de- 
partment, ecclesiastical,  civil,  military,  and  commer- 
cial. All  laws  and  ordinances  relative  to  the  govern- 
ment and  police  of  the  colonies  originate  there,  and 
must  be  approved  of  by  two-thirds  of  the  members  be- 
fore they  are  issued  in  the  name  of  tlie  king.  All  the 
offices,  of  which  the  nomination  is  reserved  to  the 
crown,  are  conferred  in  this  council.  To  it  each  per- 
son employed  in  America,  from  the  vicer-oy  downwards, 
is  accountable.  It  reviews  their  conduct,  rewards  their 
services,  and  inflicts  the  punishments  due  to  their  mal- 
versations. Before  it  is  laid  whatever  intelligence, 
either  public  or  secret,  is  received  from  America  ;  and 
every  scheme  of  improving  the  administration,  the  po- 
lice, or  the  commerce  of  the  colonies,  is  submitted  to 
its  consideration.  From  the  first  institution  of  the 
•Council  of  the  Indies,  it  has  been  the  constant  object 
of  the  Catholic  monarchs  to  maintain  its  authority,  and 
to  make  such  additions  from  time  to  time,  both  to  its 
power  and  its  splendor,  as  might  render  it  formidable 
to  all  their  subjects  in  the  Now  World.  Whatever 
degree  of  public  order  and  virtue  still  remains  in  that 
country,  where  so  many  circumstances  conspire  to  relax 
the  former,  and  to  corrupt  the  latter,  may  be  ascribed  in 
a  great  measure  to  the  wise  regulations  and  vigilant 
inspection  of  this  respectable  tribunal. 

As  the  king  is  supposed  to  be  always  present  in  his 
Council  of  the  Indies,  its  meetings  are  held  in  the  place 
where  he  resides.  Another  tribunal  has  been  instituted 
in  order  to  regulate  such  commercial  affairs,  as  required 
the  immediate  and  personal  inspection  of  those  ap- 
pointed to  superintend  them.  This  is  called  Casa  dela 
Coiitra/acion,  or  the  house  of  trade,  and  was  established 
in  Seville,  the  port  to  which  commerce  with  the  New 
World  was  confined,  ae  early  as  the  year  1501.  It 
may  be  considered  both  as  a  board  of  trade,  and  as  a 
court  of  judicature.  In  the  former  capacity  it  takes 
cognizance  of  whatever  relates  to  the  intercourse  of 
Spain  with  America,  it  regulates  what  commodities 
should  be  exported  thither,  and  has  the  inspection  of 
such  as  are  received  in  return.  It  decides  concernin'T 
the  departure  of  the  fleets  for  the  West  Indies,  the 
freight  and  burden  of  the  ships,  their  equipment  and 
destination.  In  the  latter  capacity,  it  judges  with 
respect  to  every  question,  civil,  commercial,  or  crimi- 
nal, arising  in  consequence  of  the  transactions  of 
Spam  with  America  ;  and  in  both  these  departments 
i  s  decisions  are  exempted  from  the  review  of  any  court 
but  that  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies. 

Such  is  the  great  outline  of  that  system  of  govern- 
ment which  Spain  has  established  in  her  American 
colonics.  To  enumerate  the  various  subordinate  boards 
and  officers  employed  ;n  the  administration  of  justice, 
in  collecting  the  public  revenue,  and  in  regulating  the 
interior  police  of  the  country  ;  to  describe  their  differ- 
ent functions,  and  to  inquire  into  the  mode  and  effect 
of  their  operations  ;  would  prove  a  detail  no  less  intri- 
cate than  minute  and  uninteresting. 

The  first  object  of  the  Spanish  monarchs  was  to  se- 
cure the  productions  of  the  colonies  to  the  parent  stale, 
by  an  absolute  prohibition  of  any  intercourse  with 
forcijju  nations.    They  took  possession  of  America  by 


right  of  conquest,  and  conscious  not  only  of  the  fcebl'v 
ru;ss  of  their  infant  settlements,  but  aware  of  the  dif- 
ficulty in  establishing  their  dominion  over  regions  so 
exteiKsivc,  or  in  retaining  so  many  reluctant  nations 
under  the  yoke,  they  dreaded  the  intrusion  of  strangers  ; 
they  even  shunned  their  inspection,  and  endeavored  to 
keep  them  ai  a  distance  from  their  coasts.    This  spirit 
of  jealousy  and  exclusion,  which  at  first  was  natural, 
and  perhaps  necessary,  augmented  as  their  possessions 
in  America  extended,  and  the  value  of  them  came  to 
be  more  fully  understood.    In  consequence  of  it,  a 
system  of  colonizing  was  introduced,  to  which  there  had 
hitherto  been  nothing  similar  among  mankind.    In  the 
ancient  world,  it  was  not  uncommon  to  send  forth  co- 
lonies.   But  they  were  of  two  kinds  only.    They  were 
either  mirations,  which  served  to  disburden  a  state  of 
its  supernuons  subjects,  vkhen  they  multiplied  too  fast 
for  the  territory  which  thev  occupied  ;  or  they  were 
military  detachments,  stationed  as  garrisons  in  a  corv- 
quered  province.    'I'he  colonics  of  some  Creek  repub- 
lics, and  the  swarms  of  northern  barbarians  which  set- 
tled 111  different  parts  of  Europe,  were  of  the  first  spe- 
cies.   The  Roman  colonies  were  of  the  second.  In 
the  former,  the  connection  with  the  mother  country 
quickly  ceased,  and  they  became  independent  states. 
In  the  latter,  as  the  disjunction  was  not  complcto,  the 
dependence  continued.  In  their  American  settlements, 
the  Spanish  monarchs  took  what  was  peculiar  to  each, 
and  studied  to  unite  them.    By  sending  colonies  to 
regions  so  remote,  by  establishing  in  each  a  form  ol 
inferior  [lolicy  and  administration,  under  distinct  go- 
vernors, and  with  peculiar  laws,  they  disjoined  them 
from  the  mother  country.     By  retaining  in  their  own 
hands  the  rights  of  legislation,  as  well  as  that  of  im- 
posing taxes,  together  with  the  power  of  nominating 
tho  persons  who  filled  every  department  of  executive 
government,  civil  or  military,  they  secured  their  de- 
pendence upon  tho  parent  stale.     Happily  for  Spain, 
the  situation  of  her  colonies  was  such  as  rendered  it 
possible  to  reduce  this  new  idea  into  practice.  Almost 
all  tho  countries  which  she  had  discovered  and  occu- 
pied, lay  within  the  tropics.    The  productions  of  that 
large  portion  of  the  globe  are  different  from  those  of 
Europe,  even  in  its  most  soiithe-rn  provinces.  Thu 
qualities  of  the  climate  and  of  the  soil  naturally  tuiu 
the  industry  of  such  as  settle  there  into  new  chauni'U. 
When   the  Spaniards  first  took  possession  of  their 
dominions   in   America,  the  precious  metals  which 
they  yielded   were  the  only    oliject   that  attricteil 
their  attention.      Even  when  their  efforts  began  to 
take  a  better  direction,  they  employed  themselves 
almost  wholly  in  rearing  such  peculiar  productions 
of  the  climate  as,  from  their  rarity  or  value,  were 
of  ch  .;f  demand  in  the  mother    country.  Allured 
by  vast   prospects  of  immediate  wealth,    they  dis- 
dained to  waste  thoir  industry  on  what   was  less 
ucrative,  but  of  su])erior  moment.     In  order  to  rendei 
it  impossible  to  correct  this  error,  and  to  [irevent  them 
from  making  any  efforts  in  industry  which  might  inter- 
fere with  those  of  the  mother  country,  the  establish- 
ment of  several  species  of  manufactures,  and  even  the 
culture  of  the  vine  or  olivo,  are  prohibited  in  the  Spa- 
nish colonies,   [171]  under  severe  [lenaltios.  Tfiey 
must  trust  entirely  to  the  mother  country  for  the  ob- 
jects of  primary  necessity.    Their  clothes,  their  furni- 
ture, their  instruments  of  labor,  their  luxuries,  and  even 
a  considerable  part  of  the  provisions  which  they  con- 
sume were  imported  from  Spain.    During  a  great  part 
of  the  sixteenth  century,  Spain,  possessing  an  extensive 
commerce  and  flourishing  manufactures,  could  supply 
with  ease  the  growing  demands  of  her  colonies  from 
her  own  stores.    The  produce  of  their  mines  and  plan- 
tations was  given  in  exchange  for  these.    But  all  that 
the  colonies  received,  as  well  as  all  that  they  gave,  w  us 
conveyed  in  Spanish  bottoms.    No  vessel  belonging  to 
the  colonies  was  ever  permitted  to  carry  tho  coniiniidi- 
ties  of  America  to  Europe.    Even  the  commercial  in- 
tercourse of  one  colony  with  another  was  either  abso- 
lutely prohibited,  or  limited  by  many  jealous  restric- 
tions.   All  that  America  yields  flows  into  the  ports  ol 
Spain  ;  all  that  it  consumes  must  issue  from  them.  No 
foreigner  can  enter  its  colonies  without  express  per- 
mission ;  no  vessel  of  any  foreign  nation  is  received 
into  their  harbors  ;  and  the  pains  of  death,  with  confis- 
cation of  moveables,  are  denounced  against  every  inha- 
tntant  who  presumes  to  trade  v^ith  them.    Thus  tho 
colonies  are  kept  in  a  state  of  perpetual  pupilage  ;  and 
by  the  introduction  of  this  commercial  dependence,  a 
lefinement  in  policy  of  which  Spain  set  the  first  exam- 
ple to  European  nations,  the  supremacy  of  the  parent 
state  hath  been  maintained  over  remote  colonics  during 
two  ccului'ico  and  a  LiilJ. 


169 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


Such  are  the  capital  maxims  to  which  the  Spanish 
mouarchs  secin  o  have  attended  in  forming  their  new 
■rttlcmciits  in  America.  But  ihcy  could  not  plant  with 
ihc  same  rnpidfty  tliat  ihcy  iiad  destroyed  ;  and  from 
manv  concurnn<j  causes,  their  progress  has  been  ex- 
irtmelv  slow  in  tilhn^  up  the  immense  void  which  their 
devastations  had  occasioned.  As  soon  as  the  rage  for 
discovery  and  adventure  began  to  abate,  the  Spaniards 
opened  their  ryes  to  dangers  and  distresses  which  at 
first  they  did  not  [lerceive.  or  had  despised.  The  nu- 
merous hardships  with  which  the  members  of  infant 
colonies  have  to  struggle,  the  diseases  of  unwholesome 
climates  fatal  to  the  constitution  of  Europeans ;  the 
tlitliculty  of  bringing  a  country  covered  with  forests 
into  culture  ;  the  want  of  hands  necessary  for  labor  m 
eoiRB  provinces,  and  tiie  slow  reward  of  industry  in 
all,  unless  where  the  accidental  discovery  of  mines 
enriched  a  few  fortunate  adventurers,  were  evils  uni- 
versally felt  and  magmlicd.  Discouraged  by  the  view 
of  these,  the  spirit  of  migration  was  so  much  damped, 
that  sixty  years  after  the  discovery  of  the  New  \\  orld, 
the  number  of  Spaniards  in  all  its  provinces  is  com- 
puted not  to  have  exceeded  fifteen  thousand.  [172] 

The  mode  in  which  property  was  distributed  in  the 
Spanish  colonies,  and  the  regulations  established  with 
respect  to  the  transmission  of  it,  whether  by  descent 
or  by  sale,  were  extremely  unfavorable  to  po[iulatioii. 
In  order  to  promote  a  rap:d  increase  of  [)eo[ile  in  any 
new  settlement,  properly  in  land  ought  to  be  divided  into 
small  shares,  and  the  alienation  of  it  should  be  rendered 
extremely  easy.  But  the  rapaciousness  of  the  Spanish 
conquerors  of  the  New  World  paid  no  regard  to  this 
fundamental  maxim  of  policy  ;  and,  as  they  possessed 
power  which  enabled  them  to  gratify  the  utmost  extra- 
vagance of  their  wishes,  many  seized  districts  of  great 
extent,  and  held  them  as  encomicndas.  By  degrees 
they  obtained  the  privilege  of  converting  a  part  of  these 
into  Mayorasgos,  a  species  of  tief,  introduced  into  the 
Spanish  system  of  feudal  jurisprudence,  which  can 
neither  be  divided  nor  alienated.  Thus  a  great  portion 
of  landed  properly,  under  this  rigid  form  of  entail,  is 
withheld  from  circulation,  and  descends  from  father  to 
bon  unimproved,  and  of  little  value  either  to  the  pro- 
prietor, or  to  the  community.  In  the  account  which  I 
have  given  of  the  reduction  of  Peru,  various  examples 
occur  of  enormous  tracts  of  country  occupied  by  some 
of  the  conquerors.  The  excesses  in  other  provinces 
were  similar ;  for,  as  the  value  of  the  lands  which  the 
Spaniards  acquired  was  originally  estimated  according 
to  the  number  of  Indians  which  lived  upon  them,  Ame- 
rica was  in  general  so  thinly  jieopled,  that  only  districts 
of  great  extent  could  aliord  such  a  nuinlier  of  laborers 
as  might  be  employed  in  the  mines  with  any  prospect 
of  considerable  gain.  The  pernicious  eflccts  of  those 
radical  errors  in  the  distribution  and  nature  of  properly 
in  the  Spanish  settlements  are  felt  through  every  de- 
partment of  industry,  and  may  be  considered  as  one 
great  cause  of  a  progress  in  jiopubtion  so  much  slower 
than  that  which  has  taken  place  in  better  coii:stitute<i 
colonies.  [173] 

To  this  we  may  add,  that  the  support  of  the  enor- 
mous and  expensive  fabric  of  their  ecclesiastical  esta- 
blishment has  been  a  burden  on  the  Spanish  colonies, 
which  has  greatly  retarded  the  progress  of  pojiulati-jn 
and  industry.  The  payment  of  tubes  is  a  heavy  tax 
on  industry  :  and  if  the  exaction  of  them  be  not  regu- 
lated and  circumscribed  by  the  wisdom  of  the  civii 
magistrate,  it  becomes  intolerable  and  ruino'js.  But, 
instead  of  any  restraint  on  the  clairris  of  ecclesiastics, 
the  inconsiderate  zeal  of  the  S|)anisli  legislators  admit- 
ted them  into  .\merica  in  their  full  extent,  and  at  once 
imposed  on  their  infant  colonies  a  burden  which  is  in 
no  slight  degree  oppressive  to  society,  even  in  its  most 
improved  state.  As  early  as  the  year  1  .'30 1 ,  the  jjay- 
nient  of  tithes  in  the  colo'iics  was  enjoinid,  and  ;lic 
mode  of  it  regulated  by  law.  Every  article  of  primary 
necessity,  tov.ords  which  the  attention  of  new  settlers 
n":s'.  lidturally  be  turned,  is  subjected  to  that  grievous 
exaction.  Nor  were  the  demands  of  the  clergy  con- 
fined to  articles  of  simple  and  easy  culture.  Its  more 
arlilicial  and  operose  productions,  such  as  sugar,  indigo, 
ond  cochineal,  were  soon  declared  to  be  titheable  ; 
and  thus  the  industry  of  the  planter  was  taxed  in  every 
Btage  of  Its  progress,  from  its  rudest  essav  to  its  high- 
est improvement.  To  the  weight  of  this  legal  iinposi- 
l:on,  the  bigotry  of  the  American  .Spaniards  has  made 
jnaiiy  voluntary  additions.  From  their  fond  delight  in 
the  external  pomp  and  parade  of  religion,  and  from 
Huperstitioiis  reverence  for  ecclesiastics  of  every  deno- 
Iiiination,  they  have  bestowed  profuse  donatives  on 
churches  and  monastaries,  and  have  unprofitably  wasted 
t  lar){e  pro^rlioii  of  Uiul  wealth,  which  mi^^hl  have 


nourished  and  given  vigor  to  productive  labor  in  grow- 
ing colonics. 

But  so  fertile  and  inviting  are  the  regions  of  Ame- 
rica, which  the  .Spaniards  have  occupied,  that,  notwith- 
standing all  the  circumstances  which  have  checked 
and  retarded  population,  it  has  gradually  increased, 
and  filled  the  colonies  of  Spain  with  citizens  of  various 
orders.  Among  these,  the  Spaniards  who  arrive  from 
Europe,  distinguished  by  the  name  of  Chapctoncs,  are 
the  first  in  rank  and  power.  From  the  jealous  atten- 
tion of  the  Spanish  court  to  secure  the  dependence  of  the 
colonies  on  the  parent  state,  all  departments  of  conse- 
quence are  filled  by  persons  sent  from  Europe  ;  and  in 
order  to  jirevtnt  any  of  dubious  fidelity  fr^m  be  ng  em- 
ployed, each  must  bring  proof  of  a  clear  descent  from 
a  family  of  Old  Chrislians,  untainted  with  any  mixture 
of  Jewish  or  Mahometan  blood,  and  never  disgraced 
by  any  censure  of  the  Inquisition.  In  such  pure  hands 
power  is  deemed  to  be  safely  lodged,  and  almost  every 
function,  from  the  viceroyalty  downwards,  is  committed 
to  them  alone.  Every  person,  who,  by  his  birth  or  re- 
sidence in  America,  may  be  suspected  of  any  attach- 
ment or  interest  adverse  to  the  mother  country,  is  the 
object  of  distrust  to  such  a  degree,  as  amounts  nearly 
to  an  exclusion  from  all  otficcs  of  confidence  or  autho- 
rity. [174]  By  this  conspicuous  predilectic.i  of  the 
court,  the  Chapetones  are  raised  to  such  pre-enij.npnce 
in  America,  that  they  look  down  with  disdain  upon 
every  other  order  of  men. 

The  character  and  state  of  the  Creoles,  or  descend- 
ants of  Europeans  settled  in  America,  the  second  class 
of  subjects  in  the  Spanish  colonies,  have  enabled  the 
C'liapetones  to  acquire  other  advantages  hardly  less 
considerable  than  those  which  they  derived  from  the 
partial  favor  of  government.  Though  some  of  the  Cre- 
olian  race  are  descended  from  the  conquerors  of  the 
New  World  ;  though  others  can  trace  up  their  pedigree 
to  the  noblest  families  in  Spain  ;  though  many  are  pos- 
se.'ised  of  ample  fortunes  ;  yet.  by  the  enervating  infiu- 
eiice  of  a  sultry  climate,  by  tha  rigor  of  a  jealous  go- 
vernment, and  by  their  despair  of  attaining  that  dis- 
tinction to  which  mankind  naturally  aspire,  the  vigor  of 
their  minds  is  so  entirely  broken,  tliat  a  great  part  of 
them  vvaste  life  in  luxurious  indulgences,  mingled  with 
an  illiberal  superstition  still  more  debasing. 

Languid  and  unenterprising,  the  operttions  of  an  ac- 
tive extended  commerce  would  be  to  them  ao  cumber- 
some and  oppressive,  thai  in  almost  ev^ry  part  of  Ame- 
rica they  decline  engaging  in  it.  The  interior  traffic  rf 
every  colony,  as  well  as  any  trade  which  is  permittej 
with  the  neighboring  provinces,  and  with  Spain  itself, 
is  carried  on  ehietly  by  the  Chapetones  ;  who,  as  the 
recompense  of  their  industry,  amass  immense  wealth, 
while  the  Creoles,  sunk  in  sloth,  are  satisfied  with  the 
revenues  of  their  paternal  estates. 

From  this  staled  competition  for  power  and  wealth 
between  those  two  orders  of  citizens,  and  the  various 
passions  excited  by  a  rivalship  so  interesting,  thoir 
hatred  is  violent  and  implacable.  On  every  occasion, 
synijitoms  of  this  aversion  break  out,  and  the  common 
appellations  which  each  bestows  on  the  other  are  as 
conleniptuous  as  those  which  flow  from  the  most  deep- 
rooted  national  antipathy.  Tiie  court  of  Spain,  from  a 
iefmeinent  of  distrustful  jiolicy,  cherishes  those  scius 
ol  discord,  and  foments  this  mutual  jealousy,  which  not 
o::I;"  prcsist?  I  he  tw  o  most  powerful  classes  of  its  sub- 
ijftCis  iU  '.L?  r-'ev;  ^^'orld  from  combining  against  the 
paro  it  5t3(<^,  hut  prompts  each,  with  tlie  most  vigilant 
zcai,  to  observe  t.he  motions  and  to  counteract  ihc 
schemes  of  the  other. 

The  third  class  of  inhabitants  in  the  Spanish  colonies 
is  a  inix.id  race,  the  ollspring  cidier  of  a  European  and 
a  Negro,  or  of  a  European  and  Indian,  the  former 
called  M'lltilfiie.i,  the  latter  .Vcslizu.t.  As  the  court  of 
S],ain,  solicitous  to  incorporate  its  new  vassals  with  its 
ancient  sulijecis,  early  encouraged  the  Spaniards  settled 
in  America  to  marry  the  natives  of  that  country, 
several  alliances  of  this  kind  were  formed  in  their  in- 
fant colonies.  But  it  has  been  more  owing  to  licen- 
tious indul^'ciice,  than  to  compliance  wilh  this  injunc- 
tion of  their  sovereigns,  that  this  mixed  breed  has  multi- 
plied so  greatly  as  to  constitute  a  considerable  part  of 
the  population  in  all  the  Spanish  settlements.  The 
several  stages  of  descent  in  this  race,  and  the  gradual 
variations  of  shade  uiilil  the  .Vfrican  black  or  the  copper 
color  of  America  brighten  into  a  European  complexion, 
are  accurately  marked  by  the  Spaniards,  and  each  dis- 
tinguished by  a  peculiar  name.  Those  of  the  first  and 
second  generations  are  considered  and  treated  as  mere 
Indians  and  Negroes ;  but  in  the  third  descent,  the 
characteristic  hue  of  the  former  disajipears ;  and  in  thi' 
filth,  the  deeper  lint  of  llic  latter  is  »o  entirely  ctlacud, 


that  they  can  no  longer  be  distinguished  frjm  Europe- 
ans, and  become  entitled  to  all  their  privileges.  It  it 
chiefly  by  this  mixed  race,  whose  frame  is  remarkai  lv 
robust  and  hardy,  that  the  mechanic  arts  are  earned  c 
in  the  .Spanish  settlements,  and  other  active  functiotis 
in  society  are  discharged,  which  the  two  higher  classes 
of  citizens,  from  pride,  or  from  indolence,  disdain  tc 
exercise. 

The  Negroes  hold  tiie  fo-irth  rank  among  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  Spanish  coloniet     The  introduction  d. 
that  unhappy  part  of  the  human  species  into  America 
to,^cther  wilh  their  services  and  sufferings  there,  shil 
be  fully  exjilained  in  another  place  ;  here  they  arc 
meationed  chiefly  in  order  to  point  out  a  peculiarity  in 
their  situation  under  the  .Spanish  dominion.    In  sever, 
of  their  settlements,  particularly  in  New  Spain,  .N. 
grois  are  mostly  employed  in  domestic  service.  Tl.' 
form  a  princ.pal  part  in  the  train  of  luxury,  and  .-. 
cher  shed  and  caressed  by  their  superiors,  to  wIju 
vanity  and  pleasures   they  are  equally  subservie:. 
Their  dress  and  appearance  are  hardly  less  spleini 
than  that  of  their  masters,  whose  manners  they  iinita:- 
and  whose  passions  they  imbibe.    Elevated  by  this  li 
tine  ion,  they  have  assumed  such  a  tone  of  superior 
ovei  the  Indians,  and  treat  them  with  such  insolci. 
and  scorn,  that  the  antipathy  between  the  two  races  has 
become  implacable.    Even  in  I'eru,  where  Negroes 
seem  lo  be  more  numerous,  and  are  emjiloyed  in  field 
work  as  well  as  domestic  service,  they  mainlam  thcit 
ascendant  over  the  Indians,  and  the  mutual  hatred  of 
one  to  the  other  subsists  with  equal  violence.  The 
laws  have  industriously  fomented  this  aversion,  to 
which  accident  gave  rise,  and,  by  most  rigorous  injunc- 
tions, have  endeavored  to  prevent  every  intercourse 
that  might  form  a  bond  of  union  between  the  two  races 
Thus,  by  an  artful  policy,  the  Spaniards  derive  sirenoth 
from  that  circumstance  in  population  which  is  the  weak 
ness  of  other  European  colonies,  and  have  secured,  at 
associates  and  defenders,  those  very  persons  who  else- 
where are  objects  of  jealousy  and  terror. 

The  Indians  form  the  last  and  most  dcpres.seil  nrdei 
of  men  in  the  country  which  belonged  to  their  ancestors. 
I  have  already  traced  the  progress  of  the  Spanish  ideas 
with  respect  to  the  condition  and  treatment  of  that  peo- 
ple ;  and  have  mentioned  the  most  important  of  their 
more  early  regulations,  concerning  a  matter  of  so  much 
consequence  m  the  administration  of  their  new  domi- 
nions But  since  the  period  to  which  I  have  bronybt 
down  the  history  of  America,  the  information  and  ex- 
perience acc;'.;ired  during  two  centuries  have  enabled 
the  court  of  Spain  to  make  such  improvements  u.  Uiis 
part  of  its  American  system,  that  a  short  view  of  the 
present  condition  of  the  Indians  may  prove  both  cunous 
and  interesting. 

By  the  famous  regulations  of  Charles  V.  in  1542. 
which  have  been  so  often  mentioned,  the  high  picten- 
sions  of  the  conquerors  of  the  New  World,  who  con- 
sidered Its  inhabitants  as  slaves  to  vshosc  servici  thuj 
had  acquired  a  full  right  of  property,  were  finally  abro- 
gated. From  that  period,  the  Indians  have  bet  u  re- 
puted freemen,  and  entitled  to  the  privileges  of  sub- 
jects. When  admitted  into  this  rank,  it  was  deemed 
just  ihut  they  should  contiibutc  towards  the  support  and 
iinproveinent  of  the  society  which  had  adopted  them  na 
members.  But  as  no  considerable  benefit  could  be  ii- 
peeled  from  the  voluntary  efforts  of  men  unacquainted 
with  regular  industry,  and  averse  to  labor,  the  court  ol 
Spain  found  it  necessary  to  fix  and  secure,  by  proper 
regulations,  what  it  thought  reasonable  to  exact  froia 
them.  With  this  view,  an  annual  tax  was  im|ioscd 
upon  every  male,  from  the  age  of  eighteen  to  fifty  ;  and 
at  the  Siiiiie  time  the  nature  as  well  as  the  cxieiit  of  the 
services,  which  they  might  be  required  to  perPinn,  was 
ascertained  with  precision.  This  tribute  varies  in  dif- 
ferent provinces  ;  but  if  we  take  that  pai*!  in  New 
Spain  as  a  medium,  its  annual  amount  is  nearly  foul 
shillings  a  head  ;  no  exorbitant  sum  in  countries  where, 
as  at  the  source  of  wealth,  the  value  of  money  is  «• 
ireinely  low.  [175]  The  right  of  levying  th  s  tribute 
likewise  varies.  In  .-\merica,  every  Indian  i»  either  au 
immediate  vassal  of  the  crown,  or  depends  upon  some 
subject  to  whom  the  district  in  which  he  resides  his 
been  granted  for  a  limited  lime,  under  the  denomina- 
tion of  an  enromicmla.  In  the  former  case,  al>out 
three-fourths  of  the  lax  is  paid  into  the  royal  treasury ; 
III  the  latter,  the  same  proportion  of  il  belongs  to  the 
holder  of  the  grant.  When  Spain  first  took  (ios»ession 
of  .\merica,  the  greater  part  of  it  was  parcelled  out 
among  its  conquerors,  or  those  who  fir»t  settled  there, 
and  but  a  small  portion  reserved  f.  r  the  crjwu.  As 
those  grants,  which  were  made  for  iwc  lives  only,  ro- 
vcrtcd  successively  to  the  sovorc.gn,  Le  (.ad  it  lu  lis 


power  citluT  ;o  dilTiisc  liio  favors  by  gram-;  to  new  pro- 
prii'iors,  01  to  aiigmcni  his  own  reveiiim  by  valiiablp 
aiiiK'xaiii  ns.  [170]  Of  these,  tne  latter  has  been  fre- 
quently chosen  ;  the  number  ol  Indians  now  dep(!ndirig 
immediately  on  the  crown  is  mucli  greater  than  in  the 
first  stage  after  the  conquest,  and  this  branch  of  the 
royal  reven\ie  contin\ies  to  extend. 

'J'hc  bcnrht  arising  from  the  services  of  the  Indians 
accrues  eitlier  to  the  crown,  or  to  the  holder  of  the 
cnaimicHila,  according  to  the  same  rule  observed  m  the 
payment  of  tribute.  Those  services,  liovvevcr,  which 
can  now  be  legally  exacted,  are  very  ditferent  from  the 
tasks  originally  imposed  upon  the  Indians.  'J'he  nature 
of  the  work  which  they  must  perform  is  delined,  and 
ail  e(iuitable  rccomjiense  is  granted  for  their  labor. 
The  stated  services  demanded  of  the  Indians  may  be 
dividi'd  into  two  branches  They  are  either  employed 
in  works  of  primary  necessity,  without  which  society 
cannot  subsist  comfortably,  or  are  compelled  to  labor 
in  the  mines,  from  which  the  Spanish  colonies  derive 
their  chief  value  and  importance.  In  consequence  of 
the  former,  they  are  obliged  to  assist  in  the  culture  of 
.maize,  aud  other  grain  of  necessary  consumption  ;  in 
tending  cattle  ;  in  erecting  edifices  of  jiublic  utility  ; 
in  building  bridges  ;  and  in  forming  high  roads  ;  but 
they  cannot  be  constrained  to  labor  in  raising  vines, 
olives,  and  sugar-canes,  or  any  species  of  cultivation 
which  has  for  its  object  the  gratification  of  luxury  or 
commercial  profit.  In  consequence  of  the  latter,  the 
Indians  are  compelled  to  undertake  the  more  unplea- 
sant task  of  extracting  ore  from  the  bowels  of  the  earth, 
and  of  refining  it  by  successive  processes,  no  less  un- 
wholesome than  operose.  [IVTJ 

Thi!  mode  of  exacting  both  these  services  is  the  same, 
and  is  under  regulations  framed  with  a  view  of  render- 
ing it  as  little  opjiressive  as  possible  to  the  Indians. 
T'.iey  are  called  out  successively  in  divisions,  termed 
Mitas,  and  no  person  can  be  compelled  to  go  but  in 
his  turn.  In  Peru,  the  number  called  out  must  not 
exceed  the  seventh  part  of  the  inhabitants  in  any  dis- 
trict. In  New  Spain,  where  the  Indians  are  more  nu- 
merous, it  is  fixed  at  four  in  the  hundred.  During 
what  time  the  labor  of  such  Indians  as  are  employed  in 
agriculture  continues,  I  have  not  been  able  to  learn. 
(178J  But  in  Peru,  each  7nita,  or  division,  destined 
for  the  mines,  remains  there  six  months  ;  and  while 
engaged  in  this  service,  a  laborer  never  receives  less 
than  two  shillings  a  day,  and  often  earns  more  than 
double  that  sum.  No  Indian,  residing  at  a  greater 
distance  than  thirty  miles  from  a  mine,  is  included  in 
the  mita,  or  division  employed  working  it  ;  nor  are  the 
inLahitants  of  the  low  country  exposed  now  to  certain 
destruction,  as  they  were  at  first  when  under  the  do- 
niiiiiou  of  the  conquerors,  by  compelling  them  to  remove 
from  tha(  warm  climate  to  the  cold  elevated  regions 
where  minerals  abound.  [17'9] 

The  Indians  who  live  in  the  principal  towns  are  en- 
tirely subject  to  the  Spanish  laws  and  magistrates  ;  but 
in  their  own  villages  they  are  governed  by  caziques, 
8ome  of  whom  are  the  descendants  of  their  ancieiit  lords, 
others  are  named  by  the  Spanish  viceroys.  These 
regulate  tlie  petty  afl'airs  of  the  people  under  them,  ac- 
cording to  maxims  of  justice  transmitted  to  them  by 
tradition  from  their  ancestors.  To  the  Indians  this 
jurisdiction,  lodged  in  such  friendly  hands.  aHbrds  some 
consolation  ;  and  so  little  formidable  is  this  dignity  to 
\  their  new  masters,  that  they  often  allow  it  to  descend 
by  hereditary  right.  For  the  further  relief  of  men  so 
much  exposed  to  oppression,  the  Spanish  court  has 
appointed  an  officer  in  every  district  with  the  title  of 
Protector  of  the  Indians.  It  is  his  function,  as  the 
name  implies,  to  assert  the  rights  of  the  Indians  ;  to 
appear  as  their  defender  in  the  courts  of  justice  ;  and, 
by  the  interposition  of  his  authority,  to  set  bounds  to 
the  encroachments  and  exactions  of  his  countrymen. 
A  certain  portion  of  the  reserved  fourth  of  the  annual 
tribute  is  destined  for  the  salary  of  the  caziques  and 
protectors  ;  another  is  applied  to  the  maintenance  of 
the  clergy  employed  in  the  instruction  of  the  Indians. 
Another  part  seems  to  be  appropriated  for  the  benefit 
of  the  Indians  themselves,  and  is  applied  for  the  pay- 
ment of  their  tribute  m  years  of  famine,  or  when  a  par- 
ticular district  is  afTecled  by  any  extraordinary  local 
calamity.  Besides  this,  provision  is  made  by  various 
laws,  that  hospitals  shall  be  founded  in  every  new  set- 
tlement for  the  reception  of  Indians.  Such  hospitals 
r.ave  accordingly  been  erected,  both  for  the  indigent 
»nd  mfinn,  in  Lima,  in  Cuzco,  and  in  Mexico,  where 
the^Indians  are  treated  with  tenderness  and  humanity. 

Such  are  the  leading  principles  in  the  jurisprudence 
«nd  pj:icy  by  which  the  Indians  are  now  governed  in 
provinces  belonging  to  Spain.    In  those  rcgula- 


S  OUT  II  AMERICA. 

tions  of  the  Spanish  monarchs,  we  discover  no  traces 
of  that  cruel  system  of  eitermination,  which  they  have 
been  charged  with  adopting  ;  and  if  we  admit  that  the 
nec<'ssity  of  securing  subsistence  for  their  colonies,  or 
the  advantages  derived  from  working  the  mines,  give 
them  a  rijiht  to  avail  themselves  of  the  labor  of  the  In- 
dians, we  must  allow,  that  the  attention  with  which 
they  regulate  and  rccoin|)ense  that  labor  is  provident 
and  sagacious.  In  no  code  of  laws  is  greater  solicitude 
displayed,  or  precautions  multiplied  with  more  pru<lent 
concern,  for  the  preservation,  the  security,  and  the  hap-  I 
pincss  of  the  subject,  than  we  discover  in  the  colleciion 
of  the  Spanish  laws  for  the  Indies.  But  those  latter 
regulations,  like  the  more  early  edicts  which  have  been 
already  mentioned,  have  too  often  proved  metfectual 
remedies  against  the  evils  winch  they  were  intended  to 
prevent.  In  every  age,  if  the  same  causes  continue  to 
operate,  the  same  effects  must  follow.  From  the  iin- 
mcnse  distance  between  the  power  intrusted  with  the 
execution  of  laws,  and  that  by  whose  authority  they 
are  enacted,  the  vigor  even  of  the  most  absolute  go- 
vernment must  relax,  and  the  dread  of  a  superior,  too 
remote  to  observe  with  accuracy  or  to  punish  with  de- 
spatch, must  insensibly  abate.  Notwithstanding  the 
numerous  injunctions  of  the  Spanish  monarch,  the  In- 
dians still  sutler,  on  many  occasions,  both  from  the 
avarice  of  individuals,  and  from  the  exactions  of  the 
magistrates  who  ought  to  have  protected  them  ;  unrea- 
sonable tasks  are  imposed  ;  the  term  of  their  labor  is 
prolonged  beyond  the  peiiod  fixed  by  law,  and  they 
groan  under  many  of  the  insults  and  wrongs  which  are 
the  lot  of  a  dependent  people.  [180]  From  some  in- 
formation on  which  I  can  depend,  such  oppression 
al)ounds  more  in  Peru  than  in  any  other  colony.  But 
it  is  not  general.  According  to  the  accounts  even  of 
those  authors  who  are  most  disposed  to  exaggerate  the 
sufi'erings  of  the  Indians,  they,  in  several  provinces, 
enjoy  not  only  ease  but  affluence  ;  they  possess  large 
farms  ;  they  are  masters  of  numerous  herds  and  flocks; 
and,  by  the  knowledge  which  they  have  acquired  of 
European  arts  and  industry,  are  supplied  not  only  with 
the  necessaries  but  with  many  luxuries  of  life. 

After  explaining  the  form  of  civil  government  in  the 
Spanish  colonies,  and  the  state  of  the  various  orders  of 
persons  sufjject  to  it,  the  peculiarities  in  their  ecclesi- 
astical constitution  merit  consideration.  Notwithstand- 
ing the  superstitious  veneration  with  which  the  Spa- 
niards are  devoted  to  the  Holy  See,  the  vigilant  and 
jealous  policy  of  Ferdinand  early  prompted  him  to  take 
precautions  against  the  introduction  of  the  Papal  domi- 
nion in  America.  With  this  view,  he  solicited  Alex- 
ander \T.  for  a  grant  to  the  crown  of  the  tithes  in  all 
the  newly-discovered  countries,  which  he  obtained  on 
condition  of  his  making  provision  for  the  religious  in- 
struction of  the  natives.  Soo.i  after  Julius  II.  con- 
ferred on  him  and  his  successors,  the  right  of  patronage, 
and  the  absolute  disposal  of  all  ecclesiastical  benefices 
there.  But  these  PontifTs,  unacquainted  with  the  value 
of  what  he  demanded,  bestowed  these  donations  with 
an  inconsiderate  liberality,  which  their  successors  have 
often  lamented,  and  wished  to  recall.  In  consequence 
of  those  grants,  the  Spanish  monarchs  have  become  in 
effect  the  heads  of  the  American  church.  In  them  the 
administration  of  its  revenues  is  vested.  Their  nomi- 
nation of  persons  to  supplv  vacant  benefices  is  instantly 
confirmed  by  the  Pope.  Thus,  in  all  Spanish  America, 
authority  of  every  species  centres  in  the  crown.  There 
no  collision  is  known  between  spiritual  and  temporal 
jurisdiction.  The  King  is  the  only  superior,  his  name 
alone  is  heard  of,  and  no  dependence  upon  any  foreign 
power  has  been  introduced.  Papal  bulls  cannot  be 
admitted  into  America,  nor  are  they  of  anv  force  there 
until  thev  have  been  previously  examined  and  approved 
of  by  the  royal  council  of  the  Indies  ;  and  if  any  bull 
should  be  surreptitiously  introduced  and  circulated  in 
America  without  obtaining  that  approbation,  ecclesias- 
tics are  required  not  only  to  prevent  it  from  taking 
effect,  but  to  seize  all  the  copies  of  it,  and  transmit 
them  to  the  council  of  the  Indies.  To  this  limitation 
of  the  Papal  jurisdiction,  equally  singular,  whether  we 
consider  the  age  and  nation  in  which  it  was  devised,  or 
the  jealous  attention  with  which  Ferdinand  and  his  suc- 
cessors have  studied  to  maintain  it  in  full  force,  Spain 
is  indebted,  in  a  great  measure,  for  the  uniform  tran- 
quillity which  has  reigned  in  her  American  dominions. 

The  hierarchy  is  established  in  America  in  the  same 
form  as  in  Spain,  with  its  full  train  of  archbishops,  bish- 
ops, deans,  and  other  dignataries.  The  inferior  clergy 
arc  divided  into  three  classes,  under  the  denomination 
of  Cuius.  Dorlrincros,  and  Mixxwncrus.  The  first  are 
parish  priests  in  those  parts  of  the  country  where  the  Spa- 
niards have  settled.    The  sei  ond  have  the  charge  of 


1C3 

such  districts  as  are  inhabited  by  Indians  subjected  tc 
the  Spanish  government,  and  living  under  its  protec 
tion.  The  third  are  employed  in  instructing  and  con 
verting  those  fiercer  tribes  which  disdain  sulimissioii  to 
the  Spanish  yoke,  and  live  in  remote  or  inaccessinlo 
regions  to  which  the  Spanish  arms  have  not  penetrated 
.So  numerous  arc  the  ecclesiastics  of  all  those  variou* 
orders,  and  such  the  profuse  liberality  with  which  many 
of  them  are  endowed,  ihat  the  revenues  of  the  church 
in  .•\merica  are  immense,  'i'he  Romish  superstition 
appears  with  its  utmost  pomp  in  the  New  World. 
Churches  and  convents  there  are  magnificent,  and  richly 
adorned  ;  and  on  high  festivals,  the  display  of  gold  and 
silver,  and  precious  stones,  is  such  as  exceeds  the  con- 
ception of  a  European.  An  ecclesiastical  establish- 
ment so  splendid  and  extensive  is  unfavorable,  as  has 
been  formerly  observed,  to  the  progress  of  rising  colo- 
nies ;  but  in  countries  where  riches  'abound,  and  the 
people  are  so  delighted  with  parade  that  religion  must 
assume  it  in  order  to  attract  their  veneration,  this  pro- 
pensity to  ostentation  has  been  indulged,  and  becomes 
less  pernicious. 

The  early  institution  of  monasteries  in  the  Spanish 
colonies,  and  the  inconsiderate  zeal  in  multiplying  them, 
have  been  attended  with  consequences  more  fatal.  In 
every  new  settlement,  the  first  object  should  be  to  en- 
courage population,  and  to  incite  every  citizen  to  con- 
tribute towards  augmenting  the  number  and  strength 
of  the  community.  During  the  youth  and  vigor  of 
society,  while  there  is  room  to  spread,  and  sustenance 
is  procured  with  facility,  mankind  increase  wilh  amaz- 
ing rapidity.  But  the  Spaniards  had  hardly  laken  pos- 
session of  America,  when,  with  a  most  prejiobterous 
policy,  they  began  to  erect  convents,  where  persons  of 
both  sexes  were  shut  up,  under  a  vow  to  defeat  the 
purpose  of  nature,  and  to  counteract  the  first  of  her 
laws.  Influenced  by  a  misguided  piety,  which  ascribes 
traiiscendant  merit  to  a  state  of  celibacy,  or  allured  hy 
the  prospect  of  that  listless  ease  which  in  sultry  cli- 
mates is  deemed  supreme  felicity,  numbers  crowded 
into  those  mansions  of  sloth  and  superstition,  and  aro 
lost  to  society.  As  none  but  persons  of  Spanish  ex- 
tract are  admitted  into  the  monasteries  of  the  New 
World,  the  evil  is  more  sensibly  felt,  and  every  monk 
or  nun  may  be  consider<!d  as  an  active  person  with- 
drawn from  civil  life.  'I'he  impropriety  of  such  foun- 
dations in  any  situation  where  the  extent  of  territory 
requires  additional  hands  to  improve  it,  is  so  obvious, 
that  some  Catholic  states  have  expressly  prohibited 
any  person  in  their  colonies  from  taking  the  monastic 
vows.  Even  the  Spanish  monarchs,  on  some  occa- 
sions, seem  to  have  been  alarmed  with  the  spreading 
of  a  spirit  so  ad'-erse  to  the  increase  and  prosperity  of 
thci'  colonies,  that  they  have  endeavored  to  check  it. 
But  the  Spaniards  in  America,  more  thoroughly  under 
the  influence  of  superstition  than  their  countrymen  in 
Europe,  and  directed  by  ecclesiastics  more  bigoted  and 
illiterate,  have  conceived  such  a  high  opinion  of  monas- 
tic sanctity,  that  no  regulations  can  restrain  their  zeal ; 
and,  by  the  excess  of  their  ill  judged  bounty,  religious 
houses  have  multiplied  to  a  degree  no  less  amazing  than 
pernicious  to  society.  [181.] 

In  viewing  the  state  of  colonies,  where  not  only  the 
number  but  influence  of  ecclesiastics  is  so  great,  tfie 
character  of  this  powerful  body  is  an  object  that  merits 
particular  attention.  A  considerable  part  of  the  secu- 
lar clergy  in  Mexico  and  i^eru  are  natives  of  Spain. 
As  persons  long  accustomed,  by  their  education,  to  the 
retirement  aud  indolence  of  academic  life  are  more 
incapable  of  active  enterprise,  and  less  disposed  to 
strike  into  new  paths  than  any  order  of  men,  the  eccle- 
siastical adventurers  by  whom  the  American  church  is 
recruited,  are  commonly  such  as,  from  merit  or  rank  in 
life,  have  little  prospect  of  success  in  their  own  coun- 
try. Accordingly,  the  secular  priests  in  the  New 
World  arc  still  less  distinguished  than  their  brethren  in 
Spain  for  literary  accoinplishnicnts  of  any  species  ;  and 
though,  tiy  the  ample  provision  which  has  been  made 
for  the  .American  church,  many  of  its  members  enjoy 
the  ease  and  independence  which  are  favorable  to  the 
cultivation  of  science,  the  body  of  secular  clergy  has 
hardiv,  during  two  centuries  and  a  half,  produced  one 
author  whose  works  convey  such  useful  information,  or 
possess  such  a  degree  of  merit,  as  to  be  ranked  among 
those  which  attract  the  attention  of  enlightened  na- 
tions. But  the  greatest  part  of  the  ecclesiastics  in  the 
Spanish  settlements  are  regulars.  On  the  discovery  oi 
America,  a  new  field  opcnc  I  to  the  pious  zeal  of  the 
monastic  orders  ;  and,  with  a  becominij  alacrity,  they 
immediately  sent  forth  missionaries  to  labor  in  it.  Tho 
first  attempt  to  instruct  and  convert  the  Americans  was 
made  by  monks;  and  as  soon  as  the  cjn(^ucot  of  auw 


,184 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


province  was  completed,  and  its  ecclesiastical  esta- 
blishment began  to  assume  some  form,  the  Popes  per- 
mitted the  missionaries  of  the  four  mendicant  orders, 
OS  a  reward  for  their  services,  to  accept  of  parochial 
^harjcs  m  America,  to  perform  all  spiritual  functions, 
a[id  to  receive  the  tithes  and  other  emoluments  of  the 
bciielicc,  without  depending  on  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
bishop  of  the  diocess,  or  being  subject  to  his  censures. 
In  consequence  of  this,  a  new  career  of  usefulness,  as 
well  as  new  objects  of  ambition,  presented  themselves. 
Whenever  a  call  is  made  for  a  fresh  supply  of  mission- 
aries, men  of  the  most  ardent  and  aspiring  minds,  im- 
patient under  the  restraint  of  a  cloister,  weary  of  its 
insipid  uniformity,  and  fatigued  with  the  irksome  repe- 
tition of  its  frivolous  functions,  offer  their  service  with 
eagerness,  and  repair  to  the  New  World  in  <iucst  of 
liberty  and  distinction.  Nor  do  they  pursue  distinction 
without  success.  The  highest  ecclesiastical  honors, 
as  well  as  the  most  lucrative  preferments  in  Mexico 
and  Pern,  arc  often  in  the  hands  of  regulars  ;  and  it 
is  chiefly  to  the  monastic  orders  that  the  Americans  are 
indebted  for  any  portion  of  science  which  is  cultivated 
among  them.  They  arc  almost  the  only  Spanish  eccle- 
siastics from  whom  we  have  received  any  accounts 
either  of  the  civil  or  natural  history  of  the  various  pro- 
vmces  in  America.  Some  of  them,  though  deeply 
tinged  with  the  indelliulc  superstition  of  their  profes- 
sion, have  published  books  which  give  a  favoral)le  im- 
pression of  their  abiliiies.  'l"he  natural  and  moral  his- 
tory 01  the  New  World,  by  the  Jesuit  Acosta,  contains 
more  accurate  observations,  perhaps,  and  more  sound 
science,  than  are  to  bo  found  in  any  description  of  re- 
mote countries  published  in  the  sixteenth  century. 

But  the  same  disgust  with  monastic  life,  to  which 
America  is  indebted  for  some  instructors  of  worth  and 
ftbiiities,  filled  it  with  others  of  a  very  diU'ercnt  cha- 
racter. The  giddv,  the  profligate,  the  avaricious,  to 
wnoai  the  poverty  and  rigid  discipline  of  a  convent  are 
intolerable,  con^lder  a  mission  to  America  as  a  release 
from  mortification  and  bondage.  There  they  soon  ob- 
tain some  parochiil  charge  ;  and  far  removed  by  their 
situation,  from  the  inspection  of  their  monastic  su- 
periors, and  exempt,  by  their  character,  from  the  juris- 
diction of  their  diocesan,  they  are  haidly  subjected  to 
any  control.  According  to  the  testimony  of  the  most 
zealous  catholics,  many  of  the  regular  clergy  in  the 
Spanish  settlements  are  not  only  destitute  of  the  virtues 
becoming  their  profession,  but  regardless  of  that  exter- 
nal decorum  and  respect  for  the  opinion  of  mankind, 
which  preserve  a  semblance  of  worth  wheie  the  reality 
is  wanting.  Secure  of  impunity,  some  regulars,  in 
contempt  of  their  vow  of  poverty,  engage  openly  in 
commerce,  and  are  so  rapaciously  eager  in  amassing 
wealth,  that  they  become  the  most  grievous  oppressors 
of  the  Indians  whom  it  was  their  duty  to  have  protected. 
Others,  with  no  less  flagrant  violation  of  their  vow  of 
chastity,  indulge  with  little  disguise  in  the  most  disso- 
lute licentiousness.  [183] 

Various  achemes  have  been  proposed  for  redressing 
enormities  so  manifest  and  so  otfensive.  Several  jier- 
sons,  no  less  eminent  for  piety  than  discernment,  have 
contended,  that  the  regulars,  in  conformity  to  the 
canons  of  the  church,  ought  to  be  confined  within  the 
walls  of  their  cloisters,  and  should  no  longer  be  per- 
mitted to  enroachon  the  functions  of  the  secular  clergy. 
Some  public-spirited  magistrates,  from  conviction  of 
its  being  necessary  to  deprive  the  regulars  of  a  privi- 
lege bestowed  at  (irst  with  good  intention,  but  of 
which  time  and  experience  had  discovered  the  per- 
nicious effects,  openly  countenanced  the  secular  clergy 
in  their  attempts  to  assert  their  own  rights.  The 
prince  D'Ksquilache,  viceroy  of  Peru  under  Phillip 
III.,  took  measures  so  decisive  and  effectual  for  cir- 
cumscribing the  regulars  within  their  proper  s|)liere  as 
•truck  tlii'in  with  general  consternation,  [l"^-']  I  hoy 
had  recourse  to  their  usual  arts.  They  alarmed  the 
superstitious,  by  representing  the  proceedings  of  the 
viceroy  as  innovations  fatal  to  religion.  They  em- 
ployed all  the  refinements  of  intrigue  in  order  to  gain 
persons  in  power ;  and  seconded  by  the  powerful  influ- 
ence of  the  Jesuits,  who  claimed  and  enjoyed  all  the 
privileges  which  belonged  to  the  Mendicant  orders  in 
Amcrii  a,  they  made  a  dee^)  impression  on  a  bigoted 
prince  and  a  weak  ministry.  The  ancient  practice  was 
tolerated  The  abuses  which  it  occasioned  continued 
to  increase,  and  the  corruption  of  monks,  exempt  from 
the  restraints  of  discipline,  and  the  inspection  of  any 
superior,  became  a  disgrace  to  religion.  At  last,  as  the 
reneralidn  of  the  Sp:iniards  for  the  monastic  orders  be- 

San  to  ali.ili-.  md  the  power  of  the  Jesuits  was  on  the 
eel  ne,   Ferdinand   VI    ventured  to  apply  tlio  only 
effo(tu«l  remedy,  by  issuii.g  an  edict  [June  23,  1767,J 


prohibiting  regulars  of  every  denomination  from  taking 
the  charge  of  any  parish  with  the  cure  of  souls  ;  and 
declaring  th::  en  the  demise  of  the  present  inc  jinbcnts, 
none  but  secular  priests,  s-jbject  to  the  jurisdiction  of 
their  diocesans,  shall  be  presented  to  vacant  benefices. 
If  this  regulation  is  carried  into  execution  with  steadi- 
ness in  any  degree  proportional  to  the  wisdom  with 
which  it  is  framed,  a  very  considerable  reformation  may 
take  place  in  the  ecclesiastical  state  of  .Spanish  Ame- 
rica, and  the  secular  clergy  may  gradually  become  a 
respectable  body  of  men.  The  deportment  of  many 
ecclesiastics,  even  at  present,  seems  to  be  decent  and 
exemplary  ;  otherwise  we  can  hardly  suppose  that  they 
would  be  held  in  such  high  estimation,  and  possess  such 
a  wonderful  ascendant  over  the  minds  of  their  coun- 
trymen throughout  all  the  Spanish  settlements. 

But  whatever  merit  the  Spanish  ecclesiastics  in 
America  may  possess,  the  success  of  their  endeavors  in 
communicating  the  knowledge  of  true  religion  to  the 
Indians,  has  been  more  imperfect  than  might  have  been 
expected,  either  from  the  degree  of  their  zeal,  or  from 
the  dominion  which  they  had  ac([uired  over  that  people. 
For  this,  various  reasons  may  be  assigned.  The  first 
missionaries,  in  their  ardor  to  make  proselytes,  admitted 
the  people  of  America  into  the  Christian  church  with- 
out previous  instruction  in  the  doctrines  of  religion,  and 
even  before  they  themselves  had  acquired  such  know- 
ledge in  the  Indian  language,  as  to  be  able  to  explain  to 
the  natives  the  mysteries  of  faith,  or  the  precepts  of 
duty.  Resting  upon  a  subtle  distinction  in  scholastic 
theology,  between  that  degree  of  assent  which  is 
founded  on  a  complete  knowledge  and  conviction  of 
duty,  and  that  which  may  be  yielded  when  both  these 
are  imperfect,  they  adopted  this  strange  practice,  no 
less  inconsistent  with  the  spirit  of  a  religion  which  ad- 
dresses itself  to  the  understanding  of  men,  than  repug- 
nant to  the  dictates  of  reason.  As  soon  as  any  body 
of  people  overawed  by  dread  of  the  Spanish  power, 
moved  by  the  example  of  their  own  chiefs,  incited  by 
levity,  or  yielding  from  mere  ignorance,  expressed  the 
slightest  desire  of  embracing  the  religion  of  their  con- 
querors, they  were  instantly  baptized.  While  this  rage 
of  conversion  continued,  a  single  clergyman  baptized 
in  one  day  above  five  thousand  Mexicans,  and  did  not 
de.sisl  until  he  was  so  exhausted  by  fatigue  that  he 
was  unable  to  lift  his  hands.  In  the  course  of  a  few 
years  after  the  reduction  of  the  Mexican  empire,  the 
sacrament  of  baptism  was  administered  to  more  than 
four  millions.  Proselytes  adopted  with  such  inconsi- 
derate haste,  and  who  were  neither  instructed  in  the 
nature  of  the  tenets  to  which  it  was  supposed  they  had 
given  assent,  nor  taught  the  absurdity  of  those  which 
they  were  required  to  relinquish,  retained  their  venera- 
tion for  their  ancient  superstitions  in  full  force,  or 
mingled  an  attachment  to  its  doctrine  and  rites  with 
that  slender  knowledge  of  Christianity  which  they  had 
acquired.  These  sentiments  the  new  converts  trans- 
mitted to  their  posterity,  into  whose  minds  they  have 
sunk  so  deep,  that  the  Spanish  ecclesiastics,  with  all 
their  industry,  h^ve  not  been  able  to  eradicate  them. 
The  religious  institutions  of  their  ancestors,  are  still 
remembered  and  held  in  honor  by  many  of  the  Indians, 
both  in  Mexico  and  Peru  ;  and  whenever  they  think 
theinsclvt;  out  of  reach  of  inspection  by  the  .Spaniards, 
they  assemble  and  celebrate  their  idolatrous  rites. 

But  this  is  not  the  most  unsurmountable  obstacle 
to  the  progress  of  Christianity  among  the  Indians.  The 
powers  of  their  uncultivated  understandings  arc  so 
limited,  their  observations  and  reflections  reach  so  little 
beyond  the  mere  objects  of  sense,  that  they  seem  hardly 
to  have  the  capacity  of  forniing  abstract  ideas,  and 
possess  not  language  to  express  them  To  such  men 
the  sublime  and  s|)iritual  doctrines  of  Christianity  must 
be,  in  a  great  measure,  incomprehensible.  The  nu- 
merous and  splendid  ceremonies  of  the  Popish  worship 
catch  the  eve,  please  and  interest  them  ;  but  when 
their  instructors  attempt  to  explain  the  articles  of  faith 
with  which  those  external  observances  are  connected, 
though  the  Indians  may  listen  with  patience,  they  so 
little  conceive  the  meaning  of  what  they  hear,  that  their 
acijuicscence  does  not  merit  the  name  of  belief  Their 
indiirerence  is  still  greater  than  their  incapacity.  At- 
tentive only  to  the  present  moment,  and  engrossed  by 
the  objects  before  them,  the  Indians  so  seldom  reflect 
upon  what  is  past,  or  take  thought  for  what  is  to  come, 
that  neither  the  promises  nor  tfircats  of  religion  make 
much  impression  upon  them  ;  and  while  their  foresight 
rarely  extends  so  far  as  the  next  day.  it  is  almost  im- 
possit)l«  to  inspire  them  with  solicitude  about  the  con- 
cerns of  a  future  world  Asloni^lud  eqn.dly  at  their 
slowness  of  comprehension,  and  at  Uicir  insensibility, 
some  of  the  early  inissionaries  pronounced  thetn  a  lace 


of  men  so  brutish  as  to  no  incapable  of  undcrstandina 
the  first  principles  of  religion.  A  council  held  at  l,im« 
decreed,  that,  on  account  of  this  incajiacity,  they  oii'dit 
to  be  excluded  from  the  sacrament  of  the  Eucharist. 
Though  Paul  III.,  by  his  famous  bull  issued  inthcvta: 
l.'>37,  declared  them  to  be  rational  creatures  entiled  to 
all  the  privileges  of  Chiistians  ;  yet  aitcr  the  lapse  oi 
two  centuries,  during  which  they  have  been  meinlicM 
of  the  church,  so  imperfect  are  their  attainments  io 
knowledge  that  very  few  possess  such  a  pvirtion  of  spi- 
ritual discernment  as  to  be  deemed  worthy  of  being 
admitted  to  the  holy  communion.  From  this  idea  of 
their  incapacity  and  imperfect  knowledge  of  relu'ion, 
when  the  zeal  of  Philip  II.  established  the  inquisitioa 
in  America  in  the  year  l.'iTO.  the  Indians  were  exempted 
from  the  jurisdiction  of  that  severe  triliunal,  and  still 
continue  under  the  inspection  of  their  diocesans.  Kven 
after  the  most  perfect  instruction,  their  faith  is  held  to 
be  feeble  and  dubious  ;  and  though  some  of  them  liavo 
been  taught  the  learned  languages,  and  have  gone 
through  the  ordinary  course  of  academic  education  with 
applause,  their  frailty  is  still  so  much  sus|)eclcd,  that 
few  Indians  are  cither  ordained  priests,  or  received  into 
any  religious  order.  [184] 

From  this  brief  survey  some  idea  may  be  formed  o( 
the  interior  state  of  the  Spanish  colonies.  The  various 
productions  with  which  they  supply  and  enrich  the  mo- 
ther country,  and  the  system  of  commercial  intercourse 
between  them,  come  next  in  order  to  be  explained.  If 
the  dominions  of  Spain  in  the  New  World  had  been  of 
such  moderate  extent  as  bore  a  due  proportion  to  the 
parent  state,  the  progress  of  her  colonising  might  have 
been  attended  with  the  same  benefit  as  that  of  other  na- 
tions. But  when,  in  less  than  half  a  century,  her  incon- 
siderate rapacity  had  seized  on  countries  larger  than  all 
Europe,  her  inability  to  fill  such  vast  regions  with  in- 
habitants sutTicient  for  the  cultivation  of  them  was  so 
obvious,  as  to  give  a  wrong  direction  to  all  the  efforts 
of  the  colonists.  They  did  not  form  compact  settle- 
ments, where  industry,  circumscribed  within  proper 
limits,  both  in  its  views  and  operations,  is  conducted 
with  that  sober  persevering  spirit  which  gradually  con- 
verts whatever  is  in  its  possession  to  a  proper  use.  and 
derives  thence  the  greatest  advantai.'C.  Instead  of  this, 
tlie  Spaniards,  seduced  by  the  bouiidles?  prospect  which 
opened  to  them,  divided  their  possessions  in  Aincrict 
into  governments  of  great  extent.  As  their  number 
was  too  small  to  attempt  the  regular  culture  of  the  im 
inense  provinces  which  they  occupied  rather  than  peo- 
pled, they  bent  their  attention  to  a  few  objects  t.m 
allured  them  with  hopes  of  sudden  and  eicrbitanl 
gain,  and  turned  away  with  contempt  from  the  hum- 
bler paths  of  industry,  which  lead  more  slowly,  but  with 
greater  certainty,  to  wealth  and  increase  of  national 
strength. 

Of  all  the  methods  by  which  riches  may  be  acijuired, 
that  of  searching  for  the  precious  metals  is  one  of  the 
most  inviting  to  men  who  are  either  unaccustomed  to 
the  regular  assiduity  w  ith  which  the  culture  of  the  earth 
and  the  operations  of  commerce  must  be  earned  on,  ot 
who  arc  so  enterprising  and  rapacious  as  not  to  be  sa- 
tisfied with  the  gradual  returns  of  profit  which  tlicy 
yield.  Accordingly,  as  soon  as  the  several  countriei 
in  America  were  subjected  to  the  dominion  ot  Spain, 
this  was  almost  the  only  method  of  acquiring  wcaliK 
which  occurred  to  the  adventurers  by  whom  they  werr 
conquered.  Such  provinces  of  the  continent  as  did 
not  allure  them  to  settle,  by  the  prospect  of  their  afford- 
ing gold  and  silver,  were  totally  neglected.  Those  in 
which  they  met  with  a  disappointment  of  the  saiiginno 
expectations  they  had  formed,  were  abandoned.  Kvrn 
the  value  of  the  islands,  the  first  fruits  of  their  disco- 
veries, and  the  first  object  of  their  atlf  ntion.  sunk  .<o 
much  in  their  estimation,  when  the  mines  which  had 
been  opened  in  them  were  exhausted,  that  ihev  were 
deserted  by  many  of  the  planters,  and  left  to  be  occu- 
pied by  more  industrious  possessors  All  crowded  to 
.Mexico  and  Peru,  where  the  ipiantities  of  gold  and  sil- 
ver found  among  the  native^s.  who  searched  for  them 
with  little  industry  and  less  skill,  promifd  an  unei- 
haiisted  store,  as  the  recoinjiense  of  more  intelligent 
and  persevering  efforts. 

During  several  years,  the  ardor  of  their  researches 
was  kept  up  by  hope  rather  than  success.  At  length, 
llie  rich  silver  mines  of  Pctosi  in  Pern  were  accident- 
ally discovered  in  the  year  l.'i4.5  by  an  Indian,  as  he 
was  clambering  up  the  mountains  in  pursuit  of  a  ll.iint 
which  had  strayed  from  his  flock  Soon  after,  the 
mines  of  Sacotecas  in  New  Sjiain.  little  inferior  to  th« 
other  in  value,  were  opened.  From  tlut  lime  succes- 
sive discoveries  have  been  made  m  both  colonies,  and 
silver  nuncs  are  now  so  numero  is,  that  the  working  ol 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


165 


tliem,  anil  of  some  few  mines  of  gold  in  the  provinces 
of  Tierra  Firme,  and  the  new  kingdom  of  Granada,  has 
become  the  cajiilal  occupation  of  the  Spaniards,  and  is 
reduced  into  a  system  no  less  coin[)licatcd  than  in- 
lerestinf.'.  To  describe  the  nature  of  the  various  ores, 
the  mode  of  extracting  them  from  '.h.o  bowels  of  the 
earth,  and  to  explain  the  several  pro^'csscs  by  which 
ihc  metals  are  separated  from  the  substances  with 
which  they  are  mingled,  either  by  the  action  of  fire,  or 
the  attractive  powers  of  mercury,  is  the  province  of 
:he  natural  philosopher  or  chymist,  rather  than  of  the 
historian. 

The  exuberant  profusion  with  which  the  mountains 
cf  the  New  WoM  poured  forth  their  treasures  as- 
tonished mankind,  who  had  been  accustomed  hitherto 
to  receive  a  penuriovis  supply  of  the  precious  metals 
from  the  more  scanty  stores  contained  in  the  mines  of 
tiie  ancient  hemisphere.  According  to  principles  ot 
computation,  which  appear  to  be  extremely  moderate, 
tJie  quantity  of  gold  and  silver  that  has  been  regularly 
entered  in  the  ports  of  .Spam,  is  ccpial  in  value  to  four, 
millions  sterling  annually,  reckoning  from  the  year 
1492,  in  which  America  was  discovered  t  the  present 
time.  This,  in  two  hundred  and  eighty-three  years, 
amounts  to  eleven  hundred  and  thirty-two  millions. 
Immense  as  this  sum  is,  the  Spanish  writers  contend, 
that  as  much  more  ought  to  be  added  to  it  in  considera- 
tion of  treasure  whicli  has  been  extracted  from  the 
mines,  and  imported  fraudulently  into  Spain  without 
paying  duty  to  the  King.  By  this  account,  Spain  has 
drawn  from  the  New  World  a  supply  of  wealth 
amounting  at  least  to  two  thousand  millions  of  pounds 
sterling.  [185] 

The  mines,  which  have  yielded  this  amazing  quan- 
tity of  treasure,  are  not  worked  at  the  expense  of  the 
crown  or  of  the  public.  In  order  to  encourage  private 
adventurers,  the  person  who  discovers  and  works  a 
new  vein  is  entitled  to  the  property  of  it.  Upon  lay- 
ing his  claim  to  such  a  discorery  before  the  governor 
of  the  province,  a  certain  extent  of  land  is  measured 
otf,  and  a  certain  number  of  Indians  allotted  him, 
under  the  obligation  of  his  opening  the  mine  within  a 
limited  time,  and  of  his  paying  the  customary  duty  to 
the  King  for  what  it  shall  produce.  Invited  by  the 
facility  with  which  such  grants  are  obtained,  and  en- 
couraged by  some  striking  examples  of  success  in  this 
line  of  adventure,  not  only  the  sanguine  and  the  bold, 
but  the  timid  and  ditiident,  enter  upon  it  with  astonish- 
incr  ardor.  With  vast  objects  always  in  view,  fed  con- 
tinuallyw.th  hope,  and  expecting  every  moment  that 
fortune  will  unveil  her  secret  stores,  and  give  up  the 
wealth  whi^l;  they  contain  to  their  wishes,  they  deem 
every  ether  cocupation  insipid  and  uninteresting.  The 
charms  of  this  pursuit,  like  the  rage  for  deep  play,  are 
■0  bewitching,  and  take  such  full  possession  of  the 
mind,  as  even  to  give  a  new  bent  to  the  natural  tem- 
per. Under  its  influence  the  cautious  become  enter- 
prising, and  the  covetous  profuse.  Powerful  as  this 
charm  naturally  is,  its  force  is  augmented  by  the  arts  of 
an  order  of  men  known  in  Peru  by  the  cant  name  of 
tcarchers.  These  are  commonly  persons  of  desperate 
fortune,  who,  availing  themselves  of  some  skill  in 
mincralogv,  accompanied  with  the  insinuating  manner 
and  confident  pretensions  peculiar  to  projectors,  ad- 
dress the  wealthy  and  the  credulous.  By  plausible  de- 
scriptions of  the  appearances  which  they  have  disco- 
vered of  rich  veins  hitherto  unexplored  ;  by  producing, 
when  requisite,  specimens  of  promising  ore  ;  by  allirm- 
ing,  with  an  imposing  assurance,  that  success  is  cer- 
tain, and  that  the  expense  must  be  trifiing,  thev  seldom 
fail  to  persuade.  An  association  is  formed;  a  small 
sum  is  advanced  by  each  copartner ;  the  mine  is 
opened  ;  the  searcher  is  intrusted  with  the  sole  direc- 
tion of  every  operation  ;  unforeseen  difficulties  occur  ; 
new  demands  of  money  are  made  ;  but,  amidst  a  suc- 
cession of  disappointments  and  delays,  hope  is  never  I 
extinguished,  and  the  ardor  of  expectation  hardly  ' 
abates.  For  it  is  observed,  that  if  any  person  once  en- 
ters this  seducing  path,  it  is  almost  impossible  to  return, 
hi3  ideas  alter,  he  seems  to  be  possessed  with  another 
spirit ;  visions  of  imaginaiy  weaLii  are  continually  be- 
fore his  eyes,  and  he  thinks,  and  speaks,  and  dreams  of 
nothing  else. 

Such  is  the  spirit  that  must  be  formed,  wherever  the 
active  exertions  of  any  society  are  chiefly  employed  in 
working  mines  of  gold  and  silver.  No  spirit  is  more 
•dvcrse  to  such  improvements  in  agriculture  and  com- 
DTierce  as  render  a  nation  really  opulent.  If  the  system 
of  admimalration  in  the  Spanish  colonies  had'  been 
founded  upon  principles  of  sound  policy,  the  power  and 
u^-enuity  of  the  legislator  would  have  been  exerted 
•li  IS  mucn  ardor  in  restraining  its  subjects  from  such 


pernicious  industry,  as  is  now  employed  in  alluring 
them  towards  it.  "  Projects  of  mining,"  says  a  good 
judge  of  the  political  conduct  of  nations,  "instead  of 
replacing  the  capital  employed  in  them,  together  wiih 
the  ordinary  profit  of  stock,  commonly  absorb  both  cajii- 
tal  and  profit.  They  arc  the  projtxts,  therefore,  to 
which,  of  all  others,  a  [jrudent  lawgiver,  who  desired  to 
increase  the  capital  of  his  nation,  would  least  choose  to 
give  any  extraordinary  encouragement,  or  to  turn  to- 
wards them  a  greater  share  of  that  ca|)ital  than  would 
go  to  them  of  its  own  accord.  Such,  in  reality,  is  the 
absurd  confidence  which  all  men  have  in  their  own 
good  fortune,  that  wherever  there  is  the  least  proba- 
bility of  success,  too  great  a  share  of  it  is  apt  to  go  to 
them  of  its  own  accord."  But  in  the  Spanish  colonies, 
government  is  studious  to,  cherish  a  spirit  which  it 
should  have  labored  to  depress,  and,  by  the  sanction  of 
its  approbation,  augments  that  inconsiderate  credulity 
which  has  turned  the  active  industry  of  Mexico  and 
Peru  into  such  an  improper  channel.  To  this  may  be 
imputed  the  slender  progress  which  Spanish  America 
has  made,  during  two  centuries  and  a  half,  either  in 
useful  manufactures,  or  in  those  lucrative  branches  of 
cultivation  which  furnish  the  colonies  of  other  nations 
with  their  staple  commodities.  In  comparison  with 
the  precious  metals  every  bounty  of  nature  is  so  much 
despised,  that  this  extravagant  idea  of  their  value  has 
mingled  with  the  idiom  of  language  in  America,  and 
the  Spaniards  settled  there,  denominate  a  country  rich, 
not  from  the  fertility  of  its  soil,  the  abundance  of  its 
crops,  or  the  exuberance  of  its  pastures,  but  on  account 
of  the  minerals  which  its  mountains  contain.  In  quest 
of  these,  they  abandon  the  delightful  plains  of  Peru  and 
Mexico,  and  resort  to  barren  and  uncomfortable  regions, 
where  they  have  built  some  of  the  largest  towns  which 
they  possess  in  the  New  World.  As  the  activity  and 
enterprise  of  the  Spaniards  originally  took  this  direc- 
tion, it  is  now  so  difficult  to  bend  them  a  difTerent  way, 
that  although,  from  various  causes,  the  gain  of  working 
mines  is  much  decreased,  the  fascination  continues,  and 
almost  every  person,  who  takes  any  active  part  in  the 
commerce  of  New  Spain  or  Peru,  is  stdl  engaged  m 
some  adventure  of  this  kind.  [186] 

But  though  mines  are  the  chief  object  of  the  Spa- 
niards, and  the  precious  metals  which  these  yield  lonn 
the  principal  article  in  their  commerce  with  America  ; 
the  fertile  countries  which  they  possess  there  abound 
with  other  commodities  of  such  value,  or  scarcity,  as  to 
attract  a  considerable  degree  of  attention.  Cochineal 
is  a  production  almost  peculiar  to  New  Spain,  of  such 
demand  in  commerce  that  the  sale  is  always  certain, 
and  yet  yields  such  profit  as  amply  rewards  the  labor 
and  care  employed  m  rearing  the  curious  insects  of 
which  this  valuable  drug  is  composed,  aud  preparing  it 
for  the  market.  Quinquina,  or  Jesuits'  Bark,  the  most 
salutary  simple,  perhaps,  and  of  most  restorative  virtue, 
that  Providence,  in  compassion  to  human  infirmity,  has 
made  known  unto  man,  is  found  only  in  Peru,  to  which 
it  affords  a  lucrative  branch  of  commerce.  The  Indigo 
of  Gautimala  is  superior  in  quality  to  that  of  any  pro- 
vince in  America,  and  cultivated  to  a  considerable  ex- 
tent. Cacao,  though  not  peculiar  to  the  Spanish  colo- 
nies, attains  to  its  highest  state  of  perfection  there,  and, 
from  the  great  comsumption  of  chocolate  in  Europe,  as 
well  as  in  America,  is  a  valuable  commodity.  The 
Tobacco  of  Cuba,  of  more  exquisite  flavor  than  any 
brought  from  the  New  World  ;  the  Sugar  raised  in 
that  island,  in  Hispaniola,  and  in  New  Spain,  together 
with  drugs  of  various  kinds,  may  be  mentioned  among 
the  natural  productions  of  America  which  enrich  the 
Spanish  commerce.  To  these  must  be  added  an 
article  of  no  inconsiderable  account,  the  exportation  ol 
hides  ;  for  which,  as  well  as  for  many  of  those  which  I 
have  enumerated,  the  Spaniards  are  more  indebted  to 
the  wonderful  fertility  of  the  country,  than  to  their  own 
foresight  and  industry.  The  domestic  animals  of 
Europe,  particularly  horned  cattle,  have  multiplied  in 
the  New  \\'orld  with  a  rapidity  which  almost  exceeds 
belief.  A  few  years  after  the  S])aniards  settled  there, 
the  herds  of  tame  cattle  became  so  numerous  that  their 
proprietors  reckoned  them  by  thousands.  Less  atten- 
tion being  paid  to  them  as  they  continued  to  increase, 
they  were  suffered  to  run  wild  ;  and  spreading  over  a 
country  of  boundlesfe  extent,  under  a  mild  climate  and 
covered  with  rich  pasture,  their  number  became  im- 
mense. They  range  over  the  vast  plains  which  extend 
from  Buenos  Ayres  towards  the  Andes,  in  herds  of 
thirty  or  forty  thousand  ;  and  the  unlucky  traieller  who 
once  falls  in  among  them,  may  proceed  several  days 
before  he  can  disentangle  himself  from  among  the 
crowd  that  covers  the  face  of  the  earth,  and  seems  to 
have  no  end.    They  are  hardly  less  numerous  in  New 


Spain,  and  in  several  other  provinc^es  ;  ihoy  are  killed 
merely  for  the  sake  of  their  hides  ;  and  the  slaughter 
at  certain  seasons  is  so  great,  that  the  stench  of  the 
carcasses,  which  ?.re  left  in  the  field,  would  infect  the 
air,  if  large  packs  of  wild  dogs,  and  vast  flocks  ol 
gulhnato.i,  or  American  vultures,  the  most  voracious 
of  all  the  feathered  kind,  did  not  instantly  devour 
them.  The  number  of  those  hides  exported  in  every 
fleet  to  Europe,  is  very  great,  and  is  a  lucrative  branch 
of  commerce. 

Almost  all  these  may  be  considered  as  staple  com- 
modities peculiar  to  .America,  and  different,  if  we  except 
that  last  mentioned,  from  the  productions  of  the  mother 
country. 

When  the  importation  into  Spain  of  those  various 
articles  from  her  coloniesfirst  became  active  and  con- 
siderable, her  interior  industry  and  manufactures  were 
in  3  state  so  |)rosperous,  that  with  the  product  of  these 
she  was  able  both  to  purchase  the  coinnioditi(^s  of  the 
New  World,  and  to  answer  its  growing  demands.  Un- 
der the  reigns  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  and  ('harlcs 
v.,  Spain  was  one  of  the  most  industrious  countries  in 
Europe.  Her  manufactures  in  wool,  and  flax,  and 
silk,  were  so  extensive,  as  not  only  to  furnish  what  was 
suflicient  for  her  own  consumption,  but  to  afford  a  sur 
plus  for  exportation.  When  a  market  for  them,  for- 
merly unknown,  and  to  which  she  alone  had  access, 
opened  in  America,  she  had  recourse  to  her  demestic 
store,  and  found  there  an  abundant  supply.  [187] 
This  new  employment  must  naturally  have  added  viva- 
city to  the  spirit  of  industry.  Nourished  and  invigo- 
rated by  it,  the  manufactures,  the  population,  and 
wealth  of  Spain,  might  have  gone  on  increasing  in  the 
same  proportion  with  the  growth  of  her  colonies.  Nor 
was  the  state  of  the  .Spanish  marine  at  this  period  less 
flourishing  than  that  of  its  manufactures.  In  the  be- 
ginning of  the  sixteenth  century,  Spain  is  said  to  have 
possessed  above  a  thousand  merchant  ships,  a  number 
probably  far  superior  to  that  of  any  nation  in  Europe 
in  that  age.  By  the  aid  which  foreign  trade  and  domes- 
tic industry  give  reciprocally  to  each  other  in  their  pro- 
gress, the  augmentation  of  both  must  have  been  rapid 
and  extensive,  and  Spain  might  have  received  the  same 
accession  of  opulence  and  vigor  from  her  acquisitions 
in  the  New  World  that  other  powers  have  derived  from 
their  colonies  there. 

But  various  causes  prevented  this.  The  same  thing 
happens  to  nations  as  to  individuals.  Wealth,  whitti 
flows  in  gradually,  and  with  moderate  increase,  feeds 
and  nourishes  that  activity  which  is  friendly  to  com- 
merce, and  calls  it  forth  into  vigorous  and  well  con- 
ducted exertions  ;  but  when  opulence  pours  in  suddenly, 
and  with  too  full  a  stream,  it  o  /erturns  all  sober  plans 
of  industry,  and  brings  along  with  it  a  tasle  for  what  is 
wiL  and  extravagant  and  daring  in  business  or  in  ac- 
tion. Such  was  the  great  and  sudden  augmentation  of 
power  and  revenue  that  the  possession  of  .America 
brought  into  Spain  ;  and  some  symptoms  of  its  per- 
nicious influence  upon  the  political  operations  of  that 
monarchy  soon  began  to  appear.  For  a  considerable 
time,  however,  the  supply  of  treasure  from  the  New 
World  was  scanty  and  ])recarious  ;  and  the  genius  of 
Charles  V.  conducted  public  measures  with  such  pru- 
dence, that  the  effects  of  this  influence  were  little  per- 
ceived. But  when  Philip  II.  ascended  the  Spanish 
throne,  with  talents  far  inferior  to  those  of  his  father, 
and  remittances  from  the  colonies  became  a  regular 
and  con.siderable  branch  of  revenue,  the  fatal  operation 
of  this  rapid  change  in  the  state  of  the  kingdom,  both 
on  the  monarch  and  his  people,  was  at  once  conspicu- 
ous. Philip,  possessing  that  spirit  of  undaunted  assi- 
duity which  often  characterizes  the  ambition  of  men  of 
moderate  talents,  entertained  such  a  high  opinion  of  his 
own  resources  that  he  thought  nothing  loo  arduous  for 
him  to  undertake.  .Shut  up  himself  in  the  solitude  of  the 
Escurial,  he  troubled  and  annoyed  all  the  nations  around 
him.  He  waged  open  war  with  the  Uutcli  and  English  ; 
he  encouraged  and  aided  a  rebellious  faction  in  France  ; 
he  conquered  Portugal,  and  maintained  armies  and  gar- 
risons in  Italy,  Africa,  and  both  the  Indies.  Bv  such 
a  multiplicity  of  great  and  complicated  operations,  pur 
sued  with  ardor  during  the  course  of  a  long  reign 
Sjiain  was  drained  both  of  men  and  money  Under 
the  weak  administration  of  his  successor,  Philip  HI., 
[.\.  D.  1611,]  the  vigor  of  the  nation  continued  to  de- 
crease, and  sunk  into  the  lowest  decline,  when  tho 
inconsiderate  bigotry  of  that  monarch  expelled  at  once 
near  a  million  of  his  most  industrious  subjects,  at  the 
very  time  when  the  exhausted  state  of  the  kingdom 
required  some  extraordinary  exertion  of  political  wis- 
dom to  augment  its  numbers,  and  to  revive  its  strength 
Early  in  th-j  seventeenth  century,  Spain  folt  aucU  • 


IGG 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


Qimiinition  in  llie  number  of  her  people,  that  from  ina- 
bility to  rccnii*  her  armies  she  was  ohligcd  to  contract 
her  operations.  Her  flourishing  manufactures  were 
f.illen  into  decay.  Iler  ll»-els,  wiiich  had  been  the  ter- 
ror of  all  Europe,  were  ruined.  Her  extensive  fo- 
reign commerce  was  lost.  The  trade  between  differ- 
ent parts  of  her  own  dominion  was  interrupted,  and 
the  ships  which  attempted  to  carry  it  on  were  taken 
and  plundered  by  enemies  whom  she  once  despised. 
Even  agriculture,  the  primary  object  of  industry  in 
every  prosperous  state,  was  neglected,  and  one  of  the 
most  fertile  countries  in  Europe  hardly  raised  what  was 
sufficient  for  the  support  of  its  own  inhabitants. 

In  proportion  as  the  jiopulation  and  manufactures  of 
'he  parent  state  declined,  the  demands  of  her  colonies 
continued  to  increase.  The  .Spaniards,  like  ;heir  mo- 
narchs,  intoxicated  with  the  wealth  which  poured  in 
annually  upon  them,  deserted  the  paths  of  industry  to 
which  they  had  been  accustomed,  and  re[)aircd  with 
eagerness  to  those  regions  from  which  this  opulence 
issued.  By  this  rage  of  emigration  another  drain  was 
opened,  and  the  strength  of  the  colonies  augmented  by 
exhausting  that  of  the  mother  country.  All  those  emi- 
grants, as  well  as  the  adventurers  who  had  at  first  set- 
tled in  America,  depended  absolutely  upon  Spain  for 
almost  every  article  of  neces.sary  consumption.  En- 
gaged in  more  alluring  and  lucrative  pursuits,  or  pre- 
vented by  restraints  which  government  imposed,  they 
^ould  not  turn  their  own  attention  towards  establishing 
►he  manufactures  requisite  for  comfortable  subsistence. 
They  received  (as  I  have  observed  in  another  place) 
their  clothing,  their  furniture,  whatever  ministers  to  the 
case  or  luxury  of  life,  and  even  their  instruments  of 
labor,  from  Europe.  Spain,  thinned  of  people  and  de- 
creasing in  industry,  was  unable  to  supply  their  grow- 
ing demands.  She  had  recourse  to  her  neighbors. 
The  manufactures  of  the  Low  Countries,  of  England, 
of  France,  and  of  Italy,  which  her  wants  called  into 
existence  or  aiiimated  with  new  vivacity,  furnished  in 
abundance  whatever  she  required.  In  vain  did  the 
fundamental  law,  concerning  the  exclusion  of  foreign- 
ers from  trade  with  America,  oppose  this  innovation. 
Necessity,  more  powerful  than  any  statute,  defeated  its 
Dptration,  and  constrained  the  Spaniards  themselves  to 
concur'  in  eluding  it.  The  English,  the  French,  and 
Dutch,  relying  on  the  fidelity  and  and  honor  of  Spanish 
merchants,  who  lend  their  names  to  cover  the  deceit. 
Bend  out  their  manufactures  to  America,  and  receive 
the  exorbitant  [irice  for  which  they  are  sold  there,  either 
in  specie,  or  in  the  rich  coniiuodities  of  the  New  World. 
Neither  the  dread  of  danger,  nor  the  allurement  of 
profit  ever  induced  a  Sjianish  factor  to  betray  or  de- 
fraud the  person  who  confided  in  him  :  and  that  probity, 
which  is  the  pride  and  distinction  of  the  nation,  con- 
tributes.to  its  ruin.  In  a  short  time,  not  above  a  twen- 
tieth part  of  the  commodities  exported  to  America  was 
of  Spanish  growth  or  fabric.  All  the  rest  was  the 
property  of  foreign  inerchaiits,  though  entered  in  the 
name  of  Spaniards.  The  treasure  of  the  New  World 
may  be  said  henceforward  not  to  have  belonged  to 
Spain.  Before  it  reached  Europe  it  was  anticipated  as 
the  price  of  goods  purchased  from  foreigners.  That 
vealth  which  by  an  internal  circulation,  would  have 
spread  through  each  vein  of  industry,  and  have  con- 
yeyed  life  and  movement  to  every  branch  of  manufac- 
ture, flowed  out  of  the  kingdom  with  such  a  rapid 
course  as  neither  enriched  nor  animated  it.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  artisans  of  rival  nations,  encouraged 
by  this  quick  sale  of  their  commodities,  improved  so 
much  in  skill  and  industry  as  to  be  able  to  afford  thci:i 
at  a  rate  so  low,  that  the  manufactures  of  Spain,  which 
could  not  vie  with  theirs  either  in  quality  or  cheapness 
of  work,  were  still  further  depressed.  This  desiructive 
commerce  drained  oH"  the  riches  of  the  nation  faster 
and  more  completely  than  even  the  extravagant  schemes 
of  ambition  carried  on  by  its  monarchs.  Spain  was 
■o  much  astonished  and  distressed  at  beholding  her 
American  treasures  vanish  almost  as  soon  as  tiiev  were 
imported,  that  Philip  III  ,  unable  to  supply  what  was 
requisite  in  circulation,  issued  an  edict,  by  which  he 
endeavored  to  raise  copper  money  to  a  value  in  cur- 
rency nearly  equal  to  that  of  silver  ;  and  the  lord  of  the 
Peruvian  and  Mexican  mines  was  reduced  lo  a  wretched 
expedient,  which  is  the  last  resource  of  petty  impo- 
venshed  Btate.s. 

Thus  the  possessions  of  Spain  in  America  have  not 
proved  a  source  of  population  and  of  wealth  to  her  in 
the  same  manner  as  those  of  other  nations.  In  the 
countries  of  Europe,  where  the  s])irit  of  industry  sub- 
sists ni  full  vigor,  every  person  settled  m  such  colonies 
•s  are  .similar  m  their  situation  to  those  of  Spam,  is 
•jj)poscd  10  give  sinpioyiikcnt  to  throo  'or  four  at  homo 


in  supplying  nis  wants.  But  wherever  the  mother 
country  cannot  afford  this  supply,  every  emigrant  may 
be  considered  as  a  citizen  lost  lo  the  community,  and 
strangers  must  reap  all  the  benefit  of  answering  his 
demands. 

Such  has  been  the  internal  state  of  Spsin  from  the 
close  of  the  sixteenth  century,  and  such  her  inability 
to  supply  the  growing  wants  of  her  colonies.  Tfie 
fatal  effects  of  this  disproportion  between  their  demands, 
and  her  capacity  of  answering  Ihe.n,  ha\e  been  much 
increased  by  the  mode  in  which  .Spain  has  endeavored 
to  regulate  the  intercourse  between  the  mother  country 
and  her  colonics.  It  is  from  her  idea  of  monopolising 
the  trade  with  America,  and  debarring  her  subjects 
there  from  any  communication  with  foreigners,  that  all 
her  jealous  and  systematic  arrangemcits  have  arisen. 
These  are  so  singular  in  their  nature  and  consequences 
as  to  merit  a  particular  explanation.  In  order  to  secure 
the  monopoly  at  which  she  aimed,  .Spain  did  not  vest 
the  trade  with  her  colonies  in  an  exclusive  company,  a 
plan  which  has  been  adopted  by  nations  more  coiijmer- 
cial,  and  at  a  period  vvhei;  mercantile  policy  was  an 
object  oT  greater  attention,  and  ouijht  to  have  been 
better  understood.  The  Dutch  gave  -jn  ti  c  whole 
trade  with  their  colonies,  both  in  the  East  »>/.'  M'est 
Indies,  to  exclusive  companies.  The  E.is,:i.'b:  the 
French,  the  Danes,  have  imitated  their  exan.j  le  with 
respect  to  the  East  Indian  commerce ;  ani.  the  two 
former  have  laid  a  similar  restraint  upon  some  bfanches 
of  their  trade  with  the  New  World.  The  wit  of  man 
cannot,  perhaps,  devise  a  method  for  checking  the  pro- 
gpess  of  industry  and  population  in  a  new  colony  more 
effectual  than  this.  The  interest  of  the  colony,  and  of 
the  exclusive  company,  must  in  every  point  be  diame- 
trically opposite  ;  and  as  the  latter  possesses  such  ad- 
vantages in  this  unequal  contest,  that  it  can  prescribe 
at  pleasure  the  terms  of  intercourse,  the  former  must 
not  only  buy  dear  and  sell  cheap,  but  must  suffer  the 
mortification  of  having  the  increase  of  its  surplus  stock 
discouraged  bv  those  very  persons  to  whom  alone  it 
can  dispose  of  its  productions. 

Spain,  it  is  probable,  was  preserved  from  falling  into 
this  error  of  policy  by  the  high  ideas  which  she  early 
formed  concerning  the  riches  of  the  New  World.  Gold 
and  silver  were  commodities  of  too  high  a  value  to  vest 
a  monopoly  of  them  in  private  hand.s.  The  crown 
wished  to  retain  the  direction  of  a  commerce  so  invit- 
ing ;  and,  in  order  to  secure  that,  ordained  the  cargo 
of  every  ship  fitted  out  for  America  to  be  inspected  liy 
the  officers  of  the  Casa  de  Coitlralacinn  in  Scvillo  be- 
fore it  could  receive  a  license  to  make  the  voyage  ; 
and  that,  on  its  return,  a  report  of  the  commodities 
which  it  brought  should  be  made  to  the  same  board 
before  it  could  be  permitted  to  land  them.  In  conse- 
quence of  this  regulation,  all  the  trade  of  Spain  with 
the  New  World  centred  originally  in  the  port  of  Seville, 
and  was  gradually  lirought  into  a  form,  in  which  it  has 
continued,  with  little  variation,  from  the  middle  of  the 
sixteenth  century  almost  to  our  own  times.  For  the 
greater  security  of  the  valuable  cargoes  sent  to  Ame- 
rica, as  wfc'I  as  for  the  more  easy  prevention  of  fraud, 
the  commef;etif  .Spain  with  its  colonies  is  carried  on 
by  fleets  which  sail  under  strong  convoys.  These 
fleets,  coiiiistini^  of  two  squadrons,  one  distinguished 
by  the  r.arie  of  the  (rulcons^  the  other  by  that  of  the 
Hol/i,  w;  'i|ji]>ped  annually.  Formerly  they  took 
the','  i;  jia:*.  J^^e  from  Seville  ;  but  as  the  port  of  Cadiz 
has  ba-^c  fjt.nd  more  commodious,  they  have  sailed 
from  it  since,  the  year  1720. 

The  Galeons  vi-^stined  to  supply  Tierra  Firme,  and 
the  kingdoms  of  Ywi  and  Cluli,  with  almost  every 
article  of  luxury  or  necessary  consumption,  that  an 
opulent  people  can  demand,  touch  first  at  Carthageiia, 
and  then  at  Porto  Bello.  To  the  former,  the  merchants 
of  Santa  Martha,  (^araccas,  the  New  Kingdom  of  (Ira- 
nada,  and  several  other  provin.-es,  resort.  The  latter 
is  the  great  mart  for  the  rich  commerce  of  Peru  and 
("hill.  .\t  the  season  when  the  Galeons  are  expected, 
the  product  of  all  the  mines  in  these  two  kingdoms,  to- 
gether with  their  other  valuable  commodities,  is  trans- 
ported by  sea  to  Panama.  From  thence,  as  soon  as 
the  appearance  of  the  fleet  from  Europe  is  announced, 
thev  arc  conveyed  acro.^s  the  isthmus,  partly  on  mules 
an:  ,j.-rlly  down  the  river  Chagre  to  Porto  Uello.  This 
paltry  village,  the  climate  of  which,  from  the  pernicious 
union  of  excessive  heat,  continual  moisture  ;  and  the 
putrid  exhalations  arising  from  a  rank  soil,  is  more  fatal 
to  life  than  any  "crhaps  in  the  known  world,  is  imme- 
diately filled  with  [leople  From  being  the  residence 
of  a  few  Negroes  and  Mulattoes,  and  of  a  miserable 
garrison  relieved  every  three  months,  Porto  Bello  as- 
sumes suddenly  a  very  diirureni  aspect,  and  its  streets 


are  crowded  with  opulent  merchants  from  every  comer 
of  Peru  and  the  adjacent  provinces.  A  fair  is  opened, 
the  wealth  of  .\merica  is  exchanged  for  the  manufar. 
tures  of  Europe  ;  and,  dnring  its  prescribed  term  of 
forty  days,  the  richest  traffic  on  the  face  of  the  cartn  i» 
begun  and  finished  with  that  simplicity  of  transaction, 
and  that  unbounded  confidence,  which  accompany  ex- 
tensive commerce.  [188]  The  Flota  holds  its  course 
to  Vera  Cruz.  The  treasures  and  commodities  of 
New  .Spain,  and  the  depending  provinces,  which  were 
deposited  at  Puebla  de  los  .Angeles,  in  expectation  of 
its  arrival,  are  carried  thither ;  and  the  lommcrcial 
operations  of  Vera  Cruz,  conducted  in  the  same  man- 
ner with  those  of  Porto  Bello,  are  inferior  lo  them  only 
in  importance  and  value.  Both  fleets,  as  soon  as  they 
have  completed  their  cargoes  from  America,  rendez- 
vous at  the  Havana,  and  return  in  company  to  Euro|>e. 

The  trade  of  .Spam  with  her  colonies,  while  thus  fet- 
tered and  restricted,  came  necessarily  to  be  conducted 
with  the  same  spirit,  and  upon  the  same  principles  as 
that  of  an  exclusive  company.  Being  confined  to  a 
single  port,  it  was  of  course  thrown  into  a  few  hands, 
and  almost  the  whole  of  it  was  gradually  en<rrofsed  by 
a  small  number  of  wealthy  houses,  formerly  in  .Seville, 
and  now  in  Cadiz.  The.se  by  combinations,  which 
they  can  easily  form,  may  altogether  prevent  that  com- 
petition which  preserves  commodities  at  their  natural 
price  ;  and  by  acting  in  concert,  to  which  they  are 
prompted  by  their  mutual  interest,  they  may  raise  or 
lower  the  value  of  them  at  pleasure.  Inconsequence 
of  this,  the  jirice  of  European  goods  in  America  is 
always  high,  and  often  exorbitant.  A  hundred,  two 
hundred,  and  even  three  hundred  per  cent.,  arc  profits 
not  uncommon  in  the  commerce  of  Spain  with  her  colo- 
nies. From  the  same  engrossing  spirit  it  frequently 
happens  that  trader*  of  the  second  order,  whose  ware- 
houses do  not  contain  a  complete  assortment  of  com- 
modities for  the  American  market,  cannot  purchase 
from  the  more  opulent  merchants  such  goods  as  they 
want  at  a  lower  price  than  that  for  which  thev  are 
sold  in  the  colonies.  With  the  same  vigilant  jealousy 
that  an  exclusive  company  guards  against  the  inlrustun 
of  the  free  trader,  those  overgrown  nionoi)olists  endea- 
vor to  check  the  progress  of  every  one  whose  en- 
croachments they  dread.  This  restraint  of  the  Ame- 
rican commerce  to  one  port  not  only  aflbcts  its  domes- 
tic state,  but  limits  its  foreign  operations.  A  monopo- 
list may  acquire  more,  and  certainly  will  hazard  less, 
bv  a  confined  trade  which  yields  exorbitant  profit,  than 
by  an  extensive  commerce  in  which  he  receives  oiJv  a 
moderate  return  of  gain.  It  is  often  his  interest  not  lo 
enlarge,  but  to  circumscribe  the  sphere  of  his  activiiy  i 
and  instead  of  calling  forth  more  vigorous  exertions  ol 
commercial  industry,  it  may  be  the  object  of  his  atten- 
tion to  check  and  set  bounds  to  them.  By  some  such 
maxim  the  mercantile  policy  of  Spain  seems  to  have 
regulated  its  intercourse  with  America.  Instead  ol 
furnishing  the  colonies  with  European  goods  in  sucU 
quantity  as  might  render  both  the  price  and  the  profit 
moderate,  the  merchants  of  Seville  and  Cadiz  sccin  to 
have  supplied  them  with  a  sparing  hand,  that  the  eager- 
ness of  competition,  among  customers  obliged  to  pur- 
chase in  a  scanty  market,  might  enable  the  Spanish  fac- 
tors to  dispose  of  their  cargoes  with  exorbitant  gam. 
About  the  middle  of  the  last  century,  when  the  exclu- 
sive trade  to  America  from  Seville  was  in  its  most 
flourishing  state,  the  burden  of  the  two  united  squa- 
drons of  the  tialeons  and  Flota  did  not  exceed  twenty- 
seven  thousand  five  hundred  tons.  The  supply  which 
such  a  fleet  could  carry  must  have  been  very  inadequate 
to  the  demands  of  those  populous  and  extensive  colo- 
nics, which  depended  upon  it  for  all  the  luxuries  and 
many  of  the  necessaries  of  life. 

Spain  early  became  sensible  of  her  declension  from 
her  former  prosperity  ;  and  many  respectable  and  vir- 
tuous citizens  eniplovcd  their  thoughts  in  devising  me- 
thods for  reviving  the  decaying  industry  and  cominerco 
of  their  country.  From  the  violence  of  the  remedies 
jiroposed,  we  may  judge  how  desperate  and  fatal  the 
malady  appeared.  Some,  confounding  a  violation  of 
|)olice  with  criminality  against  the  state,  contended 
that,  in  order  to  check  illicit  commerce,  eve'y  i>c:son 
convicted  of  carrying  it  on  should  be  ]iunished  with 
death,  and  confiscation  of  all  his  eflects.  Ui'iers,  for- 
getting the  distinction  between  civil  olfences  ai  d  acts 
of  impiety,  insisted  that  contraband  trade  sHoiik'  b* 
ranked  among  the  crimes  reserved  for  the  cognizance 
of  the  Inquisition  ;  that  such  as  were  guilty  of  it  might 
be  tried  and  punished  according  to  the  secret  and  siiin- 
marv  form  in  which  that  dreadful  tribunal  exe'oises  its 
jurisdiction.  Others,  nninslructed  by  obseiving  »h» 
pniiciois  circc's  of  monopolies  in  every  ciuiitrif '♦Uert 


SOUTH  AMERICA 


167 


thfiv  liave  been  cstablislied,  liavc  |)ro|)Osed  to  vest  tiie 
Iraiie  witli  America  in  fxrlusive  coiiipaiiifs,  which  in- 
terest uoiikl  rcjuler  tlie  most  vigilant  ijiiariiian.s  of  the 
S|)aiiish  commerce  against  the  encroachment  ol  the 
interlopers. 

besides  tliese  wild  projects,  many  schemes,  better 
diuested  and  more  beneficial,  were  suggested.  But 
under  the  feeble  monarchs  with  whom  the  reign  of  the 
Austrian  line  in  Spam  closed,  incajiacity  and  indecision 
are  conspicuous  in  everv  department  of  government. 
Instead  of  taking  for  their  model  the  active  administra- 
tion of  (Charles  V.,  they  affected  to  imitate  the  cautious 
procrastinating  wisdom  of  I^hilip  II.  ;  and  destitute  of 
his  talents,  they  deliberated  per[)etuaily,  but  determined 
nothing  Ko  remedy  was  applied  to  the  evils  under 
which  the  national  commerce,  domestic  as  well  as 
foreign  languished.  These  evils  continued  to  in- 
crease ;  and  Spain,  with  dominions  more  cvtensive 
and  more  opulent  than  any  European  state,  possessed 
neither  vigor,  nor  money,  [189J  nor  industry.  At 
length,  the  violence  of  a  great  national  convulsion 
roused  the  slumbering  genius  of  Spain.  The  efforts  of 
the  two  contending  parties  in  the  civil  war  kindled  by 
the  dispute  concerning  the  succession  of  the  crown  at 
the  beginning  of  this  century,  called  forth,  in  some  de- 
gree, the  ancient  spirit  and  vigor  of  the  nation.  While 
men  were  thus  forming,  capable  of  adopting  sentiments 
more  liberal  than  those  which  had  intiucnctd  the  coun- 
cils of  tlie  monai'chv  during  the  course  of  a  century, 
Spain  derived  from  an  une.xpected  source  the  means  of 
availing  itself  of  their  talents.  The  various  powers 
who  favored  the  pretensions  either  of  the  Austrian  or 
Bourbon  candidate  for  the  Spanish  throne,  sent  formi- 
dable fleets  and  armies  to  their  support ;  France,  Eng- 
land, and  Holland  remitted  nnmeiise  sums  to  Spam. 
These  were  spent  in  the  provinces  which  became  the 
theatre  of  war.  Part  of  the  American  treasure,  of 
which  foreigners  had  drained  the  kingdom,  flowed  back 
thither.  From  this  era  one  of  the  most  intelligent  Spa- 
nish authors  dates  the  revival  of  the  monarchy  :  and. 
however  humiliating  the  truth  may  be,  he  acknowledges, 
that  It  is  to  her  enemies  his  country  is  indebted  for  the 
acquisition  of  a  fund  of  circulating  specie  in  some  mea- 
sure adequate  to  the  exigencies  of  the  public. 

As  soon  as  the  Bourbons  obtained  quiet  possession  of 
the  throne,  they  discerned  this  change  in  the  spirit  of 
the  people  and  in  the  state  of  the  nation,  and  took  ad- 
vantage of  it  •  for  although  that  family  has  not  given 
monarchs  to  Spain  remarkable  for  superiority  of  genius, 
they  have  all  been  beneficent  princes,  attentive  to  t!ie 
happiness  of  their  subjects,  and  solicitous  to  promote 
it.  It  was,  accordingly,  the  first  object  of  Philip  V.  to 
suppress  an  innovation  which  had  crept  in  during  the 
course  of  the  war,  and  had  overturned  the  whole  system 
of  the  Spanish  commerce  with  America.  The  English 
and  Dutch,  by  their  su[)eriority  in  naval  power,  having 
acquired  such  command  of  the  sea  as  to  cut  off  all 
intercourse  between  Spain  and  her  colonies,  Spain,  in 
order  to  furnish  her  subjects  in  Atnerica  those  necessa- 
ries of  life  without  which  they  could  not  exist,  and  as 
the  only  means  of  receiving  from  thence  any  part  of 
their  treasure,  departed  so  far  from  the  usual  rigor  of 
its  maxims  as  to  open  the  trade  with  Peru  to  her  allies 
the  French.  The  merchants  of  St.  Malo,  to  whom 
Louis  XIV.  granted  the  privilege  of  this  lucrative  com- 
merce, engaged  in  it  with  vigor,  and  carried  it  on  upon 
I  principles  very  different  from  those  of  the  Spaniards. 
They  supplied  Peru  with  European  commodities  at  a 
moderate  price,  and  not  in  stinted  quantity.  The 
goods  which  they  imported  were  conveyed  to  every 
rovince  of  Spanish  America  in  such  abundance  as 
_  ad  never  been  known  in  any  former  period.  If  thi^  I 
intercourse  had  been  continued,  the  exportation  of 
European  commodities  from  Spain  must  have  ceased, 
and  the  dependence  of  the  colonies  on  the  mother 
country  have  been  at  an  end.  The  most  peremptory 
injunctions  were  therefore  issued  [1713,]  prohibiting 
the  admission  of  foreign  vessels  into  any  port  of  Peru 
or  Chili,  and  a  Spanish  squadron  was  employed  to 
clear  the  South  Sea  of  intruders,  whose  aid  was  no 
longer  i>ecessary. 

But  though,  on  the  cessation  of  the  war  which  was 
terminated  by  the  treaty  of  Utrecht,  Spam  obtained 
relief  from  one  encroachmnnt  on  her  commercial  sys- 
tem, she  was  exposed  to  another  which  she  deemed 
hardly^  less  pernicious.  As  an  inducement  that  might 
prevail  with  Queen  Anne  to  conclude  a  peace,  whTch 
France^  and  Spain  desired  with  equal  ardor,  Philip  V., 
uot  or'y  conveyed  to  Great  Britain  the  AssictUo,  or 
Contrac.  for  supplying  the  Spanish  colonies  with  Ne- 
groes, which  had  formerly  been  enjoyed  by  France,  but 
grinled  it  the  more  extraordinary  privilege  of  sending 


annually  to  the  fair  of  Porto  Bello  a  snip  of  five  hun- 
dred tons,  laden  with  European  commodities.  In  con- 
sequence of  tliis,  British  factories  were  established  at 
Carthagena,  Panama,  Vera  C'ruz.  Buenos  Avres,  and 
other  Spanish  settlements.  The  veil  with  which  Spain 
had  hitherto  covered  the  state  and  transactions  of  her 
colonies  was  removed.  The  agents  of  a  rival  nation, 
residing  in  the  towns  of  most  extensive  trade,  and  of 
chief  resort,  had  the  best  opjiortunities  of  becoming 
acquainted  with  the  interior  condition  of  the  American 
provinces,  of  observing  their  stated  and  occasional 
wants,  and  of  knowing  wdiat  commodities  might  be  im- 
ported into  them  with  the  greatest  advantage.  In  con- 
sequence of  information  so  authentic  and  expeditious, 
the  merchants  of  .lamaica  and  other  English  colonies 
who  traded  to  the  Spanish  mam  were  enabled  to  assort 
and  proportion  their  cargoes  so  exactly  to  the  demands 
of  the  market,  that  the  contraband  commerce  was  car- 
ried on  with  a  facility  and  to  an  extent  unknown  in  any 
former  period.  Tins,  however,  was  not  the  most  fatal 
consequence  of  the  Assiento  to  the  trade  of  S])ain. 
The  agents  of  the  British  South  Sea  Company,  under 
cover  of  the  importation  which  they  were  authorized  to 
make  by  the  ship  sent  annually  to  Porto  Bello,  ])0ured 
in  their  commodities  on  the  Sjianish  continent  without 
liinitalion  or  restraint.  Instead  of  a  ship  of  five  hun- 
dred tons,  as  stipulated  in  the  treaty,  they  usually  em- 
ployed one  which  exceeded  nine  hundred  tons  in  bur- 
den. She  was  accompanied  by  two  or  three  smaller 
vessels,  which,  mooring  in  some  neighboring  creek, 
supplied  her  clandestinely  with  fresh  bales  of  goods  to 
replace  such  as  were  sold.  The  inspectors  of  the  fair, 
and  officers  of  the  revenue,  gained  by  exorbitant  pre- 
sents, connived  at  the  fraud.  [190]  Thus,  partly  by 
the  operations  of  the  company,  and  partly  by  the 
activity  of  private  interlopers,  almost  the  whole  trade 
of  Spanish  America  was  engrossed  by  foreigners.  The 
immense  commerce  of  the  Galeons,  formerly  the  pride 
of  Spain,  and  the  envy  of  other  nations,  sunk  to 
nothing  [1737]  ;  and  the  squadron  itself,  reduced  from 
fifteen  thousand  to  two  thousand  tons,  served  hardly 
any  purpose  but  to  fetch  home  the  royal  revenue 
arising  from  the  fifth  on  silver. 

While  Spain  observed  those  encrachments,  and  felt 
so  sensibly  their  pernicious  effects,  it  was  impossible 
not  to  make  some  effort  to  restrain  tham.  Her  first 
expedient  was  to  station  ships  of  force,  under  the  appel- 
lation of  gitarda  coslas,  upon  the  coasts  of  those  pro- 
vinces to  which  interlopers  most  frequently  resorted. 
As  private  interest  concurred  with  the  duty  which  they 
owed  to  the  public,  m  rendering  the  officers  who  com- 
manded those  vessels  vigilant  and  active,  some  check 
was  given  to  the  progress  of  the  contraband  trade, 
though  in  dominions  so  extensive  and  so  accessible  by 
sea,  hardly  any  number  of  cruisers  was  sufiicient  to 
guard  against  its  inroads  in  every  quarter.  This  inter- 
ruption of  an  intercourse  which  had  been  carried  on 
with  so  much  facility,  that  the  merchants  in  the  British 
colonies  were  accustomed  to  consider  it  almost  as  an 
allowed  branch  of  commerce,  excited  murmurs  and 
complaints.  These,  authorized  in  some  measure,  and 
rendered  more  interesting  by  several  unjustifiable  acts 
of  violence  committed  by  the  captains  of  the  Spanish 
guarda  costas,  precipitated  Great  Britain  into  a  war 
with  Spain  [1739]  ;  in  consequence  of  which  the  latter 
obtained  a  final  release  from  the  Assiento,  and  was  left 
at  liberty  to  regulate  the  commerce  of  her  colonies 
without  being  restrained  by  any  engagement  with  a 
foreign  power. 

As  the  formidable  encroachments  of  the  English  on 
their  American  trade,  had  discovered  to  the  Spaniards 
the  vast  consmnption  of  European  goods  in  their  colo- 
nies, and  taught  them  the  advantage  of  accommodating 
their  importations  to  the  occasional  demand  of  the 
various  provinces,  they  perceived  the  necessity  of  de- 
vising some  method  of  supplying  their  colonies,  dif- 
ferent from  their  ancient  one  ol  sending  thither  periodi- 
cal fleets.  That  mode  of  communication  had  been 
found  not  only  to  be  uncertain,  as  the  de|)arture  of  the 
Galeons  and  Flota  was  sometimes  retarded  by  various 
accidents,  and  often  prevented  by  the  wars  which 
raged  in  Europe  ;  but  long  experience  had  shown  it  to 
'be  ill  adapted  to  afford  America  a  regular  and  timely 
supply  01  what  it  wanted.  The  scarcity  of  European 
goods  in  the  Spanish  settlements  frequently  became 
excessive ;  their  price  rose  to  an  enormous  height  ; 
the  vigilant  eye  of  mercantile  attention  did  not  fail  to 
observe  this  favorable  ojiportunity  :  an  ample  supply 
was  poured  in  by  interlopers  from  the  English,  the 
French,  and  Dutch  islands  ;  and  when  the  Galeons  at 
length  arrived,  they  found  the  markets  so  glutted  by 
this  illicit  commerce,  that  there  wsb  no  demand  for  the 


commodities  with  which  they  were  loaded.  Ii  order 
to  remedy  this,  Spain  has  permitted  a  considerable  jiart 
ol  her  commerce  with  America  to  be  carried  on  by 
register  nhips.  These  are  fitted  out  during  the  m'.er- 
vals  between  the  slated  seasons  when  the  Galeons  and 
Flota  sail,  by  merchants  in  Seville  or  Cadiz,  upon 
obtaining  a  license  from  the  coun';il  of  the  Indies,  for 
which  they  pay  a  very  high  premium,  and  are  destined 
for  those  ports  in  America  where  any  extraordinary 
demand  is  foreseen  or  exnected.  By  this  exjicdieiit, 
such  a  regular  supply  of  the  comnudities  for  which 
there  is  the  greatest  demand  is  conveyed  to  the  Ame- 
rican market,  that  the  interloper  is  no  longer  allured  by 
tiie  same  prospect  of  excessive  gain,  or  the  people  in 
the  colonies  urged  by  the  same  necessity  to  engage  in 
the  hazardous  adventures  of  contraband  trade. 

In  pro|)ortion  as  experience  manifested  the  advanta- 
ges of  carrying  on  trade  m  this  mode,  the  number  of 
register  ships  increased  ;  and  at  length,  in  the  year 
1748,  the  Galeons,  alter  having  been  employed  uj)- 
wards  of  two  centuries,  were  finally  laid  aside.  From 
that  period  there  has  been  no  intercourse  with  Chili  and 
Peru  but  by  single  ships,  despatched  from  time  to  time 
as  occasion  requires,  and  when  the  merchants  expect  a 
profitable  market  w'lU  open.  These  ships  sail  round 
(^dpe  Horn,  and  convey  directly  to  the  ports  in  the 
South  Sea  the  productions  and  manufacturt>s  of  Europe, 
for  which  the  people  settled  in  those  countries  were  for- 
merly obliged  to  repair  to  Porto  Bello  or  Panama. 
These  towns,  as  has  been  formerly  observed,  must 
gradually  decline,  when  deprived  of  that  commerce  to 
which  they  owed  their  prosperity.  This  disadvantage, 
however,  is  more  than  compensated  by  the  beneficial 
effects  of  this  new  arrangement,  as  the  whole  continent 
of  South  America  receives  new  supplies  of  European 
commodities  with  so  much  regularity,  and  in  such 
abundance,  as  must  not  only  contribute  greatly  to  the 
happiness,  but  increase  the  population  ol  all  the  colo- 
nies settled  there.  But  as  all  the  register  ships  des- 
tined for  the  South  Seas  must  still  take  their  departure 
from  Cadiz,  and  are  obliged  to  return  thither,  this 
branch  of  the  American  commerce,  even  in  its  new 
and  improved  form,  continues  subject  to  the  restraints 
of  a  species  of  monopoly,  and  feels  those  pernicious 
effects  of  it  which  I  have  already  de;.cribed. 

Nor  has  the  attention  of  Spain  been  confined  to  regu- 
lating the  trade  with  its  more  flourishing  colonies  ;  it 
has  extended  likewise  to  the  reviving  commerce  in 
those  settlements  where  it  was  neglected,  or  had 
decayed.  Among  the  new  tastes  which  the  people  of 
Europe  have  acquired  in  consequence  of  iin|)i)rtmg  ihu 
productions  of  those  countries  which  they  conquered  in 
.Vmerica,  that  for  chocolate  is  one  of  the  most  uni- 
versal. The  use  of  this  liquor,  made  with  a  paste 
foru  d  of  the  nut  or  almond  of  the  cacao  tree  com- 
pounded with  various  ingredients,  the  Spaniards  first 
learned  from  the  Mexicans  ;  and  it  has  appeared  to 
them,  and  to  the  other  European  nations,  so  palatable, 
so  nourishing,  and  so  wholesome,  that  it  has  become  a 
commercial  article  of  considerable  importance.  The 
cacao  tree  grows  spontaneously  m  several  parts  of  the 
torrid  zone  ;  but  the  nuts  of  the  best  quality,  next  to 
those  of  Gualimala  on  the  South  Sea,  are  produced  in 
the  rich  plains  of  Caraccas,  a  province  of  Tierra  Firme. 
In  consequence  of  this  acknowledged  superiority  in  the 
quality  of  cacao  in  that  province,  and  its  communication 
with  the  Atlantic,  which  facilitates  the  conveyance  to 
Europe,  the  culture  of  the  cacao  there  is  more  exten- 
sive than  in  any  district  of  America.  But  the  Dutch, 
by  the  vicinity  of  their  settlements  in  the  small  islands 
of  Cuiazoa  and  Buenos  Ayres,  to  the  coast  of  Carac- 
cas, gradually  engrossed  the  greatest  part  of  the  cacao 
trade.  The  traffic  with  the  mother  country  for  this 
valuable  commodity  ceased  almost  entirely  ;  and  such 
was  the  supine  negligence  of  the  Spaniards,  or  the  de- 
fects of  their  commercial  arrangements,  that  they  were 
obliged  to  receive  from  the  hands  of  foreigners  this  pro- 
duction of  their  own  colonies  at  an  exorbitant  price. 
In  order  to  remedy  an  evil  no  less  disgraceful  than  per- 
nicious to  his  subjects,  Philip  V'.,  in  the  year  1728, 
granted  to  a  body  of  merchants  an  exclusive  right  to 
the  commerce  with  Caraccas  and  Cumana,  on  condition 
of  their  employing,  at  their  own  expense,  a  sufiicient 
number  of  armed  vessels  to  clear  the  coast  of  interlo- 
pers. This  society,  distinguished  sometimes  by  the 
name  of  the  Company  of  (iuipuscoa,  from  the  province 
of  Spain  in  which  it  is  established,  and  sometimes  bv 
that  of  the  Company  of  Caraccas,  from  the  district  o[ 
.\merica  to  which  it  trades,  has  carried  on  its  operation? 
with  such  vigor  and  success,  that  Spain  has  recovered 
an  important  branch  of  commerce  which  she  had  suf- 
fered to  be  wrested  from  Ler,  and  is  pleulifiUly  supplied 


168 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


with  an  article  of  extensive  consutiiption  at  a  moderate 
price.  Not  only  the  parent  state,  but  the  colony  of 
Caraccas,  has  deriveil  yrcat  advantages  from  this  insti- 
tution ;  fur  althoui^h,  at  (lie  first  aspect,  it  may  ajjpear 
to  be  one  of  those  monopolies  whose  tendency  is  to 
check  the  spirit  of  industry  instead  of  calling  it  forth  to 
new  exertions,  it  has  been  prevented  from  operating  in 
this  manner  by  several  salutary  regulations  framed  u\)On 
foresight  of  such  bad  etl'ects,  and  on  purpose  to  obviate 
them.  The  planters  in  the  Caraccas  are  not  left  to 
depend  entirely  on  the  company,  either  for  the  importa- 
tion of  European  commodities  or  the  sale  of  their  own 
productions.  'J'hc  inhabitants  of  the  Canary  islands 
have  the  privilege  of  sending  thither  annually  a  register 
ship  of  considerable  burden  ;  and  from  Vera  Cruz,  in 
New  Spain,  a  free  trade  is  permitted  in  every  port  com- 
prehended in  the  charter  of  the  company.  In  conse- 
quence of  this,  there  is  such  a  competition,  that  both 
with  respect  to  what  the  colonics  jiurchasc  and  v\hat 
ihey  sell,  the  price  seems  to  be  fixed  at  its  natural  and 
equitable  rate.  The  company  has  not  the  power  of 
raising  the  former,  or  of  degrading  the  latter,  at  plea- 
sure ;  and  accordingly,  since  it  was  cstalthshcd,  llic 
increase  of  culture,  of  population,  and  of  live  stork,  in 
the  province'  of  Caraccas,  has  been  very  considerable. 

But  as  it  is  slowly  that  nations  relinquish  any  system 
which  time  has  rendered  venerable,  and  as  it  is  stili 
more  slowly  that  commerce  can  be  diverted  front  the 
channel  in  which  it  has  long  been  accustomed  to  flow, 
Philip  v.,  in  his  new  regulations  concerning  the  Ame- 
rican trade,  paid  such  deference  to  tiie  ancient  maxim 
of  Spain,  concerning  the  limitation  of  importation  from 
the  New  World  to  one  harbor,  as  to  oblige  bclh  the 
register  ships  which  returned  from  Peru,  and  thc-e  of 
the  Guipnscoan  (Company  from  Caraccas,  to  deliver 
their  cargoes  in  the  port  of  Cadiz.  Since  his  reign, 
sentiments  more  liberal  and  enlarged  begin  to  spread  in 
Sjiain.  The  spirit  of  philoso])hical  inquiry,  which  it  is 
the  glory  of  the  present  age  to  have  turned  from  frivo- 
ous  or  abstruse  speculations  to  the  business  and  affairs 
of  men,  has  extended  its  influence  beyond  the  I'yre- 
nees.  In  the  researches  of  ingenious  authors  concern- 
:iig  the  police  or  commerce  of  nations,  the  errors  and 
defects  of  the  Spani.sh  system  with  respect  to  both  met 
every  eye,  and  have  not  only  been  exposed  with  seve- 
rity, but  are  held  up  as  a  warning  to  other  states.  The 
Spaniards,  stung  with  the  reproaches  of  these  authors, 
or  convinced  by  their  arguments,  and  admonished  by 
several  enlightened  writers  of  their  own  country,  seem 
Bt  length  to  have  discovered  the  destructive  tendency 
of  those  narrow  maxims,  which,  by  cramping  com- 
merce in  all  its  operations,  have  so  long  retarded  its 
progress.  It  is  to  the  monarch  now  on  the  throne  that 
Spain  is  indebted  for  the  first  public  regulation  formed 
in  consequence  of  such  enlarged  ideas. 

While  Spain  adhered  with  rigor  to  her  ancient  maxim 
concerning  her  commerce  with  America,  she  was  so 
much  afraid  of  opening  any  channel  by  which  an  illicit 
trade  might  find  admission  into  the  colonies,  that  she 
almost  shut  herself  out  from  any  intercourse  with  them 
but  that  which  was  carried  on  by  her  annual  fleets. 
There  was  no  establishment,  for  a  regular  communica- 
tion of  either  public  or  private  intelligence,  between 
the  mother  country  and  its  American  settlements.  From 
the  want  of  this  necessary  institution,  the  operations  of 
the  state,  as  well  as  the  business  of  individuals,  were 
retarded  or  conducted  unskilfully,  and  Spain  often  re- 
ceived from  foreigneis  her  first  information  with  respect 
to  very  interesting  events  in  her  own  colonies.  But 
?i»ugh  this  defect  in  police  was  sensibly  felt,  and  the 
remedy  for  it  was  obvious,  that  jealous  sj)irit  with  which 
the  Spanish  monarchs  guarded  the  exclusive  trade, 
restrained  them  from  applying  it.  At  length  (yharles 
III  surmounted  those  considerations  which  had  de- 
terred his  predc^cessors,  and  in  the  year  1704  appointed 
packet  boats  to  lie  despatched  on  the  first  day  of  each 
month  from  Comgna  to  the  Havana  or  Porto  Kico. 
From  thence  letters  are  conveyed  in  smaller  vessels  (o 
Vera  ('ruz  and  Porto  Hello,  and  transmitted  by  post 
through  the  kingdoms  of  Tierra  Firine,  (Jranada,  Peru, 
and  New  .Spain.  With  no  less  rei;ularity  packet  boats 
sail  once  in  two  months  to  Rio  de  la  Plata,  for  the 
accommodation  of  the  provinces  to  the  ea.st  of  the 
Andes.  Thus  provision  is  made  for  a  speedy  and  cer- 
tain circulation  ->f  intelligence  throughout  the  vast 
dominions  of  .Spain,  from  which  equal  advantages  must 
redound  to  the  political  and  mercantile  interest  of 
the  kingdom.  %\  ith  this  new  arrangement  a  scheme 
ol  extending  commerce  has  been  more  immediately 
connected.  Each  of  the  packet  boats,  which  arc  ves- 
uie  u(  101119  considerable  burden,  is  allowoi  to  take 


in  half  a  loading  of  such  commodities  as  are  the  pro- 
duct of  .Spain,  and  most  in  demand  in  the  ports  whither 
ihev  are  bound.  In  return  for  these,  they  may  bring 
home  to  Comgna  an  equal  quantity  of  American  pro- 
ductions. This  may  be  considered  as  the  first  relaxa- 
tion of  those  rigid  laws,  which  confined  the  trade  will; 
the  New  World  to  a  single  port,  and  the  first  attempt 
to  admit  the  rest  of  the  kingdom  to  some  share  in  it. 

It  was  soon  followed  by  one  more  d'jcisive.  In  the 
year  17G5.  Charles  III.  laid  open  the  trade  to  the  wind- 
ward Islands,  Cuba,  Hispaniola,  Porto  Rico,  Margarita, 
and  Trinidad,  to  his  subjects  in  every  province  of  Spain. 
He  permitted  them  to  sail  from  certain  ports  in  each 
province,  which  are  specified  in  the  edict,  at  any  sea- 
son, and  with  whatever  cargo  they  ileemed  most  jjroper, 
without  any  other  warrant  than  a  Simple  clearance  from 
the  custom-house  of  jhe  place  whence  they  took  their 
departure.  He  released  them  from  the  numerous  and 
ojipressive  duties  imposed  on  goods  exported  to  Ame- 
rica, and  in  place  of  the  whole  substituted  a  moderate 
tax  of  SIX  in  the  hundred  on  the  commodities  sent  from 
Spain.  He  allowed  them  to  return  either  to  the  same 
port,  or  to  any  other  where  they  mi.^ht  hope  for  a  more 
advantageous  market,  and  there  to  (  liter  the  homeward 
cargo  on  j)aymeiit  of  the  usual  duties.  This  ample 
privilege,  which  at  once  broke  through  all  the  fences 
which  the  jealous  policy  of  Spain  had  l)cen  laboring  for 
two  centuries  and  a  iialf  to  throw  round  lis  commercial 
intercourse  with  t.^e  New  World,  was  soon  after  ex- 
tended to  Louisiana,  and  to  the  provinces  of  Yucatan 
and  Campcachy. 

The  propriety  of  this  innovation,  which  may  be  con- 
sidered as  the  most  liberal  enbrt  of  Spanish  legislation, 
has  appeared  from  its  eflccts.  Prior  to  the  edict  in 
favor  of  the  free  trade,  Spain  derived  hardly  any  benefit 
from  its  neglected  colonies  in  Hispaniola,  Porto  Rico. 
Margarita,  ar.d  Trinidad.  Its  commerce  with  Cuba 
was  inconsiderable,  and  that  of  Yucitan  and  Cam- 
peachy  was  engrossed  almost  entirely  by  interlopers 
But  as  soon  as  a  general  liberty  of  trade  was  permitted, 
the  intercourse  witn  those  provinces  rt  vived,  and  has 
gone  on  with  a  rapidity  of  jirogression  of  which  there 
are  few  examples  in  the  history  of  nations.  In  less 
than  ten  years,  the  trade  of  Cuba  has  been  more  than 
tripled.  Even  in  those  setllemc::'s  where,  from  the 
languishing  state  of  industry,  greater  efforts  were  re- 
quisite to  restore  its  activity,  their  commerce  has  been 
doubled.  It  is  computed  that  such  a  number  of  ships 
is  already  employed  in  the  free  trade,  that  the  tonnage 
of  them  far  exceeds  that  of  the  Galeons  and  F'ota  at 
the  most  flourishing  era  of  their  commerce.  The 
benefits  of  this  arrangement  are  not  confined  to  a  few 
merchants  established  in  a  favorite  port.  They  are 
diffused  through  every  province  of  the  kingdom  ;  and, 
by  opening  a  new  market  for  their  various  productions 
and  manufactures,  must  encourage  and  add  vivacity  to 
the  industry  of  the  farmer  and  artificer.  Nor  does  the 
kingdom  jirofit  only  by  what  it  exports  ;  it  derives  ad- 
vantage likewise  from  what  it  receives  in  return,  and 
has  the  prospect  of  being  soon  able  to  supjily  itself 
with  several  commodities  of  extensive  consumption, 
for  which  it  formerly  depended  on  foreigners.  The 
consumption  of  sugar  in  Spain  is  perhaps  as  great,  in 
proportion  to  the  number  of  its  inhabitants,  as  that  of 
any  European  kingdom.  But  though  possessed  of 
countries  in  the  New  World  whose  soil  and  climate 
are  most  proper  for  rearing  the  sugar-cane  ;  though  the 
domestic  culture  of  that  valuable  jjlant  in  the  kingdom 
of  Ciranada  was  once  coivuderable  ;  such  has  been  the 
fatal  tendency  of  ill  judged  institutions  in  America,  anil 
such  the  pressure  of  improper  taxes  in  Euro|)e,  that 
Spain  has  lost  almost  entirely  this  branch  of  industry, 
which  has  enriched  other  nations.  This  commodity, 
which  has  now  become  an  article  of  primary  necessity 
in  Europe,  the  S|)amards  were  obliged  to  purchase  of 
foreigners,  and  had  the  mortification  to  see  their  coun- 
try drained  annually  of  great  sums  on  that  account 
But.  if  that  spirit  which  the  permission  of  free  trade 
nas  put  in  motion  shall  persevere  m  its  cfForts  with  the 
-lamo  vigor,  the  cultivation  of  sugar  in  Cuba  and  Porto 
Rico  may  increase  so  much,  that  in  a  few  years  it  is 
prol>at)le  thit  their  growth  of  sugars  may  be  equal  to 
the  demand  of  the  kingdom. 

Siiain  has  been  induced,  by  her  experience  of  the 
beneficial  consequences  resulting  from  having  relaxed 
somewhat  of  the  rigor  of  her  ancient  laws,  with  respect 
to  the  commerce  of  the  mother  country  with  the  colo- 
nies, to  permit  a  more  liberal  intercourse  of  one  colony 
with  another.  By  one  of  the  jealous  maxims  of  the 
old  system,  all  the  provinces  situated  on  the  .South  seas 
were  prohibited,  under  the  most  severe  pcnalticf,  from 
holding  any  communicd'.ioa  with  ooe  another.  Though 


each  of  these  yields  peculiar  productions,  the  reciprocal 
exchange  of  which  might  have  added  tc  the  happi:ies» 
of  their  respective  inhabitants,  or  have  facilitated  tlicu 
progress  in  industry,  so  solicitous  was  the  ('ouncil  ol 
the  Indies  to  prevent  their  receiving  anv  supply  of  their 
wants  but  by  the  periodical  fleets  from  Eurojie,  that,  in 
order  to  guard  against  this,  it  cruelly  debarred  the  Spa- 
niards in  Peru,  in  the  southern  provinces  of  New  Spain, 
in  Cuatimala,  and  the  new  kingdom  of  Granada,  from 
such  a  correspondence  with  their  fellow  subjects  as 
tended  manifestly  to  their  mutual  prosperity.  Of  all 
the  numerous  restrictions  devised  by  Spain  for  seeming 
the  exclusive  trade  with  her  American  settlements, 
none  perhaps  was  more  illiberal,  none  seems  to  have 
been  more  sensibly  felt,  or  lo  have  produced  more 
hurtful  etrccts.  This  grievance,  coeval  with  the  settle- 
m«us  of  Spain  in  the  countries  situated  on  the  Pacific 
Ocean,  is  at  last  redressed.  In  the  year  1774.  Charles 
HI.  publi.shed  an  edict,  granting  to  the  four  great  pro- 
vinces which  I  have  mentioned  the  privilege  of  a  free 
twde  with  each  other.  [l'J2J  What  may  be  the  eirecls 
of  opening  this  communication  between  countries  des- 
tined bv  their  situation  for  reciprocal  intercourse,  can- 
not yet  be  determined  by  experience.  They  can  hardly 
fail  of  being  beneficial  and  extensive.  The  motives  for 
granting  this  permission  are  manifestly  no  less  laudable 
than  the  principle  on  which  it  is  founded  is  liberal  ;  and 
both  discover  the  progress  of  a  spirit  in  Spam,  far  ele- 
vated above  the  narrow  prejudices  and  maxims  on 
which  her  system  for  regulating  the  trade  and  conduct- 
ing the  government  of  her  colonies  was  originally 
founded. 

At  the  same  time  that  Spain  has  been  intent  on  in- 
troducing regulations,  suggested  by  more  enlarged 
views  of  policy,  into  her  system  of  American  commerce, 
she  has  not  been  inattentive  to  the  interior  government 
of  her  colonies.  Here,  too,  there  was  much  room  for 
reformation  and  improvement ;  and  Don  Joseph  Galvez, 
w  ho  has  now  the  direction  of  the  department  of  Indian 
affairs  in  Spain,  has  enjoyed  the  best  opportunities,  not 
only  of  observing  the  defects  and  corruption  in  the  p-o- 
lilical  frame  of  the  colonies,  but  of  discovering  the 
sources  of  those  evils.  After  being  employed  seven 
years  in  the  New  World  cn  an  extraordinary  mission, 
and  with  very  extensive  powers,  as  ins))ector-geiieral 
of  New  Spiin  ;  after  visiting  in  person  the  remote  pro- 
vinces of  Cinaloa,  Sonora.  and  California,  and  making 
several  important  alterations  in  the  state  of  the  police 
and  revenue  ;  he  began  his  ministry  with  a  general 
reformation  of  the  tribunals  of  justice  in  America.  In 
consequence  of  the  progress  of  population  and  wealth 
in  the  colonies,  the  business  of  the  Courts  of  Audience 
has  increased  so  much  that  the  number  of  judges  of 
which  they  were  originally  composed  has  been  found 
inadequate  to  the  growing  labors  and  duties  of  the 
office,  and  the  salaries  settled  upon  them  have  been 
deemed  inferior  to  the  dignity  of  the  station.  As  a 
remedy  for  both,  he  obtained  a  royal  edict,  establishing 
an  additional  number  of  judges  in  each  Court  of  .^u• 
dience,  with  higher  titles,  and  more  ample  apjwint- 
mcnts. 

To  the  same  intelligent  minister  Spain  is  indebted  for 
a  new  distribution  of  government  in  its  .\merican  pro- 
vinces. Even  since  the  establishment  of  a  third  vice- 
rovalty  in  the  new  kingdom  of  Granada,  so  great  is  the 
extent  of  the  Spanish  dominions  in  the  New  World, 
that  several  places  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  of  each 
vicerov  were  at  such  an  enormous  distance  from  the 
capitals  in  which  they  resided,  that  neither  their  alleii- 
lion  nor  authority  could  reach  so  far.  Some  provinces 
subordinate  to  the  vicerov  of  New  Spain  lav  above  two 
thousand  miles  from  Mexico.  There  were  countries 
subject  to  the  viceroy  of  I'eru  still  further  from  Luna. 
The  people  in  those  remote  districts  could  hardly  he 
said  to  enjoy  the  benefit  of  civil  government.  The 
oppression  and  insolence  of  its  inferior  ministers  they 
often  feel,  and  rather  submit  to  these  in  silence  than 
involve  them.seUes  in  the  expense  and  trouble  of  re- 
sorting to  the  distant  capital,  where  alone  they  can  find 
redress.  .\s  a  reii>edv  for  this,  a  fourth  vicerovalty  has 
been  erected,  [.^ug.  1776]  lo  the  jurisdiction  of  wliirb 
are  subjected  the  provinces  of  Rio  de  la  Plata.  Bucno» 
Ayres,  Paraguav,  Tucuinan.  Potosi.  St.  Cuz  de  U 
.Sierra  Charcas,  and  the  towns  of  Mendoza  and  St. 
Juan.  Uv  this  well  judged  arrangement  two  ad>aii. 
tages  arc  gained.  All  the  inconveiiiencies  occasioned 
by  the  remote  situation  of  those  provinces,  which  h«d 
been  long  felt,  and  long  com|>lained  of.  are  in  a  great 
measure  removed  The  countries  most  distant  from 
Luna  are  separated  from  the  vicetoyalty  of  Peru,  and 
united  under  a  superior,  whose  seal  of  government  ht 
BucQOs  Ayree  will  bo  commodious  and  accc»siblc. 


S  O  IT  T  H  A  M  E  R  I  C  A  . 


169 


Tho  coiitiMband  trade  willi  the  Portuguese,  which  was 
become  so  extensive  as  must  have  put  a  final  stop  to 
the  exportation  of  coniinodilies  from  Spain  to  her 
soutliern  colonies,  may  be  checked  more  thoroughly, 
and  with  greater  facility,  when  the  supreme  magistrate, 
bv  his  vicinity  to  the  ))laces  in  which  it  was  carried  on. 
can  view  its  progress  and  effects  with  his  own  eyes. 
Don  Pedro  Zevallos,  who  has  licen  raised  to  this  new 
dignity,  with  appointments  equal  to  those  of  the  other 
viceroys,  is  well  acquainted  both  with  the  state  and  the 
interests  of  the  countries  over  which  he  is  to  preside, 
having  served  in  thcin  long,  and  with  distinction.  By 
this  dismemberment,  succeeding  (hat  which  took  place 
al  the  erection  of  the  viceroyalty  of  the  new  kingdom 
of  (iranada,  almost  two-third  parts  of  the  territories  ori- 
ginally subject  to  the  viceroys  of  Peru,  are  now  lopjied 
oii'  from  their  jurisdiction. 

The  limits  of  the  viceroyalty  of  New  Spain  have 
likewise  been  considerably  circumscribed,  and  with  no 
less  propriety  and  discertiinent  Four  of  its  most  remote 
provinces,  Souora,  Ciiialoa,  (/iiliforiiia,  and  New  Na- 
varre, have  been  formed  into  a  s(  |)aratc  government. 
'J'he  Chevalier  de  Croix,  who  is  intrusted  with  this 
roinmaiid,  is  not  dignified  with  the  title  of  viceroy,  nor 
does  he  enjoy  the  appointments  belonging  to  that  rank  ; 
but  his  jurisdiction  is  altogether  independent  on  the 
viceroyalty  of  New  Spain.  The  erection  o(  this  last 
government  seems  to  have  been  suggested  not  only  by 
the  consideration  of  the  remote  situation  of  those  pro- 
vinces from  Mexico,  but  by  attention  to  the  late  disco- 
veries made  there  which  I  have  mentioned.  Countries 
containing  the  richest  mines  of  gold  that  have  hitherto 
been  discovered  in  the  New  World,  and  which  proba- 
bly may  rise  into  greater  importance,  required  the  im- 
mediate inspection  of  a  governor  to  whom  they  should 
be  specially  committed  As  every  consideration  of 
duly,  of  interest,  and  of  vanity,  must  concur  in  prompt- 
in"  those  new  governors  to  encourage  such  exertions 
as  lend  to  diHuse  opulence  and  prosjierity  through  the 
provinces  committed  to  their  charge,  the  beneticial 
ertccts  of  this  arrangement  may  be  considerable.  Many 
districts  in  America,  lone  depressed  by  the  languor  and 
feebleness  natural  to  provinces  which  compose  the  ex- 
tremities of  an  overgrown  empire,  may  be  animated 
/nil  vigor  and  activity  when  brought  so  near  the  seat 
of  power  as  to  feel  its  invigorating  influence. 

Such,  since  the  accession  of  the  princes  of  the  house 
oi  Bourbon  to  the  throne  of  Spain,  has  been  the  pro- 
gress of  their  regulations,  and  the  gradual  expansion  of 
tlieir  vicv^■s  with  respect  to  the  commerce  and  govern- 
ment of  their  American  colonies.  Nor  has  their  atten- 
tion liceii  so  entirely  engrossed  by  what  related  to  the 
more  remote  parts  of  their  dominions,  as  to  render 
them  neglectful  of  what  was  still  more  important,  the 
reformation  of  domestic  errors  and  defects  in  policy. 
Fully  sensible  of  the  causes  to  which  the  declension  of 
Spam  from  her  former  prosperity  ought  to  be  imputed, 
they  have  made  it  a  great  object  of  tlicir  [jolicy  to  re- 
vive a  sjiirit  of  industry  among  iheir  subjects,  and  to 
give  such  extent  and  ))erfection  to  their  manufactures 
as  may  enable  them  to  supply  the  demands  of  America 
from  their  own  stock,  and  to  exclude  foreigners  from  a 
branch  of  commerce  which  has  been  so  fatal  to  the 
kingdom.  This  they  have  endeavored  to  accomplish 
by  a  variety  of  edicts  issued  since  the  peace  of  Utrecht. 
'J'liey  have  granted  bounties  for  the  encouragement  of 
I  <  ooine  branches  of  industry  ;  they  have  lowered  the 
taxes  on  others  ;  thev  have  entirely  prohibited,  or  have 
loaded  with  additional  duties,  such  foreign  manufactures 
as  come  in  competition  with  their  own  ;  they  have 
instituted  societies  for  the  improvement  of  trade  and 
agricuiuirc  ;  they  have  planted  colonies  of  husband- 
men m  some  uncultivated  districts  of  Spain,  and  divided 
among  them  the  waste  tielils  ;  they  have  had  recourse 
to  every  expedient  devised  by  commercial  wisdom  or 
commercial  jealousy,  for  reviving  their  own  industry, 
and  discountenancing  that  of  other  nations.  These, 
however,  it  is  not  my  province  to  explain,  or  to  inquire 
into  tiieir  propriety  and  ell'ects.  There  is  no  etl'ort  of 
legislation  more  arduous,  no  experiment  in  policy  more 
,  unccriam  than  an  attempt  to  revne  the  spirit  of  indus- 
Uy  where  it  has  declineil,  or  to  introduce  it  where  it  is 
unknown.  Nations,  already  possessed  of  extensive 
commerce,  enter  into  competition  with  such  advantages, 
derived  from  the  large  capitals  and  extensive  credit  of 
their  merchants,  the  dexterity  of  their  manufacturers, 
and  the  alertness  acquired  by  habit  in  every  depart- 
ment of  business,  that  the  state  which  lims  at  rivalling 
or  supplanting  them,  must  exfiect  to  struggle  with  many 
dirticullies,  and  be  content  to  advance  slowly,  l(  the 
quantity  of  productive  industry,  now  in  Spain,  be  com- 
paied  with  that  of  the  kingdom  under  the  last  listless 


monarchs  of  the  Austrian  line,  its  progress  must  appear 
considerable,  and  is  sufficient  to?larm  the  jealousy,  and 
to  call  lorlh  the  most  vigorous  cllorts  of  the  nations 
now  in  possession  of  the  lucrative  trade  which  the  Spa- 
niards aim  at  wri-sting  from  them.  One  circumstance 
may  render  those  exertions  of  Spain  an  object  of  more 
serious  attention  to  the  other  European  jiowcrs.  They 
are  not  to  be  ascribed  wholly  to  the  mlluence  of  the 
crown  and  its  ministers.  The  sentiments  and  spirit  of 
tlie  pf'ople  seem  to  second  the  provident  care  of  their 
monarchs,  and  to  give  it  greater  efiect.  The  nation 
has  adopted  more  liberal  ideas,  not  only  with  respect  to 
commerce,  but  domestic  policy.  In  all  the  later  Spa- 
nish writers,  defects  m  the  arrangement  of  their  country 
concerning  both  aib  acknowledged,  and  remedies  jiro- 
posed,  which  ignorance  rendered  their  ancestors  inca- 
pable of  discerning,  and  pride  would  not  have  allowed 
them  to  confess.  [193]  But  after  all  that  the  Spaniards 
have  done,  much  remains  to  do.  Many  pernicious  insti- 
tutions and  abuses,  deeply  incorporated  with  the  system 
of  internal  jiolicy  and  taxation,  which  has  been  long  es- 
tablished in  Sjiain,  must  be  abolished  before  industry 
and  manufactures  can  recover  an  extensive  activity. 

Still,  however,  the  commercial  regulations  of  Spain 
with  respect  to  her  colonies  are  too  rigid  and  systema- 
tical to  be  carried  into  complete  execution.  The  legis- 
lature that  loads  trade  with  impositions  too  heavy,  or 
fetters  it  by  restrictions  loo  severe,  defeats  its  own 
intention,  and  is  only  mulliplying  the  inducements  to 
violate  its  statutes,  and  proposing  a  high  premium  to 
encourage  illicit  traffic.  The  Spaniards,  both  in  Eu- 
rope and  America,  being  circumscribed  in  their  mutual 
intercourse,  by  the  jealousy  of  the  crown,  or  oppressed 
by  its  exactions,  have  their  invention  continually  on  the 
stretch  how  to  elude  its  edicts.  The  vigilance  and  in- 
genuity of  private  interest  discover  means  of  etrecling 
this,  which  public  wisdom  cannot  foresee  nor  public 
authority  jirevent.  This  spirit,  counteracting  that  of 
the  laws,  pervades  the  commerce  of  Spain  with  Ame- 
rica in  all  its  branches  ;  and  from  the  highest  depart- 
ments in  government  descends  to  the  lowest.  The 
very  ofFicers  apjiointed  to  check  contraband  trade  are 
often  employed  as  instruments  in  carrying  it  on  ;  and  the 
boards  instituted  to  restrain  and  punish  it  are  the  chan- 
nels through  which  it  Hows.  The  king  is  supposed,  by 
the  most  intelligent  Spanish  writers,  to  be  defrauded, 
by  various  artifice^  of  more  than  one  half  of  the  revenue 
which  he  ought  to  receive  from  America  ;  and  as  long 
as  it  is  the  interest  of  so'  many  persons  to  screen  those 
artifices  from  detection,  the  knowledge  of  them  will 
never  reach  the  throne.  "  How  many  ordinances,"  says 
Conta,  "  how  many  instructions,  how  many  letters  from 
our  sovereign,  are  sent  in  order  to  correct  abuses  !  and 
how  little  are  they  observed,  and  what  small  advantage 
is  derived  from  them  !  To  me  the  old  observation  ap- 
pears just,  that  where  there  are  many  physicians  and 
many  medicines,  there  is  a  want  of  health  ;  where  there 
are  many  laws  and  many  judges,  there  is  want  of  jus- 
tice. We  have  viceroys,  presidents,  governors,  oydors, 
corrigidors,  alcaldes  ;  and  thousands  of  alguazils  abound 
every  where  ;  but  notwithstanding  all  these,  public 
abuses  continue  to  multiply."  Time  has  increased  the 
evils  which  he  lamented  as  early  as  the  reign  of  Philip 
II.  A  spirit  of  corruption  has  infected  all  the  colonies 
of  Spain  in  America.  Men  far  removed  from  the  seat 
of  government  ;  impatient  to  accjuirc  wealth,  that  they 
may  return  speedily  from  wliat  they  arc  apt  to  consider 
as  a  state  of  exile  in  a  remote  unhcaltbful  country  ;  al- 
lured by  opportunities  too  tempting  to  be  resisted,  and 
seduied  by  the  example  of  those  around  them ;  find 
their  sentiments  of  honor  and  of  duty  gradually  relax. 
In  private  life  they  give  themselves  up  to  a  dissolute 
luxury,  while  in  their  public  conduct  they  become  un- 
mindful of  what  they  owe  to  taeir  sovereign  and  to 
their  country. 

Before  I  close  this  account  of  the  Snanish  trade  in 
America  there  remains  one  detached  but  important 
branch  of  it  to  be  inenticned.  Soon  after  his  accession 
to  the  throne,  Philip  II.  formed  a  scheme  of  planting  a 
colony  111  the  Phili|ipinc  islands  which  had  been  ne- 
glected since  the  time  of  their  discovery  ;  and  he  ac- 
complished it  by  means  of  an  armament  htted  out  from 
Now  Spain  [l.'jBdJ.  ^  Manila,  in  t!ie  island  of  Luconia, 
was  the  station  chosen  for  the  ca[)ila!  of  this  new  esta- 
blishment. From  it  an  active  commercial  intercourse 
began  with  the  Chinese,  and  a  considerable  number  of 
that  industrious  people,  allured  by  the  prospect  of  gain, 
settled  in  the  Philippine  islands  under  the  .Spanish  pro- 
tection. They  supplied  the  colony  so  amply  with  all 
the  valuable  productions  and  manulactures  of  the  East 
as  enabled  it  to  Ojien  a  trade  with  .Xmerica,  by  a  course 
of  navigation  the  longest  from  land  to  land  on  our 


globe.  In  the  infancy  of  this  trade,  it  wis  carried  ou 
with  Callao,  on  the  coast  of  J'eru  ;  but  experience  haT- 
ing  discovered  the  inipro[)riety  of  lixing  upon  tlial  aa 
the  port  of  coinmnnication  with  Manila,  the  staple  of 
the  commerce  between  the  East  and  West  was  rejnoved 
from  Callao  to  Acapuico,  on  the  coast  of  New  .Spain. 

After  various  arrangements  it  has  been  brought  into 
a  regular  form.  One  or  two  sliqis  depart  annuaily  from 
Acapuico,  which  arc  permitted  to  carry  out  silver  to 
the  amount  of  five  hundred  thousand  pesos;  but  they  have 
hardly  any  thing  else  of  value  on  board  ;  in  return  foi 
which  they  bring  back  spices,  drugs,  china,  and  japan 
wares, calicoes,  chintz,  muslins,  silks,  and  every  precious 
article  with  which  the  bemgiiity  of  the  climate,  or  tho 
ingenuity  of  its  ])eoplc  has  enabled  the  East  to  supply 
the  rest  of  the  world.  For  some  time  the  merchants 
of  Peru  were  admitted  lo  participate  in  this  Irallic,  and 
might  send  annually  a  ship  to  .\capulco,  to  wait  the 
arrival  of  the  vessels  from  Manila,  and  receive  a  pro- 
portional share  of  the  commodities  which  they  im- 
[lurtcd.  At  length  the  Peruvians  were  excluded  from 
this  trade  by  most  rigoror.s  edicts,  and  all  the  commo- 
dities from  the  East  reserved  solely  for  the  consumptioa 
of  New  Spain. 

In  consequence  of  this  indulgence,  die  inhabitants  of 
that  country  enjoy  advantages  unknown  in  the  other 
Spanish  colonies.  The  manufactures  of  the  East  are 
not  only  more  suited  to  a  warm  climate,  and  more 
showy  than  those  of  Europe,  but  can  be  sold  at  a  lower 
price  ;  while,  at  the  same  time,  the  |irolits  ujion  tliein 
are  so  considerable  as  to  enrich  all  those  who  are  em- 
ployed either  in  bringing  them  from  Manila  or  vending 
them  in  New  Spain.  As  the  interest  both  of  the  huyei 
and  seller  concurred  in  favoring  this  branch  of  com- 
merce, it  has  continued  to  extend  in  sjiitc  of  regulations 
concerted  with  the  most  anxious  jealousy  to  circum- 
scribe it.  Under  cover  of  what  the  laws  permit  to  be 
imported,  great  quantities  of  India  goods  are  poured 
into  the  markets  of  New  Spain;  [I'JIJ  and  when  the 
Flota  arrives  at  V'^era  Cruz,  from  Europe,  it  often  finds 
the  wants  of  the  people  already  supplied  by  cheaper  and 
more  acceptable  commodities. 

There  is  not,  in  the  commercial  arrangements  of 
Spain,  any  circumstance  more  inexplicable  than  the 
permission  of  this  trade  between  New  .Spain  and  the 
Phibjipmes,  or  more  repugnant  to  its  fundamental 
maxim  of  holding  the  colonies  m  jfcrpetual  dependenco 
on  the  mother  country,  by  prohibiting  any  commercial 
intercourse  that  might  suggest  to  them  the  idea  of  re 
ceiving  a  supply  of  their  wants  from  any  other  quarter. 
This  permission  must  appear  still  more  extraordinary, 
from  considering  that  Spam  herself  carries  on  no  direct 
trade  with  hei  settlements  in  the  Philippines,  and  grants 
a  p-.vilege  to  one  of  her  American  colonics  which  she 
den.cs  to  her  sub|ects  in  Europe.  It  is  probable  that 
the  colonists,  who  originally  took  possession  of  the 
Philippines,  having  been  sent  out  from  New  Spain, 
tjegan  this  intercourse  with  a  country  which  they  con- 
sidered, in  some  measure,  as  the  parent  state,  before  the 
court  of  Madrid  was  aware  of  Us  conseiiuenccs,  or 
could  establish  regulations  in  order  to  prevent  it.  Many 
reinonstrances  have  been  presented  against  this  trade, 
as  delrimental  to  Spam,  by  diverting  into  another  chan- 
nel a  large  portion  of  that  treasure  which  ought  to  flow 
into  the  kingdom,  as  lending  to  give  rise  to  a  spirit  of 
independence  in  the  colonies,  and  to  encourage  innu- 
merable frauds,  against  which  it  is  impossible  to  guard, 
in  transactions  so  far  removed  from  the  inspection  of 
government.  But  as  ;t  requires  no  slight  eliort  of  po- 
litical wisdom  and  vigor  to  aliolish  any  practice  which 
numbers  arc  interested  in  supporting,  and  to  which 
time  has  added  the  sanction  of  its  authority,  the  com- 
merce between  New  S|iam  and  Manila  seems  to  be  as 
couFiderable  as  ever,  and  may  be  considered  as  one 
chief  cause  of  the  elegance  and  splendor  conspicuous 
in  this  part  of  the  .Spanish  dominions. 

But  notwithstanding  this  general  corruption  in  the 
colonics  of  S|)ain,  and  the  diminution  of  the  income  be' 
longing  to  the  public,  occasioned  by  the  illicit  importa- 
tions made  by  foreigners,  as  well  as  by  ihn  variou* 
frauds  of  which  the  colonists  themselves  are  guilty  in 
their  commerce  wi^h  the  |)arent  slate,  the  .Spmish  mo- 
narchs receive  a  very  considerable  revenue  (rom  their 
.\mcricau  dominions.  This  arises  from  taxes  if  various 
kinds,  which  may  be  divided,  into  three  capita!  branches. 
The  first  contains  what  is  paid  to  the  king,  as  sovereign, 
or  superior  lord  of  the  New  World  ;  to  this  class  belongs 
the  duly  on  the  gold  and  silver  raised  from  the  mines, 
and  the  tribute  exacted  from  the  Indians  :  the  former 
IS  termed  by  the  Spaniards  the  n};IU  of  m^nwry,  toe 
latter  is  the  duly  of  vassalage.  The  second  branch 
comprehends  the  numerous  duties  upou  couimerca 


170 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


wiiich  accompany  and  oppress  il  in  every  step  of  its 
progress,  from  tlie  greatest  transactions  of  the  whole- 
sale mcrcliaiit  to  the  |ietly  trallio  of  the  vender  by  re- 
tail. 'I'he  third  includes  what  accrues  to  the  king,  as 
head  of  the  church,  and  administrator  of  ecclesiastical 
funds  in  the  New  World.  In  consecpience  of  this  ho 
receives  the  first  fruits,  annates,  spoils,  and  other  spi- 
ritual revenues,  levied  by  the  apostolic  chamber  in 
Europe  ;  and  is  entitled  likewise  to  the  profit  arising 
from  tne  sale  of  the  bull  of  Cruzado.  This  bull,  which 
is  published  every  two  years,  contains  an  absolution 
from  past  olfences  by  the  Pope,  and,  among  other  iiii- 
munitie.s,  a  permission  to  eat  several  kinds  of  prohibited 
food  during  Lent,  and  on  meagre  days.  The  monks 
employed  in  dispersing  those  bulls  extol  their  virtues 
with  all  the  fervor  of  interested  elo<iuenco  ;  the  people, 
ignorant  and  credulous,  listen  with  implicit  assent  ;  and 
every  person  in  tlie  Spanish  colonics,  of  European,  or 
Crcolian,  or  mixed  race,  purchases  a  bull,  which  is 
deemed  essential  lo  his  salvation,  at  the  rate  set  upon 
it  by  govcriinieiit.  [195] 

Wliat  may  be  the  amount  of  those  various  funds,  il 
is  almost  impossible  to  determine  with  pecision.  The 
extent  of  the  Spanish  dominions  in  America,  the  jea- 
lousy of  government,  which  renders  them  inaccessible 
lo  foreigners,  the  mysterious  silence  which  the  S[)aniards 
are  accustomed  to  observe  with  respect  to  the  interior 
state  of  their  colonies,  combine  in  covering  this  subject 
with  a  veil  which  it  is  not  easy  to  remove.  But  an 
account,  apjiarenlly  no  less  accurate  than  it  is  cu- 
rious, has  lately  been  published  of  the  royal  revenue  in 
New  Spain,  from  which  we  may  form  some  idea  with 
respect  to  what  is  collected  in  the  other  provinces. 
According  to  that  account  the  crown  does  not  receive 
from  ail  the  departments  of  taxation  in  New  Spain 
above  a  million  of  our  ir.oney,  from  which  one  half 
must  be  deducted  as  the  expense  of  the  provincial  es- 
tablishment. [196]  Peru,  it  is  probable,  yields  a  sum 
not  inferior  lo  this  ;  and  if  we  suppose  that  all  the  other 
regions  of  America,  including  the  islands,  furnish  a  third 
sluire  of  equal  value,  wc  shall  not  perhaps  be  far  wide 
from  the  truth  if  we  conclude  that  the  net  public  reve- 
nue of  Spam,  raised  in  America,  does  not  exceed  a  mil- 
lion and  a  half  sterling.  This  falls  far  short  of  ihe  im- 
mei>!-e  sums  to  which  suppositions,  founded  upon  con- 
ecture,  have  raised  the  Spanish  revenue  in  America. 
[197]  It  is  remarkable,  however,  upon  one  account. 
Spain  and  Portugal  are  the  only  European  powers  who 
derive  a  direct  revenue  from  their  colonies.  All  the 
advantage  that  accrues  to  other  nations  from  their  Ame- 
rican dominions  arises  from  the  exclusive  enjoyment  of 
their  trade  :  but  besides  this,  Spain  has  brought  her 
colonies  towards  increasing  the  power  of  the  state,  and, 
in  return  for  protection,  to  bear  a  proportional  share  of 
ihe  common  burden. 

Accordingly,  the  sum  which  I  have  computed  to  be 
the  amount  of  the  Spanish  revenue  from  America  arises 
wholly  from  the  taxes  collected  there,  and  is  far  from 
being  the  whole  of  what  accrues  to  the  king  from  his 
dominions  in  the  New  World.  The  heavy  duties  im- 
posed on  the  commodities  exported  from  Spain  lo 
America  [198],  as  well  as  what  is  paid  by  those  which 
she  send.^  home  return  ;  the  tax  upon  the  Negro 
slaves  with  which  Africa  supplies  the  New  W'orld,  to- 
gether with  several  smaller  branches  of  finance,  bring 
large  sums  into  the  treasury,  the  precise  eitenl  of 
which  i  cannot  pretend  to  ascertain. 

But  if  the  revenue  which  Spain  draws  from  America 
he  great,  the  expense  of  administration  in  her  colonies 
bears  proportion  to  it.  In  every  department,  even  of 
her  domestic  police  and  finances,  Spain  has  adopted  a 
system  more  complex,  and  more  encumbered  with  a 
variety  of  tribunals  and  a  multitude  of  oflicers,  than 
thai  of  any  European  nation  in  which  the  sovereign 
posseses  such  extensive  power.  From  the  jealous  spirit 
with  which  Spain  watches  over  her  American  settle- 
ments, and  her  endeavors  to  guard  against  fraud  in  pro- 
vinces so  remote  from  insiK'Clion,  boards  and  otlicers 
bavc  been  multiplied  there  with  slill  more  anxioiLS  at- 
tciitiiiii.  In  a  country  where  the  expense  of  living  is 
Kreat,  the  salaries  allotted  to  every  person  in  public 
oHico  must  be  high,  and  must  load  the  revenue  with  an 
immense  burden.  The  parade  of  government  greatly 
augments  the  weight  of  it.  The  viceroys  of  Mexico, 
IVru,  anil  ihc  new  kingdom  of  Oranada,  as  representa- 
tives of  the  king's  person,  among  people  fond  of  osten- 
tation, maintain  all  the  slate  and  dignity  of  royally. 
Tlieir  courts  are  formed  upon  the  model  of  that  a'.  Ma- 
drid, wiin  horse  and  fool  guards,  a  houseliold  regularly 
oslablished,  numerous  allendanly,  and  ensigns  of  power, 
dmplavmg  such  pomp  as  hanllv  retains  the  a[>pcarance 
it  a  delegated  aulliorily.    All  the  expcQsc  incurred  by 


j  supporting  the  external  and  permanent  Order  of  govern- 
ment is  defrayed  by  the  crown.  The  viceroys  have, 
besides,  peculiar  appointments  suited  to  their  exalted 
station.  The  salaries  fixed  by  law  are  indeed  extremely 
moderate  ;  that  of  the  viceroy  of  Peru  is  only  thirty 
tliousand  ducats  ;  and  that  of  the  viceroy  of  Mexico 
Iw  enty  thousand  ducats.  Of  late  they  have  been  raised 
to  forty  thousand. 

These  salaries,  however,  constitute  but  a  small  part 
of  the  revenue  enjoved  by  the  viceroys.  The  exercise 
of  an  absolute  authority  extending  lo  every  department 
of  government,  and  the  power  of  disposing  of  many  lu- 
crative offices,  afford  them  many  opportunities  of  accu- 
mulating wealth.  To  these,  which  may  be  considered 
as  legal  and  allowed  emoluments,  large  sums  are  often 
added  by  enactions,  which,  in  countries  so  far  removed 
from  tlie  seat  of  goveriifnent,  it  is  not  easy  lo  discover, 
and  impossible  to  restrain.  By  monopolising  some 
branches  of  commerce,  by  a  lucrative  concern  in  others, 
by  conniving  at  the  frauds  of  merchants,  a  viceroy  may 
raise  such  an  annual  revenue  as  no  subject  of  any  Eu- 
ropean monarch  enjoys.  [19')]  From  the  single  article 
of  presents  made  lo  him  on  the  anniversary  of  his  Name- 
daij  (which  is  always  observed  as  a  high  festival),  I  am 
informed  that  a  viceroy  has  been  known  to  receive  sixty 
thousand  pesos.  According  lo  a  Spanish  saying,  the 
legal  revenues  of  a  viceroy  are  unknown,  his  real  profits 
depend  upon  his  opportunities  and  his  conscience.  Sen- 
sible of  this,  the  kings  of  Spain,  as  I  have  formerly 
observed,  grant  a  commission  lo  their  viceroys  only  for 
a  few  years.  This  circumstance,  however,  renders 
them  often  more  rapacious,  and  adds  to  the  ingenuity 
and  ardor  wherewith  they  labor  lo  improve  every  mo- 
ment of  a  power  which  they  know  is  hastening  fast  to  a 
period  ;  and  short  as  its  duration  is,  ii  usually  affords 
sufficient  time  for  repairing  a  shattered  fortune,  or  for 
creating  a  new  one.  But  even  in  situations  so  trying 
to  human  frailty,  there  are  instances  of  virtue  thai  re- 
mains unseduced.  In  (he  year  1772,  the  Marquis  de 
Croix  finished  the  term  of  his  viceroyalty  in  New  Spain 
with  unsuspected  integrity  ;  and,  instead  of  bringing 
home  exorbitant  wealth,  returned  with  the  admiration 
and  ai)plause  of  a  grateful  people,  whom  his  govern- 
ment had  rendered  happy. 

BOOK  IX. 

Decline  of  Spain  and  failure  of  her  coloni  iatlon.— Sepa- 
ration of  Brazil  and  independence  of  the  several  Slates 
of  South  America. 

We  now  enter  upon  a  period  where  an  entirely 
new  ])lia8C  of  circunistaiues  is  presented,  a  period 
whicli  differs  from  all  others  in  the  world's  history, 
and  which  marks  a  new  era  not  only  in  the  polity 
and  limit.-i  of  the  nations,  but  in  the  active  eU'inents 
of  human  progress.  To  understand  the  n.ature  of 
the  cluuiges  in  organization  and  government  among 
the  various  divisions  of  the  South  American  con- 
tinent, which  wc  shall  have  to  follow,  it  is  necessary 
to  take  a  general  but  somewhat  comprehensive  view 
of  the  conditions  that  were  now  surrounding  the 
nations  of  Europe,  and  also  of  the  policy  chosen  by 
Spain  as  a  guidance  in  the  management  of  hor 
colonies.  We  have  seen  in  the  ])revious  chapter,  as 
through  a  cloud  of  other  historical  facts,  the  gradual 
weakening  of  Spanish  power.  The  brilliant  lustre 
that  surrounded  the  throne  of  Ferdinand  and  I.^^a- 
bella,  and  which  shone  with  undiminished  splendor 
throu'ihout  the  long  reign  of  Charles  V'.,  waned 
rapidly  during  the  rule  of  his  bigoted  and  despotic 
Bon.  Philip  II.,  on  the  resignation  of  Charles,  en- 
tered upon  the  grandest  heritage  which  tlie  world 
had  6cen  since  the  downfall  of  the  Roman  emiiire — 
one  which  has  had  no  parallel,  save  in  the  imperial 
sway  of  Great  Britain  at  the  present  day. 

The  sovereignty  of  Spain  was  acknowledged  not 
only  in  Mexico  awl  throughout  the  larger  jiortion 
of  South  Amcri.'-a,  but  in  almost  all  the  islands  of  the 
Atlantic,  in  the  Low  Countries,  and  in  Italy,  in  the 
northern  portion  of  Africa,  aud  throughout  many  of 
the  richest  islands  of  Asia.  Ilcr  armies  were  the 
finest  in  Europe,  and  her  navies  carried  the  flag  of 
Castile  into  every  known  iiorlioii  of  the  seas.  No 
prince  ever  assumed  the  regal  authority  with  better 
prospects,  none  ever  had  liad  a  grander  dominion  or 
a  finer  opportunity  to  euhance  the  glory  of  his 
counlry,  and  none  fell  into  a  lower  di'gradatioii. 

Arrogant  and  tyrannical  in  the  highest  degree, 
Pliilip  II.  added  to  the  worst  cpialitios  of  the  human 
heart  a  blind  infatuation  for  the  Church.  The  ter- 
rors that  signalized  the  reign  of  bis  English  wife. 
Queen  .Mary,  were  as  nothing  compared  with  the 
studied  cruelties  whereby  be  delighted  to  torture 
those  of  his  subjects  who  refused  to  accept  the  ex- 
treinest  doctrines  of  the  Papacy.  To  his  perjured 
conscience  the  violation  of  solemn  obligations  was 
uu  crime,  but  a  virtue,    lie  ruled  with  the  retluo- 


ment  of  Infamy.  To  him  the  honor  of  Spain  was  a 
laughing-stock.  He  flung  treaties  in  shreds  to  the 
winds,  that  he  might  deluge  the  streets  with  blood, 
till  at  length  rebellion  rose  out  of  popular  despera- 
tion, and  the  star  of  Spanish  power  began  to  set  for 
ever. 

It  was  not  in  the  dismal  halls  of  the  Inquisition 
only  that  the  shadow  first  bcL^aii  to  fall.  The  atro- 
cities which  Philip  attempted  to  justify  as  "Acts  of 
Faith"  would  alone  have  sulliced  to  brand  him  as 
pre-eminent  in  cruelty  and  religious  bigotry.  But 
these  have  not  been  always  incompatible  with  the 
higher  powers  of  government.  There  was,  however, 
in  Philip's  character,  no  sulKcient  redeeming  quaUty. 
He  was  the  foe  to  liberty  in  every  form,  as  he  was 
also  the  enemy  of  ti  deration.  He  affected  to  despise 
his  people,  and  doing  so  he  forbade  them  the  rights 
to  which  they  were  entitled,  and  strove  by  every  de- 
vice withiu  his  reach  to  deprive  them  of  the  few  that 
they  already  had.  He  set  laws  at  defiance,  wrung 
oppressive  taxes  from  both  rich  and  poor,  trampled 
upon  ancient  privileges,  set  violent  restrictions  U])on 
I  trade  and  industry,  and,  in  short,  reduced  the  whole 
j  of  the  nation  to  a  state  of  terror  and  degradation. 
But  he  did  not  crush  out  the  sj)irit  of  independence 
that  even  in  those  days  could  make  it.<elf  felt.  His 
Moori.-ih  subjects  in  the  southern  provinces  broke 
out  into  open  rel)ellion.  The  Flemings  in  the  north, 
under  the  guidance  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  con- 
spired to  free  themselves  from  a  foreign  yoke  which 
had  become  intolerable,  and  a  similar  wish  spread 
through  the  Italian  provinces  of  the  kingdom.  The 
severest  measures  were  taken  against  those  who  had 
rebelled.  The  public  executioner  was  a  functionary 
attached  to  all  the  armies  of  Philip  which  were  sent 
to  control  his  subjects.  But  towns  laid  waste,  whole 
regions  desolated,  and  men,  women,  and  children 
slaughtered  as  victims  to  the  mockery  of  justice, 
did  iiot  prevent  the  Dutch  Republic,  the  repudiation 
of  the  Papacy  in  the  Low  Countries,  the  election  of 
a  Stadtbolder  in  the  person  of  Prince  William,  and 
thereby  the  first  and  greatest  blow  that  was  struck 
at  the  tyrannical  supremacy  of  Spain. 

But  those  rebellions  were  not  the  only  fruits  of 
cruelty  and  fanaticism.  The  vast  wealth  that  had 
begun  to  pour  into  Spain  from  her  American  dci>en- 
dencies  was  absorbed  in  their  suppression.  Men, 
and  money  too,  were  lavished  in  warlike  expeditions 
in  France"  and  Portugal,  and  in  the  great  armada 
that  dissolved  so  miserably  when  hurled  against  the 
homes  of  England.  The  industries  of  the  country 
were  paralyzed.  Monopolies  established  to  force 
the  colonies  into  trade  with  Spain  failed.  Foreign- 
ers, and  especially  the  English,  supplied  the  colo- 
rists  with  articles  which  they  could  not  procure  in 
the  parent  country,  and  thus  began  to  undermine 
the  whole  fabric  of  Spanish  commerce.  The  cur- 
rent.-^  of  gold  and  silver  which  had  been  flowing  from 
Mexico  and  the  south  were  turned  away  from  those 
ports  in  Spain  whither  the  government  had  so  use- 
lessly ordered  that  that  they  should  be  directed,  and 
henceforth  they  went  to  enrich  the  treasuries  of  Lon- 
don and  Amsterdam.  For  trade  thcu  as  now  was 
governed  by  eiiter|)rise,  and  could  not  be  created 
though  it  might  be  ruined  by  imperial  decrees. 

The  evil  influence  of  this" decline  in  the  national 
vigor  was  made  more  evident  after  the  death,  with- 
out issue,  of  Charles  II.  The  treaty  of  Utrecht, 
which  do.-ed  the  contest  that  bad  been  raging  be- 
tween the  Archduke  Charles  and  Philip  of  Anjou 
since  the  demise  of  that  jirinee,  further  advanced 
the  disrui>tion  of  the  empire.  The  balance  of  power 
had  already  become  a  fiction  in  European  politic*. 
To  maintain  it,  Philip,  when  secured  on  the  throne, 
was  obliged  lo  renounce  all  claim  to  the  French 
crown  ;  and  a  similar  renunciation  was  taken  from 
bis  brothers  for  the  kingdom  of  Spain.  But  this 
was  not  deemed  sufUcient,  and  accordingly,  Minorca 
and  (Jibraltar  passed  into  the  possession  of  England, 
Sardinia  became  an  appanage  of  the  house  of  Savoy, 
and  Austria  took  a  part  of  the  Low  Countries,  .Milan, 
Naples,  and  Sicily.  Indei)endent  of  these  direct 
losses  of  territory,  the  war  of  succession  further 
crippled  the  internal  resources  of  the  counlry,  which 
has  at  all  times  been  remarkable  for  a  lack  of  that 
vitality  and  power  of  resuscitation  which  is  a  char- 
acteristic of  more  vigorous  people.  The  provinces 
which  had  advocated  the  cause  of  Charles  were 
never  forgiven  by  Philip,  wlio  deprived  them  of  what 
privileges  they  possessed,  treated  them  in  all  re- 
spects as  conquered  and  rebellious,  and  thus  main- 
tained a  eonsUuit  dniwback  to  the  permanent 
strength  of  his  kingdom.  The  supromatv  of  ttie 
house  of  Bourb(>n  was  in  many  reepeels  an  udvau- 
tage.  The  princes  of  that  house,  or  their  ministers, 
>vere  shrewd,  jiolitic,  and  capable  of  perceiving  tlio 
several  directions  in  which  it  was  necessary  to  work 
in  order  to  check,  if  not  to  sU>p,  the  downward  career 
of  the  nation.al  influence.  And  it  cannot  Ijc  denied 
I  that  they  did  check  it  in  some  measure.  Native  in- 
dustries' revived,  ami  with  them  a  new  impulse  was 
given  to  foreign  trade.  But  it  is  doubtful  wbeUier 
the  advauUges  wcro  not  fully  coiiiitcrfa''uiccd  by 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


171 


still  f;T.';it('r  evils.  Tlio  country  bocainc  invDlvrd 
in  danK<'i'ous  ami  exhausting  wars  wliicii  it  cuuKi 
not  !ilTi)i-(l,  and  tlicso  not  only  alii'iiati'd  the  moral 
L-yin|iati!y  of  luitious  w  hii-h  slioVld  have  been  secured 
as  friends,  but  it  impelled  the  maritime  powers  U> 
take  every  occasion  for  weakeninfj  Spaiu  at  sea,  and 
tiierebj'  striking  the  heavic.--t  blows  on  a  place  where 
they  would  be  most  etfectual.  An  attempt  was 
made  to  repudiate  tlie  treaty  of  Utrecht.  But  hardly 
had  it  become  known,  when  a  British  squadron  made 
its  aj)])earance  in  the  Alediterranean,  and  by  destmy- 
in;;  a  Spanish  fleet  that  lay  oil  the  coast  of  Sicily 
showed  that  the  inllueuee  of  the  empire  had  already 
so  far  abated,  that  concession  to  the  dictates  of 
other  European  powers  had  now  become  a  necessity. 
Spam  was  no  longer  the  autocrat  of  Europe,  but,  on 
the  contrary,  must  yield  submission  to  authorities 
whicli  a  few  generations  before  she  would  have 
altecled  to  despise.  It  need  not  bo  supposed  that 
ttie  downfall  was  aceej)ted  without  many  tierce 
struggles.  Commercial  livalries  gave  the  excuse  for 
contesting  the  superiority  of  England,  and  invariably 
with  results  that  were  more  or  less  ruinous  to 
Spain. 

In  the  war  between  England  and  France,  which 
broke  the  short  peace  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  and  sup- 
plied o]ip(U'tunities  for  Washington  to  display  his 
genius  in  the  North  American  Colonies,  the  disasters 
that  befell  Ihe  great  armies  of  Louis  XV.  spread  a 
sense  of  terror  and  consternation  throughout  the 
Peninsula.  It  was  feared  that  the  successful  gen- 
erals of  Ucorge  II.  would  not  stay  their  progress  at 
the  French  frontier,  and  so  arose  the  "  family  eom- 
puct"  of  the  princes  of  Bourbon,  whieli  dragged 
Spain  into  a  war  that  was  of  all  others  the  moat  dis- 
astrous into  which  France  had  ever  entered.  Her 
n  ivies  were  well-nigli  destroj'ed,  and  English  su- 
premacy secured  not  only  over  the  ocean,  but  in 
India  and  America.  The  very  means  taken  to  de- 
tend  the  strength  of  the  nation  proved  the  causes  of 
ds  destruction.  The  Bourbon  compact  was  met  by 
the  immediate  declaration  of  war  by  Englaud  against 
Spain,  and  the  speedy  loss  of  the  islands  of  Marti- 
nique, Grenada,  St.  Vincent,  and  St.  Lucie  were  the 
lirst  and  very  early  consequences  of  it.  flavanna 
followed  after  a  resistance  of  two  raontlis,  and  soon 
the  Philippines  surrendered  in  like  manner  to  a 
British  comnumder.  These,  and  other  colonial  con- 
quests from  France  as  well  as  Spain,  led  to  a  peace 
which  left  the  latter  power  curtailed  materially  in 
her  American  possessions,  impoverished  in  her 
treasury,  and  demoralized  in  all  that  is  requisite  to 
a  strong  and  influential  people.  But  it  did  not 
prevent  new  efforts  to  regain  a  portion,  at  least,  of 
their  former  ascendancy,  and  it  was  with  more  zeal 
tli;\n  discretion  tliat  tlie  Spanish  Court  at  length 
yielded  to  the  rei)resentations  of  her  old  ally,  to  take 
up  arms  and  join  in  the  confederation  against  Eng- 
land during  her  struggle  with  the  thirteen  colonies 
of  America.  The  declaration  of  war  by  Great  Britain 
against  Holland,  as  a  consequence  "of  the  Dutch 
treaty  with  the  confederacy  formed  by  the  Empreos 
of  liussia  for  an  armed  neutrality,  strengthened  the 
hojies  of  Spain  in  making  this  concession  to  the  de- 
mands of  France,  and  she  entered  upon  a  campaign 
on  the  borders  of  Mexico  with  more  than  usual  en- 
ergy. Florida,  which  at  the  previous  peace  she  had 
exchanged  for  Havanna,  was  recovered,  and  in  tlie 
space  of  a  few  months  the  Spanish  flag  waved  over 
many  of  the  English  forts  down  the  course  of  the 
Mississippi.  But  the  terms  which  were  ultimately 
mule  for  the  transfer  of  these  possessions  to  the 
United  States  government  were  no  compensation  for 
the  utter  ruin  which  this  war  had  caused  to  the 
Sp.inish  power.  Tlie  general  peace  of  1783  found 
her  with  the  loss  of  the  Bahama  islands,  and  a  still 
more  impoverishcil  condition  in  regard  to  internal 
resources  than  had  ever  been  experienced  in  all  her 
downward  career  since  the  time  of  Cliarles  V. 
Every  eft'ort  had  been  strained,  every  available  man, 
and  more  than  all  available  money,  had  been  used 
to  sustain  a  struggle  which  not  only  left  the  nation 
enfeebled  and  irretrievably  poor,  but  witliout  the 
nieans  of  recovering  its  former  life.  The  shock 
which  had  d<-prived  the  Spanish  crown  from  time  to 
time  of  its  West  Indian  possessions  had  also  ruined 
the  trade  of  Spanish  subjects  upon  the  seas. 

It  is  ri-niarkable  that  throughout  the  unequal  con- 
tMt  wliich  England  waged  during  the  struggle  of 
the  North  American  colonies  for  independence,  the 
energies  of  her  merchants  ncer  relaxed.  Their 
oper.itions  widened.  Eveiy  new  conquest  was  in- 
stantly taken  advantage  of.  And  tlius,  when  peace 
was  declared,  the  commerce  of  England  was  sud- 
denly found  to  be  more  prosperous  than  even  the 
most  sanguine  could  have  anticipated.  This  was 
due  to  several  causes.  Tlie  separation  of  the 
eolomes  and  the  stimulus  wlucli  they  received  from 
independence  was  one  of  them.  Increase  of  territory 
in  all  quarters  of  tlie  world  was  anotlier.  But  very 
inuca  of  tlie  accession  was  due  to  los  ses  sustained 
by  b  ranee  and  Spaiu.  The  navies  of  these  two  pow- 
ers were  for  all  practical  purposes  annihilated,  aud 


foreign  trade  could  not  in  those  days  be  maintained 
where  all  maritime  supremacy  was  lost.  Moreover, 
the  restrii  tioiis  wliieh  Spain  had  long  persistently 
imposed  upon  her  South  American  colonies  were 
materially  loosened.  In  tlie  West  Indies,  they  were 
virtually  destroyed.  If  there  had  been  no  nation 
ready  at  the  moment  to  take  advantage  of  these 
circumstances,  a  steady,  peaceful  competition  would 
have  gradually  resuscitated  foreign  trade,  but  even 
then  Spain,  wrecked  and  humiliated  as  she  was, 
could  not  have  kept  pace  with  nations  of  energ}'  and 
enterprise.  As  it  was,  the  occasion  was  not  afforded. 
England  had  not  forgotten  her  material  interests 
while  engaged  In  the  overthrow  of  her  enoraies,  and 
with  new  fields  laid  open,  with  comparatively  large 
resources  of  both  men  and  money  still  left,  and  with 
complete  control  of  the  seas,  she  found  no  diltieulty 
in  monopolizing  the  larger  share  of  that  coinineree 
which  was  now  in  its  infancy,  but  which  owed  its 
develoiuiient  very  largely  to  the  overthrow  of 
Spanish  traditions.  Thus  the  paralysis  of  Spain  was 
rendered  not  only  complete,  but  permanent.  The 
countr}',  at  a  time  when  her  best  efforts  were  needed 
to  reform  the  colonial  system,  lay  prostrate  and 
humiliated,  unable  to  keep  ]>ace  with  the  new  sen- 
timents she  had  assisted  to  advance,  and  utterly  in- 
competent to  meet  the  consequences  of  tlieni  with 
either  vigor  or  statesmanship. 

The  polic}'  which  Spain  had  from  the  first  adojited 
towards  her  colonies  was  not  calcidatcd  to  be  per- 
manent. If  the  parent  country  had  retained  un- 
diminished the  power  left  to  the  crown  of  Sjiain  by 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  the  result  must  have  been 
the  same,  and  the  colonies  would  still  have  success- 
fully resisted  every  elTort  to  hold  them  in  the  restric- 
tions that  they  had  had  imposed  upon  them.  But  in 
the  condition  to  which  it  was  now  reduced  it  was 
impossible  that  the  independence  of  the  far  distant 
provinces  of  South  America  could  be  much  longer 
delayed.  The  experience  of  the  British  North 
American  colonies  testifies  sutHciently  to  this,  even 
if  the  conclusion  were  not  one  to  which  our  present 
acquaintance  with  political  and  social  science  must 
inevitably  lead,  as  the  only  possible  issue  to  defined 
causes.  A  vast  colonial  empire  cannot  bo  governed, 
even  though  the  system  be  founded  on  a  basis  of 
the  utmost  liberality,  from  one  great  centre,  how- 
ever strong  it  may  be.  England  tried  in  the  eight- 
eenth centuiy  to  do  so,  and  failed.  But  the  British 
people  profited  by  the  lesson  then  given  them ;  and 
adopting  a  system  of  decentralization,  a  form  in  fact 
of  the  grandest  development  of  municipal  govern- 
ment, they  now  control  their  immense  colonial 
empire  with  succesa.  Spain  refused  the  lesson.  Her 
system  in  itself  was  one  far  more  despotic  than  any 
ever  adopted  by  England,  but  it  was  adhered  to  with 
stubborn  pertinacity,  and  ended,  as  was  to  be  ex- 
pected, in  the  secession  of  the  provinces  from  the 
parent  state. 

Some  Spanish  ■^Titers  have  sought  to  defend  the 
colonial  policy  of  their  country  on  the  ground  that 
it  had  for  its  model  the  customs  of  the  most  success- 
ful colonizing  nation  of  antiquity.  But  the  effort 
lacks  the  first  element  of  strength.  If  the  Spaniards 
who  first  crossed  the  Atlantic,  or  the  mon.arclis  they 
left  behind,  ever  thought  of  the  colonies  that  once 
had  fringed  the  Medilerrauean,  their  imitation  of 
them  was  very  poor.  In  their  relations  to  the 
parent  country,  the  South  American  settlements 
bore  no  resemblance,  or  at  the  best  a  very  remote 
one,  to  either  the  K'ATipovx'iai  or  the  'aTroiKtnt  of  the 
Greeks.  There  was  not  the  dependence  enjoyed  by 
the  former,  nor  the  independence  which  signalized 
tlie  latter.  The  colonists  were  scarcely  citizens  of 
Spain,  and  assuredly  they  were  not  indulged  with 
anything  like  the  political  privileges  that  constantly 
were  accorded  by  the  Greeks  to  their  migrating 
countrymen.  The  comparison,  in  fact,  nowhere 
holds  good.  Spanisli  colonization  was  not  an 
organized  system.  It  was  no  system  at  all,  only 
the  rude  but  natural  result  of  tlie  discovery,  in  an 
age  of  adventure,  of  a  rich,  new  land,  full  of  mineral 
resources.  The  Spanish  colonies  were  not  military 
settlements  like  the  modern  French,  nor  were  they 
free  additions  to  the  parent  community  like  most 
of  the  modi  rn  English.  Men  went  into  the  newly- 
found  land  as  adventurers,  thej-  staid  as  tyrants,  and 
ttiey  were  treated  by  Spain  as  little  better  than 
slaves.  Spain  looked  upon  her  sons  as  soon  as  they 
had  crossed  the  Atlantic  as  merely  so  many  agents 
whereby  the  coffers  of  the  pnlilic  treasury  could  be 
filled  with  gold  and  silver ;  and  as  so  many  fools 
who  had  risked  their  lives  gratnitously  to  make 
the  native  populatipns  submissive  to  her  yoke.  We 
have  seen  the  immense  sources  from  wliicli  money 
was  made  to  flow  from  them  into  the  Spanish 
treasury.  The  king  took  the  lion's  share  always. 
Ills  dues  brought  hiui  immense  revenues.  They 
were  derived  from  duties  imposed  upoti  commerce, 
fees  paid  to  him  .as  the  Head  of  the  Cliuieli,  the 
Indian  tribute  or  duty  of  vassalage,  and  a  duty  im- 
posed upon  the  precious  metals,  or  the  "rights -of 
signory,"  besides  numberless  smaller  sovuxes  of 


emolument,  which  were  specified  with  becoming 
care  and  enforced  with  every  necessary  rigor.  Thig 
extended  method  of  taxation  enriched  the  royal 
collers  at  home,  but  it  drained  the  wealth  and 
burdened  the  industry  of  the  colonists  and  native 
population,  and  was  attended  by  no  equivalent  ad- 
vantages. The  Spanish  colonics  derived  absolutely 
no  benefit  from  their  connection  with  Spain.  They 
did  not  need  military  |)rotection  ;  and  when  some  of 
them  (Tid  need  it,  tliey  did  not  get  it.  They  were 
not  advanced  in  their  commercial  interests  ;  for 
these  were  shackled  by  Spanish  ordinances,  and  a 
full  development  was"  forbidden  to  them.  'I'hey 
existed  not  as  communities  that  had  an  immediate 
interest  in  their  own  life,  but  merely  as  tools  for  the 
enrichment  of  their  Spanish  masters.  It  is  some- 
what sur[)rising  that  from  the  time  when  Cortex 
barb.arou9ly  put  to  the  torture  the  brave  emperor 
(iuatimozin  of  Mexico,  and  when  Toledo  murdered 
the.  last  of  the  Incas  at  Cuzco,  down  to  the  period 
within  which  we  are  now  most  immediat(dy  in- 
terested, the  Spanish  colonies  submitted  with  ap- 
parent equanimity  to  their  opprcsscn-s.  For  more 
than  tlirec  centuries  they  suffere<l  the  hardest  yoke 
that  has  ever  been  borne  by  pcfiple  with  sinular 
relations  to  a  distant  jxnver.  The  causes  wliich 
were  alleged  for  the  rebellion  of  the  North  American 
colonies  were  as  nothing,  either  in  degree  or  in  dura- 
tion, when  compared  with  the  tyranny  which  the 
Spanish  colonists  so  long  and  so  patiently  endured. 
It  is  dillicuit  to  account  for  this.  We  shall  presently 
come  to  see  the  influence  which  the  American  de- 
claration of  independence  had,  but  the  apathy  of 
the  Southern  people  cannot  be  accounted  for  by 
supposing  the  want  of  example.  History  is  full  of 
periods,  and  acts,  and  systems,  of  oppres'sion.  But 
it  is  also  full  of  the  struggles  of  people  of  various 
nationalities  to  attain  freedom,  or  at  least  to  liberate 
themselves  from  the  galling  burdens  imposed  by 
tyrannical  rulers.  If  the  Spanish  colonists  wanted 
history  to  supply  them  with  counsel,  they  need  not 
have  gone  far  for  instructions  how  to  act.  They 
who  affected  to  have  studied  the  institutions  o{ 
Greece  might  have  seen  in  the  contest  between 
Corcyra  and  Corinth,  and  especially  if  they  ex- 
amined the  causes  of  it  with  suflicient  care,  an 
example  which  it  ought  to  have  been  quite  within 
their  power  to  imitate.  Nor  could  they  have  fol- 
lowed any  portion  of  history,  ancient  or  modern, 
national  or  colonial,  and  failed  to  find  the  lesson 
which  without  doubt  they  needed.  Their  placid 
submission  must  be  attributed  to  another  cause, 
and  the  most  likely  one  that  suggests  itself  is  that 
the  people  in  the  colonies  shared  in  the  enfeeble- 
ment  which  destroyed  the  old  national  spirit  of  the 
parent  country.  Certain  it  must  be  that  the  men 
who  first  carried  the  Spanish  flag  victoriously 
through  Mexico  and  South  America,  would  not  havo 
brooked  the  insults  that  were  heaped  upon  the 
generations  that  succeeded  tnem.  This  degeneracy 
was  another  of  the  results  of  Spanish  policy.  The 
native  races  were  not  savages.  They  were  people 
of  a  high  degree  of  civilization,  vastly  "different  from 
the  Inilian  tribes  of  North  America,  and  ca])able, 
under  a  wise  administration,  of  having  been  made  a 
source  of  strengtli  instead  of  weakness  to  tl:i 
Spanish  settlers.  But  Spain  has  never  been  guideii 
by  humanity  or  by  statesmanship.  The  prosperity 
she  once  enjoyed  was  not  a  product  of  the  latter, 
and  nothing  in  her  history  ever  resulted  from  the 
former;  for  it  has  no  existence.  Her  jiolicy  from 
the  first  was  not  to  conciliate  the  natives,  but  to 
destroy  them.  Extermination  was  the  rule  of  con- 
duct from  Cortez  down  to  the  meanest  Sjianiard 
that  ever  set  foot  in  America.  The  French  rule  in 
Hayti  was  noted  for  treachery  and  cruelty,  tiut  the 
number  of  natives  who  had  previously  fallen  undiT 
the  murderous  hands  of  the  Spaniards  in  that  island 
aloue  has  been  computed  variously  at  from  a  million 
to  fourteen  hundred  tliousand  persons  of  all  age3 
and  both  sexes.  The  visit  of  Diego  de  Velasquez  to 
Cuba,  and  the  conquests  tliat  immediately  fidlowed 
it,  were  signalized  by  burning  at  the  stake  all  the 
native  chiefs,  and  some  five  thousand  of  their  prin- 
cipal adherents.  In  Porto  liieo,  the  inhabitants 
were  recklessly  murdered  under  no  pretence  what- 
ever, except  to  satiate  the  Spanish  greed  for  native 
blood.  In  Jamaica,  during  the  time  that  the 
Spaniards  held  (  (uitrol  there,  the  same  thing  occur- 
red. It  is  said  of  John  de  Esquimcl  and  hi>  follow- 
ers that  they  never  sheathed  their  swonls  as  long  as 
a  native  iniiabitant  reniuiued  within  reacli  of  tlieir 
arms.  Trinidad  also  witnessed  a  similar  .system  of 
extermination  ;  so  too  did  Mexico  aud  all  the  South 
American  colonies.  These  murders  were  not  unac- 
companied by  otlier  outrages  of  the  vilest  kind.  Tht 
whole  Siianish  domination  was  a  rule  of  liends, 
Men  were  subjected  to  torture,  mutilation,  an<l  lior 
ritile  deaths  ;  women  and  young  girls  were  forced 
to  submit  first  to  the  most  shockiiiir  outrages,  and 
then  to  the  cruel  deatlis  whicli  only  the  minds  ot 
monsters  could  conceive.  And  this  was  not  the 
uieroly  temporary  couditiou  that  sisrnalized  U<* 


173 


HISTORY  OF 


entry  of  the  Spaniards  upon  the  lani\  of  the  New 
wori.l.  II  was  a  perinanen"  feature  of  their  colo- 
nization. The  lust  for  blood,  the  tendency  to  bar- 
baric inhumanity,  has  ever  been  ami  >till  is  a  part 
of  the  Spani-h  national  character.  It  has  entered 
Int  J  every  act  of  the  national  life,  and  it  has  borne 
the  fruits  of  dejeneracy  and  weakness,  as  well  as 
cariiiiiir  for  the  Sjjaniard  even  of  to-day  a  certain 
amount  of  loathing  and  contempt  on  the  part  of 
civilized  nations.  Men  who  were  actuated  from 
generation  to  generation  by  prinei|)le,s  such  as  these, 
no  matter  wlu-ilier  they  resided  in  the  parent  coun- 
try or  in  the  provinces  of  the  West,  could  not  fail 
t<)  sink  in  manliness  and  vigour.  Such  a  race  must 
becomi-  ftTetiiinale  ;  and  it  did,  in  every  place  wher- 
ever it  had  foui'd  a  footing.  No  nation  in  Eurojje 
cviT  sank  so  low  as  Sj)ain,  and  the  degradation 
which  is  suffeied  in  the  Peninsula  is  and  ever  has 
')i'en  shared  in  by  the  settlers  in  every  Spanish 
•colony  throughout  the  world.  Such  being  the  con- 
■litioii  tj  which  those  people  found  themselves  re- 
duce<I  at  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century,  it  is  ! 
not  too  much  to  say  that  the  disiiite|jration  of  the 
empire  followed  almost  as  a  matte  r  ot  course. 

For  Spain  was  not  only  weak  in  herself,  both  ] 
morally  and  physically,  as'well  at  home  as  in  the 
colonics,  but  the  circumstances  with  which  she  had 
to  contend  were  strong.  We  must  brictly  glance  at 
these.  The  event  wliich  more  than  any  other  af- 
fected the  course  of  politics  all  over  the  world,  dur- 
ing the  latt  -r  half  of  the  last  century  and  th-c  first 
half  of  the  present,  was  the  secession  of  the  North 
American  colonies  from  British  rule  and  their  dec- 
laration of  independence.  But  the  effects  of  that 
eecession  were  not  foreseen  by  the  ruling  powers  of 
the  time  when  it  took  place.  If  England  could  have 
predicted  the  immense  benefits  that  she  has  derived 
from  the  establishment  of  the  great  North  American 
Kepublic,  the  coloni.-ts  would  have  been  encouraged 
rather  than  warred  against  in  their  efforts  to  attain 
a  .-eparate  nationality.  Nor  is  it  likely  that  Louis 
XVI.  would  liave  allbrded  the  assistance  that  he 
rendered  to  the  cause  of  the  colonists,  if  he  had 
been  .ible  to  foreshadow  the  spread  of  republican 
Ideas  which  ho  thus  helped  to  sow,  and  which  ulti- 
aialcly  Kd  him  to  the  scaffold  and  flooded  his  coun- 
try with  the  blood  of  its  noblest  citizens.  The 
policy  adojited  t)y  the  French  leaders  in  those  times, 
as  Well  as  (luring  the  languid  war  of  1812,  was  that 
which  seemed  to  them  to  be  the  best  adapted  to 
humiliate  tlie  nation  that  had  for  many  centuries 
been  their  traditional  foe.   Yet,  in  reality,  it  was  the 

Colicy  that  was  most  beneficial  to  Great  Britain  and 
er  colonirg,  and  the  most  dangerous  that  could 
possibly  have  been  devised  for  the  peace  and  in- 
terests of  both  France  and  Spain.  Ten  years  after 
the  indi  pendence  of  the  United  Slates  had  been 
formally  acknowledged,  the  head  of  the  French 
king  fell  at  the  command  of  the  National  Convention. 
The  germs  of  discontent  had  grown  into  revolution, 
and  with  alternating  terms  of  violence  and  external 
tran(iuility,  it  has  continued  to  imperil  the  social 
eecurity  of  the  i)eople,  and  even  more  than  once  to 
endanger  the  political  cvistence  of  the  nation,  to  the 
present  time. 

Tlirough  the  military  supremacy  of  Napoleon,  the 
Spaniards  were  a  few  years  later  compelled  to  cede 
the  whole  of  their  extensive  possessions  in  the  val- 
ley of  the  Mississippi,  which  in  turn  were  transferred 
by  Bonaijarte  to  the  United  States,  in  order  to 
W'eaken  England,  a  result  which  the  transfer  utterly 
failed  to  accomiilish.  The  ultimate  exhausting  wars 
which  Spain  sulfcred  at  the  hands  of  the  French 
cmi)eror,  and  which  increased  the  hopes  of  inde- 
p'-ndence  in  her  colonies,  was  another  of  the  fruits 
of  the  American  revolution,  which  she  had  so  eager- 
ly abetted.  Indeed,  every  hope  which  Spain  and 
France  had  founded  on  the  action  of  the  thirteen 
colonies  was  disappointed.  Not  a  single  anticipa- 
tion was  realized  ;  but,  on  the  eontrarj-,  the  utmost 
peril  resulted  to  the  people  of  both  nations.  France 
lost  internal  peace,  and  Si)ain  was  soon  deprived  of 
the  greatest  and  most  valuable  portion  of  her  once 
magnificent  colonial  empire. 

No  event  in  history  ever  exercised  so  world-wide 
an  influence  as  that  action  of  the  American  colonies. 
The  few  events  we  have  selected  for  mention  were 
the  direct  and  Immediate  consequences  of  it.  But 
the  acknowledgment  and  recognition  of  the  United 
States,  more  than  their  own  declaration  of  inde- 
penilcnce,  produced  an  cfl'eet  which  was  felt  far  and 
wide  among  the  nations.  If  it  stimulated  the  canaille 
of  I'aris,  and  produced  a  .Marat  and  a  Kobcspierre, 
It  also  vibrated  a  chord  in  the  hearts  of  everj-  op- 
pressed people,  fr.im  tlie  extreme  limits  of  Chili  to 
the  northeni  frontier  of  .Mexico.  The  British  colo- 
nists of  North  America  had  shown  to  all  colonists 
everywhere  tliat  it  was  possible  to  wage  a  war  of 
/r.'.  iloin  against  a  distant  power,  and,  under  favour- 
iiblt!  conditions,  with  success,  lliese  conditions  did 
not  occur  in  the  case  of  Spain  during  the  eighteenth 
century,  but  they  did  in  the  early  part  of  the  nine- 
tiiunth,  and  wbenuvur  taken  advauUi^fc  of,  the  end 


was  favorable  to  the  cause  of  independence.  Dur- 
ing the  time  that  intervened  before  the  oi)portunity 
came,  the  principles  that  had  been  so  successfully 
maintained  in  the  war  of  the  Revolution  strength- 
ened, and  the  love  for  them  grew  more  mature.  The 
peoi)le  of  South  America  lost  nothing  by  delay.  It 
was  better  that  they  did  not  act  as  the  French  in 
France  had  done,  upon  the  impulse  of  the  moment. 
Time  served  to  more  deeply  ingrain  the  desire  for 
freedom  into  the  hearts  of  the  masses ;  and  when  the 
blow  at  last  was  struck,  it  came  with  multiplied 
force,  and  was  driven  home  with  increased  deter- 
mination— the  determination  that  did  not  compre- 
hend defeat.  The  prudence  thus  implied  must  not, 
however,  be  attributed  wholly,  or  j)erhap3  in  large 
part,  to  the  colonists.  It  was  necessiUited  by  cir- 
cumstances. Spain,  during  the  American  revolu- 
tionary war,  was  not  strong.  At  no  time  during  the 
great  wars  with  Napoleon  was  she  strong.  But  so 
long  as  an  alliance  with  France  continued,  the 
colonics  could  not  safely  have  entered  upon  the 
struggle  for  freedom.  Moreover,  even  so  late  as 
the  last  century,  moral  influences  did  not  exercise 
the  same  force,  nor  did  they  move  with  the  same 
speed,  that  they  do  now.  The  full  effect  of  the 
declaration  of  American  independence  was  not  felt 
in  the  South  for  manj'  years  after  it  had  been  made. 
It  was  long  before  the  knowledge  of  its  existence 
reached  Peru,  still  longer  before  its  full  meaning 
was  appreciated,  and  longer  again  before  the  Spanish 
colonists  fully  understood  that  the  cause  which  had 
been  so  successfully  maintained  in  the  North,  was 
theirs  to  win  also,  if  only  they  were  willing  to  bide 
their  opportunity  and  act  with  unity  and  decision. 
Nevertheless,  a  feeling  of  impatience  at  the  rule  of 
Spain  was  early  perceptible.  But  it  assumed  for 
some  years  a  passive  form.  It  was,  however,  the 
first  monition  of  future  convulsion.  It  arose  simul- 
taneously in  all  the  colonies,  and  was  probably  kept 
in  abeyance  for  a  time  by  a  native  insurrection  in 
Peru,  which,  although  it  was  sustained  with  vari- 
able success  for  two  years,  was  at  last  brought  en- 
tirely under  subjection  by  the  Spanish  troops,  who, 
as  was  their  custom,  barbarously  put  to  death  the 
chief  men  of  the  party  in  rebellion,  and  their  families. 
This  began  six  years  after  the  "  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence," and  was  the  result  of  Spanish  opj)ression. 
It  was  purely  a  native  risin";.  The  descendants  of 
the  incas,  from  the  time  when  Huana  Capac  had 
been  murdered  by  Pizarro,  had  never  ceased  to  de- 
mand from  their  conquerors  certain  nominal  privi- 
leges, in  consideration  of  their  rank  and  former  regal 
power.  Through  a  series  of  generations  this  was 
persistently  refused,  and  the  refusal  was  in  some 
instances  accompanied  with  acts  of  barbarous 
cruelty,  as  a  warning  that  the  demand  should  i.ot  be 
repeated.  But  it  was  repealed,  and  with  such  earn- 
estness and  pertinacity  that  the  concession  was  at 
length  granted,  and  the  Spaniards  consented  to  ac- 
knowledge a  title  which  they  had  three  centuries 
before  tried  to  efface  by  the  execution  of  the  last 
inca  at  Cuzco.  Scarcely  had  the  concession  been 
made  ere  the  Spanish  authorities  repented  of  their 
generosity,  and  recalled  the  act.  Sayu  Tupac,  in 
whose  pcr,-on  this  insult  was  ollercd,  immediately 
raised  the  standard  of  revolt,  and,  declaring  that  the 
moment  had  come  when  his  countrymen  should  free 
themselves  from  the  tyrannical  yoke  of  the  foreign- 
ers, soon  gathered  around  him  a  powerful  and 
spirited  armj'  of  native  warriors.  For  the  space  of 
two  years  the  contest  was  maintained.  During  the 
earlier  part  of  that  period  success  attended  u\mn 
the  native  troojjs,  but  the  Spaniards,  increasing  their 
efforts  and  their  forces,  at  leniith  gained  a  decisive 
victory.  C'ondorcanqui,  the  head  of  the  rebel  move- 
ment and  commander  of  the  armies  of  the  Peruvians, 
was  taken  j)risoner  and  executed.  His  family,  in- 
cluding his  wife  and  children,  shared  a  similar  fate  ; 
and  were  soon  after  followed  to  the  scaffold  by  a 
large  number  of  their  adherents. 

fiy  these  means  Spanish  supremacy'  was  once  more 
maintained.  But  it  was  not  to  be  of  long  duration. 
At  that  time  the  district  known  as  Peru  extended 
over  the  Kocky  Mountains,  and  comjiriscd  a  vast 
area  of  territory.  The  insurrection  of  the  natives 
had  shown  the  expediency  of  ett'ccting  a  closer  con- 
centration of  authority  ;  and  to  that  end  the  province 
was  divided.  Polos  i,  I.a  Plata,  Chareas,  Paraguay, 
and  Chiquitos  were  formed  into  the  province  of 
Buenos  Ayres,  under  a  new  viceroyalty  ;  and  Vene- 
zuela, Caracas,  (iuatcmala,  Cumaini,  and  Chili  were 
set  apart  under  another  administration,  but  whose 
southern  limits  wiTe  left  very  undefined.  This  ap- 
peared to  be  a  measure  of  sound  policy,  but  it  had 
not  all  the  etfect  that  was  intended.  It  strengthened 
the  influence  of  Spani  for  a  brief  period,  but  it  did 
not  reconcile  the  peo)>le  to  her  rule,  nor  did  it  j)re- 
vent  their  ultimate  inilependenec.  For  a  few  years, 
nothing  of  importance  transpired,  but  the  feeling  in 
favour  of  freedom  was  gradually  growing  stronger, 
and  the  condition  of  the  parent  country  was  be- 
coinlng  more  suitable  for  the  purposes  of"  the  colo- 
uisti. 


I  We  must  here  return  for  a  moment  to  the  work 
that  was  being  prosecuted  by  Napoleon,  for  it  now 
began  to  exercise  a  greater  and  a  more  direct  in- 
fluence upon  the  desiinv  of  South  America,  The 
National  Conventitm  of  trance  having  declared  the 
intention  to  propagate  republican  irieas  throughout 
the  monarchies  of  Europe,  by  encouraging  all  dis- 
allected  subjects  of  these  nations,  and  supporliug 
them  in  any  revolt  that  they  might  undertake,  the 
British  goveniment  demanded  an  explanation,  which 
being  refused,  the  ambassador  of  the  late  king  re- 
ceived notice  to  quit  the  kingdom,  and  in  conse- 
quence war  was  declared.     Eventful  as  this  war 

I  was,  it  concerns  us  only  in  so  far  as  it  placed  Spain 

I  at  the  mercy  of  the  French.    A  part  of  those  armies 

I  of  the  republic  which  overran  the  west  of  Europe, 
found  an  easy  conquest  in  the  Peninsula,  and  it  was 
with  comparatively  small  effort  that  the  government 
at  Madrid  was  brought  to  the  feet  of  Napoleon.  It 
would  have  been  well  if  the  humiliation  had  ended 
there,  but  presently  we  find  the  Spanish  government 
yielding  to  the  solicitations  of  the  conqueror,  and 
joining  in  the  war  against  England.  One  of  the 
first  events  that  followed  this  rash  enterprise  was 
the  destruction  of  the  Spanish  fleet  off  Cajie  St.  Vin- 
cent. This  was  at  the  moment  a  grievous  loss  to 
France,  but  it  was  far  more  serious  to  Spain,  and  it 
left  her  more  than  ever  at  the  mercy  of  the  man  who 

I  then  ruled  the  destinies  of  her  powerful  ally.  Na- 
poleon was  not  slow  to  avaU  himself  of  the  fact,  and 
his  policy  soon  struck  the  final  blow  at  Spanish  su- 
premacy everywhere,  even  while  he  was  usit;g  the 
effeminate  rulers  at  Madrid  to  serve  his  own  ends. 

1  Having  fought  his  way,  by  violence  and  intrigue,  to 
the  imperial  crown,  hejilanned  the  design  for  invading 
England,  as  the  only  European  power  which,  remain- 
ing uncouquered,  seemed  likely  to  offer  any  active  re- 
sistance to  his  unlimited  control  over  the  affairs  of 
the  Continent.  In  this  scheme  he  again  compelled 
Spain  to  join  him,  and  to  devote  her  entire  efforts 
with  his  to  destroy  British  supremacy  on  the 
seas.  By  that  means  he  hoped  not  only  to  effect 
the  destruction  of  British  commerce,  but  also  to 
remove  the  only  obstacle  that  presented  itself  to 
the  full  play  of  his  own  ambition.  But  the  victory 
of  Trafalgar  destroyed  all  his  hopes,  and  shattered 
the  maritime  power  of  Spain  to  a  degree  which  ren- 
dered it  helpless.  It  was  the  last  effort  of  a  fallen 
state,  and  it  failed.  The  once  mighty  force  which 
had  been  wielded  by  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  was 
now  complet^jlj'  gone,  and  the  resistance  which  the 
Spanish  Government  at  that  moment  could  have 
offered  against  any  insurrection  in  her  colonies 
would  have  been  comparatively  futile.  But  still  the 
upathetie  jicople  of  South  America  were  slow  to 
avail  themselves  of  the  oi)portunity  that  now  had 
come  to  them.  They  seemed  still  to  lack  a  stiumlus 
to  action.  An  attacfe  made  by  a  small  British  force 
in  IfSOT,  upon  Buenos  Ayres,  might  have  been  made 
available,  but  it  was  not.  The  native  inhabitiints 
were  passive,  or  they  opposed  the  assailants,  and  it 
remained  for  other  causes  at  length  to  rouse  them 
into  a  movement  for  freedom. 

Since  the  evacuation  of  Brazil  by  the  Dutch,  that 
rich  country  had  remained  in  the  peaceful  posses- 
sion of  the  Portuguese.  It  had  partaken  of  many  of 
the  restrictions  which  had  impeded  the  progress  of 
the  Si)anish  colonies.  The  House  of  Braganza  has 
shown,  in  successive  generations,  a  marked  genius 
for  govemment,  but  in  the  early  days  of  South 
American  settlement,  there  was  no  higher  value  at- 
Uiched  to  colonies  than  the  wealth  that  they  might  be 
made  to  brinn;  to  the  imperial  treasury.  Any  pro- 
gress which  Brazil  had  made  was  due  to  its  ovra 
magnificent  resources,  for  their  development  was 
restricted  and  bound  down  by  the  most  vexatious 
decrees  from  the  parent  state.  But  again.  Napoleon 
unintentionally  contributed  to  change  all  this.  When 
Spain  was  no  longer  of  any  use  to  him,  he  sought 
new  expedients  to  demolish  the  trade  of  England. 
His  Berlin  decree  declaring  the  British  ports  to  be  In 
a  state  of  blockade,  was  one  of  the.se.  But  the 
friendly  commercial  relations  that  had  cxi-tcd  be- 
tween Portugal  and  England  were  an  impediment  to 
its  ojieration.  He  therefore  sent  a  special  embas,sy 
to  Lisbon  with  a  request  that  the  Govermnent  should 
at  once  close  it*  ports  against  Great  Britain,  and 
that  every  Englislunan  tlii-n  in  the  country  should  be 
arrested  and  his  property  confiscated.  '1  he  request 
was  backed  I'y  a  threat  that  war  would  be  the  con- 
sequence of  refusal.  But  the  rejdy  was  not  waited 
for,  though,  if  it  had  been,  the  nature  of  it  may  very 
readily  be  anticipated.  Portugal  could  not  have 
Comi>iied  with  such  an  order,  ller  honour  stood  in 
the  way  in  one  direction,  and  treaties  which  she  had 
made  with  Englimd  would  also  have  precluded  sub- 
mission. Nevertheless,  the  Prince  Hegent,  to  avoid 
war,  attempted  a  compromise ;  he  did  consent  to  the 
flrst  part  of  the  deimmd,  and  the  ports  were  closed. 
Meanwhile  Portuguese  vessels  in  French  ports  had 
been  seized,  and  in  a  few  weeks  a  large  French  army 
was  on  the  march  for  Portugal,  under  the  comnianU 

(  of  Marshal  Junot,  carrying  with  him  a  formal  dec- 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


173 


laratioti  from  Najjoleoa  that  the  house  of  Braganza 
was  deposed.  Declining  a  contest  on  terms  of  in- 
equality which  reudered  defeat  inevitable,  the  Re- 
geut  retired  the  wIkjIc  of  tlio  national  troops  to  the 
sea  coast,  and  with  his  family  and  a  lari^e  body  of 
adherents  left  the  cou:-.try  for  Brazil  when  Junot 
was  crossing  tl:e  frontier.  The  rcceiitiou  which  he 
reeeived  in  the  American  colony  was  of  the  most 
enthusiastic  description,  and  the  policy  immediately 
inauiiiirated  had  a  marked  clfect  upon  the  wealth 
aud  development  of  the  country.  Restrictions  were 
removed  from  trade,  the  ports  were  opened  to  com- 
merce, taxes  were  adjusted,  privilcsjes  extended  to 
the  people,  printing-presses  were  inlroduced,  educa- 
tion was  jironioted,  and  in  a  very  brief  space  the 
province  had  entered  upon  a  new  era  of  existence, 
whieh  served  not  a  little  to  give  the  neighboring 
Spanish  colonies  the  impulse  that  they  seemed  to 
require. 

The  struggle  for  independence  now  broke  out  with 
great  violeiice  in  both  Chili  and  Buenos  Ayres.  In 
the  latter  [irovince  the  people  suddenly  rose  with  a 
determination  that  was  in  marked  contrast  with  the 
apparent  indiU'erence  that  had  so  long  characterized 
them.  They  were  massacred  with  unrelenting  fury, 
and  the  utmost  cruelties  were  put  into  operation  to 
suppress  them.  But  those  measures  had  their  ac- 
customed effect.  The  spirit  that  longed  for  free- 
dom had  now  growu  into  a  resolute  determination  to 
secure  it.  Before  a  year  had  passed  away,  the  peo- 
ple redoubled  their  efforts,  and  this  time  with  more 
Buecess.  They  deposed  the  Viceroy,  drove  him 
from  the  country,  abolished  all  emblems  of  Spanish 
nuthorit}-,  aud  appointed  a  provisional  goveniment 
from  among  themselves. 

A  similar  struggle  was  being  enacted  almost 
simultaneously  in  Chili,  although  at  one  lime  a 
Spanish  army  from  the  neighboring  province  of 
Peru  tlireatencd  to  obliterate  the  hopes  of  the  peo- 
l>\f.  The  culouy  had  been  divided  into  thirteen  dis- 
tricts, the  whole  being  at  that  time  under  the  gov- 
ernorship of  General  Carrasco.  For  some  tiuie  strict 
unanimity  could  not  be  brouuht  about  among  the 
inhabitants  in  these  several  districts,  but  at  length 
an  insurrection  was  successfully  initiated,  and  Car- 
rasco was  deposed.  The  contest  was  waged  with 
unprecedented  violence  on  botli  sides.  The  great 
square  of  Santiago  became  the  scene  of  some  of  the 
most  desperate  conflicts  between  the  j)eo]ile  and  the 
Spanish  troops.  The  streets  tlowed  with  blood. 
Women  and  children  fell  before  the  musket  shot, 
and  bayonet  charge-  of  the  infuriated  soldiers.  But 
despite  repeated  reverses,  and  the  necessity  for  a 
persistent  aud  long-continuous  effort  on  the  part  of 
the  patriots,  the  current  of  sueci!ss  for  four  long 
years  ran  in  their  favour.  During  the  whole  of  this 
period  the  country  remained  in  t:ie  hands  of  a  pro- 
visional government,  all  attempts  by  tlie  Spanish 
authorities  to  remove  it  beiug  unsuccessful.  One  of 
th-'  ablest  leaders  of  the  people — Don  Juan  Carrera 
— was  at  the  head  of  tlie  poj)ular  forces,  and  the 
energy  and  skill  with  whieh  he  defended  the  cause 
lelt  iiitle  room  for  failure.  Finding  it,  at  last,  im- 
possible to  regain  the  supremacy  by  means  at  their 
disposal  in  the  i)rovinces,  the  Spaniards  contented 
themselves  with  a  defensive  strategy,  but  made  ex- 
ertions at  the  same  time  to  raise  an  armyjn  Peru, 
which  still  remained  loyal  to  the  old  flag.  With 
these  fresh  troops  Chili  was  invaded  by  the  Spanish 
General  Taroja.  lie  was  met  a  short  way  across  the 
frontier  by  Uarrera  and  twice  defeated.  On  the 
second  occasion  he  was  forced  to  retreat  towards  the 
boundary  line  of  the  province,  but  being  met  on  his 
way  by  strong  reinforcements,  he  again  gave  battle 
to  the  pursuing  columns  of  the  enemy,  and  this  time 
with  more  success.  Carrera  was  defeated,  his  troops 
put  to  Higlit,  and  the  great  cause  for  whieh  they  had 
taken  up  arras  fell  paralyzed —but  not  dead.  Paroja 
overran  the  country  and  laid  it  waste.  Villages  and 
towns  were  ruthlessly  pillaged,  women  and  children 
insulted  aud  butchered  at  the  pleasure  of  the  pro- 
lligate  Spanish  troops  ;  and,  thus  struck  down,  the 
couutry  had  once  more  to  own  allegiance  to  the 
tyrannical  rule  of  its  former  masters.  The  submis- 
siim  was  not  for  long,  however.  The  sweets  of 
liberty  once  tasted,  were  not  to  be  thus  easily  put 
away  forever;  and  in  the  ni'xt  struggle  Chili  not 
only  vindicated  herself,  but  aided,  w  ith  some  foreign 
assistance,  to  secure  the  iudepeudeuce  of  her  neigh- 
bour. 

The  spirit  of  insurrection  thus  dominant  in  the 
South,  was  no  less  active  in  tlie  Nortli.  While  Chili 
was  striking  her  tirst  blows  for  freedom,  the  people 
of  Ecuador  made  several  attempts  to  free  themselves 
from  Spanish  rule  at  Quito,  and  the  movement  receiv- 
ed the  sympathy  of  the  population  throughcmt  Vene- 
zuela Several  hotly  contested  battles  were  fought, 
m  which  the  popular  troops  gained  signal  successes. 
Ihe  fortress  of  Puerto  Cabello,  one  of  the  most  im- 
portant in  the  i)rovince,  fell  into  their  hands,  and 
was  ))laced  soon  after  \inder  the  keeping  of  the 
funous  Bolivar,  whose  name,  with  that  of  Miranda, 
1U3  superior  in  command  at  tha'.  time,  are  among 


the  most  conspicuous  in  the  history  of  South  Amer- 
ican Independence.  But  this  fort  had  been  made  the 
receptacle  for  Spanish  prisoners,  who,  taking  a  fa- 
vourable opportunity,  rose  to  the  number  of  llfteen 
hundred  against  the  garrison,  killed  the  guards,  and 
took  the  citadel  ;  upon  whieh  event,  the  jdaec  was 
evacuated  by  the  insurgents,  who,  being  compelled 
to  accept  the  terms  of  peace  offered  them  by  Mon- 
toverde,  once  more  declared  allegiance  to  Spain. 
Miranda  was  made  prisoner  and  sent  to  Cadiz,  where, 
after  several  years'  c/mfinement,  loaded  with  irons, 
in  a  dungeon  of  a  small  fortress,  he  died  miser- 
ably. 

The  ill  fate  of  his  chieftain  stimulated  Bolivar  to 
re:iewcd  exertions  in  the  cause  of  liberty.  The 
parent  country  lay  prostrate  at  tlie  feet  of  Napoleon, 
and  he  wisely  concluded, that  the  ojjportunity  was 
one  that  should  not  be  lost.  Accompanied  by  a 
small  band  of  less  than  a  thousand  adherents,  he 
successively  drove  the  Spanish  troops  from  station 
to  station,  till  he  arrived  at  Bogotii,  at  that  time  the 
centre  of  government  of  New  Granada.  Here  he 
was  duly  honored  by  the  Congress  of  that  province, 
whieh  happened  to  be  in  session  at  the  time  ;  and, 
after  having  beeu  formaUy  placed  in  supreme  com- 
mand of  the  forces  of  the  insurgents,  he  continued 
his  successful  march  to  Caracas,  receiving  daily  new 
acquisitions  to  his  strength  as  he  proceeded.  Several 
skirmishes  took  place  with  small  bauds  of  the 
enemy,  in  which,  being  uniformly  successful,  the 
troops  took  fresh  courage  to  make  an  attack 
upon  the  Spanish  general  himself.  In  this  Monte- 
verde  was  signally  defeated,  and  sifch  was  the 
rapidity  with  whieh  the  native  array  now  advanced, 
that  the  Spaniards  were  glad  to  come  to  terms. 
Caracas  soon  after  capitulated,  and  Bolivar  entered 
the  place  in  triumph,  proclaiming  himself  dictator 
and  liberator  of  the  western  provinces. 

But,  unhappily,  the  success  was  not  of  long  dura- 
tion. The  man  who  had  thus  carried  the  popular 
cause  to  so  glorious  a  result,  failed  to  retain  the 
confidence  he  had  gained.  The  title  of  "dictator," 
which  he  had  assumed,  was  not  to  be  in  his  mind  an 
empty  name.  Not  content  with  the  honours  he  had 
won,  he  began  to  show  an  inclination  for  securing 
to  himself  an  almost  despotic  power.  At  least,  he 
was  suspected  by  the  people  of  this  desire,  and  the 
suspicion  was  probably  not  without  very  good  cause. 
Disseni  ions,  accordingly,  arose,  and  although  a  junta 
of  the  leading  inhabitants  prevailed  upon  Bolivar  to 
retain  the  supreme  authority,  the  Spaniards  were 
(juick  to  take  advantage  of  the  tone  of  disaffection 
whieh  they  noticed.  On  one  occasion,  shortly  after 
a  session  of  the  Junta,  at  which  the  general  had  ex- 
pressed his  decision  to  accede  to  the  wishes  expressed 
to  him,  the  news  came  that  a  Spanish  force  was 
marching  upou  La  Puerta.  Bolivar  hastened  to  try 
and  form  a  junction  with  the  small  army  under 
Marino,  and  succeeded  ;  but  the  combined  forces 
were  immediately  attacked,  and  defeated  with  great 
slaughter.  Caracas  was  retaken,  and  Bolivar  fled  to 
Tunja,  in  New  Granada,  where  Congress  gave  him 
increased  powers,  making  him  commander-in-chief 
of  the  army,  and  entrusting  to  him  an  important 
mission  against  the  only  remaining  Spanish  strong- 
hold in  that  province.  This  was  not  carried  out,  but 
he  took  Santa  Fc,  forced  Bogota  to  capitulate,  and 
defeated  the  Spanish  troops  in  several  minor  engage- 
ments. In  the  midst  of  these  successes,  news  was 
brought  liim  of  the  expected  arrival  of  strong  rein- 
forcements for  the  enemy  from  Spain,  whereupon 
he  somewhat  hastily  left  the  couutry,  and  sailed  for 
Jamaica. 

His  conduct,  in  thus,  as  it  were,  deserting  the 
cause  at  a  critical  moment,  when  his  presence  was 
most  likely  to  be  needed,  has  been  greatly  con- 
demned. But,  much  as  an  unfavourable  criticism 
may  apparently  bo  justified,  more  light  than  we  at 
present  possess,  or  perhaps  ever  can  possess,  to 
show  the  ulterior  motives  that  he  had,  should  be 
required  before  he  is  unequivocally  blamed.  The 
sincerity  of  Bolivar  should  be  judged  by  the  great 
work  which  he  accomplished.  There  is  no  reason 
to  question  either  his  courage  or  liis  patriotism. 
Personal  ambition  sometimes  swayed  his  judgment; 
but  the  difliculties  that  he  had  to  encounter  were 
exceedingly  great,  and  although  at  times  the  means 
he  took  to  surmount  them  weregaf  a  character  dif- 
ferent from  what  might  be  expected,  as  we  review 
them  at  the  present  distance,  and  through  the  mist 
of  only  partial  knowledge,  they  were  generally  at- 
tended by  success. 

He  remained  several  months  at  Kingston,  during 
the  whole  of  which  time  the  Spanish  general,  Morillo, 
was  devastating  New  Grenada  almost  unimpeded, 
and  punishing  the  native  jjopulation  with  the  cruel- 
ties inherent  in  his  race.  But  Bolivar  was  not  idle. 
At  the  commencement  of  the  Rev(dution,  he  had 
visited  England,  to  purchase  arms  and  to  enlist  the 
sympathies  of  the  British  people.  The  friends  he 
made  on  that  occasion  now  stood  by  him.  They 
fitted  out  a  vessel  of  war,  fully  eiiuipped,  and 
stored  with  arms  and  ammunition  for  live  thousand 


men,  all  of  whieh  he  duly  received  when  under  tho 
protection  of  the  British  flag.  He  also  collected 
several  negro  reghnents  iullayti,  already  drilled  and 
under  very  fair  discipline.  The  organization  of  this 
force  received  his  constant  ])cr8onal  attention  ;  ai  d 
with  it  he  at  length  set  sail  for  Venezucda.  Hero 
the  efforts  of  the  Sjianiards  had  not  been  vc'ry  ener- 
getically directed.  Morillo  unwisely  contented  him- 
self with  overrunning  (irenada,  and  the  lieuteiiaiitB 
whom  Bolivar  had  left  behind  him,  taking  advantage 
of  the  error,  had  concentrated  their  attention  (diirlly 
upon  the  neighbouring  iirovinee,  which  remained 
firm  in  the  po;'ular  cause.  For  a  long  time,  how- 
ever, personal  jealousies  and  rivalries  among  these 
leaders  was  a  mischievous  and  almost  fatal  impi  di- 
ment  to  the  ell'orts  of  the  commandor-in-ehief,  w  lio 
suffered  several  defeats  before  he  received  tho 
acknowledgment  that  was  due  him  from  his  own 
party.  Treachery  in  the  pojiular  ranks  also  added 
to  the  difheultics  that  he  had  to  c(mtend  with,  and 
notwithstanding  all  his  efforts,  the  Si)aniards  in  a 
few  months  obtained  [jossession  of  a  vast  territory 
which  had  long  denied  their  authority. 

But  at  this  dark  stage;  of  afl'airs,  a  ray  of  hoi)e  sud- 
denly gleamed  upon  the  insurgents.  The  English 
captain  who  had  l)ecn  entrusted  with  the  vessel  sent 
out  to  Bolivar  in  the  Wot  Indies,  had  shortly  before 
appeared  off  the  coast  of  Guiana,  where,  in  concert 
with  a  native  chieftain,  a  successful  attack  was 
made  upon  the  Spanish  forts,  and  in  a  few  weeks 
the  entire  province  was  freed  from  foreign  yoke. 

This  sudden  good  fortune  inspired  new  hopes  into 
the  people ;  and  almost  simultaneously  with  an  in- 
tended expedition  into  Grenada  there  appeared  upon 
the  coast  a  flotilla  from  England  w  ith  strong  rein- 
forcements in  men,  money,  arms,  and  amunitioii  for 
the  popular  cause.  Bolivar  now  acted  with  deter- 
mined resolution.  Collecting  all  the  forces  at  his 
command,  he  crossed  the  Andes,  and  feigning  a 
march  through  Venezuela,  he,  with  a  few  regiments 
of  Englishmen,  marched  direct  upon  Bogota,  driving 
the  few  Spanish  troojjs  that  he  met  with  before  him, 
and  without  much  delay  entering  the  city  in  triumph. 
Here  he  re-established  the  Congress  and  organized  a 
government,  placing  General  Santander  in  chief 
command  of  the  forces,  and  defining  the  authority 
of  various  subordinate  departments.  From  this 
time  the  star  of  Spain  did  not  recover  its  ascendancy. 
Morillo  gradually  retired  before  the  victorious  arinii^s 
of  the  people,  and  soon  after  concluded  a  six  months' 
truce. 

But  all  difficulties  had  not  ceased.  Bolivar  had 
scarcelj'  reeognizeil  his  triumph  before  the  news 
was  brought  liini  that  Arismendi,  one  of  his  most 
trusty  generals,  had  permitted  himself  to  be  chosen 
vice-president  by  the  Congress  of  Angostura,  over 
an  officer  who  had  been  placed  in  that  position  by 
the  Commander-in-Chief.  An  immediate  advance 
was  made  upon  the  place,  Arismendi  was  taken 
prisoner  and  cxUed,  the  former  vice-president  was 
rej  ..iced,  and  in  a  few  months  the  two  Congresses 
of  New  Grenada  and  Venezuela  were  called  to- 
gether, and  the  provinces  were  at  once  united  into 
one  republic  under  the  title  of  Colombia,  with 
Bolivar  as  President. 

Although  in  one  sense  the  conquest  was  now  com- 
plete, the  Spaniards  continued  for  some  time  to  give 
trouble.  Seven  of  the  provinces  of  New  (irenada 
still  remained  subject  to  them,  as  also  did  two  of 
the  provinces  in  Venezuela.  They  likewise  held 
Cartagena  and  Panama.  As  soon  as  Morillo  had 
completed  the  arrangement  for  tlie  six  months' 
truce,  he  returned  to  Spain  ;  leaving  General  Miguel 
de  la  Torre  in  chief  command.  Ilis  departure  was 
regarded  with  some  suspicion  by  Bidi\ar,  who 
feared  that  reinforcements  might  possibly  be  sent, 
out  in  resjionse  to  the  representations  of  the  general. 
He  nevertheless  faithfully  adhered  to  the  ttrma 
under  which  he  had  agreed  to  suspend  hostilities. 
But  directly  after  the  expiration  of  the  period 
agreed  upon,  determined  to  allow  the  enemy  no 
further  opportunity  of  regaining  strength.  Bolivar 
made  a  desperate  attack  upon  the  army  under  La 
Torre  at  Carabobo,  before  which  the  royalist  troops 
gave  way  on  all  sides.  The  energy  and  rapidity 
with  which  the  movement  was  eflected  paralyzed 
resistance.  The  native  troo|)s  cut  down  llu  ir  oppo- 
nents in  every  direction,  showing  little  merey ;  but 
rather  a  resolve  to  avenge  the  tyranny  under  whieh 
they  had  so  long  suffered.  Their  losses  in  this  short 
but  impoitant  conflict,  have  been  set  by  scmic  as 
high  as  8,000  men,  but  while  this  is  jirobably  in 
excess,  the  actual  amount  was  certainly  very  great. 
The  whole  of  their  baggage  and  field  "artillery  fell 
into  the  possession  of  the  patriots,  who  thus  gave 
the  final  blow  to  Spanish  rule  in  Vi  nezuela.  It  was 
the  decisive  action  of  the  revolutiim.  Cartage:  a 
soon  after  capitulated,  and  the  Spaniards  weie 
driven  successively  out  of  Puerto  Cabe  lo  and  thd 
provinces  of  Genito,  (iuayaquil  and  Pa.-to,  all  of 
which  were  at  once  incorporated  into  the  Republic 
of  Colombia. 

Simultaneously  with  the  rising  of  the  people  iu 


174 


HISTORY  OF 


Buenos  Avrcs,  of  wliicli  mention  has  been  made,  or 
as  soon  after  as  the  force  of  the  movement  eoidil  be 
realized,  the  Paraicuayans  also  took  action  in  the 
cause  of  iiidciiendciice.  Hut  their  etlorts  were  soon 
decided,  and  the  lii.story  of  them  presents  little  that 
is  of  interest.  Then  disall'eelion  took  the  form,  in 
the  lirst  instance,  of  active  organization.  The  lead- 
ers were  trusted  by  tlie  people,  and  a  Junta  eom- 
1 1  iiu'^  a  number  of  the  principal  iidiabilants  was  at 
onte  formed.  As  soon  as  tliis  became  known,  the 
{Spanish  uuthoriiies  littcd  out  an  army  in  Buenos 
Ayres  under  (ieucral  lielgrani),  but  it  was  defeated 
with  considerable  loss  ;  and  from  that  time  no  im- 
portant cllorts  were  made  by  Spain  to  strengthen 
Ler  position  in  thut  region.  We  shall  have  to  recur 
to  tlie  events  in  Taraguaj',  which  was  not  fully 
acknowledged  as  an  independent  state  till  a  recent 
date,  but  in  the  meanwhile  we  must  return  to  the 
more  striking  occurrences  that  were  taking  place  on 
the  opposite  side  of  the  continent. 

The  victories  gained  by  Faroja  over  Carrera,  the 
leader  of  the  patriot  forces  in  Chili,  led  to  the  sub- 
jection of  that  province  for  a  space  of  about  three 
years.  The  work  was,  during  that  interval,  advanced 
quietly  in  La  Plata,  where  regiments  of  armed  men 
were  being  clande.-itinely  but  very  elfectually  drilled 
under  the  auspices  of  General  San  Martin,  a  leader 
only  second  lo  Bolivar  in  patriotic  zeal  and  military 
genius.  Nothing  could  evince  the  apatliy  of  the 
bpanish  commanders  in  America  at  tliis  time,  more 
comidetcly  than  the  mistake  of  allowing  this  army 
to  be  rai.-ed,  equipped,  and  disciplined  within  terri- 
tory over  which  they  at  lea?t  alfeeted  to  hold  some 
control.  But  no  means,  certaiidy  no  ellectual 
means,  were  taken  to  interfere  with  the  proceedings 
of  San  Martin,  who,  when  all  was  in  readiness, 
crossed  the  frontier,  marched  into  Chili,  gave  battle 
to  the  Spaiuards  at  Chacabuco,  and  defeated  them 
witli  great  loss.  The  tide  of  fortune  was  changed 
in  a  subsequent  engagement,  but  success  was  as 
enervating  to  the  Si)aniards  as  defeat.  In  this  in- 
stance more  so,  for,  while  resting  in  complacency 
over  the  result  of  a  victory  gained  against  the  in- 
surgents at  Chancharayada,  tlie  Chilian  general  sud- 
denly fell  u|)ou  them  with  a  strong  force  and  routed 
them  completely,  i)Uttiug  all,  except  a  very  small 
number,  to  the  sword.  Ihis  victory  was  decisive, 
though  not  final,  since  the  Spanish  troops  kept  up  a 
desultory  system  of  warfare,  clinging  pertinaciously 
to  a  few  minor  posts  in  the  country,  from  whence 
they  had  to  be  displaced  by  successive  attacks.  It 
took  ])lace  in  th(!  _\ear  18 iM,  but  a  constitution  was 
not  hnally  completed  till  lifteen  years  after.  During 
the  greater  jiart  of  the  interval,  the  alTairs  of  the 
province  were  in  the  hands  of  a  dictator,  and  it  is 
worthy  of  uot^;  that  after  the  framing  of  the  Consti- 
tution nearly  five  years  were  occupied  in  consider- 
ing and  amending  the  draft,  before  it  was  proninl- 
gaied.  But  altho,;igli  this  delay  is  strangely  dill'erent 
from  what  a  more  energetic  people  would  be  likely 
to  tolerate',  it  was  probably  in  great  measure  due  to 
the  events  that  were  enacting  in  the  adjacent  prov- 
ince of  i'eru. 

This  was  the  last  of  the  colonics  to  give  up  al- 
legiance to  Spain.  It  h  is  been  a  question  whether 
the  division  of  the  scnitlicrn  provinces  into  three 
separate  jurisdietions,  to  wliich  allusion  has  already 
been  made,  dehiyed  or  hastened  the  expulsion  of  the 
Spaniards.  On  the  one  side,  it  is  urged  that  if  the 
division  had  not  taken  jilacc,  the  loyalty  that  so 
long  marked  the  Peruvians  would  have  lieen  shared 
in  iiy  the  whole  of  the  i)roviiiC('S.  On  the  other,  it 
is  argued  that  if  the  division  had  not  taken  pliicc, 
I'eru  would  have  been  carried  along  in  the  current 
that  rolled  over  La  I'lata  and  Chili,  and  that  .ts  in- 
dependence would  have  been  aecomplislied  earlier 
than  it  was.  It  matters  little  which  view  be  taken, 
but  the  second  seems  to  be  the  more  reasonable,  and 
to  be  the  bet.er  warranted.  Vet  it  only  delayed  the  is- 
sue a  very  short  time.  The  events  taking  place  in  Chili 
were  not  without  their  elTeet  upon  liie  Peruvians, 
who  began  to  desire  for  themselves  a  share  of  the 
freedom  which  their  neighbours  had  won.  Two 
years  (dapsed,  during  which  the  strength  of  the 
piipuliir  party  daily  increiise.l,  till,  at  the  end  of  that 
time,  San  Martin  marched  with  an  army  out  of  Chili, 
uud  succeeded,  witliojt  much  dillieiilty,  in  gaining 
possession  of  the  capital,  liemaining  long  eiunigh 
t )  recruit  the  energies  and  numbers  of  his  troops, 
he  then  ultucked  the  Spaniards  in  the  Held,  aiul 
drove  tliem,  after  a  succession  of  victories,  into  the 
interior.  The  independenee  of  the  province  was 
fortlivvitli  proclaimed,  and  San  .Martin  named  ])r()- 
tcetor.  Hut  the  enemy  were  not  .:et  liiially  defeateil. 
The  Chilian  general  had  been  unable  to  follow  up 
his  successes,  partly  from  l;ick  of  inen,  and  partly 
from  a  want  of  zeal  among  the  i)cople,  who.  while 
heartily  sympathizing  in  tlie  cause  ami  hating  the 
Spaniards,  nevcrtliele-s  seemed  to  very  niui  h  prefer 
that  the  work  nf  liberation  should  be  iloni'  for  ihi  ni, 
tlian  t!iat  they  should  be  jnit  to  too  much  tmulile 
tlieiiiselves.  The  Spanish  commander  kei>t  up  for 
V-jiue  tinio  a  harassing  warfare,  which  San  Martin 


found  himself  unable  to  stop,  and  under  those  cir- 
cumstances he  sent  messengers  to  Bolivar  asking 
for  assistance.  This  was  readily  granted  ;  but  the 
comparative  failure  which  had  rendered  the  demand 
necessary,  comliined  with  objections  that  had  been 
taken  to  other  parts  of  his  policy,  had  rendered  San 
Martin  unpopular.  During  a  teiiip  )rary  absence  of 
the  general,  some  Sjjanish  forces  had  again  entered 
Lima,  and  raised  (mce  more  the  standard  of  Si)ain. 
Bolivar,  therefore,  marched  directly  upon  the  capital, 
the  enemy  deserting  it  on  his  approach.  He  did  not 
delay,  but  immediately  set  about  crossing  the  .\ndes, 
detorHiined  to  follow  the  Spanish  troops  till  they 
were  either  defeated  or  driven  out  of  the  country. 

At  the  head  of  about  ten  thousand  men,  he  overtook 
them  on  the  plains  of  Junin,  and  gained  a  great  vic- 
tory, the  enemy  being,  to  all  apj)earance,  utterly  de- 
moralized. Bolivar  re'.urned  to  Lima,  leaving  General 
Sucre,  a  Colombian  oflicer  of  much  repute,  to  com- 
plete the  work,  he  himself  undertaking  to  reorganize 
and  establish  the  government,  whicli,  under  San 
Martin,  had  already  grown  much  in  need  of  reform. 
But  the  tenacity  with  which  the  Spaniards  clung  to 
their  cause  and  to  their  possessions  exceeded  his 
anticipations.  They  concentrated  at  Ayacucho,  a 
town  and  department  on  the  eastern  slope  of  the 
Andes,  where  they  took  up  a  strong  position,  and 
prepared  for  what  they  could  not  fail  to  see  would 
be  a  tinal  struggle,  in  the  event  of  an  unfavourable 
result.  It  was  "their  last  stand  ;  but,  like  an  animal 
at  bay,  thcj'  did  not  shrink  from  the  attack.  Their 
numbers  at  this  time  were  about  nine  thousand,  and 
the  native  army  that  was  approaching  them  under 
Sucre  did  not  amount  to  six  thousand,  but  they  were 
well  disciplined  though  rough  troops,  and  flushed 
with  many  previous  victories.  They  were  fighting, 
too,  for  liberty  and  nationality. 

No  time  was  lost  in  preliminaries.  As  soon  as 
General  Sucre  had  brought  his  troops  well  up,  he 
gave  the  order,  and  they  rushed  upon  the  enemy 
with  such  impetuosity  that  the  Spanish  lines  gave 
way  at  the  first  onset.  But,  urged  on  by  the  untir- 
ing" efforts  of  their  officers,  they  rallied,  and  for 
three  hours  the  tight  was  waged  with  unflinching 
determination  bj'  both  sides.  General  Sucre  set 
an  admirable  example  at  the  head  of  his  men,  and 
his  personal  c<mrage  in  great  measure  determiucd 
the  day  ;  for  within  the  time  mentioned  the  Span- 
iards were  irretrievably  beaten.  Their  commander, 
Laserua,  who  was  also  viceroy  of  the  province, 
was  taken  prisoner,  and  their  losses  amounted 
to  nearly  3,000  in  killed,  woundi  d,  and  prisoners. 
The  losses  of  the  native  army  did  not  exceed  a 
thousand. 

Laserua  at  once  agreed  to  a  capitulation.  Tic 
surrendered  the  rest  of  the  army  on  the  field,  and 
agreed  to  give  up  all  the  fortified  places,  troops,  and 
munitions  of  war,  that  then  remained  in  Peru — thus 
virtually  signing  away  all  claim  which  Sjiain  had 
ever  had  to  her  South  American  possessions,  and 
ending  foi*  ever  her  dominion  on  the  continent  of 
South  America.  This  occurred  on  the  ninth  of  De- 
cember, 18-4. 

The  subsequent  history  of  the  several  American 
republics  is,  for  the  most  part,  made  up  of  a  long 
series  of  internal  dissensions,  intersjujrsed  occasion- 
ally with  international  disputes.  While  it  is  not 
our  purpo>e  to  theorise  on  the  causes  which  have 
l)r()l)ably  led  to  very  much  of  the  civil  discord,  it  is 
not  out  of  place  to  refer  them  very  probably  to  the 
deficiency  in  statesmanship  which  was,  for  the  most 
pait,  dis))layed  by  the  men  who  guided  the  colonies 
to  inde])endence.  Motives  of  ])crsonal  interest  too 
often  influenced  these  men,  who  also  showed  a  want 
of  attention  to  details  which,  although  apparently 
unimportant  at  the  moment,  have  proved  of  great 
consequence  since.  At  this  day,  many  of  the 
boundaries  of  these  republics  are  undefined,  and, 
(•onse(|Ucntly,  are  a  constant  source  of  irritation. 
The  dilficultV  of  arranging  these  would  not  be  great, 
cspcciallv  while  the "  population  is  comparatively 
small,  but  internal  jealousies  present  a  gieater 
obstacle  than  any  inherent  in  the  matter  under  dis- 
pute ;  and  the  "develo|nnent  of  the  republics  has 
been  pro|)orlionally  retarded. 

The  policy  followed  by  Bolivar  himself,  after  the 
tattle  of  Ayacucho,  was  in  some  respects  inexplic- 
able. By  the  constitutions  he  ])repaied,  slavery  was 
abolished,  but  the  abolition  was  (mly  on  paper. 
Slavery  continued  to  be  practically  a  Peruvian  insti- 
tution till  it  was  formally  i>ut  down  by  proclama- 
tion in  18.").5,  no  one  having  previously  attemnted  to 
follow  out  the  law  as  originally  framed.  During 
Bolivar's  dictatorship,  he  conceived  the  plan  of 
Bcparating  the  south-eastern  part  of  the  province, 
and  forming  it  into  a  republic  by  itself.  Phis  was 
clTected,  and  Bolivia  came  into  existence  according- 
ly in  18i"),  with  (ieneral  Sucre  as  President,  and 
Bolivar  as  constitution  maker.  But  tranquility  did 
not  long  endure,  (ieneral  Gamarra  aspired  to  the 
chief  magistracy,  and  Sucre  was  banished,  and  very 
speedily  after  that  assassinated— the  respective  in- 
Uuciiccs  of  Bolivia  and  Peru  bciuf;  Uio  CJtUHe  for 


I  several  years  of  a  series  of  revolutions,  and  the  y)er- 
petuation  of  anarchy  and  misrule.  Marshal  Santa 
Cruz  held  the  presidency  for  ten  years,  and  wa.-  suc- 
cessful in  keeping  the  country  in  a  state  of  com- 
parative repose.  But  he  did  so  mainly  through  the 
fact  that  he  united  in  his  functions  the"  two  ojiposite 
factions  raised  up  in  the  first  instance  by  Bolivar. 
,  He  was  at  the  same  time  President  of  Peru.  Thii 
'  occupation  of  the  chief  office  in  both  States,  which 
'  might  have  been  tunied  to  good  account  if  there 
had  been  the  men  to  take  advantage  of  it,  served 
only  for  a  time  to  satisfy  those  opposing  and  tur- 
bulent interests.  A  revolutionary  movement 
length  succeeded  in  the  overthrow  of  Santa  Cruz, 
,  notwithstanding  a  pojiular  demonstration  in  his 
j  favour  that  soon  afterwards  oeciUTcd.  The  land  was 
1  now  laid  waste  by  civil  war,  to  carry  on  which  the 
best  resources  of  the  people  became  very  severely 
taxed  ;  and  a  country  which  began  its  life  under 
auspices  the  most  favourable,  has  been  cursed  with 
i  poverty  and  much  misery,  through  the  implacable 
!  animosity  of  individuals  who  aspired  to  the  supreme 
command  of  the  government.  Dr.  Linares,  who,  in 
1858,  became  dictator,  though  nominally  president, 
had  been  the  leader  in  nine  unsuccessful  attempts 
to  upset  the  </«  fucto  chief  ;  and  he  had  few  syiu- 
patliizers,  when,  after  a  brief  exercise  of  authority, 
he  was  cast  into  jjrison  by  some  of  his  own  subor- 
dinates. A  new  president,  named  by  Congress,  was 
next  deposed  by  means  of  an  insurrection  raised  by 
General  Melgarejo,  who,  by  sheer  force  of  arms  and 
'  some  military  genius,  retained  his  position  at  the  head 
of  the  repubiic'lill  he  saw  it  united  in  an  alliance  with 
Pcra,  Ecuador,  and  Chili,  against  Spain.  Whether 
sincere  or  not  in  the  wish  expressed,  he  now  declared 
that  he- would  not  continue  in  the  presidency  ;  and 
he  went  so  far  as  to  order  an  election,  at  the  same 
time  proclaiming  that  he  would  not  become  a  can- 
didate. But  wheu  the  popular  voice  turned  in  favour 
of  his  predecessor,  who  had  been  duly  appointed  by 
Congress,  but  whom  he  now  held  in  close  conline- 
ment,  his  resolve  melted  away,  and  in  sui)port  of 
his  own  claims,  he  kept  the  country  in  a  state  oi 
civil  war  for  seven  years,  at  the  end  of  which  time 
the  leaders  of  the  opposite  faction  were  forced  to 
'  escape  within  the  limits  of  the  Argentine  c(raf^ dera- 
il tion.  He  now  boldly  assumed  the  position  of  dic- 
tator, forced  the  Congress  to  acknowledge  him  in 
that  ca{)acity,  and  went  through  the  farce  of  ]iro- 
elaiming  anew  the  coustituticm,  and  promising  to 
restore  to  the  people  the  rights  which  had  been 
nominally  secured  to  them  by  thai  instrument.  For 
it  was  only  a  farce.  Melgarejo  continued  to  exer- 
I  cise  supreme  control  till  after  two  unsuccessful 
attempts  had  been  made  to  supplant  him  by  (ieneral 
Morales.  The  third — which  occurred  in  18il — was 
successful,  and  the  dictator  ficd  into  Peru,  where  he 
was  soon  after  murdered.  Bolivia  is  no  exception 
to  the  other  South  American  republics,  in  having 
thus  branded  her  early  history  with  assassination, 
civil  war,  anarchy,  and  discord  ;  but  if  the  people 
{  have  suffered,  not  only  in  the  lives  of  their  bctt*'r 
citizens,  but  also  in  the  detriment  that  has  thereby 
fallen  up(m  the  mat<>rial  interests  of  their  own  com- 
munity, the  fault  lies  entirely  at  their  own  doors. 
Although  the  Spanish  rule  was  bad,  the  descendants 
of  the  Spanish  colonists  have  certainly  failed,  as  u 
general  rule,  to  prove  to  the  world  their  capacity  for 
self-government. 

I  The  intimate  relations  between  Peru  and  Bolivia 
following  naturally  from  their  position  and  former 
union  led  to  incidents  more  closely  interwoven  than 
have  yet  been  fully  dcvcloi)cd.  One  of  the  most  im- 
portant events  in  the  long  presidency  of  Santa  Cruz, 
to  which  reference  has  been  made,  was  the  invasion 
of  Peru  by  that  general  at  the  head  of  a  Bolivian 
army,  gaihered  together  at  the  invitation  of  the 
Peruvians,  and  which  resulted  in  the  temporary 
destruction  of  their  autonomy.  As  in  the  state  we 
have  just  been  considering,  "there  followed  to  the 
declaration  of  indei)endcnce  a  sense  of  popular  dis- 
attcction  and  the  dcvelopn.ent  of  personal  jealousies 
among  would-be  leaders  in  the  republic  of  Peru.  It 
was  one  of  the  factions  thus  formed,  that  with  more 

I  zeal  than  patriotism,  invited  Santa  Cruz  to  come  to 
their  aid.  He  did  so,  and  fought  many  fierce  battles 
with  the  opposing  parties  ;  but  he  then  forgot  the 
circumstances  under  which  his  presence  had  been 
solicited,  and  forthwith  taking  advantage  of  his  suc- 
cesses, he  overran  the  whole  country,  |)laced  the  i'J- 
habitants  under  contribution,  and  had  himself  jiro- 

,  claimed  protector  of  the  united  republics.  The  con- 
fcdenition  thus  formed  lasted  till  the  overthrow  of 
Santa  Cruz  in  Bolivia  at  the  insurrection  of  ISW, 

j  headed  by  Velazco.  The  nnsfor.unes  of  the  Presi- 
dent in  his  own  stale,  encotiraged  the  opponent  fac- 

I  tions  in  Brazil  to  a  new  revolution,  and  it  was  thus 
that  the  confederation  was  broui:lit  to  a  close  simul 
taneouslv  with  Velazco's  success  in  Bidivia.  (iene- 
ral Ganuirra  succeeded  to  the  Presidency  of  tliR 
Peruvian  republic  thus  scparati  d  once  more  from  it* 
neighbour,  and  iirobablv  would  have  ellected  i-onie 

i  useful  works.    But  his  "death  in  the  bat'" ;  at  Irgavl 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


175 


once  more  created  a  vacancy,  whicli  this  time  It 
eeetned  diflicult  to  fill.  For  several  years  the  coun- 
try was  the  scene  of  civil  wars,  conducted  f^cuerally 
upon  principles  of  tlie  utmost  barbarity  and  signal- 
ized with  acts  of  unsparing  cruelty,  such  as  could 
ouly  have  been  paralleled  under  the  old  Spanish 
rule.  It  was  not  until  1845,  when  tiencral  Castilla, 
iifter  a  series  of  successful  eonllicts,  was  chosen  to 
the  presidency  under  tlie  Constitution,  that  any- 
thing like  peace  was  restored.  Castilla  had  been 
originally  an  ollieer  in  the  Spanish  service.  But  he 
joined  the  army  of  independence  some  time  after 
the  liberation  of  Colombia,  and  was  attached  to  the 
Btatr  of  General  tiamarra.  After  acting  as  Minister 
of  War  for  a  short  space  in  the  Veruvian  republic, 
he  became  second  in  command  of  the  army  that  in- 
vaded iiolivia,  and  his  nomination  to  the  presidency 
arose  out  of  the  reputation  he  had  acquired  in  these 
movements.  The  selection,  viewed  from  a  Peruvian 
standpoint,  was  amply  justified.  E.xcept  that  his 
policy  was  marlced  by  extreme  religious  bigotry,  he 
adiniuisLered  the  government  with  considerable 
aliility.  At  the  end  of  his  term  of  ollicc,  he  was 
succeeded  by  General  Echinique,  but  availing  him- 
self of  tlie  unpopularity  of  this  man,  he  ini^tigated  an 
insurrection,  and  at  length,  after  several  important 
skirmishes,  he  gained  a  complete  victory  over  the 
President's  army  in  the  neighborhood  of  Lima.  This 
once  more  placed  liim  in  supreme  authority,  and  he 
at  once  efleetcd  several  necessary  reforms.  To  him 
must  be  given  the  credit  of  abolishing  slavery,  and 
of  establishing  a  Constitution  that  gave  the  Peru- 
vians the  privilege  of  universal  sullrage.  But  he 
also  prohibited  the  exercise  of  all  religions  except 
the  Koman  Catholic,  and  imposed  heavy  penalties 
upon  any  person  infringing  against  the  decree  issued 
in  the  matter.  A  measure  of  this  kind  was  strictly 
in  accordance  with  the  spirit  of  the  people,  and  it 
was  looked  on  rather  as  an  act  of  moral  justice  than 
as  one  of  intolerance  aud  bigotry.  It  was  justified 
by  the  surroundings,  and  therefore  must  not  be 
judged  by  tlie  more  liberal  spirit  of  the  present 
day  and  amid  circumstances  which  are  different. 
President  Castilla,  who  although  at  first  in  the 
Spanish  service,  was  a  Peruvian  by  birth,  served  his 
country  well,  both  in  the  field  and  in  the  executive. 
But  he  did  not  escape  the  ordinary  fate  of  South 
American  rulers.  An  insurrection  of  a  formidable 
character  was  raised  against  him  ;  one  too,  that  was 
theu  novel  in  some  aspects.  This  was  instigated  by 
one  Vivanco,  a  man  of  much  personal  ambition  and 
power  of  intrigue,  but  far  inferior  to  Castilla  in  the 
qualifieations  for  government.  Vivanco  worked 
upon  a  plan  that  had  not  hitherto  been  attempted. 
The  vessel  which  had  been  sent  out  to  Bolivar 
from  England  with  stores  and  ammunition  to  aid 
his  cause,  had  how  grown  into  a  verj'  considerable 
navy.  Vivanco  shrewdly  judged  that  to  gain  this 
would  be  to  place  himself  in  a  position  beyond  the 
reach  of  Castilla.  He  therefore  proceeded  to  win 
over  to  his  interests  the  commanders  of  one  vess  J 
after  another,  till,  with  the  exceptiou  of  two  small 
steamers,  one  of  which  was  then  oa  a  distant  cruise, 
he  had  the  whole  Peruvian  fleet  at  his  disposal. 
With  this  he  attempted  to  take  Callao.  Premising 
his  intentions,  Castilla  had  previously  garrisoned 
that  place  with  a  force  of  four  hundred  and  forty 
men,  mostly  Englishmen,  under  the  command  of  a 
foreign  artillery  "odiccr.  The  attack  began  from  the 
Heet  in  early  morning,  Vivanco  not  doubting  that 
the  forts  would  be  unable  to  make  any  serious  reply 
to  his  artillery.  But  in  this  he  was  disappointed. 
The  cannonade  was  so  vigorous  and  so  well  sus- 
tained that  Vivanco  was  obliged  to  give  up  the  at- 
tack and  to  haul  off  his  ships,  but  not  until  he  had 
Buffered  considerable  loss,  both  in  men  and  material. 
He  contented  himself  now  with  taking  possession  of 
some  of  the  islands  belonging  to  Peru,  and  a  part  of 
the  coast  of  the  province  of  Arequipa,  and  thereliy 
succeeded  ultimately  in  bringing  about  a  diplomatic 
difference  Ijctweeu  the  governments  of  Castilla  aud 
tlie  United  States. 

Many  portions  of  the  mainland  are  rich  in  deposits 
of  guano,  but  the  Perurtan  laws  gave  permission  to 
foreign  nations  to  collect  that  produce  only  from  the 
Chincha  islands.  In  opposition  to  that  law,  but 
armed  with  a  letter  of  authority  from  the  insurgent 
general,  several  United  States  captains  undertook  to 
load  their  ships  from  the  coast  of  Arequipa.  The 
government  of  Castilla  resented  this  illegal  inter- 
ference, denying  Vivanco's  right  to  exercise  any 
authority  in  the  matter,  and  they  seized  the  ships 
and  imprisoned  the  captains  of  two  of  them.  The 
men  were  liberated  a  day  or  two  afterwards,  but 
tlie  Washington  government  demanded  the  payment 
of  an  indemnity,  and  upon  the  demand  being  re- 
fused, tlicy  withdrew  their  representative  from 
I'lpa.  The  refusal,  however,  was  stubbornly  main- 
tdncd,  and  public  opinion  has  geuerallv  conceded 
that  the  action  of  the  United  States  was"  somewhat 
hasty,  Vivanco's  position  never  having  been  other 
than  that  of  a  rebel  against  the  established  govem- 
luoui  of  the  country.    The  occurrence  served,  how- 


ever, to  cause  Castilla  to  deprive  Vivanco  of  what 
footing  he  had  gained  on  the  mainland,  and  accord- 
ingly an  expedition  was  sent  against  Arequipa  al- 
most immediately  after  the  arrest  of  the  foreign  cap- 
tains. The  rebels  offered  a  vigorous  resistance,  but 
the  place  was  taken  by  storm,  and  many  of  the  gar- 
rison were  massacred. 

Castilla  now  grew  ambitions  of  more  territory. 
He  sent  a  strong  force  into  Ecuador,  and  in  a  short 
space  succeeded  so  far  as  to  venture  upon  the  nomi- 
nation of  one  of  his  own  officers  to  the  presidency 
of  that  state.  But  he  failed  to  maintain  him  there, 
and  thereby  increased  the  number  of  his  own  ene- 
mies at  home,  who,  not  strong  enough  to  resist  the 
energy  with  which  he  defended  the  government, 
souglit  to  assassinate  him.  His  popularity  with  the 
army  saved  him  more  than  once,  and  except  for  his 
unsuccessful  eH'oits  to  annex  the  territory  of 
Bolivia,  he  might  perhaps  have  remained  some  time 
longer  in  power.  He  was  succeeded  to  the  Presi- 
dency, in  lSiy,i,  by  General  San  Ramon,  but  in  the 
following  year  we  find  him  in  turn  taking  part  in  an 
insurrectionary  movement,  and  in  this  kind  of  occu- 
pation he  continued,  at  intervals,  till  his  death  in 
1SU7.  Although  imbued  with  the  restless  and  revo- 
lutionary si)irit  of  his  countrj'men,  Castilla  was  a 
sagacious  ruler,  an  able  soldier,  and  a  man  of  much 
energy  and  personal  influence  over  his  fellow-men. 
Peru  owes  much  to  him,  but  the  control  that  he 
exercised  during  his  presidency  was  the  strongest 
testimony  they  gave  to  his  merits. 

A  common  danger  is  often  one  of  the  best  means 
of  reconciling  disputants  ;  and  a  foreign  war  has 
often  allayed  civil  discontent,  at  any  rate  for  a  time. 
This  kind  of  remedy  was  offered  to  Peru,  and  in  a 
measure  it  was  successful,  but  not  as  completely  as 
the  interests  of  the  people  required.  The  circum- 
stance has  already  received  a  passing  mention,  but 
it  must  now  be  treated  at  some  length  in  order  to 
throw  a  true  light  upon  the  conditions  that  sur- 
rounded it,  and  to  set  forth  in  proper  colours  the 
jierfectly  unjustifiable  policy  to  which  the  Spanish 
government  appears  to  be  ever  ready  to  lower  itself 
for  the  purpose  of  gratifying  evil  passions. 

Some  land-owners  in  Talambo  had  procured  a  few 
colonists  from  the  Basque  provinces  of  Spain  to 
work  on  their  plantations.  A  dispute  having  arisen 
between  some  of  them,  the  excitement  spread 
rapidly  among  all,  and  they  sought  to  settle  the  dif- 
ference by  recourse  to  violence.  In  the  struggle 
two  persons  were  killed  aud  three  or  four  were 
wounded.  The  Peruvian  courts  immediately  took 
cognizance  of  the  affair.  The  offenders  were 
speedily  brought  to  trial,  and  judgment  pronounced. 
The  decision  of  the  lower  court  was  appealed  against 
in  the  ordinary  way,  and  the  final  opinion  of  the 
superior  bench  was  about  to  be  rendered  ;  which 
should  have  ended  the  case  legally,  and  therefore 
satisfactorily.  But  before  this  could  be  reached,  an 
envoy  from  Spain  made  his  appearance  on  the 
scene,  in  the  person  of  one  Senor  Mazarredo,  with, 
at  his  back,  tlie  Spanish  Admiral  Pinzon,  and  a  fleet. 
Mazarredo  made  a  request  of  the  Peruvian  govern- 
ment that  he  should  at  once  be  recognized  in 
the  character  of  commissioner,  with  which  he  had 
been  invested  for  the  purpose  of  arranging  the  ques- 
tion of  indemnity  for  alleged  injury  "sustained  by 
Spanish  subjects.  But  this  would  have  been  equiva- 
lent to  admitting  that  Peru  was  still  a  dependency 
of  Gpain,  more  especially  as  the  latter  power  had 
never  officially  acknowledged  the  independence  of 
her  former  colony.  The  Peruvian  goveiument 
therefore  replied,  offering  to  facilitate  the  mission  of 
Senor  Mazarredo  in  every  way  possible ;  but  as  the 
term  "commissioner"  could  not  be  defined  under 
any  intern  aticnal  law,  and  as  they  were  desirous  to 
enter  into  friendly  relations  with  Senor  Mazarredo, 
they  preferred  to  recognize  him  as  confidential 
agent,  a  designation  that  was  well  understood. 

Thus  far  there  are  three  points  to  be  noted— the 
view  acted  upon  by  Spain  that  the  distur.bances  at 
Talambo  came  witliiu  her  powers  of  intervention 
because  she  had  never  recognized  the  autonomy  of 
the  Republic  ;  next,  the  fact  that  the  Spanish  govern- 
ment interfered  when  the  whole  matter  was  in  the 
Peruvian  courts,  and  there  awaiting  judgment  ;  and 
thirdly,  the  evident  intention  of  Spain  to  make  the 
matter  a  pretext  for  war.  This  last  point  is  at  once 
made  plain.  The  reception  of  Senor  Mazarredo  hy 
the  Peravian  government  was  all  that  any  reasonable 
power,  acting  both  honestly  and  honourably,  could 
desire.  There  was  no  necessity  to  admit  the  right 
of  the  Spanish  court  to  interfere  at  that  juncture. 
But,  as  an  act  of  courtesy,  and  to  show  the  willing- 
ness of  the  Republic  to  treat  the  whole  question 
upon  an  amicable  basis,  Senor  Mazarredo  was  offered 
recognition,  not  in  the  way  that  he  demanded  it, 
which  was  impossible,  but  in  the  only  way  that  was 
possible,  and  wdiich,  while  it  altered  the  formalities, 
left  the  practical  nature  of  the  mission  untouched. 

The  Spanish  envoy  at  <mce  refused  to  accede 
to  any  modification  of  his  deiuaud,  and  forth- 
with left  Lima,  taking  the  bellicose  precaution  of 


first  addrecsing  a  memorandum  to  the  foreign 
j)Owers,  in  which  lie  summed  up  the  claims  of  Siniin 
against  Peru,  and  gave  his  own  account  of  liis  recep- 
tion at  I^ima,  and  the  nature  of  his  communication 
with  the  Peruvian  government.  He  went  to  Cal- 
lao, and  thence,  with  Admiral  Pinzon,  sailed  to  the 
Chincha  Islands,  where,  concentrating  the  Si>anish 
fleet,  they  lost  no  time  in  moving  to  inlercej)t  the 
Peruvian  squadron  at  Callao.  This,  again,  was  an 
act  that  was  perfectly  unwarranted  by  any  interpic- 
tation  of  international  law  or  cubUjiu.  Put  Spain 
shows  little  regard  for  the  amenities  of  civilizaticm 
in  her  dealing  with  weaker  powers.  The  act  wa» 
cne  of  force,  not  of  right.  It  failed,  nevertheless. 
The  Peruvian  fleet,  being  unable  to  compote  with 
any  chance  of  success  against  its  more  powerful 
enemy,  took  refuge  under  the  forts  of  the  city,  ai)d 
Pinzon,  rather  than  run  the  risk  of  attacking  tliera 
under  those  conditions,  withdrew  the  fleet  and  re- 
turned to  tlie  Chincha  Islands.  Here  a  formal  de- 
maud,  in  the  name  of  both  Pinzon  and  Mazarredo, 
was  sent  to  the  comiuander  of  a  Spanish  transport 
that  happened  to  be  in  harbour,  and  also  to  the 
governor  of  the  islands,  for  their  immediate  surren- 
der ;  fifteen  minutes  only  being  allowed  lor  tlie 
reply  to  be  determined  on.  This  rejdy  was  not  a 
refusal,  but  a  protest ;  the  Spanish  f<^rce  being  an 
overwhelming  one  compared  with  that  at  the  dis- 
posal of  Mazarredo.  It  was  met  by  the  landing  of 
500  Spanish  marines  and  saiiors,  and  the  immediate 
hoisting  of  the  Spanish  flag  at  the  port  aud  the 
gubernatorial  residence.  The  governor,  captain  of 
the  port,  and  principal  ofTicers  of  the  transport,  were 
also  arrested  and  placed  under  close  guard. 

As  soon  as  these  proceedings  liccame  known  at 
Lima  the  utmost  excitement  prevailed,  and  a  degree 
of  patriotism  was  exhibited  such  as  had  never  been 
displayed  under  the  internecine  civil  quarrels  that 
had  marked  the  previous  historj'  of  the  country.  All 
classes  united  in  one  offer  of  their  services  in  de- 
fence of  the  national  honour,  aud  both  men  and 
money,  to  the  full  extent  of  the  peojile's  ability, 
were  immediately  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the 
government.  The  foreign  residents  also  met  and 
proffered  their  assistance  and  sympathy.  Several 
companies  of  Germans  and  Italians  were  at  once 
organized  for  actual  service  ;  the  citizens  of  the 
United  States  passed  resolutions  of  condolence, 
drawn  up  maybe  with  more  zeal  than  discretion,  but 
fully  expressive  of  firm  sympathy  ;  the  English  sent 
home  an  appeal  for  British  intervention  against 
Spain ;  and  even  the  Spanish  residents  themselves 
entered  their  protest.  They  elected  a  deputation  to 
wait  upon  Admiral  Pinzon  for  the  purpose  of  request- 
ing of  him  the  deliverance  of  the  Peruvian  pro- 
vinces ;  they  also  passed  resolutions  expressing 
their  gratitude  to  the  Peruvian  authorities  and  the 
Peruvian  people  for  their  noble  conduct  towards 
them  during  the  exciteme-it ;  and  they  adopted 
resolutions  to  send  at  once  a  commission  to  Sjiain  to 
la;  before  Queen  Isabella  a  statement  declaring  that 
all  Spaniards  resident  in  Peru  enjoyed  the  most 
ample  guarantees,  and  needed  no  additional  protec- 
tion from  the  home  government. 

The  feeling  which  thus  for  a  moment  became 
dominant  in  Peru,  was  hardly  less  intense  in  the 
other  South  American  republics.  In  Chili  it  was 
developed  most  strongly,  and  led  to  some  changes 
in  the  ministr}'.  Signor  Tocomal,  the  Minister  of 
the  Interior,  and  Signor  Saotarria,  the  Minister  of 
Finance,  resigned  in  favour  of  Alvaro,  Covarrubias, 
and  Alexander  Reyes,  who  wore  thought  more 
nearly  to  represent  the  jiopular  sentiment ;  and 
Congress  at  once  decreed  that  Sjiaiii.-h  war-vessels 
should  be  forbidden  to  use  any  Chilian  port,  cither  to 
coal  or  refit.  Two  million  dollars  were  likcwiso 
voted  for  the  purpose  of  increasing  the  navy  by  the 
addition  of  two  steam  frigates  from  England,  and 
resolutions  were  come  to,  with  great  uiuinimity,  in 
favour  of  making  common  cause  with  Peru  in  caso  of 
open  hostilities  following  the  acts  of  war  committed 
by  Pinzon  and  Mazarredo. 

Strange  as  it  may  seem,  the  spirit  of  dissension 
among  themselves,  which  we  have  had  occasion 
often  to  note  as  characteristic  of  the  i)eo{)le  of  these 
countries,  was  not  allayed  by  the  danger  that  threat- 
ened in  Peru.  An  appeal  w'as  made  to  Congrc.-s  by 
the  government  for  a  grant  of  ten  millions,  and  for 
permission  to  increase  the  army  and  navy,  the  for- 
mer to  any  required  extent,  the  latter  to  thirty 
thousand  men.  This,  and  more,  was  immediatj-ly 
conceded,  the  money  grant  being  raised  to  fifty  mil- 
lions, with  the  condition  only  that  the  manner  of 
expenditure  should  be  fully  reported  to  Congress. 
Offers  of  aid  came  in  from  Chili,  Bolivia,  Ecuador, 
Colombia,  Venezuela,  and  the  Argentine  Republic  ; 
and  the  policy  of  an  immediate  declaration  of  w  ar 
by  Peru  against  Spain  was  recommended.  But  the 
Peruvians  could  not  make  up  their  minds.  In  other 
words,  they  couhl  not  agree  among  them  j-elves  what 
should  be  done.  Congress  met  and  siiowed  anything 
except  unanimity.  It  was  only  after  a  twenty  d>«y 
discussion,  of  very  s'vjrmv  character,  that  they  sue- 


176 


BISTORT  OF 


ci'cded  In  passing  a  law  of  tv»-o  clauses,  l)ut  of  a 
very  vague  character.  In  the  lirst  part  the  executive 
Was  rei|iiircd  to  nialic  use  of  every  onliuary  and  ex- 
traordinary means  wliieh  were  legally  within  its 
powers  to  defend  by  force  the  integrity  of  tlie  na- 
tional territory.  In  the  second,  the  executive  was  to 
in.ilic  war  upon  Spain,  as  a  last  resource,  if  the  Chincha 
I»land.s  were  not  restored  and  tlic  flag  saluted;  to 
obtain  which  end  it  was  empowered  to  employ,  la 
C">>Lforinity  with  its  constitutional  privileges,  every 
means  allowed  by  tlie  law  of  nations  for  eutcriiig 
lulo  olUcial  relations  with  the  Spanish  government. 
The  lack  of  decision  here  displayed  was  followed, 
very  naturally,  by  dis^atisfaction  at  the  manner  in 
which  the  executive  discharged  their  new  functions, 
ana  the  ministry  had  to  resign.  Signor  Calderon, 
who  now  assumed  the  otHce  of  Foreign  Minister,  at 
once  aildressed  a  letter  to  the  diplomatic  body  which 
evinced  an  intention  on  his  part  of  acting  with  tlie 
energy  demanded  by  the  voice  of  the  people.  lie 
knew  that  the  sympathies  of  the  foreign  rejjrcsenta- 
tivee  wore  with  him,  for  these  had  already  met  and 
expressed  their  regret  at  the  manner  in  which  Pinzon 
and  Mazarredo  had  violated  the  law  of  nations  by 
tlicir  acts  of  hostility.  But  he  went  no  further  than 
his  predecessors  had  done,  and  Congress  tluMi  began 
to  recognize  the  expediency  of  acting  with  more 
resolution.  Still  their  advance  was  of  a  very  hesita- 
tive character.  They  agreed  upon  certain  resolu- 
tions, and,  what  wa>  the  more  remarkable,  the  vote 
was  unanimous.  These  resolutions  were  to  the 
eOVvit  ti.~t  Uie  executive  should  give  the  necessary 
orders  for  etlectiug  the  removal  of  the  Spanish 
l.'vcea  from  the  CMiiiicha  Islands,  and  should  report 
to  Congress  within  eight  days  ;  also  that  the  execu- 
tive should  not  open  any  negotiations  with  the  gov- 
ernment at  Madrid  until  the  restoration  of  the  islands 
had  been  accompliflhed. 

But  time  was  still  wasted.  An  ultimatum  accord- 
ingly reached  Lima  from  the  authorities  at  Madrid, 
before  anything  had  been  done  to  vindicate  the  na- 
tional honour  ;  and  it  appears  to  have  frightened  the 
I'eruvians  consideribly.  The  Spanish  government 
now  demanded  a  full  and  immediate  satisfaction  for 
all  the  alleged  grievances,  and  in  default  of  their  re- 
f'  iving  it,  tlie  envoy.  Gen.  Pareja,  was  to  proceed  at 
once  with  the  liombardment  of  all  the  maritime 
ports  and  the  destruction  of  the  Peruvian  lleet.  In 
this  dilemma  a  convention  of  the  six  rejiublica  was 
called  to  nu  et  at  Lima  for  consultation  and  advice. 
It  was  there  dec  ided  that  in  the  event  of  any  further 
hostilities  on  the  part  of  Spain  the  seven  states 
Would  act  in  accord,  and  a  notilicatiou  to  that  effect 
was  transmitted  to  Pareja.  But  he  refused  to  ac- 
knowledge the  convention,  and  declined  to  liold  any 
communication  whatever  except  with  the  IVruvian 
government.  More  temporizing  followed  this  re- 
solve, and  a  commissioner  in  the  person  of  Vivanco 
was  sent,  with  full  i)()wers,  to  the  Chincha  IsLinds 
to  treat  with  the  Spanish  admiral.  The  basis  upon 
which  lie  was  to  act  was  a  general  concession  to  the 
dcinands  of  Spain,  on  condition  that  Spain  would 
nckiiowledge  the  independence  of  Peru,  and  retire 
from  the  islands.  At  one  time  this  mission  looked 
likely  to  be  successful,  but  a  compleU;  agree- 
HKMit  seciniiig  afterwards  improbable,  Pareja  ap- 
pcuircd  with  ids  squadron  before  Call.io,  and  upon 
tliat  a  treaty  of  jieace  was  speedily  arrived  at.  By 
the  terms  agreed  upon,  Sp  lin  was  to  restore  the 
Chincha  Islands,  and  Peru  was  to  accredit  a  minister 
to  the  government  at  Madrid  ;  to  receive  the  Sjianish 
envoy  as  a  "  Special  Conimissioner "  in  the  matter 
of  the  Talambo  riots  ;  to  conclude  a  treaty  of  peace, 
amity,  navigation  and  comiiierce  ;  to  liquidate  all 
the  claims  of  Spanish  sul)jects  ;  and  further  to  pay 
ail  iiidemnilication  of  tlirce  million  pesos  to  cover 
V.u:  expenses  incurred  by  Spain  since  the  refusal  of 
Peru  to  treat  with  her  about  the  conclusion  of 
jieacc. 

The  treaty  was  duly  signed  and  concluded,  and 
u  mutual  interchange  of  salutes  followed.  But  it  is 
hardly  to  be  supposed  that  an  arrangement  so  hu- 
miliating could  receive  the  unanimous  approval  of 
the  peojile.  It  gave  rise  to  much  cxcittuncnt  and 
Indignation,  and  to  some  dangerous  encounters  be- 
tween Peruvians  and  Spaniards,  both  in  Lima  and 
Callao.  Colonel  Prad<j  tlit  g-jvcrnor  of  Areiiuipa, 
headed  Uie  malcontent  J,  and  openly  declareil  that 
tlie  Prtsidcnt  had  insulted  the  Republic  by  the 
iieace  he  had  eoneludecl.  In  this  he  was  sustained 
iiy  the  entire  population  of  Areiinip  i,  Cu/.co,  Puno 
and  .\logne(iue  ;  and  the  whole  of  the  southern  por- 
tion of  tlie  stale  declared  for  Prado  and  war.  This 
zeal  for  the  national  cause  in  that  particular  locality 
was  probably  due  largely  to  the  state  of  feeling  in 
(Jhili,  where,  from  a  sympathy  for  Peru,  the  people 
had  been  driven  into  a  personal  feeling  in  the  matter 
111  dispute,  and  thus  one  rei>ublie  urged  on  thi^  other. 
i>palii  had  protested  against  the  part  taken  by  Chili 
\l  till'  beiiimiiiig  of  the  year,  but  mutual  explaiia- 
tio!r.  rolb)wrd,  ami  the  ])rosiieet  of  any  lurllier  dif- 
lli  ulty  for  a  lime  disappeared.  The  Spanish  govorii- 
Deut,  liuwcvcr,  Hubscquuutly  repudiated  the  acts  of 


its  euvoy,  and  ordered  Admiral  Pareja,  as  soon  as  he 
had  settled  with  Peru,  to  go  with  a  squadron  to  Val- 
paraiso and  demand  immediate  and  more  ample 
satisfaction. 

This  order  was  obeyed.  Pareja  arrived  at  Valpa- 
raiso in  the  Ville  de  Madrid,  and  sent  a  despatch  to 
the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  in  which  he  stated 
the  object  of  his  mission,  and  the  grievances  of 
which  he  had  to  complain.  These  were  of  the  most 
puerile  kind.  One  was  that  some  Chilian  citizens 
who  had  uttered  some  cries  iu  the  street  opposite 
"her  Most  Catholic  Majesty's  Legation,"  had  not 
been  sulllciently  punished ;  another  was  that  a 
Chilian  newspaper  had  published  something  against 
Spain  and  against  the  things  that  were  dearest  to 
Spaniards  ;  and  there  were  others  respecting  the 
refusal  of  the  Chilian  authorities  to  allow  Spanish 
men-of-war  to  coal  in  Chilian  ports.  For  these 
grievances  the  admiral  now  demanded  satisfaction, 
and  gave  four  days  for  consideration.  If  an  answer 
was  not  returned  by  the  expiration  of  that  period, 
diplomatic  relations  between  Spain  and  Chili  were 
to  cease,  and  the  demand  was  to  be  enforced  if 
necessary.  But  the  spirit  evinced  by  the  Chilian 
government  is  in  marked  contrast  to  the  temporiz- 
ing pusillanimity  of  the  Peruvians.  The  Minister 
of  loreign  Affairs,  Senor  Alvaro  Covarrubias,  in  a 
despatch  dated  on  the  fourth  day  after  the  demand 
had  been  made,  reviewed  each  section  of  Pareja's 
letter  with  considerable  skill.  lie  averred  that  the 
alleged  disturbances,  if  so  they  can  be  called,  which 
had  taken  place  before  the  Spanish  legation,  invoked 
no  insult  whatever  to  the  Spanish  flag,  and  that  that 
fact  had  already  been  acknowledged  by  the  Spanish 
government,  and  by  Admiral  Pareja  himself.  The 
publication  of  the  articles  complained  of  in  the  San 
Martin  newsjjaper,  had  been  already  dealt  with ; 
and  with  reference  to  the  non-coaling  of  Spanish  ves- 
sels in  Chilian  ports,  the  Minister  insisted  tliat  that 
decree  had  been  issued  when  there  appeared  to  be 
a  state  of  actual  hostilities  in  existence.  L'nder  the 
circumstances  the  Chilian  government  refused  to 
admit  any  degree  of  culpability  in  the  premises  ; 
and  Sonor  Covarrubias  ended  his  dispatch  by  "  pe- 
remptorily and  flrmly  refusing  the  humiliating  and 
disgraceful  proposal  that  the  Spanish  flag  should  be 
saluted  by  the  guns  of  the  Republic." 

This  was  not  the  kind  of  answer  that  the  Spaniard 
had  looked  for.  He  therefore  offered  to  give  the 
governmeut  a  further  respite  of  two  days  during 
which  to  reconsider  the  determination.  But  the  gov- 
ernment stood  firm,  and  in  the  course  of  a  reply  to 
a  second  ultimatum  the  Foreign  Minister  used  these 
WL  rds  : — 

"  The  government  of  the  Republic  henceforth  re- 
fuses, whatever  future  contingencies  may  arise,  all 
demands  for  iiidemnilication  arising  from  the  ein- 
jiloyment  of  the  forces  at  the  command  of  the  Span- 
ish Admiral.  The  entire  and  osclusivo  responsi- 
bility of  the  incalculable  evils  wliich  the  coming 
conflict  will  bring  to  Chili  and  her  people,  foreign 
as  well  as  native,  must  rest  upon  the  oppressor, 
upon  the  government  of  Sjiain  and  its  agents,  who 
wish  to  submit  the  Republic  to  the  most  distressing 
and  injurious  proceedings,  without  a  shadow  of 
justice,  without  even  a  plausible  pretext.  Conse- 
quently, this  government  will  reclaim  from  that  of 
Spain  the  amplest  and  most  complete  reparation  for 
all  damages  that  may  be  sustiiined  by  Chili  growing 
out  of  the  present  difficulties." 

The  most  energetic  measures  now  followed.  The 
entire  diplomatic  corps  met  in  Valparaiso,  and  sent 
a  strongly  worded  protest  to  the  Spanish  admiral. 
But  this  lay  unheeded.  Congress  was  convened,  and 
a  declaration  of  war  against  Spain  agreed  to  unani- 
mously. The  executive  was  authorized  to  raise  a 
loan  of  twenty  millions  for  the  purposes  of  the  war, 
and  unlimited  jiowers  were  further  conferred  upon  it 
to  increase  both  the  army  and  navy  to  any  strength 
that  might  be  neees-ary  in  defence  of  the  countrv. 
An  embargo  was  laid  ujion  the  property  of  Spaniards 
within  the  Republic.  Spanish  subjects  were  placed 
under  close  vigilance  of  the  civil  authorities.  Cus- 
toms duties  were  relaxed.  Cleans  of  communication 
between  many  jilaces  in  the  interior  were  opened  up. 
Telegraphs  were  constructed  ;  and  the  ministry, 
cordially  aided  by  Congress,  succeeded  in  maiutaiu- 
ing  perfect  eonlidence  in  the  national  credit. 

Meanwhile  the  Spanish  admiral,  with  characteris- 
tic bravado,  undertook  more  than  he  found  he  could 
accomplish.  The  force  at  his  command  consisted  of 
six  frigates — the  Villa  do  Madrid,  Resolucion,  Nu- 
maiicia,  Blanca,  Bercnguela.  and  Marqucz  de  la 
Victoria  ;  besides  two  guiil)oats.  Ho  therewith  de- 
clared the  blockade  ol  forty  ports  ;  but  was  glad 
almost  immediately  after  to  reduce  the  number  to 
six.  Even  this  he  found  himself  unable  to  main- 
tain, and  again  he  reduci'd  the  number  to  four  ;  a 
sad  falling  off  from  his  first  iiretonsioiis,  and  one 
wliicli  involved  a  mistake  of  very  eonsiderablo  im- 
portance in  case  it  should  be  availed  of.  But  not- 
withstanding this,  some  Chilian  vessels  of  war — tlio 
Esmeralda,  curvutte,  aud  the  steamers  ludupcudcucia 


and  Malpa— got  through  the  blockadir  g  squadron, 
and  were  soon  after  heard  from  in  two  or  three  ac^ 
tions,  which  reflected  great  credit  on  the  Chilian 
navy.  A  launch  belonging  to  the  Spanish  fri"-ate 
Resolucion  fell  in  with  the  Independencia,  a  small 
tug,  off  the  coast,  and  brought  her  to  with  a  shot 
across  her  bows.  Forty  men  immediately  after 
boarded  the  steamer  and  claimed  her  as  a"  prize. 
But  her  officers  and  crew  protested  against  this  sum- 
mary proceeding  by  seizing  the  Spaniards,  placing 
them  in  irons,  taking  the  launch  in  tow,  and  deliver- 
ing up  the  whole  of  them  in  the  port  of  Maule.  This 
first  success  was  soon  after  followed  by  another  of 
more  importance.  The  Esmeralda,  wliile  cruising 
oil  Papudo,  descried  the  Spanish  gunboat  Covadon- 
ja,  and  at  once  gave  chase.  She  rapidly  came  up 
with  her,  and,  getting  into  close  quarters,  managed 
to  pour  shot  after  shot  into  her  with  telling  effect 
The  Spaniard  replied  vigorously,  and  the  contest 
was  carried  on  by  both  sides  with  great  spirit  for 
about  half  an  hour,  when  the  Spanish  captam 
hauled  down  his  fla^,  having  two  men  killed  and 
fourteen  wounded.  Ills  gun  practice  had  been  so 
wild,  that  notwithstanding  he  had  expended  as 
many  round  shot  as  he  well  could  within  the  time, 
the  Esmeralda  was  absolutely  unhurt.  The  Cova- 
donja,  although  needing  repairs,  was  a  useful  vessel 
to  the  Chilian  navy.  The  prisoners  secured  in  her 
were  seven  officers  and  a  hundred  and  fifteen  men. 
For  this  action,  which  produced  a  great  moral  effect 
on  Doth  sides,  the  commander  of  the  Esmeralda,  Don 
Juan  lo  Robolledo,  was  promoted,  and  received  the 
highest  honors  from  the  people  ;  but  Admiral  Pareja, 
on  hearing  of  the  occurrence,  comniitU'd  suicide. 
The  command  of  the  Spanish  squadron  thus  devolved 
upon  Commodore  Nunez,  whose  first  act  was  a 
further  acknowledgment  of  weakness— the  raising 
the  blockade  of  every  Chilian  port  except  Valparaiso 
aud  Caldera. 

Except  for  the  breach  of  faith  of  which  Spain 
was  guilty  in  disavowing  the  action  of  her  Charge  d' 
Affaires  in  Chili,  and  making  new  demands  upon  the 
Chilian  government,  it  is  quite  possible  that  the  dis- 
affection shown  in  Peru  over  the  treaty  made  with 
Pareja  might  have  died  away  without  producing  any 
very  serious  consequences.  But  the  tone  that  was 
adopted  by  Covarrubias  very  much  strengthened  the 
policy  taken  by  Colonel  Prado  in  Arequipa,  who 
found  his  adherents  rapidly  increasing  from  dav  to 
day,  not  in  his  own  district"only,  but  throughout  the 
northern  provinces.  He  now  declared  openly  again^t 
the  goveniment.  Colonel  Nova  was  api)oin"tcd  com- 
mander of  the  revolutionary  forces  in  the  north,  and 
sustained  at  first  a  few  reverses.  But  Prado  marched 
with  ten  thousand  men  upon  Lima,  being  reinforced 
upon  his  way  by  a  number  of  Nova's  troops,  who 
had  retired  from  the  coast  for  that  purpo.-c.  Arrived 
about  six  miles  from  the  cai>ital,  General  Prado  en- 
countered a  force  of  about  half  the  number  of  his 
own  army,  and  a  furious  battle  was  the  result.  The 
revolutionists  suffered  severely,  but  maiptaiiicd  their 
ground,  and  on  the  following  day  eut<>red  Lima  with 
but  little  opposition.  They  marched  direct  to  the 
principal  platz,  intending  to"  seize  possession  of  the 
palace  and  the  President.  In  this  attempt  they  met 
with  a  determined  resistjince  from  a  band  of"  gov- 
ernment troops  under  Celadores,  every  one  of  whom 
perished  in  the  conflict.  In  the  midsi  of  the  tumult 
the  President  escaped  to  an  English  man-of-war  that 
was  lying  in  the  offing,  and  two  days  afterwards  tlio 
Minister  of  War  surrendered  both  himself  aud  the 
fort  of  Santa  Cataliua  to  the  revolutionary  gcner.il. 
The  presidencj'  was  now  conferred  upon  General 
C^msi'co,  and  the  whole  population  speedily  con- 
sented to  acknowledge  the  new  government.  Pezct 
was  olUcially  declared  to  be  a  traitor  aud  an  assassin, 
and  an  attempt  was  made,  but  uusuccc.«sfully.  to 
have  him  given  up  from  under  the  protec.ion  of  the 
British  I'ag  for  trial  and  condemnation.  His  friends 
and  adherents  were  removed  from  oflicc,  and  some 
of  them  ordered  to  leave  the  country.  Vet  this  ar- 
rangement was  but  teniponiry.  The  elevation  of 
Canseco  was  perhaps  a  mistake,  except  so  far  as  it 
proved  to  himself  that  he  was  not  the  man  for  the 
people  at  this  crisis.  In  a  few  months  another  revo- 
lution was  accomplished,  this  time  without  any 
shedding  of  blood.  Canseco  was  removed  and 
General  Prado  elevated  to  the  Dictatorship  by  tlio 
unanimous  voice  of  the  nation.  This  choice  was 
fully  justified  by  events.  General  Prado  had  already 
shown  himself  a  man  of  singular  energy,  and  oiio 
quite  coiii|)etent  to  see  the  sUte  of  public  opininn 
and  to  feel  the  pulse  of  the  nation.  The  funda- 
mental basis  of  his  policy  was  still  the  same— a  luoro 
dignified  attitude  towarids  Spain.  But  he  saw  llio 
necessity  of  preparing  the  way  for  what  he  foivsaw 
must  bo  the  consequi'nces  of  such  a  policy.  Ac- 
cordingly, the  state  of  the  iiublic  treasury  ri'ceivcd 
his  first  attention.  He  insisteil  on  the  exercise  of 
an  Increased  economy  in  every  department.  Sevend 
ollices  were  abolished,  and  the  administration  of  tlio 
law  was  made  more  simple  and  speedy.  Tavoi 
wore  levied  upou  many  articles  of  exportation,  and 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


177 


privileges  and  monopolies,  gTuiited  by  previous  gov- 
ernmeuls,  and  wliii  li  j'ielded  uolliing  to  the  revenues, 
were  stopped.  Meanwhile,  ncgotiatlous  •wore  being 
actively  earricd  on  with  tliu  Cliilian  government,  and 
as  if  assured  of  their  siiceessful  issue,  a  number  of 
vessels  were  seized  and  detained  in  the  iiarbour  of 
Callao,  under  suspieion  of  their  being  engaged  in 
carrying  sujiplies  to  the  Spaniards.  A  defensive  and 
oJTcnsive  treat)'  between  tlie  two  rcpublies  was  con- 
cluded ou  the  5th  of  Deeenilier,  18(j.),  ratified  on  the 
13th  of  the  same  month,  and  war  against  Spaiu  de- 
clared on  the  14tli  of  the  following  Januarj'. 

The  activity  thus  disi)layed  was  not  allowed  to 
abate.  Tlie  declaration  of  war  was  received  througli- 
out  both  republics  with  the  greatest  enthusiasm  and 
even  rejoicing,  as  an  evidence  that  the  national 
honour  would  now  be  vindicated.  The  Peruvian 
squadron  almost  immediately  set  sail  to  join  the  tleet 
of  the  allies,  but  sullered  severe  los^  in  the  founder- 
ing of  one  of  their  largest  shijjs,  the  Amazonas,  of 
44  guns.  The  combined  force  consisted  of  seven 
vessels,  with  107  rilled  gmis  of  heavy  calibre.  It  con- 
centrated first  near  the  island  of  Chiloe,  and  here,  on 
the  7th  of  i'"el)ruary,  aided  the  laud  batteries  in  the 
port  of  Sau  Carlos  iu  resisting  an  attack  from  a  part 
of  the  enemy's  squadron,  llie  affair  lasted  nearl}- 
two  hours,  at  the  end  of  which  time  the  Spaniards 
retired  without  having  either  received  or  given  much 
damage,  and  returned  to  Valparaiso,  the  only  port 
under  blockade,  where  they  prepared  to  commit  one 
of  the  most  dastardly  acts  that  has  been  recorded  in 
the  history  of  ci\  ilizcd  warfare — the  bombardment 
of  an  undefended  citj'. 

The  time  that  intervened  before  this  was  taken  ad- 
vantage of  by  the  diplomatic  corps  and  foreign 
commanders  to  attempt  to  etleet  some  kind  of  an 
arrangement  as  a  i>rcliininary  to  peace.  But  Admi- 
ral Nunez  would  not  eon^^cnt  to  include  Peru  or  any 
of  the  sister  republics  iu  the  terms,  and  the  Chilian 
minister  very  lionourably  refused,  therefore,  to 
listen  to  them.  General  Kilpatrick  and  Commodore 
Itodgers,  of  the  United  States  Pacitic  licet,  espe- 
cially exerted  themselves  in  the  interests  of  peace, 
and  with  a  view  to  the  protection  of  the  lives  and 
property  of  United  States  citizens  in  Valparaiso. 
But  their  efforts  were  rendered  nugatory  by  the  ob- 
stinacy of  tlie  Spanish  admiral.  The  arrival  of 
Commodore  De  Courcy,  of  the  British  Pacific  squad- 
ron, brought  about  a  mcetiug  of  the  diplomatic 
I  corps,  and  further  efforts  to  arrange  terms  that 
I  would  save  tlie  city.  But  tliey,  too,  were  useless, 
'  aud  were  followed  by  a  manifesto  from  the  Spanish 
admiral,  which,  for  falsification  of  the  circumstances 
aud  grand'loquent  justification  of  his  own  conduct, 
could  scarcely  have  been  surpassed.  This  went  forth 
oil  the  27tb  of  the  month,  and  with  it  a  notice  that 
the  bombarduieut  would  eoinmence  on  the  3lst.  A 
mesting  of  foreign  residents  was  held,  and  the  pro- 
tection of  their  respective  governments  was 
eohcited.  But  at  this  juncture  a  ditTerence  of 
I  opinion  arose  among  the  representatives  of  foreign 
I  powers.  General  Kilpatrick  invited  the  English, 
French,  Italian  aud  Peruvian  nunistors  to  meet  hiai. 

I But  the  two  first  named,  xcry  rensouably,  and  in  ac- 
cordance with  international  law,  declined,  on  the 
ground  that  force  could  nut  be  used,  and  that  except 
with  that  nothing  could  be  done  in  tlie  direction 
which  all  had  at  heart.    Two  strolls  -  worded  protests 
were  now  prepared,  and  fm-wardi  ii  t  )  Admiral 
Nunez,  the  one  signed  by  the  c-mouls  of  France, 
England,  and  the  Argentine  Kepuldic  ;  the  other  by 
the  consuls  of  the  'United  States,  P.irlu-Ml,  Den- 
mark, Austria,  Hanover,  Prussia,  Bremen,"  Switzer- 
land, Oldcuburg,  Brazil,  Italy,  Colomiji.i,  Sweden 
and  Norway,   Hamburg,  San   Salvador,   and  the 
\  Sandwich  Islands.    The' following  is  the  concluding 
paragraph  of  these  protests,  which  were  nearly 
identical  in  form  : — 
"  History  will  cei  tainly  not  present  in  its  annals 
j    any  event  which  can  rival  iu  horror  the  picture 
wdiieh  will  be  presented  by  the  Imnibardment  of  this 
city.    It  will  be  an  act  of  vengeance  so  terrible  tlint 
the  civilized  world  will  shudder  with  horror  in  ccm- 
templating  it,  and  the  reprobation  of  the  entire 
world  wUl  fall  upon  the  power  which  may  have  car- 
ried it  out.    The  burning  and  destruction  of  Valpa- 
raiso will  be  the  certain  ruin  and  destruction  of  a 
flourishing  city  ;  but  be  your  excellency  well  per- 
suaded that  it  will  .also  bo  an  eternal  blot  ujjon 
Spain.    Valparaiso  will  rise  from  her  ashes,  but 
;    never  will  the  stain  be  wiped  out  which  sullies  the 
ilag  of  Spain  If  your  excellency  persists  in  carrying 
out  so  cruel  an  attempt.    If,  notwithstanding  all, 
.    your  excellency  carries  it  out,  we  shall  find  ourselves 
I    under  the  inevitable  necessity  of  protesting  in  the 
j    most  solemn  manner,  as,  in  cllcct,  we  do  now  protest 
against  such  proceeding,  as  against  the  interests  of 
[    our  constituents,  reserving  to' our  governments  the 
nght  to  reclaim  from  the  government  of  her  Catholic 
■Majesty  the  enormous  injuries  which  these  citizens 
will  suffer.    We  protest  in  the  face  of  the  civil'zed 
world,  against  the  consummation  of  au  act  which  w 
m  contradiction  to  the  civilization  of  the  age." 
13 


Strong  and  truthful  as  this  language  was,  it  was 
received  only  in  conteniptuous  silence.  In  response 
to  another  appeal  from  the  foreign  residents,  Com- 
modore Kodgers  expressed  his  inability  to  intervene 
on  the  part  of  the  United  Slates  further  than  he  had 
already  done  ;  and  a  proclamation  issued  by  the 
Chilian  minister  urging  the  people  to  have  couii- 
dcnce,  that,  come  w  hat  might,  nothing  dishonour- 
able would  be  acceded  to  by  the  government,  re- 
signed them  apparently  to  the  fate  wliich  the  brutal 
Nunez  had  promised  them,  lie  wasfor  once  true  to 
hi.s  word,  even  though  it  won  for  him  and  for  the 
whole  Spanish  nation  the  just  execration  of  the  civil- 
ized world. 

On  the  morning  of  the  31st  of  March,  the  British 
men-of-war  Sutlej  and  Leander,  the  Frencli  frigate 
Egerie,  and  the  United  States  fieet,  anchored  at  the 
entrance  of  the  port,  and  feoon  afterwards  the  Span- 
ish squadron,  consisting  of  the  Resoluciou,  Numan- 
cia.  Villa  de  Madrid,  Blanca,  Vencedona,  Paquete 
de  Maulc,  and  the  Bercngucla,  approached  the  eitj'. 
The  Kesolucion  took  up  her  staticjn  opposite  the 
railway  depot,  the  ViUa  de  Madrid  and  Blanca  were 
about  000  yards  from  the  Custom  House,  and  the 
Vencedona  lay  close  in  shore  and  gave  her  attention 
chiefiy  to  hospitals  and  private  houses.  Shortly 
after  nine  o'clock  two  guns  were  fired  from  the 
Numancia,  as  a  signal  to  begin,  and  at  eight  min- 
utes past,  the  first  shot  was  fired  from  the  Blanca, 
amid  shouts  of  "  Viva  el  Rcina  "  from  the  seamen  of 
the  fleet.  Not  a  hand  was  raised,  nor  a  gun  fired  to 
resist  this  most  dastardly  attack.  The  city  was,  in 
fact,  unprotected.  Under  these  circumstances,  for 
three  long  hours  the  Spaniards  went  bravely  on,  at 
the  end  of  which  time  they  had  fired  some  3,000 
shot  into  the  city,  chiefly  33  and  GS-pounders.  Two 
days  previously,  Nunez  had  sent  a  request  that  the 
hospitals,  and  other  buildings  of  a  like  kind,  should 
be  distinguished  with  a  white  flag.  This  was  done, 
but  it  was  not  heeded  by  the  Spanish  gunners,  who 
paid  no  regard  to  the  nature  of  the  places  they  were 
destroying.  Hospitals,  churches  and  private  houses 
suffered  the  same  fate  as  the  Custom  House,  Bourse 
Intondencia,  and  other  public  edifices.  Red  hot 
shot  were  used  in  large  numbers  with  the  object  of 
setting  fire  to  the  city  ;  and  they  were  successful. 
A  large  portion  of  it  was  destroyed  by  tire,  and 
every  building  along  the  shore  utterly  demolished. 

At  eight  minutes  after  twelve  o'clock,  a  signal 
appeared  from  the  Numancia  to  cease  firing.  The 
fleet  then  got  under  way,  and  came  to  their  old 
anchorage,  thus  bringing  to  an  end  the  act  which 
w:a8  forever  to  redound  to  the  ignominy  of  the  Span- 
ish character.  The  value  of  property  destroyed  was 
estimated  at  over  ten  millions  of  dollars,  of  which  by 
far  the  greater  portion  belonged  to  foreigners. 

In  the  manifesto  prepared  by  the  diplomatic  body 
for  the  information  of  their  respective  governments, 
the  nature  of  the  bombardment  was  boldly  de- 
scribed, and  the  document  stands  as  an  official  record 
of  the  inhumanity  with  which  the  Spaniards  acted 
on  the  occasion.  For  that  reason,  if  for  no  other,  it 
Gliould  be  retained.  It  was  signed  in  order  by  the 
consuls  of  Portugal,  France,  England,  Hamburg, 
Prussia,  Denmark,  Belgium,  Netherlands,  United 
States,  Sandwich  Islands,  Bremen,  Oldenburg,  Han- 
over, lirazil.  Saxony,  Argentine  Confederation,  Italy, 
Sweden  and  Norwaj',  Austria,  Salvador,  Switzer- 
land, Guatem.ala,  Lubeck,  and  Colombia ;  and  it 
ended  in  the  following  terms  : — 

"  It  is  a  notorious  fact,  witnessed  by  the  whole 
population,  that  one  of  the  frigates  stationed  in 
front  of  Planchada  street,  mostly  occupied  by  French 
commerce,  fired  directly  on  that  part  of  the  city,  and 
at  a  distance  of  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  metres 
from  the  Governor's  house,  at  which  building  an- 
other vessel  was  directing  her  shots.  It  is  equally 
notorious  that  another  frigate,  occupied  in  firing  at 
the  railwa}'  station  situated  at  the  extreme  end  of 
Valparaiso,  fired  her  whole  broadside,  on  two  separ- 
ate occasions,  on  the  centre  of  the  jiart  called  Al- 
inendral,  distant  about  half  a  kilometre  from  the 
railway  buildings,  which  part  of  the  city  included 
no  government  property,  but  contains  the  hospitals 
and  charitable  institutions  which  were  under  the 
safeguard  of  the  word  of  the  commander  of  her 
Catholic  Majesty's  squadron.  It  is  not  lawful  to 
presume  that  the  above-mentioned  commander 
wished  to  break  his  word  ;  but  as  the  fire  of  her 
Catholic  Majesty's  ships  was  not  returned  from 
shore,  and  the  commander  of  each  one  of  the  vessels 
could  take  up  his  position  at  will,  and  without  re- 
serve or  fear  of  being  attacked,  there  is  no  reason  to 
BU])pose  that  the  above-mentioned  facts  could  have 
originated  in  a  false  movement,  or  have  had  such 
fatal  consequences.  In  support  of  this  exposition, 
it  is  the  duty  of  the  undersigned  to  mention  that 
various  projectiles  struck  the  Civil  Hospital.  Among 
them  a  grenade,  which  liapi>ily  did  not  explode,  fell 
in  the  room  where  the  Si-ters  of  Mercy  were  col- 
lected, together  with  the  girls  from  the  Asylum  of 
j  Salvador  ;  that  the  flag  hoisted  by  the  Argentine 
I  Consulate-General  has  been  traversed  by  a  ball ; 


that  various  shots  have  passed  the  site  of  the  build- 
ing where  the  French  priests  are  situated  ;  that  the 
Matriz  church,  serving  on  that  day  as  an  infirmary, 
has  suffered  considerable  dainage  caused  by  various 
projectiles,  and  that  all  the  alcove  buildings  aro 
situate  far  from  any  state  jiroiicrtv." 

Such  was  the  ollleial  form  in  "which  this  action 
on  the  part  of  the  Spanish  government  was  de- 
scribed ;  and  so  it  will  ever  stand  as  a  truthful  charge 
of  barbarism,  cowardice  and  inhumanity  against  the 
people  of  Spain.  The  immediate  effect  throughout 
Europe  and  America,  and  all  else  within  the  s|)hero 
of  civilization,  was  n  loud  and  universal  cry  of 
shame.  The  sense  eveiywhere  exiicricnccd  was  one 
of  horror  and  execration  ;  and  the  world  acknow- 
ledged, and  will  ever  avow  with  unanimous  voice, 
the  deep  infamy  into  which  Spain  in  her  humility 
had  fallen. 

Even  Nunez  himself  seemed  at  last,  when  he  felt 
the  curses  of  his  fellow-men,  to  recognize  the  base- 
ness of  his  crime.  For  after  fourteen  days  he  de- 
clared the  blockade  of  Valparaiso  at  an  end,  and  lie 
drew  off  his  fleet  as  though  cognizant  of  the  dis- 
grace that  he  had  brought  upon  his  flag.  But  if,  out  of 
regard  to  the  possibility  of  any  sense  of  Minmanity 
remaining  his,  we  credit  him  with  this  degree  of 
penitence  for  his  iniquitous  act,  it  did  not  long  en- 
dure. He  sailed  with  the  squadron  direct  from  Val- 
paraiso to  Callao,  where  he  arrived  on  the  ii5th  of 
AprU.  He  immediately  issued  a  manifesto,  announc- 
ing the  blockade  of  the  port  from  the  27th,  and  giving 
six  days  for  the  departure  of  neutral  vessels,  and 
four  days  for  the  removal  of  women  and  children 
and  private  property  from  the  city.  He  stated  his 
intention  to  bombard  the  place  ou  the  1st  of  May, 
and  no  time  was  lost,  as  it  had  been  at  Valparaiso, 
in  attempts  at  pacification.  A  fog  only  delayed  the 
fulfillment  of  the  threat  to  the  second  of  the  same 
month.  But  the  interval  that  had  already  passed 
since  the  declaration  of  war,  had  not  been  wasted  by 
the  Peruvians.  Seeing  that  the  Spaniards  were  not 
civilized  enough  to  spare  an  unprotected  city,  they 
had  been  doing  their  utmost  to  place  theirs  in  a 
state  of  defence.  They  had  erected  nine  formidable 
batteries  ;  six  on  the  west  and  three  on  the  north 
side  of  the  town.  They  had  also  two  iron-clads  and 
three  small  gunboats  in  the  harbour.  The  gui.s 
mounted  in  the  batteries  consisted  of  five  24-pound- 
ers,  twenty-six  3:3-pounders,  four  300-poundcr  Arm- 
strong rifles,  and  five  4.50-pounder  Blakely  rifles  ; 
and  every  preparation  was  made  to  give  the  enemy 
a  merited  reception. 

At  eleven  in  the  morning  he  got  under  way,  in 
response  to  a  signal  from  the  flag  ship,  and  formed 
in  two  lines  opposite  the  opposing  forts.  The  ships 
on  the  north  side  were  the  V  ilia  de  Madrid,  Alman- 
za,  and  Bercngucla ;  while  tlie  Numancia,  Blanca,  and 
Rcsolucion  took  up  positions  opposite  the  western 
forts  ;  the  gunboat  Vencedonr,  lying  off  between  the 
two,  to  render  assistance  to  either  as  occasion  might 
req  .:re.  The  first  shot  was  fired  from  the  land,  and 
struck  the  side  of  the  Numancia.  This  was  the  sig- 
nal for  both  ships  and  batteries  all  round  to  open 
fire,  and  in  a  very  few  minutes  the  action  was  gene- 
ral. At  first  the  firing  was  wild  and  uncertain,  but 
when  the  Peruvian  gunners  got  the  range  irf  the 
vessels,  their  shots  began  to  tell  with  good  effect. 
In  twenty  minutes  the  Villa  de  Madrid  made  signals 
of  distress,  and  was  towed  out  of  range,  with  her 
rigging  badly  damaged  and  her  machinery  disablinl. 
The  Bcrenguela  soon  followed  suit,  haviug  received 
a  shot  near  the  water  line  that  went  completely 
through  the  hull  and  placed  her  in  an  almost  sinking 
condition.  The  other  ships,  with  a  short  interval  lii 
the  case  of  two  of  thein,  maintained  the  fight  during 
the  whole  afternoon,  but  without  in  any  degree 
slackening  the  fire  from  the  land.  It  was  not  till 
past  five  o'clock,  when  the  Spanish  admiral,  seeing 
all  his  efforts  futile,  gave  the  signal  to  cease  firing, 
and  took  his  ships  away.  One  nattcry  of  two  guns 
was  blown  up  at  the  beginning  of  the  engagement, 
and  two  guns  were  disniounlcd  ;  but,  witlitliese  ex- 
ceptions, there  was  a  continuous  lire  maintained 
throughout  the  day  from  every  gun  ou  the  land  side. 
The  Spaniards  sutlbrcd  heavy  losses  in  killed  and 
wounded.  Au  Armstrong  projectile  that  went 
through  the  steam-pipe  of  the  Villa  de  Madrid 
killed  eighteen  men  aud  wounded  twenty-one  others. 
The  admiral  himself  received  several  wounds,  but 
none  that  were  fatal,  and  all  the  ships  except  the 
Vencedona  were  so  materially  damaged  as  to  be  al- 
most disabled  for  further  offensive  operations. 

The  lesson  thus  rendored  was  sufficient  for  the 
Spaniards,  who  much  preferred  bombarding  de- 
fenceless cities  to  facing  un  enemy's  battery,  and 
they  declined  to  interfere  with  either  Chili  or  Peru 
for  some  time  to  conic.  In  fact,  tlicy  have  never 
interfered  with  so  much  energy  since.  But  their  at- 
tempt had  tlius  far  had  one  good  result.  Fearing  a 
combination  of  all  the  American  provinces  against 
them,  the  authorities  at  Madrid,  as  soon  as  war 
against  Chili  was  determined  on,  sought  to  gain  the 
good-will  of  the  Ccf'ral  republics  by  ackhuwledging 


178 


HISTORY  OF 


their  iii(l<"i)C'inlcnce  ;  a  concession  wliich  they  had 
always  hitherto,  with  much  show  of  di  lcriniuiition, 
refused  to  niuite.  To  tliis  cause  Honduras,  Guate- 
ruahi,  Nii'ara<j^ua,  Salvador,  and  C'osla  lUca  owe 
their  recognition. 

But  while  Spain  remained  inactive  the  Peruvians 
continued,  with  much  perseverance,  the  defensive 
works  that  they  had  ItcLrun.  Their  lleet  was  placed 
under  the  command  of  Admiral  John  K.  Tucker,  for- 
merly an  olIicLT  in  the  navy  of  the  Confederate  States 
of  North  America  ;  and  (ieneral  Prado,  to  whose  un- 
tirinj;  exertions  during  the  hombardment  of  Callao 
much  of  the  success  of  the  Peruvians  was  due,  de- 
voted himself  to  the  Unancial  interests  of  the 
country,  and  to  the  intellectual  iniprovemeut  of  the 
))eople.  The  whole  system  of  taxation  received  a 
thorough  reformation,  and  the  customs  duties  were 
l)rotected  as  they  never  had  been  before  So  satis- 
factory to  the  nation  was  the  government  of  this 
man,  that  at  the  ensuing  election  for  President,  which 
took  place  at  the  expiration  of  the  term  of  his  die- 
tatorshij),  he  was  unanimously  chosen  by  the  people 
throughout  the  republic  to  that  position.  \  ct  the 
revolutionary  spirit  would  break  out.  Castilla  Urst 
rai.'^ed  the  Hag  of  insurrection  in  the  south,  but  died 
suddenly  ere  any  mischief  could  be  done  by  him. 
General  Canseco,  who  had  once  before  been  vice- 
president,  soon  after  took  up  the  work  where  Cas- 
tilla left  it,  and  after  several  succo.sses  against  gov- 
ernment troops,  he  forced  Prado  to  resi'JTu  the  presi- 
dency, and  the  latter  forthwith  retired  into  Chili. 
There  was  no  reason  for  tliis,  save  the  restless  and 
revolutionary  spirit  that  seems  to  be  inherent  in  the 
Spanish  American  character,  and,  as  we  shall  see,  it 
was  no  indication  of  the  permanent  will  of  the  na- 
tion. The  question  that  now  agitat.  d  them  was  one 
of  religious  toleration.  By  tlie  Urst  Chilian  consti- 
tution the  Uoman  Catholic  religion  was  eslabUslied 
in  that  republic  to  the  exclusion  of  all  others  ;  but 
in  the  year  IHiio  an  important  amendment  was 
agreed  upon.  The  law  tlien  made  p(^rmits  worship 
within  |)rivate  buildings  to  persons  who  do  not  profess 
Komau  Catliolic  doctrnies,  and  it  also  permit-s  such 
persons  to  establish  and  sustain  private  schools  for 
the  initiation  of  their  ow  n  children  in  the  teachings 
of  their  religion.  But  while  Chili  was  thus  advanc- 
ing in  the  way  to  religious  toleration,  Peru  was  re- 
ceding, and  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  18G7  Con- 
gress passed  the  three  following  resolutions— the 
Urst  unanimously,  the  second  with  three  dissentients, 
and  "the  third  by  a  majority  of  forty  three  against 
forty  :— 

I.  That  the  Roman  Catholic  religion  is  to  be  the 
religion  of  the  State,  and  as  such  to  be  protected 
and  maintained  by  the  State. 

II.  Tliat  the  State  cannot  and  will  not  recognize 
any  other  religion. 

ill.  That  ])Ublic  worship  by  any  other  sect  or  de- 
nomination will  not  be  allowed  or  practised  in  the 
republic. 

In  justice  to  the  Peruvian  Congress,  it  must  be 
stated  that  tln-se  resolutions  were  passed  only  after 
a  long  and  violent  discussion  ;  but,  nevertheless, 
they  won  a  place  in  the  statutes  of  the  country — an 
evidence  of  the  intolerance  of  the  i)eople,  and  as  a 
warning  to  persons  of  any  but  the  Koman  Catholic 
religion  who  may  chance  to  contemplate  a  residence 
within  the  rei)ublic. 

Closer  relations  were  now  sought  between  the  re- 
j)ublic  and  those  of  Chili,  Kcuaclor,  and  Bolivia,  and 
treaties  of  friendship,  coninu  rce,  and  navigation, 
identical  in  terms,  were  concluded  with  each.  The 
princii)al  features  of  this  treaty,  which  presents 
many  points  of  interest,  are  the  following: — 

AltT.  I. — There  shall  exist  inviolable  peace  and 
perpetual  frieudship  between  the  republics  of  Peru 
uud  Chili. 

Aur.  II. — The  citizens  of  each  of  the  contracting 
parlies  will  enjoy  res]iectively  in  the  territory  of  the 
other  llie  same  personal  gu  irantees  and  civil  rights 
that  are  enjoyed  by  their  own  citizens  wit  bout  limit- 
ation, and  all  the  rights  conferred  by  the  constitu- 
tion and  laws  to  ])ersons,  property,  correspondence, 
and  commercial  liberty  to  make  contracts  and  navi- 
gate, and  in  one  word,  to  exercise  any  legal  calling  ; 
'o  ac((uire  property,  and  transfer  the  same,  either  by 
vendue  or  by  will,  in  c()nformity  with  international 
right,  private  and  modern,  and  in  compliance  with 
the  special  laws  of  other  of  tlie  republics,  it  is  not 
I>roliibitcd  to  the  citizens  of  either  of  the  contract- 
ing parties  to  navigate  coastwise,  or  u]ion  the  rivers  of 
each,  or  to  jwrts  not  declared  ports  of  entry  to 
general  commerce,  in  vessels  of  any  size  or  toi.nage, 
always  submitting  themselves  to  the  rules,  regula- 
tions, laws  and  ordinances,  special  or  otherwise,  of 
the  port  or  port.-*. 

Akt.  III. — The  principle  of  equality  of  lings  is  ac- 
<-eptcd  in  its  fullest  sense,  and  to  this  end  vcrscls  be- 
longing to  each  country  arc  to  bv  considered  as  if 
th'-y  were  registered  under  the  laws  of  each  country. 


Akt.  IV. — Commerce  between  the  high  contract- 
ing parties  will  be  treated  by  the  rule  of  complete 
liberty  and  reciprocity.  In  consequence,  the  natural 
or  manufactured  product  of  each  will  be  admitted 
into  the  territory  of  the  other  free  of  duty,  local  or 
otherwise,  restricted  only  to  the  limitations  and 
modifications  that  are  expressed  in  the  two  articles 
that  follow. 

Art.  V. — \Vith  reference  to  wheat  and  flour,  this 
special  rule  is  established.  The  first  year  of  this 
treaty  the  duty  on  wheat  and  flour  will  be  only  re- 
duced in  Peru  one-fourth  of  the  present  duty,  the 
remaining  three-fourths  are  to  be  paid  ;  on  the  fol- 
lowing year  the  other  fourths  are  to  be  reduced  one- 
half,  and  the  next  year  are  to  be  free.  This,  how- 
ever, is  not  to  prejudice  more  liberal  dispositions 
that,  through  special  circumstances,  may  be  adopted 
by  the  Peruvian  nation  with  re.-pect  to  these  two 
articles  of  Chilian  production. 

Akt.  VI. — In  three  3'ears,  to  be  counted  from  the 
day  in  which  this  treaty  comes  in  force,  the  to- 
bacco of  Peru  shall  be  admitted  free,  both  in  its 
introduction  and  sale  in  the  Republic  of  Chili.  It  is 
also  stipulated  that  in  the  future  neither  one  of  the 
contracting  parties  shall  bond  the  products,  natural 
or  manufactured,  of  the  other. 

Art.  VII. — There  are  no  fiscal  duties,  town  duties, 
or  any  other  kind  of  imposts,  to  be  placed  upon  the 
products,  natural  or  manufactured,  that  are  to  be 
exported  for  the  consumption  of  cither  of  the  parlies 
to  this  contract. 

Art.  VIII. — The  high  contracting  parties  reserve 
expressly  the  right  to  suspend,  during  the  period  of 
the  present  treaty,  by  mutual  agreement,  any  of  the 
present  articles. 

Art.  IX.— The  present  treaty  will  be  observed  and 
In  full  vigour,  for  the  term  of  twelve  years,  to  com- 
1  nience  and  run  six  months  from  the  exchange  of  the 
j  ratifications,  but  will  continue  obligatory  upon  both 
j  i)arties  although  tlie  time  has  expired,  for  the  space 
j  of  thirty  months  after  eitlier  one  of  the  parties  ha.s 
!  notified  the  other  of  his  intention  to  end  it.  This 
disposition  docs  not  affect  in  the  least  the  clauses  of 
peace  and  friendship,  which  are  perpetual. 

It  may  be  imagined  that  an  engagement  so  closely 
uniting  the  interests  of  the  several  republics  would 
be  but  a  first  step  towards  confederation,  and  this 
was  the  view  taken  by  the  Peruvian  government, 
who  had  at  the  same  time  had  that  proposition  under 
consideration,  and  had  forwarded  a  memorandum 
upon  the  subject  to  Chili  and  Bolivia.  Between  the 
I  two  latter  states  there  had  long  remained  a  source  of 
irritation  in  differences  in  regard  to  the  boundary  line. 
But  these  were  now  entirely  settled,  and  while  Peru 
was  treaty-making  and  contemplating  confederation. 
Chili  was  quietly  attending  to  internal  affairs.  A 
postal  treaty  was  negotiated  with  Great  Britain,  a 
large  loan  was  al.*o  raised  in  London,  and  through 
the  mediation  of  P" ranee,  an  exchange  of  prisoners 
was  agreed  upon  with  Spain  ;  but  the  chief  efforts  of 
the  people  were  directed  to  internal  improvements, 
to  remedying  the  evils  brought  about  by  the  war, 
to  the  fortification  of  Valparaiso  and  a  few  other 
places  on  the  coast,  and  to  the  promotion  of  immi- 
gration. Offers  of  mediation  by  the  United  States 
to  effect  a  treaty  of  peace  between  the  allies  and 
Spain  proved  ineffectual,  but  the  republics  were  con- 
tent, wisely,  to  remain  on  the  defensive,  and  it  was 
probably  the  necessity  for  this  proceeding  that  sug- 
gested to  Senor  Barrenechca  the  project  of  confede- 
ration. The  following  is  the  plan  he  sketched  for 
this  design  :  — 

"  Kvery  year,  succeeding  the  1st  of  March,  18tJ8, 
there  shall  be  an  a.-senibly  of  plenipotentiaries  from 
the  republics  of  the  Union,  that  shall  deliberate  on 
the  measures  to  estal)lish  and  maintain  the  federal 
tics,  occupying  themselves  in  ])refeiencc  with  the 
following  :  To  revise  tlie  treaty  of  alliance  of  January 
I'i,  l!S(jO,  specifically  stiiiulaliiigall  tlie  conditions  rela- 
tive to  the  state  of  war  with  Spain,  and  all  tliat  has 
relation  to  the  adjustment  of  peace  ;  examine  and 
decide  the  (picstioiis  that  may  arise  between  any  of 
the  allies,  whether  it  has  relation  to  the  cxccutiou 
and  ob.-iervance  of  existing  treaties,  or  any  other 
motive  ;  to  give  uniformity,  so  far  as  possible,  to  the 
legislatures,  ])olitical,  civil,  criminal,  commercial  and 
public  instruction  ;  also  custom-houses,  tyjie  of 
money,  extradition,  etc.,  etc.,  in  the  four  rci)ul)lics  ; 
to  establish  in  common,  roads,  post  houses,  tele- 
graphs among  thcm.sclvcs  and  in  connection  with 
other  nations  ;  to  adopt  an  interuatioiial  plan  of  im- 
migration from  Europe  and  the  United  States; 
to  examine  existing  treaties  with  foreign  powers, 
whether  political,  commercial,  or  for  navigation,  or 
postal,  or  for  any  purpose  whatever  ;  and  fix  the 
I)asi3  upon  which  such  treaties  can  be  made,  estab- 
lishing the  principle  that  no  treaty  can  be  sanctioned 
witliuut  prevhms  examination  and  common  appro- 
val ;  to  write  and  stipul.ite  w  ith  foreign  govenimeiita 
for  treaties  that  would  be  of  jji-actical  utility  to  the 
union  and  likely  to  promote  a  good  nnderst-:inding 
ttlth  nil  otlicr  nations;  to  accord  the  iieccssaij 


'  measures  to  draw  close  the  bonds  and  make  them 
more  i)ractical  and  more  permanent  to  the  union  of 
the   allies,  adjusting  more  definitely  the  Federal 
Pacto  and  the  allied  constitution. 
I    "  The  first  .Assembly  will  meet  at  the  place  where 
the  allies  shall  designate.  When  closing  the  sessions, 
the  Assembly  will  designate  the  place  of  meeting  of 
}  the  following  session,  taking  into  consideration  the 
nature  of  the  questions  that  it  has  to  treat  upon,  the 
principle  of  alteniity,  and  all  other  circumstances 
j  that  merit  to  be  ta'ken  into  consideration  by  the 
I  plenipotentiaries.    The  expenses  that  are  attendant 
j  upon  the  sitting  of  Congress  shall  be  paid  by  the 
'  government  in  whose  territory  they  shall  hold  their 
I  session.    The  principle  of  common  citizenship  and 
the  organization  of  a  federal  service,  diplomatic  and 
consular,  would  probably  be  the  result  of  the  Federal 
j  Union." 

j    While  it  is  necessary  to  remember  that  this  pro- 
'  posal  of  the  Peruvian  Slinister  was,  probably,  meant 
to  be  only  tentative,  it  is,  nevertheles-s,  of  value  to 
the  political  historian,  in  the  comparison  he  will 
make  between  it  and  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  of  North  America.    The  important  respects 
,  in  w  liich  it  differed  in  iirinciple  from  the  document 
j  tint  bound  together  the  thirteen  colonies  are  curious, 
and  it  w(mld  have  been  interesting  to  observe  the 
operation  of  the  jdan  in  actuality.   But  the  time  had 
not  come  for  any  such  intimate  union  as  it  implied. 
An  event  soon  occurred  which  went  to  show  that 
the  tics  between  the  republics  were  not  as  strong 
as  the  past  had  seemed  to  indicate.  The  probability 
of  Sjiain  engaging  in  further  hostilities  had  become 
exceedingly  small.    The  revolution  that  has  left 
that  miserable  country  in  a  state  well-nigh  approach- 
ing anarchy,  and  which  has  prevailed  down  to  the 
I  present  time,  had  begun,  and  soon  Queen  Isabella 
was  to  be  an  exile  in  a  foreign  land.    With  distrac- 
;  tion  pervading  every  town  and  hamlet  at  home, 
j  there  could  be  no  thought  for  waging  an  inglorioua 
war  abroad.    But  pride  Would  not  sanction  a  peace 
t  which  misfortune  had  already  virtually  proclaimed, 
and  thus  the  formal  state  of  war  was  allowed  to 
continue. 

To  strengthen  her  maritime  resources,  the  Chilian 
governmeiit  had  had  two  cor^•ettes  built  in  England, 
but  the  relations  remaining  the  same  with  Spain,  the 
British  government  had  refused  to  permit  them  to 
sail  for  their  destination.    Negotiations  were  there- 
upon entered  into  with  Lord  Stanley,  then  British 
Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  for  securing  the  de- 
parture of  the  two  vessels,  on  the  basis  of  a  similar 
privilege  being  granted  to  Spain,  whose  governiuent 
■  had  also  had  two  iron-dads  recentlv  built  in  England, 
!  and  which  were  similarly  dctaineil.    For  some  rea- 
son, which  has  never  been  very  dearly  explained, 
the  Pcnivian  Charge  d'Affaires  in  Loudon  protested 
against  the  terms  of  the  agreement.    Protests  were 
t  also  made  by  foreign  residents  in  the  republic  ;  but 
:  these  rested  on  the  belief  that  the  sailing  of  the  four 
vessels  would  lead  to  fresh  acts  of  hostility,  which 
I  would  be  prejudicial  to  commerce.    The  same  view 
may  have  actuattnl  the  Peruvian  representative,  and 
so  it  was  regarded  by  the  Chilian  Congress,  wliero 
efl'orts  w  ere  at  once  nia<le  to  show  that  the  arraiisre- 
mcnt  proposed  would,  tmder  any  circumstances,  be 
most  advantageous  to  the  republics.    But  the  eir- 
'  cuinstance  caused  a  sulBcient  amount  of  coolness 
'  between  Peru  and  Chili  to  at  once  set  the  project  of 
i  confederation  in  the  background,  and  it  gave  lise, 
prcd)ably  unjustly,  to  the' impression  abroad  that 
the  relations  between  them  had  never  been  as  cordial 
I  as  they  had  appeared  to  be. 

I  Both  republics,  hi  common  with  those  in  the 
I  North,  have  since  devoted  themselves  actively  to 
the  development  of  internal  resources,  to  strength- 
ening the  soci.d  and  political  condition  of  the 
people,  and  to  promoting  the  gcnc.id  advancement 
of  tlie.  nations.  In  Chili,  a  partv  of  progress  has 
risen  into  activity,  i)lcdging  itself  to  promote  the 
eipialitv  of  all  citizens  before  the  law,  the  securing 
of  individual  liberty,  and  the  fullest  exercise  ol 
municipal  government.  But  it  has  been  imprded  in 
its  action,  chiefly  through  the  iulluence  of  the 
clcrgv,  and  next  ihrongh  the  want  of  dccisitm  and 
unanimitv  that  has  diaracterized  its  leaders.  In 
IMHi,  llie"i)(ipulation  of  Chili  was  ni>t  less  than  two 
millions,  but  the  number  of  votes  did  not  exceed 
thirtv  thousand.  The  presidents  too,  was  less  the 
head'  of  a  republic  than  a  dictator  and  dispenser  of 
patronage.  These  anomalies  were  fully  recoeiiizod, 
thouirh  tliev  have  never  been  fully  remedied  ;  but, 
niakimr  due  allowance  for  the  spirit  of  dissatisfac- 
tion with  everv  ruling  power,  which  wc  have  seen  to 
be  a  feature  of  the  Spanish-American  character,  it 
must  be  allowed  that  for  some  time  after  the  de- 
I)arture  of  the  Spanish  fleet,  there  was  left  behind  a 
verv  fair  amount  of  contentment  with  the  proci  od- 
imr's  of  the  government.  N<>r  is  it  without  cause. 
The  South  .Nmcricaii  republics  have  all  been  ni:ik- 
inir  rapid  strides  in  prosperity  and  the  arts  of  price 
dnrini:  the  last  five  or  six  years.  Chill,  after  long 
refusing,  at  last  consented  to  a  proposal  of  mcdUc 


I 


I 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


ti?n,  made  by  the  United  Suites,  for  a  coucUision  ot 
the  d'Teipnccs  with  Spain,  and  tlie  greatest  trouble 
thut  has  since  occurred  Ins  been  a  series  of  oj)era- 
tions  aijainst  the  Anuieaiiiaii  Indians,  in  whieli  tlio 
govcrniiient  displayed  niucli  energy  and  tact.  A;;ri- 
"eulture  and  industrial  exhibitions,  the  eon.-truetion 
of  railways,  the  opening  of  new  mines  of  copper 
and  silver,  the  establishment  of  acclimalization 
societies,  the  development  of  agriculture,  and  tlie 
promotion  of  education,  are  the  worivs  to  which 
Chili  has  been  now  f(jr  some  time  devoting  herself  ; 
and  the  fruits  of  this  policy  are  already  very  ap- 
parent, not  only  in  the  inere  ised  wealth,  industry, 
Diid  liapi)iness  of  the  people,  l)ut  in  the  enhanced 
stability  of  their  iiolitical  institutions. 

Nor  can  less  be  said  of  her  sister  republics.  In 
18<i9,  Peru  took  a  step  in  reference  to  tlie  rebellion 
witli  which  Spain  was  contending  in  Cuba ;  but 
otlicrwise  her  policy,  too,  lias  been  directed  to  the 
exploration  of  new  territory,  tlie  hastening  of  coui- 
niercial  jirogress,  the  acconiplishmeut  of  treaties  of 
amity  and  commerce  with  foreign  nations,  and  im- 
provement in  the  arts  of  peace.  Her  remembrance 
of  the  treachery  of  Spain  was  sliown  in  a  manner 
dilTerent  from  that  chosen  by  Chili,  and  it  must  be 
attributed  to  the  bombardment  of  Callao  that  the 
insurgents  of  Cuba  received  recognition  from  the 
governiiieut  at  Lima.  As  an  example  of  a  somewhat 
vague  and  peculiarly  worded  official  document,  the 
decree  of  tlie  Periiviau  President  is  not  witliout 
value,  independently  of  a  certain  kind  of  curiosity 
that  it  possesses  from  all  attendant  cii'cumstances. 
It  ran  thas  : — 

Lima,  May  13,  18C9. 

Jose  Balta, 

Constitutional  President  of  Peru : 

Whereas  the  insurrection  in  Cuba  has  for  its  ob- 
ject the  independence  of  the  island,  and  that  tlie 
bunds  are  broken  that  bound  Cuba  to  the  govern- 
ment of  Spain,  there  are  two  parties  that  carr}'  on 
the  war  with  a  political  object,  and  should  be  re- 
garded by  other  nations  in  a  spirit  consonant  with 
international  right : 

And  as  the  government  and  the  people  of  Peru 
sympathize  with  the  whole  cause  proclaimed  by  the 
Cubans  ;  and  as  the  commander  of  the  revolutionary 
forces  of  Cuba  has  asked  the  recognition  of  the 
Darty  as  belligerents : 

And  as  Peru  should  I'ecogiiize  the  political  status 
of  the  insurgents,  not  considering  them  as  subjects 
of  a  government  actually  at  war  with  Peru,  and 
without  prejudice  to  the  manifestations  that  Peru 
may  hereafter  make  in  their  behalf,  I  decree  : — 

I.  That  the  government  of  Peru  recognizes  as 
belligerents  the  political  party  that  is  now  struggling 
for  Cuban  independence. 

II.  The  citiz  -ns,  ships,  and  other  appurtenances 
of  Cuba,  serving  the  cause  of  independence,  shall 
bo  considered  as  friends  of  Peru. 

The  Minister  of  Foreign  AS'airs  is  charged  with 
tlic  execution  and  circulation  of  this  decree. 

(Signed)  JOSE  BALTA. 

J.  A.  BAUKENECnEA. 

No  practical  result  has  issued  from  this  nvanifesto, 
which  in  no  respect,  as  a  matter  of  public  policy, 
had  anything  to  justify  it.  The  act  tended  rather 
to  demonstrate  a  sentiment  unworthy  of  a  nation 
than  to  display  the  sagacity  or  wisdom  of  the  Presi- 
dent. 

In  the  eagerness  of  the  government  to  develop  the 
iudustiial  resources  of  the  country,  and  finding  the 
ellorts  to  attract  European  immigration  unsuccess- 
ful, as  from  their  nature  they  must  be,  an  attempt 
was  made  in  1870  to  introduce  coolie  labor,  on  a 
more  systematic  scale  than  had  hitherto  been 
adopted.  Money  was  subscribed  and  an  association 
of  the  wealtliiest  planters  was  formed  for  the  pur- 
pose of  introducing  into  the  country  a  better  class  of 
Chinese.  But  the  movement  received  a  serious 
check.  For  a  long  time  the  coolies  had  been  sub- 
jected to  harsh  treatment  from  native  labourers,  and 
this  had  been  resented  by  frequent  risings  that  in 
some  instances  were  attended  with  fatal  conse- 
quences. These  were  generally  put  down  without 
much  difficulty,  and  soon  came,  in  fact,  to  be  re- 
garded as  an  essential  concomitant  of  the  system 
which  had  to  be  endured.  In  this  wav  people  were 
pl.iced  otr  their  guard,  until,  at  an  opportune 
moment,  a  larje  number  of  Chinese  on  some  planta- 
tions north  of  Lima  rose  suddenly  and  murdered 
the  overseers  and  all  other  officers,  except  one, 
about  the  place  ;  having  first  subjected  the  women 
and  children  to  the  grosse-t  abuses.  The  insurree- 
l  _)n  was  well  planned,  and  the  men,  to  the  number 
>-■  some  1,1300,  acted  under  the  leadership  of  one  of  the 
pripcipal  head  men.  But  they  received  a  check  in 
an  unexpected  moment.  Flushed  with  their  success 
OQ  t!ie  plantations,  they  proceeded  to  the  assault  of 
a  small  village,  whiei»  tUoy  ransacked,  and  thence 


advanced  to  a  plantation  adjoining.  The  owner  of 
this  place,  having  heard  of  their  approach,  placed 
his  wife  and  children  for  safety  in  a  small  chapel, 
and,  collecting  all  the  firearms  and  ammunition  at 
hand,  he  and  a  friend  then  also  entered  the  place 
and  barricaded  the  doors,  determined  to  defend  it 
to  the  last.  A  vigourous  attack  was  made  by  the 
rioters,  but  in  a  short  siiace  sixty  ot  their  number 
had  fallen  from  the  rille-buUets  of  the  little  gar- 
rison, and  a  retreat  upon  the  village  was  determined 
on.  The  inhabitants  there  had  erected  a  barricade 
in  the  meantime,  and  a  small  armed  band  of  forty 
men  were  entrusted  with  the  defence.  The  Chinese 
attack  upon  them  was  furious  to  desperation,  and  a 
hot  hand-to-hand  conflict  ensued,  in  which  the 
coolies  used  their  long-bladed  knives  with  fearful 
effect.  At  this  juncture,  the  two  defenders  of  the 
chapel,  haviug  first  placed  the  women  and  children 
in  safety,  and  gathered  up  a  few  recruits,  attacked 
the  insurgents  on  the  rear,  and,  after  a  short  contest, 
put  them  to  flight.  The  loss  to  the  white  population 
was  forty  persons,  killed,  while  more  than  three  hun- 
dred of  the  Chinese  perished.  On  the  following  day, 
two  companies  of  military  appeared  on  the  scene, 
but  the  coolies  had  lied  into  the  mountains,  where 
they  formed  a  dangerous  feature  in  the  border 
population. 

Hardly  had  the  excitement  caused  by  this  disas- 
trous failure  of  the  planters  to  obtain  labor  fairly 
subsided,  before  a  wide-spread  conspiracy  to  upset 
the  government  was  discovered,  involving  a  scheme 
for  obtaining  possession  of  the  iron-clad  fleet. 
Through  the  ministry  receiving  timel3'  notice  of  the 
intentions  of  the  conspirators,  the  plan  failed,  and 
the  leaders  were  arrested.  A  new  sensation  next 
arose  in  a  twofold  direction.  The  ettbrts  of  the 
United  States  to  annex  San  Domingo  gave  rise  to 
strong  opposition  in  all  the  South  American  repub- 
lics ;  where  it  was  regarded  as  a  blow  directed  at 
their  owu  independence.  Chili  formally  protested 
against  it.  But  in  Peru  it  yielded  in  great  degree  to 
another  excitement,  produced  by  the  declared  inten- 
tion of  the  Italian  residents  in  Lima  to  celebrate  the 
anniversary  of  Italian  unit}'.  This  raised  a  religious 
tumult.  The  Roman  Catholic  clergy  denounced  it 
as  an  insult  to  the  church  ;  and  to  avoid  disturb- 
ances, which  otherwise  would  have  been  inevitable, 
the  government  issued  a  decree  forbidding  the 
demonstration.  The  incident,  nevertheless,  is  preg- 
nant with  illustration  of  the  sensitive  character  of 
the  people  under  the  influence  of  an  equally  sensi- 
tive ecclesiastical  domination. 

It  would  be  difficult,  perhaps  impossible,  to  trace 
step  by  step  the  development  to  which  tills  pecu- 
liarity of  national  character  leads  in  the  various 
forms  of  local  disaffection,  or  popular  insurrection 
as  they  appear  in  these  republics,  and  notably  in 
that  of  Peru.  The  coolie  trade  was  a  constant 
source  of  irritation.  The  policy  of  the  President 
was  also  not  by  any  means  calculated  to  allaj'  the 
natural  predisposition  to  ungovernable  excitement ; 
but  while  all  this  must  be  admitted,  the  fact  still  re- 
mains that  of  all  the  South  American  republics  none 
have  made  such  rapid  advances  in  every  direction  as 
Peru.  It  was,  therefore,  not  without  a  feeling  even 
of  amazement,  that  the  world  in  1873  heard  of  an- 
other, and  the  most  cruel  revolution  that  had  yet 
disgraced  the  republic.  In  the  short  space  of  five, 
days  the  city  of  Lima  witnessed  a  series  of  events, 
which  is  more  remarkable  than  any  that  can  be 
found  in  the  history  of  South  America.  The  two 
candidates  for  the  presidency  that  year.  Dr.  Arenas 
and  Don  Manuel  Prado,  represented  respectively 
the  party  of  the  administration  and  the  democracy. 
Congress  had  been  sitting  in  secret  session  since 
the  thirteenth  ot  July,  but  it  was  generally  under- 
derstood  that  Prado  would  be  elected.  To  prevent 
this.  General  Gutierrez,  the  Minister  of  War,  who 
exercised  an  undue  and  dangerous  influence  over 
President  Ba'ta,  had  been  striving  to  induce  him  to 
annul  the  proceedings.  How  far  he  succeeded  is 
not  clearlv  known,  but  as  soon  as  Balta  discovered 
that  the  success  of  Prado  was  well-nigh  secured,  he 
withdrew  from  the  scheme,  or  pronounced  his  de- 
termination to  have  nothing  to  do  with  it.  Imme- 
diately upon  this  becoming  known  to  the  Minister 
of  War,  Gutierrez  filled  the  Government  square  with 
troops,  dispersed  the  Congress  at  the  point  of  the 
bayonet,  took  Balta  prisoner,  placed  him  under 
close  military  guard,  and  declared  the  city  under 
martial  law,  and  himself  President  of  the  Republic. 
At  this  unexpected  and  despotic  proceeding,  the 
jieople  were  for  the  moment  utterly  struck  down 
with  astonishment  and  surprise.  But  the  feeling 
did  not  last  long.  Gutierrez  attempted  immediately 
to  form  a  cabinet,  but  nobody  would  join  him,  and 
he  had  to  witness  one  of  the  most  remarkable  pro- 
tests that  has  probably  ever  fallen  to  any  one  at  the 
moment  of  winning,  as  ho  thought,  the  supreme 
power.  Places  of  bu  ;iness  were  suddenly  closed, 
as  if  by  one  tacit  but  unanimous  consent  of  the 
owners.  The  fleet  set  sail  and  stood  out  to  sea. 
The  soldiers  dropped  out  of  the  ranks  aud  openly 


deserted.  The  diplomatic  corps  formally  refused  to 
recognize  (iutierrez  in  any  way.  The  newspapers 
were  not  published  ;  and  in  all  directions  the  entire 
social  macliinery  cf  the  city  stopped,  and  refused  to 
proceed  for  a  short  time  in  any  direction.  The  jirotest, 
at  the  time,  was  absolutely  passive  and  negative,  hut 
none  the  less  strong.  It  was,  too,  only  the  lull 
whose  verydeadness  jiredicts  the  fury  of  the  coming 
storm.  Nor  was  it  long  ere  this  was  heard.  Silves 
tre  Gutierrez,  brother  of  the  dictator,  being  hooteii 
by  the  populace  at  a  railway  station  in  Lima,  drew 
a  revolver  and  fired  upon  the  people,  whereupon  he 
was  instantly  shot  down,  and  the  next  moment  he 
lay  dead  in  the  street.  The  mob  fell  upon  the  body, 
stripped  it  of  its  clothes,  mangled  it  with  their 
knives  and  dragged  it  through  the  public  tliorouudi- 
fares.  Gutierrez,  hearing  of  the  death  of  his  brother 
and  chief  supporter,  immediately  dispatched  a  guard 
from  the  barracks,  with  orders  to  proceed  to  the  im- 
prisoned President  Balta  and  assassinate  him  with- 
out a  moment's  delay.  The  order  was  executed. 
Balta  sick,  and  in  bed,  was  shot  as  he  lay,  by  three 
of  the  murderers,  and  his  body  was  dragged  down 
and  pierced  with  the  bayonets  of  the  soldiers.  This 
outrage  roused  the  people  to  fury,  and  shouts  of 
"  Down  with  Gutierrez,"  "  Death  to  the  murderers," 
resounded  throughout  the  city  and  reached  the  ears 
of  the  dictator  in  the  gubernatorial  jialacc.  Prado, 
and  the  leaders  of  the  i)opnlar  parly,  had,  at  the 
first  assault  made  by  Gutierrez  on  Congress,  fled, 
either  to  the  foreign  legations  or  to  ships  in  the  har- 
bour for  safety  ;  but  Colonel  Hereneia  Zevallos  now 
came  forward  and  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  the 
people,  amid  the  wildest  demonstrations  of  applause. 
Gutierrez,  seeing  that  his  own  fale  could  not  long 
remain  undecided,  took  command  of  the  few  trooi)8 
that  remained  true  to  him,  and  marciied  at  their 
head,  pistol  in  hand,  to  the  fort  of  Santa  Catalina, 
where  he  determined  to  defend  himself.  Upon  this, 
Zevallos  took  possession  of  the  Government  build- 
ing, assumed  direction  of  state  affairs,  appointed  a 
Cabinet  and  proceeded  to  re-establish  order,  which 
he  found  no  difficulty  in  doing.  He  was  saved  the 
trouble  of  attacking  the  usurper.  By  degrees  almost 
all  the  troops  whom  Gutierrez  had  taken  with  him 
left  the  fort.  Finding  then  that  to  attempt  a  de- 
fence would  be  impossible,  he  had  recourse  to  a 
disguise,  with  the  intention  of  escaping  by  flight. 
He  had  succeeded  in  passing  through  a  great  jiart 
of  the  city,  when  suddenly  a  passer-by  recognized 
him.  The  alarm  was  immediately  given,  and  (iu- 
tierrez  fled  for  refuge  into  a  druggist's  shop  ;  but 
only  to  be  drawn  out  an  instant  after  pierced  with 
innumerable  wounds.  The  body  was  well-nigh  torn 
to  pieces,  and  beaten  beyond  recognition.  It  was 
dragged  to  the  public  square  and  ttiere  hung  ;  and 
on  the  following  day,  together  with  the  bodies  of 
Silvestrc  Gutierrez  and  another  brother,  it  was  sus- 
pended from  the  high  towers  of  the  cathedral ;  and 
afterward  all  three  were  burned  to  dust  in  the  pub- 
lic lace. 

'liiere  is  something  exceptional  and  therefore 
extraordinarj'  in  the  scene  thus  presented  of  a 
popular  rising  in  favour  of  the  legitimate  govern- 
ment, and  to  destroy  a  usurper.  And  the  order 
with  which  it  was  conducted  is  noteworthj'.  The 
people  undertook  of  their  own  accord  the  protec- 
tion of  the  public  buildings,  aud  only  one  instance 
of  anything  like  \iolence  against  either  public  or 
private  property  was  recorded  ;  and  that  was  com- 
paratively unimportant. 

The  establishment  in  this  way  of  Signor  Prado  in 
the  Presidency,  has  been  an  event  of  the  utmost  im- 
portance in  the  future  welfare  of  the  Republic.  Its 
foreign  policy  has  presented  little  of  moment.  It 
may  be  summed  up  almost  entirely  in  commercial 
treaties,  protestations  against  the  settlement  of  the 
United  States  Company  at  Samana,  and  co-operative 
negotiations  in  the  matter  of  an  interoceanic  canal 
in  Central  America.  The  President  took  care  to 
surround  himself  with  the  ablest  men  in  the  Repub- 
lic, and  his  administration,  devoted  to  the  internal 
interests  of  the  state,  and  guided  by  a  wise  and 
temperate  policy,  did  much  not  only  to  allay  the 
feverish  excitement  of  the  people  which  had  so  long 
prevailed,  but  to  raise  Peru  to  the  position  it  no\» 
occupies  as  the  first  and  the  most  prosperous  of  the 
South  American  republics. 

Since  her  first  attainment  of  indciicndcncc.  Chili 
has  been  perplexed  with  boundary  dilliculties.  In 
the  south,  these  still  continue,  the  limits  of  the 
st;itc  there  being  very  imperfectly  defined,  and  ques- 
tions of  jurisdiction  between  Chili  and  the  Argentine 
Republic  are  constantly  arising.  But  in  1873  a  treaty 
was  concluded  with  Bolivia,  ty  which  further  trouble 
in  that  direction  will,  it  is  hoped,  be  ])reveiited. 
In  this  the  eastern  limits  of  Chili  are  declared  to  be 
the  highest  summits  of  the  Andes,  and  the  twentv- 
fourth  degn-e  of  south  latitude  the  dividing  line. 
As  in  Peru,  the  attention  of  the  government  has  oi 
late  been  more  steadily  devoted  to  internal  develop- 
ment, to  the  education  of  the  people,  the  promotion 
of  trade,  ttc  construction  of  railways  aud  telegraphs. 


180 


HISTORY  OF 


the  encouragement  of  mining  and  af,'riculturf,  and 
aiucndnienls  of  the  laws.  The  most  noticeable 
feature  in  all  this  is  the  ai>pcarance  of  a  more  toler- 
ant feeling  in  matters  of  religion,  wlikh  liids  fair  to 
develop  far  beyond  the  limits  of  the  Chilian  Re- 
public, and  to  remove  ere  long  one  of  the  greatest 
obstacles  to  the  settlement  of  Protestant  immigranU 
In  that  part  of  the  world. 

The  necessity  for  such  extension  of  liberal  opin- 
ions has  at  no  time  been  more  evident  tlian  it  is  in 
Peru  at  the  present  moment,  where  religious  bigotry 
is  impeding  the  jirogress  of  education,  fettering  the 
hands  of  Uie  government,  creating  local  disaffcc- 
tions  among  tlie  people,  and  covering  with  a  cloud 
of  darkncs.s  the  most  promising  state  upon  the  con- 
tinent. Whatever  may  be  the  political  position  of  a 
nation,  its  people  are  not  free  when  their  fullest 
liberties  arc  contracted  by  the  intervention  of  a  re- 
ligious priestcraft. 

While  the  events  here  recorded  were  passing  on 
the  western  side  of  the  South  American  Contment, 
others  scarcely  less  important  were  attracting  atten- 
tion on  the  east.  The  immediate  residts  of  the 
escape  of  John  VI.  of  Portugal  to  his  Brazilian  pos- 
sessions have  been  already  seen,  and  it  would  have 
prevented  some  future  troubles,  in  all  probability,  if 
he  had  resolved  at  once  to  separate  the  colony  from 
the  i)areut  country.  But  after  the  battle  of  Water- 
loo and  the  removal  of  Nai)oleon  to  St.  Helena,  the 
king  became  anxious  to  return,  and  he  sougtit  to 
satisfy  his  Brazilian  subjects  by  assuming  tlie  title 
of  King  of  Portugal,  Algarve  and  Brazil.  But  the 
Portuguese  Cortes  were  anxious  to  reduce  Brazil  to 
its  former  position  as  a  colonial  dependency,  and 
their  action  was  strongly  re.-cntcd.  An  order  that 
the  prince  regent  should  return  to  Brazil  for  his 
education  completed  the  indignation  of  the  people, 
and  an  insurrection  being  openly  declared,  Don 
Pedro  placed  himself  at  the  head  of"  it,  and  soon  after 
the  independence  of  the  empire  was  j)roelaime'J, 
with  the  regent  as  first  emperor.  His  coronation 
took  place  six  weeks  afterwards,  on  the  1st  of  De- 
cember, 1823.  The  act  was  not  acknowledged  by  the 
Portuguese  government  till  three  years  later,  and  in 
1830  the  Emperor  of  Brazil  became,  by  the  death  of 
his  father,  King  of  Portugal.  He  at  once  resigned 
the  crown  in  favour  of  his  infant  daughter.  Dona 
Maria,  and  thus  for  a  time  allayed  the  fears  of  his 
Bubjcets,  who  began  to  think  that  they  were  once 
more  to  be  dependent  on  the  parent  state.  A  dis- 
pute which  led  to  a  declaration  of  war  against  the 
Argentine  Itepublic  was  soon  after  settled  through 
the  intervention  of  Great  Britain,  but  disalTcction 
still  continued  throughout  the  northern  part  of  the 
empire,  and  after  a  succession  of  insurrectionary 
movements  the  eini)eror  abdicated  in  1831  in  favour 
of  his  son.  He  now  returned  to  Portugal,  and  with  the 
assistance  of  English  and  French  vessels,  espoused  the 
cause  of  his  daughter  against  Don  Miguel,  who  had 
usurped  the  throne,  and  he  ultimately  succeeded  in 
vindicating  the  rights  of  the  queen,  and  sending  the 
pretender  into  exile.  But  his  influence  was  no  more 
felt  in  Brazil,  where  a  regency  continued  till  1841,  in 
which  year  the  heir  to  the  throne  was  declared  to  be 
of  age,  and  he  was  crowned  on  the  18th  of  July. 

Brazil  had  for  many  years  looked  with  alarm  on 
the  strengthening  of  the  provinces  that  lay  on  her 
Bouthem  boundary.  This  appears  to  have  been  an 
hereditary  sentiment,  founded  in  IHKi,  if  not  exist- 
ing before,  when  the  Portuguese  took  possession  of 
Monte  Video,  under  the  pretence  of  destroying  the 
revolutionary  tendencies  of  Artigas.  Accordingly, 
when  the  i)rovinces  on  the  Parana  and  Uruguay 
united  themselves  with  Buenos  Ayres,  the  Brazilian 
government  was  dismayed,  and,  soon  after  forcing  a 
declaration  of  war,  Ijlockaded  the  city  of  Buenos 
Ayres  ;  but,  as  we  have  already  said,  peace  wa.s  ulti- 
mately made  through  British  intervention.  It  was 
during  this  time-  that  a  popular  leader  among  the 
j)eoi)le  of  Buenos  Ayres  aros(!  in  the  person  of  Juan 
*IanueI  de  Uosas,  a  descendant  of  an  ancient 
Spanish  family,  and  a  man  full  of  ambition,  daring, 
and  adventure  ;  but  who,  from  a  life  of  rough  cultuie 
among  the  herdsmen  and  working  classes  generally  of 
the  interior,  had  grown  into  a  spirit  of  antipathy  to 
the  refinement  of  the  aristocratic  classes  of  the  sea- 
board. The  people  were  thus  divided:  Bosas  heading 
a  party  which  supported  a  federal  form  of  government 
for  the  several  provinces,  in  opposition  to  the  con- 
stitution of  ini").  This  had  been  framed  on  the 
basis  of  a  small  but  powerful  aristocracy,  who  now, 
In  eontnidistlnetlon  to  the  party  of  Uosas,  styled 
themselves  Uritarlos.  Rosas  gained  a  large  nuinber 
of  adherents  from  the  iirovinecs,  and  gradually  so 
increased  Ids  induenee  that  in  1S37  he  foriiiallv  pro- 
tested a^m'n^t  the  eons'.ituti  >n,  and  in  a  bri<  f  time 
wielded  Hullir  ient  i)ower  to  place  the  nondnee  of  Ids 
i)ar1y,  Dorrego,  In  the  position  of  governor  of 
Buenos  ,\yre«.  The  treaty  of  peace  which  l)orrego 
made  with  Brazil  tlirouirh  the  ministry  at  London 
secured  the  reiDLniition  of  I'mgnay  as  an  indepen- 
dcnl  state  ;  but  three  years  after  a  confederation  was 


formed  between  the  provinces  of  Buenos  Ayres, 
Santa  Fe,  Corrientes,  and  Entre  Rios  ;  and  witlun 
another  year  it  embraced  the  whole  of  the  remaining 
I)rovinces.  Thus  was  fulliUed,  with  a  trifling  cxcep 
tion,  the  programme  first  marked  down  by  Rosas 
and  his  friends,  and  Brazil  began  to  look  with  dis 
trust  upon  the  rising  power  of  the  confederation. 
Meanwhile,  however,  suspicions  arose  among  the 
people  as  to  the  sincerity  of  Rosas,  and  several  in- 
surrections were  started  to  effect  a  change  in  the 
government.  These  were  readily  put  down,  till  the 
feeling  took  root  in  the  ranks  of  the  army,  when, 
under  the  leadership  of  (Jeneral  Lavalle,  the  govern- 
ment was  attacked,  and  Dorrego  being  taken 
prisoner,  he  was  shot  without  a  trial.  The  success 
was  of  short  duration.  Rosas  was  not  the  man  to 
submit  to  defeat.  He  immediately  organized  a  new 
force,  and  with  the  active  co-operation  of  Lopez  of 
Santa  Fe  completely. overtlirew  Lavalle  and  all  his 
hopes,  Rosas  occupying  the  position  to  which  he 
had  a.spired,  and  having  the  army  completely  under 
his  control,  ready  to  obey  his  behests  at  any  mo- 
ment. An  opportunity  presently  occurred,  through 
the  rapid  changes  of  revolutionary  action,  by  which 
the  supreme  authority  in  Buenos  Ayres  was  at  his 
disposal,  and  he  was  not  slow  in  avading  himself  of 
it.  He  was  elected  governor  of  Buenos  Ayres  in 
1833,  and  held  the  oflice  with  advantige  "to  the 
country  till  the  expiration  of  his  term  in  isiio.  Five 
times  he  refused  to  be  nominated  for  re-election  ; 
but  when  the  terms  were  altered  and  the  word 
governor  was  changed  for  dictator,  he  eagerly  ac- 
cepted the  proposal,  and  held  it,  with  the  sanction 
of  the  people,  till  18.53.  During  the  intervening 
period  he  ruled  with  stern  despotism.  Records  of 
the  time  describe  him  generally  as  a  tyrant  of  the 
worst  kind,  a  bloodthirsty  and  unscrupulous  ruler, 
who  never  hesitated  to  eonnnit  the  most  flagrant 
Injustice  when  self-interest  or  the  f  ulflllment  of  his 
])ersonal  wishes  demanded  it.  But  a  future  genera- 
tion will  probably  judge  him  less  harshly.  He  held 
supreme  power  during  a  period  of  considerable  mo- 
ment in  the  future  interests  of  the  country  he 
loved,  and  it  is  very  doubtful  whether  any  man  of 
less  character  would  have  borne  it  as  well  through 
the  dangers  that  beset  it.  He  devoted  himself 
with  all  his  energies  to  extend  the  territory, 
or  at  least  the  authority,  of  Buenos  Ayres  to  the 
provinces  of  Paraguay  and  Uruguay,  and  he  has 
been  condemned  for  a  ])olicy  of  aggrandizement. 
But  any  condemnation  th'it  pertains  to"  him  for  that 
policy  belongs  with  equal  justice  to  Brazil.  The 
government  of  the  emperor  had  always  seen  the 
value  of  the  provinces  that  Lay  to  the  Brazilian  side 
of  the  Parai  a,  both  on  account  of  their  intrinsic 
value,  and  also  as  thereby  making  the  river  the 
boundary  line  against  a  republic  which  they 
never  liked.  Rosas  saw  in  like  manner  the  expe- 
diency of  addnig  those  provinces  to  Buenos  Ayres, 
as  well  on  account  of  their  wcaltli  in  resources  and 
their  breadtli  of  seaboard,  as  from  the  check  that 
would  thereby  be  given  to  the  ambition,  perliai)s  to 
the  propagandism,  of  the  Brazilians.  Paraguay  had 
the  good  fortune  at  this  juncture  to  be  under  the  ex- 
ecutive control  of  Francia,  a  man  hardly  less  nota- 
ble than  Rosas  himself,  and  who  proved  himself 
quite  competent  to  keep  the  territory  he  governed 
free  from  any  serious  danger  on  either  side.  Moreover 
the  Brazilian  government,  much  as  it  feared  Rosas 
and  his  [loliey,  eared  not  to  risk  a  war  for  the  con- 
quest of  both  Paraguay  and  Uruguay  at  the  same  time. 
They  contented  tlicmselves  for  some  time  with  di- 
recting their  attention  npon  the  latterprovince  only, 
and  agents  of  both  the  empire  and  Rosas  were  at 
work  for  some  time  projjagating  the  views  of  their 
respective  governments.  As  usual,  internal  disorder 
soon  furnished  an  occasion  for  hiterfercncc.  Two 
parties  had  arisen  in  Uruguay,  and  Brazil  gave  open 
support  to  the  one  headed  by  Rivera,  which  declared 
itself  in  open  opi)osition  to  the  policy  of  Itosas,  and 
which  presently  had  the  active  support  of  the 
Kreneli.  The  faction  favoural)le  to  the  confederation 
was  uniler  th<i  guidance  of  Oribe,  a  direct  assent  of 
Rosas,  and  working  entirely  under  his  direction.  A 
condition  of  war  soon  followed  the  active  interven- 
tion of  Rosas,  but  it  wiis  little  more.  The  interven- 
tion of  the  French  was  unwarranted,  and  was  soon 
ended ;  and  the  authorities  at  Monte  Video  then  saw 
the  expediency  of  connng  to  an  agreement  with 
their  opposite  neighbours.  But  the  i)eace  tlius  con- 
cluded did  not  last  long.  Brazil  persisted  in  looking 
with  a  jealous  eye  upon  the  rule  of  Rosas,  and  under 
the  pretext  that  treaties  made  in  183S  and  1810  had 
been  broken,  the  emperor's  govermnent  a]>i)lied  for 
assistance  to  Eiiglan<l  and  Franco.  Rosas  had 
meanwhile  closed  the  Parana  to  vessels  belonging  to 
Paraguay,  and  had  threatened  restrictions  upcm  the 
State  of  Uruguay  excejit  \\]um  speeilied  conditions. 
The  appeal  from  the  Brazilian  court  was  speedily 
followed  by  the  api)earanee  of  a  combined  Krencji 
and  Kngliah  Bqimdron  at  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  de  la 
Plata,  iluenos  Ayres  was  blockaded  and  tin-  Argen-  ; 
tine  licet  taken  possession  of.    The  allies  also  seized  I 


the  island  of  Martin  Garcia,  and  declared  the  Parana 
open  to  the  navigation  of  Paraguay.  Rosas  offered 
a  determined  resistanee  to  these  proceedings,  but 
with  little  eifect  except  to  himself  The  contest 
lasted  for  three  years,  during  the  whole  of  which 
time  the  confederation  suffered  great  losses,  and  the 
reputation  of  Rosas  in  his  own  country  was  much 
weakened.  Noticing  this,  the  governor  of  Entre 
Rios,  who  had  always  sympathized  with  the  Brazilian 
side  of  the  question,  placed  himself  at  the  head  of 
the  party  opposed  to  Rosas,  and  co-operating  with 
his  enemies,  gave  battle  to  the  Argentine  dictator 
at  Monte  Caseios,  and  utterly  defeated  him.  Rosas 
managed  to  escape  to  England,  and  with  character- 
istic ingratitude,  the  people  whom  he  had  advanced 
greatly  in  material  prosperity,  and  whom,  in  fact,  he 
had  been  the  chief  means  of  converting  into  a 
nation,  hailed  his  departure  with  expressions  of  de- 
light. Lopez  now  thought  to  secure  the  dictatorship  ; 
but  the  conqueror  of  Rosas,  with  a  triumphant 
army  behind  him,  was  not  to  be  denied,  and  in  less 
than  six  montns  Urquiza  became  dictator,  and  at 
once  published  a  decree  acknowledging  the  indepen- 
dence of  Paniguay,  and  opening  the  tributaries  of 
the  La  Plata  to  free  navigation. 

But  it  is  not  to  be  expected  that  a  ruler  from 
Entre  Rios  would  long  be  tolerated.  Having  to 
visit  Santa  Fo,  his  absence  was  turned  to  an  oppor- 
tunity for  indulging  once  more  in  revolution.  Ur- 
quiza was  summarily  deposed,  and  Alsina  chosen 
governor  of  Buenos  Ayres,  independent  of  the  con- 
federation. This  led  "to  civil  war.  Alsina  was.  in 
turn,  removed,  and  the  confederation  in  the  midst 
of  the  turmoil  framed  the  constitution  that  was 
destined  to  endure  for  some  time,  and  into  which  it 
was  Loped  that  Buenos  Ayres  would  ere  long  be 
drawn.  This  constitution  was  framed  upon  the 
model  of  that  of  the  United  States  of  North  America. 
It  went  into  operation  in  1854,  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment being  fixed  at  Bajada  del  Parana,  in  Entre 
Rios.  It  did  not  have  the  inmiediate  effect  desired. 
Buenos  Ayres  formed  a  new  constitution  for  herself ; 
but  at  the  same  time  a  treaty  was  concluded  with 
the  confederation,  which  brought  it  and  Buenos 
Ayres  into  much  closer  relations.  The  favourable 
prospect  thus  formed  was  destined  soon  to  be  de- 
stroyed. Some  refugees  under  General  Flores  at- 
temi)ted  the  Invasion  of  Buenos  Ayres  from  Santa 
Fe,  but  were  repulsed  by  General  Mitre,  and  pur- 
sued into  the  province  whence  they  had  escaped. 
Tliis  led  to  expostulations,  but  the  conduct  of  Flores 
was  upheld  by  his  goveniment,  and  the  confedera- 
tion annulled  the  treaties  of  1S.")4  and  1855  forthwith. 
Urquiza  at  once  began  to  levy  duties  on  vessels  from 
Buenos  Ayres  bound  up  the  tributaries  of  the  La 
Plata,  and  hostilities  ensued  which  lasted  four  years, 
and  ended  in  the  union  of  Buenos  Ayres  with  the 
confederation.  But  national  sentiment  was  not 
satisfied,  and  when,  in  1800,  the  deputies  from 
Buenos  Ayres  were  refused  seats  in  the  Congress, 
on  the  ground  of  irregularities  in  their  election,  the 
occasion  was  taken  to  renew  the  civil  war.  General 
Mitre,  to  whom  the  command  of  the  army  of  Buenos 
Ayres  was  entrusted,  having  gained  a  complete  vic- 
tory over  the  Argentine  troops,  was  elected  provis- 
ionally to  the  i)residcney  pending  certain  amend- 
ments to  the  constitution.  In  these  Buenos  Ayres 
was  made  ])rovisional  capital  of  the  confederation, 
and  in  1803  .Mitre  was  chosen  President  of  the  Argen- 
tine Republic.  Entre  Rios  was  included  in  the  con- 
federation, but  not  with  the  approbation  of  Urquiza, 
who,  nevertheless,  soon  after  accepted  the  governor- 
ship of  that  province,  and  g-ave  in  his  allegiance. 

Matters  being  tlius  apparently  settled  in  the  con- 
federation, disturbances  of  a  more  prominent  char- 
acter broke  out  in  Uruguay.  At  the  election  in 
1801,  Aguirre,  the  representative  of  the  reactionary 
party,  was  elected  President;  upon  which  Flores, 
the  "defeated  candidate  and  representative  of  the 
liberals,  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  an  insurrec- 
tion, and  at  once  received  the  aid  of  BraziL  An 
imperial  force  even  invaded  the  province  against  the 
elected  president  of  the  people,  thus  conunittiug 
the  government  at  Rio  to  a  monstrous  interference 
with  the  constitutional  rights  of  a  neighbouring 
nation.  War  against  Brazil  was  immediati'ly  de- 
clared. Flores  laid  siege  to  the  town  of  Paysanda, 
and  a  Brazilian  fleet  blockaded  it  on  the  side  of  the 
sea.  It  was  nobly  defended  by  a  garrison  of  loyalists, 
less  tnan  seven  hundred  strong,  which  held  out  long 
after  the  city  it.self  had  been  laid  in  ashes,  and  at 
last  fell  victims  to  treachery.  The  gjirrison  were 
treated  by  the  Bnizilians  with  much  cruelty,  and 
their  commander,  (ieneral  (lomez,  was  shot — for  the 
crime,  we  presume,  of  being  faithful  to  his  goveni- 
ment and  country.  The  insurgents  and  their 
Brazilian  allies  thence  marched  on  to  the  capital, 
and  Monte  Video  was  declared  in  a  state  of  block- 
ade. Upon  this,  Aguirre  resigned  the  presidency, 
and  being  succeeded  provisionally  by  Villalba,  a 
member  of  the  Senate,  negotiations  were  opened 
with  the  enemy,  and  a  tre.ity  of  peace  was  soon 
agreed  upon.   "General  Flore*  shortly  after  enlcrwl 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


181 


Itfonte  Video  in  triumph,  supported  by  a  bri^jado  of 
Brazilian  troops,  and  assumed  the  presidency — tlius 
Retting  at  deiiancc  tlu;  priiiciiiles  of  the  eonslitiition 
wliich  bo  swore  to  maintain,  and  b)'  the  aid  of 
foreign  bayonets  subverting  tlie  -will  of  the  ])eoi)l'% 
and  replacing  the  l^resident  whom  tliey  had  clinsen. 
Much  has  been  said  fcir  the  purpose  of  justifying  Uie 
conduct  of  the  Brazilian  government  in  this  intcr- 
TBution,  but  much  more  must  Ijc  said  before  any 
Buch  justification  as  the  fricndrf  of  tlie  empire  desire 
can  become  possible.  Tlie  facts  speak  for  tliem- 
eelves.  Nothing  can  alter  them,  and  unless  they 
were  altered  nothing  but  the  utter  condemnation  of 
Brazil  for  au  unjustiUable  and  cruel  war  would  be 
possible. 

Lopez,  the  President  of  Paraguay,  had  not  failed 
to  send  the  protest  of  his  State  against  the  action  of 
Brazil  in  this  matter.  But  his  protests  were  received 
at  Rio  de  Janeiro  with  insolence,  and  he  retaliated 
speedily  by  seizing  a  Brazilian  vessel  which  lie 
found  on  her  way  up  the  Parana,  and  detaining  her 
crew  and  passengers  as  prisoners  of  war.  On  the 
next  day  the  representative  of  Brazil  at  Assuncion 
was  formally  notified  that  as  his  government  liad 
refused  attention  to  the  protests  of  the  President, 
the  river  would  henceforth  be  closed  to  Brazilian 
vessels,  and  the  imperial  flag  tivatcd  as  that  of  au 
enemy.  The  Brazilian  Minister  thereupon  demanded 
and  received  his  passports,  and  in  less  than  a  month 
a  Paraguayan  array  had  entered  the  Brazilian 
province  of  Matto  Grosso,  from  which  communica- 
tion with  the  capitid  was  now  completely  cut  oil. 
After  bombarding  and  carrying  by  assault  the  fort 
of  Novo  Coimbra,  the  most  important  in  the 
province,  all  the  principal  cities,  including  at  last 
the  capital,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  invaders. 

The  treaty  of  peace  which  tlie  traitor  Flores  en- 
tered into  with  Brazil  did  not  contain  any  reference 
to  Paraguay,  whose  President  had  thus  nobly  de- 
fended the  cause  of  liberty,  in  behalf  of  the  Uru- 
guayans. It  was  followed  by  an  oll'cnsive  alliance 
agiuust  Lopez  on  the  part  of  Brazil,  Uruguay,  and 
the  Argentine  Kepublie,  effected  through  a  treat}' 
whose  political  impoi'tanee  is  too  great  to  justify  its 
not  receiving  a  place  here.  For  a  long  time  it  was 
kept  secret,  and  it  was  not  till  the  war  had  been 
continued  several  months  that  it  gained  publicity, 
much  to  the  annoyance  of  the  signatories.  It  was 
as  follows : — 

"  The  governments  of  the  Oriental  Republic  of 
Lniguay,  of  His  Majesty  the  Emperor  of  Brazil,  and 
ct  iL2  Argentine  Republic  (against  the  last  two  of 
these  >7i»i-  has  been  declared  by  the  government  of 
Paraguay,  and  the  first  is  in  a  state  of  hostilities,  hav- 
ing its  internal  security  threatened  by  the  same  gov- 
ernment of  Paraguay,  which,  after  having  disturbed 
its  relations  with  the  neighbouring  governments  by 
the  most  abusive  as  well  as  aggressive  acts,  has 
violated  its  territory,  broken  solemn  treaties,  and 
disregarded  the  intcrnaticmal  law  of  civilized  na- 
tions i)y  committing  the  most  unjustifiable  acts), 
persuaded  that  the  peace,  security,  and  well-being 
of  their  respective  nations  are  impossible  while  the 
actual  government  of  Paraguay  exists,  and  that 
the  greatest  interests  demand  as  of  imperious 
necessity  that  said  government  be  set  aside,  with- 
out, however,  any  oti'ence  to  the  sovereignty,  inde- 
pendence, and  integrity  of  said  republic  and  its 
territory,  have  resolved  to  enter  into  a  treaty  of 
alliance,  offensive  and  defensive,  in  order  to  obtain 
the  object  set  forth  above,  and  to  this  end  they  have 
appointed  as  their  plenipotentiaries,  to  wit :  His 
Excellijncy  the  Provisional  Governor  of  the  Oriental 
Republic  of  Uruguay  has  appoiuted  D.  Don  Carlos 
de  Castro,  Secretary  of  State  for  Foreign  Affairs ; 
His  Majesty  the  Emperor  of  Brazil  has  appointed 
His  Excellency,  D.  Don  Octaviano  do  Almeida  Rosa, 
of  his  Council,  Deputy  to  the  General  Legislative 
Assembly  and  Official  of  the  Imperial  Order  of  tlie 
Rose ;  Ilis  Excellency  the  President  of  the  Argen- 
tine Confederation  has  appointed  Dr.  Dos  Rutino  de 
Elizaldc,  Secretary  of  State  for  Foreign  Aflairs. 
After  having  exchanged  their  respective  credentials 
and  found  them  in  good  and  due  form,  these  pleni- 
potentiaries have  agreed  upon  and  entered  into  the 
following  treaty  of  alliance  :— 

"AkticleI.  The  Oriental  Republic  of  Uruguay, 
His  Majesty  the  Emperor  of  Brazil,  and  the  Argentine 
Republic,  contract  an  ollensive  and  defensive  alliance 
in  the  war  which  has  been  provoked  by  the  govern- 
ment of  Paraguay. 

"  Art.  II.  The  allies  shall  use  all  the  means  at 
their  disposal  by  land  or  ou  the  rivers,  according  as 
may  neeome  necessary. 

Akt.  hi.  As  hostilities  will  have  to  begin  on  the 
Bou  of  the  Argentine  Republic,  or  on  the  adjoining 
border  of  the  Paraguayan  territory,  the  command-iu- 
chisf  and  direction  of  the  allied  armies  shall  fall  to 
the  charge  of  Brigadier-(icneral  Don  Bartolome 
Mitre,  President  of  the  Argentine  Repul)lic  and 
bencral-iu-Cliief  of  its  army."    i'hc  naval  forces  of 


the  allies  shall  be  under  the  immediate  orders  of 
Vice-Admiral  the  Viscount  de  Tamandare,  Comrnand- 
ing-in-Chief  the  Squadron  of  His  Majesty  the 
Emperor  of  Brazil.  The  land  forces  of  the  Oriental 
Kei>iiblic  of  Uruiiuay,  one  division  of  the  Argentine 
triiii].s,  iiiul  aimther  of  Braziiian,  to  be  designated  by 
their  resjieetive  siii)erior  officers,  shall  form  an  army 
to  be  under  the  iMimcdiate  command  of  Brigadier- 
General  Don  Vaiiancio  Flores,  Provisional  Governor 
of  the  Oriental  Republic  of  Uruguay.  The  land 
forces  of  His  Majesty  the  Emperor  of  Brazil  shall 
form  an  army  under  the  immediate  command  of 
Brigadier-General  Don  Manuel  Lius  Osorio,  its  Gcn- 
eral-in-Cliief.  Although  the  high  contracting  parties 
are  agreed  in  not  changing  the  theatre  of  the  war's 
oiierations,  nevcrthcUss,  in  order  to  preserve  the 
sovereign  rights  of  th(j  three  nations,  they  now 
agree  to  follow  the  principle  of  reciprocity  as  re- 
gards the  chief  command  of  the  allied  arnij',  so  as 
to  provide  for  any  case  which  might  require  the 
war's  operations  to  be  transferred  to  Oriental  or 
Brazilian  territory. 

"  Akts.  IV.  and  V.  refer  to  the  internal  order  and 
regulation,  as  well  as  paj',  etc.,  of  the  troops,  and 
the  mutual  settlement  of  accounts  occasioned  there- 

by. 

"Art.  VI.  The  allies  solemnly  bind  themselves 
not  to  lay  down  their  arms  unless  by  common  con- 
sent, nor  until  they  have  overturned  the  actual 
government  of  Paraguay ;  neither  shall  they  separ- 
ately treat  of  or  sign  any  treaty  of  peace,  truce, 
armistice,  or  agreement  whatever,  to  end  or  suspend 
the  war,  except  it  bo  mutually  agreed  to. 

"Akt.  VII.  As  the  war  is  not  waged  against  tlic 
people  of  Paraguay,  but  against  its  government,  the 
allies  may  admit  into  a  Paraguayan  legion  all  the 
citizens  of  that  nation  who  may  wish  to  aid  in  the 
overthrow  of  said  government,  and  will  furnish 
them  witli  wliatever  they  may  need,  in  the  form  and 
under  the  conditions  that  shall  be  agreed  upon. 

"  AuT.  VIII.  The  allies  bind  themselves  to  respect 
the  indei)eudence,  sovereignty,  and  territorial  iu- 
tcgritj'  of  the  Rejjublic  of  Paraguay.  In  consequence, 
the  people  of  Paraguay  shall  be  enabled  to  choose 
whatever  government  and  institutions  may  suit 
them,  "without  having  to  submit,  as  a  result  of  the 
war,  to  incorporation  with  any  of  the  allies,  or  hav- 
ing to  accejjt  the  proti'ctorate  of  any  of  them. 

"  Art.  IX.  The  independence,  sovcrcigntj',  and 
territorial  integrity  of  the  Republic  of  Paraguaj' 
shall,  in  accordance  with  the  preceding  Article,  be 
guaranteed  collectively  by  flie  high  contracting 
parties  for  the  term  of  five  years. 

"Art.  X.  It  is  agreed  between  the  high  contract- 
ing parties  that  the  exemptions,  privileges,  or  con- 
cessions which  they  may  obtain  from  the  government 
of  Paraguay  shall  be  connnon  to  them  all — gratuit- 
ously should  they  be  so  obtained,  and  upon  common 
conditions,  if  they  should  be  obtained  condition- 
ally. 

"Art.  XI.  After  the  present  government  of  Para- 
guay shall  have  been  overthrown,  the  allies  shall 
Ijroeeed  to  make  arrangements  with  the  newly  con- 
stituted authority,  in  order  to  secure  the  free  navi- 
gation of  tlie  rivers  Parana  and  Paragua}',  so  that 
the  lavi's  or  regulations  of  said  Republic  may  not 
obstruct,  impede,  or  tax  the  transit  across  or  navi- 
gation along  said  rivers  by  the  merchants  or  -war 
vessels  of  the  allied  States,  bouud  to  poiuts  within 
their  respective  territories,  or  within  territory  which 
may  not  belong  to  Paraguay;  and  they  shall  require 
proper  guarantees  to  secure  the  effectiveness  of  said 
arrangements,  but  ou  condition  that  said  arrange- 
ments concerning  river  policy — whether  as  regards 
the  aforementioned  rivers  or  the  Uruguay  as  well — 
sliall  be  drawn  up  in  common  accord  between  the 
allies,  and  whatever  other  littoral  States  may,  within 
the  period  agreed  upon  by  the  allies,  accept  the  in- 
vitation that  may  be  extended  to  them. 

"Akt.  XII.  The  allies  reserve  to  themselves  the 
right  of  concerting  the  most  suitable  measures  to 
guarantee  peace  with  the  Republic  of  Paraguay  after 
the  overthrow  of  its  present  government. 

"Art.  XIII.  The  allies  will,  at  the  proper  time, 
name  the  plenipotentiaries  who  shall  represent  them 
in  conference  to  make  whatever  agreements,  couven- 
tions,  or  treaties  may  be  necessary  with  the  new 
government  that  shall  be  established  in  Paraguay. 

"Art.  XIV.  Tiie  allies  shall  exact  from  said 
government  payment  for  the  expenses  caused  by 
this  war — a  war  which  has  been  forced  upon  them  ; 
and  also  reparation  and  indemnification  for  the 
injuries  and  wrong  done  to  their  private  as  well  as 
public  property,  aud  to  the  persons  of  their  citizens, 
previous  to  any  express  declaration  of  war  ;  likewise 
for  the  injuries  and  wrongs  caused  subsequentl}',  in 
violation  of  the  principles  that  govern  in  the  laws  of 
war.  The  Oriental  Republic  of  Uruguay  shall, 
moreover,  exact  an  indemnity  proportionate  to  the 
injuries  aud  wrongs  which  the  government  of  Para- 
guay has  done  her  in  the  war,  into  which  it  com- 
j  pcUed  her  to  enter  for  the  defence  of  her  rights, 
1  threatened  by  said  government. 


"Art.  XV.  Provides  for  the  manner  and  form  of 
the  settlements  to  be  made,  under  the  preceding 
Articles. 

"Art.  XVI.  In  order  to  avoid  the  discussions 
and  wars  that  arise  out  of  (juestions  relatirg  to  ter- 
ritorial boundaries,  it  is  agreed  that  the  allies  shall 
require  of  the  governmcut  of  Paraguay  to  make  a 
special  treaty  with  each  one  to  define  their  respective 
boundaries,  on  the  following  basis  : — 

"  The  Argentine  Republic  shall  be  separated  from 
the  Rei)ublie  of  Paraguay  by  the  rivers  Parana  and 
Paraguay  u[)  to  the  points  where  said  rivers  touch 
Brazilian  soil,  such  point  in  the  case  of  the  Para- 
guay River  being  on  its  right  bank  at  the  Bahia 
Negra. 

"  The  Empire  of  Brazil  shall  be  scjjaratcd  from 
the  Republic  of  Paraguay,  on  the  side  of  the 
Parana  by  the  first  river  above  the  falls  called  the 
Seven  Cataracts,  the  line  running  from  the  mouth  of 
said  river  along  iis  whole  course  to  its  source  ;  ac- 
cording to  the  new  map  of  M<mehpz,  said  river  is  the 
Ygurey.  On  the  left  bank  of  the  River  Paraguay,  it 
shall  be  separated  by  the  River  Apa,  from  its  mouth 
to  its  source.  In  the  interior,  they  shall  be  separated 
by  the  Maracayn  range  of  mountains,  the  eastern 
slopes  of  which  belong  to  Brazil,  and  the  western  to 
Paraguay,  between  the  two  points  at  which  the 
shortest  straight  lines  can  be  drawn  respectively 
from  the  said  range  to  the  sources  of  the  Apa  and 
Yf;urey. 

"Art.  XVII.  The  allies  mutually  guarantee  to 
each  other  the  faithful  fulfillment  of  the  agreements, 
conventions,  and  treaties  that  may  be  necessary  to 
make  with  the  government  that  is  to  be  established 
in  Paraguay,  in  accordance  with  the  stipulations  of 
the  present  treaty  of  alliance,  which  shall  remain  in 
full  force  aud  vigour  until  those  stii)ulation8  shall 
be  respected  and  fulfilled  by  the  Republic  of  Para- 
guay. In  order  to  obtain  this  result,  they  agree  that 
In  case  one  of  the  liigh  cimtracting  parties  fail  to 
obtain  from  the  government  of  Paraguay  the  fulfill- 
ment of  its  agreement,  or  that  the  latter  government 
atteiniit  to  annul  the  stipulations  agreed  to  with  the 
allies,  the  others  shall  actively  use  all  their  etlorta 
to  obtain  their  fulfillment.  If  these  are  useless,  the 
allies  shall  join  together  all  their  means  to  render 
efiiective  the  stipulations  made  with  them. 

"Art.  XVIII.  This  treaty  shall  remain  in  secret 
until  the  principal  object  of  the  alliance  be  ob- 
tained. 

"  Art.  XIX.  Such  stipulations  of  this  treaty  as  do 
not  need  legislative  ratification  shall  begin  to  have 
effect  as  soon  as  they  shall  be  ajiproved  by  their 
respective  governments,  and  the  remainder  imme- 
diately after  the  exchange  of  ratifications,  which 
shall  take  place  withiu  the  period  of  forty  daya 
from  the  date  of  this  treaty,  or  before,  if  pos- 
sible. 

"  In  testimony  whereof,  we,  etc.,  etc.,  have  at- 
tached our  names  and  seals,  in  the  city  of  Buenos 
A  res,  tills  first  day  of  May,  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord,  1865. 
"(Signed) 

"  C.  De  Castro, 

"  J.  Octaviano  Db  Almeida  Rosa, 
"  Rutino  De  Elizaxde. 


"  PROTOCOL. 

"  Their  excellencies  the  Plenipotentiaries  of  the 
Argentine  Republic,  of  the  Oriental  Republic  of 
Uruguay,  and  of  His  Majesty  the  Emperor  of  Brazil, 
have  agreed : — 

"  I.  That,  in  execution  of  the  treaty  of  alliance  of 
this  date,  the  fortifications  of  Humaita  shall  be  de- 
molished ;  and  it  shall  not  be  permitted  to  erect 
others  of  a  like  nature,  that  might  impede  the  faith- 
ful execution  of  said  treaty. 

"  II.  That,  it  being  onedf  the  necessary  measures 
to  guarantee  a  peace  with  the  government  Miat  shall 
be  established  in  Paraguay,  there  be  left  in  Paraguay 
neither  arms  nor  munitions  of  war  ;  such  as  may  be 
found  there  shall  be  divided  in  eciual  parts  among 
the  allies. 

"  III.  That  the  trophies  or  booty  which  may  be 
taken  from  the  enemy  shall  be  divided  among  the 
allies  capturing  the  same. 

"  That  the  commander  of  the  allied  armies  shall 
concert  the  measures  necessary  to  carry  into  effect 
what  is  herein  stipulated. 

"And  they  signed  this  protocol  in  Buenos  Ayres 
on  the  first  day  of  May,  1805. 

"(Signed) 

"  Carlos  De  Castro, 

"  J.  Octaviano  De  Almeida  Rosa, 

"  RuFiNo  De  Elizalde." 

Brazil  having  been  the  moving  power  in  this  pro- 
ceeding, thv;  disgrace  of  it  must  fall  upon  the  em- 
pire.   Conaif" 'jring  the  circumstances  under  whirb 


183 


HISTORY  OF 


the  treaty  was  made,  ami  thnt  the  justification  of  it 
rested  upon  an  untruth,  the  only  credit  that  can  bo 
found  for  Hrazil  was  in  tlio  fact  "that  liergovcrnnu-nt 
was  axlianu'd  of  wliat  it  liad  done.  Tliey  were  vastly 
disturbed,  or  i)ret<  nded  to  bo  80,  when  the  a^^ree- 
ment  tliat  had  been  ra'ilied  with  the  southern  re- 
l)Ublies  liecaine  known  to  the  world,  and  when  they 
found  public  opinion  lienouneini^  them  for  their 
treai  hcry.  The  whole  proceeding  is  very  simple 
and  very  bad,  and  it  cannot  be  made  better  by  any 
effort  to  give  it  an  ai)i)earance  of  complicity. 
A;.;uirre  was  the  legally  elected  jjrcsident  of  Uruguay. 
Brazil,  by  interfering  in  Uruguayan  allairs,  and  sup- 
porting the  insurgent  Flores  in  his  rebellion  against 
Aguirre,  cominitte:l  a  work  which  no  argument  can 
justify,  and  one  whicli  Hra/.il  dare  not  have  attempted 
in  the  affairs  of  any  power  equal  to  herself  iu 
strength.  Lopez  did  a  perfectly  justifiable  act  iu  pro- 
testing against  this  unwarrantable  interference,  and 
in  taking  the  part  of  his  republican  neighbour  against 
imperial  impertinence  The  union  of  the  republics 
against  liini  at  the  dictation  of  Brazil  was  therefore 
an  act  of  treaeher}'  to  the  principles  they  themselves 
jirofessed,  and  of  ingratitude  to  the  nation  that  had 
voluntarily  stood  by  one  of  them  in  defence  of 
liberty  and  constitutional  rights.  Brazil  was  the 
lirst  offender,  and  although  by  force  of  arras  and 
superior  resources  she  at  last  destroyed  the  Presi- 
dent of  Paraguay  and  placed  his  country  at  her 
mercy,  the  name  of  Lopez  will  ever  be  coupled  with 
the  fame  that  belongs  to  valour  and  patriotism, 
while  that  of  the  empire  must  perforce  be  content 
with  the  disgrace  that  attaches  to  an  abuse  of  power. 

Lopez  had  had  reason  to  distrust  the  loyalty  of 
the  Argentines  for  some  time,  and  without  waiting 
for  any  formal  declaration  on  their  part,  he  fol- 
lowed the  same  course  that  he  had  pursued  against 
Brazil,  first  seizing  an  Argentine  vessel  on  the  river, 
and  afterwards  sending  an  army  of  invasion  into 
Argentine  territorj'.  iMutual  declarations  of  war 
now  took  place,  the  republic  leading  off  on  the  Kith 
of  April  and  the  Congress  of  Paraguay  following 
suit  two  days  later. 

These  notices  were  followed  by  active  exertions  on 
both  sides  to  prepare  for  a  vigorous  campaign. 
I'aragnay  having  on  her  part  to  resist  the  com- 
bined force  of  Brazil  and  her  surrounding  neigh- 
b(nirs,  found  it  necessary  to  put  forth  the  full 
I)ower  of  lier  people.  The  position  she  had  gained 
at  the  outset  was,  nevertheless,  lost.  An  Aigentine 
arn)y  under  General  Parmero,  aided  by  a  Brazilian 
fleet,  recaptured  the  city  of  Corieut's,  where  Lopez 
had  established  a  provisional  government,  but  being 
nnable  to  hold  the  place,  it  was  abandoned  on  the 
followinjj  (lay.  The  victory,  nevertlieles^,  belonged 
to  the  allies,  who  took  three  guns,  a  standard,  and  a 
considerable  quantity  of  arms  and  ammunition,  and 
gained  thereby  a  moral  advantage  of  which  some  of 
them  were  much  in  need.  The  eflcct  was,  however, 
fcoon  to  be  destroyed.  A  few  days  afterwards  an 
army  of  Paraguayans  under  (icneral  Lagrima,  to  the 
number  of  eight  thousand  men,  forced  the  passage 
of  tlu^  Urug\iay  at  San  IJorja  by  means  of  a  number 
of  flat-bottomiMl  boats  which  "llu'y  had  with  them. 
Before  noon,  under  coyer  of  a  fi:w  pieces  of  ar- 
tillery and  in  face  of  afire  obstinately  maintained b^' 
a  Hra/.ilian  forc(!  on  the  other  side,  they  had  nearly 
all  the  troops  landed  on  the  enemy's  territory,  and 
tin'  force  he  had  sent  to  resist  them  was  driven 
back  U])on  the  town.  Here  the  Hrazilians,  reinforced 
by  a  battalion  of  infantry  and  two  hundred  and  fifty 
cavalry,  prepared  to  make  a  stand.  But  they  fell  back 
at  the  first  attack,  and  the  Paraguayans  entered  the 
place,  lifting  there  one  day,  Lagrima  led  his  army 
to  Itaquy,  antl  soon  after  occupied  the  important 
town  of  Uruguyana.  '1  he  impolicy  of  this  move- 
mi'iit,  successful  though  it  v.'as,  soon  liecamc  mani- 
fest. The  allies  concentrated  their  forces  between 
the  I'ruguay  and  Parana,  where,  at  a  review  of  the 
allied  armies,  it  was  fouml  they  mustered  ~0,()()0  men, 
of  whom  :i,(MK)  were  <-avalry,  and  thirty-two  pieces  of 
cannon.  Flores,  a  few  days  after,  effected  a  junc- 
tion with  Parmero,  thereiiy  increasing  the  men  at 
Ids  command  to  '.1,000,  besides  forty  iiieres  of  artil- 
lery. W'itli  tliis  conjoined  force  he  attacked  a  [lart 
of  the  army  of  Lagrima,  consisting  of  :i,()0()  men, 
which  hail  been  in  communication  with  llie  town  of 
Uniguvana,  but  from  wliicli  it  \va8  now  cut  oil  by  a 
sin  ill  Bra/.illan  sipiadron  in  the  liio  (irande.  The 
battli'  took  pl.iee  i  lo.-i>  t.itlie  town  Kestauracion,  and 
was  furiiiu -ly  conti'steil  by  both  sidi^s. 

Hut  the  Paraguayans,  overpowcreil  by  numbers,  at 
last  had  to  yield,  though  not  till  more  than  a 
fourth  of  their  number  hail  been  killed.  The  allies, 
whose  lo,-s  did  not  cxc  'e<l  '.i.50,  look  l,(i(X)  ^jrisoners, 
Including  their  comnninder,  and  by  llieir  victory  not 
only  cleared  the  way  for  the  relief  of  Uruguyana,  but 
cut  olT  all  means  of  retreat  from  the  army  then  in 
poM-i  ssiiiu  of  the  city. 

While  these  things  were  going  on  on  land,  the 
naval  forces  of  the  oppo-lng  nations  were  not  idle. 
The  Paraguayan  fleet,  consisting  of  eight  steamers, 
uid  «1\  rafU  aruicd  with  heavy  giinj,  descended  the 


Parana,  came  in  view  of  the  Brazilian  squadron  of 
nine  shijjs  on  the  11th  of  June,  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Kiachuelo,  and  without  stopping,  at  once  gave  hattle. 
Seldom  has  a  naval  conti'st  I'cen  fought  with  more 
desperate  determination  on  both  tides.  At  the  first 
onset  a  Brazilian  vessel  was  boarded,  and  her  Hag 
hauled  down  by  men  from  the  Paraguayan  vessels, 
but  she  was  immediately  afterwards  hoarded  from 
another  of  the  imjierial  scpiadron,  the  crew  over- 
powered, and  her  flag  replaced.  Commanders  on 
both  sides  strove  to  place  their  ships  alongside  the 
enemy,  and  throughout  the  day  a  series  of  hand-to- 
hand  eonllicts,  in  one  of  whicn  the  Paraguayan  ad- 
miral was  wounded,  characterized  the  fight.  A  more 
bloody  struggle  has  seldom  been  recorded.  It  lasted, 
without  intermission,  from  half  jjast  nine  iu  the 
morning  till  si.\  hi  the  evening,  nor  did  the  Paraguay- 
ans then  retire  till  three  of  their  ships  had  gone 
aground  and  been  destroyed,  another  sunk,  six  of 
their  rafts  lost,  and  18UU  men  had  been  killed  or 
wounded.  The  Brazilians  stated  their  loss  at  three 
hundred  in  killed  and  wounded,  and  serious  damage 
done  to  every  vessel  in  the  tleet. 

This,  and  the  surrender  of  the  garrison  in  Uru- 
guyana, which  speedily  followed  the  victory  at 
Ke.^tauracion,  led  to  the  evacuation  of  the  pro\ince 
of  Corrientcs  by  the  Paraguayan  general,  who  re- 
treated unmolested  and  in  good  order  into  his  ovm 
territory.  The  allies  thereupon,  without  seeking  to 
follow  him  through  the  floods  and  marches  that  had 
been  swelled  by  the  heavy  rains,  planned  an  invasion 
of  the  province  by  the  Parana.  The  Brazilian  fleet, 
of  sixteen  ships  and  seventy-seven  guns,  accordingly 
assembled  at  the  mouth  of  the  Paraguay  to  carrj'  the 
allied  forces  up  the  river,  it  being  the  intention  of 
the  commanders  to  concentrate  them  at  Paso  de  la 
Patria  on  the  frontier,  and  to  make  an  attack  upon 
the  fortress  of  llumaita,  where  the  Paraguayans  took 
e.Ytraordinary  measures  of  defence. 

Still  determined  as  long  as  possible  to  act  on  the 
olten-ive,  a  force  of  Paraguayans  about  CUD  strong 
crossed  over  to  the  Argentine  side  of  the  river,  near 
the  frontier,  and  being  reinforced  liy  4,000  troops, 
that  crossed  immediately  after,  gave  battle  to  an 
army  of  about  the  same  strength  under  General 
llornos,  but  after  a  resolute  struggle,  which  was 
continued  with  varying  fortune  throughout  the 
greater  part  of  the  day,  the  Paraguayans  were  at  last 
forced  to  reeross  the  river,  leaving  their  dead  and 
wounded  on  the  field.  Keverses  of  this  kind  did 
not  aliate  their  energies  or  resolution.  For  two 
months  they  continued  to  harass  the  enemy,  invad- 
ing his  territory  and  inflicting  heavy  loss,  ever}'  con- 
test being  accompanied  with  great  slaughter.  By 
that  time  the  Brazilian  fleet  had  taken  up  position, 
one  division  being  opposite  the  Paso  de  la  t^atria,  and 
the  other  at  the  junction  of  the  Paraguay  and 
Parana  rivers.  The  aides  si^on  possessed  themselves 
of  a  small  island  in  front  of  Itapicu,  which  was  re- 
garded of  much  strategic  importance;  and  iu  an  ef- 
fort to  recover  possession  of  it,  a  Paraguayan  force 
under  Captain  Romero  lost  nearlj-  a  thousand  men, 
besides  SOO  muskets  and  thirty  cannons,  the  com- 
mander himself  being  taken  prisoner. 

The  allies  now  entered  the  territor}'  of  the  re- 
public.   On  the  l<;th  of  April,  1800,  they  pushed 
foiward  an  army  of  1.5,000  men,  under  the"  lirazilian 
general,  Osorio,  landing  tlwrn,  without  opposition, 
on  the  Paraguayan  side,  and  at,  ihe  junction  of  the 
two  rivers.    Tiiej-  advanced  cautiously  from  this, 
under  cover  of  the  fleet,  defeating  at  intervals  vari- 
ous detachment-;  of  the  enemy — never  more  than 
3,000  strong — till  they  became  complete  masters  of 
the  Paso  de  la  Patria  and  the  fortress  of  Iiai)icu, 
which  they  destroyed.    In  this  advance  the  allies 
took  several  iirisoners,  a  standanl,  and  two  fine 
l)ieces  of  artillery.    But  Lopez  hastened  to  remedy 
the  disaster,  and  the  eflect  it  had  had  upon  his  : 
troops.    On  the      of  .May,  at  the  head  of  >S,000  men,  j 
he  advanced  upon  the  iiosition  of  (icneral  Flores,  I 
and  in  a  short  time  jnit  the  whole  army  to  flight,  not, 
however,  till  Ihe  allies  had  lost  nearly  seventeen  [ 
hundred  in  killed  and  wounded,  among  whom  was 
a  large  siumber  of  olHcers.     Flores   lost  all  his 
artillery  and  a  great  quantity  of  b  trgage.    At  this 
?uoment,  when  the  utter  destruction  of  his  army 
seemed  imminent,  he  was  suddenly  and  \incxpected- 
ly  reinforced  by  a  jiicked  body  of  Brazilian  troops, 
under  the  command  of  Osorio,  and  by  these  the 
fortune  of  the  day  was  turned.    They  charged  upon 
the  eiH'my,  under  a  heavy  fire  of  artillery,  and  sue-  ' 
ceedcd   in  cutting   cinnpletely  through  his  lines,  [ 
compelling  him  to  fall  li.u  k  and,  finally,  to  retrial 
from  the  ground  he  had  gained  in  the  morinng  from 
Flores.     I'he   Brazilians  acknowledged   that   the  I 
regiment  under  Osorio,  which  aecomjdished  this,  ! 
and  which  had  gone  into  the  confiict  nearly  seven  : 
hundred  strong,  mustered  oidy  forty-one  men  at  the  ' 
close  of  the  (lav.  | 

The  same  desperate  indilTerence  to  cverj-thing 
save  victory  characterized  the  whole  of  this  "devas- 
lating  and  unjustifiable  war  —  the  Paraguayans,] 
lighliug  as  they  were  against  enormous  odds,  espe- 1 


cially  signalizing  themselves  for  daring  and  intrepid- 
ity.   Three  week>4  after  the  event  just  recorded, 
nicy  assembled  an  army  of  13,000  infantry  and  8,000 
cavalry  at  Tu"iutz,  where  they  attacked  a  combined 
and  strmiger  force  of  the  allies,  but  were  everywhere 
repulsed,  after  five  hours'  lighting.    Their  losses  on 
this  occasion  were  placed  at  4,570,  killed.and  wound- 
ed, four  pieces  of  artillery,  five  standards,  three 
regimental  colors,  and  a  large  quantity  of  arms  and 
ammunition.    The  allies  also  snfl'ercd  considerably, 
:  losing  3,317  in  killed  and  wounded,  and  they  appear 
j  to  have  suffered  still  more  in  momt,  for  they  did 
not  follow  up  their  success,  but  allowed  Lopez  to 
occupy  the  same  ground  he  liad  held  before,  and,  in 
a  measure,  gave  reason  to  justify  a  report  wherein 
he  afterwards  claimed  the  victory.    It  is  doubtful 
j  whether,  if  he  had  acted  vigourously  on  the  offensive 
the  next  day,  he  might  not  have  inflicted  a  more 
decisive  blow  upon  the  enemy,  but  this  he  could  not 
j  at  that  time  do.    Having  a  few  days  after  received 
I  some  heavy  guns,  he  resolved  then  upon  the  at- 
I  tempt,  and  on  the  14th  of  June,  three  weeks  again 
after  the  battle  of  Tugnitz,  he  began  a  vigourous 
[  fire  with  OS  and  llO-ixuiud  shot  upon  the  camp  of 
the  allies,  who  also  had  remained  inactive  during  the 
interval.    The  cannonade  was  tremendous.    It  was 
estimated  that  more  than  three  thousand  heavy  shot 
fell  into  the  midst  of  the  enemy,  who  had  no 
I  artillery  with  wliieh  to  return  the  fire,  and  who 
'  suffered  the  entire  lo.is  of  their  baggage,  camp 
!  material,  and  tents. 

j  The  allies  now  began  to  see  that  the  work  they 
!  had  undertaken  was  not  to  be  accomplished  without 
[  much  difficulty  and  many  sacrifices.  A  conference 
of  the  several  commanders  was  thereupon  sum- 
moned, and,  after  a  long  discussion,  it  was  resolved 
to  make  a  simultaneous  attack  upon  the  enemj-  with 
all  their  forces.  The  fleet,  led  by  the  iron-dad  Rio 
de  Janeiro,  and  carrjing  seven  thousand  troops, 
steamed  up  the  river  on  the  )id  of  September,  but 
their  progress  was  checked  by  a  masked  battery 
near  Curupaiti,  from  which  a  heavy  fire  was  opened 
as  the}-  advanced.  The  Paraguayans  here  first 
availed  themsi-h  es  of  the  use  of  torpedoes,  and  one 
of  the  first  results  was  the  destruction  of  the  Rio  de 
Janeiro  by  that  means.  The  commander  of  the 
forces.  Baron  Porto  Alegro,  then  landed  three  thou- 
sand men  at  a  sj)ot  a  little  lower  down  the  river,  the 
Admiral  meanwhile  keeping  up  a  sharp  fire  upon 
the  forts.  The  troops  advanced  unflinchingly,  under 
a  storm  of  grape,  until  they  came  within  three  hun- 
dred yards,  when,  with  loud  vivas,  they  stormed  the 
place,  drove  out  the  garrison,  and  in  a  few  minutes 
had  the  Paraguayan  flag  hauled  down.  Their  loss 
ia  this  affair  was  not  less  than  1,300  men,  besides 
the  frigate,  for  which  they  look  nine  guns,  three 
flags,  and  some  ammunition. 

xVn  attempt  was  soon  afterwards  made  to  arrange 
terms  for  jjcace.  Presidents  Lopez  and  .Mitre  nict 
for  this  purpose,  but  nothing  was  accomplished  ; 
and  the  allies  saw  no  course  open  to  them  but  to 
renew  their  energ}'.  They  therefore  determined  to 
attack  the  fortress  of  Curupaiti,  two  n)iles  further 
up  the  river,  and  one  of  the  strongest  in  the  re- 
public. It  was  garrisoned  by  l."),OtK)  men,  and  de- 
fended by  fifty-six  heavy  guns.  On  the  land  side 
the  nature  of  the  country  materially  added  to  its 
strength,  being  surroinided  on  the  lower  sides  with 
deep  marshes,  which  the  Paraguayans  had  further  de- 
fended with  works  of  considerable  ingenuity.  The 
fort  was  bombarded  on  the  '^'M  of  September  by  all 
the  vessels  of  the  fleet  with  very  little  effect",  al- 
though the  tiring  was  eontinued  without  interuiis- 
sion  for  more  than  four  hours.  Three  of  the  large.'-t 
iron-clads  then  closed  iu  to  within  a  hundred  and 
fity  yards  of  the  walls,  and  opened  a  rapid  and  con- 
tinuous fire.  But  it  was  returned  with  eipial  vigour, 
and  the  vessels  received  so  much  damage  that  it 
became  evident  that  success  could  not  be  secured 
from  the  river  side,  (icneral  .Mitre,  who,  at  the  be- 
ginning of  the  attack,  had  advanced  from  Curuzu, 
had  by  this  time  carried  the  first  line  of  entrench- 
ments, the  enemy  retiring  before  him,  with  their 
guns,  into  Curupaiti.  But  the  allies  found  that  Ihe 
movement  was  to  them  no  gain.  They  had  now  to 
advance  through  the  wide  swamp  that  surrounded 
the  fort,  and  that,  too,  under  a  merciless  lire  from  the 
enemy's  artillery,  and  in  about  four  feel  of  water. 
Willi  Much  determination  and  a  bravery  worthy  of 
a  bottt;r  cause,  they  persevered  in  the  allempl  for 
nearly  two  hours,  luit  found  that  they  could  neither 
advance  before  the  pitiless  storm  of  grape  and 
round-shot  that  iuowimI  through  them,  neither 
could  they  make  any  inipres>i(m  upon  the  enemy. 
Under  these  circumstances  they  retreated,  leaving 
five  thousand  of  their  number  dead  beliind  lliein, 
and  giving  up  all  hoi)e  of  making  any  furtlicr 
progress  in  the  war  for  that  year. 

Curupaiti  was  meanwhile"  fin-lher  strengthened. 
General  Flores  rested  with  his  troops  at  home  in 
Monte  Video.  President  .Mitre  retired  to  Tugnitz, 
and  active  exertions  for  a  renewal  of  the  campaign 
iu  the  following  year  was  reverted  by  the  allies  to 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


183 


their  respective  governments.  By  these  the  posi- 
tion of  affairs  was  considered  with  considerable 
anxiety,  but  no  alteration  was  made  in  the  plans, 
and  at  the  beginnini^  of  the  following  year  a  further 
effort  to  gain  possession  of  Curupaiti  was  made 
with  all  the  strengtli  of  the  allies.  The  mode  of 
procedure  differed  little  or  nothing  from  that  tried 
tiefore,  and  it  met  with  a  similar  result.  The 
Brazilian  iron-elads  were  almost  disabled  by  the 
lire  from  the  fort,  and  the  troops  of  the  allies  who 
tried  to  carry  the  place  by  assault  on  the  land  side 
wore  more  than  decimated.  To  explain  tlieir  defeat, 
the  Brazilians  sent  out  a  report  that  their  com- 
mander, the  Marquis  de  Caxias,  had  been  negotiat- 
ing with  General  Diaz,  who,  for  a  sum  of  three 
hundred  thousand  dollars,  had  agreed  to  admit  the 
Brazilian  troops  to  that  part  of  the  fortress  which 
was  entrusted  to  his  keeping.  There  did  not  appear 
to  be  any  truth  in  this,  or  if  there  was,  Diaz  can 
hardly  be  accused  of  treachery.  lie  allowed  the 
Brazilians  to  come  almost  up  to  the  fortification, 
when  suddenly  a  withering  artillery  tire  was  opened 
upon  them  from  every  side.  Dismay  instantly 
seized  all  ranks,  and  while  every  discharge  from  the 
fortress  cut  them  down,  those  who  were  able  sought 
safety  in  a  precipitous  retreat.  This  misfortune 
very  much  cooled  the  ardour  of  the  allies,  which 
was  further  lessened  by  an  insurrection  that  had 
just  previouslj-  broken  out  In  some  provinces  of  the 
Argentine  Confederation,  and  which  called  for  the 
presence  of  President  Mitre  and  a  large  force  of  the 
Argentine  army.  The  allies  suffered  also  exceed- 
ingly from  cholera  and  fever,  acquired  in  the  marshy 
districts,  where  their  operations  had  recently  been 
much  confined.  So  that  it  was  not  till  towards  the 
end  of  August  that  active  work  was  recommenced. 
It  was  then  determined  to  pass  by  Curupaiti,  which 
had  so  successfully  withstood  the  best  efforts  of  the 
allies,  and  forcing  the  passage  of  the  rivers,  to  ad- 
vance to  Humaita,  a  place  of  about  equal  strength, 
but  which  had  now  l)een  rendered,  as  it  was  thought, 
inaccessible  by  land  batteries  and  torjiedoes.  The 
passage  by  Curupaiti  was  accomplished  without 
serious  loss,  notwithstanding  that  many  of  the  sliips 
were  struck,  at  point-blank  distance,  with  projectiles 
varying  from  80  to  250  pounds  weight.  Thus  en- 
couraged, renewed  advances  were  made  by  land,  and 
a  series  of  encounters,  waged  with  varying  success, 
mark  the  history  of  the  next  few  months.  The 
losses  on  both  sides  continued  to  be  enormous  ;  and 
the  heroic  nature  of  the  defense,  especially  when 
one  remembers  that  the  forces  at  the  disposal  of 
Lopez  were  not  more  than  one-half  the  number  of 
those  placed  in  the  field  by  the  allies,  is  worthy 
of  all  admiration.  For  every  reverse  suffered  by 
themselves,  the  Paraguayans  managed  to  obtain 
compensation  by  an  equivalent  damage  inflicted 
upon  the  enemy,  and  again  the  year  closed  with 
little  or  no  variation  in  the  position,  beyond  the  in- 
vestment of  Humaita  by  the  allies,  the  destruction 
of  several  ships  of  the  enemj-'s  squadron  by  the 
Paraguayans,  and  the  loss  of  several  thousands  of 
lives  on  both  sides.  The  resources  of  Lopez,  who 
had  entered  upon  the  struggle  with  full  preparation, 
appeared  to  be  boundless  ;  and  only  equalled  by  his 
own  and  his  people's  determination  to  defend  their 
country  to  the  last  extremity.  His  position,  too, 
was  stronger  in  every  respect  than  that  of  the 
enemy,  who  surpassed  him  only  in  numbers.  This 
condition,  however,  is  sometimes  too  much  under- 
rated. The  allies  would,  except  for  the  bonds  with 
which  they  had  bound  themselves  in  the  remarkable 
treaty  given  above,  have  gladl)-  brought  the  war  to 
a  close.  Yet  so  long  as  they  had  the  world  open  to 
them  behind,  and  the  determination  to  be  absolutely 
reckless  of  the  lives  of  their  citizens  as  an  incentive 
in  the  conduct  of  the  war,  it  must  have  been  evident, 
ut  this  stage  even,  that  success  of  some  kind  would 
ultimately  be  theirs. 

Brazil  suffered  least  from  this  war.  It  was  re- 
moved a  sufficient  distance  from  the  immediate 
Bcene  of  the  conflict  to  feel  it  but  little,  except  in  an 
increase  of  taxation.  But  the  war  was  not  popular. 
Many  of  the  subjects  of  Don  Pedro  openly  avowed 
the  injustice  of  it,  and  more  especially  when  it  now 
became  evident  that  the  burden  of  it  all  must  fall 
chiefly  upon  the  Brazilian  people.  The  Argentine 
Republic  and  Uruguay  having  been  compelled  to 
relax  their  efforts,  new  responsibilities  were  thrown 
upon  the  government  of  the  Emperor,  and  they 
found  it  no  easy  matter  to  raio^  money  to  meet  the 
increased  demand  that  was  being  made  upon  them. 
The  despatch  of  a  large  body  of  the  National  Guard 
to  the  seat  of  the  war  was  strongly  condemned,  and 
pridueed  a  feeling  of  general  discontent  throughout 
the  country.  Nevertheless  the  Emperor  would  not 
desist  from  the  undertaking,  and  with  more  obsti- 
nacy Ih.in  wisdom,  he  repeatedly  refused  otters  of 
mediati<ju  from  foreign  government?.  In  his  speech 
to  the  Brazilian  parliament,  delivered  at  this  period, 
occurs  the  followiujj  passage  : — 

"In  all  the  provmees  tlio  public  tranquility  has 
icmaincd  undisturbed,  and  the  quietness  with  which, 


in  general,  the  late  olect  ons  were  conducted  is  an- 
other proof  of  the  love  which  the  Brazilian  people 
feel  for  the  national  institutions.  Tlianks  to  Divine 
providence,  in  the  greater  jwrt  of  the  Empire  the 
state  of  public  health  is  satisfactory.  The  scourge 
of  cholera  morbus,  which  appeared  in  the  city  and  in 
some  localities  of  Bio  Janeiro,  S.  Pedro  do  Rio 
Grande  do  Sul  and  Santa  Calliarina,  rapidly  de- 
creased, and  was  less  deadly  than  on  its  first  a[)pear- 
ance.  The  government  took  all  possible  ])recau- 
tions.    The  war  provoked  by  the  President  of  Para- 

fuay  has  not  yet  arrived  at  "the  desired  result ;  but 
razil  and  the  Argentine  and  Oriental  republics — 
faitliful  to  the  alliance  contracted  between  them — 
will  shortly  obtain  it.  In  the  discharges  of  so  sacred 
a  duty  the  government  has  derived  the  most  valu- 
able assistance  from  the  indefatigable  efforts  of  all 
Brazilians,  and  confides  entirely  in  the  valour  of  the 
army,  navy,  national  guard,  and  the  volunteers,  to 
whom  is  due  the  deepest  gratitude  of  the  nation. 
The  cholera  morbus,  which  unhappily  invaded  the 
River  Platte,  has  made  considerable  ravages  among 
the  allied  forces  in  front  of  the  enemy.  I  deeply 
lament  the  death  of  so  many  brave  ones  who  longed 
so  ardently  to  risk  their  lives  in  battle  for  their 
country.  The  government  of  Peru  offered  its  good 
oflicos  to  Brazil  and  the  allied  republics,  as  prelim- 
inary to  the  mediations  of  the  same  republic  and 
those  of  Chili,  Bolivia  and  Ecuador  for  the  re-estab- 
lishment of  peace  with  Paraguay.  Recently  the 
government  of  the  United  States  offered  its  kindly 
mediation  for  the  same  purpose.  The  allies,  grate- 
ful for  these  offers,  could  not,  however,  accept 
them,  as  they  were  not  consistent  with  the  national 
honour.  I  have  the  pleasure  to  communicate  to  you 
that  Brazil  is  on  peaceful  terms  with  all  other  foreign 
powers  whose  friendly  relations  the  government 
seeks  to  cultivate.  A  decree  exidauatory  of  Article 
VII.  of  the  Consular  convention  celebrated  with 
France  has  been  signed  in  Paris,  and  is  now  in  force, 
thus  putting  an  cud  to  the  disagreement  which  was 
evinced  through  the  fracture  of  that  convention  on 
the  subject  of  inheritanc  es,  and  the  government 
anticipates  obtaining  a  similar  result  with  respect  to 
other  conventions  of  a  like  nature.  I  am  happy  to 
announce  to  you  that  by  decree  of  Dec.  7th,  in  last 
year,  the  navigation  of  the  Amazon,  of  some  of  its 
affluents,  and  of  the  rivers  Tocantins  and  San  Fran- 
cisco, is  from  the  7th  of  September  next,  free  to 
the  merchant  vessels  of  all  nations.  This  meas- 
ure, which  coincided  with  the  expectations  of  Bra- 
zilians and  foreigners,  promises  the  most  important 
benefits  to  the  empire.  The  public  revenue  con- 
tinues to  increase,  but  the  expenditure,  especially 
what  the  requirements  of  the  war  have  occasioned, 
has  increased  to  such  an  extent  as  to  |)roduce  a  de- 
ficit in  the  State  budget  which  it  is  of  the  utmost 
importance  to  provide  for,  by  means  which  judgment 
and  patriotism  will  suggest  to  you.  The  servile 
element  in  the  empire  cannot  but  merit  opportunely 
your  consideration,  providing  in  such  a  manner  that, 
"respecting  actual  property,  and  without  a  severe 
blow  to  our  chief  industry — agriculture — the  grand 
interests  which  belong  to  emancipation  may  be  at- 
tended to.  To  promote  colonization  ought  to  be  the 
object  of  your  particular  solicitude.  Public  instruc- 
tion is  a  subject  worthy  of  not  less  care.  Among 
the  measures  called  for  by  the  service  of  the  army, 
the  most  important  are  those  of  a  law  for  recruiting, 
of  a  penal  code,  and  of  military  law.  Experience 
shows  that  an  alteration  of  the  rank  of  naval  officers 
is  absolutely  necessary.  Likewise  the  convenience 
has  been  recognized,  by  practice,  of  modifying  the 
organization  of  the  National  Guard,  principally  for 
the  piu-pose  of  greater  mobilization  in  extraordinary 
circumstances." 

The  stress  which  the  Emperor  here  lays  upon  the 
allegation  that  President  Lopez  had  provoked  the 
war  had  no  effect  outside  of  the  empire,  and  very 
little,  if  any,  in  it.  The  fact  was  too  glaring  that 
Lopez  had  not  provoked  the  war,  and  the  contradic- 
tion of  it  in  an  imperial  speech  does  not  alter  it. 
Nor  is  one  much  advanced  in  appreciation  of  what 
the  Emperor  chose  to  consider  to  be  in  accordance 
with  Brazilian  honour,  when  he  refused  to  accept  an 
honourable  termination  to  a  dishonourable  war  on  the 
ground  that  the  "honour"  of  the  empire  stood  in 
the  way.  This  speech  is,  indeed,  a  well-marked 
instance  of  imperial  subterfuge  and  disingenuous- 
ucss  on  the  one  hand,  and  of  an  ill-concealed  at- 
tempt to  mislead  his  people  into  mistaking  a  dis- 
graceful treaty  f  )r  a  compact  of  necessity,  on  the 
other.  It  is  one  of  those  instances  which  young 
nations  so  often  give,  of  mistaking  violence  for 
power,  and  noisy  rioting  for  display  of  national 
dignity.  But  the  world  is  not  deceived  by  such 
demonstrations. 

At  the  end  of  the  year  an  effort  was  made  by  the 
British  government,  through  their  Secretary  of 
Legation  at  Buenos  Ayres,  to  mediate  for  the  pro- 
motion of  peace.  And  again  it  was  unsuccessful. 
Neither  side  would  yield  anythinir,  nor  accept  any 
compromise,  upon  which  alone  the  basis  of  peace 


could  rest.  Nothing  stayed  tlie  work  of  the  belli- 
gerents. The  beginning  of  18(J8  found  the  Brazil- 
ians still  investing  the  fortress  of  Humaita,  and  on 
the  l!)th  of  February,  six  iron-clads  succeeded,  though 
not  without  heavy  damage,  in  forcing  tlie  iia.~sagc 
of  the  river  at  that  place  through  a  point-blunk  lire 
from  180  pieces  of  heavy  ordnance.  An  outlying 
work,  armed  with  twenty  guns,  was  at  the  sam 
time  taken  by  storm  by  the  Brazilians  under  the 
Marquis  de  Caxias. 

The  passage  of  the  river  beyond  Humaita  being 
thus  attained,  Asuncion  lay  almost  at  the  mercy  of 
the  enemy,  and  General  Lopez  saw  the  necessity  for 
at  once  adoj)ting  new  tactics.  He  witlidrew  to 
Tebicuari,  a  strong  inland  position,  whitlier  he  re- 
moved all  his  material,  and  ])roceede(l  at  once  to 
strengthen  the  jilace  by  a  line  of  earthworks.  He 
abandoned  Curui)aiti,  which  was  entered  by  the 
allies  as  soon  as  the  Paraguayan  garrison  left.  In- 
deed, a  portion  still  remained  when  the  advance 
guard  of  the  enemy  ap|)roached,  and  a  slight  skir- 
mish ensued,  in  which  about  700  men  were  cither 
killed  or  wounded  on  both  sides.  Meanwhile,  three 
iron-elads,  after  temporarily  repairing  damages  re- 
ceived at  Humaita,  steamed  up  to  the  capital,  and 
commenced  a  bombardment  which  was  continued  for 
three  hours  ;  the  arsenal,  custom-house  and  several 
private  buildings  being  considerably  injured.  The 
only  resistance  offered  was  from  a  small  fort  armed 
with  sixty-eight-pounders,  situated  at  the  approach  to 
the  town,  but  these  produced  little  impression  on 
the  iron  sides  of  the  Brazilian  vessels.  An  attempt, 
well  devised  but  not  well  executed,  was  made  by  a 
strong  force  of  Paraguayans  to  capture  the  eight 
iron-clads  winch  were  stationed  between  Humaita 
and  Curupaiti,  l>ut  it  did  not  succeed,  and  the  re- 
publicans sullcred  severely.  Two  of  the  vessels 
were  boarded,  but  the  other  ships  directed  their  fire 
upon  them  and  swept  the  decks,  killing  friend  and 
foe  with  unrelenting  indiirercnce.  A  series  of 
similar  reverses  next  awaited  the  repulilicau  arms. 
Several  of  their  ships  were  sunk,  and  in  a  number 
of  skirmishes  on  land  they  suffered  much  loss.  But 
the  result  of  an  attempt  upon  Humaita  gave  them 
fresh  courage.  General  Osorio,  seeing  the  necessity 
of  capturing  this  jdace,  as  the  only  remaining  im- 
pediment to  the  freedom  of  the  river,  attacked  one 
of  the  outlying  works  on  the  16th  of  July  with  a 
force  of  10,000  picked  troops.  Having  carried  one 
of  the  redoubts  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  he  sent 
for  reinforcements  to  the  Marquis  de  Caxias,  having 
in  tlie  meantime  the  greatest  difficulty  to  retain  the 
ground  he  had  gained.  But  the  general,  instead  of 
complying  with  the  request,  ordered  a  retreat.  The 
order  was  complied  with  ;  but  the  sound  of  the 
bugle  became  a  signal  for  instant  confusion.  A 
panic  seized  the  troops,  and  neither  Osorio  nor  his 
officers  could  restrain  them  from  precipitate  flight. 
As  thej'  emerged  from  the  redoubt,  the  garrison 
opened  upon  them  a  tremendous  fire  of  grape  from 
ey^ry  gun  that  could  be  brought  to  bear,  and  thus 
mowed  them  down  from  all  sides.  Osorio  had  two 
horses  killed  under  him.  In  about  half  an  hour,  all 
of  his  staff  were  shot  down  except  two,  and  two 
entire  battalions  were  annihilated.  The  loss  to  the 
Brazilians  was  acknowledged  by  themselves  to  be  a 
thousand  men  ;  but  it  was  actually  much  greater, 
probably  not  less  than  2,500.  A  repulse  scarcely 
less  important  was  also  suffered  by  the  allies,  two 
days  later,  in  an  attempt  to  capture  a  battery  that 
had  been  recently  constructed  by  the  republicans  to 
harass  the  allied  position ;  but  notwithstanding 
these  events  Lopez  resolved  to  abandon  the  river 
line,  and  to  stand  upon  tlie  defensive  in  the  interior. 
The  evacuation  of  Humaita  was  accordingly  begun 
on  the  17th  or  ISth  of  Jul}',  and  was  continued  for  a 
week  without  the  Brazilians  gaining  any  knowledge 
of  what  was  going  on.  First,  the  families  were  re- 
moved, about  a  hundre<l  boats  having  been  pro- 
vided for  the  purpose.  Then  followed  the  sick,  the 
prisoners,  munitions  of  war,  food,  and  finally  the 
garrison,  the  outposts  being  maintained  all  the  while 
to  deceive  the  enemy.  It  was  not  till  some  of  these 
had  to  be  withdrawn,  that  the  allies  awoke  to  the 
knowledge  that  the  great  work  before  them  which 
they  had  suffered  so  much  to  secure,  was  compara- 
tively empty.  Then  the  most  vigorous  measures 
were  taken  to  destroy  what  there  was  left  of  the 
garrison,  and  of  the  people.  In  doing  this  the 
allies  shot  down  several  women  and  children,  but 
their  efforts  resulted  in  nothing  more  profitable  than 
the  loss  of  life.  If  they  had  iicrniitted  the  evacua- 
tion it  would  have  been  effected,  and  the  allies 
might  have  marched  into  the  place  without  blood- 
shed, But  it  was  a  craving  for  Paraguay .m  blood 
that  chiefly  influenced  the  troops  of  the  allies,  if  we 
may  judge  from  their  acts,  and,  in  this  instance, 
they  could  not  resist  the  temptiUion  to  slay,  aiiy 
more  than  they  had  ever  been  able  to  rgsist  it  before. 
Goaded  to  resistance  by  the  brutal  conduct  of  the 
allies,  the  small  fraction  of  the  garrison  which  still 
remainctl,  determined  nf)t  to  yield  the  place.  Two 
officers  sent  to  demand  the  "surrender  werft  eUot 


184 


HISTORY  OF 


At  last,  thi?  uUiep  flinlin:?  that  the  course  they  had 
pursued  was  not  likely  to  result  in  a  speedy  occu- 
p.itiiin  of  the  f')rtr>'?8, "consented  to  a  proposal  made 
tliem  by  a  Uouian  Catholic  priest,  one  Isjuacio 
EsnieriU,  who  ottered  to  cttect  a  communication 
with  the  republicans  and  to  arrange  for  a  capitula- 
tion. In  this  he  was  huecessful ;  the  jjarrison  ob- 
taining honourable  terms.  On  the  lifth  of  Aufrust, 
ftS  olheers  and  1,'J30  men,  with  Colonel  Martinez, 
their  commander,  at  their  head,  marched  out  of  the 
place  an  best  they  could  ;  for  they  had  beeu  three 
days  without  food,  and  live  hundred  of  the  number 
were  eitlier  sick,  wounded,  or  prostrated  by  starva- 
tion. Tlie  officers  retained  their  swords  and  re- 
veived  permission  to  reside  in  any  of  tlie  rciiublics 
tliat  thi'y  might  select.  The  fortress  was  a  few 
dav8  later  razed  to  the  ground. 

Lopez  had  taken  up  a  jiosition  on  the  line  of  the 
Tebicuari,  but  with  the  intention,  as  it  appeared,  of 
using  It  to  resist  the  advance  of  the  enemy  upon 
the  interior.  Crossing  the  Jacarc,  a  stream  that 
flowed  into  the  Tebicuari,  the  enemy  took  possession 
of  some  redoubts  along  the  banks  of  the  river  and 
routed  the  Paraguayan  troops  in  two  or  three 
skirmishes.  Four  small  monitors  now  proceeded  up 
the  Tebicuari  a  distance  of  ten  miles,  and  with  the 
assistance  rendered  by  thes:*,  the  republicans  were 
driven  back  from  their  whole  line  of  defence,  leav 
ing  behind  them  several  guns  and  a  large  quantity  of 
nro\isious  and  munitions  of  war.  At  every  point, 
however,  the  progress  of  the  allies  was  opposed,  al- 
ways with  loss  to  both  and  often  with  very  ques- 
tionable gain  to  either,  altliougli  the  general  result 
was  admittedly  favourable  to  tlie  allies.  On  the  loth 
of  November"  they  had  advanced,  under  General 
Caxias,  to  Villeta,  occupied  at  the  time  by  President 
Lopez.  An  attempt  was  made  to  take  the  place  by 
storm,  and  afterwards  to  effect  its  reduction  by 
means  of  the  iron-clads  ou  the  liver,  but  in  both  the 
allies  were  repulsed  with  considerable  loss.  lu  the 
following  month  Lopez  voluntarily  abandoned  the 
position,  in  consequence  of  a  severe  defeat  suffered 
nj'  a  Paraguayan  force  of  4,000  men  under  General 
Caballero,  who  were  attacked  in  rear  by  an  over- 
whelming army  of  Brazilians  under  Caxias,  and  after 
\  severe  and  long  light  completely  routed. 

The  Brazilians,  having  occupied  Villeta  in  force, 
proceeded  to  di^^Iodije  the  enemy  from  a  line  of 
strongholds  at  AnKOstura,  Lomas  Valentinas,  and 
their  communications.  These  works  mounted  about 
sixty  guns  and  were  defended  by  7,000  Paraguayans. 
The  attacking  force  was  double  that  number,  not- 
withstanding the  losses  they  had  sustained.  The 
first  assault  was  made  upon  the  centre  of  the  com- 
munications, which  the  allies  succeeded  in  taking, 
thereby  cutting  off  Angostura  from  Loina<Valeutina>, 
'»nd  capturing  at  the  same  time  twenty-two  guns 
ind  some  ammunition.  A  column  of  cavalry  being 
'.eiit  to  the  rear  of  the  latter  place,  a  viLTourous  effort 
Afas  made  to  obtain  possession  from  tlie  front  of  the 
juter  line  of  entrenchments,  and  at  the  same  timoto 
prevent  any  e'^cape  of  the  g.irrison.  At  sunset  they 
had  secured  the  first  line  of  defence,  tiking  sixteen 
guns  and  a  Iar2re  fiuintity  of  provir.ions,  and  they 
held  their  position  througliont  the  niicht.  Reinforce- 
ments being  hurried  to  the  front  from  Paliiias,  on 
the  24th  of  December  Lopez  was  summoned  to 
surrender.  But  the  proposal  w.as  indignantly  re- 
fused, the  President  declaring  it  to  be  the  intention 
of  hinisclf  and  his  people  to  defend  the  cause  of 
Paraguiiy  to  the  hist  extremity.  Preparations  were 
conseqiirntly  made  for  an  att;iek  by  the  whole  allied 
force.  Batteries  were  constrnetet\  from  which  thi- 
tire  of  all  the  guns  at  the  disposal  of  the  enemy 
could  be  concentrated  on  Lomas  Valcntinas,  and  on 
the  morning  of  the  "iVtli  a  furious  cannonade  was 
directed  against  the  place.  A  force  of  (i.OOO  men 
under  Marshal  Caxias  niarclu'd  at  daybreak  to  at- 
tack the  rear,  wliile  a  similar  force  under  (ienerals 
Obcs  and  Castro  made  a  similar  attempt  upon  the 
front.  Marshal  Caxias  carried  the  lirst  redoubt  at 
the  point  of  the  bayonet,  capturing  therewith  four- 
teen guns  and  large  supplies  of  food  and  ammuni- 
tion, together  with  all  the  baggage  and  much  of  tlic 
correspondence  of  the  President  himself.  Lopez 
escaped  to  Ccrro  I^eon. 

On  the  following  day  a  summons  to  surrender  was 
sent  to  .\iigo:-tura,  but  the  flag  was  tired  upon,  and 
preparations  were  in  consequence  made  to  carry  that 
place  also  by  assault.  But  at  night  a  message  ar- 
rived infonnfng  the  garrison  of  the  defeat  aiid  de- 

f)arture  of  Lopez  from  Lomas  Valentinas.  upon  licnr- 
ng  which  a  fl.ig  of  truce  was  sent  out  with  a  request 
that  permission  might  be  granted  to  verify  the  re- 
port. This  was  acceded  to,  and  the  Paragu.avan  offl- 
cera  wercc<c(wtcd  through  the  lini's  of  the  allies  to 
Lomas  Valentinas.  As  soon  as  tliev  re  ilizcd  the 
actual  condition  of  affairs  then;,  an  o"ffer  of  capitu- 
lation was  sent  to  the  ariie^,  who  grantrd  the  terms 
twked  for  ;  anil  sis  hours  aft<T,  on  the  ;;Olli  of  De- 
i'l'iiiber,  the  garrison  in  irched  out  with  tlic  honours 
of  war  to  ti.e  number  of  1,'iOO  men.  Tlie  allies  di'- 
Itroyed  the  works  uiij  advanced  to  .\suncioii,  which 


they  entered,  but  found  deserted.  They  then  hur- 
ried on  to  Cerro  Leon,  where  they  expected  to  cap- 
ture the  President,  but  he  was  then  neither  to  be 
seen  nor  heard  (;f,  although  it  became  soon  after 
known  that  he  was  occ^ij)ying  a  strong  position  flfty 
miles  from  the  capital,  with  a  force  of  five  or  six 
thousand  men. 

Much  of  the  sympathy  which  had  at  first  been  re- 
ceived by  the  President  from  foreign  residents  in 
Paratruay  was  lost  to  him  in  these  reverses  through  a 
spirit  of  violent  opposition  which  he  had  displayed, 
for  several  months  past,  to  them  and  to  the  repre- 
sentatives of  their  respective  governments.  In  the 
heginninir  of  the  j'ear  a  conspiracy  airainst  the  life  of 
the  President  was  said  to  have  been  discovered,  and 
his  suspicions  of  treachery  were  further  increased 
when  the  allies  forced  the  passage  of  Ilumaita  and 
appeared  before  Asuncion.  In  this  affair  the  names 
of  several  foreign  consuls  began  presently  to  be 
mixed  up,  and  Lopez  took  violent  means  to  accom- 
plish their  removal.  Subsequent  events  caused  him 
to  direct  his  animosity  cliieflj'  against  Mr.  Wash- 
burn, the  rei)re3ent.itiv'e  of  the  United  States,  whom 
he  accused  of  jjarticipating  in  the  conspiracy,  and 
who  ultimately  had  to  take  refuge  on  a  United  States 
ship  of  war,  whence  he  sent  an  indignint  protest 
and  denial  of  the  accusations  against  him  to  the 
President.  A  new  minister  in  the  person  of  Gene- 
ral McMahoQ  was  soon  after  sent  from  Washington 
in  the  ship  of  Kear-Admii  al  Davis,  and  accompanied 
by  si-'veral  vessels  of  the  United  States  squadron  then 
in  Paraguayan  waters,  lie  was  well  received  by  Presi- 
dent Lopez,  who  at  once  consented  to  renew  the 
most  friendly  relations  with  the  United  States,  and 
to  comply  with  any  reqnest  emanating  from  the 
government  at  Washington.  But  amicably  as  the 
matter  had  ended,  Lopez  had  materially  weakened 
the  sympathy  that  the  justice  of  his  cause  hitherto 
had  aroused,  and  therewith  the  strong  moral  assist- 
ance that  he  had  enjoyed.  But  he  did  not  despair 
of  the  ultimate  success  of  his  cause,  or  relax  his  ef- 
forts to  sustain  it.  Having  retreated  to  Aseurra,  he 
there  recruited  his  shattered  forces  to  nearly  9,000 
men,  and  prepared  once  more  to  raise  abcmt  him  a 
new  stronghold  of  defence.  In  this  he  was  aided  by 
the  laxity  of  the  allies,  who  through  the  illness, 
feigned  or  real,  of  Marshal  Caxias,  were  now  under 
the  command  of  the  Marshal  Guilherme  de  Souza. 
Their  advance  through  the  country  dilTered  little 
from  previous  experiences,  except  that  it  was  ac- 
companied by  greater  losses  on  the  part  of  the  allies 
than  they  had  experienced  in  the  preceding  year. 
Tlie  first  attack  upon  Aseurra  signally  failed,  and, 
changing  their  tactic.-,  the  allies'  sought  to  make 
themselves  masters  of  Peiebebuy,  an  outlying 
work,  which  was  in  fact  the  key  to  A?curni.  In  this 
they  were  successful  after  a  stubborn  contest,  when 
more  than  a  thousand  men  were  put  fiors  de  coHibat. 
Lopez  at  once  abandoned  Aseurra,  and  being  forced 
to  accept  a  battle  luider  most  unfavourable  condi- 
tions, was  defeated  with  a  loss  of  l,;iOO  men  and 
twenty-three  guns. 

He  now  retreated  slowly  and  in  good  order  to 
St.  Estaiuslas,  obstinately  contesting  every  mile  of 
ground  where  the  enemy  attempted  to  check  his 
movements ;  and  finding  that  the  latter  were  not 
disposed  to  follow  him  with  the  same  vigour,  he 
further  retired  to  San  .Ioa(|uin,  and  thence  to  Pana- 
dero,  carrying  on  a  guerilla  war,  for  which  the  nature 
of  the  countrj'  was  cxeellently  adapted.  Hut  his 
supi)lies  w(!re  now  scanty,  and  his  troops  did  not 
number  more  than  l,.'jOO  men.  He  was  compelled  in 
conse<pu'nee  to  leave  behind  hiin  all  his  heavy  guns 
and  a  number  of  women,  and  to  take  refuge  in  the 
mountains  of  Maracayiiii,  whence,  as  was  expected 
by  the  enemy,  he  intended  once  more  to  obtain  sup- 
plies from  the  Brazilian  province  of  Matto  (irosso. 
(icneral  Cimara,  acting  uptm  this  sus])icion, 
hastened  to  defeat  any  ])rojeet  of  the  kind,  and  to 
pursue  the  President  to  his  last  stronghold.  By  a 
well  devised  plan,  in  which  the  forces  under  his  com- 
mand acted  with  unwonted  energj',  the  Paraguayan  ' 
outposts  were  secured,  and  the  camp  in  which  the  ' 
small  band  of  half-starved  republicans  bravely  re- 1 
mained  to  defend  their  beloved  general  to  the  last,  was 
complct(dy  invested.  Lopez  was  now  secure  in  the 
hands  of  his  ciicmies,  but  they  were  not  content 
with  the  prize  thej'  lia<l  sacrificed  so  much  to  win, 
but  would  have  also  the  lives  of  as  many  Paraguay- 
ans as  could  be  had.  Acting  under  the  immediate 
orders  of  (iciieral  Cainara,  a  murderous  fire  was 
opened  by  his  troo|>a  upon  the  now  well-nigh  de- 
fenseless enemy.  The  slaughter  was  terrible,  the 
republicans  being  cut  down  without  offering  any  re- 
sistance, until  the  whole  of  them  were  either  slain  or! 
wounded.  Lopez  himself,  with  a  few  of  his  brave  | 
companions,  attemi>ted  to  escape  into  the  bush,  but  | 
he  i)ri'sently  fell  on  a  grassy  bank,  faint  from  i 
loss  of  blood  and  fatigue.  Then-  (ieiieral  Camara 
rode  up  to  him,  and  acc(units  differ  as  to  what  fol- 
lowed. On  the  one  hand  it  is  alleged  that  Camara 
summoned  him  to  surrender,  and  then  struck  him 
with  the  fiat  side  of  his  sword,  whcrcuiion  the 


President  died !  The  other  is  that  Camara  leaped 
from  his  horse,  and  ran  the  prostrate  President 
through  the  body.  At  this  time  it  is  impossible 
to  verify  the  truth  of  either  of  these  statenienta. 
Probably  it  will  ever  remain  impossible  to  do  so  • 
in  that  case  we  shall  have  only  to  accept  what  seemi 
to  be  the  more  probable  one,  and  then  there  can  be 
little  doubt  but  that  the  reputation  of  General 
Camara  must  suffer.  The  war,  unjustly  begun  by 
the  Brazilians,  had  been  conducted  throughout  with 
the  greatest  barbarity  by  the  allied  armies,  acting 
doubtless  under  instructions  of  their  respective 
governments;  and  cvcrx-thing  indicates  that  the 
feeling  with  which  they  followed  up  President 
Lopez  was  one  of  hatred  and  resentment,  and  not 
such  as  should  have  influenced  the  action  of  a 
generous  foe.  Cruelty  was  a  prominent  trait  in  the 
allied  generals,  and  hence  there  is  every  reason  in 
favour  of  the  truth  of  the  statement  that  Lopez  was 
in  fact  murdered  by  Camara,  and  none  whatever  in 
support  of  the  absurd  theory  that  he  died  through  a 
blow  received  from  the  flat  side  of  a  sword.  Brazil 
and  the  allies  were  in  short  disgraced  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  war,  and  dishonoured  at  the  end  of  it 

Late  in  the  preceding  year  the  allies  had  established 
a  government  at  Asuncion,  and  by  meana  of  this  a 
provisional  treaty  was  i!i  turn  concluded  with  the 
allies  immediately  after  the  death  of  Lopez.  Peace 
was  declared  to  be  restored,  and  the  rivers  Parana 
and  Paraguay  were  opened  to  commerce.  Arrange- 
ments were  also  effected  for  the  organization  of  a 
permanent  government,  and  the  framing  of  a  consti- 
tution granting  perfect  religious  liberty,  a  full  suf- 
frage, aud  supjjlying  means  for  promoting  immigra- 
tion, protecting  property,  and  guarding  against  any 
monopoly  of  power  by  a  self-elected  dictator.  This 
was  not  done  without  "many  threatened  disturbances 
on  the  part  of  the  people,"  who,  while  galled  l)y  the 
tyrannical  rule  of  the  Brazilians  and  their  allies,  saw 
all  the  foreign  residents,  and  with  them  much  wealth 
of  the  country,  being  driven  away.  But  these  dis- 
turbances were  promptly  put  down  by  the  Brazilian 
troops,  who  on  more  than  one  occasion  fired  upon 
the  yjcople  indiscriminately,  causing  unnecessary 
bloodshed,  and  thereby  increasing  the  hatred  that 
was  felt  towards  them. 

The  Emperor  of  Brazil,  referring  to  the  termina- 
tion of  the  war  in  his  address  to  the  Brazilian  Parlia- 
ment, said  : — 

I  congratul.ite  myself  and  you  on  the  happy  and 

glorious  termination  of  the  war  we  have  su.-tained 
Ui'ing  five  years,  always  with  honour  to  our  anns, 
against  the  ex-President  of  the  republic  of  Paraguay. 
The  well-grounded  hopes  which  1  manifested  at  the 
opening  of  the  last  legislative  session  have  been 
realized  of  seeing  our  valiant  soldiers  led  to  a  final 
victorv',  under  the  command  of  my  much  loved  and 
valued  son-in-law.  Army  .Marshal"  the  Comte  d'En. 
The  trust  which  I  reposed  in  Brazilian  firmness  and 
patriotism  lia.s  been  amply  justified,  and  history  will 
bear  witncs.-  in  all  time  tliat  the  present  generation 
showed  itself  constant  and  unshaken  in  the  unani- 
mous intent  to  avenge  the  honour  of  Brazil.  The 
rejoicing  of  the  wlii)le  ])opulation  of  the  empire 
over  the  glorious  events  wliieli  have  placed  an  end 
to  sacriflccs  so  noble,  the  enthusiasm  with  which  it 
has  shown  its  gratitude  to  the  volunteers,  the  na- 
tional guard,  the  army,  and  the  navy,  are  its  duo 
homage  to  heroism,  and  the  merited  reward  of  their 
proved  devotion  to  the  national  cause.  The  valua- 
ble and  legal  co-operat  ion  of  our  brave  allies  assistt'd 
greatly  to  the  results  obtained  in  the  long,  stubborn 
struggle  in  which  we  were  engaged. 

"  If  Brazil  laments  vi.e  loss  of  many  of  her  gal- 
lant children,  there  remains  to  the  memory  of 
their  deeds  illustrious  cxamides  of  patriotism  and 
bravery." 

Such  were  the  words  by  which  the  Emperor  at- 
tempted to  gli>ss  over  the  war  of  which  he  had  been 
guilty,  to  brand  with  legality  an  interference  with  a 
nation's  lilierty,  and  to  parade  before  the  world 
Brazilian  virtues  which  the  world  had  obstinately 
refused  to  see. 

It  is  a  relief  to  turn  for  a  moment  from  this  to 
notice  a  movement  that  was  now  coming  into  prorai- 
nence  in  the  interior  of  the  empire,  and  which  re- 
ticcts  honour  in  jdace  of  discredit  ui>oii  the  national 
reputation.  For  some  years  there  had  been  growing 
up  a  liberal  party  bent  iijion  the  abolition  of  slavery. 
It  had  hilheito  "made  but  slow  progress,  partly  on 
account  of  the  firm  (qiposilion  of  the  principal  slave- 
holders, and  partly  from  purely  political  infiuences. 
But  it  had  now  become  recognized  on  all  sides  that 
the  time  had  arrived  when  something  must  be  done 
towards  einaiu  ipation  ;  and  many  owners  of  slaves 
accepted  the  fact  so  far  as  to  free  their  own  slaves 
on  condition  of  serving  for  a  fixed  term.  The 
Emperor  hail  also  done  the  saiue  with  many  under 
his  control  by  p.auiig  their  value  into  the  public 
treasurv.  But  the  views  he  entertained  were  not 
fiiliy  participated  in  by  his  ministry,  and  some  delay 
accordingly  arose  lu  Iho  iutroduciion  of  u  ineasun 
into  Parliament 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


185 


In  the  year  1807  the  following  appears  to  have  been 
the  basis  for  a  scheme  which  met  with  most  approba- 
tion among  certain  members  of  the  executive:  — 

I.  Slavery  to  eeaiic  totally  in  the  year  11)00.  II. 
The  state  to  inileiiinify  those  citizens  who  may  still 
own  slaves  at  that  period.  III.  From  the  dale  of 
promulgation  of  this  decree,  all  children  born  of 
slaves  are  to  be  free.  I V.  Those  children  who  may 
be  educated  in  the  homes  of  their  parents'  masters 
shall  serve  them  till  they  reach  their  twentieth 
year,  and  will  then  be  restored  to  freedom.  V. 
There  are  to  be  established  courts  of  emancipation 
iu  all  the  towns  to  enforce  this  law  and  see  to  its 
proper  execution.  VI.  A  fixed  amount  will  be  set 
aside  for  the  emancii>ation  of  the  slaves  of  the 
nation,  and  the  same  terms  will  be  agreed  upon  to 
effect  the  liberation  of  the  slaves  owned  by  religious 
orders  as  may  be  made  to  purchase  the  "freedom  of 
those  held  by  the  government.  VII.  There  should 
be  appropriated  a  fund  for  the  annual  purchase  of  a 
certain  number  of  slaves,  so  that  but  few  may  be  in 
bondage  when  the  hour  of  general  emancipation 
is  at  hand. 

The  general  features  of  this  plan  were  ultimately 
■ftdopted,  but  at  present  the  subject  had  not  advanced 
suHiciently  in  the  public  mind,  although  it  had  been 
under  consideration  for  several  years.  A  conserva- 
tive ministry,  averse  to  abolition,  was  also  in  power. 
The  Emperor,  however,  remained  firm  iu  bis  resolu- 
tion, and  after  finding  that,  with  his  present  cabinet, 
Congress  would  do  nothing  more  in  the  required 
direction,  he  consented  somewhat  abruptly,  after  a 
short  discussion  with  bis  ministers,  to  accept  their 
resignation  rather  than  forego  the  principle  for 
which  he  contended. 

The  limited  emancipation  which  had  been  thus 
far  efEected  had  been  attended  by  the  most  favour- 
able consequences,  and  the  Emperor  insisted  that  a 
further  advance  iu  the  good  work  must  be  made. 
As  a  preliminary  step,  and  to  avoid  unnecessary 
complications,  a  compromise  was  at  last  agreed 
upon,  and  the  ministry  introduced  a  measure  which 
provided  that  the  Emperor  might  be  relieved  from 
any  payment  for  the  slaves  freed  by  him,  but  promis- 
ing nothing  more  except  an  official  registi-ation  of  all 
the  slaves  ii  the  empire  as  a  preliminary  step  to 
action  in  the  future.  The  government  secured  a 
majority  in  the  house  ujion  this  bill,  but  it  did  not 
satisfy  the  Emperor,  and  during  the  next  month 
there  was  a  change  of  ministry,  the  Viscount  de 
Sao  Vicente,  a  strong  abolitionist  and  able  statesman, 
being  at  the  head  of  the  new  cabinet. 

Parliament  did  not  meet  again  till  the  following 
May,  but  meanwhile  the  cause  of  emancipation  had 
made  steady  and  more  rapid  progress.  A  bill  was 
introduced  in  June  after  a  vote  taken  upon  the  ab- 
stract proposition  found  in  the  Emperor's  speech  at 
the  opening,  aiul  in  September  it  passed  the  Senate 
amid  general  rejoicing,  by  a  majority  of  44  against 

The  provisions  of  this  measure  redound  to  the 
good  sense  of  the  Brazilian  people  no  less  tiian  to 
the  statesmanship  of  their  rulers.  Although  pro- 
fessedly based  upou  the  actiim  long  before  taken  l>y 
the  British  government,  they,  nevertheless,  dificr 
much  in  detail,  and  even  in  principle,  approaching 
more  nearly  the  plan  of  18G7.  Children  bom  of 
slaves  after  the  date  of  the  act  were  to  -be  con- 
sidered free.  While  minors  they  remain  in  the 
control  of  the  masters  of  their  mothers  till  eight 
years  of  age,  the  masters  being  responsible  for  their 
care  during  that  period.  At  this  age  the  mother's 
master  has  the  option  either  to  rrccive  from  the 
government  a  compensation  of  600  milreis,  or  to 
avail  him.self  of  the  minor's  services  up  to  the  full 
age  of  twenty-one  years.  In  the  former  case  the 
government  takes  charge  of  the  minor  and  of  his 
education.  Every  minor  may  free  himself  by  a 
compensation  in  money  to  his  mother's  master,  the 
amount  being  regulated  by  estimating  the  balance 
of  his  term  of  service,  unless  anv  special  agreement 
Bhould  exist.  The  master  is  obliged  to  feed  and 
educate  the  children  born  of  the  daughters  of  his 
female  slaves,  as  long  as  the  mothers'  services  con- 
tinue ;  but  if  the  female  becomes  free  her  children 
under  eight  years  of  age  are  to  be  delivered  to  her 
without  any  compens.ation,  unless  they  remain  with 
the  master  by  mutual  consent  of  both  mother  and 
master.  In  case  she  is  sold,  her  children  under 
twelve  years  of  age  follow  lier,  the  new  master  as- 
suming the  rights  and  obligations  of  his  predecessor. 
The  services  of  the  children  of  female  slaves  cease 
In  cose  it  is  decided  by  a  court  that  the  masters  of 
their  mothers  have  ill  treated  or  beyond  measure 
punished  them,  or  neglected  their  supp"ort  and  educa- 
tion. The  government  may  deliver  those  children 
horn  of  female  slaves  after  the  date  of  the  law, 
wheo  they  are  given  up  by  or  taken  away  from  their 
masters  to  privileged  societies.  These  societies  are 
then  entitled  to  the  services  of  such  minors  through- 
out the  terms  of  their  minority.  They  may  hire 
them  out,  but  they  are  obliged  to  feed  and  educate 
Vhem  ;  to  reserve  a"  portion  of  their  wages  for  their 


own  use,  and  to  provide  them  suitable  employment 
when  they  become  of  age.  If  the  minors  are  placed 
in  public  institutions,  as  they  may  be  at  the  option 
of  the  government,  the  state  then  assumes  all  obli- 
gations. 

In  every  province  of  the  empire  a  certain  number 
of  slaves  are  to  be  set  free  annually,  tlie  number  de- 
pending upon  the  funds  at  disposal  for  the  pui'pose. 
This  emancipation  fund  is  formed  out  of  the  slave 
tax,  a  tax  paid  on  transferring  slaves,  the  proceeds 
of  six  yearly  lotteries  and  a  tithe  of  all  other  author- 
ized lotteries,  a  special  tax  ini])0sed  by  the  bill,  an 
amount  devoted  from  the  imperial  and  municipal 
treasuries,  and  from  collections,  donaticnis  and  lega- 
cies devoted  to  the  purpose.  Slaves  have  a  claim  to 
manumission  at  any  time  when  they  can  pay  the 
ransom  fixed  upon  either  by  agreement  or  estimate. 
The  compensation  may  'also  consist  in  a  contract 
for  services,  provided  the  term  does  not  exceed 
seven  years.  In  all  cases  of  selling  or  transferring 
slaves,  the  separation  of  husband  from  wife  or  chil- 
dren under  twelve  years  of  age  from  their  parents  is 
entirely  prohibited.  Besides  these  provisions  for 
the  gnklual  manumission  of  the  slaves,  the  follow- 
ing were  declared  free  by  the  act :  I.  The  slaves  of 
the  nation  ;  the  government  being  responsible  for 
their  proper  employment.  II.  Those  given  to  the 
crown  in  usufruct.  III.  The  slaves  of  the  various 
religious  societies  within  seven  5'ears.  IV.  Slaves 
belonging  to  vacant  inheritance.  V.  Slaves  who 
save  the  lives  of  their  masters,  or  the  parents  or 
children  of  their  masters.  VI.  Slaves  given  up  by 
their  masters  on  account  of  phj'sical  infirmities  ; 
the  responsibility  of  feeding  them  still  remaining, 
however,  with  the  masters. 

The  operation  of  this  measure  bas  fully  realized 
the  expectations  of  its  promoters.  It  has  satisfied 
the  slave  owners,  and,  as  a  rule,  no  dissatisfaction 
has  been  felt  among  their  slaves.  Only  iu  one  or 
two  instances  have  anything  like  difficulties  occurred, 
and  these  have  been  promptly  met  by  the  vigilance 
of  the  authorities.  During  the  twc^nty-four  years 
since  the  Brazilians  first  began  to  entertain  the  idea 
of  abolition,  the  number  of  slaves  has  fallen,  accord- 
ing to  latest  returns,  from  2,000,000  to  1,010,263,  and 
the  prodnctions  of  the  country  have  been  propor- 
tionately increasing.  When  this  act  was  passed  in 
1871,  fears  were  entertained  by  many  that  the  same 
degree  of  prosperity  could  not  be  maintained  under 
its  operations,  but  these  fears  also  proved  ground- 
less, and  Brazil  is  at  this  moment  more  prosper- 
ous than  at  any  time  under  the  system  of  slave  la- 
bour. 

Ratifications  of  the  treaty  of  peace  between  Brazil 
and  Paraguay  took  place  in  March,  1871.  The 
amount  of  indemnity  to  be  paid  to  the  government 
of  the  Emperor  was  then  fixed  at  ?8GO,000,000,  and 
provision  was  arranged,  through  a  joint  commission, 
for  its  payment  ami  the  settlement  of  losses  caused 
to  public  property.  The  rivers  Parana,  Paraguay 
and  Uruguay  were  opened  to  the  commerce  of  all 
nations,  "this  liberty  not  being  extended,  however, 
to  traders  from  port  to  port  of  the  same  nation. 
The  same  privilege  was  granted  to  ships  of  war  be- 
longing to  the  riverain  states,  as  to  merchant  vessels  ; 
and  they  are  also  declared  free  from  all  dues  and 
formalities.  One  article  especially  pronounces  the 
adherence  of  both  powers  to  the  declaration  of  the 
Paris  Congress  of  1856  ;  and  while  the  Emi)eror 
binds  himself  to  respect  the  independence  of  the 
Republic  of  Paraguay  in  perpetuity,  and  to  guaran- 
tee it  for  five  years,  provision  is  also  made  for  tlic 
submission  of  any  international  disputes  that  may 
in  future  arise,  to  the  good  offices  of  a  friendly 
nation,  before  having  recourse  to  hostilities.  Care 
is  taken,  however,  to  hold  security  for  the  due  fulfil- 
ment of  the  terms  of  the  treaty,  and  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Emperor  is  allowed  to  keep  in  the  terri- 
tory of  the  Republic  such  an  army  as  he  might  con- 
sider necessary  to  ensure  the  proper  execution  of 
the  agreement  entered  into.  An  extradition  treaty, 
and  another  of  amity,  commerce  and  navigation, 
were  signed  at  the  same  time. 

The  boundaries  between  the  two  states  were  thus 
defined  :  "The  bed  of  the  Parana,  from  the  month 
of  the  Iguassu  to  the  Salto  Grande  das  Sete  Quedas. 
From  these  falls  the  line  runs  along  the  Idghest 
divide  of  the  Sierra  de  Maracaju  to  its  termination, 
thence,  as  nearly  as  possible,  in  a  straight  line  along 
the  highest  ground  to  the  Sierra  AmamlKihy,  follow- 
ing the  highest  divide  of  the  Sierra  to  the  principal 
source  of  the  Apa,  and  down  the  river  to  its  junc- 
tion with  the  Paraguay.  All  the  streams  flowing  to 
j  the  north  and  east  belong  to  Brazil,  and  those  to 
:  the  south  and  west  to  Paragviay.  The  island  of 
1  Fecho  dos  Morros,  in  the  Upper  "Paraguay,  was  as- 
I  signed  to  Brazil. 

'The  completion  of  this  treaty  by  Brazil  without 
reference  to  her  allies,  created  a  feeling  of  consider- 
,  able  annoyance  in  the  Argentine  Confederation, 
Which,  atone  time,  seemed  to  render  another  war 
imminent.  It  was  clearly  a  breach  of  the  spirit,  if  not 
the  letter,  of  the  original  treaty  between  the  allies. 


and  the  government  of  the  Confederation  strongly  pro- 
tested agaiiist  it.  So  strong  was  the  letter  sent  to 
Rio  do  Janeiro  by  Dr.  Tejedor,  the  Argentine  Minis- 
ter of  Foreign  Ailairs,  tliat  the  Brazilian  government 
considered  the  question  of  resenting  it  by  another 
appeal  to  arms.  But  ex[)lanations  ultimately  allayed 
the  excitement,  and  friendly  negotiations  soon  aiter 
terminated  in  the  mutual  di'cisiun  that  the  Argen- 
tine Confederation  sliould  prepare  a  separate  treaty, 
wherein  to  settle  the  boundaries  between  the  two 
states.  A  boundary  di6])ute  between  Bolivia  and 
the  Confederation  was  also  left  to  be  decided  in  a 
similar  manner,  ami  another  between  Chili  and  the 
Confederation  remains  still  a  source  of  much  irrita- 
tion. This  involves  the  jjossession  of  Patagonia, 
whieli  is  claimed  by  the  Argentines,  and  their  rights 
are  disputed  by  the  Chilians,  who,  ambitious  of 
maritime  supremacy,  desire  to  secure  the  command 
of  tlie  Straits  of  Magellan.  The  Andean  chain  cer- 
tainly never  was  admitted  by  Chili  as  her  bmnidary 
in  Patagonia.  A  treaty  between  the  two  countries 
in  1866  piDvidcd  that  each  should  res])ect  the  nti 
possidetis  of  1810,  when  the  first  blow  for  indepen- 
dence was  struck.  At  that  time  I'at-.igonia  was  in- 
eluded  in  the  territory  known  as  the  fO'iito  de  Chile. 
But  if  any  dispute  should  subsequently  arise,  the 
treaty  furtlier  provided  that  the  (luestion  between 
tlie  two  countries  should  be  submitted  to.  the  me- 
diation of  a  friendly  power.  Chili  has  long  desired 
a  settlement  in  this  way,  and  the  Argentine  govern- 
ment is  now  showing  a  disposition  also  to  bring  the 
matter  to  an  end  by  arbitration.  Whatever  might 
be  the  result,  the  feeling  is  generally  prevalent 
throughout  the  republics,  though  instigated  by  the 
Argentine  government,  that  tlie  straits  should  bo 
regarded  as  neutral  territory,  and  this  view  is  eciually 
strongly  entertained  by  the  maritime  powers  of 
Europe.  In  his  last  address  to  the  Argentine  Con- 
gress, referring  to  a  current  rumour  of  further  diffi- 
culties having  arisen  upon  the  boundary  question 
between  t'.iat  republic  and  Brazil,  President  Sar- 
miento  said  :  "  There  is  no  dispute  with  Brazil  which 
could  lead  lo  a  war,  and  we  are  boumi  to  adhere  to 
the  honourable  engagement  we  have  made  with 
Chili,  mutnallj'  to  spare  ourselves  an  unnecessary 
expenditure  of  money,  blood,  and  time,  and  not  to 
submit  to  the  caprice  of  the  wind  and  waves,  or  the 
incapacity  of  a  general,  inisunder: taiuliiigs  which 
may  be  poaeefuliy  settled  by  an  honourable  arbi- 
trator." 

Although  none  of  the  republics  have  been  entirely 
free  from  attempted  insurrectionary  movements  dur- 
ing the  interval  that  has  elapsed  since  the  termination 
of  the  war,  the  vigilance  and  energy  of  the  respective 
governments  have,  in  every  case,  sufficed  to  put 
down  all  active  demonstrations  of  discontent,  and 
the  energies  of  the  j^eople,  there,  a.s  well  as  in  the 
empire  of  Brazil,  have  been  mainly  devoted  to  tlie 
arts  of  peace.  Attempts  to  create  a  curi'ent  of  Eu- 
ropean emigration  to  South  America  failed  through 
the  Inefficiency  of  the  organization  adopted  for  the 
purpose,  and  subsequently  from  a  breach  of  faith  in 
non-fulfilment  of  the  engagements  entered  into  by 
the  governments  or  their  representatives.  '1  he  un- 
favourable etfeet  of  this  mistake  still  remains,  and 
time  and  honest  administration  of  public  afCaira 
alone  will  remove  it. 

A  difference  which  for  some  time  existed  between 
the  Chilian  Government  and  that  erf  the  United  States, 
with  reference  to  the  detention  of  a  ship  called  the 
Oood  litituni,  was  ultimately  proposed  for  settlement 
by  arbitration.  The  Oood  Jiclurn  was  a  whaling 
ship,  but  on  a  suit  instituted  against  her  on  sus- 
picion of  being  engaged  in  smuggling,  an  embargo, 
under  judicial  decree,  was  made  by  the  government 
of  Chili.  This  occurred  in  1833,  and  the  question 
having  been  made  a  cause  of  remonstrance  by  the 
authorities  at  Washington,  it  long  remained  in  abey- 
ance. Arrangements  were  at  length  completed  be- 
tween the  Minister  for  Foreign  AiTairs  at  Santiago, 
and  the  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States 
of  North  America,  for  submitting  it  to  the  arbitra- 
tion of  the  Italian  Charge  d'AlIaires.  This  proposal 
having  been  brought  before  the  Committee  of  Gov- 
ernment and  Foreign  AtTairs,  a  favourable  recom- 
mendation was  sent  to  Congress.  In  this  the  Com- 
mittee expressed  the  opinion  that  the  submission 
of  such  questions  to  the  impartial  and  strict  judg- 
ment of  an  arbitrator,  who  will  decide  them  under 
the  inspiration  of  the  highest  justice,  is  the  only 
rational  method  of  bringing  them  to  a  satisfactory 
conclusion.  But  the  Committee  added  a  curious  ex- 
pression of  sentiment  as  to  the  judgment  which  the 
Italian  arbitrator,  acting  under  the  ins])iration  of  the 
highest  justice,  should  give.  They  pronounced  that 
the  republic  is  not  fairly  under  any  oliligation  to 
pay  any  sum,  or  rather,  that  it  ought  nut  to  be  con- 
demned in  any 'if  the  damages  claiiiuul  by  tlie  United 
States  Government,  because,  taking  into  considera- 
tion the  time  when  the  Good  IMurn  was  detained, 
the  motive  that  caused  her  detention,  the  authori- 
ty that  issued  the  order,  and  the  impossibility,  at 
that  time,  of  administering  quick  and  speedy  justico. 


1S6 


ROBERTSON'S    HISTORY  OF 


neitluT  tlie  (joviTiiiiiciit  of  the  republic  nor  the 
aiiiliDritics  Kmorallv  should  be  bhuucd  for  any  act 
iiivolviuii  rosponsihilitv.  Ilaviiii;  thus,  with  more 
zi-!il  than  diticretion,  f.  ttcred  tlic  frecdotn  of  the  arbi- 
Initor,  the  Coininittce  expressed  the  thought  that, 
in;  it  was,  of  all  things,  iiiiporUnt  to  give  some  irre- 
fngable  testimony  to  other  nations  that  the  republic 
1;  animated  by  sentiments  of  good  will  and  justice 
t!i  fonign  powers,  it  became  advi.-able,  notwith- 
Btanding  tlieir  denial  of  resi)onsibility,  to  empower 
the  President  to  settle  the  question  in  the  manner 
l)roposed,  and  a  bill  for  the  purpose  was  thereupon 
drafted,  and  recommended  to  the  House  of  Kepre- 
Rentatives. 

The  proceeding  thus  so  far  advanced  exhibits  the 
extension  of  the  prin<'ii)Ie  of  settling  a  certain  class 
of  international  disputes  by  submitting  them  to  the 
arbitration  of  a  supposed  impartial  tribunal,  but  it 
cannot  be  examined  with  care  in  all  its  details,  with- 
out exposing  the  complicated  forms  which  even 
under  the  new,  and  in  some  respects  simple,  consti- 
tution of  the  South  American  republics,  matters  of 
this  kind  have  to  go  through. 

The  prejudices  which  the  jwople  of  Chili  entertain 
against  foreigners  are  doing  much  to  impede  the 
progress  of  the  country.  Foreigners  arc  thenbj' 
prevented  from  settling  in  the  republic,  and  foreign 
capital  and  enterprise  are  in  like  manner  excluded. 
In  all  trades  and  professions  the  natives  are  jirotected 
against  alien  innovations,  and  immigrants  find  it  dilli- 
cult,  if  not  inntossible,  notwithstanding  special  abil- 
ities and  qnalilieations  possessed  hj-  them,  to  enter  in- 
to the  pursuit  of  their  special  calling.   A  more  liberal 

f)olicy  in  this  respect  would  have  placed  the  republic, 
ong  ere  this,  in  advance  of  its  present  position,  but 
it  is  less  due  to  the  conduct  of  the  authorities  than 
it  Is  to  the  illiberal  tendencies  of  the  national  char- 
acter. A  remedy  will  therefore  not  verj'  readily  be 
found  until  time  has  helped  to  raise  up  a  more  cos- 
mopolitan feeling  among  the  i)Oi)ulation.  This  m&y 
be  assisted  by  the  government,  which  exhibits  at 
the  present  time,  in  various  ways,  a  good  intention 
to  i)romote  the  material  interests  of  the  country. 
With  that  view,  a  second  international  exhibition  of 
the  products  of  agriculture  and  industry  of  Chili 
and  all  foreign  countries  is  being  pre])ared  for  the 
a\ilnmn  of  the  current  year,  and  buildings  for  the 
jurpose  have  been  erected  at  Santiago,  wliich  are 
Iiighly  creditable  to  the  arcliitectural  taste  anil  utili- 
tarian character  of  the  government.  The  foreign 
trade  of  the  eounti-y,  which  this  is  expected  to  stim- 
ulate, amounted,  ill  1873,  to  about  s;.S(),0(X),()OO  ;  in 
1872  it  was  §71,780,388,  of  which  the  imports  were 
valued  at  S34,()57,'.t;i8,  and  the  exports  at  $37,13:i,4(;0. 
And,  as  evidence  of  the  rapid  advances  that  are  being 
made,  it  is  worthy  of  notice  that  these  ligures  very 
largely  exceeded  those  of  1S71.  Agriculture  is  in 
an  advanced  state.  Hemp,  flax,  silk,  and  wheat,  of 
the  first  quality,  arc  produced  in  abundance.  The 
mining  interest,  too,  has  acijuired  a  great  develop- 
ment. It  has  been  claimed  that  the  coiiper  pro- 
tiiiced  in  the  republic  is  two-thirds  of  the  total  pro- 
duce of  the  world,  ljut  this  claim  is  not  sustained; 
the  amount  is,  however,  large.  The  silver  mines  of 
Copiapo,  Iluasco,  Florida,  and  others,  are  remark- 
able for  their  richness;  and  gold,  in  suflicient  quan- 
tity to  be  remunerative,  is  found  in  many  parts  of 
the  country.  Coal  deposits,  both  here  and  in  Peru, 
are  found  along  the  coast.  Many  of  these  arc 
worked  on  a  large  scale,  and  have,  to  a  certain  ex- 
tent, atfaeted  the  trade  with  the  mines  of  Newcastle, 
luid  others  in  Australia.  Iron  ore  is  found  variously 
throughout  the  greater  part  of  the  southern  re- 
publics. 

A  more  just  policy  than  has  hitherto  been  adopt- 
ed towards  foreigners,  would  be  more  advantageous 
than  auy  artilicial,  and  too  often  delusive,  measures 
for  ])romoting  emigration,  and  it  woulil  serve,  beyond 
aught  else,  to  effect  the  development  of  these  ^reat 
natural  rer.ources,  which  eipially  abound  in  the  Kast- 
crn  and  Western  republics,  as  well  as  throughout 
the  entire  empire  of  Urazil.  Tlie  spirit  of  olil  Span- 
ish (■xelusiveness  has  done,  and  is  doing — for  it  has 
not  yet  died  out— mucli  to  retard  the  nuiterial  pro- 
gres.s  of  the  whole  of  South  .America,  even  as  the 
B.une  Spanish  spirit  of  disatlection  has  kept  tlie  re- 
publican i)ortion  of  the  continent  in  a  permanent ' 
condition  of  political  and  social  disquietude.  That 
this  is  still  mischievously  at  work  is  ai)parent  in  an 
ti;cident  which,  while  we  write,  Is  recorded  in  the 
Argentine  Kepuhllc,  where,  i[i  the  darkness  and  si- 
leiU'C  of  the  night,  twenty  human  l)eings  have  been 
a--<ba.':sinated,  by  the  authoriiy  of  thi'  government,  in 
the  priivince  of  Entre  Kios,  for  having  formerly  taken 
part  with  Lopez.  'I'he  government  having  offered 
an  amneHfy  on  condition  that  these  men  woulil  give 
tliemselves  up  from  thidr  hiding-places  in  the  forest 
of  Jala,  they  trusted  in  the  sanctity  of  the  guaran- 
tee thus  given,  and  ]>resented  IhcTUselves  before  the 
authorities,  iiut  their  trust  was  ill  placed.  They 
were  arresUMl,  thrown  into  jail,  and  in  less  than  three 
nightA  all  had  ceased  to  exist.  They  wen-  nitlilessly 
tu  Lirilerud.  by  the  orders  of  that  same  government 


which,  only  a  few  days  before,  had  promised  them 
immunit}'  from  punishment.  It  is  crimes  like  these 
that  now  most  disgrace  the  South  American  re- 
publics. 

Keligious  freedom  is  another  necessity,  before 
complete  national  prosperity  can  be  attained.  In 
the  Western  republics,  especially,  party  feeling  on 
the  question  of  religious  disabilities  has  run  high, 
and  been  a  fertile  topic  of  discussion.  In  the  ChOian 
Congress  it  is  now  undergoing  debate,  and  although 
the  opposition  party  are  violent  in  invective,  the  sup- 
porters of  the  cause  rest  upon  logic  and  the  experi- 
ence of  histoiy,  and  are  confident  of  success.  The 
proposal  to  remove,  or  at  least  to  lessen,  their  dis- 
abilities, has  received  the  sanction  of  some  of  the 
clergy,  and  it  has  been  stated  by  a  high  official  in 
the  republic,  that  in  South  America,  as  in  Eurojie, 
the  time  is  at  hand  when  no  ecclesiastical  authority 
will  be  allowed  to  sustain  alleged  rights  of  the  Pope, 
contrary  both  to  the  laws  of  the  country  and  to  the 
rights  of  a  free  people.  The  extension  of  liberal 
principles  thus  indicated,  together  with  the  untiring 
efforts  that  are  being  made  throughout  the  whole  of 
the  continent  to  promote  education  and  to  encourage 
commerce  and  every  form  of  industrial  pursuits,  to 
construct  railroads  and  telegraphs,  to  develop  the 
mineral  and  agricultural  resources  of  the  several 
countries,  and  by  all  means  to  advance  the  interests 
of  the  peojjle,  justify  the  anticipation  that  an  era  of 
prospeiity  has  bceu  entered  upon  from  which  the 
world  at  large  must  benefit.  For  despite  all  the 
troubles,  interual  and  external,  which  have  been  re- 
corded in  connection  with  the  historj'  of  the  repub- 
lics, they  have  advanced  to  a  high  degree  in  material 
progress  ;  and  they  form  already  a  noble  vindication 
of  the  struggles  for  independence,  as  well  as  an- 
other great  tribute  to  the  virtues  of  political  and 
civil  liberty. 


NOTES  AND  ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Note  [1],  Pack  70. — Tyre  was  situated  at  such  a 
distance  from  the  Arabian  Gulf,  or  Red  Sea,  as  made 
it  iinpracticahle  to  convey  commodities  from  tlierce  to 
that  city  by  land  carriage.  This  induced  the  I'lioeni- 
cians  to  render  tliemselves  masters  of  Kainocrura  or 
JihiiKir.ularu,  the  nearest  port  in  the  Mediterranean  to 
the  Ued  Sea.  Tiicy  landed  the  cargoes  which  thev 
purchased  in  Arabia,  Ethiopia,  and  India,  at  Elath,  the 
safest  harbor  in  the  Red  Sea  towards  the  North. 
I  Thence  they  were  carried  by  land  to  Ilhinocolura,  the 
distance  not  being  very  considerable;  and,  being  re- 
I  shipped  in  that  port  were  transported  to  Tyre,  and  dis- 
tributed over  the  world.  Slrabon.  Geogr.  edit.  Casaub. 
lib.  xvi.  p.  1128.  DioJor.  Sicul.  liibliolh.  Histor.  edit. 
W'essclingii,  lib.  i.  p.  70. 

NoTK  [2].  p.  70. — The  Periplus  Hannonis  is  the 
only  autlientic  moiiutneiit  o(  the  Carthaginian  skill  in 
naval  aliairs,  and  one  of  the  most  curious  fragments 
transmitted  to  us  by  antiquity.  The  learned  and  indus- 
trious Mr.  Dodwell,  in  a  dissertation  prefixed  to  the 
Pcrijilus  of  Ilanno.  in  the  edition  of  the  .Minor  (icogra- 
phcrs  published  at  Oxford,  endeavors  to  prove  that  this 
is  a  spurious  work,  the  composition  of  some  Greek, 
who  assumed  Hanno's  name.  But  M.  dc  .Moutcsipiieu, 
in  his  TEspnt  des  Loix,  lib.  xxi  c.  8.  and  M.  de  Bou- 
gainville, in  a  dissertation  published  torn.  xxvi.  of  the 
Menioircs  de  rAcademic  des  Inscriptions,  &.C.  have 
established  its  authenticity  by  arguments  which  to  me 
appear  unanswerable.  Ramusio  has  accompanied  his 
translation  of  this  curious  voyage  with  a  dissertation 
tending  to  illustrate  it.  Racoltc  de  Viaggi,  vol.  i.  p. 
112.  M.  de  Bougainville  has,  with  great  Itarning  and 
abiliiv,  treated  the  same  subject.  It  appears  that  Han- 
no,  according  to  the  mode  of  ancient  navigation,  under- 
took this  voyage  in  small  vessels  so  constructed  that 
he  could  keep  close  in  with  the  coast.  He  sailed  from 
(icdes  to  the  island  of  Cerne  in  twelve  days.  This  is 
probably  what  is  known  to  the  moderns  by  the  name  of 
the  Isle  of  .\rguiin.  It  becanie  the  chief  station  of  the 
Carthaginians  on  that  coast  ;  and  .M.  de  Bougainville 
contends,  that  the  cisterns  found  there  are  monuments 
of  the  Carthaginian  power  and  ingenuity.  Proceeding 
from  Cerne,  and  still  followmg  the  winding  of  the 
coast,  he  arrived  in  seventeen  days,  at  a  promontory 
which  he  called  The  West  Hunt,  probably  Capo  Pali- 


inas.  From  Jiis  he  advanced  to  mother  promontory 
v/hicn  he  named  Tlif:  South  Horn,  and  which  is  marii- 
feslly  Cape  de  Tres  Puntas,  about  five  degrees  north 
of  the  line.  All  the  circumstances  contained  in  the 
short  abstract  of  his  journal,  which  is  handed  down  to 
us,  concerning  the  appearance  and  stale  of  the  coun- 
tries on  the  coast  of  Africa,  are  confirmed  and  illus- 
trated by  a  comparison  with  the  accounts  of  modem 
navigators.  Even  those  circumstances  which,  from 
their  seeming  iinprobahility,  have  been  produced  to  in- 
validate the  credibility  of  his  relation,  tend  to  cofirin  it. 
He  observes,  that  in  the  country  to  the  south  of  Cerne 
a  profound  silence  reigned  through  the  day  ;  but  during 
the  night  innumerable  (ires  were  kindled  along  the 
I  banks  of  the  rivers,  and  the  air  resounded  with  the 
noise  of  pipes  and  drums  and  cries  of  joy.  The  mine 
I  thing,  as  Kanmsio  observes,  still  takes  place.  The  ex- 
cessive heat  obliges  the  Negroes  to  take  shelter  in  the 
woods,  or  in  their  houses,  during  the  day.  As  soon  as 
the  sun  sets,  they  sally  out,  and  by  torchlight  enjoy  the 
pleasure  of  music  and  dancing,  in  which  they  spend  llie 
night.  Ramus,  i.  113.  F.  In  another  place,  he  men- 
tions the  sea  as  burning  with  torrents  of  fire.  M'liat 
occurred  to  M.  Adaiison,  on  the  same  coast,  may  ex- 
plain this  :  •'  As  soon,"  says  he,  "  as  the  sun  dipped 
beneath  the  horizon,  and  night  overspread  the  earth 
with  darkness,  the  sea  lent  us  its  friendly  light.  While 
the  prow  of  our  vessel  ploughed  the  foaming  surges,  it 
seemed  to  set  them  all  on  lire.  Thus  we  sailed  in  a 
luminous  inclosure,  which  surrounded  iis  like  a  large 
circle  of  rays,  from  whence  darted  in  the  wake  of  the 
ship  a  long  stream  of  a  light."  Voy.  to  Senegal,  p. 
176.  This  ajipcarance  of  the  sea,  observed  by  Hunter, 
has  been  mentioned  as  an  argument  against  the  authen- 
ticity of  the  Periplus.  It  is,  however,  a  |)hc.nomcnon 
very  common  in  warm  climates.  Captain  Cook's 
second  voyage,  vol.  i.  p.  15.  The  Periplus  of  Hanno 
has  been  translated,  and  everv  point  with  respect  to  it 
has  been  illustrated  with  much  learning  and  ingeiiuitv, 
in  a  work  published  by  Don  Pedr.  Rodrig.  Campo- 
manes,  entitled,  .Vntiguedad  maritima  de  Cartago,  con 
el  P  ripio  de  su  General  Hannon  traducido  e  ilhistrado. 
Mad.  175G,  4to. 

Note.  [3].  p.  70. — Long  after  the  navigation  of 
the  Pnoenicians  and  of  Eudoxus  round  Africa,  Polybius, 
the  most  intelligent  and  best  informed  historian  ol 
antiquity,  and  particularly  distinguished  by  his  atten- 
tion to  geographical  researches,  alfirins,  that  it  was  not 
known,  in  his  time,  whether  Africa  was  a  continued 
continent  stretching  to  the  south,  or  whether  i;  was 
encompassed  by  the  sea.  Polybii  Hist.  lib.  iii  Pliny 
the  naturalist  asserts,  that  there  can  be  no  communica- 
tion between  the  southern  and  northern  temperate 
zones.  Plinii  Hist.  Natiir.  edit,  in  usuin.  Delph.  4to. 
lib.  ii.  c.  68.  If  they  had  given  full  credit  to  the 
accounts  of  those  voyages,  the  former  could  not  have 
entertained  such  a  doubt,  the  latter  could  not  have 
delivered  such  an  opiiuon.  Strabo  mentions  the  voy- 
age of  Eudoxus,  but  treats  it  as  a  fabulous  tale,  lib.  ii. 
p.  155  ;  and,  according  to  his  account  of  it,  no  otiiei 
judgment  can  be  formed  with  respect  to  it.  Strabo 
seems  not  to  have  known  any  thing  with  certainty  con 
cerning  the  form  and  slate  of  the  soiiihem  parts  ol 
.\friea.  Geogr.  lib.  xvii.  p.  USO.  Ptolemy,  the  most 
inquisitive  and  learned  of  all  the  ancient  geographers, 
was  equally  unacipiainted  with  aiiv  parts  of  Africa  situ- 
ated a  ffcw  degrees  beyond  the  equinoctial  line  ;  for  he 
supposes  that  this  great  conlinenl  was  not  surrounded 
by  the  sea.  but  that  it  stretched,  without  interruption, 
towards  the  south  pole  ;  and  he  so  far  mistakes  its  true 
ligure  that  he  describes  the  continent  as  becoming 
broader  a'ld  broader  as  it  advanced  towards  the  couth. 
Ptolemrji  Geogr.  lib.  iv.  c.  9.  Brietii  Parallela  Geogr. 
vetcris  e'  nova,  p.  86. 

NoTB  [4].  p  71. — A  fact  recorded  by  Strtbo 
affords  a  very  strong  and  singular  proof  of  the  igno- 
rance of  the  ancients  with  rcspeel  to  the  situation  of  the 
various  parts  of  the  earth,  \\  hen  Alexander  marched 
along  ic  banks  of  the  Hydaspcs  and  Acesinc,  two  of 
the  rivers  which  fall  into  the  Indus,  he  observed  that 
there  were  many  crocodiles  in  those  rivers,  and  that  the 
country  produced  beans  of  the  same  species  with  those 
which  were  common  i;i  Egvpl.  From  these  circum- 
stances he  concluded  that  he  had  discovered  the  source 
of  the  Nile,  and  pre|>artd  a  lleet  to  sail  u'own  the  lly 
daspes  to  Egvpt.  Slrab.  Cieogr.  lib.  xv.  p  WiO. 
This  amazing  error  did  not  arise  from  anv  ignorance  ol 
gi'ography  jieculiar  to  that  monarch  ;  lor  we  arc  in- 
formed by  Strabo,  that  .Mexaiidei  applied  with  particu- 
lar attrntion  in  order  to  acquire  the  knowledge  of  ihw 
science,  and  had  accurate  maps  or  discri|ilione  "f  lite 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


187 


countries  through  which  he  marched.    Lib.  ii.  p.  120. 

But  in  his  age  the  knowledge  of  the  Greeks  did  not 
cstend  beyond  the  Uniits  of  the  Mediterranean. 

Note  '5].  p.  71. — As  the  flux  and  reflux  of  the  »ea 
is  remarkably  great  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  Indus, 
this  would  render  the  phenomenon  more  fonnidablc  to 
the  Greeks.    Varcn  Geogr.  vol.  i.  p.  251. 

NoTK  [6].  p.  71. --It  is  probable  that  the  ancients 
were  seldom  induced  to  advance  so  far  as  the  mouth  of 
the  Ganges,  either  by  motives  of  curiosity  or  views  of 
conmiercial  advantage.  In  conse(juenco  of  tlii.s,  llieir 
ide  1  concerning  the  position  of  that  grcit  river  was  very 
erroneous.  Ptolemy  places  that  branch  of  the  Ganges, 
which  he  distinguishes  by  the  name  of  the  Great  Mouth, 
in  the  hundred  and  forty-sixth  degree  of  longitude  from 
his  first  meridian  in  the  l''ortunaie  Islands.  But  its 
true  longitude,  computed  from  that  meridian,  is  now 
determined,  by  astronomical  observations,  to  be  only  a 
hundred  and  live  degrees.  A  geographer  so  eminent 
must  have  been  betrayed  into  an  error  of  this  magni- 
tude by  the  imperfection  of  the  information  which  he 
had  received  concerning  those  distant  regions  ;  and 
this  aflbrds  a  striking  proof  of  the  intercourse  with  them 
being  extremely  rare.  AVith  respect  to  the  countries 
of  India  beyond  the  Ganges,  his  intelligence  was  still 
more  defective,  and  his  errors  more  enormous.  I  shall 
have  occasion  to  observe,  in  another  place,  that  he  has 
placed  the  country  of  the  Seres,  or  China,  no  less  than 
sixty  degrees  further  east  than  its  true  position.  M. 
d'Anville,  one  of  the  most  learned  and  intelligent  of  the 
modern  geographers,  has  set  this  matter  in  a  clear  light, 
in  two  dissertations  published  in  Mem.  de  I'Academ. 
des  Inscript.  &.c.  torn,  xxxii.  p.  573.  604. 

Note  [7].  p.  71.— It  is  remarkable,  that  the  dis- 
coveries of  the  ancients  were  made  chiefly  by  land  ; 
those  of  the  moderns  are  carried  on  chiefly  by  sea. 
The  progress  of  conquest  led  to  the  former,  that  of 
commerce  to  the  latter.  It  is  a  judicious  observation 
of  Strabo,  that  the  conquests  of  Alexander  the  Great 
made  known  the  East,  those  of  the  Romans  opened  the 
West,  and  those  of  Mithridates  King  of  Pontus  the 
North.  Lib.  i.  p.  26.  When  discovery  is  carried  on 
oy  land  alone,  its  progress  must  be  slow  and  its  opera- 
tions conlined.  When  it  is  carried  on  only  by  sea,  its 
sphere  may  be  more  extensive,  and  its  advances  more 
rapid;  but  it  labors  under  peculiar  defects.  Though 
it  may  make  known  the  position  of  diflerent  countries, 
and  ascertain  their  boundaries  as  far  as  these  are  deter- 
mined by  the  ocean,  it  leaves  us  in  ignorance  with  re- 
spect to  their  interior  state.  Above  two  centuries  and 
a  half  have  elapsed  since  the  Europeans  sailed  round 
the  southern  promontory  of  Africa,  and  have  traded  in 
most  of  its  ports  ;  but,  in  a  considerable  part  of  that 
great  continent,  they  have  done  little  more  than  sjrvey 
Its  coasts,  and  mark  its  capes  and  harbors.  Its  interior 
regions  are  in  a  great  measuie  unknown.  The  an- 
cients, who  had  a  very  imperfect  knowledge  of  its 
coasts,  except  where  they  are  washed  by  the  Medi- 
terranean or  Red  Sea,  were  accustomed  to  penetrate 
mto  its  inlir.d  provinces,  and,  if  we  may  rely  on  the 
testiinn;.y  of  Herodotus  and  Diodorus  Sicuius,  had  ex- 
pleifc  many  parts  of  it  now  altogether  unknowr..  Un- 
tie both  modes  of  discovery  be  united,  the  geographi- 
cal knowledge  of  the  earth  must  remain  incomplete  and 
inaccurate. 

Note  [8].  p.  72.— The  notions  of  the  ancients  con- 
cerning such  an  excessive  degree  of  heat  in  the  torrid 
zone  as  rendered  it  uninhabitable,  and  their  persisting 
m  this  error  long  after  they  began  to  have  some  com- 
mercial intercourse  with  several  parts  of  India  lying 
within  the  tropics,  must  a|)pear  so  singular  and  absurd, 
that  it  may  not  be  unacce|>table  to  some  of  my  readers 
to  produce  evidence  of  their  holding  this  opinion,  and 
to  account  for  the  apparent  inconsistence  of  their 
theory  with  their  experience.  Cicero,  who  had  be- 
stowed attention  upon  every  part  "f  philosophy  known 
to  the  ancients,  seems  to  have  believed  that  .he  torrid 
tone  was  uninhabitable,  and,  of  consequence,  that  there 
could  be  no  intercourse  between  the  northern  and 
southern  temperate  zones.  He  introduces  Africanus 
thus  addressing  the  younger  Scipio  :  "  You  see  this 
earth  encompassed,  and  as  it  were  bound  in  by  certain 
zones,  of  which  two,  at  the  greatest  distance  from  each 
other,  and  sustaining  the  opposite  poles  of  heaven,  are 
frozen  with  perpetual  cold  ;  the  middle  one,  and  the 
largest  of  all,  is  burnt  with  the  heat  of  the  sun  ;  two 
are  habitable  ;  the  people  in  the  southern  one  are  anti- 
podes to  us,  with  whom  we  have  no  connection." 


Somnium  Scipionis,  c.  6.  Gcminus,  a  Greek  philoioher, 
contemporary  with  Cicero,  delivers  the  same  doctrine, 
nut  in  a  popular  work,  but  in  his  l''.iTriywyi|  ck  'I'un'oyitm, 
a  treatise  purely  scicniiflc.  "  When  we  speak,"  says 
he,  "  of  the  southern  temperate  zone  and  its  inhabitants, 
and  concerning  those  who  arc  called  antipodes,  it  must 
be  always  understood,  that  we  have  no  certain  know- 
ledge or  information  concerning  the  southern  temperate 
zone,  whether  it  be  inhabited  or  Tiot.  But  from  the 
spherical  figure  of  the  earth,  and  the  course  which  the 
sun  holds  between  the  tropics,  we  conclude  lhat  there 
is  another  zone  situated  to  the  south,  which  enjoys  the 
same  degree  of  temperature  with  the  northern  one 
which  we  inhabit."  Cap.  xiii.  p.  •il.  ap.  Pctavii  Opus 
do  Doctr.  Temper,  in  quo  liraiiologium  sive  Systemata 
var.  Auctorum.  Amst.  1705.  vol.  3.  The  opinion  of 
Pliny  the  naturalist,  with  respect  to  both  these  |)oints, 
was  the  same  :  "  Tlierc  arc  five  divisions  of  the  earth, 
which  are  called  zones.  All  that  portion  which  lies 
near  to  the  two  opposite  poles  is  oppressed  with  velw- 
ment  cold  and  eternal  frost.  There,  unblessed  with 
the  aspect  of  milder  stars,  perpetual  darkness  reigns,  or 
at  the  utmost,  a  feeble  light  reflected  from  surrounding 
snows.  The  middle  of  the  earth,  in  which  is  the  orbit 
of  the  sun,  is  scorched  and  burnt  up  with  flames  and 
fiery  va])Or.  Between  these  torrid  and  frozen  districts 
lie  two  other  portions  of  the  earth,  which  are  temperate  ; 
but,  on  account  of  the  burning  region  interposed,  there 
can  be  no  communication  between  them.  Thus  Hea- 
ven has  deprived  us  of  three  parts  of  the  earth."  Lib. 
ii.  c.  68.  Strabo  delivers  his  opinion  to  the  same 
effect,  ill  terms  no  less  explicit:  "The  portion  of  the 
earth  which  lies  near  the  equator,  in  the  torrid  zone,  is 
rendered  uninhabitable  by  heat."  Lib.  ii.  p.  154.  To 
these  I  might  add  the  authority  of  many  other  respecta- 
ble philosophers  and  historians  of  antiquity. 

In  order  to  explain  the  sense  in  which  this  doctrine 
was  generally  received,  we  may  ob.serve,  that  Parme- 
nidcs,  as  we  are  informed  by  Strabo,  was  the  first  who 
divided  the  earth  into  five  zones,  and  cxtci;dcd  the 
limits  of  the  zone  which  he  supposed  to  be  uninhabita- 
ble on  account  of  heat  beyond  the  tropics.  Aristotle, 
as  we  learn  likewise  from  Strabo,  fi.xed  the  boundaries 
of  the  dilferent  zones  in  the  same  manner  as  they  are 
defined  by  modern  geographers.  But  the  progress  of 
discovery  having  gradually  demonstrated  that  several 
regions  of  the  earth  which  lay  within  the  tropics  were 
not  only  habitable,  but  populous  and  fertile,  this  induced 
later  geographers  to  circumscribe  the  limits  of  the  torrid 
zone.  It  is  not  easy  to  ascertain  with  precision  the 
boundaries  which  they  allotted  it.  From  a  passage  in 
Strabo,  who,  as  far  as  I  know,  is  the  only  author  of 
antiquity  from  whom  we  receive  any  hint  concerning 
this  subject,  I  should  conjecture,  lhat  those  who  calcu- 
lated according  to  the  measuremi^nt  of  the  earth  by 
Eratosthenes,  supposed  the  tcrrid  zone  to  comprehend 
near  sixteen  degrees,  about  eight  on  each  side  of  the 
equator ;  whereas  such  as  followed  the  computation  of 
Posidouius  allotted  about  twenty-four  degrees,  or  some- 
what more  than  twelve  degrees  on  eich  side  of  the 
equator  to  the  torrid  zone.  Strabo,  lib.  ii.  p.  151.  Ac- 
cording to  the  former  opinion,  about  two-thirds  of  that 
portion  of  the  earth  which  lies  between  the  tropics  was 
considered  as  habitable  ;  according  to  the  latter,  about 
one-half  of  it.  With  this  restriction,  the  doctrine  of 
the  ancients  concerning  the  torrid  zone  appears  less 
absurd  ;  and  we  can  conceive  the  reason  of  their  as- 
serting this  zone  to  be  uninhabitable,  even  after  they 
had  opened  a  communication  with  several  places  within 
the  tropics.  When  men  of  science  spoke  of  the  lornd 
zone,  they  considered  it  as  it  was  limited  by  the  defi- 
nition of  geographers  to  sixteen,  or  at  the  utmost  to 
twenty-four  degrees  ;  and  as  they  knew  almost  nothing 
of  the  countries  nearer  to  the  equator  they  might  still  sup- 
pose them  to  be  uninhabitable.  In  loose  and  popular  dis- 
course, the  name  of  the  torrid  zone  continued  to  be  given 
to  all  that  portion  of  the  earth  which  lies  withm  the  tro- 
))ics.  Cicero  seems  to  have  been  uuac(iuaintcd  with  those 
ideas  of  the  later  geographers  ;  and,  adhering  to  the 
division  of  Parmonides,  describes  the  torrid  zone  as 
the  largest  of  the  five.  Some  of  the  ancients  rejected 
the  notion  concerning  the  intolerable  heat  of  the  torrid 
zone  as  a  popular  error.  This  we  are  told  by  Plutarch  i 
was  the  sentiment  of  Pythagoras  ;  and  we  learn  trom  j 
Strabo,  that  Eratosthenes  and  Polybius  had  adopted  j 
the  same  opinion,  lib.  ii.  p.  154.  Ptolemy  seems  to 
have  paid  no  regard  to  the  ancient  doctrine  atid  opinions  [ 
concerning  the  torrid  zone.  j 

Note  [9].  p.  74. — The  court  of  Inquisition,  which 
eflectually  checks  a  spirit  of  liberal  impiiry,  and  of  lite-  1 
i  rary  improvement,  wherever  it  is  established,  was  im- 


known  in  Portugal  in  the  fifteenth  century,  when  lh« 
people  of  that  country  began  theirvoyages  of  discovery. 
More  than  a  century  elapsed  before;  it  was  introduced 
by  John  HI.,  whose  rcgn  commenced  A.  D.  1521. 

Note  [10].  p.  75 — An  instance  of  this  is  related  iiy 
Hakluyt,  upon  the  authority  of  the  Portuguese  historian 
(larcia  de  Resende.  Some  English  mcrchdiits  having 
resolved  to  open  a  trade  with  the  coast  of  Guinea,  .lohii 
II.  of  Portugal  despatched  ambassadors  to  Edward  IV., 
in  Older  to  lay  before  him  the  right  which  he  had  ac- 
quired by  th(;  Pope's  bull  to  the  domiuion  of  that  coun- 
tiy,  and  to  rcipu  st  of  him  to  prohibit  his  subjects  to  pro- 
secute their  intended  voyage.  Edward  was  so  much 
satisfied  with  the  exclusive  title  of  the  I'orluguesc,  that 
he  issued  his  orders  in  the  terms  which  they  desired. 
Hakluyt,  Navigations,  Voyages,  and  Traffics  of  tho 
English,  vol  ii.  part.  ii.  p.  2. 

Note  fll].  p.  76. — The  time  of  Cnlumbus's  death 
may  be  nearly  ascertained  by  the  following  circum- 
stances. It  appears  from  the  fragment  of  a  letter  ad- 
dressed by  him  to  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  A.  ]J.  1501, 
that  he  had  at  that  time  been  engaged  forty  years  in  a 
sea.*'aring  life.  In  another  letter  he  inlorms  them  that 
he  went  to  sea  at  the  age  of  fourteen  :  from  those  facts 
it  follows,  that  ho  was  born  A.  D.  1447.  Life  ol 
Christa.  Columbus,  by  his  son  Don  Ferdinand.  Churc- 
hiil's  Collection  of  Voyages,  vol.  ii.  p.  484,  485. 

Note  [12].  p.  77. — The  spherical  figure  of  the  earth 
was  known  to  the  ancient  geographers.  They  invented 
the  method,  still  iti  use,  of  computing  the  longitude  and 
latitude  of  diflerent  |)laces.  According  to  their  doc- 
trine, the  equator,  or  imaginary  line  which  encom- 
passes the  earth,  contained  ihrue.  hundred  and  sixty 
degrees  ;  these  they  divided  into  twenty-four  [)arts,  or 
hours,  each  equal  to  fifteen  degrees.  'I'he  country  of 
the  Seres  or  Sum,  being  the  furthest  part  of  India 
known  to  the  ancients,  was  supposid  by  Mariiius  Ty- 
rius,  the  most  eminent  of  the  ancient  geoi^rapiiers  be- 
fore Ptolemy,  to  be  fifteen  hours,  or  two  hundred  and 
twenty-five  degrees  to  the  cast  of  the  first  meridian, 
passing  through  the  Fortunate  Islands.  I'tolemroi 
Geogr.  lib.  i.  c.  11.  If  this  supi'osition  was  well 
founded,  the  country  of  the  Seres,  or  China,  was  only 
nine  hours,  or  one  hundred  and  thirty-five  degrees  W9st 
from  the  Fortunate  or  Canary  Island  ;  and  the  naviga- 
tion in  that  direction  was  much  shorter  than  by  tho 
course  which  the  Portuguese  were  pursuing.  Marco 
Polo,  in  his  travels,  had  described  countries,  particu- 
larly the  island  of  Cipango  or  Zipangri,  supposed  to  be 
Japan,  considerably  to  the  east  of  any  part  of  Asia 
knOMi  to  the  ancients.  Marcus  Paulus  de  Region. 
Oriental,  lib.  ii.  c.  70.  lib.  iii.  c.  2.  Of  course,  this 
country,  as  it  extended  further  to  the  east,  was  still 
nearer  to  the  Canary  Islands.  The  conclusions  of  Co- 
lumbus, though  drawn  from  inaccurate  observations, 
were  just.  If  the  suppositions  of  Marinus  had  been 
well  founded,  and  if  the  countries  which  Marco  Polo 
visited,  had  been  situated  to  the  east  of  those  whose 
longitude  Marinus  had  ascertained,  the  proper  and  near- 
est course  to  the  East  Indies  must  have  been  to  steer 
directly  west.  Herrera,  dec.  1.  lib.  i.  c.  2.  A  more  ex- 
tensive knowledge  of  the  globe  has  now  discovered 
the  great  error  of  Marinus,  in  supposing  China  to  be  fif- 
teen hours,  or  two  hundred  and  twenty-five  degrees 
east  from  the  Canary  Islands  ;  and  that  even  Ptolemy 
was  mistaken,  when  he  reduced  the  longitude  of  China 
to  twelve  hours,  or  one  hundred  and  eighty  degrees. 
The  longitude  of  the  western  frontier  of  that  vast  em- 
pire is  seven  hours,  or  one  hundred  and  lifteen  degrees 
from  the  meridian  of  the  Canary  Islan<ls.  But  (Colum- 
bus followed  the  light  which  his  age  afforded,  and  relied 
upon  the  authority  of  writers,  who  wore  at  that  time 
regarded  as  the  instructcrs  and  guides  of  mankind  in 
the  science  of  geography. 

Note  [13].  p.  7'.). — As  the  Portuguese,  in  making 
their  discoveries,  did  not  depart  far  from  the  coast  ot 
Africa,  they  concluded  that  birds,  whose  flight  ihey  ob- 
served with  great  attention,  did  not  venture  to  any  con- 
diderablc  distance  from  land.  In  the  infancy  of  navi- 
gation it  was  not  know  n  that  birds  often  stretched  their 
flight  to  an  immense  distance  from  any  shore.  In  sail- 
ing towards  the  S\'cst  Indian  Islands,  birds  arc  often 
seen  at  the  distance  of  two  hundred  leagues  from  the 
nearest  coast.  Sloane's  Nat.  Hist,  of  Jamaica,  vol.  i. 
p.  30.  Catcsby  saw  an  owl  at  sea  when  the  ship  waa 
six  hundred  leagues  distant  from  land.  Nat.  Hist,  ol 
Carolina,  pref.  p.  7.  Hist.  Naturelle  de  M.  Huflbn, 
torn.  xvi.  p.  32.    From  which  it  appears  that  this  indi 


188 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


catiou  of  land,  on  which  Columbus  seems  to  have  rc- 
lifd  with  some  confidence,  was  extremely  uncertain. 
This  obseryalion  is  confirmed  by  Capt.  Cook,  the  most 
extensive  and  experienced  navigator  of  any  age  or  na- 
tion. "  No  one  yet  knows  (says  he)  to  what  distance 
any  of  the  oceanic  birds  go  to  sea  ;  for  my  own  part,  I 
do  not  believe  that  there  is  one  in  the  whole  tribe  that 
can  be  relied  on  in  pointing  out  the  vicinity  of  land." 
Voyage  towards  '.he  Soutii  Pole,  vol.  i.  p.  275. 

Note  [14].  p.  81. — In  a  letter  of  the  Admiral's  to 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  he  describes  one  of  the  har- 
bors in  Cuba  with  all  the  enthusiastic  admiration  of  a 
diicoverer.  "  1  discovered  a  river  wliich  a  galley 
might  easily  enter :  the  beauty  of  it  induced  mo  to 
sound,  and  I  found  from  five  to  eight  fathoms  of  water. 
Having  proceeded  a  considerable  way  up  the  river, 
every  thing  invited  me  to  settle  there.  The  beauty  of 
the  river,  the  clearness  of  the  water  through  which  I 
could  sec  the  sandy  bottom,  the  multitude  of  palm 
trees  of  ditTerent  kinds,  tiie  tallest  and  finest  I  liad 
seen,  and  an  infinite  number  of  other  large  and  nou- 
rishing trees,  the  birds,  and  the  verdure  of  the  plains 
are  so  wonderfully  beautiful,  that  this  country  excels 
all  others  as  far  as  the  day  surpasses  the  night  in 
brightness  and  splendor,  so  that  I  often  said  that  it 
would  he  in  vain  for  me  to  attempt  to  give  your  High- 
ness a  full  account  of  it,  for  neither  my  tongue  nor  my 
pen  could  come  up  to  tlie  truth  ;  and  intloed  I  am  so 
much  amazed  at  the  sight  of  such  beauty,  that  I  know 
'  not  bow  to  describe  it."    Life  of  Columb.  c.  30. 

Note  [15].  p.  SI. — The  account  which  Columbus 
gives  of  the  humanity  and  orderly  behavior  of  the  na- 
tives on  this  occasion  is  vcrv  striking.  '•  the  king 
'.says  he  in  a  letter  to  Ferdinand  and  Isabella)  having 
been  informed  of  our  misfortune,  e.xjircsscd  great  grief 
for  our  loss,  and  immediately  sent  aboard  all  the  peo- 
ple in  the  place  in  many  large  canoes  ;  we  soon  un- 
loaded the  ship  of  every  thing  that  was  upon  deck,  as 
the  king  gave  us  great  assistance  :  he  himself,  witli  his 
brothers  and  relations,  took  all  possible  care  that  every 
ciiing  should  be  properly  done,  both  alioaru  and  ;r.  sl>nr«. 
And,  from  time  to  lime,  he  sent  some  of  his  relations 
weeping,  to  beg  of  me  not  to  be  dejected,  for  ho 
would  give  me  all  that  he  had.  I  can  assure  your 
Highnesses,  that  so  much  care  could  not  have  been 
taken  in  securing  our  effects  in  any  part  of  Spain,  as 
•!l  our  property  was  put  together  in  one  place  near  his 
palace,  until  the  houses  which  he  wanted  to  prepare  for 
the  custody  of  it  were  emptied.  He  immediately  placed 
a  guard  of  armed  men,  w  ho  watched  during  tlie  whole 
night,  and  those  on  shore  lamented  as  if  they  had  been 
much  interested  in  our  loss.  The  people  are  so  allcc- 
tionate,  so  tractable,  and  so  peaceable,  that  I  swear  to 
your  Highnesses,  that  there  is  not  a  better  race  of 
men,  nor  a  better  country  in  the  world.  They  love 
their  neighbor  as  themselves  ;  their  conversation  is  the 
sweetest  and  mildest  in  the  world,  cheerful  and  al.vavs 
accompanii^d  with  a  smile.  And  although  it  is  true 
that  they  go  naked,  yet  your  Highnesses  may  be  as- 
sured that  they  have  many  very  coiiimendable  customs  ; 
the  king  .s  served  with  great  state,  and  his  behavior  is 
*o  decent  that  it  is  pleasant  to  sec  him,  as  it  is  likewise 
to  observe  the  wonderful  memory  which  these  people 
have,  and  their  desire  of  knowing  every  thing,  which 
leads  them  to  inquire  into  its  cause  and  effects."  Life 
of  Columbus,  c.  32.  It  is  probable  that  the  Spaniards 
were  indebted  for  this  ollicious  attention  to  the  opinion 
which  the  Indians  entertained  of  them  as  a  superior 
order  of  beings. 

Note  [16].  p.  82. — Every  monument  of  such  a 
man  as  Columbus  is  valuable.  A  letter  which  he  wrote 
to  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  describing  what  passed  on 
this  occasion,  exhibits  a  most  striking  picture  of  his 
intrepidity,  his  humanity,  his  prudence,  his  public  spi- 
rit, and  courtly  address.  "  I  would  have  been  less 
concerned  for  this  misfortune  had  I  alone  been  in  dan- 
ger, both  because  my  life  is  a  debt  that  I  owe  to  the 
Supreme  Creator,  and  because  I  have  at  other  times 
been  exjiosed  to  tlie  most  imminent  hazard.  Uul  what 
garc  me  infinite  grief  and  vexation  was,  that  after  it 
Md  pleased  our  Lord  to  give  mo  faith  to  undertake  this 
iwterprise,  in  which  I  had  now  been  .so  successful,  that 
my  opponents  would  have  been  convinced,  and  the 
glory  of  your  Highnesses,  and  llie  extent  of  your  tcr- 
titory,  increased  by  mc  ;  it  should  please  the  Divine 
Majesty  to  stop  all  by  my  death.  All  this  would  have 
Ijcen  mure  tolerable  had  it  not  been  attended  with  the 
loss  of  thoso  meji  whom  I  luid  carried  with  mc,  tipon 
pioraiso  of  the  {^icatest  prosperity,  v«hg,  secin^j  iheia- 


sclves  in  such  distress,  cursed  not  only  their  coming 
along  with  me,  but  that  fear  and  awe  of  me  which 
prevented  them  from  returning,  as  they  often  had 
resolved  to  have  done.  But  besides  all  this,  my 
sorrow  was  greatly  increased  by  recollecting  that  I  had 
left  my  two  sons  at  school  at  Cordova,  destitute  of 
friends,  in  a  foreign  country,  when  it  could  not  in  all 
probability  be  known  that  I  had  done  such  services  as 
might  induce  your  Highnesses  to  remember  them. 
.\nd  though  I  comforted  myself  with  tne  faith  that  our 
Lord  would  not  permit  that  which  tended  so  much  to 
the  glory  of  his  Church,  and  which  I  had  brought  about 
with  so  much  trouble,  to  remain  imperfect,  yet  I  con- 
sidered, tliat,  on  account  of  my  sins,  it  was  his  will  to 
deprive  me  of  that  glory  which  I  might  have  attained  in 
this  world.  While  in  this  confused  state,  I  thought  on 
the  good  fortune  which  accompanies  your  Highnesses, 
and  imagined  that  although  I  should  perish,  and  the  ves- 
sel be  lost,  it  was  possible  that  you  might  somehow 
come  to  the  knowledge  of  my  voyage,  and  the  success 
with  which  it  was  attended.  For  that  reason  I  wrote 
upon  parchment  with  the  brevity  which  the  situation 
recpiircd,  that  I  had  discovered  the  lands  which  I  pro- 
mised, in  how  many  days  I  had  done  it,  and  what  course 
I  had  followed.  I  mentioned  the  goodness  of  the  coun- 
try, the  character  of  the  inhabitants,  and  that  your 
Highnesses'  subjects  were  left  in  possession  of  all  that 
I  had  discovered.  Having  sealed  this  writing,  I  ad- 
dressed it  to  your  Highnesses,  and  promised  a  thou- 
sand ducats  to  any  person  who  should  deliver  it  sealed, 
so  that  if  any  foreigner  found  it,  the  promised  reward 
might  prevail  on  them  not  to  give  the  iiifonnation  to 
another.  I  then  caused  a  great  cask  to  be  brought  to 
mc,  and  wra[iping  up  the  parchment  in  an  oiled  cloth, 
and  afterwards  in  a  cake  of  wax,  I  put  it  into  the  cask, 
and  having  stopucd  it  well,  I  cast  it  into  the  sea.  All 
the  men  believed  that  it  was  some  act  of  devotion. 
Imagining  that  this  might  never  chance  to  be  taken  up, 
as  the  eliips  approached  nearer  to  Spain,  I  made  another 
packet  like  t.'ie  first,  iiid  placed  it  at  the  top  of  the 
|)oop,  so  that,  if  the  ship  sunk,  the  cask  remaining 
above  water  might  bo  committed  to  the  guidance  of 
fortune." 

Note  [17].  p.  82  — Some  Spanish  authors,  with  the 
meanness  of  national  jealousy,  have  endeavored  to  de- 
tract from  the  glory  of  Columbus,  bv  insinuating  that 
he  was  led  to  the  discovery  ot  tne  New  \Vorld,  not  by 
his  own  inventive  or  enterprising  genius,  but  by  infor- 
mation which  he  had  received.  According  to  their  ac- 
count a  vessel  having  been  driven  from  its  course  by 
easterly  winds,  was  carried  before  them  far  to  the 
west,  and  landed  on  the  coast  of  an  unknown  country, 
from  which  it  returned  with  difliculty  ;  the  pilot  and 
three  sailors  being  the  only  persons  who  survived  the 
distresses  which  the  crew  sulfered  from  want  of  pro- 
visions and  fatigue  in  this  long  voyage.  In  a  few  davs 
after  their  arrival,  all  the  four  died  ;  but  the  pilot  hav- 
ing been  received  into  the  house  of  Columbi-s,  his  in- 
timate friend  disclosed  to  him  before  his  death,  the 
secret  of  the  discovery  which  he  had  accidentally  made, 
and  left  him  his  papers  containing  a  journal  of  the  voy- 
age, which  served  as  a  guide  to  (Columbus  in  his  un- 
tcrtaking.  Gomara,  as  far  as  I  know,  is  the  first  au- 
thor who  published  this  story.  Hist.  c.  13.  Every 
circumstance  is  destitute  of  evidence  to  support  it. 
Neither  the  name  of  the  vessel  nor  its  destination  is 
known.  Some  pretend  that  it  belonged  to  one  of  the 
sea|)Ort  towns  in  .\ndalusia,  and  was  sailing  either  to 
the  Canaries  or  to  Madeira;  others,  that  it  was  a  Bis- 
cayncr  in  its  way  to  England  ;  others,  a  Portuguese 
ship  trading  on  the  coast  of  Guinea.  The  name  of  the 
pilot  is  alike  unknown,  as  well  as  that  of  the  port  in 
which  he  landed  on  his  return.  According  to  some,  it 
was  in  Portugal  ;  according  to  others,  in  Madeira,  or 
the  Azores.  The  year  in  which  this  voyage  was  made 
is  no  less  uncertain.  Monson's  Nav.  Tracts.  Churchill 
iii.  371.  No  mention  is  made  of  this  pilot,  or  his  dis- 
coveries, by  .\nd.  Beriialdes,  or  Pet.  Martvr,  the  con- 
temporaries of  Columbus.  Herrera,  with  his  usual 
judgment,  passes  over  it  in  silence.  Oviedo  takes  no- 
tice of  this  report,  but  considers  it  as  a  talc  fit  only  to 
amuse  the  vulgar.  Hist.  lib.  ii.  c.  2.  .\s  Columbui 
held  his  course  directly  west  from  the  Canaries,  and 
never  varied  it,  some  later  authors  have  supposed  that 
this  uniformity  is  a  proof  of  his  being  guided  by  some 
previous  information.  But  they  do  not  recollect  the 
princijilos  on  which  he  foundci  all  his  hopes  of  suc- 
ccs.^,  that  by  holding  a  westerly  course  he  must  cer- 
tainly arrive  at  those  regions  of  the  east  described  by  the 
ancients.  His  firm  belief  of  his  own  system  led  hiin  to 
take  that  course,  and  to  pursue  it  without  deviation. 


The  Spaniards  are  not  the  only  people  who  hare 
called  in  question  Columbus's  claim  to  the  hon  >r  oi 
having  discovered  America.  Some  German  autlors 
ascribed  this  honor  to  Martin  Behaiin  their  coutitrym  in. 
He  was  of  the  noble  family  of  the  Behaims  of  Schwarti- 
bach,  citizens  of  the  first  rank  in  the  Imperial  town  of 
Nuremberg.  Having  studied  under  the  celebrated  John 
Mullcr,  better  known  by  the  name  of  Rcgioniontanus, 
he  acquired  such  knowledge  of  cosmography  as  excited 
a  desire  of  exploring  those  regions,  llie  situation  and 
qualities  of  which  he  had  been  accustomed,  under  that 
able  master,  to  investigate  and  describe.  Under  the 
patronage  of  the  Dutchess  of  Burgundy  he  repaired  to 
Lisbon,  whither  the  fame  of  the  Portuguese  discoveries 
invited  all  the  adventurous  spirits  of  the  age.  There, 
as  we  learn  from  Herman  Schedel,  of  whose  Chronocon 
Mitiidi,  a  German  translation  was  printed  at  Nurem- 
berg, A.  D.  1493,  his  merit  as  a  cosmographer  raised 
him,  in  conjunction  with  Diego  Cano,  to  the  command 
of  a  squadron  fitted  out  for  discovery  in  the  year  14S3. 
In  that  voyage  he  is  said  to  have  discovered  the  king- 
dom of  Congo.  He  settled  in  the  kingdom  of  Fayal, 
one  of  the  .-Vzores,  and  was  a  particular  friend  of  Co- 
lumbus. Herrera,  dec.  1.  lib.  i.  c.  2.  Magellan  bad 
a  terrestrial  globe  made  by  Bchaim,  on  which  he  de- 
monstrated the  course  that  he  proposed  to  hold  in 
search  of  the  communication  with  the  .South  Sea,  which 
he  afterwards  discovered.  Gomara  Hist.  c.  19.  Her- 
rera, dec.  11.  lib.  ii.  c.  10.  In  the  year  1492,  Behaim 
visited  his  relations  in  Nuremberg,  and  left  with  them 
a  map  drawn  with  his  own  hand,  which  is  still  preserved 
among  the  archives  of  the  family.  Thus  far  the  story 
of  Martin  Behaim  seems  to  be  well  authenticated  :  but 
the  account  of  his  having  discovered  any  part  of  the 
New  World  appears  to  be  merely  conjectural. 

In  tiie  first  e<lition,  as  I  had  at  that  time  hardly  anj 
knowledge  of  Behaiin  but  what  I  derived  from  a  frivo- 
lous dissertation  'Do  vero  Novi  Orhis  Inventore,'  pub- 
lished at  Frankfort,  A.  D.  1714,  by  Jo.  Frid.  Stuve- 
nius,  I  was  induced,  bv  the  authority  of  Herrera,  to 
suppose  that  Behaim  was  not  a  native  of  Germany  ; 
but  from  more  full  and  accurate  information,  communi- 
cated to  me  by  the  learned  Dr.  John  Reinhold  Forster, 
I  am  now  satisfied  that  I  was  mistaken.  Dr.  Forster 
has  been  likewise  so  good  as  to  favor  me  with  a  copy 
of  Behaim's  map,  as  published  by  Doppelmsyer  in  his 
account  of  the  Mathematicians  and  Artists  of  Nurem- 
berg. From  this  niap  the  imperfection  of  cosmogra- 
phical  knowledge  at  that  period  is  manifest.  Hardly 
one  place  is  laid  down  in  its  true  situation.  Nor  caa 
I  discover  from  it  any  reason  to  suppose  that  Behaim 
had  the  least  knowledge  of  any  region  in  America.  He 
delineates,  indeed,  an  island  to  which  he  gives  the  name 
of  St.  Brandon.  This,  it  is  imagined,  may  be  sonic 
part  of  Guiana,  supjiosed  at  first  to  be  an  island.  He 
places  it  in  the  same  latitude  with  the  Cape  \'erd  isles, 
and  I  suspect  it  to  be  aii  imaginary  islai.d  which  has 
been  admitted  into  some  ?ncicnt  maps  on  no  better 
authority  than  the  legend  of  the  Irish  St.  Brandon,  or 
Brendan,  whose  story  is  so  childishly  fabulous  as  to  be 
unworthy  of  any  notice.  Girald.  Cambrcnsis  ap.  Mis- 
singhain  Florilegium  Sanctorum,  p  427. 

The  pretensions  of  the  Welsh  to  the  discovery  of 
America  seem  not  to  rest  on  a  foundation  much  more 
solid.  In  the  twelfth  century,  according  to  Powell,  a 
dispute  having  arisen  among  the  sons  of  Owen  Guy- 
neth.  King  of  North  Wales,  concerning  the  succession 
to  his  crown,  Madoc,  one  of  their  number,  weary  of 
this  contention,  betook  himself  to  sea  in  quest  of  a 
more  quiet  settlement.  He  stored  due  west,  leaving 
Ireland  to  the  North,  and  arrived  in  an  unknown  coun- 
try, which  appeared  to  him  so  desirable,  that  he  re 
turned  to  Wales  and  carried  thither  several  of  hij 
adherents  and  companions.  This  is  said  to  have  hap- 
pened about  the  year  1170,  and  after  that,  ho  and  Ims 
colony  were  heard  of  no  more.  But  it  is  to  b«  ob.scrvcd, 
that  Powell,  on  whose  testimony  the  authenticity  of 
this  story  rests,  published  his  history  above  four  centu- 
ries from  the  date  of  the  event  which  he  relates.  Among 
a  people  as  rude  and  as  illiterate  as  the  Wcl.'^h  at  that 
period,  he  memory  of  a  transaction  so  remote  must 
have  been  very  imperfectly  preserved,  ani  would  re- 
quire to  be  confirmed  by  some  author  of  greater  credit, 
and  nearer  to  the  era  of  Madoc's  voyage  tiian  Powell. 
Later  aiiti(|uaries  have  indeed  appealed  to  the  lesti- 
monv  of  Meredith  ap  Rees,  a  Welsh  bard,  who  died 
A.  D.  1477.  But  he  loo  lived  at  such  a  distance  ol 
time  from  the  event,  that  he  cannot  be  considered  as  t 
witness  of  much  more  credit  than  Powell.  Besides, 
his  verses,  published  by  Hakluyt,  vol.  iii.  p.  1.,  convey 
no  information,  but  that  Mndoc,  dissatisfied  with  his 
domestic  situation,  cniploycd  himself  in  searching  'iM 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


188 


ocean  for  new  possessions.  But  even  if  wc  admit  the 
authenticity  of  Powell's  story,  it  does  nn  follow  that 
the  unknown  country  which  Madoc  <lisci3vercd  by  slcer- 
inw  west,  in  such  a  course  as  to  leave  Ireland  to  the 
north,  was  any  part  of  America.  Tiic  naval  skill  ot 
the  Welsh  in  the  twclfih  century  was  hardly  equal  to 
such  a  yoya'^e.  If  he  made  any  discovery  at  all,  it  is 
more  probable  that  it  was  Madeira,  or  some  other  of 
the  western  isles.  The  ailinity  of  the  \Velsh  language 
with  some  dialects  spoken  in  America,  has  been  men- 
tioned as  a  circumstance  which  conlirms  the  truth  of 
Madoc's  voyage.  But  that  ailinity  has  been  observed 
in  so  few  instances,  and  in  some  of  these  is  so  obscure, 
or  so  fanciful,  that  no  conclusion  can  be  drawn  from 
the  casual  resemblance  of  a  small  number  of  words. 
There  is  a  bird,  which,  as  fur  as  is  yet  known,  is  found 
only  on  the  coasts  of  iSouth  America,  from  Port  Desire 
to  the  Siraits  of  Magellan.  It  is  distinguished  by  the 
name  of  Fcnguin.  This  word  in  the  Welsh  language 
signifies  Whitehead.  Almost  all  the  authors  who  favor 
the  pretensions  of  the  Welsh  to  the  discovery  of  Ame- 
rica, mention  this  as  an  irrefragable  proof  of  the  afFi- 
nity  of  the  Welsh  language  with  that  spoken  in  this 
region  of  America.  But  Mr.  Peiiant,  who  has  given 
a  description  of  the  Penguin,  observes  that  all  the  birds 
of  this  genus  have  black  heads,  "  so  that  wo  must  re- 
sign every  hope  (adds  he)  founded  on  this  hypothesis 
of  retrieving  the  Cambrian  race  in  the  New  World." 
Philos.  Transact,  vol.  Iviii.  p.  91,  &c.  Besides  this, 
if  the  Welsh,  towards  the  close  of  the  twelfth  century, 
had  settled  in  any  part  of  America,  some  remains  of 
the  Christian  doctrine  and  rites  must  have  been  found 
among  their  descendants,  when  they  were  discovered 
about  three  hundred  years  posterior  to  their  migration ; 
a  period  so  short  that,  in  the  course  of  it,  we  cannot 
well  suppose  that  all  European  ideas  and  arts  would 
be  totally  forgotten.  Lord  Lyttleton,  in  his  notes  to 
the  fifth  book  of  his  History  of  Henry  II.,  p.  371,  has 
examined  what  Powell  relates  concerning  the  discove- 
ries made  by  Madoc,  and  invalidates  the  truth  of  his 
story  by  other  arguments  of  great  weight. 

The  pretensions  of  the  Norwegians  to  the  discovery 
of  America  seem  to  be  better  founded  than  those  of  the 
Germans  or  Welsh  The  inhabitants  of  Scandinavia 
were  remarkable  in  the  middle  ages  for  the  boldness 
and  extent  of  their  maratime  excursions.  In  874,  the 
Norwegians  discovered  and  planted  a  colony  in  Iceland. 
In  982,  they  discovered  Greenland,  and  established 
settlements  there.  From  that,  some  of  their  naviga- 
tors proceeded  towards  the  west,  and  discovered  a 
country  more  inviting  than  those  horrid  regions  with 
which  they  were  acquainted.  According  to  their  re- 
presentation, this  country  was  sandy  on  the  coasts,  but 
in  the  interior  parts  level  and  covered  with  wood,  on 
which  account  they  gave  it  the  name  of  Hcllc-land, 
and  Mark-land,  and  having  afterwards  found  some 
plants  of  the  vine  which  bore  grapes,  they  called  it 
Win-land.  The  credit  of  this  story  rests,  as  far  as  I 
know,  on  the  authority  of  the  saga,  or  chronicle  of  King 
Olaus,  composed  by  Snorro  Sturlonides,  or  Sturliisons, 
published  by  Perinskiold,  at  Stockholm,  A.  D.  1697. 
As  Snorro  was  born  in  the  year  1179,  his  chronicle 
might  be  compiled  about  two  centuries  after  the  event 
which  he  relates.  His  account  of  the  navigation  and 
discoveries  of  Biorn,  and  his  companion  LicJ\  is  a  very 
rude  confused  tale,  p.  104.  110.  326.  It  is  impossible 
to  discover  from  him  what  part  of  America  it  was  in 
which  the  Norwegians  landed.  According  to  his  ac- 
count of  the  length  of  the  days  and  nights,  it  must  have 
been  as  far  north  as  the  fifty-eighth  degree  of  latitude, 
on  some  part  of  the  coast  of  Labradore,  approaching 
near  to  the  entry  of  Hudson's  Straits.  Grapes  cer- 
tainly are  not  the  production  of  that  country.  Torfeus 
supposes  that  there  is  an  error  in  the  text,  by  rectify- 
ing of  which  the  place  where  the  Norwegians  landed 
may  be  supposed  to  be  situated  in  latitude  49'^.  But 
neither  is  that  the  region  of  the  vine  in  America. 
From  perusing  Snorro's  tale,  I  should  think  that  the 
situation  of  Newfoundland  corresponds  best  with  that 
of  th."  country  discovered  by  the  Norwegians.  Grapes, 
however,  are  not  the  production  of  that  barren  island. 
Other  conjectures  are  mentioned  by  M.  Mallet,  Introd. 
a  I'Hist.  de  Dannem.  175,  &c.  I  am  not  sufficiently 
acquainted  with  the  literature  of  the  north  to  examine 
them.  It  seems  manifest,  that  if  the  Norwegians  did 
discover  any  part  of  America  at  that  period,  their  at- 
tempt lo  plant  colonics  proved  unsuccessf  :I,  and  all 
knowledge  of  it  was  soon  lost. 

NoTH  [18].  p.  83.— Peter  Martyr,  ab  Angleria,  a 
MiLincsG  gentleman,  residing  at  thai  time  in  the  court 
ci  Spain,  whose  letters  contain  an  account  of  the  trans- 


actions of  that  period,  in  the  order  wherein  they  oc- 
curred, describes  the  sentiments  with  which  he  himself 
and  his  learned  correspondents  were  affected  in  very 
striking  terms.  "  Prs  tetitia  prosiluisse  te,  vixque  a 
lachrymis  pra;  gaudio  temperasse,  quando  literas  ads- 
pexisti  meas  quibus,  de  antipodum  orbe  latenti  hacto- 
nus,  te  certiorem  feci,  mi  suavissiine  Pomponi,  insinu- 
asti.  Ei  tuis  ipse  literis  colligo,  (piid  senscris.  Sen- 
sisti  autem,  tantique  rem  fecisti,  quanti  virum  summa 
doctrina  insignitum  decuit.  Cjuis  nainque  cibus  subli- 
inibus  praistari  potest  ingcniis,  isto  suavior  1  quod  con- 
dimentum  gratius  !  A  me  facio  conjecturam.  Beati 
sentio  spiritus  meos,  quando  accitos  alloquor  pnidcntcs 
aliquos  ex  his  qui  ab  ea  rcdeunt  provincia.  Im|)licenl 
animos  pecuniarum  cuinulis  augeiidis  miseri  avari,  lilii- 
diiiibus  obsca'ni  ;  nostras  lios  mcntes,  postquam  Deo 
plcni  aliquando  fueriinus,  contemplando,  hujuscemodi 
reruin  notitia  demulciainus."  Epist.  I.'i2,  Pomponio 
Laeto. 

Note  [19].  p.  84. — So  firmly  were  men  of  science, 
in  that  age,  persuaded  that  the  countries  which  Colum- 
bus had  discovered  were  connected  with  the  East  In- 
dies, that  Benaldes,  the  Cura  de  los  Palacios,  who 
seems  to  have  been  no  inconsiderable  proficient  in  the 
knowledge  of  cosmography,  contends  that  Cuba  was 
not  an  island,  but  a  part  of  the  continent,  and  united  to 
the  dominions  of  the  Great  Khan.  This  he  delivered 
as  his  opinion  to  Columbus  himself,  who  was  his  guest 
for  some  time  on  his  return  from  his  second  voyage  ; 
and  he  supports  it  by  several  arguments,  mostly  founded 
on  the  authority  of  Sir  John  Mandeville.  MS.  penes  me. 
Antonio  Gallo,  who  was  secretary  to  the  magistracy  of 
Genoa  towards  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century,  pub- 
lished a  short  account  of  the  navigations  and  discoveries 
of  his  countryman  Columbus,  annexed  to  his  Opuscula 
Historica  de  Rebus  Populi  Genuensis  :  in  which  he 
informs  us,  from  letters  of  Columbus  which  he  himself 
had  seen,  that  it  was  his  opinion,  Ibuiided  upon  nautical 
observations,  that  one  of  the  islands  he  had  discovered 
was  distant  only  two  hours  or  thirty  degrees  from  Cat- 
tigara,  which,  in  the  charts  of  the  geographers  of  that 
age,  was  laid  down,  upon  the  authority  of  Ptolemy,  lib. 
vii.  c.  3,  as  the  most  easterly  place  in  Asia.  From  this 
he  concluded,  that  if  some  unknown  continent  did  not 
obstruct  the  navigation,  there  must  be  a  short  and  easy 
access,  by  holding  a  westerly  course,  to  this  extreme 
region  of  the  East.  Muratori  Scriptores  Rer.  Italica- 
rum,  vol.  xxiii.  p.  304. 

Note  [20],  p.  84. — Bernaldes,  the  Cura  or  Rector 
do  los  Palacios,  a  contemporary  writer,  says,  that  five 
hundred  of  these  captives  were  sent  to  S|)ain,  and  sold 
publicly  in  Seville  as  slaves  ;  but  that,  by  the  change 
of  climate  and  their  inability  lo  bear  the  fatigue  of  labor, 
they  all  died  in  a  short  time.    MS.  penes  me. 

Note  [21].  p.  86. — ^Columbus  seems  to  have  formed 
some  very  singular  opinions  concerning  the  countries 
which  he  had  now  discovered.  The  violent  swell  and 
agitation  of  the  waters  on  the  coast  of  Trinidad  led  him 
to  conclude  this  to  be  the  highest  part  of  the  terraque- 
ous globe,  and  he  imagined  that  various  circumstances 
concurred  in  proving  that  the  sea  was  here  visibly  ele- 
vated. Having  adopted  this  erroneous  principle,  the 
apparent  beauty  of  the  country  induced  him  to  fall  in 
with  a  notion  of  Sir  John  Mandeville,  c.  102,  that  the 
terrestrial  paradise  was  the  highest  land  in  the  earth  ; 
and  he  believed  that  he  had  been  60  fortunate  as  to  dis- 
cover this  happy  abode.  Nor  ought  we  to  think  it 
strange  that  a  person  of  so  much  sagacity  should  be 
influenced  by  the  opinion  or  reports  of  such  a  fabulous 
author  as  Mandeville.  Columbus  and  the  other  disco- 
verers were  obliged  to  follow  such  guides  as  they  could 
find  ;  and  it  appears  from  several  |)assages  in  the  manu- 
■script  of  Andr.  Bernaldes,  the  friend  of  Columbus,  that 
no  inconsiderable  degree  of  credit  was  given  to  the  tes- 
timony of  Mandeville  in  that  age.  Bernaldes  frequently 
quotes  him,  and  always  with  respect. 

Note  [22].  p.  87. — It  is  remarkable  that  neither 
Gomara  nor  Ovicdo,  the  most  ancient  S|)anish  histo- 
rians of  America,  nor  Hcrrera,  consider  Ojeda,  or  his 
companion  Vespucci,  as  the  first  discoverers  of  the  con- 
tinent of  America.  They  uniformly  ascribe  this  honor 
to  Columbus.  Some  have  supjiosed  that  national  re- 
sentment against  Vespucci,  for  deserting  the  service  of 
Spain,  and  entering  into  that  of  Portugal,  may  have 
prompted  these  writers  to  conceal  the  action.s  which  he 
performed.  But  Martyr  and  Benzoni,  both  Italians, 
could  not  be  warped  by  the  same  prejudice.  Martyr 
Wds  a  contemporary  author ;  he  resided  in  the  court  oj 


Spain,  and  had  the  best  opportunity  to  be  ciactlv  i"*" 
formed  with  respect  to  all  public  transactions  ;  and  yet 
neither  in  his  Decads,  the  first  general  history  published 
of  the  New  M'orld,  nor  in  his  Ilpistle,  which  contaiq 
an  accountof  all  the  remarkable  events  of  hii'  time, 
does  he  ascribe  to  Vespucci  the  honor  of  having  first 
discovered  the  continent.  Benzoni  went  as  an  adven- 
turer to  America  in  the  year  1541,  and  resided  there  a 
considerable  time.  He  appears  lo  have  l)cen  animated 
with  a  warm  zeal  for  the  honor  of  Italy,  his  native 
country,  and  yet  does  not  mention  the  exploits  and  dis- 
coveries of  Vespucci.  Herrera,  who  compiled  hia 
general  history  of  America  from  the  most  authentic  re- 
cords, not  only  follows  those  early  writers,  but  accuses 
Vespucci  of  falsifying  the  dates  of  both  the  voyage* 
which  he  made  to  the  New  World,  and  of  confounding 
the  one  with  the  other,  in  order  that  he  might  arrogate 
to  himself  the  glory  of  having  discovered  the  continent. 
Her.  dec.  1.  lib.  iv.  c.  2.  He  asserts,  that  in  a  judicial 
inquiry  into  this  matter  by  the  royal  fiscal,  it  was 
proved  by  the  testimony  of  Ojeda  himself,  that  he 
touched  at  Hispaniola  when  returning  to  Spain  from  hia 
first  voyage  ;  whereas  Vespucci  gave  out  that  they  re- 
turned directly  lo  Cadiz  from  the  coast  of  Paria,  and 
touched  at  Hispaniola  only  in  their  second  voyage  ;  and 
that  he  had  finished  the  voyage  in  five  months  ;  whereas, 
according  to  Vespucci's  account,  he  had  employed 
seventeen  months  in  performing  it.  Viaggio  primo  do 
Am  Vespucci,  p.  36.  Viag.  serundo,  p.  45.  Herrera 
gives  a  more  full  account  of  this  inquest  in  another 
part  of  his  Decads,  and  to  the  same  eli'cct.  Her.  dec. 
1.  lib.  vii.  c.  5,  Columbus  was  in  Hispaniola  when 
Ojeda  arrived  there,  and  had  by  that  time  come  to  an 
agreement  with  Uoldan,  who  opposed  Ojeda's  attempt 
to  excite  a  new  insurrection,  and,  of  consequence,  his 
voyage  must  have  been  posterior  to  that  of  the  ad- 
miral. Life  of  Columbus,  e.  84.  According  to  Ves- 
pucci's account,  ho  set  out  on  his  first  voyage  May 
10th,  1497.  Viag.  primo,  p.  0.  At  that  time  Co- 
lumbus was  in  the  court  of  Spain  preparing  for  his  voy- 
age, and  seems  to  have  cnjoved  a  considerable  degree 
of  favor.  The  affairs  of  the  New  World  were  at  this 
■juncture  under  the  direction  of  Antonio  Torres,  a  friend 
of  Columbus.  It  is  not  [)robable  that,  at  that  period,  a 
commission  would  be  granted  to  another  person  lo  »3- 
ticipatc  the  admiral  by  undertaking  a  voyage  which  he 
himself  intended  to  perforin.  Fonseca,  who  patronized 
Ojeda,  and  granted  the  license  for  his  voyage,  was  riot 
recalled  to  court,  and  reinstated  in  the  direction  o( 
Indian  affairs,  until  the  death  of  Prince  John,  which 
happened  September,  1497,  (P.  Martyr,  Ep.  182,) 
several  months  posterior  to  the  time  at  which  Vespucci 
pretends  to  have  set  out  upon  his  voyage.  A  life  of 
Ve  .lucci  was  published  at  Florence  by  the  .\bate  Ban- 
dim,  A.  D.  1745,  4to.  It  is  a  work  of  no  merit,  writ- 
ten with  little  judgment  and  less  candor.  He  contends 
for  his  countryman's  title  to  the  discovery  of  the  con- 
tinent with  all  the  blind  zeal  of  national  partiality,  but 
produces  no  new  evidence  to  support  it.  We  learn 
from  him  that  Vespucci's  account  of  his  voyage  was 
published  as  early  as  the  year  1510,  and  jirobably 
sooner.  Vita  di  Am.  Vcsp.  p.  52.  At  what  time  the 
name  of  Americ*  came  to  be  first  ^iven  to  the  New 
World  is  not  certain. 

Note  [23  ]  p.  92. — The  form  employed  on  this 
occasion  served  as  a  model  lo  the  Sp.miards  in  all  their 
subsequent  conquests  in  .America.  It  so  extraordi- 
nary in  its  nature,  and  gives  us  su^h  an  idea  of  the  j'ro- 
ccedings  of  the  Spaniards,  and  the  principle*  upon 
which  they  founded  their  right  to  ihe  extensiva  domi- 
nions which  they  aciiuired  in  lh«  New  World,  that  it 
well  merits  the  attention  of  the  itader.  "I  Al<»nso  do 
Ojeda,  servant  of  the  most  higli  and  powcrfiil  kings  of 
('astile  and  Leon,  the  conquerors  of  barbarous  nations, 
their  messenger  and  captain,  notify  to  you.  and  declare 
in  as  anqile  form  as  I  am  capable,  that  God  our  Lord, 
who  is  one  and  eternal,  created  the  heaven  and  the 
earth,  and  one  man  and  one  woman,  of  whom  you  and 
we,  and  all  ihe  men  who  have  been  or  shall  be  in  the 
world,  are  descended.  But  as  it  has  cemc  to  pass 
through  the  number  of  generations  during  more  than 
five  thousand  years,  that  they  have  been  dispersed  into 
dillerent  parts  of  the  world,  and  are  divided  into  various 
kingdoms  and  provinces,  because  one  country  was  no 
able  to  contain  them,  nor  could  they  have  found  in  one 
the  means  of  subsistence  and  preservation  :  therefore 
God  our  Lord  gave  the  charge  of  all  those  pco|)le  to  one 
man  named  St.  Peter,  whom  he  constituted  the  lord  and 
head  of  all  the  human  race,  that  all  men,  in  whatever 
place  they  are  born,  or  in  whatever  faith  or  place  they 
are  educated,  might  yield  obedience  unto  hiiu  He 


.90 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


linth  subjected  the  whole  world  to  his  jurisdiction,  and 
cotiiinandrd  him  to  cst:ibli»h  his  residence  in  Rome,  as 
tlie  most  proper  place  for  the  };overniiieul  of  the  world. 
He  likewise  |)romised  and  gave  him  power  to  establish 
his  anthonty  in  every  other  part  of  the  world,  and  to 
jiiduc  and  govern  ail  Christians,  Moors,  Jews,  Cleiitiles, 
and  all  other  people  of  whatever  sect  or  faitii  they  may 
be.  To  him  is  given  the  name  of  I'npc,  which  signi- 
fies admirable,  great  father  and  guardian,  because  he  is 
the  father  and  governor  of  all  men.  Those  who  lived 
in  the  time  of  tins  liolv  father  obeyed  and  acknowledged 
hiin  as  their  Lord  and  King,  and  the  superior  of  ihe 
universe.  Tiie  same  has  been  observed  with  respect  to 
them  who,  since  his  time,  have  been  chosen  to  the  pon- 
tificate. Thus  it  now  continues,  and  will  continue  to 
the  end  of  the  world. 

"  One  of  these  I'ontilTs,  as  lord  of  the  w  orld,  hath 
made  a  grant  of  these  islands,  and  of  the  Tierra  Firinc 
of  the  ocean  .sea,  to  the  Catholic  Kings  of  Castile,  Don 
I'erdmand  and  Uonna  Isabella,  of  glorious  memory,  and 
their  successors,  our  sovereigns,  with  all  they  contain, 
as  is  more  fully  expressed  in  certain  deeds  passed  upon 
that  occasion,  which  you  may  see  if  you  Jesirc  it. 
Thus  His  Majesty  is  King  and  lord  of  these  islands,  and 
of  the  continent,  in  virtue  of  this  donation  ;  and,  as 
King  and  lord  aforesaid,  most  of  the  islands  to  which 
his  title  hath  been  notified,  have  recogni.sed  His  .Ma- 
iesty,  and  now  yield  obedience  and  siibjcction  to  him 
MS  their  lord,  voluntarily  and  without  resistiince  ;  and 
instantly,  as  soon  as  they  received  information,  they 
obeyed  the  religious  men  sent  by  the  King  to  preach  to 
ihein,  and  to  instruct  them  in  our  holy  faith  ;  and  all 
these,  of  their  own  free  will,  without  any  recompense 
or  graluitv,  became  Christians,  and  conliiuie  to  be  so  ; 
and  His  Majesty  having  received  them  graciously  I 
under  his  protection,  has  coinnianded  that  they  should 
be  treated  in  the  same  manner  as  his  other  subjects  and 
vassals.  You  are  bound  and  obliged  to  act  in  the  same 
manner.  Therefore  I  now  entreat  and  ro(|uire  you  to 
consider  attentively  what  I  have  declared  to  you  ;  and 
that  you  may  more  perfectly  comprchc'.d  it,  that  you 
take  such  time  as  is  reasonable  m  order  that  you  may 
!icknowltdi;e  the  Church  r.s  the  superirr  and  guide  ol 
the  universe,  and  likewise  the  holy  father  called  the 
Pope;  in  his  own  right,  and  his  Majesty,  by  his  appoint- 
ment, as  King  and  sovereign  lord  of  these  Islands,  and 
of  the  Tierra  Firine  ;  and  that  you  consent  that  the 
aforesaid  holy  fathers  shall  declare  and  jircach  to  you 
the  doctrines  above  mentioned.  If  you  do  this,  you  act 
well,  and  pt'rform  that  to  which  you  are  bound  and 
obliged;  and  His  Majesty,  and  1  in  his  name,  will  le- 
ceive  you  with  love  and  kindness,  and  will  leave  you, 
your  wives  and  children,  free  and  e.xem[it  from  servi- 
tude, and  ill  the  enjoyment  of  all  you  possess,  in  the 
eaine  manner  as  the  inhabitants  of  the  islands.  Be- 
aidcs  this,  His  Majesty  will  bestow  upon  you  many 
[irivilegcs,  exemptions,  and  rewards.  But  if  you  will 
not  comply,  or  maliciously  delay  to  obey  "iiy  injunction, 
then,  with  the  help  of  God,  I  will  enter  your  country  by 
force,  I  will  carry  on  war  against  you  with  the  utmost 
violence,  I  will  subject  you  to  the  yoke  of  obedience  to 
the  (Jhurch  and  King,  I  will  take  your  wives  and 
children,  and  will  make  tliem  slaves,  and  sell  or  dis- 
pose of  them  according  to  Ills  Majesty  s  pleasure  ;  I 
will  seize  your  goods,  and  do  you  all  the  mischief  in 
my  power,  as  rebellious  subjects,  who  Wiil  not  acknow^- 
leilgc  or  submit  to  their  lawful  sovereign.  And  I  pro- 
test, that  all  the  bloodshed  and  calamities  which  shall 
follow  are  to  be  imputed  to  you,  and  not  to  Ilis  Ma- 
jesty, or  to  me.  or  tlie  genllemen  who  serve  under  me  ; 
and  as  1  have  now  made  this  declaration  and  requisi- 
tion unto  you,  I  recjuire  the  notary  here  jircsent  to 
grant  me  a  ccrtilicatc  of  this,  subsnribcd  in  proper 
form."    Herrera,  dec.  1.  lib.  vii.  c.  14. 

Note:  [24].  p.  1)4. — Balboa,  in  his  letter  to  the  king, 
observes  that  of  the  hundred  and  ninety  men,  whom  he 
took  with  him,  there  were  never  above  eighty  fit  for 
service  at  one  time.  So  much  did  they  suffer  from 
hunger,  fatigue,  and  sickness.  Herrera,  dec.  1.  lib.  x. 
c.  16.    P.  Mart,  decad.  226. 

NoTK  [2.')].  p.  Of). — Fonseca,  Bishop  oTalencia,  the 
principal  director  of  .\iiicrican  Allairs,  had  eight  hun- 
dred Indians  in  properly  ;  tho  cominendator  Lope  de 
Coiichillus,  Iii5  chief  associate  in  that  depirlment, 
rleveii  hundred  ;  and  other  favorites  had  considerable 
numbers.  'I'hcv  cent  overseers  to  the  islaiid-<,  and 
hired  out  those  slaves  to  the  planters.  I Inrcra,  dec. 
I.  lib.  ix.  c.  14.  p.  325. 

Note  [26].  p.  98.— Though  .\merica  is  more  plenti- 
ful!) Hupplicd  with  water  lliaii  the  other  ri^^ioiis  of  the 


globe,  there  is  no  river  or  stream  of  water  in  Yucatan. 
This  peninsula  projects  from  the  continent  a  hundred 
leagues,  but,  where  broadest,  docs  not  extend  above 
twenty  five  leagues.  It  is  an  extensive  plain,  not  only 
without  mountains,  but  almost  without  any  inequality 
of  ground.  The  inhabitants  arc  sujiplied  with  water 
from  pits,  and,  wherever  they  dig  them,  find  it  in  abun- 
dance. It  is  probable,  from  all  those  circumstances, 
tliat  this  country  was  formerly  covered  by  the  sea. 
Herrera;  Descriptio  India;  Occidentalis,  p.  14.  His- 
toirc  Naturelle,  par  M.  de  Buflbn,  torn.  i.  p.  693. 

Note  [27].  p.  98 — M  Clavigero  censures  me  for 
having  repre^enled  the  Spaniards  who  sailed  with  Cor- 
dova and  (irijalva,  as  fancying  in  the  warmth  of  their 
imagination,  that  they  saw  cities  on  the  coast  of 
Yucatan  adorned  with  towers  and  cupolas,  I  know  not 
what  translation  of  my  history  he  has  consulted  (lor 
his  quotation  from  it  is  not  taken  from  the  original,) 
but  I  never  imagined  that  any  building  erected  by 
the  Americans  could  suggest  the  idea  of  a  cupola  or 
dome,  a  structure  which  their  utmost  skill  in  architec- 
ture was  incapable  of  rearing.  My  words  are,  that 
they  fancied  the  villages  which  they  saw  from  their  ships 
"  to  he  cities  adorned  with  towers  and  pinnacles."' 
By  pinnacles  I  meant  some  elevation  above  the  rest  of 
the  building  ;  and  the  passage  is  translated  almost  litc- 
ralH  from  Herrera,  dec.  2.  lib.  iii.  c.  1.  In  almost  all 
the  accounts  of  new  countries  given  by  the  Spanish 
discoverers  in  that  age,  this  warmth  of  admiration  is 
conspicuous  ;  and  led  them  to  describe  these  new  ob- 
jects in  the  most  splendid  terms.  When  Cordova  and 
his  companions  first  beheld  an  Indian  village  of  greater 
magnitude  than  any  they  had  beheld  in  the  islands, 
they  dignified  it  by  the  name  of  Grand  Cairo.  B. 
Diaz,  c.  2.  From  the  same  cause  Grijalva  and  his 
associates  thought  the  country,  along  the  coast  of 
which  they  held  their  course,  entitled  to  the  name  of 
New  Spain. 

Note  [25].  p.  99 — The  height  of  the  most  elevated 
])oint  in  the  Pyrenees  is,  according  to  M.  Cassini,  six 
t'.iousaiid  six  hundred  and  forty-six  feet.  The  height 
of  the  mountain  Geinmi,  in  the  canton  of  Berne,  is 
ten  thousand  one  hundred  and  ten  feet.  The  height  of 
the  Peak  of  Tenerifie,  according  to  the  measurement 
of  P.  Feuille,  is  thirteen  thousand  one  hundied  and 
seventy-eight  feet.  The  (eight  of  Chimborazo,  the 
most  elevated  point  of  tl-e  Andes,  is  twenty  thou/^and 
two  hundred  and  eighty  feet  ;  no  less  than  seven  thou- 
sand one  hundred  and  two  feet  sbove  the  highest  moun- 
tain in  the  ancient  continent.  Voyage  de  D.  Juan 
niloa.  Observations  .\stron.  el  Physiq.  torn.  ii.  |).  114. 
The  line  of  congelation  on  Chimborazo,  or  that  part  of 
the  mountain  which  is  covered  perpetually  with  snow,  is 
no  less  than  two  thousand  four  hundred  feet  from  its  sum- 
mit.   Prevot  Hist.  Gener.  des  Voyages,  vol.  iii.  p.  036. 

Note  [29].  p.  99.— As  a  particular  description  makes 
a  stronger  impression  than  general  atsertions,  I  shall 
give  one  cf  Ilio  de  la  Plata  by  an  eye-w  itness,  P.  Cat- 
tanco,  a  Mndenesse  Jesuit,  who  landed  at  Buenos 
Ayres  in  1749,  and  thus  represents  what  he  felt  when 
such  new  objects  were  first  presented  to  his  view. 
"  While  I  resided  in  Europe,  and  read  in  books  of  his- 
tory or  geography,  that  the  mouth  of  the  river  de  la 
Plata  was  a  hundred  and  fifty  miles  in  breadth,  I  con- 
sidered it  as  an  exaggeration,  because  in  this  hemis- 
|)here  we  have  no  example  of  such  vast  rivers  When 
1  approached  its  mouth,  I  had  the  most  vi  hement  desire 
to  ascertain  the  truth  with  my  own  eves  ;  and  I  found 
the  matter  to  be  exactly  as  it  was  represented.  This  I 
deduce  iiarticularly  from  one  circumstance  :  When  we 
look  our  departure  from  Monte  \'ideo,  a  fort  situated 
more  than  a  hundred  miles  from  the  mouth  of  the  river, 
and  where  its  breadth  is  considi  rably  diminished,  we 
sailed  a  complete  day  before  we  discovered  llic  land  on 
the  oppo.'.ite  Side  of  the  river;  and  when  we  were  in 
the  middle  of  the  channel,  we  could  not  discern  land 
on  either  side  ?iiu  saw  nothing  but  the  sky  and  water 
as  if  we  had  been  in  some  great  ocean.  Indeed  we 
should  have  taken  it  to  be  sea,  if  the  fresh  water  of  the 
river,  which  was  turbid  like  the  Po,  had  not  satisfied 
us  that  it  was  a  river.  Moreover,  at  Buenos  .\vres, 
another  hundred  miles  up  th(!  river,  and  where  it  is  still 
much  narrower,  it  is  not  only  impossible  to  discern  the 
opposite  coast,  which  is  indeed  very  low,  but  perceive 
Ihe  houses  or  the  tops  of  the  steeples  in  the  Portuguese 
settlement  at  Colonia  on  the  other  side  of  tho  river.'" 
Letter.!  prima,  published  by  Muratori,  II  Christiane- 
simo  Felice,        i.  p.  207. 


I     Note  [30].  p.  99— Newfoundland,  part  of  Nov« 
I  Scotia,  and  Canada,  arc  the  countries  which  lie  in  t.ie 
I  same  parallel  of  latitude  wuli  the  kingdom  of  France; 
'  and  in  every  part  of  these  the  water  of  the  rivers  is 
frozen  during  winter  to  the  thickness  of  several  feet; 
the  earth  is  covered  w  ith  snow  as  d<  cp  ;  almost  all  the 
birds  fly  during  that  season  from  a  climate  where  they 
could  not  live.    The  country  of  the  Fskiinaux,  part  ol 
]  Labrador,  and  the  countries  on  the  south  of  Hudson's 
I  Bay,  are  in  the  same  parallel  with  Great  Britain  ;  aiid 
I  yet  in  all  these  the  cold  is  so  intense  that  even  the  in 
I  dustry  of  Europeans  has  not  attempted  cultivation. 

Note  [31].  p.  99. — Acosta  is  the  first  philosopher, 
as  far  as  I  know,  who  endeavored  to  account  for  the 
■  uiflercnt  degrees  of  heat  in  the  old  and  new  continents, 
by  the  agency  of  the  winds  which  blow  in  e3ch.  His 
tuire  .^loral.  ikc.  lib.  ii.  and  iii.  M.  de  Bufl'on  adopts 
this  theory,  and  has  not  only  improved  it  by  new  ob- 
servations, but  has  employed  his  amazing  Dowcrs  ol 
descriptive  eloquence  in  embellishing  it  and  placing  it 
in  the  most  striking  light.  Some  remarks  may  ba 
added,  w  hich  lend  to  diustrate  more  fully  a  doctrine  ol 
much  importance  in  every  inquiry  concerning  the  tem- 
perature of  various  climates. 

When  a  cold  wind  blows  over  land,  it  must  in  its 
j)assage  rob  the  surface  of  some  of  its  heat.  By  means 
of  this  the  coldness  of  the  wind  is  abated.  But  if  it 
continue  to  blow  in  the  same  direction,  it  will  come,  by 
degrees,  to  pass  over  a  surface  already  cooled,  and  wiU 
sutler  no  longer  any  abatement  of  its  o^n  keenness. 
Thus,  as  it  advances  over  a  large  tract  of  1-n  it  brings 
on  all  the  severity  of  intense  frost. 

Let  the  same  wind  blow  over  an  eitrnsivc  and  deep 
sea  ;  the  superficial  water  must  be  immediately  cooled 
to  a  certain  degree,  and  the  wind  proportionally 
warmed.  But  the  superficial  and  colder  water,  be- 
coming specifically  heavier  than  the  warmer  water 
below  it,  descends  ;  what  is  warmer  supplies  its  place, 
which,  as  it  comes  to  be  cooled  in  its  turn,  continues 
to  warm  the  air  which  passes  over  it,  or  to  diminish  its 
cold.  This  change  of  the  su])erficial  water  and  suc- 
cessive ascent  of  that  which  is  warmer,  and  the  conse- 
quent successive  abatement  of  coldness  in  the  iir,  is 
aided  by  the  agitation  caused  in  the  sea  by  the  mecha- 
nical action  of  the  w  ind,  and  also  by  the  motion  of  the 
tides.  I'his  will  go  on,  and  the  rigor  of  the  wind  will 
continue  to  dimmish  until  the  whole  water  is  so  far 
•'ooled,  that  the  water  on  the  surface  is  no  longer  re- 
moved from  the  action  of  the  wind  fast  enough  to  hin- 
der it  from  being  arrested  by  frost.  M'henevrr  the 
surface  freezes,  the  wind  is  no  longer  warmed  by  the 
water  from  below,  and  it  goes  on  with  undiminished 
cold. 

From  those  principles  may  be  explained  the  severity 
of  winter  frosts  in  extensive  continents  ;  their  mildness 
in  small  islands  ;  and  the  superior  rigor  of  winter  in 
those  parts  of  North  America  with  which  we  arc  bes' 
acquainted.  In  the  north-west  parts  of  Europe,  the 
severity  of  winter  is  mitigated  by  the  west  winds, 
which  usually  blow  in  tho  months  of  November,  Dc- 
ce.nber,  and  part  of  January. 

On  the  other  hand,  when  a  warm  wind  blows  over 
land,  it  heats  the  surface,  which  mi  st  therefore  cease 
to  abate  the  fervor  of  the  wind.  But  the  same  wind 
blowing  over  water,  agitates  it,  brings  up  the  colder 
water  from  below,  and  thus  is  continually  losing  some- 
what of  Its  own  iieat. 

But  the  great  power  of  the  sea  to  mitigate  ihc  heal 
of  the  wind  or  air  passing  over  it,  proceeds  from  ihc  fol- 
lowing circumstance  :  that  on  account  of  the  transp.v 
ri  ncyof  ti.e  sea,  its  surface  cannot  be  heated  to  a  grei-t 
degree  by  the  sun's  rays ;  whereas  the  ground,  sii'a- 
jecled  to  their  influence,  very  soon  acquires  greal  heat. 
When,  therefore,  the  wind  blows  over  a  torrid  conti- 
nent, it  is  soon  raised  to  a  heat  almost  intolerable ;  but 
during  its  passage  over  an  extensive  ocean,  it  is  gra- 
dually cool'.'d  ;  so  that  on  its  arrival  at  the  furthest 
shori!  It  is  again  lit  for  respiration. 

Those  principles  will  account  lor  the  sultry  heals  «! 
large  continents  in  the  torrid  zone  ;  for  the  iniid  cli- 
mate of  islands  in  the  same  latitude  ;  and  for  the  supe- 
rior warmth  in  summer  which  large  conlmeius.  situated 
111  the  temperate  or  colder  zones  of  the  earth,  enjoy 
when  compared  with  that  of  islands  The  heal  ol  a 
climate  depends  not  only  upon  the  immediate  elfecl  ol 
the  sun"s  rays,  but  on  their  continued  operjtion.  on  the 
effect  which  they  have  formerly  produced,  and  which 
remains  for  some  time  in  the  ground.  This  is  the  rea- 
son why  the  day  is  warmest  about  two  in  the  afternoon, 
the  summer  warmest  about  the  middle  of  July,  sn'' 
the  winter  coldest  about  the  uiidiUc  of  January. 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


The  forests  which  cover  America,  and  hinder  the 
sunbeams  from  heating  the  ground,  are  a  great  cause 
of  the  temperate  climate  in  the  equatorial  jjarts.  The 
ground,  not  hcing  heated,  cannot  heat  the  air  ;  and  the 
•eaves,  which  receive  the  rays  intercepted  from  the 
ground,  have  not  a  mass  of  matter  sutiicient  to  absorb 
heat  cnoufih  for  this  purpose.  Besides,  it  is  a  known 
fact,  tliat  the  vegetative  power  of  a  plant  occasions  a 
perspiration  from  the  leaves  in  proportion  to  the  heat 
to  which  they  are  exposed  :  and,  from  the  nature  of 
evaporation,  this  perspiration  produces  a  cold  in  the 
leaf  proportional  to  the  perspiration.  'I'hus  the  elFect 
of  tlie  leaf  in  heating  the  air  in  contact  with  it  is  prodi- 
giously diminished.  For  those  observations,  which 
throw  much  additional  light  on  this  curious  sut>ject,  I 
am  indebted  to  my  ingenious  friend,  Mr.  Uobison, 
prolessof  of  natural  philosophy  in  the  university  of 
Edinburgh. 

Note  [32].  p.  99. — The  climate  of  Brazil  has  been 
described  by  two  eminent  naturalists,  Piso  and  Mar- 
grave, who  observed  it  with  a  philosophical  accuracy 
for  which  wo  search  in  vain  in  the  accounts  of  many 
other  provinces  in  America.  Both  represent  it  as  tcm- 
pe'-ate  and  mild  when  compared  with  the  climalo  of 
Afr.ca.  They  ascribe  this  chieHy  to  the  relreshing 
wind  which  blows  continually  from  the  sea.  The  air 
is  not  only  cool,  but  chilly  through  the  night,  insomucli 
that  the  nat-ives  kindle  lircs  every  evening  in  their  huts. 
Piso  de  Medicina  Brasilicnsi,  lib.  i.  p.  1.  &c.  Mar- 
giavius  Histor.  Ilerum  Natural.  Brasilia,  lib.  viii.  c.  3. 
p.  264.  Nieuhotf,  who  resided  long  in  Brazil,  con- 
linns  their  description.  Churchill's  Collection,  vol.  ii. 
p.  26.  Gumilla,  who  was  a  missionary  many  years 
among  the  Indians  upon  the  river  Oronoco,  gives  a 
similar  description  of  the  temperature  of  the  climate 
there.  Hist,  de  I'Oronoque,  torn.  1.  p.  26.  P.  Acugna 
felt  a  very  considerable  degree  of  cold  in  the  countries 
on  the  banks  of  the  river  Amazons.  Relat.  vol.  ii.  p. 
56.  M.  Biet,  who  lived  a  considerable  time  in  Cay- 
enne, gives  a  similar  account  of  the  temperature  of  that 
climate,  and  ascribes  it  to  the  same  cause.  Voyage  de 
la  France,  Equinox,  p.  330.  Nothing  can  be  more 
ditfere.nt  from  these  descriptions  than  that  of  the  burn- 
ing heat  of  the  African  coast  given  by  M.  Adanson. 
Voyage  to  Senegal,  passim. 

Note  [33].  p.  99  — Two  French  frigates  were  sent 
opon  a  voyage  of  discovery  in  the  year  1739.  In  lati- 
tude 44°  south,  they  began  to  feel  a  considerable  de- 
gree of  cold.  In  latitude  48°,  they  met  with  islands 
of  floating  ice.  Histoire  des  Navigations  aux  Terrcs 
Australes,  torn.  ii.  p.  256,  &c.  Dr.  Halley  fell  in 
with  ice  in  latitude  59°.  Id.  tom.  i.  p.  47.  Commo- 
dore Byron,  when  on  the  coast  of  Patagonia,  latitude 
50°  33'  south,  on  the  fifteenth  of  December,  which  is 
midsummer  in  that  part  of  the  globe,  the  twenty-first 
of  December  being  the  longest  day  there,  compares  the 
climate  to  that  of  England  in  the  middle  of  winter. 
Voyages  by  Hawkesvvorth,  i.  25.  Mr.  Banks  having 
landed  on  Terra  del  Fiiego,  in  the  Bay  of  Good  Suc- 
cess, latitude  55*^,  in  the  sixteenth  of  January,  which 
corresponds  to  the  month  of  July  in  our  hemisphere, 
two  of  his  attendants  died  in  one  night  ot  extreme  cold, 
and  all  the  party  were  in  the  most  imminent  danger  of 
perishing.  Id.  ii.  51,  52.  By  the  fourteenth  of  March, 
corresponding  to  September  in  our  hemisphere,  winter 
was  set  in  with  rigor,  and  the  mountains  were  covered 
with  snow.  Ibid.  72.  Captain  Cook,  in  his  voyage 
lowards  the  South  Pole,  furnishes  new  and  striking 
instances  of  the  extraordinary  predominance  of  cold  in 
this  region  of  the  globe.  "  Who  would  have  thought 
(says  he)  that  an  island  of  no  greater  extent  than 
seventy  leagues  in  circuit,  situated  between  the  latitude 
of  54°  and  55°,  should  in  the  very  height  of  summer 
be,  in  a  manner,  wholly  covered,  many  fathoms  deep, 
with  frozen  snow  ;  but  more  especially  the  S.  W.  coast  ! 
The  very  summits  of  the  lofty  mountains  were  cased 
with  snow  and  ice  ;  but  the  quantity  that  lay  in  the 
valleys  is  incredible  ;  and  at  the  bottom  of  the  bays,  the 
coast  was  terminated  by  a  wall  of  ice  of  considerable 
"eight."    Vol.  ii.  p.  217. 

In  some  places  of  the  ancient  continent,  an  extraor- 
dinary degree  of  cold  prevails  in  very  low  latitudes. 
Mr.  Bogle,  in  his  embassy  to  the  court  of  the  Delai 
Ldina,  passed  the  winter  of  the  year  1774,  at  Cham- 
hanning,  in  latitude  31°  39'  N.  He  often  found  the 
thenuoincter  in  his  room  twenty-nine  degrees  under  the 
freezing  point  by  Fahrenheit's  scale  ;  and  in  the  middle 
of  April  the  standing  waters  were  all  frozen,  and  heavy 
showers  of  snow  frequently  fell.  The  extaordmary 
elevation  of  the  country  seems  to  bo  the  cause  of  tins 


excessive  cold.  In  travelling  from  Indostan  to  Thibet, 
the  ascent  to  the  summit  of  the  Boutan  Mountains  is 
very  great,  but  the  descent  on  the  other  side  is  not  in 
ecjual  proportion.  The  kingdom  of  Thibet  is  an  ele- 
vated region,  extremely  bare  and  dr'solate.  Account 
of  Thibet,  i)y  Mr.  Stewart,  read  in  the  Royal  Society, 
p.  7.  The  extraordinary  cold  in  low  latitudes  in  Ame- 
rica cannot  be  accounted  for  by  the  same  cause.  Those 
regions  are  not  remarkable  for  elevation.  Some  of  them 
are  countries  depressed  and  level. 

The  most  obvious  and  probable  cause  of  the  supe- 
rior degree  of  cold  towards  the  southern  extremity  of 
America,  seems  to  be  the  form  of  tlie  continent  there. 
Its  breadth  gradually  decreases  as  it  stretches  from 
St.  Antonia  southwards,  and  from  the  bay  of  St.  Julian 
to  the  Straits  of  Magellan  its  dimensions  are  much 
contracted.  On  the  east  and  west  sides  it  is  washed 
by  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  Oceans.  From  its  southern 
point  it  is  probable  that  a  great  extent  of  sea  without 
any  considerable  tract  of  land,  reaches  to  the  Antarctic 
pole.  In  whichever  of  these  directions  the  wind  blows, 
it  is  cooled  before  it  approaches  the  Magellanic  regions, 
by  passing  over  a  vast  body  of  water  ;  nor  is  the  land 
there  of  such  extent,  that  it  can  recover  any  considera- 
ble degree  of  heat  in  its  progress  over  it.  These  cir- 
cumstances concur  in  rendering  the  temperature  of 
the  air  in  this  district  of  America  more  similar  to  that 
of  an  insular,  than  to  that  of  a  continental  climate,  and 
hinder  it  from  acquiring  the  same  degree  of  summer 
heat  with  places  in  Europe  and  Asia  in  a  correspondent 
northern  latitude.  The  north  wind  is  the  only  one  that 
reaches  this  part  of  America,  after  blowing  over  a  great 
continent.  But  from  an  attentive  survey  of  its  posi- 
tion, this  will  be  found  to  have  a  tendency  rather  to 
diminish  than  augment  the  degree  of  heat.  The  south- 
ern extremity  of  America  is  properly  the  termination 
of  the  immense  ridge  of  the  Andes,  which  stretches 
nearly  in  a  direct  line  from  north  to  south,  through  the 
whole  extent  of  the  continent.  The  most  sultry  re- 
gions in  South  America,  Guiana,  Brazil,  Paraguay,  and 
Tuccuinan,  lie  many  degrees  to  the  east  of  the  Magel- 
lanic regions.  The  level  country  of  Peru,  which  en- 
joys the  tropical  heats,  is  situated  considerably  to  the 
west  of  thcin.  The  north  wind  then,  though  it  blows 
over  land,  does  not  bring  to  the  southern  extremity  of 
America  an  increase  of  heat  collected  in  its  passage 
over  torrid  regions  ;  but  before  it  arrives  there,  it  must 
have  swept  along  the  summits  of  the  Andes,  and  be- 
comes impregnated  with  the  cold  of  that  frozen  region. 

Though  it  be  now  demonstrated  that  there  is  no 
southern  continent  in  that  region  of  the  globe  which  it 
was  supf.uted  to  occupy,  it  appears  to  be  certain  from 
Cajita.ii  Cook's  discoveries,  that  there  is  a  large  tract 
of  land  near  the  south  pole,  which  is  the  source  of  most 
of  the  ice  spread  over  the  vast  southern  ocean.  Vol. 
ii.  p.  230,  239,  &c.  Whether  tiie  influence  of  this 
remote  frozen  continent  may  reach  the  southern  extre- 
mity of  America,  and  affect  its  climate,  is  an  inquiry 
not  unworthy  of  attention. 

Note  [34].  p.  100. — -M.  Condamiiie  is  one  of  the 
latest  and  most  accurate  observers  of  the  interior  state 
of  South  America.  "  After  descending  from  the  Andes 
(says  he,)  one  beholds  a  vast  and  uniform  prospect  of 
water  and  verdure,  and  nothing  more.  One  treads 
upon  the  earth,  but  does  not  see  it  ;  as  it  is  so  entirely 
covered  with  luxuriant  plants,  weeds,  and  shrubs,  that 
it  would  require  a  considerable  degree  of  labor  to  clear 
it  for  the  space  of  a  foot."  Relation  abregee  d'un 
V^oyage,  &c.  p.  43.  One  of  the  singularities  in  the 
forests  is  a  sort  of  osiers,  or  withes,  called  bcjur.os  by 
the  Spaniards,  liancs  by  the  French,  and  mhbcs  by  the 
Indians,  which  arc  usually  employed  as  ropes  in  Ame- 
rica. This  is  one  of  the  parasitical  plants,  which  twists 
about  the  trees  it  meets  with,  and  rising  above  their 
highest  branches,  its  tendrils  descend  perpendicularly, 
strike  into  the  ground,  take  root,  rise  up  around  another 
tree,  and  thus  mount  and  descend  alternately.  Other 
tendrils  are  carried  obliquely  by  the  wind,  or  some  ac- 
cident, and  form  a  confusion  of  interwoven  cordage, 
which  resembles  the  rigging  of  a  ship.  Bancroft,  Nat. 
Hist,  of  Guiana,  99.  'I'hesa  withes  are  often  as  thick 
as  the  arm  of  a  man.  Id.  p.  75.  M.  Boguer's  account 
of  the  forests  in  Peru  perfectly  resembles  this  descrip- 
tion. Voyages  au  Peru,  ]).  16.  Oviedo  gives  a  similar 
description  of  the  forests  in  other  parts  of  America. 
Hist.  lib.  ix.  p.  144.  D.  The  country  of  the  Mo.\os  is 
so  much  overflowed,  that  they  are  obliged  to  reside  on 
the  summit  of  some  rising  ground  during  some  part  of 
the  year,  and  have  no  communication  with  their  coun- 
trymen at  any  distance.  Lettres  Edifiantes,  tom.  x.  p. 
187     Garcia  gives  a  full  and  just  description  of  the 


rivers,  lakes,  wood.",  and  marshes  in  these  countries  of 
America  which  lie  between  the  tropics.  Origen  de  loa 
Indios,  lib.  ii.  c.  5.  ^  4,  5.  The  incredible  liardsiiips 
to  which  Gonealcz  Pizarro  was  exposed  in  attempting 
to  march  into  the  country  to  the  cast  of  the  Ande», 
convey  a  very  striking  idea  of  that  part  of  America  in 
Its  original  uncultivated  state.  Ganul.  de  la  Vegi, 
Royal  Comment,  of  Peru,  part  ii.  book  iii.  c.  2—5. 

Note  [35].  p.  100. — The  animals  of  America  seem 
not  to  have  been  always  of  a  size  inferior  to  those  in 
other  quarters  of  the  globe.  From  antlers  of  the  moose- 
deer  which  have  been  found  in  America,  it  a))pears  to 
have  been  an  animal  of  great  size.  Near  the  l)anks  of 
the  Ohio,  a  considerable  number  of  fjones  of  an  im- 
mense magnitude  have  been  found.  The  place  where 
this  discovery  has  been  made  lies  about  one  hundred 
and  ninety  miles  below  the  junction  of  the  river  Scioto 
with  the  Ohio.  It  is  about  four  miles  distant  from  the 
banks  of  the  latter,  on  the  side  of  the  mar.sb  called  the 
Salt  lick.  The  bones  lie  in  vast  quantities  about  five 
or  six  feet  under  ground,  and  the  stratum  is  visible  in 
the  bank  on  the  edge  of  the  Lick.  Journal  of  Colonel 
George  Croglan,  MS.  penes  me.  This  spot  seems  to 
be  accurately  laid  down  by  Evans  in  his  map.  Theso 
hones  must  have  belonged  to  animals  of  enormous  bulk; 
but  naturalists  being  acquainted  with  no  living  creature 
of  such  size,  were  at  first  inclined  to  think  they  were 
mineral  substances.  Upon  receiving  a  greater  number 
of  specimens,  and  after  inspecting  them  more  narrowly, 
they  are  now  allowed  to  be  the  bones  of  an  animal.  Aft 
the  elephant  is  the  largest  known  quadruped,  and  the 
tusks  which  were  found,  nearly  resembled,  both  in  form 
and  quality,  the  tusks  of  an  elephant,  it  was  concluded 
that  the  carcasses  deposited  on  the  Ohio  were  of  that 
species.  But  Dr.  Hunter,  one  of  the  persons  of  our 
age  best  qualified  to  decide  with  respect  to  this  point, 
having  accurately  examined  several  parcels  of  tusks, 
and  grinders,  and  jaw-bones,  sent  from  the  Ohio  to 
London,  gives  it  3=  his  opinion  that  they  did  not  belong 
to  an  elephant,  but  to  some  huge  carnivorous  animal  of 
an  unknown  species.  Phil.  Transact,  vol.  Iviii.  p.  34. 
Bones  of  the  same  kind,  and  as  remarkable  for  their 
size,  have  been  found  near  the  mouths  of  the  great 
rivers  Oby,  Jeniseia,  and  Lena  in  Siberia.  Strahlcii- 
hcrg,Dcsc.ripl.  of  North  and  East  Parts  of  Europe  and 
Asia,  p.  402,  &c.  The  elephant  seems  to  be  confined 
in  his  range  to  the  torrid  zone,  and  never  multiplies 
beyond  it.  In  such  cold  regions  as  those  bordering  on 
the  frozen  sea,  he  could  not  live.  The  existence  of 
such  large  animals  in  America  migiit  open  a  wide  field 
for  conjecture.  The  more  we  contemplate  the  face  of 
nature,  and  consider  the  variety,  of  her  productions,  the 
more  we  must  be  satisfied  that  astonishing  changes 
have  been  made  in  the  terraqueous  globe  by  convul- 
sions and  revolutions,  of  which  no  account  is  preserved 
in  history. 

Note  [36].  p.  100. — This  degeneracy  of  the  domes- 
tic European  animals  in  America  may  be  imputed  to 
some  of  these  causes.  In  the  Spanish  settlements, 
which  are  situated  either  within  the  torrid  zone,  or  in 
countries  bordering  upon  it,  the  increase  of  heat  and 
diversity  of  food  prevent  sheep  and  horned  cattle  from 
attaining  the  same  size  as  in  Europe.  They  seldom 
become  so  fat,  and  their  flesh  is  not  so  juicy,  or  of  such 
delicate  flavor.  In  North  America,  where  the  climate 
is  more  favorable,  and  similar  to  that  of  Europe,  tho 
quality  of  the  grasses  which  spring  up  naturally  in  their 
pasture  grounds  is  not  good.  Mitchell,  p.  151.  Agri- 
culture is  still  so  much  in  its  infancy,  that  artificial 
food  for  cattle  is  not  raised  in  any  quantity.  During  a 
winter,  long  in  many  provinces,  and  rigorous  in  all,  no 
proper  care  is  taken  of  their  cattle.  The  general  treat- 
ment of  their  horses  and  horned  cattle  is  injudicious 
and  harsh  in  all  the  English  colonies.  These  circum 
stances  contribute  more,  [lerhaps,  than  any  thing  pecu- 
liar in  the  quality  of  the  climate,  to  tho  degeneracy  of 
breed  in  the  horses,  cows,  and  sheep  of  many  of  tho 
North  American  provinces. 

Note  [37].  p.  100.— In  the  year  1518,  the  island  of 
Ilispaniola  was  alllicted  with  a  dreadful  visitation  of 
those  destructive  insects,  the  particulars  of  which  ller- 
rera  describes,  and  mentions  a  singular  instance  of  the 
superstition  of  tlie  Spanish  planters.  After  trying  vari- 
ous mettiods  of  exterminating  the  ants,  they  resolved 
to  implore  protection  of  the  saints  ;  but  as  the  calamity 
was  new,  they  were  at  a  loss  to  find  out  the  saint  who 
could  give  them  the  most  elTectual  aid.  They  cast 
lots  in  order  to  discover  the  patron  whom  they  should 
invoke.    The  lots  decided  in  favor  of  St.  Saturiiinus 


193 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


They  cclcl)ralc(l  his  festival  with  great  solemnity,  and 
immediately,  adds  the  historian,  the  calamity  began  to 
abate,    llerrcra,  dec  2.  lib.  iii.  c.  15.  p.  107. 

Note  [38].  p.  100. — The  aullior  of  Rccherrhcs  Phi- 
losophiijues  siir  les  Americaiiis  supposes  this  difterencc 
in  heat  to  be  equal  to  twelve  degrees,  and  that  a  place 
thirty  degrees  from  the  equator  in  the  old  continent  is 
as  warm  as  one  situated  eighteen  degrees  from  it  in 
America,  torn.  i.  p.  11.  Dr.  Mitchell,  after  observa- 
tions carried  on  during  thirty  years,  contends  that  the 
difference  is  equal  to  fourteen  or  fifteen  degrees  of  lati- 
tude.   Present  State,  &c.  p.  2^7. 

No-IE  [39].  p.  100.— January  3d,  176.'),  Mr.  Bertram, 
near  the  head  of  St.  John's  river,  in  F.asi  Florida,  ob- 
served a  frost  so  intense  that  in  one  niglit  the  ground 
was  frozen  an  inch  thick  upor  the  banks  of  the  river. 
The  limes,  citrons,  and  banana  trees,  at  St.  Augustin, 
were  destroyed.  Bertram's  Journal.  ]>.  20.  Uther  in- 
stances of  the  extraordinary  operations  of  cold  in  the 
southern  provinces  of  North  America  arc  collected  by 
Dr.  Mitchell.  Present  State,  p.  20G,  &c.  February 
7th,  1747,  the  frost  at  Charleston  was  so  intense,  that 
a  person  having  carried  two  quart  bottles  of  hot  water 
to  bed,  in  the  morning  they  were  split  to  [lieccs,  and 
tlie  water  converted  into  solid  lumps  of  ice.  In  a 
kitchen  where  there  was  a  fire,  the  water  iti  a  jar  in 
which  there  was  a  live  large  eel,  was  frozen  to  the  bot- 
tom. Almost  all  the  ora.ige  and  olive  trees  were  de- 
stroyed. Description  of  South  Carolina,  8vo.  Lond. 
1761. 

Note  [40].  p.  100. — X  remarkable  instance  of  this 
occurs  in  Dutch  Guiana,  a  country  every  where  level, 
and  so  low,  that  during  the  rainy  seasons  it  is  usually 
covered  with  water  near  two  feet  in  heiglit.  This  ren- 
ders the  soil  so  rich,  that  on  the  surface,  for  twelve 
inches  in  de])th,  it  is  a  stratum  of  ))erfecl  manure,  and 
as  such  has  been  transported  to  Barbai'ocs.  On  the 
banks  of  the  Essccpiibo,  thirty  crops  of  ratan  canes 
have  been  raised  successively  ;  whereas  in  the  West 
Indian  islands  not  more  than  two  is  ever  expected  f.'-om 
the  richest  land.  The  expedients  by  which  the  planters 
cndeiivor  to  diminish  this  excessive  fertility  of  soil  arc 
various.    Bancroft,  Nat.  Hist,  of  Guiana,  p.  10,  &c. 

Note  [41  J.  p.  102. — Muller  seems  to  have  believed, 
without  sufficient  evidence,  that  the  Ca[)e  had  been 
dcubled.  torn.  i.  p.  1  1,  &c.  ;  and  the  imperial  academy 
of  St.  Petersburgh  give  some  countenance  to  it  by  the 
manner  in  which  Tsckukotskni-noss  is  laid  down  in 
their  charts.  But  I  am  assured,  from  vindoubtcd 
authority,  that  no  Russian  vessel  has  cv('r  sailed  round 
that  cape  ;  and  as  the  country  of  T.ihulki  is  not  subject 
to  the  Russian  empire,  it  is  very  imperfectly  known. 

NoTS  [42].  p.  102. — Were  this  the  place  for  enter- 
ing into  a  long  and  intricate  geographical  disquisition, 
many  curious  observations  might  arise  from  comparing 
the  accounts  of  the  two  Rursian  voyages  and  the  charts 
of  their  respective  navigations.  One  remark  is  apjjli- 
cable  to  both.  We  cannot  rely  with  absolute  certainty 
on  the  [losilion  whirh  ihcv  assign  to  several  of  the  pla- 
ces which  they  visited.  The  weather  was  so  extremely 
foggy,  that  they  seldom  saw  the  sun  or  stars  ;  and  the 
position  of  the  islands  and  su()[)Osed  continents  was 
commonly  determined  by  reckoning,  not  by  ol)serva- 
tion.  Behritig  and  T.schirikow  proceeded  muc  h  fur- 
ther towards  the  east  than  Krenitzm.  'J'he  hind  dis- 
covered by  Bchring,  which  he  iiiiagiiic'l  to  be  [>art  of 
the  .American  continent,  is  in  the  23Gtli  degree  of  lon- 
gitude from  the  first  meridian  in  the  isle  of  Ferro,  and 
iu  58°  28'  of  latiOide.  T.schirikow  came  upon  the 
same  coast  in  longitude  241",  latitude  56".  Muller.  i. 
318,  249.  The  furiner  must  have  advanced  60  degrees 
from  the  port  of  Pelropawlowski,  from  which  he  took 
his  departure,  and  the  latter  6.'>  degrees.  But  fr.dii  the 
(hart  of  Krenilzen's  voyage,  it  appears  that  he  did  not 
sail  further  towards  the  east  than  to  the  208th  degree, 
and  only  32  degrees  from  l'etro()avvlowski.  In  1741, 
Uchring  and  Tschirikow,  both  in  going  and  returning, 
l.cid  a  course  which  was  mostly  to  the  south  of  that 
chain  of  islands,  which  they  discovered  ;  and  observing 
the  mouniaiiiH  and  rugged  aspect  of  the  headlands 
which  they  descried  towards  the  north,  they  siippi).-,ed 
llicm  to  be  promontories  belonging  to  some  part  of  the 
A.ncrican  continent,  which,  as  they  fancied,  stretched 
B8  far  south  as  the  latitude  56.  In  this  manner  thcv 
arc  laid  down  in  the  chart  published  by  .Muller,  and 
likewise  in  a  manuscript  chart  drawn  by  a  mate  of 
Uuluin^'g  ship,  cominiimcatcd  to  mo  by  Mr.  Profes3ur 


Robison.  But  in  1769,  Krenitzin,  after  wintering  in 
the  island  Alaxa,  stood  so  far  towards  the  north  in  his 
return,  that  his  course  lay  through  the  middle  of  what 
Behring  atid  Tschirikow  had  supposed  to  be  a  conti- 
nent, which  he  found  to  be  an  open  sea,  and  that  they 
had  mistaken  rocky  isles  for  the  headlands  of  a  conti- 
nent. It  is  probable,  that  the  countries  discovered  in 
1741,  towards  the  east,  do  not  belong  to  the  American 
continent,  but  arc  only  a  continuation  of  the  chain  of 
islands.  The  number  of  volcanos  in  this  region  of  the 
globe  is  remarkable.  There  arc  several  in  Kanit- 
chatka,  and  not  one  of  the  islands,  great  or  small,  as  far 
as  the  Russian  navigation  extends,  is  without  them. 
Many  are  actually  burning,  and  the  mountains  in  all 
bear  marks  of  having  been  once  in  a  slate  of  eruption. 
Were  I  disposed  to  admit  such  conjectures  as  have 
found  ))lace  in  other  inquiries  concerning  the  peopling 
of  America,  1  might  supjiosc  that  tb's  jiart  of  the  earth, 
having  manifestly  suffered  violent  convulsions  from 
earthquakes  and  volcanos,  an  isthmus,  which  may  have 
formerly  nnited  Asia  to  America,  has  been  broken,  and 
formed  into  a  cluster  of  islands  by  the  shock. 

It  is  singular,  tlial  at  the  very  time  the  Russian  navi- 
gators were  atteinpting  to  make  discoveries  in  the 
north-west  of  America,  the  Spaniards  were  prosecuting 
the  same  design  from  another  quarter.  In  1769,  two 
small  vtsstls  sailed  from  Loretto  in  California  to  ex- 
plore the  coasts  of  the  country  to  the  north  of  that 
peninsula.  They  advanced  no  further  than  the  port  of 
Nionte-Uey,  in  latitude  36.  But,  in  several  successive 
cxjicditions  fitted  out  from  the  port  of  St.  Bias  in  New 
Galicia,  the  Spaniards  have  advanced  as  far  as  the  lati- 
tude 5S.  Ga~eta  dc  Madrid,  March  19,  and  .May  14, 
1776.  But  as  the  journals  of  those  voyages  have  not 
yet  been  published,  I  cannot  compare  their  progress 
witli  that  of  the  Russians,  or  show  how  near  the  navi- 
gators of  the  two  nations  have  approached  to  each 
other.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  enlightened  minister 
who  has  now  the  direction  of  American  affairs  in  Spain, 
will  not  withhold  this  information  from  the  public. 

Note  [43].  p.  102. — Our  knowledge  of  the  vicinity 
of  the  two  continents  of  .Asia  and  America,  which  was 
very  im|)erfect  when  I  published  the  History  of  America 
in  the  year  1777,  is  now  complete.  Mr.  Coxe's 
account  of  the  Russian  Discoveries  between  Asia  and 
America,  printed  in  the  year  1780,  contains  many  curi- 
ous and  iin[)0rtant  facts  with  respect  to  the  various 
attempts  of  the  Russians  to  open  a  communication  with 
the  New  World.  The  history  of  the  great  vovagc  of 
Discovery,  begun  by  Captain  Cook  in  1776,  and  com- 
pleted by  Captains  Clerk  and  Gore,  published  in  the 
year  1780,  communicates  all  the  information  that  the 
curiosity  of  mankind  could  desire  with  regard  to  this 
subject. 

.\l  my  request,  my  friend,  Mr.  Play  fair.  Professor  of 
Malheinatics  in  the  University  of  Edinburgh,  has  coin- 
par<'d  the  narrative  and  charts  of  those  illustrious  navi- 
gators with  the  more  imjierfect  relations  and  maps  of 
the  Russians.    The  result  of  this  comparison  I  coin- 
inuiiicate  in  his  own  words,  with  much  greater  conii- , 
dcnce  in  his  scientific  accuracy,  than  I  could  have  ven- 1 
turcd  to  place  in  any  observations  which  I  myself  might  I 
have  made  upon  the  subject.  I 

"  The  discoveries  of  Captain  Cook  in  his  last  voyage  | 
have  confirmed  the  conclusions  which  Dr.  Robertson  I 
had  drawn,  and  have  connected  together  the  facts  from  I 
which  thcv  were  deduced.  They  h.i\e  now  rendered  | 
it  certain  that  Behring  and  Tschirikow  touched  on  the  I 
coast  of  America  in  1741.  'i"he  former  discovered  | 
land  in  latitude  58°,  28',  and  about  236"  cast  from  I 
Ferro.  He  has  given  such  a  d<'scription  of  the  Bay  in  i 
which  he  anchored,  and  the  high  mountain  to  the  west-  j 
ward  of  it  which  he  calls  St.  Elias,  that  though  the  | 
account  of  his  voyage  is  much  abridged  in  the  English  | 
translation.  Captain  Cook  recognised  the  place  as  he  | 
sailed  along  the  western  coast  of  .America  in  the  year 
177S.  'i'he  isle  of  St.  Hermogenes,  near  the  mouth  of 
('ook's  river,  fSchumagins  isles  on  the  coast  of  .Alashka, 
and  FogiTV  Isle,  retain  in  Captain  Cook's  chart  the 
names  which  they  had  received  from  the  Russian  navi- 
gator.   Cook's  Voy.  vol.  ii.  p.  347. 

"  Tschirikow  came  upon  the  same  coast  about  2° 
30'  farther  south  than  Behring,  near  the  Mount  Edge- 
cuinbc  of  Captain  ("ook. 

"  AVith  regard  to  Krenitzin,  wc  learn  from  Coxe's 
Account  of  the  Russian  Discoveries,  that  he  sailed 
from  the  mouth  of  the  Kaintchatka  river  with  two  ships 
in  the  year  1768.  With  his  own  ship  he  reached  tho 
island  of  Oonolashka,  in  which  there  had  been  a  liiis- 
siin  settlement  since  the  year  1762,  where  he  wintered 
probably  in  tlio  same  harbor  or  bay  where  Captain 


Cook  afterwards  anchored.  'J'he  other  ship  winterrt 
at  Alashka,  which  was  .supposed  to  be  an  island,  ihoutrti 
it  be  io  fact  a  part  of  the  .American  continent.  Kro 
nitzin  accordingly  returned  without  knowing  that  eittier 
of  his  ships  had  been  on  the  coast  of  America  ;  j.ij 
this  is  the  more  surprising,  because  Captain  Cook  has 
informed  us  that  Alashka  is  understood  to  be  a  gieat 
continent,  both  by  the  Russiaiis  and  the  natives  of 
Oonolashka 

"  According  to  Krenitzin,  the  ship  which  had  win- 
tered  at  .Alashka  had  hardly  sailed  30"  to  the  eastward 
of  the  harbor  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  in  Kamtchatka  ; 
but,  according  to  the  more  accurate  charts  of  Captain 
Cook,  it  had  sailed  no  less  than  37^  17'  to  the  eastward 
of  that  harbor.  There  is  nearly  the  same  mistake  of  5" 
in  the  longitude  which  Krenitzin  assigns  to  Oonolashka. 
It  is  remarkable  enough,  that  in  the  chart  of  those  seas, 
put  into  the  hand  of  Captain  Cook  by  the  Russians  on 
that  island,  there  was  an  error  of  the  same  kind,  and 
very  nearly  of  the  same  extent. 

"  Bat  what  is  of  most  consequence  to  be  remarked 
on  the  subject  is,  that  the  discoveries  of  Captain  Cook 
have  fully  verified  Dr.  Robertson's  conjecture  '  that  it 
is  |)robablo  that  future  navigators  in  those  seas,  by 
steering  farther  to  the  north  than  Behring  and  Tschiri- 
kow or  Krenitzin  had  done,  may  find  that  the  continent 
of  .America  approaches  still  nearer  to  that  of  .Asia.  See 
p.  102.  It  has  accordingly  been  found  that  these  two 
continents,  which  in  the  parallel  of  55*^,  or  that  of  the 
southern  extremity  of  .Alashka,  are  about  four  hundred 
leagues  asunder,  approach  continually  to  one  another 
as  they  stretch  together  toward  the  north,  until,  within 
less  than  a  degree  from  the  polar  circle,  they  are  ter- 
minated by  two  capes  only  thirteen  leagues  distant. 
The  east  cape  of  .Asia  is  in  latitude  66°  6'  and  in  loii- 
gitiide  lOO'^  22'  east  from  Greenwich  :  the  western 
extremity  of  America,  or  Prince  of  Wales'  Cape,  is  in 
latitude  65"'  46',  and  in  longitude  191°  45',  Nearly  in 
the  middle  of  the  narrow  strait  (Behring's  Strait)  wliich 
separates  these  capes,  are  the  two  islands  of  St.  Dio- 
iiieile,  from  which  both  continents  may  be  seen.  Cap- 
tain King  informs  us,  that  as  he  was  sailing  through  this 
strait,  July  5.  1779,  the  fog  having  cleared  away,  he 
enjoyed  the  pleasure  of  seeing  from  the  ship  the  conli 
nents  of  .Asia  and  America  at  the  same  moment,  to 
gethcr  with  the  islands  of  St.  Diomcdc  lying  between 
them,  (book's  A^oy.  vol  iii.  p.  244. 

"  Beyond  this  point  the  strait  opens  towards  tht 
.Arctic  Sea,  and  the  coasts  of  .Asia  and  America  diverge 
so  fast  from  one  another,  that  in  the  parallel  of  69' 
they  are  more  than  one  hundred  leagues  asunder.  lb. 
p.  277.  To  the  mouth  of  the  strait  there  are  a  num- 
ber of  Islands,  Clerk's,  King's,  Anderson's,  A'.c.  whicn, 
as  well  as  those  of  St.  Diomede,  may  have  facilitated 
the  migrations  of  the  natives  from  the  one  continent  to 
the  other.  Captain  Cook,  however,  on  the  iuthonty 
of  the  Russians  at  Oonolashka.  and  for  other  good  rea- 
sons has  diminished  the  number  of  islands  which  had 
been  inserted  in  former  charts  of  the  northern  .Archi|)clago- 
He  has  also  placed  .Alashka,  or  the  jiromontory  which 
stretches  from  the  continent  of  .America  S.  W.  towards 
Kaintchatka,  ai  tho  distance  of  five  degrees  of  longi- 
tude farther  from  the  coast  of  .Asia  than  it  was  reckoned 
by  the  Russian  navigators. 

"  The  geography  of  the  Old  and  New  World  is 
therefore  C(jually  indebted  to  the  discoveries  made  in 
this  memorable  voyage  ;  and  as  many  errors  have 
been  corrected,  and  many  deficiencies  supplied,  h*' 
means  of  these  discoveries,  so  the  accuracy  of  soinr 
former  observations  has  been  established.  The  basis  of 
the  map  of  the  Russian  empire,  as  far  as  regarded 
Kamtcliatka.  and  the  country  of  the  Tschutzki.  was  the 
position  of  four  |)lace9,  Yakutsh,  Ochotz,  Bolchcresk, 
and  Pelropawlowski,  which  had  been  determined  bv 
the  astronomer  Krassilnicow  in  the  year  1744.  No». 
Comment.  Petrop.  vol.  lit.  p.  465,  &C.  But  the  accu- 
racy of  his  observations  was  contested  by  M,  Eiigel, 
and  M.  Robert  de  Vaugondy  ;  Coxe,  .Append,  i.  No.  3 
p.  267.  272.  and  the  former  of  these  geograjihcrs  ven 
tured  to  take  away  no  less  than  28  degrees  from  tho 
longitude,  which  on  the  faith  of  Krassilnicow's  observs- 
tions,  was  assioned  to  the  eastern  boundary  of  the  Rus- 
sian empire.  \Viili  how  little  reason  this  was  done, 
will  appear  from  considering  that  our  British  naviga- 
tors, having  determined  the  position  of  Pelropawlowski 
by  a  great  number  of  very  accurate  observations,  found 
the  loiiiiilude  of  that  port  ISS'^  43'  E.  from  Greenwich, 
and  its  latitude  53 '  1'  ;  agreeing,  the  first  to  less  ihaa 
seven  minutes,  and  the  second  to  less  than  half  a  mi- 
nute, with  the  calculations  of  the  Russian  astronomer 
a  coincidence  which,  in  the  situation  of  so  remote  • 
place,  does  not  leave  en  uncertainty  of  more  than  foul 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


193 


English  miles,  and  which,  for  the  credit  of  science, 
deserves  to  be  particularly  remarked.  The  chief  error 
in  Ihc  Kiissian  maps  has  been  in  not  extcndint;  the 
boiinaarie.s  ol  that  empire  suHiciently  towards  tiie  cast. 
For  as  there  was  nothing  to  connect  the  land  of  the 
Tschntzki  and  the  north-east  point  of  Asia  with  those 
places  whereof  the  position  had  been  carefully  ascer- 
tained, except  the  imperfect  accounts  of  IJehring's  and 
Svnd"s  voyaffcs,  considerable  errors  coukl  not  fail  to 
be  introduced,  and  that  point  was  laid  down  as  not 
more  than  23°  2'  east  of  the  meridian  of  Petropaw- 
iowski.  Coxe,  App.  i.  No.  2.  By  the  observations  of 
( 'aptain  Knig,  the  ditfcrence  of  longitude  betwfcn  Pe- 
tropavvlowski  and  the  Kast  Cape  is  31°  9';  that  is, 
et^  7'  greater  than  it  was  supposed  to  be  by  the  Prus- 
sian geographers."  It  appears  from  Cook's  and  King's 
Voy.  iii  p.  273,  that  the  continents  of  Asia  and  Ame- 
rica are  r.sually  joined  together  by  ice  during  winter. 
Mr.  Sam  well  conlirms  this  account  of  his  superior  olFicer. 
"  At  this  place,  viz.  near  the  latitude  of  65°  N.  the 
two  coasts  are  only  thirteen  leagues  asunder,  and  about 
midway  between  them  lie  two  islands,  the  distance 
from  each  to  either  shore  is  short  of  twenty  miles.  At 
this  place  the  natives  of  Asia  could  find  no  difficulty  in 
passing  over  to  the  opjjosite  coast,  which  is  in  sight  of 
their  own.  Thrt  in  a  course  of  years  such  an  event 
would  hap|)en,  either  through  design  or  accident,  cannot 
ailmit  of  a  doubt.  The  canoes  which  we  saw  among 
the  Tschutzki  were  ca[)able  of  performing  a  much 
longer  voyage ;  and,  however  rude  they  may  have 
been  at  some  distant  period,  we  can  scarcely  suppose 
them  unequal  to  a  passage  of  six  or  seven  leagues. 
People  might  have  been  carried  over  by  accident  on 
floating  pieces  of  ice.  They  might  also  have  travelled 
across  on  sledges  or  on  foot ;  for  we  have  reason  to  be- 
lieve that  the  strait  is  entirely  frozen  over  in  the  winter  ; 
so  that,  during  that  season,  the  continents,  with  respect 
to  the  communication  between  them,  may  be  consi- 
dered as  one  land."  Letter  from  Mr.  Samwell,  Scot's 
Magazine  for  1788,  p.  604.  It  is  probable  that  this  in- 
teresting portion  of  geographical  knowledge  will,  in  the 
course  of  a  few  years,  receive  farther  improvement. 
Soon  after  the  publication  of  Captain  Cook's  last  vo- 
yage, the  great  and  enlightened  Sovereign  of  Russia, 
attentive  to  every  thing  that  may  contribute  to  extend 
the  bounds  of  science,  or  to  render  it  more  accurate, 
formed  the  plan  of  a  new  voyage  of  discovery,  in  order 
to  explore  those  parts  of  the  ocean  Iving  between  Asia 
and  America,  which  Captain  Cook  did  not  visit,  to  ex- 
amne  more  accurately  the  islands  which  stretch  from 
one  continent  almost  to  the  other,  to  survey  the  north- 
east coast  of  the  Russian  empire,  from  the  mouth  of  the 
Kovyma,  or  Kolyma,  to  the  North  Cape,  and  tn  settle, 
by  astronomical  observations,  the  position  of  each  place 
worth  notice.  The  conduet  of  this  important  enter- 
prise is  committed  to  Captain  Billings,  an  English  offi- 
cer in  the  Russian  service,  of  whose  abilities  for  that 
station  it  will  be  deemed  the  best  evidence,  that  he 
accompanied  Captain  Cook  in  his  last  voyage.  To 
render  the  expedition  more  extensively  useful,  iin  emi- 

I  nent  naturalist  is  appointed  to  attend  Captain  Billings. 

|l  Sit  years  will  be  requisite  for  accomplishing  the  purposes 
of  the  voyage,  Co.xe's  Supplement  to  Russian  Disco- 
veries, p.  27,  &c. 

i  Note  [44].  p.  103. — Few  travellers  have  had  such 
\^  opportunity  of  observing  the  natives  of  America,  in  its 
various  districts,  as  Don  Antonio  Ulloa.  In  a  work 
lately  published  by  him,  he  thus  describes  the  charac- 
teristical  features  of  the  race  :  "  A  very  small  fore- 
head, covered  with  hair  towards  its  extremities,  as  far 
as  the  middle  of  the  eye-brows;  little  eyes;  a  thin 
nose,  small  and  bending  towards  the  upper  lip  ;  the 
countenance  broad ;  the  cars  large ;  the  hair  very 
black,  lank,  and  coarse  ;  the  limbs  well  turned,  the  feet 
small,  the  body  of  just  proportion  ;  and  altogether 
smooth  and  free  from  hair,  until  old  age.  when  they 
acquire  some  beard,  but  never  on  the  cheeks."  No- 
ticias  .\mericanas,  &c.  p.  307.  M.  le  Chevalier  de 
Pmto,  who  resided  several  years  in  a  part  of  America 
which  Ulloa  never  visited,  gives  a  sketch  of  the  gene- 
ral aspect  of  the  Indians  there.  "  They  are  all  copper 
color  with  .some  diversity  of  shade,  not  in  proportion  to 
their  distance  Irom  the  equator,  but  according  to  the 
degree  of  eievation  of  the  territory  which  they^ inhabit. 
Those  who  live  in  a  high  country  are  fairer  than  those 
Ml  the  marshy  low  lands,  on  the  coast.  Their  face  is 
round,  further  removed  perhaps,  than  thit  of  anv  peo- 
ple Iroin  an  oval  shape.  Their  forehead  is  small,  the 
eitremily  of  their  ears  far  from  the  face,  their  lips  thick, 
Iheir^  nose  flat,  their  eyes  black,  or  of  a  chcsiuit  color', 
suwll,  but  capable  of  discerning  objects  at  a  great  dis- 

14 


tance.  Their  hair  is  always  thick  and  sleek,  and  with- 
out ar."  tendency  to  curl.  They  have  no  hair  on  any 
part  of  their  body  but  the  head.  At  the  first  asjiect  a 
southern  .Vmcrican  appears  to  be  mild  and  innocent,  I 
but  on  a  more  attentive  view,  one  discovers  in  his 
countenance  something  wild,  distrustful,  and  sullen." 
.MS.  penes  me.  The  two  portraits  drawn  by  bands 
very  diffi;rent  from  those  of  coniiiioii  travellers,  have  a 
near  resemblance. 

Note  [4.'>].  p.  104.  Amazing  accounts  are  given 
of  the  persevering  speed  of  the  Americans.  Adair 
relates  the  adventures  of  a  Chickkasah  warrior  who 
ran  through  woods  and  over  mountains,  three  hundred 
computed  miles,  in  a  day  and  a  half  and  two  nights. 
Hist  of  Amer.  Ind.  396. 

Note  [46].  p.  104.  M.  Godin  Le  Jeune,  who  re- 
sided fifteen  years  among  the  Indians  of  Peru  and 
Quito,  and  twenty  years  in  the  French  colony  of  Cay- 
enne, in  which  there  is  a  constant  intercourse  with  the 
Galibis  and  other  tribes  on  the  Oronoco,  observes,  that 
the  vigor  of  constitution  among  the  Americans  is  ex- 
actly in  proportion  to  their  habits  of  labor.  The  Indians 
in  warm  climates,  such  as  those  on  the  coasts  of  the 
.South  .Sea,  on  the  river  of  .Amazons,  and  the  river  Ori- 
noco, are  not  to  be  compared  for  strength  with  those 
in  cold  countries  ;  and  yet,  says  he,  boats  daily  set  out 
from  Para,  a  Portuguese  settlement  on  the  river  of 
Amazons,  to  ascend  that  river  against  the  rapidity  of 
the  stream,  and  with  the  same  crew  they  proceed  to 
.San  Pablo,  which  is  eight  hundred  leagues  distant.  No 
crew  of  white  people,  or  even  of  Negroes,  would  be 
found  equal  to  a  task  of  such  persevering  fatigue,  as 
the  Portuguese  have  experienced  ;  and  yet  the  Indians 
being  accustomed  to  this  labor  from  their  infancy,  per- 
form it.    MS.  penes ^e. 

NoTK  [47].  p.  105.  Don  Antonio  Ulloa,  who  visited 
a  great  part  of  Peru  and  Chili,  the  kingdom  of  New 
Granada,  and  several  of  the  provinces  bordering  on  the 
Mexican  Gulf,  while  emjiloyed  in  the  same  service  with 
the  French  Mathematicians  during  the  space  of  ten 
years,  and  who  afterwards  had  an  opportunity  of  view- 
ing the  North  Americans  asserts  "  that  if  we  have  seen 
one  American,  we  may  be  said  to  have  seen  them  all, 
their  color  and  make  are  so  nearly  the  same."  Notic. 
Americanas,  p.  328.  A  more  early  observer,  Pedro 
de  Cieca  de  Leon,  one  of  the  conquerors  of  Peru,  who 
had  likewise  traversed  many  provinces  of  America,  af- 
firms that  the  people,  men  and  women,  although  there 
is  such  a  multitude  of  tribes  or  nations  as  to  be  almost 
innumerable,  and  such  diversity  of  climates,  appear 
nevertheless  like  the  children  of  one  father  and  mother. 
Chronica  del'  Peru,  parte  i.  c.  19.  There  is,  no  doubt, 
a  certain  combination  of  features,  and  peculiarity  of 
aspect,  which  forms  what  may  be  called  a  European  or 
Asiatic  countenance.  There  must  likewise  be  one 
that  may  be  denominated  American,  common  to  the 
whole  race.  This  may  be  supposed  to  strike  the  tra- 
veller at  first  sight,  while  not  only  the  various  shades, 
which  distinguish  people  of  dilTerent  regions,  but  the 
peculiar  features  which  discriminate  individuals,  escape 
the  notice  of  a  transient  observer.  But  when  persons 
who  had  resided  so  iong  among  the  Americans  concur 
in  bearing  testimony  to  the  similarity  of  their  ajjpear- 
ance  in  everv  climate,  we  may  conclude  that  it  is  more 
remarkablf!  than  that  of  any  other  race.  See  likewise 
Garcia  Origeii  de  los  Indies,  p.  54.  242.  Torquemada 
Monarch.  Indiana,  ii.  571. 

Note.  [48]  p.  105.— M.  le  Chevalier  dc  Pinto  ob- 
serves, that  in  the  interior  parts  of  Brazil,  he  had  been 
informed  that  some  persons  resembling  the  white  peo- 
ple of  Darien  had  been  found  ;  bat  that  the  breed  did 
not  continue,  and  their  children  became  like  other  Ame- 
ricans. This  race,  however,  is  very  imperfectly  known. 
MS.  penes  inc. 

Note  [40].  p.  105. — The  testimonies  of  ditTcrent 
travellers  concerning  the  Patagonians,  have  been  col- 
lected and  stated  with  a  considerable  degree  of  accu- 
racy 'ny  the  author  of  Recherches  Philosophiques,  &c. 
torn.  1.  281,  &c  iii.  181,  &c.  Since  the  publication 
of  his  work,  several  navigators  have  visited  the  Magel- 
lanic regions,  and  like  their  predecessors,  ditTcr  \e\y 
widely  in  their  accounts  of  its  inhabitants  By  Com- 
modore Byron  and  his  crew,  who  sailed  through  the 
.Straits  in  1764,  the  common  size  of  the  Patagoniaiis 
was  estimated  to  be  eight  feet,  and  many  of  them  much 
t;iller.  Phil.  TiMiisact.  vol.  Ivii  p.  78.  By  Captain 
Wnllis  and  Carteret,  who  actually  measured  them  in 
1700,  they  were  found  to  be  from  six  feet  to  sijt  feet 


five  and  seven  inches  in  height.  Phil.  Trans,  vol.  Ix. 
p.  22.  These,  however,  seem  to  have  been  the  very 
people  whose  size  had  been  rated  so  high  in  the  year 
1764  ;  for  several  of  them  had  beads  and  red  baizo  of 
the  same  kind  with  what  had  been  put  on  board  Cap- 
tain AVallis's  ship,  and  he  naturally  concluded  that  they 
had  got  these  from  Mr.  Byron.  Hawkesw.  i.  In  1767 
they  were  again  measured  by  M.  Bougainville,  whoso 
account  dilfers  little  from  that  of  Captain  VV'allis.  Voy. 
129.  To  these  I  shall  add  a  testimony  of  great  weight. 
In  the  year  1762,  Don  Bernardo  Ibegnez  de  Echavarri 
accompanied  the  Marquis  de  Valdelirios  to  Bucr.Ot 
.'\yres,  and  resided  there  several  vears.  He  is  a  very 
intelligent  author,  and  his  re|)Utation  for  veracity  uniin- 
peached  among  his  countrymen.  In  speaking  of  lh« 
country  towards  the  southern  extremity  of  America. 
"  By  what  Indians,"  says  he,  "  is  it  possessed  !  Not 
certainly  by  the  fabulous  Patagonians  who  arc  sujiposed 
to  occupy  this  district.  I  have  from  many  eye-wit- 
nesses, who  have  lived  among  those  Indians,  and  traded 
much  with  them,  a  true  and  accurate  description  o) 
their  persons.  They  are  of  the  same  stature  with  th'i 
Spaniards.  I  never  saw  one  who  rose  in  height  two 
vara.!  and  two  or  three  inches,"  i.  c.  about  80  or  81-332 
inches  English,  if  Echavarri  makes  his  com[)utation 
according  to  the  imra  of  Madrid.  This  agrees  nearly 
with  the  measurement  of  Captain  Wallis.  Reyno  Je- 
suitico,  238.  Mr.  Falkncr,  who  n'sided  as  a  mission- 
ary forty  years  in  the  southern  parts  of  America,  says 
that  the  Patagonians,  or  Puelches,  are  a  large  bodied 
people  ;  but  I  never  heard  of  that  gigantic  race  which 
others  have  mentioned,  though  I  have  seen  persons  of 
all  the  diU'crent  tribes  of  southern  Indians."  Introd. 
p.  26.  M.  DobrizhofTer,  a  Jesuit,  who  resided  eighteen 
years  in  Paraguay,  and  who  had  seen  great  numbers  of 
the  various  tribes  which  inhabit  the  countries  situated 
upon  the  .Straits  of  Magellan,  confirms  in  every  pi^int, 
the  testimony  of  his  brother  missionary  Falkner.  Do- 
brizhofter  enters  into  some  detail  with  respect  to  the 
opinions  of  several  authors  concerning  the  stature  of 
the  Patagonians.  Having  mentioned  the  report.-*  of 
some  early  travellers  with  regard  to  the  extraordinary 
size  of  some  boi:es  found  on  that  coast  which  were 
supposed  to  be  human  ;  and  having  endeavored  to  show 
that  these  bones  belonged  to  some  large  marine  or 
land  animal,  he  concludes,  "  de  hisce  ossibus  creJe 
quicquid  Ubuerit,  duminodo,  me  suasore,  Patagones  pro 
gigaiitibus  desinas  habere."'  Hist,  do  Abissonibus, 
vol.  ii.  p.  19,  &c. 

Note  [50].  p.  106.  Antonio  .Sanches  Ribeiro,  a 
learned  and  ingenious  physician,  published  a  disserta- 
tion in  the  yea'r  1765,  in  which  he  endeavors  to  prove 
that  'his  disease  was  not  introduced  from  .-V.merica,  but 
took  ts  rise  in  Europe,  and  was  brought  on  by  an  e|)i- 
demical  and  malignant  disorder.  Did  I  chose  to  enter 
into  a  disquisition  on  this  subject,  which  I  should  not 
have  mentioned  if  it  had  not  been  intimately  connected 
with  this  part  of  my  inquiries,  it  would  not  be  diincult 
to  point  out  some  mistakes  with  respect  to  the  fact.-j 
u[)on  which  he  founds,  as  well  as  some  errors  in  tha 
consequences  which  he  draws  from  them.  The  rapid 
communication  of  this  disease  from  Spain  over  Eu- 
rope, seems  however  to  resemble  the  jirogress  of  an 
epidemic,  rather  than  that  of  a  disease  transmitted  by 
infection.  The  first  mention  of  it  is  in  the  year  1493, 
and  before  the  year  1497,  it  had  marie  its  appearanco 
in  most  countries  of  Europe,  with  such  alarming  symp- 
toms as  rendered  it  necessary  for  the  civil  magistrates 
to  interpose,  in  order  to  check  its  career.  Since  tho 
publication  of  this  work,  a  second  edition  of  Dr.  San- 
chez's Dissertation  has  been  communicated  to  me.  It 
contains  several  additional  facts  in  confirmation  of  lii.', 
opinion,  which  is  supported  with  such  plausible  argu- 
ments, as  render  it  a  subject  of  inquiry  well  deserving 
the  attention  of  learned  physicians. 

Note  [51].  p.  106. — The  people  of  Otaheite  have  no 
denomination  for  any  number  above  two  hundred,  which 
is  sulPicient  for  their  transactions.  Voyages  by  Hawkes- 
worth,  ii.  228. 

Note  [-52]  p  107. — .-Vs  the  view  which  I  have  given 
of  rude  nations  is  extremely  dill'ereiit  from  that  exhi- 
bited by  very  respectable  authors,  it  may  be  proper  lu 
produce  .some  of  the  many  authorities  on  which  1  found 
my  description.  The  manners  of  the  savage  tribes  in 
America  have  never  been  viewed  by  persons  more  <-» 
liable  of  observing  them  with  discernment,  than  tho 
philosophers  employed  by  France  and  Spam,  in  the 
year  1735.  to  determine  the  figure  of  iho  earlb..  M. 
Bougucr,  D.  Antonio  d" Ulloa,  and  D  Jorge  Jubii,  n> 


194 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


sid'id  long  among  the  natives  of  the  least  civilized  pro- 
vnices  ui  Peru.  M.  de  la  Condainine  had  not  only  the 
same  advantages  with  them  for  observation,  but,  in  his 
voyage  down  the  Maragnon,  he  had  an  opportunity  of 
•nspectuig  the  slate  of  the  various  nations  seated  on  its 
banks,  in  its  vast  course  across  the  continent  of  South 
Amenta.  There  is  a  wonderful  resemblance  in  their 
reprtsontation  of  the  character  of  the  Americans. 
"  They  arc  all  extremely  indolent,"  says  M.  Bougucr, 
"  they  are  stupid  ,  they  pass  whole  days  sitting  in  the 
name  place,  without  moving,  or  speaking  a  single  word. 
It  is  not  easy  to  describe  the  degree  of  their  inditFcrence 
for  wealth,  and  all  its  advantages.  One  does  not  well 
know  what  motive  to  propose  to  them,  when  one  would 
persuaile  them  to  perform  any  service.  It  is  vain  to 
offer  them  money  ;  they  answer,  that  they  arc  not  hun- 
gry." Voyage  au  Perou,  p.  102  "  If  one  considers 
them  as  men,  the  narrowness  of  theiV  understanding 
Bcems  to  be  incompatible  with  the  excellence  of  the 
eoul.  Their  imbecility  is  so  visible  that  one  can  hardly 
form  an  idea  of  them  different  from  what  one  has  of  the 
brutes.  Nothing  disturbs  the  tranquillity  of  their  souls, 
equally  insensible  to  disasters  and  to  prosperity. 
Though  half  naked,  they  are  as  contented  as  a  monarch 
ill  his  most  s|)lendid  array.  Riches  do  not  attract  them 
in  the  smallest  degree,  and  the  authority  of  dignities  to 
which  they  may  aspire  are  so  little  the  objects  of  their 
einbition,  that  an  Indian  will  receive  with  the  same  iii- 
dirierence  the  ofllce  of  a  judge  (.Meade)  or  that  of  a 
hangman,  if  deprived  of  the  former  and  dp(iointed  to  the 
latter.  Nothing  can  move  or  change  them.  Interest 
has  no  power  over  them,  and  they  often  refuse  to  per- 
form a  small  service,  though  certain  of  a  great  recom- 
pense. Fear  makes  no  impression  upon  them,  and  re- 
spect as  little.  Their  disposition  is  so  singular  that 
there  is  no  method  of  influencing  them,  no  means  of 
rousing  them  from  that  indifference  which  is  proof 
Bgainst  all  the  endeavors  of  the  wisest  persons  ;  no  ex- 
ped;ent  which  can  induce  them  to  abandon  that  gross 
ignorance,  or  lay  aside  that  careless  negligence  which 
(lisconctrl  the  prudence  and  disappoint  the  care  of  such 
8S  ?.re  attentive  to  their  welfare."  Voyage  d'Ulloa, 
tom.  i  335.  356.  Of  those  singular  qualities  he  pro- 
duces manv  extraordinary  instances,  p  336.  347.  "In- 
sensibility," says  M.  de  la  Condamine,  "  is  the  basis  of 
the  American  character.  I  leave  others  to  determine, 
whether  this  should  be  dignified  with  the  name  of 
apathy,  or  disgraced  with  that  of  stupidity.  It  .".rises, 
«vithout  doubt,  from  the  number  of  their  ideas, 

which  do  not  extend  beyond  their  wants.  Gluttons 
even  to  voracity,  when  they  have  wherewithal  to  satisfy 
their  appetite.  Temperate,  when  necessity  obliges 
thern,  to  such  a  degree,  that  they  can  endure  want 
without  seeming  to  desire  any  thing.  Pusillanimous 
and  cowardly  to  excess,  unless  when  they  are  rendered 
desperate  by  drunkenness.  Averse  to  labor,  inditrcrent 
to  every  motive  of  glory,  honor,  or  gratitude  ;  occupied 
entirely  by  the  object  that  is  present,  and  always  de- 
termined by  it  alone,  without  any  solicitude  about  fu- 
turitv  ;  incapable  of  foresight  or  of  reflection  ;  abandon- 
ing themselves  when  under  no  restraint,  to  a  puerile 
joy,  which  they  express  by  frisking  about  and  immode- 
rate fits  of  laughter;  without  object  or  design,  they 
p;iss  their  life  without  thinking,  and  grow  old  without 
iidvancing  beyond  childhood,  of  which  they  retain  all 
the  defects.  If  this  description  were  applicable  only 
to  the  Indians  in  some  provinces  of  Peru,  who  are 
filaves  in  every  respect  but  the  name,  one  might  be- 
lieve, that  this  degree  of  degeneracy  was  occasioned  by 
the  servile  dependence  to  which  they  are  reduced  ;  the 
example  of  the  modern  (ireeks  being  proof  how  far  ser- 
vitude may  degrade  the  human  species.  Hut  the  In- 
dians in  the  missions  of  the  Jesuits,  and  the  savages 
who  still  enjoy  unimpaired  liberty,  being  as  limited  in 
their  faculties,  not  to  say  as  stupid,  as  the  other,  one 
cunnot  observe  without  humiliation,  that  man,  when 
abandoned  to  simple  nature,  and  deprived  of  the  advan- 
tages resulting  from  education  and  .society,  differs  but 
little  from  the  brute  creation."  Voyage  de  la  Riv.  de 
Amaz.  ."VZ,  53.  M.  de  ("hanvalon,  an  intelligent  and 
philosophical  observer,  who  visited  Martinico  in  1751. 
and  resided  there  six  years,  gives  the  following  de- 
Bcnplion  of  the  Caraibs  :  "  It  is  not  the  red  color  of 
their  coin[)lexion,  it  is  not  ihe  singularity  of  thcit  fea- 
tures, which  constitutes  the  chief  difference  between 
them  and  us.  It  is  their  excessive  sim|)licity  :  it  is  the 
limited  degree  of  their  faculties.  Their  reason  is  not 
more  enlightened  or  more  provident  than  the  instinct  of 
brutes.  The  reason  of  the  most  gross  peasants,  that 
of  the  negroes  brou;;ht  up  in  the  parts  of  ,\frica  most 
reunite  from  intercourse  with  Kuropoans,  is  such,  that 
wt)  diacbver  ap^aritiices  of  intelligence,  which,  thou<;h 


imperfect,  is  capable  of  increase.  But  of  this  the  un- 
derstanding of  the  Caraibs  seems  to  be  hardly  suscep- 
tible. If  sound  philosophy  and  religion  did  not  afford 
us  their  light,  if  we  were  to  decide  according  to  the 
first  impression  which  '.he  v!cw  of  that  people  makes 
upon  the  miiid.  wc  should  be  disposed  to  believe  that 
they  do  not  belong  to  the  same  species  with  us.  Their 
stupid  eyes  are  the  true  mirror  of  their  souls  ;  it  ap- 
pears to  be  without  functions.  Their  indolence  is  ex- 
treme ;  they  have  never  the  least  solicitude  about  the 
moment  which  is  to  succeed  that  which  is  present." 
Voyage  a  U  Martinique,  p.  44,  45.  51.  M.  de  la 
Borde,  Tertrc,  and  Rochefort,  confirm  this  description. 
"  The  characteristics  of  the  Californians,"  says  P. 
Vcnegas,  "  as  well  as  of  all  other  Indians,  are  stupidity 
and  insensibility  ;  want  of  knowledge  and  reflection  ; 
inconstancy,  impetuhsity,  and  blindness  of  appetite  ;  an 
excessive  sloth,  and  abhorrence  of  all  labor  and  fatigue  ; 
an  excessive  love  of  pleasure  and  amusement  of  every 
kind,  however  trifling  or  brutal ;  pusillanimity  ;  and,  in 
fine,  a  most  wretched  want  of  every  thing  which  con- 
stitutes the  real  man,  and  renders  him  rational,  inven- 
tive, tractable,  and  useful  to  himself  and  society.  It  is 
not  easy  for  Europeans,  who  never  were  out  of  their 
own  country,  to  conceive  an  adequate  idea  of  those 
people ;  for,  even  in  the  least  frequcrited  corners  of  the 
globe,  there  is  not  a  nation  so  stupid,  of  such  contracted 
ideas,  and  so  weak  both  in  body  and  mind,  as  the  un- 
happy Californians.  Their  understanding  comprehends 
little  more  than  what  they  see  ;  abstract  ideas,  and 
much  less  a  chain  of  reasoning,  being  far  beyond  their 
power ;  so  that  they  scarce  ever  improve  their  first 
ideas,  and  these  are  in  general  false,  or  at  least  inade- 
quate. It  is  in  vain  to  represent  to  them  any  future 
advantages  which  will  result  to  them  from  doing  or 
abstaining  from  this  or  that  particular  immediately  pre- 
sent ;  the  relation  of  means  and  ends  being  beyond  the 
stretch  of  their  faculties.  Nor  have  they  the  least  no- 
tion of  pursuing  such  intentions  as  will  procure  them- 
selves some  future  good,  or  guard  them  against  future 
evils.  Their  will  is  proportional  to  their  faculties,  and 
all  their  passions  move  in  a  very  narrow  s[)here.  Am- 
bition they  have  none,  and  are  more  desirous  of  being 
accounted  strong  than  valiant.  The  objects  of  ambi- 
tion with  us,  honor,  fame,  reputation,  titles,  posts,  and 
ilistinctions  of  superiority,  are  unknown  among  them  ; 
so  that  this  powerful  spring  of  action,  the  cause  of  so 
much  seeming  good  and  real  evil  in  the  world,  has  no 
power  here.  This  disposition  of  mind,  as  it  gives  then, 
up  to  an  amazing  languor  and  lassitude,  their  lives  fleet- 
ing away  in  a  perpetual  inactivity  and  detestation  of 
labor,  so  it  likewise  induces  them  to  be  attracted  by  the 
first  object  which  their  own  fancy,  or  the  persuasion  of 
another,  places  before  them  ;  and  at  the  same  time  ren- 
ders them  as  prone  to  alter  their  resolutions  with  the 
same  facility.  They  look  with  indifference  upon  any 
kindness  done  them  ;  nor  is  even  the  bare  rememhrance 
of  it  to  be  expected  from  them.  In  a  word,  the  un- 
hapjiy  mortals  may  be  compared  to  children,  in  whom 
the  dcvelopeinent  of  reason  is  not  completed.  They 
may  indeed  bo  called  a  nation  who  never  arrive  at 
manhood."  Hist,  of  California,  English  Transl.  i. 
64.  67.  Mr.  Ellis  gives  a  similar  account  of  the  want 
of  foresight  and  inconsiderate  disposition  of  the  peojile 
adjacent  to  Hudson's  Bay.     Voyage,  p.  194,  195. 

The  incapacity  of  the  .Americans  is  so  remarkable, 
that  negroes  from  all  the  different  provinces  of  Africa 
are  observed  to  be  more  capable  of  improving  by  in- 
struction. They  acquire  the  knowledge  of  several  par- 
ticulars which  the  Americans  cannot  comprehend. 
Hence  the  negroes,  though  slaves,  value  themselves  as 
a  superior  order  of  beini;s,  and  look  down  ujion  the 
.Americans  with  contempt,  as  void  of  capacity  and 
of  rational  discernment.  L'lloa  Notic.  Aineric.  323, 
323. 

Note  [.53].  p.  107.— Dobrizhoffer.  the  last  traveller 
I  know  who  has  resided  amonc  any  tribe  of  the  ruder 
.\mencans,  has  explained  so  fully  the  various  reasons 
which  have  induced  llieir  women  to  suckle  their  child- 
ren long,  and  never  to  undertake  rearing  such  as  were 
feeble  or  distorted,  and  even  to  destroy  a  considerable 
number  of  their  offspring,  as  to  throw  great  light  on 
the  observations  I  have  made,  p  144.  1.54.  Hist,  de 
Abissonibus,  vol.  ii.  p.  107.  221.  So  deeply  were 
these  ideas  imprinted  in  the  minds  of  the  .Americans, 
that  the  Peruvians,  a  civilized  people  when  compared 
with  the  barbarous  tribes  whose  manners  I  am  descri- 
bing, retained  them  ;  and  even  iheir  intercourse  with 
the  Spaniards  has  not  been  able  to  root  them  out 
When  twins  are  born  in  anv  family,  it  is  still  co.isidered 
as  an  ominous  event,  and  the  parents  have  recourse  ti 


rigorous  acts  of  mortification,  in  order  to  avert  the  ctr 
lamitics  with  which  they  are  threatened.  When  • 
child  is  born  with  any  deformity,  they  will  not,  if  thcv 
can  possibly  avoid  it,  bring  it  to  be  baptised,  and  i;  is 
with  difliculiy  they  can  be  brought  to  rear  it.  Arriaga 
E.xtirpac.  de  la  Idolat.  del  Peru,  p.  32,  33. 

Note  [54]  p.  108. — The  number  of  the  fijh  in  iUe 
rivers  of  South  America  is  so  extraordinary  as  to  merit 
particular  notice.  "  In  the  Maragnon  (says  P.  .Acugna) 
fish  are  so  plentiful,  that,  without  any  art,  thev  may 
take  them  with  the  hands."  p.  138.  ••  In  the  Orinoto 
(says  P.  Gumilla,)  besides  an  infinite  variety  of  oibei 
fish,  tortoise  or  turtle  abound  in  such  numbers,  that  I 
cannot  find  words  to  express  it.  I  doubt  not  but  that 
such  as  read  my  account  will  accuse  me  of  exaggera- 
tion :  but  I  can  affirm  that  it  is  as  ditliciill  to  coun, 
them  as  to  count  the  sands  on  the  banks  of  that  river. 
One  may  judge  of  their  number  by  the  amazing  coq 
sun-p.ion  of  them  ;  for  all  the  nations  contiguous  to 
iho  river,  and  even  many  who  are  at  a  distance,  flock 
thither  at  the  season  of  breeding,  and  not  only  find 
sustenance  during  that  time,  but  carry  off  great  num- 
bers both  of  the  turtles  and  of  their  eggs."  Hist,  de 
rUrenoque,  ii.  c.  22.  p.  59.  M.  De  la  Condamine  con- 
firms their  accounts,  p.  159. 

Note  [55],  p.  108. — Piso  describes  two  of  ihehC 
|)Iants,  the  Curuntapc  and  the  Guajana-'J'iinho.  I:  la 
remarkable,  that  though  they  have  this  fatal  effect  u|h)ii 
fishes,  they  are  so  far  from  being  noxious  to  the  human 
species,  that  they  are  used  in  mediiinc  with  sui.ce.>s. 
Piso,  lib.  iv.  c.  88.  Bancroft  mentions  another,  liis 
lliarrrc,  a  small  quantity  of  which  is  sufficiei  t  to  ine- 
briate all  the  fish  to  a  considerable  distance,  so  tiial  in 
a  few  minutes  they  float  motionless  on  the  surface  of 
the  water,  and  are  taken  with  case.  Nat.  Hist,  uf 
Guiana,  p.  106. 

Note  [56].  p.  108.— Remarkable  instances  occur  of 
the  calamities  which  rude  nations  suffer  by  iamiiie. 
Alvar  Nugiiez  Cabeca  de  Vaca,  one  of  the  most  gal- 
lant and  viituous  of  the  Spanish  adventurers,  resided 
almost  nine  years  among  the  savages  of  Florida,  i  hey 
were  unacquainted  with  every  species  of  agriculture. 
Their  subsistence  was  poor  and  precarious.  '•  J  hey 
live  chiefly  (says  he)  upon  roots  of  different  pl'iiiis, 
which  they  procure  with  great  difficulty,  wandering 
from  place  to  place  in  search  of  them.  Sometimes 
they  kill  game,  sometimes  they  catch  fish,  but  in  such 
small  quantities,  that  their  hunger  is  so  extreme  as  com- 
pels them  to  cat  spiders,  the  eggs  of  ants,  worms, 
hzards,  serpents,  a  kind  of  unctuous  earth,  and.  1  am 
persuaded,  that  if  in  this  country  there  were  stones, 
they  would  swallow  these.  They  preserve  the  bones 
of  fishes  and  serpents,  which  they  grind  into  powder 
and  eat  "  The  only  season  when  they  do  not  sufief 
much  from  famine,  is,  when  a  certain  fruit,  which  he 
calls  Tunas,  is  rijie.  This  is  the  same  with  llio  Opun- 
tia,  or  prickly  pear,  of  a  reddish  and  yellow  color,  wiili 
a  sweet  insipid  taste.  They  are  sometimes  obliged  to 
travel  far  from  their  usual  place  of  residence  in  order 
to  find  them.  Naufragios,  c.  xviii.  p.  20,  21,  22.  lil 
another  place  he  observes,  that  they  are  fre(|uently 
reduced  to  pass. two  or  three  days  without  food,  c.  iiiv. 
p.  27. 

Note  [57].  p.  108. — M.  Fcrmin  has  given  an  accu- 
rate description  of  the  two  species  of  manioc,  with  an 
account  of  its  culture,  to  which  he  has  added  soms 
eijierimeiits,  in  order  to  ascertain  the  poi.sonous  quali- 
ties of  the  juice  extracted  from  that  species  whicli  li" 
calls  the  bitter  cassava.  Among  the  Spaniards  it  is 
known  by  the  name  of  Yuca  brara.  Descr.  do  .Sunn, 
tom.  i.  p.  66. 

Note  [.58].  p.  108.— The  plantain  is  found  in  A^is 
and  .Africa,  as  well  as  in  .America.  Oviedo  conlends, 
that  It  18  not  an  indigenous  plant  of  the  New  World, 
but  was  introduced  into  the  Island  of  Hispamola.  in 
the  year  1516.  by  Father  Thomas  de  Bcrlanga.  anif  that 
he  transplanted  it  from  the  Canary  Islands,  whither  the 
original  slips  had  been  brought  from  the  East  Indies. 
Oviedo,  lib.  viii.  c.  1.  But  the  opinion  of  .Acosla  and 
other  naturalists,  who  reckon  it  an  .American  plant, 
seems  to  be  better  foundtd.  .AcosH  Hist.  Nat.  lib.  iv. 
21.  It  was  cultivated  by  rude  tribes  in  .America,  wSo 
had  little  intercourse  with  the  Spaniards,  and  who  were 
destitute  of  that  ingenuity  which  ilisposes  men  to  bor 
row  what  is  useful  from  foreign  nations.  Guiuil.  lu. 
186.    Wafer's  Voyage,  p  97. 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


195 


Note  [59].  p.  108.— It  is  remarkable  that  Acosta, 
one  of  the  most  accurate  and  best  informed  writers 
concerning  the  West  Indies,  atHrms  that  maize,  though 
'nillivated  in  the  contnient,  was  not  known  in  the 
Inlands,  the  inhabitants  of  which  had  none  but  cassada 
bread.  Hist.  Nat.  hb.  iv.  c.  16.  But  P.  Martyr,  in 
'.he  first  book  of  his  tirst  Decad,  which  was  written  in 
die  year  14t)3,  u]ioii  the  return  of  Columbus  from  his 
liist  voyage,  expressly  mentions  maize  as  a  plant  which 
(he  islanders  cultivated,  and  of  which  they  made  bread, 
|i  7.  Ciomara  likewise  asserts  that  tiiey  were  ac- 
[uainted  with  the  cultuie  of  maize.  Ilistor.  Gener. 
■ap.  28.  Uviedo  describes  maize  without  any  intima- 
lon  of  its  being  a  plant  that  was  not  natural  to  llis- 
uaiuola.    Lib.  vii.  c.  1. 

NoTF  [60]  p.  109.— New  Holland,  a  country  which 
formerly  was  only  known,  has  lately  been  visited  by 
intelligent  observers.  It  lies  in  a  region  of  the  globe 
where  it  must  enjoy  a  very  favorable  climate,  as  it 
stretches  from  the  10th  to  the  38th  degree  of  southern 
latitude.  It  IS  of  great  extent,  and  troin  its  sipiare 
lorin  must  be  much  more  than  equal  to  all  Europe. 
'I'lie  people  who  inhabit  the  various  parts  of  it  appear 
to  be  of  one  race  They  are  evidently  ruder  than  most 
of  the  Americans,  and  liavc  made  still  less  progress  in 
uuprovcinent  and  the  arts  of  life.  There  is  not  the 
least  ajipearance  of  uuliivation  in  any  part  of  this  vast 
region.  Tlie  inhabitants  are  extremely  lew,  so  that  the 
country  a|ipears  almost  desolate.  Their  tribes  are  still 
more  iiicoi.siderablo  than  those  of  America.  'I'liey 
depend  for  subsistence  almost  entirely  on  fishing.  They 
do  not  settle  in  one  place,  but  roam  about  in  quest 
of  food,  lioth  sexes  go  stark  naked.  Their  habi- 
lations,  utensils,  &c.  are  more  simple  and  rude  than 
,  those  of  the  Americans.  Voyages  by  Haukesworth, 
m.  6"J3,  iVc.  Tins,  perhaps,  is  the  country  where  man 
has  been  discovered  m  tlie  earliest  stage  of  his  pro- 
gress, and  exhibits  a  miserable  speoimen  ot  his  condi- 
tion and  powers  in  that  uncultivated  stale.  If  this 
country  shall  be  more  fully  explored  by  future  navi- 
gators, the  comparison  of  the  manners  of  its  iiihabi- 
■.aiits  with  those  of  (he  Americans  will  piove  an  in- 
structive article  in  the  history  of  the  human  siiecies. 

Note  [61].  p.  109. — P.  Gabriel  Marest,  who  tra- 
velled from  his  station  among  the  Illinois  to  Michili- 
inuckuiac,  thus  describes  the  face  of  the  country  : — 
"  W  e  have  marched  twelve  days  without  meeting  a 
single  human  creature.  Sometimes  we  found  ourselves 
I  in  vast  meadows,  of  winch  we  could  not  see  bouiid- 
!  aries,  through  which  there  flowed  many  brooks  and 
rivers,  but  without  any  path  to  conduct  us.  isome- 
Inncs  we  were  obliged  to  open  a  passage  across  thick 
forests,  through  bushes,  and  underwood  hllcd  with  briars 
and  thorns.  Sometimes  we  had  to  pass  through  deep 
marshes,  in  which  we  sunk  np  to  the  middle.  After 
being  fatigued  through  the  day,  we  had  the  earth  for  our 
bed,  or  a  few  leaves,  exposed  to  the  wind,  the  rain,  and 
all  the  injuries  of  the  air."  Letlr.  Ediliantes,  li.  360. 
l)r.  I5ii;knell,  in  an  e.vcursion  from  North  Carolina  to- 
wards the  mountains,  A.  D.  1730,  travelled  hftceii  days 
without  meeting  with  a  human  creature.  Nat.  Hist,  of 
North  Carolina,  339.  Diego  de  Urdas,  in  attempting 
to  make  a  settlement  in  South  America,  A.  U.  1532, 
marched  fifty  days  through  a  country  without  one  in- 
^  luliitant.    Herrera,  dec.  5.  lib.  i.  c.  11. 

Note  [62].  p.  109. — I  strongly  suspect  that  a  com- 
munity of  goods.and  an  undivided  store,  are  known  only 
among  the  rudest  tribes  of  hunters  ;  and  that  as  soon 
as  any  species  of  agriculture  or  regular  industry  is 
known,  the  idea  of  an  exclusive  right  of  property  to  the 
Iruits  of  them  is  introduced.  I  am  confirmed  in  this 
opinion  by  accounts  which  I  have  received  concerning 
the  state  of  property  among  the  Indians  in  very  dif- 
ferent regions  ol  America.  "  The  idea  of  tiic  natives 
o!  Brazil  concerning  property  is,  that  if  any  person  cul- 
tivate a  field,  he  alone  ought  to  enjoy  the  produce  of 
It,  and  no  other  has  a  title  to  pretend  to  it.  If  an  indi- 
vidual or  family  go  a  hunting  or  fishing,  what  is  caugiit 
belongs  to  the  individual  or  to  the  family,  and  they 
comnumicate  no  part  of  it  to  any  but  to  their  cazique, 
or  to  such  of  their  kindred  as  happen  to  be  indisposed. 
If  any  person  in  the  village  come  to  their  hut,  he  may 
fit  down  freely,  and  eat  without  asking  liberty.  But 
this  is  the  consequence  of  their  general  pnncijile  of  hos- 
pitality ;  for  I  never  observed  any  partition  of  the  in- 
crease of  their  fields,  or  the  produce  of  the  chase, 
wir.ch  I  could  consider  as  the  result  of  any  idea  con- 
cerning a  community  of  goods.  On  the  contrary,  they 
•le  »o  much  attached  to  what  they  dceiu  to  bo  their 


I  property,  that  it  would  bo  extremely  dangerous  to  en- 
croach upon  it.    As  far  as  I  can  sec  or  can  learn,  there 

!  is  not  one  tribe  of  Indians  in  South  America  among 
whom  the  community  of  goods  which  has  been  so  highly 
extolled  is  known.  The  circumstance  in  the  govern- 
ment ol  the  Jesuits,  most  irksome  to  the  Indians  of 
Paraguay,  was  the  community  of  goods  which  those 
fathers  introduced.  This  was  repugnant  to  the  original 
ideas  of  the  Indians.  They  were  acquainted  with  the 
rights  of  private  exclusive  property,  and  they  submit- 
ted with  impatience  to  regulations  which  destroyed 
them."  M.  le  Chcval,  do  Pinto,  MS.  penes  me. 
"  Actual  possession  (says  a  missionary  who  resided 
several  years  among  the  Indians  of  the  five  nations) 
gives  a  right  to  the  soil  ;  but,  whenever  a  possessor 
sees  fit  to  cpiit  it,  another  hds  as  good  right  to  take  it 
as  he  who  left  it.  This  law,  or  custom,  respects  not 
only  the  particular  spot  on  which  he  erects  his  house, 
but  also  his  planting-ground.  If  a  man  has  prepared  a 
particular  spot  of  ground  on  which  ho  designs  in  future 
to  build  or  plant,  no  man  has  a  right  to  incommode 
him,  much  less  to  the  fruit  of  his  labors,  until  it  appears 
that  he  voluntarily  gives  up  his  views.  But  I  never 
heard  of  any  formal  conveyance  from  one  Indian  to 
another  in  their  natural  state.  The  limit  of  every  canton 
is  circumscribed  ;  that  is,  they  are  allowed  to  hunt  as  fat 
as  such  a  river  on  tins  hand,  and  such  a  mountain  on  the 
other.  This  area  is  occupied  and  improved  by  individuals 
and  their  families  :  individuals,  not  the  community,  have 
the  use  and  profit  of  their  own  labors,  or  success  in 
hunting."    MS.  of  Mr.  Gideon  Hawley,  penes  me. 

Note  [63].  p.  109. — This  difference  of  temper  be- 
tween the  Americans  and  Negroes  is  so  remarkable, 
that  it  is  a  proverbial  saying  in  the  French  islands, 
"  Regarder  un  sauvage  de  travers,  c'est  le  battre  ;  le 
battre,  c'est  le  tuer  ;  baltro  un  Negre,  c'est  le  nourrir." 
Tertre,  ii.  490. 

Note  [64].  p.  109 — The  description  of  the  political 
state  of  the  people  of  Cinaloa  perfectly  resembles  that 
of  the  inhabitants  of  North  America.  "They  have 
neither  laws  nor  kings  (says  a  missionary  who  resided 
long  among  them)  to  punish  any  crime.  Nor  is  there 
among  them  any  species  of  authority,  or  political  go- 
vernment, to  restrain  them  in  any  part  of  their  conduct. 
It  is  true  that  they  acknowledge  certain  caziques,  who 
are  heads  of  their  families  or  villages ;  but  their 
authority  appears  chiefly  in  war  and  the  expeditions 
against  their  enemies.  This  authority  the  caziques 
obtain  not  bv  hereditary  right,  but  by  their  valor  iii 
war,  or  by  the  power  and  number  of  their  families  and 
relations.  Sometimes  they  owe  their  pre-eminence  to 
their  eloquence  in  displaying  their  own  exploits." 
Ribas  Histor.  de  las  Triumph,  &c.  p.  11.  The  state 
of  the  Chiquitos  in  South  America  is  nearly  the  same. 
"  They  have  no  regular  form  of  government  or  civil 
life,  but  in  matters  of  public  concern  they  listen  to  the 
advice  of  their  old  men,  and  usually  follow  it.  The 
dignity  of  Cazique  is  not  hereditary,  but  conferred  ac- 
cording to  merit,  as  the  reward  of  valor  in  war.  The 
union  among  them  is  imperfect.  Their  society  resem- 
bles a  republic  without  any  head,  in  which  every  man 
is  master  of  himself,  and,  upon  the  ledst  disgust,  sepa- 
rates from  those  with  whom  he  seemed  to  be  con- 
nected." Relacion  Historical  do  las  Missiones  de  los 
Chi(piitos,  por  P.  Juan,  Patr.  Fernandez,  p.  32,  33. 
Thus,  under  very  different  climates,  when  nations  are 
in  a  similar  state  of  society,  their  institutions  and  civil 
government  assume  the  same  form. 

Note  [65].  p.  111. — "I  have  known  the  Indians 
(says  a  person  well  acquainted  with  their  mode  of  life) 
to  go  a  thousand  miles  for  the  purpose  of  revenge,  in 
pathless  woods,  over  hills  and  mountains,  through  huge 
j  cane  swamps,  exposed  to  the  extremities  of  heal  and 
1  cold,  the  vicissitude  of  seasons,  to  hunger  and  thirst. 
Such  is  their  overboiling  revengeful  temper,  that  they 
utterly  contemn  all  those  things  as  imaginary  trifles,  if 
they  are  so  happy  as  to  get  the  scalp  of  the  murderer, 
or  enemy,  to  satisfy  the  craving  ghosts  of  their  de- 
ceased relations."  Adair's  Hist,  of  Ainer.  Indians, 
p.  150. 

1  Note  [66].  p.  111. — In  the  account  of  the  great 
I  \yar  between  the  Algonquins  and  Iroquois,  the  achieve- 
ments of  Piskaret.  a  famous  chief  of  the  Algonquins, 
i  performed  mostly  by  himself  alone,  or  with  one  or  two 
j  companions,  make  a  capital  figure.  De  la  Pothcrie,  i. 
I  297,  &.C.    Colden's  Hist,  of  Five  Nations,  125,  Ac. 

j  Note  [67].  p.  111. — The  life  of  an  unfortunate 
leader  is  ulleii  iu  danger,  and  he  is  always  degraded 


from  the  rank  which  he  had  acquired  by  his  formax 
exploits.    Adair,  p.  388. 

Note  [68].  p.  111.— As  tho  ideas  of  the  North 
Americans,  with  respect  to  tho  mode  of  carrying  on 
war,  arc  generally  known,  I  have  founded  my  observa- 
tions chiefly  upon  the  testimony  of  the  authors  who  de- 
scribe them.  But  the  same  maxims  took  plitce  among 
other  nalions  in  the  New  World.  A  judicious  mission- 
ary has  given  a  view  of  the  military  operations  of  th» 
people  111  Gran  Chaco,  in  South  America,  perfectly 
similar  to  those  of  the  Iroquois.  "  They  arc  much  ad- 
dicted to  war  (says  he),  which  they  carry  on  frequently 
among  themselves,  but  perpetually  against  the  Spa- 
niards, But  they  may  rather  be  called  thieves  than 
soldiers,  for  they  never  make  head  against  the  Spa- 
niards, unless  when  they  can  assault  them  by  stealth, 
or  have  guarded  against  any  mischance  by  spies,  who 
may  be  called  indefatigable  ;  they  will  watch  the  set- 
tlements of  the  Spaniards  for  one,  two,  or  three  years, 
observing  by  night  every  thing  that  passes  with  the  ut- 
most solicitude,  whether  they  may  expect  resistance  or 
not,  and  until  they  arc  perfectly  secure  of  the  event, 
they  will  not  venture  upon  an  attack  ;  so  that,  wheu 
they  do  give  the  assault,  they  are  certain  of  success, 
and  free  from  all  danger.  These  spies,  in  order  (hat 
they  may  not  be  observed,  will  creep  on  all  four  like 
cats  in  the  night  ;  but  if  they  are  discovered,  make 
their  escape  with  much  dexterity.  But,  although  they 
never  choose  to  face  tho  Spaniards,  if  they  bo  sur- 
rounded in  any  place  whence  they  cannot  escape,  they 
will  fight  with  desperate  valor,  and  sell  their  lives  very 
dear."    Lozano  Descript.  del  Gran  Chaco,  p.  78. 

Note  [69].  p.  111. — Lerv,  who  was  an  eye-witness 
of  the  proceedings  of  the  Toupximmhos,  a  Brasilian  tribe, 
in  a  war  against  a  powerful  nation  of  their  enemies, 
describes  their  courage  and  ferocity  in  very  striking 
terms.  Ego  cum  Gallo  allero.  paulo  curiosms.  magno 
nostro  periculo  (si  enim  ab  hostibus  capti  aut  lesi  fuis- 
semus,  devorationi  fuissemus  devoti,)  barbaros  iiostros 
in  mililiam  euntes  comitari  volui.  Hi,  numcro  4000 
capita,  cum  hostibus  ad  littus  decertarunt,  tanta  fcroci- 
tate,  ut  vel  rabidos  et  furiosos  quosque  superarent 
Cum  priinum  hostes  coiispexere,  in  magnos  at<iuc  edi- 
tos  ululatus  pcrreperuiit.  IIa;c  gens  adeo  fera  est  et 
truculenta,  ut  tanlisper  dum  virium  vel  tantilluin  rcstat, 
continuo  dimicent,  fugamque  niinquam  capessant. 
Quod  a  natura  illis  inditum  esse  renr.  Tester  interea 
mo,  qui  non  semcl,  turn  peditum  t  im  cquilum  copiaa 
ingentes,  in  aciem  instructas  hie  conspexi,  tanla  iiun- 
quam  voluptate  videndis  peditum  legionibus  arinis  ful- 
gentibus,  quanta  tuin  pugnantibus  istis  percussuin 
fuissr  Eery  Hist.  Navigat.  in  Bresil.  ap  de  Bry,  iii. 
207,  i08,  209. 

Note  [70].  p.  111. — It  was  originally  the  practice 
of  the  Americans,  as  well  as  of  other  savage  nations,  to 
cut  off  the  heads  of  the  enemies  whom  they  slew,  and 
to  carry  them  away  as  trophies.  But,  as  they  found 
these  cumbersome  in  their  retrcit,  which  they  always 
make  very  rapidly,  and  often  through  a  vast  extent  of 
country,  they  became  satisfied  with  tearing  off  their 
scalps.  This  custom,  though  most  prevalent  in  North 
America,  was  not  unknown  among  the  Southern  tribes. 
Eozano,  p.  79. 

Note  [71].  p.  112. — The  terms  of  the  war  son^ 
seem  to  be  dictated  by  the  same  fierce  spirit  of  revenge. 
"  I  go  to  war  to  revenge  the  death  of  my  brothers  ;  I 
shall  kill  ;  I  shall  exterminate  ;  I  shall  burn  my  enemie.i; 
I  shall  bring  away  slaves ;  I  shall  devour  their  heart, 
dry  their  flesh,  drink  their  blood  ;  I  shall  tear  off  their 
scalps,  and  make  cups  of  their  skulls."  Bossu's  Tra- 
vels through  Eouisiana,  vol.  i.  |i.  102.  I  am  iiiformc;d, 
by  persons  on  whose  testimony  I  can  rely,  that  as  tho 
number  of  people  in  the  Indian  tribes  has  decreased 
so  much,  almost  none  of  their  prisoners  are  now  put  to 
death.  It  is  considered  as  better  pi.licy  to  sjjarc  and 
to  adopt  them.  Those  dreadful  scenes  which  I  have 
described  occur  now  so  rarely,  that  missionaries  and 
traders  who  have  resided  long  among  the  Indians^  never 
were  witnesses  to  them. 

Note  [72].  p.  112. — .\11  the  travellers  who  have 
visited  tho  most  uncivilized  of  tho  American  triboo, 
agree  in  this.  It  is  confirmed  by  two  rcmarkaLlo  cir- 
cumstances, which  occurred  in  the  compiciit  ol  dilieren* 
provinces.  In  the  expedition  of  Narvaez  into  Finrida 
in  the  year  1528,  the  Spaniards  were  reduced  to  such 
extreme  distress  by  famine,  thai,  in  order  to  prcserre 
tlicir  own  lives,  thuy  ate  such  of  their  cumuaiiion*  kk 


196 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORV  OF 


bapixned  to  die.  This  appeared  so  shocking  to  the 
hdtues,  who  were  acciistomfd  to  devour  none  hut  pri- 
■oiirr^.  that  it  filled  itiein  with  horror  and  inditrnalion 
aiMihst  tlie  Spaniards.  Torqucinada  >tonari'h.  Ind.  ii. 
p.  584.  Nautidgios  de  Alv.  Nugnes  Cabeca  de  \'aca, 
c.  iiv.  p.  15.  During  the  siege  of  Mexico,  though  the 
Mciirans  devoured  with  greediness  the  Spaniards  and 
Tiasralaiis  whom  they  took  prisoners,  the  utmost  rigor 
of  '.ne  famine  winch  they  sutfercd  could  not  induce 
them  to  touch  the  dead  bodies  of  their  own  countrymen. 
Bern.  Diaz  del  Castdlo  Conquist.  de  la  N.  Espagna,  p. 
156. 

Note  [73].  p.  112  Many  singular  circumstances 
concerning  the  treatment  of  prisoners  among  the  people 
of  Brasil,  are  contained  in  the  narrative  of  Stadius,  a 
German  officer  in  the  service  of  the  Portuguese,  jjub- 
lished  in  the  year  1556.  lie  was  taken  prisoner  by  the 
Toupinambus,  and  remained  in  captivity  nine  years. 
Jlc  was  often  present  at  those  horrid  festivals  which  he 
describes,  and  was  destined  himself  to  the  same  cruel 
fate  with  other  prisoners.  But  he  saved  his  life  by  his 
extraordinary  eli'orts  of  courage  and  address.  De  Ury, 
iii.  p.  31,  &.C.  -M  de  I-ery,  who  accompanied  M.  de 
Villagagnon  in  his  expedition  to  Brasil  in  the  year 
1.556,  and  who  resided  some  time  in  that  country, 
agrees  with  Stadius  in  every  circumstance  of  import- 
ance. He  was  frequently  an  eye-witness  of  the  man- 
ner in  which  the  Brasilian?  treated  their  prisoners.  De 
Dry,  iii.  210.  Several  striking  particulars  omitted  by 
them,  are  mentioned  by  a  Portuguese  author.  Purch. 
Pilgr.  IV.  1294,  &c. 

Note  [74].  p.  112  — Though  I  have  followed  that 
opinion  concerning  the  apathy  of  the  Americans,  which 
ap|[>eared  to  me  most  rational,  and  supported  by  the  au- 
thority of  the  most  respectable  authors,  other  theories 
have  been  formed  with  regard  to  it,  by  writers  of  great 
eminence.  D.  Ant.  L'lloa,  in  a  late  work,  contends 
itiat  the  texture  of  the  skin  and  bodily  habit  of  the  Ame- 
ncaus  is  such,  that  they  are  less  sensible  of  pain  than 
\Le  rest  of  mankind.  He  produces  several  proofs  of 
this,  from  the  manner  in  which  they  endure  the  most 
cruel  chirurgical  operations,  dec.  Noticias  American- 
as,  p.  313,  314.  The  same  observation  has  been  made 
hy  surgeons  in  Brasil.  An  Indian,  they  say,  never 
complains  under  pain,  and  will  bear  the  amputation  of 
a  leg  or  an  arm  without  uttering  a  single  groan.  MS. 
ftnes  me. 

Note  [75].  p.  112— This  is  an  idea  natural  to  all 
rude  nations.  Among  the  Romans,  in  the  early  periods 
of  their  commonwealth,  it  was  a  maxim  that  a  prisoner 
•'tum  decessisse  videtur  cum  captus  est."  Digest, 
lib.  xlix.  tit.  15.  c.  18.  And  afterwards,  when  the  pro- 
gress of  refinement  rendered  them  more  indulgent  with 
respect  to  this  article,  they  were  obliged  to  employ  two 
fictions  of  law  to  secure  the  pro|)erty,  and  permit  the 
return  of  a  captive  ;  the  one  by  the  I,ex  Cornelia,  and 
the  other  by  the  Jus  Posthminii.  Hcinec.  Elem.  Jur. 
Civ.  sec.  ord.  Pand.  ii.  p.  294.  Aniong  the  Negroes 
the  same  ideas  prevail.  No  ransom  was  ever  accepted 
for  a  prisoner.  As  soon  as  one  is  taken  in  war,  he  is 
reputed  to  be  dead  ;  and  he  is  so  in  effect  to  his  coun- 
try and  his  family.  Voy.  du  Cheval.  des  Marchais,  i. 
p.  369. 

Note  [76].  p.  113  —The  people  of  Chili,  the  most 
gallant  and  high-spirited  of  all  the  Americans,  are  the 
only  exception  to  this  observation.  They  attack  their 
enemies  in  the  open  field  ;  their  troops  are  ranged  in 
regular  order  ;  their  battalions  advance  to  the  charge 
not  only  with  courage,  but  with  discipline.  The  North 
Americans,  though  many  of  them  have  substituted  the 
European  fire-arms  in  place  of  their  ov  n  bows  and 
arrows,  still  adhere  to  their  ancient  maxims  of  war, 
and  carr>'  it  on  according  to  tlieir  own  peculiar  system. 
Jjul  the  (;hi!ese  nearly  resemble  the  warlike  nations  of 
f^irope  and  .\sia  in  their  military  operations.  Ovallc's 
Kelalton  of  Chili.  Church.  Coll.  iii.  p.  71.  Lozano  s 
Hist.  Parag  i.  144,  145. 

Note  [77]  p  113  — Herrera  gives  a  remarkable 
proof  of  this.  In  Yucatan,  tlie  men  are  so  solictious 
»bout  th»'ir  dress,  that  they  carry  about  with  them  mir- 
rors, probably  made  of  stone,  like  those  of  the  Mexi- 
eins,  Dec.  iv.  lib  iii.  c.  8,  in  which  they  delight  to 
view  themselves  ;  but  the  women  never  use  them 
Dec.  iv.  lib.  X.  c.  3  Ho  takes  notice  that  among  the 
Iwrce  tribe  of  the  l'an,h,:i.  in  the  new  kingdoln  of 
(iranada,  none  but  distinguished  warriors  were  per- 
oultcd  either  to  picrco  ihoir  lips  and  to  wear  green 


stones  in  them,  or  to  adorn  their  heads  with  plumes  of 
feathers.  Dec.  vii.  lib.  ix.  c.  4.  In  some  provinces 
of  Peru,  though  that  empire  had  made  considerable 
progress  in  civilization,  the  state  of  women  was  little 
imi)roved.  All  the  toil  of  cultivation  and  domestic 
work  was  devolved  upon  them,  and  they  were  not  per- 
mitted to  wear  bracelets,  or  other  ornaments,  with  which 
the  men  were  fond  of  decking  themselves,  Zarate 
Hist,  de  Peru,  i.  p.  15,  16. 

Note  [78].  p.  113.— I  have  ventured  to  call  this 
mode  of  annointing  and  painting  their  bodies,  the  dress 
of  the  Americans.  This  is  agreeable  to  their  own 
idiom.  As  they  never  stir  abroad  if  they  arc  not  com- 
pletely aiinointed ;  they  excuse  themselves  when  in 
this  situation,  by  saying  that  they  cannot  appear  be- 
cause they  are  naked.  Gumilla,  Hist,  de  I'Urenoque. 
1.  191. 

Note  [79].  p.  113. — Some  tribes  in  the  province  of 
Cinaloa,  on  the  gulf  of  California,  seem  to  be  among 
the  rudest  people  of  America  united  in  the  social  slate. 
'J'hey  neither  cultivate  nor  sow  ;  they  have  no  houses 
in  which  they  reside.  1'hose  in  the  inland  country  sub- 
sist by  hunting  ;  those  on  the  seacoast  chiefly  by  fish- 
ing. Both  depend  upon  the  spontaneous  productions 
of  the  earth,  fruits,  plants,  and  roots  of  various  kinds. 
In  the  rainy  season,  as  they  have  no  habitations  to  af- 
ford them  shelter,  they  gather  bundles  of  reeds,  or 
strong  grass  ;  and  binding  them  together  at  one  end, 
they  open  them  at  the  other,  and  fitting  them  to  their 
heads,  they  are  covered  as  with  a  large  cap,  which,  like 
a  penthouse,  throws  off  the  rain,  and  will  keep  them 
dry  for  several  hours.  During  the  warm  season,  they 
form  a  shed  with  the  branches  of  trees,  which  pro- 
tects them  from  the  sultry  rays  of  the  sun.  A\'hen 
exposed  to  cold  they  make  large  fires,  round  which  they 
sleep  in  the  open  air.  Historia  de  los  Triumphos  de 
Nuestra  Santa  Ye  cntre  Centres  las  mas  Barbaras,  &c. 
por.  P.  And.  Perez  de  Ribas,  p.  7,  &,c. 

Note  [80].  p.  113. — These  houses  resemble  barns. 
"  \S'e  have  measured  some  which  were  a  hundred  and 
fifty  paces  long,  and  twenty  paces  broad.  Above  a 
hundred  persons  resided  in  some  of  them."  Wilson's 
Account  of  Guiana.  Purch.  Pilgr.  vol.  iv.  ji.  1263. 
Ibid.  1291.  "The  Indian  houses,"  says  Mr.  Barrcre, 
"  have  a  most  wretched  appearance,  and  are  a  striking 
image  of  the  rudeness  of  early  times.  Their  huts  are 
commonly  built  on  tome  rising  ground,  or  on  the  banks 
of  a  river,  huddled  sometimes  together,  sometimes 
straggling,  and  always  without  any  order.  Their  aspect 
is  melancholy  and  disagreeable.  One  sees  nothing  but 
what  is  hideous  and  savage.  The  uncultivated  fields 
have  no  gayety.  The  silence  which  reigns  there, 
unless  when  interrupted  by  the  disagreeable  notes  of 
birds,  or  cries  of  wild  beasts,  is  extremely  dismal." 
Kelat.  de  la  France  Equin.  p.  146. 

Note  [81].  p.  113. — Some  tribes  in  South  America 
can  send  their  arrows  to  a  great  distance,  and  with  con- 
siderable force,  without  the  aid  of  the  bow.  They 
I  make  use  of  a  hollow  reed,  about  nine  feet  long  and 
an  inch  thick,  which  is  called  a  Sarhacane.  In  it  they 
lodge  a  small  arrow,  with  some  unspun  cotton  wound 
about  its  great  end  ;  this  confines  the  air,  so  that  they 
can  blow  it  with  astonishing  rapidity,  and  a  sure  aim, 
to  the  distance  of  above  a  hundred  paces.  'J'hcse  small 
arrows  are  always  poisoned.  Fcrmin.  Desc.  de  Surin.  i. 
55.  Bancroft's  Hist,  of  Guiana,  p.  281,  &c,  'I'he  Sar- 
bacane  is  much  used  in  some  parts  of  the  East  Indies. 

Note  [32].  ji.  113.— I  might  produce  many  instances 
of  this,  but  shall  satisfy  myself  with  one  taken  from 
the  K-skiuiaux.  '•  Their  greatest  ingenuity  (says  Mr. 
Ellis)  IS  shown  in  the  structure  of  their  bows,  made 
commonly  of  three  pieces  of  wood,  each  making  part 
of  the  same  arch,  very  nicely  and  exactly  joined  to- 
gether. 'I'hey  are  coii.moiily  of  fir  or  larch  ;  and  as 
this  wants  .strength  and  elasticity,  they  supply  both  by 
liracing  the  back  of  the  bow  with  a  kind  of  thread,  or 
line,  made  of  the  sinews  of  their  deer,  and  the  bow- 
string of  the  same  materials.  To  make  them  draw* 
more  stitlly,  they  dip  them  into  water,  which  causes 
both  the  back  of  the  bow  and  the  string  to  contract,  and 
consequcnily  gives  it  the  greater  force  ;  and  as  they 
practice  from  their  youth,  they  shoot  with  very  great 
dexterity."    Voyage  to  Hudson's  Bay.  p.  134. 

Notk  [83]  p.  1 13— -Necessity  is  the  great  prompter 
and  guide  of  mankind  in  their  inventions.  There  is, 
however,  such  inequality  in  some  parts  of  their  pro- 


gress, and  some  nations  get  so  far  the  start  of  olheti 
in  circumstances  nearly  similar,  that  we  must  ascrilia 
this  to  some  events  in  their  .story,  or  to  some  peculi 
anty  in  their  situation,  w  ith  which  we  are  unacquainted. 
The  people  in  the  island  of  Otaheite,  lately  discovered 
in  the  South  Sea,  far  excel  most  of  the  Aniericai  f  '.l 
the  knowledge  and  practice  of  the  arts  of  ingenjily, 
and  yet  they  had  not  invented  any  method  of  boiling 
water  ;  and  having  no  ves^^cl  that  could  bear  the  fire, 
they  had  no  more  idea  that  water  could  be  made  hot, 
than  that  it  could  be  made  solid.  Voyages  by  Hawkes- 
worth,  i.  466.  484. 

Note  [84].  p.  118.— One  of  these  boats,  which 
would  carry  nine  men,  weighed  only  sixty  pounds. 
Gosnol.  Relat.  des  Voy.  a  la  Virgin.  Rcc.  de  Voy.  an 
Nord,  lorn.  v.  p.  403. 

Note  [85].  ji.  113. — A  remarkable  proof  of  this  ii 
produced  by  Ulloa.  In  weaving  hammocks,  coverlets, 
and  other  coarse  cloths  which  they  are  accustomed  to 
manufacture,  their  industry  has  discovered  no  more 
expeditious  method  than  to  take  up  thread  alter  thread, 
and,  after  counting  and  sorting  them  each  time,  to  pass 
the  woof  between  them,  so  that  in  finishing  a  small 
piece  of  those  stuffs  they  frequently  spend  more  than 
two  years.  Voyage,  i.  336.  Bancroft  gives  the  san.e 
description  of  the  Indians  of  Guiana,  p.  255.  Accord- 
ing to  Adair,  the  ingenuity  and  despatch  of  the  North 
American  Indians  are  not  greater,  p.  422.  From  one 
of  the  engravings  of  the  Mexican  paintings  in  Purcha.<, 
vol.  lii.  p.  1106,  I  think  it  probalile  that  the  peojile  of 
.Mexico  were  unacquainted  with  any  better  or  more 
expeditious  mode  of  weaving.  A  loom  was  an  inven- 
tion beyond  the  ingenuity  of  the  most  improved  .\iue- 
ncans.  In  all  their  works  they  advance  so  slowly,  that 
one  of  their  artists  is  two  months  at  a  tobacco-nipe 
with  his  knife  before  he  finishes  it.    Adair,  p.  423 

Note  [86].  p.  114. — The  article  of  religion  iii  P. 
Lafitau's  .Mteurs  des  Sauvages  extends  to  347  .edious 
pages  in  quarto. 

Note  [87].  p.  114. — I  have  referred  the  reader  '.o 
several  of  the  authors  who  describe  the  most  uncivilized 
nations  ill  America.  Their  testimony  is  uniform.  'l'K»t 
of  P.  Ribas  concerning  the  pcojile  of  Cinaloa  coin- 
cides with  the  rest.  "  I  was  extremely  attentive  (save 
he),  during  the  years  I  resided  among  them,  to  ascer- 
tain whether  they  were  to  be  considered  as  idolaters; 
and  it  may  be  afflrnied  with  the  most  perfect  exactness, 
that  though  among  some  of  them  there  may  be  traces 
of  idolatry,  yet  others  have  not  the  least  knowled>;e  of 
tiod.  or  even  of  any  false  deity,  nor  pay  anv  formal  adora- 
tion to  the  Supreme  Being  who  exercises  dominion  over 
tl,o  world  ;  nor  have  they  any  conception  of  the  provi- 
dence of  a  Greater,  or  Governor,  from  whom  they  expect 
in  the  next  life  the  reward  of  their  good  or  the  [>iinish- 
ment  of  their  evil  deeds.  Neither  do  they  publicly  join 
in  any  act  of  divine  worship."  Ribas  Triumphos,  &c. 
p.  16. 

Note  [88].  p.  114. — The  people  of  Brasil  were  so 
much  affrighted  by  thunder,  ivhich  is  frequent  and  aw- 
ful in  their  country,  as  well  as  in  other  parts  of  the 
torrid  zone,  that  it  was  not  only  the  object  of  religious 
reverence,  but  the  most  expressive  name  in  their  lan- 
guage for  their  Deity  was  Tmipan,  the  same  by  which 
they  distinguished  thunder.  Piso  de  Medcc.  Brasil, 
p.  8.    Nieuhotf.  Church.  Coll.  ii.  p.  132. 

Note  [89].  p.  115. — By  the  account  which  M  Du- 
mont,  an  eve-witncsss,  gives  of  the  funeral  of  the  great 
chief  of  the  Natchez,  it  appears  that  the  feelings  of  the 
persons  who  suffered  on  that  occasion  were  very  differ- 
ent. Some  solicited  the  honor  with  eagerness  ;  olherj 
labored  to  avoid  their  doom,  and  several  saved  ihcir 
lives  by  flying  to  the  woods.  .\s  the  Indian  Brahmins 
give  an  intoxicating  draught  to  the  women  w  ho  arc  to 
be  burned  together  with  the  bodies  of  their  husbands, 
w  hich  renders  them  insensible  of  their  appraching  fate, 
the  Natchez  obliged  their  victims  to  swallow  several 
large  pills  of  tobacco,  which  produces  a  similar  eliecL 
Mem.  de  Louis,  i.  227. 

Note  [90].  p  115. — On  some  occasions,  particularly 
in  dances  instituted  for  the  recovery  of  persons  .vhe 
are  indisposed,  they  are  extremely  licentious  and  inde 
cent.  De  h  Potherie  Hist.  Ac,  li  p.  42.  Charley 
Fr.  lii.  p.  319.  But  the  nature  of  their  daiicea  ifcou- 
moiilv  such  us  I  have  described. 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


197 


Note  [91].  p.  115. — The  Othomaroas,  a  tribe 
geatpd  on  the  bank;?  of  the  Orinoco,  employ  for  the 
same  purpose  a  composition  vvhicii  they  cull  Yiipa.  It 
is  formed  of  the  seeds  of  an  unknown  plant  reduced  to 
powder,  and  certain  shells  burned  and  pulverized.  The 
effects  of  this  when  drawn  up  into  the  noslrils  arc  so 
violent  that  they  resemble  madness  rather  than  intoxi- 
cation,   (lumdla,  i.  286. 

Note  [92].  p.  115. — Though  this  observation  holds 
true  among  the  greater  part  of  the  southern  tribes,  there 
are  some  in  which  the  intemperance  of  the  women  is  as 
excessive  as  that  of  the  men.  Bancroft's  Nat.  Hist,  of 
Guiana,  p.  275. 

Note  [93].  p.  116. — Even  in  the  most  intelligent 
writers  concerning  the  manners  of  the  Americans,  one 
meets  with  inconsistent  and  inexplicable  circumstances. 
The  Jesuit  Charlevoix,  who,  in  conseipience  of  a 
controversy  between  his  order  and  that  of  the  Francis- 
cans, with  respect  to  the  talents  and  abilities  of  the 
North  Americans,  is  disposed  to  represent  their  intel- 
lectual as  well  as  moral  qualities  in  the  most  favorable 
liiiht.  asserts,  that  they  are  engaged  in  continual  nego- 
tiations with  their  neighbors,  and  conduct  these  with 
the  most  refined  address:  At  the  same  time  he  adds, 
"  that  it  behooves  their  envoys  or  plenipotentiaries  to 
exert  their  abilities  and  elotiuence,  for,  if  the  terms 
which  they  offer  are  not  accepted,  they  had  need  to 
stand  on  their  guard.  It  frequently  happens  that  a 
blow  with  the  hatchet  is  the  only  return  given  to  their 
propositions.  The  envoy  is  not  out  of  danger,  even  if 
ho  is  so  fortunate  as  to  avoid  the  stroke  ;  he  may  ex- 
pect to  be  pursued,  and,  if  taken,  to  be  burnt."  Hist. 
N.  Fr.  iii.  251.  \\'hat  occurs,  p.  147,  concerning  the 
manner  in  which  the  Tlascalans  treated  the  amba.ssa- 
dors  from  Zempoalla,  corresponds  with  the  fact  related 
by  Charlevoix.  Men  capable  of  such  acts  of  violence 
seem  to  be  unacquainted  with  the  first  principles  upon 
which  the  intercourse  between  nations  is  founded  ;  and 
instead  of  the  perpetual  negotiations  which  Charlevoix 
mentions,  it  seems  almost  impossible  that  there  should 
bu  any  correspondence  whatever  among  them. 

Note  [94].  p.  117. — It  is  a  remark  of  Tacitus  con- 
cerning the  Germans,  "  Gaudent  muneribus,  sed  nec 
data  imputant,  ncc  acceptis  obligantur."  0.21.  An 
author  who  had  a  good  opportunity  of  observing  the 
principle  which  leads  savages  neither  to  express  grati- 
tn-\e  for  favors  which  they  had  received,  nor  to  expect 
any  return  for  such  as  they  bestowed,  thus  explains 
their  ideas  :  "  If  (say  they)  you  give  me  this,  it  is  be- 
cause you  have  no  need  of  it  yourself;  and  as  for  me, 
I  never  part  with  that  which  I  think  necessary  to  me." 
Memoiro  sur  Ic  Galibis ;  Hist,  des  Plantes  de  la 
Guiane  Francoise  par  M.  Aublet,  torn  ii.  p.  110. 

Note  [95].  p.  IIS. — And  Bernaldes,  the  contempo- 
lary  and  friend  of  Columbus,  has  preserved  some  cir- 
cumstances concerning  the  bravery  of  the  Caribhecs, 
which  are  not  mentioned  by  Don  Ferdinand  Columbus, 
or  the  other  historians  of  that  period  whose  works  have 
been  published.  A  Caribbean  canoe,  with  four  men, 
two  women,  and  a  bov,  fell  in  unexpectedly  with  the 
fleet  of  Columbus  in  his  second  voyage,  as  it  was  steer- 
ing through  their  islands.  At  first  they  were  struck 
almost  stupid  wiih  astonishment  at  such  a  strange 
spectacle,  and  hardly  moved  from  the  spot  for  above  an 
hour.  A  Spanish  bark,  with  twenty-five  men,  advanced 
towards  them,  and  the  fleet  gradually  surrounded  them, 
."io  as  to  cut  off  their  communication  with  their  shore. 
"  When  they  saw  that  it  was  impossible  to  escape 
(says  the  historian),  they  seized  their  arms  with  un- 
daunted resolution,  and  began  the  attack.  I  use  the 
eipressioii  unlh  undaunted  resolution,  for  they  were 
few,  and  beheld  a  vast  number  ready  to  assault  them. 
They  wounded  several  of  the  Spaniards,  although  thev 
hud  targets,  as  well  as  other  defensive  armour ;  and 
even  after  their  canoe  was  overset,  it  was  with  no  little 
d.tTicuUy  and  danger  that  part  of  them  were  taken,  as 
they  continued  to  defend  themselves,  and  to  use  their 
hows  with  great  dexterity  while  swimming  in  the  sea." 
Hist,  de  D.  Fern,  y  Ysab.  MS.  c.  119. 

Note  [96].  p.  118. — A  probable  conjecture  may  be 
formed  with  respect  to  the  cause  of  the  distinctien  in 
character  between  the  Caribbees  and  the  inhabitants  of 
the  larger  islands.  The  former  appear  manifestly  to 
he  a  separate  race.  Their  language  is  totally  different 
from  that  of  their  neighbors  in  the  large  islands.  They 
themselves  have  a  tradition,  that  their  ancestors  came 
originally  from  aome  pait  of  the  continent,  and,  having 


conquered  and  exterminated  the  ancient  inhabitants, 
took  possession  of  their  lands,  and  of  their  women. 
Rochefort,  384.  Teriro,  310.  Hence  they  call  them- 
selves Banarcc,  which  sigmifies  a  man  come  from 
beyond  sea.  Labat,  vi.  131.  Accordingly,  the  Carib- 
bees still  use  two  distinct  languages,  one  peculiar  to 
the  men,  and  the  other  to  the  women.  Tertre,  361. 
The  language  of  the  men  has  nothing  common  with 
that  spoken  in  the  large  islands.  The  dialect  of  the 
women  con.siderdbly  resembles  it.  Labat,  129.  This 
strongly  confirms  the  tradition  which  I  have  mentioned. 
The  Caribbees  themselves  imagine  that  they  were  a 
colony  from  the  Galabis,  a  powerful  nation  of  Guiana, 
in  South  America.  Tertre,  361.  Rochefort,  348. 
But  as  their  fierce  manners  approach  nearer  to  those  of 
the  people  in  the  northern  continent,  than  to  those  of 
the  natives  of  South  Amerrca;  and  as  their  language 
has  likewise  some  atrmity  to  that  spoken  in  Florida, 
their  origin  should  be  deduced  rather  from  the  former 
than  from  the  latter.  Labat,  128,  &c.  Hcrrera,  dec. 
i.  lib.  ix.  c.  4.  In  their  wars,  they  still  observe  their 
ancient  practice  of  destroying  all  the  males,  and  pre- 
serving the  women  either  for  servitude  or  for  breeding. 

Note  [97],  p.  197. — Our  knowledge  of  the  events 
which  happened  in  the  conquest  of  New  Spain,  is 
derived  from  sources  of  information  more  original  and 
authentic  than  that  of  any  transaction  in  the  history  of 
America.  The  letters  of  Cortes  to  the  Emperor 
Charles  V.  are  an  historical  monument,  not  only  first 
in  order  of  time,  but  of  the  greatest  authenticity  and 
value.  As  Cortes  early  assumed  a  command  indepen- 
dent of  Velasquez,  it  became  necessary  to  convey  such 
an  account  of  his  operations  to  Madrid,  as  might  pro- 
cure him  the  approbation  of  his  sovereign. 

The  first  of  his  despatches  has  never  been  made 
public.  It  was  sent  from  Vera  Cruz,  July  16th,  1519. 
As  I  imagined  that  it  might  not  reach  the  Emperor 
until  he  arrived  in  Germany,  for  which  he  set  out  early 
in  the  year  1520,  in  order  to  receive  the  Imperial 
crown ;  I  made  diligent  search  for  a  copy  of  this 
despatch,  both  in  Spain  and  in  Germany,  but  without 
success.  This,  however,  is  of  less  conseqfience,  as  it 
could  not  contain  any  thing  very  material,  being  writ- 
ten so  soon  after  Cortes  arrived  in  New  Spain.  But, 
in  searching  for  the  letter  from  Cortes,  a  copy  of  one 
from  the  colony  of  Vera  Cruz  to  the  Emperor  has  been 
discovered  in  the  Imperial  library  at  Vienna.  Of  this 
I  have  given  some  account  in  its  proper  place,  see  p. 
122.  The  second  despatch,  dated  October  30th,  1520, 
was  published  at  Seville  A.  D.  1522,  and  the  third  and 
fourth  soon  after  tliey  were  received.  A  Latin  trans- 
lation of  them  appeared  in  Germany  A.  U.  1532.  Ra- 
musio  soon  after  made  them  more  generally  known,  by 
inserting  them  in  his  valuable  collection  They  con- 
tain a  regular  and  minute  history  of  the  expedition, 
with  many  curious  particulars  concerning  the  policy 
and  manners  of  the  Mexicans.  Tne  work  does  honor 
to  Cortes  ;  the  style  is  simple  and  perspicuous  ;  but  as 
it  was  manifestly  his  interest  to  represent  his  own  ac- 
tions in  the  fairest  light,  his  victories  are  probably  ex- 
aggerated, his  losses  diminished,  and  his  acts  of  rigor 
and  violence  softened. 

The  next  in  order  is  the  Chronica  de  la  Nueva 
Espagna,  by  Francisco  Lopez  de  Gomara,  published 
A.  D.  1554.  Goniara's  historical  merit  is  considera- 
ble. His  mode  of  narration  is  clear,  flowing,  always 
agreeable,  and  sometimes  elegant.  But  he  is  fre- 
quently inaccurate  and  credulous  ;  and  as  he  was  the 
domestic  chaplain  of  Cortes  after  his  return  from  New 
Spain,  and  probably  composed  his  work  at  his  desire, 
it  is  manifest  that  he  labors  to  magnify  the  merit  of  his 
hero,  and  to  conceal  or  extenuate  such  transactions  as 
were  unfavorable  to  his  character.  Of  this,  Herrera 
accuses  him  in  one  instance,  Dec.  ii.  lib.  iii.  c.  2,  and 
it  is  not  once  only  that  this  is  conspicuous.  He  writes, 
however,  with  so  much  freedom  concerning  several 
measures  of  the  Spanish  Court,  that  the  copies  both  of 
his  Historia  de  las  Indias,  and  of  his  Chronica,  were 
called  in  by  a  decree  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  and 
they  were  long  considered  as  prohibited  books  in 
Spain  ;  jt  is  only  of  late  that  license  to  print  them  has 
been  granted.     Pinelo  Biblioth.  589. 

The  Chronicle  of  Gomara  induced  Bernal  Diaz  del 
Castillo  to  compose  his  Historia  Verdadera  de  la  ('on- 
.quista  de  !a  Nueva  Espagna.  He  had  been  an  adven- 
turer in  each  of  the  expeditions  to  New  Spain,  and  was 
the  companion  of  Cortes  in  all  his  battles  and  perils 
When  he  found  that  neither  he  himself,  nor  many  of  his 
fellow  soldiers,  were  once  mentioned  by  Gomara,  but 
that  the  fame  of  all  their  exploits  was  ascribed  to  Cor- 
tes, the  gallant  veteran  laid  hold  of  his  pen  with  indig- 
I  nation,  and  composed  his  true  history.^  It  contains  a 


prolix,  minute,  confused  narrative  of  all  Cortcs's  ojiera- 
lions,  in  such  a  rude  vulgar  style  as  might  be  expected 
from  an  illiterate  soldier.  But  as  he  relates  transac- 
tions of  which  he  was  witness,  and  in  which  he  per- 
formed a  considerable  part,  his  account  bears  all  tho 
marks  of  authenticity,  and  is  accompanied  with  such  a 
pleasant  navictc,  with  such  interesting  details,  with  such 
amusing  vanity,  and  yet  so  pardonable  in  an  old  soldier 
who  had  been  (as  he  boasts)  in  a  hundred  and  nineteen 
battles,  as  renders  his  book  one  of  the  most  singular 
that  is  to  bo  found  in  any  language. 

I'et.  Martyr  ab  Angleria,  in  a  treatise  Do  Insulis 
nuper  inventis,  added  to  his  Decades  de  Rebus  Oceani- 
cis  et  Novo  Orbe,  gives  some  account  of  Cortes's  ex- 
pedition. But  he  proceeds  no  further  than  to  relate 
what  happened  after  his  first  landing.  'J'his  work, 
which  is  brief  and  slight,  seems  to  contain  the  informa- 
tion transmitted  by  Cortes  in  his  first  despatches,  nin- 
bellished  with  several  particulars  communicated  to  the 
author  by  the  officers  who  brought  the  letters  from 
Cortes. 

But  the  book  to  which  the  greater  part  of  modem 

historians  have  had  recourse  for  information  concerning 
the  conquest  of  New  .Spain,  is  Historia  de  la  (Jonquista 
de  Mexico,  jior  D.  Antonio  de  Sobs,  first  published  A. 
D.  1084.  I  know  no  author  in  any  language  whose 
literary  fame  has  risen  so  far  beyond  his  real  merit. 
De  Solis  is  reckoned  by  his  countrymen  one  of  the 
purest  writers  in  the  Castillian  tongue ;  and  if  a 
foreigner  may  venture  to  give  his  opinion  concerning  a 
matter  of  which  Spaniards  alone  are  qualified  to  judge, 
he  is  entitled  to  that  jiraise.  But  though  liis  language 
be  correct,  his  taste  in  composition  is  far  from  being 
just.  His  periods  are  so  much  labored  as  to  be  often 
stiff,  and  sometimes  tumid  ;  ll;c  figures  which  he  em 
ploys  by  way  of  ornament  are  frequently  trite  or  im- 
proper, and  his  observations  superficial.  These  ble- 
mishes, however,  might  easily  be  overlooked,  if  he  were 
not  defective  with  respect  to  all  the  great  qualities  of 
an  historian.  Destitute  of  that  patient  industry  in  re- 
search which  conducts  to  the  knowledge  of  truth  ;  a 
stranger  to  that  impartiality  which  weighs  evidence  with 
cool  attention  ;  and  ever  eager  to  establish  his  favorite 
system  of  exalting  the  character  of  Cortes  into  that  of 
a  perfect  hero,  exempt  from  error,  and  adorned  with 
every  virtue  ;  he  is  less  solicitous  to  discover  what  was 
true  than  to  relate  what  might  appear  splendid.  Wtien 
he  attempts  any  critical  discussion,  his  reasonings  are 
fallacious,  and  founded  upon  an  imperfect  view  of  facts. 
^Though  he  sometimes  quotes  the  despatches:  of  (,'ortcs. 
he  seems  not  to  have  consulted  them ;  and  though  he 
sets  out  with  some  censure  on  Cioniara,  ho  frequently 
prefers  his  authority,  the  most  doubtful  of  any,  to  that 
of  the  other  contemporary  historians. 

B'  of  all  the  Spanish  writers,  Herrera  furnishes  tho 
fullest  and  most  accurate  information  concerning  tho 
conquest  of  Mexico,  as  well  as  every  other  transaction 
of  America.  The  industry  and  attention  wilh  which 
he  consulted  not  only  the  books,  but  the  original  papers 
and  public  records,  which  tended  to  throw  any  liyht 
upon  the  subject  of  his  inipiiries,  were  so  great,  and  he 
usually  judges  of  the  evidence  before  him  with  so  much 
impartiality  and  candor,  that  his  Decads  may  be  ranked 
among  the  most  judicious  and  useful  historical  collec- 
tions. If,  by  attempting  to  relate  the  various  occur- 
rences in  the  New  World  in  a  strict  chronological 
order,  the  arrangement  of  events  in  his  work  had  no' 
been  rendered  so  perplexed,  disconnected,  and  obscure 
that  it  is  an  unpleasant  task  to  collect  from  different 
parts  of  his  book,  and  piece  together  the  detached 
shreds  of  a  story,  he  might  justly  have  been  ranked 
among  the  most  eminent  historians  of  his  country. 
He  gives  an  account  of  the  materials  from  which  he 
composed  his  work,  Dec.  vi.  lib.  ill.  c.  19. 

Note  [98].  p.  119. — Cortes  purposed  to  have  gor.f 
in  the  train  of  Ovando  when  he  set  out  for  his  govern- 
ment in  the  vear  1502,  but  was  detained  by  an  accident. 
As  he  was  attempting  in  a  dark  night  to  scramblo  up 
to  the  window  of  a  lady's  bed-chamber,  with  whom  lie 
carried  on  an  intrigue,  an  old  wall,  on  the  top  of  which 
he  had  mounicd,  gave  way,  and  he  was  so  much  bruised 
by  tho  fall  as  to  be  unfit  for  tho  voyage.  Gomara, 
Cronica  de  la  Nueva  Espagna,  cap.  \. 

Note  [99].  p.  119. — Cortes  had  two  thcusand  pesos 
in  tho  hands  of  Andrew  Duero,  and  he  brnowed  four 
thousand.  Those  sums  are  about  equal  in  value  to 
fifteen  hundred  pounds  sterling  ;  but  as  the  price  of 
every  thing  was  extremely  high  in  .\meric.i,  they  rrafit 
but  a  scanty  stock  when  applied  towards  the  equipm.'in' 
of  a  military  expedition.  Herrera,  dec  ii  lib.  iii.  r  'i. 
B.  Diaz,  c.  20. 


» 


108 

Nom  [100  ]  p.  119  — The  n.-imos  of  those  ^Mai\t 
OlIiccrM,  whii-h  will  orieii  ocrur  in  ihe  siilisequcnt  story, 
wiTo  Jiiati  Vol.isqiiPZ  lie  I^on,  Alonso  Hrrnamlez 
I'otlocarrrro,  Kraiici.>.co  de  Montejo,  (.'lirislov.il  do  Olid, 
Juan  de  Ksralantc,  Francisco  do  Morl;^  IVdro  do  Al- 
varado,  Francisco  do  Salccda,  Juan  de  Escol;ar,  Gincs 
de  Nortos.  Cortos  himsolf  comiiiandod  the  Capitana, 
or  Admiral.  Francisco  de  Orozco,  an  officer  lormed 
in  the  wars  of  Italy,  had  the  coinnund  of  the  artillery. 
The  experienced  Alamitioii  acted  as  chief  pilot. 

NoTR  [101]  p.  119. — In  those  dilTercnt  conflicts, 
the  Spaniards  lost  only  two  men,  but  had  a  considerable 
number  wounded.  Though  there  be  no  occasion  for 
recourse  to  any  supernatural  cause  to  account  either 
for  iho  {rreatnoss  of  their  victories,  or  the  smallncss  of 
their  loss,  the  Spanish  historians  fail  not  to  ascribe 
both  to  the  patronage  of  St.  Jago,  the  tutelar  saint  of 
their  country,  who,  as  they  relate,  fought  at  the  head  of 
their  countrymen,  and,  by  his  prowess,  gave  i  turn  to 
the  fate  of  tiie  battle.  Gomara  is  the  first  who  men- 
tions this  apparition  of  St.  .lames.  It  is  amustng  to 
observe  the  embarrassment  of  B.  Diaz  del  Castillo,  oc- 
casioned by  the  struggle  between  his  superstition  and 
his  veracity.  The  former  disposed  him  to  believe  this 
miracle,  the  latter  restrained  him  from  attesting  it.  "  I 
acknowledge,"  says  he,  "that  all  our  exploits  and  vic- 
tories are  owing  to  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  that  in 
•.his  battle  there  was  such  a  number  of  Indians  to  every 
one  of  us,  that  if  each  had  thrown  a  handful  of  earth 
they  might  have  buried  us,  if  by  the  great  mercy  of 
God  we  had  not  been  protected.  It  may  be  that  the 
person  whom  Gomara  mentions  as  having  appeared  on 
a  mottled  grey  horse,  was  the  glorious  apostle  Signor 
San  Jagii,  or,  Signor  San  Pedro,  and  that  I,  as  being  a 
sinner,  was  not  worthy  to  see  him.  This  I  know,  that 
I  saw  Francisco  de  Moria,  on  such  a  horse,  but  as  an 
unworthy  transgressor,  did  not  deserve  to  see  any  of 
the  holy  apostles.  It  may  have  been  the  will  of  God, 
chat  it  was  so  as  Gomara  relates,  but  until  I  read  his 
(.'hronicle,  I  never  heard  among  any  of  the  conquerors 
:hat  such  a  thing  had  happened."    Cap.  34. 

NoTK  [102.]  p.  120. — Several  Spanish  historians  re- 
ate  this  occurrence  in  such  terms  as  if  they  wished  it 
thotlld  be  believed  that  the  Indians,  loaded  with  the 
presents,  had  carried  them  from  the  capita!,  ;n  iho  same 
thort  sp.ice  of  time  that  the  couiiers  perl'oraK-d  that 
journey.  This  is  incredible,  and  Gomara  mentions  a 
circumstance  which  shows  that  nothing  eitraordin^ry 
happened  on  this  occasion.  This  rich  present  had  been 
prepared  for  Grijalva,  when  he  touched  .it  the  same 
place  some  months  before,  and  was  now  ready  to  be 
Jelivered,  as  soon  as  Montezuma  sent  orders  for  that 
purpose.    Gomara  Cron.  c.  xxvii.  p.  28. 

According  to  B.  Diaz  del  Castillo,  the  value  of  the 
iiilver  i)latc  representing  the  moon  was  alone  .above 
twenty  thousand  pesos,  above  five  thousand  pounds 
•terlin{r. 

NorE  [103  ]  p.  121. — This  private  traffic  was  di- 
rectly contrary  to  the  instructions  of  Velasquez,  who 
enjoined,  that  whatever  was  acquired  by  trade  should 
be  thrown  into  the  C/mmon  stock.  But  it  appears 
that  the  soldiers  h.id  each  a  private  a.ssorl incut  of  toys 
and  other  goods  proper  for  the  Indian  trade,  and  Cortes 
rained  their  favor  by  encouraging  this  underhand  barter. 
H.  Uiaz,  c.  41. 

Note  [101].  p.  122. — Gomara  has  published  a  cata- 
]-.>gue  of  the  various  articles  of  which  this  present  con- 
sisted, ('run.  c.  4ii.  P.  Martvr  ab  Angleria,  who 
saw  them  after  they  were  brought  to  Spain,  and  who 
seems  to  have  examined  them  with  great  attention, 
ff  'ivcu  a  description  of  each,  which  is  curious,  as  it  con- 
veys some  idea  of  the  progress  which  the  Mexicans 
had  m.ade  in  several  arts  of  e'egancc.  De  Insulus  nu- 
per  inventiH  Liber,  p.  3.34,  &c. 

NoTK  [10.')].  p.  123. — There  is  no  circumstance  in 
t'lo  history  of  the  coiKjurst  of  America  which  is  more 
buostionalile  than  the  account  of  the  numerous  armies 
brought  into  the  field  ag.iinst  tlie  Spaniards.  As  the 
war  with  the  republic  of  TIascala,  though  of  short  du- 
ralion,  w.-\s  one  of  the  most  considi'rable  which  the 
^p.lnllnl«  waged  in  America,  the  .account  given  of  the 
Tlasculan  armies  merits  •oriie  attention.  The  only 
authentic  information  concerning  this  is  derivoil  from 
three  authors.  Cortes  in  his  second  despatch  to  the 
tiiiperor,  d.ited  at  Segura  de  la  F'ronter.a,  Oct.  30, 
15'iO.  thus  eslimales  the  number  of  their  troops  ;  in 
ilw  lir»t  battle  bO<lO ;  in  the  second  battle  100,000;  in 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


the  third  battle  l.'>0,000.  Rel.at.  ap.  liaiiius.  iii.  228. 
Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo,  who  was  an  eye  witness,  and 
engaged  in  all  the  actions  of  this  war,  thus  reckons 
llioir  numbers:  in  the  first  battle,  3000,  p  43  ;  in  the 
second  battle  6000,  ibid  ;  in  the  third  I'lattle  .50,000, 
p.  4.5.  Gomara,  who  was  Cortes's  cha|)lain  after  his 
return  to  Spain,  and  published  his  Cranica  in  1552, 
follows  the  computation  of  Cortes,  except  in  the  se- 
cond battle,  where  he  reckons  the  TIascalans  at  00,000, 
p.  49.  It  was  manifestly  the  interest  of  Cortes  to 
magnify  his  own  dangers  and  exploits.  For  it  was 
only  by  the  merit  of  extraordinary  services  that  he  could 
hope  to  atone  for  his  irregular  conduct  in  a.ssuming  an 
iiulependent  command.  Bern.  Diaz,  though  abun- 
dantly disposed  to  place  his  own  prowess,  and  that  of 
his  fellow-conquerors,  in  the  most  advantageous  point 
of  light,  had  not  the  same  temptation  to  exaggerate  ; 
and  it  is  probable -that  his  account  of  the  numbers  ap- 
proaches nearer  to  the  truth.  The  assembling  of  an 
army  of  150,000  men,  requires  many  previous  arrange- 
ments, and  such  provisions  for  their  subsistence  as 
seems  to  be  bej'ond  the  foresight  of  Americans.  The 
degree  of  cultivation  in  TIascala  does  not  seem  to  have 
been  so  great  as  to  have  furnished  such  a  vast  army 
with  i)rovisions.  Though  this  province  was  so  much 
better  cultiv,ated  than  other  regions  of  New  Spain  that 
it  was  called  the  country  of  hrraxl,  yet  the  Spaniards 
in  their  march  sutrercd  such  want,  that  they  wore  obli- 
ged to  subsist  upon  Tunas,  a  species  of  fruit  which 
grows  wild  in  the  fields.  Herrero,  dec.  ii.  lib.  vi.  c.  5. 
p.  182. 

Note  [106].  p.  123. — These  unhappy  victims  are 
said  to  be  persons  of  distinction.  It  seems  improbable 
that  so  gro.it  a  number  as  fifty  should  be  employed  as 
spies.  So  many  prisoners  had  been  taken  and  dis- 
missed, and  the  TIascalans  had  sent  so  many  messages 
to  the  Spanish  quarters,  that  there  appears  to  be  no 
reason  for  hazarding  the  lives  of  so  many  considerable 
people  in  order  to  procure  information  .about  the  posi- 
tion and  state  of  their  camp.  The  barbarous  manner 
which  Cortes  treated  a  people  unacquainted  with  the 
laws  of  war  established  among  polished  nations,  appears 
so  shocking  to  the  later  Spanish  writers,  that  they  di- 
minish the  number  of  those  whom  he  punished  so  cru- 
elly. Hcrrera  says,  that  he  cut  off  the  hands  of  seven, 
and  the  thumbs  of  some  more.  Dec.  ii.  lib.  ii.  c.  8. 
De  Solis  relates,  that  t-he  h.and3  of  fourteen  or  fifteen 
were  cut  off,  and  the  thumbs  of  all  the  rest.  Lib.  ii. 
c.  20.  But  Cortos  himself,  Relat.  p.  228.  b.  and  after 
him  Gomara,  c.  48,  affirm,  that  the  hands  of  all  the 
fifty  were  cut  off. 

Note  [107].  p.  124. — The  horses  were  objects  of 
the  greatest  astonishment  to  all  the  people  of  New 
Spain.  At  first  they  imagined  the  horse  and  the  rider, 
liko  the  Centaurs  of  the  ancients,  to  be  some  monstrous 
animal  of  a  terrible  form  ;  and  supposing  that  their  food 
w.as  the  same  as  that  of  men,  brought  flesh  and  blood 
to  nourish  them.  Even  after  they  discovered  their 
mistake,  they  believed  the  horses  devoured  men  in  bat- 
tle, and,  when  they  neighed,  thought  that  they  were 
demanding  their  prey.  It  was  not  the  interest  of  the 
Spaniards  to  undeceive  them.  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  vi. 
c.  II. 

Note  [108].  p.  124. — According  to  Bart,  de  las 
Casas,  there  was  no  reason  for  this  massacre,  and  it 
was  an  act  of  wanton  cruelty,  perpetrated  merely  to 
strike  terror  into  the  people  of  New  Spain.  Kelac.  de 
la  destruyc.  p.  17,  &c.  But  the  zeal  of  Las  Casas 
often  leads  him  to  exaggerate.  In  opposition  to  liim, 
Bern.  Diaz,  c.  83,  asserts,  that  the  lirst  missionaries 
seiil  into  New  .Spain  by  the  Emperor,  made  a  judicial 
incpiiry  into  this  transaction  ;  and,  having  examined  the 
|)riosts  and  elders  of  Cholula,  found  that  there  was  a 
real  conspiracy  to  cut  off  the  Sjianiards,  and  that  the 
account  given  by  Cortes  was  exactly  true.  As  it  was 
the  object  of  Cortes  at  that  time,  and  manifestly  his 
interest,  to  gain  the  good  will  of  .Montezuma,  it  is  im- 
probable that  he  should  have  taken  a  stop  which  tended 
so  visibly  to  alienate  him  from  the  Spaniards,  if  he  h.ad 
not  believed  it  to  be  necessary  for  liis  own  preservation. 
.\t  the  s.amc  time,  the  Spaniards  who  served  in  America, 
IkkI  such  contempt  for  the  natives,  and  thought  them 
so  lilllo  entitled  to  the  common  rights  of  men,  that 
Cortos  might  hold  the  Cholulans  to  be  guilty  upon 
slight  and  imperfect  evidence.  The  severity  of  the 
punishment  was  certainly  excessive  and  atrocious. 

Note  [109].  p.  124. — This  de.spriplion  is  t.aken  al- 
most literally  from  Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo,  who  was 


so  unacquainted  with  the  art  of  composition  astoa 
incapable  of  embellishing  his  narrative.     I  'c  relates  i, 
a  j.inipli!  and  rude  style  what  passed  in  his  own  tn\y 
and  that  of  his  fellow  soldiers  on  that  occasion;  '•;,;„ 
let  it  not  be  thought  strange,"  says  he,  "that  I  shou, 
write  in  this  manner  of  what  then  happened,  for 
ought  to  be  considered,  that  it  is  one  thing  to  r. 
another  to  have  beheld  things  that  were  4ie\er  . 
seen,  or  heard,  or  spoken  of  among  men."  Cjl 
p.  64.  b. 

Note  [110].  p.  126.— B.  Di.iz  del  Castillo,  a\n-ta 
some  idea  of  the  fatigue  and  hardships  they  underncn 
in  performing  this  and  other  parts  of  duty.  "  Durii, 
nine  months  that  they  remained  in  .Mexico,  ever\ 
without  any  distinction  between  officers  and  s.>|,  , 
slept  on  his  arms  in  his  quilted  jacket  and  gorget.  ']  h,, 
lay  on  mats,  or  straw  spread  on  the  floor,  and  eachnk 
obliged  to  hold  himself  as  alert  as  if  he  had  been  oi 
guard.  "  This,"  adds  he,  "  became  so  habitual  to  iw 
that  even  now,  in  my  advanced  age,  I  always  tle<[)  ii 
my  clothes,  and  never  in  any  bed  When  I  visit  m- 
Encomienda,  I  reckon  it  suitable  to  niv  rank  to  Imr' 
l)ed  carried  along  with  my  other  baggage,  but  I  nrvf 
go  into  it  ;  but,  according  to  custom,  I  lie  in  invclothei 
and  walk  frequently  during  the  ni<.'ht  into  the' upon  ii 
to  view  the  stars,  as  I  was  wont  when  in  service' 
Cap.  108. 

Note  [111],  p.  126. — Cortes  himself,  in  his  secnrn 
despatch  to  the  Emperor,  does  not  explain  the  motitr 
which  induced  him  either  to  condemn  Qnnlpopoci  talh< 
flames,  or  to  put  Montezuma  in  irons,  iiaimis.  iii.  23fi 
U.  Diaz  is  silent  with  respect  to  his  reasons  for  tin 
former  ;  and  the  only  cause  he  assigns  for  the  lallr 
was,  that  he  might  meet  with  no  iiitorruplion  in  fir 
cuting  the  sentence  pronounced  against  Ijualpopori 
c.  xcv.  p.  75.  But  as  Montezuma  was  his  prisoner,  jth 
absolutely  in  his  power,  he  h.ad  no  re.ason  to  dread  him 
and  the  insult  offered  to  that  monarch  could  have  m 
effect  but  to  irritate  him  unnerossarilv.  (iomara8(i[> 
poses  that  Cortes  had  no  other  object  than  to  occii|i\ 
Montezuma  with  his  own  distress  and  sull'erinas,  thd 
he  might  give  less  attention  to  what  befel  Qual|K>pou 
('ron.  c.  89.  Herrera  adopts  the  s.ime  opinion.  Dt^- 
ii.  lib.  viii.  c.  9.  But  it  seems  an  odd  expedient,  ii 
order  to  make  a  person  bear  one  injury,  to  loa«l  hirnwiii 
another  that  is  greater.  De  .Solis  imagines,  th.\t  Cortu 
h.ail  nothing  else  in  view  than  to  intimidate  Monltinm, 
so  that  ho  might  make  no  attempt  to  rescue  the  victim.- 
from  their  fate  ;  but  the  spirit  of  that  monarch  was  si 
submissive,  and  he  had  so  tamely  given  up  the  prisonrn 
to  the  disposal  of  Cortes,  that  he  h.ad  no  c:iusc  to  ajv 
prehend  any  opposition  from  him.  If  the  e\planatioi 
which  I  have  attempted  to  give  of  Cortes's  proce€din!r> 
on  this  occasion  be  not  admitted,  it  appears  to  me,  thil 
they  must  be  reckoned  among  the  wanlon  and  barhi 
rous  acts  of  oppression  which  occur  too  oAen  in  the  hif 
tory  of  the  conquest  of  America. 

Note  [112].  p.  126. — De  Solis  .asserts,  lib.  ir.  c.  3 
that  the  proposition  of  doing  liomane  to  the  king  o 
Spain  came  from  .Montezuma  himself,  and  was  madr  it 
order  to  induce  the  Spaniards  to  depart  out  of  his  doini 
nions.  He  describes  his  conduct  on  this  o<'casion  ai>  i 
it  had  been  founded  upon  a  scheme  of  profound  policv 
and  executed  with  such  refined  address  as  to  deceix 
('ortes  himself  But  there  is  no  hint  or  circumsl3nl•(^ 
in  the  contemporary  historians,  Cortes,  Diaz,  or  (>>► 
mara,  to  justify  this  tlioory.  Montezuma,  on  other  orc.v 
sions,  discovered  no  such  extent  of  art  and  abilities 
The  anguish  which  he  felt  in  performing  this  humblii'i 
ceremony  is  natural,  if  we  suppose  it  to  have  been  in 
voluntary.  But,  according  to  the  theory  of  De  Suli* 
which  supposes  that  Montezuma  was  executing  »hii 
he  himself  had  proposed,  to  have  assumed  an  appeir 
ancc  of  sorrow  would  have  been  preposterous,  *»<■ 
inconsistent  with  his  own  design  of  deceiving  the  S|* 
niards. 

Note  [113].  p.  127. — In  sevenil  of  the  provinm 
the  Spaniards,   with  all  their  industry  and  inl1uen«r 
could  collect  no  gold.      In  others,  they  priKureJ  only* 
few  trinkets  of    small  value.      Moiitozuina  aiwrfvl 
Cortos,  that  the  present  which  he  oflired  to  the  kine  I'l 
Castile,  after  iloing  homage,  consisted  of  all  iho 
sure  amassed  br  his  father  ;   an<l  told  him,  that 
already  distributed  the  rest  of  his  gold  and  jp«ol.»  > 
the  Spaniards.      B.  Diaz.  c.  104.     Gomara  rrl*:'>- 
that  all  the  silver  collected  amounted  to  .500  mar!i« 
Cron  c.  83.     This  agrees  with  the  account  pvcn  > 
Cortes,  that  tho  royal  fifth  of  silver  waa  100  ibmI* 


4 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


199 


Relai.  239.  B.  So  that  the  sum  total  of  silver  was 
only  4000  ounces,  at  the  rate  of  eight  ounces  a  mark, 
•wiucti  deuionslralos  the  proporlioi;  ol  silvei  tc  gold  to 
have  been  excet<lii:gly  suiall. 

Note  [115].  p.  127. — De  Solis,  lib.  iv.  c.  5.  calls  in 
question  the  trulh  of  this  transaction,  from  no  better 
reason  than  that  it  was  inconsistent  willi  that  jirudenoo 
which  distinguishes  the  character  of  Cortes.  But  he 
.lught  to  have  recollected  the  impetuosity  of  his  zeal  at 
Tiascala,  which  was  no  less  imprudent.  He  asserts, 
;hat  the  evidence  for  it  rests  upon  the  testimony  of  B. 
Diiz  del  Castillo,  of  Gomara,  and  of  Hcrrera.  They 
all  concur,  indeed,  in  mentioning  this  inconsiderate  step 
which  Cortes  took  ;  and  they  had  good  reason  to  do 
CO,  for  Cortes  himself  relates  this  exploit  in  his  second 
despatch  to  the  Emperor,  and  seeins  to  glory  m  it. 
Cort.  Relat.  Ramus,  lii.  140.  D.  This  is  one  in- 
etance,  among  many,  of  De  Solis's  having  consulted 
with  little  attention  the  letters  of  Cortes  to  Charles  V. 
from  which  the  most  authentic  information  with  respect 
to  his  operations  must  be  derived 

Note  [114].  p.  127. — Herrera  and  de  Solis  suppose 
that  Velasquez  was  encouraged  to  eipiip  this  armament 
against  Cortes  by  the  account  which  he  received  from 
fipain  concerning  the  reception  of  the  agents  sent  by  the 
colony  of  Vera  Cruz,  and  the  warmth  with  which  Fon- 
•eca  Bisliop  of  Burgos  had  espoused  his  interest,  and 
condemned  the  proceedings  of  Cortes.  Herrera,  dec. 
ii.  lib.  ix.  c.  18.  De  Soils,  lib.  iv.  c.  5.  But  the  chro- 
nological order  of  events  refutes  this  supposition.  Por- 
tocarrero  and  Montejo  sailed  from  Vera  Cruz,  July  26, 
1519.  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  v.  c.  4.  They  landed  at 
St.  Lucar  in  October,  according  to  Herrera,  Ibid.  But 
P.  Martyr,  who  attended  ihe  court  at  that  time,  and 
communicated  every  occurrence  of  moment  to  his  cor- 
respondents day  by  day,  mentions  the  arrival  of  these 
agents  for  the  first  time  in  December,  and  speaks  of  it 
as  a  recent  event.  Epist.  650  All  the  historians 
agree  that  the  agents  of  Cortes  had  their  first  audience 
of  the  Emperor  at  Tordesillas,  when  he  went  to  that 
town  to  visit  his  mother  in  his  way  to  St.  Jago  de  Com- 
postella.  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  v.  c.  4.  De  Solis,  lib. 
iv.  c.  5.  But  the  Emperor  set  out  from  Valladolid  for 
Tordesillas  on  the  llth  of  March,  1520  ;  and  P.  Mar- 
tyr mentions  his  having  seen  at  that  time  the  presents 
made  to  Charles.  Epist.  1605.  The  armament  under 
Narvaez  sailed  from  Cuba  in  April  1520.  It  is  mani- 
fest then  that  Velasquez  could  not  receive  any  account 
of  what  passed  in  this  interview  at  Tordesillas  previous 
to  his  hostile  ])reparations  against  Cortes.  His  real 
motives  seem  to  be  those  which  I  have  mentioned. 
The  patent  appointing  him  Adclatitado  of  New  Spain, 
with  such  extensive  powers,  bears  date  November  13, 
1549.  Herrera.  dec.  ii.  lib.  iii.  c.  11  He  might  re- 
ceive it  about  the  beginning  of  January.  Gomara  takes 
notice,  that  as  soon  as  this  patent  was  delivered  to  him, 
he  began  to  equip  a  fleet  and  levy  forces.    Cron.  c.  96. 

Note  [116].  p.  127. — De  Solis  contends,  that  as 
Narvaez  had  no  interpreters,  he  could  hold  no  inter- 
course with  the  people  of  the  provinces,  nor  converse 
with  them  in  any  way  but  by  signs,  that  it  was  equally 
impossible  for  him  to  carry  on  any  communication  with 
Montezuma.  Liv.  iv.  c.  7.  But  it  is  upon  the  au- 
thority of  Cortes  himself  that  I  relate  all  the  paiticulars 
of  Narvaez's  correspondence  both  with  Montezuma  and 
with  his  subjects  in  the  maritime  provinces.  Relat. 
Ramus,  iii.  244.  A.  C.  Cortes  affirms  that  there  was 
a  mode  of  intercourse  between  Narvaez  and  the  Mexi- 
cans, but  does  not  explain  how  it  was  carried  on.  Ber- 
nal  Diaz  supplies  this  defect,  and  informs  us  that  the 
three  deserters  who  joined  Narvaez  acted  as  interpre- 
ters, having  acquired  a  competent  knowledge  of  the 
language,  c.  llO.  With  his  usual  minuteness  he  men- 
tions their  names  and  characters,  and  relates,  in  chapter 
122,  how  they  were  punished  for  their  perfidy.  The 
Spaniards  had  now  resided  above  a  year  among  the 
Mexicans  ;  and  it  is  not  surprising  that  several  among 
them  should  have  made  some  proficiency  in  speaking 
their  language.  This  seems  to  have  been  the  case. 
Herrera,  dec.  2.  lib.  i.  c.  1.  Both  B.  Diaz,  who  was 
present,  and  Herrera,  the  most  accurate  and  best  in- 
formed of  all  the  Spanish  writers,  agree  with  Cortes  in 
his  account  of  the  secret  correspondence  carried  on  with 
Montezuma  Dec.  2.  lib.  x.  c.  18,  19.  De  Solis 
seems  to  consider  it  as  a  discredit  to  Cortes,  his  hero, 
that  Montezuma  should  have  been  ready  to  engage  in 
a  correspondence  with  Narvaez.  He  supposes  that 
monarch  to  have  contracted  such  a  wonderful  affection 
(Lit  the  Spaniards,  thai  he  was  not  solicitous  to  be  deli- 


vered from  them.    After  the  indignity  with  which  he  1 
had  been  treated,  such. an  affection  is  incredible  ;  audi 
even  De  Soils  is  obliged  to  acknowledge,  that  it  musL 
be  looked  upon  as  one  of  the  miracles  which  God  had  ; 
wrought  to  facilitate  the  conquest,  lib.  iv.  c.  7.  The 
truth  IS,  Montezuma,  however  much  overawed  by  his 
dread  of  the  S))aniards,  was  extremely  impatient  to  re- 
cover his  liberty. 

Note  [117].  p.  129. — These  words  I  have  borrowed 
from  the  anonymous  Account  of  the  European  Settle- 
ments in  America,  published  by  Dodslcy,  in  two  vo- 
lumes 8vo.  ;  a  work  of  so  much  merit,  that  I  should 
think  there  is  hardly  any  writer  in  the  age  who  ought  to 
be  ashamed  of  acknowledging  himself  to  be  the  author 
of  It. 

Note  [118],  p.  130. — The  contemporary  historians 
difi'er  considerably  with  respect  to  the  loss  of  the  Spa- 
niards on  this  occasion.  Cortes  in  his  second  despatch 
to  the  Emperor,  makes  the  number  only  150.  Relat. 
ap.  Ramus,  iii.  p.  249.  A.  But  it  was  manifestly  his 
interest,  at  that  juncture,  to  conceal  from  the  court  of 
Spain  the  full  extent  of  the  loss  which  ho  had  sustained 
De  Soils,  always  studious  to  diminish  every  misforluiu' 
that  befell  his  countrymen,  rates  their  loss  at  about  two 
hundred  men.  Lib.  iv.  c.  19.  B  Diaz  atlirms  that 
they  lost  870  men,  and  that  only  440  escaped  .''rom 
Me.vico,  c.  128.  p.  108.  B.  Palafox,  Bi.«hop  of  Los 
Angeles,  who  seems  to  have  inquired  into  the  early  tran- 
sactions of  his  countrymen  in  New  Spain  with  great 
attention,  confirms  the  account  of  B.  Diaz  with  respect 
to  the  extent  of  their  loss.  Virtudes  del  Indio,  p.  22. 
Gomara  states  their  loss  at  450  men.  Cron.  c.  109. 
Some  months  afterwards,  when  Cortes  had  received 
several  reinforcements,  he  mustered  his  troops,  and 
found  them  to  be  only  590.  Relat.  ap.  Ramus,  iii. 
p.  255.  E.  Now,  as  Narvaez  brought  880  men  into 
New  S)>ain,  and  about  400  of  Cortes's  soldiers  were 
then  alive,  it  is  evident  that  his  loss,  in  the  retreat  from 
Mexico,  must  have  been  much  more  considerable  than 
what  he  mentions.  B.  Diaz,  solicitous  to  magnify  the 
dangers  and  suti'erings  to  which  he  and  his  fellow  con- 
querors were  exposed,  may  have  exaggerated  their  loss  ; 
but,  in  my  opinion,  it  cannot  well  be  estimated  at  less 
than  600  men. 

Note  [119].  p.  132. — Some  remains  of  this  great 
work  are  still  visible,  and  the  spot  where  the  brigaii- 
tiiies  were  built  and  launched  is  still  pointed  out  to 
strangers.  Torquemada  viewed  them.  Monarq.  In- 
diana, vol.  i.  p.  531. 

Note  [120].  p.  133.— The  station  of  Alvarado  on 
the  causeway  of  Tacuba  was  the  nearest  to  the  city. 
Cortes  observes,  that  there  they  could  distinctly  observe 
what  passed  when  their  countrymen  were  sacrificed. 
Relat.  ap.  Ramus,  iii.  p.  273.  E.  B.  Diaz,  who  be- 
longed to  Alvarado"s  division,  relates  what  he  beheld 
with  his  own  eyes.  C.  151.  p.  148.  b.  149.  a.  Like  a 
man  whose  courage  was  so  clear  as  to  be  above  suspi- 
cion, he  describes  with  his  usual  simplicity  the  impres- 
sion which  this  spectacle  made  upon  liim.  "  Before 
(says  he)  I  saw  the  breasts  of  my  companions  opened, 
their  hearts  yet  fluttering,  offered  to  an  accursed  idol, 
and  their  flesh  devoured  by  their  exulting  enemies  ;  I 
was  accustomed  to  enter  a  battle  not  only  without  fear, 
but  with  high  spirit.  But  from  that  time  I  never  ad- 
vanced to  hght  with  the  Mexicans  without  a  secret  hor- 
ror and  anxiety  ;  my  heart  trembled  at  the  thoughts  of 
the  death  which  I  had  seen  them  sufler."  He  takes 
care  to  add,  that  as  soon  as  the  combat  befan,  his  ter- 
ror went  off;  and  indeed,  his  adventurous  bravery  on 
every  occasion  is  full  evidence  of  this.  B.  c. 
156.  p.  157.  a. 

Note  [121].  p.  133. — One  circumstance  in  this  siege 
merits  particular  notice.  The  accoi.nt  which  the  Spa- 
nish writers  give  of  the  numerous  armies  employed  in 
the  attack  or  defence  of  Mexico  seems  to  be  incredible. 
According  to  Cortes  himself,  he  had  at  one  time 
150,000  of  auxiliary  Indians  in  his  service.  Relat. 
Ramus,  iii.  275.  E.  Gomara  asserts  that  they  were 
above  200,000.  Cron.  c.  136.  Herrera.  an  author  of 
higher  authority,  says  they  were  about  200,000.  Dec. 
iii.  lib.  i.  c.  19.  None  of  the  contemporary  writers 
ascertain  ex])licitly  the  number  of  persons  in  Mexico 
durmg  the  scige.  But  Cortes  on  several  occasions 
mentions  the  number  of  Mexicans  who  were  slain,  or 
who  perished  for  want  of  food  ;  and,  if  we  may  rely  on 
those  circumstances,  it  is  probable  that  above  two  hun- 
dred thousand  must  have  been  shut  up  in  the  town. 


But  the  quantity  of  jirovisions  necessary  for  the  sv.bbist- 

ence  of  such  vast  multilud«'s  assembled  in  one  -,'acp, 
during  three  inonllis,  is  so  great,  that  it  reipiircr  so 
much  foresight  and  arrangement  to  collect  these,  ai  d 
lay  them  up  in  magazines,  so  a.s  to  be  certain  of  a  regti- 
lar  supply,  that  one  can  hardly  believe  that  this  could 
be  accomplished  in  a  country  where  agriculture  was  so 
imperfect  as  in  the  Mexican  empire,  where  there  were 
no  tame  animals,  and  by  a  people  naturally  so  improvi- 
dent, and  so  incapable  of  executing  a  coioplicated  plan, 
as  tiie  most  improved  .Vmericans  The  Sj)amards, 
with  all  their  care  and  attention,  fared  very  poorly,  and 
were  often  reduced  to  extreme  distress  for  want  of  [iro- 
visions.  B.  Diaz,  p.  142.  Cortes  Relat.  271.  D. 
Cortes  on  one  occasion  mentions  slightly  the  subsist- 
ence of  his  army  ;  and,  after  acknowledging  that  they 
were  often  m  great  want,  ad<ls,  that  they  received  sup- 
plies from  the  people  of  the  country,  of  hsli,  and  of 
some  fruit,  which  he  calls  the  cherries  of  the  country. 
Ibid.  B.  Diaz  says  that  they  had  cakes  of  maize,  and 
serasas  de  la  tierra  ;  and  when  the  season  of  these  was 
over,  another  fruit,  which  he  calls  Tunis;  hut  their 
most  comfortable  subsistence  was  a  root  which  the 
Indians  use  as  food,  to  which  he  gives  the  name  of 
Qiulilc.i,  p.  142.  The  Indian  aiiiiliaries  had  one 
means  of  subsistence  more  than  the  Sjianiards.  They 
fed  upon  the  bodies  of  the  Mexicans  whom  they  killed 
in  battle.  Cortes  Relat.  176.  C.  B.  Diaz  tontirins 
hi.s  relation,  and  adds,  that  when  the  Ijidians  returned 
from  Mexico  to  their  own  country,  they  carried  wilU 
them  large  quantities  of  ficsh  of  the  Mexicans  salted  or 
dried,  as  a  most  acceptable  present  to  their  friends,  that 
they  might  have  the  jileasure  of  feeding  upon  the  bodies 
of  their  enemies  in  their  fetivals,  p.  157.  De  Soils, 
who  seems  to  consider  it  as  an  imputation  of  discredit 
to  his  countrymen,  that  they  should  act  in  concert  with 
auxiliaries  who  fed  upon  human  flesh,  is  solicitous  to 
prove  that  the  Spaniards  endeavored  to  prevent  their 
associates  from  eating  the  bodies  of  the  Mexicans,  lib. 
v.  c.  24.  But  he  has  no  authority  for  this  from  the 
original  historians.  Neither  Cortes  himself  nor  B. 
Diaz  seems  to  have  had  any  such  scruple  ;  and  on 
many  occasions  they  mention  the  Indian  repasts,  which 
were  become  familiar  to  them,  without  any  mark  of 
abhorrence.  Even  with  this  additional  stock  of  food 
for  the  Indians,  it  was  hardlv  possible  to  procure  sub- 
sistence for  armies  amounting  to  such  lumbers  as  we 
find  in  the  Spanish  writers.  Perhaps  the  best  solution 
of  the  diflieulty  is,  to  adopt  the  opinion  of  B.  Diaz  del 
Castillo,  the  most  artless  of  all  the  Histunailorcs  prvm- 
livos.  "  When  Gomara  (says  he)  on  some  occasions 
relates,  that  there  were  so  many  thousand  Indians  our 
auxiliaries,  and  on  others,  that  there  were  so  many 
thousand  houses  in  this  or  tnat  town,  no  regard  is  to  be 
raid  to  his  enumeration,  as  he  has  no  authority  for  it, 
too  numbers  not  being  in  reality  the  fifth  of  what  he 
relates.  If  we  add  together  the  different  numbers 
which  he  mentions,  that  country  would  contain  more 
millions  than  there  are  in  Castile."  C.  129.  But 
though  some  considerable  deduction  should  certainly  be 
made  from  the  Spanish  accounts  of  the  Mexican  forces, 
they  must  have  been  very  numerous  ;  for  nothing  but 
an  immense  superiority  in  number  could  have  enabled 
them  to  withstand  a  body  of  nine  hundred  Spaniaids, 
conducted  by  a  leader  of  such  abilities  as  Cortes. 

Note  [122].  p.  135. — In  relating  the  oppressive  and 
cruel  proceedings  of  the  conquerors  of  New  Spain,  I 
have  not  followed  B.  de  las  Casas  as  my  guide.  Hi» 
account  of  them,  Relat.  de  la  Dcstruyc.  p.  18,  &c.  is 
manifestly  exaggerated.  It  is  from  the  testimony  of 
Cortes  himself,  and  of  Gomara  who  wrote  under  his 
eye,  that  I  have  taken  my  account  of  the  punishment 
of  the  Panucans,  and  they  relate  it  without  any  dis 
approbation.  B.  Diaz,  contrary  to  his  usual  custom, 
mentions  it  only  in  general  terms,  c.  162  Herrera, 
•olicitous  to  extenuate  this  barbarous  action  of  his 
countrymen,  though  he  mentions  63  caziques,  and  400 
men  of  note,  as  being  condemned  to  the  flames,  asserts 
that  30  only  were  burnt,  and  the  rest  pardoned.  Dec. 
3.  lib.  V.  c.  7.  But  this  is  contrary  to  the  testimony 
of  the  original  historians,  particularly  of  Gomara,  whom 
it  appears  he  had  consulted,  as  he  adopts  several  of  his 
expressions  in  this  passage.  The  punishment  of  Gua- 
tiiiiozin  is  related  by  the  most  authentic  of  the  Spanish 
writers.  Torquemada  has  extracted  from  a  history  of 
Tezeuco,  composed  ui  the  Mexican  tongue,  an  accoun* 
of  this  transaction,  more  favorable  to  Gautimozin  than 
that  of  the  Spanish  authors.  Mon.  Indiana,  i.  57f>. 
According  to  the  Mexican  account,  ("ortes  had  scarcely 
a  shadow  of  cv  dcnce  to  justify  such  a  wanton  acl  of 
cruelty.    B.  Diaz  afiirms,  that  Gautimozin  and  Ua 


900 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


Mtuw-suflerers  Mscrtod  iheir  innocence  with  their  last 
breath,  and  that  many  of  the  fipaiiish  soldiers  con- 
dt'iiinrd  this  aclioii  of  <"orlcs  as  tiiually  unnecessary 
•lid  unjust,  |i.  'iOO.  b.  SOI.  a. 

Note  [123].  p.  135. — The  motive  for  undertaking 
this  cipediiion  was,  to  punish  Chrisioval  dc  Ohd,  one 
of  Ins  olhcers  who  had  revolted  against  him,  and  aimed 
•t  cslabhshinj;  an  independent  jurisdiction.  Cortes 
regarded  this  insurrection  as  of  such  dangerous  exam- 
filc,  iftid  dreaded  so  much  the  abilities  and  popularity  of 
il.s  author,  that  in  person  he  led  the  body  of  troops 
destined  to  suppress  it.  He  marched,  according  to 
(ioinara,  three  thousand  miles,  through  a  country 
abounding  with  thick  forests,  rugged  mountains,  deep 
rivers,  lliinly  inhabited,  and  cultivated  only  in  a  few 
]>laces.  What  he  sufi'ertd  from  famine,  from  the  hos- 
tility of  the  natives,  from  the  climate,  and  from  hard- 
ships of  every  species,  has  nothing  in  history  parallel 
to  It,  but  what  occurs  in  the  adventures  of  the  other 
discoverers  and  conquerors  of  the  New  World.  Cor- 
tes was  employed  in  this  dreadful  service  above  two 
years ;  and  though  it  was  not  distinguished  by  any 
splendid  event,  he  exhibited,  during  the  course  of  it, 
greater  personal  courage,  more  fortitude  of  mind,  more 
perseverance  and  patience  than  in  any  other  period  or 
Bcene  in  his  life.  Herrera,  dec.  3.  lib.  vi.  vii.  viii.  ix. 
Gomara,  Cron.  c.  163—177.  13.  Diaz,  174—190. 
Cortes,  MS.  penes  mc.  Were  one  to  write  a  life  of 
Cortes,  the  account  of  this  expedition  should  occupy  a 
splendid  place  in  it.  In  a  general  history  of  America, 
■■  the  expedition  was  productive  of  no  great  event, 
the  mention  of  it  is  sntricient. 

Note  [121].  p.  135. — According  to  Herrera,  ibe 
treasure  which  Cortes  brought  with  him,  consisted  of 
fifteen  hundred  marks  of  wrought  plate,  two  hundred 
thousand  pesos  of  fine  gold,  and  ten  thousand  of  in- 
ferior standard,  many  rich  jewels,  one  in  particular 
worth  forty  thousand  pesos,  and  several  trinkets  and 
omamenls  of  value.  Dec.  4.  lib.  iii.  c.  8.  lib.  iv.  c.  1. 
He  afterwards  engaged  to  give  a  portion  with  his 
daughter  of  a  hundred  thousand  pesos.  Gomara  Cron. 
c.  237.  The  fortune  which  he  left  his  sons  was  very 
considerable.  But,  as  we  have  before  related,  the  sum 
divided  among  the  conquerors,  on  the  first  reduction  of 
Mexico,  was  very  small.  There  appears,  then,  to  be 
■ome  reason  for  suspecting  that  the  accusations  of  Cor- 
tes's  enemies  were  not  altogether  destitute  of  founda- 
lion.  They  charged  him  with  having  apjilied  to  his 
own  use  a  disproportionate  share  of  the  Mexican  spoils  ; 
with  having  concealed  the  royal  treasures  of  Monte- 
tuina  and  Guatimozin  ;  with  defrauding  the  king  of  his 
fifth  ;  and  robbing  his  followers  of  what  was  due  to 
them.  Herrera,  dec.  3.  lib.  viii.  c.  15.  dec.  4.  lib.  iii. 
c.  8.  Some  of  the  conquerors  themselves  entertained 
suspicions  of  the  same  kind  with  respect  to  this  part  of 
liiii  conduct.    B.  Diaz,  c.  157. 

NoiK  [125].  p.  136. — In  tracing  the  progress  of  the 
Spanish  anns  in  New  Spain,  we  have  followed  Cortes 
luniself  as  our  most  certain  guide.  His  despatches  to 
the  Emperor  contain  a  minute  account  of  his  ojicrations. 
But  the  unlettered  conqueror  of  Peru  was  inrapablo  of 
relating  his  own  exploits.  Our  information  with  respect 
to  them,  and  other  transactions  in  Peru,  is  derived, 
however,  from  contemporary  and  respectable  authors. 

The  most  early  account  of  Pizarro's  transactions  in 
Peru  was  published  by  Francisco  de  Xcrez,  his  secre- 
tary It  IS  a  simple,  unadorned  narrative,  earned  down 
no  further  than  the  death  of  Atahualpa,  in  1533  ;  fur 
the  author  returned  to  Spain  in  1534,  and,  soon  after 
be  landed,  printed  at  Seville  his  short  History  of  the 
Conquest  of  Peru,  addressed  to  the  Crnperor. 

Don  Pedro  Sancho,  an  odieer  who  served  under  Pi- 
sarro,  drew  up  an  accouni  of  his  expedition,  which  was 
translated  into  Italian  by  Ramusio,  and  inserted  in  his 
Talaable  rollcctiun,  but  has  never  been  published  in  its 
origi'ial  language.  Sancho  returned  to  Spain  at  the 
Mine  lime  with  Xcrez.  Great  credit  is  due  to  what 
both  these  authors  relate  concerning  the  progress  and 
0|>eration8  of  Pizurro  ;  but  the  re.Hi(leiicc  of  the  Spa- 
niards in  Peru  had  been  so  short,  at  the  time  when  they 
•eft  It,  anil  their  intercourse  with  the  imlives  w&s  so 
•lender,  that  Jheir  knowledge  of  ihtt  i'eruvian  manners 
•nd  customs  ii  very  imperfect. 

The  next  contcmiHirury  historian  i*  Pedro  Cieza  de 
L«on,  who  iiubtiKhed  his  Cronica  del  Peru  at  Seville  in 
1663.  If  lie  had  finished  all  ihut  he  piirjMises  in  the 
general  division  of  his  work,  it  would  have  been  the 
BBOtt  complete  history  which  had  been  published  of  any 
IvgHNi  ui  the  Nlw  World.    Ha  wit  well  (^ualiGtd  to 


execute  it,  having  served  during  seventeen  years  in  | 
America,  and  having  visited  in  person  most  of  the  pro- 
vinces concerning  which  he  bad  o<;ca>ion  to  write. 
Hut  only  the  first  part  of  his  chronicle  has  been  printed. 
It  contains  a  description  of  Peru,  and  several  of  the 
adjacent  provinces,  with  an  account  of  the  institutions 
and  customs  of  the  natives,  and  is  written  with  so  little 
art,  and  such  an  apparent  regard  for  truth,  that  one 
must  regret  the  loss  of  the  other  jiarts  of  his  work. 

This  loss  is  amjily  supplied  by  Don  Augustine  Zarate, 
who  published,  in  1555,  his  Hisloria  del  Descubrimiento 
y  Conqucsta  de  la  Provincia  del  Peru.  Zarate  was  a 
man  of  rank  and  education,  and  employed  in  I'eru  as 
comptroller-general  of  the  public  revenue.  His  history, 
whether  we  attend  to  its  matter  or  composition,  is  a 
book  of  considerable  merit :  as  he  had  an  opportunity 
to  be  well  informed,  and  seems  to  have  been  inquisitive 
with  respect  to  the  manners  and  transactions  of  tlie 
Peruvians,  great  credit  is  due  to  his  testimony. 

Don  Diego  Fernandez  published  his  Historia  del 
Peru  in  1571.  His  solo  object  is  to  relate  the  dissen- 
sions and  civil  wars  of  the  Spaniards  in  that  empire. 
As  he  served  in  a  public  station  in  Peru,  and  was  well 
acquainted  both  with  the  country  and  with  the  principal 
actors  in  those  singular  scenes  which  he  describes,  as 
he  possessed  sound  understanding  and  great  impartiality, 
his  work  may  be  ranked  among  those  of  the  historians 
most  distinguished  for  their  industry  in  research,  or 
their  capacity  in  judging  with  respect  to  the  events 
which  they  relate. 

The  last  author  who  can  be  reckoned  among  the 
contemporary  historians  of  the  conquest  of  Peru  is  Gar- 
cilasso  de  la  Vega,  Inca.  For  though  the  first  part  of 
his  work,  entitled  Commenlarws  Realcs  del  Origin  de 
los  Incas  Reus  del  Peru,  was  not  published  sooner 
than  the  year  1609,  seventy-six  years  after  the  death 
of  Atahualpa  the  last  Emperor,  yet  as  he  was  born  in 
Peril,  and  was  the  son  of  an  officer  of  distinction 
among  the  Spanish  conquerors,  by  a  Coya,  or  lady  of 
the  royal  race,  on  account  of  which  he  always  took  the 
name  of  Inca  ;  as  he  was  master  of  the  language  spoken 
by  the  Incas,  and  acquainted  with  the  traditions  of  his 
countrymen,  his  authority  is  rated  very  high,  and  oftep 
placed  above  that  of  all  the  olher  historians.  His 
work,  however,  is  little  more  than  a  commentary  upon 
the  S()anish  writers  of  the  Peruvian  stor)',  and  composed 
of  quotations  taken  from  the  authors  whom  I  have 
mentioned.  This  is  the  idea  which  he  himself  gives  of 
ii,  l;b.  i.  c.  10.  Nor  is  it  in  the  account  of  facts  only 
that  he  follows  them  servilely.  Even  in  explaining  the 
institutions  and  rites  of  his  ancestors,  his  information 
seems  not  to  be  more  perfect  than  theirs.  His  ex- 
planation of  the  Quipos  is  almost  the  same  with  that  of 
.•\costa.  He  jiroduces  uo  sjii  ciinen  of  Peruvian  poetry, 
but  that  wretched  one  which  he  borrows  from  Bias 
V'alera,  an  early  missionary,  whose  .mcinoirs  have  never 
been  published.  Lib.  ii.  c.  15.  As  for  conijiosition, 
arrangement,  or  a  capacity  of  distinguishing  between 
what  is  fabulous,  what  is  probable,  and  what  is  true, 
one  searches  for  them  in  vain  in  the  commentaries  of 
the  Inca.  His  work,  however,  notwithstanding  its 
great  defects,  is  not  altogether  destitute  o(  use.  Some 
traditions  which  he  received  from  his  coiiiitrymen  are 
preserved  in  it.  His  knowledge  of  the  Peruvian  lan- 
guage has  enabled  him  to  correct  some  errors  of  the 
Spanish  writers,  and  he  has  inserted  m  it  some  curious 
facts  taken  from  authors  whose  works  were  never  pub- 
lished, and  are  now  lost. 

Note  [126]  p.  136. — One  may  form  an  idea  both 
of  the  hardships  which  they  endured,  and  of  the  un- 
healthy climate  in  the  regions  which  they  visited,  from 
the  extraordinary  mortality  that  prevailed  among  them. 
Pizarro  carried  out  112  men,  Almagro  70.  In  less 
than  nine  months  130  of  these  died.  Few  fell  by  the 
sword  ;  most  of  them  were  cut  olf  by  diseases.  Xeres, 
p.  180. 

Note  [127]  p  137.  This  island,  says  Henera,  is 
rendered  so  uncomfortable  by  the  unwholesomeness  of 
its  climate,  its  impenetrable  woods,  its  rugged  moun- 
tains, and  the  multitude  of  insects  and  reptiles,  that  it 
is  seldom  any  softer  epithet  than  that  of  tn/i  rnul  is  cm- 
ployed  in  describing  it.  The  sun  is  almost  ne\erseen 
there,  and  throughout  the  year  it  hardly  ever  ceases  to 
ram.  Dec.  iii.  lib.  i  c.  3  Dampicr  touched  at  this 
island  in  the  year  1685  ;  and  his  account  of  the  climate 
IS  not  more  favorable.  Vol.  i.  p.  172.  He.  during  his 
cruise  on  tlu^  coast,  visited  most  of  the  places  where 
Pizurro  landed,  and  his  description  of  them  throws  light 
ou  the  narration*  uf  the  early  S^ianisli  historians. 


Note  [128].  p.  138. — By  this  time  hors^f  had  iiiul* 
tiplied  greatly  in  the  Spanieh  settlements  on  the  con- 
tinent. When  Cort<  s  began  his  expedition  in  the  yeni 
1518,  though  his  armament  was  more  considerable 
than  that  of  Pizarro,  and  composed  of  persons  sup«rior 
in  rank  to  those  who  invaded  Peru,  he  could  |irocure 
no  more  than  sixteen  horses. 

Note  [129]  p.  139  — In  the  year  1740.  D.  Ant. 
TJlloa  and  D.  George  Juzz.  iravelled  from  Guayaquil  to 
Motupe  by  the  same  route  which  Pizarro  took.  From 
the  description  of  their  journey,  one  may  form  an  idea 
of  the  difficulty  of  his  inarch.  The  sandy  plains  be- 
tween St.  Michael  de  Pieura  and  Motupe  extend  90 
miles,  without  water,  without  a  tree,  a  plant,  or  any 
green  thing,  on  a  dreary  stretch  of  burning  sand.  Voy- 
age, torn.  i.  p.  399,  <S£C. 

Note  [130].  p.  139. — This  extravagant  and  unsea- 
sonable discourse  of  Valverdc  has  been  censured  by 
all  historians,  and  with  justice.  But  though  he  seems 
to  have  been  an  illiterate  and  bigottcd  monk,  iiowiso 
resembling  the  good  Olmcdo,  who  accompanied  Cortes; 
the  absurdity  of  his  address  to  .\tahualpa  must  not  be 
charged  wholly  upon  him.  His  harangue  is  evidently 
a  translation  or  paraphrase  of  that  fonn,  concerted  by  a 
junto  of  Spanish  divines  and  lawyers  in  the  year  1509, 
for  explaining  the  right  of  their  king  to  the  sovereignty 
of  the  New  World,  and  for  directing  the  officers  cm- 
ployed  in  America  how  they  should  take  possession  of 
any  new  country.  See  Note  23.  The  sentiments 
contained  in  Vulverde's  harangue  must  not  then  be  im- 
puted to  the  bigotted  imbecility  of  a  particular  man, 
but  to  that  of  the  age.  But  Gomara  and  Benzoni  relate 
one  circumstance  concerning  Valverde,  which,  if  au- 
thentic, renders  him  an  object  not  of  contempt  only 
but  of  horror.  They  assert,  that  during  the  whole  ac- 
tion Valverde  continued  to  excite  the  soldiers  to  slaugh- 
ter, calling  to  them  to  strike  the  enemy  not  with  the 
edge  but  with  the  points  of  their  swords.  Gom.  Cron. 
c.  113.  Benz.  Histor.  Nov.  Orbis,  lib.  iii.  c.  3  Such 
behavior  was  very  different  from  that  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  clergy  in  other  parts  of  America,  where  they 
uniformly  exerted  their  influence  to  protect  the  In- 
dians, and  to  moderate  the  ferocity  of  their  country, 
men. 

Note  [131].  p.  139. — Two  different  systems  have 
hren  formed  concerning  the  conduct  of  Atahualpa. 
The  Spanish  writers,  in  order  to  justify  llie  violence  o( 
their  countrymen,  contend  that  all  the  Inca's  profes- 
sions of  friendship  were  feigned  ;  and  that  his  intention 
in  agreeing  to  an  interview  w  ith  Pizarro  at  Caxamaica, 
was  to  cut  off  him  and  his  followers  at  one  blow  ;  that 
for  this  purpose  he  advanced  with  such  a  numerous 
body  of  attendants,  who  had  arms  concealed  under 
their  garments  to  execute  this  scheme.  This  is  the 
account  given  by  Xeres  and  Zerate,  and  adopted  by 
Herrera.  But  if  it  had  been  the  jilan  of  the  Inca  to 
destroy  the  Spaniards,  one  can  hardly  imagine  that  he 
would  have  permitted  them  to  inarch  through  the  desert 
of  Motupe,  or  have  neglected  to  defend  the  passes  in 
the  mountains,  where  they  might  have  been  attacked 
with  so  much  advantage.  If  the  Peruvians  marched 
to  Caxamaica  with  an  intention  to  fall  upon  the  Spa- 
niards, it  is  inconceivable  lliat  of  so  great  a  body  of 
men,  prepared  for  action,  not  one  should  attempt  to 
make  resistance,  but  all  tamely  sutfer  themselves  to  be 
butchered  by  an  enemy  whom  they  were  armed  to  at- 
tack. .Vtabualpa's  mode  of  advancing  to  the  interview 
has  the  aspect  of  a  peaceabia  procession,  not  of  a  mili- 
tary enterprise.  He  himself  and  his  followers  were  iii 
their  habits  of  ceremony,  ])receded.  as  on  davs  of  so- 
lemnity, by  unarmed  harbingers.  Though  rude  nations 
are  frequently  cunning  and  false  ;  yet  if  a  scheme  of 
deception  and  treachery  must  be  im[>uted  either  to  a 
monarch  that  had  no  great  reason  to  be  alarmed  at  a 
visit  from  strangers  who  solicited  admission  into  his 
presence  as  friends,  or  to  an  adventurer  so  daring  and 
so  little  scrupulous  as  Pizarro,  one  cannot  hesitate  in 
determining  where  to  fix  the  presumption  of  guilt. 
Even  amidst  the  endeavors  of  the  Spanish  writers  to 
palliate  the  proceedings  of  Pizarro,  one  plainly  perceives 
that  it  was  his  intention,  as  svcll  as  his  interest,  to 
seize  the  Inca,  and  that  he  had  taken  measures  for 
that  purpose  previous  to  any  suspicion  of  that  mo- 
narch's designs. 

Garcilasso  dc  la  Vega,  extremely  solicitous  to  viiiJi- 
rntn  his  countrvineii  the  Peruvians,  from  tk«  crine  of 
having  concerted  the  destruction  uf  I'izarro  and  his 
followers,  and  no  less  afraid  to  charge  tlio  Spaniards 
'with  improper  conduct  towards  the  Inca,  has  frstoed 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


201 


fiiiv^tlicr  system.  He  re/ates,  that  a  man  of  majestic 
'orm,  wi'h  a  long  beard,  and  garments  reaching  to  the 
pi.-)iin(i,  having  appeared  in  a  vifion  to  Viracocliu,  tiie 
pighlii  Inca,  and  declared  that  he  vvjs  a  child  of  tlie 
Sun,  that  monarch  built  a  temple  in  honor  of  this  per- 
son, and  erected  an  image  of  him,  resembling  as  nearly 
ab  possible  the  singular  form  in  which  he  had  exhibited 
biinself  to  his  view.  In  tins  temple  divine  honors  were 
paid  to  him  by  the  name  of  \'iracocha.  P.  i.  lib.  iv. 
c.  21.  lib.  v.  c.  22.  When  the  Spaniards  tirst  appeared 
i.i  Peru,  the  length  of  their  beards,  and  the  dress  they 
wore,  struck  everv  person  so  much  with  their  likeness 
to  the  image  of  Viracocha,  that  they  supposed  them  to 
he  children  of  the  Sun,  who  had  descended  from  hea- 
ven to  earth.  All  concluded  that  the  fatal  period  of 
the  Peruvian  empire  was  now  approaching,  and  that 
the  throne  would  be  occupied  by  new  possessors.  Ata- 
hualpa  himself,  considering  the  Spaniards  as  messen- 
gers from  heaven,  was  so  far  from  entertainmg  any 
thoughts  of  resisting  them,  that  he  determined  to  yield 
implicit  obedience  to  their  commands.  From  these 
sentiments  flowed  his  professions  of  love  and  respect. 
To  those  were  owing  the  cordial  reception  of  Solo  and 
Ferdinand  Pizarro  in  his  camj),  and  the  submissive  re- 
verence with  winch  he  himself  advanced  to  visit  the 
Spanish  general  in  his  quarters  ;  but  Irom  the  gross 
ignorance  of  PhilipiUo,  the  inler|ircter,  the  declaration 
of  the  Spaniards,  and  his  answer  to  it,  were  so  ill  ex- 
plained, that,  by  their  mutual  inability  to  comprehend 
each  other's  mfentions,  the  fatal  rencontre  at  Caxamal- 
ca,  «ith  all  its  dreadful  consequences  was  occasioned. 

It  is  remarkable,  that  no  traces  of  this  superstitious 
venemlion  of  the  Peruvians  for  the  Spaniards  arc  to  be 
found  c'/her  in  Xeres,  or  Sancho,  or  Zarate,  previous 
to  the  interview  at  Caxamalca  ;  and  yet  the  two  for- 
mer served  under  Pizarro  at  that  time,  and  the  latter 
visited  Peru  soon  after  the  conquest.  If  either  the 
Inca  himself,  or  his  messengers,  had  addressed  the 
Spaniards  in  the  words  which  Garcilasso  puts  in  their 
mouths,  they  must  have  been  struck  with  such  submis- 
sive declarations ;  and  they  would  certainly  have 
availed  '.hemselves  of  them  to  accomplish  their  own 
design.s  with  greater  facility.  Garcilasso  himsell, 
though  his  narrative  of  the  intercourse  between  the 
Inca  and  the  Spaniards,  preceding  the  rencontre  at  Caxa- 
malca,  is  founded  on  the  supposition  of  his  believing 
ihem  to  b<  Viracochas,  or  divme  beings,  p.  ii.  lib.  i.  c. 
1  ?.  &c.,  yet,  with  his  usual  inattention  and  inaccuracy, 
he  admits  in  another  place  that  the  Peruvians  did  not 
recollect  the  resemblance  between  them  and  the  god 
Viracocha,  until  the  fatal  disasters  subsequent  to  the 
defeat  at  Caxamalca,  and  then  only  began  to  call  tliein 
Viracochas.  P.  i.  lib.  v.  c.  21.  This  is  contirmed  by 
Herrera,  dec.  v.  lib.  ii.  c.  12.  In  many  diBerent  parts 
of  America,  if  we  may  believe  the  Spanish  writers, 
their  countrymen  were  considered  as  divine  beings  who 
had  descended  from  heaven.  But  in  this  instance,  as 
ill  many  which  occur  in  the  intercourse  between  na- 
tions whose  progress  in  refinement  is  very  unequal,  the 
ideas  of  those  who  used  the  expression  were  Jitierenl 
from  those  who  heard  it.  For  such  is  the  idiom  of  the 
Indian  languages,  or  such  is  the  simplicity  of  those 
who  speak  them,  that  when  they  see  any  thing  with 
which  they  were  formerly  unacquainted,  and  of  which 
they  do  not  know  the  origin,  they  say  that  it  came 
down  from  heaven.    Nugnez.  Ram.  in.  327.  C. 

The  account  which  I  have  given  of  the  sentiments 
and  proceedings  of  the  Peruvians,  appears  to  be  more 
natural  and  consistent  than  either  of  the  two  preceding, 
»nd  is  better  supported  by  the  facts  related  by  the  con- 
temporary historians. 

According  to  Xeres,  p.  200,  two  thousand  Peruvians 
were  killed.  Sancho  makes  the  number  of  the  shin 
■ii  or  seven  thousand.  Ram.  ili.  274.  D.  I3y  (jar- 
cilasso's  account,  five  thousand  were  massacred.  P<ii. 
hb.  i.  c.  25.  The  number  which  I  have  mentioned, 
being  the  medium  between  the  extremes,  may  probably 
be  nearest  the  truth. 

Note  [132].  p.  139. — Nothing  can  be  a  more  stri- 
king proof  of  this,  than  that  three  Spaniards  travelled 
from  Caxamalca  to  Cuzco.  The  distance  between 
them  is  six  hundred  miles.  In  every  place  throughout 
Uiis  great  extent  of  country,  they  were  treated  with  all 
the  honors  which  the  Peruvians  paid  to  their  sovereigns, 
ana  even  to  their  divinities.  Under  pretext  of  aipass- 
ing  what  was  wanting  for  the  ransom  of  the  Inca,  they 
demanded  the  plates  of  gold  with  which  the  walls  of 
the  Temple  of  the  Sun  in  Cuzco  were  adorned  ;  and 
tliough  the  priests  were  unwilling  to  alienate  those  sa- 
cred ornaments,  and  the  people  refused  to  violate  the 
■hrinc  of  theii  God,  ih<  three  Spaniards,  with  their  own 


robbed  the  Temple  of  part  of  this  valuable  trea-  which  distinguishes  the  one  sex,  mingled  with  the  sen- 
and  such  was  the  reverence  of  the  natives  for  sibility  and  tci.dcrness  [leculiar  to  the  other.  Uettiu 

de  M.  Godiii  a  M.  dc  la  Coiidamine. 


iiands 
sure  ; 

their  per.vons,  that  though  they  beheld  this  act  of  sacri- 
lege with  astonishment,  they  did  not  attempt  to  prevent 
or  disturb  the  commission  of  it.  Zarate.  lib.  ii.  c.  6. 
Sancho  ap.  Ramus,  iii  375.  D. 


Note  [133J.  p.  141. — According  to  Herrera,  the 
spoil  of  Cuzco  after  stUing  apart  the  King's  Jijth, 
was  divided  among  480  |.ersons.  Each  received  4000 
pesos.  This  amounts  tc  1,920,000  pesos  Dec.  v. 
lib.  vi.  c.  3.  But  as  the  general  and  other  officers  were 
entitled  to  a  share  far  greater  than  that  of  the  private 
men,  the  sum  total  must  have  risen  m.uch  beyond  what 
1  have  mentioned.  Gornara,  c.  123,  and  Zarate,  lib. 
ii.  c.  8,  satisfy  themselves  w  ith  asserting  in  general,  that 
the  plunder  of  the  Cuzco  was  of  greater  value  than 
the  ransom  of  Atahualpa. 

Note  [134].  p.  141. — No  expedition  in  the  New 
AVorld  was  conducted  with  more  persevering  courage 
than  that  of  Alvarado,  and  in  none  were  greater  hard- 
ships endured.  Many  of  tiie  persons  engaged  in  it 
were,  like  their  leader,  veterans  who  had  served  under 
Cortes,  inured  to  all  the  rigor  of  American  war.  Such 
of  my  readers  as  have  not  an  opportunity  of  perusing 
the  striking  description  of  their  sufferings  by  Zarate, 
or  Herrera,  may  form  some  idea  of  the  nature  of  their 
inarch  from  the  sea-coast  to  Quito,  by  consulting  the 
account  which  D.  Ant.  Ulloa  gives  of  his  own  journey 
in  1736,  nearly  in  the  same  route.  Voy.  tom.  i.  p. 
178,  &c.,  or  that  of  M.  Bouguer,  who  proceeded  from 
Puerto  Vicjo  to  Quito  by  the  same  road  which  Alva- 
rado took.  He  compares  his  own  journey  with  that  of 
the  Spanish  leader,  and  by  the  comparison  gives  a  most 
striking  idea  of  the  boldness  and  patience  of  Alvarado 
in  forcing  his  way  through  so  many  obstacles.  Voyage 
de  Perou,  p.  28,  &c. 

Note  [135].  p.  141. — According  to  Herrera,  there 
was  entered  on  account  of  the  king  in  gold,  155,300 
pesos,  and  5,400  marks  (each  8  ounces)  of  silver,  be- 
sides several  vessels  and  ornaments,  some  of  gold  and 
others  of  silver  ;  on  account  of  private  persons,  in 
gold  499,000  pesos,  and  54,000  marks  of  silver.  Dec. 
5.  lib.  vi.  c.  13. 

Note  [136].  p.  142, — The  Peruvians  not  only  imi- 
tated the  military  arts  of  the  Spaniards,  but  had  re- 
course to  devices  of  their  own.  As  the  cavalry  were 
the  chief  objects  of  their  terror,  they  endeavored  to 
render  them  incapable  of  acting  by  means  of  a  long 
thong  with  a  stone  fastened  to  each  end.  This,  when 
thrown  by  a  skilful  hand,  twisted  about  the  horse  and 
Its  rider,  and  entangled  them  so  as  to  obstruct  their 
motions.  Herrera  mentions  tiiis  as  an  invention  of  their 
own.  Dec.  5.  lib.  viii.  c.  4.  But  as  I  have  observed,  p. 
113,  this  weapon  is  common  among  several  barba- 
rous tribes  towards  the  extremity  of  South  America  ; 
and  it  is  more  probable  that  the  Peruvians  had  observed 
the  dexterity  with  which  tliey  used  it  in  hunting,  and 
on  this  occasion  adopted  it  themselves.  The  Spaniards 
were  considerably  annoyed  by  it.  Herrera,  ibid.  Ano- 
ther instance  of  the  ingenuity  of  the  Peruvians  deserves 
mention.  By  turning  a  river  out  of  its  channel,  they 
overflowed  a  valley,  in  which  a  body  of  the  enemy 
was  posted,  so  suddenly,  that  it  was  with  the  utmost 
difliculty  the  Spaniards  made  their  escape.  Herrera, 
dec.  4.  lib.  viii.  c.  5. 

Note  [137].  p.  142. — Herrera's  account  of  Orella- 
na's  voyage  is  the  most  minute  and  apparently  the  most 
accurate.  It  was  probably  taken  from  the  journal  of 
Orellana  himself.  But  the  dates  are  not  distinctly 
marked.  His  navigation  down  the  Coca,  or  Napo, 
began  early  in  February,  1541  ;  and  he  arrived  at  the 
mouth  of  the  river  on  the  26ih  of  August,  having  spent 
near  seven  months  in  the  voyage.  M.  de  la  Conda- 
mine  in  the  year  1743,  sailed  from  Cuenca  to  Para,  a 
settlement  of  the  Portuguese  at  the  mouth  of  the  river, 
a  navigation  much  longer  than  that  of  Orellana,  in  less 
than  four  months.  Voyage,  p.  179.  But  the  two  ad- 
venturers were  very  differently  provided  for  the  voy- 
age. This  hazardous  undertaking  to  which  ambition 
prompted  Orellana,  and  to  which  the  love  of  science 
led  Al.  de  la  Condamine,  was  undertaken  in  the  year 
1769,  by  Madame  Godin  des  Odonais  from  conjugal 
affection.  The  narrative  of  the  hardships  which  she 
suffered,  of  the  dangers  to  which  she  was  exposed,  and 
of  the  disasters  which  befell  her,  is  one  of  the  most 
singular  and  affecting  stories  in  any  language,  exhibit- 
ing in  her  conduct  a  striking  picture  of  the  fortitude 


Note  [138].  p.l42. — Herrera  gives  a  striking  pic- 
ture of  their  indigence.  Twelve  gentlemen,  who  had 
been  officers  of  distinction  under  Almagro,  lodged  i.n 
the  .same  house,  and  having  but  one  cloak  among  them, 
it  was  worn  alternately  by  him  who  had  occasion  to  ap- 
pear in  public,  while  the  rest,  from  the  want  of  a  decent 
dress  were  obliged  to  keep  v  ithiii  doors.  Their  former 
friends  and  companions  were  so  much  afraid  of  giving 
offence  to  Pizarro,  that  they  durst  not  entertain,  or 
even  converse  with  them.  One  may  conceive  what 
was  the  condition,  and  what  the  indignation  of  men 
once  accustomed  to  power  and  ojiulencc,  when  they 
felt  themselves  poor  and  despised,  without  a  roof  iindel 
v^'hich  to  shelter  their  heads,  while  they  beheld  others, 
whose  merits  and  services  were  not  equal  to  their?, 
living  in  splendor  in  sumptuous  edifices.  Dec.  C.  lib. 
viii.  c.  G. 

Note  [139].  p.  145. — Herrera,  who.se  accuracy  en- 
titles him  to  great  credit,  asserts,  that  Gonzalo  Pizarro 
possessed  domains  in  the  neighborhood  of  Chuquesaca 
de  la  Plata,  which  yielded  him  an  annual  revenue 
greater  than  that  of  the  Archbishop  of  Toledo,  the 
best  endowed  see  Europe.    Dec.  7.  lib.  vi.  c.  3. 

Note  [140].  p.  147. — All  the  Spanish  writers  do- 
scribe  his  march,  and  the  distresses  of  both  parties, 
very  minutely.  Zarate  observes,  that  hardly  any  parallel 
to  it  occurs  in  history,  either  with  respect  to  the  length 
of  the  retreat,  or  the  ardor  of  the  pursuit.  Pizarro, 
according  to  his  computation,  followed  the  viceroy  up- 
wards of  three  thousand  miles.    Lib.  v.  c.  16.  26 

Note  [142].  p.  148. — It  amounted,  according  to 
Fernandez,  t.hs  best  informed  historian  of  that  period, 
to  one  million  four  hundred  thousaml  pesos,  l.ib.  li. 
c.  79. 

Note  [142].  p.  149. — Carvajal.  from  the  beginning, 
had  been  an  advocate  for  an  accommodation  with  Gas- 
ca.  Finding  PiV.arro  incapable  of  holding  that  bold 
course  which  he  originally  suggested,  he  recommemled 
to  him  a  timely  submission  to  his  sovereign  as  the 
safest  meaiiure.  When  the  president's  offers  weie  first 
communicated  to  Carv.ijal,  "  By  our  Lady,  (savs  ne  in 
that  strain  of  buffoonery  which  was  familia'-  'o  him,) 
the  priest  issues  gracious  bulls.  He  gives  Ihein  both 
good  and  cheap  ;  let  us  not  only  aecejit  thtin.  but 
wear  them  as  reliques  abo.it  our  necks."  Fernandez, 
'lb.  li.  c.  63. 

Note  [143].  p.  149. — During  the  rebellion  of  Gon- 
zalo Pizarro,  seven  hundred  men  were  killed  in  battle, 
and  three  hundred  and  eighty  were  hanged  or  beheaded. 
Herrera,  dec  8.  lib.  iv.  c.  4.  Above  three  hundred  01 
these  were  cut  off  by  Carvajal.  Fernandez,  lib.  ii.  c. 
91.  Zarate  makes  the  number  of  those  put  to  a  vio- 
lent death  five  hundred.    Lib.  vii.  c  1 

Note  [144].  p.  150 — In  my  inquiries  concexning 
the  manners  and  policy  of  the  Mexicans,  I  have  re- 
ceived much  information  from  a  large  .-nanuscript  of 
Don  Alonso  de  Corita,  one  of  the  judg<  s  in  the  Court 
of  Audience  at  Mexico.  In  the  year  1553,  Philip  II., 
in  order  to  discover  the  mode  of  levying  tribute  I'rom 
his  Indian  subjects,  that  would  be  most  beneficial  to 
the  crown,  and  least  oppressive  to  them,  addressed  a 
mandate  to  all  the  Courts  of  Audieii'-e  in  America,  en- 
joining them  to  answ  er  certain  queries  wiiu  b  he  propo.><ed 
to  them  concerning  the  ancient  form  of  government 
established  among  the  various  nations  of  Indians,  and  ihe 
mode  in  which  they  had  been  accustomed  to  pay  taxes 
10  their  kings  or  chief's.  In  obedience  to  this  :nandate, 
(Corita,  who  had  resided  nineteen  years  in  America, 
fourteen  of  which  he  passed  in  New  Spain,  composed 
the  work  of  which  I  have  a  copy.  He  acquaints  his 
sovereign,  that  he  made  it  an  object,  during  his  resi- 
dence in  America,  and  in  all  its  provinces  which  he  had 
visited,  to  inquire  diligently  into  the  manners  and  cus- 
toms of  the  natives  ;  that  lie  had  conversed  for  this  pur- 
pose with  many  aged  and  intelligent  Indians,  and  con- 
sulted several  of  the  Spanish  Ecclesiastics,  w  ho  under- 
stood the  Indian  language  most  perfectly,  particularly 
some  of  those  w  ho  landed  in  New  Spain  soon  after  the 
conquest  Corita  appears  to  be  a  in-in  of  some  l^ar:- 
ing,  and  to  have  carried  on  his  inquiries  with  th»  dili- 
gence and  accuracy  to  which  ho  pretends.  Greatnl 
credit  is  due  to  bis  testimony  from  on«  ciictimstuKe. 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


Hta  work  wa»  not  composed  with  a  view  to  publica- 
tion, or  in  support  of  any  paniruiar  ihrory,  but  contains 
eiiMplr  though  lull  inswcrs  to  i|UL'rits  proposed  to  hiin 
orti<M«lly.  "^Tnoiigii  Hcrrcra  does  no:  nicniion  hnn 
BMiun^  thf  authors  whom  ho  had  followed  as  {;uides  in 
hi!>  li:»tory,  I  should  suppose,  from  several  facts  of  wliich 
be  takes  notice,  as  well  as  from  several  expressions 
whicli  lie  uses,  th;it  this  incinonal  of  Uorita  was  not 
Unknown  to  him. 

NoT«  [145].  p.  151 — The  early  Spanish  writers 
«*re  so  hasiy  and  inaccurate  in  cstiinatin<^  the  numbers 
of  (leoplo  in  the  provinces  and  towns  in  America,  that 
it  !i  iinpossilile  to  ascertain  that  of  Mexico  itself  with 
any  d<'i;rce  of  precision.  Cortes  describes  the  extent 
anil  populousness  of  iMcxico  in  general  ter-ns.  which 
imply  that  it  was  not  inferior  to  the  greatest  cities  in 
Europe.  (Joinara  is  more  explicit,  and  atFirins,  that 
there  were  60.000  houses  or  families  in  .Mexico.  Cron. 
c  78.  Herrera  adopts  his  opinion,  Dec.  2.  lib.  vii.  c. 
13  ;  and  the  generality  of  writers  follow  them  implicitly 
without  inquiry  or  scruple.  Accordinc;  to  this  account, 
the  inhabitants  of  Mexico  must  have  been  about  300,000. 
'l'or<|ueniada,  with  his  ur  lal  propensity  to  the  marvel- 
lous, asserts,  that  there  were  120.000  houses  or  fami- 
lies in  .Mexico,  and  conseipieiitly  about  600,000  inha- 
bitants. l,ib.  iii.  c.  23.  But  in  a  very  judicious  ac- 
count of  the  Mexican  empire,  by  one  of  Cortes's  officers, 
the  population  is  tixcd  at  60,000  people.  Ranuisio, 
iii  30'J.  A.  Even  by  this  account,  which  probably  is 
ini.ch  nearer  the  truth  than  any  of  the  foregoing, 
Mexico  was  a  great  city. 

NoTK  [1 16]  p.  151 — It  is  to  P.  Torribio  dc  Bena- 
ven'c  that  I  am  indebted  for  ihis  curious  observation. 
Paliifox,  Hisliop  of  Ciudad  de  la  Puebia  Los  Angeles, 
conlirms  and  illuslrales  it  more  fully.  The  Mexican 
(«ay«  he)  is  the  only  language  in  which  a  termination 
ind.ealing-respccl,  silava.1  rcvcrenliales  y  dc  eorlcsia. 
may  1)C  allixed  to  every  word.  By  adding  the  t'liial  .syl- 
lable :in  or  aziii  to  any  word,  it  becomes  a  proper  c.\- 
presyKin  of  veneration  in  the  mouth  of  an  inferior.  If, 
u  bpoaking  to  an  cqunl  the  word  Father  is  to  be  used, 
it  in  Tall,  but  an  inferior  says  Talztn.  One  priest 
•peaking  to  another,  calls  him  Teopixque  ;  a  person  of 
inferior  rank  calls  him  Tcopixcclziii.  The  name  of  the 
emperor  wlio  reigned  when  Cortes  invaded  Mexico, 
was  Miiiilczuma  ;  but  his  vassals,  from  reverence,  pro- 
Doiinrrd  it  Mitnlczuinazin.  Torribio,  M.S.  Palaf. 
Virtudes  del  Imlio,  p.  65.  The  Mexicans  had  not  only 
reverential  nouns,  but  reverential  verbs.  The  manner 
n  which  these  are  formed  from  the  verbs  m  common 
■se  is  explained  by  D.  Jos.  Aug.  Aldaina  y  Guevara  in 
his  Mexican  Grammar,  No.  188. 

Note.  [147]  p.  1.52. — From  comparing  several  pas- 
iages  in  ( Uorita  and  Herrera,  we  may  collect,  with  some 
degree  o(  accuracy,  the  various  modes  in  which  the  Me- 
xicans contributetl  towards  the  support  of  government. 
Some  persons  of  the  first  order  seem  to  have  been  ex- 
rnipted  from  the  payment  of  any  tribute,  and  as  their 
only  duty  to  the  public,  were  bound  to  personal  service 
in  war,  and  to  follow  the  banner  of  their  sovereign  with 
their  vassals.  2.  The  immediate  vassals  of  the  crown 
were  bound  not  only  to  personal  military  service,  but 

Eaid  a  certain  profiorlion  of  the  produce  of  their  lando  in 
ind.  3.  Those  who  held  ofliceg  of  honor  or  trust 
p.iid  a  certain  share  of  what  they  received  in  consequence 
of  holding  these.  4.  Each  Capulluc,  or  association, 
cultivated  some  part  of  the  field  allotted  to  it,  for  the 
Irf-hoofof  the  crown,  and  deposited  the  produce  in  the 
royal  granaries.  5.  Some  part  of  whatever  was  brouglii 
to  the  public  markets,  whether  fruits  of  the  earth,  or  the 
various  productions  of  their  artists  and  manufarturers, 
was  demanded  for  the  public  use,  and  the  merchants 
*ho  paid  this  were  exempted  from  every  other  tax. 
6.  The  Matjrifues  or  ailscrtpli  glcbm.  were  bound  to 
cultivate  rortam  districts  in  every  province,  which  may 
Im)  con«iderc<l  as  crmrn  lands,  and  brought  the  increase 
into  (lublic  «iiir<'honses.  Thus  the  sovereign  received 
some  part  of  whatever  was  useful  or  valuable  in  the 
country,  whether  it  was  the  natural  production  of  the 
•oil,  or  acquired  by  the  industry  of  the  people.  What 
Mub  contributed  towards  the  support  of  government 
■oenii  to  have  been  inconsiderable.  Corita,  in  answer 
to  one  of  ll-o 'queries  put  to  the  .Vudienceof  Mexico  by 
Hlilip  II  .  endeavors  to  estimate  in  money  the  value  of 
what  rarh  ciiiien  might  be  supposed  to  pay,  and  does 
1)"'.  reckon  it  at  more  than  three  or  four  reals,  about 
eighteen  pence  or  two  (hillings  a  head. 

NoTt[l'lfll  p  l.^S.-'-t'ortes,  who  seems  to  have 
bcMu  ua  luuch  astuniabcd  ti  this,  as  with  any  irketanc* 


of  Mexican  ingenuity,  gives  a  particular  description  of 
it.  Along  one  of  the  causeways,  says  he,  by  which 
they  enter  the  city,  are  conducted  two  conduits,  com- 
posed of  clay  tempered  with  mortar,  about  two  paces  in 
breadth,  and  raised  about  six  feet.  In  one  of  them  is 
conveyed  a  stream  of  excellent  water,  as  large  as  the 
body  of  a  man,  into  the  centre  of  the  city,  and  supplies 
all  the  inhabitants  plentifully.  The  other  is  empty,  that 
when  It  is  necessary  to  clean  or  repair  the  former,  the 
stream  of  water  may  be  turned  into  it.  As  this  conduit 
passes  along  two  of  the  bridges,  where  there  are  breeches 
in  the  causeway,  through  which  the  salt  water  of  the 
lakes  flows,  it  is  conveyed  over  them  in  pipes  as  large 
as  the  body  of  an  ox,  then  carried  from  the  conduit  to 
the  remote  quarters  of  the  city  in  canoes,  and  sold  to 
the  inhabitants.    Relat.  ap.  Ramus.  241.  A. 

Note  [149],  p.  152. — In  the  armoury  of  the  royal  pa- 
lace of  Madrid  are  shown  suits  of  armour,  which  are 
called  Montezuma's,  'i'hey  are  composed  of  thin  lac- 
quered copperplates.  In  the  opinion  of  very  intelligent 
judges,  they  are  evidently  eastern.  The  forms  of  the 
silver  ornaments  upon  them,  representing  dragons,  &c. 
may  be  considered  a  contirmatioii  of  this.  They  arc 
iniiiiitely  superior,  in  point  of  workmanship,  to  any  effort 
of  .\inerican  art.  The  Spaniards  prol)ably  received  from 
them  the  Philippine  islands.  The  only  unquestionable 
specimen  of  NIexican  art,  that  I  know  of  in  Great  Bri- 
tain, is  a  cup  of  very  fine  gold,  which  is  said  to  have 
belonged  to  Montezuma.  It  weighs  5oz.  12dwt.  Three 
drawings  of  it  were  exhibited  to  the  Society  of  Anti- 
quaries, June  10,  1765.  A  man's  head  is  represented 
on  this  cup.  On  one  side  the  full  face,  on  the  other 
the  profile,  on  the  third  the  back  parts  of  the  head. 
The  relievo  is  said  to  have  been  produced  by  punching 
the  inside  of  the  cup,  so  as  to  make  the  representation 
of  a  face  on  the  outside.  The  features  are  gross,  but 
represented  with  some  degree  of  art,  and  certainly  too 
rude  for  Spanish  workmans'lip.  This  cup  was  pur- 
chased by  Edward  Earl  of  Oxford,  while  he  lay  in  the 
harbor  of  Cadiz  with  the  fleet  under  his  command,  and 
is  now  in  the  possession  of  his  grandson,  Lord  .Archer. 
I  am  indebted  for  this  information  to  my  respectable 
and  ingenious  i.".end  Mr.  Barrington.  In  the  sixth  vo- 
lume of  the  .Archa^ologia,  p.  107,  is  published  an  account 
of  some  masks  of  Terra  Cotta,  brought  from  the  bury- 
ing ground  on  the  .-Vmerican  continent,  about  seventy 
miles  from  tiie  British  settlement  on  the  Moscjuito  shore. 
They  are  said  to  be  likenesses  of  chiefs,  or  other  emi- 
nent persons.  From  the  descriptions  and  engravings 
of  them,  we  have  an  additional  proof  of  the  imperfect 
state  of  arts  amo  ig  the  Americans. 

Note  [150].  p.  153. — The  learned  reader  will  per- 
ceive how  inuch  I  have  been  indebted,  in  this  part  of 
my  work,  to  the  guidance  of  the  Bishop  of  Gloucester, 
who  has  traced  the  successive  steps  by  which  the  hu- 
man mind  advanced  in  this  line  of  its  jirogress,  with 
much  erudition,  and  greater  ingenuity.  He  is  'he  first, 
as  far  as  I  know,  who  formed  a  rational  and  consistent 
theory  concer  iing  the  various  modes  of  writing  prac- 
tised by  nations,  according  to  the  various  degrees  of 
their  improvement.  Div.  Legation  of  Moses,  in.  6!), 
Ate.  Some  important  observations  have  been  added 
by  M.  le  President  de  Brosses,  the  learned  and  intelli- 
gent author  of  the  Traite  de  la  Formation  .Mccanique 
des  Langucs,  torn.  i.  295,  <Scc. 

As  the  Mexican  paintings  are  the  most  curious 
monuments  extant  of  the  earliest  mode  of  writing,  it 
will  not  be  im[)roper  to  give  some  account  of  the  means 
by  which  they  were  preserved  from  the  general  wreck 
of  every  work  of  art  m  .America,  and  communicated  to 
the  public.  For  the  most  early  and  complete  collec- 
tion of  these  published  by  Purchas,  we  are  indebted  to 
the  attention  of  that  curious  inquirer,  Hakluyt.  Don 
.\nlonio  Mendoza,  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  ha%ing 
deemed  thosc  paintings  a  proper  present  for  Charles 
v.,  the  ship  in  whu  h  tlicy  were  sent  to  Spain  was 
taken  by  a  French  cruiser,  and  they  came  into  the  pos- 
session of  Thcvet,  the  King's  geographer,  who.  having 
Iravelli'd  himself  into  the  New  World,  and  described 
one  of  its  provinces,  was  a  curious  observer  of  whatever 
tended  to  illustrate  the  manners  of  the  .Xmcncans.  On 
his  death,  they  were  purchased  by  Hakluyt,  at  that  time 
chaplain  of  the  English  ambassador  to  the  French 
court ;  and  being  left  by  him  to  Purchas,  were  pub- 
lished at  the  desire  of  the  learned  antiquary.  Sir  Henry 
Spelman.  Purchas,  iii.  1065.  They  were  trnnslateil 
from  English  into  French  by  Melchizedeck  Thevenot, 
and  published  in  his  collection  of  voyages.  \.  D.  1683. 

The  second  specimen  of  Mexican  piclnre-wriling 
wua  I'ubhshed  by  Dr.  Francia  GcintUi  Carrcri,  m  two 


copper-platta.  The  first  is  a  map,  or  representation  ol 
the  progress  of  the  ancient  Mexicans  on  their  first  ar- 
rival III  :ne  country,  and  of  the  various  stations  in  v.hiclj 
they  settled,  before  they  founded  the  capital  of  theit 
empire  in  the  lake  of  Mexico.  The  second  is  a  Chro 
nological  Wheel,  or  Circle,  representing  the  manner  in 
which  they  computed  and  marked  their  i  yclc  of  fiftv- 
two  years.  He  received  both  from  Den  Carlos  de  Si- 
guenza  y  Congorra,  a  diligent  collector  of  ancient 
Mexican  Documents.  But  as  it  seems  now  to  be  a 
received  opinion  (founded,  as  far  as  I  know,  on  no  good 
evidence),  that  Carreri  was  never  out  of  Italy,  and  that 
his  famous  Giro  del  Mundo  is  an  account  of  a  fictitioua 
voyage.  I  have  not  mentioned  these  paintings  in  the 
text.  They  have,  however,  manifestly  the  appearance 
of  being  Mexican  productions,  and  are  allowed  to  be 
so  by  Boturini,  who  was  well  qualified  to  determine 
whether  they  were  genuine  or  supposititious,  M.  Cla- 
vigero  likewise  admits  them  to  be  genuine  paintings  of 
the  ancient  Mexicans.  To  me  they  always  appeared 
to  be  so,  though  from  my  desire  to  rest  no  part  of  my 
narrative  upon  questionable  authority,  I  did  not  refer 
to  them.  The  style  of  painting  in  the  former  is  consi- 
derably more  perfect  than  any  other  specimen  of  Mexi- 
can design  ;  but  as  the  original  is  said  to  have  been 
much  defaced  by  time,  I  suspect  that  it  has  been  im- 
proved by  some  touches  from  the  hand  of  a  European 
artist.  Carreri,  Churchill,  iv.  p.  487.  The  Chrono- 
logical  Wheel  is  a  just  delineation  of  the  Mexican  mode 
of  computing  time,  as  described  by  Acosta.  lib.  vi.  c. 
2.  It  seems  to  resemble  one  which  that  learned  Je- 
suit had  seen  ;  and  if  it  be  admitted  as  a  genuine  monu- 
ment, it  proves  that  the  Mexicans  had  artificial  or  arbi- 
trary characters,  which  represented  several  things  be- 
sides numbers.  Each  month  is  there  represented  by  a 
symbol  expressive  of  some  work  or  rite  peculiar  to  it. 

The  third  specimen  of  .Mexican  painting  was  disco- 
vered by  another  Italian.  In  1736,  Lorenzo  Botuhui 
Benaduci  set  out  for  New  Spain,  and  was  led  by  se- 
veral incidents  to  study  the  language  of  the  Mexicans, 
and  to  collect  the  remains  of  their  historical  monument;!. 
He  persisted  nine  years  in  his  researches,  with  tne  en- 
thusiasm of  a  projector,  and  the  patience  of  an  anti- 
quary. In  1746,  he  published  at  Madrid,  Idea  dc  unt 
S'uera  Hislona  General  de.  la  America  Seplenlnotial, 
containing  an  account  of  the  result  of  his  inquiries  ; 
and  he  added  to  it  a  catalogue  ol  his  .American  Histori- 
cal Museum,  arranged  undrr  thirty-six  ditlerent  heads. 
His  idea  of  a  New  History  appears  to  me  the  work  of 
a  whimsical  credulous  man.  But  his  catalogue  of 
.Mexican  maps,  paintings,  tribute-rolls,  calendars,  &c. 
is  much  larger  than  one  could  have  expected.  Unfor- 
tunately a  shi[i,  in  which  he  had  sent  a  considerable 
part  of  them  to  Europe,  was  taken  by  an  English  pri- 
vateer during  the  war  between  Great  Brifain  and  Spaio, 
whirh  commeiiceil  in  tlie  year  1739  ;  and  it  is  jirobable 
that  they  iieiished  by  falling  into  the  hands  of  ignorant 
captors.  Boturini  himself  incurred  the  disp)leasurc  of 
the  Spanish  court,  and  died  in  an  hospital  at  Madrid. 
The  history  of  which  the  Idea,  &c.  was  only  a  prvspec- 
lits,  was  never  published.  The  retnainder  of  his  Mu- 
seum seems  to  have  been  dispersed.  Some  part  of  it 
came  into  the  possession  of  the  present  .Archbishop  of 
Toledo,  when  he  was  primate  of  New  Spain  :  and  he 
published  from  it  that  curious  tribulc-roU  which  I  have 
mentioned. 

The  only  other  collection  of  Mexican  paintings,  as 
far  as  I  can  learn,  is  in  the  Imperial  Library  at  Vienna. 
By  order  of  their  Imperial  Majesties  I  have  obtained 
such  a  specimen  of  these  as  I  desired,  in  eight  paint- 
ings made  with  so  much  fidelity,  that  I  am  informed 
the  copies  could  hardly  be  distinguished  from  the  origi- 
nals. According  to  a  note  in  this  Codei  Mexicanus,  it 
appears  to  have  been  a  present  from  Emmanuel,  King 
of  Portugal,  to  Pope  Clement  VH.  who  died-  A.  D. 
1533.  After  passing  through  the  hands  of  scveriil  il- 
lustrious proprietors,  it  fell  into  those  of  the  Cardinal 
of  Saxe-Eiseiiach,  who  presented  it  to  the  Emperor 
Leopold.  These  paintings  arc  manifestly  Mexican, 
but  they  arc  in  a  style  very  different  from  any  cf  the 
former.  An  engraving  has  been  made  of  ono  of  them, 
in  order  to  gratify  such  of  my  readers  as  may  deem 
this  an  object  worthy  of  their  attention,  ^^'ere  it  an 
object  of  sufficient  importance,  it  might  perhaps  be 
possible,  by  recourse  to  the  plates  of  I'urchas.  nnd  the 
.Arrtibishop  of  Toledo,  as  a  key.  to  form  plausible  con- 
jectures concerning  the  meaning  of  this  picture.  Many 
of  the  figures  are  evidently  similar.  A.  .A.  arc  targets 
and  darts,  almost  in  the  same  form  w  ith  those  publish>  d 
by  Purchas,  p.  1070,  1071,  Ac.  B.  B  arc  (igure? 
of  temples,  nearly  res<mbling  those  in  Purchr.so,  P 
U09  and  1113,  and  ui  Lorc^zana.     Flute  U  C 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


908 


is  a  bale  of  mantles,  or  cotton  cloths,  the  figure  of 
which  occurF  in  almost  every  plate  of  Piirclias  and 
Lorenzana.  E.  E.  E.  seem  to  be  Mexican  cun- 
laiiis  in  tlie  r  war  dress,  the  fantastic  ornai-ients  of 
v.liich  roscniblo  the  ligurcs  in  i'lirchas,  p.  1110,  1111, 
2113.  I  should  suppose  this  picture  to  be  a  tribute- 
roll,  as  their  mode  of  noting  numbers  occurs  frequently. 
D.  U.  L).,  &.C.  According  to  Uoturini,  th«  mode  of 
coin|)utalion  by  the  ruiinber  of  knots  was  known  to  the 
Mexicans  as  well  as  to  the  Peruvians,  p.  85,  and  the 
manner  in  which  the  number  of  units  is  represented  in 
the  Mexican  paintings  in  my  possession  seems  to  con- 
firm this  opinion.  They  plainly  resemble  a  string  of 
knots  on  a  cord  or  slender  rope. 

Since  I  published  the  former  edition,  Mr.  Waddilove, 
who  is  still  pleased  to  continue  his  friendly  attention  to 
procure  me  information,  has  discovered,  in  the  Library 
of  the  Esciirial,  a  volume  in  folio,  consisting  of  forty 
sheets  of  a  kind  of  pasteboard,  each  the  size  of  a  com- 
mon sheet  of  writing  paper,  with  great  variety  of  un- 
couth ami  whimsical  figures  of  Mexican  painting,  in 
very  fresh  colors,  and  with  an  explanation  in  Spanish 
to  most  of  them.  The  first  twenty-two  sheets  are  the 
signs  of  the  months,  days,  &c.  About  the  middle  of 
each  sheet  are  two  or  more  large  figures  for  the  month, 
surrounded  by  the  signs  of  the  days.  The  last  eighteen 
sheets  arc  not  so  filled  with  figures.  They  seem  to  be 
signs  of  Deities,  and  images  of  various  objects.  Ac- 
cording to  this  Calendar  in  the  Escurial,  the  Mexican 
year  contained  286  days,  divided  into  22  months  of  13 
days.  Each  day  is  represented  by  a  ditferent  sign, 
taken  from  some  natural  object,  a  serpent,  a  dog,  a 
lizard,  a  reed,  a  house,  &c.  The  signs  of  days  in  the 
Calendar  of  the  Escurial  are  precisely  the  same  with 
those  mentioned  by  Boturini,  Idea,  &c.  p.  45.  But, 
if  we  may  give  credit  to  that  author,  the  Mexican  year 
'ontaiiied  360  davs,  divided  into  18  months  of  20  days. 
The  order  of  days  in  every  month  wa*  computed,  ac- 
cording to  him,  first  bv  what  he  calls  a  irideceiviary 
nrogrcssion  of  davs  from  one  to  thirteen,  in  the  same 
manner  as  in  the  Calendar  of  the  Escurial,  and  then  by 
a  sfptc.nanj  progression  of  days  from  one  to  seven, 
making  in  all  twenty  In  this  Calendar,  not  only  the 
signs  which  distinguish  each  day,  but  the  qualities  sup- 
posed to  be  peculiar  to  each  month  are  marked.  There 
are  certain  weaknesses  which  seem  to  accompany  the 
.lunian  mind  through  every  stage  of  its  progress  in  ob- 
servation and  science.  Slender  as  was  the  knowledge 
of  the  Mexicans  in  astronomy,  it  appears  to  h^ve  been 
alreadv  connected  with  judicial  astrology.  The  fortune 
and  character  of  persons  born  in  each  month  are  sup- 
posed to  be  decided  by  some  superior  influence  pre- 
dominant at  the  time  of  nativity.  Hence  it  is  foretold 
in  the  Calendar,  that  all  who  are  born  in  one  month 
will  be  rich,  in  another  warlike,  in  a  third  luxurious,  &c. 
'I'he  pasteboard,  or  whatever  substance  it  may  be  on 
which  the  (.;aler>dar  in  the  Escurial  is  painted,  seems, 
oy  Mr.  WaddiloviTs  description  of  it,  to  resemble  nearly 
that  'he  Iirperial  Library  at  Vienna.  In  several 
particulars  the  hgures  bear  some  likeoess  to  those  in 
the  plate  which  I  have  published.  The  figures  marked 
D,  which  induced  me  to  conjecture  that  this  painting  I 
might  he  a  tribute  roll  similar  to  tliose  published  by 
Purchas  ana  the  .\rchbishop  of  Toledo,  Mr.  Waddilove 
supposes  to  be  signs  of  davs  :  and  I  have  such  confi- 
dence in  the  accuracy  of  his  observations,  as  to  con- 
chide  his  opinion  to  be  well  founded.  It  ap|)ears,  from 
the  characters  in  which  the  explanations  of  the  figures 
are  written,  that  this  curious  monument  of  Mexican 
art  has  been  obtained  soon  after  the  conquest  of  the 
Empire.  It  is  singular  that  it  should  never  have  been 
mentioned  by  any  Spanish  author. 

Note  [151]  p.  153, — The  first  was  called  the  Prince 
of  the  Deathful  lyancc  ;  the  second  the  Divider  of 
Men  ;  the  third  the  Shedder  of  Blood  ;  the  fourth  the 
Lord  of  the  Dark-house.    Acosta,  lib.  vi.  c.  25. 

Note  [1.52],  p.  1.54.— The  temple  of  Cholula,  which 
wa.;  deemed  more  holv  than  any  in  New  Spain,  was 
Ilk  ewtse  the  most  considerable.  But  it  was  nothiiu^ 
more  than  a  mount  of  solid  earth.  According  to  Tor- 
quemada.  it  was  above  a  quarter  of  a  league  in  circuit 
at  the  base,  and  rose  to  the  height  of  forty  fathoms. 
Mon  Ind  lib.  iii.  c.  19.  Even  M.  Clavigero  acknow- 
ledges that  all  the  Mexican  temples  were  solid  struc- 
tures, or  earthen  mouii's,  and  of  consequence  cannot 
be  considered  as  any  r  ;idence  of  their  having  made 
any  coi.siderablc  progress  iu  the  art  of  building.  Clavio-. 
ii.  207.  =  » 

^lom  inspecting  various  figures  of  temples  in  the 
paintmgs  engraved  by  Purchas,  there  seems  to  be  some 
loesou  for  suspecting  that  all  their  temples  were  coii- 


Btnicted  in  the  same  manner.  See  vol.  iii.  p.  1109, 
1110,  1113. 

Note  [153].  p.  154. — Not  only  in  TIascala  and  Te- 
pcaca,  but  even  in  Mexico  it.sclf,  the  houses  of  the  peo- 
ple were  mere  huts  built  with  turf  or  mud,  or  the 
branches  of  trees.  They  were  extremely  low  and 
slight,  and  without  any  furniture  but  a  few  earthen  ves- 
sels. Like  the  rudest  Indians,  several  families  residc<l 
under  the  same  roof,  without  having  any  separate  apart- 
ments. Herrcra,  dec.  2.  lib.  vii.  c.  13.  lib.  x.  c.  22. 
dec.  3.  lib.  iv.  c.  17.    Torquem.  lib.  iji.  c.  23. 

Note  [154].  p.  154. — I  am  informed  by  a  person 
who  resided  long  in  New  Spain,  and  visited  almost 
every  province  of  it,  that  there  is  not,  in  all  the  extent 
of  that  vast  em|)ire,  any  monument  or  vestige  of  any 
building  more  ancient  than  the  conquest,  nor  of  any 
bridge  or  highway,  except  some  remains  of  the  cause- 
way from  Guadaloupe  to  thart  gate  of  Mexico  by  which 
Cortes  entered  tlie  city.  MS.  penes  me.  The  author 
of  another  account  in  manuscript  observes,  "That  at 
this  day  there  does  not  remain  even  the  smallest  ves- 
tige of  the  existence  of  any  ancient  Indian  building, 
public  or  private,  either  in  Mexico  or  in  any  province 
of  New  Spain.  I  have  travelled,  says  he,  through  all 
the  countries  adjacent  to  them,  viz.  New  Galicia,  New 
Biscay,  New  Mexico,  Sonora,  Cinaloa,  the  New  King- 
dom of  Leon,  and  New  Santandero.  without  having 
observed  any  monument  worth  notice,  except  some 
ruins  near  an  ancient  village  in  the  valley  de  Casus 
Grandcs,  in  lat.  N.  3°.  46'.  long.  258^.  24'.  from  the 
island  of  Tenerilfe,  or  460  leigues  N.  N.  W.  from 
Mexico."  He  describes  these  ruins  minutely,  and  they 
appear  to  be  the  remains  of  a  paltry  building  of  turl 
and  stone,  plastered  over  with  white  earth  or  liine.  A 
missionary  informed  that  gentleman,  that  he  had  dis- 
covered the  ruins  of  another  edifice  similar  to  the  for- 
mer, about  a  hundred  leagues  towards  N.  W.  on  the 
banks  of  the  river  St.  Pedro.    MS.  penes  me. 

These  testimonies  derive  great  credit  from  one  cir- 
cumstance, that  they  were  not  given  in  support  of  any 
particular  system  or  theory,  but  as  simple  answers  to 
queries  which  I  had  proposed.  It  is  probable,  how- 
ever, that  when  these  gentlemen  assert  that  no  ruins  or 
monuments  of  any  ancient  work  whatever  are  now  to 
be  discovered  in  the  Mexican  empire,  they  meant  that 
there  were  no  such  ruins  or  monuments  as  conveyed 
any  idea  of  grandeur  or  magnificence  m  the  works  of 
its  ancient  inhabitants.  For  it  appears  from  the  testi- 
mony of  several  Spanish  authors,  that  in  Otumba,  TIas- 
cala, Cholula,  &c.  some  vestiges  of  ancient  buildings 
are  still  visible.  Villa  Segnor  Theatro  Amer.  p.  143. 
308.  353.  D.  Fran.  Ant.  Lorenzana,  formerly  Arch- 
bishop of  Mexico,  and  now  of  Toledo,  in  his  introduc 
tion  to  that  edition  of  the  Cartas  de  Ilelacion  of  Cor- 
tes, which  he  published  at  Mexico,  mentions  some  ruins 
which  are  still  visible  in  several  of  the  towns  through 
which  Cortes  passed  in  his  way  to  the  capital,  p.  4,  &c. 
But  neither  of  these  authors  gives  any  description  of 
them,  and  they  seem  to  be  so  very  inconsiderable,  as 
to  show  only  that  some  buildings  had  once  been  there. 
The  large  mount  of  earth  at  Cholula,  which  the  Spa- 
niards dignified  with  the  name  of  temple,  still  remains, 
but  without  any  steps  by  which  to  ascend,  or  any  facing 
of  stone.  It  appears  now  like  a  natural  mount,  covered 
with  grass  and  shrubs,  and  possibly  it  was  never  any 
thing  more.  Torquem.  lib.  iii.  c.  19  I  have  received 
a  'ninute  description  of  the  remains  of  a  temple  near 
Cucrnavaca,  on  the  road  from  Mexico  to  A.capulco. 
It  is  composed  of  large  stones,  fitted  to  each  other  as 
nicely  as  those  in  the  buildings  of  the  Peruvians,  which 
are  hereafter  mentioned.  At  the  fouiidation  it  forms  a 
square  of  twenty-five  yards  ;  but  as  it  rises  in  height  it 
diminishes  in  extent,  not  gradually,  but  by  being  con- 
tracted suddenly  at  regular  distancea,  so  that  it  must 
have  resembled  the  figure  ii.  in  the  plate.  It  termina- 
ted, it  is  said,  in  a  spire. 

Note  [155.]  p.  1.54 — The  exaggeration  of  the  Sj/a- 
nish  historians,  with  respect  to  the  number  of  human 
victims  sacrificed  in  Mexico,  appears  to  be  very  great. 
.According  to  Goinara,  there  was  no  year  in  which 
twenty  thousand  human  victims  were  not  offered  to  the 
Mexican  Divinities,  and  in  some  years  they  amounted 
to  fifty  tliousand.  Croii.  c.  229.  The  skulls  of  those 
unhap|)y  persons  were  ranged  in  order  in  a  building 
erected  for  that  purpose,  and  two  of  Cortes's  oliicers, 
who  had  counted  them,  informed  Gomara  that  their 
iiiiiiiber  was  a  hundred  and  thirtv-six  thousand.  Ibid, 
c.  82.  Ilerrera's  account  is  still  more  incredible,  that 
the  number  of  viotims  was  bo  great,  that  five  thousand 


have  been  sacrificed  in  one  day,  nay,  on  some  oc- 
casions, no  less  than  twenty  thousand.  Dec.  iii.  lih. 
ii.  c.  16.  ToKpiemada  goes  beyond  both  in  exlrava 
gance  ;  for  he  asserts  that  twenty  thousand  children, 
exclusive  of  other  victims,  were  slaughtered  aiuiually. 
Mon.  Ind.  lib.  vii.  c.  21.  The  most  rcs|)ectable  au 
thority  in  favor  of  such  high  numbers  is  that  of  Zu 
murraga,  the  first  Bishop  of  Mexico,  who,  in  a  letter  to 
the  chapter-general  of  his  order,  A.  D.  1631,  asserts, 
that  the  Mexicans  sacrificed  annually  twenty  thou.sand 
victims.  Davila.  Teatro  Ecclcs.  126.  In  opposition 
to  all  these  accounts,  B.  de  las  ('asas  observes,  that  if 
there  had  been  such  an  annual  waste  of  the  hum.in 
species,  the  country  could  never  have  arrived  at  that 
degree  of  populousness  for  which  it  was  remarkable 
when  the  Spaniards  first  landed  there.  This  reasoning 
is  just.  If  the  number  of  victims  in  all  the  provinces 
of  New  Spain  had  been  so  great,  not  only  must  popu- 
lation have  been  prevented  from  increasing,  but  the 
human  race  must  have  been  exterminated  in  a  shor 
time.  For  besides  the  waste  of  the  species  by  such 
numerous  sacrific-es,  it  is  observable  that  wherever  the 
fate  of  captives  taken  in  war  is  either  certain  death  or 
perpetual  slavery,  as  men  can  gain  nothing  by  submit- 
ting speedily  to  an  enemy,  they  alwavs  resist  to  the 
uttermost,  and  war  becomes  bloody  and  destructive  to 
the  last  degree.  Las  Casas  positively  asserts,  that  the 
Mexicans  never  sacrificed  more  than  fifty  or  a  hundred 
persons  in  a  year.  See  his  dispute  with  Sepulveda, 
sub|oincd  to  his  Brevissima  Ilelacion,  p.  105.  Cortes 
does  not  sjiecify  what  number  of  victims  was  sacrificed 
annually  ;  but  B.  Diaz  del  (^astillo  relates  that,  an  in- 
quiry having  been  made  with  resjiect  to  tins  by  the 
Franciscan  monks  who  were  sent  into  New  Spam  im- 
mediately after  the  conquest,  it  was  found  that  about 
two  thousand  five  hundred  were  sacrificed  every  yeai 
in  Mexico,  C.  207. 

Note  [156].  p.  155. — It  is  hardly  necessary  to  ob- 
serve, that  the  Peruvian  Chronology  is  not  only  ob- 
scure, but  repugnant  to  eonclusions  deduced  from  the 
most  accurate  and  extensive  observations,  concerning 
the  time  that  elapses  during  each  reitrn,  in  any  given 
succession  of  Princes.  The  medium  has  been  found 
not  to  exceed  twenty  years.  According  to  Acosta  and 
Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  Iluana  Capac,  who  died  about 
the  year  1527,  wns  the  twelfth  Iiica.  According  to 
this  rule  of  computing,  the  duration  of  the  Peruv.an 
monarchy  ought  not  to  have  been  reckoned  above  two 
hundred  and  forty  years  ;  but  they  atlirm  that  it  had 
subsisted  four  hundred  years.  Acosta,  hb.  vi.  c.  19 
Vega,  lib.  i.  c.  9.  By  this  account  each  reign  is  ex- 
tended at  a  medium  to  thirty- three  years,  instead  of 
twenty,  the  number  ascertained  by  Sir  Isaac  Newton's 
observations  ;  bat  so  imperfect  were  the  Peruvian  tra- 
ditions, that  though  the  total  is  boldly  marked,  the 
number  of  years  in  each  reign  is  unknown. 

Note  [157],  p.  155. — Many  of  the  earliest  Spanish 
writers  assert  that  the  Peruvians  offered  human  sacri- 
fices. Xeres,  p.  190.  Zarate,  lib.  i.  c.  11.  Acosta,  lib. 
V.  c.  19.  But  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  contends,  that 
though  this  barbarous  practice  prevailed  among  their 
uncivilized  ancestors,  it  was  totally  abolished  by  the 
Incas,  and  that  no  human  victim  was  ever  offered  in 
any  temple  of  the  Sun.  This  assertion,  and  the  plausi- 
ble reasons  with  which  he  confirms  it,  are  sullicient  to 
refute  the  Spanish  writers,  whose  accounts  seem  to  be 
founded  entirely  upon  report,  not  upon  what  they  them- 
selves had  observed.  Vega.  lib.  ii.  c.  4.  In  one  ol 
their  festivals,  the  Peruvians  offered  cakes  of  bread 
moistened  with  blood  drawn  from  the  arms,  the  eye- 
brows, and  noses  of  their  children.  Iil  lib.  vii.  c.  6. 
This  rite  may  have  been  derived  from  their  ancient 
practice,  in  their  uncivilized  state,  of  sacrificing  human 
victims. 

Note  [l.>8]  p.  150 — The  Spania.-ls  have  adopted 
both  those  ciistoms  of  the  ancient  Peruvians.  They 
have  preserved  some  of  the  aqueducts  or  canals,  made 
in  the  days  of  the  Incas.  and  have  made  new  ones,  by 
which  they  water  everv  field  that  they  cultivate.  Ulloa 
Voyage,  torn.  i.  423.  477.  They  likewise  continue  to 
use  ffiiiiiio,  or  the  dung  of  sci-fowls,  as  maimre.  UUoa 
gives  a  description  of  the  almost  incredible  quantity  of 
It  in  the  small  islands  near  the  coast.    Ibid.  481. 

Note  [159]'.  p.  156. — The  temple  of  Cavambo.  tha 
palace  of  the  Iiica  at  Callo  in  the  plain  of  Lacatunga, 
and  that  of  .\tun-Caniiar,  are  described  by  L'lloa,  torn, 
i.  286,  tV.c.  who  inspected  them  with  great  care.  M. 
de  Condaminc  published  a  curious  memoir  conccroinj; 


204 

iLe  rnins  of  Atun-Cannar.  Mem.  do  rAcadcmic  de 
Berlin,  A.  D.  174f).  p.  435.  Acosta  describes  the 
ruins  of  Cuzco,  wlucli  he  had  examined.  Lib.  vi.  c. 
14.  Garcilasso,  in  bis  usual  style,  gives  pompous  and 
confused  descriptions  of  several  temples  and  other  pub- 
Uc  edilices.    Lib  lii.  c.  I.  c.  21.  lib.  vi.  c.  4.  Don^ 

 Zapata,  in  a  large  treatise  concerning  Peru,  which 

has  not  hitherto  been  published,  communicates  some 
information  with  rcs|>ect  to  several  monuments  of  the 
ancient  Peruvians,  which  have  not  been  mentioned  by 
other  authors.  MS  penes  me.  Articulo  xi.  l-lloa  de- 
•cribcs  some  of  the  ancient  Peruvian  fortifications, 
which  were  likewise  works  of  great  extent  and  solidity. 
Tom.  i.  391.  Three  circumstances  struck  all  those 
observers  ;  the  vast  size  of  the  stones  which  the  Peru- 
viins  employed  in  some  of  their  buildings.  Acosta 
measured  one,  whicti  was  thirty  feet  long,  eighteen 
broail,  and  six  in  thickness  ;  and  yet,  he  adds,  that  in 
the  fortress  at  Cuzco  there  were  stones  considerably 
lari'er.  It  is  difficult  to  conceive  how  the  Peruvians 
could  move  ihcje,  and  raise  them  to  the  height  even  of 
twelve  feet.  The  second  circumstance  is,  the  imper- 
feetion  of  the  Peruvian  art,  when  applied  to  working  in 
limber.  By  the  patience  aind  perseverance  natural  to 
Americans,  stones  may  be  formed  into  any  shape, 
merely  by  rubbing  one  against  another,  or  by  the  use 
of  hatchets  or  other  instruments  made  of  stone  ;  but 
with  such  rude  tools  little  progress  can  be  made  in 
carpentry.  The  Peruvians  could  not  mortise  two 
beams  together,  or  give  any  degree  of  union  or  stability 
to  any  work  com|)Osed  of  timber.  As  they  could  not 
form  a  centre,  they  were  totally  unacquainted  with  the 
use  of  arches  in  building  ;  nor  can  the  Spanish  authors 
conceive  how  they  were  able  to  frame  a  roof  for  those 
ample  structures  which  they  raised. 

The  third  circumstance  is  a  striking  proof,  which  all 
the  monuments  of  the  Peruvians  furnish,  of  their  want 
af  ingenuity  and  invention,  accompanied  with  patience 
no  less  astonishing.  None  of  the  stones  employed  in 
those  works  were  formed  into  any  particular  or  uniform 
shipc,  which  could  render  them  til  for  being  compacted 
together  in  building.  The  Indians  took  them  as  they 
'ell  from  the  mountains,  or  were  raised  out  of  the  quar- 
ries. Some  were  square,  some  triangular,  some  con- 
vex, some  concave.  Their  art  and  industry  were  em- 
ployed in  joining  them  together,  by  forming  such  hol- 
lows in  the  one  as  perfectly  corresponded  to  the  projec- 
tions or  risings  in  the  other.  This  tedious  operation, 
which  might  have  iieen  so  easily  abriugcJ  by  i>lipting 
the  surface  of  the  stones  to  each  other,  either  by  rub- 
bing, or  by  their  hatchets  of  copper,  would  be  deemed 
incredible,  if  it  were  not  put  beyond  doubt  by  inspect- 
ing the  remains  of  those  buildings.  It  gives  them  a 
»ery  singular  appearance  to  a  European  eye.  There 
is  no  regular  layer  or  stratum  of  building,  and  no  one 
•tone  resembles  another  in  dimensions  or  form.  At 
the  same  time,  by  the  persevering  but  ill-directed  indus- 
try of  the  Indians,  they  are  all  joined  with  that  minute 
nicety  which  I  have  mentioned.  Ulloa  made  this  ob- 
servation concerning  the  form  of  the  stones  in  the  for- 
tress of  Atun-Gannar.  Voy.  i.  p.  387.  Penito  gives 
a  similar  description  of  the  fortress  of  Cuzco,  the  most 
perfect  of  all  the  Peruvian  works.  Zapata  MS.  penes 
me.  According  to  M  de  Condamine,  there  were  regu- 
lar strata  of  building  in  some  parts  of  .\tun-Cannar, 
which  he  remarks  as  singular,  and  as  a  proof  of  some 
progress  in  improvement. 

NoTK  [160]  p.  l-'iB. — ^The  appearance  of  those 
briil)i;es  winch  bend  with  their  own  weiixht,  wave  with 
the  wind,  and  are  considerably  agitated  by  the  motion 
of  every  person  who  passes  along  them,  is  very  fright- 
ful at  first.  Uut  the  Spaniards  have  found  them  to  be 
the  easiest  mo<lc  of  passing  the  torrents  in  Peru,  over 
which  It  would  be  difficult  lo  throw  more  solid  struc- 
tures either  of  atone  or  tiinbirr.  They  form  those 
hanging  bridges  so  strong  and  broad,  that  loaded  mules 
pass  along  iheni.  All  the  trade  of  Cuzco  is  carried  on 
pv  means  of  such  a  bridge  over  the  river  Apuriinac. 
Llloa,  torn.  1.  p  358.  A  more  simple  contrivance  was 
employed  in  passing  smaller  streams  :  A  ba.^ket,  in 
which  the  travi'lli:r  was  placed,  being  suspended  from 
k  strong  rope  stretched  across  the  stream,  it  was 
p'.ibcd  or  drswn  from  one  side  to  the  other.  Ibid. 

NoT«  fl61].  p.  l.'iS. — My  information  with  respect 
to  Ih'is'-  events  is  taken  from  Solicia  hrene  de  la  expe- 
dxiun  mililar  de  .Smora  y  Cmaloa,  su  cxito  feliz,  y 
»antojo»o  i-siado,  rn  que  |ior  conscciirntia  de  ello,  se 
han  piii-Hto  iiriilias  prnvmciat,  pubhshed  at  Mexico, 
June  17!h,  1771.  in  order  to  satisfy  the  curiosity  of  the 
aici<:liaiils.  who  lud  furiiiihcd  tiin  viceroy  with  inoiioy 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 

for  defraving  the  expense  of  the  armament.  The 
copies  of  this  Nolina  are  very  rare  in  Madrid  ;  but  I 
have  obtained  one,  wh'ch  has  enabled  me  to  communi- 
cate these  curious  facts  to  the  jiublic.  According  to 
this  account,  there  was  found  in  the  mine  Yccorato  in 
Cinaloa  a  grain  of  gold  of  twenty-two  carats,  which 
weighed  sixteen  marks  four  ounces  four  ochavas  ;  this 
was  sent  to  Spain  as  a  present  fit  for  the  king,  and  is 
now  deposited  in  the  royal  cabinet  at  Madrid. 


illustrates  and  confirms  several  of  Torribio's  ob«>ei> 
vations,  to  which  ho  refers.    MS.  penes  mc. 

Note  [165.]  p.  I  GO — Even  Montesquieu  has  adopted 
this  idea,  lib.  viii.  c  18.  But  the  passion  ol  that 
great  man  for  system  sometimes  rendered  him  inai:en< 
live  lo  research  ;  and  from  his  capacity  to  refine,  he 
was  apt,  in  some  instances,  lo  overlook  obvious  and 
just  causes. 


Note  [162].  p.  158. — The  uncertainty  of  geogra- 
phers with  respect  to  this  point  is  remarkable,  for  Cor- 
tes seems  to  have  surveyed  its  coasts  with  great  accu- 
racy. The  Archbishop  of  Toledo  has  published  from 
the  original  in  the  possession  of  the  Marquis  del  V'alle, 
the  descendant  of  (/"ortcs,  a  map  drawn  in  1541,  by  the 
pilot  Domingo  Castillo,  .in  which  California  is  laid 
down  as  a  peninsula,  stretching  out  nearly  in  the  same 
direction  which  is  now  given  to  it  in  the  best  maps  ; 
and  the  point  where  Rio  Colorada  enters  the  gulf  is 
marked  with  precision.    Hist,  de  Nueva  Espagna,  327. 

Note  [163.]  p.  158 — T  am  indebted  for  this  fact  lo 
M.  L'.\bl)e  Raynal,  torn,  iii,  103  ;  and  upon  consulting 
an  intelligent  person,  long  settled  on  the  Mosquito 
shore,  and  who  has  been  engaged  in  the  logwood  trade, 
I  find  that  ingenious  author  has  been  well  informed. 
The  logwood  cut  near  the  town  of  St.  Francis  of  Cain- 
peacliy  is  of  much  better  quality  than  that  on  the  other 
side  of  Yucatan :  and  the  English  trade  in  the  Bay  of 
Honduras  is  almost  at  an  end. 

Note  [164  ]  p.  160 — P.  Torribio  de  Benevente, 
or  Motolmea,  has  enumerated  ten  causes  of  the 
rapid  depopulation  of  Mexico,  to  which  he  gives 
the  name  of  the  Ten  Plagues.  Many  of  these  are  not 
peculiar  to  that  province.  1.  The  introduction  of  the 
small  poi.  This  disease  was  first  brought  into  New 
Spain  in  the  year  1520,  by  a  Negro-slave,  who  attended 
Narvaez  in  his  expedition  against  Cortes.  Torribio 
atlirms,  that  one  half  of  the  people  in  the  provinces 
visited  with  this  distemper  died.  To  this  inortalit y, 
occasioned  by  the  small  uox.  Toraiiemada  adds  the  de- 
structive efi'ects  of  two  contagious  distempers  whir.Ii 
raged  in  the  year  1545  and  1576.  In  the  form»<r 
800,000,  in  the  latter,  above  two  millions  perished,  ac- 
cording to  an  exact  account  taken  by  order  of  the  vice  - 
roys. Mon.  Ind.  i.  642.  The  small  pox  was  not 
introduced  into  Peru  for  several  years  after  the  inva'sioii 
of  iiie  Spy.niards  ;  but,  there,  too,  that  distemper  proved 
very  .'^■•ital  to  the  nr.iives.  Garcia  Origin,  p.  88.  2.  Tne 
nuiiiiiers  wno  were  kiiieu  or  diea  oi  famine  in  their  war 
with  the  Spaniards,  particularly  during  the  siege  of 
Mexico.  3.  The  great  famine  that  followed  after  the 
reduction  of  Mexico,  as  all  the  people  engaged,  either 
on  one  side  or  other,  had  neglected  the  cultivation  of 
their  lands.  Something  similar  lo  this  happeiiod  in  all 
the  other  countries  conquered  by  the  Spaniards. 
4.  'l"hc  grievous  tasks  imposed  by  the  Spaniards  upon 
the  people  belongiijg  to  their  Repartimieiilos.  5  The 
oppressive  burden  of  taxes  which  they  were  unable  to 
pay,  and  from  which  thev  could  hope  for  no  exemption. 
6.  The  numbers  employed  in  collecting  the  gold  carried 
down  by  the  torrents  from  the  mountains,  who  were 
forced  from  their  own  habitations,  without  any  pro- 
vision made  for  their  subsistence,  and  subjected  to  all 
the  rigor  of  cold  in  ihose  elevated  regions.  7.  The 
immense  labor  of  rebuilding  Mexico,  which  Cortes 
urged  on  with  such  precipitate  ardor  as  deslroved  an 
incredible  number  of  people  8.  The  number  of 
people  condemned  lo  servitude,  under  various  prel(■xt.^, 
and  employed  in  working  the  silver  mines.  These, 
marked  by  each  proprietor  with  a  hot  iron,  like  his 
cattle,  were  driven  in  herds  to  the  mountains.  9.  The 
nature  of  the  labor  to  which  they  were  sul)jected  there, 
the  noxious  vajiours  of  the  mines,  the  coldness  of  the 
climate,  and  scarcity  were  so  fatal,  that  Torribio 
atlirms  the  country  round  several  of  those  mines,  par- 
ticularly near  Uiiaiago,  was  covered  wiiii  deail  bodies, 
the  air  corrupteil  with  their  stench,  and  so  inaiiv  vul- 
tures and  other  voracious  birds  hovered  about  for  their 
prey  that  the  sun  was  darkened  with  their  flight. 
10.  The  Spaniards,  in  ihe  dilferent  expeditions  which 
they  undertook,  and  by  the  civil  wars  which  they  car- 
ried on,  destroyed  many  of  the  natives  whom  they 
compelled  lo  serve  ihein  as  'I'amrmes.  or  carriers  of 
burdens.  This  last  mode  of  oppression  was  particu- 
larly ruinous  to  the  Peruvians.  Prom  l\w  number  of 
Indians  who  jierished  in  Gon/alo  Pizarro's  expedition 
into  the  countries  to  the  east  of  the  .\ndes,  one  may 
form  some  idea  of  what  they  sutfrred  in  similar  ser- 
vices, and  how  fast  they  were  wasted  by  them.  Tor- 
ribio, MS.    Corita,  in  his  Brvvo  y  Summaria  Rclacioii, 


Note  [166].  p.  160. — .\  strong  proof  of  this  occurR 
in  the  testament  of  Isabella,  where  she  discovers  the 
most  tender  concern  for  the  humane  and  mild  usage  of 
the  Indians.  Those  laudable  sentiments  of  the  queen 
have  been  adopted  in  the  public  law  of  Spain,  and  serve 
as  the  introduction  to  the  regulations  contained  under 
the  title  Of  the  good  Ireatmcnl  of  the  Indians.  Reco 
pil.  lib.  vi.  tit.  X. 

Note  [167]  p.  160.— In  the  seventh  Title  of  the 
first  book  of  the  Recopilacion,  which  contains  the  laws 
concerning  the  powers  and  functions  of  archbishops 
and  bishops,  almost  a  third  part  of  them  relates  to  what 
is  incumbent  upon  them  as  guardians  of  the  Indians, 
and  points  out  the  various  methods  in  which  it  is  iheii 
duty  to  interpose,  in  order  to  defend  them  from  oppres- 
sion either  with  respect  to  their  persons  or  property. 
Not  only  do  the  laws  commit  to  them  this  honorable 
and  humane  office,  but  the  ecclesiastics  of  America 
actually  exercise  it. 

Innumerable  proofs  of  this  might  be  produced  from 
Spanish  authors.  But  I  rather  refer  to  Gage,  as  he 
was  not  disposed  to  ascribe  any  merit  to  the  popish 
clergy  to  which  they  were  not  fully  entitled.  Survey, 
p.  142.  192,  &c.  Henry  Hawks,  an  English  mer- 
chant, who  resided  five  years  in  New  Spain  previous  to 
the  year  1572,  gives  the  same  favorable  account  of  the 
popish  clergy.  Hakluyt,  iii.  466.  Bv  a  law  of  Charles 
V.  not  only  bishops,  but  other  ecclesiastics,  are  em- 
powered to  inform  and  admonish  the  civil  magistrates, 
j  if  any  Indian  is  deprived  of  his  just  liberty  and  rights 
I  K'^Opilac.  lib.  vi.  tit.  vi.  ley  14  .  and  thus  were  con- 
stituted legal  protectors  of  the  Indians.  Some  of  the 
.Spanish  ecclesiastics  refu.sed  to  grant  absolution  to  such 
of  their  countrymen  as  possessed  Encomtendas,  and 
considered  the  Indians  as  slaves,  or  employed  them  in 
working  their  mines.  Gonz.  Davil.  Teatro.  Eccles.  i. 
157. 

Note  [1G81.  p.  160. — .^ccording  to  Gage,  Chiapa 
dos  Indos  contains  4000  families  ;  and  he  mentions  it 
only  as  one  of  the  largest  Indian  towns  in  Aniairica,  p. 
104. 

Note  [169.]  p.  160 — It  is  very  difficult  to  obtain  ar 
accurate  account  of  the  state  of  population  in  those 
kingdoms  of  Europe  where  the  police  is  most  perfect, 
and  where  science  has  made  the  greatest  progress.  Id 
Spanish  America,  where  knowledge  is  still  in  its  in- 
fancy, and  few  men  have  leisure  to  engage  in  ro- 
searches  merely  speculative,  little  attention  has  iieen 
paid  to  this  curious  inquiry.  But  in  the  year  1741, 
Philip  V,  enjoined  the  viceroys  and  governors  of  the 
scveril  provinces  in  .\merica,  to  make  an  actual  survey 
of  the  people  under  their  jurisdiction,  and  lo  transmit 
a  report  concerning  their  number  and  occupations.  In 
conseipience  of  this  order,  the  Conde  de  Euen-tMara, 
\'iceroy  of  New  Spain,  appointed  D  Jos.  .\ntonio  de 
Villa  .Segnor  y  Sanchez  lo  execute  that  commission  in 
New  ."Spain.  From  the  reports  of  the  magistrates  in 
the  several  districts,  as  well  as  from  his  own  observa- 
tions and  long  ac(|uaintance  with  most  of  the  pro- 
vinces. Villa  Segnor  published  the  result  of  liis  in- 
quiries in  his  Teatro  Americano.  His  report,  however, 
is  imperfect.  Of  the  nine  dioce.sses,  inlo  which  tho 
Mexican  cmpiie  has  been  divided,  he  has  published  an 
account  of  tlve  only,  viz.  the  archbishop  of  Meiicu, 
the  bishoprics  of  Puebla  de  los  .\ngeles,  Mechuacan, 
Oazaca  and  Nova  Galicia.  The  bishoprics  of  Vu- 
calan,  Verapaz,  ('hiapa,  and  Guatimala,  are  entirely 
omitted,  though  the  two  latter  comprehend  countries 
in  which  the  Indian  race  is  more  numerous  than  in  any 
part  of  New  Spain.  In  his  survey  of  the  extensive 
diocess  of  Nova  (Jalicia,  the  situation  of  the  dilferent 
Indian  villages  is  described,  but  he  specifies  the  num- 
ber of  people  only  in  a  small  part  of  i».  The  Indiims 
of  that  extensive  province,  in  which  the  Spanish  domi- 
nion is  imperfectly  established,  arc  not  registered  with 
the  same  accuracy  as  in  other  parts  of  .New  .Spam.  Ac 
cording  to  Villa  Segnor,  the  actual  state  of  population 
in  the  five  dioccsses  above  inentioued  is  of  Spaniard^ 
negroes,  niulattoes,  and  luoslizos,  lu  the  dioccsses  ul 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


205 


Fsmjluis. 


Mfxico   105,202 

I^s  Angeles        -.<.--  30,600 

Mechoacan  -  30,840 

Oaxaca   7,206 

NovaGalicia   16,770 


100,708 

Al  tiic  rate  of  five  to  a  family,  tho  lolal  num- 
ber is    953,540 

Indian  families  in  tho  diocess  of  Mexico     -  119,511 

Los  Angeles        ....       -  88,240 

Meclioacan   36,196 

Oaxaca   4^^,223 

Nova  Galicia          .....  6,222 


294,391 


At  the  rate  of  five  to  a  family,  the  total  number  is 
1,471,955.  We  may  rely  with  fjreat  certainly  on  this 
computation  of  the  number  of  Indians,  as  it  is  taken 
from  the  Malricula,  or  register,  according  to  which 
the  tribute  paid  by  them  is  collected.  As  four  diocesses 
of  nine  are  totally  omitted,  and  in  that  of  Nova  (Jalicia 
the  numbers  are  imperfectly  recorded,  we  may  con- 
clude that  the  number  of  Indians  in  the  Mexican  empire 
exceeds  two  millions. 

The  account  of  the  number  of  Spaniards,  &c.  seems 
not  to  be  equally  complete.  Of  many  places.  Villa 
Scgnor  observes  in  general  terms,  that  several  Spa- 
niards, negroes,  and  people  of  mixed  race,  reside  there, 
without  specifying  their  number.  If,  therefore,  we 
make  allowance  for  these,  and  for  all  who  resided  in 
the  four  diocesses  omitted,  the  nnmber  of  Spaniards, 
and  of  those  of  a  mixed  race,  may  probably  amount  to 
a  million  and  a  half  In  some  places  Villa  Segiior  dis- 
tinguishes between  Spaniards  and  the  three  inferior 
races  of  negroes,  mulattoes,  and  mestizos,  and  marks 
their  number  separately.  But  he  generally  blends  them 
together.  But  from  the  proportion  observable  in  those 
places,  where  the  number  of  each  is  marked,  as  well 
as  from  the  account  of  the  state  of  population  in  New 
Spam  by  other  authors,  it  is  manifest  that  the  number 
of  negroes  and  persons  of  a  mixed  race  far  exceeds 
that  of  Spaniards.  Perhaps  the  latter  ought  not  to  be 
reckoned  above  500,000  to  a  million  of  the  former. 

Defective  as  this  account  may  be,  I  have  not  been 
able  to  procure  such  intelligence  concerning  the  num- 
ber of  people  in  Peru,  as  might  enable  me  to  form  any 
conjecture  equally  satisfying  with  respect  to  the  degree 
of  its  population.  I  have  been  informed  that  in  the 
year  1761,  the  protector  of  the  Indians  in  the  viceroyalty 
of  Peru  coinpntid  that  612,780  paid  tribute  to  the  king. 
As  all  females,  and  persons  under  age  are  cxeinptetl 
from  this  tax  in  Peru,  the  total  number  of  Indians 
ought  by  that  account  to  be  2,449,120.    MS.  penes  me. 

I  shall  mention  another  mode  by  which  one  may 
compute,  or  at  least  form  a  guess  concerning  the  state 
of  population  in  New  Spain  and  Peru.  "  According  to 
an  account  which  I  have  reason  to  consider  as  accu- 
rate, the  number  of  copies  of  the  bull  of  Cruzada  ex- 
ported to  Peru  on  each  new  publication,  is,  1,171,953; 
to  New  Spain,  2,649,  326.  I  am  informed  that  but 
few  Indians  ()urchase  bulls,  and  that  they  are  sold 
chiefly  to  the  Spanish  inhabitants,  and  those  of  mixed 
race  ;  so  that  the  number  of  Spaniards,  and  people  of 
a  mixed  race,  will  amount,  by  this  modo  of  computa- 
tion, to  at  least  three  millions. 

The  number  of  inhabitants  in  many  of  the  towns  in 
Spanish  Americj  mav  give  us  some  idea  of  the  extent 
of  population,  and  correct  the  inaccurate  but  popular 
notion  entertained  in  Great  Britain  concerning  the 
weak  and  desolate  state  of  their  colonies.  The  city  of 
Mexico  contains  at  least  150,000  people.  It  is  remark- 
able that  Torqnemada.w ho  wrote  his  Monari/uia  Indiana 
about  the  year  1012,  reckons  the  inabitants  of  .Mexico 
at  that  time  to  be  only  7000  Spaniards  and  8000  In- 
dians. Lib.  iii.  c.  26.  Tuebla  de  los  Angeles  con- 
tains above  60,000  Spaniar-ls,  and  people  of  a  mixed 
race.  Villa  Segnor,  p.  247.  Guadalaxara  contains 
above  30,000  exclusive  of  Indians.  Ibid.  ii.  206.  Lima 
contains  54,000.  De  Cosme  Bueno  Descr.  de  Peru, 
1764.  Carthagen!i  contains  25,000.  Potosi  contains 
25,000.  Bueno,  1767.  Popayan  contains  above 
20,000.  Ulloa,  i.  287.  Towns  of  a  second  class  are 
Hill  more  numerous.  The  cities  in  the  most  thriving 
•ettlemcnts  of  other  European  nations  in  America  can- 
not be  compared  with  these. 

Such  are  the  detached  accounts  of  the  number  of 
people  ir  several  towns,  which  I  found  scattered  in 


authors  whom  I  thought  worthy  of  credit.  But  I  have 
obtained  an  enumeration  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  towns 
in  the  province  of  Quito,  on  the  accuracy  of  which 
I  can  relv  ;  and  I  commuicatc  it  to  the  public,  both  to 
gratify  curiosity,  and  to  rectify  the  mistaken  notion 
which  I  have  mentioned.  St.  Francisco  de  Quito  con- 
tains between  50  and  60,000  people  of  all  the  ditlcrent 
races.  Besides  the  city,  there  are  in  the  Oorrcjiimicnto 
twenty-nine  curas  or  parishes  established  in  the  prin- 
cipal villages,  each  of  which  has  smaller  hamlets  de- 
pending upon  it.  The  inhabitants  of  these  are  mostly 
Indians  and  mestizos.  St.  Juan  de  Paste  has  between 
6  and  8000  inhabitants,  besides  twenty-seven  depend- 
ent villages.  St.  Miguel  de  Ibarra,  7000  citizens  and 
ten  villages.  The  district  of  Havalla,  between  18  and 
20,000  people.  The  .district  of  Tacuna,  between  10 
and  12,000.  The  district  of  Ambato,  between  8  and 
10,000,  besides  sixteen  depending  villages  The  city 
of  Kiobamba,  between  16  and  20,000  inhabitants,  and 
nine  dei)eiiding  villages.  The  district  of  Chimbo,  be- 
tween 6  and  8000.  The  city  of  Giiavaquil,  from  16 
to  20,000  inhabitants,  and  fourteen  depending  villages. 
The  district  of  Atuasi,  between  5  and  6000  inhabitants, 
and  four  depending  villages.  The  city  of  Cuenza,  be- 
tween 25  and  30,000  inhabitants,  and  nine  populous 
depending  Tillages.  The  town  of  Laxa,  from  8  to 
10,000  inhabitants,  and  fourteen  depending  villages. 
This  degree  of  population,  though  slender  if  we  con- 
sider the  vast  extent  of  the  country,  is  far  beyond  what 
is  commonly  supposed.  I  have  omitted  to  mention,  in 
its  proper  place,  that  Quito  is  the  only  province  in  Spa- 
nish America  that  can  be  denominated  a  manufacturing 
country  ;  hats,  cotton  stuffs,  and  coarse  woollen  cloths 
are  made  there  in  such  quantities  as  to  be  sutlicicnt  not 
only  for  the  consumption  of  the  province,  hut  to  furnish 
a  considerable  article  for  exportation  into  other  parts  of 
Spanish  America.  I  know  not  whether  the  uncommon 
industry  of  this  province  should  be  considered  as  the 
cause  or  the  effect  of  its  populousness.  But  among 
the  ostentatious  inhabitants  of  the  New  World,  the 
passion  for  every  thing  that  comes  from  Enrope  is  so 
violent,  that  I  am  informed  the  manufactures  of  Quito 
are  so  much  undervalued  as  to  be  on  the  decline. 

Note  [170].  p.  161. — These  are  established  at  the 
following  places  : — St.  Domingo  in  the  island  of  His- 
paniola,  Mexico  in  New  Spain,  Lima  in  Peru,  Panama 
in  Tierra  Firme,  Santiago  in  Guatimala,  Guadalaxara 
in  New  Galicia,  Santa  Fe  in  the  New  Kingdom  of 
Granada,  La  Plata  in  the  country  of  Los  Charcas,  St. 
Francisco  de  Quito,  St.  Jago  de  Chili,  Buenos  Ayres. 
To  each  of  these  are  subjected  several  large  provinces, 
and  some  so  far  removed  from  the  cities  where  the 
courts  are  fixed,  that  they  can  derive  little  benefit  from 
their  jurisdiction.  The  Spanish  writers  commonly 
reckon  up  twelve  Courts  of  ludience,  but  they  include 
that  of  Manilla,  in  the  Philippine  islands. 

Note  [171].  p.  161. — On  account  of  the  distance  of 
Peru  and  Chili  from  Spain,  and  the  difficulty  of  carry- 
ing commodities  of  such  bulk  as  wine  and  oil  across 
the  isthmus  of  Panama,  the  Spaniards  in  those  provinces 
have  been  permitted  to  plant  vines  and  olives  :  but 
they  are  strictly  prohibited  from  exporting  wine  or  oil 
I  to  any  of  the  provinces  on  the  Pacific  Ocean,  which 
are  in  such  a  situation  as  to  receive  them  from  Spam 
Reco.  lib.  i.  lit.  xvii.  1.  15 — 18. 

Note  [172].  p.  162. — This  computation  was  made 
by  Benzoni,  A.  D.  1550,  fifty-eight  years  after  the  dis- 
covery of  America.  Hist.  Novi  Orbis,  lib.  iii.  c.  21.  But 
as  Benzoni  wrote  with  the  spirit  of  a  malecontent,  dis- 
posed to  detract  from  the  Spaniards  in  every  particular, 
it  is  probable  that  his  calculation  is  considerably  too 
low. 

Note  [173].  p.  162. — My  information  with  respect 
to  the  division  and  transmission  of  property  in  the  Spa- 
nioh  colonies  is  imperfect.  The  Spanish  authors  do 
not  explain  this  fully,  and  have  not  perhaps  attended 
sufhciently  to  the  effects  of  their  own  institutions  and 
laws.  Solorzano  de  Jure  Ind.  (vol.  ii.  lib.  ii.  1.  10,) 
explains  in  some  measure  the  introduction  of  the  tenure 
of  Mayorasga,  and  mentions  some  cf  its  effects.  Villa 
.Segnor  takes  notice  of  a  singular  consequence  of  it. 
He  observes,  that  in  some  of  the  best  situations  in  the 
city  of  .Mexico,  a  good  deal  of  ground  is  unoccupied, 
or  covered  only  vkith  the  ruins  of  the  houses  once  erec- 
ted upon  it  ;  and  adds,  that  as  this  ground  is  held  by 
right  of  Mayorasgo,  and  cannot  be  alienated,  that  de- 
solation and  those  ruins  become  perpetual,  Teatr. 
Aiirer.  vol,  i.  p.  34. 


Note  [174],  p.  162. — There  is  no  law  that  excludes 
Creoles  from  offices  either  civil  or  ecclesiastic.  On  the 
contrary,  there  arc  many  Cedutas,  which  recommend 
t!ie  conferring  places  of  trust  indiscriminately  on  tho 
natives  of  Spam  and  America.  Bctancourt  y  Figueroa 
Dcrecho,  &c.  p.  5,  6.  But,  notwithslamling  such  re- 
peated recommendations,  preferment  in  almost  every 
line  is  conferred  on  native  Spaniards,  A  remarkal  le 
proof  of  this  is  produced  by  the  author  last  q'loled. 
From  the  discovery  of  America  to  the  year  1637,  three 
hundred  and  sixty-nine  bisbojis,  or  archbishops,  have 
been  appointed  to  the  different  dioceses  in  that  coun- 
try, and  of  all  that  number  only  twelve  were  Creole"; 
p.  40.  This  predilection  for  Euro|)ean.5  seems  still  t« 
continue.  By  a  royal  mandate,  issued  in  1770,  the 
chapter  of  the  cathedral  of  .Mexico  is  directed  to  nomi- 
nate Euro])ean  ecclesiastics  of  known  merit  and  abili- 
ties, that  the  King  may  appoint  them  to  supply  vacant 
benefices.    MS,  penes  me. 

Note  [17.'>].  p.  162. — Moderate  as  this  tribute  may 
appear,  such  is  the  extreme  poverty  of  the  Indians  in 
many  provinces  of  America,  that  the  exacting  of  it  is 
intolerably  oppressive.  I'ogna  Itiner.  par  Parocb'>s  de 
Indios,  p,  192. 

Note  [176],  p.  163. — In  New  Spain,  on  account  of 
the  extraordinary  merit  and  services  of  the  first  con- 
querors, as  well  as  the  small  revenue  arising  from  the 
country  previous  to  the  discovery  of  the  mines  of  Sa- 
catecas,  the  cncomtcndas  were  granted  for  three,  and 
sometimes  for  four  lives.  Recopil.  lib.  vi,  tit.  ii.  c. 
14,  &c. 

Note  [177],  p,  163.— D.  Ant.  Ulloa  contends,  that 
working  m  mines  is  not  noxious,  and  as  a  proof  i>f  this 
informs  us,  that  many  Mestizos  and  Indians,  who  do 
not  belong  to  any  Repartimieiito,  volunlarily  lure  them- 
selves as  miners  ;  and  several  of  the  Indians,  when  tl.o 
legal  term  of  their  service  expires,  continue  to  work 
ill  the  mines  of  choice.  Eiilrelen,  p.  265.  But  his 
opinion  concerning  the  wholesomeness  of  this  occupa- 
tion is  contrary  to  the  experience  of  all  ages  ;  and 
wherever  men  are  allured  by  high  wages,  they  will  en- 
gage in  any  species  of  labor,  however  fatiguing  o.  per- 
nicious it  may  be,  D.  Hern.  Carillo  Altamiraiio  relates 
a  curious  fact  incompatible  with  this  ojiinion.  Where- 
ver mines  are  wrought,  says  he,  the  number  ol  Indiaiid 
decreases  ;  but  in  the  province  of  Canijieachy.  where 
there  are  no  mines,  the  number  of  Indians  has  increased 
more  than  a  third  since  the  conquest  of  America,  though 
neither  tho  soil  nor  climate  be  so  favorable  as  in  Peru 
or  Mexico.  Colbert  Co'lect.  In  another  memorial 
presented  to  Philip  III.  in  the  vear  1609,  Captain  Juan 
Gonzales  de  Azevedo  asserts,  that  in  every  district  of 
Peru  where  the  Indians  are  compelled  to  labor  in  the 
mines,  their  numbers  were  reduced  to  the  hall,  and  in 
some  places  to  the  third,  of  what  it  was  under  the  vice- 
royalty  of  Don  Fran.  Toledo  in  1581.    Colb.  Collect. 

Note  [178].  p.  163. — As  labor  of  this  kind  cannot 
be  prescribed  with  legal  accuracy,  the  tasks  seem  to  be 
in  a  great  measure  arbitrary,  and,  like  the  services  ei- 
acted  by  feudal  su|i(  riors  i?i  tuica  pralo,  aul  messe. 
from  their  vassals,  are  extremely  burdensome,  and  often 
wantonly  oppressive.  Pagna  Itiner.  par  Parodies  de 
Indios. 

Note  [179].  p.  163. — The  turn  of  service  known  in 
Peru  by  the  name  of  Mita  is  called  Tanda  in  New 
Spain.  There  it  continues  no  longer  than  a  week  al  a 
time.  No  person  is  called  to  serve  at  a  greater  dis- 
tance from  his  habitation  than  24  miles.  This  arrange- 
ment is  less  opjiressive  to  the  Indians  than  that  esta- 
blished in  Peru.  .Memorial  of  Hern.  Carillo  Altaiui 
rano.    Colbert  Collect. 

Note  [180].  p.  163. — The  strongest  proof  of  thii 
may  be  deduced  from  the  laws  themselves.  By  Ine 
multitude  and  variety  of  regulations  to  prevent  abuses, 
we  may  form  an  idea  of  the  number  of  abuses  that  pre- 
vail. Though  the  laws  have  wisely  provided  thai  no 
Indian  shall  be  obliged  to  serve  in  any  mine  at  a  greater 
distance  from  his  place  of  residence  than  thirty  inilci ; 
j  we  are  informed,  in  a  memorial  of  D.  Hernan  ('arillo 
.\ltamirano  presented  to  the  king,  that  the  Indians  oi 
Peru  are  often  compelled  to  serve  in  mines  at  the  dis- 
tance of  a  hundred,  a  hundred  and  fifty,  and  even  two 
hundred  leagues  from  their  habitation.  Colbert  ('oi- 
led. Many  mines  are  situated  in  parts  of  tlie  country 
so  barren  and  so  distant  from  the  ordinary  habitations 
of  the  Indians,  that  the  necessity  of  procuring  laborers 


aofl  

lo  work  there  has  obhged  the  Spanish  monarchs  to 
lisponse  with  their  own  regulations  in  several  instances, 
and  to  permit  the  viceroys  to  compel  the  people  of  more 
rvinuie  provinces  to  resort  to  those  mines.  Jiscalona 
'jazophyl.  Perub.  l:b.  i.  c.  16.  Uut.  in  justice  to  them, 
It  should  be  observed  that  they  have  been  stuilioiis  to 
alleviate  tins  oppression  as  much  a.s  possible,  by  cnjoin- 
intf  llie  viceroys  to  employ  every  melnod  in  order  to 
induce  ihe  Indians  to  settle  in  some  part  of  the  country 
•djiicuit  to  the  iiiiues.    Id.  ibid. 

Note  [181].  p.  163. — Torqiiemada,  after  a  long 
enumeration  which  has  the  appearance  of  accuracy, 
concludes  the  number  of  monasteries  m  New  Spain  to 
be  four  hundred.  Mon.  Ind  lib.  xix.  c.  32.  The 
number  of  .Monasteries  in  the  city  of  Mexico  aionc  was, 
ill  the  year  1745,  lifty-five.  Villa  Segnor  Theat.  Ainer. 
i.  3-1.  Ulloa  reckons  up  forty  convents  in  Lima  ;  and 
roon'.ionmg  tho.te  for  nuns,  he  says  that  a  small  town 
might  be  peopled  out  of  tliom,  the  number  of  persons 
shut  up  tli'-.re  IS  so  great.  Voy.  i.  429.  Philip  111.  in 
a  letter  to  the  Viceroy  of  Peru,  A.  D.  1620,  observes, 
that  the  number  of  convents  in  Lima  was  so  great,  that 
they  covered  more  ground  than  all  the  rest  of  the  city. 
Sol'orz.  hb.  iii  c.  23.  n.  57.  Lib.  lii.  c.  16.  Tor- 
<piem.  lib.  XV.  c.  3.  The  first  monastery  in  New 
Spam  was  founded  A.  D.  1525,  four  years  only  after 
the  coiupiest.    Tore],  lib.  tv  c.  16. 

Ac<:ordiiig  lo  Uil  Gonzalez  Davila,  the  complete 
establishment  of  the  American  church  in  all  the  Spa- 
nish eettleinents  was,  in  the  year  164'J,  1  |)atriarch,  6 
archbishops,  32  bishops,  346  prebends,  2  abbots,  5 
royal  chaplains,  840  convents.  Teatro  Kcclesiaslico 
de'las  Ind.  Occident.  Vol.  i.  Pref  When  the  order 
of  Jesuits  was  expelled  from  all  the  Spanish  dominions, 
the  colleges,  yrofcsscd  houses,  and  residences  which  it 
possessed  in  the  province  of  New  Spam  were  thirty,  in 
Quito  sixteen,  m  the  New  .Kingdom  of  fJranada  thir- 
teen, in  Peru  seventeen,  m  Chili  eighteen,  in  Paraguay 
ei^'nieen  ;  in  all,  a  hundred  and  twelve.  Collection 
General  de  Providencias  nasta  ai\\i\  tomadas  sobre 
estraiiamenlo.  ice.  de  la  Compagnia,  part  l.  p.  19 
Tlic  number  of  Jesuits,  priests,  and  novices  in  all  these 
amounted  to  2245.    MS.  penes  lie. 

In  ihfc  vear  1644  the  city  of  Mexico  presented  a  peti- 
tion to  the  king,  praying  that  no  new  monastery  might 
be  founded,  and  that  the  revenues  of  those  already 
established  might  be  circumscribed,  otherwise  the  reli- 
gions houses  would  soon  acquire  the  property  of  the 
whole  country.  The  petitioners  request  likewise,  that 
the  bishops  might  be  laid  under  restrictions  in  confer- 
ring r.sly  orders,  as  there  were  at  that  time  in  New 
Spam  above  six  thousand  clergymen  without  any  living. 
Ibid.  p.  16.  These  abuses  must  have  been  enormous 
iiii!ee<l,  when  the  superstition  of  American  Spaniards 
was  shocked,  and  induced  to  remonstrate  against  them. 

Note  [182].  p.  166. — This  description  of  the  man- 
ners of  the  .Spanish  clergy  I  should  not  have  ventured 
to  give  upon  the  testimony  of  Protestant  authors  alone, 
M  they  may  be  suspected  of  prejudice  or  exaggeration. 
Gago,  in  particular,  who  had  a  better  opportunity  than 
any  Protestant  to  view  the  interior  state  of  S|ianisli 
America,  desciibes  the  corruption  of  the  church  which 
lie  had  forsaken  with  .so  much  of  the  acrimony  of  a  new 
convert,  that  I  should  have  distrusted  his  evidence, 
though  it  communicates  some  very  curious  and  striking 
facts.  Uut  Uenzoni  mentions  the  profligacy  of  cccle- 
kiaslics  in  America  at  a  very  early  period  after  their 
settlement  there,  llist.  lib.  ii.  c.  19.  20.  M  I're7.i<  r, 
an  intelligent  observer,  and  zealous  for  his  own  religion, 
painls  the  dissolute  manners  of  the  .Spanish  ecclesias- 
tics in  Peru,  particularly  the  regulars,  in  stronger  colors 
than  I  have  employed.  Voy.  p.  51.  215,  «Jtc.  M. 
Genlil  confirms  this  account.  Voy.  i.  34.  Correal 
c.jncurs  with  both,  anil  adds  many  remarkable  circum- 
•taiires.  Voy.  i.  61  155.  161.  I  have  good  reason  lo 
believe  that  the  manners  of  the  regular  clergy,  parlu-ii- 
larlv  in  Peru,  arc  still  extremely  indecent,  .\costa 
himself  acknowledges  that  great  corruption  of  manners 
had  l>»cn  the  consequence  of  |)ormitl'ng  monks  to 
forsake  the  retirement  and  discipline  of  the  cloister,  and 
to  mingle  ng.«in  with  the  world,  bv  niiderlakin!;  ihe 
chwuc  of  thelndian  parishes.  De  Procur.  Ind  .'^.ihite. 
lib.  IV  c.  13,  \r.  lie  mentions  parl-icnlarlv  those 
Tires  of  which  I  have  taken  notice  and  considers  the 
temgilations  to  them  as  so  formidable,  '.hat  he  leans  to 
the  opinion  of  those  who  hold  that  the  regular  clergv 
•hould  not  bo  employed  as  parish  priests.  Lib.  v.  c. 
211.  Kvcn  the  advor  ales  of  Ihe  r<';;iilars  ailmit.  that 
lli.'div  and  great  riiorinilKs  abounded  ainnii^'  the  inoiik» 
of  dUfireiit  iirib'is,  when  set  free  from  the  restraint  of 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


monastic  discipline ;  and  from  ihe  tone  of  their  defence, 
one  mav  conclude  that  the  charge  brought  against  them 
was  not  destitute  of  truth.  In  the  Prench  colonies  the 
stale  of  the  regular  clergy  is  nearly  the  same  as  in  the 
Sjiaiiish  settlements,  and  the  same  consequences  have 
followed.  M.  Uiet,  superior  of  the  secular  priests  in 
Cayenne,  inquires,  with  no  less  appearance  of  piety 
than  of  canilor,  into  the  causes  of  this  corruption,  and 
imputes  it  chiefly  lo  the  exemption  of  regulars  from  the 
jurisdiction  and  censures  of  their  diocessans  ;  to  the 
temptations  to  which  they  are  exposed  ;  and  to  their 
engaging  in  commerce.  Voy.  p.  320.  It  is  remarkable, 
that  all  the  authors  who  censure  the  licentiousness  of 
the  Spanish  regulars  with  the  greatest  severity,  concur 
in  vindicating  the  conduct  of  the  Jesuits.  Formed 
under  a  discipline  more  perfect  than  that  of  the  other 
monastic  orders,  or  animated  by  that  concern  for  the 
honor  of  the  society  which  lakes  such  full  possession  of 
every  member  of  the  order,  the  Jesuits,  both  in  Mexico 
and  Peru,  il  is  allowed,  maintain  a  most  iiTeproachable 
decency  of  manners.  Frezier,  223.  Geiitil.  i.  34. 
The  same  praise  is  likewise  due  to  the  bishops  and 
most  of  the  dignified  clergy.    Frez.  Ibid. 

A  volume  of  the  Gazette  de  Mexico  for  the  years 
1723,  1729,  1730,  having  been  communicated  lo  me, 
I  find  there  a  striking  confirmation  of  what  I  have 
advanced  concerning  the  spirit  of  low  illiberal  supersti- 
tion prevalent  in  Spanish  .Xmerica.  From  the  news- 
papers of  any  nation  one  may  learn  what  are  the  ob- 
jects which  chiefly  engross  its  attention,  and  which 
appear  to  it  most  interesting.  The  Gazette  of  Mexico 
is  filled  almost  entirely  with  accounts  of  religious  func- 
tions, with  descriptions  of  processions,  coiisecralions 
of  churches,  beatiticalion»  of  saints,  festivals,  autos  de 
fe,  &c.  Civil  or  commercial  alfairs,  and  eve'i  the 
transactions  of  Europe,  occupy  but  a  small  corner  in 
this  magazine  of  monthly  intelligence.  From  the  titles 
of  new  books,  which  arc  regularly  inserted  in  this 
Gazette,  it  appears  that  two  thirds  of  them  are  treatises 
of  scholastic  theology  or  of  monkish  devotion. 

Note  [183].  p.  164. — Solorzano,  after  mentioning  i 
the  corru|)t  morals  of  some  of  the  regular  clergy,  w:'h 
that  cautious  reserve  which  became  a  Spanish  layman 
in  touching  on  a  subject  so  delicate,  gives  his  opinion 
very  explicitly,  and  with  much  firmness,  against  coin- 
mrlting  |)arochial  charges  lo  monks.  He  produces  the 
testimony  of  several  respectable  authors  of  his  country, 
l;oth  divines  and  lawyers,  in  confirmation  of  his  opinion. 
De  Jure  Ind.  ii.  lib.  iii.  c.  16.  A  striking  proof  of  Jie 
alarm  excited  by  the  attempt  of  the  Prince  d"Esquilache 
to  exclude  the  regulars  from  parochial  cures,  is  con- 
tained in  the  Colbert  collection  of  papers.  Several 
memorials  were  presented  to  the  king  by  the  procura- 
tors for  the  monastic  orders,  and  replies  were  made  to 
these  in  naiiie  of  the  secular  clergy.  An  eager  and 
even  rancorous  spirit  is  manifest  on  both  sides  in  the 
conduct  of  this  dispute. 

Note  [184  ]  p.  164 — Not  only  the  native  Indians, 
but  the  Mcitizus,  orchildren  of  a  Spaniard  and  Indian, 
were  originally  excluded  from  the  priesthood,  and  re- 
fused admission  in'.o  any  religious  order.  But  by  a 
law  issiK^d  .Sepl.  28lh,  1588,  Philip  II.  required  the 
prelates  of  .\merica  to  ordain  such  mestizos  born  in 
lawful  wedlock,  as  they  should  find  to  be  properly 
qualilicd,  and  lo  permit  them  lo  lake  the  vows  in  any 
monastery  where  they  had  gone  through  a  regular 
noviciate.  Recopil.  lib  i.  lit.  vii.  1.  7.  .Some  regard 
seems  to  have  been  paid  to  this  law  in  New  .Sp  lin  ; 
but  none  in  Peru.  Upon  a  representation  of  ihi.^  lo 
('liarles  II.  in  the  year  1697,  he  issued  a  new  edict, 
enforcing  the  observation  of  it,  and  professing  his 
desire  to  have  all  his  subjects,  Indians  and  mestizos, 
as  well  as  Spaniards,  admitted  lo  the  enjoyment  of  the 
sami'  priviU'ijes.  .Such,  however,  was  the  aversion 
of  the  .Spaniards  in  .Vmerica  to  the  Indians  and  tlieir 
race,  that  this  seems  to  have  produced  little  ellecl  ; 
for  in  the  year  1795  Philip  V.  was  obliged  to  renew 
the  injunction  in  a  more  peremptorv  tone.  But  so  un- 
snrmountable  are  hatred  and  contempt  of  the  Indians 
among  the  Peruvian  Spaniards,  that  the  present  king 
has  been  constrained  lo  enforce  the  former  edicts 
ani:w.  bv  a  law  published  Se|itembcr  11,  1774.  Real 
Cedilla,  M.S.  penes  me. 

M  Clavigero  has  contradicted  what  I  have  related 
concerning  the  ecclesiastical  state  of  the  Indians,  par- 
ticularly their  exclusion  from  ihe  sacrament  of  the  eu- 
cliarisl.  and  from  holv  orders,  either  as  seculars  or  re- 
Uul.irs,  in  such  a  manner  as  cannot  fail  lo  make  a  deep 
imprr.ssion.  lie,  from  his  own  kiiowiedje,  asseits, 
"  that  m  New  S|>am  not  nnlv  are  Indians  permitted  to 


partake  of  the  sacrament  of  the  altar,  but  that  In,iian 
priesls  are  so  numerous  that  they  may  be  counted  b' 
hundreds  ;  and  among  these  have  been  many  hundredia 
of  rectors,  canons,  and  doctors,  and,  as  report  goes, 
even  a  very  learned  bishop.  At  [iresent  there  are  many 
priests,  and  not  a  few  rectors,  among  whom  there  have 
been  three  or  four  our  own  pupils."  Vol.  II.  348,  dtc. 
I  owe  it,  therefore,  as  a  duty  lo  the  public  as  well  at 
lo  myself,  lo  consider  each  of  these  points  with  care, 
and  to  explain  the  reasons  which  induced  me  to  adopt 
the  opinion  which  I  have  published- 

I  knew  that  in  the  Christian  church  there  is  no  dis 
linclion  of  persons,  but  that  men  of  every  nation,  who 
embrace  the  religion  of  Jesus,  are  equally  entitled  lo 
every  Christian  privilege  which  they  arc  qualified  to 
receive.  I  knew  likewise  that  an  opinion  prevailed, 
not  only  among  most  of  the  Spanish  laity  settled  in 
.\merica,  but  among  "  many  ecclesiastics  (I  use  the 
words  of  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  ii  c.  15).  that  the  In- 
dians were  not  perfect  or  rational  men,  and  were  not 
possessed  of  such  capacity  as  qualified  them  to  partake 
of  the  sacrament  of  the  altar,  or  of  any  other  benefit  ol 
our  religion."  It  was  against  this  opinion  that  Las 
Casas  contended  with  the  laudable  zeal  which  I  have 
described  in  Books  III.  and  VI.  But  as  the  Bishop  ol 
Darien,  Doctor  Sepulvida,  and  other  respectable  eccle- 
siastics, vigorously  supported  the  common  opinion  con- 
cerning the  incapacity  of  the  Indians,  il  became  neces- 
sary, in  order  to  determine  the  point,  that  the  authority 
of  the  Holy  See  should  be  interposed  ;  and  accordingly 
Paul  III.  issued  a  bull,  \.  D,  1-537,  in  which,  after 
condemning  the  opinion  of  those  who  held  that  the  In 
dians,  as  being  on  a  level  with  brute  beasts,  should  be 
reduced  to  servitude,  he  declares  that  they  were  really 
men,  and  as  such  were  capable  of  embraciiFg  the  Chris- 
tian religion,  and  participating  of  all  its  blessings.  My 
account  of  this  bull,  notwithstanding  the  cavils  of  M 
Clavigero,  must  appear  just  to  every  person  who  tako3 
the  trouble  of  perusing  it ;  and  my  account  is  the  sano 
with  that  adopted  bv  Torquemada,  lib.  xvi.  c.  25,  and 
by  Garcia,  Orig.  p.  311.  But  even  after  this  decision, 
so  low  did  the  Spaniards  residing  in  America  rate  the 
capacity  of  the  natives,  that  the  first  council  of  Liii.a 
(I  call  it  by  that  name  on  the  authority  of  the  best  .Spa- 
nisl:  authors)  distountenanccd  the  admission  of  Indiana 
lo  the  holy  communion  Torquem.  lib.  xvi.  c.  20.  In 
New  Spain  the  exclusion  of  Indians  from  the  sacrament 
was  still  moio  explicit.  Ibid.  After  two  centuries 
have  elapsed,  and  notwithstanding  all  the  iinproveineni 
that  the  Indians  may  be  supposed  to  have  derived  from 
their  intercourse  with  the  Spaniards  during  that  period, 
wo  are  informed  by  D.  Ant.  Ulloa,  that  in  Peru,  where, 
as  will  appear  in  the  sequel  of  this  note,  thcv  are  sup- 
posed to  be  better  instructed  than  in  New  Sjiain.  their 
Ignorance  is  so  prodigious  that  very  few  are  permitted 
to  communicate,  as  being  altogether  destitute  of  tbo 
requisite  capacity.  Voy.  i.  341,  &c.  Solorz.  Polit. 
Ind.  i.  203. 

With  respect  to  the  exclusion  of  Indians  from  the 
priesthood,  either  as  seculars  or  regulars,  we  may  ob- 
serve that  while  it  continued  to  be  the  common  opinion 
that  the  natives  of  .Vmerica,  on  account  of  their  incapa- 
city, should  not  be  permitted  to  partake  of  tne  holy 
sacrament,  we  cannot  suppose  that  they  would  he 
clothed  with  that  sacred  character  which  entitled  >hem 
to  consecrate  and  to  dispense  it.  When  Torquemada 
composed  his  Monarqiim  Imliana  it  was  almost  a  cen- 
tury after  the  conquest  of  New  Spain  ;  and  yet  in  hit 
time  it  was  still  the  general  practice  to  exclude  Indians 
from  holy  oiders.  Of  this  we  have  the  most  satisfying 
evidence.  Torquemada  having  celebrated  the  virtue* 
and  graces  of  the  Indians  at  great  length,  aad  with  all 
the  complacency  of  a  missionary,  he  starts  as  an  objec- 
tion to  what  he  had  asserted,  "  If  the  Indians  really 
possess  all  the  excellent  qualities  which  you  have  do- 
scribed,  why  are  ihev  not  permitted  to  assume  the  reli 
ijious  habit  !  Why  are  tliev  not  ordained  priests  and 
bishops,  as  the  Jewish  and  Gentile  converts  were  m 
the  primitive  church,  especially  as  they  might  be  em- 
ployed with  such  superior  advantage  to  other  persons 
in  the  instruction  of  their  countryineni"  Lib  xvii.  c.  13. 

In  answer  lo  this  objection,  which  rstablishes,  in  the 
most  une(piivocal  manner,  what  was  the  general  prac- 
tice at  that  period.  Torquemada  observes,  that  althougrh 
bv  their  natural  dispositions  llie  Indians  arc  well  fitted 
for  a  subordinate  situation,  they  are  destitute  of  all  thfl 
qualities  requisite  m  any  station  of  dignity  and  autho- 
rity ;  and  that  they  are  in  general  so  addicted  to 
drunkenness,  that  npon  the  slightest  temptation  on« 
cannot  promise  on  their  behaving  with  the  decenry  sui- 
table lo  the  clerical  character.  The  propriety  uf  ex- 
cluding them  from  it,  on  these     rour.'s,  wn*  tie 


SOUTH  AMERICA. 


807 


•erved,  so  well  juslllicd  by  experience,  that  when  a  fo-  I 
roigoer  of  great  erudition,  who  caroe  from  Spain,  con-  I 
demiied  the  practice  of  the  Meiir-aii  church,  he  was 
coiiviiiceii  of  his  mistake  m  a  pubhc  disputation  with 
the  learned  and  most  religious  Father  I).  Juan  de  Uaona, 
and  his  reiraction  is  still  extant.  Torciueinada  indeed 
a.j4novvledgcs,  as  M.  Clavigoro  observes  with  a  degree 
of  exultation,  that  in  his  own  time  some  Indians  had 
been  admitted  into  monasteries  ;  but,  with  the  art  of  a 
disputant,  he  forgets  to  mention  that  'rorqiiemada  spe- 
cilies  only  two  examples  of  this,  and  takes  notice  that 
in  both  instances  those  Indians  had  been  admitted  by 
mistake,  llelymg  upon  the  authority  of 'rorqueinada 
with  regard  to  .New  Spain,  and  of  lUloa  with  regard  to 
Peru,  and  consul  'ring  the  humiliating  depression  of  the 
Indians  in  all  the  Spanish  setlleineiits,  1  concluded  that 
they  were  not  admitted  into  the  ecclesiastical  order, 
which  is  held  in  the  highest  veneration  all  over  the  iNew 
World. 

But  when  M.  Clavigero,  upon  his  own  knowledge 
asserted  facts  so  repugnant  to  the  conclusion  I  had 
formed,  I  began  to  distrust  it,  and  to  wish  for  further 
information.  In  order  to  obtain  this,  I  applied  to  a 
Spanish  nobleman,  high  in  otfice,  and  eminent  for  his 
abilities,  who,  on  ditierent  occasions,  has  permitted  me 
to  have  the  honor  and  beneht  of  corresponding  with 
him.  I  have  been  favored  with  the  following  answer : 
What  you  have  written  concerning  the  admission  of 
Indians  into  holy  orders,  or  into  monasteries,  in  Book 
VIII.,  especially  as  it  is  explained  and  limited  in  Note 
LXXXVIII.  of  the  quarto  edition,  is  in  general  accu- 
rate, and  conformable  to  the  authorities  which  you 
quote.  And  although  the  congregation  of  the  council 
resolved  and  declared,  Feb.  13.  A.  U.  1C83,  that  the 
circumstance  of  being  an  Indian,  or  mulatto,  or  mes- 
tizo, did  not  disqualify  any  person  from  being  admitted 
into  holy  orders,  if  he  was  possessed  of  what  was  re- 
quired by  the  canons  to  entitle  him  to  that  privilege  ; 
this  only  proves  such  ordinations  to  be  legal  and  valid 
(of  which  Solorzano  and  the  Spanish  lawyers  and  his- 
torians quoted  by  him,  Pol.  Ind.  lib.  ii.  c.  29,  were  per- 
suaded), but  it  neither  proves  the  propriety  of  admitting 
Indians  into  holy  orders,  nor  what  was  then  the  com- 
mon practice  with  respect  to  this  ;  but,  on  the  contrary, 
it  shows  that  there  was  some  doubt  concerning  the  or- 
daining of  Indians,  and  some  lepugnance  to  it. 

"  Since  that  time  there  have  been  some  examples  of 
jdmitting  Indians  into  holy  orders.  We  have  now  at 
Madrid  an  aged  priest,  a  native  of  Tlascala.  His  name 
is  D.  Juan  Cerilo  de  Castilla  Aquihual  Cattehuttle, 
descended  of  a  cazique  converted  to  Christianity  soon 
after  the  conquest.  He  studied  the  ecclesiastical  sci- 
ences in  a  seminary  of  Puebla  de  los  Angeles.  He 
was  a  candidate,  nevertheless,  for  ten  years,  and  it  re- 
quired much  interest  before  Bishop  Abreii  would  con- 
sent to  ordain  him.  This  ecclesiastic  was  a  man  of 
unexceptionable  character,  modest,  self-denied,  and 
with  a  competent  knowledge  of  what  relates  to  his 
clerical  functions.  He  came  to  Madrid  above  thirty- 
lour  years  ago  with  the  Fole  view  of  soliciting  admis- 
sion for  the  Indians  into  the  colleges  and  seminaries  in 
New  Spam,  that  if,  after  being  well  instructed  and  tried, 
they  snoiild  find  an  inclination  to  enter  into  the  ecclesi- 
a,«tical  state,  they  might  embrace  it,  and  perform  its 
lunctions  with  the  greatest  benefit  to  their  countrymen, 
whom  they  could  address  in  their  native  tongue.  He 
has  obtained  various  regulations  favorable  to  his  scheme, 
particularly  that  the  first  college  which  became  vacant 
in  consequence  of  the  exclusion  of  the  Jesuits  should 
be  set  apart  for  this  purpose.  But  neither  these  regu- 
lations, nor  any  similar  ones  inserted  in  the  laws  of  the 
Indies,  have  produced  any  effect,  on  account  of  objec- 
tions and  representations  from  the  greater  part  of  per- 
sons of  chief  consideration  employed  in  New  Spain. 
Whether  their  op])osition  be  well  founded  or  not  is  a 
problem  dilHcult  to  resolve,  and  towards  the  solution 
of  which  several  distinctions  and  modifications  are 
requisite. 

"  .\ccording  to  the  accounts  of  this  ecclesiaatic,  and 
the  information  of  other  persons  who  have  resided  in 
the  Spanish  dominions  in  America,  you  may  rest  as- 
sured, that  in  the  kingdom  of  Tierra  Firme  no  such 
thirg  is  known  as  either  an  Indian  secular  priest  or 
monk  ;  and  that  in  New  Spain  there  are  very  few  eccle- 
siastics of  Indian  race.  In  Peru,  perhaps,  the  number 
may  be  greater,  as  in  that  country  there  are  more  In- 
dians who  possess  the  means  of  acquiring  such  a 
learned  education  aa  is  necessary  for  persons  who 
ispire  to  the  clerical  character." 

NoTK  [185].  p  165. — Uztariz,  an  accurate  and  cau- 
calculator,  seems  to  admit,  that  the  quantity  of 


silver  which  does  not  pay  duty,  may  be  stated  thus 
high.  According  to  Herrera  there  was  not  above  a 
third  of  what  was  extracted  from  Potosi  that  paid  the 
king's  fifth.  Dec.  8.  lib,  li.  c.  15.  Solorzano  asserts 
likewise,  that  the  quantity  of  silver  which  is  fraudulently 
circulated,  is  far  greater  than  that  which  is  regularly 
staiujied,  after  paying  the  fifth.  Do  li.d.  Jure,  vol.  li. 
lib.  v.  p.  816. 

Note  [186].  p.  165. — When  the  mines  of  Potosi 
were  discovered  in  the  year  1545,  the  veins  were  so 
near  the  surface,  that  the  ore  was  easily  extracted,  and 
so  rich  that  it  was  refined  with  little  trouble  and  at  a 
small  expense,  merely  by  the  action  of  fire.  The  sim- 
ile mode  of  refining  by  fusion  alone  continued  until  the 
year  1574,  when  the  use_  of  mercury  in  refining  silver, 
as  well  as  gold,  was  discovered.  Those  mines  having 
been  wrought  without  interruption  for  two  centuries, 
the  veins  are  now  sunk  so  deep,  that  the  expense  of 
extracting  the  ore  is  greatly  increased.  Besides  this, 
the  richness  of  the  ore,  contrary  to  what  happens  in 
most  other  mines,  has  become  less  as  the  vein  continued 
to  dip.  The  vein  has  likewise  diminished  to  such  a 
degree,  that  one  is  amazed  that  the  Spaniards  should 
persist  in  working  it.  Other  rich  mines  have  been  suc- 
cessively discovered,  but  in  general  the  value  of  the 
ores  has  decreased  so  much,  while  the  expense  of  ex- 
tracting them  has  augmented,  that  the  court  of  Spain 
in  the  year  1736  reduced  the  duty  payable  to  the  king 
from  a  fitflh  to  a  tenth.  All  the  quicksilver  used  in 
Peru  is  extracted  from  the  famous  mine  of  Guanca- 
belica,  discovered  in  the  year  1563.  The  crown  has 
reserved  the  property  of  this  mine  to  itself ;  and  the 
persons  who  purchase  the  quicksilver  pay  not  only  the 
price  of  it,  but  likewise  a  fifth,  as  a  duty  to  the  king. 
But  in  the  year  1761  this  duty  on  quicksilver  was  abo- 
lished, on  account  of  the  increase  of  expense  in  work- 
ing mines.  Ulloa,  Entretenimientos,  xii — xv.  Voy- 
age, i.  p.  505.  533.  In  consequence  of  this  abolition 
of  the  fifth,  and  some  subsequent  abatements  of  price, 
which  became  necessary  on  account  of  the  increasing 
expense  of  working  mines,  quicksilver  which  was  for- 
merly sold  at  eighty  pesos  the  quintal,  is  now  delivered 
by  the  king  at  the  rate  of  sixty  pesos.  Campomanes, 
Educ.  Popul.  ii.  132,  note.  The  duty  on  gold  is  re- 
duced to  a  twentieth,  or  five  per  cent.  Any  of  my 
readers  who  are  desirous  of  being  acquainted  with  the 
mode  in  which  the  Spaniards  conduct  the  working  of 
their  mines,  and  the  refinement  of  the  ore,  will  find  an 
accurate  description  of  the  ancient  method  by  Acosta, 
lib.  iv.  c.  I  — 13,  and  of  their  more  recent  improve- 
mcnls  in  the  metallurgic  art,  by  Gainboa  Comment,  a 
las  ordenanz.  de  Mmas,  c.  22. 

Note  [187]  p.  165. — Many  remarkable  proofs  oc- 
cur of  the  advanced  state  of  industry  in  Spain  at  the 
beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century.  The  number  of 
cities  in  Spain  was  considerable,  and  they  were  peopled 
far  beyond  the  proportion  that  was  common  in  other 
parts  of  Europe.  The  causes  of  this  I  have  explained. 
Hist,  of  Cha.  V.  p.  68.  Wherever  cities  are  populous 
that  species  of  industry  which  is  peculiar  to  thera  in- 
creases :  artificers  and  manufacturers  abound.  The 
efTect  of  the  American  trade  in  giving  activity  to  these 
IS  manifest  from  a  singular  fact.  In  the  year  1545, 
while  Spain  continued  to  depend  on  its  own  industry 
for  the  supply  of  its  own  colonies,  so  much  work  was 
bespoke  from  the  manufacturers,  that  it  was  supposed 
they  could  hardly  finish  it  in  less  than  six  years.  Cam- 
pom,  i.  406.  Such  a  demand  must  have  put  much  in- 
dustry in  motion,  and  have  excited  extraordinary  ef- 
forts. Accordingly,  we  are  informed,  that  in  the  begin- 
ning of  Philip  Il.'s  reign,  the  city  of  Seville  alone, 
where  the  trade  with  America  centered,  gave  empioy- 
ment  to  no  fewer  than  16,000  looms  in  silk  or  woolen 
work,  and  that  above  130,000  persons  had  occupation 
in  carrying  on  these  manufactures.  Campom.  ii.  472. 
But  so  rapid  and  pernicious  was  the  operation  of  the 
causes  which  I  shall  enumerate,  tliat  before  Philip  III. 
ended  his  reign  the  looms  in  Seville  were  reduced  to 
400.    Uztariz,  c.  7. 

Since  the  publication  of  the  first  edition.  I  have  the 
satisfaction  to  find  my  ideas  concerning  the,  early  com- 
mercial intercourse  between  Spain  and  her  colonies 
confirmed  and  illustrated  by  D.  Bernardo  Ward,  of  the 
Junto  de  Comercio  at  Madrid,  in  his  Pruyicto  Econn- 
mico,  part  ii.  c.  i.  "  Under  the  reigns  of  Charles  V. 
and  Philip  II."  says  he,  "the  manufactures  of  Spain 
and  of  the  Low  Countries  subject  to  her  dominion 
were  in  a  most  flourishiii;!  state.  Those  of  France  and 
England  were  in  their  infancy.  The  republic  of  the 
United  Provinces  did  not  then  exist.    No  European 


power  but  Spain  had  colonics  of  any  value  in  the  New 
World.  Spain  could  siipjily  her  settlements  there  with 
the  |)roductions  other  own  soil,  the  fabrics  wrought  b) 
the  hands  of  her  own  artisans,  and  all  she  received  in 
return  for  these  bi  longed  to  herself  alone.  Then  the 
exclusion  of  foreign  manufactures  was  proper.  becausB 
it  might  be  rendered  etlectual.  Then  Spain  might  la\ 
heavy  duties  upon  goods  exported  to  .America,  or  im- 
ported from  it,  and  might  'mpo.se  what  restraints  she 
deemed  proper  upon  a  cominerct;  entirely  in  her  own 
hands.  But  when  time  and  successive  revolutions  iiad 
occasioned  an  alteration  in  all  those  c!rciinisl:incc8, 
when  the  manufactures  of  Spain  beiran  to  decline,  and 
the  demands  of  .\inerica  were  supplied  by  foreign  fa 
brics,  the  original  maxims  and  regulations  of  Spain 
should  have  been  accommodated  to  the  change  in  hei 
situation.  The  polii^y  that  was  wise  at  one  period  be- 
came absurd  in  the  other." 

Note  [188].  p.  166.— No  bale  of  good?  is  ever 
opened,  no  chest  of  treasure  is  examined.  Both  are 
received  on  the  credit  of  the  persons  to  whom  they  be- 
long ;  and  only  one  instance  of  fraud  is  recorded,  dur- 
ing the  long  period  in  which  trade  was  carried  on  with 
this  liberal  confidence.  .\11  the  coined  silver  that  was 
brought  from  Peru  to  Porto-bello  in  the  year  1654  was 
found  to  be  adulterated,  and  to  be  mingled  with  a  fifth 
part  of  base  metal.  The  Spanish  merchants,  with  sen- 
timents suitable  to  their  usual  integrity,  sustained  tho 
whole  loss,  and  indemnified  the  Ibreigners  by  whom 
they  were  employed.  The  fraud  was  detected,  and 
the  treasurer  of  the  revenue  in  Peru,  the  author  of  it, 
was  publicly  burnt.  B.  Ulloa.  lletabhs.  de  Manuf., 
&c.  liv.  ii.  p.  102. 

Note  [189.]  p.  167 — Many  striking  proofs  occur  ot 
the  scarcity  of  money  in  Spain.  Of  all  the  immense 
sums  which  have  been  imported  from  America,  the 
amount  of  which  I  shall  afterwards  have  occasion  to 
mention,  Moiicada  asserts,  that  there  did  not  remain  in 
Spain,  in  1619,  above  two  hundred  millions  of  pesos, 
one  half  in  coined  money,  the  other  in  plate  and 
jewels.  Restaur  de  Espagna,  disc.  lii.  c.  1.  Uz- 
tariz, who  published  his  valuable  work  in  1724,  con- 
tends, that  in  money,  plate,  and  jewels,  there  did  not 
remain  a  hundred  million.  Theor.  &c.  c.  3.  Cam- 
pomanes, on  the  authority  of  a  remonstrance  from  the 
community  of  merchants  in  Toledo  to  Philip  III  ,  re- 
lates, as  a  certain  proof  how  scarce  cash  had  became, 
that  persons  who  lent  money  received  a  third  of  the 
sum  which  they  advanced  as  interest  and  premium 
Educ.  Popul.  i.  417. 

Note  [190.]  p.  167 — The  account  of  the  mode  in 
hich  the  factors  of  the  South  Sea  company  conducted 
the  trade  in  the  fair  of  Porto-bello,  which  was  opened 
to  them  by  the  .\ssiento,  I  have  taken  from  Don  Dion. 
.\lcedo  y  Herrera,  president  of  the  court  of  .\udipnce 
in  Quito,  and  governor  of  that  province.  Don  Diony- 
sio  was  a  person  of  such  respectable  character  foi 
probity  and  discernment,  that  his  testimony  in  any 
point  would  be  of  much  weight ;  but  greater  credit  is 
due  to  it  in  this  case,  as  he  was  an  eye-witness  of  the 
transactions  which  he  relates,  and  was  often  em|)loyed 
in  detecting  and  authenticating  the  frauds  which  he  do- 
scribes.  It  is  probable,  however,  that  his  represen- 
tation, being  composed  at  the  commencement  of  the 
war  which  broke  out  between  Great  Britain  and  Spain, 
in  the  year  1739,  may,  in  some  instances,  discover  a 
portion  of  the  acrimonious  spirit  natural  at  that  junc- 
ture. His  detail  of  facts  is  curious  ;  and  even 
English  authors  confirm  it  in  some  degree,  by  admit- 
ting both  that  various  frauds  were  practised  in  the 
transactions  of  the  annual  ship,  and  that  the  contra- 
band trade  from  Jamaica,  and  other  British  colonics, 
was  become  enormously  great.  But  for  the  credit  of 
the  English  nation  it  may  be  observed,  that  those  frau- 
dulent operations  are  not  to  be  considered  as  deeds  of 
the  company,  but  as  the  dishonorable  arts  of  their 
factors  and  agents.  The  company  itself  sustained  a 
coi  siderable  loss  by  the  .\ssiento  trade.  Many  of  its 
seiTants  acquired  immense  fortunes.  Anderson  (/hro- 
nol.  deduct,  ii.  388. 

Note  [191]  p.  168. — Several  facts  with  respect  to 
the  institution,  the  progress,  and  the  effects  of  this 
company,yare  curious,  and  hut  little  known  to  Enijlish 
readers.  Though  the  province  of  Venezuela,  or  Ca- 
raccas,  extends  four-hundred  miles  along  the  coast,  and 
is  one  of  the  most  fertile  in  .\morica.  it  was  so  much 
neglected  by  the  Spaniards,  that  during  the  twenty 
years  prior  to  the  establishment  of  the  comjiany,  only  liv« 


ROBERTSON'S  HISTORY  OF 


Miips  Milcd  troiii  Spam  to  lhat  province  ;  and,  during 
sixti  eii  vrar^.  from  170(5  to  1722.  not  a  single  ship 
amvtd  from  thf  Caraccas  in  .Spain.    Noticias  dc  Real 
Campania  do  Caraccas,  p.  2S.    During  this  period 
Spain  must  have  been  supphed  almost  entirely  with  a 
large  quantity  of  cacao,  which  it  consumes,  by  foici;;;!- 
crs.    IJcfore  the  erection  of  the  company  neither  to- 
bacco nor  hides  were  imported  from  Caraccas  into 
Spain     Ibid.  p.  117.    Since  the  commercial  opera- 
tions of  the  company,  begun  in  the  year  1731,  the  im- 
portation of  cacao  into  Spain  has  increased  amazingly. 
During  thirty  years  subsequent  to  1701,  the  num- 
ber of  fanrfjas  of  cacao  (each  a  hundred  and  ten 
pounds)  imported  from  Caraccas  was  64:).21.5.  Du- 
ring eighteen  years  subsequent  to  1731,  the  numbar 
of  fanegtis  imported  was  869,247  ;  and  if  we  sup- 
pose the  importation  to  be  continued  in  the  same  pro- 
portion during  the  remainder  of  thirty  years,  it  will 
amount  to  1  148,746  fanrgas.  which  is  an  increase  of 
805,531  fanrpa*.     Ic.  p.  148.    During  eighi  years 
siilisequent  to  1756,  there  have  been  imported  into 
Spam  liy  the  company  88,482  annbas  (each  twenty-five 
pounds)   of  tobacco;   and  liidcs  to  tlie  number  of 
177,3.54.     Id  161.    Since  the  publication  of  llic  No- 
ticias dc  Compania,  in  1715,  its  tradt;  seems  to  be  on 
the  increase.    During  five  years  subsequent  to  1769, 
it  has  imported  179,156,  fanrgax  of  cacao  into  Spain, 
86,208  arrohas  of  tobacco,  75,496  iiidcs,  and  221,432 
pesos  in  specie.    Campoinanes,  ii.  11)2.    Tlie  last  ar- 
ticle is  a  proof  of  tlie  growing  wealth  of  the  colony.  It 
receives  cash  from  Mexico  in  return  for  the  cacao,  with 
which  it  supplies  that  province,  and  this  it  remits  to 
Spain,  or  lays  out  in  purchasing  European  goods.  liiit, 
oe-sides  this,  the  most  explicit  evidence  is  producc<i, 
lhat  the  quantity  of  cacoa  raised  in  the  province  is 
double  what  it  yielded  in  1731  ;  the  number  of  its  live 
Btock  is  more  than  treble,  and  its  inhabitants  much  aug- 
mented.    The  revenue  of  the  bishop,  which  arises 
wholly  from  tithes,  has  increased  from  eiglit  to  twenty 
thousand  pesos.    Notic.  p.  60.    In  consequence  of 
the  augmentation  of  the  quantity  of  cacao  imported  into 
Spain,  its  price  has  decreased  from  eighty  pesos  for 
the  /<;;i(-;[;a  to  forty.    Ibid.  61.    Since  the  publication 
of  the  (irst  edition,  I  have  learned  that  Guyana,  includ- 
ing all  the  extensive  provinces  situated  on  the  bxiiks  of 
(Jnnoco,  the  Islands  ol  Trinidad  and  Margarita  arc 
added  to  the  countries  with  which  the  company  of  Ca- 
raccas had  liberty  of  trade  by  their  former  charters 
Real  (Jedula,  Nov.  19,  1776.    But  I  have  likewise  l:een 
informed,  lhat  the  inHtimtion  of  this  company  has  not 
been  attended  with  all  the  beneficial  effects  which  I 
have  ascribed  to  it.    In  many  of  its  0|ierations  tlie  illi- 
beral aud  oppressive  spirit  of  monopoly  is  still  conspi- 
cuous.   But  in  order  to  explain  this,  it  would  be  neces- 
sary to  enter  into  minute  details,  which  are  not  suited 
to  the  nature  of  this  work. 

Note  [192].  p.  168. — This  first  experiment  made 
by  Spain  of  opening  a  free  trade  with  any  of  her  colo- 
nies, has  produced  clfects  so  rcii'irkable,  as  to  rncri* 
some  further  illustration.  The  towns  to  wiiich  this 
liberty  has  been  granted,  are  Cadiz  and  .Seville,  for  the 
province  of  .\ndalusia;  Alicant  and  (Jarthagena,  for 
Valencia  and  Murcii;  Barcelona,  for  (Catalonia  and 
Ar.igon;  Santandor,  for  Castile  ;  (Jorugna,  for  (ialicia  ; 
and  (iijon.  for  .X'-lurias.  Append,  ii.  a  la  Ediic 
I'opul  p.  41.  These  are  cither  the  ports  of  chief  trade 
in  their  retpeclive  districts,  or  those  most  conveniently 
ditualcd  for  the  exportation  of  their  respective  produc- 
tions. The  following  facts  give  a  view  of  the  increase 
of  trade  in  the  settlements  to  which  the  new  regulations 
extend.  Prior  to  the  allowance  of  free  trade,  the 
duties  collected  in  the  custom  house  at  the  Ilavaiina 
were  computed  to  be  104,208  pesos  annually.  During 
the  five  years  preceeding  1774,  they  rose  at  a  medium 
.0  308.000  pesos  a  year.  In  Yucatan  the  duties  have 
»rl^en  from  8000  to  15.000  In  Hispaiuola,  from 
2500  lo  56(M).  In  I'orlo  Rico,  from  1200  lo  7000. 
The  '.o'jI  value  of  goodn  im|)orled  from  Cuba  into 
Span  was  reckoned,  in  1774,  lo  be  1,500,000  pesos 
Ediic  y'opul.  I.  450,  Ac. 

Note  [193].  p  169 —The  two  treatises  of  Don 
Pedro  RodrigiiPZ  ('ainpomancs,  Fisrnl  ilrl  real  Contfjn 
y  Supremo  («n  ollicer  m  rank  and  power  nearly' similar 
to  that  o<  Atlorney-Cirneral  in  Kngland),  and  Director 
of  the  Roval  Aradiuny  of  History,  the  one  enlilled 
Discurso  sohrc  el  I'oini nto  dh  la  Induslria  Popular; 
llio  .ither  DiKcurso  sobrc  la  Kducation  Popular  do  los 
Arli-sjnof  V  »u  Komento  ;  the  former  published  in 
1774,  »nd  the  latter  in  1775,  ad'ord  a  sinking  proof  of 
Uita     Abuosl  uvery  |H>inl  of  iinuuiUiice  witli  ruspocl 


to  interior  police,  taxation,  agriculture,  manufactures, 
and  trade,  domestic  as  well  as  foreign,  is  examined  in 
the  course  of  these  works  ;  and  there  are  not  many 
authors,  even  in  the  nations  most  eminent  for  commer- 
cial knowledge,  who  have  carried  on  their  inquiries 
with  a  more  thorough  knowledge  of  those  various  sub- 
lects,  and  a  more  perfect  freedom  from  vulgar  and 
national  prejudices,  or  who  have  united  more  happily 
the  calm  researches  of  piiilosopliy  with  the  ardent  zeal 
of  a  p':i)lic  s[)iritcd  citizen.  These  books  are  in  high 
estimation  among  the  .Spaniards  ;  and  it  is  a  decisive 
evidence  of  the  progress  of  their  own  ideas,  that  thev 
are  capable  of  relishing  an  author  whose  sentiments 
are  so  liberal. 

Note  [194].  p.  169. — The  galeon  employed  in  that 
trade,  instead  of  the  six  hundred  tons  to  which  it  is 
limited  by  law,  Rccop.  lib.  xlv.  1.  15,  is  commonly  from 
twelve  hundred  to  two  thousand  tons  burden.  The 
ship  from  Acapuico,  taken  by  Lord  Anson,  instead  of 
the  500.000  pesos  permitted  by  law,  had  on  board 
1,313,843  pesos,  besides  uncoined  silver  equal  in 
value  to  43,611  pesos  more.    Anson's  Voy.  384. 

Note  [195].  p.  169. — The  price  paid  for  the  bull 
varies  according  to  the  rank  of  different  persons. 
Those  in  the  lowest  order  who  aic  servants  or  slaves, 
pay  two  reals  of  plate,  or  one  shilling  ;  other  Spaniards 
pay  eight  reals,  and  those  in  public  office,  or  who  hold 
encomieiidas,  sixteen  reals.  Solorz.  de  Jure  Ind.  vol. 
ii.  lib.  iii.  c.  25.  According  to  Chilton,  an  English 
merchant  who  resided  long  in  the  Spanish  settlements, 
the  bull  of  Cruzado  bore  a  higher  price  in  the  year 
1570,  being  then  sold  for  four  reals  at  the  lowest. 
Ilakluyt,  lii.  461.  The  price  seems  to  have  varied  at 
different  periods.  That  exacted  for  the  bulls  iisued  in 
the  last  I'rcdicarion  will  appear  from  the  ensuing  table, 
which  will  give  some  idea  of  the  proportional  numbers 
of  the  difl'ercnt  classes  of  citizens  in  New  Spain  and 
Peru. 


There  were  issued  fo*  New  Spain — 

Bulls  at  10  pesos  each  ... 

at  2  pesos  each  .       .  . 

at  1  peso  each  ... 

at  3  reals  each  -       -  . 


For  Peru— 

at  16  pesos  4  J  reals  each 
at  3  pesos  3  reals  each 
at  1  peso  5i  reals  each 
at  4  reals  each 
at  3  reals  each 


4 

22,601 
164,220 
2.462,500 


2,649,325 


3 

14,202 
78,822 
410,325 
668,601 


1,171,953 


Note.  [196]  p  169. — As  Villa  Segnor,  to  whom  we 
are  indebted  for  this  information  contained  in  his  Thea- 
tro  Americano,  publislied  in  Mexico  A.  D.  1746,  was 
hccompant-general  in  one  of  the  most  considerable 
departiiieiiis  of  the  royal  revenue,  and  by  lhat  means 
had  access  to  prouer  information,  his  testimony  with 
respect  to  tliis  point  merits  great  credit.  No  such 
accurate  detail  of  the  Spanish  revenues  in  any  part  of 
America  has  hitherto  been  published  in  the  English 
language  ;  and  the  particulars  ol  il  may  appear  curious 
and  interesting  to  some  of  my  readers. 


From  the  bull  of  Cruiado,  published  every 
two  years,  there  arises  an  annual  revenue 
in  pesos  - 

From  the  duty  on  silver  ... 

From  the  duty  on  gold      .       .       .  . 

From  tax  on  cards  .... 

From  tax  on  pulque,  a  drink  used  by  the 
Indians  ...... 

From  tax  on  stamped  paper 

From  ditto  on  ice  - 

From  ditto  on  leather  ... 

From  ditto  on  gunpowder         .       .  . 

From  dilto  on  s.ilt  .... 

Friim  ditto  on  copper  of  Mcchoachait 

From  ditto  on  alum  ... 

From  ditto  on  Juego  de  los  gallos  • 

From  the  half  of  ecclesiastical  annate 


15'J,000 
700.000 
60.000 
70,000 

161,000 
41,000 
1.5,522 
2.500 
71, .5.50 
32,000 
1.000 
6,.500 
21.100 
49.000 


From  royal  ninths  of  bishoprics,  Ac. 
From  the  tribute  of  Indians 
From  Alcavala,  or  duty  on  sale  of  goods 
From  the  Alinajorifasgo,  custom  house  - 
From  the  mint  -      -  - 


1,381.173 
68.800 
6.50.000 
■  721.875 
373.333 
.  357,500 

3,5.52,680 


1,381,173 


This  sum  amounts  to  819.161  sterling.  ;  and  if  we 
add  to  it  the  profit  accruing  from  the  sale  of  5000 
quintals  of  quicksilver,  imported  from  the  mines  ol 
.•Vlmadan,  in  Spam,  on  the  King's  account,  and  what 
accrues  from  the  Atcna.  and  some  other  taxes  which 
Villa  Segnor  does  not  estimate,  the  public  rc\enue  m 
new  Spam  may  well  be  reckoned  above  a  million 
pounds  sterling  money.  Theat.  .Mex.  vol.  i.  p.  38,  &c. 
According  to  Villa  Segnor,  the  total  pro<luce  of  the 
.Mexican  mines  amounts  at  a  medium  to  eight  millions 
of  Pesos  in  silver  annually,  and  to  5912  marks  of  gold. 
Ibid.  p.  44.  Several  branches  of  the  revenue  have 
been  explained  in  ihe  course  of  the  history  ;  some  of 
which  there  was  no  occasion  of  mentioning,  require  * 
particular  illustration.  The  right  lo  the  titliis  in  the 
New  World  is  vested  in  the  crown  of  Spain,  by  a  bull 
of  Alexander  VI.  Charles  V.  appointed  them  to  be 
applied  in  the  following  manner :  One  fourth  is  allotted 
to  the  bishop  of  tiie  diocess,  anoilier  fourth  to  the  deau 
and  chapter,  and  olher  otiicers  of  the  cathedral.  The 
remaining  half  is  divided  into  nine  equal  parts.  Two 
of  these,  under  the  denomination  of  tva  dos  yovrnos 
realcs,  are  paid  to  the  crown,  and  constitute  a  branch 
of  the  royal  revenue.  The  other  seven  parts  are 
applied  to  the  maintenance  of  the  parochial  ciergy,  the 
building  and  support  of  churches,  and  other  pious 
uses.  Recopil.  lib.  i.  tit.  ivi.  Ley,  23,  <tc,  Avon 
dano  Thesaur.  Indic.  vol.  i.  p.  184. 

The  Alcavala  is  a  duty  levied  by  an  excise  on  the 
«ale  of  goods.  In  Spain  it  amounts  to  ten  per  cent. 
In  America  to  four  per  cent.  Salorzano,  Polit.  Indi- 
ana, lib.  vi.  c.  8.    Avendano,  vol.  i.  186. 

The  Atttiajorifasco,  or  custom  paid  in  America  on 
goods  imported  and  exported,  may  amount  on  an 
average  lo  fifteen  per  cent.  Recopil.  lib.  viii  tit.  xiv. 
Ley,  i.    Avendano,  yo'i.  i.  p.  188. 

The  Arrno,  or  lax  paid  on  account  of  convoys  to 
guard  the  ships  sailing  to  and  from  .Xmerica,  was  first 
imposed  when  Sir  Francis  Diake  filled  the  New  World 
with  terror  by  his  expedition  to  the  South  Sea.  It 
amounts  to  two  per  cent,  on  the  value  of  goods. 
Avendano,  vol.  i.  p.  189.  Recopil.  lib.  ix.  tit.  ix. 
Ley,  43,  44. 

I  have  not  been  able  to  procure  any  accurate  detail 
of  the  several  branc!»es  of  revenue  in  Peru  later  than 
the  year  1614.  From  a  curious  manuscript  containing 
a  state  of  that  viceroyalty  in  all  its  departments,  pre- 
sented to  the  Marquis  of  Montes-Claros  by  Fran. 
Lopez  Carat  antes,  accomptaiit-general  in  the  tribunal 
of  Lima,  it  appears  that  the  public  revenue,  as  nearly 
as  I  can  compute  the  value  of  the  money  in  which 
Caravantes  states  his  accounts,  amounted  in  ducats  at 
4s.  1 1(/.  to   2,372,768 

Expenses  of  government  -       -       .  1,242,993 


Net  free  revenue  1.129,77(i 


The  total  in  sterling  money 
Expenses  of  government 


£583.303 
305,568 


Net  free  reyenuc  277,735 

But  several  articles  appear  to  be  omitted  in  this 
computation,  such  as  the  duty  on  stamped  paper,  lea- 
ther, ecclesiastical  annals,  &c.  so  that  the  revenue  ol 
Peru  may  be  well  supposed  equal  to  lhat  of  Mexico. 

In  computing  the  expense  of  government  in  New 
Spain,  I  may  lake  lhat  of  Peru  as  a  stand.ird.  There 
the  annual  establishment  for  defraying  the  charge  oi" 
administration  exceeds  one  half  of  the  revenue  col- 
lected, and  there  is  no  reason  lor  supposing  it  to  be  less 
in  New  Spain. 

I  have  obtained  a  calculation  of  the  total  amount  of 
the  public  revenue  of  Spain  from  .\merica  and  the  Phi- 
lippines, which,  as  tne  reader  will  perceive  from  the 
two  list  articles,  is  more  recent  than  any  of  the  former. 


.Mcavalas  (Excise)  and  .\duanasfCustOins). 

iScc.  in  pesos  fuertes 
I  luties  on  gold  and  silver 


2.500.00C 
3  000,00* 


5.6(X),000 


THb  HIS  run  T  OF  NORTH  A  In  ERIC  A. 


20y 


tJroUght  forward 
Bull  of  Criizado       .       .       -  - 
Tribute  of  the  Indians    .        -       -  - 
By  sale  of  quicksilver       .       -  - 
Paper  exported  on  the  king's  account,  and 

sold  in  the  royal  warehouses 
Stamped  paper,  tobacco,  and  other  small 
duties  ------ 

Duty  on  coinage  of,  at  the  rate  of  one  real 
de  la  Plata  for  each  mark  -        -  - 
From  the  trade  of  Acapulco,  and  the  coast- 
ing trade  from  province  to  province 
Assiento  of  Negroes      -        -       -  - 

From  the  trade  of  Maihc,  or  herb  of  Para- 
guay, formerly  mono])olizcd  by  the  Je- 
suits ------ 

•'"rom  other  revenues  formerly  belonging 
to  that  order     -       -       -       -  - 


S.50(),000 
1, ()()(),()()() 
2,0()0,()()0 
200,000 

300,000 

1,000,000 

300,000 

500,000 
200,000 

500,000 
400,000 


Total  12,000,000 


Total  in  sterling  money  X2,700,009 


Deduct  half,  as  the  expense  of  administra- 
tion,and  there  remains  net  free  revenue  £1,350,000 

Note  [197].  p.  1G9. — An  author  long  conversant 
in  commercial  speculation  has  computed,  that  from  the 
mines  of  New  Spain  alone  the  king  receives  annually, 
as  his  fifth,  the  sum  of  two  millioiis  of  our  money. 
Harris,  Collect,  of  Voy.  ii.  p.  164.  According  to  this 
calculation,  the  total  produce  of  the  mines  must  bo  ten 
millions  sterling  ;  a  sum  so  exorbitant,  and  so  little  cor- 
responding with  all  accounts  of  the  annual  importation 
from  America,  that  the  information  on  which  it  is 
founded  must  evidently  be  erroneous.  According  to 
Campomanes,  the  total  product  of  the  American  mines 
may  be  computed  at  thirty  millions  of  pesos,  which,  at 
at  four  shillings  and  sixpence  a  peso,  amounts  to 
7,425.000/.  sterling,  the'  king's  fiflh  of  which  (if  that 
were  regularly  paid)  would  be  1,485,000/.  But  from 
this  sum  must  be  deducted  what  is  lost  by  a  fraudulent 
withholding  of  the  fifth  due  to  the  crown,  as  well  as 
the  sum  necessary  for  defraying  the  expense  of  admini- 
stration. Educ.  Popular,  vol.  ii.  p.  131.  note.  Both 
these  sums  are  considerable. 


Note  [198].  p.  169. — According  to  Bern,  do  L'lloa, 
all  foreign  goods  exported  from  .Spain  to  .\nicrica  pay 
duties  of  various  kinds,  amounting  ni  all  to  niore  lliai, 
25  per  cent.  As  most  of  the  goodj  with  which  Spam 
supplies  her  colonies  arc  foreign,  such  a  tax  ;ipoii  a 
trade  so  extensive  must  yield  a  considerable  revenue, 
lletablis.  de  Manuf  ct  du  Commerce  d'Esp.  p.  151. 
He  computes  the  value  of  goods  cx|)ortC(l  annually 
from  Spain  to  America  to  be  about  two  millions  and  a 
half  sterling,  p.  97. 

Note  [199].  p.  169.— The  Maniuis  do  Serralvo, 
according  to  Gage,  by  a  monopoly  of  salt,  and  by  em- 
barking deeply  in  the  maiiilla  trade,  as  well  as  in  that 
to  Spain,  gained  annually  a  million  of  ducats.  In  one 
year  he  remitted  a  million  of  ducats  to  Spain,  in  order 
to  purchase  from  the  Conde  Olivares,  and  his  crea* 
tures,  a  prolongation  of  his  government,  p.  61.  He 
was  successful  in  his  suit,  and  continued  in  office  from 
1624  to  1635,  double  the  usual  time. 


THE 

HISTORY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

BY  JAMES  GRAHAME,  ESQ. 


EDITOR 'SPREFACE. 

Having  presented  to  our  readers  two  interesting  works,  "  Belknap's  Biographies  of  the  Early  Discoverers  of  America,"  and  "  Robertson's  History  of  South  Ajnerica," 
works  which  will  hold  a  high  rank  in  the  estimation  of  many  generations  yet  ucbom,  we  shall  now  begin  in  good  t  amest,  upon  the  History  of  the  North  American  Coto- 
nies  which  in  little  more  than  two  centuries  have  grown  up  into  a  great  nation,  whose  history  will  hereafter  be  sought  for,  not  only  by  Americans,  but  by  every  civilized 
nation  under  the  sun,  as  most  of  the  reform  going  on  in  the  world  sprung  from  the  influence  of  our  institutions.  Several  writers  of  distinction  have  made  great  researcbea 
amoug  the  worm-eaten  pages  of  manuscripts,  pamphlets,  and  partial  histories  to  obtain  a  knowledge  of  the  rise  and  progress  of  this  nation  from  its  beginning  up  to  ita 
present  growth.  Foreigners  have  taken  a  deep  interest  in  the  subject,  and  several  of  them  have  written  on  it  with  great  candor  and  ability.  Among  these  historians  no 
one  stands  higher,  in  the  estimation  of  the  judicious  and  discriminating,  than  James  Grahame,  Esq.  He  writes  without  prejudice,  in  a  style  of  neatness  and  perspicuity 
vvhich  often  rises  to  eloquence.  Every  history  adds  something  to  enlighten  the  public.  Like  stars  in  the  milky  way  although  of  different  magnitude  and  brightness 
t'nese  works  shed  a  lustre  on  each  other  and  increase  the  glory  of  the  hemisphere  of  knowledge. 


PREFACE. 


The  composition  which  I  now  deliver  to  the  public, 
IS  the  first  of  a  threefold  series  of  works,  which,  when 
completed,  will  form  The  Hislnry  of  the  United  States 
of  North  America,  from  the  Plantation  of  the  English 
Colonies  to  the  Establishment  of  their  Independence. 
My  plan  is  restricted  to  the  history  of  those  provinces 
of  North  .\inorica  (originating  all  except  New  York 
and  Delaware,  from  British  colonization,)  which,  at  the 
era  of  the  .\in(!rican  Revolution,  were  included  in  the 
United  States  ;  the  illustration  of  the  rise  and  forma- 
tion of  (his  great  republic,  being  the  end  of  my  labors. 

The  present  work,  the  first  of  the  projected  series, 
embraces  the  rise  of  such  of  those  States,  comprehended 
within  my  general  plan,  as  were  founded  prior  to  the 
British  Revolution  in  1688,  and  traces  their  progress 
•ill  that  epoch.  In  some  instances  1  have  found  it  ne- 
cessary to  carry  forward  the  history  of  rcj-ticuhr  states, 
•oiiicwhat  beyond  this  precise  boundaiy*,  partly  because 
the  influr  ice  of  the  Brit-.sh  Revolution  did  not  immc- 
diataly  extend  to  them,  and  partly  in  order  to  exhibit  a 
rwiiplete  view  of  certain  interesting  transactions,  of 
15 


which  the  account  would  otherwise  be  broken  and  de- 
fective. A  second  performance,  for  which  J  have 
already  collected  a  considerable  mass  of  materials,  will 
embrace  the  further  history  of  these  earlier  states, 
together  with  the  rise  and  progress  of  those  which  were 
subsequently  formed,  till  the  commencement  of  the 
American  Revolution.  This  second  work,  which  like 
the  present,  will  occupy,  I  believe,  two  volumes,  I  con- 
sider the  most  difficult  and  important  portion  of  my 
labors.  Two  additional  volumes,  I  trust,  will  enable 
me  to  complete  my  general  plan,  and  embrace  the  his- 
tory of  the  revolutionary  war,  and  the  establishment 
and  consolidation  of  the  North  American  Republic. 

In  the  collection  of  materials  for  the  composition  of 
this  work,  I  have  been  obliged  to  incur  a  degree  of 
labor  and  expense,  which,  had  I  originally  foreseen,  I 
doubt  4  I  could  have  ventured  to  encounter.  Consi- 
dering the  connection  that  so  long  subsisted  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  American  States,  the  information 
concerning  the  early  history  of  many  of  these  provinces, 
which  the  public  libraries  of  Great  Britain  are  capable 
of  supplying,  is  amazingly  scanty.  Many  valuable 
works  illustrative  of  the  history  and  statistics  both  of 
particular  states  and  of  the  whole  North  American 


commonwealth  ;*  a  defect  the  more  discreditable,  as 
these  works  have  long  enjoyed  a  high  repntc  at  the  seats 
of  learning  on  the  continent  of  Europe,  and  as  the 
greater  part  of  them  might  be  procured  without  diffi- 
culty in  London  or  from  -America. 

After  borrowing  all  the  materials  that  I  could  so  nro- 
cure,  and  purchasing  as  many  more  as  I  could  find  in 
Britain,  iny  collection  proved  still  so  defective  in  many 
respects,  that  in  the  hope  of  enlarging  it,  I  undertook  a 
journey  to  Gottingen  ;  and  in  the  library  of  this  place, 
as  I  had  been  taught  to  expect,  I  found  an  ampler  col- 

*In  the  Advocates'  Library  of  Eoiiihurgh,  for  example, 
there  is  not  a  single  separate  history  of  Rhode  Island,  Cort 
necticut.  New  Hampshire,  Maine,  Maryland,  New  Jersey,  or 
Pennsylvania;  there  is  not  one  of  the  statistical  works  of 
Pitkin  or  Seybert ;  and  although  there  are  the  first  volumes, 
respectively,  of  Hutchinson's  History  of  Massachussetts 
and  of  Hazard's  Historical  Collections,  none  of  the  posterior 
volumes  of  these  interesting  works  have  ever  been  procured. 
But  the  negative  catalogue  of  the  Advocates  Library,  in  this 
department,  is  too  copious  for  further  quotation. 

To  the  British  Museum  I  am  indebted  for  the  perusal  of 
several  works  of  very  great  rarity;  particularly  Denton's 
description  of  New  York,  and  Archdale's  Description  of  Caro- 
lina. But  this  collecticri  though  much  richer  than  the  Ad 
vocatts'  Library,  is  yet  exceedijig.7  iefective  in  American 
liistory. 


THE  HISTORY  OP 


Icctioiiof  Norlli  American  lilcralure,  lhanany  or  indeed 
•U  the  libraries  of  Britain  could  supply.  From  the 
ro*ourccs  of  thu  Goltingcn  I.,ibrary,  aided  by  the 
liberality  with  which  its  adininiiitrators  are  always  wil- 
ling to  render  it  subscrvieM  to  the  purposes  of  literary 
inquiry,  I  have  derived  tlie  greatest  advantage  and 
assistanre.  Vet  even  this  admirable  repository  of  his- 
tory is  not  entirely  perfect ;  and  I  have  stil!  to  lament 
my  inability  to  procure  sonic  works  illustrative  of 
iny  subject,  which,  whatever  may  be  their  value,  it 
would  have  been  satisfactory  to  have  had  an  opportu- 
nity of  perusing,  llopkin'.s  History  of  Providence  in 
particular,  Vandrrdoiick  s  History  of  New  Netherlands, 
and  Hohn's  Hi.story  of  Swedeland  in  America,  are 
books  which  I  have  been  hitherto  unable  to  precure. 
The  Icarnetl  Ebeling  has  characterized  the  first  of  these 
as  a  book  not  easily  met  with  ;  and  th-.t  I  am  not 
chargeable  with  negligent  inquiry,  may  be  inferred,  I 
think,  fnic  the  fact,  that  I  have  succeeded  in  procur- 
ing and  consLvJr.g  various  works  which  Ebeling  con- 
fesses his  in.ibility  to  obtain,  besides  many  of  whose 
existence  he  seeir.s  net  to  have  been  aware.*  Even 
those  which  for  the  present  I  am  obliged  to  disjiense 
with,  as  well  as  various  other  works  of  infrequent  oc- 
currence and  applicable  to  a  later  portion  of  time,  I 
•till  hope  to  procure  for  the  elucidation  of  the  vast  and 
vaned  subject  of  my  second  composition. 

History  addresses  her  lessons  to  all  mankind  :  but 
when  she  reeords  the  fortunes  of  an  existing  people, 
it  is  to  them  that  her  admonitions  are  especially  di- 
rected. There  has  never  been  a  peo|)|e  on  whose 
character  their  own  historical  recollections  were  calcu- 
lated to  exercise  a  more  animating  or  salutary  inrtu- 
ence,  than  the  nation  whose  history  I  have  undertaken 
to  relate. 

In  national  societies  established  after  the  manner  of 
the  United  Stales  of  North  America,  history  docs  not 
begin  with  obscure  or  fabulous  legends.  The  origin 
of  the  nation,  and  the  rise  and  progress  of  all  its  in- 
etitutions,  may  be  distinctly  known.  The  people  may 
obtain  an  accurate  and  familiar  acquaintance  with  tlie 
character  of  their  earliest  national  ancestors,  and  of 
every  sueceeding  generation  through  which  the  inheri- 
tance of  the  national  name  and  fortunes  has  devolved 
to  themselves.  When  this  interesting  knowledge  is 
blended  with  the  information  'hat  their  existence  as  a 
people  originated  in  the  noblest  etlbrts  of  wisdom, 
fortitude,  and  ina;;naniinily,  and  that  every  successive 
acquisition  by  which  their  liberty  and  happiness  have 
been  extended  and  secured,  has  arisen  from  the  ixer- 
cise  of  the  same  qualities,  and  evinced  their  faithful 
preservation  and  uininpaired  ellicacy, — respect  for  an- 
tiquity becomes  the  motive  and  the  pledge  of  virtue  ; 
the  whole  nation  feels  itself  ennoliled  by  ancestors 
whose  ronosvn  will  continue  to  the  end  of  tune  the 
honor  or  re]iroach  of  their  successors  ;  and  the  love 
of  virtue  is  so  interwoven  with  patriotism  and  with 
national  glory,  as  to  prevent  the  one  from  becoming  a 
selhsh  principle,  and  the  o:her  a  splendid  or  mis- 
chievous illusion.  If  an  insjiired  apostle  might  with 
complaci^ncy  [iroclaim  himself  a  citizen  of  no  mean 
ritij,  a  North  American  may  feel  grateful  exultation  in 
avowing  himself  the  native  of  no  ignoble  land, — but  of 
a  land  that  has  yielded  as  great  an  increase  of  glory  to 
God  and  of  happiness  to  man,  as  any  other  portion  of 
the  world,  since  the  first  syllable  of  recorded  Umc,  has 
ever  had  the  honor  of  producing.  A  nobler  model  of 
human  character  could  hardiv  be  proposed  to  the  inha- 
tants  of  .\esv  Knglaiid,  I'cnn.sylvaiiia,  and  others  ol  the 
North  .\inerican  .Staler,  than  tiiat  which  their  own  early 
history  HU|ipliLs.  It  is  at  once  their  interest  and  their 
honor  to  pre.iervc  with  sacred  care  a  model  so  richly 
fraught  with  the  instructions  of  wisdom  and  the  incite- 
ments of  duly.  The  memory  of  the  ."aints  and  heroes 
whom  they  clai.n  as  their  natural  or  national  ancestors 
will  bless  all  tlio.se  who  account  it  blessid;  and  the 
ishes  ol  thi-ir  fathers  will  give  forth  a  nobler  intluence 
iLaii  the  boiTcs  of  the  prophet  of  Israel,  in  rcviviog 
piety  and  invigorating  virtue.  !So  much,  at  the  same 
lime,  of  human  weakness  and  imperfection  is  discerni- 
ble in  the  conduct,  or  is  attested  by  the  avowals  of 
these  Giniricnl  men,  and  so  steady  and  explicit  was 
thnr  reference  to  heavenly  aid.  lor  all  the  good  they 
were  rnabled  to  perform  or  allaiii,  that  the  admiration 
ihcy  so  strongly  claim  never  exceeds  a  just  subordina- 
tion to  the  glory  of  the  .Most  High,  and  enforces  the 

•  I  am  livlebteil  totlio  private  rnllcrtlont  of  various  Indlvi- 
duali  forlli*  |k,tu«»I  of  unnip  very  rare  and  not  Ir.is  intereKt- 
IniC  worku  ;  mhI  mi  p.iriic  iilnr  I  I.c-r  Iravt  to  ttrkiio>*  U-.lae  t|ii. 
Iiin.lnr«»  »;ih  v,],u  u  ihe  v»lualili'  litimrv  of  tlio  l:ilc  (Ji  nrue 
rhalniera  wan  ihiI.miiikmI  to  fn)  I'xsniination,  lu«  nephew 
aad  •■•culur,  ,Vr.  James  CluUnicra  of  London. 


scriptural  testimony  to  the  riches  of  divine  grace,  and 
the  reflected  lustre  of  human  virtue. 

The  most  important  requisite  of  historical  composi- 
tions, and  that  in  which,  I  suspect,  they  are  commonly 
most  defective,  is  truth — a  re(]uisite,  of  which  even 
the  sincerity  of  the  historian  is  insufficient  to  assure  us. 
In  tracing  ascertained  and  important  facts,  either  back- 
ward in'o  their  original,  or  forward  into  their  operation, 
the  historian  frequently  encounters,  on  either  hand,  a 
perplexing  variety  of  dissimilar  causes  and  diverging 
effects ;  among  which  it  is  no  less  difficult  than  im- 
portant to  discriminate  the  peculiar  s|)rings  of  action, 
and  to  preserve  the  moral  stream  of  events.  Indis- 
criminate detail  would  produce  intolerable  fatigue  and 
confusion  ;  while  selection  inevitably  infers  the  risk  of 
.error.  The  sacred  historians  often  record  events  with 
little  or  no  reference  to  their  historical  pedigree  ;  and 
have  thus  given  to  some  parts  of  the  only  history  that 
is  infallibly  authentic,  an  appearance  of  improbability, 
which  the  more  reasoning  productions  of  uninspired 
narrators  have  exchanged,  at  least  as  frequently,  for 
substantial  misrepresentation.  It  may  be  thought  an 
imprudent  avowal,  and  yet  I  have  no  desire  to  conceal, 
that,  in  examining  and  comparing  historical  records,  I 
have  often  been  forcibly  reminded  of  .Sir  Robert  Wal- 
pole's  assurance  to  his  son,  thai  "  History  must  be 
false."*  Happily,  this  apophthegm  applies,  if  not  ex- 
clusively, at  least  most  forcibly  to  that  which  Walpole 
probably  regarded  as  the  main  trunk  of  history,  but 
which  is  really  the  most  insigniticant  branch  of  it, — 
the  intrigues  of  cabinets,  the  secret  machinations  and 
designs  of  ministers,  and  the  contests  of  trading  poli- 
ticians. 

In  surveying  the  contests  of  human  beings,  it  is  dif- 
ficult, or  rather  it  is  impossible,  for  a  man  of  like  feel- 
ings with  themselves,  to  escape  entirely  the  contagion 
of  those  passions  which  the  contests  arose  from  or 
engendered.  Thus  partialities  arc  secretly  insinuated 
into  the  mind  ;  and  in  balancing  opposite  testimony, 
these  partialities  find  a  sure,  though  secret  means  of 
exerting  their  influence.  I  am  not  desirous  of  con- 
cealing that  I  feel  such  partialities  within  myself;  and 
if  my  consciousness  of  their  existence  should  not  ex- 
empt me  from  their  influence.  I  hope  the  avowal,  at 
least,  will  prevent  the  error  from  extending  to  my 
readers.  1  am  sensible  of  a  strong  predilection  in 
favor  of  America,  and  the  colonial  side  in  the  great 
controversies  between  her  people  and  the  British  go- 
vernment, which  must  occujiy  so  prominent  a  place  in 
the  ensuing  pagas.  Against  the  influence  of  this  pre- 
dilection, I  hope  I  am  sufficiently  on  my  guarc'  ;  and 
my  apprehensions  of  it  are  moderated  by  tlie  recollec- 
tion that  there  is  a  wisdom  which  is  divinely  declared 
to  be  without  partiality,  and  tvitlwut  hypocrisy,  and 
attainable  by  all  who  seek  it  in  sincerity  from  its  hea- 
venly source. 

I  am  far  from  thinking  or  from  desiring  it  should  be 
thought,  that  every  part  of  the  conduct  of  America 
throughout  these  controversies  to  which  I  have  alluded, 
was  pure  and  blameless.  Much  guile,  much  evil  pas- 
sion, violence,  and  injustice,  dishonored  many  of  the 
councils  and  proceedings  of  the  leaders  and  assemblies 
of  America  ;  and  it  was  the  conduct  of  one  of  the 
States,  the  most  renowned  for  piety  and  virtue,  that 
suggested  to  her  historian  the  melancholy  observation, 
"  that  in  all  ages  and  countries  communities  of  men 
have  done  that,  of  which  most  of  the  individuals  of 
whom  \.\\v.y  consisted  would,  acting  separataly,  have 
been  ashamed. "t  But  mingkd  masses  arc  justly 
denoiniiiated  from  the  elements  and  qualities  that  pre- 
ponderate in  their  composition  ;  and  sages  and  patriots 
will  be  equally  voted  out  of  the  world  if  we  can  never 
recognize  the  lineaments  of  worth  and  wisdom  under 
the  rags  of  mortal  imperfection.  There  exists  in 
some  romantic  speculative  minds,  a  platoiiic  love  of 
liberty,  as  well  as  virtue,  that  consists  with  a  cordial 
disgust  for  every  visible  and  actual  incarnation  of  either 

*  Horace  Walpole's  works. — K  curious  illustration  of  his- 
'orical  inaccuracy  was  related  by  the  late  President  Jetrersoii 
to  nn  iiitclli|,'enl  I^OKlish  traveller.  Tlic  Abbe  Rayiial,  in  his 
Jlistoryof  the  Hntish  Settlenieiits  in  Amenc.i,  has  recounted 
a  remarkable  story  wliich  implies  the  existence  of  a  parlicu- 
\t,T  law  jii  New  England.  Some  Americans  being  in  company 
w  ith  the  Abbe  at  I'aris,  ipR'stioiicd  the  truth  of  the  story,  al- 
loifinii  tliat  no  such  law  had  over  exi.stcd  in  New  England. 
The  Alibe  mamtamed  the  authenticity  of  his  history,  till  he 
was  irileirupird  by  Ur'.  Franklin,  who  was  present,  and  after 
listeniiig  fi>r  some  lime  in  silence  to  the  dispute,  said,  *•  1  can 
nccoiinl  Iftr  all  this  :  )oii  UwV.  the  anecdote  from  a  newspaper, 
of  which  I  was  al  lhal  limo  editor,  and,  happening  to  be  very 
short  (»t  news,  I  composed  ami  mserled  the  whole  story." 
Hall's  Travnl.s  in  Cnmula  and  the  limted  States,  p.  3.S2, 

t  Ilutchiiisoh's  History  of  Massachusetts,  vol.  i.  p.  156. 
This  observation  referred  to  the  dispute  between  Mass.ichu- 
sells  and  the  Confedurated  Stales  of  Nsw  England  in  l&tV. 


of  these  (irinciples  ;  and  which,  when  not  corrected  by 
sense  and  experience,  conducts  to  endless  error  or  in- 
curable misanthropy. 

Whoever  examines  the  histories  of  individuals  at 
communities,  must  expect  to  be  disappointed  and  per- 
plexed by  numberless  inconsistencies.  Much  errol 
is  produced  and  continued  in  the  world  by  unwilling 
ness  or  inability  to  make  candid  concessions,  or  iadeM 
to  distinguish  candor  from  sincerity — to  admit  in  an 
adversary  the  excellence  that  condemns  our  vehement 
hate  ;  in  a  friend  or  hero,  the  defects  that  sully  the 
pleasing  image  of  virtue,  that  dimini.sh  our  exultation, 
bid  us  cease  from  man,  and  shew  us  the  end  of  ail 
perfection.  With  partial  views,  we  encounter  the  op- 
posite partialities  of  antagonists,  and  by  mutual  coin- 
mission  and  perception  of  injustice,  render  each  othcr't 
misapprehensions  incurable.  It  should  be  the  great 
end  of  his  history  to  correct  the  errors  by  which  expe- 
rience is  tlius  rendered  useless :  and  this  end  I  have 
proposed,  m  humble  reliance  on  Divine  Guidance,  to 
pursue. 

Hastings,  January,  1827. 


BOOK  I. 

VIRGINIA. 

CHAPTER  I 

Cabot  despatrlied  by  Henry  the  Seventh — Wsits  the  Coast  at 
North  .\iiierica— Neglect  of  Henry  to  profit  by  Cabofs  D:i 
covery — and  of  his  immediate  Successors — Reign  of  Eli^v 
l)etli — favoraiile  to  maritime  Adventures— Rise  of  the  Slavs 
Trade — Sir  Walter  Raleigh — projects  a  colony  in  North 
America — first  Expedition  fails — Elizabeth  names  the 
Country  Virginia— Greenville  despatched  by  Raleigh— 
establishes  a  Colony  at  Roanoak — .Misfortunes  of  the  C<^ 
loiiists— their  Return— Use  of  Tobacco  introduced  id 
England — Farther  Elforts  of  Raleigli- terminate  unsuccess- 
fully— Accession  of  James  tolbe  English  Crown — Gosnold't 
Voyage — its  Effects- James  divides  North  America  between 
two  i;oinpanies — Tenor  of  their  Charters — Royal  Code  of 
Laws — The  first  Body  of  Colonists  embarked  by  the  Lon 
don  Company — arrive  in  tlie  Bay  of  Cfiesapeak— found 
James  Town — Uissentions  of  the  Colonists — Hostilily  of 
the  Indians— Distress  and  Confusion  of  the  Colony— Servi 
ces  of  Captain  Smith — he  is  taken  Prisoner  liy  the  Indians— 
his  Liberation — he  preserves  the  Colony — The  Colonists  de- 
ceived by  Appearances  of  Gold — Smith  Surveys  the  Bay 
of  Cfiesapeak— elected  President  of  Ifie  Colony- New 
Charter — Lord  Delaware  appointed  Governor — Newport, 
Gates,  and  Somers  sent  out  to  preside  till  Lord  Delaware's 
Arrival — are  wrecked  on  the  Coast  of  Bermudas — Captain 
Smith  Returns  to  England. 

It  was  on  the  third  of  August,  1492,  a  little  beforo 
sun-rise,  that  Christopher  Columbus,  undertaking  the 
most  memorable  enterprise  that  human  genius  ever 
planned  or  human  skill  and  courage  ever  performed, 
set  sail  from  Spain  for  the  discovery  of  the  western 
world.  On  the  13lh  of  October,  about  two  hours 
before  midnight,  a  light  in  the  island  of  San  Salvador 
was  descried  by  Columbus  from  the  deck  of  his  vessel, 
and  .\merica  for  the  first  time  beheld  by  European 
eyes.*  Of  the  vast  and  important  consequences  that 
depended  on  this  spectacle,  perhaps  not  even  the  coni- 
prehensive  mind  of  Columbus  was  fully  sensible  ;  bu' 
to  the  end  of  time,  the  heart  of  every  human  being 
who  reads  the  storv  will  confess  the  interest  of  that 
eventful  moment,  and  partake  the  feelings  of  that  illus- 
trious man.  On  the  following  day,  the  adventurers, 
preceded  by  their  commander,  took  possession  of  the 
soil  ;  and  a  connexion  that  was  to  subsist  for  ever  was 
establisned  between  Europe  and  .\inerica.  The  cros» 
was  planted  on  the  shores  of  the  western  world  ,  and 
in  the  hour  that  wi'.nesscd  this  great  re-union  of  man 
kind,  the  knee  was  bowed  lo  that  Being  who  has  pro- 
claimed himself  the  brother  of  the  whole  human  race, 
and  the  author  of  a  common  salvation  to  all  the  ends 
of  the  earth. 

The  intelligence  of  this  successful  voyage  was  rtr 
ceived  in  Europe  with  the  utmost  surprise  and  admira- 
tion. In  Englani',  more  especially,  it  was  calculated 
lo  produce  a  very  powerful  imprcss  OTi,  and  to  awaken 
at  once  emulation  and  regret.  While  Columbus  was 
proposing  his  schemes  with  lilllc  prospect  of  success 
at  the  court  of  Spam,  he  had  despatched  his  brother 

•  Dr.  Roberlson  is  of  opinion  that  the  Ancients  had  no  notion 
of  tfie  exisC'jnce  of  the  western  world,  and  has  collectod  from 
ancient  w Titers  many  proofs,  not  only  of  ignorance,  but  of  most 
barbarous  c."ror  respecting  the  territorial  resources  of  tlie 
earth  :  Hist,  of  America,  1).  1.  Vet  a  Roman  w  riter,  lo  whose 
sentiments  he  has  not  adverted,  is  supposed  to  fiave  prophe- 
sied tfie  discovery  of  .\merica  1400  jeais  before  this  event 
lo4k  place.    The  passage  occurs  m  one  of  Srncca't  tragedies 

 •*  Yemeni  annis 

Sccula  seris,.(iuibus  oceanus 

Vincula  rerum  laxet.et  ingens 

Paleat  tellus,  Tipfiysiqiie  novoe 

Delegal  orbes ;  nec  sil  terns 

UlUina  Thulc." 

MsDUA.  Act  II.  ChereA 


IM  ORTH  AMERICA. 


211 


Barlholomew  to  the  court  of  Henry  the  Vllth  in  Eng- 
land, there  to  solicit  patronage  aiifl  offer  the  fruits  of 
discovery.  Bartliolouiev  was  taken  [irisoner  by  pirates, 
and  after  a  long  detention  was  reduced  to  such  poverty 
that  on  his  arrival  in  London  he  was  compelled,  by  the 
labor  of  his  hands,  to  procure  the  means  of  arraying 
himself  in  habiliments  suited  to  his  interview  with  a 
monarch.  On  such  slight  circumstances  the  fates  of 
nations,  at  times,  seem  to  depend  ;  while  in  reality, 
they  are  over-ruled,  not  by  circumstances,  but  by 
that  Being  who  arranges  and  disposes  circumstances 
in  harmony  with  the  predeterminations  of  his  own 
will.  The  propositions  of  Bartholomew  were  favora- 
bly received  by  Henry  :  but  before  a  definitive  arrange- 
menl  was  concluded,  Bartholomew  was  recalled  by  the 
intelligence  that  his  brother's  plans  had  at  length  been 
sanctioned  and  adopted  by  Ferdmand  and  Isabella  of 
Spain 


lingly  have  resumed  his  voyages  in  the  service  of  Eng- 
land, but  he  found  that  in  his  absence  the  king's  ardor 
for  discovery  had  greatlv  abated.  Seated  on  a  throne 
which  he  had  gained  by  conquest  in  a  country  ex- 
hausted by  civil  wars,  involved  in  hostilities  with  .Scot- 
land, and  harassed  by  the  insurrections  of  his  subjects 
and  the  machinations  of  pretenders  to  his  crown, 
Henry  had  little  leisure  for  the  execution  of  distant  pro- 
jects ;  and  his  sordid  disposition  found  little  attraction 
in  the  prospect  of  a  coloma'  settlement,  which  was  not 
likely  to  be  productive  of  immediate  pecuniary  gain. 
He  was  engaged,  too,  at  this  time,  in  negotiating  the  mar- 
riage of  his  son  with  the  daughter  of  Ferdinand  of  Spain, 
and  must,  therefore,  have  felt  himself  additionally  disin- 
clined to  pursue  a  project  that  could  not  fail  to  give 
umbrage  to  this  jealous  prince,  who  claimed  the  whole 
continent  of  America,  hi  virtue  of  a  donation  from  the 
Pope.    Nor  were  the  subjects  of  Henry  in  a  condition 


If  the  cautious  temper  and  frugal  disposition  of  i  to  avail  themselves  of  the  ample  field  that  Cabot's  dis- 
Henry  contributed  to  diminish  his  regrets  for  the  I  covery  had  opened  to  their  enterprise  and  activity, 
abandonment  of  a  hazardous  am  expensive  undertak-  I  The  civil  wars  had  dissipated  wealth,  repressed  com- 
ing, the  astonishing  success  with  which  its  actual  pro-  i  merce,  and  even  excluded  the  English  people  from 
secution  by  others  had  been  attended,  revived  the  for-  I  sharing  in  the  general  improvement  which  the  nations 
mer  projects  of  his  mind,  and  whetted  it  to  a  degree  of  |  of  Europe  had  now  begun  to  experience.    All  the  ad- 


enterpnse  that  showed  him  both  instructed  and  pro- 
voked by  his  disappointment.  In  this  disposition  he 
listened  readily  to  the  proposals  of  one  Gabato  or  Ca- 
bot, a  Venetian,  residing  in  Bristol  ;  who,  from  consi- 
dering the  discoveries  of  Columbus  towards  the  south- 
west, had  formed  the  opinion  that  lands  might  like- 
wise be  discovered  towards  the  north-west,  and  now 
offered  the  king  to  conduct  an  expedition  in  this  direc- 
tion. Henry,  prompted  by  his  avarice  and  stung  by 
his  disappointment,  eagerly  embraced  the  proposals  of 
Cabot,  and  not  only  granted  him  a  commission  of  dis- 
covery, but,  on  two  subsequent  occasions,  issued  simi- 
lar commissions  for  the  discovery  and  appropriation  of 
jnkiiown  territories. 

The  commission  to  Cabot,  the  only  one  which  was 
productive  of  interesting  consequences,  was  granted 


vantages,  then,  that  England,  for  the  present,  derived 
from  the  voyage  of  Cabot  was,  that  right  of  property 
which  is  sujiposed  to  arise  from  priority  of  discovery — 
a  right  which,  from  the  extent  of  the  territory,  the  mild- 
ness of  its  climate,  and  the  fertility  of  its  soil,  afforded 
an  ample  prospect  of  advantageous  colonization.  But 
from  the  circumstances  in  which  the  nation  was  placed, 
or  rather  from  the  designs  of  that  Providence  which 
govi  rns  circumstances,  and  renders  them  subservient  to 
the  destinies  of  nations  and  individuals,  was  England 
prevented  from  occupying  this  important  field,  till  the 
moral  and  religious  advancement  which  her  people 
were  soon  to  undergo,  had  qualified  her  to  become  the 
parent  of  North  America.  Cabot  finding  that  Henry 
had  abandoned  his  colonial  projects,  soon  after  trans 
ferred  his  services  to  the  Spaniards  ;  and  the  English 


on  the  5th  of  March,  1495,  (about  two  years  after  the  i  seemed  contented  to  surrender  their  discoveries  and 


return  of  Columbus  from  America,)  and  empowered 
this  adventurer  and  his  sons  to  sail  under  the  flag  of 
England  in  quest  of  countries  yet  unoccupied  by  any 
christian  state  ;  to  take  possession  of  them  in  the  name 
of  Henry,  and  plant  the  English  banner  on  the  walls 
of  their  castles  and  cities,  and  to  maintain  with  the  in- 
habitants a  traffic  exclusive  of  all  competitors,  and 
exempted  from  customs  ;  under  the  condition  of  pay- 
ing a  fifth  part  of  the  free  profit  on  every  voyage  to 
the  crown.  About  two  years  after  the  date  of  his  com- 
mission, [1497,]  Cabot,  with  his  second  son,  Sebas- 
tian, embarked  at  Bristol,  in  a  ship  furnished  by  the 
king,  and  was  attended  by  four  small  vessels  equipped 
by  the  meichants  of  that  city.  Sebastian  Cabot  ap- 
pears to  have  greatly  excelled  his  father  in  genius  and 
nautical  science  ;  and  it  is  to  him  alone  that  historians 
have  ascribed  all  the  discoveries  with  which  the  name 
of  Cabot  is  associated. 

The  navigators  of  that  age  were  not  less  influenced 
by  the  opinions  than  incited  by  the  example  of  Co- 
lumbus, who  erroneously  supposed  that  the  islands  he 
had  discovered  in  his  first  voyage  were  outskirts  or 
dependencies  of  India,  and  not  far  remote  from  the 
Indian  continent.  Influenced  by  this  notion,  Sebastian 
Cabot  conceived  the  hope  that  by  steering  to  the  north- 
west he  might  fulfil  the  design,  and  even  improve  the 
performance  of  Columbus,  and  reach  India  by  a  shorter 
course  than  his  predecessor  had  taken.  Pursuing  this 
track,  he  discovered  the  islands  of  Newfoundland  and 
St.  John ;  and  still  continuing  to  hold  a  westerly 
course,  soon  reached  the  continent  of  North  America, 
and  sailed  along  it  from  the  confines  of  Labrador  to 
the  coast  of  Virginia.  Thus  conducted  by  Caliot,  who 
was  himself  guided  by  the  genius  of  Columbus,  did 
the  English  achieve  the  honor  of  being  the  second  na- 
tion that  had  visited  the  western  world,  and  the  first 
that  had  discovered  that  vast  continent  that  stretches 
froin  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  towards  the  North  Pole.  For 
it  was  not  till  the  following  year  [1498]  that  Columbus, 
in  his  second  voyage,  was  enablad  to  complete  his  own 
discovery,  and  proceed  beyund  the  islands  he  had  first 
visited,  to  the  continent  of  America. 

Cabot,  disappointed  in  his  mam  object  of  finding  a 
western  passage  to  India  returned  to  England  to  relate 
the  discoveries  he  had  already  effected,  without  at- 
tempting cither  by  settlement  or  conquest  to  gain  a 
footing  on  the  American  continent.*    He  would  wil- 


the  discoverer  to  the  superior  fortune  of  that  successful 
people.  The  only  immediate  fruit  that  England  de- 
rived from  his  enterprise  is  said  to  have  been  the  im- 
portation from  America  of  the  first  turkeys*  that  had 
ever  been  seen  in  Europe 

It  is  remarkable,  that  of  these  first  expeditions  to  the 
western  world,  by  Spain  and  England,  not  one  was 
either  projected  or  commanded  by  a  citizen  of  the  state 
which  supplied  the  subordinate  adventurers,  defrayed 
the  expense  of  the  equipment,  and  reaped  the  benefit 
of  the  enterprise.  The  honor  of  the  achievement  was 
thus  more  widely  distributed.  The  Spanish  adventur- 
ers were  conducted  by  Columbus,  a  native  of  Genoa 
the  English,  by  John  Cabot,  a  citizen  of  Venice  :  and 
though  Sebastian  Cabot,  whose  superior  genius  soon 
assumed  the  chief  direction  of  the  enterprise,  had  him- 
self been  born  in  England,  it  was  by  the  experience 
and  instructions  of  his  father  that  his  genius  had  been 
trained  to  naval  affairs,  and  it  was  to  the  father  that 
the  projection  of  the  voyage  was  due,  and  the  chief 
command  intrusted.  Happily  for  the  honor  of  the 
English  nation,  the  parallel  extends  no  farther  ;  and 
the  treatment  which  the  two  discoverers  experienced 
from  the  countries  that  had  employed  them,  differed  as 
widely  as  the  histories  of  the  two  empires  which  they 
respectively  contributed  to  found.  Columbus  was 
loaded  with  chains  in  the  country  which  he  had  the 
glory  of  discovering,  and  died  the  victim  of  ingratitude 
and  disappointment  among  the  people  whom  he  had 
conducted  to  so  much  wealth  and  renown.  Cabot, 
after  spending  some  years  in  the  service  of  Spain,  also 
experienced  her  ingratitude  ;  and  returning,  in  his  old 
age,  to  England,  he  obtained  a  kind  and  honorable  re- 
ception from  the  nation  which  had,  as  yet,  derived  only 
barren  hopes,  and  a  seemingly  relinquished  title  from 
his  expedition.  He  received  the  dignity  of  knighthood, 
the  appointment  of  Grand  Pilot  of  England,  and  a  pen- 
sion that  enabled  him  to  spend  his  old  age  in  circum- 
stances of  honor  and  comfort. 

From  this  period  till  the  reign  of  Elizabeth,  no  gene- 
ral or  deliberate  design  was  formed  in  England  for  the 
acquisition  of  territory,  or  the  establishment  of  colo- 
nies in  America.  During  the  reign  of  Henry  the  Vlllth, 
the  vigor  and  attention  of  the  English  government  were 


ylmrchill's  Collection  of  Voyages,  iii.SII.  He  composed, 
en  his  return,  a  rliart  of  the  whole  Nortti  American  continent. 
Tins  interesting  document  (attached  to  which  was  a  portrait 
Mtbc  Navigator,  and  a  brief  account  of  tiis  voyage)  was  loag 


suspended  in  the  Privy  Gallery  at  Whitehall,  and  is  supposed 
to  have  perished  by  the  tire  which  destroyed  that  Gallery,  in 
the  reijn  of  William  the  Illd.  Enlick's  Gen.  Hist,  of  the  Late 
War,  vol.  1.  p.  169. 

'  Why  this  bird  received  the  name  it  enjoys  in  Engl.ind, 
has  never  been  satisfactorily  explained.  By  the  French  it 
was  called  "  cnq  d'lnde,"  on  account  of  its  American  original; 
America  being  then  generally  termed  Western  India. 


for  many  years  absorbed  by  the  wars  and  intrigues  r.l 
the  continent ;  and  the  innovations  in  religious  uuC- 
trine  and  ecclesiastical  constitution  that  attended  its 
close,  found  ample  employment  at  home  for  the  iniiida 
of  the  king,  and  of  the  great  bulk  of  the  people.     It  wag 
during  this  reign  that  tlie  full  light  of  the  Reformation 
broke  forth  in  Germany,  and  was  rapidly  diffused  over 
Euro|)e.  Henry,  at  first,  resolutely  opposed  himself  to 
the  adversaries  of  the  church  of  Rome,  and  even  at- 
tempted, by  his  pen,  to  stem  the  progress  of  the  inno- 
vations.    13iit  his  subsequent  controversy  with  the 
Papal  See  excited  and  sanctioned  a  spirit  of  inquiry 
among  his  own  subjects,  which  spread  far  beyond  hia 
expectations  and  desires,  and  eluded  all  his  attempts  to 
control  and  restrain  it.    A  discu.ssion  of  the  |ircleii- 
sions  of  the  church  of  Rome  naturally  begot  inquiry 
into  her  doctrines  ;  for  her  grand  pretensions  to  iiifal- 
ibility  formed  the  only  authority  to  which  many  of  these 
doctrines  were  indebted  for  their  reception.    The  very 
art  that  had  been  employed  (says  an  ingenious  philoso- 
pher) to  weave  the  whole  of  the  popish  institutions 
into  one  coherent  system,  and  to  make  every  super- 
stitious device  repose  on  the  authority  and  conduce  to 
the  aggrandisement  of  the  church  of  Rome,  now  con- 
tributed to  accelerate  and  complete  her  downfall.  In 
a  system  so  overgrown  with  abuses,  the  spirit  of  in- 
quiry, wherever  it  obtained  admission,  could  not  fail  to 
detect  error  ;  and  even  a  single  instance  of  such  de- 
tection, by  loosening  the  corner-stone  of  infallibility, 
shook  the  whole  edifice  to  its  foundation.    The  pro- 
gress of  this  spirit  of  inquiry  exercised  a  powerful  and 
salutary  influence  on  the  character  and  fortune  of  every 
nation  in  which  it  gained  admission.    A  subject  of  in- 
tellectual exercise  had  at  length  been  found,  that  could 
interest  the  dullest,  and  engross  the  most  vigorous 
faculties  ;  the  contagion  of  fervent  zeal  and  earnest 
inquiry  was  rapidly  propagated  ;  a  universal  promotion 
of  mind  attended  the  spread  of  the  reformed  doctrines, 
and  every  nation  into  which  they  flowed  was  elevated 
in  the  scale  of  moral  and  intellectual  being.  Intro- 
duced into  England  by  the  power  of  a  haughty,  ca- 
pricious, and  barbarous  tyrant,  whose  object  was  not 
the  emancipation  of  his  subjects,  but  the  deliverance 
of  himself  from  a  power  which  he  wrested  from  the 
Pope  only  to  exercise  with  his  own  hands  ;  it  was  some 
time  before  these  doctrines  worked  their  way  into  the 
minds  of  the  people,  and,  expelling  the  corruptions  and 
adulterations  of  the  royal  teacher,  attained  their  full 
maturity  of   influence  and  vigor.    Besides  leavening 
the  national  creed  with  much  of  the  ancient  super- 
stition, Henry  encumbered  the  national  worship  with 
many  of  the  popish  institutions  :  retaining  whatever 
was  calculated  to  prove  a  useful  auxiliary  to  royal  au- 
thority, or  to  gratify  the  pomp  and  pride  of  his  own 
sensual  imagination.    In  the  composition  of  the  ec- 
clesiastical body,  he  preserved  the  powerfiil  hierarchy, 
and  in  the  solemnities  of  worship  the  gorgeous  cere- 
monial of  the  church  of  Rome.    But  he  founil  it 
easier  to  establish  ecclesiastical  constitutions,  than  to 
limit  the  stream  of  human  opinion,  or  stay  the  heavenly 
shower  by  which  it  was  slowly  but  gradually  reinforced 
and  enlarged  ;   and  in  an  after  age,  the  repugnance 
that  manifested  itself  between  the  constitution  of  the 
English  church  and  the  religious  sentiments  of  the 
English  people,  produced  consequences  of  very  great 
importance  in  the  history  of  England  and  the  settle- 
ment of  America. 

The  rupture  between  Henry  the  Vlllth  and  the  Ro- 
man see  removed  whatever  obstacle  the  popish  dona- 
tive to  Spain  might  have  interpose  J  to  the  appropriation 
of  American  territory  by  the  English  crown  :  but  of 
the  two  immediate  successors  of  that  monarch,  the  one 
neglected  this  advantage,  and  the  other  renounced  it. 
Durino  the  reign  of  Edward  the  Vlth,  the  court  of  the 
royal  minor  was  distracted  by  faction,  or  occupied  by 
the  war  with  Scotland  ;  and  the  attention  of  the  king 
and  people  was  engrossed  by  the  care  of  extending  and 
confirming  the  cstablishinent  of  the  protectant  doc- 
trines. Introduced  by  Henry,  and  patronized  by  Ed- 
ward, these  doctrines  multipiied  their  converts  with  a 
facility  that  savored  somewhat  of  the  weight  of  human 
authority,  and  the  influence  of  secular  interests  ;  till, 
under  the  direction  of  Providence,  the  same  earthly 
power  that  had  been  employed  to  facilitate  the  intro- 
duction of  truth,  was  permitted  to  attempt  its  suppres- 
sion. The  royal  authority,  which  Henry  had  blindly 
made  subservient  to  the  establishment  of  the  protcs- 
tant  doctrines,  was  now  employed  by  Mary  with  equal 
blindness  as  an  instrument  to  sift  and  purify  the  pro- 
tcstant  body,  to  separate  the  genuine  fram  the  unsound, 
and  to  enable  the  true  believers,  by  more  than  mortal 
fortitude,  faithfulness,  and  patience,  to  make  full  prool 


113_  

of  christian  character  and  divine  grarc.  This  prince 
rvatoriMg  the  connexion  between  England  and  the 
church  of  Home,  and  united  in  marriage  to  Philip  of 
Npain,  was  hound  hy  double  tics  to  retrain  from  con- 
testing the  Spanish  claims  on  America.  I'  was  not 
till  the  reign  ol  Elizabeth,  '.hat  the  obstacles  created  by 
the  pretensions  of  Spain  were  finally  removed,  and  the 
prospect  of  colliaion  with  tJie  designs  of  that  power,  so 
far  from  appearing  objectionable,  presented  the  strong- 
est attractions  to  the  minds  of  the  English. 

But,  althcugh  during  this  long  period  the  occupation 
of  America  had  been  utterly  neglected,  the  naval  re- 
sources adapted  to  the  formation  and  maintenance  of 
colonies  were  diligently  cultivated  in  England,  and  a 
vigorous  impulse  was  communicated  to  the  spirit  uf 
commercial  enterprise.  Under  the  directions  of  Cabot, 
in  the  rei;jn  of  Henry  the  Vlllth,  the  E-glish  mer- 
chants visited  the  coast  of  Brazil,  and  traded  with  the 
scllleinents  of  the  Portuguese.  In  the  reign  of  Ed- 
v*'ard  the  V'ltli,  the  fisheries  on  the  banks  of  New- 
foundland, winch  had  been  previously  established,  were 
extended  and  encouraged  ;  and  an  association  of  ad- 
venturers for  the  discovery  of  new  countries  was  incor- 
porated by  royal  charter.  Even  Mary  contributed  to 
promote  this  direction  of  the  national  spirit ;  she 
founded  the  Corporation  of  Merchants  to  Russia,  and 
endeavored  to  |)rotect  their  tratBc,  by  establishing  a 
friendly  relation  with  the  sovereign  of  that  country. 
During  her  reign,  an  attempt  highly  creditable  to  the 
national  energy,  and  not  wholly  unsuccessful,  was  made 
to  reach  India  by  land  ;  aiirl  a  commercial  intercourse 
was  establislied  with  the  coast  of  Africa.  Many  symp- 
toms conspired  to  indicate  with  what  steady  vigor  and 
persevering  ardor  the  people  of  England  might  be  ex- 
pected to  improve  every  opportunity  of  exercising  and 
extending  their  resources,  and  how  high  a  rank  tliey 
were  destined  to  hold  in  the  scale  of  nations,  when  the 
strength  of  their  character  should  be  thoroughly  deve- 
loped by  the  progress  of  their  recent  improvement,  and 
the  principles  and  policy  of  their  government  should 
more  happily  concur  with  the  genius  and  sentiments  of 
Ihe  people. 

The  Spaniards  in  the  meantime  nad  extended  their 
settlements  over  the  continent  of  South  America,  and 
achieved  an  extent  of  conquest  and  accession  of  trea- 
sure that  dazzled  the  eyes  and  excited  the  emulation  of 
ill  Europe.  The  more  active  spirits  among  the  Spa- 
nish people,  restrained  at  home  by  the  illiberal  genius 
rt(  their  government,  eagerly  rushed  into  the  outlet  of 
enterprise  presented  to  them  on  the  vast  theatre  of 
Mexico  and  Peru.  The  paganism  of  the  natives  of 
these  regions  allured  the  invasion  of  bigots  long  wed- 
ded to  a  faith  that  recognised  compulsion  as  an  instru- 
ment of  conversion  ;  and  their  wealth  and  etfeminacy 
not  less  powerfully  tempted  the  cupidity  of  men  in 
whom  pride  inHamed  the  desire  of  riches,  while  it  in- 
■pired  contempt  of  industry.  Thus  every  prospect  that 
could  address  itself  prevailing  to  human  desires,  or 
to  the  peculiarities  of  Spanish  character,  contributed  to 
promote  that  series  of  rapid  and  vigorous  invasions,  by 
which  the  Spaniards  overran  so  large  a  portion  of  the 
continent  of  South  America.  The  real  and  lastin" 
effect  of  their  accpiisitions  has  corresponded  in  a  man- 
lier very  satisfactory  to  the  moral  eye,  with  the  charac- 
ter and  merit  of  the  achievements  by  which  they  were 
earned.  The  history  of  the  expeditions  which  terini- 
iialed  in  the  conquest  of  .Mexico  and  Peru  displays, 
perhaps,  more  strikingly  than  any  other  portion  of  the 
recoruS  cf  '.l-.e  human  race,  what  amazing  exertions  the 
nnnd  of  man  can  prompt  him  to  attempt,  and  sustain 
him  to  endure — how  signally  he  is  capable  of  misdi- 
recting the  energies  with  which  his  Creator  has  endow  ed 
him — and  how  fatally  disposed  to  exercise  them  more 
vigoron.sly  in  the  commission  of  wickedness  than  the 
practice  of  virtue.  Wholly  revolted  from  God,  in  the 
darkness  of  a  di.Mirdered  nature,  and  never  wholly  re- 
turning in  this  li(c  to  an  entire  siiliordmation,  men  seem 
to  be  capable  of  obtaining  a  more  perfect  co-operation 
of  their  active  faculties,  and  more  extensive  contribu- 
tion of  the  resources  of  their  nature  to  the  production 
t\  rvil  than  to  the  prosecution  of  good.  •  To  consider 
the  courage,  the  patience,  the  vigor,  the  fortitude, 
evincpd  bv  the  conquerors  of  South  America,  in  con- 
junction with  the  sordid,  unjust,  and  barbarous  ends  to 
which  they  were  made  subservient,  might  degrade  these 
iirtucs  for  ever  in  our  esteem,  if  wp  did  not  recollect 
Ihut  energy  iif  the  gift  of  (iod,  and  the  abii-ie  of  it  the 
Mive:  Mon  of  man  ;  and  th.it  genius  and  valor,  even 
whe  ,,|,,,r,.»8  mankind,  arc 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


,     '  '  ">o  world,  and  oven  in 

N  \    .     . I.  seem  to  depute  lhi» 

go«liio>i,llirj       ..Illy  i.iiu  »  uiiivcimiJlntoa  goncr«lin»xim. 


not  more  justly  obnoxious  to  repioach,  than  the  wine 
which  often  wastes  the  strength  it  was  given  to  restore, 
or  the  food  which  sometimes  abridges  the  life  it  was 
meant  to  prolong.  The  inflexible  pride  and  deliberate 
tyranny  of  these  adventurers,  their  arrogant  disregard 
of  the  rights  of  human  nature,  and  calm  survey  of  the 
desolation  of  empires  and  destruction  of  happiness  and 
life,  is  rei.dered  the  more  striking  and  instructive  by 
the  humility  of  their  own  original  circumstances,  which 
seemed  to  level  and  unite  them  by  habit  and  sympathy 
with  the  mass  of  mankind.  Whence  we  reasonably 
conclude,  that  the  illusions  of  royalty  arc  not  indispen- 
sably requisite  to  distend  the  heart  with  pride  and  to 
harden  it  with  cruelty,  and  that  i'yrrhus  and  Alexander 
were  composed  of  the  same  materials  with  Cortes  and 
Pizarro.  The  conquests  of  the  Spaniards  were  ac- 
complished with  such  rapidity,  and  followed  with  such 
barbarous  oppression,  that  a  very  few  years  sufiiced  not 
only  entirely  to  subjugate,  but  almost  wholly  to  extir- 
pate, the  slothful  and  etreminate  idolaters  whom  it  was 
the  will  of  Cod  to  destroy  by  their  hands.  The  set- 
tlements that  were  founded  in  the  comjucred  countries 
[iroduced,  from  the  nature  of  the  soil,  a  vast  influx  of 
gold  and  silver  into  Spain,  and  finally  exercised  a  most 
pernicious  influence  on  the  liberty,  industry,  and  pros- 
perity of  her  people.  But  it  was  long  before  the  bit- 
ter harvest  of  this  golden  shower  was  reaped  ;  and  in 
an  age  so  ignorant  of  political  science,  it  could  not  be 
foreseen  through  the  pomp  and  renown  with  which  the 
acquisition  of  so  much  empire,  and  the  administration 
of  so  much  treasure,  seemed  to  invest  the  Spanish 
monarchy.  The  achievements  of  the  original  adven- 
turers, embellished  by  the  romantic  genius  of  Spain, 
and  softened  by  national  partiality,*  had  now  occupied 
the  pens  of  Spanish  historians,  and  excited  a  thirst  for 
similar  projects,  and  hopes  of  similar  enrichment  in 
every  nation  where  the  tidings  were  made  known.  The 
study  of  the  Spanish  language,  and  the  acquaintance 
with  Spanish  literature  which  the  marriage  of  Philip 
and  Mary  introduced  into  England,  awakened  the  more 
active  spirits  in  this  country  to  similar  views  and  pro- 
jects, and  gave  to  the  rising  spirit  of  adventure  a 
strong  determination  towards  the  continent  of  Ame- 
rica. 

The  reign  of  Elizabeth  was  productive  of  the  first 
attempts  that  the  English  had  ever  made  to  establish 
a  permanent  settlement  in  America.  But  many  causes 
contributed  to  enfeeble  their  exertions  for  this  purpose, 
and  to  retard  the  accomplishment  of  this  gre  it  design. 
The  civil  government  of  Elizabeth  in  the  commence- 
ment of  her  reign  was  highly  acceptable  to  her  sub- 
jects ;  and  her  commercial  policy,  though  frequently 
perverted  by  the  interests  of  arbitrary  power,  and  the 
princijiles  of  a  narrow  and  erroneous  system,  was  in 
the  main,  perhaps,  not  less  laudably  designed  than  ju- 
diciously directed  to  the  cultivation  of  their  resources 
and  the  promotion  of  their  prosperity.  By  permitting 
a  free  exportation  of  corn,  she  promoted  at  once  the 
agriculture  and  the  commerce  of  England  ;  and  by 
treaties  with  foreign  powers,  she  endeavored  to  esta- 
blish commercial  relations  between  their  subjects  and 
her  own.t  Sensible  how  much  the  strength  and  safety 
of  the  state  and  the  prosperity  of  the  people  must  de- 
pend on  a  naval  force,  she  took  every  means  to  encou- 
rage navigation  ;  and  so  much  increased  the  shipping 
of  the  kingdom  both  by  building  large  vessels  herself^ 
and  by  promoting  ship-building  among  the  merchants, 
that  she  was  styled  by  her  subjects  the  Restorer  of 
naval  glory,  and  the  Queen  of  the  northern  seas.  Ri- 
gidly just  in  discharging  the  ancient  debts  of  the  crown, 
as  well  as  in  fuliilling  all  her  own  engagements,  yet 
forbearing  towards  her  people  in  the  imposition  of 
taxes  ;  frugal  in  the  expenditure  of  her  resources,  and 
vet  evincing  a  steady  vigor  in  the  prosecution  of  well 
directed  projects  ;  the  policy  of  her  civil  government 
at  once  conveyed  the  wisest  lessons  to  her  subjects, 

*  Truth  IS  proverbially  the  daughter  of  Time  ;  and  the  pro- 
vorl)  has  been  remarkably  verified  by  the  proifrcss  of  human 
opinion  with  ros|>ccl  to  tlie  conduct  of  the  Spanish  coni|ucr- 
ors  of  South  America.  Some  specimens  of  the  ignorance  that 
prevailed  at  a  pretty  late  period  in  England  en  this  subject 
will  ho  found  in  Note  II. 

t  She  obtained  from  John  Basilidcs.  the  czar  of  Mu.»covy,  a 
palriit  which  ronferred  the  w  hole  trade  of  his  doiiiiiiions  on 
thf  Eiiijlish.  Willi  this  irrant  the  tyrant,  who  lived  in  con- 
tinual dread  of  a  revolt  of  his  siihierts.  purchased  from  Ellza- 
bolli  the  a.-surancc  of  an  a,s\liini  from  their  fiirv  in  England. 
Ilnthi^  s.m  Thi  odiirc  revoked  it,  and  answered  lo  the  QiiiTn's 
ri'iMon.-ilranros.  thiit  lie  w.i.s  dftrrinined  to  rob  neither  Ins  own 
snbjrrls  nor  foroiuncrs  by  subjoilinii  to  monopolirs  what 
slionlil  l)o  free  to  nil  mankind.  Cuindrn.  p.  4'J3.  So  superior 
w. IS  the  oiMninfrrial  poluy  whi.h  irilnral  jusliic  taught  this 
barbarian,  to  tho  sysliMii  which  Eli/.,ibolh  dcnvrd  fniin  Iht 
iMiami'.l  loarnini;  and  renowned  ability,  and  which  loaded  tho 
froodoin  and  inilumry  of  her  people  with  patents,  nionopohcs, 
and  eicluiive  companies 


and  happily  concurred  with  the  general  frame  of  their 
sentiments  and  character.  Perhaps  there  never  was  • 
human  being  (assuredly  never  a  woman)  so  little  ainia> 
ble,  who,  as  a  sovereign,  was  so  popular  and  so  much 
respected. 

During  a  reign  so  favorable  to  commercial  enter- 
prise, the  spirit  that  had  been  long  growing  up  in  the 
minds  of  the  English  was  called  forth  into  vigorous 
and  persevering  exertion.  Under  the  patronage  of 
Dudley,  Earl  of  Warwick,  and  conducted  by  Martia 
Frobisher,  an  expedition  was  despatched  for  the  dis- 
covery of  4  north-west  passage  to  India;  but  after  ex- 
ploring the  coasts  of  Labrador  and  Greenland,  Frobisher 
was  compelled  to  return  with  the  tidings  of  disappoint- 
ment. [1578.]  If  the  ardor  of  the  English  was  damped 
by  the  result  of  this  enterprise,  it  was  quickly  revived 
by  the  successful  expedition  of  Sir  Francis  Drake, 
who,  with  a  feeble  squadron,  undertook  and  accom- 
plished the  same  enterprise  that  for  sixty  vears  had 
formed  the  peculiar  glory  of  the  Portuguese  navigator 
Magellan,  and  obtained  for  England  the  honor  of  being 
the  second  nation  that  had  completely  circumnavigated 
the  globe.  A  general  enthusiasm  was  excited  by  this 
splendid  achievement,  and  a  passion  for  naval  exploits 
laid  hold  of  the  spirits  of  almost  all  the  eminent  leaders 
of  the  age. 

But  still  no  project  of  eflTecting  a  permanent  settle- 
ment abroad  had  been  entertained  or  attempted  in 
England.  The  happiness  that  was  enjoyed  by  the 
subjects  of  Elizabeth  enforced  those  attractions  that 
bind  the  hearts  of  men  to  their  native  land,  and  which 
are  rarely  surmounted  but  by  the  experience  of  in- 
tolerable hardshq)s  at  home,  or  the  prospect  of  sudden 
enrichment  abroad.*  But  the  territory  of  North  Ame- 
rica held  out  none  of  the  allurements  that  had  invited 
and  rewarded  the  Spanish  adventurers  ;  it  presented 
no  hopes  but  of  distant  gain,  and  invited  no  exertions 
but  of  patient  industrv.  The  prevalence  of  the  pro- 
testant  doctrines  in  England,  and  the  increasing  in 
fluence  of  a  sense  of  religion  on  the  minds  of  the  peo- 
ple, disinclined  many  to  abandon  the  only  country 
where  the  Reformation  appeared  to  be  securely  esta- 
blished ;  engrossed  the  minds  of  others  with  schemes 
for  the  improvement  of  the  constitution  and  ritual  of 
their  national  church  ;  and  probably  repressed  in  some 
ardent  spirits  the  epidemical  thirst  of  adventure,  and 
reconciled  them  to  that  moderate  competency  which 
the  state  of  society  in  England  rendered  easily  attair.-a- 
ble,  and  the  simplicity  of  manners  preserved  from  con- 
tempt. 

But  if  the  immediate  influence  of  religious  principle 
was  unfavorable  to  projects  of  emigration,  it  was  to  the 
further  development  of  this  noble  principle  that  Eng- 
land was  soon  to  be  indebted  for  her  greatest  and 
most  illustrious  colonial  establishment.  The  ecclesi- 
astical policy  of  Elizabeth  was  far  from  giving  the 
same  general  satisfaction  that  her  civil  government 
afforded  to  her  subjects.  Inheriting  the  arrogant  tem- 
per, the  lofty  pretensions,  and  ambitious  taste  of  her 
father,  with  little  of  his  zeal  and  none  of  his  bigotry, 
religious  considerations  often  mingled  with  her  policy  ; 
but  religious  sentiments  had  but  little,  if  any.  influence 
on  her  heart.  Like  him,  she  wished  to  adapt  the  es- 
tablishments of  Christianity  to  the  pomp  and  vanity  of 
royalised  human  nature  ;  and  by  a  splendid  hierarchy 
and  gorgeous  ceremonial,  mediate  an  agreemant  be- 
tween the  loftiness  of  her  heart  and  the  humility  of  the 
gospel.  But  the  persecution  that  the  English  piotes- 
tants  had  undergone  from  Mary  had  not  only  deepened 
and  purified  the  religious  sentiments  of  a  great  l)ody  ol 
the  people,  but  associated  with  many  of  tiie  ceremonies 
retained  m  the  national  church  the  idea  of  popery  and 
the  recollection  of  persecution.  This  repugnance  be- 
tween the  sentiments  of  the  men  who  now  began  to 
be  termed  puritans,  and  the  ecclesiastical  policy  of  the 
English  government,  continued  to  increase  during  the 
whole  reign  of  Elizabeth  :  but  as  the  influence  which 
it  exercised  on  the  colonization  of  America  did  not 
appear  till  the  following  reign,  I  shall  defer  the  further 
account  of  it  till  we  come  to  trace  its  effects  in  the 
rise  and  progress  of  the  colonies  of  New  England. 

During  this  reign,  there  was  introduced  into  Eng- 
land a  branch  of  that  inhuman  tratlic  m  negro  slaves, 
which  afiarwards  engrossed  so  large  a  portion  of  her 
coiniriercial  wealth  and  adventure,  and  converted  a  nu- 
merous body  of  her  merchants  into  a  confederacy  ui 
robbers,  and  much  of  what  she  termed  her  trade  into 

*  Who  IS  lie  that  li.7:h  judjimeiil,  roiiraijo,  and  any  industry 
or  quality,  with  iinilorsiaiuling,  will  leave  ins  rounlry.  Ins 
hopes  at  lunnr,  his  certain  esliilo.  his  triends.  plo;i,sur»*!»,  lii>prty, 
and  tho  preforinent  that  Enj^land  doth  afford  to  all  ilegiees 
woro  it  not  to  advance  Ins  fortunes  by  enjoying  hu  desert*  T 
Suiitli  j  llisl.  jf  Virginia,  dtc.  U.  vi. 


NnilTII  AMERICA. 


213 


acts  of  deliberate  fraud  and  atrocious  violence.  The 
firnt  Englishman  who  hroni;ht  this  Ruilt  upon  himself 
and  his  country  was  !Sir  John  Hawkins,  who  after- 
wards attained  so  much  nautical  celebrity,  and  was 
created  an  admiral  and  treasurer  of  the  British  navy. 
His  fatlier,  an  exfiert  Enghsh  seaman,  having  made 
several  voyages  to  the  coast  of  Guinea,  and  from 
thence  to  Brazil  and  the  West  Indies,  had  acquired 
considerable  knowledge  of  these  countries,  which  he 
li-ansmitted  to  his  son  in  the  copious  journal.s  of  h.« 
voyages  and  observations,  which  he  left  behind  him  at 
his  death.  In  these  compositions  he  described  the 
•oil  of  America  and  the  West  Indies  as  endowed  with 
extrao.-dinary  richness  and  fertility,  but  utterly  neg- 
lected from  the  want  of  cultivators.  The  natives  of 
Europe  were  represented  as  unequal  to  the  toil  of  agri- 
culture in  so  sultry  a  climate  ;  but  those  of  Africa  as 
peculiarly  well  adapted  to  this  employment.  Forcibly 
struck  with  these  remarks,  Hawkins  deduced  from 
them  the  project  of  transporting  Africans  into  the 
western  world  ;  and  having  drawn  up  a  plan  for  the 
execution  of  this  design,  he  laid  it  before  some  of  his 
opulent  neighbors,  and  solicited  their  approbation  and 
concurrence.  A  subscription  was  opened  and  speedily 
completed  by  Sir  Lionel  Ducket,  Sir  Thomas  Lodge, 
Sir  William  Winter,  and  others,  who  plainly  perceived 
the  vast  emolument  that  might  bo  derived  from  such  a 
traffic.  By  their  assistance  Hawkins  was  enabled  to 
set  sail  for  Africa  in  the  year  1562,  and,  having  reached 
Sierra  Leone,*  he  began  his  commerce  with  the  negroes. 
While  he  trafficked  with  them  in  the  usual  articles  of 
barter,  he  took  occasion  to  give  them  an  inviting  de- 
scription of  the  country  to  which  he  was  bound,  con- 
trasting the  fertility  of  its  soil  and  the  enjoyments  of 
its  inhabitants  with  the  barrenness  of  Africa  and  the 
poverty  of  the  African  tribes.  Finding  that  the  unsus- 
pecting negroes  listened  to  him  with  implicit  belief, 
and  were  greatly  delighted  with  the  F!uropean  luxu- 
ries and  ornaments  which  he  displayed  to  them,  he 
offered,  if  any  of  them  were  willing  to  exchange  their 
destitute  circumstances  for  a  happier  condition,  to 
transport  them  to  this  more  bountiful  region,  where  he 
assured  them  of  a  kind  reception,  and  of  an  ample  par- 
ticipation of  the  luxuries  with  which  he  had  made  them 
acquainted,  as  the  certain  recompense  of  easy  labor. 
The  negnes  were  ensnared  by  his  flattering  promises, 
and  three  hundred  of  them,  accepting  his  offer,  con- 
tented to  embark  along  with  him  for  Hispaniola.  On 
the  night  before  their  embarkation,  they  were  attacked 
by  a  hostile  tribe  ;  and  Hawkins  hastening  with  his 
crew  to  their  assistance,  repulsed  the  assailants,  and 
carried  a  number  of  them  as  prisoners  on  board  his 
vessels.  The  next  day  he  set  sail  with  his  mixed 
cargo  of  human  creatures,  and  during  the  passage 
treated  the  negroes  who  had  voluntarily  accompanied 
him  in  a  different  manner  from  his  prisoners  of  war. 
On  his  arrival  at  Hispaniola  he  disposed  of  the  whole 
cargo  to  great  advantage,  and  endeavored  to  inculcate 
on  the  Spaniards  who  bought  the  negroes,  the  same 
distinction  in  the  treatment  of  them  which  he  himself 
had  observed.  But  having  now  put  the  fulfilment  of 
his  promises  out 'of  his  own  power,  it  was  not  permit- 
ted to  him  so  to  limit  the  evil  consequences  of  his  per- 
fidy ;  and  the  Spaniards  having  purchased  all  the  Afri- 
cans at  the  same  rate,  considered  them  as  slaves  of  the 
same  condition,  and  consequently  treated  them  all 
alike. 

Wlien  Hawkins  returned  to  England  with  a  rich 
freight  of  pearls,  sugar,  and  ginger,  which  he  had  re- 
ceived in  e.xchange  for  his  slaves,  the  success  of  his 
voyage  excited  universal  interest  and  curiosity  respect- 
ing this  novel  and  extraordinary  description  of  trade. 
At  first  the  nation  was  shocked  with  the  barbarous  as- 
pect of  a  traffic  in  the  persons  of  men  ;  and  the  public 
feeling  having  penetrated  into  the  court,  the  queen 
sent  for  Hawkins  to  inquire  in  what  manner  this  new 
branch  of  commerce  was  conducted  ;  declaring  to  him 
that  "  if  any  of  the  Africans  were  carried  away  with- 
out their  own  consent,  it  would  be  detestable,  and  call 
down  the  vengeance  of  Her>ven  upon  the  undertakers." 
Hawkins,  in  reply,  assured  her  that  no  expedition  where 
he  ha!  the  command  should  any  of  the  natives  of 
Africa  De  carried  away  without  their  own  free  will  and 
consent,  except  such  captives  as  might  be  taken  in  war  : 
and  ho  declared  that  so  far  from  feeling  any  scruple 
concerning  the  justice  of  his  undertaking,  he  considered 
It  an  act  of  humanity  to  carry  men  from  a  worse  con- 
dition to  a  better  ;  from  a  state  of  heathen  barbarism 


*  It.  is  remarkalile  tliat  this  sliould  be  tlic  very  simt  wliere, 
two  centuries  after,  tlic  most  distinguisheii  efTortsof  tlic  Eng- 
likh  have  been  wiade  to  promote  the  liberty  and  happiness  of 
Umi  Africans. 


to  an  opportunity  of  sharing  the  blessings  of  civil 
society  and  the  christian  religion.  It  is  believed,  in- 
deed, and  seems  consonant  with  probability,  that  Haw- 
kins, so  far  from  intendmg  that  the  negroes  whom  he 
sold  should  be  consigned  to  a  state  of  pcr|)etual  slavery, 
expected  that  they  would  he  advanced  to  the  condition 
of  free  servants  whenever  their  labors  had  yielded  to 
their  masters  an  equivalent  for  the  expense  of  their 
purchase.  The  queen  apjicared  to  be  satisfied  with  Ins 
account,  aud  dismissed  him  with  the  assurance  that, 
while  he  and  his  associates  acted  with  humanity  and 
justice,  they  should  enjoy  her  countenance  and  protec- 
tion. 

The  very  next  voyage  that  Hawkins  undertook, 
demonstrated  still  more  clearly  the  deceitfulness  of 
that  unction  which  he  'had  applied  to  his  conscience, 
and  the  futility  even  of  those  intentions  of  which  the 
fulfilment  seemed  to  depend  entirely  on  himself.  In 
his  passage  he  met  with  an  English  ship  of  war,  which 
joined  itself  to  the  expedition,  and  accompanied  him 
to  the  coait  of  Africa.  On  his  arrival,  he  began  as 
formerly  to  traffic  with  the  negroes,  and  endeavored, 
by  reiteration  of  his  former  topics  of  persuasion,  to 
induce  them  to  embark  in  his  vessels.  But  they  had 
now  become  reserved  and  jealous  of  his  designs,  and 
as  none  of  their  neighbors  had  returned,  they  were 
apprehensive  that  the  English  had  killed  and  devoured 
them  ;  a  supposition  which,  however  offensive  to  the 
English,  did  greatly  and  erroneously  extenuate  the  in- 
humanity of  which  they  had  been  actually  guilty.  The 
crew  of  the  ship  of  war,  observing  the  Africans  back- 
ward and  suspicious,  began  to  deride  the  gentle  and 
dilatory  methods  of  proceeding  to  which  Hawkins  con- 
fined himself,  and  proposed  having  immediate  recourse 
to  violence  and  compulsion.  The  sailors  belonging  to 
his  own  fleet  joined  with  the  crew  of  the  man  of  w,ir, 
and,  applauding  the  proposal,  began  to  make  prepara- 
tions for  carrying  it  into  effect.  Hawkins  protested 
against  such  unwarrantable  crueltv.  and  vainly  endea- 
vored to  prevail  on  them  to  desist  from  their  purpo3e  ; 
the  instructions  of  the  queer,  and  the  dictates  of  con- 
science were  ineffectually  cited  Ui  men  whom  he  had 
initiated  in  piracy  and  injustice,  ard  who  were  not  able 
to  discover  the  moral  superiority  of  calm  treachery  over 
undisguised  violence  They  pursued  their  design,  and 
after  several  unsuccessful  attacks,  in  which  many  of 
them  lost  their  lives,  the  cargo  was  at  length  completed 
by  force  and  barbarity.  Such  was  the  origin  of  the 
English  branch  of  the  slave  trade,  which  I  have  related 
the  more  minutely,  not  only  on  account  of  the  remarka- 
ble and  instructive  circumstance  that  attended  the 
commencement  of  the  practice,  [See  Note  1]  but  on 
account  of  the  influence  which  it  subsequently  exer- 
cised on  the  colonization  and  condition  of  some  of  the 
provinces  of  North  America. 

The  spirit  of  adventure  \»'hich  had  been  excited  in 
England  found  a  more  inviting  scene  for  its  exertion  in 
the  southern  than  in  the  northern  regions  of  America  : 
and  when,  after  twenty  years  of  peace,  Elizabeth  was 
involved  in  hostilties  with  Philip,  the  prospect  of 
enrichment  and  renown  by  the  plunder  of  the  Spanish 
colonies  opened  a  new  career,  which  was  eargerly  em- 
braced and  successfully  prosecuted  by  the  enterprising 
spirit  of  adventurers  of  all  ranks  in  England.  Accord- 
ingly, for  many  years,  the  most  eminent  and  popular 
exploits  of  the  English  were  performed  in  the  predatory 
wars  which  they  waged  with  the  colonies  and  colonial 
commerce  of  Spain.  Even  in  scenes  so  unfavorable 
to  the  production  or  display  of  the  better  qualities  of 
human  nature,  the  manly  character  and  moral  supe- 
riority of  the  English  were  frequently  and  signally 
evinced.  Drake  and  many  others  of  the  adventurers 
in  the  same  career  were  men  equally  sui)erior  to  ava- 
rice and  fear,  and  who,  how  willing  soever  to  encoun- 
ter danger  in  quest  of  wealth,  thought  it  not  valuable 
enough  to  be  obtained  by  cruelty  or  fraud. 

And  yet  it  was  to  this  spirit,  so  unfavorable  to  in- 
dustrious colonization,  and  so  strongly  attracted  to  a 
more  congenial  sphere  in  the  south,  that  North  America 
was  indebted  for  the  first  attempt  to  colonize  her  ter- 
ritory. Thus  irregular  and  incalculable  (to  created 
wisdom)  is  the  influence  of  human  passions  on  the 
stream  of  human  affairs. 

The  most  illustrious  adventurer  in  England  was  Sir 
Walter  Raleigh,  a  man  endowed  with  brilliant  genius, 
unbounded  ambition,  and  unconquerable  activity  ; 
whose  capacious  mind,  strongly  impregnated  with  the 
enthusi.ism,  credulity,  and  sanguine  expectation  pe- 
culiar to  the  age,  no  single  project,  however  vast, 
could  fill,  and  whose  ardent  spirit  no  single  enterprise, 
however  arduous,  could  absorb.  The  extent  of  his 
capacity  combined  acquirements  that  ara  commonly 


esteemed  remote,  and  almost  inconi|iatable  with  each 
other.  He  was,  at  once,  the  most  industrious  scholiir 
and  the  most  accoin|/lishcd  courtier  ol  his  age  ;  a  pro 
found  and  indefatigable  projector,  yet  a  gallant  soldier 
so  contemptible  (says  an  old  writer)  that  he  might  have 
been  judged  unfit  for  action  ;  so  active  that  he  seemed 
to  have  no  leisure  for  speculation.  M'hatevcr  was  sub- 
lime and  brilliant,  touched  his  kindred  sonl  ;  and  what- 
ever he  undertook,  he  seemed  to  have  been  born  for. 
Uncontrolled  by  steady  principle  and  sober  calculation, 
his  fancy  and  his  passions  so  far  prevailed  over  his 
moral  sentiments,  as  sometimes  to  sully  his  character,* 
and  something  of  the  boundless  and  transcendent  su 
mingled  witli  his  designs,  as  freipiently  to  mar  his  con- 
duct, and  discomfit  his  undertakings.  But,  though 
adversity  might  cloud  his  fortunes,  it  could  never  de- 
press his  s|)irit,  or  strip  his  genius  of  a  single  ray. 
The  frustration  of  his  efforts  and  the  wreck  of  his  jiro- 
jects  served  only  to  display  the  exhauslless  opulence 
and  indestructible  vigor  of  that  mind,  of  which  no  ac- 
cumulation of  disaster  nor  variety  of  discouragement 
could  either  repress  the  ardc  r  or  narrow  the  range. 
Amidst  disa)ipoiiitmeiit  and  impoverishment,  pursued 
by  royal  hatred,  and  forsaken  by  his  jiopularily,  he  con- 
tinued to  project  and  attempt  the  foundation  of  em- 
pires ;  and  in  old  age  and  a  prison  he  composed  the 
History  of  the  World.  Perhaps  there  never  was  a 
distinguished  reputation  so  much  indebted  to  genius, 
and  so  little  to  success.  So  powerful  indeed  is  the 
association  that  connects  merit  with  success,  and  yet  so 
strong  the  claim  of  Ivaleigh  to  evade  the  censure  that 
this  rule  implies,  that  it  is  with  the  greatest  dilficnliy 
that,  even  amidst  nniiiterru])ted  disaster,  we  can  bring 
ourselves  to  consider  him  an  unsuccessful  man.  He 
had  unfortunately  adopted  the  maxim  that  "  whatever 
is  not  extraordinary,  is  nolhing;"t  and  his  mind  (till 
the  last  scene  of  liis  life)  was  not  sufficiently  pervaded 
by  religion  to  recognize  that  nolulity  of  purpose  which 
ennobles  the  commonest  actions,  and  directs  to  the 
attainment  of  a  dignity  that  consist  less  in  performing 
things  great  in  themselves,  than  in  doing  ordinary 
things  with  an  extraordinary  elevation  of  soul.  What- 
ever judgment  may  be  formed  of  his  character,  we  must 
acknowledge  that  in  genius  he  was  worthy  of  the  honor 
which  he  may  perhaps  be  considered  to  have  attained, 
of  originating  the  settlements  that  grew  up  into  the 
North  American  republic. 

In  conjunction  with  his  half-brother  and  kindred 
spirit.  Sir  Humphry  Gilbert,  Raleigh  projected  the 
establishment  of  a  colony  in  that  quarter  of  America 
which  Cabot  had  visite.i  ;  and  a  patent  for  this  purpose 
was  procured  without  difficulty  in  favor  of  Gilbert,  from 
Elizabeth.  [1578]  This  patent  authorized  him  to  dis- 
cover and  appropriate  all  remote  and  barbarous  lands 
unoccupied  by  christian  powers,  and  to  hold  them  of 
the  crown  of  England,  with  the  obligation  of  paying 
the  fifth  part  of  the  produce  of  all  gold  or  silver  mines ; 
it  permitted  the  subjects  of  Elizabeth  to  accompany 
the  expedition, t  and  guaranteed  to  them  a  continuance 
of  the  enjoyment  of  all  the  rights  of  free  denizens  of 
England  ;  it  invested  Gilbert  with  the  powers  of  civil 
and  criminal  legislation  over  all  the  inhabitants  of  the 
territory  he  might  occupy  ;  but  with  this  j.rovision, 
that  his  laws  should  be  framed  with  as  much  conformitv 
as  possible  to  the  statutes  and  policy  of  England,  and 
should  not  derogate  from  the  supreme  allegiance  due 


*  One  of  the  most  formidable  cliarges  to  wliic!i  the  character 
of  Raleigti  lias  been  exposed  is  derived  from  the  monstrous 
fiction*  with  which  his  account  of  Guiana  is  replete.  But 
Hume  and  the  other  writers  who  have  loaded  him  with  the 
guilt  of  these  fictions  have  very  unfairly  omitted  to  notice 
that  not  one  of  them  is  related  on  his  own  authority.  He  has 
merely  repeated  {no  doubt  in  a  maimer  very  little  creditable 
to  his  own  judgment)  the  fables  that  were  related  to  him  by 
the  natives  with  whom  he  conversed.  Savages  and  barba- 
rians are  very  prone  to  practise  such  deceits  upon  travellers. 
The  Barbary  Moors  not  only  described  a  petrified  city  to  Bruce, 
Imt  persisted  in  their  story  till  they  came  near  to  the  place. 

t  Lh)yd.  671.  This  will  remind  the  classical  reader  of  the 
vision  of  aliquid  immensum  infimtumque,  that  warmed  the 
fancy  of  Cicero,  but  could  not  actuate  his  disposition  or  influ- 
ence his  conduct  with  the  same  power  whicli  it  exerted  over 
the  conceptions,  the  undertakings,  and  the  fortunes  of  Ra 
leigh.  To  the  Englishman  may,  witn  e,iu>il  justice,  be  applied 
that  l)eaut'fjl  apostrophe  to  the  mer.irry  of  the  Roman — 
'*  admirable  posteris  vigebis  ingeniurn  ;  et  uno  proscriptus 
ssculo,  proscribes  tyrannum  omnibus." 

t  Strange  as  it  may  appear,  this  pro\!si)n  was  absolutely 
necessary  to  evade  the  ob.^truclion  of  tie  existing  law  ol 
England.  By  the  ancient  law,  as  declared  in  the  Great  Char- 
ter of  King  .rolin,all  men  might  go  freely  o'd  of  the  kingdom, 
saving  tlieir  faith  due  to  the  king.  But  nc  such  clause  ap" 
pears  in  the  charter  of  his  successor;  and  duiing  the  reign  o' 
Elizabetli  it  was  enacted,  that  any  subject  departing"  the 
realm  without  a  license  under  the  Great  Seal  should  forfeit 
liis  personal  estate,  and  lose  the  profits  of  his  lands  for  life. 
23  Eliz.cap.  HI.  Even  now  a  king  of  England  may  enjoin  any 
of  his  subjects  not  to  leave  the  kingdom,  or  having  left  It,  to 
return,  and  enforce  his  injunction  by  the  severest  penalties 


THE  HISTOllY  OF 


lo  the  English  crown.  The  endurance  of  this  patent, 
in  so  far  as  related  to  the  appropriation  of  territory, 
was  hinilcd  to  kix  vcars ;  and  all  persons  wore  pro- 
hibited from  esiablisliing  themselves  within  two  hun- 
dred leagues  of  any  »i<ot  which  the  adventurers  might 
occupy  during  that  period. 

The  extraordinary  powers  thus  committed  to  the 
leader  of  the  expedition  did  not  prevent  the  accession 
of  a  numerous  body  of  subordinate  adventurers.  Gil- 
bert had  gained  distinction  by  Ins  services  both  in 
France  and  Ireland  ;  and  the  weight  of  his  character 
concurring  with  the  spirit  of  the  times,  and  powerfully 
aided  by  the  zeal  of  Raleigh,  whoso  admirable  genius 
peculiarly  titled  him  to  obtain  an  ascendant  over  iho 
minds  of  men,  and  to  spread  the  contagion  of  his  own 
enthusiasm,  soon  collected  a  sufficient  body  of  associ- 
ates, and  effected  the  equi|)meiit  of  the  first  expedition 
of  British  emigrants  lo  America.  But  in  tlie  com- 
position of  this  body  there  were  elements  very  ill  fitted 
to  establish  an  infant  society  on  a  solid  or  respectable 
basis  ;  the  officers  were  disunited,  the  crew  licentious 
and  unsovcrnable  ;  and  happily  for  the  credit  of  Eng- 
land. It  was  not  the  will  of  Providence  that  the  adven- 
turers should  gain  a  fooling  in  any  new  region.  Gil- 
bert aj.proaching  the  continent  too  far  towards  the 
north,  was  dismayed  by  the  inhospitable  aspect  of  the 
coast  of  Cape  Breton  ;  his  largest  vessel  was  ship- 
wrecked ;  [1580]  and  two  voyages,  in  the  last  of 
which  he  himself  perished,  finally  terminated  in  the 
frustration  of  the  enterprise  and  dispersion  of  the 
adventurers.* 

But  the  ardor  of  Raleigh,  neither  daunted  by  diffi- 
culties nor  damped  by  miscarriage,  and  continually 
refreshed  by  the  suggestions  of  a  fertile  and  uncurbed 
imagination,  was  incapable  of  abandoning  a  project 
that  had  gained  his  favor  and  exercised  his  genius. 
Applying  to  the  queen,  in  whose  esteem  he  then  held 
a  distinguished  place,  he  easily  prevailed  with  her  to 
gr.int  him  a  patent,  in  all  respects  similar  to  that  which 
had  been  previously  intrusted  to  Gilbert.  [1584.]  Not 
less  i)roinpt  in  executing  than  intrepid  in  projecting  his 
schemes,  Raleigh  quickly  despatched  two  small  ves- 
i-els  commanded  by  Aniadas  and  Barlow,  to  visit  the 
districts  he  intended  to  occupy,  and  to  examine  the 
acromlniidations  of  their  coasts,  the  productions  of  the 
M)il,  and  the  circumstances  of  the  inhabitants.  These 
olficers,  avoiding  the  error  of  Gilbert  in  holding  too  far 
north,  steered  their  course  by  the  Canaries,  and, 
afiproaching  the  North  .American  continent  by  the 
Gulf  of  Florida,  anchored  in  Roanoak  bay,  which  now 
makes  a  part  of  Carolina.  Worthy  of  the  trust  reposed 
in  them,  they  behaved  with  great  courtesy  to  the  in- 
habitants, whom  they  found  living  in  all  the  rude  in- 
dependence and  laborless,  but  hardy,  simplicity  of  sav- 
age life,  and  of  whose  hospitality,  as  well  as  of  the 
mildness  of  the  climate  and  fertility  of  the  soil,  they 
published  the  most  flattering  accounts  on  their  return 
to  England.  The  intelligence  diffused  general  satis- 
faction, and  was  so  agreeable  to  Elizabeth,  that,  in 
exercise  of  the  parentage  she  proposed  to  assume  over 
the  country,  and  as  a  memorial  that  this  acquisition 
originated  with  a  virgin  queen,  she  thought  proper  to 
bestow  on  it  the  name  of  Virginia. 

This  encouni^iiii;  prospect  not  only  quickened  the 
diligence  of  Rakish,  but,  by  its  infliKMice  on  the  public 
mind,  enabled  him  the  more  rapidly  to  complete  his 
preparalions  for  a  permanent  Bcttlement ;  and  he  was 
»oon  enabled  lo  equip  and  despatch  a  squadron  of 
•even  ships  under  the  command  of  Sir  Richard  (!ren- 
ville,  one  of  the  most  generous  spirits  of  the  time,  and 
eminent  for  valor  in  the  age  of  the  brave.  But  this 
gallant  leader  unfortunately  was  more  infected  with 
the  spirit  of  predatory  enterprise  then  so  prevalent 
among  the  P'.nglish,  than  endued  with  the  qualities 
which  his  peculiar  duly  required  ;  and  commencing  his 
rxpi  dition  by  cruising  amonu  the  West  India  islands 
and  rapturina  the  vessels  of  .Spain,  he  familiarized  his 
followers  to  h.ibits  and  views  very  remote  from  pacific 
industry,  palirnce,  nn.l  moderation  At  length  he 
landed  a  hundred  and  eight  ment  [.\iig  1.585]  at  Roa- 


♦  Ilikluyl.  in.  H3.  Ilakliiyt  has  prnservcd  (p.  II)  a  vcrv- 
in»»I.Tly  prrf..rm.in.  c  fn.m  ttio  pen  of  Sir  Humplircv  OiIImtI, 
•■iilin...|  ••  A  |).v  "ur«e  to  prove  a  pan.aco  l.y  the  northwest, 
to  Ihr  Ki.l  In.li.-,,"  A-r.    The  style  of  thl<  Ircalise  plare.» 

tl,'.„MMwr  .,„  I  ,„_.  ^  ,,„., ,  „  of 

'  .iilinireil 
'tisinanrl 
I  ii-lor  WB« 

111  111.'  1  viii  iiiuv  oi  dancer  at 
J  uiimovi',1  m  ihc  Mcrn  of  hi*  ship 
"  .ii<l  ofirn  hi-»r.l  lo  nay.  "Courage, 

"'\      •  '  ■     -   ■  "  li'Kveri  at  no*  a,  Bl  land." 

t  s.iiiih  II  I.  li..i„  ,i.„„  ha»  crroncouily  ataiod  the  num- 
Ur  ul  AhuiKlroJ  iiid  cighlj 


noak,  and  left  them  there  to  attemjit.  as  they  best 
could,  the  arduous  task  of  founding  and  maintaining  a 
social  establishment.  'I'he  command  of  this  feeble 
body  was  committed  to  Captain  Lane,  assisted  by 
some  persons  of  note  ;  of  whom  the  most  eminent  were 
Amadas,  who  had  conducted  tiie  former  voyage,  and 
Thomas  Heriot,  the  celebrated  improver  of  algebraical 
calculation,  a  man  whose  sense  and  virtue  might  have 
saved  the  colony,  if  they  had  been  shared  by  his  asso- 
ciates, and  whose  unremitted  endeavors  to  instruct  the 
savages,  and  diligent  inquiries  into  their  habits  and 
character,  bv  adding  to  the  stock  of  human  knowledge, 
and  by  extending  the  example  of  viruic,  rendered  the 
expedition  not  wholly  unproductive  of  benefit  to  man- 
kind, and  honor  to  their  Creator.  The  selection  of 
such  a  man  to  accompany  and  partake  the  enterprise 
reflects  additional  honor  on  his  friend  and  patron  Ra- 
leigh. Heriot  endeavored  to  avail  himself  of  the  admi- 
ration expressed  by  the  savages  for  the  guns,  the  clock, 
the  telescopes,  and  other  implements  that  attested  the 
superiority  of  the  colonists,  in  order  to  lead  iheir  minds 
to  the  great  Source  of  all  sense  and  science.  But 
while  they  hearkened  to  his  instructions,  they  accom- 
modated their  import  to  their  own  depraved  notions  of 
Divine  Nature  ;  they  acknowledged  that  the  God  of  the 
strangers  was  more  powerful  and  more  beneficent  to 
his  people  than  the  deities  they  served,  and  discovered 
a  great  anxiety  to  touch  and  embrace  the  Bible,  and 
apply  it  to  their  breasts  and  heads.*  In  the  hands  of 
an  artful  or  superstitious  priest,  such  practices,  and  dis- 
positions would  probably  have  produced  a  plentiful 
crop  of  prcntended  miracles  and  imaginary  cures,  and 
terminated  in  an  exchange  of  superstition,  instead  of  a 
renovation  of  nature.  But  Heriot  was  incapable  of 
flattering  or  deceiving  the  savages  by  encouraging  their 
idolatry  and  merely  changing  its  direction  :  he  labored 
to  convince  thein  that  salvation  was  to  be  attained  by 
acquaintance  with  the  contents  of  the  Bible,  and  not  by 
an  Ignorant  veneration  of  the  exterior  of  the  book.  By 
these  labors,  which  were  too  soon  interrupted,  and 
wliich  have  obtained  but  little  notice  from  the  historians 
of  the  visible  kingdoms  of  this  world,  he  succeeded  in 
making  such  impression  on  the  minds  of  the  Indians, 
that  'W'ingina.  the  king,  when  attacked  by  a  severe  dis- 
order, rejected  the  assistance  of  his  own  priests,  and 
sent  to  beg  the  attendance  and  prayers  of  the  English  ; 
and  his  example  was  followed  by  many  of  his  subjects. 

But  unfortunately  for  the  stability  of  the  settlement, 
the  majority  of  the  colonists  were  much  less  distin- 
guished by  jjiety  or  prudence  than  hy  a  vehement  im- 
patience to  acquire  sudden  wealth  :  their  first  pursuit 
was  gold  ;  and  smitten  with  the  pursuasion  that  every 
part  of  .\merica  was  pervaded  by  the  mines  that  en- 
riched the  Spanish  colonies,  their  chief  efforts  were 
directed  to  the  di.^covery  and  attainment  of  treasures 
that  happily  had  no  existence.  The  natives  soon  dis- 
covering the  object  which  they  sought  with  such 
avidity,  amused  them  with  tales  of  a  neighboring  coun- 
try abounding  in  mines,  and  where  peari  was  so  plenti- 
ful, liiat  even  the  walls  of  the  houses  glittered  with  it. 
Eageriy  listening  to  these  agreeable  fictions,  the  adven- 
turers consumed  their  time  and  endured  amazing  hard- 
ships in  pursuit  of  a  phantom,  to  the  utter  neglect  of 
the  means  of  providing  for  their  future  subsistence. 
The  detection  of  the  imposture  produced  mutual  sus- 
picion and  disgust  between  them  and  the  savages,  and 
finally  led  lo  open  enmity  and  acts  of  bloodshed.  The 
stock  of  [irovisions  brought  from  England  was  ex- 
hausted ;  the  additional  supplies  they  had  been  taught 
lo  expect  did  not  arrive  ;  and  the  hostility  of  the  In- 
dians left  them  no  other  dependence  than  on  the  pre- 
cai'iuus  resources  of  the  woods  and  riveis.  Thus 
straitened  for  provisions  and  surrounded  by  enemies, 
the  colonists  were  reduced  to  the  extremity  of  distress 
and  danger,  when  a  prospect  of  deliverance  was  unex- 
pectedly presented  to  tiiem  by  the  arrival  of  Sir  Francis 
Drake  with  a  fleet  which  he  was  conducting  home  from 
a  successful  expedition  against  the  Spaniards  in  the 
W'est  Indies.  Drake  agreed  lo  furnish  them  with  a 
reinforcement  to  their  numbers,  and  a  liberal  supply  of 
provisions  ;  and  if  this  had  been  etlecled.  it  seems  jiro- 
buble  that,  from  the  ample  aid  soon  after  transmitled 
by  Raleigh,  the  coIoiiibI.s  might  have  been  able  lo 
maintain  llu  ir  footing  m  .Vmcica  But  Drake's  inten- 
rions  were  frustrated  by  a  violent  storm  which  carried 
out  to  sea  thb  very  ship  which  he  had  freighted  with 
Iheso  iicces.sary  supplies.  And  as  he  could  not  atlbrd 
to  weaken  his  fleet  by  a  further  contribution  for  their 


*  irenot,  apud  Smilh,  B.  I.  p.  II  Heriot  has  not  escaped 
the  impulation  of  di  isin.  But  Iroiii  tins  oharRc  ho  wa.s  de- 
fended l.y  Hishop  Corh)'!.  who  declared  Uiat  "  Hcriot'n  deep 
mine  was  without  droit,"   Slilh,  p.  SO. 


defence  or  subsistence,  the  adventurers,  now  completelv 
exhausted  and  discouraged,  unanimously  determined  ta 
abandon  the  country.  In  com|)liaiice  with  their  united 
request,  Drake  according'.y  received  them  on  board  hia 
ves.sels,  and  reconducted  ihem  to  England.  [I.j86.] 
Such  was  the  aborliive  issue  of  the  first  colony  planted 
by  the  English  in  .-Vmerica. 

Of  the  political  conse<]uences  that  resulted  from  thi« 
expedition,  the  catalogue,  though  not  very  copious,  s« 
by  no  means  devoid  of  interest.  An  important  acces- 
sion was  made  to  the  scanty  stock  of  knowledge  re- 
specting North  America  ;  the  spirit  of  mining  adven- 
ture received  a  signal  check  ;  and  the  use  of  tobacco, 
already  introduced  by  the  Spaniards  and  Portuguese 
into  other  parts  of  Europe,  was  now  imported  into 
England.  This  herb  the  Indians  esteemed  their  princi- 
pal medicine,  and  ascribed  its  virtues  to  the  inhabita- 
tion of  one  of  those  spiritual  beings  which  they  sup- 
posed lo  reside  in  all  the  extraordinary  productions  of 
nature.  Lane  and  his  associates,  acquiring  a  relish  for 
its  properties,  brought  a  quantity  of  tobacco  with  thim 
to  England,  and  taught  the  use  of  it  to  their  country- 
men. Raleigh  eagerly  adopted,  and  with  the  help  oj 
some  young  men  of  fashion,  encouraged  the  practice, 
which  soon  established  and  spread  itself  with  a  vigor 
that  outran  the  help  of  courtiers,  and  defied  the  hinder- 
ance  of  kings,  and,  creating  a  new  and  almost  universal 
appetite  in  human  nature,  formed  an  iin)>ortant  source 
of  revenue  to  England  and  multiplied  the  ties  that 
united  Europe  with  America.* 

But  the  disasters  that  attended  this  unsuccessful  un- 
dertaking did  not  temtinate  with  the  return  of  Lane  and 
his  followers  to  F;ngland.  .'\  few  days  after  their  de- 
parture from  Roanoak,  a  vessel,  despatched  by  Raleigh, 
reached  the  evacuated  settlement  with  a  plentiful  sup- 
ply of  whatever  they  could  re(iuire  ;  and  only  a  fort- 
night after  this  hark  set  sail  to  return  from  its  fruitless 
voyage,  a  still  stronger  reinforcement  of  men  and  pro- 
visions arrived  in  three  ships  equipped  bv  Raleigh,  and 
commanded  Uy  Sir  Richard  Grenvilie.  Disappointed 
of  nieeting  the  vessel  that  had  preceded  him,  and  un- 
able to  obtain  any  tidin!»s  of  the  colony,  vet  unwilling 
to  abandon  the  possession  of  the  country,  Grenvilie 
landed  fifty  men  at  Roanoak,  and  leaving  them  in  pos- 
session of  an  ample  supply  of  provisions,  returned  to 
England  to  communicate  the  state  of  affairs  and  obtain 
further  directions. 

This  succession  of  disasters  excited  much  gloomy 
sp.culation  and  superstitious  surmise  in  England,  but 
could  neither  vanquish  the  hopes  nor  exhaust  the 
resources  of  Raleigh.  In  the  following  year  [1587]  he 
fitted  out  and  despatched  three  ships  under  the  com- 
mand of  Captain  M'hite.  with  directions  to  join  iho 
small  body  that  Grenvilie  had  established  at  Roanoak, 
and  thenc;  to  transfer  the  settlement  lo  the  bay  of 
('hesapeak,  of  which  the  superior  advantages  had  been 
discovered  in  ihe  preceeding  vear  by  Lane.  A  chartef 
of  incorporation  was  granted  to  W  hile  and  twelve  ol 
his  more  eminent  associates,  as  Governor  and  Assist- 
tants  of  the  city  of  Raleigh,  in  Virginia.  Instructed 
by  the  calamities  that  liad  befallen  the  former  expedi- 
lions,  more  etlicacioiis  means  were  adopted  in  tho 
equipment  of  this  squadron  for  preserving  and  continu- 
ing the  colony.  'I'he  slock  of  provisions  was  more 
abundant ;  the  number  of  men  greater,  and  the  means 
of  recruiting  their  numbers  atlbrded  by  a  competent 
intermixture  of  women.  But  the  full  extent  of  the 
preceeding  calamities  had  yet  to  be  learned  :  and  on 
landing  at  Roanoak  in  quest  of  the  detachment  that 
(irt  nville  had  placed  there.  White  and  his  comjianions 
could  find  no  other  trace  of  ihem  than  the  significant 
memorial  presented  by  a  ruint-d  fort  and  a  parcel  d 
scattered  bones.  The  apprehensions  excited  by  thin 
melancholy  spectacle  were  confirmed  by  the  intelli- 
gence of  a  friendly  native,  who  informed  them  that  thei: 
countrymen  had  fallen  victims  to  the  enmity  of  the 
Indians.  Inslructeii  rather  than  discouraged  bv  this 
calamity,  they  endeavored  to  effect  a  rcconciliiilion 
with  the  savages  ;  and,  determining  lo  remain  at  l{oa- 
noak,  they  proceeded  to  repair  the  houses  and  revive 
the  colony.  One  of  the  natives  was  baptised  into  the 
christian  faith,  and.  retaining  an  unshaken  attachment 
to  ihc  English,  contributed  b's  eH'orls  to  pacify  and 
conciliate  his  coniilr\'men.  But  finding  themselves 
destitute  of  many  articles  which  they  judged  essential 
to  their  comfort  and  preservation  in  a  country  covered 

*  111  the  year  Ui22.  llial  is,  thirty.*ii  years  after  its  first 
intnxlurtion  into  lviii:Iaml,  and  .-.even  years  alter  ii.*  flrsi 
cullivalioii  in  an  RiikIisIi  colony,  the  annual  iinporl  ol  Inbarro 
into  Knsland  ainouiilod  to  an  iuindicdaiid  forty-l  wo  thousand 
and  iighly-hvc  pounils  wri«ht.  Slilh.p  2lti.  V'-l  thisijuan- 
Illy  appears  quite  insignificant  when  couipuedwilb  Ibe  pi* 
Ft'iit  contumptiou  of  iot>acca  m  Britaiu 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


215 


mih  forests  and  peopled  only  by  a  few  scattered  tribes 
of  savages,  the  colonists  depiited  their  governor  to 
BoVit  for  tlicui  the  requisite  supplies  ;  and  White  pro- 
weeded  for  this  purpose  to  England.  On  Ins  voyage 
thither,  he  touched  at  a  port  in  Ireland,  where  he  is 
said  to  have  left  some  specimens  of  the  potatoe  plant 
which  he  Ind  brought  with  him  from  America.  But 
whether  this  memorable  importation  was  due  to  him, 
or,  as  some  writers  have  maintained,  to  certain  of  the 
earlier  associates  of  Raleigh's  adventures,  it  must  be 
tcknovvledged  that  to  the  enterprise  of  Raleigh  and  the 
soil  of  America  Grcaf  Britain  is  indebted  for  her  ac- 
quaintance with  the  potatoe,  and  with  tobacco,  the  sta- 
ple article  of  diet,  and  the  most  cherished  as  well  as 
most  innocent  luxury  of  a  great  proportion  of  her 
people. 

White  arrived  at  a  juncture  the  most  unfavorable  for 
the  success  of  his  mission.  All  England  was  now  en- 
grossed with  the  more  immediate  concern  of  self-pre- 
servation :  the  forinidaolc  armada  of  Spain  was  prepa- 
ring to  invade  her,  and  the  whole  naval  and  military 
resources  of  the  empire  were  under  requisition  for  the 
purposes  of  national  defence.  The  hour  of  his  conn- 
try's  danger  could  not  fail  to  find  ample  employment 
for  the  generous  spirit  of  Raleigh  :  yet  he  mingled  with 
nis  distinguished  efforts  to  repel  the  enemy  some  exer- 
tions for  the  preservation  of  the  colony  he  had  planted. 
For  this  puq)Ose,  he  had  with  his  usual  promptitude 
equipped  a  small  squadron  which  he  committed  to  the 
conduct  of  Sir  Richard  Grenville,  when  the  queen  in- 
terposed to  detain  the  ships  of  force,  and  to  prohibit 
Grenville  from  leaving  England  at  such  a  crisis  [  1588  ] 
White,  however,  was  enabled  to  reimbark  for  America 
with  two  vessels  ;  but  yielding  to  the  temptation  of 
trving  his  fortune  by  the  way,  in  a  cruise  against  the 
Spaniards,  he  was  beaten  by  a  superior  force,  and  to- 
tally disabled  from  pursuing  his  voyage.  The  colony 
at  Roanoak  was  therefore  left  to  depend  on  its  own 
feeble  resources,  which  probably  the  hope  of  fo- 
reign succour  contributed  to  render  the  less  available. 
What  Its  fate  was  may  be  easily  guessed,  but  never 
was  known.  [1589.]  An  expedition  conducted  by 
White  in  the  following  year  found  the  territory  evacu- 
ated of  the  colonists,  and  no  further  tidings  of  their 
destiny  were  ever  obta  ned. 

This  last  expedition  was  not  despatched  by  Raleigh, 
but  by  his  successors  in  the  American  patent.  And 
our  history  is  now  to  take  leave  of  that  illustrious  man, 
with  whose  schemes  and  enterprises  it  ceases  to  have 
any  further  connexion.  The  ardor  of  his  mind  was 
not  exhausted,  but  diverted  by  a  multiplicity  of  new 
and  not  less  arduous  undertakings.  Intent  on  peo- 
pling and  improving  a  large  district  in  Ireland  which  ihe 
queen  had  conferred  on  him  ;  involved  in  the  conduct 
of  a  scheme,  and  expense  of  an  armament  for  estab- 
lishing Don  Antonio  on  the  throne  of  Portugal  ;  and 
dlrgady  revolving  his  last  and  wildest  project  of  an  ex- 
pedition for  the  discovery  of  mines  in  Guiana  ;  it  be- 
came impossible  for  him  to  continue  the  attention  and 
prolong  the  efforts  he  had  devoted  to-  his  Virginia 
colony.  Desirous,  at  the  same  time,  that  a  project 
which  he  had  carried  so  far  should  not  be  entirely 
abandoned,  and  hoping  that  the  spirit  of  commerce 
would  preserve  an  intercourse  with  Virginia  that  might 
terminate  in  a  colonial  establishment,  he  consented  to 
assign  his  patent  to  Sir  Thomas  Smith,  and  a  company 
of  merchants  in  London,  who  undertook  to  establish 
and  maintain  a  traffic  between  England  and  Virginia. 
The  patent  which  he  thus  transferred  had  already  cost 
him  the  enormous  sum  of  40,000/.,  without  affording 
him  the  slightest  return  of  pecuniary  profit  :  yet  the 
only  personal  consideration  for  which  he  stipulated  with 
the  assignees  was  a  small  share  of  whatever  gold  or 
silver  ore  they  might  eventually  discover.  It  is  i.npos- 
sible  to  consider  the  fate  of  this  his  earliest  and  most 
illustrious  project — the  unrivalled  genius  to  which  it 
owed  its  conception — ^tlie  steady  vigor  with  which  it 
was  pursued — the  insurmountable  patience  with  which 
it  was  revived  from  disaster  and  disappointment — and 
the  surprising  tram  of  incidents  liy  which  the  design 
was  so  often  baffled,  and  success  only  brought  so  near, 
that  it  might  seem  as  if  by  some  fatality  to  elude  his 
grasp,  without  acknowledging  that  the  course  of  this 
world  is  overruled  by  a  higher  Power  than  the  wisdom 
of  man,  and  that  human  exertion  has,  in  itself,  no  effi- 
cacy to  accomplish  its  designs.  The  same  Almighty 
Being  that  enables  created  agency  to  advance  a  certain 
'ength,  enjoins  that  it  prevails  no  farther  ;  and  is  glori- 
fied alike  by  the  magnitude  of  human  efforts,  and  the 
failure  of  human  d  .-signs. 

It  appeared  very  soon  that  Raleigh  had  transferred 
tie  pa'.ent  to  harkls  f erv  different  fi  jin  liia  own  The 


last  mentioned  expedition,  which  was  productive  of 
nothing  but  tidings  of  the  destruction  of  those  ad- 
venturers whom  White  had  conducted,  was  the  most 
considerable  effort  that  the  London  c:ompany  performed. 
Sati.slied  vvidi  a  paltry  traffic  carried  on  by  a  few  small 
vessels,  they  made  no  attempt  to  take  possession  of 
the  country  •  and  at  the  period  of  Elizabeth's  death, 
not  a  single  Englishman  was  settled  in  America.  The 
exertions  of  Raleigh,  however,  had  united  ilic  views 
and  hopes  of  his  countrymen,  by  a  strong  association, 
with  settlements  in  Virginia,  and  given  a  bias  to  the 
national  mind  which  only  the  encouragement  of  more 
favorable  circumstances  was  wanting  to  develop.  But 
the  war  with  Spain,  that  endured  till  the  close  of 
Elizabeth's  reign,  allured  men  of  enterprise  and  activity 
into  the  career  of  predatory  adventure,  and  obstructed 
the  formation  of  peaceable  and  commercial  settlements. 

[1603.]  The  accession  of  James  to  the  English 
crown,  was  by  a  singular  coincidence,  an  event  no  less 
favorable  to  the  colonization  of  America,  than  fatal  to  the 
illustrious  projector  of  this  design.  Peace  was  imme- 
diately concluded  with  Spain  ;  and  England,  in  the  en- 
joyment of  uninterrupted  tranquillity,  was  enabled  to 
direct  to  more  bloodless  pursuits  the  energies  matured 
in  a  war  which  had  strongly  excited  the  spirit  of  the 
nation  without  impairing  its  strength.  From  the  ina- 
bility of  government  in  that  age  to  collect  and  blend  all 
the  resources  and  wield  with  its  own  hand  all  the  dis- 
posable force  of  the  empire,  war  was  chiefly  productive 
of  a  series  of  partial  efforts  and  privateering  expe- 
ditions, which  widely  diffused  the  allurements  of  am- 
bition, and  multiplied  the  opportunities  of  advancement. 
This  had  been  remarkably  exemplified  in  the  war  with 
Spain  ;  and  many  ar<lcnt  spirits  to  which  it  had  supplied 
opportunities  of  animating  exertion  and  flattering  as- 
cendency became  impatient  of  the  restraint  and  inac- 
tivity to  which  the  peace  consigned  them,  and  began  to 
look  abroad  for  a  new  sphere  of  enterprise  and  exertion. 

The  prevalence  of  this  disposition  naturally  led  to  a 
revival  of  the  projects  for  colonizing  North  America, 
and  was  the  more  readily  guided  into  that  direction  by 
the  success  of  a  voyage  that  had  been  undertaken  in 
the  last  year  of  Elizabeth's  reign.  Bartholomew  Gos- 
nold,  who  planned  and  performed  this  voyage  in  a  small 
vessel  containing  only  thirty  men,  was  led  by  his  expe- 
rience in  navigation  to  suspect  that  the  right  track  had 
not  yet  been  discovered,  and  that  in  steering  by  the 
Canary  Islands  and  the  Gulf  of  Florida,  a  circuit  of 
at  least  a  thousand  leagues  was  unnecessarily  made. 
In  prosecution  of  this  conjecture,  he  abandoned  the 
southern  track,  and,  steering  more  to  the  westward, 
was  the  first  who  reached  America  by  this  directer 
course.  He  found  himself  further  north  than  any  of 
Raleigh's  colonists  had  gone,  and  landing  in  the  region 
which  now  forms  the  province  of  Massachussetts*  bay, 
he  carried  on  an  advantageovs  trade  with  the  natives, 
and  freighted  his  vessel  with  abundance  of  rich  peltry. 
He  visited  two  adjacent  islands,  one  of  which  he  named 
Martha's  Vineyard,  the  other  Elizabeth's  Island.  The 
aspect  of  the  country  appeared  so  inviting,  and  the 
climate  so  salubrious,  that  twelve  of  the  crew  at  first 
determined  to  remain  there :  but  reflecting  on  the 
melancholy  fate,  of  the  colonists  at  Roaiioak,  their  reso- 
lution failed  ;  and  the  whole  party  reluctantly  quitting 
this  agreeable  quarter,  returned  to  England  after  an  ab- 
scenceof  less  than  four  months. 

The  report  of  this  voyage  produced  a  strong  impres- 
sion on  the  public  mind,  and  led  to  important  conse- 
(juences.  Gosnold  had  discovered  a  route  that  greatly 
shortened  the  voyage  to  North  America,  and  found  a 
healthy  climate,  a  fertile  soil,  and  a  coast  abounding 
with  excellent  harbours.  He  had  seen  many  fruits  es- 
teemed in  Europe  growing  plentifully  in  the  woods; 
and  having  sown  some  European  grain,  had  found  it 
grow  with  ra|)idity  and  vigor.  Encouraged  by  his  suc- 
cess, and  perhaps  not  insensible  to  the  hope  of  finding 
gold  and  silver  or  some  new  and  lucrative  subject  of 
commerce  in  the  unexplored  interior  of  so  fine  a 
country,  he  endeavored  to  procure  associates  in  an  un- 
dertaking to  transport  a  colony  to  America.  Similar 
plans  began  to  be  formed  in  various  parts  of  the  king- 
dom ;  but  the  spirit  of  adventure  was  controlled  by  a 
salutary  caution  awakened  by  the  recollection  of  past 
disappointments. 

These  projects  were  powerfully  aided  by  the  judici- 
ous counsel  and  zealous  encouragement  of  Richard 

*  lie  appears  to  have  been  tiie  second  Englishman  who 
landed  in  New  Engkind.  The  lirst  was  Sir  Francis  Dral<e. 
wlio  remained  tliere  a  few  days  and  traded  with  tlic  natives 
in  his  return  froui  the  West  Indies  in  158(5.  It  is  even  said 
that  Drake  persuaded  one  of  tiie  Indian  chiefs  of  tfiat  region 
to  declare  his  territornes  subject  to  queen  Elizabeth.  Old- 
'  mixon's  Brit.  Einp.  in  Aiue:  i.  23. 


Hakhiyt,  prebendary  of  Westminster,  a  man  of  eminent 
attainments  in  naval  and  commercial  knowledge,  thj 
|)atron  and  counsellor  of  many  of  the  English  exp< di 
tions  of  discovery,  the  correspondent  of  the  Icaucri 
who  conducted  them,  and  the  hi-itorian  of  the  exploits 
they  gave  rise  to.  [1003  ]  By  his  persuasion  two  ves- 
sels were  fitted  out  by  the  merchants  of  Bristol,  anc 
despatched  to  examine  the  discoveries  of  Gosnold,  and 
verify  his  statement.  They  returned  with  an  aniplo 
confirmation  of  his  veracity.  [1605  ]  A  similar  expe- 
dition was  cquijiped  and  despatched  by  Lord  Arundel 
of  Wardour,  which  not  only  produced  additional  testi- 
mony to  the  same  cHect,  but  re|)orted  so  many  adili- 
tional  particulars  in  favor  of  the  country,  that  all  doiibta 
were  removed  ;  and  an  association  sufiicienlly  nume- 
rous, wealthy,  and  powerful,  to  attempt  a  settlement 
being  soon  formed,  a  petition  was  presented  to  the 
king  for  his  sanction  of  the  plan  and  the  interposition 
of  his  authority  towards  its  execution. 

The  attention  of  .lames  had  been  already  directed 
to  the  advantages  that  might  be  derived  from  colonics, 
at  the  time  when  he  attemped  to  civilize  the  more  bar- 
barous clans  of  his  ancient  subjects  by  planting  de- 
tachments of  industrious  traders  in  the  Highlands  of 
Scotland.  Well  pleased  to  resume  a  favorite  specula- 
tion, and  willing  to  encourage  a  scheme  that  opened  a 
safe  and  peaceful  career  to  the  active  genius  of  his  new 
subjects,  he  listened  readily  to  the  application,  and, 
highly  commending  the  plan,  acceded  to  the  wishes 
of  its  projectors.  Letters  patent  were  issued  [16()(),] 
to  Sir  'I'liomas  (rates,  Sir  George  Somers,  Richatd 
Hakluyt,  and  their  associates,  granting  to  them  those 
territories  m  America  lying  on  the  sea-coast  between 
the  tliirty-fourlh  and'forty-filth  degrees  of  north  latitude, 
together  with  all  islands  situated  within  a  hundred  miles 
of  their  shores.  The  design  of  the  patentees  is  de- 
clared to  be  "  to  make  habitation,  plantation,  and  to 
deduce  a  colony  of  sundry  of  our  people  into  that  part 
of  America  commonly  called  Virginia  ;"  and,  as  the 
main  recommendation  of  the  design,  it  set  forth,  tiiat 
'•  so  noble  a  work  may,  by  the  providence  of  Almighty 
God,  hereafter  tend  to  the  glory  of  his  Divine  Majesi), 
in  propagating  of  christian  religion  to  such  ]ieople  as 
yet  live  in  darkness  and  miserable  ignorance  of  tiiu 
true  knowledge  and  worship  of  God,  and  may  m  lime 
bring  the  infidels  and  savages  living  in  those  parts  to 
human  civiUty,  and  to  a  settled  and  quiet  government." 
The  patentees  were  required  to  divide  themselves  into 
two  distinct  companies,  the  one  consisting  of  London 
adventurers,  termed  the  first  or  .southern  colony  the 
second  or  northern  colony  composed  of  merchants  be- 
longing to  Plymouth  and  Bristol.  The  territory  ap- 
propriated to  the  first  or  southern  colony  was  generally 
called  Virginia,  and  retained  that  appellation  after  the 
second  or  northern  colony  obtained,  in  1614,  the  name 
of  New  England.  The  adventurers  were  authorizeil 
to  transport  to  their  respective  territories  as  many 
English  subjects  as  should  be  willing  to  accompany 
them,  and  to  make  shipments  of  arms  and  provisions 
for  their  use,  with  exemption  from  customs  for  the 
space  of  seven  years.  1'lie  colonists  and  their  children 
were  to  enjoy  the  same  liberties  and  privileges  in  the 
American  settlements  as  if  they  had  remained  or  were 
born  in  England.*  The  administration  of  each  of  the 
colonies  was  committed  to  two  boards  of  council ;  the 
supreme  government  being  vested  in  a  board  resident 
in  England,  to  be  nominated  by  the  king,  and  directed 
by  such  ordinances  as  he  might  enact  for  their  use  ;  and 
the  subordinate  jurisdiction  devolving  on  a  colonial 
council  equally  indebted  to  the  appointment  and  sub- 
jected to  the  instructions  of  the  king.  Liberty  to 
search  for  and  0[ien  mines  (which,  under  all  the  feudal 
governments,  were  supposed  to  have  been  originally 
reserved  by  the  sovereign),  was  conferred  on  the  colon 
ists,  with  an  appropriation  of  part  of  the  produce  to 
the  crown  ;  and  the  more  valuable  privilege  cf  unre- 
strained liberty  of  trade  with  other  nations  was  also 
extended  to  them.  The  president  and  council  wiihm 
the  colonies  were  authorised  to  levy  duties  on  foreign 
commodities,  which,  lor  twenty-one  years,  were  to  Ijc 
applied  to  the  use  of  the  adventurers,  and  afterwards 
to  be  paid  into  the  royal  exchequer. 

*  This  provision  (whether  suggested  l)y  the  caution  of  the 
prince  or  the  appreliension  of  tlie  colonists)  occurs  in  alinu.^t 
all  the  colonial  charters.  It  is,  however,  omitted  in  the  most 
accurate  of  them  all,  the  charter  of  Pennsylvania,  wlucli  was 
attentively  revised  and  adjusted  by  tliat  eminent  lawyer  the 
Lord  Keeper  Guildford.  When  King  William  was  about  to 
renew  the  charter  of  Massachusetts,  after  the  Itevolutioii,  hu 
was  advised  Ijy  the  alilest  lawyers  in  England  that  such  a 
provision  was  nugatory ;  tlie  I.  w  necessarily  inferring  tlial 
the  colonists  were  Englishinci.  and  bolli  eniuh'd  to  llu 
r'glits  and  burdened  with  the  du'  .es  attached  to  that  char6«- 
ter.   Cliaiinors's  Am>kis,  u  IS. 


116 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


The  terms  of  this  charier  strongly  illustrates  both 
the  character  of  the  monarch  who  granted,  and  the 
dcsi^jnsof  the  persons  who  procured  it.  Neither  of 
thcMi  partu  s  seem  to  have  mlendod  or  foreseen  the 
foundation  of  a  great  and  opulent  society.  The  arbi- 
trary iipirit  of  the  royal  grantor  is  discernable  in  the 
subjection  of  the  emigrant  body  to  a  corporation  in 
which  they  were  not  represented,  and  over  whoso  de- 
liberations they  had  no  control.  There  is  likewise  a 
manifest  inconsistency  between  the  reservation  to  tlie 
coloniits  of  all  the  privileges  of  Englishmen,  and  the 
isauinption  of  legislative  power  by  the  king,  the  con- 
irol  of  whose  legislative  functions  constitutes  the  most 
valuable  political  privilege  that  Englishmen  enjoy.  Hul 
we  have  no  reason  to  suppose  that  the  charter  was  un- 
acceptable to  the  patentees ;  on  the  contrary,  its  most 
objectionable  provisions  are  not  more  congenial  to  the 
character  of  the  king  than  conformable  to  the  views 
which  the  leading  members  of  that  body  plainly  appear 
to  have  adopted.  Their  object  (notwithstanding  the 
more  liberal  designs  professed  in  the  charter)  was 
rather  to  explore  the  continent  and  appropriate  its 
treasures  by  the  agency  of  a  body  of  adventurers  over 
whom  they  retained  a  complete  control,  than  to  es- 
tablish a  permanent  and  extensive  settlement.  The 
instructions  to  the  colonial  governors  which  accom- 
panied the  second  shipment  sent  out  by  the  London 
company  demonstrated  (very  disagreeably  to  the  wiser 
emigrants,  and  very  injuriously  to  the  rest),  that  the 
chief  objects  of  their  concern  were  not  patient  indus- 
try and  colonization,  but  territorial  discovery  and  im- 
mediate gain.  In  furtherance  of  these  views  they 
took  care,  by  mixing  no  women  with  the  tirst  emigrants, 
to  retain  the  colony  in  dependence  upon  England  for 
its  supplies  of  men,  and  to  give  free  scope  to  the  cu- 
pidity and  the  roving  spirit  of  minds  undivided  by  the 
Lopes  and  unfiled  by  the  comforts  and  attatchments  of 
domestic  life. 

Lightly  as  we  mi:»t  esteem  the  wisdom  and  liberality 
of  James's  inciitutions,  it  will  enhance  our  estimate  of 
the  ditliculty  of  his  tadk,  and  abate  our  censure  of  his 
performance,  if  we  compare  him  as  a  maker  of  consti- 
tutions with  the  most  eminent  philosopher  that  England 
□as  produced,  aided  too  by  the  knowledge  and  experi- 
ence of  an  additional  century     The  materials  for  tins 

tiidgmcnt  will  be  supplied  when  the  progress  of  our 
iistory  shall  have  readied  the  settlement  of  Carolina  . 
but  I  will  venture  to  anticipate  it  by  affirming,  that, 
unfortjnatcly  for  the  credit  of  philosophy,  the  produc- 
tion of  James  will  rather  gain  than  lose  by  comparison 
with  the  pcrforinaiice  of  Locke. 

The  king  appears  to  have  been  more  honestly  occu- 
pied with  genuine  colonizing  ideas  than  the  patentees. 
While  their  leaders  were  employed  in  making  prepara- 
tions to  secure  the  benefits  of  the  grant,  James  was 
aasiduously  engaged  in  the  task,  which  his  vanity  ren- 
dered a  rich  eiijoymeni,  and  the  well  guarded  liberties 
of  Englanii  a  rare  one,  of  digesting  a  code  of  laws  for 
the  colonies  that  were  about  to  be  planted.  This  code 
being  at  Icngtl.  prepared,  was  issued  under  the  sign 
manual  and  privy  seal  of  England.  [1GU6.]  It  enjoined 
the  preaching  of  the  gospel  and  the  observance  of  di- 
vine worship,  in  conformity  with  the  doctrines  and  rites 
of  the  church  of  T.ngland.  The  legislative  and  execu- 
tive powers  within  tiie  colonics  were  vested  in  the  colo- 
nial councils  ;  but  with  this  important  provision,  that 
laws  originaiing  there  should  in  substance  be  consonant 
to  the  English  laws,  that  they  should  continue  in  force 
only  till  modified  or  repealed  by  the  king  or  the  supreme 
council  in  England,  and  that  their  penal  inflictions 
should  not  extend  to  death  or  demembration.  Persons 
attempting  to  withdraw  the  people  from  their  allegiance 
to  the  English  crown  were  to  be  imprisoned;  or,  in 
cases  highly  aggravated,  to  be  remitted  for  trial  to 
England.  Tumults,  mutiny,  and  rebellion,  murder  and 
incest,  were  to  be  punished  with  death  ;  and  for  these 
the  criminal  was  to  be  tried  by  a  jury.  Inferior  crimes 
were  to  be  punished  in  a  summary  way  at  the  discre- 
tion of  the  president  and  council.  Lands  were  to  be 
huldcn  by  tlie  same  tenures  that  were  established  m 
England  ;  but  for  five  years  after  the  settlement  of  earh 
colony,  a  community  of  labor  and  gams  was  to  have 
place  among  the  colonists.  Kindness  to  the  heathen, 
and  the  communication  of  religious  instruction  to  them, 
were  enjointd.  And  lliially,  a  power  was  reserved  to 
the  king  and  bis  successors  to  en3Ct  further  laws,  pro- 
Tided  they  should  bo  consistent  with  the  jurisjjrudence 
of  England. 

These  regulations  in  the  main  arc  creditable  to  the 
mveroign  wlio  enacted  them  No  attempt  was  made 
DOr  right  protended  to  Irginlate  for  the  Indian  tribes  , 
•ihI  iJ  iht)  niicitut  territories  which  they  rather  claimed 


than  occupied,  were  appropriated  and  disposed  of  with- 
out any  regard  to  their  pretensions,  at  least,  no  juris- 
diction was  assumed  over  their  actions,  and,  in  point 
of  personal  liberty,  lliey  were  regarded  as  an  independ- 
ent people.  This  was  an  advance  in  equity  beyond 
the  practice  of  the  Spaniard)!,  and  the  ideas  of  queen 
Elizabeth,  whose  patents  asserted  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  English  crown  and  of  the  colonial  laws  over  the 
old  as  well  as  the  new  inhabitants  of  her  projected 
colonies.  In  the  criminal  legislation  of  this  code,  we 
may  observe  a  distinction  which  trial  by  jury  has  ena- 
bled to  jirevail  over  that  ingenious  and  perhaps  neces- 
sary principle  of  ancient  colonial  policy,  which  intrusted 
the  proconsular  governors  with  the  power  of  inllicling 
death,  but  restrained  them  from  awarding  less  formida- 
ble penalties,  as  more  likely  to  give  scope  to  the  ope- 
ration of  interest  or  caprice.  If  the  charter  evinced  a 
total  disregard  of  political  liberty,  the  code,  by  intro- 
ducing trial  by  jury,  interwove  with  the  very  origin  of 
society  a  habit  and  practice  well  adapted  to  keep  ahvc 
the  spirit  and  principles  of  freedom. 

The  London  company,  to  which  the  plantation  of  the 
southern  colony  was  committed  applied  themselves  im- 
mediately to  the  formation  of  a  selllemcnt.  B'jt  tho'jgh 
many  persons  of  distinction  were  included  among  the 
proprietors,  their  funds  at  first  were  scanty,  and  their 
first  efforts  proportionably  feeble.  Three  small  vessels, 
of  which  the  largest  did  not  exceed  a  hundred  tons 
burthen,  under  the  command  of  Captain  Newport, 
formed  the  tirst  squadron  that  was  to  execute  what  had 
been  so  long  and  so  vainly  attempted,  and  sailed  [Dec] 
with  a  hundred  and  five  men  destined  to  remain  in 
America.  Several  of  these  were  of  distinguished  fa- 
milies, particularly  George  Percy,  a  brother  of  the  Earl 
of  Northumberland  ;  and  several  were  officers  of  repu- 
tation, of  whom  we  may  notice  Bartholomew  Gosnold 
the  navigator,  and  Captain  John  Smith,  one  of  the  most 
remarkable  persons  of  an  ago  that  was  prolific  of  me- 
morable men. 

Thus  at  length,  after  a  research  fraught  with  per- 
plexity and  disappointment,  but  I  hope  not  devoid  of 
interest,  into  the  sources  of  the  great  transatlantic 
commonwealth,  we  have  reached  the  first  inconsidera- 
ble spring,  whose  progress,  feebly  opposed  to  innume- 
rable obstructions,  and  nearly  diverted  in  its  very  out- 
set, yet  always  continuous,  expands  under  the  eye  of 
patient  inquiry  into  the  majestic  stream  of  American 
population.  After  the  lapse  of  a  hundred  and  ten 
years  from  the.  discovery  of  the  continent  by  Cabot, 
and  twciit)  two  years  after  its  first  occupation  by  Ra- 
leigh, were  the  number  of  the  English  colonists  limited 
to  a  hundred  and  five  ;  and  this  handful  of  men  pro- 
ceeded to  execute  the  arduous  task  of  peopling  a  re- 
mote and  uncultivated  land,  covered  with  woods  and 
marshes,  and  inhabited  only  by  tribes  of  savages  and 
beasts  of  prey.  Under  the  sanction  of  a  charter  which 
bereaved  Englishmen  of  their  most  valuable  rights, 
and  bam.shed  from  the  American  constitution  the  first 
principles  of  liberty,  were  the  foundations  laid  of  the 
colonial  greatness  of  England,  and  of  the  freedom  and 
prosperity  of  America.  From  this  period,  or  at  least 
very  shortly  after,  a  regular  and  connected  history 
arises  out  of  the  progress  of  Virginia  and  New  Eng- 
land, the  two  eldest  born  colonies,  by  whose  example 
all  the  others  were  engendered,  and  under  whose  shel- 
ter they  were  successively  planted  and  reared.* 

Newport  and  his  s(iiiadron,  pursuing  for  some  un- 
known reason  the  ancient  circuitous  track  to  America, 
did  not  accomplish  their  voyage  in  a  shorter  period  tlian 
four  months  ;  but  its  termination  was  rendered  pecu- 
liarly fortunate  by  the  effect  of  a  storm  which  over- 
ruled their  destination  to  Koanoak,  and  carried  tliem 
into  the  bay  of  Chesapeak.  [April,  1607  ]  As  they 
advanced  into  the  bay  that  seemed  to  invite  their  ap- 
proach, lUv.y  beheld  all  the  advantages  of  this  spacious 
haven,  rc|)ienished  by  the  waters  of  so  many  great 
rivers  that  fertilize  the  soil  of  that  extensive  district  of 
America,  and  afford. ng  commodious  inlets  into  the  in- 
terior parts,  facilitate  their  foreign  commerce  and  mu- 
tual communication.  Newport  first  landed  on  a  pro- 
montary  forming  the  southern  boundary  of  the  bay, 
which.  III  honor  of  the  Prince  of  Wales,  he  named 
Cape  Henry.  Thence  coasting  the  southern  shore,  he 
entered  a  river  which  the  natives  called  Powhatan, 
and  explored  its  banks  lor  the  s|)ace  of  forty  miles  from 

*  It  is  only,  or  at  least  Kenorally,  their  accoinplisliment, 
which  produces  the  lusloncal  preilicliiins  of  poetry.  The 
subscfiucnl  pro)5rcs8of  Aiiierii-a  has  cii  ihlcd  one  of  horsi  lio- 
liirs  to  direct  nur  attention  to  thi.i  stage  of  her  tustory  in  the 
following;  hues  ;  — 

"  In^'eniuiii,  pietas,  arirs  ac  beilica  virtus. 
Hue  profuK.i!  Vdiicnt,  el  rcuna  illu.-.lria  roiident ; 
El  doiiiina  his  Virlua  crit,  el  Furluiia  imiuslra." 


its  mouth.  Strongly  impressed  with  the  superior  ad 
vantages  of  the  coast  and  region  to  which  they  Ldd 
been  thus  happily  conducted,  the  adventurers  unani- 
mously determined  to  make  this  the  place  of  theii 
abode.  They  gave  to  their  infant  selllemcnt,  as  well 
as  to  the  neighboring  river,  the  name  of  their  king ; 
and  Jamestown  retains  the  distinction  of  being  the 
oldest  existing  habitation  of  the  English  in  America. 

But  the  dissensions  that  broke  out  among  the  colo- 
nists soon  threatened  to  deprive  them  of  all  the  advan- 
tages of  their  well-selected  station.  Their  animosities 
v\erc  powerfully  inflamed  by  an  arrangement  which,  ii 
it  did  not  originate  with  the  king,  at  least  evinces  a 
strong  affinity  to  that  ostentatious  mystery  and  driftlcsa 
artifice  which  he  afl'ected  as  the  perfection  of  political 
dexterity.  The  names  of  the  colonial  council  were  not 
communicated  to  the  adventurers  whi?ii  they  departed 
from  England  ;  but  the  commission  which  conlamcd 
them  was  inclosed  in  a  sealed  packet,  which  was  di- 
rected to  be  opened  within  twenty-four  hours  after  their 
arrival  on  the  coast  of  Virginia,  when  the  counsellors 
were  to  be  installed  in  their  otfice.  and  to  elect  their 
own  president.  The  dissensions  incident  to  a  fong 
voyage  and  a  body  of  adventurers  rather  conjoined  than 
united,  had  free  scope  among  men  unaware  of  the  rela- 
tions they  were  to  occupy  towards  each  other,  and  of 
the  subordination  which  their  relative  stations  might 
imply  ;  and  when  the  names  of  the  council  were  pro- 
claimed, they  were  far  from  giving  general  satisfaction. 
Captain  Smith,  whose  superior  talents  and  courage  had 
excited  the  envy  and  jealousy  of  his  colleagues,  was 
excluded  from  the  seat  in  council  which  the  commis- 
sion conferred  on  him,  and  even  accused  of  traitorous 
designs  so  unproved  and  improbable,  that  none  less  • 
believed  the  charge  than  the  parties  who  preferred  it. 
The  privation  of  his  counsel  and  services  in  the  diffi- 
culties of  their  outset  was  a  serious  loss  to  ihe  colo- 
nists, a!id  might  have  been  attended  with  ruin  to  the 
settlement,  if  his  merit  and  generosity  had  not  been 
superior  to  their  mean  injustice.  The  jealous  suspi- 
cions of  the  person  who  had  been  elected  president 
restrained  the  use  of  arms,  and  discouraged  the  coiv 
utruction  of  fortifications :  and  a  misundcrstandinjj 
having  arisen  with  the  Indians,  the  colonists,  unpre- 
pared for  hostilities,  suffered  severely  from  one  of  the 
sudden  attacks  characteristic  of  the  warfare  of  these 
savages. 

Newport  had  been  ordered  to  return  with  the  ships 
to  England  ;  and  as  the  time  of  his  departure  ap- 
proached, the  accusers  of  Smith,  atfetting  a  humanity 
they  did  not  feel,  pro|>osed  that  he  should  return  with 
Newport,  instead  of  being  prosecuted  in  Virginia.  But, 
happily  for  the  colony,  he  scorned  so  to  compromise 
his  integrity  ;  and  demanding  a  trial,  was  honorably  ac- 
quitted, and  took  his  seat  in  the  council. 

The  fleet  had  been  better  victualled  than  the  stores 
of  the  colony  ;  and  while  it  remained  with  them,  the 
colonists  were  permitted  to  .share  the  abundance  en- 
joyed by  the  sailors.  But  when  Newport  set  sail  foi 
England,  [June,]  they  found  themselves  limited  lo 
scanty  supplies  of  unwholesome  provisions;  and  the 
sultry  heat  of  the  climate,  and  moisture  of  a  country 
overgrown  with  wood,  concurring  with  the  defects  ol 
their  diet,  brought  on  diseases  that  raged  with  fatal 
violence.  Before  the  month  of  September  one  halt 
of  their  number  had  perished,  and  among  them  was 
Bartholomew  (iosnold.  who  had  planned  the  expedi- 
tion, and  eminently  contributed  to  its  accomplishment. 
This  scene  of  distress  was  heightened  by  internal  dis- 
sensions. The  President  was  accused  of  embezzling 
the  stores,  and  finally  detected  in  an  attempt  to  seize  a 
pinnace  and  escape  from  the  colony  and  its  calamities. 
.\t  length,  in  the  extremity  of  their  distress,  when  ruin 
St  emed  alike  to  impend  from  famine,  and  the  fury  of 
the  savages,  the  colony  was  delivered  from  danger  by 
a  supply  which  the  piety  of  Smith  is  not  ashamed  lo 
ascribe  to  the  influence  of  Ciod  in  suspending  the  pas- 
sions and  controlling  the  sentiments  of  men.  The 
savages,  ai:tuaied  by  a  sudden  change  of  feeling,  pre- 
sented them  with  a  supply  of  provisions  so  abundant  as 
at  once  to  dissipate  their  apprehensions  of  famine  and 
hostility. 

Resuming  their  spirit,  the  colonists  now  proved  them- 
selves not  entirely  uninstructcd  by  their  misfortunes. 
In  seasons  of  exigency  merit  is  illustrated,  and  the 
envv  that  pursues  it  absorbed  by  interest  and  alarm. 
Their  sense  of  common  and  inevitable  danger  sug- 
gested and  enforced  submi.«.'iion  to  the  man  whose  ta- 
lents were  ino.st  likely  to  extricate  them  from  the  diUi- 
ciilties  with  which  they  were  surrounded.  Every  eyo 
was  now  turned  on  Smith,  and  all  willingly  devolved 
on  hiin  Uic  aulhoriiv  which  ihcv  had  for  uoily  evinced 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


217 


to  much  jealousy  of  his  acquiring.  This  eminent  per- 
son, whose  name  will  be  for  ever  associated  with  the 
foundation  of  civilized  society  in  America  \»as  de- 
scended of  a  respectalilc  family  in  Lincoliislure,  and 
born  to  a  cDinpeteiit  fortune.  At  a  very  early  age  his 
ardent  uund  had  been  s'rongly  smitten  with  the  spirit 
of  adventure  that  prevailed  so  powerfully  in  England 
during  the  reign  of  Elizabeth  ;  and,  yielding  to  his  in- 
clinations, he  had  passed  through  a  vast  variety  o'  mi- 
litary service,  with  little  gain,  but  great  rc[)utatioii  and 
•with  th3  acquisition  of  an  experience  the  more  valua- 
ble t.hat  it  was  obtained  without  exhausting  his  ardor 
or  tainting  his  morals.  The  vigor  of  his  constitution 
had  preserved  his  health  unimpaired  amidst  the  general 
sickness  ,  his  uni^uiited  temper  retained  his  spirits 
unbroken,  and  his  judgment  unclouded,  amidst  the  ge- 
n»-/al  misery  and  dejection  ;  and  the  ardor  of  his  dis- 
position, which  once  subjected  him  to  the  reproach  of 
overweening  ambition,  was  now  felt  to  diHusc  an  ani- 
mating glow  of  hope  and  courage  among  all  around 
him.  A  strong  sense  of  religion  predominated  in  the 
mind  of  this  superior  man,  combined  and  duly  subor- 
dinated all  his  faculties,  refreshed  his  confidence,  ex- 
tended and  yet  regulated  his  views,  and  gave  dignity 
to  his  character,  and  consistency  to  his  conduct  As- 
Buming  the  direction  of  the  affairs  of  the  colonists,  he 
instantly  adopted  the  only  plan  that  could  save  them 
from  destruction.  Under  his  directions  Jahiestown 
was  fortified  by  such  defences  as  were  sufficient  to 
repel  the  attacks  of  the  savages ;  and,  by  dint  of  great 
labor,  which  he  was  always  the  foremost  to  share,  the 
colonists  were  provided  with  dwellings  that  afforded 
shelter  from  the  weather,  and  contributed  to  restore  and 
preserve  their  health.  Finding  the  supplies  of  the  sa- 
vages discontinued,  he  put  himself  at  the  head  of  a 
detachment  of  his  people,  and  penetrated  into  the 
country  ;  and  by  courtesy  and  liberality  to  the  tribes 
whom  he  found  well  disposed,  and  vigorously  re- 
pelling the  hostilities  of  such  as  were  otherwise 
minded,  he  obtained  for  the  colony  the  most  abundant 
supplies. 

In  the  midst  of  his  successes  he  was  surprised  on  an 
expedition  by  a  hostile  body  of  savages,  who,  having 
succeeded  in  making  him  prisoner,  after  a  gallant  and 
nearly  successful  defence,  prepared  to  infiict  on  hiin 
the  usual  fate  of  their  captives.  His  eminent  faculties 
did  not  desert  him  on  this  trying  occasion.  He  desired 
to  speak  with  the  sachem  or  chief,  and,  presenting  him 
with  a  mariner's  compass,  expatiated  on  the  wonderful 
discoveries  to  which  it  had  led,  described  the  shape  of 
the  earth,  the  vastuess  of  its  lands  and  oceans,  the 
course  of  the  sun,  the  varieties  of  nations,  and  the  sin- 
gularity of  their  relative  positions,  which  made  some 
of  them  antipodes  to  the  others.  With  equal  prudence 
and  magnanimity  he  refrained  from  all  solicitations  for 
his  life,  which  would  only  have  weakened  the  impres- 
sion which  he  hoped  to  produce.  The  savages  listened 
with  amazement  and  admiration.  'I'hey  had  handled 
the  compass,  and  viewing  with  surprise  the  play  of  the 
needle,  which  they  plainly  saw,  but  found  it  impossible 
to  touch,  from  the  intervention  of  the  glass,  this  mar- 
vellous object  prepared  their  minds  for  the  reception 
of  those  vast  impressions  by  which  their  captive  endea- 
vored to  gain  ascendancy  over  them.  For  an  hour 
after  he  had  finished  his  harangue  they  seem  to  have 
remained  undecided  ;  till  their  habitual  sentiments  re- 
viving, they  resumed  their  suspended  purpose,  and, 
having  bound  him  to  a  tree,  prepared  to  despatch  him 
with  their  arrows.  But  a  stronger  impression  had  been 
made  on  their  chief ;  and  his  soul,  enlarged  for  a  sea- 
son by  the  admission  of  knowledge,  or  subdued  by  the 
influence  of  wonder,  revolted  from  the  dominion  of  ha- 
bitual ferocity.  This  chief  was  named  Opechanca- 
nongh,  and  destined  at  a  future  period  to  invest  his  bar- 
barous name  with  horror  and  celebrity.  Holding  up 
the  compass  in  his  hand,  he  gave  the  signal  of  reprieve, 
and  Smith,  though  still  guarded  as  a  prisoner,  was  con- 
ducted to  a  dwelling  where  he  was  kindly  treated  and 
plentifully  entertained.*    But  the  strongest  impressions 


Smith,  B.  111.  p.  47.  Stith,  p.  51.— Tliis  admirable  triumpli 
ot  icnowledge  and  genius  over  barbarity  and  ferocity  has  been 
obscured  by  the  inaccuracy  of  Dr.  Robertson,  wlio  has  as- 
cribed Smith's  deliverance  on  this  occasion  to  his  artifice  iii 
•musing  the  savages  with  wonderful  accounts  of  the  virtues 
of  the  compass.  Marshall,  the  biographer  of  Washington 
has  transferred  this  mis-statement  into  the  pages  of  his 
tustory  also.  Had  Smith  resorled  to  artifice,  he  would  only 
nave  availed  himself  of  a  resource  winch  Columbus  had  pre- 
viously employed,  when  he  found  his  advantage  in  imposin" 
on  a  savage  tribe  the  prediction  for  the  production  of  an 
eclipse.  But  Smitli's  attempt  was  at  once  more  original  and 
more  honorab  e.  Tlie  device  of  Columbus  had  been  success- 
lully  practised  by  a  Roman  general,  and  is  related  by  Livy. 
smith  unassisted  by  precedent,  and  guided  only  l)y  that  "in- 
Wiratlon  of  the  Almighty  wluch  giveth  understandm-,"  ap- 


pass  away,  while  the  influence  of  habit  remains.  After 
vainly  endeavoring  to  prevail  on  their  captive  to  betray 
the  English  colony  into  their  hands,  they  referred  his 
fate  to  Powhatan,  the  king  or  principal  sachem  of  the 
country,  to  whose  presence  they  conducted  liim  iii  tri- 
umphal procession.  The  king  received  him  with  much 
ceremony,  ordered  a  ])lentifiil  repast  to  be  set  before 
him,  and  then  adjudged  him  to  sutler  death  by  having 
his  head  laid  on  a  stone  and  beat  to  pieces  with  clubs. 
At  the  place  appointed  for  this  barbarous  execution,  he 
was  again  rescued  fiom  impending  fate  by  the  interpo- 
sition of  Pocahontas,  the  favorite  daughter  of  the  king, 
who,  finding  her  first  entreaties  disregarded,  threw  her 
arms  around  the  prisoner,  and  declared  her  determina- 
tion to  siive  him  or  die  with  him.  Her  generous  af- 
fection prevailed  over  th&  cruelty  of  her  tribe,  and  the 
king  not  only  gave  Smith  his  hie,  but  soon  after  sent 
him  back  to  Jamestown,  where  the  beneficence  of 
Pocahontas  continued  to  follow  him  with  supplies  of 
provisions  that  delivered  the  colony  from  famine. 

After  an  absence  of  seven  weeks  Smith  returned  to 
Jamestown,  barely  in  time  to  prevent  the  desertion  of 
the  colony.  His  associates,  reduced  to  the  number  of 
thirty-eight,  impatient  of  farther  stay  in  a  country  where 
they  had  met  with  so  many  discouragements,  and  where 
they  seemed  fated  to  re-enact  the  disasters  of  Roanoak, 
were  preparing  to  abandon  the  settlement ;  and  it  was 
not  without  the  utmost  difficulty,  and  alternately  em- 
ploying persuasion,  remonstrance,  and  even  violent 
interference,  that  Smith  prevailed  with  them  to  relin- 
quish their  design.  The  provisions  that  Pocahontas 
had  sent  to  him  relieved  their  present  wants  ;  his  ac- 
count of  the  plenty  he  had  witnessed  among  the  savages 
revived  their  hopes  ;  and  he  endeavored,  by  a  diligent 
improvement  of  the  favorable  impressions  he  had  made 
upon  the  savages,  and  by  a  judicious  regulation  of  the 
intercourse  between  them  and  the  colonists,  to  effect  a 
union  of  interests  and  mutual  participations  of  advan- 
tages between  the  two  races  of  people.  His  generous 
efforts  were  successful  ;  he  preserved  plenty  among 
the  English,  and  extended  his  influence  and  repute 
among  the  Indians,  who  began  to  respect  and  consult 
their  former  captive  as  a  superior  being.  If  Smith  had 
sought  only  to  magnify  his  own  repute  and  establish  his 
dominion,  he  might  easily  have  passed  with  the  savages 
for  a  deini-god  ;  for  they  were  not  more  averse  to  yield 
the  allegiance  which  he  claimed  for  their  Creator,  than 
forward  to  render  it  to  himself,  and  to  embrace  every 
pretension  he  might  advance  in  his  own  behalf.  But 
no  alluring  prospect  of  dominion  over  men  could  tempt 
him  to  forget  that  he  was  the  servant  of  God,  or  aspire 
to  be  regarded  in  any  other  light  by  his  fellow  creatures. 
He  employed  his  best  endeavors  to  divert  the  savages 
from  their  idolatrous  superstition,  and  made  them  all 
aware  that  the  man  whose  superiority  they  acknow- 
ledged despised  their  false  deit'cs,  adored  the  true  God, 
and  obtained  from  Him,  by  prayer,  the  wisdom  they 
so  highly  commended.  The  effect  of  his  pious  endea- 
vors was  obstructed  by  imperfect  acquaintance  with 
their  language,  and  very  ill  seconded  by  the  conduct  of 
his  associates,  which  contributed  to  persuade  the  In- 
dians that  his  religion  was  something  [jecuhar  to  him- 
self The  influence,  too,  of  human  superiority,  how- 
ever calculated  to  impress,  is  by  no  means  formed  to 
convert  the  mind.  It  is  so  apt  to  give  a  wrong  direc- 
tion to  the  impressions  which  it  produces,  and  is  so 
remote  from  the  channel  in  which  Christianity  from  the 
beginning  has  been  appointed  to  flow,  that  the  first  and 
most  successful  efforts  to  convert  mankind  were  made 
by  men  who  possessed  little  of  it,  and  who  renounced 
the  little  they  possessed.  Smith,  partly  from  the  diffi- 
culties of  his  situation,  partly  from  the  defectiveness  of 
his  instruction,  and,  doubtless,  in  no  small  degree,  from 
the  stubborn  blindness  and  wilful  ignorance  of  the 
persons  he  attemjied  to  instruct,  succeeded  no  farther 
than  Heriol  had  formerly  done.  The  savages  extended 
their  respect  for  the  man  to  a  Being  whom  they  termed 
"  the  God  of  Captain  Smith,"  and  some  of  them  ac- 
knowledged that  this  Being  excelled  their  own  deities 
in  the  same  proportion  that  artillery  excelled  bows  and 
arrows,  and  sent  to  Jamestown  to  entreat  that  Smith 
would  pray  for  rain  when  their  idols  seemed  to  refuse 
a  supply. 

[1608.]  While  the  affairs  of  the  colony  were  thus 
prospering  under  the  direction  of  Captain  Smith,  a  re- 
inforcement of  a  hundred  and  twenty  men,  with  an 
abundant  stock  of  provisions,  and  a  supply  of  seeds 


pears  not  to  have  uttered  a  single  word  to  the  savages  that 
was  not  strictly  true.  The  triumph  was  very  great ;  for  it 
was  obtained  over  ferocity  inculcated  by  education  and  con- 
firmed by  habit,  and  revenge  e.xcited  by  the  death  of  some  of 
tli»  bavages  whom  lie  had  killed  :n  deiunding  himself 


and  instruments  of  husbandry,  arrived  in  two  vessels 
from  England.  Universal  joy  was  excited  among  the 
colonists  by  this  accession  to  their  comforts  and  their 
force.  But,  unhappily,  the  jealousies  which  danger  had 
restrained  rather  than  extinguished,  reappeared  in  this 
ray  of  prosperity ;  the  influence  of  Captain  Smith 
with  the  Indians  excited  the  envy  of  the  »try  persons 
whose  lives  it  had  preserved,  and  his  authority  now  oe- 
gan  visibly  to  decline.  Nor  was  it  long  before  the 
cessation  of  his  influence,  together  with  the  defects  ir. 
the  composition  of  the  new  body  of  emigrants,  gave  rise 
to  the  most  serious  mischiefs  in  the  colony.  The  res- 
traints of  discipline  were  relaxed,  and  a  free  traffic  per- 
mitted witli  the  natives,  who  soon  began  to  complain 
of  fraudulent  and  unequal  dealing,  and  to  resume  their 
ancient  animosity.  In  an  infant  settlement,  where' 
habits  of  life  are  unfixed,  and  habitual  submission  to 
authority  has  yet  to  be  formed,  the  well-being,  and  in- 
deed the  existence  of  society  are  much  more  depend- 
ent on  the  manners  and  moral  character  of  individuals, 
than  on  the  influence  of  laws.  But  m  recruiting  the 
population  of  this  colony,  too  little  consideration  was 
shown  for  those  habits  and  pursuits  which  must  every 
where  form  the  basis  of  national  prosperity.  This  arose, 
as  well  from  the  peculiar  views  of  the  proprietors,  as 
from  the  circumstances  of  the  English  people,  whose 
working  classes  where  by  no  means  overcrowded,  and 
among  whom,  consequently,  the  persons  whose  indus- 
try and  moderation  best  fitted  thein  to  form  a  new  set- 
tlement were  least  disposed  to  abandon  their  native 
country.  Of  the  recruits  who  had  lately  arrived  in  the 
colony,  a  large  proportion  were  gcnilcmen,  a  few  were 
laborers,  and  some  were  jcicelters  and  refiners  of  gold. 
Unfortunately,  some  of  this  latter  description  of  artists 
soon  found  an  opportunity  of  exercising  their  peculiar 
departments  of  industry,  and  of  deinonstrating  (but  too 
late)  their  utter  unskilfulness  even  in  the  worthless  qua- 
lifications they  professed. 

A  small  stream  of  water  which  issued  from  a  bank 
of  sand  near  Jamestown  was  found  to  lieposit  in  its 
channel  a  glittering  sediment  which  resembled  golden 
ore,  and  was  fondly  mistaken  lor  that  precious  material 
by  the  colonists.  Only  this  discovery  v\as  wanting  to 
re-excite  the  passions  which  America  had  so  fatally 
kindled  in  the  bosoms  of  her  first  invaders.  The  de- 
positation of  the  ore  was  supposed  to  indicate  the  neigh- 
borhood of  a  mine  ;  every  hand  was  eager  to  explore  ; 
and  considerable  quantities  of  the  dust  were  amassed, 
and  subjected  to  the  scrutiny  of  ignorance  prepossessed 
by  the  strongest  and  most  decejitive  of  human  passions, 
and  misled  by  the  blundering  guidance  of  sujierlicidl 
pretenders  to  superior  skill.  Captain  Smith  exerted 
himself  to  disabuse  his  countrymen,  and  vainly  strove 
to  stem  the  torrent  that  threatened  to  devastate  all 
li  cir  prospects,  and  direct  to  the  pursuit  of  a  phantom, 
the  industry  on  which  their  subsistence  must  speedily 
depend.  The  worthless  dust  having  undergone  the  un- 
skilful assay  of  the  refiners  who  had  recently  been  united 
to  the  colony,  was  pronounced  to  be  ore  of  a  very  rich 
quality,  and  from  that  moinenl  the  thirst  of  gold  was 
inflamed  into  a  rage  that  reproduced  those  extravagant 
excesses,  but,  happily,  without  conducting  to  the  same 
profligate  enormities  for  which  the  followers  of  Cortes 
and  Pizarro  had  been  distinguished.  All  productive 
industry  was  suspended,  and  the  operations  of  mining 
occupied  all  the  conversation,  engrossed  every  thought, 
and  absorbed  every  effort  of  the  colonists.  The  two 
vessels  that  had  brought  their  late  supplies  returning  to 
England,  the  one  laden  with  this  valueless  drp's,  and 
the  other  with  cedar  wood,  carried  the  first  retc  -tanco 
that  an  English  colony  ever  made  from  Americ  .  'J'hey 
carried  back  with  them  also  some  persons  -  ho  had 
been  invested  and  sent  out  to  the  colony  with  the  at>- 
surd  appointments  of  admirals,  recorders,  chrcnologers, 
and  justices  of  the  peace — a  supply  as  useles'  to  .-Vine- 
rica  as  the  remittance  of  dust  was  to  Eurojic. 

Foreseeing  '.he  disastrous  issue  to  which  'he  dclu 
sion  of  the  colonists  inevitably  tended,  Capt-iin  Smith, 
in  the  hojie  of  preventing  some  of  its  most  li  (al  conse- 
quences, adopted  the  resolution  of  extend  ng  his  re- 
searches far  beyond  the  range  they  had  h;therto  at 
tained,  and  of  exploring  the  whole  of  the  great  bav  of 
Chesapeak,  for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  the  cualities 
and  resources  of  its  territories,  and  promoting  a  bene- 
ficial intercourse  with  the  remoter  tribes  of  its  inliabi- 
tants.  This  arduous  de.-ign  he  executed  with  his  usual 
resolution  and  success  ;  and  while  his  fellow  colonists 
were  actively  engaged  in  dissipating  the  hopes  of  Eng- 
land, and  rivalling  the  sordid  excesses  that  hid  charac- 
terized the  adventurers  of  Spain,  he  singly  sustained 
the  honor  of  his  country,  and,  warmed  with  a  noblei 
emulation,  achieved  an  enterprise  that  equali  the  moat 


218 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


felebralcd  exploits  of  the  Spanish  discoverers.  When 
we  compare  the  slcndcrncss  of  the  auxihary  means 
which  he  |>osscssed,  with  the  iiiagnilude  ol  the  ends 
which  lie  accomplished,  ttu-  hard^hlps  he  endured,  and 
ihe  ditTicullies  he  overcame,  we  recogniic  in  this 
tchievemonl  a  monument  of  human  power  no  less  emi- 
m  iil  than  honorable,  and  willingly  transmit  a  model  so 
well  calculated  to  warm  the  genius,  to  animate  the 
fortitude,  and  sustain  the  patience  of  mankind.  With 
Lis  friend.  Dr.  Russell,  and  a  small  company  of  fol- 
lowers, whose  courage  and  perseverance  he  was  fre- 
quently obliged  to  resuscitate,  and  over  whom  he  pos- 
sessed no  other  authority  than  the  ascendant  of  a  vigor- 
ous character  and  superior  mind,  he  performed,  in  an 
open  boat,  two  voyaoes  of  discovery  that  occupied 
more  than  four  months,  and  embraced  a  navigation  of 
above  three  thousand  miles.  With  immense  labor  and 
danoer  he  visited  every  inlet  and  bay  on  both  sides  of 
theChesapeak,  from  Cape  Charles  to  the  river  Susque- 
hannaa  ;  he  sailed  up  many  of  the  great  rivers  to  their 
falls,  and  diligently  examined  the  successive  territories 
into  which  he  penetrated,  and  the  various  tribes  that 
possessed  them.  He  brought  back  with  him  an  ac- 
count so  ample,  and  a  plan  so  accurate,  of  that  great 
portion  of  the  American  continent  now  comprehended 
in  the  provinces  of  Virginia  and  .Maryland,  that  all  the 
8ubse<|Uent  researches  which  it  has  undergone  have 
only  expanded  his  original  view  ;  and  his  map  has  been 
made  the  groundwork  of  all  posterior  delineations,  with 
little  other  diversity  than  what  the  varieties  of  appro- 
priation and  the  progress  of  settlements  have  riecessa- 
rily  elfected.  But  to  come  and  to  see  were  not  his 
only  objects  ;  to  overcome  was  also  the  purpose  ol  his 
enterprise,  and  the  attainment  of  his  exertions.  In  his 
intercourse  with  the  various  trilx's  which  he  visited,  he 
displayed  the  genius  of  a  commander  in  a  happy  exer- 
cise of  all  those  talents  that  overcome  the  antipathies 
of  a  rude  people,  and  enforce  the  respect,  and  even 
good  will,  of  mankind.  By  the  wisdom  and  liberality 
with  which  he  negotiated  and  traded  with  the  friendly, 
end  by  the  courage  and  vigor  with  which  he  repelled 
and  overcame  the  hostile,  he  never  failed  to  inspire  the 
savages  with  the  most  exalted  opinion  of  himself  and 
his  nation,  and  laid  the  foundation  of  an  intercourse 
that  promised  iho  most  benelicial  results  to  the  Virgi- 
nian colony.  This  was  indeed  the  heroic  age  of  North 
America  :  and  such  were  the  men,  and  such  the  labors, 
by  which  the  first  foundations  of  her  greatness  and 
prosperity  were  ap|)oiiited  to  be  laid. 

While  this  expedition  was  in  progress,  the  golden 
dreams  of  the  colonists  were  at  length  dispelled  ;  and 
they  had  awaked  to  all  the  miseries  of  sickness, 
scarcitv,  disappointment,  and  discontent,  when  Smith 
once  moie  returned  to  them,  to  revive  their  spirits  with 
his  successes,  and  relieve  their  wants  by  the  resources 
he  had  created.  Immediately  after  his  return  he  was 
[lOlh  Sept.]  chosen  president  by  the  council ;  and. 
accepting  the  ofTice,  he  employed  his  influence  so  suc- 
cessfully with  the  savages,  that  present  scarcity  was 
banished,  and  exerted  his  authority  so  vigorously  and 
•udicious^v  in  the  colony,  that  a  spirit  of  industry  and 
pood  order  began  generally  to  previil,  and  gave  pro- 
mise of  lasting  plenty  and  steady  prosperity.  If  we 
compare  the  actions  of  Smith,  during  the  period  of  his 
presidency,  with  the  enterprise  that  immediately  prc- 
eecded  his  election,  it  may  appear,  at  first  sight,  that 
the  sphere  of  his  exertions  was  both  narrowed  and 
degraded  by  this  event,  and  we  might  almost  be 
tempted  to  regret  the  returning  rcisonableness  of  the 
colonists,  which,  by  confining  this  active  spirit  to  the 
peity  details  of  their  government,  withdrew  it  from  a 
range  more  congenial  to  ita  excursive  vigor,  and  more 
edvantageo'.iM  to  mankind.  Yet,  reHeclion  might  pcr- 
miade  us  that  a  truW  (jreat  mind,  especially  when 
imilcd  with  an  ardent  temper,  will  never  be  contracted 
by  the  seeming  restriction  of  its  sphere  ;  it  will  always 
be  nobly,  as  well  as  usefully  employed,  and  not  the  less 
nobly  when  it  dignilies  what  is  ordinary,  and  improves 
the  models  that  invile  the  wiilcst  imitation,  and  arc 
most  level  with  the  opportunities  of  mankind.  Ac- 
rordiniilv,  when  we  oxuinine  the  history  of  that  year 
over  which  the  otiiriul  siipremncy  of  (.'aptain  Smilh 
wu  Fxti'iided,  and  roiisiiler  the  results  of  the  multifa- 
rioim  deUiU  which  it  embraces,  we  discern  a  dignity  as 
teal,  though  .less  glaring  than  that  which  invests  his 
celebrated  voyage  of  discovery,  and  are  sensible  of  con- 
•equeiiccs  even  more  interesting  to  human  nature  than 
«ny  whirl,  tint  expedition  produced.  In  a  small 
•o<  lely,  where  iho  circumstances  of  all  the  members 
were  nearly  r<pial,  where  power  derived  no  aid  from 
pomp  «nd  rircuniKlance.  and  where  he  owimI  h'S  ollice 
lo  thf  apjiomtiaont  of  bit  awociatcs,  and  held  it  by  the 


tenure  of  their  good  will,*  be  preserved  order  and  en- 
forced morality  among  a  crew  of  dissolute  and  discon- 
tented men  ;  and  so  successfully  opposed  his  authority 
to  the  temptations  lo  indolence  arising  from  their  pre- 
vious habits  and  dispositions,  and  fortified  by  the  com- 
munity of  gains  that  then  prevailed,  as  to  introduce  and 
maintain  a  respectable  degree  of  laborious,  and  even 
contented  industry.  What  one  governor  afterwards 
elfected  in  this  respect  by  the  weight  of  an  imposing 
rank,  and  others  by  the  strong  engine  of  martial  law, 
Smith,  without  these  advantages,  and  with  greater  suc- 
cess, accomplished  by  the  continual  application  of  his 
own  vigor  and  activity.  Some  plots  were  formed 
against  bun  ;  but  these  he  detected  and  defeated  with- 
out either  straining  or  compromising  his  authority. 
The  caprice  and  suspicion  of  the  Indians  assailed  him 
with  numberless  trials  -of  his  temper  and  capacity 
Even  Powhatan,  notwithstanding  the  friendly  ties  that 
united  him  to  his  ancient  guest,  was  induced,  by  the 
treacherous  artifices  of  certain  Dutchmen,  who  de- 
serted to  him  from  Jamestown,  first  to  form  a  secret 
conspiracy,  and  then  lo  excite  and  prepare  open  hos- 
tility against  the  colonists.  [1609.]  Some  of  the  fraud- 
ful  designs  of  the  royal  savage  were  revealed  by  the 
unabated  kindness  of  Pocahontas,  others  were  detected 
by  Captain  Smith,  and  from  them  all  he  contrived  to 
extricate  the  colony  with  honor  and  success,  and  yet 
with  little,  and  only  defensive,  bloodshed  ;  displaying 
to  the  Indians  a  vigor  and  dexterity  they  could  neither 
overcome  nor  overreach — a  courage  that  commanded 
their  respect,  and  a  generosity  that  carried  his  victory 
into  their  minds,  and  reconciled  submission  with  their 
pride.  In  thus  deinoiiblrating  (to  use  his  own  words) 
"  what  small  cause  there  is  that  men  should  starve  or 
be  murdered  by  the  savages,  that  have  discretion  lo 
manage  tliein  with  courage  and  industry,"  he  be- 
queathed a  valuable  lesson  to  his  successors  in  the 
American  colonies,  and  lo  all  succeeding  settlers  in 
the  vicinity  of  savage  tribes  ;  and  in  exemplifying  the 
power  of  a  superior  people  to  anticipate  the  cruel  and 
vulgar  issue  of  battle,  and  to  prevail  over  an  inferior 
race  without  either  extirpating  or  enslaving  them,  he 
obtained  a  victory  which  C^sar,  with  all  his  boasted 
superiority  to  the  rest  of  mankind  was  too  ungenerous 
to  appreciate,  or  was  incompetent  to  achieve. 

But  Smith  was  not  permitted  to  complete  the  work 
he  h^d  so  honorably  begun.  His  administration  was 
unacceptable  lo  the  company  in  England,  for  the  same 
reasons  that  rendered  it  beneficial  lo  the  settlers  in 
America.  The  patentees,  very  little  concerned  about 
the  establishment  of  a  happ)  and  respectable  society, 
had  eagerly  counted  on  the  accumulation  of  sudden 
wealth  by  the  discovery  of  a  shorter  passage  to  the 
South  Sea,  or  the  acquisition  of  territory  replete  with 
mines  of  the  precious  metals.  In  these  hopes  they 
had  been  hitherto  disappoirted  ;  and  the  state  of  affairs 
in  the  colony  was  far  from  betokening  even  the  retri- 
bution of  their  heavy  expcniiituio.  The  prospect  of 
a  settled  and  improving  siate  of  society  at  Jamestown, 
so  far  from  meeting  their  wishes,  threatened  to  promote 
the  growth  of  habits  and  inleresl?  perfectly  incom- 
patible with  them.  Still  hoping,  therefore,  to  realize 
their  avaricious  dreams,  they  conceived  it  necessary 
for  this  purpose  to  remove  all  authority  into  their  own 
hands,  and  to  abolish  all  jurisdiction  originating  in 
America.  In  order  lo  enforce  their  pretensions,  as 
well  as  to  increase  their  funds,  they  now  courted  the 
acquisition  of  additional  members  ;  and  having  streng- 
thened iheir  interests  by  the  accession  of  some  per- 
sons of  the  highest  rank  and  influeuce  in  the  nation, 
tiiey  applied  for  and  obtained  a  new  charter. 

[23d  iMay.j  If  the  new  charter  thus  arbitrarily  in- 
troduced showed  an  utter  disregard  of  the  rights  of  the 
colonists  who  had  emigrated  on  the  faith  of  the  original 
one  its  provisions  equally  demonstrated  the  intention 
of  restricting  their  privileges  and  increasiug  their  de- 
pendence on  the  English  patentees.  The  new  charter 
was  granted  lo  Iweniy-one  peers,  ninety-eight  knights, 
and  a  great  multitude  of  doctors,  esquires,  gentlemen, 
merchants,  and  citizens,  and  sundry  of  the  corporations 


*  It  was  llic  testimony  of  his  soldiers  and  fellow  adven- 
turers, 8B)s  Slilh, "  that  lie  was  cvur  fruitful  in  expedients 
lo  provide  fortlie  people  under  Ins  ronimand,  whom  he  would 
never  sutler  lo  want  any  llnni;  lie  cither  had  or  could  procure  ; 
that  he  rather  rlioosc  to  lead  than  send  his  .soldiers  into  dan- 
Ker  ;"  lliat  in  all  Ihrir  i  xpcdilions  he  partook  the  common 
fare,  and  never  g:ivc  .1  roinniand  that  lie  was  not  ready  lo  ex- 
ecute ;  "  that  he  would  sutfer  want  rather  than  iKirrow,  and 
stiirv'c  sooner  than  iKit  pi,y  ;  that  he  had  notliini^  in  hiin  couii- 
lerlcit  ,)r  nhv,  l>ut  was  open,  lumesl,  and  sincere. "  Slilh  adds, 
ri  sperliiu;  tins  founder  of  civili/.pd  society  in  North  Americ:i, 
wliiil  the  son  of  Columhu.o  has,  with  anolilc  elafon,  recorded 
of  his  fa'her,  thai  tliouKh  haliit  jated  to  natal  manners,  and 
to  the  romiiiaiid  of  lactiuus  and  licentiuu*  men,  ho  was  never 
heard  to  utier  an  oath. 


of  London,  in  addition  to  the  former  adventurers  ;  and 
the  whole  body  was  incorporrted  by  the  lille  of  "  TIks 
Treasurer  and  Company  of  .\dvenlurers  of  the  City  of 
London  for  the  first  colony  in  N'lrgmia.*'  The  bounda- 
ries of  the  colony  and  the  power  of  the  corporation 
were  enlarged  ;  the  otticcs  ol  president  and  council  in 
Virginia  were  abolished  ;  a  new  council  was  esta- 
blished in  England,  and  the  company  empowcrcii  lo 
fill  all  future  vacancies  in  it  by  election  ;  »w\  lo  lhi< 
council  was  cominiticd  the  power  of  ncw-modciimg  ihe 
magistracy  of  the  colony,  of  cnactni!!  all  ihc  laws  that 
were  to  have  place  in  it,  and  iioininaling  all  the  otiiccrs 
by  whom  these  laws  were  to  be  carried  into  execution. 
Nevertheless,  was  it  still  provided  that  the  colonists 
and  iheir  posterity  should  retain  all  the  rights  of  Eng- 
lishmen. To  ))rcvent  the  doctrines  of  the  church  of 
Rome  from  gaining  admission  into  the  plantations,  it  was 
declared  that  no  persons  should  pass  into  Virginia  but 
such  as  should  first  have  taken  the  oath  of  supremacy. 

The  new  council  appointed  Lord  Delaware  governor 
and  captain-general  of  the  colony  ;  and  the  hojies  in 
spired  by  the  distinguished  rank,  and  not  less  cminc'it 
character  of  this  nobleman,  contributed  to  strengthen 
the  company  by  a  considerable  accession  of  funds  anil 
associates.  Availing  themselves  of  the  favourable 
disposition  of  the  public,  they  quickly  equipped  a 
squadron  of  nine  ships,  and  sent  them  out  with  five 
hundred  emigrants,  under  the  command  of  Captain 
Newport,  who  was  authorized  to  supersede  the  exist- 
ing administration,  and  lo  govern  the  colony  till  the 
arrival  of  Lord  Delaware  with  the  remainder  of  the 
recruits  and  supplies.  But  by  an  unlucky  combination 
of  caution  and  indiscretion,  the  same  powers  were 
severally  intrusted  to  Sir  Thomas  Gates  and  Sir 
George  Somers,  without  any  adjustment  of  precedence 
between  these  gentlemen-;  and  they  finding  themselves 
unable  to  settle  this  point  among  themselves,  agreed 
to  embark  on  board  the  same  vessel,  and  to  be  com- 
panions during  the  voyage — thus  deliberately  hazard- 
ing and  eventually  effecting  the  disappointment  of  the 
main  object  which  their  association  in  authority  was  in- 
tended to  secure.  The  vessel  that  contained  the  tri- 
umverale  was  separated  from  the  fleet  by  a  storm,  and 
stranded  on  the  coast  of  Bermudas.*  The  residue  of 
the  squadron  arrived  safely  at  Jamctown,  but 
so  iittle  were  thev  expected,  that  when  they  were 
first  described  at  sea  they  were  mistaken  for  enemies  ; 
and  this  rumor  gave  occasion  to  a  very  satisfactory 
proof  of  the  friendly  disposition  of  the  Indians,  who 
came  forward  with  the  utmost  alacrity,  and  offered 
lo  fight  in  defence  of  the  colony. 

These  apprehensions,  which  were  dissipated  by  the 
nearer  approach  of  the  fleet,  gave  place  to  more  sub- 
stantial and  more  formidable  evils  arising  from  the 
composition  of  the  reinforcement  which  it  brought 
to  the  colonial  body.  A  great  proportion  of  these 
new  emigrants  consisted  of  profligate  and  licentious 
youths,  sent  out  by  their  friends  with  the  hope  of 
changing  their  destinies,  or  for  the  purjiose  of  screen- 
ing them  from  the  justice  or  contempt  of  their  country  ; 
of  indigent  gentlemen  too  proud  too  beg,  and  too  lazy 
to  work  ;  tradesmen  of  broken  fortunes  and  broken 
spirit ;  idle  retainers  whom  the  great  were  eager  to 
get  rid  of ;  and  dependents  loo  infamous  to  be  de- 
cently protected  at  lion.e ;  with  others,  like  these, 
more  fitted  lo  waste  and  corrupt  a  commonwealth  than 
to  found  or  maintain  one.  The  leaders  of  this  perni- 
cious crew,  though  totally  uii|irovidcd  with  legal  docu- 
ments entitling  them  cither  lo  assume  or  supersede 
authority  proclaimed  the  changes  which  the  constilu 
tion  of  the  colony  had  undergone,  and  proceeded  to 
execute  that  part  of  the  innovation  which  consisted 
in  the  overthrow  of  the  colonial  presidency  and  coun- 
cil. Their  conduct  soon  demonstrated  that  their  title 
to  assume  authority  was  not  more  defective  than  their 
capacity  to  exercise  it.  Investing  themselves  with  the 
powers,  they  were  unable  to  devise  any  frame  ol  go- 
vernment, or  establish  even  among  themselves  any 
fixed  subordination  ;  sometimes  the  old  commission 
was  resorted  to,  sometimes  a  new  model  attempted  , 
and  the  chief  direction  passed  from  hand  to  hand  in 
one  uninterrupted  succession  of  presumption  and  in- 
capacity. The  whole  colony  was  involved  in  distress 
and  disorder  ny  this  revolutionary  state  of  its  new  go 
verninent,  and  the  Indian  tribes  were  alienated  and  ex 
asperated  by  the  turliulcnce,  injustice,  and  insolence  '>f 
the  new  settlers 

•  It  was  this  disaster,  no  doubt,  which  produced  the  onlj 
allusion  whii  h  Sliakespcare  ever  makes  to  the  iP(;ion3  of 
America.  In  The  Tempcsl,  which  was  composed  about  thre* 
yG.irs  after  this  period,  Ariel  celebrates  th*  ttonnycoail  U 
•'  Mm  sUU  vex'd  Bermuda:!." 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


219 


This  emergency  strongly  called  on  the  man  who  hid 
■u  often  rescued  the  settlement  from  nnii,  again  lo  at- 
tempt ils  deliverance;  the  call  was  seconded  by  the 
wishes  of  the  best  and  vvise:>t  of  the  colonists  ;  and, 
aided  as  much  by  the  vigor  of  liis  own  character,  as  by 
the  cooperation  of  these  individmis,  Snnth  once  more 
assumed  his  natural  ascendant  and  olllcial  supremacy, 
and  declared  his  intention  of  retainui",'  the  a\ithorily 
created  by  tlie  old  commission  till  a  n  i;al  revocation 
of  It  and  legitimate  successors  to  himseil  shoulil  arrive. 
He  boldly  imprisoned  the  eliii^f  promoters  of  tumult; 
and  having  restored  regularity  and  obedience,  he  en- 
deavored to  prevent  a  recurrence  of  the  former  mis- 
chiefs by  detaching  from  Jamestown  a  portion  of  the 
new  colonists  to  form  a  subordinate  settlement  at  some 
distance.  This  was  an  unfortunate  step  ;  and  it  is  re- 
markable that  the  only  signal  failure  in  the  policy  of 
this  eminent  man  seems  to  have  arisen  from  the  only 
instance  in  which  he  showed  a  distrust  of  his  own 
vigor  and  capacity.  The  detachments  which  he  re- 
moved from  Jamestown  conducted  themselves  so  im- 
prudently as  to  convert  all  the  neighboring  Indians 
into  enemies,  and  to  involve  themselves  in  continual 
dithculiy  and  danger.  The  Indians  assailed  him  with 
complaints,  the  detached  settlers  with  requisitions  of 
counsel  and  assistance  ;  and  Smith,  who  never  spent 
in  lamenting  misfortunes  the  time  that  might  be  em- 
ployed in  repairing  them,  was  exerting  himself  with 
his  usual  vigor  and  good  sense  in  redressing  these  dis- 
orders, when  he  received  a  dangerous  wound  from  the 
accidental  explosion  of  a  quantity  of  gunpowder. 
Completely  disabled  by  this  misfortune,  and  destitute 
of  surgical  aid  in  the  colony,  he  was  compelled  to 
resign  his  command,  and  take  his  departure  for  Eng- 
land. He  never  returned  to  Virginia  again.  It  was 
natural  that  he  should  abandon  with  regret  the  society 
he  had  so  often  preserved,  the  settlement  he  had  con- 
ducted through  difficulties  as  formidable  as  the  infancy 
of  Carthage  or  Rome  had  to  encounter,  and  the  scenes 
he  had  dignified  by  so  much  wisdom  and  virtue.  But 
our  sympathy  with  his  regret  is  abated  by  the  reflection 
that  a  longer  residence  in  the  colony  would  speedily 
have  consigned  him  to  very  subordinate  office,  and 
might  have  deprived  the  world  of  that  stock  of  valu- 
able knowledge,  and  his  own  character  of  that  acces- 
sion of  fame,*  which  the  publication  of  his  travels  has 
been  the  means  of  perpetuating.  Such  reflections  are 
not  foreign  to  the  purpose,  nor  inconsistent  with  the 
dignity  of  history,  which  may  well  be  allowed  to  linger 
with  interest  on  the  fortunes  of  this  excellent  person, 
and  is  well  employed  in  teaching  by  example  how 
powerfully  an  enlargement  of  our  view  contributes  to 
purify  the  moral  aspect  of  events. 


CHAPTER  II. 

The  Colony  a  Prey  to  Anarchy— and  Famine— Gates  and 
Somers  arrive  from  Bermudas — Abandonment  of  the  Colony 
determined — prevented  by  the  Arrival  of  Lord  Delaware — 
His  wise  Administration — liis  Return  to  England— Sir 
Thomas  Dale's  Administration — Martial  Law  established- 
Indian  Chiefs  Dau^'hter  seized  by  Captain  Argal — married 
to  Mr.  Rolfe — Right  of  private  Property  in  Land  introduced 
into  the  Colony— E.xpeaitions  of  Argal  against  Port  Rojal 
and  New  York— Tobacco  cultivated  by  the  Colonists— First 
Assembly  of  Representatives  convened  in  Virginia— New 
Constitution  of  the  Colony — Introductinn  of  Negro  Slavery — 
Migration  of  young  Women  fioni  England  to  Virginia — 
Dispute  between  the  King  and  the  Colony — Conspiracy 
of  the  Indians— Massacre  of  the  Colonists— Dissentions  of 
the  London  Company— The  Company  dissolved— the  King 
assumes  the  Government  of  the  Colony— his  Death- 
Charles  I.  pursues  his  father's  arbitrary  Views — Tyrannical 
Government  of  Sir  John  Harvey- Sir  William  Berkeley 
appointed  Governor— The  popular  Assembly  restored— 
Virginia  espouses  the  Royal  (;aiise— subdued  by  the  Long 
Parhament— Restraints  imposed  on  the  Trade  of  the 
Colony— Revolt  of  the  Colony— Sir  William  Berkeley  re- 
sumes the  Government— Restoration  of  Charles  II. 

[1609.]  Smith  left  the  colony  inhabited  by  five 
hundred  persons,  and  amply  provided  with  all  necessa- 
ry stores  of  arms,  provisions,  cattle,  and  implements  of 
agriculture  ;  but  the  sense  to  improve  its  opportunities 
was  wanting,  and  its  fortune  departed  with  him.  For 
a  short  time  the  command  was  intrusted  to  iMr.  Percy, 
a  man  of  worth  but  devoid  of  the  vigor  that  gives  effi- 
cacy to  virtue  ;  and  the  direction  of  affairs  soon  fell  into 
the  hands  of  persons  whom  their  native  country  had 
cast  from  it  as  a  useless  burden  or  intolerable  nuisance. 
The  colony  was  delivered  up  to  the  wildest  excesses  of 
a  seditious  and  distracted  rabble,  and  presented  a  scene 
of  riot,  folly,  and  profligacy,  strongly  invoking  vindic- 
tive retribution,  and  speedily  overtaken  by  it.  °[1610.] 
The  provisions  were  quijkly  exhausted ;  and  the  In- 

*  He  became  so  famous  in  England  before  his  d'-ath,  that 
nis  adventures  were  dramatised  and  represented  on  the  stase, 
to  lus  own  irreat  annoyance.   Stitli,  p.  1 12. 


dians,  incensed  by  repeated  injuries,  and  aware  that  the 
man  whom  th(;y  so  much  respected  had  ceased  to  go- 
vern the  colonists,  not  only  reluscd  them  all  assistance, 
but  harassed  them  with  continual  attacks.  Famine  en- 
sued, and  completed  their  misery  and  degradation  by 
transforming  them  into  cannibals,  and  forcing  them  to 
subsist  on  the  bodies  of  the  Indians  they  had  killed,  and 
of  their  own  com])aiiions  who  perished  of  hunger  or 
disease.  Six  months  after  the  dejiarture  of  .Sinilh  ihere 
remained  no  more  than  si.xty  ])ersons  alive  at  James- 
town, still  prolonging  thf-ir  wretchedness  by  a  vile  and 
precarious  diet,  but  daily  expecting  its  final  and  fatal 
close. 

In  this  calamitous  state  was  the  colony  found  by  Sir 
Thomas  Gates,  Sir  George_  Somers,  and  Captain  New- 
port, who  at  Icngtli  arrived  from  Bermudas,  wliere  the 
shipwreck  they  had  encountered  had  detained  them  and 
their  crew  for  ten  months.  The  bounty  of  Nature  in 
that  delightful  region  maintained  them  in  comfort  while 
they  built  the  vessels  that  were  to  transport  them  to 
Jamestown,  and  might  have  supplied  them  with  ample 
stores  for  the  use  of  the  colony  ;  out  they  had  neglected 
these  resources,  and  arrived  almost  empty-handed,  in 
the  expectation  of  receiving  from  the  magazines  of  a 
thriving  settlement  the  relief  that  was  now  vainly  im- 
plored from  themselves  by  the  famishing  remnant  of 
their  countrymen.  Their  disappointment  was  equalled 
only  by  the  difficulty  of  comiirehending  the  causes  of 
the  desolation  they  beheld,  amidst  the  mutual  and  con- 
tradictory accusations  of  the  surviving  colonists.  But 
there  was  no  time  for  deliberate  inquiry,  or  adjustment 
of  complaints.  It  was  immediately  determined  to 
abandon  the  settlement,  and  with  this  view  they  all  em- 
barked in  the  vessels  that  had  just  arrived  from  Bermu- 
das, and  set  sail  for  England.  Their  stores  were  in- 
sufficient for  so  long  a  voyage  ;  but  they  hoped  to  ob- 
tain an  additional  supply  at  the  English  fishing  station 
on  the  coast  of  Newfoundland  Such  a  horror  had 
many  of  them  conceived  for  the  scene  of  their  misery, 
that  they  were  importunate  with  the  commanders  for 
leave  to  burn  the  fort  and  liouses  in  Jamestown.  But 
SirThoma;'  Gates  could  not  find  in  their  or  his  distresses 
any  reason  for  demolishing  the  buildings,  that  might 
afford  shelter  to  future  settlers  ;  and  happily,  by  his 
interposition,  they  were  preserved  from  desiriictioii,  and 
the  colonists  prevented  from  wreaking  additional  ven- 
geance on  themselves. 

For  it  was  not  the  will  of  Providence  that  this  set- 
tlement should  perish  ;  the  calamities  with  which  it  had 
been  visited  were  commissioned  to  punish  merely,  but 
not  utterly  to  destroy  ;  and  the  more  worthless  mem- 
bers being  now  cut  off,  and  a  memorable  lesson  afforded 
both  to  the  governors  who  collect,*  and  the  members 
who  compose  such  communities,  a  deliverance  no  less 
signal  was  vouchsafed  by  the  Disposer  of  all  events, 
just  when  hope  was  over,  and  the  colony  advanced  to 
the  very  brink  of  annihilation.  Before  the  fugitives  had 
reached  the  mouth  of  James  river  they  were  met  by 
Lord  Delaware,  who  arrived  with  three  ships,  contain- 
ing a  large  supply  of  provisions,  a  considerable  number 
of  new  settlers,  and  an  ample  slock  of  every  thing  re- 
quisite for  defence  or  cultivation. 

This  nobleman,  who  now  presented  himself  as  cap- 
tain-general of  the  colony,  was  eminently  well  fitted  for 
the  exigency  of  the  situation  in  which  he  was  thus  un- 
expectedly involved.  To  exalted  rank,  in  an  age  when 
such  distinctions  were  regarded  with  much  veneration, 
he  joined  a  noble  demeanor,  a  disinterested  character, 
and  a  manly  understanding.  The  hope  of  rendering  an 
important  service  to  Lis  country,  and  the  generous 
pleasure  of  cooperating  in  a  great  design,  had  induced 
him  to  exchange  his  ease  and  splendor  at  home  for  a 
situation  of  the  difficulties  of  which  he  was  perfectly 
aware  :  and  the  same  firmness  and  elevation  of  purpose 
preserved  hi.m  undaunted  and  unperplexed  by  the  scene 
of  calamity  he  encountered  on  his  arrival  m  Virginia. 
Stemming  the  torrent  of  evil  fortune,  he  carried  back 
the  fugitives  to  Jamestovvn,  and  began  his  administra- 
tion by  attendance  on  Divine  worship  ;  and  having  held 
a  short  consultation  on  the  affairs  of  the  s(;tlleinent,  he 
summoned  all  the  colonists  together,  and  addressed 
them  in  a  short  but  forcible  and  dignified  harangue. 
He  justly  rebuko'l  the  pride,  and  sloth,  and  immorality 
that  had  produced  such  disasters,  and  earnestly  recom- 
mended a  return  to  the  virtues  most  likely  to  repair 
them  :  he  declared  his  determination  not  to  hold  the 

* 'I'he  fate  of  this  seUlement  probably  suggested  to  Lord 
Bacon  the  following  passage  in  his  essay  on  I'lantations. 
"  It  IS  a  shameful  and  unblessed  thing  to  take  the  scuin  of  the 
people,  and  wicked  condemned  men,  to  be  the  people  with 
whom  we  plant;  and  not  only  so,  but  it  spoileth  the  planta- 
tion ;  for  they  will  ever  hve  like  rogues,  and  not  fall  to  work, 
but  be  lazy,  and  domiscluef,  and  spend  victuals." 


sword  of  justice  in  vain,  but  to  punish  the  first  recur- 
rence of  disorder  by  slu  diliiig  tlie  blood  of  the  delin- 
quents, though  he  would  inlinHcly  rather  shed  his  own 
to  protect  the  colony  from  injury.  He  nominated  pro- 
per officers  for  every  department,  and  allotted  to  every 
man  his  particular  place  and  business,  'i'his  address 
was  received  with  general  applause  and  satisfaction  ; 
and  the  idle  factious  humours  of  a  divided  multitude 
soon  appeared  io  be  snbstaritiallv  healnl  liy  the  splen- 
dor, unity,  and  authority  of  Lord  Delaware's  admini- 
stration. [IGU.J  By  an  assiduous  attention  to  his  duty, 
and  a  hapjiy  union  of  qualities  fitted  (■(|ually  to  inspire 
esteem  and  enforce  submission,  he  succeeded  in  main- 
taining |)eace  and  good  order  in  the  settlement,  in  dif- 
fusing a  spirit  of  industry  and  alacrity  among  the  colo- 
nists, and  in  again  impressing  the  dread  and  rcverencn 
of  the  English  name  on  the  minds  of  the  Indians. 
This  promising  beginning  was  all  he  was  |)ermitted  to 
effect.  Oppressed  by  diseases  occasione<i  by  the  cli- 
mate, he  was  compelled  to  quit  the  country  ;  liaving 
first  committed  the  adinmislration  to  jVIr.  Percy  [3]. 

The  restoration  of  this  gentleman  lo  the  supreme 
command  seems  lo  have  been  attended  with  the  same 
relaxation  of  discipline,  and  would  probably  have  led 
to  a  repetition  of  the  same  disorders,  that  had  so  fatall) 
distinguished  his  former  government.  But  happily 
for  the  colony,  a  squadron  that  Imd  been  despatched 
from  England  before  Lord  Delaware  s  return  with  a 
supply  of  men  and  provisions,  brought  also  with  it 
Sir  Thomas  Dale,  whose  coinmission  authorised  hiin, 
in  the  absence  of  that  nobleman,  to  assume  the  admin- 
istration. This  new  governor  found  the  coloni.sts  fast 
relapsing  into  idleness  and  penury  ;  and  though  he 
exerted  himself  strenuously,  and  not  unsuccessfully, 
to  restore  better  habits,  yet  the  loss  of  Lord  Delaware's 
imposing  rank  and  authoritative  character  was  sensibly 
felt.  What  he  could  not  accomplish  by  milder  means, 
he  was  soon  enabled,  and  compelled  lo  etlect  by  a  sys- 
tem of  notable  rigor  and  severity.  A  code  of  rules 
and  articles  had  been  compiled  by  Sir  Thomas  .Smith, 
the  treasurer  of  the  company  of  patentees,  from  the 
martial  law  of  the  Low  Countries,  the  most  severe  and 
arbitrary  frame  of  discipline  that  then  existed  in  the 
world  ;  and  having  been  printed  by  the  compiler  for 
the  use  of  the  colony,  but  witliout  the  sanction  or  au- 
thority of  the  council,  was  traiismitled  to  liim  by  the 
governor.*  [4]  This  code  did  not  long  remain  inope- 
rative. Sir  'I'hcinas  Dale  caused  it  to  be  p.'oclaimed 
as  the  settled  law  of  the  colony  ;  and  some  conspiri- 
cies  having  broken  out,  he  enforced  its  provisions  with 
great  rigor,  but  not  greater  than  was  judged  by  all  who 
witnessed  it  to  have  ell'ectcd  the  preservation  of  the 
settlement.  The  wisdom  and  honor  of  ihe  governor, 
v\o  thus  became  the  first  depositary  of  these  loimida- 
bie  powers,  and  the  salutary  consequences  that  resulted 
from  the  first  exercise  of  them,  seem  to  have  prevented 
the  alarm  which  the  introduction  of  a  system  so  de- 
structive to  liberty  was  calculated  to  provoke.  Dale 
was  succeeded  in  the  supremo  command  by  Sir  Tho- 
mas Gates,  who  arrived  with  six  vessels,  containing  a 
powerful  reinforcement  to  the  numbers  and  resources 
of  the  colonists.  The  late  and  the  present  governors 
were  united  by  mutual  friendship  and  similarity  of  cha- 
racter. Gates  approved  and  pursued  the  system  of 
strict  disciiiline  and  steady  but  moderate  enforcement 
of  the  martial  code,  that  had  been  introduced  by  Dale ; 
and  under  the  directions  of  Dale,  who  continued  in  the 
country  and  willingly  occupied  a  subordinate  station, 
various  bodies  of  the  colonists  began  to  form  additional 
settlements  on  the  banks  of  James  river  and  at  some 
distance  from  Jamestown. 

[1612.]  .\n  application  was  now  made  by  the  com- 
pany of  patentees  to  the  king,  for  an  enlargement  of 
their  charier.  The  accounts  they  had  received  from 
the  persons  who  were  shipwrecked  on  Bermudas,  ot 
the  fertility  and  agrceableness  of  that  territory  im- 
pressed them  with  the  desire  of  obtaining  possessioij 
of  Its  resources  for  the  sujiply  of  Virginia.f  Their  m 
creasing  influence  enforced  their  request  ;  and  a  new 
charter  was  issued,  investing  them  with  all  the  islands- 
situated  within  three  liundred  leagues  of  the  coast  ot 
Virginia.  Some  innovations  were  made  in  the  struc 
ture  and  forms  of  the  corporation  ;  the  term  of  ex- 

»  Stub, p.  Iti.  Nothing  can  be  more  fanciful  or  erroneoua 
than  Dr.  Robertson's  account  of  the  introduction  of-  this 
system,  which  witliout  the  slightest  reason  he  ascribes  to 
the  advice  of  Lord  Bacon,  and,  in  opposition  to  aJl  evi- 
dence, represents  as  the  act  of  the  compmiy, 

t  S'.ilh,  p.  126.  About  this  time  the  patentees  promoted  a 
subscription  anions  devout  persons  in  London  for  huildii.g 
churches  in  the  colony;  but  the  money  was  diverted  toother 
purpose's,  and  it  was  not  till  some  years  after  that  churches 
were  built  in  Virginia  Oldmtxlon's  Hrit.  Emp.  in  Amai.  i 
231.  3U0. 


220 


THE  HISTORF  Or 


emption  from  (layment  of  duties  on  commodities  ex- 
ported by  llii  iii  wH-i  prolonged  ;  the  coiiipaiiy  was 
empowered  lo  apprelieiid  and  remand  persons  returning 
by  sleallli  from  itio  sutllemcnl,  in  violation  of  their 
engajjoinents  ;  and,  for  the  more  effectual  advancement 
of  the  colony  and  indciiinilication  of  the  large  sums 
that  had  been  expended  on  it,  license  wa«  given  to 
0|<en  lotteries  in  any  part  of  England.  The  lottery 
which  was  set  on  foot  m  virtue  of  this  license,  was  the 
first  cstablisliMicnt  of  the  kind  that  had  ever  received 
pnbhc  couiitenanco  in  England  :  it  brought  twenty- 
nine  thousand  pounds  into  the  treasury  of  the  company, 
but  loaded  it  with  the  reproach  of  defrauding  the  peo- 
ple, liy  alluring  ihein  to  play  a  game  in  which  they  must 
certainly  be  the  losers.  The  House  of  Commons, 
which  then  represented  the  sense  and  guarued  the  mo- 
rality of  England,  remonstrated  against  this  odious 
concession  of  their  ignoble  sovereign,  as  a  measure 
equally  unconstitutional  and  impolitic  ;  and  the  license 
was  soon  after  recalled,  llapjiy  if  their  example  had 
been  copied  by  later  tunes,  and  the  rulers  of  mankind 
resiraiiied  from  polluting  their  financial  administration 
by  a  system  of  chicane,  and  promoting  in  their  sub- 
jects that  gambling  habit  of  mind  which  dissolves  in- 
dustry and  virtue,  and  is  generally  the  parent  even  of 
Iho  most  attrocious  crimes  !  Notwithstanding  the 
eagerness  of  the  company  to  acquire  the  Bermuda  isl- 
Bnd.<,  they  di<l  not  retain  tliom  long,  but  sold  them  to 
certain  of  their  own  members,  who  were  erected  into 
a  separate  corporation  by  the  name  of  the  Somer  Isl- 
ands Company.* 

The  colony  of  Virginia  had  once  been  saved,  in  the 
person  of  its  own  deliverer  Captain  Smith,  by  Poca- 
hontas the  daughter  of  the  Indian  king  Powhatan. 
She  had  ever  since  maintained  a  friendly  intercourse 
with  the  English,  and  she  was  destined  now  to  render 
them  a  service  of  the  highest  importance.  A  scarcity 
prevailing  at  Jamestown,  and  supplies  being  obtained 
but  scantily  and  irregularly  from  tne  neighboring  In- 
dians, Willi  whom  the  colonists  were  often  embroiled, 
Captain  .\rgal  was  despatched  to  the  Potomac  for  a 
cargo  of  corn,  Here  he  learned  that  Pocahontas  was 
living  in  retirement  at  no  great  distance  from  him  ;  and 
hoping,  by  possession  of  her  person,  to  attain  such  an 
asceiiilant  over  Powhatan  as  would  enforce  an  ample 
contribution  of  provisions,  he  prevailed  on  her  by  some 
irtilicc,  to  come  on  board  his  vessel,  and  then  set  sail 
with  her  to  Jamestown,  where  she  was  detained  in  a 
slate  of  honorable  captivity.  But  Powhatan,  more  in- 
d'gnant  at  such  treachery  than  overcome  by  his  misfor- 
tiMie,  rejected  with  scorn  the  demand  of  a  ransom  ;  he 
I'ven  refused  lo  hold  any  communication  with  the  rob- 
bers who  slill  kept  hib  daughter  a  prisoner,  but  de- 
clared that  if  she  were  restored  to  him  he  would  forget 
the  injury,  and,  feeling  himself  at  liberty  to  regard  them 
as  Iriends,  would  gratify  all  their  wishes.  But  the 
colonists  were  too  conscious  of  not  deserving  the  per- 
formance of  such  promises,  to  be  able  to  give  credit 
to  them  ;  and  the  most  injurious  consequences  seemed 
likely  to  arise  from  the  unjust  detention,  which  ihey 
could  no  longer  continue  with  advantage  nor  relinquish 
with  safety,  when  all  at  once  the  aspect  of  affairs  iiii- 
dcrwenl  a  surprising  and  beneficial  change.  During 
her  residence  m  the  colony,  Pocahontas,  who  is  repre- 
sented as  a  woman  distinguished  by  her  personal  at- 
tractions, made  such  impression  on  Mr.  llolfe,  a  young 
man  of  rank  and  estimation  among  the  settlers,  that  he 
offered  her  his  hand,  and,  with  her  approbation  and  the 
warm  encouragement  of  the  governor,  solicited  the 
consent  of  Powhatan  to  their  marriage  :  this  the  old 
prince  readily  granted,  and  sent  some  of  his  relations 
lo  attend  the  ccrcmoni.il,  winch  was  performed  with 
extraordinary  pomp,  and  laid  the  foundation  of  a  firm 
and  sincere  friendship  between  his  tribe  and  the  Eng- 
lish. Tills  happy  event  also  enabled  the  colonial  go- 
vernment lo  conclude  a  treaty  willi  the  Cliiccalioini- 
nie<,  a  brave  and  martial  tribe,  who  consented  lo  ac- 
knowlcilge  ihemselves  sulijccls  of  ihc  British  monarch, 
and  style  themselves  henceforward  Englishmen,  lo 
%sn^l  the  colonists  with  their  arms  in  war,  and  lo  pay 
tn  nnr.iial  tribute  of  Indian  corn. 

[1613  ]  Bui  a  material  change  which  now  took  place 
in  the  interior  arraiigemcnls  of  the  colony  conlnbulcd 

*  Sii'li.  p.  I'iT.  It  i>  naid  that  Waller  the  poci  .<uhsc<|uoiilly 
b(M-;iriio  .1  (..irtiiemr  tliiH  cutnpany,  antt  ttiatduniK;  his  t)unisii- 
nindt  frodt  KiKlnnd  lie  renided  Koinc  tunc  iii  Ilcniiuda.t :  a 
■tiitiMfipnl  tli;it  BeoiiiH  lo  dflrivo  some  r<>iiliriii;ilion,  fruin  itio 
miiiiilft  di'vrnptiiHi  (it  tho  nrcncry  aiiil  pro^liici*  ol  llic  place 
in  III*  pni'iii,  "  Til"  IlitlUr  iif  th«  Sniner  Inl  indi."  It  i* 
pily  th.it  Ihn  iiiiito  of  W.illor  niid  nf  Marvrl,  wini-li  travelled 
M  (or  4<'riit<  Ihe  Allixtii' lliTinud.K,  «liniilc|  mil  liave 
landi'd  liiT  r.tiiRe  to  lltal  ilhi^trDMit  rntUHK'iil  wlio^e  a-npet-t 
wa«  «bio  i<j  Iruuforin  liidiop  Uorkoley  froai  a  inolapliynician 
ktl*  a  poet. 


to  establish  its  prosperity  on  foundations  more  solid 
and  respectable  than  the  alliance  or  dependence  of  the 
Indian  tribes.  The  industry  which  had  been  barely 
kept  aiive  by  ihe  severe  discipline  of  martial  law,  lan- 
guished under  the  discouragement  of  that  community 
of  property  and  labor  which  had  been  introduced,  as 
we  have  .seen,  by  the  provisions  of  the  original  charier. 
As  a  temporary  expedient,  this  system  could  not  have 
been  easily  avoided  ;  and  the  censure  which  historians 
have  so  liberally  bestowed  on  its  introduction  seems  to 
be  quite  misplaced.  The  impolicy  consisted  in  pro- 
longing its  duration  beyond  the  time  when  the  colony 
acquired  stability,  when  modes  of  life  came  to  he  fixed, 
and  when  the  resources  of  the  place  and  the  productive 
powers  of  labor  being  fully  understood,  the  government 
might  safely  and  advantageously  remit  every  individual 
to  the  stimulous  of  his'own  interest  and  dependence  on 
his  own  industry.  But  at  first  it  was  unavoidable  that 
the  government  should  charge  itself  with  the  support 
of  its  subjects  and  the  regulation  of  their  industry  , 
and  that  their  first  experimental  exertions  should  be 
referred  to  the  principle  and  adapted  to  the  rules  of  a 
system  of  partnership.  How  long  such  a  system  may 
endure,  when  originated  and  maintained  by  a  strong 
and  general  impulse  of  that  Christian  spirit  which 
teaches  every  man  to  regard  his  office  on  earth  as  that 
of  a  steward,  his  life  as  a  stewardship,  and  the  supe- 
riority of  his  powers  as  designating,  not  the  extent  of 
his  interest,  but  the  increase  of  his  responsibility,  is  a 
iiroblem  to  be  solved  by  the  future  history  of  mankind. 
But  as  a  permanent  arrangement,  supported  only  by 
municipal  law,  it  attempts  an  impossibility,  and  com- 
mits the  enforcement  of  its  observances  to  an  influence 
destructive  of  its  own  principles.  As  soon  as  the 
sense  of  iiuliviilual  interest  and  security  begins  to  dis- 
solve the  bond  of  common  hazard,  danger,  and  dilli- 
culty,  the  law  is  felt  to  be  an  intolerable  restriction  ; 
but  as  in  theory  it  retains  a  generous  aspect,  and  its 
inconvenience  is  at  first  evinced  by  the  idleness  and 
immorality  which  it.'  secret  suggestions  give  scope  to, 
it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  rulers  should  seek  to 
remove  the  etfi^ct  while  ihcy  preserve  the  cause,  and 
even  by  additional  securities  of  regulation  extinguish 
every  remains  of  tho  virtue  they  vainly  attempt  to 
revive. 

Sir  Thomas  Dale,  oy  his  descent  from  the  supreme 
direction  of  affairs  to  a  more  active  participation  m 
the  conduct  of  them,  was  enabled  to  observe  with  an 
accurate  and  unprejudiced  eye  the  operation  of  the 
colonial  laws  on  the  dispositions  of  the  colonists,  and 
in  particular  the  utter  incompatibility  of  this  regulation 
with  all  the  ordinary  motives  by  which  human  industry 
is  maintained.  He  saw  that  every  one  was  eager  to 
evade  or  abridge  his  own  share  of  labor ;  that  the  uni- 
versal reliance  on  the  common  stock  impaired,  in  every 
individual,  the  efforts  on  which  its  replenishment  de- 
pended ;  that  the  slothful  reposed  in  dependence  on 
the  industrious,  while  the  industrious  were  deprived  of 
their  alacrity  by  impatience  of  supporting  and  confirm- 
ing the  slothful  in  their  idleness  ;  and  that  the  most 
honorable  would  hardly  take  as  much  pains  for  the  com- 
munity in  a  week  as  he  would  do  for  himself  in  a  day. 
Under  his  direction,  the  evil  was  redressed  by  a  radi- 
cal and  elfectual  remedy  :  a  sufficient  portion  of  land 
was  divided  into  lots,  and  one  of  them  was  assigned 
ill  full  property  to  every  settler.  From  that  moment, 
industry,  freed  from  the  obstruction  that  had  relaxed 
its  incitements  and  interce|)ted  its  recompense,  look 
vigorous  root  in  Virginia,  and  the  iirosperity  of  the 
colony  evinced  a  steady  and  rapid  advancement.  [  1614.] 
Gales  returning  lo  England,  the  supreme  direction 
again  devolved  on  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  whose  virtue 
seems  never  to  have  enlarged  with  the  enlargement  of 
his  authority.  He  continued  for  two  years  longer  in 
the  colony  ;  and  in  his  domestic  administration  con- 
tinued to  promote  its  real  welfare  ;  hut  he  launched 
into  foreign  o|irrations  little  jiroduclive  of  advantage, 
and  still  less  of  honor.  In  Captain  .\rgal,  the  author 
of  the  fortunate  seizure  of  Pocahontas,  he  found  a  fit 
instrument,  and  perhaps  a  counsellor,  of  designs  of  a 
similar  character  and  tenilency.  The  Erench  settlers 
in  Acadie  had,  in  the  year  1605,  built  Port  Royal  m 
the  Bay  of  Fundy,  and  had  ever  since  retained  quiet 
|)Ossession  of  the  counlrv,  and  successfully  cultivated 
a  friendly  intercourse  with  the  neighboring  Indians. 
Under  the  pretext  that  the  French,  by  settling  in  Aca- 
die, had  invaded  the  rights  derived  by  the  English  from 
the  first  discovery  of  the  continent,  was  Argal  de- 
spatched in  a  lime  of  profound  peace,  to  make  a  hos- 
tile attack  on  ihis  settlement.  Nothing  could  be  more 
unjust  or  nnwurraiiled  than  ihis  enterprise.  The  \  ir- 
ginian  charters,  with  the  onforccmenl  of  which  alone 


Sir  lliomas  Dale  was  intrusted,  did  not  embrace  tba 
territory  which  he  now  presumed  to  invade,  and  wlich 
the  French  had  peaceably  possessed  for  nearly  ten 
years,  in  virtue  of  charters  f'rora  their  sovereign  Honrr 
tlie  l\  th.  Argal  easily  succeeded  in  suq)rising  and 
plundering  a  community  that  were  totally  unsuspicious 
ol  liostiliiy,  and  unjirepared  for  defence  ;  but  leaving 
no  garrison  in  the  place,  the  French  soon  resumed  thsii 
station,  and  the  expedition  produced  no  othei  perma- 
nent effect  than  the  recollections  it  left  in  the  minds  of 
llie  French,  and  the  impression  it  produced  on  the  seu- 
tiineiits  of  the  Indians.  But  a  few  years  elapsed  be- 
fore an  attack  on  themselves,  by  their  own  Indian 
neighbors,  equally  iiiKiuilous  and  far  more  fatal  aveiu'ed 
the  outrage  on  Port  Royal,  and  taught  the  government 
of  Virginia  to  detest  the  policy  whic""  it  had  thus  sanc- 
tioned by  Its  example  Returning  from  this  expedi- 
tion, Argal  executed  a  similar  enterprise  against  New 
York,  which  was  then  in  possession  of  the  Dutch, 
whose  claim  was  derived  from  Captain  Hudson's  dis- 
covery or  visit  to  the  territory  in  I6C9,  when  he  com 
manded  one  of  their  vessels,  and  was  employed  ir 
their  service.  But  Argal  maintained,  that  Hudson 
being  an  Englishman,  there  accrued  from  his  acquisi- 
sition  an  indefeasible  right  lo  his  country  ;  and  the 
Dutch  governor  being  unprepared  for  resistance,  was 
compelled  to  submit  and  declare  the  colony  to  be  a 
dependency  of  England,  and  tributary  lo  \'irginia. 
But  another  governor  arriving  soon  after,  with  better 
means  of  asserting  the  title  of  his  countrymen,  the 
concession  was  retracted,  and  the  English  claim  suc- 
cessfully defied. 

[1615.]  One  of  the  first  objects  to  which  the  increas- 
ing industry  of  the  colonists  was  directed,  was  the  cul- 
tivation of  tobacco,  which  was  now  for  the  first  time 
introduced  into  Virginia.  King  James  had  conceived 
a  strong  antipathy  to  the  use  of  this  weed,  and  m  his 
celebrated  Cuunlcrblast  agaiml  Tobacco,  had  endea- 
vored to  prevail  over  one  of  the  strongest  tastes  of 
human  nature  by  the  force  of  fustian  and  pedantry. 
The  issue  of  the  contest  corresponded  better  with  his 
interests  than  his  wishes  ;  his  testimony,  though  pressed 
with  all  the  vehemence  of  exalted  folly,  could  not  pre- 
vail with  his  subjects  over  the  evidence  of  their  own 
senses  ;  and  though  he  summoned  his  prerogative  to 
the  aid  of  his  logic,  and  prohibited  the  pollution  of 
English  ground  by  the  cultivation  of  tobacco,*  he  found 
It  impossible  to  w  ithstand  its  importation  from  abroad  ■ 
liie  demand  for  it  rapidly  extended,  and  us  value  and 
consumption  daily  increased  m  England.  Incited  by 
the  hopes  of  sharing  a  trade  so  piorttable,  the  colonists 
of  Virginia  devoted  their  fields  and  labor  almost  exclu- 
sively to  the  culture  of  tobacco.  Sir  Thomas  Dale 
observing  their  inconsiderate  ardor,  and  sensible  of  the 
danger  of  neglecting  the  cultivation  of  the  humbler 
but  more  necessary  productions,  on  which  the  subsist- 
ence of  the  colony  depended,  interposed  his  authority 
to  check  the  excesses  of  the  planters  ;  and  adjusted 
by  law  the  proportion  between  the  corn  crop  and  the 
tobacco  crop  if  every  proprietor  of  land.  But  after 
his  departure,  11616,]  his  wise  policy  was  neglected 
and  his  laws  forgotten  ;  and  the  culture  of  tobacco  so 
exclusively  occupied  the  attention  of  the  settlers  that 
even  the  streets  of  Jamestown  were  planted  with  il, 
and  a  scarcity  of  provisions  very  soon  resulted.  In 
this  extremity  they  were  compelled  to  renew  their  ex- 
actions upon  the  Indians,  and  involved  themselves  in 
disputes  and  hostilities,  which  gradually  alienated  ihe 
regard  of  these  savages,  and  paved  the  way  to  one  of 
those  schemes  of  vengeance  which  ihey  are  noted  for 
forming  with  the  most  unpenetrable  secrecy,  maturing 
with  consummate  artifice  and  executing  with  unrelenting 
rancor. t  This  fatal  consequence  was  not  fully  expe- 
rienced till  alter  the  lapse  of  one  of  those  intervals 
which  to  careless  eyes  appear  lo  disconnccl  ihe  mis- 
conduct from  the  sufferings  of  nations,  but  impress 
rericctive  minds  with  an  awful  sense  of  that  strong  un- 
broken chain  which  subsists  undisturbed  by  ume  or 


«  The  following  preamble  to  one  of  his  proclamations  on 
tins  subject  IS  highly  characleristic :— "  Wliercas  we,  out  of 
the  dislike  we  liad  of  llie  use  of  tobacco,  tending  lo  a  general 
and  new  corruplion  both  of  men's  bodies  and  iiiaiintrs,  and 
nevertheless  holdine  it  of  the  two  more  lionoralilo  that  iho 
same  should  be  imported  among  other  vaiutie.s  and  super- 
Humes  wliK-li  come  from  beyond  llie  seas  than  be  peiimlled 
lo  be  planted  here  wilhiii  the  realm,  whereby  to  abuse  and 
misemploy  Ihe  soil  of  tins  fruitful  kingdom,  did  probibil  llio 
planting  of  il  m  England,"  &c.  Kymer,  vol.  xvii.  p.  S33 
Hazard,  p.  93.  „  . 

t  Smilli,  B.  IV.  SLth,  p.  HO,  M7,  164,  168.  Purrhas,  iv 
I7S7.  In  the  year  1615  was  published  at  London,  "  A  triie 
Uiscuur.io  of  liie  present  State  of  Virginia,"  by  Ralph  llainar 
serreiary  lo  lh4  colony ;  a  tract  which  has  no  olhor  lueril  bul 
Its  scarcity 


NORTH  AMEIIICA. 


221 


distance,  and  both  preserves  and  extends  the  moral 
ronscqucnoes  of  Iniman  actions. 

But  a  nobler  platil  than  tobacco  was  preparing  to 
rise  in  Virginia  ;  and  wc  are  now  to  contemplate  tiie 
first  indication  of  that  active  principle  of  liberty  winch 
was  destined  to  become  the  most  considerable  staple 
and  ap|)ropriatc  moral  produce  of  America.  When 
Sir  Thomas  Dale  returned  to  England,  he  had  com- 
mitted the  government  to  Mr.  George  Yeardley,  whose 
lax  administration,  if  it  removed  a  useful  restraint  on 
the  improvident  cupidity  of  the  planters,  enabled  them 
to  taste,  and  prepared  them  to  value,  the  dignity  of 
independence  and  the  blessings  of  liberty.  lie  was 
succeeded  [1617]*  by  Captain  Argal,  a  man  of  con- 
siderable talents  and  resolution,  but  sellish,  haughty, 
and  tyrannical.  Argal  (irovided  with  ability  for  the 
wants  of  the  colony,  and  introduced  some  useful  regu- 
lations of  the  traffic  and  intercourse  with  the  Indians  ; 
but  he  encumbered  personal  liberty  with  needless  and 
minute  restrictions,  and  enforced  their  observance  by 
a  harsh  and  constant  exercise  of  martial  law.  While 
he  pretended  to  promote  piety  in  others  by  punishing 
absence  from  church  with  a  temporary  slavery,  he  pdst- 
poned  in  his  own  practice  everv  other  consideration  to 
the  acquisition  of  wealth,  which  he  effected  by  a  pro- 
fligate abuse  of  the  opportunities  of  his  office,  and  de- 
fended by  the  terrors  of  despotic  authority.  Universal 
discontent  was  excited  by  his  administration,  and  the 
complaints  of  the  colonists  at  length  reached  the  ears 
of  the  company  in  England.  In  Lord  Delaware  their 
interests  had  always  found  a  zealous  friend  and  pow- 
erful advocate  ;  and  he  now  consented,  for  their  deli- 
verance, to  resume  his  former  office,  and  again  to  un- 
dertake the  direction  of  their  affairs.  He  embarked  for 
Virginia  with  a  splendid  train,  but  died  on  the  voyage. 
[1618. ]t  His  loss  was  deeply  lamented  by  the  colo- 
nists; but  it  was  in  the  main,  perhaps,  an  advantageous 
circumstance  for  them  that  an  administrat'on  of  such 
pomp  and  dignity  was  thus  tiraeously  intercepted,  and 
the  improvement  of  their  affairs  committed  to  men  and 
manners  nearer  the  level  of  their  own  condition  ;  and 
it  was  no  less  advantageous  to  the  memory  of  Lord 
Delaware,  that  he  died  in  the  demonstration  of  a  gene- 
rous willingness  to  attempt  what  it  was  very  unlikely 
he  could  have  succeeded  in  effecting.  The  tidings  of 
his  death  were  followed  to  England  by  increasing  com- 
plaint3  of  tlie  odious  and  tyrannical  proceedings  of  Ar- 
gal ;  and  the  company  having  conferred  the  office  of 
captain-general  on  Mr.  Yeardley,  the  new  governor 
received  the  honor  of  knighthood,  and  proceeded  to 
the  scene  of  his  administration.  [1619.] 

Sir  George  Yeardley,  on  his  arrival  in  Virginia,  to  the 
inexpressible  joy  of  the  inhabitants,  declared  his  in- 
tention of  reinstating  them  in  full  possession  of  the 
privileges  of  Englishmen,  by  convoking  a  colonial  as- 
sembly. This  first  legislative  body  that  America  ever 
produced,  consisted  of  the  governor,  the  council,  and 
burgesses  elected  by  the  seven  existing  boroughs,  who, 
assembling  at  Jamestown,  in  one  apartment,  conducted 
their  deliberations  with  good  sense  and  harmony,  and 
debated  all  affairs  that  involved  the  general  welfare. 
The  laws  which  they  enacted  were  transmitted  to 

"  Tills  year  died  Pocaliontas.  She  had  accompanied  lier 
husband  on  a  visit  to  England,  where  lier  history  excited  uni- 
versal interest,  and  the  f;race  and  dignity  of  her  manner  no 
less  respect  and  admiration.  Captain  Smith  introduced  her  to 
the  queen,  and  her  society  was  courted  by  the  most  eminent 
of  the  nobility.  But  the  mean  soul  of  tlie  king  regarded  her 
with  jealousy,  and  expressed  alternate  inurniurs  at  Uolfe's 
presumption  in  marrying  a  princess,  and  alarm  at  the  title 
that  his  posterity  might  acquiro  to  the  sovereignty  of  Virginia. 
Pocahontas  died  in  the  failli,  and  w  ith  the  sentiments  and  de- 
meanor of  aClinslnui.  Slie  left  a  son  by  Mr.  Rolfe,  whose 
descendants  m  Virginia  unite  the  blood  of  the  old  and  new 
races  of  the  inliabitants  of  America,  Smith,  B.  iv.  Stith. 
p.  H2-6.  ' 

t  This  year  was  productive  of  an  event  more  interesting 
to  the  feehngs  than  to  tlie  lortuncs  of  the  people  of  America— 
the  deatli  of  Sir  Walter  Ralpigh.  After  a  career  of  dazzling 
brilhancy,  but  not  of  unslamed  virtue,  or  unclouded  popularity, 
he  lound  m  the  severe  alllii  tion  of  his  closing  scene  a  remedy 
for  tlie  errors  of  his  own  character,  and  the  envy  and  odium 
\n  which  they  had  involved  him  :  and  the  sunset  of  his  life, 
gilded  by  the  pure  and  gentle  light  of  religion,  added  the 
tender  respect  and  compassion  of  mankind  to  the  various 
sentiments  which  his  history  had  excited.  On  the  night  be- 
fore his  execution  he  composed  some  beautiful  lines  on  his 
appro.iching  fate.  Perhaps  calmer  contemplation  of  death 
was  never  evinced  than  m  the  passage  where  he  prays  that 
Heaven  would 

'  Just  at  the  stroke— when  my  veins  start  and  spread — 
Set  on  my  soul  an  everlasting  head," 

It  is  pleasing  to  observe  how  the  earlier  historians  of  Ame- 
'ica  claim  kindred  between  him  and  the.r  country,  and  blend 
with  V.icir  narrative  occasional  reference  to  his  fortunes  and 
fate.  Whpnwe  consider  the  jealousy  with  which  the  kin" 
pursued  hun,  it  seems  fortunate  for  America  that  his  interests 
n»u  so  long  bei.ni  separated  from  hers. 


England  for  the  approbation  of  the  treasurer  and  com- 
[lany,  and  are  no  longer  extant ;  but  they  are  declared 
by  competent  judges  to  have  been  in  the  main  wisely 
and  judiciously  framed,  though  (as  might  reasonably  be 
expected)  somewhat  intricate  and  unsystematical.* 
The  company  sometime  after  passed  an  ordinance  by 
which  they  substantially  ajiproved  and  established  this 
constitution  of  the  Virginian  legislature.  They  re- 
served, however,  to  themselves  the  creation  of  a  coun- 
cil of  state,  which  should  assist  the  governor  with  ad- 
vice in  the  executive  administration,  and  should  also 
form  a  part  of  the  colonial  assembly  ;  and  they  provid- 
ed, on  the  one  hand,  that  the  enactments  of  the  assem- 
bly should  not  have  the  force  of  law  till  ratified  by  the 
court  of  proprietors  in  England ;  and  conceded,  on  the 
other  hand,  that  the  orders  of  this  court  should  have 
no  force  in  Virginia  till  ratified  by  the  colonial  as.^em- 
bly.  Thus  early  was  planted  in  America  that  repre- 
sentative system  that  forms  the  soundest  political  frame 
in  which  liberty  was  ever  embodied,  and  at  once  the 
safest  and  most  efficient  organ  by  which  its  energies 
are  exercised  and  developed.  So  strongly  embued 
were  the  minds  of  Englishmen  in  this  age  with  the  vi- 
gorous spirit  of  that  liberty  which  was  rapidly  advan- 
cing to  a  first  manhood  in  their  country,  that  wherever 
they  settled  themselves,  the  institutions  of  freedom 
took  root  and  grew  up  along  with  them. 

It  had  been  happy  for  the  morals  and  the  prosperity 
of  Virginia,  if  her  inhabitants,  like  their  brethren  in 
Massachusetts,  had  oftener  elevated  their  eye  from  sub- 
ordinate agency  to  the  great  First  Cause,  and  had  re- 
ferred, in  particular,  the  signal  blessing  that  was  now 
bestowed  on  them  to  the  will  and  gift  of  God.  Li- 
berty so  derived  acquires  at  once  its  firmest  and  no- 
blest basis — it  becomes  respected  as  well  as  beloved  ; 
the  dignity  of  the  origin  to  which  it  is  referred,  influ- 
ences the  ends  to  which  it  is  made  subservient ;  and 
all  are  taught  to  feel  that  it  can  neither  be  violated  nor 
abused  without  provoking  the  Divine  displeasure.  It 
is  this  preservative  principle  alone  that  prevents  the 
choicest  blessings  and  most  estimable  qualities  from 
cherishing  in  human  hearts  an  ungrateful  and  counter- 
acting spirit  of  insolence  and  pride — a  spirit  which  led 
the  Virginians  too  soon  to  plant  the  rankest  weeds  of 
tyranny  in  that  field  where  the  seeds  of  liberty  had 
been  so  happily  sown. 

The  company  had  received  orders  from  the  king  to 
transport  to  Virginia  a  hundred  idle  dissolute  persons 
who  were  in  custody  for  various  misdemeanours  in 
London,  t  Those  men  were  dispersed  through  the  colo- 
ny as  servants  to  the  planters  ;  and  the  degradation  of 
the  colonial  character  and  manners,  produced  by  such 
an  intermixture,  was  overlooked,  in  consideration  of  the 
assistance  that  was  derived  from  them  in  executing  the 
plans  of  industry  that  were  daily  extending  themselves. 
[1620.]  Having  once  associated  felons  with  their  la- 
bors, and  committed  the  cultivation  of  their  fields  to 
servile  hands,  the  colonists  were  prepared  to  yield  to 
the  temptation  which  speedily  presented  itself,  and  to 
blend  in  barbarous  combination  the  character  of  oppres- 
sors with  the  claims  and  condition  of  freemen.  A 
Dutch  ship,  from  the  coast  of  Guinea,  having  sailed  up 
James  river,  sold  a  part  of  her  cargo  of  Negroes  to 
the  planters  :  and  as  that  hardy  race  was  found  more 
capable  of  enduring  fatigue  in  a  sultry  climate  than 
Europeans,  the  number  was  increased  by  continual 
importation,  till  a  large  proportion  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Virginia  were  reduced  to  a  state  of  slavery  by  the  sel- 
fish ingratitude  of  men  who  turned  into  a  prison  for 
others  the  territory  that  had  ['roved  a  seat  of  liberty 
and  happiness  to  themselves. 

But,  about  this  time,  another  addition,  more  pro- 
ductive of  virtue  and  felicity,  was  made  to  the  number 
of  the  colonists.    Few  women  had  as  yet  ventured  to 

»  Rolfe,  apud  Smith,  B.  iv.  Slith,  p.  160— The  Assembly, 
when  they  transmitted  their  own  enactments  to  England,  re- 
quested the  general  court  to  prepare  a  digest  for  Virginia  of 
the  laws  of  England  and  to  procure  for  it  the  sanction  of  the 
king's  approbation,  adding,  "  that  it  was  not  fit  that  his  sub- 
jects should  be  governed  by  any  other  rules  than  such  as  re- 
ceived their  influence  from  him." — Chalmers,  p.  44. 

t  Stith,  p  IfiT — Captain  Smith  observes,  that  since  his  de- 
parture from  the  colony,  the  number  of  felons  and  vagabonds 
transported  to  Virginia  brought  such  evil  report  on  the  place 
"  that  some  did  choose  to  be  hanged  ere  they  would  go  thither, 
and  were."  Not  long  after  the  massacre  in  1622,  however,  he 
remarks,  that  "  there  are  more  honest  men  now  suitors  to  go, 
than  ever  have  been  constrained  knaves."  Many  persons 
have  been  transported  as  felons  to  America  whom  no  com- 
munity would  be  ashamed  to  recognize  as  fellow  citizens. 
The  crews  of  the  first  squadron  conducted  by  Columbus  to 
America  were  partly  composed  of  convicts,  pardoned  on  con- 
dition of  undertaking  the  voyage.  In  the  reign  of  Charles  II. 
before  tlie  voluntary  emigration  of  the  Quakers,  a  consider- 
able number  of  these  sectaries  were  transported  as  felons  to 
America. 


cross  the  Atlantic  ;  and  the  English  being  restrained 
by  the  pride  and  rigidity  of  their  character  from  that 
incorporation  with  the  native  .Xmericaiis  which  the 
French  and  Portuguese  have  found  so  conducive  to 
their  interests,  and  so  accordant  with  the  pliancy  of 
their  manners  and  disposition,  were  generally  destitute 
of  the  comforts  and  connexions  of  married  life.  Men 
so  situated  could  not  regard  Virginia  as  a  pcrmmenl 
residence,  but  proposed  to  themselves,  after  amassii.g 
a  coiiijietency  of  wealth  as  expeditiously  as  possible, 
return  to  their  native  country.  Such  views  are  inco  i 
sisteiit  with  patient  industry,  ard  with  those  cxlendKl 
interests  that  produce  or  support  patriotism  ;  and  under 
the  more  liberal  system  which  (  le  company  had  now 
begun  to  pursue  towards  the  colony,  it  was  proposed 
to  send  out  a  hundred  young  women  of  agreeable  per- 
sons and  respectable  characters,  as  wives  for  the  set- 
tlers. Ninety  were  accordingly  sent,  and  the  specu- 
lation proved  so  profitable  to  the  company,  that  a  repe- 
tition of  it  was  suggested  to  the  emptiness  of  their  ex- 
chequer in  the  following  year,  [1621,]  and  sixty  more 
were  collected  and  sent  over.  They  were  immediately 
disposed  of  to  the  young  planters,  and  produced  such 
an  accession  of  happiness  to  the  colony,  that  iho 
second  consignment  fetched  a  belter  price  than  the 
first.  The  price  of  a  wife  was  estimated  first  at  a  hun- 
dred and  twenty,  and  afterwards  at  a  hundred  and  fifty 
pounds  of  tobacco,  of  which  the  selling  jirice  was  then 
three  shillings  per  pound  ;  and  the  subject  of  the  trans- 
action was  held  to  impart  its  own  dignity  to  the  debt, 
which  accordingly  was  allowed  to  take  precedence  of 
all  other  engagements.*  The  young  women  were  not 
only  bought  with  avidity,  but  received  with  such  fond- 
ness, and  so  comfortably  established,  that  others  were 
invited  to  follow  their  example,  and  virtuous  sentiments 
and  provident  habits  spreading  daily  among  tho  jilaii- 
ters,  enlarged  the  happiness  and  prosjierity  of  tliH 
colony.  To  the  blessings  of  marriage  naturally  sue 
ceeded  some  provision  for  the  benefits  of  education 
A  sum  of  money  had  been  collected  by  the  English 
bishops  by  direction  of  the  king,  for  the  maintenance 
of  an  institution  in  Virginia  for  the  christian  education 
of  Indian  children  ;  and  in  emulation  of  this  good  ex- 
ample, various  steps  were  taken  by  the  company  to- 
wards the  foundation  of  a  colonial  college,  which  was 
afterwards  completed  by  William  and  Mary. 

It  is  remarkable  that  the  rise  of  liberty  in  America 
was  nearly  coeval  with  her  first  dispute  with  the  go- 
vernment of  the  mother  country,  and  that  the  earliest 
of  those  dissensions,  which  in  a  succeediuL:  generation 
were  destined  to  wrest  America  from  i^ngland,  oc- 
curred with  a  province  long  distinguished  for  the  ardor 
of  its  loyalty  to  the  English  crown.  With  the  increas- 
ing industry  of  the  colony,  die  produce  of  its  tobacco- 
fi<j|ds  became  more  than  sufficient  for  tlie  consumption 
01  England,  where  its  disposal,  too,  was  severely 
hampered  by  the  weak  and  unsteady  counsels  of  the 
king,  in  granting  monopolies  for  the  sale  of  it,  in  limit- 
ing the  quantities  to  be  imported,  in  appointing  com- 
missioners "for  garbling  the  drug  called  tobacco,' 
with  arbitrary  powers  to  seize  whatever  portions  of  it 
they  might  consider  of  inferior  quality,  in  loading  ttie 
importation  with  a  heavy  duty,  and,  at  the  same  time, 
encouraging  the  import  of  Spanish  tobacco.  The  com- 
pany, harassed  by  these  vexatious  regulations,  had 
opened  a  trade  with  Holland,  and  established  ware- 
houses there,  to  which  they  sent  their  tobacco  directly 
from  Virginia  ;  but  the  king  interposed  to  prohibit  such 
evasion  of  his  revenue,  and  directed  that  all  the  Vir- 
ginia tobacco  should  be  brought  in  the  first  instance  to 
England.  A  lengthened  and  acrimonious  dispute  arose 
between  this  feeble  prince  and  the  colonists  and  colo- 
nial company.  Against  the  monopoly  established  in 
England,  they  petitioned  the  Hou^e  of  Commons; 
and  in  support  of  their  right  to  trade  directly  with  Hol- 
land, they  both  contended  for  the  general  privileges  of 
Englishmen  to  carry  their  commodities  to  the  best 
market,  and  pleaded  the  particular  concessions  of  their 
charter,  which  expressly  conferred  on  them  unlimited 
liberty  of  commerce.  At  length,  the  dispute  was 
adjusted  by  a  compromise,  by  which  the  company 
obtained,  on  the  one  hand,  the  exclusive  right  of  im- 

*  Slith,  p.  166,  197 — A  very  different  account  has  bei  n 
transmitted  to  us  of  the  first  female  emigration  to  Canri';a. 
About  the  middle  of  tlie  seventeenth  century  the  French  (;o- 
veriiinent  sent  out  several  ship  loads  of  prostitutes  to  this  pro- 
vince, as  wives  to  the  settlers.  Though  the  demand  was 
so  pressing  that  they  were  all  disposed  of  in  less  than  filicen 
days,  the  colonists  showed  more  regard  to  virtue  in  selecting 
their  mates  than  their  government  had  done  in  assorting  tho 
cargo.  The  fattest,  we  are  told,  were  in  most  request,  being 
judged  least  active  and  volatile  (consequently,  it  wai  hoped, 
most  faithful,)  and  best  able  to  endure  the  cold. — Nouveauj 
Voyaj;es  de  La  liontan,  Vol.  i.  Lcttre  ii. 


THE   HISTORY  OF 


porting  tobacco  mio  the  kingdom,  and  engaged,  on  ilie 
oilier,  lo  pav  uii  iin|iort  duly  of  nintpence  per  pound, 
and  lu  st  ud  ail  liie  produce  of  Virginia  lo  Eiiglan.l. 

bul  3  cloud  liad  hern  for  some  li:i.c  gallieruig  over 
the  colony,  and  even  the  circumstances  that  mo^l  for- 
cibly iiidicaled  the  growing  prosperity  of  the  planters 
were  but  invitinj.  and  enabling  the  storm  to  burst  with 
more  dcBtractive  violence  on  their  heads.  Externally 
at  peace  »  th  the  Indians,  unapprehensive  of  danger, 
snd  wholly  engrossed  with  the  prolitable  cultivation  of 
tiieir  ferule  territory,  their  increasing  numbers  had 
tpread  so  extensively  over  the  province,  that  no  less 
than  eighty  settlements  had  already  been  formed  ;  and 
every  planter  being  guided  only  by  his  own  convenience 
or  cajirice  in  the  choice  of  his  ilwelliug,  and  iiiorc  dispo- 
sed to  shun  than  to  court  the  neighborhood  of  his  coun- 
trymen, the  settlements  were  universally  slragghng  and 
uncompact.  The  Scriptures,  which  the  colonists  re- 
ceived as  their  rule  of  faith,  bore  ample  testimony  to 
the  cruelty  and  treachery  of  mankind  in  their  natural 
state  ;  and  their  past  experience  might  have  convinced 
them  that  the  savages  by  whom  they  were  surrounded 
could  claim  no  exemption  from  this  testimony  of  Divine 
wisdom  and  truth.  Yet  the  pious  labors  by  which  the 
evil  dispositions  of  the  Indians  might  have  been  over- 
come, and  the  military  exercises  and  precautions  by 
which  their  hostility  tniglil  have  been  overawed  or  re- 
pelled, were  equally  neglected  by  the  colonists,  while, 
at  the  same  time,  they  contributed  to  fortify  the  martial 
habits  of  the  Indians  by  employing  them  as  hunters,  and 
enlarged  their  resources  of  destruction  by  furnishing 
them  with  fire-arms,  which  they  quickly  learned  to  use 
with  dexterity.  The  marriage  of  Mr.  llolfe  and  Poca- 
hontas had  not  produced  as  lasting  a  good  understand- 
ing between  the  English  and  the  Indians  as  it  had  at 
first  seemed  to  betoken.  The  Indians  eagerly  courted 
a  repetition  of  such  intermarriages,  and  were  deeply 
oHendcd  with  the  pride  w  ith  which  the  English  receded 
from  their  advances,  and  declined  to  become  the  hus- 
bands of  Indian  women.  The  colonists  forgot  that 
they  had  inflicted  this  mortification  ;  but  it  was  remem- 
bered by  the  Indians,  who  never  forgot  or  forgave  an 
affront,  rsumberless  earnest  reconiir.ciidations  had 
been  transmitled  from  England  lo  atlein|)t  the  conver- 
sion of  the  savages  ;  but  these  recoinincndations  had 
not  been  enforced  by  a  sutlicient  attention  to  the 
means  requisite  for  their  execution.  Yet  ihcy  were 
not  wholly  neglected  by  the  colonists.  Some  attempts 
at  conversion  were  made  by  a  few  pious  individuals, 
and  the  success  of  one  of  them  undoubtedly  initigaled 
the  dreadful  calamity  that  was  im|)cndi;;g  ;  but  these 
efforts  were  feeble  and  partial,  and  the  majority  of  the 
colonists  had  contented  themselves  with  cultivating  a 
fncndly  mtcrcoiirse  and  intimate  acquaintance  with  the 
Indians,  who  were  admitted  at  all  times  into  their  habi- 
tations, and  encouraged  to  consider  themselves  as 
familiar  guests  '  It  was  in  the  midst  of  this  free  and 
iinsiuarded  intercourse  that  the  Indians  formed,  with 
cold  and  unrelenting  deliberation,  the  plan  for  a  gene- 
ral massacre  of  the  English,  which  should  involve 
every  man,  woman,  and  child  in  the  colony  in  indis- 
criminate slaughter.  The  death  of  Powhatan,  in 
1618,  devolved  the  power  of  executing  a  scheme  so 
deteslable  into  the  bands  of  a  man  fullv  capable  of 
contriving  and  maturing  it.  Opccliaiicanough,  who 
succeeded,  not  only  to  the  supremacy  over  Fowliataii's 
tribe,  but  to  his  influence  over  all  the  neighboring 
tribes  of  Indians,  was  distinguished  by  liis  fearless 
courage,  his  profound  dissimulation,  and  a  rancorous 
hatred  and  'ealousy  of  the  new  inliabil.ints  of  America, 
lie  renewed  the  paciiic  treatvt  which  Powhatan  had 
made,  and  faithfully  kejit,  with  the  English  alter  the 
marriage  of  Pocahontas  lo  Mr.  i{olf(!  :  and  he  availed 
himself  of  the  tranquillity  it  produced  to  prepare, 
during  the  four  ensuing  years,  his  frien-Jd  and  f.illowers 
for  the  several  parts  they  were  to  act  in  the  tragfdy  he 
projected.  The  tribes  in  the  neighSorliood  of  the 
Eng'.ibh,  cxce[)t  those  on  the  eastern  shore,  whom,  on 
■rccunt  of  their  peculiar  friendship  for  the  colonists- 


•  StUh,  p.  210  —To  ttic  rcinnnslrances  of  some  persons  in 
the  roliiny  ag;iin!>t  tlirlr  worMliip  of  demons,  some  of  the  In- 
dian!) of  Virmoia  answcird  lhat  they  licl:i;vo<l  in  two  great 

•  (piril.«,  «  kimmI  ami  an  evil  mm  ;  that  the  first  was  a  hcing 

•  link  in  llie  i  rijoymiMit  of  (■vcrla.^llni;  iiidoleiicc  and  rase,  wlio 
•hnwiTi'il  down  l>io»'«inni>  indisrnininatcly  from  tlio  jkics, 
Iravmf  men  lo  •craiiililc  for  thi  m  a.H  llicy  clione,  and  totally 
Indiiri'ii  nl  lo  Iht  ir  concern:! ;  hut  tlial  sorond  was  an 
».  livr  jortlmn  Kpinl,  whom  tlioy  were  olillgcd  to  prupitiato 
tliat  lie  miKlit  not  dc.troy  Ihi'iii— 111  liidxloi<,  i.  S^S. 

♦  Hiiih,  p.  IW— Opr  rliancanoiish,  In  iiniluiionof  thr  Kniflisli, 
had  l.uill  Iniinflf  a  li.iu«c.  and  wa»  ^o  dillifhted  with  the 
coiilrtvanro  ■>(  a  lock  ami  key,  that  lir  u!.n,l  to  »prnd  wliolo 
hov;raln  the  ropriltion  of  the  i-iperlniciit  of  locking  and  unlock- 
li  f  b.>  <kior— Olduuxtod.  I.  238 


he  did  not  venture  to  intrust  with  ihe  plan,  were  suc- 
cessively gained  over  ;  and  all  co-operated  with  lhat 
singlc-mindcdness  and  intensity  of  purjiose  character- 
istic of  a  project  of  Indian  revenge.  In  a  tribe  of 
savage  idolaters,  the  passions  of  rnen  are  left  unpuri- 
fied  by  the  influence  of  religion,  and  unrestrained  by  a 
Bound  or  elevated  morality  ;  and  human  character  is 
not  subjected  to  that  variety  of  impulse  and  impression 
which  It  undergoes  in  cilvilized  society.  The  senti- 
ments inculcated,  and  the  dispositions  contracted,  in 
the  family  and  in  the  tribe,  in  domestic  education  and 
in  public  life,  in  all  the  scenes  through  which  the 
savage  passes  from  his  cradle  to  his  grave,  are  the 
same  ;  there  is  no  contest  of  opposite  principles  or 
conflicting  habits  to  dissipate  his  mind  or  weaken  its 
determinations  ;  and  the  system  of  morals  (if  it  may 
be  so  called)  which  he  embraces,  being  the  offspring 
of  wisdom  and  dispositions  congenial  to  his  own,  a 
scenung  dignity  arises  from  the  vigor  and  consistency 
of  lhat  conduct  which  his  moral  sentiiiients  never  dis- 
turb or  reproach.  The  understanding,  unoccupied  by 
objects  suitable  lo  its  dignitv,  and  unemployed  by  va- 
riety of  knowledge,  instead  of  moderating  the  passions, 
becomes  the  instrument  of  their  designs,  and  the  abet- 
tor of  their  violence.  Men  in  malice,  bul  children  in 
understanding  ;  it  is  in  the  direction  of  cunning  and 
dissimulation  that  the  intellectual  faculties  of  savages 
are  chiefly  exercised  :  and  such  is  the  perfect  harmony 
between  their  passions  and  their  reflective  powers,  that 
the  same  delay  which  would  cool  the  cruelly  of  more 
cultivated  men,  serves  but  to  confirm  their  ferocity, 
and  mature  the  devices  for  its  gratification.  Not- 
withstanding the  long  interval  that  elapsed  between 
the  formation  and  the  execution  of  their  present  enter- 
prise, and  the  perpetual  intercourse  that  subsisted  be- 
tween them  and  the  white  people,  the  most  nnpenetra- 
blc  secrecy  was  preserved  ;  and  so  consummate  and 
fearless  was  their  dissimulation,  that  they  were  accus- 
tomed to  borrow  boats  from  the  English  lo  cross  the 
river,  in  order  to  concert  and  communicate  the  pro- 
gress of  their  design. 

An  incident  which,  though  minute,  is  too  curious  to 
be  oiiiillcd,  contnlniled  to  sharpen  the  ferocity  of  the 
Indians  by  the  sense  of  recent  provocation.  There  was 
a  man,  belonging  to  one  of  the  neighboring  tribes, 
named  IVemattanow,  who,  by  his  courage,  craft,  and 
good  fortune,  had  attained  the  highest  repute  among 
tiis  countrymen.  In  the  skirmishes  and  engagements 
which  their  former  wars  with  the  Engli.sh  produced, 
he  had  exposed  his  person  with  a  bravery  that  com- 
inaiKled  their  esteem,  and  an  impunity  that  excited 
their  astonishment.  They  judged  him  invulnerable, 
whom  so  many  wounds  seemed  to  have  approached  in 
vain  ;  and  the  object  of  their  admiration  partook,  or  at 
least  encouraged,  the  delusion  which  seemed  to  invest 
him  with  a  character  of  sanctitv.  Opechancaiiough, 
the  king,  whetlu  r  jealous  of  this  man's  reputation,  or 
desirous  of  embroiling  the  English  with  the  Indians, 
scnl  a  message  to  the  governor  of  the  colony,  to  ac- 
quaint him  that  he  was  welcome  to  cut  Kemattanow's 
throat.  Such  a  representation  of  Indian  character  as 
this  message  conveyed,  one  would  think,  ought  to  have 
excited  the  strongest  suspicion  and  distrust  in  the 
minds  of  the  English.  Though  the  offer  of  the  king 
was  disregarded,  his  wishes  were  not  disappointed. 
IVemattanow,  having  murdered  a  planter,  was  shot  by 
one  of  his  servants  in  an  attempt  to  apprehend  him. 
Finding  the  pangs  of  death  coming  strong  upon  him, 
the  pride,  but  not  the  vanity,  of  the  savage  was  subdued, 
and  ho  entreated  his  captors  to  grant  his  two  last 
requests,  one  of  which  was  that  they  would  never  re- 
veal that  he  had  lie.^n  slain  by  a  biiilet,  and  the  other, 
that  they  would  bury  him  among  the  English,  lhat  the 
secret  of  his  morlalily  might  never  be  known  to  his 
countrymen.  The  reipiest  seems  to  infer  the  possibililv 
of  its  being  coin|ilied  with,  anil  the  disclosure  of  the 
fatal  cvenl  was  no  less  imprudent  than  disadvantageous. 
The  Indians  were  filled  with  grief  and  indignation  ; 
and  Opechancaiiough  infla:ned  their  anger  by  pretend- 
ing to  share  it.  Having  counterfeited  displeasure  for 
the  satisfaction  of  his  subjects,  he  jiroceeded  with 
equal  success  lo  counterfeit  placability  for  the  delusion 
of  his  enemies,  and  assured  the  English  that  the  sky 
should  sooner  fall  than  the  peace  be  broken  by  him. 
But  the  plot  now  advanced  rapidly  lo  Us  malurilv,  and, 
at  length,  the  day  was  fixed  on  which  all  the  English 
setllemcMls  were  at  the  same  instant  to  be  attacked. 
The  respective  stations  of  the  various  troops  of  assas- 
sins were  assigned  to  them  ;  and  that  they  might  be 
enabled  to  occupy  ihein  without  exciting  sus|iicion, 
some  carried  presents  of  fish  and  game  into  the  interior 
of  the  colony,  and  others  ]>rcscnted  themselves  as 


guests  soliciting  the  hospitality  of  their  Enolish  fricndi, 
on  the  evening  before  the  massacre.  As  the  fatal  houli 
drew  nigh,  the  rest,  under  various  pretences,  and  with 
every  demonstration  of  kindness,  assembled  around  ilia 
detached  and  unguarded  settlements  of  the  coloiiisle  ; 
and  not  a  sentiment  of  compunction,  not  a  rasti  ex- 
pression of  hate,  nor  an  unguarded  look  of  exullatiou, 
had  occurred  to  disconcert  or  disclose  the  designs  oj 
their  well  disciplined  ferocity. 

The  universal  destruction  of  the  colonists  seemed 
unavoidable,  and  was  prevented  only  by  the  conse- 
quences of  an  event  which  perhaps  appeared  but  of  liitio 
consequence  in  the  colony  at  the  time  when  it  took 
place — the  conversion  of  an  Indian  to  the  Christian 
faith.  On  the  night  before  the  massacre,  this  man  was 
made  privy  to  it  by  his  own  brother,  who  coiiiiniiiucaied 
to  him  the  command  of  his  king  and  his  couiilrymcn  to 
share  in  the  exploit  that  would  enrich  iheir  race  wtb 
spoil,  revenge,  and  glory.  The  exhortation  was  pow- 
erfully calculated  to  impress  a  savage  mind  ;  bul  a  new 
mind  had  been  given  to  this  convert,  and  as  soon  as 
his  brother  left  him  he  revealed  the  alarming  intelli- 
gence to  an  English  gentleman  in  whose  house  he  was 
residing.  This  planter  immediately  carried  the  tidings 
to  Jamestown,  from  whence  the  alarm  was  communi- 
cated to  the  nearest  settlers,  barely  in  time  to  prevent 
the  last  hour  of  the  perfidious  truce  from  being  the  last 
hour  of  their  lives. 

But  the  intelligence  came  too  late  to  be  more  gene- 
rally available.  At  midday,  the  moment  they  had  pre- 
viously fixed  for  this  execrable  deed,  the  Indians,  rais- 
ing a  universal  yell,  rushed  at  once  on  the  English  in 
all  their  scattered  settlements,  and  butchered  meii. 
women,  and  children  with  undistinguishing  fury,  and 
every  aggravation  of  brutal  outrage  and  en(»rii)()us  cru- 
elty. In  one  hour,  three  hundred  and  forty-se\en  per- 
sons were  cut  off,  almost  without  knowing  by  whn.-c 
hands  they  fell.  The  slaughter  would  ha\e  been  still 
greater  if  '.he  Eng!  sl>  e'er  td  seme  of  tho-ic  districts 
where  the  warning  that  saved  othersdid  notreacli,  hsd 
not  flow  n  to  their  arms  with  the  energy  of  ae.-(.a.r,  vnd 
defended  themselves  so  bravelv  as  to  repulse  the  as- 
sailants, who  almost  uuiversallv  displayed  a  cowardice 
proportioned  to  their  cruelty,  and  fled  at  the  sight  ol 
arms  in  the  hands  even  of  the  women  and  boys,  whom, 
unarmed,  they  were  willing  to  attack  and  di  stroy.  If 
in  'his  foul  and  revoking  exhibition  of  humanity,  some 
circumstances  appear  lobe  referable  to  the  peculiarities 
of  savage  life  and  education,  we  shall  greatly  err  if  we 
overlook,  in  its  more  general  and  important  fraturc, 
the  testimony  it  has  given  to  the  deep  depravity  of  fallen 
nature.  The  previous  massacre  of  the  French  protes- 
tanls  on  the  day  of  St.  Bartholomew,  and  the  subse- 
quent massacre  of  the  Irish  protestants  in  1641,  pre- 
sent, not  only  a  barbarous  people,  but  a  civilr/.ed  nation 
and  accomplished  court,  as  the  rivals  of  these  American 
savages  in  perfidy,  fury,  and  cruelty. 

The  colony  had  received  a  wound  no  less  deep  and 
dangerous,  than  painful  and  alarming.  Six  of  the  mem- 
bers of  council,  and  many  of  the  most  eminent  and  re- 
spectable inhabitants,  were  among  the  slain  ;  at  some  of 
the  settlements  the  whole  of  their  population  had  been 
exterminated  ;  at  others  a  remnant  had  escajied  the  ge- 
neral destruction  by  the  eflbrls  of  despair  ;  and  the  sur- 
vivors were  impoverished,  terrified,  and  conlouiided  by 
a  stroke  that  at  once  bereaved  them  of  Iriends  anil  lor- 
tune,  and  showed  that  they  were  surrounded  by  legions 
of  enemies,  whose  existence  they  had  never  dreamt  ol. 
and  whose  brutality  and  ferocity  seemed  to  proclaim 
ihem  a  race  of  fiends  rather  than  men.'  To  the  mas 
sacrc  succeeded  a  vindictive  and  exlerininatmg  war  be- 
tween the  English  and  the  Indians;  and  tiie  colonists 
were  at  last  provoked  to  retaliate,  in  some  degree,  on 
their  savage  adversaries,  the  evils  of  which  they  had  sci 
so  bloody  an  example,  and  which  seemed  to  be  the  only 
weapons  capable  of  waging  cffeclual  war  upon  them. 
Yet  though  a  direful  neces?:ly  might  seem  lo  justify  or 
palliate  the  meas'jres  which  it  taught  the  colonisis  to 
apprehend  and  provide  for,  their  warfare  was  never 
wholly  divested  of  Lonor  and  iiiagnanimity.  During 
this  disastrous  period,  me  design  for  erecting  a  colonial 
college,  and  many  other  public  institutions,  was  aban- 
doned ;  the  number  of  lha  settlements  was  reduced 
from  eighty  to  six  ,  and  the  alHiction  of  scarcity  w»« 
added  to  the  horrors  of  war.f 


*  It  w  as  loiif!  l)eft)re  any  of  tlie  Britisli  colonics  were  pro- 
perly on  their  t;uard  against  the  r'laractc rs  of  men  cap«i>ta 
lit  sucli  coiisuminate  'r?L^iit  ry,  and  who  "  in  .'Uigor  were  iiol, 
Ukc  ilie  English,  talkative  and  hoisterous,  out  suUcn  and  re- 
vcnRclul."   Trumbull's  Connecticut,  i.  44. 

t  Stith,  p.  aiU,  2,15,  238.  As  far  as  1  am  able  to  discover, 
the  retaliatory  deci  il  practised  by  th"?  colonists  in  their  hoi- 
tihtics  Witt  llie  Lidians  has  been  fTt*'.'.}  u  'crratcd.  Througb 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


203 


When  intelligonce  of  this  calamity  arrived  in  Eng- 
land, it  excited,  with  inucii  disapprobation  of  the  defcc- 
live  policy  and  incHicicnt  precautions  of  the  company, 
a  powerful  sympathy  with  the  danj;er  and  distress  of 
the  colonists.  By  order  of  the  king,  a  supply  of  arms 
from  the  Tower  was  delivered  to  the  treasurer  and 
company  ;  and  vessels  were  despatclied  with  cargoes 
of  such  articles  as  the  exigency  of  the  time  seemed  to 
render  most  pressingly  requisite.  Captain  Smith  sub- 
mitted to  the  company  a  project,  which  ho  offered  to 
conduct,  for  effecting  the  restoration  of  peace  by  the 
expulsion  or  subjugation  of  the  savages;  but,  though 
peiierally  approved,  it  was  not  adopted.  By  dint  of 
the  exertions  they  made  in  iheir  own  behalf,  with  the 
assistance  of  the  supplies  that  were  actually  sent  to 
them  from  England,  the  colonists  were  barely  saved 
from  perishing  with  hunger  ;  and  it  was  not  till  after 
a  long  struggle  with  their  calamities,  that  they  were  at 
length  enabled  again  to  resume  their  prospects  and 
extend  their  settlements.*  "  > 

More  ample  supplies,  and  more  active  assistance, 
would  have  been  rendered  to  the  colonists  from  Eng- 
land, but  for  the  dissensions  among  the  patentees, 
which  had  been  spreading  for  a  considerable  period, 
and  had  at  this  juncture  attained  a  height  thit  mani- 
festly tended  to  the  dissolution  of  the  corporation. 
The  company  was  now  a  numerous  body,  and  being 
composed  of  able  and  enterprising  men  drawn  from 
every  class  in  society,  it  represented  very  faithfully 
the  state  of  party  feeling  in  the  nation  ;  while  its 
frequent  courts  afforded  a  convenient  arena  in  which 
the  parties  tried  their  strength,  and  a  powerful  organ 
by  which  the  prevailing  sentiments  were  publicly 
expressed.  At  every  meeting,  the  proceedings  were 
impeded  by  the  intrigues  of  rival  factions,  and  the 
debates  inflamed  and  lengthened  by  their  vehement 
sltercations.  At  every  election,  the  offices  of  the 
company  were  courted  and  contested  by  the  most 
em.inent  persons  in  the  state.  The  distinction  be- 
tween the  court  party  and  the  country  party  that  was 
spreading  through  the  nation,  was  the  more  readily 
insinuated  into  the  counsels  of  the  company  [1623 J  from 
the  infrequency  and  irregularity  of  its  more  legitimate 
theatre,  the  parliament  ;  and  various  circumstances 
in  the  history  of  the  company  tended  to  fortify  and 
maintain  this  distinction.  Many  of  the  proprietors, 
dissatisfied  with  the  slender  returns  that  the  colony 
had  yielded,  were  disposed  to  blame  the  existing 
officers  and  administration  for  the  disappointment  of 
their  hopes  :  not  a  few  resented  the  procurement  of 
the  third  charter,  the  exclusion  of  Captain  Smith  from 
the  direction  which  he  had  shown  himself  so  well 
qualified  to  exercise,  and  the  insignificance  to  which 
they  were  themselves  condemned  by  the  arbitrary  en- 
largement of  the  association  ;  and  a  small  but  active 
and  intriguing  party,  who  had  labored  with  earnest  but 
unsuccessful  rapacity,  to  engross  the  offices  of  the 
company,  to  usurp  the  direction  of  its  affairs,  and  to 
convert  the  trade  of  the  colony  into  their  own  private 
patrimony  by  monopolies  which  they  bought  from 
needy  courtiers,  naturally  ranged  themselves  on  the 
side  of  the  court,  and  by  their  complaints  and  misre- 
presentations to  the  king  and  privy  council,  soncrht  to 
interest  thein  in  the  quarrels,  and  infect  them  with  sus- 
picions of  the  corporation.  At  the  head  of  this  least 
numerous  but  most  dangerous  faction,  was  the  notori- 
ous Captain  Argal,  who  continued  to  display  a  ran- 
corous enmity  to  the  liberty  of  the  colony,  and  hoped 
to  compass  by  intrigue  and  servility  at  home  the  same 
onjects  which  he  had  pursued  by  tyranny  and  violence 
abroad.  Sir  Thomas  Smith  too,  the  treasurer,  whose 
predilection  for  arbitrary  government  we  have  already 
had  occasion  to  notice,  encourasicd  every  comiilamt 
and  proposition  that  tended  to  abridge  the  privdeaes  of 
the_coloiiy,  and  give  to  its  administration  a  less°popu 

Hie  Cloud  of  passion  and  astonish  ment  that  the  massacre 
excited,  tlie  truth  was  not  easily  discerned.  Stith  serins  to 
have  mistaken  expressions  ol"  indi^mation  for  delihcrate  de- 
signs; and  Dr.  Robertson  has  magnified  the  crr,.r  hv  un.t  ik 
ingthe  purpo.ses  forthe  execution  they  never  at  iinrd  .si'uh 
has  with  surprising  inaccuracy,  charged  Captain  .Suiiil,  uiili 
declaring,  that  the  massacre  was  a  fortunate  ,  ircn  s u,  'e 
inasmuch  as  it  entitled  the  col.uists  to  treat  tlie  India  ,s  as 
slaves,  or  utterly  to  extirpate  them.    Stith,  p.  m  VVherets 


lar  form.  I'lie  arbitrary  alterations  of  the  charter 
taught  all  the  malcontents  to  look  up  to  the  crown  for 
such  further  changes  as  might  remove  the  existing  ob- 
structions to  their  wishes  ;  and  the  complete  ascen- 
dency which  the  country  party  acquired  in  the  company, 
strongly  disjiosed  the  king  to  suppress  or  modify  an 
institution  that  served  to  cherish  public  spirit  and 
disseminate  liberal  opinions.  The  s[>irit  winch  the 
company  had  displayed  in  their  late  dispute  with  hiin 
concerning  the  restrictions  of  their  tobacco  trade,  the 
freedom  with  which  his  policy  had  been  canvassed  in 
their  deliberations,  the  firmness  with  which  his  mea- 
sures had  been  resisted,  and  the  contempt  they  had 
shown  for  the  supremacy  alike  of  his  wisdom  and  his 
prerogative  in  complaining  to  the  House  of  Commons, 
eradicated  from  the  mind  of  James  all  that  ))artiality 
to  an  institution  of  his'own  creation,  that  might  have 
sheltered  it  from  the  dislike  and  suspicion  with  which 
he  regarded  the  influence  of  a  popular  assembly.  But 
the  same  influence  that  rendered  them  odious,  caused 
them  also  to  appear  somewhat  formidable,  and  enforced 
some  attention  to  equitable  appearances,  and  defer- 
ence to  public  opinion  in  wreaking  his  displeasure 
upon  them.  The  murmurs  and  discontents  that  were 
excited  by  the  intelligence  of  the  massacre,  furnished 
him  with  an  opportunity  which  he  did  not  fail  to  im- 
prove. Having  signalized  his  own  concern  for  the 
misfortunes  of  the  colony  by  sending  thither  a  supply 
of  arms  for  defence  against  the  Indians,  and  by  issuing 
his  orders  to  the  company  to  despatch  an  ample  supply 
of  provisions,  he  proceeded  to  institute  an  inquiry  into 
the  cause  of  the  disaster,  and  the  conduct  of  the  com- 
pany. A  commission  was  directed  to  certain  of  the 
English  judges  and  other  persons  of  distinction,  re- 
quiring them  to  examine  the  transactions  of  the  com- 
pany since  its  first  establishment,  and  to  report  to  the 
privy  council  the  causes  that  might  seem  to  ihein  to 
have  occasioned  the  misfortunes  of  the  colony,  and 
the  measures  most  likely  to  prevent  their  recurrence. 
To  obstruct  the  efforts  which  the  company  might  have 
made  in  their  own  vindication,  and  to  discover,  if  pos- 
sible, additional  matter  of  accusation  against  them, 
measures  still  more  violent  and  arbitrary  were  resorted 
to.  All  their  charters,  books,  and  papers,  were  seized, 
two  of  their  principal  officers  were  arrested,  and  all 
letters  from  the  colony  intercepted  and  carried  to  the 
privy  council.  Among  the  witnesses  whom  the  com- 
missioners examined  was  Captain  Smith,  who  might 
reasonably  be  supposed  to  entertain  little  favor  for  the 
existing  constitution  of  the  company,  by  which  his 
career  of  honor  and  usefulness  had  been  abridged,  and 
who  had  recently  sustained  the  mortification  of  seeing 
his  offer  to  undertake  the  defence  of  the  colony  and 
subjugation  of  the  Indians  disregarded  by  the  company, 
notwithstanding  the  approbation  of  a  numerous  party 
of  the  proprietors.  Smith  ascribed  the  misfortunes  of 
the  colony,  and  the  slenderntss  of  the  income  that  had 
been  derived  from  it,  to  the  neglect  of  military  precau- 
tions ;  the  rapid  succession  of  governors,  which  in- 
flamed the  rapacity  of  their  dependents ;  the  multi- 
plicity of  offices,  by  which  industry  was  loaded  and 
emolument  absorbed  ;  and,  in  general,  to  the  inability 
of  a  numerous  company  to  conduct  an  enterprise  so 
complex  and  arduous.  He  recommended  the  anncxa-' 
tion  of  tho  colony  to  the  crown,  the  introduction  of 
greater  simplicity  and  economy  into  the  frame  of  its 
government,  and  an  abandonment  of  tho  practice  of 
tiansporting  criminals  to  its  shores*. 

The  commissioners  did  not  communicate  any  of 
their  proceedings  to  the  company,  who  were  first  ap- 
prised of  the  terms  of  the  report  by  an  order  of  the 
king  and  privy  council,  signifying  to  ihem  that  'he  mis- 
fortunes of  Virginia  had  arisen  from  their  miigovern- 
meiit,  and  that,  for  the  purpose  of  repairing  them,  his 
majesty  had  resolved  to  revoke  the  old  charter  and 
issue  a  new  one,  which  should  commit  the  powers  of 
gnvernmt^nt  to  fewer  hands.  In  order  to  quiet  the 
minds  of  the  colonists,  it  was  declareil  that  private  pro- 
perty should  be  respected,  and  all  past  grants  of  land 
remain  inviolate.  An  instant  surrender  of  their  privi- 
leges was  required  from  the  company  ;  and,  in  default 
of  their  voluntary  submission,  they  were  assured  that 
the  king  had  resolved  to  enforce  his  purpose  by  process 
of  law.t 


l.beiate  attempt  to  cozen  and  subjugate  a  hodi-  „f  i,,  i,, 

'ut^ZTnT""  ""-r  """'^"'^'^  '^^-"'"the'lavv  and  U.c 

law!  of  nature  and  nations.    Stiili  n'xin  "uu,  aim  mt. 


'  Even  in  Uecembi.-r 


Stith,  p.  240. 

sterhn,  was  piii  fijf  Ly:^^rS''^;iirand  ir'' 
Tni  t  han  and  eight  chickens,  in  Vir-         -    ,  a"u  oi 
03?.  Ir.p.  IS06 


 terlinL 

inia.  Purchas's  Pilgrim's, 


*  Smith,  B.  iv.  Smith's  answers  to  the  commissioners  de- 
monstrate his  usual  good  sense,  moderation  and  humanity, 
lie  warmly  commends  the  active  and  disinterested  etforts  of 
many  of  tlie  leading  members  of  the  company  for  tlie  advan- 
tage of  the  colony.  Great  errors,  he  observes,  had  been 
committed  in  the  administration  of  its  alfairs  ;  but  he  declines 
to  particularise  ttie  faults  of  any  one  individual— adding,  "  I 
have  so  much  ado  to  amend  my  own,  1  have  no  leisurs  to 
look  into  unv  other  man's  particular  failings." 

t  Stith,  J).  3U3,  30-i.    It  w  as  in  Uie  midst  of  those  distrac- 


This  arbitrary  proceeding  excited  sv:h  sjrpnsc  and 
consttrnalion  m  the  asseii.uled  court  of  proptietors, 
that  a  long  and  deep  silcn-e  followed  the  reading  ol 
the  order  of  council.  But  resuming  their  spirit,  they 
proposed  to  defend  their  rights  with  a  resolution  whicii, 
if  it  could  not  avert  their  fate,  at  least  redeemed  their 
character.  They  indignantly  refused  to  sanction  tlio 
stigma  aliixcd  to  their  conduct  by  the  order  of  council, 
to  surrender  the  franchises  which  they  had  legally  ob- 
tained, and  on  the  faith  of  which  they  had  cx|)cndtd 
large  sums  of  money,  or  to  consent  to  the  abolition  of 
a  popular  government,  and  deliver  up  their  countryintn 
in  \  irginia  to  tlie  dominion  of  a  narrow  junto  d(  |>end- 
ent  on  the  pleasure  of  the  king,  fei  these  sentiments 
they  persisted  in  s[)ite  of  all  the  threats  and  proimsea 
by  which  their  firmness  was  assailed  ;  anu  i>y  a  vole, 
which  only  the  dissent  of  Captain  .Argal  and  seven  of 
his  adherents  rendered  not  quite  unanimous,  they  finally 
rejected  the  king's  proposal,  and  declared  their  determi 
nation  to  defend  themselves  against  any  process  he  iniglil 
institute.  [  1624.]  Incensed  at  their  presumption  m  dis- 
puting his  will,  James  directed  a  writ  of  <juo  irarraiUo 
to  be  issued  against  the  company,  in  ordt'r  to  try  the 
validity  of  their  charter  in  the  King's  Bench.  In  the 
hope  of  collecting  additional  proofs  of  their  maladniiii- 
istration,  he  despatched  commissioners  to  Virginia  to 
inspect  the  state  of  the  colony,  and  to  endeavor  to  form 
a  parly  theie  opposed  to  the  pretensions  of  the  com- 
pany. The  commissioners  finding  the  colonial  assem- 
bly embodied,  endeavored  with  great  artilice  anil  mag- 
nificent promises  of  military  aid,  and  other  marks  ot 
royal  favor,  to  detach  them  from  their  connexion  wilh 
the  company,  and  to  procure  an  address  to  the  king, 
expressive  of  "  their  willingness  to  submit  themselves 
to  his  princely  pleasure  in  revoking  ihe  ancient  patents." 
But  their  endeavors  were  unsuccessful.  'I"he  assem- 
bly transmitted  a  petition  to  the  king,  acknowledging 
their  satisfaction  to  find  themselves  tlie  objects  of  ins 
especial  care,  beseeching  him  to  conliixie  the  existing 
form  of  government,  and  soliciting,  that  if  the  [iromiscd 
military  force  should  be  granted  to  them,  it  might  be. 
subjected  to  the  control  of  their  own  governor  and 
house  of  representatives.  This  was  the  last  assembly 
that  Virginia  was  to  enjoy  for  a  considerable  period. 
Its  domestic  legislation  was  marked  by  the  same  good 
sense  and  patriotism  that  appeared  in  the  reception 
which  it  gave  to  the  propositions  of  the  royal  commis- 
sioners. The  governor  was  deprived  of  an  arbitrary 
authority  which  he  had  hitherto  exercised.  It  was 
enacted  that  he  should  no  longer  have  power  to  with- 
draw the  inhabitants  from  their  private  labors  to  his 
own  service,  and  should  levy  no  taxes  on  the  colony 
but  such  as  the  general  assembly  should  impose  and 
appropriate.  Various  othor  wise  and  judicious  laws 
were  enacted,  for  the  reformation  of  manners,  the  suj)- 
port  of  divine  worship,  the  security  of  civil  and  politi- 
cal freedom,  the  regulation  of  traffic  with  the  Indians, 
and  tne  observance  of  precautions  conducive  to  the 
general  safety. 

Whether  the  suit  between  the  king  and  the  company 
was  prosecuted  to  an  issue  or  not,  is  a  point  involved 
in  some  uncertainty,  and  truly  of  very  little  importance, 
for  the  issue  of  a  suit  between  the  king  and  the  sub- 
ject in  that  age,  could  never  be  doubtful  tor  a  moment. 
Well  aware  of  this,  the  company  looked  to  protection 
more  efficient  than  the  law  could  aflbrd  them,  and  pre- 
sented a  petition  to  the  House  of  Commons,  enui.ne- 
rating  their  grievances,  and  soliciting  redress.  Their 
application  was  entertained  by  the  House  so  cordially, 
that  had  it  been  presented  at  an  earlier  period  it  might 
have  saved  the  corporation  ;  but  they  had  deferred  tins 
last  resource  till  so  late  a  period  of  the  session,  that 
there  was  not  time  to  enter  on  so  wide  an  inquiry  ; 
and  fearing  to  exasperate  the  king  by  prelerring  odious 
charges  which  they  could  not  hope  to  substantiate,  they 
confined  their  pleading  before  the  House  to  the  dis- 
couragement of  their  tobacco  trade,  which  the  Com- 
mons accordingly  voted  to  be  a  grievance.  They 
gained  no  other  advantage  from  their  complaint,  noi 
from  their  limitation  of  it.  The  king  enraged  at  their 
presumption,  and  encouraged  by  their  timidity,  issued 
a  proclamation,  suppressing  the  courts  ol  the  com- 
pany, and  committing  the  temporaray  administration 
of  the  colonial  affairs  to  certain  of  his  privy  counsel- 


tions,  says  Stith,  that  the  Muses  for  the  first  time  opened 
their  lips  in  North  America.  One  of  the  earliest  literary  pro- 
ductions of  the  English  colonists  was  a  Iransla'ioii  of  Ovid's 
Metamorphoses,  composed  in  1623  by  George  Sandys,  treasU" 
rer  of  the  Virginia  company.  It  was  afterwards  published  in 
England,  and  dedicated  to  Charles  the  First.  Stilh  terms  it 
"a  laudable  performance  for  tho  times;"  and  Uiydeu  men 
tions  the  author  with  respect  in  the  preface  to  his  own  trio* 
lations  from  Ovid. 


224 


THi:  HISTORY  Of 


Ion  in  conjunclioti  wiih  Sir  Thomas  Siiiilh  and  some 
other  geiiilcmcn.  The  company  was  thus  dissolved. 
Had  lis  rights  and  pnvdcges  le-absorbcd  by  the 
crown.* 

James  did  not  s'jITcr  the  powers  he  had  resumed  to 
romain  long  unexercised.  He  issued,  very  shortly  af- 
terwards, a  special  commission,  appointing  a  governor 
and  twelve  counsellors,  to  whom  the  entire  direction 
of  the  affair!  of  the  colony  was  intrusted.  Xo  men- 
tion was  made  of  a  house  of  representatives  ;  nor  had 
tlie  ting  the  slightest  intention  to  permit  the  continu- 
ance of  any  such  body.  The  commission  ascribes  the 
disasters  of  the  settlement  to  the  popular  shape  of  the 
late  system,  which  had  intercepted  and  weakened  the 
leiiefici.ilinlluence  of  the  king's  superior  understanding, 
and,  m  strains  of  the  most  vulgar  and  luscious  self- 
complacency,  .iiilicipates  the  prosperity  which  the  colo- 
ny must  rapidly  attain  when  blessed  with  ttie  directer 
rays  of  royal  wisdom.  With  this  subversion  of  liberty, 
there  was  mingled,  however,  some  attention  to  the 
interests  of  the  coloni.'>ts  ;  for,  in  consequence  of  the 
remonstrance  of  the  English  parliament,  he  issued  a 
proclamation  renewing  his  former  prohibition  of  the 
culture  of  tobacco  in  England,  and  restricting  the  im- 
portation of  it  to  Virginia  and  the  Somer  Isles,  and  to 
vessels  belonging  lo  British  subjects.  This  was  his 
last  public  act  in  relation  to  the  colony  ;  [1625]  for  his 
intentions  of  composing  a  code  of  laws  for  its  dome.i- 
tic  administration  were  frustrated  by  his  death,  lie 
died  the  lirst  British  sovereign  of  an  established  em- 
pire in  America,  and  closed  a  reign  of  which  the  only 
illustrious  feature  was  the  colonization  which  he  im- 
pelled or  promoted.  To  this  favorite  object,  both  the 
virtues  and  the  vices  of  his  character  proved  subser- 
vient. ]f  the  merit  he  might  claim  from  his  original 
patronage  of  the  Virginian  colonists,  be  cancelled  by 
his  subseiiuent  efforts  to  bereave  them  of  their  liberties, 
and  if  his  prosecution  of  the  puritans  in  their  native 
country  be  but  feebly  counterbalanced  by  his  willing- 
ness to  grant  them  an  asylum  in  New  England  ; — his 
attempts  to  civilize  Ireland  by  colonization,  connect 
hiin  more  honorably  with  '.he  great  events  of  his  reign. 
Harassed  by  the  turbulent  aud  distracted  state  of  Ire- 
land, and  averse  to  resort  to  military  operations,  he 
endeavored  to  infuse  a  new  character  into  its  j)opula- 
lioii  by  planting  colonies  of  the  English  in  the  six 
northern  counties  of  that  kingdom.  He  prosecuted 
Ihis  plan  w;th  so  much  wisdom  and  steadiness,  that  in 
the  space  of  nine  years  he  made  greater  advances 
towards  the  reformation  of  that  kingdom  than  had  been 
made  in  the  four  hundred  and  forty  years  that  had 
clap.sed  since  l!ie  conquest  of  it  was  first  attempted, 
and  laid  llic  foundation  of  whatever  alUuence  and  secu- 
rity it  has  since  been  enabled  to  attain.  It  is  ditiicuit 
to  recognise  the  dogmatical  oppressor  of  the  puritans 
and  the  weak  and  arrogant  tyrant  of  Virginia,  in  the 
wise  and  humane  legislator  of  Ireland.  The  expe- 
rience of  such  inconsistencies  of  character,  suggests 
the  likelihood  of  their  existing  more  frequently  and 
exten^'lvely  tlian  they  are  displayed  ;  enforces  candor 
and  indulgence  ;  and  abates  the  fervor  both  of  inordi- 
nate dislike  and  exircmo  admiration. 

'i"lic  fall  of  the  X'lrginia  company  had  excited  the 
icss  sympathy,  and  the  arbitrary  proceidings  of  the 
king  the  le.ss  odmin  in  England,  from  the  disappoint- 
ments and  calainiiics  of  which  the  sttlleincnt  had  been 
productive.  More  tlian  a  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
pounds  had  been  cxjiended  on  the  colony,  and  upwards) 
of  nine  thousand  inhabitants  had  been  sent  to  it  from 
the  mother  country.  Yet  at  the  dissolution  of  the  com- 
fianv,  the  value  of  the  annual  imports  from  Virginia 
iid  not  exceed  twenty  tliousjnd  pounds,  and  its  popu- 
lation was  reduced  to  about  eighteen  hundred  persons 
Tile  ellect  of  this  unprosperous  issue  in  facilitating 
the  oveithrow  of  this  corporation,  may  he  regarded  as 
a  fortunate  circumstance  for  America  ;  for  however 
unjust  and  tyrannical  were  the  designs  and  proceedings 
of  the  king,  they  were  overruled  to  the  production  of 

•  It  m  «tilccl  by  Clialiiicra,  and  rrpeatcil  by  Uordon,  Uoliprt- 
■  011,  mil  Mnriliall,  Unit  iii  the  |)rocc».<  of  i|uo  warraiili),  judg- 
n"  ''    ■■  iiiccd  uuamst  tlic  company  in  June,  1024.  K»- 

"«"'  ■  :i«c<Mri,iimM(iii  til  AuKUKt'lOai.wliirli  ii.i  doubt 

•  ■"■ttiiiij  lorlli  tlial  lliv '|iio  warranto  liad  been 
(»»"•  :  .  mj,  lliiil  llif  rh.irl(  r  wiis  now  Icu.illv  aninilli!d. 
Till- ».inif  i.>iiii  ol  wonln  iici  urs  in  the  prior  proclaiimlioii  in 
July,  \n-M  :  hill  no  jiidit:iii'iii  of  tliii  Coini  of  Kiiiii's  lli>nch  H 
«mhi-r  i-ij.rf'n.fy  incntioiitMl  or  ri-lrrriMl  lo.  CHpl.im  Siiiilli,  on 
Kio  ullirr  liiiiid,  iillcr  iiiiMitiouiiig  writ  of  i|»M  vMirraiiUi, 
rrfiTinoi  I.I  miv  in.liiiiii'iii  ii|M>n  It,  but  to  llic  procl.iiiiiiti..ii  m 
'    '"    "  I       till' roiii|.iiiiy.    H.  IV.  p.  lli,s.  .siiili 

'""  '  'Iv.  lll;il  lliH  prm  laiiialloii  w:is  isMif.l 

■        di'(M'iidiiii(.  and  tliat  no  jiiilKim-iii 
1  •>  i<  «ver  pronouiii-cd,  p.  3'W.  330.    ft  is 

»nrT  iiiiui  iU  TMi  wln  llmr  llio  iiiiiii  aiToinpli»lii.d  lim  arbitrary 
r^yoav  by  niporsvdiiii  or  |M!rveiliiig  tlic  (orin*  of  law. 


a  most  important  benefit  to  the  colony,  in  the  removal 
of  an  institution  that  would  have  dangerously  loaded 
and  restrained  ifs  growing  freedom  and  prosperity.  It 
is  an  observation  of  the  most  einiiirnt  teacher  of  poli- 
tical science,  that  of  alt  the  expedients  that  could  pos- 
sibly be  contrived  to  stunt  the  natural  growth  of  a  new 
colony,  the  institution  of  an  exclusive  comjiany  is  the 
most  etlcctual  ;  and  the  observation  is  amply  confirmed 
by  the  experience  of  history.  In  surveying  the  consti- 
tutions and  tracing  the  progress  of  the  various  colonial 
establwliments  which  the  nations  of  Europe  have  suc- 
cessively formed,  we  find  a  close  and  invariable  con- 
nexion between  the  decline  and  the  revival  of  their 
prosperity,  and  the  ascendancy  and  overthrow  of  sove- 
reign mercanlile  corporations.  The  administration  of 
the  Dutch  and  the  English  East  India  companies  has 
demonstrated  on  a  larger  and  distincter  scale  how  in- 
consistent the  genius  of  an  exclusive  company  will 
always  prove  with  the  liberty  and  happiness  of  its  sub- 
jects, and  what  powerful  temptations,  and  not  less 
powerful  means,  it  possesses  of  sacrificing  their  lasting 
advantage  to  its  own  immediate  profit.  A  sovereign 
company  of  merchants  must  ever  consider  their  power 
but  as  an  apendage  to  their  trade,  and  as  deriving  its 
chief  value  from  the  means  it  gives  them  to  repress 
com|)ctition,  to  buy  cheaply  the  commodities  they  ob- 
tain from  their  subject  customers,  and  to  sell  as  dearly 
as  possible  the  articles  with  which  thev  supply  them — 
that  is,  to  diminish  the  incitement  and  the  reward  of 
industry  to  their  subjects,  by  restricting  their  facility  of 
acquiring  what  they  need,  and  disposing  of  what  they 
have.  Their  mercantile  habits  prevail  over  their  inte- 
rest as  sovereigns,  and  lead  them  not  only  to  prefer 
transitory  profit  to  permanent  revenue,  but  to  adapt 
their  administration  to  this  preference,  and  to  render 
goveri'inent  subservient  to  the  interest  of  monopoly. 
They  are  almost  necessarily  led  to  devole  a  large  dis- 
cretionary power  on  their  colonial  officers,  over  wiiorn 
they  retain  at  the  same  time  but  a  very  feeble  control. 
Whether  we  regard  the  introduction  of  martial  law 
into  Virginia  as  the  act  of  the  company,  or  (as  it  really 
seems  to  have  been)  the  act  of  the  treasurer  and  the 
colonial  governors,  the  prevalence  it  obtained  displays, 
in  either  case,  the  unjust  and  arbitrary  policy  of  an  ex- 
clusive company,  or  the  inability  of  such  a  sovereign 
body  to  protect  its  subjects  against  the  oppression  of 
its  officers.  How  incapable  a  body  of  this  description 
must  be  to  conduct  a  plan  of  civil  policy  on  permanent 
principles,  and  how  strongly  its  system  of  government 
must  tend  to  perpetual  fluctuation,  is  evinced  by  the 
fact,  that,  in  the  course  of  eighteen  years,  no  fewer 
than  ten  successive  governors  had  been  appointed  to 
preside  over  the  province.  Even  after  the  vigorous 
spirit  of  liberty,  which  was  so  rapidly  gaining  ground 
in  that  age,  had  enabled  the  colonists  to  extort  from 
the  company  the  right  of  enacting  law's  for  the  regula- 
tion of  their  own  community,  still,  as  the  company's 
sanction  was  requisite  to  give  legal  establishment  to 
the  enactments  of  the  provincial  legislature,  the  para- 
mount authority  resided  with  men  who  had  l  ut  a  tem- 
porary interest  in  the  fate  of  their  subjects  and  the 
resources  of  their  territories.  AVhilc,  therefore,  we 
sympathize  with  the  generous  indignation  which  the 
historians  of  America  have  ex|)ressed  at  the  tyrannical 
proceedings  by  which  the  company  was  dissolved,  we 
must  congratulate  their  country  on  an  event  which,  by 
the  means  that  led  to  it,  inculcated  an  abhorrence  of 
arbitrary  power,  and  by  its  operation  overthrew  a  sys- 
tem under  which  no  colony  has  ever  grown  up  to  a 
vigorous  maturity. 

(-Charles  the  First  inherited,  with  his  father's  throne, 
[March]  all  the  maxims  that  had  latterly  regulated  his 
colonial  policy.  Of  this  he  hastened  to  give  assur- 
ance to  his  subjects,  by  a  series  of  jiroclamalions  which 
he  issued  .soon  after  his  accession  to  the  crown,  and 
which  distinctly  unfoldod  the  arbitrary  principles  he 
entertained,  and  the  tyrannical  administration  he  had 
determined  to  pursue.  He  declared,  that,  after  ma- 
ture deliberation,  he  had  adopted  his  father's  opinion, 
that  the  misfortunes  of  the  colony  had  arisen  eiitirelv 
from  the  popular  shape  of  its  late  administration,  and 
the  incapacity  of  a  mercantile  company  to  condnct 
even  the  most  insignificant  affairs  of  state  ;  that  he 
held  himself  m  honor  engaged  to  accomplish  the  work 
that  .lames  had  begun  ;  that  he  considered  the  .Ameri- 
can colonies  to  be  a  part  of  the  royal  empire  devolved 
lo  hlin  with  the  other  dominions  of  the  crown  ;  that  he 
was  fully  resolved  to  esl.iblish  a  uniform  course  of  go- 
vernment through  the  whole  British  monarchy  ;  and 
that  lienceforwuril  the  governinont  of  the  colonv  of 
N'irginia  should  immediately  depend  U|«)n  himself. 
But,  unless  wc  should  suppose  that  he  meditated  even 


then  a  violent  innovation  of  the  whole  Brit.sh  coiwri. 
lotion,  we  must  conclude,  from  the  provisions  whiob 
follow  this  preamble,  that  he  considered  the  colonies  to 
stand-  in  a  very  diHerent  relation  to  him  from  ilia: 
which  the  territory  of  Great  Britain  enjoyed,  and  lo 
have  descended  to  him  as  a  personal  estate  indepen- 
dent of  his  crown  or  political  capacity.  Eor  he  pro 
ceeded  to  declare,  that  the  whole  adnimistralion  of  iho 
Virginian  government  should  be  vested  in  a  coun-U 
nominated  and  directed  by  himself,  and  responsible  tc 
him  alone.  While  he  expressed  the  utmost  scorn  » 
the  capacity  of  a  mercantile  corporation,  he  did  not 
disdain  to  assume  its  illiberal  spirit,  and  copy  its  in- 
teiested  policy.  As  a  specimen  of  the  extent  of  legisla- 
tive authority  which  he  intended  to  exert,  and  of  the  pur- 
poses to  which  he  meant  to  render  it  subservient,  he  pro- 
hibited the  Virginians,  under  the  most  absurd  ind  frivo- 
lous pretences,  from  selling  their  tobacco  to  any  persons 
but  certain  commissioners  appointed  by  himself  lo  pur- 
chase it  on  his  own  account.  Thus  the  colonists  found 
themselves  subjected  to  an  administration  that  com- 
bined the  vices  of  both  its  predecessors — the  unlimited 
prerogative  of  an  arbitrary  prince,  with  the  narrowest 
maxims  of  a  mercantile  corporation  ;  and  saw  their  le- 
gislature superseded,  their  laws  abohshed,  all  the  pro- 
fits of  their  industry  engrossed,  and  their  only  valuable 
commodity  monopolized,  by  the  sovereign  who  pretend- 
ed to  have  resumed  the  government  of  the  colony  only 
in  order  to  blend  it  more  perfectly  with  the  rest  of  the 
British  empire. 

Charles  conferred  the  office  of  governor  of  Virginia 
on  Sir  George  Yeardley,  and  empowered  him,  in  con- 
junction with  a  council  of  twelve,  to  exercise  su|ireme 
authority  there  ;  to  make  and  execute  laws  ;  to  impose 
and  levy  taxes  ;  to  seize  the  property  of  the  late  com- 
pany, and  apply  it  to  public  uses  ;  and  to  transport  the 
colonists  to  England,  to  be  tried  there  for  offencen 
committed  in  Virginia.  The  governor  and  council 
were  specially  directed  to  exact  the  oaths  of  allegiance 
and  supremacy  from  every  inhabitant  of  the  colony, 
and  to  conform  in  every  point  to  the  instructions  which 
from  time  to  time  the  king  might  transmit  to  them 
[1627.]  Yeardley's  early  death  prevented  the  full 
weight  of  his  authority  from  being  experienced  by  the 
colonists  during  his  short  administration.  He  died  in 
the  beginning  of  the  year  1627,  and,  two  years  after, 
was  succeeded  by  Sir  John  Harvey.  During  this  pe- 
riod, and  for  many  years  after,  the  king,  who  seems  to 
have  inherited  his  father's  prejudices  respecting  to- 
bacco, continued  lo  harass  the  importation  and  sale  of 
it  by  a  scries  of  regulations  so  vexatious,  oppressive, 
and  unsteady,  that  it  is  difficult  to  say  whether  they 
excite  greater  contempt  for  the  fluctuations  and  caprice 
of  his  counsels,  or  indignant  pity  for  the  wasted  pros- 
perity and  insulted  patience  of  his  people. 

[1629  ]  .Sir  John  Harvey,  the  new  governor,  proved 
a  fit  instrument  in  Virginia  to  carry  the  king's  sysicin 
of  arbitrary  rule  into  complete  execution.  Haughty, 
rapacious,  and  cruel,  he  exercised  an  odious  authu- 
rity  with  the  most  otFensive  insolence,  and  aggravated 
every  legislative  severity  by  the  rigor  of  his  executive 
energy.  So  congenial  was  his  disposition  with  tfie 
syatem  he  conducted,  and  so  thoroughly  did  he  perso- 
nify, as  well  as  administer,  tyranny,  as  not  only  to  at- 
tract, but  to  engross,  in  his  own  person,  the  odium  of 
which  a  large  share  was  undoubtedly  due  to  the  prince 
who  employed  him.  Of  the  length  to  which  he  carried 
his  arbitrary  exactions  and  forfeitures,  some  notion 
may  be  formed  from  a  letter  of  instructions  by  which 
the  royal  committee  of  council  for  the  colonies  m 
England  at  length  thought  it  prudent  to  check  his  ex- 
cesses. [July.  1634  ]  It  signified,  that  the  king,  of  his 
royal  favor,  and  for  the  encouragement  of  the  planters, 
desired  that  the  interests  which  had  been  acquired 
under  the  corporation  should  be  exempted  from  for- 
feiture, and  thai  the  colonists,  "for  the  present,  might 
enjoy  their  estates  with  the  same  freedom  and  privileoo 
as  they  did  before  the  recalling  of  ihe  patent."  We 
might  suppose  this  to  be  the  mandate  of  an  eastern 
sultan  to  one  of  his  bashaws  ;  and  indeed  the  rajiaci- 
ous  tyranny  of  the  governor  seems  hardly  more  odiou* 
than  the  cruel  mercy  of  the  prince,  who  interposed  to 
mitigate  oppression  only  when  it  had  reached  an  ex- 
treme which  is  proverbially  liable  lo  inflame  the  wise 
wi'.n  madness,  and  drive  the  patier.t  to  despair.  The 
most  significant  comment  on  the  letter  is,  that  Harvey 
was  neither  censured  nor  Jisphced  for  the  excessef 
which  it  commaniled  hiin  lo  restrain.  The  cffi?ct,  loo, 
which  it  was  calculated  to  produce,  in  asceriaming  the 
rights  and  quieting  the  apprehensions  of  the  colonists, 
was  counterbalanced  by  large  and  vague  grants  of  ter 
ritory  within  the  province,  which  Charles  inconsiJcr 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


225 


jtely  bestowed  on  his  courtiers,  and  which  gave  rise  to 
numerous  encroachments  on  estahhshed  possession, 
and  excited  universal  distrust  of  the  validity  of  titles, 
and  the  stability  of  property.  The  effect  of  one  of 
these  grants  was  the  formation  of  the  state  of  Mary- 
land, by  dismembering  a  large  portion  of  territory  that 
had  been  previously  annexed  to  Virginia.  For  many 
years  this  event  proved  a  source  of  much  discontent 
and  serious  inconvenience  to  the  Virginian  colonists, 
who  had  endeavored  to  improve  their  trade  by  restrict- 
;ng  themselves  to  the  exportation  only  of  tobacco  of 
uperiur  quality,  and  now  found  themselves  deprived  of 
all  the  advantage  of  this  sacrifice  by  the  transference 
of  a  portion  of  their  own  territory  to  neighbors  who 
refused  to  unite  in  their  regulations. 

The  restrictions  prescribed  by  the  letter  of  the  royal 
committee,  left  Harvey  still  in  possession  of  "ample 
scope  to  his  tyranny  ;  and  the  colonists  respecting,  or 
overawed  by,  the  authority  with  which  he  was  invested, 
lor  a  long  time  endured  it  without  resistance.  Roused, 
ot  length,  by  reiterated  provocation.  [1636,]  an<i  im- 
patient of  farther  sufl'ering,  the  Virginians,  in  a  trans- 
port of  general  rage,  seized  the  person  of  Harvey,  and 
sent  him  a  prisoner  to  England,  along  with  two  depu- 
ties from  their  own  body,  who  were  charged  with  the 
duty  of  representing  the  grievances  of  the  colony  and 
the  misconduct  of  the  governor,  liut  their  reliance  on 
the  justice  of  the  king  proved  to  be  very  ill  founded. 
Charles  was  fated  to  teach  his  subjects,  that  if  they 
meant  to  retain  their  liberties,  they  must  prepare  to 
defend  them  ;  that  neither  enduring  patience  nor  re- 
spectful remonstrance  could  avail  to  relax  or  divert  his 
arbitrary  purpose  ;  and  that  if  they  would  obtain  jus- 
tice to  themselves,  they  must  deprive  him  of  the  power 
to  withhold  It.  The  inhabitants  of  Virginia  had  never 
irritated  the  king  by  disputing,  like  their  fellew-subjects 
in  England,  the  validity  of  his  civil  or  ecclesiastical 
edicts  ;  they  had  entered  into  no  contest  with  him,  and 
neither  possessed  forces  nor  pretended  to  privileges 
which  could  alarm  his  jealousy.  They  had  borne  ex- 
treme oppression  (of  which  he  had  already  evinced  his 
consciousness)  with  long  patience,  and  even  when 
driven  to  despair,  had  shown  that  they  neither  imputed 
their  wrongs  to  him  nor  doubted  his  justice.  Defence- 
less and  oppressed,  they  appealed  to  him  as  their  pro- 
tector;  and  their  appeal  was  enforced  by  every  cir- 
cumstaiice  that  could  impress  a  just,  or  move  a  gene- 
rous mind.  Yet  so  far  from  commiserating  their  suffer- 
ings, orrcdressing  their  wrongs,  Charles  regarded  their 
condu^-.t  as  an  act  of  presumptuous  audacity  little  short 
of  rebellion  ;  and  all  the  applications  of  their  deputies 
were  rejected  with  calm  injustice  and  inflexible  disdain. 
He  refused  even  to  admit  them  to  his  presence,  or  to 
hear  a  single  article  of  their  charges  against  Harvey  ; 
and,  having  reinstated  that  obnoxious  governor  in  his 
ofiice,  [1637,]  he  sent  him  back  to  Virginia,  with  an 
ample  renewal  of  the  powers,  which  he  had  so  grossly 
abused.  There,  elated  with  his  triumph,  and  inflamed 
with  rage,  Harvey  resumed  and  aggravated  a  tyran- 
nical sway  that  has  entailed  infamy  on  himself  and  dis- 
grace on  his  sovereign,  and  provoked  complaints  so 
loud  and  vehement  that  they  began  to  penetrate  into 
England,  and  produce  an  impression  on  the  minds  of 
the  people  which  could  not  be  safely  disregarded. 
It  is  in  those  scenes  and  circumstances  in  which  men 
feel  themselves  entirely  delivered  from  restraint,  that 
their  natural  character  most  distinctly  betravs  itself. 
Enjoying  absolute  power  over  Virginia,  Charles  has 
inscribed  his  character  more  legibly  on  the  history  of 
that  province,  than  of  any  other  portion  of  his  do- 
minions. 

[1638  ]  Had  the  government  of  Sir  John  Harvey  been 
continued  much  longer,  it  must  have  ended  in  the  revolt 
or  the  ruin  of  the  colony.  So  great  was  the  distress  it 
occasioned,  as  to  excite  the  attention  of  the  Indians, 
and  awaken  their  slumbering  enmity  by  suggesting  the 
hope  of  revenge.  Opechancanough,  the  ancient  enemy 
of  the  colonists,  was  now  far  advanced  in  years  ;  but 
age  had  not  dimmed  his  discernment,  nor  extinguished 
his  animosity.  Seizing  the  favorable  occasion  presented 
by  the  distracted  state  of  the  province,  he  again  led  his 
wariiors  to  a  sudden  and  furious  attack,  which  the  co- 
lonists did  not  repel  without  the  loss  of  five  hundred 
men.  A  general  war  ensued  between  them  and  all  the 
Indian  tribes  under  the  infliu  ncc  of  Opechancanough. 

[1639  ]  But  a  great  change  wasnow  athand, which  was 
to  reward  the  patience  of  the  Viririnians  with  a  bloodless 
redress  of  their  grievances.  The  public  discontents 
which  had  for  many  years  been  multiplying  in  England, 
were  now  advancing  with  rapid  strides  to  a  full  maturi- 
ty, and  threatened  the  kingdom  with  some  great  con- 
Vulwon.  After  a  long  intermission,  Charles  was  forced 
IG 


to  contemplate  the  re-asscrnbling  of  a  parliament ,  and, 
well  aware  of  the  ill  humor  which  his  government  at 
home  had  excited,  he  had  the  strongest  reason  to  dread 
that  the  displeasure  of  the  commons  would  be  inflamed, 
and  their  worst  suspicions  confirmed,  by  complaints  and 
descriptions  of  the  despotism  that  had  been  exercised 
in  Virginia.  There  was  yet  time  to  soothe  the  irrita- 
tion, and  even  secure  the  adherence  of  a  people  who, 
in  spite  of  every  wrong,  retained  a  generous  attach- 
ment to  the  prince  whose  sovereignty  was  felt  still  to 
unite  them  with  the  parent  state  :  and,  from  the  pro- 
I>agation  of  the  complaints  of  colonial  grievances  in 
England,  there  was  every  reason  to  apprehend  that  the 
redress  of  them,  if  longer  withheld  by  the  king,  would 
be  granted,  to  the  great  detriment  of  his  credit  and  in- 
fluence, by  the  parliamenj;.  To  that  body  the  Virginians 
had  applied  on  a  former  occasion,  and  the  encourage- 
ment they  had  met  with  increased  the  probability  both 
of  a  repetition  of  their  application  and  of  a  successful 
issue  to  it.  These  considerations  alone  seem  to  account 
for  the  sudden  and  total  change  which  the  colonial  po- 
licv  of  the  king  now  evinced.  Harvey  was  recalled, 
and  the  government  of  Virginia  committed  to  Sir  Wil- 
liam Berkeley,  a  person  not  only  of  superior  rank  and 
abilities  to  his  predecessor,  but  distinguished  by  every 
po[)ular  virtue  of  which  Harvey  was  deficient — of  up- 
right and  honorable  character,  mild  and  prudent  temper, 
and  manners  at  once  dignified  and  engaging.  A  change, 
not  less  gratifying,  was  introduced  into  the  system  of 
government.  The  new  governor  was  instructed  to  re- 
store the  Colonial  Assembly,  and  to  invite  it  to  enact  a 
body  of  laws  for  the  provnice,  and  to  improve  the  ad- 
ministration of  justice  by  introduction  of  the  forms  of 
English  judicial  procedure.  Thus,  all  at  once,  and  when 
they  least  expected  it,  was  restored  to  the  colonists  the 
system  of  freedom  which  they  had  originally  derived 
from  the  Virginia  company  ;  which  had  been  involved 
in  the  same  ruin  with  that  corporation,  and  the  recol- 
lection of  which  had  been  additionally  endeared  to  them 
by  the  ojipression  that  had  succeeded  its  overthrow. — 
Universal  joy  and  gratitude  was  excited  throughout  the 
colony  by  this  signal  and  happy  change  ;  and  the  king, 
who,  amidst  the  hostility  that  was  gathering  around  him 
in  every  other  quarter,  was  addressed  in  the  language 
of  afl'ection  and  attachment  by  this  people,  seems  to 
have  been  somewhat  struck  and  softened  by  the  gene- 
rous sentiments  which  he  had  so  little  deserved ;  and 
which  forcibly  proved  to  him  how  cheap  and  easy  were 
the  means  by  which  princes  may  render  their  subjects 
grateful  and  happy.  And  yet  so  strong  were  the  illu- 
sions of  his  self-love,  or  so  deliberate  his  artifice,  that 
in  his  answer  to  an  address  of  the  colonists,  he  eagerly 
appropriated  the  praise  for  which  he  was  indebted  to 
their  generosity  alone,  and  endeavored  to  extend  the 
a|)plication  of  their  grateful  expressions  even  to  the  ad- 
ministration which  he  had  abandoned  in  order  to  pro- 
cure them. 

[1640.]  While  Charles  thus  again  introduced  the 
principles  of  the  British  constitution  into  the  internal 
government  of  Virginia,  he  did  not  neglect  to  take  pre- 
cautions for  preserving  its  connexion  with  the  mother 
country,  and  securing  to  England  an  exclusive  posses- 
sion of  the  colonial  trade.  For  this  purpose  Sir  Wil- 
liam Berkeley  was  instructed  to  prohibit  all  commerce 
with  other  nations,  and  to  take  a  bond  from  the  master 
of  every  vessel  that  sailed  from  Virginia,  obliging  him  to 
land  his  cargo  in  some  part  of  the  king's  dominions  in 
Europe.  Yet  the  pressure  of  this  restraint  was  more 
than  counterbalanced  by  the  liberality  of  the  other  in- 
structions ;  and  with  a  free  an.l  mild  government,  which 
offered  a  peaceful  asylum,  and  distributed  ample  tracts 
of  land  to  all  who  sought  its  protection,  the  colony  ad- 
vanced so  rapidly  in  prosperity  and  population,  that  at 
the  beginning  of  the  Civil  Wars  it  contained  upwards 
of  twenty  thousand  inhabitants.  [1641.]  By  the  vigor 
and  conduct  of  Sir  William  Berkeley,  the  Indian  war, 
after  a  few  expeditions,  was  brought  to  a  successful 
close  :  Opechancanough  was  taken  prisoner  ;*  and  a 
peace  concluded  with  the  savages,  which  endured  for 
many  years. 

It  was  happy  for  Virginia  that  the  restoration  of  its 


'  Beverley,  p.  52,  53.  It  was  tlie  intention  of  Sir  William 
Berkeley,  to  have  sent  this  remarkable  personage  to  England  ; 
but  he  was  shot  after  being  taken  prisoner  by  a  soldier,  in  re- 
sentment of  the  calamities  he  had  intlicted  on  the  province. 
He  lingered  under  the  wound  for  several  days,  and  died  with 
the  pride  and  firmness  of  an  old  Roman.  Imligimnt  at  the 
crowds  who  came  to  gaze  at  him  on  liis  death-bed,  he  ex- 
claimed, "  If  I  had  taken  Sir  William  Berkeley  prisoner,  1 
would  not  have  exposed  him  as  a  show  to  the  people."  Per- 
haps he  remembered  that  he  had  saved  the  life  of  Captain 
Smitli,  and  forgot  the  numberless  iiistauccs  in  which  he  had 
exposed  other  prisoners  to  jmblic  derision  and  Unsering  tor- 
ture. 


domestic  constitution  was  accomplished  in  this  manner, 
and  not  deferred  till  a  later  period,  when  it  would  pro- 
bably have  been  accompanied  by  a  restoration  of  the 
exclusive  company.  To  this  consummation  some  of  the 
members  of  that  body  had  been  eagerly  looking  for- 
ward ;  and  notwithstanding  the  disappointment  that 
their  hopes  had  sustained  by  the  redress  of  those  griev- 
ances which  would  have  forced  their  pretensions,  they 
endeavored  to  avail  themselves  of  the  avidity  with 
which  every  complaint  against  the  king  was  received  by 
the  Long  Parliament,  by  presenting  a  petition  in  the 
name  of  the  assembly  of  Virginia,  praying  for  a  restora- 
tion of  the  ancient  patents  and  government.  This  peti- 
tion, though  supported  by  some  of  the  colonists,  who 
were  justly  dissatisfied  with  the  discouragement  which 
the  puritan  doctrines  and  the  preachers  of  them,  whom 
they  had  invited  from  Massachusetts,*  had  experienced 
from  the  government  of  Virginia,  was,  undoubtedly,  nol 
the  act  of  the  assembly,  nor  the  exjjression  of  the  pre 
vailing  sentiment  in  the  colony.  The  assembly  had 
tasted  the  sweets  of  unrestricted  freedom,  and  were 
not  disposed  to  hazard  or  encumber  their  system  of 
liberty,  by  re-attaching  it  to  the  mercantile  corpora- 
tion from  which  it  had  been  originally  derived.  No 
sooner  were  they  apprised  of  the  petition  to  the  House 
of  Commons  th.in  they  transmitted  an  explicit  disavowal 
of  it  ;  and  at  the  same  same  time  presented  an  address 
to  the  king,  acknowledging  his  bounty  and  favor  to 
them,  and  desiring  to  continue  under  his  immediate 
protection.  In  the  fervor  of  their  loyalty,  they  enacted 
a  declaration  [1642]  "  that  they  were  born  under  mo- 
narchy, and  would  never  degenerate  frorn  the  condition 
of  their  births  by  being  subject  to  any  other  govern- 
ment." The  only  misfortune  attending  the  manner  in 
which  the  Virginians  had  regained  their  liberties,  wa» 
that  it  thus  allied  their  partial  regards  to  an  authority 
which  was  destined  to  be  overthrown  in  the  approach- 
ing civil  war,  and  which  could  no  more  reward  than  it 
deserved  their  adherence.  During  the  whole  of  the 
struggle  between  the  king  and  parliament  in  England, 
they  remained  unalterably  attached  to  the  royal  cause  ; 
and  after  Charles  the  First  had  been  beheaded,  and  his 
son  driven  out  of  the  kingdom,  acknowledged  the 
fugitive  prince  as  their  sovereign,  and  conducted  their 
government  under  a  commission  which  he  transmitted 
to  Sir  William  Berkeley  from  Breda. t  The  royal 
family,  though  they  had  little  opportunity,  during  their 
exile,  [June,  1650,]  of  cultivating  their  interest  in 
Virginia,  were  not  wholly  regardless  of  it.  Henrietta 
Maria,  the  queen  mother,  obtained  the  assistance  of 
the  French  government  to  the  execution  of  a  scheme 
projected  by  Sir  William  Davenaiit,  the  poet,  of  emi- 
grating in  company  with  a  large  body  of  artificers,  whom 
he  collected  in  France,  and  founding  with  them  a  new 
I'lantation  in  Virginia.  The  expedition  was  inter- 
cepted by  the  English  fleet ;  and  Davenant,  who  was 
taken  prisoner,  owed  his  safety  to  the  friendship  of 
Milton. t 

But  the  parliament  having  prevailed  over  all  opposi- 
tion in  England,  was  not  disposed  to  suffer  its  au- 
thority to  be  questioned  in  Virginia.  Incensed  at  this 
open  defiance  of  its  power,  it  issued  an  ordinance, 
[October,]  declaring  that  the  settlement  of  Virginia 
having  been  founded  by  Englishmen  and  English 
money,  and  by  the  authority  of  the  nation,  ought  to  be 
subordinate  to  and  dependent  upon  the  PJnglish  com- 
monwealth, and  subject  to  the  legislation  of  parlia- 
ment ;  that  the  colonists,  instead  of  rendering  thia 
dutiful  submission,  had  audaciously  disclaimed  the 
supremacy  of  the  state,  and  rebelled  against  it ;  and 
that  they  were  now  therefore  denounced  as  notorious 
robbers  and  traitors.  Not  only  was  all  connexion  pro- 
hibited with  these  refractory  colonists,  and  the  council 
of  state  empowered  to  send  out  a  fleet  and  army  to 
enforce  their  obedience  to  the  authority  of  parliament, 
but  all  foreign  states  were  expressly  interdicted  from 
trading  with  any  of  the  English  settlements  in  America 
It  might  reasonably  be  supposed  that  this  latter  restric 
tion  would  have  created  a  common  feeling  throughout 
all  the  British  colonies  of  opposition  to  the  English 
government.  But  the  colonists  of  Massachusetts  were 
much  more  cordially  united  by  similarity  of  political 
sentiments  and  religious  opinions  with  the  leaders  of 


*  This  transaction  will  form  a  part  of  the  History  of  New 
England. 

t  Hume's  England,  vol.  vii.  p.  205.  Chalmers,  p.  122.  This 
year  a  tract  was  published  at  London  by  one  Edward  Williams, 
recommending  the  culture  of  silk  in  Virginia. 

t  Johnson's    Life  of     Milton.    Encyclopxdia  Britannica, 
V.  OSS.    Uavcnant  repaid  Milton's  kindness  after  the  Restora- 
tion.   Cowley,  in  a  poem  addressed  to  Uavcnant,  says, 
Sure  'twas  the  noble  boldness  of  the  muse 
Uul  thy  desire  to  seek  new  worlds  infuse." 


226 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


ttie  cotninonwi-allh,  than  by  identity  of  commercial 
interest  witli  the  inhaliitants  of  Virginia.  The  religious 
Ticws  that  had  founded  their  colonial  establishment, 
long  rej,'ulated  all  its  )>olicy,  and  prevailed  over  every 
other  consideration.  And  no  sooner  were  the  people 
of  MasMchiiselts  a|)prised  of  the  parliamentary  ordi- 
nince,  than  they  hastened  to  enforce  its  jirohibition  of 
intercourse  with  \  irginia,  by  a  corresponding  enact- 
ment of  their  own  legislature. 

The  eflbrts  of  the  parliamentary  rulers  of  England 
were  as  prompt  and  vigorous  as  their  declaration*. 
They  quickly  despatched  a  powerful  armament  under 
iie  command  of  Sir  Oeorge  Ayscue  to  reduce  all  their 
enemies  to  submission.  The  commissioners  whom 
ihey  appointed  to  accompany  the  expedition  were  fur- 
nished with  instructions  which,  if  they  reflect  credit  on 
tlie  vigor  of  the  parliament,  convey  a  very  unfavorable 
impression  of  their  moderation  and  humanity.  These 
functionaries  were  empowered  to  try,  ;n  the  first  in- 
Btan>;e,  the  clficacy  of  pardons  and  other  pciceful 
propositions  in  bringing  the  colonists  to  obedience  ; 
but  if  thefe  should  prove  inellectual,  tliey  were  then 
to  employ  every  act  of  hostility  to  set  free  the  ser- 
Tanls  and  slaves  of  all  the  planters  who  continued  re- 
fractory, and  furnish  them  with  arms  to  assist  in  the 
subjugation  of  tlieir  masters.  Such  a  plan  of  hos- 
tility resembles  less  a  war  than  a  massacre,  and  sug- 
gests the  painful  reflection  that  an  assembly,  possessed 
of  absolute  poiver,  and  professing  the  glory  of  liod 
and  the  liberty  of  mankind  to  be  the  chief  ends  lor 
which  they  held  it,  never  once  projected  the  liberation 
iif  the  negro  slaves  in  their  own  diininions,  except  for 
the  purpose  of  converting  them  into  an  instrument  of 
bloodshed  and  conipiesl. 

The  English  squadron,  afler  reducing  the  colonies  in 
Barbadoes  and  the  other  islands  to  submit  to  the  com- 
monwealth, entered  the  bay  of  Chesapcak.  [IC5I.J 
Berkeley,  apprised  of  the  invasion,  made  haste  to  hire 
the  assistance  of  a  few  Dutch  sinus  which  were  then 
trading  lo  Virginia,  contrary  both  to  the  royal  and  the 
parliamentary  injunctions,  and  with  more  courage  than 
prudence  prepared  to  oppose  this  formidable  armament; 
but  though  he  was  cordially  supported  by  tlic  loyalists, 
who  formed  the  great  majority  of  the  inhabitants,  he 
could  not  long  mamtain  so  unequal  a  contest.  Yet 
his  gallant  resistance,  though  unavailing  to  repel  the 
invaders,  enabled  him  to  procure  favorable  terms  of 
submission  to  the  colony.  By  the  articles  of  surren- 
der, a  complete  indemnity  was  stipulated  for  all  past 
ortences  ;  and  tlic  colonists,  vvliile  they  recognised  the 
authority,  were  admitted  into  the  bosom  of  the  com- 
monwealth, and  ex[<ressly  assured  of  an  equal  jiartici- 
jiation  in  all  the  privileges  of  the  free  people  of  Eng- 
land. In  particular  it  was  provided  thit  the  general 
assembly  should  transact  as  formerly  the  affairs  of  the 
settlement,  and  enjoy  the  exclusive  right  of  taxation  ; 
and  that  '•  the  people  of  \'irginia  shall  have  a  free  trade, 
as  the  people  of  Englatid,  to  all  places  and  with  all 
nations."  lierkt  ley  disdained  to  make  any  stipulation 
for  himself  with  those  whom  Ins  principles  of  loyalty 
taught  hiin  to  consider  as  usurpers.  Without  leaving 
Virginia,  he  withdrew  to  a  retired  situation,  where  he 
continued  to  reside  as  a  private  individual,  univerisally 
Ix'lovcd  and  respected,  till  a  new  revolution  was  again 
to  call  him  lo  preside  once  more  over  the  colony. 

But  it  was  the  dependence  and  not  the  alliance  of 
the  colonies,  that  the  rulers  of  the  English  common- 
wealth were  concerned  to  obtain  ;  and  in  their  sh?.ine- 
les.')  disregard  of  the  treaty  concluded  by  their  commis- 
•loners,  they  signally  proved  with  how  little  fquity 
absolute  power  is  exercised  even  by  those  who  have 
aliown  themselves  most  prompt  to  resent  and  n\ost 
Tigorous  to  resist  the  endnrancc  of  its  excesses.  Hi'V- 
ing  succeeded  in  obtaining  from  the  colonics  a  reco;.^- 
nition  of  the  authority  which  they  administered,  ihey 
proceeded  to  the  adoption  of  measures  calculated  lo 
enforce  their  dependence  on  England,  and  to  secure 
lh<-  exclusive  possession  of  their  increasing  commerce. 
With  this  view,  as  well  as  for  the  purpose  of  provok- 
ing hostilities  with  the  Dutch,  by  aiming  a  blow  at' 
their  carrying  tride,  the  parliament  not  only  forbore  to 
repeal  the  oidinancc  of  the  preceding  year,  which  pro- 
hibited commercial  intercourse  between  the  colonies 
and  foreign  states,  but  framed  another  law  which  was 
to  introdurn  a  new  a-ra  of  commeicial  juris[]rudenco, 
and  lo  found  the  celebratnd  navigation  .system  of  Eng- 
laod.  Thi»  icmnrkable  law  enarind  Ihiil  no  produc- 
tion of  A«ia,  Africa,  ot  America,  should  be  imported 
liilo  the  dominiont  of  the  commonwealth,  but  m  ves- 
mIs  belonging  lo  English  owners  or  ihn  inhabitants  of 
the  English  colonies,  and  navigated  by  crews  of  which 
lbt>  caylain  and  iho  majority  of  the  sailors  should  be 


I  Englishmen.*    Willing  at  the  same  time  to  encourage 
the  cultivation  of  the  staple  commodity  of  Virginia,  the 
I  parliament  soon  after  [1652,]  passed  an  act  confirming 
'all  the  royal  proclamations  against  planting  tobacco  in 
England. 

i'his  unjust  and  injurious  treatment  kept  alive  in 
Virginia  the  attachment  to  the  royal  cause,  which  was 
farther  maintained  by  the  emigrations  of  the  distressed 
cavaliers,  who  resorted  in  such  numbers  lo  Virginia, 
that  the  population  of  the  colony  amounted  to  thirty 
thousand  persons  at  the  epoch  of  the  restoration.  But 
UromwclHiad  now  prevailed  [1653,]  overthe  parliament, 
and  held  the  reins  of  the  commonwealth  in  his  vianro  js 
hands;  and  though  the  discontents  of  ihe  Virginians 
were  secretly  inflamed  by  the  severity  of  his  policy  and 
the  invidious  distinctions  which  it  evinced,  their  ex- 
pression was  repressed  by  the  terror  of  his  name,  and 
the  energy  which  he  irtfused  into  every  department  of 
his  administration  ;  and  under  the  superintendence  of 
governors  appointed  by  him,  the  exterior,  at  least,  of 
tranquillity  was  maintained  in  Virginia  till  the  period 
of  his  death.  Warmly  attached  bv  similarity  of  reli- 
gious and  political  sentiments  to  the  colonists  of  Mas- 
sacliuaetts,  Cromwell  indulged  them  with  a  dispensa- 
tion from  the  commercial  laws  of  the  Long  Parliament, 
while  he  rigorously  exacted  their  observance  in  \  irgi- 
nia.  The  enforcement  of  these  restrictions  on  the 
obnoxious  colonists,  at  a  time  when  England  could 
neither  afford  a  sufficient  market  to  their  produce  iior 
an  adequate  supply  to  their  wants,  and  while  Massa- 
chusetts enjoyed  a  monopoly  of  the  advantages  of  which 
they  were  deprived,  strongly  impeached  the  magna- 
nimity of  the  protector  and  the  fearless  justice  by 
which  he  professed  to  dignify  his  usurped  dominion, 
and  proved  no  less  burthensome  than  irritating  lo  the 
\'irgiriiuiis.  Such  partial  and  illiberal  policy  subverts 
HI  the  niiiuls  of  subjects  tlio.se  sentiments  which  facili- 
tate the  administration  of  human  affairs  and  assure 
the  stability  of  government,  and  habituates  them  to 
ascribe  every  burden  and  restriction  which  views  of 
public  expediency  may  impose,  to  causes  that  provoke 
enmity  and  redouble  impatience.  In  the  minds  of  the 
Virginians  it  produced  not  only  this  evil  habit,  but  other 
no  less  unfortunate  consequences ;  for  retorting  the 
dislike  with  which  they  found  themselves  treated,  and 
encountering  the  partiality  of  their  adversaries  with 
prejudices  equally  unjust,  they  conceived  a  violent  an- 
tipathy against  all  the  doctrines,  sentiments,  and  prac- 
tices that  seemed  peculiar  to  the  puritans,  and  rejected 
all  communication  of  the  knowledge  that  flourished  in 
Massachusetts,  from  hatred  of  the  authority  under 
whose  shelter  it  grew,  and  of  the  princi|)les  to  whose 
sujiport  it  seemed  to  administer. t  At  length  the  dis- 
gust and  impatience  of  the  inhabitants  of  Virginia  could 
no  longer  be  restrained.  [1658  ]  Matthews,  the  last 
governor  appointed  by  Cromwell,  died  nearly  at  the 
same  period  with  the  protector ;  anil  the  Virginians, 
though  not  yet  apprized  of  the  full  extent  of  their  de- 
liverance, took  advantage  of  the  suspension  of  autho- 
rity caused  by  the  governor's  demise  ;  and  having 
forced  Sir  William  Berkeley  from  his  retirement,  unani- 
mously elected  him  to  preside  over  the  colony. t — 
Berkeley  refusing  to  act  under  usurped  authority,  the 
colonists  boldly  erected  the  royal  standar-!,  iVm  pro- 
claimed Charles  the  Second  to  be  their  lawful  sove- 
reign ;  thus  venturously  adopting  a  measure  which, 


*  Scohel's  Acts,  1051,  cap.  22.  The  germ  of  tins  famous  sys- 
tem of  policy  occurs  m  lOn^lisli  l.ci;isi,Ujon  .so  carlv  as  the 
ye:ir  42^1,  when  it  w.is  enactcil  hy  tlie  statute  of  i  Hu  ll.  II. 
cap.  3,  "  that  to  increase  the  navy  uf  England,  no  goods  or 
iiiiTchandi'ies  shall  he  citlier  exported  or  imported  but  onlym 
sliips  bclon.^ing  lo  the  king's  sulyects."  Tins  enactment  was 
pieiM.iture,  and  soon  It  U  into  disuse.  An  act  to  r«vive  it  to 
a  hiniled  rxient  in  1400,  w  as  rejected  by  Ilciiry  the  Sixth. 

t  The  prej  dices  of  an  old  cavalier  who  had  acquired  the 
habit,  so  general  and  inveterate  in  sea-sons  of  violent  party 
contentions,  o.'  litniping  his  opinions  and  taking  them  in  Ihe 
gross,  whether  by  a,ssent  lo  his  friends  or  opposition  lo  his 
adversaries,  arc  displayed  by  Sir  VV'iUiani  Bcrki  loy  in  a  Irller 
descriptive  of  t^e  slate  of  Virginia,  some  years  afler  l!ie 
hesloralion.  **  1  thank  God,"  he  s:\ys,  '*  there  are  no  froe 
si'ioolsnor  printing;  and  I  hop,i  we  shall  not  have  them  the:ie 
iiui>drcd  years.  Fir  learning  htvs  brought  heresy  and  disobo- 
dionco  and  sects  ;nto  the  worl  l,  and  printing  ha.s  divulged 
Ihein.  and  libels  agiunst  the  best  guverniiient ;  God  keep  us 
from  I'oth  :"    Chaln'crs,  p.  328. 

t  Tint  t-'romwcU  Ind  iiirditated  some  important  changes  in 
Virgini.i.  which  death  prevented  Inin  from  attempting  to  re- 
ali/.e,  may  lie  inferred  ;roin  ihe  publication  of  a  small  trcatisa 
at  London,  in  the  ycai  1057.  entiiled  "  Public  good  without 
private  int.;rest."  writl<  n  by  Dr.  Galford  anil  dedu  atcil  lo  the 
Protector.  In  llus  liule  work  Ihe  Protector  is  advised  lo  re- 
form the  nunerous  abusi'S  extant  in  Virginia— the  disregard 
of  religion— <hc  iiegh  cl  of  Kducation— and  the  fraudulent 
dealings  of  the  planters  wilh  tin-  Indians  ;  on  all  which  topics 
the  author  descants  very  forcibly.  Of  this  Iri'alise,  as  well 
as  of  the  IracU  by  llaiiier,  and  Williams,  and  some  others, 
\\  hii'h  I  have  had  occ.i.sion  lo  notice  i-Uewheie,  I  found  Copies 
in  the  hbrary  of  Iho  late  Oeorgo  Ctialmcri. 


according  to  all  appearances,  involved  a  content  wiiL 
the  arms  of  Cromwell  and  the  whole  resources  ol 
England.  Happily  for  the  colony,  the  distractions  tliat 
ensued  in  England  deferred  the  vengeance  which  the 
ruluig  powers  had  equal  ability  and  inclination  to  in- 
flxt  upon  it,  till  the  sudden  and  unexpected  lestoratioD 
of  Charles  to  the  throne  of  his  ancestors,  [1660,]  con 
verted  their  imprudent  temerity  into  meritoricus  eer 
vice,  and  enabled  them  safely  to  exult  in  the  sing-ilarity 
which  they  long  mentioned  with  triumph,  that  they  had 
been  the  last  of  the  British  subjects  who  had  renounced 
and  the  first  who  had  resuioed  their  allegiance  to  ihi 
crowiL 


CHAPTER  III. 
The  Navigation  Act— its  Impolicy— Discontent  and  Dislresi 
of  the  Colonists— Naturalization  of  Aliens— Progress  of  the 
colonial  Uiscoiitent— Indian  hostilities— Uacon's  Rebellion- 
Death  of  Bacoii--and  Restoration  of  Tranquilhty— Uill  of 
Attainder  passed  by  the  Colonial  Assembly— Sir  William 
Berkeley  superseded  by  Colonel  Jclfreys— Partiality  of  lha 
new  Governor— Dispute  with  the  Assembly— Renewal  of 
Discontents — Lord  l^uljieper  appointed  Governor — Seventy 
and  Rapacity  of  his  Administration — An  Insurrection — 
Punishment  of  the  insurgents — Arbitrary  Measures  of  the 
Crown— James  the  Second — augments  Ihe  Buruens  of  the 
('olonists — Corrupt  and  oppressive  Goveiiiinenl  of  Lord 
Eltinghain— Revolution  in  Britain- Complaints  of  the  Co- 
lonies against  the  former  Go\'ernors  discouraged  by  King 
William— Elfect  of  the  English  Revolution  on  the  Anieilcan 
Coloiiii  s— Stale  of  Virgiiua  al  llus  Period— Popula'.ion— 
Laws — .Manners. 

The  intelligence  of  the  restoration  soon  reached 
AiiK  rica,  and  excited  in  the  different  colonics  very  dif- 
ferent emotions.  In  Virginia,  whose  history  we  must 
stili  separately  puisje,  it  was  received  like  the  surpri- 
sing fullilineiit  of  an  agreeable  dream,  and  hailed  with 
acclamation:;  of  unfeigned  and  uni/Ot}nded  joy.  These 
sentiments,  confirmed  by  the  gracious  expressions  of 
esteem  and  good-will*  which  the  king  very  readiiy 
vouchsafed,  excited  hopes  of  substantial  favor  and  re- 
compense which  it  was  not  easy  to  gratify,  and  which 
were  fatel  to  undergo  a  speedy  and  severe  disappoint- 
ment. For  a  short  tune,  however,  the  Virginians  were 
permitted  to  indulge  their  satisfaction,  and  some  of  tiie 
proceedirgs  of  the  first  colonial  assembly  that  was  held 
after  the  restoration  demonstrate  that  this  event  was 
by  no  means  unproductive  of  important  benefits  to 
them  Trial  by  jury,  which  had  been  discontinued 
during  the  usurpation,  was  now  again  restored,  and 
judicial  proceedings  were  disencumbered  of  various 
abuses  and  considerably  improved.  It  was  enacted 
that  no  county  should  send  more  than  two  burgesses 
to  the  ssseinbly  ;  and  that  every  district  which  should 
"  people  an  hundred  acres  of  land  with  as  many  tithe- 
able  pi:rsons,"'  should  acquire  the  privilege  of  being 
represented  in  that  body.  The  church  of  England  was 
establuhed  by  law  :  provision  was  made  for  its  minis- 
ters ;  md  none  but  those  who  had  received  their  ordi- 
nation from  some  bishop  in  England,  and  who  should 
subscribe  an  engagement  of  conformity  to  ihe  orders 
and  constitutions  of  the  established  church,  were  per- 
mitted to  preach  cither  publicly  or  privately  within  the 
colony.  A  law  was  shortly  after  passed  against  the 
import  ition  of  quakers  under  the  penalty  of  rive  thou- 
sanil  [-guilds  of  tobacco  on  the  importers  of  them  ; 
but  with  a  sjiecial  exception  of  such  quakers  as  mtgnt 
be  trai  sjiorted  from  England  for  breacli  of  the  laws. 

The  same  principles  of  government  which  prevailed 
in  England  during  this  re'gn  constantly  extended  their 
influen  ;e,  whether  salutary  or  baneful,  across  the  .\t 
lantic  ;  and  the  colonics,  no  longer  deemed  by  the 
court  the  mere  property  of  the  prince,  were  recognized 
as  extensions  of  the  British  territory,  and  consideri-d 
assubj(ct  to  parliamcntarv  legislation.  The  strong 
declarat  ons  of  the  Long  Parliament  introduced  princi- 
ples which  received  the  sanction  of  the  courts  of  West- 
minster 1  lall.  and  were  thus  interwoven  with  the  fabric 
of  Engliih  law.  In  a  variety  of  cases  which  involved 
this  greai  constitutional  point,  the  judges  declared  that 
by  virtue  of  those  principles  of  the  common  law  which 
bind  the  leriitories  to  the  state,  the  plantations  were 
in  all  res[  eels  like  the  other  subordinate  dominions  of 
the  crown,  and  like  them  equally  bound  by  acts  of  par 
liament  v  hen  specially  named,  or  when  necessarily 
supposed  within  the  contemplation  of  the  legislature. 
The  dech  rations  of  the  courts  of  justice  were  con 

*  Sir  William  llerkcley,  wlio  made  a  journey  to  England  to 
congratulate  llie  king  on  his  restoration,  was  received  al  court 
with  distinguished  regard  ;  oftd  ('liarles,  in  honor  of  his  loyal 
Virginians,  wore  at  his  coronation  a  robe  manufactured  of  Vir- 
ginian Mik.  Oldnnxon. 

This  was  not  the  first  royal  robe  that  America  supplied, 
ljueen  Klizalirth  wore  a  gow  n  made  of  the  silk  grass,  of  which 
Ilali'igh's  rolonisis  sent  a  quanlily  lo  England  Coxe'a  D»- 
scriiition  of  Carolina,  p.  W. 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


Armed  and  enforced  by  the  unilorm  tenor  of  the  par- 
liamentary proccrdin^s ;  and  the  colonists  soon  per- 
ceived that  ahhongh  the  Long  Parliament  was  no  more, 
it  had  faithfully  bequeathed  to  its  snccessors  the  spirit 
which  influenced  its  commercial  deliberations.  The 
House  of  Commons  determined  not  only  to  retain  the 
commercial  system  which  the  Long  Parliament  had 
introduced,  but  to  mature  and  extend  it,  to  render  the 
trade  of  the  colonies  completely  subject  to  parliamen- 
tary legislature,  and  exclusively  subservient  to  English 
commerce  and  navigation.    No  sooner  was  Charles 
seated  on  the  throne,  than  they  voted  a  duty  of  five 
per  cent,  on  all  merchandize  exported  from,  or  imported 
into,  any  of  tlie  dominions  belonging  to  the  crown  : 
and  the  sime  session  produced  the  celebrated  Navifra- 
lion  Act,  the  most  memorable  statute  in  the  English 
commercial  code.    By  this  statute  (in  addition  to  many 
other  important  provisions  which  are  foreign  to  our  pre- 
sent consideration),  it  was  enacted  that  no  commodi- 
ties should  be  imported  into  any  British  settlement  in 
Asia,  Africa,  or  America,  or  exported  from  them,  but 
in  vessels  built  in  England  or  the  plantations,  and  navi- 
gated by  crews  of  which  the  masters  and  three-fourths 
of  the  mariners  should  be  English  subjects,  under  the 
penalty  of  forfeiture  of  ship  and  cargo  ;  that  none  but 
natural-born  subjects,  or  such  as  had  been  naturalised 
should  exercise  the  occupation  of  merchant  or  factor 
in  any  English  settlement  under  the  penalty  of  for- 
feiture of  goods  and  chattels  ;  that  no  sugar,  tobacco, 
cotton,  wool,  lud'igo,  ginger,  or  woods  used  in  dying, 
produced  or  manulactured  in  the  colonies,  should  be 
shipped  from  them  to  any  other  country  than  England  ; 
and  to  secure  tiic  observance  of  this  regulation,  the 
owners  were  required  before  sailing  to  give  bonds  with 
surety  for  sums  proportioned  to  the  rate  of  their  ves- 
sels.   The  restricted  articles  have  been  termed  C}m- 
meratcd  coiumoditiis  ;  and  when  new  articles  of  colo- 
nial produce,  as  the  rice  of  Carolina,  or  the  copper  ore 
of  the  northern  colonies,  were  raised  into  importance 
and  brought  into  commcrcfi  by  tlie  increasing  industry 
of  the  colonists,  they  were  successively  added  to  the 
list,  and  subjected  to  the  same  regulations.    As  some 
compensation  to  the  colonies  for  these  commercial  re- 
straints, tkic  parliament  at  the  same  time  conferred  on 
them  the  exclusive  supply  of  tobacco,  by  prohibiting 
.ts  cultivation  in  England,  Ireland,  Guernsey,  or  Jer- 
«ey.    The  navigation  act  was  soon  after  enlarged,  and 
additional  restraint?  imposed  by  a  new  law,  [1GG3,] 
which  prohibited  the  importation  of  European  commo- 
dilics  into  the  colonies,  except  in  vessels  laden  in  Eng- 
land, and  navigated  and  manned  according  to  the  pro- 
visions of  the  original  statute.    More  effectual  provi- 
sion was  made  by  this  law  for  inflicting  the  penalties 
attached  to  the  transgression  of  the  navigation  act  ; 
and  the  principles  of  commercial  policy  on  which  the 
whole  system  is  founded  were  openly  avowed  in  a  de- 
claration that,  as  it  was  the  usage  of  other  nations  to 
keep  the  trade  of  their  plantations  to  themselves,  so 
the  colonies  that  were  founded  and  peopled  by  Enghsh 
8ul)jects  ought  to  be  retained  in  firm  dependence  upon 
England,  and  made  to  contribute  to  her  advantage  in 
the  employment  of  English  shipping,  the  vent  of  Eng- 
lish commodities  and  manufactures,  and  the  rendering 
of  England  a  staple,  not  only  of  the  productions  of 
her  colonies,  but  also  of  such  commodities  of  other 
countries  as  the  colonies  themselves  might  require  to 
be  supplied  with.    Advancing  a  step  further  in  the 
prosecution  of  its  encroaching  policy,  the  parliament 
proceeded  to  tax  the  trade  of  the  several  colonies  with 
each  other ;  and  as  the  act  of  navigation  had  left  all 
the  colonists  at  liberty  to  export  the  enumerated  com- 
modities from  one  settlement  to  another  without  pay- 
ing any  duty,  this  exemption  was  subsequently  with- 
drawn, and  they  were  subjected  to  a  tax  equivalent  to 
what  was  levied  on  the  consumption  of  these  commo- 
dities in  England. 

The  system  pursued  and  established  by  these  regu- 
lations, of  securing  to  England  a  monopoly  of  the  trade 
of  her  colonies  by  shutting  up  every  other  channel 
which  competition  might  have  formed'  for  it,  and  into 
which  interest  might  have  caused  it  preferably  to  flow, 
excited  the  utmost  disgust  and  indignation  in  the  minds 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  colonies,  and  was  justly  de- 
nounced by  them  as  a  manifest  violation  of  the  most 
sacred  and  undoubted  rights  of  mankind.  In  England 
11  was  long  applauded  as  a  master-piece  of  political 
sagacity,  enforced  and  cherished  as  a  main  source  of 
opulence  and  power,  and  defended  on  the  plea  of  that 
expediency  which  its  supposed  advantages  were  held 
io  abundantly  to  demonstrate.  But  thc^philosophy  of 
political  science  has  amply  refuted  this  illiberal  iloc- 
tnne,  and  would  long  ago  have  corrected  the  views  and 


amended  the  institutions  which  it  was  thought  to  sanc- 
tion, but  tnat,  from  the  prevalence  of  various  jealousies, 
and  of  those  obstinate  and  passionate  prepossessions 
that  constitute  wilful  ignorance,  the  effects  of  philoso- 
phy have  much  more  frequently  terminated  in  the  pro- 
duction of  knowledge  merely  speculative,  than  exer- 
cised any  visible  operation  in  the  improvement  of  hu- 
man conduct,  or  the  increase  of  human  happiness. 
Nations,  biassed  by  enmities  to  their  neighbors,  as  well 
as  partialities  to  themselves,  have  suffered  an  illiberal 
jealousy  of  other  states  to  contract  the  views  they  have 
formed  of  their  own  interests,  and  to  induce  a  line  of 
policy  of  which  the  operation  is  to  procure  a  smaller 
portion  of  exclusive  gains,  in  preference  to  a  larger 
contingent  in  the  participation  of  a  general  advantage. 
Too  gross  sighted  to  ust,  or  too  passionate  to  feel,  the 
bonds  that  connect  the  interests  of  all  the  memliers  of 
the  great  family  of  mankind,  they  have  accounted  the 
exclusion  of  their  rivals  equivalent  to  an  extension  of 
the  advantages  reserved  to  themselves  ;  committing 
herein  the  same  error  that  pervades  the  policy  of  slave 
owners,  and  leads  them  to  suppose  that,  to  inflict  de- 
pression and  privation  on  others,  is,  by  necessary  con- 
sequence, to  enhance  their  own  elevation  and  enrich- 
ment. In  such  mistaken  policy  nations  are  apt  to  be 
confirmed  by  the  interested  representations  of  the  few 
who  contrive  to  extract  a  temporary  and  partial  advari- 
tage  from  every  abuse,  however  generally  pernicious  ; 
and  if,  in  spite  of  the  defects  of  its  policy,  the  pros- 
perity of  the  country  should  be  increased  by  the  force 
of  its  natural  advantages,  this  effect  will  be  eagerly 
ascribe<l  to  the  very  causes  that  abridge,  though  they 
may  be  insufficient  to  prevent  it.  The  discoveries, 
however,  which  the  cultivation  of  political  science  has 
yielded,  have  in  this  respect  confirmed  the  dictates  of 
religion,  and  demonstrated  that,  in  every  transaction 
between  nations  and  individuuls,  the  intercourse  most 
solidly  and  lastingly  beneficial  to  both  and  each  of  the  par- 
tics,  IS  that  which  is  founded  on  the  principles  of  a  fair 
reciprocity  and  mutual  subservience  ;  that  an  indispo- 
sition to  regard  the  interests  of  others,  implies  a  nar- 
row and  perverted  view  of  our  own  ;  and  that  to  do  as 
we  would  be  done  by,  is  not  less  the  maxim  of  pru- 
dence than  the  precept  of  ])iety.  So  coherent  must 
true  philosophy  ever  be  with  the  dictates  of  Divine 
wisdom.  But  unfortunately  this  coherence  has  not 
always  been  recognised  even  by  those  philosophers 
whose  speculations  have  tended  to  its  display  ;  and 
confining  themselves  to  reasonirigs,  sufficiently  clear 
and  convincing,  no  doubt,  to  persons  contemplating 
human  affairs  in  the  simplicity  and  disinterested  ab- 
straction of  theoretical  survey,  they  have  neglected  to 
enforce  the  acceptance  of  important  truths  by  reference 
to  those  principles  that  derive  them  from  Divine  wis- 
dom, and  connect  them  with  the  strongest  sanctions  of 
human  duty. 

They  have  demonstrated*  that  a  parent  state  by  re- 
straining the  commerce  of  her  colonies  with  other  na- 
tions, depresses  the  industry  and  productiveness  both 
of  the  colonies  and  of  foreign  nations  ;  and  hence,  by 
enfeebling  the  demand  of  foreign  purchasers,  which 
must  be  proportioned  to  their  ability,  and  lessening  the 
quantity  of  colonial  commodities  actually  produced,  en- 
hances the  price  of  the  colonial  produce  to  herself  as 
well  as  to  the  rest  of  the  world,  and  so  far  diminishes  its 
power  to  increase  the  enjoyments  and  augment  the  in- 
dustry of  her  own  citizens  as  well  as  of  other  states. 
Besides,  the  monopoly  of  the  colony  trade  produces  so 
high  a  rate  of  profit  to  the  merchants  who  carry  it  on, 
as  to  attract  into  this  channel  a  great  deal  of  the  capi- 
tal that  would,  in  the  natural  course  of  things,  be 
directed  to  other  branches  of  trade :  and  in  these 
branches,  the  profils  must  consequently  be  augmented 
in  proportion  to  the  diminished  competition  of  the  ca- 
pitals employed  in  them.  But  whatever  raises  in  any 
country  the  ordinary  rale  of  [)rofit  higher  than  it  other- 
wise would  be,  necessarily  subjects  that  country  to 
great  disadvantage  in  every  branch  of  trade  of  which 
she  has  not  the  monopoly.  Her  merchants  cannot  ob- 
tain this  higher  profit  without  selling  dearer  than  they 

Smith's  Wealth  of  Nations,  n.  iv.  cap.  7.  The  eminent 
philosopher  of  whose  reasoning  I  have  endeavored  to  present 
a  condensed  view-in  this  paragraph  of  the  text,  is  particularly 
obnoxious  to  the  charge  of  not  merely  neglecting,  but  wilfully 
suppressing,  the  recognition  of  that  confirmation  which  divine 
testimony  derives  from  an  erriarged  view  of  human  interests, 
sentiments,  and  actions.  In  the  first  edition  of  his  "  Theory 
of  Moral  Sentiments,"  he  could  not  refrain  from  avowing  the 
coherence  which  he  plainly  observed  between  the  doctrines  of 
divine  revelation,  and  the  sentiments  of  men  in  all  ages  and 
nations  <in  the  suliject  of  sacrifice  and  foreign  intercession. 
Part  Il.V^.ad  finein.  But,  misled  by  science  falsely  so  called, 
lie  e.rpunged  this  passage  from  the  subsequent  editions  of  tlie 
work 


Otherwise  would  do,  both  the  commodities  of  foreign 
countries  which  they  import  into  their  own,  and  the 
goods  of  their  own  country  which  they  carry  abroad. 
The  country  thus  finds  herself  frequently  undersold  in 
foreign  markets  ;  and  t)ic  more  so,  because  in  foreign 
states  much  cajiital  has  been  forced  into  these 
branches  by  her  exclusion  of  foreigners  from  her  colo- 
nial trade,  which  would  have  absorbed  a  part  of  them. 
Thus,  by  the  operation  of  a  monopoly  of  the  colonial 
trade,  the  parent  state  obtains  an  overgrowth  of  one 
branch  of  distant  traffic,  at  the  expense  of  diminishing 
the  advantages  which  her  own  citizens  might  derive 
from  the  produce  of  the  colonies,  and  of  impairing  ah 
those  other  branches  of  nearer  trade  which,  by  the 
greater  frequency  of  their  returns,  afford  the  largest 
and  most  beneficial  excitement  to  the  industry  of  the 
country.  Her  commerce,  instead  of  flowing  in  a 
great  number  of  small  channels,  is  taught  to  run  [irin- 
cipally  in  one  great  conduit ;  and  hence  the  whole 
system  of  her  trade  and  industry  is  rendered  less ' 
secure. 

But  the  injurious  consequences  of  this  exclusive 
system  are  not  confined  to  its  immediate  operation 
upon  trade.  The  progress  of  our  history  will  abun- 
dantly show  that  the  connexion  which  a  parent  state 
seeks  to  maintain  with  its  colonics  by  the  aid  of  such 
a  system,  carries  within  itself  the  principles  of  its 
own  dissolution.  During  the  infancy  of  the  colonies, 
a  perpetual  and  vexatious  exertion  is  required  from 
the  parent  state  to  enforce  and  extend  her  restrain- 
ing laws,  and  endeavors  no  less  unremitting  are  made 
by  the  colonics  to  obstruct  or  elude  their  operation. 
Every  rising  branch  of  trade  which  is  left  for  a  time, 
or  for  ever,  free  to  the  colonists,  serves  by  the  effect 
of  contrast,  to  render  more  visible  the  disadvantages  of 
their  situation  in  the  regulated  branches  ;  and  every 
extension  of  the  restrictions  affords  an  occasion  of  re- 
newed discontent.  As  the  colonies  increase  their  in- 
ternal strength,  and  make  advances  in  the  possession 
and  appreciation  of  national  consequence,  the  disjosi- 
tion  of  their  inhabitants  to  emancipate  themselves  from 
such  restraints,  is  combined  with  ability  to  efl'ect  their 
deliverance,  by  the  very  circumstances,  and  at  the 
very  period,  which  will  involve  the  trade  of  the  parent 
state  in  the  greatest  loss  and  disorder.  And  the  ad- 
vantages which  the  commerce  of  other  nations  must 
expect  from  the  destruction  of  the  monopoly,  unites  the 
wishes  of  the  whole  world  with  the  revolt  of  the  colo- 
nics, and  gives  assurance  of  the  most  powerful  assis- 
tance to  effect  it. 

A  better  apology  for  the  system  which  England 
adopted  towards  her  colonies,  than  the  boasted  ex- 
pediency of  her  measures  would  thus  appear  to  supply, 
nay  be  derived  from  the  admitted  fact,  that  her 
policy  on  the  whole  was  much  less  illiberal  and  op- 
pressive than  that  which  any  other  nation  of  Europe 
lias  ever  been  known  to  pursue.  While  the  foreign 
trade  of  the  colonies  was  restrained,  for  the  sup[)Osed 
advantage  of  the  parent  state,  whose  prosperity  they 
partook,  and  by  whose  power  they  were  defended,  their 
internal  liberty  was  suffered  to  grow  up  under  the 
shelter  of  wise  and  liberal  institutions  ;  and  even  the 
commercial  restrictions  imposed  on  them  were  much 
less  rigorous  and  injurious  than  the  colonies  of  France, 
Spain,  Portugal,  and  Denmark,  were  compelled  to 
undergo  from  their  respective  parent  countries.  'i"he 
trade  of  the  British  settlements  was  not  committed, 
according  to  the  practice  of  some  of  these  states,  to 
exclusive  companies,  nor  restricted,  according  to  the 
practice  of  others,  to  a  particular  port ;  but,  being 
left  free  to  all  the  subjects,  and  admitted  to  all  the 
harbors  of  England,  employed  a  body  of  British 
traders  too  numerous  and  dispersed  to  admit  of  their 
superseding  mutual  competition,  and  uniting  in  a 
general  confederacy  to  oppress  the  colonies  and  ex- 
tort exhorbiiant  profits  to  themselves.  This  ajiology 
is  obviously  very  unsatisfactory,  as  every  atteiiqit  to 
palliate  injustice  must  necessarily  be.  It  was  urged 
with  a  very  bad  grace  by  the  people  of  England,  and 
utterly  disregarded  by  the  inhabitants  of  America. 

In  none  of  the  American  colonics  did  this  oppres- 
sive system  excite  greater  indignation  than  in  \  ir- 
ginia  where  the  larger  commerce  and  pre-eminent 
loyalty  of  the  people  rendered  the  pressure  of  the 
burden  more  severe,  and  the  infliction  of  it  more 
exasperating*.     No  sooner  was  the  navigation  act 

»  It  was  to  Virginia  alone  that  Montesquieu's  justificatory 
principle  of  the  system  of  restricted  trade  could  be  considered 
as  in  any  degree  applicable.  "  ll  nas  been  establislied,"  say* 
this  writer,  "  that  the  niother  country  alone  sliall  lr;ide  in  the 
colonies,  and  that  from  very  good  reason,  because  the  desig 
of  the  settlement  was  the  extension  of  commerce,  and  not 
foundation  of  arity,  or  of  a  new  em^'uc."   Sfirit  of  Law 


228 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


known  in  Virginia,  and  its  fffccts  experienced,  than 
(he  colon)  warmly  remcnslralrd  agaipst  it  as  a  griev- 
•iic?,  and  pclilioned  ea^ne^slly  for  rcK'  Dul,  al- 
Ihoijgh  the  English  inoiiarchs  were  accus^med  at  this 
periiKl  to  exercise  a  di»iiensiiig  power  over  the  laws  ; 
—in  »u  much  that  when  'the  court  at  a  later  i)eriod 
ventured  to  adopt  a  plan  of  arl.itrary  government, 
even  the  act  of  navigation  itself,  so  great  a  favorite 
with  the  naiioii,  was  suspended  for  a  while  hy  an 
exertion  of  this  stretch  of  prerogative  ;  yet,  during 
the  early  period  of  his  reign,  (-'harles,  unassured  of 
llic  stabiliiy  of  his  throne,  and  surrounded  by  minis- 
ters of  constitutional  principles,  was  compelled  to 
observe  the  limits  of  a  legal  administration,  and  to 
interpose  his  authority  for  the  enforcement  even  of 
those  laws  that  were  most  repugnant  to  his  principles 
and  wishes*.  So  far  from  lending  a  favorable  ear 
to  the  pclitionovcr  Virginia,  Charles  and  his  ministers 
adopted  measures  for  carrying  the  act  into  strict  exe- 
cution. Intelligence  having  been  received  that  its 
jirovisions  were  almost  as  generally  disregarded  as 
detested,  and  that  the  colonial  authorities  were  not 
prompt  to  enforce  what  they  saw  was  so  disagreeable 
to  the  persons  of  whom  they  presided,  instructions 
were  issued  to  the  go\  ernors  of  the  settlements,  repri- 
manding them  (or  the  "  neglects,  or  rather  con- 
tempts," which  the  law  had  sustained,  and  enjoining 
their  future  attention  to  its  rigid  enforcement ;  and 
in  Virginia,  in  particular,  demonstration  was  made 
of  the  determined  pur|)ose  of  the  English  government 
to  overcome  all  resistance  to  tlie  act,  by  the  erection 
of  forts  on  the  banks  of  the  prin'.ipal  rivers,  and  the 
appointment  of  vessels;  to  cruise  on  the  coast.  Uul, 
notwithstanding  the  threatening  measures  employed 
to  overawe  them,  and  the  vigilance  with  which  they 
were  watched,  the  Virginians  contrived  to  evade  tlie 
law,  and  to  obtain  some  vent  to  the  accumulating 
stores  of  their  depreciated  produce  by  a  clandestine 
trade  with  the  settlement  of  the  Dutch  on  Hudson's 
river.  The  relief,  however,  was  inconsiderable,  and 
the  discontents,  inflamed  by  the  hostilities  which  the 
frontier  Indians  now  resumed,  began  to  spread  so  wide- 
ly as  to  inspire  some  veteran  soidiers  of  Cromwell, 
who  had  been  banished  to  Virginia,  with  the  hope  of 
rendering  themselves  masters  of  the  colony,  and  de- 
Jvering  it  from  the  yoke  of  England.  A  conspiracy, 
which  has  received  the  name  of  Birkinhcad's  I'lul, 
was  formed  for  this  puq)osc  ;  but,  having  been  de- 
tected before  the  design  was  ripe,  it  was  easily  sup- 
pressed by  the  prudence  of  Sir  William  Berkeley, 
and  with  no  farther  bloodshed  than  the  execution  of 
four  of  the  conspirators. 

The  distress  uf  the  colony  continuing  to  increase 
with  the  increasing  depreciation  of  tobacco,  now  con- 
fined almost  entirely  to  one  market,  and  the  augmenta- 
tion of  the  price  of  all  foreign  coinmodilies,  now 
derivable  only  fiom  the  supplies  which  one  country 
could  furnish,  various  ellorts  were  made  from  lime  to 
time  by  the  colonial  assembly  for  the  relief  of  their 
constituents.  Retaliating  to  some  extent  the  injustice 
with  which  they  were  treated,  it  was  enacted  by  a 
.-olonial  law,  that  in  the  payment  of  debts,  country 
creditors  should  have  the  priority,  and  that  all  courts 
of  juslice  should  give  precedence  in  judgment  to 
contracts  made  within  the  colony.  Acts  were  passed 
for  restraining  the  growth  of  tobacco  ;  and  attempts 
were  made  to  introduce  a  new  staple,  by  encouraging 
the  plantation  of  mulberry  trees  and  the  manulaclure 
of  Kilk  ;  but  neither  of  these  designs  was  successful. 
[lOtiO  ]  Numerous  I'rencli  protestant  refugees  being 
attracted  to  Maryland  by  the  naturalization  act  whicli 
that  settlement  passed  in  their  favor  in  the  year  lUiiti, 
the  Virginian  assembly  endeavored  to  recruit  the 
wealth  and  [>opiilation  of  its  territories  from  this  source, 
by  framing,  m  like  nidiiner,  a  series  of  laws  which  em- 
powered the  governor  to  confer  on  aliens  taking  the 
oath  of  allegiance  all  the  privileges  of  naturalization  ;t 

xxl.  cap  17  ThM  was  m  some  i.icasure  true  as  to  Virginia, 
tliniii(li  Its  fifkt  charter  profe».«et  niopj  enlarged  designs ;  hut 
tl  wa»  iiul  true  lo  New  Eiiglaml,  Marylaiiil,  or  the  other 
poKlrnor  •utllcinciU>  cil  inc  Eiigh»li. 

•  When  the  parhanu  iii,  m  lU(i«,  introduced  the  unjust  and 
Tinh  ni  act  aKainsI  the  iii.|Hirt:ilion  of  Irish  cattle  into  Kngland, 
Iho  kinx  w«»  so  iiiui  h  »Uu.  k  wiili  ihe  ri:inonstraiici'i>  ol  tliu 
Iri»li  people  a^ainut  II11.H  incM.Hure,  that  he  nni  only  u.ied  all  his 
Intcre.l  lo  opiH.»e  ilie  lull,  hut  openly  declared  lhal  he  could 
nol  i;ive  hu-iiBnonl  loll  wilha  sale  c  •iisciciice.  Ilul  the  com- 
inon,  were  re.olute,  and  Ihe  king  wa.i  coMii«  ll«d  lo  kubinit. 

The  .piril  o(  lyr»i.i.v,"  .v„v»  lluinr.  ••  ol  w|,„  h  nations  are 
•uireplihic  a.  indivi,lu«l.,  had  exlromeiy  animated  the 
vi"  """"  """'""'y         'heir  dependent  state." 

t  It  WM  not  nil  after  the  Revolution  of  Ifi^iS  ihni  Ih.'  pohula- 
Cf  otb..r  fur«i(ncri.    In  1071,  bu  WiUaiu  Uerkeley  Uiiu  de- 


but it  was  provisionally  subjoined,  that  this  concession 
should  not  be  construed  to  vest  aliene  with  the  power 
of  exercising  any  function  which  they  were  disabled 
from  performing  by  the  acts  of  the  English  parliament 
relative  lo  the  colonies.  This  prudent  reference  to 
a  restriction  which  the  colonial  letters  of  naturaliza- 
tion must  inevitably  have  received  from  the  common 
law,  was  intended  to  guard  against  the  losses  and 
disputes  which  might  ensue  from  the  attempts  of  the 
naturalized  aliens  lo  infringe  the  navigation  act. 
But  the  precaution  was  unavailing ;  and  at  an  after 
period  many  forfeitures  of  proi)erty  were  incurred, 
and  much  vehement  dispute  created,  by  the  traffic 
which  aliens  in  the  colonies  carried  on  under  the 
authority  of  general  letters  of  denization  granted  to 
them  by  the  ignorance  or  inattention  of  the  royal 
governors.  Their  p/etcnsions,  though  flatly  opposed 
lo  the  acts  of  navigation,  were  supported  by  the 
American  courts  of  juslice,  but  uniformly  disallowed 
by  the  English  government,  which,  after  repeatedly 
enforcing  the  principle  that  the  acts  of  a  provincial 
legislature  cannot  operate  against  the  general  juris- 
prudence of  the  empire,  at  length  prohibited  the 
granting  of  farther  denizations. 

The  discontents  in  Virginia,  so  far  from  being  abated 
by  the  lapse  of  time,  were  maintained  by  the  constant 
pressure  of  the  commercial  restrictions,  and  the  repeat- 
ed attempts  lo  provide  more  effectually  for  their  en- 
forcement. Various  additional  causes  concurred  lo  in- 
flame the  angry  feelings  of  the  colonists  ;  and  a  conside- 
rable native  population  having  now  grown  up  in  Virgi- 
nia, the  discontents  of  these  persons  were  no  way 
abated  by  the  habitual  regard  and  fond  remembrance 
which  emigrants  retain  for  the  parent  stale  which  is  also 
the  land  of  their  individual  nativity.  The  defectiveness 
of  their  instruction,*  prevented  the  influence  of  educa- 
tion from  acting  in  ihis  respect  as  a  substitute  lo  expe- 
rience ;  and  they  knew  little  of  England  beyond  the 
wrongs  which  ihev  heard  daily  imputed  lo  her  injustice. 
The  Indian  hostilities,  after  infesting  the  frontiers,  be- 
gan to  penetrate  into  the  interior  of  the  province  ;  and 
while  the  colonists  were  thus  reduced  to  defend  their 
property  at  the  hazard  of  their  lives,  the  most  alarming 
apprehensions  of  the  security  of  that  property  were 
created  by  the  large  and  imprudent  grants  which  the 
king,  after  the  example  of  Ins  father,  very  lavishly  ac- 
corded to  the  solicitations  of  his  favorites.  [1673.]  The 
fate  of  that  parent  had  warned  him  to  avoid,  in  general, 
rather  the  arrogance  that  provoked,  than  the  injustice 
that  deserved  it ;  and,  in  granting  these  applications, 
without  cmliarrassing  himself  by  any  inquiry  into  their 
merits,  he  at  once  indulged  the  indolenoe  of  his  dis[)0- 
silion,  and  exerted  a  liberality  that  cost  him  nothing  that 
he  cared  for.  These  grants  were  not  only  of  such  ex- 
orbitant extent  as  to  be  unfavorable  lo  the  progress  of 
cultivation,  but,  from  ignorance  or  inaccuracy  in  the  de- 
finition of  their  boundaries,  were  frequently  made  to  in- 
clude tracts  of  land  lhal  had  already  been  planted  and 
appropriated.  Such  a  complication  of  exasperating 
circumstances  brought  the  discontents  of  the  colony  to 
a  crisis.  In  the  beginning  of  the  year  1675,  two  slight 
insurrections,  which  were  rather  explosions  of  popular 
impatience  than  the  consequence  of  matured  designs, 
were  easily  suppressed  by  the  prudence  and  vigor  of  the 
governor,  but  gave  significant  intimation  of  the  stale 
and  the  tendency  of  public  feeling  in  Virginia.  In  the 
hope  of  averting  the  crisis,  and  obtaining  redress  of  the 
more  recent  grievances  which  were  provoking  and  ma- 
turing It,  the  assembly  despatched  demilies  to  England, 

scribes  the  slate  of  its  population.—"  Thoi «  are  ui  Virginia 
above  40,000  persons,  men,  women,  and  children;  of  which 
there  arc  2,000  black  slaves,  6,0(10  rhrislian  Eervants  for  a 
short  time,  and  the  rest  have  l>een  born  in  the  country,  or 
have  come  in  lo  scute,  or  serve,  in  hope  of  betlorlng  their 
condition  m  a  growing  country.  Yearly,  wc  suppose,  there 
come  in  of  servants  about  1,500,  of  whicli  most  art  English, 
lew  Scotch,  and  fewer  Irish  ;  and  not  above  two  or  ttirco 
ships  of  negroes  in  seven  years."  Answers  lo  tlie  Lonlsff 
the  Coininilteo  of  Colonies,  apud  Chalmers,  3,  327.  The  nu 
nierous  imporlations  of  servants  mentioned  by  Sir  WiUlam 
Berkeley  were  probably  checked  by  the  troubles  that  preceded 
and  attended  Uacon's  nel)cllion.  The  later  importations 
were  more  available  than  the  earlier  ones  ;  the  diseases  of 
the  country  having  diminished  in  frequency  anil  violence  as 
the  woods  were  progressively  cut  down.  The  mortahly 
among  the  new  comers,  wc  learn  from  Sir  William  Berkeley, 
was  at  first  enormous,  liut  had  become  very  trifling  prior  lo 

•  Wc  have  seen  Sir  William  Berkeley,  with  the  prejudice 
of  a  cavalier,  boast  of  the  absence  of  the  seditious  influence  of 
learning,  but  a  few  years  jmor  lo  those  violent  disturbances 
by  which  Virginia  was  peculiarly  distinguished.  The  com- 
monwealth p.Trty,and  especially  llioso  who  were  termed  l»u- 
riUii.s,  though  reproached  as  the  enemies  of  literature,  v\ere 
III  reality  iIh  most  successful  ciiltiv.itors,  irid  mcvst  zealous 
piilroiis.  The  reproach  has  been  clearly  refuted,  and  their 
<  laims  HbU  and  surressluliy  viihUcaled  by  the  ftev.  Mr.  Urine, 
in  hi*  i4fu  gl  I'r.  John  Owca 


who,  after  a  tedious  negotiation  with  the  king  and  h.« 
ministers,  had  brought  matters  to  the  point  of  a  happy 
adjustment,  when  their  ex)iCctations  were  frustrated  anil 
the  proceedings  suspended  by  intelligence  ol  a  formida- 
ble rebellion  in  the  colony.  [16  (6. J  .\  tax  which  bad 
been  imposed  hy  the  assembly  lo  defray  the  expense  oi 
the  deputation,  had  irritated  the  discontents  which  the 
deputation  was  intended  to  compose ;  and  when  the 
dilatory  proceedings  of  the  English  government,  who 
disdained  to  allow  ihe  intelligence  of  past  insurreclioiia, 
or  the  apprehensions  of  future  rebellion,  10  quicken, 
their  diligence,  seemed  lo  confirm  the  assurances  of  th« 
factious  leaders  of  the  colonists,  that  even  their  last 
sacrifice  had  been  thrown  away,  ihe  tide  of  rage  and 
disaffection  began  again  to  swell  lo  the  point  of  rebel- 
lion. It  did  nol  long  wail  for  additional  provocation  to 
excite,  or  an  able  leader  to  impel,  its  fury.  For,  to 
crown  the  colonial  distress,  the  war  with  the  Susque- 
hannah  Indians,  which  had  continued  to  prevail  not- 
withstanding all  the  governor's  attempts  to  suppress  it, 
now  burst  forth  with  redoubled  rage,  and  threatened  a 
formidable  addition  of  danger,  hardship,  and  expense. 
Even  the  popularity  of  their  long-tried  and  magnani- 
mous friend.  Sir  William  Berkeley,  was  overcast  by 
the  blackness  of  this  cloud  of  calamities.  The  spirit 
and  fidelity  with  wtiich  he  had  adhered  to  the  colony 
through  evtry  variety  of  fortune,  the  earnestness  with 
which  he  ha  1  remonstrated  with  the  English  govern- 
ment against  the  commercial  restraints,  and  the  disinte- 
restedness he  had  shown  m  declining,  during  the  un- 
prosperous  st  ile  of  the  colonial  finances,  to  accept  the 
addition  which  the  assembly  had  made  lo  his  emolu- 
ments, were  disregarded,  denied,  or  forgotten.  To  his 
age  and  incapacity  were  attributed  the  burdens  of  the 
people,  and  the  distractions  of  the  limes  ;  and  he  was 
loudly  accused  of  wanting  alike  honesty  lo  resist  the 
oppressions  of  the  mother  country,  and  Courage  lo 
repel  the  hostility  of  the  savages.  Such  ungrateful 
injustice  is  rarely,  if  ever,  evinced  by  the  people,  but 
when  the  insidious  acts  of  factious  leaders  have  im- 
posed on  their  credulity  and  inflamed  tneir  passions. 
The  populace  of  Holland,  when,  a  few  years  before 
this  period,  they  lore  in  pieces  their  benefactor  Joh.n 
De  Will,  were  nol  only  terrified  by  the  progress  ol 
their  national  calamities,  but  deluded  by  the  profligate 
retainers  of  the  Orange  parly.  To  similar  influence 
(and  in  similar  circumstances)  were  the  Virginians 
now  exposed  from  the  artifice  and  anibilion  of  >>a- 
thaiiiel  Bacon. 

This  man  had  been  trained  lo  the  profession  of  the 
law  in  England,  and,  only  tltfee  years  before  this  period, 
had  emigrated  lo  Virginia.  This  short  interval  had 
sufliced  to  advance  him  to  a  conspicuous  situation  in 
the  colony,  and  to  indicate  the  disposition  and  talents 
of  a  popular  leader.  The  consideration  he  derived 
from  his  legal  attainments,  and  the  esteem  he  acquired 
by  an  insinuating  address,  had  quickly  procured  him  a 
seal  in  the  council,  and  ihe  rank  of  colonel  m  the 
inilitla.  But  his  temper  was  not  accommodated  10 
subordinate  olfice,  and,  unfortunately,  the  discontents 
of  the  colony  soon  presented  him  wilh  a  sphere  of 
action  more  congenial  lo  his  character  and  capacity. 
Young,  sanguine,  eloquent,  and  daring,  he  mixed  with 
the  malcoiHents,  and,  by  his  vehein<-iit  harangues  on 
the  grievances  under  which  they  labored,  he  inflamed 
their  passions  and  attracted  their  favor.  He  was  im- 
plicated in  the  msurrcction  of  the  preceding  year,  and 
had  been  taken  prisoner,  but  pardoned  by  the  governor  , 
but  less  affected  by  the  clemency,  than  encouraged  by 
the  impunity  which  he  had  experienced,  and  sensible 
that  the  aTenue  to  legiliiiiate  promotion  was  for  ever 
closed  against  him,  he  determined  10  cast  in  his  lot 
with  the  malcontenl  parly,  and,  taking  advantage  ol 
their  present  excitation,  he  now  again  came  forward, 
and  addressed  them  with  artifice  which  ilieir  unin- 
slructed  understandings  were  unable  to  detect,  and 
eloquence  which  their  untamed  passions  rendered 
utterly  irresistible.  I'lnding  that  the  senlimeius  most 
prevalent  with  his  auditory  were  the  alarm  and  indigna- 
tion excited  by  the  Indian  ravages,  he  boldly  chargel 
the  governor  with  neglect  or  incapacity  to  exert  ihrt 
vigor  that  was  requisite  for  ihe  general  safety  ;  and, 
having  expatiated  on  the  facility  w  ith  which  the  whole 
Indian  raco  might  bp  exlerinmaled,  he  exhorted  them 
to  take  arinu  in  thrir  own  defence,  and  accomplish  tha 
deliyerance  they  must  no  longer  expect  lioin  any  other 
quarter.  So  nccoplable  was  this  address  and  its  author 
to  the  disposition  ol  Ihe  popular  mind,  that  Ins  exhorta* 
tion  was  iiislanllv  complied  with,  and  his  mam  object 
no  less  succcsslnlly  rirccied  \  gre.il  mwltilud"  pro- 
ceeded to  cinliody  themsidres  for  an  exjiedition  against 
the  Indians,  and,  eleclmi;  Bacon  lo  be  their  geuenlt 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


229 


committed  themselves  to  his  direction.  He  assured 
tliem,  in  return,  that  he  would  never  l;iy  down  his  arms 
till  he  had  avenged  their  suilerings  and  redressed  their 
grievances.  To  give  some  color  of  legitimacy  to  the 
authority  he  had  acquired,  and,  perhaps,  expecting  to 
precipitate  matters  to  the  extremity  which  his  interest 
required  that  they  should  speedily  reach,  he  applied  to 
the  governor  for  an  otHcial  confirmation  of  the  popular 
election,  and  offered  instantly  to  march  against  the 
common  enemy.  Berkeley,  suspecting  his  real  de- 
signs, thougljl  it  '])rudent  to  temporise,  and  try  the 
effect  of  negotiation  ;  but  he  had  to  deal  with  a  man 
whose  own  artihce  kept  him  on  hid  guard  against  the 
snares  of  others,  and  w  ho  was  well  aware  that  prompti- 
tude and  resolute  perseverance  alone  could  extricate 
him  with  safety  or  credit  from  the  dangers  of  his  situa- 
tion. Pressed  for  an  answer,  and  finding  that  the 
applicants  were  not  to  be  soothed  by  his  conciliating 
demeanor,  Berkeley  issued  a  proclamation,  command- 
ing the  multitude,  in  the  king's  name,  to  disperse  im- 
mediately under  the  pains  of  rebellion. 

Bacon,  no  more  disconcerted  by  the  vigor  of  this 
addres.-i  than  he  had  been  duped  by  the  negotiation  that 
preceded  it,  instantly  marched  to  Jamestown,  at 
the  head  of  six  hundred  of  his  followers,  and  sur- 
rounding the  house  where  the  governor  and  assembly 
were  engaged  in  their  deliberations,  he  demanded 
the  commission  which  his  proceedings  and  retinue 
showed  how  little  he  either  needed  or  regarded. 
Berkeley,  undismayed  by  the  dangers  that  environed 
him,  clearly  perceived  his  inability  to  resist  the  force 
of  the  insurgents,  and  yet  disdained  to  yield  to  their 
pretensions.  Confronting  with  invincible  courage 
the  men  who  had  charged  him  with  defect  of  that 
virtue,  he  peremptorily  commanded  them  to  depart, 
and,  when  they  refused,  he  presented  his  breast  to 
their  weapons,  and  calmly  awaited  the  last  extremity  of 
their  rage.  But  the  council,  more  considerate  of 
their  own  safety,  and  fearful  of  driving  the  multitude 
to  despair,  hastily  prepared  a  commission,  by  which 
Baron  was  appointed  captain-general  of  all  the  forces 
of  Virginia,  and,  by  dint  of  the  most  earnest  entreaty, 
at  length  prevailed  with  the  governor  to  subscribe  it. 
The  insurgents  having  rewarded  their  acquiescence 
with  insulting  acclamations,  retired  in  triumph  ;  and 
the  assembly  no  sooner  felt  themselves  delivered  from 
the  immediate  presence  of  danger,  then,  passing  from 
the  extreme  of  timidity  to  the  height  of  presumption, 
they  voted  a  resolution  annulling  the  commission 
they  had  granted,  as  exlorteil  by  force,  denouncing 
Bacon  as  a  rebel,  commanding  his  followers  to  deliver 
him  up,  and  summoning  the  militia  to  arms  in  de- 
fence of  the  constitution.  They  found  too  little  diffi- 
culty in  prevailing  with  the  governor  to  confirm,  by 
his  sanction,  this  indiscreet  assumption  of  a  vigor 
which  they  were  totally  incapable  of  maintaining.  The 
consequences  might  have  been  easily  foreseen.  Bacon 
and  his  army,  flushed  v;ith  their  recent  triumph,  and 
incensed  at  this  impotent  menace,  v/hich  they  de- 
nounced as  the  height  of  baseness  and  treachery, 
'eturned  immediately  to  Jamestown,  and  the  governor, 
unsupported  by  any  effective  force  that  could  cope 
with  the  insurgents,  retired  across  the  bay  to  Acomack, 
on  the  eastern  shore.  Some  of  the  councillers  ac- 
companied him  thither ;  the  rest  retired  to  their  own 
plantations  ;  the  frame  of  the  colonial  administration 
seemed  to  be  dissolved,  and  Bacon  took  unresisted 
possession  of  the  vacant  government. 

The  authority  which  he  had  thus  acquired  by  the 
vigor  of  his  proceedings.  Bacon  employed  with  great 
address  to  add  strength  and  reputation  to  his  party. 
To  give  to  this  usurped  jurisdiction  the  appearance  of 
a  legal  establishment,  he  called  a  convention  of  the  gen- 
tlemen of  the  country,  and  prevailed  with  a  numerous 
body  of  them  to  pledge  themselves  by  oath  to  support 
his  authority  and  resist  his  enemies.  A  declaration 
was  publiehed,  in  the  name  of  this  body,  setting  forth 
that  Sir  William  Berkeley  had  wickedly  fomented  a 
civil  war  among  the  people,  and  that,  after  thus  violat- 
ing his  trust,  he  had  abdicated  the  government,  to  the 
great  astonishmont  of  the  country  ;  that  the  general 
had  raised  an  army  for  the  public  service,  and  with  the 
public  approbation  ;  that  the  late  governor  having,  as 
was  reported,  falsely  informed  the  king  that  the  general 
and  his  followers  were  rebels,  and  advised  his  majesty 
to  send  forces  to  subdue  them,  the  welfare  of  the  colony 
and  their  true  allegiance  to  his  most  sacred  majesty 
equally  required  that  they  oppose  and  suppress  all 
forces  whatsoever,  till  the  kir.g  be  fully  inform  d  of  the 
Uue  state  of  the  case  by  such  persons  as  should  be  sent 
to  him  by  Nathaniel  Bacon,  to  whom  in  the  interim 
Mi  the  inhabitants  were  required  to  take  an  oath  of  alle- 


giance. It  was  remarked  by  the  wisC,  that  this  decla- 
ration, which  might  have  liccn  expected  lodi.';|ilay  th<: 
genuine  cause  ol  tlie  n^Nolt,  nicntioiied  none  of  the 
original  subjects  of  discontent ;  and,  hence,  they  justly 
suspected  that  the  leader  of  the  insurgents  had  designs 
of  his  own,  to  which  the  discontents  of  his  followers 
were  merely  subservient,  which  extended  beyond  the 
temporary  precaution  of  hostilities  with  the  Indians, 
and  had  already  suggested  to  him  a  specious  plea,  on 
which  he  proposed  to  involve  the  colony  in  a  war  with 
the  forces  of  the  mother  country.  Yet,  such  was  the 
spirit  of  the  times,  and  the  sympathy  with  resistance  to 
every  branch  of  an  administration  which  Charles  was 
daily  rendering  more  and  more  odious  and  suspected, 
that,  when  this  declaration  was  made  known  in  Eng- 
land, it  met  with  many  advocates  among  the  people, 
and  even  within  the  walls  of  that  parliament  whose  in- 
justice formed  the  only  grievance  that  Virginia  had  yet 
to  complain  of. 

Sir  William  Berkeley,  in  the  mean  time,  having  col- 
lected a  force  from  levies  among  the  planters  who  re- 
mained well  affected  to  him,  aiid  from  the  crews  of  the 
English  shipping  on  the  coasts,  commenced  a  series 
of  attacks  on  the  forces  of  the  usurper,  and  several 
sharp  encounters  ensued  between  the  parties  with 
various  success.  All  the  horrors  of  civil  war  began  to 
descend  on  the  colony.  Jamestown  was  reduced  to 
ashes  by  the  insurgents  ;  the  estates  of  the  loyalists 
were  pillaged,  their  friends  and  relatives  seized  as 
hostages,  and  the  richest  plantations  in  the  province 
were  laid  waste.  The  governor  was  compelled,  by 
the  rage  of  his  own  partizans,  to  retaliate  these  ex- 
tremities, and  even  to  execute  some  of  the  insurgents 
by  martial  law  ;  and  the  animosity  of  both  parties  was 
rapidly  mounting  to  a  pitch  that  threatened  a  war  of 
mutual  extermination.  The  superiority  of  the  insur- 
gent force  had  hitherto  confined  the  efforts  of  the 
loyalists  in  the  field  to  more  skirmishing  engagements  ; 
but  the  tidings  of  an  approaching  arinaineiU,  which  tlic 
king  had  despatched  from  Englaml  under  Sir  John 
Berry,  to  the  assistance  ot  the  governor,  gave  promise 
of  a  wider  range  of  carnage  and  desolation.  (Charles 
had  issued  a  proclamation,  declaring  Bacon,  a  traitor 
and  the  sole  promoter  of  the  insurrection  ;  granting 
pardon  to  all  his  followers  who  snould  forsake  hiin, 
and  offering  freedom  to  all  slaves  who  would  assist  in 
suppressing  the  revolt.  However  elated  the  loyalists 
might  be  with  the  intelligence  of  the  approaching  suc- 
cor, the  leader  of  the  insurgents  was  no  way  dis- 
mayed by  it ;  and  his  influence  over  his  followers  was 
unbounded.  Conscious  now  that  his  ))ower  and  his 
life  were  indissolubly  connected,  he  determined  to 
encounter  whatever  force  might  be  sent  against  him. 
He  was  aware,  at  the  same  time,  of  the  importance  of 
striking  a  decisive  blow  while  the  advantage  of  num- 
bers remained  with  him  ;  and  with  this  view  having  en- 
larged his  resources  by  proclaiming  a  general  forfeiture 
of  the  properly  of  all  who  cither  ojiposed  his  pieten- 
sions  or  even  affected  neutrality,  he  was  preparing  to 
take  the  field,  when  his  career  was  arrested  by  that 
Power  which  restrains  the  remainder  of  human  wrath, 
and  tan  wither  in  an  instant  the  uplifted  arm  of  the 
destroyer.  Happily  for  his  country,  and  to  the  mani- 
fest advantage  not  less  of  his  followers  than  his  adver- 
saries, Baccn  unexpectedly  sickened  and  died.  [1677.] 

How  entirely  this  extraordinary  man  had  been  the 
soul  of  his  party,  was  strikingly  evinced  by  the  effect 
of  his  death  on  their  sentiments  and  proceedings. 
The  bands  of  their  confederacy  seemed  to  be  cut  asun- 
der by  the  loss  of  their  general,  and  no  successor  even 
atlem;)ted  to  re-unite  them.  To  their  sanguine  hopes 
and  resolute  adherence  to  Bacon,  succeeded  mutual 
distrust  and  universal  despondency  ;  eagerness  for 
battle,  and  dreams  of  conquest,  gave  place  to  an 
earnest  concern  to  secure  their  own  safety,  and  effect 
an  accommodation  with  the  ancient  government ;  and, 
after  a  short  treaty  they  laid  down  their  arms,  and 
submitted  to  Sir  William  Berkeley,  on  condition  of 
receiving  a  general  pardon.  Thus  suddenly  and  provi- 
dentially was  dissipated  a  tempest  that  seemed  to  por- 
tend the  inevitable  ruin  of  Virginia.  From  the  man 
whose  evil  genius  excited  and  impelled  its  fury,  this 
insurrection  has  been  distinguished  by  the  name  of 
Bacon's  Rebellion.  It  placed  the  colony  for  seven 
months  in  the  power  of  that  daring  usurper,  involved 
the  inhabitants  during  all  that  period  in  bloodshed  and 
confusion,  and  was  productive  of  a  devastation  of  pro- 
perty to  the  extent  of  at  least  a  hundred  thousand 
pounds.*    To  the  mother  country  it  conveyed  a  les- 


■*  Beverley,  70—70.    Oldrnixon,  i.  2.30—257.    Modem  Uni- 
versal History,  xli.  S58.    Sir  William  Keitirs  History  of 
gmia,  p.  156— 101.    Chalmers.  332— 335.  330.    An  accouut  ol 


son  which  she  appears  nevirr  to  have  understood  till 
the  loss  of  her  colonies  illustrated  its  meaning,  and  thy 
consequence  of  disregjrdiiig  it.  For,  alter  every 
allowance  for  the  ability  and  artifice  of  Bacon,  it  was 
manifest  that  his  influence  .had  been  originally  derived 
from  the  general  discontent  and  irritation  occasioned 
by  the  commercial  restrictions  ;  and  it  required  little 
sagacity  to  foresee  that  these  sentiments  would  be  ren- 
dered more  inveterate  and  more  formidable  by  tho 
growth  of  the  province,  and  by  the  increased  con- 
nexion and  sympathy  with  the  other  colonial  settle- 
ments, which  the  lapse  of  time  and  the  habitual  con- 
sciousness of  common  interests  and  grievances  would 
infallibly  promote.  Had  Bacon  been  a  more  honest 
and  disinterested  leader,  this  lesson  would  perhaps 
have  been  more  clearly  expressed,  and  the  rebellion, 
it  is  probable,  would  not  have  ended  with  himself. 
But,  instead  of  sincerely  embracing  the  cause  of  his 
associates,  he  contrived  to  render  iheir  jiassions  sub- 
servient to  his  own  ambitious  purposes.  'I'lie  assertors 
of  the  interests  of  Virginia  were  thus  converted  into 
the  partizans  of  an  individual;  and  when  his  presence 
and  influence  were  withdrawn,  tliey  perceived  at  onco 
that  they  were  embarked  m  a  contest  which  to  them- 
selves had  neither  interest  nor  object. 

No  sooner  were  the  insurgents  disbanded,  and  the 
legitimate  government  restored  than  Sir  William 
Berkeley  convened  the  colonial  assembly,  to  assist,  by 
its  deliberations,  in  the  re-establishment  of  public 
order.  The  acts  of  this  assembly  have  received  from 
some  writers  the  praise  of  moderation,  which,  no 
doubt,  they  must  be  admitted  to  evince  in  a  degree  no 
less  honorable  than  surprising,  if  we  confine  our 
attention  to  the  circumstance  of  its  having  met  but  e 
few  weeks  after  Bacon's  death,  when  the  memory  of 
insults  and  injuries  was  recent,  when  the  passions  of 
the  parties  were  yet  warm,  and  the  agitations  of  the 
contest  had  barely  subsided.  By  others,  they  have 
been  loaded  with  a  reproach  which  they  plaiidy  appear 
to  deserve,  when  we  recollect  that  they  were  inlrai-- 
tiims  of  the  treaty  with  the  insurgents.  Still,  with  all 
their  imperfections,  they  will  be  admitted  by  every  one 
who  is  acquainted  with  the  history  of  civil  commotions, 
to  form  a  fairer  model  than  the  records  ol  any  other 
people  have  ever  transmitted  of  the  inoderatioii  of  a 
successful  party  in  a  civil  war.  Bacon,  and  a  few  of 
his  principal  olHt^rs,  who  had  perished  in  the  contest, 
were  attainted ;  none  of  the  survivors  of  the  party 
were  punished  capitally,  but  a  few  of  the  more  noted  ol 
them  were  subjected  to  fines  and  disabilities  ;  and 
with  these  exceptions,  the  promise  of  general  indemnity 
was  confirmed  by  law.  An  attainder  of  the  dead 
seems  an  arrogant  attempt  of  human  power  to  extend 
Its  arm  beyond  the  bounds  of  life,  to  invade  with  its 
vengeance  the  inviolable  dominion  of  the  grave,  and 
to  reclaim  to  the  jurisdiction  of  delegated  authority  and 
fallil)le  judgment  the  offender,  who  has  already  been 
removed  by  the  act  of  Sovereign  Power  to  abide  the 
decree  of  its  infallible  justice.  It  was  probably  resorted 
tc  on  this  occasion  in  order  to  assert  the  vindictive 
power  of  the  law,  without  infiiiiging  thj  indemnity  that 
had  been  stipulated  to  the  insurgents.  But,  in  Eng- 
land, it  was  regarded  as  an  act  of  sovereignty  beyond 
the  competence  of  a  subordinate  legislature,  and  held 
to  be  void  from  defect  of  power  ;  and  all  the  other  acts 
of  the  assembly  in  relation  to  the  insurgents  were  dis- 
allowed by  the  king  as  derogatory  to  the  terms  of  his 
proclamation.  The  attainder,  however,  was  afterwards 
re-enacted,  by  passing  a  bill  to  that  efl'ect,  which  was 
framed  in  England,  and  transmitted  under  the  great 
seal  to  the  colonial  assembly. 

The  tardy  aid  which  had  been  detached  from  Eng- 
land to  the  defence  of  tho  colonial  government,  did 
not  reach  Virginia  till  after  the  complete  re-establish- 
ment of  tranquillity.  With  the  fleet  arrived  Colonel 
Jefferys,  appointed  by  the  king  to  signify  the  recal  and 
succeed  to  the  ollice  of  .Sir  William  Berkeley,  who  now 
closed  in  peace  an  administration  of  nearly  forty  years  ; 
and  shortly  after,  closing  his  life,  may  be  said  to  have 
died  in  the  service  of  Virginia.  This  gallant  and 
honorable  man  was  thus  spared  the  mortification  of  be- 
holding the  injustice  with  which  the  royal  authority  was 
soon  after  employed  to  blacken  his  fame,  and  to  weaken 
all  those  sentiments  of  loyalty  in  the  colony  which  it 


the  causes  and  circiunstances  of  this  rebellion,  differing  ma- 
terially fi'Oiiilhat  which  1  have  adopted,  very  discreditable  to 
Sir  WiUiaiii  Ut^rkclcy,  and  pioportioiialily  favorable  to  Bacon, 
oi  rurs  in  the  Appendix  to  the  l:rst  volume  of  Williamsoirs 
History  of  North  Carolina.  Hut  it  is  opposed  by  all  existing 
evidence,  supported  by  none,  and  strongly  impeached  by  ita 
own  manifest  improbability.  Williamson's  dislike  of  Sir  Wil- 
Uam  Berkeley  was  probably  occasioned  by  the  very  unfavor 
able  opinion  which  Berkeley  had  expressed  of  the  planters 
of  North  Carohna  at  tlus  period. 


180 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


b4d  been  the  KTcat  object  of  his  wishes,  and  in  no  small 
degree  the  effi  ct  of  his  administration,  to  cultivate  and 
maintain.  H  >Idin>;  all  the  principles  of  an  old  cavalier  ; 
endowed  w:tl.  a  cliaracter  well  formed  to  recoiniiieiid 
hu  principles  ;  and  presidin-,'  in  a  colony  where  ilie 
prevailing  sentiments  of  the  people  vfcre  congenial  willi 
ins  own,  he  had  hoped  to  make  Virginia  an  asylum 
where  the  lovalty  that  was  lan5,'uishiiig  m  Europe 
might  he  renovated  by  transmigration  into  a  young  and 
growing  body  politic,  and  expand  to  a  new  and  more 
vigori"rs  maturity.  But  this  was  not  the  destination 
of'the  provinces  of  America.  Strongly  infected  wnli 
the  prejudices  of  his  age  and  party,  Berkeley  was  al- 
ways more  willing  to  make  the  most  generous  exer- 
tions for  a  people  who  committed  their  interests  to  his 
protection,  than  to  enlighten  them  with  th<-  knowledge 
that  would  have  enabled  them  more  justly  to  appreciate 
and  more  extensively  to  administer  those  interests 
themselves.  The  naked  republican  principle  that  sub- 
stitutes the  respect  and  approbation  of  citizens  to  their 
magistrate,  in  jilace  of  the  reverence  and  attachment  of 
subjects  to  their  sovereign,  was  held  by  all  the  cavaliers 
in  utter  abhorrence  ;  and  a  more  favorable  specimen  of 
the  opposite  principle  which  they  maintained,  and  of 
that  mixed  system  of  opinion  and  sentiment  which  it 
tended  to  produce,  will  not  easily  be  found  than  in  the 
a  Jministration  of  Sir  William  Berkeley.  The  courage- 
ous regard  he  demonstrated  for  the  people,  not  only 
excited" their  grateful  admiration,  but  recommended  to 
their  esteem  the  generous  loyalty  to  his  king  with  which 
it  was  in  his  language  and  demeanor  inseparably 
blended  ;  and  while  he  claimed  their  sympathy  with  his 
loyalty  to  their  common  sovereign,  he  naturally  asserted 
his  own  share  in  the  sentiment  as  the  delegate  of  the 
crown.  The  exalted  distinction  which  he  thought  due 
to  rank  and  office,  he  employed  to  give  efficacy  to  pru- 
dence, moderation,  and  benevolence  ;  and  tempering 
the  dit;nity  of  aristocratical  elevation  with  the  kindness 
of  a  patriarc'n  and  the  mild  courtesy  of  a  gentleman, 
his  administration  realized  that  elegant  resemblance 
which  many  have  preferred  to  more  real  and  substantial 
equality  :  as  there  are  many  who  confess  that  they  find 
politeness  more  gratifying  than  solid  benefaction.  He 
was  a  wise  legislator,  as  well  as  a  benevolent  and  up- 
right, magistrate  ;  and  we  are  informed  by  the  editor 
of  the  laws  of  Virginia,  that  the  most  judicious  and 
most  popular  of  them  were  framed  by  Sir  William 
Berkeley,  When  his  death  was  made  knosvn,  and  he 
was  no  longer  an  object  of  flattery  or  of  fear,  the 
assembly  recorded  the  sentiments  which  the  colony 
entertained  of  his  conduct  in  the  grateful  declaration 
•'  that  he  had  been  an  excellent  and  well  deserving  go- 
vernor ;"  and  earnestly  recommended  his  widow  to  the 
justice  and  generosity  of  the  king.*  Happily  perhaps 
for  themselves,  the  bosom  of  the  king  was  quite  a 
stranger  to  any  such  sentiments  ;  and  his  administra- 
tion was  calculated  to  dispei  instead  of  confirming  the 
impressions  of  cavalier  loyalty,  and  to  teach  the  Vir- 
ginian colonists  that  the  object  of  their  late  governor's 
homage  was  a  very  worthless  idol,  and  the  animating 
principle  of  his  political  creed  a  mere  illusion  of  his 
own  generous  imagination. 

The  most  remarkable  event  tliat  distinguished  the 
government  of  (Jolonel  JefTerys  was  the  conclusion  of 
the  Indian  war,  which  had  raged  so  long,  and  contri- 
buted, with  other  causes,  to  the  production  of  the  late 
rebellion,  by  a  treaty  which  gave  universal  satisfaction. 
This  too  was  the  only  act  of  his  administration  that 
was  attended  wish  consequences  so  anreeable.  Jef- 
fcrys.  together  with  Sir  John  Berry  and  Colonel  Mory- 
«on,  had  bcsn  appointed  commissioners  to  inquire  into, 
and  repo.'t  on,  the  causes  of  Bacon's  rebellion.  They 
commenced  their  inquiries  with  an  avowed  preposscs- 
hion  in  favpr  of  the  insurgents,  and  conducted  them 
with  the  most  indecent  partiality.  The  temptations 
which  their  office  presented  to  magnify  the  importance 
of  their  labors,  by  new  and  striking  discoveries,  and 
to  prove,  by  censLic  of  the  late  administration,  that 
they  had  not  been  a|ipoinlcd  its  arbiters  in  vain,  co- 
operated, no  doubt,  to  produce  the  malignity  and  inius- 
tice  which  ihev  dis[ilayed  in  a  degree  that  would  other- 
wise seem  quite  unaccountable.  Instead  of  indemni- 
fying, or  even  applauding,  they  di.scountenanccd  the 

•  Chklmer*,  p.  39(1,  7.  Hrnfarp  to  Morv»on's  Edition  of  the 
I.»wi  cif  Virjtlhm.  I.ifi-  of  Sir  Wilhnm  Herkelcy.  Ttic  very 
(rral  portion  nf  iliin  eminent  per'nn'it  life  wliirli  was  identinud 
»ith  the  hmtorv  cif  lh«  rcilonv  will  norm  to  excuse,  I  hope,  the 
.onifth  iifllii"  alliKlon  to  liiii  mlerestinii  clinriirtsr.  Tlieonly 
refrrnnro  I  have  ohnrrrod  in  lim  iMprnikSlonii  to  the  stale  of 
rehcKin  m  ttin  mlony.  nr  to  liU  own  HViitlinrntM  llicreupon, 
•rrurRln  hia  nnnwtri  tntho  Lords  of  the  t 'ominitti-4'  ofColo- 
nli»».  whrrr  ho  hum,  Our  niinintorK  are  well  p:iid,«nd  l>y  niv 
conMnt  •liuiild  l>r  Ix-tirr  ii  thvjr  would  prty  oflcncr  and  proucli 
ItM."   Chalinora,  p.  3116. 


loyalists  who  had  rallied  in  the  time  of  danger  round 
the  person  of  the  governor  ;  and,  having  invited  all 
the  persons  who  had  been  engaged  in  the  insurrection 
to  come  forward  and  state  their  grievances  w  ilhoiit  lear. 
and  unei|uivocally  <leinoiistrated  the  favorable  acce|>t- 
ance  which  such  representations  might  expect,  they 
revived  in  the  colony  all  the  angry  passions  that  had 
been  so  happily  composed,  and  collected  a  masj  of 
senseless  and  inconsistent  complaints  which  had  never 
been  uttered  before,  and  which  they  compiled  into  a 
bodv  of  charges  against  .Sir  A\'illiam  Berkeley  and  his 
council.*  ^Vhile  their  folly  or  malignity  thus  tended 
to  rekindle  the  dissensions  of  the  colonists,  their  in- 
temperance involved  them  in  a  dispute  that  united  all 
parties  against  themselves.  Having  violently  taken 
the  records  of  the  assembly  out  of  the  hands  of  its 
clerk,  the  house,  incensed  at  this  insult,  demanded  sa- 
tisfaction from  Jetferys  ;  and  when  he  appealed  to  the 
authority  of  the  great  seal  of  f^ngland,  under  which  [ 
the  commissioners  acted,  they  declared  to  him,  ir.  lan- 
guage worthy  of  the  descendants  of  Englishmen,  and 
the  jiarents  of  Americans,  "  that  such  a  breach  of  pri- 
vilege could  not  be  commanded  under  the  great  seal, 
because  they  could  r.ot  find  that  any  king  of  England 
had  ever  done  so  in  former  timc.s."  The  spirit  of  the 
assembly  will  appear  the  more  commendable  if  we  con- 
sider tliat  a  body  of  regular  troops,  the  first  that  had 
ever  been  sent  to  Virginia,  were  now  stationed  in  the 
colony  under  the  command  of  Sir  John  Berry.  In- 
formed of  this  proceeding,  the  king,  in  strains  that  rival 
the  arrogance  of  his  father  and  grandfather,  commanded 
the  governor  "  to  signify  the  royal  indignation  at  this 
seditious  declaration,  and  to  give  the  leaders  marks 
of  the  royal  displeasure."  Berry  and  Moryson  soon 
after  returned  to  England,  leaving  the  colony  in  a 
state  of  ferment,  and  all  parties  disgusted  and  dis- 
appointed. 

To  the  other  causes  of  discontent,  was  added  the 
burden  of  supporting  the  soldiery,  who  receiving  no 
remittances  of  pay  from  England,  lived  at  free  quar- 
ters upon  the  inhabitants.  Their  impatience,  however, 
was  mitigated  by  the  friendly  and  prudent  demeanor  of 
an  aged  officer,  and  venerable  man.  Sir  Henry  Chiche- 
ley,  to  A'hom,  as  lieutenant  governor,  the  administra- 
tion devolved  on  the  death  of  JelTerys  :  [1678,]  and 
as,  during  his  presidency,  the  large  and  improvident 
grants  of  the  crown  that  had  been  so  much  complained 
of  were  recalled,  and  some  other  grievances  corrected, 
a  short  gleam  of  prosperity  w^is  shed  on  the  colony, 
and  an  interval  of  comparative  repose  gave  the  people 
time  to  breathe  before  the  resumption  of  tyranny  with 
a  violence  which  wa  to  endure  till  the  era  of  the  revo- 
lution. 

It  was  not  to  the  intentions  of  the  king  that  the  colo- 
nists were  indebted  for  the  mild  administration  of  Sir 
Henry  Chiclieley.  Charles  had  sometime  before  con- 
ferred the  government  on  Lord  ('ulpepper,  who  though 
very  willing  to  accept  the  important  olFiee,  showe.i  so 
little  readiness  to  perform  the  duties  of  it.  that  it  was 
not  till  he  had  been  reprimanded  by  the  king  for  his 
neglect,  that  he  at  leniilh  made  his  vovaire  to  Viri;inia. 
[1680  ]  His  administration  was  conducted  wiih  the 
same  arbitrary  spirit  .iiat  the  royal  government  had 
now  begun  to  exercise  without  control  in  the  mother 
coniitry.  Having  wrested  from  the  assembly  the  nomi- 
nation of  its  own  most  corifidential  officer,  the  secretary 
who  kept  its  journals  ;  having  abolished  the  power  it 
had  hitherto  exercised  of  arbitrating  appeals  from  the 
decisions  of  the  provincial  judicatories  ;  and  having 
endeavored  to  silence  all  complaint  of  his  tyranny  by 
establishing  a  law  that  prohibited,  under  the  severest 
penalties,  all  disrespectful  speeches  against  the  gover- 
nor or  his  administration,  he  returned,  after  a  very 
short  stay  in  Virginia,  to  enjoy  in  England  the  money 
he  had  contrived  to  divert  from  the  revenues  of  the 
colonial  government.  Vet  on  this  ignoble  lord  did  the 
king  confer  the  commission  n(  governor  for  life,  and  a 
salary  twice  as  large  as  the  emoluments  of  Sir  William 
Berkeley.  The  irritation  which  his  proceedings  had 
created,  sharpened  the  sense  of  the  hardships  which 
the  colonist.^  were  now  enduring  from  the  depressed 
price  of  tobacco;  and  at  length  the  public  iinpatieivce 
exploded  iti  a  tumultuary  attempt  to  destroy  ull  the  new- 
tobacco  plantations  that  threatened  to  increase  the  de- 
pression of  jince  by  multi|)lyiiig  still  farther  the  quan- 
tities of  produce.  [1682  ]  The  insurrection  might 
have  proceeded  to  very  serious  extremities,  if  the  pru- 
dence and  vigor  of  Sir  Henry  Chicheley  had  not  again 

*  The  tneinory  of  Sir  VVillinm  Herkelev  w  as  defended  nirainst 
the  Mii'.represenlalion.s  of  the  roniini>sioiiers,  hy  his  brother 
Lord  llrrkeloy  (Chalmers,  p.  3iO),  and  his  fame  sulTorcd  no 
diiiunu*.ion  from  their  report 


been  exerted  to  compose  the  public  discontent,  and  pre- 
serve the  peace  of  the  colony.  To  a  mind  influenced 
liy  liberal  justice,  or  susceptible  of  humane  impressions, 
tills  short  and  feeble  insurrection  wai  powerfully  re- 
commended to  an  indulgent  consideration.  It  was  but 
a  momentary  expression  of  popular  impatience  creat:s1 
by  undoubted  sulTering  :  and  the  earnest,  though  in«f- 
feciual  addresses  by  which  the  assembly  had  recentiv 
solicited  from  the  king  a  prohibition  of  the  increase  oJ 
tobacco  plantations,  hjd  both  suggested  and  seemed  to 
sanction  the  objrct  to  which  the  violence  of  the  riolera 
was  directed.  But  to  the  king  it  appeared  in  the  liaht 
of  an  outrage  which  his  dignity  could  not  suffer  to  past 
without  a  severe  vindictive  retribution  ;  and  Lord  Cul- 
pepper, again  obeying  the  royal  mandate  to  proceed  to 
Virginia,  caused  a  number  of  the  insurgents  to  be  tried 
for  high  treason  :  and  by  a  series  of  bloody  executions 
diffused  that  terror  which  tyrants  denominate  tranquil- 
lity. Having  thus  enforced  a  submission,  no  less  un- 
propitious  to  the  colony  than  the  ferment  which  had 
attended  his  former  departure,  Lord  Culpepper  asain 
set  sail  for  England,  where  he  was  immediately  ordered 
into  confinement  for  returning  without  leave  ;  and  oa 
a  charge  of  inisapjiropriating  the  colonial  revenues 
was  shortly  after  arraigned  before  a  jury,  and  b 
consequence  of  their  verdict,  deprived  of  his  commis- 
sion. 

In  displacing  this  nobleman,  it  was  the  injury  done 
to  himself  and  not  the  wrongs  of  the  colony,  that 
Charles  intended  to  redress.  The  last  -net  of  his  royal 
authority,  of  which  Virginia  was  senst'ole,  was  the  ap- 
pointment of  a  successor  to  Culpepper,  in  Lord  Erting- 
hain,  [16S3.]  whose  character  was  very  little,  if  at  all, 
superior,  and  whom,  among  other  instructions,  he  ex- 
pressly commanded  to  suffer  no  person  within  the  co- 
lony to  make  use  of  a  printing  press  on  any  occasion 
or  pretence  whatsoever.  Along  with  the  new  governor 
was  sent  a  friijate,  which  was  appointed  to  be  stationed 
on  the  coast  for  the  purpose  of  enforcing  a  stricter  exe- 
cution of  the  navigation  act  than  that  obnoxious  mea- 
sure had  yet  been  able  to  obtain. 

[168.1.]  On  the  death  of  Charles  the  Second,  his 
successor,  James,  was  proclaimed  in  Virginia  with  de- 
monstrations of  joy,  expressive  less  of  the  acquaint- 
ance of  the  colonists  with  the  character  of  their  new 
sovereign,  than  of  that  impatient  hope  with  which  men, 
under  the  pressure  of  extreme  discontent,  are  ready  to 
hail  any  change  as  desirable.  Acclamations  much  more 
expressive  of  hope  and  joy  had  attended  the  commence- 
ment of  the  preceding  reign  :  and  if  the  hopes  that 
were  entertained  on  the  present  occasion  were  more 
moderate,  they  were  not  on  that  account  the  less  falla- 
cious. The  colonists  soon  learned  with  regret,  that  in 
his  first  parliament  James  had  [irocured  the  imposition 
of  a  tax  on  the  consumption  of  tobacco  in  Et.g.and; 
and  ill  imploriiig  the  suspension  of  this  lax,  which 
threatened  still  farther  to  depreciate  their  only  commo- 
dity, they  descended  to  an  abjcctness  of  entreaty  which 
produced  no  other  effect  than  to  embitter  their  disgust 
with  the  conscioesness  of  unavailing  degradation. 
Though  the  assembly  was  compelled  to  present  an  ad- 
dress of  felicitation  to  the  king  on  the  defeat  of  .Mon- 
mouth's inva.=!ion  of  England,  the  colonists  found  an 
opportunity  of  imlulgiiig  very  ditferent  sentiments  on 
that  occasion  in  the  kindness  with  which  they  treated 
those  of  the  insurgents  whom  James,  from  a  satiety  of 
bloodshed,  which  he  termed  the  plenitude  of  royal 
mercy,  appointed  to  be  transported  to  the  plantations ; 
and  even  the  assembly  paid  no  regard  to  the  significa- 
tion of  the  royal  desire  that  they  should  frame  a  law 
to  prevent  these  unfortunate  persons  from  redeeming 
themselves  from  the  servitude  to  which  they  had  been 
consigned.  This  conduct,  however,  of  the  colonists 
and  their  assembly,  in  so  far  as  it  was  not  prompted 
by  simple  humanity,  indicated  merely  their  dis.satisfac- 
tion  with  the  king's  treatment  of  themselves,  and  pro- 
ceeded from  no  particijiation  of  their  wishes  or  opinions 
in  the  designs  of  Monmouth.  The  general  discontent 
was  increased  by  the  [lersonal  character  of  the  gover- 
nor, through  whom  the  rays  of  roval  influence  wer»> 
transmitted.  Lord  Effingham,  like  his  predecessor, 
engrafted  the  vices  of  a  sordid  disposition  on  the  arbi- 
trary administration  which  he  was  ap|>oinled  to  conduct- 
He  instituted  a  court  of  chancery,  m  which  he  himseU 
presided  as  judge  ;  and,  besides  multiplying  and  en- 
hancing the  fees  attached  to  his  own  peculiar  functions, 
he  condescended  to  share  with  the  clerks  the  meanef 
perquisites  of  ministerial  offices.  For  some  time  ha 
contrived  to  slillc  the  remonstrances  which  his  extor- 
tions prorliiccd.  by  afbitrary  impri.^oninenl  and  other  se- 
venties ;  but  at  length,  tfio  public  displeasure  became  .so 
general  and  uiicontiollable,  that  hu  found  il  itnposiublo 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


231 


to  prevent  ilie  complaints  of  the  colony  from  being 
carried  to  England,  for  whicli  country  he  in  conse- 
quence resolved  Inmself  to  einbatk,  in  order  to  bo  pre- 
sent at  his  own  arraisrnment.  flOSS.J  He  was  accom- 
panied by  Colonel  Ludwell.  whom  the  assembly  had 
appointed  their  agent  to  advocale  the  complaints  of  his 
oji>i  jct  and  urge  his  removal. 

But  l)efore  the  governor  and  his  accuser  arrived  in 
England,  tlic  revolution  which  the  tyranny  of  James 
at  length  provoked  in  that  country,  had  transferred  the 
allegiance  of  all  parties  to  new  sovcTcigris.  'I'lie  Vir- 
ginians, though  they  readily  accpiiesccd  in  the  change, 
appear  to  have  surveyed  with  very  little  emotion,  an 
event  which  coincided  with  none  of  their  anticipations, 
and  to  the  production  of  which  their  concurrence  liad 
never  been  demanded.  Whatever  might  be  its  remoter 
consequences,  its  immediate  eli'ect  was  forcibly  to  re- 
mind them  of  their  own  insignificance,  as  the  appen- 
dages of  a  distant  empire,  whose  political  changes  thev 
we're  fated  to  follow,  but  unable  to  control.  The  most 
deep-seated  and  lasting  grievances  under  which  they 
labored  having  proceeded  fioin  the  nation  and  the  par- 
liament, were  "such  as  the  present  event  gave  no  pro- 
mise of  mitigating.  Their  immediate  complaints  were 
to  be  submitted  to  sovereigns  of  whom  they  knew  ab- 
solutely nothing  ;  and  their  late  experience  nad  abated 
their  trust  in  princes,  and  their  hope  from  changes  of 
loyalty.  The  coolness,  then,  with  which  the  Virginians 
are  said  to  have  regarded  the  great  event  of  the  Eng- 
lish revolution,  so  far  from  implying  that  their  minds 
were  not  touched  with  a  sense  of  freedom,  may,  with 
much  greater  piobability,  be  referred  to  the  ardor  with 
which  "they  cherished  a  regard  for  liberty,  and  the  deli- 
berate reflection  with  which  they  combined  it.  In  some 
respects,  too,  the  acts  of  the  new  government  were  very 
little  calculated  to  convey  to  them  more  satisfactory  im- 
pressions of  the  change  thai  had  taken  place,  or  to  excite 
their  symiiathy  with  the  feelings  of  tliat  portion  of  their 
fellow-subjects  by  whose  exertions  it  had  been  eHected. 
Notwithstanding  the  representations  of  Colonel  Lud- 
well (who  himself  was  gratified  with  the  appointment 
of  governor  of  Carolina,)  King  William,  unwilling, 
and  perhaps  unable,  to  dispossess  such  of  the  otficers 
of  the  old  government  as  were  willing  to  transfer  their 
personal  and  official  service  to  the  new,  continued  Lord 
Effingham  in  the  government  of  Virginia  ;  but  he  never 
returned  thither  again,  and  as  long  as  his  commission 
was  suffered  to  endure,  the  administration  was  con- 
ducted by  a  deputy  governor.  He  was  removed  in  the 
year  1692,  and  replaced  by  a  successor  still  more  ob- 
l:oxious  to  the  colonists.  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  whose 
tyrannical  proceedings  under  the  late  reigns,  in  the 
govsriimenl  of  other  American  provinces,  more  justly 
Uierited  a  capital  punishment  than  continuance  m 
office.  If  such  aiipoiiitments  remind  us  that  the  Eng- 
lish ministry  was  still  composed  of  many  of  the  per- 
sons who  had  dispensed  patronage  ni  the  preceding 
reigns,  they  may  also  in  part  be  accounted  for  by  other 
considerations.  Of  the  officers  who  were  thus  unde- 
•ervedly  retained,  some  pretended  to  great  local  expe- 
rience and  official  ability.  This  was  particularly  the 
case  with  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  wiiose  administration 
proved  highly  beneficial  to  Virginia.  And  they  excused 
the  arbitrary  proceedings  they  had  conducted  in  the 
former  reigns,  by  pleading  the  authority  of  the  sove- 
reign whose  command  they  ha<i  obeyed — a  plea  which 
always  finds  favor  with  a  king,  when  not  opposed  to 
wrongs  which  he  deems  personal  to  himself.  Besides, 
the  complaints  of  the  colonists  were  not  always  accu- 
rate ;  for  anger  is  a  more  copious  than  discriminating 
accuser.  Justice  suffered,  as  usual,  from  the  passion 
and  partiality  with  which  it  was  contended  for  ;  and 
the  guilty  artfully  availed  themselves  of  the  undiscern- 
mg  rage  they  had  provoked  in  their  accusers,  to  defeat 
or  enfeeble  the  charges  they  preferred.  The  insolence 
and  severity,  for  example,  that  had  pervaded  the  whole 
of  Lord  Effingham's  government,  had  produced  many 
representations  of  grievances  in  which  the  accusers 
had  either  neglected  or  been  unable  to  discriminate  be- 
tween the  legality  of  official  acts,  and  the  tyrannical 
deireanor  or  malignant  motives  of  the  party  by  whom 
they  had  been  performed.  Accordingly,  while  some  of 
\\\e.  remonstrances  which  the  Virginians  transmitted  to 
England  by  Colonel  Ludwell  were  complied  witk,  there 
were  others  that  produced  only  explanations,  by  which 
the  Assembly  was  given  to  understand  that  it  had  mis- 
taken certain  points  of  English  constitutional  law.* 

*  Bfiveiley,  p.  %,  91.  94.  96.  Chalmers,  34T,  8.  359.  One  of 
the  grievances  cnmplaiiied  of  by  tlie  assembly  of  Virginia  was, 
that  Lord  Ellingham  having,  by  a  proclamation,  declared  the 
royal  dissent  to  an  act  of  assembly  which  repealed  a  former 
law,  gave  notice  that  the  abrogated  law  was  now  in  force.  This 
was  erroaeously  deemed  by  the  assembly  an  act  of  legislation. 


In  the  infancy  of  a  free  state,  collisions  and  disputes 
not  unfre()uently  arise  from  the  discordant  claims  of 
the  different  blanches  of  its  constitution,  before  time 
has  given  consi.stence  to  tlie  whole,  and  those  limits 
which  reason  linds  it  difficult  to  assign  to  the  respect- 
ive parts,  have  been  determined  by  the  convenience 
of  practice  and  the  authority  of  jirecedent. 

The  revolution  of  the  British  governmenl,  both  in 
its  immediate  and  its  remote  operation,  was  attended 
with  consequences  highly  benelicial  to  Virginia,  in 
common  vvilh  all  the  existing  slates  of  America.  Un- 
der tlie  patronage,  and  by  the  pecuniary  aid,  of  Wil- 
liam and  Mary,  the  college  which  had  been  projected 
in  the  reign  of  James  the  First  was  established.  The 
political  institutions  under  which  the  manly  character 
of  Englishmen  is  formed,  had  already  been  planted  in 
the  soil  to  which  so  large  a  portion  of  their  race  had 
migrated  :  the  literary  and  religious  institutions,  by 
which  that  character  is  refined  and  improved,  were 
now,  in  like  manner,  transported  to  Virginia  ;  and  a 
fountain  opened  within  her  own  territory  which  pro- 
mised to  dispense  to  her  children  the  streams  of  science 
and  the  water  of  life. 

But  the  most  certain  and  decisive  influence  which 
the  British  revolution  exercised  on  the  condition  of  the 
colonies,  consisted  in  the  abridgment  and  almost  total 
overthrow  of  their  dependence  on  the  personal  charac- 
ter of  the  sovereign.  A  conservative  principle  was 
infused  by  this  great  event  into  the  British  constitution 
at  home,  and  into  all  the  shoots  from  the  parent  stem 
that  had  been  plante<l  in  the  settlements  abroad.  The 
permanence  and  the  supremacy  which  the  parliament 
acquired  in  Britain,  extended  the  constitutional  superin- 
tendence of  this  body  to  every  subordinate  organ  of 
popular  privileges  ;  and  if  in  the  oppression  of  their 
trade,  the  provinces  of  America  still  continued  to  feel 
the  harsh  dominion,  in  the  security  of  their  legislative 
constitutions  they  now  began  to  experience  the  power- 
ful protection  of  the  strong.  The  king  still  continued 
to  appoint  the  governors  of  V^irginia  and  of  some  of  the 
other  settlements  ;  and  men  of  sordid  dispositions  and 
of  weak  or  profligate  character  were  frequently  the 
objects  of  this  branch  of  the  royal  patronage.  But  the 
powers  of  these  officers  were  abridged  and  defined  ; 
and  the  influence  of  the  colonial  assemblies  was  able  to 
restrain,  and  even  overawe,  the  most  vigorous  admini- 
stration of  the  executive  functionaries.  Whatever 
evil  influence  a  wicked  or  artful  governor  might  e.^ert 
on  the  harmony  of  the  people  among  themselves,  or 
their  good  will  towards  the  authority  which  ho  repre- 
sented, he  could  commit  no  serious  inroad  on  the  con- 
stitution of  the  province  over  which  he  presided.  From 
this  period  an  equal  and  impartial  policy  distinguished 
the  British  dominion  over  the  .'\inerican  provinces  :  the 
diminution  of  the  [rersonal  i.ifluence  of  the  sovereign 
put  an  end  to  the  inequalities  of  treatment  that  were 
produced  by  the  difl'erent  degrees  of  favor  with  which 
he  regarded  the  religious  or  political  sentiments  of  the 
people  of  the  resjiective  stales,  and  (;onsequently  ex- 
tinguished, or  at.  least  greatly  abated,  the  jealousies 
tliey  had  hitherto  entertained  of  each  other.  A  farther 
abatement  of  the  mutual  jealousies  of  the  states  was 
produced  by  the  religious  toleration  which  the  provin- 
cial governments  were  henceforward  compelled  to  ob- 
serve. Even  when  intolerant  statutes  were  permitted 
to  subsist,  their  enforcement  was  disallowed  ;  and  the 
principles  cherished  in  one  state  could  no  longer  be 
persecuted  in  another. 

We  have  now  to  transfer  our  inquiries  to  the  rise  of 
the  other  colonies  in  North  America  which  were  founded 
antecedently  to  the  British  Revolution,  and  to  trace 
their  separate  progress  till  that  era.  But  before  with- 
drawing our  undivided  attention  from  this,  the  earliest 
of  the  settlements,  I  shall  subjoin  a  few  particulars  of 
its  civd  and  domestic  condition  at  the  period  at  which 
we  have  now  arrived. 

Notwithstanding  the  unfavorable  circumstances  to 
which  the  colony  had  been  exposed  in  a  greater  or  less 
degree  ever  since  the  Restoration,  the  number  of  its 
inhabitants  had  continued  to  increase.  The  deputies 
that  were  sent  to  Charles  the  Second  in  167.'5,  repre- 
sented the  population  to  amount,  at  that  time,  to  50,000 
persons.  If  their  statement  were  not  exaggerated  (as 
I  ihmk  it  probably  was)  we  must  suppose  that  Bacon's 
rebellion,  and  the  subsequent  tyranny,  gave  a  very 
severe  check  to  this  rapid  increase  ;  for  I  think  thero 
is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  the  colony  contained  a 
much  greater  number  than  50,000  at  the  Revolution  of 
less.*    From  a  table  appended  to  the  first  edition  of 

■*  Dr.  Robertson,  indeed,  states  the  population  of  Virginia 
at  the  Revolution  to  have  exceeded  60.0U0  persons,  and  pro- 
fesses to  derive  Uis  statement  from  Chalmers.    But  the  refer- 


j  Beveriey's  History,  it  appears,  that,  in  1703,  the  popu- 
;  lalion  of  Virginia  (exclusive  of  800  French  refugees 
j  sent  over  by  King  William)  amounted  to  GO.GOfi  souls. 
Of  this  number,  '40,023  were  lillicahlcs  (a  denoniinaiioii 
embracing  all  white  men  above  the  age  of  sixteen,  and 
all  negro  slaves,  male  and  female,  above  that  ago),  and 
3.'),583  children  of  both  races,  and  w  hite  women.  Many 
circumstances  contributed  to  give  free  scope  to  the  in- 
crease of  the  colonial  population,  and  to  counterbalanco 
the  influence  of  commercial  restraint  and  despotic  ad 
ministration.  The  healllifuhicss  of  the  settlement  had 
greaily  increased  ;  and  the  diminution  of  disease  not 
only  shut  up  the  drain  that  had  been  originallly  created 
by  a  freijuent  mortality,  but  renden^d  the  general  strength 
more  available  to  the  general  support.  The  use  of 
tobacco  now  prevailed  extensively  in  Euroiie  ;  and  the 
diminution  of  its  price  was  in  some  degree  compen- 
sated by  the  increased  demand  for  it.  In  1G71  it  was 
computed,  that,  on  an  average,  80  vessels  caino  annu- 
ally from  England  and  Ireland  lo  Virginia  for  tobacco 
In  1G75  there  were  exported  from  Virginia  above  23,000 
hogsheads  of  tobacco,  and  in  the  following  year  upwards 
of  2000  more.  In  this  latter  year  the  customs  on  to- 
bacco from  Virginia  and  Maryland,  collected  in  Eng- 
land, amounted  to  135,000/.  .Sir  William  Beikelcy 
rates  the  number  of  the  militia,  in  the  year  1G8!,  at 
nearly  HOi>0,  and  adds,  that  the  people  were  too  poor  to 
afford  an  equi[)nient  of  cavalry.  In  the  year  1G80  the 
miiitia  amounted  to  8563,  of  whom  1300  served  as 
cavalry.  Our  estimate,  however,  of  the  increased 
wealth  which  the  cavalry  establishmeiit  seems  to  indi- 
cate, must  be  abated  by  the  consideration  of  the  in- 
creased exertions  which  the  Indian  war  and  Bacon's 
n.'bellion  iiad  rendered  necessary.  In  the  year  1703, 
we  learn  from  Beverley,  that  the  militia  amounted  to 
9522,  of  whom  2363  were  light  horse,  and  the  remain- 
der foot  and  dragoons  ;  and  that,  as  few  of  the  planters 
were  then  destitute  of  horses,  it  was  considered  that 
the  greater  part  of  them  might,  if  necessary,  be  con- 
verted into  (kagoons.  In  1723  he  calculates  the  num- 
bers of  the  militia  at  18.000  men.  Every  freeman  (a 
denomination  embracing  all  the  inhabitants  except  tlio 
slaves  and  the  indented  servants)  from  sixteen  to  sixty 
years  of  age,  was  enrolled  in  the  militia  ;  and  as  ttie 
people  were  accustomed  all  their  lives  to  shoot  in  the 
woods,  they  were  universally  expert  in  the  use  of  fire- 
arms. Tlie  militia  was  commanded  by  the  governor, 
whose  salary  was  lOOOZ.  a  year,  till  the  a])poiiitment  of 
Lord  ("/ulpepper,  who,  on  the  plea  of  peerage,  procured 
it  to  be  doubled. 

The  twelve  councillors,  as  well  as  the  governor,  were 
appointed  by  the  king  ;  <  nd  a  salary  of  350/.  was  as- 
signed to  the  whole  body,  which  they  divided  in  propor- 
tion to  the  public  services  which  each  performed.  In 
all  matters  of  importance  the  concurrence  of  the  coun- 
cil with  the  governor  was  indispensably  requisite.  The 
Colonial  Assembly  was  composed  of  the  councillors, 
who  termed  themselves  the  lj|)per  House,  and  exer- 
cised the  privilege  of  the  English  House  of  Lords,  and 
the  burgesses,  who  were  elected  by  the  freemen  o^irie 
respective  counties,  and  performed  the  functions  of  the 
House  of  Commons,  receiving  wages  proportioned  to 
their  services,  and  derived,  like  all  the  other  colonial 
salaries,  from  the  colonial  taxes.  Until  the  year  1U80. 
the  several  branches  of  the  assembly  had  formed  one 
deliberative  body  ;  but  in  that  year  the  councillors  se- 
uaiated  themselves  from  tho  burgesses,  and  formed  a 
distinct  house.  In  conjunction  vvilh  the  governor,  the 
councillors  formed  the  supreme  tribunal  of  the  province  , 
from  whose  judgments,  however,  in  all  cases  involving 
more  than  300/  ,  an  appeal  lay  to  to  the  king  and  privy 
council  of  England.  In  1681  the  province  contained 
twenty  counties  ;  in  1703  it  contained  twenty-live.  A 
quit  rent  of  two  shillings  for  every  hundred  acres  of 
land  was  paid  by  the  planters  to  the  crown. 

In  the  year  1688,  the  piovincc  contained  forty-eight 
parishes,  embracing  upwards  of  200,000  acres  of  ap- 
propriated land.  A  churcb  was  built  in  every  parish, 
and  a  house  and  glebe  assigned  to  the  clergyman,  along 
ence  is  erroneous;  ajid  that  the  statement  itself  is  no  less  so, 
seems  to  follow,  by  very  strong  inference,  from  Beverley's 
table, mentioned  in  the  text.  There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  tlie 
accuracy  of  that  table  ;  and  consistently  wilh  it,  we  cannot 
admit  the  accuracy  of  Roljertson's  pslimate,  without  believ- 
ing that  the  colony  had  added  20,000  to  its  nunil>ers  in  the 
course  of  seventeen  years,  notwithstanding  the  ravages  of 
civil  war  and  the  distress  occasioned  by  tyrannical  govern- 
ment, and  only  about  600  to  its  numl)ers  during  fifteen  subse- 
quent years  of  increased  freedom  and  prosperity: 

The  Abbe  Raynal  has  so  carelessly  considered  Beverley's 
table,  as  to  have  added  tiOOO  to  its  returns,  and  to  have  supposed 
this  the  amount  of  the  white  population  alone.  This  error  hai 
led  him  to  waste  his  ingenuity  in  conjecturing  the  causes  why 
the  population  uf  Virginia  never  afterwards  inc-eased  io  i«r 
pidly. 


28» 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


with  a  slipend,  which  was  fixed  by  law  at  16,000  pounds 
of  tobacco.  Tins  mode  of  remuneration  obviously 
tends  to  give  a  secular  cast  to  the  life  and  character  of 
Ihu  miniblers,  and  to  enlangle  them  with  concerns  re- 
njote  from  their  spiritual  warfare.  The  equalization 
which  It  proposes  to  etfi-ct  is  quite  fallacious  ;  the  dif- 
ferent degrees  of  fertility  of  dilfcrent  parishes  render- 
ing the  burden  unequal  to  the  people,  and  the  very  dif- 
ferent quality  of  the  tobacco  produced  in  different  soils, 
making  the  remuneration  unequal  to  the  clergy.  The 
preo-eiitation  to  the  livings,  prior  to  the  English  Revo- 
lution, belonged  to  the  governor,  but  was  generally 
usurped  or  controlled  by  the  parishioners.  After  the 
KevoUilion  it  devolved  into  the  hands  of  parochial  ves- 
tries, winch,  though  originally  elected  by  the  people, 
came,  in  process  of  time,  to  cvercise  the  power  of  sup- 
plying vacancies  in  their  numbers  by  their  own  appoint- 
ment. The  bishop  of  London  was  accounted  the  dio- 
cesan of  the  province  ;  and  a  resident  coinni'ssary 
generally  a  member  of  the  council)  appointed  by  that 
urelate,  presided  over  the  clergy,  with  the  power  of 
convoking,  censuring,  and  even  suspending  them  in 
cases  of  neglect  or  immorality.  Tlie  doctrines  and 
rites  of  the  church  of  Engl  ind  were  established  by  law  ; 
attendance  on  divine  worship  at  the  parochial  churches, 
and  the  obsenrance  of  the  sacraments  of  the  church, 
enjoined  under  heavy  penalties  ;  the  preaching  of  dis- 
senters, and  the  participation  in  the  ordinaiicfes  of  dis- 
senting congregations,  were  prohibited,  and  subjected 
to  various  degrees  of  iiunishnient.  There  was  one 
bloody  law,  which  subjected  quakers  returning  from 
baiiishmeiit  to  the  punishment  of  death  ;  but  no  exe- 
cution ever  took  place  in  consequence  of  this  enact- 
ment, and  it  was  repealed  soon  after  the  revolution  of 
168S.  'J'he  other  laws  were  not  then  re[)caled,  but 
they  were  no  longer  enforced  ;  and  though  the  statute- 
book  continued  to  jirohibit  the  preaching  and  practices 
of  dissenters,  the  prohibition  was  utterly  disregardeil, 
and  liberty  of  conscience  (iractically  realized.  In  1088, 
almost  the  whole  body  of  the  people  belonged  to  the 
established  church.  ()lher  opinions  and  practices,  how- 
ever, began  to  arise,  and  were  aided  probably  by  the 
Inlluence  of  the  free  schools,  of  which  a  considerable 
number  were  founded  and  endowed  soon  after  that  pe- 
riod ;  and  the  government  being  restrained  from  eii- 
foicing  the  intolerant  laws,  endeavored  to  cherish  its 
own  church  establishment  by  heaping  temporal  advan- 
tages upon  its  ministers.  This  policy  produced  its 
I2sual  fruits,  and  introduced  so  much  indolence  and 
worthlessness  into  the  order  of  the  state  clergy,  that 
at  the  era  of  the  American  revolution  two-thirds  of  the 
inhabitants  of  Virginia  had  become  dissenters,  and 
were  subject,  on  that  account,  to  the  ban  of  their  own 
municipal  law. 

Of  every  just  and  humane  system  of  laws,  one  main 
object  should  be  to  protect  the  weak  against  the  strong, 
and  to  correct  instead  of  coiihrining  and  perpetuating 
the  inequalities  of  condition  that  from  time  to  time 
arise  from  inecjualities  of  strength,  skill,  succtss  or  vir- 
tue. This  wise  and  benevolent  principle  must  be  sa- 
crihccd,  to  a  considerable  extent,  m  the  co,!e  of  every 
country  where  slavery  is  admitted.  By  the  huvs  of 
Virginia,  all  persons  brought  into  the  colony  by  sea 
or  land,  not  having  been  chnsliaiis  in  their  native 
country,  were  subjeclsd  to  slavery,  even  though  they 
might  be  converted  to  Christianity  alter  their  arrival. 
A  slave  committing  a  cafiital  crime  was  appointed  to 
be  tried  by  commissioners  named  by  the  governor, 
without  the  intervention  of  a  jury  ;  and  if  the  punish- 
ment of  death  were  intlicted,  indemnification  to  the 
extent  of  the  value  of  the  slave  was  awarded  from  the 
public  revenue  to  the  masiter.  In  the  year  16G"J,  it 
was  enacted  that  the  death  of  a  slave  occasioned  bv 
the  correction  of  a  master,  should  not  be  accounted 
felony  ;  "  since  it  cannot  be  presumed,"  says  the  act, 
"  that  prepensed  malice,  which  alone  makes  murder 
felony,  should  induce  any  man  to  destroy  his  own  cs- 
titc  "  Hut  experience  lias  amply  refuted  this  perni- 
cious siiphiHiry,  which  ascribes  to  absolute  power  a 
tendency  to  repress  human  irascibility,  and  accounts 
avarice  and  selHshness  siiHicient  motives  and  sureties 
of  justice,  hiiinamly.  and  liberality.  Neither  inhdels 
nor  negroes,  mulattoes  nox  Indians,  were  allowed  to 
purchase  christian  white  servants  ;  and  if  any  fierson 
having  christi*n  white  servants  should  marry  an  infidel, 
or  a  negro,  mulatto,  or  Imlun.*  all  such  servants  were 
insde  free.    Any  free  white  person  intermarrying  with 

♦  It  woulil  not  Imve  Imon  easy  to  Induro  the  framors  of  llm 
Uw  to  btUrvr  that  a  timo  iiiiijlit  roine  when  ttiii  lenislatiire 
Of  V|rKll,l.^  wo„|,lt..n.Mi.iv  «i-i.  rlain  »  i>rn|«iK«l  of  proim.tu.i:, 
br  »  bouiilv,  till.  innnlaKf.  „f  i|,u  whit.,  inl.sliitam.  llio 
muaoa.    let  k  l.ill  fur  llui  purpone  was  sctusUy  Introduced 


a  negro  or  mulatto,  and  any  minister  celebrating  such 
marriage  was  punished  with  fine  and  imprisonment.  It 
will  excite  the  merriment  of  a  satirist,  the  surprise  of 
a  jihilosopher,  and  the  indignant  concern  of  a  clirisuaii, 
to  find,  combined  with  such  inhuman  and  insolent  laws, 
the  strictest  injunctions  of  the  worship  of  that  great 
pattern  of  love  and  humility  who  commanded  his  wor- 
shippers to  do  good  to  and  honor  all  men  ;  together 
with  many  solemn  denunciations  and  penal  enactments 
against  tratdlmg  on  Sunday,  profane  cursing  or  pro- 
fanely gctltnt;  drunk.  But  thus  mankind  attempt  to 
unite  what  religion  has  sundered,  the  service  ol  God 
and  the  service  of  mammon  :  anil  to  sunder  what  reli- 
gio.i  has  united,  the  rendering  of  glory  to  (iod  and  the 
demonstration  of  good  will  to  men.  Justices  of  the 
peace  were  commanded  to  hear  and  determine  the  com- 
plaints of  all  sorts  of 'servants  except  slaves,  against 
their  masters  ;  various  regulations  were  made  for  se- 
curing mild  and  equitable  treatment  to  indented  ser- 
vants ;  at  the  close  of  their  period  of  service  they  re- 
ceived from  their  masters  each  a  musket,  a  small  sum 
of  money,  and  a  quantity  of  corn  ;  but  if  during  the 
currency  of  their  term  of  service  they  sltould  presume 
to  marry  without  the  consent  of  their  master  or  mis- 
tress, they  were  punished  with  an  additional  year  of 
servitude.  All  persons  riotously  assembling  to  the 
number  of  r.ight  or  more,  for  the  purpose  of  destroying 
tobacco,  were  subjected  to  the  pains  of  treason.  Every 
person,  not  being  a  servant  or  slave,  committing  adul- 
tery or  fornication,  was,  for  the  greater  offence,  fined 
1000,  for  the  lesser  500  pounds  of  tobacco.  Women 
convicted  of  slander  were  ordered  to  be  ducked,  in 
default  of  their  husbands'  consenting  to  redeem  them 
from  immersion  by  payment  of  a  fine.  There  being 
no  inns  in  the  country,  strangers  were  entertained  at 
the  houses  of  the  inhabitants,  and  were  frequently  in- 
volved in  law-suits  by  the  exorbirant  claims  of  their 
hosts  for  indemnification  of  the  expenses  of  their  enter- 
tainment ;  for  remedy  whereof  it  was  enacted,  that  an 
inhabitant  neglecting  in  such  circumstances  to  fore- 
warn his  guest,  and  to  make  an  express  paction  with 
him,  should  be  reputed  to  have  entertained  him  from 
mere  courtesy.  All  these  laws  continued  m  force  long 
after  the  British  Revolution. 

It  would  ajipear,  from  the  first  of  the  statutes,  that 
even  their  Indian  neighbors  coming  into  the  territories 
of  the  state  were  liable  to  be  made  slaves  by  the  colo- 
nists ;  and  we  are  informed  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  that  the 
practice  of  enslaving  these  people  did  at  one  time  ac- 
tually prevail.  But  with  the  Indian  tribes  situated  in 
their  immediate  vicinity,  and  comprehended  in  the  pa- 
cification effected  by  Colonel  Jefferys,  the  colonists 
maintained  relations  more  approaching  to  friendshij) 
and  equality.  The  Indians  paid,  indeed,  in  conformity 
with  the  treaty  of  peace,  an  annual  tribute  of  beaver 
skins  to  the  colonial  government.  But  their  territories 
were  ascertained  by  the  treaty,  and  guaranteed  to  them 
so  securely  by  law,  that  all  bargains  and  sales  by  which 
the  colonists  might  acciuire  or  pretend  right  to  any  |)or- 
tion  of  the:n,  were  disallowed  and  declared  null  and 
void  ;  and  every  wrong  they  might  sustain  at  the  hands 
of  any  of  the  colonists  was  punished  in  the  same  man- 
ner as  if  it  had  been  done  to  an  Englishman.  By  the 
aid  of  a  donation  from  that  illustrious  philosopher  and 
christian  philanthropist,  the  honorable  Robert  Boyle, 
an  attempt  was  made  to  render  the  institution,  which, 
from  its  founders,  has  been  called  William  and  Mary 
College,  subservient  to  the  instruction  of  the  Indians. 
Some  young  persons  belonging  to  the  friendly  tribes 
received  in  this  manner  'he  elements  of  civil  and  reli- 
gious education  ;  and  the  colonists,  sensible  of  the  ad- 
vantages they  derived  from  the  possession  of  those  who 
might  be  considered  hostages  lor  the  pacilic  demeanor 
of  their  parents,  prevailed  with  some  of  the  more  re- 
mote nations  of  the  Indians  to  send  a  few  of  their 
chiidren  to  drink  of  the  same  fountain  of  knowledge. 
But  as  the  pupils  were  restored  to  their  respective 
tribes  when  they  attained  the  age  that  littcd  them  for 
hunting  and  other  warlike  exercises,  it  is  not  likely  that 
tins  institution  produced  any  general  or  permanent  im- 
pression on  the  cliaiacter  of  the  Indians,  or  made  any 
adequate  compensation  for  the  destructive  vices  and 
diseases  which  the  Europeans  were  unhappily  much 
more  successful  in  imparling.  Attempts  to  convert 
barbarians  very  frequently  disappoint  their  promoters  ; 
and  not  those  only  who  have  assisted  the  undertaking 
from  secular  ends,  but  those  also  who  truly  regarding 
thn  Divmc  glory  in  the  end.  disregard,  at  least  in  some 

into  the  assonilily  duniii;  the  rc>vi>lutn)imry  war;  and  afNT 
haunt;  Wvw  twici'  ri'ad,  was  lost  at  Ihe  third  roadiint  in  con- 
jriiiiciiro  of  the  nl>s('nre  of  tlio  iiieinlxT  wlio  had  introduced 
It.    Wirt's  l.ifo  of  Uuvcnior  Uoiiry,  ji.  241. 


measure,  the  Divine  agency  in  the  means.  As  an  in- 
strument of  civilization,  the  preachaig  of  the  gospel 
will  ever  be  found  to  disappoint  all  those  who  have  no 
higher  or  ulterior  views.  In  a  civilized  and  christiaa 
land,  the  great  bulk  of  the  people  are  chiistiaiis  merely 
in  name  ;  reputation,  convenience,  and  habit,  are  the 
sources  of  their  profession  ;  vices  are  so  disguised, 
that  the  testimonies  of  christian  preachers  against  them 
often  miss  their  aim  :  and  a  seeming  service  of  God  it 
easily  reconciled  with,  and  esteemed  a  decent  livery  of, 
the  real  service  of  mammon.  But  among  heathens  and 
savages,  a  convert  must  change  his  way  of  hie,  over- 
come his  habits,  and  forfeit  his  reputation  ;  and  none, 
or  at  least  very  few,  become  professors  unless  from  the 
influence  of  real  conviction,  more  or  less  lasting  and 
profound.  Those  who  remain  unconverted,  if  they  be 
honestly  addressed  by  their  missionaries,  are  incensed 
at  the  testimony  against  their  evil  deeds  and  evil  na- 
ture ;  and  the  conduct  of  many  professing  christians 
among  their  civilized  neighbors  too  often  concurs  to 
mislead  and  confirm  them  in  error.  But  this  topic  wdl 
derive  an  ampler  illustration  from  occurrences  that  re- 
late to  others  of  the  North  American  States,  than  the 
early  history  of  Virginia  is  fitted  to  supply. 

Literature  was  not  much  cultivated  in  Virginia. 
There  was  not  at  this  period,  nor  for  many  years  after, 
a  single  bookseller's  shop  in  the  colony.*  Yet  a  his- 
tory of  Virginia  was  written  some  years  after  by  Be- 
verley, a  native  of  the  province,  who  had  taken  an  ac- 
tive part  in  public  affnirs  prior  to  the  Revolution  ol 
1688.  The  first  edition  of  this  work  in  1705,  and  a 
later  edition  in  \Ti,%,  were  published  in  England. 
Beverley  is  a  brief  and  rather  agreeable  analist,  and  has 
appended  to  his  narrative  of  events  an  ample  account 
of  the  institutions  of  the  province,  and  of  tlie  manners 
of  the  colonial  and  aboriginal  inhabitants.  He  is 
chargeable  with  great  ignorance  and  incorrectness  in 
those  parts  of  his  narrative  that  embrace  events  occur- 
ing  in  England  or  elsewhere  beyond  the  immediate 
precincts  of  Virginia.  Only  the  initial  letters  of  his 
name  appear  on  the  title-page  of  his  book,  whence 
OUiinixon  was  led  into  the  mistake  of  sujjposing  his 
name  to  have  been  Bullock  ;  and  in  some  of  the  criti- 
cal catalogues  of  Germany  ho  has  received  the  erro- 
neous appellation  of  liird.i  A  much  more  enlarged 
and  elaborate  history  of  Virginia  (but  unfortunately 
carried  no  further  down  than  tlie  year  l6'Zi)  was  writ- 
ten at  a  later  period  by  .Stith,  also  a  native  of  the  pro- 
vince, and  one  of  the  governors  of  William  and  Mary 
College.  Stall  is  a  candid,  accurate  and  accomplished 
writer ;  tediously  minute  in  relating  the  debates  in  the 
Court  of  Proprietors  of  the  Virginia  Company,  and 
their  disputes  with  the  king,  but  generally  impressive 
and  interesting.  A  manly  and  generous  spirit  pervades 
every  page  of  his  work,  which  was  first  published  at 
Williamsburg  in  1747. 

Beverley  warmly  extols  the  hospitality  of  his  coun- 
trymen ;  a  coinmer.dation  which  the  peculiar  circum- 
stances of  their  condition  renders  very  generally  cre- 
dible, though  the  preamble  of  one  of  their  laws,  which 
we  have  alreadv  .-.oticed,  demonstrates  that  its  applica- 
tion was  by  no  means  universal.  He  reproaches  them 
with  imiolence,  which  he  ascribes  to  their  residence  in 
scattered  dwellings,  and  their  destitution  of  that  col- 
lected life  which  invigorates  industry,  excites  active 
thought,  and  generates  adventurous  speculation.  It 
may  be  ascribed  also  to  the  influence  of  slavery  m  aug- 
menting pride  and  degrading  labor.  A  life  like  that  of 
the  first  Virginian  colonists,  remote  from  public  haunt, 
unoccupied  by  a  crowd  of  busy  purposes,  and  seques- 
tered from  the  intelligence  of  passing  events,  is  the 
life  of  those  to  whom  ihe  company  of  strangers  is  pe- 
culiarly acceptable.  -Ml  llie  other  circumstances  of 
such  a  lot  contribute  to  the  promotion  of  hospitable 
habits.  As  for  many  of  their  hours  they  can  find  no 
such  inteiesting  occupation,  soformnch  of  their  super- 
fluous produce  they  can  find  no  more  profitable  use 
than  the  entertainment  of  visitors. t   Tne  interest  which 


*  The  lileraturc  of  North  America  was  at  this  time  mono- 
polized uliiuLst  entirely  l)y  New  England.  In  the  t'cginnini;  of 
the  eighlccntli  century,  when  Boston  contained  live  |irintmi; 
olhi'is  and  many  booksellL-rs'  nhops,  there  was  but  one  liook- 
Ki'llcr's  shop  in  New  York,  and  not  one  in  Virginia.  Maryland, 
or  (.'arolina.  Ni'al's  History  of  New  England,  ii.  5S7;  from 
the  Memoirs  of  Dr.  Franklin  it  appears  that  even  at  so  late  a 
period  as  the  year  1B7(I,  there  was  not  one  good  bookseller's 
shop  m  Pennsylvania. 

t  Warden,  a  late  American  writer,  has  repeated  this  error, 
and  di'srril'ed  as  the  prfiiiction  ol  Uird,  wliat  in  reality  was 
llie  first  edilion  of  lleverU  y's  work. 

t  "  Mr.  Jeirerson  told  inc  that  in  his  father's  time  it  was  no 
uncommon  tiling  lor  gentlemen  lo  post  their  servants  on  lha 
main  road  for  the  purpose  of  ainicalily  waylaying  andbiiuginj 
to  their  houses  any  travellers  -aIio  mighl  chance  to  pus* 
UaU'4  Travels  in  Canada  and  iIk  Uiuted  Slates,  418. 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


233 


all  men  feel  in  the  concerns  of  their  fellows,  is  refined 
and  extended  by  crowded  and  polished  society  ;  :n  re- 
mote districts,  especially  if  they  be  inhabited  by  men 
whose  origin  or  recollections  coinieet  them  with  a  dis- 
tant i^untry,  it  assumes  the  shape  of  an  intense  and 
somewhat  indiscriminate  curiosity — a  quality  for  which 
tb*"  Americans  have  been  always  distinsiiished. 

it  was  the  remarkable  and  advantaijeoiis  peculiarity 
)f  their  Ijcal  situation,  tnat  prevented  a  people  so  early 
devoted  tJ  commerce  as  the  Virginians  have  been, 
from  congretrating  in  large  towns,  and  forming  crowded 
marts  of  trade.  The  same  peculiarity  belongs  to  that 
portion  of  their  original  territory  that  now  forms  the 
province  of  Maryland,  and  has  there  been  attended 
with  the  same  effect.  The  whole  of  that  vast  country 
is  pervaded  by  numerous  streams,  that  impart  fertility 
to  the  land,  and  carry  the  produce  they  have  nourished 
to  the  great  highway  of  nations.  From  the  bay  of 
Chesapeak,  where  all  these  streams  unite,  the  greater 
number  of  them  afford  an  extensive  navigation  into  the 
interior  of  the  country  ;  and  the  colonists,  perceiving 
that  in  order  to  embark  their  produce  they  needed  not 
to  quit  their  plantations,  but  might  load  the  merchant 
ships  at  the  doors  of  their  country  warehouses,  dis- 
persed themselves  along  the  banks  of  the  rivers,  and 
united  the  sweets  of  rural  life  with  the  advantages  of 
commerce.  Except  the  small  town  of  Williamsburgh, 
which  succeeded  Jamestown  as  the  capital  of  Virginia, 
and  Annapolis,  the  capital  of  Maryland,  no  cities  grew 
up  for  a  very  long  period  in  either  of  these  settlements. 
This  state  of  life  has  proved  highly  favorable  to  those 
two  great  sources  of  national  happiness,  good  morals, 
and  the  facility  of  gaining  by  industry  a  moderate  com- 
petence and  a  respectable  stake  in  society.  The  con- 
victs who  were  transported  to  the  colony,  finding  none 
of  the  opportunities  of  confederacy,  vice,  and  shelter, 
that  large  towns  afford,  either  quitted  the  settlement  at 
the  expiration  of  their  periods  of  service  ;  or,  im- 
pressed with  the  advantages  which  the  country  so  libe- 
rally held  forth  to  industry  and  morality  they  melted 
into  the  mass  of  humble  and  respectable  free  laborers. 
To  this  important  class  of  society  the  virtues  of  indus- 
try and  economy  were  recommended  by  prizes  bolh 
greater  and  nearer  than  any  other  country  has  ever  pre- 
sented. Labor  was  so  valuable,  and  land  so  cheap, 
that  a  very  few  years  of  industry  could  promote  the 
laborer  to  the  rank  of  a  proprietor;*"  none  needed  to 
despair  of  a  competence  ;  and  none  found  it  practica- 
ble to  amass  enormous  wealth.  Toil,  no  longer  the 
badge  of  hopeless  poverty,  was  respected  as  the  cer- 
tain passport  to  independence  ;  nor  was  there  among 
the  free  population  any  distinction  of  rank  which  indus- 
try and  virtue  were  unable  to  surmount.  A  constant 
ai.d  general  progression,  effected  without  scramble  or 
peril ;  gave  a  quiet  alacrity  to  life  ;  and  fellow-fee!- 
irg  was  not  obstructed,  nor  insolence  and  servility 
engendered,  by  numerous  instances  of  a  wide  inequality 
of  condition  ;  they  were  and  are  undoubtedly  a  happy 
people.  But  how  happy  had  they  been,  had  they 
riglitly  known  their  happiness  ;  had  they  imbibed  with 
the  sweetness  of  their  lot,  the  spirit  of  its  author,  and 
in  the  abundance  of  his  goodness  recognised  the  extent 
of  his  claims  I 

Two  causes  have  contributed  in  this  and  others  of 
the  American  provinces,  to  impede  the  operation  and 
abridge  the  influence  of  circumstances  so  favorable  to 
happiness  and  virtue.  Of  these,  by  far  the  most  im- 
portant is  the  institution  of  domestic  slavery  ;  an  insti- 
tution fraught  with  incalculable  evil  to  the  morals,  man- 
ners, and  felicity  of  every  country  into  which  it  has 
gained  admission.  The  slaves  are  reduced  to  a  state 
of  misery  and  degradation  ;  to  a  state  which  has  al- 
ways been  found  so  destructive  to  virtue,  that  in  many 
languages  a  slave  and  a  thief  are  expressed  by  the 
same  word.  The  masters  are  justly  loaded  with  the 
guilt  of  all  the  wretchedness  and  worthlessness  which 
that  state  inevitably  infers  ;  every  mind  is  tainted  with 
the  evil  which  it  engenders  and  displays,  and  sustains 
aii  abatement  either  of  happiness  or  virtue.  Every 
master  of  a  slave,  whether  h-  term  himself  citizen  or 
subject,  IS  a  monarch  endowed  with  more  uncontrolled 
authority  than  any  s.)vereign  in  Europe  enjoys  ;  and 
every  country  where  slavery  is  admitted,  whether  it 
calU  itsclt  kingdom  or  republic,  is  a  country  subject  to 
the  dominion  of  tyrants.  iMay,  the  more  liberal  its 
political  constitution,  the  more  severe  in  general  is  its 
system  of  domestic  tyranny  ;  for  from  the  days  of 

*  "  I  remember  the  time  when  live  pouinl  was  lelt  by  a  chari- 
table testator  to  the  poor  of  the  pansli  he  lived  in;  and  it  lay  nine 
years  before  the  executors  coul  J  find  one  poor  enough  to  be  enti- 
tled to  any  part  of  this  legacy  ;  and  at  last  it  was  all  given  to 
one  old  woman.  So  that  this  n  ay  in  truth  be  termed  the  best 
poor  man's  country  in  the  world  •   Beverley,  B.  iv.  p.  39. 


Sparta  it  has  ever  held  true,  that  none  arc  so  completely 
enslaved  as  the  slaves  of  the  free.  Human  character 
is  as  much  corrupted  and  depraved  by  the  spirit  of  do- 
minion as  by  the  yoke  of  servitude  ;  and  slavery  is  a 
state  wherein  one  man  rulcth  over  another  to  his  own 
hurt.  The  same  wisdom  which  assigned  to  man  his 
duties,  adapted  them  to  the  developeinent  of  his  under- 
standing and  the  refinement  of  his  sensibility.  This 
ada|)tation  i?  particularly  visible  in  the  duties  that  regu- 
late the  mutual  intercourse  of  men.  To  violate  therein 
the  law  of  kindness  and  the  principles  of  equity,  is  to 
warp  the  understanding*  as  well  as  to  corrupt  the  heart  ; 
to  lower  the  dignity  of  rational,  and  the  happiness  of 
sensible  being.  There  is  a  continual  reciprocation  of 
evil  between  a  master  and  his  slaves.  His  injustice 
consigns  them  to  their  present  state  ;  and  the  evil  qua- 
lities that  this  state  engenders  tend  continually  to 
provoke  his  irascibility.  His  power  effects  their  degra- 
dation ;  and  their  degradation  at  once  tempts  and  faci- 
litates the  excesses  of  hts  power.  Hence  the  com- 
merce between  master  and  slave  exercises  and  exhibits 
all  that  is  hateful  in  human  passion  and  contemptible 
in  human  conduct.  The  dchcate  susceptibility  of  wo- 
men is  exposed  to  the  impression  of  this  spectacle,  and 
the  imitative  character  of  children  formed  amidst  its 
continual  display.  The  female  slaves  lose  alike  the 
virtues  and  the  rights  of  women,  and  introduce  into 
rural  life  the  worst  vices  and  most  dangerous  tempta- 
tions of  profligate  cities.  Every  description  of  work 
that  is  committed  to  the  slaves  is  performed  with  as 
much  neglect  and  indolence  as  they  dare  to  indulge, 
and  is  so  degraded  in  common  estimation,  that  the  poor- 
est freeman  disdains  to  perform  it  except  when  he  is 
working  for  himself.  As  the  numbers  of  the  slaves  are 
multiplied,  the  industry  of  the  free  is  thus  depressed 
by  the  extension  of  slave  labor,  and  the  safety  of  the 
state  is  endangered  by  the  strength  of  a  body  of  inter- 
nal enemies  ready  to  conspire  against  its  tranquillity  or 
join  us  first  invader. t  The  number  of  the  slaves  and 
gladiators  contributed  to  the  downfall  of  Rome  ;  and 
indeed,  every  body  politic,  compounded  of  parts  so  he- 
terogeneous as  freemen  and  slaves,  plainly  contains 
within  Itself  a  principle  of  destruction.  Such  a  ini.x- 
turo  tends  also  to  pervert  and  confound  the  moral  sen- 
timents of  all  mankind,  and  to  degrade  the  value  of 
those  free  institutions  which  are  seen  to  form  a  canopy 
for  the  shelter  of  domestic  tyranny,  to  mock  one  por- 
tion of  the  people  with  such  liberty  and  dignity  as  jail- 
ors enjoy,  and  to  load  all  the  rest  with  such  fetters  as 
only  felons  should  wear. 

Such  long  consequences  have  guilt  and  injustice  ! 
The  first  introduction  of  slavery  into  a  country  plants 
an  evil  of  which  the  full  mischief  is  not  felt  till  in  an 
after  age,  when  it  has  attained  such  an  extent  that  its 
extirpat:o!i  becomes  almost  impossible.  This  conside- 
ration, while  It  increases  our  abhorrence  of  a  system 
so  fiuught  with  evil  and  danger,  abates  the  severity  of 
cur  censure  on  those  to  whom  the  system  already  ma- 
tured by  long  endurance  has  unfortunately  descended. 
And  even  with  regard  to  the  race  who  first  introduced 
it,  we  shall  not  fulfil  the  duty  of  fellow-men,  if  we 
omit  to  consider  the  apologies  which  probably  misled 
their  understandings,  and  veiled  from  their  view  the 
wickedness  they  committed  and  the  misery  they  intro- 
duced. The  negroes  that  were  first  brought  to  Virgi- 
nia were  enslaved  before  they  came  there,  and  by  the 

*  An  illustration  of  this  remark,  may,  perhaps,  be  derived 
from  the  apologetic  theory  which  philosophical  slave  owners 
tiave  introduced  into  the  world,  that  the  negroes  are  a  sepa- 
rate and  inferior  r.ice  of  men— a  notion  by  which  the  degrada- 
tion that  men  inflict  on  their  fellows  by  reducing  itiem  to  the 
level  of  the  brute  creation,  is  charged  on  Him  who  made  man 
in  the  image  of  the  Godhead,  and  whose  word  assures  us  ttiat 
I  he  fashioned  all  souls  aUke.  Interest  and  pride  liarden  the 
1  heart  ;  the  deceitfulness  of  theiieart  perverts  llie  understand- 
ing ;  and  men  lind  it  agreeable  to  consider  those  as  brutes 
whom  they  think  it  convenient  to  treat  as  such.  The  best 
refutation  of  this  theory  that  I  have  ever  seen  is  the  produc- 
tion of  an  American  writer.  It  occurs  in  Dr.  S.  Smith's  inter- 
esting '•  Essay  on  the  causes  of  liie  variety  of  figure  and  com- 
plexion in  the  human  species." 

t  "  I  tremble  for  my  country,"  says  Mr.  Jcflerson,  in  his  ob- 
servations on  the  slave  population  of  this  province,  "when  I 
reflect  that  God  is  just ;  that  his  justice  cannot  sleep  for  ever; 
that  considering  numbers,  nature,  and  natural  means  only,  a 
revolution  of  the  wheel  of  fortune,  an  exchange  of  situation  is 
among  possible  events  ;  that  it  may  become  probable  by  super- 
natural interference  '  The  Almighty  has  no  attribute  which 
can  take  side  with  us  in  such  a  contest."  Notes  on  Virginia, 
p.  173.  Seneca  relates  that  it  was  once  proposed  at  Rome  to 
discriminate  the  slaves  by  a  peculiar  habit ;  but  it  was  justly 
apprehended  that  there  might  be  some  danger  in  acquainting 
them  with  their  own  numbers.  This  information  is  conveyed  to 
thenegioes  by  their  color;  and  this  color  being  always  a  mark 
of  contempt,  even  those  negroes  who  become  free  m  coun- 
tries where  their  race  is  generally  enslaved,  continue  allied 
bolh  by  the  most  irritating  feelings  and  by  the  sympathy  they 
must  entertain  for  men  of  the  same  complexion,  with  all  those 
who  remain  m  a  state  of  bondage. 


purchase  of  the  colonists  were  delivered  from  the  hold 
of  a  slave  siiip  and  the  cruelty  of  the  Dutch.  When 
slaves  were  neither  numerous  nor  formidable,  they  ap- 
pear to  have  been  kindly  treated;*  and  their  masters 
perhaps  intended  to  emancipate  them  at  that  conve- 
nient season  for  adjusting  the  accounts  of  interest 
and  conscience,  which  every  added  year  and  every 
addition  to  their  numbers  tended  still  farther  to  [ins',- 
pone.  So  great  is  the  deccivableness  of  unrighteoub- 
ness. 

Negro  slavery  lingered  long  in  the  settlements  of 
the  puritans  in  New  England,  and  of  the  quakeis  in 
Pennsylvania  ;  Las  Casas,  so  distinguished  by  his 
compassion  for  the  unfortunate,  first  suggested  its  in- 
troduction into  Mexico  and  Peru  ;  George  Eox,  the 
most  intrepid  and  enthusiastic  of  reformers,  demanded 
no  more  of  his  followers  than  a  mitigation  of  its  seve- 
nty in  Uarbadoes  ;  and  John  Locke,  the  glory  of  mo- 
dern philosophy,  and  the  champion  of  religious  and  poli- 
tical freedom,  introduced  it  into  the  fundamental  con- 
stitutions of  Carolina.  Considerations  such  as  these 
are  calculated  to  increase  at  once  our  charitv  for  man- 
kind, and  our  abhorrence  of  that  insidious  and  forini 
dable  evil  which  has  so  signally  baffled  the  penetration 
of  the  wise,  and  triumphed  over  the  beneficence  ot 
the  humane. 

It  is  in  those  colonial  plantations  where  the  residence 
of  the  free  inhabitants  is  merely  temporary,  that  slavery 
exhibits  its  worst  features,  and  prodjces  its  most  de- 
basing effects.  Wherever  a  respectable  stationary  po- 
pulation of  freemen  exists,  a  restraining  principle  arises 
to  control  and  qualify  those  evil  consequences.  The 
harsher  slave  laws  have  been  long  since  repealed  in 
Virginia,  and  the  treatment  of  the  slaves  in  this  pro- 
vince has  long  been  noted  for  comparative  mildness. 
An  Englishman  who  should  suppose  that  humanity  and 
delicacy  could  not  exist  in  a  province  where  slavery 
prevailed,  would  cointnit  as  great  a  practical  error  as 
an  American  who  should  maintain  tiie  incompatibility 
of  the  same  qualities  with  those  spectacles  of  vice  and 
misery  exhibited  in  the  great  towns  and  public  places 
of  England.  In  both  countries,  doubtless,  human  cha- 
racter is  evil  affected  by  the  contemplation  of  evil  ; 
but  in  both,  the  taint  is  obstructed  by  delusions  that 
disguise,  by  humanity  that  deplores,  or  by  virtue  that 
labors  to  mitigate  and  finally  efface  the  evil. 

The  other  cause  to  which  I  have  alluded,  as  having 
exercised  an  unfavorable  influence  on  the  prosperity  oi 
Virginia,  is  the  inordinate  cultivation  of  tobacco.  As 
long  as  Virginia  and  Maryland  were  the  only  provinces 
of  North  America  where  this  commodity  was  produced, 
their  inhabitants  devoted  themselves  almost  exclusively 
to  a  culture  which  is  attended  with  much  inconvenienco 
■  o  those  engaged  in  it,  and  no  small  disadvantage  to 
their  country  even  when  moderately  pursued.  It  re- 
quires unusually  fatiguing  labor  from  tlie  cultivators, 
and  exhausts  the  fertility  of  the  soil  :  and  as  little 
food  of  any  kind  is  raised  on  the  tobacco  plantations, 
the  men  and  cattle  employed  on  them  are  badly  fed, 
and  the  soil  gradually  impoverished,  'i  liis  evil  con- 
tinued long  to  be  felt  in  Virginia  ;  but  has  been  di- 
minished by  the  introduction  into  the  markets  of  Eu- 
rope of  the  tobacco  produce  of  territories  more  recently 
cultivated. 

BOOK  II. 

THE  NEW  ENGLAND  STATES 

CHAPTER  I. 

Attempts  of  the  Plymouth  Company  to  colonize  the  Nortnern 
Coasts  of  America — Popham  establishes  a  colony  at  Fort 
Saint  George — SufTerings  and  Return  of  the  Colonists — 
Captain  Smith's  Voyage  and  Survey  of  the  Country — wliich 
is  named  New  England — IIis  inetl'ectual  Attempt  to  con- 
duct a  Colony  thither — The  Company  relimiuish  the  Design 
of  colonizing  New  England— History  and  Character  of  the 
Puritans — Rise  of  the  Urownists  or  Independents — A  Con- 
gregation of  Independents  retire  to  Holland— they  resolve 
to  settle  in  America— their  negotiation  w  ith  King  James— 
they  arrive  in  Massachusetts — and  found  New  Plymouth — 
Hardships — and  Virtue  of  the  Colonist.s— Their-civil  Insti- 
tutions—Community of  Property — Increase  of  civil  and 
ecclesiastical  Tyranny  in  England— Project  of  a  new  Colony 
in  Massachusetts — Salem  built— Charter  of  Massa?hiisetts 
Bay  obtained  from  Cliarles  the  First  by  an  Association  of 
Puritans — Embarkation  of  the  Emigrants — Arrival  at  Salem 
-Their  Constitution  in  Church  and  State — Two  Persons 
banished  from  the  Colony  for  Sclusm— Intolerance  of  some 
of  the  Puntans. 

[1606.]  Whev  James  the  First  gave  his  sanction 
to  the  project  of  colonizing  the  vast  district  of  North 
.\merica  which  was  comprehended  at  that  time  un- 
der the  name  of  Virginia,  he  inade  a  partition  of  the 

*  The  treatment  of  slaves  at  Rome,  latterly  distinguished 
by  the  most  enormous  cruelty,  was  originally  kind  and  hu. 
mane.   Plutarcli.   Life  of  Coriolanus. 


234 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


territory  hctwi'on  two  lra<iirii;  companies,  anil  esta-  ihat  was  raised  against  tlie  land,  deterred  the  company 
blishi-d  ttii>  residence  of  the  one  at  I-ondon,  and  of  the  for  some  lime  from  any  further  attemjit  to  erect  a  settle- 
other  at  I'ivinoulli.  If  the  ohject  of  tins  partition  was  iiient  in  Northern  Virginia,  and  produced  an  impression 
to  diminish  the  inconvenience  of  monopoly,  and  dif  j  on  the  minds  of  the  people  very  unfavorable  to  cini- 
fuHo  the  benefit  of  colonial  relations  more  extensively  j  gralioii  to  that  territory.  For  several  years,  the  advcn- 
in  England,  the  means  were  very  ill  adapted  to  the;  lures  of  the  company  were  confined  to  a  few  fishing 


end,  consequently,  the  efFect  was  far  from  correspond 
iiif  with  the  de8i<,'n.  The  resources  of  the  adventu- 
rers v\ho  had  already  prepared  to  undertake  colonial 
project*  were  divided  so  unequally,  and  ycl  so  much  to 
the  disadvantage  of  all  parties,  thai  the  more  powerful 


voyages  to  Cape  Cod,  and  a  tratlic  in  peltry  and  oil 
with  the  natives.  At  length  their  prospects  were 
cheered  hy  a  gleam  of  better  fortune  ;  and  the  intro- 
duction of  Captain  Smith  into  their  service  seemed  to 
betoken  more  vigorous  and  successful  enterprise.  Sir 


company  found  its  vigor  and  success  considerably  Ferdinando  Gorges,  and  some  other  leading  members 
abridged,  while  the  weaker,  without  ability  to  effect    '  "'  "'  "' '  "  " 

the  purpose  of  its  association,  retained  only  the  privi- 
lege of  debarring  others  from  attempting  it.  We  have 
seen  that  the  southern  colony,  though  promoted  by  a 
company  which  reckoned  among  its  members  some  of 
the  richest  and  most  powerful  men  in  the  state,  and 
enjoyed  the  advantage  of  being  situated  in  the  place 
which  then  absorbed  almost  all  the  commercial  wealth 
and  activity  of  England,  was  yel  enabled,  with  all  these 
ndvantages,  to  make  but  slow  and  laborious  advances 
to  a  secure  establishment.  The  Plymouth  company 
possei<sing  much  narrower  resources,  and  a  very  infe- 
rior situation,  its  efforts  were  proportioiially  feeble  and 
unavailing. 

The  most  eminent  members  of  the  Plymouth  com- 
pany were  Sir  John  Pophain,  Chief  Justice  of  England. 
Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  the  Ciovernorof  Plymouth  fort, 
an<l  Sir  John  Gilbert,  the  nephew  of  the  first  patentee, 
and  leader  of  emigrants  to  America.  Animated  by 
the  zeal  of  these  men.  and  especially  of  Popham,  who 
assumed  the  principal  direction  of  their  proceedings, 
the  Plymouth  company  very  early  despatched  a  small 
vessel  to  inspect  their  territories;  but  had  soon  the 
inortification  of  learning  that  it  had  been  attacked  and 


captured  by  the  Spaniards,  who  still  pretended  a  right 


of  the  Plymouth  Company,  justly  appreciating  the 
merit  of  this  extraordinary  man,  made  haste  to  appro- 
priate his  valuable  services,  which  the  Virginia  Com- 
pany had  so  unworthily  neglected.  [1614  ]  Six  years 
after  the  return  of  the  selllers  at  Sagahadoc,  two  ves- 
sels were  despatched,  under  the  command  of  Captain 
Smith  and  Captain  Hunt,  on  a  voyage  of  trade  and 
discovery  to  the  company's  territories.  Smith,  having 
concluded  his  tratlic  with  the  natives,  left  his  crew  en- 
gaged in  fishing  on  the  coast,  and,  accompanied  by  only 
eighl  men,  travelled  into  the  interior  of  the  country, 
surveyed  its  condition,  explored  with  great  care  and 
diligence  the  whole  coast,  fr.im  Cape  Cod  to  Penob- 
scot, and  comiiosed  a  nup.  in  which  its  appearance 
was  accurately  delineated.  On  his  return  to  England, 
he  presented  his  map,  with  an  account  of  his  travels 
and  observations,  to  Prince  Charles,  who  was  so 
much  pleased  with  the  country,  that  he  bestowed  on 
it  the  name  of  iS'evv  England,  which  it  ha.s  ever  since 
retained. 

The  success  of  Captain  Smith's  voyage,  ar.d  the 
favorable  accounts  that  he  gave  of  the  country,  though 
they  contributed  not  a  little  to  stimulate  the  vigor  of 
commercial  adventure,  could  not  overcome  the  general 
aversion  to  a  permanent  settlement  in  the  territory. 


to  exclude  every  other  people  from  the  navigation  of  |  which  the  misfortunes  of  the  first  colonists  had  created 


the  American  seas.  The  chief  justice  and  his  friend.* 
however,  were  too  much  bent  on  the  prosecution  of 
theii  purpose  to  be  discouraged  by  this  disaster.  At 
his  own  expense,  Popham  quickly  despatched  another 
vessel  to  resume  the  survey  ;  and  having  received  a 
favorable  report  of  the  appearances  of  the  country,  he 
availed  himself  of  the  intelligence  to  raise  a  suflicieiit 
Hupply  of  men  and  money  for  the  formation  of  a  colo- 
ny. [1007.]  Under  the  command  of  his  brother,  Henry 
Popham,  and  of  Raleigh  Gilbert,  brother  of  Sir  Joh'i, 
two  vessels  freighted  with  a  hundred  emigrants  pro 
cceded  to  the  territory  of  what  was  still  called  Northern 
Virginia,  and  landing  in  autumn,  they  took  possession 
of  a  piece  of  ground  near  the  river  Sagahadoc,  where 
they  built  Fort  Sainl  George.  The  district  where  they 
est.iblished  themselves  was  rocky  and  barren,  and  Uieir 
provisions  so  scanty,  that  ihev  were  obliged,  soon  after 
their  arrival,  to  tend  back  all  but  forty-five  of  their  own 
number.  The  winter  proved  extremely  severe,  and 
confined  this  small  remnant  to  their  miserable  dwelling, 
and  a  het[iless  -;<>ntemplalion  of  the  dreary  waste  that 
surrounded  the.;:.  Disease,  the  offspring  of  famine  and 
hardship,  augmocted  the  general  gloom  ;  and,  before 
the  return  of  S|]ring.  several  of  their  number,  and 
among  others  their  president.  Henry  Popham,  had  sunk 
into  the  grave.  W'aU  the  spring  arrived  a  vessel  with 
supplies  from  England,  but  the  intelligence  thai  accom- 
panied these  supplies  more  than  counterbalanced  the 
satisfaction  they  atVorded  ;  for  the  colonists  were  now 
iiifotmed  of  the  deaths  of  Chief  Justice  Popham  and 
Sir  John  Gilbert,  the  most  powerful  of  their  patrons, 
and  most  active  of  their  benefactors.  Their  resolution 
was  completely  vanqui>h(  d  by  so  many  misfurtunes  ; 
and  sll  exclaiming  aguinsl  longer  continuance  in  sci'iies 
no  dismal,  tliry  forsook  the  settlement  and  returned  to 
EiiU'laiid,  [1G08,]  which  thry  filled  with  the  most  dis- 
heartening accounts  of  the  soil  and  climate  of  Northern 
Virginia.  'I'he  .\merican  historians  are  careful  to  note 
that  this  disnstrous  expedition  originated  with  the 
judge  who  three  years  before  lia<l  presided,  with  the 
most  scandalous  injuHlice,  at  the  trial  of  INIeigh. 
and  condemned  to  an  infamous  death,  the  man  lo 
whom  England  and  America  had  been  so  highly  iii- 
dvhled  • 

The  frustration  of  thu  et.terprise,  and  the  evil  report 

•  f>i  .•  Amcriraii  writer,  linwevrr,  has  liccn  t>ctra)C(J  liy 
>  '  nfii  nn  oli»i  rv,Hi()ii  .,o  ver>-  ilifTcrfnt,  that  hp  re- 

■  iijii  sa  line  of  till-  coininamliTS  <if  llii.s  iinsucci'.-is- 

■  I.  MnriliaU'i  I.ife  of  \Va»liinntiiii,  vul.  i.  p.  73. 
I  i.  "  .  I  li.is  niiklnkun  Itali  iuli  r.iltHTt  for  two  persons.  Sir 
Wsili  r  Ha<  St  llin  liiiii.'  n  priHimer  m  the  Tower,  undrr  sen- 
•.rpT  of  drsth.  I  hnvc  more  liiaii  om  c  liad  orrHsioii  lo  notirc 
mil  rui.ii  u  s  orcurniii!  iii  tlic  first  volume  of  M,irsliair«  l.iu. 
bl  \V.i<huii(loii ,  a  volume  whii  h  all  w  ho  have  rend  the  olhrr« 
n.u»t  i«  i;r.-l  that  he  i-vrr  imhluh.td.  It  has  greatly  obHtruclcd 
'iir  popuUnty  ul  a  most  KxciUnnt  and  intcrcstlog  work. 


in  England,  and  which  was  appointed  to  preserve  that 
corner  of  the  Almighty's  creation  for  the  inhabitation 
of  the  most  faithful  and  oppressed  of  his  people.  The 
impediments  to  a  colonial  establishment  in  New  Eng- 
land were  greatly  increased  by  the  conduct  of  Hunt, 
who  had  been  associated  with  Smith  in  the  late  voyage. 
This  sordid  and  profligate  man,  unwilling  that  the  bene- 
fit of  the  existing  narrow  traffic  with  the  company's 
territories,  which  was  exclusively  shared  by  himself  and 
a  few  others  who  were  aware  of  its  advantages,  should 
be  more  generally  diffused  by  the  formation  of  p.  colony, 
resolved  to  defeat  the  design  by  embroiling  his  coun- 
trymen with  the  natives  ;  and  for  this  puqiose,  having 
enticed  a  number  of  these  people  on  board  his  ship,  he 
set  sail  with  them  for  Malaga,  where  he  had  been 
ordered  to  touch  on  his  homeward  voyage,  and  sold 
them  for  slaves  lo  the  Spaniards.  The  company,  in- 
dignant at  his  wickedness,  instantly  dismissed  him  from 
their  service  ;  but  the  mischief  was  done,  and  the  next 
vessel  that  returned  from  New  England  brought  intelli- 
gence of  the  vindictive  hostilities  of  the  savages.  Un 
dismayed  by  all  these  diliiciilties  and  dangers.  Smith 
determined  to  make  an  effort  for  the  colonization  of  the 
northern  territory  ;  and  having  iiifiiscd  his  own  resolute 
hope  and  courage  into  some  of  the  leading  patentees 
he  was  enabled,  by  their  assistance,  to  e(iui|)  a  small 
sijuadron,  [161.5,]  and  set  sail  at  the  head  of  a  body  of 
emigrants  for  New  England.  Thus  far  could  energy 
prevail  ;  but  in  a  struggle  with  fate,  farther  advance- 
ment was  impracticable  ;  and  Captain  Smith,  having 
now  accomplished  all  that  man  could  do,  was  destined 
to  experience  that  all  was  unavailing.  The  voyage 
wa.i  one  uninterrupted  scene  of  disaster.  After  en- 
countering a  violent  tempest,  by  which  the  vessels  had 
nearly  perished,  .Smith  found  his  authority  invaded  bv 
the  mutinous  disposition  of  his  crew  ;  and  in  this  situa- 
tion he  fell  an  easy  jirey  to  a  squadron  of  French 
pirates,  who  confiscated  his  ships,  and  detained  him 
long  in  captivity.  It  was  happy  for  himself  and  for 
mankind  that  he  lived  to  return  to  his  country,  and 
write  the  history  of  his  travels,  instead  of  reaching  New 
England  ;  where  hrs  blood  would  probably  have  stained 
the  land  which  his  talent  and  virtue  had  contributed  to 
illustrate.  [1619  ]  Several  years  afterwards,  the  com- 
pany having  discovered  that  an  Indian  named  iii/uaiilo. 
one  of  the  persons  whom  Hunt  had  kidnapped,  had 
CM-aped  from  ihi;  Spaniards,  and  found  hs  way  to 
Hritain,  acipiitted  theinsetves  to  his  satisfaction  of  the 
injury  he  had  suffered,  loaded  him  with  kir/jness,  and 
sent  liiui  back  to  New  England,  along  with  a  small 
exjiedition  commanded  by  one  Dormer,  who  was  in- 
structed to  avail  himself  of  Sipianto's  assistance  in  re- 
gaining tho  friendship  of  the  Indians.  Hut  although 
Squanto  earnestly  cndcayorcd  to  conciliato  the  luuids 


of  his  countrymen,  :  nd  assured  them  that  llunt'i 
treachery  had  been  reprobated  and  punished  n  Eng- 
land, they  refused  to  be  pacified,  and  watching  a  favor- 
able opportunity,  attacked  and  dangerously  wounded 
Dormer  and  many  of  his  party,  who,  escaping  jv  ih  dif- 
ficulty from  the  hostile  region,  left  Sqnanto  behind  to 
enforce  at  more  leisure  and  with  belter  success  his 
topics  of  apology  and  coneilialion.  Disgusted  by  so 
many  disappointments,  the  company  laid  aside  all  far- 
ther thoughts  of  establishing  colonies  in  New  England. 
.\n  insignificant  traffic  bounded  their  own  adventures; 
and  they  made  no  other  exercise  of  their  dominion 
over  the  territory  than  by  disposing  of  small  portions  ol 
the  northern  quarter  of  it  to  [irivate  advenlurers,  who 
occupied  them  in  summer  as  mercantile  factories  or 
victualling  stations  for  the  uses  of  vessels  resorting 
there  for  trade. 

We  have  sufficient  assurance  that  the  course  of  this 
world  is  not  governed  bv  chance  ;  and  ih^t  the  series 
of  events  is  regulated  by  divine  ordinance,  and  achptud 
to  wise  though  often  inscrutable  purposes.  As  it  could 
not  then  be  without  design,  so  it  seems  to  have  been 
for  no  common  object  that  discomfiture  was  thus  en- 
tailed on  the  counsels  of  princes,  the  schemes  of  lha 
wise,  and  the  efforts  of  the  biave.  It  was  for  no  ordi- 
nary people  that  the  land  was  reserved,  and  of  no  coiiv 
mon  qualities  or  vulgar  superiority  that  it  was  ordained 
to  be  the  prize.  New  England  was  the  destined 
asylum  of  oppressed  piety  and  liberty  of  conscience  ; 
and  its  colonization,  denied  to  the  pretensions  of  great- 
ness and  the  efforjs  of  might,  was  reserved  for  men 
whom  the  great  and  mighty  despised  for  their  littleness, 
overcome  from  their  weakness,  and  persecuted  for  their 
integrity.  The  recent  growth  of  the  Virginian  colony, 
and  the  repeated  attempts  to  form  a  settlement  in  New 
England,  naturally  turned  to  this  quarter  the  eyes  of 
men  who  felt  little  reluctance  to  forsake  a  country 
where,  for  conscience's  sake,  they  had  already  incurred 
the  loss  of  all  things;  whom  persecution  hud  fortified 
to  the  endurance  of  hardship,  and  piety  had  taught  to 
despise  it.  It  was  at  this  juncture  accordingly,  that 
the  project  of  colonizing  New  England  was  undertaken 
by  the  puritans  ;  a  body  of  men  of  whose  rise,  senti- 
ments, and  previous  history,  it  is  proper  thai  we  here 
subjoin  some  account. 

Of  all  the  national  churches  of  Europe,  which  at  the 
era  of  the  Ucformation  renounced  the  cloctrine  and  re- 
volted from  the  dominion  of  the  see  of  Rome,  there 
was  none  in  which  the  origin  of  the  reform  had  been  so 
discreditable,  or  the  immediate  proceedings  lo  which 
It  gave  rise  so  unreasonable  and  inequitable  as  ihe 
church  of  England.  This  arose  partly  from  the  cir- 
cumstance of  the  reform  in  this  church  having  origi- 
nated exclusively  with  the  temporal  magistrate,*  and 
partly  from  the  character  of  the  individual  by  whom 
this  interposition  of  magistetial  authority  was  employed. 
In  the  Palatinate,  in  Brandenbnrgh.  Holland,  Geneva, 
and  Scotland,  where  tlia  reform  proceeded  from  the 
general  conviction,  the  doctrine  and  constitution  of  the 
national  church  corresponded  with  the  religious  senti- 
ments of  the  people.  The  biblical  Christianity  taught 
bv  Calvin  and  Luther  (wilh  varieties  occasioned  by 
variety  of  human  weakness  and  inequality  of  attain- 
ment) superseded  the  traditional  dogmas  of  the  church 
of  Rome  ;  and  the  primitive  simplicity  of  the  preshyle- 
rian  administration  (with  siimliar  varieties  of  similai 
origin)  superseded  the  pompous  pageantry  of  her  eccle- 
siastical constitution.  In  England,  the  reformation 
originating  from  a  very  different  source,  it-i  institutiona 
received  a  strong  tincture  from  qualities  proportionally 
different.  The  seme  haughty  and  imperious  disposi 
tion  that  had  prompted  Henry  the  Eighth  lo  abolish  the 
authority  of  the  church  of  Rome  m  his  dominions,  regu- 
lated all  his  proceedings  in  constructing  a  substitute 
for  the  system  he  had  taken  away.  Abetted  by  a  crew 
of  servile  dependants  and  sordid  nobles,  whom  he  en- 
riched with  the  spoils  of  the  plundered  monaaleries, 
and  by  a  compliant  House  of  Commons,  whose  pro- 


*  It  l^as  liecn  asserted  l)y  a  host  of  English  writers  that, 
owing  to  this  interposiiion  of  the  magistrate,  itie  invasion  ol 
supposed  rights  and  estahh^hcd  possessions  ttiat  ensut'd  on 
the  Reformation  was  conducted  with  much  greater  sobriety 
and  equity  la  England  than  in  Scotland.  The  veiy  reverse, 
appears  to  me  a  jusier  proposition.  Henry's  rotiticries  of  llic 
eci'Iosiastical  orders  w  rre  the  more  inei|uitable  in  pro(Kirlion 
to  I  heir  deliberation.  The  Scotch  popuhirerose  in  tumult  nous 
indignation  airainsl  their  oppressors.  Henry  trampled  on  tlie 
defenceless,  andarr:i>ed  his  rapine  in  the  solemn  apparel  ol 
the  acts  of  state,  liie  explosions  of  popular  justic  e  are 
attended  with  a  marked  violence,  and  have  but  a  short-lived 
duration.  As  palpable  deviations  from  the  ordinarv'  line  ot 
human  action,  their  influence  does  not  airort  general  morality 
The  actings  ot  despotism  cover  iheir  vinlenco  with  a  cravs 
di.tguise ;  and  associating  thcni  with  principles  and  preceuitnta, 
render  tUcir  evil  fatality  permaiiBiU 


N  OUT  II  AMERICA. 


885 


fessiun  of  faith  veered  about  with  eveiy  variation  of  the 
royal  creed,  he  paid  no  respect  whatever,  in  the  insti- 
tutions which  he  snccessively  cstabhshed,  to  the  senti- 
ments of  the  body  ol  tlie  people — a  portion  of  his  sub- 
jects to  whose  petitions  he  once  answered,  by  a  public 
proclamation,  that  they  were  '•  but  brutes  and  inexpert 
folk,"  and  as  unlit  to  advise  him  as  blind  men  were  to 
judge  of  colors.  His  object  was  to  sulistitutc  himself 
and  his  successors  as  heads  of  the  church  in  place  of 
the  pope  ;  and  for  the  maintenance  of  this  usurped  do- 
minion, he  retained,  both  in  the  ceremonies  of  worship 
and  the  constitution  of  the  ministry,  a  great  deal  of  the 
inachinerv  which  his  predecessor  in  the  supremacy  had 
found  useful.  The  vehemence  of  his  character  de- 
tracted somewhat  from  the  policy  of  his  devices,  and 
very  much  abated  their  jjolitic  appearance  by  that  show 
of  good  faith  and  sincerity  which  accompanied  all  his 
actions,  and  which  was  but  the  natural  result  of  sincere 
and  vehement  selfishness,  and  an  undoubting  convic- 
tion of  the  superiority  of  his  understanding  and  the  in- 
fallibility of  his  judgment.*  While  he  rigidly  denied 
the  right  of  private  judgment  to  his  subjects,  his  own 
inordinate  exercise  of  this  right  continually  tempted 
them  to  partake  the  satisfaction  it  seemed  to  afford 
him  ;  and  the  frequent  variations  of  the  creeds  he  im- 
posed, at  once  excited  a  spirit  of  speculation  akin  to 
his  own,  and  practically  refuted  the  onlj  pretence  that 
could  entitle  his  judgment  to  the  implicit  issent  of  fal- 
lible men.  The  pope,  expressly  maintaining  that  he 
could  never  be  in  the  wrong,  was  disabled  from  correct- 
ing both  his  own  errors  and  those  bequeathed  to  him  by 
his  predecessors.  Henry,  merely  pretending  to  the 
privilege  of  being  always  in  the  right,  defeated  this  pre- 
tension by  the  variety  and  inconsistency  of  the  creeds 
to  which  he  ap]>lied  it.  While  he  insisted  on  retaining 
much  of  the  peculiar  doctrine  of  the  church  of  Rome, 
he  attacked,  in  its  infallibility,  a  doctrine  not  onlv  highly 
important  in  itself,  but  the  sole  sanction  and  foundation 
of  a  great  many  others.  Notwithstanding  all  his  exer- 
tions, and  aided  indeed  by  some  part  of  his  own  con- 
duct, a  spirit  of  religious  inquiry  began  to  arise  among 
the  multitude  of  professors  who  blindly  or  interestedly 
3ad  followed  the  fortunes  and  the  variations  of  the  royal 
Dreed  :  and  the  knowledge  of  divine  truth,  combined 
with  an  ardent  regard  for  simplicity  of  divine  worship 
arising  first  in  the  higher  classes,  spread  downwards 
through  the  successive  grades  of  society  in  this  and  the 
following  reigns.  The  administration  of  inquisitorial 
oaths,  and  the  infliction  in  various  instances  of  decapi- 
tation, torture,  and  burning,  for  the  crime  of  heresy 
luring  Henry's  reign,  demonstrate  how  fully  he  had 
embraced  the  character  as  well  as  the  pretensions  of 
the  Romish  see,t  and  how  ineffectually  he  had  labored 
to  impose  his  own  heterogeneous  creed  on  the  under- 
a'andings  of  his  subjects.  Even  in  his  litetime,  the 
rotestant  doctrines  had  spread  far  beyond  the  limits  of 
is  own  creed  ;  and  in  their  illegitimate  extent  had 
made  numerous  proselytes  in  his  court  and  kingdom. 
The  propagation  of  them  was  aided  by  the  translation 
and  diffusion  of  the  Scriptures,  which  he  vainly  en- 
deavored to  prevent,  and  which  enabled  his  people  to 
draw  truth  for  themselves  unstinted  and  unadulterated 
from  its  everlasting  wells.  The  open  profession  of 
these  illicit  opinions  was  in  many  instances  repressed 
by  the  terror  of  his  inflexible  cruelty,  and  by  the  influ- 
ence over  his  measures  which  his  lay  and  clerical  cour- 
tiers found  It  easy  to  obtain  by  feigning  implicit  submis- 
sion to  his  capricious  and  imperious  temper.  The 
temptations  which  these  men  were  exposed  to  proved 
fatal  in  some  instances  to  their  virtue ;  and  several  of 
them  (even  the  virtuous  Cranmer)  thought  themselves 
obliged  though  reluctantly  to  concr.r  in  punishing  by 
fire  and  faggot  the  open  profession  of  the  sentiments 
which  they  secretly  cherished  in  their  own  breasts. 
They  were  afterwards  compelled  themselves  to  drink 
of  the  same  cup  ;  and  enabled  to  make  some  atone- 
ment to  the  cause  of  truth  by  the  heroism  with  which, 
in  Mary's  bloody  reign,  they  suffered  for  the  doctrines 
which  they  had  persecuted  before. 

By  the  death  of  Henry  the  Eighth,  his  protestant  sub- 
jects were  exempted  from  the  necessity  of  farther  dissi- 
mulation. In  the  reign  of  Ed  ward  the  Sixth,  the  ca- 
tholic doctrines  were  expunged  from  the  national  creed, 

•  Tl\e  public  disputation  which  he  held  witli  one  of  his  sub- 
jects, the  noble-minded  though  unfortunate  Lambert,  who 
denied  the  doclnue  of  the  real  presence,  was,  perhaps  regard- 
ed at  the  time  as  an  act  of  admirable  zeal  and  must  gSnerous 
condescension.  It  might  liave  meriteC  this  praise  if  the  homd 
deatli  liy  whicli  he  revenged  the  impotence  of  his  logic,  did 
not  prove  It  to  have  been  an  overflowing  of  arrogance  and 
vam  glory.  ° 

t  One  of  his  laws  (31  Uenry  VIII.  capi.  14.)  bears  the  pre 
iumptuous  title  of  "  An  act  for  abolisliing  diversity  of  opi- 
nions in  certain  articles  concerning  the  Christian  religion  " 


and  the  fundamental  articles  of  the  protestant  faith 
recognised  and  established  by  law.  As  among  the 
other  practices  of  the  preceding  reign,  the  weak  and 
wicked  policy  of  enforcing  uniformity  of  faith  and  wor- 
ship by  ])ersccution  was  still  retained,  the  influence  of 
temporal  fear  and  favor  contributed,  no  doubt,  to  en- 
cumber the  protestant  church  with  many  reluctant  and 
hypocritical  professors.  In  the  hope  of  reconciling  the 
iiiiiids  of  men  as  extensively  as  possible  to  the  system 
which  they  had  established,  the  ministers  of  Edward  pre- 
served not  only  the  ecclesiastical  constitution  which 
Henry  had  retained,  but  as  much  of  the  ancient  cere- 
monial of  worship  as  they  thought  would  gratify  the 
taste  and  predilections  of  minds  that  still  hankered  after 
catholic  pageantry.  They  rather  yielded  to  the  neces- 
sity of  the  limes,  than  indulged  their  own  sentiments  or 
followed  out  their  principles  ;  and  pretty  plainly  insi- 
nuated their  opinion,  that  whenever  the  times  could 
bear  it,  a  further  reformation  should  be  introduced  into 
the  establishment,  by  inserting  a  prayer  to  that  purpose 
in  the  Liturgy.  But  in  this  attempt,  the  rulers  of  the 
English  reformed  church  encountered  a  spirit  of  resist- 
ance, originating  in  the  protestant  body,  of  which  they 
considered  themselves  the  heads.  During  the  late 
reign  the  disaffection  that  had  been  cherished  in  secret 
towards  the  national  church  had  not  confined  itself  to 
the  doctrines  of  the  establishment,  which  many  protes- 
tants  connected  in  their  opinion  and  esteem  with  the 
ceremonial  rites  and  clerical  habits  that  had  for  ages 
been  their  inveterate  associate  and  distinctive  livery. 
With  their  enmity  to  popish  doctrine,  they  combined  an 
aversion  to  those  ceremonies  which  had  proved  so  sub- 
servient to  popish  imposture  ;  which  seemed  to  owe 
their  survivance  in  the  national  system  to  the  same 
error  that  had  retained  so  much  catholic  heresy  ;  and 
which  diverted  the  mind  from  that  spiritual  worship 
claimed  by  Him  who  is  a  spirit,  and  has  commanded  all 
men  to  worship  him  in  spirit  and  in  truth.  These  sen- 
timents, VN'hich  were  subsequently  matured  into  the 
doctrines  of  the  puritans,  had  already  taken  possession 
of  the  minds  of  some  of  the  English  protestants  :  but 
their  operation  was  as  yet  neither  very  powerful  nor 
extensive.  One  of  the  most  powerful  indications  of 
their  influence  that  has  been  transmitted  to  us  was 
evinced  by  Bishop  Hooper,  who,  in  the  reign  of  Edward, 
refused  to  be  consecrated  to  his  office  in  what  he  deemed 
the  superstitious  habits  appropriated  by  the  church  to 
the  episcopal  order.  His  protestant  opinions  had  ren- 
dered him  an  exile  from  England  during  the  latter  part 
of  the  preceding  reign,  and  his  puritan  sentiments  had 
been  confirmed  by  the  conversation  of  the  presbyterian 
teachers,  with  whom  he  associated  during  his  residence 
abroad.  Cranmer  and  Ridley,  who  were  afterwards 
his  fellow  martyrs  under  the  persecution  of  Mary,  re- 
sorted to  arguments,  threats,  entreaties,  and  imprison- 
ment, to  overcome  Hooper's  objections ;  and  it  was 
not  without  very  great  difficulty  that  his  inflexible  spirit 
condescended  to  terminate  the  dispute  by  a  compro- 
mise. The  sentiments  which  had  thus  received  the 
sanction  of  a  man  so  distinguished  by  the  excellence  of 
his  character  as  well  as  the  eminence  of  his  station  in 
the  church,  continued  to  manifest  themselves  through- 
out the  short  reign  of  Edward  ;  and  there  was  scarcely 
a  rite  of  the  established  worship,  or  habit  of  the  cleroy, 
that  escaped  objection  and  contention.  The  defenders 
of  the  practices  that  were  thus  assailed  did  not  contend 
that  they  were  of  divine  appointment,  or  in  themselves 
of  essential  importance.  They  maintained  that  they 
were  in  themselves  inoffensive,  and  that  by  long  estab- 
lishment and  inveterate  association  they  had  taken  pos- 
session of  the  reverence  of  the  people,  and  attached 
their  affections  to  the  national  worship.  They  admitted 
that,  as  useless  appendages,  it  was  desirable  that  time 
and  reason  should  obliterate  these  practices  :  but  in- 
sisted that  it  would  be  both  unwise  and  illiberal  to  abo- 
lish them  forcibly,  and  at  the  risk  of  unhinging  the  im- 
portant sentiments  with  which  they  had  accidentally 
connected  themselves.  This  reasoning  was  very  un- 
satisfactory to  the  puritans,  who  rejected  such  tempo- 
rizing policy  as  the  counsel  of  lukewarm  piety  and 
worldly  wisdom,  and  regarded  with  abhorrence  the 
mixture  of  superstitious  attractions  with  the  motives  to 
that  which  should  be  entirely  a  reasonable  service,  and 
whatever  weight  the  arguments  of  the  prevailing  party 
may  be  considered  to  possess,  they  certainly  cannot  be 
allowed  to  justify  their  violent  imposition  of  observan- 
ces, which  at  best  they  regarded  as  inoffensive,  on  per- 
sons who  considered  them  as  sinful  and  pernicious. 
But  the  doctrines  of  the  puritans,  whether  supported  or 
not  by  superior  weight  of  reason,  were  overborne  by 
the  weight  of  superior  numbers ;  and  their  sentiments 
might  perhaps  have  gradually  died  away  if  the  reign  of 


Edward  had  been  much  farther  prolonged,  or  his  sceptro 
been  transmitted  to  a  protestant  successor.  But  the 
reign  of  Mary  was  aiijiointed  not  only  to  purify  the  pro- 
testant body,  by  separating  the  true  from  the  false  ol 
formal  professors,  but  to  radicate  every  protestant  sc«- 
tinicnt  by  exposing  it  to  the  fiery  test  of  papal  rago 
and  persecution. 

The  administration  of  Queen  Mary  was  producli'-e 
of  events  that  tended  to  revive  and  disseminate  the 
puritan  sentiments,  and  at  the  same  time  to  confirm 
the  opposition  of  some  of  their  adversaries.  During 
the  heat  of  her  bloody  persecution,  many  of  the  pro- 
testants forsook  their  country  and  took  refuge  in  the 
protestant  states  of  Germany  and  Switzerland.  There, 
in  regulating  for  themselves  the  forms  and  ordinances 
of  divine  worship,  their  ancient  disputes  naturally  re- 
vived, and  were  animated  by  the  approach  of  the  two 
parties  to  an  equality  of  numbers  that  had  never  before 
subsisted  between  them,  and  protracted  by  the  utter 
want  of  a  spirit  of  mutual  forbearance,  and  the  absence 
of  any  tribunal  from  which  an  authoritative  decision 
could  be  obtained.  The  puritans  beheld  with  pleasure 
in  the  continental  churches  the  establishment  of  a  con- 
stitution and  ritual  which  had  been  the  objei;t  of  their 
warm  approbation  and  earnest  desire  ;  and  they  either 
composed  for  themselves  a  formula  of  religious  asso- 
ciation on  a  similar  model,  or  entered  into  communion 
with  the  churches  established  in  the  places  where  they 
resided.  Their  opponents,  on  the  other  hand,  clung 
more  firmly  than  ever  to  their  ancient  practices  :  they 
refused  to  surrender  any  one  of  the  institutions  of  the 
faith,  for  the  sake  of  which  they  had  forsaken  theii 
country ;  and  they  plumed  themselves  on  reviving, 
amidst  the  misfortunes  of  their  church  at  home,  an  en- 
tire and  accurate  model  of  her  ordinances  in  the  scene 
of  their  banishment.  Both  parties  were  willing  to  have 
united  in  church  fellowship  w  ith  each  other,  if  either 
could  have  yielded  m  the  dispute  concerning  forms  of 
office,  habits,  and  ceremonies.  But  though  each  con- 
sidered itself  strongest  in  faith,  neither  felt  disposed  on 
that  account  to  bear  the  infirmities  of  the  other  ;  and 
though  united  in  the  great  fundamental  points  of  chris- 
tain  belief,  and  associated  by  the  common  caLmity  that 
rendered  them  fellow-exiles  in  a  foreign  land,  their 
fruitless  controversies  separated  them  more  widely 
than  they  had  ever  been  before,  and  inflamed  them  with 
mutual  dislike  and  animosity.  On  the  death  of  Mary 
both  parties  returned  to  England  :  the  one  joyfully  ex- 
pecting to  see  their  ancient  worship  restored  :  the  other 
more  firmly  wedded  to  their  puritan  sentiments  by  the 
opportunity  they  had  obtained  of  freely  indulging  liiein, 
and  entertaining  (in  common  with  many  who  had  re- 
mained at  home)  an  increased  antipathy  to  the  habits 
ind  ceremonies  which  the  recent  ascendancy  and  pro- 
ceedings of  the  catholics  had  strongly  associated  with 
the  odious  features  of  popish  fraud,  delusion,  and 
cruelty. 

The  hopes  which  the  puritans  derived  from  the  ac- 
cession of  Elizabeth  were  seconded  by  the  disposition 
of  many,  even  of  their  opponents  among  the  leading 
protestant  churchmen,  who  had  weathered  the  storm  at 
home.  Several  of  the  most  distinguished  persons  ol 
this  class  expressed  the  strongest  reluctance,  in  restor- 
ing the  protestant  constitution,  to  interweave  with  il8 
fundamental  canons,  any  subordinate  regulations  thai 
might  be  injurious  to  men  endeared  to  them  by  then 
common  calamity,  and  so  recently  associated  with  them 
as  confessors  for  the  substance,  not  the  mere  forms  of 
religion.  Some  of  the  iiuntans,  no  doubt,  were  bent 
on  reducing  the  model  of  the  church  to  a  conformity 
with  their  own  sentiments  ;  and  some  of  their  oppo- 
nents were  as  eager  to  prohibit  and  suppress  every 
trace  of  puritan  practice.  The  majority,  however,  as 
well  as  the  leading  nieiiibers  of  both  parties  were 
earnestly  desirous  to  effect  an  accommodation  on  the 
principles  of  mutual  forbearance,  and  willingly  agreed 
that  the  disputed  habits  and  ceremonies  should  be  re- 
tained in  the  church,  as  observances  of  a  discretionary 
and  indifferent  nature,  not  to  be  controverted  by  iho 
one  nor  enforced  by  the  other,  but  left  to  be  confirmed 
or  abolished  by  the  silent  progress  of  sentiment  and 
opinion.  But  the  hopes  of  the  zealous  and  the  conces- 
sions of  the  candid  were  frustrated  riy  the  character  of 
the  queen  ;  whose  strong  hand  and  imperious  temper 
soon  defaced  the  fair  prospect  of  concord  and  happi- 
ness, and  involved  the  people  committed  to  her  care  in 
a  long  and  widening  scene  of  strife,  malignity,  and 
misery.  Elizabeth  inherited  the  haughty  character  of 
her  father  and  his  taste  for  splendid  pageantry.  And 
though  she  had  been  educated  with  her  brother  Edward, 
and  her  understanding  had  received  a  strong  tincture  oi 
protestant  opiiuons,  her  sentiment!"  powerfully  biassed 


886  

bor  in  fsvor  of  the  rites,  discipline,  and  even  doctrine 
of  ihe  cathi>lic-t— of  every  thinp,  in  short,  tliat  could 
lend  an  iinposii.i;  aspect  to  the  establislinieiit  of  which 
■•he  was  tiie  supreme  head,  and  increase  the  strictness 
of  the  dominion  v\hich  she  was  resolved  to  maintain 
f  vcr  the  clergv.  She  piri)licly  thanked  one  of  her  chap- 
lains for  preaching  in  defence  of  the  real  i)resence,  and 
rehuked  another  for  mentioning  with  little  reverence 
ihe  popish  notion  of  an  inherent  virtue  m  the  symbol 
of  the  cross.  She  desired  to  make  the  clergy  piicots, 
and  not  preachers  ;  discouraged  their  sermons  ;  and 
would  have  interdicted  them  from  marriage  had  she 
not  been  restrained  by  the  renioii.strances  of  her  mi- 
nister Lord  Uurleigh.  '  Disregarding  the  wishes  and 
entreaties  both  of  churchmen  and  puritans,  she  restored 
King  Edward  s  constitutions  with  no  other  alteration 
than  the  omission  of  a  few  passages  in  tl»c  liturgy 
which  were  offensive  to  the  cathohcs  ;  and  caused  a 
law  to  be  framed  for  the  enforcement,  by  tine,  in.pri- 
Ronment,  and  deprivation,  of  a  strict  umforrnity  of  re- 
ligious worship.  This  was  the  first  step  in  a  iinc  of 
policy  which  the  church  of  Kngland  has  had  deep  and 
lasting  cause  to  deplore,  and  wiiich,  by  compelling 
thousands  of  her  best  and  £.blest  mini.sters  reluctantly 
to  forsake  her  communion.  atHicted  her  with  a  decay 
of  internal  piety,  from  which,  after  the  lap,se  of  many 
generations,  she  has  even  now  but  imperfectly  revived. 

Uut  this  law  was  for  some  time  very  feebly  and  im- 
perfectly enforced.  The  queen  coulu  not  at  once  find 
a  sufficient  number  of  men  fitted  to  sustain  the  dignity 
of  episcopal  elevation,  and  yet  willing  to  become  the 
instruments  of  her  arbitrary  designs;  nor  could  all  her 
efforts  for  some  time  excite  general  strife  and  ill-will 
among  men  of  whom  so  many,  though  dillering  from 
each  other  on  suliordinate  points,  had  but  lately  been 
united  by  community  of  sentiment  and  suffering  in  the 
noblest  cause  that  can  interest  human  hearts.  Her 
first  bench  of  bishops  were  not  only  eager  to  clear  them- 
selves of  the  reproach  of  having  composed  or  approved 
the  existing  laws,*  but  by  a  general  forbearance  to  en- 
force them,  enabled  the  puritan  ministers  and  practices 
to  obtain  a  considerable  fooling  in  the  church.  And 
though  she  reprimanded  the  primate  I'arker  for  his 
negligence,  and  at  length  stimulated  him  to  the  exer- 
tion of  some  severities  in  the  enforcement  of  the  act  of 
uniformity,  it  was  far  from  receiving  general  execution  ; 
and  by  various  acts  of  connivance  on  the  one  side,  and 
prudent  reserve  on  the  other,  the  puritans  were  enabled 
tJ  enjoy  some  semblance  of  peace.  Their  tfaiiquillity 
»vas  lengthened  and  increased  by  the  succesi'on  of 
(Jrindall  tc  the  primacy.  The  liberal  principles  apd 
humane  disposition  of  this  man  revnI'e'J  asiainst  the 
tyrannical  injustice  which  he  was  required  to  enforce  ; 
anil  at  the  expense  of  his  own  im[)risonment  and  the 
disfavor  of  his  temporal  sovereign,  he  prolonged  the 
duration  of  lenient  policy,  and  the  peace     the  church. 

At  It-iigth,  on  the  death  of  Grindall,  the  primacy  was 
bestowed  on  \\'liit;,'ift,  a  man  of  severe  temper,  a  rigid 
votary  of  the  discipline  and  policy  of  the  church,  and 
an  implacable  adversary  of  the  puritans,  against  whom 
he  had  repeatedly  directed  the  hostility  of  his  pen,  and 
was  eager  to  be  intrusted  with  the  exercise  of  a  more 
formidable  weapon.  From  this  period  all  the  force  of 
the  law  was  spent  in  uninterrupted  e.Torls  to  vex  the 
persons,  or  violate  the  consciences  of  the  puritans.  A 
numerous  body  of  puritan  ministers  were  deprived  of 
their  livings ;  and  many  of  their  parishioners  were 
puni^hcl  by  fine  and  imprisonment  for  following  their 
ministry  into  the  fields  and  woods,  where  they  con- 
tinued to  exercise  it.  Great  endeavors  were  used  by 
the  wise  and  good  to  move  the  queen,  ere  yet  it  was 
too  late,  to  slay  the  waters  of  strife  she  was  letting  out 
iipon  the  land.  Burleigh  and  Walsinghain  earnestly 
interceded  for  the  suspended  ministers,  and  pressed 
every  consideration  of  the  indulgence  due  to  their  con- 
scientious scruples,  the  humane  concern  to  which  their 
families  were  entitled,  and  the  respect  which  policy  de- 
manded for  the  sentiments  of  so  great  a  body  of  the 
people  by  whom  they  were  esteemed  and  beloved. 
The  House  of  Commons  too  showed  a  desire  to  pro- 
cure some  relief  for  the  oppressed  puritans.  But 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


•  In  their  letterii  U  llinr  friends  at  home  and  abroad,  they 
not  only  r<  |>i.>l)iilc  the  oUnoxKiu.s  inslilulion»,  but  promise  'o 
withnlan.l  Ih.'iii  "liM  they  be  sent  biirk  to  lu  ll,  from  wheiire 
thry  rami-,"  totow  dmroid,  ronfusmn,  nml  vain  formalilv  in 
Ihi'  ilmrch.  Ilurnct,  part  ill.  p.  314.  Neal,  i.  iy  There 
•rHini  to  bo  very  little  diirrrenco  hrlwi'on  thrso  oxprcs- 
•lorx  of  En/li»h  bishop.  Hiid  Ihe  l.-irnru.iifo  of,i  Srolrh  prcsby- 
tcriiin  mliii»li-r  »t)i>iit  thn  n.imi'  lime,  who  prnnounced  In  a 
Miirion,  thai  Ihp  Hurcn  of  Kimland  was  no  better  than  an 
•lhei>I,  and  '•  all  kimtM  witc  thi'  devil's  i  hildren  "  Spotin- 
woo.le-1  lli.lory  of  ihp  Churrh  of  .Sro'land,  The  dilTereiu  o 
wmi.  that  the  l  ondurt  and  Inniruagoo.'lhs  ub«  were  mora  con- 
staunl  thai:  thoi*  of  ihu  other. 


Whitgift  flung  himself  on  his  knees  before  the  queen 
and  implored  her  to  uphold  the  sinking  church,  and  to 
suffer  no  alteration  that  would  give  men  leave  to  say 
that  she  hcul  maintained  an  error.  His  humiliation, 
most  probably,  was  prompted  rather  by  flattery  than 
fear;  for  Elizabeth  had  shown  no  inclination  whate%xr 
to  mitigate  an  imperious  policy  so  congenial  to  her  own 
character.  The  enforcing  of  implicit  deference  to  her 
judgment,  and  of  rigid  conformity  to  the  model  she  had 
enacted,  was  the  result  of  her  early  and  stubborn 
choice,  and  maintained  with  her  usual  vigor  and  vehe- 
mence of  determination.  She  overbore  all  opposition  ; 
and  the  ))rimate  and  his  associates  being  encouraged  to 
proceed  in  the  course  they  had  begun,  their  zeal  enlarg- 
ing as  it  flowed,  aoon  transported  them  beyond  all 
bounds  of  decency  and  humanity.  They  were  allowed 
to  establish  a  court  of  commissioners  for  the  detection 
of  non-conformity,  which  even  the  privy  council  remon- 
strated against  as  a  copy  of  the  Spanish  inquisition. 
By  the  assistance  of  this  tyrannical  engine,  they  made 
freer  course  for  the  severities  of  the  law  ;  and  having 
rendered  integrity  hazardous,  they  made  prudence  un- 
availing to  the  puritans.  In  vain  were  they  reminded 
of  the  maxim  of  the  first  christian  council,  which  recom- 
mended the  miposition  of  no  greater  burthen  on  the 
people  than  the  observation  of  necessary  things.  For 
the  purpose  of  imposing  a  load  of  ceremonies,  which 
without  the  actual  profession  of  popery  they  could 
never  represent  as  observances  essential  to  salvation, 
they  committed  such  oppression  as  rendered  the  cere- 
monies themselves  tenfold  more  obnoxious  to  those  to 
whom  even  indulgent  treatment  would  have  failed  to 
recommend  them,  and  roused  the  opposition  of  others 
who  would  willingly  have  comjilied  with  the  ceremonial 
ordinances  if  they  had  been  proposed  to  them  merely 
as  matters  of  convenient  observance,  but  revolted  from 
them,  as  fraught  w  ith  danger  and  mischief,  when  it  was 
attempted  to  bind  them  on  the  conscience,  and  place 
them  on  a  level  with  the  most  sacred  obligations. 
The  most  signal  fruit  of  this  increased  severity  was  the 
enkindling  of  great  additional  zeal  and  fervor  in  the 
minds  of  the  puritans  ;  a  rapid  multiplication  of  their 
numbers  by  stiong  sympathy  with  their  courage,  and 
compassion  for  their  sufferings  ;  and  a  growing  abhor- 
rence in  their  body  to  the  order  of  bishops  and  the 
whole  frame  of  a  church  which  to  them  was  an  organ 
of  injustice  and  tyranny.  It  is  certain  that  the  puritans 
of  those  times  were  exceedingly  averse  to  separate  from 
the  church  of  England  ;  and  their  ministers  were  still 
more  reluctant  to  abet  a  schism  and  renounce  their  pre- 
ferments. 'I'liev  willingly  allowed  her  to  be  a  true 
church,  and  merely  claimed  indulgence  in  the  matter 
of  a  few  ceremonies  which  did  not  affect  her  constitu- 
tion. But  the  injurious  treatment  they  received,  held 
out  a  premium  to  very  different  considerations,  and  not 
only  influenced  their  passions,  but  stimulated  their  in- 
quiries aiid  extended  their  objections.  Cast  out  of  the 
i-.atioiial  church,  they  were  forced  to  imiuire  if  they 
could  not  do  without  that  which  they  found  they  could 
not  have  ;  and  were  easilv  led  to  question  if  the  fea- 
tures of  a  true  church  could  be  discerned  in  that  body, 
which  not  only  rejected  but  persecuted  them  for  a  con- 
srientiotis  adherence,  in  a  matter  of  ceremonial  observ- 
ance, to  what  they  believed  to  be  the  will  of  Christ. 
As  the  puritan  principles  spread  through  the  mass  of 
society,  and  encountered  in  their  progress  a  greater 
variety  of  character  in  their  votaries,  and  of  treatment 
from  their  adversaries,  considerable  differences  and  in- 
equalities of  sentiment  and  conduct  appeared  in  dif- 
ferent portions  of  the  puritan  body.  Some  of  them 
caught  the  s[iirit  of  their  oppressors,  and,  in  words  at 
least,  retaliated  the  unchristian  usage  they  underwent. 
They  combined  the  doctrines  of  the  New  with  the 
practices  of  the  Old  Testament,  in  a  manner  which  will 
not  excite  the  wonder  of  those  who  recollect  that  the 
very  first  little  flock  of  (J^hristians  who  were  collected 
in  the  world  committed  the  same  error  ;  and  so  far  for- 
got the  s|iirit  they  had  received,  as  even  in  the  presence 
of  their  Divine  Head  to  propose  the  invocation  of  fire 
from  heaven  on  the  men  who  hid  insulted  them.  But 
the  instances  of  this  spirit  were  exceedingly  rare  ;  and 
it  was  not  till  the  followinj'  reigns  that  it  prevailed 
either  strongly  or  widely.  In  general  the  oppressed 
puritans  conducted  themselves  with  the  fortitude  of 
heroes  and  the  patience  of  saints  ;  and,  what  is  sur- 
prising, they  made  more  zealous  aud  successful  efforts 
to  maintain  their  loyalty,  than  the  queen  and  the 
bishops  did  to  extinguish  it.*    Many,  iu  defiance  of 


*  Niiinberloss  in.stanccn  miitht  l)«  adduced  of  the  patience 
with  which  they  endured  the  seventies  of  errlesia.stic;U  vcn- 
nonnco.  Nor  was  their  patience  nml  nia^n.miniitv  less  con- 
spicuous In  tbo  endurance  of  civil  tyranny.   A  puritan  having 


every  dangci,  followed  the  preaching  of  theii  .Tiimatert 
into  the  highways  and  fields,  or  a&semblcd  privately  ia 
conventicles,  which  the  general  sympathy,  or  the  con- 
nivance of  their  secret  partisans  within  the  church, 
sometimes  preserved  from  detection.  jMaiiy  reluct 
antly  abided  in  the  national  church,  tinwearicdly  pur- 
suiiii;  their  ineffectual  attempts  to  promote  parlia- 
mentary interference  in  behaif  of  the  puritans,  and  east- 
ing a  wistful  eye  on  the  presumptive  succession  of  a 
prince  who  had  been  educated  in  a  prcsbyterian  society. 
Some  at  length  openly  disclaimed  the  national  esta- 
blishment, and  weie  led,  by  the  cruel  excesses  of 
human  authority,  to  (he  conviction,  that  human  au- 
thority had  no  proper  place  m  the  admmistration  of  the 
kingdom  of  Christ. 

The  proceedings  of  the  queen  were,  doubtless,  cor- 
dially abetted  by  the  angry  zeal  of  those  churchmen 
who  had  partaken  of  the  controversy  that  had  raged 
between  the  two  parties  during  their  exile  on  the  con- 
tinent in  the  preceeding  reign.  But  the  whole  civil 
and  ecclesiastical  policy  of  this  reign  was  mainly  and 
essentially  the  offspring  of  Elizabeth's  own  character. 
The  Puritan  writers,  bestowing  an  undue  proportion  of 
their  resentment  on  the  persons  whose  functions  ren- 
dered them  the  instruments  as  well  as  the  apologists 
of  the  queen's  ecclesiastical  system,  have  been  disposed 
to  impute  the  tyrannical  features  of  this  system  exclu 
sively  to  the  bishops,  and  particularly  to  Whitgift, 
whose  influence  with  Elizabeth  they  ascribe  to  his  con- 
stant habit  of  addressing  her  on  his  knees.  But  AVhit- 
gift,  in  abetting  her  enmity  to  the  Puritans,  merely  paid 
his  court  to  a  disposition  which  she  had  already  evinced 
in  the  strongest  manner,  and  swam  with  the  tide  of 
that  resolute  determination  which  he  saw  must  pre- 
vail. The  abject  homage  which  he  paid  her  was  no- 
thing more  than  she  was  universally  accustomed  to  re- 
ceive ;  and  the  observation  which  it  has  seemed  to  de- 
serve from  the  Puritans,  denotes  rather  a  peculiarity 
in  their  own  manners,  than  any  thing  remarkable  in  the 
conduct  of  their  adversary.  Not  one  of  her  subjects 
ever  addressed  the  queen  without  kneeling  ;  wherever 
she  turned  her  eye,  every  one  fell  on  his  knees  ;  and 
even  in  her  absence,  the  nobilitv,  who  were  alone 
thought  worthy  to  cover  her  table,  made  three  genu- 
flexions every  time  they  a]>proaclied  or  retired  from  it 
in  the  performance  of  their  menial  duly.*  This  was 
an  exact  counterpart  of  the  homage  rendered  by  the 
catholics  to  the  Real  Presence,  which  they  believed  to 
reside  in  the  Host  ;  and  the  sentiments  which  it  tended 
to  form  both  in  the  party  receiving,  and  the  parties  who 
rendered  it,  were  confirmed  by  the  language  of  Parlia- 
ment, in  which  the  queen  was  continually  flattered  with 
praises  and  attributes  appropriated  to  the  Supreme 
Being.  Nor  was  this  seivile  system  of  manners  pecu- 
liar to  the  reign  of  Elizabeth.  On  the  contrary,  it  had 
been  carried  even  to  a  greater  extent  under  the  govern- 
ment of  her  predecessors  ;  and  her  ministers  frequently 
noted  and  deplored  the  decay  of  that  fearfulness  and 
reverence  of  their  superiors  which  had  formerly  cha- 
racterised the  inferior  estates  of  the  realm.  Sensn 
and  reason  participated  in  the  ignominy  and  dcgrada 
tion  of  manners  ;  arrogance  disordered  the  understand- 
ing of  the  prince,  while  servility  deformed  the  senli- 
ni(»nts  of  the  people;  and  if  Henry  the  Eighth,  by  a 
royal  proclamation,  assured  the  populace  that  they  were 
brutes,  the  same  populace,  in  their  petitions  against 
his  measures,  represented  the  promotion  of  tmr-hom 
persons  to  public  trust  and  honor,  as  one  of  the  most 
serious  and  intolerable  grievances  that  they  had  to  com- 
plain of. 

The  sentiments  which  such  practices  and  manners 
tended  to  form  in  the  mind  of  the  queen,  enhanced  the 
displeasure  with  which  she  regarded  the  Puritans,  who 
were  fated  to  offend  her  by  their  political  conduct,  au 
well  as  their  religious  opinions.  Many  of  the  more 
eminent  persons  among  them  obtained  seats  in  I'arlia- 
menl,  where  they  endeavored  to  revive  a  spirit  of  liberty 
and  direct  its  energy  to  the  protection  of  their  oppressed 
brethren.    Impelled  by  the  severity  of  the  restraints 

written  a  book  ajainst  the  dancer  which  misht  attend  the 
marriage  of  the  queen  with  a  popish  pnnre.  was  condemned  to 
lose  Ills  right  hand  as  »  hbcUer.  The  in.stant  the  blow  was 
struck,  he  took  off  his  hat  with  his  other  hand,  and,  waving  li 
in  the  air,  cried  "  God  save  the  queen."  The  puritans  were 
much  more  afriidof  the  revival  of  popery  in  Kneland,  than 
of  the  seventy  of  those  crclesia-slical  laws  under  which  papists 
and  puritans  were  equally  liable  to  oppression.  To  this  ex- 
tent they  concurred  v/ith  the  ecclesiastical  policy  ot  EUia» 
oelh. 

•  Hentzner's  Journey  into  England  in  1598  (Strawberry  lIiB 
eifition),  a.  50,  51.  This  abject  ceremonial  was  abolished  t>y 
King  James,  who,  though  highly  pleased  w  ith  adulation,  found 
himself  embarrassed  by  »  mode  of  displaying  it  so  ill  suited  to 
his  awkward  manners  and  ungainly  appearance 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


287 


they  experienced,  to  investigate  the  boundaries  of  that 
aiithority  from  which  they  originated,  and  regulating 
liieir  senlimeuts  rather  by  the  consequences  tliey  fore- 
saw than  by  the  precedents  that  confronted  them,  they 
questioned  the  most  niveterate  abuses,  and  obtained 
the  contidcncc  of  tiie  people  by  showing  themselves 
the  indefatigable  and  fearless  defenders  of  the  oppressed. 
In  the  annals  of  these  tmies,  we  find  them  continually 
Bup|)orting  petitions  in  parliament  against  monopolies, 
and  advocatn-.g  motions  for  reformation  of  ecclesiasti- 
cal abuses.  Attracting  popular  favor,  and  willing  to 
undergo  the  burden  of  parliamentary  attendance,  they 
gradually  multiplied  their  numbers  in  the  House  of 
Commons,  and  acquired  an  ascendant  over  its  delibe- 
rations. The  queen,  observing  that  the  Puritans  were 
the  sole  abettors  of  measures  calculated  to  restrict  her 
prerogative,  was  easily  led  to  ascribe  the  peculiarity  of 
their  religious  and  political  opinions  to  the  same  source 
— a  malignant  aversion  to  dignities,  and  impatience  of 
subordination.  Their  reluctance  to  render  to  the  Deity 
that  ceremonious  homage  which  the  most  illustrious 
persons  in  the  land  rendered  to  herself,  and  their  eager- 
ness to  control  her  prerogative,  which  nowhere  else 
experienced  resistance,  appeared  to  her  the  indications 
of  an  insolent  disregard,  no  less  of  the  Supreme  Being 
than  of  herself — His  acknowledged  vicegerent  and 
representative  ;  a  presumptuous  insurrection  of  spirit 
against  the  reverence  due  to  God,  and  the  loyalty  due 
the  prince.*  Nothing  could  be  more  unjust  and  falla- 
cious than  this  royal  reasoning.  The  religion,  as  well 
as  the  loyalty,  of  the  Puritans,  was  the  less  ceremo- 
nious, only  because  it  was  the  more  reflective,  pro- 
found, and  substantial.  To  preserve  a  good  conscience, 
they  encountered  the  extremities  of  ecclesiastical  rigor. 
In  spite  of  every  wrong,  they  evinced  a  resolute  con- 
stancy of  regard  to  their  sovereign.  And  neither  in- 
timidated by  danger  nor  dispirited  by  defeat,  they  main- 
tained a  continual  effort  to  check  the  excesses  of  des- 
potic authority,  and  to  rear  and  cherish  the  public  liber- 
ties of  their  country.  They  have  been  charged  with  a 
sour  and  caustic  spirit,  by  those  who  forced  them  to 
eat  their  bread  in  bitterness  and  carry  their  lives  in 
their  hands  ;  of  an  enmity  to  literature,  and  an  exclu- 
sive reference  to  the  Bible,  by  those  who  destroyed 
their  writings,  committed  the  press  to  episcopal  licen- 
sers, and  deprived  them  of  every  source  of  comfort 
and  direction  but  what  the  Bible  could  supply  ;  of  an 
exaggerated  estimate  of  litUe  tilings,  by  those  who 
made  suth  things  the  cause  ot  cruel  s'ltfering  and 
enormous  wrong  ;  of  a  stern  jealousy  of  civil  power, 
by  those  who  made  it  continually  their  interest  to  ques- 
tion and  abridge  the  authority  by  which  they  were  op- 
pressed Ii  is  acknowledged  by  an  eminent  philoso- 
phic historian,  who  v.'ill  not  be  suspected  of  any  undue 
partiality  for  these  people,  that  the  puritans  were  the 
preservers  of  civil  and  religious  liberty  in  England.! 
It  was  a  scion  of  the  same  stock  that  was  destined  to 
propagate  these  blessings  in  America. 

The  minds  of  a  considerable  party  among  the  Puri- 
tans had  been  gradually  prepared  to  disclaim  the  autho- 
rity of  the  national  church,  and  to  deny  the  lawfulness 
of  holding  communion  with  it;  insomuch,  that  when 
these  opinions  were  first  publicly  preached  by  Robert 
Brown  in  1586,  they  rapidly  obtained  the  assent  and 
open  profession  of  muliitudes.  Brown,  who  gained 
the  distinction  of  bestowing  his  name  on  a  sect  which 
derived  very  little  credit  from  the  appellation,  was  a 

•  In  a  speech  from  the  throne,  .she  inforrneil  the  commons  (after 
a  candid  confession  that  she  knew  nobody  who  had  read  or 
reflected  as  much  as  herself)  that  whoever  attacked  the  con- 
Blituiions  of  the  churcli,  slandered  her  as  its  supreme 
head,  divinely  appointed  ;  and  that,  if  the  papists  were  invete- 
rate enemies  to  her  person,  the  modern  sectaries  were  no  less 
formidable  to  all  kingly  {jovernment.  She  added,  that  she  was 
uelennined  to  suppress  their  overboldness  in  presumptuously 
scanning  the  will  of  God  Almighty,— thus  presuming:,  by  the 
word  of  her  mouth,  to  arrest  the  stayless  course  of  thought, 
and  prnciically  appropriating  the  power  of  thai  Being  whose 
honor  she  pretended  to  vindicate.  D'Ewes'  Account  of  Queen 
Elizabeth's  Parliaments,  p.  3'iS.  The  cruel  law  that  was 
passed  in  the  thirty-fifih  year  of  the  queen's  reisn,  against  all 
recusants  to  actend  the  national  church,  is  entitUd  "An  act  to 
retain  her  majesty's  subjects  in  their  due  obedience,"  and  was 
intended,  as  the  preamble  declared,  to  repress  the  evil  iirac- 
licesof  "seditious  sectaries  and  disloyal  persons,"— synony- 
mous descrii)tions  of  guih  in  the  estimation  of  Elizabeth. 

t  "So  absolute  indeed  was  the  authority  of  the  crown  that 
the  precious  spark  of  liberty  had  been  kindled  and  was  pre- 
served by  the  puritans  alone ;  and  it  was  to  this  sect,  whose 
pnnciplps  appear  so  frivolous  and  habits  so  ridiculous,  that 
the  English  .owe  the  whole  freedom  of  their  constitution." 
Hume's  England,  vol.  v.  p.  183.  Again,  "  It  was  only  d'jring 
the  ne.xt  generation  that  the  noble  principles  of  liberty  took 
root.,  and,  spreading  themselves  under  the  shelter  of  puritani- 
cal absurdities,  became  fashionable  among  the  people."  Ibid, 
p.  469.  The  onlv  fault  thai  this  historian  can  find  with  the 
P'"'."*"'' '"..'hat  they  were  embuod  with  the  only  principles 
wbich  can  inspi,»  men  with  acourare  insurmountable  by  any 
Mumtii  motive. 


young  clergyman,  of  good  family,  endowed  with  a  rest- 
less, daring  character,  a  fiery  temper,  and  a  heart  of 
eontrover.sy.  Encountering  the  wrath  of  the  ecclesias- 
tics with  fiercer  wrath,  and  trampling  on  their  arrogance 
with  more  than  clerical  pride,*  he  roamed  al)out  the 
country  inveighing  against  bishops,  ecclesiastical  courts, 
ceremonies,  and  ordination  of  ministers,  and  exulting, 

i  above  all,  in  the  boast  that  he  had  been  committed  to 
thirty-two  prisons,  in  some  of  which  he  could  not  see 

I  his  hand  at  noon-day.  His  impetuous  and  illil)eral  spi- 
rit accelerated  the  declaration  of  opinions  which  were 
not  yet  matured  in  the  puritan  body,  and  which,  but  for 
his  unseasonable  interposition  and  perverting  influence, 
might  sooner  have  been  ripened  into  the  system  of  the 
independents.  The  queen  and  the  bishops  applied  the 
usual  remedy  of  persecution  to  this  innovation,  with 
even  more  than  the  usual  evidence  of  the  unfitness  of 
their  policy  to  effect  its  object.  Supported  by  power- 
ful arguments,  maintained  with  zeal  and  courage,  and 
opposed  by  cruelties  that  disgraced  the  name  of  religion, 
the  principles  of  the  Brownists  spread  widely  through 
the  land.  Brown  himself,  and  a  congregation  more 
immediately  attached  to  him,  expatriated  to  Middle- 
burgh,  in  Zealand,  where  they  were  permitted  to  esta- 
blish themselves  unmolested.  But  Brown  had  collected 
around  him  spirits  too  congenial  to  his  own,  to  preserve 
their  union  when  the  strong  band  of  oppression  was 
withdrawn.  The  congregation  crumbled  into  parties, 
and  was  soon  dissolved ;  and  Brown,  returning  to 
England,  joined  the  national  church,  and,  contracting 
dissolute  habits,  ended  his  days  in  indolence  and  con- 
tempt. But  the  doctrines  which  he  had  been  the 
means  of  introducing  to  public  notice  had  firmly  rooted 
themselves  in  the  puritan  body,  and  received  daily 
accessions  to  the  numbers  and  respectability  of  the 
votaries. 

The  Brownists  did  not  differ  from  the  church  of  Eng- 
land in  any  of  her  articles  of  faith,  but  they  looked  upon 
her  discipline  as  popish  and  anti-christian,  and  all  her  sa- 
craments and  ordinances  as  invalid  ;  and  they  renounced 
communion,  not  only  with  her,  but  with  every  other 
protestant  church  that  was  not  constructed  on  the  same 
model  as  their  own.  Their  model  was  derived  from 
the  closest  imitation  of  the  primitive  institutions,  as 
delineated  in  scripture.  When  a  church  was  to  be 
gathered,  all  who  desired  to  be  members  of  it,  made  a 
confession  of  their  faith  before  one  another,  and  signed 
a  covenant  by  which  they  obliged  themselves  to  walk 
together  in  the  order  of  the  gospel.  Each  congrega- 
tion formed  an  independent  church,  and  the  admis- 
sion or  exclusion  of  members  resided  with  the  brethren 
composing  it.  Their  church  officers  were  elected  from 
among  themselves,  and  separated  to  their  several  of- 
fices of  preaching  the  word,  administering  their  ordi- 
nances, and  taking  care  of  the  poor,  by^fasting  and 
prayer  and  the  imposition  o."  the  hands  of  some  of  the 
brethren.  They  did  not  allow  the  priesthood  to  be  a 
distinct  order,  or  to  invest  a  man  with  an  indelible  cha- 
racter ;  but,  as  the  appointment  of  the  church  conferred 
his  function  (which  in  its  exercise,  too,  was  limited  to 
the  special  body  to  which  he  was  attached),  so  the  same 
authority  was  sufficient  to  deprive  him  of  it.  It  was 
lawful  for  any  one  of  the  brethren  to  exercise  the  liberty 
of  prophesying,  as  it  was  called,  which  meant  the  giv- 
ing a  word  of  exhortation  to  the  people  ;  and  it  was 
usual  for  some  of  them,  after  sermon,  to  ask  questions, 
and  reason  upon  the  doctrines  that  had  been  preached. 
!  The  condition  to  which  the  puritans  were  reduced  by 
their  oppressors,  favored  the  acceptance  of  all  that  was 
separating  and  unsocial  in  the  principles  of  the  Brown- 
ist  teachers  ;  for,  while  every  congregation  had  to  as- 
semble by  stealth,  it  was  impossible  to  maintain  any 
intercourse  between  their  churches,  or  to  ascertain  how 
far  they  mutually  agreed  in  doctrine  and  discipline. 

Against  these  men,  in  whose  characters  were  united 
more  piety,  virtue,  courage,  and  loyalty  than  any  other 
portion  of  her  people  displayed,  did  Elizabeth  and  her 
ecclesiastical  counsellors  direct  the  whole  fury  of  the 
law.  John  Udall,  one  of  their  ministers,  was  tried  in 
the  year  1591,  for  having  published  a  defence  of  their 
tenets,  which  he  entitled  A  Di  monstralton  of  the  Disci- 
pline which  Christ  hath  prescribed  in  his  Word  fur  the 
Government  of  the  Church  in  all  Times  and  Plates 
until  the  World's  End.  This,  consistently  with  Eliza- 
beth's declaration,  that  whoever  attacked  the  church, 
slandered  the  queen,  was  regarded  as  a  scandalous 

*  His  grandfather  had  a  charter  from  Henry  the  Kiu-hlh, 
confirmed  by  act  of  Parliament,  '•  siving  him  leave  to  put  on 
his  cap  in  the  presence  of  the  king,  or  his  heirs,  or  any  lord 
spiritual  or  temporal  in  the  land,  and  not  to  put  it  off  but  for 
his  own  ease  or  pleasure."  Tiiecap  seems  to  have  transmitted 
its  properties  with  its  privileges  lo  ilie  grandson  of  liim  whose 
arroganto  could  solicit  sucli  a  disimction. 


libel,  and  Udall  was  arraigned  for  a  capital  felony. 
When  he  was  told  by  one  of  the  judges  that  a  book  re- 
plete with  sentiments  so  inconsistent  with  the  estB- 
blished  institutions,  tended  to  the  overthrowing  of  the 
state  and  the  rousing  of  rebellion,  he  replied.  "  .\Iy 
lords,  that  lie  far  from  inc  ;  for  we  teach  that,  reform- 
ing tilings  amiss,  if  the  prince  will  not  consent,  the 
weapons  that  subjects  are  to  fight  with  all,  are  repent- 
ance and  prayers,  patience  and  tears."  The  judge 
offered  him  his  life  if  he  would  recant ;  and  added,  that 
he  was  now  ready  to  pronounce  sentence  of  death. 
"  And  I  am  ready  to  receive  it,"  cried  this  magnani- 
mous man  ;  "  for  I  protest  before  God  (not  knowing 
that  I  am  to  live  an  hour)  that  the  cause  is  good,  and 
I  am  contented  to  receive  sentence,  so  that  I  may 
leave  it  to  posterity  how  I  have  sulfcred  for  the  cause." 
He  was  condemned  to  die;  and  being  still  urged  to 
submit  to  the  queen,  he  willingly  expressed  his  sorrow 
that  any  of  his  writings  should  have  given  her  offence, 
and  disclaimed  any  such  wish  or  intention,  but  reso- 
lutely refused  to  disown  what  he  believed  to  be  the 
cause  of  truth  and  of  liberty  of  conscience.  By  the 
interest  of  some  powerful  friends,  a  conditional  pardon 
was  obtained  for  him  ;  but  before  the  terms  of  it  could 
be  adjusted,  or  the  queen  prevailed  on  to  sign  it,  he 
died  m  prison.  Penry,  Greenwood,  Barrow,*  and 
Dennis,  of  whom  the  first  two  were  clergymen,  and  the 
others  hymen,  were  soon«efter  tried  on  similar  clwroes, 
and  perished  by  the  hands  of  the  executioner,  'i'hcse 
men  were  offered  a  pardon  if  they  would  retract  their 
profession  ;  but,  inspired  by  a  courage  which  no  earthly 
inotive  could  overcome,  they  clung  to  their  principles, 
and  committed  their  life  to  its  author.  Some  others 
were  hanged  for  dispersing  the  writings,  and  several 
for  attending  the  discourses,  of  the  Brownists.  Many 
more  endured  the  torture  of  severe  imprisonment,  anil 
numerous  families  were  reduced  to  indigence  by  heavy 
fines.  As  the  most  virtuous  and  honorable  arc  ever, 
on  such  occasions,  most  exposed  to  danger,  every 
stroke  of  the  oppressor's  arm  is  aimed  at  those  very 
qualities  in  his  adversaries  that  constitute  his  own  de- 
fence and  security  ;  and,  hence,  severities  so  odious  to 
mankind,  and  so  calculated  to  unite  by  the  stronoest 
sympathy  the  minds  of  the  spectators  and  sufferers  to- 
gether, are  more  likely  to  diminish  the  virtue  than  the 
nuinbers  of  a  party.  By  dint  of  long  continuance,  and 
of  the  exertion  of  their  influence  on  a  greater  variety 
of  character,  they  finally  divested  a  great  many  of  the 
fiuritaiis  of  the  spirit  of  meekness  and  non-rcsistanc© 
for  which  the  fathers  of  the  party  had  been  so  conspi- 
cuous. But  this  fruit  was  not  gathered  till  a  subso- 
quent  reign  ;  and  their  first  effort  was  not  only  to  mul- 
tiply the  numbers,  but  to  confirm  the  virtue  of  the  puri- 
tans. When  persecution  had  as  yet  but  invigorated 
their  fortitude  without  inspiring  ferocity,  a  portion  of 
this  people  was  happily  conducted  to  the  retreat  of 
America,  there  to  plant  and  extend  the  principles  of 
their  noble  cause,  while  their  brethren  in  England 
remained  behind  to  avenge  its  accumulated  wron<rs. 

When  the  queen  was  informed,  by  Dr.  Reynolds,  of 
the  calm  piety  which  these  martvrs  had  displayed,  how 
they  had  blessed  their  persecuting  sovereign,  and  turned 
the  scaffold  to  which  she  had  consigned  them  into  an 
altar,  whence  they  had  prayed  for  her  long  and  happy 
reign,  her  heart  was  touched  with  a  sentiment  of  re- 
morse, and  she  expressed  regret  that  she  had  taken 
their  lives  away.  But  repentance  with  all  mankind  is 
too  often  but  a  barren  anguish  ;  and  princes  have  been 
known  to  bewail,  even  with  tears,  the  mortality  of  mul- 
titudes whom  they  were  conducting  to  slaughter,  and 
the  shortness  of  that  life  which  they  were  contributing 
still  farther  to  abridge.  Elizabeth,  so  far  from  abating, 
increased  the  legislative  severities  whose  effects  she 
had  deplored  ;  and  was  fated  never  to  see  her  errors 
till  it  was  too  late  to  repair  them.  In  the  year  1593, 
a  few  months  after  the  executions  which  we  have  allu- 
ded to,  a  new  and  severer  law  was  enacted  against  the 
puritans.  This  body  was  not  only  extending  itself 
every  day,  but  so  rapidly  adopting  the  independent 
opinions,  that,  in  the  debate  which  look  place  in  the 
House  of  Commons  on  the  introduction  of  this  law. 
Sir  Walter  Raleigh  stated,  that  the  numbers  of  pro- 
fessed Brownists  alone  then  amounted  to  twenty  thou- 
sand.   The  humane  arguments,  however,  which  he 

*  This  man,  while  lingering  in  the  dungeon,  where  he 
awaited  his  late,  presented  a  supplication  to  parliament,  which 
contains  a  frisrhtful  picture  of  the  horrors  of  imprisonment  in 
that  age.  "  We  crave  for  all  of  us,''  he  says,  "  but  the  liberty 
either  to  die  openly  or  to  live  openly  in  the  land  of  our  nativity. 
If  we  deserve  death,  it  beseemelh  the  majesty  of  justice  not  to 
see  us  closely  murdered,  yea,  starved  to  death  with  hunger 
and  cold,  and  stifled  in  loaths<mie  dungeons,"  Stc  Neal,  i.  64. 
lint  the  parliament  was  compelled  to  leave  Barrow  and  hi* 
fellow  stilfercrii  tu  (he  mercv  of  ihcgueen  and  the  bishops. 


288 


TH  E  HISTORY  OF 


derived  from  this  coniiidcratio;i  were  unavailing  to  pre- 
Tcnl  the  passing  of  a  law,  whicli  enacted,  that  any  per- 
son above  sijilreii  years  of  ai;o  who  obstinatily  refused, 
during  the  space  of  a  month,  to  attend  public  worship, 
should  be  committed  to  prison;  that,  if  lie  persisted 
three  months  in  his  refusal,  he  must  abjure  the  realm  ; 
onil  that,  if  he  either  refused  this  condition,  or  returned 
sfter  banishincnt,  he  should  sutler  death  as  a  felon.  If 
this  act  was  not  more  fortunate  than  its  predecessors 
in  accomplishing  the  main  object  of  checking  the 
growth  of  puritan  princi()les,  it  ctlccted  at  least  the  sub- 
ordinate purpose  of  driving  a  great  many  of  the  profes- 
sors of  independency  out  of  Kiighind.  One  body  of 
these  fugitives  was  collected  about  the  close  of  the  six- 
leentn  century,  at  Amsterdam,  where  they  flourished 
in  peace  and  piety  for  upwards  of  a  hundred  years. 
Others  retired  to  ditferent  protestant  states  on  the  con- 
tinent, whence  with  fond  delusive  hope,  they  cipecled 
to  be  retailed  to  their  native  land  by  the  accession  of 
Elizabeth's  successor.  The  remainder  continued  in 
England  to  fluctuate  between  the  evasion  and  the  vio- 
lation of  the  law,  cherishing  with  their  principles  a  stern 
impatience  arising  from  the  galling  restraints  that  im- 
peded their  expression  ;  and  yet  retained  in  submission 
by  the  hope  wliich  in  common  with  the  exiles  they  in- 
dulg'-d  of  a  iiiitigalion  of  their  sulFerings  oil  the  demise 
of  the  queen.  Some  historians  have  expressed  no 
small  wonder  at  the  ungrateful  impatience  for  a  new 
reign  that  was  manifested  in  the  close  of  Elizabeth's 
.\fe,  and  at  the  very  sudden  disgust  which  the  govern- 
ment of  her  successor  experienced.  But  these  seem- 
ing iiiconi-istencies  arose  from  the  same  cause.  Eliza- 
beth had  exhausted  the  patience  and  loyalty  of  a  great 
body  of  her  subjects  ;  and  the  arllierence  to  her  policy 
which  her  successor  so  unexpectedly  manifested,  <lis- 
appointcd  all  the  hopes  by  which  these  virtues  had 
been  pustaincd. 

The  hopes  of  the  puritans  were  derived  from  the 
education  of  the  .Scottish  king,  and  supporleil  by  many 
of  his  declarations,  v  liicli  were  eagerly  repeated  in 
England.  James  had  been  bred  a  presbyterian  ;  he 
had  publicly  declared  that  the  kirk  of  Scotland  was 
the  purest  church  in  the  world,  and  that  the  English 
Liturgy  sounded  in  liis  ears  like  an  ill-mumldcd  mass. 
On- his  accession  to  the  English  crown,  he  was  eagerly 
assailod  by  petitions  from  the  puritans  ;  and  at  first  he 
showed  himself  so  far  disposed  to  attend  to  their  wishes 
OS  to  appoint  a  solemn  conference  between  them  and 
the  heads  of  the  church  panv  at  Hampton  Court.  But 
the  hopes  inspired  by  this  conference  were  completely 
disappointed  by  its  result  [Jan.  1G04].  If  James  had 
ever  been  sinct  ro  in  preferring  a  presbyterian  to  an 
epi8C0[)al  establishment,  his  opinion  was  eiuirclv  re- 
versed by  the  opportunity  he  now  enjoyed  of  comparing 
them  with  each  other,  and  by  the  very  dilferent  treal- 
meni  he  exjuTienced  from  the  ministers  of  both.  In 
^Scotland  iio  had  been  involved  in  perpetual  contentions 
with  the  clergy,  who  did  not  recogijisc  in  his  regal  of- 
ticc  any  supremacy  over  their  church,  and  vvlio  diifered 
from  him  exceediiiLdy  in  their  estimate  of  his  piety,  ca- 
pacity, and  attainments.  Precluded  by  his  poverty 
from  a  display  of  royal  pomp  that  might  have  dazzled 
•heir  eyes  and  hid  the  man  behind  tlie  king,  he  stood 
plainly  revealed  to  their  keen  glance,  an  awkward  per- 
Honiflcation  of  conceit  and  pedantry,  obstinate  iiut  un- 
steady, fraught  with  learning,  void  of  knowledge.  They 
have  been  accused  of  disturbing  his  government  by  ex- 
ercising a  censorial  power  over  it  ;  but  it  was  himself 
that  first  taught  thein  thus  to  overstep  their  functions. 
Extending  bis  hibiiini>lration  into  their  peculiar  pro- 
vince, where  it  had  no  right  to  jieiielrate,  he  seemed  to 
legitimize  as  well  as  provoke  tlieir  censorial  strictures 
on  his  intrusion.  Mingling  religion  with  his  politics, 
he  attempted  to  remodel  tin:  church  ;  and  the  clergy, 
mingling  politics  with  their  divinity,  complained  of  his 
interlerencc  and  censured  Ins  government.  Defending 
institutions  not  less  respected  ih.in  beloved  by  the  peo- 
ple, they  easily  obtained  the  victory  ;  and  James  met 
vMth  the  same  success  in  attempting  to  control  the 
8<  ntiments  of  the  Scotch,  that  in  his  tobacco  contro- 
versy he  afterwards  experienced  in  attempting  to  pro- 
VHil  over  the  senses  of  the  English.  One  of  the  mi- 
miiterK  had  gone  the  length  of  declaring  that  "  all 
Kings  were  the  deiil's  thildren  ;"  and  the  king  retorted 
the  discourtesy  when  he  found  himself  safe  iirEngland, 
by  vehemently  protesting  that  •'  a  Scottish  presbytery 
•  qrresas  well  with  monarchv  as  Cod  and  the  devd" 
The  sentiments  that  naturally  resulted  from  ofl'eiided 
Brrogancp  md  mortified  presumption,  were  expanded 
lo  their  ainpl<-.t  plrmtml.-  bv  the  bhire  of  flattery  and 

loii  Will)  whirii  iho  di^tiitarifiii  of  the  I''ii"lish  I 
church  received  lum.    By  them  ho  was  readily  hailed 


the  supremo  head  of  their  establishment,  the  protector 
of  its  privileges,  the  source  of  its  splendor,  the  patron 
of  its  dignities  ;  and  Whitgift  went  so  far  as  to  de- 
clare, in  the  conference  at  Hampton  Court,  that  un- 
doubtedly his  rnaje.<ty  spake  by  the  s|>ecial  assistance 
of  God's  spirit.  This  was  the  last  impulse  that  Whit- 
gift was  alile  lo  lend  to  royal  pride  snd  folly.  Con- 
founded at  the  universal  explosion  of  puritan  senti- 
ments, which  he  had  flattered  himself  with  the  hope  of 
having  almost  completely  extinguished,  his  grief  and 
concern  so  violently  affected  his  aged  body  as  to  cause 
his  death  very  shortly  after.  But  he  had  already  con- 
tributed to  revive  the  ecclesiastical  s[iirit  of  Elizabeth 
in  the  mind  of  her  successor  ;  and  James,  inflamed 
with  admiration  of  a  church  which,  like  a  faithful  mir- 
ror, so  fairly  reflected  and  illustrated  his  royal  perfec- 
tions, became  henceforward  the  determined  patron  of 
the  establishment,  and  the  persecutor  of  all  who  op- 
posed its  institutions.  Ilis  natural  arrogance,  fortified 
by  such  unexceptionable  testimony,  soared  to  a  height 
which  nothing  but  royalty  or  a  disordered  understand- 
ing has  ever  attained  ;  and  he  who  in  Scotland  had 
found  himself  curbed  in  every  attemjit  to  interfere  with 
the  religious  institutions  of  his  own  narrow  realm,  now 
ihouglit  himself  entitled  to  dictate  the  ecclesiastical 
policy  of  foreign  nations.  Having  entered  into  a  dis- 
])ute  with  Vorstius,  professor  of  theology  in  a  Dutch 
university,  and  finding  his  adversary  insensible  lo  the 
weight  of  his  arguments,  he  resolved  to  make  him  feel 
at  least  the  weight  and  length  of  his  arm  ;  and  roused 
to  a  degree  of  energy  and  haughtiness  to  which  no 
other  foreign  concernment  was  ever  able  to  excite  him, 
he  remonstrated  so  vigorously  with  the  states  of  Hol- 
land, that  to  put  an  end  to  his  clamor,  they  submitted 
lo  the  mean  injustice  of  deposing  and  banishing  the 
professor.  With  this  saciitice  to  his  insulted  logic, 
James  was  forced  to  be  contented,  though  he  had  en- 
deavored lo  rouse  his  republican  allies  lo  more  royal 
revenge,  by  informing  them  "  that  aa  lo  the  burniiia^ 
of  Vorstius  for  his  blasphemies  and  atheism,  he  left 
them  to  their  own  christian  wisdom  :  but  surely  never 
heretic  better  deserved  the  flames."  He  did  not  fail 
to  reinforce  this  charitable  counsel  by  his  own  example  ; 
and  in  the  course  of  his  reign  burned  at  the  stake  two 
persons  who  were  so  unhappy  as  lo  entertain  the 
Arian  heresy,  and  an  unforlunatc  lunatic  who  mistook 
himself  for  the  Deity,*  and  whose  frenzy  was  thus  cru- 
elly treated  by  a  much  more  dangerous  and  deliberate 
invader  of  the  divine  attributes.  If  James  had  not 
been  restrained  by  the  growing  political  ascendancy  of 
the  puritans,  thtre  would  probably  have  been  more 
of  such  executions  in  England.  He  did,  however,  as 
much  as  he  dared  ;  and  finding  in  Bancroft  a  fit  suc- 
cessor lo  Whitgift,  he  made  with  his  assistance  so  vi- 
gorous a  commencement,  that  in  the  second  year  of  his 
reign  three  hundred  puritan  ministers  were  deprived, 
imprisoned  or  banished.  To  prevent  the  communi- 
cation of  light  from  abroad,  tho  importation  of  any 
books  hostile  to  the  restraints  imposed  by  tlie  laws  of 
the  realm  or  the  king's  proclamations,  was  forbidden 
under  the  severest  penalties  ;  lo  prevent  its  rise  and 
repress  its  spread  at  home,  no  books  were  suffered  to 
be  printed  in  England  without  the  consent  of  a  com- 
mittee of  bishops  or  their  de|nuies  ;  and  arbitrary  ju- 
risdiclions  for  the  trial  of  ecclesnstical  otFences  were 
multiplied  and  extended.  I'ersoim  suspected  of  en- 
lertamiiig  puritan  sentiments,  even  though  ti.ey  adhered 
to  the  church,  were  subjected  to  fine  and  iinp.'isoninent 
for  barely  repeating  lo  their  families,  in  the  evening, 
the  substance  of  tho  discourses  they  had  heard  at 
church  during  the  day,  under  the  ]  retence  that  this 
constituted  the  crime  of  irregular  preaching.  Some  of 
the  puritans  having  conceived  the  design  of  withdraw- 
ing to  Virginia,  where  they  hoped  that  distance  would 
at  least  mitigate  the  violence  of  oppression,  a  small 
number  of  ihem  proceeded  to  carry  their  purpose  int^j 
effect  ;  and  a  larger  body  were  prcjianng  to  follow, 
when  Bancroft,  apprised  of  their  inlenti.in,  obtained  a 
prochiination  f.  jin  the  king,  commanding  that  none  of 
his  subjects  sliould  settle  m  Virginia  without  an  ex- 
press licence  under  the  great  seal.  Thus  harassed 
and  oppressed  in  England,  and  deprived  of  a  refuge  in 
Virginia,  the  puritans  began  to  retire  in  considerable 
numbers  to  the  protestant  stales  of  tho  continent  ;  and 
the  hopes  of  the  still  greater  and  increasing  numbers 
who  remained  ut  home  were  li.'ied  on  the  House  of 
Commons.    In  this  assembly  the  puritan  ascendancy 

•  One  of  it)psB  victims  is  termed  br  Fuller,  in  bis  Cliurcl) 
lli!<i(>ry  (11.  I.  ^  1),  '•  Onr  Knell^.ll  V'lirBtiuB."  Tlio  Vine,  in 
iiiiiinilnii  ..rilrnry  ilir  Kigliilrit  K<"ii<:ri'»il.v  m  Lsmlicrl,  lii  lil  a 
|MT»nnnl  ili«|iiiin  wiiti  liiin,  niiil  cuiicludcil  il  bjr  Jcli»ermg  liiin 
In  tlic  hitiiild  urUiu  cxccuuuiicr. 


at  length  became  so  manifest,  that  in  spito  of  the  king's 
proclamations  for  encouraging  mirthful  games  on  Sun 
day,  a  bill  was  introduced  for  compelling  a  more  strict 
and  solemn  observance  of  the  dav.  to  which  it  gave  the 
denomination  of  the  sabbath  ;  and  when  one  member 
objected  lo  this  as  a  puritan  appellation,  and  ventured 
to  justify  dancing  by  a  gay  misapplication  of  some  pas- 
sages in  scripture,  he  was.  on  the  suggestion  of  Mr. 
Pyin,  expelled  the  house  for  his  profanity.  But  we 
have  now  reached  the  period  at  which  vse  must  forsake 
the  main  stream  of  the  history  of  the  puritans,  to  follow 
the  fortunes  of  that  illustrious  branch  which  was  des- 
tined to  visit  and  ennoble  the  deserts  of  America.  In 
reviewing  the  strange  succession  of  events  which  we 
have  beheld,  and  the  various  impressions  thty  huve 
produced  on  our  minds,  it  may  perhaps  occ'ir  to  some 
as  a  humiliating  consideration,  that  the  crimes  and  fol- 
lies, the  cruelties  and  weaknesses  which  would  excite 
no  other  sentiments  but  those  of  horror,  grief,  or  pity, 
in  an  angelic  beholder,  are  capable  of  presenting  them 
selves  in  such  an  aspect  to  less  purified  eyes,  as  to  ex- 
cite the  splenetic  mirth  even  of  those  whose  nature  is 
degraded  by  the  odious  or  absurd  display. 

In  the  year  1610,  a  congregation  of  Brownisls,  driven 
by  royal  and  ecclesiastical  tyranny  from  their  native 
land,  had  removed  to  Lcydcn,  where  they  were  permit- 
ted to  establish  themselves  in  peace  under  the  ministry 
of  their  pastor,  John  Robinson  *  This  excellent  per- 
son was  the  father  of  the  Independents,  having  been 
the  first  who  realized  a  middle  course  between  the  path 
of  Brownism  and  the  Presbyterian  system  ;  lo  one  or 
other  of  which  the  views  and  desires  of  the  Puritans 
were  now  generally  tending.  The  sentiments  which 
he  entertained  when  he  first  quitted  his  country,  boro 
the  impress  of  the  persecution  under  wliich  they  had 
been  formed  ;  and  when  he  began  his  ministry  at  Lev- 
den  he  was  a  rigid  Browiiist  :  but  after  he  had  seen 
more  of  the  world,  and  been  enabled  to  converse  in  a 
friendly  manner  with  learned  and  good  men  of  differ- 
ent ecclesiastical  denominations,  he  began  to  entertain 
a  more  charitable  opinion  of  those  minor  dilTercnces, 
which  he  pla:r.iy  perceived  might  subsist,  without  in- 
jury to  tl.e  essentials  of  religion,  and  without  violating 
charily,  or  inciting  persecution.  Though  he  alwavs 
miiiitained  the  lawfulness  and  expediehcv  of  separating 
from  those  established  protestant  churches  among 
which  he  lived,  he  willingly  allowed  them  the  character 
of  true  churches  ;  esteemed  it  lawful  to  communicate 
with  them  in  preaching  and  prayer,  though  not  in  the 
sacraments  and  discipline;  and  freely  admitted  iheit 
members  lo  ])artake  the  sacrament  with  his  congrega- 
tion. He  maintained  that  each  particular  church,  or 
society  of  Christians,  was  vested  with  the  power  of 
choosing  its  own  officers,  administering  the  gospel  or- 
dinances, and  exercising  over  its  own  members  every 
necessary  act  of  discipline  and  authoritv  :  and  con.se- 
quenlly,  thatil  was  completely  independent  of  all 
classes,  synods,  convocations  and  councils.  He  ad- 
mitted the  expediency  of  synods  and  councils  for  tho 
reconciling  of  differences  among  churches,  and  the 
tendering  of  friendly  advice  to  them;  but  dented  their 
competence  to  exercise  any  act  of  jurisdiction,  or  au- 
thoritatively to  impose  any  articles  or  canons  of  doc- 
trine. These  sentiments  .Mr.  Koliinson  recommended 
to  esteem  by  exem|)lifying,  in  his  lil'e  and  demeanor 
the  fruits  of  that  spirit  by  whose  teaching  they  wero 
communicated  ;  by  a  character,  in  whicli  the  most 
eminent  faculties,  and  the  highest  atlainnients,  were 
absorbed  by  the  predominating  power  of  a  solemn,  af- 
fectionate piety. 

Enjoying  the  counsel  and  direction  of  such  a  pastor, 
and  blessed  with  an  adequate  scn.se  of  his  value,  the 
English  congregation  remained  for  ten  years  at  Lev- 
den,  in  hirmony  with  each  other,  and  at  peace  with 
their  neighbors.  But,  at  the  end  of  that  period,  the 
same  pious  views  that  had  prompted  their  original  de- 
parture from  England  incited  them  to  undertake  a 
more  distant  migration.  They  beheld  with  deep  con- 
cern the  loose  profane  manners  that  prevailed  very 
generally  around  them,  and,  in  particular,  the  utter 
neglect  among  tho  Dutch  of  a  reverential  oliservauce 
of  Sunday  ;  and  they  reflected  with  apprehen"-:ion  on 
the  danger  to  which  their  children  were  exposed  from 
the  natural  contagion  manners  so  unfavorable  to  serious 
[lietv  ;  their  country  too,  still  retained  a  hold  on 
their  afTeclions  ;  and  they  were  loth  to  see  jlieir  postc- 
ritv  melted  into  the  Dutch  popiihition.  The  fewness 
of  their  numbers,  and  the  diifi^reiice  of  language,  for- 
bade tho  hope  of  propagating,  in  Holland,  the  principles 

»  Carilinal  Benliveglio,  in  his  Acrouiit  of  <lic  Uiiiird  Vro- 
viiicrii,  ilcac  rities  tliein  an  a  duly  or  K.ngliiih  |>iirilans,  who  hni 
rcaiiricil  to  Ibillaiiil  Tor  purpusrs  uf  coiniiurce. 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


23d 


vfhich,  with  so  much  siiirerin;^  and  hazard,  they  had 
hitherto  maiiUaiiied  ;  and  the  state  of  the  Eti<Tlish  i^o- 
Ternmeiit  cxtiiii^uished  every  hope  of  toleration  in  th(!ir 
native  land.  In  these  circnnistances,  it  occurred  to 
thcin  that  they  miglit  coml)ine  the  induli>ence  of  their 
patriotic  attachment  with  the  propagation  of  their  reh- 
gious  princi[>les,  by  cstabhshing  themselves  in  some 
distant  quarter  of  the  English  dominions  ;  and,  after ' 
many  days  of  earnest  supplication  for  the  counsel  and 
direction  of  Heaven,  they  unanimously  determined  to 
transport  themselves  and  their  families  to  the  territory 
of  America.  It  was  resolved  that  a  part  of  the  con- 
gregation should  go  out  before  the  rest,  to  prepare  a 
settlement  for  the  whole  ;  and  that  the  main  body  should 
till  then,  remain  behind  at  Leyden  with  their  pastor. 
In  choo.sing  the  particular  scene  of  their  establishment, 
they  hesitated,  for  some  time,  between  the  territory  of 
Guiana,  of  wliich  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  had  published  a 
most  dazzling  and  fanciful  description,  and  the  province 
of  Virginia,  to  which  they  latterly  gave  the  prefe- 
rence ;  but  the  hand  of  Providence  was  exerted  no 
less  in  the  general  direction  of  their  counsels,  than  in 
the  control  of  their  political  proceedings,  and  their 
residence  was  ordained  to  be  established  in  New  Eng- 
land. 

Through  the  medium  of  agents,  whom  they  deputed 
to  solicit  the  interposition  of  the  proper  authorities, 
they  represented  to  the  English  government,  "that 
they  were  well  weaned  from  the  delicate  milk  of  their 
mother  country,  and  inured  to  the  difTiculties  of  a 
strange  land  :  thai  they  were  knit  together  in  a  strict 
and  sacred  bond,  by  virtue  of  which  they  held  them- 
selves bound  to  take  care  of  the  good  of  each  other, 
and  of  the  whole  ;  that  it  was  not  with  them  as  with 
other  men,  whom  small  things  could  discourage,  or 
small  discontent  cause  to  wish  themselves  at  home 
again."  The  king,  wavering  between  his  desire  to 
promote  the  colonization  of  America,  and  his  reluc- 
tance to  suffer  the  consciences  of  any  portion  of  his 
subjects  to  bo  emancipated  from  his  control,  refused 
to  grant  them  a  charter  assuring  the  free  exercise  of 
their  religion,  but  promised  to  connive  at  their  prac- 
tices, and  on  no  accojnt  to  molest  them.  They  were 
forced  to  accept  this  precarious  security  ;  but  relied 
with  more  reason  on  their  distance  from  the  Spiritual 
Courts  of  England,  and  from  the  eye  and  arm  of  their 
persecuting  sovereign.  Having  procured  from  the  Vir- 
ginia Company  a  grant  of  a  tract  of  land,  lying,  as 
was  supposed,  within  the  limits  of  its  patent,  several 
of  the  congregation  sold  their  estates,  and  with  the 
money  equipped  two  vessels,  in  which  a  hundred  and 
twenty  of  their  number  were  appointed  to  embark  from 
an  Engli.sh  port  for  America. 

All  things  being  ready  for  the  departure  of  this  de- 
tachment of  the  congregation  from  Delft  haven,  where 
they  look  leave  of  their  friends,  for  the  English  port  of 
embarkation,  Mr.  Robinson  held  a  day  of  solemn  wor- 
ship with  his  people,  to  implore  a  blessing  upon  the 
hazardous  enterprise.  He  preached  a  sermon  to  them 
from  Ezra,  viii.  21  : — /  proclaimed  a  fast  there  at  the 
river  Ahava^  that  ice  might  afflict  our  souls  before  God, 
to  »ceJ(  of  him  a  right  way  for  us,  and  for  our  little 
one<!,  and  for  all  our  substance.  He  concluded  his 
discourse  with  the  following  noble  exhortation,  to 
which,  with  all  its  intrinsic  merits,  our  sentiments  vvdl 
fail  to  do  justice,  if  we  neglect  to  remember,  that  such 
a  spirit  of  Christian  liberty  as  it  breathes  was  then 
hardly  known  in  the  world.  "  Brethren,  said  he,  "  we 
are  now  quickly  to  part  from  one  another,  and  whether 
I  inav  ever  live  to  see  your  faces  on  earth  any  more, 
the  God  of  Heaven  only  knows  ;  but  whether  the 
Lord  has  appointed  that  or  no,  I  charge  you,  before 
(iod  and  his  blessed  angels,  that  yon  follow  me  no 
farther  than  you  have  seen  ine  follow  the  Lord  Jesus 
Christ. 

"  If  God  reveal  any  thing  to  vou,  by  any  other  in- 
strument of  his,  be  as  ready  to  receive  it  as  ever  you 
were  to  receive  any  truth  by  my  ministry  ;  for  I  am 
verily  persuaded,  I  am  very  confident,  the  Lord  has 
more  truth  yet  to  Dreak  forth  out  of  his  holy  word.  For 
my  part,  I  cannot  sufRcientlj  bewail  the  condition  of 
the  reformed  churches,  who  are  come  to  a  period  in 
religion,  and  will  go  at  present  no  farther  tiian  the 
instruments  of  their  reformation.  The  Lutherans 
cunnot  be  drawn  to  go  beyond  what  Luther  saw ; 
whatever  part  of  his  will  our  good  God  has  revealed 
to  Calvin,  they  will  rather  die  than  embrace  it ;  and 
the  Calvinists,  you  see,  stick  fast  where  they  were 
left  by  that  great  man  of  God,  who  yet  saw  not  all 
things. 

"  This  is  a  misery  much  to  be  lamented  ;  for  though 
they  were  burning  and  shining'iights  in  th''ir  times, 


yet  they  penetrated  not  into  the  whole  counsel  of  God; 
but,  were  they  now  living,  would  be  as  willing  to 
e  nbrace  farther  light,  as  that  which  they  first  received. 
[Ki'JO.]  I  bcseecli  you  remember  il,  'tis  an  article  of 
yourchurch  covenant,  that  you  be  ready  to  rcceipc  whal- 
eoer  truth  shall  be  made  known  to  you  fiom  the  written 
word  of  (iod.  Remember  that,  and  every  other  article 
of  your  sacred  covenant.  But  I  must  herewitlial  ex- 
hort you  to  take  heed  what  you  receive  as  truth.  Ex- 
amine it,  consider  it,  and  compare  it  with  other  scrip- 
tures of  truth  before  you  receive  it  ;  for  'tis  not  possi- 
ble the  christian  world  should  come  so  lately  out  of  aii- 
tichristian  darkness,  and  that  perfection  of  knowledge 
should  break  forth  at  once. 

"  I  must  also  advise  you  to  abandon,  avoid,  and 
shake  offthc  name  of  Brpwnist  ;  'tis  a  mere  nickname, 
and  a  brand  for  the  making  religion,  and  the  profes- 
sors of  it,  odious  to  the  Christian  world."  Having  said 
thus  much,  he  exchanged  with  them  embraces  and  at- 
fectionate  farewells;  and  kneeling  down  with  them  all 
on  the  sea  shore,  commended  them, in  a  fervent  prayer, 
to  the  blessing  and  protection  of  Heaven.  Such  were 
the  men,  nobler  than  all  his  tribe,  whom  the  English 
monarch  cast  out  of  his  dominions;  and  such  were  the 
scenes  of  wisdom  and  piety,  which  the  control  of  Pro- 
vidence elicited  from  the  folly,  insolence,  and  bigotry, 
of  a  tyrant. 

The  emigrants,  after  having  been  once  driven  back 
by  a  storm,  and  lost  one  of  their  vessels,  finally  em- 
barked from  Plymouth,  in  the  other,  on  tlie  sixth  of 
September,  and,  after  a  long  and  dangerous  voyage, 
reached  the  coast  of  America.  Hudson's  river  had 
been  the  place  of  their  destination,  and  its  banks  the 
scene  of  their  intended  settlement;  but  the  Dutch, who 
conceived  that  a  preferable  right  to  this  territory  ac- 
crued to  them  from  its  discovery  by  Captain  Hudson, 
had  maintained  there,  for  some  years,  a  small  com- 
mercial establishment,  and  were  actually  projecting  a 
scheme  of  more  extensive  occupation,  which  they  were 
neither  disposed  to  forego,  nor  yet  prepared  to  defend. 
In  order  to  aeteat  tne  design  ol  ttie  English  emigrants, 
they  bribed  the  captain  of  their  vessel,  who  was  a 
Dutchman,  to  carry  them  so  far  towards  the  north, 
that  the  first  land  which  they  made  was  Cape  Cod,  a 
region,  not  only  beyond  the  precincts  of  their  grant, 
but  beyond  the  territories  of  the  company  from  which 
the  grant  was  derived.  But  the  lateness  of  the  season, 
and  the  sickliness  occasioned  by  the  hardships  of  a 
long  voyage,  compelled  the  adventurers  to  settle  on 
the  soil  to  which  their  destiny  had  conducted  them, 
and  which  seemed  to  have  been  expressly  prepared  and 
evacuated  for  their  reception  by  a  pestilential  disease, 
which,  in  the  former  year,  had  swept  away  nine-tenths 
of  its  savage  and  idolatrous  population.  After  explo- 
ring the  coast,  they  chose  for  their  station  a  place  now 
belonging  to  the  province  of  Massachusetts  bay,  to 
which  they  gave  the  name  of  New  Plymouth,  either 
as  a  testimony  of  respect  to  the  company  within  whose 
jurisdiction  they  found  themselves  situated,  or  in  com- 
memoration of  the  city  with  which  their  last  recol- 
lections of  England  were  associated.  To  remedy  in 
.lome  measure,  their  defect  of  formal  title,  they  com- 
posed and  subscribed  an  instrument  declaratory  of  the 
purpose  with  which  they  had  come  to  America,  re- 
cognising the  authority  of  tl.e  English  crown,  and  ex- 
pressing their  own  combination  into  a  civil  body  poli- 
tic, and  their  determination  to  enact  all  just  and  ne- 
cessary laws,  and  honour  them  by  a  due  obedience-* 
Here,  then,  remote  from  the  scenes  and  paths  of  hu- 
man grandeur,  these  men  embarked  on  a  career  of 
life,  which,  if  the  true  dignity  of  actions  be  derived 
from  the  motives  that  prompt  them,  the  principles  they 
express,  and  the  ends  they  contemplate,  I  cannot  term 
otherwise  than  elevated  and  admirable. 

The  speedy  approach  and  intense  severity  of  their 
first  winter  in  America  painfully  convinced  the  settlers 
that  a  more  unfavourable  season  of  the  year  could  not 
have  been  selected  for  the  formation  of  their  colony  ; 
and  that  the  slender  stores  with  which  they  were  pro- 
vided were  far  short  of  what  was  requisite  to  com- 
fortable subsistence,  and  constituted  a  very  inade- 
quate preparation  to  meet  the  rigour  of  the  climate. 
Their  exertions  to  provide  themselves  with  suitable 
dwellings  were  obstructed,  for  some  time,  by  the  hos- 
tile attacks  of  some  of  the  neighbouring  Indians,  who 
had  not  forgotten  the  provocation  they  had  received 


♦  Mather,  b.  i.  Cap.  ii.  ^3—6.  Neal,  i.  90 — 32.  S7.  Ol  liTiixon, 
i.  29.  Huichinson,  ii.  Appenil.  452.  The  fraud,  hy  which  the 
Dutch  had  contrived  to  divert  the.se  emiOTants  friim  Hudson's 
river,  was  disi'overed  .nml  stated  in  a  memorial,  which  was 
puhhslied  in  Eni;Iand  before  the  dose  of  this  year  (1620). 
Frince's  New  Eiiglaiid Chronology,  p.  Sj. 


from  ('aptain  Hunt  ;  and  the  colonists  had  scarcely 
succeeded  in  repulsing  them,  when  disease  occasioned 
by  scarcity  of  provitiions,  and  the  increaKirig  horrors 
ot  the  season  nfllictcd  them  with  a  calaniily,  perhaps 
less  dangerous  to  their  virtue,  but  more  destructive  to 
their  strength  and  numbers  than  the  |ierils  ot  war  — 
More  than  one  half  of  their  number,  including  John 
Carver,  their  first  governor,  perished  of  hunger  ordik- 
ease  before  the  return  of  spring;  and,  during  the  whole 
of  the  winter,  but  few  were  capable  of  providing  lor 
themselves,  or  rendering  assistance  to  the  rest  ;  but 
hope  and  virtue  survived,  and  rising  into  greater  vr 
gour  iH'iieath  the  pressure  of  accumulated  sulfering, 
surmounted  and  ennobled  every  calamity  [1G21.] 
Those  who  retained  their  strength  became  the  ser- 
vants of  the  weak,  the  sick,  and  the  dying;  and  lione 
distinguished  himself  more  in  this  honourable  duly 
than  Mr.  Carver,  the  governor.  He  was  a  gentleman 
of  large  estate,  but  larger  heart ;  he  had  spent  hia 
whole  fortune  on  this  project;  and  now,  willingly 
contributing  his  life  to  its  accomplishment,  he  ex- 
hausted a  feeble  body  in  laboriously  discharging  the 
meanest  offices  of  kindness  and  service  to  the  sick. — 
When  the  distress  of  the  colony  was  at  its  height,  the 
approach  of  a  powerful  Indian  chief  seemed  to  por- 
tend the  utter  destruction  of  the  settlers  ;  but,  happily, 
in  the  train  of  this  personage,  was  the  ancient  guest 
and  friend  of  the  English,  Squanto,  who  eagerly  and 
successfully  laboured  to  mediate  a  good  understanding 
between  them  and  his  countrymen.  He  alterwanls 
cancelled  the  merit  of  this  useful  service,  and  endea- 
voured to  magnify  his  own  importance  by  fabricating 
charges  of  plots  and  conspiracies  against  some  of  the 
neighboring  tribes,  while  at  the  same  time  he  kept 
these  tribes  in  terror,  by  secret  information  that  the 
English  were  in  possession  of  a  cask  filled  with  the 
plague,  which  only  his  influence  prevented  them  from 
setting  abroach  for  the  destruction  of  the  Indians. 
But,  before  he  resorted  to  this  mischievous  policy,  the 
colonists  had  become  independent  of  his  services. 
Some  of  the  neighbouring  tribes,  from  time,  to  time, 
made  alarming  demonstrations  of  hostility  ;  but  they 
were  at  length  completely  overawed  by  the  courago 
and  resolution  of  Captain  Miles  Standish,  a  gallant 
and  skilful  oflicer,  who,  with  a  handful  of  men,  was 
always  ready  to  encounter  their  greatest  force,  and 
anticipate  their  most  rapid  movements.* 

With  the  arrival  of  summer  the  he.nlth  of  the  colo- 
nists were  restored,  and  their  numbers  continued  to 
be  reinforced  from  time  to  time,  by  succes.sive  emi- 
o-rations  of  their  friends  from  Europe.  But  these  iul- 
ditions  fell  far  short  of  their  expectations  ;  and  of  the 
main  reinforcement  which  they  had  looked  for  from 
the  accession  of  the  remainder  of  the  ci  ngregalion  at 
i.,eyden,  they  were  utterly  disappointed  The  unex- 
pected death  of  Mr.  Robinson  deprived  his  peojile  at 
Leyden  of  the  only  leader  whose  animating  counsels 
could  have  overcome  the  timidity  inspired  by  the  ac- 
counts of  the  distresses  sustained  by  thei.--  friends  in 
New  England  ;  and,  accordingly,  upoii  that  event  the 
greater  part  of  those  who  had  remained  behind  at 
Leyden  now  retired  to  join  the  ether  English  exiles  at 
Amsterdam,  and  very  few  had  the  courage  t.)  proceed 
to  New  Plymouth.  This  small  colony,  howjver.  had 
evinced  a  hardy  virtue  that  showed  it  was  foimed  for 
endurance  ;  and  having  surmounted  its  first  misfor- 
tunes, continued  to  thrive  in  the  cultivation  ol"  piety, 
and  the  enjoyment  of  liberty  of  conscience  and  politi- 
cal freedom.  A  noble  attachment  was  formed  to  the 
soil  which  had  been  earned  with  so  much  virtuf ,  and 
to  the  society  whose  continuance  attested  so  manly  a 
contest  and  "so  signal  a  victory  over  every  variety  ot 
ill.  While  they  demonstrated  a  proper  respect  fur  the 
claims  of  the  original  iidiabitanls  of  the  country,  by 
purchasing  from  them  the  territory  over  which  the 
settlement''extended,  they  neglectinl  no  preparation  lo 
defend  by  force  what  they  had  ac<iuired  with  juslice  ; 
and,  alarmed  by  the  tidings  of  the  massacre  of  I  heir 
countrymen  in  Virginia.they  erected  a  timber  fori,  and 
adopted  other  prudent  precautions  for  their  defence. 
This  purchase  from  savages,  w  ho  rather  occasionally 
traversed  than  continually  occupied  the  territory,  is 
perhaps  the  first  instance  on  record  of  the  full  preva- 
lence of  the  principles  of  justice  m  a  treaty  between  a 
civilized  and  a  barbarous  people.  [1G21— 4].  The  con- 
slilutionof  their  church  was  the  same  with  that 


♦  Matlier,  Neal.  Peter  Martyr  declares  that  the  hardship* 
endured  hy  the  Spaniards  in  South  .Vnieri,  a  were  such  as  ii;.rie 
but  Spaniards  could  have  suppovied.  15m  the  hardships  sue. 
taiued  bv  the  lirtt  ccdotdsts  of  I'lynioiiih  api>ear  lo  have  ex- 
ccoded  tiiein  both  in  duration  and  intcusity.  Ste  Hutchinson, 
ii.  .\ppciid.  m. 


240 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


which  had  been  established  at  Lcydcn,  and  their 
eystcin  of  civil  government  was  founded  on  those 
ideas  of  the  natural  <  <|uality  among  men  lo  wliieli 
their  eeclesiaslical  polii  y,  so  lotii;  the  main  object  of 
their  concern,  bad  liabilualed  ibeir  minds.  The  su- 
preme legislative  body  was  composed  of  all  the  free- 
men who  were  niembi  rs  of  the  church,  and  it  was 
not  until  the  year  1G3'J  that  they  eslablislu  d  a  house 
of  represenlalivcs.  The  executive  power  was  com- 
mitted to  a  governor  and  council  annually  elected 
by  the  members  of  the  legislative  assembly.^  Their 
jurisprudence  was  founded  on  the  laws  of  lingland, 
with  some  diversity,  however,  in  the  scale  of  punish- 
ments, which  was  more  nearly  approximated  to  the 
Mosaic  institutions.  Considering  tlic  protection  of 
morals  more  important  than  the  preservation  of 
wealth,  thi'y  punished  fornication  with  Hogging,  and 
adultery  with  death,  while  on  forgery  tliey  iiitlicted 
only  a  moderate  fine.  The  clearing  and  cultivation 
of  the  ground,  fishing,  and  the  curing  of  fish  for  ex- 
portation, formed  the  occupation  of  the  colonists. 
The  peculiarity  of  their  situation  naturally  led  them, 
like  the  Virginians,  for  some  time,  to  throw  all  their 
property  into  a  common  stock,  and,  like  members 
of  one  family,  to  carry  on  every  work  of  industry  by 
their  joint  labor  for  the  public  behoof.  But  the  reli- 
gious zeal  which  enforced  this  self-denying  policy 
was  unable  to  overcoini!  the  dilficulties  which  must 
always  attend  it,  and  which  are  continually  revived 
and  augmented  in  a  society  deriving  its  increase  not 
80  rniicb  from  its  own  internal  growth  as  from  the 
conlhience  of  strangers.  About  three  years  after 
the  foundation  of  New  Plymouth,  it  was  judged  pro- 
per to  introduce  separation  of  possessions,  though 
the  full  right  of  separate  property  was  not  admitted 
till  a  much  later  period  ;  and  even  that  change  is 
represented  as  having  ;>roduced  a  great  and  mani- 
fest increase  of  the  industry  of  the  people.  The 
slow  increase  which,  for  a  considerable  period  of 
timi',  the  niinibers  of  the  colonists  evinced,  has  been 
ascril)cd  to  the  prolonged  operation  of  this  system 
of  equality;  but  it  seems  more  likely  tliat  the  slow- 
ness of  the  increase  (occasioned  by  the  poverty  of 
the  soil  and  the  tidings  of  the  Imrdsliips  attending  a 
'aettli-ment  in  New  lin^land)  was  the  cause  of  tlie 
retardation  of  the  eomph  te  estalilislinient  of  tiie 
right  of  private  pro|)erly.  In  the  first  society  of  men 
collected  by  th<;  bond  of  Christianity,  and  addition- 
ally united  by  persecution,  we  find  an  attempt  made 
to  abolisli  individual  property  ;  and,  from  the  apos- 
tolic direction  that  he  who  would,  not  work  should  not 
eat,  we  may  conclude  that  the  disadvantaijc  which 
the  operation  of  this  principle  is  exposed  to  in  a 
society  deriving  its  increase  from  tlie  (  (jnlinwal  con- 
Iluence  of  strangers  of  dissimilar  characters,  was 
pretty  early  experienced.  lu  Paraguay',  the  Jesuits 
formed  a  settlement  where  this  peculiar  disadvan- 
tage was  not  cxperienccnl,  and  which  affords  the  only 
instance  of  the  introduction  and  prolonged  subsist- 
ence of  a  state  of  e(iiiality  in  a  nunirroiis  society. 
But  there  the  great  fiuulainental  (lilliculty  was  rather 
evailed  than  encountered  by  a  system  of  tuition 
adaptid,  with  c  xquisite  skill,  to  confound  all  diversi- 
ties of  talent  and  dispositi<m  among  the  natives,  in 
an  unbounded  and  degrading  dependence  on  their 
lesuitical  instructors. 

(IG24.|  After  having  continued  for  some  years 
without  a  patent  for  their  occupation,  the  colonists, 
whose  numbers  now  amounted  to  a  hundred  and 
eighty,  employed  one  Pierce  as  their  agent  in  Eng- 
land t.)  solicit  a  grant  of  this  nature  from  the 
Knglisli  government  and  the  grand  council  of 
Plymouth — a  new  oorjioration  by  which  Jain(!s,  in 
the  year  lOOO,  had  superseded  the  original  Ply- 
mouth company,  and  lo  which  he  ha<l  granted  all 
the  territory  lying  within  the  fortieth  and  forty- 
clglith  degrees  of  norlluTri  latitude.  This  corporate 
body  continued  to  subsist  for  a  considerable  time, 
notwithstanding  a  vote  of  the  House  of  Commons, 
in  the  year  alter  its  creation,  declaring  its  privi- 
leges a  gri'-vance,  and  its  patent  void.  Pierce  pro- 
cured a  charter  I'rom  the  i:ouneil,  and  caused  it  to 
be  framc'il  in  bis  own  name,  with  the  appropriation 
of  large  tr'rritories  and  jirivileges  to  himself  and  hi? 
family:  but,  having  embarked  with  a  iiiimeroiis 
biKlv  of  Bssociati's,  whom  he  had  collected  in  Rng- 
land,  to  arcoinpany  him,  and  assist  in  the  enforce- 
ii  "'>t  of  his  designs,  bis  vi'ssel  was  shipwrecked, 
and  Pii  rce  hims<|r  ro  dismayed  with  the  disastrous 
IsMue  of  his  injuslici',  that  he  confessed  what  hi'  had 
done,  and  resigned  his  patiMit.  The  colonists,  in- 
fonn«l  of  lus  treachery,  sent  over  Mr.  Winslow, 


one  of  their  own  number,  to  resume  the  solicitation 
for  a  charter.  He  appears  not  to  have  been  able  to 
procure  u  patent  from  the  crown,  but  he  obtained, 
after  long  delay,  a  grant  of  land  and  charter  of  privi- 
leges from  the  council-  It  was  directed  to  William 
Bradford,  the  existing  governor,  and  the  immunities 
it  conferred  were  appropriated  to  him,  his  heirs, 
associates,  and  assignees  ;  but  Mr.  Bradford  wil- 
lingly surrendered  all  that  was  personal  in  the 
grant,  and  associated  the  general  court  of  the  free- 
men to  all  the  priyileges  it  conferred.  By  this  grant 
of  the  grand  council  of  Plymouth,  the  colonists 
were  authorised  to  choose  a  governor,  council,  and 
general  court,  for  the  enacting  and  executing  all 
laws  which  should  be  judged  necessary  for  the  pub- 
lic good.  The  colonial  historians  have  mistakeu 
this  grant  for  a  patent  from  the  crown.  But  no 
such  patent  was  ever  issued  ;  and  the  settlement 
of  New  Plymouth  was  never  incorporated  into  a 
body  politic,  but  remained  a  subordinate  and  volun- 
tary association  until  it  was  united  to  its  more 
powerful  neighbor  the  colony  of  Massachusetts 
Bay.  Both  before  and  after  the  reception  of  this 
charter,  the  colonists  were  aware  of  the  doubts  that 
might  be  entertained  of  the  validity  of  the  acts  of 
government  which  thcj  exercised.  Perhaps  this 
defect  was  not  altogether  unfavorable  to  the  in- 
terests and  happiness  of  the  settlers,  and  may  have 
contributed  to  the  moderate  principles  and  concilia- 
tory strain  by  which  their  administration  was  hono- 
rably distinguished  from  that  which  afterwards  un- 
fortunately prevailed  among  their  neighbors  in 
New  England.  But  the  soil  around  New  Ply- 
mouth vras  so  meagre,  and  the  supplies  they  re- 
ceived from  Europe  so  scanty  and  infrequent,  that 
in  the  tenth  year  of  their  colonial  e.xistencc  their 
numbers  did  not  exceed  three  hundred.  But  their 
exertions  were  not  destitute  of  great  and  important 
consequences.  They  held  up  to  the  view  of  tlie 
oppressed  puritans  in  the  parent  state,  a  scene 
where  persecuted  virtue  might  retire  to,  and  where 
only  the  hardy  virtue  that  could  withstand  persecu- 
tion seemed  fated  to  obtain  a  permanent  establish- 
ment. At  the  expense  of  the  noblest  sacrifices  and 
most  undaunted  efforts,  this  handful  of  men  laid  the 
foundations  of  New  England.  A  few  years  after 
their  first  establishment  at  Plymouth,  a  messenger 
arrived  at  this  settlement  from  the  governor  of  the 
Dutch  plantation  on  Hudson's  river,  with  letters 
congratulating  the  English  on  their  prosperous  and 
commendable  enterprise,  tendering  the  good  will 
and  friendly  services  of  the  Dutch,  and  proposing  a 
commercial  intercourse  between  the  two  settle- 
ments. The  governor  and  council  of  Plymouth 
returned  a  corteoiis  answer  to  this  communication, 
expressing  a  thankful  sense  of  the  kindness  which 
they  had  received  in  the  native  country  of  the  Dutch, 
and  a  grateful  acceptance  of  the  proffered  friend- 
ship. Nothing  farther  seems  to  have  ensued  from 
this  overture  than  a  series  of  small  commercial  deal- 
ings, and  an  occasional  interchange  of  similar  civili- 
ties, which,  but  a  few  years  after,  gave  place  to  the 
most  inveterate  jealousy,  and  a  continual  recipr  jca- 
tion  of  complaints  between  the  Dutch  and  the  Eng- 
lish colonists. 

Various  attempts  had  been  made  during  this  in- 
terval to  emulate  the  successful  establishment  of 
New  Plymouth ;  but  they  had  all  failed  from  in- 
ability lo  emulate  the  virtues  from  which  the  success 
of  this  colony  was  derived,  In  the  year  1G2-2,  a 
rival  colony  was  planted  in  New  England  by  one 
Weston  and  a  troop  of  disorderly  adventurers,  who, 
in  spite  of  the  friendly  assistance  of  the  settlers  at 
New  Plymouth,  (|iiickly  sunk  into  such  helplessness 
that  some  of  them  condescended  to  become  servants 
to  the  Indians,  some  |)erished  of  hunger,  others 
turned  robbers,  and  by  their  depredations  involved 
both  themselves  and  the  colonists  of  New  Plymouth 
in  hostilities  with  the  natives,  and  the  rest  were 
glad  to  find  their  way  back  to  England.  In  the  fol- 
lowing year  an  attempt  of  greater  importance  was 
made  under  the  patronage  of  tJic  grand  council  of 
Plymouth,  which  bestowed  on  Captain  Gorges,  the 
leailer  of  the  expedition,  the  title  of  governor-general 
of  the  whole  country,  with  an  ample  endowment  of 
arbitrary  power,  and  on  a  clergyman  whom  he  liail 
brought  with  him,  the  ollice  of  hislnqi  and  su|)erin- 
tendent  of  all  the  churches.  But  New  England  was 
not  in  such  a  condition  that  an  establishment  of  this 
description  could  take  root  in  it  ;  and  the  governor 
and  bis  bishop,  ib'serting  their  charge,  made  liasti" 
to  return  to  a  climate  luorc  congenial  to  the  growth 


of  temporal  dominion  and  ecclesiastical  dignity,  C." 
their  followers,  some  retired  to  Virginia,  and  others 
returned  to  England.*  At  a  later  period  a  finiilar 
undertaking,  conducted  by  Captain  Wcllaston.  was 
attended  with  a  repetition  of  the  same  disastrous 
issue.  Yet,  all  these  unsuccessful  plantations  were 
attempted  on  land  more  fertile,  and  at  a  situation 
more  commodious,  than  the  settlers  at  New  Ply. 
mouth  enjoyed.  The  situation  which  they  pitched 
upon  was  that  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  vhere,  a  few 
years  after,  a  colony,  which  was  formed  on  the  same 
principles  that  had  founded  New  Plymouth,  and 
whose  origin  I  now  proceed  to  relate,  afibrded  the 
second  example  of  a  successful  establishment  in 
New  England. 

The  reign  of  Charles  the  First  was  destined  to  pro- 
duce the  consummation  and  the  retribution  ol  royal 
and  ecclesiastical  tyranny.  Charles  committed  the  go- 
vernment of  the  church  to  men  who  openly  professed 
the  most  arbitrary  principles,  and  whose  inclinations 
carried  them  much  more  strongly  to  enforce  an  ap- 
proximation to  the  church  of  Rome,  than  to  promote 
agreement  among  the  professors  ol  the  protestant 
faith.  Abbot,  the  .-Vrchbishop  of  Canterbury,  being 
restrained  by  the  moderation  of  his  princi|)les  and 
the  mildness  of  his  temper  from  lending  his  instru- 
mentality to  the  designs  of  the  court,  was  treateil 
with  harshness,  and,  at  length,  suspended  from  his 
office,t  [1G27]  of  which  the  functions  were  coinmit- 
ted  to  a  board  of  prelates,  of  whom  the  most  emi- 
nent was  Laud,  who  afterwards  succeeded  to  the 
primacy.  From  this  period,  both  in  the  civil  and 
ecclesiastical  administration  of  the  realm,  a  system 
of  deliberate  and  insolent  invasion  of  whatever  was 
most  valued  by  freemen,  or  most  revered  by  protest- 
ants,  wa  pursued  with  stubborn  pride  and  folly, 
and  enforced  by  cruelties  that  at  length  exhausted 
the  patience  of  mankind.  To  the  historian  of  Eng- 
land, the  political  abuses  tliat  distinguished  this 
period  will  probably  aj)pear  the  most  interesting 
features  in  its  history  ;  and,  doubtless,  tlM\y  contri- 
buted at  least  as  powerfullly  as  any  other  cause  to 
the  production  of  the  groat  convulsions  that  ensued. 
But,  as  it  was  the  ecclesiastical  administration  that 
mainly  contributed  tothe  peopling  of  America,  it  is 
this  branch  of  the  English  history  that  chiefly  me- 
rits our  attention,  in  in\ cstigating  the  sources  of 
the  colonization  of  New  England. 

Not  only  were  the  ancient  ceremonies,  which 
long  oppression  had  rendered  so  obnoxious,  enforced 
with  additional  rigor  on  the  increasing  number.",  of 
the  puritans,  but  new  and  more  ofleiisive  rites  were 
introduced  into  the  church.  A  design  seems  to 
have  been  formed  of  enabling  the  church  of  E  ig- 
land  to  vie  with  the  Romish  see  in  the  splendor  of 
its  pageantry,  the  superstitious  ceremonial  of  its 
worship,  and  the  power  of  its  hierarchy.  Laud, 
indeed,  boasted  that  he  had  refused  the  offer  of  a 
cardinal's  hat  from  Rome  ;  but  the  offer  was  justly 
considered  a  much  more  significant  circumstance 
than  the  refusal  ;  and,  having  already  assumed  to 
himself  the  papal  title  of  His  Holiness,  which  lie 
substituted  in  place  of  His  Grace,  his  style  would 
have  been  lowered  instead  of  elevated  by  the  Ro- 
mish promotion  which  he  rejected.  The  commu- 
nion table  was  converted  into  an  altar,  and  all  per- 


*  The  iiiosl  ini|>orum  ,'.ci  of  C.ipiain  Gorics'  adininistrarion 
that  lias  lireii  transniiuoci  U'  us,  is  one  which  aflonis  an  rxnU- 
nation  of  ii  p.isp:ipe  in  IIinMirns,  wliere  ihe  New  Kiii;lHiM|pii 
are  an  iised  of  haiiirins  an  innorenl,  but  bedrid,  weaver,  io 
siead  of  a  jnilty,  bnl  nsefirl,  rol)l)ler — 

"•  Thni  siiniers  may  supply  Che  plaee 

Of  ^Gfterins  saints,  is  a  plain  case. 

Our  brethren  of  Now  Kngland  use 

Choire  inaletaelors  lo  excuse, 

And  hani!  ihc  gr  iiilicss  in  iheir  stead. 

Of  win. in  Ihe  churches  have  less  need — 

As  lately  happened.    In  a  lown 

There  lived  a  cobbler,"  ttr.Hudibras,  Canto  iL 
Some  of  Gorecs'  people  had  roinmiiicd  depredasions  on  ihc  In- 
dians, who  insisted  thai  the  ringleader  should  he  put  in  death 
Gorges  sniisfied  and  dereircd  ihem  by  hangini;  up  either  ■ 
dyini;  man  or  a  dead  liody.  Iluichinson,  I.  p.  6.  Butler's  n  itlj 
ninlice,  aludions  lo  defame  ihc  puritans,  has  rescued  from 
oblivion  an  art  of  which  the  whole  meril  or  ilemerH  U  exclu- 
sively due  to  his  own  pany. 

t  The  pretext  commonly  assigned  for  Abboi's  diserare  is, 
that,  in  shooiiiig  ai  a  deer  vrtih  a  croas-bow,  he  hail  arrident- 
ally  killed  a  man.  But  he  had  been  noleinnly  arqiiiiird  of 
ihis  rharce,  and  declared  cxein|)i  from  all  its  roiiseqiiencei, 
lone  before  he  was  sequestered  from  ecrlesiaslical  funriioni; 
and  Ihe  real  causes  of  his  icniporal  ilisgrare  seemlo  have  been, 
lhal  he  opjiosed  ihe  perseeuiion  of  the  puritans,  thai  he  refused 
to  license  a  sermon  ihal  liad  been  preached  in  support  of  the 
king's  rishl  lo  lax  the  people  wilhoul  ihe  inlerveuiion  of  |>»r- 
lianieiil.  antl  thai  he  could  hot  he  prevailed  with  to  cuiite- 
nance  ihe  infamous  proreedings  for  ihe  divorce  of  ilie  rounleiM 
of  Kssex.  Weldun's  Coun  and  Character  of  King  Janiea 
Kullcr's  Worlliioii. 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


241 


sons  commanded  to  bow  to  it  on  entering  the  church. 
All  the  wuclc'day  lectures,  and  all  afternoon  sermons 
on  Sundaj',  were  abolished,  and,  instead  of  them, 
games  and  sports  were  permitted  to  all  the  people,  "cj;- 
ceplini]  known  recusants,"  who  were  thus  with  match- 
less absnrdity  debarred  as  a  punishment,  from  prac- 
tices which  they  regarded  with  the  utmost  detestation 
Every  minister  was  commanded  to  read  the  royal  proc- 
lamation of  games  and  sjjorts  from  his  pulpit,  under 
the  pain  of  deprivation.  This  ordinance,  like  all  the 
other  novelties,  was  productive  of  the  greater  discon- 
ent  and  disturbance,  from  th  e  extent  to  which  piuitan 
sentiments  had  made  their  way  into  the  church,  and 
the  number  of  puritan  ministers  within  the  establish- 
ment whom  habit  had  taught  to  fluctuate  between  tlie 
performance  and  the  evasion  of  the  ancient  obnoxious 
canons,  and  trained  to  submit,  without  at  all  reconcil- 
ing to  the  burden.  Nothing  could  be  more  ill-timed 
than  an  aggravation  of  the  load  under  which  these  men 
were  laboring  ;  it  reduced  many  to  despair,  provoked 
others  to  the  most  vehement  indignation,  and  de- 
prived the  church  of  a  numerous  body  of  her  most 
attached  and  most  popular  ministers.  Nor  were  these 
the  onlv  measures  that  were  calculated  to  excite  dis- 
contents within  as  well  as  without  the  establishment 
Three-fourths  of  the  English  clergy  were  Calvinists; 
but  Laudand  the  ruling  prelates  beingArminians,they 
CJiused  a  roval  pr<iclamation  to  be  issued  against  tlie 
preaching  of  the  Calvinistic  tenets:  and  while  the 
Arminian  pulpits  resounded  with  the  sharpest  in- 
vectives against  them,  a  single  sentence  that  could  be 
construed  into  their  defence  exposed  the  preacher  to 
the  pains  of  contempt  of  the  king's  authority. 

In  the  reign  of  Ehzabeth,  the  churchmen  had  been 
eager  to  shift  from  themselves  upon  tlie  courts  of  com- 
mon law  as  much  as  possihle  of  the  odium  of  enforcing 
the  ecclesiastical  statutes.  But  Laud*  and  his  asso- 
ciates, inaccessible  to  fear,  remorse,  or  slianie,  courted 
the  office  of  persecution,  and  m  the  court  of  commis- 
sion exercised  such  arbitrary  power,  and  committed  such 
enormous  cruelty,  as  procured  to  that  odious  tribunal 
the  name  of  l/ic  prolcstaiit  'lujuisition.  Fines,  im|)ri- 
sonment,  banishment,  the  pillory,  were  among  the  most 
lenient  of  the  punisliinenis  inflicted  by  this  tribunal. 
Its  victims  were  frequently  coiidemncd  to  have  their 
flesh  torn  from  their  bodies  by  the  lash  of  the  execu- 
tioner, their  nostrils  slit,  and  their  ears  cut  olT,  and  in 
this  condition  exhibited  to  the  jjcople  as  monuments  of 
what  WIS  termed  the  justice  of  their  sovereign  and  the 
zeal  of  the  prelates.  Of  the  extent  as  well  as  the 
eevcrity  to  which  this  arbitrary  system  was  pushed, 
some  notion  may  be  formed  from  the  accounts  that 
have  been  transmitted  to  us  of  the  proceedings  within 
the  diocese  of  Norwich  alone.  In  the  articles  of  im- 
peachment afterwards  exhibited  against  Bishop  Wren, 
It  is  stated,  that  during  his  possession  of  that  diocese, 
which  lasted  only  for  two  years  and  a  half,  fifty  mini- 
sters were  deprived  lor  not  complying  with  the  innova- 
tions, and  three  thousand  of  the  laity  compelled  to 
abandon  the  kingdom. t  In  perfect  harmony  with  the 
ecclesiactical,  was  the  civil  policy  of  Charles's  admini- 
stration Arbitrary  impositions  superseded  the  func- 
tions of  parliament :  the  patents  of  judicial  otnce  had 
their  tenure  altered  from  the  good  behavior  of  the 
judges  to  the  good  pleasure  of  the  king  ;  every  organ 
of  liberty  was  suspended  or  perverted  ;  and  the  king- 
dom at  length  subjected  to  the  exclusive  dominion  of 
a  stern  and  uncontrolled  prerogative.  Insult  was  em- 
ployed,  as  if  purposely  to  slimulate  the  sensibility 

*  It  is  impossible  to  read  the  speeclies  of  this  prelate  on  the 
trials  ol  the  puritans  witliout  astonislirnent  at  the  strange 
medley  of  which  Ins  mind  was  composed.  Learning  and  ele- 
gance are  commixed  with  vulgar  railing  and  obscene  ribaldry  ; 
and  tlie  most  beaulilul  delineations  of  Christian  iniluness  and 
nieicy,  with  the  proposition  or  approliation  of  vindictive 
cruelties  that  would  have  disgraced  an  American  savage. 
The  light  witlim  hiin  was  darkness;  and  his  acquaintance 
with  the  theory  of  religion  seemed  only  to  give  him  assurance 
ot  his  safety  and  rccutudein  practically  disregarding  it.  The 
sentem-es  proposed  by  the  bish.ips  in  tlie  Star  Chamber  were 
always  severer  lhanllie  suggestions  of  the  lay  judges.  The 
bisliop.s,  no  doubt,  were  frequently  exasperated  by  the  sar- 
casms 01  their  victims.  Baslwick,  before  his  trial,  wrote  a 
letterto  Laud  humbly  petitioning  for  a  pittance  from  the  ar- 
chiepiscopal  IrCHsure,  to  support  him  in  prison,  and  concluding 
thus  ;— How  thou  lairest  in  thy  palace,  deinandelli,  in  liml)o 
palruni,  John  Uastwick."  One  of  the  lay  judges  in  the  Star 
thaml)er,  on  one  occasion,  addressed  a  puritan  oi.  lus  trial 
with  a  text  ot  w  hich  the  bishops  probably  did  not  admire  the 
•pphcalion— ••  Be  not  iighteous  over  much;  neither  make 
Ihysell  over  wise  :  why  shouldst  thou  destroy  thyself?"  See 
Howell's  .State  Trials,  Vol.  ni.  Nos.  134, 135,  142,  145,  ic. 

T  Neal,i.  117— I-)].  These  bishops,  said  a  member  of  the 
I-ong  Parhamem,  place<l  the  excellency  of  priesthood  in 
worldly  pomp  and  greatness,  and  gave  the  glory  of  the  in- 
visible God  to  pictures,  images,  and  altars  ;  therefore  God 
Kavelheiii  up  to  vile  affections,  to  be  implacable,  unmerciful, 
Uid  w.ihoui  natural  affection."   IloweU's  Slate  Trials,  iv.  27. 

17 


which  injuries  might  not  have  sutiicienlly  excited.  A 
clergyman  having  maintained  in  a  sermon  before  the 
king  that  his  majesty's  simple  requisition  of  money 
from  his  subjects,  obliged  them  to  comply  with  it  "  un- 
der pain  of  eternal  damnation  ;"  Charles  at  fust  ob- 
served that  he  owed  the  man  no  thanks  for  giving  hiin 
his  due  ;  but  a  censure  of  the  House  of  Coiiiinons 
having  followed  the  discourse,  the  preacher  was  forth- 
viith  accounted  a  |)ro|ier  object  of  royal  favor,  and  pro- 
moted, first  to  a  valuable  living,  and  afterwards  to  a 
bislioprick.  A  system  of  such  diliiisive  and  exasperat- 
ing hostility  waged  by  the  government  against  the  peo- 
ple, wanted  only  a  sufficient  duration  to  provoke  from 
universal  rage  a  vindictive  retribution  the  more  to  be 
dreaded  from  the  patience  with  which  the  heavy  arrear 
of  injury  had  been  endured  and  accumulated.  But  ue- 
fore  the  system  of  oppression  had  time  to  mature  the 
growing  discontents,  and  to  produce  extremities  so 
perilous  to  the  virtue  of  all  who  are  called  to  abide 
them,  it  was  destined  to  give  occasion  to  efforts  of 
nobler  energy  and  purer  virtue  ;  and  much  good  was 
yet  to  be  deduced  out  of  all  this  scene  of  evil,  and  great 
and  happy  consequences  were  yet  to  be  etfected,  by  the 
dominion  of  Providence  over  the  passions  of  men. 

'i'he  sererities  exercised  on  the  puritans  in  England, 
and  the  gradual  extinction  of  the  hopes  they  had  so 
long  entertained  of  a  mitigation  of  ecclesiastical  rigor, 
had  for  some  time  directed  tlieir  thoughts  to  that  dis- 
tant territory  in  which  their  brethren  at  i\ew  Plymouth 
had  achieved  a  secure  establishment  and  obtained  the 
enjoyment  of  civil  and  religious  liberty.  In  the  last 
year  of  James's  reign,  a  few  non-conformist  families 
had  removed  to  New  England  and  taken  possession  of 
a  corner  of  Massachusetts  Bay  I  but  being  disappointed 
111  the  hope  they  had  entertained  of  the  accession  of 
numbers  sufficient  to  found  a  permanent  society,  they 
were  on  the  point  of  returning  to  England,  when  they 
received  the  agreeable  intelligence  of  the  approach  of 
a  numerous  and  powerful  reinforcement.  Mr.  White, 
a  non-conformist  minister  at  Dorchester,had  projected  a 
new  settlement  at  Massachusettts  Bay,  and  by  his  zeal 
and  activity  he  succeeded  in  forming  an  association  of 
a  number  of  the  gentry  in  his  neighborhood  who  had 
imbibed  the  puritan  sentiments,  for  the  purpose  of  con- 
ducting a  colony  to  that  region.  The  views  and  feel- 
ings that  actuated  the  leaders  of  this  enterprise  were 
committed  to  writing,  and  circulated  among  their  friends 
under  the  title  of  General  Considerations  for  the  Plan- 
tation of  Neiv  England.  The  framers  of  this  remarka- 
ble and  characteristic  document,  began  by  adverting  to 
the  progress  of  the  .lesuit  establishments  in  South 
America,  and  to  the  duty  and  advantage  of  counter- 
acting their  influencR  by  the  propagation  of  the  gospel 
in  that  quarter  of  the  world.  They  observed  that  all 
the  other  churches  of  Europe  had  been  brought  under 
desolations  ;  that  tiie  same  fate  E.emed  to  impend  over 
the  church  of  England  ;  and  that  it  might  reasonably 
he  supposed  that  God  had  provided  this  unoccupied 
territory  as  a  land  of  refuge  for  many  whom  he  pur- 
posed to  save  from  the  general  destruction.  England, 
they  alleged,  grew  weary  ef  her  inhabitants  ;  insomuch 
that  man,  which  is  the  most  precious  of  all  creatures, 
was  there  more  vile  and  base  than  the  earth  he  trod 
upon  ;  and  children  and  friends  (if  unwealthy)  were 
accounted  a  burdensome  incumbrance,  instead  of  being 
hailed  as  the  choicest  earthly  blessings.  A  taste  for 
expensive  living,  they  added,  prevailed  so  strongly,  and 
the  means  of  indulging  it  had  become  so  exclusively 
the  object  of  men's  desires,  that  all  arts  and  trades 
were  tainted  by  sordid  maxims  and  deceitful  practices  ; 
and  the  seminaries  of  learning  abounded  with  so  many 
spectacles  and  temptations  of  dissolute  irregularity,  that 
vice  was  there  more  effectually  communicated  by  ex- 
ample, than  knowledge  or  virtue  were  imparted  by  pre- 
cept. "  The  whole  earth,"  they  proclaimed,  "  is  the 
Lord's  garden,  and  he  hath  given  it  to  the  sons  of 
.\dam  to  be  tilled  and  improved  by  them  :  Why,  then, 
should  any  stand  starving  here  for  places  of  habitation, 
and,  in  the  mean  time,  suffer  whole  countries,  as  pro- 
fitable for  the  use  of  man,  to  lie  waste,  without  any 
improvement  !"  They  concluded  by  adverting  to  the 
situation  of  the  colony  of  New  Plymouth,  and  strongly 
enforced  the  duty  of  supporting  the  infant  church  which 
had  there  been  so  happily  planted.  Actuated  by  such 
views,  these  magnanimous  projectors  purchased  from 
the  council  of  Plymouth  all  the  territory  extending  in 
length  from  three  miles  north  of  the  river  .Merrimack  to 
three  miles  south  of  Charles  river,  and,  in  breadth, 
from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Southern  Ocean.  Their  acts 
were  as  vigorous  as  their  designs  were  elevated.  As 
the  precursors  of  the  main  body  of  emigrants  whom  it 
was  intended  to  transport,  a  small  body  of  planters  and 


servants  were  despatched  under  Mr.  Endicol,  one  ol 
the  leading  projectors  ;  who,  arriving  safely  in  Massa- 
chusetts, [1628,]  were  cordially  greeted  and  kindly 
assisted  by  the  colonists  of  New  Plymouth,  and  laid 
the  foundations  of  a  town,  which  they  denominated 
Salem,  from  a  Hebrew  word  that  signifies  Peace. 

But  zealous  as  these  projectors  were  to  accomplish 
their  favorite  purpose,  they  very  soon  perceived  their 
total  inability  to  maintain  etfcctual  possession  of  such 
an  extensive  territory,  without  the  aid  of  more  opulent 
coadjutors.  Of  these,  by  the  influence  ami  activity  of 
Mr.  White,  they  obtained  a  sufficient  number  in  Lon- 
don, among  the  commercial  men  who  openly  professed, 
or  secretly  favored  the  tenets  of  the  puritans.  These 
auxiliaries  brought  an  accession  of  prudent  precaution, 
as  well  as  of  pecuniary  resources,  to  the  conduct  of  the 
design  ;  and,  justly  doubting  the  expediency  of  founding 
a  colony  on  the  basis  of  a  grant  from  a  private  com- 
pany of  patentees,  who  might  convey  a  right  of  pro- 
perty in  the  soil,  but  could  not  confer  jurisdiction,  o« 
the  privilege  of  governing  the  society  which  it  was  pre 
posed  to  establish,  they  persuaded  their  associates  I 
unite  with  them  in  an  application  to  the  crown  for  a 
royal  charter.  The  readiness  with  which  this  applica- 
tion was  granted,  and  the  terms  in  which  the  charter 
was  framed,  are  absolutely  unaccountable,  except  on 
the  supposition  that  Charles  and  his  ecclesiastical  coun- 
sellors were  willing,  at  this  tune,  to  disencumber  tho 
church,  in  which  they  meditated  such  extensive  innova- 
tions, of  a  body  of  men,  from  whom  the  most  unbend- 
ing opposition  to  their  measures  might  be  expected  ;  a 
line  of  policy  which  appears  perfectly  credible  ;  al- 
though, at  a  subsequent  period, they  endeavored  to 
counteract  it,  when  they  were  sensible  of  the  reflective 
influence  exercised  on  the  puritan  body  in  P^iigland  by 
the  spread  and  predominance  of  their  tenets  in  Ame- 
rica. It  seems  impossible,  on  any  other  supposition, 
to  account  for  the  remarkable  facts  that,  at  the  very 
time  when  this  monarch  was  introducing  despotic  au- 
thority into  the  government  of  Virginia,  he  extended  to 
a  colony  of  puritans  a  wonstitution  containing  all  tho 
immunities  of  which  the  Virginians  beheld  themselves 
so  unjustlv  deprived  ;  and  that,  well  aware  of  the  pur- 
pose of  the  applicants  to  escape  from  the  constitutions 
of  the  church  of  England,  he  granted  them  a  charter 
containing  ample  commendation  of  the  religious  ends 
they  had  in  view,  v\ithout  the  imposition  of  a  single  or- 
dinance respecting  the  constitution  of  their  church  go- 
vernment, or  the  forms  and  ceremonies  of  their  wor- 
ship ;  nay,  so  completely  in  this  instance,  did  he  sur- 
render the  maxims  of  his  colonial  policy  to  the  wishes 
of  the  projectors  of  a  puritan  colony,  that,  although  he 
had  recently  declared,  in  a  puUic  proclamation,  that  a 
mercantile  company  was  utterly  unfit  to  administer  the 
affaus  of  a  remote  colony  ;  yet,  on  the  present  occasion, 
he  scrupled  not,  in  compliance  with  the  wishes  of  the 
mercantile  part  of  the  adventurers,  to  commit  the  su- 
preme direction  of  the  colony  to  be  planted  in  the  pro- 
vince of  Massachusetts  Bay,  to  a  corporation  consisting 
chiefly  of  merchants  resident  in  London.  The  new 
adventurers  were  incorporated  as  a  body  politic  ;  and 
their  right  to  the  territory  which  they  hatl  purchased 
from  the  council  of  Plymouth  being  confirmed  by  the 
king,  they  were  empo.vered  to  dispose  of  the  lands, 
and  to  govern  the  people  who  should  settle  upon  them. 
The  first  governor  of  the  company  and  his  council  were 
named  by  the  crown  ;  the  right  of  electing  their  suc- 
cessors was  vested  in  the  members  of  the  corporation. 
The  executiie  power  was  committed  to  the  governor 
and  a  council  of  assistants  ;  the  legislative,  to  the  body 
of  proprietors,  who  might  make  and  enfcrce  statutes 
and  orders  for  the  good  of  the  community,  not  incon- 
sistent with  the  laws  of  England.  They  obtained  the 
same  temporary  exemption  that  had  been  granted  to 
the  Virginian  company  from  internal  taxes,  and  from 
duties  on  goods  exported  or  imported  ;  and  notwitn- 
standiiig  their  migration  to  America,  they  and  their  de- 
scendants were  declared  to  be  entitled  to  all  the  rightt 
of  natural-born  subjects. 

The  meaning  of  this  charter,  with  respect  to  the  re- 
ligious rights  of  the  colonists  of  Massachusetts  Bay, 
has  given  rise  to  a  great  deal  of  discussion.  By  the 
puritans,  and  the  puritan  writers  of  that  age,  it  wai 
universally  regarded  as  bestowing  on  them  theample.M 
liberty  to  regulate  their  worship  by  the  dictates  of  theif 
own  conscience.  And  this,  I  think,  is  manifestly,  ita 
import.  The  grantors  were  fully  aware,  and  the  gran- 
tees had  neither  the  wish  nor  the  power  to  conceal,  that 
their  object  was  to  make  a  peaceable  secession  from  a 
church  which  they  could  no  longer  conscientiously  ad- 
here to,  and  to  establish  for  themselves,  at  Masiarhu- 
'  setts  Bay,  an  ecclesiastical  constitution  siiiiildr  to  tba( 


«^  

"^^^V  was  alrea.iv  cr^lablishcd  and  mainta.rua  wilhoul 
„«l«.lat,o„  at  New  I'lymoulh.  A  silent  acquiescence 
m  aucl.  dedans  was  all  that  could  reasonal.ly  be  cx- 
K-cted  Iron,  me  kinj;  and  Ins  nin.isters ;  and  when  th.s 
Lmpha  ic  a.lcnce  on  a  pon.t  winch  is  qu.te  ludicrous  to 
•upiKise  could  have  escaped  the  attention  of  either 
party,  is  coupled  with  such  a  ready  departure  from  all 
Ihe  arhi-rarv  principles  which  the  king  was  preparing  to 
enforce  in  every  other  branch  of  Ins  domestic  and  colo- 
nial adininistraiion,  it  seems  impossible  to  doubt  that 
Charles  was  at  ihis  time  not  unwilling  to  make  a  tem- 
iiorarv  sacrifice  of  authority,  in  order  to  rid  himself  of 
these'  puritan  petitioners,  and  that  the  interpretation 
which  they  gave  to  their  charter  was  perfectly  correct. 
And  yet  writers  have  not  been  wanting,  whom  enmity 
to  the  puritans  has  induced  to  exjilain  thi.s  charter  in  a 
manner  totally  repugnant  to  every  rule  of  legal  or  equi- 
tuble  construction.  It  is  a  maxim  of  law,  and  the  dic- 
tate of  common  sense  and  universal  equity,  tnat,  in  all 
cases  of  doubtful  construction,  the  presumption  lies 
■gainst  that  party  whose  office  it  was  to  speak,  and  who 
had  the  power  to  clear  every  ambiguity  away.  In  de- 
fiance of  this  rule,  these  writers  have  insisted  that  the 
silence  of  the  charter  respecting  the  ecclesiastical  con- 
stitution of  the  colony,  implies  the  imposition  on  the  colo- 
nists of  every  particular  of  the  constitution  of  the  church 
of  England.*  The  most  eminent  writer  of  (his  party  has 
taken  occasion  from  hence  to  reproach  the  colonists  of 
Massachusetts  Bay  with  having  laid  the  foundations  of 
their  church  rstablishmcnt  iti  fraud.  "  Without  regard." 
says  this  distinguished  auth'jr,  '•  to  the  sentimeiiis  of  that 
monarch,  un-Jer  the  sanction  of  whose  authority  they 
settled  in  America,  and  from  whom  they  derived  right 
to  act  as  a  body  politic,  and  in  contempt  of  the  laws  of 
England,  v%ith  which  the  charter  required  that  none  of 
their  acts  or  ordinances  should  be  inconsistent,  thoy 
adopted  in  their  infant  church  that  form  of  policy  which 
has  since  been  distinguished  by  the  name  of  indepen- 
dent." He  accounts  for  the  silence  of  the  charier  on 
a  point  which  was  unquestionably  uppermost  in  the 
minds  of  both  parties,  by  remarking,  that  "the  king 
iieems  not  to  have  foreseen,  nor  to  have  suspected,  the 
secret  intentions  of  those  who  projected  the  measure  ;" 
and  he  ex[)lains  the  conduct  of  the  colonists,  by  pro- 
nouncing that  they  were  "animated  with  a  spirit  of  in- 
novation in  civil  policy  as  well  as  in  religion."  But, 
truly.  It  seems  not  a  little  unreasonable  to  make  it  mat 
ter  of  reproach  to  the  puritans,  who  were  driven  by 
oppression  from  their  native  land,  that  they  did  not 
cross  the  Atlantic  and  settle  in  a  savage  desert  for  the 
purpose  of  cultivating  a  more  perfect  conformity  to  the 
sentiments  of  their  oppressor.  The  provision  in  their 
charter,  that  the  laws  to  be  enacted  by  them  should  not 
be  repugnant  to  the  jurisprudence  of  England,  coulil 
never  be  understood  to  imply  any  thing  farther  than  a 
general  conformity  to  the  common  law  of  England, 
suitable  to  the  acknowledged  dependence  of  the  colony 
on  the  main  body  of  the  British  dominions.  The  un- 
suspecting Ignorance,  too,  that  is  imputed  to  the  king 
and  his  counsellors,  appears  perfectly  incredible,  when 
we  consider  that  the  example  of  New  Plymouth,  where 
a  bare  exemption  from  express  restrictions  had  been 
followed  by  the  establishment  of  the  independent  mo- 
del, was  fresh  in  their  recollection  ;  that  it  was  avowed 
and  notorious  puritans  who  now  applied  for  permission 
lo  jirocccd  to  the  land  where  that  con.stitution  was  es- 
tablished ;  and,  above  all,  that,  in  their  ap|ilication  to 
the  king,  they  expressly  d(  sired  leave  to  withdraw  in 
peace  from  the  bosom  of  a  church  to  whose  ordinances 
they  could  not  con^icientiously  conform.  Whether  the 
king  and  Laud  were,  or  were  not,  aware  of  the  inlci- 
tion.s  of  the  puritans,  they  must  surely  be  allowed  lo  be 
the  best  judges  of  what  they  themselves  h.id  intended 
lo  convey  ;  and  their  acquiescence  in  the  constitution 
winch  the  colonists  of  jNIassachusclts  Bay  proceeded 
lurthwith  to  establish,  demonstrates,  in  the  strongest 
manlier,  that  they  were  aware  tiiey  had  no  violation  of 
the  charter  to  coinpUm  of  Wiien  they  afterwards  be- 
came sensible  thai  the  progress  of  puritan  cstablish- 
inonts  in  New  England  increased  the  ferment  which 


THE  HISTORY  OP 


•  Chalmrrs  n'.tcin|>ti  to  support  ihis  interpretation  liy  ntini: 
from  ttiB  rh.nrter  the  following  rlauiio.— "  Tli.il  the  o.illi  of 
•  upriMiiiry  thnll  he  mlmiMislrred  lo  everyone  who  shall  pas-i 
lo  thu  colony  to  iiiluiliit  there."  Annals,  p.  HI.  Ilr.  Rohert- 
•on  rile..,  rue  «aine  wordii  f<ir  the  name  purpose.  Diit  lliere  |9 
no  •iirh  rl«u»e  iii  the  charter.  Tliero  is  rlmisc,  not  re- 
iliilrinn.  hilt  emp.iwennit.lhe  eovernor,  if  he  think  proper,  to 
•■liiiiiinler  the  calli  of  alleKmnro  »nil  mipreiiiary.  IThal- 
mer»  nmkr»  liinnelf  c«reei|iiii,|y  merry  Willi  Ihe  crithusin.sm 
of  the  piiritatu,  who  ••  i  oiiMdereii  tlie  rliarter  as  sai  reil 
beraii.e  ihev  «iip|./ne.l  it  to  ho  rteiiveil  from  the  proviili  nce  of 
111  av.  ti."  p.  I3tf.  Dr.  Robertson  is  less  i  liniilatile.  lie  sup- 
poars  the  piiriians  to  have  wilfully  nuMnlorproted  the  charter 
Mhicli  hr  liiintelf  im«n<iiic9i;ula. 


their  measures  were  creating  in  the  parent  state,  they 
interposed  to  check  tiie  intercourse  between  the  two 
countries,  but  tacitly  acknowledged  that  the  system 
which  they  followed  so  rigidly  in  England  was  ex- 
cluded by  positive  agreement  from  the  colonial  ter- 
ritory. 

.Soon  after  the  power  of  the  adventurers  lo  establish 
a  colony  had  been  rendered  complete  by  the  royal 
charter,  they  equipped  and  despatched  five  ships  for 
New  England,  containing  three  hundred  and  fifty  emi- 
grants, chiefly  zealous  puritans,  accompanied  by  some 
eminent  non-conformist  ministers.  The  regrets  which 
an  eternal  farewell  lo  their  native  land  was  calculated 
to  inspire,  the  ilislressing  inconvenience  of  a  long  voy- 
aoe  to  persons  unaccustomed  to  the  sea,  and  the  for- 
midable scene  of  toil  and  danger  that  confronted  them 
in  the  barbarous  larid  where  so  many  preceding  adven- 
turers had  found  an  untimely  grave,  seem  to  have 
vanished  entirely  from  the  minds  of  these  men,  sus- 
tained by  the  worth  and  dignity  of  the  purpose  which 
they  had  combined  to  pursue.  Their  hearts  were  knit 
to  each  other  by  community  of  generous  design  ;  and 
they  experienced  none  of  those  jealousies  which  inevi- 
tably spring  up  in  confederacies  for  ends  merely  selfish, 
among  men  unequally  qualified  to  obtain  the  object  ol 
their  association.  Behind  them,  indeed,  was  the  laiKl 
of  their  fathers  ;  but  it  had  long  ceased  to  wear  an  as- 
pect of  parental  kindness  towards  them,  and,  in  for- 
saking it,  they  fled  from  the  prisons  and  scaffolds  to 
which  its  saints  and  patriots  were  daily  consigned. 
Before  them  lav  a  vast  and  dreary  wilderness  ;  but  they 
hoped  to  irradiate  its  gloom  by  kindling  and  preserving 
there  the  sacred  fires  of  religion  and  liberty,  which  so 
many  efforts  were  made  to  extinguish  in  the  shrines  of 
England,  whence  they  carried  their  embers.  They 
cxjiitidently  liopcd  that  the  religious  and  political  senti- 
ments which  had  languished  under  such  protracted 
persecution  in  Europe  would  now,  at  length,  shine  forth 
111  their  full  lustre  m  America.  Establishing  an  asylum 
where  the  professors  of  their  sentiments  might  at  all 
times  find  shelter,  ihey  justly  expected  to  derive  con- 
tinual accessions  to  the  vigor  of  their  own  virtue  from 
the  resolute  character  of  men  who  might  hereafter  be 
prompted  to  forsake  their  native  habitations,  and  be 
willing,  like  them,  to  recognize  their  country  wherever 
they  could  find  the  lineaments  of  truth  and  liberty. 
Ttiey  did  not  poslnoiic  the  practice  of  piety  till  the 
conclusion  of  their  voyage  ;  but,  occupied  continually 
with  the  exercises  of  devotion,  they  caused  the  ocean 
wl'.ich  they  traversed  to  resound  with  unwonted  acclaim 
of  praise  and  thanksgiving  to  its  great  Creator.  The 
seamen,  partaking  their  spirit,  readily  joined  in  all  their 
religious  exercises  and  ordinances,  and  expressed  their 
belief  that  they  had  practised  the  first  sca-fasls  that 
had  ever  been  kept  in  the  world.  After  a  prosperous 
voyage,  the  emigrants  had  the  happiness  of  rc-unitiuji 
themselves  to  their  friends  already  established  at  Salem, 
under  .Mr.  Kndicot,  who  had  boen  appointed  deputy 
governor  of  the  colony. 

To  the  body  of  men  thus  collected  together,  the 
institution  of  a  church  appeared  the  most  inlcresting  of 
all  their  concerns,  and  it  occupied,  accordingly,  their 
earliest  and  most  solemn  rleliberation.  They  had  been 
advised  before  they  quilted  England  to  agree  among 
ihcmsclvcs  on  the  form  of  church  government  which 
was  to  be  established  in  the  colony  ;  but,  neglecting 
this  advice,  they  had  gone  no  farther  than  lo  express 
their  general  concurrence  in  the  principle  that  ihr.  rcfur- 
tnatwn  of  the  church  vas  lo  be  endeavored  according  lo 
lltc  written  irnrd  of  (iod.  They  now  applied  lo  iheir 
brethren  at  Plymouth,  and  desired  to  be  acquainted 
with  the  grounds  of  Ihe  constitution  which  had  there 
been  established  ;  and,  having  heard  these  fully  explain 
ed,  and  devoiod  some  time  to  a  diligent  comparison  of 
the  model  wilh  the  warrants  of  scrijiture  which  were 
cited  in  its  vindication,  and  earnestly  besought  the 
enlightening  aid  of  lliin  who  alone  can  teach  Ins  crea 
tures  how  to  wor.-,hip  him  with  acceptance,  they  declared 
iheir  entite  ap))robaliou  of  the  sister  church,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  copy  her  structure  in  the  estalilishmeut  of 
their  own.  They  united  together  in  religious  society 
by  a  covenant,  in  which,  after  a  solemn  dedication  of 
themselves  to  live  in  the  fear  of  (Jod.  and  to  walk  in 
his  ways,  so  far  as  he  should  be  pleased  to  reve.il  him- 
self to  them,  they  engaged  to  e.ich  other  to  cultivate 
walchfulness  and  tenderness  in  their  mutual  intercourse  : 
lo  avoid  jealousies,  suspicions,  and  secret  risings  of 
spirit  ;  and  m  all  cases  of  ofl'ence  to  bear  and  forbear, 
give  and  forgive,  aficr  the  example  of  their  Divmo 
putt)  rii.  'I'hey  pronii.sed,  in  ihe  congregation,  to  repress 
iheir  forwardness  to  display  their  gifts  ;  and,  m  their 
intercourse,  whether  with  sister  churclios  or  with  the 


mass  of  mankind,  to  study  a  conversation  remote  from 
the  very  appearance  of  evil.  They  engaged,  to  a  duti- 
ful obedience  to  all  who  should  be  set  over  them  in 
church  or  commonwealth,  to  encourage  theru  to  a 
faithful  performance  of  their  duty  ;  aud  ihev  expressed 
their  resolution  lo  approve  themselves  in  iheii  particu- 
lar callings,  the  stewards  and  servants  of  Gril,  shun- 
ning idleness  as  the  bane  of  every  community,  and 
dealing  hardly  or  oppressively  with  none  of  the  huniau 
race.  The  form  of  policy  which  ihev  adopted  was 
that  which  distinguished  the  churches  of  the  independ- 
ents, and  which  I  have  already  had  occasion  to  describe. 
The  form  of  public  worship  which  they  instituted, 
rejected  a  liturgy  and  every  superfluous  ceremony,  and 
was  adapted  lo  the  strictest  standard  of  Calvmislic 
simplicity.  They  elected  a  pastor,  a  teacher,  aud  an 
elder,  whom  they  set  apart  for  their  respective  oliices 
by  imposition  of  the  hands  of  the  brethren.  All  who 
were  that  day  admitted  members  of  the  church  signified 
their  assent  to  a  confession  of  faith  drawn  up  by  their 
teachers,  and  gave  an  account  of  the  foundation  of 
their  own  hopes  as  christians  ;  it  was  declared 
that  no  person  should  thereafter  be  permitted  to  sub- 
scribe the  covenant,  or  be  received  into  communion 
wilh  the  church,  until  he  had  given  satisfaction  to  tho 
elders  wilh  respect  to  the  purity  of  his  faith  and  the 
consistency  of  his  conduct. 

The  constitution  of  which  we  have  now  beheld  au 
abstract,  and  especially  the  covenant  or  social  emraoe- 
ment  so  fraught  with  sentiments  of  genuine  piety  and 
enlarged  benevolence,  has  excited  the  derision  of  some 
writers,  who  refuse  to  consider  the  speculative  liberal- 
ity which  it  indicates  in  any  other  point  of  view  thm 
as  contrasted  with  the  practical  intolerance  which  ti  e 
colonists  soon  after  displayed.    But  however  agreeable 
this  aspect  may  be  to  eyes  that  watch  for  the  frailties 
of  the  good  and  the  weaknesses  of  the  strong,  this  la 
not  the  only  light  in  which  it  will  present  itself  to  hu- 
mane and  liberal  minds.    Philosophy  admits  that  the 
soul  is  enlarged  by  the  mere  purpose  of  excellence ; 
and  religion  has  pronounced  that  even  those  designj 
which  men  are  not  deemed  worthy  lo  perforin,  it  may 
be  well  for  them  to  have  entertained  in  their  minds. 
The  error  of  the  inhabitants  of  Salem  was  the  universal 
error  of  their  age  ;  the  virtues  they  demoristrated  were 
peculiar  to  themselves  and  their  puritan  brethren,  la 
the  ecclesiastical  constitution  which  they  established 
for  themselves,  and  the  sentiments  which  they  id.er- 
wove  with  it,  they  rendered  a  sincere  and  laudable 
homage  to  the  rights  of  conscience  and  the  requir<^ 
inuiits  of  piety  ;  and  ihese  principles,  no  doubt,  exer- 
cised a  highly  beneficial  influence  on  the  practice  which 
unhappily  they  did  not  entirely  control.    The  influence 
of  principles  that  tend  to  the  restraint  of  human  fero- 
city and  intolerance  is  frequently  invisible  to  mortal 
eyes,  because  it  is  productive  chiefly  of  negati-.t;  con- 
se<iiiences  :  and  when  great  provocation  or  aljrm  has 
led  ihe  professors  of  these  principles  to  violate  the  re- 
straints they  impose,  they  will  be  judged  with  little  jus- 
tice, if  charity  neglect  to  supply  the  imperfection  of 
that  knowledge  to  which  we  are  limited  while  we  sco 
but  in  part,  and  to  suggest  the  secret  and  honorable 
forbearance  which  may  have  preceded  the  visible  action 
which  we  condemn  or  dc]ilore.     In  the  very  first  in- 
stance of  intolerant  proceeding  with  which  the  adver- 
saries of  the  puritans  have  reproached  this  American 
colony,  it  appears  lo  me  that  the  influence  of  genuine 
piety  in  mitigating  human  impatience  is  very  strikingly 
apparent.    It  is  a  notable  fact  that,  although  these  eini- 
graiits  were  collected  from  a  body  embracing  such  di- 
versity of  opinion  respecting  church  government  and 
the  rights  of  worship  as  then  prevailed  amoii!;  the  ouri- 
tans  of  England,  and  though  they  had  landed  in  Ame- 
rica without  having  previously  ascertained  how  far  ihey 
were  likely  to  agree  on  this  very  point,  for  the  sake  o* 
which  they  had  incurred  banishment  from  England,  the 
constitution  which  was  copied  from  ihe  church  of  New 
PIvinoulh  gave  satisfaction  lo  almost  every  individual 
among  them.    Two  brothers,  however,  of  the  name  ol 
Browne,  one  a  lawyer,  and  ihe  other  a  merchant,  both 
of  them  men  of  note  and  among  the  number  ol  me 
original  patentees,  dissented  from  this  constitution,  and 
arguing  with  vehement  absurdily  that  all  who  adhered 
lo  it  would  infallibly  become  anaba|>lisls,  endeavored 
lo  obtain  converts  to  their  opinion,  and  to  cstab'ish  a 
separate  congregation  on  a  model  more  approxiiiialed 
lo  the  forms  of  the  church  of  England.     'I  he  delecl- 
iveness  of  their  argument  they  endeavored  to  su^tply 
by  the  vehemence  of  their  clamor  ;  and  they  obtained 
a  favorable  audience  from  a  few  who  rigarded  with 
unfriendly  eye  the  discipline  which  the  colonial  church 
was  disposed  lo  exercise  upon  cfreiidcrs  against  ihn 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


243 


few«  of  morality.  Mr.  Endicott,  the  governor,  called 
Ihcse  men,  toijether  with  the  ministers,  hel'ore  the  peo- 
ple ;  who,  after  liearin^  both  parties,  repealed  their 
Kpproliation  of  the  system  they  had  consented  to  ;  and, 
as  the  two  brotliers  still  persisted  in  their  attempts  to 
create  a  schism  in  the  church,  and  even  endeavored  to 
excite  a  mutmy  against  the  government,  they  were 
judged  unlit  to  remain  in  the  colony,  and  sent  back  by 
the  vessels  in  which  they  had  accoinpuiiied  the  other 
emigrants  in  the  voyage  from  England.*  Their  ab- 
sence restored  unity  of  sentiment  to  the  colonists,  who 
were  proceeding  to  complete  their  settlement  and  ex- 
tend their  occupation  of  the  country,  when  they  were 
interrupted  by  the  approach  of  winter,  and  the  ravages 
of  disease,  wliich  quickly  deprived  them  of  nearly  one 
half  of  their  number,  but  jiroduced  no  other  change  on 
their  minds  than  to  cause  the  sentiments  of  hope  and 
foar  to  converge  more  steadily  to  the  Author  of  their 
existence. 

Notwithstanding  the  sarcastic  comments  which  the 
banishment  of  the  two  individuals  whose  case  I  have 
just  related  has  received  from  some  eminent  writers, 
tlie  justice  of  the  proceeding  cannot  fail,  I  think,  to 
commend  itself  to  tlie  sentiments  of  all  impartial  men  : 
and  I  should  hardly  have  thought  it  necessary  to  notice 
the  charge  of  intolerance  to  which  the  colonists  have 
been  subjected,  if  their  conduct  had  never  given  greater 
"ccasion  to  it.  But  unfortunately  a  great  proportion 
of  the  puritans  at  this  period  were  strongly  infected 
with  the  prevalent  error  of  their  age,t  and  regarded 
the  peaceable  co-existence  of  ditierent  sects  in  the 
oainc  community  as  nearly  impossible — a  notion  which, 
it  must  be  confessed,  the  treatment  they  received  from 
their  adversaries  tended  very  strongly  to  enforce.  If 
it  was  right  that  they  who  had  suffered  from  jiersecu- 
lion,  should  themselves  abstain  from  what  their  own 
experience  had  feelingly  shown  to  be  so  hateful  and 
odious,  It  was  natural  that  Hying  to  deserts  for  the  sake 
of  particular  opinions,  they  should  ex|)cct  to  sse  these 
opinions  flourish  unmolested  and  vndisputcd.  'I'hs 
Bufl'erings  they  had  endured  from  their  adversaries,  they 
regarded  as  one  of  the  legitimate  consequence?  of  the 
pernicious  errors  that  these  adversaries  had  imbibed  ; 
and  they  customarily  regarded  their  oppollent^  as  the 
enemies  of  their  persons  as  well  as  persecutors  of  their 
opinions.  The  activity  of  government  m  support  of 
the  national  opinion,  they  were  far  from  condemning  in 
the  abstract.  They  admitted  the  legitimacy  of  such 
interposition,  and  condemned  it  only  when  it  seemed  to 
theiu  erroneously  directed.  Even  when  oppressed 
themselves,  they  exclaimed  against  indiscriminate  tole- 
ration. They  contradicted  so  far  their  own  principles  ; 
and  maintained  that  human  beings  might  and  ouglit  to 
punish  what  God  alone  could  correct  and  altcr.t  Some 
of  them,  no  doubt,  had  already  anticipated  the  senti- 
ments which  at  a  later  period  came  to  be  generally  cha- 
racteristic of  the  independents,  and  which  induced 
iKein  to  reject  all  connexion  between  church  and  state, 
and  disallow  the  competence  of  the  interposition  of 
human  authority  to  sustain  one  church  or  to  suppress 
another.    Unfortunately  some  of  the  early  votaries  of 

*  Mallier,  B.  i.  cap.  4.  sect  8.  Neal,i.  129.  On  their  return 
to  Enjjiand  tliey  preferred  a  lieavy  complaint  against  tlie 
colonisls  of  oppressive  demeanor  to  tliemselves  and  enmity 
to  tlie  church  of  England.  Tiie  total  disregard  which  their 
coniplaiht  experiei.ced  (Chalmers,  p.  146)  strongly  coiilirms 
the  upiiiioii  1  have  expressed  of  the  uiiden-ii/iiciugulall  parties 
with  regard  to  I  he  real  import  of  tlie  charter. 

+  The  richest  enciowinent  of  reason  could  not  exempt  the 
greatest  of  philosoplieis  from  intolerance;  nor  could  the  ex- 
perience of  per.secutioii  fully  evince  its  mjuslice  "^ventoits 
own  victims.  Lord  Bacon  thought  that  uniformity  in  religiouis 
scnliiTient  and  worship  was  essential  to  the  support  of  gov  eni- 
nieni,aal  that  no  toleration  could  with  safely  be  granted  to 
sectaries.  Bacon,  De  umtale  ecclesia;.  During  the  adminis- 
tration of  Cromwell,  an  eminent  presbyterian  minister,  who 
Had  himself  felt  the  hand  of  persecution,  published  a  treatise 
against  what  he  was  pleased  to  term  "  this  cursed  intolerable 
toleration,"   Orme's  Life  of  Owen. 

Ti>  the  objection  that  persecution  serves  to  make  men 
hypocrites,  an  eminent  nunister  in  New  England  answered 
"Better  tolerate  hypoerites  and  tare.*,  than  briais  and  thorns." 
Another,  in  a  work  published  m  1645,  thus  expresses  himself. 
"  It  IS  said  that  men  ought  to  have  liberty  of  conscience,  and 
thJt  it  is  persecution  to  debar  them  uf  it.  I  can  rather  stand 
amazed  than  reply  to  this.  It  is  an  astonishment  that  the 
brains  of  men  should  be  parboiled  in  suchimpious  ignorance." 
Belknap's  History  of  New  Hampshire,  voi.  i.  cap.  3. 

t  None  have  condemned  them  more  strongly  than  the 
popish  theologians,  who  have  insultingly  urged  that  perse- 
cution, however  congenial  to  the  Roinau  catholic  principle, 
01  subnutting  all  private  judgment  to  the  regulation  of  an  in- 
fallible chnrch,  was  totally  repugnant  to  the  fundamental 
principle  of  protestanism,  which  asserts  the  supremacy  of 
r- vate  judgment  and  individual  opinion.  But  there  is  a  fal- 
liCt  .-.^re  :  for  although  the  particular  dogmas  of  catholic  faith 
ma-  be  derived,  not  immediately  from  pru  ate  judgment,  bul 
from  the  canons  of  the  church,  it  must  be  tothe  pnv.ate  judg- 
ment of  every  catholic  that  this  church  is  indebted  for  the  re- 
Cojjiuliou  of  lis  authority  to  enact  such  canons. 


these  liberal  sentiments  combined  with  them  a  set  of 
political  ofiiiiions  which  it  would  not  be  easy  to  realize 
without  subverting  civil  society.  Of  this,  a  remarka- 
ble instance  will  very  shortly  occur  in  the  progress  of 
our  narrative.  But  very  opposite  sentiments  prevailed 
among  the  bulk  of  the  colonists  of  Massachusetts,  who 
came  to  America  fresh  from  the  influence  of  persecu- 
tion, and  had  not,  like  their  brethren  at  New  Plymouth, 
the  advantage  of  an  intermediate  residence  in  a  land 
where  a  peaceful  co-existence  of  ditferent  sects  was 
demonstrated  to  be  not  only  practicable,  but  eminently 
conducive  to  the  promotion  of  those  excellent  graces 
of  christian  character,  patience,  charity,  and  a  spirit  of 
forbearance.  Much  might  be  urged  and  will  doubtless 
suggest  itself,  in  extenuation  of  this  error,  whicli  long 
remained  a  root  of  bitterness  to  disturb  their  peace 
and  felicity.  But  the  considerations  which  may  be 
allowed  to  mitigate  our  censure  of  the  intolerant  spirit 
which  these  peo|)Ie  displayed,  can  never  be  permitted 
to  transform  it  into  a  virtue.  It  was  sharpened  by  the 
copious  infusions  which  the  colony  received  of  the  feel- 
ings excited  in  England  by  the  increased  severity  of 
persecution,  from  which  the  victims  began  to  fly  in  in- 
creasing numbers  to  America. 

The  British  dominion  in  America  imderwent,  about 
this  period,  some  vicissitudes  which  in  after  years  af- 
fected materially  the  prosperity  both  of  New  England 
and  of  the  other  colonial  establishments  in  the  same 
quarter  of  the  world.  The  war  which  the  king  so  wan- 
tonly declared  against  France  in  1627,  and  which  pro- 
duced only  disgrace  and  disaster  to  the  British  arms  m 
Europe,  was  attended  with  events  of  a  very  ditferent 
complexion  in  America.  Sir  David  Kirk  having  ob- 
tained a  commission  to  attack  the  American  dominions 
of  France,  invaded  Canada  in  the  summer  of  1628  ; 
and  so  successful  was  the  expedition,  that  in  July, 
1629,  Quebec  was  reduced  to  surrender  to  the  arms  of 
England.  Thus  was  the  capital  of  New  France  sub- 
dued by  the  English,  about  one  hundred  and  thirty 
years  before  they  achieved  its  final  conquest  by  the 
sword  of  Wolfe.  This  signal  event  was  unknown  in 
Europe  when  peace  was  re-established  between  France 
and  England  ;  and  Charles,  by  the  subsequent  treaty 
of  St.  Germain,  not  only  restored  this  valuable  acqui- 
sition to  France,  but  expressed  the  cession  he  made  in 
terms  of  such  extensive  application,  as  undeniably  in- 
ferred a  recognition  of  the  French,  and  a  surrender  of 
the  British  claims  to  the  province  of  Nova  Scotia. 
This  arrangement  manifestly  threatened  no  small  pre- 
judice to  the  settlements  of  the  English  ;  and  we  shall 
speedily  find  that  what  it  threatened,  it  did  not  fail  to 
produce. 


CHAPTER  II. 

The  Charter  Government  transferred  from  England  to  Mas- 
sachiisselts — Numerous  Emigration — Foundation  of  Bos- 
ton— Hardships  of  the  New-  Settlers — Disfranchisement  of 
Dissenters  in  the  Colony— Influence  of  the  colonial  clergy — 
John  Cotton  and  his  Colleagues  and  Successors — Williams' 
Schism— he  founds  Providence — Representative  Assembly 
established  in  Massachussetts — Arrival  of  Hugh  Peters — 
and  Henry  Vane,  who  is  elected  Governor — Foundation  of 
Connecticut — and  New  Haven — War  with  the  Pequod 
Indians — Severities  exercised  by  the  victorious  Colonists — 
Disturbances  created  by  Mrs.  Hutchinson — Colonization  of 
Rhode  Island — and  of  New  Hampshire  and  Maine — Jea- 
lousy, and  tluctuating  Condnct  of  the  King — .Measures 
adopted  again.st  the  Liberties  of  Massachussetts — iiuer- 
rupteil  by  the  Civil  Wars— State  of  New  England— Popu- 
lation— Laws — Manners. 

The  directors  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  company 
in  England  meanwhile  exerted  their  utmost  endeavors 
to  reinforce  the  colony  with  a  numerous  body  of  addi- 
tional settlers.  Their  designs  were  promoted  by  the 
rigor  and  intolerance  of  Laud's  administration,  which, 
daily  multiplying  the  hardships  imposed  on  all  who 
scrupled  entire  conformity  to  the  ecclesiastical  ordi- 
nances, proportionably  diminished,  in  their  estimation, 
the  danger  and  hardships  attending  a  retreat  to  Ame- 
rica. Many  jiersons  began  to  treat  with  'ho  company 
for  a  settlement  in  New  England,  and  several  of  these 
were  people  of  distingniiihed  family  and  fortune.  But 
foreseeing  the  misrule  inseparable  from  the  residence 
of  the  legislative  power  in  Britain,  they  demanded,  as 
a  previous  condition  of  their  emigration,  that  the 
charter  and  all  the  powers  of  government  should  be 
transferred  to  New  England,  and  exercised  within  the 
territory  of  the  colony.  The  company,  who  had  incur- 
red a  considerable  ex[)eiise  with  little  prospect  of 
speedy  remuneration,  were  very  well  disposed  to  obtain 
such  important  aid  by  embracing  the  measure  that  was 
proposed  to  thein  :  but  doubting  its  legality,  they 
thought  proper  to  consult  lawyers  of  eminence  on  the 
subject.    Unaccountable  as  il  must  appear  to  every 


person  in  the  s^lightest  degree  conversant  with  legal 
considerations,  they  received  an  opinion  favorable  to 
the  wishes  of  the  emigrants  ;*  and  accordingly  it  was 
determined,  by  general  consent,  "  that  the  charter 
should  be  transferred  and  the  government  be  settled  in 
New  England."  'I'o  the  members  of  tne  corporation 
who  choose  to  remain  at  home,  was  reserved  a  sharo 
in  the  trading,  stock,  and  profits  of  the  company,  fot 
the  term  of  seven  years.  By  this  transaction,  one  ot 
tlic  most  singular  that  is  recorded  in  the  history  of  a 
.civilized  (leople,  the  liberties  of  the  New  England 
communities  were  placed  on  a  sure  and  respectable 
basis.  When  we  consider  the  means  by  which  tins 
was  ciTecled,  we  find  ourselves  encompassed  witS 
doubts  and  difficulties,  of  which  the  only  solution  that 
I  am  able  to  discover  is  the  opinion  I  have  already 
expressed,  that  the  king  was  at  this  time  exceedingly 
desirous  to  rid  the  realm  of  the  puritans,  and  had  une- 
quivocally signified  to  them,  that  if  they  would  bestow 
their  presence  on  another  part  of  his  dominions,  and 
employ  their  energies  in  peopling  the  deserts  of  Ame- 
rica, instead  of  disturbing  his  operations  on  the  church 
of  England,  they  were  free  to  arrange  their  internal 
constitution,  whether  civil  or  ecclesiastical,  according 
to  their  own  discretion.  An  English  corporation, 
appointed  by  its  charter  to  reside  m  ].,ondon,  resolved 
itself,  by  its  own  act,  into  an  American  coqioration, 
and  transferred  its  residence  to  Massachusetts  :  and 
this  was  openly  transacted  by  men  whose  principle* 
rendered  them  peculiarly  obnoxious  to  their  rules,  and 
under  the  eyes  of  a  prince  no  less  vigilant  to  observe, 
than  vigorous  to  repress  every  encroachment  on  the 
limits  of  his  prerogative.  So  far  was  Charles  from 
entertaining  the  slightest  dissatisfaction  at  this  pro- 
ceeding, or  from  desiring,  at  this  period  of  his  reign,  to 
obstruct  the  removal  of  the  puritans  to  New  England, 
that  about  two  years  after  this  change  had  been  carried 
into  effect,  when  a  complaint  of  arbitrary  and  illegal 
proceedings  was  preferred  against  the  colony  by  a 
papist  who  had  been  banished  from  it,  and  who  was 
supported  by  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  the  king,  after  a 
full  hearing  of  the  case  in  the  privy  council,  issued  a 
proclamation  not  only  justifying  but  commending  the 
whole  conduct  of  the  colonial  government,  reprobating 
the  prevalent  reports  that  he  "  had  no  good  opinion  of 
that  plantation,"  and  engaging  not  only  to  maintain  the 
privileges  of  its  inhabitants,  but  to  su|)ply  whatever 
else  might  contribute  to  their  further  comfort  and 
prosperity. t  From  the  terms  of  this  document  (of 
which  no  notice  is  taken  by  the  writers  inimical  to  the 
puritans,)  and  from  the  whole  complexion  of  the  king's 
conduct  towards  the  founders  of  this  settlement,  it 
would  appear  that,  whatever  designs  he  might  secretly 
chf  sh  of  adding  the  subjugation  of  New  England,  at 
a  future  period,  to  that  of  his  British  and  Virginian 
dominions,  his  policy  at  this  time  was  to  persuade  the 
leaders  of  the  puritans,  that  if  they  would  peaceably 
abandon  the  contest  for  their  rights  in  England,  they 
were  at  liberty  to  embody  and  enjoy  them  in  whatever 
institutions  they  might  think  fit  to  establish  in  America. 
.\nd  yet  some  writers,  whom  it  is  impossible  to  tax 
with  ignorance,  as  they  had  access  to  all  the  existing 
materials  of  information,  whom  it  would  justly  be  held 
presumptuous  to  charge  with  defect  of  discernment, 
and  whom  it  may  perhaps  appear  uncharitable  to  re- 
proach with  malignity  towards  the  puritans,  have  not 
scrupled  ro  accuse  the  founders  of  this  colony  of  effect- 
ing their  ends  by  a  policy  not  less  impudent  than 
fraudful,  and  by  acts  of  disobedience  little  short  of 
rebellion.  The  colonists  themselves,  notwithstanding 
all  the  facilities  which  the  king  presented  to  them,  and 

*  There  is  not  the  slightest  reason  for  supposing  that  the 
opinion  was  dishonesl,  or  that  it  proceeded  on  erroneous  in- 
formation.  Even  at  a  subsequent  period,  the  attorney-geno. 
ral,  Sawyer,  gave  it  as  his  oDicial  opinion,  "  that  the  patent 
having  created  the  grantees  and  their  assigns,  a  body  cor- 
porate, they  might  transfer  their  charier,  and  act  in  New 
England.''  Chalmer.i,  p.  1T3.  He  had  not  perused  the 
charter  with  sutficieni  attention.  It  conveyed  the  soil  to  tlie 
corporation  and  its  assigns;  but  conferred  the  powers  of 
government  on  the  corporation  and  its  successors.  His  mis- 
take, however,  may  well  seem  to  acquit  the  patentees  of  in-- 
tentional  deviation  from  the  terms  of  their  grant. 

t  Neal  i,  137,8.  This  proclamation  is  very  artfully  wordedj 
and  contains  indications  of  deeper  designs,  which  were  kept 
in  reserve  till  the  present  policy  had  produced  the  etfect  that 
was  expected  from  it.  The  ample  inquiry  that  preceded  the 
procl.^mation,  must  have  induced  the  puritans  to  believe,  that 
the  whole  proceedings  of  the  rolonisls  had  received  the  royal 
approbation  ;  and  yet  the  pledge  of  protection  and  security  is 
dexterously  qualified  with  the  condition  of  Us  appealing  16  the 
satisfaction  of  the  king  that  the  charter  had  been  in  all  things 
elTectuated  according  to  its  true  meaning — an  indication  that 
a  day  might  come  when  it  would  he  more  convenient  for  him 
to  seek  for  a  cause  of  quarrel  w  ith  the  colony.  Ha.!  he  sitf. 
ccoded  in  extinguishing  liberty  in  England,  the  frcuduiii  o( 
Massachusetts  would  not  long  have  survived  n. 


244 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


the  iin«  5.^lr(^  libtTality  and  consideration  with  which  he 
»howi  d  liiiiisi-lf  to  grace  their  departure,  were 

»o  lullv  aware  of  his  rooted  enmity  to  their  principles, 
and  so  hlile  alilc  to  reconcile  his  present  conduct  with 
his  favorite  policy,  that  they  openly  declared  they  had 
hecn  led  by  I'roiideiice  to  a  land  of  rest,  through  ways 
that  were  'uiiiiilelli;.'ible  to  themselves,  and  that  they 
could  Bjcribc  the  lilcsHin<;s  they  obtained  to  nothing 
else  hilt  the  jpccial  interposition  of  that  Being  who 
orders  all  the  steps  of  his  people,  and  holds  the  hearts 
of  princes  ahd  of  all  men  in  his  hands.  It  is  indeed  a. 
strange  coincidc.rcc,  that  this  arbitrary  prince,  a',  the 
very  time  when  he  was  exercising  the  sternest  despo- 
tism over  the  royalists  in  Virginia,  should  have  been 
cherishing  the  princij)lcs  of  liberty  among  the  puritans 
in  New  England. 

Having  eti'ected  this  important  revolution  in  their 
system  of  government,  the  adventurers  proceeded  to 
make  the  most  vigorous  exertions  to  realize  the  designs 
they  had  undertaken.  In  a  general  cour ,  Jolui  Win- 
throp  was  appointed  governor,  and  Thomas  Dudley, 
deputy-governor,  and  eighteen  assistants  were  chosen  ; 
in  wiiom,  together  with  the  body  of  freemen  who  should 
BPltle  in  New  England,  were  vested  all  the  corporate 
rights  of  the  company.  AViih  such  zeal  and  activity 
did  they  prepare  for  emigration,  that,  in  the  course  of 
the  ensuing  year,  above  fifteen  hundred  settlers,  among 
whoi7i  were  several  wealthy  and  high-born  persons,  both 
men  and  women,  who  chose  to  follow  truth  into  a  de- 
sert, rather  than  to  enjoy  all  the  pleasures  of  the  world 
under  the  dominion  of  error,  set  sail  aboard  a  fleet  of 
seventeen  ships  for  New  England.  On  their  arrival  at 
Salem  [1630]  many  of  them  were  so  ill  satislied  with 
its  situation,  that  they  ex[ilored  the  country  m  quest  of 
better  stations  ;  and  settling  in  different  places  around 
the  bay,  according  to  their  various  predilections,  laid  the 
foundation  of  Boston,  (."harlestown,  Dorchester,  Rox- 
bury,  and  other  societies  which  have  since  expanded 
into  considerable  towns.  In  each  of  these  a  church 
was  established  on  the  same  model  with  that  of  Salem. 
This,  together  with  the  care  of  making  provision  for 
their  subsistence  during  winter,  occupied  them  entirely 
for  several  months.  The  approach  of  winter  was  at- 
tended with  a  repetition  of  those  trials  and  distresses 
through  the  ordeal  of  which  every  body  of  settlers  in 
N'-w  England  was  long  fated  to  pass.  Afflicted  with 
severe  scarcity,  which  all  the  generous  contributions  of 
the  other  settlements  in  the  province  were  able  but 
feebly  to  mitigate,  attacked  with  various  distempers,  the 
consequence  of  hunger,  cold,  and  the  peculiarities  of  a 
KOil  and  climate  uncongenial  to  constitutions  formed  in 
Europe,  and  lodged  for  the  most  part  in  booths  and 
tents  that  afforded  but  imperfect  protection  from  the 
weather,  great  numbers  of  them  were  carried  to  the 
grave.  But  the  noble  determination  of  spirit  which 
had  impelled  them  to  emigrate,  preserved  all  its  force  ; 
the  survivors  endured  their  calamities  with  unshaken 
fortitude  ;  and  the  dying  e.vprcsscd  a  grateful  exulta- 
tion at  having  at  least  beheld  with  their  eyes  the  ga- 
thering of  a  church  of  Christ  in  these  desolate  ends  of 
the  earth.  The  continuance  of  the  pestilence  enforced 
their  devout  supplications  ;  and  its  cessation,  which 
they  recognised  as  the  answer  to  their  prayers,  excited 
their  devotional  gratitude.  This  calamity  wa.s  hardly 
removed  when  they  were  alarmed  by  the  tidings  of  a 
universal  conspiracy  of  the  neighboring  Indians  for 
their  destruction.  The  colonists,  instead  of  relying  on 
their  patent,  had,  on  their  lirst  arrival,  fairly  purchased 
from  the  Indians  all  the  tracts  of  land  which  they  after- 
wards possessed  ;  and  in  the  hour  of  their  peril,  both 
they  and  the  faithless  vendors  who  menaced  them, 
.eaped  the  fruit  of  their  concurrence  or  collision  with 
<tie  designs  of  Eternal  Justice.  The  hostility  of  these 
savages  was  interru()ted  by  a  pestilential  disorder  that 
broke  out  among  themselves,  and  with  rapid  desolation 
swept  whole  tribes  of  them  away.  This  disorder  was 
the  Hinall-fiox,  which  has  always  proved  a  much  more 
formidable  malady  to  Indian  than  io  European  constitu- 
tions. In  spile  of  the  most  charitable  exertions  on  the 
part  of  the  colonists  to  arrest  the  progress  of  the  dis- 
temper by  their  superior  medical  skill,  nine-tenths  of 
the  neighboring  savages  were  cut  otf,  and  many  of  the 
survivors  flying  fiom  the  infection,  removed  their  ha- 
bitntioim  to  more  distant  regions. 

1631  )  When  the  restoration  of  plenty,  by  the  arrival 
of  supplies  from  England,  and  the  abatement  of  the  sc- 
■verity  of  wintf  r,  permuted  the  colonists  to  resume  their 
■saemlihes  for  tbe  transaction  of  public  business,  their 
very  firxt  proceedings  dt  ninnstrated  that  a  groat  ma- 
pirily  of  them  were  coiisider.ibly  IcaTcned  with  a  ipiril 


of  liitoleratice,  and  were  .lotermined  m  their  i.rac  ical  f""'"         <^'"«-  '••^'"'S'  '"l''"  '"'"'"e  P"riice  oi  s 
,       .  1  r         ■  |"»>^">-'"   tobacco  wa«  instantly,  by  an  ail  ol  luvcniniviil, 

•ilnimi»"»non  to  cicropbfy  a  thorough  intcrinixture,]  uucru." 


and  mutual  dependence  of  church  and  slate.  A  la 
was  passed,  enacting  that  none  should  hereafter  be 
admitted  frccincn,  or  be  entitled  to  any  share  in  the 
government,  or  be  capable  of  being  chosen  magistrates 
or  even  of  serving  as  jurymen,  but  such  as  had  been  or 
should  hereafter  be  received  into  the  church  as  mem- 
bers. This  law  at  once  divested  every  person  who  did 
not  hold  the  prevailing  opinions,  not  only  on  the  great 
points  of  doctrine,  but  with  respect  to  the  discipline  of 
the  church  and  the  ceremonies  of  worship,  of  all  the 
privileges  of  a  citizen.  An  uncontrolled  power  of  ap- 
[iroving  or  rejecting  the  claims  of  those  who  applied 
for  admission  into  co.'iimiinion  with  the  church,  being 
vested  in  the  ministers  and  leading  men  of  each  con- 
gregation, the  most  valuable  civil  rights  were  made  to 
depend  on  their  decision  with  respect  to  qualifications 
purely  ecclesiastical.  Even  at  a  later  period,  when  the 
colonists  were  compelled,  by  the  remonstrances  of 
(^'harles  the  Second,  to  make  some  alteration  of  this 
law,  they  altered  it  only  in  appearance,  and  enacted 
that  every  candidate  for  the  privilege  of  a  freeman, 
should  produce  a  certificate  from  some  minister  of  the 
established  church,  that  they  were  persons  of  orthodox 
principles,  and  of  honest  life  and  conversation — a  cer- 
tificate which  they  who  did  not  belong  to  the  established 
church  neces.?arily  solicited  with  great  disadvantage. 
The  consequence  of  such  laws  was  to  elevate  the 
clergy  to  a  very  high  degree  of  influence  and  authority;* 
and,  happily  for  the  coloiiv,  she  was  long  blessed  with 
a  succession  of  ministers  whose  admirable  virtues  were 
calculated  to  counteract  the  mischief  of  this  inordinate 
inllucnce,  and  even  to  convert  it  into  an  instrument  of 
good.  Though  dissenters  from  the  colonial  church 
were  thus  deprived  of  political  privileges,  it  docs  not 
appear  that  they  were  subjected  to  any  otiier  inconve- 
nience, except  where  their  tenets  were  considered  as 
blasphemous,  or  when  they  endeavored  bv  the  propaga- 
tion of  them  to  detach  others  from  the  established 
church,  or  by  the  practical  realization  of  them  to  dis- 
turb the  public  peace.  The  exclusion  from  political 
privileges  to  which  they  were  subjected,  seems  not  at 
first  to  have  given  them  any  annoyance  ;  but  to  have 
been  felt  to  be  the  necessary  consequence  of  that  in- 
tertcxture  of  church  and  commonwealth  in  which  the 
main  end  of  political  institutions  was  the  preservation  of 
the  church  estate,  and  the  chief  value  of  political  pri- 
vileges considered  to  arise  from  their  subservience  to 
this  end.  Various  persons  resided  in  peace  within  the 
colony,  though  excluded  from  political  franchises  :  and 
one  episcopal  minister  is  particularly  noted  for  having 
said,  when  he  signified  his  refusal  to  join  any  of  the 
colonial  congregations,  that  as  he  had  left  England  be- 
cause he  did  not  like  the  lord  bishops,  so  they  might 
rest  assured  he  had  not  come  to  America  to  live  under 
the  lord  brethren. 

1C32  ]  The  diminution  of  their  original  numbers,  which 
the  colonists  had  sutFered  from  hardship  and  disease,  was 
soon  much  more  than  compensated  by  the  aiiqile  re- 
inforcements w  hich  they  continually  received  from  their 
persecuted  brethrenin  England.  [1633]  Among  the  new 
settlers  who  arrived  not  long  after  the  transference  of 
the  seat  of  government  to  Massachusetts,  were  some 
eminent  puritan  ministers,  of  whom  the  most  remarka- 
ble were  Elliot  and  Mayhew,  the  first  protestant  mis- 
sionaries to  the  Indians,  and  John  Cotton,  a  man  whose 
Singular  worth  procured,  and  long  preserved,  to  him  a 
patriarchal  repute  and  authority  111  the  colony.  After 
iniiiistcriiig  for  twenty  years  in  England  to  a  congrega- 
tion by  whom  he  was  highlv  respected  and  beloved,  Mr. 
(Jotton  had  been  summoned  before  the  Court  of  High 
Commission  on  a  charge  of  neglecting  to  kneel  at  the 
sacrament.  Lord  Dorset  and  other  persons  of  distinc- 
tion by  whom  he  was  known  and  valued,  employed  the 
strongest  intercession  in  his  behalf  with  Laud  :  but 
their  exertions  proving  unavailing,  Dorset  sent  to  in- 
form him,  "  that  if  it  had  been  only  drunkenness  or 
adultery  he  had  committed,  he  might  have  found  favor, 
but  the  sin  of  puritainsm  was  un|>ardoiiable."  Mr. 
t.'otton.  in  consequence,  retired  to  New  England,  and 
found  there  a  scene  peculiarly  calculated  to  develope 
and  give  cMicacy  to  Iws  piety  and  virtue.  To  an  earnest 
concern  for  religion  he  united  a  deep  and  ever  prevnil- 

*  Many  t^^tancos  of  tlioir  infliirnco  in  matters  of  iinpiirl- 
nncR  Mill  occur  m  the  furtlier  progress  of  our  iiiirratixc.  An 
in.ttnnct.'  ot  tlu'ir  control  o\'er  public  opinion  on  apoiiil  »liu'l), 
ln'iMK  quiie  bcvond  tlio  pro\  ince  of  reason,  \n  an  the  iiioru  lii,cly 
to  intl'^e^'l  the  most  ohstiimie  and  unassailable  prejudices,  is 
iiieiilioiird  by  Ilulcliiiison,  p.  M'i.  Tobacco  wns  ni  liriit  pro- 
lubiled  under  a  penally  ;  and  in  sonic  writings  tliat  were  po- 
pular in  t)io  coliMi\',  th(^  smoke  of  it  is,  vMthniost  audacious 
absurdity,  contpnred  to  llit>  fumes  ot  tbe  bottoiuless  pit.  Ilut 

iiiokiU'.;. 
SCI  at 


ing  sense  of  it ;  and  continually  marching  in  front  oi 
his  doctrine,  he  enforced  its  acceptance  by  the  weight 
of  his  character  and  the  animating  influence  of  his  ex- 
ample. The  kindness  of  his  disposition,  and  the  cour- 
teous benevolence  of  his  manners,  enabled  him,  in  all 
his  intercourse  with  others,  to  diffuse  the  influence  o( 
his  piety  no  less  sensibly  than  agreeably  through  the 
veins  of  his  conversation.  The  loftiness  of  the  standird 
which  he  had  continually  in  his  view,  and  the  as.^iini- 
lating  influence  of  that  strong  admiration  which  he  cn- 
tertained  for  it,  communicated  to  his  character  an  elew 
tion  that  commanded  respect ;  while  the  continual 
sense  of  his  dependence  on  divine  aid,  and  of  his  short- 
coming to  his  great  pattern,  graced  his  manners  with  a 
humility  that  attracted  love,  and  disarmed  the  coiiicn- 
tious  opposition  of  petulenco  and  envy.  It  is  recorded 
of  him,  that  having  been  once  followed  from  the  church 
where  he  had  been  preaching  to  his  house,  bv  an  igno- 
rant disputatious  mer hanic,  who  told  him  with  a  frown 
that  his  ministry  had  become  dark  and  flat,  he  replied, 
"  Both,  brother,  it  may  be  both  ;  let  mc  hare  your  prayers 
that  H  may  be  othennse."  On  another  occasion,  beuig 
accosted  in  the  street  by  a  pragmatical  coxcomb,  who 
insolently  told  him  that  be  was  an  old  fool,  .Mr.  Cotton, 
with  a  mildness  that  showed  he  forgave  his  rudeness, 
and  a  solemnity  that  evinced  he  was  very  far  from  dis- 
regarding the  opinion  of  his  brethren,  answered,  "  I  con- 
fess I  am  so ;  the  Lord  make  thee  and  mc  iriser  than 
ire  are,  crcn  jmc  unto  salvation."  'ITie  character  of 
this  excellent  clergyman,  and  of  many  of  his  cotein- 
poraries  in  the  colonial  ministry,  seems  to  have  been 
formed  by  Providence  for  the  express  purpose  of  coun- 
teracting, by  strong  individual  influence,  the  violeii', 
divisive,  ainl  contentious  spirit  that  long  continued  to 
ferment  among  a  community  of  men  whom  persecution 
had  rendered  rigid  and  itiHexiblo  in  following  out  their 
opinions,  whose  sentiments  had  not  been  harmonized 
by  previous  habits  of  union,  who  were  daily  receiving 
into  their  body  a  fresh  infusion  of  dissimilar  characters 
and  exasperated  feeling,  and  among  whom  each  natu- 
rally considered  the  opinions  for  which  he  had  individu- 
ally sutiered,  as  the  most  important  features  in  the 
common  cause.  When  we  recollect  the  presence  of 
such  elements  of  discord,  and  the  severe  and  lengthened 
operation  that  had  been  given  to  that  influence  which 
tends  to  drive  even  the  wise  to  frenzy,  we  shall  be  less 
di.-posed  to  marvel  at  the  vehement  heats  and  acrimo- 
nious contentions  that  in  some  instances  broke  forth  t» 
disturb  the  peace  of  the  colony,  tnan  that  in  the  midst 
of  such  threatening  svmptoins  so  much  coherence  ami 
stability  was  preserved,  and  so  much  virtue,  happiness, 
and  prosperity  attained.  Among  the  instruinents  which 
the  Divine  Being  adapted  and  employed  to  compose 
the  frenzy  and  moderate  the  fervor  of  bis  people,  were 
this  eminent  individual  John  Cotton,  Thomas  Hooker, 

man  very  little  inferior  to  him  in  worth,  and,  at  a 
later  period.  Dr.  Increase  .Mather,  who  succeeded  to 
the  estimation  which  Mr.  ("ollon  had  enjoyed,  and 
whose  family  supplied  no  less  than  ten  of  the  most 
popular  minister.-*  of  their  aoe  to  the  church  of  Massa- 
chusetts, and  |)roduced  the  celebrated  author  of  'he 
ecclesiastical  history  of  New  England.  Had  the  colo- 
liial  ministry  been  composed  entirely  of  such  or  such- 
like men,  the  agitated  mmds  of  the  inhabitants  migbt 
have  much  sooner  attained  a  settled  composure  ;  t>iit, 
unfortunately,  the  wild  and  impetuous  spirit  that  waa 
working  in  many  of  them  did  not  long  wait  for  leaders 
to  excite  and  develope  its  powers. 

The  first  religious  dissension  that  arose  in  the  colony 
was  promoted  by  Roger  Williams,  [1634.]  who  had 
come  over  to  New  England  in  1630,  and  preached  for 
some  years  to  the  inhabitants  of  New  I'lvinouth  ;  but, 
not  finding  there  an  audience  suitable  to  his  purposes, 
he  had  solicited  his  dismission,  and  had  recently  been 
appointed  minister  of  Salem.  Tins  man  was  a  rigid 
Brownist,  precise,  illiberal,  unforbearing,  and  passion- 
ate :  he  began  to  vent  from  the  pulpit  which  he  had 
gained  by  his  substantial  piety  and  fervid  zeal,  a  singu- 
ar  medly  of  notions  ;  some  wildly  speculative,  some 
boldly  opposed  to  the  constitutions  of  civil  society,  and 
some  which,  if  unexceptionable  m  theory,  were  highly 
unsuitable  to  the  place  Irom  which  they  were  delivered, 
ind  the  exercises  and  scnlimen's  with  which  be  en- 
deavored to  associate  them.  He  maintained  that  it 
was  not  lawful  for  an  niiregencrate  man  to  pray,  not 
for  christians  to  join  in  family  prayer  with  those  whoic 
they  judged  unregeneratc  ;  thit  it  was  not  lawful  tc 
take  an  oath  to  the  civil  magistrate,  not  even  the  oa': 
of  allegiance,  which  he  had  declined  him>ell  to  taki'. 
and  advised  his  congregation  equally  to  rehise  ;  tnat 
King  Charles  had  no  right  to  usurp  the  power  of  di^ 
posing  of  the  territory  of  the  Indians,  and  hence  tbe 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


B43 


colonial  patent  was  utterly  invalid  ;  that  the  magistrate 
had  no  right  to  restrain  or  direct  the  consciences  of 
men  ;  and  that  any  thing  short  of  unlimited  toleration 
lor  all  religions  was  detestable  persecution.  These 
liberal  jirinciples  of  toleration  he  combined  with  a  spirit 
BO  rigid  and  separating,  that  he  not  only  refused  all 
communion  with  any  who  did  not  |)rofess  every  one  of 
the  forcoing  opinions,  but  lorbade  the  members  of  the 
church  at  Salein  to  communicate  with  any  of  the  other 
churches  in  the  colony  ;  and,  when  they  refused  to  obey 
this  prohibition,  he  withdrew  from  them,  and  set  up  a 
separate  meeting  in  his  own  house.  Here  he  was  at- 
tended by  a  select  assembly  of  zealous  admirers,  com- 
posed of  men,  in  whose  minds  an  impetuous  temper, 
inflamed  by  persecution,  had  greatly  impaired  the  sense 
of  moral  perspective  ;  who  entertained  disproportioned 
ideas  of  those  branches  of  the  trunk  of  godliness,  for 
the  sake  of  which  they  had  endured  such  mighty  suffer- 
ings, and  had  seen  worth  and  piety  so  foully  wronged  ; 
and  who  abhorred  every  symbol,  badge,  and  practice, 
that  was  associated  with  the  remembrance,  and  spotted, 
as  they  conceived,  with  the  iniquity  of  their  idolatrous 
oppressors.  One  of  his  followers,  Mr.  Endicot,  a 
magistrate  of  the  place,  and  formerly  deputy-governor 
of  the  colony,  in  a  transport  of  zeal  against  supersti- 
tion, cut  the  red  cross  out  of  the  king's  colors  ;  and 
many  of  the  trained  hands,  who  had  hitherto  followed 
these  colors  without  objection,  caught  the  contagion  ot 
Endicot's  zeal,  and  protested  that  they  would  follow 
them  no  longer,  if  the  cross  were  permitted  to  remain. 
The  riotous  and  violent  conduct  of  Eiidicot  was  uni- 
versally disapproved,  and  the  colonial  authorities  pun- 
ished his  misdemeanor  by  reprimand  and  disability  of 
holding  office  for  one  year;  but  they  were  obliged  to 
compromise  the  dispute  with  the  protesters  among  the 
trained  bands,  and  comply,  to  a  certain  extent,  with 
Iheir  remonstrances.  They  were  preparing  to  call 
Williams  to  a  judicial  reckoning,  when  Mr.  Cotton  and 
other  ministers  interj)osed  and  desired  to  be  allowed  to 
reason  with  him,  alleging  that  his  violence  w£s  prompt- 
ed rather  by  a  misguided  conscience,  than  seditious 
principles  ;  and  that  there  was  hope  they  might  gain, 
instead  of  losing,  their  brother.  You  are  deceived  in 
tlial  man,  if  you  think  he  will  condescend  to  learn  of 
any  of  you,  was  the  prediction  of  the  governor,  and  the 
result  of  the  conference  proving  the  justice  of  it,* 
sentence  of  banishment  from  the  colony  was  forthwith 
pronounced  upon  Williams.  This  sentence  excited  a 
great  uproar  in  Salem,  and  was  so  successfully  de- 
nounced as  persecution  by  the  adherents  of  Williams, 
that  the  bulk  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  place  were  pre- 
paring to  follow  him  into  exile  ;  when  an  earnest  and 
pious  ailinonition,  transmitted  to  them  by  Mr.  Cotton 
and  the  other  ministers  of  Boston,  induced  them  to  re- 
linquish their  purpose,  to  acknowledge  the  justice  of 
the  proceeding,  and  abandon  Williams  to  his  fortunes. 
He  was  not,  however,  abandoned  by  his  more  select 
adherents,  whose  esteem  and  ati'ection  he  had  gained 
to  such  a  degree,  that  they  resolved  to  incur  every 
hazard,  in  order  to  live  and  die  with  him.  Accompany- 
ing hiin  in  his  exile,  they  directed  their  march  towards 
the  south,  and  settling  at  a  place  beyond  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  Massachusetts,  they  bought  a  considerable  tract 
of  land  from  the  Indians,  and  bestow  ed  on  their  settle- 
ment the  name  of  Providence.  Had  this  man  encoun- 
tered the  treatment  to  which  the  publication  of  his 
peculiar  opinions  would  have  exposed  him  in  England, 
he  would  probably  have  been  driven  to  madness :  the 
wiser  and  kinder  treatment  he  experienced  from  the 
Massachusetts  authorities  was  productive  of  happier 
effects ;  and  Mr.  Cotton  and  his  associates  were  not 
deceived,  in  supposing  that  they  would  gain  their 
brother.  They  gained  him  in  a  manner,  indeed,  less 
flattering  to  themselves  than  a  triumphant  issue  of  the 
conference  would  have  been,  but  much  more  beneficial 
to  the  interests  of  America.  He  concurred,  as  wc 
shall  see,  at  a  later  period,  in  founding  the  state  of 
Rhode  Island,  and  was  one  of  its  most  eminent  bene- 
factors. He  lived  to  an  advanced  age  ;  and  soon 
throwing  off  the  wild  and  separating  spirit  with  which 
his  sentiments  had  been  leavened,  he  regained  the 
friendship  and  esteem  of  his  ancient  fellow  colonists, 

*  Though  he  vs'ould  not  retract  his  dogmas,  it  seems  that 
•ome  of  tlie  arguments  that  were  employed  witli  tiim  sank 
Intohis  mind,  and  at  least  reduced  him  to  silence.  Mr.  Hnokcr, 
«>ne  of  tilt  ministers  who  was  sent  to  deal  with  him,  urt'ed, 
among  other  rensonings, — "  If  it  be  unlawful  for  an  unrege- 
nerate  person  to  pray,  it  is  unlawful  for  your  unresjenerate 
ciiild  to  a.sk  a  blessing  on  liis  meat ;  and  if  so,  it  is  unlaw  ful  for 
hini  to  eat,  since  food  is  sanctified  by  prayer,  and  w  ithout 
P'ai'er  Mnsanctified  (1  Tim.  iv.  4,  5);  and  it  must  be  equally 
nr.lawful  for  you  to  invite  him  to  eat,  since  you  ought  not  to 
tempt  him  to  sio."  To  this  he  declined  making  any  answer. 
OoUon  Milhkr. 


and  preserved  a  friendly  correspondence  with  Mr.  Cot- 
ton and  others  of  them  till  his  death.  The  principles 
of  toleration,  which  he  had  formerly  discredited,  by  the 
rigidness  with  which  he  disallowed  the  slightest  differ- 
ence of  opinions  between  the  members  of  his  own  com- 
munion, he  now  enforced  by  exercising  that  forbear- 
ance bv  which  the  differences  that  distinguish  chris- 
tians are  prevented  from  dividing  them,  and  by  culti- 
vating that  charity,  by  which  even  the  sense  of  these 
differences  is  often  melted  down.  The  great  funda- 
mental principles  of  Christianity  daily  acquiring  a  more 
exclusive  and  absorbing  influence  over  his  mind,  he 
began  to  labor  for  the  conversion  of  the  Indians  ;  and, 
in  addition  to  the  benefits  of  which  his  ministry  among 
them  was  productive  to  themselves,  he  acquired  over 
them  an  influence  which  he  rendered  highly  advanta- 
geous to  his  old  associates  in  Massachusetts,  whom  he 
was  enabled  frequently  to  warn  of  conspiracies  formed 
against  them  by  the  savages  in  their  vicinity,  and  com- 
mnnicated  to  him  by  the  tribes  with  whom  he  main- 
tained relations  of  friendship.  The  vehemence  that 
Endicot  had  displayed,  was  not  less  mellowed  by  time 
and  the  ascendancy  of  sound  wisdom  and  piety.  He 
remained  in  Massachusetts,  and,  at  a  later  period,  held 
for  many  years  the  chief  office  in  its  government  with 
great  advantage  and  general  respect. 

The  colony  of  Massachusetts  had  continued  mean- 
while to  attain  stability  and  prosperity,  and  to  extend 
its  settlements  ;  and  this  year  an  important  and  bene- 
ficial change  took  place  m  its  internal  constitution. 
The  mortality  that  had  prevailed  among  the  Indians, 
had  vacated  a  great  many  of  the  stations  which  their 
tribes  had  occupied,  and  as  many  of  these  were  well 
chosen,  the  colonists  took  possession  of  them  with  an 
eagerness  that  dispersed  their  settlements  widely  over 
the  province.  This  necessarily  led  to  the  introduction 
of  representative  government,  and,  accordingly,  at  the 
period  of  assembling  the  general  court,  the  freemen, 
instead  of  attending  it  in  person,  according  to  the 
prescription  of  the  charter,  elected  representatives  in 
their  several  districts,  whom  they  authorised  to  appear 
in  their  name  and  act  in  their  behalf.  The  representa- 
tives were  admitted,  and  henceforward  considered 
themselves,  in  conjunction  with  the  governor  and 
assistants,  as  the  supreme  legislative  assembly  of  the 
colony.  The  abstract  wisdom  of  this  innovation  could 
not  admit  of  doubt,  and,  in  defence  of  their  riglu  to 
effect  it,  it  was  forcibly  urged  thai  the  colonists  were 
only  making  a  new  way  to  the  enjoyment  of  a  right 
already  extended  to  them,  and  preventing  their  assem- 
blies from  becoming  eithsr  too  numerous  to  transact 
business,  or  too  thin  and  partial  to  represent  the  inter- 
ests which  they  were  intended  to  administer,  and  sup- 
posed to  embrace.  The  number  of  freemen  had  greatly 
increased  since  the  charter  was  granted  ;  many  resided 
at  a  distance  from  the  places  where  the  supreme  courts 
were  held  ;  personal  attendance  had  become  inconve- 
nient ;  and,  in  such  circumstances,  it  will  not  be  easy 
to  blame  them  for  making  with  their  own  hands  the 
improvement  that  was  necessary  to  preserve  their 
existing  rights,  instead  of  applying  to  the  government 
of  England,  which  was  steadily  pursuing  the  plan  of 
subverting  the  organs  of  liberty  in  the  mother  country, 
and  had  already  begun  to  exhibit  an  altered  counte- 
nance towards  the  colony.*  In  consequence  of  this 
important  measure  the  colony  advanced  beyond  the 
state  of  a  corporation,  and  acquired  by  its  own  act  the 
condition  of  a  society  which  was  endowed  with  political 
liberty,  and  which  had  framed  for  itself  a  government 
derived  from  the  model  of  the  English  constitution. 
The  representatives  having  established  themselves  in 
their  office,  proceeded  to  assert  the  rights  which  ne- 
cessarily attached  to  it,  by  enacting  that  no  law  should 
be  passed,  no  tax  imposed,  and  no  public  officer 
appointed  but  by  the  general  assembly. 

The  increasing  violence  and  injustice  of  the  royal 
government  in  England  meanwhile  co-operated  so 
powerfully  with  the  tidings  that  were  circulated  of  the 
nrosperity  of  Massachusetts  ;  and  the  simple  frame  of 
ecclesiastical  policy  that  had  been  established  in  the 
colony  presented  a  prospect  so  desirable,  and  rendered 
the  gorgeous  hierarchy  and  recent  superstitious  inno- 
vations in  the  ceremonies  of  the  English  church  so 
additionally  odious,  that  the  flow  of  emigration  seemed 


*  In  the  preceding  year  the  privy  council,  alarmed  by  the 
strong  sensation  which  was  excited  in  England  by  tiie  intelli- 
gence of  the  happiness  enjoyed  bv  the  puritans  under  their 
ecclesiastical  establishments  in  Massachusetts,  issued  an 
order  to  stay  certain  vessels  which  were  about  to  proceed 
thither  with  enuirants,— Chalmers,  p.  155— (jrobably  w  ith  the 
view  of  suppressing  the  agitations  and  discussions  which  the 
projects  of  emigration  engendered.  The  order  was  not  car- 
ried into  elfect. 


rather  to  enlarge  than  subside,  and  crowds  of  new  sot- 
tiers  continued  to  flock  to  New  England  J 16351  Aniong 
the  passengers,  in  a  fleet  of  twenty  vessels  that  arrived 
in  the  following  year,  were  two  persons  w  ho  afterward* 
made  a  distinguished  figure  on  a  more  conspicuous 
theatre.  One  of  these  was  Hugh  Peters,  the  celebrated 
chaplain  and  counsellor  of  Oliver  Cromwell,  and  the 
other  was  Vane,  whose  father,  .Sir  Henry  Vane  the 
elder,  was  a  privy  councillor,  and  high  in  office  and 
credit  with  the  king.  Peters  became  minister  of 
Salem,  and,  possessing  a  mind  unusually  active  and 
enterprising,  he  not  only  discharged  his  sacred  functions 
with  zeal  ar.d  advantage,  but  roused  the  planters  to 
new  courses  of  useful  industry,  and  encouraged  them 
by  his  own  successful  example.  His  labors  were 
blessed  with  a  produce  not  less  honorable  than  endur- 
ing. The  spirit  which  he  excited  has  continued  to 
prevail  with  unabated  vigor;  and  nearly  two  centuries 
after  his  death,  the  piety,  good  morals,  and  industry  by 
which  Salem  has  ever  been  distinguished,  have  been 
traced  to  the  effects  of  Peters's  ministry.  He  remained 
in  Xew  England  till  the  year  1641,  when,  at  the  re- 
quest of  the  colonists,  he  went  to  transact  some  busi- 
ness for  them  in  the  mother  country,  from  which  ho 
was  fated  never  to  return.*  Vane,  afterwards  Sir 
Henry  Vane  the  younger,  had  been  for  some  time 
restrained  from  indulging  his  wish  to  proceed  to  New 
England  by  the  prohibition  of  his  father,  who  was  at 
length  induced  to  wave  his  objections  by  the  interfer- 
ence of  the  king.  A  young  man  of  noble  family,  ani- 
mated with  such  ardent  devotion  to  the  cause  of  pure 
religion  and  liberty,  that,  relinquishing  all  his  hopes  in 
England,  he  chose  to  settle  in  an  infant  colony  which 
as  yet  afforded  little  more  than  a  bare  subsistence  to 
its  inhabitants,  was  received  in  New  England  with  the 
fondest  regard  and  admiration.  He  was  then  little 
more  than  twenty-four  years  of  age.  His  youth, 
which  seemed  to  magnify  the  sacrifice  he  had  made, 
increased  no  less  the  impression  which  his  manners  and 
appearance  were  calculated  to  produce.  The  awful 
composure  of  his  aspect  and  demeanor  stamped  a  serious 
grace  and  grandeur  on  the  bloom  of  manhood  ;  his 
countenance  appeared  the  surface  of  a  character  not 
less  resolute  than  profound,  and  whose  energy  was  not 
extinguished,  but  concentrated  into  a  sublime  and  so- 
lemn calm.  He  has  been  charged  with  enthusiasm  by 
some  who  have  remarked  the  intensity  with  which  he 
pursued  purposes  which  to  them  have  appeared  worth- 
less and  ignoble  ;  and  with  hypocrisy  by  others  who 
have  contrasted  the  strength  and  stretch  of  his  resolu- 
tion with  the  calmness  of  his  manners.  I3ut  a  juster 
consideration,  perhaps,  rnay  suggest  that  it  was  the  ha- 
bitual energy  of  his  determiration  that  repressed  every 
svinptom  of  vehement  impetuosity,  and  induced  an 
equality  of  manner  that  scarcely  appeared  to  exceed 
the  pitch  of  a  grave  composure  and  constancy.  It  is 
the  disproportion  so  frequently  evinced  between  the 
genius  and  the  character  of  eminent  men,  that  occasions 
their  irregular  conduct  and  impetuous  demeanor.  But 
Vane,  fully  embracing  the  loftiest  projects  of  his  genius 
with  all  the  faculties  of  his  being,  was  deeply  im- 
pressed with  the  vast  and  arduous  nature  of  the  work 
he  undertook,  and  devoted  himself  to  it  with  such  a 
diligence  and  concentration  of  his  forces  as  to  the  idle, 
the  careless,  and  the  speculative  part  of  mankind,  ap- 
pears like  insanity.  So  much  did  his  mind  predominate 
over  his  senses,  and  the  nobler  control  the  more  ignoble 
part  of  his  being,  that,  though  constitutionally  timid 
and  susceptible,  in  no  common  degree,  of  impressions 
of  pain,  yet  his  whole  life  was  one  continued  course  of 
great  aiid  daring  enterprise  ;  and  when  amidst  the 
wreck  of  his  fortunes  and  the  treachery  of  his  asso- 
ciates, death  was  presented  to  himself  m  the  appaUing 
form  of  a  bloody  execution,  he  prepared  for  it  with  an 
animated  and  even  cheerful  intrepidity,  and  encoun- 
tered it  with  dignified  composure.  The  man  who  could 
so  subdue  himself,  was  formed  to  exercise  a  strong  iu- 
fluence  on  the  minds  of  others.  He  was  instantly 
complimented  with  the  freedom  of  the  colony  ;  and  en- 
forcing his  claims  to  respect,  by  the  address  and  ability 
which  he  showed  in  conducting  business,  he  was  elected 
governor  in  the  year  subsequent  to  his  arrival,  by  the 

*  Bishop  Burnet  has  termed  this  man  "an  enthusiastical  buf- 
foon," and  reproached  hiin  with  cowardice  at  his  execution. 
But  his  life  (stained,  no  doubt,  with  moral  imperfection) 
evinced  a  piety  that  Burnet  never  knew,  and  his  death  was 
dignified  by  a  courage  that  distinguished  him  even  among  the 
regicides.  After  his  fellow-sufl^erer  Cook  had  been  quartered 
before  his  face,  the  executioner  approached  him,  and,  rubbing 
his  bloodv  hands,  s»iid,  "  Come,  Mr.  Peters,  how  do  you  like 
this  work?"  Peters  answered,  "I  thank  God  lam  not  terri- 
fied at  it ;  you  may  do  your  worst."  Trials  and  Itealtis  of  lb* 
Regicides. 


M6  

DDiTenial  coiuciil  of  the  colonists,  and  with  the  highest 
exporlalioMS  of  a  happy  and  advantageous  adininislra- 
lion.  [lt;:jr>J  These  hopes,  liowcvcr,  wi-re  disappointed 
Vane,  i  at  Iniding  the  pohtical  alfairs  of  the  colonists  a 
wide  enough  held  for  the  excursion  of  his  active  spirit, 
embarked  his  energy  in  their  theological  discussions ; 
and,  unfortunately,  connecting  himself  with  a  party 
who  had  conceived  singularly  just  and  profound  views 
of  doctrine,  hut  associated  them  with  some  dangerous 
errors,  and  discredited  them  by  the  wildest  veheiiintice 
and  disorder,  he  very  soon  witnessed  the  abridgement 
of  his  usefulness  and  the  decline  of  his  popularity. 

The  increasing  numbers  of  the  colonists,  causing  the 
inhibilants  of  some  of  the  towns  to  feel  themselves 
straitened  for  room,  suggested  the  formation  of  ad- 
ditional establishments.  A  project  of  founding  a  new 
settlement  on  the  banks  of  the  river  Connecticut  was 
now  embraced  by  Mr.  Hooker,  one  of  the  ministers  of 
Boston,  and  a  hundred  of  the  members  of  his  congrega- 
tion. After  enduring  extreme  hardship,  and  encoun- 
tering the  usual  difficulties  that  attended  the  founda- 
tion of  a  society  in  this  quarter  of  America,  with  the 
Msual  display  of  puritan  fortitude  and  resolution,  they 
at  length  succeeded  in  establishing  a  plantation,  which 
gradually  enlarged  into  the  flourishing  state  of  Con- 
necticut. Some  Dutch  settlers  from  New  York,  who 
had  previously  occupied  a  post  in  the  country,  were 
compelled  to  surrender  it  to  them  ;  and  they  soon  after 
obtained  from  Lord  Brooke  and  Lord  Suy  and  Scle,  an 
assignation  to  a  district  which  these  iiobbmen  had  ac- 
quired in  this  region,  with  the  intention  of  flying  from 
the  royal  tyranny  to  America.*  They  had  at  first  car- 
ried with  them  a  commission  from  the  government  of 
Mas.sachusetts  Bay,  for  the  administration  of  justice  in 
their  new  settlement ;  but,  afterwards  reflecting  that 
their  territory  was  beyond  the  jurisdiction  of  the  autho- 
rities from  whom  this  commission  was  derived,  they 
combined  themselves  by  a  voUiiUary  association  into  a 
body  politic,  constructed  on  the  same  model  with  the 
state  from  which  they  had  separated.  They  continued 
ill  this  condition  till  the  Restoration,  when  they  ob- 
tained a  charter  for  themselves  from  King  Charles  the 
Second.  That  this  secession  from  the  colony  of  Mas- 
sachusetts Bay  was  occasioned  by  lack  of  room  in  a 
province  as  yet  so  imperfectly  peopled,  has  appeared  so 
improbable  to  some  writers,  that  they  have  thought  it 
necessary  to  assign  another  cause,  and  have  found  none 
BO  satisfactory  as  the  jealousy  which  they  conclude  Mr. 
Hooker  must  inevitably  have  entertained  towards  Mr. 
Cotton,  whoso  influence  had  become  so  great  in  Mas- 
aachusetts  that  even  a  formidable  political  dissension 
was  quelled  by  one  of  his  pacific  discourses.  But  envy 
was  not  a  passion  that  could  dwell  in  the  humble  and 
holy  breast  of  Hooker,  or  be  generated  by  such  influ- 
ence as  the  character  of  Cotton  was  formed  to  exert. 
The  sense  of  a  redundant  population  was  the  more 
readily  experienced  at  first  from  the  unwillingness  of 
the  ietllers  to  remove  far  into  the  interior  of  the  coun- 
try and  deprive  themselves  of  an  easy  communication 
wi'h  the  coast.  Another  reason,  indeed,  appears  to 
have  enforced  the  formation  of  this  new  settlement : 
but  it  was  a  reason  that  argued  not  dissension,  but 
community  of  feeling  and  design  between  the  settlers 
who  remained  in  Massachusetts  and  those  who  re- 
moved to  Connecticut.  By  the  establishment  of  this 
advanced  station,  a  barrier,  it  was  hoped,  would  be 
erected  against  the  troublesome  incursions  of  the 
I'eipjod  Indians  t  Nor  is  it  utterly  improbable  that 
some  of  the  scceders  to  this  new  settlement  were  actu- 
ated by  a  restless  spirit  which  had  hoped  too  much  from 

•  LorJ  Jtrooke  and  Lord  Say  and  Scle  had  proceeded  so  far 
In  their  desien  as  to  send  over  an  aireiit  to  lake  possession  of 
tlieir  tcrr  lory,  and  built  a  fort.  Happily  for  America,  ilie  sen- 
tiiiieiils  and  n;iliits  that  rendered  them  unfit  ineinhcrs  nf  a  so- 
riety  wlierc  complete  civil  freeiloiii  and  perfect  simplicity  of 
manlier*  were  esteemed  refiiiisite  to  the  general  happiness, 
prevented  these  noblemen  from  carrying  their  project  into 
einriitiun.  They  proposed  to  establish  an  order  of  nobility 
anil  hereditary  im-Ristracy  In  America;  and  consumed  so 
much  tune  in  arpiiini;  this  important  point  with  the  other  set- 
tlers who  were  to  ho  associated  with  them,  that  at  length  their 
anlor  (or  emigration  abated,  and  neater  and  more  interesting 

tro^perts  opened  to  their  activity  in  England.  Chalmers 
«.  IMO. 

»  Mather,  n  I.  cap.  fl.  sect.  2.  3.  Hutchinson,  I.  4.1—4.1. 
TminbiiU's  History  of  Connecticut,  vol.  i.  cap.  4.  It  appears 
from  Matheis  l.ivos  of  Cotton  and  Hooker,  that  the»p  mm 
were  knit  logeiher  In  the  firmest  iKinds  of  christian  frienil..ih.p 
a  )d  rnrdiiil  esteem.  Paul  and  Uamabas  (douhtlem  for  wise 
piiri>nse<)  were  aeparaled  from  each  other.  So  were  Cotton 
and  Hooker,  though  by  loss  impleading  iiislnimcnlality.  Tbeie 
noMi  who  lorsook  houses,  lamia,  and  country  for  the  sake  of 
the  Koai>el,  ore  deicnlK-d  br  Dr.  Ilobertson  n«  "rival  compe- 
titors III  the  roiilest  for  fame  ami  iM>wrr  !'*  Ti\i%  is  the  onlv 
IlKhl  In  wblrh  in»ov  eminent  and  even  reverend  writers  are 
eapanu  of  ri'gardm^  the  labors  of  the  patriot,  the  taint,  and 
liwiaga  ' 


THE  HISTORY  OF 

external  change,  and  which  vainly  urged  a  farther  pur- 
suit of  that  spring  of  contentment  which  must  rise  up 
in  the  mind  of  him  who  would  enjoy  it. 

Ill  the  immediate  neighborhood  of  this  new  settle- 
ment, another  plantation  was  formed  about  two  years 
after,  by  a  numerous  body  of  emigrants  who  arrived 
from  England  under  the  guidance  of  Theophilus  Eaton, 
a  gentleman  of  fortune,  and  John  Davenport,  an  emi- 
nent puritan  minister.  Massachusetts  Bay  appearing 
to  them  overstocked,  and  being  informed  of  a  large 
and  commodious  bav  to  the  south-west  of  Connecticut 
river,  they  purchased  from  the  natives  all  the  land  that 
lies  between  that  stream  and  Hudson's  river,  which  di- 
vides the  southern  parts  of  New  England  from  New 
York.  Seating  themselves  in  this  bay,  they  spread 
along  the  coast,  where  they  built  first  the  town  of 
Newhaven,  which  has  given  its  name  to  the  settlement, 
and  then  the  towns  of  Guilford,  Milford,  Stamford,  and 
Brainford.  After  some  time  they  crossed  the  bay,  and 
planted  several  settlements  in  Long  Island  ;  in  all 
places  where  they  came,  erecting  churches  on  the 
model  of  the  independents.  When  we  perceive  the  in- 
justice and  cruelty  exercised  by  the  government  of 
Britain,  thus  contributing  to  cover  the  earth  with  cities 
and  to  plant  religion  and  liberty  in  the  savage  deserts 
of  America,  we  recognise  the  overruling  providence  of 
that  great  Being  who  can  render  even  the  fierceness  of 
men  conducive  to  his  praise.  Having  no  patent,  nor 
any  other  title  to  their  lands  than  tlie  vendition  of  the 
natives,  and  not  being  incUuled  within  the  boundaries 
of  any  colonial  jurisdiction,  these  settlers  entered  into 
a  voluntary  association  of  the  same  nature  and  for  the 
same  ends  with  that  which  the  settlers  in  Connecticut 
had  formed  for  them.^elves  :  and  in  this  ■  ondilion  they 
remained  till  the  Restoration,  when  Ne<vhaven  and 
Connecticut  were  united  together  by  a  charter  of  King 
Charles  the  Second.* 

When  the  settlement  of  Connecticut  was  projected, 
it  was  hoped  that  it  might  conduce  to  overawe  the  hos- 
tility of  the  Indians  ;  but  it  produced  a  perfectly  oppo- 
site effect.  The  tribes  of  Indians  in  the  immediate 
vicinity  of  Massachusetts  Bay  were  comparatively  fee- 
ble and  unwarlike  ;  but  the  colonies  of  Providence  and 
Connecticut  were  planted  in  the  midst  of  powerful  and 
martial  hordes.  Among  these,  the  most  considerable 
were  the  Naragansets,  who  inhabited  the  shores  of  the 
bay  which  bear  their  name,  and  the  Pequods,  who  oc- 
cupied the  territory  which  stretches  from  the  river  Pe- 
qiiod  to  the  banks  of  the  Connecticut.  The  Peipiods 
were  a  formidable  people,  who  could  bring  into  the  field 
a  thousand  warriors  not  inferior  in  courage  to  any  in 
the  new  world.  They  had  early  entertained  a  jealous 
hatred  of  the  European  colonists,  and  for  some  time 
past  had  harassed  them  with  unprovoked  attacks, 
and  excited  their  abhorrence  and  indignation  by  the 
monstrous  outrages  to  which  they  had  subjected  their 
captives.  Unoffending  men,  women,  and  children,  who 
had  the  misfortune  to  fall  into  their  hands,  were  scalped 
and  sent  back  to  their  friends,  or  put  to  death  with 
every  circumstance  of  torture  and  indignity,  while  the 
assassins  with  diabolical  joy  called  aloud  to  them  to 
invoke  the  God  of  the  christians,  and  put  to  the  proof 
his  power  to  save  them.  The  extension  of  the  Eng- 
lish settlements  excited  their  fury  anew,  and  produced 
a  repetition  of  attacks,  which  Mr.  Vane  the  governor 
of  Massachusetts,  determined  at  length  to  encounter 
and  punish  by  otFensive  operations.  Receiving  intelli- 
gence of  a  serious  attack  that  had  been  inadn  by  the 
Pequods  on  the  Connecticut  settlers,  [1637,]  he  sum- 
moned all  the  New  England  communities  to  embody 
the  strongest  force  they  could  spare,  and  march  to  de- 
fend their  brethren  ai  d  vindicate  the  common  cause. 
The  Pccpiods,  aware  of  the  ini|)cndiiig  danger,  were 
not  wanting  in  endeavors  to  encounter  and  repel  it 
For  this  purpose,  they  sought  a  reconciliation  with  the 
Naragansets,  their  hereditary  enemies  and  rivals  in 
power,  and  requested  these  people  to  forget  their  an- 
cient animosities,  and  for  once  to  co-operate  cordially 
with  them  against  a  common  foe,  whose  progressive 

*  Neal,  i.  152.  The  cidonists  of  Ma.ssachusetts  were  very 
desirous  that  Mr.  Davciip<irl  and  his  associates  should  settle 
Miong  them.  But  **  it  had  been  an  observation  of  Mr.  Da- 
venport's, that  whenever  a  reformation  had  been  elfecled  in 
any  part  of  the  world,  it  had  rested  where  it  had  been  lelt  by 
the  reformers.  It  could  not  be  advanced  another  step,  lie 
was  now  embarked  in  a  design  of  lurming  a  civil  and  religums 
constitution  a.s  near  as  possible  to  scripture  precept  and  exam- 
|ilc.  The  principal  gentlemen  who  had  followed  him  to  Ame- 
rica had  the  same  views.  In  laving  the  foundations  of  a  new 
colony,  there  w.i.s  a  fan  proliabihty  that  they  might  accoiiimo- 
ihite  all  matters  of  church  and  commonwealth  to  their  own 
feelings  and  senlinienls.  Ilut  in  Massachusetts  the  principal 
men  were  liied  in  the  chief  seats  of  government,  which  they 
were  likely  to  keep,  and  their  civil  and  roligiotu  polity  was 
already  foinivd.  "Tiunibull,  i.  97 


encroachments  threatened  to  confound  them  both  in 
one  common  destruction.  But  the  Naraoansets  had 
long  cheiished  a  vehement  hatred  against  the  Pequods; 
and  less  moved  by  a  distant  prospect  of  danger  to  them 
selves,  than  by  the  hope  of  an  instant  gratification  oi 
their  implacable  revenge,  they  rejected  the  proposali 
of  accommodation,  and  determined  to  assist  the  Eng- 
lish in  the  prosecution  of  the  was. 

The  Pequods  incensed,  but  not  dismaved,  by  this 
disappointment,  proceeded  b>  Ibe  vigor  of  their  opera- 
tions to  anticipate  the  junction  of  the  allied  colonial 
forces  ;  and  the  Connecticut  troops,  while  as  vet  thev 
had  received  but  a  small  part  of  the  reinforcements 
tliat  their  fnends  were  preparing  to  send  them,  found 
it  necessary  to  advance  towards  the  enemy.  The  IV 
quods,  commanded  by  Sassacus,  their  principal  sachem, 
occupied  two  fortified  stations,  against  one  of  which 
Captain  Mason  and  the  Connecticut  miliiia,  attended 
by  a  body  of  Indian  allies,  directed  their  attack.  Their 
approach  was  quickened  by  the  information  they  ob- 
tained, that  the  enemy,  deceived  by  a  seeming  retro- 
grade movement  of  the  colonial  forces,  had  abandoned 
themselves  to  the  conviction  that  the  English  dared  not 
encounter  them,  and  were  celebrating  in  perfect  secu- 
rity the  supposed  evacuation  of  their  country.  About 
daybreak,  while  in  deep  slumber  and  supine  security, 
they  were  approached  by  the  English  ;  and  the  surprise 
would  have  been  complete,  if  they  had  not  been  alarmed 
by  the  barking  of  a  dog.  The  war-whoop  was  imme- 
diately -sounded,  and  they  flew  to  their  arms.  The 
English  rushed  on  to  the  attack  ;  and  while  some  ol 
them  fired  on  the  Indians  through  the  palisades,  others 
forced  their  way  by  the  entrances  into  the  fort,  and  set- 
ting fire  to  the  huts  which  were  covered  with  reeds, 
involved  their  enemies  in  the  confusion  and  terror  of  a 
general  conflagration.  After  a  manly  and  desperate 
resistance,  the  Pequods  were  totally  defeated  with  the 
slaughter  of  at  least  five  hundred  of  their  tribe.  .Many 
of  the  women  and  children  perished  in  the  flames  ;  and 
the  warriors,  in  endeavoring  to  escape,  were  either 
slain  by  the  English,  or,  falling  into  the  hands  of  the 
Indian  allies,  who  surrounded  the  fort  at  a  distance, 
were  reserved  for  a  more  cruel  fate.  Soon  after  thia 
action,  Captain  Stoughton  having  arrived  with  the  aux- 
iliary troo|)S  from  Massachusetts,  it  was  resolved  to 
pursue  the  victory.  Several  engagements  took  place 
which  terminated  unfavorably  for  the  Pequods  ;  and  in 
a  short  time  they  sustained  another  general  defeat 
which  put  an  end  to  the  war.  A  few  only  of  this  once 
powerful  nation  survived,  who,  abandoning  their  coun- 
try to  the  English,  dispersed  themselves  among  the 
neighboring  tribes,  and  lost  their  existence  as  a  distinct 
people.  Sassocus  had  been  an  object  of  superstitious 
terror  to  the  Naragansets,  who  had  endeavored  to  dis- 
suade the  English  from  risking  a  personal  encounter 
with  him,  by  the  assurance  that  his  person  was  -Jit  ino 
and  invuliieratile.  After  the  destruction  of  his  people, 
when  he  fled  for  refuge  to  a  distant  tribe,  the  Naragan- 
sets, exchanging  their  terror  for  cruelty,  solicited  &iid 
jirevailed  with  his  hosts  to  cut  off  his  head.  Thus  ter- 
minated a  struggle  more  important  in  its  consequences, 
than  from  the  numbers  of  the  combatants,  or  the  cele- 
brity of  their  names.  On  its  issue  there  had  been 
staked  no  less  than  the  question,  whether  Christianity 
and  civilization,  or  paganism  and  barbarity  should  pre- 
vail in  New  England. 

This  first  military  enterprise  of  the  colonists  was 
coiiductcd  with  vigor  and  ability,  and  impressed  on  the 
aborigines  a  high  opinion  of  their  invincible  courage 
and  superior  skill.  Their  victory,  however,  it  must  be 
confessed,  was  sullied  by  cruelties  which  it  is  easy  to 
account  for  and  extenuate,  but  painful  to  recollect 
The  Massachusetts'  militia  had  been  exceedingly  dili- 
gent before  their  march  in  purging  their  ranks  of  ah' 
whose  religious  sentiments  were  thought  to  argue  want 
or  weakness  of  faith  *  It  had  been  well  if  they  couU' 
have  purged  their  own  bosoms  of  the  vindictive  feel- 
ings which  the  outrages  of  the  savages  were  but  too 
powerfully  calculated  to  inspire.  Some  of  the  prison- 
ers were  tortured  by  the  Indian  allies,  whose  cruelties 
we  can  hardly  doubt  that  the  English  might  have  pre- 
Tented  :  a  considerable  number  were  sold  as  .slaves  in 
Bermudas.t  and  the  rest  were  reduced  to  servitude  in 
the  colonial  settlements.    In  aggravation  of  the  vin- 

*  Regimental  chapLiins  accompanied  the  New  England 
forces  In  their  campaigns  ;  and  in  circumstance*  of  doul  t  oi 
danger,  the  chaplain  was  in'  ited  to  prav  for  divine  direction 
and  assistance.  Trumbull,  t.  HI.  S9.  When  a  commander-in 
chief  w.is  appointed,  hi.<  nulitary  staff  was  dchs  ered  to  liini  hv 
one  of  the  clertT.    lb.  95. 

t  A  similar  punithmeni  was  inflicted  manr  yeara  liter  Ir 
Enfland  on  some  of  the  royalists  who  had  been  iniplicilcd  if 
renruddock's  iunu'icclion.   Huiiio,  >ii.  Hi 


NORTH  AMERIC\. 


247 


dictive  spirit  displayed  in  these  proceedings,  it  has  been 
uiged,  but  with  very  hltle  reason,  that  the  I'equods 
jvere  entitled  to  the  trcutnieiit  of  an  indipeiidiMit  peo- 
ple making  a  gallant  eti'ort  to  defend  llieir  (iroperty, 
their  rights  and  their  freedom.  Uiit  in  truth,  the  Pc- 
quods  were  the  aggressors  iri  a  causeless  ((uarrel,  and 
were  fighting  all  along  in  su])|)ort  of  barbarous  outrage 
and  purposes  of  extermination.  The  colonists  had 
conducted  ihenaselves  with  undeviating  justice,  civility 
and  piety  towards  the  Indians.  They  had  treated  fairly 
with  thein  for  their  teirilories  ;  assisted  them  by  coun- 
del  and  help  in  their  diseases  and  their  agriculture,  and 
labored  to  communicate  to  thera  the  blessings  of  religion. 
They  disallowed  all  acquisitions  of  territory  from  the 
Indians  but  such  as  should  undergo  the  scrutiny  of  the 
general  court ;  and  they  offered  a  pirticipation  of  all 
their  privileges  and  property  to  every  Indian  who  would 
adopt  the  religion  of  a  christian  and  the  manners  of  a 
civilized  human  being.  In  return  for  these  demon- 
strations of  good-will,  they  were  treated  with  outrage 
and  barbarity,  directed  agaitist  all  that  they  reverenced 
or  loved  ;  and  were  forcibly  impressed  with  the  con- 
viction that  ihey  must  extirpate  these  sanguinary  idola- 
ters, or  leave  their  fellow-christians,  their  wives,  child- 
ren, and  brethren,  exposed  to  a  more  horrid  destruc- 
tion from  their  barbarous  hands.*  Even  in  the  course 
of  the  war,  they  made  propositions  of  lenity  to  the 
savages  on  the  condition  of  their  delivering  up  the  mur- 
derers of  the  English  ;  but  their  offers  were  uniforinlv 
rejected  ;  and  the  people  who  adopted  the  murders  as 
national  acts,  invited  the  avengers  of  blood  to  visit 
them  with  national  punishments.  The  mutual  hostili- 
ties of  civilized  nations,  conducted  by  dispassionate 
mercenaries,  and  directed  by  leaders  more  eager  for 
fame  than  prompted  by  anger  or  personal  apprehension, 
may  bo  administered  on  the  principles  of  a  splendid 
game.  But  such  hostilities  as  those  which  the  New 
England  colonists  were  compelled  to  urge  with  the 
hordes  of  savage  assassins  who  attacked  them,  will 
«Kvays  display  human  passions  in  their  naked  horror 
and  ferocity.  The  permission  (for  I  suppose  they 
;ould  have  prevented  it)  of  the  baibarity  of  their  savage 
allies,  appears  the  least  excusable  feature  in  their  con- 
duct. And  yet,  in  considering  it,  we  must  add  to  our 
allowance  for  passion  iiiHanicd  by  enormous  provoca- 
tion, the  recollection  of  the  danger  and  inexpediency 
of  checking  that  mutual  hostility  of  the  savages  which 
prevented  a  combination  that  might  have  proved  fatai 
to  the  European  name.  The  reduction  of  their  cap- 
tives to  servitude  was  unquestionably  a  great  evil  ;  bu' 
one  for  which  it  would  not  have  been  easy  to  suggest 
a  substitute  to  men  too  justly  alarmed  to  permit  the 
enemies  whom,  overcoming  ly  force,  they  had  but  half 
Bubdued,  to  go  free,  and  too  poor  to  support  them  in 
idle  captivity.  The  captive  Pequods  were  treated  with 
ihe  utmost  possible  kindness,  and  regarded  rather  as 
indented  servants  than  slaves.  It  must  be  acknow- 
ledged at  least  that  the  colonists  observed  a  magnani- 
mous consistency  in  their  international  policy.'aiid  gave 
the  Indians  the  protection  of  the  same  stern  principles 
of  justice  of  whii:h  they  had  taught  them  to  feel  the 
vindictive  energy.  They  not  only  offered  a  participa- 
tion of  their  own  privileges  and  territory  to  all  civilized 
and  converted  Indians ;  but  having  ascertained  the 
stations  which  the  savages  most  highly  valued,  and  the 
range  of  territory  that  seemed  necessary  to  their  com- 
fort and  happiness,  tney  piohibited  and  annulled  every 
transaction  by  which  these  domains  might  be  added  to 
the  European  acquisitions.  A  short  time  alter  the 
termination  of  the  Pequod  war,  an  Indian  having  been 
wantonly  killed  by  some  vagabond  Englishman,  the 
murderers  were  solemnly  tried  and  executed  for  the 
crime  ;  and  tlie  Indians  beheld  with  astonishment  the 
blood  of  three  men  deliberately  shed  for  the  slaughter 
of  one.  The  sense  of  justice  co-operating  with  the 
repute  of  valor,  secured  a  long  tranquillity  to  the  Eng- 
Jsh  settlements. 

'V\  hilc  the  military  force  of  Massachusetts  was  thus 
employed  in  the  field,  the  commonwealth  was  shaken 
and  torn  by  intestine  disputes,  which  had  been  excited 
by  theological  discussions,  and  inflamed  by  the  gall  of 
unruly  tongues  and  the  bitterness  of  railing  accusation. 
It  was  the  custom  at  that  time  in  Boston,  that  the 
members  of  every  congregation  should  assemble  in 


*  The  colonist.-i  considered  themselves  in  some  de^ee  ac- 
tcssarylo  the  crhnes  which  ihey  migln  fail  to  preveiu  by  ne- 
glect ofary  of  the  tiieaiia  warranted  hv  strict  justice.  Belknap 
cites  the  f.illowmg  entry  in  a  MS.  Journal  of  events  in  Neiv- 
t.nglan.1,  some  years  posterior  to  this  period,  "  The  house  of 
^olm  Keiiiston  was  burned  and  he  killed  at  Greenland.  The 
Imlians  are  Simon,  Andrew,  and  Peler.  Those  three  we  had 
prison  ami  snoiild  have  killed.  The  good  Lord  pardon  us.  ' 
KiKory  of  :iew  Hampshire,  i.  15j 


weekly  meetings  to  repeat  the  sermons  of  the  jireced- 
ing  Sunday  ;  to  debate  the  doctrines  they  had  heard  ; 
to  revive  the  impressions  that  had  been  produced  by 
their  Sabbatical  exercises  ;  and  extend  the  sacred  in- 
fluence of  the  Sabbath  throughout  the  week.  Mrs. 
Hutchinson,  the  wife  of  one  of  the  most  respectable  in- 
habitants of  the  colony,  a  lady  of  masculine  spirit  and 
great  subtlety  and  vivacity  of  apprehension,  submitted 
with  impatience  to  the  regulation  by  which  women  at 
these  meetings  were  debarred  from  the  privilege  of 
joining  in  the  debates  :  and  at  length,  apprehending 
that  she  was  authorised  to  exercise  her  qualifications 
by  the  precepts  of  Scripture  which  enjons  llic  elder  ico- 
mcn  to  tcaeh  the  younger,  she  established  separate 
meetings  of  the  christians  of  her  own  sex,  where  her 
zeal  and  talent  soon  procHired  her  a  numerous  and  ad- 
miring audience.  These  women,  who  had  partaken 
the  struggles  and  perils  of  the  male  colonists,  had  also 
caught  no  small  portion  of  the  various  hues  of  tlieir 
spirit ;  and  as  many  of  them  had  been  accustomed  to 
a  life  more  replete  with  external  elegance  and  variety 
of  interest  and  employment  than  the  state  of  the  colony 
could  supply,  they  found  a  listless  craving  for  some- 
thing to  animate  and  engage  their  faculties,  and  judged 
nothing  fitter  for  this  purpose  than  an  imitation  of  those 
exercises  for  the  promotion  of  the  great  common  cause 
which  seemed  to  minister  such  comfort  and  support- 
ment  to  the  spirits  of  the  men.  The  issue  of  their 
design  illustrated  very  signally  some  of  the  least  esti- 
mable peculiarities  of  female  character,  and  amjily  de- 
monstrated that  its  defects  are  not  cured  but  fortified 
by  such  irregular  congregation.  Mrs.  Hutchinson, 
their  leader,  had  by  her  earnest  zeal  gained  the  cordial 
esteem  of  Mr.  Cotton,  whose  charitv  never  failed  to 
recognise  in  every  human  being  the  slightest  trace  of 
those  graces  which  he  continually  looked  for ;  and  to- 
wards him  she  entertained  and  professed  for  some  time 
a  very  high  veneration.  The  friendship  of  Mr.  Vane 
and  some  others  had  a  less  favorable  influence  on  her 
mind  ;  and  the  admiration  they  expressed  of  the  depth 
and  vigor  of  her  ratiocination,  seems  to  have  elevated 
in  her  apprehension  the  gifts  of  intellect  above  the 
graces  of  charracter.  She  acquired  the  title  of  The 
Nonsuch,  which  the  admiration  of  her  followers  had 
eagerly  derived  from  an  anagrammatical  transposition 
of  the  letters  of  her  name  ;  and  gave  to  her  female 
assemblies  the  title  of  gossipmgs  ;  a  term  at  that  time 
of  respectable  import,  but  which  the  scandalous  repute 
ot  female  conventions  and  debates  has  since  consigned 
to  contempt  and  ridicule.  Doing  amiss  what  the 
Scriptures  plainly  forbade  her  to  do  at  all,  she  consti- 
tuted herself  a  teacher  of  orthodoxy,  and  a  censor  of 
the  faith  of  all  the  ministers  and  inhabitants  of  the 
colony.  Her  canons  of  doctrine  were  received  by  her 
associates  as  the  unerring  standard  of  truth,  and  a  de- 
famatory persecution  was  industriously  waged  against 
all  who  rejected  or  professed  themselves  unable  to  un- 
derstand ihein.  A  scrutiny  was  instituted  into  the 
cliuractcrs  of  all  the  clergy  and  laity  of  the  province  ; 
and  of  those  who  refused  to  receive  the  doctrinal  testi- 
mony of  the  conclave,  few  found  it  easv  to  stand  the 
test  of  a  censorious  gaze,  quickened  by  female  petu- 
lance and  controversial  rancor.  Women,  neither  fitted 
by  the  constitution  of  their  nature,  nor  prepared  by  their 
education  and  habits,  for  the  rough  contests  and  colli- 
sions of  the  world,  dcmoiistrate,  in  general,  great  per- 
tinacity, severity,  and  impatience,  when  they  assume 
the  direction  of  affairs,  or  arrogate  a  jurisdiction  over 
those  who  conduct  them.  Losing  the  gentle  graces  of 
their  own  sex  when  they  step  beyond  the  sphere  of  its 
duties,  without  acquiring  the  hardy  virtues  of  the  other 
sex,  whose  province  they  invade,  they  show  themselves 
keenly  susceptible  and  utterly  unforbearing,  swift  to 
speak  and  slow  to  hear,  headlong  in  conduct,  prompt 
to  accuse,  intolerant  of  contradiction,  acrimonious  in 
reproach.  In  these  female  assemblies,  there  was 
trained  and  exeicised  a  keen  jiugnacious  spirit  and  un- 
bridled license  of  tongue,  of  which  the  actings  were 
quickly  felt  in  the  serious  disturbance,  first  of  domes- 
tic happiness,  and  then  of  the  public  peace.  The  ma- 
trons of  Boston  were  transformed  into  a  synod  of 
tatters  and  Imsy  bodies,  whose  bold  decrees  and  slan- 
derous deliberations  sent  their  influence  into  the  inner- 
most recesses  of  society  :  and  the  spirits  of  men  being 
in  that  combustible  stale  which  the  ap[ilication  of  a 
very  feeble  flash  will  kindle  into  a  formidable  confla- 
gration, the  whole  colony  was  sot  on  fire  by  the  incon- 
tinence of  female  spleen  and  verbosity.  A  line  of  de- 
marcation was  drawn  between  those  whom  Mrs. 
Hutchinson  esteemed  the  sound,  and  those  whom  she 
denominated  the  unsound  ;  and  all  who  were  included 
in  this  latter  description  heard  themselves  coulinually 


stigmatized  as  a  generation  of  unchristian  vipcis,  oi 
helpless  bondslaves  to  a  covenant  of  works. 

i'he  tenets  which  this  faction,  and  a  few  miiiistew 
who  united  with  it,  adopted  and  inculcated,  were  de- 
nounctnl  by  their  adversaries  as  constituting  the  heresy 
of  antinoinianism — a  charge  which,  when  preferred  by 
the  world  at  large,  indicates  no  more  than  the  reproach 
which  the  gospel,  from  its  first  promulgatisx  has  been 
fated  to  sustain,  and  when  advanced  by  christians 
against  raeinbers  of  their  own  body,  generally  implies 
nothing  else  than  the  deductions  which  they  draw  from 
certain  views  of  doctrine,  but  which  the  holders  of 
these  views  utterly  reject  and  disallow  Nothing  can 
be  more  perfectly  antinomian  than  the  system  of  the 
gospel  ;  nor  any  thing  more  jiowerfully  operative  than 
the  influence  which  it  is  fitted  to  exert.  Mrs.  Hutch- 
inson and  her  adherents  contended  more  earnestly  for 
the  freedom,  than  for  the  constraining  influence  of 
divine  grace  ;  and  with  the  eagerness  and  impetuosity 
of  female  feeling,  were  not  slow  to  brand  with  terms  of 
heretical  and  contemptuous  designation,  every  inhabi- 
tant of  the  colony,  and  particularly  every  minister, 
whose  views  did  not  coincide  with  their  own.  The 
doctrines  which  they  gave  forth,  and  the  censures 
which  they  propagated,  were  received  with  equal  eager- 
ness by  a  considerable  party  ;  and  equally  provoking 
the  displeasure  of  others,  excited  the  most  violent  dis- 
sensions throughout  the  whole  colony.  Mr.  Cotton 
endeavored  to  reconcile  or  moderate  the  heats  that 
arose,  by  representing  to  the  parlies  hat  their  strife 
was  prejudical  to  that  which  he  firmly  believed  lo  be 
the  great  object  of  both,  the  exalting  and  honoring  of 
divine  grace  ;  the  one  (said  he)  seeking  to  uJcance  the 
grace  of  God  within  us  in  the  n-ork  of  sanctiju.dlion,  the 
other  seeking  to  advance  the  grace  of  God  icithout  us, 
in  the  work  of  justification.  But  the  strife  was  not  to 
be  stopped  ;  and  his  endeavors  to  ariest  it  attracted 
upon  himself  the  fulmination  of  a  censure  of  timurous 
and  purblind  incapacity  from  the  assembly  of  the  wo- 
men ;  and,  as  even  this  could  not  induce  him  to  lake  a 
strong  part  against  them,  he  incurred  a  temporary 
abatement  of  his  popularity  with  the  bulk  of  the  inhabi- 
tants. He  could  not  consent  to  condemn  the  form  of 
sound  words  bv  which  some  of  the  tenets  of  the  secta- 
ries were  peculiarly  distinguished  ;  but  he  viewed  with 
grief  and  amazement  the  fierce  and  contemptuous 
spirit  with  which  th^y  were  maintained,  and  the  wild 
and  dangerous  errors  with  which  they  very  soon  came 
to  be  associated.  The  controversy  raged  with  a  vio- 
lence very  unfavorable  to  the  discernment  and  recep- 
tion of  truth.  Mrs.  Hutchinson  and  her  adherents, 
both  male  and  female,  persuaded  (and  justly  so,  I  think, 
on  some  points)  of  the  superior  clearness,  truth,  and 
sim[)licity  of  their  system  of  doctrines,  forgot  to  con- 
sider how  far  the  opposition  which  it  encountered  might 
be  traced  to  the  obscurity  and  imperfection  with  which 
they  themselves  received  and  enforced  it — a  considera- 
tion which  no  human  being  is  entitled  to  disregard, 
and  which  is  eminently  fitted  to  render  superior  attain- 
ments more  amiable  and  etlicacious,  by  rendering  them 
more  productive  of  candor  and  humility.  The  princi- 
ples they  discarded  from  their  creed  laid  hold  upon 
their  spirit  ;  and  while  they  contended  for  the  sove- 
reignty of  divine  grace  in  communicating  truth,  they 
attacked  the  sentiments  of  their  adversaries  with  an 
acrimony  and  invective  that  might  have  been  thought 
to  imply  that  truth  was  easily  and  exclusively  attainable 
bv  the  mere  will  and  endeavor  of  men.  The  most  en- 
lightened and  consistent  christian  will  ever  be  the  most 
ready  lo  acknowledge  that  he  knows  7wthtng  yet  as  /le 
ought  to  know,  and  may  have  more  cause  than  he  can 
yet  discover,  to  blush  lor  the  defectiveness  of  a  testi- 
mony, which,  exhibited  with  more  clearness  and  sim- 
plicity, might  have  found  greater  acceptance  with  man- 
kind. But  no  such  considerations  suggested  them- 
selves to  mitigate  the  vehemence,  or  soften  the  aspe- 
rity, of  these  busy,  bold,  and  presumptuous  spirits  ;  nor 
did  it  ever  occur  to  them  that  the  truths  they  held  forth, 
would  be  habic  to  be  evil  spi'ken  o.^  from  association 
with  the  deadly  jioison  of  that  world  of  iniquity,  an  un- 
tamed, ticentious  tongue.  It  is  asserted  that  the  hea^ 
of  their  tempers  gradually  communicated  ilself  lo  ihc 
understandings  of  Mrs.  Hutchinson  and  her  parlv,  and 
that  in  addition  to  their  original  tenets,  that  bt  fievers 
are  personally  united  with  the  spirit  of  God.  that  com- 
mands to  work  out  salvation  with  fear  and  trembling 
belong  only  to  those  who  are  under  a  covenant  of  works, 
and  that  sanctitication  is  not  the  proper  evidence  of 
christian  condition,  they  received  that  unhappy  error  of 
the  Quakers,  that  the  spirit  of  God  communicates  with 
the  minds  of  believers  independently  of  the  written 
word  ;  and,  in  consistency  with  llus,  received  many 


£48 


THE  HI  S  TO  I{  y  OF 


revrUiions  of  future  events  announced  to  them  liy  Mrs. 
Hutchinson  as  eijually  infalhble  with  ihv.  prophecies  of 
Scripture.  Hut  the  accounts  that  arc  trsrismiiteil  to  us 
ef  such  theological  dis.seiissons  aic  always  obhcured  by 
the  cloud  of  contemporary  passion,  prejudice,  and 
error :  hasty  effusloris  of  passionate  zeal  are  mistaken 
for  deliberate  sentiments  ;  and  the  excesses  of  the  zea- 
lots of  a  party  held  up  as  the  standard  by  which  the 
whole  body  may  fairly  be  tried.* 

Some  ministers  adopting  Mrs.  Hutchinson's  opinions, 
began  to  enforce  them  from  the  pulpit  with  such  vehe- 
ment invectives  against  all  by  whom  they  were  reject- 
ed, as  at  length  brought  the  dissensicr.s  to  a  crisis ; 
and  Mr.  Vane  being  considered  the  confederate  and 
protector  of  Mrs.  Hutchinson,  his  continuance  inolfico, 
or  dismissal  from  it  at  the  approaching  annual  election, 
was  the  tirst  test  by  which  the  parties  were  to  try  with 
which  of  them  resided  the  power  of  imposing  silence  on 
the  other.  So  much  had  been  done  to  gall  and  irritate 
the  feelings  of  the  people,  and  to  stimulate  them  to 
mutual  dislike  and  suspicion,  that  the  utmost  efforts  of 
the  sober  and  humane  could  barely  prevent  the  day  of 
election  from  being  disgraced  by  a  general  riot.  .AH 
Ihe  e.Tcrtions  of  Vane's  partizans  failed  to  obtain  his 
re-appointineiit ;  and,  by  a  great  majority  of  votes,  the 
government  was  conferred  on  Mr.  Winttirop.  Vane 
atill  remained  in  the  colony,  professing  his  willingness 
to  serve  the  cause  of  God  in  the  meanest  capacity  ; 
and  the  followers  of  Mrs.  Hutchinson,  regarding  his 
deprivation  of  office  as  a  dangerous  blow  to  themselves, 
ceased  not  to  labor  for  his  reinstatement  with  as  much 
warmth  as  they  had  exerted  in  the  propagation  of  their 
tenets.  The  government  was  loudly  declaimed  against, 
and  Mr.  Winthrop  openly  slighted  and  atTrontcd.  At 
length  it  was  determined  by  the  prevailing  parly,  to  cut 
•ip  this  source  of  contention  by  the  roots  ;  and  a  ge- 
neral synod  of  the  churches  of  the  colony  having  been 
assembled,  the  new  opinions  were  condemned  as  erro- 
neous and  heretical.  As  this  proceeding  seemed  only 
to  provoke  their  professors  to  assert  them  with  greater 
vehemence  than  ever,  the  leaders  of  the  party  were 
•uminoned  before  the  general  court.  Mrs.  Hutchinson 
rebuked  her  judges  for  their  wicked  persecution  of 
truth,  compared  herself  to  the  prophet  Daniel  when 
cast  into  the  den  of  lions,  and  proceeded  to  complete 
the  comparison  by  vciituring  to  exercise  what  she  be- 
lieved to  be  the  gift  of  prophecy,  and  predicting  that 
ber  exile  would  be  attended  with  the  rum  of  her  adver- 
saries and  all  their  posterity. t  To  this  punishment, 
nevertheless,  she  was  condemned,  together  with  her 
orother  W  heelwright,  who  was  a  preacher,  and  hail 
been  the  great  pulpit  champion  of  her  doctrines  ;  and 
eome  of  the  inferior  members  of  the  faction,  partly  on 
account  of  the  violence  with  which  they  still  maintained 
their  theological  tenets,  and  partly  for  the  seditious  in- 
solence with  which  they  Imd  treated  the  new  governor, 
were  lined  and  disfranchised.  In  consequence  of  these 
procecd'Tigs,  Vane  quitted  the  colony  and  returned  to 
England,  "  leaving  a  caveat,"  says  Mather,  '•  that  all 
good  men  are  not  fit  for  government." 

From  the  unpleasing  contemplations  of  these  re- 
ligious dissensions,  we  now  turn  to  the  more  agree- 
able survey  of  some  of  the  consequences  of  which  their 
iasue  was  productive.    A  considerable  number  of  per- 

•  That  to  a  certain  extent,  however,  this  error  had  crept  in 
amonc  them,  »cem«  undeniblily  manirest ;  and  it  is  remarkable 
that  the  noiioii  which  united  them  with  the  fund:irnpntal  tenet 
of  ilie  (iiiakera  shmild  have  i.s.iued  from  a  society  wliich,  with 
fanlicr  ie-<cml)laiire  to  the  Quakers,  adiniued  the  anti-scriptu- 
ral irreijuiarity  of  female  teaching.  Captain  Underhill,  one  of 
Mrn.  Hiiichin»un'B  followers,  carried  this  error  to  a  monstrous 
Icnijih,  and  combined  with  it  the  gros.icst  immorality  of  con- 
duct. He  gave  grem  offei.co  by  publicly  maintaining  that  he 
halt  received  a  special  communication  of  his  everlasting  safely 
while  he  wan  smoking  a  pijie.  He  was  baiiisheil  along  with 
his  patroness ;  and,  a  lew  years  after,  returned  to  Boston, 
where  he  made  n  public  confessicui  of  hypocrisy,  adulterv,  and 
deliHion.  Oelknau's  Hist,  of  New  Hampshire,  vol.  i.  cap.  ii. 
Anoiher  of  Mrs.  Hntcliinson's  followers  was  a  woman  named 
Mary  Dyer,  who  retired  to  Rhode  Island,  where  she  snbse- 
qucnil  /  biTuinea  Unaker.  Winthrop's  History  (Savuse's  edi- 
tion),  1.  Wl. 

t  Her  presumption  was  very  signally  punished.  The  ruin 
e  iirmlicied  ns  Ihe  ronsei|ueoce  of  her  exile  fell  on  herself 

Id  her  famdy.    She  w  to  Kh.»le  Island,  but  not  likir.othat 

sil.iaiM.n,  removR.I  to  one  of  the  Dutch  settlements,  where  she 
and  all  her  family  were  mnrdereil  by  the  Indiana.  Wu  may 
hope  that  the  errors,  by  winch  she  darkened  and  discredited 
Ihe  truth,  were  occasione.l  by  a  hoail  over-heated  with  contro- 
ver.y,  and  r.  .  '.  ..  '  i My  liy  an  umlue  elev,,tinn.  Deforo  she 
•'"""'"'      '  "igned  a  recantation  of  some  of  the 

•rroneo.i,  !  pro,»,«„<led  ;  but  inainlaincil  hi  the 

irWBoithc,  lo  the  contrary,  that  she  had  never 

.r.iertno.e.1  il..,,..  Tin.  w.,  co„s„|..red  .  proof  of  dissnnula- 
lioo.  frrhaps  II  iniKhl  mther  have  warranted  the  inference 
Ihai  the  vi.ionary  an.l  violent  spirit  which  had  lai>l  hold  of  her 
lw.1  d.  parted  or  .ut>.lded.  ind  that  .he  no  hmgrr  knew  or  nn- 
cl«r.io.»!  the  opinions  which  ihrouKl,  it,  medium  h»d  formerly 
tl  thciiiMlraa  lo  ber  Imaglntilou 


ah 


sons,  highly  dissatisfied  with  the  proceedings  of  the 
synod  and  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts,  volunta- 
rily for.sook  the  colony  ;  some  of  these  proceeded  to 
join  Roger  \N  illiaiu.i  and  his  friends  at  I'rovideiice  ; 
and,  being  soon  after  abandoned  by  Mrs.  Hutchinson, 
they  fell  under  the  guidance  of  that  meliorated  spirit 
which  Williams  had  now  begun  to  display.  By  a  trans- 
action with  the  Indians,  these  associated  exiles  obtained 
a  right  to  a  fertile  island  in  Xaraganset  Bay,  which  ac- 
quired the  name  of  Rhode  Island.*  Williams  remained 
among  them  upwards  of  forty  years,  respected  as  the 
father  and  director  of  the  colony  which  he  had  planted, 
and  of  which  he  was  several  times  elected  governor. 
In  the  year  1643,  he  made  a  journey  to  P^ngland,  and, 
by  the  interest  of  Sir  Henry  Vane,  obtained  and  brought 
back  to  them  a  parliamentary  charter,  by  which  Provi- 
dence and  Rhode  Island  remained  united  till  the  Resto- 
ration. Others  of  the  exiles,  under  the  guidance  of 
Wheelwright,  betook  themselves  to  the  north-east  parts 
of  New  England  ;  and,  being  joined  by  associates  who 
were  allured  by  the  prospects  of  rich  fisheries  and  an 
advantageous  beaver  trade,  they  gradually  formed  and 
peopled  the  provinces  of  New  Hampshire  and  Maine. 
These  provinces  had  been  respectively  purchased  bv 
Mason  and  Gorges  from  the  council  of  Plymouth,  and 
many  ineffectual  attempts  were  made  by  these  two  ad- 
venturers to  colonise  their  acquisitions  with  advantage 
to  themselves.  Mason  and  Gorges  were  actuated  by 
very  different  views  from  those  which  prevailed  m  ge- 
neral among  the  colonists  of  New  England ;  they 
wished  to  become  the  proprietaries  or  hereditary  chiefs 
of  vast  manors  and  seigniories,  and  to  estabhsh  m  Ame- 
rica the  institutions  which  the  emigrants  to  America 
were  generally  seeking  to  escape  from.  They  found  it 
totally  impracticable  to  obtain  a  revenue  from  the  set- 
tlers in  New  Hampshire  and  Maine,  or  to  establish 
among  them  a  form  of  government  suited  to  their  own 
views.  These  settlers,  composed  partly  of  adventurers 
from  England,  and  partly  of  exiles  and  voluntary  emi- 
grants from  Massachusetts,  framed  for  themselves  se- 
parate governments,  under  which  they  continued  to 
subsist,  till,  wearied  with  internal  disputes  and  divisions, 
they  petitioned  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts  to 
be  taken  under  its  protection,  and  were  again  associated 
with  the  colony  from  which  they  had  departed. 

A  schism,  similar  to  that  which  Mrs.  Hutchinson  had 
created,  was  fomented  at  Plymouth  by  one  Samuel 
Gorton  ;  but  liis  career  in  this  place  was  cut  short  bv 
a  conviction  for  swindling.  Thence  he  went  to  Rhode 
Island,  where  he  created  such  disturbance,  that  even  in 
this  community,  where  unlimited  toleration  was  pro- 
fessed, he  was  sentenced  to  be  Hogged  and  banished. 
Proceeding  to  Providence,  he  had  nearly  involved  the 
people  of  this  settlement  in  a  war  with  the  Indians  ; 
till,  at  length,  on  the  entreaty  of  Roger  Williams,  the 
government  of  Massachusetts  sent  a  party  to  apprehend 
him,  and,  after  iinprisoning  him  and  some  of  his  adhe- 
rents in  the  workhouse,  obliged  them  to  depart  the 
country. t  [1638] 

The  losses,  which  the  population  of  Massachussetts 
sustained  by  the  various  emigrations  which  we  have 
witnessed,  were  supplied,  in  the  following  vear,  by  the 
arrival  of  a  fleet  of  twenty  ships,  with  three  thousand 
settlers  from  England.  The  same  year  witnessed  the 
establishment  of  an  institution  calculated  to  improve 
the  moral  condition  of  the  people.  This  was  Harvard 
College,  at  Cambridge,  in  Massachussetts,  the  first 
seminary  of  learning  erected  in  North  America.  So 
highly  prized  were  the  advantages  of  knowledge  and 
the  influence  of  education  by  these  generous  colonists, 
that,  as  early  as  the  close  of  the  year  1030,  and  while 
yet  struggling  with  the  first  dilliculties  and  distresses 
of  their  arrival,  the  general  court  at  Boston  had  appro- 
priated four  hundred  pounds  to  the  erection  of  a 
seminary  of  learning.  The  bequest  of  a  colonial  mi- 
nister, who  desired  his  whole  fortune  to  be  applied  to 
the  same  design,  enabled  them  now  to  enrich  their 
country  with  an  establishment  whose  operation  has 
proved  as  beneficial  to  their  posterity,  as  its  institution, 
at  so  early  a  period  of  their  history,  is  honorable  to 
themselves.t 


♦  The  price  paid  to  the  Indians  was  fifty  fathoms  of  white 
beads,  ten  coats,  and  twenty  shoes.    Chalmers,  271. 

t  tiorges  America  painted  to  the  Life.  Part  ii.  Cap.  14. 
No  il  I.  1(9,  ISO  Gorton  went  to  Kngland,  and,  during  the 
civil  wars,  involved  the  colony  in  no  small  trouble  by  his 
complaints  of  the  persecution  he  h,id  uiidergono. 

I  .Mather,  B.  iv.  cap.  1.  Neal,  i.  1,11,  lu.  Hutchinson  I.  36. 
I-or  some  time  the  colleje  lab.ircd  under  the  defect  of  a  library. 
The  elTorts  oflhe  managers  to  accumulate  one,  were  aided  liy 
consiilerable  donations  of  books  made  to  them  by  that  great 
and  pious  ecclesiastic  Archbishop  L'sher,  the  celebrated  non- 
conformist minister  Richard  Baiter,  and  that  distin-nished 
warrior  aud  plulueoplier  Sir  Kancliu  Uijby.    U  it  au  mtcreei- 


The  population  of  New  England  wa»  '^w  'o  be  left 
to  depend  on  its  own  resources  ;  and  the  "  ApuUe  which 

had  been  communicated  to  it  by  the  st  jam  of  emi- 
gration from  the  parent  state  was  lo  cease.  For  some 
time  past,  the  policy  of  the  English  guvem.nent  to- 
wards the  colony  had  been  singularly  irres.  lute  and 
unsteady  :  many  demonstrations  had  been  maile  ol 
jealous  dislike  and  tyrannical  dcsii»n  ;  but,  never  being 
carried  into  execution,  they  had  stTved  merely  to  keep 
the  colonists  united  by  a  sense  of  common  danger,  anij 
lo  endear  the  institutions  of  liberty  by  the  dcsuuction 
with  which  they  were  ineffectually  menaced.  Tlio 
king  appears  to  have  doubted  pretty  early  the  con- 
geniality of  his  first  proceedings  towards  the  emigrants 
with  the  general  policy  of  his  administration  :  the  ex- 
perience of  every  year  had  confirmed  his  doubts,  and 
he  had  wavered  in  irresolute  perplexity  between  his 
original  wish  to  evacuate  England  of  the  puritans,  an  I 
his  apprehension  of  the  dangerous  and  increasiuo  in- 
fluence which  their  triumphant  establishment  in  Ame- 
rica was  visibly  exerting.  The  success  of  his  politic 
devices  had  ajipeared  at  first  to  answer  all  his  expec- 
tations, and  he  seemed  likely  to  prevail  over  the  puri- 
tans by  the  demonstration  of  a  hollow  good-will  or 
lenity  suspended  on  the  condition  of  their  abandonm  r 
the  realm.  A  considerable  portion  of  the  embers  ol 
puritan  and  patriotic  feeling  had  been  removed  from 
England,  and  seemingly  cast  away  in  deserts,  where 
as  yet  no  colony  had  been  able  lo  survive.  But  they 
had  neither  languished  nor  perished  ;  and,  on  the  con- 
trary, had  kindled  in  America  a  conflagration  so  power- 
ful and  extensive  that  all  England  was  warmed  and 
enlightened  by  the  blaze.  The  jealous  attention  of 
Laud  was  soon  awakened  to  the  disastrous  issue  of 
this  branch  of  the  royal  policy,  and  while  he  meditated 
the  means  by  which  its  effects  might  be  counteracted, 
he  maintained  spies  in  New  England,  who.se  intel- 
ligence confirmed  his  misgivings,  and  who  courted  his 
favor  by  traducing  '.he  objects  of  his  dislike.  The  de- 
tection of  this  correspondence  served  to  animate  the 
resentment  and  enforce  the  caution  and  the  union  of 
the  colonists.  So  early  as  the  year  1633,  the  English 
government,  yielding  to  its  first  alarm,  made  a  hasty 
and  ill-considered  attempt  to  repair  its  error  by  issuimr 
a  proclamation  reprobating  the  designs  that  prompted 
emigration  to  New  England,  and  ordering  all  ships 
that  were  about  to  proceed  thither  with  passengers  to 
be  detained.  It  was  quickly  felt  that  this  measure  was 
premature,  and  that  it  could  serve  no  other  end  than  to 
irritEle  the  impatience  of  the  puritans  to  obtain  either 
at  home  or  abroad  the  institutions  which  they  had 
made  preparation  to  realize  and  enjoy.  Not  only  was 
the  proclamation  suflered  to  remain  unenforced,  but 
even,  at  a  later  period,  Charles  reverted  so  far  to  his 
original  policy  as  to  promote,  by  his  own  interposition, 
the  expatriation  of  young  Vane,  of  whose  political 
and  religious  sentiments  he  was  perfectly  aware. 
After  an  interval  of  hesitation,  measures  more  de- 
liberate were  adopted  for  subverting  the  colonial  liber- 
ties. In  the  yi'ar  1635,  a  commission  was  granted  to 
the  great  officers  of  slate  and  some  of  the  nobility  for 
the  regulation  and  government  of  the  plantations. 
By  this  commission  the  archbishop  of  ''anlerbury 
(Laud,)  and  a  few  others,  were  authorized  lo  make 
laws  and  constitution  for  the  colony  ;  to  establish  an 
order  of  cli  rgy,  and  assign  them  a  maintenance  ;  and 
to  punish  ca[)itally,  or  otherwise,  all  who  should  vio- 
late their  ordinances.  The  general  botly  of  the  com- 
missioners were  directed  to  examine  all  existing  co- 
lonial patents  and  charters,  and  if  thry  found  thai  any 
had  liccn  unduly  olilained,  or  thai  the  liticrtics  they 
eonferrcd  xccrc  hurtful  to  the  prerogative  royiil,  to  cause 
tlum  to  lie  rcroked  and  quashed.'  The  English  grand 
council  of  Plymouth  were  easily  persuaded  to  give  the 
first  example  of  submission  to  this  arbitrary  authority  ; 
and,  accordingly,  the  same  year  they  surrendered  their 
useless  patent  to  the  king,  under  reservation  of  their 
claims  as  individuals  to  the  properly  of  the  soil. 
These  reserved  claims  gave  occasion  at  an  after  period 
to  much  dispute,  perplexity,  and  inconvenience.  'ITie 
only  proceeding,  however,  which  immediately  ensued 
against  the  New  England  colonists,  wa«  the  institution 
of  a  process  of  gxw  trarratUo  against  their  charter  in 
the  Court  of  King's  Bench,  of  which  no  intimation 

ing  fact,  and  v.liich  seems  to  strengthen  and  dignify  ihs  rela- 
tionship between  the  two  countries,  that  many  of  the  most  illus 
trious  men  that  Kngland  has  ever  produced,  contributed  to  lay 
the  Inundation  of  civilized  society  ii,  America.  The  enumera- 
tion oflhe  patentees  in  the  Virginian  charters,  includes  alino«( 
every  disiinguished  individual  in  Kngland  ai  the  time. 

•  This  slronely  corroborates  the  opinion  I  have  expressed  of 
the  real  lueaniiig,  understanding,  tnd  intention  of  the  king  and 
the  puritan  emigrants  at  Ihe  um«  wbou  the  Kaw  Kngland  cUtr 
ter  was  framed  aud  grauicd 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


S49 


was  made  to  the  paitics  interested,  and  which  was 
n.'ver  prosecuted  to  a  judicial  issue.*  It  is  vain  to 
epeculatf  oil  all  the  varyiny;  niolives  and  purposes  that 
from  tune  to  time  dircned  and  varied  the  policy  of 
the  kui!^.  He  was  formed  to  hate  and  oppress  po- 
litical freedom  and  the  rights  of  conscience  ;  hut  fated 
to  do  them  signal  service  hy  his  unavailing  and  ill-di- 
recte^l  hostility.  In  the  year  1637  he  granted  a  com- 
mission to  Sir  Ferdinaudo  Gorges,  appointing  hiin 
governor-general  of  New  England,  and  issued  a  pro- 
clamation prohibiting  all  persons  from  transporting 
themselves,  or  others,  to  that  country  without  a  special 
wairant  from  the  king,  which,  it  was  added,  would  be 
granted  to  none  who  could  not  produce  credible  certi- 
ficates of  their  having  taken  the  oaths  of  supremacy 
and  allegiance,  and  fully  conformed  to  the  discipline  of 
the  church  of  England.  But  the  critical  state  of 
alfairs  at  home  prevented  the  adoption  of  measures  re- 
quisite to  give  effect  to  Gorges'  commission  ;  and  the 
irreM.slible  impatience  of  tlie  oppressed  puritans  and 
friends  of  liberty  to  escape  from  impeiuling  rum,  or  ap- 
proaching civil  war,  rendered  the  restrictions  imposed 
on  their  emigration  utterly  unavaihng.  W'e  have  seen 
that,  in  the  year  a  numerous  transportation  of 

additional  emigrants  was  ctl'ected.  But.  in  the  course 
of  that  year,  the  king  at  length  was  roused  to  a 
vigor  which  now  alone  was  wanting  to  mature  and  ac- 
celerate his  rum  ;  and,  alter  this  long  course  of  blun- 
derinu,  wavering,  and  failure,  he  adopted  a  measure 
which,  unfortunately  for  himself,  was  effectual.  Hear- 
ing that  another  tieet  was  about  to  sail  for  New  FJngland 
with  a  body  of  emigrants,  among  whom  were  some  of 
the  most  eminent  leaders  of  the  patriots  and  puritans, 
.le  caused  an  order  of  council  to  be  issued  lor  their 
detention  ;  and  the  order  being  promptly  enforced,  the 
voyage  was  prevented.  On  board  this  fleet  there  ap- 
pear to  have  been,  among  other  eminent  individuals, 
Hazlerig,  Hampden,  Pyin,  and  Oliver  Cromwellt — 
men  to  whom,  but  a  few  years  after,  he  was  fain  to 
tender  the  highest  oHices  in  hi^.  realm,  and  whom  his 
injustice  no.v  de'ainrdto  avenge  the  tyranny  by  which 
60  many  of  their  brethren  had  been  driven  away.  Va- 
rious proclamations  were  issued  the  same  year  in  re- 
straint of  emigration  to  New  England,  which,  from  this 
time,  accordingly,  ap|;ears  to  have  been  discontinued. i 
This  proceeding  naturally  inflamed  the  public  nimd  to 
the  highest  pitch  of  discontent.  Even  the  hospitality 
of  rude  deserts,  it  was  exclaimed,  was  denied  to  the 
Oppressed  inhabitants  of  England  ;  and  men  were  con- 
strained to  inquire  if  the  evils  which  could  not  be 
evaded  might  not  be  repelled,  and  since  retreat  was  im- 
practicable, if  resistance  might  not  be  unavailing.  Bv 
Jiroinoting  emigration  at  first,  the  king  had  opened  a 
vein  which  it  was  eminently  hazardous  to  close  ;  and 
the  increased  severity  of  his  administration  augmented 
the  llovv  of  evil  humours  at  the  very  time  when  he  thus 
imprudently  deprived  them  of  their  accustomed  vent. 
The  previous  emigration  had  already  drained  the  jiuri- 
tan  body  of  a  great  number  of  those  of  its  members 
wiiosc  milder  tempers  and  more  submissive  piety  ren- 
dered them  more  willing  than  their  brethren  to  decline 

»  Chalmers  asserts  that  judgmeiii  was  given  against  llie 
colony  :  but  the  reverse  apjieais  from  llie  auUmrities  to  which 
he  refers,  and  still  mnreclearty  iVoin  the  record  ofihe  proceed- 
ings preserved  in  Hazard,  p.  4i5. 

fThat  Hampden  and  Cromwell  were  on  board  this  fleet,  or 
that  lliey  even  intended  to  ])roceed  to  America,  has  been 
dciiibted.  hKi  1  mink  without  any  reason.  Hume  has  rather 
conlirined  than  removed  the  douljt  by  the  manner  in  which  he 
has  relerred  to  a  passage  in  Hutchinson,  the  uieotdng  of  which 
he  has  evidently  misunderstood.  But  Dr.  IVa'her,  who  pre- 
ceded Hutchinson,  e.\preisly  names  all  the  individuals  nien- 
Iponed  in  llie  text  as  having  prepared  for  ttrei'  voyage,  and 
been  arrested  by  the  order  of  council.  Oldmixon  recites  the 
grant  uf  laud  in  America  in  favor  of  Hampden  and  others, 
which  the  eniiLM'ants  were  iiroceeding  to  occujiy.  Mather's 
siatcnieni  is  ccnilirnied  by  Neal,  Clarendon,  Bates,  and  Dug. 
d.ile.  The  strong  mind  of  Crcniiwell  appears  long  to  have  re- 
tained the  bias  it  had  once  received  towards  emigration,  and 
the  tavorable  opinion  of  the  settlers  of  New  iCngland  from 
vhich  that  bias  h.id  been  partly  derived.  After  the  Remon- 
strance was  voted  in  the  Long  Parliament,  he  told  Lord  Falk- 
land that  if  the  question  had  been  los<  he  was  prepared  neit 
day  to  have  ronverted  his  ell'ectB  into  ready  money  and  left 
the  kingdom.  When  he  was  in-  ested  with  the  Protectorate 
he  treated  Massacliiiselts  with  distinguished  partiality.  Hume 
considered  himself  as  levelling  a  most  sarcastic  reflection 
against  Hampden  and  Cromwell,  when  he  described  them  as 
wilhng  to  cross  the  Atlantic  ocean  forthe  sake  of  saying  their 
prayers.  Some  writers,  who  partake  the  political^  but  not 
the  religious,  sentiments  of  these  emirent  persons,  have  been 
very  willing  to  defend  them  from  so  scandalous  an  imputation. 

t  Mather,  B.  i.  cap.  5.  Neal,  i.  148,  149.  151.  Hutchinson, 
i.  32.  42.  80.  and  Append.  No.  iv.  Oldmixon,  i.  42,  and  in  Pref. 
p.  12.^  Chalmers,  I5S,  15'J,  IfiO,  161.  Hazard,  421,  422,423, 
Ac.  433,  434.  The  American  historians  of  this  period  are  ex- 
ceedingly careless,  and  most  perplexingly  discordant  m  their 
notation  of  dates,  as  I  have  frequently  experienced,  though 
never  with  so  much  inconvenience  as  in  the  fu:riLii''enient  of 
the  Mveiits  relatud  ui  this  paja^rapli 


a  contest  with  him  :  the  present  restrictions  forcibly 
retained  in  the  realm  men  of  more  daring  spirit  and 
trained  in  long  habits  of  enmity  to  his  person  and  op- 
position to  his  measures.*  He  had  now  at  length  suc- 
ceeded in  stripping  his  subjects  of  every  protection 
that  the  law  could  e.ttend  to  their  rights  ;  and  was  des- 
tined soon  to  experience  how  completely  he  had  di- 
vested them  of  every  restraint  that  the  law  could  impose 
on  the  vindictive  retribution  of  their  wrongs.  From 
this  period  till  the  assembling  of  the  long  parliament, 
he  pursued  a  short  and  headlong  career  of  disgrace 
and  disaster,  while  the  cloud  of  calamaties  in  which 
he  had  involved  himself  seemed  to  veil  his  eyes  from 
the  destruction  to  which  he  was  infallibly  advancing. 

In  pursuance  of  the  policy  which  the  king  at  length 
seemed  determined  opeifly  and  vigorously  to  pursue, 
a  requisition  was  transmitted  by  the  privv  council  to 
the  governor  and  general  court  of  Massachusetts,  com- 
manding them  to  deliver  up  their  patent  and  send  it 
back  by  the  first  ship  that  should  sail  for  England,  that 
it  might  abide  the  issue  of  the  process  of  ijuo  iriirranlu 
that  was  depeiidmg  against  the  colony.  To  this  recpii- 
silion  the  general  court  returned  for  answer,  a  humble 
and  earnest  petition  that  the  colonists  might  be  heard 
before  they  were  condemned.  They  declared  that 
they  had  transported  their  families  to  America,  and  em- 
barked their  fortunes  in  the  colony,  in  reliance  on  his 
majesty's  licence  and  encouragement;  that  they  had 
never  willingly  or  knowingly  offended  him,  and  now 
humbly  deprecated  his  wrath,  and  solicited  to  be  heard 
with  their  patent  in  their  hands.  If  it  were  wrested 
from  them,  they  must  eitner  return  to  England  or  seek 
the  hospitality  of  more  ilistant  regions.  But  they 
pravcd  that  they  might  "  be  suffered  to  live  in  the  wil- 
derness," where  they  had  as  yet  found  a  resting-place, 
and  might  experience  in  their  exile  some  of  that  favor 
from  the  ruler  of  their  native  land  which  they  had 
largely  experienced  from  the  Lord  and  Judge  of  all  the 
earth.  They  retained  possession  of  tlieir  patent  while 
(hey  waited  an  answer  to  this  (lelition,  which,  in  the 
shape  wherein  they  looked  for  it,  they  were  happily  des- 
tined never  to  receive.  The  insurrections  which  soon 
after  broke  out  in  Scotland,  directed  the  whole  attention 
of  the  king  to  matters  which  more  nearly  concerned  him  ; 
and  the  long  gathering  storm  which  was  now  visibly 
preparing  to  burst  upon  him  from  every  corner  of  his  do- 
minions, forcibly  induced  hini  to  contract  as  far  as  pos- 
sible the  sphere  of  hostility  in  which  he  found  himself 
involved. t  '^I  he  benefit  of  his  altered  views  was  ex- 
perienced by  the  Virginians,  [1639,]  in  the  abolition  of 
the  despotism  lo  which  he  had  hitherto  subjected  them, 
and  by  the  inhabitants  of  New  England,  in  the  cessa- 
tion of  his  attempts  to  supersede  by  a  similar  despo- 
tism the  liberal  institutions  which  they  had  hitherto 
enjoyed.  He  would  doubtless  now  have  cordially  con- 
sented to  disencumber  himself  of  his  adversaries  by 
promoting  the  emigration  which  he  had  so  imprudently 
obstructed  :  but  such  a  revolution  of  sentiment  had 
now  taken  place  in  E.ngland,  and  such  interesting 
prospects  began  to  open  to  the  patriots  and  puritans 
at  home,  that  the  motives  which  had  formerly  induced 
them  to  migrate  to  the  new  world  ceased  any  longer  to 
prevail. 

1640.]  When  the  intercourse  which  had  for  twenty 
years  subsisted  between  the  colony  and  the  parent  state 
underwent  this  modification,  the  number  of  the  inha- 
bitants of  New  England  appears  to  have  amounted  to 
about  twenty-one  thousand  persons, t  or  four  thousand 

*  The  commencement  of  resistance  m  Scotland  originated 
with  some  individuals  of  that  country  w  ho  had  purciiased  an 
allotment  of  territory  in  New  England;  'dP-d  made  preparation 
to  transport  themselves  thither,  but  were  prevented  (it  does 
not  appear  how)  from  carrying  their  design  into  execu'..on. 
They  had  obtaineii  from  the  colonial  assembly  an  assurance 
of  the  free  exercise  of  their  presbyterian  form  of  church  go- 
vernment.   Mather,  B.  i.  cap.  5.  sec.  7» 

t  Hutchinson,!.  87.  andAppendix,  No.  v.  Chalmers, p.  1C2. 
This  yeai  (1038)  was  distinguished  by  an  carlh  juake  in  New- 
England,  which  extended  through  aU  the  settlements,  and  I 
shook  the  ships  in  Boston  harbor  and  the  neighboring  islands. 
The  sound  of  it  reminded  some  of  the  colonists  of  the  rattling 
of  coaches  in  the  streets  of  London.  Winthrop's  Journal, 
155.    Trumbull,  i.  93. 

This  work  liad  been  for  s->me  time  in  the  press,  when  an 
opportunity  was  afforded  me  (by  the  kindness  of  mj;  friend  Mr. 
Hershel)  of  examining  a  recent  American  publication  entitled 
"  The  lli.-tory  of  New  England  from  1030  to  1649,"  by  Gover- 
nor Winthrop,  of  which  a  copy  had  been  sent  as  a  present  to 
the  Royal  Society  of  London.  It  is  a  republicati<in  of  Win- 
throp's Journal  (which  1  had  already  considted  at  Gotlingeii), 
with  the  lately  discovered  continuation  of  it  till  1649.  Mr 
Savage,  the  editor,  has  bestowed  much  labor  and  learning 
on  the  illustration  of  a  work  which  I  think  hardly  deserved 
such  care. 

I  Josselyn's  Voyage  lo  New  England,  p.  2,53.  Hutchirson, 
1.93.  Neal'e  error,  in  conipuiing  the  ijinnbcr  of  the  settlers 
at  only  4000,  seeins  lo  ha^■e  been  occasioned  by  the  mistake 
or  inuccuracy  of  Dr  Mather  in  nicniioi.ing  aial  numticr  of 


families,  including  about  a  hundred  ministers.  The 
money  that  had  been  expended  during  that  period  in 

ecpiipping  vessels  and  transporting  emigrants,  amounted 
to  neaiHy  two  hundred  thousand  pounds — a  |)iodigioua 
sum  ill  that  age,  and  which  nothing  but  the  noble  aiiu 
unconquerable  princijile  that  animated  the  puritans 
could  have  persuaded  men  to  expend  on  the  prosjiect 
of  forming  an  establishment  in  a  remote  uncultivated 
desert,  which  offered  to  its  inhabitants  only  a  naked 
freedom  and  difficult  subsistence.  When  the  civil  wars 
commenced,  the  colonists  had  already  planted  fifty 
towns  and  villages  ;  they  had  erected  upwards  of  thirty 
churches  and  ministers'  houses  ;  and  combining  with 
their  preponderating  regard  lo  the  concerns  of  religion, 
a  diligent  and  judicious  conduct  of  their  lemporai  af- 
fairs, they  had  unproved  their  jilantations  to  a  high  de- 
gree of  cultivation.  For  the  first  seven  years  aflcr  the 
foundation  of  the  settlement  that  was  made  in  1630, 
even  subsistence  was  procured  with  difficulty,  and 
trade  was  not  generally  attempted  ;*  but  soon  after 
that  period,  tin  y  began  to  I'xiend  their  fislieiy  and  to 
open  a  trade  in  lumber,  which  subsequently  proved  the 
slaple  article  of  the  colonial  coimnerce.  In  the  year 
1637  there  were  but  thirty  ploughs  in  the  whole  colony 
of  Massachusetts  ;  and  less  than  the  third  o'  tnat  num- 
ber in  Connecticut.  The  culture  of  the  earth  wao 
generally  perlormed  with  hoes,  and  was  consequently 
very  slow  and  laborious.  Every  commodity  bore  a 
high  price.  Valuable  as  money  was  at  that  jieriod  the 
price  of  a  good  cow  was  thirty  pounds  ;  Indian  corn 
cost  five  shillings  a  bushel ;  labor  and  every  other  arti- 
cle of  use  was  proportionably  dear.  Necessity  at  first 
introduced  what  the  jurisprudence  of  the  colonists  af- 
terwards confirmed;  and  desiring  to  perpetuate  the 
habits  that  had  proved  so  conducive  to  piety  and  virtue, 
they  endeavored  by  legislative  enactnu  nts  lo  exclude 
luxury  and  jiromote  industry.  When  the  assembling 
of  the  long  parliament  opened  a  prospect  of  safety, 
and  even  of  triumph  and  supremacy  to  the  puritans  in 
England,  a  number  of  those  who  had  taken  refuge  in 
America  returned  to  their  native  country  :  but  the  great 
majority  of  the  settlers  had  experienced  so  much  of 
the  life  and  happiness  of  religion  in  the  societies  that 
had  sprung  up  and  the  mode  of  living  that  had  been 
formed  m  the  colony,  that  they  felt  themselves  united 
to  New  England  by  stronger  ties  than  any  that  patri- 
otic recollections  could  supjily,  and  resolved  lo  rcniait 
in  the  region  which  their  virtue  had  converted  from  a 
wilderness  into  a  garden.  In  an  infant  colony,  whei;o 
all  hearts  were  strongly  united  by  coiniiiuiiily  of  feel- 
ing on  subjects  the  most  interesting  and  iiniiorlant, 
where  the  inhabitants  were  in  general  very  nearly  on  a 
level  in  point  of  temporal  condition,  and  where  the 
connexions  of  neighborhood  were  but  extended  family 
i.es,  the  minds  of  men  were  warmed  and  mvigorati-d 
by  a  freedom  and  simplicity  of  mutual  communication 
uiirepressed  by  the  restraints  of  ceremony,  or  the  wiih- 
eritig  influence  of  that  spirit  of  sarcasm,  and  that  dread 
of  ridicule,  which  operate  so  powerfully  in  crowded 
and  highly  polished  societies.  And  yet  some  indica- 
tions of  an  aristocratical  disposition,  arising,  not  unni- 
turally,  out  of  some  of  the  peculiar  circumstances  in 
the  formation  of  the  colony,  did  occasionally  manifest 
themselves.  Several  of  the  first  planters,  particularly 
Dudley,  Winslow,  AN'inthrop,  Bradford,  Bellingham, 
and  Bradstreet,  were  gentlemen  of  considerable  for- 
tune, and  besides  the  transportation  of  their  own  fami- 
lies, they  had  incurred  the  expense  of  transporting 
many  poor  families  who  must  otherwise  have  remained 
III  England.  Others  were  members  of  the  original 
body  of  patentees,  and  had  incurred  expenses  in  the 
procurement  of  the  charter,  the  formation  of  the  com- 
pany, and  the  equipment  of  the  first  body  of  adventu- 
rers, of  which  they  had  now  no  prospect  of  obtaining 
indemnification  It  was  probably  owing  to  the  preva- 
lence of  the  peculiar  sentiments  which  these  persons 
may  very  well  be  supposed  to  have  entertained,  that  in 
the  first  general  court  that  was  held  in  the  colony,  the 
election  of  th.e  governor,  the  appointment  of  all  tho 
other  officers,  and  even  the  power  of  legislation,  were 

planters  or  heads  of  families  in  such  terms  as  seem  lo  com 
prehend  the  whole  body  of  the  inhabitants.  It  is  amply  refuted 
by  his  own  and  tl.e  other  accounts  ol  tlie  particulars  of  tlis 
severalemigrations.  In  the  ■' History  of  New  England  troni 
1028  till  1052,"  (published  in  London  in  1054)  it  is  stated  tliat 
prior  to  Ihe  year  1643  there  had  tailed  for  New-  England  298 
ships  and  21,200  emigrants  p.  31. 

josselyn,  who  visited  New  England  more  than  once,  was 
intrusted  by  t^uarles  the  poet  witli  some  of  his  metrical  ver 
sions  of  Scripture  to  be  submitted  to  the  perusal  and  coiisida- 
ration  of  Mr.  Cotton.    Josselyn,  p.  20. 

♦  Yet  in  the  year  16.36  a  ship  of  120  tons  was  built  at  Mar 
blehead  by  the  people  of  Salem  CuUuctiuns  ot  the  Uastaritu 
setts'  Hist.  Soc.  vi.  23'i. 


250 


THE  HISTORY  OT 


whhdrawrii  from  the  rrfciiu-n.  ami  rested  in  the  council 
of  3ii9i>ianls  ;  and  althoii-ih  llie  freemen  reclaimed  and 
renewed  their  rii:hts  m  the  fullownii;  year,  yet  the  exer- 
cite  of  ie'^'ishtion  was  confined  ahnost  entirely  to  the 
council  of  assistants,  till  the  introduction  of  the  reurc- 
erntative  system  in  the  year  1634.  From  tliin  timo 
ihe  council  and  the  freemen,  assembled  together, 
formed  one  jjcncral  court,  till  the  year  1644,  when  it 
was  ordained  that  the  governor  and  assistants  should 
•it  apart ;  and  thence  commenced  the  separate  ex 
isteiice  of  the  democratic  branch  of  the  legislature, 
or  house  of  representatives.  Elections  were  con 
ducted  hy  ballot,  in  vhich  the  balls  or  tickets  ten- 
dered by  the  electors  were  appointed  to  consist  of  In- 
dian beans. 

.Some  notice  of  the  peculiarities  of  legislation  that 
tlready  [irevalled  in  the  various  communities  of  New 
Kngland.  seems  proper  to  illustrate  the  state  of  society 
and  manners  among  this  singular  people.  By  a  funda- 
mental law  of  Massachusetts  it  was  enacted,  "  that  all 
ilrangers  professing  the  christian  religion,  who  shall 
flee  to  this  country  from  the  tyranny  of  their  persecu- 
tors, sliall  be  succored  at  the  public  charge  till  some 
provision  can  be  made  for  them."  Jesuits  and  popish 
priests,  however,  were  subjected  to  banishment,  and 
in  case  of  their  return,  to  death.  This  persecuting 
law  was  afterwards  extended  to  the  quakers  ;  and  all 
persons  were  forbidden,  under  the  severest  penalties,  to 
import  any  of  "  that  cursed  sect,"  or  of  their  writings, 
into  the  colony.  Hv  what  |irovocatioiis  the  quakers  of 
that  period  excited  these  severities,  we  shall  have  an 
op|>ortunity  of  considering  hereafter.  These  persecu- 
ting edicts  had  no  place  in  Rhode  Island,  where  none 
were  subjected  to  active  molestation  for  religious  opi- 
nions, and  all  were  admitted  to  the  full  rights  of  citi- 
lenship  except  Roman  Catholics.  The  usual  punish- 
ments of  great  crimes  were  disfranchisement,  banish- 
ment and  servitude  :  but  slavery  was  not  permitted  to 
be  inflicted  u[ion  any  except  captives  lawfully  taken  in 
the  wars  ;  and  these  were  to  be  treated  with  the  gen- 
tleness of  christian  manners,  and  to  be  entitled  to  all 
the  mitigations  of  their  lot  enjoined  by  the  law  of  Mo- 
*es.  Dischiiining  all  but  defensive  war,  the  colonists 
considered  themselves  entitled  and  constrained  in  self- 
defence  to  deprive  their  assailants  of  a  liberty  which 
they  had  abused  and  rendered  inconsistent  with  the 
fafety  of  their  neighbors.  The  practice,  however,  was 
highly  impolitic,  and  served  to  pave  the  way,  at  a  lat>'r 
period,  for  the  introduction  of  negro  slavery  into  New 
£nglan(i. 

Adultery  was  punished  by  death  ;  and  fornication  by 
compelling  the  oflTending  parlies  to  marry  (an  absurd 
device,  which  served  to  degrade  the  institution  of  mar- 
riai;e),  or  by  fine  and  imprisonment.  Burglary  or  rob- 
bery was  punished,  for  the  first  ofTence  by  branding, 
fur  ihe  second  with  superaddition  of  a  severe  flogging, 
Bf'il  for  the  third  with  death  ;  but  if  either  of  these 
trimrs.  while  yet  not  inferring  a  capital  punithnuent, 
were  eo:iimilt<  (l  on  Sunday,  an  ear  was  to  be  cut  off 
in  addition  to  the  other  inflictions.  We  must  beware 
of  supposing  that  these  penal  enactments  indicate  th* 
existence,  inurh  less  the  frequency,  of  the  crime*  to 
which  they  refer.  In  those  communities  where  civili- 
r.atiun  has  been  a  gradual  attainment,  penal  laws  de- 
note the  prevalence  of  the  crimes  they  condemn.  But 
in  Ihe  colonial  establishments  of  a  civilized  people, 
many  of  the  laws  must  be  regarded  merely  as  the  ex- 
pression of  the  opinion  of  the  legislators,  and  by  no 
means  as  indicating  the  actual  condition  of  society. 
Blasphemy  and  idolatry  were  punishable  with  death  ; 
and  though  it  was  acknowledged  in  the  preamble  to  one 
of  the  laws,  "that  no  human  power  is  lord  over  the 
faith  and  con-x  iences  of  men,"  yet  heresy,  by  this  very 
law,  was  punished  with  banishment  from  the  province. 
Witchcraft,  and  perjury  directed  against  human  life, 
were  capitally  punished.  No  capital  charge  was  deemed  1 
capable  of  being  proved  by  evidence  less  weighty  than 
the  oaths  of  two  witnesses — a  regulation  that  deserves 
to  be  universally  established,  as  well  on  account  of  its 
own  intrinsic  soundness,  as  of  its  original  derivation 
Imm  the  wiadom  of  the  Creator  and  searcher  of  human 
heart*. 

All  gaming  was  prohibited  ;  cards  «nd  dice  were 
forbidden  to  be  iin|>urted,  and  dancing  m  ordinaries 
WH*  prosciilied.  By  a  law  enacted  in  1646,  kissing  a 
woiiMii  III  the  street,  even  in  the  way  of  civil  salute, 
wa«  punished  by  Hogging.  This  law  was  executed 
about  a  century  afterwards,  on  the  cafitain  of  an  Kn- 
glish  man  of  war,  for  saluting  his  wile,  whom  he  met, 
■fler  (  long  separation,  in  the  streets  of  Boston.  Flog- 
ging was  not  ronnidered  an  infamous  punishment  by 
ihti  poodle  of  Mdimakhuasella  ;  and  even  so  lulu  as  ll\u 


middle  of  the  eighteenth  century,  there  were  instances 
of  persons  who  after  undergoing  this  punishment,  have 
a.-sociated  with  the  most  respectable  circles  of  society 
in  Boston.  The  economy  of  inns  was  regulated  with 
a  strictness  that  deserves  to  be  noted  as  explanatory 
of  a  circumstance  that  has  frequently  excited  the  sur- 
prise of  European  travellers  in  America.  The 
intemperance  and  immorality  which  these  places  are 
apt  to  ^,roinote,  was  punished  with  the  utmost  rigor  ; 
and  «il  innkeepers  were  required,  under  ihe  severest 
penalties,  to  restrain  the  excesses  of  their  guests,  or  to 
acquaint  the  magistrates  with  their  perpetration.  For 
the  more  eflectual  enforcement  of  this  law,  it  was 
judged  expedient  that  innkeepers  should  be  divested  of 
the  temptation  that  poverty  presents  to  its  infraction, 
and  enjoy  such  personal  consideration  as  would  facili- 
tate the  exercise  of  their  ditlicult  duty  ;  and,  accord- 
ingly, none  were  permitted  to  follow  this  calling  but 
persons  of  approved  character  and  competent  estate. 
One  of  the  consequences  of  this  policy  has  been,  that 
an  employment  very  little  respected  m  other  countries, 
has  ever  been  creditable  in  the  highest  degree  in  New 
England,  and  not  uiil'requently  pursued  by  men  who 
have  retired  from  the  most  honorable  stations  in  the 
civil  or  military  service  of  the  state. 

Persons  wearing  apparel  which  the  grand  jury  should 
account  unsuitable  to  their  estate,  were  to  be  admo- 
nished in  the  first  instance,  and  if  contumacious,  fined.* 
Idleness,  lying,  cwearing,  and  drunkenness,  were  sub- 
jected to  various  penalties  and  marks  of  disgrace.f 
Usury  was  forbidden  ;  and  the  prohibition  was  not  con- 
fined to  the  interest  of  mone.y,  but  extended  to  the 
hire  of  laboring  cattle  and  implements  of  husbandry. 
Persons  deserting  the  English  settlements,  and  living 
in  heathen  freedom  and  profanity,  were  punished  by 
fine  and  imprisonment.  A  male  child  above  sixteen 
years  of  age,  accused  by  his  parents  of  rebellion  against 
them  and  other  notorious  offences;  was  (in  conformity 
with  the  Mosaic  code)  subjected  to  capital  punish- 
ment ;  and  any  person  courting  a  maid  without  the 
sanction  of  her  parents,  was  fined  and  imprisoned. 
Vet  the  jiarental  authority  was  not  left  unregulated. 
AW  parents  were  commanded  to  instruct  and  catccliise 
their  children  and  servants,  whom  the  select  men  or 
overseers  were  directed  to  remove  from  their  authority 
and  commit  to  fitter  hands,  if  they  were  found  deficient 
m  this  duty  ;t  and  children  were  allowed  to  seek  re- 
dress from  the  magistrate  if  they  were  denied  con- 
venient marriage.  The  celebration  of  the  ceremony 
of  marriage  was  confined  to  the  magistrate  or  such 
oilier  persons  as  the  general  court  should  authorize. 
Tlieir  law  of  tenures  was  exceedingly  simple  and  con- 
cise. The  charter  had  conveyed  the  general  territory 
to  the  company  and  its  assigns  ;  and  it  was  very  early 
enacted,  "  that  five  years'  quiet  possession  shall  be 
deemed  a  sufficient  title."    Instead  of  enacting  or  in- 


lending  that  the  deficiencies  of  theii  legislative  code 
should  be  supplied  by  the  common  or  statute  law  of 
England,  it  was  declared,  that  when  the  customs  of 
the  commonwealth  were  found  defective,  recour** 
should  be  had  to  the  word  of  God.* 

Like  the  tribes  of  Israel,  the  colonists  of  New  Eng- 
land had  forsaken  their  native  land  after  a  long  ari 
severe  bondage,  and  journeyed  into  the  wilderness  lor 
the  sake  of  religion.  They  endeavored  to  cherish  a 
resemblance  of  condition,  so  honorable  and  so  fraught 
with  incitements  to  piety,  by  cultivating  a  conformity 
between  their  laws  and  customs  and  those  which  had 
distinguished  the  people  of  God.  Hence  arose  some 
of  the  peculiarities  which  we  have  observed  in  their 
legislative  code  ;  and  hence  arose  also  the  practice  of 
commencing  their  sabbatical  observances  on  Saturday 
evening,  and  of  accounting  every  evening  the  com- 
mencement of  the  ensuing  day.  The  saine  predilec- 
tion for  Jewish  customs  begot,  or  at  least  promoted, 
among  them  the  habit  of  bestowing  significant  namea 
on  children,  of  whom  the  first  three  that  were  baptised 
in  Boston  church  received  the  names  of  Joy,  Recom- 
pense, and  Pity.  This  custom  seems  to  have  pre- 
vailed with  the  greatest  force  in  the  town  of  Dorchester, 
which  long  continued  to  be  remarkable  for  such  namea 
as  Faith,  Hope,  Charity,  Deliverance,  Dependence, 
Preserved,  Content,  Prudent,  Patience,  Thankful, 
Hatc-evil,  Holdfast,  and  others  of  a  similar  character. 


*  Tiic  resjul.iii'in  o.  apparel  was  considered  a  fit  subject  of  I 
public  police  in  England  as  late  as  the  reign  of  Eliza'-eth,  who  ' 
by  a  proclamation,  appointed  watclies  of  grave  citizens  lo  bo 
stationed  at  tbe  gates  of  London  in  ordcrlo  circumscribe  witli 
tlieir  scissors  all  the  rulfs  of  passengers  that  exceeded  certain 
legal  dimensions.  Stow.  Chron.  tjO'J.  By  an  act  passed  in  the 
ibirtecnth  year  of  the  same  sovereiijn's  reign,  liatsvv  ere  con- 
sidered as  a  luxury ;  and  ail  persons  under  a  certain  age  com- 
iiiaiidcd  to  wear  woollen  caps.  In  the  churclnvardens*  ac- 
counts of  the  parish  o*'  Kuiham  is  this  item  :  '  1678,  paid  for 
discliarge  of  the  parish  for  wearing  liats,  contrary  to  the  sta- 
tute, 5s.  2d." 

t  That  tliese  laws  were  not  allowed  to  be  a  dead  letter, 
.appears  from  the  following  extracts  from  the  earliest  records 
of  the  colonial  court.  "  Jolm  W'cdgewood,  for  being  in  the 
company  of  drunkards,  to  be  set  in  liie  stocks.  Catharine,  the 
wife  of  Klcliard  Coriiisli,  was  found  su.spicious  of  incontincnry, 
and  seriously  admonished  to  take  heed.  Tiiomas  Petit,  for 
suspicion  of  slander,  idleness,  and  stubbornness,  is  censured 
u>  be  s(!verely  wtiippcd.  ('nptam  Lovul  admonished  to  lake 
iice  1  of  h'.'ht  rarriasre.  Josias  I'laistowp.  for  stcahna  foiy 
bassets  of  com  from  the  Indians.is  ordered  to  return  them  eiglit 
ba^kct^.to  be  hned  live  pound.s,  and  her4'after  to  be  called  by 
Ihe  name  nf  Josias,  and  not  Mr.,  as  formerly  he  used  to  be." 
Huti'liinson,  p.  430.  Few  olitained  the  title  of  Mr.  in  the  co- 
lony ;  still  fewer  that  of  Esquire,  Goodman  and  goodwifc 
were  the  common  appcllaiions.  It  was  to  merit  and  services 
rather  than  wealth,  that  the  disliiictive  ap;>rllations  were 
Kiven.  Iliid.  The  slnclness  and  scrupulosity  of  manners 
alTccted  by  many  of  the  inhabitants  exceeded  the  standard  of 
the  law  s ;  and  associations  appear  to  have  been  fonncd  for 
suppressing  the  dniikixgof  healths,  and  wearing  of  long  hair 
and  uf  periwigs.  Ibid.  151.  In  some  instariccs,  the  purposes 
of  these  a.ssociations  were  afterwards  adopted  and  enforced 
by  the  laws.  It  is  rcla  .nd  of  some  of  the  earlier  settlers,  that 
with  a  most  absurd  exagger.ition  of  rigidity,  they  refrained 
from  browing  (in  Saturday,  becaasc  the  iiecr  would  work  upon 
Suiid:iy.  Douglas,  Summary  of  the  Bnllsh  settlemerits  in 
America,  i.  371. 

t  Such  regulations  w'le  not  unknown  in  Scotland.  So 
late  as  the  yp.ir  1078,  a  law  was  enacted  by  the  corporation 
of  the  town  of  Rutherglen.commanding  all  parents  to  send  their 
chililri-ii  to  Bchoo),  and  adjudging  that  the  schoolinasler  .should 
be  eiilitled  to  hm  fees  for  rvcry  child  m  the  p:insh,  v  hcthcr 
sent  l«  his  sdiuui  ui  not.   Urv's  Uiaiory  of  nullicri;lon,  p.  70. 


CHAPTER  III. 

New  England  embraces  the  cause  of  the  Parliament— Federal 

Unii>n  between  ihe  New  England  Slates — Provincial  coin, 
age  (if  money — Disputes  occasioned  by  the  Disfranchisement 
ol  Dis-icnicrs  in  Massachuseiis— Impeachmeni  and  trial  of 
GdveriKir  Winthrop — Arbitrary  proceedings  aeaiiist  iba 
Dissenters — Attempts  to  convert  and  civilize  the  Indian! 
-  Character  and  labors  of  Elliot  and  Mayh«w — Indian 
Bible  primed  in  Massachusetts— Eftects  of  the  Missioi  ary 
labor— A  synod  of  the  New  Eneland  churches— Dispute  be- 
tween Massachu.setts  and  the  Long  Parliament— the  Colony 
foils  the  Parliament  and  is  favorcil  by  Cromwell — The  Pro. 
lector's  administration  bei.eficial  to  New  Knt'land — He  con. 
quers  Acadia — His  propositions  to  the  inhabitants  of  Mas- 
sachusetts—declined by  them— Persecution  of  ihe  Anabapiisla 
ill  Massachusetts — Conduct  and  sufferings  of  the  Quakers — 
The  Restoration — Address  of  Massachusetts  to  Charles  the 
Secon.l — Alarm  of  Ihe  colonists,  and  their  declaration  of 
Rights- Tbe  king's  Message  to  Massachusetts — how  far 
complied  wi'h— Royal  charter  of  iiicor|raratioii  to  Rhoda 
Island  and  Providence,  and  to  Connecticut  and  Newhaven 

The  coincidence  between  the  principles  of  the  colo- 
nists and  the  prevailing  party  in  the  Long  Parliament, 
was  cemented  by  the  consciousness,  that  with  the  suc- 
cess of  this  body  was  identified  the  defence  of  the  colo- 
nial liberties  from  the  dangers  that  had  so  recently 
menaced  them.  [1641.]  As  soon  as  the  colonists  were 
informed  of  the  convocation  of  that  famous  assembly, 
they  despatched  Hugh  Peters  and  two  other  persona 
to  promote  the  colonial  interests  in  England.  The 
mission  terminated  more  fortunately  for  the  colony 
than  fo''  its  ambassadors.  By  a  vote  of  the  House  of 
Commonat  in  th  '  following  year.  [1642  ]  the  inhabi- 
tants of  all  the  various  plant.  Uons  of  New  England 
were  exempted  from  payment  of  any  duties,  eiii;»-,i 
upon  goods  exported  thither,  or  upon  those  which  they 
imported  into  the  mother  country,  "  until  the  House 
shall  take  further  order  therein  to  the  contrary."  The 
colonists,  in  return,  cordially  embraced  the  cause  of 
their  benefactors  ;  and  when  the  civil  wars  broke  out 
m  England,  ihey  passed  an  ordinance  expressive  of 
their  approbation  of  the  measures  of  parliament,  and 
denouncing  capital  punishment  against  any  who  should 
disturb  the  peace  of  the  commonwealth  by  endeavoring 
to  raise  a  party  for  the  King  of  England,  or  by  dis- 
criminating between  the  king  and  the  parliament,  who 


*  Aliridginenl  of  the  Ordinances  of  New  England,  apud 
Neal,  11.  Append,  iv.  p.  665,  Ac.  Trumbull,  i.  124.  Josselyn, 
178.  Burnal)y's  Travels  m  America,  U6.  Chalmers,  167,  U. 
276.  W.'ithiop's  Hist.  (Savage's  edition).  1.73.  The  prnnilive 
rigidity  discernible  in  some  of  these  laws  was  tempered  by  a 
palfiarchiil  benevolence  of  adinmistration.  .Vlaiiy  instances 
of  this  occur  in  Mather's  Lives  of  '.he  Governors,  One  I  may 
be  ivrinitted  to  notice  as  a  specimen.  Governor  Wmlhrop 
being  urged  to  prosecute  and  punish  a  man  who  uiJ.iged  his 
magazine  of  firewood  in  winter,  declared  he  would  soon  cure 
hiin  of  that  Tnal-practiCC ;  and,  accordingly,  sending  for  the 
dehnquent,  he  told  him,  "  i'  lu  have  a  large  family,  and  1 
have  a  large  magazine  of  wood;  come  as  often  to  it  as  you 
please,  and  take  as  much  of  it  as  you  need  to  make  your 
dwelling  comfortable  — And  now,"  he  auded,  turning  to  his 
friends,  "  I  defy  him  to  steal  my  lire-wood  again." 

)  The  reasons  assigned  by  llic  House  for  this  resolution,  are, 
that  Ihe  plantations  ("if  Nfw  England  are  likely  lo  conduce  to 
the  propagation  of  Ihe  gospel,  a'l '  already  '  have  by  the 
blcsaing  ol^the  Almighty  had  good  and  prosperous  succrsa 
without  any  public  charge  lo  ilic  siaie."  Yet,  a  few  years 
after,  the  parliani"  it  expressed  a  diflereiit  opinion  of  the  obll 
gallons  of  Vir.;inia  to  t'l.e  endownciit  of  fie  mother  couniry 
though,  in  this  respect,  ibe  ■iluatiuu  oi  lite  two  coluiuea  wmd 
pr^'cise>7  ih*  same. 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


truly  maintained  the  cause  of  the  king  as  well  as  their 
own.  Happily  for  themselves,  they  were  unable  to 
signalize  llicir  picdiltction  by  more  active  iiiteifereiice 
in  the  conU'st ;  and,  with  a  wise  regard  to  their  com- 
mercial interests,  they  gave  free  ingress  into  their  har- 
bors to  trading  vessels  from  the  ports  in  possesions  of 
the  king.  'J'hey  had  likewise  the  good  sense  to  dc- 
cliBC  an  invitation  that  was  sent  to  them,  to  depute 
Mr.  Cotton,  and  others  of  their  ministers,  to  attend,  on 
their  behalf,  the  Assembly  of  Divines  at  Westminster. 
Encouraged  by  the  privileges  that  had  been  conferred 
on  ihcm,  their  industry  made  vigorous  progress,  and 
population  rapidlv  increased.  From  the  continsnt,  they 
began  to  e.xti^nd  their  occupation  to  the  adjacent 
islands;  and  Mr.  Mavhew,  having  obtained  a  grant  of 
Martha's  Vineyard,  Nantucket,  and  Elizabeth  Isles, 
laid  the  foundation  there  of  settlements  that  afterwards 
proved  eminently  serviceable  to  the  conversion  and 
civilization  of  the  Indians.  But  an  attempt  which  they 
made  at  the  same  tune  to  extend,  if  not  their  settle- 
ments, at  least  their  principles,  in  another  quarter  of 
the  continent,  proved  quite  unsuccessful.  'I'he  colo- 
nists of  Virginia  were  in  general  stanch  royalists,  and, 
with  comparatively  little  of  the  substance  of  religion, 
united  a  strong  attachment  to  the  forms  and  constitu- 
tions of  the  church  of  Englaml.  Yet.  as  we  have  seen, 
they  had  received,  even  as  early  as  the  reign  of  James, 
an  accession  to  their  numbers,  composed  of  persons 
v\ho  had  imbibed  puritan  snntiinents.  and  had  lied  from 
ecclesiastical  persecution  in  England.  A  deputation 
from  this  portion  of  the  Virginian  settlers  had  been 
lately  sent  to  Boston  to  represent  their  destitution  of  a 
gospel  ministry,  and  solicit  a  supply  of  ministers  from 
the  New  England  churches.  In  compliance  with  this 
request,  three  cli'rgvmen  were  selected  to  proceed  to 
Virginia,  and  furnished  with  recommendatory  letters 
from  the  governor  of  Massachusetts  to  Sir  William 
Berkeley.  On  their  arrival  in  Virginia,  they  began  to 
preach  ir  several  parts  of  the  country,  and  the  people 
flocked  tc  hear  them  with  an  eigerness  that  might  have 
been  productive  of  important  consequences.  But  the 
puritan  piinciplcs,  no  less  than  the  political  sentiments 
of  the  colonists  of  New  England,  were  too  much  the 
objects  of  aversion  to  Sir  William  Berkeley  to  admit 
of  his  encouragement  being  extended  to  proceedings 
so  calculated  to  propagate  their  influence  among  his 
own  people.  So  far  from  complying  with  the  desire  of 
his  brother  governor,  he  issued  an  order  by  which  all 
por.sons  who  would  not  conform  to  the  ceremonies  of 
the  church  of  Enijland  were  commanded  to  depart  from 
Virginia  by  a  certain  day.  The  preachers  returned  to 
tho>?  own  settlement  ;  and  thus  was  laid  the  foundation 
of  a  jealousy  which  long  subsisted  between  the  two 
jidest  colonies  of  North  America. 

The  failure  of  this  endeavor  to  establish  a  friendly 
intercourse  with  the  sister  colony  of  Virginia,  was  am- 
ply i-ompeusated  to  the  New  England  settlements  by 
an  important  event  in  their  history,  which  occurred 
during  the  following  year  ;  [1643.]  the  formation  of  a 
league  by  which  they  were  knit  togetherin  the  frame 
of  a  confederacy  that  greatly  increased  their  security 
and  (lower.  The  Naragansct  Indians  had  by  this  time 
had  ample  leisure  to  reflect  on  the  policy  of  their  con- 
duct towards  the  Pequods  ;  and  the  hatred  which  they 
biid  formerly  cherished  against  that  tribe  being  extin- 
guished m  tlie  destruction  of  its  objects,  had  been  suc- 
:ecded  by  an  angry  jealousy  of  those  strangtrs  who  had 
obviously  derived  the  chief  and  only  advantage  of 
w^:"h  that  event  was  productive.  They  saw  the  terii- 
tor.i-s  of  their  ancient  rivals  occupied  by  a  much  more 
powerful  neighbor  ;  and,  mistaking  their  own  inability 
to  iiiqirove  their  advantages  for  the  effect  of  fraud  and 
injustice  on  the  part  of  the  colonists,  wtio  were  so 
rapidly  surpassing  them  in  number,  wealth,  and  power, 
they  began  to  complain  that  the  plunder  of  the  Pequods 
had  not  been  fairly  divided,  and  proceeded  to  concert 
measures  with  the  neighboring  tribes  for  an  universal 
insurrection  of  the  Indians  against  the  English.  Their 
designs  had  advanced  but  a  little  way  towards  matu- 
nty,  when  they  were  detected  in  consequence  of  a  sud- 
den gust  of  that  inordinate  passion  of  private  revenge 
which  seemed  fated  to  pervert  and  defeat  their  political 
view*.  The  colonists,  from  the  groundless  murmurs 
they  found  themselves  exposed  to,  and  which  proved 
only  the  rooted  dislike  of  the  savages,  were  sensible  of 
their  own  danger  without  yet  being  aware  of  its  ex- 
tent, or  feeling  themselves  entitled  to  anticipate  some 
more  certain  indication  of  it ;  when,  happily,  they  were 
called  upon  to  act  as  umpires  between  two  conteudino- 
tribes.  The  Naragansets  having  conceived  some  dis- 
gust against  a  neighboring  chief,  employed  an  assassin 
Ic  kill  hun  ;  and  failing  in  this  attumpt,  plunged  into  a 


war  with  the  declared  intention  of  exterminating  the 
whole  of  his  tribe.  This  tribe,  who  were  at  peace  with 
the  English,  sent  their  chief  to  implore  the  j)rotection 
of  the  Massachusetts  colonists,  who  promised  their  in- 
terposition in  his  behalf.  The  Naragansets,  apprised 
of  this  proceeding,  recollecting  the  fate  of  the  I'equods, 
and  aware  how  well  they  deserved  to  share  it,  were 
struck  with  terror,  and  throwing  down  their  arms,  con- 
cluded a  peace  dictated  to  them  by  the  English.  When 
they  found  the  danger  blown  over,  they  paid  so  little 
attention  to  the  jjerformancc  of  their  paction,  that  it 
was  not  till  the  colonists  had  made  a  demoustraiioii  of 
their  readiness  to  employ  force  that  thev  sullenly  ful 
filled  it.  Alarmed  by  such  indications  of  fickleness, 
dislike,  and  furious  passion,  the  government  of  Massa- 
chusetts deemed  it  prudent  to  provide  by  a  mutual  con- 
cert of  the  colonies,  for  the  common  danger  which  they 
might  expect  to  encounter  at  no  distant  day,  when  the 
savages,  instructed  by  experience,  would  sacrifice  their 
private  feuds  kf)  combined  hostility  against  a  people 
whose  progressive  advancement  seemed  to  minister 
occasion  of  incurable  jealousy.  Having  conceived,  for 
this  purpose,  a  plan  which  was  framed  in  imitation  of 
the  bond  of  union  among  the  Dutch  provnices,  and 
which  readily  suggested  itself  to  some  of  their  leading 
characters  who  had  resided  with  the  Brownist  congre- 
gation in  Holland,  they  pro|iosed  it  to  the  neighboring 
settlements  of  Plymouth,  (.lonuecticut,  and  NCwhaven, 
by  which  it  was  cordially  embraced.  These  four  colo- 
nies accordingiy  entered  into  a  league  of  perpetual  con- 
federacy, offensive  and  defensive.  It  was  stipulated 
that  the  confederates  should  thenceforth  be  distin- 
guished by  the  title  of  the  United  Colonics  of  New 
England  ;  that  each  colony  should  remain  separate  and 
distinct,  and  have  exclusive  jurisdiction  within  its  own 
territory  ;  that  in  every  war,  offensive  or  defensive, 
each  of  the  confederates  should  furnish  its  quota  of  men, 
money,  and  provisions,  at  a  rate  to  be  fixed  from  time 
to  tune  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  people  in  each 
settlement  ;  that  an  assembly  composed  of  two  com- 
missioners from  each  colony  should  be  held  annually, 
with  power  to  deliberate  and  decide  on  all  points  of 
common  concern  to  the  confederacy  ;  and  every  deter- 
mination sanctioned  by  the  concurrence  of  six  of  their 
number,  should  be  binding  on  the  whole.  The  state  of 
Rhode  Island,  which  was  not  included  in  this  confe- 
deracy, having  petitioned  a  few  years  after  to  be  admit- 
ted into  it,  her  request  was  refused,  except  on  the  con- 
dition, which  she  declined,  of  merging  her  separate 
existence  m  an  incorporation  with  the  state  of  Ply- 
mouth. Thus  excluded  from  the  protection  of  the 
league  or  union,  the  inhabitants  of  Rhode  Island  and 
Providence  endeavored  to  provide  for  their  security  by 
conciliating  the  friendship  of  the  Indians  ;  and  in  the 
prosecution  of  their  humane  and  courteous  policy  they 
were  eminently  successful. 

The  colonists  have  been  reproached  with  arrogating 
the  rights  of  sovereignty  in  this  transaction,  which  truly 
may  be  regarded  as  a  considerable  step  to  indepen- 
dence. Yet  it  was  a  measure  that  could  hardly  be 
avoided  by  a  people  surrounded  with  enemies,  and 
abandoned  to  their  own  resources  in  a  territory  many 
thousand  miles  removed  from  the  seat  of  the  govern- 
ment that  clainud  sovereign  dominion  over  them. 
Every  step  that  a  people  so  situated  made  in  enlarging 
their  numbers,  combining  their  resources,  or  otherwise 
promoting  their  security,  was  a  step  towards  indepen- 
dence. Nothing  but  some  politic  system,  or  a  series 
of  events  that  might  have  kept  the  various  settlements 
continually  disunited  m  mutual  jealousy  and  weakness, 
could  have  secured  their  perpetual  existence  as  a  de- 
pendent progeny  of  England.  But  whatever  effects  the 
transaction  which  we  have  considered  may  have  secretly 
produced  on  the  course  of  American  sentiment  and 
opinion,  and  however  likely  it  may  now  appear  to  have 
planted  the  seminal  idea  of  independence  m  the  minds 
of  the  colonists,  it  was  regarded  neither  by  themselves 
nor  by  their  English  rulers  as  indicating  pretensions 
unsuitable  to  their  condition.  Even  after  the  Restora- 
tion, the  commissioners  of  the  union  were  repeatedly 
noticed  and  recognised  in  the  letters  and  ofiicial  instru- 
ments of  Charles  the  Second;  and  the  union  itself  with 
some  alterations  subsisted  till  the  year  1086,  when  all 
the  charters  were  in  eli'ect  vacated  by  a  commission 
from  King  James.  A  few  years  after  its  establishment, 
the  principal  concern  to  which  its  etlorts  and  delibera- 
tions were  devoted  was  the  conversion  of  the  Indians, 
in  co-operation  with  the  society  instituted  by  parlia- 
ment in  Britain  for  propagating  the  gospel  m  New 
England. 

While  the  colonists  were  thus  employed  in  measures 
calculated  to  secure  and  protect  their  institutions,  the 


  2P. 

parliament  passed  an  ordinance  carrying  a  most  formi- 
dable aspect,  and  fraught  with  consequences  tiie  most 
injurious  to  thcr  rights.  It  appointed  the  Earl  of  War- 
wick governor-in  cliief.  and  lord  high  admiral  of"  iho 
colonics,  with  a  council  of  five  peers  and  twelve  com- 
moners to  assist  him  ;  it  empowered  him,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  his  associates,  to  examine  the  state  of  iifl'airs 
III  the  colonies  ;  to  send  for  papers  and  persons  ;  to 
remove  governors  and  ofTicers,  and  to  appoint  others 
in  their  [ilace,  and  delegate  to  them  as  niucli  of  the 
power  granted  to  himself  by  the  ordinance  as  he  should 
think  proper.  This  appointment,  which  created  an  au- 
thority that  might  have  new-modelled  all  the  colonial 
governments,  and  abrogated  all  their  charters,  was  not 
snfi'ercd  to  remain  entirely  inoiieraiive.  To  some  of 
the  settlements  the  parliamentary  council  extended  pro- 
tection, and  even  granted  new  |)atenls.  Happily  for 
Massachusetts,  either  the  favor  which  it  was  thought 
to  deserve,  or  the  absorbing  interest  of  the  great  con- 
test that  was  carrying  on  in  England,  prevented  the 
council  from  intcrfi-riiig  with  its  institutions  till  a  period 
when  the  colonial  assciulily  were  abh%  as  we  shall  sec, 
to  ein|iloy  defensive  measures  that  defeated  its  unde- 
sirable intcr])Osition  without  disputing  its  formidable 
authority. 

Various  disputes  had  subsisted  between  the  inha- 
bitants of  Neiv  England  and  the  French  settlers  in 
.\cadia.  [1644]  These  were  at  length  adjusted  by  a 
treaty  between  a  commissioner  for  the  king  of  Francs 
on  the  one  part,  and  John  Eudicot,Esq  governor  of  New 
England,  and  the  rest  of  the  magistrates  there,  on  thu 
other.*  The  colonists  had  already  debarred  themselves 
from  recognising  the  king  as  distinct  from  the  parlia- 
ment ;  and  they  probably  found  i!  dilTu-ult  to  e.Kfilaiu  to 
the  other  contracting  parties  to  what  denomination  of 
authority  they  considered  themselves  to  owe  allegiance. 
This  state  of  things,  as  it  led  to  |)raclices.  so  it  may 
have  secretly  fostered  sentiments,  that  savcred  of  in- 
dependence. A  practice  strongly  fraught  with  the  cha- 
racter of  sovereign  authority  was  adopted  a  few  years 
after,  when  the  increasing  trade  of  the  colony  with  the 
West  Indies,  and  the  quantity  of  Spanish  bullion  that 
was  brought  through  this  channel  into  New  England, 
induced  the  colonial  authorities,  for  thi.  purpose  of  pre- 
venting frauds  in  the  employment  ol  the  circidating 
medium  in  this  inconvenient  shape,  to  erect  a  mint  fji 
the  coming  of  silver  money  at  Boston.  The  coin  was 
stamped  with  the  name  of  New  England  on  the  one 
side,  of  Massachusetts,  as  the  principai  settlement,  cii 
the  other,  and  with  a  tree  as  an  apt  symbol  of  the  pro- 
gressive vigor  which  the  colony  had  evinced.  Mary- 
land was  the  only  other  colony  that  ever  presumed  to 
coin  any  metal  into  money  ;  and  indeed  this  preroga- 
tive has  been  always  regarded  as  the  peculiar  atlributo 
of  sovereignty.  "  But  it  niust  be  considered  '  says 
one  of  the  colonial  historians,  "  that  at  this  tune  there 
was  no  king  in  Israel  "  In  the  distracted  state  ol 
England  it  might  well  i.f  judged  unsafe  to  send  theit 
bullion  there  to  be  comtd  ;  and  from  the  uncertainty 
respecting  the  form  of  government  which  might  finally 
arise  out  of  the  civil  wars,  it  might  reasonably  be  ap- 
prehended that  an  impress  received  during  the.r  conti- 
nuance would  not  long  retain  its  favor  and  currency. 
The  practice  gave  no  umbrage  whatever  to  the  Englisli 
government.  It  received  the  tacit  allowance  of  the 
parliament,  of  Cromwell,  and  even  of  Charles  the 
Second  during  '.wenty  years  of  his  reign. 

The  se|i;n  aiion  of  tile  two  branches  of  the  legislature 
of  Massachusetts  naturally  gave  rise  to  some  disputes 
respecting  the  boundaries  of  jurisdiction  in  a  constitu- 
tion not  yet  matured  by  practice.  But  uhal  precedent 
could  not  supply, the  influence  and  estin.atuMi  ol  the  cler- 
gy of  the  province  was  able  to  effect.  [  l(i  l.'ij  By  commop 
consent,  all  the  ministers  were  summoned  to  attend  the 
session  of  the  assembly. and  the  points  at  issue  being  sub- 
mitted to  them,  their  judgment  was  willingly  embraced 
and  assented  to. t    But  in  the  following  year  [1646]  a 


*  Journals  of  the  House  of  Lords,  vol.  vi.p- 291.  Chalmers 
175  6.  The  people  of  Maine  appear  to  have  solicited  thepru- 
tef'tiou  of  llic  council  iii  1661.    Hazard,  559. 

t  lluicluiisoii,  143,4.  One  of  the  controversies  that  had 
occurred  at  this  time  between  llie  two  liou.'ies  originated  in  a 
matter  not  more  illustrious,  tliaii  a  dilTerence  of  seiiluiienl 
respecting  the  identity  of  a  sow,  vvhu  li  was  claimed  fioin  the 
iierd  of  a  richer  nei^litior  liy  a  poor  woman,  who  pretended 
that  It  liad  strayed  from  lier  some  years  l)cfore.  Beliold  liow 
ureal  a  matter  a  little  tire  vmII  kindle  '.  Mot  the  court  only,  but 
tiie  wliole  country  was  divided  by  tliis  question,  wlucli,  po- 
verty coucurruis  with  reseutment  of  imposition  on  the  one 
part,  and  indignation  at  a  charge  that  edected  his  character  on 
the  other,  induced  the  parties  to  contest  with  llic  utmost  rage 
and  pertinacity.  The  ideiuity  of  iMartni  Guerre  wa-i  not 
more  keenly  controvtrted  in  France.  Compassion  for  the 
poor  woman  prevailed  with  the  poorer  class  of  people  ov«i 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


dissension  much  more  violent  in  its  nature,  and  much 
less  creditalilf  ai>d  satisfactory  in  its  is"i'je,  was  occa- 
■iiuncd  in  tins  state  by  the  iniolerance  which  wc  have 
already  noted  iii  its  original  institutions.  With  the 
increasiiit,'  prosjienty  and  importance  of  the  colony, 
the  value  of  its  political  franchises  had  been  propor- 
tinnahly  augmented  ;  and  (he  increasing  opulence  and 
respectability  of  the  dissenters  seemed  to  aggravate  the 
hardship  of  the  disfranchisement  to  which  they  were 
subjected.  Some  of  these  having  violently  assumed 
the  privileges  from  which  they  were  excluded  by  law, 
and  disturbed  an  election  by  their  interference,  were 
punished  by  Mr.  Winthrop.  the  deputy-governor,  who 
vigorously  resisted  and  defeated  their  pretensions. 
They  complained  of  this  treatment  to  the  general  court 
by  a  petition  couched  in  very  strong  language,  demand- 
ing leave  to  iinpeacli  the  deputy-governor  before  the 
whole  body  of  his  fellow-citizens,  and  to  submit  to  the 
same  tribunal  the  consideration  of  their  general  grie- 
vances, as  well  as  of  the  particular  severities  they  had 
experienced  from  Winthrop.  The  grievances  under 
which  they  labored  were  enumerated  in  the  petition, 
which  contained  a  forcible  remonstrance  against  the 
injustice  of  depriving  them  of  their  rights  as  freemen, 
and  of  their  privileges  as  christians,  because  they  could 
not  join  as  members  with  the  congregational  churche.-;, 
or  when  they  solicited  admission  into  them  were  arbi- 
trarily rejected  by  the  ministers.  They  petitioned  that, 
sither  the  full  rights  of  citizenship  might  be  communi- 
cated to  them,  or  that  tlicy  might  no  longer  be  required 
lo  obey  laws  to  which  they  had  not  given  assent, —  to 
oontribnie  to  the  maintenance  of  minislcrs  who  denied 
them  the  benefit  of  tlieir  niini.stry,  and  to  pay  taxes  im- 
posed by  an  assembly  in  which  they  were  not  repre- 
sented. The  court  were  so  far  moved  by  the  petition, 
or  by  the  respectability  of  its  promoters,  that  Mr.  Win- 
throp was  commanded  to  defend  himself  publicly  from 
the  charges  which  it  advanced  against  him. 

On  the  day  appointed  for  Ins  trial  he  descended  from 
the  tribunal,  and  placing  himself  at  the  bar  in  presence 
of  a  numerous  assemblage  of  the  inhabitants,  he  pro- 
ceeded to  vindicate  his  conduct  to  his  judges  and  fellow 
citizens.  Having  clearly  proved  that  his  proceedings 
had  been  warranted  by  law,  and  had  no  other  end  than 
to  maintain  the  existing  institutions,  by  the  exercise  of 
the  authority  which  had  been  committed  to  him  for  that 
purpose,  he  concluded  an  excellent  harangue  in  the  fol- 
lowing manner*.  "Though  I  be  justllied  before  men, 
yet  it  may  be  the  Lord  hath  seen  so  much  amiss  in  my 
tdministralion  as  calls  me  to  be  humbled  :  and  indeed 
for  me  to  have  been  thus  charged  by  men  is  a  matter 
of  humiliation,  whereof  I  desire  to  make  a  right  use 
before  the  Lord.  If  Miriam's  father  spit  in  her  face, 
she  is  to  be  ashamed."  Then  proceeding  to  enforce 
some  considerations  calculated,  he  said,  to  rectify  the 
opinions  of  the  people  on  the  nature  of  government : 
•'  The  questions,"  he  observed,  •'  that  have  troubled  the 
rouiitry  have  been  about  the  authority  of  the  magi- 
stracy and  the  liberty  of  the  people.  It  is  you  who  have 
called  us  unto  this  office  ;  but  being  thus  called  we  hava 
our  authority  from  God.  Magistracy  is  the  ordinance 
of  God,  and  it  hath  the  image  of  God  stamped  upon  it ; 
and  the  contempt  of  it  has  been  vindicated  by  God  with 
terrible  examples  of  liis  vengeance.  I  entreat  you  to 
consider  that  when  you  choose  magistrates,  you  take 
them  from  among  yourselves,  men  subject  unto  like 
pa.ssions  with  yourselves.  If  you  see  our  infirmities, 
reflect  on  your  own,  and  you  will  not  be  so  severe  cen- 
Burers  of  ours.  The  covenant  between  us  and  you  is 
the  oath  you  have  exacted  of  us,  which  is  to  this  pur- 
pose, '  That  tre  shall  govern  you  and  judge  your  causes 
ar.cnrding  lo  God's  taws  and  the  particular  statutes  of 
the  land,  acrording  to  our  best  skill.'  As  for  our  skill, 
you  must  run  the  hazard  of  il  ;  and  if  there  be  an  error 
only  therein,  and  not  in  the  will,  il  becomes  you  lo  bear 
it  Nor  would  I  have  you  to  mistake  in  the  point  of 
your  own  liherly.  'I'here  is  a  liberty  of  corrupt  nature, 
■which  is  afli-cted  both  by  men  and  beasts,  to  do  what 
they  list.  This  libeity  is  inconsistent  with  authority  ; 
iinp-itienl  of  all  restraint  (by  this  liberty  sumus  omnes 
irterwrrt ;)  'lis  the  grand  enemy  of  truth  and  peace, 
*nJ  ail  the  oidinancrs  of  God  are  bent  against  it.  Hut 
there  in  a  civil,  a  moral,  a  federal  liberty,  which  is  the 
{.roper  end  and  object  of  aothority  :  it  is  a  liberty  for 

all  <«nu  of  equity:  and,  at  lon^th,  even  those  magistrates 
Willi  cnnaUlcred  the  dereiiilant  in  the  riKlit,  concurred  in  per- 
sualliii  hiin  to  aiirrciidi  r  Iheolijcct  of  .tispule,  and  to  forbear 
to  in>c-k  hit  own  at  the  rxprnao  of  the  trannuiUity  of  the 
coll  ny.  ' 

•  Variniu  fditions  of  tlin  spoerh  tiav..  hi-pn  published.  It 
apMirt  iii.w  ,  from  tlie  rnntinimtion  of  Winthrop'.i  own  jour- 
nal 'edited  by  Mr.  Siiv»£o),  tint  all  thnio  wuro  abridimonln 
MaUiai'i  wluiU  I  li»v«  foUowod,  li  the  Uiat. 


that  only  which  is  just  and  good.  For  this  liberty  yon 
are  lo  stand  with  the  hazard  of  your  very  lives  ;  and 
whatsoever  crosses  it  is  not  authority  but  a  distemper 
thereof.  This  liberty  is  maintained  in  a  way  of  sub- 
jection to  authority  ;  and  the  authority  set  over  you 
will,  in  all  administrations  for  your  good,  be  quietly 
submitted  unto  by  all  but  such  as  have  a  disposition  to 
shake  ofT  the  yoke,  and  lose  their  true  liberty  by  their 
murmuring  at  the  honor  and  power  of  authority." 

The  circumstances  in  which  this  address  was  deliv- 
ered, remind  us  of  scenes  in  Greek  and  Roman  history  ; 
while  the  wisdom,  worth,  and  dignity  that  it  breathes, 
resemble  the  magnanimous  vindication  of  a  Judge  of 
Israel.  Mr.  Winthrop  was  not  only  honorably  acquitted 
by  the  sentence  of  the  court  and  the  voice  of  the  public, 
but  recommended  so  powerfully  to  the  esteem  of  his 
fellow  citizens  by  this  and  all  the  other  indications  of 
his  character,  that  he  was  chosen  governor  of  the  pro- 
vince every  year  after  as  long  as  he  lived  *  His 
accusers  incurred  a  proportional  degree  of  public  dis- 
pleasure: their  petition  was  dismissed,  and  several  of 
the  chief  promoters  of  it  severely  reprimanded,  and  ad- 
judged to  make  confession  of  their  fault  in  seeking  to 
subvert  the  fundamental  laws  of  the  coloiiy.  Refusing 
to  acknowledge  that  ihev  had  done  wrong,  and  still  per- 
sisting in  their  demands  of  an  alteration  of  the  law, 
with  very  indiscreet  threats  of  complaining  to  the  par- 
liament, they  were  punished  with  fine  or  imprisonment. 
As  several  of  these  persons  were  known  to  be  inclined 
to  the  form  of  presbytery,  and  as  that  constitution  was 
also  affected  by  the  prevailing  party  in  the  English 
House  of  Commons,  the  menace  of  a  complaint  to  par- 
liament excited  general  alarm  and  indignation  ;  and 
several  of  the  petitioners  having  made  preparations  to 
sail  for  England,  with  very  significant  hints  of  the 
changes  they  hoped  to  effect  by  their  machinations 
there,  some  of  them  were  placed  under  arrest,  and  their 
papers  were  violently  taken  from  them.  Among  these 
papers  were  found  petitions  to  Lord  Warwick,  urging 
a  forfeiture  of  the  colonial  charter,  the  introduction 
of  a  presbyterian  establishment,  and  of  the  whole  code 
of  English  jurisprudence,  into  the  colonial  institutions, 
with  various  other  innovations,  which  were  represented 
as  no  less  accordant  with  legislative  wisdom  and  jus- 
tice, than  adapted  to  the  important  end  of  securing  and 
effectuating  the  supreme  dominion  of  the  parliament 
over  the  colony.  The  discovery  of  the  intolerance 
meditated  by  these  persons  served  to  exasperate  the 
intolerance  which  themselves  were  experiencing  from 
the  society  of  which  they  formed  but  an  insignificant 
fraction.  The  contents  of  their  papers  excited  so  much 
resentment  that  not  a  voice  was  raised  against  the  arbi- 
trary measure  by  which  they  had  been  intercepted  ; 
and  the  alarm  was  increased  by  the  conviction  of  the 
utter  impossibility  of  preventing  designs  so  dangerous 
from  being  still  attem()ted.  The  warmth  of  the  public 
sentiment,  as  well  as  the  peculiar  nature  of  the  subject 
that  had  excited  it,  introduced  this  all-prevalent  topic 
into  the  pulpit ;  and  even  Mr.  Cotton  was  so  far  over- 
taken with  infirmity,  as  to  declare,  in  a  sermon,  "That 
if  any  one  should  carry  writings  or  complaints  against 
the  people  of  God  in  this  country  to  England,  he  would 
find  himself  in  the  case  of  Jonas  in  the  vessel."  This 
was  a  prediction  which  a  long  voyage  was  very  likely 
to  realize.  In  effect,  a  short  time  after,  certain  depu- 
ties fiiim  the  petitioners  having  embarked  for  England, 
were  overtaken  by  a  violent  storm,  and  the  sailors 
recollecting  the  prediction  that  had  gone  abroad,  and. 
happily,  considering  the  papers,  and  not  the  bearers  of 
them,  as  the  guilty  parties,  insisted  so  vehemently  on 
casting  all  obnoxious  writings  overboard,  that  the  depu- 
ties were  compelled  to  commit  their  credentials  lo  the 
waves.  When  they  arrived  in  England,  however,  they 
did  not  fail  lo  prosecute  their  application  ;  but  the  at- 
tention of  the  |)arliameiitary  leaders  at  that  time  being 
deeply  engaged  with  more  iinportatil  matters,  and  Wins- 
low  and  Hugh  Peters,  on  behalf  of  the  colony,  actively 
labouring  to  counteract  their  purposes,  they  obtained 
little  attention  and  no  redress. 

From  the  painful  contemplation  of  the  intolerance  of 
the  colonists,  and  their  inordinate  contentions  about 
the  forms  of  religion,  il  is  pleasing  to  turn  lo  the  sub- 
stantial fruits  of  christian  character  evinced  by  those 

*  This  excellent  niaRistrato  {says  Cotton  Mather)  conti- 
nually I'xeiiiplilicd  the  maxim  of  Tlieodosiiis,  that  "  if  any 
man  speak  evil  of  the  ruler,  if  it  be  through  lightness,  'tis  to 
be  rondenined  ;  if  it  bo  through  madnecs,  'tis  to  be  pitied ;  if 
lliruugh  malice,  'Us  to  bo  forKivcn."  One  of  the  colonists  who 
had  lonir  inanifustcd  iniirh  ill  will  towards  his  person,  at 
length  wrote  to  him.  "  Sir,  your  ovcrcoininijof  yourself  hath 
overcome  me."  Ills  death,  in  154U,  was  deeply  and  univer- 
sally bewiulud  ;  and  all  declared  that  he  had  been  the  father 
of  the  (olony,  and  the  liist  no  loss  in  virtue  than  w  place. 
Miitlior,  U.  Iv. 


I  noble  exertions  for  the  conversion  of  the  Indiana  that 
I  originated  in  the  same  year  that  had  witnessed  so  much 
I  dissension  and  violence.  The  circumstances  that  had 
promoted  the  emigrations  to  New  England,  had  opera- 
led  with  particular  force  on  the  ministers  of  the  puri- 
tans ;  and  so  many  of  them  had  accompanied  the  other 
settlers,  that  among  a  people  who  derived  less  enjoy- 
ment from  the  exercises  of  piety,  the  numbers  of  the 
clergy  would  have  been  thought  exceedingly  burden- 
some and  very  much  disproportioned  to  the  wants  of 
the  laity.  This  circumstance  was  highly  favorable  lo 
the  promotion  of  religious  habiti  among  the  colonists, 
as  well  as  to  the  extension  of  their  settlements,  in  the 
plantation  of  which  the  co-operation  of  a  minister  was 
considered  indispensable.  It  contributed  also  lo  sug- 
gest and  facilitate  missionary  labor  among  the  heathens, 
to  whom  the  colonists  had  ascociated  themselves  by 
superadding  the  ties  of  a  common  country  to  those  of 
a  common  nature.  While  the  peo|)le  at  large  were 
daily  extending  their  industry,  and  overcoming  by  cul- 
tivation the  rudeness  of  desert  nature,  the  clergy 
eagerly  looked  around  for  some  addition  lo  their  pecu- 
liar sphere  of  usefulness,  and  at  a  very  early  period 
entertained  designs  of  redeeming  lo  the  dominion  of 
piety  and  civility,  the  neglected  wastes  of  human 
character  that  lay  stretched  in  savage  ignorance  and 
idolatry  around  them.  John  Elliot,  one  of  the  ministers 
of  Roxhury,  a  man  whose  large  soul  glowed  with  the 
intensest  flame  of  zeal  and  charity,  was  strongly  pene- 
trated with  a  sense  of  this  duly,  and  for  some  time  had 
been  diligently  laboring  to  overcome  the  |)reliininary 
difficulty  by  which  its  performance  was  obstructed. 
He  had  now  at  length  attained  such  acquaintance  with 
the  Indian  language  as  enabled  him  not  only  himself  to 
speak  it  with  fluency,  but  to  facilitate  the  acquisition  of 
it  lo  others,  by  the  construction  and  publication  of  a 
system  of  Indian  grammar.  Having  completed  bis 
preparatory  inquiries,  he  began,  in  the  close  of  this 
year,  a  scene  of  labor  which  has  been  traced  with  great 
interest  and  accuracy  by  the  ecclesiastical  historians  of 
New  England,  and  still  more  minutely,  I  doubt  not,  in 
that  eternal  record  where  alone  the  actions  of  men  ai- 
tam  their  just,  their  final,  and  everlasting  proportions. 
It  is  a  remarkable  feature  in  his  long  and  arduous  ca- 
reer, that  the  energy  by  which  he  was  actuated  nevoi 
sustained  the  sligliest  abatement,  but,  on  the  contrary 
evinced  a  steady  and  vigorous  increase.  He  appears 
never  to  have  doubted  its  continuance  ;  but,  constantly 
referring  it  to  God,  he  felt  assured  of  its  dcrivat.on 
from  a  source  incapable  of  being  wasted  by  the  most 
liberal  communication.  He  delighted  to  maintain  tins 
communication  by  inces.sant  prayer,  and  before  hid  mis- 
sionary labors  commenced,  he  had  been  known  ni  ihe 
colony  by  the  name  of  "  praying  Elliot" — a  noble  desig- 
nation, if  the  noblest  em|)loymeiit  of  a  ratioinl  ciealure 
he  the  cultivatiou  of  access  to  the  Author  of  his  be.iig. 
Rarely,  very  rarely,  I  believe,  has  human  nature  been 
so  completely  embued,  refined,  and  elevated  by  reli- 
gion. Every  thing  he  saw  or  knew  occurred  to  hini  in 
a  religious  aspect  :  every  faculty,  and  every  aequi.s-tion 
that  he  derived  from  the  employment  of  his  faculties, 
was  received  by  him  as  a  ray  let  into  his  soul  from  that 
Eternity  for  which  he  continually  panted,  .-^s  he  was 
one  of  the  holiest,  so  was  he  also  one  of  the  happiest 
of  men  ;  and  his  life  for  manv  years  was  a  rontmual 
outpouring  of  his  whole  being  in  devotion  to  God  and 
chanty  to  mankind.* 

The  kindness  of  Mr.  Elliot's  manner  soon  gained 
him  a  favorable  hearing  from  manv  of  the  Indians  ;  [7J 
and  bolh  parties  being  sensible  of  the  expediency  of 
altering  the  civil  and  domestic  habits  that  counteracted 
the  impressions  which  he  attempted  to  produce,  he  ob- 
tained from  the  general  court  an  allotment  of  land  in 
the  neighborhood  of  the  settlement  of  Concord,  in 
Massachusetts,  upon  which  a  number  of  Indian  families 
proceeded,  bv  his  directions,  to  build  fixed  hal)itatioiis, 
and  where  they  eagerly  received  his  instructions  both 
spiritual  and  secular.  It  was  not  long  before  a  violent 
opposition  10  these  innovations  was  excited  by  tha 
jiowaws,  or  Indian  priests,  who  threatened  death  and 
other  inrtictlons  of  the  vengeance  of  the  r  idols  on  all 
who  should  embrace  Christianity.    The  menaces  and 

*  lie  died  in  the  year  lOiH).  As  his  bodily  strength  decayed, 
the  energy  of  lus  tiuing  NCemed  to  relreat  into  his  soul,  and  at 
length  all  Ins  faculties  (he  said)  seemed  al>sorbedin  holy  lovu. 
Being  a-sked,  shortly  before  his  departure,  how  he  did,  lie  re- 
plied, "I  have  lost  every  thiiig:  my  understanding  Icavee 
me,  my  memory  fails  nie,  my  ulteranre  fails  me  ;  but  I  thank 
Rod  inych.irity  holds  out  st.ll,  I  find  that  rather  grows  thai: 
foils."  Richard  Uaxter  declared  that  these  words  had  given 
hini  inexpressible  comfort,  .ind  that  the  account  of  Klliet'i 
hie,  which  he  read  when  he  himself  was  laboring  under  a  dan- 
gerous illness,  had  recalled  hiiu  from  the  brink  of  the  gr«ire 
Mather  1).  ill.    Neal  U.  470. 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


253 


artifices  of  these  persons  caused  several  of  the  seeming 
converts  to  draw  back,  but  induced  others  to  separate 
tticmselves  more  entirely  from  the  society  and  converse 
ol  their  countrymen,  and  seek  the  beuelit  and  protec- 
tion of  a  closer  association  with  that  superior  race  of 
men  who  showed  themselves  so  generously  willing  to 
ditfuse  and  communicate  all  the  means  and  bcnehts  of 
their  superiority.  A  considerable  body  of  Indians  re- 
sorted to  the  laud  allotted  them  by  the  colonial  govern- 
ment, and  exchanged  their  wild  and  barbarous  habits 
for  the  modes  of  civilized  living  and  industry.  Mr. 
Elliot  was  continually  among  them,  instructing,  ani- 
mating, and  directing  thein.  They  felt  iiis  superior 
wisdom,  and  saw  him  contin.ially  ha|ipy  ;  and  there 
was  nothing  in  his  circumstances  or  ap|)earaiice  that 
indicated  sources  of  enjoyment  from  which  they  were 
debarred  ;  on  the  contrary,  it  was  obvious  that  of  every 
article  of  sellish  comfort  he  was  willing  to  divest  him- 
self in  order  to  communicate  to  them  what  ho  esteemed 
the  only  true  riches  of  an  immortal  being.  He  who 
gave  liim  this  s|)int.  gave  him  favor  in  the  eyes  of  the 
jieople  among  whom  he  ministered  :  and  their  affection 
for  him  reminds  us  of  those  primitive  ages  when  the 
converts  were  willing,  as  it  were,  to  pluck  ont  their 
eyes  if  they  could  have  given  them  to  their  pastor. 
'I'lie  women  in  the  new  settlement  learned  to  spin,  the 
men  to  dig  and  till  the  ground,  and  tlie  children  were 
uistructed  m  the  English  language,  and  taught  to  read 
and  write.  As  the  numbers  of  domesticated  Indians 
increased  they  built  a  town  by  the  side  of  (Charles  river, 
VN-hich  they  called  Natick;  and  thoy  desired  Mr.  Elliot 
to  frame  a  system  of  internal  government  for  them. 
He  directed  their  attention  to  the  counsel  that  .lethro 
gave  to  Moses  ;  and,  in  conformity  with  it,  they  elected 
for  themselves  rulers  of  hundreds,  of  fifties,  and  of 
tens.  The  colonial  government  also  appointed  a  court 
which,  without  assuming  jurisdiction  over  them,  offered 
tht  .issistance  of  its  judicial  wisdom  to  all  wlio  should 
be  willing  to  refer  to  it  the  determination  of  their  more 
difficult  or  important  subjects  of  controversy.  In  en- 
deavoring to  e.xteiid  their  missionary  influence  among 
the  surrounding  tribes,  Mr.  Elliot  and  his  associates 
encountered  a  variety  of  success  corresponding  to  the 
visible  varieties  of  human  character  and  the  invisible 
[iredelerminations  of  the  Uivinc  will.  Many  expressed 
the  utmost  abhorrence  and  contempt  of  Christianity  : 
some  made  a  hollow  profession  of  willingness  to  hear, 
and  even  of  conviction,  with  the  view,  as  it  afterwards 
appeared,  of  obtaining  the  tools  and  other  articles  of 
value  that  were  furnished  to  those  who  proposed  to 
embrace  the  modes  of  civilized  living.  In  spite  of 
every  discouragement  the  missionaries  persisted  ;  and 
the  difficulties  that  at  first  mocked  their  efforts  seem- 
ing at  length  to  vanish  under  an  invisible  touch,  their 
labors  were  blessed  with  astonishing  success.  The 
character  and  habits  of  the  lay  colonists  tended  to  pro- 
mote the  efficacy  of  these  pious  labors,  in  a  manner 
which  will  be  forcibly  appreciated  by  all  who  have  ex- 
amined the  history  and  progress  of  missions.  Simple 
in  their  manners,  devout,  moral,  and  industrious  in 
their  lives,  they  enforced  the  lessons  of  the  missiona- 
ries by  demonstrating  their  practicability  and  beneficial 
ert'ects,  and  presented  a  model  which,  in  point  of  refine- 
ment, was  not  too  elevated  for  Indian  imitation. 

While  Mr.  Elliot  and  an  increasing  body  of  associ- 
ates were  thus  employed  in  the  Province  of  Massachu- 
setts, Thomas  Mayliew,  a  man  who  combined  in  a  won- 
derful degree  an  all'ectionate  mildness  that  nothing  could 
disturb  with  an  ardor  and  activity  that  nothing  could 
overcome,  together  with  a  few  coidpitors,  not  less  dili- 
gently and  successfully  prosecuted  the  same  design  in 
Martha's  Vineyard,  Nantucket  and  Elizabeth  Isles,  and 
within  the  territory  comprehended  in  the  Plymouth 
patent.  Abasing  themselves  that  they  might  elevate 
their  species  and  (iromote  the  Divine  glory,  they  wrought 
with  their  own  hands  among  those  Indians  whom  they 
persuaded  to  forsake  savage  habits ;  and  zealously 
employing  all  the  influence  they  acquired  to  the  com- 
munication of  moral  and  spiritual  improvement,  their 
labors  were  eminently  blessed  by  the  same  Power 
which  had  given  them  the  grace  so  fully  to  devote  them- 
selves to  his  service.  [1647.]  The  character  and  man- 
ners of  Mayhew  appear  to  have  been  singularly  calcu- 
lated to  excite  the  tenderness  no  less  than  the  venera- 
tion of  the  objects  of  his  benevolence,  and  to  make  them 
feel  at  once  how  amiable  and  how  awful  true  goodness 
IS.  His  address  derived  a  captivating  interest  from 
that  earnest  concern,  and  high  and  noly  value,  which  he 
manifestly  entertained  for  every  member  of  the  family 
of  mankind.  Many  years  after  his  doalh  the  Indians 
could  not  hear  his  name  mentioned  without  shedding 
tears  and  expressing  transpoiis  of  grateful  emotion. 


Both  Elliot  and  Mayhew  found  great  advantage  in  the 
practice  ol  selecting  the  most  docile  and  ingenious  of 
their  Indian  pupiKs,  and  by  especial  attention  to  their 
instruction,  qualifying  them  to  act  as  schoolmasters 
among  their  brethren.  To  a  zeal  that  seemed  to  increase 
by  exercise,  they  added  insurmountable  patience  and 
admirable  prudence  ;  and,  steadily  fixing  their  view  on 
the  glory  of  the  Most  High,  and  d-^claring  that,  whether 
outwardly  successful  or  not  in  [iromoling  it,  they  felt 
themselves  blessed  and  happy  in  pursuing  it,  they  found 
its  influence  sufficie;;t  to  light  them  through  every  per- 
plexity snd  peril,  and  finally  conduct  them  to  a  degree 
of  success  and  victory  unpanillcled,  pcrhipr?,  since  that 
era  when  the  miraculous  enrio-.vmcnts  of  the  apostolic 
ministry  caused  a  nation  to  be  born  in  a  day.  They 
were  slow  to  push  the  Indians  upon  improved  institu- 
tions ;  they  desired  rather  to  lead  them  insensibly  for- 
ward, more  especially  in  the  adoption  of  religious  Ordi- 
nances. Those  practices,  indeed,  which  they  considered 
likely  to  commend  themselves  by  their  beneficial  eflfccts 
to  the  natural  understanding  of  men,  they  were  not 
restrained  from  recommending  to  their  early  adoption  ; 
and  trial  by  jury  very  soon  superseded  the  savage  modes 
of  determining  right  or  ascertaining  guilt,  and  contri- 
buted to  improve  and  refine  the  sense  of  equity.  In 
the  dress  and  mode  of  cohabitation  of  the  savages,  they 
also  introduced  at  an  early  period,  alterations  calculated 
to  form  and  develope  a  sense  of  modesty,  in  which  the 
Indians  were  found  to  be  gros.sly  and  universally  defec- 
tive. But  all  these  practices  which  arc,  or  ought  to  be, 
exclusively  the  fruits  of  renewed  nature  and  Divine 
li^ht,  they  desired  to  teach  entirely  by  example,  and  by 
diligently  radicating  and  cultivating  in  the  minds  of 
their  flocks  the  principles  out  of  which  alone  such  prac- 
tices can  lastingly  and  bciiefirially  grow.  It  was  not 
till  the  year  1660  that  the  first  Indian  church  was  founded 
by  Mr.  Elliot  and  his  fellow-laborers  in  Massachusetts. 
There  were  at  that  time  no  fewer  than  ten  settlements 
within  the  province,  occupied  by  Indians  comparatively 
civilized. 

Mr.  Elliot  had  from  time  to  time  translated  and 
printed  various  approved  religious  works  for  the  use  of 
the  Indians,  and,  at  length,  in  the  year  1664,  the  Bible 
was  printed,  for  the  first  time  in  the  hnguage  of  the 
new  world,  at  Cambridge  in  Massachusetts.*  This 
great  achievement  was  not  efTected  without  the  assist- 
ance of  pecuniary  contributions  from  the  mother  coun- 
try. The  colonists  had  zealously  and  gladly  co-operated 
with  their  ministers,  and  assisted  to  defray  the  cost  of 
their  charitable  undertakings  ;  but  the  increasing  ex- 
penses threatened  at  last  to  exceed  what  their  means 
were  able  to  supply.  Happily,  the  tidings  of  this 
great  work  excited  a  kindred  spirit  in  the  parent 
State,  and  in  the  year  1649  was  formed  there,  by  act 
of  parliament,  a  Society  for  Propagating  the  Gospel 
in  New  England,  whose  co-operation  proved  of  es- 
sential service  to  the  missionary  cause.  This  so- 
ciety, having  been  dissolved  at  the  Restoration,  was 
afterwards  re-erected  by  a  charter  from  Charles  the 
Second,  obtained  by  the  exertions  of  the  pious  Richard 
Baxter  and  the  influence  of  the  great  Robert  Boyle,  who 
was  thus  the  benefactor  of  New  England  as  well  as  of 
Virginia.  Supported  by  its  ample  endowments,  and 
the  no  less  liberal  contributions  of  their  own  fellow- 
colonists,  the  American  missionaries  exerted  themselves 
with  such  energy  and  success  in  the  work  of  converting 
and  civilizing  the  savages,  that,  before  the  close  of  the 
seventeenth  century,  there  were  in  the  province  of  Mas- 
sachusetts more  than  thirty  congregations  of  Indians, 
comprising  upwards  of  three  thousand  persons  reclaimed 
from  a  gross  degrading  barbarism,  and  advanced  to  the 
comfort  and  respectability  of  civilized  life,  and  the  dig- 
nity and  happiness  of  worshippers  of  the  true  God, 
through  the  mediation  of  the  only  name  by  which  men 
can  know  or  approach  him.  There  were  nearly  as  many 
converts  to  religion  and  civility  in  the  islands  of  Mas- 
sachusetts Bay  ;  there  were  several  Indian  congrega- 
tions in  the  Plymouth  territories  and  among  some  of 
the  tribes  that  still  adhered  to  their  roving  barbarous 
mode  of  life,  there  was  introduced  a  considerable  im- 
provement in  their  civil  and  moral  habits.  When  we 
reflect  on  the  toils  that  these  missionaries  encountered, 
on  the  vast  and  varied  difficulties  they  were  enabled  to 
overcome,  and  survey  the  magnificent  expanse  of  hap- 
piness and  virtue  that  arose  from  their  exertions  ;  and, 

♦  I  have  seen  a  copy  oftliis  edition  ofilie  Bihie  inthe  library 
of  the  late  George  Chabncrs.  It  is  a  beauiiful  piece  of  typo- 
graphy. 

Many  earlier  publications  had  already  issued  from  the  fertile 
press  of  New  England.  One  ol'  the  fir^t  was  a  new  metrical 
translation  of  the  Psalms— very  literal,  and  very  unpoeiical. 
To  this  last  imputAtion  the  New  Eni^laiiders  .Tnswertrd,  "  that 
Ood'B  altars  needs  not  our  poliehingd."    OldmixOn  t.  109,  1  iO. 


when  looking  backward?,  we  trace  the  stream  of  event* 
to  its  first  spring  in  the  pride  and  cruelty  that  was  )el 
loose  to  fortify  the  zeal  of  the  puritans,  and  finally,  to 
drive  them  from  their  native  land  to  the  scene  appointed 
for  this  great  and  happy  achievement  ; — we  acknow- 
ledge the  unseen  but  eternal  control  of  that  Being  who 
projects  the  end  from  the  beginning,  who  alone  Joes  ihe 
good  that  is  done  in  the  earth,  and  beneath  whoae  irre- 
sistible will,  the  depravity  that  0[)poses,  no  less  thati 
the  virtue  that  coincides  With  it,  are  but  the  instruments 
that  blindly  or  knowingly  ellii;ct  its  fulfilment. 

Among  the  various  difliculties  that  obstructed  the 
changes  which  the  missionaries  attempted  to  introduce 
into  the  habits  of  the  Indians,  it  was  found  that  the 
human  constitution  had  been  deejily  deteriorated  by 
ages  of  savage  life.  Habits  of  alternate  energy  and 
sloth,  indulged  from  generation  to  generation,  seemed 
at  length  to  have  given  a  character  or  bias  to  the  ani- 
mal faculties  al.uiost  as  deeply  ingrained  as  the  depraved 
hue  of  the  negro  body,  and  to  have  seriously  impaired 
the  capacity  of  continuous  exertion.  In  every  employ- 
ment that  demand(;d  steady  labor,  the  Indians  were 
found  decidedly  inferior  to  the  Europeans.  The  first 
missionaries,  and  their  immediate  successors,  susluined 
this  discouragement  without  .shrinking,  and  animated 
their  converts  to  resist  or  endure  it.  But.  at  a  later 
period,  when  it  was  found  that  the  taint  which  the 
Indian  constitution  had  received  continued  to  be  propa- 
gated among  descendants  cducati^d  in  habits  widely 
dillerent  from  those  of  their  forefathers,  many  persons 
began  too  hastily  to  apprehend  that  the  im|)erfectioa 
was  incurable;  and  missionary  ardor  was  abated  by 
the  very  circumstance  that  most  strongly  demanded  Hi 
revival  and  enlargement.  In  concurrence  with  this 
cause  of  decline  in  the  progress  of  the  great  work 
which  we  have  contemplated,  the  energetic  gratitude 
of  the  first  converts  from  darkness  to  light  had  sub- 
sided ;  and  the  consequence  uiihap|)ily  was,  that  a  con- 
siderable abaUiinent  ensued  of  the  piety,  morality,  and 
industry,  of  the  Indian  communities  that  had  been  re- 
claimed from  savage  life.  But  the  work  has  not  been 
lost ;  its  visible  traces  were  never  suflfercd  to  perish  ; 
amidst  occasional  decline  and  revival,  it  has  always  been 
manifest,  and  the  people  gatheied  to  (iod  from  tins 
barbarous  and  dee|)ly-revolted  kindred  have  never  been 
permitted  to  disappear. 

I  have  been  induced  to  overstep  very  coiisideralily 
the  march  of  time,  in  order  to  exhibit  a  brief  bu(  un- 
broken view  of  this  great  scene  of  missionary  labor. 
We  now  return  to  follow  more  leisurely  the  general 
stream  of  the  afl'airs  of  the  colony. 

Shortly  after  the  dissensions  that  had  prevailed  iiitlie 
year  1646,  the  general  couit  reconimi  nded  the  assem- 
bling of  a  general  synod  of  the  churches  in  order  to 
name  an  uniform  scheme  of  church  discipline  for  all  the 
colonial  congregations.  The  prO|)Osal  was  resisted  by 
several  of  the  churches,  which  expressed  great  apfuc- 
hension  of  the  arbitrary  purposes  and  superstitious  de- 
vices which  might  be  promoted  by  llie  dangerous  prac- 
tice of  convocating  synods.  [IGIS.J  But,  at  length,  tho 
persuasion  generally  prevailing  that  an  assembly  of  tliij 
descrqition  possessed  no  inherent  authority,  and  that  Us 
functions  were  confined  to  the  tendering  of  counsel, 
the  second  synod  of  New  England  was  called  together 
at  Cambridge.  The  confession  of  faith  that  had  recen'  ly 
been  published  by  the  Asstinbly  of  Divmcs  at  West- 
minster, was  thoroughly  cxainuud  and  uimniiiiosuly 
approved.  Three  of  the  most  omineut  ministers  of  the 
colony.  Cotton,  Partridge,  and  Mather,  were  then  ap- 
pointed to  prepare  a  model  of  discipline  for  the  instruc- 
tion of  the  colonial  churches.  Thi^  J'la/Jt/rm  of  Church 
Discipline,  which  they  composed  accordingly,  and  pre- 
sented to  the  synod,  after  many  long  debates,  received 
the  general  ap|)robatiou  and  universal  acquiescence 

1649. J  A  dispute  had  for  some  time  siibnisled  be- 
tweeri  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  respecting  a  tux 
which  the  latter  state  had  imposed,  and  which  .M.issa- 
chusetts  considered  with  good  reason  to  operate  un- 
fairly on  a  portion  of  her  people.  Having  complained 
to  the  confederacy,  and  not  obtaininiiig  redress  as  spee- 
dily as  they  considered  themselves  entitled  to  ex|)ect, 
the  legislative  authorities  of  Massachusetts  passed  an 
act  imposing  a  retaliatory  duty  not  only  on  goods  from 
Connecticut,  but  on  importations  from  all  the  other 
states  of  the  confederation.  This  unjust  proceeding 
could  be  supported  only  by  an  appeal  to  the  privilege 
of  the  strongest  ;  a  privilege  which  .Massachusetts  was 
so  well  able  to  enforce,  that  the  other  confederates  had 
nothing  to  oppose  but  the  usual,  though  often  ineifec- 
tual,  expedient  of  the  weak.  Happily  for  them  and 
for  herself,  their  ally,  though  lia'\u  to  be  betrayed  into 
error  by  res«utmeat  and  paitiubt)',  was  not  intoxicated 


254 


THE  HISTOTIY  OF 


with  conscious  power.  They  presented  a  remonstrance 
to  ths  general  court  of  Massachusetts,  desiring  it  ••  se- 
rioiisV  to  consider  whether  such  [iroceedii.gs  ac;ree 
with  the  Uw  of  love,  and  the  tenor  of  the  articles  of 
tonfeJi-ration."  On  receiving  this  remonstrance,  the 
Covernmciit  of  Massachusetts,  superior  to  the  mean 
•name  of  acknowledging  a  wrong,  consented  to  sus- 
pend the  ob.ioiious  ordinance.*  [1650  ] 

But  Massachusetts,  in  the  following  year,  [1651,] 
was  engaged  in  a  dispute  with  a  power  still  more  formi- 
dable to  her  than  the  was  to  her  confederates,  and  much 
less  susceptible  of  sentiments  of  moderation  and  for- 
bearance. The  Long  Parliament  having  now  esta- 
blished its  authority  at  home,  was  determined  to  exact 
an  implicit  recognition  of  it  from  all  the  de|  endencics 
of  the  state,  and  even  to  introduce  such  rcco:^iiition 
into  all  the  charters  and  official  proceedings  of  subor- 
dinate communities.  A  requisition  was  accordingly 
transmitted  to  the  governor  and  assembly  of  Massa- 
chusetts, to  send  their  charier  to  London,  to  take  out 
a  new  patent  from  the  keepers  of  the  liberties  of  Eng- 
land, and  to  hold  all  courts,  and  issue  all  writs,  in  tlie 
name  of  this  description  of  authority.  This  com- 
mand excited  the  utmost  alarm  in  the  colony  ;  nor 
could  all  the  attachment  of  the  people  to  the  cause  of 
the  parliaincTitt  reconcile  them  to  a  surrender  of  the 
title  under  which  their  settlements  and  mstitutions  had 
been  formed,  and  which  had  never  obstructed  their  sub- 
ordination to  the  authorities  that  now  proposed  to  re- 
voke it.  The  parliament  had  no  more  right  to  super- 
sede the  original  patent  of  the  colony,  than  to  require 
the  city  of  London,  or  any  of  the  other  corporations  of 
f]ngland,  to  submit  their  charters  to  similar  dissolution 
and  renovation.  But  the  colonists  were  well  aware 
that  the  authorities  which  had  issued  this  arbitrary 
mandate  had  the  power  to  enforce  it ;  and,  accord- 
ingly, declining  a  direct  collision,  they  reverted  to  the 
policy,  which  they  had  once  successfully  employed  to 
counteract  the  tyrannical  intentions  of  the  kmg,  and 
succeeded  in  completely  foiling  this  assembly,  so  re- 
nowned for  it>  success,  resoluti,)ii,  and  capacity.  The 
general  court,  instead  of  surrendering  the  patent,  trans- 
mitted a  [tclition  to  the  parliament  against  the  cnforcc- 
mcnl  of  this  mandate,  setting  forth,  that  "  these  things 
not  being  done  in  the  late  k.ng's  lime  or  since,  it  was 
not  able  to  discern  the  need  of  such  an  injiinrlion." 
It  represented  the  condition  anil  authority  on  which  the 
settlers  had  originally  come  to  New  England,  tlieir 
stedfast  adherence  to  the  cause  of  the  parliament 
throughout  the  civil  wars,  and  their  present  explicit 
recognition  of  its  supremacy  ;  and  prayed  that  the  peo- 
ple might  not  now  be  wt^rse  dealt  with  than  in  the  time 
of  the  king,  and  in.Htead  of  a  governor  and  magistrates 
snniially  chosen  by  thcmselv('s,  be  required  to  submit 
to  others  imposed  on  them  against  their  wills.  The 
general  court  at  the  same  time  addressed  a  letter  to  "  the 


•  Hiitchinsiin  i.  15S.  Chabncr.i,  192,  3.  Anoiher  diipiite, 
which  orcurrcil  iitvMit  threo  ysars  after  belwcen  .M,i.ss;i(  lui. 
seUH  ami  the  other  coiifeileratcil  .states,  is  rpl.itinl  wiili  great 
iniiiiileiii^ss,  anil  I  think  with  im  .small  ii.iiisiice  ami  |iar. 
lialiiy,  hy  the  respcctalilc  histnrian  of  Cnnnfrticiit.  In  Ifi.i.t,  a 
discovery  was  siipprispd  to  have  been  made  of  a  conspiracy 
belwcnri  Sluyvpsaiit,  the  lovcrrmr  of  the  Dutch  colony,  anil 
the  Inilians,  for  the  extermination  of  the  Eoqiish.  The  cvi. 
ilencc  of  this  sant'iiinary  project  (which  Stnyvesaiit  incliffnanily 
ilisclaimcd)  was  lielil  siilhcieiit,  and  Ihe  resolution  of  a  eciicial 
WKf  emhraced,  hy  all  the  coinniissioners  of  ttic  union  except 
Ihnse  of  Maisaehusetts.  The  general  court  of  ilii,  province 
judged  the  proof  inconclusive,  and  were  fortifled  in  this  opi. 
nion  by  the  judgment  of  iheir  cleriiy,  which  they  coiisentcil  to 
abide  hy.  To  all  tlie  remonstrances  of  tlieir  allies,  thcv  aii- 
Hwereil,  thiu  no  articles  of  confeileratioii  should  induce  iheni  to 
undertake  an  offensive  war  which  Ihey  considureil  unjnsi.  ar.d 
on  which  they  roulil  not  ask  or  expect  the  ble^siii?  of  (iod. 
The  historian  of  Connecticut,  not  content  with  rcproliaiing 
this  breach  of  the  articles  of  union,  vehemently  maintains  thai 
Ihe  scruples  of  Massachusetts  were  insincere.  Trumbull,  vtd. 
I.  cap.  X.  But,  in  truth  the  evidence  of  the  Dnirh  plot  lahoreci 
■I  der  very  serious  defecn.  which  were  much  more  coolly 
weighed  hy  the  people  of  Massachuseiis,  than  hv  the  inhabi- 
laninnf  ('onnecii<-oi  and  Newhaven,  exaspera'.ed  by  frequent 
di.:pntes  with  the  Dmrh,  and,  by  ihcir  proximity,  exposed  to 
the  f  reateit  rlaciger  Irom  Dutch  hostilities.  In  the  hei'innine 
of  the  folloivin^'  century,  the  sitiiHtion  of  ihe  provinces  was  so 
far  reversed,  that  Massaclmseiis  whs  compelled  to  solicit  Con. 
neclicnl  for  aiil  in  a  general  war  with  the  Indians  ;  and,  on  this 
OfciiJi.m,  Conneeticul  remote  from  the  scene  of  action,  at  first 
refused  her  aid  ii|hil>  scrnjiles.w  hu  h  she  afterwards  ascertained 
10  be  f  rcoiiidless,  respecting  the  lawfulness  of  the  war.  Trum- 
balt,  vol.  li.  cap  i. 

f  Thniirh  miiieh.sl  to  the  cause  of  the  parliamenl,  the  pen. 
pie  of  New  K.ngland  hail  so  far  forgotten  their  own  wrongs, 
■nrt  csriped  the  ionngion  of  the  passions  engeiidereil  in  the 
Ciri  war,  thai  the  trairicsl  fate  „|  the  kini;  api>ear»  to  have 
•  xe|(e-l  general  grief  and  concern.  The  putdie  expression  of 
fiich  seoiiinenis  would  have  been  e.piallv  inexpedient  and  un- 
aTiilin?  :  hut  that  they  were  entertained  is  very  maiulVsi. 
.*>"'•■  Uiilchinson.  I.  In  this  the  puritans  of  Anierica  were 

niH  innilar  No  man  in  Kiiglnnd  t.iaile  rreaier  efforts  to  gave 
C  ir'es  lif-  than  Willium  I'rynn  the  puritan,  than  whom  no 
uuiii  b*il  surtiruj  raoiv  Mvernj  frbui  hi*  lyrannj. 


I>ord  General  Cromwell,"  for  the  purpose  of  interesting 
his  powerful  mediation  in  their  behalf,  as  well  as  of 
dissuading  him  from  the  prosecution  of  certain  mea- 
sures which  he  himself  had  projected  for  their  advan- 
tage The  peculiar  character  winch  the  New  England, 
colonists  had  displayed,  the  institutions  they  had  esta- 
blished, and  their  predilection  for  the  independent 
model  of  church  government  which  he  himself  so  highly 
admired,  had  recommended  them  in  the  most  powerful 
manner  to  the  esteem  of  this  extraordinary  man  :  and 
his  favorable  reiJards  were  enhanced  by  the  recollection 
of  the  [ilan  he  had  formed,  and  so  nearly  realized,  of 
uniting  his  destiny  witli  theirs  in  America.  Nor  were 
thev  at  all  abated  by  the  compassion  and  benevolence 
with  which  the  colonists  received  a  considerable  body 
of  unfortunate  Scots  whom  Cromwell  had  caused  to  be 
tran.sported  to  .Massachusetts  after  the  battle  of  Dun- 
liar,  and  of  which  he  was  informed  by  a  letter  from  Mr. 
Cotton.*  He  seemed  to  consider  that  he  had  been 
detained  in  England  for  their  interests  as  well  as  his 
own,  and  never  ceased  to  desire  that  they  should  be 
more  nearly  associated  with  his  fortunes,  and  cheered 
with  the  rays  of  his  grandeur.  He  had  conceived  an 
ardent  desire  to  be  the  author  of  an  enterprise  so  illus- 
trious as  the  revocation  of  these  men  to  the  country 
from  which  they  had  been  so  unworthily  expelled  ;  and 
as  an  act  of  honorable  justice  to  themselves,  as  well  as 
for  the  advantage  of  Ireland,  he  had  recently  broachod 
the  proposal  of  transporting  them  from  America,  and 
establishing  them  in  a  district  of  this  island,  which  was 
to  be  evacuated  for  their  reception.  In  their  letter  to 
him,  the  general  court,  which  had  been  apprised  of  this 
scheme,  acknowledged,  with  grateful  expressions,  the 
kind  consideration  which  it  indicated  ;  but  declined  to 
avail  themselves  of  it,  or  abandon  a  land  where  they 
had  experienced  so  much  of  the  favor  of  God,  and  were 
blessed  with  such  prospects  of  converting  the  lieathtii. 
They  at  the  same  time  recommended  their  petition 
against  the  parliamentary  measures  to  his  friendly 
countenance,  and  beseeched  "  his  Excellence  to  be 
pleased  to  »how  whatsoever  God  shall  direct  him  unto, 
on  the  behalf  of  the  colony,  to  the  most  honorable  par- 
liament." It  may  be  presumed,  that  Cromwrll's  medi- 
ation was  successfully  employed,  as  th"  requisition 
that  had  been  transmitted  to  the  general  court  was  not 
further  prosecuted. t 

The  successes  of  the  Long  Parliament  had  begotten 
in  its  leading  members  a  growing  spirit  of  dominion, 
of  w  hich  the  colonies  did  not  fail  to  experience  the 
operation.  In  the  history  of  Virginia  we  have  beheld 
the  laws  by  which  the  traffic  of  all  the  colonies  with 
foreign  nations  was  prohiliitcd,  and  the  ordinances  and 
proceedings  by  which  the  subjugation  of  tliat  refractory 
settlement  was  enacted  and  enforced.  The  state  of 
Massachusetts,  which  was  desirous,  as  far  as  possible, 
to  act  in  concurrence  with  the  parliament,  and  was  per- 
fectly sincere  in  recognizing  its  supremacy,  co-0|ieralcd 
with  its  ordinance  against  \'irginia,  Ly  prohibiting  all 
intercourse  with  that  colony  till  it  had  neen  reduced  by 
the  parliamentary  forces.  But  it  was  not  over  those 
settlements  alone,  which  opposed  its  supremacy,  that 
the  [larliament  was  disposed  to  indulge  the  spirit  of 
dominion  ;  and  though  Massachusetts  was  protected 
from  its  designs  by  the  interference  of  Cromwell,  Ma- 
ryland, which  had  received  its  establishment  from 

*  Cromwell  was  far  from  being  incapable  of  appreciating 
the  mentor  tolerating  the  praise  ofa  loc;  and  the  linest  tn'- 
hnlo  that  was  ever  paid  to  llic  dignified  courage  with  which 
('harks  the  Fust  encountered  liis  late,  is  contained  m  an  ode 
by  Ihe  patriot  and  poet,  Andrew  Marvtll,  addressed  to  the 
protector. 

t  Iliitchinson  i.  176.  and  Append.  SIB.  520.  Hutchinson's 
OUeclion  of  p.ipcrs,  235.  Chalmers,  184,  5.  The  commis- 
sioners for  New  Kngland,  who  were  .sent  thither  by  Charles 
the  Second,  asserted,  in  their  narrative,  that  the  colony  soli- 
cited Crounvell  to  be  declared  a  free  state.  Ilutchiiisim's 
Collection  of  papers,  p.  420.  This  is  liighl)  unlikely,  and  was 
sucgested  perhaps  by  misrepresentation  or  misappreheiisioii 
of  the  nrcuiiislances  related  In  ihe  text.  The  publication  of 
Governor  Winlhrop's  Journal  has  now  clearly  proved  thai 
the  leading  men  in  Massachuseiis  entertained  from  the  be- 
ginmni;  a  considerable  jcalou.sy  of  parliamentary  jurisdicuon. 
'•  In  1641,"  says  W'lnthrop,  "jome  of  our  friends  in  England 
wrote  to  us  advice  to  send  over  some  to  solicit  for  us  in  the 
parliamimt,  giving  ua  hopes  that  we  might  obiaui  much;  but, 
consulting  aljout  it,  we  declined  the  motion  for  this  considera- 
tion: that  if  we  should  put  ourselves  umier  the  protection  of 
pari  aineni,  wc  must  then  be  subject  to  all  such  laws  as  they 
should  make,  or,  at  least,  such  as  they  might  impose  upon  us  ; 
in  which  cmirse,  though  they  should  lulend  our  good,  yd  ii 
iniirht  prove  very  prejudicial  to  us."  Wintlirop's  Journal, 
p.  21H.  Hence  it  is  obvious  that  the  people  of  Now  England, 
III  acknowledging  the  supremacy  of  parliament,  hail  rrs|iecl 
loll  not  as  a  legislative  body,  but  as  administering  the  func- 
tions of  royalty.  They  never  willingly  admitted  that  Ihe  mo- 
ther country  plisses>ed  a  Irgislativp  control  over  Ihi  in  ;  or 
thai,  in  lorsaking  hi  r  shores,  they  h.ad  Icfl  behind  thcni  an 
authority  c.inablo  of  kending  after  tbcin  the  «nl»  from  which 
lliDy  iiaU  ned. 


Charles  the  First,  was  compelled  to  receive  the  altera- 
tions of  its  otticial  style  which  Massachusetts  bad 
evaded ;  [1652]'  and  Rhode  Irland  beheld  the  very  fonn 
of  government  which  ithad  received  ftom  the  parliament 
itself  in  1043,  suspended  by  an  ordet  of  the  council  of 
state.  What  might  have  ensued  upon  this  order,  and 
what  similar  or  furtho  procei'dings  might  have  been 
adopted  by  the  parliament  relative  to  the  other  co- 
lonies, were  intercepted  by  its  own  disriolution,  and 
the  convergence  of  the  whole  power  of  the  English 
commonwealth  in  the  strong  hands  of  Oliver  Cromwell. 

1653.]  The  ascendancy  of  the  protector  proved 
highly  beneficial  to  all  the  American  colonies,  except 
V  irginia,  which,  on  account  of  the  political  "enetsof  iw 
inhabitants,  he  regarded  even  with  greater  dlsjdeasure 
than  the  catholic  establishment  of  Maryland.  Rhode 
Island,  immediately  after  his  elevation,  resumed  the 
form  of  government  which  the  parliament  had  re- 
cently suspended  ;  and,  by  the  decisive  vigor  of  his 
interference,  the  people  of  Connecticut  and  Ncwhavetj 
were  relieved  from  the  a()preheiisions  they  had  long 
entertained  of  the  hostile  designs  of  the  Dutch  colo- 
nists of  New  York.  All  the  New  England  slates  were 
thenceforward  exempted  from  the  operation  of  the  par- 
liamentary ordinance  against  trade  with  foreign  nations; 
and  both  their  commerce  and  security  derived  a  great 
increase  from  the  conquest  wiiich  the  protector's  arms 
achieved,  of  the  province  of  Acadia  from  the  French. 
But  it  was  Massachusetts  that  occupied  the  highest 
place  in  his  esteem  ;  and  to  the  inhabitants  ol  this  set- 
tlement he  earnestly  longed  to  impart  a  dignity  of  ex- 
ternal condition  proportioned  to  the  elevation  which  he 
believed  ihem  to  enjoy  in  the  favor  of  the  great  Sove- 
reign of  all  mankind.  The  reasons  for  which  they  had 
declined  his  oiler  of  a  settlement  in  Ireland,  however 
likely  to  commend  themselves  to  his  approbation,  were 
still  more  calculated  to  draw  forth  his  regard  for  a  peo- 
ple who  felt  the  force  of  such  generous  considerations. 
When  his  arms  had  ellected  the  conquest  of  Jamaica, 
he  conceived  the  project  of  transplanting  the  colonists 
of  Massachusetts  to  that  beautiful  island  ;  [1655,]  and, 
with  this  view,  he  strongly  represented  to  them,  thai, 
by  establishing  themselves  and  their  principles  in  the 
West  Indies,  thev  would  carry  the  sword  ol  the  gospel 
into  the  very  heart  of  the  terrilories  nf  popery,  and  that 
conse(iueiitly  they  ought  to  deem  themselves  as  stronoly 
called  to  this  ulterior  removal,  as  they  had  been  to  thcj 
original  migration.  He  endeavored  to  incite  thom  to 
embrace  this  project  by  promises  of  his  amplest  coun- 
tenance and  support,  and  of  having  the  whole  powers 
of  government  vested  entirely  in  their  own  hand.s.  and 
by  expatiating  on  the  rich  productions  of  the  lorr'.d 
zone,  with  which  their  industry  would  be  rewarded  in 
this  new  settlement :  and  with  these  considerations  he 
blended  an  appeal  to  their  conscience,  in  pressing  them 
to  fulfil,  in  their  own  favor,  the  promise  which,  he  said, 
the  Almighty  had  given  to  viake  hts  people  the  head.  aitU 
noi  the  tail.  He  not  only  urged  these  views  upon  the 
agents  and  correspondents  of  the  colonists  in  England, 
but  despatched  one  of  his  own  officers  to  solicit  on  the 
s|)Ot  their  compliance  with  his  proposal.  But  the  colo- 
nists were  exceedingly  averse  to  abandon  a  country 
where  they  found  themselves  happy  and  m  possession 
of  a  sphere  of  increasing  usefulness  ;  and  the  proposal 
was  the  more  unacceptable  to  them  from  the  accounts 
they  had  received  of  ihe  s  .•kliness  of  Jamaica.  [1656J 
The  general  court  accordingly  returned  an  address, 
declining,  in  the  name  of  their  fellow-cilizens.  to  em- 
brace the  protector's  oiler,  and  wilhal  beseeching  his 
Highness  not  to  impute  their  refusal  to  indiHerencc  to 
his  service,  or  to  an  ungratel'ul  disregard  of  his  concern 
for  their  welfare. t  Thus,  by  the  overruling  luHucnce 
of  that  Power  by  which  their  steps  had  been  so  signally 
directed,  were  the  colonists  prevented,  on  two  occa- 
sions, from  availing  themselves  of  the  injudicious  pro- 
motion which  Cromwell  was  so  eager  to  bestow.  Had 
they  removed  to  Ireland,  they  would  themselves  shortly 
after  have  been  subjected  to  slavery  :  had  they  pro- 

*  This  year  Massachusetts  lost  its  eminent  preacher,  pa- 
triarch, and  peace-maker,  John  Cotton.  Finding  himself  dy- 
ing, he  sent  for  the  magistrates  and  innustiTs  of  the  colon/, 
and,  with  solemnity  and  tenderness,  bade  Ihem  farewell  tor  > 
while.  Few  men  have  ever  occupied  so  large  room  as  ihia 
man  possessed  in  thehoarl.s  *>f  his  countrymen. 

t  llulchmson,  i.  I8tt.  IlK)— ISW.  Chalmers,  292.  192.  188. 
Hazard,  631.  A  similar  answer  was  returned  by  Neuliavun 
to  a  similar  application  from  the  proteclor.  Trumbull,  i.  2124. 
There  were  not  wanting  some  wild  spirits  among  the  colo- 
nist.,, who  relished  the  proluclor's  projKisals.  The  notorious 
Vcnner,  who  headed  tho  insuricclion  of  the  Filth  Monaivhy 
men  in  Env'land  after  the  Ilestoralion,  was  tor  some  tunc  an 
inhabil.'inl  of  Salem,  and  prevailed  with  a  parly  <U'  zealot  1 1hria 
to  unite  in  a  scheme  of  emigraluin  to  the  West  Indies.  Uut 
the  ili'Mcn  v\as  iliscouragod  by  the  clergy,  and  intercepted 
bj  Ibo  niaglktiates,    Oldiuuun,i.  47 


NORTH  AMERICA: 


ceeded  to  Jamaica,  they  would  have  been  eiposed  to  a 
stronir  and  dangerous  leinptatioii  of  intlictiiig  that  in- 
justice upon  oihcrs.  In  the  mind  of  Ciomwcll,  a  vehe- 
ment arcior  was  singularly  conihined  with  the  most  pro- 
found and  deliberate  sagacity  ;  and  enthusiastic  senti- 
ments were  not  unlVe(iueiuly  blended  with  poiitic  con- 
siderations, ill  pro|iorlions  which  it  is  little  likely  that 
he  himself  was  aware  of,  or  that  any  spectator  of  his 
actions  can  hope  to  adjust.  It  is  obvious,  on  the  one 
hand,  that  his  pioijositioiis  to  the  colonists,  on  both 
occasions,  were  connected  with  the  securer  estal)lij>h- 
incnt  of  his  own  doiiiinioii  in  Ireland,  and  the  preserva- 
tion of  his  conquest  in  the  West  Indies.  But  it  is 
equally  certain,  on  the  other,  that  the  colonists  in- 
curred neither  displeasure,  nor  even  abatement  of  his 
cordial  friendship,  by  refusing  to  promote  the  schemes 
on  which  he  was  so  strongly  bent  :  nay,  so  powerfully 
had  they  captivated  his  rugged  heart,  that  they  were 
able  to  maintain  bis  favor,  eve'i  while  their  intolerance 
discredited  the  independent  priiici[iles  which  he  and 
they  concurred  in  professing  ;  and  none  of  the  com- 
plaints with  which  he  was  long  liarassed  on  their  ac- 
count by  the  anabaptists  and  quakers,  whose  proceed- 
ings and  treatment  in  the  colony  we  arc  now  to  con- 
sider, were  ever  able  to  deprive  the  people  of  the  place 
they  had  gained  in  the  protector's  esteem. 

The  coionista  had  been  of  late  years  involved  occa- 
sionally in  hostilities  with  some  of  the  Indian  tribes, 
and  in  disputes  with  the  Dutch,  by  whose  machinations 
it  was  suspected  that  these  savages  were  more  than 
once  instigated  to  conspire  against  them.  But  these 
events  had  been  productive  of  greater  alarm  than  in- 
jury :  and  by  far  the  most  serious  troubles  with  which 
the  colonists  were  infested  were  those  which  arose  from 
religious  dissensions.  Of  all  the  instances  of  persecu- 
tion that  occur  in  the  history  of  New  England,  the  most 
censurable  in  its  principle,  though  happily  also  the  least 
vehement  in  the  seventies  which  it  produced,  was  the 
treatment  inflicted  on  the  anabaptists  by  the  govern- 
ment of  Massachusetts  The  first  appearance  of  these 
sectaries  in  this  province  was  in  the  year  1651,  wlien, 
to  the  great  astonishment  and  concern  of  the  commu- 
nity, seven  or  eight  persons,  of  whom  the  leader  was 
one  Obadiah  Holmes,  all  at  once  professed  the  baptist 
tenets,  and  sejjarated  from  the  congregation  to  wbich 
they  had  belonged,  declaring  that  they  could  no  longer 
take  counsel,  or  partake  divine  ordinances,  with,  unbup- 
tized  men,  as  they  pronounced  all  the  other  inhabitants" 
of  the  province  to  be.  The  erroneous  doctrine  which 
thus  unexpectedly  sprung  up  was  at  this  time  regarded 
with  peculiar  dread  and  jealousy,  on  account  of  the 
horrible  enormities  of  sentiment  and  practice  with  which 
tiie  first  professors  of  it  in  Germany  had  associated  its 
repute  ;  and  no  sooner  did  Holmes  and  his  inends  set 
U|ia  baptist  conventicle  for  themselves,  than  complaints 
of  their  proceedings,  as  an  Jiitolerable  nuisance,  came 
pouring  into  the  general  court  from  all  quarters  of  the 
colony.  From  the  tenor  of  these  complaints,  it  appears, 
that  the  influence  of  that  infamous  association,  by  v\hich 
the  wretched  Boccold  and  his  frantic  followers  at  Mun- 
ster  had  stained  and  degraded  the  baptist  tenets,  still 
preserved  its  force  in  the  minds  of  men,  and  that  the 
profession  of  these  tenets  was  calculated  to  awaken  sus- 
picions of  the  grossest  immorality  of  conduct.  Holmes 
was  accused  of  having  dishonored  the  Almighty,  not 
only  by  scattering  his  people  and  denying  his  ordinance, 
but  by  the  commission  of  profligate  impurities,  and  the 
shamelul  indecency  vviih  vvliich  it  was  alleged  thai  his 
distinctive  rile  was  administered.  It  is  admitted  by 
the  colonial  historians,  that  the  evidence  that  was  ad- 
duced in  sup|)ort  of  these  latter  charges  was  insufficient 
to  establish  them.  The  court  at  first  proceeded  no 
farther  than  to  adjudge  Holmes  and  his  friends  to  desist 
from  their  unchristian  separation  :  and  they  were  per- 
mitted to  retire,  having  first,  however,  publicly  declared 
that  they  would  follow  out  the  leadings  of  their  con- 
sciences, and  obey  God  rather  than  man.  Some  time 
after,  they  were  apjjrehended  on  a  .Sunday,  while  attend- 
ing the  preaching  of  one  Clark,  a  baptist,  from  Rhode 
Island,  who  had  come  to  propagate  his  tenets  in  Mas- 
sachusetts. The  constables  who  took  them  into  cus- 
tody carried  them  to  church,  as  a  more  proper  place  of 
christian  worship  ;  where  Clark  put  on  his  hat  the  mo- 
ment that  the  minister  began  to  pray.  Clark,  Holmes, 
and  another,  were  sentenced  to  pay  small  fines,  or  be 
flogged  :  and  thirty  lashes  were  actually  inflicted  on 
Holmes,  who  resolutely  persisted  in  choosing  a  punish- 
ment that  would  enable  hun  to  show  with  what  con- 
stancy he  could  suft'er  for  what  he  believed  to  be  the 
truih.  A  law  was  at  the  same  time  passed,  subjecting 
to  banishment  from  the  colony  every  person  who  should 
openly  condemn  or  oppose  the  baptism  of  infants,  who 


should  attempt  to  seduce  others  from  the  use  or  appro- 
bation thereof,  or  purposely  depart  from  the  congrega- 
tion when  that  rile  was  admimslered,  "or  deny  the 
ordinance  of  the  magistracv,  or  their  lawful  right  or 
authority  to  make  war."  From  these  last  words  it 
would  appear,  that  the  baptists  either  held,  or  were  re- 
ported to  hold,  along  with  tlie  proper  tenets  from 
whence  they  have  derived  their  denomination,  princi- 
ples that  might  well  be  deemed  adverse  to  the  stability 
of  government  and  the  safety  of  society.  In  addition 
to  this,  we  are  assured  by  Cotton  Mather,  that  ii  was 
the  jiractico  of  tiie  anabaptists,  in  order  to  strengthen 
their  party  and  manifest  their  contempt  for  the  clerical 
congregations,  to  receive  at  once  into  their  body  every 
person  whom  the  established  church  had  suspended 
from  ecclesiastical  privileges  for  licentiousness  of  con- 
duct, and  even  to  appoint  these  ])ersoiis  administrators 
of  the  sacrament  among  them.  Yet,  even  with  these 
and  other  extenuating  considerations,  it  is  impossible 
to  acquit  the  government  of  Mas.sachusetts  of  having 
violated  in  this  instance  the  rights  of  conscience,  and 
made  men  oHenders  for  the  tidebty  with  which  they 
adhered  to  wiiat  they  firmly,  though  erroniouBly,  be- 
lieved to  be  the  will  of  God,  in  relation  of  a  matter 
purely  ecclesiastical.*  The  eagernuBS  with  which  every 
collateral  charge  against  the  baptists  was  credited  in 
the  colony,  and  the  vehement  impatience  with  which 
their  claim  of  toleration  was  rejected,  forcibly  indicate 
the  illibeiality  and  delusion  by  which  their  persecutors 
were  governed  ;  and  may  suggest  to  the  christian  philo- 
sojjher  a  train  of  reflections  no  less  instructive  than 
interesting  on  the  sell-deceit  by  which  men  so  com- 
monly iiiler  the  honesty  of  their  convictions,  and  the 
rectitude  of  their  proceedings,  from  that  resentlul  per- 
turbation which  far  more  truly  indicates  a  secret  con- 
sciousness of  injustice  and  inconsistency.  There  is 
not  a  more  common  nor  more  pernicious  error  in  the 
world  than  that  one  virtue  may  be  practised  at  the  ex- 
pense of  another.  \\'here  sincerity  without  chanty  is 
professed,  there  is  always  reason  to  suspect  the  profes- 
sor of  a  dishonest  disregard  of  the  secret  surmises  of 
his  own  spirit. 

It  is  mortifying  to  behold  such  tares  growing  up  in 
the  field  that  was  already  so  richly  productive  of  mis- 
sionary exertion  and  other  fruits  of  genuine  and  exalted 
piety.  The  severities  that  were  employed  proved  in 
the  end  totally  iiietiectual  to  restrain  the  growth  of  the 
baptists'  tenets  ;  though  for  the  present  the  jirofessors 
of  these  doctrines  appear  to  have  either  desisted  from 
holding  separate  assemblies,  or  to  have  retired  from 
Massachusetts.  Some  of  them  proceeded  to  England, 
and  complained  to  Cromwell  of  tlie  persecution  they 
had  undergone  ;  but  he  rejected  their  complaint,  and 
applauded  the  conduct  of  the  colonial  authorities. 

The  treatment  which  the  quakers  experienced  in 
Massachusetts  was  much  more  severe,  but,  at  the  same 
time,  undoubtedly  much  more  justly  provoked.  It  is 
difficult  for  us.  111  the  calm  and  rational  demeanor  ol 
the  quakers  of  the  present  age,  to  recognise  the  suc- 
cessors of  those  wild  enthusiasts  who  first  appeared  m 
the  north  of  England,  about  the  year  1644,  and  began 
a  lew  years  after  to  be  distinguished  by  the  name  of 
quakers.  In  the  mind  of  George  I'  ox,  the  collector  ol 
this  sectarian  body  and  the  founder  of  their  system  ol 
doctrine,  there  existed  a  singular  mixture  of  christian 
sentiment  and  gospel  truth,  with  a  deep  shade  of  error 
and  delusion.  I'roloundly  pious  and  contemplative, 
but  constuutioiially  visionary  and  hypochondriacal, f  he 
appears  at  first  to  have  suspected  that  the  peculiarities 
ot  his  mental  impressions  might  have  arisen  Irom  some 
malady  wliich  advice  could  remove  ;  and  an  old  clergy- 
man, to  whom  be  applied  for  counsel,  advised  him  to 
seek  a  cure  of  what  was  spiritual  in  his  disorder  by 


*  The  baptists  who  were  exiled  from  Massachussctts  were 
allowed  to  settle  in  the  colony  of  Plymouth  (Hutchinson,  ii. 
478),  whence  it  may  be  strongly  inferred,  that  they  did  not  in 
reality  profess  (as  they  were  supposed  by  the  people  of  Mas- 
sachusetts to  do)  principles  adveise  to  the  safety  of  society. 
The  charge  probably  originatt-d  in  the  exlravagance  of  a  few 
of  their  own  number,  and  the  impatience  and  injustice  of 
their  adversaries. 

t  Several  eminent  christian  teachers  have  been  afliicted  with 
hypochondriacal  affections,  and  in  a  greater  or  las'*  decree  de- 
luded by  the  strange  impressions  of  which  lh>;y  render  the 
mind  susceptible.  That  great  and  good  man,  David  Brainerd, 
in  particular,  labored  under  this  disease  all  his  life;  and 
though  it  did  not  afl'ect  his  views  of  doctrine,  it  exeri  i.sed  a 
most  unhappy  influence  on  Ids  sentiments,  and  i)rodnccd 
much  of  what  is  gloomy  and  visionary  in  the  account  w  hich  he 
composed  of  his  own  experience.  This  is  expressly  avowed 
by  his  biographer.  President  Edwards,  who  was  intimately 
acquainted  with  him.  So  delusive  is  this  insidious  malady, 
that  perhaps  none  of  its  victims  has  ever  been  aware  liow  far 
he  was  subject  to  its  influence.  Brainerd'?  partial  conscious- 
ness of  it,  prevented  it  from  extending  its  iidlucQce  from  his 
foehugs  to  his  understanding. 


singing  psalms,  and  of  what  was  bodily  by  smoking 
tobacco.  Fox  rejected  both  parts  of  the  jirescription 
as  unsiiitalile  to  his  condition,  because  disagreeable  to 
his  latite  ;  and  being  now  convinced  that  olbiTs  were 
incapable  of  understanding  bis  case,  be  look  it  entirely 
into  his  own  hands,  and  resolved  to  cherish,  studv,  and, 
if  possible,  cultivate  into  distinctness  the  unintefligible 
motions  ol  his  spirit ;  in  short,  to  follow  the  leadings  o( 
his  fancy  as  far  a.s  they  would  carry  him.  Unsuspi- 
cious of  morbid  influence,  or  of  the  deceitfulness  of  his 
own  imagination,  he  yielded  implicit  credence  to  every 
suggestion  of  his  mind,  and  was  given  up  in  an  amazing 
degree  to  the  delusions  which,  by  prayer  to  the  Al- 
mighty, he  might  have  been  enabled  to  overcome  and 
dispel.  Yet  the  jjowcrful  hold  which  the  Scriptures 
bad  already  taken  of  his  mind,  and  the  strong  determi- 
nation towards  solid  and  genuine  piety  which  his  spirit 
had  thence  derived,  prevented  him  from  wandering  inUi 
the  same  monstrous  extravagance  which  the  conduct  ol 
many  of  his  associates  and  followers  very  speedily 
evinced.  In  his  journal,  which  is  one  of  the  most  re- 
markable and  interesting  productions  of  the  human 
mind,  he  has  faithfully  related  the  influence  which  his 
tenets  produced  on  the  sentiments  and  conduct  both  o) 
himself  and  his  followers.  It  displays  in  many  parts  a 
wonderful  insight  into  spiritual  things,  together  with 
numberless  instances  of  that  delusion  by  which  be  mis- 
took a  strong  perception  of  wrong  and  disorder  in  hu- 
man nature  and  civil  society,  for  a  supernatural  power 
to  rectify  what  he  saw  amiss.  He  relates  with  perfect 
approbation  many  instances  of  contempt  of  decency  and 
order  in  his  own  conduct,  and  of  most  insane  and  dis- 
gusting outrage  in  that  of  his  followers  ;  and  though  he 
reprobates  the  extravagancies  of  some  whom  he  denomi- 
nates Ranters,  it  is  not  easy  to  discriminate  betvieeii 
the  extravagance  wliich  he  sanctions  and  that  which  he 
condemns.  Amidst  much  darkness,  there  glimmeis  a 
bright  and  beautiful  ray  of  truth  :  many  passages  of 
Scripture  are  powerfully  illustrated  ;  and  labors  of  zeal 
and  piety,  of  courage  and  integrity,  are  recorded,  thai 
would  do  honor  to  the  ministry  of  an  inspired  apo^tle. 
That  his  personal  character  was  elevated  and  excellent 
in  an  unusual  degree,  appears  from  the  impression  it 
produced  on  the  minds  of  all  who  approached  him. 
Pcnn  and  Barclay  in  particular,  who  to  the  most  emi- 
nent virtue  added  talents  of  the  "irst  order,  regardi;d 
Fox  with  the  utmost  fondness  and  veneialion. 

It  was  this  man  who  first  embraced  and  promulgated 
those  tenets  which  have  ever  since  reinai.ied  the  dis- 
tinctive principles  of  quaker  doctrine — that  the  Holy 
Spirit,  instead  of  operating  (as  the  generality  of  chris- 
tians believe  it  in  all  ordinary  cases  to  do)  by  insensible 
control  of  the  ordinary  mol'ons  of  the  mind,  acis  i>y 
direct  and  sensible  impulse  on  the  spirit  of  man  ;  that 
rs  influence,  instead  of  being  obtained  by  prayer  to 
Him  who  has  promised  to  bestow  it  on  those  wlio  ask 
it,  is  procured  by  an  introversion  of  the  intellettual  eye 
upon  the  mind  where  it  already  resides,  and  in  the  still- 
ness and  watchful  attention  of  which,  the  hidilen  spark 
will  blaze  into  a  clear  inward  light  ar.d  sensible  flame  ; 
and  that  the  Spirit,  instead  ol  Kimply  opimmg  tlio 
minds  of  men  to  understand  the  Scriptures  and  re- 
ceive their  testimony,  can  and  docs  convey  instruction 
independently  of  tiie  written  wo>d,  and  communicate 
knowledge  which  is  not  to  be  found  in  the  Scriptures. 
These  dangerous  errors  have  never  been  renounced  by 
the  quakers,  though  their  pract»v:al  influence  ha;,  long 
since  abated,  and  indeed  had  considerably  dfcliiied 
before  the  end  of  that  century,  about  the  middle  of 
which  they  arose.  In  proportion  as  Ihey  have  been 
tultivated  and  realized,  has  been  llie  progress  of  tiie 
sect  into  heresy  of  opinion  or  wild  delusion  of  fancy 
and  irregularity  of  conduct :  in  proportion  as  they  have 
subsided,  has  been  the  ascendency  which  r^al  piety  or 
rational  and  philosophical  p/inciple  has  obtained  over 
the  minds  of  the  quakers.  Even  in  the  present  day, 
wo  behold  the  evil  influence  of  these  eironeous  doc- 
trines, in  the  frequently  silent  meetings  of  the  quakers, 
in  the  licence  which  they  give  to  women  to  assume  tho 
office  of  teachers  in  the  church,  and  in  the  abolition  of 
the  sacraments  so  distinctly  instituted  and  enjoined  in 
Scripture.  But  when  these  doctrines  were  first  pub- 
lished, the  eflccts  which  they  produced  on  many  of 
their  votaries,  far  exceeded  the  influence  to  which 
modern  history  restricts  them,  or  which  the  experience 
of  this  cool  and  rational  age  finds  it  easy  to  conceive. 
In  England,  at  that  time,  the  minds  of  men  were  in  an 
agitated  unsettled  state,  inflamed  with  the  rage  of 
speculation,  strongly  endued  with  religious  sentiment, 
and  yet  strongly  averse  to  restraint.  The  bands  llial 
had  so  long  restrained  liberty  of  speech  being  suddenly 
broken,  many  crud"  thcmirhta  were  l-dgvrly  broachei, 


238 


THE  IIISl  OR  Y  OF 


and  many  peculiar  notions  that  had  long  been  ferment- 
ing m  the  unwholesome  silence  of  locked  up  bosoms, 
wcro  hroutiht  forth,  and  all  these  were  presumed  to 
minds  roused  and  whtlted  by  civd  war,  kindled  by  great 
al.inni  or  by  vast  and  mdeterininate  designs,  and  so  ac- 
cuBlomcd  for  a  length  of  time  to  elTeci  or  coniei  ipiaie 
the  most  surprising  changes,  that  the  distinction  be- 
tween speculation  and  certainly  was  greatly  effaced. 
The  presbyterians  alone,  or  nearly  alone,  appear  to 
have  been  generally  willing  to  submit  to,  as  well  as  to 
impose,  restraint  on  the  lawless  licence  of  speculation  ; 
»nd  to  them  the  quakers,  from  the  beginning,  were 
objects  of  unmixed  disapprobation  and  even  abhorrence. 
Hut  to  many  other  persons,  this  new  scheme,  opening 
a  wide  lield  of  enthusiastic  speculation,  and  presenting 
Itself  without  the  restrictive  accompaniment  of  a  creed, 
exhibited  irresistible  attractions,  and  rapidly  absorbed 
a  great  variety  of  human  character  and  feeling.  Ueforc 
many  years  had  elapsed,  the  ranks  of  the  quakers  were 
recruited,  and  their  doctrines,  without  being  substan- 
tially altered,  were  moulded  into  a  more  systematic 
shape,  by  such  an  accession  of  pliiloso|ihical  votaries, 
as,  in  the  early  ages  of  the  church,  Christianity  itself 
derived  from  the  pretended  adoption  and  real  adulter- 
ation of  Its  doctrines,  by  the  disciples  of  tlic  Platonic 
philosophy.  Uiit  11  was  the  wildest  and  most  enthusi- 
astic dreamers  in  the  country,  that  the  qiiaker  tenets 
counted  among  their  earliest  votarie;.,  and  to  whom 
thoy  afforded  a  sanction  and  stimulus  to  the  boldest  ex- 
cursions of  lawless  and  uncertain  thought,  and  a  prin- 
ciple that  was  thought  to  consecrate  llie  most  irregular 
and  disorderly  conduct.  And  accordingly  these  sec- 
tarians, who  have  always  professed  and  inculcated  the 
maxims  of  inviolable  peace,  who  not  many  years  after 
were  accounted  a  class  of  philosophical  deists  seeking 
to  pave  the  way  to  a  scheme  of  natural  religion,  by 
allegorizing  the  distinguishing  articles  of  the  christian 
faith,  and  who  are  now  in  general  remarkable  for  a 
calm  benevolence  and  a  peculiar  remoteness  from  every 
active  effort  to  make  proselytes  to  their  distinctive 
tenets,  were,  in  the  infancy  of  their  bodv,  the  most  im- 
petuous zealots  and  inveterate  disputers  ;  and  in  their 
eagerness  to  [iroselytize  the  world,  and  to  bear  witness 
from  the  fountain  of  oracular  testiiiioiiv,  which  they 
supposed  to  reside  within  them,  against  a  regular 
ministry  which  they  called  a  priesthood  of  Baal,  and 


the  place  whence  they  came,  by  the  same  vessels  that 
bad  broucdil  them,  and  prohib'tcd  with  threats  of  the 
severest  penal  intlictions  from  ever  again  returning  to 
the  colony.  A  law  was  passed  at  the  same  time  sub- 
jecting every  ship-master  ini[)Orting  quakers  or  quakcr 
writings  to  a  heavy  hnc  ;  adjudging  all  quakers  who 
should  intrude  into  the  colony  to  stripes  and  labor  in 
the  house  of  correction,  and  all  defenders  cf  their  tenets 
to  tine,  iniprisonmeiit  or  exile.  The  four  associated  slates 
concurred  m  thi.i  law,  and  urged  the  authorities  of  Rhode 
Island  to  co-operate  with  them  in  stemming  the  pro- 
gress of  quaker  opinions  ;  but  the  assembly  of  that 
island  returned  for  answer,  that  they  could  not  punish 
any  man  for  declaring  his  mind  with  regard  to  religion  ; 
that  they  were  much  disturbed  by  the  quakers,  and  by 
the  tendency  of  their, doctrines  to  dissolve  all  the  rela- 
tions of  society  ;  but  that  they  found  that  the  quakers 
delighted  to  encounter  persecution,  quickly  sickened  of 
a  patient  audience,  and  had  already  begun  to  loathe 
Rhode  Island  as  a  place  where  their  talent  of  patient 
suffering  was  completely  buried.*  It  is  much  to  be 
lamented  that  the  advice  contained  in  this  good-humored 
letter  was  not  adopted.  The  penal  enactments  resorted 
to  by  the  other  settlements,  served  only  to  inflame  the 
iiii[)atieiice  of  the  quaker  zealots  to  carry  their  teaching 
into  places  that  seemed  to  thein  so  much  in  need  of  it ; 
and  the  persor.st  who  had  been  disa})pointed  in  their 
first  attempt  returned  almost  immediately,  and,  dis- 
persing themselves  through  the  colony,  began  to  an- 
nounce their  mysterious  impressions,  and  succeeded 
in  commuriicating  them  to  some  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Salem.  They  were  soon  joined  by  iMary  Clarke,  the 
wife  of  a  tailor  in  London,  who  announced  that  she  had 
left  her  husband  and  six  children,  in  order  to  carry  a 
message  from  heaven,  which  she  was  commissioned  to 
deliver  to  New  England.  Instead  of  joining  with  the 
colonial  missionaries  in  attempts  to  reclaim  the  savages 
from  their  b^irbarous  superstition  and  profligate  immo- 
ralities, or  themselves  prosecuting  separate  missions  of 
the  same  description,  these  people  raised  their  voices 
ai^ainst  every  thing  that  was  most  highly  approved  and 
revered  in  the  doctrine  and  practice  of  the  colonial 
churches.  Having  been  seized  and  flogged,  they  vvcre 
again  dismissed  with  severer  threats  from  the  colony, 
and  again  they  returned  by  the  first  vessels  they  could 
procure.    The  government  and  the  great  body  of  the 


against  the  sacraments  which  they  termed  carnal  and  i  colonists  were  incensed  at  their  pertinacity,  and  sliockcd 
idolatrous  observances,  many  of  thein  committed  the  |  ^^^^^  impression  they  had  already  produced  on  some 
most  revolting  blasphemy,  indecency,  and  disorderly  I  minds,  and  which  threatened  to  corrupt  and  su'jvert  a 

these  actions  system  of  piety  whose  establishment  and  perpetuation 


outrage.*  The  unfavorable  impression  that  these  actions 
created,  long  survived  the  extinction  of  the  frenzy  and 
t  dly  that  produced  them. 

While  in  pursuance  of  their  intentions  to  make 
proaelytes  of  the  whole  world,  some  of  the  quakers 
proceeded  to  Rome,  in  order  to  convert  the  pope,  and 
others  to  ('onstaiitinople,  for  tho  purpose  of  instructing 
ti  e  Grand  Turk  ;  a  party  of  them  proceeded  to  .Aiiie- 
ritu  and  established  themselves  in  Rhode  Island,  where 
persons  of  every  religious  deiiomiiialion  were  per- 
mitted to  settle  in  peace,  and  none  gave  heed  to  the 
sentiments  or  practices  of  his  neighbors.  From  hence 
they  boon  made  their  way  into  the  I'lyinouth  territory, 
where  they  succeeded  in  persuading  some  of  the 
people  to  embrace  tlie  mystical  dispensation  of  an  in- 
ward light  as  comprising  the  whole  of  religion,  and  to 
op[iose  all  order,  both  civil  and  ecclesiastical,  as  a  vain 
and  juibiizing  substitution  of  the  kingdom  of  the  flesh 
for  the  kingdom  of  the  spirit.  On  their  first  appearance 
in  MassachusPetts,  where  two  male  and  six  female 
quakera  arrived  from  Rhode  Island  and  Barbadoes, 
they  found  that  the  reproach  which  their  sect  had  in- 
curred by  the  insane  exttivagance  of  some  of  its  mem- 
bers in  England,  had  jireccded  their  arrival,  and  that 
they  were  objects  of  the  utmost  teiror  and  dislike  to 
the  great  body  of  the  people.  They  were  instantly  ap- 
prehended by  the  government,  and  diligently  examined 
•or  what  were  considered  bodily  marks  of  witchcraft. 
None  such  having  been  found,  they  were  sent  back  to 

•  The  frrnzjr  that  ponneii-ioil  many  of  ihc  quakoDi  hail  reached 
111  hi-nlil  in  Ilie  yur  I6ifi,  dm  very  year  in  which  Ihc  qnalcers 
(IfM  iirMeiiiml  themmlvra  in  .Maanarhuiietl^.  See  ihe  proceed- 
liiyibi  ilifi  ll.iuse  iif  CiiiiimoMM  URaiiim  James  Nnyior,  a  qua- 
krr,  lor  bla»pliPiny.  Hinvel  n  Sene  Trials,  toI.  v.  p.  SOI. 
Thin  unhappy  pvnion  rrprrHrnieil  hiiiKelfaa  the  redeemer  of 
the  huinnn  fiico.  Some  pariirularn  of  hia  freniy  arc  rel.iied  in 
Note  IX.  lie  lived  lo  rrram  hia  crrora,  and  even  write  acn- 
■ll>ly  Indrfanre  ,,f  iho  qiinker  Ixidy,  who  were  liv  ihii  lime  in- 
erenainr  in  re<p<T(aliility,  mid  wrr»  yei  ao  mai;h'niiimrMia  »•<  to 
•fknowledne  aa  n  friend  ihe  man  who  hail  ilone  anrh  >liHaervioc 
totheir  cau»«.  ti  in  a  roinrtrkiible  an. I  Hii-nid  ant  fael,  lhal  at 
the  »ery  time  when  ihe  aep^r^ue  lenrliing  of  the  spirit  waa 
moal  "ironfly  ln«Mte(|  on  by  the  qii.iker»,  "anil  ihe  nfTire  and 
work  of  (ho  S.ivi(.ur  i.f  in.inkind  nf  conaequenre  leaat  alluded 
lo,  ••reral  nf  iheir  own  membera  (more  or  iea«  iiiaaiie,  no 
douta;  tMlievcd  thii  allica  (u  tic  vcMad  In  ihuiuMlvii. 


supplied  their  fondest  recollections,  their  noblest  enjoy- 
ment, and  most  energetic  desires.  [1657.]  Kew 
punishments  were  introduced  into  the  legislative  enact- 
ments against  the  intrusion  of  quakers  and  the  profes- 
sion of  quakerisni  ;  and  in  particular  the  abscission  of 
an  car  was  added  to  the  former  ineffectual  seventies. 
[1658.]  Three  male  quaker  preachers  endured  the 
rigor  of  this  cruel  law. 

But  all  the  exertions  of  the  colonial  authorities 
proved  utterly  unavailing,  and  seemed  rather  to  stimu- 
late the  zeal  of  the  obnoxious  sectaries  to  encounter  the 
danger  and  court  the  glory  of  persecution.  Clouds  of 
quakers  descended  upon  the  colony  ;  and,  violent  and 
impetuous  in  provoking  persecution,  calm,  resolute,  and 
inflexible  in  sustaining  it,  they  opposed  their  iiowers 
of  endurance  to  their  adversaries'  power  of  infliction, 
and  not  only  multiplied  their  converts,  but  excited  a 
considerable  degree  of  favor  and  |iity  in  the  minds  of 
men  whose  own  experience  had  taught  them  to  respect 
and  sympathise  with  the  virtue  of  suffering  well  t 


*  Gordon  and  other  writers  have  rcpre.sentcd  the  letter  from 
Uhmie  I.^l.iiid  to  .Ma.saachusetts  as  conveying  a  digiiilied  re- 
buke of  intolerance,  anil  have  quoted  a  passage  to  this  clfect, 
which  they  have  found  somewhere  else  than  in  the  letter 
itself. 

Rojer  Williams,  who  contributed  to  found  the  state  of 
Uhoilc  Island,  endeavored,  some  years  after  this  period,  to  ex- 
tirpate the  tpiaker  heresy,  by  challcneintr  some  of  the  le.Tilers 
of  the  sect,  who  had  come  out  on  a  mission  to  iheir  l)reihren 
from  Enjland,  to  hold  a  public  disputation  with  him  on  their 
tenets.  They  aercpled  his  ehallense,  niid  their  historians  as. 
auri^  us  that  ihe  disputation,  which  lasted  for  several  days, 
ended  "  in  a  elear  conviotion  of  the  envy  and  prejudice  of  the 
old  man."  tJough  and  Sewel,  ii.  131.  It  is  more  probable 
that,  like  other  public  disputations,  it  ended  as  it  began. 

t  Kxrept  one  of  the  %vomen.  Mary  Kisher,  who  travelled  lo 
Adrianopic,  and  had  an  interview  with  the  Grand  Vizier,  hjr 
whcuu  she  was  receivcil  wiih  courienus  respect.  Bishop,  tiie 
quaker.  In  his"  New  Kncland  Jiidced."  observes  that  she 
fared  lielier  among  heathens  than  her  ossoriales  did  aninnc 
professini;  Christians.  He  waa  perhaps  not  aware  that  the 
Turks  reg.ird  insane  persons  aa  inspired.  But  whether  insane 
or  not,  she  was  not  altoi;elher  diveaieil  of  «  prudential  concern 
for  her  own  safety  ;  for  "  when  they  askeil  her  what  she 
thoucbt  of  their  prophet  Mahomet,  ahc  made  a  cautious  reply, 
that  she  knew  him  iiol.^' 

t  A  Hluiy  la  told  by  Whitolocko,  p.  099,  strongly  lllustralive 


When  the  quakers  were  committed  to  the  hounc  o«* 
correction,  they  refused  to  work  ;  when  they  were  eul- 
jected  to  fines,  they  refused  to  pay  them.    In  the  houe 
of  enforcing  com[)liance,  the  court  adjudged  two  of 
these  contumacious  persons  to  be  sold  as  slaves  in  the 
West  Indies  ;  but  as  even  this  appalling  prospect  could 
not  move  their  stubborn  resolution,  the  court,  instead 
of  executing  its  inhuman  threat,  resorted  to  the  una- 
vailing device  of  banishing  them  beyond  its  jurisdiction. 
It  was  by  no  slight  provocations,  that  the  quakers  at- 
tracted these  and  additional  seventies  upon  themselves. 
Men  trembled  for  the  faith  and  morals  of  their  families 
and  their  friends,  when  they  heard  the  blasphemous 
denunciations    that  were    uttered    against  ''a  carnal 
Christ  ;"  and  when  they  beheld  the  frantic  and  inde- 
cent outrages  that  were  prompted  by  the  mystical  im- 
pressions which  the  quakers  inculcated  and  profesed  to 
be  guided  by.    In  public  assemblies,  and  in  crowded 
streets,  it  was  the  practice  of  some  of  the  quakers  to 
denounce  the  most  tremendous  manifestations  of  divine 
wrath  on  the  people,  unless  they  forsook  their  carnal  sys- 
tem. Others  interrupted  d'  viiie  service  of  the  churches, 
by  calling  aloud  that  tnese  were  not  the  sacrifices 
that  God  would  accept ;  and  one  of  them  etiforced  this 
assurance  by  breaking  two  bottles  in  the  face  of  the 
congregation,  exclaiming,  "  Tlius  will  the  Lord  break 
you  in  pieces."    They  declared  that  the  .Scriptures 
were  replete  with  allegory,  that  the  inward  li-jht  was 
the  only  infallible  guide  to  religious  truth,  and  that  all 
were  hliiid  beasts  and  liars  who  denied  it.    'Vh".  female 
preachers  far  exceeded  their  male  as.sociate.s  in  folly, 
frenzy,  and  indecency.    One  of  them  presented  herself 
to  a  congregation  with  her  face  begrimed  with  coal 
dust,  announcing  it  as  an  emblem  of  the  black  pvz, 
which  heaven  had  commissioned  her  to  threaten  as  an 
approaching  judgment  on  all  carnal  worshippers.  Some 
of  them  in  rueful  attire  perambulated  the  streets,  de- 
claring the  immediate  coming  of  an  angel  with  a  drawn 
sword  to  plead  with  the  people     One  woman  entered 
stark  naked  into  a  church  in  the  middle  of  divine  ser- 
vice, and  desired  the  people  '.o  take  heed  to  her  as  a 
sign  of  the  times  ;  and  her  associates  highly  exiolh  d 
her  submission  to  the  inward  light,  that  had  revealed  to 
her  the  duty  of  exposing  the  nakedness  of  others  by  tlie 
indecent  exhibition  of  her  own  person.    Another  was 
arrested  as  she  was  making  a  similar  display  in  tl.e 
streets  of  Salem.    The  honor  that  these  insane  enor- 
mities were  fitted  to  inspire,  was  inflamed  into  the  most 
vehement  indignation,  by  the  deliberate  manner  in 
which  they  were  defended,  and  the  disgusting  profanity 
with  which  Scripture  was  linked  in  impure  association 
with  every  thing  that  was  odious,  ridiculous,  and  con- 
temptible.   Among  their  other  singularities,  the  qua- 
kers exemplified  and  inculcated  the  forbearance  of 
every  mark  of  respect  to  courts  anil  magistrates  :  the;/ 
declared  that  governors,  judges,  lawyers,  and  consta- 
bles were  trees  that  must  be  cut  down  that  the  true 
light  might  have  leave  to  shine  and  space  to  rule  alone  ; 
and,  forgetting  to  what  diabolical  enils  quotation  of 
Scripture  has  been  made  subservient  they  freely  indul- 
ged every  contumacious  whimsey,  which  thev  could 
connect,  however  absurdly,  with  the  language  of  the 
Bible.    One  woman  who  was  summoned  before  the 
court  to  answer  for  some  extravagance,  being  desired 
to  tell  where  she  lived,  refused  to  give  any  o'lier  an- 
swer than  that  she  lived  in  God,  "  for  in  him  we  live, 
and  move,  and  have  our  being."    Letters  replete  with 
coarse  and  virulent  railing  were  .iddrrssed  tiy  others  to 
the  magistrates  of  Boston  and  I'lymouth.    Such  was 
the  inauspicious  outset  of  the  quakers  in  .Vmerica  ;  a 
country  where,  a  few  years  after,  under  the  guidance 
of  better  judgment  and  feeling,  they  were  destined  lo 
extend  the  empire  of  piety  and  benevolence,  and  to 
found  establishments  that  have  been  largely  productive 
of  happiness  and  virtue. 

It  has  been  a.ssertrd  by  some  of  the  modern  apo- 
logists of  the  quakers,  that  these  frantic  irregularities, 
which  excited  so  much  indignation,  and  produced  such 
tragical  consequences,  were  committed,  not  by  genuine 
quakers,  but  by  the  ranlcrs  or  wild  separatists  from  the 


of  the  sirtcul.irilv  wlili  whieh  the  quakers  nf  these  times  roni 
bincd  all  that  was  franlir  in  anion  with  all  that  was  dicnifieJ 
and  allectmc  in  sufferme.  Some  quaKers  at  Haaingtou  in 
Northumlierland,  haviuc  interrupied  a  minister  employed  lit 
divine  service,  were  severely  beaten  by  the  people.  Inste.id 
ofresistiiiR,  thev  went  out  of  the  churrh,  and  falline  on  their 
knees,  lie.iought  God  to  pardcui  their  persecutors,  who  knew 
not  what  thev  did  ;  and  afterwards  addres,sinc  the  people,  so 
convinced  them  of  the  cruelty  of  their  violence,  thai  their  an. 
diior.i  fell  a  qiiarrellinc  amonR  themselves,  and  he.il  one  ano- 
ther more  than  Ihey  had  formerly  beaten  Ihe  quakers.  Thesa 
teotarians  would  aeeiii,  inileed,  to  have  imitated  the  propln  s 
ofihe  Old  TesLimeni  in  provoking  their  fate,  and  ihe  chri^iai  i 
upoAlOy  and  iiiorurs  In  andurinit  It. 


NO  RTII  AMERICA. 


257 


quaker  body.  Of  these  ranters,  indeed,  a  very  largo  - 
proportion  appear  to  have  betaken  themselves  to  .Ame- 
rica ;  attracted  ciiiefiy  hy  the  glory  of  persecution,  but 
in  some  iiiatanoes,  perhaps  by  the  hope  of  attaniiii'i 
among  their  brethren  in  that  country  a  distinction 
from  which  th.ey  were  excluded  in  England  by  the 
estal)lished  pre-eminence  of  George  Fox  *  It  is  cer- 
tain, however,  that  these  persons  assumed  the  name  of 
Quakers,  and  traced  all  their  frenzy  to  the  peculiar 
quaker  principle  of  seeking  within  themselves  for  sen- 
sible admonitilions  of  the  spirit,  independent  of  the 
written  word.  And  many  scandalous  outrages  were 
committed  by  persons  whose  profession  of  quaker  prin- 
ciples was  recognized  by  the  quaker  bodv,  and  whose 
suli'erings  are  related,  and  their  frenzy  applauded,  by 
the  pens  of  quaker  writers. 

Exasperated  by  the  repetition  and  increase  of  these 
enormities,  and  the  extent  to  which  the  contagion  of 
the  principle  whence  they  seemed  to  arise  w.is  pro- 
pagating itself  in  the  colony,  the  magistrates  of  Mas- 
sachnssetts  at  length,  in  the  close  of  this  year,  intro- 
duced a  law,  denouncing  the  punishment  of  death  upon 
all  quakers  returning  from  banishment.  This  law  met 
with  much  opposition ;  and  many  persons,  who  woidd 
have  hazarded  their  own  lives  to  extirpate  the  opinions 
of  the  qiiakers,  solemidy  protested  against  the  crueltv 
of  shedding  their  blood.  It  was  at  tirst  rejected  by 
the  deputies,  and  finally  carried  by  the  narrow  majority 
of  a  single  voice.  In  the  course  of  the  two  following 
years,  [1650,  1660,]  this  law  was  carried  into  execu- 
tion on  three  sejiarate  occasions,  when  four  quakers, 
three  men  and  a  woman,  were  put  to  death  at  Boston. 
It  does  not  appear  that  any  of  these  unfortunate  per- 
sons had  been  guilty  of  the  outrages  which  the  conduct 
of  many  of  their  brethren  had  associated  with  the  pro- 
fession of  quakerism.  Op|)ressed  by  the  prejudice 
which  had  been  created  by  the  frantic  conduct  of  others, 
they  were  adjudged  to  die  for  returning  from  banish- 
ment and  continuing  to  preach  the  quaker  doctrines. 
In  vain  the  court  entreated  them  to  accept  a  pardon  on 
condition  of  abandoning  for  ever  the  colony  from 
which  they  had  been  repeatedly  banished.  They  an- 
swered by  reciting  the  heavenly  call  to  continue  there, 
which  on  various  occasions,  they  said,  had  sounded  in 
their  cars,  in  the  fields,  and  in  their  dwellings  distinctly, 
svllabling  their  names,  and  whispering  their  prophetic 
office  and  *,he  scene  of  its  exercise. t  When  they 
were  conducted  to  the  scaffold,  their  demeanour  evinced 
the  most  inflexible  zeal  and  courage,  and  their  dying 
declarations  breathed  in  general  the  most  sublime  and 
affecting  (lietv.  These  executions  excited  a  great 
clamor  against  the  government ,  many  persons  were 
offended  by  the  representation  of  severities  against 
which  the  establishment  of  the  colony  itself  seemed 
intended  to  bear  a  perpetual  testimonv  ;  and  many 
were  touched  with  an  indignant  compassion  for  the 
sutTerings  of  the  quakers,  that  effaced  all  recollection 
i)f  the  indignant  di.sgust  that  their  principles  had  here- 
tofore inspired.  The  people  began  to  flock  in  crowds 
to  the  prisons,  and  load  the  unfortunate  quakers  with 
demonstration  of  kindness  and  pity.  The  magistrates 
published  a  verv  strong  vindication  of  their  proceedings, 
for  the  satisfaction  of  their  fellow-citizens  and  of  their 
friends  in  other  countries,  who  united  in  blaming  them  ; 
but  at  length  the  rising  sentiments  of  humanity  and 

♦  One  nCihe  most  noted  of  these  separatists!  was  John  Perrot, 
who,  in  order  to  convert  the  Pope,  had  made  a  journey  to 
Italy,  where  he  was  confined  for  some  time  as  a  lunatic.  This 
ersecution  ereatly  endeared  him  to  the  qualcers,  and  exalted 
ini  so  mucli  in  his  own  esteem  tliat  he  began  to  consider  him- 
self more  eniiihtend  than  George  Fox.  He  prevailed  with  a 
considerable  party  in  the  sect  to  wear  long  beards,  and  to  re- 
ject the  practice  oi"  uncovering  their  heads  in  time  of  prayer  as 
a  vain  formality.  Fox  having  succeeded,  by  dint  of  great  ex- 
ertions, in  stemming  these  innovations,  Perrot  betook  himself 
to  America,  where  he  appears  to  have  multiplied  his  ausurdi- 
lies,  and  yet  propagated  them  amcmg  the  quakers  to  an 
amaiing  extent.  Various  missions  were  undertaken  by 
George  Fo.k  and  other  English  quakers  to  reclaim  their 
brethren  in  America  from  the  errors  of  Perrot,  who  finally 
aband(med  every  pretence  to  quakerism,  and  became  a 
strenuous  assertor  of  the  observances  against  which  he  had 
formerly  borne  le-timonv.  Gough  and  Sewell's  Hist,  of  the 
Quakers,  (edit.  1799,)  i. 'iSS— 16.5  ;  ii.  1-21.  1-2-2,  &c. 

t  The  first  quakers,  in.stead  of  following  the  apostolic  in- 
juncti.-'n  to  Christians,  that  when  persecuted  in  one  city  they 
should  flee  to  another,  seem  to  have  found  strong  attractions 
in  the  prospect  of  persecution.  One  of  those  who  were  put 
to  dealh  declared,  that  as  he  was  holding  the  plough  in  York 
•hire,  he  was  directed  by  a  heavenly  voice  to  leave  his  wife 
and  children,  and  proceed  to  Barbacioes :  but  hearing  of  the 
banishment  of  the  quakers  from  New  England,  and  of  the 
severe  punishments  inflicted  on  persons  returning  there  after 
banishment,  he  began  to  ponder  on  the  probability  of  his  re- 
ceivinf!  a  spiritual  iiirection  to  proceed  thither,  and  very  soon 
after  received  it  arcordingly.  Tomkin?"  and  Kendal's  Lives, 
Services,  and  dying  Sayinss  of  the  (Quakers,  vol.  i. 

The  woman  who  was  executed  was  Mary  Dyer,  vvhotwenty 
years  before,  had  been  a  follower  of  Mrs.  Hutcliinson,  and  a 
aiimuber  of  New  England. 

18 


-justice  attained  such  general  and  forcible  [irevalence 
us  to  overpower  all  opposition.  On  the  trial  of  I-cddra, 
Ihe  last  of  the  sufferers,  another  quaker  named  Wen- 
lock  ( Jhrisiison,  who  had  b(  en  banished  upon  pain  of 
death,  came  boldly  into  court  with  his  hat  on,  and  re- 
(iroached  the  magislrates  for  shedding  innocent  blood 
He  was  taken  into  custody,  and  soon  after  put  upon 
his  trial.  Being  called  to  plead  to  his  indictment,  he 
desired  to  know  by  what  law  they  tried  him.  When 
the  last  enactment  against  the  quakers  was  cited  to 
him,  he  asked.  Who  empowered  them  to  make  tliat  law, 
and  whether  it  were  not  repugnant  to  the  jurispnidence 
of  England  !  The  governor  very  inappositively  an- 
swered, that  there  wa.s  a  law  in  England  that  appointed 
.Jesuits  to  be  hanged.  But  Christisoii  replied,  that  they 
did  not  even  accuse  hiiA  of  being  a  Jesuit,  but  ac- 
knowledged him  to  be  a  quaker,  and  that  there  was  no 
law  in  England  that  made  (piakerism  a  capital  oH'ence. 
The  court,  however,  overruled  his  plea,  and  the  jury 
found  him  guilty.  When  sentence  of  death  was  pro- 
nounced upon  him,  he  desired  his  judges  to  consider 
what  they  had  gained  by  their  cruel  proceedings  against 
the  quakers.  "  For  the  last  man  that  was  put  to  death," 
said  he,  "  here  are  five  come  in  his  room  ;  and  if  you 
have  power  to  take  mv  life  from  me.  God  can  raise  up 
the  same  principle  of  life  in  ten  of  his  servants,  and 
send  them  among  you  in  my  room,  that  you  may  have 
torment  upon  torment."  The  talent  and  energy  dis- 
played by  this  man,  who  seems  to  have  been  greatly 
superior  in  mind  to  the  bulk  of  his  sectarian  associ- 
ates, produced  an  impression  which  could  not  be  with- 
stood. The  law  now  plainly  ap, -eared  to  be  unsup- 
ported by  public  consent,  and  the  magistrates  hastened 
to  interpose  between  the  sentence  and  its  execution. 
Ghristison,  and  all  the  other  quakers  who  were  in  cus- 
tody, were  forthwith  released  and  sent  beyond  the  pre- 
cincts of  the  colony  ;  and  as  it  was  impossible  to 
prevent  them  from  returning,  only  the  minor  punish- 
ments of  flogging  and  reiterated  exile  were  employed. 
Even  these  were  gradually  relaxed  as  the  quakers  be- 
came gradually  a  more  orderly  people  ;  and  in  the  first 
year  after  the  restoration  of  Charles  the  Second,  even 
this  degree  of  persecution  was  suspended  by  a  letter 
from  the  king  to  Mr.  Endicot,*  and  the  other  governors 
of  the  New  England  settlements,  requiring  that  no 
quakers  should  thenceforward  undergo  any  corporal 
punishment  in  America,  but  if  charged  with  offences 
that  might  seem  to  deserve  such  infliction,  they  should 
be  remitted  for  trial  to  England.  Happily  the  moder- 
ation of  the  colonial  governments  was  more  perma- 
ment  than  the  policy  of  the  king,  who  retracted  his  in- 
terposition in  behalf  of  the  quakers  in  the  course  of 
the  following  year. 

The  persecution  which  was  thus  put  an  end  to  was 
not  equally  severe  in  all  the  New  England  states  :  the 
quakers  suftered  most  in  Massachusetts  and  Plymouth, 
and  comparatively  little  in  Connecticut  and  Newhaven. 
It  was  only  in  Massachusetts  that  the  law  inflicting 
capital  punishment  upon  them  was  enacted.  At  a  late 
period,  the  laws  relating  to  vagabond  quakers  were  so 
far  revived,  that  quakers  disturbing  public  assemblies, 
or  violating  public  decency,  were  subjected  to  corporal 
chastisement.  But  little  occasion  ever  again  occurred 
of  enforcing  these  severities  ;  the  wild  excursions  of 
the  quaker  spirit  having  generally  ceased,  and  the 
quakers  gradually  subsiding  into  a  decent  and  orderly 
submission  to  all  the  laws  except  such  as  related  to  the 
militia  and  the  support  of  the  ministry  ;  in  their  scru- 
ples as  to  which,  the  legislature,  with  corresponding 
moderation,  consented  to  indulge  them.t 

During  the  long  period  that  had  elapsed  since  the 
commencement  of  the  English  civil  wars,  the  states  of 

■  New  England  had  continued  steadily  and  rapidly  to  ad- 
vance in  the  increase  of  their  numbers,  and  the  enlarge- 
ment of  their  territories.  They  were  surrounded  with 
abundance  of  cheap  and  fertile  land,  and  secured  in  the 
possession  of  their  religious  privileges,  and  of  civil  and 
political  freedom.  The  people  were  exempted  from 
the  payment  of  all  taxes  except  for  the  support  of  their 
internal  government,  which  was  administered  with 
great  economy  ;  and  they  enjoyed  the  extraordinary 
privilege  of  importing  commodities  into  England  free 

*  Endicot  was  in  an  especial  degree  the  object  of  dislike  to 

•  Charles  the  Second.  Iliucbmson  relates  that  he  had  seen  a 
I  letter  from  the  Secretary  of  State  sometime  after  this  period, 
I   containini:  an  intimation,  that     the  king  would  take  it  well  if 

■  the  people  would  leave  out  Mr.  Endicot  from  the  place  of  go- 

•  vernor,"    Hutchinson,  vol.  i.  p.  17. 

I  t  Mather,  B.  vii.  Cap.  iv.  Ncal,  1.291—297.  .TOS— 339.  Hut- 
,   cliinson,  i.  169— o05,  and  Append,  p.  526.    Cliahners,  l'.)2. 

Hazard,  ii.  .^52.  55S.  560.    An  explosictii  of  the  ancient  frenzy 
'   occurred  among  some  professing  quakers  in  Connecticut  in 
I   Ihe  beginning  ol^lhe  ciglileenth  century  :  but  it  was  partial  and 
short  lived. 


from  that  custom  which  all  rlhers  were  constrained  ta 
pay.  By  the  favor  of  Cromwell,  oo,  the  commercial 
ordinances  of  the  Long  Parliament,  of  which  the  otlie* 
jilaiitalions  had  reason  to  complain,  were  not  enforced 
against  them,  and  they  continued  to  trade  wherever 
they  pleased.  These  particular  causes,  which  had  com- 
bined to  promote  the  j  rospcrity  which  New  England 
had  attained  at  the  Kcstoration,  contributed  jiroportion- 
ally  to  overcast  the  prospects  which  th.it  event 
awakened.  There  was  the  strongest  reason  to  expect 
an  abridgement  of  commercial  advantages,  and  to  trem- 
ble for  the  security  of  religious  and  political  privileges. 
Various  other  circumstances  contributed  to  retard  tiie 
recognition  of  the  royal  authority.  On  the  death  of 
Cromwell,  the  colonists  had  been  urged  to  recognise, 
first  his  son  Richard  as  protector,  afterwards  the  Long 
Parliament,  which  for  a  short  time  resumed  its  autho- 
rity, and  subsequently  the  Committee  of  Safety,  as  th? 
sovereign  authority  of  England.  But,  doubtful  of  the 
stability  of  any  of  these  forms  of  administration,  they 
had  prudently  declined  to  commit  theinsclves  by  anv 
declaration.  In  the  month  of  July,  the  arrival  of  » 
vessel,  on  board  of  which  were  Generals  Wlialey  ati<' 
GofTe,  tivo  of  the  late  king's  judges,  announced  ti" 
restoration  of  Charles  tho  Second  :  but  no  authoritative 
or  official  communication  of  this  event  was  received, 
and  England  was  represented  as  being  in  a  very  unset- 
tled and  distracted  condition.  The  colony  had  no  in- 
ducement to  imitate  Virginia  in  a  premature  declara- 
tion for  the  king :  and  while  farther  intelligence  was 
anxiously  expected,  Whaley  and  QoiXe  were  freely  per- 
mitted to  travel  through  the  states,  and  to  accept  the 
friendly  attentions  which  many  persons  tendered  to 
them,  and  with  which  Charles  afterwards  bitterly  re- 
proached the  colony. 

At  length  decisive  intelligence  was  received  that  the 
royal  authority  was  firmly  established  in  England,  and 
that  complaints  against  the  colony  of  Massachusetts 
had  been  presented  by  various  royalists,  quakers,  and 
other  adversaries  of  its  institutions  or  administration,  to 
the  privy  council  and  the  houses  of  parliament.  A 
general  court  was  immedialelv  convened,  and  an  ad- 
dress voted  to  the  king,  in  which,  with  considerable 
ability,  and  with  that  conformity  which  tliey  stuilicd 
to  the  language  of  Scripture,  they  justified  their  whole 
conduct,  professed  a  dutiful  attachment  to  their  sove- 
reign, and  entreated  his  protection  and  favor,  which 
they  declared  themselves  the  more  willing  to  hope  from 
one  who,  having  been  himself  a  wanderer,  was  no 
stranger  to  the  lot  and  the  feelings  of  exiles.  Having 
defended  their  proceedings  against  the  quakers,  by  a 
summary  of  the  heretical  doctrines  and  seditious  and 
indecent  excesses  which  these  sectaries  had  introduced 
into  the  colony,  they  desired  permission  to  be  heard  in 
their  own  vindication  against  every  otiier  charge  that 
might  be  preferred  against  them.  '•  Let  not  tlie  king 
hear  men's  words,"  they  said  ;  "  your  servants  are  true 
men,  fearers  of  God  and  the  king,  and  not  given  to 
change,  zealous  of  government  and  order,  orthodox  and 
peaceable  in  Israel.  We  are  not  seditious  as  to  the 
interest  of  Caesar,  nor  schismatics  as  to  matters  of  re- 
ligion. We  distinguish  between  churches  and  their 
impurities  ;  between  a  living  man,  though  not  without 
sickness  and  infirmity,  and  no  man.  Irregularities 
eilber  in  ourselves  or  others  we  desire  may  be  amended. 
We  could  not  live  without  the  worshi|)  of  God  :  we 
were  not  permitted  the  use  of  public  worship  without 
such  a  yoke  of  subscription  and  conformity  as  we  could 
not  consent  unto  without  sin.  That  we  might,  there- 
fore, enjoy  divine  worship  without  human  niixture.s, 
without  offence  either  to  God  or  man,  or  our  con- 
sciences, we,  with  leave,  but  not  without  tears,  de- 
parted from  our  country,  kindred,  and  fathers'  houses, 
into  this  Patinos."  They  assimilated  their  secession 
from  England  to  that  of  "  the  good  old  nonconformist 
Jacob,"  from  Syria  ;  but  declared  that  "  the  providen- 
tial exception  of  us  thereby  from  the  late  wars  and 
temptation  of  either  party,  we  account  as  a  favor  from 
God."  They  soliciled  the  king  to  protect  their  eccle- 
siastical and  civil  institutions,  declaring  that  they  con- 
sidered the  chief  value  of  the  lattei  to  consist  m  their 
subservience  to  the  enjoyment  of  religious  liberty.  A 
similar  address  was  made  to  parliament  ;  and  letters 
were  written  to  Lord  Manchester,  Lord  Say  and  Sele, 
and  other  persons  of  distinction,  who  were  known  to 
be  friends  of  the  colony,  soliciting  their  interposition  in 
its  behalf.  Leveret,  the  agent  for  the  colony,  was  in- 
structed, at  llie  same  time,  to  use  every  effort  to  pro- 
cure a  continuance  of  the  exemption  from  customs 
which  it  had  hitherto  enjoyed.  But  before  he  had  tims 
to  make  any  such  vain  attempt,  the  parliament  had  aU 
ready  established  the  duties  of  tonnage  and  jioundage 


THE   HISTORY  OP 


o»er  every  dominion  of  the  crown.  To  make  amends 
for  this  disappoinlinent,  a  gracious  answer  to  the  colo- 
nial address  was  returned  by  Ilic  king,  [1601.]  accom- 
panied bv  an  order  for  the  apprehension  of  Wh.iley  and 
Golfe.  This  prompt  display  of  favor  ctcited  general 
satisfaction,  and  a  day  of  thanksgiving  was  appointed, 
Co  acknowledge  the  favor  of  Heaven  in  moving  the 
heart  of  the  king  to  receive  and  incline  to  the  desires 
of  the  people.  With  regard  to  Whaley  and  Goffe,  the 
colonial  authorities  were  greatly  perplexed  between  the 
performance  of  a  duty  which  it  was  impossible  to  de- 
cline, and  reluctance  to  betray  to  a  horrible  fate  two 
men  who  had  lately  been  members  of  a  government 
recognised  in  all  the  British  dominions,  wlio  had  fled 
to  New  England  as  an  inviolable  sanctuary  from  royal 
vengeance,  and  hnd  been  recommended  to  their  kind- 
ness bv  letters  from  the  most  eminent  of  the  English 
independent  ministers.  It  is  generally  supposed,  and 
is  highly  probable,  that  intimation  was  conveyed  to 
these  individuals  of  the  orders  that  had  been  received  ; 
and,  ulthougli  warrants  for  their  appreliension  were 
issued,  and  by  the  indu.'itry  of  the  royjjists  a  diligent 
search  for  their  persons  was  instituted,  they  were  ena- 
bled, by  the  assistance  of  their  friends,  by  dexterous 
evasion  from  state  to  state,  and  by  strict  seclusion,  to 
end  their  days  in  New  England.* 

But  the  apprehensions  which  the  colonists  had  ori- 
ginally cntLr:ained  of  danger  to  their  inslituiions  in 
churcli  and  state  were  speedily  revived  by  intelligence 
that  reached  them  from  England  of  the  lepresentations 
that  -vere  daily  made  to  their  prejudice,  of  the  counte- 
nance that  these  representations  visibly  received  from 
the  king,  and  of  the  formidable  designs  that  were  be- 
lieved to  be  entertained  against  them.  It  was  strongly 
rumored  that  their  commercial  iiitercour.se  with  Vir- 
ginia and  the  West  India  Isliinds  was  to  be  cut  otT; 
•hat  three  frigates  were  preparing  to  sail  from  England, 
ii\  order  to  enforce  arbitrary  authorilv  ;  and  that  the  ar- 
mament was  to  be  acconipaiiic-d  by  a  governor-general, 
whose  jurisdiction  was  to  extend  over  all  the  North 
American  plantations.  Apprehensions  of  these  and 
other  changes  at  length  prevailed  so  strongly  in  Mas- 
sachusetts, as  to  produce  a  public  measure  of  a  very 
remarkable  character.  The  general  court,  having  de- 
clared the  necessity  of  promoting  unity  among  the  in- 
habitants in  the  assertion  of  their  just  |)rivileges,  and 
the  observance  of  due  fidelity  to  the  authority  of  Eng- 
land, appointed  a  committee  of  eight  of  the  most  emi- 
nent persons  in  the  state  to  prepare  a  report,  ascertain- 
ing the  extent  of  their  rights  and  tlie  nature  of  their 
obedience  ;  and,  shortly  after,  the  court,  in  conformity 
with  the  report  of  their  committee,  framed  and  pub- 
lished a  series  of  resolutions  expressive  of  their  solemn 
and  deliberate  opinion  on  these  important  sulijects.  It 
was  resolved  that  the  jialent  (under  God)  is  the  first  and 
main  foundation  of  the  civil  policy  of  the  colony  ;  that 
the  governor  and  company  are,  by  the  patent,  a  body 
politic  invested  with  power  to  make  freemen,  and  that 
these  freemen  have  authority  to  elect  annually  their 
governor,  assistants,  representatives,  and  all  other  of- 
ficers;  that  the  government  thus  constituted  hath  full 
power,  both  legislative  and  executive,  for  the  govern- 
ment of  all  the  people,  whether  inhabitants  or  strangers, 
without  appeal,  save  only  in  the  case  of  laws  repugnant 
to  those  of  England  ;  that  the  government  is  privileged 
by  all  moans,  even  by  force  of  arms,  to  defend  itself 
both  hy  land  and  sea  against  all  who  should  attempt 
injurv  to  the  plantation  or  its  inhabitants  ;  and  that  any 
imposition,  prejudicial  to  the  country,  and  contrary  to 
11.1  just  laws,  would  be  an  infringement  of  the  funda- 
mental rights  of  the  people  of  New  ICngland.  These 
strong  and  cliaracltristic  resolutions  were  accompanied 
with  a  recognition  of  the  duties  to  which  the  people 
were  engaged  by  their  allegiance,  and  which  were  de- 
clared to  consist  in  upholding  the  colony  as  belonging 
of  right  to  his  majesty,  and  pievcnting  its  subjection  to 
any  foreign  prince  ;  in  preserving,  to  the  utmost  of 

•  .Mathiir,  B.  ill.  Cap.  ii.  *)  20.  Neal,  ii.  3.12-  Ilutchmson, 
1.811,212.  Chalmers,  2il.  2(M,  Ac.  Small  a.«  w.is  tlie  niiiii- 
ber  of  royalislH  in  Ma'isachusetls,  it  was  loo  Krcat  to  en:ible 
the  pi'o|ilo  to  slirltcr  GofTi.  and  Whaley,  as  they  coul<i  hsvc 
wuhpil  lo  ilo.  Hut  in  NcwhaviMi  thcie  were  no  royalists  at 
ail ;  an  !  even  lliouc  wlKiilisapprovcil  of  the  irrcat  action  of  the 
I8gi(  iilu»  rci;arili'il  u  (wiili  more  of  admiration  than  hatrerl) 
a»  the  L-rror  of  noliloand  licncrouM minds.  Lect,  the  irovornor 
of  Nrwiiiven,  ami  Im<  roiirii  il,  when  suinmoiiod  l)ylhc  pur- 
■ueri  of  Ooffe  and  VVIinlcy  lo  Ksiii,t  in  the  apprehension  of 
thein.lirsl  consumed  alinndaiire  of  lime  in  (hdiberatiiiKon  the 
•  itrn'  of  Ilipir  powers,  nnd  then  answered,  that,  in  a  nailer 
ol  lorh  import.itire,  they  roiild  not  act  wilhniii  the  orders  of 
•nMneinlily.  The  royiih«l  pursuers,  inreniied  at  tliis  aniwer, 
daiired  Ihe  governor  to  siy  al  once  wholh'T  he  owned  and 
fccwre.l  llie  king;  to  which  lie  replied.  "  We  ,lo  honor  I  is 
majeitv  ;  hot  we  hive  tender  com..;  ■•nc«»,  and  wish  ftrst  lo 
ktA>\»  wbetbcr  h«  will  ovm  u*  "  TrauibuU,  1. 342— 20 


their  power,  the  king's  person  and  dominions  ;  and  in 
maintaining  the  peace  and  |)rcsperity  of  the  king  and 
nation,  by  punishing  crimes,  and  by  propagating  the 
gospel. 

These  proceedings  indicate  very  plainly  the  alarming 
apprehensions  that  the  colonists  enteriaincd  of  the  de- 
sions  of  their  new  sovereign,  and  the  resolution  v\ith 
which  they  clung  to  the  di-ar-bought  rights  of  which 
they  suspected  Ins  intention  to  bereave  them.  How 
far  they  are  to  be  considered  as  indicating  a  setilcd  de- 
sign to  resist  tyrannical  oppression  by  force,  is  a  mat- 
ter of  uncertain  speculation.  It  is  not  improbable,  that 
the  framers  of  them  hoped,  by  strongly  expressing  their 
rights,  and  indicating  the  extremities  which  an  attempt 
to  violate  them  would  legally  warrant,  and  might  even- 
tually provoke,  to  caution  the  king  from  awakening,  in 
tlie  conuncnccmcnt'of  his  reign,  the  recollection  of  a 
contest  which  had  proved  fatal  to  his  father  ;  and  ivhich, 
if  once  rekindled,  even  to  an  extent  so  little  formidable 
as  a  controversy  with  an  infant  colony  must  appear, 
might  soon  become  less  unequal,  by  presenting  an  oc- 
casion of  revival  and  exercise  to  passions  hardly  yet 
extinguished  in  England.  If  such  were  the  views  of 
the  colonial  leaders,  the  soundness  of  them  would  seem 
to  have  been  approved  by  the  event.  But,  in  the  mean 
time,  the  colonial  authorities,  in  order  to  manifest  their 
willingness  to  render  a  just  obedience,  issued  the  strict- 
est injunctions  to  cause  search  to  be  made  for  Goflc 
and  Whalev,  and  intimated,  by  |)ublic  resolutions,  that 
no  persons  obnoxious  to  the  laws  of  England,  and  llymg 
from  her  tribunals,  would  receive  shelter  in  a  colony 
that  recognised  her  sovereign  authority.  Having  now 
decl.ired  the  terms  on  which  they  recognised  the  do- 
minion of  the  English  crown,  the  general  court  caused 
the  king  to  be  solemnly  proclaimed  as  their  undoubted 
prince  and  sovereign  lord.  They  issued,  at  the  same 
lime,  an  order  of  court,  prohibiting  all  disorderly  be- 
havior on  the  occasion,  and  in  particular  commanding 
that  none  should  presume  to  drink  his  majesty's  health, 
"  which,"  it  was  added,  '■  he  hath,  in  an  especial  man- 
ner, forbidden" — an  injunction  very  remote  from  the 
thoughts  and  haliits  of  the  king,  and  imputed  to  him  on 
no  better  grounds,  than  that  drinking  of  healths  was 
prohibited  by  the  ordinances  of  .Massachusetts.  This 
meaningless  |)ractice.  on  account  of  its  heathen  original, 
had  been  offensive  to  the  more  scrupulous  of  the  puri- 
tan settlers,  who  were  desirous  in  all  things  to  study 
conformity  to  the  will  of  God,  and  accounting  nothing 
unimportant  that  afforded  occasion  to  exercise  such 
conformity,  had  at  length  prevailed  to  have  the  practice 
of  drinking  healths  interdicted  by  law  ;  and  all  were 
now  desirous  that  the  revival  of  royal  authority  should 
not  be  signalised  by  a  triumph  over  any,  even  what 
some  might  esteem  the  least  important,  of  the  colonial 
institutions.  Intelligence  having  arrived  soon  after  of 
the  progress  of  the  complaints  that  were  continually 
exhibited  to  the  privy  council  against  the  colony,  and 
an  order  at  the  same  time  being  received  from  the 
king,  that  deputies  should  be  sent  forthwith  to  Eng- 
land to  make  answer  to  these  complaints,  the  court 
committed  this  important  duty  to  Simon  Bradstreet, 
one  of  the  magistrates,  and  John  Norton,  one  of  the 
minister.?,  of  Boston.  These  agei.ts  were  instructed  to 
mamtain  the  loyalty  and  defend  the  conduct  of  the  co- 
lony ;  to  discover,  if  possible,  what  were  the  designs 
which  the  king  meditated,  or  the  apprehensions  that  he 
entertained  ;  and  neither  to  do  nor  agree  to  any  thing 
prejudicial  to  the  charter.  They  undertook  their  thank- 
less office  with  great  reluctance,  and  obtained  before 
their  departure  a  public  assurance,  tiiat  whatever  danger 
they  might  sustain  by  detention  of  their  persons  or 
otherwise,  in  England,  should  be  made  good  by  the 
general  court. 

Whether  from  the  vigor  and  resolution  that  the  re- 
cent proceedings  of  the  colony  had  displayeil,  or  from 
the  moderation  of  the  wise  counsellors  by  whom  the 
king  was  then  surrounded,  enforced  by  the  influence 
whu  h  Lord  Say  and  some  other  eminent  persons  cm- 
[iloyed  in  behalf  of  the  colony,  the  agents  were  received 
with  unexpected  favor,  and  were  soon  enabled  to  return 
to  Boston  with  a  letter  from  the  king.  [16()VJJ  confirm- 
ing the  colonial  charter,  and  promising  to  renew  it  un- 
der the  great  seal  whenever  this  formality  should  he 
desired.  The  royal  letter  likewise  announced  an  am- 
nesty for  whatever  treasons  mioht  have  been  commit- 
ted during  the  late  troubles,  to  all  persons  hut  those 
who  were  attainted  by  act  of  parliament,  and  might 
have  (led  to  New  England.  But  it  contained  other 
matters  by  no  means  acceptable  lo  the  colony  ;  it  re- 
ipiired  that  the  general  court  should  hold  all  the  ordi- 
nances it  had  enacted  during  the  abeyance  of  royalty 
as   invalid,  and  forthwith  proceed  to  renew  them,  and 


to  repeitl  every  one  that  might  seem  repugnant  to  tut 
royal  ;iuthority  that  the  oath  of  alleoidiice  should  i  e 
duly  administered  to  every  person  ;  lha'  iiistice  -l.oi.lil 
be  distributed  in  the  king's  name  ;  that  all  wl.o  desired 
it  should  be  permitted  to  use  the  book  wf  n  nmic  i 
prayer,  and  to  perform  their  devotions  accordini; 
the  ceremonial  of  the  church  of  England  ;  that,  m 
choice  of  the  governor  and  assistants  of  the  colonv.  ibe 
only  qualifications  to  be  regarded  nhould  be  wisdom, 
virtue  and  integrity,  without  any  reference  to  the  pecu- 
liarities of  religious  faith  and  profession  ;  and  that  al' 
freeholders  of  competent  estates,  and  not  vicious  in 
their  lives,  should  be  admitted  to  vote  in  the  election  ol 
officers,  civil  and  military,  whatever  might  be  their  opi- 
nion with  respect  to  church-government.  •'  We  can- 
not he  understood,"  it  was  added,  "hereby  to  direct  or 
wish  that  any  indulgence  should  he  granted  to  quake:s, 
whose  principles,  being  inconsistent  with  any  kind  of 
government,  we  have  found  it  necessary  with  the  ad- 
vice of  our  parliament  here,  to  make  a  sharp  law  against 
them,  and  are  well  content  you  do  the  like  there." 
However  reasonable  some  of  llie.se  requisitions  may 
now  apiiear.  the  greater  number  of  them  were  highly 
disagreeable  to  the  colonists.  They  considered  them- 
selves entitled  to  maintain  the  form  of  policy  in  church 
and  state,  which  tiiey  had  fled  lo  a  desert  in  order  to 
cultivate,  without  the  iinrusion  and  mixture  of  different 
principles;  and  they  regarded  with  the  utmost  je.-ilousy 
the  precedent  of  an  interference  with  their  fundamental 
constitutions  by  a  prince  who,  they  were  firmly  per- 
suaded, desired  nothing  so  much  as  to  enfeeble  the 
system  which  he  only  waited  a  more  convenient  season 
to  destroy.  To  comply  with  the  royal  injunctions 
would  he  to  introduce  among  their  children  the  spec- 
tacles and  corruptions  which  they  had  incurred  such 
sacrifices  in  order  to  withdraw  from  their  eyes,  and  to 
throw  open  every  office  in  the  state  to  papists,  Soci- 
nians,  aiid  every  unbeliever  who  might  think  power 
worth  the  purchase  of  a  general  declaration,  that  he 
was  (according  to  his  own  unexamined  interpctration 
of  the  term)  a  believer  in  Christianity.  The  king, 
never  observing,  was  never  able  to  obtain  credit  with 
his  subjects  for  good  faith  or  moderation  ;  he  was  from 
the  beginning  suspected  of  a  predilection  for  popery  ; 
and  the  various  efforts  which  he  made  to  procure  a  re- 
laxation of  the  penal  laws  against  the  dissentcs  in 
England,  were  viewed  with  jealousy  and  disapprobation 
by  all  these  dissenters  themselves,  except  the  qnakers, 
who  regarded  the  other  protestants  and  the  papists  as 
very  much  on  a  level  with  each  other,  and  were  made 
completely  the  dupes  of  the  artifices  by  which  Charles 
and  his  successor  endeavored  to  introduce  all  the  into- 
lerance of  popery  under  the  specious  disguise  of  uni- 
versal toleration. 

Of  all  the  requisitions  in  the  royal  message,  ihe  only 
one  that  was  complied  with  was  that  which  d.rtcted 
the  judicial  proceedings  to  be  carried  on  in  the  king's 
name.  The  letter  had  commanded  that  its  lontems 
should  he  published  m  the  colonv,  which  was  accord- 
ingly done,  with  an  intimation,  howcer,  that  the  ret)ui- 
sitions  relative  to  church  and  stat^  were  reserved  for 
the  deliberation  which  would  be  necessary  to  adjust 
them  lo  the  existing  constituticns.  The  ircatinenl 
which  the  colonial  asjents  experienced  from  their  coun- 
trymen, it  is  painful  hut  necessrjy  to  relate.  The  ill 
humor  which  some  of  the  requisitions  engendered  was 
unjustly  extended  to  these  men ;  aiul  their  mciiis, 
though  at  first  eagerly  acknowledgta.  were  quickly  for- 
gotten. Strongly  impressed  with  the  dinger  from 
which  the  colony  had  obtained  a  present  deliverance, 
but  which  still  impended  over  it  from  the  designs  of  a 
prince  who  visibly  abetted  every  complaint  of  its  ene- 
mies, the  agents  increased  their  unpopularity  by  strongly 
urging,  that  all  the  requisitions  should  be  inst.inlly 
complied  with.  Mr.  Norton,  who.  on  the  first  inolTicial 
intelligence  that  had  been  received  of  tho  king's  resto- 
ration, had  ineffectually  urged  his  fellow-citizens  lo 
proclaim  the  royal  authority,  m  now  agait  pressing  upon 
them  a  proceeding  to  w  hich  they  were  still  more  averac, 
went  the  length  of  declaring  lo  the  genoral  court,  that 
if  they  complied  not  with  the  king's  letter,  they  must 
blame  themselves  for  the  bloodshed  that  would  ensue. 
Such  declarations  were  ill  calculated  to  f-oothe  the  popu- 
lar disquiet,  or  recommend  an  ungracious  cause  ;  and 
the  deputies,  who  had  been  actuated  by  the  most  disin- 
terested zeal  to  serve  rather  than  flatter  their  fellow- 
citizens,  now  found  themselves  opprobiiously  identified 
with  the  grievances  of  the  colony,  and  tlie  evils,  which 
it  was  not  in  their  power  to  prevent,  ascribed  to  theit 
neglect  or  unnecessary  concessions.  Bradstreet,  who 
was  endowed  with  a  disposition  snmcvhat  stoical,  was 
'  the  loss  wnsibly  touched  with  tlus  ir.gratitude :  but 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


259 


Norton,  who  to  great  mcnkness  and  piety  united  keen 
ti»?nsil)ility,  coiiki  not  beiiold  the  eyes  of  his  roiiritrytMrn 
turned  upon  him  with  disapprobation,  wilhoiit  the  most 
painful  eniolion.  When  he  heard  many  say  of  hun, 
that  "he  had  hud  tlic  foundation  for  the  ruin  of  our 
liberties,"  he  expressed  no  resentment,  but  sunk  into  a 
profound  melancholy  ;  and  while  strucgling  with  his 
grief,  and  endeavoring  to  do  his  duty  to  the  last,  he 
died  soon  after  of  a  broken  heart.  Deep  and  vehement 
were  then  the  regrets  of  the  people  ;  and  the  universal 
inourning  that  overspread  the  provmce  expressed  a  late 
but  lasting  remembrance  of  his  virtue,  and  bewailed  an 
ungrateful  error  which  only  repentance  was  now  per- 
mitted to  repair. 

The  colony  of  Rhode  Island  had  received  the  tidings 
of  the  restoration  with  much  real  or  ajjparent  satisfac- 
tion. It  was  hoped  that  the  suspension  of  its  charter 
by  the  Long  Parliament  would  more  than  compensate 
the  dement  of  having  accepted  a  charter  from  such 
authority  ;  and  that  its  exclusion  from  the  confederacy, 
of  which  Massachusetts  was  the  head,  would  operate 
as  a  recommendation  to  royal  favor.  The  king  was 
early  proclaimed  ;  and  one  Clarke  was  soon  after  sent 
as  deputy  from  the  colony  to  England,  in  order  to  carry 
the  dutiful  respects  of  the  inhabitants  to  the  foot  of  the 
throne,  and  to  solicit  a  new  charter  in  their  favor. 
Clarke  conducted  his  negotiation  with  a  ba.seness  that 
rendered  the  success  of  it  dearly  bought.  He  not  only 
vaunted  the  loyalty  of  the  inhabitants  of  Rhode  Island, 
while  the  only  proof  he  could  give  of  it  was,  that  they 
had  bestowed  the  name  of  King's  Province  on  a  tej-ri- 
tory  which  they  had  acquired  from  the  Indians  ;  but 
meeting  this  year  the  deputies  of  Massachusetts  at  the 
court,  he  publicly  challenged  them  to  mention  any  one 
act  of  duty  or  loyalty  shovvn  by  their  constituents  to  the 
present  king  or  his  father,  from  their  first  establishment 
in  New  England.  Yet  the  inhabitants  of  Rhode  Island 
had  taken  a  patent  from  the  Long  Parliament  in  tlie 
commencement  of  its  struggle  with  Charles  the  First ; 
while  Massachusetts  had  declined  to  do  so  when  the 
parliament  was  at  the  height  of  its  jiower  and  success.* 
Clarke  succeeded  in  obtaining  this  yeart  a  charter 
which  assured  the  inhabitants  of  Rhode  Island  and  Pro- 
vidence of  the  amplest  enjoyment  of  religious  liberty, 
and  most  entensive  privileges  with  regard  to  jurisdic- 
tion. The  patentees  and  such  as  should  be  admitted  i 
free  of  the  society  were  incorporated  by  the  title  of  the 
Governor  and  Company  of  the  English  Colony  of 
Rhode  Island  and  Providence.  The  supreme  or  legis- 
lative power  was  invested  in  an  assembly  consisting  of 
the  governo:,  assistants,  and  representatives,  elected 
from  among  the  freemen.  This  assembly  was  em- 
powered to  make  ordinances  and  forms  of  government 
and  magistracy,  with  as  much  conformity  to  the  laws 
of  England  as  the  nature  of  the  place  and  condition  of 
the  |)C0ple  would  allow  ;  to  erect  courts  of  justice  ;  to 
regulate  the  manner  of  election  to  all  places  of  trust  ; 
to  inflict  all  lawful  punishments  ;  and  to  exercise  the 
prerogative  of  pardon.  A  governor,  deputy  governor, 
and  ten  assistants  were  appointed  to  be  annually  cho- 
sen by  the  assembly  ;  and  the  first  board  of  these 
officers,  nominated  by  the  charter,  on  the  suggestion 
of  their  agent,  were  authorised  to  carry  its  provisions 
into  execution.  The  governor  and  company  were  em- 
powered to  transport  such  merchandise  and  persons  as 
were  not  prohibited  by  any  statute  of  the  kingdom,  pay- 
ing such  customs  as  are,  or  ought  to  he,  paid  for  the 
same  ;  to  exercise  martial  law  when  necessary  ;  and 
upon  just  causes  to  invade  and  destroy  the  native  In- 
dians or  other  enemies.  The  territory  granted  to  the 
governor  and  company,  and  their  successors,  was  de- 
scribed as  that  part  of  the  dominions  of  the  crown  in 
New  England,  containing  the  irlands  in  Narraganset 
Bay,  and  the  countries  and  parts  adjacent,  which  were 
declared  to  be  holden  of  the  manor  of  East  Greenwich 
in  common  soccage.  The  inhabitants  and  their  children 
were  declared  to  be  entitled  to  the  same  immunities  as 
if  they  had  resided  or  been  born  within  the  realm. 
This,  I  believe,  is  the  first  instance  of  the  creation,  by 
a  British  patent,  of  an  authority  of  that  peculiar  ilescrip- 
lion  which  was  then  established  in  Rhode  Island. 
Coporations  had  been  formerly  created  within  the 
realm,  for  the  government  of  colonial  ])ldntalions. 
But  now  a  body  politic  was  created  with  specific 
powers  for  administering  all  the  affairs  of  the  colony 

*  Tlie  Rhode  Islanders  had  also  presented  an  address  to 
the  Rulers  of  England  in  1651),  Iwseecliing  favor  to  the  ni- 
«elves,as"a  poor  colony,  an  outcast  people,  formerly  from 
our  motlier  nation  in  the  bishoi«'  days,  and  since  from  the 
New  English  over-zcaloos  colonics."  Douglas'  Seminary, 
ll.  110. 

t  Although  the  charter  wa.s  framed  in  1662,  yet,  in  conse- 
quence of  a  disputa  between  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island, 
A  was  not  finallf  pas  e  ".till  July,  1663. 


within  the  colonial  territory.  The  charter  was  received 
with  great  satisfaction  by  the  colonists,  who  entered 
immediately  into  possession  of  the  democratical  con- 
stitution which  it  appointed  for  them,  and  continued  to 
pursue  the  same  system  of  civil  and  ecclesiastical 
policy  that  they  had  heretofore  observed. 

Though  the  inhabitants  of  Connecticut  neither  felt 
nor  aticcted  the  same  rejoicing  that  Rhode  Island  had 
expressed  at  the  restoration  of  the  king,  they  did  not 
fail  to  send  a  deputy  to  England  to  express  their  recog- 
nition of  the  royal  authority,  and  to  solicit  a  new  char- 
ter.* They  were  happy  in  the  choice  of  the  man  to 
whom  they  committed  this  important  duty,  John  Win- 
throp,  the  son  of  the  eminent  person  of  the  same  name 
who  had  presided  with  sb  much  honor  and  virtue  over 
the  province  of  .Massachusetts.  This  gentleman  deriv- 
ing a  hereditary  claim  on  the  kindness  of  the  king,  from 
a  friendship  that  had  subsisted  between  his  grandfather 
and  Charles  the  First, t  employed  it  so  successfully  as 
to  obtain  for  his  constituents  a  charter  in  almost  every 
respect  the  same  with  that  which  had  been  granted  to 
Rhode  Island.  The  most  considerable  differences  were, 
that  by  the  Connecticut  charter  the  governor  was  re- 
quired to  administer  the  oaths  of  allegiance  and  supre- 
macy to  the  inhabitants  ;  a  formality  which  was  not 
required  by  the  charter  of  Rhode  Island,  where  many 
of  the  people  scrupled  to  take  an  oath  ;  and  that,  by  the 
last-mentioned  charter,  liberty  of  conscience  was  ex- 
pressly conceded  in  its  fullest  extent,  while  the  other 
made  no  express  mention  of  the  concerns  of  religion, 
and  no  other  allusion  to  them,  than  what  might  seem  to 
be  implied  in  the  requisition  of  the  oath  of  supremacy. 
By  this  charter,  Newhaven  was  united  with  Connecti- 
cut ;  an  arrangement  which  for  some  time  did  not  ob- 
tain the  unanimous  approbation  of  the  people  of  New- 
haven,  although  they  afterwards  heartily  concurred  in 
it ;  and  the  description  of  the  provincial  territory  was 
indefinite  and  incorrect.  But  on  the  whole  it  gave  so 
much  satisfaction,  that  Wiiithrop,  on  his  return,  was 
received  with  the  grateful  approbation  of  his  fellow 
citizens,  and  annually  chosen  governor  of  the  united 
colony  as  long  as  he  lived. 

There  was  thus  established  by  royal  charters,  both 
in  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island,  a  perfect  model  of 
democratic  government  ;  and  the  singular  spectacle  of 
subordinate  political  corporations  almost  wholly  discon- 
nected by  any  efficient  tie  with  the  organ  of  sovereign 
authority.  Every  power,  as  well  deliberative  as  active, 
was  invested  in  the  freemen  of  the  corporation  or  their 
delegates  ;  and  the  sujireme  executive  magistrate  of 
the  empire  was  excluded  from  every  constitutional 
means  of  interposition  or  control.  A  conformity  to  the 
laws  of  England,  no  doubt,  was  enjoined  on  the  colo- 
nial legislatures  ;  and  this  conformity  was  conditioned 
as  the  tenure  by  which  their  privileges  were  enjoyed  ; 
but  no  method  of  ascertaining  or  enforcing  its  observ- 
ance was  established.  At  a  later  period,  the  crown 
lawyers  of  England  were  sensible  of  the  oversight  which 
their  predecessors  had  committed,  and  proposed  that  an 
act  of  parliament  should  be  obtained  for  obliging  these 
colonies  to  transmit  their  laws  for  the  inspection  and 
approbation  of  the  king.  But  this  suggestion  was  never 
carried  into  eflect. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Emigration  of  ejected  Ministers  to  New  England — Royal 
Commissioners  sent  to  the  Province — Address  of  the  As- 
sembly of  Massachussetts  to  the  King — rejected— Policy 
pursued  by  the  Comniissioners— Their  Disputes  with  the 
Government  of  Massachussetts — and  Relnrn  to  England 
— Policy*)f  the  ("olomsts  to  conciliate  tlie  King — Elftcts 
of  it — Cession  of  Acadia  to  the  French — Prosperous 
State  of  New  England — Conspiracy  of  the  Indians — 
Philip's  War — The  King  resumes  his  designs  against 
Massachusetts— Controversy  respecting  the  Right  to 
Maine  and  New  Hampshire — Progress  of  the  Dispute 
between  the  King  and  the  Colony — State  of  Parties  in 
Massachusetts— State  of  Religion  and  Morals — Surrender 
of  the  Charier  of  Massachusetts  demanded  by  the  Kmg — 
refused  by  the  Colonists — Writ  of  Quo  Warranto  issued 
against  the  Colony — Firmness  of  the  People — Their  Charter 
adjudged  to  be  forfeited. 

Settled  originally  by  people  of  the  same  nation 
and  whom  the  same  motives  had  conducted  to  Ame- 

*  At  Newhaven  the  republican  spirit  was  so  strong,  that 
several  o'  the  principal  iniiabitants  declined  to  act  as  magis- 
trates under  the  king.  Trumbull,  i.  241.  It  was  here  that 
(iotle  and  Whaley  found  the  securest  asylum,  and  ended  their 
days.  When  a  party  of  royal  officers  were  coming  in  pursuit 
of  ihcm  to  New  haven,  Davenport,  the  minister  of  the  peace, 
preached  pulilicly  in  lavor  of  the  regicides,  from  the  text 
(Isaiah  xvi.  3,  4.)"Tai\e  counsel,  execute  judgment ;  make 
tliy  shadow  as  the  night  in  the  midst  of  the  nc-onday ;  hide  the 
outcasts;  bewray  not  liim  that  wanderclh.  Let  mine  outcasts 
dw  ell  with  thee,  Moab :  be  thou  a  covert  to  them  from  the 
face  of  the  spoiler."    Holmes'  American  Annals,  i.  342. 

t  Cotton  Mather  relates,  that  w  hen  Winthrop  presented  the 
king  with  a  ring  which  Charles  the  First  had  given  to  his 
grandfather,  "  the  kinM  not  only  accepted  his  present,  but  also 


rica,  [1663,]  and  assimilated  by  their  religious  teneta, 
their  government,  laws,  and  ma'-ners,  a  similar  policy 
naturally  pervaded  all  the  colo.-.ies  of  New  England. 
The  commercial  system  which  the  Englii'h  parliament 
thought  fit  to  pursue  tended  still  further  to  confirm  thi* 
identity  of  interest  and  purpose  in  the  colonies.  The 
navigation  acts  which  it  framed,  and  which  we  have 
con.^idcred  at  much  length  in  the  history  of  Virginia, 
created  for  a  time  more  discontent  than  inconvenience, 
and  served  rather  to  announce  than  to  enforce  the  re- 
strictions with  which  it  was  intended  to  fetter  the  colo- 
nial trade.  These  restrictions  were  a  copious  source 
of  displeasure  and  controversy  between  the  two  coun- 
tries. The  colonies  had  been  accustomed  in  their  in- 
fancy to  a  free  trade,  and  its  surrender  was  exacted 
with  the  more  injustice  and  yielded  with  the  greater 
reluctance,  because  England  was  not  then  a  marl  in 
which  all  the  pioduce  of  the  colonies  could  be  vended, 
or  from  which  all  the  wants  of  their  inhabitants  could 
be  supplied.  Even  in  the  southern  colonies,  where 
similar  restraints  had  been  enforced  by  Cromwell,  tho 
act  of  navigation  was  executed  very  imperfectly  ;  and 
in  New  England,  where  the  governors  were  elected  by 
the  people,  it  appears,  for  a  considerable  time,  tj  have 
been  entirely  disregarded. 

If  the  commercial  policy  of  the  English  parliament 
thus  strongly  tended  to  unite  the  colonies  by  commu- 
nity of  interest  and  opposition  to  the  parent  state,  the 
ecclesiatsical  policy  which  now  prevailed  in  England 
was  calculated  in  no  slight  degree  to  promote  the  re- 
membrance of  the  original  causes  of  secession  from  her 
territory,  and  at  once  to  revive  their  influence,  and  en- 
force the  virtue  of  toleration  by  sympathy  with  the  vie 
tims  of  an  opposite  policy.  In  consequence  of  the 
rigid  enforcement  of  the  act  of  uniformity  in  the  close 
of  the  preceding  year,  about  two  thousand  of  the  English 
clergy,  the  most  eminent  of  the  order  for  piety,  virtue, 
and  knowledge,  were  ejected  from  the  church  ;  and,  to 
the  astonishment  of  the  prevailing  party,  sacrificed 
their  interests  to  their  conscience.  They  were  after- 
wards banished  to  the  distance  of  five  miles  from  every 
corporation  m  England,  and  many  ot  them  died  in  pri- 
son for  privately  exercising  their  ministry  contrary  to 
law.  \^'hile  the  majority  of  them  remained  in  Eng- 
land to  preserve  by  their  teaching  and  their  sufferings 
the  decaying  piety  of  their  native  land,  a  considerable 
number  were  conducted  to  New  J^ngland,  there  to  in- 
vigorate the  national  virtue  by  a  fresh  example  of  con- 
scientious sacrifice,  and  to  form  a  living  and  touching 
memorial  of  the  cruelty  and  injustice  of  intolerance.* 
The  merits  and  the  sufferings  of  these  men  made  a 
strong  impression  on  the  peo|)le  of  New  England  ;  and 
•\is  year  an  invitation  was  despatched  to  the  celebrated 
Dr.  John  Owen,  one  of  the  greatest  scholars  and  divines 
that  the  world  has  ever  produced,  to  accept  an  eccle- 
siastical appointment  in  Massachusetts,  and  the  design* 
which  he  had  reason  to  believe  would  be  soon  under- 
taken for  the  subjugation  of  its  civil  and  religious  liber- 
ties. Other  countries  besides  America  contended  foi 
the  honor  of  sheltering  this  illustrious  man  from  the 
persecutions  of  the  church  of  England,  and  the  happi- 
ness and  advantage  that  might  be  expected  from  his 
sojourn.  But  he  preferred  suflering  in  a  country  where 
his  language  was  understood,  to  enjoymetit  and  honor 
among  a  people  with  whom  his  communication  must 
necessarily  have  been  more  restricted.  At  a  later 
period,  when  the  presidency  of  Harvard  college  was 
offered  to  him,  he  consented  to  embrace  this  sphere  of 
useful  and  important  duty  ;  and  having  shipped  his 
effects  far  N»w  England,  was  preparing  to  accompany 
thern,  when  his  steps  were  arrested  by  an  order  from 
Charles,  expressly  commanding  him  not  to  depart  from 
the  kingdom. 

The  apprehension  which  the  inhabitants  of  Massa- 
chusetts had  entertained  all  along  of  the  hostile  designs 
of  the  English  government,  and  which  had  been  con 
firmed  by  the  reasons  assigned  by  Dr.  Owen  for  refus- 
w  the  first  invitation  which  they  had  tendered  to  him, 
were  strengthened  by  all  the  intelligence  they  received 
from  England.  A  great  number  of  the  ejected  non- 
conformist ministers  who  had  taken  measures  for  pro- 
ceeding to  Massachusetts,  now  declined  to  embark  for 
a  country  on  which  the  extremity  of  royal  vengeanc* 
was  da'V  expected  to  descend  :  and  at  length  the  most 
declared  that  he  accounted  it  one  of  his  ru  hestjewels,  »  hich 
indeed  was  the  opinion  that  New  England  had  of  the  hand 
that  carried  it."   B.  li.  Cap.  xi.  1)  5.    See  Note  XI. 

*  When  the  proceedings  against  the  congregationaliSTs  in 
England  were  complained  c  ,  these  dissenters  w  ere  told  by  an 
eminent  English  prelate  (Stillingfleet)  that  the  scvtritiog 
which  they  to  much  resented  weie  justilied  by  the  proceed- 
ings of  their  own  brethren  in  New  England  against  dissenii  rg 
from  tiie  established  wc-ship  there.  StilUngtieet's  Viachieis 
of  Separation 


260 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


positiT?  inrormation  wa»  received  that  the  king  had  de- 
clared that,  alihou!.'h  he  was  wiHing  to  preserve  the 
foionial  charter,  he  was  determined  to  send  out  com- 
missioners to  inquire  and  report  how  far  the  provisions 
of  the  charter  were  ie<rally  coin|)hed  with.  'J'idings  no 
less  mdiiliitdhle  arrived  soon  after  of  the  rupture  be- 
tween (Jreat  Britain  and  Holland,  of  the  determination 
of  the  king  to  despatch  an  expedition  for  the  reduction 
of  ilie  Uulch  settlement  of  New  York,  and  to  send 
along  wiih  it  a  hodv  of  commissioners  who  were  em- 
powered to  hear  anil  determine  (according  to  their  own 
discretion)  all  complaints  in  causes  civil  or  military 
that  might  exist  within  New  England,  and  to  take  every 
«tcp  that  they  might  jiuigc  necessary  for  settling  the 
peace  and  security  of  the  country  on  a  solid  founda- 
tion This  information  was  correct ;  and  a  commis- 
sion for  these  purposes,  as  well  as  for  the  reduction  of 
New  York,  had  hecn  issued  by  the  king  to  Sir  Robert 
Carr,  Colonel  Nichols,  George  Cartwright,  and  Samuel 
Maverick.  These  tidings,  in  concurrence  with  the 
reports  that  had  long  |)rev<iilcd  of  the  designs  enter- 
tained bv  the  court  of  England  against  the  liberties  of 
the  colonists,  were  calculated  to  strike  theni  with  dis- 
may. They  knew  that  plausible  prctctts  were  not 
wanting  to  justify  an  inquiry  into  their  proceedings  ; 
but  they  were  also  aware  tliat  the  dislike  and  suspicion 
with  which  they  were  regarded  by  the  king  could  never 
be  salistied  by  any  measure  short  of  the  utter  subver- 
sion of  their  institutions.  Various  controversies  had 
arisen  between  the  different  settlements  concerning 
the  boundaries  of  their  respective  territories  ;  and  loud 
complaints  were  preferred  by  the  representatives  of 
Mason,  and  by  Gorges,  and  otlier  memliers  of  the  old 
council  of  I'lvmouth,  of  the  occupations  of  districts  ami 
sovereignties  to  winch  they  claimed  a  preferable  rigiit. 
The  claim  of  Mason  to  New  }Iaiii|)sliirc,  derived  from 
the  assignment  of  the  Plvinouth  councii,  had  never 
been  expressly  surrendered  ;  and  Gorges'  title  to 
Maine  had  been  confirmed  and  enlarged  by  a  grant 
from  the  late  king  in  the  year  1639.  As  Gorges  had 
adhered  to  the  royal  cause  in  tlie  civil  wars,  the  death 
of  the  king  proved  the  temporary  death  of  his  patent  : 
and  he  as  well  as  Mason's  heirs  had  long  abandoned 
their  projects  in  despair  of  ever  jirosecuting  them  to  a 
successful  issue.  Hut  now  the  revival  of  royalty  in  Eng- 
.and  presented  them  with  an  opportunity  of  vindicating 
their  claims  ;  and  the  establishment  of  inhabitants  in 
the  territories  promised  advantage  from  such  vindication. 
They  had  as  yet  got  no  return  for  the  money  they  had 
expended  on  their  acquisitions  :  but  they  now  embraced 
the  prospect  and  claimed  the  right  of  entering  upon  the 
labors  of  others,  who  in  ignorance  of  their  pretensions 
had  occupied  and  colonized  a  vacant  soil,  and  held  it 
by  the  title  of  fair  purchase  from  its  native  proprietors. 
In  addition  to  this  formidable  controversy,  many  com- 
plaints had  been  preferred  by  the  royalists,  quakers, 
and  episcopalians,  of  abuses  in  Ihe  civd  and  ecclesias- 
tical administration  of  Massachusetts.  The  adjustment 
of  these  controversies  and  investigation  of  these  com- 
plaints were  the  principal  reasons  assigned  for  the  com- 
mission.* But,  doubtless,  the  main  object  of  concern 
to  the  English  court  was  the  sujipression  or  essential 
modification  of  institutions  founded  and  administered 
on  principles  that  had  so  I0112  waged  war  with  monar- 
chy, and  so  lately  prevailed  over  it.  The  colonists 
very  readily  believed  the  accounts  they  received  from 
Jheir  friends  in  England  of  this  hostile  disposition  of 
their  sovereign  :  and  the  public  orders  by  which  they 
had  cautioned  the  enemies  of  his  government  not  to 
expect  shcller  in  Massachusetts,  had  been  intended  to 
remove  or  appease  it.  When  intelligence  was  received 
of  the  visiiaiioii  that  must  -soon  bo  expected  from  Eiig- 
gland.  Ihe  general  court  of  Massachusetts  appointed  a 
day  of  fasting  and  prayer  to  be  observed  throughout  its 
jurisdiction,  in  order  to  implore  the  mercy  of  God  under 
their  many  distractions  and  troubles  :  and  apprehend- 
ing It  to  be  of  the  greatest  concernment  that  the  patent 
or  charter  should  be  kept  "  safe  and  secret,"  they  or- 
dered llieir  secretary  to  bring  it  imo  court,  and  to  deli- 
ver It  10  four  of  the  members  (>f  court,  who  were  di- 
rected to  dispose  of  it  in  surh  manner  as  they  should 
j'jdgc  nosl  consistent  with  the  safety  of  the  country. 
Aware  of.  the  usual  licentiousness  of  sailors  and  sol- 


•  In  adilllion  to  thcic  reasons,  tlio  cnnimf.iKion  sets  forilt 
that  complnints  Imve  lM!pn  inailn  to  hii  maiosly  of  arts  of 
violence  and  in)ii«ti.e  l>y  Ihe  cnloiii.il  iiuMinrilics  «cain«l  llie 
n.llvc»  of  Ain-rira,  "  wh<  rrl.y  not  only  our  government  Is 
tf»<Hire.l.  mil  the  ri-p.iuiion  ami  rrnlil  of  cliri.stian  rolieion 
•  l.roiu.il  inio  reproach  and  pr.-judiro  with  the  i?eiililes  and 
liihuhiunt.t  of  Ihoie  coiintneii  who  know  not  (Jo<l  ■  the  reduc- 
tion of  «h..iii  to  the  true  knowledge  of  G.mI  U  Ihe  end  of  llieitc 
pianuiiooj,  Ac— a  statement  of  malclileai  falaoliood  and 
aONuteTy 


dierst  and  recollecting  the  peculiar  strictness  of  the 
colonial  laws,  the  court  adopted  at  the  same  time  the 
most  prudent  precautions  for  preventing  the  necessity 
of  either  a  hazardous  enforcement,  or  a  dishonest  and 
pusillanimous  relaxation  of  its  municipal  ordinances. 

The  royal  expedition  having  arrived  at  Boston  in  the 
following  year,  the  commissioners  presented  their  cre- 
dentials to  the  governor  and  council,  and  demanded  in 
the  first  instance,  that  a  body  of  troops  should  be  raised 
to  accompany  the  English  forces  in  the  invasion  of 
New  York.  [1664]  The  governor  not  being  empowered 
by  the  forms  of  the  constitution  to  raise  forces  without 
the  consent  of  the  general  court,  proceeded  to  convoke 
that  body  ;  but  the  commissioners  not  having  leisure  to 
wait  its  deliberations,  proceeded  with  the  fleet  against 
New  York,  desiring  the  colonial  auxiliaries  to  follow 
as  quickly  as  possible,  and  signifying  to  the  governor 
and  council  that  they  had  many  important  communica- 
tions to  make  to  them  on  their  return  from  New  York, 
and  that  in  the  mean  time  the  general  court  would  do 
well  to  give  a  fuller  consideration  than  they  seemed  yet 
to  have  done  to  the  letter  which  the  king  had  addressed 
to  them  two  years  before.  The  vague  mysterious  terms 
of  this  communication  were  powerfully  calculated,  and 
would  seem  to  have  been  deliberately  intended,  to  in- 
crease the  disquiet  and  apprehetisioris  of  the  colonists. 
That  they  produced  this  impression  in  a  very  strong 
degree  is  manifest  from  the  proceedings  that  were 
adopted  by  the  general  court.  On  the  assembling  of 
that  body  it  was  declared  by  an  immediate  and  unani- 
mous vote  that  they  wyrc  "  resolved  to  bear  true  alle- 
giance to  his  majesty,  and  to  adhere  to  a  patent  so 
dearly  obtained  and  so  long  enjoyed  by  undoubted 
right."  Tney  proceeded  to  render  a  prompt  obedience 
to  the  requisition  of  the  commissioners,  and  had  raised 
a  regwnenl  of  two  hundred  men,  who  w  ere  preparing  to 
proceed  for  New  York,  wnen  intel!:gcncc  was  received 
from  the  commissioners  that  the  place  had  alre.-.dy  sur- 
rendered, and  that  the  junction  of  the  English  and  co- 
lonial forces  was  no  lor.ger  necessary.  The  assembly 
next  resumed  the  consideration  of  the  king's  letter,  which 
had  been  so  emphatically  commended  to  their  delibera- 
tion, and  passed  a  law  extending  the  elective  franchise 
to  all  the  inhabitants  of  English  or  colonial  birth,  pay- 
ing public  rates  to  a  certain  amount,  and  certified  by  a 
minister  as  orthodox  in  their  principles  and  not  immoral 
in  their  lives,  whether  within  or  without  the  pale  of  the 
establislied  church.  They  next  proceeded  to  frnme  and 
transmit  to  the  king  an  address  strongly  expressive  of 
their  present  apprehensions  and  their  habitual  senti- 
ments. They  set  forth  at  considerable  length  the  dan- 
gers and  difliculties  they  had  encountered  m  founding 
and  rearing  their  settlement ;  the  explicit  confirmation 
which  tlieir  privileges  had  received  both  from  the  pre- 
sent king  and  his  predecessor  ;  and  their  own  subjec- 
tion to  the  royal  authority,  and  willingness  to  testify 
their  duty  in  any  righteous  way.  They  expressed  their 
concern  at  the  appointment  of  four  commissioners,  one 
of  whom.  Maverick,  was  their  known  and  professed 
enemy,  wfio  were  invested  with  an  indefinite  authority, 
in  the  exercise  of  which  they  were  to  proceed,  not  in 
conformity  with  any  established  law,  but  according  to 
tlicir  own  discretion  ;  and  they  declared,  that  although 
as  yet  they  had  but  tasted  the  words  and  actions  of 
these  persons,  they  had  enough  to  saliofy  them  that  the 
powers  derived  from  the  commission  would  be  improved 
to  the  complete  sulivcrsion  of  the  provincial  govern- 
ment, ll  any  profit  was  expected  to  be  gained  by  the 
im|)Osition  of  new  rules  and  the  bereavement  of  their 
liberties,  the  design,  they  protested,  would  jiroduce  only 
disappoinlmenl  ;  for  the  country  was  so  poor  that  it 
produced  little  more  than  a  bare  subsistence  to  its  in- 
habitants, and  the  people  were  so  much  attached  to 
their  inslilutions  that,  if  deprived  of  ihcin  in  America, 
they  would  seek  them  in  new  and  more  distant  habita- 
tions ;  and,  if  they  were  driven  out  of  the  country,  it 
would  not  be  easy  to  find  another  race  of  inhabitants  w  ho 
would  be  willing  to  sojourn  ill  it.*  They  appealed  to 
God,  that  they  came  not  into  this  wilderness  to  seek 
great  things  for  tliemselvea,  but  for  the  sake  of  a  quiet 
life,  and  concluded  in  the  following  strains  of  earnest  I 
anxiety:  "Let  our  government  live,  our  patent  live,  | 
our  magistrates  live,  our  laws  and  liberties  live,  our  re-  I 


*  It  is  curious  to  observe  the  expression  of  a  similar  senti-  I 
menl  hy  Ihe  inlialiilants  of  tlin  province  of  Arragoii  111  the  I 
days  of  tlicir  freedom.    II  is  declared  in  the  preamble  to  one  | 
of  the  law.H  of  Arragon,  that  such  was  Ihe  harrcimess  of  the  I 
country  iind  Iho  poverty  of  the  inhaliilanls,  tli.it  if  it  were  not 
lor  the  sake  of  liie  liberties  by  wl4<'h  llicy  were  dislinguished 
fron:  oilier  nations,  the  people  would  abandon  il  and  go  :n  ■\uviii 
of  a  setlUment  to  somi'  more  Iriuirul  region.  Rolerl>on's 
View  of  Iho  State  of  Europe,  sect.  3.    Ilistory  of  Charles  I 
ttu!  FilUi  I 


ligious  enjoyments  live :  so  shall  we  all  yet  have  fw 
ther  cause  to  say  from  our  hearts,  Let  the  king  live  lai 
ever."  Letters  suing  for  favor  and  friendly  mediatior 
were  transmitted  at  the  same  time  to  several  of  the 
f^nglish  nobility,  and  particularly  to  the  chancellor. 
Lord  Clarendon.  But  these  applications  were  no 
longer  attended  with  success.  Lord  Clarendon  was  no 
friend  to  puritan  establishments  ;  he  had  instigated  thf 
persecution  that  was  then  carrying  on  against  the  sec- 
taries of  every  denomination  in  England  ;  and  he  wat 
at  present  too  painfully  sensible  of  his  declining  credit 
with  the  king,  to  risk  the  farther  provocation  of  his  dis- 
pleasure by  opposing  a  favorite  scheme  of  royal  [xjlicy. 
In  a  letter  to  the  governor,  he  defended  the  commission 
as  a  constitutional*  exercise  of  royal  power  and  wis- 
dom, and  strongly  indicative  of  his  tnajesty's  grace  and 
goodness ;  and  recommended  to  the  colonists,  by  a 
prompt  submission,  to  deprecate  the  indignation  which 
their  ungrateful  clamor  must  already  have  excited  in 
the  breast  of  the  king.  The  answer  of  Charles,  which 
was  transmitted  by  Secretary  Morrice,  to  the  address 
of  the  gencra4  court,  excited  less  surprise.  It  re- 
proaciied  that  assembly  with  making  unreasonable  and 
groundless  complaints;  justified  the  commission  as  thd 
only  proper  method  of  rectifying  the  colonial  disorder:  ; 
and  ati'ected  to  consider  the  address  as  •'  the  contriv- 
ance of  a  few  persons  who  infuse  jealousies  into  their 
fellow  sulijects  as  if  their  charter  were  in  danger." 

Having  effected  the  conquest  of  New  York,  the  com- 
missioners proceeded  to  the  exercise  of  their  civil  func- 
tions in  New  England  [1605]  One  of  the  first  official 
acts  that  they  were  called  on  to  perforin,  was  the  adjust- 
ment of  a  dispute  respecting  boundaries,  that  arose  out 
of  the  occu|iation  of  the  New  York  territory.  A  [la'.ent 
had  been  granted  to  the  Duke  of  York  of  all  the  terri- 
tory occupied  by  the  Dutch,  including  large  districts 
that  had  been  already  comprehended  in  the  charter  ol 
Connecticut.  A  controversy  concerning  limits  had 
thus  been  created  by  the  deliberate  act  of  the  crown, 
between  the  state  of  Connecticut  and  the  new  province 
erected  by  the  patent  to  the  Duke  of  York.  Their 
boundaries  were  now  adjusted  by  the  commissioners  in 
a  maiiner  which  appears  to  have  been  highly  satisfactory 
to  the  people  of  Connecticut,  but  w  hich  entailed  a  great 
deal  of  subsequent  dispute.  Another  controversy,  in 
which  Connecticut  was  involved,  arose  out  of  a  claim 
to  part  of  its  territory  preferred  by  the  Duke  of  Hamil- 
ton and  others,  in  virtue  of  the  tiglits  .hat  had  accr  "d 
to  themselves  or  their  ancestors  as  inembcrs  of  iho 
grand  council  of  Plymouth.  The  commissioners  de- 
sirous of  giving  satisfaction  to  both  parties,  adjudged 
the  property  of  the  disputed  soil  to  these  individual 
claimants,  but  declared  the  right  of  government  to  per- 
tain to  Connecticut.  It  appears  manifestly  to  have 
been  their  policy  10  detach  the  other  New  England 
stales  from  the  obnoxious  province  of  Massachusetts, 
and  to  procure  their  co  operation  by  the  example  ol 
implicit  submission  on  their  own  part,  and  the  accu.'nu- 
lation  of  complaints  against  that  [irovince,  in  the  design 
of  abridging  her  liberties  and  altering  hrr  institutions. 
In  the  prosecution  of  this  policy  they  were  but  partially 
successful.  The  people  of  Connecticut  received  'he 
commissioners  wiih  the  utmost  coldness,  and  plainly 
showed  that  they  regarded  tlieir  proceedings  with  aver- 
sion, and  considered  ihe  cause  of  Massachusetts  as 
tneir  own.  So  strongly  impressed  were  the  inhabitants 
of  this  state  wiih  ihe  danger  to  ihcir  liberties  from  the 
interposition  of  such  arbitrary  aulhority,  that  some  dis- 
agreements, which  had  subsisted  between  Connecticut 
and  Newhaven,  and  which  had  hitherto  prevented  their 
union  under  the  late  charter  by  which  ihey  had  been 
associated,  were  eiilirelv  composed  by  the  vi  rv  tidings 
of  the  visitation  of  the  coiiimissioners  At  I'lvmouth 
the  commissioners  met  with  little  opposiiioii,  the  inha- 
bitants being  deterred  from  the  expression  of  iheir  sen- 
timents by  a  ciinsciousness  of  their  weakness,  and 
being  exempted  from  the  apprehensions  that  prevailed 
in  the  more  jiowerful  states  by  a  sense  of  their  insigni- 
ficance. In  Rhode  Inland  alone  was  their  insidious 
policy  attended  with  success.  There,  ihe  people  re- 
ceived them  with  every  mark  of  deference  and  atten- 
tion ;  their  inquiries  w  ere  answered,  and  their  mandatea 

'Even  Chalmers,  though  the  paneg\nst  of  Charles  and 
his  policy,  and  animated  w.tk  the  strongest  dishke  and  ron- 
teinpt  of  the  colonists,  expiesses  his  surprise  that  Clarendon 
sliould  defend  the  coiniiu>sion  as  a  constitutional  act  ;  ob- 
serving, that  an  act  of  parliament  w  as  assuredly  nert  ssary 
in  order  to  cut  up  eireclually  those  principles  t)f  independence 
that  had  rooted  wilhthe  sritlenient  of  New  Enj;land,"  p.  388. 
One  of  Ihe  arlicles  of  impeachment  against  Lord  Clarendoo 
was,  *•  That  he  inlroilured  an  arbitrary  government  in  his  ni4» 
jesty's  plaiii.-ilions."  Bill  lliis  charge  seems  to  have  relslaj 
to  some  proceedings  in  Burbadoes  Iio«f el's  Slala  Trals. 
vol.  VI.  p  331,  &c. 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


obeyed  or  assented  to  without  any  demur  to  the  autho- 
iity  from  which  they  proceeded  ;  and  during  their  stay 
in  this  settlement  they  were  enabled  to  amplify  their 
reports  with  immberless  complaints  against  the  mjustice 
and  inisgovernment  alleged  to  have  been  committed  in 
Massachusetts.  This  people,  as  we  have  seen,  had  gained 
their  late  charter  by  a  dis|)lay  of  subservience  and  devo- 
tion to  the  crown  ;  and  the  liberal  institutions  which  it 
introduced  had  not  yet  had  lime  to  form  a  spirit  that  dis- 
dained to  hold  the  enjoyment  of  liberty  by  so  ignoble  a 
lemire.  The  freedom  thus  sjiuriously  begotten  was 
tainted  in  its  birth  by  principles  that  long  rendered  its 
existence  precarious  ;  and  we  shall  find  the  inhabitants 
of  Rhode  Island,  a  few  years  after,  abjectly  offering  to 
strip  themselves  of  the  privileges  which  they  had  gained 
BO  ill,  and  of  which  they  now  showed  themselves  un- 
worthy by  their  willingness  to  strengthen  the  hands  that 
were  prepariiig  to  oppress  the  liberties  of  Massachu- 
setts. \Ve  must  not,  however  discard  from  our  recol- 
lection that  Rhode  Island  was  yet  but  a  feeble  commu- 
nity, and  that  the  unfavorable  sentiments  with  which 
many  of  its  inhabitants  regarded  Massachusetts,  arose 
from  the  persecution  which  their  religious  tenets  iiad 
experienced  in  that  province.  Their  conduct  to  the 
commissioners  received  the  warmest  approbation  from 
Charles,  who  assured  them  that  he  would  never  be  un- 
mindful of  the  claims  they  had  acquired  on  his  good- 
ness by  a  demeanor  so  replete  with  duty  and  humility. 
In  justice  to  the  king,  whose  word  was  proverbially  the 
object  of  very  little  reliance,  we  may  observe  that  he 
does  not  appear  ever  after  to  have  withdrawn  his  favor 
from  Rhode  Island  ;  and  in  justice  to  a  moral  lesson 
that  would  be  otherwise  incomplete,  we  may  here  so 
far  anticipate  the  order  of  time  as  to  remark,  that 
when  Charles's  successor  proceeded  to  extend  to 
Rhode  Island  the  destruction  in  which  the  liberties  of 
the  other  New  England  provinces  had  been  involved, 
and  when  the  peo|)le  endeavored  to  avert  the  blow  by  a 
repetition  of  the  abjectness  that  had  formerly  availed 
them,  their  prostration  was  disregarded,  and  their  com- 
plete subjection  pursued  and  effected  with  an  insolence 
that  feelingly  taught  them  to  detest  oppression  and  des- 
pise servility. 

It  was  in  Massachusetts  that  the  main  object  of  the 
commission  was  to  be  pursued  ;  and  from  the  differ- 
ence between  the  purposes  as  well  as  the  opinions  en- 
tetained  by  the  English  government  and  the  colonial 
authorities,  it  was  undoubtedly  foreseen  that  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  commissioners  would  beget  the  most 
resolute  opposition.  Among  other  communications 
which  the  commissioners  were  charged  by  the  king  to 
impress  on  the  colonists,  was,  that  he  considered  them 
to  stand  in  precisely  the  same  relation  to  him  as  the  in- 
habitants of  Kent  or  Yorkshire  in  England.  Very  dif- 
ferent was  the  opinion  that  prevailed  among  the  colo- 
nists. They  considered  that,  havitig  been  forced  by 
persecution  to  depart  from  the  realm  of  England,  and 
having  established  themselves  by  their  own  unassisted 
ctl'orts  in  territories  which  they  had  purchased  from  the 
original  proprietors,  they  retained  no  other  political  con- 
nexion with  their  sovereign  than  what  was  created  by 
their  charter,  which  they  regarded  as  the  sole  existing 
compact  between  the  |)arent  state  and  themselves,  and 
as  specifying  all  the  particulars  and  limits  of  their  obe- 
dience. They  acknowledged  difference  of  sentiment  in 
religion  and  politics  between  themselves  and  their  an- 
cient rulers  in  which  their  settlement  had  originated, 
and  the  habits  of  self-government  that  they  had  long 
been  enabled  to  indulge,  conlirmed  their  prepossessions, 
»nd  had  tended  generally  and  deeply  to  impress  the 
conviction  that  their  original  allegiance  as  natives  of 
England  and  subjects  of  the  crown  was  entirely  dis- 
solved, and  superseded  by  the  stipulations  which  they 
had  voluntarily  contracted  by  accepting  their  charter. 
These  opinions,  however  strongly  cherished,  it  was  not 
prudent  distinctly  to  profess  ;  but  their  prevalence  is 
alleged  by  a  respectable  colonial  historian,  on  the 
authority  of  certain  manuscript  compositions  of  the 
leading  persons  in  Massachusetts  at  this  period,  which 
he  had  an  opportunity  of  examining.  The  colonists 
were  not  the  less  attached  to  these  opinions,  from  the 
apprehension  that  they  would  find  as  little  favor  in  the 
eyes  of  the  English  government  as  those  which  had  led 
t  .  the  persecution  and  emigration  of  their  ancestors  : 
they  were  indeed  totally  repugnant  to  the  principles  of 
the  English  law,  which  holds  the  allegiance  of  subjects 
to  their  sovereign,  not  as  a  local  or  provisional,  but  as 
.  a  perpetual  and  indissoluble  tie,  wiiich  distance  of  place 
does  not  sunder,  nor  lapse  of  time  rela.x.  Forcibly 
•ware  of  these  differences  of  opinion,  of  the  dangerous 
collisions  whi^h  they  might  beget,  and  of  the  disadvan- 
t»gca  with  which  they  must  conduct  a  discussion  with 


persons  who  sought  nothing  so  much  as  to  find  or  make 
them  offenders,  the  colonists  awaited,  with  much  anxiety, 
the  jiroccedings  of  llie  comiiiis.sioncr.s. 

The  temper  and  disposition  of  these  commissioners 
increased  the  probabilitv  of  an  unfriendly  issue  to  their 
discussions  with  the  cjlonial  authorities.  If  concilia- 
tion was,  as  the  king  professed,  the  object  which  he 
had  in  view  in  issuing  the  commission,  he  was  singu- 
larly unfortunate  in  tlie  selection  of  the  instruments  to 
whom  the  discharge  of  its  important  duties  was  confi- 
ded. Nicholas  was  a  man  of  sense  and  moderation; 
but  it  was  for  the  reduction  and  subsequent  settlement 
of  the  affairs  of  New  York,  that  he  had  been  mainly 
ajipointed  ;  he  remained  at  that  place  after  its  capitula- 
tion ;  and  when  he  afterwards  rejoined  his  colleagues, 
he  found  himself  unable  to  control  their  proceedings,  or 
repair  the  breach  they  had  already  created.  The  other 
commissioners  appear  to  have  been  remarkable  for  no 
other  qualities  than  insolence,  presumption,  and  incapa- 
city,* to  which  Maverick  farther  added  an  inveterate 
hostility  to  the  colony  which  had  induced  him  for  years 
to  solicit  the  commission  which  he  now  eagerly  has- 
tened to  execute.  On  their  return  to  Boston,  the  very 
lirst  requisition  which  they  made  to  the  governor  de- 
monstrated how  little  they  were  disposed  to  recognise 
the  colonial  authorities  ;  for  they  required  that  all  the 
inhabitants  of  the  province  should  be  assembled  to  re- 
ceive and  reply  to  their  communication  ;  and  when  the 
governor  desired  to  know  the  reason  for  such  a  proceed- 
ing, they  answered,  "  that  the  motion  was  so  reasona- 
ble, that  he  who  would  not  attend  to  it  was  a  traitor." 
They  afterwards  thought  proper  to  make  trial  of  a  more 
conciliating  tone,  and  iiiiormed  the  general  court  that 
they  had  properly  represented  to  the  king  the  prompt- 
ness with  which  his  commands  had  been  obeyed  in  the 
raising  of  a  colonial  regiment ;  but  it  afterwards  ap- 
peared that  they  had  actually  made  a  representation  of 
a  perfectly  opposite  import  to  the  secretary  of  state. 
The  suspicions  which  the  commissioners  and  the  gene- 
ral court  reciprocally  entcrluined  of  each  other,  efi'ectu- 
ally  prevented  any  cordial  co-operation  between  them. 
The  communications  of  the  commissioners  display  the 
most  lofty  ideas  of  their  own  authority  as  representa- 
tives of  the  crown,  with  a  preconceived  opinion  that 
there  was  an  indisposition  on  the  part  of  the  general 
court  to  pay  due  respect  to  that  authority,  as  well  as  to 
the  source  from  which  it  was  derived.  The  answers 
of  the  general  court  manifest  an  anxious  desire  to  avoid 
a  contest  with  the  crown,  and  to  gratify  his  Majesty  by 
professions  of  loyalty  and  submission,  and  by  every 
change  that  seemed  likely  to  meet  his  wishes,  without 
compromising  the  fundamental  principles  of  their  insti- 
tutions. They  expressed,  at  the  same  time,  a  delibe- 
rate conviction  of  having  done  nothing  that  merited  dis- 
pleasure or  required  apology,  and  a  steady  determina- 
tion to  abide  by  the  charter.  Under  such  circum- 
stances, the  correspondence  soon  degenerated  into  an 
altercation.  The  commissioners  at  length  demanded 
from  the  court  an  explicit  answer  to  the  question,  if 
they  acknowledged  the  authority  of  his  Majesty's  com- 
mission 1  but  the  court  desired  to  be  excused  from 
giving  any  other  answer,  than  that  they  acknowledged 
the  authority  of  his  Majesty's  charier,  with  wliich  they 
were  a  great  deal  belter  acquainted.  Finding  that 
their  object  was  not  to  be  attained  by  threats  or  expos- 
tulations, the  commissioners  attempted  a  practical  as- 
sertion of  their  powers  :  they  granted  letters  of  protec- 
tion to  parlies  under  prosecution  before  the  colonial 
court  ;  and  in  a  civil  suit,  which  had  been  already  de- 
termined by  the  colonial  judges,  they  promoted  an  ap- 
peal to  themselves  from  the  unsuccessful  parly,  and 
summoned  him  and  his  adversary  to  plead  their  cause 
before  them.  The  general  court  perceived  that  they 
must  now  or  never  make  a  stand  in  defence  of  their 
authority  ;  and,  with  a  decision  which  showed  the  high 
value  they  entertained  for  their  privileges,  and  the  vigor 
with  which  they  were  prepared  to  protect  them,  they 
pjoclaimed,  by  sound  of  trumpet,  their  disapprobation 
of  this  measure,  and  declared  that,  in  discharge  of  their 


*  The  senselessness  of  their  proceedings  appears  very  ma- 
nifestly from  a  case  related  at  consideralile  length  by  the 
colonial  historians.  They  had  been  drinking  one  Saturday 
niglit  in  a  tavern  after  the  hours  when,  by  the  colonial  laws, 
all  taverns  were  ordered  to  be  shut.  A  cotiStable,  who 
warned  them  not  to  infringe  the  law,  was  beaten  by  Ihein. 
Hearing  that  Mason,  another  constable,  had  declared  that  he 
would  not  have  been  deterred  by  their  violence  from  doing  his 
duty,  they  sent  for  him,  and  extorted  from  him  an  aduussion 
that  he  would  have  arrested  the  king  liitnself  if  he  had  found 
him  drinking  in  a  public-house  after  lawful  hours.  They  in- 
sisted that  he  should  be  tried  for  high  treason,  and  actually 
prevailed  to  have  this  injustice  committed.  The  jury  re- 
turned a  special  verdict;  and  the  court,  considering  the 
words  offensive  and  insolent,  but  not  treasonable,  inllicted 
only  a  slight  punishment.    Uutchinson,  i.  254,  255. 


  2«1 

duty  to  God  and  the  king,  and  of  the  ;ru,t  repo«od  ia 

them  by  the  king's  good  subjects  in  the  colony,  they 
could  not  consent  to  such  proceedings,  nor  countenance 
those  who  would  conduct  or  abet  them.  They  accom- 
panied this  vigorous  step  with  an  oiler  to  com|)romi8e 
the  matter  by  hearing  the  cause  themselves  in  presence 
of  the  commissioners  ;  but  ihis  proposition  was  scorn- 
fully rejected,  and  every  effort  to  reunite  these  cor.flici- 
ing  authorities  proved  utterly  unavailing 

tSuspendiug  for  a  time  their  i)roceediiigs  at  Boston, 
the  commissioners  proceeded  to  New  Hampshire  and 
Maine,  and  iiislaiitly  giving  judgment  m  favor  of  the 
claims  of  Mason  and  Gorges  against  the  government 
of  Massachusetts,  they  suppressed  the  existing  au- 
thorities, and  i^rected  a  royal  government  in  each  of  these 
provinces.  On  their  return  to  Boston,  the  general  court 
declared  that  these  proceedings  tended  to  the  disturbance 
of  the  public  peace,  and  demanded  a  conference  with 
the  commissioners,  which  was  refused  with  a  bitterness 
of  expression  that  put  an  end  to  all  further  commnnica 
lion.  Sir  Robert  Carr  even  went  the  length  of  assur- 
ing the  general  court  that  the  king's  pardon  for  theii 
manifold  treasons  during  the  late  relielliun  had  been  en 
tirely  conditional,  and  was  forfeited  by  their  evil  beha 
vior  ;  and  that  the  contrivers  of  their  late  measures 
would  speedily  experience  the  punisliment  which  their 
associates  in  rebellion  had  lately  met  vvith  in  England. 

The  king  having  been  apprised  of  these  procee<!ings, 
and  assured  by  the  commissioners  that  it  was  fruitless 
for  them  to  continue  a  treaty  with  persons  who  were 
determined  to  misconstrue  all  their  words  and  actions, 
issued  letters,  recalling  the  coininissioners  to  England, 
[1606,]  expressing  his  satisfaction  with  all  the  colonies 
except  Massachusetts,  and  commanding  the  general 
court  of  this  province  to  send  deputies  to  [ilead  their 
cause  before  himself.  But  the  inhabitants  of  Massa- 
chusetts were  well  aware  that  in  such  a  controversy 
they  could  not  have  the  most  remote  chance  of  success, 
and  that  it  was  not  by  the  cogency  of  argument  they 
could  hope  to  pacify  the  displeasure  of  their  sovereign. 
Instead  of  complying  with  this  Injunction,  the  general 
court  addressed  a  letter  to  the  secretary  of  slate,  in 
which  they  hinted  real  or  pretended  douhts  of  the  au- 
thority of  the  royal  letter,  and  declared  that  the  case 
had  already  been  so  fully  pleaded  that  the  ablest  among 
them  would  be  utterlv  unable  to  render  it  any  clearer. 
At  the  same  time  they  endeavored  to  appease  his  ma- 
jesty by  humble  addresses  expressive  of  their  loyalty  ; 
and  in  order  to  demonstrate  the  sense  they  attached  to 
their  jirofessions,  they  purchased  a  ship-load  of  masts, 
which  they  presented  to  the  king;  and  hearing  that  his 
fleet  in  the  West  Indies  was  in  want  of  provisions,  they 
promoted  a  contribution  a.nong  themselves,  and  victu- 
alled it  at  their  own  expense.  The  king  accepted  their 
presents  very  graciously  ;  and  a  letter  under  the  sign 
manual  having  been  transmitted  to  the  general  court, 
declaring  that  their  zeal  for  the  royal  service  was  ''taken 
well  by  his  majesty,"  the  cloud  that  had  gathered  over 
the  colony  in  this  quarter  seemed  for  the  present  to  be 
dispersed.  Nevertheless,  the  design  that  had  been 
prosecuted  to  such  a  length,  of  remodelling  the  institu- 
tions of  New  England,  was  by  no  means  abandoned. 
The  report  of  the  commissioners  had  furnished  Charles 
with  the  very  pretexts  that  were  wanting  to  the  accom- 
plishment of  his  plans  :  and  the  proceedings  which  at 
a  later  period  he  adopted,  evinced  that  it  was  not  the 
dutiful  professions  or  liberalities  of  the  colonists  that 
would  deter  him  from  availing  himself  of  pretexts  wiiich 
he  had  made  such  effoits  to  obtain.  But  the  great 
plague  which  broke  out  with  such  violence  as  in  one 
year  to  destroy  ninety  thousand  of  the  iiihabitatits  of 
London,  and  to  banish  for  a  time  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment to  Oxford — the  great  lire  of  London,*  the  wars 
and  intrigues  on  the  continent,  and  the  rising  discon- 
tents of  ttie  people  of  England,  occupied  so  entirely  the 
attention  of  the  king,  as  to  suspend  the  execution  of 
his  designs  against  the  government  of  Massachusetts. 

After  the  departure  of  the  royal  commissioners,  the 
provinces  of  New  England  enjoyed  for  some  years  a 
quiet  and  prosperous  condition.  The  only  disturbance 
which  their  internal  tranquillity  sustained,  arose  from 
the  persecutions  which  in  all  the  states,  except  Rhode 
Island,  continued  to  be  waged  against  the  anabaptists, 
as  these  sectaries  from  time  to  time  attempted  to  jiropa- 
gate  their  tenets  and  establish  their  ordinances.  Lot- 

*  A  hbeial  contribution  was  made  by  the  people  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, and  transmitted  to  London  for  relief  of  the  siitfer- 
ers  by  the  fire,  Hulcliinson,  i.  257.  The  people  of  New  Eng 
land  have  always  been  honorably  distinguished  by  their  chari- 
table participation  of  the  misfortunes  of  other  conununilits 
In  the  year  ITOa,  tliey  contributed  2000/  for  the  rehef  of  llin 
inhabitants  of  Nevis  and  St.  Christophers,  which  had  been 
ravaged  by  the  French.    Holmes,  ii.  61*. 


283 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


teifl  wi  ru  written  in  their  heliaif  to  the  colonial  magis- 
trates by  the  most  eminent  dissenting  ministers  in 
England  :  but  though  it  was  strongly  urged  by  the 
writers  of  these  letters,  that  the  severe  persecution 
which  the  unabaplisis  were  then  enduring  in  I'ligland 
should  recommend  them  to  the  sympathy  of  the  <  olo- 
nisls,*  and  that  their  conversion  was  more  likely  to  be 
•rfcclcd  by  holding  forth  to  them  the  peaceable  fruits 
of  iighleoiisiiess  than  by  pursuing  their  errors  and  in- 
firmities with  penal  inflictions,  which  could  have  no 
other  elFect  than  to  ensnare  or  oppress  their  consciences, 
the  interposition  of  these  persons,  though  respectfully 
received,  was  utterly  disregarded.  The  colonial  au- 
thorities persisted  in  beiicving  thai  tiiey  were  doing 
God  service  by  einpioying  the  civil  power  with  which 
tl.cy  were  invested,  to  guard  their  territories  from  the 
intrusion  of  heresy,  and  to  maintain  the  purity  of  those 
religious  principles  for  the  preservation  of  which  their 
Bettleinenls  had  been  originally  formed.  A  considera- 
ble number  of  anabaptists  were  fined,  imprisoned,  and 
banished  :  and  persecution  produced  its  usual  effect  of 
conlinniMg  and  propagating  the  tenets  which  it  at- 
templed  to  extirpate,  by  causing  the  professors  of  them 
to  connect  them  in  their  own  minds,  and  to  eihibit  them 
to  others  in  connexion  with  sufiering  for  conscience 
take.  These  proceedings,  however,  contributed  more 
to  stain  the  character  of  the  colonies  than  to  di.sturfe 
their  traniiuillity.  Much  greater  disquiet  was  created 
by  the  intelligence  of  the  cession  of  Acadia,  or  as  it 
had  come  to  be  termed  jVoi-a  Scotia,  to  the  p^rench  at 
the  treaty  of  Breda.  [16G7.]  Nothing  had  contributed 
more  to  [)roniote  the  commerce  and  security  of  New 
England  than  the  conquest  of  that  province  by  Crom- 
well ;  and  tho  inhabitants  of  Massachusetts,  apprised 
of  the  extreme  solicitude  of  the  French  to  regain  it, 
and  justly  regarding  such  an  issue  as  pregnant  with 
danger  to  themselves,  sent  agents  to  England  to  re- 
monstrate against  it.  J3ut  the  inlluence  of  the  Trench 
proved  loo  powerful  for  the  interest  of  the  people  ;  and 
the  conduct  of  Charles  on  tliis  occasion  evinced  as  lit- 
tle concern  for  the  external  security  of  the  colonies,  as 
hi.-i  prev:r)us  proceedings  h:id  shown  respect  for  their 
internal  libeilits.  The  French  regained  possession  of 
their  ancient  establishment  :  and  both  New  England 
and  the  inolher  country  had  afterwards  abundant  cause 
to  regret  the  admission  of  a  restless  and  litigious  neigh- 
bor, who  for  years  exerted  her  peculiar  arts  of  intrigue 
to  interrupt  the  pursuits  and  disturb  the  repose  of  the 
English  colonists 

'I'he  government  of  Massachusetts  was  highly  accep- 
table to  the  great  body  of  the  people  ;  and  eTcn  those 
acts  of  :ts  adminrstration  that  imposed  restraints  on 
civil  liberty  were  respected  on  account  of  their  mani- 
fest design,  and  their  supposed  etliciency  to  promote 
an  object  which  the  people  held  dearer  than  liberty 
itself.  A  printing  press  had  been  established  at  Cam- 
bridge for  upwards  of  twenty  years  ;  and  the  general 
court  had  recently  appointed  two  persons  to  be  licensers 
of  '.he  press,  and  proluhited  the  publication  of  anv  books 
or  papers  that  had  not  undergone  their  supervision. 
The  licensers  having  given  their  sanction  to  the  publi- 
cation of  Thomas  a  Kempis'  admirable  treatise  [1668  ] 
I)c  Imila/iimc  Chnsli,  the  court  interposed,  and,  de- 
claring that  "  the  book  was  written  by  a  popish  minis- 
ter, and  contained  some  things  less  safe  to  be  infused 
among  the  people,"  they  recommended  a  more  diligent 
revisal  to  the  licen.^ers,  and  in  the  meantime  suspended 
the  publication.  In  a  constitution  less  popular,  such 
•n  act  would  have  been  esteemcl  an  iniquitous  abridg- 
ment of  the  liberty  of  the  subject.  But  the  govern- 
ment of  Massachusetts  ex[)ressed,  and  w  as  supported 
by,  the  sentiments  and  opinions  of  the  people  ;  and  so 
Bcre[itablc  was  its  adiiiinislralioii,  that  the  inhabitants 
of  New  Hampshire  and  Maine  rejecting  the  constitu- 
tion they  had  received  from  the  royal  commissioners, 
ogam  solicited  and  were  received  into  tiie  rank  of 
dependencies  on  its  jurisdiction.  All  traces  of  the 
vi.4itaiion  of  these  commissioners  having  been  thus 
ulTaced,  and  the  iipprehensioris  that  their  measures  li.id 
excited  forgotten,  the  affairs  of  the  colonies  continued 
for  several  years  to  glide  on  in  a  coufse  of  silent  but 
cheerful  prosperity. t    The  navigatiim  act  not  being 

•The  riilonum  miglit  Imvc  pondered,  witli  advantage,  an 
objervalirin  of  llielr  miciL'iit  friend,  tlial  nininoiit  and  greally 
ml«reprn«.M>l^cl  man  Piters,  wliilo  fio  was  awiitinir  his 

etrr.ilioi.  in  Nnwualr.  Some  In  tlu-  |iris(in  !.ptakmK  of  llii' 
iiamencc  in  ri-lKion.  .Mr.  Priori,  s.ud,  ••  I'ray  M  nni  of  i  .,n- 
tniroinio.  now;  w«  |,»vb  Imia  lutic  time  to  live,  and  cannot 
•Dcnd  It  in  .urti  discoursen."  Triiil»  and  Duallu  of  llic 
Kegiriilrs. 

tin  ilip  >««  1072,  the  la»»  o  Connecticut  (till  tlicn  pre- 
mvod  minnnuii(  ri|>l,an.|  prornul.  Ued  l>v  puldlc  pro.  lainalion 
Id  Um  re»peclivo  town.)  wcro  collflctod  into  a  cii.ir.  pnnti'd 
•ad  jublubed.   The  profacs,  wntlon  with  a  lolomiuty  tlwl 


enforced  by  the  cstat)lishmeiil  of  a  custoin-ho  ise,  and 
depending  for  its  execution  upon  ofTiccrs  annually 
elected  by  their  fellow  citizens,  was  entirely  disre- 
garded. [16C8 — 1672.]  The  people  enjoyed  a  com- 
merce as  extensive  as  they  could  desire  ;  a  consequent 
increase  of  wealth  was  visible  among  the  merchants 
and  planters  ;  and  a  spirit  of  industry  and  economy 
prevailing  no  less  generally,  the  plantations  were  dili- 
gently improved,  and  the  settlements  considerably  ex- 
tended. From  a  document  preserved  in  the  archives 
of  the  colonial  ofiice  of  England,  and  published  by 
Chalmers,  it  a|)pears,  that  in  the  year  1G73  New  Eng- 
land was  estimated  to  contain  one  hundred  and  twenty 
thousand  souls,  of  whom  about  si.xteen  thousand  were 
able  to  bear  arms  ;  and  of  the  merchants  and  planters 
there  were  no  fewer  than  five  thousand  persons,  each 
of  whom  was  worth  .3000^.*  Three-fourths  of  the 
wealth  and  population  of  the  country  centred  in  the 
territory  of  Massachusetts  and  its  dependencies.  The 
town  of  Boston  alone  contained  fifteen  hundred  fami- 
lies. Theft  was  rare,  and  becpgarv  nnkiiown  in  New 
England.  Josselyn,  who  returned  about  two  years 
before  this  period  from  his  second  visit  to  America, 
commends  highly  the  beauty  and  agreeableness  of  the 
towns  and  villages  of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut, 
and  the  substantial  structure  and  comfort  of  all  the  pri- 
vate dwellings. t  During  this  interval  of  tranquil 
pro.-;perity,  many  of  the  most  aged  inhabitants  of  New 
England  closed  the  career  of  a  long  and  interesting 
life,  and  the  original  race  of  settlers  was  now  almost 
entirely  extinguished.  The  annals  of  this  period  are 
filled  with  accounts  of  their  deaths,  of  the  virtues  by 
which  they  had  contributed  to  the  foundation  of  the 
new  commoim-ealth,  and  of  the  fondness  with  which 
their  closing  eyes  lingered  upon  its  prosperitv.  To 
our  view,  enlarged  by  the  acquaintance  which  history 
supplies  of  the  approaching  calamities  from  which  these 
persons  were  thus  happily  removed,  not  the  least  envi- 
able circumstance  of  tlieir  lot  appears  to  have  been 
that  they  died  in  scenes  so  fraught  with  serene  enjoy- 
ment and  agreeably  promise,  and  beijueathed  to  their 
descendants  not  only  the  example  of  their  virtue,  but 
the  fruits  of  it,  in  a  prosperity  as  eminent  as  anv  people 
was  ever  blessed  with.  Vet,  so  short-sighted  and  im- 
perfect are  the  views  of  men,  so  strongly  are  they  led 
by  an  instinctive  and  unquenchable  propensity  to  figure 
and  desire  something  better  than  they  behold,  and  so 
apt  to  restrict  to  the  present  fleeting  and  disordered 
scene  the  suggestions  of  this  secret  longing  after  ori- 
ginal and  immortal  perfection,  that  many  of  the  fathers 
of  the  colony  could  not  refrain  from  lamenting  that 
they  had  been  born  too  soon  to  see  more  than  the  first 
faint  dawn  of  New  England's  glory.  Others,  with 
greater  enlargement  of  wisdom  and  piety,  considered 
that  the  rye  is  not  satisfied  irith  seeni<;;  nor  the  con- 
ceptions of  an  immortal  spirit  cajiable  of  being  ade- 
(iiately  filled  by  any  thing  short  of  the  vision  of  its 
Divine  Autiior,  for  whose  conieinplation  it  was  cre- 
ated ;  and  were  contented  to  drop  like  leaves  into  the 
bosom  of  their  adopted  country,  in  the  confidence  of | 
being  gathered  into  nobler  and  more  lasting  habitations,  j 
1674. J  The  state  of  pros[)erous  repose  which  New 
England  had  enjoyed  for  several  years  was  interriqiied  i 
by  a  formidable  combination  of  the  Indian  trib(  ».  ihatl 
produced  a  war  so  general  and  bloody  as  to  threaten  I 
lor  some  time  the  utter  destruction  oi'  the  plantations.  I 
'I'hin  hostile  combination  was  promoted  by  a  young 
chief  whose  character  and  history  reminds  ug  of  the 
enterprises  of  Opechancaiiough  in  \'irginia.  He  was 
the  second  son  of  .Massassoiet,  a  prince  who  had  ruled 
a  powerful  tribe  inhabiting  territories  adjacent  to  the 
settlement  of  Plymouth  at  the  time  when  the  English 
first  settled  in  the  country.  'I'he  father  had  entered 
into  an  alliance  with  the  colonists,  and,  after  his  death, 
his  two  sons  demonstrated  an  earnest  desire  to  retain 
and  cultivate  their  friendship.  They  even  repaired  to 
the  court  of  Plymouth,  and  requested,  as  a  mark  of 


might  serve  to  introduce  a  liody  of  divinity,  commences  in 
tliii  manner  : — •'  To  our  beloved  l)rethrun  and  noiglibours. 
tlic  inlialiilaiits  of  CoiineLlicut,  tlie  general  court  of  thai 
colony  wish  grace  and  peace  in  our  Lord  Jesus."  li  was 
onicred  that  every  housrhiildi-r  siioiild  liave  a  cop>  of  llic 
rode,  and  that  llio  capital  laws  should  be  read  weekly  in  every 
family    Trumlmll,  i.  2<K).  322. 

In  Conneelii  ui,  by  a  law  of  1667  (still  existing,)  three 
ycnn  voluntary  separation  of  inairiod  persons  is  held  to  dis- 
solve ihcir  matrimonial  entfngi-ineiit. 

*  John  UiintoM,  v*ho  viMlcd  New  F.ngland  about  twelve 
years  alter  this  perio<l,  iniMitions  a  merchant  in  Salem  worth 
3O,0lM)/.    Ouiiton's  Life  and  iCrrors,  p.  171. 

t  Jossclyn's  Second  Voyage.  Even  at  this  cirly  period 
Jos.sclyn  has  remarked  the  prevalence  of  thai  invplcraic  but 
unoxplaincd  peculianly  of  the  premature  decay  of  the  leeth 
of  while  persons,  and  oiipacially  women,  in  North  America, 
p.  183. 


identification  with  their  allies,  that  English  names  migih 
be  given  them  ;  and,  in  compliance  with  their  desire, 
the  elder  had  received  the  name  of  Alexander,  and  the 
younger  of  Philip.  But  it  very  soon  appeared  that 
these  demonstrations  of  good  will  were  but  the  artifice 
that  entered  into  their  schemes  of  hostility  :  and  they 
were  both  shortly  after  detected  in  an  inetrectual  attempt 
to  involve  the  Naragansets  in  hostilities  with  the  colo- 
nists. The  diappomtment  of  that  attempt  overwhelmed 
the  proud  -spirit  of  the  elder  brother  with  such  intolera- 
ble rage  and  mortification,  that,  in  spite  of,  and  per- 
haps still  more  deeply  wounded  by,  the  conciliating  de- 
meanour of  the  colonists,  he  was  unable  lono  to  sur- 
vive the  detection  of  Ins  villany  and  discomfituie  ol 
his  designs.  Philip,  after  the  death  of  his  brother,  re- 
newed the  alliance  between  his  tribe  and  the  English, 
but  intended  nothing  less  than  the  observance  of  his 
engagements.  Daring,  cruel,  and  perfidious,  he  medi- 
tated a  universal  cons|«racy  of  the  Indians  for  the  ex- 
tirpation of  the  colonists,  and  for  several  years  carried 
on  his  designs  as  secretly  and  efl'ectually  as  the  nume- 
rous difHculties  that  surrounded  him  would  permit. 
Next  to  the  growing  power  of  the  colonial  settlements, 
nothing  seemed  to  excite  his  indignation  more  strongly 
than  the  progress  of  their  missionary  labors;  and,  in 
reality,  it  was  to  these  labors,  and  some  of  the  cod6«- 
queiices  they  had  produced,  that  the  colonists  were  in- 
debted for  their  preservation  from  the  ruin  that  would 
have  attended  the  success  of  Philip's  machinations. 
Some  of  the  tribes  to  whom  he  applied  revealed  his  pro- 
positions to  the  missionaries  ;  and  some  who  had  en- 
tered into  his  designs  were  persuaded  by  their  converted 
brethren  to  renounce  them.  From  time  to  time  the 
court  of  Plymouth  had  remonstrated  with  him  on  the 
designs  of  which  they  obtained  intelligence  ;  and  by 
renewed  and  more  solemn  engagements  than  before, 
he  had  endeavored  to  disarm  their  vigilance  and  remove 
their  suspicions.  For  two  or  three  years  before  this 
period  he  had  pursued  his  treacherous  hostility  wiih  so 
much  success  that  his  proceedings  appear  to  have  been 
w  holly  unsuspected  ;  and  he  had  succeeded  in  uniting 
some  of  the  fiercest  and  most  warlike  tribes  in  a  con- 
federacy to  make  war  on  the  colonists  to  the  point  o( 
extermination. 

A  converted  Indian,  who  was  laboring  as  a  mission- 
ary among  the  tribes  of  his  couutrvinen,  having  at  length 
discovered  the  plot,  revealed  it  to  the  governor  of  Ply- 
mouth, and  was  soon  after  found  dead  in  a  field,  witlx 
appearances  that  strongly  indicated  assassination.  Sus- 
picions having  fallen  on  some  neighboring  Indians,  they 
were  apprehended,  aiul  solemnly  tried  before  a  jury 
consisting  half  of  English  and  half  of  Indians,  who  re- 
turned a  verdict  ol  guilty.  At  their  execution  one  of 
them  confessed  the  murder,  and  declared  that  they  had 
been  instigated  by  Philip  to  commit  it.  This  crafty 
chief,  incensed  at  the  execution  of  his  friends,  and  ap- 
prehendiug  the  vtngeaiice  of  the  colonists,  now  threw  oil 
the  mask,  and  summoned  his  confederates  to  his  aid. 
The  slates  of  .Massachusetts,  Plymouth,  and  Connecti- 
cut proceeded  to  arm  for  their  common  defence,  having 
first  employed  every  means  to  induce  1  hibp  to  accom- 
modate the  quarrel  by  a  friendly  trealy.  But  a  friendly 
issue  was  not  what  Philip  desired  ;  flG?."!]  and  being 
now  fully  assured  that  the  season  of  secret  conspiracy 
vTas  over,  he  rejected  all  negotiation,  and  commenced  a 
general  war,  which  was  cairied  on  with  great  vigor  and 
various  success.  Though  Philip's  own  tribe  supplied 
no  more  than  five  hundred  warriors,  he  had  so  increased 
his  force  by  alliances  that  he  was  able  to  bring  ihrea 
thousand  men  into  the  field.  This  formidable  body, 
conducted  by  a  chief  w  bo  believed  that  ihe  war  must 
terminate  in  the  total  ruin  of  one  or  other  of  the  con 
Hictmg  parties,  made  exertions  of  which  the  Indians 
had  been  hitherto  supposed  incapable.  Several  battles 
were  fought,  and  alt  the  fury,  havoc,  and  cruelty  which 
distinguish  Indian  warfare  were  experienced  m  theil 
fullest  extent.  W  herever  the  enemy  marched  iLcit 
route  was  marked  with  murder,  fire,  and  desolation. 
.Massachusetts  and  Plymouth  were  the  states  that  suf- 
fered prmcipjily  from  the  contest.  There,  especiallv, 
the  Indians  were  so  interspersed  among  the  European 
colonists  that  there  was  scarcely  a  (xirt  of  the  country 
in  perfect  security,  or  a  family  which  hud  not  to  bewail 
the  loss  of  a  relative  or  friend.  It  is  a  truth  that  baa 
not  been  sufiicienlly  adverted  to,  that  in  all  the  Indiai> 
wars  of  this  period  the  savaoes,  from  the  condition  of 
the  country,  their  own  superior  acquaintance  with  i:, 
and  their  peculiar  habits  of  life,  enjoyed  advantagni 
which  might  seem  well  nigh  to  counterbalance  the  8U» 
|>eriority  of  European  skill.  Changing  their  own  set- 
tlements with  facilitv,  and  advancing  upon  those  of  the 
colonists  with  tho  dexterous  secrecy  of  beasts  of  jirey  ; 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


233 


with  them  'here  wks  almost  always  the  spirit  and  auda- 
»lty  of  attack,  and  with  their  adversaries  the  disadvan- 
I8ges  of  defence  and  tlie  consteinatioii  produced  by 
S'lrprise  ;  nor  could  the  colonists  obtain  the  means  of 
attacking  in  their  turn  without  Ibllownii^  the  savages 
into  forests  and  swamps,  where  the  benefit  of  their  su- 
perior discipline  was  nearly  lost,  and  iho  peculiarities 
of  European  warfare  almost  impracticable.  The  sa- 
vages had  long  been  acquainted  with  fire-arms,  and 
were  remarkably  e.vpcrt  in  the  use  of  them. 

For  some  time  the  incursions  of  the  enemy  could  not 
be  restrained,  and  every  successful  enterprise  or  skir- 
mish that  they  maintained  increased  the  number  of  their 
allies.  The  savage  artifice,  however,  which  Philip 
adopted  in  one  instance  for  the  purpose  of  recruiting 
his  forces,  recoiled  with  injury  on  himself.  Having  re- 
paired with  some  of  his  adiierents  to  the  territory  of  the 
Mohawks,  he  caused  .some  of  their  people  to  l)e  sur- 
prised and  assassinated  ;  and  then  proceeding  to  the 
head  quarters  of  the.  tribe,  be  declared  that  he  liad  seen 
the  murder  connnitted  by  a  party  of  the  Plymouth 
soldiers.  The  tribe  in  a  llame  of  passion  declared  war 
on  the  colonists  :  but  their  rage  soon  took  another 
direction  '.  for  one  of  the  wounded  men  having  re- 
covered his  senses,  made  a  shift  to  crawl  to  the  habita- 
tions of  his  countrymen,  and,  though  mortally  injured, 
was  able  to  disclose  the  real  author  of  the  murder  be- 
fore he  died.  The  Mohawks  instantly  declared  war  on 
Philip,  and  themselves  the  allies  of  his  enemies.  Hos- 
tilities were  protracted  till  near  the  close  of  the  follow- 
ing year,  when,  at  length,  the  steady  etforts  and  invinci- 
ble bravery  of  the  colonists  prevailed  ;  and  after  a  se- 
ries of  defeats,  and  the  loss  of  all  his  family  and  chief 
counsellors,  Philip  himself  was  killed  by  one  of  his  own 
tribe  whom  he  had  offended.  Deprived  of  its  chief 
abettor,  the  war  was  soon  terminated  by  the  submis- 
sion of  the  enemy.  From  some  of  the  tribes,  how- 
ever, the  colonists  refused  to  accept  any  submissions, 
and  warned  them  before  tlieir  surrender  that  iheir 
treachery  had  been  so  gross  and  unprovoked,  and  their 
outrages  so  atrocious  and  unpardonable,  that  tliey  must 
abide  the  issue  of  criminal  justici^  In  pursuance  of 
these  declarations,  some  of  the  chiefs  were  tried  and 
executed  for  murder  ;  and  a  number  of  their  followers 
were  transported  to  the  West  Indies,  and  sold  for  slaves. 
Never  had  the  people  of  New  England  been  engaged 
in  so  fierce,  so  bloody,  or  fo  desolating  a  conflict  as 
this.  Many  houses  and  flourishing  villages  were  reduced 
to  ashes  ;  and  in  the  course  of  the  war  six  hundrsd  per- 
tons,  composing  the  flower  and  strength  of  several  of 
the  districts,  were  either  killed  in  battle  or  murdered 
by  the  savages.  The  military  efforts  of  the  colonists 
in  these  campaigns  were  thought,  and  justly  perhaps, 
to  evince  less  of  tactical  skill  than  had  been  displayed 
in  the  Pcquod  war.  They  were  indeed  no  longer  com- 
manded by  the  experienced  oflicers  who  had  accompa- 
nied their  ancestors  from  Europe  ;  and  they  were  op- 
posed to  an  enemy  much  more  formidable  than  the  Pe- 
quods.  But  the  heroic  courage  and  cahn  contempt  of 
danger  that  they  displayed,  was  worthy  of  men  whose 
characters  were  formed  under  institutions  no  less  favor- 
able to  freedom  than  virtue,  and  who  fought  in  defence 
of  every  thinij  that  was  dear  and  valuable  to  mankind. 
In  the  commencement  of  the  war,  the  surprising 
treachery  that  the  Indians  displayed,  excited  strong 
apprehensions  of  the  defection  of  the  Indian  congrega- 
tions which  the  missionaries  had  collected  and  partly 
civilized.  But  not  one  of  these  people  proved  unfaith- 
ful to  their  benefactors. 

The  Indian  warfare  in  which  New  England  had  been 
thus  involved,  was  not  bounded  by  the  hostilities  with 
Philip  and  his  confederates.  An  attack  was  made  at 
the  same  time  on  New  Hampshire  and  Maine,  by  the 
tribes  that  were  situated  in  the  vicinity  of  these  settle- 
ments. The  Indians  complained  that  they  had  been 
defrauded  and  insulted  by  some  of  the  English  traders 
in  that  quarter  :*  but  suspicions  were  strongly  enter- 
tained that  their  hostilities  were  promoted  by  the  French 

*  One  of  these  complaints  was  occasioned  by  the  brutal  act 
of  some  English  sailors  in  overturning  an  InOian  canoe  in 
wiuch  ihey  observed  an  infant  child,  in  order  to  asceitain  the 
truth  of  a  story  they  had  heard  that  swimming  was  as  natural 
to  a  young  Indian  as  lo  a  young  duck.  The  child  died  in  ron- 
eeqiience  of  llie  immersion  it  sustained;  and  its  father,  who 
»  as  higldy  respected  as  a  necromancer  by  the  Indians,  became 
the  inveterate  enemy  of  the  English.  Belknap,  i.  1.12.  An 
action  that  excited  still  greater  resentment  was  committed 
ty  Ma.ior  Waldron  of  New  Hampshire  during  the  war.  He 
had  made  a  treaty  or  friendship  with  a  body  of  400  Indians  ; 
but  on  discovering  that  some  of  them  had  served  in  Fbihp's 
ajrny,  he  laid  hold  of  these,  by  a  stratagem  and  sent  them  as 
prisoners  to  Boston.  Tlieir  associates  never  forgave  this 
treichcrous  act ;  and  thirteen  years  after,  a  party  of  them 
having  surprised  the  major  in  liis  house  by  a  siratagem  still 
wore  artful  than  his  own,  put  liiin  to  death  by  the  most  horri- 
VlO  inflations  of  cruelty.    Ibid.  142.  14B. 


government,  now  re-established  in  Acadia.  The  inva- 
sion of  these  territories  was  distinguished  by  the  usual 
ferocity  and  cruelty  of  the  savages.  Many  of  the  in- 
habitants were  massacred,  and  others  carried  into  cap- 
tivity. Prompt  assistance  was  rendered  by  Massachu- 
setts ;  and  alter  a  variety  of  severe  engagements  the 
Indians  sustained  a  considerable  defeat.  They  were 
still  however  both  able  nnd  willing  to  continue  the 
war;  and  both  their  numbers  and  their  animosity  were 
increased  by  a  measure  which  the  colonial  government 
adopted  against  them.  It  was  proposed  to  the  general 
court  of  Massachusetts  to  invite  the  Mohawk  tribe, 
who,  from  time  immemorial,  had  been  the  enemies  of 
the  eastern  Indians,  to  make  a  descent  on  their  territo- 
ries at  this  juncture.  /I'lic  lawfulness  of  using  such 
auxiliaries  was  questioned  by  some  ;  but  it  was  thought 
a  satisfactory  answer,  that  Abraham  had  confederated 
with  the  Amorites  for  the  recovery  of  his  kinsman  Lot 
from  the  hands  of  a  common  enemy  ;  and  messengers 
were  accordingly  despatched  to  the  Mohawks.  Eittle 
persuasion  was  necessary  to  induce  them  to  comply 
with  the  proposal,  and  a  body  of  Mohawk  warriors 
quickly  marched  against  their  hereditory  foes.  The 
expedition,  however,  so  far  from  producing  the  slighest 
benefit,  was  attended  with  serious  disadvantage  to  the 
cause  of  the  colonists.  The  Indians  who  were  their 
proper  enemies,  suffered  very  little  from  the  Mohawk 
invasion  ;  and  some  powerful  tribes  who  had  been 
hitherto  at  peace  with  them,  exasperated  by  injuries  or 
affronts  which  they  received  from  these  invaders,  now 
declared  war  both  against  them  and  their  English  allies. 
At  length,  the  intelligence  of  the  defeat  of  Philip,  and 
the  probability  of  stronger  forces  being  thus  enabled  to 
march  against  them,  inclined  the  eastern  Indians  to 
hearken  to  proposals  of  peace.  The  war  in  this  quaiter 
was  terminated  by  a  treaty  highly  favorable  to  the  In- 
dians, to  whom  the  settlers  became  bound  to  pay  a 
certain  quantity  of  corn  yearly  as  a  kind  ol  quit-rent  for 
their  lands.* 

Although  the  province  of  New  York  was  now  a 
British  settlement,  no  assistance  was  obtained  from  it 
by  the  New  England  states  in  this  long  and  obstinate 
contest  with  the  Indians.  On  the  contrary,  a  hostile 
demonstration  from  this  quarter  had  been  added  to  the 
dangers  of  the  Indian  war.  Andros,  who  was  then 
governor  of  this  newly  acquired  British  province,  hav- 
ing claimed  for  the  Duke  of  York  a  considerble  part  of 
the  Connecticut  territory,  proceeded  to  enforce  this 
pretension  bv  advancing  with  an  armament  against  the 
town  and  fort  of  Saybrook,  which  he  summoned  to  sur- 
render. The  inhabitants,  though  at  first  alarmed  to 
behold  the  English  flag  unfurled  against  them,  quickly 
recovered  from  their  surprise  ;  and  hoisting  the  same 
flag  on  their  walls,  prepared  to  defend  theinselves 
against  the  assailants.  Andros,  unprepared  for  such  i 
resolute  opposition,  hesitated  to  fire  upon  the  English  | 
flag  ;  and  learning  that  Captain  Bull,  an  officer  of  dis- 
tinguished bravery  and  determination,  had  marched 
with  a  party  of  the  Connecticut  militia  for  the  defence 
of  the  place,  judged  it  exp>edient  to  abandon  the  enter- 
prise and  return  to  New  York. 

The  cessation  of  the  Indian  hostilities  was  not  at- 
tended with  a  restoration  of  the  happiness  and  tranquil- 
lity which  had  preceded  them.  The  king  had  now 
matured  the  scheme  of  arbitrary  government  which  he 
steadily  pursued  during  the  remainder  of  his  inglorious 
reign  ;  and  the  colonist;',  while  yet  smarting  with  the 
sense  of  their  recent  calamities,  were  summoned  to 
abide  a  repetition  of  their  ancient  contest  with  the 
crown,  which  they  had  vainly  hoped  was  forgotten  or 
abandoned  by  the  English  government.  Instead  of 
approbation  for  the  bravery  and  vigorous  reliance  on 
their  own  resources  with  which  they  had  conducteii 
their  military  operations,  without  involving  the  mother 
country  in  cx|)eiises,  and  repelled  hostilities  which  were 
partly  owing  lo  the  disregard  which  the  mother  country 
had  shown  for  their  interests  in  restoring  Acadia  lo  the 
French,  they  found  themselves  overwhelmed  with  re- 
proaches for  a  seditious  obstinacy  in  refusing  to  solicit 
assistance  from  the  king,  and  a  sordid  parsimony  in  the 
equipment  of  their  levies,  which  (they  were  told)  had 
caused  the  war  to  be  so  greatly  protracted,  and  ren- 
dered them  utterly  unfit  to  be  longer  intrusted  with  the 
government  of  a  country  in  which  their  sovereign  pos- 
sessed so  deep  a  stake.    Indications  of  this  revival  of 

•  Neal,  ii.  400—406.  Hutchinson,  i.  307,  308.  Belknap,  _i. 
cap.  5.  Hutchinson's  Histjry  of  Massachusetts,  and  Belknap's 
History  of  New  Hampshire,  are  the  best  of  the  modern  liis- 
torical  productions  of  North  America.  Trumbull's  History  of 
Connecticut  would  have  been  esteemed  superior  lo  them 
both,  if  the  author  (a  clergyman)  had  not  be.itowed  a  most 
disproporiioned  attention  on  the  bmgraphy  of  the  clergy  and 
the  proceedings  of  ecclesiastical  synods. 


royal  dislike  and  of  the  resumption  of  the  king's  former 
designs  had  appeared  before  the  conclusion  of  the  war 
with  Philip.  While  hostilities  were  still  raging  in  ihe 
province,  the  government  of  Massachusetts  found  it 
necessary  to  direct  a  part  of  its  attention  to  the  claims 
of  Mason  and  Gorges  with  respect  to  New  Hampshire 
and  Maine.  In  the  summer  of  lf)76  Randolph  a  mes- 
senger despatched  by  the  king,  announced  lo  the  geiie» 
rel  court  that  a  judgment  would  be  pronounced  by  his 
majesty  in  council  against  the  pretensions  of  the  pro- 
vince, unless  deputies  were  sent  to  plead  its  cause 
within  six  months  ;  and  as  letters  were  received  at  the 
same  time  from  the  friends  of  the  colony  in  England, 
giving  assurance  that  this  resolution  would  be  adhered 
to,  and  that  any  instance  of  contumacy  on  the  part  of 
the  general  court  would  but  accclerale  the  execution  of 
the  more  formidable  designs  that  were  undoubtedly  in 
agitation  at  the  English  ronrt,  the  royal  message  re- 
ceiveil  immediate  attention,  and  .Stoughton  and  bulke- 
ley  were  despatched  as  deputies  to  represent  and  sup- 
port the  colonial  interests. 

'J'he  respective  titles  and  claims  of  the  parties  hav- 
ing been  submitted  to  the  consideration  of  the  two 
chief  justices  of  England,  [1G77J  the  legal  merits  of 
the  question  were  at  length  extracted  by  their  expe- 
rienced eyes  from  the  confused  mass  of  inconsistent 
grants  in  which  they  were  involved.  It  was  adjudged 
that  the  jurisdiction  of  New  Hampshire  was  incapable 
of  being  validly  conveyed  by  the  council  of  Plymouth, 
and  had  therefore  reverted  to  the  crown  on  tiie  dissolu- 
tion of  the  council,  with  reservation,  however,  of  Ma- 
son's claims  upon  the  property  of  the  soil  —  a  reserva- 
tion which  for  more  than  a  century  rendered  all  the 
pro[ierty  in  New  Hampshire  insecure,  and  involved  the 
inhabitants  in  continual  uneasiness,  dispute,  and  litiga- 
tion. As  Gorges,  in  addition  to  his  original  grant  from 
the  Plynioutli  council,  had  procured  a  royal  [latent  for 
the  province  of  Maine,  the  full  right  both  of  seignorial 
and  territorial  of  this  province  was  adjudged  to  he 
vested  in  him.  In  consequence  of  this  decision,  the 
jurisdiction  of  Massachusetts  over  New  Hampshire 
ceased  ;  but  it  was  preserved  in  the  province  of  .Maine 
by  an  arrangement  with  the  successful  claimant.  Tiie 
king  had  been  for  some  time  in  treaty  for  the  purchase 
of  Maine,  which  he  designed  to  unite  with  New  Hamp- 
shire, and  to  bestow  on  his  favorite  son  the  Duke  of 
Monmouth  ;  but  straitened  for  money,  and  expecting 
no  competitor  in  the  purchase,  he  had  deferred  tlie 
completion  of  the  contract.  This  was  not  unknown  to 
Massachusetts  ;  and  that  colony  being  strongly  urged 
by  the  inhabitants  of  Maine  lo  prevent  their  territorien 
from  being  dismembered  from  its  jurisdiction,  directed 
its  agent  to  purchase  the  title  of  Gorges,  which  he  very 
willingly  sold  to  them  for  twelve  hundred  pounds. 
Tliis  transaction  gave  great  offence  lo  the  king,  who 
peremptorily  insisted  that  the  authorities  of  Massachu- 
setts should  wave  their  right  and  ridiinpiish  their  co.i- 
tract  lo  him  ;  but  they,  blending  as  a  suflicient  apology 
for  what  they  had  done,  that  it  had  been  in  compliance 
with  the  wishes  of  the  people,  retained  the  purchase  and 
governed  the  country  as  a  subordmale  province.  The 
people  of  New  Ilamjishire  were  no  less  reluctant  to  be 
separated  from  Massachusetts  ;  but  they  were  com- 
pelled to  submit,  and  to  receive  a  royal  governor.* 
One  of  the  first  acts  of  their  legislature  was  to  vote 
an  affectionate  address  lo  Massachusetts,  acknowledg- 
ing the  former  kindness  of  that  colony,  and  declaring 
It  to  have  been  their  general  wish  lo  retain  their  former 
connexion,  had  such  been  the  pleasure  of  their  common 
sovereign.  Tlie  government  that  had  been  forced  upon 
them  proved  utterly  incapable  of  preserving  Iranquillitv 
or  commanding  respect.  The  attempts  that  were  made 
to  enforce  Mason's  title  to  the  property  of  the  soil,  and 
to  render  the  inhabitants  tributary  to  iiim  for  the  pos- 
sessions which  they  had  [lurchased  from  others  and  im- 
proved into  value  by  their  own  labor,  excited  the  most 
violent  ferments,  and  resulted  in  a  train  of  vexatiou.s 
but  indecisive  legal  warfare. t  Cranfield,  the  governor, 
after  involving  himself  in  contentions  and  altercations 
with  the  settlers  and  their  legislative  body,  in  which  he 

♦  In  the  first  commission  that  was  issued  for  the  goveri.ment 
of  this  province,  the  king  engaged  lo  continue  to  the  pc  >pio 
tlieir  ancient  privilese  of  an  assembly  "unless  by  iiicoi. 'e- 
nience  arising  ilierelrom,  he  or  hi.s  hsira  should  see  cause  'o 
alter  the  same."    Belknap,  i.  I'i. 

f  The  people  were  eomeiinics  provoked  to  oppose  club  law 
to  parchment  law.  An  irregular  judgment  having  been  pro- 
nounced in  favor  of  Mason  against  some  persons  who  refused 
to  submit  to  it,  Cranlield  sent  a  party  of  sheriff's  olTicers  to 
serve  a  writ  on  them  while  they  were  in  church.  The  congre- 
gation was  incensed  at  8i-.:h  a  proceeding;  a  young  woman 

I  knocked  down  a  sheriff's  •■"".ccr  with  her  bible  ;  and  the  attack 
becoming  general,  Ihe  whole  legal  army  was  routed.    It  wai 

I  found  necessarjr  to  abandon  the  judgnienl.  Belknap. 


264 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


Crand  il  totally  unpossiblo  to  prevail,  transmitted  an 
uaurance  to  the  British  goTernracnt,  "  that  while  Oie 
clprijv  were  allowed  to  preach,  no  true  allegiance  could 
be  Ibu'id  111  llio.M-  pans."'  lln  wreaked  his  vengeance 
upon  sonic  nonconformist  ministers,  to  whose  preaching 
ho  im[)uicd  the  resolute  spirit  of  the  people,  and  whose 
general  denunciations  against  vice  ho  construed  into 
personal  reflections  on  himself  and  his  favorites,  by  ar- 
bitrarily commanding  them  to  administer  the  sacrament 
to  him  according  to  the  liturgy  of  the  church  of  Eng- 
land, and  committing  them  to  prison  on  receiving  the 
refusal  which  he  expected.  His  niisgovemment  at 
lengili  provoked  a  few  rash  individuals  hastily,  and 
without  concert,  to  revolt  from  his  authority.  They 
were  instantly  suppressed  ;  and  having  been  arraigned 
of  high  treason,  were  convicted  and  condemned.  liut 
Oanliel.l,  aware  of  the  iintKipularity  of  his  government, 
had  ciiiplovcd  artifices  in  the  composition  of  the  jury, 
which  excited  universal  indignation  ;  and  afraid  to  carry 
his  scniencc  into  effect  within  the  colony,  he  adopted 
the  strange  and  unwarrantable  proceeding  of  sending 
the  prisoners  to  be  executed  in  England.  The  English 
government  actually  sanctioned  this  irregularity,  and 
wvre  preparing  to  execute  the  sentence  of  a  colonial 
governor,  and  to  exhibit  to  the  English  people  the  tra- 
gical issue  of  a  case,  with  the  merits  of  which  they  were 
totally  unaC'|uainteJ,  when  a  pardon  was  obtained  for 
the  unfortunate  persons,  by  the  solicitation  of  Cranfield 
himself,  who,  finding  it  impossible  to  maintain  order  in 
the  province,  or  to  withstand  the  numerous  complaints 
of  his  injustice  and  opjiression,  had  solicited  his  own 
recal.  .Shorllv  after  his  departure.  New  Hampshire  was 
again  united  to  the  government  of  Massachusetts,  and 
shared  her  fortunes  till  the  period  of  the  British  revo- 
uiicn.* 

1678.]  .Mthough  the  troubles  of  the  Popish  Plot  be- 
gan now  to  engage  the  attention  and  anxiety  of  the 
king,  he  was  no  longer  to  he.  diverted  from  the  resolu- 
tion he  had  adopted  of  effecting  the  subjugation  of 
Massaohusetts  ;  and  tliongh  the  concern  of  the  Duke 
of  .Monmouth  with  that  celebrated  imposture  and  the 
connexions  he  had  formed  with  the  profligate  Shaftes- 
bary  and  Us  other  promoters,  might  dimmish  the  king's 
regret  for  the  privation  of  tlic  ap[)anage  he  had  meant 
to  invest  hini  with,  the  presiiinpliioiis  interference  of 
Massachusetts  to  defeat  this  transaction  had  inflamed 
his  displeasure  and  fortified  his  resolution.  That  ad- 
ditional pretexts  might  not  be  wanting  to  justify  liis 
niea.^ures,  every  complaint  that  could  be  collected 
tgaii.st  the  colony  was  promoted  and  encouraged.  The 
Quakers  who  had  refused,  (luring  the  Indian  war,  either 
to  perform  military  service  or  to  pay  the  fines  imposed 
by  law  on  defaulters,  complained  bitterly  of  the  perse- 
cution they  had  undergone  by  the  enlbrcemcnt  of  these 
fines,  as  well  as  of  the  law  which  obliged  them  to  con- 
tribute to  the  maintenance  of  the  colonial  ministers. 
When  the  dangers  of  the  Indian  war  were  at  their 
height,  some  of  the  colonists  apprehending  that  these 
calamities  were  a  judgment  of  Heaven  upon  the  land 
for  tolerating  such  heretics  as  the  qiiakcrs  within  its 
bosom,  procured  the  re-eiiactiiient  of  an  old  law,  pro- 
hibiting assemblies  for  qiiaker  worship  ;  and  tliougli 
it  does  not  appear  that  this  law  was  enforced,  its  en- 
artiiient  was  justly  regarded  as  persecution,  and 
alienated  the  regards  of  many  who  had  hitherto  been 
friends  of  the  colony.  The  agents  who  had  been  de- 
puled  to  manage  the  interests  of  Massachusetts  in  the 
disputes  respecting  New  Hampshire  and  Maine,  were 
detained  to  answer  tht.se  complaints  which  were  gravely 
preferred  by  the  quakcrs  to  a  government  which  was 
Itself  enforcing  with  far  greater  rigor  upon  them  the 
very  policy  which  it  now  encouraged  them  to  impute  to 
one  of  its  own  provincial  dependencies  as  the  most 
•eandalous  persecution.  Other  and  more  serious  coin- 
pldUits  contributed  to  detain  the  agents  and  increase 
their  perplexity.  Iteiidolph,  whom  the  people  of  New 
Kiigland  described  as  •'  going  up  and  down  seekinc; 
whom  he  iniuht  devour,"  had  faithfully  complied  with 
kis  instructions  to  collect  as  much  matter  of  com- 
plaint as  he  could  obtain  within  the  colony,  and  loaded 
w  ilh  the  h.ilred  of  the  jieople,  which  lie  cordially  reci- 
procil,  d.  he  now  returned  to  p^ngland  and  opened  his 
hudget  of  arraignment  and  vituperation.  The  most 
juit  and  most  formidable  of  his  charges  was  that  the 
e»vigalion  act  was  utterly  disregarded,  and  a  free  trade 
maintained  by  the  colonists  with  all  parts  of  the  world. 
This  was  a  charge  which  the  agents  could  neither  deny 

•  lluich'ii-on,  I.  31  J_3I9.  Clmlmcrii,  "MM,  7.  491.  «;^-49a' 
BalKiisp.  i  rtp.  »i.  vii.  Ii  viii.  These  evcni,,  and  (he  nartiru- 
l»r  lii.l..rr  ol  New  llnin|Mhire  tl  ihiii  perl...!,  arc  ri-Ulc.l  in 
C>Jii«i<ltriit>k  ilciail,  Willi  xrrry  «l>pcar.in(o  nf  a.  cuinrT  .ind 
WUi  much  »pirU,  (pjoU  aaiitc,  and  llbcraluy,  U/  Or  Belknap 


iior  extenuate,  and  they  anxiously  pressed  their  consti- 
tuents to  put  end  to  the  occasion  of  it.  Any  proceed- 
ings which  the  king  might  ado|it,  either  for  the  enforce- 
ment of  the  navigation  acts,  or  the  punibliinenl  of  the 
neglect  they  had  hitherto  experienced,  were  the  more 
likely  to  coincide  with  the  sentiments  of  the  English 
people,  from  the  interest  of  a  considerable  portion  of 
the  mercantile  class  of  society  in  the  monopoly  which  it 
was  the  object  of  these  laws  to  secure.  A  petition  had 
been  presented  to  the  king  and  privy  council  by  a  num- 
ber cf  merchants  and  manufacturers,  complaining  of  the 
disregard  of  the  navigation  acts  in  New  England,  and 
praying  that  they  might  hereafter  be  vigorously  en- 
forced, for  the  sake  of  promoting  the  trade  of  England, 
2S  well  as  of  preserving  her  dominion  over  the  colonies. 
That  a  stronger  impression  might  be  made  on  the  pub- 
lic mind,  the  petitioners  were  solemnly  heard  in  presence 
of  the  council,  and  suffered  to  plead  at  great  length  in 
support  of  their  commercial  complaints  and  political  rea- 
sonings. The  general  court  of  .Massachusetts,  alarmed 
by  these  movements,  at  length  intimated,  by  a  letter  to 
their  agents,  that  "  they  apprehended  the  navigation 
acts  to  be  an  invasion  of  the  rights,  liberties,  and  pro- 
perties of  the  subjects  of  his  majesty  in  the  colony, 
they  not  being  represented  in  parliament ;  and,  accord- 
ing to  the  usual  sayings  of  the  learned  in  the  law,  the 
laws  of  England  being  bounded  within  the  four  seas, 
and  not  reaching  to  America."  They  added,  however, 
that,  "  as  his  majesty  had  signified  his  pleasure  that 
those  acts  should  be  observed  in  Massachusetts,  they 
had  made  provision,  by  a  law  of  the  colony,  that 
they  ahould  be  strictly  attended  to  from  time  to  time, 
although  it  greatly  discouraged  trade,  and  was  a  great 
damage  to  his  majesty's  plantation."  These  expres- 
sions, and  the  recent  colonial  law  to  which  they  refer, 
demonstrate  the  peculiar  notions  which  were  enter- 
tained by  the  people  of  Massachusetts  of  the  connexion 
that  subsisted  between  themselves  and  the  parent 
state,  [1679.]  Their  pretensions  were  the  same  with 
those  wliich  a  few  years  after  were  advanced  by  the 
people  of  Ireland  ; — that,  although  dependent  on  the 
crown,  and  obliged  by  their  patent  to  conform  their 
jurisprudence,  as  far  as  possible,  to  the  law  of  Eng- 
land, the  statutes  of  the  British  parliament  did  not 
operate  in  the  colony,  till  re-enacted,  or  otherwise  re- 
cognized, by  its  own  native  legislature.  So  strongly 
did  this  notion  possess  the  minds  of  the  people  of  New 
England,  and  so  obstinately  did  their  interests  resist 
the  enforcement  of  the  commercial  regulations,  that 
even  the  submissive  province  of  Rhode  Island,  although, 
about  this  time,  in  imitation  of  Massachusetts,  it  took 
some  steps  towards  a  conformity  with  these  regula- 
tions, never  expressly  recognized  them  till  the  year 
1700,  when  its  legislature  empowered  the  governor 
"  to  put  the  acts  of  navigation  in  execution."* 

The  colonial  agents,  aware  of  the  strong  interests 
that  prevailed  among  their  countrymen  still  to  overstep 
the  boundaries  of  their  regulated  trade,  furnished  them 
with  correct  information  of  the  threatening  aspect  of 
their  affairs  in  England,  and  assured  them  tiiat  only  a 
thorough  compliance  with  the  navigation  acts  could 
shelter  them  from  the  designs  that  were  entertained  by 
the  crown.  These  honest  representations  produced 
the  loo  frequent  effect  of  unwelcome  truths :  they 
diminished  the  popularity  of  the  agents,  and  excited 
suspicions  in  Boston  that  tlicy  had  not  advocated  the 
interests  of  the  colony  with  sullicient  zeal.  The  peo- 
ple were  always  too  a.pt  to  suspect  that  their  deputies 
in  England  were  overawed  bv  the  state,  and  inlecled 
vvilli  the  subservience  that  prevailed  at  the  royal  court ; 
and  they  neglected  to  make  due  allowance  fur  the  dil- 
fercnt  aspect  which  a  dispute  with  England  [iresented 
to  men  who  beheld  face  to  face  her  vast  Cftablishmtnts 
and  superior  power,  and  to  those  who  speculated  on 
the  probability  of  such  dispute  at  the  opposite  ex- 
tremity of  the  Atlantic  ocean.  The  agents  at  length 
obtained  leave  to  return  ;  and  though  some  impatience 
and  ill  humor  had  been  excited  by  their  fidelity  in  the 
discharge  of  an  unwelcome  office,  the  deliberate  senti- 
inenls  of  their  countrymen  were  so  little  perverted, 
that  when  the  king  again  intiii.ated  his  de.sire  of  the 
re-appomtmcnt  of  agenl.s  m  England,  they  twice  again 
elected  the  same  persons  to  resume  their  former  duty, 
which  unlortunately,  however,  these  persons  could 
never  again  be  persuaded  to  undertake.    They  carried 


•  Ncal,  ii.  363,  6.  Hiitchiniion,  i.  319,  3.'0.  3-2-2,  3.  Clinl- 
mi-rs,  '^77.  •100.  From  Wiirden'u  pnpululinn  (ablca.  il  appears 
iliul  Conneriicnt  at  Ilii!<  pcriiid  (I6"»)  ciMXainrd  twelve  iliuii. 
niiiid  flvc  hunilred  inhabilanls.  havine  HiiKiainrd  a  diininniinii 
o(  nvii  thiiiisaMd  five  Inindrod  since  ilie  yr,ir  1670  (Warden,  ii. 
9  )— a  r»i'(  unexpl,<incd  lij  (he  liisinry  nf  (liis  stale,  which  had 
aulferod  cuiupara(ivel)r  liulo  bjr  Ills  late  Indian  war. 


with  them  a  letter  containing  the  requisitions  of  the 
king,  of  which  the  most  considerable  were,  '.hat  the 
oath  of  allegiance  should  bo  rendered  more  ex|)jcil, 
and  should  be  administered  to  every  person  holding  an 
odicc  of  trust  ;  that  all  civil  and  militar)'  commission* 
should  be  issued  in  the  king's  name  ;  and  all  laws  r« 
pugnant  to  the  English  coinmcrcdl  statutes  abolished, 
Tlie  general  court,  eagerly  indulging  the  hope  that,  by 
a  compliance  with  these  moderate  demands,  lh«'y  could 
ajipease  their  sovereign  and  avert  his  displeasure,  pro- 
ceeded instantly  to  enact  laws  in  conformity  with  his 
requisitions.     'I'liey  trusted  that  he  had  now  aban- 
doned the  designs  which  they  had  been  taught  to  ap- 
prehend ;  and  which,  in  reality,  were  merely  suspended 
by  the  influence  of  the  proceedings  connected  with  the 
popish  jilot,  and  llie  famous  bill  for  the  exclusion  of  iho 
Duke  ol  York.    -Mlhough  'the  requisitions  which  the 
king  had  transmitted  by  the  hands  of  Stroughton  and 
Bulkeley  were  obeyed,  he  continued  to  intimate,  from 
time  to  time,  his  desire  that  new  agents  might  be  ap- 
pointed to  represent  the  colony  in  London  ;  but  partly 
Irom  the  apprehensive  jcalou.sy  with  which  the  colo- 
nists regarded  such  a  measure,  and  partly  from  the 
reluctance  that  prevailed  among  their  leading  men  to 
undertake  so  arduous  and  perplexing  an  employment, 
the  king's  desires  on  th:s  point  were  not  complied  with. 
The  short  interval  of  independence  which  the  colonists 
were  yet  permitted  to  enjov  was  very  remote  from  a 
state  of  tranquillity.    Randolph,  who  had  commended 
himself  to  the  king  and  his  ministers  by  the  diligence 
and  activity  with  which  he  had  co-operated  with  their 
views,  was  appointed  collector  of  the  customs  at  Bos- 
ton, and  a  custom-house  establishment,  which  some 
years  before  had  been  erected  without  opposition  in 
Virginia,  and  Maryland,  was  now  extended  to  New 
England.*    But  it  was  in  Massachusetts  that  this 
measure  was  intended  to  produce  the  effects  which  it 
was  easily  foreseen  would  result  from  its  own  nature, 
as  well  as  from  the  temper  and  the  unpopularity  of  the 
person  who  was  appointed  to  conduct  it.    Tlie  navi- 
gation acts  were  evaded  in  Rhode  Island,  and  openly 
contemned  and  disregarded  in  Connecticut ;  yet  these 
states  were  permitted  to  practice  such  irregularity  with- 
out molestation.    It  seems  to  have  been  less  the  en- 
forcement of  the  acts  themselves  that  tHie  king  desired, 
than  the  advantage  which  would  accrue  from  the  at- 
tempt to  enforce  them  after  such  long  neglect  in  the 
obnoxious  province  of  .Massachusetts.    To  this  pro- 
vince he  confined  his  attention  ;  and  justly  considered 
that  the  issue  of  his  contest  with  it,  would  necessarily 
involve  the  fate  of  all  the  other  settlements  of  New 
England.    Randolph  jiroceeded  to  exercise  his  office 
with  the  most  offensive  rigor,  and  very  soon  complained 
that  the  stubbornness  of  the  people  defeated  all  his 
activity,  and  [•resented  insuperable  obstacles  to  the 
execution  of  tlie  laws.    Almost  every  suit  that  he  in- 
stituted for  the  recovery  of  penalties  or  forfeitures  was 
decided  against  him.    He  proceeded  to  England  in 
order  to  lay  his  complaints  before  his  employers,  and 
returned  invested  with  more  extensive  powers,  in  the 
exercise   of   which    !;c    was    not    more  successful. 
[IGSO.J  He  reproached  the  colonial  authorities  with  in- 
justice and  partiality  ;  and  they  denied  the  charge,  and 
accused  him  of  unnecessary  and  vexatious  litigation. 
The  requisitions  and  remonstrances  which  the  king 
continued  to  make,  from  time  to  time,  were  answered 
by  [irofeisions  of  loyalty,  and  by  partial  comphaiices 
with  what  was  thus  suggested  ;  but  the  main  subject 
of  contest  still  continued  to  subsist,  and  the  colony, 
though  repeatedly  desired,  still  delayed,  to  send  depu- 
ties to  England.    The  general  court  was  at  this  lime 
divided  between  two  parties,  who  cordially  agreed  in 
their  estimate  of  the  value  of  their  chartered  privileges, 
but  ditii  red  m  opi.iion  as  to  the  extent  to  which  it  was 
advisable  to  coiHend  for  them.    Bradstrect,  the  go- 
vernor, at  the  head  of  the  moderate  party,  promoted 
every  compliance  with  the  will  of  the  parent  slate  shoit 
of  a  total  surrender  of  their  civil  and  ecclesiastical  con- 
stitution.     Danforlh,    the   deputy-governor,  at  the 
head  of  another  party,  impeded  the  appointment  of 
deputies,  and  opposed  all  submission  to  the  acts  of 
trade  ;  mamtamiiig  that  the  colony  .should  adhere  to 
the  strict  construclioM  of  its  charter,  resist  every  abridg- 
ment of  It  as  a  dangerous  (irecedent,  no  less  than  aa 
iniurious  aggression,  and  standing  on  their  right,  com- 


•  Ai>  »  measure,  partly  of  (error,  and  partly  nf  punlshin-.i.t, 
i(  was  dotermnicd  by  (he  Kn^'lisli  c.uiri,  abcuu  (his  nine.  "  hai 
no  ModilL-rranean  passes  shall  be  prannd  (o  New  Knelaiid  .u 
prn(eil  iisve.ssels  a-aiii.-l  (he  Turks,  (ill  it  is  seen  wlm(  de- 
|,i-ndonce  il  will  atkiiow  Icd^c  on  his  niajesiy,  or  whe.her  l.i« 

,  i-nsi-iii  house  oiliccts  ars  rcccivcjJ  as  in  o(b«r  cuIODles. 

[  Chain. erj,  -tOJ. 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


283 


mit  the  c\ent  to  Providence.  Thc".e  parties  conducted 
their  debates  with  warmth,  but  without  acrimony  ;  and 
B6  the  sentiments  of  one  or  o:her  respectively  prevailed, 
a  greater  or  lesser  degree  of  compliance  with  the  de- 
mands of  the  king  was  infused  into  the  undecided 
policy  of  the  general  court.* 

The  various  misfortunes  in  which  the  colony  had  for 
g  series  of  years  been  uivolved,  did  not  fail  to  produce 
8  deep  anJ  solemn  impression  on  the  minds  of  men 
habituated  to  regard  all  the  events  of  life  m  a  religious 
aspect ;  and  contributed  to  revive  the  piety  for  whicli 
New  England  had  been  at  first  so  highly  distinguished, 
among  the  posterity  of  the  original  settlers.  A  short 
timo  before  the  commencement  of  their  troubles,  a 
natural  phenomenon  that  excited  much  awe  and  atten- 
tion at  the  time,  and  was  long  recnllccted  with  solemn 
remembrance,  was  visible  for  several  nights  succes- 
sively in  the  iieavcns.  It  was  a  bright  meteor  in  the 
form  of  a  spear,  of  which  the  point  was  directed  to- 
wards the  setting  sun,  and  which,  with  slow  majestic 
motion,  descended  through  the  upper  regions  of  the 
air,  and  gradually  disappeared  beneath  the  horizon. 
The  inhabitants  were  deeply  struck  with  this  splendid 
personification  of  agency  that  seemed  to  unite  the  visi- 
ble and  invisible  world  in  its  range  ;  and  the  colonial 
magistrates,  without  expressly  alluding  to  it,  yielded  to 
its  influence  on  their  own  minds,  and  endeavored  to 
improve  its  effects  on  the  minds  of  others,  by  pro- 
moting a  general  reformation  of  manners.  Circular 
letters  were  transmitted  to  all  the  clergy,  urging  them 
to  greater  diligence  in  exemplifying  and  inculcating 
the  precepts  of  religion,  especially  on  the  young,  and 
instructing  their  parishioners  from  house  to  house. 
The  dupes  of  science  falsely  so  called  may  deride  these 
impressions,  and  trace  to  ignorant  wonder  the  piety 
which  they  produced  ;  but  enlightened  philosophy  will 
confess  the  worth  and  dignity  of  that  principle  which 
recognizes  in  every  display  of  the  great  phenomena  of 
nature,  additional  calls  to  serve  and  glorify  its  Almighty 
Creator,  and  which  elevates  and  refines  human  facul- 
ties by  placing  every  object  that  forcibly  strikes  them 
111  a  noble  and  graceful  light  derived  from  connexion 
with  the  interests  of  morality  and  the  honor  of  God. 
The  events  of  the  Indian  war,  the  losses  sustained  from 
a  train  of  unfavorable  weather  that  ensued,  and,  lat- 
terly, the  disquiet  occasioned  by  the  contentions  with 
the  English  government,  served,  in  like  manner,  to 
humble  the  people  beneath  the  Almighty  Power  which 
controls  the  passions  of  men  as  well  as  the  elements 
of  nature,  and  were  equally  productive  of  incretBed 
diligence  in  the  observances  of  piety  and  the  reforma- 
tion of  manners.  Deeply  lamenting  the  imperfections 
and  deficiencies  of  themselves  and  others,  many  of  the 
ministers,  magistrates,  and  leading  men  of  the  pro- 
vince earnestly  besought  their  countrymen  to  consider, 
if  the  interruption  of  Uivino  favor  did  not  betoken 
neglect  of  the  Divine  will,  and  by  precept  and  exam- 
ple labored  to  eradicate  every  evil  habit  or  licentious 
practice  that  a  state  of  war  and  an  influx:  of  commer- 
cial wealth  were  supposed  to  have  produced.  Men 
were  strongly  exhorted  to  carry  a  continual  respect  to 
the  Divine  will  into  the  minutest  ramifications  of  their 
affairs,  and  to  ennoble  whatever  they  did  by  doing  it 
to  the  Lord.  The  genera!  court  published  a  catalogue 
of  the  epidemical  vices  of  the  times,  in  which  we  find 
enumerated,  neglect  of  the  education  of  children,  pride 
displayed  in  the  manner  of  cutting  and  curling  hair, 
excess  of  finery  and  immodesty  of  apparel,  negligent 
carriage  at  church,  failure  in  due  respect  to  parents,  a 
sordid  eagerness  of  shopkeepers  to  cbtain  high  prices, 
profane  swearing,  idleness,  and  frequenting  of  taverns. 
Grand  juries  were  directed  to  make  presentment  of 
offenders  in  these  respects  ;  but  either  the  happier  in- 
fluence of  example  and  remonstrance  was  sufficient  to 
control  the  obnoxious  practices,  or  they  never  attained 
such  height  and  prevalence  as  to  justify  the  infliction 
of  legal  severities.  In  many  instances  the  scrupulous 
piety  of  the  colonial  authorities  has  reprobated  existing 
vices,  and  the  extent  to  which  they  prevailed,  in  lan- 
guage which,  when  compared  with  the  common  lone 
of  the  world,  is  apt  to  beget  misapprehension  ;  and, 
hence,  a  writer  no  less  eminent  than  Chalmers  has 
fallen  into  the  gross  mistake  of  deriving  a  charge  of 
iinusual  immorality  against  the  inhabitants  of  Massa- 
chuse'.ts  from  the  very  circumstances  that  prove  the 

*  Hutchinson,  i.  319.  321.  3-26.  3-27.  .',3C  331.  334.  Clialiners, 
297.  WJ.  Kr3m  a  repdrt  presented  tliis  year  (16S0)  m  the 
lords  of  fude,  ic  appears  tint  Conncciiciit.  tlien  in  ilie  furty- 
founh  js^r  of  its  seulcmeiu,  contained  iwenty-onc  cliurclies, 
•acb  of  whicli  liad  ita  minister  ;  a  militia  of  ioOO  men  ;  a  very 
few  indented  servanij,  and  thirty  slaves.    Holmes,  i.  377. 


strength  of  their  piety,  the  purity  of  their  moral  habits, 
and  the  still  superior  purity  of  their  moral  aspirations. 
The  strong  sense  that  religion  inspires  of  the  vkmous 
l)ro|)ensities  inherent  in  human  nature,  causes  the  ex- 
pression of  the  mnral  sentiments  of  religious  men  to 
ap|)ear  to  the  world  as  the  ravings  of  hypocritical  cant 
or  fanatical  delusion.* 

1'he  king  had  never  abandoned  his  design  of  effect- 
ing a  complete  alteration  of  the  constitution  of  Massa- 
chusetts ;  but  his  moderation  had  been  enforced  by  the 
more  personal  and  pressing  concern  of  resisting  the 
attempts  of  Shaftesbury  to  re-enact  the  deep  and  daring 
policy  of  the  Duke  of  Guise,  and  control  his  sovereign 
by  the  formation  and  supremacy  of  a  i)rotestant  league 
in  England.  While  Sliaftesbury  and  his  party  were 
able  to  retain  their  inflence  on  tlie  public  mind  by  the 
artifice  of  the  popish  plot,  and  to  attack  the  monarchy 
by  the  device  of  the  exclusion  bill,  it  might  well  be 
deemed  unsafe  to  signalize  the  royal  administration  by 
any  public  act  of  extraordinary  tyranny  in  a  province  so 
eminent  for  zeal  in  the  protestant  cause  as  Massachu- 
setts. [1G81.]  But  Charles  had  now  obtained  a  com- 
plete victory  over  his  domestic  adversaries  ;  and, 
among  other  excesses  of  retaliatory  violence  and  arbi- 
trary power  by  which  he  proceeded  to  improve  his  suc- 
cess, he  instituted  writs  of  quo  warranto  against  the 
principal  corporations  in  England,  and  easily  obtained 
judgments  from  the  courts  of  law  that  declared  all  their 
liberties  and  franchises  forfeited  to  the  crown.  About 
two  years  before  this  period,  he  had  deliberated  on  the 
possibility  of  superseding  entirely  the  government  of 
Massachusetts  without  the  observance  of  any  legal 
solemnity ,  but,  on  consulting  Jones  and  Winnington, 
the  attorney  and  solicitor  general,  he  had  learned  that  I 
his  object  ctt'jld  not  be  securely  or  effectually  attained 
except  by  the  instrumentality  of  a  writ  of  quo  warranto, 
which  at  that  time  it  was  not  deemed  expedient  to 
employ.  But  now  every  impediment  was  removed; 
and  the  colonists  received  the  most  positive  intelli- 
gence from  their  friends  in  England  that  the  abrogation 
of  their  charter  was  finally  resolved  on,  and  was  to  be 
instantly  accomplished.  Randolph,  who  spent  much 
of  his  lime  in  making  voyages  between  England  and 
America,  and  had  lately  affixed  a  protest  on  the  ex- 
change of  Boston  against  the  acts  of  its  government, 
now  brought  from  London  a  letter  from  the  king, 
dated  the  26lh  of  October,  1681,  recapitulating  all  the 
complaints  against  the  colony,  and  commanding  that 
deputies  should  instantly  be  sent  to  him,  not  only  to 
answer  these  complaints,  but  "  with  powers  to  submit 
to  such  regulations  of  government  as  his  majesty 
should  think  fit ;"  which  if  they  should  fail  to  do,  it 
was  intimated  that  a  writ  of  quo  warranto  would  be 
directed  against  them.  A  new  matter  of  charge,  sug- 
gested by  the  inquisitive  hostility  of  Randolph,  was  at 
the  same  time  preferred  against  them, — that  they  coined 
money  within  the  province  in  cintempt  of  the  king's 
prerogative.  The  general  court,  in  answer  to  this  sud- 
den arraignment  of  a  practice  which  had  been  permit- 
ted so  long  to  prevail  without  question,  explained  how 
and  when  it  had  originated,  and  appealed  to  these  cir- 
cumstances as  decisively  proving  that  no  contempt  had 
been  designed  ;  but,  withal,  declared  that  if  it  were 
regarded  as  a  trespass  on  his  majesty's  authority,  thev 
humbly  entreated  pardon  for  the  ignorance  under  which 
it  had  been  committed.  Among  the  other  complaints 
that  were  urged  by  the  king,  were  the  presumptuous 
|)urchase  of  the  province  of  Maine,  which  the  colonists 
were  again  commanded  to  surrender,  and  the  disallow- 
ance of  any  other  worship  than  that  of  the  established 
churches  within  the  colony.  To  the  first  of  these  they 
answered  by  repeating  their  former  apology,  and  still 
declining  what  was  required  of  them  ;  and  to  the 
second,  that  liberty  of  worship  was  now  granted  to  all 
denominations  of  Christians  in  Massachusetts.  The 
royal  letter  contained  many  other  charges  ;  but  they 
were  all  answered  by  solemn  protestations  that  either 
the  commands  they  imported  had  been  already  fulfilled, 
or  the  disobedience  they  alleged  had  not  been  commit- 
ted. 

An  assembly  of  the  general  court  having  been  held 
[1G82]  for  the  purpose  of  electing  deputies  to  pro- 

*  After  this  manner  the  New  England  ministers  were  ac- 
customed to  address  their  hearers.  It  cnnrcrneth  New  Eng- 
land always  to  rememher  that  they  are  originally  a  plantation 
religions,  not  a  plantation  of  tradd.  Let  merchants,  and  such 
as  are  increasing  cent  per  cent,  remember  this,  that  worldly 
gain  was  not  the  end  and  design  of  the  people  of  New  Eng. 
ianii,  bi!t  religion.  And  if  any  man  among  us  make  religion 
as  twel  ve,  and  the  world  as  thirteen,  snch  an  one  hath  not  the 
spirit  of  a  true  New  Englishman."  Uigginson's  Election 
Sermon,  1663,  apud  Belknap,  i.  69. 


'  ceed  to  England,  and  Stoiighton  again  declining  to 
I  accept  this  office,  it  was  conferred  on  Dudley  and 
Richards,  two  of  the  wealthiest  and  most  resfx  ctable 
citizens  of  the  province.  But  as  the  powers  which  the 
royal  letter  required  that  they  should  be  invested  with, 
of  submitting  to  whatever  regulations  of  government 
the  king  should  think  fit,  were  nothing  else  than  power* 
to  surrender  all  the  rights  of  the  colony,  the  court  waa 
carefiil  to  grant  no  such  authority,  and,  on  the  con- 
trary, plainly  expressed  in  their  instructions  ihat  tho 
deputies  were  not  to  do  or  consent  to  any  thing  that 
should  infringe  the  liberties  granted  by  the  charter,  or 
alter  the  existing  form  of  government.  The  depiilies 
set  sail  for  England,  whither  they  were  soon  followed 
by  Randolph,  to  confront,  oppose,  and  counteract  them. 
A  public  fast  was  appointcti  to  be  ob.served  ihronohout 
the  colony,  to  pray  for  the  preservation  of  their  charter 
and  the  success  of  the  deputation.  Means  less  pure, 
though  I  think  by  no  means  unjustifiable,  were  adopted, 
or  at  least  sanctioned,  by  the  assent  of  the  court  of 
assistants,  for  the  promotion  of  the  colonial  interests  in 
England.  Cranfield,  who  was  still  the  royal  governor 
of  New  Hampshire,  being  on  a  visit  at  Boston,  sug- 
gested to  these  authorities  that  their  agents  should  bo 
directed  to  wait  on  Lord  Hyde,  and  tender  the  sum  of 
two  thousand  guineas  for  the  private  service  of  the 
king,  which  he  assured  them,  from  the  notorious  po- 
verty and  veniality  of  the  court,*  would  infallibly  pro- 
cure a  stay  of  all  hostile  proceedings.  They  fell  head- 
long into  the  snare  ;  and  having  written  letters  to  this 
effect  to  the  deputies,  Crantield  despatched  letters  at 
the  same  time  to  the  king,  which  he  assured  them  con- 
tained the  strongest  recommendations  of  their  interesla 
to  royal  favor.  But  though  these  men  were  willing,  in 
a  cause  where  no  interests  but  their  own  were  involved, 
to  sacriflcc  their  money  for  their  liberty,  and  to  buy 
their  country  out  of  the  hands  of  a  sordid  and  disj-oli.tc 
tyrant,  it  was  not  the  will  of  Providence  that  the  III  er- 
ties  of  Massachusetts  should  be  bought  with  gold,  or 
that  the  prayers  which  had  been  associated  with  such 
means  .'should  prevail.  lA;tters  soon  arrived  from  the 
deputies,  informing  that  Cranfield  had  written  a  ludi- 
crous account  of  the  whole  proceeding  to  the  king,  and 
vaunted  his  dexterity  in  outwitting  the  people  of  Bos- 
ton, whom  he  described  as  a  crew  of  rascals  and  rebels, 
and  that  the  publication  of  the  story  had  exposed  them 
to  the  derision  of  the  whole  court. t 

The  deputies  found  the  king  intoxicated  with  pros- 
perous tyranny,  and  incensed  to  the  highest  degree 
against  a  province  that  had  so  long  presumed  to  with- 
stand his  will.  Their  credentials,  which  they  were 
desired  to  exhibit  to  Sir  I,-onel  Jenkins,  the  secretary 
of  state,  were  at  once  declared  to  be  insutlicient ;  anil 
ley  were  informed,  that  unless  othcr.~.  satisfactory  in 
every  respect,  were  immediately  obtained,  it  was  his 
majesty's  pleasure  that  a  quo  icarranto  against  their 
charter  should  issue  without  delay.  The  deputies  com- 
municated this  peremptory  injunction  to  their  constitu- 
ents ;  assuring  them,  at  the  same  time,  that  the  case 
of  the  colony  was  desperate,  and  leaving  tliem  to  deter- 
mine whether  it  was  most  advisable  to  submit  them- 
selves unreservedly  to  his  majesty's  pleasure,  or  ta 
abide  the  issue  of  a  process  which  would  certainly  be 
fatal.  This  important  question,  the  determination  of 
uhich  was  to  be  the  last  exercise  of  their  beloved 
liberty,  was  solemnly  discussed  both  in  the  genera, 
court  and,  as  was  meet,  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  pro- 
vince at  large  ;  [1G83,]  and  the  general  seiitin:ent  was 
declared  to  be,  "  that  it  was  better  to  die  by  other  hands 
than  their  own."  An  earnest  address  to  the  king  was 
framed  by  the  general  court;  a  correspoi.ding  one 
was  signed  by  the  inhabitants ;  and  the  agents  were 
directed  to  present  them  or  not,  as  they  should  think 
proper. 

They  were  authorized  to  deliver  up  the  titles  of  the 
province  of  Maine,  if  by  so  doing  they  could  preserve  the 

♦  Every  thing  was  venal  thai  Charles  the  Second  could  ob 
tain  a  pilie  for.  He  sold  his  alliance  to  the  king  of  Krancc, 
and  the  oliicers  of  government  to  his  own  ministers.  From 
the  Memoirs  of  Sir  William  Temple,  it  appears  that  this  enii- 
nent  person  was  obliged,  in  167J,  to  decline  tho  ollice  of  secre- 
tary of  stale  from  inability  to  advance  60001,  which  waa  (he 
price  of  it.  Temple's  Works  (Dean  Swift's  edition,  folio,) 
i.  379. 

t  Hutchinson,  i.  333  335  337.  Chalmers,  403.  439.  440. 
450.  Notwithstanding  the  unpromising  aspect  of  alTairs  in 
New  England  at  this  period,  her  population  received  frequent 
additions  from  the  emiaration  of  English  nonconfornnsts. 
Among  a  considerable  body  of  those  who  about  the  year  I63J 
sought  an  asylum  in  .Massachusetts  was  J'  Sias  Franklin,  the 
fatlier  of  that  dislinguisheil  philoso[lier  and  pnliiician  who  in 
the  following  century  contribulod  so  signally  to  ertecl  ihe  f.iun- 
pendence  of  the  American  slates.  Sec  Fianklin's  .Mei;..  iiii 
of  his  own  Life. 


TIIF,  HISTORY  OF 


charter ;  but  otherwise  not ;  and  they  were  finally  in- 
formed of  the  irrevocable  determination  of  ihcir  consti- 
tuents to  adhtrc  to  the  charter,  and  never  to  show 
themselves  unvvorlhy  of  liherly  by  voluntarily  disown- 
ing it. 

The  communication  of  this  magnanimous  answer  put 
an  end  to  the  functions  of  the  deputies;  and  a  writ  of 
qiw  u-arruitlu  havin?  been  issued  forthwith  against  the 
colony,  they  desired  leave  to  retire  from  the  spectacle 
of  such  proceedings,  and  were  permitted  to  return  to 
Wosf-n.  They  were  inslaiilly  followed  by  Randolph, 
who  had  presented  to  the  committee  of  plantations 
articles  cf  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors  against  the 
colony,  aiiii  v/as  now  selected  to  carry  the  fatal  writ 
arioss  the  Atlantic.  The  message  v»as  perfectly  suita- 
ble to  the  hand  that  conveyed  it ;  and  Randolph  per- 
foimcd  his  otiice  with  a  triinphant  eagerness  that  added 
insult  to  injury,  and  increased  the  detestitioii  with 
which  he  was  universally  regarded.  The  king  at  the 
same  time  made  a  last  atlein[)t  lo  induce  tlie  colonists 
to  spare  him  the  tedious  formalities  of  legal  process. 
He  tranpinitted  a  declaralioii,  that  if  before  judgment 
ihcv  would  make  a  full  submission  and  entire  resigna- 
tion to  his  pleasure,  he  would  consider  their  interest  as 
well  as  his  own  service  in  conifjosing  the  new  charter, 
and  make  no  farther  departure  from  the  original  consti- 
tution than  should  be  necessary  for  the  support  of  his 
government.  In  order  to  enforce  this  suggestion,  the 
colonists  were  apprised,  that  all  the  corporations  in 
England  except  the  city  of  London,  had  surrendered 
their  privileges  to  the  king  ;  and  copies  of  the  proceed- 
ings against  the  charter  of  London  were  dispersed 
through  the  province,  that  all  might  know  that  a  con- 
test with  his  authority  was  utterly  hopeless.  IJut  the 
people  of  .Massachusetts  were  not  to  be  moved  from 
their  purpose  by  the  threats  of  despotic  power  or  the 
example  of  general  servility.  'I'hey  had  acted  v  eil,  and 
had  now  to  suffer  well  ;  and  disdainfully  refused  to 
dimini,-.h  the  infamy  of  their  oppressor  by  -sharing  it 
with  him.  The  majority  of  tin:  court  of  assistants, 
overwhelmed  bv  their  calamities,  voted  an  address  of 
submission  to  the  king  ;  but  the  house  of  delegates, 
animated  with  the  general  feeling  of  the  i)eople,  and 
auijported  bv  ihe  approbation  of  the  clergy,  rejected  the 
address,  anil  adhered  to  their  former  resolutions.  Ttie 
process  of  y«o  warranlii  was  in  conse()ueiice  urged 
forward  with  all  the  vigor  that  the  formalities  of  law 
would  admit.  .V  requisition  to  the  colony  lo  make 
appearance  was  promptly  complied  with  ;  but  it  was 
found  that  the  legal  period  of  a[)pcarance  had  elapsed 
before  the  requisition  was  tranamitted.  .At  length,  in 
Trinity  term  of  the  following  year,  [  1684,]  judgment 
was  pronounced  aoainst  the  governor  and  company  of 
Massachusetts,  •'  That  their  letters  patent  and  tlie  en- 
rolment thereof  be  cancelled  ;"  and  in  the  year  after, 
[168.5,]  an  official  copy  of  this  judgment  was  received 
by  the  secretary  of  the  general  court. 

Thus  the  liberties  of  Massachusetts  were  overthrown 
by  the  descendant  of  the  princes  whose  oppressions  had 
contrilinted  to  lay  their  foundations  ;  after  beinw  de- 
fende(J  by  the  children  of  the  oriijinal  settlers  with  the 
same  resolute  unlieiiding  virtue  that  their  fatlicrs  had 
exerted  in  (establishing  them.  The  venerable  Brad- 
street,  who  harl  accompanied  the  first  emigrants  lo 
Massachusetts  in  1631),  was  still  alive,  and  was  go- 
vernor of  the  colony  at  the  period  of  the  subversion  of 
those  institutions  which  he  had  contributed  oriiiinally  to 
plant  in  the  desert,  and  had  so  long  continued  to  adorn 
and  enjoy.  I'erhaps  he  now  discerned  the  vanity  of 
those  sentiments  that  had  prompted  so  manv  of  the 
coevals  whom  he  had  survived,  to  lament  llu  ir  deaths 
as  premature.  Hut  the  aged  eyes  that  beheld  this 
eclipse  of  New  England's  prosperity,  were  not  yet  to 
close  till  they  had  seen  the  return  of  better  days. 

That  the  proceedings  of  the  king  were  in  the  highest 
degree  unjust  and  tyrannical,  apjiears  manifest  beyond 
all  decent  denial  ;  and  that  the  legal  adjudication  by 
which  he  m.isked  his  tyranny  was  never  annulled  by  the 
Eniilish  parliament,  is  a  circumstance  very  little  cre- 
ditable lo  English  justice.  The  House  of  (Commons, 
indeed,  shorlly  after  the  Revolution,  inflamed  with  in- 
ilignation  at  the  first  recital  of  the  proceedings  we  have 
»een.  passed  a  resolution  declirinu  •'  that  those  quo 
warr^iilos  A|>ain»t  the  charters  of  New  England  were 
illegal  and  void  ;''  but  they  were  afterwards  prevailed 
•with  lo  depirt  from  this  resolution  by  the  arguments  of 
Trrby,  .Somers,  and  Holt,  whose  eminent  faculties  and 
constitutional  principles  could  not  exempt  them  from 
the  inllueiicc  of  a  superntitiouH  prejudice,  generated  by 
their  priilestional  habits,  in  favor  of  the  sacrednesy  of 
l*|{al  formalities. 


CHAPTER  V. 

Dc^iens— and  Death  of  Charles  ihe  Second — Government  of 
Ma.-^sachusflirt  under  a  tempnr.'iry  Commission  from  James 
liif  Second — Andros  appointed  Governor  of  New  Kn^land — 
Submis.'iiiMi  of  Uiiode  l:,luiid — Re.solule  Eftbri  lo  preserve 
tlie  Charter  of  Connecticut — Oppressive  Government  of 
Andros — Colonial  Policy  of  the  King — Sir  William  Phipps — 
Indian  Hostilities  renewed  by  the  Intrigues  of  the  French — 
Insurrection  at  Boston — Andros  deposed — and  the  ancient 
Goveriiineiit  restored — Conneciiciu  ai  d  Rhode  Island  resume 
Ihcir  Charters— William  and  Mary  proclaimed— War  with  the 
French  and  Imlians — Sir  William  I'hipps  coiiquers  Acadia — 
Iiiefl'ectuul  Kx|)ediiion  against  Qnebec — Impeachment  of 
Andros  by  the  Colony,  discouraged  by  the  English  Mi- 
nisters— and  d  smissed — The  King  refuses  lo  restore  the 
ancient  Constitution  of  Massachusetts — Tenor  of  the  New 
Charter — Sir  William  Phipps  Governor — The  New  England 
Witchcraft — Death  of  Phipps — War  with  the  French  and 
Indians — Loss  of  Acadia — Peace  of  Ryswick — Moral  and 
p<dilical  State  of  New  England. 

[168.5.]  .So  eager  was  Charles  lo  complete  the  exe- 
cution of  his  long  cherished  designs  on  Massachusetts, 
that  in  NoTember,  1684,  immediately  after  the  judg- 
ment was  pronounced,  he  began  to  make  arrangements 
for  the  new  government  of  the  colony,  'i'hough  not 
even  a  complaint  had  been  urged  against  New  Ply- 
mouth, he  scrupled  not  to  involve  that  settlement  in 
the  same  fate  :  and  as  if  he  intended  to  consummate 
his  tyranny  by  a  measure  that  should  teach  the  inhabi- 
tants of  New  England  how  dreadful  the  vengeance  of 
a  king  could  be,  he  selected  for  the  execution  of  his 
designs  an  individual,  than  whom  it  would  not  be  easy 
in  the  whole  records  of  human  cruelty  and  wickedness 
to  point  out  a  man  who  has  excited  to  a  greater  degree 
the  abhorrence  and  indignation  of  his  fellow-creatures. 
The  notorious  Colonel  Ktrkc,  whose  brutal  and  san- 
guinary excesses  have  secured  him  an  immortality  of 
infamy  in  the  history  of  England,  was  appointed  gover- 
nor of  Massachusetts,  New  Hampshire,  Maine,  and 
New  Plymouth  :  and  it  was  determined  that  no  assem- 
bly should  be  permitted  to  exist,  but  that  the  legisla- 
tive and  executive  powers  should  be  combined  in  .i 
governor  and  council  appointed  during  the  royal  plea- 
sure. This  arbitrary  policy  was  approved  by  all  the 
ministers  of  (Charles,  except  the  ^Iarl)uis  of  Halifax, 
who  espoused  the  cause  of  the  colonists  with  a  gene- 
rous zeal,  and  warmly  but  vainly  urged  that  they  were 
entitled  to  enjoy  the  same  laws  and  institutions  that 
were  established  in  England.*  Though  Kirke  had  not 
yet  coniniitled  the  enormities  by  which  he  was  destined 
to  illustrate  his  name  in  the  west  of  England,  he  had 
already  given  such  indications  of  his  disposition  in  the 
government  of  Tangier,  that  the  tidings  of  his  appoint- 
ment tilled  the  inhabitants  of  the  colony  with  horror 
and  dismay.  But  before  Kirke's  commission  and  iii- 
struction.^  could  be  finally  settled,  the  career  of  Charles 
himself  was  interrupted  by  death  :  and  Kirke  was  re- 
served to  contribute  by  his  atrocities  in  England  to 
bring  hatred  and  exile  on  Charles's  successor.  This 
successor,  James  the  Second,  from  whose  stern  inflex- 
ible temper,  and  high  toned  opinions  respecting  govern- 
ment, the  most  gloomy  presages  of  tyranny  had  been 
drawn,  was  proclaimed  in  Boston  with  melancholy 
pomp. 

These  presages  were  verified  by  the  administration 
of  the  new  monarch.  Soon  after  liis  accession  to  the 
throne,  a  commission  was  issued  for  the  temporary 
government  of  .Massachusetts,  New  Hampshire,  Maine, 
and  New  Plymouth,  by  a  president  and  council  se- 
lected from  among  the  inhabitants  of  Massachusetts, 
who.NC  powers  were  entirely  executive  and  judicial,  and 
were  to  endure  till  the  arrival  of  a  ])ermaneiit  gover- 
nor. They  were  directed  to  allow  liberty  of  conscience 
lo  all,  but  to  bestow  peculiar  encouragement  on  the 
church  of  England  ;  to  determine  all  suits  originating 
within  the  colony,  but  to  admit  appeals  from  iheir  sen- 
tences to  the  king  in  council  ;  and  to  defray  the  ex- 
penses of  their  government  by  levying  the  taxes  for- 
merly imposed.  This  commission  was  laid  before  the 
the  general  court  at  Boston,  not  as  being  any  longer 
considered  a  body  invested  with  political  authority,  but 
as  being  composed  of  individuals  of  the  highest  re- 
spectability and  influence  in  the  province.  In  answer 
to  the  cominuiiicaliou  they  had  thus  received,  [1686,] 
this  assembly  agreed  unanimously  to  311  address,  in 
which  they  declared  that  the  inhabitants  of  Massachu- 
setts were  deprived  of  the  rights  of  freemen  by  the 


•  The  French  court  and  the  Diikc  of  York  remonstrnied  with 
Charles  on  the  impolicy  of  roiiiinin);  in  othcc  a  man  who  had 
professed  such  senlimeius.  Darilloii'8  Correspondence,  in  the 
AppendiK  to  Fox's  History  of  James  the  Second.  "  Even  at 
■  his  early  period,"  says  Mr.  Fox,  "  a  quesliou  rclnlivc  to 
.\orth  American  liberty,  and  even  to  North  American  taxation, 
was  cniinidered  as  the  test  of  principias  friendly  or  adrerae  to 
arbitrary  power  at  bomc." 


new  system,  and  that  it  deeply  concerned  both  thoae 
who  introduced  and  those  who  were  subjected  to  a  sys- 
tem of  this  natuie,  to  consider  how  far  it  was  safe  to 
pursue  it.  'Phey  added,  that  if  the  newly  appointed 
officers  meant  to  assume  the  government  of  the  peo- 
ple, though  they  would  never  give  assent  to  such  pro- 
ceedings, they  would  nevertheless  demean  themselves 
as  loyal  subjects,  and  humbly  make  their  addresses  to 
God,  and  in  due  time  to  their  prince  for  relief.  The 
president  named  in  the  commission  was  Mr.  Dudley,  w  ho 
had  lately  been  one  of  the  deputies  of  the  province  to 
England,  and  whose  conduct  had  justified  in  some  degree 
the  jealousy  with  which  the  colonists  ever  regarded  the 
men  whom  they  were  compelled  lo  intrust  with  llie  per- 
formance of  that  arduous  duty.  His  patriotic  virtue, 
without  being  utterly  dissolved,  was  relaxed  by  the 
beams  of  royal  influence.  Despairing  of  being  able 
to  serve  his  country,  he  applied  himself  with  more  suc- 
cess to  cultivate  his  own  interest  at  the  English  court . 
and  in  pursuing  this  crooked  policy,  he  would  seem  to 
have  been  animated  by  the  hope  that  the  interest  of  hia 
fellow-citizens  might  be  more  effectually  promoted  by 
his  own  advancement  to  office  among  them,  than  by 
the  exclusion  which  he  would  incur,  in  common  wiib 
them,  by  a  stricter  adherence  to  the  line  of  integrity. 
Though  he  accepted  the  commission,  and  persuaded 
those  who  were  associated  with  him  to  iinitate  his  e.x- 
amjile,  he  continued  to  show  himself  .'riendly  to  tho 
rights  of  the  people,  and  to  those  institutions  which 
they  so  highly  regarded.  Not  only  was  any  immediate 
alteration  111  the  internal  arrangements  of  the  colony 
avoided,  but  the  commissioners,  in  deference  to  the 
public  feeling,  transmitted  a  memorial  to  the  English 
ministers  stating  that  a  well  regulated  assembly  of 
the  representatives  of  the  people  was  extremely  neces- 
sary, and  ought  in  their  opinion  to  be  established  with- 
out delay.  This  moderate  conduct,  however,  gave  lit- 
tle satisfaction  to  any  of  the  parties  whom  they  desired 
to  please.  'Ihe  people  were  indignant  to  behold  a 
system  which  was  erected  on  the  ruins  of  iheir  liberty 
promoted  by  their  own  fellow-citizeiis,  and  above  all 
by  the  man  whom  they  had  lately  appointed  to  resist 
its  introduction  among  them;  and  nothing  but  the  ap- 
prehensions of  seeing  him  replaced  by  Kirke,  whoso 
massacres  in  England  excited  the  direst  presage  of  the 
fate  of  America,  prevented  the  strongest  exjiressions 
of  their  displeasure.  'J'he  conduct  of  the  commission- 
ers was  no  less  unsatisfactory  both  lo  the  abettors  of 
arbitrary  government  in  England,  and  to  ihc  creatures 
of  Randolph  wiihin  the  province,  who  were  anxious  to 
pay  court  to  (he  king  by  prostrating  beneath  his  power 
every  obstacle  to  the  execution  of  his  will.  Com- 
plaints were  soon  transmitted  by  these  persons  to  the 
Englu^h  ministers,  charging  the  commissioners  with 
conniving  at  former  practices  in  opposition  to  the  laws 
of  trade,  and  countenancing  ancient  principles  in  reli- 
gion and  irovornmcnt. 

In  addition  to  these  causes  of  dissatisfaction  with 
the  conduct  of  the  comniissioners,  the  king  was  now 
compelled  to  resume  the  prosecution  of  his  plans  by 
the  imperfection  of  the  temporary  arrangement  he  had 
made.  It  was  found  that  tlie  acts  of  taxation  were 
about  to  expire,  and  the  commissioners  being  totally 
devoid  of  legislative  authority,  had  no  power  to  renew 
them.  They  had  employed  thiscoiisideration  to  enforce 
their  suggestion  of  a  representative  assembly  ;  but  it 
determined  the  king  to  enlarge  the  arbitrary  authority  of 
his  colonial  officers,  and  at  the  same  lime  to  establish  a 
permanent  administration  for  New  England.  He  had 
consulted  the  crown  lawyers  respecting  the  extent  of 
his  powers  ;  and  they  had  given  as  their  official  opi- 
nion, "  that  notwithstanding  the  forfeiture  of  the  charter 
of  Massachusetts,  its  inhalutanls  continued  English 
subjects,  invested  with  English  liberties ;"  a  truth 
which,  though  It  required  little  legal  aculeness  to  dis- 
cover, seems  to  imply  more  honesty  than  we  might  be 
prepared  to  exjicct  from  the  persons  selected  by  this 
mojiarch  from  a  bar  which,  in  that  age,  could  supply 
such  inslruments  as  Jeffries  and  Scroggs.  We  must 
recollect,  however,  that  lawyers,  tiiough  professionally 
partial  lo  the  authority  that  actuates  the  system  they 
administer,  cherish  also  in  their  strong  predilection  for 
those  forms  and  jirecedcnls  that  constitute  their  own 
influence  and  the  peculiar  glory  of  their  science,  a  prin- 
ciple that  frequently  protects  liberty  and  befriends  sub- 
stantial justice.*    But  James  was  too  much  enamored 

•  Many  remarkable  instances  illustrative  of  this  remark  will 
occur  CO  .ill  who  are  acquainted  with  the  hisiory  of  English 
jurisprudence  ;  and  il  is  this  which  gives  to  the  English  stal* 
(rials,  even  in  the  worst  of  tunes,  an  interest  which  ihe  stale 
prosecuiions  of  no  other  country  jmsscsa.  Not  the  least  siKm^ 
iiutancn  uf  this  principlo  waa  displayed  ij  Chief  Juauoe 


NORT  II  AMERICA. 


267 


of  arbitrary  power,  to  be  deterred  from  the  indulgence 
of  it  by  any  obstacle  inferior  to  invincible  necessity  ; 
tnd  accordingly,  without  paying  tlie  slightest  regard  to 
an  opinion  supported  only  by  the  pens  of  lawyers,  he 
determined  to  establish  a  complete  tyranny  in  New 
England,  by  combining  the  whole  legislative  and  execu- 
tive authority  of  government  in  the  persons  of  a  go- 
vernor and  council  to  be  named  by  himself  Kirke  had 
been  found  too  useful  as  an  instrument  of  terror  in 
Enoland,  to  be  spared  to  America.  But  Sir  Edmund 
Andros,  who  had  signalized  his  devotion  to  arbitrary 
power  in  the  government  of  New  York,  was  now  ap- 
pointed captain-general  and  vicc-adiniral  of  Massachu- 
letts.  New  Hampshire,  Maine,  New  Plymouth,  and 
certain  dependent  territories,  during  the  (ileasure  of  the 
king.  He  was  empowered,  with  consent  of  a  council 
to  be  appointed  by  the  crown,  to  make  ordinances  for 
the  colonies,  not  inconsistent  with  the  laws  of  England, 
and  which  were  to  be  submitted  to  the  king  for  his 
approbation  or  dissent,  and  to  impose  taxes  for  the  sup- 
port of  government.  He  was  directed  to  govern  the 
peoiile,  according  to  the  tenor  of  his  commission,  of  a 
separate  letter  of  instructions  with  which  he  was  at  the 
same  time  furnished,  and  of  the  laws  which  were  then 
m  force  or  might  be  afterwards  enacted.  The  governor 
and  council  were  also  constitu  ted  a  court  of  record  ; 
and  from  their  deeisions  an  appeal  lay  to  the  king  in 
council.  The  greater  part  of  the  instructions  that  were 
given  to  Andros  are  of  a  nature  that  would  do  honor  to 
tne  patriotism  of  the  king,  if  the  praise  of  that  virtue 
were  due  to  a  barren  desire  to  promote  the  welfare  of 
the  people,  accompanied  with  the  most  effectual  exer- 
tions to  strip  tiiem  of  every  security  by  which  their  wel- 
fare might  be  guarded.  Andros  was  instructed  to  pro- 
mote no  persons  to  otTices  of  trust  but  those  of  the  best 
estates  and  characters,  and  to  displace  none  without  suf- 
ficient cause  ;  to  continue  the  former  laws  of  the  coun- 
try, so  far  ae  they  were  not  inconsistent  with  his  com- 
mission or  instructions  ;  to  dispose  of  the  crown  lands 
at  moderate  quit-rents  ;  "  to  take  away  or  to  harm  no 
Irian's  life,  member,  freehold,  or  goods,  but  by  esta- 
blished laws  of  the  country,  not  repugnant  to  those  of 
the  realm  :"  to  discipline  and  arm  the  inhabitants  for 
the  defence  of  the  country,  but  not  to  impede  their  ne- 
cessary affairs  ;  to  encourage  freedom  of  commerce  by 
restraining  iugrossers  ;  to  hmder  the  excessive  severity 
of  masters  to  their  servants,  and  to  punish  with  death 
the  slayers  of  Indians  or  negroes  ;  to  allow  no  printing 
press  to  exist  ;  and  to  give  universal  toleration  in  re- 
ligion, but  special  enconraeement  to  the  church  of 
England.  Except  the  restraint  of  jirintiiig,  there  is 
none  of  these  instructions  that  breathes  a  spirit  of  des- 
jX)tisni  ;  and  yet  the  whole  system  was  silently  per- 
vaded by  that  spirit  ;  for  as  there  were  no  securities 
provided  for  the  enforcement  of  the  king's  benevolent 
directions,  so  there  were  no  checks  established  to  re- 
strain the  abuse  of  the  powers  with  which  the  governor 
was  intrusted.  The  king  was  willing  that  his  subjects 
should  be  happy,  but  not  that  thev  should  be  free  or 
happy  independently  of  himself  ;  and  this  association  of 
a  desire  to  promote  human  welfare,  with  an  enmity  to 
the  means  most  likely  to  secure  it,  suggests  the  expla- 
nation, perhaps  the  apology,  of  an  error  to  which  king's 
are  inveterately  liable.  Trained  in  habits  of  ind'ulgence 
of  their  will,  and  in  sentiments  of  respect  for  ita  force 
and  efficacy,  they  come  to  consider  it  as  what  not  only 
ought  to  be.  but  must  be  irresistible  ;  and  feel  no  less 
secure  of  ability  to  make  men  happy  without  their  own 
concurrence,  than  of  a  right  'o  balk  the  natural  desire 
of  mankind  to  commit  their  happiness  to  the  keeping 
of  their  own  courage  and  wisdom.  The  possession  of 
absolute  power  renders  self-denial  the  highest  effort  of 
virtue  ;  and  the  absolute  monarch  who  should  demon- 
strate a  just  regard  to  the  rights  of  his  fellow  creatures, 
would  deserve  to  be  honored  as  one  of  the  most  mag- 
nanimous of  human  beings.  Furnished  with  the  in- 
fctructions  which  we  have  seen  for  the  mitigation  of  his 
arbitrary  pcvvcr,  and  attended  with  a  few  companies  of 
soldiers  foi  its  enforcement,  Andros  arrived  at  Boston  ; 
and  presenting  himself  as  the  substitute  for  the  dreaded 
and  detested  Kirke,  and  commencing  tiis  administration 
with  many  gracious  expressions  of  good  will,  he  was 
at  first  received  more  favorably  than  might  have  been 
expected.  But  his  popularity  was  short  lived.  Instead 
of  conforming  to  the  instructions,  he  copied  and  even 
exceeded  the  arbitrary  rule  of  his  master  m  England, 

Jeffries  himself,  who,  after  he  had  trampled  on  the  plainest 
principles  of  ju.-iice  and  equity  in  order  lo  priicure  the  con- 
Jiciion  of  a  dissenting  minister,  suffered  himself  to  be  djlerred 
from  passing  sentence  in  confoniiily  with  the  verdict,  by  a 
IfChnicikl  objection  which  i<  almo.st  'uniniellig-ible.  Case  of 
Howera  Scute  Trials,  vol,  x.  p.  HI. 


and  committed  the  most  tyrannical  violence  and  oppres- 
sive exactions.* 

It  was  the  purpose  of  James  to  consolidate  the 
Etrength  of  all  tiie  colonies  in  one  united  government  ; 
and  Rhode  Island  and  Connecticut  were  now  to  expe- 
rience that  their  destiny  was  involved  in  the  fate  of 
Massachusetts.  The  inhabitants  of  Rhode  Island,  on 
learning  the  accession  of  the  king,  immediat(.Iy  trans- 
mitted an  address  congratulatory  of  that  event,  acknow- 
ledging themselves  his  loyal  subjects,  and  begging  his 
protection  of  their  chartered  rights.  Yet  the  humility 
of  their  supplications  could  not  protect  them  from  the 
effects  of  the  plans  he  had  resolved  to  adopt  in  the 
government  of  New  England.  Articles  of  high  misde- 
meanor were  exhibited  against  them  before  the  lords 
of  the  coinmiitee  of  colonies,  charging  them  with 
breaches  of  their  charter,  and  with  opposition  to  the 
acts  of  navigation  ;  and  before  the  clo.se  of  the  year 
1685,  they  received  notice  of  the  commencement  of 
a  process  of  quo  warranto  against  their  patent.  With- 
out besitahion  they  resolved  that  they  would  not  stand 
suit  with  the  king,  and  passed  an  act,  in  full  assembly, 
formally  surrendering  the  charter  and  all  the  powers  it 
contained  By  a  fresh  address  they  "humbly  pros- 
trated themselves,  their  privileges,  their  all,  at  the  gra- 
cious feet  of  his  majesty,  with  an  entire  resolution  to 
serve  him  with  faithful  hearts."  These  servile  ex- 
pressions dishonored,  but  did  not  avail  them  ;  and  the 
king,  judging  all  forms  of  law  superfluous,  proceeded 
without  ceremony,  to  impose  the  subjugation  which 
the  people  sought  to  evade  by  deserving  it.  His  eager- 
ness, however,  to  accomplish  his  object  with  rapidity, 
though  it  probably  inflicted  a  salutary  disappointment 
on  the  people  at  the  time,  proved  ultimately  highly 
beneficial  to  their  political  interests,  by  preserving  their 
charter  from  a  legal  dissolution  :  and  we  shall  find  that 
this  lienefit,  whicn,  with  equal  improvidence,  was  ex- 
tended to  the  people  of  Connecticut,  was  sensibly  ex- 
perienced at  the  era  of  the  British  revolution.  In  con- 
sequence of  the  last  address  that  had  been  transmitted 
by  Rhode  Island,  Andros  had  been  charged  to  extend 
his  government  to  this  province  also  :  and  in  the  same 
month  that  witnessed  his  arrival  at  Boston,  he  pro- 
ceeded to  Rhode  Island,  where  he  dissolved  the  go- 
vernment, broke  its  seal,  and,  admitting  five  of  the 
inhabitants  into  his  legislative  council,  assumed  ihe 
administration  of  all  the  functions  of  government. 

Connecticut  had  also  transmitted  an  address  to  the 
king  on  his  accession,  and  vainly  solicited  the  preser- 
vation of  her  privileges.  At  the  same  time  when  the 
articles  of  misdemeanor  were  exhibited  against  Rhode 
Island,  a  similar  proceeding  was  adopted  against  the 
governor  and  company  of  Connecticut,  who  were 
charged  with  making  laws  contrary  to  those  of  Eng- 
land ;  of  extortincT  unreasonabL'  fines  ;  of  enforcing  an 
oath  of  fidelity  to  their  own  corporation,  in  opposition 
to  the  oath  of  allegiance  ;  of  intolerance  in  religion  ; 
and  of  denial  of  justice.  These  charges,  which  were 
supposed  to  infer  a  forfeiture  of  the  charier,  were  re- 
mitted to  Sawyer,  the  attorney-general,  with  directions 
to  issue  a  writ  of  ijuo  n-arranto  against  the  colony. 
The  writ  was  issued,  and  Randolph,  the  general  enemy 
and  accuser  of  the  free,  offered  his  services  to  carry  it 
across  the  Atlantic.  The  governor  and  the  assembly 
of  Connecticut  had  for  some  time  beheld  the  storm 
approaching,  and  knowing  that  courage  alone  was 
vain,  and  resistance  impracticable,  they  endeavored, 
with  considerable  address,  to  elude  what  they  were  un- 
able to  repel.  After  delaying  as  long  as  possible  to 
make  any  signification  of  tiieir  intentions,  the  arrival  of 
Sir  Edmund  .\ndr03  at  Boston,  and  his  proceedings  in 
Rhode  Island,  seem  to  have  convinced  thein  that  the 
measures  of  the  king  were  to  be  vigorously  pursued, 
and  that  they  could  not  hope  to  be  allowed  to  delibe- 
rate any  longer.  [1687.]  They  wrote,  accordingly,  lo 
the  secretary  of  stale,  expressing  their  strong  desire  to 
be  permitted  to  retain  their  present  constitution  ;  but 
requesting,  if  it  were  the  royal  purpose  to  dispose 
otherwise  of  them,  thai  they  might  be  annexed  to  Mas- 
sachusetts, and  share  the  fortunes  of  a  people  who 
were  their  former  correspondents  and  coiiltderates,  and 
whose  principles  and  manners  they  understood  and 
approved.  This  was  construed  bv  the  British  govern- 
ment into  a  surrender  of  the  colonial  privileges,  and 
Andros  was  commanded  to  annex  this  province  also  to 
his  jurisdiction.  Randoljih,  who  seems  to  have  been 
qualified  not  less  by  genius  than  inclinaiion  to  promote 


♦  Hutchinson,  i.  Sj3 — 355.  Chalmers,  419— 421.  During  the 
administration  of  Andros,  a  new  greal  seal  was  apiHiinteil  liir 
New  England,  witli  iho  motto  Nuiiquam  liberlas  cratoir  extai. 
Chalmers,  4fi3. 


the  execution  of  tyrannical  designs,  advised  the  Eng- 
lish minister  to  prosecute  ihe  quo  warranto  to  a  judicial 
issue  ;  assuring  them  that  the  goverumcnt  of  Connec 
ticut  would  never  consent  to  do,  nor  acknowlet  ge  that 
they  had  done  what  was  equivalent  to  an  express  sur- 
render of  the  rights  of  the  peojile.  It  was  matter  of 
regret  to  the  ministers  and  crown  lawyers  of  a  later 
age,  that  this  pontic  suggestion  was  not  adopted.  But 
the  king  was  too  eager  to  snatch  the  boon  that  Beer.,ed 
within  his  reach,  to  wait  the  tedious  formalities  of  the 
law  ;  and  no  further  proceedings  ensued  on  the  quo 
warranto.  In  conformity  with  his  orders,  Andros 
marched  at  the  head  of  a  body  of  troops  to  Hartford, 
the  seat  of  the  provincial  government,  where  iie  de- 
manded that  the  charter  should  be  delivered  into  his 
hands.  The  people  had  been  extremely  desirous  to 
preserve  at  least  the  document  of  rights,  which  the  re- 
turn of  better  times  might  enable  ihem  to  assert  with 
cflTect.  'J"he  charter  was  laid  on  the  table  of  the  assem 
bly,  and  the  leading  persons  of  the  colony  addressed 
Andros  at  considerable  length,  relating  the  exertions 
that  had  been  made,  and  the  hardships  that  had  been 
incurred,  in  order  to  found  the  iustitutions  which  he 
was  come  to  destroy  :  entreating  him  yet  to  spare  them, 
or  at  least  to  leave  the  people  in  possession  of  the 
patent,  as  a  testimonial  of  the  favor  and  happiness  thev 
had  formerly  enjoyed.  The  debate  was  earnest,  but 
orderly,  and  protracted  to  a  late  hour  in  the  evening. 
As  the  day  declined,  lights  were  introduced  into  tho 
hall,  aiid  it  was  gradually  surrounded  by  a  considi  rabic 
body  of  the  bravest  and  most  deterinined  men  in  the 
province,  prepared  to  defend  their  representatives 
against  the  violence  of  .Andros  and  his  armed  followers. 
k\.  length,  finding  that  their  arguments  were  ineffectual, 
a  measure  that  seems  to  have  been  previously  concerted 
by  the  inhabitants,  was  coollv,  resolutely,  and  succes.s- 
fully  adopted.  The  lights  were  e.vtiniiiiished  as  if  by 
accident ;  and  Captain  Wadsworth  laying  hold  of  the 
charter,  disappeared  with  it  before  they  could  be  rekin- 
dled. He  conveyed  it  securely  through  the  crovsd, 
who  opened  to  let  him  pass,  and  closed  their  raiiks  as 
he  proceeded,  and  deposited  it  in  the  hollow  of  a  vene- 
rable elm  tree,  which  retained  the  precious  deposit  till 
the  era  of  the  English  revolution,  and  was  long  nt- 
garded  with  veneration  by  the  people,  as  the  contem- 
porary and  associate  of  a  transaction  so  interesting  l> 
their  liberties.  Andros  finding  all  his  eflbrts  inetfec- 
tnal  to  recover  the  chartei,  or  ascertain  the  person  by 
whom  it  had  been  secreted,  contented  himself  wilh 
declaring  the  ancient  government  dissolved;  and  a*, 
suining  the  administration  into  his  own  hands,  he  cre- 
ated two  of  the  principal  i-ihabitanls  members  of  hiH 
general  legislative  council. 

Having  thus  ui;ited  the  whole  of  New  England  un- 
der one  administration,  -Nndros  proceeded,  with  the  as- 
sistance of  his  grand  legislative  council  selected  from 
the  inhabitants  of  the  several  provinces,  to  enact  laws 
and  regulations  calculated  to  fortify  his  government, 
and  to  effectuate  the  changes  which  he  dcenn  d  neces- 
sary to  its  security.  An  act  reviving  the  former  laxa- 
tion  was  obtained  from  the  council;  and  yet,  even,thi3 
necessary  proceeding  was  obstructed  by  the  reluctance 
with  which  these  persons,  though  selected  by  himself, 
consented  to  become  the  instruments  of  riveting  tho 
shackles  of  their  country.  The  only  farther  opposition 
which  he  experienced,  proceeded  from  the  inhabitants 
of  the  county  of  Essex,  who,  insisting  that  they  were 
freeinen,  refused  to  appropriate  the  assessments  of  a 
taxation  which  they  considered  unlawfully  imposed. 
But  their  opposition  was  easily  suppressed,  and  many 
of  them  severely  punished.  Andros  very  quickly  found 
that  the  revenues  of  the  ancient  government  would  be 
insuiricient  to  support  tjie  expenses  of  his  more  costly 
administration  ;  and  while  he  notified  this  defalcalion 
lo  the  king,  he  intimated,  at  the  same  time,  with  a  de- 
gree of  humanity  that  at  least  desecves  to  be  noticed, 
that  the  country  was  so  inuch  impoverished  by  tho 
effects  of  the  Indian  war  and  recent  losses  at  sea  and 
scanty  harvests,  that  an  increase  of  taxation  could  with 
diiriculty  be  borne.  But  the  king  had  exhausted  his 
humanity  in  the  letter  of  instructions,  and  relumed 
peremptory  orders  to  raise  the  taxes  to  a  level  wilh 
the  charges  of  administration  ;  and  .\ndros  from  this 
moment,  either  stifling  his  hamamly,  or  discaiding  his 
superfluous  respect  lo  the  moderation  of  the  king,  pro- 
ceeded lo  exercise  his  power  wilh  a  rigor  and  injustice 
that  rendered  his  government  universally  odious.  Tho 
weight  of  taxation  was  oppressively  augmented,  and 
all  the  fe(!S  of  office  screwed  up  loan  enormous  height. 
The  ceremonial  of  marriage  was  altered,  and  the  cele- 
bration of  that  rite,  which  had  been  hitherto  exercised 
by  the  magistrates,  was  confined  to  the  ministers 


208 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


Jhe  church  of  England,  of  whom  there  was  only  one  in 
the  provin».e  of  Massachusetts.  The  fasts  and  th.inks- 
giyini;s  ap[>olnlcd  1)V  the  coni^regatioiial  rhurciies  were 
arbitrarily  suppressed  by  the  govcr-ior.  who  gave  no- 
tice that  the  rtgulatioii  of  such  inatlers  belonged  en- 
tirely lo  the  civil  power.  He  declared  repeatedly  in 
co\incil  that  the  people  would  find  themselves  mistaken 
if  they  supposed  that  the  piivileggs  of  Englishmen 
would  follow  them  to  the  end  of  the  world,  and  that  ^ 
ihe  only  difference  between  tlieir  condition  and  that  of  | 
»lave.«,  was  that  they  were  neither  bought  nor  sold.  It 
was  declared  unlawful  for  the  colonists  to  assemble  in 
public  meetings,  or  for  any  one  to  quit  the  province 
without  a  passport  from  the  governor  ;  and  Randolph, 
n>:w  at  the  summit  of  his  wishes,  was  not  ashamed  to 
boast  in  his  letters  that  the  rulers  of  New  England 
"  were  as  arbitrary  as  the  great  Turk."  M'hile  An- 
dros  mocked  the  people  with  the  semblance  of  trial  by 
jury,  he  easily  contrived,  by  the  well-known  practice 
of  parking  juries,  to  convict  and  wreak  his  vengeance 
on  every  person  who  olTended  him,  as  well  as  to  screen 
the  enormities  of  his  own  dependents  from  the  punish- 
ment they  deserved.  And,  as  if  to  conifilete  the  dis- 
content that  such  proceedings  e.Tcited,  he  took  occa- 
sion to  qiie.stion  the  validity  of  individual  titles  to  land, 
declaring  that  the  rights  acquired  under  the  sanction  of 
the  ancient  government  were  tainted  with  its  vic(!s  and 
must  share  its  fate.*  New  grants  or  patents  from  the 
governor  were  declared  to  be  requisite  to  mend  the 
defective  titles  to  land  ;  and  writs  of  intrusion  were 
issued  against  those  who  refused  to  apply  for  .«uch 
patents  and  to  pay  the  enormous  fees  that  were  charged 
for  them.  The  king,  indeed,  had  now  encouraged 
Andros  tc  consider  the  people  whom  he  governed  as  a 
society  of  felons  or  rebels  ;  for  he  transmitted  to  him 
express  directions  to  grant  his  majesty's  most  gracious 
pardon  to  as  many  of  the  people  as  should  apply  for  it. 
But  none  had  the  meanness  to  ask  for  a  grace  that 
•ijited  only  the  guilty.  The  only  act  of  the  king  that 
was  favoralilv  regarded  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  colony, 
was  his  tierlara/ion  of  iiiihil<jrncr,  which  c.icited  so 
much  dis.satisfaction  in  Britain,  even  among  the  pro- 
testant  dissenters  who  shared  its  benefit.  Notwith- 
standing the  intolerance  that  has  been  imputed  to  New 
England,  thi.>  de(-|aration  produced  general  satisfaction 
there,  though  there  were  not  wanting  some  who  had 
discernment  enough  to  perceive  that  the  .sole  object  of 
the  king  was  the  gradual  re-introduction  of  [loperv. 

After  many  inclfectual  reinotistr.nnces  against  his 
oppressive  proceedings  had  been  made  by  the  colonists 
to  Andjos  himself,  two  deputies,  one  of  whom  was  In- 
crease Mather,  the  most  eminent  divine  and  most  popu- 
lar minister  in  Massachusetts,  were  sent  over  to  Etig- 
land.  flGSS.]  lo  submit  the  Grievances  of  the  colony  to 
the  humane  consideration  of  the  king.  Randolph,  who 
was  revelling  in  the  profits  of  the  olVice  of  po>:t-ma.ster- 
peneral  of  New  Engl  ind,  with  which  his  servility  had 
been  rewarded,  labored  to  defeat  the  success  of  the 
deputation  by  writing  to  the  English  initiisty  that  Ma- 
ther was  a  seditious  and  profligate  incendiary,  and  that 
his  qbject  was  lo  pave  the  way  to  the  overthrow  of 
regal  government.  Yet  the  requests  of  the  colonists 
were  extremely  moderate.  Whatever  they  might  de- 
sire, all  that  they  demanded  was  that  their  fn-ehoUls 
might  be  respected,  and  that  a  colonial  assembly  might 
he  established  for  the  purpose,  at  least,  of  adjusting 
their  taxation.  ^J"he  first  of  these  points  was  conceded 
by  the  kins  :  hut  as  to  the  other,  he  was  inexorable. 
When  Sir  William  Phipps,  who  had  gained  his  esteem 
by  his  spirit  and  gallantry,  pressed  him  to  grant  tiie 
rolonisis  an  assembly,  hi^  replied,  "  Any  thing  but  that. 
Sir  William  ;"  and  even  the  opinion  of  Powis,  the 
attoniev-general,  to  whom  the  application  of  the  depu- 
ties had  been  submitted,  and  who  reported  in  favor  of 
.t,  produced  no  change  in  his  determination.  James 
had  now  matured  and  extended  his  system  of  colonial 
policy,  lie  had  determined  to  reduce  all  the  .\me- 
rican  governments,  as  well  tliose  which  were  denomi- 
nated proprirtanj  as  others,  to  i-ii  immediate  depend- 
ence oil  the  crown,  for  the  double  purpose  of  elf.icing 
the  examples  that  might  diminish  the  resignation  of  the 
people  of  New  Engl-ind,  and  of  combining  the  force  of 
all  the  coli)nies  from  the  banks  of  the  Delaware  to  the 
shores  of  .Nova  Scotia,  into  a  compact  body  that  might 
b«i  capable  of  preseiiiing  a  barrier  to  the  formidable 
encroachments  of  France.  A  general  aversion  to 
liberal  inslitutini^n,  no  doubt,  coiicurtcd  with  these  pur- 
poses ;  snd  the  pane|i;yrica  that  resounded  from  his 


oppressed  subjects  in  Britian  on  the  happiness  that  was 
reported  to  be  enjoved  in  America,  contributed,  at  this 
period,  in  no  slight  degree  to  whet  his  dislike  to  .Xnie- 
rican  institutions.*  a  view  lo  the  accomplish- 

ment of  this  design,  he  had  in  the  preceding  year  com- 
maiided  writs  o(  quo  irarranlo  to  be  issued  for  the  pur- 
pose of  cancelling  all  the  patents  that  still  remained 
in  force  ;  and,  shorily  before  the  arrival  of  the  deputa- 
tion from  .Massachusetts,  a  new  commission  had  been 
directed  to  Andros,  annexing  New  York  and  New  Jer- 
sey to  his  government,  and  appointing  Francis  Nichol- 
son his  lieutenant.  Andros  etfectuated  this  annexation 
with  his  usual  promptitude ;  and,  having  appointed 
Nicholson  deputy-governor  at  New  York,  he  admini- 
stered the  whole  of  his  vast  dominion  with  a  vigor  that 
rendered  him  formidablo  to  the  French,  but,  unhappily, 
still  more  formidable  and  odious  to  the  people  whom 
he  governed. 

Sir  William  Phipps,  who  had  employed  his  influence 
with  the  king  i.T  behalf  of  the  deputation  from  Massa- 
chusetts, was  himself  a  native  of  the  province,  and,  not- 
withstanding a  mean  education  and  the  depression  of 
the  humblest  circumstances,  had  raised  himself  by  the 
mere  vigor  of  his  mind  to  a  conspicuous  rank,  and 
gained  a  high  reputation  for  spirit,  skill,  and  success. 
He  kept  sheep  in  his  native  province  till  he  was  eighteen 
years  of  age,  and  was  afterwards  apprenticed  to  a  ship 
carpenter.  When  he  was  freed  frcm  his  indentures,  he 
[lursued  a  seafaring  life,  and  attained  the  station  of 
captain  of  a  merchant  vessel.  Having  met  with  an 
account  of  the  wreck  of  a  Spanish  ship,  loaded  with 
great  treasures,  near  the  Bahama  islands,  about  fifty 
years  before,  he  conceived  a  plan  of  extricating  the 
buried  treasure  from  the  bowels  of  the  deep;  and, 
transporting  himself  to  England,  he  stated  his  scheme 
so  plausibly  that  the  king  was  struck  with  it,  and  in 
1G83  sent  him  out  with  a  vessel  to  make  the  attempt. 
It  proved  unsuccessful ;  and  all  his  urgency  conid  not 
induce  the  king  to  engage  in  a  repetition  of  it.  But 
the  Duke  of  .^lliermarle,  resuming  tlic  design,  equipped 
a  vessel  for  the  purpose,  and  gave  the  command  of  it 
to  Phipps,  who  now  realizing  the  expectations  he  had 
formed,  succeeded  in  raising  specie  to  the  value  of  at 
least  300,000/  from  the  bottom  of  the  ocean.  Of  this 
treasure,  he  obtained  a  portion  sufficient  to  make  his 
fortune,  wiili  a  still  larger  meed  of  general  considera- 
tion and  apphiuse.  The  king  was  exhorted  by  some  of 
his  courtiers  to  confiscate  the  whole  of  the  specie  thus 
recovered,  on  pretence  that  a  fair  representation  uf  the 
project  had  not  been  made  to  him  ;  but  he  declared 
that  the  representation  had  been  perfectly  fair,  and  that 
nolhing  but  his  own  misgivings,  and  the  evil  advice  and 
mran  suspicions  of  these  courtiers  themselves,  had  de- 
prived him  of  the  treasure  that  this  honest  man  had 
labored  to  procure  hiin.  He  conceived  a  high  regard 
lor  Phipps,  and  conferred  the  rank  of  knighthood  upon 
him.  Sir  William  employed  his  inllucnce  at  court  for 
the  benefit  of  his  country  ;  and  his  patriotism  seems  not 
to  have  harmed  hini  in  the  opinion  of  the  king.  Find- 
ing that  he  could  not  prevail  to  obtain  the  restoration 
of  the  charter  privileges,  he  solicited  and  received  th<! 
appointment  of  high  sheritf  of  New  England  ;  in  the 
hc)|ie  that  by  tcmedyiiig  the  abuses  that  were  commit- 
ted in  the  im|(annelling  of  juries,  he  might  create  a  bar- 
rier against  the  tyranny  of  .Andros.  But  the  governor 
and  his  creatures,  incensed  at  this  interference,  made 
an  attempt  to  have  him  assas.9inated,  and  soon  compel- 
led him  to  quit  the  |)rovince  and  take  shelter  in  Eng- 
land. James,  shortly  before  his  own  abdication,  among 
the  other  attempts  he  made  to  conciliate  his  subjects, 
offered  Pliipps  tlie  government  of  New  England  ;  but, 
happily  for  li:s  jiretensions  to  an  olUce  he  so  well 
deserved,  he  refused  to  accept  it  from  a  falling  tvraiil, 
and  under  a  sy^itein  whicii,  instead  of  Eecking  any 
longer  to  mitigate,  he  hoped  speedily  to  see  dis.solved. 

Ttie  dissatisfactions  of  the  people  of  New  England 
continued  meanwhile  to  increase  to  such  a  height,  that 
every  act  of  the  government  was  viewed  throuL'h  the 
medium  of  a  strong  dislike.  In  order  to  discredit  the 
ancient   administration,  .Vndros   and   Randol|)h  had 

•  Dry<lcn,  wlio.ic  servile  niuac  faitlifully  re  crlioeil  llic  Bciiti- 
mcniciir  ilie  court,  tlius  expresaea  Limsetr  iua  theatrical  pro- 
logue written  in  the  year  l(iS6 — 

"  Since  faction  c\the,  ami  rogues  grow  out  of  fashion, 
Their  penny  »cribes  take  rare  to  iiifniin  the  nation 
How  well  men  thrive  in  this  or  that  pluiilBtioii : 

Ilnw  Pennsylvania's  air  agrees  with  quakors, 
Am)  ('iirolin:i*H  with  aHlociiiliTS  ; 


•The  lillna  of  many  of  iho  propririom  of  rsintea  in  Niw 
Cn^l.in.l  ilrprnilftl  iip'tn  rntivevaiircN  rvectilfil  hytho  Iiidi.inM  ; 
kM  Anclrni  ileclareil  that  Iriilian  lUfd*  were  no  l>etlor  than 

tbascriUch  of  u'tH-ar'a  paw."    Dclkiiii|i,  i.  iJi. 


Both  c'cu  loo  good  tor  mudiiien  aud  fur  traitors. 

Truth  in,  our  land  wiih  saints  is  so  run  o'er, 

And  every  nee  proilucei  auch  n  more, 

Tbst  uow  ikcro'ii  neod  of  two  Now  Knglsnde  mnro.*< 


labored  to  propagate  the  opinion  that  the  Indiana  hs4 
hitherto  been  treated  with  a  cruelty  and  injustice,  to 
which  all  the  hostilities  with  these  savages  ought  rea- 
sonably to  be  imputed  ;  and  had  vaunted  their  own 
ability  to  rule  them  by  gentleness  and  equity.*  But 
this  year  their  theory  and  their  policy  were  alike  dis- 
graced by  the  furious  hostilities  of  the  Indians  on  the 
eastern  frontiers  of  New  England.  The  movements 
of  these  savages  were  excited  on  this,  as  on  former 
occasions,  by  the  insidious  artifices  of  the  French,  whosa 
unprincipled  suppleness  of  character  and  demeanor  has 
always  been  much  more  acceptable  to  the  Indians  in 
their  native  condition,  than  the  grave  unbending  spirit 
of  the  English,  and  has  found  it  easier  to  cultivate  and 
employ  than  to  check  or  eradicate  the  treachery  and 
ferocity  of  their  Indian  neighbors.  The  English  set- 
tlers offered  to  the  Indians  terms  of  accommodation, 
which  at  first  they  seemed  willing  to  accept ;  but  the 
encouragements  of  their  French  allies  soon  prevailed 
with  them  to  rCjCct  all  friendly  overtures,  and  their 
native  ferocity  prompted  them  to  signalize  this  declara- 
tion by  a  series  of  unprovoked  and  unexpected  massa- 
cres. Andros  published  a  proclamation  requiring  that 
the  murderers  should  be  delivered  np  to  him  ;  iiut  the 
Indians  treated  him  and  his  proclamation  with  con- 
tempt. Ill  the  depth  of  winter  he  found  himself  obli- 
ged to  march  against  them  ;  and  though  he  succeeded 
in  occupying  and  fortifying  positions  which  enabled  him 
lo  curb  their  insolence,  he  made  little  or  no  impression 
on  their  numerical  strength,  and  lost  a  (.  real  many  of 
his  own  men  in  vain  attempts  to  follow  them  into  thei 
fastnesses,  in  the  most  rigorous  season  of  the  vear. 
So  strong  and  so  undiscriininating  was  the  dislike  he 
had  excited  among  the  people  of  New  England,  that 
this  expedition  was  unjustly  ascribed  to  a  wish  lo  de- 
stroy the  troops,  whom  he  conducted,  by  told  and 
famine. 

At  length  the  smothered  rage  of  the  people  burst 
forth.  In  the  following  spring  [1689.]  some  vague 
intelligence  was  received,  by  way  of  Virginia,  of  the 
proceedings  of  the  prince  of  Orange  in  England.  The 
old  magistrates  and  leading  men  of  the  colony  ardently 
wished  and  secretly  prayed  that  success  might  attend 
him  ;  but  they  determined  in  so  great  a  <:ause  to  com- 
mit nothing  unnecessarily  to  hazard,  and  quietly  to 
await  an  event  which  they  supposed  that  no  movement 
of  theirs  could  either  accelerate  or  retard.  But  New 
F.ngland  was  destined  to  effect,  by  her  ow  n  efforts,  her 
own  liberation  ;  and  the  inhabitants  of  .Massachusetts 
were  now  to  exercise  the  brave  privilege  which  nearly 
a  century  after,  and  in  a  conflict  still  more  arduous, 
their  children  again  were  ready  to  assert,  of  being  the 
first  to  resist  oppression,  and  showing  their  coimtr%  men 
the  way  to  independence.  The  cautious  jiolicy  and 
prudential  dissuasions  from  violence  that  were  em- 
ployed by  the  older  inhabitants  of  the  province,  were 
mierly  disregarded  by  the  great  body  of  the  people. 
Slung  with  ihe  recollection  of  past  injuries,  their  impa- 
tience, on  the  first  prospect  of  relief,  could  not  be  re- 
str-iined.  All  at  once,  and  apfiarentlv  without  any  pre- 
concerted plan,  an  insurrection  broke  forth  in  the  town 
of  Boston  ;  the  drums  beat  lo  arms,  the  people  flocked 
together ;  and  in  a  few  hours  the  revolt  became  so 
universal,  and  the  energv  of  the  people  so  overpower- 
ing, that  all  thoughts  of  resisting  their  purpose  were 
abandoned  by  the  government.  The  scruples  of  the 
more  wealthy  and  cautious  inhabitants  were  completely 
ovcrcDine  by  the  obvious  necessity  of  interfering  to 
calm  and  regulate  the  fervor  of  the  iiopulace.  .Andros 
and  about  fiftv  of  the  most  obnoxious  characters  were 
seized  and  imprisoned.  On  the  first  intelligence  o^ 
the  tumult,  An<lros  had  sent  a  ])3rly  of  soldiers  lo  ap- 
prehend Mr.  Bradslreet  ;  a  measure  that  served  only 
10  suggest  to  the  people  who  iheir  leader  ought  to  be, 
and  to  anticipate  the  unanimous  choice  bv  which  this 
venerable  man  was  reinstated  in  the  office  he  had  held 
when  his  country  was  deprived  of  her  liberties.  Though 
now  bending  under  the  weight  of  ninely  years,  his  in- 
tellecliial  powers  seemed  to  have  undergone  but  little 
abatement ;  he  retained  (says  Cotton  .Mather)  a  vigor 
and  wisdom  that  would  have  recommended  a  yGUuger 
mail  to  Ihe  government  of  a  greater  colony.  As  the 
tidings  of  the  revolt  spread  through  the  province,  tbo 
people  eagerly  flew  to  arms,  and  hurried  to  BokIom  lo 
co-operate  with  their  countrymen  in  the  cau.se  which 
they  found  already  crowned  wilh  com|)lele  success. 
To  the  assembled  crowds  a  declaration  w  as  read  Irom 
the  balcony  of  the  Court  House,  enumerating  lha 

•  It  appears  that  Randolph  culliv.iled  Ihe  good  opiironol 
Williiini  I'eon,  by  wniing  to  him  in  ihi.^  rtraiii,  as  well  u  bj 
condemning  tite  lormrr  )ieriecution  of  the  quakers  in  Ms»- 
sachunettii.    Ilulcblnsoo,  ZCi.    Chalmers,  423,  4)14. 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


 2C9 

attended  with  a  degree  of  success  and  barbarity  that 
dilFiiscd  general  terror  ;  and  the  colonists  were  expect- 
ing in  ihis  qijiirler  to  be  driren  from  tncir  settlements, 
ulicn,  all  at  once,  these  savages,  of  their  own  accord, 
proposed  a  |)cacc  of  six  months,  which  -.vas  accepted 
by  the  govtrnment  with  great  willingness  and  devout 
gratitude.  As  it  was  perfectly  ascertained  that  tke 
hostile  proceedings  of  these  savages  were  continually 
fostered  by  the  intrigues,  and  rendered  the  more  for- 
midable by  the  assistance  and  instructions  of  th«i  l-'rench 
^  authorities  in  Canada,  the  conquest  of  this  province  be- 
j  gan  to  be  considered  by  the  people  of  New  England 
indispensable  to  their  safety  and  trampiillity.  In  the 
hope  of  prevailing  with  the  king  to  sanction  and  em- 
brace this  eiiter|)rise,  as  well  as  for  the  purpose  of  aid- 
ing the  other  deputies  in  the  no  less  interesting  a|)pli- 
cation  for  the  restoration  of  the  colonial  charter.  Sir 
William  Phipps,  soon  after  his  return  from  Quebec,  by 
desire  of  his  countrymen  proceeded  to  England  * 

[1691.]  In  the  discharge  oftheduties  of  llieir  mission, 
the  deputies  appear  to  have  employed  every  effort  that 
patriotic  zeal  could  prompt,  and  honorable  policy  could 
admit,  to  obtain  satisfaction  to  iheir  constituents  in  the 
punishment  of  their  oppressors,  and  the  restitution  o' 
their  charter.  But  in  both  these  objects  their  endea- 
vors were  unsuccessful  ;  and  the  failure  (whether  justly 
or  not)  was  generally  ascribed  to  the  unbending  inte- 
grity with  which  Mather  and  Phipps  rejected  every  art 
and  intrigue  that  seemed  inconsistent  with  the  honor  of 
their  country.  It  was  soon  discovered  that  the  king 
and  his  minister  were  extremely  averse  to  an  incjuiry 
into  the  conduct  of  Andros  and  Randolph,  and  not  les» 
so  to  the  restitution  of  the  ancient  charter  of  the  colony. 
The  proceedings  of  the  British  court  on  this  occasion 
present  a  confused  and  disgusting  picture  of  iiiArigue 
and  duplicity. t  The  deputies  were  beset  by  pretended 
counsellors  and  partizans,  some  perhaps  indiscreet,  and 
some  no  doubt  insincere.  They  were  persuaded,  by 
certain  of  their  advisers,  to  present  to  tne  privy  council 
the  charges  against  Andros  unsigned,  and  assured  by 
others,  thai  in  so  doing  they  had  cut  the  throat  of  their 
country.  When  they  attended  to  present  their  charges, 
they  were  anticipated  by  Andros  and  Randolph,  who 
came  prepared  with  a  charge  against  the  colony  for 
rebellion  against  lawful  authority,  and  the  imprisonmeut 
of  their  legitimate  governor.  Sir  John  Soiners,  the 
counsel  for  the  deputies  consented  that  they  should 
abandon  the  situation  of  accusers  and  stand  on  the  de- 
fensive, and  he  tended  the  unsigned  charges  as  an 
answer  to  the  accusations  of  Andros  and  Randolpii. 
The  council  demurred  to  the  reception  of  a  plea  pre- 
sented in  the  name  of  a  whole  people,  and  required 
that  some  individuals  should  appear  and  make  the  plea 
their  own.  "  Who  was  it,"  said  the  Lord  President, 
"  that  imprisoned  Sir  Edmund  and  the  rest  !  you  say 
it  was  the  country,  and  that  they  rose  as  one  man.  But 
that  is  nobody.  Let  us  see  the  persons  who  will  make 
11  their  own  case.  '  The  deputies  thereu|)on  offered  to 
sign  the  charges,  and  to  undertake  individually  every 
responsibility  for  the  acts  of  their  countrymen.  But 
they  were  deterred  from  this  proceeding  by  the  remon- 
strances of  Sir  John  Somers,  who  insisted  (for  no  in- 
telligible purpose)  on  persisting  in  the  course  in  which 
they  had  begun.  Some  of  the  councillors  too,  protected 
against  the  injustice  and  chicanery  of  encountering 
the  complaint  of  a  whole  country  with  objections  of 
such  a  technical  description.  "  Is  not  it  plain,"'  they 
urged,  "  that  the  revolution  in  Massachusetts  was  car- 
ried on  exactly  in  the  same  manner  as  the  revolution 
in  England  !  Who  seized  and  imprisoned  Chancellor 
Jeffries  !  who  secured  the  garrison  of  Hull  !  Ttiese 
were  the  acts  of  the  people,  and  not  of  private  indivi- 
duals." This  difference  of  opinion  on  a  point  of  form 
seems  to  have  been  the  object  which  the  minislry  bad 


gnevances  of  the  colony,  and  tracing  the  whole  to  the 
tyrannical  abrogation  of  the  charter.  A  committee  of 
safety  was  appointed  by  general  consent  ;  and  an  as- 
sembly of  representatives  being  convened  soon  after, 
this  body,  by  an  unanimous  vote,  and  with  the  hearty 
concurrence  of  the  whole  province,  declared  their  an- 
cient charter  and  its  constitutions  to  be  resumed  ;  re- 
appointed Bradstreet  and  all  the  other  magistrates  who 
had  been  in  office  in  the  year  1C86  ;  and  directed  these 
persons  in  all  things  to  conform  to  the  provisions  of 
the  charter,  "  that  this  method  of  government  may  be 
found  among  ns  when  order  shall  come  from  the  higher 
powers  in  Eiiijland."  They  declared  that  Andros  and 
the  counsellors  who  had  been  imprisoned  along  with 
him  were  detained  in  custody  to  abide  the  directions 
that  might  be  received  concerning  them  from  his  high- 
ness the  Prince  of  Orange  and  the  English  parliament. 
What  would  be  the  extent  of  the  revolution  that  was 
in  progress  in  the  parent  state,  and  to  what  settlement 
of  affairs  it  would  finally  conduct,  was  yet  wholly  un- 
known in  the  colonies. 

The  example  of  Massachusetts  was  immediately  fol- 
lowed by  the  other  provinces  of  New  England.  When 
the  tidings  of  the  revolution  at  Boston  reached  Con- 
necticut, the  inhabitants  determined  no  longer  to  ac- 
knowledge a  governor  who  from  the  command  of  one 
half  of  the  colonies  was  now  reduced  to  the  situation 
of  a  delinquent  in  jail.  Their  charter  reappeared  from 
its  concealment;  and  the  chartered  government,  which 
had  never  been  either  expressly  surrendered  or  legally 
dissolved,  was  instantly  resumed  with  universal  satis- 
faction. The  people  of  Rhode  Island  had  never  been 
required  to  give  up  the  charter  whose  privileges  they 
had  so  solemnly  and  formally  surrendered  ;  and  they 
now  scrupled  not  to  declare  that  it  was  still  in  force, 
and  to  remove  as  well  as  they  could  the  only  obstruc- 
tion to  this  plea,  by  repealing  the  act  of  surrender. 
New  Plymouth,  in  like  manner,  resumed  instanta- 
neously its  ancient  form  of  government  In  New 
Hampshire,  a  general  convention  of  the  inhabitants 
was  called,  and  tiie  resolution  adopted,  of  re-annexing 
the  province  to  Massachusetts.  In  conformity  with 
this  resolution,  deputies  were  elected  to  represent  them 
ir  the  general  court  at  Boston  ;  but  King  William 
refused  to  comply  with  the  wishes  of  the  people,  and 
some  time  after  appointed  a  separate  governor  for  New 
Hampshire. 

Although  the  people  of  Massachusetts  had  at  first 
intimated  very  plainly  their  purpose  to  revive  by  their 
own  act  their  ancient  charter,  the  cool  consideration 
that  succeeded  the  ferment  during  which  this  purpose 
had  been  entertained,  convinced  them  that  it  was  ne- 
cessary to  forego  it,  and  that  the  restoration  of  a  charter 
60  formally  vacated  by  the  existing  authorities  of  the 
parent  state  could  proceed  only  from  the  crown  or  le- 
gislature of  England.  Hearing  of  the  convention  of 
estates  that  had  been  convoked  by  the  Prince  of  Orange 
in  England,  the  provincial  government  of  Massachu- 
setts called  togetlier  a  similar  convention  of  the  counties 
and  towns  of  the  province  ;  and  it  was  the  opinion  of 
the  majority  of  this  assembly  that  the  charter  could  not 
be  resumed.  Intelligence  having  arrived  of  the  settle- 
ment of  England  and  the  investiture  of  William  and 
Mary  with  the  crown,  they  w'cre  proclaimed  in  the  co- 
lony with  extraordinary  solemnity  and  universal  satis- 
faction. A  letter  was  soon  after  addressed  by  the  new 
sovereigns.  To  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts,  express- 
ing the  royal  allowance  and  approbation  of  the  late  pro- 
ceedings of  the  people,  and  authorising  the  present 
magistrates  to  continue  the  administration  of  the  public 
affairs,  till  their  majesties,  with  the  advice  of  the  privy 
council,  should  settle  them  on  a  basis  that  would  be 
satisfactory  to  all  their  subjects  in  the  colony.  An 
order  was  transmitted,  at  the  same  time,  to  send  Andros 
and  the  other  prisoners  to  England,  that  they  might 
answer  the  charges  preferred  against  them.  Additional 
deputies  were  chosen  by  the  colony  to  join  Mr.  Mather, 
who  still  continued  in  England,  and,  in  concurrence 
with  him,  to  substantiate  the  charges  against  Andros, 
and,  above  all,  to  endeavor  to  procure  the  restoration 
of  the  charter. 

But  before  the  colonists  were  able  to  ascertain  if 
this  favorite  object  was  to  be  promoted  by  the  English 
revolution,  they  felt  the  evil  effects  of  that  great  event, 
in  the  consequences  of  the  war  that  had  already  broken 
out  between  England  France.  The  war  between  the 
tvfo  parent  states  quickly  extended  itself,  to  their  pos- 
sessions in  America  and  the  colonics  of  New  England 
and  New  i'ork  were  now  involved  in  bloody  and  deso- 
ating  hostilities  with  the  forces  of  the  French  in  Ca- 
nada, and  ihcir  Indian  auxiliaries  and  allies.  The  hos- 
libties   that  were  directed  against  New  York  be- 


long to  anotlier  portion  of  this  history.  In  concert 
with  thein,  various  attacks  were  made  by  considerable 
bodies  of  tlie  Indians  in  the  conclusion  of  this  year  on 
the  settlements  and  forts  in  New  Hampshire  and 
MaiiK^ ;  and  in  several  instances  being  crowned  with 
success,  they  were  productive  of  the  most  horrid  ex- 
tremities of  savage  cruelty.  Fully  aware  that  these 
depredations  originated  in  Canada  and  Acadia,  the 
general  court  of  Massachusetts  prejiared  during  the 
winter  an  expedition  against  both  Port  Royal  and 
Quebec.  The  command  of  it  was  intrusted  to  Sir 
William  Phipps,  who,  on  the  dissolution  of  the  late  ar- 
bitrary government,  had  come  to  New  England  in  the 
hope  of  being  able  ro  reyder  some  service  to  his  coun- 
trymen. Eight  small  vessels,  with  seven  or  eight  hun- 
dred men,  sailed  under  his  command  in  the  following 
spring,  and,  almost  without  opposition,  took  possession 
of  Port  Royal  and  of  the  whole  province  of  Acadia  ; 
and,  within  a  month  after  its  departure,  the  fleet  re- 
turned loaded  with  plunder  enough  to  defray  the  whole 
expense  of  the  expedition.  But  the  Count  Frontignac, 
the  governor  of  Canada,  retorted  by  severe  and  bloody 
attacks  on  the  more  remote  of  the  colonial  settlements  ; 
and,  animating  the  hostilities  of  his  Indian  allies,  kept 
the  frontiers  in  a  state  of  incessant  alarm  by  their  con- 
tinued incursions.  Letters  had  been  written  by  the 
general  court  to  King  William,  urging  the  importance 
of  the  conquest  of  Canada,  and  soliciting  his  aid  to- 
wards that  attempt ;  but  he  was  too  much  occupied  in 
Europe  to  exterid  his  exertions  to  America,  and  the 
general  court  determined  to  prosecute  the  expedition 
without  his  assistance.  New  Tork  and  Connecticut 
engaged  to  furnish  a  body  of  men  who  should  march  by 
the  way  of  Lake  Champlain  to  the  attack  of  Montreal, 
while  the  troops  of  Massachusetts  should  proceed  by 
sea  to  Quebec.  The  fleet  destined  for  this  expedition 
consisted  of  nearly  forty  vessels,  the  largest  of  which 
carried  forty-four  guns,  and  the  number  of  troops  on 
board  amounted  to  two  thousand.  The  command  of 
this  considerable  armament  was  confided  to  Sir  Wil- 
liam Phipps,  who,  in  the  conduct  of  it,  demonstrated 
his  usual  courage,  and  every  qualification  except  that 
military  experience,  without  which,  in  warfare  waged 
on  so  large  a  scale  with  a  civilized  enemy,  all  the 
others  will  prove  unavailing.  The  troops  of  Connecticut 
and  New  York,  retarded  by  defective  arrangements, 
and  disappointed  of  the  assistance  of  the  friendly  Indians 
who  had  engaged  to  furnish  them  with  canoes  for  cross- 
ing the  rivers  they  had  to  pass,  were  compelled  to  retire 
without  attacking  Montreal,  and  the  whole  force  of 
Canada  was  thus  concentrated  to  resist  the  attack  of 
Phipps.  His  armament  arrived  before  Quebec  so  late 
in  the  season,  that  only  a  coup  dc  main  could  have 
enabled  him  to  carry  the  place  ;  but  by  unskilful  delay, 
the  time  for  such  an  attempt  was  suffered  to  pass  un-" 
improved.  The  English  were  worsted  in  various  se- 
vere encounters,  and  compelled  at  length  to  make  a 
precipitate  retreat ;  and  the  fleet,  after  sustaining  con- 
siderable loss  in  the  voyage  homeward,  returned  to 
Boston.  Such  was  the  unfortunate  conclusion  of  an 
expedition  which  had  involved  the  colony  in  an  enor- 
mous expense,  and  cost  the  lives  of  at  least  a  thousand 
men.  The  French  had  so  strongly  apprehended  that 
it  would  be  successful,  that  they  scrupled  not  to  ascribe 
Its  failure  to  the  immediate  interposition  of  Heaven,  in 
confounding  the  devices  of  the  enemy,  and  depriving 
them  of  common  sense  :  and,  under  this  impression 
the  people  of  Quebec  established  an  annual  procession 
in  commemoration  of  their  deliverance.  It  is,  how- 
ever, a  strong  proof  of  the  good  conduct  of  Phipps,  that 
a  result  so  disastrous  exposed  him  to  no  blame,  and 
deprived  him  in  no  degree  of  the  favor  of  h  s  country- 
men. And  yet  the  disappointment,  and  the  effects  that 
resulted  from  it,  were  remarkably  severe.  The  general 
court  of  Massachusetts  had  not  even  anticipated  the 
possibility  of  miscarriage,  and  had  expected  to  derive, 
from  the  success  of  the  expedition,  the  same  reimburse- 
ment of  its  expenses,  of  which  their  former  enterprise 
had  been  productive.  The  returning  army,  finding  the 
government  totally  unprepared  to  satisfy  their  claims, 
were  on  the  point  of  mutinying  for  their  pay  ;  and  it 
was  found  necessary  to  issue  bills  of  credit,  which  the 
soldiers  consented  to  accept  in  place  of  money.  The 
colony  was  now  in  a  very  depressed  and  suffering 
state.  Endeavoring  to  improve  the  calamities  which 
they  were  unable  to  avoid,  the  government  earnestly 
endeavored  to  promote  the  increase  of  piety  and  the 
reformation  of  manners  ;  and  urged  upon  the  ministers 
and  the  people  the  duty  of  strongly  resisting  that  world- 
liness  of  mind,  which  the  necessity  of  contending 
violently  for  the  things  of  this  world  is  apt  to  beget. 
The  sttacks  of  the  Indians  on  the  eastern  frontiers  were 


'  Neat,  ii.  44>J— J70.  Huuihinson,  i.  395 — 101.  Ciovernot 
CoUlen'.s  History  of  ilie  Five  Indian  Nations  of  Canada,  i 
136.  Coldeii  error.eously  supposes  itie  expedition  agaiii9 
(inebcc  to  have  taken  place  in  ttie  follon  ing  year. 

t  Philiisopliic  observers  have  been  struck  with  surprise  a) 
tlie  contrast  between  ttie  language  and  llic  conduct  of  ih> 
Knglish  Wliigs  in  the  Revolution  of  18SS.  Their  conJuci  in 
fffecting  the  great  change  was  liberal  and  niar.ly.  Their 
language,  contracted  and  prejudiced,  seemed  intended  to  veil 
the  audacity  of  their  proceedings  from  ll'.e  grossr.tes  of  pub- 
lic vie\v.  They  asserted  indcl'rasiblo  hereditary  right  with 
their  tongues,  while  they  violated  it  with  their  hands  ;  and  r*- 
enacted  the  settlement  of  the  crown  in  the  very  words  of  thai 
act  of  settlement  which  they  had  so  deliberately  set  aside- 
endeavoring,  like  the  entailer  of  an  estate,  to  ileprive  their 
posterity  of  tlie  liberty  that  they  themselves  had  enjoyed  and 
found  it  necessa'y  to  exeicisc.  Tbcy  s<;cuieil  to  have  con 
sidered  th»  Aim  ricans  in  some  such  light  as  they  resanled 
tlieir  own  posterity,  and  lo  have  looked  with  very  little  lavui 
on  every  exercise  of  liberty  independent  of  tbeinsclves.  \Vt'„Ie 
they  studied  to  clothe  their  own  conduct  in  the  seniblaiicf  o. 
precedent,  tliey  e.\'acted  a  siibstanlial  aillieretire  lo  precedent 
Iroai  their  successors  and  (ticir  dvipe.ide  .tj. 


I 


i 


270 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


•tudiad  to  promote.  Wiihoiit  delfrnolning  the  point, 
the  cotiiicil  intcrriiptctl  llie  discussion  l>v  a  resoliilion. 
that  the  whole  matter  should  be  subinilled  to  the  kmi; ; 
and  his  majesty  soon  after  signilied  his  pleasure  tliat 
tne  complaints  of  both  parties  shor.M  be  dismissed." 
Thvis  terminated  'hit  impeachment  of  Andros,  ni  a 
manner  verv  ill  calrulatod  to  impress  tile  people  of 
Mas»achuseits  with  respect  for  the  justice  of  the  British 
{Toveriimeiit.  They  had  soon  after  the  mort'tieatioii  of 
aeeiiig  him  add  reward  to  im])iinity,  and  honored  with 
Ihe  appointment  of  governor  of  V'lrginia.* 

The  deputies  finding  that  the  House  of  Commons, 
thougli  at  first  disposed  to  annul  the  proceedings  on  the 
quo  icarranln  against  Massachusetts,  Unii  been  persua- 
iled  by  the  arguments  of  Soiners  and  tlie  other  lawyers 
who  had  seals  in  the  house  to  depart  from  this  purpose, 
end  that  the  king  was  determined  not  to  restore  the 
old  charter,  employed  every  eiTorl  to  obtain  at  least  a 
restitulion  o(  tlie  privileges  it  had  coiilamed.  But 
AVilliam  and  his  ministers,  though  deterred  from  imi- 
tating tlie  lyrarinic-al  proceedings  of  th(^  former  reign, 
wore  heartilv  desirous  of  availing  theiiiBelves  of  wliat- 
ever  acquisitions  these  proceedings  might  have  made 
to  the  royal  prerogative  ;  and  finding  that  the  crown 
had  acquired  a  legal  pretext  lo  exercise  a  miicli  stronger 
authority  over  the  colony  than  liad  been  reserved  in  its 
original  constitution,  it  was  determined  to  take  advant- 
age of  this  pretext  without  rejxard  to  the  tyrannical  na- 
ture of  the  proceeding  by  which  it  had  been  obtained. 
The  restoration  of  their  ancient  privilege  of  electing 
their  own  municipal  officers  was  ardently  desired  by 
the  peojile,  and  contended  for  by  the  deputies  with  a 
vehemence  which  the  king  would  probably  have  re- 
sented as  disresfiectful  to  himself,  if  he  had  not  felt 
himse'f  bound  to  excuse  the  irritation  excited  by  his 
own  injustice  He  adhered  inflexibly  to  his  determina- 
tion of  retaining,  as  far  as  possible,  every  advantage 
that  fortune  had  put  into  his  hands  :  and  at  l<-ngtli  a 
new  charter  was  framed,  with  changes  that  materially 
affected  the  ancient  coiistilutiou  of  the  colony,  and 
transferred  to  the  crown  many  valuable  privileges  that 
had  originally  liplonged  to  the  peo|ile.  By  this  charter 
ihe  territories  of  Massacliusetls,  Plymouth,  and  Maine.- 
loiietiier  with  the  conquered  province  of  Acadia  or 
Nova  .Scotia,  wore  unilcd  together  in  one  jurisdiction — 
ail  arrangement  that  was  by  no  means  satislactory  to 
'.he  parlies  included  in  it  ;  for  Plymouth,  which  had 
earnestly  solicited  a  separate  establisiirr.ent,  was  forci- 
bly annexed  to  .Massaciiusetts  ;  and  liampjhire,  which 
had  as  earnesily  petitioned  to  be  included  in  this  an- 
nexation, was  erecK-d  into  a  separate  jurisdiction,  t 
The  appointment  of  the  governor,  deputy  governor, 
secretary,  and  all  the  otiicers  of  the  adiiurally,  was  re 
served  to  the  crown.  'I'wenty-eiglit  councillors  were 
directed  to  be  chosen  by  the  House  of  .Vssembly.  and 
presented  to  the  governor  for  his  approbation.  'J'he 
gov(!iiior  was  empowered  to  convoke,  adjourn,  pro- 
rogue, and  dissolve  the  assemblv  at  pleasure  ;  to  nomi- 
nate, exclusively,  all  military  ollicers,  and  (with  the 
consent  of  his  council)  all  the  jii  Iges  and  other  ollicers 
of  the  law.  To  the  governor  was  reserveil  a  negative 
on  the  laws  aud  arts  of  the  general  as?eml)ly  and  coun- 
cil ;  and  all  laws  enacted  l>y  these  bodies  and  approved 
by  the  governor  were  appointed  lo  be  traiismitled  lo 
England  for  the  roval  approbalinn  ;  arid  if  disallowed 
witli'n  the  space  of  three  years,  liny  were  to  be  utterly 
\oid 

The  innovations  that  were  ihu?  introduced  into  tlii  ir 
ancient  constitution,  excited  much  discontenl  in  the 
minds  of  the  peofile  ol  Massachusetts  ;  the  m(>re  so 
because  the  extension  of  royal  aulhoriiy  was  nut  at 
tended  with  a  proportioii.il  communication  of  the  royal 
protection  :  and  the  king,  at  the  very  time  when  he  ap- 
propriated the  most  valuable  jirivileges  of  the  people 
fmind  himself  constrained,  by  the  nrg<mcy  of  his  allairs 
in  Europe,  to  refuse  the  assistance  which  the  people 
had  he.souwht  from  him  to  repel  the  hostilities  of  the 

♦  Raiiilolpli  Km  mil  Kent  back  lo  America.  He  rcceiveil, 
however,  an  npixiiiiiiiiciii  in  ilio  Winl  Inilies,  where  he  dicul, 
rtUiriiiiL',  il  in  aaiil,  hn  ilislikv  of  ihc  pttnplc  uf  New  LCii!.'laii(l 
li>  ilic  Ktiiil's  Biiujriiphicnl  Dicli.Muiry  of  New  Knirlaiul, 

4OT,  3.    Cranflrlil,  Ihc  lyrmit  of  New  llainpahire,  was  ap- 

rimed  coUccmr  of  Baili.id.«i<.  He  repcie.tjd  ol  his  coiuluci 
New  e.iii(laiid,  anil  eiidenviircd  lo  al  uie  Inr  il  \>y  sliowiiii;  all 
the  kiiiiliip.iii-  ill  Ilia  |iower  lo  the  irailers  from  that  couiiiry. 
Belknap,  i.  ■Hi. 

f  The  iiniiiii,  e»rne«lly  deeircil  tiy  Ihc  [wnple  of  Mas- 
uchiinrii^  uiiil  New  llaiiipfhiri',  wa«  overrt.ieil  liy  ihe  inlercMl, 
■lid  fur  Ihe  c'iriveiiieiire,  nt  l^aiiitiel  Allen,  n  inerchaiil  in 
London,  lo  whom  M.(Mitn>  heirn  had  Hold '.heir  rlaiin  lo  ihc 
■nil  or  New  llaiii|inh>re  He  wan  np|Hiliiieil  ilie  flmt  governor 
•f  the  proviiii-c  ;  mill  cmployini;  hit  aoilioriiy  in  vexaliotis 
bul  uiisucceH^rul  nllenipiH  to  eflV-ciiinle  lii!i  ptiri'ha-«ed  claim, 
Miidere.l  hlirneir  exliemely  odiiiiH  lo  Ihn  iienple.  Belknap, 
I  <^  Ix  and  li.   II*  waa  tuporMded  by  Lord  Uellainom  m 


Indians  and  of  the  French  settlers  in  Canada.  The 
situation  of  the  states  of  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island, 
which  were  permitted  to  reassumc  all  their  ancient 
privileges,  rendered  the  injustice  witli  which  Massachu- 
setts was  treated  more  flagrant  and  irritating.  Though 
legal  techiiicaliiics  might  seem  to  warrant  the  advan- 
tage which  those  states  enjoyed,  it  was  utterly  repug- 
nant to  llie  enlarged  views  of  justice  and  equity  which 
ought  to  regulate  ihc  policy  of  a  legislator.  Only  mis- 
take on  the  one  hand,  or  their  own  artifice  on  the  other, 
could  be  supposed  to  entitle  them  to  a  distinction  that 
made  the  treatment  of  Massachusetts  more  invidious  ; 
and  a  very  dangerous  lesson  was  taught  to  the  colonics 
when  they  were  thus  given  to  understand  that  it  was 
their  own  vigilant  dexterity  and  successful  intrigue,  or 
the  blunders  of  the  parent  state,  that  they  were  to  rely 
on  as  the  safeguards  of  their  rights.  The  injustice  of 
the  policy  of  which  Massachusetts  now  coiii[)lained  was 
rendered  still  more  glaringly  apparent  by  the  very  dil- 
ferent  treatment  obtained  by  the  powerful  corporation 
of  the  city  of  London.  Tlie  charier  of  this  city,  though 
annulled  with  the  same  solemnity,  and  on  grounds  as 
plausilile,  as  the  ancient  charter  of  Massachusetts,  was 
restored  by  a  legislative  act  immediately  after  the  revo- 
lution. Nor  was  any  |)olitical  advantage  derived  by 
the  English  government  from  this  violation  of  just  and 
equitable  principles.  'I'he  patronage  lhat  was  wrested 
from  the  people  and  appropriated  by  the  crown,  was 
quite  iiiadeipiate  to  the  formation  of  a  powerful  royal 
party  in  the  country.  The  appointment  of  the  governor 
and  other  officers  was  regarded  as  a  badge  of  depeud- 
ance,  instead  of  forming  a  bond  of  union.  The  popu- 
lar assemblies  retained  sullicient  inliueuce  over  the 
governors  to  curb  them  in  the  enforceinein  of  obnoiiou:? 
measures,  and  sullicient  jiower  to  resiraiii  them  from 
making  any  serious  inroad  on  the  constitution.  It  is  a 
remarkalile  fact  that  the  dissensions  between  the  two  ! 
countries,  which  afterwards  terminated  in  the  dissolu-  ! 
tion  of  the  British  empire  in  America,  were  in  a  great 
degree  promoted  by  the  pernicious  counsels  and  erro- 
neous information  that  the  colonial  governors  of  those 
provinces,  in  wl.icli  the  ap|)Oiutment  to  that  ottice  was 
exercised  by  t!ie  king,  transmitted  to  the  English  mi- 
nistry. 

Aware  of  the  dissatisfaction  with  which  the  new 
charter  was  regarded,  the  ministers  of  William  judged 
it  prudent  to  wave  in  the  outset  the  full  exercise  of  the 
invidious  prerogative,  and  desired  the  deputies  to  name 
the  person  whom  they  considered  most  acceptable  to 
their  countrymen  as  governor  of  Massachusetts  :  and 
the  deputies  having  concurred  in  the  nomination  of  Sir 
William  Phip|is,  the  a[)poiiitmeiit  to  this  olfi:;e  was  be- 
stowed on  him  accordingly.  This  act  of  courtesy  was 
attended  with  a  degree  of  success  in  mollifying  the  ill 
humor  of  the  people,  that  strongly  attests  the  high  esti- 
mation in  which  i'hipps  was  lield  :  for  on  his  arrival  in 
Boston,  [  l6y.J,J  though  some  discontent  was  expressed, 
and  several  of  the  memhers  of  the  general  cojrt  loudly 
insisted  that  the  new  charter  should  be  absolutely  re- 
jected,* yet  the  great  body  of  the  people  received  him 
with  acclamations  ;  and  a  large  majority  of  the  general 
court  resolved  that  the  charter  should  be  thankfully 
accepted,  and  appointed  a  day  of  thanksgiving  tor  the 
safe  arrival  of  their  worthy  governor  and  Mr.  Mather, 
whose  services  they  acknowledged  with  gratelul  com- 
memoration. The  new  governor  hasleiud  lo  ajiprove 
himself  worthy  of  the  favorable  regards  of  his  couiilry- 
meii.  Having  convoked  a  general  assembly  of  the  pro- 
vince, he  addressed  them  in  a  short  but  characteristic 
spiech,  recommending  to  ihem  the  preparation  of  a 
body  of  good  laws  with  all  tlw  ex(iedition  they  could 
exert.  ••  (ieiitlemen,"  said  he,  "you  may  make  your- 
selves as  vdyy  as  you  will  for  ever.  Consider  what 
may  have  a  tendency  lo  your  welfare,  and  you  may  be 
sure  that  whatever  hills  you  offer  to  me,  consistent  with 
the  honor  and  interest  of  Ihe  trown,  I '11  pass  them 
readily.  I  do  bul  seek  opportunities  lo  serve  you. 
Had  11  not  been  for  the  sake  of  this  thing,  I  had  never 
accepted  of  this  province.  And  whenever  you  have 
settled  such  a  body  of  good  laws,  that  no  person  coming 


*  Mr.  Mather  and  the  other  deputies,  wlicn  tlicy  found  it  iin- 
possihle  loubtuin  an  alletalion  uf  the  new  charier,  proposed 
at  first  to  reject  II  alto^elher,  and  to  institute  a  process  for 
trying  the  v:iliility  ot  the  jiiditnient  pronounced  on  the  quo 
warranto.  They  were  deterred  trom  this  proceeding  liy  the 
solemn  assuraiu  e  of  Treliy,  Soiners,  and  the  Uvo  chief  jiis- 
lices  of  Kiiglnnd,  thai  it  llie  jud^inciit  wer<^  r<  versed,  a  new 
quo  warrraiilo  would  be  isMied,  and  iindoultledly  folluwed  by 
a  jud):inetil  excinpl  from  all  ground  of  challenge.  Those 
learned  persons  as»ured  the  deputies  lhat  Ihe  colonislr<,  by 
erecliiiK  jUilicatorieN,consliliitin!{  a  house  of  rcpresentalives, 
and  incorporating  colleges,  had  forfeited  their  cliailer,  wliicli 
gave  nu  (aiicliuii  to  sucli  acts  of  aulhoniy.  llutclimsoii, 

I.  iiy 


after  me  may  make  you  uneasy,  I  shall  desire  not  one 
day  longer  to  continue  in  the  government  "  His  corj- 
duct  amply  corresponded  with  these  professions. 

The  administration  of  Sir  W.lliam  Phipps,  however, 
was  neither  long  nor  prosperous.    Though  he  might 
give  his  sanction  as  trovernor  to  popular  laws,  il  was 
not  in  his  power  lo  guard  ihem  from  being  rescinded 
by  the  crown  ;  and  this  fate  soon  betel  a  law  lhat  waa 
passed  exempting  the  people  from  all  taxes  but  such  as 
should  be  imposed  by  their  own  assemblies,  and  de- 
claring their  right  to  share  all  the  privileges  of  .Magna 
Charta.    He  found  the  province  involved  in  a  distress- 
ing war  with  the  French  and  Indians,  and  m  the  still 
more  formidable  calamity  of  that  delusion  which  has 
been  termed  the  New  England  wUr.hcraft.     When  the 
Indians  were  informed  of  the  appoiniiient  of  Sir  Wil- 
liam Phipps  to  the  office  of  governor  of  Massachusetts, 
they  were  struck  with  amazement  at  the  fortunes  o< 
the  man  whose  humble  origin  they  perfectly  well  knew, 
and  with  whom  they  had  familiarly  associated  bul  a  few 
years  before  in  the  obscurity  of  his  |'riraitive  condition. 
Impressed  with  a  high  Ojiinion  of  his  courage  and  reso- 
lution, and  a  superstitious  dread  of  that  fortune  lhat 
seemed  destined  to  surmount  every  obstacle  and  pre- 
vail over  every  disadvantage,  tliey  would  willingly  have 
made  peace,  but  were  induced  to  continue  the  war  by 
the  artihces  and  intrigues  of  the  French.    A  few  months 
afier  his  arrival,  the  governor,  at  the  head  of  a  small 
army,  marched  to  Penimaquid,  on  the  Merrimack  river, 
and  there  caused  lo  be  constrncled  a  fort  of  considera- 
ble strenoth.  and  calculated  by  its  situation  to  form  a 
powerful  barrier  to  the  province,  and  lo  overawe  the 
neighboring  tribes  of  Indians  and  inierru|)t  their  mutual 
communication.    The  beneficial  effect  of  llus  operation 
was  experienced  in  liie  following  year,  [  lOUS- J  w  hen 
the  Indians  sent  ambassadors  lo  the  fort  at  Penima- 
quid, and  there  at  leiiglh  concluded  with  English  com- 
missioners a  treaty  of  peace,  by  which  they  renounced 
for  ever  the  interests  of  the  French,  and  pledged  them- 
selves  to  perpetual  amity  with  the  inhabiianls  of  New 
England.    The  colonists,  wlio  had  suffered  severely 
from  the  recent  depredations  of  these  savages,*  and 
were  still  laboring  undei  the  tiurdens  entailed  on  thein 
by  former  wars,  were  not  slow  lo  embrace  the  (irst 
overtures  of  peace  :  and  vet  the  utmost  discontent  was 
e.xcited  by  the  measure  lo  which  they  were  indebted 
fer  the  delivera.ice  they  had  so  ardently  desired.  The 
cxpiMise  of  building  the  fori  and  of  maintaining  its  gar- 
rison and  stores  occasioned  an  addition  to  the  exTSting 
taxes,  which  was  borne  with  much  impatience.  'I'he 
parly  who  had  opposed  submission  to  the  new  charier, 
eaoerly  promoted  every  complaint  against  ihe  admini- 
slaiion  of  a  sysieni  which  they  regarded  with  rooted 
aversion  ;  and  labored  so  successfully  on  this  occasion 
to  render  the  person  and  government  of  Sir  \\  ilham 
Phipps  odious  to  his  countrymen,  that  his  popularity  sus- 
tained a  shock  from  which  it  never  afterwards  entirely 
recovered.    The  people  were  easily  led  to  connect  in 
their  apprehension  the  increase  of  taxation  with  the 
abridgment  of  their  political  privileges,  and  to  believe 
that  if  they  had  retained  their  ancient  control  over  the 
officers  of  government,  the  administration  of  their  alfairs 
mioht  have  been  more  economically  conducted.  Bi>t 
another  cause,  to  wliich  1  have  already  alluded,  and 
which  we  must  now  proceed  more  fully  to  consider, 
rendered  the  minds  of  the  people  at  this  lime  unusu- 
ally susceptible  of  gloomy  impressions,  and  suspicions 
not  less  irritating  than  unreasonable. 

The  belief  of  witchcrafl  was  at  ihis  period  almo.<t 
universal  in  christian  countries  ;  and  the  existence  and 
criminality  of  the  practice  were  recognised  in  the  penal 
code  of  every  civilized  state.  Persons  suspected  ol 
being  witches  and  wizards  were  frequently  tried,  con- 
demned, and  put  to  death  by  ihe  authority  of  the  most 
enlightened  tribunals  in  Europe  ;  and  in  particular,  but 
a  few  years  before  this  period.  Sir  Matthew  Hale,  a 
man  highly  and  justly  renowned  for  the  strength  of  his 
understanding,  the  variety  of  his  knowledge,  and  the 
eminent  christian  graces  that  adorned  his  character, 
had,  after  a  long  and  anxious  investigation,  adjudged  a 
number  of  persons  lo  die  for  this  offence,  at  an  assizo 
m  Suffolk.!   The  reality  of  witchcraft,  as  yet,  had  never 


*  Tlio  situation  of  the  people  of  New  Hampshire,  in  par- 
ticular, had  beco.Tie  so  irksome  and  dangerous  that  at  ono 
lime  they  appear  lo  have  adopted  the  resolution  of  abandon- 
ing the  province.    Belknap,!  2fi6. 

t  How  ell's  Slate  Tri.ils,  vol.  vi.  p.  frIT.  Even  so  Kite  as  Iho 
middle  of  the  eightcciilh  century,  the  coiiviclioii  of  lha 
witches  of  VVarbois,  in  the  reign  ol  queen  Elizabeth,  was  sliU 
commemorated  in  annual  sermon  ol  Ilunllngton.  John»on'« 
Works,  Observalions  on  the  tragedy  of  MaclH-th.  The  >•- 
ce<lers  in  ScolLind  published  an  act  ot  their  nssociale  pre» 
bylorv  at  Ediiiburgh  in  1743  (rcpru  «id  at  (iliMgcw  in  ITS 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


271 


been  questioned,  nor  were  there  any  to  whom  it  ap- 
peared unimportant  or  incredible,  except  those  who 
regarded  tlie  spiritual  world  altoijcthcr  as  a  mere  spe- 
culation, vague,  visionary  and  delusive.  Among  the 
number  of  those  who  every  where  believed  in  it,  were 
some  of  the  unfortunate  beings  who  were  put  to  death 
as  witches.  Instigated  by  fraud  and  cruelty,  or  pos- 
sessed by  demonical  frenzy,  some  of  these  unhappy 
perswis  professed  more  or  less  openly  to  hold  commu- 
nication with  the  powers  of  darkness  ;  and,  by  the  ad- 
ministration of  subtle  poisons,  by  disturbing  the  ima- 
ginalion  of  their  victims,  or  by  an  actual  appropr.atioii 
of  that  mysterious  agency  which  scripture  assures  us 
did  once  exist,  and  which  no  equal  authority  has  ever 
proved  to  be  extinguished,  they  committed  crimes  and 
inflicted  injuries  which  were  punished,  perhaps,  under 
an  erroneous  name.  The  colonists  of  New  England, 
participating  in  the  general  belief  of  this  practice,  re- 
garded It  with  a  degree  of  abhorrence  and  indignation 
becoming  the  piety  for  which  they  were  so  remarkably 
distinguished.  Their  experience  in  America  had  tended 
to  strengthen  the  sentiments  on  this  subject  which  they 
had  brought  with  them  from  England  ;  for  they  found 
the  belief  of  witchcraft  firmly  rooted  among  the  Indian 
tribes,  and  the  practice  (or  what  was  so  termed  and 
esteemed)  prevailing  extensively,  and  wuh  perfect  im- 
punity, among  those  people  whom  as  heathens  they 
justly  regarded  as  the  worshippers  of  demons.  [13.] 
Their  conviction  of  the  reality  of  witchcraft  must  ne- 
cessarily have  been  confirmed  by  this  evidence  of  the 
universal  assent  of  mankind  ;  and  their  resentment  of 
its  enormity  proportionably  increased  by  the  honor  and 
ac-ceptanee  which  they  saw  it  enjoy  under  the  shelter 
ol  superstitions  that  denied  and  dishonored  the  true 
(j'od.  The  fir.st  trials  for  witchcraft  m  New  England 
occurred  in  the  year  1645,  when  four  persons  charged 
with  this  crime  were  put  to  death  in  Massachusetts. 
Golfc,  the  regicide,  in  ins  diary,  records  the  conviction 
of  three  others  at  Hartford,  in  Connecticut,  in  1G62,  and 
remarks,  that,  after  one  of  them  was  hanged,  the  young 
woman  who  had  been  bewitched  was  restored  to  health. 
For  more  than  twenty  years  after,  we  hear  but  little  of 
any  similar  prosecutions.  But  in  the  year  168S,  a 
woman  was  executed  for  witchcraft  at  Boston,  after  an 
investigation  conducted  with  a  degree  of  solemnity 
that  made  a  deep  impression  on  the  ininds  of  the  peo- 
ple. An  account  of  the  whole  transaction  was  pub- 
lished, and  so  generally  were  the  wise  and  good  per- 
euailed  of  the  j  istice  of  the  proceeding,  that  Richard 
Baiter  wrote  a  preface  to  the  account,  in  which  he 
scrupled  not  to  declare  every  one  who  refused  to  be- 
lieve it  an  obdurate  Sadducee.*  The  attention  of  the 
people  being  thus  strongly  e.xcited,  and  their  suspicions 
thus  powerfullv  awakened  in  this  direction,  the  charges 
of  witchcraft  began  gradually  to  multiply,  till,  at  length, 
there  commenced  at  Salem  that  dreadful  tragedy  which 
rendered  New  England  for  many  months  a  scene  of 
bloodshed,  terror,  and  madness,  and  at  one  time  seemed 
to  threaten  the  subversion  of  civil  society: 

It  was  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  1692  that  this 
malady  seemed  to  originate  in  an  epidemical  complaint 
resembling  epilepsy,  and  which  the  physicians,  finding 
themselves  unable  to  explain  or  cure,  ascribed  very 
readily  to  supernatural  machination.  Some  young 
women,  and  among  others  tlie  daughters  and  niece  of 
Mr.  Pans,  the  minister  of  Salem,  were  first  attacked 
by  this  distemper,  and  induced  bv  the  declarations  of 
their  medical  attendants  to  ascribe  it  to  witchcraft. 
The  delusion  was  encouraged  by  a  perverted  a|)plica- 
tion  of  the  means  best  fitted  to  strengthen  and  en- 
lighten the  understanding.    Solemn  fasts  and  assem- 

aenouncitigtlie  repeal  of  ttie  penal  laws  against  wilclicraft  as 
a  national  sm.    Arnofs  Cnnunai  Trials  in  Scotland,  307. 

In  the  year  1672  (sixty  years  before  tlie  act  against  witch- 
craft in  Eneland)  Louis  the  Fourteenth  issued  an  edict  for- 
hidding  tiie  French  tribunals  to  receive  accusations  of  witch- 
craft. Hut  this  edict  was  inetfectual.  Voltaire's  Age  of 
Louis  XIV.  cap.  29. 

The  last  executions  for  witchcraft  in  the  British  dominions 
were  at  Huntingdon  in  1716,  and  in  Sutherlandshire  m  1722. 
Amot. 

» Cudworth  declares  that  all  who  disbelieve  witchcraft 
must  be  atheists.  Jaines  the  First  cau.-ed  a  bonk  that  ex- 
posed the  imposture  of  some  pretended  instances  of  witch- 
craft to  be  burned  by  the  hands  of  the  hangman— a  favorite 
mode  of  reply  wiih  his  majesty  to  the  works  of  his  adver- 
saries. }Ie  had  written  a  work  on  demonology,  in  wluch  he 
Vhus  described  a  part  of  the  preparations  for  the  invocation 
of  evil  spirits,—"  Circles  are  made,  triangular,  quadrangular, 
round,  double  or  single,  according  to  the  form  of  the  appa- 
ntion  they  crave."  llow  the  conjurors  made  triangular  cir- 
cles, he  lias  omitted  to  explain.  The  famous  Sachevercl, 
who  told  his  hearers  from  the  pulpit,  that  the  divine  right  of 
wngs,  and  the  divine  origin  of  christiaiiitj ,  "concur  like 
parallel  hnes,  meeting  in  one  common  centre,"  seems  to  have 
icherited  the  mathematics  as  weil  as  the  pohlics  of  tti:s 


j  blies  for  extraordinary  prayer  were  held  by  the  ncigh- 
j  boring  clergy  ;  and  the  .'uiiposition  of  witchcraft,  which 
in  reality  had  been  previously  assumed,  was  thus  con- 
firmed and  consecrated  in  the  apprehension  of  the  ()ub- 
j  lie.  The  fancy  of  the  patients,  perverted  by  disor- 
dered sensation,  and  inflamed  by  the  contagious  terror 
which  their  supposed  malady  excited,  soon  dictated 
accusations  against  particular  individuals  as  the  authors 
of  their  sufferings.  The  flame  was  now  kindled,  and 
finding  ample  nourishment  in  all  the  strongest  passions 
and  most  inveterate  weaknesses  of  liuman  nature,  car- 
ried havoc  and  destruction  through  the  community. 
The  bodily  symptoms  of  the  prevailing  natural  epide- 
mic, frequently  revolved  by  persons  of  weak  mind  and 
susceptible  frame,  were -propagated  with  amazing  rapi- 
dity, and  having  been  once  regarded  as  .symptoms  of 
witchcraft,  were  ever  after  referred  to  the  same  diaboli- 
cal origin.  The  usual  and  well  known  contagion  of 
nervous  disorders  was  powerfully  aided  by  the  dread  of 
the  mysterious  agency  from  which  they  were  now  sup- 
posed to  arise  ;  and  this  appalling  dread,  enfeebling 
the  reason  of  its  victims,  soon  led  them  to  ccnfound 
the  visions  of  their  disturbed  apprehension  with  the  re- 
alities of  their  experience.  Symptoms  before  unheard 
of,  and  unusually  terrific,*  attended  the  cases  of  the 
sufTerers,  and  were  supposed  to  prove  beyond  a  doubt 
that  the  disorder  was  supernatural,  and  no  bodily  ail- 
ment ;  while,  in  truth,  they  denoted  nothing  else  than 
the  extraordinary  terror  of  the  unhappy  patients,  who 
enhanced  the  malignity  of  their  disease  by  the  frightful 
agency  to  which  they  ascribed  it.  Every  case  of  ner- 
vous derangement  was  now  referred  to  this  source, 
and  every  morbid  aflfection  of  the  spirits  and  fancy  di- 
verted into  this  dangerous  channel.  Accusations  of 
particular  individuals  easily  suggested  themselves  to 
the  disordered  minds  of  the  sufferers,  and  were  eagerly 
preferred  by  themselves  and  their  relatives,  in  the  hope 
of  obtaining  deliverance  from  the  calamity,  by  the 
punishment  of  the  guilty.  These  charges,  however 
unsupported  by  proof,  and  however  remote  from  jiro- 
babdity,  alighted  with  fatal  influence  wherever  they  fell. 
The  supernatural  intimation  by  which  they  were  sup- 
posed to  be  communicated,  supplied  and  excluded  all 
ordinary  proof ;  and  when  a  patient,  under  the  domi- 
nion of  nervous  affections,  or  in  the  intervals  of  epi- 
leptic paroxysms,  declared  that  he  had  seen  the  appa- 
rition of  a  particular  individual  inflicting  his  suHenngs, 
no  consideration  of  previous  character  could  screen 
the  accused  from  a  trial,  which,  if  the  patient  persisted 
in  the  charge,  invariably  terminated  in  a  conviction 
The  charges  were  frequently  admitted  witiiout  any  other 
proof,  for  the  very  reason  for  which  they  should 
have  been  utterly  rejected  by  human  tribunals— that 
they  were  judged  incapable  of  common  proof,  or  of 
being  known  to  any  but  the  accuser  and  the  accused. 
.So  powerful  and  universal  was  the  belief  in  the  reality 
of  the  supposed  witchcraft,  that  none  dared,  even  if 
they  had  been  disposed,  openly  to  deny  it  ;  and  even 
the  innocent  victims  of  the  charges  were  constrained  to 
argue  on  the  assumption  that  the  apparitions  of  them- 
selves, described  by  their  accusers,  had  really  been  seen, 
and  reduced  to  plead  that  their  semblance  had  been  as- 
sumed by  an  evil  spirit  thai  sought  to  screen  his  proper 
instruments  and  divert  the  public  indignation  upon  un- 
offending persons.  It  was  answered,  however,  most 
gratuitously,  but,  unhappily  to  the  conviction  of  the 
public,  that  an  evil  spirit  could  assume  only  the  appear- 
ance of  such  persons  as  had  given  up  their  bodies  to 
him,  and  devoted  themselves  tc  his  service.  The  sem- 
blance of  legal  proof,  besides,  was  very  soon  added  to 
the  force  of  these  charges,  and  seeming  to  establish 
them  in  some  cases  was  thought  to  confirm  them  in  all. 
.Some  of  the  accused  persons,  terrified  by  their  danger, 
sought  safety  in  avowing  the  charge,  recanting  their 
supposed  impiety,  and  denouncing  others  as  their 
tempters  and  associates.  In  order  to  beget  favor  and 
verify  their  recantation,  they  now  declared  themselves 
the  victims  of  the  witchcraft  they  had  formerly  prac- 
tised, counterfeited  the  nervous  affectiwns  of  their  ac- 
cusers, and  imputed  their  snflerings  to  the  vengeance 
of  their  ancient  accomplices.  These  artifices  and  the 
general  delusion  were  promoted  by  the  conduct  of  the 
magistrates,  who,  with  a  monstrous  inversion  cf  equity 
and  sound  policy,  offered  impunity  to  all  who  would 
confess  the  charges  and  betray  their  associates,  while 

♦  Swelling  of  the  throat,  in  particular,  now  well  known  as 
a  hysterical  symptom,  was  considered  at  this  lime  a  horrible 
prodigy.  Medical  science  was  still  depraved  by  an  admixture 
of  gross  superstition.  The  touch  of  a  king  was  believed  to 
be  capable  of  curing  some  diseases ;  and  astrology  lt)rmed  a 
part  of  the  course  of  medical  study,  because  the  efficacy  of 
drugs  was  believed  to  be  promoted  o  impeied  by  planters 
influence 


they  inflexibly  doomed  to  death  every  accused  parson 
who  maintained  his  innocence.  Thus,  one  accusation 
produced  a  multitude  of  others,  the  accused  becoming 
accusers  and  witnesses,  and  hastening  to  escape  from 
the  danger  by  involving  other  persons  in  it.  Eron^ 
Salem,  where  its  main  fury  was  exerted,  the  evil 
spread  extensively  over  the  province  of  .Massachusetts ; 
and  whcreever  it  was  able  to  penetrate,  it  effectually 
subverted  the  happiness  and  security  of  life.  Thfc 
sword  of  the  law  was  wrested  from  the  hands  of  Justicet 
and  committed  to  the  grasp  of  the  wildest  fear  anii 
fury.  Suspense  and  alarm  pervaded  all  ranks  of  so- 
ciety. 'I'he  first  and  the  favorite  objects  of  accusation 
had  been  ill-favored  old  women,  whose  dismal  aspect, 
exciting  terror  and  aversion,  instead  of  pity  and  kind- 
ness, was  reckoned  a  proof  of  their  guilt,  and  seemed 
to  designate  the  pro[)er  agcnt.-s  of  mysterious  and  un- 
earthly wickedness.  But  the  sphere  of  accusation  was 
progressively  enlarged  to  such  a  degree,  that  at  length 
neither  age  nor  sex,  neither  ignorance  nor  innocence, 
neither  learning  nor  piety,  neither  reputation  nor  office, 
could  aflford  the  slightest  safeguard  against  a  charge  ol 
witchcraft.  Even  irrational  creatures  were  involved 
in  this  fatal  charge  ;  and  a  dog  belonging  to  a  "entlc- 
man  accused  of  witchcraft,  was  hanged  as  an  accom- 
plice of  its  master.  Under  the  dominion  of  terror,  a'.', 
mutual  confidence  seemed  to  be  destroyed,  and  the  best 
feelings  of  human  nuture  tramjiled  under  foot.  The 
nearest  relations  became  each  other's  accusers  and  one 
unhappy  man,  in  particular,  was  condemned  and  exe- 
cuted on  the  testimony  of  his  wife  and  daughter,  who 
appear  to  have  accused  him  merely  for  the  sake  of  pre- 
serving themselves.  Many  re.-pectable  persons  fled 
from  the  colony  ;  others,  maintaining  their  innocence, 
were  capitally  convicted,  and  died  with  a  determined 
courage  and  piety  that  affected,  but  could  not  disa- 
buse, the  spectators.  The  accounts  tnat  have  been 
preserved  of  the  trials  of  these  unfortunate  persons, 
present  a  most  revolting  and  humiliating  picture  of 
frenzy,  folly,  and  injustice.  There  were  received  in 
evidence  against  the  prisoners,  accounts  of  losses  and 
mishaps  that  had  befallen  the  accusers  or  their  vjattle 
(in  some  cases,  twenty  years  before  the  trial)  recently 
after  some  meeting  or  some  disagreement  with  the  pri- 
soners. Against  others,  it  was  deposed  that  they 
had  performed  greater  feats  of  strength,  and  walked 
from  one  place  to  another  in  a  shorter  space  of  timo 
than  the  accusers  judged  possible  without  diabolical 
assistance.  But  the  main  article  of  proof  was  the 
spectral  apparitions  of  the  persons  of  the  supposed 
witches  to  the  eyes  of  their  accusers  during  the  pa- 
roxysms of  their  malady.  The  accusers  sometimes  de- 
clared that  they  could  not  see  the  prisoners  at  the  bar 
of  the  court  ;  which  was  construed  into  a  proof  of  the 
immediate  exertion  of  .Satanic  influence  in  rendering 
their  persons  invisible  to  the  eves  of  those  who  were  to 
testify  against  them.  The  bodies  of  the  prisoners  were 
commonly  examined  for  the  discovery  of  what  were 
termed  witch-marks  ;  and  as  the  examiners  did  not 
know  what  they  were  seeking  for,  and  yet  earnestly  de- 
sired to  find  it,  everv  little  puncture  or  discoloration  of 
the  skin  was  easily  believed  to  be  the  impress  of  dia- 
bolical touch.  In  general  the  accusers  fell  into  fits,  oj 
complained  of  violent  uneasiness  at  the  sight  of  the 
prisoners.  On  the  trial  of  Mr.  Burroughs,  a  clergyman 
of  the  highest  respectability,  some  of  the  witnesses 
being  affected  in  this  manner,  the  judges  replied  to  hk 
protestations  of  innocence,  by  asking  if  he  would  ven- 
ture to  deny  that  these  persons  were  then  under  the 
influence  of  diabolical  agency.  He  answered  that  ha 
did  not  deny  it,  but  that  he  denied  having  any  concern 
with  it.  If  you  were  not  a  friend  of  the  devil,"  re- 
plied the  presiding  judge,  "  he  would  not  exert  himscll 
in  this  manner  to  prevent  these  persons  from  speaking 
against  you."  When  a  prisoner  in  his  defence  uttered 
any  thing  that  seemed  to  move  the  audience  in  his  favor, 
some  of  the  accusers  were  ready  to  exclaim  that  they 
saw  the  devil  standing  by  and  putting  the  words  in  his 
mouth  ;  and  every  feeling  of  humanitv  was  chased 
away  by  such  absurd  and  frantic  exclamations.*  Some 
fraud  and  malignity  undoubtedly  mixed  with  sincere 
misapprehension  in  stimulating  these  prosecutions.  The 

*  It  is  impossible  to  read  these  trials  as  they  are  reported 
by  Cotton  .Mather  and  Neal,  without  being  struck  with  ilio 
resemblance  they  exhibit  to  the  proceedings  in  England  on 
the  trials  of  the  persons  accused  of  participation  in  the 
Popish  Hot.  In  both  cases,  the  grand  engine  of  injustice 
and  destruction  was  the  passion  of  fear;  a  passion  which, 
when  strongly  excited,  is  capable  of  proiiucmg  the  most 
enormous  excesses  of  fury  ami  crnelty.  In  both  countries  a 
mi.xture  of  causes  contributed  to  the  production  of  the  evil; 
but  unquesiionably  there  was  a  much  greater  degree  of  »r- 
litice  employed  to  excite  and  maintain  the  popular  panic  in 
England  and  in  America. 


279 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


princip'e  Irat  was  prac'.ically  enforced  in  the  courts  of 
lusticc,  tiiat  ill  cases  of  witchcraft,  acru»alion  was  equi- 
valent 10  cjnviclion,  presented  the  most  subtle  and 
lowerful  aliurcmenls  to  the  expression  of  natural  fe- 
ocity,  and  inc  indulgence  of  fantastic  terror  and  sus- 
picion ;  and  there  is'hul  loo  much  reason  to  believe 
tliat  ra'pacilv,  malice  and  revenge  were  not  vainly  in- 
vited to  seize  this  opporlnnity  of  satiating  their  appe- 
tiles  in  confiscation  and  bloodshed.  So  strong  mean- 
while was  the  popular  delusion,  that  even  the  detection 
of  manifest  perjury  on  one  of  the  trials  proved  utterly 
insulTicienl  to  weaken  the  credit  of  the  most  unsup- 
ported accusation.  Sir  William  Plii|)|)S  the  governor, 
and  the  most  learned  and  eminent  persons  botli  among 
ihe  clergy  and  laity  of  the  province,  partook  and  pro- 
moled  ih"  general  infatuation.  Nothing  but  an  out- 
rai'eous  zeal  against  witchcraft  seemed  capable  of  as- 
suring any  individual  of  ttie  safety  of  his  life  ;  and 
temprations  that  but  loo  frequently  overpowered  human 
courage  and  virtue,  arose  from  tiie  conviction  impressed 
on  every  person  that  he  must  make  choice  of  the  situa- 
tion of  the  opjiressed  or  the  oppressor.  The  xfflicted 
(as  the  accusers  were  termed)  and  their  witnesses  and 
parlizans,  began  to  form  a  numerous  and  united  party 
in  every  community,  which  none  dared  to  0|)pose,  and 
which  none  who  once  joined  or  supported  could  forsake 
wi'.h  impunity.  A  magistrate  who  had  for  some  lime 
taken  an  active  part  in  e.tamiiiing  and  committing  the 
supposed  delinquents,  beginning  to  suspect  that  these 
proceedings  originated  in  some  fatal  mistake,  showed 
an  inclination  to  discourage  them  ;  and  was  instantly 
assailed  with  a  charge  of  witchcraft  against  himself  A 
constable  who  had  apprehended  many  of  the  accused, 
was  struck  wiih  a  similar  suspicion,  and  hastily  declared 
that  he  would  meddle  in  this  matter  no  farther.  In- 
sl.intly  aware  of  the  danger  he  had  provoked,  he  al- 
tem[)ted  to  fly  the  country,  hut  was  overtaken  in  his 
flight  by  the  vengeance  of  the  accusers,  and,  having 
been  brought  back  to  Salem,  was  tried  for  witchcraft, 
convicted  and  executed.  Some  persons  whom  self- 
preservation  had  induced  to  accuse  their  nearest  rela- 
tives, being  touched  with  remorse,  proclaimed  the 
wrong  they  had  done,  and  retracted  their  testimony. 
They  were  convicted  of  rela|)se  into  witchcraft,  and 
died  ihe  victims  of  their  returning  virtue. 

The  evil  at  length  became  too  great  to  be  borne. 
About  fifteen  months  had  elapsed  since  the  malad)  had 
broke  out,  and  so  far  from  being  extinguished  or  abated, 
il  was  growing  every  day  more  formidable.  Of  twenty- 
eight  [arsons  who  had  been  capitally  convicted,  nine- 
teen Uad  been  hanged  ;*  and  one,  for  refusing  to  plead, 
had  been  pressed  lo  death  : — ihe  only  instance  in  which 
this  English  legal  barbarity  was  ever  inflicted  in  North 
America.  The  number  of  the  accusers  and  pardoned 
witnesses  inulliplied  with  alarming  rapidity.  'I'he  sons 
of  Gcvenior  Bradstreet,  and  oilier  individuals  of  emi- 
nent station  and  character,  had  fled  from  a  charge  be- 
lied by  the  whole  tenor  of  their  lives.  An  hundred 
and  fifty  |)crson!  were  in  prison  on  the  same  charge, 
and  complaints  against  no  less  than  two  hundred  others 
had  been  presented  lo  the  magistrates.  ,  Men  began  to 
oak  themselves.  Where  this  would  end  !  The  con- 
stancy and  piety  with  which  the  unfortunate  viciiins 
had  ilied,  produced  an  impression  on  the  minds  of  the 
people  which,  though  counterbalanced  al  the  time  by 
the  testimony  of  the  pardoned  witnesses,  began  lo  re 
vive  with  the  reflection  that  these  witnesses  had  pur- 
chased iheir  lives  by  their  testimony,  while  the  persons 
against  whom  ihey  had  borne  evidence  had  sealed  their 
own  testimony  with  their  blood.  It  was  happy,  per- 
haps, for  the  country,  tliat  while  the  minds  of  the 
peoulc  were  awakening  lo  reflections  so  favorable  lo 
relurning  moderation  and  humanity,  some  of  the  ac- 
fUM^rs  carried  the  audacity  of  their  arraignment  to  such 
a  pitch,  as  to  prefer  charges  of  witchcraft  against  Lady 
Phipps,  the  governor's  wife,  and  against  some  of  the 
nearest  relatives  of  Dr.  Increase  Mather,  the  most 
pious  minister  and  popular  citizen  of  .Massachusetts. 
These  charges  at  once  opened  ihe  eyes  of  Sir  William 
Phipps  and  Dr.  Mather  ;  so  far,  at  least,  as  to  induce 
a  sirong  suspicion  that  many  of  ihr  late  proceedings 
hvl  been  rash  and  indefensible.  They  felt  that  llioy 
had  dealt  with  others  in  a  manner  very  ditferent  from 
that  in  which  they  were  now  reduced  lo  desire  that 


*  Tills  U  nothing  to  the  i>laiii;hter  that  was  inflicted  In  Ihi- 
regular  ruurao  of  jiMlire  or  injustiro  in  Hnslnnd.  Ilowoll.iii 
l»'>  icltrm.  Olio  dalcil  Ft'liruiiry  3,  IWfl,  Ihn  other  I'VlTiiiirv 
10,  |(M7,  !<a)'i  thai  in  two  years  tlii  ie  wdtp  iiuiiteil  in  Siillolk 
and  Kn*ri  Ijctwpcn  2110  hiiii.iri'd  and  3(10  wilrlien,  ot  whom 
Bkiia'.han  half  were  cipriiU'il.  That  this  was  a<  roinitoil  no 
very  wxtnordlnary  iiiimhcr  of  cxoculions  in  Kimlanil,  may  b 
lnri)rir<l  tniin  a  vani-t)- o|  aiinl  *i  faru  collected  Ijy  Uwrington, 
In  his  UtMlTaU  jua  on  Stat  S'.  Il^'nry  the  SixlU. 


others  should  deal  with  them.    The  same  sentiment 
also  beginning  to  prevail  in  the  public  mind,  a  resolute 
and  successful  attempt  was  made  by  a  respectable  citi- 
zen of  IJoston  to  stem  the  fury  of  these  terrible  pro- 
scriptions.   Having  been  charged  with  witchcraft  by 
some  persons  at  Andover,  he  anticipated  an  arrest,  by 
boldly  arresiing  his  accusers  for  defamation,  and  laid 
his  damages  at  a  thous-and  pounds.    The  effect  of  this 
vigorous  proceeding  surpassed  his  most  sanguine  ei- 
pectatioiw.    It  seemed  as  if  a  spell  that  had  been  cast 
over  the  people  of  Andover  was  dissolved  by  one  l>old 
touch  ;  the  frenzy  vanished  in  a  moment,  and  witch- 
craft was  heard  of  in  that  town  no  more.    The  impres- 
sion was  rapidly  propagated  throughout  the  province  ; 
and  the  effect  of  it  was  seen  at  tJie  very  next  <  ourt 
that  was  held  for  the  trial  of  witchcraft,  when,  of  fifty 
prisoners  wh.o  were  tried  on  such  evidence  as  had  been 
formerly  deemed  sufficient,  ihc  accusers  could  obtain 
the  conviction  of  no  more  than  three,  who  were  imme- 
diately reprieved  by  the  govern  ir.    These  acquittals 
were  doubtless  in  part  produced  by  a  change  which 
tlie  pul)lic  opinion  underwent  as  to  the  sufficiency  of 
what  was  denominated  spectral  I'vidcncc  of  witchcraft. 
.\n  assembly  of  the  most  eminent  divines  of  the  pro- 
vince, convoked  for  the  purpose  by  the  governor,  had, 
after  due  consideration,  given  il  forth  as  their  delibe- 
rate judgment,  "  That  llie  apparil.ons  of  persons  alHict 
ing  others,  was  no  proof  of  thei,  being  witches,"  and 
that  it  was  by  no  means  inconsii-.tent  with  scripture  or 
reason  that  the  devil  should  assume  the  shape  of  a  good 
man,  or  even  cause  the  real  aspect  of  that  man  lo  pro- 
duce impressions  of  pain  on  the  bodies  of  persons  be- 
witched. The  ministers,  nevertheless,  united  in  strongly 
recommending  to  the  government  the  vigorous  prose- 
cution of  all  persona  sliU  accused  of  witchcraft.  But 
the  judgment  they  had  pronounced  respecting  the  va- 
lidity of  the  customary  evidence,  rendered  it  almost 
impossible  to  procure  a  conviction,  and  produced,  at 
the  same  time,  so  complete  a  revolution  in  the  public 
mind  respecting  the  late  executions,  that  charges  of 
witchcraft  were  found  to  excite  no  other  sentiments 
than  disgust  and  suspicion  of  the  parties  who  preferred 
them.    The  cloud  that  had  so  deeply  overcast  ilie 
prosperity  and  happiness  of  the  colony  vanished  entirely 
away,  and  universal  shame  and  remorse  succeeded  lo 
the  frenzy  that  had  lately  prevailed.    Even  those  who 
continued  to  believe  in  the  reality  of  the  diabolical  in- 
fluence of  which  the  accusers  had  complained,  were 
satisfied  that  most,  if  not  all,  of  the  unfortunate  con- 
victs had  been  unjustly  condemned,  and  that  their  ac- 
cuseis,  in  charging  ihein,  had  been  deluded  by  the  same 
agency  by  which  their  suflerings  were  occasioned. 
.Many  of  the  witnesses  now  came  forward  and  pub- 
lished the  most  solemn  recantations  of  the  testimony 
they  had  formerly  given,  both  against  themselves  and 
others  ;  apologizing  for  their  perjury  by  a  protestation, 
of  which  all  were  constrained  to  admit  the  force,  that 
no  other  means  of  saving  their  lives  had  been  left  to 
them.    These  testimonies  were  not  able  to  shake  the 
opinion  which  was  still  retained  by  a  considerable 
party  both  among  the  late  accusers  and  the  public  at 
large,  that  much  witchcraft  had  mixed  with  the  late 
malady,  whether  the  real  culpritn  had  yet  been  delected 
or  not.    This  opinion  was  sujiporlcd  in  treatises  writ- 
ten at  the  time  by  Dr.  Mather  and  other  eminent 
divines.    But  it  was  found  imp  ssible  ever  after  to 
revive  prosecutions  that  excited  such  painful  remem- 
brances, and  had  been  so  lamentably  perverted.  Sir 
William  I'liip[)s,  soon  after  he  had  reprieved  the  three 
persons  last  convicted,  ordered  all  who  were  in  custody 
on  charges  of  witehcrafl  lo  be  released,  and,  in  order  to 
prevent  the  dissensions  that  mi^it  arise  from  llie  retri- 
hutory  proceedings  against  the  accusers  and  their  wit- 
nesses, he  proclaimed  a  general  pardon  to  all  persons 
for  any  concernment  they  might  have  had  with  the  pro- 
secutions lor  witchcraft.    The  surviving  victims  of  the 
delusion,  however,  and  the  relatives  of  those  who  had 
perished,  were  enabled  lo  enjoy  all  the  consolation  they 
could  derive  from  the  sympathy  of  their  countrymen 
and  the  earnest  regret  of  their  persecutors.    The  house 
of  assembly  appointed  a  general  fast  and  prayer,  "  thai 
God  would  pardon  all  the  errors  of  his  servants  and 
people  in  a  lale  tragedy  raised  among  us  by  Satan  and 
his  instruments."    One  of  ihe  judges  who  had  presided 
on  the  twals  at  Salem,  stood  up  m  his  place  in  church 
on  this  occasion,  and  implored  the  prayers  of  the  peopli? 
lhat  the  errors  he  had  been  guilty  of  might  not  be 
visited  by  the  judgments  of  an  avenging  (iod  on  the 
country,  his  family,  or  himself    Many  of  the  jurymen 
subscribed  and  published  a  declaration  lameiiting  and 
condemning  the  delusion  to  which  they  li.ad  yielded, 
and  ackiiuwtedgino  that  they  had  brought  the  reproach 


of  ini.ocent  blood  on  their  native  land     Mr.  Paris,  the 
clergyman  who  had  instituted  the  first  proseculiora, 
and  promoted  all  the  rest,  found  himself  exposed  to  • 
resentment  not  loud  or  violent,  but  deep  and  general, 
and  was  at  length  universally  siiunned  by  his  I'cllow 
citizens,  and  abandoned  by  his  congregation.  He 
appears,  throughout  the  whole  proceedings,  lo  have 
acted  with  perfect  sincerity,  but  to  have  been  trans- 
ported, by  a  vehement  temper  and  a  strong  conviciioa 
of  the  rightfulness  of  the  ends  he  pursued,  into  tho 
adoption  of  means  for  their  attainment,  inconsistent 
witn  truth,  honor,  or  justice.    M'liile  the  delusion 
lasted,  his  violence  was  applauded  as  zeal  in  a  righteous 
cause,  and  little  heed  was  given  to  accusations  of  arti- 
fice and  partiality  in  conducting  ivhat  was  believed  to 
be  a  controversy  with  the  devil.    But  when  it  appeared 
lhat  all  these  efforts  had  in  reality  been  directed  to  iba 
shedding  of  innocent  blood,  his  popularity  gave  place 
to  universal  odium  and  disgust.    Sensible,  at  length, 
how  dreadfully  erroneous  his  conduct  had  been,  [IG'JI,] 
he  hastened  to  inakit  a  public  profession  of  repentance, 
and  solemnly  Uegged  forgiveness  of  God  and  man.  But 
the  people  declaring  that  they  would  never  more  at- 
tend the  ministry  of  one  who  had  been  the  instrument 
of  misery  and  ruin  to  so  many  of  their  countrymen,  he 
was  obliged  to  resign  his  charge  and  depart  from  Salem.* 
Thus  terminated  a  scene  of  delusion  and  cruelly  lhat 
justly  excited  the  astonishment  of  the  civilized  world, 
and  had  exhibited  a  fearful  picture  of  the  weaiiiiess  of 
human  nature  in  the  sudden  transformation  of  a  people 
renowned  over  all  the  earth  for  piety  and  virtue,  into 
the  slaves  or  associates,  the  terrified  dupes  or  helpless 
prey,  of  a  band  of  ferocious  lunatics  and  assassins. 
.\mong  the  various  evil  consequences  that  resulted 
from  tliese  events,  not  the  least  important  was  ilio 
effect  they  produced  on  the  minds  of  tlie  Indian  trilies, 
who  began  lo  conceive  a  very  unfavorable  o|)mion  ol 
the  people  that  could  inflict  such  barbarities  on  ilieir 
own  countrymen,  and  the  religion  tliat  seemed  lo  ana 
the  hands  of  us  professors  for  their  mutual  destruction. 
This  impression  was  the  more  ilisadvantaguous  to  thti 
colonists,  as  there  had  existed  for  some  tune  a  compe- 
tition between  their  missionaries  and  the  priests  ol  th+ 
French  settlements,  for  the  iiislruclion  and  conversion 
of  the  Indians  :t  and  it  was  always  found  that  the 
tribes  embraced  the  political  interests  of  that  people 
whose  religious  instructors  were  most  popular  among 
ihcm.    The  French  did  not  fail  to  improve  lo  their  own 
advantage,  the  odious  spectacle  that  the  late  Irenzy  ol 
the  people  of  New  England  had  exiiibited  ;  and  to  this 
end  lliey  labored  wilh  such  diligence  and  succes.s,  thai 
in  the  following  year,  when  Sir  William  I'hipps  paid  a 
visit  to  the  tribes  with  whom  he  had  concluded  the 
trealv  of  Pemmaquid,  and  endeavored  to  unite  them  in 
a  solid  and  lasting  friendship  with  the  colonists,  he  found 
ihem  more  firmly  wedded  than  ever  lo  the  interests  ol 
the  French,  and  under  the  dominion  of  prepossessions 
unfavorable  in  the  highest  degree  to  ihe  foriiialion  ol 
friendly  relations  with  the  English.    To  his  proposition 
of  renewing  the  treaty  of  peace,  they  agreed  very 
readily  ;  but  all  his  instances  lo  prevail  with  ihcin  to 
desist  from  their  intercourse  with  the  French,  provea 
utterly  unavailing.    They  refused  to  listen  to  the  mis- 
sionaries who  accompanied  him  ;  having  learned  lroi» 

*  Malhcr,  B.  ii.  Life  of  Sir  William  I'liipps.  Increase 
Mather's  Cases  of  Conscience  concerning  Evil  Spirits.  iNrai, 
,,.  406 — 5-1 1.  Hutchinson,  ii.  17—61  CAlefd  Wondei-s  of  the 
Invi.sihle  World.  "  I  lind  these  entncs  in  the  .MS.  U;ary  of 
Judge  Scwell :  '  Went  to  Salem,  where, in  luv  ineeiing-noua«, 
the  persons  accused  of  witrlicrafl  were  exaiMined;  a  very 
great  assembly.  'Twas  awlul  losec  how  the  allhcted  peisono 
were  agi'ated  '  Hut  in  the  margin  is  written,  in  a  tirmuloui 
hand,  prolial>lyon  a  subsequent  review,  llie  lunienling  Latin 
interjection.  Vac,  vae,  vae  I"    Holmes,  ii.  5,  6. 

t  ll  was  a  very  depraved  cdilion  of  Christianity  thai  wn 
preached  to  the  Indians  by  tho  Freiicli  priests — a  tys'ein 
I  hat  harmonized  perfectly  well  with  the  passions  and  scnii- 
mcnts  which  true  c:hrislianity  most  strongly  condemns.  It 
subitituled  the  rites  and  superstitious  inventions  of  the  Iloniuh 
church  in  Ihe  place  of  their  ancient  witchcraft  and  idolatry; 
and  stigmatizing  their  enemies  as  heretics,  alTorded  addiuonal 
sanction  and  mcilemeii'.  lo  li.itred,  fury,  and  cruelty.  Neat 
has  preserved  (Vol.  I.  p.  206)  a  specimen  of  Ihe  French  Mil- 
sionary  Catechism,  containing  a  tissue  of  the  most  absurd 
and  childish  fictions  gravely  propounded  as  the  articles  of 
christian  doctrine.  The  following  anecdote  is  related  by 
(;overnor  Colden  in  his  History  of  the  Five  Nations.  Vol.  1. 
p.  207.  "  About  the  time  of  the  conclusion  of  the  peace  of 
Ryswick,  Therouet,  a  noted  Indian  sachem,  died  at  Montreal. 
Tiic  French  gave  him  chnsliaii  burial  in  a  pomiwus  manner : 
Ihe  priest  that  attended  him  at  his  death  having  declared  that 
he  died  a  true  Christian.  For  (said  Ihc  prie.sl)  while  I  e»- 
plaiiied  to  him  the  passion  of  our  Saviour,  whom  the  Jewi 
crueifieil,  he  ciied  oul,  '  Oh  I  had  I  been  there,  I  would  have 
revenged  his  death,  and  brought  away  their  scalps."  The 
KriMich  priests  who  ministered  amongst  the  Indians  were 
Jesuits  :  and  their  maiim,  that  It  was  unnecessary  to  keep 
Inilli  with  herclici,  proved  but  loo  congviiial  to  tlic  tava«e 
ethics  of  llieir  pupila. 


1. 


NORT  H  AMERICA. 


27S 


the  French  priests  to  believe  that  the  English  were 
heretics,  and  enemies  to  the  true  religion  of  Christ. 
Some  of  tlietn  scrupled  not  to  rcinarii,  that  since  they 
had  received  the  instructions  of  the  French,  witchcraft 
had  entirely  disappeared  from  among  them,  and  that 
they  had  no  desire  to  revive  it  by  communication  with 
a  people  among  whom  it  was  r(*|)uted  still  to  prevail 
more  extensively  than  it  had  ever  done  with  themselves. 

Every  thing,  indeed,  betokened  the  renewal  of  hos- 
tilities between  the  colonists  and  the  Indians,  which 
accordingly  broke  out  very  soon  after,  and  was  perhaps 
accelerated  by  the  departure  of  Sir  ^^'lllialn  Phipps 
from  New  England.  The  administration  of  this  gover- 
nor, though  in  the  main  highly  and  justly  popular,  had 
not  escaped  a  considerable  degree  of  reproach.  The  dis- 
contents e.tcited  by  the  taxation  that  had  been  imposed 
for  the  support  of  the  fortification  at  Pemmaquid,  con- 
curring with  the  resentments  and  enmities  that  the 
prosecutions  for  witchcraft  l.ad  left  behind,  produced  a 
party  in  the  province  who  labored  on  every  occasion  to 
thwart  the  measures  and  traduce  the  character  of  the 
governor.  Finding  their  exertions  in  Massachusetts 
insulficient  to  deprive  him  of  the  esteem  of  the  great 
body  of  the  people,  these  adversaries  transmitted  arti- 
cles of  impeachment  against  him  to  England,  and  peti- 
tioned the  king  and  council  for  his  recal  and  punish- 
ment. The  king  havini;  declared  that  he  would  hear 
the  cause  liinisell',  an  order  was  transmitted  to  the  go- 
vernor to  meet  his  accusers  in  ihe  royal  presence  at 
Whitehall  ;  in  compliance  with  which.  Sir  William  set 
sail  for  England,  carrying  with  him  an  address  of  the 
assembly  expressive  of  the  strongest  attachment  to  his 
person,  and  beseeching  the  king  thai  they  might  not  be 
deprived  of  the  services  of  so  able  and  meritorious  an 
officer.  On  his  appearance  at  court  his  accusers  van- 
ished, and  their  charges  were  withdraw  n  ;  and  having 
rendered  a  satisfactory  account  of  his  administration  to 
the  king,  he  was  preparing  to  return  to  his  government, 
when  a  malignant  fever  put  an  end  to  his  life.  [1695.] 
He  left  behind  him  the  reputation  of  a  pious,  upright, 
and  honorable  man.  As  a  soldier,  if  not  pre-eraniently 
skillul,  he  was  active  and  brave  ;  as  a  civil  ruler,  faith- 
ful, magnanimous,  and  disinterested  :  it  was  remarked 
of  him,  as  of  Arisudes,  that  "he  was  never  seen  the 
prouder  for  any  honor  that  was  done  him  by  his  coun- 
trymen ;"  and  though  the  generous  simplicity  of  his 
manners  added  lustre  to  the  high  rank  he  had  attained, 
he  was  never  ashamed  to  revert  to  the  humility  of  the 
condition  from  which  he  had  sprung.  In  the  midst  of 
a  Heei  that  was  conveying  an  armament  which  he  com- 
manded on  a  military  expedition,  he  called  to  liini  some 
young  soldiers  and  sailors  who  were  standing  on  the 
deck  of  his  vessel,  and  pointing  to  a  particular  spot  on 
the  shore,  said,  "  Young  men,  it  was  upon  that  hill  that 
I  kept  sheep  a  few  years  ago  ;— and  since  you  see  that 
Almighty  (rod  has  brought  me  to  something,  do  you 
learn  to  fear  God  and  be  honest,  and  you  don't  know 
what  you  may  come  to." 

On  the  departure  of  Sir  Willianc  Phipps,  thestipreme 
authority  in  .Massachusetts  devolved  on  Mr.  Stoughton, 
the  lieutenant-governor,  who  continued  to  exercise  it 
during  the  three  following  years  ;  the  king  being  so 
much  engrossed  with  his  wars  and  negotiations  on  the 
continent  of  Europe,  that  it  was  not  till  after  the  peace 
of  Ryswick  that  he  found  leisure  even  to  nominate  a 
successor  to  Sir  William  Phipps.  During  this  period, 
the  happiness  of  the  people  was  much  disturbed  by  in- 
ternal dissension,  and  their  prosperity  invaded  by  the 
calamities  of  war.  The  passions  bequeathed  by  the 
persecutions  for  witchcraft  continued  long  to  divide  and 
agitate  the  people  ;  and  the  factious  opposiiion  which 
they  had  promoted  to  the  government  of  Sir  W^illmiii 
Phipps,  continued  to  increase  in  vinor  and  virulence 
•fler  his  departure.  The  mutual  animosities  of  the 
colonists  had  attained  such  a  height,  that  they  seemed 
to  oe  ready  to  involve  their  country  in  a  civil  war  ;  and 
the  operations  A  the  government  were  cramped  and 
obstructed  at  ti  e  very  time  when  the  utmost  vigor  and 
unanimity  wei  j  requisite  to  encounter  the  hostile  en- 
terprises of  tl  e  French  and  the  Indians.  Incited  by 
their  French  al  les,  the  Indians  recommenced  tiie  war 
with  the  usual  suddenness  and  fury  of  their  military 
operations.  \\  herever  surprise  or  superior  numbers 
enabled  them  ti  prevail  over  parties  of  the  colonists,  or 
detached  plantaiions,  their  victory  was  signalised  by  the 
extremities  of  barbarous  cruelty. f     The  colony  of 

*  Hutchinson  (li.  84,  5)  says  that  he  was  sued  at  London  in 
an  action  of  damages,  but  that  it  was  withdrawn. 

t  Numerous  cases  are  related  by  the  coljnial  historians  of 
tlie  torture  and  slavery  inliicted  by  tlie  Indians  on  their  eap- 
ti.-es,  and  of  the  desperate  ell'mts  of  manv  of  the  colonists  to 
(lefond  themselves  and  tlielr  families,  or'to  escape  from  the 
Uandsor  their  savage  enemies    Wherever  the  Indians  could 

IS) 


Acadia,  or  Nova  Scotia,  now  once  more  reverted  to  the 
dominion  of  France.  It  had  been  annexed,  as  wc  have 
seen,  to  the  jurisdiction  of  Massachusetts,  and  governed 
hitherto  by  officers  dc|)Uted  from  the  seat  of  the  su- 
preme authority  at  Boston.  But  Port  Royal  (or  .Anna- 
polis, as  it  was  afterwards  termed)  having  been  now 
recaptured  by  a  French  armament,  the  whole  settlement 
revolted,  and  re-annexed  itself  to  the  French  domin- 
ions—a change  that  viras  ratified  by  the  subsequent 
treaty  of  Ryswick.  But  a  much  more  serious  loss  was 
sustained  by  Massachusetts  in  the  following  year; 
[169'),]  when,  in  consequence  of  a  combined  attack  of 
the  French  and  Indians,  the  fort  erected  by  Sir  William 
Phipps  at  Pemmaquid  was  compelled  to  surrender  to 
their  arms,  and  was  levelled  with  the  ground.  This 
severe  and  unex[)ected  blbw  excited  the  utmost  dis- 
may ;  and  the  alarming  consciousness  of  the  danger 
that  might  be  apprehended  from  the  loss  of  a  barrier  of 
such  importance,  rebuked  in  the  strongest  manner  the 
factious  discontent  that  had  murmured  at  the  expense 
of  maintaining  it.  These  apprehensions  were  but  too 
well  justified  by  the  increajcd  ravages  of  Indian  war- 
fare, and  tho  increased  insolence  and  fury  with  which 
this  triumph  inspired  the  Indian  tribes.  Mr.  Stoughton 
and  his  cou!icil  adopted  the  most  vigorous  measures  to 
repair  or  retaliate  the  disaster,  and  desjjatched  forces  to 
attack  the  enemy  both  by  land  and  sea  ;  but  miscar- 
riage attended  both  these  expeditions,  and,  at  the  close 
of  the  year,  the  colonial  forces  had  been  unable,  by  the 
slightest  advantage,  to  check  the  assaults  of  the  enemy, 
or  to  revive  the  drooping  spirits  of  their  countrymen. 
Ill  the  following  year,*  [1697,]  the  province,  after  being 
severely  harassed  by  the  incursions  of  the  Indians,  was 
alarmei]  by  the  intelligence  of  a  formidable  invasion 
which  the  French  were  preparing,  with  a  view  to  its 
complete  subjugation.  The  commander  of  a  French 
squadron  which  was  cruising  on  the  northern  coasts  of 
America  had  concerted  with  the  Count  Frontignac,  the 
governer  of  Quebec,  a  joint  attack  by  sea  and  land, 
with  the  whole  united  force  of  the  French  aud  Indiana 
on  the  colony  of  Massachusetts,  and  little  doubt  waa 
entertained  of  the  conquest  of  the  people,  or  the  com- 
plete destruction  of  their  settlements.  On  the  first  in- 
telligence of  this  design,  the  ancient  spirit  cf  New 
England  seemed  again  to  awake,  and,  partial  animosi- 
ties being  swallowed  up  in  a  more  generous  passion, 
the  people  co-operated  with  the  utmost  vigor  in  the 
energetic  measures  by  which  Stoughton  prepared  to 
repel  the  coming  danger.  He  caused  the  forts  around 
Boston  to  be  repaired,  the  whole  militia  of  the  province 
to  be  embodied  and  trained  with  the  strictest  discipline, 
and  every  other  measure  conducive  to  an  etl'ectual  de- 
fence to  be  promptly  adopted.  In  order  to  ascertain, 
and,  if  possible,  anticipate  the  purposed  operations  of 
the  enemy  by  land,  he  despatched  a  considerable  force 
to  scour  the  eastern  frontiers  of  the  province  ;  and  this 
body  encountering  a  detachment  of  the  Indians,  who 
had  assembled  to  join  the  French  invaders,  after  a  short 
engagement,  gave  them  a  complete  defeat.  This  un- 
expected blow,  though  in  itself  of  little  importance,  so 
deranged  the  plans  of  the  Fiench  as  to  induce  them  to 
defer  the  invasion  of  Massachusetts  by  land  till  the  fol- 


penetrate,  war  was  carried  into  the  bosom  of  every  family. 
The  case  of  a  Mrs.  Du.stan  of  Haverhill  in  Massachusetts  is 
remarkable.  Slie  was  iiKide  j)risoner  by  a  party  of  twelve  In- 
dians, and,  with  tiie  Infant  of  whKh  she  had  been  delivered 
but  a  week  before,  and  the  nurse  who  attended  her,  forced  to 
accompany  them  on  loot  into  the  woods.  Her  infant's  head 
was  d:ished  to  pieces  on  a  tree  before  her  eyes  ;  and  she  and 
the  nurse,  after  fatiguing  marches  in  the  depth  of  winter, 
found  themselves  at  an  Indian  Irit  a  hundred  and  fifty 
miles  from  their  home.  Here  they  were  informed  that  they 
were  to  be  made  slaves  for  life,  but  were  first  to  be  conducted 
to  a  distant  settlement,  where  they  would  be  slripped, 
scourged,  and  forced  to  run  the  gauntlet  naked  between  two 
files  of  the  whole  tribe  to  which  their  captors  belonged. 
This  intelligence  determined  Mrs.  Dustan  to  make  a  des- 
perate effort  for  her  liberation.  Early  in  the  morning,  having 
aw  aked  her  nurse  and  a  young  man,  a  fellow-prisoner,  she  got 
possession  of  an  axe,  and,  with  the  assistance  of  the  young 
man  and  the  nurse,  despatched  no  fewer  than  ten  Indians  in 
their  sleep;  the  otlier  two  awoke  and  escaped.  Mrs.  Dustan 
returned  in  safety  with  her  companions  to  Haverhill,  and 
w  as  liberally  rewarded  for  her  intrepidity  by  the  legislature 
of  .Massachusetts.    Dwight's  Travels. 

VV'liatever  other  cruelties  the  Indians  might  exercise  on  the 
bodies  of  their  captives,  it  is  observable  that  they  never 
attempted  to  violate  the  chastity  of  women,  and  that  they 
respected  motiesty  in  so  far  as  was  consistent  with  the  in- 
fliction of  torture.  Belknap,  i.  1287.  Tbey  had  a  strong 
aversion  to  negroes,  and  generally  killed  them  whenever  they 
fell  into  their  hands.  284. 

*  In  the  midst  of  these  troubles  died  this  year  the  vene- 
rable Simon  Bradstreet,  the  last  survivor  of  the  original 
plant<  rs,  for  many  years  governor,  and  tcimed  by  his  coun- 
trymen the  Nestor  of  New  England.  He  died  in  his  ninety- 
fifth  year;  earnestly  desiring  to  be  dissolved,  and  enter  into 
the  rest  of  Gcil,  insomuch  (says  Cotton  Mather)  that  it 
seemed  as  if  death  were  conferred  upon  him,  instead  of  Ufe 
being  taken  fioin  him. 


lowing  year;  and  the  French  admiral  finding  hia  fleet 
weakened  by  a  storm,  and  apprised  of  the  vigorous 
prc|)arations  for  his  reception,  judged  it  prudrpt,  in  like 
manner,  to  abandon  the  projected  naval  invasion. 

In  the  commencement  of  tlie  follow  ing  year,  [1698,] 
intelligence  was  received  in  America  of  tho  treaty  of 
Ryswick,  by  which  peace  had  been  concluded  between 
Britain  and  France.  Dy  this  treaty  it  was  agreed  that 
the  two  contracting  powers  should  mutually  restore  to 
each  other  all  conquests  that  had  been  made  during  the 
war,  and  that  commissioners  should  be  appointed  to 
examine  and  determine  the  rights  and  pretensions  of 
either  monarch  to  the  territories  situated  in  Hudson's 
Bay.  Tho  evil  consequences  of  thus  leaving  the  boun- 
daries of  growing  settlements  unascertained,  wore  sen- 
sibly experienced  at  no  ;lislant  date. 

Count  Frontignac,  the  governor  of  Canada,  on  re- 
ceiving intelligence  of  this  treaty,  summoned  the  chiefs 
of  the  Indian  tribes  together,  and  informing  them  that 
he  could  no  longer  support  them  in  hostilities  acraiiiat 
the  English,  advised  them  to  deliver  up  their  captives, 
and  make  the  best  terms  for  themselves  that  they  could 
obtain.  The  government  of  Massachusetts,  on  receiv- 
ing their  pacific  overtures,  sent  two  commissioners  to 
Penobscot  to  meet  with  their  principal  sachems,  who 
endeavored  to  apologise  for  their  unprovoked  hostilities 
by  ascribing  them  to  the  artifice  and  instigation  of  the 
French  jesuits.  They  expressed,  at  the  same  time,  the 
highest  esteem,  and  even  a  filial  regard,  for  f^ount 
Frontignac,  and  an  earnest  desire  that,  in  case  of  any 
future  war  between  the  French  and  English,  the  Indians 
might  be  permitted  to  observe  a  neutrality  between  the 
belligerent  parties.  After  some  conferences,  a  new 
treaty  was  concluded  with  them,  in  which  they  were 
made  to  acknowledge  a  more  fcirmal  submis.iion  to  the 
crown  of  England  than  they  had  ever  before  expressed. 

On  the  settlement  of  his  affairs  in  Europe,  the  king 
at  length  found  leisure  to  direct  some  portion  of  his 
attention  to  America,  and  nominate  a  successor  to  the 
office  that  had  been  vacant  since  the  death  of  Sir 
William  Phipps.  The  Earl  <i(  Bellamont  was  ap- 
pointed governor  of  Now  York,  Massachusetts,  and 
New  Hampshire  :  and,  having  selected  the  former  of 
these  places  for  his  own  personal  residence,  he  con- 
tinued the  immediate  administration  of  the  others  in 
the  hands  of  Mr.  Stoughton  as  deputy  governor. 

Having  traced  the  separate  history  of  New  England 
up  to  this  period,  we  shall  now  leave  this  interesting 
province  in  the  enjoyment  (unhappily,  too  short-lived) 
of  a  peace,  of  which  a  long  train  of  previous  hostility 
and  calamity  had  taught  the  inhaliitants  fully  to  appre- 
ciate the  value.  They  were  now  more  united  than 
ever  among  themselves,  and  enriched  with  an  ample 
sto.  H  of  experience  of  both  good  and  evil.  When 
Lord  Bellamont  visited  Massachusetts  in  the  following 
year,  the  recent  heats  and  animosities  had  entirely  sub- 
sided, and  general  harmony  and  tranquillity  appeared 
to  prevail.  [1699  ]  The  virtue  that  had  so  signally 
distinguished  the  original  settlers  of  New  England  was 
now  seen  to  shine  forth  among  their  descendants  with 
a  lustre  less  dazzling,  but  with  an  mnuencc  in  some 
respects  more  amiable,  refined,  and  humane,  than  had 
attended  its  original  display. 

One  of  the  causes  that  undoubtedly  contributed  to 
the  restoration  of  harmony,  and  the  revival  of  piety 
among  the  people,  was  the  publication,  about  this  pe- 
riod, of  various  histories*  of  the  New  England  com- 
monwealth, written  with  a  spirit  and  fidelity  well  cal- 
culated to  commend  to  the  minds  of  the  colonists  Ihe 
just  results  of  their  national  experience.  The  subject 
was  deeply  interesting  ;  and,  happily,  the  treatment  oi 
it  was  undertaken  by  writers  whose  principal  object 
was  to  render  this  interest  subservient  to  the  promotion 
of  piety  and  virtue.  Though  the  colony  might  be  con- 
sidered as  yet  in  its  infancy,  it  had  passed  through  a 
great  variety  of  fortune.  It  had  been  the  adopted 
country  of  many  of  the  most  excellent  men  of  the  age 
in  which  it  arose,  and  the  native  land  of  others  who 
had  inherited  the  character  of  their  ancestors,  and  trans- 
mitted it  to  their  successors  in  unimpaired  vigor,  and 
with  added  renown.  The  liistory  of  man  never  ex- 
hibited an  effort  of  more  vigorous  and  enterprising  vir- 
tue than  the  original  migration  of  the  puritans  to  this 
distant  and  desolate  region  ;  nor  did  the  annals  of  colo- 
nization as  yet  supply  more  than  one  other  instance  o£ 
the  foundation  of  a  commonwealth,  and  its  advance- 
ment through  a  period  of  weakness  and  danger,  to 

*  Of  these  productions  one  of  the  earliest  in  point  of  com- 
position w.as  Governor  Wmthrop's  Journal  of  Events  m  New 
England,  from  1630  till  1644.  But  this  Journ,al  w  as  not  pub- 
lished till  the  year  1790  The  continuation  of  it  till  t.'iti  jfca* 
lt>4'J,  was  nut  published  tiu  1^21? 


274 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


•rrencth  and  secunty,  in  which  the  principal  actors  had 
left  bfhinl  thrm  a  reputation  at  onco  so  illnstrionc  and 
onsiillied.  with  fewer  memorials  calculated  to  pervert 
tho  mora,  sense,  or  awaken  the  renret  of  mankind. 
The  relation  of  their  achievements  had  a  powerful  ten- 
dency to  CTcite  hope,  and  animate  perseverance  ;  to 
impart  courajje  to  the  virtnons.  and  to  fortify  the  virtue 
of  the  brave.  They  conld  not  indeed  boast,  like  the  found- 
ers of  the  settlement  of  Pennsylvania,  that  by  a  reso- 
lute profession  of  non-rcsistince  of  injnries,  and  a 
faithful  adherence  to  tiiat  profession,  they  had  so  real- 
iied  the  Divine  protection  bv  an  exclusive  reliance  on 
it,  as  to  disarm  llie  ferocity  of  barbarians,  and  conduct 
the  esta!;lishment  of  their  commonwealth  without  vio 
lence  and  bioodshed.  But  if  thev  were  involved  in 
numerous  wars,  it  was  the  siutrular  and  honorable 
characteristic  of  them  all,  that  thev  were  invariably  the 
pfrsi)rin2  of  self-defence  ajrainst  the  unprovoked  ma- 
lignity of  their  adversaries,  and  that  not  one  of  them 
was  undertakeii  from  motives  of  conquest  or  plunder. 
Thoiich  thev  considered  these  wars  as  necessary  and 
'ustifiable,  thev  deeplv  deplored  them  ;  and.  more  tlian 
once,  the  most  distressinij  doubts  were  e.Tpressed,  at 
the  close  of  their  hostilities,  if  it  were  lawf\il  for  chris- 
tians to  carry  even  the  rights  of  self-defence  to  such 
fatal  extremity.  They  behaved  to  the  Indian  tribes 
with  as  much  CTOod  faith  and  justice  as  thev  could  have 
shown  to  a  powerful  and  civilized  peo|)le.*  and  were 
incited  bv  their  inferiority  to  no  oilier  acts  than  a  series 
of  the  most  maixnaninious  and  laudable  endeavors  to 
mstruct  their  itrnorance.  and  elevate  iheir  condition. 
If  thev  fell  short  of  the  colonists  of  Pennsylvania  in 
the  exhibition  of  christian  meekness,  thev  nnquesiion- 
«Wy  excelled  them  in  the  extent  and  activity  of  chris- 
tian labor.  The  quakers  succeeded  in  disarmin<j  the 
Indians  ;  the  puritans  labored  to  convert  them.  The 
chief  if  not  the  oiilv  fault,  wiih  which  impartial  history 
must  ever  renroach  the  conduct  of  these  people,  is  the 
relinious  intolerance  that  they  cherished,  and  the  perse- 
cution which  in  more  than  one  instance  it  prompted 
them  to  inflict.  Ilappilv  for  their  own  character,  the 
provocation  thev  rcceiverl  from  the  objects  of  their  per- 
secntion,  tended  stronijlv  to  extenuate  the  blame  :  and 
happilv,  no  less,  for  the  leiritimate  influence  of  their 
character  on  the  minds  of  their  posterity,  the  fault 
itself,  notwithstanding  every  extenuation,  stood  so  ma- 
nifestly contrasted  and  inconsistent  with  the  very  prin- 
ciples with  which  their  ow  n  fame  was  for  ever  asso- 
ciated, that  it  wa-!  impossible  for  a  writer  of  common 
integrity,  not  involved  in  the  immediate  heat  of  con- 
troversy, to  render  a  just  t'iliute  to  their  excellence, 
without  findinj;  himself  obliged  to  reprobate  this  signal 
denarture  from  it.  The  histories  that  were  now  pub- 
lished were  the  composition  of  the  friends,  associates, 
and  successors  of  the  original  colonists,  and  written 
with  an  energy  of  just  encomium  that  elevated  every 
man's  ideas  of  his  ancestors  and  his  country,  and  of 
the  duties  which  arose  from  these  natural  or  patriotic 
relations,  and  excited  universally  a  generous  sympathy 
with  the  characters  and  sentiments  of  the  fathers  of 
New  England.  These  writers,  nevertheless,  were  loo 
conscientious,  and  too  enlightened,  to  confound  the 
virtues  with  the  defoctn  of  the  character  they  described  ; 
and  while  they  dwelt  apologetically  on  the  catises  by 
which  iiersecution  had  been  provoked,  they  lamented  the 
infirmity  that  (under  any  degree  of  provocation)  had 
hotraved  good  men  into  so  unchristian  an  cxtriunity. 
Even  Cotton  Mather,  the  most  encomiastic  of  the  his- 
torians of  New  England,  and  who  cherished  very  strong 
prejudices  against  the  quakers  and  other  persecuted 
nectarieii,  has  expressed  .^till  stronger  disapjirobation  of 
iho  severities  thev  encountered  from  the  objects  of  his 
encomium.  These  representations  could  not  fail  to 
produce  a  beneficial  effect  on  the  people  of  .\ew  Eng- 
land. Thev  saw  that  the  glory  of  their  country  was 
associated  with  principles  that  could  never  coalesce 
with  or  sanction  intolerance  ;  and  that  every  instance 
of  per-ieciition  with  which  their  annals  were  stained, 
was  a  flereliction  of  these  principles,  and  an  impeach- 
Tnrnl  of  their  country's  cause.  Inspired  with  the 
warmest  attachment  lo  the  memory,  and  the  highest 
TPspect  for  the  virtue  of  their  ancestors,  they  were 
pov»crfidly  remindeil.  by  the  errors  into  which  they  had 
fallen,  to  suspect  and  repress  in  themselves  tnose  in- 
firmities from  which  even  virtue  of  so  high  an  order 
had  been  found  lo  affonl  no  exemption.  From  this 
time  the  rcliirious  zeal  of  the  people  of  New  England 

*  Nnt  nnlv  wore  nil  tho  lanils  orriipioil  hv  the  colonists  fairly 
purr1ia<(«l  frornllioir  Imlian  owners,  hut,  ui  somo  pirls  ofllin 
oiintrv, ,lho  l.iniN  worn  luhiorl  to  qnit-riMiti  lo  tho  Iixlians, 
"  whirh."  «»rs  Ik'lknap,  Ir  1784,  "ara  aBnuallypaid  to  their 
fuatani}-."  p.  Ti. 


was  no  longer  perverted  by  intolerance,  or  disgraced 
by  persecution  ;  and  the  influence  of  Christianity  in 
mitigating  enmity,  and  promoting  kindness  and  indul- 
gence, derived  a  freer  scope  from  the  growing  convic- 
tion, that  the  principles  of  the  gospel  were  utterly  irre- 
concilable with  violence  and  severity  ;  that,  revealing 
to  every  man  his  own  corruption  much  more  clearly 
than  that  of  any  other  human  being,  they  were  equally 
adverse  to  confidence  in  himself  and  to  suspicion  of 
others  ;  and  that  a  deep  setise  of  entire  dependence  on 
Divine  aid,  must  ever  be  the  surest  indication  of  the 
acceptance  of  human  purpose  and  the  efficacy  of  human 
endeavor  to  subserve  the  divine  cause.  Cotton  .Mather, 
who  has  recorded  the  errors  of  the  first  colonists,  lived 
to  witness  the  success  of  his  representations  in  the 
charity  and  libcrality'of  their  descendants.* 

New  England  having  been  colonised  by  men,  not 
less  eminent  for  learning  than  piety,  was  distinguished 
at  a  very  early  period  by  the  labors  of  licr  scholars,  and 
tlic  dedication  of  her  literature  to  the  interests  of  reli- 
gion. Tho  theological  works  of  Cotton,  Hooker,  the 
.Mathers,  and  other  New  England  divines,  have  always 
enjoyed  a  very  high  degree  of  esteem  and  popularity, 
not  only  in  New  England,  but  in  every  protestaut 
country  of  Europe.  The  annals  of  the  colony,  and  the 
biography  of  its  founders  and  their  immediate  succes- 
sors, were  written  by  cotcmporary  historians  with  a 
minuteness  which  was  very  agreeable  and  interesting 
to  the  first  generation  of  their  readers,  and  to  A-hich 
they  were  prompted,  in  some  measure  at  least,  bv  the 
conviction  they  entertained  that  their  country  had  been 
honored  with  the  signal  favor  and  more  especial  gui- 
dance and  direction  of  Providence.  This  conviclion, 
while  it  naturally  betrayed  the  writers  into  the  fault  of 
p.-olixity,  enforced  by  tho  strongest  sanctions  the  ac- 
curacy and  fidelity  of  their  narrations.  liecording 
what  they  considered  the  peculiar  dealings  of  God  with 
a  people  peculiarly  his  own,  they  presumed  not  to  dis- 
guise the  infirmities  of  their  countrymen  ;  nor  did  they 
desire  to  magnify  the  Divine  grace  in  the  infusion  of 
human  virtue,  above  the  Divine  patience  in  enduring 
human  frailty  and  imperfection.  The  errors  and  failings 
of  tho  illustrious  men  whose  lives  they  related,  gave 
additional  weight  to  ihe  impression  which  above  all  they 
desired  to  convey,  that  the  colonization  of  New  Eng- 
land was  an  extraordinary  work  of  Heaven,  that  '.he 
counsel  and  the  virtue  by  which  it  had  been  carried  on 
were  not  of  human  origin,  and  that  the  glory  of  God 
had  lifen  displayed  no  less  in  imparting  the  strength 
and  wisdom  than  in  overruling  the  weakness  and  per- 
versity of  the  iustrunK  iiti  which  he  deigned  to  employ. 
The  most  considerable  of  these  historical  works,  end 
the  most  interesting  performance  that  the  literature  of 
New  England  has  ever  produced,  is  the"Magna!ia 
Christi  Americana,"  or  History  of  New  England  I  y 
Cotton  Mather.  The  arrangement  of  this  work  is  i-x- 
ceediiiglv  faulty,  and  its  vast  bulk  will  ever  continue  to 
render  its  exterior  increasingly  repulsive  to  modern 
readers.  The  continuity  of  the  narrative  is  frequently 
broken  by  the  introduction  of  long  discourses,  epistles, 
and  theological  reflections  and  dissertations  ;  biography 
is  inleriiiixed  with  history,  and  events  of  trifling  or 
merely  local  interest  related  with  intolerable  prolixity. 
It  is  not  so  properly  a  single  or  continuous  historical 
narration,  as  a  collection  of  separate  works  illustrative 
of  the  various  portions  of  New  England  history,  under 
the  heads  of  "  Jlemarkahic  Providences,  Remarkable 
Trials,"  and  numberless  other  subdivisions.  A  plen- 
tiful intermixture  of  puns,  anagrams,  and  othei  barbarous 
conceits,  exemplifies  a  peculiarity  (the  offspring,  partly 
of  bad  taste,  and  partly  of  superstition)  that  was  very 


*  A  discourse  which  ho  published  some  years  after  tins 
period,  contains  the  foUowinvj  passage — "  In  this  capital  city 
ol"  Iloslon,  there  are  tea  as.seinl)lics  of  Christians  of  diirereiu 
persuasions,  wlio  live  so  lovingly  and  pea(:cat>ly  tORCtlier, 
doing  all  the  offices  of  neiglil)ourhood  for  one  another  in  such 
a  manner,  as  rn.'*y  give  a  sensihte  rebuke  lo  all  the  bigots  of 
uniformity,  and  sh'^w  them  how  consistent  a  variety  of  ntcs 
in  religion  may  be  with  the  tramiuillily  of  human  society ; 
and  may  demonstrate  lo  the  world  that  persecution  for  con- 
scientious dissents  in  reliijion  is  an  abomination  of  desolation, 
a  thing  whereof  all  wise  and  just  men  will  say,  *  Cursed  bo  ils 
anger,  for  it  is  fierce  ;  anil  its  wrath,  for  it  is  cruel.*  "  Ncal's 
Present  Slate  of  New  Knglanil,  p.  Rl  I.  The  first  episcopiil 
society  w.is  formed  in  Masaacluisells  in  IfiSB  (before  the 
arrival  of  Andros;)  and  the  first  episcopal  chapel  erected  at 
Boston  in  l(W8.  Collectioiiii  of  the  Masii.  Ilist.  Soc.  iii.  2iU. 
A  ciiiaker  mcollng-lioiisK  was  built  at  Boston  ill  I7I0.  Ibid.  2(K). 

t"  If  wo  look  on  the  dark  side,  tho  luiinan  side,  of  this 
work,  there  is  much  of  human  weakness  and  impcrfec'ion 
h  ith  appeared  in  all  that  hath  been  done  by  man,  as  was  ac- 
knowledged by  our  fathers  before  ijs.  Neither  was  Now  Eng- 
land ever  without  some  latnerlv  rhaslisemenis  from  flod  ; 
showing  thai  bo  is  not  find  of  Ihe  fornialities  of  any  ponph? 
upon  earth,  but  oxpc-ls  the  realities  of  practical  godhnejis, 
according  to  our  profession  and  engncemont  unto  him." 
Iligglnson'i  AttoitatlDn,  prefixed  to  Cotton  Mather'n  History. 


prevalent  among  the  prose  writers,  and  especially  tho 
theologians  of  that  age.  Notwithstanding  these  de- 
fects, the  work  will  amply  repay  tite  labor  of  every 
reader.  The  biographical  portions  in  particular  possess 
the  highest  excellence,  and  are  superior  in  dignity  and 
interest  to  the  compositions  of  Plutarch.  Cotton  .Ma- 
ther was  the  author  of  a  great  many  other  workg,* 
many  of  which  have  been  highly  popular  and  eminently 
useful.  One  of  them  bears  the  title  of  "  Essays  'o  do 
Good"'  and  contains  a  lively  and  forcible  represti.tation 
(conveyed  with  more  than  the  author's  usual  brevitvj 
of  the  op()ortunities  which  every  rank  and  every  rela- 
tion of  life  will  present  to  a  devout  mind,  of  promoting 
the  glory  of  God  and  the  good  of  mankind.  The  ce- 
lebrated Dr.  Franklin,  in  the  latter  years  of  his  active 
and  useful  life,  declared  that  all  the  eood  he  had  ever 
done  to  his  country  or  his  fellow-creatures,  must  bo 
ascribed  to  the  impression  that  had  been  produced  on 
his  mind  by  perusing  that  little  work  in  his  youth.  It 
is  curious  to  find  an  infidel  philosopher  thus  ascribe  all 
his  practical  wisdom  to  the  lessons  of  a  christian  divine, 
and  trace  the  stream  of  his  beneficence  to  the  fountain 
of  the  gospel. 

A  traveller  who  visited  Boston  in  the  vear  1686, 
mentions  a  number  of  booksellers  there  who  had  already 
made  fortunes  by  their  trade.  The  learned  aiiij  inge- 
nious author  of  the  History  of  Printing  in  .\inerica  has 
given  a  catalogue  of  the  works  published  by  the  first 
New  England  printers  in  the  scveiiteeiuh  tcntnry. 
Considering  the  circumstances  and  numbers  of  the  peo- 
ple, the  catalogue  is  amazingly  copious.  One  of  the 
printers  of  that  age  was  an  Indian,  the  son  of  one  of 
the  first  Indian  converts. 

The  education  and  habits  of  the  pco|)le  of  New 
England  prepared  them  to  receive  the  full  force  of  those 
iin|)rcssions  which  their  national  literature  was  calcu- 
lated to  produce  In  no  country  have  the  benefits  of 
knowledge  been  ever  more  highly  prized  or  more  ge- 
nerally diffused.  Institutions  lor  the  education  of  youth 
were  coeval  with  the  foundation  of  the  tirst  colonial 
community,  and  were  projiagated  with  ever)*  accession 
to  the  population  and  every  extension  of  the  settlements. 
Education  was  facilitated  in  this  province  by  the  [le- 
cuhar  manner  in  v\hich  its  colonization  was  conducted. 
In  many  other  parts  of  .-Vmcrica,  the  planters  dispersed 
themselves  over  the  face  of  the  country  ;  each  residing 
on  his  own  farm,  and  placing  his  bouse  in  the  situation 
most  conducive  to  his  own  convenience  as  a  planter. 
The  advantages  resulting  from  this  mode  of  inliabila- 
tion  were  gained  at  the  expense  of  such  dispersion  of 
diveilings  as  obstructed  the  erection  of  churches  and 
schools,  and  the  enjoyment  of  social  intercourse.  But 
ihc  colonization  of  New  England  was  conducted  in  a 
laanner  much  more  favorable  to  the  improvement  of 
human  character  and  the  refinement  of  human  manners. 
.\il  the  original  tow  nships  were  settled  in  what  is  teriued 
the  village  manner  ;  the  inhabitants  having  originally 
[ilanted  themselves  in  small  communities,  from  regara 
to  the  ordinances  of  religion  and  the  convenience  ot 
education.  Every  town  containing  fifty  householders 
was  obliged  by  law  to  provide  a  schoolmaster  qualified 
to  teach  reading  and  writing  ;  and  every  town  contain- 
ing a  hundred  householders,  to  maintain  a  grainiiiai 
Echool.  But  the  generous  ardor  of  the  people  con- 
tinually  outstripped  the  provisions  of  this  law.  We 
iiavc  seen  Harvard  College  established  in  M.assachii- 
setls  but  a  few  years  after  the  fuundalion  of  the  colony 
was  laid.  The  other  states,  for  some  time  after,  were 
destitute  of  the  wealth  and  pi>pulalion  necessary  to  su[>- 
|)ort  similar  establishments  w  ilhin  their  own  Icrriiorics  ; 
liul  thev  frequently  assessed  themselves  in  the  mcsl 
liberal  contributions  for  the  maintenance  and  enlarge- 
ment of  Harvard  College.  The  contributions,  even  at 
a  very  eaily  period,  of  Connecticut,  Newhaven,  and 
New  Hampshire,  have  been  particularly  and  deservedly 
noted  for  tlieir  liberality.  The  close  of  the  same  cen- 
tury was  illustrated  by  the  establishment  of  Vale  Col- 
lege in  Connecticut.  So  high  was  the  repute  that  the 
province  long  continued  to  enjoy  for  the  excellency  and 
olliciency  of  its  seminaries  of  education  that  many 
respcctaide  persons,  not  only  in  the  other  American 
states,  but  even  in  Great  Britain,  sent  their  children  to 
be  educated  in  New  England. 

A  general  appetite  for  knowledge,  and  universal 

♦His  biographers  have  given  us  a  calalocue  of  )iis  works, 
amounting  to  no  fewer  than  three  hundred  and  cighty-two— 
many  no  doubt  of  small  dimensions,  but  others  of  consider- 
able bulk,  and  somo  voluminous.  He  was  a  singular  eco- 
nomist of  time,  and  at  once  Ihe  most  volutmnnus  and  populM 
writer,  and  Ihe  most  zealous  and  active  ininisler  of  his  age 
Above  his  studv  door  was  inscribod  '.lu.*  impressive  adiiio 
nitionlo  his  visiiors,  •'  Be  short."  Ilo  was  tho  son  o?  Dr.  In 
crease  Malliur,  born  in  iri03,  and  diod  in  1727. 


NORTn  AMERICA. 


275 


f»iniliarity  with  letters,  was  thus  maintained  from  the 
beKirininji  ainong  the  pooph:  of  this  province.  The 
gj-ncral  discoiiraiicinent  of  frivolous  amusements,  anil 
of  every  recreation  that  bordered  upon  vice,  tended  to 
devote  their  leisure  hours  to  reading ;  and  the  senti- 
ments and  opinions  derived  through  this  avenue  of 
knowledge,  sunk  deeply  into  vigorous  and  undissipated 
minds.  ""The  historical  retrospections  of  this  people 
wore  peculiarly  calculated  to  exercise  a  favorahic  in- 
fluence on  their  character  and  turn  of  thinking,  hy 
awakeniiis  a  generous  emulation  and  connecting  them 
v.ith  a  uniform  and  progressive  course  of  manly,  pa- 
tient, and  successful  virtue. 

Notwitlisiauding  the  general  diffusion  of  knowledge 
anicng  the  people  of  New  England,  the  lower  classes 
were  not  entirely  exempt  from  some  of  the  prevalent 
delusions  of  the  age.  In  particular,  the  notion,  then 
generally  received  in  the  parent  state,  of  the  efficacy 
of  the  roval  touch  for  the  cure  of  the  disorder  called  the 
king's  evil,  ayipcars  to  have  been  imported  into  New 
England,  to  the  great  inconvenience  of  those  who  were 
so  unhappy  as  to  receive  it.  Belknap  lias  transcribed 
fnirn  the  records  of  the  town  of  Portsmouth  m  New 
Hamp.-ihire.  tlie  petition  of  an  inhabitant  to  the  court  of 
this  province,  in  the  year  1087,  for  assistance  to  under- 
take a  journey  to  England,  that  he  might  he  cured  of  his 
disease  by  coininu  in  contact  with  a  king  ;*  a  circum- 
stance which  Heaven  (it  may  be  hoped)  has  decreed 
should  never  be  possible  within  the  confines  of  North 
America. 

The  amount  of  the  population  of  New  England  at 
this  period  has  been  very  difl'erently  estimated  by  ditler- 
eiit  writers.  According  to  Sir  William  Petty,  the 
number  of  inhabitants  amounted,  in  the  year  1G91,  to 
one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand.  A  much  lower  com- 
putation is  adojited  by  Neal,  and  a  much  higher  by  a 
later  historian.  The  population,  it  is  certain,  had  been 
considerably  ancmcnted,  both  by  the  emigrations  of  dis- 
Bentersfrom  vuriousofthe  European  stales,  and  by  native 
propagation  in  circumstances  so  favorable  to  increase. 
Yet  no  quarter  of  Norlh  America  has  seen  its  own  po- 
pulation so  extensively  drained  by  emigration  as  New 
EngUnd,  which,  from  a  very  early  period  of  its  history, 
haj  never  ceased  to  send  swarms  of  hardy,  industrious, 
«nd  educated  men  to  recruit  and  improve  every  suc- 
cessive setllemeut  that  has  olfercd  its  resources  to 
energy  and  \  irtue.  The  total  restraint  of  licentious 
iptercoursc  ;  the  faciiily  of  ac(|uiriiig  property  and  main- 
taining a  family  ;  the  discourdgem(>nt  of  idleness  and 
l-ixury  ;  and  the  prev:dence  of  industrious  and  frugal 
habits  ainouir  all  classes  of  people,  concurred  with  pow- 
erful efficacy  to  render  marriages  both  frequent  and 
prolific  in  New  England.  Boston,  the  capital  of  Mas- 
sachu.setts,  and  the  largest  city  in  North  America,  ap- 
pears to  have  contained  a  yiopulation  of  about  10,000 
persons  at  the  close  of  this  century.  In  the  year  1720, 
its  inhabitants  amounted  to  20,000.  Every  inhabitant 
of  the  province  was  required  by  law  to  keep  a  stock  of 
arms  and  ammunition  in  his  house;  and  all  males 
above  sixteen  years  of  age  were  enrolled  in  the  militia, 
which  was  assembled  for  exercise  four  times  every 
year. 

The  whole  territory  of  New  England  was  compre- 
hended at  this  period  in  four  jurisdictions,  Massachu- 
setts, New  Hampshire,  Connecticut,  and  Rhode  Island. 
To  Massachusetts  there  had  been  annexed  the  settle- 
ments of  New  Plymouth  and  .Maine,  and  to  Connecti- 
cut the  settlement  of  Newhaven.  The  territories  of 
these  governments  were  divided  into  constituted  dis- 
tricts called  townships,  each  of  which  was  represented 
by  one  or  two  deputies  (according  to  the  number  of  the 
freeholders)  in  the  assembly  of  the  slate.  Besides  this 
elective  franchise,  the  freeholders  of  each  townsliij) 
enjoyed  the  right  of  appointing  the  municipal  officers 
denominated  select-men,  by  whom  the  local  adminis- 
tration of  the  township  was  exercised.  'I'he  qualifica- 
tion of  a  freeholder  in  Massachusetts  was  declar>?d  by 
its  charter  to  be  estate  of  the  value  of  forty  shillings 
per  annum,  or  the  possession  of  personal  properly  to 
the  amount  of  fifty  pounds  ;  communion  with  the  con- 

*  Belknap,  i.  Append.  No.  4fi.  Tlie  following  advertisement 
occurs  in  the  I.ondon  Gazelt«  of  the  29th  of  May,  1682,— 
'  These  nre  to  g:jve  notice  that  the  weather  growing  warm, 
mi  majesty  will  not  touch  any  more  for  the  evil  till  towards 
Michaelmas.  And  his  maiesty's  chirurgeons  desire,  to  pre- 
▼•"nt  his  majesty  beinj  defiauded,  that  greater  care  be  taken 
Ml  the  tiiture  in  registering  certificates  given  to  such  asronie 
to  be  touched."  After  the  Restoration,  such  multi'.ud.  s 
Hocked  to  the  palace  to  be  touched  that  a  number  of  people 
were  cruslicd  to  death.  Evelyn's  Journal,  ii.  571.  This  su- 
pers,non  (which  It  is  said  that  Cromwell  vainly  tried  to 
Wtai-h  to  lus  own  person)  survived  in  England  till  the  reign 
or  (J  ieen  Amie,  who  to'iclied  (among  others)  the  infant  frame 
■Jl  1'..  JuUiisoii. 


gregafional  churches  having  ceased  for  many  years  to  | 
be  requisite  to  the  enjoyment  of  political  privileges.  In  j 
the  other  states  of  New  England,  the  qualification  was 
at  this  period  nearly  the  same  as  in  Massachusetts. 
The  expenses  of  government  had  been  defrayed  origi- 
nally by  temporary  assessments,  to  which  every  man 
was  rated  according  to  the  value  of  his  whole  jiroperty  ; 
but  since  the  year  164.'),  excises,  imposts,  and  poll 
taxes  had  been  in  use.  The  judicial  proceedings  iii  all 
the  provincial  courts  were  conducted  with  great  expe- 
dition, cheapness,  and  simplicity  of  procedure.  ; 

Massachusetts  and  New  Hampshire,  the  one  enjoy- 
ing a  chartered,  the  other  an  unchartered  jurisdiction, 
were  the  only  two  states  of  New  England  in  which 
the  superior  officers  of  government  were  appointed  by 
the  crown,  aiid  from  the  tribunals  of  which  an  apjieal 
was  admitted  to  the  king  in  council.  As  New  Hamp- 
shire was  too  inconsiderable  to  support  the  substance 
as  well  as  the  title  of  a  separate  establishment,  it  was 
the  practice  at  this  period,  atid  for  some  time  after,  to 
appoint  the  same  person  to  be  governor  of  Massachu- 
setts and  New  Hampshire.  In  Connecticut  and  Rhode 
Island,  all  the  oilicers  of  government  (excepting  the 
members  of  the  court  of  admiralty)  were  elected  by  the 
inhabitants  ;  and  so  resolutely  was  this  highly-valued 
privilege  asserted,  that  when  King  William  appointed 
Fletcher,  the  governor  of  New  York,  to  command  the 
Connecticut  forces,  the  province  refused  to  obey  him. 
The  laws  of  these  states  were  not  subject  to  the  nega- 
tive, nor  the  judgments  of  their  tribunals  to  the  review, 
of  the  king.  But  the  validity  of  their  laws  was  de- 
clared to  depend  on  a  very  uncertain  criterion — a  con- 
formity, as  close  as  circumstances  would  admit,  to  the 
jurisprudence  of  England.*  So  perfectly  democratic 
were  the  constitutions  of  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island, 
that  in  neither  of  them  was  the  governor  sufi'ered  to 
exercise  a  negative  on  the  resolutions  of  the  assembly. 
The  spirit  of  liberty  was  not  suppressed  in  Massachu- 
setts by  the  encroar hinetits  of  royal  prerogative  on  the 
ancient  privileges  of  the  people,  but  was  vigorously 
exerted  through  the  remaining  and  important  organ  of 
the  provincial  assembly.  All  the  patronage  that  was 
vested  in  the  royal  governor  was  never  able  to  create  a 
royalist  party  in  this  state.  The  functionaries  whom  he 
appointed,  depended  on  the  popular  assembly  for  the 
enioliimenls  of  their  offices  ;  and  it  was  not  till  after 
many  unsuccessful  efforts,  that  the  British  government 
were  able  to  free  the  governor  himself  from  the  same 
de])endeiice,  and  to  prevail  with  the  assembly  to  annex 
a  fixed  salary  to  his  offise.  The  people  and  the  jjopu- 
lar  authorities  of  Massachusetts  were  always  ready 
to  set  an  example  to  the  other  colonies  of  a  deter- 
mined resistance  to  the  encroachments  of  royal  prero- 
gative. 

In  all  the  colonies,  and  especially  in  the  New  Eng- 
land states,  there  existed  at  this  period,  and  for  a  long 
time  afterwards,  a  mixture  of  very  opposite  sentiments 
towards  Great  Britain.  As  the  posterity  of  English- 
men, the  colonists  cherished  a  strong  attachment  to  a 
land  which  tli,ey  habitually  termed  the  Mollicr  Cmnilry, 
or  lIome,\  and  to  a  people  whom,  though  contempora- 
ries with  themselves,  they  regarded  as  occupying  an 
ancestral  relation  to  them.  As  Americans,  their  liberty 
and  happiness,  and  even  their  national  existence,  were 
associated  with  escape  from  royal  persecution  in  Bri- 
tain ;  and  the  jealous  and  unfriendly  sentiments  engen- 
dered by  this  consideration  were  preserved  inore  parti- 
cularly in  Massachusetts  by  the  privation  of  the  privi- 
leges which  had  originally  belonged  to  it,  and  which 
Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island  were  still  permitted  to 
enjoy,  and  maintained  in  every  one  of  the  states  by  the 
oppressive  commercial  policy  which  Great  Britain  pur- 

*There  were  no  regular  means  of  ascertaining  this  con- 
formity ;  these  states  not  being  obliged,  like  Massachusetts, 
to  transmi'  their  laws  to  Eiigiand.  On  a  complaint  from  an 
iiilial'itant  of  Connecticut,  aggrieved  by  the  operation  of  a 
particular  law,  it  was  declared,  by  the  king  in  council,  "  that 
their  law  concerning  dividing  land-inheritance  of  an  intestate 
was  contrary  to  the  law  of  England,  and  void ;"'  but  the 
colony  paid  no  regard  to  this  declaralion.  Hist,  of  the  lintish 
Dominions  in  North  America,  B.  ii  cap.  iii.  <>  I. 

tThey  have  loft  one  indestructible  mark  o'  their  origin, 
and  their  kindly  rcniembrance  of  it,  in  the  lirili."!!  names 
which  they  transferred  to  American  places.  When  New- 
London  m  Connecticut  was  founded  in  the  year  1646,  the  as- 
sembly of  the  province  assigned  its  name  by  an  act  com- 
mencing with  the  following  preamble:  "Whereas  it  hath 
been  the  commendable  practice  of  the  inhabitants  of  all  the 
colonics  of  these  parts,  that  as  this  country  hath  its  denomi- 
nation from  our  dear  native  country  of  England,  and  thence 
is  called  New  England;  so  the  planters,  in  iheir  first  settling 
of  most  new  plantations,  have  given  names  to  these  planta- 
tions of  some  cities  and  towns  in  England,  tliereby  intending 
Id  keep  up  and  leave  to  posterity  the  memorial  of  several 
places  of  note  there,"  &c.  •'  this  court,  considmng  that  there 
hath  yet  no  place  in  any  of  the  colonies  been,  named  in 
memory  uf  the  city  of  London,"  <lrc.    Trumbull,  i.  170. 


sued  towards  them,  and  of  which  tlieir  increasing  re- 
sources rendered  them  increasingly  sensible  and  pro- 
portionally impatient.  The  loyalty  of  (.,'oiinecticut  and 
Rhode  Island  was  no  way  promoted  by  the  preserva- 
tion of  their  ancient  charters — an  advantage  which  they 
well  knew  had  been  conceded  to  them  by  the  British 
governinent  with  the  utmost  reluctance,  and  of  which 
numerous  attempts  to  divest  them  by  act  of  parliament 
were  made  by  King  N\'illiam  and  his  immediate  suc- 
cessors. Even  the  new  charter  of  Massachusetts  was 
not  exempted  from  such  attacks  ;  and  the  defensive 
spirit  that  was  thus  excited  and  kept  alive  by  llie  aggres- 
sive policy  of  Britain  contributed,  no  doubt,  to  influ- 
ence, in  a  material  degree,  the  future  destinies  of 
America. 

In  return  for  the  articles  which  they  required  from 
Europe,  and  of  which  the  English  merchants  monopo- 
lised the  supply,  the  inhaliitants  of  New  England  had 
no  staple  commodity  which  might  not  be  obtained 
cheaper  in  Europe  by  their  customers.  They  possessed, 
indeed,  good  mines  of  iron  and  copper,  which  might 
have  been  wrought  with  advantage  ;  but  they  were 
restrained  by  the  English  legislature  from  manufactur- 
ing these  metals  either  for  home  consninption  or  foreign 
exportation.  The  principal  commodities  exported  from 
New  England  were  the  produce  and  refuse  of  their 
forests,  or,  as  it  was  commonly  termed,  lumber,  and 
the  produce  of  their  cod-fishery.  In  the  beginning  of 
the  eighteenth  century,  the  annual  imports  into  the  pro» 
vinces  from  England  were  estimated  by  Neal  ai 
100,000/.  The  exports  by  the  English  merchantscon- 
sisted  of  a  hundred  thousand  quintals  (the  i]uinta; 
we  ighing  112  pounds)  of  dried  cod-fish,  which  were 
sold  111  Europe  for  80,000/.  and  of  three  thousand  tons 
of  naval  stores.  To  the  other  American  plantations, 
New  England  sent  hiinber,  fish  and  other  provisions,  to 
the  amount  of  .'jO.OOO/.  annually.  An  exten.sive  manu- 
facture of  linen  cloth  was  e^lahlished  abo'U  this  time 
ill  the  province  :  this  was  an  advantage  for  which  New 
England  was  indebted  to  the  migration  of  many  thou- 
sands ol  Irish  presbyterians  to  her  shores  about  the 
beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Ship-bnilding 
was  from  an  early  period  carried  on  to  a  considerable 
extent  at  Boston  and  other  sea-port  towns,  ft  was  the 
[iractice  of  some  merchants  to  freight  their  vessels  us 
they  built  them,  with  cargoes  of  colonial  produce,  and 
to  sell  the  vessels  in  the  same  ports  in  which  the  car- 
goes were  disposed  of.  A  great  part  of  the  trade  of  the 
other  colonies  v\as  conducted  by  the  shipping  of  New 
England.  At  this  period,  and  for  many  years  after- 
wards, specie  was  so  scarce  in  the  province,  that  paper 
money  formed  almost  excli  sively  the  circulating  me- 
dium in  use  among  the  inhabitants.  Bills,  or  notes, 
1  ere  circulated  for  sums  as  low  as  half  a  crown. 

The  soil  of  a  great  part  of  the  district  of  Maine  was 
erroneously  supposed,  by  its  first  European  colonists, 
to  be  unfavorable  to  agriculture,  and  incapable  of  yield- 
ing a  sufficient  supply  of  bread  to  its  inhabitants.  This 
notion  produced  the  deficiency  which  it  presupposed  • 
and,  injurious  as  it  was  to  the  increase  and  prosperity 
of  the  inhabitants,  it  prevailed  even  till  the  jieriod  of  tho 
American  revolution.  Prior  to  that  event,  the  inhabi- 
tants traded  almost  exclusively  in  lumber,  and  the 
greater  part  of  the  bread  they  consumed  was  imported 
from  the  middle  colonies.  All  the  states  of  New  Eng- 
land were  long  infested  with  wolves  ;  and,  at  the  close 
of  the  seventeenth  century,  laws  were  still  enacted  by 
the  New  England  assembles  offi;ring  bounties  for  the 
destruction  of  these  animals. 

Except  in  Rhode  Island,  the  doctrine  and  form  of  the 
congregational  church  that  was  established  by  the  first 
colonists  prevailed  generally  in  the  New  England 
states.  Every  township  was  required  by  law  to  choose 
a  minister,  and  to  fix  his  salary  by  mutual  agreement  ol 
the  parties  ;  in  default  of  which  a  salary  propcrlioiied 
to  the  ability  of  the  township  was  decreed  to  liim  by 
the  justices  of  the  peace.  In  case  of  the  neglect  of 
any  township  to  appoint  a  minister  within  the  jieriod 
prescribed  by  the  law,  the  right  of  appointment  for  the 
occasion  devolved  to  the  court  of  quarter  sessions. 
By  a  special  custom  of  the  town  of  Boston,  the  sala- 
ries of  its  ministers  were  derived  from  the  voluntary 
contributions  of  their  respective  congregations,  col- 
lected every  Sunday  on  their  assembling  for  divine  ser- 
vice ;  and  it  was  remarked,  that  none  of  the  ministerp 
of  New  England  were  so  liberally  provided  for  as  those 
whose  emoluments,  unaided  by  legal  provision,  thus 
represented  the  success  of  their  labors  and  the  atlacli- 
ment  or  conscientiousness  of  their  people.  In  lUiode 
Island  there  was  no  legal  provision  lor  the  obsenaiice 
of  divine  worship,  or  the  maintenance  of  reiioioiis  in- 
stitutions,   'llns  colony  was  peopled  by  a  uiucd  mul 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


titude  of  scciarians,  who,  having  soparaled  ihf  mselves  I 
from  christian  sociclics  in  other  places,  had  coiuinucd  I 
in  a  broken  and  disunited  state  in  their  present  habita- 
tion. In  their  political  capacity,  they  admitted  un- 
bounded liberty  of  conscience,  and  disavowed  all  con- 
nexion between  church  and  state.  In  their  christian 
relations,  they  made  no  account  of  the  virtue  of  mutual 
forbearance,  and  absolutely  disowned  the  duty  of  sub- 
mitlini,'  to  one  another  on  any  [loiiit,  whether  es.seiitial 
or  circumstantial.  Few  of  them  held  regular  assem- 
blies for  [uiblic  worship  ;  still  fewer  appear  to  have  had 
stated  places  for  such  i^seinblage  ;  and  an  aversion  to 
every  thing  that  savored  of  rcstrauil  or  formality  pre- 
vailed among  them  all.  Nolwithstaiidiiig  the  unlimi- 
ted loleiation  that  was  professedly  established  in  this 
Bcttlement,  it  appears  that  the  government,  in  the  year 
16(j.'),  passed  an  ordinance  to  outlaw  cpiakers  and  con- 
fiscate their  estates,  because  they  would  not  bear  arms. 
But  the  people,  in  general,  resisted  this  regulation,  and 
would  not  suller  it  to  be  carried  into  cHect.  Cotton 
Mather  declares,  that,  in  16.>5,  "Rhode  Island  colony 
was  a  colluvies  of  antiiiomians,  fatalists,  anabaptists, 
anlisabbatarians,  .\r1n1111an3,  Socinians,  quakers,  ran- 
ters, and  every  thing  but  Roman  catholics  and  true 
(  "hristians;  buna  U  rra,  mala  gens."  In  the  town  of 
Providence,  which  was  included  in  this  colony,  and 
was  inhabited  by  the  descendants  of  those  .schismatics 
who  had  accom|)anied  Ro^'cr  Wiiliains  and  .Mrs.  Hutch- 
inson in  their  exile  from  Massachusetts,  the  aversion  to 
all  establishments  and  every  .-t>rt  of  subordination  was 
carried  to  such  an  exti.me  "i.dt,  at  this  period,  the  in- 
habitants had  neiihcr  ina^  str«tes  nor  ministers  among 
them.  They  entertained  a."  invincible  aversion  to  all 
mtes  and  taxes,  as  the  inventions  of  men  to  support 
hirelings,  by  which  opprobrious  term  they  designated 
all  magistrates  and  ministers  who  refu.sed  to  serve  thcin 
for  nothing.  Yet  they  lived  in  great  amity  with  their 
neighliors,  and,  though  every  man  did  v\hatever  seemed 
right  in  his  own  eyes,  it  was  rarf  ly  that  any  crime  was 
committed  among  them  ;  "  which  may  be  attributed," 
says  the  historian  from  whom  this  testimony  is  derived, 
"to  their  great  veneration  for  the  Holy  Scriptures, 
vkhicti  they  all  read  from  the  least  to  the  greatest."* 
Massachusetts  and  Connecticut,  as  they  were  the  most 
considerable  of  the  New  England  states,  in  respect  of 
wealth  and  population,  so  were  they  the  most  dislin- 
^•uished  for  piety,  morality,  and  the  cultivation  and  dif- 
fusion of  knowledge.  At  the  close  of  the  seventeenth 
ciiitury  there  were  an  hundred  religious  assemblies  in 
Massachusetts,  exclusive  of  the  numerous  congrega- 
tions of  christian  Indians.  The  censorial  discipline 
exeriised  by  those  societies  over  their  members  was 
eminently  conducive  to  the  preservation  of  good  morals  ; 
and  ih'!  elficacy  of  this  and  of  every  other  incitement 
to  virtue  was  enhanced  by  the  thinly  [jfoplcd  state  of 
tho  country,  where  none  could  screen  his  character  or 
pursuits  from  the  observation  of  the  public  eye. 

Perhaps  no  country  in  the  world  was  ever  more  dis- 
tinguished than  New  England  was  at  this  time  for  the 
general  prevalence  of  those  sentiments  and  hal)ils  that 
render  communities  respectable  and  happy.  Sobriety 
and  industry  pervaded  all  classes  of  the  inhabitants 
The  laws  against  immoralities  of  every  description  were 
remarkably  strict,  and  not  less  strictly  executed  ;-f  and 

*  Neal,  ii.  505,  596.  We  liavi;  an  accuunt  of  tlie  religious 
condition  of  Rhode  Island,  about  tlurty  years  after  this 
period,  from  the  pen  of  the  great  and  good  Uishnp  Berkeley, 
who  reHidcd  some  years  111  this  colony.  A  general  indiirerence 
l'>  rvhgiuii,  and  a  great  relaxation  of  morality,  had  become 
the  characteristics  of  the  majority  of  the  people.  Several 
churches,  liowevcr,  some  on  the  congregational,  and  other.s 
on  the  episcopal  model,  had  been  established ;  and  through 
Uieir  iiislrunientalily,  the  blessings  of  religion  were  yet  pre- 
•ervud  in  the  colony.    Berkeley's  Work,  vol.  11.  p.  453,  450. 

So  late  as  the  Degiiming  of  tho  nineteenth  century,  the 
legislature  r.t  Rhode  Island  disconrageil  the  project  of  a 
Iwrnpikeroad,  alleging  that  turnpike  duties  and  ccclesiastii  ai 
eslablLshmcnts  were  Cnglish  practices,  and  badges  ot  slavery, 
from  which  their  people  were  distinguished  over  all  the  other 
American"!  by  a  happy  exemption.  It  was  not  till  the  year 
IH05that  tho  advantages  of  turnpike  roads  prevailed  over  the 
Imaginary  dignity  of  this  exemption.  Dwight,  vol.  11. 
l-otler  52. 

t  Josjplyn,  who  visited  New  England,  for  the  first  time  in 
IfiJH,  relates,  that  in  the  village  of  I)ost<m  there  were  then 
two  licensed  inns.  "  An  olliccr  visits  Iheiii,"  he  adds, 
"  whenevi  r  a  stranger  goes  into  them  ;  and  if  ho  calls  for 
more  dniili  than  the  olTiccr  thinks  in  hm  judgment  he  can 

•  iilierly  bear  away,  he  romitermands  it,  and  appoints  the 
Drop-iiiiun.  boyiind  which  he  cannot  get  one  drop."  Josselyn's 
Voyiign.  173.  In  KWl,  the  select  men  of  Massachusetts 
were  orderi'd  10  b:ing  up  in  every  alehouse  list.Hof  all  reputed 
tipplers  and  drunkards  withm  their  districts  ;  and  alehouse 
keeper!  were  torbiddi  n  to  supply  liquor  to  any  person  whose 
name  was  Ihus  posted.  Holmes,  11.  IS.  The  magistralfs  of 
•omc  of  llie  towns  of  SiniUiid  appi  ar  to  have  exercised 

•  Iniilar  si  ts  of  niithorily.  An  mstanro  oi  curred  in  tliu  town 
U  Kuthernlen  in  lOM.   Ure'i  Uist.  of  Kutkerglen,  p.  71. 


being  cordially  supported  by  public  opinion,  they  were 
able  to  render  every  vicious  and  jiroHigate  excess 
equally  dangerous  and  infamous  to  tho  perpetrator. 
W  e  are  assured  by  a  respectable  writer,  that  at  this 
period  there  was  not  a  single  beggar  in  the  whole  pro- 
vince. Labor  was  so  valuable,  land  so  cheap,  and  the 
elective  franchise  so  extensive,  that  every  industrious 
man  might  acquire  a  stake  in  the  soil,  and  a  voice  in 
the  civil  administration  of  his  country.  The  general 
diffusion  of  education  caused  the  national  advantages 
which  were  thus  vigorously  improved,  to  be  justly  ap- 
preciated ;  and  an  ardent  and  enlightened  patriotism 
knit  the  hearts  of  the  people  to  each  other  and  to  their 
country. 

The  state  of  socic.fy  in  New  England,  the  circum- 
stances and  habits  of  the  people,  tended  to  form,  among 
their  leading  men,  a  character  more  tiseful  than  bril- 
liant ; — not  (as  some  have  imagined)  to  discourage 
taU^nt,  but  to  repress  its  vain  display,  and  train  it  to  its 
legitimate  and  respectable  end,  cf  giving  efficacy  to 
wisdom  and  virtue.  Yet  this  slate  of  society  was  by 
no  means  inconsistent  either  with  refinement  of  man- 
ners or  with  innocent  hilarity.  Lord  Uellamont  was 
agreeably  surprised  with  the  graceful  and  courteous 
demeanor  of  the  gentlemen  and  clergy  of  Connecticut, 
and  confessed  that  he  found  the  aspect  and  address 
that  were  thought  peculiar  to  nobility,  in  a  land  where 
this  aristocraticdl  distinction  was  unknown.  From 
Dunton's  account  of  his  residence  in  Boston  in  1680, 
It  appears  that  the  inhabitants  of  Massachusetts  were 
at  that  lime  distinguished  in  a  very  high  degree  by  the 
cheerfulness  of  their  manners,  their  hospitality,  and  a 
courtesy  the  more  estimable  that  it  was  indicative  of 
real  benevolence.* 

Ill  the  historical  and  statistical  accounts  of  the  vari- 
ous states,  we  continually  meet  with  instances  of  the 
beneficial  influence  exercised  by  superior  inmds  on  tiie 
virtue,  industry,  and  happiness  of  particular  districts 
and  communities.  In  no  country  has  the  ascendency 
of  talent  been  greater  or  more  advantageously  exerted. 
The  dangers  of  Indian  invasion  were  encountered  and 
repelled  ;  the  dejection  and  timidity  produced  by  them, 
overcome  ;  the  feuds  and  contentions  arising  among 
settlers  of  various  countries,  habits,  and  oianions,  com- 
posed ;  the  temptations  to  slothful  and  degenerate 
modfcs  of  living,  resisted  ;  the  self-denial  requisite  to 
the  endowment  of  institutions  for  preaching  the  gospel 
and  the  education  of  youth,  rrsoliilely  practised.  In 
founding  and  conducting  to  maturity  the  settlements 
that  from  time  to  time  extended  themselves  over  the 
surface  of  the  [irovince,  men  of  talent  and  virtue  en- 
joyed a  noble  and  arduous  sphere  of  employment. 
Tliey  taught  by  action  and  example.  They  distin- 
guished themselves  from  the  rest  of  mankind  by  excel- 
ling them  in  their  ordinary  pursuits,  and  thinking  better 
than  they  on  the  ordinary  subjects  of  reflection  and 
consideration.  The  impression  they  produced,  if  cir- 
cumscribed ill  its  limits,  was  intense  in  Us  efficacy  :  the 
fame  they  achieved,  if  neither  noisy  nor  glaring,  was 
lasting  and  refined.  They  propagated  their  own  moral 
likeness  around  ihcin,  and  rendered  their  wisdom  and 
spirit  immortal  by  engrafting  their  own  character  on  ihe 
minds  of  their  fellow  citizens.  Mankind  are  more  apt 
to  copy  characters  than  to  practise  precepts  ;  and  virtue 
is  much  more  ellcctually  recommended  to  their  imita- 
tion and  esteem  by  the  life  of  zeal  than  by  the  weight 
of  argument.  Let  the  votaries  of  Fame  remember  that 
if  a  life  thus  spent  circumscribe  the  diffusion  of  the 
|)atriol's  name,  it  seems  to  enlarge  his  very  being,  and 
extend  it  to  distant  genera,  ions  ;  and  that  if  posthu- 
mous fame  be  anv  thing  more  than  a  splendid  illusion, 
it  is  such  distinction  as  this,  from  which  the  surest  and 
most  lasting  satisfaction  will  be  derived. 

The  esteem  of  the  commumly  was  considered  so 
valuable  a  part  of  the  emoluments  of  office,  that  the 
salaries  of  all  public  ollicers,  except  those  who  were 
appointed  by  the  crown,  were,  if  not  scanty,  yet  ex- 
ceedingly moderate.  In  Connecticut,  it  was  remarked, 
that  the  whole  annual  expenses  of  its  public  institutions 
(about  SOU/  )  did  not  amount  to  the  salary  of  a  royal 
governor.  The  slender  emoluments  of  public  olliccs, 
and  the  tenure  of  popular  pleasure  by  which  ihey  were 
held,  tended  very  much  to  exempt  the  olliccs  from  the 
pretensions  of  unworthy  candidates,  and  the  ollicers 
from  calumny  and  envy.  Virtue  and  ability  were  fairly 
appreciated  ;  and  we  frequently  find  the  same  men  re- 
elected lor  a  long  series  of  years  to  the  same  offices, 

•  Diinton's  Life  ami  Errors,  Stage  iv.  Uunton,  who  had 
sat  at  gr)od  mrn's  feasts  111  London,  was  yet  struck  wilh  the 
plenty  and  elrgance  of  the  onloriainments  be  witnessed  in 
Bosloii. 


and  on  some  occasions  succeeded  by  iheir  song,  wheta 
inheritance  of  merit  recommended  inheritance  of  place.* 
In  more  than  one  of  the  selllements,  the  first  codes  ol 
law  were  the  compositions  of  single  persons ;  the  prv. 
pie  desiring  an  eminent  leader  to  comjiose  for  them  • 
body  of  law,  aud  then  legislating  unanimously  in  con- 
formity with  his  suggestions. 

The  most  lasting,  if  not  the  most  serious,  evu  with 
which  New  England  has  been  afflicted,  is  :ne  inslivj- 
tion  of  slavery,  which  continued  till  a  late  period  to 
pollute  all  Its  provinces,  and  even  now  lingers,  tliougb 
to  a  very  slight  extent,  in  the  province  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, t    The  practice,  as  we  have  seen,  originated  m 
the  supposed  necessity  created  by  the  Indian  hostili- 
ties ;  but,  once  introduced,  it  was  fatally  calculated  to 
perpetuate  itself,  and  to  derive  accessions  from  variou* 
other  sources.    For  some  time,  indeed,  this  was  suc- 
cessfully resisted  ;  and  instances  have  been  recorded 
of  judicial  interposition  to  restrain  the  evil  within  its 
original  limits.     In  the  vear  1645,  a  negro  fraudulently 
brought  from  Africa,  and  enslaved  within  the  New 
England  territory,  was  liberated  and  sent  home  by  the 
general  court.    There  was  never  any  law  expressly 
aullioiising  slavery  ;  and  such  was  the  influence  of 
religious  and  moral  feeling  in  New  England,  that,  even 
while  there  was  no  law  prohibiting  its  continuance,  it 
was  never  able  to  prevail  to  any  conswlerable  extent. 
In  the  year  1704,  the  assembly  of  .Massdchuselts  im- 
posed a  iluty  of  4/.  on  every  negro  imported  into  the 
province  ;  and  eight  years  after,  passed  an  act  prohibit- 
ing the  imjiortation  of  any  more  Indian  servants  or 
slaves.     In  .Massachusetts,  the  slaves  never  exceeded 
the  fiftieth  part  of  the  whole  population  ;  in  Counecti- 
cut  and  Rhode  Island,  when  slaves  were  most  numer- 
ous (in  the  middle  of  the  eightecnlii  century.)  the  pro- 
portion was  nearly  the  same  ;  and  in  the  territory  that 
afterwards  received  the  name  of  Vermont,  \\hcn  the 
number  of  inhabitants  amounted  to  nearly  nine  thou- 
sand, there  were  only  sixteen  persons  in  a  state  of 
slavery.    The  cruelties  and  vices  that  slavery  tends  to 
engender  were  repressed  at  once  by  this  great  prepon- 
derance of  the  sound  over  the  unhealthy  part  of  the 
body  politic,  and  by  the  circumstances  to  which  tlii* 
pre[)onderance  was  owing.    The  majority  of  the  inhabi- 
tants were  decidedly  hostile  to  slavery  ;  and  nunicroui 
remonstrances  were  addressed  to  the  British  govern- 
ment against  the  encouragement  she  afforded  to  it  Ly 
I   maintaining  the  slave  trade  %     When  America  ellected 
i  her  independence,  the  New  England  states  (with  te 
single  exception  of  New  Hampshire)  adopted  measures 

■  which,  in  the  course  of  a  few  years,  abolished  every 
trace  of  this  vile  institution.    In  New  Hampshire,  it 

•  seems  10  have  been  ralher  a  preposterous  regard  for 
liberty,  and  the  sat  redness  of  existing  possessions,  than 

r  a  predilection  for  slavery,  that  prevented  this  practn  e 
I  from  being  formally  abolished  by  the  principles  by  which 
'  It  has  been  essentially  modified  and  substantially  con- 
:  demned.ij 

]  '  I  had  intended  here  to  have  subjoined  a  list  (extracted 
.    from  the  New   England  Journals)  of  persons  m  wlu)se  la- 

*  imlics  the  goveriimenl  of  parlicvilar  stales  and  ti>wiis  has 
;  been  vested,  w  ith  the  consent  of  their  fellow  citizens,  for 
I   considerable  periods  of  time.    But  I  lind  Ihe  bst  too  long  fur 

in.^erlioii. 

-  t  The  assembly  of  this  province,  as  early  as  the  reign  ol 

-  George  the  First,  passed  a  law,  eiiaetmg,  that  *'  if  an)'  man 
^    snnle  out  the  eye  or  tonih  of  lus  man  or  maid  servant,  or 

otherw  ise  maim  or  disfigure  them,  he  sha.l  let  hiin  or  her  go 
'    free  from  his  service,  and  shall  allow  sui  h  farlher  reeoitipense 
^    as  the  court  of  ipiarter  sessions  shall  adjudge  ;"'  and  that 
J    *'  if  any  person  kill  his  Indian  or  iie^ro  servanl,  lie  shall  t»e 
punished  wilh  death."    The  slaves  in  this  provmee  aicsaid 
to  have  tieen  treated  111  all  respects  like  white  servants 

■  Warden's  Uniled  Stales,  I.  39S. 

1  t  Verj  dillereiit  in  Ihis  respect  were  (at  one  period)  the  coa- 
duct  and  sentimenis  of  the  I'orluguese  government  and  the 
colonists  ol  Brazil,  w  here  the  royal  aulhority  was  endangered 
J  by  the  endeavors  the  crown  to  second  the  policy  of  the 
^  Jesuits  for  extirpating  or  miliiratiiig  the  evils  ot  Indian  Hid 
^    negro  slavery.    See  Souther's  History  of  Brazil,  Pari  ii. 

^  There  is  a  strange,  I  hope  not  a  disingenuous,  niilislinct- 
"    ncss  in  the  slateineiils  of  some  w  iilers  resperlnig  the  negro 
,    slavery  of  New  Ensland.    Winlerbotham,  writing  in  1T9S, 
J    asserts,  that  "  there  are  no  slaves  in  Massachuselts."    If  I16 
j    meant  lhat  a  law  had  been  passed  w  hich  denounced,  and  was 
'   gr.adually  extinguishing   slavery,   he   was  light ;  but  the 
,    literal  sense  ui  his  words  is  contradicted   by  Warden's 
>   Tallies,  which  demonstrate  that  fifteen  years  alter  (the  law 
[    not  yel  having  pioduced  its  full  elfect)  there  were  several 
'    thousand  slaves   in    Massachusi  ils.    Dvvight    relates  his 
s   travels,  in  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  and  beginning  of  lh« 
1   nineteenth  century,  throash  every  part  of  New  England, 
without  giving  us  the  slightest  reasim  to  supposo  lhat  iueh 
beings  as  slaves  existed  in  any  one  of  11.4  sLiles,  execpt 
1    when  he  .-tops  to  defend  the  legislature  of  Connecikut  from 
an  iinputaiiou  on  the  manner  m  which  her  i*hare  of  Dim 
,1   aboiilion  had  been  conducted.    Warden  himself  says,  in  on* 
?    pa;;e,  that  **  slavery  no  binger  vxisis  in  New  England,"  oven 
n    while,  in  another,  he  indicates  and  seeks  to  palliate  tlie  » 
curreitce  of  its  extrema  veslijiia  ui  Mew  Uampsiure 


NORTH  AMERICA; 


277 


BOOK  III. 

MARYLAND. 

Charter  of  Maryland  obtained  from  Charles  the  First  by 
l^ird  Baltiinorfi— Emisralion  of  Roman  Catholics  to  the 
Province  -Kiiendly  Treaty  with  tlie  Indians— Generosity 
of  Lord  Ba.tiinore — Opposition  and  Intrigues  of  Cloy- 
horne— First  Assemlily  of  Maryland — Representative  Go- 
vcrnmenleslablislied— Early  iitrodiictinn  of  Neiro  Slavery 
—An  Indian  War— Cleyborne  s  Rebellion— Religions  Tole- 
ration estal)lished  in  the  Colony— Separate  Establishment 
of  the  House  of  Burgesses — Cleyborne  declares  for  Croin- 
wsll — and  usurps  the  Administration — Toleration  abo- 
lished—Distractions of  the  Colony — terminated  by  the 
Restoration— Establishment  of  a  provincial  Mint — Happy 
State  of  the  Colony— Naturalization  Acts— Death  of  the 
first  Proprietary— Wise  Government  of  his  Son  and  Suc- 
cessor— Law  against  importing  Felons — Establishment  of 
the  Church  of  England  suggested— Dismemberment  of  the 
Delaware  Territory  from  Maryland— Arbitrary  Projects  of 
James  the  Second— Alarm  of  the  Colonists — Rumor  of  a 
Popisli  Plot— A  Protestant  Association  is  formed— and 
usurps  the  Administration— The  Proprietary  Government 
fuspendedby  King  William- Establisliment  of  the  Cliurch 
of  England,  and  Persecution  of  liie  Catholics— Slate  of  the 
Province — Manners — Laws. 

From  the  history  of  Massachusetts  and  of  the  other 
^cw  Enolaiid  states,  which  were  the  ofTspring  of  its 
colonization,  we  are  now  to  proceed  to  consider  the 
estaliHshinont  of  a  colony  which  arose  from  the  settle- 
ment of  Virginia.  In  relating  the  history  of  this  state, 
we  have  had  occasion  to  notice,  atnong  the  causes 
that  disquieted  its  inhabitants  during  the  govern- 
ment of  Sir  John  Harvey,  the  diminution  of  their  co- 
lonial territory  by  arbitrary  grants  from  the  crown,  of 
large  tracts  of  country  situated  within  its  limits.  The 
most  remarkable  of  these  was  the  grant  of  Maryland  to 
Lord  Baltimore. 

Sir  George  Calvert,  afterwards  Lord  Baltimore,  was 
Secretary  of  State  to  King  James  the  First,  and  one  of 
the  original  associates  of  the  Virginian  Company.  Im- 
pressed with  the  value  of  colonial  property,  and  the 
improvement  that  it  seemed  likely  to  derive  from  the 
progress  of  colonization,  he  employed  his  political  influ- 
ence to  secure  an  ample  share  of  it  to  himself  and  his 
familv.  He  was  a  atrcnuous  asserter  of  the  supremacy 
of  that  authority  from  the  exercise  of  which  he  expected 
to  derive  his  own  enrichment  ;  [1620]  and  when  a  bill 
was  introduced  into  the  House  of  Commons  for  making 
the  Newfoundland  fishery  free  to  all  British  subjects, 
be  opposed  it,  on  the  plea  that  the  American  territory, 
having  been  acquired  by  conquest,  was  subject  to  the 
exclusive  regulation  of  the  royal  prerogative.  The  first 
grant  that  he  succeeded  in  obtaining  was  of  a  district 
in  Newfoundland  named  Avalon,  where,  at  a  considera- 
ble expense,  he  formed  the  settlement  of  Ferrvlarid  ;* 
[1622]  but  finding  his  expectations  disappointed  by  the 
soil  and  climate  of  this  inhospitable  region,  he  paid  a 
Visit  to  Virginia,  for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  if  some 
part  of  its  richer  territory  might  not  be  rendered  more 
«uhservient  to  his  advantage.  Observing  that  the  Vir- 
ginians had  not  yet  formed  any  settlements  to  the  nor'h- 
ward  of  the  river  Potowmack,  he  determined  to  obtain 
a  crant  of  territory  in  that  quarter  ;  and  easily  pre- 
vailed with  Charles  the  First  to  bestow  on  him  the  in- 
vestiture he  desired.  With  the  intention  of  promoting 
the  aggrandisement  of  his  own  family,  he  combined  the 
more  generous  design  of  founding  a  new  state,  and 
colonizing  it  with  the  persecuted  votaries  of  the  church 
of  Rome,  to  which  he  had  become  a  convert ;  but  the 
design  which  he  had  facilitated  by  an  act  of  injustice, 
he  was  not  permitted  himself  to  realize.  His  project, 
which  was  interrupted  by  his  death,  just  when  all  was 
prepared  for  carrying  it  into  effect,  was  resumed  by  his 
son  and  successor,  Cecilius,  Lord  Baltimore,  in  whose 
favor  the  king  completed  and  executed  the  charter 
[1632]  that  had  besn  destined  for  his  father. 

If  the  charter  which  this  monarch  had  granted  a  short 
time  before  to  the  puritan  colonists  of  Massachusetts 
may  be  regarded  as  the  exercise  of  policy,  the  investi- 
ture which  he  now  bestowed  on  Lord  Baltimore  was 
not  less  manifestly  the  expression  of  favor.  This  no- 
bleman, like  his  father,  was  a  Roman  catholic  ;  and  his 
avowed  purpose  was  to  people  the  territory  with  colo- 
nists of  the  same  persuasion,  and  erect  an  asvlum  in 
America  for  the  catholic  faith.  By  the  charter,  it  was 
declared  that  the  grantee  was  actuated  by  a  laudable 

•His  colonial  policy  is  thus  contrasted  by  an  old  writer, 
with  that  of  Chief  Justice  Popham,  the  promoter  of  the  first 
attempts  to  Colonize  New  England  :  "  Judge  Popham  and 
Sir  George  Calvert  agreed  not  more  unanimouslv  in  the  pub- 
lic design  of  planting,  than  they  dilTercd  in  the  private  way  of 
It :  the  first  was  for  extirpating  heathens,  the  second  for 
converting  them.  He  sent  away  the  le  vdest,  this  the 
boberest  people  :  the  one  was  for  present  pre  it,  the  other  for 
a  reasonable  expectation"—"  the  first  set  up  a  common 
■tock,  out  of  which  tlie  people  should  be  provided  by  pro- 
portions ;  the  second  left  every  one  to  provide  for  himself." 
Uoyd's  Slate  Wortliies,  751, 752. 


zeal  for  extending  the  christian  religion,  and  the  ter- 
ritories of  the  empire  ;  and  the  district  assigned  to  him 
and  his  heirs  and  successors  was  described  as  "  that 
region  bounded  by  a  line  drawn  from  Watkin.s'  Point 
of  Chesapeak  Bay  ;  thence  to  that  part  of  the  estuary 
of  Delaware  on  the  north  which  lies  under  the  fortieth 
degree,  vvhere  New  England  is  terminated  :  thence  in 
a  right  line,  by  the  degree  aforesaid,  to  tho  meridian  of 
the  fountain  of  Potowmack  ;  thence  following  its  course 
by  the  farther  bank  to  its  confluence."  In  honor  of 
the  queen,  the  province  thus  bestowed  on  a  nohleinan 
of  the  same  faith  with  her  majesty  was  denominated 
Maryland  :  and  in  honor,  perhaps,  of  her  majesty's 
faith,  the  endowment  was  accompanied  with  immunities 
more  ample  than  anv  of  .the  other  colonial  establish- 
ments possessed.  The  new  provmce  was  declared  to 
be  separated  from  Virginia,  and  no  longer  subordinate 
to  any  other  colony,  but  immediately  subject  to  the 
crown  of  England,  and  dependant  on  the  same  for  ever. 
Lord  Baltimore  was  created  the  absolute  proprietary  of 
it ;  saving  the  allegiance  and  sovereign  dominion  due 
to  the  crown.  He  was  empowered,  with  the  assent  of 
the  freemen  or  their  delegates,  whom  bo  was  required 
to  assemble  for  that  purpose,  to  make  laws  for  the 
province,  not  repugnant  to  the  jurisprudence  of  Eng- 
land ;  and  the  acts  of  the  assembly  he  was  authorised 
to  execute.  For  the  population  of  the  new  colony, 
licence  was  given  to  all  his  Majesty's  subjects  to  trans- 
port themselves  thither  ;  and  they  and  their  posterity 
were  declared  to  be  liegemen  of  the  king  and  his  suc- 
cessors, and  entitled  to  the  liberties  of  Englishmen,  as 
if  they  had  been  born  within  the  kingdom.  Power  was 
given  to  the  proprietary,  with  assent  of  the  people,  to 
impose  all  just  and  proper  subsidies,  which  were 
granted  to  him  for  ever  ;  and  it  was  covenanted  on  the 
part  of  the  king,  that  neither  he  nor  his  successors 
should  at  any  time  impose,  or  cause  to  be  imposed,  any 
tallages  on  the  colonists,  or  their  goods  and  tenements, 
or  on  their  commodities  to  be  laden  within  the  pro- 
vince. Thus  was  conferred  on  Maryland,  in  per[ietuity, 
that  exemption  which  had  been  granted  to  other 
colonies  for  a  term  of  years.  The  territory  was  erected 
into  a  palatinate  ;  and  the  proprietary  was  invested 
with  all  the  royal  rights  of  the  palace,  as  fully  as  any 
bishop  of  Durham  had  ever  enjoyed ;  and  he  was  au- 
thorised to  appoint  officers,  to  repel  invasions,  and  to 
suppress  rebellions.  The  advowsons  of  those  churches, 
which  should  l)e  consecrated  according  to  the  eccle- 
siastical laws  of  England,  were  granted  to  him.  The 
charter  finally  provided,  that,  in  case  any  doubt  should 
arise  concerning  its  true  meaning,  the  interpretation 
most  favorable  to  the  proprietary  should  be  adopted  ; 
excluding,  however,  any  construction  derogatory  to  the 
christian  religion,  or  to  the  allegiance  due  to  the 
crown. 

Though  the  sovereignty  of  the  crown  was  thus  re- 
served over  the  province,  and  a  conformity  enjoined 
between  its  legislation  and  the  jurisprudence  of  Eng- 
land, no  means  were  provided  for  the  exercise  of  the 
royal  dominion  or  the  ascertainment  of  the  stipulated 
conformity.  The  charter  contained  no  special  reserva- 
tion of  roval  interference  in  the  government  of  the  pro- 
vince, and  no  obligation  on  the  proprietary  to  transmit 
the  acts  of  assembly  for  confirmation  or  disallowance 
by  the  king.  In  erecting  the  province  into  a  palatinate, 
and  vesting  the  hereditary  government  of  it  in  the  fa- 
milv of  Lord  Baltimore,  the  king  exercised  the  highest 
attributes  of  the  prerogative  of  a  feudal  sovereign.  A 
similar  trait  of  feudal  prerogative  appears  in  the  perpe- 
tual exemption  from  royal  taxation  which  was  confirmed 
by  the  charter,  and  which,  at  a  later  period,  gave  rise  to 
much  intricate  and  elaborate  controversy.  It  was 
maintained,  when  this  provison  became  the  subject  of 
critical  discussion,  that  it  could  never  be  construed  to 
import  an  exemption  from  parliamentary  taxation,  since 
the  king  could  not  be  supposed  to  intend  to  abridge 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  parliament,  or  to  renounce  a  pri- 
vilege that  was  not  his  own  ;*  and  that  even  if  such 
construction  had  been  intended,  the  immunity  was 
illegal,  and  incapable  of  restraining  the  functions  of  the 
legislature.  In  addition  to  the  general  reasoning  that 
has  been  employed  to  demonstrate  this  illegality,  refe- 
rence has  been  made  to  the  authority  of  aparliamenlary 
proceeding  mentioned  by  Sir  Edward  Coke,  who,  in  a 
debate  on  the  royal  prerogative  in  the  year  1630,  as- 
sured the  Commons  that  a  dispensation  from  subsidies 


*  Yet  at  an  after  period,  it  was  considered,  that  an  ex- 
clusion of  parliamentary  taxation,  whether  elTeclually  con- 
stituted, would  be  at  least  imported  by  such  a  clause  ;  and 
in  the  Pennsylvanian  charter  when  an  exemption  of  this  de- 
scription was  conceded,  it  was  qualified  by  an  express  *'  saving 
of  the  authority  of  the  English  parliament." 


granted  to  certain  individuals  within  the  realm  in  the 
reign  of  Henry  the  .Seventh,  had  been  subsequently  re- 
[)ealed  by  act  of  parliament.  But  to  render  tins  au- 
thority conclusive,  it  would  be  necessary  to  suppose, 
that  every  act  of  parliament  that  introduced  a  particular 
ordinance  was  also  declaratory  of  the  grjneral  law  ;  and 
even  then  the  application  of  this  authority  to  the  char- 
ter of  Maryland  may  very  fairly  be  questioned.  Colo- 
nies, in  that  age,  were  regarded  entirely  as  dependencies 
of  tho  monarchical  part  of  the  government  ;  the  rule  of 
their  governance  was  the  royal  prerogative,  except 
where  it  was  specially  limitotl  or  excluded  by  the  terms 
of  a  royal  charter ;  and  the  same  power  that  gave  a  po- 
litical being  to  the  colony  was  considered  adequate  to 
determine  the  political  privileges  of  its  inhabitants.  The 
colonists  of  Maryland  iindoubiedly  conceived  that  their 
charter  bestowed  on  them  an  exemption  from  all  ta.xe» 
but  such  as  shouW  be  imposed  by  their  own  provincial 
assembly  ;  for  it  discharged  thein  for  ever  from  the 
taxation  of  the  only  power  that  was  considered  com- 
petent to  exercise  this  authority  over  them.  Not  the 
least  remarkable  peculiarity  of  this  charter  is,  that  it 
affords  the  first  example  of  the  dismemberment  of  a 
colony,  and  the  creation  of  a  new  one  within  its  limits, 
by  the  mere  act  of  tlie  crown. 

Lord  Baltimore  having  thus  obtained  the  charter  of 
Maryland,  hastened  to  execute  the  design  of  colonizing 
the  new  province,  of  which  he  appointed  his  brother, 
Leonard  (Jalvert,  to  be  governor.  The  first  body  of 
emigrants,  consisting  of  about  two  hundred  gentlemen 
of  considerable  rank  and  fortune,  chiefly  of  the  Roman 
catholic  persuasion,  with  a  number  of  inferior  adherents, 
sailed  from  England  under  the  command  of  Calvert  in 
November,  1632;  and  after  a  prosperous  voyaoe, 
landed  in  Maryland,  near  the  mouth  of  the  river  Potow- 
mack, in  the  beginning  of  the  following  year.  [1633.] 
Tlie  governor,  as  soon  as  he  landed,  erected  a  cross  on 
the  shore,  and  took  possession  of  the  country,  for  our 
Savtoiir,  ami  for  our  sovereign  lord  the  king  of  Eng- 
land. Aware  that  the  first  settlers  of  Virginia  had 
given  umbrage  to  the  Indians  by  occupying  their  terri- 
tory without  demanding  their  permission,  he  determined 
to  imitate  the  wiser  and  juster  policy  that  had  been  pur- 
sued by  the  colonists  of  New  England,  and  to  unite  tho 
new  with  the  ancient  race  of  inhabitants  by  the  recipro- 
cal ties  of  equity  and  good-will.  The  Indian  chief  to 
whom  he  submitted  his  proposition  of  occupying  a 
portion  of  the  country  answered  at  first  with  a  sullen 
iiidid'erence,  the  result  most  probably  of  aversion  to  the 
measure  and  of  conscious  inability  to  resist  it,  that  he 
would  not  bid  the  English  go,  neither  would  he  bid 
them  stay,  but  that  he  left  them  to  their  own  iliscre- 
tion.  The  liberality  and  courtesy,  however,  of  tho 
governor's  demeanor  succeeded  at  length  in  concili- 
ating his  regard  so  powerfully,  that  he  not  only  formed 
a  friendly  league  between  the  colonists  and  his  own 
people,  but  persuaded  the  other  neighboring  tribes  to 
accede  to  the  treaty,  and  warmly  declared,  /  love  the 
English  so  well,  that  if  they  should  go  about  to  kill  me, 
if  I  had  so  much  breath  as  to  speak,  I  would  command 
the  people  not  to  revenge  my  death  ;  for  I  know  they 
would  not  do  such  a  thing,  except  it  were  through  my 
oicn  fault.  Having  purchased  the  rights  of  the  abori- 
gines at  a  price  which  gave  them  perfect  satisfaction, 
the  colonists  obtained  possession  of  a  considerable  dis- 
trict, including  an  Iiidian  town  which  thev  immediately 
proceeded  to  occupy,  and  to  which  thev  gave  the  name 
of  St.  Mary's.  Ii  was  not  till  their  numbers  had  un- 
dergone a  considerable  increase,  that  they  judged  it 
necessary  to  enact  legislative  regulations,  and  establish 
their  political  constitution.  They  lived  some  time 
under  the  domestic  regimen  of  a  patriarchal  family,  and 
confined  their  attention  to  the  providing  of  food  and 
habitations  for  themselves  and  the  associates  bv  whom 
they  expected  to  be  reinforced.  The  lands  which  had 
been  ceded  to  them  were  planted  with  facility,  because 
they  had  already  undergone  the  discipline  of  Indian 
tillage  ;  and  this  circunistancf ,  as  well  as  the  proximity 
of  \  irginia,  which  now  afforded  an  abundant  supply 
of  the  necessaries  of  life,  enabled  the  colonists  of 
Marvlandio  escape  the  ravages  of  that  calamity,  which 
had  afflicted  the  infancy,  and  nearly  proved  fatal  to  the 
existence  of  every  one  of  the  other  settlements  of  tho 
English  in  America.  The  tidings  of  their  safe  and 
comfortable  establishment  in  the  province,  concurring 
with  the  uneasiness  experienced  by  the  Roman  catho- 
lics in  England,  induced  considerable  numbers  of  the 
professors  of  this  failh  to  follow  tlic  oriomal  emigrants 
to  Maryland  ;  and  no  efforts  of  wisdom  or  generosity 
were  spared  by  Lord  Baltimore  to  facilitate  the  popu- 
lation and  promote  the  happiness  of  the  colony  Tha 
transportation  of  people,  and  of  necebsar>  stores  and 


278 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


provisioin,  diiriiit;  llie  first  two  years,  cost  him  upwards 
of  forty  lliotisaiid  pounds.  To  every  emigrant  he  as- 
Biijtied  fifty  acres  of  land  in  alisohite  fee  ;  and  witli  a 
liherality  unparalleled  in  that  age,  and  altogether  sur- 
prising in  a  catholic,  he  united  a  general  establishment 
cf  (yhristianity  as  the  common  law  of  the  land,  with  an 
absolute  exclusion  of  the  political  predominance  or 
superiority  of  any  one  particular  sect  or  denomination 
of  ('hristians.  This  wise  administration  soon  con- 
verted a  dreary  wilderness  into  a  prosperous  colony. 
It  is  a  proof  at  once  of  tiie  success  of  his  policy,  and 
the  prosperity  and  happiness  of  the  colonists,  that  a 
very  few  years  after  the  first  occupation  of  the  province, 
they  granted  to  their  proprietary  a  consid'irable  sub- 
nidy  of  tobacco,  as  a  grateful  acknowledgment  of  his 
liberality  and  beneficence.  Similar  tributes  continued, 
from  time  to  time,  to  attest  the  merit  of  the  proprie- 
tary and  the  attachment  of  the  people. 

The  wisdom  and  virtue  by  which  the  plantation  of 
the  new  province  was  signalised,  could  not  atone  for 
the  arbitrary  injustice  by  which  its  territory  had  been 
wrested  from  the  jurisdiction  of  V^irginia;  and  while  it 
is  impossible  not  to  regret  the  troubles  which  origin- 
ated from  this  circumstance,  there  is  something  not  al- 
together dissatisfactory  to  the  moral  eye,  in  beholding 
the  inevitable  fruits  of  usurpation.  Such  lessons  are 
most  agreeable,  when  the  retribution  which  they  repre- 
tenl  is  confined  to  the  immediate  perpetrators  of  wrong  : 
but  they  are  not  least  salutary  when  the  admonition 
they  convey  is  extended  to  the  remote  accessaries,  who 
are  willing  to  avail  themselves  of  the  injustice  of  the 
principal  delinquents  The  king  had  commanded  Sir 
John  Harvey,  the  governor  of  Virginia,  to  render  the 
utmost  assistance  and  encouragement  to  Lord  Balti- 
more, in  establishing  himself  and  his  associates  in 
Maryland.  But  though  the  governor  and  his  council 
readily  agreed,  in  humble  submission  to  his  majesty's 
pleasure,  to  observe  a  good  correspondence  with  their 
unwelcome  neighbors,  they  determined  at  the  same 
lime  to  maintain  the  rights  of  the  prior  settlement. 
The  plariters  of  Virginia  presented  a  petition  against 
the  grant  to  Lord  Baltimore  :  and  both  parties  were 
admitted  to  discuss  their  respective  pretensions  before 
the  Privy  Council.  After  vainly  endeavoring  to  pro- 
mote an  amicable  adjustment,  the  council  awarded  that 
bis  lordship  should  retain  his  patent,  and  the  petitioners 
their  remedy  at  law — a  remedy  which  probably  had  no 
existence,  and  to  which  the  Virginians  never  thought 
proper  to  resort.  For  the  preventing  of  farther  ditfe- 
rences,  it  was  ordered  by  the  council  tliat  free  and  mu- 
tual commerce  should  lie  permitted  between  the  two 
colonies  ;  that  neither  should  receive  fugitives  from  the 
other,  or  do  any  act  that  might  provoke  a  war  with  the 
natives  ;  and  that  both  should  on  all  occasions  assist 
and  befriend  each  oilier  in  a  manner  becoming  fellow 
Bubjccts  of  the  same  empire. 

But  although  the  Virginian  planters  were  thus  com- 
pelled to  witlidraw  their  opposition,  and  the  Virginian 
government  to  recognise  tlic  independence  of  Mary- 
land, the  establishment  of  this  colony  encountered  an 
obstinate  resistance  from  interests  much  less  entitled 
to  respect  ;  and  the  validity  of  Lord  Baltimore's  grant 
was  vehemently  opposed  by  the  [iretensions  of  a  prior 
intruder.  This  competitor  was  William  Cleyborne,  a 
member  of  Sir  John  Harvey's  council,  and  secretary  of 
the  province  of  Virginia  ;  and  the  f/iendship  between 
Harvey  and  this  individiual  may  perhaps  account  for 
a  singularity  in  the  conduct  of  that  tyrannical  governor, 
and  cx(>lain  why  on  one  occasion  at  h  ast  he  was  dis- 
posed to  maintain  the  interests  of  the  Virginian  plant- 
ers in  opposition  to  the  arbitrary  purposes  of  the  king. 
About  a  year  preceding  the  dale  of  Lord  Baltimore's 
charter,  the  king  had  granted  to  Cleyborne  a  licence 
under  the  sign  manual  to  Iralfic  in  those  parts  of  .Vmerica 
not  coinprehciuled  in  any  prior  patent  of  exclusive 
trade  :  and  for  the  cnfonxment  of  this  licence  Harvey 
had  superadded  to  it  a  commission  in  similar  terms  un- 
der the  seal  of  his  own  authority.  The  ol)ject  of  Cley- 
borne and  hii  associates  was  to  mono[)olisc  the  trade 
of  the  Chesapcak  ;  and  with  this  view  they  had  pro- 
needed  to  establish  a  small  trading  settlement  in  the 
isle  of  Kent,  which  is  situated  in  the  very  centre  of 
Maryland,  and  which  Clovborne  now  persisted  m  claim- 
ing as  his  own,  and  refused  to  submit  to  the  newly 
erected  juriKilicUon.  The  injustice  of  a  plea  which 
construeil  a  licence  to  IralHc  into  a  grant  of  territory, 
did  not  prevent  the  government  of  Virginia  from  coun- 
tenancing (-leyboriip's  opposition  ;  and,  encouraged  by 
the  approbation  which  they  openly  gave  to  his  preten- 
•iiMW,  he  proceeded  to  enforce  them  by  acts  of  profli- 
nt«  intrigue,  and  even  sanguinary  violence.  He  in- 
naed  hia  own  spirit  into  liie  inhabitants  of  (he  isle  of 


Kent,  and  scattered  jealousies  among  the  Indian  tribes, 
some  of  whom  he  was  able  to  persuade  that  the  new 
settlers  were  Spaniards  and  enemies  to  the  Virginians. 
[Ili31.]  Lord  Baltimore  at  length  was  sensible  of  the 
necessity  of  a  vigorous  defence  of  his  rights :  and 
orders  were  transmitted  to  the  governor  to  vindicate 
the  provincial  jurisdiction,  and  enforce  an  entire  subor- 
dination within  its  limits.  Till  this  emergency,  the 
colony  had  subsisted  without  enacting  or  realising  its 
civil  institutions ;  but  the  same  emergency  tnat  now 
called  forth  the  powers  of  government,  tended  also  to 
develope  its  organisation.  Accordingly,  in  the  com- 
mencement of  the  following  year,  [1635,]  was  con- 
vened the  first  assembly  of  Maryland,  consisting  of  the 
whole  body  of  the  freemen  ;  and  various  regulations 
were  enacted  for  the  maintenance  of  good  order  in  the 
province.  One  of  the  enactments  of  this  assembly 
was,  that  all  perpetrators  of  murder  and  other  felonies 
should  incur  the  same  punishments  that  were  awarded 
by  the  laws  of  England  ;  an  enactment  which,  besides 
its  general  utility,  was  necessary  to  pave  the  way  to 
the  judicial  proceedings  that  wore  contemplated  acrainst 
Cleyborne.  This  individual,  accordingly,  still  per- 
sisting in  his  outrages,  was  indicted  soon  after  of  mur- 
der, piracy,  and  sedition.  Finding  that  those  who  had 
encouraged  his  pretensions  left  him  unaided  to  defend 
his  crimes,  he  fled  from  justice,  and  his  estate  was  con- 
fiscated. Against  these  proceedings  he  appealed  to 
the  king  ;  and  petitioned  at  the  same  time  for  the  re- 
newal of  his  licence  and  the  grant  of  an  independent 
♦erritory  adjoining  to  the  isle  of  Kent.  By  the  assist- 
ance of  powerful  friends,  and  the  dexterity  of  his  repre- 
sentations, he  very  nearly  obtained  a  complete  triumph 
over  his  antagonists,  and  eventually  prevailed  so  far  as 
to  involve  Lord  Baltimore  and  the  colonists  of  Mary- 
land in  a  controversy  that  was  not  terminated  for  seve- 
ral years.  At  length  the  lords  commissioners  of  the 
colonies,  to  whom  the  matter  had  been  referred,  pro- 
nounced a  final  sentence,  dismissing  (Jleybornc's  ap- 
peal, and  adjudging  that  the  whole  territory  belonged 
to  Lord  Baltimore,  and  that  no  plantation  or  trade  with 
the  Iiulians  should  be  established  without  his  permis- 
sion within  the  limits  of  his  patent.  Thus  divested  of 
every  senil>lance  of  legal  title,  Cleyborne  exchanged 
his  hopes  of  victory  for  schemes  of  revenge ;  and 
watching  every  opportunity  of  hostile  intrigue  that  the 
situation  of  the  colony  might  present  to  him,  he  was 
unfortunately  enabled,  at  a  future  period,  to  wreak  the 
vengeance  of  disappointed  rapacity  upon  his  successful 
competitors. 

The  colony  meanwhile  continued  to  thrive,  and  the 
numbers  of  its  inhabitants  to  l>e  augmented  by  copious 
emigration  from  England.  With  the  increase  of  the 
people,  and  the  extension  of  the  settlements  to  a  greater 
distance  from  St.  Mary's,  the  necessity  of  a  legislative 
code  became  apparent :  and  Lord  Baltimore  having 
composed  a  body  of  laws  for  the  province,  transmitted 
them  to  his  brother,  with  directions  to  propose  ihem  to 
the  assembly  of  the  freemen.  The  second  assembly  of 
.Maryland  was  in  consequence  convoked  by  the  go- 
vernor, [1637,]  with  the  expectation  no  doubt  of  an 
immediate  ratification  of  the  suggestions  of  the  propri- 
etary. But  the  colonists,  with  a  conlial  attachment  to 
Lord  Baltimore,  cherished  a  just  estimation  of  their 
own  political  rights  ;  and  while  they  made  a  liberal  pro- 
vision for  the  support  of  his  government,  they  hesitated 
not  a  moment  to  reject  the  code  that  he  tendered  to 
their  acceiitance.  In  the  place  of  it,  they  prejiared  for 
themselves  a  collection  of  regulations,  winch  are  credit- 
able to  their  own  good  sense,  and  from  which  some 
insight  may  be  derived  into  the  state  of  the  settlement 
at  this  period.  The  province  was  divided  into  baronies 
and  manors,  the  privileges  of  which  were  now  carefully 
defined.  Bills  were  framed  for  securing  the  liberties 
of  the  people  and  the  titles  to  landed  property,  and  for 
regulating  the  course  of  intestate  succession.  A  bill 
was  passed  for  the  support  of  the  proprietary,  and  an 
act  of  attainder  against  Cleyborne.  In  almost  all  the 
laws  where  prices  were  stated  or  payments  prescribed, 
tobacco,  and  not  money,  was  made  the  measure  of 
value.  The  colonists  of  Maryland  appear  to  have  de- 
voted themselves  as  veiieinently  as  the  Virginians  did 
at  first  to  the  cultivation  of  this  valuable  article.  In 
their  indiscriminate  eagerness  to  enlarge  their  contribu- 
tions to  the  market,  and  to  obtain  a  price  for  the  whole 
produce  of  their  fields,  they  refused  to  accede  to  the 
regulations  by  which  the  planters  of  Virginia  improved 
the  quality  by  diminishing  the  (piantity  of  their  supply  ; 
and  this  collision  was  proiluclive  of  much  dispute  and 
ill-huiiior  between  the  colonies,  and  tended  to  keep 
alive  Ihe  original  di.sgiist  with  wliich  the  establishment 
of  Marylaiid  bad  been  regarded  by  Virginia. 


The  third  assembly  of  Maryland,  which  was  conroked 
two  years  aflei wards,  [1039],  was  rendered  memora- 
ble by  the  iiuroduction  of  a  representative  body  into 
the  constitution.  The  population  of  the  province  had 
derived  so  large  an  increase  from  recent  emigrations, 
that  it  was  impossible  for  the  freeholders  to  continue 
any  longer  to  exercise  the  privilege  of  legislation  fcy 
personal  attendance.  A  law  was  therefore  passed  f j.' 
the  introduction  of  representatives,  and  the  moditici'.- 
tion  of  the  house  of  assembly.  It  was  declared  by  this 
act,  that  those  who  should  be  elected  in  pursuance  of 
writs  issued  should  be  called  burgesses,  and  should  sup- 
ply the  place  of  the  freemen  who  chose  them,  in  the 
same  manner  as  the  representatives  in  the  parliament 
of  England,  and,  in  conjunction  with  those  called  by 
the  special  writ  of  the  proprietary,  together  with  the 
governor  and  secretary,  should  constitute  the  generJ 
assembly.  But  though  the  election  of  representatives 
was  thus  established  for  the  convenience  of  the  people, 
they  were  not  restricted  to  this  mode  of  exercising 
their  legislatorial  rights  ;  for,  by  a  very  singular  clause, 
it  was  provided,  that  all  freemen  refraining  from  voting 
at  the  election  of  burgcs-oes,  were  at  liberty  to  take  their 
seats  in  person  in  the  assembly.  The  several  branches 
of  the  legislature  were  appointed  to  sit  in  the  same 
chamber,  and  all  acts  assented  to  by  the  united  body 
were  to  be  deemed  of  the  same  force  as  if  the  propri- 
etary and  freemen  had  been  personally  fresent.  It 
was  not  long  before  the  people  were  sensible  of  the 
advantage  that  the  democratic  part  of  the  constitution 
would  derive  from  the  separate  establishment  of  its 
peculiar  organ  ;  but  although  this  innovation  was  sug- 
gested by  the  burgesses  very  shortly  afterwards,  the 
constitution  that  was  now  adopted  continued  to  be  re- 
tained by  the  legislature  of  Maryland  till  the  year  IG50. 
Various  acts  were  passed  in  this  assembly  for  the  secu- 
rity of  libc'rty,  and  the  administration  of  justice  accord- 
ing to  the  laws  and  customs  of  England.  All  the  in- 
habitants were  required  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance 
to  the  king  ;  the  prerogatives  of  the  jiroprietary  were 
distinctly  recognised  ;  and  the  great  charter  of  Eng- 
land was  declared  to  be  the  measure  of  the  liberties  of 
the  colonists.  To  obviate  the  inconveniences  that 
began  to  be  threatened  by  the  almost  exclusive  atten- 
tion of  the  people  to  the  cultivation  of  tobacco,  it  was 
found  necessary  to  enforce  the  planting  of  corn  by  law. 
A  tax  was  imposed  for  the  supply  of  a  revenue  to  the 
proprietary.  But  notwithstanding  this  indication  of 
prosperity,  and  the  introduction  of  reiiresentative  go- 
vornmeiit,  that  the  colonists  were  not  yet  either  nume- 
rous or  wealthy,  may  be  strongly  inferred  from  the  im- 
position of  a  general  assessment  to  erect  a  water-mill 
for  the  use  of  the  colony.  Slavery  seems  to  have  licen 
established  in  Maryland  from  its  earliest  colonization : 
for  an  act  of  this  assembly  describes  ihe  people  to  con- 
sist of  all  christian  inhabitants,  .ilares  only  excepted. 
That  slavery  should  gain  a  footing  in  any  community 
of  professing  Christians,  will  excite  the  regret  of  every 
one  who  knows  what  slavery  and  Christianity  mean. 
Some  surprise  may  mingle  with  our  regret  when  we 
behold  this  baneful  institution  adopted  in  a  colony  of 
catholics,  and  of  men  who  not  only  were  themselves 
fugitives  from  persecution,  but  so  much  in  earnest  in 
the  profession  of  their  distinctive  faith,  as  for  its  sake 
to  incur  exile  from  their  native  country.  The  unlaw- 
fulness of  slavery  had  been  solemnly  announced  by  the 
pontilf,  whom  the  catholics  regard  as  the  infallible  head 
of  their  church.  When  the  controversy  on  this  sub- 
ject was  submitted  to  Leo  the  Tenth,  he  declared,  that 
not  only  ihe  christian  religion,  but  nature  herself,  cried 
out  against  a  state  of  slavery.  But  the  good  which  an 
earthly  potentate  can  etTect,  is  far  from  being  commen- 
surate with  his  power  of  doing  evil.  When  a  pope 
divided  the  undiscovered  parts  of  the  world  between 
Castile  and  Portugal,  his  arrogant  division  was  held 
sacred  ;  when  another  levelled  his  humane  sentence 
against  the  lawfulness  of  slavery,  his  authority  was 
contemned  or  disregarded. 

The  discontent  with  which  the  establishment  of  the 
new  colony  had  been  regarded  by  the  Virginians  was 
heightened,  no  doubt,  by  the  contrast  bc'.ween  the 
liberty  and  happiness  that  the  planters  of  Maryland 
were  permitted  to  enjoy,  and  the  tyranny  that  they 
themselves  were  exposed  to  from  the  government  ot 
Sir  John  Harvey.  The  arguments  by  which  the  Mary- 
land charter  had  been  successfully  defended  against 
them,  tended  to  associate  the  loss  of  their  liberties  with 
the  existence  of  this  colony  :  for  the  complaint  of  dis- 
memberment of  their  original  territory  had  been  en- 
countered by  the  plea,  that  the  designation  of  that  ter- 
ritory had  perished  with  the  chattel  which  contafned 
it,  and  that  by  iho  dissolution  of  the  company  to  whicfc 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


279 


tbo  charter  had  belonged,  all  the  dominion  it  could 
claim  over  unoccupied  territory  had  reverted  to  the 
crown.  From  the  company,  or  at  least  duriiig  its  ex- 
istence, the  Virginians  had  obtained  the  liberties  which 
had  been  wrested  from  them  at  the  time  of  its  dissolu- 
tion :  and  hence  their  ardent  wishes  for  the  restoration 
of  their  liberties  were  naturally  connocted  with  the  re- 
establishment  of  a  corporation,  whose  patent,  if  revived, 
would  annul  the  charter  of  Maryland.  It  was  fortu- 
nate for  both  the  colonies  that  the  liberties  of  Virginia 
were  restored  by  the  king  without  the  appendage  of  (he 
ancient  corporation  ;  and  that  the  Virginians,  justly 
appreciating  the  advantages  they  possessed,  now  re- 
garded with  aversion  the  revival  of  the  patent,  and 
were  sensible  that  their  interests  would  be  rather  im- 
paired than  promoted  by  the  event  that  would  enable 
them  to  re-anne-x  Maryland  to  their  territory.  Had  the 
change  of  circumstan(.es  and  interests  been  deferred 
but  a  short  time,  the  most  injurious  consequences 
might  have  resulted  to  both  the  colonies  ;  [1G40]  for 
the  assembling  of  the  Long  Parliament,  and  the  en- 
couragement which  every  complaint  of  royal  inisgovcrii- 
mcnt  received  from  that  assembly,  inspired  tlie  proprie- 
tors of  the  Virginia  company  with  the  hope  of  ol)taining 
a  restitution  of  their  patent.  Fortified  by  the  opinion 
of  eminent  lawyers  whom  they  consulted,  and  who 
Bcrupled  not  to  assure  them  that  the  ancient  patents  of 
Virginia  slill  remained  in  force,'  and  that  the  grant  of 
Maryland,  as  derogatory  to  them,  was  utterly  void,  they 
presented  an  application  to  the  parliament  complaining 
of  the  unjust  invasion  that  their  privileges  had  under- 
gone, and  demanding  that  the  government  of  Virginia 
should  be  restored  to  them.  This  application  would 
undoubtedly  have  prevailed,  if  it  had  been  seconded  by 
the  colony.  Its  failure  was  mainly  occasioned  by  the 
vigorous  opposition  of  the  assembly  of  Virginia. 

Under  the  constitution  which  was  thus  preserved  to 
them  by  the  etTorts  of  its  ancient  antagonists,  the  colo- 
nists of  Maryland  continued  to  enjoy  a  great  degree  of 
,  happiness  and  prosperity,  [1641,]  and  to  evince,  by 
their  unabated  gratitude  to  the  proprietary,  that  the 
spirit  of  liberty  rather  enhances  than  im|)airs  the  attach- 
ment of  a  free  people  to  its  rulers,  and  that  a  just  sense 
of  the  rights  of  men  is  no  way  incomjiatibl  e  with  a 
.ively  impression  of  their  duties.  The  wise  and  friendly 
policy  which  the  governor  continued  to  pursue  towards 
the  Indians,  had  hitherto  preserved  a  peace  which  bad 
moved  higlily  beneficial  to  the  infancy  of  the  colony. 
But  unfortunately  the  intrigues  of  Cleyborne  had  in- 
fected the  minds  of  these  savages  with  a  jealous  suspi- 
cion, which  the  increasing  power  of  the  colony  had  no 
tendency  to  mitigate,  and  which  the  immoderate  avidity 
of  some  of  the  planters  tciuled  powerfully  to  inflame. 
The  rapid  multijilication  of  the  strangers  seemed  to 
threaten  their  extinction  as  a  peojile  ;  and  the  augmen- 
ted value  which  the  territory  they  sold  to  the  colonists 
had  subsequently  derived  from  the  industry  and  skill  of 
its  new  proprietors,  easily  suggested  to  their  envy  and 
ignorance  the  angry  surmi?e.  that  they  had  been  de- 
frauded m  the  original  vendition.  This  injurious  sus- 
picion was  confirmed  by  the  conduct  of  various  indi- 
viduals among  the  planters,  who  procured  additional 
grants  of  land  from  the  Indians  without  the  authority  of 
government,  for  consideratiofis  which  were  extremely 
inadequate,  and  which,  upon  reflection,  filled  them  with 
•nger  and  discontent. t  These  causes  at  length  pro- 
duced the  calamity  which  the  governor  had  labored  so 
earnestly  to  avert.  An  Indian  war  broke  out  in  the 
beginning  of  the  year  1642,  and  continued  for  several 
vears  after  to  administer  its  accustomed  evils,  without 
the  occurrence  of  any  decisive  issue,  or  the  attainment 
of  any  considerable  advantage  by  either  party.  Peace 
having  been  with  some  difficulty  re-established,  [1644,] 
the  assembly  proceeded  to  enact  laws  for  the  preven- 
tion of  the  more  obvious  causes  of  complaint  and  ani- 
aiosity.  All  acquisitions  of  land  from  the  aborigines, 
\Tithout  the  consent  of  the  proprietary,  were  declared 
derogatory  no  less  to  his  dignity  and  rights,  than  to  the 
safety  of  the  community,  and  therefore  void  and  illegal. 
It  was  made  a  capital  felony  to  sell  or  kidnap  any 

*  This  seems  to  corroborate  the  supposit  on  that  the  quo 
warranto  against  tlie  Virginia  company  was  not  prosecuted  to 
a  judicial  issue. 

T  Similar  causes  of  ofTcnce  undoubtedly  begot  or  pro- 
moted many  of  the  wars  between  the  Indians  and  the  other 
colonies.  "  Such  things,"  says  the  historian  of  New  llamp- 
•hire,  "  were  indeed  disallowed  b>  the  government,  and 
Would  always  have  been  punished,  if  the  Indians  had  made 
tomplaint;  hut  they  knew  only  the  law  of  retaliation,  and 
when  an  i-ijury  was  inllicted,  it  was  never  forgotten  till  re- 
Tensed."  The  fraud,  or  supposed  fraud,  of  an  individual, 
might,  at  the  distance  ot  many  years  from  its  pcrpretation, 
Involve  the  whole  rolony  to  which  he  beloiiyud  in  an  Indian 
i«i    Btlknap,  i  128. 


friendly  Indians  ;  and  a  high  misdemeanor  to  supply 
them  with  s])irituous  liquors,  or  to  put  them  in  posses- 
sion of  arms  or  ammunition.  Partly  by  these  regula- 
tions, and  more  by  the  humane  and  prudent  conduct  of 
the  proprietary  government,  the  pi'ace  that  was  now 
concluded  between  the  colony  and  the  Indians  sub- 
sisted, without  interruption,  for  a  considerable  period 
of  time. 

But  the  colony  was  not  long  permitted  to  enjoy  the 
restoratiun  of  its  tranquillity.  Scarcely  had  the  Indian 
war  been  concluded,  when  the  intrigues  of  Cleyborne 
exploded  in  mischiefs  of  far  greater  magnitude,  and 
more  lasting  malignity.  The  activity  of  ibis  enterpris- 
ing and  vindictive  spirit  had  been  embed  hitherto  by 
the  deference  which  he  deemed  it  expedient  to  profess 
to  the  pleasure  of  the  British  court,  at  which  ho  had 
continued  to  cultivate  his  interest  so  successfully,  that, 
in  the  year  1642,  he  had  received  from  the  king  the  ap- 
pointment of  treasurer  of  Virginia  for  life.  But  the 
civil  wars  which  had  now  broke  out  in  England,  leav- 
ing him  no  longer  any  thing  to  hope  from  royal  patron- 
age, he  made  no  scruple  to  declare  himself  a  partizan 
of  the  popular  cause,  and  to  espouse  the  fortunes  of  a 
parly  from  whose  predominance  he  might  expect  at 
once  the  gratification  of  his  ambition,  and  the  indul- 
gence of  his  revenge.  In  conjunction  with  his  ancient 
associates  m  the  isle  of  Kent,  and  aided  by  the  conta- 
gious fervent  of  the  times,  he  raised  a  rebellion  in  Ma- 
ryland in  the  beginning  of  the  year  164.5.  Calvert, 
unprepared  at  first  with  a  force  suitable  to  this  emer- 
gency, was  constrained  to  fly  into  Virginia  for  protec- 
tion ;  and  the  vacant  government  was  instantly  appro- 
priated by  the  insurgents,  and  exercised  with  a  violence 
characteristic  of  the  ascendancy  of  an  unpopular  mino- 
rity. Notwithstanding  the  most  vigorous  exertions  of 
the  governor,  seconded  by  the  wcll-atfected  part  of  the 
community,  the  revolt  was  not  suppressed  till  the  au- 
tumn of  the  following  year  [1646].  The  affliction.s  of 
that  calamitous  period  are  indicated  by  a  statute  of  the 
assemblv,  which  recites  "  that  the  province  had  been 
wasted  by  a  miserable  dissension  and  unhappy  war, 
which  had  been  closed  by  the  joyful  restitution  of  a 
blessed  peace."  To  promote  the  restoration  of  tran- 
quillity and  mutual  confidence,  an  act  of  general  par- 
don and  oblivion  was  passed,  from  the  benefits  of  which 
only  a  few  leading  characters  were  e.xcepted  ;  and  all 
actions  were  discharged  for  wrongs  that  might  have 
been  perpetrated  during  the  revolt.  But  the  addi- 
tional Inirdens  which  it  was  found  necessary  to  impose 
upon  the  peO|)le,  were  consequences  of  the  insurrec- 
tion that  did  not  so  soon  pass  away:  and,  three  years 
afterwards.  [1649]  a  temporary  duty  of  ten  shiUincrs  on 
every  hundred  weight  of  tobacco  exported  in  Dutch 
bottoms  was  granted  to  the  proprietary  ;  the  one  half 
of  which  was  expressly  apprcpriated  to  satisfy  claims 
produced  by  the  recovery  and  defence  of  the  province  ; 
and  the  other  was  declared  to  be  conferred  on  him  for 
the  purpose  of  enabling  him  the  better  to  provide  for 
its  safety  in  time  to  come. 

In  the  assembly  by  which  the  imposition  of  this  duty 
was  enacted,  a  magnanimous  attemjit  was  made  to  pre- 
serve the  peace  of  the  colony  by  suppressing  one  of  the 
most  fertile  sources  of  human  contention  and  animosity. 
It  had  been  declared  by  the  proprietary,  at  a  very  early 
period,  that  religious  toleration  should  constitute  one  of 
the  fundamental  jirinciplesof  the  social  union  over  which 
he  presided  ;  and  the  assembly  of  the  province,  com- 
posed cliiefly  of  Roman  Catholics,  now  proceeded,  by  a 
memorable  Act  concerning  Religion,  to  interweave  this 
noble  principle  into  its  legislative  institutions.  This 
statute  commenced  with  a  preamble,  declaring  that  the 
enforcement  of  the  conscience  had  been  of  dangerous 
consequence  in  those  countries  wherein  it  had  been 
practised  ;  and  thereafter  enacted,  that  no  persons  pro- 
fessing to  believe  in  Jesus  Christ  should  be  molested 
in  respect  of  their  religion,  or  in  the  free  exercise 
thereof,  or  be  compelled  to  the  belief  or  exercise  of 
any  other  relioioii  against  their  consent ;  so  that  they 
be  not  unfaithful  to  the  |)roprietary,  or  conspire  against 
the  civil  government ;  That  persons  molesting  any 
other  in  respect  of  his  religious  tenets  should  pay  treble 
damages  to  the  party  aggrieved,  and  twenty  shillings 
to  the  proprietary  :  That  those  who  should  reproach 
their  neighbors  with  0|)probrious  names  of  religious 
distinction,  sii^uld  forfeit  ten  shillings  to  the  persons  so 
insulted  :  That  any  one  speaking  reproachfully  against 
the  blessed  Virgin  oi  the  apostles,  should  forfeit  five 
pounds  ;  but  that  blasphemy  against  God  should  be 
punished  with  death.  By  the  enactment  of  this  sta- 
tute, the  catholic  planters  of  Maryland  procured  to 
their  adopted  country  the  distinguished  praise  of  being 
the  first  of  the  .\mcrican  states  in  which  toleration  was 


established  by  law  ;*  and  graced  their  peculiar  foitb 
with  the  signal  and  unwonted  merit  of  protecting  that 
religious  freedom  which  all  other  christian  association! 
were  consjiiriiig  to  overthrow.  It  is  a  striking  and 
instructive  spectacle  to  behold  at  this  period  the  puri- 
tans persecuting  their  protestant  brethren  in  Xew  Eng- 
land ;  the  episcopalians  retorting  the  same  severity  on 
the  puritans  in  Virginia  ;  and  the  catholics,  against 
whom  all  the  others  were  combined,  lorming  in  Mary- 
land a  sanctuary  where  all  might  worship  and  none 
might  oppress,  and  where  even  protestants  sought 
refuge  from  protestant  intolerance.  If  the  dangers  to 
which  the  Maryland  Catholics  must  have  felt  themselves 
exposed  from  the  disfavor  with  which  they  were  re- 
garded by  all  the  other  communities  of  their  country- 
men, and  from  the  ascendancy  which  their  most  zea- 
lous adversaries  the  presbyterians  were  acquiring  in 
the  councils  of  the  parent  state,  may  be  supposed  to 
account  in  some  degree  for  their  enforcement  of  a  prin- 
ciple of  which  they  manifestly  needed  the  protection, 
the  surmise  will  detract  very  little  from  the  merit  of 
the  authors  of  this  excellent  law.  The  moderation  of 
mankind  has  ever  needed  adventitious  support :  and  it 
is  no  depreciation  of  christian  sentiment,  that  it  is 
capable  of  deriving  an  accession  to  its  purity  from  the 
ex[)ferience  of  persecution.  It  is  by  divine  grace  alone 
that  the  fire  of  persecution  thus  sometimes  tends  to 
refine  virtue  and  consume  the  dross  that  may  have  ad- 
hered to  it ;  and  the  progress  of  this  history  is  destined 
to  show,  that  without  such  overruling  agency,  the 
commission  of  injustice  naturally  tends  to  its  own  re- 
production, and  that  the  experience  of  it  engenders  a 
much  stronger  disposition  to  retaliate  its  severities 
than  to  sympathise  with  its  victims.  It  had  been  hap[)y 
lor  the  credit  of  the  protestants,  whose  hostility  per- 
haps enforced  the  moderation  of  the  catholics  of  Mary- 
land, if  they  had  imitated  the  virtue  which  their  own 
apprehended  violence  may  have  tended  to  elicit.  But, 
unfortunately,  a  great  proportion  even  of  those  who 
were  constrained  to  seek  refuge  among  the  catholics 
from  the  persecutions  of  their  own  protestant  brethren, 
carried  with  them  into  exile  the  same  intolerance  of 
which  themselves  had  been  the  victims  ;  and  the  pres- 
byterians and  other  dissenters  who  now  began  to  flock 
in  co."siderable  numbers  from  Virginia  to  .Maryland, 
gradually  formed  a  protestant  confederacy  against  the 
interests  of  the  original  settlers  ;  and,  with  ingratitudb 
still  more  odious  than  their  injustice,  projected  the  abro- 
gation not  only  of  the  catholic  wor.'ship,  but  of  every 
part  of  that  system  of  toleration,  under  whose  shelter 
they  were  enabled  to  conspire  its  downfall.  But 
though  the  catholics  were  thus  ill  requited  by  their  (iro- 
festant  guests,  it  would  be  a  mistake  to  suppose  that 
he  calamities  that  subsequently  desolated  the  province 
were  i)rof'  ;ced  by  the  toleration  which  her  assembly 
now  established,  or  that  the  catholics  were  really  losers 
by  this  act  of  justice  and  liberality.  From  the  dispo- 
sition of  the  prevailing  party  in  England,  and  the  state 
of  the  other  colonial  settlements,  the  catastrophe  that 
overlook  the  liberties  of  the  Maryland  catholics  could 
not  possibly  have  been  evaded  :  and  if  the  virtue  they 
now  displayed  was  unable  to  avert  their  fate,  it  ex- 
empted them  at  least  from  the  reproach  of  deserving 
it  ;  it  redoubled  the  guilt  and  scandal  incurrred  by  their 
adversaries,  and  achieved  for  themselves  a  reputation 
more  lasting  and  honorable  than  political  triumph  or 
temporal  elevation.  What  Christian,  however  sensible 
of  the  errors  of  catholic  doctrine,  would  not  rather  be 
the  descendant  of  the  catholics  who  established  tob-ra- 
tion  in  Maryland,  than  of  the  protestants  who  overthrew 
it! 

From  the  establishment  of  religious  freedom,  the 
assembly  of  Maryland  proceeded  to  the  improvement 
of  political  liberty;  and  in  the  following  year  [1650] 
the  constitution  of  this  province  received  that  structure 
which,  with  some  interruptions,  it  continued  to  retain 
for  more  than  a  century  after.  So  early  as  the  veal 
1642,  the  burgesses  who  had  been  elected  to  the  exist 
intr  assembly,  whether  actuated  by  the  spirit  natural  to 
representatives,  or  animated  by  the  example  of  the  con>- 
mons  of  England,  had  expressed  a  desire  "  that  Itiey 
might  be  separated,  and  sit  by  themselves,  and  have  a 
negative."  Their  desire  was  disallowed  at  that  tune  , 
but  now,  in  conformity  with  it,  a  law  was  jiassed, 
enacting  that  members  called  to  the  assem'>lv  by  spe- 
cial writ  should  form  the  upper  house  :  that  those  who 
were  chosen  by  the  hundreds  should  form  the  lower 

*  Rhode  Island  was  at  this  time  the  onlv  one  of  (he  pro 
tei'tant  settlements  in  which  the  principle  or  toieralion  wa» 
recognized:  and  even  there,  Roman  catholics  were  excluded 
from  participating  in  the  political  rights  thai  vs  ere  enjoyed  b| 
the  rejt  of  the  community. 


280 


T  E  HISTORY  or 


house  ;  and  that  all  bills  which  should  be  assented  to  by 
the  two  brandies  of  the  let^isUtiire,  and  ratified  by  the 
governor,  should  be  deemed  the  laws  of  tlie  province. 
An  act  of  recognition  of  the  undoubted  rii,'ht  of  Lord 
Baltimore  to  the  proprietaryship  of  the  province,  was 
|iasscd  in  the  same  sejsion.  The  assembly  declared 
Itself  bound  by  the  laws  both  of  God  and  man,  to  ac- 
knowledge his  just  title  by  virtue  of  the  grant  of  the 
late  king  ('harles  of  England  ;  it  submitted  to  his  au- 
thority, and  obliged  its  constituents  and  their  posterity 
for  ever  to  defend  him  and  his  heirs  in  his  royal  rights 
■lid  pre-eminences,  so  far  as  they  do  not  infringe  the 
just  liberties  of  the  free-born  subjects  of  England  ;  and 
it  besought  him  to  accept  this  act  as  a  testimony  to  his 
jiosterity,  of  its  fidelity  and  thankfulness  for  the  mani- 
fold beiielits  which  the  colony  had  derived  from  liiiii. 
IJlciiding  a  due  regard  to  the  rights  of  the  people  v\ilh 
a  just  gratitude  to  the  proprietary,  the  assembly  at  the 
Hame  time  enacted  a  law  prohibiting  the  imposition  of 
taxes  without  the  consent  of  the  freemen,  and  declar- 
ing in  its  preamble,  "  that  as  the  proprietary's  strength 
doth  consist  in  the  affections  of  his  people  ;  on  them 
he  doth  rely  for  his  supplies,  not  doubting  of  their  duty 
iiid  a-^sistance  on  all  just  occasions."  Perhaps  it  is 
only  under  such  patriarchal  administration  as  Maryland 
yet  retained  an  admixture  of  in  her  constitiition.and  under 
such  patriarchs  as  Lord  Baltimore,  that  we  can  ever 
hope  to  find  the  realization  of  the  political  philosopher's 
dream  of  a  system  that  incorporates  into  politics  the 
sentiments  that  embellish  social  intercourse,  and  the 
affections  that  sweeten  domestic  life.  In  prosecution 
cf  its  patriotic  labors,  the  assembly  proceeded  to  enact 
laws  for  the  relief  of  the  poor,  and  the  encouragement 
of  agriculture  and  commerce  ;  and  a  short  gleam  of 
tranquil  prosperity  preceded  the  calamities  which  the 
province  was  fated  again  to  experience  from  the  evil 
genius  of  Cleyboriie,  and  the  interposition  of  the  parent 
ktate. 

The  parliament  having  now  established  its  supremacy 
in  England,  had  leisure  to  extend  its  views  beyond  the  | 
Atlantic  ;  and  if  the  people  of  Virginia  were  exposed  | 
by  their  political  sentiments  to  a  collision  with  this  for- 
midable power,  the  inhabitants  of  Maryland  were  not 
less  obno-xious  to  its  bigotry  from  their  religious  tenets. 
This  latter  [irovince  was  not  denounced  by  the  par- 
liamentary ordinance  of  1650  as  in  a  state  of  rebellion, 
;ike  Virginia  ;  but  it  was  comprehended  in  that  part  of 
;he  ordinance  which  declared  that  the  plantations  were, 
tnd  of  right  ought  to  be,  dependent  on  England,  and 
•ubjeci  to  its  laws.  In  prosecution  of  the  views  and 
purposes  of  this  ordinance,  certain  commissioners,  of 
whom  Cleyborne  was  one,  [lG5l,j  were  appointed  to 
reduce  and  govern  the  colonies  within  the  bay  of  Che- 
napeak.  In  Virginia,  where  resistance  vvas  attempted, 
the  existing  administration  was  instantly  suppressed  ; 
but  as  the  proprietary  of  Maryland  expressed  ii!s  will- 
ingness to  acknowledije  the  parliamentary  jurisdiction, 
the  commissioners  were  instructed  to  respect  his  rights  : 
[1652,]  and  he  was  suffered  to  rule  the  province  as 
formerly,  though  m  the  name  of  the  keepers  of  the 
liberties  of  England.*  IJut  Cleyborne  was  not  to  be 
so  easily  deterred  from  availing  himself  of  an  oppjr- 
tnnity  so  favorable  for  satiating  his  malignity  ;  and  un- 
fortunately his  designs  were  favored  by  the  distractions 
in  England  that  preceded  the  elevation  of  Cromwell  to 
the  protectorate,  and  by  the  disunion  which  began  to 
prevail  in  the  province  from  the  preten-iions  of  the  pro- 
teslant  exiles  who  had  recently  united  themselves  to 
its  population.  Ever  the  ally  of  the  strongest  party, 
Cleyborne  hastened  to  espouse  the  fortunes  of  Crom- 
well, whose  triumpli  he  easily  foresaw;  [1653. J  and 
intlamed  the  dissensions  of  the  province,  by  encourag- 
ing the  protr.stants  to  unite  t!ie  pursuit  of  their  own 
wcondancy  with  the  establishment  of  the  protectoral 
governinen'..  The  conlenlions  of  the  two  parties  v  ere 
•t  length  exasperati  d  to  the  extremity  of  civil  war  ; 
and  after  varioux  skiriiii.-,lies,  which  were  fought  with 
allernale  success,  the  catholics  and  the  other  partizans 
of  the  priiprielary  government  were  defeated  in  a  de- 
cisive engagement,  [1651  ]  the  governor  deposed,  and 
the  adiniiiiatration  usurped  by  Cleyborne  and  his  asso- 
ciates. 

Although  the  victorious  parly  did  not  consider  them- 
selves warranted  expressly  to  disclaim  the  title  of  the 
proprietarv,  they  made  hasto  to  signalise  their  triumph 
by  aboliHhing  his  iiistilulions.  Fuller  and  Preston, 
whom  ('leyl)orno  had  appointed  commissioners  for 
direcMiig  the  affairs  of  Maryland  nniler  his  highness  the 
lord  protector,  proceeded  to  convoke  an  assembly  of 
Ibe  province ;  and  some  of  the  persons  who  were 
•lorted  burgesses  having  refuned  to  serve  in  a  capacity 
wiueh  they  duomed  iticoiiiiistonl  with  their  obligations 


to  Lord  Baltimore,  the  legi.^lalive  power  was  the  more 
unreservedly  appropriated  by  the  partizans  of  innova- 
tion. The  assembly  having,  as  a  preliminary  measure, 
passed  an  act  of  recognition  of  Cromwell's  just  title 
and  authority,  proceeded  to  frame  a  law  concerning 
religion,  which  derogated  not  less  signally  from  the 
credit  of  the  protestant  cause,  than  from  the  justice  of 
the  protector's  administration.*  By  this  law  it  was 
declared,  that  none  who  professed  the  doctrines  of  the 
Romish  church  could  be  protected  in  this  province  by 
the  laws  of  England  formerly  established,  and  yet  unre- 
[lealed,  or  by  the  government  of  the  commonwealth  : 
That  such  as  professed  faith  in  (lod  by  Jesus  Christ, 
though  differing  in  judgment  from  the  doctrine  and 
discipline  publicly  held  forth,  should  not  be  restrained 
from  the  exercise  of  their  religion  ;  "  provided  such 
liberty  be  not  extended  to  popery  or  prelacy  ;  or  to 
such  as,  under  the  profession  of  Christianity,  practise 
licentiousness."  Thus  the  Roman  catholics  were  de- 
prived of  the  protection  of  law  in  the  community  which 
their  own  industry  and  virtue  had  collected,  and  by 
those  protestants  to  whom  their  humanity  had  granted 
a  country  and  a  home.  This  unworthy  trium|)h  was 
hailed  by  the  zealots  against  popery  iii  ]..ondon,  where 
a  hook  was  pulihsheil  soon  after  under  the  title  of 
•'  Babylon's  Fall  in  Maryland."  But  the  catholics 
were  not  the  only  parties  who  experienced  the  severity 
of  the  new  government.  The  protestant  episcopalians 
were  equallv  excluded  from  the  protection  of  law  ;  and 
a  number  of  quakers  having  resorted  soon  after  to  the 
province,  and  begun  to  preach  against  judicial  oaths 
and  military  pursuits,  were  denounced  by  the  govern- 
ment as  heretical  vagabonds,  and  subjected  to  the  pu- 
nishment of  flogging  and  imprisonment. 

As  Lord  Baltimore's  right  to  the  proprietaryship  of 
the  province  was  still  outwardly  recognised,  the  com- 
missioners, either  deeming  it  rccjuisite  to  the  formality 
of  their  proceedings,  or  more  probably  with  the  hope  of 
embroiling  him  with  the  protector,  demanded  his  assent 
I  to  the  changes  which  had  been  thus  introduceii.  But 
I  he  firmly  refused  to  sanction  either  the  deposition  of 
his  governor,  or  any  one  of  the  recent  proceedings  of 
the  commissioners  and  their  adherents  ;  and  declared 
111  particular,  iliat  he  never  would  assent  to  the  repeal 
of  a  law  which  protected  the  most  sacred  rights  of 
mankind.  The  commissioners  did  not  fail  to  complain 
of  his  contumacy  to  ("romwell,  to  whom  they  continued 
from  time  to  time  to  transmit  the  most  elaborate  repre- 
sentations of  the  tyranny,  bigotry,  and  royalist  predi- 
lections of  Lord  Baltimore,  and  the  expediency  of  de- 
priving him  of  the  proprietaryship  of  the  province.' 
[1655.]  But  all  their  representations  were  ineireclual. 
Lord  Baltimore  was  allowed  by  Cromwell  to  retain 
the  rights  which  he  was  practically  debarred  from  ex- 
ercising ;  and  the  commissioners  remained  in  the  pro- 
vince to  enact  the  tyianny  and  bigotry  of  which  they 
had  falsely  accused  him.  Their  proceedings,  as  intem- 
perate as  their  councils,  could  neither  preserve  internal 
tranquillity  in  the  colony,  nor  insure  their  own  repose. 
The  people,  lately  so  tranquil  and  happy,  were  now  a 
prey  to  all  those  disorders  which  never  fail  to  result 
irom  religious  persecution  embittered  by  the  triuir.ph  of 
partv  in  civil  contention.  In  this  situation  an  insur- 
rection vvas  easily  la.sed  by  Josias  Feudal,  [1656.]  a 
restless  and  profligate  adventurer,  destined  by  his  in- 
trigues to  become  the  Cleyborne  of  the  next  generation, 
and  who  now  sought  occasion  to  gratify  his  natural 
turbulence  under  pretence  of  asserting  the  rights  of  the 
proprietary  and  the  ancient  liberties  of  the  province. 
Tins  insurrection  proved  eminently  unfortunate  to  the 
colony.  It  imluced  Lord  Baltimore  to  repose  a  very 
ill  grounded  conlidence  in  Feudal  ;  and  its  suppression 

*  Cromwell  is  at  least  obnoxious  to  the  charsre  of  liavin;; 
sulTered  llio  triumph  o(  his  own  and  ol'  llie  protestant  c.iuse 
Lu  be  signaliztid  by  liic  suppression  o(  a  lolcrHtion  eslalilislicd 
by  Roiimn  catliolics.  That  he  incited,  or  even  approved  tins 
proceediniK',  is  by  no  means  apparent.  In  the  records  of  tins 
province,  there  is  a  letter  from  him  to  lus  commissioners,  de- 
siring llieiii  not  to  busy  iheinsi'lves  aliout  religion,  but  lo 
settle  tlio  civil  goveminuiit.  (.'h.ilincrs,  236.  Uut  the  pro- 
tector was  much  more  distinituished  by  the  vigor  of  his  con- 
duct than  the  perspicuity  of  his  diction;  and  his  corre- 
.Hpondeiils  wuro  sometimes  unable  to  discover  the  meaniiis; 
of  Ills  Ivllcrs.  It  appears  that,  during  the  disliactioiis  of 
this  period,  Virginia  evinced  a  disposition  lu  resume  her  lost 
aiuhority  over  Maryland.  This  design  was  instantly  clicckoJ 
by(;roinwell ;  and  in  one  of  his  letters  to  Ihu  commissioners 
on  this  aiibiect,  wo  lind  him  reprein.inding  them  for  not 
having  understood  Ins  former  C(imiininicution.i.  (Chalmers, 
S2.1,  221.  Hazard,  51M.  Uo  seems,  on  many  occasions,  lo 
have  sludicil  an  ambiguity  of  language  that  left  liim  free  to 
approvt!  or  disapprovt!  llie  proceedings  of  his  ollicers,  accord- 
ing to  lliu  success  that  might  attend  them. 

t  1.  ingliinrs  Rrlnlatioii  of  a  scandalous  pamphlet,  named 
Dibvlon's  i'all  In  Maryland.  Chalmers,  p.  221.  Hazard,  p. 
021).  Ii2l.  flU3.  62ij.  The  only  copy  of  l.angford  s  Tract  that  I 
UavcDVoriiict  with  wu  mlhu  library  of  Mr.  Chaimers. 


was  attended  with  increased  severities  from  the  com- 
missioners and  additional  impositions  on  the  people. 

The  affairs  of  the  colony  continued  for  two  years 
lonoer  in  this  distracted  condition  ;  when  at  lengtn  the 
commissioners,  disgusted  with  the  disorders  whicti  ihev 
had  contributed  to  [iroduce,  but  were  unable  to  coin- 
pose,  and  finding  all  their  efforts  unavailing  to  procure 
the  abrogation  of  Lord  Baltimore's  tille,  to  which  they 
ascribed  the  unappeasable  discontent  of  a  great  part  o 
the  population,  surrendered  the  administration  of  th 
province  into  the  hands  of  Feudal,  who  had  been  ap- 
pointed* governor  by  the  proprietary.  [16.58]  But  this 
measure,  so  far  from  restoring  the  public  quiet,  contri- 
buted to  aggravate  the  mischiefs  which  had  so  Ion"  in- 
fested the  province  by  giving  scope  to  ihe  machinations 
of  that  unprincipled  agitator,  whose  habitual  restless- 
ness and  impetuosity  had  been  mistaken  for  attachment 
to  the  proprietary  governme  t.  No  sooner  had  he 
called  together  an  assembly,  [1650]  than  with  unblush. 
ing  trcacher)'  he  surrendered  into  the  hands  of  the  bur- 
gesses the  trust  which  Lord  Ballimoie  had  commuted 
to  him,  and  accepted  from  them  a  new  cuiniiiission  is 
governor ;  and  the  burgesses,  by  his  instigation,  dis- 
solved ftie  upper  house,  and  assumed  to  themselves  the 
whole  legislative  power  of  the  state.  Feudal  and  his 
associates  were  probably  encouraged  to  pursue  this 
lawless  career  by  the  distractions  of  the  English  com- 
monwealth that  followed  the  death  of  the  protector. 
Their  adiiiinislration,  which  was  chiefly  distinguisiied  by 
the  imposition  of  heavy  taxes,  and  the  persecution  of 
the  quakers,  was  happily  soon  terminated  by  the  resto- 
ration of  Charles  the  Second  ;  [1669  ]  and  Philip  Cal- 
vert producing  a  commission  to  himself  from  the  pro- 
prietary, and  a  letter  from  the  king  commanding  ali 
otficers,  and  others  his  subjects  in  Marylaiid,  to  a.ssist 
111  the  re-establishment  of  Lord  Baltimore's  jurisdiction, 
found  his  authority  universally  recognised  and  jicacea- 
bly  submitted  to.  Fendal  was  now  tried  for  higli  trea- 
son, and  found  guilty  ;  but  the  clemency  of  the  [irprie- 
tary  prevailed  over  his  rescntmenls,  and  he  granted  him 
a  pardon  on  condition  of  a  moderate  fine,  and  upder 
declaration  of  perpetual  incapacity  of  public  trust.  This 
lenity  was  very  ill  requited  by  its  worthless  object,  who 
was  reserved  by  farther  intrigues  and  treachery  lo  dis 
turb  at  an  after  period  the  repose  of  llie  province 
[11)61.]  His  accomplices,  upon  a  timely  submission, 
were  fully  pardoned  without  prosecution.  The  recent 
usurpations  were  passerl  over  in  wise  silence,  and 
buried  in  a  generous  oblivion  ;  toleration  was  forthwith 
restored  ;  and  the  inhabitants  of  Maryland  once  more 
experienced  the  blessings  o(  a  mild  government  and 
internal  tranquillity. 

Happily  for  mankind,  amidst  the  contentions  of  par- 
ties and  the  revolutions  of  government,  there  is  a  strong 
under-current  of  peaceful  and  industrious  life,  whicti 
often  pursues  its  course  with  very  little  disturbance 
from  the  tempests  that  agitate  the  surface  of  society. 
Notwithstanding  the  disorders  to  which  .Maryland  had 
so  long  been  a  prey,  the  province  had  continued  to  in- 
crease in  population,  industry,  and  wealth  ;  and  at  the 
epoch  of  the  Restoration,  it  appears  lo  have  contained 
about  twelve  thousand  inhabitants.  The  re-establish- 
menl  of  a  humane  go*ernmcnt  and  general  subordina- 
tion, however,  had  manifestly  the  clfect  of  quickening 
the  inarch  of  prosperity  ;  and,  accordingly,  about  five 
years  after  this  period,  we  find  the  popula'ion  increased 
to  sixteen  thousand  persons.  At  this  U.ter  period,  the 
number  of  ships  trading  from  England  and  other  parts 
of  the  British  dominions  to  Maryland,  was  computed  at 
an  hundred.  So  great  was  the  demand  for  labor  m  tho 
colony,  and  so  liberal  its  reward,  that  even  the  intro- 
duction of  negro  slavery  had  not  been  able  to  degrade 
it  in  public  esteem.  Industry,  amply  recompensed, 
was  animated  and  cheerful,  and,  closely  connected  with 
independence  and  improvement  of  condition,  was  the 
object  of  general  re.spect.  Every  young  person  was 
trained  to  useful  labor;  and  though  a  legal  provision 
was  made  for  the  support  of  tho  poor,  paupe.-tsin  and 
beggary  were  unknown  in  the  colony,  and  tl.c  public 
bounty,  though  sometimes  delicately  conveyed  to  tho 
necessities  of  proud  poverty  or  modest  misfoitenr,  wss 
never  known  to  be  openly  solicited. 1  An  account  01 
the  condition  of  .Maryland  was  published  at  London  in 
the  year  1666,  by  (ieorge  .\lsop,  who  had  resided  in 
the  province  both  prior  and  subsequent  to  the  Restora- 
tion.   From  his  representation  it  appears  that  a  groat 

*  Winterbutham  erroneously  ascribes  this  appointment  to 

Cromwell. 

t  .\lsop's  Maryland,  15,  16.  The  English  civil  wi.rs  appear 
to  have  produced  a  considrrable  iiiipioi  tmient  in  the  conuiliuii 
of  laborers  m  iNorth  America,  by  inttirupmig  the  emigralMn 
of  additional  competitors  (or  einployniunt.  IVnitlirop's  S'<  ' 
England,  11.319. 


NORTH  AMERICA: 


281 


deal  of  tho  labor  of  the  colony  was  performed  by  in- 
dented servants;  and  that  the  treatment  of  those  per- 
Bons  w;!s  sn  humane,  and  the  allotment  of  land  and 
stock  which  they  received  from  their  masters  at  the 
end  of  their  quadrioiinial  servitude  so  ample,  that  the 
author,  who  l  imself  had  served  in  this  capacity,  de- 
cl.ires  he  Tt'%f  much  ha|)])icr  as  an  indented  servant  in 
Mtirvlanc  than  as  an  apprentice  in  London.  It  was 
conjmon  for  ruined  tradesmen  and  indisrent  lahorers  in 
Snp;lar.d  to  adopt  this  resource  for  retrievmiJ  or  im- 
nrovini;  their  condition  ;  though  many  were  deterred 
Dy  the  misrepresentations  circulated  by  weak  politicians 
who  dreaded  the  depopulation  of  the  realm,  or  by  in- 
terested employers  who  a|)preheiided  an  augmentation 
of  the  wages  of  labor.  No  emigrants,  says  Alsop, 
were  more  successAil  in  bettering  their  condition  than 
fem;do  si-rvants  ;  they  invariably  obtained  an  immedi- 
ate und  respectable  establishment  in  marriage.  Money 
appears  to  have  been  very  scarce  in  the  colony,  and 
quite  unknown  in  its  domestic  transactions  ;  tobacco 
being  the  universal  medium  of  exchange,  the  remune- 
raiion  of  all  services,  civil,  military,  and  ecclesiastical, 
and  the  measure  of  all  (leiial  amercements.  This  au- 
thor, when  he  has  occasion  to  mention  the  troubles 
th.it  preceded  the  Jvcstoralion,  alludes  to  them  merely 
as  alf'airs  of  state,  and  events  of  very  inconsiderable 
importance.  Of  some  of  the  [)ersonages  who  were 
culuahly  implicated  in  them,  it  was  his  opinion,  "  that 
their  thoughts  were  not  so  bad  at  first,  as  their  actions 
would  have  led  tliein  into  in  process  of  time."* 

A  great  proportion  of  the  inhabitants  of  Marvland, 
and,  in  particular,  all  the  catholic  part  of  the  popula- 
tion, were  sincerely  attached  to  the  royal  government  ;t 
and  the  gratification  they  derived  from  the  restoration 
of  the  king  enhanced  the  satisfaction  with  which  they 
returned  to  the  patriarch.il  sway  of  their  benevolent 
proprietary.  During  the  general  festivity  that  prevailed 
m  the  province,  the  house  of  assembly  was  convoked 
by  the  governor.  One  of  the  first  measures  adopted 
by  this  body  was  an  attem|)t  to  provide  a  remedy  for 
the  scarcity  of  money,  which,  it  was  declared,  formed 
a  serious  obstruction  to  the  advancement  of  trade. 
For  thu  purpose  they  besought  the  proprietary  to 
establish  a  mint  in  the  province  ;  and  enacted  that  the 
money  to  be  coined  should  be  of  as  good  silver  as 
English  sterling,  and  that  the  proprietarv  should  accept 
of  it  ill  payment  of  his  rents  and  other  debts.  This 
act,  and  the  New  England  ordinance  in  16.5?,  are  the 
only  instances  of  the  assertion  of  a  right  to  coin  money 
that  occur  in  the  colonial  jnrisprudence.  A  coinage 
accordingly  took  place  in  Maryland  ;  and  the  measure 
aeems  neither  to  have  offended  the  British  government, 
nor  to  have  disappointed  the  colony,  for  the  law  was 
confirmed  and  declared  perpetual  by  the  assembly  in 
the  year  1676.  Yet,  in  consequence  perhaps  of  the 
blame  that  Massachusetts  incurred  for  a  similar  pro- 
ceeding, the  practice  of  coining  soon  after  fell  into 
disuse,  and  the  acts  that  had  introduced  it  were  re- 
pealed. In  the  same  session  there  was  passed  an  act 
for  the  imposition  of  port  duties,  which  conferred  on 
the  proprietary  half  a  pound  of  powder  and  three 
pounds  of  shot  for  every  ton  of  the  burden  of  vessels 
not  belonging  to  the  province.  This  act,  as  we  shall 
afterwards  find,  gave  lise  to  some  political  controversy 
at  the  period  of  the  British  Revolution. 

The  happiness  and  prosperity  of  the  colony  were 
prOMioted  by  the  arrival,  in  the  following  year,  il(!62.] 
of  Charles  Calvert,  the  eldest  son  of  the  proprietary, 
whom  his  father  appointed  the  resident  governor  of 
Maryland,  for  the  purpose  of  enabling  him  to  form 
acquaintance  with  the  people  over  whom  he  was 
destined  to  maintain  the  hereditary  jurisdiction.  From 
the  various  ads  of  gratitndr  (as  they  were  termed)  that 
were  passed  by  the  assembly  during  his  administration, 
Charles  Calvert  appears  to  have  followed,  with  suc- 
cessful virtue,  the  wise  and  generous  policy  of  his 
father  ;  and  his  administration,  both  as  governor,  and 
afterwards  as  proprietary,  proved  no  less  honorable  to 
himself  than  beneficial  to  the  province.  Legislation 
continued  for  a  considerable  period  to  be  the  only  pub- 
lic proceeding  in  which  the  people  were  called  to 
share  ;  and  various  laws  were  enacted  by  the  assembly 
for  the  ascertainment  of  public  and  private  right,  the 
proniotion  of  commerce,  and  the  encouragement  of 
tgriciiltural  and  manufacturing  industry.  Acts  were 
passed  for  engrafting  more  perfectly  the  English  statute 


♦  Alsop'.f  Maryl.'ind,  31.  35.  37,  38.  101,  102.  The  Advocates' 
library  of  Edmliurgli  contains  a  ropy  of  this  little  work. 

r  It  A-as  one  of  the  charjcs  preferreii  ajainst  the  propri- 
etary- ny  CroinweU'.s  commissioners,  that  Ch-irlestlie  Second 
liad  lwen  proclaimed  by  the  people  of  Marvland,  without  any 
W£nifi>-Mioii  of  displeasure  from  Lord  Baltimore.  Hazard, 


law  on  the  jurisprudence  of  the  colony  ;  for  securing 
the  stability  of  possessions,  and  the  observance  of  con- 
tracts ;  and  for  the  encouragement  of  the  sowing  of 
F^nglish  gram,  and  the  rearing  and  manufactory  of 
hemp  and  fia.t.  [1606. J  As  the  agitations  of  the  i)a- 
rent  state  had  ever  been  found  to  dill'jse  their  influence 
through  the  colonial  territories,  and  the  perturbing 
spirit  of  rumor  to  gain  force  and  falsehood  proportioned 
to  the  distance  from  which  it  was  wafted,  it  was  at- 
tempted to  protect  the  quiet  of  the  colony  by  an  act 
against  the  divulgers  of  false  news  ;  but  this  desirable 
oiiject  was  much  more  respectably  as  well  as  elfectually 
promoted  by  the  excclieiice  and  popularity  of  the  go- 
vernor's administration.  The  public  tranquillity  was 
threatened  with  some  disturbance  from  the  encroach- 
ments of  the  IJutcli  on  the  western  banks  of  the  Dela- 
ware, and  from  the  hostile  incursions  of  a  distant  tribe 
of  Indians.  But  the  vigorous  remonstrances  of  Cal- 
vert obliged  the  Hollanders  to  desert  the  whole  coun- 
try around  Cape  Henlopen,  of  which  he  instantly  took 
possession  ;*  and  his  prudence,  seconded  by  the  friendly 
demonstrations  of  the  Indians  who  were  in  alliance  with 
the  province,  restored  peace  with  the  hostile  tribe  by  a 
treaty,  which  was  conlirined  by  act  of  assembly.  The 
fidelity  of  the  Indian  allies  was  rewarded  by  settling  on 
them  and  their  descendants  a  considerable  territory, 
which,  being  assured  to  them  on  various  occasions  liy 
successive  acts  of  the  assembly,  continued  in  their 
possession  for  near  a  century  after.  All  the  Indian 
tribes  within  the  limits  of  the  province  now  declared 
themselves  subject  to  the  proprietary  government,  and 
in  testimony  ot  this  subjection,  the  inferior  chiefs  or 
princes,  on  the  death  of  their  principal  sachem,  refused 
to  acknowledge  the  sway  of  his  successor,  till  his  pre- 
tension to  this  dignity  had  been  recognised  by  governor 
Calvert.  The  removal  of  the  Dutch  from  Cape  Hen- 
lopen induced  many  of  these  settlers  to  unite  them- 
selves to  the  colony  of  Maryland,  where  they  were 
received  with  the  utmost  kindness  ;  and,  in  the  year 
1666,  the  assembly  passed  in  their  favor  the  first  act 
that  occurs  of  any  colonial  legislature  for  the  natu- 
ralization of  aliens.  Many  similar  laws  were  enacted 
in  every  subsequent  session,  till  the  British  Revolu- 
tion ;  and,  during  that  period,  great  numbers  of 
foreigners  transported  themselves  to  this  province,  and 
became  completely  incorporated  with  the  ancient  in- 
hal.'itants. 

The  principal,  if  not  the  only,  inconvenience  of  which 
the  people  of  Maryland  were  sensible  at  this  period, 
was  that  which  they  shared  with  all  the  other  colonies, 
and  which  was  inflicted  by  the  parliamentary  acts  of 
navigation.  In  Virginia,  where  the  pressure  of  these 
restrictions  was  sooner  and  more  severely  felt,  an  at- 
tempt was  made  to  enhance  the  price  of  the  stapk 
commodity,  by  prohibiting  the  growth  of  tobacco  for  a 
limited  time  ;  hut,  as  Maryland  refused  to  concur  in 
this  proceeding,  its  efficacy  was  defeated,  and  the  an- 
cient animosity  of  the  Virginians  ag.iinst  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  neighboring  colony  unhappily  revived.  To 
this  ani'.nosity  we  must  ascribe  the  various  complaints 
against  the  colonists  of  Maryland  which  Virginia  con- 
tinued from  time  to  time  to  address  to  the  king ;  all  of 
which,  upon  examination,  proved  to  be  utterly  un- 
founded, t  As  the  inconvenience  arising  from  the  navi- 
gation laws  began  to  be  more  sensibly  experienced  in 
Maryland,  the  policy  that  had  been  inefl'ectually  sug- 
gested by  Virginia  was  more  favorably  regarded  ;  and 
at  length  a  prohibitory  act,  suspending  the  growth  of 
tobacco,  was  passed  this  year  by  the  assembly  ;  but 
the  dissent  of  the  proprietary  and  governor,  who  'appre- 
hended that  it  might  prove  injurious  to  the  jroorer  class 
of  planters,  as  well  as  detrimental  to  the  royal  customs, 
prevented  this  regulation  from  being  carried  into  etlVct 
The  popularity  of  Lord  Baltimore  and  his  son  appears 
to  have  sustained  no  abatement  from  this  opposition  to 
the  project  of  the  assembly.  Though  averse  to  impose 
any  direct  restraint  on  the  cultivation  of  tobacco,  they 
willingly  concurred  in  giving  every  encouragement  that 
was  desired  to  other  branches  of  industry  ;  and  their 
efforts  to  alleviate  the  public  inconvenience  were  justly 
appreciated,  as  well  as  actively  seconded,  by  a  people 

*  A  more  paiticular  account  of  the  disputes  and  various 
proceedings  between  the  English  and  tiie  Dutch  m  this 
quarter  vuli  occur  in  B.  V.  cap.  I.  post. 

t  One  of  these  complaints,  which  the  proprietary  was 
called  upon  to  ansucr,  was  for  making  partial  treaties  witli 
the  Iniii.ins,  ami  contenting  himself  with  e.tcluding  their 
hostilities,  from  the  Maryland  territory,  without  exteiiding 
the  provision  to  the  province  of  Virginia.  The  committee 
of  plant.itions,  to  which  the  complaint  was  referred,  on  ex- 
amining the  treaties  of  both  parties,  reported  to  the  king 
that  Maryland  had  included  Virginia  in  all  her  treaties,  hut 
that  Virginia  had  demonstrated  no  such  concern  for  tJie 
interests  of  Maryland.   Chalmers,  36C. 


more  attentive  to  improve  the  reinaming  advantaget  of 

their  situation,  than  to  resent  the  injustice  by  which 
these  advantages  had  been  circunif cribed.  While  Vir- 
ginia waa  a  prey  to  discontent  and  insurrection,  .Mary- 
land continued  to  enjoy  the  blessings  of  peace  and 
prosperity,  and  to  acknowledge  the  patriotic  snjierin- 
tendence  of  its  generous  proprietary.  By  an  act  pas 
sed  in  the  year  1671,*  the  assembly  imposed  a  duty  of 
two  shillings  sterling  on  every  hogshead  of  tobacco  ex- 
ported :  the  oiii-half  of  which  was  '.o  be  a|)pl;ed  in 
maintaining  a  magazine  of  arms,  and  disrhargmg  the 
necessary  expenses  of  government ;  find  the  other  naif 
was  settled  on  the  proprietary,  in  tonsideiaV'>n  of  his 
receiving  merchantal)le  tobacco  for  his  rents  and  aliena- 
tion fines,  at  twopence  a  pound.  This  provision  was 
soon  after  continued  during  th(^  life  of  the  heir  o(  the 
proprietary,  by  "An  act  of  gratitude,"  [1674.]  as  the 
assembly  termed  their  ordinance.  "  to  Charles  Calvert, 
the  governor.'- 

Cecilius,  Lord  Baltimore,  the  father  of  the  province, 
having  liveil  to  reap  these  huppy  and  honorable  fruits 
of  the  plantation  which  he  had  lonndcd  and  reared  with 
so  much  wisdom  and  virtue,  died  in  the  forty-fourth 
year  of  his  supremacy,  [1676,]  crowned  with  venerable 
age  and  unsu.lied  reputation.  It  was  his  constant 
maxim,  which  he  often  recommended  to  the  legislative 
assembly,  "that  by  concord  a  email  colony  may  grow 
into  a  great  and  renowned  nation  ;  but  that  by  dissen- 
sion, mighty  and  glorious  kingdoms  have  declined  and 
fallen  into  notliing."  Some  observations  on  the  state 
of  the  province  at  the  period  of  his  I'cath  occur  in  a  let 
ter  written  in  the  same  year  by  a  clergyman  of  the 
ciiurch  of  England,  resident  there,  to  the  archbishop  of 
Canterbury.  Maryland,  it  appears,  had  been  then 
divided  into  ten  counties,  and  contained  upwards  of 
twenty  thousand  inhabitants.  The  catholics,  savs  this 
writer,  had  provided  for  their  priests  ;  and  the  ipiakers 
maintained  their  speakers  ;  but  nci  care  was  t-jken  to 
build  up  a  proteslant  church.  There  were  but  three  or 
four  ministers  of  the  church  of  England  in  Marvland  ; 
and  from  the  want  of  a  public  establishment  for  them 
the  colony,  he  declares,  had  fallen  into  a  most  deplora 
ble  condition,  having  become  &  pcal-huusc  'jf  jniquily, 
in  which  the  Lord's  day  was  openly  jirofaiied.  As  a 
remedy  for  this  evil,  he  suggests  an  endowment  of  the 
church  of  England  at  the  public  expense,  t  The  remedy 
discredits  the  representation,  which,  besides,  is  totally 
unconfirmed  by  any  other  accouiiv ;  and  it  seems 
neither  uncharitable  nor  unreasonable  to  suppose,  that 
this  writer  contemplated  the  existing  condition  of 
society,  through  the  invt^rted  medium  of  the  same  opi- 
nion that  represented  to  him  th  ;  future  advancement 
of  the  spiritual  interests  of  the  laity,  originating  tiom 
the  promotion  of  the  temporal  interests  ol  the  clergy. 
I'he  brightness  of  distant  hope  tends  to  darken  the 
realities  of  present  experience  ;  and  the  associations 
that  serve  to  dignify  and  illustrate  the  one,  are  able  to 
degrade  and  obscure  the  other.  'I'he  proteslant  part 
of  the  population  of  Maryland  was  less  distingui.->hed 
ny  that  christian  zeal  which  leads  men  to  impose  sacri- 
fices on  themselves,  than  by  that  ecclesiastical  zeal 
which  prompts  them  to  exact  sacrifices  from  others , 
they  were  probably  less  wealthy  from  having  been  more 
recently  established  in  the  province,  than  the  catholics; 
and  the  erection  of  their  churches  had  been  farther  re- 
larded  by  the  state  of  dispersion  in  which  the  inhabi- 
tants generally  lived.  The  chur<di  of  England  mini- 
sters, like  the  clergy  of  eveiy  otiu  r  order,  depend*  d  oti 
the  professors  of  their  own  particular  tenets  for  support ; 
and  It  is  not  easy  to  see  the  force  of  the  reasoning  that 
assigns  the  liberality  of  other  sectarians  to  their  clergy- 
men, as  an  argument  for  burthening  them  with  the  sup- 
port of  the  church  of  England  ministers  also, — or  the 
existing  incompetency  of  these  ministers  to  control  the 
immoralities  of  their  people,  as  an  argument  for  endow- 
ing them  with  a  provision  that  would  render  them  inde- 
pendent of  the  discharge  of  ilieir  duty.    This  logic. 


*  Bacon's  Laws,  1671,  cap.  11.  "  Reflecting  with  gratitude," 
says  the  preamble  of  this  enactment,  "  on  tlie  unwearied  care 
of  thf  proprietary,  and  the  vast  expense  that  lie  has  been  put 
to  in  preserving  the  inhabitants  in  the  enjoyment  of  their 
lives  and  liberties,  and  the  increase  and  improvement  of  their 
estates."  History  should  delight  to  record  the  expressions 
of  popular  gratitude  for  conspicuous  service — the  public 
honors  rendered  to  wisdom  and  virtue. 

The  same  year  there  was  passed  an  act  "  for  encouraging 
the  importation  of  negroes  and  slaves." 

t  Chalmers,  p.  362, 363.  Yeo,  apud  Chalmers,  p.  375.  This 
representation  is  as  incredible  as  the  statement  that  was 
published  about  twelve  years"  after  by  the  proteslant  associ- 
ation of  Maryland  of  the  daily  murders  and  persecutions  in- 
cited by  the  proprietary  and  committed  by  the  papists.  No 
reliance  can  he  placed  on  the  accounts  that  men  give  of  the 
character  and  conduct  of  those  whom  they  are  vreparnig  u> 
longing  to  plunder. 


283 


THE  niSTORY  OF 


however,  proved  qiiiie  satisfactory  to  the  primate  of  1 
England,  who  eagerly  undertook  to  reform  the  morals 
of  the  people  of  Maryland,  by  obtaining  a  legal  esta- 
hlishment  and  wealthy  endowment  to  a  protestant  : 
episcopal  church  in  the  province.  I 

T!ie  (leceasid  proprietary  was  succeeded  by  his  son  ' 
Charlis,  Lord  Hjltnnoro,  who  had  governed  the  |)ro- 
vince  for  fourteen  years  with  a  high  reputation  for  vir- 
tt  e  and  ability.  \Vith  the  religious  tenets,  he  inherited 
ihe  tolerant  principles  of  his  father ;  and  one  of  the 
first  arts  of  his  administration  was  to  confirm  the  re- 
markable law  of  1649,  which  established  an  absolute 
political  equalitv  among  all  denominations  of  Christians. 
Having  convoked  an  assembly,  in  which  he  presided  in 
person,  he  performed,  with  their  assistance,  what  has 
often  been  recommended  to  other  legislatures,  but 
rarely  executed  by  any — a  diligent  revision  of  the  whole 
code  of  provincial  laws ;  repealing  those  that  were 
judged  superfluous  or  inexpedient,  confirming  the  salu- 
tary, and  explaining  the  obscure.  In  this  assembly,  an 
attempt  was  made  to  stem  the  progress  of  an  existing 
evil,  l)v  a  regulation  more  wisely,  perhaps,  than  consti- 
tutionally opposed  to  the  policy  of  the  mother  country. 
The  morals  of  the  colonists  were  miich  more  seriously 
endangered  by  the  transportation  of  felons  to  Maryland, 
than  by  the  want  of  a  legislative  endowment  in  the 
province  to  the  clergy  of  the  English  national  church. 
To  the  common  law  of  England,  this  punishment  of 
transportation  was  quite  unknown  ;  though  in  some 
cases  it  permitted  the  felon  who  chose  rather  to  lose 
his  country  than  his  life  to  abjure  the  realm.  It  was  a 
statute  of  Elizabeth  which  first  inflicted  b  uiishmcnt  on 
dangerous  rogues  ;  and  it  was  James  the  First  who, 
without  any  regar<l  to  this  law,  but  in  the  pleiititudc  of 
his  royal  prerogative,  adopted  the  measure  of  ordering 
dissolute  persons  to  be  sent  to  Virginia.  He  was  in- 
debted for  the  s  uggestion  to  Chief  jusiice  Popham.  who 
being  a  proprietor  of  colonial  territory,  as  well  a*  a 
judge,  conceived  the  project  of  rendering  the  adinini- 
btation  of  justice  subservient  to  his  colonial  designs, 
and  had  destined  New  England  in  particular  to  antici- 
pate the  uses  of  Botany  Bay.  The  practice  of  trans- 
porting felons  to  the  colonies  was  resumed  soon  after 
the  Restoration,  and  received  so  far  the  countenance  of 
the  legislature,  that  an  act  of  parliament  authorised  the 
king  to  inflict  this  punishment  on  convicted  quakcrs. 
The  elFects  of  it  proved  so  disagreeable  to  the  people 
of  iVlaryland,  that  a  law  was  now  framed  against  the 
importation  of  convicts  into  the  province,  and  after- 
wards re-enacted  at  various  subsequent  periods  till  to- 
wards the  omincncemeiit  of  the  reign  of  Queen  Anne. 
W'hi^lher  any  notice  was  taken  of  this  declaration  of 
resistance  to  a  measure  of  the  British  government  or 
what  were  the  effects  of  it,  I  am  unable  to  discover. 
It  IS  certain  that  at  a  later  period,  the  evil  was  con- 
tinued and  increased  in  spite  of  the  remonstrances  of 
all  the  respectable  inhabitants  ;  and  shortly  prior  to  tne 
American  revolution,  no  fewer  than  three  hundred  and 
fifty  felons  were  annually  imported  into  Maryland  from 
the  parent  state. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  session,  the  proprietary  hav- 
ing announced  his  intention  of  visiting  England,  the  as- 
•embly,  m  acknowledgment  of  the  many  signal  favors  he 
had  rendered  to  the  people,  and  as  a  token  of  tiieir 
love  and  respect,  unanimously  desired  his  acceptance 
of  all  the  public  tobacco  which  remained  unappropriated 
in  the  stores  of  the  province.  Lord  Bahiinorc  was  un- 
doubtedly worthy  of  these  demonstrations  of  regard  ; 
and  the  experience  of  his  own,  together  with  the  re- 
membrance of  his  father's  merits,  might  have  been  ex- 
pected to  recommend  the  system  of  proprietary  govern- 
ment to  the  lasting  approbation  of  the  colonists.  But 
this  species  of  magistracy  was  destined  to  enjoy  a  very 
brief  popularity  in  America.  Allied  to  no  similar  insti- 
tution, and  surrounded  by  no  kindred  order  in  the  iiro- 
vincial  establishments,  it  stood  wholly  unsheltered  from 
envy,  a  solitary  specimen  of  hereditary  grandeur  ;  and 
its  objectionable  features  were  exhibited  in  the  most 
offensive  light,  when,  in  the  progress  of  succession,  ex- 
cliisive  dignity  became  the  instrument  of  worthlessness, 
or  the  portion  of  incapacity.  These  considerations,  it 
must  be  acknowledged,  affonl  no  explanation  of  the 
i:iddcn  decliac  which  Lord  Baltimore's  popularity  was 
destined  to  experience  ;  and  we  must  seek  elsewhere 
for  the  causes  of  that  revolution  of  public  ojiimon  in 
which  his  merits  were  so  ungratefully  depreciated  or 
forgotten.  If  he  had  lived  in  an  age  less  subject  to 
y>«l(msy  and  alarm,  or  presided  m  a  colony  composed 
»C!iire  y  jf  catholics,  ho  wouhl  probably  have  enjoyed  a 
Urjjer  ha.-ve.^l  of  popular  gratitude.  But  the  toleration 
wltwl.  his  fathi  r  had  established,  and  the  iialuralizatiou 
«f  lotngnan  which  he  himself  had  introduced,  had 


traded  into  the  province  a  multitude  of  protestants  both  I 
of  French  and  of  English  extraction.    The  tolerating  ' 
principles  of  the  [iroprietary  were  not  able  to  disarm  1 
the  French  protestants  of  their  enmity  against  a  faith  j 
whose  perfidy  and  persecution  they  had  so  severely  ex-  \ 
peripnced  ;  and  the  English  protestants,  impressed  with 
the  opinion  which  their  friends  in  the  mother  country 
had  derived  from  the  policy  of  the  king,  regarded  tole- 
ration but  as  a  cloak  under  which  popish  bigotry  dis- 
guised the  most  dangerous  designs.    These  unhappy 
impressions  were  deeply  confirmed  by  the  alarms  and 
intrigues  of  which  the  ensuing  period  of  English  his- 
tory was  abundantly  prolific,  and  which  invariably  ex- 
tended their  iiifiuence  to  the  minds  of  the  people  of 
Maryland  ;  where  a  mixture  of  opinions  unknown  in 
any  other  of  the  provinces  gave  a  peculiar  interest  to 
the  conflict  of  the  same  opinions  that  was  carried  on  in 
the  parent  state. 

On  his  arrival  in  England,  [1677.]*  Lord  Baltimore 
vras  assailed  with  complaints  preferred  against  him  to 
the  Committee  of  Plantations,  by  the  colony  of  Vir- 
ginia and  the  prelates  of  England.  The  accusations  of 
Virginia,  which  related  to  boundaries  and  Indian  trea- 
ties, were  easily  repelled  ;  but  the  controversy  with 
the  prelates  was  not  so  satisfactorily  adjusted.  Comp- 
ton,  bishop  of  London,  to  whom  the  primate  had  im- 
parted his  ecclesiastical  project,  for  the  colony,  repre- 
sented to  the  committee  that  religion  was  deplorably 
neglected  in  Maryland  ;  that  while  the  Roman  catholic 
priests  were  enriched  with  valuable  possessions,  the 
protestant  ministers  of  the  church  of  England  were 
utterly  destitute  of  support  ;  and  that  an  universal  im- 
morahty  had  consequently  overspread  the  province. 
Lord  Baltimore,  in  justification  of  himself  and  the  co- 
lonial legislature,  exhibited  the  act  of  1649,  together 
with  the  recent  confirmation  of  it,  which  gave  freedom 
and  protection  to  every  sect  of  Christians,  but  special 
privileges  to  none.  He  stated  that  four  ministers  of 
the  church  of  England  were  in  possession  of  planta- 
tions which  afforded  them  a  decent  subsistence  ;  but 
that  from  the  variety  of  religious  opinions  that  prevailed 
in  the  assembly,  it  would  be  extremely  difficult,  if  not 
impossible,  to  induce  this  body  to  consent  to  a  law  that 
should  oblige  any  sect  to  maintain  other  ministers  than 
its  own.  Satisfactory  as  this  answer  ought  to  have 
been,  the  impartial  policy  of  the  proprietary  did  not 
meet  with  perfect  acquiescence.  The  committee  de- 
clared that  they  thought  fit  there  should  be  a  p  iblic 
maintenance  assigned  to  the  church  of  England,  ami 
that  the  proprietary  ought  to  propose  some  means  for 
the  supjiort  of  a  competent  number  of  her  clergy.  The 
king's  ministers  at  the  same  time  signified  to  him  the 
royal  pleasure  that  immorality  should  be  discouraged, 
and  the  laws  against  vice  punctually  executed  iii 
Maryland. 

This  last,  and  probably  the  least  seriously  meant  of 
the  injunctions  communicated  to  Lord  Baltimore  in 
England,  was  the  only  one  of  them  that  received  any 
attention  from  the  colonial  government.  [1678  ]  A 
law  was  passed  by  the  assembly  for  the  more  strict  ob- 
servance of  Suiidiy  ;  and  after  the  return  of  the  pro- 
prietary, [1681  ]  new  regulations  were  enacted  for  the 
more  speedy  prosecution  of  offences,  and  the  stricter 
definition  of  punishments.  As  the  more  rigid  enforce- 
ment of  the  navigation  act  began  now  to  occasion  an 
increased  depreciation  of  the  staple  produce  of  the  co- 
lony, numerous  attempts  were  made  by  the  proprietary 
aiui  assembly  during  the  two  following  years  to  coun- 
teract or  diminish  this  inconvenience,  by  giving  addi- 
tional encouragement  to  provincial  productions  and 
colonial  commerce.  Laws  were  enacted  for  promoting 
tillage  and  raising  provisions  for  exportation  ;  for  re- 
straining the  export  of  leather  and  hides  ;  for  the  sup- 
port of  tanners  and  shoemakers  ;  and  for  encouraging 
the  making  of  linen  and  woollen  cloth.  Thus  early  did 
the  legislature  endeavor  to  introduce  manufactures  into 
the  province  ;  but  the  attempt  was  premature  ;  and 
though  domestic  industry  was  able  to  supply  some  ar- 
ticles for  domestic  uses,  it  was  found  impracticable 
even  at  a  much  later  period  to  render  .Maryland  a  ma- 
nufacturing country.  For  the  encouragement  of  trade, 
various  ports  were  erected,  where  merchants  were  en- 
joined to  reside,  and  commercial  dealings  to  be  carried 
on.  and  where  all  trading  vessels  were  required  to  un- 
laile  the  commodities  of  Europe,  and  take  on  board  the 
productions  of  the  province.    But  from  the  situation 


*  Three  or  four  of  the  inhabitants  of  Marvl'iiiii  wore  iniir- 
ileroJ  thu  year  l)y  a  tribe  of  hxliaiis  wlio  were  at  war  with 
llie  colonists  of  Virginia,  ami  a  great  dcil  of  alarm  was 
i  reateJ  in  lliu  province.  But  llio  Indians  soon  perceived 
th  it  tliey  had  too  ha.slily  supposeil  that  the  Marylandurs  were 
Ihrir  enuinii's,  ai.d  iiiado  batisficiion  for  the  uulrago.  Old- 
uiiion,  1.  m. 


of  the  country,  abounding  with  navigable  rivort,  t,ai 
from  the  great  variety  of  ports  that  were  erected  ii 
conformity  with  the  wishes  of  the  planters,  every  ont 
of  whom  desired  to  have  a  port  on  his  own  plantation, 
this  regulation  was  attended  with  very  little  effect 
It  was  during  :h'.s  ii.lerval,  that  there  occurred  the  last 
instance  of  the  expression  of  that  reciprocal  regaid 
which  had  done  so  much  honor  to  the  proprietary  and 
the  people.  By  a  vote  of  the  assembly  in  the  year 
1682,  this  body  "  to  demonstrate  its  gratitude,  duty, 
and  affection  to  the  proprietary,"  desired  his  accept- 
ance of  a  liberal  contribution  ;  which  he  acknowledged 
with  many  thanks,  but  declined  to  accept  on  account  of 
the  straitened  circumstances  of  the  colony. 

But,  amidst  all  this  seeming  cordiality,  and  the  mu- 
tual endeavors  of  the  proprietary  and  the  people  to  pro- 
mote the  general  interest,  there  lurked  in  the  province 
the  seeds  of  present  discontent  and  of  future  insurrec- 
tion. The  fiction  of  the  popish  plot  extended  its 
baneful  influence  to  Maryland,  and  was  by  som;;  profli- 
gate politicians  within  tlie  colony  made  the  cornci 
stone  of  projects  similar  to  those  in  which  it  originated 
in  England.  The  insurrections  that  had  been  pro- 
voked by  the  oppression  of  the  covenanters  in  Scot- 
land ;  the  discon'.cnts  in  England  ;  the  vehement  dis- 
putes with  regard  to  the  exclusion  of  the  Duke  of 
York  from  the  throne  ;  the  continued  disagreement 
between  the  king  and  parliament ;  all  transmitted 
through  the  magnifying  and  uncertain  medium  of  rumor 
to  a  country  so  remote  from  the  opportunity  of  just 
information,  seemed  to  forebode  a  renewal  of  the  con- 
vulsions of  the  preceding  reign.  A  general  ferment 
was  excited  in  men's  minds  ;  and  in  the  strong  expec- 
tation that  prevailed  of  some  great  change,  parties  and 
individuals  pre[)ared  with  anxiety  to  defend  their  in- 
terests ;  or  intri<;ued  with  eagerness  for  the  enlarge- 
ment of  their  advantages.  The  absence  of  the  proprie- 
tary from  tlie  province  during  his  visit  to  England 
probably  served  to  promote  the  designs  of  the  factious, 
which,  however,  received  a  seasonable  check  from  hi* 
return.  Feudal,  who  had  raised  insurrection  against 
the  <idministration  of  Cromwell,  and  afterwards  be- 
trayed and  resisted  the  government  of  the  proprietary, 
now  availed  himself  of  the  lenity  he  had  experienced, 
to  excite  a  renewal  of  commolions  in  .Maryland.  He 
seems  to  have  had  no  other  view  than  to  scramble  for 
property  and  power  amidst  the  confusion  ihit  he  ex- 
pected to  ensue  ;  and  he  encouraged  his  partizans  with 
the  assurance,  that,  during  the  approaching  civil  wars 
of  England,  they  might  easily  possess  themselves  of 
whatever  plantations  they  pleased  to  appropriate.  But 
Lord  Baltimore,  partly  by  a  steady  ap|)lication  of  the 
laws,  and  partly  by  the  influence  of  the  tidings  of  the 
king's  triumph  over  his  opponents  at  the  dissolution  of 
the  Oxford  Parliament,  was  able  as  yet  to  preserve, 
even  without  a  struggle,  the  tranquillity  of  tbe  pro- 
vince. Feudal  was  tried  for  his  seditious  practices  in 
the  year  1681  ;  and  though  the  acts  of  the  assenilily 
had  annexed  the  penally  of  death  to  the  otVence  of 
which  he  was  convicted,  he  was  now  only  fined,  and 
baiiislied  from  the  province  for  ever.  But  unfort'i 
natelv  Ins  influence  was  not  banished  with  his  person  : 
and  one  of  his  associates,  John  Coode,  who  was  tried 
along  with  him  but  acquitted,  remained  behind,  to  ef- 
fect, at  a  fitter  season,  those  designs  which  were  dis- 
sifiated  for  the  present  bv  the  last  rav  of  success  that 
attended  the  proprietary's  administration.  A  few 
others  of  the  less  guilty  associates  of  Feudal  and  Coodo 
were  convicteil  of  sedition,  and  punished  by  fine. 

The  last  years  of  the  proprietary  government  wero 
embittered  by  the  retril)ution  of  that  injustice  in  which 
It  bi^gan  ;  and  the  wrong  that  had  been  done  so  long 
before  to  Virginia,  was  now  avenged  by  the  abscission 
of  a  considerable  portion  of  the  territory  that  had  been 
allotted  to  .Maryland.  If  the  historian  of  this  transac- 
tion were  permitted  to  adapt  the  particulars  of  it  to  his 
own  wishes  and  conceptions  of  moral  consistency,  ho 
would  ascribe  the  requital  of  the  .Maryland  usurpation 
to  other  instrumentality  than  that  of  the  venerable  pa 
triarch  of  Pennsylvania.  Such,  however,  was  the 
nioiie  of  this  occurrence  ;  and  as  the  founder  of  Ame- 
rican toleration  committed  the  encroachment  on  Vir 
ginia,  so  another  distinguished  friend  of  the  rights  at 
conscience  effected  the  rctribuloty  partition  of  .Maty 
land.  On  the  arrival  of  William  Pcnn  m  .\meric3.  • 
meeting  look  place  between  him  and  I.K)rd  Ballimoro 
(two  of  the  most  prudent  and  virtuous  pcr.sons  that 
have  ever  ruled  over  mankind),  in  the  hope  of  effecting 
an  amicable  adjustment  of  the  bouiid.irics  of  thei'  re- 
spective territorial  grants.  Penn  vNas received  li\  Lord 
Baltimora  with  that  distinguished  respect  due  to  illus- 
trious character,  and  bccomiii;j  christian  courtesy  •  anJ 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


263 


we  may  suppose  th^t  he  entertained  corres[)onding  re- 
piriis  for  ii  leijislator  whose  institutions  had  lonj;  af- 
fi)r(lcd  a  peacclul  asvhiiii  lor  persecutfd  qi)akcrs.  liut 
llie  prcloiisioi's  of  the  parties  were  so  completely  in- 
coiisislent  with  each  other,  that  it  proved  iiiipossjhle  at 
ihfi  tune  to  adjust  them  in  a  manner  satisfactory  to 
both.  Penn  had  been  authorised  to  appropriate,  aniong 
other  districts,  tlie  whole  of  the  |)eninsula  lying  be- 
tween the  bays  of  ('hesapcak  and  Delaware,  which 
fernied  a  considerable  part  of  the  territory  incbuled 
within  ihe  charter  of  .Maryland,  and  part  of  which  had 
been  colonized  by  Dutch  and  Swedish  settlers  before 
the  stale  of  Maryland  was  formed.  Lord  Baltimore's 
was  ceri-imlv  the  more  equitable  claim  ;  but  Penn  ap- 
pears to  have  been  encouraged  to  persist  in  his  coiinler 
pretension  l;v  ihe  declar.ition  of  the  Oommittee  of  l-'lan- 
tTiiims.  that  it  had  never  been  intended  to  grant  to  Lord 
Daltiniore  any  territory  except  such  as  was  inhabited  at 
the  lime  by  savages,  and  that  ihe  tract  which  he  now 
claimed  liaving  been  planted  by  Christians  antecedent 
to  his  grant,  was  plainly  e.xcbided  from  its  intendment, 
though  it  might  be  embraced  by  its  literal  construction. 
The  controversy  between  the^e  two  distinguished  men 
was  conducted  with  a  greater  conformity  to  the  general 
principles  of  human  nature  than  I  find  it  ])leasant  lo 
record.  'While  the  conflicting  claims  were  yet  unset- 
tled, Penn  proceeded  lo  appropriate  the  disputed  ter- 
ritory ;  and  as  Lord  Baltimore  insisted  that  the  inha- 
bitants should  cither  acknowledge  the  jurisdiction  of 
Maryland  or  abandon  their  dwellings,  mulual  procla- 
mations were  exchanged  bv  the  two  proprietary  goverii- 
niciils  against  each  other's  |>roceedings.  A  recent  and 
deserve('lv  esteemed  biographer  of  Penn,  whose  par- 
tial acquaintance  wiili  the  grounds  of  the  dispute  ex- 
plains without  excusing  his  partial  judgment  on  tlie 
merits  of  the  parties,  has  termed  Lord  Baltimore's  as- 
sertion of  his  rights  an  outrage,  and  characterized  the 
counter  |,roclaination  of  Penn  as  a  lenient  remedy  by 
which  christian  patience  encountered  lawless  violence. 
But  Penn  did  not  content  'limself  with  this  remedy.  He 
complained  to  the  English  government,  and  by  his  in- 
terest at  court  procured  it  to  be  adjudged  that  the  de- 
bateahle  territory  should  be  divided  into  two  equal 
parts,  one  of  which  was  appropriated  to  himself,  and 
the  other  to  Lord  Baltimore.  This  adjudication  was 
carried  into  etiect  ;  and  the  territory  which  now  com- 
poses the  state  of  Delaware  was  thus  dismembered  from 
the  provincial  limits  of  Maryland.*  [1635  ] 

Meanwhile,  the  late  proceedings  against  Feudal  and 
his  associates  were  made  the  foundation,  in  England, 
of  fresh  coin[)laints  against  Lord  Baltimore  for  par- 
tiality to  papists.  It  was  in  vain  for  him  to  represent 
that  the  laws  of  his  province  gave  equal  encourage- 
ment to  Christians  of  every  sect,  without  dispensing 
peculiar  favor  to  any  ;  that  ir  order  to  conform  his 
administration  lo  the  principles  of  the  constitution,  he 
had  always  endeavored  to  divide  Ihe  offices  of  govern- 
ment as  equally  as  possible  among  protestants  and 
catholics  ;  and  that  to  allay  the  jealousy  that  had 
taken  possession  of  the  protestants,  he  had  latterly  suf- 
fered them  to  engross  nearly  the  whole  command  of 
the  rnihtia,  and  the  custody  of  the  arms  and  military 
stores  of  the  province.  From  the  record  of  Fendal's 
trial,  he  showed  that  the  proceedings  against  this  in- 
dividual had  been  perfectly  fair  ;  nay,  so  indulgent, 
that  he  had  been  allowed  to  except  against  all  Roman 
catholics  as  jurymen.  Notwithstanding  the  satisfacto- 
rincss  of  this  explanation,  the  ministers  of  the  king, 
less  desirous  of  doing  justice  to  others  than  of  shifting 
the  iinpuiation  of  popery  from  themselv(!s,  commanded 
that  all  the  offices  of  government  should  in  future  be 
commiited  exclusively  to  the  hands  of  protestants ; 
and  thus  meanly  sanctioned  the  unjust  suspicions  un- 
der which  the  proprietary  government  was  already  la- 
boring. It  was  less  easy  for  Lord  Baltimore  to  defend 
himself  against  another  charge  which  was  now  pre- 
ferred against  him,  and  which,  having  some  foundation 
in  truth,  involved  him  in  considerable  dilficulty.  He 
wa»  accused  of  obstructing  the  custom-house  officers 
m  the  collection  of  the  parliamentary  duties  :  and  it 
did  certainly  appear  that,  biassed  perhaps  by  the  desire 
of  alleviating  as  far  as  possible  the  pressure  of  the 
commercial  restrictions,  he  had  construed  them  in  some 
points  in  a  manner  too  favorable  to  the  freedom  and 

•Chalmers,  647,  618.  650.  651.  (>r,l— 606.  Clarkson's  Life 
of  I'eiiii,  I.  336,  337.  4118,  4U9.  Mr.  l'l:irksoii'8  account  of  Hiis 
disiuiie  is  very  deteclive,  and  tends  to  create  an  impression 
ol  llie  conduct  of  Lord  Ball  iriiore  not  less  unfavorable  than 
erroneous,  if  he  coiisidere<t  the  merits  of  the  respective 
Pleas  loo  unimeresting  lo  deserve  his  inquiry,  he  should 
have -ell  allied  from  pronouncing  or  insinuating  any  judgment 
on  ;!:e  compa' alive  merits  of  the  parlies.  The  controversy 
between  Lord  llallimore  and  Penn  is  resumed  and  farther  ii- 
Bftfileu  in  Ihe  histoij  of  Peiuisylvania,  post,  B.  vii  cap.  I. 


wishes  of  the  colonists.  While  he  endeavored  uiisuc- 
ci^ssfully  to  maintain  the  legitimacy  of  his  interpreta- 
tion, he  strongly  charged  the  collectors  of  the  revenue 
with  wilfully  disturbing  the  trade  and  peace  of  the 
colony  by  wanton  interfercnco  and  groundless  com- 
plaint. It  would  ajipear  that  this  recrimination  was 
well  founded,  and  that  the  revenue  officers,  provoked 
to  find  that  the  unpopularity  of  their  duties  prevailed 
over  the  resjiect  tlicy  conceived  due  to  their  office, 
had  labored  to  convert  their  own  jirivatc  disagreements 
with  individuals  into  the  occasion  of  national  dispute: 
for  when  a  uew  surveyor-general  of  the  customs  in 
Maryland  was  appointed  shortly  after,  he  had  the  justice 
to  report  that  the  province  had  licen  greatly  misrepre- 
sented with  regard  to  'its  opposition  to  the  acts  of 
trade.  The  proprietary,  however,  incurred  a  severe 
rebuke  from  the  king  for  his  erroneous  construction  of 
the  law.  Charles  Utterly  complained  that  he  should 
obstruct  his  service  and  discourage  his  olficers,  after 
the  many  favors  that  had  been  heaped  upon  him  and 
his  father,  and  even  threatened  him  with  the  visitation 
of  a  writ  of  quo  7cananto.  It  s<'ems  never  to  have 
occurred  to  the  English  government,  nor  did  Lcrd 
Baltimore  presume  to  urge,  that  the  king,  in  proceeding 
to  exact  imposts  m  Maryland,  violated  the  most  ex- 
press provisions  of  the  royal  charter,  and  appropriated 
to  himself  what  truly  belonged  to  the  proprietary. 

On  the  accession  of  James  the  .Second  to  the  throne 
of  his  brother,  he  transmitted  to  the  colonies  a  procla- 
mation of  this  event,  which  was  published  in  Maryland 
with  lively  and  unaU'ected  demonstralior.s  ofjov.  The 
Committee  of  Plantations  had  taken  so  much  pains 
during  the  preceding  reign  to  obtain  accurate  informa- 
tion of  the  alfairs  of  the  colonies  and  the  temper  of 
their  inhabitants,  that  it  was  perfectly  well  known  how 
much  they  were  atfected  by  reports  from  England,  and 
what  disturbances  the  prospect  of  confusion  in  the 
mother  country  was  ajit  to  engender.  On  the  inva- 
sions of  Monmouth  and  Argyle,  ihe  king  transmitted 
accounts  of  these  occurrences  to  the  proprietary  ;  as- 
signing as  the  reason  for  this  communication,  the  pre- 
vention of  any  false  rumors  which  might  be  spread 
among  his  people  in  that  distant  province  of  the  empire, 
by  the  malicious  insinuations  of  evil  disposed  men. 
He  informed  him  at  the  same  time  with  marks  of  [le- 
culiar  exultation,  that  the  parliament  had  cheerfully 
granted  him  an  aid,  to  be  levied  on  the  importation  of 
sugars  and  tobacco,  which  he  hoped  would  not  be  bur- 
densome to  the  inhabitants  of  Maryland,  as  the  imposi- 
tion was  not  laid  on  the  planter,  but  on  the  retailers 
and  consumers.  But  the  im|)Osition  could  not  be  dis- 
armed of  Its  injurious  iutluence  by  such  royal  logic  and 
barren  good  wishes  ;  and  both  in  Virginia  and  in  Mary- 
land it  served  to  augment  the  burdens  and  cool  the 
loyalty  of  the  people.  As  the  other  mqiedimcnts  of 
commerce  were  found  to  he  aggravated  in  Maryland 
by  the  continued  prevalence  of  a  scarcity  of  money, 
[1680,]  an  attempt  was  now  made  to  remedy  this  evil 
by  a  law  for  the  adcanccmciU  of  coins.  French  crowns, 
pieces  of  eight,  and  nx  dollars  were  appointed  to  be 
received  in  all  payments  at  six  shillings  each  ;  all 
other  coins  at  an  advance  of  threepence  m  Ihe  shilling; 
and  the  sixpences  and  shillings  of  New  England,  ac- 
cording to  their  denominations,  as  sterling.  As  ail 
accounts  at  that  time  were  kept  in  tobacco,  and  in  all 
contracts  it  was  employed  as  the  admeasurement  of 
value,  the  coins  thus  advanced  were  adjudged  to  be 
taken  at  the  rate  of  six  sliillings  for  every  hundr(!d 
weight  of  that  commodity.  This  law  first  gave  flee  in 
Maryland  to  the  peculiarity  of  colonial  currency,  in 
coiuradistiiiction  to  sterling  money. 

.\t  the  same  time  that  the  king  resolved  to  subvert 
the  constitution  of  England,  he  determined  to  over- 
throw the  proprietary  governments  of  the  colonies.  It 
was,  he  declared,  a  great  and  growing  prejudice  to  his 
affairs,  both  domestic  and  colonial,  that  such  inde- 
pendent administrations  should  be  maintained  ;  and  it 
was  due  no  less  to  his  interest  than  his  dignity,  to  re- 
duce them  to  more  imiuediate  subjection  to  the  crown. 
Alarmed  by  the  communication  of  this  arbitrary  pur- 
pose, the  proprietary  of  Maryland  again  proceeded  to 
England,  and  vainly  represented  to  the  infie.xible 
despot  that  the  administration  of  his  province  had  been 
at  all  times  conducted  in  conformity  with  the  terms  of 
his  charter  ;  that  he  had  never  knowingly  failed  in  his 
duty  to  his  sovereign  ;  and  that  neither  he  nor  his 
father  had  committed  a  single  act  which  could  infer 
the  forfeiture  of  a  patent  which  thcv  had  dearly  pur- 
chased, in  adding,  at  their  own  great  expense,  a  con- 
siderable province  to  the  empire.  ,1687.]  These 
remonstrances  were  disregarded  by  the  king ;  and  the 
attorney-general  received  orders  to  issue  a  writ  of  ^uo 


irarranto  against  Lord  Baltimore's  charter.  The  writ 
was  issued  accordingly  ;  but  from  the  dilatory  pace  o) 
the  requisite  legal  procedure,  and  the  important  events 
that  soon  afler  diverted  the  monarch's  attention  to 
nearer  concernments,  no  judgment  upon  it  was  ever 
pronounced.  Thus,  with  impartial  tyranny,  which 
even  the  predilections  of  the  bigot  were  unable  tj  ton- 
trol,  .lames,  disregarding  equally  the  feelings  of  the 
puritans  of  Massaciiueetts  and  the  catholics  of  Mary- 
land, involved  both  in  the  same  undistinguishing  pro- 
ject of  oppression  and  degradation.  Whether  the  sin- 
gular friendship  which,  in  this  monarch  and  William 
Penn,  seemed  to  unite  the  two  extremes  «.f  human 
nature,  might  have  suspended  for  a  while  the  deslruc 
tion  of  the  constiiutions  of  Pennsylvania,  thii  consum- 
mation would  have  infallibly  followed  in  due  time  ;  and 
the  royal  regards  that  Penn  shared  with  Judge  Jelfries 
and  (.Colonel  Kirke  would  have  procured  him  no  o'i.iier 
advantage  than  that  of  being,  perhaps.  Ihe  last  of  Ihe 
American  jiroprictaries  that  was  sacrificed.  For- 
tunately for  the  interests  of  mankind,  bigotry,  infatu- 
ated by  tyranny,  at  length  obtained  the  ascendancy 
over  the  king's  mind  ;  and  (le|)riving  the  bigot  of  the 
adherents  of  the  tyrant,  involved  even  .leffru^s  in  dis- 
grace, and  constrained  even  tlu^  prelates  of  England 
to  seek  protection  in  the  principles  of  liberty. 

[1688  ]  T  he  birth  of  a  son  to  James  the  Second, 
which  was  regarded  with  minghul  scepticism  and  dis- 
a[)poiiitment  by  his  English  subjects,  and  contributed 
to  hasten  the  Revolution,  was  no  sooner  communicated 
by  the  ijroprietary  (who  was  still  in  England,)  to  his 
olficers  in  Maiyland,  than  it  excited  general  joy  through- 
out the  ))rovince.  In  the  assembly  which  was  convoked 
on  this  occasion,  a  law  was  passed  for  a  perpetual 
commemoration  and  thanksgiving,  every  tenth  day  of 
June,  tor  the  birth  of  the  prince.  If  this  proceeding 
seem  to  indicate  the  prevalence  of  a  feeling  that  may 
be  supposed  |)eculiar  to  the  catholics,  other  parts  of  the 
conduct  oi  this  assembly  strongly  evinced  the  existence 
of  those  jealousies  with  which  the  prolestani*  were 
infected,  which  the  mean  injustice  of  the  late  king's 
ministers  had  sanctioned,  and  which  the  unfortunate 
absence  of  Lord  Baltimore  now  contributed  to  Dro- 
mote.  The  burgesses  at  first  demurred  to  take  iho 
oath  of  fidelity  to  the  proprietary  ;  and  afterwards  ex- 
hibited to  ihe  de|)Uly-goveraors  a  list  of  pretended 
grievances  that  indicated  nothing  so  strongly  as  the  ill- 
humur  and  alarm  of  the  parties  who  declared  them- 
selves aggrieved  ;  for  the  an  ides  are  all  so  vague  and 
so  frivolous,  and,  if  true,  related  only  to  such  petty 
and  easily  remediable  violations  of  law  and  usage,  that 
It  IS  impossible  to  peruse  them  without  perceiving  that 
the  complamers  either  sought  a  cause  of  (piarrcl,  or  had 
already  louiid  one  which  they  were  backward  to  avow. 
.\  courteous  and  obliging  answer  was  returneil  lo  the 
list  of  grievances,  by  the  deputy-governors  ;  and,  as  the 
malconl(!nts  were  not  yet  transported  by  passion  be- 
yond the  limits  of  reason  and  common  sense,  they  re- 
turned thanks  for  this  issue,  [14]  and  the  fiame  of  dis- 
content and  suspicion  seemed  to  be  extinguished.  But 
the  embers  remained,  and  waited  only  Ihe  influence  ol 
the  coming  events  to  show  what  a  conflagration  they 
were  capable  of  producing.  The  spirit  of  jiarty  in  the 
province,  excited  and  preserved  l>y  religious  diflerences, 
in  an  age  :n  v.liii;h  to  difter  was  lo  disliki;  and  suspect, 
had  been  hitherto  moderated  by  the  liberal  spirit  of  the 
laws,  and  the  prudent  administration  of  the  proprietary. 
But  no  sooner  were  the  tidings  of  the  Revolution  ir, 
England  conveyed  to  Ihe  province,  than  these  latent 
dissensions,  inflamed  by  fresh  inc(uitivcs,  burst  forth 
in  a  blaze  of  insurrectionary  violence;  and  those  who 
had  long  been  sowing  discontent  m  the  rnmds  of  their 
fellow  citizens,  now  prepared  lo  reap  an  abundant  liar- 
vest  from  the  prevalence  of  public  disorder.  [1689  ] 

When  the  deputy-governors  were  first  informed  ol 
the  invasion  of  England  by  the  Prince  of  Jrange,  they 
hastened  to  take  measures  for  preserving  the  tranquil- 
lily  of  the  province,  where  as  yet  none  could  foresee, 
and  none  had  been  informed,  ol  the  extraordinary  use. 
that  was  lo  be  made  of  that  memorable  achievement. 
They  proceeded  lo  col  cct  the  public  arms  that  were 
dispersed  in  the  various  counties,  and  apprehended 
several  persons  who  were  accused  of  attempt!  to  dis- 
turb the  pulilic  peace.  Bui  these  measures  were  com- 
pletely Irustrateu  by  Uie  rumour  of  a  pupisk  plul,  which 
suddenly  and  rapidly  disseminated  the  alarming  intelli- 
gence that  the  deputy-governors  and  the  catholics  had 
formed  a  league  with  the  Indians,  for  the  massacre  ol 
all  the  protestants  in  the  province.  Confusion,  dis- 
may, ami  indignation,  instantly  laid  hold  of  the  minds 
of  the  people,  and  every  exertion  that  was  made  to  de- 
monstrate the  folly  and  absurdiiy  ol  the  report  proved 


e84 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


ineffectual.  Like  the  kirdrrd  fiction  in  England,  the 
tiilc  was  coiTohoratcd  by  various  unlucky  circunislances, 
rtiat  tended  wonderfully  to  support  the  fjcneral  delusion 
Thonuli  Lord  Baltimore  received  orders  to  proclaim 
William  and  Mary,  which  he  readily  promised  and  pre- 
pared to  obey,  vet  some  fatal  accident  intercepted  the 
commands  which  he  transmitted  tn  his  deputies  for 
that  purpose  :  and  they  still  awaited  official  orders 
respcctintr  this  delicate  and  important  transaction,  long 
after  the  corresponding  proclamation  had  been  pub- 
lished in  Virginia.  It  happened  unfortunately  too, 
that,  at  the  same  conjuncture,  they  had  to  repeat  the 
annual  confirmation  of  the  existing  treaty  of  peace  with 
the  Indians.  These  occurrences,  distorted  by  the  arts 
of  the  factious,  and  the  credulity  of  the  timid,  increased 
the  prevailinji  panic,  and  accelerated  the  explosion  it 
had  long  threatened  to  produce.  A  protcstant  associa- 
tion was  formed  by  John  Coode,  the  former  ai  com- 
plice of  Feudal,  and  being  soon  strengthened  by  the 
accession  of  numerous  adherents,  took  arms  under  this 
worthless  leader  for  the  defence  of  the  protestant  faith, 
and  the  assertion  of  the  royal  title  of  William  and 
Mary.  A  declaration  or  manifesto  was  published  by 
the  associutors,  replete  with  charges  against  the  pro- 
prietary, that  reflect  iho  utmost  dishonor  on  their  own 
cause.  The  reproaches  of  tyranny  and  wickedness,  of 
murder,  torture,  and  pillage,  with  which  Lord  Balti- 
more is  loadi'd  in  this  production,  arc  refuted  not  only 
by  the  gross  inconsistency  between  such  heinous  enor- 
mities and  the  recent  limitation  of  the  public  grievances 
to  the  frivolous  complaints  exhibited  to  the  dcputy-go- 
Tcrnors,  but  by  the  utter  inability  of  the  associators  to 
establish  by  evidence  any  one  of  their  charges,  even 
when  the  whole  power  and  influence  of  the  provincial 
government  was  in  their  hands.  With  matchless  im- 
pudence and  absurdity,  the  affronts  that  had  been  for- 
merly complained  of  by  the  custom-house  officers  were 
now  cited  as  an  injury  done  to  the  province  of  Lord 
Baltimore,  who.  if  he  had  ever  particijiatcd  in  them  at 
all,  must  have  been  induced  to  do  so  by  resentment  of 
the  real  grievances  with  which  the  province  was  af- 
flicted. A  charge  of  this  description,  however  artfully 
calculated  to  recommend  the  cause  of  the  associators 
1.5  the  favor  of  the  British  govermnent,  would  never 
have  suggested  itself  to  a  passionate  multitude  ;  and  it 
IS  probable  that  the  whole  composition  was  the  work  of 
Cv>ode,  whose  subsequent  conduct  showed  how  litile 
Le  participated  in  tlie  popular  feelings  which  he  was 
able  to  excite  and  direct  with  such  energy  and  success 
The  deputies  of  Lord  Baltimore  endeavored  at  first  to 
oppose  bv  force  the  de.si<;ns  of  the  associators  ;  but  as 
the  catholics  were  afraid  to  justify  the  prevalent 
rumours  against  themselves  by  taking  arms,  and  as  the 
well-affected  jirotestants  showed  no  eagerness  to  .sup- 
port a  falling  authority,  thev  were  compelled  to  deliver 
up  the  fort,  and  surrender  the  powers  of  government  by 
capitulation.  The  king,  apprised  of  these  proceedings, 
hastened  to  express  his  approbation  of  them,  and  au- 
thorised the  leaders  of  the  insurgents  to  exercise  in  his 
name  the  power  they  had  acquired,  until  he  should  have 
leisure  to  effect  a  permanent  settlement  of  the  admi- 
liislration.  Armed  with  this  commission,  the  asso- 
ciators continued  for  three  years  after  to  administer  the 
government  of  Marylaiid,  with  a  tyrannical  insolence 
that  exemplified  tlie  grievances  ihev  had  falsely  imputed 
to  the  pn>prielarY,  and  produced  loud  and  numerous 
ccm[ilaints  from  both  the  protcstant  and  catholic  inha- 
bitants of  the  province. 

King  William,  meanwhile  endeavored  to  derive  the 
same  advantage  to  the  roval  authority  in  Maryland,  that 
the  tvrannv  of  his  predecessor  bequeathed  to  him  in 
Massachusetts.  But,  to  persist  in  the  iniquitous  pro- 
cess of  quo  xrarrnnlo,  was  no  longer  practicable  ;  and 
no  other  proceeding  was  left,  but  to  summon  Lord 
IJaltimore  to  an.^wer  before  the  Privy  Council  the 
complaints  expressed  in  the  declaration  of  the  asso- 
ciators. After  a  tedious  investigation,  which  involved 
this  nobleman  in  a  heavy  expense,  it  was  found  iinpos- 
»ilile  to  convict  him  of  any  other  charge  than  that  of 
holding  a  different  f-iilh  from  the  men  by  whom  he  had 
been  so  unsiratefullv  pnrseciiled  and  so  caliimniouslv 
trailuced  He  wan  accordingly  suffered  to  retain  the 
patrimonial  iuterest  attached  bv  his  charter  to  the  olTice 
of  proprietary,  but  deprived  by  an  act  of  council  of  the 
p(>litical  administration  of  the  province,  of  which  Sir 
Fdmund  Andro«  was  at  the  same  time  appointed  go- 
*ernor  by  the  king  •    [1692.]  The  unmerited  cleva- 

'  fildmixon,  vol.  1.  p.  103.  •'  I  know  nut  liow  it  liapiii'iied, 
h<Jl  no  II  wan  Ihnl  inKlnit  VVillimirii  reiirn.  Queen  Anne's,  Ar. 
thei<<  wrrc  |M  riciil«  whi  n  tlie  frienilii  i>r  loolii  of  the  alxlicaleJ 
k:n(  wpr»  nioYo  tinarkenoii  to  than  tlio  inHlrurncnts  of  tlic  rovn- 
kitkni."   ItMd  CU  cJi'.iot.   .  p.  2JI.    It  i<  to  tlio  lirst  odilioo 


tion  of  this  worthless  man  was  no  less  disgraceful  than 
the  unjust  deposition  of  the  proprietary,  l^ord  Balti- 
more having  exercised  his  power  with  a  liberal  regard 
to  the  freedom  of  other  men's  consciences,  now  parted 
with  it  from  a  pious  regard  to  the  sanctity  of  his  own. 
Andros,  who  had  formerly  acquired  promotion  by  active 
subserviency  to  a  catholic  despot,  now  purchased  its 
continuance  by  becoming  the  no  less  active  abettor  of 
protestant  intolerance. 

Thus  fell  the  proprietary  government  of  Maryland, 
after  an  endurance  of  fifty-six  years,  during  which  it 
had  been  administered  with  unexampled  mildness,  and 
with  a  regard  to  the  liberty  and  welfare  of  the  people, 
that  deserved  a  very  difl'erent  requital  from  that  which 
I  have  had  the  pain  of  recording.  The  slight  notice 
which  the  policy  of  this'  catholic  legislator  has  received 
from  the  jihilosonhic  encomiasts  of  liberal  institutions 
strongly  attests  the  capricious  distribution  of  fame,  and 
may  probably  have  proceeded  from  dislike  of  his  reli- 
gious tenets,  which,  it  was  feared,  would  share  the 
commendation  bestowed  on  their  votary.  It  was  ap- 
prehended perhaps,  that  the  charge  of  intolerance  so 
strongly  preferred  against  catholic  potentates  and  the 
Koinisli  church,  would  be  weakened  by  the  praise  of  a 
toleration  which  catholics  establislied  and  protestants 
overthrew.  Bui  in  truth  every  deduction  that  is  made 
from  the  liberality  of  catholics  in  general,  and  every 
imputation  '.hat  is  thrown  on  the  usual  influence  of 
their  tenets  in  contracting  the  mind,  ought  to  magnify 
the  merit  of  Lord  Baltimore's  institutions,  and  enhance 
the  praise  by  demonstrating  the  rarity  of  his  virtue. 
One  of  the  most  respectable  features  of  the  pro- 
prietary administration  was  the  constant  regard  that 
was  had  to  justice,  and  to  the  exercise  and  cultivation 
of  benevolence,  in  all  transactions  and  intercourse  with 
the  Indians.  But  though  this  colony  was  more  suc- 
cessful than  the  New  England  states  (who  conducted 
themselves  no  less  unexceptionalily  to  the  Indians)  in 
avoiding  war  with  its  savage  neighbors,  yet  we  have 
seen  that  it  was  not  always  able  to  avert  this  extremity. 
In  both  these  cases,  no  doubt,  the  pacific  endeavors  of 
the  colonists  were  aounteracted,  not  only  by  the  natu- 
ral ferocity  of  the  Indians,  but  by  the  hostilities  of  other 
Europeans,  by  which  that  ferocity  was  additionally  in- 
flamed. Yet  the  quakers  of  Pennsylvania  who  were 
exposed  to  the  same  disadvantage,  escaped  its  evil  con- 
sequences, and  were  never  attacked  by  the  Indians. 
Relying  implicitly  and  entirely  on  the  protection  of 
God,  they  renounced  every  act  or  indication  of  self- 
defence  that  could  provoke  the  antagonism  of  human 
nature,  or  excite  apprehensive  jealousy,  by  showing  the 
power  to  injure.  But  the  puritan  and  the  catholic  co- 
lonists of  New  England  and  Maryland,  while  they  jiro- 
fessed  and  exercistd  good-will  to  the  Indians,  adopted 
the  hostile  precaution  of  showing  their  power  to  repel 
violence.  They  displayed  arms  and  erected  forts,  and 
thus  suggested  the  suspicion  they  expressed,  and 
invited  tlie  injury  they  auticijiated. 

Before  toleration  was  defended  by  Locke,  it  was 
realised  by  Lord  Baltimore  ;  and  iii  the  attempts 
which  both  of  these  eiiiiiient  persons  made  to  esta- 
blish the  model  of  a  wise  and  liberal  government  in 
.Vmerica,  it  must  be  acknowledged  that  the  protestant 
philosopher  was  greatly  excelled  by  the  catholic  no- 
bleman.* The  constitutions  of  William  Peiiii  have 
been  the  theme  of  panegyric  no  less  just  than  general  ; 
but  of  those  who  have  commended  them,  how  few  have 
been  willing  to  notice  the  prior  establishment  of  similar 
institutions  by  Lord  Baltimore.  Assiihilated  in  their 
maxims  of  government,  these  two  proprietaries  were 
assimilated  in  their  political  fortunes  ;  l)oth  having  wii- 
nessed  an  eclipse  of  their  popularity  in  America,  and 
both  being  dispossessed  of  their  governments  by  King 
William.    Penn,  indeed,  was  reotoied  a  few  years 

of  OMmixton's  work  tliat  I  refer,  wlicn  tlie  second  is  not 
expressly  designated. 

•  In  a  company  wliere  Sir  Isaac  Newton,  John  Locke  and 
William  IVim  happened  to  meet  loaettier,  the  conver.^^tlon 
luiiii  il  on  the  comparative  cvccllenco  of  the  goverii'iieiUs 
(if  Cariiliiia  and  Pennsylvania.  l.!)cke  ingenuously  yicMed 
the  palin  to  I'eiin ;  (Clarkson's  Lile  of  Penn,  vol.  ii.  p.  411!).) 
and  would  donblless  have  yielded  it  to  Lord  U.iltiinoru.  But 
Peiin's  reputation  (fr  jrn  the  interest  which  the  qn  ikent  have 
fell  in  proini)tini;  It,  and  the  willink^ness  of  philosnpher.s  to  a)> 
kiKiwledgu  hini  us  an  ally)  has  liocn  much  better  protected 
than  that  of  Lord  nultiiiiorc :  and  to  this  perhap.^  may  be 
a.'icribed  the  very  dilferenl  treatiiien*.  v>liitli  the  de.srcn.ianls 
of  these  proprietaries  ex|)i-ionced  from  Ihcir  lespcelivi- pro- 
vinces at  the  Anichean  revolution.  The  proprietary  of 
Maryland  was  then  a  minor;  yet  Ins  estates  were  confi>catf!d, 
and  no  inileninilication  could  ever  bo  obtained.  (Winlcr- 
bolham,  vol.  ill.  p.  4.)  The  descendants  of  Penii,  alter  .\ 
lonir  series  of  quarrels  wiih  the  people,  embraced  llie  cause 
of  Iliitaiii;  yet  the  leKishituru  of  Pennsylvania  indeinniliud 
thrin  ill  the  most  liberal  manner  for  the  loss  of  Uieir  properly. 
(Brusot'i  Travels, p.  33D.) 


after :  but  Lord  Baltimore's  deprivation  continued 
during  his  life.    On  his  death  in  1716,  his  succeaaor 

being  a  protestant,  was  restored  to  the  enjoyment  of 
proprietary  powers.  These  powers,  however,  bad  in 
the  interim  sustained  some  abatement  from  an  act  of 
the  English  parliament,*  which  applied  not  only  to  this 
but  to  all  the  other  feudatory  principalities  in  North 
America,  and  rendered  the  royal  sanction  necessary  to 
confirm  the  nomination  of  the  proprietary  governors. 

Immediately  after  his  appointment  to  the  office  of 
governor,  .Sir  Edmund  .^ndros  proceeded  to  Maryland, 
where  he  convoked  an  assembly,  in  which  the  title  of 
William  and  .Mary  was  recognised  by  a  legislative 
enactment.  In  this  assembly  an  attempt  was  made  to 
divest  the  proprietary  of  the  port-duties  that  had  been 
settled  on  his  family  in  the  year  1661.  The  asseinblv 
now  made  a  tender  of  the  produce  of  tins  tax  to  the 
king,  alleging,  that  altljough  the  provision  had  been 
granted  generally  lo  the  proprietary,  the  true  intention 
of  the  legislature  had  been  lo  confer  it  merely  as  a 
trust  for  the  uses  of  the  public.  The  king  however 
declined  to  accept  the  offer,  or  sanction  the  assembly's 
construction  of  the  grant ;  Sir  John  .Somers,  to  whom 
the  legitimacy  of  the  proceeding  was  referred,  having 
given  It  as  his  opinion  that  ihe  duty  truly  belonged  to 
Lord  Baltimore,  and  was  intended  for  his  own  use,  and 
that  it  would  be  of  dangerous  consequence  to  receive 
parole  proof  of  an  inteii'ion  in  the  legislature  different 
from  the  plain  meaning  of  the  w  ords  of  the  law.  The 
ingratitude  which  was  thus  evinced  towards  the  propri- 
etary met  with  a  jusl  retribution  from  the  admmistia- 
tion  of  Andros,  who,  though  he  is  said  to  have  ap- 
proved himself  a  good  governor  in  Virginia,  appears  to 
have  exercised  no  little  severity  and  rapacity  in  .Mary- 
land. Not  the  least  offensive  part  of  his  conduct  was, 
that  he  protected  Coode  againsi  the  complaints  he  had 
provoked,  and  enabled  this  profligate  hypocrite  a  little 
longer  to  protract  the  period  of  his  impuiniy.  But 
Coode's  fortunes  soon  became  more  suitable  to  his  de- 
serts. Finding  himself  neglected  by  Colonel  Nichol- 
son, the  successor  of  Andros,  he  began  to  practise 
against  the  royal  governmer.t  the  same  treacherous  ni- 
trigues  that  he  had  employed  with  so  much  success 
against  the  projirietary  admiiiisiration.  Inferior  in 
talent  to  Bacon,  ihe  disturber  of  Virginia,  and  far  infe- 
rior in  sincerity  to  Leisler,  the  contemporary  agitatoi 
of  New  York,  he  was  chiefly  indebted  for  his  succese 
to  the  daring  reliance  which  he  placed  on  the  influence 
of  panic,  and  the  extent  cf  popular  credulity.  He  had 
an  unbounded  confidence  in  the  power  of  patient  and 
[lerseveriiig  calumny,  and  endeavored  to  impress  it  as 
a  maxim  on  ins  confederates,  that  "if  plenty  of  mud  oe 
thrown,  some  of  it  will  undoubtedly  slick."  In  IGUo, 
this  president  of  the  protcstant  association  of  .Maryland 
was  indicted  for  treason  and  blasphemy  ;  and,  justly 
apprehending  that  he  would  be  treated  with  less  lenity 
under  the  protestant,  than  he  had  formerly  experienced 
under  the  eatliolic  administration,  he  declined  to  stand 
a  trial,  ami  fled  lor  ever  from  the  province  which  he 
had  contributed  so  signally  to  dishonor.! 

The  suspension  of  the  propiieiary  government  was 
accompanied  with  a  total  subversion  of  the  principles 
on  which  Its  admmislration  had  been  uniformly  con- 
ducted. The  political  equality  of  religious  sects  was 
subverted,  and  the  universal  toleration  of  cvcrv  form  of 
christian  worship  abolished.  'I'he  church  of  England 
was  declare  d  to  be  the  established  ecclesiastical  consli- 
tulioii  of  the  stale  ;  and  an  act  passed  in  the  year  1G92 
having  divided  the  several  counties  into  parishes,  a 
legal  maintenance  was  assigned  to  a  minister  of  this 
communion  in  every  one  of  these  parishes,  consisting 
of  a  glebe,  and  of  an  annual  tribute  of  forty  pounds  of 
tobacco  from  every  christiiii  male,  and  every  male  or 
female  negro  above  sixteen  years  of  age.    Tfie  appoint- 

tT  and  S  Will.  III.  cap.  32  Hf).  Tins  was  the  first  instanca 
in  which  the  English  pailiniiicnt  assumed  the  right  of  niodily 
ing  the  charter  and  allering  the  constiiutiun  ul  an  Amcncati 
province,  liiihe  course  of  ihc  lullowing  century  lhi.s  power 
was  exercised  on  several  occasions,  and  xery  reluctantly 
submiltedlo.  The  pretension  to  it  I'orined  one  of  Ihe  grouiidt 
of  (|uarrol  thai  produced  the  American  Ileiolution. 

Uy  another  clause  in  tile  same  statute,  il  was  enacted, 
"  that  on  iKi  pretence  whatever  any  kind  of  goods  fiuiii  the 
Knglish  American  plantations  shall  liereallcr  be  put  on  shore 
cither  III  the  kingdoms  ol  Ireland  or  Scothmd,  without  lieing 
lirst  landed  in  England,  and  having  also  paid  the  duties  there, 
under  the  penalty  of  a  forfeiture  of  the  ship  and  cargo." 
The  Union  in  ITtKi  rendered  this  restriction  void,  in  *o  far  as 
related  lo  Scotland. 

1  Oldniixon,  vol.  i.  p.  193.  Chalmers,  p.  248.  374  .  383,  3lH. 
Among  other  expressions  that  t.'oode's  indirlment  laid  to  his 
charge,  under  Ihe  ctuint  ol  blasphemy,  he  was  accused  of 
having  said  "that  there  was  no  religuin  but  what  was  m 
Tully's  Dllices."  To  make  these  worus  the  more  intelligi.ile, 
the  indictinenl  illustrated  Ihein  by  this  innuendo,  "  lhal  tuaf 
weru  spoken  of  one  Tally,  a  Roman  orator,  uieaiung." 


NORTH  AMERICA: 


285 


mcnt  of  the  ministers  was  vested  in  the  governor,  and 
tlie  inaiiajfeinent  of  parochial  affairs  in  vestries  elected 
l)y  tlie  [irotestant  inhabitants.  For  the  better  instruc- 
tion of  the  people,  free-schools  and  public  libraries  were 
estalilished  by  law  in  all  the  parishes,  and  an  ample 
collection  of  books  was  presented  to  the  lil)rarii-s  as  a 
conimencenient  of  their  literary  stock,  by  the  bishop  of 
London.  But  iiotwu'-standiMij  all  these  encourage- 
ments to  the  cultivation  of  knowledge,  and  the  rapid 
increase  of  her  wealth  and  population,  it  was  not  till 
after  her  separation  from  the  parent  stale,  that  any  coti- 
siderable  academy  or  college  was  formed  in  Maryland. 
All  protestant  dissenters  were  declared  to  be  entitled 
to  the  full  benefit  of  the  act  of  toleration  passed  in  the 
commencement  of  William  and  Mary's  reign  by  the 
Enulisli  parliament.  But  this  grace  was  strictly  with- 
held from  the  Koiiian  catholics  ;  and  the  protestaiits 
who  thus  enacted  toleration  to  themselves,  with  the 
most  impudent  iiijiisiice  and  unchristian  cruelty,  denied 
it  to  the  men  by  whose  toleration  they  themselves  had 
been  permitted  to  gain  an  establishment  in  the  pro- 
vince. Sanctioned  by  the  authority,  and  instructed  by 
the  example  of  the  British  government,  the  legislature 
of  Maryland  proceeded,  by  the  most  tyrannical  persecu- 
tion of  the  catholics,  to  fortify  and  disgrace  the  protest- 
ant ascendancy.  Not  only  were  these  unfortunate  vic- 
tims of  a  conscience,  which  the  actions  of  their  oppo- 
nents contributed  additionally  to  mislead,  excluded 
from  all  participation  in  political  privileges,  but  they 
were  debarred  from  the  exercise  of  their  worship  and 
the  advantages  of  education.  By  an  act  passed  in  the 
year  1704,  and  renewed  in  the  year  171.1,  it  was  pro- 
vided thet  any  catholic  priest  attempting  to  convert  a 
protestant,  should  be  punished  with  tine  and  imprison- 
ment ;  and  that  the  celebration  of  mass,  or  the  educa- 
tion of  youth  by  a  papist,  should  be  punished  by  trans- 
portation of  the  offending  priest  or  teacher  to  England, 
that  he  might  there  undergo  the  penalties  winch  the 
English  statutes  inflicted  on  such  actions.  Thus  in 
their  eagerness  to  deprive  others  of  their  liberty,  the 
protestaiits  of  Maryland  truly  subverted  their  own  pre- 
tensions to  independent  legislation.  They  maintained 
that  the  statutes  of  the  English  parliament  did  not 
necessarily  extend  to  Maryland ;  and  in  conformity 
with  this  supposition,  we  find  an  act  of  assembly  m  the 
year  170C,  giving  to  certain  English  acts  of  parliament 
the  force  of  law  within  the  province.  But  it  was  mani- 
festly inconsistent  with  this  pretended  independence, 
to  declare  any  of  the  colonists  amenable  to  the  peculiar 
jurisprudence  of  England,  for  actions  committed  in  the 
province  and  not  punishable  there.  Though  laws  thus 
uii|ust  and  oppressive  were  enacted,  it  was  found  im- 
possible to  carry  them  into  complete  execution.  Shortly 
after  the  act  of  1704  was  passed,  the  assembly  judged 
it  expedient  to  suspend  its  enforcement  so  far  as  tj 
admit  of  catholic  priests  performing  their  functions  in 
private  houses  ;  and  the  act  of  1714  was  suspended  in 
a  similar  manner,  in  consequence  of  an  express  man- 
date to  the  assembly  from  Queen  Anne. 

Thus  were  the  catholics  of  .Maryland,  under  the  pre- 
tence of  vices  which  none  realized  more  completely 
than  their  persecutors,  deprived  of  those  privileges, 
which  for  more  than  half  a  century  they  had  enjoyed 
with  unparralleled  moderation.  In  addition  to  the 
other  odious  features  of  the  treatment  they  experienced, 
there  was  a  shameful  violation  of  national  failh  in  suf- 
fering protestant  persecution  to  follow  them  into  the 
asylum  from  its  severity  which  they  had  been  encour- 
aged to  seek,  and  with  laborious  virtue  had  established. 
Sensible  of  this  injustice,  or  rather  perhaps  willing  to 
induce  the  catholics  whom  they  werf  determined  not 
to  tolerate  at  home  to  expatriate  to  Maryland,  the  Bri- 
tish government  continued  from  time  to  time  to  set 
bounds  to  the  exercise  of  that  colonial  bigotry  which 
its  own  example  had  excited,  and  its  own  authority 
still  maintained. 

Before  the  overthrow  of  the  catholic  church  in 
Maryland,  its  clergy  had  signalized  themselves  by  some 
attempts  to  convert  the  Indi'^ns  to  the  christian  failh  ; 
but  their  endeavors  are  represented  as  having  been 
neither  judicious  nor  successful.  Eager  to  prevail  on  I 
the  savages  to  receive  the  formalities,  before  they  were 
impressed  with  the  substance  of  christian  doctrine,  they 
are  said  to  have  administered  the  rite  of  baptism  to 
persons  who  understood  it  so  little,  that  they  con- 
sidered their  acceptance  of  it  as  a  favor  they  had  done 
to  the  missionaries  in  return  for  the  presents  they  re- 
ceived from  them,  and  used  to  threaten  to  renounce 
their  baptism  unlsss  these  presents  were  repeated. 
But  if  t!ie  catholics  of  Maryland  were  chargeable  with 
a  superstitious  forwardness  to  administer  this  rite,  some 
of  ihcir  protestant  fellow-colonists  evinced  a  sentiment 


tenfold  more  inexcusalile,  in  their  determination  to 
withhold  it.  An  act  of  assembly  passed  in  the  year 
1715  declared  that  many  people  refused  to  permit  their 
slaves  to  be  baptized,  in  conseijuence  of  an  apprehen- 
sion that  baptism  would  entitle  them  to  their  freedom  ; 
and  accordingly,  to  overcoini!  their  reluctance,  enacted 
that  no  negro  receiving  the  holy  sacrament  of  bapiism, 
should  derive  therefrom  any  right  or  claim  to  be  made 
free.  It  was  the  peculiar  unhappiness  of  the  lot  of  the 
Maryland  protestaiits,  that  it  surrounded  them  at  once 
with  catholics,  whom  they  were  incited  to  persecute, 
and  with  slaves  whom  they  were  enabled  to  oppress  : 
and  it  was  not  till  some  time  after  the  Revolution  of 
1688,  that  they  began  to  show  more  genuine  fruits  of 
the  tenets  they  professed, "than  the  persixution  of  those 
who  differed  from  them  in  religious*  opinion. 

At  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century,  the  popula- 
tion of  Maryland  amounted  to  thirty  thousand  pereons  ; 
and  whether  from  superiority  of  soil  or  industry,  or 
from  the  absence  of  laws  restrictive  of  cultivation,  this 
province  is  said  to  have  ex|iorted  at  least  as  much  to- 
bacco as  the  older  and  more  populous  province  of  Vir- 
ginia. At  a  later  period,  a  law  was  passed,  prohibiting 
the  cultivation  on  any  estate  of  a  greater  quantity  than 
six  thousand  plants  of  tobacco  for  every  taxable  indi- 
vidual upon  the  estate.  Maryland  was  the  Hrst  of  the 
provinces  in  which  the  right  of  private  property  was 
from  the  bc2innin2  recognised  in  its  fullest  extent ; 
and  community  ol  possessions  had  never  even  a  tempo- 
rary establishment.  This  peculiarity,  it  is  probable, 
contributed  to  promote  the  peculiar  industry  by  which 
this  people  have  been  distinguished.  In  the  year 
1699,  .'Vnnapolia  was  substituted  for  St.  Mary's  as  the 
capital  of  the  province  :  but  the  same  causes  that  pre- 
vented the  growth  of  towns  in  Virginia,  also  repressed 
them  in  Alaryland.  There  were  few  merchants  or 
shop-keepers  who  were  not  also  planters  ;  and  it  was 
the  custom  for  every  man  to  maintain  on  his  plantation 
a  store  for  supplying  the  usual  accommodations  of  shops 
to  his  family,  servants,  and  slaves.  Living  dispersed 
over  the  [irovince,  and  remote  from  each  other,  the 
etFects  of  their  comparative  solitude  are  said  to  ha»e 
been  visible  in  the  countenance,  manners,  and  apparel 
of  the  great  body  of  the  planters  ;  their  aspect  express- 
ing less  cheerfulness,  their  demeanor  less  vivacity,  their 
dress  less  attention  to  neatness,  and  their  whole  exte- 
rior less  urbanity,  than  were  found  in  those  colonies 
where  cities  engendered  and  diffused  the  elegant  virtue 
to  which  they  have  given  a  name.  But  even  those  who 
have  reproached  them  with  this  defect  have  not  failed 
to  recognize  a  more  respectable  characteristic  of  their 
situation,  in  that  hospitality  by  which  they  were  uni- 
versally distinguished.*  At  a  later  period,  the  towns 
of  Maryland  seemed  to  acquire  a  sudden  principle  of 
increase  ;  and  Baltimore,  in  particular,  has  grown  with 
a  rapidity  unexampled  even  iu>  the  United  States.  In 
none  of  the  provinces,  have  the  effects  of  a  wise  or 
illiberal  system  of  government  been  more  plainly  appa- 
rent than  in  Maryland.  For  nearly  a  century  after  the 
British  Revolution,  difference  in  religious  opinion  was 
made  the  source  of  animosity  and  oppression ;  and 
during  all  that  period  not  one  considerable  seminary  of 
learning  arose  in  the  province.  Within  a  few  years 
after  the  return  of  equal  laws  and  universal  toleration, 
with  the  establishment  of  American  independence,  the 
varieties  of  doctrinal  opinion  among  the  people  served 
but  to  illustrate  religious  charity  ;  numerous  colleges 
and  academies  were  founded  ;  and  the  same  people 
amono- whom  persecution  had  lingered  longest,  became 
distinguished  for  a  remarkable  degree  of  courteous 
kindness  and  generous  compassion. 

During  the  suspension  of  the  proprietary  government, 
the  legislature  of  the  province  consisted  of  three 
branches  ;  after  its  revival,  of  four :  the  proprietary, 
the  governor,  the  council,  and  the  burgesses.  The 
proprietary,  besides  a  large  domain  cultivated  by  him- 
self, enjoyed  a  quit  rent  of  two  shillings  sterling  yearly 
for  every  hundred  acres  of  appropriated  land.  This 
was  increased  at  an  after  period  to  four  shillings  in 
some  disiricts  ;  and  an  unsuccessful  attempt  was  made 
to  raise  it  as  high  as  ten  shillings.  The  proprietaries 
had  received  but  too  little  encouragement  to  rely  on 
the  stabdity  of  that  gratitude  which  had  been  acquired 
by  their  original  moderation.  The  salaries  of  the  go- 
vernor and  deputy-governor  consisted  of  official  fees, 
and  a  tax  on  exported  tobacco,  enacted  to  them  suc- 
cessively on  their  appointment  to  office,  and  propor- 

*  Wiiiterbotliam's  America,  vof.  iii.  p.  42.    "  That  pride 
which  grows  on  slavery,  and  is  habitual  to  those  who  from 
their  hifunoy  are  taught  to  believe  and  feel  tlieir  superiority, 
is  a  visiljle  cliaraclcristic  of  the  iiihubilaiits  of  Maryland." 
'  M>id. 


tioned  to  their  [lopularity.  'i'he  council  consisted  of 
twelve  persons,  ap|)Ointed  by  the  proprietary,  and  dur- 
ing the  abeyance  of  his  political  rights,  by  the  roy»l 
governor  ;  each  of  whom  received,  during  ihe  session 
of  the  assembly,  an  allowance  of  one  hundred  and 
eighty  pounds  of  tobacco  dailv  from  the  province.  The 
house  of  representatives  or  burgesses  consisted  of  four 
members  from  each  of  the  counties,  and  two  Iroin  thi3 
capital  ;  the  daily  allowance  to  each  of  them  being  one 
hundred  and  sixty  pounds  of  tobacco.  From  the  de- 
cisions of  the  provincial  courts,  in  all  cases  involving 
pro[)erty  to  the  amount  of  three  hundred  pounds,  ait 
appeal  was  admitted  to  the  king  in  council.  The  of- 
fice of  the  select  men  in  New  England  was  performed 
in  Maryland  by  the  parochial  vestries,  which  engrossed 
the  management  of  all  the  public  affairs  of  their  dis- 
tricts, and  soon  underwent  a  remarkable  abatement  of 
the  jiopular  form  of  their  original  constitution  ;  fot 
though  at  first  elected  l)y  the  inhabitants,  they  held  their 
office  for  life,  and  very  early  assumed  the  privilege  of 
supplying  vacancies  in  their  own  number  by  the  election 
of  the  survivors.  In  the  year  1704,  it  was  provided  by 
"  An  act  for  the  advancement  of  the  natives  and  resi- 
dents of  this  province,"  that  no  oflice  of  trust,  except 
those  that  were  conferred  by  immediate  commissioti 
from  the  crown,  could  be  held  by  anv  person  who  had 
not  previously  resided  three  years  in  the  colony." 

The  situation  of  slaves  and  of  indented  servants  ap- 
pears to  have  been  very  much  the  same  in  Maryland  as 
in  Virginia.  Any  white  woman,  whether  a  servant  or 
free,  becoming  pregnant  from  the  embrace  of  a  negro, 
whether  a  slave  or  free,  was  punished  with  a  servitude 
of  seven  vears  ;  and  the  children  of  "such  unnatural 
and  inordinate  connexions,"  were  doomed  to  servitude 
till  they  should  attain  the  age  of  thirty-one.  A  white 
man  begetting  a  child  bv  a  Degress,  Mas  subjected  to 
the  same  penalty  as  a  while  woman  committing  the 
corresponding  offence.  An  indented  servant,  at  tho 
expiration  of  his  servitude,  was  entitled  to  demand  a 
liberal  allowance  of  various  useful  commodities  from 
his  master,  some  of  which  he  was  prohibited,  under  a 
penalty,  from  selling  for  twelve  months  after  his  libera- 
tion. A  tax  was  imposed  on  the  importation  of  ser- 
vants from  Ireland,  "  to  prevent  the  importing  too  great 
a  number  of  Irish  papists  into  this  province." 

To  prevent  the  evasion  of  provincial  debts  or  other 
obligations  by  Might  to  England,  or  to  the  other  Ame- 
rican states,  all  persons  preparing  to  leave  the  colon/ 
were  required  to  give  public  intimation  of  their  depar- 
ture, and  obtain  a  formal  passport  from  the  municipal 
authorities.  An  act  was  passed  in  the  year  1698,  in- 
vesting a  large  tract  of  land  in  Dorchester  county,  in 
two  Indian  kings,  who,  with  their  subjects,  were  to  hold 
..as  a  fief  from  the  projirietary,  and  to  pay  for  it  a 
yearly  rent  of  one  bear  skin.  In  common  with  the 
other  colonies,  Maryland  was  much  inlested  by  wolves  ; 
and  so  late  as  the  year  1715,  a  for.meract  was  renewed, 
otFering  'V/tc  sum  of  three  hundred  pounds  of  tobacco" 
as  a  reward  for  every  wolf's  head  that  should  be 
brought  by  any  colonist  or  Indian  to  a  justice  of  the 
peace.  An  act  proposing  a  similar  recompense  had 
been  passed  in  Virginia  ;  but  it  was  repealed  in  tho 
year  1666.  

BOOK  IV. 
NORTH  AND  SOUTH  CAROLINA. 

CHAPTER  I. 

Early  Attempts  of  the  Spaniards  and  the  French  to  colonize 
tliis  territory — First  Charier  of  Canilina  ^'ranted  by  (;harle3 
tlie  Second  to  Lord  Clarendon  and  others— Formation  of 
Albemarle  Settlement  in  North  Carolina— Settleiiicnt  of 
Aihley  River  in  South  Carolina- Second  Charter  of  the 
whole  United  Province— Proceedings  at  Albemarle — The 
Proprietaries  enact  tiie  fundanieiital  Constitutions  of  Caro- 
lina— Expedition  of  Emigrants  to  Soutli  Carolina — John 
Locke  created  a  Landgrave— Ilostilihcs  with  the  Spaniards 
in  Florida,  and  with  the  Indians— Dispuies  between  the 
Propristaries  and  the  Colonists — Culpepper's  Insurrection 
in  Norlh  Carolina— He  is  tried  in  England,  and  acquitted — 
Discord  among  the  colonists— Solhel's  tyrannical  administra- 
tion— He  is  deposed. 

VVe  have  seen  New  England  colonized  by  puritans 
exiled  by  royal  and  episcopal  tyranny  ;  \'irginia  replen- 
ished by  cavalier  and  episcopal  fugitives  from  republican 
triumph  and  puritan  ascendancy  ;  and  Maryland  founded 
by  catholics  retiring  from  protestant  intolerance.  By 
a  singular  coincidence,  the  settlement  whoso  history 
we  now  proceed  to  examine,  originally  seemed  to  have 
boon  destined  to  com|)lete  this  series  of  revolutionary 
persecution  :  and  if  the  first  colonists  who  were  planted 
in  it  had  been  able  to  maintain  their  establishment, 
Carolina  would  have  been  peopled  by  Hugonots  flying 
from  catholic  bigotry.* 

■  At  a  laterperiod  we  Itave  seen  the  descendaiitc  nfuLUul 


^  

'I'h.a  lerritory  lias  been  tho  subject  of  a  variety  of 
pretcnjiriis.  and  dislinixuisliet'  at  successivn  periods  by 
a  varu'lv  of  names.  Tiic  claim  of  Eni;l.iiid  to  ihe  first 
discovery  of  it  was  disputed  by  the  Spaniards,  who 
maintanicd  that  Cabot  never  proceeded  so  far  to  the 
sonih,  i-nd  that  it  had  been  yet  unvisiled  by  atiy  Eu- 
ropean, when  f'once  de  Leon,  the  Spanish  governor  of 
Pono  Rico,  arrived  on  its  shores,  [1512],  as  he  was 
saihni/  in  qnest  of  a  land  which  was  reported  to  contain 
a  fountain  endowed  with  tlie  miraculous  power  of  re- 
morini,'  the  bloom  and  vijjor  of  youth  to  age  and  decre- 
pitude. Believing  that  he  had  now  attained  the  favored 
reirioii,  he  hastened  to  take  possession,  in  his  sove- 
reign'* name,  of  so  rare  and  valuable  an  acquisition.  He 
jpgtowed  on  it  the  name  of  Florida,  either  on  account 
of  the  vernal  beauty  that  adorned  its  surface,  or  be- 
cause he  discovered  it  on  the  Sunday  before  Easter, 
which  the  Spaniards  call  Pasqua  deElores;  but  though 
he  chilled  his  aged  frame  by  bathing  in  every  stream  or 
fountain  that  he  could  find,  he  had  the  mortification  of 
ruturning  an  older  instead  of  a  younger  man  to  Porto 
Rico  A  few  years  afterwards,  another  Spanish  olPi- 
cer,  who  was  sent  to  make  a  more  minute  inspection 
of  the  territory  supposed  to  have  been  thus  newly  dis- 
covered, performed  an  exploit  but  too  congenial  with 
the  cotemporarv  achievements  of  his  cou.itrymen,  in 
kidnapping  a  considerable  body  of  the  natives,  whom 
he  carried  away  into  bondage.  Some  researches  for 
gold  and  silver,  undertaken  shortly  after  by  succeed- 
ing adventurers  of  the  same  nation,  having  terminated 
unsuccessfully,  the  Spaniards  appe.ired  to  have  re- 
nounced the  intention  of  any  immediate  settlement  in 
this  region,  and  left  it  to  repose  under  the  shadow  of 
the  name  they  had  bestowed,  and  to  remember  its  titu- 
lar owners  by  ihfir  cii|)idily  and  injtislice.  The  whole 
of  this  coast  was  subsequently  explored  [1523 — 1525] 
with  considerable  accuracy  by  Vcrazzan,  an  Italian  na- 
vigator, in  the  service  of  the  French,  and  whom  Francis 
the  First'  had  commissinned  to  attemfit  the  discovery 
of  new  territories  in  .Vmerica  for  the  benefit  of  tho 
crown.  But  the  colonial  designs  of  the  French  go- 
Ternmcnt  were  suspended  during  the  remainder  of  this 
reign,  by  t!ie  favorite  game  of  kings,  which  was  played 
with  such  eager  and  obstinate  rivalry  between  Francis 
and  the  Emperor  Charles  the  Fifth  t  During  succeed- 
ing reigns,  they  were  impeded  by  still  more  fatal  otj- 
•tructions  ;  and  all  the  advantages  that  France  mig.ht 
have  derived  from  tlie  territory  explored  by  Verazzan 
and  ncalectpcl  by  the  Spaniards,  was  postponed  to  the 
indulgence  of  royal  and  pa|)al  bigotry  in  a  war  of  exter- 
niinslion  against  the  Hugunots.  The  advantages,  how- 
ever, thus  neglected  by  the  French  court,  were  not 
overlooked  by  ihe  objects  of  its  persecution  ;  and  at 
etigth  the  deteriniudlinn  of  approfiriating  a  part  of  this 
territory  as  a  relrc^at  fur  the  French  protestants,  was 
pinbraccd  by  one  of  their  leaders,  the  .\dmiral  Coligni. 
Two  vesiels  which  he  equipped  lor  this  purpose  were 
accordingly  (les|)atched  with  a  body  of  protectant  cmi- 
granls  to  .\inerica,  who  landed  at  the  mouth  of  Albe- 
marle river,  and  in  honor  of  their  sovereign  (Charles 
the  N'inth),  gave  the  country  the  name  of  Carolina  ;  a 
name  which,  by  a  singular  coincidence,  the  English, 
alter  obliterating,  weie  destined  to  revive.  'I'liough 
these  coloni.sls  had  only  to  announce  iheniselvcs  as 
strangers  to  the  faith  and  the  name  of  the  Spaniards,  in 
order  to  secure  the  most  friendly  reception  from  the 
Indians,  they  snlfercd  so  many  privations  in  their  new 
(ettlemeni,  from  the  inability  of  the  admiral  to  furnish 
them  with  adequate  supplies,  that,  after  a  short  resi- 
dence in  .\merica.  they  were  compelled  to  return  to 
France.  A  treacherous  pacification  having  been  ef- 
fected, meanwhile,  between  the  French  court  and  tho 


THE  HISTOUy  OF 


the  most  iliLstrintis  pi.'ople  of  antiquity  seckinj?  a  refuse  in  \ 
America  from  Tiukisli  o|iprc.ssioii.  In  tlie  latter  part  ul  the  j 
elglileenth  century,  .Sir  William  l)un<?an,  an  eiiinieiit  Engliah  ' 

fihy«i'  iaii,  concoivcsj  the  project  of  founilni^  :i  (Jiecian  colony  | 
n  Norili  Ainenca,  aint  actually  Ir-Liiuportej,  ft)r  this  purpobe, 
•eveial  luin  lri'.l  (Jrccks  to  East  Klorida.    Gait's  Letters  from  ) 
thu  Levant,  p.  3IS. 

•  The  kings  of  Spam  and  Portugal  remonstrated  against 
tlie  projccln  of  Francis  as  a  direct  iinpugnalion  of  ccclesi-  , 
aalical  authority.   To  lhi?<  remoivstranco  tho  monarch  is  said 
to  have  pic-asanlly  replied,  •'  I  should  bo  gl.ad  to  sco  tlio  . 
chu^c  in  A<lain'a  will,  which  makcn  that  continent  their  ei- 
ClUHivc  inheritance."    Raynal.  [ 

t  A  sliKlit  demonstiation  was  made  by  Francis  in  the  year 
IMn  of  an  intention  to  colonize  a  dilTercnt  quarter  of  Ame- 
rica, by  tho  li'liurs  patent  which  ho  then  gramed  to  Jacques 
Qiiartier  f j  ■  the  ■•«tablishmont  of  a  colony  in  Canada.  But 
the  Frcncli  inado  no  pi-rmamcnt  settlement  even  there  till 
the  reign  o  Henry  the  Fourth.  Escarboi's  Hist,  of  New 
Prinrc,  p.  307.  Cliamplaiii's  Voyage,  part  i.  In  the  com- 
mi«»ion  t.>  4iiartier,  Ihe  lerritorv  u  dosi  ribed  as  "  possessed 
^i>-  nvai!«  «,  I  viiig  without  the  iinowledt'o  of  God  or  '.he  use 
of  rc  111111  •'  Yet  Pope  Paul  tlie  Tliird  had  pri  viously  by  a 
Hull  lii'.'lare.l'the  Xmciican  Indian*  to  bo  rational  rreatures 
pomo'iiij  ihu  i»>tiir.i,  riiid  enlitlua  to  ihu  rights  of  niun       '  I 


protestants,  Coligni  employed  the  interval  of  repose, 
and  the  unwonted  favor  that  ho  seemingly  enjoyed  with 
the  king,  in  providing  a  refuge  for  his  party  from  that 
tempest,  which,  though  unhappily  for  himself,  he  d.d 
not  clearly  foresee,  his  experience  and  sagacity  yet  in- 
duced him  to  anticipate.  Three  ships,  equipjied  by 
the  king,  and  carrying  out  another  detachment  of 
Hugunots,  [1564]  were  again  des[)3tched  to  (/arolina, 
and  followed  soon  after  by  a  more  numerous  lleet  with 
additional  settlers,  and  an  ample  supply  of  arms  and 
provisions.  The  assi.^tance  which  tho  king  of  France 
tliMS  vouchsafed  to  the  Hu^'unots,  reminds  us  of  the 
similar  policy  by  which  Charles  the  First  promoted,  in 
the  following  century,  the  departure  of  the  puritans 
from  England.  The  French  monarch  was  a  litlle 
more  liberal  than  the'  English,  in  the  aid  which  he 
granted  ;  but  he  was  infinitely  more  perfidious  and 
cruel  in  the  designs  which  he  truly  entertained.  Be- 
friended by  the  Indians,  and  vigorously  applying 
themselves  to  the  cultivation  of  their  territory,  the 
colonists  had  begun  to  enjoy  the  prospect  of  a  per- 
manent and  happy  establishment  in  Carolina,  when  they 
were  suddenly  attacked  by  a  force  despatched  against 
them  by  the  king  of  Spain.  The  commander  of  the 
Spanish  troops  having  first  induced  them  to  surrender 
as  Frenchmen,  put  them  all  to  tho  sword  as  heretics  ; 
announcing  by  a  placard,  erected  at  the  place  of  execu- 
tion, that  this  butchery  "  was  not  inflicted  on  them  as 
subjects  of  France  but  as  followers  of  Luther."  Nearly 
a  thousand  French  protestants  were  involved  in  this 
massacre  ;  and  only  one  soldieiT  escaped  to  carry  tidings 
to  France,  which  charity  does  not  oblige  us  to  believe 
communicated  any  surprise  to  the  projectors  of  the 
league  of  Bayonne  and  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholo- 
mew. Though  tho  colony  had  been  planted  with  the 
approbation  of  the  French  court,  and  peace  subsisted  at 
the  time  between  France  and  Spam,  the  assault  and 
extirpation  of  the  colonists  produced  no  demonstration 
of  resentment  from  tho  French  government,  and  would 
have  boon  totally  unavenged  in  this  world,  if  Ue  Gor- 
gucs.  a  French  nobleman,  .ncenscd  by  such  wicked- 
ness, had  not  determined  to  vindicate  the  cause  of  jus- 
rice  and  the  honor  of  his  country.  [1567  ]  Having 
fitted  out  three  ships  at  his  own  expense,  he  set  sail  lor 
Carolina,  where  the  Spaniards,  in  careless  security, 
possessed  the  fort  and  selUemeiit  which  they  had  ac- 
quired by  the  murder  of  his  countr^ymen.  He  easily 
obtair^id  the  zealous  co-operation  of  the  Indians,  and 
with  their  assistance  overpowered  and  slew  all  the 
Spaniards  who  resisted  his  enterprise,  and  hanged  all 
whom  he  made  prisoners  on  the  nearest  trees  ;  erect- 
ing, in  his  turn,  a  placard  which  announced,  that  this 
execution  "was  not  inflicted  on  thoin  as  Spaniards  but 
as  murderers  and  robbers."  Having  thus  accomplished 
his  purposed  vengeance,  he  returned  to  France  ;  first 
destroying  every  trace  oi  the  settlement  which  neither 
FrciichmcJi  nor  Spaniards  were  destined  ever  again  to 
occupy.*  Religious  disputes  excited  a  much  greater 
degree  of  mutual  hatred  and  of  public  confusion  iii 
Fr-i/ico  than  in  Engl  ind,  and  were  pro])ortionally  un- 
fd\orable  to  French  colonization.  Canada,  which  was 
the  first  permanent  occupation  of  the  French  in  .Xme- 
rica,  was  not  colonized  till  six  years  after  Henry  the 
Fourth  had  issued  the  celebrated  edict  of  Nantes. 

About  eighteen  years  after  the  expulsion  of  the 
French  colony  of  Ci'ligni,  there  was  settled  in  the  isle 
of  Koanoak,  in  the  same  territory,  the  first  |)lantation 
elfected  iiy  Raleigh,  of  whoso  enterprises  I  have  given 
an  account  in  the  history  of  Virginia.  There  was  an 
analogy  between  the  fortunes  of  their  colonial  settle- 
ments, as  well  as  between  the  personal  destinies  of  Co- 
ligni and  Raleigh  ;  and  transient  as  it  proved,  it  was 
still  the  most  lasting  trace  of  his  exertions  witnessed  by 
Raleigh,  that  the  name  of  the  country  was  changed  by  the 
English  fiom  Carolina  to  Virginia — a  name  of  which  wo 
have  already  traced  the  final  application  and  peculiar  his- 
tory!   Even  the  subsequent  colonial  elForts  of  England 

*  I/Escarbot's  Hist,  of  Now  France,  225.  401.  Oldinixnn, 
i.  327—329.  Ilcwil's  ACLimnl  of  Soutli  Carolina  and  Georgia, 
i.  IS— 20.  Williamson's  History  of  North  Carolina,  cap.  i. 
The  French,  liowevcr,  retained  their  pretensions  to  the 
country.  U'Aubigny,  tho  father  of  Madamo  M.aintenon, 
having  formed  tho  purpose  of  establishing  himself  m  Caro- 
lina, found  he  had  incurred  the  serious  displeasure  of  the 
French  court  for  having  solicited  a  grant  from  the  English 
govornmoiit.  Voltaire's  Ago  of  Louis  tho  Foiirtoonth,  cap. 
20.  Volt.aire  is  mistaken  in  supposing  that  the  future  quo(  n 
of  Franco  received  her  early  educatino  in  Carolina,  where  as 
yet  there  were  none  but  .lavaire  inhabit.ants.  It  w.as  to  Mar- 
tinique that  her  father  actually  ronioved  himself  and  his 
family,  and  whence,  at  the  ago  of  twelve  years,  this  extra- 
ordinary woman  returned  to  become  tho  queen  of  a  country 
where  she  had  been  born  in  a  prison.  Mcmoiros  et  Lettros 
do  M  iintenon,  vol.  i.    Vie  do  M  Ma'.ntonon,  13. 

t  The  dciioiniii.ation  whicli  I  u  lud  boutuwed  In  honor  of 


did  not  extend  to  this  territory,  till  the  year  l')22,  when 
several  English  families,  flying  from  the  iiiassacris  oi'tliC 
Indians  m  Virginia  and  New  England,  souoht  refuge 
within  Its  limits,  and  are  said  to  have  acted  tLe  noble 
part  of  christia.T  missionaries,  with  such  success,  tliat 
one  of  the  Indian  princes  was  converted  from  idolatry  to 
the  gospel.  They  suffered  extreme  hardsli-.p  from 
scarcity  of  provisions,  and  were  preserve.)  from  perish- 
ing by  the  generous  contribution  they  received  froio 
the  government  of  Massachusetts,  whose  assistance 
they  had  iin|)lored.  An  attenifit  was  made  to  assume 
a  jurisdiction  over  them  by  Sir  Robert  Heath,  attorney, 
general  to  Cliarles  the  First,  who  obtained  from  his 
master  a  patent  of  the  whole  of  this  reoion  by  the  name 
of  Carolana.  But  as  he  made  no  attempt  to  execute 
the  powers  conferred  on  hiin,  the  patent  was  after- 
wards declared  to  have  become  void,  because  the  con- 
ditions on  which  It  had  been  granted  had  not  been  ful- 
filled *  Much  collision  and  dispute  between  claimanta 
and  occupiers  of  colonial  territory  would  have  been 
prevented,  if  the  principle  of  this  adjudication  had  been 
more  generally  extended,  and  more  steadily  applied. 

The  country  which  so  many  unsuccessful  attempts 
had  been  made  to  colonize,  was  indebted  for  its  final 
settlement  to  a  project  fornw.d  by  certain  courtiers  of 
Charles  the  Second  for  their  own  enrichment,  but 
wh.ch  they  were  pleased  to  ascribe  to  a  generous  desire 
of  propagating  the  blessings  of  religion  and  civility  in  a 
barbarous  land.  An  application,  couched  in  these  terms, 
having  been  jireseiited  to  the  king  by  eight  of  the  most 
eminent  persons,  whose  fidelity  he  had  experienced  in 
his  exile,  or  whose  treachery  bad  contributed  to  his 
restoration, t  easily  procured  for  them  a  grant  of  that 
extensive  region,  situated  on  the  Atlantic  ocean,  be- 
tween the  thirty-sixth  degree  of  North  latitude  and  the 
river  Saint  Matheo.  [1663]  This  territory  was  accord- 
ingly erected  into  a  province,  by  the  name  of  Carolina, 
and  conferred  on  the  Lord  Chancellor  Clarendon, 
Monk  Duke  of  Albemarle,  Lord  Oavcii,  Lord  Beike- 
ley.  Lord  Ashley  (afterwards  Earl  of  Shaftesbiirv).  .Sir 
George  Carteret,  Sir  John  Colleton,  and  Sir  \Villiain 
Berkeley,  the  governor  of  Virginia  ;  "  who  (as  the 
charter  set  forth),  being  excited  with  a  laudable  and 
pious  zeal  for  tho  propagation  of  the  gospel,  begged  a 
certain  country  in  the  parts  of  .\mcrica  not  vet  culti- 
vated and  planted,  and  only  inhabited  by  some  barba- 
rous people  who  had  no  knowledge  of  God."  Tiie 
ttrrilory  was  bestowed  on  these  personages,  and  their 
heirs  and  assigns,  as  absolute  lord  proprietaries  lor 
ever,  saving  tho  sovereign  allegiance  due  to  the  crown  ; 
and  they  were  invested  with  as  ample  riglit^and  juris- 
dictions within  their  American  palatinate,  as  any  bishop 
of  Durham  enjoyed  within  his  diocese.  This  charier, 
doubtless,  composed  by  the  parties  themselves  who 
received  it,  seems  to  have  been  copied  from  the  prior 
charter  of  .Maryland,  the  most  liberal  in  the  communi- 
cation of  privileges  and  powers  that  had  ever  yet  been 
granted. 

A  meeting  of  such  of  the  proprietaries  as  were  in 
England  having  been  held  soon  after,  for  the  purpose 
of  concerting  measures  for  carrying  the  purposes  of 
their  charter  into  ctfect,  a  joint  stock  wcs  formed  by 
general  contribution  for  transporting  emigrants,  and  de- 
fraying other  necessary  expenses.  .\t  the  desire  of  tho 
New  England  settlers,  who  already  inhabited  the  pro- 
vince, and  had  stationed  themselves  in  the  vicinity  of 
Gape  Fear,  they  published,  at  the  same  lime,  a  docu- 

hiinself  on  a  projected  town  (see  ante,  B  I.  cap.  I.)  was  re- 
vived and  bestowed  upon  an  actual  city,  more  than  two 
hundred  years  after ;  when,  by  an  ordinance  of  the  le^jfilv.'iia 
of  North  Carolina,  tho  name  of  Ualeigh  was  given  to  tho 
seat  of  government  of  this  province. 

•  Coxe's  Description  nf  Carolana,  Append.  109—112.  Hut 
chinson's  Hist,  of  Massachusetts,  i.  '220.  Uidmixon,  i.  329 
Chalmers,  513.  Heath  had  previously  sold  his  patent  to  tiie 
Earl  of  Arundel  and  Surrey,  who  is  said  to  have  inad«  et 
pensive  preparations  for  founding  a  colony,  but  was  diverted 
froiu  his  design  by  a  domestic  calamity,  baniel  Coic,  a  phy- 
sician ill  London,  who,  at  tho  close  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  became  an  extensive  purchaser  of  proprietary  rights 
in  North  America,  contrived,  among  other  acjuisitions,  to  ob 
tain  an  assignation  to  Sir  Robert  Heath's  patent ;  and  main 
tamed,  with  tlio  approbation  of  King  Wi, ham's  niiniaters, 
that  this  patent  was  still  a  valid  and  subsisting  title,  in  so  far 
as  it  embraced  territory  occupied  by  Uie  Spaniards,  .and  nut 
included  m  .any  posterior  English  patent.  Ui^  son  (the  a'llhor 
of  tho  Description)  resumed  his  father's  claims,  and  ina.te 
various  unsuccessful  attempts  to  colonize  the  terntory  which 
he  persisted  in  denominating  Carolana.  Coxe,  Preface,  p. 
30,  and  Append,  p.  1 13  —  121. 

t  The  two  persons  to  whom  this  loxst  reputable  claim  of 
merit  cliieily  belonged  were  Sliaflosbury  and  Monk.  It 
proved  nioro  av.iilablo  to  vhi;m  than  tho  more  honorable  ser- 
vices of  the  olliers.  Mui  n  .more  than  his  due  share  of  it  has 
been  .ascribed  to  Monk,  wnosf  great  service  was  not  that  hj 
contrihutud  signally  to  elTecl  tt.«  Kcsloration  (which,  in  truth, 
he  withstood  as  long  as  he  could.)  but  tlial,>  liy  his  artitcea, 
the  Restoration  was  olfectod  without  thtFconsli'ulioiial  pr*- 
cautt'Mi  of  inipoaliig  conditions  uu  lie  kiiij;. 


NORT  H  AMERICA. 


•87 


mnit  iinJor  the  title  of  "Proposals  to  all  that  will  I  little  community  according  to  the  powers  granted  liy 


plait  in  f'arolina."  They  proclaiineu  "hat  all  persons 
leli'iiig  f.ii  Charles  river  to  the  soiuhvvnrd  of"  Cape 
Fear,  and  consfinting  to  take  the  o:ith  of  alle^rianco  to 
.he  fiiiii,  and  Ui  rccoffnisc  the  |)ropnotary  go\ '^riiAent, 
»houl  1  Ise  entitled  to  continue  the  occupation  hey  had 
assun'.ed,  and  to  fortify  their  settlement ;  that  .he  set- 
tlers siould  present  to  the  proprietaries  a  list  of  thir- 
teen persons,  in  order  that  they  might  select  from 
ihemii  governor  and  councd  of  six,  to  be  appoi  ited  for 
three  years  ;  that  an  assembly,  composed  of  the  go- 
vernor, council,  and  delegates  of  the  freemen,  should 
be  called  as  soon  as  the  circumstances  of  tl-e  colony 
would  .dlow,  with  power  to  make  laws  which  should  be 
neitiie  contrary  to  the  laws  of  England,  nor  of  any  va- 
lidity a'ler  the  publication  of  the  dissent  of  the  proprie- 
taries ;  that  every  pcr-son  should  enjoy  the  most  per- 
fect fre  ^dom  in  religion;  that  during  five  years  every 
freema..  should  he  allowed  an  hundred  acres  at'  land 
for  himself  and  fifty  for  a  servant,  paying  only  an  hilf- 
penny  for  every  acre  ;  and  that  the  same  freedom  from 
customs  which  had  been  conferred  by  the  royal  charter 
should  he  extended  to  all  classes  of  the  inhabitants 
Such  were  the  original  conditions  on  which  Carolina 
was  planted  ;  and  surely  it  must  strike  every  reflecting 
mind  with  surprise,  to  heliold  a  regular  system  of  civil 
and  religious  freedom  thus  enacted  as  the  basis  of  the 
colonial  institutions  by  the  same  statesmen,  who,  in 
the  parent  country,  had  framed  the  intolerant  act  of 
uniformity,  and  were  enforcing  it  with  the  most  re- 
lentless severity.  While  they  silenced  such  teachers 
as  John  Owen,  and  filled  the  prisons  of  England  with 
such  victims  as  Ba.xter,  Dunyan,  and  Alleine,  they 
otTered  freedom  and  encoarageincnt  to  every  variety  of 
opinion  in  Carolina  ;  thus  forcibly  impeaching  the  wis- 
dom and  good  faith  of  their  domestic  adinmi-itrition  by 
the  avowal  which  their  colonial  policv  nuiud'sily  im- 
plies, that  diversities  of  opinion  and  wi)r..tliip  may 
peaceably  co-exist  in  the  same  society,  and  that  implicit 
toleration  is  the  surest  political  means  of  making  a 
commonwealth  flourish,  and  a  country  appear  desirable 
to  its  inhabitants.  It  is  humiliating  to  observe  a  man 
like  Lord  Clarendon  realize,  in  conformity  with  his 
private  interest,  the  truth  which  his  large  experience 
and  powerful  iindcrstaiidmg  were  insiilHcient  to  induce 
him,  as  an  English  statesman,  to  emiiraco. 

Besides  the  settlers  from  New  England  who  were 
seated  at  Cape  Fear,  there  was  another  small  body  of 
inhabitants  already  established  in  a  dilferent  quarter  of 
the  proprietary  domains.  In  the  history  of  Virginia, 
we  have  seen  that,  as  early  as  the  year  1009  Captain 
Smith  judged  it  expedient,  for  political  reasons,  to  re- 
move a  portion  of  the  Virginian  colonists  to  a  distance 
from  the  main  body  at  James  Town.  With  this  view 
he  despatched  a  small  party  to  form  a  plantation  at 
Nanseinond,  the  most  southern  settlement  of  Virginia, 
where,  notwithstanding  the  formidable  obstructions 
thev  encounteied  from  the  hostility  of  the  natives,  they 
succeeded  in  maintaining  and  extending  their  estnblish- 
ir.ent.  .\s  the  Indians  receded  from  the  vicinity  of  these 
intruders,  the  planters  naturally  followed  their  tracks,  cr.- 
tendir.g  their  plantations  into  the  bosom  of  the  wildernes-^ 
and  as  their  numbers  increased,  and  the  most  eligible 
situations  were  occupied,  they  traversed  the  forests  in 
quest  of  others,  till  thev  reached  the  streams,  which, 
instead  of  discharging  their  waters  into  the  Chesapeake, 
pursued  a  south-eastern  course,  and  flowed  into  the 
ocean.  Their  numbers  are  said  to  have  been  aug- 
mented, and  their  progress  impelled  by  the  intolerant 
laws  that  were  enacted  in  Virginia  against  sectarians 
of  every  denomination.  At  the  epoch  of  the  Carolina 
charter  of  1663,  a  small  plantation  had  been  accordingly 
for  some  years  established  within  its  boundaries,  on  the 
north-eastern  shores  of  the  river  Chowan,  which  now 
received  the  name  of  Albemarle,  in  compliment  to  the 
title  by  which  General  Monk's  services  had  been  re- 
warded. Notwithstanding  the  opinion  of  an  intelli- 
eent  historian  of  North  Carolina.  I  can  see  no  reason 
to  believe  that  the  planters  of  Albemarle  were  com- 
posed cniirelv  or  even  generally  of  exiles  for  conscience 
Bake  :  yet  that  a  number  of  conscientious  men  had 
mingled  with  them  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact,  that 
bey  purchased  their  lands  at  an  equitable  price  from 
.he  aboriginal  inhabitants.  Remote  from  the  seat  of 
the  Virginian  government,  they  yielded  little  obedience 
to  its  authority,  and  for  some  time  had  lived  without 
any  perceivable  rule ;  when  at  length  the  governor  of 
Virginia  assumed,  in  a  new  capacity,  a  stricter  and 
more  legitimate  superintendence  of  their  affairs.  In 
September,  1663,  Sir  William  Berkeley  was  einpow- 
eied  by  the  other  proprietaries  to  nominate  a  governor 
Kni  e  council  of  six,  who  wm  <iuthorist>d  to  rule  this 


the  royal  charter ;  to  confirm  former  possessions,  and 
to  grant  lands  to  every  one,  allowing  tliem  three  years 
to  pay  the  quit  rents  ;  to  make  laws,  with  the  consent 
of  the  delegates  of  the  freemen,  transmitting  them  for 
tlic  ap|)robation  of  the  proprietaries.  Berkeley  was 
requested  to  visit  the  colony,  and  to  employ  skilful  per- 
sons to  explore  its  bays,  rivers,  and  shores  ;  a  iluly 
which  he  perl'onm^d  in  the  following  year.  [IGfi  t  ] 
Having  confirmed  and  granted  lands  to  the  settlers,  in 
conformity  with  his  instructions,  he  a|)pointed  Urum- 
mond,  a  man  of  siilficient  prudence  and  abilities,  their 
first  governor,  and  then  returned  to  Virginia,  leaving 
them  all  to  follow  their  various  pursuits  in  peace.  The 
colonists  for  some  time  continued  perfectly  satisfied 
with  an  arrangement  that  seemed  rather  to  secure  than 
impair  the  advantages  of  their  former  condition  ;  but 
as  the  day  a[)pioached  when  the  payment  of  quit-rents 
was  to  commence,  they  began  to  manifest  no  sm:ill 
dissatisfaction  with  the  tenures  by  which  they  held  their 
lands.  In  the  year  1660  they  constituted  an  assembly, 
probably  the  first  that  was  ever  held  in  (Carolina,  and 
from  this  body  a  petition  was  transmitted  to  the  pro- 
prietaries, desiring  that  the  people  of  Albemarle  might 
iiold  their  possessions  on  the  same  terms  that  were 
enjoyed  by  I  he  people  of  Virginia.  The  proprietaries, 
who  were  exceedingly  solicitous  to  promote  the  popu- 
lation of  the  province,  aud  to  avoid  every  proceeding 
that  might  di.scouragc  the  resort  of  settlers,  readily 
acceded  to  this  request,  and  commanded  the  governor 
in  future  to  grant  the  lands  on  the  terms  that  had  been 
prescribed  by  the  colonists  themselves.  Notwithstand- 
ing the  apostolical  views  which  the  proprietaries  had 
professed,  not  the  slightest  attempt  was  made  to  pro- 
vide for  the  spiritual  instruction  of  the  colonists,  or  the 
conversion  of  the  Indians  ;  and  the  colony  continued 
for  a  series  of  years  to  be  conducted  without  even  the 
semblance  of  religious  worshi[). 

The  proprietaries  having  thus  endeavored  to  rear  and 
organise  the  feeble  settlement  of  Albom.irij,  directed 
their  chief  regard  to  the  finer  region  that  extends  along 
the  more  southerly  coast.  Having  caused  a  survey  to 
bo  made  of  these  shores,  by  a  vessel  which  they  de- 
spatched from  Virginia,  for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining 
what  rivers  and  countries  were  the  most  proper 
for  habitation,  they  proposed,  among  other  projected 
settlements,  to  establish  a  new  colony  to  the  southward 
of  Cape  Fear,  along  the  banks  of  the  river  Charles,  in 
the  district  which  was  now  denominated  the  county  of 
(Mareiidon.  Several  gentlemen  of  Barbadoes,  dissatis- 
fied with  their  present  condition,  and  desiring  to  be- 
come the  heads  of  a  less  considerable  establishment, 
had  for  some  time  projected  to  remove  theniselves  to 
this  region,  and  now  submitted  a  proposition  to  that 
effect  to  the  proprietaries  :  and  though  their  first  de- 
mands of  being  invested  with  a  district  thirty-two  miles 
square,  and  all  the  powers  of  a  corporation  within 
themselves,  were  refused  by  the  proprietaries,  their 
application,  on  the  whole  received  so  much  encourage- 
ment as  determined  them  to  undertake  the  migration. 
[1665.]  In  furtherance  of  a  project  so  agreeable  to  their 
wishes,  the  proprietaries  bestowed  on  John  Yeamans,  a 
respectable  planter  of  Barbadoes,  and  the  son  of  a  man 
who  had  lost  his  life  in  the  king's  service  iluring  the 
civil  wars,  the  appointment  of  commander-in-chief  of 
Clarendon  county,  stretching  from  Cape  Fear  to  the 
rivor  Saint  .Matneo,  and  obtained  for  him,  at  the  same 
time,  the  rank  of  a  baronet,  and  partly  in  recompense 
of  the  loyalty  of  his  family,  and  partly  in  order  to  give 
weight  to  his  station,  and  some  appearance  of  splendor 
to  the  colonial  establishment.  The  same  powers  were 
now  conferred,  and  the  same  constitution  established, 
as  those  which  had  given  contentment  to  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Albemarle  ;  and  Yeamans  was  particularly 
directed  to  "  make  every  thing  easy  to  the  people  of 
New  England,"  from  which  the  proprietaries  declared 
that  they  expected  more  copious  emigrations  to  Caro- 
lina than  from  any  of  the  other  colonies.  This  expecta- 
tion, more  creditable  to  their  discernment  than  to  their 
integrity,  was  obviously  deriveil  from  the  inti)erance 
which  yet  lingered  in  New  England,  and  the  elTects  of 
which  were  thus  distinctly  recognised,  and  deliberately 
anticipated,  by  the  same  persons  who  indulged  in  it  s« 
unreservedly  m  the  parent  state.  An  order  was  made 
at  the  same  time  by  the  proprietaries,  that  the  commis- 
sion of  Yeamans  should  not  prevent  the  appointment 
of  another  governor,  for  a  new  settlement  which  was 
projected  in  a  district  to  the  southward  of  Cape  Ro- 
main,  and  which  acquired  soon  after  the  name  of  Car- 
teret. The  [lolicy  which  the  proprietaries  were  thus 
pursuing,  in  the  establishment  of  a  variety  of  separate 
arA  iudepcr.dent  colonies  in  Carolina,  each  of  which 


had  its  own  distinct  assembly,  customs,  and  lawi,  Riip^ 
plied  them  at  a  future  period  with  ample  cause  of  re- 
gret, and  contributed  to  the  prolonged  feebleness  and 
distraction.!  by  which  thi.s  province  was  unhapoilv 
distinguished.  Meanwhile,  however,  their  proceedings 
were  regardiid  with  approbation  by  the  king,  who  pre- 
sented tliem  with  twelve  pieces  of  ordnanci',  whicb 
were  despatched  to  Charles  River,  along  with  a  cod- 
siderablc  quantity  of  military  stores. 

Having  now  obtained  the  most  minute  information 
of  the  whole  coast  of  Carolina,  and  discovered,  on  both 
extremes  of  iheir  territory,  considerable  tracts  of  hrti 
that  would  form  very  desirable  accessions  to  ii,  the 
proprietaries  easily  obtained  from  their  sovereign  a  gift 
of  these  additional  possessions.  A  second  chdrler, 
which  was  accordingly  executed  in  their  favor,  recited 
and  confirmed  the  former  grant,  and  gave  r{uiewed 
assurance  and  commendation  of  "  tits  pious  and  nuhU 
fiurpose"  under  which  these  insatiable  courtiers  jud^'ed 
it  decent  to  cloak  thiur  ambition  or  rapacity.  It 
granted,  to  the  same  patentees,  that  province  situated 
within  the  king's  dominions  in  America  exlendinir 
north-eastward  to  Carahtuke-inlet,  and  thence  in  a 
straight  line  to  Wyoiioke,  which  lies  under  the  36ih 
degree  and  3;)th  minute  of  north  latitude,  south-west- 
ward to  the  29th  degree  ;  and  from  the  ocean  to  the 
South  Seas.  They  were  vested  with  all  the  rights, 
jurisdictions,  and  royalties,  which  the  bishop  of  Dur- 
ham ever  possessed,  and  were  to  hold  ibc  territory  as 
a  feudal  dependauce  of  the  manor  of  East  Oree:iwich, 
paying  a  rent  of  twenty  marks,  and  one-fourth  of  the 
gold  and  silver  that  should  be  foiiud  within  it.  .\11 
persons,  except  those  who  should  be  specially  forbid- 
den, were  allowed  to  transport  themselves  to  Carolina  ; 
and  they  and  their  children  were  declared  to  be  deni- 
zens of  England,  who  should  always  be  considered  as 
the  same  people,  and  possess  the  same  priviieges,  as 
those  dwelling  within  the  realm.  They  were  em- 
powered to  trade  in  all  corninovlitics  which  were  not 
prohibited  by  the  statutes  of  England.  They  were 
authorised  to  lade  the  [iroductions  of  the  |)roviuce,  and 
to  bring  them  nilo  England,  Scotland,  or  Ireland  ;  [lay- 
ing the  same  duties  as  other  subjects  :  And  they  were 
exempted,  for  seven  years,  from  the  payment  of  cus- 
toms, on  the  importation,  into  any  of  the  dominions  ol 
the  crown,  of  wines  and  other  enumerated  products  nl 
the  colony.  The  proprietaries  were  enabled  to  make 
laws  for  the  province,  with  the  consent  of  the  freemrn 
or  their  delegates  ;  under  the  general  condition  tlut 
they  should  be  reasonable,  and  as  nearly  conformed  as 
might  be  to  the  jurisprudence  of  England.  Tliey  were 
empowered  to  erect  ports  fo^  the  toiivenience  of  com- 
merce, and  to  appropri.ite  such  customs  as  should  l-a 
iii'.posed  by  the  assembly.  They  were  allowed  to  create 
an  order  of  nobility,  by  conferring  titles  of  honor,  dif- 
fering, however,  in  style,  from  the  titles  conferred  on 
the  people  of  England.  (Carolina  was  declared  inde- 
pendent of  any  other  province,  but  subject  immediately 
to  the  crown  ;  and  the  inhabitants  were  not  compella- 
ble to  answer  to  any  cause  or  suit  in  any  other  j)art  of 
his  majesty's  dominions,  excejit  within  the  realm.  I'lio 
proprietaries  were  authorised  to  grant  indulgences  to 
those  who  might  be  prevented  by  conscientious  scru- 
ples from  conforming  to  the  Church  of  England  ;  to 
the  end  that  all  persons  might  have  liberty  to  enjoy 
their  own  judgments  aud  consciences  in  religious  con- 
cerns, provided  they  disturbed  not  the  civil  order  an:! 
peace  of  the  province.*  Such  is  the  tenor  of  the  l,>.;;t 
of  the  Carolina  charters,  which  conferred  on  the  noble 
grantees  a  territory  of  vast  extent,  and  rights  which  it 
IS  not  easy  to  discriminate  from  royalty.  By  a  strango 
anomaly,  the  king,  in  divesting  himself,  as  it  were,  of  a 
part  of  his  dominions,  in  behalf  of  a  junto  of  his  mini- 
sters, was  made  to  recommend  to  tlieir  oliservaiice  a 
system  of  ecclesiastical  policy  diametrically  opposite  to 
the  intolerance  which,  at  the  very  time,  the  counsels  of 
these  persons  were  breathing  into  his  own  administra- 
tion. As  Clarendon  still  held  the  office  of  Lord  (^lian- 
cellor,  this  charter,  as  well  as  the  former,  in  favor  of 
himself  and  his  colleagues,  was  sealed  by  his  own 
hands  :  and  when  we  consider  how  liberally  it  en- 
dowed the  proprietaries  with  privileges,  at  the  expense 
of  the  prerogative  of  the  crown,  it  seems  the  less  sur- 
prising that  he  should  not  have  suggested  a  similat 
objection  to  the  charters  which  Connecticut  and  Rhode 

*  Lawson's  Hist,  of  Carolina,  230—254.  Williamson,  t. 
230,  &c.  Tiie  second  charter  of  Carolina  is  printed  in  both 
these  works  at  full  lenijth.  Of  the  first,  the  only  complete 
transcript  I  liave  seen  occurs  in  a  small  collection  of  Caro 
lina  papers  printed  at  London,  without  any  date,  but  appa 
rently  about  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century  Tliere  are 
copies  of  it  in  the  nritisli  Museum,  in  the  library  of  Gotliii;jon, 
and  m  Ih*  lll>rary  of  the  late  George  Chalinuis 


S88 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


IhUiiiI  obtained  while  the  great  seal  was  in  his  keeping. 
The  arbitrary  commission  for  Massachusetts,  which  we 
have  seen  him  dt  fciid.  shows  tliat  he  entertained  no 
pcneral  dcsi;,'fi  of  abnd^jinj;  the  royal  prerogative  in  the 
colonial  dominions. 

Animated  bv  this  fresh  acquisition,  the  proprietaries 
exerted  themselves,  for  several  years,  to  attract  adven- 
turers from  Scotland,  Ireland,  the  West  Indies,  and 
the  northern  colonics  ;  but  notwithstanding  all  their  en- 
deavors, their  province,  partly  from  the  unhealthincss 
of  the  climate,  but  chiefly  from  the  state  of  dispersion 
in  which  the  settlers  chose  to  live,  advanced  but  slowly 
in  population  and  power.  In  the  autumn  of  this  year, 
the  emigrants  from  liarbadoes,  conducted  by  Sir  John 
Yeamans.  arrived  at  length  at  their  place  of  destina- 
tion, on  the  southern  bank  of  the  river  of  Cape  Fear, 
where  they  had  previously  fortified  their  legal  title  from 
the  proprietaries  bv  an  equitable  puri-hase  of  the  tcrri- 
torv  liom  the  neighboring  Indians.  While  they  were 
employed  in  the  lir.st  ruile  toils  that  were  re(iiiisite  for 
their  establi.shment  in  the  wilderness  which  they  had 
undertaken  to  subdue,  their  leader  ruled  them  with  the 
gentleness  of  a  parent,  and  cultivated  the  good  will  of 
the  aborigines  so  successfully,  that  for  some  years  they 
were  enabled  to  prosecute  their  labors  without  danger 
or  distraction.  While  the  planters  opened  the  forest, 
to  make  room  for  the  operations  of  tillage,  they  neces- 
earily  prepared  timber  for  the  uses  of  the  cooper  and 
builiicr,  which  they  transmitted  to  the  colony  whence 
they  had  emigrated  ;  a  commencement  of  a  commerce 
which,  however  feeble,  served  to  kindle  their  hopes 
and  sustain  their  industry. 

The  inhabitants  of  Albemarle  continued,  meanwhile, 
to  pursue  their  original  employments  in  peace,  and 
from  'he  cultivation  of  tobacco  and  Indian  corn,  ob- 
tained the  materials  of  an  inconsiderable  tratFic  with 
the  merchant  vessels  of  New  England.  About  two  years 
after  the  acquisition  of  their  second  charter,  [IC67.] 
the  proprietaries  appointed  Samuel  Stevens,  a  man 
whose  virtues  and  abilitiea  were  judged  equal  to  the 
trust,  to  succeed  Drummond  as  governor  of  Albemarle  ; 
and  at  the  same  time  bestowed  on  this  settlement  a 
constitution  which,  had  it  been  faithfully  maintained, 
would  have  greatly  promoted  the  contentment  and 
prosperity  of  the  people.  Stevens  was  commanded  to 
act  altogether  by  the  advice  of  a  council  of  twelve,  tlic 
one  half  of  wliich  he  was  himself  to  appoint,  and  the 
other  six  to  be  chosen  by  the  assembly.  This  was  an 
Bppi.iach  to  a  principle  disallowed  entirely  in  V^irginia 
and  Maryland,  but  realized  still  more  perfectly  in  the 
New  England  goTernments,  and  by  which  the  demo- 
cracy were  admitted  to  a  share  in  composing  and  con- 
trolling that  body,  which  in  the  colonial  constitutions 
formed  equally  the  senatorial  or  aristocratical  branch 
of  the  legislature,  the  privy  council  of  the  supreme 
magistrate,  and  the  court  of  appeals.  The  assembly 
was  to  be  composed  of  the  governor,  the  council,  and 
a  bodv  of  delegates,  annually  chosen  by  the  free-holders. 
The  legislature,  in  which  democratic  interests  were 
admitted  thus  strongly  to  preponderate,  was  invested 
not  only  with  the  power  of  making  laws,  but  with  a 
considerable  share  of  the  executive  authority  ;  with  the 
right  of  convoking  and  adjourning  itself,  of  apfiointing 
olRcers,  and  of  presenting  to  churches.  Various  regu- 
lations provided  for  the  security  of  properly;  and  in 
particular  it  was  announced  that  no  taxes  should  be 
imposed  without  the  consent  of  the  assembly  ;  and  the 
lands  were  confirmed  and  granted  as  now  holdon  by  the 
free  tenure  of  soccagc.  Perfect  freedom  in  religion 
was  offered  to  n  people  who  were  very  willing  to  ac- 
cept the  freedom  without  concerning  themselves  in  any 
way  about  religion  ;  and  all  men  were  declared  to  be 
entitled  to  equal  privileges,  upon  taking  the  oath  of 
allegiance  to  the  king,  and  of  fidelity  to  the  proprieta- 
ries. As  we  have  but  too  much  reason  to  suppose 
that  the  proprietaries  had  no  sincere  intention  of  prc- 
bcrviiig  the  coiistiiution  which  they  thus  offered  to 
establish.  It  is  due  to  the  character  of  Lord  Clarendon 

10  remark,  that  he  had  no  share  whatever  in  this  trans- 
action ;  his  impeachment  and  exile  having  previously 
•equenlratcd  hirn  from  all  farther  concern  with  the  go- 
vernment of  Carolina.  The  nystein,  however,  which 
<v»s  iiosv  tf.ndered  lo  their  acce^ilancc,  was  received  by 
tt-i  iiihalntants  of  Albemarle  with  perfect  satisfaction  : 
grs'iiudc,  perhaps,  it  would  have  been  unreasonable  lo 
cx[M-ct  towards  proprietaries  who  had  no  way  contribu- 
ted to  their  estalilishment  in  ihe  province,  but  had  fol- 
lowed them  into  the  desert  with  the  obvioua  iiilenl  of 
rr:ip:ng  where  thc?v  had  not  sown,  and  congregating  a 
■catlered  flock  in  order  lo  shear  it  the  more  elfectiially. 

11  waa  ntol  till  two  years  after,  [16(i0  ]  that  an  ussein- 
V^/  £i>.iKitulcd  on  this  new  model  was  coiivuikhI  lo 


enact  laws  for  mt,n,  who  being  yet  few  in  number  seem  )  provide  the  funds  requii>itc  for  the  expenses  of  the  go 


to  have  been  governed  chiefly  by  the  customs  they  had 
brought  with  ihein  from  their  ancieni  eslabhshinent. 
Their  first  efforts  in  legislation  were  strongly  marked 
with  the  character  of  persons  who  had  been  long  ac- 
customed to  live  remote  from  the  energy  of  govern- 
ment, and  to  shift  their  residence  whenever  it  became 
disagreeable,  instead  of  seeking  to  alter  and  improve 
its  circumstances.  From  the  numbers  of  persons  of 
broken  fortunes  who  resorted  to  the  colonies,  and  from 
the  conviction  that  was  early  and  most  justly  enter- 
tained by  the  colonists,  that  their  industry  was  fettered, 
and  their  profits  impaired,  by  the  legislature  of  Eng- 
land, for  the  benefit  of  her  own  resident  subjects,  a 
defensive,  or  perhajis  retributory  spirit,  was  loo  readily 
adopted  by  the  colonial  legislatures  ;  and  if  not  an  uni- 
versal, it  was  at  least  a  general  principle  of  their  policy 
to  obstruct  the  recovery  of  debts.  Of  this  dispo.Mtioii 
we  have  already  seen  some  traces,  about  this  period  of 
time,  in  the  legislation  of  Virginia,  liy  the  assembly 
that  was  now  convened  at  Albemarle,  it  was  declared 
that  sutficient  encouragement  had  not  yet  been  afforded 
to  the  resort  of  settlers  and  the  peopling  of  the  pro- 
vince ;  and  to  supply  this  defect  it  was  now  enacted 
that  none  should  be  sued  during  five  years  after  h.s 
arrival  in  the  country  for  any  cause  of  action  arising 
beyond  its  limits ;  and  that  none  of  the  inhabitants 
should  accept  a  power  of  attorney  to  recover  debts 
contracted  abroad.*  These  complaints  of  fewness  of 
people  continued  long  to  be  reiterated  by  the  settlers 
of  Carolina  ;  though  it  was  afterwards  very  justly  re- 
criminated upon  them  by  the  proprietaries,  that  the  in- 
convenience they  com|)lained  of  was  promoted  by  their 
own  aversion  to  settle  in  towns,  and  by  the  lazy  rapa- 
city with  which  ?ach  desired  to  surround  himself  with 
a  large  expanse  of  property,  over  the  greater  part  of 
which  he  could  exercise  no  other  act  of  ownership  than 
that  of  excluding  the  occupants  by  whom  it  might  be 
advantageously  cultivated.  The  remedy,  too,  seems 
to  be  defective  in  policy,  no  lesf  than  in  justice.  If 
industry  might  be  expected  to  derive  some  encourage- 
ment, from  the  assurance  that  its  gains  were  not  to  be 
carried  oil' by  former  creditors  in  a  distant  country,  the 
nature  of  this  encouragement,  as  well  as  its  tein|)orary 
endurance,  tended  to  attract  neither  a  respectable  nor 
a  staple  population  :  and  accordingly  this  colony  was 
long  considered  as  the  refuge  of  the  criminal  and  the 
asvluin  of  the  fugitive  debtor.  But  a  more  proper  and 
natural  mode  of  promoting  population  was  at  tho  same 
time  established,  by  an  act  concerning  marriage  ;  by 
which  it  was  provided  that  as  people  might  wish  to 
marry,  and  as  yet  there  were  no  ministers  in  the  colo- 
ny, in  order  that  none  might  be  hindered  from  a  work 
so  necessary  to  the  preservation  of  mankind,  any  two 
persons  carrying  before  the  governor  and  council  a  few 
of  their  neighbors,  and  declaring  tlieir  iniuiKil  purpose 
to  unite  ill  iiiatriiiioiiy,  should  be  deemed  husband  and 
wife.  The  cucuinstances  indicated  by  thif  law  forci- 
bly suggest  the  wide  distinction  between  the  sentiments 
and  habits  of  the  northern  £.nd  the  southern  colonists 
of  America.  \\  hilc  zV  the  colonial  establishments  of 
New  England  wjic  conducted  by  clergymen,  who  long 
directed  with  almost  equal  authority  iii  teni))oral  and  in 
spiritual  concerns  ;  not  a  trace  of  the  existence  of  such 
an  order  of  men  is  to  be  found  in  the  laws  of  Carolina, 
during  the  first  twenty  years  of  Us  history  ;  and  it  was 
not  till  the  dissenters  had  emigrated  thither  in  consider- 
able numbers,  that  we  hear  of  religious  controversy,  or 
indeed  of  any  thing  connected  with  religion  in  the  pro- 
vince. Other  regulations  besnlcs  those  which  wo  Uavh 
already  noticed  were  adopted  by  this  assembly.  New 
settlers  were  exempted  from  taxes  lor  a  year;  and 
every  one  v\as  restrained  from  transferring  his  lands 
for  two  years.  The  first  of  these  laws  was  intended 
to  invite  settlers  ;  the  second  app'iars  lo  have  been  a 
politic  device  to  detain  them.  A  duty  of  thirty  pounds 
of  tobacco  was  imposed  on  every  lawsuit,)  in  order  to 


vernor  and  council  during  the  sitting  of  asserahlirs ; 
MO  course  having  yet  been  taken  (says  the  act)  for  de- 
fraying their  charges.  These  laws,  which  proclaim  th« 
weakness,  and  illustrate  the  early  policy  of  this  in:U!t- 
siderablo  settlement,  were  ratified  in  the  following  year 
by  the  proprietaries.  As  the  colonists  received  little 
augmentation  from  abroad,  their  numbers  increased  but 
slowly  ;  and  it  was  not  till  sometime  after  this  period, 
that  they  extended  their  plantations  to  the  southern 
bank  of  the  river  Albemarle. 

Bui  although  the  proprietaries  were  willing  lo  tender 
every  concession,  and  encourage  every  hope  that 
seemed  calculated  to  fix  or  augment  the  inhabitants  of 
Carolina,  it  was  not  for  the  purpose  of  founding  and 
superintending  institutions  so  liomely  and  popular,  that 
they  had  solicited  tlie  extraordinary  privileges  which 
their  charters  conferred.  Their  ambition  aimed  at 
making  Carolina  a  theatre  for  'he  exerci.'ce  of  all  that 
grandeur,  and  the  display  of  all  those  distinctions,  that 
have  ever  been  known  to  co-eiisl  wiih  the  forms  ol 
liberty  ;  and  the  plumage  which  they  had  stripped  fron 
the  royal  prerogative,  it  was  their  intention  lo  employ 
for  the  illustration  of  their  own  dignity,  and  the  deco- 
ration of  their  provincial  organs  and  institutions.  With 
this  view,  about-a  year  before  they  ratified  the  enact- 
ments of  the  assembly  of  .\lbemarle,  [March  1*]  they 
had  subscribed  that  memorable  instrument  which  bears 
the  name  of  "  the  fundamental  constitutions  of  Caro- 
lina," and  the  preamble  of  which  assigns  as  the  reason 
for  its  adoption,  "  that  the  government  of  this  province 
may  be  made  most  agreeable  to  the  monarchy  undef 
which  we  live  ;  and  that  we  may  avoid  erecting  a  nu- 
merous democracy,"  The  task  of  composing  this  ()0- 
litical  frame  was  devolved  upon  Shaftesbury  by  the 
unanimous  consent  of  his  colleagues,  all  of  whom  were 
strongly  imiiressed  with  the  resources  of  his  capacity 
and  the  depth  of  his  penetration,  and  some  of  whom 
had  experienced,  in  the  intrigues  that  preceded  the 
Restoration,  with  what  consummate  dexterity  he  could 
eli'ect  his  own  purpose,  and  appropriate  the  instrumen- 
tality even  of  those  who  were  not  less  able  than  inie- 
rested  to  resist  it.  The  instrument,  indeed,  wa.s  at 
first  believed  to  have  been  actually  the  production  of 
.Shaftesbury,  t  but  is  now  recognised  as  the  compo.-ilion 
of  the  illustrious  John  Locke,  whom  he  had  had  tlie 
sagacity  to  appreciate  and  the  honor  lo  patronize.  anJ 
who  was  united  to  him  by  a  friendship  more  creditaiile 
than  beneficial  to  the  statesman,  and  in  no  way  advan- 
tageous either  to  the  character  or  the  fortunes  of  the 
philosopher.  [15]  The  constitutieiis  of  Carolina  con- 
tain a  mixture  as  discordant  as  the  cliaraciers  ot  these 
though  in  what  proi)ortions  they  represent  the 
peculiar  sentiments  of  either,  it  is  not  easy  to  guess,  or 
possible  to  determine.  It  has  been  said  (whether  coii- 
jeciurally  or  aiithorilativelv)  that  Sliaftcbbiiry.  smiilen 
alike  with  reverence  lor  antiquity  and  admiration  of 
Locke,  desired  to  revive  in  his  person  the  alliance  thai 
once  subsisted  between  philosophy  and  legislation  ;  to 
restore  the  practice  of  that  age  when  communities  ac- 
cepted their  constitutions  more  willingly  from  the  di- 
sciples of  Pythagoras  than  from  the  descendants  of 
kings.  It  is  certain,  however,  that  Shaftesbury,  along 
with  a  very  high  value  for  the  genius  and  laleiits  of 
Locke,  entertained  implicit  confidence  in  his  own  abi- 
lity to  excite  the  full  vigor  of  Locke's  understanding, 
and  yet  inject  into  it  regulating  views  that  would  enable 
himself  securely  lo  anticipate  and  define  the  results  of 
Its  application.  AV'liat  mslruclions  were  communicated 
to  Locke  by  his  jiatron,  cannot  now  be  known  :  but  it 
must  be  admitted  that  ihe  philoso|iher  was  indulged 
with  so  much  liberty  that  he  allerwaids  ri-presciited  the 
CDiiGtiiUuO.'i  as  his  own  performance,  and  himself  as  a 
compeuior  wilri  '.>'ilUam  Penn  in  the  science  of  legis- 

aiid  statute  law  of  Encland,  the  ascerlamini  nt  of  the  pre- 
  --'  '.•  every  rase  was  cuinmilt«d 


*  The  saiiio  pulu  y  was  pursucil  to  a  inurli  Rreater  extent 

by  till!  am  ienl  K  aiis,  ot  wlioni  Plutarch  iiilDrms  us  that 

"  not  loiii;  alter  llie  lir.st  louiKlalioii  of  tlie  city,  tliey  opened 
a  siinctiiary  of  retii«c  for  all  luginvcs,  which  they  cHlled  llio 
t(  inple  of  tlic  god  Asyl.ieuK,  where  llu  y  received  and  pro- 
lecledall,  deluermt;  liack  iieitlii  r  tlie  servant  to  his  master, 
tliu  dulitnr  to  his  crediiors,  nor  llie  murderer  into  the  hands 
of  the  uKi^isinto."    Life  of  Koiimiiis. 

t  It  IS  reiiiarkal)le  that  the  i;arolinians,  who  thus  obstructed 
by  a  lax  tlic  legal  adjur.lincnl  of  disputes,  have  always  lieen 
more  ad  iicled  to  iluelliiig  llian  Ihe  inhabitants  of  any  of  the 
oilier  sillies.  In  Conneclii-ul,  according  to  Ihe  repiesenlation 
of  Ur.  Morsii,  there  is  more  liligalion  than  m  any  oilier  quar- 
ter of  North  America  :  but  a  duel  wns  never  known  lo  occur 
in  ConnocMicut.  Warden,  vol.  n.  p.  U.  In  nio»t  of  the  pro 
vincos,  leg»l  controversy  was  promoted  by  the  uncertainly  of 
tliH  law  :  for  although  a  sulislanlial  conformity  was  pre- 
■cribtni  iHjtwuon  Uie  culoiual  juris|Hudonc«>.  and  the  Cuouiiuii 


Smith's  New  York,  p.  316 


ise  extent  of  llus  conmrmily  in 
to  tlie  discretion  of  the  JuutjCS 

•II'-  . 

*  This  is  the  dale  assigned  to  the  in.^liument  e\  in'<T.\non, 
by  Williamson,  and  by  the  .moinrnoos  aullior  of  tho  lllstoij 
of  the  Bnlisli  Dominions  m  North  America,  ll  is  the  dan 
also  atlacliod  to  the  130lh  article  of  the  constitutions  in  tlia 
copy  of  lliem  iiiseilcd  in  Locke's  works.  Chalmers  dalei 
the  instrument  in  July  of  the  same  ye  ir  ;  but  it  appears  Irom 
the  Illustrations  appended  to  this  portion  of  his  work,  lliat 
there  were  two  edilions  of  iho  inslrumcnl;  and  I  suppose 
he  has  referred,  in  his  notation  of  tlie  date,  to  Uie  -.erouo 
edition,  in  which  tho  proprietaries  are  reproached  with  harinj 
introduced  some  changes  derogatory  to  the  libeilies  defined 
in  the  first. 

t  ll  IS  so  represented  bv  Oldmixon,  whose  history  was  pub 
lished  in  17'JS.  i.  332.  Dui  it  was  afterwards  inserted  iii  lh< 
collerlion  pubtislied  in  1719  bv  Dcs  Maiseaux,  of  Ihe  anoQf- 
mous  and  iinprinted  pieces  of  Locke,  from  a  copy  rorrrrtvJ 
by  his  own  hand,  and  which  lie  had  presented  to  a  Ultui  M 
one  of  his  own  works.   Locke,  folio  edit,  ut  OSa 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


289 


(niion  ;  nrd  lieiice  tliis  iiistnnnent,  whatever  iii;iy  lie 
llioiiglit  of  its  intrinsic  merits,  must  ever  bo  regarded 
witii  interest,  as  the  Vink  that  connects  the  genius  ol' 
l,oi  k(;  with  the  history  of  America. 

By  these  constitutions  it  was  declared  that  the  eldest 
of  the  eight  jiropriptaries  sliould  be  palatine  of  tlie  pro- 
viiioc  during  iiis  life,  and  that  liis  successor  should  al- 
ways be  the  eldest  of  the  survivors.  Seven  otiier  of 
'Jie  ciiief  ollices  of  stale,  namely,  the  olHces  of  admiral, 
chauilierlain,*  chancellor,  constable,!  chief-justice,  high 
steward,  and  treasurer,  were  appr<)[)riated  exclusively 
to  the  other  seven  proprietaries  ;  and  these,  as  well  as 
the  office  of  palatine,  might  be  executed  by  deputie.'^ 
within  tlie  province.  Corresponding  to  these  ollices 
there  were  to  be  (besides  the  ordinary  courts  of  every 
countv)  eight  supreme  courts,  to  each  of  which  was 
iiiuiexed  a  college  of  twelve  assistants.  The  palatine 
was  to  preside  in  the  palatine  court,  of  which  he  and 
three  oiliers  of  the  proprietaries  made  a  quorum  ;  and 
this  court  represented  the  king,  ratified  or  negatived 
the  enactments  of  the  legislature,  and,  in  general,  was 
vested  with  the  administration  of  all  the  powers  con- 
ferred bv  the  royal  charter,  except  in  so  far  as  limited 
by  these  fundamental  constitutions.  By  a  complicated 
frame-work  of  counties,  signiories,  baronies,  precincts 
and  colonies,  the  whole  land  of  the  province  was  divi 
lied  into  live  equal  portions,  one  of  which  was  assigned 
to  the  proprietaries,  another  to  the  nobility,  and  the  re 
iiiainiug  three  were  left  to  the  people.  Two  classes  of 
hereditary  nobility,  with  possessions  proportioned  to 
llieir  respective  dignities,  and  for  ever  unalienable  and 
iiiilivisible,  were  to  be  created  by  the  proprietaries 
luuler  the  titles  of  landgraves  and  cacicpies  :  and  these 
together  with  the  deputies  of  the  proprietaries,  and  re- 
presentatives chosen  by  the  freemen,  constituted  the 
parliament  of  the  province,  which  was  appointed  to  he 
biennially  convoked,  and  when  assembled,  to  form  one 
deliberative  body,  and  occupy  the  .same  chamber.  Ko 
matter  or  measure  could  be  proposed  to  the  parliament 
that  had  not  been  previously  prepared  and  apjiroved  by 
the  grand  council  of  the  province,  a  body  resembling 
llie  lords  of  the  articles  in  the  ancient  constitution  of 
Scotland  and  consisting  almost  entirely  of  the  proprie- 
t;iries'  officers  and  the  nobility.  No  man  was  eligible 
to  any  office  nidess  he  possessed  a  certain  definite  ex- 
tent of  land,  larger  or  smaller  according  to  the  dignity 
or  meanness  of  the  office.  Trial  by  jury  was  established 
in  each  of  the  courts  throughout  the  whole  of  the 
lengthened  ramification  of  jurisdiction;  but  the  office 
of  hired  or  professional  pleaders  was  denounced  as  a 
ba,se  and  sordid  occupation  ;  and  no  man  was  allowed 
to  plead  the  cause  of  another  without  j)rPviously  depo- 
sing on  oath  that  he  neither  had  received  nor  would  ac- 
cept the  slightest  remuneration  for  his  services  To 
avoid  the  confusion  arising  from  a  multiplicity  of  laws, 
all  acts  of  the  parliament  were  appointed  to  endure 
only  one  hundred  years,  after  which  they  ceased  and 
di'ii'riumed  of  themselves  without  the  formality  of  an 
express  repeal ;  and  to  avoid  the  perplexity  created  by 
a  multii)lioity  of  commentators,  all  comments  what- 
ever on  the  fundamental  constitutions,  or  on  any  part 
cf  the  common  or  statute  law  of  Carolina  were  al)so- 
lutely  prohibited.  Every  freeholder  was  required  to 
pay  a  yearly  rent  of  a  penny  for  each  acre  of  his  land 
lo  the  proprietaries  ;  and  all  the  inhabitants  above 
seventeen  and  under  sixty  years  of  age  were  obliged  to 
bear  arms,  and  serve  as  soldiers,  whenever  they  should 
receive  a  summons  to  that  effect  from  the  grand  coun- 
cil. Every  freeman  of  Carolina  was  declared  to  pos 
eess  absolute  power  and  aiithorit)'  over  his  negro  slaves 
of  what  opinion  or  religion  soever.f  The  policy  that 
most  readily  suggests  itself  for  such  a  regulation, 


*  Tlie  i;iiamborUiirs  court  had  the  care  of  "  all  ceremonies 
precedency,  heraldry,  and  pedigrees,"  Ac.  and  also  "power 
t"  regulate  all  fashions,  habits,  badges,  games,  and  sports.  " 
Art.  45.  If  the  functions  of  this  body  rcseniblu  llie  cere- 
monial academy  of  China,  the  title  at  least  of  another  bodv 
01  functionaries  recalls  the  institutions  of  old  Rome.  Tim 
assistants  of  the  admiral  bore  the  tiiie  of  proconsuls. 
Art  41. 

t  This  was  a  military  office,  and  the  members  of  its  rela- 
tive college  of  assistants  were  termed  heutenant-generals. 
Art.  39.  " 

t  It  is  humiliating  to  reflect  that  tins  regulation  was  corn- 
posed  by  the  hand  thil  wrote  the  Essay  on  the  Human  Un- 
dersianding.  At  a  later  period  of  his  life,  when  the  English 
Revolution  and  the  controversies  it  engendered  had  en- 
lightened Locke's  ideas  of  the  rights  o(  men,  we  find  him 
thus  pronouncing  liis  own  condemnation,  while  ho  exposes, 
and  confutes  the   servile  sophistry  of  Sir  Robert  Filmes 

Slavery  is  so  vile  and  miserable  an  estate  of  man,  ai»d  so 
directly  opposite  to  the  generous  temper  and  courage  of  our 
naiion.  that  'tis  hardly  to  be  conceived  thai^  an  Englishman, 
much  less  a  gentleman,  should  plead  for  it."  "The  perfect 
condition  of  slavery,"  he  afterwards  defines  to  be,  "  the  state 
of -var  continued  between  a  lawful  comnieror  and  a  captive." 
l^c\e,  11.  106,  173. 

20 


excluded  by  the  fact,  that  at  this  time,  and  long  after, 
there  were  no  negroes  in  the  ])rovince,  exce[)t  a  very 
small  number  whom  Sir  John  Veamansand  his  follow- 
ers had  brought  with  them  from  Uurbadoes. 

A  series  of  regulations  that  not  only  import  the  most 
ample  toleration  in  religion,  but  nianife.stly  infer  the 
jiolitical  e(|uality  of  all  religions  sects  and  systems 
whatever,  was  ushered  by  this  remarkable  article: — 
"  Since  the  natives  of  thi!  ])lace  who  will  be  concerned 
in  our  plantation  are  utterly  strangers  to  Chrislianitv, 
whose  idolatry,  ignorance  or  mistake,  gives  us  no  rigiit 
to  expel  or  use  them  ill ;  and  tho.se  who  remove  from 
other  parts  to  ))lant  there,  wifi  unavoidably  be  of  differ- 
ent o])inions  concerning  matters  of  religion,  the  liberty 
whereof  they  will  expect  ta  have  alowed  them,  and  it 
will  not  be  reasonable  for  us  on  this  account  lo  keep 
them  out;  that  civil  peace  may  be  maintained  amidst 
the  diversity  of  opinions,  and  our  agreement  and  com- 
pact with  all  men  may  be  duly  and  faithfully  observed  ; 
violation  whereof,  upon  what  pretence  soever,  cannot 
be  without  great  otlence  to  Almighty  God,  and  great 
scandal  to  the  true  religion  which  we  profess ;  and  al- 
so that  Jews,  heathens,  and  other  dissenters  from  the 
purity  of  christian  religion,  may  not  be  scared  and  kept 
at  a  distance  from  it,  but  by  having  an  opportunity  of 
acquainting  themselves  witli  the  truth  and  reasonable- 
ness of  its  doctrines,  and  the  peaceable iiess  and  inoflen- 
siveness  of  its  professors,  may  by  good  usage  and  per- 
suasion, and  all  tliose  convincing  methods  of  gentle- 
ness and  meekness  suitable  to  the  rules  and  design  of 
the  gospel,  be  won  over  to  embrace  and  unfeignedly 
receive  the  truth  ;  therefore  any  seven  or  more  persons 
agreeing  in  any  religion,  shall  constitute  a  church  or 
profession,  to  which  they  shall  give  some  name  to  dis- 
tinguish it  from  others."  In  the  terms  of  commu- 
nion of  every  such  church  or  profession  it  "vas  re- 
quired that  the  three  following  articles  should  expressly 
appear;  that  there  is  a  God  ;  that  God  is  publicly  to 
be  worshipped  ;  and  that  it  is  the  duty  of  every  man 
when  called  ui)on  by  the  magistrate,  to  give  evidence 
to  the  truth,  with  some  ceremonial  or  form  of  words, 
indicating  a  recognition  of  the  pre.sence  of  God.  No 
person  who  was  not  joined  ;is  a  member  to  some  church 
or  profession  of  this  description  was  to  be  permitted 
to  be  a  Ireeman  of  Carolina,  or  to  have  any  estate  or 
habitation  within  the  province;  and  all  persons  were 
forbidden  to  revile,  disturb,  or  in  any  way  persecute 
the  members  of  any  of  the  religious  associations  thus 
recognised  by  law.  What  was  enjoined  tipon  freemen 
was  permitted  to  slaves,  by  an  article  which  declared 
that,  "since  charity  obliges  us  to  wish  well  to  the  souls 
of  all  men,  and  religion  ought  to  alter  nothing  in  any 
man's  civil  estate  or  right,  it  shall  be  lawful  for  slaves  as 
well  as  others,  to  enter  themselves,  and  be  of  what 
church  or  profession  any  of  them  shall  think  best,  and 
thereof  be  as  fully  members  as  ary  freemen."  But  the 
hope  of  political  equality  that  sectarians  might  derive 
from  these  provisions  was  completely  subverted,  and 
even  the  security  of  a  naked  tolerance  was  menaced  by 
an  article,  which,  though  introduced  into  these  constitu- 
tions was  neithercomposed  nor  approved  by  Locke, ijand 
by  which  it  was  provided,  that  when  the  country  should 
have  been  sufficiently  peopled  and  planted,  it  should 
belong  to  the  colonial  parliament  to  take  care  for  the 
building  of  churches  and  the  public  maintenance  of  di- 
vines, to  be  emploved  in  the  e.xercise  of  religion,  ac- 
cording to  the  canons  of  the  church  of  England ; 
'•which  being  f/ig  only  true  rnd  orthodox,  and  the  nation- 
al religion  of  all  the  king'sdominions,  is  so  also  of  Caro- 
lina; and  therefore  it  alono  shall  be  allowed  to  receive 
public  maintenance  by  grai't  of  parliament."  Finally, 
it  w.is  declared  that  these  fundamentai  constitutions 
(consisting  of  an  hundred  and  twenty  articles,  and 
forming  a  vast  labyrinth  of  perplexing  regulations) 
.should  be  the  sacred  and  unalterable  form  and  rule  of 
government  of  Carolina  for  ever. 

The  defects  of  this  system  are  so  numerous,  that  to 
particularize  them  would  be  a  tedious  labor;  and  they 
are  at  the  same  time  so  gross  and  pjpable,  that  they 
must  readily  manifest  themselves  to  every  reader  with- 
out any  auxiliary  indication.  It  may  be  remarked, 
however,  in  general,  that  the  author  of  it,  in  collecting 
materials  for  his  composition,  seems  to  have  looked 
every  where  but  to  the  actual  situation  and  habits  of 


§  Art.  96.  "  This  article  was  not  drawn  up  by  Mr.  I.ocke 
but  inserted  by  some  of  the  chief  of  the  prttprietors,  against 
his  judgment  ;  as  Mr.  Locke  himself  informed  one  of  his 
friends  to  whom  he  presented  a  copy  of  these  constitutions." 
Locke,  vol.  iii.  p  BTti.  note.  It  was  probably  devised  by 
Lord  Cornhury  (Clarendon's  sons,)  who  inherited  his  father's 
bigotry  for  tlie  rhnrch  of  England,  and  appears  to  have 
siincil  the  fundaintiilal  consiiiulions.  Oldinixcn,  vol.  i. 
p.  332 


the  people  for  whSiii  he  legislated.  Legislators,  who 
derive  their  office  from  any  other  source  than  the  ap- 
pointment of  the  peo|)le,  are  so  little  accustomed  in  the 
exercise  of  it  to  consider  themselves  obliged  (o  do  lo 
others  as  they  w  ould  have  others  do  to  them,  that  the 
partiality  and  illiberality  of  these  institutions  would 
scarcely  merit  notice  if  Locke  had  not  been  their  au- 
thor. It  was  a  reproach  more  exclusively  due  lo  the 
proprietaries,  that  good  failh  was  violated,  and  existing 
rights  disregarded.  Tor  a  number  of  inbabitaiit.s  had 
already  settled  in  the  iirovince,  on  conditions  wKxh 
their  rulers  had  no  longer  the  pow('r  to  qualify  or  abro 
gate ;  and  forms  of  government  having  been  actually 
established,  the  people  had  acquired  an  interest  in 
them,  which,  without  llieir  own  consent,  could  not  bo 
.sacrificed  to  these  innovating  regulations.  The  pro- 
prii.'Uiries  might  perhaps  have  bee:;  led  to  doubt  llie 
soundness  of  their  exi)ectations,  if  not  the  ecpiity  of 
their  purposes,  had  they  fairly  considered  the  motives 
which  ret.iined  themselves  in  England  and  anticipated 
the  probable  operation  of  similar  sentiments  on  the 
minds  of  the  inhabitants  of  Carolina.  It  is  reported  of 
some  ancient  legislators,  that  they  sacrificed  their  own 
lives  in  order  to  .secure  the  reception  or  the  perpetuity 
of  their  constitutions.  But  while  these  jiroprietaries 
could  not  prevail  on  theiuselves  to  resign  the  coniforta 
and  luxuries  of  England,  and  even  deliberately  antici- 
pated tlieir  non-residence,  by  providing  for  the  vicari- 
ous discharge  of  tlieir  functions,  they  expected  tliat  an 
infant  colony  of  independent  woodsmen  and  rough  to- 
bacco-growers shoulil  at  once  renounce  their  manners 
and  their  habits  of  life,  eiK'hain  their  liberties,  abridge 
their  gains  and  nearly  metanior|)hose  themselves  into 
a  new  order  of  beings,  for  the  sake  of  accumulating 
dignity  on  persons  whom  even  the  enjoyment  of  such 
dignity  could  not  induce  to  live  in  the  country.  It  is 
hard  to  say  whether  there  was  a  greater  injustice  or 
absurdity  in  projecting  a  state  of  society  where  such 
overweening  concern  was  admitted  in  the  rulers,  and 
such  utter  disregard  supposed  in  the  people,  of  their 
own  respective  interests;  where  the  multitude  were 
expected  to  sacrifice  their  liberty  and  prosperity,  in  ol- 
der to  enhance  the  advantages  of  certain  conspicuous 
stations,  which  those  for  whom  they  were  reserved 
judged  unworthy  of  their  occupation.  It  is  remarka 
ble  that  Shaftesbury  was  at  the  head  of  the  anti-catholic 
party  in  England,  and  that  Locke  assisted  with  his  pen  to 
propagate  the  suspicions  which  his  patron  professed  to 
entertain  of  the  designs  of  the  catholics  against  reli- 
gious and  political  freedom.  Yet  if  we  compare  the 
constitutions  of  Maryland  and  Carolina,  we  cannot 
hesitate  to  prefer  the  labors  of  the  catholic  legislator  to 
those  of  the  protestant  philosopher  and  jiolitician;  and 
to  acknowledge  that  the  best  interests  of  mankind  were 
fui-  more  wisely  and  effectually  ])iomoted  by  the  plain 
unvaunted  capacity  of  Lord  Baltimore,  than  by  the 
united  labors  of  Locke's  elevated  and  comprehensive 
mind,  and  of  Shaftesbury's  vigorous,  sagacious,  and 
experienced  nnderstaiidiiig. 

The  projirietaries,  however,  were  so  highly  satisfied 
with  the  fundaineutal  constitutions,  that  they  resolved, 
without  delay,  to  attempt  their  realization  ;  and,  as  a 
preliminary  ste]),  exerted  themselves  to  the  ntmo.st  of 
their  ability  to  promote  the  transportation  of  addition;il 
inbabitaiit.s  to  the  province.  Tin;  Duke  of  Albemarle 
was  installed  into  the  office  of  palatine,  and  llie  sum  of 
twelve  thousand  pounds  expeiuled  on  the  equipment  of 
a  fleet,  which  .set  sail  in  the  beginning  of  the  follow 
ing  year[J(i70.]  with  a  considerable  body  of  emigrants. 
This  expedition,  which  was  destined  to  found  a  colonj' 
at  Port  Royal,  was  conducted  by  Colonel  AV  illiain 
Sayle,  an  experienced  officer,  who  received  the  ap- 
pointment of  governor  of  that  part  of  the  coast  lying 
south-westward  of  Cape  Carteret.  As  these  emi- 
grants appear  to  have  consisted  chiefly  of  dissenters, 
it  is  probable  that  religious  toleration  was  the  object 
they  had  jiriiicipally  in  view  ;  and  that  they  had  not 
been  made  ac(iu:iiiited  w  ilh  thai  .irticlc  of  the  consti- 
tiilioiis  bv  which  the  security  of  this  iniport.int  bless- 
in?  was  so  seriously  endangered.  Indexed  at  a  .subse- 
quent period  the  colonists  bitterly  complained  that  the 
fundamental  constitutions  had  b(!en  interpolated,  and 
some  of  their  provisions  disingenuously  warjied  o  the 
prejudice  of  public  liberty.  Sayle  was  accompanied 
by  Joseph  West,  w  ho  for  upwards  of  twenty  years 
bore  the  chief  sway  in  Carolina,  and  was  now  intrusted 
with  the  management  of  the  commercial  aftairs  of  the 
jiroprietaries,  on  whom  the  colonists  continued  for 
several  years  to  depend  exclusively  for  their  foreign 
supplies.  On  the  arrival  of  the  settlers  at  their  place 
of  destination,  they  prepared  with  more  good  faith 
lliaii  good  sense  lo  realise  the  political  system  towhic' 


»90  

tht!y  were  n-iiuirrJ  to  conform ;  but,  to  tlu'ir  great 
siirpri-iL'.  tlie  lirs't  •jl.uice  at  tln'ir  actii.il  sitiialiou  coii- 
viiiceii  lli  'iii  lliat  lliis  desifjii  was  perffCtly  iinprictica- 
;  ami  that  the  otiicos  wliioh  were  appointed  to  be 
e-itablislifd  wi-re  no  less  unsuitable  to  the  luinibers 
lliau  to  thi'  crcupalious  of  the  peo])le.  A  wide  scene 
of  rou;;h  labor  luy  l)efore  thi'ui,  and  it  was  obvious  tliat 
for  nianv  years  a  pressing  d-'uiand  for  laborers  nnist  be 
experii'iiced  ;  a  ?tat<!  of  lliiiies  totally  incoinpalibli; 
with  tin-  avocations  of  ollitial  di<;nilaries,  and  the  ])oui- 
pous  idleness  of  order  of  nobility-  Neither  land- 
graves nor  caeique^  had  yet  been  appointed  by  the  pro- 
prietaries; and  to  liave  jieopled  even  the  sul)ordinate 
institiirions.  would  have  bi-on  to  employ  all  the  in- 
habitanLs  of  the  colony  in  performiuir  a  political  drama, 
instead  of  jiroviding  the  moans  of  snl)sistence.  Yet 
allhour^h  the  colonists  found  themselves  constrained 
at  once  to  declare  that  it  w;is  impossible  to  cicn.tc  lite 
grand  inoilcl,  they  steadily  persisted  in  thiMr  adherence 
to  it  and  expressed  their  detcrinination  to  come  us 
ni'i'A  III  it  as  possible.  Writs  were  therefore  iininedi- 
atelv  issued,  requiring  the  freeholders  to  elect  five 
persons,  who  witli  liv(!  others  chosen  by  the  proprieta- 
ries, were  to  form  the  frrand  council,  without  whose 
assent  the  governor  could  not  perforin  the  functions  of 
liis  olHc".  A  parliament,  composed  of  these  function- 
aries, and  of  twenty  delef,Mtes,  chosen  by  the  same 
electors,  was  invested  with  legislative  power.  So 
great  were  the  dilliculties  attending  the  first  occupa- 
tion of  the  settlement,  that,  only  a  few  months  after 
their  arrival,  the  colonists  were  relieved  from  the  ex- 
tremities of  distress  by  a  seasonable  supi)ly  of  pro- 
visions, transmitted  to  them  by  thi>  proprietaries. 
Along  with  this  supply,  there  were  forwarded  to  the 
governor  twenty-three  articles  of  instruction,  called 
lempuriiry  tnjrtiAtin  laios,  relative  to  the  distribution 
iDf  land,  and  the  plan  of  a  iiiagnificent  town,  which  he 
was  desired  to  build  with  all  convenient  desp  iteh,  and 
to  denominate  Charles-town,  in  honor  of  the  king.  To 
encourage  the  resort  of  settlers  to  Port-Koyal,  an  hun- 
dred and  fifty  acres  of  land  were  allotted  to  every  emi- 
grant, at  a  sm  ill  quit-rent,  and  clothes  and  provisions 
were  di>lribiited,  from  the  store  of  the  proprietaries,  to 
thc«fc  w  ho  W(!re  unable  to  provide  for  themselves.  The 
good  will  of  the  neighboring  Indians  was  purchased  by 
considerabl.;  presents  to  the  native  caciques,  who  thus 
performed  the  only  service  which  that  description  of 
dignitaries  was  destined  ever  to  render  to  the  colony. 
While  the  colonists  were  toiling  to  lay  the  foundation 
of  civil  society  in  the  province,  the  proprietaries  were 
proceeding  very  nnreitsonably  to  erect  the  superstruc- 
ture of  those  aristocratical  institutions  which  they  de- 
signed to  establish.  The  Duke  of  Albemarle  having 
died  in  the  course  of  this  year,  was  succeeded  in  the 
dignity  of  palatine  by  Lord  Craven;  and  shortly  after- 
wards John  Locko  was  created  a  landgrave,  in  recom- 
pense of  his  services;  and  the  same  elevation  was 
bestowed  on  Sir  John  Veainans,  and  on  James  Carte- 
ret, a  relative  of  one  of  the  proprietaries.  Perhaps  it 
may  excite  some  elation  in  the  mind  of  an  ,\inerican 
citizen,  that  while  the  order  of  nobility,  thus  imported 
into  his  country,  continued  to  enjoy,  even  a  nominal 
snbsistenc  ",  John  Locke  Wi.i  one  of  its  members ;  and 
that  when  he  was  expelled  from  Oxford,  and  a  fugitive 
from  Knglaiid.  he  continued  to  be  acknowledged  ;ls  a 
nobleman  in  Carolina.  But  it  is  disagreeable  to  be- 
holil  this  distinguished  pliilosop  ler,  and  truly  estimable 
man,  accept  a  title  of  nobility  to  himself  in  the  .society 
where  he  had  contributed  to  .sanction  and  introduce  the 
degrading  institution  of  negro  slavery.  Happily  for 
the  c(Mintry  with  which  he  wiis  thus  connected,  and  for 
his  own  credit  with  mankind,  the  rice  of  Caroliniati 
nobles  was  exceedingly  short-lived  ;  and  the  attempt  to 
engraft  feudal  nobility  on  tho  institutions  of  Aortli 
America  proved  utterly  abortive. 

Sayli!  iiad  scarcely  est.iblished  tho  people  in  their 
new  settlcMiient  when  he  fell  a  victim  to  the  unwliole- 
soineness  of  the  climate.  On  his  death  Sir  John  Yea- 
mans  claimed  the  administration  of  the  vacant  -uithority, 
as  dill  to  the  rank  of  landgrave,  which  no  other  inhabi- 
tant of  the  province.  excei)t  himself,  enjoyed.  But  the 
coiinril,  who  wi-re  einpoweri^d  to  elect  a  governor  in 
micli  circumstances,  pridiirred  to  appoint  Josi^pli  West, 
n  popular  in  in  much  listi-eined  among  the  colonists  for 
his  activity,  roiirage.  and  prudi-ncc,  until  n  special  coin- 
miasioti  slioubl  arrive  from  l.iigland.  West's  adinini- 
•trnlion  was  but  short-lived  ;  for,  notwithstanding  this 
indication  of  his  acceptablcness  to  tho  colonists,  the 
pronrnMaries,  desirous  of  promoting  the  respectability, 
of  tlieir  nobli's,  anil  highly  satisfied  with  the  priidiMi.  e 
■  nd  proprii-ty  that  had  cli'aracti'rised  Yeauians'  govcrn- 
Bsnt  of  tlio  plantation  uroiiiul  Cape  1'o.ir,  f  Hi;  I ,] 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


judged  it  expedient  to  extend  his  command  over  the 
new  setilement  lying  south-westward  of  Cape  Carteret. 
The  shores,  the  streams,  and  the  interior  of  the  coun- 
try, being  now  perfectly  well  known,  in  consequence 
of  the  acurate  surveys  they  had  undergone,  the  plan- 
ters from  Clarendon  on  the  north,  and  fiom  Port  Royal 
on  the  south,  began  about  tliis  period  to  resort  to  the 
convenient  banks  of  .Vshley-river :  .And  liere  was  laid, 
during  the  same  year,  the  foundation  of  Old  Cluirtts- 
luirn,  which  became,  for  some  lime,  the  capital  of  the 
southern  settlements.  The  proprietaries,  meanwhile, 
with  the  spirit  tliat  had  characterised  their  former  pro- 
ceedings, promulgated  temporary  laics  which  they 
appoiiiti'd  to  be  observed,  till  by  a  sunicieiit  increase 
of  inhabitants  the  government  could  be  administered 
acccording  to  the  fundamental  constitutions.  One  of 
these  laws,  w'itli  equal  policy  and  humanity,  enjoined 
the  colonists  to  observe  the  utmost  equity  and  courtesy 
in  liieir  intercourse  with  the  Indians:  to  afford  them 
[irompt  and  ample  redress  o  any  wrongs  they  might 
happen  to  sustain;  and  on  no  pretence  whatever  to 
enslave  or  send  any  of  them  out  of  the  country.  The 
objei't  of  this  rcgul.itioii  was  unfortunately  defeated, 
very  soon  after,  by  the  intrigues  of  the  Spaniards:  and 
the  other  temporary  laws  received  very  little  attention 
or  respect  from  the  colonists,  who  were  by  no  means 
disposed  to  acquiesce  in  such  arbitrary  and  irregular 
government;  and  who  very  justly  thought,  that  if  the 
estalilishment  of  permanent  laws  was  obstructed  by  the 
circumstances  of  their  present  condition,  the  temporary 
arrangements  by  which  such  laws  were  to  be  supplied 
ought  to  originate  with  themselves,  to  whom  alone  the 
exact  nature  of  the  circumstances  which  were  to  be 
consulted  was  experimentally  known. 

The  proprietaries  w'ere  more  successful  in  their 
efl"orts  to  increiLse  the  immbors  of  the  colonists  of  Ash- 
ley-river, than  in  their  experiments  in  the  science  of 
legisl.ition.  To  the  i)iiritans,  persecuted  in  Kngland 
by  the  existing  Iiws,  and  ridiculed  and  insulted  by  the 
cavaliers,  they  olfered  a  secure  asylum  and  ample  grants 
of  land  in  ('arolina,  on  condition  of  tlieir  transporting 
themselves  and  their  faindies  to  this  province.  Kven 
the  most  bigoted  churchmen  in  the  king's  council  are 
reported  to  have  co-operated  with  great  eagerness  to 
promote  this  project;  considering  severe  labor  a  pow- 
erful remedy  for  enthusiasm,  and  enthusiasm  an  excel- 
lent stimulus  to  novel  and  hazardous  undertakings; 
and  judging  it  expedien  to  diminish,  by  every  means, 
the  farther  accumulation  of  jiuritan  sentiiiieuLs  ami 
liabits  in  Massachusetts.  .\nd  although  it  was  to  this 
fivourite  scene  that  the  strictest  and  the  most  numerous 
portion  of  the  puritan  emigrants  still  resorted,  yet  a 
considerable  number  were  tempted  by  the  tlatti-ring 
oilers  of  the  jiroprietaries  to  try  their  fortunes  in  Caro- 
lina. Unfortunately  for  the  peace  of  the  province,  the 
invitations  and  encouragemeiiLs  to  emigrate  thither 
were  tendered  indiscriminately  to  men  of  the  most  dis- 
cordant characters  and  principles.  Uakes  and  gam- 
blers, who  had  wasted  their  substance  in  riot  and  vice, 
and  cavaliers  who  had  been  ruined  by  the  civil  wars, 
were  sent  out  in  considerable  numbers,  to  associate 
with  disgusted  puritans,  and  to  a  scene  where  only 
s(!vei  e  labor,  and  tin;  strictest  temperance  and  friisalitv. 
could  save  them  from  perishing  with  hunger.  To  llie 
impoverished  ollicers,  and  other  unfortunate  adherents 
of  the  royalist  piirty,  for  whom  no  recompense  wits  pro- 
vided in  Lnglaiid,  the  proprietaries  and  the  other  niinis- 
sters  of  the  king  offered  estates  in  Carolina,  which 
many  of  them  were  fain  to  embrace  ;is  a  refuge  from 
begg.iry.  The  coniiinction  between  these  cavaliers, 
who  ascribed  their  ruin  to  tlie  puritans,  and  the  puritan 
emigrants,  who  imputed  their  exile  to  the  cavaliers, 
could  not  reasonably  be  expected  to  produce  harmony 
or  tranquility  ;  ami  the  feuds  and  distractions  that 
afterwards  sprung  up  from  the  seeds  of  division  thus 
unsi!,isonably  imported  into  the  infant  province,  in- 
flicted a  merited  retribution  on  the  proprietaries  for  the 
senselessness  and  absurdity  of  the  poli<-v  they  ha<l  pur- 
sued. The  dangers  ,ind  hardships,  indeed,  in  which 
the  emigrants  foiinil  iheinselvi-s  involved  on  tlieir  arri- 
val in  the  province,  contributed  for  a  lime  to  repress 
the  growth  of  civil  and  religious  dissension:  but,  on 
the  other  hand,  the  same  circumstances  tended  to  de- 
velope  the  evil  conseipiences  of  s  ■ndiiig  woil)iless  men, 
whose  habits  were  already  completely  fixed  and  cor- 
rupted, to  a  scene  where  only  vigorous  virtue  was  cal- 
culated to  thrive.  Acconlingly.  it  wa.s  the  elfecLs  of 
this  part  of  their  policy  that  allbrded  to  the  propriet.a- 
rii?s  the  earlii'st  mailer  of  repentance.  Of  llie  extent 
to  which  dis  ippolntiii  Mil  autl  diseonleiil  prevailed  among 
the  S(!tll  'rs,  we  inav  judge  from  ibis  ciri'iimsiance,  that 
one  of  their  earlie.-t  l.iws  wiis  an  ordinance  that  no  per- 


son should  be  permitted  to  abandon  the  colony.'— 
[17()'2]  The  distress  which  unavoidably  attended  lliefinit 
etlorts  of  the  colonists  was  severely  aggravated  bv  tlm 
hostile  intrigues  and  assaults  of  the  Spaniards,  w  lio  had 
established  a  garrison  at  .Vugnstine,  in  the  territory  lo  >, 
which  the  ap|)ellation  of  Florida  was  now  restricted  l| 
from  its  original  comprehensiveness.    These  proceed-  l( 
ings  of  the  ."Spaniards,  which  even  their  original  pretcii-  I 
sions  would  liy  no  means  have  warranted,  were  adopt- 
ed in  manifest  violation  of  a  treaty  by  w  hich  such  pre- 
tensions  had  been  expressly  renounced.    Prior  to  llie  ■ 
year  Kit!",  no  inenlion  had  been  made  of  .America  iu 
any  treaty  between  Spain  and  Liigland ;  the  former  < 
being  contented  to  retain  her  ancient  claims  to  the 
whole  country,  and  the  other  careful  lo  preserve  and 
improve  the  footing  she  liad  already  attaineil  iu  it.    At  • 
that  epoch,  however,  which  was  but  a  few  years  poste-  ' 
rior  to  the  occupation  of  Carolina,  Sir  William  GodoU 
l)hin,  concluded  a  treaty  with  .Sp.iin,  in  which,  among 
other  articles,  it  was  agreed,  •' That  the  king  of  Great  ■ 
Britain  should  always  po.s.sess  in  full  right  of  sovereign, 
ty  and  pro|)erty,  all  the  countries,  islands,  and  coU  -lies,  i 
lying  and  situated  iu  the  West  Indies,  or  any  part  of  1 
America,  which  he  and  his  subjects  then  held  and  pos- 
sessed, insomncli  that  they  neither  can  nor  ought  lo  be 
contested  on  any  account  whatsoever.    It  wMs  siiimlal- 
ed  at  the  s.inie  lime,  that  the  British  aovernineiit  sliniild 
withdraw  its  protection  from  the  buccam?ers,  who  had 
for  many  years  infested  the  Spanish  dominions  in  .\n)e- 
rica  ;  and  accordingly  all  the  commissions  that  had  been 
fonu  'rly  granted  to  these  jiirales  were  recalled  and  an-  ' 
nulled.    By  the  same  treaty,  the  right  of  liolh  nations  » 
to  navigate  the  American  seas  was   foriii.illy  recog-  • 
nised ;  and  it  was  declared  that  all  ships  in  distress, 
whether  from  storms,  or  the  pursuit  of  enemies  and  ' 
pirates,  and  tiking  refuge  in  ])laces  belonging  either  lo 
Britain  or  Sp:iin.  should  receive  protection  and  as.sist- 
anee  and  be  permitted  to  depart  without  molestation. 

But  notwithstanding  this  treaty,  a  cert;iin  religious  ' 
society  in  Spain  CDiitinued  to  iLssert  a  claim  to  llie  • 
whole  territory  to  which  the  name  of  F'lorida  had  been 
originally  ap]!lied,  not  only  on  the  footing  of  prior  dis- 
covery, but  by  virtue  of  a  special  grant  from  the  pope:  ' 
and  the  garrison  that  was  maintained  at  Augustine  re-  ' 
gardiug  the  British  setlieiiieut  as  an  encioachment  uii 
their  possessions,  endeavored  bv  every  act  of  insidious, 
ami  even  violent  molestation,  to  compel  the  coloiii->s  !o  ' 
relinquish  the  country.    They  sent  emissaries  among 
tlie  settlers  at  .Ashley  river,  in  the  hope  of  moving  them  ' 
to  revolt;  they  encouraged  indented  servants  to  aban- 
don their  masters,  and  lly  to  the  Spanish  territory;  and 
they  laI)ored  so  successfully  to  instil  into  the  savage 
tribes  the  Uiost  unfavorable  notions  of  British  heretics,  ' 
that  these  deluded  Indians,  at  the  instigation  of  a  peo 
pie,  whose  treachery  and  injustice  they  had  so  sensi 
bly  experienced,  took  arms  to  extirpate  a  race  wlic  liaj 
never  injured  them,  and  whose  whole  demeanor,  as 
well  as  the  express  instructions  of  their  rulers,  indicated 
a  desire  to  cultivate  friendly  relations  with  them.    The  ' 
colonists  were  now  involved  in  a  .scene  of  labor,  dan- 
ger, and  misery,  which  it  is  impossible  to  coiiteiiiphite 
without  admiring  the  energy  and  endurance  which  hu- 
man beings  are  cap:ible  of  exerting.    I'.xcept  a  very  few 
negroes,  who  had  been  imported  byYeanians  and  his  fol 
lowers  from  Barbadoes.  there  were  no  other  laborers  but 
Europeans  in  the  colony;  the  brute  creation  could  not 
I  partake  or  supply  human  labor  till  the  ground  had  been  ^ 
disencuinbereil  of  wood;  and  the  weak  arm  of  man 
alone  had  lo  encounter  the  hardship  of  clearing  a  forest, 
whose  thickness  seemed  to  bid  defiance  lo  his  uliiiosi 
streniTlh.    The  toil  of  felling  the  l.irge  and  lofty  trees, 
by  which  they  were  surrounded,  was  performed  by  the 
colonists  under  the  dissolving  heal  of  a  climate  to  which 
their  bodies  were  totally  acciistoiiied.  and  amidst  die 
terrors  of  barbarous  enemies,  w  hose  silent  approaches 
and  abrupt  assaults  lliev  could  not  otherwise  repel,  than 
by  kee|<iiig  a  part  of  tlieir  osvn  number  under  anus,  to 
protect  tiie  remainder  who  were  working  in  the  forest, 
or  cultivating  the  spaces  lliat  had  been  cleared.    The  | 

•  Ilewil,  i.  51—56.  fiO  llewifs  work  wa.s  puUlished  withiuil 
his  nunc,  which  some  wrilors  have  sptU  Ilewil,  and  v>llu"is 
llowat.  Olliers  have  concluded,  fruni  this  varialieii,  llial  lliere 
were  two  wrilcrs  whose  names  were  nearly  the  saiiii-,  and  ^ 
liotliol  wlioin  wrolp  luslorii-s  of  South  Carolina.  Warden  cir- 
l  ies  this  niislake  still  farther,  and  in  liis  calaloaiio  of  works  re- 
lative lo  this  slate,  enumerates  Ihrre  hislories  hearing  ths 
same  lille,  one  by  Ilowit.  one  hy  Howal.  and  a  lliirJ  liy  aS 
anonvinous  author.  Nor  is  this  a  solitary,  or  even  a  rare  spe- 
cimen of  the  inacuracy  of  his  literary  catalofiues.  Iiulred 
nolhiii''  can  lio  more  slovenly  or  perplcxins  than  the  mannci 
in  which  aulhorilios  have  been  cilcu  in  almost  all  the  works 
that  treat  of  American  history.  Kvcn  llie  most  lorrect  of 
Iheiii  never  scruple  to  rite  the  same  aulhoi.  iii  one  pas««f» 
liv  his  name,  and  in  another  bv  tho  t;tl«  which  Ills  work  •hunw 
with  a  host  of  oUier  i>erforinanc«s. 


NORTH  AMERfCA. 


29] 


niovisioiis  olitaiiicd  by  dint  of  such  liiird^hips  were  fre- 
qiiiiiitly  dovoiircil  or  destrov'd  by  tlieir  ciieinies ;  and 
ihe  rfConi[>i'iise  of  a  wIioIl-  year's  toil  dcffiiti'd  in  one 
liiglit  bv  tlie  vi^or  and  celerity  of  Indian  depredation. 
I'l'iese  distresses  were  agi^ravated  by  the  leebleness, 
lielplessness,  and  ill-liunior,  of  some  of  tlie  recently  ar- 
rived eniiL'rants,  and  by  the  mistakes  and  disajipoint- 
incnts  arising  from  iirnorance  of  tlie  peculiar  cnlture 
and  produce  ajipro])!  iaie  to  the  soil  of  ('arolina,  to 
which  l'.nroi)ean  irrani  and  tillajre  pro  vcd  utterly  luisuit- 
aiile.  !So  much  di-C(nitcnt  and  insubordin  ilion  was 
produced  by  these  calamities,  that  it  was  with  the  ut- 
most dillicidty  tliat  the  governor  could  prevent  the 
p>,'ople  from  aband(Miin<,'  tlie  settlement.  An  insurrec- 
tion was  ev«Mi  excited  by  Culpe|iper,  one  of  the  provin- 
cial (ilficers,  but  it  was  easily  suppressed  by  the  gover- 
nor; and  the  suilly  were  either  mildly  punished  or 
luuiianely  forfriveii  in  coii-sideration  of  the  misery  to 
which  their  violence  was  imputed.  While  Yeamans 
was  e.xer  in^  himself  to  coin])ose  these  disorders,  the 
Spanish  garrison  at  Augustine,  receiving  information 
lioiii  some  fugitive  servants  of  the  colonists,  of  the  state 
111' their  alfairs,  judged  this  a  properop[)ortunity  lostrike 
a  tiecisive  blow;  and  accordingly  despat<'lied  a  party, 
who  advanced  as  far  as  the  island  of  8t.  Helena,  with 
the  purpose  of  dislodging  or  destroying  the  inhabitant.s 
ef  .Ashlcv  river.  But  either  their  courage  was  dispro- 
|iiirtioued  lo  their  animosity,  or  they  bad  overrated  the 
divisions  among  the  I'.nglisli  colonists:  for  being  joined 
liv  oiilv  one  traitor  of  the  name  of  Fitzpatrick,  and  learn- 
iiiff  that  Yeainans  was  not  only  prepared  to  receive 
them,  hut  had  sent  Colonel  (iodfrey  with  a  party  of  fifty 
volunteers  to  attack  them  in  St.  Helena,  they  did  not 
wait  the  encounter,  but  evacuating  the  island  retreated 
to  their  (piarters  at  Augustine.  The  more  formidable 
hostilities  of  the  Indians  were  ipielled  for  a  time,  partly 
by  the  address  and  conciliation  of  Yeamans,  but  chiefly 
bv  a  war  which  broke  out  between  two  of  their  own 
principal  tribes,  the  Westoes  and  the  Serenas,  and  which 
was  carried  on  with  such  destructive  fury,  that  in  the  end 
it  proved  fatal  to  them  both. 

[1073.]  Uuring  the  administration  of  Sir  John  Yea- 
inans, the  colouv  received  ;i  great  addition  to  it.s  strength 
from  the  Dutch  settlement  of  Nova  Belgia,  which  had 
been  coiupiered  by  Colonel  Nichols,  and  made  subject 
to  I'.iiglaiid.  Charles  the  Second  bestowed  it  on  his  bro- 
ther James,  who  changed  its  name  to  New  York;  anil 
by  the  prudence  and  mildness  of  the  first  governor 
whom  be  appointed,  succeeded  for  a  while  it!  reconcil- 
ing the  inhabitants  to  the  change  of  empire.  But  vari- 
ous circumstances  had  subsequently  occurred  to  render 
the  Dutch  discontented  with  their  altered  situation,  and 
many  of  them  had  formed  the  intention  of  removing  to 
some  other  province;  when  the  proprietaries  of  Caro- 
lina, understanding,  or  anticipating  their  design,  and 
ever  on  the  watch  to  promote  emigration  to  their  own 
palatinate,  prevailed  with  tin  m  b)'  encouraging  ofiers 
to  direct  their  course  thither,  and  sent  two  of  their  own 
vessels,  which  conveved  a  number  of  Dutch  families  to 
Chailestown.  Stejibeii  Bull,  the  surveyor-general  of 
the  colony,  had  instructions  to  allocate  lands'  on  the 
BOUth-west  side  of  Ashley-river  for  their  acconimoda- 
tioii:  and  here  the  Dutch  emigrants,  having  drawn  lots 
for  their  possessions,  formed  a  town,  which  was  called 
Jamestown.  This  first  re.sort  of  Dutch  settlers  to 
Carolina,  opened  a  copious  flow  of  emigration  to  the 
province  ;  for.  having  suriiioiinted  incredible  hardships 
by  their  patience  and  industry,  the  sussessful  establish- 
ment which  they  obtained,  induced  many  of  their 
comitrynien  in  ancient  Belgia,  at  a  subsequent  period, 
to  billow  them  to  the  western  world.  The  inhabitants 
of  Jamestown,  at  length  finding  its  precincts  too  nar- 
row for  their  growing  luiiubers,  began  to  spread 
themselves  over  the  province,  till  the  town  by  degrees 
was  entirely  deserted. 

The  proiirietaries  had  hitherto  supplied  the  wants  of 
the  colonists  with  an  unsparing  hand ;  insomuch  that  it 
was  by  their  ample  and  seasonable  consignments  of 
provisions  and  other  stores,  that  the  setilement  had 
more  than  once  been  snatched  from  the  brink  of  de- 
struction. But  their  patience  was  not  pro])ortioned  to 
their  liberality ;  in  the  expectations  they  formed,  of 
Bpeedy  emolument  and  grateful  regard,  they  omitted  to 
consider  the  circum.stances  for  which  they  had  so  liber- 
ally provided  ;  and  totally  forgetting  the  injustice  and 
imprudence  with  which  they  had  liurrieii  oti'  great 
numbers  of  helpless  sbillless  men,  to  a  scene  where 
they  could  only  encounter,  disturb,  and  encourage 
the  more  useful  members  of  the  coiiiiiiunity,  tliey 
were  strongly  and  exclusively  impressed  with  the  large- 
ue.ss  of  their  ow  n  pecuniary  sacrifices,  which  seemed 
lo  give  them  full  assuiaijct;  that  the  colonists  had  no 


cause  whatever  of  com|)laint  against  them.  Before  the 
end  of  the  year  lf)7:i,  a  debt  of  niany  tliou.saiid  pounds 
had  been  incurred  in  this  manner,  by  tlie  colonists  lo 
the  proprietaries;  and  yet  they  solicited  fresh  su])plies. 
without  being  able  to  show  how  the  late  or  the  future 
expenses  were  ever  to  be  reimbursed;  and  in  alluding 
to  the  severity  of  the  hardships  they  had  undergone, 
they  complained  of  neglect,  and  insinuated  reproach. 
The  |)roj)rielaries  were  exceedingly  provoked  and  dis- 
gusted with  this  result;  and  their  disapiiointment,  con- 
curring with  the  Dutch  war,  rendered  their  correspon- 
denci;  with  the  colony  much  le.ss  frequent  than  before. 
Willing  however  to  encouragf?  the  settlers  who  bad 
lately  emigrated  from  New  York,  [1674.]  they  sent 
another  sujiply.and  iiromised  an  annual  one;  but  withal 
warned  the  planters  to  consider  how  tliesi!  advances 
were  to  be  repaid,  since  they  were  now  determined, 
they  declared,  lo  make  no  more  desperate  debts.  "  it 
must  be  a  bad  soil,"  they  observed,  "that  will  not 
maintain  industrious  men,  or  we  must  bo  very  silly  that 
would  maintain  the  idle."  They  transmitted  at  the 
same  time  a  large  assortment  of  vines  and  other  useful 
plants,  and  sent  out  a  number  of  men  who  were  ac- 
quainted with  the  management  of  them ;  but  they  re- 
fused an  application  for  a  stock  of  cattle,  observing  that 
they  wished  not  to  encourage  graziers  but  planters ; 
and  they  strongly  recommended  the  cultivation  ol"  to- 
bacco, till  more  beneficial  staples  could  be  introduced. 
Mutual  jealously  and  dissatisfaction  began  now  to  arise 
between  the  proprietaries  and  the  colonists,  and  em- 
bittered the  whole  of  their  future  intercourse.  But  a 
useful  lesson  was  conveyed  to  the  people  by  the  cir- 
cumstances which  thus  diminished  their  reliance  on  fo- 
reign support,  and  enforced  their  dependence  on  their 
ow  n  unassisted  exertions.  The  proprietaries  a.scribed 
the  unproductiveness  of  the  colony,  and  the  poverty  of 
its  inhabitants,  to  the  misgovernnient  of  Sir  John  Yea- 
mans, who  in  the  commencement  of  this  year  had  been 
forced  by  ill  health  to  resign  his  command,  and  try  to 
repair  his  constittition  in  Barbadoes,  where  he  qnicklv 
found  a  grave.  'J'h.'  factions  and  confusion  in  which 
the  colony  was  shortly  after  involved,  have  rendered 
the  annals  of  tliis  period  extremely  perplexing  and  in- 
consistent, and  obscured,  with  an  almost  impenetrable 
cloud,  the  real  characters  of  men,  and  the  connection 
of  events.  Yet  amidst  conflicting  testimonies,  I  am 
strongly  inclined  to  believe  that  these  charges  of  the 
proprietaries  against  Sir  John  Yeamans  were  unjust, 
and  either  the  eft'nsions  of  spleen  and  disappointment, 
or  (more  probably)  the  artful  suggestion  of  an  apology 
for  the  body  of  the  colonists,  with  whom  it  was  not 
convenient  for  them  to  quarrel  irreconcilably.  The 
real  ofieuce  of  Yemans  seems  to  have  been  his  eager- 
ness to  procure  ample  supplies  from  the  proprieta- 
ries to  the  colonists;  a  policy  which,  while  the  pro- 
prietaries were  determined  to  di.scourage,  they  were 
naturally  interested  to  view  and  represent  as  the  con- 
sequence of  his  own  mal-administration.  When  he 
abdicated  his  office,  the  council  again  appointed  Joseph 
West  his  successor;  and  on  this  occasion  the  palatine 
thought  proper  to  confirm  the  popular  choice,  with 
many  compliments  to  the  object  of  it,  which,  however 
gratuitous  at  the  time,  were  amply  justified  by  the  pru- 
dence and  success  of  his  administration. 

From  the  aftairs  of  the  southern  colony,  we  must 
now  transfer  our  attention  for  a  little  to  the  northern 
settlement  of  Albemarle.  The  same  instructions  which 
had  been  communicated  to  Sayle,  in  the  year  1679, 
were'transmitted  to  Stevens,  the  governor  of  Albemarle, 
at  the  same  period ;  but  a  system,  pregnant  with 
innovations  so  unfavourable  to  the  interests  of  free- 
dom, was  received  with  di.sgust  and  even  derision,  by  a 
people  who  were  no  more  disposed  to  give  their  con- 
sent to  the  fundamental  constitutions  than  the  propri- 
etaries had  been  to  demand  it.  The  promulgatiou  of 
this  instrument  produced  no  other  effect  than  to  excite 
the  most  inveterate  jealously  of  the  designs  of  the  pro- 
prietaries; till,  in  process  of  time,  it  came  to  berejiorted 
and  believed,  that  they  had  formed  the  purpo.se  of  par- 
titioning the  province, and  bestowing  Albemarle  on  Sir 
William  Berkeley  as  his  portion  of  the  whole.  This 
apprehension,  though  perfectly  groundless,  prevailed  so 
strongly,  [1675,]  that  at  length  the  assembly  of  Albe- 
marle presented  a  remonstrance  to  the  proprietaries 
against  a  measure  which  they  declared  to  be  no  less 
injurious  to  individuals  than  degrading  to  the  country. 
Though  this  remonstrance  was  answered  in  a  conciliat- 
ing mannet  by  the  proprietaries,  who  graciously  con- 
fessed that  they  had  been  wanting  in  attention  to  the 
people  of  .Mbeniarle,  and  solemnly  jiromised  to  pre- 
serve the  integrity  ol"  the  province,  the  discontents  of 
the  colonists  were  too  deepl.y  rooted  to  be  thus  easily 


removed.  Little  satisfaction  was  derived  from  the  e» 
pectation  of  more  frequent  attentions  from  those  whoso 
policy  had  become  the  object  of  incurable  suspicion' 
and  a  jealous  and  reliactory  spirit,  taking  jiossession  of 
the  minds  of  the  jieojile,  v%as  at  length  exasjieraled  into 
sentiments  as  hostile  to  subordination,  as  Uie  jiolicy  of 
the  projjrietaries  was  repngu.iiit  to  liberty.  Fronlthis 
period  the  history  of  the  northern  jirovince,  for  a  series 
of  years,  is  involved  in  such  confusion  and  contradic- 
tion, that  it  is  imjiossible  to  render  it  interesting,  and 
difhcult  to  m^ke  it  even  intelligible.  Chalmers,  tlio 
most  accurate  of  its  historians,  has  been  enabled,  by  his 
access  to  the  most  authentic  sources  of  information,  to 
rectify  the  mistakes  of  other  writers  resjiecting  the  na- 
ture and  orders  of  the  following  events  ;  but  has  found 
it  utterly  impracticable  to  account  for  them.'  I  'liliappily 
they  have  been  involved  in  the  deejier  confusion,  from 
being  connected  in  some  degree,  with  the  violent  but 
unsteady  and  mysterious  politics  of  Lord  Shaftesbury. 

Shortly  after  the  remonstrance  by  the  assembly  of 
.Alheinarlo,  Miller,  a  person  of  soino  consideration  in 
the  province,  was  accused  of  sedition;  and  liaviiiffbeeu 
acquitted,  notwithstanding  the  grossest  irregularity 
and  injustice  in  conducting  his  trial,  be  proceeded 
to  England  to  complain  to  the  proprietaries  of  the 
treatment  he  had  undergone.  Stephens  the  governor 
died  soon  after;  and  the  assembly  made  choice  of 
Cartwright  to  succeed  hiin  till  orders  should  be  re- 
ceived from  England;  but  this  man,  after  a  short  at- 
tempt to  conduct  the  adiiiinistration,  was  so  disgusted 
with  the  distractions  that  jirevailed  around  him,  that  he 
abandoned  the  colony  altogether  and  returne<l  to  Eng- 
land, [1676,]  whither  he  was  accompanied  by  East- 
church,  a  man  whose  address  and  abilities  had  raised 
liiin  to  the  dignity  of  speaker  of  the  assembly.  an<i  who 
was  deputed  to  represent  to  the  proprietaries  Ihe  exist- 
ing state  of  the  province.  The  proprietaries  conceiv- 
ing a  favourable  opinion  of  Eastchnrch,  appointed  him 
governor  of  Albemarle;  and  strongly  disa))proving  the 
treatment  that  Miller  had  received,  gave  him  as  a  com- 
pensation the  office  of  secretary,  to  which  I.o.-d  Shaf- 
tesbury added  a  deputatioti  of  his  proprietary  functions. 
The  commissioners  of  the  customs  appointed  .Miller,  at 
the  same  time,  the  first  collector  of  these  duties  in  thfl 
province.  The  proprietaries  had  (diserved  with  dis- 
satisfaction how  little  their  designs  had  been  promoted, 
or  their  instructions  respected  by  the  provincial  govern- 
ment. They  had  signified  their  desire  to  have  .settle- 
ments formed  to  the  southward  of  Albemarle  sound, 
and  a  communication  by  land  established  with  the 
southern  colony.  But  this  scheuK!  had  been  obstructed 
by  the  governor  and  council  of  .Mbeniarle,  who  had  en- 
grossed nearly  the  whole  of  the  trade  with  the  neigh- 
boring Indians,  and  justly  apprehended  that  the  exten 
siiiu  of  the  settlements  would  divert  this  profitable 
traffic  into  other  hands.  The  proprietaries  had  no  lesi 
vainly  endeavored  to  alter  the  channel  of  the  foreign 
trade  of  the  colonists,  and  to  substitute  a  direct  inter- 
course with  Britain  for  the  disadvantageous  commerce 
to  which  they  had  restricted  themselves  with  New 
England,  whose  traders,  penetrating  into  the  interior 
of  the  province,  and  bringing  their  goods  to  every 
man's  door,  had  obtained  a  monopoly  of  the  produce 
of  Albemarle,  and  habituated  the  |)lanters  to  a  traffic 
which  they  preferred,  on  account  of  its  ease  and  sin>- 
plicity,  to  the  superior  emolnmeut  of  more  dislanl  com 
mercial  transactions.  It  was  hoped  bv  the  proprieta 
ries  that  an  iniiiortaiit  alteration  in  both  these  particu 
lars  would  be  efiected  by  Ihe  instructions  which  they 
now  coinmuuicated  lo  Eastchnrch  and  Miller.  [1677.] 
These  officers  departed  lo  take  possession  of  their  re- 
spective offices;  but  Eastchnrch,  finding  an  opjiortu 
nity  of  making  a  wealthy  marriage  in  the  West  Indies, 
thought  it  prudent  to  remain  there  till  his  object  waa 
accomplished,  and  despatched  his  companion  with  di- 
rections to  govern  the  colony  as  president  till  he  him- 
self should  arrive. 

As  cliii'f  magistrate  and  collector  of  the  royal  cn.s 
loins.  Miller  was  received  with  a  hollow  civility  an/ 
treacherous  acquiescence,  of  which  he  became  the  dnpa 
and  the  victim.  Not  aware  how  unacceptable  his  au- 
thority was  lo  a  considerable  parly  among  the  settlors, 

*  "  Sucli,"  .says  tliis  writer,  "is  tfie  carlv  fiistory  of  Nortli 
Carolina,  wliicli  is  probal)ly  as  important  and  instructive  as  the 
annals  of  [he  most  renowned  .states  of  anliquilv,  if  we  do- 
iluct  from  them  tlie  agreeable  fab.es  with  which  their  eloquont 
authors  have  adorned  them."  P.  520.  Ilewit  declares  that  thd 
transactions  of  conimonwealtn's  in  their  infancy  are  as  inte- 
resting to  the  moralist  as  tlie  vegetation  of  plants  Hi  spring 
is  lo  the  natural  philosopher;  a  sentiment  which,  uhr.ttvei 
justice  it  may  be  thought  to  possess,  is  totally  inapplicable  lo 
the  annals  of  a  period  disturbed  by  civil  commotions,  dcstitnle 
of  letters,  and  obscured  by  inconsistent  Iraditiims  the  off 
spring  of  conleiidinf;  factions  and  rociprocaj  miicur. 


293 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


he  at  onc(>  proniiilnated  purposes  and  coinineiired  inno- 
vations tli.1t  gave  olVt-noe  and  alarm  to  all.  He  found 
tin-  colony  to  consist  of  a  lew  insigiiilicant  plant.itions 
i!ispers<-d'  along  llie  north-eastern  bank  ol'  the  river 
Alhemarle,  and  divided  into  Ibiir  districts.  The  colo- 
nists were  yet  bnt  an  inconsiderable  body;  the  titlia- 
b/fs,  tinder  which  description  were  compriiheiided  all 
iJie  working  hands  from  sixteen  to  sixty  years  of  age, 
amounting  only  to  fourteen  hundred;  and  one  third  of 
these  being  coin|)Osed  of  Indians,  negroes,  and  women. 
Exclusive  of  the  cattle  and  Indian  corn,  eight  hundred 
thousand  ponnds  of  tobacco  was  the  annual  produce  of 
their  labor,  and  formed  the  basis  of  an  inconsiderable 
commerce,  which  was  carried  on  almo.st  entirely  by  the? 
traders  from  New  Kngland,  who  enjoyed  nnbonuded 
inlluence  in  the  colony.  Remote  from  society,  and 
utterly  destitute  of  instruction.-,  the  planters  were  re- 
niark.'d)l>'  for  ignorance  and  credulity,  and  were  impli- 
citly directed  by  the  counsels  of  the.se  traders,  who  re- 
g.irdec'  with  the'utmost  jealousy  the  connnercial  designs 
which  .Miller  had  been  instructed  by  the  pro|>rietaries 
to  pursue.  Unsupported  by  any  etfectual  i)ower,  and 
possessing  neither  the  repuUition  of  eminent  ability  nor 
the  advant;ige  of  popularity,  this  man  commenced  the 
work  of  relbrmatl(ni  with  a  headlong  and  impetuous 
zeal  that  provoked  universal  dis])leasure.  He  was  re- 
proached, and  i)erh:ips  justly,  with  some  arbitraiy  exer- 
tions of  |)ow('r ;  but  the  rock  on  which  his  authority 
Ihially  split  wiLs  an  attemi)t  to  promote  a  more  direct 
trade  with  IJritain  and  with  the  other  colonies,*  in  or- 
der to  destroy  the  monopoly  enjoyed  by  the  traders 
of  New  F.ngl.inil,  whom  the  proprietaries  regarded  as 
iiisidiioiis  rivals,  and  dangerous  associates  of  the  i)eople 
of  Carolina.  .\t  length, "on  the  arrestment  of  a  New 
Kngland  trader  who  was  accused  of  smuggling,  an  in- 
surrection t  broke  forth  among  the  settlers  ofPasqiie- 
lanke,  one  of  the  districts  of  Albemarle ;  and  the  Haiue 
quickly  spread  through  the  whole  colony.  Tlie  insur- 
gents were  chiell^  conducted  by  Culpepper,  wlio  liad 
formerly  excited  commotions  in  the  settlement  of  Ash- 
ley-river, and  whose  cxperieiice,  in  some  enterprist^s, 
seems  to  have  formed  his  sole  recommendation  to  the 
regards  of  his  present  associates.  .As  the  government 
possessed  no  power  capable  of  withstanding  tiiem,  they 
eooii  accpiired  undis]iined  possession  of  the  country  ; 
and  having  deposed  the  president,  who  was  the  chief 
object  of  their  indignation,  they  coinmitted  liim  and 
seven  of  the  ))roprietary  deputies  to  prison.  They 
seized  the  royal  revenue,' amounting  to  three  thousand 
pounds,  which  thev  appropriated  to  the  support  of  the 
revolt;  they  established  courts  of  justice,  appointed 
otTicers,  convoked  a  iiarliamont,  iuHicled  piinishnients 
on  all  who  presumed  to  oppose  them,  and,  for  several 
years,  exorcised  the  authority  of  an  independent  go- 
vernment. As  there  had  been  no  example  of  a  revolt 
llliaccompaiiied  by  a  manifesto,  the  inhabitants  of  I'as- 
qnet.inke,  in  conformity  with  this  usage,  had  coni- 
menci'd  their  insurrectionary  proceedings,  by  publish- 
ing a  feeble  frivolous  r()mpo>ition,  entitled  a  rcmon- 
stranre,  to  llie  people  iif  Alhemarle.  in  which  they  com- 
plained of  many  ojjpressions,  which  they  imputed  to 
Aliller,  and  declared  the  object  they  had  in  view  to  be 
the  assembling  of  a  free  parliament,  through  whose  in- 
strumentality the  grievances  of  the  country  might  be 
represented  to  the  proprietaries.  The  subsecpuMit  con- 
duct of  the  insiirgeiiLs,  however,  demonstrated  very 
cli^arly,  how  little  of  real  deference  the  proprietaries 
enjoyed  with  them  ;  for,  on  the  arrival  of  Kastclmrch, 
[I()7ri,]  to  whose  commission  and  conduct  no  objec- 
tion could  be  made,  they  derided  liis  authority,  and  de- 
nied him  obedience.  He  apjilied  for  assistance  to  the 
jfovernment  of  Virginia;  but  died  of  vex.ition  before  a 
force  sullicient  for  his  purpose  could  be  assembled. 

Afti.'r  two  years  of  successful  revolt,  the  insurgents 
apprehensive  of  an  invasion  from  Virginia,  despatched 
Culpepper  and  Il(d<len  to  Kngland,  [Hi"!),]  to  oiler 
Hubuiission  tn  the  proprietarii-s,  on  condition  of  tlii'ir 
past  procei'dings  being  ratified,  and  Miller  declan-d  and 
treated  as  a  delinquent.    This  unfortunate  i)resident, 

*  Virginia,  from  her  situation,  might  have  absorbed  the  whole 
of  tills  trallio  of  which  »ho  then  enjoyed  only  a  very  inconsi- 
derable portion.  Uul  so  narrow  were  the  commercial  views 
by  which  she  wa»  governed,  that  two  years  after  this  period 
■the  pa.ssi?d  an  act  prohibiting  "the  importation  of  tobacco 
from  CHriilinn;  as  it  lia<l  been  fonnd  very  prejudicial."  Laws 
of  Vir..(inia,  p.  127.  In  the  year  IfiSl,  the  governor  of  Virginia, 
writing  to  the  Kitglish  committee  of  colonies,  declares  that 
"Carolina  (I  mo«ii  the  north  part  of  it)  alw.ays  was  and 
In  the  sink  of  Ainerira,  the  refuge  of  our  renegadoes,  and 
till  m  better  order,  daneorous  to  u^"  State  I'apcrs,  apud 
Chalmers,  7M. 

t  TliiH  iiisurrortlon,  it  will  he  remarked,  broke  out  but  a 
few  moiilbs  after  the  suppression  of  Bacon's  rebellion  in  Vir- 
|tnu.  Hut  no  cosnoctloii  has  beun  o'vr  sup|KjMcd  iHHwoen 
Umhi  two  •vaiil* 


the  and  otlier  oflicers,  who  had  languished,  meanwhile, 
in  imprisonment,  having  found  means  to  escape,  ap- 
ptMred  in  Kngland  at  the  same  time,  [Iti-O,]  and  filled 
the  courts  and  the  nation  with  complaints  of  their  own 
suflerings,  and  accusations  of  their  persectitors.  II"  the 
proprietaries  could  h.ave  ventured  to  act  with  decision, 
and  in  conformity  with  their  own  notions  of  right,  it 
was  the  complaint  of  this  latter  party  that  would  doubt- 
less have  prevailed  with  them.  Hut  wliile  tliey  hesi- 
tated to  embroil  themselves  irreconcilably  with  the  co- 
lonists, their  perplexity  was  increased  by  llie  encourage- 
ment which  Shaftesbury  thought  proper  to  extend,  in 
the  most  open  manner,  to  Culpepper.  This  enterpris- 
ing politician,  who  was  now  deeply  engaged  in  his  last 
r(!volutionary  projects,  and  whose  re.sent  espousal  of  the 
popular  cause  in  Kngland  had  placed  him  at  variance 
with  some  of  the  brother  proprietaries,  plainly  saw  that 
Culpepper  possessing  the  confidence  of  tlie  people  of 
Albemarle,  was  capable  of  becoming  an  useful  instru- 
ment in  the  province,  and  that  Miller,  his  ancient  de- 
[jiity,  was  utterly  unfit  to  lend  him  any  assistance. 
Culpepper,  thus  powerfully  countenanced,  seemed  to 
have  prevailed  over  his  opponents,  and  was  preparing 
to  return  to  Carolina,  when  he  was  accused  by  the  com- 
missioners of  the  customs  (at  the  private  instigation, 
most  probably,  of  the  palatine,  and  others  of  the  j)ro- 
prietaries,)  of  tlie  olTences  of  acting  as  collector  with- 
out their  authority,  and  of  embezzling  tlie  king's  re- 
venue. He  was  seized  on  board  a  vessel  in  the 
Downs,  under  a  warrant  from  the  privy  council ;  and 
his  case  beitig  referred  to  the  committee  of  plantations, 
the  proprietaries  no  longer  scrupled,  nor  indeed  could 
in  decency  refuse,  to  come  forward  as  his  accusers;  in 
conse(|ueiice  of  which,  the  report  of  the  committee  im- 
peached him  not  only  of  embezzlement  of  the  customs, 
but  of  having  promoted  a  rebellion  in  the  province.  It 
was  in  vain  i'or  him  to  acknowledge  the  facts,  and  beg 
for  mercy,  or  at  least  that  he  might  be  sent  for  trial  to 
Carolina,  where  the  ollences  liad  been  committed;  iiis 
powerful  accusers  were  determined  to  wreak  the  ut- 
termost vengeance  on  so  daring  an  opponent  of  legiti- 
mate authority;  and  by  virtue  of  a  statute  of  Henry  the 
Kighth,  which  enacted  tliat  foreign  treasons  might  he 
tried  in  Kngland,  he  was  brought  to  trial  in  the  court 
of  King's  IJench,  on  an  indictment  of  high  treason  com- 
mitted without  the  realm.  There  is  no  defect  of  jus- 
tice in  requiring  a  colonial  governor  or  other  jniblic 
otfioer  delegated  by  the  parent  slate,  to  answer  before 
her  domestic  tribunals,  for  betraying  the  tru.st,  or  per- 
verting the  power  which  he  derived  from  her  appoint- 
ment. But  Culpepper  had  not  been  an  officer  of  the 
liritish  goveninieiit ;  and,  however  consonatit  w  ith  the 
statute  law  of  Henry  the  I'.ighth,  it  was  plainly  repug- 
nant to  the  si)irit  of"  the  Knglish  common  law,  as  well 
as  to  the  principles  of  equity,  to  compel  him  to  take 
his  trial  at  such  a  distance  from  his  witnesses,  and  in  a 
comiiiiinitv  where  the  witnesses  on  both  sides  were  un- 
known, and  conllicting  testimony  could  not  jirobably 
be  adjusted.  It  must  be  confessed,  liowever,  that  from 
the  actual  slate  of  the  province,  the  British  government 
was  reduced  to  the  alternative  of  either  trying  him  in 
Kngland,  or  not  trying  him  at  all.  His  destruction  at 
first  ajipeared  inevitablr';  for  the  judges  iironounced, 
that  to  take  up  arms  against  the  proprietary  govern- 
ment was  treason  against  the  king;  and  the  amplest  evi- 
dence was  jjroduced  of  every  circumstance  requisite  to 
constitute  the  crime.  But  ShalU'sbury,  who  was  then  in  r 
the  meridian  of  his  popularity,  appearing  in  behalf  of  | 
the  [jrisoniT,  and  representing,  contrary  to  the  most  un- 
doubted facts,  that  there  had  never  been  any  regular 
government  in  .Mlieiii.irle.  and  that  its  disordi-rs  wiTe 
iiiei(!  feuds  between  the  pl.inters,  which  at  worst  could 
amount  to  no  higher  olleiice  than  a  riot  easily  ])revailed 
with  the  jury  to  return  a  verdict  of  ac()uitt:d.  This  was 
the  last  art  by  which  Shaftesbury  signalised  his  jiartici- 
p.ition  in  the  government  of  C.iroliiia.  His  attention, 
theiireforward,  was  absorbed  by  the  daring  c.ib.ils  that 
preceded  his  exile;  and,  about  three  years  .afterwards, 
having  ruined  or  dishonored  every  jiarty  with  which  hi> 
had  been  connected,  he  was  obliged  to  fly  from  Kng- 
land, and  implore  the  hospitality  and  protection  of  the 
Dutch,  whom  he  had  formerly  exhorled  the  l.tigli^h 
parliament  to  extirp.ite  from  the  face  of  the  earth.  The 
ruin  of  this  ablest  of  the  ^iropriet.iries  extended  its  in- 
lluence lo  the  fortunes  of  the  most  distinguished  of  the 
landgraves.  Locke  had  been  so  intimately  connected 
with  Shaftesbury,  that  he  deemed  it  jiriident  to  abandon 
Kngland  at  the  same  lime;  but  so  remote  was  he  from 
any  accession  to  the  guilt  of  his  patron,  that  when 
William  I'eiin  afterwards  prevailed  on  .l.iiues  the  Se- 
cond to  consent  to  the  pardon  and  rei  ill  of  l,ocke,tlie 
philosopher  rosolutoly  refused  to  accept  a  pardon. 


declaring  that  he  had  done  notliing  that  required  it."  I 
Meanwhile  the  palatine,  and  tlie  majority  of  the  pro- 
prietaries, reduced  to  their  firmer  jierplexity  l-y  the  ao 
quittal  of  Culpepper,  pursued  a  tcmporising"priicy,thBt  i 
degraded  their  own  authority :  and  cherished  the  fac- 
tions and  ferments  of  the  colon'.jts.    Fluctuating  lie. 
tween  their  resentments  and  their  apprehensionr,  they  ■ 
alternately  threatened  the  insurgents  and  blamed  their 
own  partisans.   The  inevitable  consequences  ofthis  po- 
licy was,  that  they  further  exasperated  all  parties  iu  the 
colony  against  each  other,  without  attaching  any  to 
themselves,  and  at  length  found  it  too  late  eitlier  lo 
overawe  the  insurgents  by  vigor,  or  to  conciliate  theiu 
by  lenity.  [IGfil]    They  are  said  to  have  resolved  at  ' 
last  to  abandon  a  hopeless  vindication  of  their  insulted  i 
authority,  and  to  govern  in  future  according  to  what-  ; 
ever  portion  of  obedience  the  colonists  might  he  dis-  , 
posed  to  yield  to  them.    Having  estiiblished  a  tempo-  | 
rary  administration, "at  the  head  of  which  they  placed 
one  Harvey  as  president,  they  announced,  immediately 
after,  their  intention  to  send  out  Seth  Sothel,  who  had 
purchased  Lord  Clarendon's  share  of  the  province,  and 
whose  interest  and  authority,  they  hoped,  would  jiow- 
erfiilly  conduce  to  the  restitution  of  good  order  and  | 
tranquility.    These  metisure.",  however,  were  produc- 
tive only  of  additional  disappointment.    Little  regard  ( 
was  paid  to  the  rule  of  Harvey,  by  men  who  were 
already  apprised  that  his  government  w  oiild  have  but  a 
short  duration;  and  the  proprietaries,  along  with  the 
tidings  of  his  inefliciencv,  received  intelligence  of  the  , 
capture  of  Sothel  on  his  voyage  by  the  .Mgeriiie*.  1 
I  ndismayed  by  so  many  disappointments,  the  j>roprie-  j 
taries,  having  now  resolutely  adopted  a  lenient  and 
conciliating  policy,  pursued  it  with  a  coiiinieii<lal)le  per- 
severance ;  and  Henry  Wilkinson,  a  man  from  whose 
])rudence  the  most  liap))y  results  were  expected,  was  j 
appointed  governor  of  the  whole  of  that  jiorlion  of  Ca- 
rolina stretching  from  Virginia  to  the  river  IVmlico,  1 
and  five  miles  beyond  it.    The  most  earnest  endeavors 
were  now  employed  by  the  proprietaries  to  heal  liie 
former  disorders.    To  the  covernor  and  council,  they 
recommended,  in  persuasive  language,  the  enforc.jneiil  : 
and  exeiii[)lilication  of  mutual  forbearance  and  indul-  ' 
gence  :  and,  in  compliance  w  ith  tln-ir  desire,  .an  act  of 
olilivion  was  passed  by  the  .a.ssembly  of  .-Mbemarle  in 
favor  of  the  late  insurgents,  on  condition  of  their  re- 
storing the  money  of  which  they  had  plundered  ihs  ! 
royal  reveime.    But  it  was  found  easier  to  enforco  • 
topics  of  conciliation  on  the  parties  who  had  sufl'e.v  I 
wrong,  than  on  those  who  had  done  the  injury;  aiidtJia 
late  insurgents,  who  were  still  the  strongest  party,  not 
only  condemned  the  conditions  of  an  act  which  lliey 
felt  to  be  (piite  unnecessary  to  their  security,  but,  ac- 
quiring the  command  of  the  assembly,  proceeded,  with 
trium])hant  insolence  and  injustice,  to  denounce  and 
punisli  the  party  which  h.id  so  far  mistaken  its  situation, 
as  to  profer  terms  of  pardon  and  forbearance  to  tlielil  , 
They  iuHicted  heavy  fines,  and  severe  imprisonment  od 
their  op|)onents,  who  were  forced  to  fly  lo  ^'irginia  for 
])rotection  ;t  and  with  whom  every  trace  of  jii^iice  and 
freedom  took  a  long  leave  of  this  itnhappv  colony.  The  , 
lamentable  scene  of  violence  and  anarciiv  tli.it  thus  en-  ', 
sued  was  noway  changed,  nor  was  the  condition  of  the 
colony  in  any  degree  meliorated,  by  tin-  arrival  of 
Sothel,  the  governor, in  the  vear  lliSIi.    The  d:ingcrotii  , 
character  of  this  man  was  disjilayed  in  the  first  acts  of  , 
his  admiuistration.    Though  recpiired  by  the  proprie-  (j 
taries  to  expel  from  the  council  all  those  who  had  l>een 
concerned  in  the  late  disorders;  to  est.iblish  a  court  of 
the  most  impartial  of  the  inhabitants,  for  Hie  redress  of 
wrongs  committed  during  the  distraction  of  the  times ;  . 
and  to  assist  the  officers  of  llie  customs  in  colK'ciini'  il  e 
royal  revenue,  and  executing  the  acts  of  navigation,  he  j 
declined  to  comply  with  any  of  these  mandates;  mid, 
seeking  only  his  own  immediate  enrichment,  he  disre-  j 
ganled  (■qiiallv  the  happiness  of  the  pi  ople.  the  inleresi 
of  his  colleai'iies.  and  the  dee|i  stake  which  hi-  liuiisi  If 
possessed  in  the  ftiluri"  Welfare  of  the  colony.  Newly 
esca|)ed  from  captivity  on  the  coast  of  Burbary.  he  was 
so  far  from  enlarging  his  own  humanity,  or  fortifung 
his  sense  of  equity,  by  the  experience  of  hardship  and 
iiijiislice,  that  he  seemed  to  have  adopted  the  polii  y  of  , 
his  late  captors  as  the  model  of  his  own  goveriiinenl :  I 
nor  have  ihe  annals  of  colonial  oppression  recorded  a 
name  that  deserves  to  he  transmitted  to  posterity  with  : 

*  I. He  of  l.ocko    t'larksoirs  Life  of  Tenn      1'hou°h  l.mk*  ■ 
refiiii'd  to  avail  himself  of  Penn's  gooil  otTices,  he  was  l"i 
reiiardless  or  nnmintllul  of  them  ;  aiui  after  the  Revoliitn  i'  l«  , 
Kng  and.  found  an  opportunity  of  amply  rei  aying  tlicm.  Puct  i 
U.  VII.  rap.  2.  , 

t  Seine  ol  these  unfortunate  persons  appear  to  hive  tr?i'«- 
milled  addresses  and  eomplatnts  to  Charles  the  St  cond,  10^ 
vainly  implored  his  proluction.  Chalinrrs,  p.  Ml 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


293 


jjiontcr  infaiiiy  than  his.  Rapacity,  cruelty,  and  Ireach- 
erv.  npjK'ar  to  liave  l)ei'n  the  prominent  traits  ot'  liis 
ailinin:»tratior  .vhich,  after  afflicting  tiie  colony  Ibr  a 
period  of  live  /ears,  at  length  exhausted  the  jjatience 
of  all  parties,  and  produced  at  least  one  good  clVect,  in 
uniting  the  divided  people  hy  a  sense  of  conniion  suf- 
f^jring  and  danger.  Driven  almost  to  despair,  the  in- 
habitants universally  took  arms  against  the  goveriniient 
in  ]'H-^.  and  having  deposed  and  inijjrisoned  him,  were 
preparing  to  send  him  to  Lnglaud  lor  trial,  when,  de- 
scending to  the  most  abject  sui)[)lications,  he  entreated 
to  be  ji^dged  rather  by  the  provincial  assembly,  whose 
sentence  he  declared  himself  willing  to  abide.  If  the 
colonists,  in  granting  this  request,  arrogated  a  power 
that  (lid  not  constitutionally  belong  to  them,  they  at 
least  exercised  it  with  a  moderation  that  reflects  honor 
on  themselves,  and  aggravates  the  guilt  of  the  tyranni- 
cal governor.  The  assembly  declared  him  guilty  of 
all  the  crimes  laid  to  his  charge,  and  ordained  that  he 
should  abjure  the  country  for  twelve  months,  and  the 
government  for  ever.  When  the  proprietaries  received 
intelligence  of  these  proceedings,  they  deemed  it  proper 
to  signify  that  they  did  not  altogether  approve  the  irre- 
gular justice  of  the  colonists ;  but  they  expressed  the 
dei'pest  regret  for  their  suflerings,  and  the  utmost  as- 
tonishment and  indignation  at  tlie  conduct  of  the  go- 
vernor. Thev  summoned  him  still  to  answer  for  his 
crimes  before  the  palatine's  court  in  England;  and  they 
protested  to  the  people,  that,  if  they  would  render  a 
dutiful  obedience  to  legal  authority,  no  governor  should 
in  future  be  sutiered  to  enrich  himself  with  their  spoils.* 
Such  was  the  condition  to  which  North  Carolina  was 
reduced  at  the  epoch  of  tlie  British  Revolution. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Affairs  of  South  Carolina — Indian  War — Practice  of  kidnap- 
ping Indians — Eini!;rants.froni  Ireland — Scotland — and  Eng- 
land—Pirates enlortained  intlie  colony — Emi^ation  of  French 
Protestants  to  Caruhna— Dispntes  created  by  the  Navigation 
I.aws— Progress  of  Discontent  in  the  Colony — Sotliel  usurps 
the  jovernnient— Endeavors  of  tlie  Propriet-aries  to  restore 
good  order — Naturalization  of  French  Ilefujees  resisted  hy 
Ihc  Colonists — The  Fundamental  Constitul^ions  al>olished — 
VVise  Administration  of  Archdale — Restoration  of  general 
Tranquility — Ecclesiastical  Condition  of  the  Province — Intole- 
rant Proceedings  of  the  Proprietaries— State  of  the  People — 
Maimers,  Trade,  &.c. 

We  now  resume  the  progress  of  the  southern  pro- 
vince of  Carolina,  which,  under  the  prudent  adminis- 
tration of  Jose])h  West,  whom  we  have  seen  appointed 
governor  in  1(574,  enjoyed  a  much  larger  share  of  pros- 
perity than  fell  to  the  lot  of  the  settlers  of  Albemarle. 
The  governorhas  been  higldy celebrated  for  his  courage, 
wisdom,  and  moderation  ;  and  the  state  of  the  province 
over  which  he  was  called  to  preside,  gave  ample  occa- 
sion to  the  exercise  of  these  qualities.  Strong  symp- 
toms of  mutual  jealousy  and  dislike  began  to  manifest 
lliemselves  between  the  dissenters  and  puritans,  who 
were  the  most  numerous  party  in  the  colony,  and  the 
cavaliers  and  episcopalians  who  were  favored  by  the 
proprietaries  in  the  distribution  of  property  and  appoint- 
ment to  offices  of  trust:  and  although  the  firmness  and 
good  sense  of  West  prevented  the  discord  of  these  par- 
ties from  ripening  into  strife  and  confusion,  it  was  be- 
yond his  i>o,ver  to  eradicate  the  evil,  or  to  prevent  his 
own  council,  which  was  composed  of  the  leading  cava- 
liers, from  treating  the  puritans  with  insolence  and  con- 
tempt. The  cavalier  party  was  reinforced  by  all  those 
persons  whom  loose  manners  and  dissipated  habits  had 
carried  to  the  province,  [1(574 — 1(577]  not  fora  cure  but  a 
shelter  of  theirvices,  and  who  regarded  the  rigid  manners 
of  the  puritans  with  as  much  dislike  as  the  cavaliers  enter- 
tainad  for  their  political  principles.  The  adversaries  of 
the  puritans,  finding  that  it  was  in  their  power  to  sliock 
and  oti'end  them  by  exhibition  of  manners  opposed  to 
their  own,  alFected  an  extreme  of  gay  license  and  jol- 
lity.   Each  party  considering  its  manners  as  the  test  of 

•Williamson,!.  130—141.  Chalmers,  538—340.  Ilewit,  i. 
103,  104.  Ilewit  has  related  these  proceedings  against  Sothel, 
as  having  occurred  in  South  Carohna.  Nor  is  this  the  onlv 
error  with  which  he  is  chargeable.  He  perpetually  combines 
events  that  are  totally  unconnected  with  eacli  other.  IIis 
notation  of  dates  is  e.vtremely  scanty,  and  sometimes  very 
inaccurate.  While  he  abstains'from  the  dillicult  task  of  relat- 
ing the  history  of  Norlh  Carolina,  he  selects  the  most  inte- 
resting features  of  its  annals,  and  transfers  them  to  the  history 
of  the  soutliern  province.  His  errors,  though  hardly  honest, 
were  probably  not  the  fruit  of  deliberate  misrepesentation'. 
Ahnost  all  tlie  prior  historians  of  America  have  been  betrayed 
;uto  similar  inaccuracies  with  respect  to  the  provinces  "of 
Carolina.  Even  that  laborious  and  generally  accurate  writer 
Jedediah  Morse  has  been  so  fai  misled  by  defective  matenais 
as  ta  assert  (.\incrican  Gazeteer,  second  edit  1798.  p.  381)  ihai 
the  I  rst  Dermanent  settlement  in  Nortli  Carolina  was  olfBctod 
b|  Certain  Herman  r«'<u;oos  in  1710. 


its  principles,  omulously  exaggerated  the  distinctive  fea- 
tures of  the  demeanor  it  embraced  ;  and  a  competition 
ol' manners  and  habits  ensued,  in  which  llie  ruling  par- 
ty gave  countenance  and  encouragement  to  practices 
V(?ry  unfavourable  to  the  prevalence  of  industry  and  ac- 
quisition of  wealth.  The  proprietaries,  whose  inqiru- 
dence  had  begotten  tlie.se  divisions,  were  the  first  suf- 
ferers from  their  evil  con.sequences,  and  finind  all  their 
ellbrt-s  unavailing  to  obtain  ro|)ayment  of  the  large  ad- 
vances which  they  had  made  for  the  setth'ment.  The 
colonists  who  had  undertaken  to  pay  the  small  salary 
of  100/.  a  year  allotted  to  the  governor,  found  them- 
selves unable  to  discharge  even  this  oblig.ition :  and  the 
projirietaries  found  it  necessary,  in  April,  l(i77,  to  as- 
sign to  him  the  whole  stock  of  their  merchandises  and 
debts  in  Carolina,  in  liquidation  of  hi.s  claini.s.  This 
transaction  gave  rise  to  the  remark  that  West  was  per- 
haps the  only  factor,  who,  at  the  end  of  ten  y'ears  of 
confessedly  prudent  management,  receiyed,  without  any 
impeachment  of  his  morals,  the  whole  product  of  his 
tralHc  as  the  reward  of  his  services.  Meanwhile  the 
poptdation  of  the  province  received  considerable  acces- 
sions from  the  continued  resort  of  English  dLs.senters, 
and  of  protestant  emigrants  from  the  catholic  states  of 
Europe.  In  the  year  1079,  the  king,  willing  to  gratify 
the  proprietaries,  and  hoping,  perhaps,  to  divert  the  tide 
of  emigration  from  Massachusetts,  ordered  two  small 
ves.sels  to  be  provided  at  his  own  expense,  to  convey  a 
detachment  ol'  foreign  protestants  to  Carolina,  who  pro- 
posed to  add  wine,  oil,  and  silk,  to  the  other  produce  of 
the  territory;  and  he  granted  to  the  colonists  an  e.x- 
emption  for  a  limited  time  from  the  payment  of  taxes 
on  these  commodities,  in  spite  of  the  earnest  remon- 
strances of  the  commissioners  of  customs,  who  repre- 
sented that  England  would  be  ruined  and  depopulated 
if  the  colonies  were  rendered  a  more  desirable  resi- 
dence. Although  these  new  settlers  were  not  able  to 
enrich  the  province  with  the  valuable  commodities 
which  they  had  so  confidently  promised,  they  preserved 
their  settlement  in  it,  and  formed  a  useful  and  respecta- 
ble addition  to  its  population.  The  proprietaries  hav- 
ing learned  that  the  agreeable  district  called  Oyster- 
point,  formed  by  the  confluence  of  the  rivers  Ashley 
and  Cooper,  enjoyed  greater  convenience  than  the  sta- 
tion that  the  fir.st  settlers  had  chosen,  encouraged  the 
inclination  of  the  people,  who  began  to  remove  thither 
about  this  time:  and  here,  in  1(580,  was  laid  the  foun- 
dation of  the  modern  Charlestown,  a  city  which  in  the 
next  century  claimed  the  highest  consideration  for  the 
elegance  of  its  streets,  the  extent  of  its  commerce,  and 
the  refinement  of  its  society.  It  was  instantly  declared 
the  port  of  the  province  for  the  various  purposes  of 
trade,  and  tlie  capital  for  the  general  administration  of 
govermnent.  For  sometime,  however,  it  proved  ex- 
tremely unhoalthful;  iirsoinuch,  that  from  the  month  of 
June  till  October,  the  courts  of  justice  were  annually 
shut;  and  during  that  interval  no  public  business  was 
transacted;  and  men  fled  from  the  pestilential  atmos- 
|)here  of  the  place.  The  inconvenience  at  length  was 
tbiind  to  be  so  great,  that  orders  were  given  to  inquire 
for  situations  more  friendly  to  health.  But  happily  (in 
consequence,  it  ha.s  been  suppo.sed,  of  the  purification 
of  the  noxious  vapor  by  the  smoke  of  numerous  culi- 
nary fires)  the  climate  gradually  underwent  a  favorable 
change,  and  finally  evinced  so  complete  a  revolution, 
that  Charlestown  w;is  considered  to  enjoy  tlie  most  sa- 
lubrious air  of  Carolina. 

Notwithstanding  the  earnest  desire  of  the  proprieta- 
ries, that  the  colonists  should  cultivate  the  good  will  of 
the  Indians,  a  war  that  proved  very  detrimental  to  the 
settlement  broke  out  in  the  year  1680,  with  a  powerful 
tribe  that  iidiabited  the  southern  boundary.  The  war 
seems  to  have  originated,  partly  from  the  insolence  with 
which  the  idle  and  licentious  emigrants  behaved  to  the 
Indians,  and  partly  from  the  depredations  of  straggling 
parties  of  Indians,  who  being  accustomed  to  the  prac- 
tice of  killing  whatever  animals  they  found  at  large, 
accounted  the  planters'  hogs,  turkeys,  and  geese,  lawful 
game,  and  freely  preyed  upon  them.  The  planters  as 
freely  made  use  of  their  arms  in  defiance  of  their  pro, 
perty,  and  several  Indians  having  been  killed,  the  ven- 
geance of  their  kindred  tribe  burst  forth  abruptly  in 
general  hostilities,  which  for  some  time  threatened  the 
mo.st  serious  consequences  to  the  colony.  So  divided 
were  the  colonists  among  themselves,  that  the  governor 
found  it  dilRcnlt  to  unite  them  in  measures  requisite 
even  for  their  conmion  safety,  or  to  persuade  any  to 
undertake  an  eft'ort  that  did  not  promise  to  be  attended 
with  advantage  imnii'diatelv  and  exchisively  their  own. 
That  he  might  address  himself  eflectually  to  their  sel- 
fish disposition,  he  oflered  a  price  for  every  Indian  who 
.should  be  taken  prisoner  and  brought  to  Charlestown; 


and  raised  ihc  necessary  funds  by  disposing  of  the  cap- 
tives to  Iho  traders  who  frcijiicnted  the  colonies,  and 
who  sold  them  for  slaves  in  the  Wer^t  Indies.  This 
policy  was  productive  of  so  much  profit,  and  of  cnte.. 
prises  so  agreeable  to  the  temper  and  habits  of  some  of 
the  planters,  that  the  war  was  carried  on  with  a  vigor 
th.it  soon  enabled  the  government  to  dictate  a  treaty  Oi 
peace  with  the  Indians,  [1(181.]  The  proprietaries, 
desiring  that  this  pacification  should  rest  on  a  la.sting 
;ind  equitable  basis,  apjiointcd  commissioners  who  were 
empowered  to  decide  all  complainl.s  between  the  con- 
tending parties  in  future,  and  declared  that  all  the  tribes 
within  four  hundred  miles  of  Charlestown  were  under 
their  protection.  But  the  practices  that  had  been  in- 
troduced during  tho  war  had  established  thcnist'lves 
too  strongly  to  be  thus  easily  eradicated.  Many  of  the 
colonists  found  it  more  profitable, as  well  as  more  agree- 
able, to  traffic  in  the  persons  of  the  Indians,  than  to 
clear  the  forests  or  till  the  ground:  and  not  only  the 
principal  inhabitants,  but  the  officers  of  government, 
fomented  the  sjiirit  of  discord  that  prevailed  ;iniong  the 
savage  tribes  and  jiromoted  their  mutual  wars,  with  the 
design  of  procuring  to  themselves  tiie  captives  whom 
they  purchased  as  slaves.  It  was  in  vain  for  the  go- 
vernor and  council  to  plead  in  justification  of  this  in- 
human policy,  that  by  occupying  the  tribes,  and  caus- 
ing them  to  exjiend  their  force  in  mutual  hostilities, 
they  secured  the  colony  against  tlunr  attacks ;  and  thai 
humanity  sanctioned  the  purchase  of  prisoners  who 
would  otherwise  have  been  put  to  death.  The  propri- 
etaries were  by  no  means  satisfied  with  these  reasons ; 
and  strongly  declaring  their  conviction  that  it  was  a 
sordid  thirst  for  private  gain,  and  not  a  generous  con- 
cern for  the  public  safety,  that  engendered  a  policy  so 
dastardly  and  dishonest,  they  ceased  not  to  insi.st  for 
its  entire  abandonment.  But  their  humane  interference 
was  long  unavailing;  and  it  was  not  (ill  afler  the  most 
persevering  and  vehement  remonstrances,  that  they 
were  able  to  procure  the  enactment  of  a  law  to  regu- 
late, and  at  length  utterly  prohibit,  this  profligate  and 
ignoble  practice.  Its  continuance  was  attended  with 
consequences  both  immediately  and  la.stingly  injurious. 
The  traders  who  carried  tlie  captives  to  the  West  In- 
dies imported  rum  in  exchange  foi*  them  ;  and  a  de- 
structive habit  of  indulging  to  excess  in  this  beverage 
depraved  the  manners  and  relaxed  the  industry  of  many 
of  the  colonists.  A  deep  and  mutual  dislike  was  formed 
between  them  and  the  victims  of  their  injustice,  which 
the  lapse  of  many  years  was  unable  to  allay;  and  in 
after  times  the  Indians  inflicted  a  severe  retribution  on 
the  posterity  of  those  who  had  been  the  authors  of  their 
wrongs  and  the  insidious  abetters  of  their  ferocity. 

Governor  West  held  a  parliament  at  Charlestown  in 
the  close  of  the  following  year;  [168"i,]  when  laws 
.<  ere  enacted  for  settling  a  militia,  which  the  late  war 
had  shown  to  be  necessary;  for  making  ways  through 
the  boundless  forest  that  every  where  surrounded  the 
capital;  for  repre.ssing  drutikenness  and  profmity,  and 
otherwise  promoting  the  morality  of  a  people  who  did 
not  enjoy  the  instruction  of  a  public  ministry.  fl()8t5.] 
Shortly  after  this  proceeding,  AV'est,  who  had  incurred 
the  displeasure  of  the  proprietaries  by  introducing  the 
traffic  iti  Indians,  and  by  curbing  the  exces.ses  ol  the 
cavaliers,  who  were  accounted  the  proprietary  party, 
was  removed  from  his  command ;  and  the  government 
of  the  colony  was  committed,  by  Lord  Craven,  to  Jo- 
seph Moreton,  who  had  been  recently  created  a  land- 
grave of  Carolina.  This  was  the  commencement  of  a 
course  of  rapid  succession  of  governors,  and  all  the 
other  public  officers  in  the  colony :  a  system  arising 
partly  from  unexpected  casualties,  and  i)artly  from  de- 
fective policy;  and  which  did  not  fail  to  produce  tlie 
consequences  with  which  it  has  been  invariably  at- 
tended, in  the  degrailation  of  government,  and  the  pro- 
motion of  party  .spirit  and  cabals.  But,  however  much 
the  policy  of  the  proprietaries  might  fluctuate  in  other 
respects,  it  continued  long  to  be  steadily  and  strenuous- 
ly directed  to  the  cncouragenu'iit  of  emigration.  At 
the  desire  of  several  wealthy  persons,  who  proposed  to 
emigrate  to  the  province,  they  once  more  revised  their 
fundamental  constitutions,  which,  at  the  time  of  their 
first  eiiactmsT'it.  had  been  declared  unalterable;  now 
again  promulgating  a  similar  declaration  of  their  I'uture 
inviolability.  The  object  of  the  present  alteration  was 
to  relax  somewhat  in  favor  of  liberty,  the  rigor  of  the 
original  constitutions:  but  it  is  die  less  nece.ssary  to 
particularize  them,  as  they  were  never  acknowledged 
or  received  by  tho  people  of  Carolina,  who  were  more 
jealous  of  the  power  assumed  to  introduce  such  altera- 
tions, than  gratified  with  the  particular  advantages  now 
tendered  to  their  acceptance.  The  alteratiotis,  how- 
ever, proving  satisfactory  to  the  parties  who  had  suli 


294 


THE    HISTORY  OF 


Jted  tlipin,  one  Ferguson  soon  after  conducted  to  the 
toiotiy  an  cniif^ration  from  Ireland,  which  instantly 
.ninglVd  witli  tiie  mass  of  the  inhahitants.  Lord  Car- 
dross,  a  Scottish  nohh'inaii,  also  led  out  a  colony  from 
liis  native  country  (then  -.'roaning  under  tlie  harharous 
ndininistration  of  tlie  Duke  of  Lauderdale.)  which  set- 
tled on  Tort  Koyal  island,  and  in  pursuance  of  some 
a2re<'nii'nt  or  understanding  willi  the  pro])rietaries, 
claimed  for  it.self  co-ordinate  authority  with  the  go- 
vernor and  grand  council  of  Charlestown.  This  claim, 
however,  was  disallowed  l>y  the  colonial  government; 
and  the  new  occupants  of  I'ort  Royal  having  been  com- 
pelled to  acknirwledge  .submission.  Lord  ('ardross, 
whether  disappointed  witli  this  result,  or  .satisfied  with 
wh.it  he  had  already  .tccomplished,  forsook  the  settle- 
ment arul  returned  to  Britain.  The  settlers  whom  he 
left  behind,  were  sometime  afler  dislodged  from  their 
advant.igeous  situation  by  au  expedition  despat'died 
against  them  by  the  Spaniards  at  Augustine,  whom 
they  had  wantonly  provoked  by  inciting  the  Indians  to 
make  an  irruption  into  the  Spanish  territory.  But  the 
most  valuable  addition  to  its  numbers  whi<;h  the  colony 
at  this  time  received,  aro.se  from  the  emigration  of  a 
considerable  body  of  pious  and  respectable  dissenters, 
!Tom  Somersetshire  in  I'.ngland.  This  body  was  con- 
ducted by  Joseph  Blake,  the  brother  and  heir  of  the 
renowned  .\dmiral  Blake,  and  who  now  devoted  the 
moderate  fortune  which  his  disinterested  brother  had 
beque.ahiid  to  him,  to  facilitate  the  retirement  of  a  nuni- 
i)er  of  dissenters,  with  whom  he  was  connected,  from 
the  ))ersccntions  they  endured  in  Kngland,  and  the 
greater  calamities  they  apprehended  under  the  reign  of 
liie  popish  successor  of  the  king.  Several  persons  of 
similar  j)rinciples,  and  considerable  substance,  united 
themselves  to  this  emigration :  and  the  arrival  of  these 
people  served  to  strengthen  the  hands  of  the  puritan  or 
Baber  party  in  thecolonv,  and  to  counteract,  in  a  salu- 
tary manner,  the  intluenco  of  circumstances  unfavora- 
■»!e  to  the  character  .and  manners  of  the  planters.  From 
iho  exertions  of  the  proprietaries,  and  the  condition  of 
I'^igland  at  this  period,  there  is  little  doubt  that  the 
colony  would  have  received  a  much  larger  accession 
to  its  inhahitants,  if  the  recent  colonization  of  Penn- 
lylvania  had  not  pri^sented  an  asylum  more  generally 
atlr.ictive  to  mankind.  The  liberality  of  William 
I'enn's  institutions;  the  friendly  sentiments  with  which 
the  Indians  returned  his  kind  and  pacific  demeanor ; 
the  greater  salubrity  of  the  climate  of  Penn.sylvaiiia. 
and  superior  adaptation  of  its  soil  lo  the  cultivation  of 
British  grain,  powerfidly  enforced  the  claim  of  this 
province  to  the  preference  of  emigrants;  and  su(-h 
multitudes  resorted  to  it,  both  from  I'.ngland  and  the 
other  states  of  Kurope,  as  soon  enabled  it  to  outstrip 
the  older  settlement  of  Carolina,  both  in  wealth  and  in 
population. 

A  few  months  after  his  elevation  to  the  office  of  go- 
vernor, .Morelon  asseml)led  a  parliament,  which  estab- 
lished a  great  variety  of  regulations,  for  the  remedy  of 
those  little  inconveniences  that  are  incidental  to  the 
mfancy  of  all  colonial  settlements.  A  law  that  was 
now  enacted  for  raising  the  value  of  foreign  coins  gave 
rise  to  the  currency  of  Carolina,  which,  in  after  times, 
incurred  an  extreme  depreciation.  In  imitation  of  the 
early  policy  of  the  si'ttlement  of  Albemarle, , all  prosecu- 
tions for  foreign  debts  were  suspended.  But  the  pro- 
prietaries, now  regarding  with  displeasure  what  they 
liad  formerly  confirmed  without  animadversion,  inter- 
posed to  ni'gative  this  enactment,  declaring  th.at  it  was 
contrary  to  the  king's  honor,  sinci;  it  obslnu  ted  the 
course  of  justice,  and  that  the  colonial  parliament  h.ul 
no  power  to  frame  a  law  no  inconsistent  willi  the  juris- 
prudence of  Kngland  :  and  the  more  sensibly  to  mani- 
fest their  displivisiirc,'.  they  issued  orders  that  all  officers 
who  h  III  iiroruDted  this  enactment  shoidd  be  displaced. 
Another  cause  of  di-i|>ute  bi-tween  the  proprietaries  and 
the  province,  arosi;  from  the  manu  -r  in  wiiieh  this  p.ir- 
h.iineiit  had  becm  constituted.  The  province  at  this 
lime  was  divided  into  the  three  counties  of  Berkcdey, 
Craven  (including  the  district  formerly  called  Claren- 
don), and  Colleton.  The  proprietaries  had  ilesired, 
thai  of  the  IwcMity  mi.'uib.'rs  of  whom  the  Iowit  house 
ef  oarli.iin  Mit  wa-i  (^imposed,  ti-ii  shoiilil  be  elected  by 
each  of  the  cotiiitii's  of  Berkeley  and  Colleton;  the 
third  being  reckon  m1  ;ls  yet  too  inconsidi-rable  to  merit 
a  share  of  parh.iineiit  iry  representation.  Berkeley, 
which  cont  lined  ihi;  m  'tropolis,  was  the  only  one  of 
llie  I'oiiiitieii  which  as  yia  possessi'd  a  ciiuiitv  court; 
atnl  the  proviin  i.d  governin  ■nt  h  ivin;;  appointi-d  the 
election  lo  b.!  Ill-Id  at  (,'li,irleslo wii,  the  iiili,ibil.inls  of 
Uerkel.'y  had  coiiibined  to  prevent  the  people  of  Colle- 
ton I'roin  votinz  at  all.  and  ii.id  themselves  returned  the 
uhole  iweiily  nieiiibors,    Th'.-y  miinlaiiied  that  thij 


advantage  was  due  to  their  own  superiority  in  number 
of  people;  a  circumstance  which  at  lea.st  enabled  them 
to  realize  the  pretension  it  suggested.  Tlie  proprieta- 
ries, however,  were  highly  displeased  with  this  con- 
temjit  of  their  instructions,  which  thev  were  no  sooner 
informed  of,  than  they  gave  orders  that  the  parliament 
should  be  dissolved,  and  none  other  as.sembled  in  so 
irregular  a  manner.  But  their  commands  were  unavail- 
ing; and  this  signal  injustice,  after  maintaining  its 
ground  for  some  time,  obtained  the  countenance  and 
assent  of  the  projirietaries  themselves,  and  continued 
to  subsist,  till,  at  a  later  period,  its  abifttors  were  com- 
pi'lled  to  yield  to  the  inilignant  and  unanimous  voice 
of  the  people  whom  they  had  disfranchised.  The  pro- 
pri(!taries,  meanwhile,  were  exceedingly  displeased  with 
the  reiterated  disobedience  of  their  deputies,  and,  in  a 
remonstrance  which  they  addre.s.sed  to  the  governor  and 
council  ,  they  reminded  them,  in  language  which  at 
least  expresses  good  intentions,  "  that  the  power  of 
magistracy  is  put  into  your  hands  for  the  good  of  the 
jieople,  who  ought  not  to  be  turned  into  jirey,  as  we 
doubt  hath  been  too  much  practised."  It  was  remark- 
ed, that  the  greatest  dealers  in  Indian  slaves  were  the 
keenest  opponents  of  the  claim  of  Colleton  county  to 
share  in  the  exercise  of  the  elective  franchise  ;  exem- 
plifying how  the  indulgence  of  selfishness  and  oppres- 
sion in  any  one  relation  tends  entirely  to  ])ervert  or  ex- 
tinguish in  men's  minds  the  sense  of  what  is  due  to  the 
rights  of  others.  The  proprietaries,  though  at  times 
they  expressed  themselves,  as  on  this  last  occa.sion, 
with  vigor  and  wisdom,  seem  to  have  been  quite  inca- 
pacitated, by  ignorance  or  irresolution,  from  pursuing 
or  enforcing  a  consistent  course  of  policy.  It  was 
found  that  some  of  the  councillors,  and  even  the  com- 
inLssioners  that  had  been  appointed  to  watc-ii  over  the 
interests  of  the  Indians,  encouraged  the  traffic  in  In- 
dian slaves;  and  though  Moreton  was  able  to  remove 
these  delinquents  from  office,  they  succeeded  in  ren- 
dering his  own  situation  so  dis.agreeable  to  him,  that  he 
was  constrained  to  resign  his  authority,  which  was  im- 
mediately conferred  on  W'cst,  who  sutfered  the  jieople 
to  continue  the  jiractice  of  inveiirling  and  kidnapping 
the  Indians  without  restraint.  The  proprietaries  then 
intrusted  the  government  to  Sir  Richard  Kyrle,  an 
Irishman,  who  died  soon  after  his  arrival  in  the  pro- 
vince. [1684.]  West,  thereupon,  was  again  chosen 
interim  governor  by  the  council,  whose  ai)poinlment, 
on  this  occasion,  the  proprietaries  thought  proper  to 
confirm.  He  w;ls,  however,  shortly  aft(?r  superseded 
liv  (^'olonol  (iuarry,  who  retained  the  ofiice  only  till  the 
following  year,  [i()8.').]  when,  in  consequence  of  the 
countenance  he  was  found  to  have  given  to  piracy,  he, 
in  his  turn,  was  dismissed,  and  Joseph  Moreton  rein- 
stated in  the  government.* 

The  .\inerican  seas  had  long  been  infested  by  a  race 
of  daring  adventurers,  privateers  in  time  of  war,  pirates 
in  time  of  peace,  whose  martial  exploits,  and  success- 
ful depredatiotis  on  the  rich  colonies  and  commerce  of 
Spain,  enabled  them  to  conciliate  the  regard  or  i)ur- 
cliase  the  connivance  of  many  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
British  settlements,  and  even  of  the  .uitborities  supreme 
as  well  as  subordinate,  of  the  Brilisli  eiiiiiire.  Tlie 
king  himself,  for  several  years  after  his  restoration,  had 
extended  to  them  his  patronage,  and  even  granted  the 
honor  of  knighthood  to  one  of  their  lumber,  Henry 
.Morgan,  a  Welshman,  who  had  ])lunilered  I'ortobello 
and  Panama,  and  acquired  a  vast  booty  by  his  achieve- 
m  -nts.  Thus  recommended  by  the  king  lo  the  favora- 
ble regards  of  his  subjects,  these  freebooters  found  it 
no  less  easy  than  advantaseous  to  cultivate  a  (riendly 
connexion  with  the  people  of  Carolina,  who  willingly 
openi'd  their  ports,  and  furnished  supplies  of  jirovisions 
to  guests  who  lavishly  spent  their  gulden  spoils  in  the 
colony.  The  treaty  of  KiliT,  together  with  the  iii- 
cre.isiiigly  lawless  character  of  the  adventurers,  had 
withdrawn  the  king's  protection  from  them ;  but  they 
continued,  nevertheless,  to  maintain,  and  even  extend, 
their  intercourse  with  the  planters  and  authorities  of 
('aroliiia.  The  governor,  the  pr.iprielary  deputies,  and 
the  principal  iiilialiilanis,  degraded  themselves  to  a  level 
wilh  til!'  vilest  of  111  inkind,  by  abetting  the  crimes  of 
S  pirates,  and  becoming  receivers  of  iheir  nefarious  ac- 
quisitions. The  proprietaries  strongly  remonstrated 
against  practices  that  degraded  the  character  of  the  pro- 
vince, and  dejjraved  the  manners  of  all  who  participated 

*  Ol.linixon,  1.  .131.  310.  Mown,  i.  Ui,  «3.  (Mialmors,  Sfi,  5tT 
From  Oliliiiiioirs  I.i>ls,  It  app'  Tirs  tli  it  ("oloiii'l  lju.irry  lii  l.l  i>li;- 
cial  siliiiilioiis  under  llie  rnnvii  in  several  of  tlio  priiviinTS 
at  llio  s.amo  timu.  On  his  ri'liirn  to  lOn^laml  in  llie  year  1703, 
he  (iresonlocl  to  Ihi)  lords  of  Ir  ido  a  inmnon  il  on  the  sl.ito  of 
Iho  American  colonics,  which  u  preserved  .tnioii;;  Ihe  Itaili  ian 
(.'olli.rtion  in  Iho  British  Miisouiii.  Soiiio  notice  uf  il  occurs  in 
OlaiDKoa's  account  uf  Virginia 


in  them;  and  their  orders,  hacked  by  a  proclamatioD 
from  the  king,  prevailed  so  far  as  to  restrain  the  colo- 
nists from  indulging  an  ind'.n.nion  which  they  had  begun 
to  denionsirate  of  sharing  iti  the  enterprises"  as  well  aa 
the  gains  of  their  piraticiJ  as.sociates.  But  thev  obsti- 
nately continued  lo  retain  their  connection  w  ith  these 
adventurers,  which,  diri'usiiig  among  ihem  the  infectioiH 
desire  of  sudden  we.ilth  ;'nd  the  spirit  of  dissipation 
contribnled  to  the  formatio'i  of  habits  pernicious  to 
every  community,  but  more  particularly  injurious  to  the 
prosperity  of  an  infant  sett'.emeiit.  Traces  of  these 
liabits  have  continued  long  to  be  discernible  in  the  cha- 
racter and  manners  of  the  inhabit^ints  of  Carolina, 
The  king  at  length  arou.sed  by  the  compl.iints  of  hij 
allies,  and  sensible  how  much  the  trade  of  his  own 
subjects  had  been  injured  by  these  law  le.ss  jiroceedings, 
transmitted  to  the  colony  in  April,  H)84,  "  a  law  against 
pirates,"  which  the  proprietaries  required  their  parli.v 
ment  to  enact,  and  their  executive  othcers  rigorously 
to  enforce.  The  first  part  of  this  requisition  was  rea- 
dily complied  with  ;  but  the  evil  had  become  so  inve- 
terate, that  the  law,  instead  of  being  carried  into  eP 
feet,  was  openly  violated  even  by  those  by  whom  it 
had  been  enacted.  It  was  not  "till  three  years  after 
tills  period,  that  the  evil  received  an  etrecliial  check, 
from  an  expedition  which  James  the  Second  despatch- 
ed under  Sir  Robert  Holmes,  for  the  suppression  of 
piracy  in  the  West  Indies.  Of  this  expedition  the 
proiirielaries  sent  intimation  to  the  governor  and  conn- 
cil  of  Charlestown,  and  recommended  to  them  a  prompt 
submission  to  the  authority,  and  co-operation  In  the 
designs  and  jiroceedings  of  Holmes;  and  their  man- 
dates being  now  supported  by  a  force  sulKcientto  over- 
awe all  opposition,  tliese  disgraceful  proceedings  sus- 
tained a  complete,  though  unfortunately  only  a  tempo- 
rary inlerruption. 

Meanwhile  the  obloquy  and  disrepute  which  the  pro- 
vince of  South  Carolina  thus  deservedly  incurred,  w.xt 
not  the  only  inconvenience  that  resulted  from  its  con- 
nexion with  the  pirates.  The  Spaniards  at  St.  Angus- 
tini!  had  iilways  regarded  the  southern  siatlements  of 
the  Kurdish  with  jealousy  and  dislike  ;  they  i.ispected, 
and  not  wiihoiil  reason,  that  the  Scotch'  iilaiiters  at 
Port  Roy.ii  iiitlanied  the  Indians  against  them;  and 
they  beheld  with  indignation  tlie  ])lunderers  of  their 
commerce  openly  encouraged  at  Charlestown.  [Itv-'l).] 
.After  thi-eat(?ning  to  avenge  themselves  bv  hostilities, 
they  at  length  Invaded  the  southern  frontiers  of  lli« 
roviiice.  and  laid  waste  the  selllements  of  Port  Koyal. 
'he  ('aroliiiians  liiullng  tliem.selves  unable  to  del'enil  a 
wide  extended  bouiidarv,  resolved  to  carry  their  arms 
into  the  heart  of  their  enemy's  territory;  and  account- 
ing themselves  authorised  bv  the  terms  of  the  jiroviii- 
cial  charter  to  levy  war  on  their  neighbours,  they  iii.ide 
preparations  for  an  expedition  against  St.  .Augustine. 
The  jiroprletarles,  informed  of  this  pro|ect,  hastened 
to  wlthslaiul  it  by  their  remonstrance  and  prohibition. 
F.very  rational  being,  they  declared,  must  have  foie- 
seen  that  the  Spaniards,  provoked  by  such  injuries  ;is 
the  <'oli)iilsts  had  wantonly  inllicted  on  thein.  would  as- 
suredly ret  illlat  '.  The  clause  of  the  charter  w  liieli  was 
relied  on  by  the  colonists  to  justify  their  projected  in- 
vasion meant  no  more  (they  maintained)  than  a  pur- 
suit in  the  heat  of  victory,  and  never  could  authorise  a 
deliberate  prosecution  of  war  against  the  king  of 
S])ain's  subjects  within  his  own  territories.  "  We  our- 
selves," they  protested,  •' claim  no  fucIi  power:  nor 
can  any  in  in  believe  that  the  dependencies  of  Kngland 
can  li  ive  libi-rty  to  m  ike  war  upon  the  king's  allies, 
wilhoiit  Ills  knowledge  or  consent."'  They  Intimated, 
at  the  same  time,  their  dissent  from  a  law  which  had 
been  p.assed  for  |-alslngmen  and  money  for  the  jiroject- 
ed  ex|)edltion  asaliist  the  Spaniards;  and  the  iiiliabi- 
tants,  either  convinced  by  their  reasonings,  or  disabled 
from  r.ilsing  the  iiece-isary  siipjilies,  abandoned  the  en- 
terprise. On  learning  this  result,  the  pro|)rli'I  irles  coii- 
gratul.ited  the  governor  and  council  on  their  lliiielv  re- 
traction of  a  measure  which,  had  it  been  carried  into 
efTecl.  the  promoters  of  it,  they  declared,  nilyhl  have 
answered  with  their  lives.  Tliey  instructeil  them  to 
address  a  ciril  letter  to  the  governor  of  St.  Augustine, 

*  There  can  hp  little  doiihl,  I  apprelicnd,  that  if  the  proprie- 
taries had  transferrcil  their  own  residence  lo  the  colonies,  of 
h.a.l  heen  ahle  to  realize  the  inaKiiiAcenl  si  hemo  c.nit.'Uiird  ia 
tlieir  fiindamonlai  cunKlilution.s,  they  would  have  put  a  inurh 
freer  iiilcrprelalion  on  the  lH!lli?ercnt  privilefie  ronfeireu  bf 
Ihc  cliirler;  and  would  have  made  war  a.s  larsely  and  inile> 
pendcnilv  as  Ihc  Eiielish  East  India  Company  have  .>vol 
done.  The  .accomplishment  of  llieir  original  view  s  would 'ia« 
elTei'tcd  all  the  inisrhief  that  in  a  Inter  a^e  wa::  'jiisilv  ot  ef 
roneoiislv)  nnlicipalra  from  the  India  hill  of  Mr.  F.n  ;  and  di* 
lurlieii  Ihe  halaiiee  el  Ihe  Eiialish  ronsliiution  i)\  ihe  v;i.sl  i  ii 
dou  mcnt  oi  power  &.nd  intiuenca  wluch  1:  would  liavo  bestov 
od  on  a  junta  of  the  .Vn>lucnicv. 


NORTH  AMERICA 


295 


to  inquire  by  what  autliority  he  hud  acted ;  and,  in  the 
mean  time,  to  put  the  province  in  the  best  position  of 
defence.  From  tliis  period,  nmtuul  dread  and  ani- 
mosity rarely  ceased  to  prevail  between  the  Spanish 
and  English  colonists  in  Florida  and  Carolina. 

VVhei)  the  governor  and  council  received  intelligence 
I  of  the  deatli  of  Charles  the  Second,  they  proclaimed 
his  successor  with  e.\pre.ssions  of  loyalty  and  joy,  ap- 
parently the  elFusions  of  mere  levity  and  love  of  change, 
but  which  gave  so  much  satisfaction  to  James,  that  he 
conveyed  to  them,  in  return,  the  assurance  of  his  favor 
and  protection.  His  sincerity  herein  was  on  a  par  with 
tlieir  own  ;  for  he  already  meditated  the  revocation  of 
the  colonial  charter,  and  the  annihilation  of  all  their 
privileges  He  was  prevented,  however,  from  com- 
pleting this  intention,  and  his  reign  was  productive  of 
events  that  proved  highly  advantageous  to  the  colony. 
Many  of  his  English  subjects,  apprehending,  from  his 
arbitrary  principles  and  his  bigotry  to  the  church  of 
Rome,  the  subversion  of  their  religion  and  liberties,  fled 
beyond  the  Atlantic,  from  the  approaching  rigors  of  per- 
secution: being  determined  rather  to  endure  the  seve- 
rest hardships  abroad,  than  to  witness  the  estiiblishment 
of  popery  and  tyranny  in  England.  The  population  of 
America,  recruited  by  these  emigrations,  derived  even 
a  larger  ac(|uisition  from  the  persecution  of  the  pro- 
tostants  in  F'rancc,  that  followed  the  revocation,  in 
It)85,  of  the  edict  of  Nantz.  Above  half  a  million  of 
her  most  useful  and  industrious  subjects,  expelled  from 
France,  carried  with  tliein  into  England,  Holland,  and 
other  European  states,  the  arts  and  manufactures  which 
had  chiefly  tended  to  enrich  their  native  country. 
James,  aflecting  to  participate  the  indignation  that  was 
expressed  by  his  own  subjects  at  the  persecution  exer- 
cised by  the  French  monarch,  hastened  to  tender  the 
most  friendly  assistance  to  the  distressed  Hugonots, 
who  sought  shelter  in  his  dominions  ;  and  besides  those 
who  established  themselves  in  England,  considerable 
numbers  were  enabled  to  transport  themselves  to  the 
British  settlements  in  America.  Many,  also,  who 
needed  not  his  assistance,  and  who  dreaded  his  designs, 
purchased  colonial  projjerty  with  their  own  money,  and 
retreated  to  the  same  distant  region.  Among  the  otiier 
colonies  which  thus  reaped  advantage  I'rom  the  oppres- 
sions exercised  in  France,  and  the  apprehensions  enter- 
tained in  England,  Carolina  derivcsd  a  considerable  ac- 
quisition of  people.  Many  of  the  protestant  refugees, 
iu  particular,  having  purchased  lauds  from  the  proprie- 
taries, who  were  ever  on  the  watch  to  encourage  emi- 
gration to  their  territories,  enibarl  ed  with  their  families 
lor  this  colony,  and  made  a  valuable  addition  to  its  in- 
dustry, prosperity,  and  population. 

Although  the  colonists  had  as  yet  made  but  small  pro- 
gress in  cultivating  their  territory,  and  still  found  their 
ertbrts  impeded,  and  their  numbers  abridged,  by  the 
obstructions  of  the  forest  and  the  ravages  of  disease, 
they  were  obviously  beginning  to  surmount  the  first 
ditliculties  and  disadvantages  of  their  situation.  Their 
cattle,  requiring  neither  ediflces  nor  attendance,  found 
sulhcient  shelter,  and  ample  nourishment,  in  the  woods, 
and  increased  in  an  ama/.ing  degree.  They  traded  to 
the  West  Indies  for  rum  and  sugar,  in  return  for  their 
hiinber  and  provisions;  and  England  supplied  them 
with  clothes,  arms,  ammunition,  and  utensils  for  build- 
ing and  cultivation,  in  exchange  for  their  deer-skins, 
furs,  and  naval  stores.  This  conunerce,  inconsidera- 
ble as  it  was,  having  begun  to  attract  attention,  a  col- 
lector of  the  customs  was  established  at  Chailestown. 
soon  after  the  accession  of  James  to  the  throne.  The 
proprietaries,  on  this  occasion,  transuntted  their  orders 
to  the  governor  and  council,  to  show  a  becoming  for- 
wardness in  assisting  the  collection  of  the  duty  on  to- 
bacco transported  to  other  colonies,  and  in  seizing  ships 
that  presumed  to  trade  contrary  to  the  acts  of  naviga- 
tion. Hut, although  the  proprieUiries  enjoyed  in  theory 
the  mo^t  absolute  authority  within  the  province,  and 
seemed,  indeed,  to  have  engrossed  the  whole  powers 
ofgoyeniinent,  they  had  long  been  sensible  of  the  prac- 
tical iui  iKciency  of  every  one  of  their  mandates  that 
v/as  opposed  to  the  opinions  or  favorite  practices  of  the 
people.  This  last  injunction  was  not  only  disobeyed 
but  openly  and  argumeiitatively  disputed  by  the  colo- 
nisLs  and  the  colonial  judges  and  magistrates,  who  in- 
sisted that  they  were  exempted  from  the  operation  of 
tlie  navigation  acts  by  the  terms  of  the  provincial  char- 
ter, ii^uinst  ichich,  they  plainly  informed  the  collector, 
that  '  they  held  an  act  of  parliament  to  be  of  no  force 
whatever."  As  the  charier  was  posterior  in  date  to  the 
nivigation  act.  fliis  was  in  effect  tc  contend  for  the 
dispcnsing  power  of  the  crown  ;  and  to  maintain  against 
the  king  himself,  the  very  doctrine  which  he  forfeited 
Ins  throne  by  attempting  to  realize.    Ilk-gal  and  dan- 


gerous, as  a  pica  involving  snch  doctrines  may  at  first 
sight  appear  it  will  be  found,  in  proportion  as  we  ex- 
amine it,  that  it  is  very  far  from  being  destitute  ofsuj)- 
port,  either  from  natural  reason  or  legal  principle.  It 
was  the  charter  alone  that  had  added  the  colonial  terri- 
tory to  the  British  empire  ;  and  it  was  to  the  execution 
and  existence  of  that  charter  alone,  that  (ireat  liritain 
could  refer  for  legal  evidence  of  the  connexion  between 
herself  and  the  colonial  people.  The  planters,  possess- 
ing the  power  of  transferring  their  labors  to  any  region 
where  they  might  please  to  settle,  and  the  benefit  of 
their  allegiance  to  any  sovereign  whose  stipulations  in 
their  fiivor  might  appear  satisfactory  to  them,  liad,  on 
the  faith  of  this  charter,  and  of  its  due  observance  in 
all  points,  formed  and  reared,  at  great  exi)ense,  their 
present  colonial  settlement ;  and  in  all  the  courts  of 
Great  Britain  the  charter  was  undoubtedly  held  a  valid 
paction  in  so  far  as  it  imposed  obligations  on  the  colo- 
nists. There  appears,  then,  to  have  been  no  want  of 
justice  or  equity  in  the  claim  of  the  planters,  that  a 
charter  which  had  formed  tlieir  original  paction  and 
bond  of  union  with  tlie  mother  country,  on  the  faith  of 
which  their  subjection  had  been  yielded  and  their  set- 
tlement created,  and  which  was,  on  all  hands,  acknow- 
ledged to  be  strictly  valid  in  so  far  as  it  imposed  obli- 
gations upon  them,  should  be  held  no  less  sacred  in  re- 
spect of  the  jjrivileges  which  it  conceded  to  them. 
While  it  was  allowed  to  remain  unannulled,  it  seemed 
to  be  entitled  to  entire  and  equal  operation :  and  if  it 
were  to  be  set  aside,  the  grantees  should  have  been 
left  at  liberty  to  attach  themselves  to  some  other  domi- 
nion, if  they  could  not  arrange  with  Britain  new  terms 
of  a  prorogated  connexion  with  her.  It  must  be  ac- 
knowledged, however,  that  the  legal  force,  if  not  the 
natural  equity  of  this  plea,  is  considerably  abated  by 
the  consideration,  that  it  was  disclaimed  by  the  proprie- 
taries, and  preferred  exclusively  by  the  resident  colo- 
nial population.  The  proprietaries  vainly  disputed  the 
reasonableness  of  the  colonial  plea,  and  as  vainly  pro- 
hibited the  continuance  of  the  relative  practices.  Keither 
awed  by  their  authority,  nor  convinced  by  their  rea- 
sonings, nor  yet  deterred  by  the  frequent  seizures 
of  their  own  vessels  and  merchandize,  the  colonists 
continued  to  defend  the  legality  and  persist  in  the  prac- 
tice of  trading  wheresoever  and  in  whatsoever  commodi- 
ties they  pleased.  While  the  proprietaries  were  labor- 
ing to  prevail  in  this  disagreeable  controversy,  they  re- 
ceived a  new  and  more  painful  addition  to  their  embar- 
rassments, from  the  alarming  intelligence,  that  the  king, 
having  adopted  tJie  resolution  of  annihilating  all  pro- 
prietary governments,  had  directed  a  writ  of  qua  icur- 
ruHto  to  be  issued  against  the  patent  of  Carolina.  Thus, 
neither  their  submission  to  every  royal  mandate,  nor 
their  readiness  to  aid,  with  their  feeble  power,  in  the 
collection  of  the  royal  revenue,  and  the  execution  of 
the  acts  of  navigation,  could  protect  the  chartered  riglit.s 
of  the  proprietaries  from  the  enmity  and  injustice  of 
the  king.  Yet  prudently  bending  under  the  violence 
which  they  were  unable  to  resist,  they  eluded  the  force 
of  an  attack  which  proved  fatal  to  the  charter  of  Massa- 
chusetts; and  bv  proposing  a  treaty  for  surrender  of 
their  patent,  they  gained  such  delay  as  left  them  in  pos- 
session of  it,  at  the  period  of  the  British  Revolution. 

Governor  Moreton,  after  his  .second  appointment  to 
the  presidency  of  the  colony,  was  allowed  to  retain  it 
little  more  than  a  year.  Though  endowed  with  a  con- 
siderable share  of  wisdom  and  ability,  and  connected 
with  several  respectable  families  in  the  colony,  so  in- 
consistent were  his  instructions  from  England  with  the 
prevailing  views  and  interests  of  the  people,  that  he 
found  it  diflicult  to  execute  the  duties  of  his  otfice  at  all, 
and  impossible  to  discharge  them  satisfactorily.  He 
had  been  described  as  a  man  of  sober  and  religious  tem- 
per ;  and  having  married  the  sister  of  Blake,  it  was 
hoped  by  the  friends  of  piety  and  good  morals,  that  the 
hands  of  government  would  be  strengthened  by  this 
alliance,  and  an  etFectual  check  imposed  on  the  more 
licentious  and  irregular  party  of  the  people.  But  the 
majority  of  his  council  entertained  opinions  very  dif- 
ferent from  his,  witli  respect  to  the  conduct  of  the  pro- 
vincial administration,  and  claimed  greater  indulgences 
for  the  people  than  he  had  authority  to  grant.  Hence 
there  arose  in  the  colony  two  political  |)arties;  the  one 
attached  to  the  prerogative  and  authority  of  the  propri- 
etaries, the  other  devoted  to  the  liberties  of  the  people. 
By  the  one  it  was  contended  that  the  laws  and  regula- 
tions transmitted  from  England,  should  be  strictly  and 
iiiipliritly  obeyed:  by  the  other,  more  exclusive  regard 
was  had  to  the  local  circumstances  of  the  colony ;  and 
it  was  maintained  that  the  freemen  were  obliged  to  ob- 
serve the  injunctions  of  the  proprietaries,  only  in  so  far 
as  they  were  consistent  with  iJie  interest  of  tho  rest- 


dent  population,  and  the  prosperity  of  the  settlement. 
In  this  situation  of  afliiirs,  no  governor  could  lon)» 
maintain  bis  authority  among  a  number  of  bold  aiul 
restless  adventurer.s,  averse  to  all  restraint,  and  active 
in  improving  every  opportunity  to  advance  their  own 
interest;  for  whenever  he  attempted  to  control  any  of 
tlieir  designs,  by  the  exercise  of  his  author-Iy,  they  in- 
sult«d  his  j)erson,  and  complained  of  his  administration, 
till  they  prevailed  in  having  him  removed  from  his  of- 
fice. The  proprietaries  finding  that  .Moreton  had  be- 
come obnoxious  to  a  considerable  party  among  the  peo- 
ple, now  resolved  with  their  usual  feeble  policy  to  .sa- 
crifice him  to  the  enmitv  which  his  integrity  b;id  pro- 
voked; and  having  accordingly  dispatclied  him,  the/ 
appointed  as  his  successor,  James  ('olleton,  a  brollier 
of  one  of  their  own  number,  anri  on  whose  attachment 
to  the  proprietary  interest  they  thought  themselves  enti- 
tled to  rely.  His  fortune  and  connections,  it  was  hoped, 
would  add  influence  to  his  oliice;  and  to  lend  him  the 
greater  weight  as  he  was  created  a  landgrave  of  tlie 
colony,  with  the  appropriate  endowment  of  forty-eight 
tlionsaiid  acres  of  land.  A  high  opinion  had  been  en- 
tertained by  his  constituents  of  his  good  sense  and  abi- 
lity  ;  but  either  it  was  very  ill-founded,  or  he  was  do 
prived  of  discretion  and  self-|)ossession  by  the  confu- 
sions and  cabals  in  which  he  found  himself  involved. 
To  his  great  mortification,  he  was  quickly  made  sensi- 
ble that  the  proprietary  government  had  ac(piired  very 
little  stability,  and  was  continually  declining  in  the  re- 
spect of  its  subjects.  His  own  imprudence  contribu- 
ted materially  to  increase  the  weakness  and  discredit 
into  which  it  had  fallen. 

Tlie  commencement  of  Colleton's  administration 
gave  universal  satisfaction.  But  his  instructions  re- 
quiring him  to  attempt  what  his  authority  was  uiiabia 
to  effect,  the  punishment  of  almost  all  the  otiier  coloiiiij 
officers  for  various  instances  of  disobedience  to  the 
jiroprietaries,  and  to  execute  with  vigor  the  law  against 
pirates,  very  soon  embroiled  him  with  a  great  body  of 
the  inhabitants.  The  form  of  the  constitution,  coni- 
po.sed  of  a  variety  of  jurisdictions,  and  investing  die 
parliament  with  the  choice  of  members  for  the  grand 
council,  gave  rise  to  perpetual  intrigue ;  and  a  diver- 
sity of  factions  sprung  up,  "as  rampant,"  says  Old- 
inixon,  "  as  if  the  people  had  been  made  wanton  by 
many  ages  of  prosperity."  A  parliament  having  been 
summoned  by  Colleton,  tlie  majority  of  the  members 
openly  expressed  their  disapprobation  of  the  funda- 
mental constitutions;  and  having  appointed  a  com- 
mittee to  revise  and  anien<l  them,  this  body  proceeded 
without  delay  to  frame  a  new  and  very  dilVerent  scheme 
of  government,  which  they  distinguished  by  the  name 
of  the  standing  lairs  of  Carolina,  and  transniit'ed  to 
England  for  the  approbation  of  the  proprietaries.  Tlie 
■  eception  of  such  a  communication  might  have  been 
I  asily  foreseen.  The  proprietaries  hesitated  not  a  mo- 
ment to  reject  these  standing  laws,  and  to  issue  the 
most  positive  orders  for  the  due  observance  of  the  fun- 
damental constitutions  which  had  Seen  so  irreverently 
handled.  But  men  who  had  deliberately  undertaken 
so  bold  a  measure,  were  not  to  be  deterred  fnun  the 
|)rosecution  of  it  by  a  consequence  so  obvious  as  the 
displeasure  of  the  proprietaries ;  and  a  majority  of  the 
assembly  still  obstinately  refused  to  acknowledge  the 
authority  of  the  fundamental  constitutions.  They 
were  thereupon  expelled  from  the  house  by  tiie  go- 
vernor: and  protesting*  against  the  validity  of  any 
laws  that  might  be  enacted  by  a  minority  of  the  co:n- 
mons,  they  retired  into  the  country,  and  eagerly  en- 
deavored to  instil  their  own  principles  and  discontents 
into  the  minds  of  the  people.  So  successful  were  tlieir 
exertions  for  this  purpose,  that  when  a  new  jiarliament 
was  convoked,  [llisT,]  the  undisguised  and  unanimous 
purpose  of  the  members  was  to  thwart  and  contradict 
tho  governor  in  whatsoever  proceedings  lie  might  em- 
brace, recommend,  or  be  supposed  to  approvi-.  So 
pertinaciously  did  they  adhere  to  this  line  of  ])olicy,  as 
to  refuse  to  settle  a  militia  act,  though  the  safety  of  tin 
province,  endangered  by  the  Spaniards  and  their  Indian 
alli"s,  seemed  urgently  to  demand  such  a  measure: 
and,  in  fine,  to  make  sure  of  giving  sanction  to  nothing 
that  could  be  agreeable  to  the  (iovernor,  they  flatly  d  — 
clined  to  pass  any  laws  at  all.  A  dispute  in  which 
they  engaged  with  him  about  the  payment  of  quit  re.its, 
afforded  them  an  additional  opportunity  of  indulging 
their  spleen,  and  increasing  their  popularity.  Colleton 
h,i(l  attempted  to  enforce  payment  of  the  arrears  of  tht 

»  Tlieir  protest,  whicti  is  preserved  in  the  arcliives  of  tlie 
Plantation  Ollicc,  at  hondon,  is  subscribed  by  one  of  the  pro- 
testors v.'itli  his  marl<,  in  respect  of  liis  inability  to  w  rite 
Chalmers,  p.  566 — a  siffnificant  indication,  it  must  be  confessed, 
of  tlic  extent  of  Uis  political  knowledge  ai\d  lejisla'.ional  qui 
lifications 


290 


THK    HISTORY  OF 


quit  rriiK  (lite  Uy  the  poople,  wliieh  llioiigli  liiconsiilo- 
thMi'  in  aiiioiiiit,  were  rfckoiied  fxtreincly  hiinlciisoinc, 
as  not  ot|i-  ;»  r''  anions  a  tliousaiid  for  wliich  ipiit  r<-iils 
were  <lriiiaii:l''il  \  idili'il  ju-*  yut  any  prolit  lo  tin-  holders. 
Fiiidin-;  it  liii|)Os'sil)l('  to  accomplish  a  iiicasuro  so  uii- 
popidar,  whil-  he  was  destitute  of  support  from  the 
other  provinc  ial  officers,  he  wrote  to  tlie  projirietaries, 
re<|uesnii2  them  to  appoint  as  deputies,  certain  persons, 
whom  he  knew  to  he  favourahly  disposed  towards  tlieir 
governnii-nl.  and  from  whom  he  might  expect  assist- 
ance ill  the  execution  of  his  office.  Apprised  of  tliis 
meiLsiire.  the  adverse  party  scrupled  no  violence  or  in- 
justice to  defeat  or  counteract  it.  Letters  from  Eng- 
land, containiiiji  deputations  to  persons  obnoxious  to 
the  people,  thev  seized  and  suppressed  ;  and  themselves 
appointed  other  men  better  affected  to  the  ixipiilar 
c.iiise.  Advancing  in  this  course  of  resolute  nsiirjia- 
tioii.  the  leaders  of  the  popular  p.irty  proceeded  to  is- 
eiie  writs  in  their  own  name.  [1G88]  and  held  asseni- 
olies  in  opposition  to  the  governor,  and  in  utter  disre- 
gard of  the  aiilhority  of  the  proprietaries.  Having  im- 
prisoned the  secretary  of  the  province,  they  took  for- 
cilile  possession  of  tlie  public  records;  and  vvithcmt  ap- 
pearing to  have  any  fixed  or  definite  object  in  view, 
they  elfected  a  complete  subversion  of  legitimate  autho- 
rity. Only  a  determined  and  active  usurper  was  want- 
ing to  possess  himself  of  the  power  which  they  seemed 
to  be  more  eager  to  suspend  or  overthrow,  than  per- 
manently to  appropriate ;  and  a  personage  altogether 
fitted  lo  take  advantage  of  the  opportunity  did  not  fail 
shortly  after  to  present  himself  During  this  .scene  of 
confusion,  the  tidings  of  tiie  birth  of  a  Prince  of  Wales 
were  received  in  the  coloiiv,  and  celebrated  by  all  par- 
lies with  appearances  of  cordial  sympathy  and  con- 
gratulation: and  yet  so  unmeaning  were  these  expres- 
sions, or  so  absorbed  were  the  colonists  with  their  own 
internal  cabals,  and  .so  regardless  of  all  ciianges  beyond 
tlieir  own  immediate  sphere,  that  the  intelligence  of  the 
revolution  in  F.ngland, though  following  the  other  event 
so  clos.-ly.  excited  no  emotion  whatever.  [I(J80,]  and 
William  and  .Mary  were  proclaimed  with  the  most  me- 
chanical regularity  and  indiffi;reiice. 

Colleton  inortilied  by  the  insignificance  to  wliicli  he 
was  reduced,  and  alarmed  by  tlie  bold  and  seditious 
spirit  of  the  people,  vainly  perplexed  himself  with  a  va- 
riety of  inelleelual  schemes  for  recalling  them  to  the  re- 
cognition of  legal  authority.  His  conduct  had  been 
far  from  blameless,  and  had  even  attracted  censure  from 
tiie  <)narter  whence  he  principally  relied  for  counte- 
nance and  protection.  Among  other  irregularities  into 
which  he  had  been  betrayed,  he  had  imposed  an  arbi- 
trary line  of  one  hundred  pounds  on  the  minister,  for 
preaching  what  he  accounted  a  .seditious  sermon;  and 
the  pr()priet;iries  had  reiniHted  the  fine,  not  on  account 
of  the  illegality  of  its  inlliction,  but  of  the  extravagance 
of  its  amount.  It  was  at  length  suggi'sted  to  him,  whe- 
ther by  iiiipriuieut  partizans  or  insiduous  counsellors, 
that  to  proelaiiii  martial  law  was  the  only  means  that 
remained  of  inducing  the  people  to  return  to  his  go- 
vernance, and  yield  obedience  to  the  person,  who  un- 
der such  a  slate  of  things  would  alone  have  the  power 
to  punish  mutiny  and  sedition.  Actuated  no  doubt  by 
this  purpose,  though  professing  to  apprehend  an  inva- 
nioii  of  the  Spaniards  and  Indi.ins,  he  published  an  or- 
dinance declaratory  of  martial  law,  and  requiring  every 
one  to  appear  in  arms  for  the  defence  of  the  province. 
However  constitutional,  however  consistent  with  the 
provisions  of  the  charier,  this  measure  was  imprudent 
in  the  extreme  because  the  colonists,  thus  summoned 
to  arms,  were  far  more  inclined  to  turn  their  weapons 
against  tli.'ir  ruler  than  against  the  public  enemy.  The 
designs  of  the  governor  were  easily  seen  through,  and 
not  less  easily  defeated.  The  assembly  having  convoked 
theins(!lves,  and  taken  this  measure  into  tliiMr  consid(>- 
ralion,  resolved  at  once  that  it  was  a  daring  encroach- 
ment on  their  liberties,  and  an  unwarrantable  exertion 
of  powi.'r  al  a  time  when  the  colony  was  in  no  danger 
from  without.  Colleton,  however,  driven  to  the  ex- 
tremity of  his  resources,  persisted  in  his  proclamation 
of  martial  law,  and  vainly  attempted  to  enfor<-e  the  ar- 
ticles of  w.ir.  Hut  he  was  very  soon  Uiught  to  feel 
tli.'il  the  disalleetiou  was  too  general  to  admit  of  such 
a  reiiii'dy.  an:l  that  all  his  elVorts  served  but  to  unite 
the  body  of  the  people  more  firmly  in  opposition  to 
bis  governiiieiit.  It  was  given  out  by  .some  of  his  op- 
ponents, that  the  sole  object  of  hi.s  present  proceed- 
inss  was  to  aeipiire  to  himself  the  monopoly  of  the 
lixlian  trade;  and  this  suniiiso,  wilh  every  other  iinpu- 
talioii,  however  grouiKHes^  or  inconsistent,  was  readily 
rnidiled  by  a  people  to  whom  for  years  he  had  been 
Ul  objiict  of  suspicion  and  dislike. 

Dwu\g  Cio  foruicul  lliat  ensued  upon  these  proceed 


in^s  [  1()!(0.]  .Seth  .Sotliel,  whom  we  have  seen  banished 
from  .Mbi'inarle,  and  recalled  by  the  proi)rietaries  lo  ju.s- 
tlfv  his  coniluct,  suddenly  |ire.--i  iiteil  liiiii>elf  at  Charles- 
town,  ami  in  the  doiilile  capacity  of  a  iiro|)rieUiry  ol' 
the  jiroviiice,  and  a  champion  of  popular  rights  against 
proprietary  pretensions,  laid  claim  to  the  po.ssession 
of  supreme  aulliority.  Hailed  at  once  witli  the  acclaim 
of  a  numerous  faction,  he  succeeded  without  dillicidty 
in  jirevailin^  over  the  ojiposition  of  the  gover!ior  and 
the  more  respectable  inhabitants,  and  in  possessing 
himself  of  the  reins  of  government,  which  had  long 
awaited  and  invited  the  grasp  of  some  vigorous  hand. 
With  a  gracious  semblance  of  respect  to  petitions 
which  had  been  suggested  by  himself,  he  consented 
to  convene  a  |)arlianient;  and  during  the  distractions 
of  the  limes,  it  was  e.isy  to  procure  the  return  of  mem- 
bers who  were  ready  to  sanction,  by  their  votes,  what- 
ever measures  he  might  dictate  to  them.  Colleton  was, 
by  this  assembly,  impeached  of  high  crimes  and  misde- 
meanors, and  not  only  disabled  from  holding  any  ollice 
in  the  government,  but  banished  from  the  [irovince. 
Others  who  were  accused  of  having  abetted  his  niisgo- 
vernment,  were  subjected  to  fine,  imprisonment,  and 
exile.  Having  now  obtained  possession  of  the  supreme 
authority,  and  under  pretence  of  gratifying  the  resent- 
ments of  the  people,  enriched  himself  by  forfeitures, 
and  disencumbered  himself  of  rival  candidates  for  of- 
fice, tSotliel  i)rocee(led  lo  exercise  his  power  with  a  ty- 
ranny that  etrectually  rebuked  and  punished  the  folly 
of  those  who  had  permitted  him  to  obtain  it,  and  soon 
united  the  southern  colony  against  him  in  the  same 
unanimous  hatred  which  he  had  excited  among  their 
brethren  in  North  Carolina.  He  is  .said  to  have  tramp- 
led under  foot  every  restraint  of  justice  and  ecjuity,  and 
ruled  the  colonists  with  a  rod  of  iron.  The  rejilenish- 
ment  of  his  coffers  was  the  sole  object  of  his  govern- 
ment, and  his  financial  operations  were  varied  only  by 
varieties  of  rapine.  The  fair  traders  from  Barbadoes 
and  Bermuda  were  seized  by  his  orders,  under  the  jire- 
tcnded  charge  of  piracy,  and  compelled  to  purchase 
their  ransom  from  imprisoinneiit  by  enonaous  fines; 
bribes  were  accepted  from  real  felons  to  favor  their  es- 
cape from  justice;  and  the  property  of  individuals  w;is 
seized  and  confi.scated  on  the  most  iinjiisl  and  frivolous 
pretences.  The  jiroprietaries  hearing  with  aslonish- 
menl  of  these  outrageous  proceedings,  [lt>',)l,]  trans- 
mitted letters  of  recal  to  Sothel,  and  threatened,  in  case 
of  his  disobedience,  to  procure  a  mandamus  from  the 
king  to  compel  his  upjiearancc  in  Fngland ;  and  their 
orders  being  now  seconded  by  the  hearty  concurrence 
of  the  people,  the  usurper  was  constrained  to  vacate 
his  functions,  and  abandon  the  ])rovince.  [IG'.t'J].  He 
retired,  however,  no  farther  than  to  iS'orth  Carolina, 
where  he  died  in  the  year  1091.* 

The  revolution  of  the  British  government  had  exci- 
ted very  little  attention  in  either  of  the  colonies  of  Ca- 
rolina, which  were  loo  remotely  connecte<i  wilh  the 
higher  institutions  of  the  eini)ii  e,  lo  be  sensibly  aliected 
by  the  changes  they  had  undeigoiie.  It  was  from  the 
proprietaries  alone  that  they  could  expect  the  interposi- 
tion of  a  superior  power  lo  arrest  or  repair  the  misrule, 
oppression  and  calamity,  that  had  so  long  coni|)Osed  the 
chief  part  of  the  history,  both  of  the  northern  and  the 
southern  settlements.  In  the  hope  of  acconi])lisliing 
this  desirable  object,  the  jjroprietaries,  on  the  deposition 
of  Sothel,  intrusted  the  government  of  the  whole  of 
their  settlements  to  Colonel  Philip  Ludwell,  a  persoii 
totally  nncoiniected  wilh  the  province,  and  with  any  of 
the  parties  it  contained,  and  who  had  been  sent  by  his 
countrymen  in  Virginia  to  F.ngland,  to  i)resent  the  com- 
jilaints  of  ibis  province  against  Ford  F.lfingham.  'Fhe 
proprietaries  directed  their  new  governor  to  publish  to 
the  inhabitants  a  general  pardon  for  all  crimes  tliat  had 
been  formerly  commilled;  lo  inquire  into  the  grie- 
vances they  might  complain  of;  and  to  report  to  them- 
selves the  measures  he  should  judge  best  calculated  to 
preserve  order  and  reslon?  liap|)inoss.  He  was  accom- 
panied by  Sir  Nathaniel  Johnson,  who  had  been  geite- 
ral  of  the  Leeward  Islands  in  the  preceding  reign,  and 
who,  having  now  ailopted  the  resolution  of  retiring  to 
Carolina,  was  appointed  a  cazique  of  the  province,  and 
a  member  of  council.  Ludwell,  who  w;ls  a  man  of 
.sense  and  humanity,  and  possessed  considerable  expe- 

•Hew  it,!.  103.  Vh.ilmcr.s,  551,  552.  Williamson,  i,  112,  I  I."!. 
Sollirl  left  ,in  amiilo  cslute,  wliicli,  lunvever,  sustained  no 
sin:ill  (liiniimlion  after  his  (lualli  from  numerous  decrees  in  fa- 
vor of  parties  whom  he  had  pillaged  or  defrauded.  Hut  the 
other  proprietaries,  in  suing  for  a  large  amount  of  rents  whicJi 
he  liad  recovered  and  cinlie/.zled.  were  nonsuited  on  tlie  ab- 
surd existing  maxim  of  the  En^hsh  law.  that  tenants  in  com- 
mon could  not  bring  actions  of  account  against  each  other. 
It  was  not  till  the  rei^ii  of  Queen  Anno  that  this  iniiiuilous  rt- 
gulation  was  ropoalod. 


rieiice  of  colonial  aflairs,  commenced  his  adiiiiniatrutioa 
in  a  manner  that  gave  general  satisfaction,  and  seenied 
to  lia\e  coiiipli't.  ly  allayed  the  prevailing  feriiients  of 
the  people.  But  iliis  traiupiiiity  was  ol  Nlinrt  duration; 
the  minds  of  men  had  been  too  long  and  too  violently 
Hgitat(;d  lo  relapse  at  once  into  a  .settled  comjiosiirK : 
and  a  circumstance  that  at  first  promised  to  produce  the 
happiest  etVecls  on  the  prosperity  of  the  province,  proved 
the  immediate  occasion  of  the  rexival  of  public  discftn- 
tents.  In  ihe  year  Ki'JO,  a  great  body  ol  French  pro- 
testant  exiles  had  taken  refuge  in  Fnglaiid,  whence  a 
considerable  number  ol"  them  had  been  conveyed,  at  the 
expen.se  of  the  British  government,  to  tlie  (olonv  of 
Virgiiiia.  Others,  who  were  le.ss  indigent,  purcha.s«i) 
lands  in  South  Carolina,  and  h.iving  tran-i]uirted  tlieui- 
selves  and  their  families  to  this  province,  brought  a  va- 
lii.ible  accession  to  the  numerical  strength,  as  well  as  lo 
the  industry  and  morality  of  its  peoirfe.  They  had 
taken  the  oath  of  allegiance  lo  the  king,  and  promised 
fidelity  to  the  proprieUiries ;  and  were  disposed  to  re- 
gard the  colonists  whoni  they  had  joined  in  the  friendly 
light  of  brethren  and  l"ellow-citizens.  But,  nnliappily, 
these  older  colonists  were  very  far  from  regarding  llie'ir 
new  associates  wilh  corresponding  good-will.  The 
numbers  of  the  strangers,  and  the  wealth  by  which 
some  of  them  were  distinguished,  excited  their  suspici< 
on  and  national  antipathy  ;  and  when  Ludwell.  in  coni- 
jilianet!  with  the  instructions  of  the  proprietaries,  pre-' 
li.ired  to  admit  the  refugees  to  a  participation  in  all  llie 
franchises  and  immunities  of  the  other  planters,  the  F.iig- 
lisli  ;ind  native  iiiliabit;ints  refused  to  ai  quie.sce  in  this 
measure,  and  resolutely  opposed  its  execution.  They 
insisted  that  it  was  contrary  to  the  laws  of  F.ngland,  and 
therefore  beyond  the  power  of  the  ))ro|)rietaries.  who 
were  subject  lo  these  laws ;  and  that  no  power  but 
that  of  the  British  parliament  could  dispense  with  tlie 
legal  inability  of  aliens  lo  purchase  lands  witliin  the  em- 
j  jiiie,  or  incorporate  them  into  the  British  coinniiiiiilv, 
1  and  m.ike  them  partakers  of  the  rights  aiul  privil.-ges  of 

1  n.itiiial-bm  n  Fiiglisl  mi.    They  even  iiiaintiiiied.  thai 

!  the  maM  iages  of  the  refugees,  performed  by  the  clergy- 
men who  had  nccompaiiied  llieiii,  were  unlaw  till,  iid 
being  celebrated  by  men  who  had  not  obtained  ejiiseo- 
pal  ordination;  anil,  for  themselves,  thev  declared  thai 
they  could  not  lir.ook  the  thoughts  of  sitting  in  the  same 
assembly  wilh  the  ri\  alsof  the  Fnglisli  nation,  or  of  re- 
ceiving laws  from  Frenclimen,  the  jiniiils  of  a  system 
of  slavery  and  arbitrary  governnieiit.  The  iinl'ortii- 
iiale  refugees,  alarmed  by  these  menacing  r''soliitions. 
implored  the  protection  of  the  proprietaries;  and  Lud- 
well. found  it  necessary  to  suspend  the  measure  he  had 
begun,  and  lo  apply  lo  the  same  quarter  for  further  ili- 
reclioiis.  The  proprietaries  returned  a  friendly  but  in- 
decisive answer  to  the  application  of  the  refugees,  who 
continued  in  a  stite  of  the  most  disagreeable  solicitude, 
and  entire  jirivation  of  ci\il  rights,  for  .several  veara 
after;  when  at  length  their  humane  and  patient  deiiici- 
nor  prevailed  over  the  antipathv  of  their  i'oruier  adver- 
saries who  then  became  the  advocates  of  the  preten- 
sions they  had  so  velu'meutly  opposed,  and  l<assed  a 
law  of  natnralization  in  favor  of  the  alieiir,  widioiit 
being  disturbed  by  any  scruples  about  iiivuding  the 
functions  of  the  British  parliament.  In  the  meanwhile, 
the  dispute  that  had  arisen  on  this  subject  was  produc- 
tive of  a  great  deal  of  irritation  in  the  province,  which 
was  increased  by  the  arrival  of  a  crew  of  |)irates,  whom 
Ludwell  caused  to  be  apprehended  and  brought  lo  trial 
for  their  crimes.  'I'he  jieople  exclaimed  again.<t  the 
severity  of  this  j)roce<>ding.  and  interested  tlienisel\<  s 
so  elVectually  in  behalf  of  Ihe  jiirates.  who.  previous  lo 
their  apprehension.  h;i<l  spent  a  great  deal  of  moiiev 
very  freely  in  the  province,  that  on  their  trials  thi'V 
were  all  acipiilled,"  and  the  governnuiiit  was  even 
com|)elled  to  grant  them  nn  indemnity.  It  was  not 
till  more  than  tuculy  years  after  this  period,  that  Caro- 
lina was  delivered  from  the  resort  of  jiiiates.  and  not 
till  after  a  series  of  bloody  executions,  al  the  last  of 
which  no  fewer  than  forty  of  these  naval  robbers  were 
put  lo  dcalh  al  once.  Further  disputes  now  irose  be- 
tween the  goverinneiit  and  llie  inhabitunts  o  lOtit  the 
arrears  of  the  i|uil  rents  that  were  due  to  the  proprie- 
taries, who  at  length  becoming  iiiipalient  ot  this  nn 
toward  i.ssue  of  Lnd well's  administration,  and  suspect 
ing  him  of  bending  loo  readily  to  the  popular  will,  ile- 
prived  him  of  ollice.  and  conferred  it,  togpther  with 
tliu  dignity   of  lainlgrave,  upon  Thoina.i  Smith,  a 


*  A  few  years  after  this  period,  some  of  the  citizens  of  Lon- 
don appeared  to  have  been  infected  with  a  sinular  favor  for 
pirates.  In  ttie  year  IfitM),  se\eral  of  those  f/c-t  lto"ters  w,  rf 
acouilted  at  the  Old  llailev.  by  a  verdict  w  .l.-h  t  hief  Jusirt 
llok  derlared  was  "  a  diMionor  lo  the  jusli  i  of  be  iwlbH  ' 
Slate  Tniil:>,  xia.  4<jU. 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


297 


wealthy  planter,  and  a  prudont,  upriglit,  and  popular 

man.*  ^  ,        ,-  , 

ri('>i»;!.]  It  was  in  the  midst  of  theno  disputes,  ami 
witii  tho  liope  of  appeasing  them,  that  the  jjroprietaries 
at  leiiilth  deleiaiined  to  suriender  to  the  general  disliiie 
of  the  pooi)le,  tlic^  fiiiulameiital  constitutions  which  had 
been  originally  declared  sacred  and  unalterable,  but 
which  an  experit?nce  of  twenty-three  years  had  proved 
'  to  be  utterly  worthless  and  impracticable.  Apprised 
\  of  tlie  incurable  aversion  with  which  this  instrumenl 
was  now  reg.-irded  by  all  classes  of  the  colonists,  and 
despairing  of  ever  establishing  a  stable  or  acceptable 
"Overnu;eiit  among  them  without  making  some  consi- 
f  derahle  sacrifice  to  their  inclinations,  they  accordingly 
'  enacted  the  Collowing  resolution;  "That,  as  the  people 
'  have  declared  they  would  rather  be  governed  by  the 
powers  granlt.d  by  the  charter,  without  regard  to  the 
limdaiiieiital  constitutions,  it  will  be  for  their  quiet,  and 
the  protection  of  the  well-disposed,  to  grant  their  re- 
quest."   Thus  perished  the  legislative  labors  of  John 
LocUi'.    Their  aliolition  was  unregretted  by  any  party  ; 
for  they  had  neither  insured  obedience  to  the  govern- 
ment, nor  atlorded  lK-ip[)iness  to  the  people.    What  is 
still  more  singular,  tiiey  seem  to  have  perished  un- 
heeded ;t   their  abolition  exciting  no  sensation  vvhat- 
'  ever,  and  not  being  even  noticed  in  any  public  act  or 
order  within  the  province.    The  convocations  that  were 
formerly  termed  parliaments,  were  now  called  assem- 
blies;  and  this  was  all  the  visible  change  that  took 
I  place.    So  perfectly  im|iracti.-able  had  the  great  body 
of  these  celebrated  constitutions  been  found.    All  that 
remained  of  them  w;is  the  titles  of  nobility,  which  con- 
tinued to  drag  on  a  sickly  existence  for  a  few  years 
longer.t 

'  This  important  measure,  which  nud  been  deferred 
(ill  the  constitutions  which  it  repealed  had  been  prac- 
tically abrogated  by  their  own  iuefficacy,  and  sunk  into 
'ilter  contempt,  failed  to  produce  any  sensible  effect  in 
tranquillizing  or  conciliating  the  inhabitants  of  Carolina. 
Governor  .Smith,  though  he  exerted  himself  with  a  zeal 

■  ind  i)nuleii(  e  that  have  not  been  impeached  by  any 
party,  to  pnnnote  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the  set- 

'  dements  intrusted  to  his  care,  found  his  endeavors  so 
unsuccessl'ul,  and  his  situation  so  irksome,  that  he  was 

I  constrained  to  solicit  his  dismission  from  the  proprieta- 
ries, [161)4]  whom  he  strongly  urged,  as  the  only  means 
of  restoring  order  and  tranquility,  to  send  over  as  go- 
vernor one  of  their  own  body,  invested  with  full  power  to 
hear  and  liiially  deterinine  on  the  spot  the  complaints  and 
controversies  by  which  the  province  was  distracted. 
The  short  administration  of  Smith  was  signalized  by 
an  occurrence  that  produced  lasting  and  extensive 
elfects  oil  the  prosperity  of  Carolina.    A  vessel  from 

1  Madagascar,  on  her  homeward  voyage  to  Britain,  hap- 
pening to  touch  at  Charlestowu,  the  captain,  in  acknow- 
..edgiiient  of  die  civilities  of  Smith,  presented  him  with 
a  bag  of  seed  rice,  which  he  said  he  had  seen  growing 
in  eastern  countries,  where  it  was  deemed  excellent 
•  ArchJale,  14.  Oli]rnixmi7i."3r2.  Ctialmers,  552,  Hewii 
1.  103— lis.  139,  140.  Wlllidinson,  i.  150,  1.  In  Ihe  accuuui 
Of  the  succession  of  goveinoi-s,  the  annals  of  this  "period  are 

j  involved  in  inuliiai,  frequently  in  self  contradiction,  and  con- 
tusion. Williamson  says  that  Ludwell  retained  the  govern- 
ment for  four  years  :  but  lliis  is  impossible;  as  Archdale,  the 
successor  of  Smith,  was  appointed  in  1694.    Oldmixon  renders 

I  Confusiun  more  confounded  by  his  attempt  to  reconcile  co)i- 
Iradictory  ar.counts,  and  to  explain  satislactorily  the  sefpience 
of  governors.    The   historian  of  the  British   dominions  in 

y    North  America  delivers  his  account  of  the  mauer  in  the  fol- 

'  lowing  terms:  '-Thomas  Smith,  Esq.  succeeded  Mr.  Colleton 
properly  as  governor,  although  Colonel  Quarry,  Mr.  South- 
well, and  Colonel  Ludwell,  were  intermediate  for  a  short 
time." 

t  The  repeal  of  the  fundamental  constitutions  is  noticed  in 
a  very  slight  and  ambiguou.s  manner  by  Hewit  (i.  109):  it  is 
no:  noticed  :U  all  eitiier  by  Wynne  or  by  the  historian  of  the 
British  Doniinicuis  in  North   America ;   and   Ol.lni  xon,  who 

(  wrote  in  ITOS,  says  '-The  fundamental  constitutions  keep 
their  grouiul  to  this  day."  i.  342.  Yet  OMinixon's  work,  as  it 
a  the^ariiest,  is  also,  next  to  the  Political  Annals  of  Chal- 
mers, the  most  elaborate,  as  w-eli  as  ingenious  and  interesting, 
of  the  general  liistories  of  the  Norlh  Ainerican  Settlements. 
A  remarkable  instance  of   the  ignorance   that  prevails  re- 

I  «pecting  Locke's  connexion  with  America  occurs  in  the  w:irk 
of  a  traveller  who  visited  the  United  States  in  1794,  and  who 
asserts  {on  tlie  authority  of  the  American  General  Gates,) 
that  Locke  wasthe  legislator  of  Connecti'-iit.    Wansey's  Journal, 

p.  sa. 

t  Tl'e  operation  and  fate  of  Locke's  system  strikingly  ex- 
emplify the  observation  of  an  eminent  American  statesman, 
!     hat  "A  man  may  ilefend  the  principles  of  liberty,   and  the 
'ft      i!"  "'■'"''""'>  great  abilities  and  success,  an<l  yet, 

Ulerall,  when  called  upon  to  produce  a  plan  of  legislation,  be 
may  astonish  the  world  with  a  signal  absurdity."  Adam's 
Beleiiceol  the  American  Constitutions,  p.  363.  Vet  some  writers, 
(iniJ  among  others  the  autbt>r  of  a  valuable  little  biographical 
work  lately  published  at  Eilinburgh)  have  no.  scrupled  to  pro- 
jounce  the  constitutions  of  Carolina  a  model  of  legislative  wisdom. 
Bo  dangerous  is  it  to  judge  works  without  reading  them, 
ena  loa»aume  their  merU  from  tho  general  charncter  of  their 


food  and  yielded  a  prodigious  increase.  The  governor 
divided  it  between  several  of  his  friends,  who  agreed  to 
make  the  experiment;  and  jilanling  their  juircels  in 
dirt'erent  soils,  fiuind  the  result  to  exceed  their  most 
sanguine  expeclatioivs.  rroin  this  inconsiderable  be- 
ginning, Carolina  dates  the  rise  of  her  staple  coinino- 
dity,  the  chief  support  of  her  people,  and  the  main 
source  ol'lier  opulence. 

The  iiroprietaries,  disappointed  in  so  many  attempts 
to  estaljlisli  a  satisfactory  administration  in  the  jiro- 
vince,  determined  the  more  readily  to  adopt  the  sug- 
gestion of  Sniitli.  Their  lirst  choii;e  for  this  purpose 
lell  upon  l,ord  Ashley,  the  granilson  of  the  notorious 
Shaftesbury,  and  afterwards  the  author  of  The  Charac- 
teristics. It  was  supposed  that  his  shining  talents, 
agreeable  manners,  and  elevated  rank,  would  power- 
fully conduce  to  the  pacification  of  the  colony.  Hap- 
pily, however,  for  all  [larties,  his  lordship,  either  having 
little  inclination  for  the  voyage,  or  being  detained,  as 
he  alleged,  by  tho  state  of  his  jirivate  atlairs  in  England, 
declined  the  apjiointment,  which  was  then  conferred  on 
a  far  more  estimable  person,  John  Archdale,  another  of 
the  proprietaries,  a  quaker,  and  a  man  of  great  pru- 
dence and  sagacity,  and  endowed  with  admirable  pa- 
tience and  command  of  temiier.  Accepting  the  office, 
he  was  vested  with  authority  so  ab.solute  iind  extensive, 
that  the  proprietaries  thought  tit  to  have  it  recorded  in 
his  commission,  that  such  powers  were  not  to  be 
claimed  in  virtue  of  this  precedent  by  future  governors. 
Archdale  proved  himself  worthy  ol"  the  distinguished 
trust  that  had  been  reposed  in  him.  He  arrived  first 
in  South  Carolina,  [August,  1695,]  where  he  formed  a 
new  council  of  moderate  men;  and  in  a  short  time,  by 
remitting  some  arrears  of  rent,  and  by  other  conciha- 
tory  measures,  aided  by  a  firmness  and  mild  compo- 
sure that  was  neither  to  be  disturbed  nor  overcome,  he 
prevailed  so  far  in  quieting  the  public  discontents,  that 
he  ventured  to  call  a  meeting  of  the  general  assembly. 
An  address  of  grateful  thanks  voted  by  this  body  to  the 
proprietaries  (the  first  expression  of  such  sentiments 
that  had  ever  been  uttered  in  Carolina)  attests  the  wis- 
dom of  Archdale 's  administration,  and  justifies  the  opi- 
nion that  notwithstanding  tlie  inflammable  materials 
of  which  the  colonial  society  was  composed,  only  a 
good  domestic  government  had  been  hitherto  wanting 
to  render  the  colony  flourishing  and  happy.  Moreton, 
Ludwell,  and  Smith,  were,  tloubtless,  meritorious  go- 
vernors ;  but  they  had  been  denied  the  power  that  was 
requisite  to  give  elHcacy  to  their  wLsdom,  and  could 
never  grant  the  slightest  indulgence  to  the  people 
without  assuming  the  dangerous  liberty  of  violating 
their  commission,  or  abiding  the  tedious  intervention  of 
a  correspondence  with  England.  Though  Archdale 
was  a  (piaker,  and  therefore  opposed  to  military  opera- 
tions and  the  shedding  of  blood,  yet  he  adapted  his 
regulations  to  the  sentimeiiLs  of  tlie  people  whose 
allairs  he  had  luidertakeii  to  administer ;  and  consider- 
ing tliat  a  small  colony  surrounded  by  savage  enemies, 
and  exposed  to  the  attacks  of  the  Spaniards,  should 
hold  itself  in  a  .state  of  constant  defence,  he  promoted 
a  militia  law,  which,  however,  exempted  all  persons 
restrained  by  religious  principles  from  bearing  arms." 
He  was,  at  the  same  time,  more  desirous  of  preserving 
peace  than  of  ensuring  victory  ;  and  for  this  purpose  ex- 
erted himself  so  successfully,  by  the  exercise  of  courtesy  | 
and  liberality,  to  cultivate  the  good  will  both  of  the  | 
civilized  and  savage  neighbors  of  die  province,  that  die 
Spaniards  at  St.  Augustine  expressed  a  cordial  desire 
to  maintain  a  good  correspondence  with  the  English  ; 
and  various  tribes  of  Indians  embraced  their  friendship, 
and  placed  themselves  under  the  protection  of  the  go- 
vernment of  Carolina.  The  Indi;itis  around  Cape  Fe;ir 
in  particidar,  who  had  long  pursued  the  practice  of 
plundering  shipwrecked  vessels,*  and  murdering  their 
*  The  following  clause,  by  wliich  this  exemption  was  ex- 
pressed, strongly  attests  the  coiilidence  that  .\rchdale  enjoyed, 
with  the  colonists.  "  And  whereas  there  be  several  inhabitants 
called  quakers,  who,  upon  a  conscientious  principle  of  religion 
cannot  hear  arms,  and  beciiuse  in  all  other  civil  matters  they  liave 
been  persons  obedient  to  government,  and  ever  ready  to  disbur.-e 
their  monies  in  other  necessary  and  public  duties  ;  Be  it  there- 
fore enacted,  that  all  such  wbcjm  the  present  governor  John 
Archdale,  Esq.  shall  judge  that  they  refuse  to  bear  arms  on  a 
conscientious  principle  of  religion  only,  shall,  by  acertificate  from 
him,  be  excused."  Archdale's  Preface,  p.  3.  Williamson,  i. 
Append.  272. 

f  It  is  remarked  by  a  statistical  writer  (Warden  ii.  373,) 
that  notwithstanding  the  temptations  piesented  by  the  fre- 
quency of  shipwreck  on  the  coast  of  Carolina,  no  instance 
has  ever  occurred  of  the  pluniler  of  a  wreck  by  the  colonists. 
In  this  respect  they  have  been  distinsuished,  not  indeed  from 
the  people  of  the  other  provinces,  but  from  the  i  habitants 
of  the  parent  state,  in  which  this  nihumanity  obtained  so  long 
and  unreproved  a  preT:ilence,  that  in  the  middle  of  the  eigli- 
icenth  century,  Foiw  represents  the  the  enrichment  "  of  a  citizen 
ofsober  fam»"  aa  originating  in  two  rich  shipwrecks  on  his  lands 
In  Cornwall 


crews,  renounced,  this  inhumanity,  and  evinced  the 
liivorable  change  of  llicir  disposition  by  mitigating  with 
friendly  assist;iiici',  the  niiiiicious  di.-astors  by  v\lii(  li 
the  navigation  of  that  coast  was  then  iiiihapjiilv  sigiud- 
ized. 

In  North  C;irolin;i,  the  admiiiistratinn  of  Archdale 
was  attended  with  eipial  success,  iind  coiiiliicled  with 
greater  Ihcility  by  the  concurrence  of  a  number  of 
(piakers  who  inhabited  the  northern  province?,  and  with 
whom  he  enjoyed  a  large  share  of  personal  inlliieiice. 
The  esteem  in  which  he  was  held  by  all  ranks  of  nu  n 
m;ty  be  iiiferrerl  from  the  ehitioii  with  which  die  histo- 
rian of  IS'ordi  Carolina  has  recorded,  as  a  circiinistaiice 
redounding  to  the  lionoiirol' this  province,  tli:it.\rclidale 
purchased  an  est:it<'  at  .Albeiiiarle,  and  gave  oiii-  of  his 
daughters  in  marriage  to  a  planter  ;it  I'astpielaiike 
But  it  was  not  his  intention  to  remain  longer  in  Caro 
lina  than  was  neces.stiry  for  the  tidjiistmcnt  of  the  ex- 
i.sting  controversies;  and  having  etfecied  tlli.^  object  in 
a  degree  that  had  surpassed  die  exiiectations  of  all  par- 
ties, he  returned  to  Enghind  in  the  clo.se  of  the  y(;ar 
IGiX),  loaded  with  tlu-  grateful  benedictions  of  a  pcopio 
to  whose  iieace  .-iiid  prosperity  he  had  been  so  hignly 
instrumental.  The  only  ])ortion  of  the  inhabitants  to 
whom  he  had  been  unable  to  give  complete  satisfaction, 
where  the  French  refugees,  against  whom  the  jealous 
antipathy  of  the  English  settlers  had  not  yet  siibsidetl. 
15ut  while  hi;  soothed  the  |itiblic  jealousy  by  withhold- 
ing civil  rights  from  the  refugees,  he  awakened  public 
generosity  by  an  impressive  recomiiK^ndatioii  of  these 
unfortunate  strangers  to  the  hospitality  and  comiiassioii 
of  his  countrymen;  and  to  the  refuge<?s  themselves,  he 
recommended  a  patient  jierseveraiice  in  those  virtues 
lliat  tend  to  disarm  human  enmity,  and  by  the  exerciso 
of  which  they  were  enabled  ehortly  after  to  overrome 
the  aversion,  and  even  to  conciliate  the  hearty  friendship 
of  their  fellow  colonists.* 

It  was  in  this  year  that  a  regular  :idministration  of 
the  ordinances  of  religion  w:is  lirst  introduced  into 
Carolina  by  the  friendly  aid  of  the  colonists  of  .New 
England.  Intelligence  of  the  destitute  state  <d"  the 
province,  in  this  respect,  seconded  by  the  earnest  ;ipi)li 
cations  of  some  of  the  more  religions  planters,  hail  in- 
duced the  New  Englanders,  in  the  preceding  year,  to 
form  an  assooialion  at  Dorchester  in  MassachiL-iettH 
which  was  designed  to  be  removed  to  Carolina,  "  to 
encourage  the  settlement  of  churches  and  the  promo- 
tion of  religion  in  the  southern  plantations."  The  per- 
sons thus  associated,  having  j)laced  at  their  head  a  dis- 
tinguished minister  of  the  New  England  churches, 
arrived  in  the  beginning  of  this  year  in  Caroliii;i.  w  hich 
now  for  the  first  time  beheld  the  celebration  td'  the  rile 
of  the  Lord's  supper.  I'niceediiig  to  a  sjiot  on  Itie 
north-east  bank  of  Ashley  river,  about  eighti't  n  miles 
fjiini  Charlestowu,  the  pious  emigrtints  founded  there  a 
settlement,  to  w  hich  in  conimcmoration  of  the  pi  ice 
they  had  left,  they  gave  the  name  of  Dorchester. 

Among  other  extraordinary  privileges,  diere  had 
been  granted  to  Archdale  tl;e  power  of  noniinatiiig  his 
successor;  and  in  the  exercise  of  this  power  he  propa- 
gated the  benefit  of  his  own  ,-idniinislr,ition,  by  conliir- 
ring  the  office  of  governor  on  Josiqih  HlaUe  (nephew  of 
the  English  admiral,  a  man  of  virtue,  prudence,  and 
moderation,  acceptable  to  the  people,  ;ind  a  jiroprietriry 
of  the  province.  Ulake  governed  the  colony  w  isely 
and  happily  for  a  period  of  four  years.  Shortly  after 
his  elevation  to  ollice,  there  was  sent  out  to  (Carolina  u 
new  code  of  fundaiiieiital  constitutions,  subscribed  by 
the  Earl  of  IJath,  who  was  then  p;ilatine,  and  the  other 
proprietaries  in  England  :  but  it  was  never  recogiii.sed 
or  continued  by  provincial  :isseiiibly.  I5lake  tip- 
pears  to  liavi'  exerted  the  most  laudable  endeavors  to 
promote  die  religious  instruction  of  the  people,  and  to 
facilitate  tlie  exercise  of  worship  to  all  den(unin;itioii3 
of  christian  professors.  In  the  year  ItiltH,  \\v  had  tho 
satisfaction  to  see  John  Cotton,  a  son  of  the  celebrated 
minister  of  lioslon,  remove  from  I'lymoiith.  in  .New 
Enghind,  to  Charlestow  u.  in  South  ( 'aroliii:i.  where  he 
gathered  a  church,  and  enjoyed  ;i  short,  but  happy  and 
successful  ministry-  Though  HInke  was  himself  ;i  ilis- 
senter,  yet  from  regard  to  the  spiritual  interests  of  die 
epi-scopalian  portion  of  die  inhabitants  of  Charlestow  n, 
he  caused  a  bill  to  be  introduced  into  the  assembly  for 

t  Archdale,  17.  21,  -22.  Oldmixon,  i.  312—345-  Hewit,  i. 
129—137.  Williamson,  i.  152— 15S,  and  Append.  270.  Some 
years  alier  his  return  to  England,  Archdale  pnl>lished  his  Statist! 
cal  and  Historical  Description  of  Carolina,  a  work  replete  w  ith  so 
much  good  sense,  benevolence,  and  piety,  that  it  is  surprising  il 
should  never  have  been  reprinted.  One  or  two  very  interesiiR; 
volumes  might  be  composed  by  republicalimi  of  Josselyii's  and 
Dunton's  Travels  in  New  England,  Archd.de's  Carole. a.  Den- 
ton's New  York,  j.art  ofSniitb's  Virginia,  Aslop's  Maryl-inJ, 
Wesley's  Journal  in  Georgia,  arid  other  tracu  relative  lu  Jie  earl) 
history  of  America 


THE    HISTORY  OP 


Betrliiig  a  pcrpeni;il  provision  of  150/.  a  year,  with  a 
house  atiii  ollir-r  advaiilasics.  on  llie  i'pis(  ()j)al  niinistor 
ol' llial  rily.  .Marshall,  th<;  pi-rson  who  tliirn  occupied 
lln.s  ininis'tfrial  situation,  had  ftained  universal  rei,'ard 
by  iiis  |)iely  and  prudence  ;  and  the  dissenters  in  the 
house  acipi'ie.scmir  in  the  measure,  from  regard  to  this 
Indix  idiial,  the  hill  was  passed  into  a  law.  Those  who 
ihink  lliat  the  dissenters  acted  amiss,  and  stretched 
their  liheralilv  heyond  the  proper  confines  of  this  virtue, 
in  thus  iiromoting  the  national  eslal)lishment  of  a  church 
from  wliich  they  disseiiled,  will  regard  the  persecution 
tiiev  soon  after  sustained  from  the  episcopal  party  as  a 
merited  relrihution  for  tlieir  practical  negation  of  dis- 
senting i)r:nciples.  Those  wiio  judge  more  leniently, 
an  error  (i  it  he  such)  which  there  is  little  reason  to 
Bupposi!  will  ever  he  frequent  in  the  world,  will  regret 
and  condeiiiii  the  ungratet'iil  return  w  hich  the  dissenters 
experienced  from  a  jiarty  for  whose  advantage  tliey  had 
incurred  so  great  a  .sacriti<-e. 

[ITlHI.]  W  illi  the  administration  of  Blake  ;  who  died 
•'n  the  year  1700.  ended  the  short  interval  of  tranquility 
which  had  originated  witli  the  govennnent  of  Archdale. 
Under  the  rule  of  his  immediate  successors,  James 
Moore  and  Sir  Nathaniel  Johnson,  the  colony  was 
liarrassed  with  [iidiaii  wars,  involved  in  a  heavy  dehthy 
an  ill  conducted  and  fruitless  expedition  against  the 
K|)aniards  at  Augustine,  and  agitated  hy  religious  di.s- 
juiles  originating  in  a  series  of  persecuting  laws  against 
llie  dissenters.  Henceforward  the  proprietary  govern- 
ment contimied  (with  the  exception  of  one  returning 
gleam  of  success  and  popularity  wliich  it  derived  from 
llie  administration  of  Charles  Craven  in  1712)  to  alllict 
the  province  with  every  variety  of  misrule,  and  to  lluctn- 
ate  l)etween  the  aversion  and  contempt  of  iLs  suhjects, 
till  ihey  were  relieved  hy  its  dissolution  in  the  year  172!), 
when  the  chief  part  of  the  chartered  interest  was  sold 
ii  he  crown. 

The  first  Indian  war  hy  which  this  period  v\-as  sign.a- 
lized,  broke  out  in  the  year  [170:5,]  and  was  occasioned 
by  the  inlluence  of  the  Spaniards  over  the  tribes  that 
inhabited  the  region  of  Apalachia.  Exasperated  by  tlie 
insults  and  injuries  which  these  savages  were  instigated 
by  the  Spaniards  to  commit,  (lovernor  Moore  deter- 
niiiK-d  by  one  vigorous  elfort  to  break  their  power,  and 
by  a  sanguinary  example  to  impress  on  all  the  Indian 
tribes  the  terror  of  the  English  name.  At  the  head  of 
n  strong  detachment  of  the  colonial  militia,  reinforced 
by  a  body  of  Indian  allies,  he  inarched  into  tlie  hostile 
seltl.-!i!U!iiis ;  defeated  the  enemy  with  the  loss  of  eight 
hundred  mi'ii,  who  were  either  killed  or  taken  prisoners; 
laid  waste  all  the  Indian  towns  between  the  rivers  Ala- 
lamah  and  •Savannah  ;  and  compelled  the  whole  dis- 
trict of  A|ialacliia  to  submit  to  the  English  government. 
To  effectuate  his  con(]Uest,  he  transported  fourteen 
hundred  of  the  Apalacliian  Iiidiaiisto  the  territory  which 
in  now  di  iioiniii.iled  (ieorgi.i,  where  they  were  coiii- 
pclli  d  lo  dwell  in  a  state  ol' dependence  on  his  govi^rn- 
Mient---a  measure  which  appears  to  have  paved  ilic  way 
to  the  setllenient  of  the  English  colony  which  arose  about 
Jliirty  years  after  in  that  region. 

When  tli(;  proprietaries  of  Carolina  first  tinderlook 
tfleir  colonial  project,  they  solemnly  declared,  and  caused 
It  to  be  recorded  in  their  charters,  that  they  were  moved 
lo  embrace  this  great  design  liy  zeal  for  the  christian  faith, 
and  especially  for  its  propagation  among  the  Indian 
tribes  of  America.  Yet  a  general  provision  in  favor  of 
toleration,  which  they  permitted  Locke  to  insert  as  an 
article  of  the  fundamental  constitutions,  and  which  they 
took  care  to  niilify  hy  another  article  adji'cted  to  that 
instrument  by  themsidves,  constituted  the  whole  amount 
of  their  e(cle3iasti(;al  operation  during  the  first  forty 
years  of  the  proprietary  government.  They  never  at 
any  time  made  tlie  slightest  attemjit  to  fulfil  their  jiledge 
of  coimiiuiiicating  instruction  to  th(^  Indians:  and  tins 
important  field  of  christian  labor  was  c-ompletely  niioc- 
cnpied  till  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century, 
when  a  few  missionaries  were  sent  to  Carolina  hy  the 
society  incorporated  in  England  for  the  propagation  of 
the  gospel  in  foreign  countries.  No  visible  fruits  of 
ih.-  I.ibiirs  of  those  missionaries  have  ever  been  un'iition- 
i>d  I'nor  lo  this,  the  only  I'.uropean  inslriu  tions  that 
the  Indians  received  under  the  auspices  of  the  proprie- 
tary government,  were  coniinnnicat(-d  by  a  rreiich  <lanc- 
Hig  muster,  who  settled  in  Craven  county,  and  ac<piiicd 
1  large  e><tat<;  by  teaching  the  savages  to  dance  and  play 
an  the  fliiU;.* 

At  tJie  close  of  tho  Bcventeenth  century,  there  were 

*  llowii,  i.  Q>7.  Ol.lmixnn,  i.  37!1.  OMcnixon  ■vnn  siriirk 
wllh  the  ■■inrul,iriiy  of  Krcncli  (laiirinir  iimU'Ti  amf  inmicLmt 
bcin<  mlinirfil.  r.irrmcil,  mict  rnrnhmt  at  •nine  tinio  liy 
lti>-  niiliiiiljr  and  gciiiiiy  uf  LuiiJuii  Hiid  Uia  savusa  uboriaiiiCH  ul' 
Aii>«rica. 


only  three  edifices  for  divine  worship  erected  within 
till!  soHlliern  province;  ronlaiiiing  respectively  an  epis-  I 
copal,  a  presfjyterian,  and  a  quaker  congregation;  and  j 
all  of  them  situated  in  the  town  of  Charlestown.  | 
Throughout  all  the  rest  of  the  province,  tliere  were  I 
neither  instilutions  of  public  worship  nor  schools  for 
education.  The  first  atieiiipts  that  were  made  to  sup- 
ply the.se  di'f.  cts  proceeded  not  from  the  proprietaries, 
liiit  from  Tennisou,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  Coinp- 
ton,  liishop  of  London,  and  the  society  for  the  propa- 
gation of  tfie  gospel ;  but  as  in  most  of  these  attempts 
the  paramount  object  was  plainly  to  multiply  adherents 
to  the  institutions  of  the  church  of  England,  they  were 
the  less  successful  among  a  people  of  whom  many  had 
|)ersoually  experienced  the  persecution  of  this  church, 
and  more  entertained  a 'hereditary  dishke  to  it.  In  the 
year  1707,  the  society  for  propagation  of  the  gospel 
maintitined  six  episcopal  ministirrs  in  Carolina,  atid  had 
sent  two  thousand  volumes  of  books  to  he  distributed 
gnituitously  among  the  peo))le.  In  the  northern  pro- 
vince, which  was  thinly  peopled  by  colonists  professing 
a  great  diversity  of  religious  opinions,  there  was  as  yet 
no  church  at  all.  An  act  was  passed  by  its  as.sembly 
in  the  year  170'2,  imposing  an  assessment  of  ,30/.  per. 
anil  urn  on  every  precinct,  for  the  maintenance  of  a 
minister;  and  in  1705  and  1700  the  first  two  religious 
edifices  of  North  Carolina  were  erected.  This  northern 
province  had  for  many  years  received  from  the  proprie- 
taries the  ap])ellation  of  the  county  of  Albemarle  in 
Ciirulina,  and  was  sometimes,  but  not  always,  included 
in  the  commission  of  the  governor  of  the  southern  set- 
tlement. It  now  came  to  be  termed  the  colony  of 
.North  Carolina;  and  at  the  dissolution  of  the  proprietary 
government,  was  made  a  separate  province  with  a 
distinct  jurisdiction. 

At  length,  after  having  so  long  disregarded  the  eccle- 
siastical concerns  of  the  colony,  the  proprietaries  in  the 
beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century,  turned  their  atten- 
tion to  this  object  with  a  spirit  that  caused  the  cessa- 
tion of  their  prior  indifference  to  be  deeply  regretted  ; 
and  they  made  their  first  and  last  effort  to  signalize 
thiMr  boasted  zeal  for  Christianity,  by  the  demonstration 
of  a  temper  and  the  adoption  of  measures  in  the  highest 
degree  unchristian  and  tyrannical.  The  office  of  pala- 
tine was  now  in  the  hands  of  Lord  (jraiiville,  who  en- 
tertained the  utmost  aversion  and  contempt  for  dissen- 
ters of  all  descriptions,  and  had  already  signalized  his 
bigotry  to  the  church  of  England,  hy  the  zealous  and 
vehement  support  he  had  giviMi  in  parliament  lo  the  bill 
against  occasional  conformity.*  His  accpiisition  of  the 
ollice  of  palatine  presented  him  with  an  opportunity  of 
indulging  his  favorite  sentiments  in  the  regulation  ol'tlie 
ecclesiastical  polity  of  (-aroliiia.  Contemning  the  n;- 
monstraiices,  and  overruling  the  opposition  of  .Arch- 
dale,  he  eagerly  laid  hold  of  so  fiir  an  occasion  to  exer- 
cise his  bigotry;  and  in  .Moore  and  Jolinsou.  on  whom 
he  successively  bestowed  the  government  of  the  pro- 
vince, he  found  able  and  willing  instruments  for  the 
execution  of  his  arbitrary  purpose.  These  men,  not- 
withstanding the  great  numerical  siiperi.irity  of  th<"  dis- 
senters, hy  a  series  of  illegal  and  violent  proceidings 
acquired  for  themselves  atid  a  jiarty  of  the  episcopalian 
persuasion,  a  complete  ascendancy  over  the  provincial 
assemblies,  which  they  cvercised  in  the  enactment  of 
laws  for  the  advancement  of  tin?  church  of  England, 
and  the  oppression  of  every  other  christian  association 
.Alter  various  preparatory  measures,  which  nuder  the 
impudent  pretence  of  promoting  the  glory  of  (iod,  had 
the  ell'ect  of  banishing  every  vestige  of  peace  and  good- 
will from  a  iiiiinerous  connnunity  of  his  rational  crea- 
tures, the  episcopal  faction  at  length,  in  the  year  1704. 
enacted  two  laws,  by  one  of  which  the  dissenters  went 
deprived  of  every  cavil  right,  and  by  the  otlii-r  an  arbi- 
trary court  of  high  commission  (a  name  of  evil  import 
to  I'.nglishmen)  was  erected  for  tiie  trial  of  ecclesiasti- 
cal matters  and  ihe  preservation  of  religious  nniforuiity 
in  Carolina.  The  society  for  propagation  of  the  gos- 
pel, on  receiving  intelligence  of  the  latter  of  tlie.se 
enactments,  declared  their  resolution  to  send  no  more 
missionaries  to  Carolina  till  it  should  be  repealed, 
llolh  the  acts,  however,  h.iving  been  ratified  by  the 
proprietaries,  and  the  complaints  of  the  dissenters 
treated  with  derision,  lln'se  oppressed  and  insulted  men 
were  advised  by  the  merchants  of  Loiidun  who  traded 
to  the  jirovince,  to  sei'k  redress  of  their  grievances 
from  the  supreme  power  of  the  slate.  A  petition  for 
this  |)urpose  was  accordingly  presented  to  the  House 
of  Lorils,  who  were  struck  with  surprise  and  indigna- 

»  Tfiij  w«9  a  bill  impcisiiii;  severe  penallics  on  any  person,  wlio 
h.iviii?  confnrnird  an  Car  lo  if)!- cluirrli  of  Eiiql:iinl  «»  lo  fnmie 
him  U>  holil  a  civil  olllrn,  nlMutil  uver  nfier  uUciiJ  a  dliwciiling 
place  uf  woiiiliip.    It  did  not  jMtea  hilu  a  law. 


lion  at  Ihe  tyrannical  insolence  of  thes«i  despotic  pro 
jiriftiries  and  their  provincial  officers;  ai.  1  fortliwila 
presented  an  address  to  Uneen  Anne,  prayiiij;  licr  royal 
repeal  of  the  obnoxious  laws,  and  recomoieiidiii"  tlial 
the  authors  of  them  should  be  brought  to  condign  puD> 
ishmenl.  The  lords  commissioners  of  trade,  to"  wnom 
tlie  matter  was  referred  by  the  queen,  reported  to  her 
majesty,  '•  that  the  making  such  laws  was  an  abuse  of 
the  power  granted  hy  the  charter,  and  inferred  a  for^ 
feitnre  of  the  same  ;"  adding  iheir  humble  advice  that 
judicial  steps  should  be  adopted  for  having  the  forfeiture 
legally  declared,  and  the  government  resumed  by  the 
crown.*  'i'he  queen,  thereupon,  issued  an  order,  de 
daring  the  laws  that  had  been  complained  of  null  and 
void,  and  promised  to  institute  a  quo  trarranlo  agaitui 
the  charter;  but  this  promise  was  never  fulfilled. t  It 
was  alleged  that  the  forfeitfure  of  the  charter  was  ob- 
structed by  legal  difficulties  arising  from  the  minoriw 
of  some  of  the  proprietaries,  who  could  not  be  nibde 
responsible  for  the  acts  of  the  rest;  as  if  the  inability  of 
these  hereditary  rulers  of  mankind  to  aflbrd  protection 
to  their  subjects,  had  not  been  the  strongest  reason  why 
they  should  be  deprived  of  the  power  of  exacting  ob«. 
dieiice  from  them.  While  incessant  attciii|)ts  wen 
made  by  the  British  government  to  deprive  llie  New 
England  states  of  the  cliartei?  by  w  hich  popular  righli 
were  preserved,  this  fair  and  legitimate  occasion  waa 
neglected,  of  emancipating  the  people  of  Carolina  from 
a  patent  which  had  confessedly  been  made  siibservieDt 
to  the  most  odious  oppression  .snd  intolerance :  and 
even  after  tlie  proprietaries  had  publicly  declared  (aa 
they  were  soon  after  constrained  to  do)'lliat  it  was  not 
in  tlieir  power  to  defend  the  province  asainst  the  In. 
dians  by  whose  attacks  it  was  menaced,  the  proprietary 
government  was  suffered  to  subsist,  perhaps  with  tlie 
view  of  bringing  colonial  charters  into  discrvdil.  until  it 
sunk  under  the  weight  of  its  own  weakness  and  incapa- 
city. It  was  in  the  year  170(>.  that  the  intolerable  policy 
of  Lord  Granville  received  this  signal  clieik  ;  and.  from 
this  p:>nod,  the  dissenters  were  jiermitted  t.»  enjoy,  not 
indeed  'he  equality,  which  tfiev  had  originally  lieen  en- 
courageo  to  expect,  but  a  simple  toleration  In  the 
follow  ing  year,  an  act  of  assembly  was  pas.sed  in  SouUl 
Carolina  for  the  establishment  of  religious  w  oi,.'hip  ac- 
cording to  the  forms  of  the  church  of  Ensland  ;  by  this 
act  the  pro\  :*'.ce  w  as  divided  into  ten  parishes,  ami  pro- 
vision made  l<)r  building  a  church  in  each  parish,  an]  for 
the  endowment  of  its  minister.  The  clinrches  Here 
soon  after  built,  and  jnipplied  with  ministers  by  tiio 
English  Society  for  the  propagation  of  the  gospel. 

'riie  progress  of  population  is,  if  not  the  most  cer- 
tain, one  of  the  most  interesting  tests  of  the  prosperity 
of  a  state  ;  hut  it  is  a  test  not  easily  applicable  to  com- 
mimities  subject,  like  all  the  American  colonies,  lo  a 
contiuu.il  but  irregular  influx  and  ellliix  of  people 
Till!  population  of  North  Carolina  appears  to  iiavesiis 
taiiird  a  severe  check  IVoiii  the  troubles  and  confusions 
tli.it  attended  Culpepper's  insurrection  and  Sotl'-I's 
tyranny  ;  insomuch  that,  in  the  year  l(i!U.  the  lis.  of 
taxable  iiihabilaiils  was  found  lo  contain  only  .seven 
hiinilred  and  eighty  seven  names,  about  half  the  iiiiiii 
her  that  had  been  in  the  colony  at  the  commenceiiii  ill 
of  Miller's  aduiiiiistralioii.  rreqnent  emigrations  wi  re 
iiKule  from  the  northern  lo  the  soiilliern  province;  a:id 
we  must  conclude  that  the  dininnition  of  inhabiiants 
ascertained  in  HUM  had  been  effecti-d  in  this  inanin  r; 
since  prior  to  the  year  170."^.  only  two  persons  (a  Turk 
for  murder,  and  an  oldwouiau  for  witclicrafi)  had  bteii 
executed  in  .North  Carolina — a  fact  which,  considering 
the  violent  convulsions  that  llie  province  hail  iind?r 
gone,  appears  highly  credilable  lo  llie  liiimanily  of  ilui 
people.  In  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  cenliiry, 
iN'orlli  Carolina  received  an  accession  to  its  inliabilanis, 
first  from  a  body  of  French  rel'iigees,  who  removed  to 
it  f'loiii  N'irgliiia,  and  aflervvanis  from  a  colony  of"  tier 
mans,  who.  nianv  years  before,  had  been  expelled  l'r<  in 
their  homes  hy  the  desolation  of  the  |)al;ilinale,  and 
since  experienced  a  ;;reat  variety  of  wretchedness  and 
exile.  In  the  year  1710,  its  whole  population  aniomiled 
to  (iOOO  persons,  but  of  these  not  '2iMW  were  laxahles 
There  was  no  court-honse  in  North  Carohna  before  llia 
year  17'Jv?;  the  a.sseinblies  and  general  coiirLi  till  then 
lieing  convened  in  private  houses.  Printing  was  un 
known  in  either  of  the  provinces,  and  the  lawn  wera 

*  Til  ls  report,  amonK  oilier  siin.ioires  'las  tli.nl  of  Prior  llie  poet 
wfio  was  one  ol  the  rommissioners  of  iraileal  ilie  time. 

t  Oldinixon,  i.  :M7— .HM.  He«ii,  i.  I^.l  Pri-p«rnlor> 
lo  ilu'ir  aililri'ss  |o  the  (\\Sfef ,  (lie  House  ul  I.onls  passiil  a  tesn 
liilion  eonlainm!.'  thive  reinai k.itilc  expressions;  the 
for  enforcins  conformiiy  lo  the  chiireli  of  KneLmil  :n  ;h< 
colony  *'  is  nn  eiirouratrenieiii  lo  »thei-in  aiiil  irre'ipioii,  i!« 
.stnieiive  to  Irado,  and  Icnda  lu  ruui  ilepopufadoii  ofllK  (M 
vine*." 


J 


N  O  R  T  11   A  jM  E  R  I  C  A. 


299 


pnblishi'd  by  oral  proclamation.    Debts  and  rents  were 
generally  iiia<lc  [layable  in  hides,  tallow,  I'urs,  or  other 
pro(hictloiis  of  the  country.    In  the  year  1705,  it  was 
enacted  by  law  that  marriages  should  be  celebrated  by 
the  ministers  oC  religion;  but  magistrates  were  perniit- 
ed  to  per/brm  this  oliice  in  parishes  unprovided  with 
ministers.    The  executive  poiver  within  tlie  provincf! 
was  leehle  and  iiu'llicient ;  partly  inconsequence  of 
'.he  slate  of  dispersion  and  the  lazy  |)len!y  in  which  the 
bidk  of  the  inhabitants  lived,  and  partly  from  the  worth- 
.ess  or  insigniti(';nit  characters  of  many  of  the  e.xecutive 
I    officers.*    In  the  year  1700,  Cary,  the  collector  ol'  the 
oroprietary  quit-rents,   resolving  to  appropriate  the 
imount  of  his  collections,  Ibund  it  easy,  with  the  aid  of 
a  few  idle  and  dissolute  partisans,  to  maintain  himself 
in  a  state  of  opposition  to  the  proprietary  government, 
and  suspend  the  operations  of  ju.stice.    The  people, 
tliough  tliey  neither  ap))roved  nor  abetted  his  lawless 
proceeding,  oli'ered  no  resistance  to  it;  and  the  go- 
vernor, unable  to  reduce  him  to  obedience,  made  appli- 
cation for  :issislance  from  Virginia,  where  some  regular 
troops  were  quartered  at  the  time.    On  the  approach 
of  a  small  party  of  these  forces,  Cary  lied  the  colony, 
and  his  ptirtisans  dispersed.     In  the  year  17l"i,  this 
l)rovince  sustained  a  severe  and  dangerous  blow  from 
a  conspiracy  of  the  Coree  and  Tuscorora  tribes  of  In- 
dians, who,  resenting  a  real  or  sup|)osed  encroachment 
on  their  hunting  lands,  formed  an  alliance  and  project, 
with  amazing  secrecy  and  guile,  lor  the  total  destruction 
of  the  European   settlement.     A  general  attack,  in 
which  a  hundred  and  thirty  seven  of  the  colonists  were 
massacred  in  one  night, t  gave  the  first  intelligence  of 
their  hostility.    Happily,  the  alarm  was  given  before 
the  work  of  destruction  had  proceeded  farther ;  and, 
after  an  obstinate  resistance,  the  colonists  were  able  to 
keep  the  enemy  in  check  till  a  powerful  force  was  de- 
spatched to  their  assistance  by  the  governor  and  assem- 
bly of  ihe  southern  province.    An  expedition  was  then 
undertaken  by  the  combined  forces  of  the  two  pro- 
vinces against  the  hostile  Indians,  who  were  deleated 
with  great  slaughter,  and  compelled  to  abandon  the 
country.   The  assembly  of  South  Carolina  voted  4000/. 
for  the  .service  of  this  war;  and,  during  the  continuance 
of  it,  the  as.sembly  of  the  northern  province  was  com- 
pelled to  issue  8000/.  in  bills  of  credit.    A  few  months 
after  its  termination.  North  Carolina  showed  her  wil- 
lingness to  repay  the  seasonable  aid  she  had  derived 
from  the  sister  province,  and  despatched  a  body  of 
troops  to  her  a.ssistaiice  against  a  hostile  movement  of 
the  Indians  in  that  quarter.     During  the  war  in  North 
Carolina,  the  people  fled  from  the  province  in  such 
uuinbers,  that  to  prevent  its  total  desertion,  a  law  was 
passed,  proliibiting  any  one  from  quitting  its  territory 
without  a  passport  from  the  governor.    In  confirmation 
of  this  edict,  the  governor  of  Virginia  issued  a  procla- 
mation, commanding  that  all  fugitives  from  Carolina 
without  a  passport  should  be  apprehended  and  com- 
pelled to  return. 

The  population  of  South  Carolina,  in  the  year  1700, 
IS  said  to  have  amounted  to  no  more  than  5500  persons, 
a  computation  probably  short  of  the  truth.  In  the 
year  17:^3,  it  amounted  to  3-2000,  including  18000 
slaves.  For  several  years  after  the  colonization  of 
the  territory,  there  were  very  few  negro  slaves  in  Ca- 
rolina; but  the  demand  for  them  was  increased  by  the 
nicreasing  cultivation  of  rice,  which  was  thought  too 
unhealthy  and  laborious  for  European  constitutions; 
tifld  the  slave  ships  of  Great  Britain,  encouraged  the 
kmand  by  the  readiness  with  which  they  supplied  it. 
\l  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century,  Charlestown 
already  a  flourishing  town,   containing  several 


-landsouie 
3000  souls 


-•difices,  a  public  library,  and  a  population  of 
-more  than  half  of  the  total  population  of 


*  In  1701,  PoriPi- indicicd  a  man  for  calling  him  '-a  chi-a(ing 
rogue."  The  ili-lenila;]!  jusiilied  tlie  words,  and,  piiivins  th.Tt 
Ihty  were  pnipei-ly  applied,  was  acquiued,  and  allowed  hia  coses 
Ironi  ihc  prosecuior.  Yet,  a  few  years  afier,  Toner  was  aupoinl- 
ed  a  prnpheiary  deputy  and  member  ol  council.  Williamson, 
'•J""*' in  I'-ti,  Bni  riiirioii.  wlio  had  previously  held  the 
omce  ol  sovernor,  and  aliei  wards  held  it  again,  was  indicted 
Tir  (lefaniaiion,  in  saying  ol'  the  existing  eovernor.  Sir  Richard 
tverard,  that  "  he  was  no  more  fit  for  a  "governor  than  Sdncho 
Fanza,"  and  for  riotously  threatening  lo  scalp  "  liis  d— d  thick 
Bculh"  ii-  '-i-lS.  Two  years  after,  the  grand  jury  present 
bir  Richaril  the  governor  for  having  with  liis  cane  twice  or 
thrice  struck  George  Allen."  lb.  241. 

t  The  Indiana  took  a  number  of  prisoners  on  this  occasion, 
among  whom  were  John  Laws.in,  author  of  a  descriptive  ac- 
count, which  has  been  improperly  termed  a  History  of  Carolina, 
an.  who  had  been  appointed  surveyor-general  of  the  province 
Riul  Baron  Graffenried,  the  leader  of  the  palatine  emigrants, 
i-awson  was  murdered  at  leisure  by  the  savages;  but  Graffen- 
ried  extricated  himself  from  the  same  fate,  for  which  he  had 
U-eii  desi-neil,  by  declaring  that  he  was  the  king  of  a  distinct 
tribe,  lately  arrive.l  in  ihe  province,  and  totally  unconnected 
Viilh  the  i-iijlish. 


the  province.  No  printing  press  was  established  in 
Carolina  till  thirty  years  after. 

AV'lien  the  difliciilties  attentling  the  establishment  of 
the  first  settlers  in  Carolina  bad  been  in  some  degree 
overcome,  the  fertility  of  the  soil,  the  cheapness  of  pro- 
visions, and  the  agreeableness  and  general  salubrity 
of  the  climate,  atforded  the  highest  encouragement  to 
national  increase.  Eamilies  often  and  twelve  children 
were  fretpiently  seen  in  the  houses  of  the  colonists  at 
the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century;  and  though  some 
parts  of  both  the  provinces  were  for  a  time  infected 
with  severe  epidemical  di.soases,  and  odiers  still  con- 
tinue to  be  unfavorable  to  health  at  particular  seasons, 
yet  tlie  statistical  accounts  and  the  registers  of  mor- 
tality amply  demonstrate  that  the  climate  of  the  whole 
region  is  in  the  main  highly  conducive  to  the  preserva- 
tion, as  well  as  the  production  of  life.  The  salubrity 
of  these,  as  well  as  of  the  other  colonial  settlements, 
has  been  greatly  promoted  by  the  progress  of  industry, 
in  opening  the  woods,  draining  the  marshes,  and  con- 
tiniiig  the  streams  within  a  certain  channel.  Yet  the 
inlluence  of  cidtivation  has  been  by  no  means  uniformly 
fivorable  to  health  in  the  Carolinas;  and  much  of  the 
disease  witli  which  they  are  afflicted  at  certain  sea- 
sons is  ascribed  to  the  periodical  inundations  which 
the  culture  of  the  rice  lands  requires.* 

During  the  infant  state  of  the  colony,  the  proprie- 
tari(!s  sold  the  land  at  twenty  shillings  for  every  hun- 
dred acres,  and  sixpence  of  quit  rent.    They  raised  the 
price  in  the  year  1()!)4  to  thirty  shillings;  and  in  1711, 
to  forty  shillings  for  every  liuiidred  acres,  and  one  shil- 
ling of  quit  rent.    Lawson,  who  travelled  through  Ca- 
rolina in  the  year  1700,  cidebrates  the  courtesy  and 
hosjiitality  of  t.''e  planters;  but  represents  an  aversion 
to  labor,  and  a  negligent  contentment  with  present  ad- 
vantages, as  qualities   very  prevalent  among  them. 
Fruit,  he  says,  was  so  plentiful  that  the  hogs  were  fed 
with  peaches. t  The  Carolitiians  have  always  been  cha- 
racterised by  a  taste  for  idleness,  and  a  strong  iireili- 
lection  for  the  .sports  of  the  field.    The  disposition  that 
was  evinced  at  a  very  early  period  of  the  history  of 
these  provinces,  to  treat  insolvent  debtors  with  extreme 
indulgence,  has  continued  ever  since  to  be  a  feature  in 
their  legislation,  and  has  been  thought  to  encourage  a 
loose  and  improvident  ajjtitutle  to  contract  debts.  The 
most  serious  evils  with  which  the  two  provinces  have 
been  afllicted  have  arisen  from  the  abuse  of  spirituous 
liquors,  the  neglect  of  education,  aiul  the  existence  of 
negro  slavery.    It  was  long  before  institutions  for  the 
education  of  youth  were  generally  established  in  Caro- 
lina; the  benefits  of  knowledge  were  confined  entirely 
to  the  sons  of  wealthy  planters,  who  were  sent  to  the 
colleges  of  Europe,  or  to  the  seminaries  in  the  more 
northern  states;  and  the  co.isequent  ignorance  of  the 
great  bulk  of  the  people,  together  with  the  influence  of 
a  warm  climate,  aiul  the  preval'-nt  aversion  to  industry 
(increased  by  the  pride  which  the  possession  of  slaves 
inspires,  and  the  discredit  which  .slavery  bring.s  on  la- 
bor), promoted  an  intemperate  use  of  ardent  spirits, 
which  contribiTted  additionally  to  deprave  their  senti- 
ments, habits,  and  manners.    It  was  in  North  Carolina 
that  all  the  evils  which  I  have  enumerated  (except  those 
arising  from  negro  slavery,  and  which  are  more  dejilo- 
rable  jierhaps  than  all  the  rest)  prevailed  longest  and 
most  extensively.}    The  improvement  that  after  times 
have  witnessed  in  all  these  respects,  has  been  conside- 
rable in  both  the  provinces:  and  the  inhabitants  of 
South  Carolina,  in  particular,  have  loitg  been  distin- 
guished for  the  cultivation  of  literiiture,  the  elegance  of 
their  manner,  and  their  polite  hospitality. 

In  every  community  where  slavery  exists,  the  treat- 
ment which  the  .slaves  experience  will  be  regulated  in 
no  small  degree  by  the  proportion  which  they  bear  to 
the  numbers  of  the  free,  and  the  apprehensions  which 
they  uKiy  consequently  be  capable  of  inspiring.  No 
passion  has  a  more  dreadful  or  insatiable  appetite,  or 
prompts  to  more  unrelenting  cruelty, than  fear;  and  no 


Warden,  ii.  .'574  .  41j.  Dr.  Williamson  (vol.  ii.  cap.  !.•))  has 
clearly  provcil  that  the  immediate  effects  of  the  e.viirpation  itf 
wood  in  Carolina  have  always  been  unfriendly  to  health,  from 
the  exposure  to  the  sun  of  a  surface  of  fresh  land  covered  with 
vegetable  produce  in  a  state  of  decay. 

t  Lawson,  p.  63.  S,!.  184.  Archdale  (p.  7.)  speaks  in  nearly 
the  same  terms  of  the  fertility  of  Carolina.  Bloome  (p.  1.33] 
states,  that  the  province,  in  1636,  contained  many  wealthy  per- 
sons, who  had  repaired  lo  it  in  a  state  of  great  indigence. 

t  In  March,  17W,  the  grand  jury  of  .\lbeniarle  presented  thir- 
ty-six persons,  viz.  seven  for  drunkenness,  eight  for  profine 
swearing,  seven  for  breaking  the  sabbath,  four  for  adultery,  tivc 
for  stealing  or  mismarkins  hogs,  three  for  breaking  the  jieare, 
and  two  for  selling  litpior  without  license."  Williamson,  i.  211 
It  was  an  unfortunate  supposition  (whether  well  or  ill  founded) 
that  was  at  one  time  entertained,  that  the  water  of  Carolina 
possessed  deleterious  qualities  which  an  infusion  of  ruin  was 
was  neceasaiy  to  coumeracl. 


apinchension  can  be  more  selvish  or  more  provocative 
of  inhumanity,  than  that  which  is  insjiired  in  men'a 
bosoms  bv  the  danger  of  retaliation  lor  the  injustice 
which  they  are  coiuiiiiiing  to  mllict.    In  .South  Caioli- 
na,  for  a  very  con.siderable  i)eriod,  the  number  of  '.hi' 
slaves  bore  a  greater  pro|)ortion  to  that  of  the  whole 
population  than  in  any  other  of  the  North  Aipericaii 
colonies.    I'rom  the  year  I7"20  till  the  )ear  1/05,  the 
slaves  in  this  state  continued  greatly  and  increasingly 
to  outnumber  the  while    inhabitants.*     'I'he  conse- 
quence of  this  state  of  things  was.  that  the  slaves  of 
the  South  Carolina  jilanters  were  treated  with  extreme 
severity;  tiiid,  in  the  year  1731),  they  formed  a  conspi- 
racy for  a  genertil  massacre  of  their  mastiirs,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  carry  their  design  into  eflect  bv  a  daiigcronn 
insurrection,  which  was  suppressed  with  the  utmost 
difliculty,  and  punished  by  an  exacerbation  of  the  crii- 
(dty  that  had  provokiul  it.    The  di.scontents  of  the  slaves 
in  this  state  proved  a  formidable  auxiliary  to  the  hos- 
tile designs  of  the  neighbouring  Spaniards,  who  were 
not  wanting  in  endcavois  to  turn  it  to  their  advan- 
tage.   Alter  the  American  revolution  the  farther  iiu- 
porl.ition  of  slaves  into  South  Carolina  was  forbidden 
by  lavv;t  and  tbi!  proiMirtion  between  the  freemen  and 
the  slaves  underwent  a  change  highly  promotive  of  tlio 
security  and  humanity  of  tli;?  one,  ami  of  the  comfort 
and  considi'raliou  eii|oyed  by  tlu^  other.*     Neither  here 
nor  in  any  other  country  with  whose  history  I  am  ac- 
quainted, have  the  protestant  episcopal  clergy  ever  dis- 
tinguished themselves  by  exertions  to  mitigate  the  evils 
of  slavery.    Wherever  a  protestant  ejiiscopal  church 
has  been  established  by  law,  tlx;  only  ministers  of  the 
gospel  who  have  shown  themselves  the  friends  of  the 
outcasts  of  the  hinnati  race,  have  been  metliodists, 
Moravians,  or  di.ssenters  of  some  other  denomination 
It  has  not  been  so  in  countries  where  the  catholic 
church  has  prevailed.    The  priests  of  this  jiersuasion 
have  always  constituted  themselves  the  defenders  and 
patrons  of  Indian.s  and  negro  slaves.    Perhaps  this  ha>i 
arisen  in  part  from  the  peculiarities  of  senliment  and 
habit  by  which  the  catholic  priests  are  sejiarateil  from 
the  rest  of  mankind,  and  which  may  lessen  in  their  es- 
timation the  difl'erences    of  temporal    condition  by 
which  the  laity  are  distinguished. 

It  does  not  tippear  from  the  earlier  annals  of  Caro- 
lina in  what  niauner  liie  pro\  iiicial  assemlilies  were 
constituted,  or  to  what  amount  of  jiroperly  jioliticid 
franchises  were  attaciied.  All  the  executive  olHcers 
were  nominated  by  the  proprietaries,  who  specified  the 
amount  of  the  salaries  in  the  warrants  of  a|)))oiiitmenL 
Such  was  the  dilliculty  of  collecting  money  or  produce, 
es|)pcially  in  the  northern  colony,  tli.at  the  jiroprietaries 
were  fre(|iieiitly  obliged  to  grant  a.ssignatioiis  of  lands 
or  quit  rents  to  their  ofllcers  in  order  to  secure  the  per- 
f  rmance  of  their  duties.  Sir  Nathaniel  Johnson,  who 
was  appointed  governor  of  Carolina  in  ihi;  year  170"^. 
received  a  warrant  for  a  salary  of  2(U)l.  a  year.  Tlio 
other  coteiii[iorary  oliicers  had  salaries  of  which  the 
highest  was  (iO/.,  and  the  low  est  4(i/.  a  year.  The  go- 
vernor's salary  was  doubled  in  the  year  17J7. 

Carolina,  by  its  amazing  fertility  in  animal  and  ve- 
getaUe  produce,  was  enabled,  frimi  an  etirly  jieriod, 
to  carry  on  ;i  considerable  trade  with  Jamaica,  Harba- 
does,  and  the  leeward  islands,  which,  at  the  close  of 
the  .seventeenth  century,  are  said  to  have  depended  iii 
a  great  measure  on  this  colony  for  their  means  of  siib- 


*  From  Warden's  population  tables,  it  appear?  that,  in  the 
year  1734,  they  outnumbered  the  freemen  in  the  pro|jortion  of 
4  to  I  ;  a  relative  proportion  never  at  any  otiicr  time  known  it 
an  .'American  province,  though  far  short  of  what  prevaHs  in  man] 
of  the  British  West  India  settlements. 

t  Indeed,  a  law  to  the  sameetfect  had  been  enacted  by  the  as 
st  inbly  of  South  Carolina  .several  years  before  the  revidntiim 
but  It  was  disallowed  by  the  royal  governor  as  contrary  to  tin 
jiolicv,  and  injurious  lo  the  irade  of  Great  Brilaai. 

t  Wynne,  ii  041.— 543.  Hewit,  ii.  14.  7:;— 74.  93—97.  War 
den,  ii.  413.  4:ifi.  Traces  of  the  cruelty  with  which  slaves  wert 
anciently  treated  in  South  Carolina  have  lingered,  it  must  l« 
confessed,  till  a  very  late  pcrioti,  both  in  the  laws  ol  this  pro- 
vince and  the  manners  ol  its  inhabitants.  Slaves  are,  or  till 
very  lately  were,  burned  alive  for  murder,  burglary,  or  fire 
raising.  In  the  year  1303,  two  negroes  were  aciualiy  burned 
alive  over  u  slow  fire  in  the  market  place  in  Charlesiown. 
Bristcd's  "America  and  her  Resources,"  p.  15j.  "  Ihe  grand 
jury  of  Charlestown,  for  llie  term  of  January,  1310,  reported, 
as  a  most  serious  evil,  that  instances  of  negro  homiciile  were 
common  within  the  city  for  many  years;  the  p.irlies  exercising 
inilimaed  control  as  masters  and  mistresses  indulging  ibeii 
cruel  passions  in  the  barbarous  treatment  of  slaves,  4c.  Ac 
anil  Ihercby  bringing  on  the  community,  the  slate,  and  tile  citi 
the  contumely  and  reproach  of  the  civilized  worlil."  Warder 
ii.  437.  They  who  entertain  such  a  senso  of  ihe  evil,  w  ill,  i 
may  be  hoped,  in  nine  find  a  cure  for  it. 

What  strange  inconsistencies  may  coexi.st  with  evim  the  wor? 
evils  of  slavery,  is  strikinsrly  evinced  in  the  hfc  of  th.il  distil 
guished  Roman  who  united  all  the  abstraciinns  and  refinemen 
of  Pithairorean  philosophy  with  the  most  odious  inhuinaiiiiy  t 
bis  slaves.   IMuiarch's  Life  of  Marcus  C'-aio 


300 

s!»-f»liri!.  Its  sliiple  coiimiodilii's  wc-re  rice,  tar,  and, 
nlierwarils.  iiidi;;".  ( )ldiMi.\(>ii.  wliosc  liisiorv  Uiis  piib- 
li^lii  d  ill  ihe  yvr.r  ITiH.  olwrvef,  tliat  tlie  trade  ol  the 
LMiloiiv  witli  Kn-rlaiid  had  of  late  obtained  a  great  iii- 
rrvn-f,  -  lor  iiol«  itlistaiulinij  all  llie  discoiiragenienla 
U.4  people  he  nmli  r,"  he  adds,  '  seventeen  ships  cuine 
last  year  laden  /'join  Carolina  wi  r.  rice,  skins,  i)itch,  and 
tar.  ill  the  Vir:;iiiia  Meet,  besides  straggling;  ships." 

ftv  an  act  that  was  passed  in  the  >ear  J7J5,  every 
planter  of  Carolina  was  ordered  to  piirehase  and  en- 
close a  burial  ground  Ibr  all  persons  d^ing  on  iiis 
fistate;  and,  before  interuu  nt  of  any  corpse,  to  call  in 
at  least  three  or  four  of  his  neighbours  to  view  it,  for 
the  purpose  of  furtlu^r  enquiry  in  case  of  any  suspici- 
3IIS  ap|)earance.  It  has  been  noted,  from  an  early  pe- 
-iod,  as  a  peculiarity  in  the  iiianiiers  of  many  of  the 
American  provinces,  ihat  funerals  are  conducted  witli 
adi'grei,'  of  jiimip  aixl  expense  unknown  to  the  usages 
of  llurope.  In  some  of  the  states,  laws  were  enacted 
from  time  to  time  to  restrain  this  vain  and  ill-timed  pro- 
Jigalily.  In  none  oftlieni  has  it  been  carried  to  a  great- 
er e.vlreme  than  in  South  Carolina,  whi^rc?  the  interment 
of  tlie  di-ad  has  been  generally  combined  with  a  luxuri- 
ous entertainment  and  ajjrofusioii  of  good  cheer  to  the 
liMiig.* 

BOOK  V. 

NEW  YORK. 

CHAPTER  I. 

■luilsnn's  Voy.ice  of  Dif*covery — First  Sptlloment  of  the  Dutch 
"11  All)any— Tilt;  I'riivince  frraiKed  hy  the  Siaics  Gerieral  to  the 
W>  yi  liiilia  Ciiir.pany  «(  Hulland  —The  Dutch  Ciiionisis  exti  nd 
llii-ir  Silik-iiii-iiH  into  Connecticut — Disputes  with  the  New 
lOiijihinil  Colonies — Delaware  first  coionizett  by  the  Swedes — 
War  hrtwecii  the  Dutcli  and  Indians — Karilier  disputes  wiili 
New  Kngland — Dcsisns  of  Charles  the  Second — Alarm  and 
KITorls  of  tht  Dutch  Governor — The  Province  granted  liy 
Charter  to  the  Duke  of  York — Invaded  by  an  Lii;;lish  Fleet — 
Surrenders— Wise  Goverinnenl  o\'  Colonel  Nichols — Holland 
redes  New  York  to  Knirland — recaptures  it — finally  cedes  ii 
acaiic — New  Charter  granted  to  the  Duke  of  York — Arbitrary 
(foveronient  of  Andnis — Discontent  of  the  Colonists — The 
D  jke  consents  to  give  New  York  a  Free  Constitution. 

Nkw  York  is  distinguished  from  the  other  colonial 
settlcinenis  whose  history  we  liave  already  considered, 
both  by  the  r.'j'-e  of  its  first  F.uropean  settlers,  and  the 
niodi!of  it£  annexation  to  the  dominion  of  Uritain.  In 
all  tlii.  other  provinces,  the  first  colonists  were  i'.iiglish- 
ni(  n,  and  the  several  occupations  of  American  terri- 
toiy  and  corresponding  extensions  of  the  British  ein- 
niie,  w  ere  the  eiiter|)rises  of  Kiiglish  subjects,  impelled 
'jy  the  spirit  of  coimnercial  adventure,  intlamed  with 
ri  '.ig'oiis  zeal,  or  allured  by  ambitious  exjiectation. 
Tht;  people  of  England  had  derived,  in  till  these  in- 
8t  tn'ies,  an  increa.se  of  their  coimnercial  resources,  and 
tlie  crown  an  enlargement  of  its  dominion,  from  the 
acts  of  private  indivi<hials,  sanctioned  no  doubt  by  the 
appropriation  of  public  authority,  but  wholly  unaided  by 
the  fun  is  or  forces  of  the  cominiinily.  But  the  terri- 
tory of  New  York  was  originally  colonized,  not  from 
r.iiglai  d,  but  from  Holland;  and  the  incorporation  of 
it  with  the  rest  of  the  British  dominions  was  ellected, 
not  by  setlli'iiieiit,  but  by  coiupiest;  not  by  the  enter- 


THE   HISTORY  OF 


The  prior  right  of  England  (yet  unrecognized  by  the 
rest  of  the  world)  had  produced  no  other  permanent 
occupation  than  a  feeble  settlement  on  the  distant  ter- 
rittjry  of  James  River  in  Virginia;  which  h;  d  now  sub- 
sisted for  two  years,  when  Henry  Hudson,  an  English- 
man, enijiloyed  by  tlie  East  India  Company  of  Hol- 
land, set  sail  [UiC!)]  from  the  Texel  for  the  di.scovery 
of  a  north-west  pttssage  to  India.  Having  attempted 
in  vain  to  accomplish  the  object  of  his  voytige,  he 
steered  for  Cape  Cod,  and  entered  the  bay  of  Cliesa- 
lieake,  where  lie  remarked  the  infant  .settlement  of  the 
l-^nglish.  He  afterwards  anchored  his  vessel  oft"  the 
Delaware,  and  proceeding  tlience  to  Long  Island, 
sailed  np  the  river  Manhattan,  on  whose  banks  the 
chief  fruit  of  his  enterprise  were  destined  to  grow. 
Some  authors  have  asserted  that  he  sold  his  right  to 
this  territory  to  the  Dutch:  but  the  as.sertion  is  etjiially 
unproved  and  improbable;  as  he  could  convey  to  them 
no  right  which  the  voyage  did  not  vest  by  a  much  bet- 
ter title  in  themselves.  Several  voyages  were  after- 
wards made  from  Holland  to  the  river  RIanhatlaii, 
which,  at  first,  was  called  the  JVortli  River,  but,  in  pro- 
cess of  time,  received  the  name  of  the  able  and  enter- 
prising navigator,  by  whom,  if  not  originally  discover- 
ed, it  had  been  introduced  for  the  first  time  to  the  ac- 
quaintance of  the  Dutch.  This  people  now  conceived 
that  they  had  acquired  a  suHicient  tille  to  the  adjacent 
territory,  which  they  distinguished  by  the  name  of  No- 
va Belgia,  or  New  Netherlands.*  The  depending  or 
recent  conllicts  of  rival  provinces,  and  even  rival  na- 
tions, lent  at  one  time  to  all  the  circumstances  attend- 
ing the  first  occupation  of  this  territory,  an  interest 
which  they  have  long  ceased  to  possess,  except  iu  the 
estimation  of  antiquarians. 

The  favorable  report  that  Hudson  had  given  of  tlie 
country  having  been  confirmed  by  subsequent  voyages, 
a  body  of  Dutch  merchants  embraced  the  re.solulion  of 
establishing  a  trading  settlement  within  its  confines; 
[1014,]  and  the  States  General  promoted  the  enter- 
prise by  granting  them  a  patent  for  the  exclusive  trade 
of  Hudson's  river.  Encouraged  by  tliis  act  of  favor 
they  proceeded,  in  the  course  of  the  same  year,  to  ap- 
propriate a  small  portion  of  ground  on  tlie  western  bank 
of  the  river  near  Albany,  where  they  erected  a  fort, 
and  intrusted  the  government  of  the  place  to  one 
Henry  Cliristiaeiis.  This  feeble  settlement  had  scarcely 
been  established,  when  it  \v;ls  invaded  by  a  Virginian 
scpiadron,  commanded  by  Captain  .Argal,  and  returning 
from  the  conquest  of  the  French  possessions  in  the 
bay  of  Fundy.  Argal  claimed  the  territory  occupied 
by  the  Dutch,  as  ai)|)ertaining  of  right  to  the  British 
dominion  in  America;  and  the  governor  wtts compelled 
to  obey  a  summons  of  surrender,  and  to  stipulate  alle- 
giance to  Engl.ind,  and  trihul<!  and  subordination  to  the 
governinent  of  Virginia.  The  states  of  Holland  had 
too  recently  established  an  independence  promoted  by 
the  aid,  and  recognised  by  the  mediation  of  (ireat 
Britain,  to  make  this  outrage  the  cause  of  quarrel  with 
a  powerful  ally,  whose  assistance  they  could  not  vet 
deem  themselves  strong  enough  to  dispjiise  with. 
They  forbore,  therefore,  to  take  any  notice  of  Argal's 
prise  of  iii.liviihials,  but  by  the  forces  of  the  stale.  it""'^'i'«  proceedings:  and  it  is  even  asserted  by  some 
IS  a  singularity  still  more  worthy  of  remark,  and  ilhistra- 
tivi;  of  the  slender  inlluiMice  of  hitinan  views  ttiid  pur- 
poses ill  the  pre-adjiistiiient  and  connection  of  events, 
that  this  iiiilitary  concpicst  proved  the  means  of  esta- 
bli-,liing  a  colony  of  (jiiakers  in  America;  and  the 
Bword  of  Charles  tli(,'  Second,  in  contpiering  an  appa- 
nage for  Ins  bigot  brother,  prepared  a  tranquil  esta- 
blishment in  .New  Jersey  and  I'eniisylvania.  for  the  vo- 
taries of  peace,  toleration,  and  philaiithropliy. 

The  pretensions  of  the  Dutch  to  this  territory  were 
Certainly,  from  the  first,  more  consistent  with  natural 
justice  th.iu  with  tin.'  law  of  n.itioiis,  and  the  privilege 
which  it  attaches  to  priority  of  discovery.  For  if,  on 
the  oni!  hand,  the  voyage  of  Cabot,  and  his  general  and 

indefinite  visitation  of  tlie  North  A  rican  continent, 

pri'Cfilod  by  more  tli.in  a  century  the  occurrence  from 
which  till!  Diiii'h  ocriipaiion  originated.  tli(!r(!  seems, 
on  the  other  hand,  a  moiisiroiis  disregard  of  the  rights 
of  hiiiii.in  n.itiire,  in  m  imiaiiiing  that  a  d.iim,  so  ]ire- 
cariotisly  constituted,  could  subsist  so  long  unexercised, 
ami  th.it  II  navigator,  by  casually  approaching  North 

^  rii  a,  in  a  vain  and  erroneous  search  of  a  passage 

to  the  Indii's.  slioidil  a((piire,  for  his  countryimm,  a 
right  to  p.-i-Vent  the  whole  continent  from  being  iiiha- 
bilud  for  inoro  tliun  lui  hundred  years. 


M  o.i.  rlKiihnin.  ill.  M.i.  "In  .hort,  the  icripniro  ohwrva- 
Hoo,  It  i>  l.ru-r  In  vo  to  the  hoimo  of  ouu.rnintr  than  (o  the  houm 
01  'MOOS,  l«  unlnlrlhKihlc,  nml  wholly  inapplicable  here,  ud  it 
»  Jimcult  lo  diMi-igulih  iho  ono  from  iba  oUicr." 


♦  Purchas,  iii.  591,  ajc.  Ch  irlevoix,  Hist,  of  New  Franc,  i. 
2il.  Ohlniixon,  i.  117.  Stith's  Virginia,  75.  Douglas's  Sum- 
mary, i,  201.  Smith's  History  of  New  York,  p.  2.  3.  Allthe.se 
writers,  except  the  first  two,  represent  H(uls<ura  Voyage  as  hav. 
ing  been  performed  iu  IfiOS,  and  under  the  authority  of  a  British 
commission.  lint  they  are  all  mistaken.  They  seem  notto  have 
been  aware  of  the  existence  of  any  other  authority,  for  the  ac 
count  which  I  have  [irefcrred,  but  that  of  Charlevoix  ;  ami 
Smith's  opinion  is  obviously  not  a  little  influenced  by  the  circum- 
stance of  Charlevoix  l)eing  a  French  Jesuit,  while  Siith,  who 
contradicts  him,  was  an  English, or  at  least  a  Virginian  protestant 
minister.  Hut  the  journals  of  all  the  voyages  of  Hudson  are  pre- 
served  in  Purcli;is's  c<dlectinn  ;  and  they  confirm  Charlevoix, 
and  contain  Ihe  account  1  have  adopted.  From  these  journals 
also  we  may  discover  the  cause  (d  the  error  committed  originally 
by  Oldmixon,  and  from  him  transndtted  to  Stith  and  the  others. 
Hudson's  second  Voyage,  in  which  lie  visited  Nova  Zembia,  was 
made  from  Lonilon  in  1603,  and  with  an  F.nglish  comnussion. 
This  has  evidently  been  confounded  w  ith  his  third  voyage  in  1609 
from  the  Texel.  The  eniployineiit  of  Huilson,  and  tin-  date  of 
his  voyage,  are  correctly  represented  in  a  new  w<uk.  of  wliich 
the  first  part  has  been  very  recently  puhlisfied. — The  History  of 
New  York,  by  John  Yates  nnd  Joseph  Moullon,  vol.  i.  part  i. 
J02,  20'J. 

This  point  has  been  the  more  eagerly  contested,  that  some 
timid  or  servile  civilians  have  doiilued,  if  Holland,  whose  inde- 

f<Miileiice  was  not  acknowledged  by  Spain  till  the  beginning  of 
1)00,  Cuulil  be  regarded  as  previously  admittted  into  the  Commu- 
nity of  sovereign  states,  and  capable  of  deriving  riglits  from  the 
laws  of  nations.  Sountler  juri-^ts,  and  more  manly  iltMikers,  have 
ad judued,  indeed,  that  thi-<  privilege  acciucs  to  a  people  from 
Ihe  tune  when  they  publicly  assert  a  claim  to  independence, 
which,  though  partially  denieil  for  a  while,  tliey  finally  succeed 
In  causing  to  lio  gi:nerally  recoirni7.t'il.  itiii  this  doctrine  is  not 
necessary  lo  the  support  of  (lio  interest  of  the  Dutch  in  Hudstui's 
discovery,  which  nai,  some  inuiitlia  posterior  to  Iho  treaty  with 
Spain. 


writers,  that,  in  answer  to  a  complaint  by  tlie  Bridah 
courts,  of  their  intrusion  into  America,  difv  denied  tiwt 
the  settleri(;ut  had  been  esl;iblished  by  their  authority, 
and  represented  it  as  the  private  act  of  a  company  of 
merchaiiLs.  The  same  writers  have  allegeil.  tliat'  tlie 
Dutch,  at  the  same  lime,  besought  the  king  to  jieniiit 
a  few  trading  houses  to  be  erected  within  his  territo- 
ries on  Hudson's  river,  and  that  a  permission  to  this 
extent  was  actually  obtained.  W  hatever  truth  or 
falsehood  there  may  be  in  these  statements,  it  is  ceruin 
that,  in  the  year  following  [Kil.')]  Argal's  invasion,  a 
new  governor,  Jacob  Elkin,  having  arrived  at  the  fort 
witli  an  additional  complement  of  .settlers,  the  claim  of 
the  English  to  the  stipulated  dependence  was  fordiwiih 
defied,  and  the  payment  of  tribute  successfully  resisted. 
For  the  better  |)rotcction  of  their  indepeiideuce,  the 
colonists  now  erected  another  fort  on  the  south-west 
jioiiit  of  Long  Island  :  and  two  others  were  afUTwards 
built  at  Good  Hope,  on  Coniieticiit  river, and  at  Nas- 
sau, on  the  east  side  of  Delaware  B.ay.  They  continued 
for  a  .series  of  years,  in  unmolested  tranquility,  to  ma- 
ture their  settlement,  enlarge  their  numbers,  and.  by 
llie  exercise  of  llieir  national  virtues  of  jialience  and  in- 
dustry, to  siibdtio  the  first  difticulties  and  hardships  of 
an  infant  colony.* 

The  states  of  Holland  finding  their  commerce  en- 
large with  the  continuance  of  freedom  and  the  enjoy- 
ment of  peace,  and  observing  that  their  subjecLs  had 
succeeded  in  preserving  tlie  footing  they  had  gained  on 
Hudson's  river,  began  to  form  the  project  of  improve- 
ing  this  .settlement,  and  rendering  it  the  basis  of  more 
general  and  extended  colonization  in  America.  W  idi 
this  ptiq)0se  was  combined  the  scheme  of  their  cele- 
brated West  Inilia  Company,  which  was  established  in 
the  year  1020,  and  to  which,  in  pursuance  to  their  in- 
variable policy,  of  colonizing  by  the  agency  of  exclu- 
sive companies,  it  was  determined  to  commit  tht  ad- 
ministration of  New  Netherlands.  They  seemed  10 
have  watched,  with  an  attentive  eye,  the  proceedings 
of  the  English  puritan  exiles  at  Leyden,  and  viewed 
with  alarm  their  projected  migration  to  the  banks  of 
Hudson's  river.  [10]  Unable  or  iiinvilliiig  to  ohstnict 
the  design  by  an  opposition  which  would  have  in- 
volved an  immediate  collision  with  the  pretensions  of 
BHtain.  ihey  defeated  it  by  bribing  the  iJiitcli  captain, 
with  whom  the  eiiiigraiiLs  sailed,  to  convey  them  so 
far  to  the  iiortliwaid.  that  their  plantation  was  finally 
formed  in  the  territory  of  Massachusetts.  This  fraud- 
fill  proceeding,  though  it  jirevented  a  rival  setlleiiicnt 
from  being  established  on  Hudson's  river  discredited 
their  own  title  to  this  territory,  and  proporlioiiably 
enforced  the  title  of  Great  Britain,  which,  in  the  same 
year,  was  again  distinctly  asserted  and  exercised  by 
the  gr.iiit  of  king  James's  patent  to  the  grand  council 
of  I'lymoiilh.  'i'lie  riymoiith  patent,  however,  wliidi 
was  declared  void  in  the  following  year  by  the  I'liglish 
House  of  Commons,  and  surrendered  a  few  years 
aAer  by  tlie  patentees,  .seemed  as  little  entitled  to  re- 
spect .iliroad  as  lo  favor  at  home  ;  for.  even  if  its  ilis- 
regard  of  die  Dutch  occiip.ilion  should  not  be  siippo.s- 
cd  to  infringe  the  law  of  nations,  it  iiiKpiestioii.ihly 
merited  this  reproach  by  appropriating  territories  uher'e 
the  French,  in  virtue  of  jirevioiis  charters  from  their 
sovereign,  had  already  established  the  si'ttlemeiits  tif 
Acadia  and  Canada.  The  nullity  of  the  I'lymoiith  pa 
tent,  ill  this  last  particular,  was  lacillv  acknowledi'i  il  by 
Charles  the  First,  in  lOiiO.  when,  at  the  treaty  of  Su 
Germain,  he  restored  the  French  provinces  which  his 
arms  had  conquered  in  the  preceding  year.  Whether 
the  Stttes  of  Holland  considered  the  patent  etpially 
unavailing  against  their  rights  or  not,  tliev  appear  to 
have  made  a  grant  of  the  country  which  was  now 
calleil  New  Netlierlaiids  to  their  \Vest  India  Coiiipn- 
ny,  in  the  following  year,  [Ui2I]— the  very  ye,ir  in 
which  the  English  Hon.se  of  Commons  prtitcsted 
against  a  similar  patent  of  the  same  t.^rritorv  bv  their 
own  inon.'ircli.  as  inconsistent  with  the  general  rights  of 
their  coiiiitryiiieii,  and  the  true  interesis  of  trade.  If 
the  Stites  (icneral,  or  the  colonists  of  lliidson's  river, 
were  acquainted  with  this  parliameiitai y  iiroceeding, 
they  m.ide  more  account  of  the  benefit  that  niiffht  ac- 
crue from  it  to  their  territorial  claim,  than  of  the  re- 
buke it  might  he  lliouglit  to  convey  to  their  coumiiTciiil 
policy.  I  nder  the  iiianagenieiit  of  the  West  India 
Coinpaiiy.  the  sellli  nient  was  soon  both  consolidated 
and  extended.  'J'lie  city  of  New  Amsterdam,  af'ter- 
wards  called    New  York,  was  built  on  York  Isl.ind, 


•  Oldmixon,  i.  118.  Stith,  133.  Wynne,  1.170.  Smiili.  S,  1. 
Bee  .Note  16,  at  the  end  of  the  volume.'  In  the  year  16. -I,  ili>  ei- 
|iorts  from  New  Nriherlands  were  '*  four  thousand  bA:,\ers  aiitf 
•even  hundrct' (>ur"  ••liiualod  at  27,150  guilders."    Haxatd,  L 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


801 


then  known  by  the  name  of  iManli.itlan;  and  at  tlio 
iJistauce  til'  a  hiiu'lrcd  and  lifly  niilt's  lii;,'lier  up  the 
Hudson,  was  laid  tJie  I'oundation  of  tlie  city  oi' 
Allxiny.' 

Wiiat  was  the  precise  extent  of  territory  claimed  hy 
the  Dutch,  as  com|)relieuded  within  tlieir  colony  of 
New  Netherlands,  has  hsen  dillcrcnlly  rcjjreseuted 
even  hy  their  own  writers,  some  of  whom  li:ive  not 
gcriipleil  to  maintain  that  it  embraced  the  whole  (-ounlry 
from  Virsiiiiii  to  Canada.  ^Vhatever  was  its  titular 
extent,  wliich  was  prohahly  unknown  to  the  colonists 
theniselvcs,  they  proceeded  to  enlarge  th<Mr  occupation 
fir  hevond  their  inmiediate  use,  and,  hy  their  intrusion 
into  the  (-'onuecticut  and  Delaware  territories,  laid  the 
foundation  of  their  future  disputes  with  the  colonies  of 
New  I'.nsland.  While  these  powerful  neighliours  as 
yet  possessed  no  other  establishment  but  the  small  set- 
lleuient  of  Plymouth,  to  which  the  artifice  of  tin;  Dutch 
had  consigned  the  Knglish  emigrants  from  Leyden,  the 
bcal  authorities  of  New  Amsterilani  attempted  to  culti- 
vate a  friendly,  or  at  least  a  connnercial  correspondence 
with  the  English  colony;  and  for  this  purpose  despatch- 
ed tlieir  secretary  Rosier  with  a  congratulatory  commu- 
nication to  the  governor  of  Plymouth.  [1(1^7.]  The 
English,  from  whose  memory  the  fraud  that  had  de- 
prived them  of  a  settlement  at  Hudson's  river  had  not 
haiiished  the  recollection  of  Dutch  hospitality  at  Ley- 
den, received  with  much  courtesy  the  felicitations  of 
their  successful  rivals  on  the  courageous  struggle  they 
had  maintained  with  the  dilliculties  of  their  situation ; 
and  as  some  years  had  yet  to  relapse  before  3Iassachu- 
Betts  became  populous,  and  before  the  English  establish- 
ments in  Connecticut  were  begun,  the  Dutch  colonists 
were  enabled  to  Hatter  themselves  that  their  stratagem 
would  not  be  resented,  nor  their  settlements  disturbed. 
They  seem  to  iiave  been  aware  of  the  reluctance  of 
their  government  to  exhibit  publicly  a  title  derogatory 
to  the  pretensions  of  Britain,  and  to  have  endeavoured 
to  counteract  the  restraint  which  this  policy  might  im- 
jose  on  llieir  future  acquisitions  by  the  energy  of  their 
immediate  occupation.  Their  first  settlement  was 
itfected,  apparently,  without  any  equitable  reiiiunera- 
vioii  to  the  Indian  proprietors  of  the  land;  and  hence 
perhaps  arose  those  dissensions  with  the  Indians  which 
afterwards  produced  a  great  deal  of  bloodshed.  But 
when  they  extended  theirappropriations  to  Connecticut 
and  Delaware,  they  were  careful  to  ficilitate  their  ad- 
mission by  purchasing  the  territory  from  its  .savage 
owners.!  If  their  policy  really  was  (as  we  may  rea- 
BOiiahly  suppose,  though  we  cannot  positively  assert) , 
to  supply  a  defective,  or  at  least  non-apparent  title,  by 
extent  and  priority  of  occupation,  it  was  completely  dis- 
appointed bv  the  event :  and  w  hen  New  England  and 
Maryland  began  to  be  filled  with  inhabitants,  the 
Dutch  at  length  discovered  that  the  early  and  imme- 
diate extent  of  their  occupation  only  served  to  bring 
their  rights  the  sooner  into  collision  with  the  preten- 
sions of  neighbours  more  powerful  than  themselves  ;  and 
to  direct  a  severer  scriitinv  into  a  title  which  they  were 
iniable  to  produce,  which  their  detected  stratagem  had 
contributed  to  discredit,  and  which  the  length  of  their 
possession  w,as  yet  unable  to  su|)ply.  These  disagree- 
able results  were  not  experienced  till  after  tiie  lap.se  of 
several  years  of  uninterrupted  peace ;  and  during  the 
adiniiii>fration  of  Woutpr  Van  Twiller,  [Ki'Jit]  who 
arrived  at  Tort  .\msterdam  as  the  first  governor  ap- 
pointed by  the  West  India  Company.?  the  Dutch  colo- 
nists appear  to  have  enjoyed  a  state  of  calm  and  inono- 

*  Oidmixon,  i.  lis.  Smith,  Chalmers,  563,  .570.  Clial- 
mers  qnrsiinns  the  existeiire  i>C  llie  srant  'o  the  Dutch  West 
Iniiia  Cnnipany  allogeiher.  Thuugh  firqiu'iilly  relcned  to  by 
Dutch  writers,  and  by  the  gdvernnrs  of  IVew  Ni'tbcrlauds,  it  has 
never  been  published  ;  and  it  was  not  until  ei^'ht  years  after, 
thai  the  West  liuha  ('mnpany  sent  out  Van  Twiller  to  assume  the 
governnicht  in  their  hch.ilf.  But  the  authorities  cited  by  -Smith 
(p.  II),  toi-'ether  with  various  circumst mces  in  the  siibse(|uent 
history,  sceni  1 1  ine  to  render  Chalmers'  doubts  unreiisonidjie. 
That  the  principal  deed  of  grant  was  not  at  first  Iransmitteii  to 
America,  is  no  more  than  from  its  nature  we  should  be  led  to  ex'- 
pect.  Its  proper  depository  was  in  the  archives  of  the  Company 
111  llcill.nid  That  no  authenticated  copy  was  sent,  seems  to  have 
proceeileil  from  the  timorous  and  temporizing  policy  of  the  States- 
general. 

t  Smith. p.  3.  This  is  the  assertion  of  the  Dutch  writers  ;  and 
llioiis;h  Kicli.  ihe  governor  of  New  Netnerlaiuis  in  161S.  declared 
in  his  retionstrance  against  the  Swedish  occupants  of  Deliiware, 
that '.lie  possessions  claimed  by  the  Dutch  there"  had  been  sealed 
by  their  blood,"  (Smith,  p.  4.)  the  two  statements  may  be  per- 
fectly consistent  with  each  other. 

{  Wynne  (vol.  i.  p  173.)  ascribes  the  appointment  of  Elkin,  the 
JTedeccs-sorof  Van  Twiller,  to  the  West  India  Company.  Old- 
xnixnn  supposes  Chri-itianes  also  to  have  been  appointed  by  this 
oriKiration,  which  did  not  exist  until  several  years  after  the 
ippomiment  of  thoui  both.  This  may  be  easily  explaineil  by 
H'jppusinif,  I^.at  It  was  the  same  merchants  originally  associated 
i"  patentees  •>C  the  trad«  -f  Hudson's  river,  who  were  after- 
Wanls  intorporaied  as  the  members  ol  the  West  India  Coiapaay. 


tonous  e.ase.  This  state  alVordi'd  no  materials  for  his- 
torv,  and  served  but  iiidill'erently  to  prepare  tln'in  for 
their  iiupeiidiiig  contentious  witli  men  wlio.se  frantes 
and  spirits  had  undergone  the  discipline  of  tlio.se 
severe  trials  that  befel  the  first  settlers  in  New  ling- 
land.* 

[1030]  It  was  near  the  close  of  VanTwiller's  admi- 
nistration, that  the  English  colonists  extended  their  set- 
tlements beyond  the  boundaries  of  Massachusetts"  into 
the  territory  of  Connecticut:  an  intrusion  which  the 
Dutch  governor  resented  no  farther  than  by  causing  his 
commissary,  Van  Curlet,  to  intimate  a  harmless  protest 
against  it.  He  was  succeeded  in  the  ftdlowiiig  year 
[](iH7]  by  William  Kieft,  ti  man  of  enterprise  and  abi- 
lity, but  choleric  and  iiiiperious  in  temper,  unfortunate 
in  conduct,  and  more  titled  to  encounter  wiUi  spirit 
than  to  stem  with  prudence  the  sea  of  troubles  that  now 
began  on  all  sides  to  invade  the  possessions  of  the 
Dutch.  These  colonists  now  experienced  a  total 
change  in  the  complexion  of  their  fortune ;  and  their 
history  for  many  subsequent  years  is  little  else  than  a 
chronicle  of  their  struggles  and  contentions  with  the 
Eiiirlish,  the  Swedes,  and  the  Indians.  [1638]  Kieft's 
administration  commenced,  as  his  predecessor's  had 
concluded,  with  a  protest  against  the  advancing  settle- 
ments of  Connecticut  and  New  Haven,  accompanied  by 
a  prohibition  of  the  trade  wliicii  the  English  were  car- 
rying on  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  fort  of  Good  Hope. 
His  reputation  for  ability,  and  the  vigor  of  his  remon- 
strance, excited  at  first  some  alarm  in  the  English  inha- 
bitants of  Connecticut,  who  h  id  originally  made  tlieir 
advances  into  this  territory  in  equal  ignorance  of  the 
proximity  and  the  pretensions  of  the  Dutch ;  but, 
quickly  convinced  that  their  imperious  rival  had  no 
title  to  the  country  from  which  he  pretended  to  exclude 
them,  and  encouraged  by  jiromises  of  a.«sistance  from 
the  other  New  England  colonies,  they  disregarded  his 
remonstrance,  and  not  only  retained  their  settlements, 
but  two  years  after  [1640]  compelled  the  Dutch  garri- 
son to  evacuate  the  fort  of  Good  Hope,  and  appropri- 
ated this  plantation  to  themselves.  This  aggression, 
though  passively  endured,  was  loudly  lamented  by  the 
Dutch, t  who,  notwithstanding  the  increase  of  their  num- 
bers, and  the  spirit  of  their  governor,  displayed  a  help- 
lessness in  their  contentions  wtth  the  English,  which  if 
partly  occasioned  by  the  enervating  influence  of  a  long 
|)eriod  of  tranquility,  seems  also  to  have  been  promoted 
by  secret  distrust  oi"  the  validity  of  their  claim  to  the  ter- 
ritories they  had  most  recently  occupied.  It  is  certain, 
at  least,  that  the  Dutch  were  not  always  so  forbearing; 
and  an  encroachment  which  their  title  enabled  them 
more  con.scientiously  to  resist,  was  soon  after  repelled 
by  Kieft,  with  a  vigor  and  success  which  he  was  not 
often  enabled  to  display.  Lord  Stirling,  who  had  ob- 
tained a  grant  of  Long  Island  from  the  Plymouth  Com- 
pany, transferred  a  considerable  portion  of  it  to  certain 
of  the  inhabitants  of  New  England,  who  had  removed 
to  their  new  acquisition  in  the  year  1630,  and,  unmo- 
lested by  the  Dutch,  whosi!  settlements  were  confined 
to  the  opposite  quarter,  they  had  peaceably  inhabited 
the  eastern  part  of  the  island.  Having  received  a  con- 
siderable accession  to  their  numbers,  they  at  length 
proceeded  to  take  pcs.session  of  the  western  quarter  ; 
but  from  this  station  they  were  promptly  dislodged  by 
Kieft,  who  drove  them  back  to  the  other  end  of  the 
island,  where  they  built  the  town  of  Southampton, 
[1642]  and  subsisted  as  a  dependency  of  Connecticut, 

*  The  only  f  ict  that  has  been  recorded,  as  illnslralive  of  Van 
Twiller's  adiiiiiii-iraiioii,  is  the  style  of  governuienl  evinced  in 
his  patents  of  I.uid,  which  commenced  after  this  inaiuier  :  We, 
director.s  andconiK-il,  residinsiu  New  Netherlands,  on  the  Island 
of  Manhattan,  (York  Island),  under  the  government  of  their 
Higli  Mightinesses,  the  Lords  Slates  General  of  the  United  Ne- 
therlands, and  the  privileged  West  India  Company."  Smith, 
)).  3. 

t  The  Dutch  preserved,  for  a  series  of  years,  a  very  minute 
and  formal  record  of  the  grievances  which  they  laid  to  the  charge 
of  the  English  Colonists.  The  insisnificance  of  many  of  these 
complaints,  and  the  homeliness  of  the  subject-mauer  of  others, 
contrast  somewhat  ludicrously  with  the  pnmpousness  of  the  ti- 
tles and  the  bitter  gravity  of  the  .style.  The  following  are  some 
extracts  from  this  singular  chronicle  : — "  2.5th  April,  1610.  '1  hose 
of  Hartford  have  not  only  usurped  and  taken  in  the  lands  of  Con- 
necticut, &c.  but  have  also  beaten  the  servants  of  the  High  and 
Mighiy  and  Honored  Company  ;  with  sticks  and  plough-staves 
in  hostile  manner  laming  them  :  and,  among  the  rest,  struck  Ever 
Duckings  a  hole  in  his  head  with  a  stick  so  tliat  the  blood  ran 
very  strong  ly  down  liis  body."  "  24ih  June,  1641.  Some  of 
Hartford  liave  taken  a  hog  out  of  the  common,  aiui  shut  it  up  out 
of  mere  hate  or  other  pi-ejudice.  causing  it  to  starve  for  hunger 
in  the  sty."  "  29lh  May,  1642.  The  English  of  Hartford  have 
violently  cut  loose  a  horse  of  the  Honored  Company  that  stood 
bound  upon  the  common."  "23.  The  said  English  did  again 
drive  the  Company's  hogs  from  the  common  into  the  village,  and 
pouniled  them."  "  I6lh  September,  1642.  .Vgain  thev  sold  a 
youn"  pi  ',  which  had  pastured  on  tho  Company'a  laud."  Ha- 
zard, vol.  ii.  p.  264,  IMa,  260. 


till  they  wvre  united  to  the  state  of  New  York  on  the 
fall  of  the  Dutch  doi;iiiii()n  in  North  -Xiiiern  a.* 

Kii  It,  in  the  same  ye.ir,  equipped  two  sloops,  which 
he  despatched  on  an  expedition  against  a  body  of  Kti^- 
lish  who  had  jieiietrateil  from  the  settlements  in  Mary- 
land into  a  district  within  the  Delaware  territon',  the 
whole  of  which  was  claimed  by  the  Diitcii,  lint  hatf  been 
included  in  the  charter  obtained  liy  Lord  Baltimore 
fr(m!  (Charles  the  Eirst.  As  the  number  of  thesi:  ei  ii- 
graiits  from  -Maryland  was  iiicon  iiderabie,  and  they  ',vf  rc 
totally  unprepared  to  defend  their  possession  a^.iiiist 
this  unexpected  attack,  they  were  easily  dislodged  by 
the  forces  of  Kieft.  But  there  still  remained  in  ano- 
ther quarter  of  Delaware  a  dilTercnt  r.ice  of  settlers 
who,  without  any  legal  claim  whatever  to  the  territory 
they  occupied,  possessed  a  strength  that  jiroved  of  ii:ore 
avail  to  tiiein  than  the  formal  title  of  the  i;nglish. 
Tliis  was  a  colony  of  Swedes,  of  whoso  settlements  in 
this  corner  of  North  .America  very  few  particulars  have 
been  transmitted  by  history.  Their  enterprise  a|)|)ears 
to  have  originated  in  the  year  W2G,  when  Gustaviu 
Adolphus,  king  of  Sweden,  having  received  a  niagnili 
cent  account  of  the  country  adjacent  to  the  Dutch  set- 
tlenient  of  New  Netherlands,  issued  a  proclamalion  e.x- 
liorting  his  subjects  to  associate  for  the  establisliment 
of  a  colony  in  that  region.  Considerable  sums  are  said 
to  have  b(;en  raised  accordingly  by  contribution  :  and  a 
number  of  Swedes  and  Eins  emigrated  in  the  year 
16'J7  to  America.  They  first  landed  at  Cape  Henlo- 
pen,  at  the  entrance  of  Delaware  Bay,  and  were  so 
much  charmed  with  its  asjiect  that  they  gave  it  the 
name  of  Paradise  Point.  Some  time  after,  they  ))ur- 
ch.ased  from  the  natives  all  the  land  between  that  cajie 
and  the  falls  of  Delaware  ;  and  maintaining  little  con- 
nexion with  their  jiarent  state,  but  addicting  themselve! 
exclusively  to  agricultural  occupations,  they  had  [lo.s- 
sessed  their  new  settlement  without  challenge  or  intiT- 
ruption,  till  Kieft  assumed  the  government  of  New 
Netherlands. t  Several  of  the  Swedish  colonists  wi  re 
scaljied  and  killed,  and  in  some  instances,  their  children 
were  stolen  from  them  by  the  Indians.  Yet,  in  gene 
ral  the  two  r.aces  lived  on  friendly  terms  together,  and 
no  war  seems  ever  to  have  arisen  between  them.  T!'C 
Indians  sometimes  attended  the  religious  assemblies  rf 
the  Swedes;  but  with  so  little  edification,  th;it  they  ex- 
pressed their  ama/.enient  that  one  man  should  detain 
his  tribe  with  such  lengthened  harangues  without  ofier- 
ing  to  entertain  them  with  brandy.  One  of  the  earliest 
of  Kieft's  proceedings  had  been  to  protest  against  th<) 
intrusion  of  the  Swedes,  and  vainly  to  urge  their  dej  ar 
tiire  from  a  territory  which  he  assured  them  his  conn 
tryinen  had  purchased  with  their  blood.  But  as  the 
Dutch  discovered  no  incl'iiation  to  purchase  it  ovel 
again  at  the  same  expense,  tlie  Swedes,  nnawed  bv  this 
-•overnor's  power,  paid  no  regard  whatever  to  his  re 
monstrances.  A  war,  as  it  has  been  called,  subsisted 
between  the  two  communities  for  several  ye.irs;  but 
though  attended  with  a  plentiful  reciprocation  o(  r.in- 
cor,  it  was  unproductive  of  bloodshed.  Al  the  treaty 
of  Stockholm,  in  1650,  Sweden  and  Holland  fori  ore 
to  make  any  allusion  to  colonial  disputes  or  -\iiierie.in 
territory  ;t  and  the  two  colonies  beinj  lel't  to  adpist 
their  pretensions  between  themselves.^  tlieir  aniui.isities 

*  Uldmixmi,  vol-  i.  p.  121.  Sinitll,  p.  3 — j.  Chalmers,  p.  670, 
.i7l.  Trumbull's  Connecticut,  vol.  i.  p.  113,  114,  143.  The  his- 
tories of  these  events,  by  Oidmixon,  Smith,  anil  Clialmers,  am 
exceedingly  confused,  and  in  some  points  erroneous.  Their 
chronology,  in  particular,  is  remarkably  careless.  T  i'^uibulJ  in 
always  distinguished  by  the  accuracy  of  bis  slaieme./.s  '  ut 
not  less  distinguishedhy  his  paitiality  Here,  in  particalar,  ho 
relates  with  great  fidelity  all  the  offences  of  tlie  Dulch.  but  pa*, 
ses  over  in  total  silence  every  charge  of  this  people  aeaiiist  thf 
English. 

t  The  Swedish  government  appears  to  liave  made  <ome  i- 
tempt  to  obtain  a  recognition  of  its  right  to  the  territory.  An  ap- 
plication to  this  effect  was  made  by  Oxenstiern,  the  Swedish  am 
tiassadorto  the  court  of  England  :  but  though  the  Swedes  .illeged 
that  the  application  was  successful,  and  the  validity  of  their  occi 
p.ition  admitted,  no  proof  ol  this  averment  was  ever  produced. 
Not  less  impnibable  was  a  jjretence  they  seemed  to  have  utged, 
of  having  purchased  the  claim  of  the  Dutch.  Saniuel  Sniith'0 
History  of  New  Jersey,  p- "iS.  This  is  a  work  of  extreme  rariety, 
and  has  been  confounded  by  some  writers  with  Sm  ih's  History 
of  New  York.  The  copy  of  which  I  have  been  enabled  lo  perusa 
is  in  the  library  of  George  Dillwyn,  Esq.  It  contains  much  ca- 
rious matter,  but  is  written  in  a  very  confused,  tiresome  manner. 

{  Smith,  o.  Holmes's  American  Annals,  i.  199.  Professor 
Kalni's  travels  in  North  America,  v„l.  ii.  p.  113,  119.  Dong  as,  ii. 
•.i21.  Chalmers,  572,  631,632.  Chalmers  unfortunately  seems  to 
relax  his  usual  accuracy  when  he  considers  his  topics  insignifi* 
cant ;  and  from  this  defect,  as  well  as  the  peculi.iritics  :if  hii 
style,  if  is  sometimes  ditlicult  to  discover  his  meaning,  or  recon- 
cile his  inconsistency  in  dilTerent  passages.  Douglas's  "  Sum- 
mary," which  is  replete  with  prejudice  and  pariialily  when  i| 
treats  of  New  England  states,  is  very  frequently  inaccurate  w  hen 
it  travels  beyond  them. 

^  Trumhnll  "-epresents  the  Dutch  and  Swedish  governors  .n 
1642,  as  "  uniting  in  a  crafty  design"  to  cxcIiuIk  an  inhabitant 
of  Nev7  Haveufrym  Iradins  at  Dclav.iire. 


603 


Titr:   niSTORv  or 


iiiil)si(li.-ii  into  an  unfriendly  peace.  Lven  tJiis  degree 
oft'DoJ  nt!ii;libi)rliuud  did  not  subsist  for  many  years. 

M.-anwIiilL',  niiniberless  canses  of  disjmte  were  con- 
ljui.\lly  occurring  between  Aew  >i'ellieriunds  and  tlie 
colonies  of  Connecticut  and  New  Haven;  and  the 
lln^'lisli,  who  had  formerly  been  the  parties  complained 
of,  now  became  the  complainers.  They  charged  the 
Dutch  with  disturbing,  kidnapping,  and  plundering 
llieir  traders ;  witli  enticing  .-iervants  to  rob  and  desert 
from  their  masters  ;  and  wiiii  .selling  arms  and  ammuni- 
tion to  the  natives.  The  unfriendly  relations  that  sub- 
sisted between  the  Dutch  tlieniselves  and  the  Indians, 
Kould  render  this  liist  charge  against  them  extremely 
jniprobuble,  if  it  were  not  known  that  their  countrymen 
in  Kurope  have,  on  various  occa.sions,  manufactured 
and  sold  to  tlieir  enemies  tlie  cannon  balls  which  they 
knew  were  to  be  fired  back  into  tiieir  own  towns.  To 
all  these  com])lainls,  the  English  could  obtain  no  nlhcr 
answer  from  Kiell  Init  haughty  reproaches  and  angry 
recriminations;  and  it  was  partly  from  suspicion  of  his 
designs,  and  for  the  purpose  of  defending  themselves 
again?!  tliein,  though  chielly,  no  doubt,  for  their  own 
security  asainst  Indian  hostility,  that  the  New  Eng- 
land colonies  were  induced  to  form  the  scheme  of  the 
fiMleral  union,  which  they  carried  into  effect  in  the  year 
ll>i:!.  That  the  complaints  of  the  English  against 
Kii'ft  were  by  no  means  unfounded,  may  be  strongly 
inferrr-d  from  the  fact,  that  tlie  succeeding  governor  of 
New  Netherlands,  though  warmly  attached  to  the  cause 
of  Ins  countrymen,  declined  to  make  any  answer  to 
these  charges,  and  desired  that  he  might  not  be  held 
rcspoii>ible  for  them.  And  yet  notwithstanding  tlieir 
mutual  disagreements,  the  Dutch  and  English  colonists 
never  suffered  themselves  to  Ibrget  entirely  either  the 
forms  of  courtesy,  or  the  more  sub.stanlial  rights  of 
humanity.  Kieft,  perhaps  with  more  politeness  than 
«incerity,  congratulated  the  united  colonies  on  the 
league  they  had  formed  ;  and  when,  in  the  course  of 
the  same  year  he  applied  to  New  Haven  for  assistance 
against  the  Indians,  with  whom  lie  was  engaged  in  a 
bloody  and  dangerous  war,  the  government  of  this 
colony,  though  precluded  by  the  federal  union  :is  well 
as  by  doubts  of  the  justice  of  the  Dutch  cause,  from 
embarking  separately  in  hostilities,  tendered  the  amp- 
lest coiilribuliou  they  could  afford  of  provisions  for 
men  and  cattle,  to  supply  the  scarcity  that  might  have 
arisen  from  the  Indian  dev;ustatinns.  So  unwarlike 
were  the  Dutch  colonists  in  general,  that  they  found  it 
necessary  to  hire  lUi:  .services  of  Captain  Underbill, 
who  had  been  banished  from  Boston  as  one  of  the  asso- 
ciates of  .Mrs.  Iliitchiuson,  and  who  at  the  head  of  a 
mixed  troop  of  English  and  Dutch  whom  he  com- 
manded op[)o-ied  the  Indians  with  a  skill  and  bravery 
loat  proved  fatal  to  great  numbers  of  them  both  in 
Lon:;  Island  and  on  the  main  land,  and  was  thought  to 
have  saved  the  cohniy  of  New  Netherlands  from  utter 
destruction.  Notwithstanding  Uie  need  he  had  thus 
experienced  of  Enslisli  assistance,  and  the  benefit  he 
had  derived  fr(  m  it,  Kieft  continued,  during  the  fol- 
lowing years,  to  exchange  with  the  colonies  of  Con- 
necticut and  New  Haven,  not  only  the  most  vehement 
remonstrances  and  vituperations,  but  menaces  of  hos- 
tility, which  happily  for  himself,  he  was  no  less  unable 
than  they  were  unwilling  to  carry  into  elfect.  He  con- 
tinued .all  this  time  to  be  involved  in  hostilities  with  the 
indi.ins,  between  whom  and  tlie  Dutch  there  was 
fought,  towards  the  conclusion  of  the  administration, 

lU-lli,]  a  great  and  general  battle  on  Strickland's 
Plain,  where,  after  an  obstinate  conflict  and  great 
slaiigliteron  both  sides,  the  Dutch  with  much  dilliculty 
iept  the  field,  and  the  Indians  withdrew  nnpiirsued.' 

KieU  was  succeeded,  in  the  following  year,  [  KilT]  by 
.lie  last  of  the  governors  of  New  Netherlands.  This  was 
Peter  Stuyvesant,  a  brave  old  officer,  and  one  of  tliose 
naginnimons  spirits  of  which  the  republican  service  of 
Holland  was  in  the  age  unusually  productive.    By  his 

iistice,  jirudencc',  and  vigor,  he  appiNirs  to  have  suc- 
ceeded in  restoring  peace  with  the  Indians,  and  pre- 
Borving  it  uninterrupted  during  the  whole  of  his  admi- 
nistration. His  arrival  was  honored  bj  an  address  of 
roiiL'ralulalio'i  from  the  commissioners  of  the  united 
rolniiies  of  New  England,  accompanied  with  an  earnest 
en'.realy  for  redress  of  the  grievances  tliey  had  endured 

•~Trilinl)ii'ir,  l."lir~liu^.iri«.  ISS.^^nib.  135  107.  llil. 
Di-lkiiiip.  i  SO.  Yri  ihn  zri-iiiiT  niiinlicr  of  Ihc  wrilem  of  Aino 
riCiiri  hiHifry  (pnpyiiie  ffiirh  others'  Kiaicmi'ni.i  without  cx- 
ntninniMHi)  hiivo  anHrn<-(l  thai  tlic  Dulch  were  never  oiipc  ii»voIve<l 
III  n  ifiiiirrcl  witli  the  Inili.nia  O.ie  olil  writer,  iiiilecil,  who.so 
Work  n  very  nearer,  hai  mnti  cl  ih.il  the  Dutch  were  roiitiniiilly 
harr  iaapil  iinl  eiulniicrreil  by  the  lo'll  inn.  Brief  Dcscripiion 
of  New  York,  formerly  c.iHe.l  Ne'v  Nethcrliinil!i,  by  Dimiel 
Deiilon,  p.  Ij,  In  Hnmiiel  Siniih'H  lliniorv  of  New'  Jersey, 
m.)  ri'ferrtiro  ts  uiadu  tu  auiiiv  blootly  coiilei<i«  bulAvin  the 
Uuu:h  a4MJ  liidlann. 


from  his  predecessor.  One  of  the  most  serious  of  these 
grievances  had  latterly  been  tlie  frequent  seizures  and 
confiscation  of  the  English  trading  ve.ssels,  on  the  pre- 
tence of  infractions  of  tlie  custom-house  regulations  of 
New  Netherlands,  which  the  Dutch,  with  insolent  in- 
justice, refused  to  CYjilain,  and  yet  proceeded  to  en- 
force. Stuyvesant,  though  he  declined  to  justify  some 
of  the  acts  of  his  predecessor,  returned,  as  might  have 
been  expected,  a  counter  claim  of  redress  for  the  wrongs 
of  New  Netherlands,  and  in  particular  demanded  a  re- 
storation of  the  territories  ol'  Connecticnt  and  New 
Haven  this  was  a  hojieless  demand;  and  Stuyvesant 
soon  perceiving  that  the  state  of  his  title  and  of  his 
force  would  barely  sullice  to  prevent  further  inva-sion 
of  the  Dutch  pretensions,  was  too  prudent  to  persist  in 
it.  After  various  negociations,  [1U.'>0.]  a  treaty  was  at 
length  concluded  between  the  commissioners  of  the 
United  English  Colonies  and  the  governor  of  New  Ne- 
therlands, by  which  the  settlements  of  the  respective 
nations  on  Long  Island  were  mutually  secured  to  them, 
and  a  boundary  ascertained  between  the  Dutch  settle- 
inentand  the  Connecticut  and  Newhaven  occupations  on 
the  main  land.  [1G51]  This  treaty  was  not  productive 
of  tlie  good  con-seqiiences  that  were  expected  from  it. 
The  English  had  passed  a  law  prohibiting  the  Dutch 
from  trading  within  their  territories:  a  restriction  thai 
was  highly  resented  by  the  Dutch;  and  the  disputes 
liiat  aro.se  concerning  the  observance  of  this  law,  toge- 
ther with  the  competition  of  the  two  nations,  to  engross 
the  profits  of  Indian  trade,  engendered  a  degree  of  mu- 
tual jealousy  and  ill  humor  lliat  caused  them  to  regard 
each  other's  proceeding  and  policy  through  a  very  un- 
favorable medium.  The  treaty  seems  not  to  have  em- 
braced any  arrangement  with  regard  to  the  Delaware 
territory,  and  Stuyvesant  was  determined  to  preserve 
entire  all  that  yet  remained  uninvaded  of  the  Dutch 
pretensions  in  this  quarter.  In  support  of  these  pre- 
tensions he  was  soon  constrained  to  make  such  ellbrts 
to  resist  a  trading  settlement  which  the  colony  of 
New  Haven  attempted  to  establish  oji  the  bonlers  of 
Delaware,  as  completely  effaced  every  appearance  of 
good  understanding  between  the  Dutch  and  the  Eng- 
lish provincial  governnient.s.  The  breach  between  them 
was  widened  by  a  panic  excited  in  the  I'.nglish  se'tle- 
meiits  of  Connecticnt  and  New  Haven,  where  a  number 
of  Indians  volunteered  a  confession  of  a  projected  mas- 
sacre of  the  English,  to  which  they  declared  that  they 
had  been  instigated  by  the  governor  of  .New  Nether- 
lands, [lG.j"2.]  The  only  confirmation  of  their  story  that 
they  could  produce,  was  the  animiinition  w'lich  the 
Dutch  had  been  always  in  the  jiractice  of  selling  to 
them,  and  which  the  English  now  believed  the  more 
readily  to  have  been  supplied  for  their  destruction,  as 
the  Indians  had  freqiiently  employed  it  for  this  piirjiose. 
Notwithstanding  the  confident  assertions  of  a  respect- 
able historian  of  Connecticnt.  this  confession  appears 
to  me  to  have  derived  the  credit  it  received  chiefly  from 
the  fears  and  prepossessions  of  the  English,  who  sutfered 
themselves  to  be  made  the  dupes  of  perfidious  savages, 
whose  enmity  would  have  lieen  gratified  by  the  de- 
struction of  either  of  the  races  of  their  powerful  neigh- 
bors. \Vhat  may  be  thought,  indeed,  to  place  this  be- 
yond a  doubt  is,  that  no  future  confirmation  of  the 
charge  was  ever  obtained,  even  after  the  fall  of  the 
Dutch  dominion  had  placed  every  facility  for  the  pro- 
curement of  evidence  in  the  hands  of  the  I'.nglish.  The 
governments  of  Connecticut, New  Haven, and  Ply  month, 
however,  blinded  by  apprehension  and  resentment,  gave 
implicit  faith  to  a  statement  discredited  no  less  by  the 
habitual  fraud  and  treachery  of  the  Indians,  than  by  the 
manly  and  honorable  character  of  Stuyvesant.  To  his 
indignant  denial  of  the  charge  they  answered  by  remind- 
ing him  of  the  massacre  of  their  countrv'iiien  by  the 
Dutch  in  Amboyna,  about  thirty  years  before;  and  to 
his  just  exceptions  to  the  valin;  of  the  Indian  testimony, 
they  replied  that  the  Dutch  governor  of  Amboyna  l;ad 
sought  a  pretext  for  his  cruelty  in  the  charges  against 
the  English  which  he  extorted  by  torture  from  the  Ja- 
p.inese.  The  absurdity  of  this  reasoning  forcibly  de- 
monstrates the  intensity  of  pa.ssion  by  which  they  were 
transported;  and  the  repeated  introduction  of  the  topic 
of  Amboyna  shows  as  clearly  the  strong,  but  uncon- 
scious, dominion  of  national  resentment  and  antipatliv 
on  their  minds.  [K).")!!]  In  .Mas.sachusetts,  the  evi- 
dence of  the  conspiracy  was  not  considered  satisfactory  ; 
nor  could  all  the  instances  of  their  confederates  prev.ail 
with  this  state  to  join  with  them  in  a  war  against  the 
Dtilch.  Judging  their  own  forces  along  inade  piate  to 
such  an  enterprise,  the  other  colonies  applied  for  assist- 
ance to  Oliver  Cromwell,  who  was  then  ensaged  in 
the  two  years'  war  wilh  Holland,  which  the  long  par- 
liament liaJ  begun,  l,lf>^-t.  I  and  who  promptly  a.x;L-detl 


to  their  request  by  despatching  a  .squadron  to  undct<>  ke 
in  concurrence  with  the  colonial  troops  an  iiiv:isioi.  of 
-New  Netherlands.  The  design  w.is.  ho«  e\  er,  arrestt  J 
by  intelligence  of  the  pe.ice  that  had  been  concluded 
between  the  protector  and  the  States-general,  and  hij 
.sijuadron  having  fortified  the  spirits  of  the  English  colo- 
nists by  demonstrating  to  themselves  and  their  adver 
saries  the  vigor  with  which  a  jiowerfiil  goverimieiil 
would  resent  tlieir  wrongs,  proceeded  still  fartJier  lo 
augment  their  security,  by  elVecting  the  conquest  of  tie 
Ereiich  province  of  Acadia.*  It  is  remarkable,  tli;;; 
the  treaty  of  peace  that  was  executed  at  this  time  li.  ■ 
tweeu  England  and  Holland  contained  no  express  allii- 
sion  to  tlie  claims  or  possessions  of  either  in  Norlli 
America;  but  as  it  was  stipulated  that  war  should 
cease,  and  peace  and  friendship  prevail  between  all  the 
dominions  and  possessions  of  the  two  coiiiilries  in  :JI 
parts  of  the  world,  and  as  the  English  expedition  against 
New  Netherlajids  was  thereupon  conntermaiided.  the 
validity  of  the  Dutch  claim  to  this  territory  seems  to 
have  been  manifestly  implied,  and  practically  acknow- 
ledged. 

li  was  in  tlie  Delaware  territory  that  Stuwivint  tno*-*, 
resolutely  and  sncce.ssf'iilly  defended  the  claims  ol'  kii 
countrymen  against  llie  inv.asions  of  the  New  EiiglLiul 
colonists  and  the  Swedes.  As  the  war  between  the 
Dutch  and  the  Swedes  during  Kiefi's  administnitioii 
had  in  some  respects  resembled  a  peace,  so  the  peace 
that  ensued  bore  no  little  resemblance  to  a  war.  To 
check  the  encroachinenU  which  these  settlers  were 
continually  attempting,  Stuyvesant  had  erected  a  fort  a 
a  place  then  called  New  .Anistel.  and  afterwanis  New- 
castle. This  proceeding  gave  umbnige  to  the  Swedes, 
who  expri!ssed  their  disiileasure  in  a  protest,  which, 
with  the  usual  fate  of  such  documents,  was  totallv  dis- 
regarded. About  a  year  afterwanis.  Kisingli.  the 
Swedish  governor,  proceeded  with  an  armed  ve.ssel 
against  the  Dutch  fort,  and  obtaining  admission  into  it 
by  a  stratagem  somewhat  discreditable  to  his  own  hon 
esty,  as  well  as  to  the  vigilance  of  its  defenders. t  he  ' 
easily  overpowered  the  garrison,  and  expelled  tliein 
with  violence,  but  without  cruelty,  not  only  from  llieir 
strong  hold,  but  from  the  confines  of  Delaware.  During 
the  short  time  that  the  fortress  remained  in  his  jiosses 
sion,  it  received  the  name  of  Christina,  in  cniiipliiiienl 
to  the  Ciueen  of  Sweden.  Stuyvesant  was  not  of  a 
disposition  to  siil/init  tanirdy  to  such  a;,  outrage,  or  to 
content  himself  with  a  simple  recapture  of  the  Ibrt.  He  ' 
determined  to  invade  and  subdue  the  whole  Swcdi-li 
settlement;  but  destitute  of  a  force  sufficient  for  this 
enterprise,  and  fullv  occupied  at  the  time,  wilh  a  con- 
troversy more  dangerous  to  his  govtriiment  as  well  .is 
more  interesting  to  his  honor,  he  w;is  constrained  to  ap 
ply  for  reinforcement  to  tlie  West  India  company. 
This  corporation,  however,  was  then  laboring  tinder 
such  eiiibarrassnienU,  that  it  was  only  by  a  friendly 
contribution  of  the  city  of  .\nisterdani.  that  itsadiuiii- 
istrators  were  at  length  able  to  supply  Sttiyve>ant  with 
a  small  body  of  iroops.  Thus  reiiil'orcod,  he  marched 
into  Delaware,  [It).").").]  where  the  Swedes  had  employed 
their  leisure  in  erecting  another  fort,  .as  if  they  had  in- 
tended to  defend  their  pretensions  to  the  last  extremity. 
But  no  sooner  did  they  find  llieiiiselves  about  to  be 
;ittacked  in  earnest  by  a  warrior,  w  hose  hostilities  were 
not  confined  to  stratagems  and  protests,  anil  perceived 
that  tlieir  forts  failed  to  answer  their  true  object  of  iii- 
tiuiidatiiig  the  enemy  from  ap|>roachiiig,  than  they 
peaceably  .surreii<lered  tlieiii.  together  w  ith  the  whole  f 
of  their  setllenients,  to  the  forces  of  Stuyvesant.  This 
conquest  of  Delaware  was  efl'ected  without  bloodshed; 
a  circunisumce  the  more  extraordinary,  as  it  certaiiilv 
did  not  arise  from  absence  of  the  pa.ssious  from  which 
this  fatal  extremity  might  be  expected  to  ensue:  fof 
many  of  the  Swedes  detested  the  Dutch  so  cordially 
that  they  chose  to  return  lo  Europe  and  to  abandon  a 
country  they  had  called  a  paradise,  rather  than  submit 
to  a  union  with  the  colony  of  New  Netherlands.  To 
this  extremity,  however,  the  rest  were  reduced,  and  the 
settleinent  for  some  yi  ars  continued  to  be  ruled  in 
peace  by  a  lieutenant-f  r  vernor  appointed  by  Stiiyvc- 

*  Oliliiiixon,  i.  lia  Cha.  -iers.  374.  Triin.biill.  1.  liiS.  171. 
I S<l.  IS) 197.  102.  204.  '-ilO,  2-'0.  267.    Smith,  6.  Th» 

whole  voliiniinous  rorr>'8|n>inlcnce  th^il  took  plare,  boih  on 
this  oce.iMon  ami  nfterwiirils,  between  Ihc  poveriiors  of  iha 
V»ich  iind  English  colonies,  i»  preserved  in  H.i/.ard'i>  Colleiiioi^ 
vol.  ii. 

)  "  Kislnch,  under  the  disjiiiac  of  friendship,  came  l>efi>r«, 
the  work'i,  tired  two  nalulcs,  and  landed  thiriy  iiicn,  wh^  ncr* 
enlcrlaincd  by  the  commandant  a«  Iriends ;  bill  he  had  nn  "  ii.  I 
discovered  llic  weakness  of  ihc  e.irriion  than  he  made  liiri;>rlf 
m  ister  of  it,  seizins  «l?o  npi>n  nl!  Ihe  ammunition  house",  and 
oilier  cITecIs  of  llie  West  Indian  com|mny .  and  coiriiellinR  >evera. 
oflhe  pooplo  loawearallegiarce  ui  Chri'suna,  Queen  of  Swrdou. 


I 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


R03 


ennt.  Tims  niinssistfHl  l)y  tlie  parent  state,  fell  the  only 
colony  that  .Sweden  ever  has  possessed.  The  his- 
torian would  liave  little  pretension  to  jjiety  or  virtue 
who  would  deride  a  bloodless  adjustnieiit  of  national 
disputes.  l?ul  in  (iinoroiis  hostilities,  a  new  feature  of 
opprohriiini  is  added  to  the  moral  aspect  of  war.  \Vhen 
we  recollect  that  these  tivvede.s  were  either  the  subjects 
of  Giistavus  Adolphus,  or  the  immediate  descendants 
of  his  subjects,  and  when  we  see  them  provoke  a  war 
by  fraud  and  outrage,  and  then  decline  it  by  tamely 
.submitting  to  the  object  of  their  insult  and  hatred,  it 
must  be  acUnowledged  th.at  they  have  enlarged  the  ca- 
alogue  of  those  nations  whoso  spirit  has  degenerated 
n  their  colonial  settlements.  Tiie  Dutch  liavc  been 
generally  obnoxious  to  this  remark;  and  their  conduct 
;n  New  Netherlands  will  never  be  cited  as  an  exception 
to  its  application.  All  their  colonies  have  been  the 
otl'spring  of  motives  no  higher  than  the  thirst  of  com- 
mercial gain  ;  and  the  same  sentiments  which  engaged 
tliein  to  extend  their  dominions,  have  gradually  oblite- 
rated the  energy  that  was  recpiisite  to  their  defence 
and  ])reservation.  The  valor  oi'  Stuye.sant*  rather  re- 
proached than  animated  the  sluggish  spirit  of  his  fellow- 
colonists,  whom  his  oxamiile  coidd  never  teach  either 
to  repel  injustice  with  spirit,  or  to  bear  it  with  dignity. 
Yet  Holland  was  now  in  the  meridian  of  her  fame;  and 
this  was  the  ageof  Tromp  and  De  Ruyter. 

The  attention  which  had  been  awakened  in  the 
mother  country  to  the  state  of  the  colony  of  New 
Netherlands,  was  maintained  by  the  prosperous  result 
ofherrecent  interposition, and  (urther  evinced  itself  in 
the  following  year  [KJioti]  by  a  constitution  which  was 
enacted  by  the  West  India  company  and  the  burgo- 
masters of  Amsterdam,  and  approved  by  tlie  States- 
general.  This  instrument  provided  that  the  colonists 
of  New  Netherlands  were  to  be  ruled  in  future  by  a 
governor  nominated  by  the  deputies  of  Amsterdam  ; 
and  by  burgomasters  and  a  town  council  elected  by  the 
people  themselves;  the  council  thereafter  enjoying  the 
power  ofHIIing  up  all  vacancies  in  its  own  body.  Some 
«uch  constitution  as  thi.s,  appears  to  have  been  already 
established  in  New  Netherlands  ;  and  the  attention  of 
the  mother  country  beginning  soon  to  relax,  with  the 
decline  of  the  coloi\y's  prosperity,  no  further  attempt 
lieeins  to  have  been  made  to  introduce  the  projected 
alteration.  The  West  India  company,  however,  trans 
niitted  about  this  tune  to  Stuyvesaiit,  a  ratification  they 
had  procured  from  the  States-general  of  his  treaty  in 
1050  witli  the  commissioner.s  of  the  united  English 
colonies.  The  Dutch  governor  gave  notice  of  this  cir- 
cumstance to  the  comniissioners,  in  a  letter  replete 
with  christian  benevolence  and  i)iety  ;  and  proposed  to 
them  that  a  friendly  league  and  sincere  good-will 
might  thenceforward  unite  the  colonies  of  England  and 
Holland.  Dut  the  English  were  averse  o  believe  the 
sincerity  of  a  man  whom  they  had  recen  y  accused  of 
plotting  their  destruction  with  the  Indians;  and,  be- 
ginning to  regard  the  Dutch  occupation  as  altogether 
lawless  and  intrusive,  they  were  determined  not  to 
•auction  it  by  any  new  recognition.  The  commission- 
ers answered  the  governor's  communication  with  aus- 
tere civility ;  recommending  the  continuance  of  jieace, 
but  decluuug  either  to  ratify  the  former  treaty  or  to  ex- 
ecute a  new  one.  They  had  begun  to  entertain  strong 
hopes  tiiat  the  E.nglish  government  would  unite  willi 
them  in  regarding  the  Dutch  settlers  in  AinericT,  as 
mere  imniders  who  could  derive  no  claim  of  forbear- 
ance from  the  peace  with  Holland,  and  whom  it  would 
he  no  less  just  than  expedient  to  expel  or  subdue. 
Their  friends  in  l-^ngland  succeeded  in  impressing 
liese  views  upon  Richard  Cromwell;  [1(5.59.]  and  du- 
•iiig  his  short  enjoyment  of  the  protectorate,  he  ad- 
ires.sed  instructions  to  iiis  commanders  for  an  invasion 
of  New  iN'etherlands,  ail''  wrote  letters  to  the  English 
donial  governinent«,  desiring  the  concurrence  of  their 
orces  111  the  enterprise.  Hut  his  speedy  deposition 
spared  him  the  actual  guilt  of  attacking  an  uuotlendiiig 
people,  whom  his  father  had  plainly  considered  a^i  com- 
prehended in  his  pacification  with  Holland. 

.Meanwhile,  Stuyve.sant  had  made  attempts  to  im- 
prove his  compiest  of  the  Swedes  by  extending  the 
iJutcli  .settlements  in  Delaware ;  ind  ecpiitable  as  well 

Tliis  gallant  veteran  iliil  not  fail  to  attract  a  portion  of  that 
mie  rumor  and  absurd  exasperation  to  which  solilary  siiperi- 
unly  IS  exposed.  To  the  Ensiish  he  was  a  subject  of  continual 
ni.uvel  and  apprehension.  He  had  lost  a  \eg  in  tishting  for  the 
ndependence  of  Holland  ;  and  the  English  believed  that  his  ar- 
iifiaal  imib  was  made  of  silver  (Jossclvn,  153);  and  with  still 
sreaier  credulity,  that  he  restrained  the  Dutch  colonists  from 
immediate  hostilities  wiih  Ihcrn,  that  he  might  destroy  them 
inoie  cruelly  l,v  the  hands  of  the  Indians  (Vnunbull,  202)  ;  so 
»eu  did  he  cover  the  deficiency  of  his  counlrymen's  ndlitary 
»™ir.  The  Table  of  the  silver  left  U  al.fo  related  by  Blome. 


as  brave,  he  caused  the  territory  which  he  occupied  to 
be  fairly  purchased  from  the  Indians.  But  his  success 
in  this  quarter  was  now  drawing  to  a  close.  Eendal 
the  governor  of  Maryland,  claimed  the  territory  occu 
[lied  by  the  Dutch  and  Swedes,  as  included  within 
Lord  ISaltimore's  grant;  and  finding  that  Stuyvesant 
was  determined  to  retain  the  possession  and  deli'iid  the 
su|)])osed  title  of  his  country,  he  procured  a  renioii 
straiice  to  be  transmitted  in  the  name  of  Lord  IJalti- 
more  to  the  States  (ieneral  and  the  West  India  Com 
paiiy,  who,  with  an  inversion  of  their  usual  policy,  pub- 
licly divided  the  pretensions  of  the  English,  but  at  the 
same  time  transmitted  private  orders  to  Stuyvesant  to 
avoid  hostilities,  if  they  should  seem  likely  to  ensue,  by 
retiring  beyond  Lord  ^ialtiiiiore's  alleged  boundary. 
This  injunction  was  complied  with,  though  not  to  the 
extent  of  an  entire  evacuation  of  Delaware,  when 
Charles  Calvert  a  few  years  after  assumed  the  govern- 
ment of  Maryland.*  Stuyvesant  dee[)ly  dejilored  the 
feeble  iiolicy  of  those  whose  mandates  he  felt  it  his 
duty  to  obey;  and  sensible  of  the  total  discredit  in 
which  the  Dutch  title  would  be  involved  by  thus  prac- 
tically avowing  that  its  maintenance  depended  on  the 
forbearance  of  the  English,  he  earnestly  solicited  that  a 
formal  copy  of  the  grant  by  the  States  General  to  the 
West  India  Company  might  be  transmitted  to  New 
Netherlands,  to  enable  him  to  assert,  with  proper  form 
and  dignity,  the  interest  he  was  intrusted  to  defend. 
But  liis  applications  proved  ineflectiial.  The  States 
General  were  now  more  anxious  than  ever  to  avoid  a 
rupture  with  England;  and  the  West  India  Company, 
either  concurring  with  their  policy,  or  controlled  by 
their  orders,  refused  to  exhibit  a  title  [ICCO]  of  which 
they  feared  that  Stuyvesant  would  make  such  an  use  as 
would  infallibly  provoke  that  extremity.  Perhaps  they 
thought  that  his  prudence  would  be  enlbrced  by  the 
consciousness  of  a  defective  title ;  and  such  was  at 
least  the  efiect  that  their  policy  actually  produced. 
Stuyvesant,  willing  by  any  honorable  means  to  propi- 
tiate the  Etiglish,  and  hoping  to  obt;iin  a  recognition  of 
the  title  which  he  was  unable  to  produce,  sent  an  em- 
bas.sy  to  Sir  William  Berkeley,  the  governor  of  Virgi- 
nia, to  propose  a  treaty  of  mutual  trade  between  this 
colony  and  New  Netherlands,  and  an  alliance  against 
the  Indian  enemies  of  both.  Berkeley  received  the 
amba,ssa(lors  with  much  courtesy,  and  despatched  Sir 
Henry  Moody  to  New  Netherlands,  with  the  terms  of 
a  commercial  treaty ;  but  he  took  care  to  decline  every 
expression  that  might  seem  either  to  acknowledge,  or 
even  apply,  assent  to  the  territorial  pretensions  of  the 
Dutch. 

The  authorities  whose  dominion  in  England  was  ter- 
minated by  the  Restoration,  had  been  regarded  with 
continual  uneasiness  and  apprehension  by  the  colonists 
of  New  Netherlands.  The  long  parliament  had  at- 
tacked their  countrymen  in  I'.urope;  Cromwell  had 
once  been  on  the  point  of  subduing  the  colony ;  and 
only  the  deposition  of  hi.i  successor  had  again  snatched 
them  from  a  repetition  of  the  same  danger.  Of  the 
government  of  Charles  the  Second  they  were  disposed 
to  entertain  more  favorable  hopes,  which  might,  per- 
haps, derive  some  contirmatioti  from  the  well-known 
fact,  that  their  rivals,  the  New  English  colonists,  were 
as  much  disliked  by  the  king  as  they  had  been  favora- 
bly regarded  by  the  protector.  Accordingly,  when  the 
pursuers  of  Gotteand  Whalley,  ballled  in  their  attempts 
to  recover  the  retreat  of  these  fugitive  regicides  in 
New  England,  besought  Stuyvesant  to  deny  them  his 
protection  in  New  Netherlands,  [IGtil]  he  readily 
seized  the  opportunity  of  ingratiating  his  colony  with 
the  English  court,  by  undertaking  to  give  instant  notice 
of  the  arrival  of  any  of  the  regicides  within  his  juris- 
diction, and  to  prohibit  all  vessels  from  transporting 
tiRnn  beyond  the  reach  of  their  pursuers. t  But  this 
policy,  which,  it  must  be  confes.sed,  is  not  the  most  ho- 
horable  trait  of  his  administration,  proved  utterly  un- 
availing ;  and  every  hope  that  the  Diilcli  might  have  en- 
tertained, of  an  amelioration  of  their  i)ro.spects,  was 


*  See  ante,  B.  iii.  One  cause  of  the  neglect  which  New 
Netherlands  experienced  from  tlie  Dutch  West  India  Com- 
pany, seems  to  have  been  that  the  attention  and  resources 
of  the  Company  were  absorbed  by  the  efforts  they  made  to 
maintain  the  rich  settlement  they  had  wrested  from  the  Por- 
tuguese in  South  America  See  Soulhey's  History  of  Brazil, 
Part  I. 

t  Trumbull,  i.  245  It  was  notorious,  at  the  time,  that 
Goffe  and  Whalley  were  sheltered  within  the  territory  of 
New  Haven,  w  here  the  local  authorities  and  the  inhabitants, 
so  far  from  assisting,  had,  with  very  little  disguise,  obstructed 
and  defeated  the  attempts  to  apprehend  them.  This  conduct 
of  a  people  who  !iad  peculiarly  distinguished  themselves  by 
enmity  to  the  Dutch,  had  probably  some  weight  in  inducin 


speedily  dissipated  by  the  intelligence  of  design*  •••• 
tertained  by  the  king  of  England.  Churles,  though  he 
had  received,  during  the  exile,  more  fri»'ii.l>liip  and 
ciyility  from  the  Dutch  than  from  any  other  foreign 
power,  even  regarded  this  people  with  enmity  and  aver- 
sion ;  and  he  was  the  more  disposed,  at  jiresent,  to 
embrace  any  measure  that  might  humble  the  ruling 
party  in  Ilo'lland,  by  the  interest  he  fidt  in  a  weaker 
faction,  at  the  head  of  which  was  his  iie|)hew,  the  young 
Prince  of  Orange,  w  hom  he  desired  to  see  reinstated  in 
the  otlice  of  Staddiolder,  which  his  ancestors  had  i)0.s- 
sessed ; — an  office  which  the  ruling  jiarty  had  pledged 
themselves  to  Cromwell  never  again  to  bestow  on  the 
Orange  family.  [Itifi;!.]  These  sentiments  were  en- 
forced by  the  interest  and  urgency  of  the  Duke  of  \  <)rk. 
who  had  jilaced  himself  at  the  head  of  a  New  African 
company,'  and  found  its  commerce  impeded  by  the 
more  successful  traflic  of  the  Dutch.  In  imitation  of 
the  other  courtiers,  the  Duke  had  also  cast  his  eyes  on 
the  American  territory,  which  his  brother  was  now  dis- 
tributing with  so  liberal  a  hand  ;  and,  accordingly,  in 
addition  to  the  other  reasons  which  he  emjiloyed  to 
promote;  a  rupture  with  the  Dutch,  he  solicited  a  grant 
of  their  North  American  plantations,  on  the  prevailing 
jilea  that  they  had  been  originally  iisnriied  from  the  ter- 
ritory properly  belonging  to  Britain.  The  inlluenca 
of  these  motives  on  the  mind  of  the  king  was  doubt- 
less aided  by  the  desire  to  strike  a  blow  that  would  en- 
force the  arbitrary  commission  he  was  prciiariti|g  to 
send  to  New  England,  and  teach  the  puritan  colonists 
there  that  it  was  in  the  power  of  their  prince  to  subdue 
his  enemies  in  America. 

The  rumor  of  the  king's  intentions  appears  to  have 
reached  America  before  it  was  generally  prevalent  in 
Europe ;  owing  to  the  vigilance  and  actn  ity  of  the 
numerous  friends  of  the  English  coloiii.-its,  who  watch- 
ed and  apprised  them  of  the  designs  of  the  court.  When 
the  association  of  the  royal  commission,  with  the  expe- 
dition against  New  Nellierlaiids,  was  known  1o  the  in- 
habitants of  New  England,  the  first  piece  of  intelligence 
appeared  to  them  much  more  unwelcome  than  tho 
other  was  satisfactory.  In  Massachusetts,  particularly, 
the  proceedings  of  the  general  court  .seemed  to  imlicato 
a  strong  apjirehension  diatthe  military,  no  less  tiianthe 
civil  department  of  the  expedition,  was  intended  to  be 
employed  against  the  liberties  of  the  linglish  coliuiists. 
Stuyvesant,  whose  anxious  eye  explored  the  darkening 
horizon  of  his  country's  fortune,  discerned  these  sym;)- 
tonis  of  dis.satisfaction  in  the  New  England  setlleniefit.s, 
and  conceived  i'rom  them  the  bold  project  of  obtaining 
the  alliance,  or  at  least  securing  thi;  neutralily.  of  his 
ancient  enemies.  With  this  view  (apparently,)  he  un- 
dertook, first,  a  voyage  to  Massachusetts,  where  he  was 
entertained  by  the  governor  and  magistrates  with 
inch  state  and  solemnity.  Former  rivalship  was  lor 
gotten  ill  the  season  of  common  danger,  or  remember- 
ed only  to  enhance  the  respect  with  which  I'.ndicot  and 
Stuyvesant  recognised,  each  in  the  other,  an  aged, 
brave,  and  virtuous  champion  of  his  counlrv's  caiisi;. 
Perhaps  some  traces  of  the  effect  of  this  conference 
may  be  discerned  in  the  slowness  with  which  Massa- 
cliusetts  obeyed  the  requisition  of  the  royal  commanders 
to  raise  a  body  of  men  in  aid  of  the  invasion  fif  New 
Netlierlands.  But  it  was  impossible  that  Stiivvesanrs 
negociation  could  succeed,  or  his  jirojiosals.  even  lo 
the  extent  of  neutrality,  be  acceded  to.  Nolw  itiistand 
iiig  this  disappointment,  however,  he  jiroceeded  after- 
wards to  Connecticut,  where  he  was  engaged  in  vainly 
attempting  to  bring  a  similar  negociation  to  a  more 
successful  issue,  when  the  intelligence  of  the  approai  h 
of  the  British  fleet  recalled  liim  to  the  immediate  de- 
fence of  his  province. 

The  king,  who  was  totally  unable  to  assign  a  just 
reason  for  going  to  war  with  Holland,  after  trying  in 
vain  to  provoke  the  reseiitnieiit  of  the  St.iles  General 
by  the  most  insulting  memorials,  and  the  most  ground- 
less  complaints,  determined,  ;it  length,  to  eiiil>race  the 
suggestion  of  his  right  lo  the  province  of  New  Ni-tlier 
lands;  expecting,  with  good  rea.son.  that,  from  the  a.s- 
serlion  of  this  pretended  right,  the  cause  of  qiiarro 
which  he  was  industriously  seeking  would  infallilily 
arise.  In  pursuance  of  this  )uirpose,  a  roval  eliartei 
was  executed  in  favor  of  the  Duke  of  York,  cmitaii: 
ingagrant  of  the  whole  region  extending  from  the  w  est- 
ern banks  of  Connecticut  to  the  eastern  shore  of  the 
Delaware,  [1GG4,]  together  w'ith  the  adjacency  of  Long 


*  This  company  was  formed  with  the  view  of  extendins  ani 
appropriating  the  slave  trade.  Under  the  patronage  of  ih 
Duke  of  York,  it  treated  every  commercial  rival  with  a  vio 
lence  and  injustice  worthy  of  the  purpose  of  its  institiiti.>a 
Stuyvesant  to  pledge  iiimsei,''  to  a  proceeding  which,  he  seems  j  In  relurn  for  the  protection  of  llie  English  government,  it  lea 
not  to  have  been  aware,  wou:-i  have  coinpromiiJEd  Iho  honor  its  aid  to  harass  the  colonies  by  uromoting  a  rigid  cnfrirc*me.i 
and  indopendoiico  of  Ms  country.  '  of  the  acts  of  navij^ation.   See  (hd.nixoii,  Vol.  II.  c^.  L 


«504 


THE   HISTORY  OF 


Ulaad ;  uiid  coiiffrring  iiixiii  his  royal  liiglmess  all  tlie 
jiinvcrs  of  govcrnui''.  <  l\  il  and  military,  within  lliosi! 
ample  hoiiiiilarifs.  J'his  grant  look  no  more  notice  of 
the  existing  pus^ession  of"  tlie  Dutch,  than  it  showed 
respect  to  the  recent  charter  of  Connecticut,  which 
whether  from  igiioratice,  or  from  carelessness  in  the 
defniitiou  of  the  honmlaries,  it  tacitly  but  entirely  su 
()i-ri;eded.  No  sooner  did  the  Uuke  of  Y'ork  obtain 
this  grant,  than,  witliont  waiting  to  Uike  possession  of 
his  investiture,  lie  proceediid  to  exercise  his  proprietary 

t lowers  in  their  fullest  extent,  by  conveying  to  Lord 
lerki  ley  and  Sir  George  Carteret  all  that  portion  of 
the  territory  that  forms  the  province  of  New  Jersey 
lint,  as  it  i\as  inanifesl  th;it  this  title  of  the  .liike  liiin 
sell',  no  li!ss  than  of  his  assignees,  would  retj.iire  to 
eliectuated  by  a  military  force,  an  armament  had  been 
prepared  for  this  purpose,  with  some  attention  to  se 
cresy;  a  precaution  which,  if  it  proved  inellectual,  was 
IJO  less  unnecessary;  as  the  stales  of  Holland  reckoned 
it  impossible  that  the  king  would  attiick  their  [losses- 
Fioiis,  without  the  formality  of  a  previous  declaration 
anil  were  averse  to  provoke  his  injustice  by  seeniin 
expect  it.    So  little,  indeed,  w;ls  the  hostile  enterprise 
against  New  Netherlands  credited  in  Kurope,  that,  but 
a  few  months  before  it  sailed,  a  vessel  arrived  at  the 
colony  from  Holland,  bringing  a  further  sujijily  of  plan 
titrs,  and  of  implements  ol'  husbandry.  Stiiyvesaut 
earnestly  pressed  upon  the  West  India  Company  the 
alarming  intelligence  which  he  had  received;  but  tin 
only  defensive  step  to  which  they  were  moved  by  hi 
urgency  was,  to  send  him  now,  when  it  was  too  late 
tile  original  grant  from  the  States  General,  which,  at 
the  period  when  it  might  have  availed  him,  he  had  soli 
cited  in  vain. 

The  command  of  the  English  troops  that  embarked 
f<ir  this  expcilition,  and  the  govornnient  of  the  province 
agaiii-^t  which  it  was  directed,  were  intrusted  to  Colo- 
nel .N'iclinis,  who  had  studied  the  art  of  war  under  .Mar- 
shal Tiireiitie,  and  who,  vvitli  Car,  Cartwriglit,  and 
Maverick,  also  held  a  commission  to  visit  the  colonic; 
of  New  England,  and  investigate  and  determine,  ac 
cording  to  their  discretion,  all  disputes  and  controvor 
sies  within  the  various  colonial  jurisdictions.  After 
toiii'.hing  :it  Boston,  where  an  armed  force  was  ordered 
lo  be  raised  and  .sent  to  join  the  expedition,  tlie  fleet 
proceeded  to  Hiidson's  river,  and  took  its  station  before 
the  cupitJil  of  New  Netherlands.  The  requisition  of  a 
Kiibsidiary  force  from  Boston  was  so  tardily  obeyed, 
that  tile  enterprise  was  over  before  the  MassachusetLs 
Irooj  s  were  ready  to  march :  but,  on  the  transmission 
t'f  a  similar  requisition  to  Connecticut,  Governor  Win- 
ihrop,  with  several  of  the  principal  inhabitants  of  the 
province,  iinmedietely  repaired  to  the  English  ariua- 
inenl,  anil  joined  the  standard  of  their  king. 

The  veteran  governor  of  New  Netherlands,  and  the 
pupil  of  Tureiine,  wt're,  according  to  military  ideas, 
enemies  worthy  of  each  other;  though  doubtless  it  is  a 
manifest  profanation  of  language  to  a.sseil  the  worthi- 
ness of  two  brave  and  honest  men  to  shed  each  others' 
blood,  or  to  represent  Nichols  as  worthily  employed  in 
executing  the  lawless  rage  and  rajiacity  ol'  a  tyrant  upon 
an  iinoll'eniliiig  people.  15ut  the  two  commanders  were 
very  unecpi  illy  supported.  Stuyvesaiit  had  vigorously 
exerted  himself  to  put  the  city  and  fort  in  the  best  atti- 
tude of  defence:  but  he  Ibiind  it  totally  impossible  to 
man  the  ln.'arls  of  its  defenders.  It  must  indeed  be 
eoiifessed  in  favor  of  these  unfortunate  Dutcliuien,  that 
the  superior  arlillijry  ami  disciplined  forces  of  the  ene- 
«ny  rendered  successful  resistance  utterly  hopeless. 
Their  residence  in  the  country  had  been  too  short  to 
connect  tliein  with  it  by  patriotic  ties ;  and  their  nn- 
warlike  habits  renilered  them  utterly  unsusceptible  of 
impn-ssions  which  their  governor  derived  from  the  |)ros- 
pect  of  a  contest,  where  the  harvest  ol' glory  was  |)ro- 
porlioneil  to  the  hopeli-ssness  of  victory.  '  They  lelt 
themselves  unjustly  attacked  ;  and  their  resentment  of 
lliis  injury  was  ho  strong,  that  many  of  them  were  deter- 
niiiiei)  not  lo  remain  the  suhjecLs  of  a  tyrannical  usur- 
per; but  it  was  not  strong  (Plough  to  ovi-rcome  the  ra- 
lioiiul  coiivirtiou.  that  safety  and  indepenileiice  were  the 
only  worlhv  objei-Li  of  bailie,  and  that  where  indepi-n- 
deiice  coiiid  not  be  g.iiued  by  fighting,  safely  should 
not  be  risked  by  it.  To  add  unnece.s.sary  combat  to 
unavoidable  defeat,  appeared  to  them  a  driDless  and 
fool  hardy  w  aste  of  life  ;  and  if  they  must  surrender 
llie  iiu  ige  they  had  built  of  their  native  lloll.iiid  in  the 
wiM-rii.-ss,  they  would  rather  siirreii.ler  it  entire  to  the 
pollution  of  ho-lile  occupation,  than  defaced  hv  the 

  ol'        enemy.    They  were  willing  to  become 

oxil.-s  with  iheir  wivi's  and  children,  or  laborers  for 
theiii ;  to  eiK  oiiuter.  ill  short,  every  evil  that  hope 
coulJ  aJUjviati  or  virtue  mibduu.    Uul  lo  expose  Uieir 


kindred,  their  city,  and  themselves,  to  tlie  ceri.iinly  of 
capture  by  storm,  and  the  extremity  of  niilitiiry  vio- 
lence, seemed  lo  them  an  inversiou  of  all  tlie  dictites 
of  wisdom,  happiness  and  virtue. 

\Videly  diflerent  were  tlie  sentiments,  the  views,  and 
even  the  determinations  of  Stuyvesant;  and  for  several 
days  his  undaunted  spirit  upheld  tlie  honor  and  pro- 
longed the  dominion  of  his  country,  in  desi)ite  both  of 
the  desertion  of  her  unwailike  children,  and  the  im- 
pending violence  of  a  stronger  foe.    On  the  arrival  of 
the  I'^nglish  armament,  he  sent  a  deputation  to  its  com- 
mander, consisting  of  one  of  life  ministers  of  New 
Amsterdam,  one  of  the  city  councillors,  and  two  other 
inhabitants,  with  a  courteoiLs  letter  desiring  to  know 
the  reason  and  purpose  of  this  hostile  approach.  Nichols 
answered,  with  equal  politeness,*  that  lie  was  com- 
manded by  his  royal  master  to  take  possession  of  the 
British  territory  which  had  been  usurped  by  the  Dutch, 
whom,  though  nearly  allied  to  him,  the  king  could  not, 
consistently  with  his  honor,  allow  to  invade  and  occupy 
the  dominions  of  his  crown :  that  he  must  therefore 
now  demand  tlie  inst;int  surrender  of  the  place;  that 
the  king  being  tender  of  the  effusion  ol'  Christian 
blood,  had  antliorised  him  to  olVer  security  of  lite, 
liberty,  and  estate,  to  all  who  would  readily  submit  to 
this  requisition ;  but  that  such  as   should  oppo.se  his 
majesty's  gracious  intentions  must  prepare  themselves 
for  '.he  worst  miseries  of  war.    Governor  Wintlirop, 
who  was  connected  by  acquaintance  and  mutual  es- 
teem with  Stuyve.sant  and  liie  principal  Dutch  citizeus, 
enforced  this  summons  by  a  letter,  in  which  he  strongly 
pressed  the  prudence  of  doing  soon  what  must  una- 
voidably be  done  at  last.    Stuyvesant,  on  receiving  the 
summons  of  the  English  commander,  was  sensible  of 
iio  other  consideration  than  of  the  in.solence  and  injus- 
tice with  which  his  country  was  treated  ;  and  still  ear- 
nestly lioi)ing  that  her  honor  would  be  preserved  un- 
blemished, even  though  her  dominions  should  be  over- 
thrown, he  invited  the  burgomasters  and  council  lo  at- 
tend him,  and  vainly  labored  to  impart  a  portion  of  his 
feelings  to  this  municipal  body.    They  coolly  desired 
to  see  the  letters  he  had  received;  but  as  he  judged 
with  good  reason  tliat  the  easy  terms  of  surrender 
that  were  proffered  would  not  contribute  to  animate 
their  ardor  or  further  his  own  martial  designs,  he  de- 
clined to  gratify  them  in  this  particular;  and  simply 
issured  them  that  ihe  English  had  declared  their  piir- 
po.so  of  depriving  Holland  of  its  sovereignty,  and  them- 
selves of  their  independence.     Suspecting  the  truth, 
they  became  more  importunate  in  their  first  request ; 
whereupon  the  governor,  in  a  transport  of  indignation, 
ore  the  letters  in  pieces,  and  scattered  them  on  the 
round  ;  while  the  burghers,  in  amazement  and  dismay, 
protested  against  his  conduct,  and  all  the  consequences 
that  might  attend  it.    But  Stnyvesant's  courage  needed 
not  the  aid  of  .sympathetic  bravery  to  sustain  it:  and 
more  incensed  to  see  his  country's  honor  de.serleil  than 
p[)alled  to  find  himself  its  only  defender,  he  determined 
to  try  the  effect  of  an  appeal  to  the  justice  and  gene- 
rosity of  a  gallant  enemy;  and  to  express  in  his  reply 
to  the  summons  of  the  English  commander,  not  what 
painfully  saw,  but  what  he  magnanimously  wished, 
lie  the  .sentiiiients  of  his  fellow-citizens.     He  ex- 


hibited to  a  deputation  sent  to  him  by  Nichols,  the  ori- 
ginal grant  of  the  Slates  General,  and  his  own  com- 
mission from  the  West  India  Company;  and  in  a  long 
and  manly  letter,  maintained  that  a  province  thus  for- 
mally incorporated  with  the  Dutch  dominion  could  not 
'  iwfully  be  attacked  while  peace  subsisted  between 
:)iigland  and  the  republic.    He  represented  the  long 
possession  of  the  territory  which  his  countrymen  had 
enjoyed,  and  the  ratification  which  the  English  colonial 
overnments  had  given  to  the  Dutch  claim,  by  the  treaty 
they  concluded  with  him  in  the  year  1(>.")():  and  he  pro- 
tested that  it  was  impossible  that  the  English  monarch 
could  have  despatched  this  hostile  armament,  in  the 
knowledge  of  tlie.se  facts,  or  would  hesitate  to  counter- 
mand it  if  they  were  submitted  to  his  consideration, 
'"o  spare  the  effusion  of  blood,  he  offered  a  treaty  for  a 
provisional  arrangement,  suspended  on  the  issue  of  a 
ference  to  the  two  parent  slates;  and  he  concluded 
ilh  this  calm  and  undaunted  reply  lo  the  threat  of 


*  Chalniers  betniys  his  usual  partiality  in  describing  this  In- 
tercourse. Wlulo  he  derides  tlie  afToclcd  civility  of  Sluyvesnnt, 
he  commends  in  Nichols  tlie  politeness  that  softens  the  rigors 
of  wnr.  Once  for  all  I  must  loinark  on  this  writer,  llial  the 
(;iim|iosilion  of  his  work  had  one  great  point  in  view— the  :ipo- 
lojy  of  tlio  kings  and  gnvernincnt  of  ICiiKland  in  all  Ihoir  .Ame- 
rican transiclions.  lie  steadily  pursues  this  olijecl  i  nnd  though 
loo  liononible  wilfully  to  misrepresent  facts,  he  is  often  too  pre- 
judiced lo  appreriatc  them  fairlv.  Yet  his  .\nnals  are  a  valua- 
ble source  of  infornia'ion  to  Ihose  who  oarofully  consult  them  ; 
coiiipanni!  one  (wrliun  wilh  aiiolhcr,  and  Ihc  wholo  wilb  colla- 
lor&l  auUiurlUei 


mihtary  execution  in  the  event  of  a  refusal  to  ?!ir 
render.    "  As  touching  the  threats  in  your  coiiclii -iou, 
we  have  nothing  to  answer,  only  that  \se  !ear  no- 
Uiing,  but  what  God  (who  is  as  jii.st  as  merciful) 
shall  lay  upon  us;  all  things  being  in  his  gracious  di:, 
posal;  and  we  may  as  well  be  preserved  by  him  with 
small  forces  as  by  a  great  army ;  which  makes  us  to 
wish  you  all  happiness  and  prosperity,  and  reconiaienii 
you  to  his  protection."    But  Stuyvesant  found  it  mora 
easy  to  refute  the  pretensions  tlian  lo  resist  the  force 
of  liis  opponent.    Even  after  the  English  had  Ix  gun 
to  invest  the  place,  and  had  occupied  posts,  from  which 
attack  seemed  immediate  and  capture  inevitable,  ho 
slill  clung  to  the  hope  that  his  fellow-citizi'lis  wouki 
not  surrender  the  rights  of  their  country  till  they  had 
defended  them  with  their  li\ es,  and  shed  the  blood  of 
the  invaders.    But  Nichols  ivlio  had  learned  how  littl« 
the  great  body  of  the  Dutch  partook  the  iii.irtia!  ardor 
of  their  governor,  caused  a  proclamation.*  reiterating 
his  original  offers,  to  be  circulated  through  the  country 
and  introduced  into  the  town ;  a  mejLsure  which  so 
conqiletely  disarmed  the  spirit  of  the  besieged,  and  ex- 
tinguished the  authdrity  of  Stuyvesant.  that  this  stub- 
born veteran,  after  one  more  fruitless  attempt  to  effect 
a  provisional  treaty,  was  at  length  obliged  to  cipitu- 
late  for  surrender,  in  order  to  [irevent  the  people  from 
giving  up  the  place  without  ihe  formalily  of  capitula- 
tion.   By  the  treaty  which  ensued  it  was  provided  that 
the  Dutch  garrison  should  march  out  with  all  tin.  ho- 
nors  of  war,  and  th:it  the  St;ites  (Jeiieral  and  rt'est 
India  Company  should  preserve  their  ammnnitii  n  and 
public  stores,  and  he  allowed  within  six  months  to  iran,*- 
port  them  to  Holkind :  tli:it  the  iiiliabitiints  si  oiild  be 
free  to  sell  their  est;ites,  and  return  to  Hollat.d,  or  re- 
tain them  and  resi<le  in  t!ie  .settlement ;  that  all  who 
chose  to  remain  should  enjoy  their  ancient  customs 
wilh  respect  to  inheritance  of  property,  liberty  of  con- 
science in  divine  worship  and  church  order,  and  per- 
petual txeniptioii  from  military  service.    Ail  Dutch- 
men, either  continuing  in  the  province,  or  afterwards 
resorting  to  it,  were  to  be  allowed  a  free  trade  with  Hol- 
land ;  a  privilege  wriio\;  a       was  totally  repugnant  to 
the  navigation  act,  neither  Nicnol?  nor  even  the  king 
could  coiifer,a!!d  wliich  accordingly  was  withdrawn  from 
them  very  soon  after.    .\s  a  concession  lo  the  iiillexi- 
ble  obstinacy  of  the  old  governor,  it  was  very  siiper- 
fiuou.sly  provided,  that  if  at  any  lime  thereafter  the  king 
of  Eiigl.'iiid  and  the  States  (jeneral  should  concur  in 
desiring  the  province  to  be  re-<leli-. ered  to  its  former 
owners,!  their  desire  should  he  |)romptly  complied  with. 
These,  and  various  other  articles,  of  additional  advan 
tage  to  the  Dutch,  forming  perhaps  the  most  favoura- 
ble terms  that  a  capitulating  city  ever  obi  lined,  were  8,a- 
tisfiictory  to  every  one  except  the  individual  to  wliose 
solitary  valor  they  were  in  some  degree  a  tribute  :  and 
it  Wits  not  till  two  days  after  they  had  been  signed  by 
the  commissioners  on  both  sides,  that  lie  coulil  be  per- 
suaded to  ratify  them.    Vet  the  Dutch  West  India  ("nui- 
jiany,  whose  blunders  and  imbecility  had  promoted  the 
fall  of  a  dominion  which  they  were  nnworlby  lo  ad- 
minister, li.id  the  mean  ingratitude  to  exjiress  dissatis- 
faction with  the  conduct  of  this  magiiaiiimoiis  man 
The  fall  of  the  capital,  which  now  received  the  iiaiiie 
of  .\ew  York,   (a  name  also  extended  to  llie  whole 
provincial  territory,)  was  followed  by  the  surrender  of 
Albany,  and  the  general  siibini.ssioii  of  the  province 
with  its  subordinate  settlement  of  Dulcli  and  Swedes 
iu  Delaware.     The  government  of  Britain  was  ac- 
knowledged over  tlie  whole  in  tlie  beginning  of  Octo- 
ber, 1GG4. 

Thus  by  an  act  of  tlie  most  flagrant  injustice  and 
tyrannical  usurpation,  w.as  overthrown  the  Dutch  do- 
minion in  North  America,  after  it  had  subsisted  for 
more  than  half  a  century,  and  absorbed  the  feebler  set 
tlemenls  of  Sweden.  It  is  impossible  for  a  moment 
to  suppose  that  the  king  w;is  prompted  to  undertake 
this  enterprise  by  an  honest  conviction  of  his  right  to 
llie  province;  and  that  he  was  actuated  by  no  concern 
for  the  interest  of  his  other  colonies  was  proved  (if 


*  It  declared  that  all  w  ho  would  "suhniit  lothis  his  m.ijesty'f 
government,  as  his  good  subjects,  shall  be  proleclrd  in  liil 
majesty's  laws  and  justice,  and  peaceably  enjoy  whalsoevex 
(Jod's  blessing  and  their  own  honest  indu  .lry  have  lurnivhed 
Ihein  with."  Sinilh,  p.  25.  To  the  Swedish  settlers  in  Dell- 
ware,  it  was  specijilly  represented,  that  it  would  be  an  hono- 
rable change  for  them  to  return  from  a  republicHii  lo  a  mo- 
narchical Bovcrninenl.    S.  Smith's  Nt  w  Jersey,  p.  IS. 

t  According  to  Iliime,  it  would  appear  thai  this  improbable 
condilion  did  actually  occur ;  for  he  stales  that  on  the  com- 
plaint of  Holland,  tlie  king  disavowed  the  expedillon.  and  im- 
prisoned the  admiral.  Hist,  of  England,  vol.  vii.  p.  .W,  mw.  But 
he  has  confounded  the  invasion  of  New  York  with  the  eij  edi- 
tion against  Goree,  which  look  place  two  years  befoie,  »at 
which  Charles  after  daspatrUing,  alluded  lo  •ii»avow. 


NORTH  AMERICA: 


»uch  proof  were  wanting)  by  his  subsequent  conduct 
with  regard  to  Acadia.  This  territory,  lo  wliicli  tlie 
English  had  as  fair  a  claim  as  to  New  York,*  had 
been  conquered  from  its  French  occupiers  by  tlio 
manly  hosiilities  of  Cromwell ;  and  yet  the  earnest 
entreaties  of  the  New  England  colonies  could  not  pre- 
vent the  king  from  restoring  it  to  France,  though  a 
neighbor  much  more  dangerous  than  Holland  to  his 
subjects.  But  Acadia  was  not,  like  New  Netherlands, 
i  settlement  of  protestant  republicans,  but  of  the  sub- 
jects of  a  brother  dos|)ot  to  whom  Charles  became  a 
ponsioner,  and  to  whom  he  scrupled  not  to  sell  as 
much  of  the  honor  of  England  as  was  capable  of  being 
tOMveyed  by  his  hands.  His  object,  in  so  far  as  it 
*ml<raced  the  English  colonies,  was  rather  to  intimidate 
them,  than  lo  promote  their  advantage.  Yet  eventu- 
ally it  was  they  who  derived  the  chief  advantage  from 
the  acquisition  of  New  York  ;  and  this,  as  well  as 
every  other  conquest  of  American  territory  achieved 
by  (ireat  Britain,  only  tended  to  undo  the  bands  by 
which  she  retained  her  colonies  in  a  slate  of  depend- 
ence. As  they  ceased  to  receive  molestation  or  alarm 
from  the  neighborhood  of  rival  settlements,  their 
strength  and  their  jealou.sy  converged  against  the 
power  aii<l  pretensions  of  the  mother  country. 

Colonel  Nichols,  who  had  been  appointed  the  first 
British  governor  of  New  York,  probably  with  the  hu- 
mane view  of  persuading  his  master  to  refrain  from 
burdening  or  irritating  the  peo[)le  by  fiscal  impositions, 
seems  to  have  depreciated,  somewhat  unjustly,  the 
actual  conditioji  of  the  setttlement,  in  his  letters  to  the 
Duke  of  York.  But  all  the  early  writers  and  travel- 
lers unite  ill  describing  the  Dutch  colonial  metropolis 
as  a  handsome  well  built  town  ;  and  Josselyn  declares 
that  the  meanest  house  in  it  was  wortii  100/.  Indeed, 
the  various  provisions  that  were  introduced  into  the 
articles  of  surrender,  to  guard  the  comforts  of  the  in- 
habitants from  invasion,  attest  the  orderly  and  plentiful 
estate  which  these  colonists  had  attained,  as  well  as 
eiplain  the  causes  of  their  unwarlikc  spirit.  If  the 
manners  of  the  Dutch  colonists  corresponded  with 
those  of  their  countrymen  in  the  parent  state,  they 
were  probalily  superior  in  elegance  to  the  manners 
which  the  English  colonists  could  derive  from  similar 
iir nation.  Sir  William  Temple  was  surprised  to  find 
in  Holland  that  he  was  expected  not  lo  spit  upon  the 
lloors  of  gentlemen's  houses.  [17]  Of  the  colonists 
who  had  latterly  resorted  to  the  province,  some  were 
persons  who  had  enjoyed  considerable  affluence  and 
respec'.a':ility  in  Holland,  and  who  imported  with  them, 
and  displayed  ic  their  houses,  costly  services  of  family 
plate,  and  welt  selected  productions  of  the  Dutch 
school  of  painting.  No  account  has  been  preserved 
ol  the  total  population  of  the  province  and  its  depend- 
encies ;  but  the  metro|)olis,  at  this  time,  seems  to  have 
contained  about  3,000  persons  t  More  than  half  of 
this  numl)er  chose  to  continue  in  the  place  after  its 
annexation  to  the  British  em|)ire  :  the  rest  abandoned 
a  settlement  which  was  no  longer  to  retain  its  Dutch 
aspect  or  name  ;  and  their  habitations  were  soon  occu- 
pied by  a  supply  of  emigrants,  partly  from  Britain,  but 
chiotiy  from  Aew  England.  The  Dulie  of  York,  to 
allure  the  Ne  .v  England  planters  to  settle  in  his  pro- 
vince, publisl  ed  what  he  termed  conditions  for  plaiila- 
tiiiis,  by  which  (among  other  provisions)  it  was  de- 
clared that  ihe  mhabitants  of  every  township  should 
elect  their  i,wn  minister,  and  arrange  his  emoluments 
by  private  agreement  between  themselves  and  him. 
Among  the  Dutch  who  remained  at  New  York,  was 
the  venerable  Stuyvesant,  who  still  adhered  to  the 
wreck  ol  the  institutions  and  community  over  which 
he  had  presided,  and  to  the  scenes  that  reminded  him 
ol  the  exploits  of  his  old  age.  Here,  for  a  few  years 
more,  he  prolonged  the  empire  of  Dutch  manners  and 
the  respect  of  the  Dutch  name,  till  full  of  days  and 
honor,  he  breathed  his  last  amidst  the  tears  of  his 
countrymen.  His  descendants  inherited  his  worth 
and  popukirity,  and,  in  the  following  century,  were  fre- 
quently elected  into  the  magistracy  of  New  York. 

One  ol  the  first  proceedings  in  which  Nichols  was 
employed,  was  in  determining  with  the  other  commis- 
sioners the  boundaries  of  New  York  and  Connecticut. 


*  it  was  included  in  the  claim  derivt^d  from  Cabot's  voyage, 
2nd  had  been  made  tlie  suliject  of  various  ^raiits  by  James  tlie 
First  and  (;iiarles  the  First,  lo  the  Ptymoulh  council  in  the 
lirst  instance,  and  afterwards  to  Lord  Slirling.  This  noble- 
man was  the  king's  secretary  of  stale  in  Scotland  ;  and  see- 
ing the  English  cour'.iers  obtaining  grants  of  American  terri- 
tory, he  ippliud  for  a  share ;  and  Acauia,  under  the  name  of 
Nova  Scotia,  was  granted  to  liim  (most  n-rcgularly),  by  a 
patent  under  the  great  seal  of  Snu  l  ind. 

i  '  found  this  calculation  on  a  Report  to  the  Board  of  Trade 
a  few  years  alter,  punlishcd  by  I'halniers,  p.  .WS,  together 
*ith  a  c.insideratiun  of  tl;e  inteivoning  eveiils. 

21 


The  claims  of  the  latter  of  these  provinces  in  Long 
Island  were  disallowed,  and  the  whole  of  that  insular 
region  annexed  to  the  new  British  jurisdiction  :  but  in 
the  arrangement  of  the  boundaries  on  the  main  land,  so 
little  disposition  was  entertained  to  take  advantage  of 
the  erroneous  appropriation  in  the  Duke  of  York's 
grant,  so  ignorant  also  of  the  localities  of  the  country 
were  the  commissioners,  and  so  much  inclined,  at  the 
same  time,  to  gratify  the  people  of  Connecticut,  in 
order  to  detach  them  from  the  interest  of  Massachu- 
setts, that  they  undoubtedly  received  an  allotment  of 
territory  far  more  liberal  than  equitable.  A  more  cor- 
rect adjustment  of  limits  was  found  necessary  at  a  sub- 
sequent period,  and  was  not  eflFectcd.  without  creating 
the  most  vehement  disputes  between  the  two  colonial 
governments. 

1065.]  Leaving  the  other  commissioners  to  proceed 
to  the  execution  of  Iheir  functions  in  New  England, 
Nichols  betook  himself  to  the  discharge  of  his  own  pe- 
culiar duty  in  the  province,  which  he  had  been  deputed 
to  govern.  The  Duke  of  York,  who  considered  him- 
self invested  by  his  patent  with  regal  authority,  had 
made  an  ample  delegation  of  his  powers  to  his  deputy  ; 
and  the  prudence  and  humanity  of  Nichols  rendered 
his  administration  creditable  to  the  proprietary  and  ac- 
ceptable to  the  people.  To  confirm  the  acquisition 
that  his  arms  had  gamed,  and  to  assimilate,  as  far  as 
possible,  the  ditferent  races  of  inhabitants,  he  judged  it 
expedient  to  introduce  among  them  all,  an  uniform 
frame  of  civil  policy  ;  and  with  a  prudent  conformity 
to  the  institutions  that  had  already  been  eslablished  by 
the  Dutch,  he  erected  a  court  of  assizes,  composed  of 
the  governor,  the  council  and  the  justices  of  Ihe  peace  ; 
which  was  invested  wiih  every  power  in  the  colony,  le- 
gislative, executive,  and  judicial.  The  only  liberal 
institution  that  he  was  allowed  to  introduce  was  trial 
by  jury  ;  and  to  this  admirable  check  on  judicial  iniquity, 
all  causes  and  controversies  were  subjected.  He  en- 
couraged the  colonists  to  make  purchases  of  land  from 
the  natives  ;  and  these  purchases  he  made  the  founda- 
tion of  grants  from  himself,  in  which  he  reserved  a  quit 
rent  of  a  penny  an  acre.  A  dispute  which  occurred 
among  the  inhabitants  of  Long  Island  suggested  to  him 
a  salutary  regulation  which  continued  long  to  obtain  in 
the  province.  The  controversy  had  ;irisen  out  of  some 
conflicting  Indian  deeds  ;  and  to  prevent  a  recurrence 
of  it  as  well  as  of  the  more  fatal  dissensions  which  were 
apt  to  arise  from  these  transactions  with  the  natives,  it 
was  ordained  that  henceforward  no  purchase  from  the 
Indians  should  be  valid,  unless  the  vendition  were  au- 
thorised by  the  license  from  the  governor,  and  executed 
in  h's  presence.  The  strength  and  numbers  of  the 
natives  rendered  it  necessary  lo  treat  them  with  unim- 
peachable justice  :  and  to  prevent  their  frequent  sale* 
of  the  same  land  to  ditiereat  persons  (a  practice  in 
which  they  had  been  encouraged  by  the  conflicting  pre- 
tensions and  occu|)ations  of  the  Dutch,  Swedes,  and 
English),  it  was  expedient  that  the  bargains  should  be 
signalized  by  some  memorable  solemnity.  The  friendly 
relations  that  were  now  established  between  the  Euro- 
pean colonists  of  this  province,  and  the  powerful  Indian 
tribes  known  by  the  title  of  the  Five  Nations,  and 
which  will  afterwards  demand  a  considerable  share  of 
our  attention,  were  greatly  promoted  by  the  harmony 
which  had  subsisted  between  the  Dutch  and  Indians 
during  the  government  of  Stuyvesant,  whose  prudence 
thus  bequeathed  a  wise  lesson  and  a  valuable  ojiportu- 
nity  lo  the  administration  of  his  successor. 

The  court  of  assizes  ap[ilied  itself,  without  delay,  to 
collect  into  one  code  the  ancient  customs  of  the  pro- 
vince, with  such  additional  improvements  as  the  change 
of  empire  seemed  to  render  necessary,  and  as  served  to 
introduce  the  sujiremacy  that  was  ascribed  to  the  juris- 
prudence of  England.  In  this  code,  which  was  after- 
wards ratified  by  the  Duke  of  York,  there  occur  some 
laws  that  seem  to  denote  the  influence  which  the  New 
England  settlers  in  Long  Island*  no  doubt  exercised  in 
its  composition.  Any  child  above  sixteen  years  of  age, 
Rtriking  his  father  or  mother  (except  in  defence  of  his 
own  life),  "  at  the  complaint  of  the  said  father  and 
mother,  and  not  otherwise,  they  being  sufficient  wit- 
nesses thereof,"  was  adjudged  to  suBcr  death.  Tra- 
velling on  Sunday  was  forbidden  ;  and  fornication  was 
punished  by  marriage,  fine,  or  corporal  punishment,  ac- 
cording to  the  discretion  of  the  court.  The  barbarous 
slate  of  medical  science  and  practice  was  indicated  by 
an  ordinance,  strictly  prohibiting  all  surgeons,  phy- 

'  It  was  more  probably  to  them  than  to  the  Dutch  that 
Nichols  alluded,  when  in  a  letter  to  the  Duke  of  York  he 
expressed  his  hope  thai  "  now  even  the  most  factious  repub- 
licans must  acknowledge  themselves  satisfied  with  the  way 
I  they  are  in."    Chalmers,  599. 


sicians,  and  midwivcs,  from  "presuming  to  exefcise  or 
put  forth  any  act  contrary  to  the  known  approved  rules 
of  art  ;*  and  the  unsubdued  state  of  nature  appears 
from  the  pro[)Osilion  of  rewards  for  the  destruction  of 
wolves  ill  Long  Island.  The  city  of  New  York  which 
had  enjoyed  extensive  privileges  under  the  old  govern- 
ment, was  now  incorporated  and  placed  under  ihe  ad- 
ministration of  a  mayor,  aldermen,  and  slieiill";  the 
English  otTicial  nomenclature  serving  additionally  to 
link  the  provincial  institutions  with  English  jurispru- 
dence. One  of  iho  highest  acts  of  power  that  was  ro- 
served  to  the  court  of  assizes  was  the  imposition  of 
taxes ;  and  this  it  soon  had  occasion  lo  exercise  in 
order  to  meet  the  exigencies  of  the  war  which  Charles 
the  Second  had  at  length  succeeded  in  provoking  with 
Holland.  But  even  the  most  ungracious  acts  of  Ni- 
chols were  disarmed  of  their  oil'ence  by  the  conciliating 
demeanor  that  caused  ihe  Dutch  to  forget  he  had  beep 
their  conqueror,  and  by  the  inoderEtion  and  integrity 
which  he  uniformly  evinced,  and  the  personal  sacrifices 
that  he  readily  incurred  for  the  public  advantage.  An 
assembly  of  deputies  from  the  Dutch  anil  English  plan- 
tations in  Long  Island,  which  he  summoned  lo  adjust 
the  boundaries  of  their  respective  settlements,  took  the 
opportunity  of  their  congregation  to  transmit  an  address 
to  the  Duke  of  York,  acknowledging  their  dependence 
on  his  sovereignty  according  to  his  patent  ;  engaging 
to  defend  his  rights,  and  to  submit  cheerfully  to  what- 
ever laws  might  be  enacted  by  virtue  of  his  authority  ; 
and  requesting  that  their  declaration  might  be  accepted 
as  a  memorial  against  them  and  their  heirs,  if  they 
should  ever  be  found  to  fail  in  the  performance  of  tlieir 
duty.  Yet  one  portion  of  these  jieople  had  but  recently 
submitted  to  Nichols  as  the  conquering  leader  of  the 
troops  of  a  foreign  usurper ;  and  the  others  had  as  re- 
cently been  united  to  the  liberal  institutions  of  New 
England.  So  strongly  does  the  universal  story  of 
mankind  confirm  the  truth  of  Sully's  observation,  that 
where  the  people  are  not  deceived  by  factious  leaders, 
even  arbitrary  power  is  seldom  resisted  when  it  is  hu- 
manely employed  ;  and  that  popular  discoiit  jnl  evinces 
much  less  frequently  a  promptitude  to  asseil  just  rights, 
than  impatience  of  accumulated  sufl'erings. 

1666  ]  The  intelligence  of  ihe  declara'ion  of  war 
with  Holland,  which  was  communicated  bv  the  Lord 
Chancellor  (Clarendon)  to  Colonel  Nichols,  was  ac- 
companied with  the  assurance  that  the  Dutch  were  [>rc- 
paring  an  expedition  for  the  recovery  of  their  American 
setllement,  and  that  De  Ruyter  had  received  orders  to 
sail  immediately  for  New  York.f  Nichols  fxerled 
himself,  with  his  usual  energy,  to  resist  the  hostiliiv  of 
so  formidable  a  foe  ;  and  though  it  appeared  eventually, 
that  either  the  chancellor  s  iiilorinatioii  had  been  erro- 
neous, or  that  the  expedition  v\as  suspended  l)y  Do 
Ruytcr's  more  important  employments  in  Europe,  the 
expense  that  attended  the  prejjarations  for  his  reception, 
and  the  other  consequences  of  the  war,  reduced  the 
province  to  a  state  of  considerable  distress.  As  the 
people  were  destitute  of  shipping,  their  trade,  which  htd 
been  carried  on  by  Dutch  vessels,  was  totally  lost;  no 
supplies  were  sent  from  England  to  alleviate  this  ca- 
lamity ;  and,  in  addition  to  other  concomitant  burdens 
of  war,  a  general  rate  was  imposed  on  the  estates  of 
the  inhabitants  by  the  court  of  assizes.  Still  there  was 
every  reason  to  apprehend  that  the  supply  that  was 
raised  would  be  insufficient,  and  the  preparations  con- 
sequently inadequate  to  repel  the  expected  invasion. 
In  this  extremity,  the  governor,  without,  pressing  the 
people  for  further  contributions  to  defeat  an  entfrpru.e 
which  many  of  them  must  have  contemplated  with 
secret  satisfaction,  wisely  and  liberally  advanced  his 
own  money  and  interposed  his  credit  to  siqiply  the 
public  exigencies.  Happily  for  the  prosperity  of  the 
settlement,  which  Nichols,  with  the  aid  of  the  olher 
English  colonies,  would  have  defended  lo  the  lasl  ex- 

*  Both  medicine  and  surgery  vvere  then  in  a  very  rude  sl.ite 
in  England,  where  the  etiicacy  of  royal  touch  for  the  king's 
evil  was  still  believed  ajid  tried,  and  Sydenham's  career  had 
but  recently  begun.  Notwith-staiiding  a  legil  determination 
pronounced  in  England,  two  centuries  belore  thi.s.  that  "  a 
chirurgeon  may  cut  off  one  member  to  save  the  rest"  (State 
Trials,  lii.  927),  it  was  in  France  alone  that  a  manulacture  o( 
surgical  instruments  existed  till  the  end  of  the  seventeen^ 
century.  Cheselden  told  Voltaire  that  he  lirst  mtruduccd  Ihii 
manufacture  into  England  in  1715.  Age  of  Louis  the  Four 
teenth,  cap.  30.  In  Spain,  as  late  as  the  year  1786,  the  treat 
ment  of  fever  was  regulated  by  law.  Towiisend's  Travels 
111.  140—142,  <tc 

t  Hume  (vii.  400)  says  that  De  Ruyter  actually  comniittol 
hostilities  on  Long  island  before  the  declaration  of  war,  il 
revenge  for  the  capture  of  New  York:  but  Uc  ituyter  wa.n 
not  accustomed  so  imperlectly  to  avenge  the  wrongs  of  hll 
country :  and  Hume  has  brcu  misled  by  an  erroneous  account, 
or  inaccurate  recollection,  of  a  more  serious  and  successful 
attack  on  New  Y'ork  by  the  Dutch  about  seven  years  afloi 
this  period,  and  m  the  course  of  a  subsequent  wra. 


80C 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


treinity,  neither  the  States-general,  nor  the  Dutch  West 
lodia  Cuinpany,  made  any  attempt  to  repoescss  them- 
selves of  New  i'ork  diirinf;  this  war ;  and  at  the  peace  of 
Breda  it  was  ceded  to  England,  in  exchange  for  her  colo- 
ny of  Surniani,  wliich  had  been  compiered  hy  the  Dutch. 
[iHG7  ]  This  exch.inj;o  was  no  otherwise  expressed, 
ihan  by  a  general  stipulation  in  the  treaty  that  each  of 
the  two  nations  should  retain  what  its  arms  had  ac- 
quired since  hostilities  began.  The  Dutch  had  no  rea- 
«on  to  ri'iTCt  the  exchange  ;  for  it  was  impossible  that 
tney  could  long  have  preserved  Xew  York  against  the 
increasing  strength  and  rivalry  of  the  inhabitants  of 
New  England.  iVlaryland,  and  Virginia.  It  was  by  this 
treaty  that  Acadia  was  ceded  to  France,  which  had 
acted  as  the  ally  of  Holland  during  the  war,  and  was 
U;e  onlv  party  that  reaped  advantage  from  it.  England 
»aw  her  character  dishonored  by  the  injustice  of  the 
war  :  the  glory  of  her  arms  tarnished  by  the  disgrace  at 
Chatham  ;  the  conquest  achieved  for  her  by  Cromwell 
surrendered  ;  and  every  one  of  the  purposes  fo.  which 
the  contest  had  been  provoked,  rendered  utterly  abor- 
tive* 

The  security  which  the  British  dominion  in  New 
York  derived  from  the  treaty  of  DreJa,  occurred  very 
seasonably  to  supply  the  useful  services  of  Colonel 
Nichols,  who,  rinding  the  pecuniary  burdens  of  the  war 
pressing  too  heavily  on  himself,  was  forced,  in  the  be- 
ginning of  this  year,  to  resign  an  appointment  which, 
at  one  time,  seems  to  have  rendered  him  as  elate  and 
happy  as  it  had  enabled  him  to  make  himself  useful  and 
beloved.  The  king,  as  a  testimony  of  the  approbation 
to  which  his  eminent  services  were  entitled,  sent  him  a 
present  of  two  hundred  jiuiind.s ;  and  this  brave  and 
modest  loyalist  was  more  graliried  with  the  expression 
ol  royal  favor  than  disa|)pointcd  with  the  meanness  and 
inadequacy  of  the  remuneration.  He  was  long  remem- 
bered wii.l  respect  and  kindness  hy  a  people  whom  he 
ha-l  found  hostile  and  divided  ;  and  whom,  iiotwilh- 
sianding  that  he  had  been  constrained  to  deprive  them 
01  liberty  and  independence,  he  left  friendly,  united, 
and  contejjted.r  I  he  benefit  of  his  s'lccessful  exer- 
tions, together  with  the  signal  advantage  of  peace,  and 
of  the  recognition  by  Holland  of  the  lirilish  dominion, 
devolved  on  his  successor.  Colonel  Lovelace,  a  man  of 
quiet  temper  and  moderate  disposition,  which  in  tran- 
quil times  so  well  supplied  the  absence  of  vigor  and 
«,a|)acity,  that  the  colony,  during  the  greater  part  of  six 
years  that  he  presided  over  it,  enjoyed  a  noiseless  tenor 
of  content  and  prosperity  ;t  and  ',he  most  memo.-able 
occurrence  that  signalised  his  administration,  was  the 
itnfortunate  event  that  brought  it  to  a  close. 

1672.  J  The  second  war  with  Holland,  which  the 
king  undertook  in  subservience  to  the  ambition  of 
l^ouis  XIV.,  was  calculated  no  less  to  injure  the  trade 
of  New  York,  than  to  disturb  the  harmony  of  its  mixed 
inhabitants,  and  alienate  the  regards  of  the  original 
colonists.  'I'he  fal.--e  and  frivolous  reasons  that  were 
assigned  hy  the  English  court  for  this  prolligate  war, 
rendered  it  more  offensive  to  every  Dutchman  by  add- 
ing insult  to  injury  ;  and  the  gallant  achievements  of 
De  Ituyter,  that  extorted  the  admiration  and  applause 
even  of  his  enemies,  must  have  awakened  in  the  most 
languid  bosoms  of  the  Dutch  colonists  some  svinpalhy 
Willi  the  glory  and  danger  of  their  country,  and  a  reluc- 
tance to  the  destiny  that  had  associated  them  with  her 
enemies.  The  intelligence  of  the  Duke  of  York's  re- 
cent profession  of  the  catholic  faith  contributed  to  in- 
crease their  discontent,  which  at  length  prevailed  so 
far  with  a  considerable  body  of  them,  that  they  deter- 
iiined  to  abandon  New  York,  and  either  return  to 
Holland,  or  seek  out  anoiher  settlement  in  I  lie  new 
world.  Happily  for  English  America,  they  were  rc- 
Uincd  within  lier  territory  by  the  address  of  the  pro- 
prietaries of  Carolina,  who  prevailed  with  them  to  di- 
rect their  footsteps  towards  this  province,  [1673,] 
ivhere,  remote  from  foreign  war,  and  surmounting  hard- 
ihips  by  patient  'iidustry,  they  formed  a  settlement  that 
'ecoinpensed  ihcin  for  the  habitations  they  had  for- 

•  Tlio  elevation  lri:it  liail  been  projected  for  tlie  Prince  of 
l>r»ii((e,  III  parliculnr,  was  liffciteil  ;— llie  stales  engaRinj  to 
U-ttow  a  cuiiMi<leialil«  a|>|iointinent  upon  him  wlien  lie  should 
attain  the  nge  of  twenty-two,  hut  dtclarine  their  determina- 
tloi;  not  to  make  hiin  stadholdcr.  Sir  William  Temple'* 
Works  (folio),  vol.  i.  p.  74. 

t  Kroin  hit  monurnunt  m  Amplhill  church.  Dodfordshire,  it 
Dltiars  that  Nichols  was  kilh-ri  on  bo.ird  the  Duke  of  York's 
kh  i  in  a  s.  a-li){ht  with  llio  Uul.  li  m  107J.  Wiiliiii  the  pedi- 
inaiit  u  rUod  the  rannon-hall  that  killed  him,  surmounted  by 
llili  insrription:  liisirnmenlum  mortis  el  imiiKirtalitatiK. 

t  A  feeble  altciiipl  was  made,  indeed,  iii  the  year  1(5(19,  by 
one  Comngsm.irk.  a  Swede,  to  exntfi  i,n  insurroclion  of  his 
cuunlryiiirn  in  the  Delaware  territory  igalnvl  the  Enijlish. 
The  »llompl  was  defe.Med  willioul  bloodshed,  ami  Coningt- 
•mrk  was  rondenineil  to  lie  sold  a>  a  slave  in  Uarbwlouo 
fcHmunl  limllb's  liikt  of  New  Jorxiy.  p  i3,M 


saken.  If  more  of  their  countrymen  projected  a  simi- 
lar migration,  their  purpose  was  suspended  by  an  event 
which  occurred  the  same  year,  and  invited  them  to  em- 
brace a  more  gratifying  deliverance  from  the  irksonie- 
ness  of  their  situation.  A  small  squadron  had  been 
despatched  from  Holland,  under  the  command  of 
Bmkes  and  Evertzen,  to  destroy  the  commerce  of  the 
English  colonies  ;  and  having  performed  this  service 
with  great  effect  on  the  Virginian  coast,  they  were  in- 
duced to  attempt  a  more  important  enterprise,  by  in- 
telligence of  the  negligent  security  of  the  governor  of 
New  York.  Repairing  with  secresy  and  expedition  to 
this  ancient  possession  of  their  country,  ihey  had  the 
good  fortune  to  arrive  at  the  metropolis  while  Love- 
lace was  at  a  distance,  and  the  command  was  exercised 
by  Colonel  Manning,  whose  own  subsequent  avowal, 
added  to  the  more  credible  testimony  of  his  conduct, 
has  recorded  his  character  as  a  traitor  and  poltroon. 
Now  was  reversed  the  scene  that  took  place  when 
New  York  was  invaded  by  Nichols.  The  English  in- 
habitants prepsred  to  defend  themselves,  and  offered 
their  assistance  to  Manning  ;  but  he  olistructed  their 
preparations,  rejected  their  aid,  and,  on  the  first  intel- 
ligence of  the  enemy's  approach,  struck  his  flag,  before 
their  vessels  were  even  in  sight.  As  the  Dutch  fleet 
advanced,  his  garrisou  could  not  forbear  to  demonstrate 
their  readiness  to  fight ;  but,  in  a  transport  of  fear,  he 
forbade  a  gun  to  be  tired,  under  pain  of  death  ;  and 
surrendered  the  place  unconditionally  to  the  invaders.* 
The  moderation  of  the  conquerors,  however,  showed 
them  worthy  of  their  succees  ;  and,  hastening  to  as- 
sure all  the  citizens  of  the  security  of  their  rights  and 
possessions,  they  inspired  the  Dutch  colonists  with 
Inuinph,  and  left  the  English  no  cause  of  resentment 
but  against  their  pusillanimous  commander.  The  same 
modcralion  being  tendered  to  the  other  districts  of  the 
province,  on  condition  of  their  sending  deputies  to 
swear  allegiance  to  the  States  General,  the  inclinations 
of  one  parly,  and  the  fears  of  the  other,  induced  the 
whole  to  submit  ;  the  Dutch  dominion  was  restored, 
still  more  suddenly  than  it  had  been  overthrown  ;  and 
the  name  of  New  Netherlands  once  more  revived.  But 
neither  the  triumph  of  the  one  parly,  nor  the  mortitica- 
tiou  of  the  other,  was  destined  to  have  a  long  endu- 
rance. 

Great  was  the  consternation  that  these  events  ex- 
cited in  the  adjoining  colonies  of  the  English.  The 
government  of  Connecticut,  with  astonishing  a-bsur- 
dity,  sent  a  deputation  to  the  Dutch  admirals,  to  re- 
monstrate against  iheir  usurpation  of  dominion  over 
the  territory  of  England,  and  the  property  of  her  sub- 
jects ;  to  desire  them  to  explain  the  meaning  of  their 
conduct,  and  their  further  intentions  ;  and  to  warn 
them,  that  the  united  colonies  of  New  England  were 
intrusted  with  the  defence  of  their  sovereign's  do- 
minions in  America,  and  would  be  faithful  to  their 
trust.  To  ihis  ridiculous  application,  ihe  Dutch  com- 
manders returned  a  soldierlike  answer,  expressing  their 
surprise  at  the  terms  of  it,  but  declaring  that  tiiey 
were  commissioned  by  their  country  to  do  all  the 
damage  in  their  power  to  her  enemies  by  sea  and  land  ; 
and  that,  while  tliey  applauded  the  fidelity  of  the 
English  colonies  to  their  sovereign,  they  would  imi- 
tate so  good  an  example,  and  endeavor  to  approve 
themselves  not  less  zealous  and  faithful  in  the  service 
of  the  Slates  General.  The  most  active  preparations 
for  war  were  forlhwilh  made  in  Connecticut  and  the 
other  confederated  colonies  :  but  as  each  party  stood 
on  the  defensive,  awaiting  the  invasion  of  the  other, 
only  a  few  insignificant  skirmishes  had  taken  place, 
when  the  arrival  of  winter  suspended  military  opcra- 
tions.  Early  in  the  following  spring,  [1674J  the  con- 
troversy was  terminated  without  further  bloodshed,  by 
the  intelligence  of  the  treaty  of  peace  concluded  at 
London,  and  of  the  restoration  of  New  Y'ork  to  the 
English,  by  virtue  of  a  general  stipulaiion,  that  what- 
soever countries  might  have  been  taken  during  the 


*  .Manning,  after  ail  this  extraordinary  and  unaccouiilx'ile 
conduct,  had  tlie  impudence  to  repair  to  England  ;  »  hem  e  he 
returned,  or  was  sent  back,  when  the  province  was  again 
given  up  by  the  Dutch  in  the  following  year.  He  was  then 
tried  by  court  martial  ori  a  charge  of  trearht^ry  and  cowardice, 
expressed  in  Ihe  strongest  and  most  revolting  lernin.  (Jon- 
fe.ssing  Ihis  charge  to  he  true,  he  received  a  sentence  almost 
a«  extraordinary  as  his  conduct:  "that  though  he  deserved 
death,  yet  because  ho  lad  since  tho  surrender  been  in  Eng- 
land, and  seen  the  king  and  (lie  duke,  it  was  adjudged  that  his 
sword  should  be  broke  over  his  head  in  public,  l«elore  the  city 
hall,  and  hiin.self  rendered  incapable  of  wearing  a  sword,  and 
of  serving  his  inaiesty  for  the  future  in  any  public  trust." 
Smith,  p.  42,43.  'rhe  old  inaxiin  that  was  respei'leil  on  this 
occasion,  that  grace  is  dispensed  by  Ihe  mere  lo<ik  ol  a  king, 
was  denied  a  few  years  alter  to  ine  unfortunate  Duke  of  Mon- 
moulU 


war,  should  be  restored  to  the  power  that  nad  pos- 
sessed them  at  its  commencement. 

The  events  of  this  war,  both  in  Europe  and  Ameri(», 
were  attended  with  important  consequences  to  th.M 
portion  of  the  North  American  population  that  derived 
its  origin  from  Holland.  The  elevation  to  the  dignity 
of  Stadtholder,  which  the  Prince  of  Orange  had  now 
derived  from  the  fear  and  danger  of  his  countrymen, 
and  from  their  desire  to  propitiate  the  king  of  Eng- 
land, paved  the  way  to  his  advancement  to  the  English 
throne,  and  consequently  to  a  reign  under  which  the 
Dutch  colonists,  though  disunited  from  Holland,  ceased 
to  regard  the  British  sovereignty  as  a  foreign  (lomina- 
tion.  The  effectual  re-conquest  of  the  province  by 
the  Dutch  arms,  and  the  final  cession  of  it  to  England, 
by  a  pacific  and  conventional  arrangement,  cured  tho 
wound  that  had  been  inflicted  by  the  injustice  of  Eng- 
land's original  acquisition.  Many  of  the  Dutch  c  li>- 
nists,  besides,  apprehensive  of  molestation,  or,  at  leist, 
despairing  of  favor  from  a  government  whose  suspsn- 
sion  had  excited  their  undisguised  triumph,  were  tho 
more  readily  induced  to  follow  llicir  former  cjtn- 
panions,  who  had  emigrated  to  Carolina  ;  and  this  di9« 
persion  of  the  Dutch  tended  at  once  to  promote  their 
friendly  association  with  the  English,  and  to  divest 
New  York  of  a  distinctive  character  which  might  have 
obstructed  the  harmony  between  Jier  and  the  other 
provinces,  with  which  she  was  now  to  be  for  ever 
united. 

The  Duke  of  York,  understanding  that  some  doubts 
had  been  suggested  of  the  validity  of  his  original  grant, 
which  h-id  been  executed  while  the  Dutch  government 
was  in  peaceable  possession  of  the  couutrv,  and  which, 
even  though  originally  valid,  seemed  to  have  been 
vacated  by  the  intervening  conquest,  thought  it  pru- 
dent to  remedy  this  defect,  and  signalise  the  resump- 
tion of  his  proprietary  functions  bv  obtaiuing  a  new 
patent.  This  deed,  which  was  readily  granted  to  his 
solicitation,  recited  and  confirmed  the  former  grant  of 
the  province.  It  empowered  him  to  govern  the  inhabi- 
tants "  by  such  ordinances  as  he  or  his  assigns  should 
establish  ;  and  to  administer  justice  according  to  the 
laws  of  England,  with  the  admission  of  an  appeal  to 
the  king  in  council.  It  prohibited  all  persons  from 
trading  thither  without  his  permission  ;  and,  though  H 
allowed  the  colonists  to  import  merchandises,  it  sub- 
jected them  to  payment  of  customs,  according  to  the 
laws  of  the  realm.  Under  the  authoritv  of  this  charter, 
the  duke  continued  to  rule  the  province  (diminished 
however  by  the  New  Jersey  territory  which  he  had 
previously  assigned  to  others)  till  his  proprietary  right 
was  merged  in  his  regal  title.  It  seems  at  tirst  sight 
not  a  little  surprising,  that  neither  in  this  nor  m  tne 
former  charter  of  the  territory,  did  the  brother  of  tho 
king  obtain  a  grant  of  the  same  extraordinary  powers 
and  privileges  llial  had  been  previously  conferred  on 
the  proprietaries  of  Maryland  and  Carolina.  But  rely- 
ing on  the  greatness  of  his  connexion  and  his  prospects, 
the  duke  was  probably  very  litlle  solicitous  to  share  the 
dignities  and  nniiiunities  which  these  other  proprield- 
ries  had  (irocuved  for  themselves  ;  and,  while  as  counts- 
palatine  they  exercised  every  act  of  government  in 
their  own  names,  he  contented  himself  with  ruling  i.ta 
territory  in  the  name  of  the  king.  The  inisforiunea 
and  evident  incapacity  of  Lovelace  precluded  his  re- 
appointment to  the  ofiice  of  governor,  which  wa:  con- 
ferred on  Edmund  Aiidroe,  a  man  who  disgraced  supe- 
rior talents  by  the  unprnici|)led  zeal  and  activity  wilh 
which  he  rendered  them  subservient  to  the  arbitrary 
ilesigns  of  a  tyrant.  [18J  This  officer,  whose  sui>se- 
quent  proceedings  in  New  England  have  already  intro- 
duced him  to  our  acquaintance,  now  commenced  llwl 
career  in  .America  which  has  gained  him  so  conspicu- 
ous a  |)lace  m  the  annals  of  almost  every  one  of  lier 
states  for  twenty  years  after  this  p&riod.  He  wa« 
ordered  to  disturb  no  man's  estate  while  he  received 
possession  of  the  province  from  the  Dutch,  and  to  dis- 
tribute justice  in  the  king's  name  according  to  the 
forms  that  had  been  observed  by  his  predecessors 
But  in  order  to  raise  a  revenue  and  defray  the  ex- 
penses of  government,  a  great  variety  of  rales  were  at 
the  same  lime  imposed  by  the  sole  authority  of  tha 
duke  ;  and  one  Dyer  was  ap[>ointed  Ihe  collector  ci 
these  odious  and  unconstitutional  impositions. 

The  duke,  in  his  instructions  to  Andros,  had  rccora- 
incnded  to  him  the  e.xcrcise  of  gentleness  and  hu- 
manity ;  but  his  selection  of  liim  to  administer  the  moro 
arbitrary  policy  w  hich  he  now  begi  n  to  pursue  toward* 
the  colonists,  gave  more  reason  lo  suppose  that  tlia 
admonilion  was  necessary  than  hat  it  wo.ild  prove 
etrectual  ;  and  nccordinglv  tin?  r.  w  governor  hud  lul 
been  \ouji  in  thit  iirnvmce,  who:   bcsidvr  inrbrciiin|{ 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


liimself  with  the  neighboring  governmnnt  of  Connecti- 
cut, he  excited  the  nmrniurs  and  renionslraiicrs  of  the 
magistrates,  llie  cU-rgy,  and  the  whole  Liody  of  the  peo- 
ple. The  pressure  of  the  arL  tiary  rates,  suggestiiig 
especially  to  the  settlers  in  Long  Island  the  benefit  of 
a  representative  assembly,  they  began  at  length  to 
broach  this  proposition  as  a  matter  of  constitutional 
right  ;  but  these  first  emotions  of  hiierty  were  checked 
by  Andros,  wiih  a  vigor  and  decision  for  which  he  re- 
ceived the  thanks  of  his  master.  A  Dutch  clergyman, 
named  Renslaer,  who  had  been  recommended  by  the 
duke  to  the  patronage  of  Andros,  proved  unacceptable 
to  the  people,  and  was  punished  by  the  iiiagibtrales  of 
Albany  for  some  language  that  was  deemed  improper. 
The  governor  interfered  with  his  usual  energy  in  the 
•iispute,  and  having  tirst  loaded  with  insult  a  popular 
Vrgvman,  whom  Renslaer  considered  his  rival,  pro- 
ceeded to  adjudge  all  the  magistrates  to  find  bail  to 
answer  Renslaer's  complaints,  to  the  extent  of  5,000/, 
each,  and  threw  Leisler,  one  of  their  number,  into 
prison  for  refusing  to  comply.  But  finding  that  he  had, 
on  this  occasion,  stretched  his  authority  farther  than  he 
could  support  it,  he  was  com|>ellcd  to  rece<le  barely  ni 
time  to  [irevent  a  tumult  that  might  have  dissolved  the 
govermncnt.  Apparently  somesvhat  daunted  with  this 
defeat,  he  conducted  himself  with  greater  regard  to 
prudence,  and  was  able  for  a  while  to  lead  a  quiet  ad- 
ministration ;  but  the  seeds  of  popular  discontent  had 
been  sown,  and  a  strong  desire  for  more  liberal  insti- 
tutions took  silent  bul  vigorous  root  in  the  colony. 
This  disposition,  which  the  contagious  vicinity  of 
lit)ertv  in  New  England  doubtless  tended  to  keep  alive, 
was  fomented  by  a  measure  to  which  tiie  governor 
resorted,  to  supfilv  the  inadequate  returns  Iroin  the 
colonial  rates  ;  [  lOTfiJ  the  practice  of  soliciting  pecuniary 
benevolences  Uom  the  various  communilies  and  town- 
ships within  his  jurisdiction.  This  budge  of  bad  times, 
as  a  colonial  historian  has  termed  it,  is  sometimes  the 
promoter  of  those  rights  which  it  attacks  indirectly  and 
yet  strongly  suggests.  In  the  close  of  the  following 
year  [1677]  Andros  was  compelled  to  pay  a  visit  to 
Englard,  in  order  to  obtain  farther  instructions  adapted 
to  the  new  scene  that  was  about  to  open. 

The  revenue  which  the  Duke  of  York  had  imposed 
on  the  provuice,  had  been  limited  to  the  duration  of 
three  years  ;  and  as  this  period  was  on  the  point  of 
expiring,  the  interest  both  of  the  government  and  the 
people  was  fixed  on  the  issue  to  which  this  emergency 
would  lead.  The  people  anxiously  hoped  that  the  very 
inadequacy  of  the  present  system  of  finance  would  in- 
duce their  proprietary  to  consent  to  the  desires  they 
had  expressed,  and  to  seek  the  improvement  of  his  re- 
venue from  the  establishment  of  a  representative  as- 
sembly. But  the  duke  was  obstii.ately  determined 
against  this  measure  ;  and  thought  that  he  made  a 
sufficient  sacrifice  to  the  advantage  of  the  colonists, 
by  simply  enacting  that  the  former  rates  should  con- 
tinue l^or  three  years  longer.  [1G78]  When  Andros 
returned  to  his  government  with  this  unwelcome  edict, 
the  province  was  pervaded  by  universal.discontent  ;  and 
when  aTlew  edict,  in  the  following  year,  [167!)]  an- 
nounced an  increase  of  the  tax  on  the  importation  of 
liquors,  the  public  indignation  was  expressed  so  vehe- 
mently, and  so  maiiv  complaints  were  transmitted  to 
England,  that  the  duke,  in  much  surprise,  recalled  his 
governor  to  give  an  account  of  an  administration  that 
plainly  appeared  to  be  universally  odious.  [1680]  This 
prince  was  determined  that  his  subjects  should  be  en- 
slaved, and  aT  the  same  time  verv  willing  that  they 
should  be  happy  ;*  and  seeing  no  incompatibility  be- 
■weeii  these  circumstances,  he  supposed  the  more  rea- 
dilv  that  Andros  might  have  committed  some  enor- 
mities unconnected  with  bis  official  functions,  and 
called  him  home  to  ascertain  if  he  bad  really  so  dis- 
:redited  legitimate  tyranny.  The  inquiry,  as  might  be 
2ipected,  terminated  in  the  honorable  acquittal  of  the 
governor,  who  proved  that  he  bad  committed  no  breach 
01  trust  ;  that  he  had  merely  evinced  a  temper  suitable 
to  his  arbitrary  functions,  and  enforced  his  master's 

•  Sucli  were  also  the  senT'ineiits  of  Charles  the  Second. 
Sir  Wiliiam  Temple,  who  caiu'ersed  intimately  with  him, 
says  tliat  he  wished  that  every  body  should  be  easy,  *' and 
xrould  have  been  glad  to  see  the  least  of  ids  .subjects  pleased." 
Works,  vol.  1.  p.  449.  Yet  when  Temple  and  otiiers  entreated 
nim  to  alleviate  the  misery  of  the  Scotch,  by  restraining  tlie 
bloody  hands  of  tlie  duke  of  Lauderdale,  tliey  found  it  utterly 
iinpossibl!^  to  prev?il.  lb.  336.  ],aiiderdale's  conduct,  in- 
dee<l,  at  <  ne  time  ur  derwent  a  similar  scrutiny  to  that  which 
we  have  seen  Anirus  abide.  Tlie  result  was  nearly  the 
ean  e  ;  tl  3  kirn;  (si-s  Bishop  Burnel )  declaring,  after  a  full 
Injury,  I  perceive  that  Lauderdale  has  been  guilty  of  many 
bad  things  against  he  people  of  Scotland  ;  but  I  cannot  find 
Ita^  "le  h  IS  acted  ar  y  thing  contrary  to  my  interest  " 


orders  with  the  rigor  that  was  necessary  to  carry  such 
obnoxious  measures  into  execution.  But  circum- 
stances which  occurred  in  the  colony,  during  the  ab- 
scence  of  Andros,  determined  the  duke  to  forbear  for 
the  present  to  re-employ  so  unpopular  an  officer,  or  to 
risk  Ids  own  authorily  in  a  farther  contest  with  the  de- 
sires of  the  people,  idl  his  hand  should  be  strengthened 
by  the  grasp  of  a  sceptre. 

Dyer,  the  collector  of  the  revenue,  had  continued 
ever  since  his  appointment  to  perlbrm  his  functions 
with  great  odium,  but  htlle  opposition.  Latterly, 
however,  the  people  had  begun  to  question  the  lawful- 
ness no  less  than  the  liberality  of  a  system  of  taxation 
originating  with  the  duke  alone  ;  and  when  they 
learned  that  their  doubts  were  sanctioned  by  the  opi- 
nions of  the  most.cminent  lawyers  in  England,  their 
indignation  broke  forth  with  a  violence  that  had  nearly 
transported  them  to  the  commission  of  injustice  still 
more  outrageous  than  the  wrongs  they  complained  of 
They  accused  Dyer  of  high  treason,  for  having  col- 
lected taxes  without  the  authority  of  law ;  and  the  lo- 
cal magistrates  seconding  the  popular  rage,  appointed 
a  special  court  to  try  him  on  this  absurd  and  unwar- 
rantable charge.  It  was  pretended  that  although  he 
had  not  committed  any  one  of  the  offences  specified  in 
the  statute  of  treasons,  yet  it  was  lawful  to  subject 
him  to  the  penalties  of  this  statute,  for  the  ancient 
and  exploded  crime  of  encroaching  ■power; — one  of 
those  vague  and  unintelligible  charges,  which  it  had 
been  the  very  purpose  of  the  statute  to  abolish.  But 
reason  and  humanity  returned  in  the  short  interval  be- 
tween the  impeachment  and  the  trial  :  and  when  the 
prisoner  demanded  to  know  how  his  judges  came  to  be 
invested  with  their  functions,  and  if  they  did  not  act 
under  an  authority  derived  from  the  same  prince, 
whose  commission  he  himself  enjoyed,  the  court  inter- 
posed to  suspend  farther  proceedings  in  the  colony, 
and  ordered  tiim  to  be  sent  with  an  accuser  to  Eng- 
land. [1681]  He  was  of  course  discharged  immedi- 
ately after  his  arrival ;  and  no  accuser  thought  proper 
to  appear  against  him.  But  if  this  i)roseculion  was 
any  thing  more  than  a  bold  undesigning  expression  of 
popular  displeasure  and  impatience,  it  completely 
eH'ected  the  farthest  purposes  of  its  promoters  ;  and  to 
their  spirited  though  irregular  mea-sures.  New  York  was 
indebted  for  the  overthrow  of  an  odious  despotism,  and 
her  first  experience  of  systematic  liberty.  While  the 
duke  regarded  with  astonishment  the  violent  proceed- 
ing by  which  his  collector  had  nearly  perished  as  a 
traitor,  and  had  been  banished  from  the  colony  without 
a  voice  being  raised  in  his  favor,  he  was  assailed  with 
expressions  of  the  same  sentiments  that  had  produced 
this  violence,  in  a  more  constitutional,  and  therefore, 
jierhaps,  more  disagreeable  shape.  The  governor's 
council,  the  court  of  assizes,  and  the  corporation  i  . 
the  city  of  New  York,  coi.curred  with  the  whole  body 
of  the  inhabitants  in  soliciting  the  duke  to  permit  the 
people  to  participate  in  the  legi.5lative  power  ;  and 
while  their  conduct  enabled  him  to  interpret  these  ad- 
dresses into  a  formal  declaration  that  they  would  no 
longer  continue  to  pay  taxes  without  possessing  an  as- 
sembly, he  was  given  to  understand,  by  his  conlidential 
advisers,  that  the  laws  of  England  would  support  them 
in  this  pretension.  Overcome  by  the  united  force  of 
all  these  circumstances,  and  not  yet  advanced  to  the 
height  whence  he  was  afterwards  enabled  to  regard  the 
suggestion  of  legal  obstructions  with  a  smile,*"  the 
duke  first  paused  in  his  arbitrary  career,  and  then  gave 
a  reluctant  and  ungracious  assent  to  the  demands  of 
the  colonists.  Directions  were  sent  to  the  deputy-go- 
vernor on  whom  the  administration  had  devolved  in 
the  absence  of  Andros,  "  to  keep  things  quiet  at  New 
York  ill  the  tnean  time;"  and  shortly  after,  [1682]  it 
was  intimated  to  him  that  the  duke  could  condescend 
to  grant  the  desires  of  the  people  on  condition  of 
their  raising  money  sutficient  for  the  support  of  govern- 
ment, and  of  the  principal  inhabitants  consenting  to 
gran|  a  written  engagement  that  this  should  be  done. 
At  length,  after  wavering  a  little  longer  between  fear 
and  aversioii,  the  duke  gave  notice  of  his  final  deter- 
mination to  establish  m  Nevv  York  the  same  frame  of 
government  that  the  other  colonies  enjoyed,  and  par- 
ticularly a  representative  assembly.  The  governor 
whom  he  nominated  to  conduct  the  new  administra- 
tion was  Colonel  Dongan,  afterwards  Earl  of  Limerick, 

*  See  ante,  B.  II.  cap.  5.  One  might  almost  be  tempted  to 
suspect  Chalmers  of  an  intention  to  satirize  the  duke  by  ex- 
travagance of  unmerited  praise,  when  he  suggests  as  the 
reason  for  Ids  acquiescence  on  this  occasion,  that  "  the  con- 
tinued adversity  which  had  so  long  embittered  iiis  life,  made 
him  regard  the  rights  and  feel  for  the  sulferings  of  others." 


a  man  of  integrity,  moderation,  and  agreeable  manncri', 
and,  though  a  professed  papist,  which  perliaps  was  Lia 
chief  passport  to  the  duke's  favor,  vet  in  tlie  main  ac- 
ceptable, and  justly  so,  to  a  people  who  regarded  po 
pery  with  suspicion  and  dislike.  The  instructions  that 
were  communicated  to  Dongan,  required  him  to  con- 
voke an  assembly,  which  was  to  consist  of  a  council 
of  ten,  and  a  house  of  representatives,  not  exceeding 
eighteen,  to  be  elected  by  the  freeholders.  Like  tlio 
other  provincial  legislatures,  this  body  was  empowered 
to  make  laws  for  the  people,  under  the  recniisition  of 
conformity  to  the  general  jurisprudence  of  the  empire, 
and  of  subjection  to  the  assent  or  dissent  of  the  pro- 
prietary. Thus  the  inhabitants  of  New  York,  after 
being  treated  as  a  conquered  peojile  for  nearly  twenty 
years,  and  governed  by  the  arbitrary  will  of  the  Duko 
of  York  and  his  deputies,  were  proinotpd  by  their  own 
spirit  and  vigor  to  a  participation  in  legislative  rights  ; 
and  by  a  singular  coincidence  obtained  a  free  consti- 
tution at  the  very  time  when  their  old  rivals,  the  co- 
lonists of  New  England,  were  deprived  of  it.  Nothing 
could  be  more  acceptable  to  them  than  this  interest- 
ing change  ;  and  the  ardent  gratitude  of  their  acknow- 
ledgments expressed  much  more  justly  their  sense 
of  the  benefit,  than  the  merit  of  their  nominal  bene- 
factor. 

The  most  interesting  monument  of  the  tyrannical 
administration  which  was  thus  suspended,  is  a  report 
prepared  by  Andros,  in  reply  to  ct  rtain  inquiries  of  the 
English  committee  of  colonies  in  the  year  1678;  from 
which,  and  from  a  similar  communication  by  Ihe  mu- 
nicipality of  New  York  to  the  board  of  trade  a  few  years 
after,  some  insight  may  be  obtained  into  the  condition 
of  the  province  about  this  period.  The  city  of  New 
York,  in  1678,  appears  to  have  contained  3,430  inha- 
bitants, and  to  have  owned  no  larger  navy  than  three 
ships,  eight  sloops,  and  seven  boats.  No  account  ap- 
pears to  have  been  collected  of  the  population  of  the 
whole  province,  which  contained  twenty-four  towns, 
villages,  or  parishes.  About  fifteen  vessels,  on  an  ave- 
rage, traded  yearly  to  the  port  of  New  York,  import- 
ing English  manufactures  to  the  value  of  50,000/.  and 
exporting  the  productions  of  the  colony,  which  con- 
sisted of  land  produce  of  all  sorts,  among  which  are 
particularised  beef,  pease,  lumber,  tobacco,*  peltry  pro- 
cured fro;n  the  Indians,  and  60,000  busliels  of  wheat. 
Of  servants  the  number  was  small,  and  they  were  muoti 
wanted.  Some  unfrequent  and  inconsiderable  impor- 
tations of  slaves  were  made  from  Barbadoes  :  and  tiierc 
were  yet  but  very  few  of  these  unfortunate  beings  in 
the  colony.  Agriculture  was  more  generally  followed 
than  trade.  A  trader  worth  1,000/.,  or  even  500/., 
was  considered  a  substantial  merchant  ;  and  a  |)lanter 
worth  half  that  sura  in  moveables  was  accounted  rich. 
All  the  estates  in  the  province  were  valued  at  150,- 
000/.  "  Ministers,"  says  iViidros,  "  are  scarce,  and 
religions  many."  The  duke  maintained  a  chaplain  at 
New  York  ;  which  was  the  only  certain  endowment  of 
the  church  of  England.  There  were  about  twenty 
churches  or  meeting  places,  of  which  half  were  vacant. 
All  districts  were  liable  by  law  to  the  obligation  of 
building  churches  and  providing  for  ministers,  whose 
emoluments  varied  from  40/.  to  70/.  a  year,  with  the 
addition  of  a  house  and  garden.  But  tne  presbyteri- 
ans  and  independents,  who  formed  the  most  numerous 
afid  substantial  portion  of  the  inhabitants,  were  the  only 
classes  who  showed  much  willingness  to  procure  and 
support  their  ministers.  Marriages  were  allowed  to 
be  solemnized  either  by  ministers  or  by  justices  of  the 
peace.  There  were  no  beggars  in  the  province  ;  and 
the  poor,  who  were  few,  were  well  taken  care  of.  The 
number  of  the  militia  amounted  to  2,000  ;  compre- 
hending 140  horsemen  ;  and  a  standing  company  ol 
soldiers  was  maintained,  with  gunners  and  other  offi- 
cers for  the  forts  of  Albany  and  New  York.  Such 
was  the  condition  of  the  province  about  four  years  pre- 
ceding the  period  at  which  we  have  now  arrived. 
Four  years  after  (in  1686,)  it  was  found  to  have  im- 
proved so  rapidly,  that  the  shipping  of  New  Yorit 
amounted  to  ten  three  masted  vessels,  twenty  sloops, 
and  a  fo.v  ketches  of  intermediate  bulk.  The  militia 
had  also  increased  to  4,000  foot,  300  horse,  ami  a  com- 
pany of  dragoons.  The  augmentation  of  inhabitants, 
indicated  by  this  increase  of  military  force,  appears  tba 
more  considerable,  when  we  keep  in  view,  that  somo 
time  prior  to  this  last  mentioned  period,  the  Delaware 
territory  had  been  partly  surrendered  to  Lord  Balti- 
more, and  partly  assigned  to  William  Penn. 

*  Denton  states  that  tlie  Nevv  York  tobacco  was  considered 
equal  in  quality  to  ttie  finest  produce  of  MaryianU,  p.  3. 


808 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


CHAPTER  II. 

ColwiKl  Doitftan's  AJmini»tration— Account  of  the  Five  In- 
(llaii  N:iti.iii»  i.f  Can:tclii— TliLir  Hostility  to  the  French— 
Mln-ioiiaiy  Labors  of  the  FriMir  h  Ji'»uits— Jumes  the  Se- 
conJ  aboli.^liej  the  I,il)ertie9  of  New  York— coiiiiniiniis  Don- 
gaii  to  ahiiiiiloii  the  Five  Nations  to  the  French— Aiidros 
again  aptiointed  tSovt  riior— War  between  tlie  French  and 
the  Five  Nations— Discontents  at  New  York— Lei^ler  de- 
rUres  for  Kini?  Wiliiam.  and  assumes  tiie  Government— 
T!i>:  Frencli  aitacit  tlie  Province,  and  Imrn  Sclieiiectady— 
Arrival  of  Governor  Slouiihter— Perplexity  of  l^eisler— liis 
Trial- mild  Execution- Wars  and  mutual  Cruelties  of  the 
I'rench  and  Indians — Governor  Fletcher's  Administration — 
Peace  of  Ryswick— Piracy  at  New  York— Captain  Kidd — 
Faction?  occasioned  by  tlie  Fate  of  Leisler— Trial  of  Bay- 
ard—Corrupt and  oppressive  Administration  of  Lord  Corn- 
burry— Slate  of  the  Colony  at  the  Close  of  the  Seventeenth 
Century. 

CoLo.vKL  Dongan  did  not  arrive  at  the  Sfiat  of  !iis 
goveriinieiit  till  a  year  after  the  date  of  his  appoint- 
tiietil ;  [168:1.]  a  delay  wliicli  appears  to  have  created 
•some  uneasiness,  and  was  probably  beneficial  to  the 
people,  in  affording  time  for  the  first  ardor  of  an  ill- 
niented  loyalty  to  cool,  and  sii2<jesting  the  precautions 
for  preserving  liberty  that  should  signalise  the  first  op- 
])ortunity  of  exercising  it.  To  relieve  the  public  ap- 
prehensions, the  governor  proceeded  at  once  to  issue 
v.rits  to  the  sheriffs,  to  convene  the  freeholders,  for  the 
pur|>ose  of  electing  their  representatives  in  the  assembly; 
ttiid  this  legislative  body  soon  afterwards  held  its  first 
meeting  at  New  York,  to  the  great  satisfaction  of  the 
whole  province.  One  of  the  first  ordinances  which  it 
framed  naturally  arose  from  the  mixture  of  nations  of 
which  the  popylation  was  composed,  and  was  an  act  of 
general  naturalization,  securing  and  extending  equal 
privileges  to  all.  From  this  period  the  Dutch  and 
English  at  New  York  were  firmly  compacted  iiilo  one 
national  body.  They  saw  the  daui;hlcr  of  their  com- 
mon pro|M:ielary  married  to  the  Stadtholder  ol  llolUiid, 
and  willingly  cemented  iheir  own  union  by  Ireiiuenl 
intermarriage  and  the  lies  of  consang  unity.  There  was 
passed,  at  the  same  time,  an  act  declaring  the  liberties 
ol  the|ieople,  and  one  fordefraying  the  rcipiisite  charges 
of  government  for  a  limited  time.  These,  with  a  lew 
other  laws  regulating  the  internal  economy  of  the  pro- 
vince, and,  in  particular,  enacting  its  division  into 
co'in'ie?,  were  transmitted  lo  the  Duke  of  Vork.  and  re- 
ceived tiis  confirmation,  as  proprietary,  in  the  lollowiiig 
year.  [1684J  An  amicable  treaty,  which  the  governor 
effected,  about  the  same  tune,  with  the  provincial  au- 
thorities of  Connecticut,  terminated,  at  length  the  long- 
subsisting  dispute  with  regard  to  the  boundaries  of 
Connecticut  and  New  York. 

But  the  admmistralion  of  Colonel  Dongan  was  chiefly 
distinguished  by  the  attention  which  ho  bestowed  upon 
Indian  affairs,  and  by  the  increasing  inlluenco  which 
now  negan  to  be  exerted  on  the  fortunes  of  the  province 
by  the  state  of  its  relations  with  the  tribes  composing 
the  celebrated  confederacy  of  The  Five  Nations  of 
Canada.  Tliis  fi^leral  association  is  said  to  have  de- 
rived Its  origm  from  the  most  remote  anliquity  ;  and, 
a.s  the  name  imports,  tt  coiiiprehended  five  Indian  na- 
tions, of  which  the  Mohawks  have  obtained  the  most 
lasting  name,  and  which  were  united  on  terms  of  the 
strictest  eqiiility,  in  a  perpetual  alliance,  lor  united 
conquest  and  mutual  defence.  The  mcmlicrs  of  this 
imiied  body  reckoned  themselves  superior  to  all  the 
rest  of  mankind,  and  ihi!  distinctive  appellation  which 
they  adopted'  was  expre.ssive  of  this  O|iiiiiou.  But  the 
-irmciples  of  their  coiifi^deracy  display  far  more  policy 
ftnd  relineinent  than  we  might  expect  from  the  arrogance 
of  their  barbarous  name.  Tliev  had  embraced  the 
Roman  maxim,  of  increasing  iheir  strength  by  incorpo- 
rating the  people  of  other  nations  with  themselves 
Alter  every  coiKpiest  of  an  enemy,  when  they  had  in- 
dulged their  revenue  by  some  cruel  executions,  they 
exorci.sed  their  usual  policy  in  Ibe.  adoption  of  the  re- 
maining captives  ;  and  freqiieiillv  with  «o  much  advan- 
td){e,  that  some  of  their  mest  dislinguished  sachems 
and  captains  were  (ierived  from  defeated  and  adopted 
foes.  Each  nation  liad  its  own  separate  republican 
constitution,  in  which  rank  and  ollice  were  claimed 
only  by  age,  procured  only  by  merit,  and  enjoved  by 
Ihc  tenure  of  public  itsteem  ;  and  each  was  divided  into 
three  tribes,  bearing  ros))ectively  for  their  ensigns,  and 
distingnished  by  the  names  of.  the  'I'ortoisc,  the  Hear, 
and  the  Wolf  In  no  coininuni'.v  was  age  graced  with 
more  rcnpect,  or  youth  endowed  with  greater  beauty. 
Such  was  the  efficacy  of  their  mode  of  life  in  develo])- 
iiig  the  fine  proporU'  -••»  of  winch  the  human  frame  is 
•Ufceptible,  tlint,  when  the  statue  of  the  Apollo  Uelvi- 
dcre  wafl  beheld,  for  iho  first  time,  by  the  AiiK^rican 
Apolle-i,  Honiamin  WosI,  ho  started  ai  the  unexpected 
rKCOgnition,  and  exclaimed,  "  How  like  it  is  to  a  young 

•  "  OBgu«-honv/e"— that  ii,  "  Men  (urpassing  all  others." 


Mohawk  warrior."  The  people  of  the  several  nations,  | 
and  especially  the  Mohawks,  were  dislinguished  by  the 
usual  Indian  qualities  of  attachment  to  liberty,  fortitude 
in  the  endurance  of  pain,  and  preference  of  craft  and 
stratagem  to  undisguised  operation  in  war,*  ai>d  by  a 
more  than  usual  degree  of  perseverance,  resolution  and 
active  intrepidity.  Almost  all  the  tribes  around  this 
people,  and  even  many  at  a  great  distance,  who  were 
not  included  in  their  confederacy,  acknowledged  a  sub- 
jection to  it,  paid  a  tribute,  which  two  aged  sachems 
were  annually  deputed  to  collect,t  and  were  restrained 
from  making  war  or  peace  without  the  consent  of  the 
Five  Nations  It  was  the  policy  of  a41  the  chiefs  to 
affect  superior  poverty,  and  to  distribute  among  the 
people  the  whole  of  their  own  share  of  tribute  and 
plunder.  All  matters  of  common  concernment  were 
transacted  in  general  meetings  of  the  sachems  of  each 
nation  :  and  the  influence  of  lime,  aided  by  a  long 
course  of  judicious  policy  and  victorious  enterprise,  had 
completely  succeeded  in  causing  the  federal  character 
and  sentiments  to  prevail  over  the  peculiarities  of  their 
subordinate  national  associations.  In  the  year  1677, 
the  confederacy  possessed  2150  fighting  men.  When 
the  Tuscorora  tribe  was  vanquished,  as  we  have  seen, 
at  a  subsequent  period,  and  expelled  from  its  territory 
by  the  colonists  of  Carolina,  the  fugitives  proposed, 
and  were  permitted,  to  revive  their  broken  estate  by 
engrafting  it  on  this  powerful  confederacy  ;  and  as  (in 
consequence  of  a  supposition  derived  from  similarity 
of  language,  of  their  original  derivation  fiom  the  same 
stock  to  which  they  now  returned),  they  were  associated 
as  a  new  member  of  the  general  union,  instead  of  being 
intermingled  with  any  particular  portion  of  it,  the  con- 
federacy soon  after  obtained  the  name  of  the  Six  Na- 
tions, lioth  the  French  and  the  English  writers,  who 
have  treated  of  the  character  or  affairs  of  this  people, 
have  concurred  in  describing  them  as  at  once  the  most 
judicious  and  politic  of  the  native  powers,  and  the  most 
fierce  and  formidable  of  the  native  inhabitants  of  Ame- 
rica. There  was  only  wanting  to  their  fame,  that 
literary  celebration  which  they  obtained  too  soon  from 
the  neighborhood  of  a  race  of  civilized  men,  who  were 
destined  to  eclipse,  and  finally  extinguish,  their  great- 
ness ;  and  particularly  from  the  pen  of  a  highly-accom- 
plished writer,  Cadwalader  Coldeii,  one  of  the  go- 
vernors of  New  York,  they  have  received  the  same 
historic  service  which  his  own  barbarian  ancestors  de- 
rived from  the  writings  of  Cssar  and  Tacitus. 

When  the  French  settled  in  Canada,  in  the  begin- 
ning of  this  century,  they  found  the  Five  Nations  en- 
gaged in  a  bloody  war  with  the  powerful  tribe  of  AJi- 
rondiicks ;  in  which,  after  having  been  themselves  so 
severely  pressed,  that  they  were  driven  from  their  pos- 
sessions round  Montreal,  and  forced  to  seek  an  asylum 
on  the  south-east  coast  of  Lake  Ontario,  the  Five  Na- 
tions had  latterly  succeeded  in  gaining  a  decided  ad- 
vantage, and  had  in  turn  constrained  their  enemies  lo 
abandon  their  lands  situated  above  the  Three  Riecrs, 
and  fly  for  safety  behind  the  strait  where  (Quebec  was 
built.  The  tide  of  success,  however,  was  suddenly 
turned  by  the  arrival  of  Champlain,  who  conducted  the 
French  colony,  and  who  naturally  joined  the  Adiron- 
dacks,  because  I'.e  had  settled  on  their  lands.  The 
conduct,  the  bravery,  and  espicially  ihe  fire-arms,  of 
these  new  allies  of  the  enemy,  proved  an  overmatch 
for  the  skill  and  intre|)idity  of  the  Five  Nations,  who 
were  defeated  in  several  battles,  and  reduced  to  tlie 
greatest  distress.  It  was  at  this  critical  juncture  that 
the  first  Dutch  shi|)  arrived  in  Hudson's  river,  with  the 
colomsts  who  established  themselves  at  Albany.  The 
Five  Nations,  easily  procuring  from  these  neighbors  a 
su|)|)ly  of  that  species  of  arms  to  which  alone  their  ene- 
mies had  been  indebted  for  their  superiority,  revived 
the  war  with  such  im])etuosity  and  success,  that  the 
nation  of  the  .\dirondacks  was  completely  annihilated  ; 
and  the  French  too  late  discovered,  that  they  had 
espoused  the  fortunes  of  the  weaker  people. J:  Hence 

*  In  this  peculiarity  most  of  the  Indian  tribes  resembled  the 
ancient  Spartans ;  as  they  did  also  in  the  diligence  wilh  which 
llioy  cultivated  conciseness  of  speech. 

t  "  1  have  often  had  opportunity  lo  observe  what  anxiety 
the  poor  Indians  were  under,  while  those  two  old  men  re- 
mained in  that  p.irt  o''  the  country  where  I  waa.  An  old  Mo- 
h  iwk  sachem,  in  a  poor  blanket,  and  dirly  shirt,  may  be  seen 
issuini;  Ins  orders  with  as  arbitrary  an  authority  as  a  Roman 
dictator."    Golden,  i.  4. 

}  To  uiiiuso  Iho  French,  the  Five  Nations,  at  one  time, 
sent  them  a  proposal  of  peace,  lo  which  the  French  readily 
inclinms,  requested  them  lo  receive  a  dt  putatlon  of  Jesuits, 
whose  cjcrtions,  they  expected,  would  sincerely  conciliate 
Ihrir  friendship.  The  Five  Nations  willingly  attreed,  .ind 
desired  to  »e(!  the  priests  immediately  ;  liul  the  in.slanl  they 
got  hold  of  thein,  they  marched  to  atl  ick  the  Indian  allies  of 
the  French,  and  lakini;  the  priests  with  them  as  ho.4taso.<,  to 
enforce  the  ncniraiity  of  their  coimtiymcn,  gave  the  Adirond- 
ack! a  mgnal  dcfuat.    Colden,  i.  Sy. 


originated  the  mutual  dread  and  enmity  th.it  so  Ions 
subsisted  between  the  French  and  the  confederatod 
Indians,  and  entailed  so  many  calamities  upon  both. 
The  French,  less  accustomed  to  the  climate,  and  lesa 
acquainted  with  the  country,  than  their  savage  enemies, 
attempted  vainly  to  imitate  their  rapid  and  secret  ex- 
peditions. A  party  despatched  in  the  winter  of  1663, 
by  Courcelles,  the  governor  of  Canada,  to  attack  ths 
Five  Nations,  lost  their  way  among  wastes  of  snow, 
and  after  enduring  the  greatest  misery,  arrived,  with- 
out knowing  where  they  were,  at  the  village  of  Sche- 
nectady, near  Albany,  which  a  Dutchman  of  considera- 
tion, named  Corlear,*  had  recently  founded.  The 
French,  exhausted  and  slupificd  with  cold  and  hunger, 
reccmbled  rather  an  army  of  beggars  than  of  hostile 
invaders,  and  would  have  fallen  an  easy  prey  to  a  body 
of  Indians  who  were  in  the  village,  if  Corlear,  touched 
with  compassion  at  their  miserable  appearance,  had 
not  employed  both  influence  and  artifice  with  the  Indi- 
ans, to  persuade  tliem  to  spare  their  unfortunate  ene- 
mies, and  dejiarl  to  defend  their  own  people  against  • 
more  formidable  attack  in  a  different  quarter,  which  he 
led  them  lo  expect.  When  the  Indians  were  gone, 
Corlear  and  his  townsmen  brought  refreshments  lo  the 
famishing  Frenchmen,  and  supplied  them  with  pro- 
vision.s  and  0\her  necessaries  to  carry  them  home  : 
having  taught  ihein  by  a  sensible  lesson,  that  it  is  the 
mutual  duty  of  men  lo  iniligate  bv  kindness  and  cha- 
rity, instead  of  aggravating  by  ambition  and  ferocity, 
the  ills  that  arise  from  the  rigors  of  nature,  and  the 
frailty  of  liiiin  luity.  The  French  governor  expressed 
much  gratitude  lor  Corlear"s  kindness,  and  the  Indians 
never  resented  his  benevolent  stratagem  :  but  their 
mutual  warfare  continued  unabated.  .•\t  length,  after 
a  long  |)criod  of  severe  bul  indecisive  hostilities,  both 
parties,  wearied  of  war,  but  not  exhausted  of  animo- 
sity, agreed  to  a  general  peace,  which  was  concluded 
in  the  year  16li7.  and  had  subsisted  ever  since  with- 
out any  considerable  interruption,  at  the  period  when 
Colonel  Dongan  was  made  governor  of  New  York. 

Of  the  relation  that  subsisted  between  the  Dutch  and 
the  Five  Nations,  only  confused  and  uncertain  accounts 
have  been  preserved.  The  writers  who  have  asserted 
that  the  Dutch  were  continually  in  close  alliance  and 
friendship  with  the  Indians,  sectn  to  have  derived  their 
statements  entirely  from  their  own  ideas  of  what  was 
probable,  and  to  have  mi.-.taken  for  an  expression  of 
particular  friendship,  the  indiscriminate  readiness  of 
the  Dutch  to  traffic  with  friend  or  foe.  It  is  certain 
that  at  one  time  they  were  engaged  in  a  bloody  war 
wilh  the  Indians  ;  though  with  what  particular  tribes, 
there  are  no  means  of  asceriaiiiiiig  ;  and  that  durii.g 
Stuyvesant's  administration  ihey  enjoyed  a  peace  with 
them,  of  which  the  benefit  was  transmitted  to  the 
English.  When  Colonel  Nichols  assumed  tliegovern- 
iiieiit  of  New  York,  he  entered  into  a  friendly  treaty 
with  the  Five  Nations  ;  which,  however,  till  the  arrival 
of  Dongan,  seems  to  have  been  producti  e  of  no  farther 
connexion  than  an  extensive  commercial  intercourse, 
in  which  the  Indians  supplied  the  English  with  peltry 
in  return  lor  arms  and  ammunition,  of  the  use  of  which, 
as  long  as  they  v.ere  not  employed  against  themselves, 
the  venders  were  entirely,  and,  as  it  proved,  unfor- 
tunately, regardless.  The  Indians  adhered  lo  the  treaty 
with  strict  fidelity  ;  but  always  showed  a  scrupulous 
niceness  in  exacting  the  demonstrations  of  respect  due 
to  an  independent  people  ;  and  in  particular  when  any 
of  their  forces  had  occasion  lo  pass  near  ihe  English 
forts,  they  expected  to  be  saluted  with  military  honora. 
In  the  mean  lime  the  French  Canadians  were  not  re- 
miss in  availing  themselves  of  their  deliverance  from 
the  hostilities  of  these  lormidable  Indians.  They  ad- 
vanced their  settlements  along  the  river  St.  Lawrenco, 
and  111  the  year  167"^  built  Fort  Frontignac  on  its  norlb- 
west  bank,  where  it  rushes  from  the  vast  parent  waters 
of  Ontario.  Wilh  a  |«jlicy  proportioned  lo  me  vigor  of 
their  advances,  they  filled  the  Indian  settlements  with 
their  missionaries,  who  laboring  with  great  activity  and 
success,  multiplied  converts  to  their  doctrines,  and  al- 
lies to  their  countrymen.  The  praying  Indians,  as  the 
French  termed  their  converts,  were  either  neutral,  or, 
more  frequeiillv.  llieir  auxiliaries  in  war.  Hie  Jesuits 
preached  not  lo  their  Indian  auditors  the  doctrines  that 
most  deeply  wound  the  pride  ol  human  nature,  nor  a 
lofty  morality  which  ihc  conduct  of  the  bulk  of  ill 
nominal  jirolessors  practically  denies  and  disgraces. 
They  required  of  their  c  oiiverts  but  a  superficial  change ; 
an  embracemeiit  c«f  one  supersliiion  in  place  of  ano- 

•  This  man  enjoyed  great  inlluencc  wilh  Ihe  Indian*,  whj 
after  his  death,  ahvavs  addressed  the  novcrnors  of  New  Yorit 
with  the  lille  ol  Corlear.  as  the  ii.-»ine  most  cxpretsive  ol 
rcj;>cct  thai  Ihoj  could  emiiloi-.    Colden,  i.  \IX 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


309 


ther;  and  thev  entertained  their  senses,  and  impressed 
their  iinaginations,  by  a  ceremonial  at  once  picturesque 
ond  mysterious.  Yet  as,  from  the  weakness  of  man, 
an  admixture  of  error  is  inseparable  from  the  best  sys- 
tem of  doctrin  j,  so,  from  the  goodness  of  God,  a  ray  of 
truth  is  found  to  pervade  even  the  worst.  The  in- 
Kructions  of  tlie  Jesuits,  from  which  the  lineaments  of 
Christianity  were  not  wholly  obliter.ited,  may  have  con- 
tributed, in  some  instances,  to  form  the  divine  image 
in  the  minds  of  the  Indians  ;  and  the  good  seed,  un- 
cboked  bv  the  tares,  may,  in  some  places,  have  sprung 
op  to  everlasting  life.  The  moral  and  domestic  pre- 
cepts contained  in  the  Scriptures  were  communicated, 
in  some  instances,  with  a  happy  effect :  and  various  con- 
gregations of  Indian  couvert.s  were  persuaded  by  the 
Jesuits  to  build  villages  in  Canada  in  the  same  style  as 
the  French  colonists,  to  adopt  European  husbandry, 
and  to  renounce  spirituous  liquors.  The  visible  sepa- 
ration of  the  catholic  priests  from  the  family  of  man- 
kind, bv  a  superstitious  renunciation  of  conjugal  and 
parental  ties,  gave  no  .'^mall  sacrediiess  to  their  charac- 
ter, and  a  strong  prevailing  power  to  their  addresses. 
In  the  discharge  of  what  thev  conceived  their  duty. 
Iheir  courage  and  perseverance  were  equalled  only  by 
iheir  address  and  activity.  They  had  already  com- 
passed sea  and  land  to  make  proselytes,  and  the  threats 
of  death  and  torture  could  not  deter  them  from  e.xe- 
cuting  their  commission.  Many  of  them,  though  com- 
manded to  depart,  continued  to  remain  among  tribes 
that  were  at  war  with  their  countrymen  ;  and  some  of 
them,  on  the  principle  of  becoming  all  things  to  all 
men,  embraced  Indian  habits  of  living.  One  of  these 
last,  established  himself  so  firmly  in  the  affections  of 
one  of  the  tribes  of  the  Five  Nations,  th  it  aUhou^h  thev 
continued  faithful  to  the  national  cnmitv  aijainst  the 
French,  they  adopted  him  as  a  brother,  and  elected 
him  a  sachem.  With  such  industry,  resolution,  and 
insinuation,  did  the  French  Jesuits  exert  thciuselves 
to  recommend  their  f^ith  and  their  country  lo  the  af- 
fections of  the  Indians.  The  French  laitv,  too.  and 
especially  their  civil  and  military  officers  and  soldiery, 
succeeded  better  thm  the  generality  of  the  Eiicrlish,  in 
recommending  themselves  to  (he  good  graces  of  the 
savages.  French  vanity  was  productive  of  more  po- 
liteness and  accommodation*  than  English  pride  ;  and 
even  the  displeasure  that  the  French  sometimes  ex- 
cited by  the  commission  of  injuries,  was  less  intolerable 
tlian  the  provocation  that  the  English  too  frequently 
inspired  by  a  display  of  insolence.  The  stubborn  dis- 
Jo^ition  of  the  English  was  best  fitted  to  contend  with 
the  obstructions  of  nat'jre  ;  the  pliancy  and  vivacity 
of  the  French,  to  prevail  over  the  jealousy  of  the  na- 
tives. There  were  as  yet  no  protestant  missions  in 
this  quarter  of  America,  which,  in  the  following  cen- 
tury, some  New  England  clergymen,  aiited  by  a  reli- 
gious society  in  Scotland,  were  destined  to  illustrate 
by  noble  and  successful  exertions  of  missionary  labor. 

Colonel  Dongan,  who  was  not,  like  his  predecessors, 
encumbered  with  a  monopoly  of  all  the  functions  of  go- 
vernment, nor  absorbed  in  struggles  with  popular  dis- 
content, had  leisure  for  a  wider  survey  of  the  state  of 
his  countrymen's  relations  with  the  Indians,  and  vcrv 
soon  discovered  that  the  peace  which  was  so  advan- 
tageous to  the  French  Canadian  colonists,  by  enabling 
them  to  extend  their  fortifications  and  their  commerce 
over  a  vast  extent  of  country,  was  productive  of 
severe  inconve>.'ence  to  some  of  the  colonies  of 
Britain,  and  threatened  serious  danger  to  them  all. 
The  Five  Nations,  inflamed  by  their  passion  for  war, 
and  finding  a  pretext  for  its  gratification  in  the  recol- 
lection of  numerous  insults  that  had  been  offered  to 
them  in  the  season  of  their  adversity,  had  turned  their 
arms  southward,  and  conquered  the  country  from  the 
Missi.';sippi  to  the  borders  of  Carolina  ;  exterminating 
numerous  tribes  and  nations  in  their  destructive  pro- 
gress. Many  of  the  Indian  allies  of  Virginia  and  Ma- 
ryland sustained  their  attacks  ;  and  these  colonies  them- 
•elves  were  frequently  involved  in  hostilities  both  in 
defence  of  their  allies,  and  in  defence  of  themselves 
against  allies  incensed  by  discovering  that  their  in- 
vaders derived  their  means  of  annoying  them  from  the 
English  at  New  York.  But  this  year.  Colonel  Don- 
gan, in  conjunction  with  Lord  Elringham,  the  governor 
of  Virginia,  concluded  with  the  Five  Nations  a  defini- 


,  1  .  I'^u"?^"'  '"***<^"6  of  tlie  complaisance  of  this  people  is 
related  bv  Oiam;xon  (ii.  22'.)),  in  his  account  of  a  tribe  of  sav- 
Jjes  who  were  areatly  chaniiud  with  t.ie  good  hreedjiii;  of  the 
rrench.m  always  appaarin-,' stark  naked  at  their  inuiual  con- 
mences.  Charlevoix  boasts,  that  the  French  are  the  only 
c.uropean  people  who  have  ever  succeeded  in  renderiii" 
tnemselves  a^reerihle  to  the  Indians.  Whatever  reason  he 
miy  nave  had  for  this  boast,  he  had  no  reason  to  glory  in  iho 
wcnnj  try  -vluch  they  courtei:  popularity. 


live  treaty  of  peace,  embracing  all  the  English  settle" 
ments,  and  all  tribes  in  alliance  with  them.  Hatchets, 
proportioned  to  the  numbers  of  the  English  colonists, 
were  solemnly  buried  in  the  ground  ;  and  the  arras  of 
the  Duke  of  York,  as  the  acknowledged  supreme  head 
of  the  English  and  Indian  confederacy,  were  suspended 
along  the  frontiers  of  the  territories  of  the  Five  Na- 
tions.* This  treaty  was  long  inviolably  adhered  to; 
and  the  fidelity  of  its  observance  was  powerfully  aided 
by  a  renewal  of  hostilities  between  the  Five  Nations 
and  their  ancient  enemies  the  French.  It  was  at  this 
time  that  the  merchants  of  New  York  first  adventured 
on  the  great  lakes  to  the  westward,  hoping  to  participate 
in  the  trade  which  the  French  were  carrying  on  with 
much  profit  in  that  quarter,  and  which  they  endeavored 
to  guard  from  invasion  by  prejudicing  the  Indians 
against  the  English,  and  by  every  art  that  seemed  likely 
to  obstruct  the  advances  of  their  rivals.  Dongan  per- 
ceiving the  disadvantages  to  which  his  countrymen  were 
exposed,  solicited  the  English  ministry  to  take  mea- 
sures for  preventing  the  French  from  navigating  the 
lakes  which  bolonged  to  the  Five  Nations,  and,  con- 
sequently, as  he  apprehended,  to  England.  But  be 
was  informed  that  it  was  preposterous  to  ask,  or  expect, 
that  France  would  command  her  subjects  to  desist  from 
an  advantageous  commerce  for  the  benefit  of  their 
rivals  ;  and  he  was  directed  rather  by  acts  of  kindness 
and  courtesy  to  encourage  the  Indians  to  retain  their 
adherence  to  England,  and  to  make  it  the  interest  of 
all  the  tribes  to  trade  with  the  English  in  preference  to 
the  French  ;  observing  withal  such  prudence  as  ini'^ht 
prevent  offence  to  European  neighbors.  So  far  were 
these  views  from  being  realised,  that  from  this  time 
there  commenced  a  series  of  dis|)ules  between  the  two 
nations,  which  for  the  greater  part  of  a  century  engaged 
them  in  continual  wars  and  hostile  intrigues  that  threat- 
ened the  destruction  of  their  colonial  settlements,  cost 
the  lives  of  many  of  the  European  colonists,  and  wasted 
the  blood,  and  prolonged  the  barbarism,  of  those  unfor- 
tunate Indians  who  were  involved  in  the  vortex  of  their 
hostility. 

16S,i.]  On  the  death  of  Charles  the  Second,  the 
Duke  of  York  ascended  his  brother's  throne,  and  the 
province  of  which  he  had  been  proprietary  devolved, 
with  all  its  dependencies,  on  tlio  crown.  The  people 
of  New  York  received,  with  im))royident  exultation,  the 
accounts  of  their  proprietary's  advancement  to  royalty, 
and  proclaimed  him  as  their  sovereign  with  the  liveliest 
demonstrations  of  attachment  and  respect.  They  had 
been  for  some  time  past  soliciting  with  much  eagerness 
a  formal  grant  of  the  constitution  that  was  now  esta- 
blished among  them  ;  and  the  duke  had  not  only  pro- 
mised to  grality  them  in  this  particular,  but  had  actually 
proceeded  so  lar  as  to  sign  a  patent  in  conformity  with 
their  wishes,  which,  at  his  uccessicn  to  the  throne,  re- 
quired only  some  trivial  solemnity  to  render  it  complete 
and  irrevocable.  But  James,  though  he  could  not  pre- 
tend to  forget,  was  not  ashamed  to  violate,  as  King  of 
England,  the  promise  which  he  had  made  when  Duke 
of  York  ;  and  a  calm  and  unblushing  refusal  was  now 
returned  to  the  renewed  solicitations  of  all  the  incorpo- 
rated bodies,  and  tlie  great  bulk  of  the  inhabitants  of 
the  province.  Determined  to  establish  the  same  arbi- 
trary systsm  in  New  York  which  he  designed  for 
New  England,  so  far  from  conferring  new  immuni- 
ties, he  wi'.hdrew  what  had  been  formerly  couceded. 
[1686.]  In  the  second  year  of  his  reign  he  invested 
Dongan  with  a  new  commission,  empowering  him,  with 
consent  of  a  council,  to  enact  the  laws,  and  impose  the 
taxes;  and  commanding  him  to  suffer  no  printing 
press  to  exist.  Though  he  now  sent  Andros  to  Nev 
England,  he  paused  a  while  before  he  ventured  to  re- 
store the  authority  of  that  obnoxious  governor  in  New 
York.  But  the  people  beheld  in  his  appointment  to 
govern  the  colonies  in  their  neighborhood,  an  additional 
indication  of  their  princes  character  and  their  own  dan- 
ger, and  with  impatient  discontentt  endured  a  yoke 
which  they  were  unable  to  break,  and  which  they 

*  When  this  treaty  was  renewed  some  years  after,  the 
sachem  who  acted  as  orator  for  the  Indians  thus  addressed 
the  colonial  envoys.  "  We  make  fast  the  roots  of  the  tree  of 
peace  and  tranquillity,  which  is  planted  in  this  place.  Its 
roots  extend  as  fai  as  the  utmost  of  youi  colonies:  if  the 
French  siiould  come  to  shake  this  tree,  we  would  feel  it  by 
the  motion  of  its  roots,  which  extend  into  our  country."  Col- 
den,  I.  109. 

+  So  great  was  the  change  produced  in  the  sentiments  of 
the  colonists  by  this  change  of  treatment,  that  we  find  Don- 
gan writing  this  year  to  the  English  iiuniitry,  "  I  wish  for 
more  forliiii:alions,  as  the  people  every  day  grow  more  nume- 
rous, and  are  of  a  turbulent  disposition."  State  Papers,  apud 
Chalnicrs,  601.  This  censure  seems  to  be  as  unjust  as  the 
retort  which  his  own  character  experienced  at  the  Revolu- 
tion, when  a  body  of  the  in.'iahitants  denounced  him  as  '■  a 
v;icked  popish  governor." 


I  were  prevented  from    exhibiting  to  public  odinia, 
!  and  English  sympathy,  through  the  medium  of  tfco 
press. 

Dongan,  having  been  a  soldier  all  his  life,  seems  to 
;  have  been  fitted  rather  by  habit  lo  regard  with  indif- 
ference, than  by  disposition  to  enforce  with  rigor,  a  sys- 
tem of  arbitrary  power;  and,  accordingly,  the  remain- 
der of  his  administration,  though  less  favorable  to  his 
popularity,  was  not  discreditable  to  his  character,  which 
continued  lo  evince  the  same  moderation,  and  the 
same  regard  to  the  public  weal,  as  before.  Though  a 
Roman  catholic,  he  had  beheld  with  alarm,  and  re- 
sisted with  energy,  the  intrusion  of  the  French  [iriesta 
into  the  settlements  of  the  Five  Nations;  and  even 
when  his  bigoted  master  was  persuaded  by  the  court 
of  I'" ranee  to  command  him  to  desist  from  thus  ob- 
structing the  progress  of  popish  conversion,  he  con- 
tinued nevertheless  to  warn  his  Indian  allies,  that  tho 
admission  of  the  Jesuits  among  them  would  prove 
fatal  to  their  own  interests,  and  to  their  friendship  with 
the  English.  He  still  insisted  that  the  French  should 
not  treat  with  the  Indians  in  alliance  with  his  colony, 
without  bis  privity  and  intervention  :  but  the  Freiic( 
court  again  employed  their  interest  with  his  master 
and  he  accordingly  received  orders  to  depart  from  thi; 
pretension.  The  Five  Nations,  however,  seemed  more 
likely  to  need  the  assistance  of  his  forces  than  the  sug- 
gestions of  his  policy.  Their  untutored  sagacity  had 
long  perceived  what  the  ministers  of  the  court  of  Eng- 
land were  not  skilful  enough  to  discern,  that  the  ex- 
tensive projects  of  France  both  threatened  themselves 
with  subjugation,  and  involved,  to  the  manifold  dis- 
advantage of  tho  English  colonies,  a  diminution  of 
their  trade,  and  a  removal  of  the  powerful  barrier  that 
still  separated  them  from  the  rival  settlement  of  Ca- 
nada. The  treaty  that  excluded  the  Five  Nations  from 
hostile  expeditions  against  the  more  distant  tribes  allied 
to  the  other  English  colonies,  gave  them  leisure  to 
attend  with  less  distraction  to  their  nearer  interests  ; 
and  finding  themselves  inconvenienced  by  the  supplies 
which  their  numerous  enemies  derived  from  the  French, 
they  had  of  late  chosen  to  consider  this  as  a  hostiis 
act  which  they  vs  ere  entitled  to  chastise  and  obstruct, 
and  had  constantly  attacked  the  Canadian  traders  who 
carried  military  stores  to  any  tribe  with  whom  they 
vjere  at  war.  The  French,  under  the  conduct  of  two 
successive  governors,  De  la  Barrc  and  Nouville,  had 
vainly  endeavored,  partly  by  treaty  and  partly  by  force, 
to  repress  proceedings  so  injurious  to  their  commerce, 
their  reputation,  and  their  political  views  ;  when  Don- 
gan perceiving  that  a  war  would  probably  ensue  be- 
tween the  livals  and  the  allies  of  his  countrymen, 
prevailed,  by  the  most  urgent  entreaties,  on  the  Eng- 
lish court  10  invest  him  with  authority  to  assist  the 
Five  Nations  ii.  ine  contest  that  menaced  them.  But 
the  Flench  ministers  gainino  information  of  these  in- 
structions, hastened  to  counteract  them  by  a  repetition 
of  artifices  which  again  proved  successful.  They  had 
already  more  than  once,  by  their  hypocrisy  and  cunning, 
succeeded  in  outwitting  the  sincere  bigotry  of  the  Eng- 
li.sh  king;  and  they  had  now  the  address  to  conclude 
with  him  a  treaty  oj  neutrality  for  America,  by  whicii 
it  was  stipulated  that  neither  party  should  give  as- 
sistance lo  Indian  tribes  in  their  wars  with  the  other. 
Armed  with  so  many  advantages,  the  French  auibou- 
ties  in  Canada  resumed,  with  increased  vigor,  their  en- 
deavors to  chastise  by  force,  or  debauch  bv  intrigue, 
the  Indian  tribes  who  had  preferred  the  English  alli- 
ance to  theirs  ;  while  Dongan  was  compoiled  to  sacri- 
fice the  honor  of  his  country  to  the  mistaken  politics  of 
his  master,  and  to  abandon  her  allies  to  the  hostility, 
and  her  barrier  to  the  violation,  of  an  insidious  and  en- 
terprising rival.  He  could  not,  however,  divest  him- 
self of  the  interest  he  felt  in  the  fortunes  of  the  Five 
Nations,  and  seized  every  opportunity  of  imparting  to 
them  advice  no  less  prudent  than  humane,  lor  the  con- 
duct of  their  enterprises,  and  the  treatment  of  their 
prisoners.  But  his  inability  to  fulfil  former  engage- 
ments, and  afford  them  farther  aid,  greatly  weakened 
the  efficacy  of  his  councils.  Though  the  remonstrances 
of  Dongan  enabled  the  ministers  of  James  to  discover, 
in  the  following  year,  [1687]  that  the  treaty  of  neu- 
trality for  America  was  prejudicial  to  the  interests  of 
England,  it  was  impossible  to  prevent  the  king  frora 
renewing,  in  the  close  of  the  same  year,  this  iiupohlic 
arrangement  with  France. 

But  the  king  had  no  intention  of  relinquishing  his 
empire  in  America  ;  and  his  mind,  though  strongly 
tinctured  with  bigotry,  was  not  unsusceptible  of  politic 
views  ;  though  he  seems  rarejy  to  have  mingled  theso 
considerations  together.  As  his  bigotry  had  prompted 
^  him  to  give  up  the  Indians  to  the  French,  his  policj 


310 


fME  HISTuKY-  OF 


now  s  jgaesled  the  measure  of  uniiiiijj  all  his  northern 
coloiiieb  in  one  govcrnnieiit  for  tlitir  more  clFcctual  de- 
fence. It  must  bo  confessed,  indeed,  thai  he  secins  lo 
h«vo  been  at  least  as  strongly  prompted  to  lliis  design 
bv  the  dtsifc  of  lacilitating  his  own  arbitrary  govern- 
nient  in  tiie  colonies,  as  by  concern  for  their  safety,  or 
for  the  integrity  of  Ins  dominions."  As  his  scheme  in- 
cluded New  York,  and  as  he  ihouglit  the  people  of  this 
province  now  sufficiently  prepared  lo  abide  the  extrc- 
niily  of  his  will,  he  indulged  the  more  readily  the  dis- 
pleasure that  Dongan  had  given  him  by  obstructing  the 
French  Jesuits,  which  had  been  a  subject  of  continual 
complaint  from  the  court  of  France.  'I'he  commission 
of  ihis  meritorious  officer  was  accordingly  superseded 
by  a  royal  command  lo  deliver  up  his  charge  to  Sir 
Edmund  Andros  ;  and  New  York  not  only  reverted  to 
the  dominion  of  its  ancient  tyrant,  but  beheld  its  e.tist- 
*nce  as  a  separate  province  completely  merged  in  its 
tnnezation  to  the  government  of  New  England.  Aiidros 
lemained  at  Boston  as  the  metropolis  of  his  jurisdic- 
tion ;  committing  the  adininisiraiion  of  New  York  to 
Nicholson,  his  lieutenant-governor ;  [KiSS  ]  and  though 
by  the  vigor  of  his  remonstrances,  and  his  reputation 
for  ability,  he  compelled  the  French  to  suspend  some 
encroachments  which  they  were  making  or  threatening 
to  make  on  the  English  territories,  he  could  lend  no 
assistance  lo  the  Five  Nations  in  the  hostilities  that 
were  now  cariied  on  between  them  and  the  French  with  a 
mutual  fury  and  ferocity  that  seemed  totally  to  obliterate 
the  distinction  between  civilized  and  savage  men.  The 
people  of  New  York,  deprived  of  their  liberties,  and 
mortified  by  their  aiincvation  to  New  England,  felt 
themselves  additionally  ill  used  by  the  policy  which 
conijielled  them  to  stand  aloof  and  behold  the  f.ile  of 
the  allies  to  whom  they  had  promised  protection,  to- 
gether with  their  own  most  important  interests  sus- 
pended on  the  issue  of  a  contest  in  which  they  were  not 
snlfered  to  take  a  .share  ;  while  all  the  while  their  coun- 
trymen in  the  eastern  part  of  New  England  were  ha- 
rassed by  a  dangerous  Indian  war  which  was  believed 
on  strong  reasons  lo  have  been  excited  by  the  intrigues 
of  ihe  French.  But  lliougli  deserted  by  the  Englisli, 
tln!  Five  Nalions  maintained  the  struggle  with  an 
tricrgy  that  promised  ihe  preservation  of  their  indepen- 
dence, and  liiially  with  a  success  that  e.vcitcd  hopes 
oven  of  the  subjiigaiion  of  their  civilized  adversaries. 
Undertaking  an  expedition  with  twelve  hundred  of  their 
warriors  against  Montreal,  they  conducted  their  march 
with  such  rapidity  and  secresy  as  to  surprise  the  French 
in  almost  unguarded  security.  The  suildoiiness  and 
fury  of  their  attack  proved  irresistible.  They  burned 
the  town,  sacked  the  plantations,  put  a  thousand  of  the 
French  to  the  sword,  and  carried  away  a  number  of 
prisoners  whom  ihey  burned  alive  ;  relinning  to  their 
friends  with  the  loss  of  only  three  of  their  own  nunib(^r. 
It  was  now  that  tiie  disadvantage  arising  from  the  neu- 
trality of  the  English  was  most  sensibly  felt,  lioth  in 
the  cruelties  with  which  the  Indians  stained  the  triumphs 
they  obtained,  and  which  the  inducnce  of  a  humane  ally 
might  have  contributed  to  inoderate.t  and  also  in  the 
inability  of  the  savages  lo  improve  their  victories  into 
lafting  con(|uest.  They  strained  every  nerve  indeed  to 
follow  up  tiicir  advantage,  and  shortly  after  the  attack 
Oil  Moutri.al  possessed  themselves  of  the  fort  at  Lhke 
Ontario  which  the  garrison  in  a  panic  abandoned  to 
them  ;  and  being  now  reinforced  by  the  desertion  of 
numerous  Indian  allies  of  the  French,  they  reduced 
every  station  that  this  people  possessed  in  Canada  to  a 
state  of  the  utmost  terror  and  distress.  Nothing  could 
jave  saved  ihe  French  from  utter  destruction  but  the 
.gnorance  which  disabled  the  Indians  from  attacking 
iurlilied  places  ;  and  il  was  evident  lo  all  that  a  single 

*  Ciialmer'n  acnnnit  of  thi?  project  of  ihe  king  aiul  of  the 
meafiuros  wlncli  il  produced  (wherever  the  subject  engages 
'kiH  allenlion,  hut  e.specially  in  cap.  16)  i!,  strangely  crroiieuus. 
He  (luolcs,  as  words  u>ed  hy  Ihe  kmu  iii  explanation  of  liis 
flows  (p.  425),  cxpression.t  employed  by  a  dilferenl  person, 
Hiiil  not  ascribed  at  ail  lo  tiie  kuiR  (Hutchinson,  i.  371).  He 
k.iHurts  Hisu  thai  Aiidrod  iiiaile  an  advaiitagenus  peace  for  llie 
Fu  e  Nalioll^<  wjlh  liie  Frencii.  Here  indeed  lie  is  no  far  sup- 
ported liy  an  nulhor  lo  wtioin  incorrectness  is  very  unusual, 
mid  who  says  niciely  Dial  "the  Mohawks  made  peace  Willi 
Iho  French  umlei  liie  inllui-ncu  of  Sir  Ediiiiiiid"  (Jiulcliinson, 
I.  3TUJ.  Iliit  liic  fuel  l»,  thai  llie  Five  Nalioiis  were  at  wai 
with  the  Freneii  dutini;  the  whole  of  Anilros's  administration  ; 
and  »o  lotnlly  unroiinccled  was  he  with  llieir  alfairs,  IIihI 
nciliier  Siiiitli  nor  Colden  vtim  aware  of  hu  having  ever  iMjen 
a  «ert>rid  Inno  ifovcrnor  of  NVw  York. 

t  The  rohdiii'l  wliicli  we  have  nlrcady  witnessed  in  some 
ol  Iho  Indian  allies  of  Ihe  New  England '.Hates,  In  Iheir  joiiil 
riKrr,  may  iiecin  lo  render  lliis  a  vain  upeculalion.  Dul  llie 
•IvK  N  iUoii"  worn  H  far  iiinro  roaiionaiilc  and  iiiIoIIikoiiI  r.icu 
cf  IwinKj  llian  the  l'i  i|iii..K  and  Narrai{haMHi-ls.  Colonel  Don- 
gin,  wlioin  ihey  ironlly  loved  and  reapeeled  (Colden,  i.  53), 
miiiit  linvo 'molliiied  llieir  liosiihtien  liy  his  example,  an  ho 
frogneiiiiv  xnu  ual  altogether  incireclually  allvnipled  lo  do  by 
*Ui  counsela 


vigorous  act  of  interposition  by  the  English  colonists  | 
would  have  sufficed  to  terminate  for  ever  the  rivalry  of  : 
France  and  F'ngland  in  this  quarter  of  the  world.  j 

1G89.]  W  hile  this  war  between  the  French  and  the  i 
Indians  was  prolonged  by  indecisive  hostilities,  a  scene  i 
of  the  utmost  importance  was  preparing  to  open  at 
New  York.  A  deep  and  general  disaU'ection  to  the 
government  prevailed  there  among  all  ranks  of  men  ; 
and  as  the  public  discontents  had  been  for  some  lime 
plainly  gathering  to  a  head,  some  violent  convulsion 
was  fearfully  anticipated  ;  and  perhaps  was  suspended 
by  divisions  in  sentiment  arising  from  the  different  as- 
pects in  which  the  slate  of  the  limes  presented  itself  to 
ditferent  minds.  To  the  wealthy  and  the  discerning, 
the  privation  of  liberty  and  the  degradation  of  the  pro- 
vince, appeared  with  justice  the  only  public  disadvan- 
tages which  they  had  occasion  to  deplore,  or  were  in- 
terested to  remove.  But  a  dread  of  popery  had  seized 
the  minds  of  many  of  the  poorer  inhabitants,  and  not 
only  diminished  real  and  substantial  evils  in  their  es- 
teem, but  gone  far  to  extinguish  common  sense  in  their 
understandings  and  common  justice  in  their  senti- 
ments. The  king's  well  known  bigotry,  his  attempts 
to  introduce  popery  in  England,  and  his  tyrannical  sup- 
pression of  liberty  among  themselves,  inculcated  this 
additional  apprehension  on  their  irritated  minds  ;  and 
the  servile  apostasy  of  some  of  the  officers  of  govern- 
ment at  New  Y'oik;  who  endeavored  lo  court  roval 
favor  by  professing  to  adopt  the  king's  religion,  appealed 
strongly  to  confirm  it.  Some  angry  feelings  that  had 
been  excited  in  the  commencement  of  Colonel  Doii- 
gan's  administration  were  now  seen  to  revive  and  at 
once  augment  and  diversify  the  prevailing  ferments. 
.\t  that  period,  notwithstanding  (he  exertions  of  a  former 
governor  to  adjust  the  boundaries  of  properly  in  Long 
Island,  a  great  many  disputes  oi!  this  subject  prevailed 
in  ll'.e  same  quarter  between  difieroiit  indi^iJuaia  and 
dilTerent  townships  ;  and  on  Dongan  had  devolved  the 
thankless  office  of  adjusting  these  oontroveroies  by  judg- 
ments which  could  hardly  fail  lo  engender  a  great  deal 
of  enmity  against  him.  In  such  cases  it  too  commonly 
happens  that  the  arbitrator  by  seeking  lo  gratify  both 
parties,  disappoints  them  both,  and  is  taxed  on  all  siiles 
with  i>arliaiity  ;  or  that  studying  only  to  enforce  strict 
justice,  he  excites  extreme  discontent  in  those  whom 
his  award  both  deprives  of  the  property  they  had  hoped 
to  keep  or  gain,  and  stigmatizes  as  unjust  and  unrea- 
sonable men.  Most  men  possess  sufficient  ingei'Uity 
to  supply  them  with  plausible  reasons  for  imputing  the 
disappointment  of  their  expectations  to  the  dishonesty 
of  those  who  obstruct  or  withhold  them  :  and  disap- 
pointed litigants  have  in  all  ages  been  notorious  for  the 
vehemence  and  acrimony  of  their  spleen.*  A  great 
many  persons  who  accounted  themselves  wronged  by 
Dongan's  adjudications,  had  made  no  scruple  to  impute 
their  di.sa[)poiiilments  to  the  darkness  and  obliciuity  of 
his  popish  understanding.  'J'hey  conceived  a  violent 
jealousy  of  jiopish  designs,  which  the  recollection  of 
their  wroKgs  preserved  unimpaired  by  the  lapse  of  time 
and  the  character  of  Dongan's  adiiiiiiistralioii.  These 
feelings  were  revived  and  inflamed  by  rercnt  events 
and  ap|)earances ;  the  apostasy  of  some  of  the  public 
officers  coiilirnied  the  apprehensions  of  popery  ;  and  the 
|iainfnl  stroke  inflicted  by  the  establishment  of  civil 
Ivranny  was  chiefly  felt  as  aggravating  the  smart  of  a 
former  and  totally  ditferent  injury.  This  class  ol  per- 
sons esteemed  popery  the  most  terrible  feature  in  the 
asj>cct  of  the  times,  and  tliemsel-ves  as  eminent  victims 
of  popish  persecution  ;  and  considered  these  as  by  far  the 
fittest  consideralions  to  unite  the  general  resentment, 
and  jiisMfy  its  vindictive  reaction. 

While  the  minds  of  men  were  thus  agitated  by  com- 
mon rescntinciii,  but  restrained  from  cordial  union  iiy 
ditferonce  of  opinion  and  variety  of  appreiiension,  the 
public  expectation  was  awakened  and  elevated  by  in- 
telligence from  Europe  of  the  designs  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange.  Yet  no  commotion  had  ensued,  when  the  im- 
portant tidings  arrived  o(  the  accession  of  \\'illiam  and 
Mary  to  the  throne  of  England,  and  of  the  successful 
insurrection  at  Boston  which  had  terminated  the  go- 
vernment of  Andros.  Even  the  contagious  ferment 
excited  by  this  last  intelligence  might  have  subsided 
without  producing  an  explosiou  of  pooular  violence,  if 
the  conduct  of  the  local  authorities  i  New  York  had 
not  indicated  an  intention  to  resist,  oi  at  least  a  hcsita- 

*  "  May  they  bo  perpetually  defeated  injudicial  controver- 
sies," was  llioui;ht  bv  liie  (Jreeks  a  curse  worlliv  o(  i)eini;  in- 
Keiled  :n  llie  drniinrialion  ihey  iiiihliNlied  ag;iiiisl  sucli  as 
siiould  violate  the  Aiiiphii'tionic  enuauenieiit.  Il  is  an  obser- 
vation of  TlnirydideK  that  men  arr  much  more  cxasperaled 
by  a  supposed  jnjuittico  of  which  Ihc  benefit  Hccriies  lo  their 
equals,  than  hy  lliu  most  violent  usurpation  coiniiultud  by 
ll.uu  bupcnurs. 


lion  to  concur  with,  the  general  revolution  of  the 
pire.  Nicholson,  the  lieutenant-governor,  and  hii 
council,  not  only  refrained  from  proclaimn  ^  William 
and  Mary,  but  despatched  a  letter  to  gove. nor  Brad 
street,  at  Boston,  commanding  with  haughty  menace, 
the  immediate  release  of  Andros,  and  the  suppression 
of  the  insurrectionary  rabble'  who  had  presuincd  to  put 
him  in  confinement.  Nolw  ilstanding  this  demonstra- 
tion of  opposition  to  the  revolution,  the  more  reflecting 
part  of  ihe  inhabitants  clearly  perceived  that  their  local 
government  must  follow  the  fate  of  the  rest  of  the  em- 
pire, and  were  disposed  calmly  to  wait  for  the  «ponCa- 
neous  submission  of  Nichol.son  and  his  ccuncil  to 
William  and  Mary,  or  the  arrival  of  orders  or  help  from 
Britain  to  reduce  them.  But  the  impatience  of  a  con- 
siderable body  of  the  people,  and  especially  of  those  w  ho 
were  panic  struck  with  the  terrors  of  popery,  could  not 
abide  tliis  tedious  issue,  and  was  inflamed  with  the  ap- 
prehension of  some  notable  piece  of  craft  from  Nichol- 
son and  his  associates  in  office  t 

This  party  found  a  chief  in  Jacob  Leisler,  a  man  of 
eager  headlong  temper  and  narrow  capacity,  and  whoso 
zeal  against  popery  and  former  ill  treatment  by  .\ndros, 
seemed  lo  designate  him  the  proper  leader  of  the  oppo- 
sition to  the  political  and  religious  enemies  of  the  pro- 
vince. He  had  already  committed  the  first  act  of  re- 
sistance, by  refusing  to  pay  customs  on  some  goods  he 
had  imported,  alleging  that  the  collector  was  a  papist, 
and  that  there  was  no  legitimate  governmenl  in  tiie  co- 
lony. Nicholson  having  begun  lo  make  preparations 
for  defending  the  city  against  a  foreign  invasion,  and 
summoned  the  trained  bands  to  garrison  the  fort,  a  re- 
port was  circulated  that  the  papists  were  preparing  lo 
massacre  the  protestants  ;  and  Leisler,  who  commanded 
a  company  of  the  trained  bands,  instantly  marched  at 
the  head  of  a  detachment  of  this  body,  and  making  his 
way  into  the  fort,  assumed  tlie  command  of  it  in  de- 
fence of  the  protestant  cause,  and  in  attendance  on  the 
orders  of  the  king  and  queen  of  England.  The  pre- 
cautions of  the  late  king  had  deprived  the  people  and 
tiioir  leaders  of  the  power  of  diffusing  their  sentiments 
by  the  agency  of  the  press;  but  a  written  declaration 
was  subscribed  by  Leisler  and  his  followers,  importing 
that,  alli.ough  they  had  suffered  many  grievances  from 
"  a  wicked  popish  governor,  Dongan,"  they  would  have 
patiently  awaited  redress  from  England,  if  the  violence 
and  oppression  ol  Nicholson  and  the  schemes  of  the 
papists  had  not  forced  them  to  take  arms  and  secure 
the  fort,  which  they  were  ready  to  deliver  up  to  such 
prolaslant  officer  as  the  king  and  queen  might  send  to 
receive  it.  Leisler,  finding  that  at  first  he  was  not 
jained  by  any  jiersonsof  consideration  in  the  province, 
despatched  a  messenger  to  King  Wiiliam,  and  by  nj- 
ootialions  with  .Massachusetts  and  Connecticut,  suc- 
ceeded in  interesting  the  governments  of  these  colonies 
on  his  side.  But  a  rejiorl  arising  thai  an  English  fleet 
was  approaching  to  assist  ihe  insurgents,  they  were  in- 
stantly joined  by  all  classes  of  people  in  New  York  ; 
and  Nictiolson.  afraid  of  sharing  the  fate  of  .\ndros,  fled 
to  England.  Unfortunately  for  Leisler.  the  command 
which  priority  of  resistance  and  the  lavo:  of  the  lower 
orders  enabled  him,  his  natural  temper  equally  prompted 
him  to  retain,  though  surrounded  by  men  who  dreaded 
lus  violence  and  reluctantly  submitted  to  his  elevation. 
'I'hese  new  adiieieiits  nad  influence  enough  lo  cause  a 
secoml  proclamation  to  be  issued,  in  winch  the  unwor- 
thy censure  on  Dongan  was  omitted,  and  no  stipula- 
tion whatever  inserted  as  lo  the  religion  of  the  royal 
otliccr  to  whom  the  fort  would  be  surrendeted.  It  hAil 
been  happy  for  all  parties  if  the  jealousy  of  Leislor'i 
rivals  had  been  satisfied  with  this  wise  and  moderalo 
control  over  his  measures.  But  Courilandt,  the  mayor 
of  the  city.  Colonel  Bayard.  Major  Shuyler,  and  a 
number  of  other  gentlemen,  unable  to  brook  the  sujw- 
riority  of  a  man  whose  rank  and  talents  were  infeiinr 
to  their  own,  retired  to  .Mliany.  and,  seizing  the  fort 
there,  deeiared  that  they  held  it  for  King  William,  and 
would   maintain  no  connexion  with   Leisler  Each 

♦  Ciialiner'-,  in  strains  of  i-qiia!  arrogance,  imputes  Ihe  i.ub 
seqiient  p;oceediiiiis  at  New  York  lo  Ihe  rabble  of  Ihis  place 
But  a  couiilrv  where  boiigaiy  and  dependence  are  unkfiowit 
p.oduces  no  cla.is  to  winch  such  an  epilliel  can  justly  beiunn. 
The  whole  arcounl  he  has  f iven  of  the  pioceedings  at  Itiis 
period  IS  defaced  bv  the  grossest  partiality. 

t  Thucydidcs  Ihus  characterizes  Ihe  proceedinits  of  the 
populace  in  one  of  the  revolutions  of  Corcyra: — Such  as  had 
the  least  wil  had  Ihe  beat  success  ;  for  both  their  own  defect 
anil  tne  sulitleiv  of  tlieiradversaries  pulling  them  into  n  i;rcat 
tear  to  be  overcome  in  words,  or  a  least  in  preiiisidalion  by 
Iheir  enemy's  K'reat  craft,  llie'  tiierelore  went  roundly  to  work 
Willi  them  wilh  deeds.  H.  n'l.  llobbes  Translation.  Hobbo*' 
own  suminnry  of  lhi<  passaije  and  the  context  is,  '  In  <o<il- 
lions  and  coiifiision,  thoy  lluil  dislrusl  their  wits  suddenly  UM 
thnir  liaiidi.  and  defeai  lliu  slralagems  of  th«  more  tubtl* 
kort 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


311 


party  now  professed  adhcroncB  to  the  same  sovcreij,'ii, 
end  dcnouiicfd  the  other  as  rehels  to  his  authority. 
Leisler,  thoiij;h  iiitriisted  hy  the  militia  with  the  sole 
ooiiimand,  jiidi^ed  it  prudent  to  associate  some  respecl- 
sble  citizens  along  with  him  in  a  station  that  was  likely 
to  prove  so  dangerous.  Having  fortilied  his  own  power 
by  the  appointirici:t  of  a  committee  of  safety  at  New 
Fork,  he  despatched  his  son-in-law,  Milbonrn,  agiinst 
the  adverse  faction  at  Albany.  Courtlaiuit  and  hi.s 
SDSOciates,  burning  with  resentment,  bnt  averse  to  shed 
blood  ill  such  a  quarrel,  were  relieved  from  their  perplex- 
ity by  a  hostile  irruption  of  French  and  Indians,  [1690] 
which,  by  the  desolation  it  inflicted  on  the  surrounding 
country,  either  rendered  their  post  untenable,  or  induced 
them  to  sacrifice  their  pretensions,  for  the  purpose  of 
enabling  their  countryir>aii  to  unite  all  the  force  of  the 
province  against  the  common  enemy.  Abandoning  the 
fort  to  their  rival,  they  took  refuge  in  the  neighboring 
colonies ;  and  Leisler,  with  vindictive  rashness,  pro- 
ceeded to  conliscate  their  estates.  To  add  strength 
end  reputation  to  his  party,  a  convention  was  sumnioiied 
Hy  Leisler  of  deputies  from  all  the  towns  and  districts 
lo  which  his  influence  e.vtended  ;  and  this  assembly,  in 
which  two  deputies  from  Connecticut  were  admitted  to 
assist  with  their  advice,  enacted  various  regulations  for 
the  temporary  government  of  the  province.  But  the 
acts  of  this  body,  and  especially  its  financial  imposi- 
tions, were  disputed  by  a  powerful  party  among  the 
colonists,  whose  indignaticii  against  Leisler  was  con- 
fined with  dilhculty  to  insults  and  menaces  ;  and  many 
of  the  English  inhabitants  of  Long  Island,  while  they 
exoressed  a  reluctant  submission  to  this  chief,  privately 
applied  to  Connecticut,  and  seiicited  this  state  to 
annex  their  insular  settlements  to  its  jurisdiction. 

In  th:s  -jnhapny  statp  cf  finimosity  and  contention 
the  colonists  of  New  i'ork  continued  altogether  nearly 
two  years,  notwithstanding  a  revolution  which,  by  ele- 
vating the  stadtholder  of  Holland  to  the  English  throne, 
nad  promised  to  unite  them  together  more  firmly  than 
ever.  Happily,  the  quarrel  exhibited  no  symptoms  of 
national  antipathy  between  the  Dutch  and  English,  who 
without  discrimination  of  races,  embraced  respectively 
the  party  to  which  their  political  sentiments  attached 
them  ;  and  though  much  evil  passion  and  malignity 
were  engendered  between  the  two  factions,  no  blood 
was  shed  bv  either  while  their  commotions  lasted.  But, 
jnfortunately,  the  miseries  of  foreign  war  and  hostile 
invasion  were  soon  added  to  the  calamity  of  internal 
discord.  The  condition  of  the  French  in  Canada  had 
heci;  suddenly  raised  from  the  brink  of  ruin  by  the  ar- 
rival rf  a  strong  reinforcement  from  the  parent  state, 
under  the  command  of  a  skilful  and  enterprising  officer, 
thu  old  Count  de  Frontignac,  who  now  assumed  the 
government  of  the  French  settlements,  and  quickly 
gave  a  differentcomple.tion  to  the  aflTairs  of  his  country- 
men. He  set  on  foot  a  treaty  with  the  Five  Nations, 
and  succeeded,  meanwhile,  m  obtaining  a  suspension 
of  their  hostilities.  War  had  alicady  been  declared 
between  France  and  England  ;  and  the  dissensions 
ainona  the  inhabitants  of  New  York  seeming  to  invite 
an  attack  upon  this  province,  he  determined  to  revive  the 
droopHig  spirits  of  his  people  by  availing  himself  of 
this  tempting  opportunity  of  success.  A  considerable 
body  of  French  and  Indians  was  accordingly  collected, 
and  despatciied  in  the  depth  of  winter  against  New 
York.  By  a  strange  coincidence,  which  seemed  to 
have  been  decreed  for  the  purpose  of  staining  the 
French  name  in  America  witli  the  blackest  ingratitude 
and  dishonor,  this  party,  like  their  predecessors  in  166.5, 
after  wandering  for  twenty-two  days  through  deserts 
rendered  trackless  by  snow,  approached  the  village  of 
Schenectady  in  so  exhausted  a  condition  that  they  had 
determined  to  surrender  themselves  to  the  inhabitants 
as  prisoners  of  war.  But,  arriving  at  a  late  hour  on 
an  inclement  night,  and  learning  from  the  messengers 
they  had  sent  forward  that  the  inhabitants  were  all  in 
bed,  without  even  the  precaution  of  a  public  watch, 
they  exchanged  their  intention  of  imploring  mercy  to 
themselves  for  a  plan  of  nocturnal  attack  and  massa- 
cre of  the  defenceless  people,  to  whose  charitv  their 
»wn  fountrymen  had  once  been  so  highly  indebted. 
This  detestable  requital  of  good  with  evil  was  exe- 
cuted with  a  barbarity  which  of  itself  must  be  ac- 
knowledged to  form  one  of  the  most  revolting  and 
torifldc  pictures  that  have  ever  been  exhibited  of  human 
cruelty  and  ferocity.  Dividing  themselves  into  a  num- 
ber of  parties,  they  set  fire  lo  (hi,  village  in  various 
places,  and  attacked  the  inhabitants  with  fatal  advan- 
Uge  when,  alarmed  by  the  confl.igration,  they  endea- 
vored to  escape  from  their  burning  houses.  The 
erhausted  strength  of  the  Frenchineii  appeared  to  re- 
nvo  with  the  work  of  destruction,  and  to  gather  energy 


from  the  animated  horror  of  the  scene  Not  only 
were  all  the  male  inhabitants  they  could  reach  put  to 
death,  but  pregnant  women  were  ripped  up,  and  their 
infants  dashed  on  the  walls  of  the  houses.  But  cither 
the  delay  occa.^ioried  by  this  elaborate  cruelty,  or  the 
more  merciful  haste  of  the  tlaines  to  announce  the  ca- 
lamity to  those  who  might  still  lly  from  the  assassins, 
enabled  many  of  the  inhabitants  to  escape.  Tlie 
ellbrts  of  the  assailants  were  also  somewhat  imjieded 
by  a  sagacious  discrimination  which  they  thought  it  ex- 
pedient to  exercise.  Though  unmindful  of  benefits, 
they  were  not  regardless  of  policy,  and  of  a  number  of 
Mohawk  Indians  who  were  in  the  village  not  one  sus- 
tained an  injury.  Sixty  persons  perished  in  the  mas- 
sacre, and  twenty-sevqn  were  taken  prisoners.  Of  the 
fugitives  who  escaped  half  naked,  and  made  their  way 
through  a  storm  of  snow  to  Albany,  twenty-five  lost 
their  limbs  from  the  intensity  of  the  frost.  The  French 
having  totally  destroyed  Schenectady,  retired  loaded 
with  filuiider  from  a  place  whore  I  think  it  must  be  ac- 
knowledged that  even  the  atrocities  of  their  country- 
men in  the  Palatinate  had  been  outdone. 

The  intelligence  of  this  event  excited  the  utmost 
consternation  in  the  province  of  New  York.  Forces 
were  quickly  raised  to  repel  or  retort  the  hostility  of 
the  French  ;  and,  on  the  application  of  Leisler,  the 
colony  of  Connecticut  sent  a  body  of  auxiliaries  to  Ins 
aid.  It  was  found  <litficult  to  excite  the  Five  Nations 
to  join  actively  with  allies  who  had  once  deserted  them  ; 
but  they  declared  that  no  arts  of  the  French  should 
ever  prevail  with  them  to  take  the  part  of  an  ancient 
enemy  against  an  ancient  friend.  As  the  province  of 
Massachusetts  was  severely  harassed  at  the  same  time 
by  Indian  hostilities  instigated  and  aided  by  Count 
Frontignac,  a  scheme  was  projected  between  the  New 
England  states  and  New  York  for  a  general  invasion 
of  Canada.  An  expedition,  commanded  by  Sir  William 
Phipps,  sailed  from  Boston  against  Quebec  ;  and  the 
united  forces  of  Connecticut  and  New  York,  under 
the  command  of  General  Winthrop,  were  to  march 
against  Montreal.  But  Leisler's  son-iii  law,  Milbourne, 
who  acted  as  commissary-general,  had  made  such  im- 
perfect provision  for  the  expedition,  that,  |)jrtly  from 
this  defect,  and  partly  from  the  inability  of  the  Indians 
to  supply  as  many  canoes  for  crossing  the  rivers  and 
lakes  as  it  had  been  hoped  they  would  furnish,  the 
general  was  obliged  to  call  a  council  of  war,  and,  by 
their  unanimous  0|)iiiion,  to  order  a  retreat.  Tlie  ex- 
pedition against  Quebec  was  equally  unsuccessful. 
Leisler,  transported  with  rage  when  he  was  informed 
of  the  retreat,  caused  Winthrop  to  be  arrested,  but 
was  instantly  compelled  by  universal  indignation  to 
release  him.  Infatuated  by  his  dangerous  elevation, 
this  man  began  to  display  the  s|)irit  that  goes  before  a 
fall.  The  government  of  Connecticut,  incensed  at  the 
aflTront  by  which  he  bad  revenged  the  result  of  his  own 
incapacity  on  the  best  officer  and  most  respected  in- 
habitant of  their  province,  signified  in  very  sharp  terms 
their  astonishment  and  displeasure  at  his  presumption, 
and  warned  him,  with  prophetic  wisdom,  that  his  state 
needed  rare  prudence,  and  that  ho  had  urgent  occasion 
for  friends. 

King  William  had  received  Leisler's  messenger  with 
the  most  flattering  encouragement,  and  admitted  him 
to  the  honor  of  kissing  his  hand,  as  a  testimony  of  his 
satisfaction  with  the  proceedings  at  New  York.  But 
Nicholson,  on  his  arrival  in  England,  found  means  to 
make  his  party  good  with  the  king,  and  instil  into  his 
mind  a  prejudice,  of  which  royalty  rendered  it  very 
susceptible,  against  the  insurgents  hcth  at  Boslon  and 
New  York.  He  returned  thanks,  indeed,  to  the  peojile 
of  New  York,  by  Leisler's  messenger,  for  their  fidelity  ; 
but  in  none  of  his  communications  with  either  Boston 
or  New  York  did  he  recognise  the  governors  whom  the 
people  had  appointed  ;  and  he  demonstrated  lo  the  in- 
habitants of  both  these  places  how  very  lightly  he  re- 
spected their  complaints  against  Andros  and  Nicholson, 
by  subsequently  promoting  these  men  to  the  govern- 
ment of  others  of  the  American  provinces.  He  would, 
doubtless,  have  contiued  to  unite  New  York  and  Mas- 
sachusetts in  the  same  government ;  but  plainly  fore- 
seeing that  he  must  inevitably  grant  a  charter  to  Bos- 
ton, and  that  he  might  hope  to  evade  a  similar  conces- 
sion to  New  York,  which  had  never  yet  possessed  this 
advantage,  he  consented  to  the  separation  which  both 
desired,  and  in  August,  1089,  committed  the  separate 
government  of  this  province  to  Colonel  Sloughter.  In 
coiisequence,  however,  of  the  embarrassed  situation  of 
his  master's  affairs  in  England,  this  officer  ilid  not  ar- 
rive at  New  York  till  the  second  year  [1691]  after  his 
appoiiument,  and  till  Leisler  had  possessed  power  so 
Ion"  that  ho  was  extremely  unwilling,  and  exorcised  it 


with  so  much  envy  that  he  was  exceedingly  afraid,  to 
surrender  it  This  ill-fated  adventurei  seem"!  lo  have 
hoped  to  the  last  that  the  king  would  either  contir.uo 
him  in  his  oflice  or  expressly  sanction  and  reward  his 
services  ;  and  when  he  found  liiin.'elf  no  other  vise  no- 
ticed than  by  a  summons  from  Colonel  Sloughter  to 
deliv(-r  up  the  fort,  he  answered  in  the  languusre  of 
tolly  and  despair,  that  he  would  not  give  it  up  bnt  to 
an  order  under  the  king's  own  hand.  Such  a  resolu- 
tion it  was  unfortunately  possible  to  utter,  tlioui;h  (juile 
impracticable  to  maintain  ;  and  he  only  scaled  liis  fate 
by  this  last  frantic  ellort  to  evade  it,  and  furnished  hia 
enemies  with  a  legal  pretext  to  destroy  him,  which 
otherwise  they  would  have  found  it  no  easy  matter  to 
adduce.  The  new  governor  s  ears  were  now  readilv 
opi-ned  to  all  the  charges  lh.it  Leisler's  enemies  has- 
teiK-d  to  prefer  against  him  ;  and  though  he  quickly 
abandoned  the  desperate  purpose  of  defending  the  fort 
he  was  denounced  as  a  rebel,  and  committed  to  prisoi; 
with  his  kinsman  and  Milbourne  various  others  of  his 
adherents  on  a  charge  of  high  treason. 

Colonel  Sloughter  having  thus  established  his  au- 
thority in  the  province,  proceeded  to  convoke  an  assem- 
bly v\'hich  voted  addresses  in  reprobation  of  Leisler's 
rebellious  conduct,  in  holding  out  the  fort  against  the 
governor.  A  general  act  of  annulment  was  passed,  not 
only  against  all  the  regulations  that  had  been  esta- 
blished by  former  royal  governors  and  their  counsels, 
but  even  against  the  laws  that  had  been  enacted  by  the 
()Opular  asseinblv  in  I6S3,  on  the  strange  and  unintelli- 
l.le  pretext,  that  having  never  been  observed  by  the  late 
king,  they  had  ceased  to  be  binding  on  the  people. 
As  some  doubt  had  arisen,  whether,  in  the  absence  ot 
a  charter,  the  assembling  of  a  representative  body  was 
an  inherent  right  of  the  people,  or  a  mere  grace  from 
the  kills;,  this  assembly  pas.sed  a  remarkable  law,  de- 
claring that  ibi.T  and  all  the  other  liberties  of  i'higlish- 
men  belonged  of  riglit  to  the  coloni.^ts  ;  but  this  act 
was  aftiirwards  annulled  by  King  William.  Leisler 
and  Milbourne  were  now  brought  to  trial,  and.  vainly 
pleading  their  meritorious  servii-es  in  originating  the 
revolution  of  the  province,  were  convicted,  and  received 
sentence  of  death,  'i'he  governor  still  hesitated  to  de- 
stroy the  two  persons,  who,  of  all  the  inhabitants,  had 
first  declared  themselves  in  favor  ol  his  sovereign  ;  and, 
shortly  after  the  trial,  wrote  to  the  English  iiumsievs  tc 
direct  him  in  what  manner  the  convicts  should  tic  du- 
posed  of:  but  he  had  hardly  taken  this  ste[),  when  (he 
renewed  instances  of  their  enemies  induced  him  tc 
alter  his  purpose,  and  issue  the  warrant  of  death,  which 
was  instantly  carried  into  execution.*  The  adherents 
of  Leisler  and  .Miltioiirne,  who  had  been  much  enraged 
at  the  sentence,  were  filled  with  terror  and  astonish- 
ment when  they  saw  it  carried  into  ellect,  and  began 
to  fly  in  such  numbers  from  the  jirovmce,  that  it  was 
found  necessary  to  pass  in  haste  a  general  act  of  in- 
demnity. Leisler's  son  complained  to  the  king  of  the 
execution  of  his  father,  and  the  confiscation  of  his  pro- 
perty ;  and  the  privy  council  reporting  that,  although 
the  trial  and  execution  weie  legal,  it  was  advisable, 
under  all  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  to  restore  th-j 
forfeited  estate,  this  was  all  the  grace  that  could  for 
some  time  be  obtained.  But  a  compensation  more 
honorable  and  satisfactory  was  awarded  to  them  soon 
after;  and,  under  the  reign  of  the  same  king,  the  Eng- 
lish parliament  enacted  a  reversal  of  the  colonial  at- 
tainder. The  passions  which  Leisler's  administration 
had  excited  in  one  parly,  and  winch  his  execution  had 
communicated  to  the  other,  continued  long  to  distract 
the  public  councils,  and  embitter  the  private  intercourse, 
of  the  inhabitants  ol  New  York. 

The  most  respectable  act  of  Sloughtcr's  short  admi- 
nistration was  a  conference  which  he  held  with  the 
chiefs  of  the  Five  Nations,  who  admitted  that  they  had 
so  far  relaxed  their  hostile  purposes  against  the  French, 
as  to  entertain  proposition?  for  a  lasting  peace  with 
them  ;  but  now  willingly  consented  to  bnghleii,  as  they 
termed  it,  their  ancient  belt  of  fricndshtp,  and  to  renew 
a  league,  olfensive  and  did'ensive,  with  the  English. 
"  We  r:".iiember,"  they  declared,  "  the  deceit  and 
treachery  of  the  I'rci.c'-. ;  tl.e  bell  they  have  sent  u;?  is 
poison  ;  we  spew  it  out  cf  cur  moullis  ;  and  are  re- 
solved to  make  war  with  them  as  long  as  we  live.  " 
On  his  return  from  lhi:i  conference,  a  sudden  death  put 
a  period  to  Sloughter's  administration. 

To  animate  the  Indians  in  the  purposes  they  had 

"  When  no  otlier  measures coufd  prevait  witli  tlie  governor 
tradition  informs  us  tliat  a  sumptuous  feast  was  prepared,  to 
wliicli  Colonel  SiouglUer  was  invited.  Wlien  lus  excellency's 
reason  was  drowned  in  ins  cups,  tlie  entreaties  ot  the  com- 
pany prevailed  witli  liim  to  siijn  tlie  dcatli-warraiit,  and  befors 
lie  recovered  his  si  uses  the  prisoners  were  eiccuteik"  Sinith, 
104. 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


DOW  profftsscd,  and  to  sharpen  by  exercise  thei'r  hos- 
tility against  the  French,  Major  Schuyler,  who  hai  ac- 
quired f  xlraordin  irv  iiiMuciice  wi'h  ihe  Five  Nations  by 
hiJ  coiirjgc,  i;ood  sense,  and  friendly  atlcntion  to  their 
interests,  undertook,  in  tiie  close  of  this  year,  an  expe- 
dition against  Montreal  at  the  head  of  a  considerable 
body  of  colonial  and  Indian  forces.    Though  the  inva- 
ders were  finally  coin|)ellcd  to  retreat,  the  French  sus- 
tained great  loss  in  several  encounters,  and  the  spirit 
and  animosity  of  the  Five  Nations  were  whetted  to 
»urh  a  pitch,  that  even  when  their  allies  retired,  they 
continued  during  the  winter  to  wage  incessant  and 
harassing  hostiliiies  with  the  French.    Count  Frontig- 
nac,  whose  sprightly  manners  and  energetic  character 
supported  the  spirits  of  his  countrymen  am'dst  every 
reveise,  [1692]  was  at  length  so  provoked  with  what 
he  deemed  the  ingratitude  of  the  Five  Nations  for  his 
kindness  to  them  at  Schenectady,  that,  besides  encou- 
raging his  own  Indian  allies  to  burn  their  prisoners 
alive,  he  at  leuuth  con<icmncd  to  a  death  still  more 
dreadful  two  Mohawk  warriors  who  had  fallen  into  his 
hands.    In  vain  the  Frencli  priests  remonstrated  against 
this  sentence,  and  urged  him  not  to  bring  so  loul  a 
Btain  on  the  christian  name  ;  the  count  declared  that 
every  consideration  must  yield  to  the  safety  and  de- 
fence of  his  people,  and  that  the  Indians  must  not  be 
encouraged  to  believe  that  they  might  practise  the  e.t- 
treinc  of  cruelty  on  the  French  without  the  hazard  of 
having  it  retorted  on  themselves.     If  he  had  been 
merely  actuated  by  politic  considerations,  without  be- 
ing stimulated  by  revenge,  he  might  have  plainly  per- 
ceived, from  the  conduct  of  all  the  Indian  tribes  in 
their  wars  with  each  other,  that  the  fear  of  retort  had 
no  efficacy  whatever  to  restrain  them  from  their  barba- 
rous [)ractice3,  which  he  now  undertook  to  sanction  as 
far  as  his  exeinple  was  capable  of  doiiiy.    The  priest.s, 
finding  that  their  humane  intercession  was  iiielfectual, 
repaired  to  the  prisoners,  and  labored  to  persuade  them 
to  einiirace  the  christian  name,  as  a  preparation  for  the 
dreadful  fate  which  tlicy  were  about  to  receive  from 
christian  hands  ;  but  their  instructions  were  rejected 
with  scorn  and  derision,  and  they  found  the  prisoners 
determined  to  digiiifv,  by  Indian  sentiments  and  de- 
meanor, the  Indian  death  which  they  had  been  con- 
demned to  undergo.    Shortly  before  the  executio::, 
tome  Frenchman,  less  inhuman  than  his  governor, 
threw  a  knife  into  the  prison,  and  one  of  the  Mohawks 
jmmediately  despatched  himself  with  it  ;  t!ie  other,  ex- 
pressing contempt  at  his  companion's  mean  evasion 
from  glory,  walked  to  the  stake,  singing,  in  his  deatl;- 
chant,  that  he  w;is  a  Muliawit  warrior,  that  all  the 
power  of  man  could  not  extort  an  indecent  expression 
of  sutfering  from  his  lips,  and  that  it  was  ample  conso- 
lation to  him  to  reflect  that  he  had  made  many  French- 
men suffer  the  same  pangs  that  he  must  now  himself 
undergo.    When  attachetl  to  the  stake,  he  looked 
round  on  his  executioners,  their  instruments  of  lorture, 
tnd  the  assembled  multitude  of  spectators,  with  all  the 
coin|)lacencv  of  heroic  fortitude  ;  and,  after  enduring 
for  some  hour?,  with  composed  mien  and  triumphant 
Uogipjge,  a  series  of  barbarities  too  atrocious  and  dis- 
gnating  to  be  recited,  his  .?uffeiings  were  terminated 
by  the  interposition  of  a  French  lady,  who  prevailed 
with  the  governor  to  order  that  mortal  blosv,  to  wliicli 
human  crueltv  has  given  the  name     coup  dc  grace,  or 
ctroke  of  faviir.' 

It  was  with  great  reluctance  that  King  William  had 
•urrendercd  to  the  American  colonies  any  of  the  acqui- 
citions  which  legal  an'hority  bad  derived  from  the  ty- 
rannical usurpations  of  liis  predecessors  ;  and  his  reign 
was  signalised  bv  various  attempts  to  invade  the  pri- 
vileges wliich  at  first  he  had  been  compelled  to  respect 
or  to  restore.  He  was  informed  by  the  English  lawyers 
that  he  coiil.l  not  refuse  te  recognise  the  charter  of  ('on- 
necticut  with  all  its  ample  privileges,  ond  he  was  baf- 
fled in  his  attempt  to  procure  an  ad  of  parliament  to 
■niiiil  it.  But  as  New  Vork.  never  having  had  a  char- 
tei,  wad  judged  to  be  not  legally  entitled  to  demand 
one,  he  determined  not  only  to  deprive  it  of  this  advan- 
U|^e,  but,  through  the  medium  nf  its  undelined  coiisti- 

♦  Cdl.leii,  1.  135.  n.  13;i— 115.  Smith,  107, «.  Surli  fortitude 
*A'n%  nn  iinti>ii]tl  displ:iy  iti  an  American  savage  ;  and  the  sub- 
■•<|".i;nl  I'xcriitiiiii  nf  D.iiitirn  at  Priri.^  rendtTS  the  act  of 
FrnnliiEnac  al  no  sohlary  instance  in  the  liislDiy  oC  rivi- 

U"cd  France.  Thp  eirnilion  of  tho  Cnghsh  ri'gicid(  >i  In  1B60, 
■•id  of  'hi'  9cntli«li  rchcls  in  1745.  exiiiliiltd  scenes  hlUo  h'si 
dlAi^rarcfiil  to  hiimanitv.  Frnbiibly.  In  ull  nuc)i  cases  nf  thn 
addition  of  torliir«  to  di'Stli,  rriieltv  coinpletely  overrcachei* 
lt«elf,  nnd,  divortiiiK  Mi^  mind  of  The  siithTrr  from  the  one 
U^l  rniiiiiy  Hhnsi-  ;iiiai  ii  he  I'nnnot  ri>|)i'l,  relieves  it  by  in- 
TOlviii(  hun  In  the  nnlmniion  of  .i  contest  win  le  victory  is  In 
UIp  own  power.  Tho  inori"  nlmplo  tlic  mortal  net  is  made, 
aiid  the  rnocn  m^lniichidy  reKpect  thHt  \%  shown  to  life  even 
in  taunt  It  iiwnv,  ilio  more  iiiiprt'sslvu  and  forinidablo  an 
cxociilion  aiipvark.  I 


tution,  and  the  utter  absence  of  restriction  on  the 
powers  with  which  he  might  invest  its  governor,  to 
aitein[it  an  encroachment  on  the  envied  privileges  of 
Connecticut.    Colonel  Fletcher,  a  man  of  sordid  dis- 
position, violent  temper,  and  shallow  capacity,  yet  en- 
dowed with  a  considerable  share  of  activity,  was  the 
governor  who  next  arrived  to  represent  the  king  al 
New  York,  and  to  him  was  intrusted  the  execution  of 
the  design  that  William  had  conceived  against  the 
neighboring  colony.    For  this  purpose  he  had  been  in- 
vested with  plenary  powers  of  commanding,  not  merely 
the  militia  ofNew  Vork,*  but  all  his  majesty's  militia  m 
the  colonies  of  that  quarter  of  America.    His  first  step 
towards  effectuating  this  encroachment  was  to  send  a 
commission  to  governor  Trent,  who  already  com- 
manded the  militia  of  Connecticut  according  to  the  in- 
stitutions of  the  provincial  charter  ;  and  the  reception 
of  this,  even  in  the  light  of  a  mere  supcrogatory  confir- 
mation, it  was  probably  hoped  would  pave  the  way  to  a 
more  thorough  establishment  of  tlie  king's  pretensions. 
Hut  (.'onnecticut  hail  then,  both  in  the  otiices  of  her 
government  and  the  ranks  of  her  people,  abundance  of 
men,  who,  thoroughly  ajipreciating  the  privileges  they 
enjoyed,  had  sense  to  see,  and  spirit  to  resist,  every 
attempt  to  violate  them  ;  and  the  tender  of  Fletcher's 
commission  was  not  only  flatly  refused  but  made  the 
subject  of  a  vigorous  remonstrance.     Incensed  at  such 
contumacy,  as  he  was  pleased  to  regard  it,  Fletcher 
proceeded  with  his   usual  impetuosity  to  Hartford, 
[1693.]  and  commanded  the  assembly  of  the  state,  who 
were  sitting,  to  place  their  militia  under  his  orders,  as 
they  would  answer  it  to  the  king.    He  even  proceeded 
to  such  a  length  as  to  threaten  to  issue  a  proclamation 
calling  on  all  who  were  for  the  king  to  join  him,  and 
denouncing  all  others  as  guilty  of  disloyalty  and  sedi- 
tion.   Finding  his  menacing  injunctions  recinved  with 
a  calm  but  firm  refusal,  he  presenled  himself  with  one 
of  his  council,  (Joloiitl  Bayard,  to  the  militia,  at  their 
parade,  and  expecting  that  a  royal  warrant  would  find 
greater  favor  with  ths  men  than  it  had  done  with  the 
civil  rulers,  he  commanded  Bayard  to  read  his  commi.s- 
sion  aloud,  as  an  act  of  declaratory  possession  of  the 
authority  to  which  he  pretended.     But  Captain  Wads- 
worth,  who  was  always  present  when  the  liberties  of 
his  country  were  in  danger,  and  who  had  once  before 
saved  the  charter  of  Connecticut  from  invasion,  now 
sleppcd  forward  to  prevent  the  privileges  it  conveyed 
from  being  abridged  or  insulted,  and  commanding  the 
drums  to  beat,  completely  drowned  the  obnoxiou;  ac- 
cents.   When  Fletcher  attempted  to  interpose.  Wads- 
worth  supported  his  orders  with  such  an  energy  of  de- 
termination, that  the  meaner  genius  of  his  antagonist 
was  completely  rebuked  ;  and  seeing  the  countenances 
of  all  around  kindimg  ir.to  sympathy  with  their  patriot's 
fervor,  he  judged  it  best  to  consult  liis  safety  by  a  hasty 
departure  to  New  York,  where  his  spleen,  at  least, 
could  not  be  obstructed  by  any  exceptions  to  his  com- 
mission.   The  king,  with  the  view  of  covering  his  de- 
feat, or  of  trying  whether  legal  chicane  could  repair  it, 
ordered  this  matter  to  be  submitted  to  the  opinion  of 
the  attorney  and  solicitor  general  of  England  ;  and  on 
their  reporting  without  hesitation  in  favor  of  the  plea  of 
Connecticut,  an  order  of  council  was  passed  in  confor- 
mity with  their  report ;  as  if  the  matter  at  issue  had 
involved  a  mere  local  dispute  between  two  provincial 
jurisdictions,  in  which  the  king  was  to  exercise  Ihe  dig- 
nified functions  of  supreme  and  impartial  arbitrator,  t 

It  was  fortunate  for  New  Vork  that  the  Incapacity 
of  her  governor  was  prevented  from  being  so  detrimen- 
tal as  It  might  otherwise  have  proved  to  her  Indian  in- 
terests, by  the  confidence  he  reposed  in  Major  .Schuy- 
ler, whose  weighty  influence  was  employed  to  preserve 
the  alFectioiis  and  sustain  the  spirit  of  the  Five  Nations. 
Yet  so  imperfectly  were  they  assisted  by  the  colony,  I 
that  Fronlignac,  even  while  occujiied  with  other  hostili- 
ties in  New  England,  was  able  by  his  vigor  and  activity 
to  give  them  a  severe  defeat.  Roused  by  this  intelli- 
gence, Fletcher  assembled  the  militia  of  New  York, 
and  abruptly  demanding  who  was  willing  lo  march  to 
the  aid  of  their  allies  against  the  French,  ihe  men  threw 
up  their  hats  in  the  air  and  answered  unanimously 
"  One  and  all."  The  march  was  eflectcd  wilfi  a  ra- 
pidity that  highly  gialified  the  Indians  ;  and  though  it 
produced  no  substantial  advantage  to  them.  It  was  so 
favorably  regarded  as  a  demonstration  of  promptitude 

*  lie  was  appointed  also  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  by  the 
kini;  »  hu  had  deprived  William  I'cnii  uf  his  proprietary  luiic- 
llons. 

t  .Siniih.llO.  Trumbull,  1. 390 -395,  rind  Appendix,  .Ml— 545. 
In  the  commission  from  CcorKO  the  Second  to  Sir  D.invers 
Osborn  (recited  nl  length  by  Smith,  p.  321,  &c.)  tho  rii;ht  of 
commanding  the  Connecticut  iiiilitia  was  again  coiii'vrrod  on 
the  governor  uf  New  York. 


to  aid  them,  that  they  were  prevented  from  embracing 
Froiitignac's  offers  of  peace.  They  could  not  help 
observing  however  that  it  was  too  frequent  with  the 
English  to  defer  their  succors  till  they  had  becoma 
unavailing  ;  and  that  while  the  whole  of  the  power  of 
France  in  America  was  concentrated  in  simultaneous 
ellbrts  to  maintain  the  French  dominion,  the  English 
colonies  acted  with  partial  and  divided  operation,  ?.3d 
.Maryland  and  Delaware  m  particular  (though  the  quai^ 
rel  vas  said  to  be  a  national  one)  look  no  share  in  ibo 
hostilities  at  all. 

But  the  vigor  of  Governor  Fletcher  was  more  fre- 
quently and  strenuously  exerted  m  contentions  witb 
tlie  house  of  assembly,  than  in  aiding  the  Indians  ; 
though  It  was  10  his  services  in  this  last  department 
that  he  owed  what  little  popularity  he  enjoyed  in  the 
province.     .\  bigot  himself  to  the  church  of  England, 
lie  labored  incessantly  to  introduce  a  model  of  her 
establishment  in  New  York,  and  naturally  encountered 
much  resistance  to  this  project  from  the  opposite  pre- 
dilections of  the  Dutch  and  other  [iresbylerian  inhabi- 
tants.   At  length  his  efforts  succeeded  in  procuring  i 
bill  to  be  carried  throiigli  the  lower  house,  or  assembly 
of  representatives,  for  settling  ministers  in  the  several 
parishes  :  but  when  the  council  adjected  to  the  clause 
which  gave  the  people  the  privilege  of  electing  their 
own  ministers,  a  proviso  that  the  governor  should  ex- 
ercise the  episcopal  power  of  apprming  and  collatincr 
the  incumbents,  this  amendment  was  directly  nega- 
tived by  the  asseintily.    The  governor,  exasperated  at 
their  obstinacy,  called  the  house  before  him,  and  pro- 
rogued their  sitting  with  a  passionate  harangue.    "  You 
take  upon  you,"  said  he,  "  as  if  you  were  dictators.  I 
sent  down  to  you  an  amendinent  of  but  three  or  four 
words  in  that  bill,  which  though  very  immaterial,*  yet 
was  positively  denied.    I  must  tel!  you,  it  seems  very 
uiiinaunerly.     It  is  tlie  sign  of  a  stubborn,  ill  temper. 
Vou  ought  to  consider  that  you  have  but  a  third  share 
in  the  legislative  power  of  the  government;  and  ought 
not  lo  take  all  upon  you,  nor  be  so  peremptory.  You 
ought  lo  lei  the  council  have  a  share.    They  are  in  the 
nature  of  the  House  of  Lords  or  upper  House  ;  but  you 
seem  to  lake  the  whole  power  in  your  hands,  and  set 
up  for  every  thing.     You  have  sat  a  long  time  to  little 
purpose,  and  have  been  a  great  chirge  to  the  country. 
Ten  shillings  a  day  is  a  large  allowance,  and  you  punc- 
tually cxacl  It.     Vou  have  been  always  forward  imough 
lo  pull  ilown  the  fees  of  other  ministers  in  the  govern- 
ment.   Why  did  not  you  think  it  expedient  to  correct 
your  own  to  a  more  moderate  allowance  !"    The  mem- 
bers of  assembly  endured  his  rudeness  wa'a  invincible 
patience  ;  but  tlicy  also  obstructed  his  pretensions  with 
immoveable  n  solulion.     In  the  following  year,  [1094] 
their  disputes  were  so  frequent  that  all  business  was 
interrupted  ;  and  the  governor  seemed  to  have  em- 
braced the  delerinination  of  convoking  ihe  assembly 
no  more.    But  though  his  own  emoluments  were  se- 
cured by  an  act  that  had  established  the  public  revenue 
for  several  years  yet  to  coine,  the  necessity  of  raising 
furilier  su|i|)lies  to  make  presents  to  the  Indian.s,  anil 
the  arrival  of  a  body  of  troojis  from  Britain,  obliged  him 
to  alter  Ins  determination.    He  had  been  required  also 
by  the  king  to  lay  before  the  assembly  an  assignment 
which  his  majesty  had  trained  of  the  quotas  to  be  re- 
spectively contribuled  by  the  colonics  for  tho  mainte- 
nance of  an  nulled  force  against  the  French  t  [1695.1 
The  assembly  could  not  be  prevailed  with  lo  pay  the 
slightest  allention  to  this  royal  assignment.    But  they 
made  a  liberal  grant  of  money  for  the  support  of  tho 
troops  that  had  arrived,  and  added  a  jircseiit  to  the  go- 
vernor ;  who  now  perceiving  that  the  people  of  New 
Vork  were  totally  unmanageable  by  insolence  and  pa.t 
sion,  but  might  be  made  subservient  to  his  avarice, 
ceased  lo  harass  himself  and  them  by  farther  pressiiijj 
obnoxious  schemes,  and  maintained  a  good  correspond- 
ence with  the  assembly  during  the  remainder  of  h.s 
administration.     In  this  respect  iie  was  more  success- 
ful than  some  of  the  future  governors  of  the  province, 
whose  remarkable  unpopularity  during  many  years  of 
honest  and  praiseworthy  exertion  lias  excited  some  sur- 
prise in  those  who  have  not  examined  with  suHiciciit 

*  It  IS  surprising  tlint  he  was  not  sensible  of  the  inappro- 
prialeness  ol  this  observation,  which  had  it  been  true,  woiiirf 
have  rendered  his  own  pas..,ion  exceedingly  ridiculous  But 
the  governor  was  at  all  times  an  mdiirerenl  rcasoncr :  and 
anger,  with  which  he  was  xery  subject  to  be  overtaken,  hcv 
always  been  more  promotive  of  rhetoric  lhanot  lo^^ic 
t  The  lis!  ol  Ihe  respeclive  ipiolas  was  as  follows. 
I'cmisylvanm       Hdl.     Rhode  Island  and  Trovideiice  4HI. 
Massac.liu>clts    350       Connerticul  130 
Maryland  IRO       New  York  «£» 

V;r-mia  240 

This  assigninen'  stems  nowhsra  Ir  ha<  e  rccoivcd  mack 
allention  or  any  r<  sped. 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


S13 


niinuteness  the  whole  of  their  official  career.  Like  | 
notchec,  these  otricers  conceiving  themselves  vested 
with  regal  power  iincircninscribed  by  chartered  rights, 
looked  on  the  jirovnicial  nihabilants  as  an  inferior  peo- 
ple, and  began  their  administration  with  insolent  de- 
meanor and  arbitrary  pretensions  :  like  him  they  learned 
windoin  from  experience  :  but  their  wisdom  came  a  day 
loo  late  ;  the  people  had  ceased  to  be  as  placable  as  in 
fctiner  times  ;  and  the  spirit  of  liberty,  thoroughly  ex- 
ercised, had  become  prompt  to  repel  as  well  as  firm  in  j 
resisting  injustice.  Their  government  was  impeded 
by  the  total  want  of  a  public  confidence,  which  having 
once  deservedly  forfeited,  tliey  found  that  even  a  com- 
plete change  of  measures  was  insufficient  to  regain. 
From  ignorance  or  disregard  of  such  considerations  as 
these  (which  a  very  attentive  perusal  of  colonial  con- 
troversv  has  impressed  upon  nie,)  it  has  often  been 
thought  that  the  gDveriiineut  of  thi.i  province  was  em- 
barrassed by  the  factious  obstinacy  of  a  perverse  and 
unreasonable  people,  when  in  truth  the  governors  were 
.lut  reaping  what  themselves  had  sown,  and  struggling 
with  the  just  suspicions  that  their  original  misconduct 
had  created.  In  the  unchartered  province  of  Virginia, 
as  well  as  in  New  York,  such  also  were,  not  unfre- 
quenlly,  the  proceedings  of  the  British  governors,  and 
the  complexion  of  their  administrations  :  and  Britain, 
it  must  he  confessed,  by  employing  such  functionaries 
and  promoting  such  policy,  took  infinite  pains  to  edu- 
cate the  principles  of  liberty  in  those  of  her  colonial 
dependencies,  where  they  seemed  least  likely  to  attain 
a  flourishing  growth. 

1695  ]  The  remainder  of  Fletcher's  administration 
was  not  distinguished  by  any  occurrence  that  deserves 
to  be  particularly  commemorated.  The  war  between 
the  French  and  the  Five  Nations  sometimes  languished 
by  the  address  of  Frontignac's  negotiations,  and  was 
oltener  kindled  into  additional  rage  and  destruction  by 
his  enterprise  and  activity.  Neither  age  nor  decrepi- 
tude could  dull  ihe  ardor  of  this  man's  spirit,  or  impair 
the  resources  of  his  capacity.  On  the  threshold  of  his 
own  fate,*  and  supjiorted  in  a  litter,  he  flew  to  every 
point  of  attack  or  defence,  to  animate  the  havoc  of  war, 
and  contemplate  the  execution  of  his  plans.  His  own 
bodily  situation  had  as  little  effect  in  mitigating  his 
rigor,  as  in  diminishing  his  activity  ;  and  as  their  hos- 
tilities were  prolonged,  the  French  and  the  Indians 
seemed  to  be  inspired  with  a  mutual  emulation  of 
liuellyV  in  victory,  no  less  than  of  prowess  in  battle. 
Tlic  prisoners  on  both  sides  were  made  to  e.vpire  in 
tortures;  and  the  French,  less  prepared  by  education 
and  physical  habits  for  such  extremities  of  suffering, 
endured  a  areat  deal  more  evil  than  they  were  able  to 
inflict.  [1C93  ]  On  one  occasion,  when  Frontignac 
succeeded  in  capturing  a  Mohawk  fori,  it  was  found 
deserted  of  all  its  inhabitants  except  a  sachem  in  ex- 
treme old  age,  who  sat  with  the  composure  of  an  an- 
cient Roman  in  his  capital,  and  saluted  his  civilised 
compeer  in  a^e  and  infirmity,  with  dignified  courtesy 
and  venerable  addres*.  Every  hand  was  instantly 
raised  to  wound  and  deface  his  tiine-stricken  frame  ; 
and  while  French  and  Indian  knives  were  plunged  into 
his  body,  he  recommended  to  his  Indian  enemies  rather 
to  burn  him  with  fire,  tliat  he  might  teach  their  French 
allies  how  to  suffer  like  men.  "Never,  perhaps,"  says 
Charlevoix,  "  was  a  man  treated  vvilh  more  cruelty  ; 
nor  ever  did  any  endure  it  with  superior  magnanimity 
and  resolution."t    The  governor  of  New  York,  mean- 


•  He  died  very  soon  after  the  restoration  of  peace  by  the 
treaty  of  Ryswick.    Sciutli,  133. 

*  In  truth,  this  emulation  was  more  than  a  mere  semblance. 
Or,  one  occasion  a  deliberate  competition  was  made  between 
the  Frencli  and  a  tribe  in  alliance  with  them,  to  ascertain 
whicli  peo(jle  could  insist  the  most  ingenious  cruelly  on  a 
Mohawk  prisoner.  Of  the  horrid  tragedy  that  ensued,  I  shall 
give  no  further  account  tlian  that  the  Indians  greatly  excelled 
their  competitors,  and  threw  the  French  into  transports  of 
l&ugliter  by  tlie  fantastic  variety  of  the  tortures  they  intlicted. 
The  Frencli  soldiers  appear  to  liave  been  prompted  to  this 
brutality  by  mere  revenge  and  ferocity.  Their  commander's 
object  on  this  occasion  was  to  create  irrecimcilable  enmity 
between  a  tribe  newly  allied  to  him  and  the  Five  Nations. 
Golden,  i.  194,  5.  it  may  surprise  a  philosopher  to  consider, 
that  these  Frenchmen  were  the  conntrymeu  and  cotempora- 
ries  of  Pascal,  Fenelon,  and  Arnauid.  It  will  edify  a  Chris- 
tian to  remember,  that  these  eunnent  saints  were  beings  of 
the  same  nature  with  the  civilized  and  the  savage  perpetra- 
tors of  such  atrocities  in  Canaila. 

t  Neither  the  French  nor  the  Indians,  however,  slew  all 
their  prisoners.  A  great  many  remained  to  be  exchanged  at 
the  end  of  the  war:  and  on  this  occasion  it  was  remarked, 
that  all  the  Indians  returned  with  grer.t  alacrity  to  their 
frends,  but  that  in  many  cases  it  proved  very  difficult,  and  in 
a  Tne  utl.erly  impossible,  to  induce  Frenchmen,  who  had  lived 
z  few  years  with  the  Indians  and  embraced  their  habits,  to 
rMurn  to  civilized  life.  The  English  found  it  no  less  ditiicull 
lu  prevail  with  their  friends  wlio  had  been  taken  prisoners  by 
thi  French  Indians,  and  lived  for  any  considerable  time  with 
thuw,  to  return  to  New  York  ;  "  thoiish  no  people  enjoy  more 


while,  encouraged  the  Five  Nations,  from  time  to  time, 
to  persevere  in  the  contest,  by  endeavoring  to  nego- 
tiate alliances  between  them  and  other  tribes,  and  by 
sending  them  valuable  presents  of  ammunition  and  of 
the  European  commodities  which  they  principally 
esteemed  ;  and  their  intercourse  with  him  fluctuated 
between  grateful  acknowledgments  of  thcs."?  oci:asional 
supplies,  and  angry  complaints  that  he  fought  all  his 
battles  by  the  instrumentality  of  the  Indians.  Indeed, 
except  repelling  some  insignificant  attacks  of  the 
French  on  the  frontiers  of  the  province,  the  English 
governor  took  no  actual  share  in  the  war,  and  left  the 
most  important  interests  of  his  countrymen  to  be  up- 
held against  the  etTorts  of  a  skilful  and  inveterate  foe, 
by  the  unaided  valor  of  their  Indian  allies.  [1697.] 
The  peace  of  Ryswick,  which  iiileirupted  the  hostilities 
of  the  French  and  English,  threatened  at  first  to  be 
attended  with  fatal  consequences  to  the  allies,  to  whose 
exertions  tho  English  had  been  so  highly  indebted  ; 
and  if  Fletcher  had  been  permitted  to  continue  longer 
in  the  government  of  New  York,  this  result,  no  less 
dangerous  than  dishonorable  to  his  countrymen,  would 
most  probably  have  ensued.  A  considerable  part  of 
the  forces  of  (Joniit  Frontignac  had  been  employed 
hitherto  in  warlike  operations  against  Massachusetts 
and  New  Hampshire,  in  conjunction  with  the  numerous 
Indian  allies  whom  he  possessed  in  that  quarter.  [1698.] 
But  the  peace  of  Ryswick,  of  which  he  now  received 
intelligence,  enabled  him  to  concentrate  his  whole  dis- 
poseable  force  against  the  only  foe  that  remained  to 
him  ;  and  refusing  to  consider  the  Five  Nations  as 
identified  with  the  English,  he  prepared  to  invade  them 
with  such  an  army  as  they  never  before  had  to  cope 
with,  and  overwhelm  them  with  a  vengeance  which 
they  seemed  incapable  of  resisting.  But  Fletcher  had 
now  been  very  seasonably  succeeded  by  the  Earl  of 
Bellamont,  who  was  appointed  governor  both  of  New 
York  and  Massachusetts  ;  and  this  nobleman  being 
endowed  with  a  considerable  share  both  of  resolution 
and  capacity,  clearly  perceived  the  danger  and  injustice 
of  suffering  the  French  project  to  be  carried  into  effect, 
and  promptly  interposed  to  counteract  it.  He  not  only 
furnished  the  I'^ve  Nations  with  an  ample  supply  of 
ammunition  and  military  stores,  but  notified  to  Count 
Frontignac,  that  if  the  French  should  presume  to 
attack  them,  ho  would  march  with  the  whole  forces  of 
his  province  to  their  aid.  TIm;  count  thereupon  aban- 
doned his  enterprise,  and  complained  to  his  sovereign 
(Louis  the  Fourteenth)  of  the  interruption  it  had  re- 
ceived ;  while  Lord  Bellamont,  in  like  manner,  ap- 
prised King  William  of  the  step  he  had  taken.  The 
two  kings  commanded  their  respective  governors  to 
lend  assistance  to  each  other,  and  evince  a  spir:t  of 
accommodation  in  making  the  peace  effectual  to  both 
nations,  and  to  leave  all  disputes  concerning  the  de- 
pendeney  of  the  Indian  tribes  to  the  determination  of 
the  commissioners  who  were  to  be  named  in  pursuance 
of  the  treaty  of  Ryswick.  Shortly  after  the  reception 
of  these  mandates,  a  peace  was  concluded  between  the 
French  and  Iho  Five  Nations;  but  not  till  English  in- 
solence and  French  cunning  had  nearly  detached  these 
tribes  entirely  from  the  alliance  they  had  so  steadily 
maintained,  by  leading  them  to  believe  that  the  English 
interposed  in  their  concerns  for  no  other  reason  than 
that  they  accounted  ihcm  their  slaves.  The  French 
endeavored  to  take  advantage  of  their  ill  humor  by  pre- 
vailing with  them  to  receive  an  establishment  of  Jesuits 
into  their  settlements.  But  although  the  Indians  at 
first  entertained  the  offer,  and  listened  with  their  usual 
gravity  and  politeness  to  the  artful  harangue  of  a  Jesuit 
who  had  been  sent  to  enforce  it,  [19]  their  habitual 
sentiments  soon  prevailed  over  a  transient  discontent, 
and  they  declared  their  determination  to  adhere  to  the 
English,  and  to  receive,  instead  of  the  French  priests, 
a  ministry  of  protestant  pastors  which  Lord  Bellamont 
had  proposed  to  establish  among  them.* 

liberty,  and  live  in  greater  plenty,  than  the  conunon  inhabi- 
tants of  New  York  do."    Colden,  i.  212. 

So  many  English  prisoners  have  remained  and  married  in 
the  Indian  settlements  (says  Professor  Kalm),  and  so  many 
French  traders  have  spontaneously  united  themselves  to  the 
Indians,  that  *'  the  Indian  blood  m  Canada  is  very  much  mixed 
with  European  blood,  and  a  great  part  of  the  Indians  now 
living  (1749)  owe  their  origin  to  Europe."  Travels,  iit.  153. 
276. 

*  Smith,  114— 125.  Colden,  i.  159— 210.  The  fulfilment  of 
the  promise  of  sending  protestant  pastors  to  the  Five  Nations 
seems  to  have  been  de'errcd  till  the  year  1712,  when  one  An- 
crews  was  sent  among  them  by  the  English  Society  for  p  o- 
lagating  the  Gospel.  The  Indians  at  first  received  him  witii 
joy,  but  percmptorilv  reliisod  to  .suirer  him  to  teach  the  Eng- 
lish language  to  then  children.  Alter  preaching  and  teaching 
among  iheni,  in  the  Iniliaii  tongue,  for  several  years,  he  was 
universally  forsaken  hi  his  auditois  and  scholars,  and  closed 
a  fruitkss  mission  in  I71ti.  Humphrey's  Hist.  Acc.  of  the 
Society  for  propagatini'.  tuc  Gospei, 'J'Jo— 310. 


Some  abuses  that  prevailed,  and  some  (/isorders  ttutt 
were  likciv  to  arise  at  New  York,  had  induced  King 
William  to  bestow  the  government  of  the  province  on 
Lord  Bellamont,  who,  it  was  hoped,  would  be  easily 
able,  by  the  influence  of  his  elevated  rank,  added  to  the 
resolution  and  integrity  of  his  character,  to  redress  '.he 
one  and  compose  the  other.  Fletcher,  his  predeces- 
sor, had  proved  a  very  unfaithful  steward  of  the  public 
revenue,  and  had  gratified  his  avarice  and  his  parti- 
alities by  unjust  and  exorbitant  appropriations  and 
grants  of  land.  Lord  Bellamont,  on  investigating  the 
particulars  of  Fletcher's  administration,  openly  de- 
nounced him  as  a  corrupt  and  profligate  magistrate  ; 
and  not  only  caused  judicial  proceedings  to  be  instituted 
against  him  and  the  favorites  whom  he  had  enriched 
with  a  share  of  the  public  spoil,  but  at  one  time  pro- 
posed to  send  him  as  a  criminal,  to  undergo  a  public 
tri-'il  in  England.  The  expense  and  difficulty  of  pro- 
curing what  the  law  would  deem  requisite  evidence, 
together  with  other  obsl ructions  which  always  oppose 
themselves  to  every  scheme  for  eff'ei^ting  the  exposure 
or  compelling  the  restitution,  of  official  plunder,  pre- 
vented any  of  these  proceedings  from  attaining  a  satis- 
factory issue. 

An  attempt  that  was  made  to  correct  another  abuse 
proved  at  first  eminently  unfortunate,  and  was  attended 
with  very  singular  circumstances  in  its  progress,  and 
very  remarkable  consequences  in  England.  The  late 
war  had  given  rise  to  a  great  deal  of  privateering, 
which  in  many  Instances  had  degenerated  into  piracy , 
and  the  evil  was  greatly  increased  by  the  readiness 
with  which  James  the  Second,  in  his  exile,  granted 
commissions  for  privateering  to  adventurers  adhering, 
or  profes.sing  adherence,  to  his  cause,  and  who  ex- 
pected that  these  commissions  would  entitle  their  rob- 
beries to  be  regarded  as  acts  of  legitimate  warfare.* 
From  New  York,  in  particular,  many  English  piratical 
cruisers  were  known  to  have  sailed  ;  and.  indeed,  there 
was  strong  reason  to  suspect  that  Fletcher's  hunger  for 
gold  had  been  too  voracious  to  scrujile  the  receiving  of 
It  from  the  hands  of  these  robbers  as  the  price  of  his 
connivance  at  their  depredations,  'i'he  suppression  of 
this  nuisance  had  been  strongly  recoininended  by  the 
king  to  Lord  Bellamont,  who,  casting  about  in  his  mind, 
and  consulting  his  friends  in  what  manner  this  design 
would  be  most  efficaciously  conducted,  was  advised  to 
take  the  assistance  of  one  Kidd,  who  was  reprei«*jitcil 
to  him  as  a  man  of  honor  and  intrepidity,  and  widl  ac- 
quainted with  the  persons  and  the  haunts  of  the  pi- 
rales.  Kidd,  who  was  in  England  at  the  time,  was  in- 
troduced to  Lord  Bellamont  by  the  person  who  had  93 
characterised  him,  and  readily  offered  to  undertake  the 
"ippre^sion  and  apprehension  of  the  pirates,  if  the  king 
would  grant  him  a  commission  for  the  purpose,  and 
place  at  his  ilisposal  a  good  sailing  frigate  of  thtrry 
guns.  The  earl  laid  the  projiosal  before  the  king,  who 
was  strongly  disposed  to  embrace  aiiv  feasible  plan  for 
extirpating  piracy  ;  but  some  difficulties  having  been 
started  by  the  admiralty,  the  scheme  was  dropped,  and, 
unfortunately  for  the  character  of  all  parties,  a  private 
advenl'jre,  to  be  conducted  by  Kidd  against  the  pi- 
rates, was  suggested  in  its  stead,  and  finally  embraced. 
The  king  himself  was  concerned  in  liie  enterprise'  and 
had  a  tenth  share  reserved  to  him  ;  and  the  Lord  Chan- 
cellor (Somers,)  the  Duke  of  Shrewsiiury,  the  Earls  of 
Romney  and  Oxford,  Sir  E-dmiind  Harrison,  and  vari- 
ous other  persons  of  distinction,  were  associated  in  tho 
adventure  as  partners  with  their  sovereign.  Kidd  re- 
ceived an  ordinary  commission  from  the  crown  as  a 
privateer,  with  special  directions  Irom  the  royal  and 
noble  owners  of  his  vessel,  to  proceed  against  the  pi 
rates,  and  to  hold  himself  particularly  responsible  to 
Lord  Bellamont.  Embarking  on  this  important  enter- 
prise, with  so  much  illustrious  character  intrusted  to 
ins  keeping,  Kidd  arrived  at  New  York  Ion;;  before 
Lord  Bellamont,  whose  assumption  of  his  govtrnineiit 
did  not  take  place  till  more  than  two  years  after  his 
appointment.  When  his  lordship  subsequently  reached 
New  York,  he  learned,  to  his  no  small  confusion 
and  resentment,  that  by  his  patronage  of  Kidd  he 
had  been  accessary  to  an  enormous  aggravation  of 

♦  Unreasonable  as  we  may  think  the  expectation  of  these 
pirates,  that  the  English,  who  denied  James'  regal  right  to 
govern  them,  should  recognise  the  same  right  to  the  more 
foriridable  extent  of  making  war  on  them,  this  plea  was  ac 
tually  maintained  by  certain  of  King  Wiiiiam's  crown  b.wyers 
Some  pirates  commissioned  by  James  having  been  appre- 
hended in  1693,  Ur.  Oldish,  the  king's  advocate,  refused  to 
prosecute  Ihcrn.  and  along  with  Sir  Thomas  Pinfold.  Tmdall, 
and  other  lawyer.-,  supported  this  refusal  by  a  learned  u.'gu 
ment  before  the  privy  council.  Tindall's  Es.^ay  on  '.he  Law 
of  Nations,  p.  25—30.  But  other  lawyers  were  foun  1  willmjj 
to  prosecute  Ihenri.-  mers,  wiio  were  convicted  andexecuioa 
llowel,  111.  No.  378. 


814 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


the  evil  he  had  hop<?(l  to  extirpate,  and  to  the  dishonor 
cf  hi*  king  and  of  all  the  distinguished  i)cr!ioiis  wliu 
had  heen  associated  in  tlin  privateerinj;  adventure  ;  and 
that  Kidd  had  already  rendered  himself  more  infamous 
and  formidable  than  any  oilier  pirate  that  nifcsted  the 
eeas,  by  the  extent  of  his  naval  robhcries  and  his  num- 
berless murders.  Lord  Uellamont  vigorously  exerted 
himself  to  repair,  by  better  agency,  the  consequences 
cf  this  unhappy  error ;  and  having  lortunately  suc- 
ceeded in  a|iprehen(lmg  Kidd,  [1699J  who  had  re- 
paired on  a  trathcking  speculation  to  Boston,  where 
he  hoped  nut  to  be  recognised,  he  wrote  to  the  secre- 
tary of  state,  desiring  that  a  warrant  might  be  sent 
for  transmitting  this  daring  offender  to  England,  where 
already  consid(^rable  interest  had  been  excited  in 
the  public  mind  by  the  tidings  of  the  freebooter's  des- 
perate enterprises,  and  vague  rumors  of  the  share 
wliich  the  first  personages  in  the  state  had  taken  in 
supplying  him  willi  ilie  means  of  performing  ilicm. 
A  sinp  of  war  was  sent  out  to  bring  home  the  prisonei, 
«nd  repel  any  attempt  that  might  be  made  for  Ins 
escnc ;  but,  unfortunately,  the  vessel  was  disabled 
on  her  passage,  and  obliged  to  return  to  port.  A 
strong  suspicion  now  arose  of  collusion  between  Kidd 
and  the  ministry,  who  it  was  tliouglit  were  determined 
not  to  have  luiii  brought  home  at  all,  h'st  in  Ins  awn 
defence  lie  should  discover  their  iiilamoiis  confederacy. 
Tins  suspicion  was  indami^d  by  the  artifices  of  the  tory 
party,  who  were  opposed  to  King  William's  govern- 
ment, and  who  vehemently  pressed  a  motion  in  the 
House  of  Commons,  that  all  persons  who  had  been 
concerned  in  Kidil's  adventure  might  be  dismissed  from 
their  einployineiits.  Though  tins  motion  was  rejected, 
ihey  prevailed  with  the  House  to  have  Kidd  examined 
at  the  bar,  when  the  exertions  of  the  ministers  and  Lord 
Uellamont  to  vindicate  their  characters  had  at  length 
succeeded  in  bringing  him  to  England  ;  and  though 
disappointed  at  first  in  theur  hope  of  obtaining  any  va- 
luable disclosures  from  him,  yet  cither  honestly  suspect- 
ing what  they  pwfessed  to  believe,  or  trusting  that  he 
would  be  induced  to  become  a  useful  instrument  of 
tlieir  purposes  (which  he  discovered  more  inclination 
than  ability  to  do),  they  endeavored  to  have  his  trial  de- 
ferre<l,  and  prevailed  with  the  house  to  call  him  again 
to  the  bar,  even  after  an  address  had  been  voted  to 
the  crown  recommending  that  he  should  be  speedily 
remitted  to  an  English  jury.  Kidd  was  brought  to 
tria'.  at  the  Old  Ijailey  in  the  vear  1701,  and  being  to- 
tally unable  either  to  criminate  the  ministers  or  to  de- 
fend himself,  was  convicted,  with  several  of  his  ac- 
complices, of  piracy  and  murder,  and  soon  aflcr  nnder- 
went  the  just  punishment  of  his  crimes.  The  violence 
of  the  Tory  faction  in  England  prevented  tins  matter 
from  proving  as  injurious  as,  more  moderately  handled, 
it  would,  and  perhaps  ought  to  have  been  to  Lord  Uel- 
lamont and  the  Whig  ministers  of  the  king.  Kidd's 
conduct  previous  to  his  employment  as  a  privateer  had 
in  reahty  been  such  that  a  projier  investigation  of  it 
would  have  subjected  him  to  punishment,  instead  of 
recommending  him  to  an  important  trust.  A  charge 
derived  from  this  gro-is  and  cul|)able  neglect,  and  di- 
rected against  all  who  had  been  concerned  in  procuring 
Kidd's  commission,  was  introduced  into  the  articles  of 
imfieacliinent  preferred  soon  after  by  the  commons 
against  Lord  .Soiiiers.  'i'he  name  and  character  of  the 
I'^arl  ol  Uellamont,  in  [jarlicular,  were  ex()resslv  involved 
in  tins  charge,  though  his  recent  death  at  New  York 
prevented  him  from  being  included  in  the  impeachment. 
Hut  the  managers  of  the  impeachment  associating  this 
charge  with  other  weightier  imputations  which  they 
were  unable  to  prove,  and  involving  themselves  (pur- 
posely, perhaps)  m  a  <lispute  with  the  House  of  Lords, 
the  impeachment  ended  in  an  acquittal,  without  pro- 
ducing d  trial. 

But  the  most  afilicling  disorders  that  threatened  to 
nasail  the  goveriiinent  and  cominu4wty  of  .\ew  York, 
were  portended  by  the  increasing  animositv  of  two  Hu- 
morous factions,  consisting  of  che  friends  and  the  ene- 
inies  of  the  unfortunate  I.,eislcr.  The  son  of  this  man. 
incapable  of  forgetting  oi  forgiving  the  tragu  ui  fate  of 
hi«  fdtliirr,  had  labored  inressantiv  for  the  re-e»lablish- 
Tiifiit  of  his  character  and  the  retribution  of  his  wrong."  ; 
and  liaving  oblamed,  by  the  assistance  of  the  province 
of  MaMavh'usetts,  an  art  of  parliament  to  reverse  his 
father's  allaindor,  and  now  proceeding,  with  every  like- 
lihorcVof  fiiccess,  10  urge  a  claim  for  indemnification 
on  arroiini  of  bis  family's  sulfcrings  and  Ioshcs,  the 
ep'rits  of  his  ()arH/.ans  in  \ew  York  wtc  powerfullv 
excited  by  the  hiipe  of  a  triumph  so  liumiliatin"  to  their 
ersaries.  1  he  inutnal  aniinositv  of  the  two  factions 
wa»  ro;isml  am)  whetted  to  such  a  degree  by  the  occur- 
l^acu  and  the  proapecl  of  fresh  opportunities  to  indulge 


it,  that  the  public  business  of  the  province  was  se- 
riously impeded  ;  and  in  the  verv  first  asseinlily  that 
Lord  Bellamont  convoked  at  Kew  York,  except  an 
unanimous  address  of  thanks  to  himself  for  his  speech 
on  the  state  of  the  province,  lliere  was  scarcely  a  single 
measure  proposed,  about  which  the  ineinbers  of  assembly 
found  it  possible  to  agree,  'i'he  character  and  manners 
of  Lord  Bellamont  were  happily  adopted  to  compose 
these  dissensions  ;  a  task  which  perhaps,  if  he  had 
longer  enjoyed  the  government,  he  would  have  wisely 
attempted  and  successfully  effected  :  but  unfortunately 
the  circumstances  in  which  he  found  himself  placed  on 
his  first  arrival  at  New  York,  and  the  sentiments  which 
he  was  thence  led  to  entertain,  tended  rather  to  inflame 
than  to  mitigate  the  evil.  His  just  displeasure  against 
Fletcher,  animated  by  the  discovery  of  that  profligate 
governor's  encourageii'if-nt  of  the  pirates,  at  first  ex- 
tended Itself  to  every  person  who  had  held  oifice  along 
with  him.  or  been  distinguished  by  any  apjiearance  of 
his  regard  ;  and  as  in  this  class  were  comprehended  the 
principal  adversaries  of  Leisler,  the  s|)ints  of  this  parly 
were  additionally  revived,  and  their  numbers  augmented 
by  the  near  prospect  of  supremacy  and  triumph.  Young 
Lcisler's  solicitations  in  England  at  length  so  far  pre- 
vailed, that  a  letter  was  addressed  by  the  Secretary  of 
State  to  Lord  Bellamont,  [1700]  declaring  that  his 
majesty,  from  '•  a  gracious  sense  of  the  father's  services 
and  suH'eriiigs,"  desired  that  llie  son's  claims  of  indein- 
nilication  might  be  entertained  by  the  general  assembly 
of  New  York.  No  sooner  was  the  royal  letter  laid 
before  the  assembly,  of  which  a  great  majority  now  con- 
sisted of  the  friends  of  young  l^eisler,  tliaii  a  vote  was 
passed,  a|)poinling  the  sum  of  1000/.  to  be  levied  iin- 
medlatelv  on  the  province  for  his  advantage. 

Lord  Bellamont  had  now  succeeded  in  acquainting 
himself  with  the  slate  of  the  province  :  and  the  resent- 
ment and  disturbance  he  had  suffered  from  the  piratical 
transactions  in  which  his  own  and  liis  sovereign's  honor 
had  been  so  deeply  involved,  .seemed  to  have  had  tune 
to  subside.  But  the  influence  which  his  good  sense  and 
moderaiioii  were  confidently  expected  to  produce  in 
tranquillizing  the  angry  factions  over  which  he  presided, 
was  intercepted  by  his  unexpected  death  in  tlie  beginning 
of  the  year  1701.  This  event  was  attended  with  the  most 
unfortunate  consequences.  The  faction  that  had  aj)- 
peared  likely  to  be  totally  defeated,  received  intelligence 
that  Lord  Cornbury,  who  was  expected  soon  to  arrive 
as  the  successor  of  Bellamont,  was  prepossessed  in 
their  favor,  because  they  were  accounted  the  pa -tizans 
of  the  church  of  England,  and  began  already  to  antici- 
pate a  favorable  change  in  their  relations  with  the  ad- 
verse party  ;  while  this  party,  at  the  head  of  which 
was  Nanfan,  the  lieutenant-governor,  inat'e  haste  to 
use  their  power  with  an  energy  enforced  by  the  probable 
shortness  of  its  duration.  'I'he  most  strenuous  exer- 
tions were  made  by  both,  to  increase  their  strength  in 
the  assembly  ;  and  the  most  furious  animosities  were 
created  by  the  theoretical  respect  which  both  professed 
for  the  same  fundamental  principles  ;  by  the  practical 
respoct  which  each,  accordingly,  required  for  these 
|)riiiciples  from  their  adversaries  ;  and  by  the  practical 
disregard  of  them  into  which  both  were  hurried  bv  the 
violence  of  their  passions.  The  faction  0|)posed  to 
Leisler's  friends,  being  generally  defeated  in  these  con- 
tests, vented  their  indignation,  and  exercised  the  only 
policy  that  seemed  to  remain  to  them,  in  velieinent 
complaints  of  their  adversaries  to  the  king,  the  parlia- 
mert,  and,  above  all,  to  Lord  Cornbury,  on  whose  favor 
their  hopes  of  victory  and  vengeance  now  exclusively 
defiended.  Colonel  Bayard,  in  particular,  having  pro- 
inoled  some  of  these  addresses,  in  which  the  most  scan- 
dalous charges  of  bribery,  pulilic  ])lunder,  and  oppres- 
sion, were  jireferred  against  the  lieutenant-governor, 
the  cliicf-justice,  and  tlie  asseinblv,  [  1702J  was  com- 
mitted to  prison  as  a  traitor,  by  Nanfan,  under  a  law 
which  Bayard  and  his  friends  had  caused  to  be  enacted 
in  1091,  to  curb  their  own  adversaries,  and  which  sub- 
jected to  the  pams  of  treason  every  |)erson  endeavoring, 
by  force  of  arms,  or  otherwise,  to  disturb  the  peace, 
good,  and  quiet  of  the  king's  government.  Though  the 
attorney-general  of  New  Vork  gave  a  written  opinion, 
that  the  addressesrontain<  d  nothing  criminal  or  illegal, 
Naiifaii,  finding  the  solicilor-general  differently  minded, 
urged  on  the  charge  ;  and,  after  a  trial  more  fair,  per- 
haps, than  in  such  a  state  of  public  feeling  could  have 
been  reasonably  expected,  Bayard  was  dragged  to  the 
brink  of  the  pit  which  he  himself  hud  dug,  by  a  verdict 
of  guilty,  and  sentence  of  death.*    Alderman  Hutchins 


*  The  proceedings  on  tins  trill,  whicli  arc  reported  at  some 
leni(th  III  Itiiwi'll's  Collurlion,  arc  creditable  to  the  legal  kiiuw- 
Icdgn,  al>ilit)-,  and  spirit  iil  tliu  lawyers  employed  to  conduct 
'ixom,  and  espocially  o(  llio  couiisol  for  llic  prisoner  £mot, 


was  immediately  after  tried,  and  convicted  on  a  similai 
charge.  But  here  the  adversaries  of  the  prisonen 
thnnght  proper  to  pause.  'J'hough  the  law  on  which  the 
convictio.'is  had  been  founded  was  an  arbitrarv  one,  it 
had  been  enacted  by  the  prisoners  themselves  and  thcit 
party,  and  never  yet  repealed  ;  and  though  the  convic- 
tions proceeded  on  a  somewhat  strained  construction  of 
it,  there  had  been  no  signal  or  undoubted  dcjiarture 
from  the  ordinary  principles  of  criminal  justice.  The 
prosecutors,  therefore,  had  not  incurred  such  guilt  as  to 
confound  altogether  their  sense  and  huinanitv,  or  impe- 
riously to  urge  ihem  to  complete  what  they  htid  begun, 
and  destroy  their  victims  while  tbey  were  yet  in  their 
power.  Happily  for  themselves,  and  for  the  province, 
they  consented  to  reprieve  the  prisoners  till  the  king's 
pleasure  should  be  known.  But  long  before  the  appli- 
cation on  which  the  fatal  issue  was  thus  suspended 
could  be  made.  Lord  Cornbury  arrived  at  New  York  ; 
and  not  only  caused  the  attainders  ol  Bayard  and 
Hutchins  to  be  reversed,  but  placing  himself  at  the 
head  of  iheir  party,  conducted  his  administration  with 
such  violence  and  ])artialily,  that  the  late  chief  justice, 
and  several  other  considerable  persr-ns  of  the  opposite 
faction,  thought  it  prudent  to  depart  from  the  province 
Lord  Cornbury,  the  grandson  of  Lord  Chancellor 
Clarendon,  possessed  not  one  of  the  qualities  foi  which 
his  distinguished  anceslor  had  been  celebrated,  except 
an  exaggeration  of  Ins  bigotry  to  the  church  of  Eng- 
land, and  Ins  intolerance  of  all  other  religious  com- 
munions. The  rest  of  his  character  would  have  dis- 
graced more  estimable  qualities  ;  and  Aeems  to  have 
formed  a  composition  no  less  odious  than  despicable, 
of  rapacity  and  prodigality,  voluptuousness  and  cruelty, 
tlic  loftiest  arrogance,  and  the  inear.<:Et  chicane. 
W  hetlier  from  real  difference  in  senlimcQt.  or  from  a 
policy  which  in  these  days  was  not  unci  ininon,  while 
ins  lather  had  adhered  to  the  cause  of  James  the  Second, 
the  son  declared  himself,  at  a  very  early  period,  for 
King  ^^'llllanl,  and  was  one  of  the  first  otlicers  wlio 
deserted  with  his  troop  to  limi  ;  and  having  now  dissi- 
pated his  substance  in  not  and  debauchery,  and  being 
obliged  to  fiy  Iroin  his  creditors  m  England,  it  had  been 
one  ol  the  last  acts  of  his  royal  patron's  adinnnstration, 
to  reward  Ins  services  with  the  goveriiinent  of  New 
York.  Tins  appointment  was  confirmed  by  his  kins- 
woman Queen  Anne,  who  added  to  it  the  goveriimcnt 
of  New  Jersey,  which  had  heen  recently  surrendered 
by  the  proprietaries  to  the  crown.  Tlie  public  rvcnts 
that  belong  to  the  period  of  Lord  Cornbury "s  adminis- 
tration* do  not  fall  within  the  compass  of  the  present 
work  ;  and  I  allude  to  its  general  complexion,  for  the 
purpose  of  explaining  how  the  factions  winch  we  have 
seen  carried  to  such  a  height  in  New  York  came  id 
be,  if  not  entirely  supjirtssed,  yet  greatly  mitigated 
and  reduced.  Tins  desirable  end,  which  was  more 
obstructed  than  advanced  by  the  only  respectable  go- 
vernor that  had  been  sent  to  New  York  since  the  revo- 
lution, was  now  signally  promoted  by  the  adminis're 
tioii  of  a  successor,  who  robbed  even  Andros  of  his 
evil  eminence,  and  rendered  himself  more  universally 
detested  than  any  oflicer  to  whom  the  government  ol 
this  province  was  ever  intrusted.  Fo:  a  while  the  ma- 
jority of  the  assembly,  composed  by  his  influence  of  the 
faction  which  had  but  recently  sir.arted  under  the 
power  cf  a  inunijiliant  rival,  adhered  with  ■.niscriipu'ioui 
loyalty  to  liim  as  its  leader  and  protector,  and  even 
after  the  intolerance  he  began  to  ex.-rt  against  the  pres- 
bvterians,  and  every  other  religious  seel,  except  the 
protestant  episocpahar.s,  had  alienated  many  cf  his  first 
political  adherents,  he  found  their  loss  nearly  eonipon- 
saled  by  the  increased  regards  of  those  who  now 
boasted  him  their  ecclesiastical  ally.  Though  iho 
great  body  of  the  inhabitants,  including  the  moxt  ancient 
families  in  the  province,  were  prcsbyterians,  he  refused 
to  permit  ttie  ministers  of  this  persuasion  to  preach 
witliout  a  license  from  himself,  which  implied  that  they 
otiiciated,  not  of  right,  but  by  indulgence.  On  one 
occasion,  finding  that  in  a  township  in  Long  klaiid 
there  were  a  few  episcopalians  iiitercinixed  with  the 


one  of  the  latter,  innintained  a  plea,  w  hicli  »  a.<i  nut  liesrd  of 
till  a  inurli  later  period  in  EiigUiid  ;  liul  illuslialed  it  li)  M 
observation  wliicli  »  c  should  not  expect  to  hear  in  thecourU 
ot  justice  of  a  stale  where  slavery  wa.-i  adiiiitled.  "  Tlia 
jury,"  he  said,  "  are  judges  bolh  of  Law  and  tact,  as  the  r«»» 
It  now  circumstanced  ;  and  il  tlicy  will  enslave  llicnitclvt'l 
and  llicir  posterity,  and  debai  themselves  of  all  accoss  to  llieli 
prince,  tliey  will  bo  worse  lliaii  negroes."  Even  undri  tliS 
liberal  jurisprudence  of  Oliver  Cromwell,  It  wis  declared 
from  tliu  lieiu-li  (oii  the  first  trial  ot  Lilhiirii),  that  it  »as  "t 
daiiinable  doctrine''  to  hold  that  the  iiirv  were  judges  ot  law 
as  well  as  lact.    Howell,  vol.  ir  p.  12t<4,  iioie. 

'  One  of  tln»  first  and  the  most  respectable  art  of  his  admi 
nistralioii  was  a  renewal  of  the  league  with  the  Indian  auio 
of  New  York,  in  a  nuii;eroui  convention  ol  ihe  tribes,  wkicd 
was  held  at  Albany'  ui  ITIU.   OlOinuxin,  vol  i  p.  130. 


1  J 


NORTH  A  M  C  R  I  C  A. 


Presbyterians  who  formed  the  great  majority  of  the  in- 
^bitaiits  and  had  hviilt  a  parsona<re  tor  their  minister, 
ne  fraiid'ilentlv  contrived  to  get  possession  of  the  house, 
and  then  delivered  it  up  to  the  episcopal  party.  Hcar- 
iti!;  sonic  time  after,  that  two  presbyterian  ministers 
from  Virginia  had  preached  to  a  congregation  in  New 
York  without  his  license,  he  threw  them  both  into 
prison  ;  and  afterwards  brought  them  to  trial  for  a  mis- 
demeanor :  but  although  the  judge  advised  the  jury  lo 
return  a  special  verdict,  that  the  law  on  ihis  subject 
might  be  finally  ascertained,  the  jury  were  too  prudent 
to  put  the  liberties  of  their  country  so  far  out  of  their 
own  keeping,  and  without  hesitation  acquitted  the 
prisoners.  In  every  quarter  of  the  province  his  lord- 
ship offered  his  assistance  to  the  episcopalians,  to  put 
them  in  possession  of  the  churches  that  other  sects  had 
')uilt ;  and  to  the  disgrace  of  some  of  the  zealots  for 
spiscopacy.  this  offer  was  m  several  instances  accepied. 
ind  produced  a  wide  scene  of  riot,  injustice,  and  con- 
jsion.  But  happily  for  the  unfortunate  people  who 
were  exposed  to  the  mischief  of  his  administration,  his 
conduct  in  other  departments  of  government  soon 
weakened  his  influence  with  all  parties,  and  gradually 
eprived  him  of  the  power  of  instigating  any  portion  of 
Jie  society  to  harass  or  opprdss  the  rest.  It  was  dis- 
covered, that  not  content  whh  the  liberal  grants  of 
money  which  the  assembly  had  made  to  him  for  his 
private  use,  he  had  embezzled  large  sums  approjiriated 
to  the  erection  of  public  works,  and  the  defence  of  the 
province;  [1702 — 1709]  and  that  unable  to  subsist  on 
uis  lawful  emoluments,  even  with  the  addition  of  enor- 
mous pillage,  he  iiad  contracted  liebts  to  every  trades- 
man who  would  trust  him,  a.id  employed  the  powers  of 
his  orfice  to  set  his  credito.s  at  du.-iunce.  l]ven  after 
this  discovery  was  made,  tie  co.ilrivcu  to  have  some  of 
he  public  money  intrusted  to  his  hands,  bv  alarmino 
the  assembly  with  pretended  intelligence  of  an  ap- 
proaching invasion  ;  and  this  farther  trust  was  exe- 
cuted with  as  little  fidelity  as  the  preceding  ones.  In 
tain  the  assembly  proposed  to  establish  a  body  of  func- 
tionaries to  control  the  public  expenditure,  and  account 
for  it  lo  themselves  ;  and  with  as  little  success  did  they 
transmit  a  remonstrance  to  the  queen.  Their  applica- 
tion to  her  majesty  met  with  no  other  attention  than 
some  private  instructions,  which  were  said  to  have 
Dcen  sent  to  the  governor  ;  their  proposition  to  con- 
trol the  public  disbursements  was  disallowed  ;  and 
when  they  insisted  on  a  scrutiny  of  his  accounts,  he 
warned  them  in  an  angry  speech,  not  to  provoke  him 
to  exert  '■  certain  powers''  which  the  queen  had  conv 
mitted  to  him,  and  advised  them  to  let  him  hear  less 
about  the  rights  of  itie  house,  as  the  hou.>e  had  no  rights 
but  what  the  grace  and  good  pleasure  of  her  majesty 
peruiilted  it  to  enjoy.  By  such  declarations,  and  a 
line  of  policy  pursued  in  strict  conformity  with  them, 
ho  succeeded  in  alienating  all  his  adherents,  and  finally 
in  uiiitini;  all  classes  of  the  people  in  one  common  in- 
terest of  O[)position  to  himself  When  he  dissolved  an 
assembly  for  its  attention  to  the  public  interests,  he 
found  his  influence  no  lons'er  able  lo  affect  the  compo- 
sition of  the  assembly  which  he  called  to  succeed  it. 
It  was  fortunate  for  the  people  that  they  were  com- 
pelled to  endure  this  state  of  things  for  several  years, 
and  till  the  lessons  which  it  was  well  calculated  to 
teach  them  were  deeply  impressed  on  their  minds. 
The  governor  had  leisure  to  repeat  the  expedient  of 
dissolving  intractable  assemblies,  and  the  mortification 
of  finding  every  succeeding  one  more  stubborn  than 
its  predecessor ;  till  he  at  length  convoked  assemblies 
which  absolutely  refused  to  vote  the  smallest  supply 
for  the  public  service,  till  he  should  account  for  all  his 
past  receipts  and  applications  of  money,  and  perforin 
the  impossible  condition  of  refunding  all  the  sums  he 
had  embezzled — preferring  even  an  extremity  so  incon- 
venient to  themselves,  to  the  continuance  of  so  corrupt 
and  profligate  an  administration.  The  dissolute  habits, 
and  ignoble  tastes  and  manners  of  the  man,  completed 
and  embittered  the  disgust  with  which  he  was  now 
universally  regarded  ;  and  when  be  was  seen  rainblini; 
•broad  in  the  dress  of  a  woman,  the  people  beheld  with 
indignation  and  shame  the  representative  of  their  sove- 
nign,  and  the  ruler  of  their  country. 

The  inhabitants  of  New  York  had  now  ample  leisure, 
and  strong  inducements  to  reflect,  with  little  satisfac- 
t.on,  on  the  folly  and  mischief  of  those  divisions  that 
kad  once  enabled  such  a  man  to  enjoy  influence  among 
them,  and  successfully  to  incite  ihem  to  harass  and 
maltreat  each  other,  that  he  might  the  more  sccunly 
pfllage  and  insult  them  all.  His^admmistration  forcibly 
Uught  them  the  important  lesson  that  divisions  among 
themselves  were  profitable  only  to  the  party  who  ought 
to  be  the  object  o*"  their  constitutional  jealousy.  Tho 


royal  governor ;  and  that  union  among  themselves, 
founded  on  a  sense  of  common  interest,  and  maintained 
by  the  oxtrrise  of  mutual  forbearance  and  charity,  was 
essential  alike  to  their  tranquillity  and  independence. 
The  lesson  was  not  lost  upon  them  ;  and  though  former 
animosities  were  not  entirely  extinguished  for  many 
years,  they  never  again  reached  the  height  which 
they  had  attainad  at  tiie  commencement  of  Lord  Corn- 
burv's  administration.  This  worthless  personage  con- 
tinued for  a  considerable  period  to  remind  the  peo- 
ple by  his  presence  of  the  salutary  lessons  they 
had  derived  from  his  administration,  even  after  ihey 
had  obtained  a  dcliverence  from  its  burden.  In  the 
year  1709,  Queen  Anne  was  at  length  compelled  by  the 
reiterated  and  unanimous  complaints  of  New  York  and 
New  Jersey  (where  he  was  equally  odious),  to  super- 
sede his  commission,  and  appoint  Lord  Lovelace  to 
succeed  him  ;  and  no  sooner  was  he  deprived  of  his 
office,  than  his  creditors  threw  him  into  the  same  prison, 
where  he  had  unjustly  confined  many  worthier  men. 
Thus  degraded  from  office  by  his  public  crimes,  and 
deprived  of  liberty  by  his  private  vice  and  dishonesty, 
this  kinsman  of  his  queen  remained  a  prisoner  for  debt 
in  the  province  he  had  governed,  till  the  death  of  his 
father,  by  elevating  him  to  the  peerage,  entitled  him  to 
his  liberation.*  He  then  returned  to  Europe,  and  died 
in  the  year  1723. 

Both  before  and  after  the  British  Revolution,  the  pro- 
vince of  New  York  had  received  large  additions  to  the 
number  of  its  inhabitants  from  all  the  various  sources  of 
emigration  which  European  hardships  and  regal  mis- 
government  contributed  so  copiously  to  supply.  The 
poor  found  here  a  country  where  their  services  were 
highly  valued,  and  their  rights  enjoyed  jieculiar  consi- 
deration ;  where,  instead  of  being  compelled  to  vie 
with  each  other  for  the  boon  of  ill-rewarded  labor,  [20] 
their  industry  was  eagerly  courted  by  the  rich,  and  con- 
ducted them  with  certainty  lo  etsc  and  independence. 
Among  the  later  accessions  of  people,  were  a  number 
of  protestant  refugees  from  France,  and  of  presbyterians 
from  Ireland. t  The  metropolis  of  the  province,  which, 
in  the  year  1678,  contained  about  three  thousand  four 
hundred  inhabitants,  was  found  to  contain  nearly  double 
that  number  in  1696  ;  and  the  port  which,  at  the  former 
period,  owned  no  more  than  three  ships  and  eight  sloops, 
possessed,  in  the  last  mentioned  year,  forty  ships,  sixty- 
two  sloops,  and  the  same  number  of  boats.  The  ship- 
ping of  New  York,  was  promoted,  not  merely  by  the 
growth  of  its  proper  population,  but  by  the  advantages 
of  Its  situation,  which  enabled  it  to  command  nearly  the 
whole  trade  of  Connecticut  and  New  Jersey.  The  total 
population  of  the  province  amounted,  in  1701,  to  about 
thirty  thousand  persons. J  Many  of  the  first  English 
colonists  who  repaired  to  this  province,  after  the  con- 
quest of  it  from  the  Dutch,  are  said  to  have  remained 
but  a  short  time  in  it,  and  to  have  sought  a  refuse  in 
New  Jersey  from  the  hostilities  of  the  French  and  their 
Indian  allies.  At  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century 
the  people  consisted  of  various  races,  English,  Scotch, 
Irish,  French,  and  chiefly  Dutch  ;  the  great  majority 
being  presbyterians  and  independents.  The  Dutch 
congregations  continued  at  this  time,  and  for  long  after, 
to  acknowledge  subjection  to  the  ecclesiastical  authori- 
ties of  Holland  ;  and  from  them,  their  ministers,  in  ge- 
neral, derived  their  ordination  to  sacred  functions.  The 
Scotch  presbyterians.  after  repeatedly  soliciting  a  char- 
ter incorporating  their  congregation,  and  being  continu- 
ally disappointed  by  the  interest  and  opposition  of  the 
episcopal  party,  in  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury, made  a  grant  of  their  church,  and  the  ground  at- 
tached to  it,  to  the  general  assembly  of  the  church  of 
Scotland.  The  episcopalians,  though  the  least  nume- 
rous class,  enjoyed  a  charter  of  incorporation  from  the 
assembly  ;  and  the  minister  of  their  church  in  New 
Y'ork  had  a  salary  of  100/.  a  year  levied  by  a  tax  on  all 
the  inhabitants  of  the  city.  For  this  privilege  they  were 
indebted  to  the  exertions  of  Governor  Fletcher  ;  and 
they  were  elated  by  it  to  such  a  degree  of  presumption, 
as  to  maintain  that  the  ecclesiastical  establishment  of 
the  church  of  England  extended  to  this  province,  and 
that  theirs  was  the  religion  of  the  state  ;  a  pretension 
that  excited  much  jealousy  among  all  the  dissenters,  and 


*  Smith,  144,  145,  I4fi— 164.  History  of  tlie  Britisli  Domi- 
nions in  America,  B.  III.  cap.  1.  Tins  work,  wliicli  I  have 
frequently  referred  to,  i.=  an  anonymous  publication  in  quarto. 
It  contains  more  ample  and  precise  information  than  the  com- 
po.-iition  of  Wynne,  and.  like  it,  brings  down  the  history  and 
state  of  the  colonies  to  the  middle  of  the  eishtcenlh  century. 
It  is  more  of  a  statistical  than  a  historical  work. 

t  Smith,  156.  In  I7I0,  three  thousand  p.ilatine.5,  flyin?from 
persecution  in  Germany,  settled  ni  New  Vork.    lb.  174." 

+  Holmes,  ii.  246.  In  IT3I  it  amounted  to  more  tiian  sixty 
thousand  persons,  of  whom  seven  thousand  were  slavei. 
Ibid.  II.  114.    Warden,  i.  i<J9. 


was  peremptorily  disputed  by  them.  When  the  epij. 
copal  clergy  became  more  laimcrous,  they  accountrj 
themselves  subject  immediaicly  to  the  bishop  of  Lou- 
den, w  ho  maintained  acoiiiniissarv  at  New  York.  The> 
tnade  an  attempt  at  an  after  period  to  engross  the  pri- 
vilege of  solemnizing  all  marriages  in  the  province,  but 
found  themselves  unable  lo  carry  this  pretension  into 
effect.  Though  all  law  proceedings  were  conducted  in 
English,  and  an  English  free  school  was  established  in 
1702.  the  Dutch  language  continued  '  >rig  to  prevail 
among  a  considerable  portion  of  the  pecpie.  For  manv 
years  public  worship  was  celebrated  in  Dutch  in  some  ot 
the  churches  ;  and  in  several  counties  the  sheriffs  often 
found  it  difficult  to  collect  as  many  persons  acquainted 
with  English  as  were  necessary  to  compose  the  juries 
in  the  courts  of  law.  The  English  that  was  generally 
spoken  was  much  corrupted  by  intermixture  of  the  two 
languages.* 

The  subsistence  of  the  Dutch  language  was  less 
advantageous  to  the  province  than  the  permanence  of 
Dutch  manners,  which  continued  long  to  be  visible  in 
the  sobrietry  of  deportment,  and  the  peculiar  a'tenlion 
to  domestic  cleanliness,  order,  and  economy,  by  which 
tlie  descendiiits  of  the  orignal  colonists  of  New  Yoik 
were  emiiicntly  distinguished,  and  which  their  example 
succeeded  in  communicating,  in  no  small  degree,  lo 
the  other  races  of  European  settlers  with  whom  ihey 
were  latterly  associated.  It  was  remarked,  several 
years  after  this  period,  lliat  the  style  of  living  was  less 
gay  and  expensive,  and  that  Itiere  was  less  inequality 
of  fortune  at  New  York  than  at  Boston.  A  printing 
press  was  established  at  New  York  in  tlie  year  1693,  by 
a  printer  flying  from  the  very  unwonted  occurrence  of 
quaker  persecution  in  Pennsylvania  ;  and  a  lilirary  was 
founded  under  the  government  of  Lord  Cellamont  m 
the  year  1700.  But  the  schools  in  ibis  province  wors 
inconsiderable  ;  and  although  the  wealthier  families 
obtained  valuable  instructors  for  their  children  among 
the  numerous  protestant  refugees  from  France,  even 
the  first  elements  of  knowledge  were  very  ger.eral'y 
neglected  by  the  bulk  of  the  peojile  till  the  era  of  tho 
American  Revolution. f 

If  Britain  had  pursued  a  wiser  policy  towards  this 
and  her  other  American  provinces,  she  might  hav& 
obtained  from  their  resources  a  very  great,  if  not  a 
total,  deliverance  from  the  burdens  of  her  poor  laws. 
But  various  circumstances  contributed  to  screen  or 
diminish  the  attractions  which  the  colonial  territories 
were  calculated  to  jiresent  to  the  resort  of  the  industri- 
ous poor.  The  practice  of  transporting  felons  lo  Ame- 
rica brought  this  country  into  disrepute  with  many 
whose  information  was  not  sullicientlv  extensive  to  ac- 
qu'.'nt  ihem  with  the  real  amount  of  the  evil,  and  the 
grejt  preponderance  of  the  advantages  by  which  it  was 
counterbalanced.  The  historian  of  New  York  has  as- 
cribed to  this  cause  the  dearness  of  labor,  and  the  in- 
creased importation  of  slaves  which  began  to  lake  place 
about  this  period.  Another  obstruction  to  the  coloni- 
zation of  this  provincs  by  the  free  poor  arose  from  the 
practices  of  many  of  the  governors,  who,  to  promote  iho 
royal  interest  in  the  assembly,  were  permitted  lo  make 
large  grants  of  land  to  their  partisans  and  dependants, 
by  whom  it  was  again  farmed  out  at  exorbitant  rates 
to  the  cultivators,  or  retained  in  a  vacant  and  uiipro- 
dnctive  state  in  the  hope  of  a  future  jise  in  its  valu:} 
from  the  general  j)rogress  of  population. t 


*  Smith,  150.  156.  263,  264,  265.  267  2<M.  296.  304,  306,  307 
319.  The  English,  French,  and  Irish  colonists  seeui  to  have 
acquired  pretty  early  an  uniform  character.  The  stronger 
nationality  and  more  rigid  manners  of  the  Scotch,  aided  by 
frequent  accessions  from  Scotland,  preseried  llicir  national 
peculiarities  longer  unimpaired.  '•  They  preserve  unaltered." 
says  Dwight,  "  the  character  which  they  brought  with  them. 
They  are  industrious,  frugal,  orderly,  patient  of  hard.-liip,  per- 
severing, attached  lo  government,  reverential  to  religion, 
generally  moral,  and  often  pious.  At  the  same  lime  Ihey  aro 
frequently  unwarrantably  self  complacent,  rigid  ni  their  dis- 
positions, unbending  in  their  opinions,  sequestered,  avaiicious, 
ready  lo  unchurch  those  who  differ  from  them,  and  to  say, 
doubtless  we  are  the  people."  President  Uwiglit's  Travels, 
ni.  513. 

Even  when  intermarriages  and  the  common  influence  of 
free  institutions  and  national  associations  shall  have  produced 
uniformity  of  character  among  all  the  races  of  Ameiican  co- 
lonists, llie  national  pedigrees  of  many  particular  districts 
\m1I  be  preserved  by  their  names.  In  one  county  of  New 
Vork,  almost  every  place  bears  the  name  of  a.T  Irish  sain', 
city,  county,  or  mountain.  A  neighboring  district,  origniallv 
planted  by  New  Englanders.  is  all  mapped  out  under  tho 
names  of  Unanimity,  Frugality,  Sobriety,  Enterprise,  and  tbe 
like  (Dwight,  iv.  27.)  It  may  be  hoped  that  the  recollection 
of  such  names  as  these  last  will  impresi'  a  corresponding  niaj 
on  the  sentiments  and  character  of  me  inhabitants  of  the 
region. 

t  Oldmixon,  i.  128.  Smith,  295,  296.  Thomas's  History  o 
Printing,  ii.  10.  Winterliolham,  ii,  33S.  Warden,  i.  500.  52Sk 
Grant's  .\Iemoirs  of  an  American  Lady,  Ac.  vol.  i. 

t  Smith,  290.  294.  "  The  governors  were,  many  of  them, 
land  jubbero,  bent  on  making  tlieir  fortunes ;  and  being  ia- 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


Tlve  local  ijovcnimenl  of  the  |>rovii)ce  was  vested  in 
the  governor,  tlie  council,  and  the  asscnihly.  The  go- 
yumor,  a[.poinU'J  l>v  the  kin;;,  was  comMiander-in  chief 
ty  sea  and  land,  anil  received  from  the  [)rovuicial  reve- 
nue a  salary  of  about  1,500/.  togellier  wiih  jicrquisitcs 
amounting  to  as  much  more.  The  councdiors  were 
appointed  by  the  crown,  but  might  bo  suspended  by  the 
governor.  They  enjoyed  im  salaries,  and  acted  as  a 
privv  councd  to  the  governor,  besides  pr.rforinini;  the 
legislative  and  judicial  functions  belonging  to  the  Eng- 
lish House  ol  Lords.  The  members  of  assembly  (elec- 
ted by  freeholders  possessing  lands  or  tenements  im- 
proved to  the  value  of  forty  pounds)  had  a  daily  allow- 
ance for  their  attendance  ;  and  to  them,  in  concur- 
rence with  the  council  and  the  governor,  was  commit- 
ted the  privilege  of  enacting  the  provincial  laws,  which 
were  required  to  be  analogous  to  the  jurisprudence  of 
England.  The  laws  were  transmitted  to  England 
withm  three  months  after  their  enactment,  and  might,  al 
anijtimc  after,  bo  annulled  by  the  king.  The  governor 
was  empowered  to  prorogue  or  dissolve  assemblies  at 
his  pleasure  ;  to  appoint  the  judges  ;  to  collate  to  all 
vacant  benefices  ;  and,  with  tlie  advice  of  the  council, 
to  make  grants  of  land,  to  be  held  ol  the  crown  by  soc- 
eage  tenure.  Besides  subordinate  courts  of  law,  there 
was  a  supreme  court  al  New  York,  of  which  the  ciiief- 
•ustice  had  a  salary  of  300/.  a  year.  Erom  its  judg- 
ments an  appeal  might  be  made,  in  causes  involving 
more  than  100/  to  the  governor  and  council,  and  in 
causes  above  300/.  to  the  king  and  the  privy  council  of 
England  Much  uncertaintv  prevailed  in  the  adiniiii- 
Btration  of  civil  justice  from  ignorance  and  dilfcrence  of 
opinion  as  to  the  extent  in  which  Eiiglisli  statutes  and 
.lecisions  were  to  be  admitted  to  operate  as  rules  or 
precedents. 

By  a  law  passed  in  1700  for  the  purpose  of  checking 
the  missions  of  the  Jesuits  among  the  Indians,  it  was 
enacted,  that  every  Jesuit  or  other  popish  priest,  coming 
voluntarily  into  the  province,  should  be  subjected  to 
perpetual  iin[)risonment,  and  in  case  of  csc  ipe  and  re- 
capture, to  the  punishment  of  death.  .Slaves  (by  a  law 
pa.-ised  in  1702),  except  when  assembled  for  labor, 
were  forbidden  to  meet  together  in  greater  number  than 
three  ;  a  regulation  which  proved  insufficient  to  pro- 
vent  a  formidable  insurrection  of  these  unfortunate 
b«-ings  in  ihe  year  1712.  Masters  were  enjoined  by 
law  to  baptize  their  slaves,  and  encouraged  to  do  so  by 
t  provision  that  their  baptism  should  not  entitle  ihem 
to  freedom.  Indeed,  manumission  of  slaves  was  dis- 
couraged by  a  heavy  fine.  Slaves  were  di.squalilied 
froir.  bearing  evidence  against  any  body  but  slaves  ; 
end  no  negro.  Indian,  or  mulatto,  even  though  free, 
could  hold  or  po*scss  lands,  tenements,  or  heredita- 
ments. Any  negro  or  Indian  conspiring  the  death  of 
a  white  man  was  capitally  punished.  Even  though 
baptized,  slaves  were  not  considered  to  be  properly 
comprehended  in  the  dcnominaliou  of  Christians  ;  for 
by  an  act  passed  in  1702.  and  conlirmcd  in  1708,  there 
was  olForod  a  reward  of  twenty  shillings  to  every 
Christian,  and  half  that  sum  to  every  Indian  or  slave, 
killing  a  wolf  in  the  iirovincial  territory.*  Various 
laws  were  passed  from  time  to  time  against  selling 
ardent  spirits  to  the  IiKlians.  Tlie  e.ttortiuns  of  usurers 
were  rc'presscd  by  an  act  passed  in  1717,  restricting 
lawful  interest  to  si,x  per  cent.  This  was  repealed  in 
the  following  year,  when  eight  per  cunt,  was  allowed 
to  be  taken. 

BOOK  VI  . 
NEW  JEHSEV. 
Sale  of  the  Territory  by  I  lie  Duke  of  York  to  Berkeley  and 
*;arl('rel— Liberal  frame  of  goveri>nni.-nt enacted  byllie  Pro- 
prietaries—Umiijralioii  from  L()ni»  Island  to  New  Jersey — 
Arrival  of  the  fir.st  governor  and  Settlors  from  Eiiirland— 
Discontent  and  llisturbancc  in  the  Colony — Uonovalion  of 
the  Titles  lo  New  Jersey— E  inivonal  Comluct  of  llio  Diiko 
of  York— Sil  Hal  ion  of  the  yuakcrs  in  England— Sale  of 
Berkeley's  Sli.ire  of  the  Province  lo  yii.ikers— Partition  of 
the  Province  hclweeii  them  and  (Tarleret— Emigration  of 
Qnskers  from  England  lo  West  Jersey— Encroaclicnents  of 
the  Duke  of  York— MemorabI,!  Remonstrance  of  the  Qna- 
kern — raiises  the  Indopendcnce  of  New  Jersey  to  ho  recog- 
nised—First  Assembly  of  Wr^st  Jersey— The  Quakers  |uir- 
chiise  East  Jersey— Kol)ert  narclay— appoMited  Governor- 
Emigration  from  Scotland  to  East  Jersey— Designs  of  James 
the  Second  against  the  proprietary  Governments — defented 
by  Iho  KevoUilioii— InelTicient  State  of  the  Propnetarv  (;o- 
Ternmenl— Sin  rendc^r  of  the  Colonial  Patent  to  the  <;rown, 
and  Re-i>nion  of  East  and  Wesl  Jersey— (Jonslilution  of  the 
Provii.riiil  Government— Administration  of  Lord  Cornburv— 
Elate  of  the  Colony. 

Op  ail  the  national  comm-jnitiea  in  which  mankind 
have  eve!  bpcn  united,  there  is  none  (except  the  A  llen 

«oil«<l  with  power  to  do  thin,  they  cither  engromnd  forthem- 
•  elves  or  p.itentod  away  to  their  particular  favniiios,  a  very 
TwT  province."  Wiiiterbothani, 

•  In  «bmu  of  the  colonial  irttlemoiita  of  the  Dutch  (parti- 


commonwealth  of  Israel*)  which  can  boast  of  an  origin 
as  illustrious  as  that  which  belongs  to  the  provinces  of 
North  America.  Almost  all  these  jiroviiicial  settle- 
ments have  been  founded  by  men  whose  prevailing  mo- 
tives were,  zeal  for  the  advancement  of  religious  truth, 
for  the  security  of  political  freedom,  or  for  the  enlarge- 
ment of  the  resources  and  renown  of  their  country  ; 
and  all  have  been  indebted  for  a  very  considerable  share 
of  their  early  population  to  the  shelter  which  they  af- 
forded from  civil  or  ecclesiastical  tyranny.  The  success- 
ful establishment  of  every  one  of  them  is  a  noble  monu- 
ment of  human  energy  and  fortitude  ;  for  it  was  not 
accomplished  without  an  arduous  conflict  with  the 
most  powerful  habits  of  human  nature,  and  the  most 
formidable  obstructions  of  difficulty,  danger  and  dis- 
tress. The  colonists  of  New  Jersey,  indeed,  from  their 
proximity  and  friendly  relation  to  older  colonial  settle- 
ments, and  from  other  advantageous  peculiarities  in 
their  situation,  were  exempted  from  many  of  the  hard- 
ships which  elsewhere  attended,  in  so  many  instances, 
the  foundation  of  society  in  North  America.  But  the 
motives  which  conducted  a  great  proportion  of  them  to 
this  territoiy  were  such  as  must  be  held  to  reflect  the 
highest  honor  on  their  enterprise,  and  to  ennoble  the 
origin  of  New  Jersey. 

Tlie  territory  to  which  this  appellation  belongs  was 
first  appropriated  by  the  Dutch,  of  whose  settlements  I 
have  given  an  account  in  the  history  of  New  York  It 
was  included  in  the  province  to  which  this  people  gave 
the  name  of  New  Netherlands,  and  had  received  a 
few  Dutch  and  Swedish  settlers  at  the  jieriod  of  tiie 
conquest  o*"  the  Dutch  colony  by  ihe  English.  I're- 
paratory  lo  this  enterprise,  as  we  have  already  seen. 
Charles  the  Second  granted  a  charter  of  American  ter- 
ritory, including  the  whole  of  the  Dutch  occupation  to 
his  brother  Jainos,  Duke  of  Y'ork  ;  [1664J  and,  as  the 
king,  ill  conformity  with  his  pretinision  to  an  antecedent 
right,  which  the  intrusion  of  the  Dutch  could  neither 
extinguish  nor  suspend,  had  thought  himself  entitled  to 
bestow  this  grant  before  the  territory  was  actually  re- 
duced to  his  dominion,  the  duke,  in  like  manner,  seems 
to  have  regarded  his  investiture  as  completed  by  the 
charter,  and  [."roceeded  to  exercise  the  power?  it  con- 
ferred on  him,  without  waiting  till  he  had  attained  ac- 
tual possession  of  the  province.  His  charter,  though 
much  less  ample  in  its  endowments  than  the  charters 
v^rhich  liad  been  previously  granted  to  tiie  proprietaries 
of  Maryland  and  Carolina,  resembled  these  others  in 
conferring  the  province,  and  the  powers  of  govcrninent, 
on  the  proprietary  and  "  his  assigns."  Various  in- 
stances, both  in  the  history  of  the  (^larolinas  and  of 
New  Jersey,  sufficiently  demonstrate  that,  in  conformity 
with  this  expression,  the  proprietaries  ri-garded  their 
functions  less  as  a  trust  than  as  an  absolute  ])ropcrty, 
subject  to  every  act  of  ownership,  and  in  particular  lo 
mortgage  and  alienation  ;  and,  accordinglv,  the  govern- 
ment of  large  provinces  of  the  Biitish  empire  was 
repeatedly  assigned  by  pioprietaries  to  their  creditors, 
or  sold  to  the  highest  bidder.  It  was  not  till  after  the 
British  revolution,  that  the  legality  of  these  transac- 
tions was  disputed  ;  but  although  the  ministers  of 
William  the  Third  maintained  that  they  were  totally 
re|)iignant  to  the  law  of  England,  which  recognised  a 
hereditary  but  not  a  commercial  transmission  of  office 
and  power,  the  point  wos  never  determined  by  any 
formal  adjudication.  The  evil,  in  process  of  time, 
produced  its  own  remedy.  The  succession  and  mulii- 
plication  of  proprietaries  occasioned  so  much  inconve- 

cularly  at  Ihe  Cape  of  Good  Hope),  the  treatment  of  their 
slaves  IS  said  to  have  been  distinguisiicd  by  the  most  barbarous 
cruelty.  It  .seems  lo  have  been  very  farotlierwise  in  th«  pro- 
vince of  Now  York.  A  pleasing  picture  of  the  mild  p.itriar- 
ch.i\  manners  by  which  the  harsh  features  of  this  institution 
were  softened  among  the  Dutch  selllers  at  Albany,  is  deli- 
neated by  Mrs.  Grant  in  her  '*  Memoirs  of  an  American  Lady," 
<tc.  vol.  i.  Letter  VII.  Extreme  severity  was  inflicted  oiily 
at  second  hand,  by  selling  unruly  and  troublesome  negroes  lo 
Ihe  planters  of  Jamaica. 

From  the  Travcl.s  of  that  accurate  oh.^crver  and  mquirer. 
Professor  Kalm,  it  appears  lhat  Mrs.  Grant  has  given  a  just 
picture  of  the  treatmi  nt  of  the  slaves  ;  but  that  her  descrip- 
tion of  Iho  manners  of  the  people  of  Albany  in  other  respects 
is  entirely  fanciful  and  erroneous.    Vol.  ii.  p.  260—260. 

*  It  is  remarkable  that  among  tliose  of  the  colonists  of 
Norlh  America  who  were  most  eager  to  trace  a  resemblance 
between  their  own  situation  and  that  of  the  Jewish  emigrants 
from  Egypl,  the  opinion  should  have  lirsi  sprung  up  that  the 
savage  Indiana  were  the  olfspring  of  one  of  the  tribes  of 
Israel.  Tins  opinion  (which  is  supported  by  very  strong  pro- 
ba!)iiitic«)  wa.s  not  without  its  use,  if  It  tended  to  abate  that 
spiri'u.ii  pride  snmctiines  unhappily  engendered  by  a  belief  of 
the  possession  of  an  especial  degree  of  divine  favor.  It  was 
early  adopted  by  the  New  England  divines,  and  was  rnain- 
tainod,  Willi  much  learning  and  ability,  in  a  treali.se  by  one 
Thorowgciod,  pnblislied  at  London  in  lOifl,  and  entitled  "Jcwcs 
in  America."  It  w.is  afterwards  embraced  by  William  Pcnn 
the  qiiaker,  and  luppor  od  by  hiiii,  and  by  many  other  di&tin- 
'  guLshed  writers. 


nicncc  to  themselves,  that  sooner  or  later  thev  mttt 
glad  to  bargain  vviih  the  crown  for  a  surrender  at  \hea 
functions  ;  and  bolli  in  Carolina  and  in  New  Jersey,  tho 
exercise  of  the  right  of  assignation  materially  contri- 
buted to  .^bridge  the  duration  of  the  proprietary  govcrc- 
inenl. 

The  first  example  of  a  sale  of  proprietary  rights  and 
functions  was  afforded  by  the  Duke  of  York,  in  his  con- 
veyance 10  Lord  Berkeley  and  Sir  George  Carteret,  of 
a  portion  of  the  territory  comprehended  in  the  royal 
charter  which  he  had  recently  procured  for  himself  H 
he  had  deferred  the  exercise  of  his  ownership  till  he  h.ad 
attained  possession  of  the  country,  and  procured  a  re- 
port of  us  condition  from  Colonel  Nichols,  whom  he 
had  nominated  the  governor  of  it,  this  partiiion  would 
probably  not  have  taken  place.  But,  befora  he  was  yet 
in  posfession  of  any  part  ol  it,  or  had  obtained  the  in- 
formation requisite  to  enable  him  to  conclude  such  a 
transaction  with  advantage  either  to  himself  or  the 
country,  he  consented  lo  sell  one  of  the  finest  districts 
which  11  embraced,  to  two  jiersons  who  appear  to  have 
been  much  Better  acquainted  with  it.  Berkeley  and 
Carteret  were  already  proprietaries  of  Carolina  :  and 
not  contented  with  this  ample  investiture,  nor  yet  cer- 
tified by  experience  of  the  tardy  returns  from  colonial 
possessions,  they  had  been  induced,  by  the  representa- 
tions of  a  projector  acquainted  w  ith  the  domain  assigned 
to  the  Duke  of  York,  to  believe  that  a  particular  portion 
of  this  domain  woulil  form  a  valuable  acquisition  lo 
themselves.  How  far  the  disjunction  ,>f  tins  portion 
was  likely  to  affect  llie  interest  and  value  of  the  re- 
mainder, was  a  point,  which,  for  the  honor  of  ihe  pur- 
chasers, we  must  suppose  ihein  to  have  o\erlvvikid  a* 
completely  as  it  was  misunderstood  bv  the  seller  But, 
at  a  subsequent  period,  Colonel  Nichols  did  not  scru|ile 
to  assert  that  the  p<  rsoii*  by  whose  advice  Borkclcy 
and  Carteret  were  induced  to  make  ihe  purchase  had 
himself  been  an  unsuccessful  candidate  for  the  patent 
which  the  Duke  of  York  had  obtained,  and  that  he  had 
revenged  his  disappnintnieiit  bv  iii.siigaliiig  these  cour- 
tiers to  an  acquisition  which  he  was  aware  would  "reat.v 
depreciate  the  remainder  of  the  duke"s  investiture.  Be 
this  as  it  mav,  the  transaction  that  ensued,  as  it  was 
very  l!l!!o  creditable  to  eitiier  of  the  parties  who  en- 
gaged in  it,  proved  in  the  sequel  disadvantageous  U> 
them  both. 

It  was  only  three  months  after  the  dale  of  his  own 
cliartcr,  that  the  Duke  of  York,  by  deeds  of  lease  and 
r(  h^asc,  in  consideration  of  •'  a  competent  sum  of 
money,"  conveyed  to  Lord  Berkeley  and  Sir  Cirorgo 
Carteret,  and  their  heirs  and  assigns,  lhat  tract  of  land 
adjacent  to  New  England,  lying  westward  of  Lon* 
Island,  and  bounded  on  the  east,  south,  and  west,  hy 
ihe  river  Hudson,  the  sea,  and  the  Delaware;  on  the 
norlh  by  the  forly-firsl  degree  and  fortieth  minute  of 
latitude.  In  compliment  to  Cartarcl,  who  had  de- 
fended the  island  of  Jersey  against  the  Long  Parlia- 
ment ill  the  civil  war,  he  bestowed  on  this  region  the 
name  of  Nova-Cesaria,  or  New  Jersey  ;  and  ho 
transferred  to  the  grantees  every  right  and  royally,  and 
all  the  powers  of  government,  which  he  himself  jio.s- 
sessed  in  virtue  of  liischarter  from  the  crown. 

Having  obtained,  in  this  manner,  the  sovereignty  of 
New  Jersey,  the  first  care  of  the  iiroprietarif  s  was  lo 
invite  the  resort  of  inhabitants  to  the  province,  and 
their  exertions  for  this  purpose,  though  pursued  with 
more  eagerness  than  perseverance,  evinced  no  incon- 
siderable share  of  political  sagacity.  In  those  colonial 
territories  which  arc  deslitute  of  the  means  of  attract- 
ing adventurers  by  the  prospect  of  speedy  cnrichinenl, 
and  which  must  owe  their  cultivation  to  the  steady  en- 
terprise and  industry  of  |)erinaiient  settlers,  the  most 
powerful  attractions  are  supplied  tiy  liberal  provisiciis 
for  the  security  of  the  civil  and  religious  rights  of 
mankind.  The  recent  history  of  New  England  had 
plainly  demonstrated,  that  those  attractions,  of  all 
others,  address  ihemsrives  most  prevailingly  lo  lhat  de- 
scription of  human  character  which  is  best  tilted  to 
contend  with  the  diHicullies  of  colonization,  and  thai 
their  operation  is  so  forcible  as  to  overpower  the 
temptations  even  of  very  superior  climate  and  soil. 
That  the  useful  lesson  thus  atl'oided  to  the  founders  of 
colonies  was  not  disregarded  by  the  courtiers  ol  Charles 
the  Second,  has  already  appeared  from  some  pans  of 
the  history  of  Carolina,  and  is  still  more  strongly  nuui- 

*  The  name  of  this  individual  was  Scot.  Whether  it  was 
the  same  person,  or  another  with  Ihe  same  name,  wlio  alter- 
wards  published  an  account  ofE.isl  New  Jersey.  I  am  unablo 
to  ascertain.  Colonel  Nichols  gratuitously  acquits  Uerkclof 
and  Carteret  of  any  accession  to  the  design  of  delrauding  lh« 
duke.  Dut  Carltri't  did  not  alway.s  tnioy  an  unspotted  repu- 
tation. In  166SI.  he  w.is  expelled  the  House  of  Commom  M 
wufuscd  acco'ints  as  chuuiberlain. 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


817 


tested  by  the  first  measures  that  wer<;  pursued  by  the 
proprietaries  of  New  Jersey.  'I'hey  hastened  to  con- 
cert and  make  public  a  body  of  iiislitutioiis  for  the  go- 
vernintnt  of  tlie  province  ;  and,  as  their  object  was  to 
tlhibit  a  pohtical  fabric  that  »houlil  appear  desirable 
and  advantagenus  to  mankind,  they  succeeded  in  pro- 
ducing a  project  which  obtained  a  very  favorable  re- 
ception, and  wo'jld  have  better  deserved  it,  if  the 
proprietaries  had  been  legist  ling  fcr  arj  e.tisling  popu- 
lation. It  was  indeed  a  singular  competition  which 
ihese  proprietary  governments  produced,  in  which  so- 
vereiiTiis  and  legislators  found  it  their  interest  to  vie 
with  ea<-h  other  in  the  production  of  models  of  liberty, 
and  in  tendering  to  the  acceptance  of  their  subjects  the 
most  efiectual  securities  against  arbitrary  government. 
Whatever  doubts  may  be  entertained  of  the  dignity  of 
their  motives,  or  the  sincerity  of  their  professions,  the 
measures  which  the  various  proprietaries  adopted  in 
pursuance  of  this  policy  proved  highly  beneficial  to  the 
provinces  of  North  America,  and  cherished  in  the 
minds  of  their  inhabitants  an  attachment  to  liberty, 
and  a  conviction  of  their  right  to  it. 

The  instrument*  which  was  novy  published  by 
Berkeley  and  Cartaret  gave  assurance  to  all  persons 
who  should  isettle  in  New  Jersey,  that  the  province 
fioulu  be  rdled  only  by  laws  enacted  by  an  a6sembl,v 
in  wliich  the  people  were  represented,  and  to  which 
the  power  of  making  peace  or  wart,  and  many  other 
important  privileges,  were  confided.  In  particular,  it 
was  ,'itipuiated  by  the  proprietaries,  '•  for  the  better 
security  of  the  inhabitants  in  the  said  province,  that 
they  are  not  to  impose,  nor  suffer  to  be  imposed,  any 
tax,  custom,  subsidy,  tallage,  assessment,  or  atiy  other 
duty  whatsoever,  upon  any  color  or  pretence,  upon  the 
said  province,  and  inhabitants  thereof,  other  than  what 
ahall  be  imposed  by  the  authority  and  consent  of  the 
general  assembly."  By  another  clause,  of  no  less  im- 
portance, it  was  provided,  that  "  no  person,  at  any 
:ii;ie,  shall  be  anyways  molested,  punished,  disquieted, 
or  called  into  question,  for  any  difference  in  opinion  or 
practice  in  matters  of  religious  concernment,  who  duea 
not  actually  disturb  the  civil  peace  of  the  province  ; 
but  all  and  every  such  person  and  persons  may,  from 
.ime  to  time,  and  at  all  times,  freely  and  fully,  have 
and  enjoy  his  and  their  judgments  and  consciences  m 
.-natters  of  religion,  they  behaving  themselves  peace- 
abivand  quietly,  and  not  using  this  liberty  to  licentious- 
ness, nor  to  the  civil  injury,  or  outward  disturbance  of 
idhers  ;  any  law,  statute,  or  clause,  contained,  or  to  be 
contained,  usage  or  custom,  of  the  realm  of  England, 
'.0  the  contrary  thereof  in  any  wise  notwithstanding." 
The  import  of  theie  expressions  could  not  be  misun- 
derstood ;  and  as  they  were  publicly  promulgated,  with- 
out censure  or  disallowance  from  any  quarter,  it  must 
be  admitted,  that  the  colonization  of  this  province  was 
undertaken  on  an  assurance,  which  the  settlers  were 
very  well  entitled  to  credit,  of  their  being  completely 
exempted  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  English  parlia- 
ment, both  in  the  imposition  of  ta,Kes  and  the  regula- 
tion of  ecclesiastical  affairs.  The  administration  of  the 
executive  power,  togethei  with  the  right  of  a  negative 
ixi  the  enactments  of  the  provincial  assembly,  were  re- 
served to  the  proprietaries.  To  all  persons  resorting 
to  New  Jer.  .y  with  the  iniention  of  settling  in  it,  there 
were  offered  allotments  of  land,  proportioned  to  the 
carliness  of  their  arrival  in  the  jirovince,  and  to  the 
numbers  of  their  indented  servants  and  slaces  ;  and  for 
this  they  were  required  to  pay  a  quit  rent  of  an  half- 
penny per  acre  after  the  year  1670,  and  to  mainta'n 
one  able  male  servzBit^for  every  hundred  acres  in  their 
pos,session.  As  the  quit  rents  were  deemed  the  pri- 
vate estate  of  the  |)roprietaries,  it  was  declared  that  all 
public  expenses  should  be  defrayed  by  general  contri- 
biition.  .Such  was  the  first  constitution  of  New  Jersey. 
New  provisions  were  added  to  it  from  time  to  time,  by 
•ubsequent  proclamations,  and  the  whole  code  was  de- 
noiauiated  by  the  people  the  Laws  of  the  Concessions 

'  Writers  are  not  agreed  upon  the  date  of  tliis  instrument. 
The  copies  primed  by  Scot  and  Smith  bear  the  date  of  Febru- 
iry,  1664  :  wliicli  is  rnaiufeslly  erroneous,  except  on  tlie  very 
improbable  supposition,  tliit  the  document  was  framed  by 
Berkeley  and  Carteret,  not  only  before  tliev  had  obtained  tiieir 
>wn  grant  from  llie  Duke  of  York,  but  before  tlie  duke  him- 
Klf  liad  obtained  his  ciiarter  from  the  king.  Clialmcrs  sup- 
IKibes  tlie  date  to  have  been  February,  1(565  ;  bui  this  is 
Uiconiiistunt  With  the  clause  vvluch  tenders  certain  advanta- 
ten  to  settler.^  ■'  who  shall  transport  themselves  before  the 
l"t  01  Jai'.uaiy,  16C3."  Chalmers  was  prevented  from  observ- 
tag  this  lacoiisisiency  by  mistaking  this  last  mentioned  date 
pir  !«j5. 

t  The  asseniWy  was  empowered,  not  merely  to  levy  forces 
•M  declare  war  as  they  should  see  cause,  but  "  to  pursue  an 
enemv  as  well  by  sea  as  by  land  (if  need  be),  cut  of  the  Unuts 
fci.J  junsdiclions  of  tne  said  province,  with  the  particular  con- 
Ken'.  u(  tlie  goiernor,  and  under  his  conduct,  or  of  our  com- 
tiader-in-ulutf." 


and  regarded  bv  them  as  their  great  charter,  and  as 
possessing  a  higher  authority  than  even  the  acts  of 
assembly,  from  not  being  subject  to  alteration  or  re- 
peal. An  important  addition  was  suggested  by  the 
prudence  and  cquily  of  Philip  Carteret,  who  was  the 
first  governor  appointed  by  the  proprietaries,  and  who, 
without  any  directions  from  his  constituents  to  respect 
the  rights  of  the  aboriginal  inhabitants  of  the  province, 
judged  it  proper  to  obtain  their  consent  to  the  settle- 
ment, by  purchasing  their  titles  to  the  several  districts 
which  were  occupied.  The  proprietaries  had  the  wis- 
dom to  approve  this  proceeding,  and  some  years  after 
established  the  rule,  that  all  lands  should  be  purchased 
from  the  Indians  by  the  governor  and  council,  who 
were  to  be  reimbursed  by  the  settlers,  in  proportion  to 
their  respective  possessioi'is. 

The  conquest  of  New  Netherlands  had  now  been 
achieved  by  Colonel  Nichols,  who  assumed  the  admini- 
stration of  the  whole  territory  as  governor  for  the  Duke 
of  York.  While  yet  unacquainted  with  the  grant  to 
Berkeley  and  Carteret,  he  formed  the  design  of  colo- 
nizing the  district  which  they  had  acquired,  and  for 
this  purpose  granted  licenses  to  various  persons  to 
make  purchases  of  lands  from  the  aboriginal  inhabitants 
of  New  Jersey.  Three  small  townships  were  speedily 
formed  in  the  eastern  part  of  the  territory,  by  emigrants 
chiefly  from  Long  Island,  who  laid  the  foundation  of 
Elizabeth  Town,  Woodbridge,  and  Piscatavvay  :  and 
Nichols,  who  entertained  a  very  favorable  opinion  of 
this  region,  bestowed  on  it  the  name  of  Albania,  in 
commemoration  of  one  of  the  titles  enjoyed  by  his 
master.  But  the  hopes  which  he  had  conceived  of 
rendering  the  district  a  valuable  appendage  of  the 
duke's  possessions,  were  soon  interrupted  by  intelli- 
gence of  the  title  of  its  new  projjrietaries  ;  and  the 
measures  he  had  already  taken  gave  rise  to  disputes 
respecting  the  property  of  the  soil  between  the  settlers, 
whose  establishment  he  had  promoted,  and  the  proprie- 
taries who  now  claimed  their  allegiance,  which  dis- 
turbed the  repose  of  the  province  for  more  than  half  a 
century.  He  transmitted  an  earnest  remonstrance  to 
the  Duke  of  York,  on  the  impolicy  of  thus  multiplying 
statistical  divisions,  and  of  disjoining  from  his  own 
province  a  portion  distinguished  above  all  the  rest  by 
the  fertility  of  its  soil,  the  commodiousness  of  its  rivers, 
and  the  richness  of  its  minerals  ;  and  while  he  urged 
the  duke  to  revoke  a  grant  so  prejudicial  to  his  own 
interest,  he  predicted,  what  really  happened,  that  the 
undertaking  of  Berkeley  and  Carteret,  to  colonize  a 
vacant  territory,  would  disappoint  their  expectations  of 
profit,  and  involve  them  m  expenses,  of  which  only 
their  remote  posterity  could  hope  to  gather  the  fruits. 
This  remonstrance  appears  to  have  produced  some  im- 
pression on  the  mind  of  the  duke  :  but  either  it  failed 
to  suggest  to  him  a  sufficient  inducement  to  revoke 
the  grant  he  had  executed,  or  he  judged  such  revoca- 
tion beyond  his  power  ;  and  Nichols  was  reluctantly 
compelled  to  surrender  the  government  of  New  Jersey 
to  Philip  Carteret,  who  arrived  with  a  company  of 
thirty  settlers  from  England,  and  established  himself  at 
Elizabeth  Town,  which  was  regarded  as  the  capital  of 
the  infant  province.  Here  for  some  years  he  ruled  in 
peace  over  a  desert  which  was  gradually  replenished 
with  people  from  the  provinces  of  New  York  and  New 
England,  attracted  by  the  qualities  of  the  country  and 
the  repute  of  the  liberal  institutions  which  its  inhabi- 
tants were  to  enjoy.  It  was  a  happy  peculiarity  of  the 
lot  of  those  colonists  that,  establishing  themselves  in 
the  vicinity  of  countries  already  cultivated,  they  escaped 
the  disasters  and  privations  which  had  afflicted  so 
severely  the  first  inhabitants  of  most  of  the  other  pro- 
vinces. Their  neighborhood  to  the  commerce  of  New 
York,  in  particular,  was  considered  a  cireumslance  of 
no  small  advantage  during  the  infancy  of  their  settle- 
ment ;  though,  ir»  process  of  time,  it  was  less  favorably 
regarded,  as  having  contributed  to  prevent  the  rise  of 
a  domestic  mart,  which  would  have  afforded  still  more 
effectual  encouragement  to  their  trade.  Like  the  other 
colonists  of  North  America,  they  enjoyed  the  advantage 
of  transporting  the  arts  and  habits  of  industry  from  an 
old  country,  where  they  had  been  carried  to  a  high 
state  of  perfection,  into  a  new  land  which  afforded 
them  more  libsral  encouragemar.t  and  more  unre- 
stricted scope.  Their  exertions  for  the  raising  of  cat- 
tle and  grain  were  speedily  and  amply  rewarded  by  a 
grateful  soil  ;  and  their  relations  with  the  Indian."  ena- 
bled them  tc  prosecute  their  labors  in  undisturbed  tran- 
quillity, and  to  add  to  them  a  beneficial  traffic  m  peltry 
with  the  roving  tribes  by  whom  the  neighboring  forents 
were  inhabited.  Their  connexion  with  the  sister  co- 
loiiv  of  New  York  communicated  to  them  the  benefit 
o'  "iie  alliance  which  subsisted  between  lius  colony  and 


the  powerful  confederacy  of  the  Five  Nation!  ;  and,  Od 
the  infiuence  cf  this  confederacy  extended  lo  all  ihc 
tribes  in  the  vicinity  of  the  new  setileinenl,  i  s  inhnbt 
tants  enjoyed  the  felicity  of  an  entire  e.xcmp  ion  from 
Indian  war.  Rccoininendcd  by  the  salubrity  jf  its  cli- 
mate, ill  addition  to  so  many  oilier  advantage.^,  it  will 
not  appear  sur[)rising  that  New  Jersey  was  soon  con- 
sidered a  very  desirable  residence,  and  that  it.«  attrac- 
tions were  celebrated  by  early  writers  with  higher  com- 
mendation than  any  of  the  other  settlements  obtained. 
The  proprietaries,  still  buoyed  up  with  the  hope  of  a 
gainful  revenue  from  their  province,  were  not  war'.ing 
111  exertions  to  circulate  the  intelligence  of  its  advanta- 
ges both  in  Europe  and  America,  and  from  time  to 
time  despatched  from  England  vessels  freighted  with 
settlers  and  stores  to  reinforce  the  numbers  and  supply 
the  wants  of  their  people.  But  the  period  to  which 
they  had  looked  for  the  fulfilment  of  their  hopes,  was 
fated  to  demonstrate  their  fallacy  ;  and  the  scene  ot 
felicity  which  the  province  had  hitherto  presented  was 
disagreeably  overcast  by  the  arrival  of  the  day  w1h.>ii  the 
payment  of  quit  rents  had  been  appointed  to  com- 
mence. [166G — 1670  ]  The  first  demand  of  this  tribute 
excited  general  disgust  among  the  colonists,  who  seem 
to  have  expiessed  more  unwillingness  than  inability  to 
comply  with  it.  A  party  among  them,  including  the 
oldest  settlers,  who  had  occupied  tlnur  lands  under  the 
authority  of  Colonel  Nichols,  refused  to  acknowledge 
the  title  of  the  proprietaries,  and,  in  opposition  lo  it, 
set  up  titles  which  they  had  obtained  for  themselves 
from  the  Indians.  It  was  easier  for  '.he  governor  to 
demonstrate  the  illegality  of  '.hese  pretensions,  than  to 
prevail  with  the  jjcoplo  to  abandon  them  For  two 
years  he  maintained  an  ineffectual  struggle  to  enforce 
the  claims  of  the  proprietaries,  till  at  length  the  popular 
discontent  broke  forth  in  an  insurrection  [1672]  which 
he  found  it  impossible  to  withstand.  He  was  com- 
pelled to  return  to  England,  stript  of  his  functionn, 
which  the  colonists  forthwith  conferred  on  a  natural 
son  of  Sir  George  Carteret,  by  whom  their  pretensions 
had  been  abetted.  Disappointing  aa  this  result  injsl 
have  been  to  the  projirietaries,  it  was  impossible  for 
them  to  impute  the  blame  of  it  to  their  governor,  or  to 
hesitate  to  rei)lace  him  in  the  station  from  which  he 
had  been  expelled.  This  measure,  however,  was  re- 
tarded by  the  unexpected  events  of  the  following  year, 
[1673,]  when  New  V'ork  again  reverting  to  the  domi- 
nion of  Holland,  New  Jersey  was  once  more  reunite! 
to  the  province  of  New  Netherlands. 

[1674.]  The  Dutch,  as  we  have  already  seen,  did  not 
long  retain  their  acquisition,  which  was  restored  to  Great 
Britain  by  the  treaty  of  Londt  n.  But  there-establish- 
ment of  the  proprietary  governments  into  which  the 
teii.tory  had  been  previously  divided,  was  thought  to 
require  some  additional  formality,  and  was  not  effected 
without  a  renovation  of  the  titres  by  which  these  juris- 
dictions had  been  originally  created.  Some  doubts  had 
already  been  suggested  of  tlie  validity  of  the  royal 
charter,  which  had  been  granted  to  the  Duke  of  York 
at  a  time  when  the  Dutch  Government  was  in  qniut 
possession  of  the  country  ;  and,  however,  unwilling  to 
acknowledge  the  force  of  this  objection,  and  recede 
from  a  pretension  that  had  been  deliberately  embraced 
by  his  brother  and  himself,  the  duke  was  prompted  by 
his  own  interest  to  remove  from  men's  minds  a  doubt 
so  likely  to  obstruct  the  resort  of  settlers  to  this  pro 
vince.  Another  cause  seems  also  to  have  contributed 
to  turn  his  thoughts  to  the  [)rocureinent  of  a  new  inves- 
titure. The  remonstrances  of  Colonel  .Nichols  had  led 
him  to  regard  the  grant  he  had  made  of  New  Jersey  to 
Berkelev  and  Carteret  with  feelings  of  dissatisfaction, 
which  were  not  diminished  by  the  liberal  institutions 
which  these  proprietaries  had  conferred  on  their  pro- 
vince, and  the  number  of  inhabitants  who  had  been  at- 
tracted to  It  from  his  own  dominions.  Whatever  were 
the  motives  that  withstood  the  gratification  of  his 
wishes,  whether  he  scrupled  to  commit  the  injustice  and 
incur  the  dishonor  of  robbing  two  of  the  lirmesl  adhe- 
rents of  his  family,  or  doubted  the  support  of  the  law  or 
the  king  in  such  a  transaction,  it  is  manifest  from  hii 
conduct  that  he  entertained  a  desire  to  repossess  him- 
self of  the  New  Jersey  territory,  without  making  any 
compensation  to  the  parties  who  had  acquired  it.  The 
Dutch  conquest  seemed  to  furnish  him  with  an  oppor- 
tunity of  removing  the  objections  lo  which  his  own  title 
was  subject,  without  seeming  to  confess  its  original 
defectiveness  ;  and  to  afford  hiin,  at  the  same  lime,  a 
decent  pretext  for  divesting  Berkeley  and  Carteret  of 
their  property,  without  disowning  the  granl  by  which  he 
had  bestowed  it  ujioii  them,  or  incurring  any  obliiiation 
to  indeinnifv  them  for  its  loss.  It  was  prctendcfl  that 
the  Dutch  conquest  had  extinguished  the  propriatory 


818 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


rights,  and  that  the  country,  unencuinherpd  by  them, 
h«u  now  ff  varied  to  the  crown.  In  conformity  with 
this  view,  tlip  ihike  a|i|>liod  for  a  new  investiture,  and 
'oiind  no  difhciiltv  in  ol)tiinin!i  from  the  kin;;  a  second 
clmrter,  which  recited  the  former  grmt,  and  conlirnied 
to  r.:in  the  whole  of  tl;e  territory  which  that  frrant  had 
ctr.b.'aoed.  He  now  nppoiijod  Andros  his  heulcnaiil 
over  the  wiiole  reunited  province;  and,  investm^  all 
lii<!  fiinclions  of  lcgisla;ivc  end  executive  power  in  the 
governor  and  connci',  estalilished  the  same  arliitrary 
poverninent  in  New  Jersey  that  he  had  all  alonj;  niain- 
taiiicd  III  New  York.  But,  although  he  could  thus  ine- 
liit.ile  the  meanness  of  dcspoilmn  his  friends  of  a  pro- 
pf  nv  wti.-ch  he  had  sold  lo  them,  he  wanted  either  reso- 
lution or  authority  to  effectuate  his  iniquitous  preten- 
iBions  ;  aiid.  on  the  application  of  Sir  0<  orge  Carteret, 
scrupled  not  lo  promise  a  renewal  of  the  grant  of  New 
'crsey.  Yet,  though  ashamed  lo  acknowledge  his  in- 
.enlions.  lie  was  unwilling  lo  ahaudon  them  ;  and  while 
lh-3  cxeruliou  of  tiic  grant  was  delayed,  he  transmittcil 
orders  to  A:)ilros  to  maintain  his  prerogative  over  the 
whole  I 'rritory.  [IfiT-'i]  Even  when  he  finally  cou- 
Bented  10  lo.siore  New  Jersey,  he  endeavored  to  evade 
ihe  complete  performance  of  his  engagement,  and  pre- 
tended to  l\avo  reserved  certain  rights  of  sovereignty 
over  It,  -vhicn  Andros  seized  every  opportunity  of  as- 
f  orting. 

Ill  the  beginning  of  the  vear  1G75,  Philip  Carteret 
returned  'o  New  .lersey,  and  resumc^d  the  i_'overnmeiil 
of  the  seltlcnienls  which  h  id  been  formed  in  t.'ie  eastern 
part  of  the  province,  and  from  which  he  had  been  ex- 
pelled about  two  years  before.  The  inhabitants,  who 
had  ex|)erieiiced  the  rigors  of  coiKjuest  and  the  arbitrary 
rule  of  .Vndros.  now  received  their  old  governor  very 
willingly  ,  and,  as  he  postponed  the  payment  of  their 
quit  renrp  tc  a  fnlure  day,  and  puUlished  a  new  set  of 
concession.'  by  Sir  George  Carteret  that  confirmed  all 
their  privik'Ces,  a  jieacealile  and  contented  snbordina- 
;ion  was  once  more  re  established  in  the  colony.  The 
only  siibjei."t  of  disquiet  that  occurred  for  sever.il  years, 
arose  fr.'-ni  tlie  arbitrary  [iroccedings  by  which  .Vndros 
from  tun',  lo  lime  enforced  the  unjust  pretensions  of 
the  Duke  of  York.  Governor  Carteret,  in  the  hope  of 
procuring  to  his  people  a  share  of  the  advantages  which 
the  neiglihoniig  colony  derived  from  her  commerce,  at- 
tempted to  establish  a  direct  trade  between  England 
and  New  Jersey.  ]3ul  Andros  warmly  opposed  this 
proceeding,  is  an  injury  to  the  commerce  and  the  cus- 
toms of  New  York;  [1670]  and  by  confiscating  the 
vessels  that,  traded  in  o|)|)osiuon  to  his  mandates,  put 
tn  end  to  thj  Ni^w  Jersey  commerce  in  its  infancy.  In 
a(i<lition  (c  this  ontrag'-,  he  endeavored  liy  various  ex- 
actions to  /'Mider  the  colonists  tributary  lo  his  govern- 
ment ;  hnd  even  proceeded  to  such  extremity  of  inso- 
lence as  lo  arrest  (.iovernor  Carteret  and  convey  him 
prisoner  to  New  York.  When  comtilaints  of  these 
proceedmrs  of  his  deputy  were  earned  to  the  duke,  he 
evinced  inc  same  indecision  and  du[)licitv  tint  had 
characlt'ized  all  l,is  recent  diMnejuor.  He  couM  not 
consent,  lie  said,  to  depart  from  a  prerogative  which 
had  always  Ijclonged  to  him  ;  yet  he  directed  tluit  the 
exercise  rf  it  should  lie  rela.xed,  as  a  matter  of  favor  to 
his  friend  ti'r  George  Carteret.  Hut  the  province  had 
now  been  divided  into  two  proprietary  jurisdictions  ; 
and  il  wo;'  in  the  western  part  of  it,  in  which  ("arteret 
had  ceased  (a  have  any  inleresl,  that  the  duke  atiempled 
to  appro, Tiale  the  largest  share  of  his  pretended  prcro- 
(lative.  The  circumstances  thai  allc:iided  this  partition 
of  the  Iprrilory,  compose  the  most  interesting  portion 
of  the  eaily  history  of  New  Jersey. 

Among  the  various  sectaries  who  had  reason  to  com- 
plain of  the  ecclesiastical  policy  pursued  by  the  miiiis- 
lers  of  Cli.irle.i  tlie  Second,  the  ipiakers  incurred  an 
Btnple  share  jf  per.-.ecnlion  During  the  last  years  of 
Ihe  proto^lor.ilc  of  CromweH,  a  numlier  of  quakers, 
charged  with  olfcnding  against  puiilic  order  and  decency, 
had  been  rommitt(;d  to  prison  in  various  parts  of  Eng- 
land :  una  because  the  protector  refused  or  delayed  to 
pt^f  an  cirdrv  for  their  ndease,  one  of  the  leaders  of  the 
»ect  retiul  td  hiiii  imbliciv  in  an  angry  harangue, wliii  h  he 
concluileil  by  tearing  his  own  cap  in  two,  and  prophesy- 
ing that  'he  gi>verninent  would  be  rent  from  Oomwell 
and  his  family.*  The  accom|>lislimciit  of  this  prediction 

•  Cruniwol^  thnuifli  in  if.-iicr.il  lie  Ircalcd  llie  quakcrs  «  itti 
.enitjr  (of  hicli  IIib  impunity  of  tins  pmpliet  may  be  adduced 
•  >  kii  in«l»i  -e),  coidd  not  nnliroly  aulKliie  his  jealousy  of  a 
kert  III  wliioti  xniiin  of  |iik  own  most  detenninivl  adversaries 
kcd  Biiiollpil  themselves.  That  resiles.*  a^dIal(.r,  John  lal- 
bii'M,  III  Ihb  MihlKt  of  his  oppo.titinii  lo  Cromwell,  made  a  pro- 
fpinion  of  quakmsm,  and  yet  not  only  coiitiniind  lo  write 
•.Tmiinl  n,  -  proleriiir'ii  novcriirnciit,  Imi  Inm;  reliisnl  to  pro- 
!M«c  tint  I..'  w..ij|d  not  employ  his  .sword  in  ai.l  of  his  pen. 
'lough  iiikI  .Si  *ell.  I  TO.  Cromwell  had  iwrsoiiallv  witnessed 
a  .^locl  dooJ  of  quaker  i';:traviig,uicc.    Ho  was  'inturru|<tc  1 


however,  was  the  only  gratification  that  the  quakcrs 
were  permitted  to  ilerive  from  the  abolition  of  the  pro-  i 
teetoral  government.  In  the  interval  between  that  • 
event  and  the  restoration,  they  e.xperienced  such  addi-  ' 
tional  .severity  as  again  elicited  from  one  of  their  num- 
ber the  prophecy  of  another  political  revolution.  'I'hese 
severities,  partly  occasioned  by  the  aversion  which  the  ' 
prcshyterian  ministers  and  magistrates  entertained  for  ' 
the  doctrines  of  thcqnakers,  were  also  in  (lart  provoked  \ 
by  the  frenzy  and  indecency  with  which  many  of  the 
[irofessors  of  these  doctrines  thought  proper  to  signalise 
tlieir  contempt  for  the  worship  of  their  adversaries.  | 
[al]  To  the  committee  of  safety,  in  whose  hands  the 
sn[)reine  power  was  lodged,  the  quakcrs  were  rendered 
additionally  obnoxious  by  ifie  progress  which  their 
tenets  had  made  among  the  veteran  soldiers  of  the 
commoiuvealth,  and  the  success  with  which  George 
Fox  interposed  to  prevent  a  body  of  these  converts 
from  joining  the  parliamentary  forces  who  were  march- 
ing to  suppress  the  insurrection  of  the  royalists  in  Che-  j 
shire.  They  refused  to  interpose  for  the  liberation  ot 
those  quakers  who  had  been  imprisoned  bv  the  magis- 
trates as  vagabonds  and  disturbers  of  the  peace  or 
even  to  restrain  the  outrages  of  the  populace,  who 
in  many  places  began  to  insult  and  disturb  the  quaker 
assemblies.  The  advancement  of  General  Monk  to 
the  supreme  direction  of  affairs,  not  only  gratified  these 
sectaries  with  the  accoinplishmeiit  of  another  jiredic- 
tioii,  but  encouraged  them  to  expect  a  favorable  chawge 
in  their  own  situation.  Monk  issued  an  order  that  no 
further  disturbance  should  he  given  to  the  peaceable 
meetings  of  the  qiiakers,  and  he  listened  to  their  com- 
plaints with  a  respect  and  atiention  which  they  had  not 
been  able  to  procure  from  his  predecessors  in  authority. 
The  hopes  which  this  altered  treatment  gave  rise  to, 
were  realised  at  the  restoration.  To  the  favorable  re- 
gards of  the  king,  the  quakers  were  recommended  bv 
the  eom[:iaints  thev  preferred  against  every  description 
of  authority  that  had  subsisted  in  England  during  the 
suspension  of  monarchy,  and  bv  the  peculiar  enmity 
ihcy  expressed  against  those  who  were  also,  in  an  emi- 
nent degree,  the  objects  of  his  own  dislike.  Their  ac- 
cusations of  the  government  of  New  England,  in  par- 
ticular, met  with  a  gracious  acceptance,  and  produced 
an  order  for  the  suspension  of  all  further  seventies 
against  them  in  that  quarter.  Upwards  of  seven  hun-  ' 
died  quakers  were  released  from  various  prisons  in 
England,  and  an  assurance  was  given  that  a  complete 
toleration  of  quaker  worship  would  be  established  by 
law.  The  fulfilment  of  this  assurance,  however,  was 
obstructed  by  certain  of  the  king's  ministers,  who, 
though  willing  by  delusive  pretences  to  IraiKiuillise  all 
the  dissenters  till  the  newly-restored  monarchy  might 
appear  to  be  firmly  established,  were  secretly  deter- 
mined to  enforce  a  strict  uniformity  of  religious  worship 
in  England  ;  and,  before  many  months  of  the  new 
reigii  had  ela|)sed,  their  purpose  was  effectually  (iro- 
inoted  by  a  circumstance  which  suddenly  and  com- 
plc-tc  ly  extinguished  whatever  of  coiiit  favor  the  quakcrs 
had  really  or  seemingly  enjoyed.  Meanwhile,  the  sect, 
like  all  others,  was  indulged  with  an  actual  toleration, 
which  was  diligently  improved  by  its  founder  and  Ins 
wiser  associates  in  multiplying  their  converts,  niid  in- 
troducing into  t'neir  society  a  system  of  order  and  disci- 
pline that  tended  to  curb  the  wild  spirit  which  had 
transported  so  many  votaries  of  quakerism  beyond  the 
bounds  of  decency  and  sobriety,  and  exposed  their  pro- 
fession, in  so  many  places,  to  reproach  and  persecution. 
But  this  state  of  unmolested  tranquillity,  together 
with  the  hope  of  seeing  it  perpetuated  by  law,  were 
quickly  <lestroyed  bv  a  violent  explosion  of  fury  and 
fanaticism  from  a  (birerent  body  of  sectarians.  In  ' 
some  points,  both  of  doclrine  and  practice,  the  "  Fifth  ' 
.Monarchy  men,"  or  '•  iMillenariaiis,"  bore  a  strong  re-' 
semblance  to  the  quakers ;  a  temporal  hierarchy,  in 
particular,  was  eipially  odious  to  both,  and  both  re- 
jected, on  all  occasions,  the  ceremonial  of  an  oath. 
The  miUcnarians,  however,  went  a  step  further  than  the 
quakers,  and  held  themselves  entitled  to  employ  force, 
for  the  overthrow  of  every  temporal  supremacy  that 
usurped  the  placi?,  and  obstructed  tlie  advent,  of  that 
siiiritual  dominion  which  thev  eagerly  expected  to  be- 
holil.  (ieorge  Fox,  on  the  contrary,  had  ^nght,  from 
the  beginning  of  his  ministry,  that  it  was  absolutely  < 
unlawful  to  employ  any  other  than  epiritual  weapons  | 
for  the  promotun  of  spiritual  ends,  or,  indeed,  of  any  | 
ends  whalevi-r.  But  he  was  well  aware  that  he  had 
collected  around  hiin  many  of  the  wildest  and  most 

when  presi  liii^  in  parli anient  hy  a  iju  ikcr,  who  railed  out 
that  ho  ha<l  a  iiii!ssai(u  from  the  Lord  to  the  protector.  Ihld. 
71) ;  atiA  III]  had  sern  a  femalo  <)uakor  enter  8lark  naked  tiilo  a 
church  where  he  wa.i  stilting  with  his  olBcors  at  divnio  wor- 
ship,   lluaic,  33ii 


combustible  spirits  in  the  kingdom  ;  and  the  exa_"»ers- 
tion  of  his  own  principles,  which  he  beheld  in  the  ae- 
meanor  of  many  of  his  own  followers,  together  witk 
numberless  examples  among  the  other  sects  and  fac 
tions  of  which  the  times  were  so  prolific,  had  forcibly 
taught  him  by  what  insensible  gradations  the  minds  ol 
men,  when  thoroughly  heated  by  religious  or  politica; 
zeal,  are  carried  from  the  disapprobation  of  hostile  in- 
stitntions  into  the  conviction  of  an  c.«pecial  call,  or  ol 
a  clear  moral  duly,  lo  attempt  their  subversion  It  wu 
therefore  with  no  small  alarm  that  Fox  had  heard  of  the 
projects  that  the  millenarians  entertained  some  time 
jirior  lo  the  restoration,  of  effecting  by  force  of  arms 
the  eslahlishment.  or  at  least  the  recognition,  of  llie 
Messiah's  personal  reign  upon  earth  ;  and  he  liad  puli- 
lislied,  at  the  time,  an  earnest  remunslrancc  lo  all  his 
followers  on  ihe  unlawfulness  of  designs,  which.  Iiow-  | 
ever  remofc  from  their  distinctive  principles,  would  ' 
prove,  he  feared,  but  too  congenial  to  the  spirit  wi'\ 
wiiich,  in  many  instances,  these  principles  were  asM. 
ciated.  But  his  endeavors,  whatever  effect  thev  mai 
have  produced  on  his  own  followers,  failed  lo  conviiica  | 
the  public  that  there  was  any  radical  or  solid  distinr- 
tioii  between  the  quakers  and  the  millenarians;  and 
what  probably  eontrihiited  to  sharpen  his  own  appre 
hensions,  as  well  as  lo  increase  the  public  preposses- 
sion, was,  that  the  quakers  were  encumliered  with  t 
number  of  partial  and  temporary  adherents,  the  limits 
of  whose  faiili  they  were  unalile  lo  ascertain  iiy  refe- 
rence to  a  creed,  and  who,  tinting  from  sect  to  sect, 
according  to  the  ebbs  and  flows  of  their  own  humor  and 
caprice,  remained  only  long  enough  with  any  one  to 
infect  it  with  their  own  levity,  and  dishonor  it  willi  i 
share  of  their  own  reputation.  The  insurrection  tli..; 
broke  forth  among  the  millenarians,  in  the  first  year  of 
the  restored  monarchv.  proved  highly  prcjndiciai  lo  the 
interests  of  the  quakers,  not  only  from  the  coinmon 
0|)inion  that  the  pnnciples  of  the  two  sects  were  siili- 
staiitially  the  same,  but  from  the  plausible  grounds  that 
were  afforded  to  the  adversaries  of  toieralion  ;  and  the 
])ledges  which  the  government,  no  less  alaniicd  than 
provoked,  determined  to  exact  from  every  descnplion 
of  Us  subjects.  The  quakers  now  became  the  o'ljccls 
of  peculiar  jealousy,  from  their  refusal  to  give  assurance 
ol  fidelity  to  the  king  by  taking  the  oath  of  allegiance, 
and  were  assailed  with  a  rigor  and  reality  of  persecu- 
tion which  as  yet  they  had  never  experienced  in  Eng- 
land. They  were  at  first  included  along  with  the  mil- 
lenarians in  a  royal  proclamation  which  forbade  eiih.  r 
of  these  classes  of  sectaries  from  assembling  under  \iu  ■ 
lence  of  worship  elsewhere  than  m  parochial  churches, 
but  were  soon  after  distinguished  liy  the  provisions  of 
an  act  of  parliament  that  applied  excbuuvely  to  them- 
selves. By  this  statute  it  was  enacted,  that  all  qua- 
kers refusing  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance,  and  afsein- 
biiiig  lo  the  number  of  five  persons  above  sixteen  years 
of  age  for  the  purpose  of  divine  worship,  should,  for  the 
first  and  second  olienecs,  incur  the  penally  of  fine  and 
iiiipi'isonmeut,  and,  lor  the  third,  should  either  atijure 
the  realm  or  be  transported  beyond  it.  Nav,  so  cordial 
was  the  dislike  now  entertained  by  the  court  against 
the  quakers,  that,  instead  of  employing  the  complaints 
of  this  sect  as  the  handle  for  a  quarrel  with  the  obnox- 
ious province  of  Massactiiisetts,  it  was  detemnned  lo 
stir  u|)  the  enmity  that  had  been  expressed  in  this  pro- 
vince against  the  quakers,  and  to  invite  the  provinciii 
government  to  a  repetition  of  the  severities  that  had 
been  so  recently  prohibited.  For  this  pur|>o»e,  it  waa  f 
signified  to  the  governor  and  assembly  of  Massachu- 
setts, by  a  letter  under  the  band  of  the  king,  lh:ii  his 
majesty,  though  desirous  thj^l  -liberty  of  consneiico 
should  bo  granted  to  all  olher  religious  professors  ni  the 
province,  would  be  glad  to  hear  that  a  severe  law  were 
passed  against  the  quakers,  whose  principles  he  reckon- 
ed iiicouipalihle  with  the  existence  of  government. 
These  unfavorable  sentiments  were  very  shorllv  aflof 
exchanged  by  the  king  for  a  justcr  estimate  of  quakci 
principles.  In  a  conference  which  he  grantc  I  lo  sMno 
of  the  leading  members  of  the  sect,  he  rece.ved  assu- 
rances which  satisfied  him  not  only  tiiat  this  [leople  had 
been  unjustly  confounded  with  the  millenariar.s,  but 
that  their  |irinciples  with  respect  to  government,  includ- 
ing ail  absolute  renunciation  of  the  nghl  of  resistance, 
were  such  as  he  had  reason  10  wish  more  generally  dif 
fused  through  his  dominions.  But  this  alteration  in 
Ills  sentiments  producerl  no  relaxation  of  the  legal  »e>e- 
rities  to  which  the  quakers  were  subjected,  and 
attended  with  no  other  consequence  than  a  familiar  and 
apparently  confidenlial  iiilercoiirse  betwccii  hini  ami 
some  of  their  more  eminent  leaders,  together  wilh  many 
expressions  of  regard  and  good  will  on  his  part  which 
lie  was  unv>illink>  or  unable  to  substantiate,    iu  Itn 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


pcrscciitioTi  that  was  now  cotnmpnced  against  all 
classes  of  dissenters,  the  qimkers  were  exposed  to  a 
more  than  ee,nal  sliare  of  seventy  from  the  unbending 
jeal  with  which  they  refused  to  conform  even  in  ap- 
pearance to  any  one  of  the  obnoxious  requisitions  of 
the  law,  and  the  eagerness  with  which  they  seized 
every  opportunity  of  makinj;  manifest  their  forbidden 
practices,  and  signalizing  their  peculiar  gifts  of  patient 
siiH'ering  aud  \niconquerable  perseverance.  In  every 
t)art  of  Kngland  the  quakeis  were  harassed  with  fines 
and  imprisonments,  and  great  numbers  vN'cre  trans- 
ported to  narl)adoes  and  to  the  American  settlements,  '' 
where  they  formed  a  valuable  addition  to  the  English 
population,  and  quickly  found  that  their  persecutors  in 
expelling  them  from  their  native  land,  had  uncon- 
sciously contributed  to  the  melioration  of  their  lot. 
Instead  of  the  wild  enthusiasts  who  had  formerly 
'ushed  with  headlong  zeal  to  New  England  in  quest  of 
lersecution,  there  was  novv  introduced  into  America  a 
numerous  body  of  vv'iser  and  milder  professors  of  qua- 
kerism,  whose  views  were  confined  to  the  enjoyment 
of  that  liberty  of  worship,  for  the  sake  of  which  they 
had  been  driven  into  exile.  In  several  of  the  .Vinerican 
provinces,  as  well  as  ni  the  island  of  Barbadoes,  thev 
experienced  an  ample  toleration  and  a  friendly  recep- 
tion from  the  governments  and  the  inhabitants  :  and, 
even  in  those  provinces  where  they  were  still  the  ob- 
jects of  suspicion  and  severity,  they  contributed  to 
render  their  principles  less  unpopular,  by  demonstrat- 
ing with  what  useful  industry  and  peaceful  virtue  the 
profession  of  them  might  be  combined.  Contented 
with  the  toleration  of  their  worship,  and  diligently  im- 
proving the  advantages  of  their  new  lot,  many  of  their 
exiles  attained,  in  a  few  years,  to  a  plentiful  and  pros- 
perous estate  ;  and  so  far  did  they  carrv  their  willing- 
ness to  reconcile  their  own  tenets  with  the  existing  in- 
stitutions and  practices  of  the  countries  in  which  they 
found  themselves  established,  that  in  many  instances 
they  united  a  profession  of  quakerism  with  the  purchase 
and  employment  of  negro  slaves.  Perhaps  the  deceit- 
fulness  of  the  human  heart  was  never  more  strikingly 
exhibited  than  in  this  monstrous  association  of  the  cha- 
racters of  exiles  for  conscience  sake  and  the  principles 
of  universal  peace  and  philanthropy,  with  the  condition 
of  slave  owners  and  the  exercise  of  arbitrary  power, 
yet,  in  process  of  time,  much  good  was  educed  from 
this  evil;  and  the  inconsistency  of  one  generation  of 
qualters  enabled  their  successors  to  exhibit  to  the 
world  a  memorable  exam|ile  of  disinterested  renard  for 
the  rights  of  human  nature,  and  a  magnanimous  sacri- 
fice to  the  requirements  of  piety  and  justice. 

The  principles  of  the  sect  continued  mcanvyhile  to 
propagate  themselves  in  Britain,  to  an  extent  that  more 
than  supplied  the  losses  occasioned  by  the  banishment 
of  so  many  of  their  professors.  Almost  all  ihe  other 
sects  had  suffered  an  abalcineiit  of  piety  and  reputation 
fi'om  the  furious  disputes  and  vmdiclive  struggles  that 
rltended  the  civil  wars  ;  and  while  the  quakers  were 
distinguished  by  exemption  from  this  reproach,  they 
were  no  less  advantageously  distinguished  by  a  severity 
of  persecution  which  enabled  them  to  display  in  an 
eminent  degree  the  primitive  graces  of  christian  cha- 
racter. It  was  now  that  their  cause  was  espoused  and 
Iheir  doctrines  defended  by  writers  who  yielded  to  none 
ol  their  coiemporaries  in  learning,  eloquence,  or  inae- 
nuity,  and  who  have  never  been  equalled,  or  even  ap- 
proached, by  any  succeeding  authors  in  the  ranks  of 
the  qinkers.  The  doctrines  that  had  floated  loosely 
through  the  quaker  body  were  novv  collected  and  re- 
duced to  an  orderly  system  ;  the  discipline  necessary 
to  preserve  from  anarchy,  and  restaiu  the  fantastic  sal- 
lies which  the  genuine  principle  of  quakerism  is  pe- 
culiarly apt  to  beget, t  was  e.xplaitied  and  enforced  ; 
»nd,  in  the  midst  of  a  persecution  which  drove  many  of 
the  preshyterians  of  Scotland  to  despair  and  rebellion, 
the  quakers  began  to  add  to  their  ieal  and  resolution 
that  mildness  of  address  and  tranquil  propriety  of 
thought  and  conduct  by  which  they  are  now  universally 

*  In  nne  vessel  alone,  which  was  despatched  from  Enc^land 
m  March  1064,  .suty  quaker  convict-  were  shipped  for  Ame- 
rira.    Williamson's  North  Carolina,  i.  82. 

t  Robert  Barclay,  tlie  author  of  the  "  Apology  for  the  Qua- 
kers,- and  of  a  treatise  on  "  the  Anarchy  of  the  Ranters  " 
aas  perhaps  done  more  than  any  other  writer  of  his  persua- 
Bion  to  render  .[uakensm  a  methodical  and  rational  system 
let  this  eminent  person,  though  remarkably  distin-nislied  for 
the  strength  and  sounaness  of  his  understanding  and  the  se- 
daieness  of  his  temper,  soon  after  his  conversion  to  Quaker- 
ism, betrayed  in  his  conduct  a  strong  taint  o' enthusiastic  ex- 
travagance. He  himself  mentions,  tliat  on  one  occasion 
Javing  experienced  a  very  vivid  impression  of  the  dutv  of 
•va.Kmg  throuffh  the  streets  of  Al)erdeen  in  sackcloth  and 
nshes,  he  could  not  be  easy  till  he  had  olieved  the  uivme  call, 
n».;e  conceived  it  to  have  been.    Aikin's  General  Biography 

vol.  It  ^      r  J 


characterized.  Yet,  it  was  long  bi-fore  the  wild  and 
enthusiastic  spirit  which  had  distinguished  the  rise  of 
the  society  was  banished  entirely  from  its  bosom  :  and 
while  it  continued  to  exert  its  influence,  a  coiisiderable 
diversity  of  sentiment  and  language  prevailed  among 
the  quakers.  [22]  This  diversity,  in  particular,  was 
manifest  in  the  sentiments  that  were  entertained  with 
regard  to  the  duty  of  confronting  persecution.  While 
all  considered  it  unlawful  to  forsake  their  ordinances 
on  account  of  the  prohibition  of  their  oppressors,  there 
wore  many  who  esteemed  it  no  less  a  derclection  of 
duty  to  abandon  their  country  for  the  sake  of  a  peaceful 
enjoyment  of  their  ordinances  in  another  land.  Con- 
sidering quakerism  as  a  revival  of  primitive  Christianity, 
and  themselves  as  fated  to  repeat  the  fortunes  of  the 
first  Christians,  and  to  gain  the  victory  over  the  world 
by  evincing  the  fortitude  of  martyrs,  they  had  associated 
the  success  of  their  cause  with  the  infliction  and  endu- 
rance of  persecution,  and  deemed  the  retreating  from  a 
countrv  where  this  evil  impended  over  thein,  to  one 
where  they  might  be  exempted  from  it,  equivalent  to 
the  desertion  of  the  contest  in  which  the  prevalence  of 
truth  or  of  error  was  to  be  decided.  The  toleration  of 
their  principles  seemed  to  be  less  the  object  of  their  de- 
sire than  the  victorious  spread  of  them  ;  and  the  suc- 
cess of  quakerism  in  England  appeared  to  be  incomplete 
without  the  downfall  of  the  established  hierarchy.*  But 
there  were  others  of  more  moderate  temper,  who,  though 
willing  to  sustain  the  character  of  the  primitive  Chris- 
tians djeined  this  character  no  way  inconsistent  with 
the  exercise  of  that  liberty  which  was  expressly  con- 
ceded to  the  objects  of  their  imitation  in  tlie  apostolic 
direction  that  when  persecuted  in  one  city  they  should 
flee  to  another.  Disturbed  m  their  religious  assemblies, 
harassed  and  impoverished  by  fines  and  imprisonments, 
and  withal  continually  exposed  to  a  violent  removal  from 
their  native  land,  as  the  consequence  of  a  lino  of  con- 
duct which  they  held  it  their  duty  to  pursue,  they  were 
led  to  meditate  the  advantage  of  a  voluntary  expatria- 
tion with  their  families  and  their  substance,  and  natu- 
rally cast  their  eyes  on  that  country  which,  notwith- 
standing the  severities  once  inflicted  on  their  brethren 
in  some  of  its  provinces,  had  always  presented  an  asy- 
lum to  the  victims  of  persecution.  Their  regards  were 
farther  directed  to  this  quarter  by  the  number  of  their 
fellow  sectaries  who  were  now  established  in  several 
of  the  North  American  states,  and  the  freedom,  comfort, 
and  tranquillity  which  they  were  there  enabled  to 
enjoy. 

Such  was  the  situation  of  the  quakers  at  the  time 
when  Lord  Berkeley,  alarmed  by  the  insubordination  of 
the  planters  of  New  Jersey,  and  dissatisfied  with  an  ac- 
quisition which  seemed  likely  to  realize  the  predictions 
of  Colonel  Nichols,  offered  his  share  of  the  province 
for  sale.  He  soon  received  the  proposal  of  a  price 
that  was  satisfactory  from  two  English  quakers  named 
Fenwick  and  Byllinge,  and  in  the  year  1(574,  in  confor- 
mity with  their  desire,  conveyed  the  sul>ject  of  the 
purchase  to  the  first  of  these  persons  in  trust  for  the 
other.  Fenwick  appears  to  have  been  unworthy  of  the 
confidence  implied  in  this  ariangement.  .\  dispute 
soon  arose  between  Byllinge  and  him  with  regard  to 
their  respective  proportions  of  interest  in  the  territory  ; 
and,  to  avoid  the  scandal  of  a  law-suit,  the  two  parties 
agreed  to  submit  their  pretensions  to  the  judgment  of 
the  celebrated  William  Penn,  who  now  began  to  occupy 
a  conspicuous  place  among  the  leaders  and  champions 
of  the  quaker  cause.  Penn  found  it  easier  to  appreciate 
the  merits  of  the  case  than  to  terminate  the  contro- 
versy :  and,  after,  he  had  pronounced  an  award  in  favor 
of  Byllinge,  it  required  the  utmost  exertions  of  his  ad- 
dress aud  authority  to  prevail  upon  Fenwick  to  recog- 
nise it.  Yielding  at  length  to  the  solemn  and  earnest 
remonstrances  of  Penn,  Fenwick  forbore  to  press  his 
unjust  demand  any  farther  ;  and,  in  the  year  1675,  with 
his  wife  and  family,  and  a  small  troop  of  quaker  associ- 
ates, he  set  sail  from  England,  and  established  himself 
in  the  western  part  of  New  Jersey.  But  Byllinge  was 
now  no  longer  in  a  condition  to  profit  by  the  adjustment 
of  the  dispute.  He  had  sustained  such  losses  in  trade 
that  it  became  necessary  for  him  to  divest  himself  of 
the  whole  of  his  remaining  property  for  the  indemnifica- 
tion of  his  creditors;  and  as  the  most  valuable  part  of 
this  property  consisted  of  his  New  Jersey  purchase,  he 

'  In  Neal's  History  of  the  Puiituns  (vol.  iv.)  there  is  pre- 
served an  account  of  a  debate  which  took  place  in  one  of  the 
churches  of  London  between  an  English  bishop  and  a  party 
of  these  wilder  professors  of  quakerism,  wlio  willingly  ac- 
cepted the  bishop's  rash  challenge  to  a  public  disputation. 
The  debate  was  short,  and  soon  degenerated  into  a  recipro- 
cation of  abuse,  in  which  the  bishop,  linding  himself  by  no 
means  a  match  ktr  his  opponents,  took  to  Iligtil,  and  was  pur- 
s-iie<l  to  his  house  by  a  mob  of  quakcis,  vociferating  at  his 
heels,  "  The  hireling  fliclh,  the  hireling  liicth." 


was  the  more  iialurallv  led  lo  desire  ilul  lis  jilniinisira- 
tioii  should  be  confided  lo  the  same  eminent  [.frson 
whose  good  otlices  bad  so  recently  contributed  to  a.s- 
certain  and  preserve  it.  William  Penn,  after  soipo 
consideration,  agreed  lo  undcttake  lliis  duty,  and.  in 
conjunction  with  G.iwcn  Laurie  and  Nicholas  Lucar., 
two  of  the  creditors  of  Byllinge,  assumed  the  direction 
of  their  constituents'  share  of  the  New  Jersey  territory 

The  first  care  of  Penn  and  his  associates  was  to  ef- 
fect a  partition  of  the  province  between  themselves  aiij 
Sir  George  Carteret  ;  and  ay  all  parties  were  sensible 
of  the  disadvantage  of  a  joint  propt^rlv,  the  division  was 
accomplished  without  difficulty,  'i'he  eastern  part  of 
the  province  was  assigned  to  Carteret,  under  the  name 
of  East  New  Jersey  ;  the  western,  to  Byllinge's  as- 
signess,  who  named  their  moiety  West  New  Jersey. 
The  administrators  of  tiiis  latter  territory  then  (iroc ceded 
to  divide  it  into  a  hundred  lots,  or  proprieties;  ten  ol 
winch  they  assigned  to  Fenwick,  and  the  remaining 
ninety  they  reserved  for  sale  for  the  benefit  of  the  cre- 
ditors of  Byllinge.  'I'hcir  next  and  most  important  pro- 
ceeding was  to  frame  a  political  constitution  for  tho 
purchasers  and  future  inhabitants  of  the  land,  which  wac 
promulgated  under  the  title  of  "  concessions,"  or  tenna 
of  grant  and  agreement,  to  be  mutually  signed  by  tho 
venders  and  purchasers  of  the  territory.  This  instrument 
adopted  the  provisions  that  had  been  previously  enacted 
by  Berkeley  and  Carteret  for  the  exemption  of  the  pro- 
vincials from  all  taxes  but  such  as  their  own  native  as- 
semblies should  impose  on  thcin,  and  for  the  security 
of  religious  freedom  ;  the  clause  by  which  this  latter 
provision  was  introduced  being  prefaced  by  a  general 
declaration,  '•  that  no  men,  nor  number  of  men,  upon 
earth  have  power  to  rule  over  men's  consciences  in 
religious  matters."  It  was  appointed  that  the  people 
should  meet  annually  to  choose  one  honest  man  for 
each  propriety  to  sit  in  the  provincial  assembly  ;  that 
"  these  elections  be  not  determined  by  the  common  anj 
confused  way  of  cries  and  voices,  but  by  putting  balls 
into  balloting  boxes  to  be  provided  for  that  purpose,  for 
the  prevention  of  all  partiality,  and  whereby  every  man 
may  freely  choose  according  to  his  own  judgment  and 
honest  intention  ;"  and  that  every  member  of  assembly 
should  he  allowed  a  shilling  a  day  during  the  session, 
"  that  thereby  he  may  be  known  to  be  the  servant  ol 
the  |)eople."  Every  man  was  to  be  capable  of  choosing 
and  being  chosen  lo  sit  in  these  assemblies,  which  were 
vested  with  the  power  to  make,  alter,  and  repeal  lawi, 
and  lo  elect,  from  time  to  time  a  committee  of  assist- 
ants to  carry  the  laws  into  execution.  Without  tho 
verdict  of  a  jury,  no  man  could  be  anested,  confined, 
or  deprived  of  life,  liberty,  or  estate.  Im|irisonmcn( 
for  debt  was  disallowed  i  and  a  bankrupt,  after  siirreu- 
d-  rincr  his  estate  to  his  creditors,  was  set  at  liberty  to 
work  again  for  himself  and  his  family.  Such  is  an  out. 
line  of  the  composition  tliat  forms  the  tirsl  essay  of 
quaker  legislation,  and  entitles  its  ■lulhors  to  no  mean 
share  in  the  honor  of  planting  religious  a.",d  politiciu 
liberty  in  America.  "  There,"  said  Penn  and  his  col- 
leagues, in  allusion  to  this  fruit  of  their  labors,  "  we  lay 
a  foundation  for  after  ages  to  understand  their  liberty  as 
men  and  christians,  that  they  may  not  be  brought  ia 
bondage  but  by  their  own  consent ;  '  for  we  put  tho 
power  in  the  people.'  " 

The  publication  of  this  instrument,  which  its  authors 
accompanied  with  a  special  recommendation  of  the  pro- 
vince to  the  members  of  their  own  religious  fraternity 
produced  an  immediate  display  of  that  diversity  of  s<?ii- 
timent  which  had  begun  to  prevail  among  the  socie'y 
of  quakers.  Many  prepared  with  alacrity  to  embraco 
the  proposals  of  the  trustees,  and  expressed  the  men 
exaggerated  expectations  of  the  liberty,  prosperity,  and 
repose  that  awaited  them  in  the  new  settlement  ;  vvlulo 
others  regarded  with  jealousy,  and  even  vehemently  op- 
posed a  secession  which  they  considered  pusillanimous 
and  discreditable.  To  moderate  (he  expectations  o) 
the  one,  and  to  appease  the  jealousy  of  the  other  ol 
these  parties,  William  Penn  and  his  colleagues  ad- 
dressed a  circuler  letter  to  the  members  of  their  sect, 
HI  which  they  solemnly  cautioned  them  against  leaving 
their  country  from  a  timid  reluctance  to  bear  testimony 
to  their  principles,  from  an  impatient  unsettled  temper, 
or  from  any  motive  inferior  to  a  delil)crate  conviction 
that  the  God  of  all  the  earth  opened  their  way  to  New 
Jersey,  and  sanctioned  their  removal  thither.  They 
were  admonished  to  remember  that,  although  quaker 
principles  were  established  in  the  province,  oiilv  quaker 
safeouards  could  'oe  interposed  or  lelied  on  lor  tlicii 
prcseivation  ;  and,  m  particular,  that  the  religious  tole- 
ration which  was  to  be  established  must  depend  for  its 
continuance  on  the  aid  of  that  Being  with  whose  wiU 
tticy  believed  it  to  concur,  and  could   ever  be  defended 


THK   II  I. SI  OK  Y  OK 


I'V  fon-c  or  violiMicc  auainsl  iho  arm  of  an  oppressor. 
'Jo  rhh  »linoiiitorv  lellcr  (here  was  annexed  •'  A  De- 
scniitioT  of  West  N'l-w  Jersey."'  for  the  better  informa- 
tion of  intending  colonists,  in  which  some  trivial  exai,'- 
pentions  iliat  had  ^oiie  abroad  res|)eclin(r  tlio  e.Tci  l- 
fence  of  the  soil  and  chmate  were  correct!  d,  but  in  the 
main,  a  most  invitinif  representation  of  tlie  setllenient 
was  cnnvevcd.  This  p\ilihcatioii  was  certainly  not  in- 
tend id  to  repress  the  ardor  of  qnakcr  eniigralion  ;  nei- 
ther had  it  any  such  effocl.  Numerous  purchases  of 
colonial  land  were  made  by  quakers  in  various  parts  of 
Ei;giand  ;  and.  in  the  course  of  the  year  1677,  upwards 
of  four  hundred  persons  of  this  persuasion  traiis|)orl(  d 
themselves  to  West  New  .Icrsey.  Many  of  these  were 
tiersoiis  of  considerable  substance  and  respcctabilily, 
who  carried  with  them  their  children  andtervants  ;  and 
alon§  with  them  were  sent  a  board  of  oomniissioners 
ippointcd  by  Penii  and  his  colleagues  to  make  partition 
jf  the  lands,  and  purchase  the  acquiescence  and  friend- 
»!iipoflhn  Indians.  While  the  thip  that  carried  out 
the  first  detarhinciit  of  these  emiijrants  was  lying  in 
tiie  Tl. allies,  and  preparing  to  sail,  it  happened  that 
Charles  the  Second  was  passing  by  in  his  pleasunt 
barge.  Observing  a  number  of  quakers  on  board,  the 
king  c?.mc  alongside  the  vessel,  and  inquired  whillier 
they  were  bound.  Informed  of  their  purpose,  he  askod 
if  they  were  all  quakers,  and,  being  answered  in  the 
nmrmative,  he  gave  them  his  blessing  and  departed.* 

On  their  arrival  in  .Vmerica,  the  qinkers  very  soon 
discovered  that  the  danger  of  a  lawless  eiicroachineiii. 
on  their  privileges  had  not  been  suggested  to  then:  in 
vain.  Andros  summoned  them  to  acknowledge  the 
soveriegnty  of  his  master,  the  Duke  of  York  ;  atiirniing 
that  his  own  life  would  be  endangered  if  he  should  ven- 
ture to  recognize  their  iiidependonce  without  an  vx- 
prcss  order  iVom  the  duke.  Wiien  they  rcmonst rated 
against  this  usiirpalioii,  .\ndros  cut  short  the  contro- 
versy by  pointing  to  his  sword  ;  and  a.s  this  was  an 
arsxnment  which  the  quakers  were  precluded  from  re- 
torting, they  submitted  for  the  present  to  his  violence, 
and  acknow  led;;ed  themselves  and  their  territory  sub- 
ject to  the  Duke  of  York,  till  the  issue  of  an  applica- 
tion lor  redress,  which  they  traiHniitted  to  fvigland. 
Thcv  were  conipelkd  for  some  time  to  endure  the 
hardships  inseparable  from  the  occupation  of  a  desert 
land.  Uut  these  hardships  were  surmounted  by  in- 
dustry and  [latience ;  and  their  first  settlement,  to 
which  they  gave  the  name  of  Burlington,  quickly  exhi- 
bited a  thriving  appearance,  and  was  rcplenislied  with 
ii;h»l.itanls  by  successive  arrivals  of  additional  quaker 
emigrants  from  the  parent  state.  [  1  ()78  j  It  was  ob 
acrved  in  this,  as  in  most  of  the  other  inf.iiil  setile- 
l:icnts  in  .Vmerica,  that  the  siicxess  of  indivKhial  colo- 
liuls  was  in  general  proportioned  to  the  original  humi- 
lity of  ll-.eir  condition,  and  the  degree  of  reliance  which 
they  placed  on  '.ne  resource  of  their  own  unassisted  in- 
dustry. Many  v.'ho  emigrated  as  servants  were  more 
prosperous  thai;  others  who  inijiorted  a  consideril'le 
substance  along  with  them,  liiurid  to  lud  islry,  tliev 
derived  from  it  a  return  so  ample,  as  soon  enabled  them 
to  ri.se  above  a  state  of  serviliiuc,  and  cultivate  land  on 
Ihcir  own  account ;  while  the  others,  «ubsisting  too 
long  on  their  imiiortcd  stock,  and  relying  too  far  upon 
the  hired  labor  of  the  poor,  were  not  unfrequenlly  re- 
duced to  indigence.  The  (irst  exertions  of  the  colo- 
nists to  procure  themselves  a  livelihood  had  been  facili- 
tated by  the  friendlv  assistance  of  the  Indians  ;  but  a 
hostile  attack  was  soon  threatened  by  these  savages, 
who,  on  tiiiding  that  a  dangerous  epidemic  had  broke 
out  among  them,  accused  their  neighbors  of  having 
trcachcrou.->ly  sold  llteiu  the  .small  pojc.  'I'he  danger, 
however,  was  averted,  by  the  mHucncn  of  an  Indian 
chief,  who  assure  d  his  coiintrymcii  tlial  similar  diseases 
had  alflicted  their  forefathers,  wliile  as  yet  thcv  had  no 
mtercoi;r»e  with  strangers,  and  that  such  calamities 
wiie  not  of  earthly  origin,  but  came  down  from  heaven. 

1679]  Sir  (icorgc  (Carteret,  the  proprietary  of  East 
Jrrsey,  died  in  1G7'J;  having  derived  so  little  benefit 
from  Ills  .\iiiciicaii  territory,  that  he  (ounil  it  necessary 
to  bequeath  it  by  his  will  to  truslees,  who  were  iii- 
slnicled  to  dispose  of  it  for  the  advantage  of  his  credi- 
tors. The  fc.xeiiiption  whii  li  this  diritrict  had  be^n  per- 
rrtiited  to  enjoy  Irorn  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Duke  of 
York,  had  not  contribu'.ed  to  moderate  the  discontent 
vilh  which  the  inhabitai.ts  of  West  Jersey  submitted 
to  an  authority  fro.ii  which  their  right  to  be  exempted 

•  S.  Sinilli.  8«— 03.  HriMKfn  I|l«lory  of  Pennsylvaiilart. 
13*— Tlii»  l«  n  very  ararro  work.  I  ain  indebted  to  llio 
klndn<  s«  uf  l)r.  Sum,  ol  Caveiidisli  Squnre,  l.onddii,  lor  a  pc- 
rOiml  "I  I  ne  ol  Ihe  vitv  few  rii|ii(  »  ,it  it  ihul  arc  to  bu  foun  I 
It  EuLipe.  Il  1S.1  work  olcri  al  ri'«iMri  li.  nii.l  alKiiind.nij  wiili 
►alo^'lf  iimtirr;  but  .ini'  of  tim  iiion  onfuncd  and  leUluus 
rKSpttltio.-w  that  over  luiinuiitcd  liuniaii  patieiico. 


was  equallv  clear  They  had  never  ceased  to  impor- 
tune the  duke  for  a  redress  of  this  grievance  ;  and  were 
at  length  provoked  to  additional  vehemence  of  com- 
plaint and  urgency  of  solicitation,  by  a  tax  which  Aii- 
flros,  in  the  e.xercisc  of  his  master's  pretended  sove- 
reignly, imposed  on  the  importation  of  European  iner- 
chaiidize  into  West  Jersey.  Wearied  at  lenjith  with 
the  continual  im|iortiinity  of  these  suitors,  rather  than 
moved  with  a  sense  ol  honor  or  equity,  this  unjust 
prince  consented  to  refer  the  matter  of  their  complaint 
to  certain  commissioners,  by  whom  it  was  finally  re- 
mitted [1680]  to  the  legal  opinion  of  Sir  William 
Jones.  The  argument  employed  in  behalf  of  the  colo- 
nists of  ^\'est  Jer.sey  on  this  occasion,  was  prepared  by 
William  I'enii,  George  Hutchinson,  and  several  other 
coadjutors,  chiefly  of  the  quaker  persuasion,  and 
breathes  a  firm  undaunted  spirit  of  liberty,  worthy  of 
the  founders  of  a  Nortli  American  commonwealth. 
"  Thus  then,"  they  insisted,  after  a  narrative  of  the 
titles  by  which  the  territory  had  been  transmitted  to 
them,  "'ve  come  to  buy  that  moiety  which  belonged  to 
Lord  Berkeley,  for  a  valuable  consideration  :  and  in 
the  conveyance  he  made  us,  powers  of  government  are 
(;xpressly  granted  ;  for  that  only  could  have  induced  us 
to  buy  it ;  and  the  reason  is  [ilain,  because  to  all  pru- 
dent men  the  government  of  any  place  is  more  inviting 
than  the  soil.  For  what  is  good  land  without  good 
laws  !  the  belter  the  worse.  And  if  wc  could  not 
assure  people  of  an  easy,  and  free,  and  safe  govern- 
ment, both  with  respect  to  their  Sfiiritual  and  worldly 
pro|)erly, — that  is  an  UMinterru|)ted  Imerty  of  con- 
science, and  an  inviolable  possession  of  their  civil 
rights  and  freedoms,  by  a  just  and  wise  government, — 
a  mere  w;lderness  would  be  no  encouragement  :  for  it 
were  a  madness  to  leave  a  free,  good.- and  improved 
country,  to  plant  in  a  wilderness,  and  there  adventure 
many  thousands  of  pouiuLs  to  give  an  absolute  titU^  to 
another  person  to  ta.x  us  at  will  and  pleasure."  Hav- 
ing adverted  to  the  argument  in  support  of  the  duke's 
usurjied  authority,  they  continued — "  Natural  right  and 
human  prudence  oppose  such  doctrine  all  the  world 
over  :  for  what  is  il  but  to  say,  that  people  free  by  law 
under  their  [iriiice  at  home,  are  at  his  mercy  in  the 
planlalioiu  abroad.  And  why!  because  he  is  a  con 
qucror  there  ;  but  still  at  the  hazard  of  the  lives  of  ins 
own  people,  and  at  the  cost  and  charge  of  the  public. 
We  could  say  more,  but  choose  to  let  it  drop.  Hut 
our  case  is  better  yet ;  for  ihe  king's  grant  to  the  Duke 
of  York  is  plainly  restrictive  to  the  laws  and  govern- 
iiii  nl  of  England.  Now  the  constitution  and  goverii- 
iiient  of  EiiglamI,  as  vvc  humbly  conceive,  are  .so  far 
trom  couiiteiianciiig  any  such  authority,  that  il  is  made 
a  fundamental  in  our  coiislitulion,  that  the  king  of  Eng- 
land cannot  justly  take  his  subjects'  goods  v.'itl.out  their 
consent.  This  needs  no  more  to  be  proved  than  a 
principle  ;  it  is  an  home-b«)rn  right,  declared  to  be  law 
by  divers  statutes."  "  To  give  up  this,"  they  added, 
"  the  power  of  making  laws,  is  to  change  the  govern- 
iiHMit,  to  sell,  or  rather  resign  ourselves  to  the  will  of 
another;  and  ihat  for  nothing;  For.  under  favor,  we 
buy  iiolhmg  of  the  duke,  if  not  the  right  of  an  undis- 
turbed colonizing,  and  that  as  Englishmen  with  no 
diminution,  but  rather  expectation  of  some  increase  of 
those  freedoms  and  privileges  enjoyed  in  our  own 
country  :  for  the  soil  is  none  of  his;  'tis  the  natives', 
by  lUa  JUS  gaiUiuin,  the  law  of  nations;  and  it  would 
be  an  ill  argument  to  convert  them  to  Chrislianily,  to 
expel  instead  uf  purchasing  them  out  of  those  countries. 
If  then  the  country  be  theirs,  it  is  not  ihe  duke's;  he 
cannot  sell  it;  then  what  have  vvc  bought!"  "To 
cuiic'ude  this  jioiiit,  we  humbly  say  that  we  have  not 
losi  any  part  ol  our  liberty  by  leaving  our  country  ;  for 
we  leave  not  our  kiiifr,  nor  our  government,  by  quitting 
our  soil;  hut  we  transplant  to  a  place  given  by  the 
same  king,  with  express  limitation  to  erect  no  |)olitv 
contrary  to  the  same  established  government,  but  as 
near  as  may  be  to  it ;  and  this  variation  is  allowed  but 
lor  the  sake  of  emergencies;  and  that  latitude  bounded 
by  these  words,  fur  llic  good  of  the  adrciitiinr  and 
planter."  In  a  subsequent  part  of  their  pleading.* 
they  remark,  that  ••  there  is  no  end  of  this  power  ;  for 
since  we  are  by  this  precedent  assessed  without  any 

*  Tills  nniDus  diiciiiiiL'iil,  which  (like  most  quakor  produc- 
tion") n  sor.icwhxt  tedious,  and  enriched  with  .some  display 
of  legal  knowlrdge,  is  printed  at  full  leni!lh  in  S.  Smith's 
toiy.  It  IS  reinaikahie  that  Chal-ners  has  taken  no  notice  of 
It.  Wiiilerlioihaiii  (vol.  il.  p.  28T.)  hus  v'lven  an  ahridncd  and 
very  iiMdenualc  version  of  ii.  That  Peiin  concnru-d  in  the 
presenlatioii  of  lliis  ploadintr,  i>  uiideinahle  ;  and  hence  it  may 
lie  fairly  prounicd.  llial  he  as.si.stcd  in  its  composition.  But 
that  he  w.is  llie  sole  niilhorof  it,  as  some  of  his  iiioderii  liio- 
srapliers  hale  insiiiu.ileil.  is  strongly  refilti'd  bv  Us  5l\1e,  in 
which  not  the  shghlesi  re-emblantc  u  discoverablti  to  any  of 
lus  ackiiow'l«ti(;cd  (iroduclions. 


law,  and  thereby  excluded  our  Enofish  right  of  comniTl 
assent  to  taxes,  what  security  have  we  of  anv  tnmgv,  e 
possess  !  We  can  call  nothing  our  own.  but  arc  tenants 
at  will,  not  only  for  the  soil,  but  for  all  our  per.-onil 
estates.  This  is  to  transplant,  not  from  irood  to  better, 
but  from  good  to  bad.  This  sort  of  tonduct  ha^■  de- 
stroyed government,  but  never  raised  one  to  anv  true 
greatneia."  "Lastly,  the  duke's  circumstances,  and 
the  people's  jealousies  considered,  we  humbly  subinii 
I  it,  if  there  can  be  in  their  opinion,  a  greater  evidence  ol 
a  design  !o  introduce  an  unlimited  government,  than 
both  to  exact  an  unterininaled  lax  from  English  plan- 
ters, and  to  continue  it  after  so  many  repealed  com- 
plaints ;  and  on  the  contrary,  if  there  can  be  any  liuii^ 
so  happy  to  the  duke's  present  affairs,  as  the  opportu- 
nity he  hath  to  free  that  country  wiih  h:.'  own  hand, 
and  to  make  us  all  owers  of  our  liberty  to  his  favor 
and  justice.  So  will  Englishmen  here  know  what  to 
hope  for,  by  the  justice  and  kindness  he  shows  to  Eni:- 
glishmen  there  ;  and  all  men  see  the  just  model  of  his 
government  in  New  York  to  be  the  scheme  and  draught 
in  little  of  his  admmislraiion  in  Old  England  at  Urge, 
if  the  crown  should  ever  devolve  upon  his  head."  L'li- 
[lalatable  as  this  argument  must  doubtless  have  been  to 
the  British  court,  and  the  counsellors  of  the  Duke  of 
York  at  this  period,  it  was  attended  with  the  most 
triumphant  success.  The  commissioners  to  whom  the 
case  had  been  refeircd  were  constrained  to  prouoiiiice 
their  judgment  in  conformity  with  the  opinion  of  Jones, 
"  that  as  the  grant  lo  Berkeley  and  Carlcret  had  reserved 
no  profit  or  jurisdiction,  the  legality  of  the  taxes  coulj 
not  be  defended."  In  compliance  with  this  adjudica- 
tion, the  duke  without  farther  scruple  resigned  ill  his 
claims  on  West  Jersey,  and  confirmed  the  province  it- 
sell  ill  the  amplest  terms  to  its  new  proj.rietuiies.  .Arid 
as  the  same  procedure  was  evideiillv  due  lo  East  Jer- 
sey, he  granted  soon  after  a  similar  release  in  favor  ol 
the  representatives  of  his  friend  Sir  Georoe  ('arteret. 
Thus  the  whole  of  New  Jersey  was  promoted  al  once 
from  the  condition  of  a  conquered  country  to  the  rank 
of  a  free  and  inilcpendciit  province  ;  and  made  the  ad 
junct,  instead  of  the  depeudeiicv,  of  the  British  empire 
The  powerful  and  spirited  pleadino.  by  whicli  this  bene- 
fit was  gained,  derives  additional  interest  from  the  rn- 
colleciion  of  the  conflict  that  was  then  carrying  on  in 
England  between  the  advocates  of  liberty  and  the  abet- 
tors of  arbitrary  power.  I  question  if  it  be  possible  to 
point  out,  in  anv  of  the  writings  or  hirangnes  of  which 
that  period  was  so  abundantly  prolific,  a  more  impres- 
sive or  magnanimous  ctrort  for  the  preservation  ol 
liberty,  than  is  evinced  in  this  first  successful  vindica- 
tion of  the  rights  of  New  Jersey.  One  of  the  mo>t  re- 
markable fealurci  of  the  plea  which  the  provincials  l.ad 
maintained,  wao  the  strong  and  deliberate  assertion 
that  no  tax  could  be  juslly  imposed  on  them,  wiihout 
iheir  own  consent  and  the  authoritv  of  their  own  gene- 
ral asseinblv.  The  report  of  the  commissioners  iii 
their  favor,  and  the  relief  that  followed,  were  viriual 
concessions  in  favor  of  this  principle,  which  in  an  aMcr 
age  was  destined  to  obtain  a  more  signal  trium|ili  in 
the  independence  of  North  America. 

West  Jersey  now  filled  apace  with  inhabitants,  by 
the  accession  of  numerous  settlers,  of  which  the  i;reater 
proportion  still  continued  to  be  quakers.  Uyllinge, 
who  was  appointed  the  first  governor  by  the  other  pro- 
prietaries, nut  finding  it  convenient  lo  leave  England, 
granted  a  deputation  of  his  functions  to  ."samuci  Jen- 
nings, bv  whom  the  first  representative  assembly  o( 
West  Jersey  was  convoked.  [1681]  In  this  asseinblv, 
there  was  enacted  a  body  of  Fundamental  Constiiiiiioni. 
and  a  numiier  of  laws  for  the  |)roteciion  of  property  am! 
the  punishment  of  crimes.  Bv  the  Fundamental  Con- 
stitiitions,  the  assembly  was  empowered  lo  appoint  »i\<i 
displace  all  persons  holding  ollices  of  trust  in  the  pro- 
vince ;  and  the  governor  was  precluded  from  making; 
war,  or  doing  any  act  that  sliould  be  obligatory  on  thi 
slate.  Without  the  assembly's  concurrence,  and  Iroin 
withholding  his  assent  to  any  of  its  enactments.  At- 
semblies  were  to  be  annually  convoked  :  and  no  as- 
sembly was  to  have  power  to  impose  a  tax  which  should 
endure  longer  than  a  year.  In  the  laws  that  were  passed 
on  this  occasion,  the  most  remarkable  feature  is  a  pro- 
vision, that  in  all  criminal  cases,  except  treason,  murder, 
and  theft,  the  person  aggrieved  should  have  power  lo 
pardon  the  offender,  whether  before  or  after  coiuleinna- 
Hon — 3  provision  of  very  questionable  expediency,  hut 
probably  intended  to  prevent  ihe  christian  duty  of  for- 
giveness from  being  evacuatrHl,  as  in  most  countrioa  ic 
practically  done,  by  the  supposed  munici[>al  ('uly.vhich 
i  engages  a  man  to  avenge  as  a  citizen  the  wrong  which 
I  as  a  christian  ho  is  pledged  to  forgive.  The  landed 
I  property  of  every  inhabitant  wa.»  made  liable  lor  hu 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


33i 


dcblp;  marriat;es  were  appointed  to  be  solemnizrd  by 
Justices  of  the  peace  ;  for  the  prevention  of  disputes 
Willi  the  Indians,  the  sale  of  spirituous  liqnors  to  thcni 
was  strictly  prohibited  ;  and  for  the  encourat;einei)t  of 
poor  hilt  industrious  laborers,  who  obtained  the  means 
of  Pinigrating  from  Europe  by  indenting  themselves  as 
servants  to  more  wealthy  settlers,  every  servant  was 
entitled  to  claim  from  his  master,  at  the  expiry  of  his 
indenture,  a  set  of  implements  of  hiisbandrv,  certain 
articles  of  apparel,  and  ten  bushels  of  corn.  To  prevent 
the  resort  of  worthless  and  depraved  men  to  the  pr  i- 
vince,  a  law  was  soon  after  passed,  requiring  every  new 
settler,  under  pain  of  a  pecuniary  fine,  to  give  satisfac- 
tory evidence  to  a  justice  of  the  peace,  that  his  change 
of  residence  was  not  the  effect  of  crime,  nor  an  act  of 
fraud,  but  that  he  was  reputed  a  person  of  blameless 
character  and  sober  life.  From  this  period  till  the  dis- 
solution of  the  jiroprietiry  govermnent,  Ihe  provincial 
Bfscmbly  continued  to  be  annually  convoked.  It  did 
not  always  confine  itself  to  the  exercise  of  the  ample 
powers  with  which  it  was  constitutionally  endowed. 
For  when  Hvllinge  soon  after  proposed  to  deprive  .len- 
nings,  the  deputy-governor,  of  his  ofTice,  the  assembly 
interposed  to  [ircvent  this  proceeding  ;  declaring  that 
Jennings  gave  satisfaction  to  the  people,  and  desiring 
him  to  retain  his  situation.  The  rule  and  ordinary 
practice  of  the  constitution,  however,  was  that  the 
council  of  assistants  to  the  governor  were  nominated 
by  the  assembly  ;  while  the  proprietaries  appointed  the 
governor  ;  and  he,  with  the  consent  of  the  proprieta- 
ries, naineil  his  own  deputy. 

The  success  of  their  experiment  in  West  Jersey  en- 
couraged the  quakers  of  Great  Britain  to  avail  thein- 
gelves  of  the  opportunitv  that  was  now  afforded  of  en- 
larging the  sphere  of  their  enterprise  bv  the  acquisition 
of  the  eastern  half  of  the  territory.  The  close  of  Philip 
Carteret's  administration  of  East  Jersey  was  embittered 
ov  a  revival  of  the  disputes  that  had  once  rendered  him  a 
fugitive  from  his  government.  Even  the  concession  that 
nad  been  recently  obtained  from  the  Duke  of  York  served 
out  to  aflbrd  additional  materials  of  discord  between 
the  pro|)rietary  government  and  the  people  ;  and  instead 
of  mutually  eiijovingthe  important  benefit  which  it  con- 
ferred, the  two  parties  set  themselves  to  debate  with 
the  utmost  vehemence  and  perlinacitv,  whether  this  in- 
strument or  the  proprietary  concessions  in  1661  should 
ne  regarded  as  the  fotiiidalions  of  their  government. 
Disgu;,cd  with  these  disputes,  and  perceiving  that  they 
were  not  likely  to  derive  either  einolumeiit  or  satisfac- 
tion from  a  prolonged  administration  of  the  proprietary 
govermnent,  the  trustees  and  executors  of  Sir  George 
Carteret  offered  the  (irovince  for  sale  to  the  highest 
bidder ;  and  closing  with  the  proposals  of  William 
Penn,*  conveyed  their  rights  over  East  Jersey  to  him, 
[108'.J]  and  to  eleven  other  per.^ons  of  the  quaker  per- 
suasion. The  territory  comprehended  in  this  convey- 
ance contained  already  a  variety  of  seltlcments,  inha- 
bited by  seven  hundred  families,  or  about  three  thou- 
sand live  hundred  persons,  exclusive  of  the  inhabitants 
«f  certain  remote  and  scattered  plantations,  who  were 
coinpiiled  to  amouiil  to  at  least  half  as  many  more.  The 
great  majority  of  the  settlers  were  not  quakers  ;  and 
whether  with  the  view  of  allaying  the  jealousy  with 
which  these  persons  might  have  regarded  a  government 
wholly  com|)osed  of  men  whose  principles  ditlcrcd  so 
widely  from  their  own,  or  for  the  purpose  of  fortifying 
their  own  interest  at  the  Uritish  court,  by  the  associa*^ 
tion  of  persons  of  influence  in  their  undertaking,  the 
twelve  purchasers  made  haste  to  assume  tvvelve'othcr 
partners  in  their  proprietary  rights,  and  among  others 
the  Earl  of  Pevth,  Chancellor  of  Scotland,  and  Lord 
Druininond  of  Gilston,  the  Secretary  of  State  for  that 
kingdom. t  III  favor  of  these  twentv-foiir  pro|iriclaries. 
the  Duke  of  York  executed  his  third  and  last,  irrmt  of 
East  Jersey  ;  on  receiving  which,  they  procc^eiled  to 
appoint  a  council  or  committee  of  their  own  number,  to 
v^hoin  all  the  functions  of  the  proprietary  government 
were  intrusted.    To  facdaate  the  exercise  of  their  do- 


Tlmugli  Penn  thus  became  a  proprietary  of  E-ist  .Tersey 
nl»  connexion  bolli  with  its  concerns,  and  witli  tliose  of  West 
Jersey,  was  lienceforward  almost  merely  nominal.  He  liad 
nciw  acciuired  for  himself  the  province  of  Pennsylvania,  which 
wx'jpied  all  his  interest,  and  diverted  his  attention  from  New 
J'jrtey. 

t  From  •Ue  dedication  of  Scot's  Model,  Ac.  of  East  Jersey, 
It  appea.s  that  Viscount  Tarbet  and  Lord  IM'Leod,  two  othe; 
powerful  Scotch  nobles,  became  very  shortly  after  proprieta- 

Srles  of  this  province.  In  one  of  Oldmixon's  list.s  of  the  pro- 
lelanes  (vol.  i.  p.  143),  wc  find  the  name  of  Sir  George 
Uckenzie,  the  Lord  Advocate  of  Scotland,  whom  his  contem- 
poraries justly  denominated  the  bloody  Mackenzie  :  and  in 
one  of  his  suh.^equent  lists  we  find  the  names  of  Arch.lale  the 
quuer  proprietary  of  Carolina,  and  of  West  the  lawyer,  who 
S„»?.*  ^°. '"/^"'"'"^  distinction  as  a  witness  for  the 
crown  un  the  trial  cf  Lord  Russel.   2d  Edit.  vol.  i.  p  291 

2Si 


million,  they  obtained  from  Charles  tlie  Second  a  roval 
letter,  addressed  to  the  governor,  council  and  inhabit- 
ants of  the  province,  stating  the  title  of  the  pro|)rietaries 
to  the  soil  and  jurisdiction,  and  requiring  all  to  yield 
obedience  to  their  goveriimeiit  and  the  laws. 

At  the  time  when  East  Jersey  thus  became  subject 
to  quaker  administration  (for  the  quakers  still  formed  a 
great  majority  of  the  proprieta-y  body)  tlie  inl.dbitants, 
by  a  dilige'it  improvement  of  their  advantages,  had  at- 
tained a  flourishing  and  prosp-frous  estate  The  greater 
number  of  them  had  emioTnfc.l  from  New  England,  or 
were  the  descendants  of  New  Englandmen  ;  and  their 
laws  and  manners  in  some  particulars  bore  the  traces  of 
this  origin.  The  punislmitnit  of  death  was  denounced 
by  law  against  children  striking  or  cursing  their  parents. 
.Adulterers  were  liable  to  flogging  or  banishment.  For- 
nication was  puni.-hed,  at  the  discretion  of  the  magis- 
trate, by  marriage  fine,  or  flogging.  Nightwalking,  or 
revelling  abroad,  after  the  hour  of  nine,  subjected  the 
ofl^enders  to  a  discretionary  punishment.  A  thief,  for 
the  first  oflTence,  was  to  make  threefold  restitution  ;  in 
case  of  frequent  repetition,  ho  might  be  capitally  pu- 
nished, or  reduced  to  slavery.  There  was  no  law  for 
the  public  support  of  religion  ;  but  every  township 
maintained  a  church  and  minister.  "The  people," 
said  the  first  deputy  who  came  among  them  from  their 
quaker  sovereigns,  "  are  generally  a  sober,  professing 
people,  wise  in  their  generation,  courteous  in  their  be- 
havior, and  respectful  to  iis  in  office."  So  happily  ex- 
empt were  they  from  the  most  ordinary  and  forcible 
temptation  to  violence  and  dishonesty,  that  according 
to  the  same  testimony  there  was  not  an  industrious  man 
among  them  whose  own  hands  could  not  procure  him 
a  >tate  of  honest  competence,  and  even  of  ease  and 
plenty.*  If  we  might  rely  implicitly  on  the  opinion  of 
this  observer,  we  should  impute  the  dissensions  that 
had  lately  prevailed  in  the  province  to  the  folly  and  mis- 
management of  Carteret  and  his  associates  in  the  go- 
vernnKiit.  But  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  blame 
of  these  dissensions  was  more  equally  divided  between 
the  people  and  their  rulers.  A  headstrong  and  turbu- 
lent disposition  appears  to  have  prevailed  among  some 
classes  at  least  of  the  inhabitants;  various  riots  and 
disturbances  broke  forth  even  under  the  new  govern- 
ment •,  and  the  utmost  exertions  of  quaker  prudence 
and  patience  were  required  to  compose  them.  A  law 
which  was  passed  about  four  years  after  this  period  re- 
probates the  frequent  occurrence  of  quarrels  and  chal- 
lenges, and  interdicts  the  inhabitants  from  wearing 
swords,  pistols,  or  daggers. 

Among  the  new  proprietaries  of  East  Jersey  was  the 
celebrated  Robert  Barclay  of  Urie,  a  Scottish  gentle- 
man, who  had  been  converted  to  quakcrism,  and  in 
defence  of  his  adopted  principles  had  published  a  series 
of  works  that  elevated  his  name  and  his  cause  in  the 
esteem  of  all  Europe.  Admired  by  scholars  and  philo- 
sophers for  the  stretch  of  his  learning  and  the  strength 
and  subtlety  of  his  understanding,  he  was  endeared  to 
the  members  of  his  religious  fraternity  by  the  liveliness 
of  his  zeal,  the  excellence  of  his  character,  and  the  ser- 
vices which  his  pen  had  rendered  to  their  cause. 
These  services  consisted  rather  of  the  literary  celebrity 
which  he  had  given  to  the  qiiakcr  doctrines,  than  of  any 
wider  diffusion  of  their  influence  among  mankind.  For 
his  writings  in  general  are  much  more  calculated  to 
dazzle  and  confound  the  understanding,  than  to  pro- 
duce conviction  or  sink  into  the  heart.  To  the  King 
and  Ihe  Diike  of  York,  he  was  recommended  not  less 
by  his  distinguished  fame,  and  his  happy  genius  and 
address,  than  by  the  principles  of  passive  obedience 
professed  by  that  sect  of  which  he  was  considered  a 
I'jader;  and  with  both  the  royal  brothers  as  well  as  with 
several  of  the  most  distinguished  of  their  Scottish 
favorites  and  ministers,  he  maintained  the  most  friendly 
and  confidential  intercourse.  Inexplicable,  as  to  many 
such  a  coalition  of  uncongenial  characters  may  appear, 
it  seems  at  least  as  strange  a  moral  phenomenon  lo  be- 
hold Barclay  and  Penn,  the  votaries  of  universal  tole- 
ration and  philanthropy,  voluntirily  associating  in  their 
labors  for  the  education  and  happiness  of  an  infant  com- 
munity, such  instruments  as  Lord  Perth  and  other 
abettors  of  roval  tyranny  and  ecclesiastical  persecution 
in  Scotland.  [23] 
■  1683]  By  the  unanimous  choice  of  his  colleagues 


*  This  testimony  is  confirmed  by  Gawen  Laurie,  who  was 
the  second  deputy-g-overnor  nnderthe  quaker  administration. 
"  There  is  not,"  he  says,  "  in  all  the  province  a  poor  bodv,  or 
that  wants."  "  The  servants  work  not  so  much  by  a  third  as 
they  do  in  En^'land,  and  I  think  feed  much  better;  for  they 
have  beef,  pork,  bacon,  pudding,  miik,  butter,  and  good  beer 
and  cider  to  drink.  When  they  are  out  of  iheir  lime,  tiicy 
liave  lanil  for  themselves,  and  generally  turn  farmers  for 
themselves.  Servants' wages  are  not  under  two  shillings  a 
day,  besid(.3  victuals."    S.  Smith,  p.  177.  Itil, 


Robert  Barclay  was  appointed  the  first  gorernor  of 
East  Jersey,  under  the  new  pro|)riclary  administration. 
So  highly  was  he  esteemed  by  his  colleagues,  and  such 
advantaoe  was  anticipated  from  his  superintendance  ol 
the  colony,  that  his  commission  bestowed  the  office  on 
him  for  life,  and  while  it  dispensed  with  his  personal 
residence,*  authorised  him  to  nominate  his  own  deputy. 
But  the  expectations  which  produced  or  attended  his 
elevation,  were  disa])|)oinied  by  the  result ;  his  govern- 
ment (like  that  of  Sir  Henry  Vane  in  Massachusetts) 
was  brief  and  ill  fated,  and  calculated  rather  to  lower 
than  to  advance  his  illustrious  reputation.  The  most 
signal  and  beneficial  event  of  his  presidency,  w  is  the 
emigration  of  a  considerable  number  of  his  own  couii- 
Irymen  the  Scotch  to  East  Jersey  ;  a  measure  which, 
however  congenial  it  may  appear  to  the  situation  of  lliKt 
oppressed  and  persecuted  |)(!ople,  was  not  recoinnicnde.J 
to  their  adoption  but  by  dint  of  a  good  deal  of  iinp'Ttu- 
nity  and  persuasion.  For  although  the  great  bulk  c 
the  people  of  Scotland  were  dissatisfied  with  the  epis- 
copal establishment  which  their  kings  had  forced  upor. 
them,  and  vast  multitudes  were  enduring  the  uimosi 
rigors  of  tyranny  for  their  resistance  to  it,  it  was  fo  ind 
no  easy  matter  to  jiersuade  them  to  seek  a  relief  fiom 
their  sufferings,  in  a  distant  and  [lerpetiial  exile  from 
their  native  land.  In  addition  to  the  motives  10  emi- 
gration which  the  severities  exercised  by  Lord  Perth 
and  the  other  royal  ministers  contribnied  to  supply,  the 
influence  of  Barclay  and  other  Scottish  quakers  was 
more  successfully  employed  in  |)revailing  with  their 
countrymen  to  seek  an  asvbiin  in  East  Jersey  ;  and 
thitlier  accordingly  a  body  of  emigrants,  chiefly  from 
Barclay's  native  county  of  Aberdeen,  soon  after  re- 
sorted. [1684]  For  the  purpose  of  rendering  tho 
Scotch  more  generally  ac<piainlcd  wilh  the  stale  of  llie 
colonial  territory  and  the  nature  of  its  insliliuioiis,  and 
of  inciting  them  to  remove  thither,  it  was  determined 
by  the  proprietaries  to  publish  a  historical  and  statisti- 
cal account  of  it,  with  a  preliminary  treatise  in  which 
the  prevailing  objections  to  emigration  should  be  com- 
bated, and  this  resource  presented  in  a  more  desirable 
view  than  that  in  which  the  Scotch  were  generally  dis- 
posed to  regard  it.  From  undertaking  ihe  authorship 
of  this  |)crformance,  Barclay  was  probably  deteried  by 
knowing  that,  as  a  quaker,  his  estimate  of  the  jiopnlar 
ohjeclions,  some  of  which  were  founded  on  religions 
considerations,  would  find  little  favor  wilh  the  bulk  of 
his  countrymen  ;  as  well  as  by  unwillingness  to  entan- 
gle himself  with  allusions  to  the  existing  persecution, 
which  he  could  hardly  have  characterised  in  a  manner 
satisfactory  at  once  to  his  own  conscience  and  to  Lord 
Perth  and  others  of  his  proprietary  associates.  To  the 
work  which  was  now  composed  and  published,  in  fur- 
thcnnce  of  his  and  his  colleagues'  design,  it  is  prohablo 
that  lie  contributed  some  assistance  ;  and  indeed  the 
inequality  of  the  performance  strongly  attests  that  it 
was  not  wholly  the  composition  of  a  single  author.  It 
was  published  as  the  production  of  a  Scotch  gentleman, 
George  Scot  of  Pitloehie,  and  bore  the  title  of  "Tho 
Model  of  the  Government  of  the  Province  of  East  New 
Jersey  in  America."  From  various  passages  in  tliia 
work,  it  would  appear  that  many  of  the  Scotch  wcro 
prepossessed  with  the  notion,  that  to  emigrate  fron: 
their  native  land  without  some  extraordinary  sanclioti 
frotn  the  Divine  will,  was  an  impious  dereliction  of  ihe 
lot  which  the  Almighty  had  assigned  to  them.  In  op- 
position to  this  view  a  large  and  ingenious  commentary 
was  made  on  the  Divine  command  to  replenish  and 
subdue  the  earth  ;  and  it  was  argued  that  as  this  waa 
an  eternal  law,  the  duty  to  fulfil  it  was  of  coiiliniial 
obligation,  and  required  no  extraordinary  manifestation 
from  Pleaven.  Among  other  incitements  to  emigra- 
tion, it  is  remarked  that  "  We  see  by  nature  tree.i 
flourish  fair,  prosper  well  and  wax  fruitful  in  a  largo 
orchard,  which  would  otherwise  decay  if  they  were 
straitened  in  a  little  nursery.  Do  we  not  see  it  ihns 
fall  out  in  our  civil  state,  where  a  f<^w  men  flourish 
best,  furnished  with  abilities  or  best  fitted  wilh  oppor- 
tunities, and  the  rest  wax  weak  and  languish,  as  want- 
ing room  and  means  to  nourish  them  ?  Now,  that  ihe 
spirits  and  hearts  of  men  arc  kept  in  better  temper  by 
spreading  wide,  will  be  evident  to  any  man  who  con- 
siders that  the  husbanding  of  unmanured  ground  anl 
shifting  into  empty  lands,  cnforceth  men  to  frugalitv 
and  quickeneth  invention;  and  the  settling  of  new 
estates  requireth  justice  and  affection  to  the  common 
good  ;  and  the  taking  in  of  large  countries  presents  % 
natural  remedy  against  covetonsness,  fraud,  and  vio- 


*  Oldmixon  is  mistaken  in  asserting  that  llarrlaT  hi  nself 
re  paired,  and  carried  his  famil<  with  him  to  ihc  pro\  in.-.o 
Barclay  never  was  in  New  .lersey.  Soon  after  his  l'"-"* 
nient,  he  sent  Ihilhcr  his  bnnher  David,  some  of  whosi  lo! 
ti  rs  tioul  the  proMnce  are  piiutud  in  S.  Smith's  Ui^^loiv, 


823 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


(once,  when  every  man  may  enjoy  enough  without 
wrong  or  injury  to  his  neighbor."  The  heads  of  an- 
cient fa:nihe»  were  particularly  exhorted  to  embrace 
this  opportunity  of  cheaply  endowing  their  younger  sons 
with  a  more  liberal  provision  in  America  than  the  laws 
and  usages  of  Scotland  enabled  them  to  bestow  at 
home.  In  reply  to  an  objection  that  had  been  urged 
Ihit  a  province  governed  by  quakers  would  he  left  un- 
provided of  the  means  of  mili'ary  defence,  it  was  stated 
that  several  of  the  proprietaries  and  many  of  the  inhabi- 
lanis  did  not  belong  to  the  quaker  persuasion,  and  tliat 
Kast  Jersey  already  numbered  six  hundred  armed  men. 
'J'he  argument  derived  from  the  severities  inflicted  by 
government  on  the  presbyterians,  is  handled  in  a  very 
courtly  style.  "You  see  it  is  now  judged  the  interest 
»f  the  government  altogether  to  suppress  the  presbyte- 
riin  principles ;  and  that  in  order  thereto,  the  whole 
Jr.rce  and  bensil  of  the  law  of  this  kingdom  are  levelled 
at  the  effectual  bearing  them  down  ;  that  the  rigorous 
putting  these  laws  in  execution  halh  in  a  great  part 
ruined  many  of  these,  who  notwithstanding  thereof  tind 
themselves  in  conscience  obliged  to  relain  these  princi- 
ples ;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  episcopacy  is  by  the 
rair.e  laws  supported  and  protected.  I  would  gladly 
know  what  other  rational  medium  can  be  proposed  in 
these  circumstances,  than  either  to  comply  with  the 
government,  by  going  what  length  is  required  by  law, 
in  conforming  ;  or  to  retreat,  where  by  law  a  toleration 
is  by  his  majesty  allowed.  Such  a  retreat  doth  at 
present  offer  itself  in  America,  and  is  nowhere  else  to 
be  found  in  his  majesty's  dominions."  What  an  enco- 
mium on  America,  at  the  expense  of  every  otlier  por- 
tion of  the  British  empire  !  The  work  coRlains  a  mi- 
nute account  of  the  climate,  soil,  institutions  and  exist- 
ing settlements  of  the  province,  and  an  elaborate  pane- 
gyric on  its  advantages  in  all  these  particulars.  As  a 
farther  recommendation  of  the  province  to  the  favor  of 
the  Scotch,  Barclay,  displacing  a  deputy  whom  he  h  id 
rppointed,  of  his  own  religious  persuasion,  conferred 
this  office  on  Lord  Neil  Campbell,  uncle  of  the  Marquis 
of  .\rgylc,  who  repaired  to  East  Jersey,  and  remained 
there  for  some  time  as  its  lieuttnant-govcrnor.* 

1685]  The  efforis  of  Barclay  and  his  colleagues 
were  crowned  with  success.  A  great  many  inhabitants 
of  Scotland  emigrated  to  East  Jersey,  and  enriched  Ame- 
rican society  with  a  valuable  accession  of  virtue  that 
had  been  refined  by  adversity,  and  piety  that  was  ii'vi- 
worated  by  persecution.  The  more  wealthy  of  the 
Scotch  emigrants  were  noted  for  bringing  with  them  a 
great  number  of  servants,  and  in  some  instances  for 
transporting  whole  families  of  poor  laborers  whom  they 
established  on  their  lands  for  a  term  of  years,  and  en- 
dowed with  a  conijielent  stock  ;  receiving  in  return 
one  half  of  the  agricultural  produce.! 

But  James  the  Second  had  now  ascended  the  British 
tbrone  :  and  practically  inverting  the  magnanimous 
sentiment  that  has  been  ascribed  to  a  French  monarch, 
he  deemed  it  unnecessary  for  a  King  of  England  to  re- 
spect the  engagements  of  the  Duke  of  York  ;  nor  could 
all  his  seeming  friendship  for  Barclay,  together  with  all 
(he  influence  of  Lord  Perth  and  the  other  courtier  |)ro- 
prietaries,  deter  him  from  involving  New  Jersey  in  the 
design  he  had  formed  of  annulling  all  the  charters  and 
constitutions  of  the  American  colonies.  [1686J  A  real 
or  pretended  complaint  was  preferred  to  the  English 
court  against  the  inhabitants  of  the  Jerseys  for  evasion 
of  cujttoin-house  duties  ;  and  the  ministers  of  James 
eagerly  seizing  this  handle,  without  farther  ceremony 
caused  writs  of  quo  warranto  to  be  issued  both  against 
East  and  West  New  Jersey,  and  directed  the  attorney- 
general  to  prosecute  them  with  the  utmost  stretch  of 
legal  expedition  ;  assigning  as  the  reason  for  this  pro- 
ceeding, the  necessity  of  checking  the  pretendo<l  abuses 
"  in  a  country  which  ouijht  to  be  more  dependent  on 
his  majesty."  Alarmed  at  this  blow,  the  proprietaries 
of  East  Jersey  presented  a  remon>trance  to  the  king,  in 
which  Ihey  reminded  hiin  that  they  li:ul  not  received 

*  Uldinixon  aixl  S.  Smith  concur  in  ru  aliiii;  lliat  Lord  Neil 
siK'reedt'ii  Oiirrlay  a.^  govtinioi.  Hut  this  ■■^ocins  to 
rave  been  a  blunder  at  Okimizon,  whicli  Smith  has  incan- 
Uou«ly  copitfd.  H  irrlay,  an  we  have  .sci'ii,  was  appuliilcd 
governor  for  lifo  in  lfi83  ;  ho  did  not  die  till  IfifK) :  and  from  a 
rtoruinenl  pre«i-rved  by  Smith  luniself  (p.  100)  it  appears  that 
BarLli\y  In  1(WM,  «»  governor  of  East  Jersey,  sulncribed  an 
■grrrMiieiit  of  partition  between  it  and  West  Jersey. 

t  Sr.il.  24  27.  .IS.  38.  iS  49.  101.  21T.  Oldmiion.  i.  145.  S. 
Siiulh,  108,  1(17.  Id,  2.  The  convulsions  that  preceded  the 
a3i>a»s, nation  of  Do  Witt  and  the  triumph  of  tlic  rriiico  of 
Orangi'  III  Holland,  drove  many  lesportabie  Du'.rh  families 
from  their  native  land.  Most  of  these  exiles  retired  to  North 
Anirnca.  Sonniana,  a  mrnibcr  of  the  Slates  General,  had 
pri  rreded  to  England  with  this  view  when  he  was  overtaken 
Ly  the  snngumary  fury  of  the  Ornng*  fa-linii.  and  mnnU  red 
by  Ih.vr  eminati.-s  as  !>.>  ivas  riding  with  lloborl  llarciay,  the 
qukkcr.  In  Ihe  iirighlM)rl.ood  of  London.  Ills  family,  however, 
Raally  luecbvi  New  Jeitcy.    S.  Smith,  Vii. 


this  province  as  a  benevolence,  but  had  purchased  it  at 
the  price  of  many  thousand  pounds,  and  had  been  en- 
couraged to  do  so  by  the  assurances  of  protection  which 
they  had  received  from  himself;  that  they  had  already 
gent  thither  several  hundreds  of  people  from  Scotland  ; 
and  that,  if  it  would  be  satisfactory  to  his  majesty,  they 
would  immediately  propose  to  the  New  Jersey  assembly 
to  impose  the  same  taxes  there  that  were  paid  by  the 
people  of  New  York.  They  entreated  that  if  any 
change  should  be  made  in  the  condition  of  their  pro- 
vince, it  might  be  confined  to  an  union  of  East  and 
West  Jersey  in  one  jurisdiction,  to  be  ruled  by  a  go- 
vernor whom  the  king  might  select  from  the  body  of 
proprietaries.  [1687.* J  But  James  was  inexorable, 
and  to  their  remonstrance  gave  no  other  answer  than 
that  he  had  determined  to  unite  the  Jerseys  with  New 
York  and  the  New  England  .states  in  one  general  go- 
vernment dependent  on  the  crown  and  to  be  adminis- 
tered by  Aniiros.  Finding  it  impossible  to  divert  him 
from  his  arbitrary  purpose,  the  proprietaries  of  East 
Jersey  were  »o  far  deserted  of  spirit  and  dignity,  as  not 
only  to  abandon  a  hopeless  contest  for  the  privileges  of 
their  people,  but  even  to  facilitate  the  execution  of  the 
king's  designs  against  them,  as  the  price  of  his  consent- 
ing to  respect  their  own  private  property  in  the  colonial 
soil.  They  made  a  formal  surrender  of  their  patent  on 
this  condition  ;  and  as  James  agreed  to  accept  it,  the 
proceedings  in  the  quo  warranto  process  were  no  longer 
needed  for  East  Jersey,  and  were  even  suspended  with 
regard  to  the  western  territory.  Seeing  no  resistance 
opposed  to  his  v\-ill,  the  king  was  the  less  intent  on  con- 
sunimaling  his  acquisition;  and  while  the  grant  of  the 
soil  to  the  pro|)rietaries,  which  was  necessary  for  tins 
purpose,  still  remained  unexecuted,  the  coiiipletiot;  of 
the  design  was  ahrubtly  intercepted  by  the  British  revo- 
lution. 

Although  the  proprietary  governments  in  New  Jersey 
were  preserved  for  a  time  from  dissolution  bv  this  event, 
they  never  afterwards  attained  a  stale  of  vigor  or  effi- 
ciency. Robert  Barclay,  who  seems  never  to  have  been 
divested  of  the  goveriiiiieiit  of  East  Jersey,  died  in 
1690;  but  no  traces  of  his  adininistralioii  are  to  be 
found  after  the  year  1663  ;  and  from  thence  till  1692, 
it  is  asserted  by  (y'halmers  that  no  government  at  all 
existed  in  New  Jersey.  The  peace  of  the  country  was 
preserved,  and  the  prosperity  of  its  inhabitants  promoted 
by  their  own  honesty,  sobriety,  and  industry.  Almost 
ail  the  original  (iroprietaries  of  both  provinces  had  in 
the  mean  lime  disposed  of  their  interests  to  recent  jnn- 
chasers  ;  and  the  proprietary  associalions  had  become 
so  numerous  and  so  fluctuating,  that  their  procecdiiiiis 
were  deprived  of  jiroper  concert  and  steadiness,  and 
their  authority  possessed  neither  the  respect  nor  the 
affection  of  the  people.  The  appointment  of  new  pro- 
prietary governors  in  1692,  was  the  commencement  of 
a  sciies  of  dispiiles,  intrigues,  and  vicissitudes  of  ofTice, 
which  in  a  society  more  numerous  or  less  virtuous 
would  probably  have  been  attended  with  civil  war  and 
bloodshed.  The  government  of  New  York,  which  from 
its  dependence  on  the  crown,  was  encouraged  by  King 
William  to  arrogate  a  pre-eminence  over  the  neighbor- 
ing chartered  colonies,  seemed  to  have  thought  this  a 
favorable  opportunity  of  reviving,  and  even  extending, 
its  ancient  preleiisioiis  in  New  Jersey,  whose  inhabit- 
ants learned  with  ecpial  surprise  and  indigiialiuii  that 
the  assembly  of  New  York  had  included  them  in  a  tax- 
ation which  it  imposed  on  its  own  constituents.  This 
attempt,  however,  was  not  more  successful  than  the 
other  instances  in  which  New  York  made  similar  efTorts 
to  usurp  an  undue  aulliority.  A  complaint  to  t!ie  Knojish 
goveriiineiil  on  lliis  subject  was  referred  to  the  crown 
lawyers,  who  delivered  an  opinion  that  produced  an 
abandoiiinent  of  the  pretensions  of  New  York,  t  [  1 697] 
At  length  the  disagreements  between  the  various  pro- 
prietaries and  iheir  respective  adherents  attained  such  a 
height,  and  were  productive  of  so  much  schism  and 
confusion,  that  it  was  sometimes  ditlicull,  if  not  impos- 
sible, for  ihe  people  to  tell  in  w  hich  of  two  or  more  rival 
pretenders  to  aulhorily  the  legal  admiiuslralion  was 
truly  invested  t    Numerous  complaints  of  the  iiiconve- 


*  This  year  the  assomhiy  of  East  Jersey,  convened  at  Perth 
Amboy,  granted  a  tax  of  a  penny  in  the  pound  on  estates  tu 
enable  the  governor  of  New  York  to  repel  a  threatened  inva- 
sion, **  because  the  king  had  instructed  hiin  In  cull  on  other 
piovinces  for  aid  in  case  he  was  invaded."  State  Papeis  apud 
Chalmers.  629. 

t  Sir  John  llaw  les  and  Sir  Cresswell  Levin?,  were  the  law- 
yers consulted  on  this  occasion.  The  opinion  they  delivered 
was  "  that  no  customs  could  be  imposed  on  the  |>uople  of  the 
Jerseys,  olhcr»iso  than  by  act  of  parliament  ur  their  own 
aHsemtilieft.** 

1  Obedience  was  refused  by  a  consitlerable  party  to  one 
governor,  because  11  wn.A  doubted  if  a  matoritv  of  the  propno- 
larirs  had  roncnrreil  in  his  nomination  ;  to  another,  because 
11  »m  liuiiicd  thai  his  uppuiiitjnciil  had  beun  lalUieU  bjr  thv 


nience  occasioned  by  this  state  of  matters,  were  ad- 
dressed hy  the  inhabitants  of  the  Jersevs  to  the  Brititb 
court ;  and  the  proprietaries  themselves,  finding  ihiit 
their  seigrioral  functions  tended  only  to  disturb  the  peace 
of  their  territories,  and  to  obstruct  their  own  enio.-i 
ments  as  owners  of  the  soil,  hearkened  willing.y  to  it 
OTeriure  from  the  English  ministers  for  a  surrenaer  ol 
their  powers  of  government  to  the  crown.  'I'nis  sur- 
render was  finally  arranged  and  effected  in  the  com- 
mencement of  the  reisn  of  Queen  .\nne,  who  |iroceeflo<l 
forthwith  to  reunite  East  and  West  Jersey  into  ona 
province,  and  to  commit  the  government  of  it,  as  well 
as  of  New  York,  to  her  kinsman,  Edward  Hyde,  Lori 
Cornbury.'  [17021 

The  commission  and  instructions  which  this  ncole- 
man  received  on  his  departure  from  England,  ureseni 
an  abstract  of  the  constitution  and  civil  stale  of  New 
Jersey  from  the  resumption  of  its  charier  till  liie  i.eriod 
when  It  ceased  to  be  a  British  province.  Tne  locai 
governinent  was  afipoiiited  to  consist  of  a  governor  and 
twelve  councillors  nominated  bv  the  crown,  and  of  t 
house  of  assembly,  consisting  of  twenty-four  member*, 
to  be  elected  by  the  people.  The  sessions  of  this  as- 
sembly were  to  be  held  alternately  in  East  and  West 
Jersey.  None  were  capable  of  voting  lor  representa- 
tives ill  the  assembly  but  persons  possessing  an  hundred 
acres  of  land,  or  personal  properly  to  the  value  of  tifly 
pounds  ;  and  none  were  eligible  but  |>crsoiis  possessing 
a  thousand  acres  of  land,  or  personal  property  worth 
five  hundred  pounds.  The  laws  enacted  by  the  council 
and  assembly  were  subject  to  the  negative  of  the  go- 
vernor ;  but  if  passed  by  him,  they  were  to  be  iinine- 
diately  iransinitted  to  p^ngland,  where  they  were  to  bo 
finally  afTirineil  or  disavowed  by  the  crown.  Tl'c  go- 
vernor was  empowered  to  suspend  any  of  the  member* 
of  council  from  their  functions,  and  to  fill  U[>  vacancies 
occurring  among  ihetn  by  death  ;  and,  with  consent  of 
this  body,  to  constitute  courts  of  law,  to  appoint  all 
civil  and  military  officers,  and  to  employ  the  forces  ol 
the  province  in  hostilities  against  public  enemies.  To 
the  assembly  there  was  to  be  communicated  the  royal 
desire,  tliat  it  should  impose  sufficient  taxes  to  afford  a 
competent  salary  to  the  governor,  to  defray  the  salaries 
of  its  own  members  and  of  '.he  members  ef  council,  and 
to  support  all  the  other  provincial  establishments  and 
expenditure  ;  the  prescribed  style  of  all  money  b;li» 
being,  that  the  sums  contained  in  them  were  granteil 
to  the  crown,  with  the  humble  desire  of  the  asseiiiblv, 
that  thev  might  be  applied  for  the  benefit  of  the  (xo- 
vince  ;  and  ail  monies  so  raised  were  to  be  paid  inl3 
the  hands  of  the  receiver  of  the  province  till  the  royal 
pleasure  should  be  signified  with  regard  to  their  dis- 
tribution. The  former  propr-elaries  of  the  province 
were  confirmed  in  iheir  rights  to  the  estates  and  quit 
rents  «iMch  they  had  formerly  enjoyed  ;  and  r.or.e  but 
thev  and  their  agents  and  surveyors  were  lo  be  »u:- 
fercd  to  purchase  land  from  the  Indians.  Liberty  of 
conscience  was  assured  to  all  men,  except  papist.'. 
(JiiaUers  were  declared  lo  be  eligible  to  every  office, 
and  their  affirmation  accepted  in  lien  of  the  customary 
oaths.  The  governor  was  invested  with  the  prestnla- 
lion  to  all  ecclesiastical  benefices.  He  was  required 
to  give  parliculai  incoiiragemeiit  to  all  ministers  oi 
religion  in  connexion  with  the  church  of  England,  and 
lo  "  lake  especial  care  that  God  Almighty  be  devoutly 
and  duly  served."  It  is  deserving  of  regret  rather  tliaii 
of  surprise,  to  find  combined  willi,  and  almost  in  im- 
mediate sequence  lo  this  display  of  royal  zeal  for  the 
interests  of  religion  aud  the  honor  of  Ciod,  a  requisition 
to  the  governor,  that,  in  encouraging  trade,  he  slionlJ 
give  especial  countenance  to  the  Royal  .Mricaii  Coin- 
I'sny  cf  England — a  company  mat  had  been  ii:Slitulei 
for  the  piratical  purjiose  of  kidnapping  or  buying  ne- 
groes in  .Africa,  and  selling  them  as  slaves  in  the  .\nie 
rican  and  West  Indian  plantations.  It  was  declared 
to  be  the  intention  of  her  majesty  '•  to  recoinineiul  iinu 
the  said  company,  that  the  said  province  may  have  i 
constant  and  sufficient  sii[)ply  of  merchantable  iiegroea 
at  moderate  rales ;''  and  the  governor  was  required  to 

king;  lo  a  third  (notwithstanding  the  precedent  of  I.ord  Neil 
Campbell's  appointment)  because,  bemg  a  Scotclmiaii,  II  was 
questioned  il  ho  were  legally  capable  of  holding  olTicc  in  an 
Lnglish  colony. 

•  Uldmiion,  i.  147.    S.  Smith.  207— 2S0.  and  Append  SiS— 
J73    t:haliner».  622.  State  Papers,  apud  eund.  626.  Although 
ihe  proprietaries  persisted  in  terming  this  surrender  a  volun 
tary  act,  aad  asserting  iheir  rignt  lo  have  retained  Ine  (,•">  cm 
I  mcnt  if  they  had  pleated  so  lo  do.  they  appear  In  have  bero 
I  8>»ayed  in  some  measure  by  the  threat  ol  an  eripn»;»e  sun 
with  Ihe  crown,  «hich  had  deterininrd  to  bring  Ihe  v  i;idlt/ 
I  of  their  pretensions  lo  trial.    In  the  instrument  of  surr-ndor, 
I  the  quei  n.  while  she  declares  her  gracious  acceptance  ;  f 
I  powers  resigned  lo  her  by  the  proprietaries,  express.)  lo'uwo 
I  <«  iicknowled|;e  tliat  these  powers  ever  legally  i;o.v;4<M  li> 
tUuiu. 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


8M 


compel  the  planters  duly  to  fulfil  whatever  ctiirairpniciits 
iliey  iniirht  make  with  the  cdnpany.  He  was  further 
iiiflfnicteJ  to  cause  a  law  to  be  passed  for  restrairiiiig 
iiitiiHnaii  seventy  to  slaves,  and  attaching  a  capital  pii- 
ni:<hinent  to  the  wilful  murder  of  them  ;  and  to  take 
9very  means  in  his  power  to  promote  the  conversion  of 
[he«e  unhappy  persons  to  the  christian  faith.  All  print- 
ing was  prohiL'ited  in  tlie  province  without  a  license 
from  the  governor.  In  all  law-suits  where  tiie  suir 
dependence  exceedcl  an  hundred  pounds,  an  appcai 
was  admitted  from  the  provincial  courts  lo  ihe  governor 
and  council:  and  when  the  sum  exceeded  two  hundred 
pounds,  a  further  appeal  was  competent  to  the  privy 
council  of  England. 

The  instructions  to  Lord  Cornbury  contain  reiterated 
intimations  of  the  queen's  sincere  desire  to  promote 
peace,  tranquility  and  contentment,  among  her  .-Vme- 
rican  subjects;  but  this  desire  accorded  as  ill  with  the 
disposition  and  qualifications  of  the  individual  to  whom 
she  remitted  its  accomplishment,  as  her  anxiety  to  mi- 
tigjtc  the  evils  of  slavery  will  be  thought  to  do  with 
lier  earnest  endeavor  to  diffuse  this  mischievous  insti- 
tution more  widely  in  her  dominions.     Of  the  character 
aiul  conduct  of  Lord  Cornbury  we  have  already  seen  a 
specimen  in  the  history  of  New  York.     If  the  people  o! 
New  Jersey  had  less  reason  to  complain  of  him,  it  was 
only  because  his  avocations  at  New  York  compelled 
him  generally  to  delegate  his  functions  in  the  other  pro- 
vince to  a  deputy  ;  and  because  the  votaries  of  his 
favorite  institution,  the  church  of  England,  were  too 
few  in  New  Jersev,  and  perhaps  too  honest  and  unam- 
bitious, to  afford  him  the  materials  of  a  faction  whose 
instrumentality  he  might  employ  in  oppressing  and  plun- 
dering the  rest  of  the  community.    His  distinguished 
name  and  rank,  his  near  relationship  to  the  queen,  and 
the  advantage  he  derived  from  appearing  as  the  substi- 
tute of  a  government  which  had  become  universally  un- 
popular, gave  him  at  first  an  influence  with  the  people 
3(  New  Jersey,  which  a  man  of  greater  virtue  might 
'nave  rendered  highly  conducive  to  their  felicity,  and  a 
3ian  of  greater  abilitv  might  have  improved  to  the  sab- 
jugation  of  their  spirit,  and  the  diminution  of  their 
liberty.    But  all  the  illusions  that  attended  his  outset 
among  them  were  speedily  dispelled  by  acquaintance 
with  his  character,  and  experience  of  his  administration. 
From  the  period  of  his  appointment  till  his  deprivation 
of  office,  the  history  of  New  Jersey  consists  of  little 
else  than  a  detail  of  the  miserable  squabbles  in  which 
he  involved  himself  with  the  colonial  assemblies  ;  and 
a  picture  of  the  spirit  and  resolution  with  which  they 
resisted  his  arbitrary  violence,  condemned  his  partial 
distribution  of  justice,  and  exposed  his  fraudulent  mis- 
»p|)lication  of  the  public  money.    After  repeated  com- 
plaints, the  queen  was  compelled  to  sacrifice  him  to  the 
universal  indignation  which  he  had  provoked  ;  but  not 
till  he  had  very  effectually,  though  most  unintentionally, 
contributed,  by  a  wholesome  discipline,  to  awaken  and 
fortify  a  vigorous  and  vigilant  spirit  of  liberty,  in  two 
of  the  colonies  which  were  most  immediately  subjected 
to  the  influence  of  the  crown.    He  was  superseded,  in  I 
1709.  by  Lord  Lovelace,  who  was  at  the  same  time  j 
appointed  his  successor  in  the  government  of  New  i 
York.*  I 
The  attractions  which  the  neighboring  province  of 
Pennsylvania  presented  to  the  Englisli  quakers,  and  the 
cessation  which  the  British  revolution  produced  of  the 
severities  that  had  driven  so  many  protestant  dissenters 
from  both  England  and  Scotlaiiii,  undoubtedly  pre- 
vented the  population  of  New  Jersey  from  advancing 
with  the  rapidity  which  its  increase  at  one  period  seemed 
to  betoken.    Yet,  at  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury, the  province  is  said  to  have  contained  twenty 
thousand  inhabitants,  of  whom  twelve  thousand  be- 
longed to  East,  and  eight  thousand  to  West  Jersey. t 
It  IS  more  probable  that  the  total  population  amounted 
to  about  fifteen  thousand  persons     The  great  bulk  of 
them  were  quakers,  presbyterians,  and  anabaptists 
The  militia  of  East  Jersey  amounted,  at  this  period,  to 
1,400  men.    There  were  two  church  of  England  mini- 
sters in  the  province ;  but  their  followers  were  not  suf- 
ficiently numerous  and  wealthy  tu  provide  them  with 
churches.    New  Jersey  is  said  to  have  witnessed  an 
unusually  long  subsistence  of  varieties  of  national 

*  S-  Smith,  275.  352.  "  I  confess,"  says  Oldmi.ton  in  the 
id  edil:on  of  Ins  worl(,  "it  gives  me  a  great  deal  of  pam  in 
■rnlins  ih.s  history,  to  see  what  sort  of  governors  I  meet 
with  in  the  plantitions." 

t  Warden's  estimate  of  the  population  is  inucli  lower.  He 
(iv  42),  that  until  the  peace  of  Ulretclit  in  1713,  the  pro- 
vince never  possessed  more  than  16,0U0  inhabitants.  But 
CLi  account  tf  ttiis  province  evinces  great  negligence  and 
laaectaiLT.  Holmes  (i.  45)  rupotls  too  population  lo  have 
Uiiavu««4  to  15,000  ifl  1701. 


charact'-r  among  its  iiiliabitants.  Patriotic  attachment 
and  mutual  convenience  h.id  generally  induced  the  emi- 
grants from  dilTerent  countries  lo  settle  in  distinct 
bodies  ;  a  circumstance  which  strongly  promoted  among 
thein  the  preservation  of  their  peculiar  national  manners 
and  customs.  Kalin,  the  traveller,  has  preserved  a  very 
agreeal)le  picture  of  the  manners  and  habits  of  his  coun- 
trymen, the  early  Swedish  colonists  of  New  Jersey  and 
Delaware.  They  seem  to  have  been  less  tenacious  of 
their  national  peculiarities  than  the  Dutch,  and  to  have 
co[)ied  very  early  the  manners  of  the  English.  Not- 
withstanding some  symptoms  of  a  turbulent  and  refrac- 
tory disposition  which  were  evinced  by  a  portion  of  the 
East  Jersey  population  during  the  subsistence  of  the 
proprietary  government,  a  much  more  reasonable  and 
moderate  temper  seems  to.have  generally  characterised 
the  people  of  both  parts  of  the  united  province  ;  whereof 
a  strong  testimony  is  afforded  in  the  harmony  that 
attended  their  union  by  the  act  of  the  crown  in  1703, 
and  which  even  the  policy  of  such  a  promoter  of  dis- 
cord as  Lord  Cornbury  was  unable  to  disturb.  Though 
separated  from  each  other  by  differences  of  religious 
denomination,  the  inliabiianis  of  the  eastern  and  western 
territories  were  strongly  assimilated  by  the  habits  of 
industry  and  frugality  pociliar  lo  the  national  character 
of  the  Scotch,  and  the  sectarian  discipline  of  the  qua- 
kers ;  and  the  prevalence  of  these  habits,  doubtless, 
contributed  to  maintain  tranquillity  and  harmony  among 
the  several  races  of  people.  Yet  they  were  always 
distinguislied  by  the  steadiness  and  ardor  of  their 
attachment  to  liberty,  and  a  promptitude  to  assert  those 
generous  principles  which  had  been  incorporated  with 
the  first  foundation  of  political  society  in  New  Jersey. 
It  is  disagreeable  lo  remember,  that  this  manly  appre- 
ciation of  iheir  own  rights  was  not  always  accompanied 
with  a  pioportionate  consideration  of  the  rights  of 
others.  Negro  slavery  was  established  in  New  Jersey  ; 
though  at  what  precise  period,  or  by  what  class  of  the 
planters,  it  was  first  introduced,  I  have  not  been  able 
to  ascertain.  In  si)ite  of  the  royal  patronage  which  we 
have  beheld  this  baneful  system  receive,  it  never 
attained  more  than  a  very  insignificant  extent  of  preva- 
lence tliroughout  the  territory.  Even  the  quakers  in 
this  province,  as  well  as  in  Pennsylvania,  became  pro- 
prietors of  slaves  ;  but  their  treatment  of  them  was 
always  distinguished  by  a  humanity  that  rendered 
slavery  little  else  than  a  name  ;  and  so  early  as  the 
year  1696,  the  quakers  of  New  Jersey  united  with 
their  brethren  in  Pennsylvania  in  recommending  to 
the  members  of  their  own  sect  to  desist  from  the  em- 
ployment, or  at  least  from  the  farther  importation,  of 
slaves.  This  interesting  subject  will  demand  more 
particular  consideration  in  the  history  of  Pennsylvania. 

New  Jersey  had  been  for  some  lime  in  possession  of 
an  increasing  trade  ;  but  of  its  extent  at  this  period  no 
accurate  estimate  can  be  formed.  Its  exports  con- 
sisted of  agricuUural  produce  ("icluding  rice),  with 
which  it  sup|ilicd  the  West  India  islands;  furs,  skins, 
and  a  little  tobacco  for  the  English  market  ;  and  oil, 
fish,  and  other  provisions,  which  were  sent  to  Spain, 
Portugal,  and  the  Canary  isles.  Blome,  whose  account 
of  the  American  provinces  was  published  in  1686,  says, 
that  the  town  of  Burlington  even  then  gave  promise  of 
becoming  a  place  of  considerable  trade.  The  stateli- 
ness  of  the  public  edifices,  and  the  comfort  and  ele- 
gance of  the  private  dwellings  that  composed  this 
town,  are  highly  commended  by  a  writer  whose  account 
of  the  province  was  published  about  ten  years  later 
than  the  work  of  Blome.  It  possessed  already  a  thriv- 
ing manufactory  of  linen  and  woollen  cloth.  [24]  This 
manuf-iclure,  which  was  also  introduced  into  Pennsyl- 
vania by  some  of  the  earliest  colonists  of  this  province, 
began  so  soon  to  excite  the  jealousy  of  the  parent  state, 
that  in  the  year  1699  an  act  of  parliament  was  passed 
prohibiting  the  exportation  of  wool  and  woollen  manu- 
factures from  the  American  colonies,  under  a  penally 
of  five  hundred  uouiids  for  each  offence,  in  addition  to 
the  forfeiture  of  the  ship  and  cargo. 

It  is  alleged  by  some  writers,  that,  till  a  very  late 
period,  the  inhabitants  of  New  Jersey  evinced  a  general 
neglect  of  education,  and  indifference  to  all  improve- 
ment in  the  arts  of  life  and  particularly  in  tlieir  system 
of  agricultural  labor.  This  reproach  is  said  to  have 
been  more  especially  merited  by  the  descendants  of  the 
I  Dutch  settlers.  Yet  the  college  of  Princeton  was 
founded  so  early  as  the  year  1738  ;  the  people  have 
always  enjoyed  a  high  reputation  for  piety,  industry, 
economy,  and  good  morals  ;  end  no  community,  even 
in  North  America,  has  witnessed  a  wider  diiliision 
among  all  classes  of  its  inhabitants,  of  the  comforts  and 
conveniences  of  life.  It  has  been  noted  as  a  singular 
poculiarity  in  their  manners,  that  women  in  this  state 


have  alwava  engrossed  a  consideraole  shore  in  the  prac- 
tice of  the  medical  art,  and,  except  in  cases  of  greit 
difficulty  and  impoitance,  have  been  the  onlv  physiciana 
whom  the  inhabitants  have  had  recourse  to.* 

It  was  a  fortunate  circumstance  for  the  inhabitants  of 
this  province,  that  the  Indian  tribes  in  their  neighbor- 
hood were  far  from  numerous,  and  were  almost  always 
willing  lo  cultivate  a  friendly  relation  wiih  the  Euro 
peans.  The  gravity,  simplicity,  and  courtesy  of  qi'aker 
manners,  seem  to  have  been  particularly  acceptable  to 
these  savages.  An  historian  of  New  Jersey  has  pre- 
served an  account  of  a  visit  paid  by  an  old  Indian  king 
to  the  inhabitants  of  Burlington,  in  the  vcar  1G82. 
Being  attacked  with  a  mortal  disorder,  the  old  men 
sent  for  the  heir  of  his  authority,  and  delivered  to  him 
a  charge  replete  with  prudent  and  reasonable  maxims. 
Thomas  Budd,  a  quaker,  and  one  of  the  proprietaries  of 
the  province,  being  present  on  this  solemn  occusion, 
"  took  the  opportunity  to  remark,  that  there  was  a 
great  God  who  created  all  things  ;  that  he  gave  man 
an  understanding  of  what  was  good  and  bad  ;  and  after 
this  life  rewarded  the  good  with  blessings,  and  the  bud 
according  to  their  doings.  The  king  answered,  It  is 
very  true,  it  is  so  ;  there  are  two  ways,  a  broad  and  a 
strait  way  ;  there  are  two  paths,  a  broad  and  a  strait 
path  ;  the  worst  and  the  greatest  number  go  in  tho 
broad,  the  best  and  fewest  in  the  strait  path."  This 
king  dying  soon  afterwards,  was  attended  lo  his  grave, 
in  the  quakers'  burial-place  in  Burlington,  with  so- 
lemnity, by  the  Indians  in  their  manner,  and  with  great 
respect  by  many  of  the  English  settlers. 

In  the  year  1695,  the  governor's  salary  in  East  Jer- 
sey was  150/.  ;  in  West  Jersey  200/.  In  1704,  when 
these  two  provinces  had  been  united  into  one  stale,  a 
bill  was  passed  for  raising  by  tax  2000/.  per  annum  foi 
the  sup|)ort  of  government :  but  it  does  not  appear  what 
proportion  of  this  sum  was  allotted  to  the  governor. 


BOOK  VII. 
PENNSYLVANIA  AND  DELAWARE. 

CHAPTER  I. 

Birtli  and  Character  of  Wlliiam  Peiin— lie  solicits  a  Grant  of 
American  Territory  from  ("Charles  the  Second — Charter  of 
Pennsylvania — Object  and  Meaning;  of  the  Clauses  peculiar 
to  this  Charter — English  and  American  Opinions  thereon — 
Peiin's  Eiforts  to  people  his  Territories — Enngiation  of 
Quakers  to  the  Province— Letter  from  Peiui  to  the  Indians— 
Penn's  first  Frame  of  Government  I'ortlie  Province — Grant 
of  Delaware  by  the  Duke  of  York  to  Penn— who  sails  for 
America — his  joyful  reception  there — Numerous  Emigra 
tions  to  tlie  Province — First  Legislative  Assembly— Penn- 
sylvania and  Delaware  united — Controversy  with  Lord  Bal- 
timore— Treaty  with  the  Indians — Second  Assembly — new 
Frame  of  Government  adopted— Philadelphia  founded— 
Penn's  Return  to  England — and  Farewell  to  his  People. 

William  Penn,  .so  renowiicd  as  a  patriarch  and 
cha:apion  of  the  quakers,  and  a  founder  of  civilized 
society  in  North  America,  was  the  son  of  that  naval 
commander  who,  under  the  protectorate  of  Cromwell, 
enlarged  the  British  dominions  by  the  conquest  of  Ja- 
maica. This  was  the  first  colony  which  had  been  ac- 
quired by  the  English  arms.  New  York  was  the  next: 
for  Acadia,  though  conquered  in  the  interim  by  Crom- 
well's forces,  did  not  then  become  an  English  settle 
ment,  ard  was  surrendered  by  Charles  the  Second, 
soon  after  his  restoration.  It  is  another  example  of  the 
strange  concatenation  of  human  affairs,  that  the  second 
instance  of  the  acquisition  of  a  colony  by  the  British 
arms,  should  have  been  the  means  of  introducing  the 
son  of  the  first  conqueror,  as  a  quaker  colonist  and  a 
preacher  of  peace,  in  America. 

His  father,  who  afterwards  attained  the  dignity  of 
knighthood,  and  the  station  of  an  admiral,  was  the 
descendant  of  a  respectable  English  family.  Devoting 
himself  to  the  naval  service  of  his  country  in  the  com- 
mencement of  the  civil  wars,  he  embraced  the  causo 
of  the  parliament,  and  subseipiently  adhered  to  the  for- 
tunes of  Cromwell.  Eroin  an  inferior  rank  in  »be  ser- 
vice of  these  authorities,  be  was  promoted  lo  a  digni- 
fied and  important  command,  and  enjoyed  a  considera- 
ble degree  of  favor  with  the  i'rotecior  till  the  failure  ot 
the  expedition  which  he  conducted  against  St.  Do- 
mingo. It  is  asserted  very  decidedly  by  some  histo- 
rians, and  especially  by  all  the  quaker  writers,  that  this 
disaster  was  occasioned  by  the  fauU  of  Vcnables,  who 

"  Warden,  ii.  50.  Whether  this  usage  was  the  effect  or  tho 
cause  of  the  remarkable  healthiness  of  the  people  of  New 
Jersey,  will  admit  of  a  doubt.  But  it  may  be  regarded  as  tho 
symptom  of  a  reinarkab  e  degree  of  respect  for  the  female 
sex.  Of  this  sentiment  •another  very  singular  testimony  was 
atTorded  even  so  late  as  he  commencement  o*"  tho  lunctconth 
century,  by  a  law  which  extended  the  clecl<.e  franchiiie  lo 
New  Jersey  to  women.  The  New  Jersey  women,  however 
showed  themselves  worthy  of  the  respect  of  their  country- 
men, by  fienerally  dcchning  lu  avail  themselves  ot  this  fJi 
poi^tctous  proof  of  it. 


/04 


THE  HISTORY  OP 


commaiidcd  ihe  land  forced,  and  could  not  fairly  be 
allnbuteil  lo  Adiiiirul  Pciiii  :  but  Cromwell,  wl.o  un- 
derstood niililarv  airairs  better  than  lliose  writers  can 
be  s.ii)i|iosed  to  have  done,  was  to  far  from  acqmtlins; 
the  admiral  of  blame,  that  lie  imprisoned  hini  ni  the 
Tower,  and  nc\cr  afterwards  intrusted  hiin  with  any 
public  ein|)loy.  This  circumstance,  perliaps,  contribu- 
led  to  llie  favor  which  he  enjoyed  at  court  after  the 
Restoration  ;  when  he  scrupled  not  lo  accept  honor 
and  eniploynienl  from  a  governmenl  that  stigmatized 
the  service  in  which  he  had  been  previously  engagerl, 
by  the  insults  it  heaped  on  the  meniory  of  Ulakc.*  It 
is  alleged  by  liisliop  13urnet,  that  he  obtained  Ihe  friend- 
ship of  the  Duke  of  York,  with  whom  ho  commanded 
at  sea  in  the  Dutch  war  of  16fi5,  by  enabling  him  to 
avoid  a  renewed  action  with  the  enemy's  lleet,  without 
having  seemed  to  decline  it.  Other  writers,  and  espe- 
cially those  who  have  embraced  the  tenets,  or  felt 
iheniselves  interested  in  the  fame  of  his  son,  iiave  as- 
serted thai  the  admiral  owed  his  favor  with  the  king 
and  the  duke  to  no  other  recommendations  than  those 
of  his  eminent  viilor  and  abilities.  He  was  impeached, 
iu  166S,  by  the  House  of  Commons,  for  einbezzliiig 
prize  money  ;  but,  from  some  uncxjilaiued  c.rcum- 
8tnnce,  the  iinpearhnient  was  permitted  to  drop. 

Whatever  was  the  cause  of  the  court  favor  which  he 
enjoyed,  it  was  so  considerable  as  to  authorise  the  most 
ambitious  hopes  of  the  advancement  of  his  son,  and 
proportionally  to  embitter  his  disappointment  at  behold- 
ing thai  son  embrace  a  profession  of  laith  which  sul)- 
jcclcd  him  not  only  to  official  disability,  but  to  tlic 
severity  of  penal  law,  the  derision  of  courtiers,  and  tiie 
displeasure  of  the  great.  Young  Penn's  predilection 
for  the  quakers,  first  excited  by  the  discourses  of  one  of 
their  itinerant  preachers,  was  manifested  so  early,  and 
with  so  much  warmth,  as  to  occasmn  his  expulsion  from 
the  university  of  Oxford  at  the  age  of  sixteen.  His 
father  endeavored  to  prevail  with  him  to  abandon  |)ria- 
ciples  and  manners  so  ill  calculated  to  promote  his 
worldly  grandeur;  and,  finding  his  arguments  ineU'ec- 
iUul.  resorted  to  blows,  and  even  banished  him  from  his 
home,  with  no  better  elfect.  Along  with  the  peculiari- 
ties of  quakerism,  the  young  convert  had  received  the 
tirsl  profound  impression  he  had  ever  experienced  of 
the  truth  and  importance  of  Christianity  ;  and  l)olli 
ivcro  fo"-  ever  inseparably  blended  together  in  his  mind. 
The  treatment  he  received  from  his  father,  tended  to 
tortify  his  conviction  that  quakerism  was  a  revival  of 
that  [Hire  and  primitive  Christianity  winch  was  fated  to 
occasion  the  division  of  households,  and  the  dissolution 
of  the  strongest  tics  of  natural  affection.  The  admiral, 
at  length,  devised  a  method  of  sapping  the  principles 
which  he  could  not  overthrow  ;  and,  for  this  purpose, 
sent  his  son  to  travel,  with  some  young  men  of  quality, 
in  France,  then  the  gayest  and  most  licentious  country 
of  Europe.  This  device,  which  reflects  little  credit  on 
the  purity  of  that  natural  affection  by  winch  it  was  sug- 
gested, was  attended  with  apparent  success.  Quaker- 
ism and  Christianity  were  checked  alike,  for  a  time,  in 
the  mind  of  Penn,  who  returned  to  his  gratilied  father 
with  the  manners  of  an  elegant  gentleman,  and  the 
sentiments  of  a  man  of  pleasure  t  But,  having  re- 
paired, m  the  year  ICfiti,  to  Ireland,  to  inspect  an 
estate  thai  belonged  to  his  father  in  this  country,  it  was 
licre  again  his  fate  to  meet  with  the  same  itincrdnt 
preacher  who  had  inijiressed  his  mind  so  |)owerlully  ten 
years  before,  at  Oxford.  His  former  sei'.timents  were 
now  revived,  with  deeper  conviction  and  increased  zeal 
and  energy  ;  and  quickly  produced  a  public,  .solemn, 

*  In  alluding  to  the  lii.story  and  character  of  his  father,  VVil- 
.iaiii  IVnn  seems  lu  have  fell  at  once  a  natural  .'s^  iiiiiathy 
with  hi.H  republican  honors,  and  an  unwillingness  to  have  hiin 
considered  an  associate  of  republicans,  and  aiitagoiiisl  of 

oyalty.  "  From  a  lieutenaiil,"  say.H  hi.i  son,  "  he  passed 
itiroui(h  all  Ihe  enuncnt  otlices  of  sea  einpluyinent,  and  ar- 
rived tu  that  of  general  about  the  thirtieth  year  of  his  age  ; 
in  a  lime  lull  of  the  biggest  fca  actions  thai  any  history  men- 
tions ;  and  when  neillier  bribes  nor  alliance,  favor  nor  alfec- 
tion,  but  ability  only  could  promote."    lie  adds,  however,— 

'ilu  was  engaged  both  under  Hie  parliament  and  king;  but 
not  an  an  ai  tor  in  the  domestic  troubles  ;  his  compass  always 
•leering  hnn  lo  eye  a  national  concern,  and  iiol  intestine 
wax.  lli«  service,  therefore,  being  wholly  foreign,  he  may 
be  truly  laid  lo  serve  his  country,  rather  than  either  of  thesis 
Irtierpitfl,  so  fur  a.n  they  were  distinct  from  each  other." 
Pruud's  Hint,  of  Pennsylvania,  i.  31,  2*2.  Olilinixon  thus  cha- 
racterizrs  the  adiinrul  — *'  lie  was  a  strong  Imlependenl,  and 
■o  ciinlinucd  till  the  Resloratlun  ;  when  finding  religion  and 
liberty  al  the  mercy  of  Iheir  enemies,  liu  very  quickly  made 
hla  peace  with  King  Charles  and  the  Duke  of  York."  iiecund 
tuition,  I.  'iM. 

t  To  roconrile  this  well-aulhentirated  conduct  of  theadnii- 
fn]  With  the  iiilereHt  which  <]uaker  writers  have  evinced  in 
oeieiue  of  Ills  lepiilalinn,  it  is  iierrssiiry  lo  remember,  lhat 
AO  1.1  said  lu  have  died  >  convert  loipiakcr  principles  ;  and  to 
bAVe  prophoHied  to  his  suii  ihiil  these  principles,  calmly  and 
rnUuiit  jr  supiH>rlud,  would  tin&lly  Umniplt  ov«r  all  oppuution. 
rTuuJ.  CU(k>un. 


and  resolute  expression  of  his  adherence  to  the  tenets 

and  usages  of  the  quakers.  In  vain  were  his  father's 
instances  once  more  repealed,  and  the  temporal  digni- 
ties which  seemed  only  to  wait  his  acceptance  pressed 
with  fond  and  patlu  iic  earnestness  on  liis  regard.  It 
was  even  in  vam  that  the  admiral,  in  despair,  restricted 
his  solicitation  lo  such  a  slender  compliance  with  the 
usages  of  the  world,  as  that  his  son  should  uncover  his 
head  in  the  presence  of  the  King,  the  Duke  of  York, 
and  his  parents.  Penn's  eye  was  now  elevated  lo  the 
contemplation  of  objects  so  glorious,  that  the  lustre  of 
earthly  dignities  grew  dim  before  them  ;  and  his  reso- 
lution (fortilied  by  an  early  experience  of  imprisonment, 
and  other  legal  seventies)  was  wound  up  to  such  a 
pilch  of  lirmness  and  intensity,  that  he  refused  to  lay 
even  a  single  grain  of  incense  on  what  he  deemed  an 
unhallowed  altar  of  bumaii  arrogance  and  vanity.  He 
now  devoted  all  the  large  resources  of  his  capacity  to 
the  defence  and  propagation  of  the  quaker  tenets,  and 
sacrifiixd  his  teni])oral  ease  and  enjoymeiil  to  the  illiis- 
Iralion  of  the  quaker  virtues, — with  a  success  that  has 
gained  for  him  a  renown  more  illustrious  and  imperish- 
able than  the  ambition  of  his  father  ever  ventured  lo 
I'lOpe,  or  the  utmost  favor  of  his  sovereign  could  have 
been  able  to  confer.  It  would  not  be  easy  to  figure  a 
more  interesting  career  than  is  exhibited  in  the  greater 
portion  of  his  subsequent  life.  He  travelled  over 
many  parts  of  Europe,  and  even  extended  his  personal 
labors  to  .Vmerica  :  and  every  where,  from  the  courts 
of  German  princes  to  the  encampments  of  Indian  sava- 
ges, we  tind  him  overcoming  evil  by  good,  and  disarm- 
ing the  wrath  of  man  by  gentleness,  patience,  and  fai'h. 
In  hig  exterior  apiiearaiice  and  address,  there  were 
combined,  in  an  unusual  degree,  a  venerable  dignitv 
and  gravity  of  aspect,  with  a  frank  cheerful  simplicity 
of  manner,  and  a  style  of  expression  fraught  with  plain- 
ness, vigor,  and  good  humor.  His  face  was  a  very  un- 
common one,  and  its  lineaments,  though  by  no  means 
hue,  were  far  from  nnpleasing,  and  derived  from  their 
[)eculiarity  something  impressive  and  rcineiiibcrable. 
With  the  general  corpulence  which  liis  frame  attained 
as  he  advanced  in  years,  his  countenance  expanded  to  • 
a  considerable  dimension  ;  and  while  his  eve  expressed 
considerate  thought,  and  strength  of  understanding,  the 
amplitude  and  regularity  of  the  rest  of  his  features 
seemrd  to  indicate  a  liab:tual  tranquillity  of  spirit.  A 
mind  so  contemplative,  and  a  life  so  active  ;  such  a 
mixture  of  niildnes*  and  resolution  ;  of  patience  and 
energy  ;  of  industry  and  genius  ;  of  loltv  piety  ami  prc- 
fouiid  sagacity,  have  rarely  been  exeinplirted  in  the 
records  of  human  character.  The  most  pious  and  the 
most  voluminous,  he  was  also,  next  to  Robert  Barclay, 
the  most  learned  and  ingenious  writer  in  defence  of 
quakerism  ;  and,  at  the  same  lime,  next  to  George  Fox, 
the  most  indefatigable  minister  that  the  quakers  have 
ever  possessed.  He  contrived  to  exhibit  at  once  the 
active  and  passive  virtues  suitable  lo  a  champion  and  a 
confessor  of  quakerism  ;  and  the  same  prisons  thai 
were  the  scene  of  his  patient  suffering  for  ihe  rights  of 
his  brelhren,  were  also  the  scene  of  his  most  elaborate 
literary  elforts  for  their  instruction.  Among  other  qua- 
ker peculiarities,  his  writings  are  distinguished  by  a 
tedious  prolixity  ;  yet  not  nuich  more  so  than  the  pro- 
ductions of  the  most  cel(d)ra;ed  coteinporary  authors. 
They  abound  with  numerous  passages  replete  alike 
with  the  liiH  sl  eloquence  and  tiie  inosl  forcible  reason- 
ing, engaging  benevolence,  and  fervent  piety.  He  was 
deeply  infected  with  the  doctrinal  errors  of  the  quakers  ; 
yet  more  deeply  eiiibued  with  the  spirit  of  the  trulii 
than  many  who  |)rol'ess  to  hold  it  devoid  irl  such,  appen- 
dages; and,  iiolwithstandiiig  the  tendency  of  these  doc- 
trinal errors  to  lead  those  who  have  ihorouglily  em- 
braced them  into  frantic  and  indecent  excesses,  there 
were  none  of  the  (juaker  leaders  who  contribuleJ  more 
signally  than  Penn  to  the  esldblisliineiil  of  a  system  of 
orderly  discipline  throughout  the  society.  This  was  a 
work  of  such  dilliculty,  and  so  repugnant  to  the  senti- 
ments of  many  who  regarded  disci|iliiie  as  an  altempl 
to  control  the  soveieigntv,  and  obstruct  the  freedom  ol 
spiritual  communication,  that  all  the  inlluenccof  Penn's 
character  and  address,  and  all  the  weight  he  derived 
from  his  labors  and  siifferiiigi,  were  requisite  to  its  suc- 
cess, and  barely  suinced  to  effect  it.  Except  George 
Fox,  no  other  individual  has  ever  enjoyed  so  much 
authority  in  this  society,  or  realized  so  completely  the 
character  of  a  patriarch  of  the  quakers.  'J'hough  his 
principles  excluded  hiiii  from  the  official  dignities  which 
his  father  had  coveted  for  him,  they  did  nol  prevent 
hiin  from  attaining  a  remarkable  degree  of  favor  and 
ennsideration,  both  with  Charles  the  Second  and  his 
successor;  which  he  improved,  lo  llie  utmost  of  his 
power,  for  tlxs  relief  of  the  buffering  members  of  the 


quaker  society.  AVhatever  were  the  services  of  the 
admiral,  the  claim  which  they  were  thought  to  infer 
was  extended  to  his  son  ;  nor  was  its  efficacy  impaired 
by  his  visible  intincnce  over  a  numerous  body  of  men, 
whose  absolute  renunciation  of  the  rights  of  resistance 
and  self-defence  could  not  fail  to  interest  the  regards 
of  arbitrary  princes. 

There  exists,  in  all  mankind,  a  propensity  to  db- 
bounded  admiration,  arising  from  an  indistinct  gInnpM 
and  faint  remaining  trace  of  that  image  of  inlimle  ma- 
jesty and  purity  with  which  iheir  existence  connects 
them,  and  to  which  their  nature  once  enjoved  a  more 
aiii|)le  conformity  than  it  has  been  able  to  retain.  We 
may  consider  either  as  the  expression  of  this  soiilimrnt, 
or  the  apology  for  indulging  it.  that  anxiety  to  claim  tho 
praise  of  faultless  perfection  for  the  ol'jpcts  of  our  es- 
teem, which  may  truly  be  thought  to  indicate  a  secret 
consciousness  that  it  is  only  to  excellence  above  the 
reach  of  humanity  that  our  admiration  can  ever  be  justly 
due.  This  error  lias  never  been  evinceil  in  a  more 
signal  degree  than  by  the  biographers  of  Penn,  and  the 
Insiorians  of  his  labors  and  institutions  in  America 
The  unmixed  and  unmerited  encomium  which  Ins  cha- 
racter and  labors  have  received,  originated,  no  doubt, 
with  the  writers  of  his  own  religious  persuasion  ;  but, 
so  far  from  being  coiitineil  to  them,  it  has  been  even 
exaogeraled  by  writers  of  a  totally  different  class,  and 
whose  seeming  impartiality  has  contributed,  in  a  re- 
markable degree,  lo  fortify  and  propagate  the  illusion. 
The  quakers  have  always  enjoyed,  with  some  inlidel 
philosophers,  a  reputation,  which  no  other  professors 
of  Christianity  have  been  permitted  to  share  ;  fiarily 
because  they  were  accounted  the  friends  of  unlnnited 
toleration,  and  partly  from  an  erroneous  idea  th.it  ihe:r 
christian  name  was  but  a  thin  mystical  covering  winch 
veiled  the  pure  and  simple  light  of  reason  and  philo-ophy 
from  eyes  yet  too  gross  to  receive  it.  Refusing  to  de- 
tine  their  doctrinal  tontts  by  a  creed,  and  having  already 
evacuated,  by  allegorical  interprelaliou,  some  of  tiie 
plainest  precepls  of  the  gospel,  the  quakers  were  ex- 
pected, by  their  philosophical  panegyrists,  to  pave  ilie 
way  for  a  total  dissolution  of  Christianitv.  bv  gradually 
allegorizing  the  whole  of  the  Scriptures.  Bv  the  iinited 
elforts  of  these  several  tributaries  lo  his  fame.  William 
Penn  has  been  presented  to  the  eves  of  mankinJ  as  a 
character  nearly,  if  nol  eiilirelv,  faultless;  as  the  anlhoi 
of  inslilu'ions  nol  less  admirable  for  their  wisdom  ihiui 
their  originality,  and  not  less  amply  than  instanlt- 
neoiisly  productive  of  the  gratitude  and  happiness  oi 
mankind  [25]  How  exaggerated  is  this  picture  of  tiie 
merit  and  the  effects  of  his  institutions,  will  appear  but 
too  clearlv  from  the  following  pages.  'I'liat  the  daz- 
zling lioht  with  which  his  character  has  been  invested, 
was  sullied  with  the  specks  of  mortal  imperleciion  is 
also  a  truth  which  it  is  moro  easy  than  agreeable  to  de- 
monstrate. But  excellence,  the  more  credibly  it  is  re- 
presented, is  the  more  effectually  recommended  to 
human  imitation  :  and  those  who  may  be  conscious  ol 
such  iiilirmities  as  William  Penn  evinced,  receive  an 
important  lesson  when  ihey  are  taught  that  these  \ifi- 
perfeciions  neither  inevitably  obstruct,  nor  salisfactorily 
a|iologise  for,  dcticiency  of  even  the  most  cxcnijilary 
virtue. 

In  the  commencement  of  his  career,  Penn  evinced, 
towards  bis  opjionciits,  an  arrogance  of  disdain,  and  a 
coarseness  of  vituperation,  very  little  consistent  with 
the  mildness  of  ipiaker  manners,  or  even  wilh  common 
decency  and  propriety.*  It  redounds  lo  his  cri'dil 
that  he  corrected  this  fault,  and  graced  Ins  wisdom  by 
ail  address  replete  with  courtesy  and  kindness.  Hut 
another  change  which  his  disposition  appears  also  to 
have  iiudergoiie,  presents  him  in  an  aspect  which  it  is 
less  agreeable  to  contemplate.  Recommended  to 
Charles  the  Second  and  his  successor,  by  a  hereditary 
claim  of  regard,  bv  the  principles  of  passive  obedience, 
which,  as  a  quaker,  he  professed,  and  as  a  writer  h« 
contribuled  widely  to  disseminate,  ami  by  the  willieg- 
iiess  With  which  he  and  his  fellow  sectaries  alone,  ol  all 
the  British  prolesiants.  recognized  the  royal  prerogjtivs 
of  suspending  laws,  he  was  admitlcd  to  a  degree  ol 
favor  and  intimacy  with  these  perlidious  snd  tyrannical 
princes,  which  laid  a  dangerous  snare  for  the  integniy 

*  In  llift  prefjtlury  address  which  be  prefixed  to  liis  ai'.rouni 
of  his  celebriited  trial  al  the  Old  Bailey,  lor  preaching  it  a 
conienticle,  he  makes  use  of  Ihis  very  uiii|uaker  expresMon. 

*•  Ma';na  t'harta  is  iiingna           wilh  the  rccoiderof  I.*intiori.' 

Those  v\ho  ale  unable  lt»  conjecture  the  rib:ildry  v%hich  I  tor- 
bear  to  traiisciilw,  may  consult  the  [irelace  ilsclf,»h»li  li 
reprinted  in  Ho«  ell's  Slate  Tri.ils,  vol.  vi.  p.  U53  IVim  h*d 
no  objection  lo  a  little  |iieasanlry.  An  adversary  of  ilie  qua- 
kers Invmi;  published  an  allack  on  Ihem.  entitled  "  Ttid 
Quaker's  last  Shift  lound  out,"  I'emi  answi  red  it  by  a  work 
benrmg  the  liKlicroiLS  lille  of  "  Naked  T.ulli  needs  no  iihitl.' 
Clarkson's  Lilo  of  IVnn,  i.  IU. 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


825 


of  his  character  and  the  rectitude  of  his  conduct.  It 
was  natural  tliat  he  and  his  friends,  oppressed  hy  the 
parhduienlary  enacltneiits,  should  regard  vvilli  more  fa- 
vor (he  arbitrary  power  winch  was  fn.-fjuenlly  uiterposed 
for  their  reliiif,  than  tlie  coiistilutional  authority  wliicli 
was  directed  to  tlieir  iiioleRtatioii.  But  none  of  the 
other  protestant  dissenters  heheld  ofiierwise  than  with 
di.'gusl,  tlie  hoon  of  a  temporary  mitigation  of  legal 
ngor,  which  implied  a  power  in  the  crown  subversive 
of  every  bulwark  of  British  liberty.  As  the  political 
ai'ciit  of  his  society,  cultivating  the  friendship  of  a 
tyrant,  aixl  seeking  a  shelter  under  his  power  from  the 
laws,  I'enii  occupied  a  situation  regulated  by  no  ordi- 
nary duties  or  ascertained  principles;*  and  becoming 
gradually  familiarized  with  arbitrary  power,  he  scru[>led 
not  to  beseech  its  interposition  in  the  behalf  of  his  own 
private  concernments,  and  to  employ,  for  the  enlarge- 
ment of  his  American  territory,  at  the  expeiipe  of  the 
prior  right  of  Lord  Baliimorc,  tlie  same  authority  wliich 
he  had  accustomed  himself  to  respect  as  an  engine  of 
public  good,  and  religious  toleration.  Dazzled,  rather 
than  corrupted,  by  royal  favor  and  confidence,  he  beheld 
nothing  in  the  character  of  the  princes  that  reproved  his 
friendship  wiih  them,  or  prevented  it  from  becoming 
even  more  intimate  and  confidential,  when  iheir  tyran- 
nical designs  were  already  fully  developed,  their  cha- 
racters unmasked  to  every  other  eye,  ami  the  hands 
from  which  he  solicited  favors  were  embrued  with  the 
blood  of  men  whom  he. had  loved  as  friends,  an{l  re- 
verenced as  the  most  illustrious  characters  in  England. 
While  as  vet  the  struggle  between  the  popular  leaders 
Bad  the  abettors  of  arbitrary  power  had  not  terminated 
m  favor  of  the  crown,  Peiiii  appeared  to  participate  in 
the  sentiments  that  were  cherished  by  the  friends  of 
liberty.  He  addressed  his  applications  for  repeal  of 
the  penal  laws  against  dissenters  to  the  House  of  Com- 
mons ;  he  attached  himself  to  Algernon  Sidney,  and 
endeavored  to  promote  his  elecLion  in  a  contest  with  a 
court  candidate  for  the  borough  of  Guildford  ;  and  we 
have  seen  how  he  concurred  in  the  magnanimous  vin- 
dication of  the  rights  of  West  Jersey  against  the  en- 
croachments of  the  Diike  of  i'ork.  Yet  when  the 
cause  of  liberty  seemed  for  ever  to  have  sunk  beneath 
the  ascendancy  of  roval  prerogative,  ho  applied  to  (he 
crown  for  the  relief  which  he  had  already  practically 
recognized  as  the  province  of  the  parliament  ;  he  be- 
held his  friend  Siduev  butchered  on  the  scaffold  without 
any  interruption  of  cordiality  between  himself  and  the 
court  ;  and  when  James  the  Second  coinniitled  a  far 
greater  outrage  on  the  rights  of  Magdalen  college  ol 
O.xford  than  the  encroachment  he  had  attempted  on  the 
liberties  of  New  Jersey,  Penn's  advice  to  the  fellows 
of  the  college  was  to  appease  the  king  by  concessions 
for  their  past  conduct,  which,  at  the  same  time,  he  ac- 
knowledged to  have  been  honorable  and  praiseworthy. 
Nay,  as  if  to  render  the  change  of  his  disposition  still 
more  eminently  conspicuous,  he  concurred  with  the 
other  proprietaries  of  East  Jersey  in  tamely  siineiider- 
iiig  the  liberties  of  this  province  to  the  same  prince, 
against  whom,  when  supported  by  the  spirit  of  better 
times,  he  had  so  strenuously  defended  the  liberties  of 
Its  sister  colony.  Peiin  was  present  at  the  e.tecution 
of  Mrs.  Gaunt,  an  aged  lady,  renowned  for  her  piety 
and  charity,  who  was  burnt  alive  for  having  given  shel- 
ter to  a  person  in  distress,  whom  she  knew  not  at  the 
time  to  have  been  a  fugitive  from  the  rebel  army  of  the 
Duke  of  Monmouth  ;  and  at  the  execution  of  Alderman 
Cornish,  who  was  hanged  before  the  door  of  his  own 
house,  for  a  pretended  treason,  of  which  nobody  believed 
hlin  to  be  guilty.  The  only  sentiment  that  he  is  re- 
ported to  have  expressed,  on  this  occasion,  was  that 
"  the  king  was  greatly  to  be  pi'ied  for  the  evil  counsels 
that  hurried  hiin  into  so  much  effusion  of  blood."  Wlien 
it  is  considered  that,  after  all  this,  Penn's  eyes  were 
not  opened!  to  the  real  character  of  James,  and,  on  the 
contrary,  his  friendship  with  the  barbarous  tyrant  con- 
tinued to  subsist,  and  even  to  increase,  till  the  very 
last ;  it  seems  by  no  means  sur[)rising  (hat  his  contem- 

*  That  Penn  <iid  nut  acknowledge  the  same  diuius,  aa  a  po- 
litical  character,  which  he  prescnhed  to  him-ieU  a.s  a  ijaaker, 
appears  from  his  withdrawing  from  a  state  wairaiit  that  was 
issued  for  Ills  imprisonment  on  a  political  chirje  by  Kim;  Wil- 
liam (Proud,  i.  348— 350.)— an  evasion  which  he  never  stooped 
to,  when  he  wms  persecuted  fjr  his  religious  practices. 

t  lie  pulilished  a  book  in  favor  of  the  king's  attempts  to 
estabhsh  toleraf.on,  even  after  James  liad  so  far  disclosed  lius 
real  views  as  to  have  tiirusi  papists  into  Ih ;  government  of 
the  university  of  Oxford.  He  liad  recently  iiefore  undertaken 
a  secret  tmibassy  from  the  king  to  the  Priu.-  e  of  Orange,  in 
the  hope  of  prevailing  with  the  prince  to  give  lus  sanction  to 
the  measures  iii  behalf  of  toleralion.  Clarkson,  i.  474.  5Us)  ; 
li.  J.  Though  unable  to  discern  the  designs  of  the  king,  he 
had  not  always  been  equally  Insensible  to  the  dangers  of 
popery  ;  and  in  the  days  of  his  patriotic  ferf  our,  had  written 
a  piaiplilet  to  animate  tho  aatioaal  race  against  tlie  pretended 
pofiib  plot    Ibid.  i.  !M6. 


poraries  should  have  generallv  regarded  him  as  a  secret 
abettor  of  all  the  inoiiarcli's  designs  for  the  establish- 
ment of  popery  and  the  destruction  of  liberty.  It  was 
perhaps  fortunate  for  his  fame  tint  the  public  displea- 
sure vented  itself  in  this  injustice  ;  [26J  the  detection 
of  which  has  contributed  to  shelter  him  even  from  the 
milder  but  more  merited  censure  of  an  infatuated  cre- 
dulity, fortified  by  the  vanity  of  su|)posing  that  he  would 
ultimately  render  the  royal  authority  entirely  subser- 
vient to  the  accomplishineiit  of  his  own  religious  and 
philanthropic  views. 

The  character  of  William  Penn  has  not  escaped  the 
charge  of  ambition* — a  charge  which  admits  of  such 
variety  of  signilication,  that  perhaps  no  human  being 
was  ever  absolutely  exempt  from  it.  Assuredly,  he 
was  neither  conscious  nor  Susceptible  of  that  vile  and 
vulgar  ambition  that  courts  a  personal  distinction  and 
elevation  derived  from  the  depression  and  impoverish- 
ment of  mankind.  Of  the  desire  to  derive  a  reflected 
lusire  from  the  happiness  and  improvement  which  others 
might  owe  to  him,  it  is  neither  so  easy  nor  so  desirable 
to  absolve  him.  Nor,  perhaps,  was  he  wholly  exempt 
from  tho  iiifljence  of  a  temptation  which  this  refined 
ambition  is  very  apt  to  beget — the  desire  of  magnifying 
and  extending  the  power  by  which  such  benefits  might 
continue  to  be  conferred  by  h  mself  and  his  posterity. 
William  Penn,  among  the  quakers,  and  that  no  loss 
estimable  man,  John  Wesley,  among  (ho  metnodists, 
have  not  been  the  only  benefactors  of  the  human  race, 
who,  confident  of  their  good  intentions,  and  habituated 
to  power,  have  seemed  to  covet  it  somewhat  too  eagerly 
as  a  peculiarly  efficient  instrument  of  human  welfare. 
But  It  is  time  to  proceed  from  these  prefatory  observa- 
ticns  on  the  character  of  this  illustrious  man,  to  a  con- 
sideration of  that  portion  of  his  life,  which  is  identified 
with  the  rise  of  Pennsylvania  and  the  history  of  De- 
laware. 

The  circuirjstances  that  first  attracted  the  attention 
of  Penn  to  the  colonization  of  North  America,  have 
already  been  unfolded  in  the  history  of  New  Jersey. 
While  he  was  engaged  with  his  quaker  associates  in 
administering  the  government  of  that  territory,  he  re- 
ceived such  information  of  the  fertility  and  resources  of 
the  country  situated  to  the  westward  of  the  Delaware, 
as  inspired  him  with  the  desire  of  acquiring  a  separate 
estate  in  this  quarter.  For  this  purpose  he  presented 
a  petition  to  (Jharles  the  Second,  [1680]  stating  his 
relationship  to  the  deceased  admiral,  and  his  claim  for 
a  debt  incurred  by  the  crown  to  his  father,  when 
Shafteburv's  memorable  device  was  adopted,  of  shuttinc 
the  exchequer  ;  soliciting,  on  these  accounts,  a  grant 
of  land  to  the  northward  of  Maryland,  and  westward  of 
ilie  Delaware  ;  and  adding,  that  by  his  interest  with 
the  quakers,  he  should  be  able  to  colonize  a  province, 
which  might,  in  time,  not  only  extinguish  his  claims, 
but  enlarge  the  British  empire,  augment  its  trade,  and 
promcte  the  (jlory  of  God  by  the  civilization  and  con- 
version of  the  Indian  tnbesf  This  petition  was  re- 
ferred to  the  Duke  of  York  and  Lord  Baltimore,  that 
they  might  report  how  far  its  object  was  compatible 
with  their  prior  investitures.  Both  signified  their  ac- 
quiescence ill  Penn's  demand,  provided  his  patent 
should  be  so  worded  as  to  preclude  anv  encroachment 
on  their  territories  ;  and  the  Duke  of  York  added  his 
recommendation  of  the  petition  to  the  favor  of  the 
crown.  Successful  thus  frtr,  Penn  transcribed  from 
the  charter  of  Maryland,  the  sketch  of  a  patent  in  his 
own  favor  ;  but  the  attorney-general,  Jones,  to  whose 
opinion  it  was  remitted,  declared,  that  certain  of  the 
clauses  were  "not  agreeable  to  tlie  laws  here,  though 
they  are  in  Lord  Baltimore's  patent,"  and,  in  particular, 
pronounced  that  the  exemption  from  British  taxation, 
which  Ponn  had  proposed  to  confer  on  Ins  colony,  was 
utterly  illegal.  Compton,  Bishop  of  London,  at  the 
same  time,  understanding  that  Penn,  in  soliciting  his 
patent,  had  described  himself  as  the  head  of  the  qua- 
qers,  interposed  m  the  proceedings,  for  the  protection 
of  the  interests  of  the  church  of  E.igland.  After  some 
discussion  of  the  [loints  that  had  thus  arisen,  the  com- 
mittee of  plantations  requested  chief-justice  North, 
[1081]  a  personage  of  considerable  eminence,  both  as 

'  An  acute,  but  very  partial  writer,  has  characterised  him 
as  "  a  man  of  great  depth  of  understanding,  attended  by  equal . 
dissimulation  ;  of  extreme  interestedness,  accoinpaniod  with 
insatiable  ambition  ;  and  of  an  address  in  proportion  to  all 
these."  Chalmers,  633.  Jeilediah  .Morse,  the  American  geo- 
grapher, litis  expressed  an  opinion  equally  unfavorable  of  the 
character  of  Penn. 

t  In  a  letter  to  a  friend,  about  the  same  time,  he  declares 
his  purpose  in  the  acquisuioii  of  American  territory  to  have 
been  "  so  to  serve  the  truth  and  people  of  the  Lord,  that  an 
example  may  be  set  to  the  nations  :"  adding,  "  tiiere  may  be 
room  there,  though  not  here,  for  such  an  holy  exporimoiit." 
Proud.  1.  109 


I  a  Ktate?maii  and  a  lawyer,  to  undertake  the  revision  of 
j  the  patent,  and  to  (irovide,  by  fit  clauses,  for  the  reser- 
vation of  the  king's  soven-ignty,  and  the  observanctj  of 
I  acts  of  [larliament.    Willi  his  assistance,  there  wai 
I  prepared  an  instrument  which  received  the  royal  con- 
firmation, and  afterwards  acquired  so  much  celebrity 
as  the  charter  of  Pennsylvania.* 

By  this  charter,  which  professed  to  he  granted  in  con- 
sideration of  "  the  merits  of  the  father,  and  the  good 
purposes  of  the  son,"  there  was  conferred  on  William 
Penn,  and  his  heirs  and  assigns,  that  vast  region  bounded 
on  the  cast  by  the  river  Delaware  ;  extending  west- 
ward five  degrees  of  longitude  ;  stretching  to  the  north 
from  twelve  miles  northward  of  Newcastle,  (in  tho 
Delaware  territory)  to  the  forty-third  degree  of  latitude  ; 
limited  on  the  south  by  a  circle  of  twelve  miles  drawn 
round  Newcastle  to  the  beginning  of  the  fortieth  de- 
gree of  latitude.  Penn  was  constituted  the  absolute 
proprietary  of  the  whole  of  this  territory,  which  was 
erected  into  a  province  by  the  name  of  Pennsylvania,! 
and  was  to  he  held  in  free  and  common  soccagc  by 
fealty  only,  paying  two  bear  skins  annually,  and  one- 
fifth  of  all  the  gold  and  silver  that  might  be  discovered 
to  the  king  He  was  empowered  to  make  laws,  with 
the  advice  and  assent  of  the  freemen  of  the  territory 
assembled,  for  the  imposition  of  taxes  and  other  public 
uses,  but  always  in  conformity  to  the  jurisprudence 
of  England;  to  appoint  judges  and  other  oificers  ;  and 
to  pardon  and  reprieve,  except  in  the  cases  of  wilful 
murder  and  high  treason.  In  these  cases,  refirieve 
might  bo  granted  only  till  the  signification  of  the  plea- 
sure of  the  king,  to  whom  there  was  also  reserved  the 
privilege  of  receiving  appeals.  The  distribution  of 
property,  and  the  punisliment  of  felonies,  were  to  be 
regulated  by  the  laws  of  England,  until  diflferent  or- 
dinances should  be  enacted  by  the  proprietary  and  free- 
men. Duplicates  of  all  the  provincial  laws  were  to  be 
transmitted  to  the  privy  council,  within  five  years 
after  they  were  passed  ;  and  if  not  declared  void  by 
the  council  withni  six  months  after  transmission,  they 
were  to  be  considered  as  having  been  approved  of,  and 
to  become  valid  ordinances.  That  the  colony  might 
increase  by  resort  of  (leople,  liberty  was  given  to  Eng- 
lish subjects  (those  only  excepted  who  should  be  spe- 
cially forbidden)  to  remove  to  and  settle  in  Pennsyl- 
vania ;  and  thence  to  import  the  productions  of  the 
province  into  England,  "  but  into  no  other  country 
whatsoever,"  and  to  re-export  them,  within  one  year, 
paying  the  same  duties  as  other  subjects,  and  observing 
tho  acts  of  navigation.  The  proprietary  was  einfiowered 
to  divide  tho  province  into  towns,  hundreds,  and  coun- 
ties ;  to  erect  and  incorporate  towns  into  boroughs,  and 
boroughs  into  cities  ;  and  to  constitute  ports  for  tho 
CO'  venieiice  of  commerce,  to  wiiich  the  officers  of  tho 
customs  were  to  have  free  admission.  The  freemen 
in  asseml)ly  were  empowered  to  assess  reasonable  du- 
ties on  the  commodities  loaded  or  unloaded  in  the  har- 
bors of  the  colony  ;  and  these  duties  were  granted  to 
Penn,  with  a  reservation,  however,  to  the  crown  of 
such  customs  as  then  were,  or  in  future  might  be,  im- 
posed by  act  of  parliament.  He  was  to  appoint,  from 
time  to  time,  an  agent  to  reside  in  or  near  London,  to 
answer  for  any  mi-'^demeanor  he  might  commit  against 
the  laws  of  trade  and  navigation  ;  and,  in  case  of  such 
misdemeanor,  ho  was  to  make  satisfaction  within  a 
year;  in  the  default  of  which  the  king  was  to  seize  tho 
government  of  the  province,  and  retain  it  till  due  satis- 
faction were  made.  He  was  not  to  maintain  corres- 
pondence with  any  king  or  power  at  war,  nor  to  make 
war  against  any  king  or  power  in  amitv,  with  England. 
In  case  of  incursion  by  neighboring  barbarians,  or  by 
pirates  or  robbers,  he  had  power  lo  levy,  muster,  and 
train  to  arms  all  tne  inhabitants  of  the  province,  and  to 
act  as  their  captain-general,  and  lo  make  war  on  and 
pursue  tho  invaders.  He  was  enabled  to  alienate  tho 
soil  to  the  colonists,  who  might  hold  their  lands  undor 

*  Oldmixon,  i.  149,  loJ.  Proud,  i.  16J— 171.  Chalmers,  635, 
636.  UilUvyii  (see  note  12  )  apud  Winlerbothim,  ii.  2S9.  Hoih 
Oldmixon  (who  was  a  personal  friend  of  Penn)  and  .Mr.  Clark- 
son  have  asserted  that  Penn's  offorts  to  obtain  his  charter 
were  greatly  obstructed  by  his  profession  of  quakerism.  Ol 
this  I  can  find  no  evidence  at  all.  Peon  liiinself,  writing  to 
the  lords  of  trade  in  I6S3,  says,  "  I  return  my  most  liuinblo 
thanks  for  your  former  favors  in  the  passing  of  my  patent, 
and  pray  God  reward  you."    Chalmers,  666. 

t  Penn's  account  of  this  denomination  is  creditable  to  his 
modesty.  Finding  that  the  king  proposed  that  the  name  of 
Penn  should  form  a  part  of  the  appellation  of  the  province,  he 
requested  leave  to  decline  an  honor  that  might  he  imputed 
lo  his  own  vanity,  and  prQpo.sed  the  name  of  New  Wales, 
which  was  opposed  by  the  under  secretary  of  state,  who  wuj 
a  Welshman.  Penn  then  suggested  Sylvania,  on  account  of 
its  woody  surface  ;  but  the  king  declared  that  the  nomina- 
tion belonged  to  him,  and  that  in  honor  o' Admiral  Penn,  tua 
last  suggested  name  should  be  enlarged  into  Peaiisyltoim, 
Clarkton,  i.  STtf. 


820     

gwiits,  no  withstanding  the  English  statute  prohi- 
l.-ilin^8uch  subinfeudation!  It  was  stipulated  by  the 
king  for  binisolf  and  his  successors,  "  that  no  custom  or 
tlher  conlributioii  ^hall  be  le\ied  on  the  inhabitants  or 
their  estates,  unless  by  the  consent  of  the  proprietary, 
or  governor  and  assembly,  or  by  act  of  parliament  in 
England."  It  was  provided  (in  compliance  with  the 
desire  of  Bishop  Compton)  that  it  any  of  the  inhabitants, 
10  the  number  of  twenty,  should  signify  their  desire  to 
the  Bishop  of  London  to  have  a  preacher  sent  to 
them,  the  preacher  so  a|)pointcd  by  that  dignitary  should 
be  alloweil  to  reside  and  perform  his  functions  without 
Genial  or  molestation.  If  any  doubt  should  arise  with 
rrgard  to  the  true  construction  of  the  charter,  it  was 
commanded  that  an  interpretation  favorable  to  the  pro- 
prietary should  always  be  made  ;  with  the  exclusion, 
nowevcr,  of  any  thing  that  might  derogate  from  the  al- 
legiance due  to  the  crown.* 

Such  is  the  substance  of  a  grant  on  which  was  esta- 
blished the  fabric  of  the  Pennsylvaiiian  government  and 
laws,  90  renowned  for  their  wisdom,  their  moderation, 
tnd  the  excellence  of  their  jirovieions  in  fa»or  of  liberty. 
The  cautious  stipulations  for  guarding  and  ascertaining 
the  British  ascendancy,  by  which  this  charter  was  dis- 
tinguished from  all  preceding  patents,  were  maiiifeslly 
the  otTspring  of  the  disputes  in  which  the  court  had 
been  for  some  time  engaged  with  tiie  colony  of  Massa- 
chusetts. There,  the  provincial  government  had  deemed 
the  acts  of  navigation  inojieralive  within  its  jurisdiction, 
till  they  were  legalized  by  its  own  ordinance.  But  the 
immediate  and  uninterrupted  observance  of  them  in 
Pennsylvania,  was  enforced  by  the  stipulated  penalty 
of  a  forfeiture  of  the  charter.  Laws  had  been  passed 
in  Massachusetts  for  the  coining  of  money  and  other 
purposes,  which  were  deemed  inconsistent  with  the 
prerogative  of  the  sovereign  state.  For  the  prevention 
of  similar  abuse,  or,  at  least,  the  correction  of  it,  before 
inveterate  prevalence  could  have  time  to  boget  habits 
of  independence,  it  was  required  that  all  the  laws  of  the 
new  province  should  be  regularly  transmitted  to  Eng- 
land for  the  royal  approbation  or  dissent.  The  ineffi- 
cacy  of  tliis  ccquisition  was  very  soon  made  a|)parent. 
To  obviate  the  ditFiculty  that  had  been  experienced  by 
the  English  government  in  conducting  its  disputes  with 
the  people  of  Massachusetts,  who  could  never  be  pre- 
vailed with  to  accredit  an  agent  at  the  court,  without 
the  utmost  reluctance  and  delay,  it  was  now  required 
that  a  standing  agent  sliould  be  appointed  to  reside  in 
London,  and  be  responsible  for  the  proceedings  of  his 
colonial  constituents.  But  the  most  remarkable  provi- 
sion, by  which  this  charter  was  distinguished  from  all 
the  other  American  patents,  was  that  which  expressly 
reserved  a  power  of  taxation  to  the  British  parliament. 
Of  the  import  of  this  much  agitated  clause,  very  dif- 
fi  ,ent  opinions  were  entertained  from  the  first,  by  the 
lawyers  and  statesmen  of  England,  and  the  colonists 
of  Pennsylvania.  In  England,  while  it  was  denied  that 
the  novel  introduction  of  such  a  clause  into  the  charter 
of  this  province  alTordcd  to  any  of  the  other  colonies  an 
argument  against  parliamentary  taxation,  it  was  with 
more  appearance  of  reason  maintained  that  its  actual 
insertion  in  this  charter  precluded  even  the  possibility 
of  an  honest  pretension  to  such  immunity  on  the  part 
of  the  Pennsylvanians.  Of  the  very  opposite  ideas, 
however,  that  were  entertained  on  this  subject  by  the 
colonists,  an  account  was  rendered  about  a  century 
afterwards  by  Ur.  Franklin  in  his  celebrated  examina- 
tion, as  the  representative  of  America,  at  the  bar  of  the 
British  House  of  Commons.  Being  asked,  how  the 
Pennsylvanians  could  reconcile  a  pretence  to  be  ex- 
empted from  taxation,  with  the  express  words  of  a 
clause,  reserving  to  parliament  the  privilege  of  impos 
ing  this  burden  upon  them;  he  answered,  "  Tliey  un- 
derstand it  thus  : — By  the  same  chartert  and  other- 
wise, they  are  entitled  to  all  the  privileges  and  liberties 
of  Englishmen.  They  find  in  the  great  charters,  and 
in  the  petition  and  declaration  of  rights,  that  one  of  the 
privileges  of  English  subjects  is,  that  they  are  not 

*  Froud,  I.  171.  187.  Chalmers,  638,  C57.  "  It  is  leinarka- 
b'.o,"  »ay»  Dr.  Franklin,  in  Ins  Historical  Review  of  ll-.e  Con- 
slilntion  of  Pftnns) Ivania,  "that  such  an  insiriimont,  penne<l 
Willi  all  llie  appvarance  of  candor  ami  mtnplirjty  iinai;iiinl>le, 
and  enually  ttgreiiablB  to  law  and  rua-son,  to  lliu  claims  of  the 
crown  aim  ilia  riKlitt  of -he  sulijcct,  should  be  the  growth  of 
an  arburary  court.  Perhaps  it  u  no  luss  sinijiilar,  tliat  the 
nutlonal  nghti,  llin  iiiith.3jily  or  tins  laws,  and  of  llie  supreme 
IrCisUIurn,  should  have  boon  «o  carufully  utleiidcd  to  and 
pn-oorv^d." 

t  This  It  I  mistake.  The  Pciiiifivlvanian  charlur  ditTers 
from  ull  Ihe  others  in  not  coinmuniratini;  an  express  assu- 
/tncp  lo  ine  colonists  of  Iho  rmhls  and  ch;iracl<'[  of  Ermlish- 
men.  The  rrason  for  lliis  oiniisior.  is  said  by  IMialiiicrs  (p. 
6191  lo  hiivc  t>ren,  that  llie  eminent  lawyers,  wtio  pripari  d 
Ihe  rhurlcr.  ronsidori'd  snrh  drrlnrulions  as  superlluuuH,  and 
ItU'ir  liiipuil  lullicii'iil I)  iiilirrcd  \'y  law. 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


taxed  but  by  their  common  consent ;  they  have,  there- 
fore, relied  upon  it  from  the  first  settlement  of  the  pro- 
vtnrc,  that  the  parliament  never  would  nor  could,  by 
color  of  that  clause  in  the  charter,  tax  them  till  it  had 
qualified  itself  to  exercise  such  right,  by  admitting  re- 
presentatives from  the  people  to  be  taxed."  That  this 
reasoning  was  not  (as  some  have  suggested)  the  mere 
production  of  Franklin's  own  ingenuity,  nor  even  the 
immediate  growth  of  the  era  of  American  indepen- 
dence ;  but  that  it  expressed  the  opinion  of  the  earliest 
race  of  the  Pennsylvaiiian  settlers,  is  a  point  suscepti- 
ble of  the  clearest  demonstr.-.tion.  From  the  otRcial 
correspondence  between  the  royal  functionaries  in 
America  and  the  court  of  London,  it  appears  that  be- 
fore the  Pennsylvanians  had  existed  as  a  people  for 
seventeen  years,  the  English  ministry  were  apprised  of 
the  general  prevalence  of  these  sentiments  among  thern  ; 
and  in  the  work  of  a  contemporary  historian  of  this  |)ro- 
vince,  who  derived  his  ideas  with  regard  to  it  from  the 
communication  of  Penn  himself,  the  right  of  the  colo- 
nists to  elect  representatives  to  the  British  parliament 
is  distinctly  asserted  [27J  It  was  only  in  the  year 
preceding  the  date  of  the  Pennsylvanian  charter,  that 
Penn,  in  reclaiming  for  the  colonists  of  New  Jersey  the 
exclusive  right  of  imjiosing  taxes  on  themselves,  had 
protested  that  no  reasonable  iiien  would  emigrate  from 
England  to  a  country  where  this  right  was  not  to  be  en- 
joyed ;  and,  as  the  argument  which  he  maintained  on 
that  occasion,  was  founded  entirely  on  general  princi- 
ples, and  what  he  regarded  as  the  constitutional  rights 
inseparable  from  the  character  of  English  subjects, 
without  reference  to  any  peculiarities  in  the  charier  of 
rs'ew  Jersey,  it  seems  highly  improbable  that  he  lie- 
lievcd  the  clauses  pecuhar  to  hi.s  own  cliarter  to  admit 
of  an  interpretation  that  would  have  [ilaced  his  favorite 
province  beyond  the  pale  of  the  English  constitution, 
and  deterred  reasonable  men  from  resorting  to  it.  We 
must  either  believe  him  to  have  entertained  the  same 
opinion  on  this  point,  that  ajjpears  to  have  been  preva- 
lent among  the  colonists  of  his  territory,  or  adopt  the 
illiberal  supposition  of  an  historian.*  who  charges  him 
with  making  concessions,  in  theory,  which  he  never  in- 
tended to  substantiate  in  practice. 

Having  obtained  this  charter,  to  which  the  king  gave 
additoinal  authority,  by  a  royal  U  tter,  commanding  all 
intending  planters  in  the  new  province  to  render  due 
obedience  to  the  proprietary,  the  next  care  of  Penn  was 
to  attract  a  population  to  his  vacant  territory.  To  this 
end,  he  publislied  an  account  of  the  soil  and  resources 
of  the  province,  together  with  advices  to  those  who 
were  inclined  to  become  adventurers,  and  a  sketch  of 
the  conditions  on  which  he  was  willing  to  deal  with 
them.  The  advices  are  almost  precisely  the  same  with 
those  which  he  had  jireviously  addressed  to  the  intend- 
ing emigrants  to  West  Jersey  ;  and  enjoin  all  persons, 
who  were  deliberating,  to  have  an  eye,  above  all  tilings, 
to  the  providence  of  Uod  ;  to  balance  present  inconve- 
nience with  future  case  and  plenty  ;  and  to  obtain  the 
consent  of  ^hcir  near  relations,  that  natuial  affections 
might  be  preserved,  and  a  friendly  and  profitable  cor- 
respondence between  the  two  countries  maintained. 
It  was  intimated  to  all,  who  were  disposed  to  become 
planters,  that  land  would  be  sold  at  the  price  of  forty 
shillings,  for  a  hundred  acres,  together  with  a  perpetual 
quit-rent  of  a  shilling.  It  was  required  that,  in  disen- 
cumbering the  ground  of  wood,  care  should  be  taken  to 
leave  one  acre  of  trees  for  every  five  acres  cleared,  ind 
especially  lo  preserve  oaks  and  mulberries,  for  the  con- 
struction of  ships  and  the  manufacture  of  silk.  It  was 
declared,  that  no  planter  would  be  permitted  to  over- 
reach or  otherwise  injure  the  Indians,  or  even  to 
avenge,  at  his  own  hands,  any  wrong  he  might  receive 
from  them  ;  but  that,  in  case  of  disputes  between  the 
two  races,  the  adjustment  of  them  should,  in  every  in- 
stance, be  referred  to  twelve  arbitrators,  selected 
equally  from  the  Europeans  and  the  Indians.  The 
reservation  of  quit-rents,  in  addition  lo  the  payment  of 
a  price,  which  proved  ultimately  so  fertile  a  source  of 
discord  between  the  proprielaiy  family  and  the  colo- 
nists, was  the  only  feature  in  this  scheme  that  appeared 
objectionable  to  the  religious  fraternity,  of  which  Penn 
was  a  member  ;t  but  his  induence  among  them  was  so 


*  Clialmers, — who,  in  corroboration  of  liis  opinion,  remarks 
tlial  not  one  of  the  laws  and  constitutions,  enacted  liy  Peim, 
or  under  his  auspices,  was  ever  submilled,  according  lo  the 
terms  of  the  charier,  lo  the  English  court. 

t  The  apoloijy  suggesled  by  Mr.  Clarkson  for  this  imposi- 
tion, that  "  Whereas  William  Penn  hel.l  of  the  klni;,  by  a 
small  annii.ll  rent,  others  were  obliged  to  hold  of  hlin  in  l!ie 
same  manner,"  (Life  of  Penn,  |.  2»2,)  is  ciuilc  uiisalisfactory. 
It  was  merely  an  elusory  duly  lo  the  crown,  lo  whicli  Penn 
was  snbieclnd,  for  the  whole  province,  lie  would  have 
gamed  both  in  cliaracler  and  happmess,  if  ho  could  bavo 


great,  and  his  description  of  the  province  so  inviting,  a> 
more  than  to  outweigh  this  disagreeable  and  unexpected 

^  requisition.     Numerous    applications  for  land  were 
i  s|)eedily  made  by  persons,  chiefly  of  the  quaker  persua- 
'  sion,  in  London,  Liverpool,  and  especially  in  Bristol, 
'  where  one  trading  association  alone  becirr.€  '.he  pur- 
'  chasers  of  twenty  thoiisaiid  acres  of  the  territory,  an  i 
prepared  for  embarking  in  various  branches  of  coiu- 
mcrce  related  to  their  acquisition.    The  prospect  thai 
^  afforded  of  au  early  replenishment  of  his  province,  ev 
I  forced  the  immediate  attention  of  Penn  to  the  form  and 
fabric  of  its  political  constitution  ;  in  the  composition 
of  which,  there  could  be  room  for  little  other  labor  than 
the  exercise  of  a  judicious  selection  from  the  admirable 
theoretical  models,  which  had  employed  the  pens,  and 
exhausted  the  invention,  of  contemporary  writers,  and 
the  excellent  institutions,  by  which  the  several  projiric- 
laries  of  .\rncrican  provinces  had  vied  with  each  oiher 
for  the  approbation  of  mankind,  and  the  attraction  of 
inhabitants  to  their  vacant  territories.     In  undertaking 
J  ani  employment  so  congenial  to  his  disposition,  as  the 
work  of  legislation,  Penn  appears  to  have  been  im- 
I  pressed  witii  equal  confidence  in  the  resources  of  his 
,  capacity  and  the  rectitude  of  his  intentions,  and  touched 
at  the  same  time  with  a  genereus  sense  of  the  value  of 
those  interests  that  were  involved  in  his  labors,  and  the 
expanse  of  liberty  and  happiness  that  might  result  from 
them.    "As  my  understanding  and  inclinations,"  he 
declared,  "  have  been  much  directed  to  observe  and 
reprove  mischiefs  in  government,  so  it  is  now  put  into 
my  power  to  settle  one.    For  the  matters  of  liberty  and 
privilege,  I  purpose  that  which  is  extraordinary,  and 
leave  myself  and  successors  no  power  of  doing  mis- 
chief, that  the  will  of  one  man  may  not  hinder  the  good 
of  a  whole  country."    The  liberal  institutions  that 
arose  shortly  after  in  Pennsylvania,  and  the  happiness 
of  which  they  were  so  abundantly  productive,  attested 
the  sincerity  and  rewarded  the  virtue  of  this  magnani- 
mous design  ;  while  the  partial  disappointment  which 
it  sustained,  and  particularly  the  mischief  and  dissen- 
sion that  arose  from  the  power  that  was  actually  re- 
served to  the  proprietary  and  his  successors,  forcibly 
j  exemplified  the  infirmity  of  human  purpose,  and  the 
fallacy  incident  to  all  human  expectations. 
I     As  several  of  the  purchasers  of  land,  in  their  eager- 
'  ness  lo  commence  the  new  settlement,  were  prepared 
to  embark  before  Penn  had  yet  completed  his  legisla- 
torial composition,  it  was  necessary  that  they  should 
I  be  previouslv  acquainted  with  the  purport  of  a  work  of 
[  so  much  concern  to  their  interests     A  rough  sketch  of 
j  its  ])rincipal  features  was   accordingly   prepared  and 
^  mutually  signed  by  the  proprietary  and  these  adventu- 
rers, who  being  now  assured  of  unlimited  toleration,* 
and  satisfied  with  the  structure  of  the  political  consti- 
tutions, no  lou'jfer  hesitated  to  bid  adieu  to  a  scene  of 
tyranny,  contention,  and  persecution,  and  set  sail  in 
quest  of  freedom  and  repose  for  Pcr.nsvlvaiiia.  Three 
vessels  from  London  and  Bristol  carried  out  these  first 
Pennsylvanian  settlers,  and  along  with  them.  Colonel 
William  .Markliam,  the  kinsman  and  secretary  of  Penn, 
1  who  had  also  appointed  him  deputy-governor ;  and 
certain  commissioners  who  were  appointed  to  confer 
with  the  Indians  respecting  the  purchase  of  their  lands, 
and  to  endeavor  lo  form  with  them  a  league  of  perpetual 
peace.    These  commissioners  were  solemnly  enjoined 
lo  treat  the  Indians  with  all  possible  candor,  justice,  and 
humanity,  and  were  made  the  bearers  of  a  letter  from 
S  Penn  to  them,  accompanied  by  suitable  presents.  The 
Indians  were  given  to  understand  by  the  letter  of  Penn, 
that  the  great  (iod  and  Power  who  had  created  all  men 
and  commanded  them  to  love  and  do  good  to  one  ano- 
ther, had  been  pleased  lo  make  a  connexion  between 
Penn  and  .\merica  ;  that  the  king  of  England  had  be- 
stowed on  hiin  a  province  there,  but  that  he  desired  to 
enjoy  it  with  the  goodwill  and  consent  of  the  Indians; 
that  many  evil  disposed  Euro|)eans,  he  was  aware,  had 
used  the  Indians  very  ill,  but  that  he  was  a  person  o\ 
diHi  ient  disposition,  and  bore  great  love  and  regard  to 
them  ;  that  the  people  he  now  sent  among  ihein  wer« 
similarly  disposed,  and  wished  to  live  with  ibein  a 
neighbors  and  friends. 

avoided  to  mingle  the  acquisition  of  a  private  estate  wilhlh* 
purpose  of  making  a  holy  experiment,  and  setting  an  exunpla 
to  llic  nations. 

*  It  detracts  not  from  the  wisdom  of  Penn,  but  merely  fpoin 
the  accuracy  of  those  wriler.s  who  have  deemed  onijinality 
iiidispeiisHhIy  re>|Uislle  to  the  prai.so  of  virtue,  that  thisei)uitm 
bl«  principle  of  loleralion  had  b«en  already  realised  in  Ani»- 
tica  by  Lord  Ballimorc  and  the  calhol.cs  of  Maryland,  tai 
employed  as  a  politic  device  by  Lord  C'arendon  and  his  aMO 
ciales  in  Ciioliiia,  and  by  Lord  Berkeley  and  Sii  Oeoi;e  Car 
lerel  in  New  Jersey.  Mr.  Clarkson  is  the  only  \\\^\.  Tiar  M 
Penn  w  ho  has  conceded  to  Lord  Balllinore  the  honor  ofanc^ 
iiating  tuleratiou  in  America. 


1 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


827 


Markham,  at  the  head  of  one  of  these  detachments 
of  adventurers,  proceeded,  on  his  arrival  in  America,  to 
take  possession  of  an  extensive  forest,  situated  twelve 
miles  northward  of  Newcastle  on  tlie  western  siile  of 
ihe  Delaware,  whose  waters  contributed  with  other 
streams  of  lesser  iLJte  to  the  salubrity  of  the  air  and  the 
fertility  of  the  soil.  As  this  situation  enjoyed  the  ad- 
fantages  of  a  settled  neighborhood  on  the  south  and 
east,  the  colonists  were  not  embarrassed  with  the  dif- 
ficulties which  depressed  so  many  of  their  predecessors 
in  similar  pursuits ;  and,  aiiimaied  with  hope  and  a 
spirit  of  steady  activity,  they  set  themselves  diligently 
to  prepare  for  the  reception  of  the  numerous  emigrants 
who  were  expected  to  join  them  in  the  following 
year.  Greater  hardships  were  endured  by  anotlier  de- 
tachment of  the  first  adventurers,  who,  arriving  later  in 
the  season,  went  on  shore  at  the  place  where  Chester 
now  stands  :  and  the  river  having  suddenly  frozen  be- 
fore they  could  resume  their  voyage,  were  constrained 
to  pass  the  remainder  of  the  winter  there.  A  discovery 
was  now  made  by  Colonel  Markham  which  had  a  ma- 
terial influence  on  the  future  proceedings  of  Penn,  who 
had  hitherto  supposed  that  the  whole  of  the  Delaware 
territory  excc|)t  the  settlement  of  Newcastle  and  its  ap- 
pendages (occupied  by  the  Duke  of  York  as  a  depen- 
dency of  his  own  province  of  New  York),  was  really 
included  in  the  Pennsylvanian  charier — a  supposition 
which  he  seems  to  have  entertained  with  a  great  deal  of 
satisfaction.  For  he  was  aware  that  this  territory  al- 
ready contained  a  number  of  Swedish  and  English  .set- 
tlers ;  and  though  doubtless  he  proposed  to  people  his 
tlomain  chiefly  withquakcrs,  it  was  far  from  undesirable 
to  obtain  for  himself  an  immediate  accession  of  tribu- 
taries, and  for  his  people  a  social  connexion  with  a 
race  of  hardy  setilers  already  inured  to  colonial  life  and 
habits.  He  knew  that  Lord  Baltimore  claimed  the 
allegiance  of  a  number  of  those  settlers  whose  planta- 
tions he  supposed  to  be  included  within  the  domain  of 
Pennsylvania,  and  had  instructed  Markham  to  demand 
from  that  nobleman  a  relinquishment  of  his  pretensions. 
Markham  accordingly  applied  to  the  proprietary  of 
Maryland,  and  eagerly  accepted  his  proposal  to  com- 
pare the  titles  of  the  two  provinces  and  adjust  their 
Doundarics  ;  but  discovering  very  speedily  that  Penn 
nad  in  reality  no  other  claim  than  what  might  be  de- 
rived from  the  confused  designation  which  his  charter 
had  given  to  the  limits  of  his  province,  and  that  a  literal 
construction  of  Lord  Baltimore's  urior  charter,  where 
the  limits  were  indicated  with  great  precision,  would 
evacuate  at  once  the  pretensions  both  of  Penn  and  the 
Duke  of  York,  he  declined  all  further  conference,  and 
acquainted  Penn  with  a  discovery  that  threatened  so 
much  obstiuction  to  his  views. 

Ill  the  spring  of  the  following  year,  [1682]  Penn  com- 
pleted and  delivered  to  the  world  a  composition  of  much 
thought  and  labor,  entitled  "  The  Frame  of  the  Ciovern- 
inent  of  the  Province  of  Pennsvlvania."  It  was  intro- 
duced by  a  noble  preface  containing  his  own  thoughts 
on  the  origin,  nature,  and  objects  of  government  ; 
wherein  he  deduces  from  various  texts  of  Scripture  the 
derivation  of  all  power  from  God,  the  utter  unlawful- 
ness of  resisting  constituted  authority,  and,  in  short, 
"  the  divine  right  of  government,  and  that  for  iwo  ends  : 
first,  to  terrify  evil  doers,  secondly,  to  cherish  those  that 
do  well  ;  winch,"  he  continues,  "gives  government  a 
life  lieyoiid  eorru[ition,  and  makes  it  as  durable  in  the 
world  as  good  men  shall  be,  so  that  government  seems 
to  ine  a  part  of  religion  itself,  a  thing  sacred  in  its  insti- 
tution and  end."  "They  weakly  err,"  he  afterwards 
observes,  "  who  think  there  is  no  other  use  of  govern- 
ment than  correction,  which  is  the  coarser  part  of  it." 
Declining  to  pronounce  any  opinion  on  the  comparative 
merit  of  the  various  political  models  which  had  been 
adopted  by  states  or  suggested  by  theorists,  and  re- 
marking that  not  one  of  these  had  ever  been  realised 
without  incurring  some  alteration  from  the  lapse  of 
time  or  the  emergency  of  circumstances,  he  advances 
this  position,  that  "  any  government  is  free  to  the  peo- 
ple under  it,  whatever  be  the  frame,  where  the  laws 
rule  and  the  people  are  a  party  to  these  laws  ;  and  more 
than  this  is  tyranny,  oligarchy,  oi  confusion."  "Govern- 
ments," he  insists,  "  rather  depend  npon  men,  than 
men  upon  governments.  Let  men  be  good  and  the 
BDvernment  cannot  be  bad.  If  it  be  ill,  tliey  will  cure 
It.  But  if  men  be  bad,  let  the  government  be  never  so 
food,  they  will  endeavor  to  warp  and  spoil  it  to  their 
lurn.  I  know  some  say,  '  Let  us  have  good  laws,  and 
no  matter  for  the  men  that  execute  them.'  But  let 
them  consider  that  though  good  laws  do  well,  good 
men  do  better  ;  for  good  laws  ma  want  good  men,  and 
be  invaded  or  abolished  by  ill  mei  ;  but  good  men  will 


never  want  good  laws  nor  suffer  ill  ones.*  That,  there- 
fore, which  makes  a  good  conslilution,  must  keep  it  ; 
namely,  men  of  wisdom  and  virtue;  qualities  that  be- 
cause they  descend  not  with  worldly  inherKances.  must 
be  carefully  propagated  by  a  virtuous  education  of 
youth."  In  conclusion  he  declares  that,  '•  We+  have, 
with  reverence  to  God  and  good  conscience  to  men,  to 
the  best  of  our  skill  contrived  and  conqiosed  the  Irame 
of  this  government  to  the  great  end  of  all  government, 
to  support  power  in  reverence  with  the  people,  and  to 
secure  the  people  from  the  abuse  of  fiower,  that  they 
may  be  free  by  iheir  just  obedience,  and  the  magistrates 
honorable  for  their  just  administration  ;  for  liberty  with- 
out obedience  is  confusion,  and  obedience  without 
liberty  is  slavery."  This  production,  which  will  always 
command  respect  for  its  intrinsic  merits,  excited  the 
greater  interest  at  the  time  from  its  being  regarded  as 
the  political  manifesto  of  the  party  that  had  now  be- 
come the  most  numerous  and  powerful  among  the  qua- 
kers,  and  whose  ascendancy  continued  gradually  to  in- 
crease till  at  length  the  whole  society,  by  dint  of  con- 
version or  expulsion,  was  moulded  to  a  conformity  with 
its  opinions.  Another  party  still  existed,  but  was  daily 
diminishing,  which  regarded  with  equal  aversion  the 
estalilisliment  of  sectarian  discipline,  and  the  recogni- 
tion of  municipal  government  as  a  legitimate  ordinance. 
The  adherents  of  this  party  were  willing  to  forbear 
from  all  forcible  resistance  to  human  violence  ;  but  were 
no  less  resolutely  bent  against  any  voluntary  co-opera- 
tion with  human  authority  ;  and  reproached  the  rest  of 
their  brethren  with  degenerating  from  original  quaker 
principles,  and  substitutinsr  a  servile  obedience  to  the 
dead  law  without,  in  jilace  of  a  holy  conformity  to  the 
living  law  within. 

By  the  frame  which  followed  this  preface,  it  was  de- 
clared that  the  government  of  the  province  should  be 
administered  by  the  proprietary  or  his  deputy  as  go- 
vernor, and  by  the  freemen  formed  into  two  separate 
bodies  of  a  provincial  council  and  a  general  assembly. 
The  council  was  to  be  elected  by  the  freemen,  and  to 
consist  of  seventy-two  members,  of  whom  twenty-four 
were  annually  to  retire,  and  be  replaced  by  the  same 
number  of  new  ones.  Here  the  governor  was  to  preside, 
invested  with  no  other  control  than  a  treble  vote.  Thus 
composed,  the  council  was  to  exercise  not  only  the 
whole  executive  power,  but  the  peculiar  privilege  which 
had  been  annexed  to  the  functions  of  the  same  state 
organ  in  the  Carolinian  constitutions, J  of  preparing  all 
the  bills  that  were  to  be  presented  to  the  assembly. 
Not  less  than  two-thirds  of  the  members  of  council 
were  necessary  to  make  a  quorum  ;  and  the  consent  of 
two-thirds  of  such  quorum  was  indispensable  in  all 
matters  of  moment.  The  general  assembly  was  to 
consist,  the  first  year,  of  all  the  freemen  ;  the  next,  of 
two  hundred  elected  by  the  rest  ;  and  afterwards  lo  be 
augmented  in  prot>ortion  to  the  increase  of  population. 
This  body  was  not  permitted  to  originate  laws,  but  was 
restricted  to  a  simple  assent  or  negation  in  passing  or 
rejecting  the  bills  that  might  be  sent  to  them  by  the 
governor  and  council.  They  were  to  present  sheriffs 
and  justices  of  the  peace  to  the  governor  ;  naming  dou- 
ble the  requisite  number  of  persons,  for  his  choice  of 
half.  They  were  to  bo  elected  annually  ;  and  all  elec- 
tions, whether  for  the  council  or  the  assembly,  were  to 
be  conducted  by  ballot.  Such  was  the  substance  of 
the  charter  or  frame  of  government,  which  was  further 
declared  to  be  incapable  of  altecation,  change,  or  di- 
minution 111  any  part  or  clause,  without  the  consent  of 
the  proprietary  or  his  heirs,  and  six  parts  in  seven  of 
the  freemen  both  in  the  provincial  council  and  general 
assembly 

The  mode  of  election  by  ballot,  which  has  since  be- 
come so  general  in  North  America,  was  first  introduced 

*  Huw  tiiey  could  refuse  to  suffer  bad  laws,  under  a  frame 
of  governrcient  tlial,  excluded  liiern  from  a  sliare  in  leaislation, 
is  a  diHiiulty  wliicli  lie  lias  not  undertaken  to  solve,  and 
wliicli,  indeed.  Ins  general  anathema  against  all  resistance  to 
constituted  autlioiity  renders  [lerfectly  insoluble.  It  is  true 
that  lie  reproaches  a  government  so  framed  with  the  charac- 
ter of  tyranny;  but  this  reproach  merely  gives  additional 
sanction  to  discontent,  without  giving  any  to  resistance.  In 
order  to  harmonise  his  religious  with  his  political  creed,  wc 
must  regard  the  Ibrms  which  he  depreciales,  as  essential  to 
the  efficacy  of  the  virtues  which  he  exail.s  with  exclusive 
praise. 

t  Some  of  the  planters  liad  cooperated  with  Penn  in  the 
composition  of  the  frame. 

}  Penn  bo.isiBd  that  his  legislative  production  excelled  the 
performance  of  Locke  :  yet  here  he  seems  lo  have  copied  from 
it  a  very  illiberal  feature  :  doubtless  with  some  improvement, 
inasmuch  as  ihe  Carolinian  council,  which  exercised  ihis  re- 
striction of  the  topics  to  be  discussed  by  the  general  assembly, 
was  far  less  liberally  constiiu'.ed  than  ihc  council  of  Pennsyl- 
vania. Penn  had  more  occasion  to  boast  the  superior  excel- 
lence than  the  ticiter  file  of  ihese  constiluti(>ns,  wliich  enjoyed 
even  a  shorter  duration  than  the  project  of  Locke. 


j  there  by  the  puritans,  and  subsequently  kdopted  by 

quaker  legislation — by  which  we  have  seen  it  csto- 
blished  in  New  Jersey,  and  now  transferred  to  Penn 
sylvania.  This  latter  repetition  of  the  experiment 
proved  very  unsatisfactory.  The  planters  soon  de- 
clared that  they  felt  it  repugriant  to  the  spirit  of  Eng- 
lishnien,  to  go  muzzled  lo  elections  ;  that  they  scorned 
to  give  their  opinions  in  the  dark  ;  that  ihey  would  do 
nothing  which  they  durst  not  own;  and  that  they 
wislied  the  mode  of  election  to  be  so  constituted  as  to 
show  that  their  foreheeds  and  their  voices  agreed  toge- 
ther. In  consequence  of  these  objections,  Penn,  per- 
ceiving (says  Oldrniion)  that  the  perfection  of  iiis  insti- 
tutions was  not  in  accordance  witii  the  imperfect  nature 
of  human  beings,  consented  to  assimilate  the  Pennsyl- 
vanian to  the  Engli.-,h  mode  of  election. 

To  the  frame,  there  was  appended  a  code  of  forty 
conditional  laws  which  were  said  lo  have  been  con- 
certed between  the  proprietary  and  divers  of  ihe  planters 
before  their  departure  from  ErigUnd,*  anil  were  to  be 
submitted  for  conlirrnatiori  or  modification  to  the  first 
provincial  assembly.  This  code  is  a  production  very 
superior  to  the  constitutional  frame,  and  highly  credita- 
ble to  the  sense,  the  spirit,  and  the  benevolence  of  its 
authors.  Among  other  regulations  propounded  in  it, 
it  was  declared  that  the  character  of  freemen  of  the 
province  should  belong  to  all  purchasers  or  renters  of  a 
hundred  acres  of  land  ;  to  all  servants  or  bondsmen 
who  at  the  expiring  of  their  engagements  should  culti- 
vate the  quota  of  land  (fifty  acres)  alloted  to  them  by 
law,  and  to  all  artificers  and  other  inhaliitants  or  resi- 
dents who  sliouUl  pay  scot  and  lot  to  the  government  ; 
that  no  public  tax  should  be  levied  from  the  jieopie 
"  but  by  a  law  for  that  purpose  made,"  and  that  who- 
ever should  collect  or  pay  taxes  not  so  sanctioned, 
should  be  held  a  public  enemy  of  the  province  and  a 
betrayer  of  its  liberties:  "that  all  prisons  shall  bo 
workhouses  ;"  that  a  thief  should  restore  twice  the 
value  of  his  theft,  and  in  default  of  other  means  ade- 
quate to  such  restitution,  should  work  as  a  b-mdsman 
in  [irison  for  the  benefit  of  the  party  injured  ;  that  tha 
lands  as  well  as  the  personal  proj)erty  of  a  debtor  should 
be  responsible  for  his  obligations,  except  in  the  case  of 
his  having  lawful  children,  for  whose  use  two-thirds  of 
the  landed  estate  were  appointed  to  be  reserved  ;  that 
all  factors  and  correspondents  in  the  province  wronging 
their  employers,  should,  in  addition  to  complete  resti- 
tution, pay  a  sur|)lus  amounting  to  a  third  of  the  sura 
they  had  unjustly  detained  ;  that  all  dramatic  entertain- 
ments, games  of  hazard,  s|)orts  of  cruelty,  and  wi,it- 
ever  else  might  contribute  to  promote  ferocity  of  tem- 
per or  habits  of  dissipation  and  irreligion,  should  be 
discouraged  and  punished  ;  and  "  that  all  children 
within  this  province  of  the  age  of  twelve  years  shall  be 
ti.  gilt  some  useful  trade  or  skill,  to  the  end  none  may 
be  idle,  but  the  poor  may  work  to  live,  and  the  rich,  if 
th»y  become  poor,  may  not  want."  This  regulation, 
so  congenial  to  primitive  quaker  sentiment  and  lo  re- 
publican spirit  and  simplicity,  was  admirably  calculated 
not  less  to  promote  fellow-feeling  than  to  secure  inde- 
pendence. It  contributed  to  preserve  a  sense  of  the 
natural  equality  of  mankind,  i)y  recalling  lo  every  man'ii 
remembrance  his  original  destination  to  labor :  and 
while  it  tended  thus  to  abate  the  pride  and  insolence 
of  wealth,  it  operated  no  less  beneficially  to  remedy 
the  decay  of  fortune  peculiarly  incident  to  wealthy 
settlers  in  a  country  where  the  dearness  of  all  kinds 
of  labor  rendered  idleness  a  much  more  expensive  con- 
dition than  in  Europe.  It  was  further  declared,  that 
no  persons  should  be  permitted  to  hold  any  office,  or 
to  exercise  the  functions  of  freemen,  but  "such  as  pro- 
fess faith  ill  Jesus  Christ,  and  are  not  convicted  of  ill 
fame,  or  unsober  and  dishonest  conversation  ;"  and 
that  all  persons  acknowledging  the  one  alnnghtv  and 
eternal  God  to  be  the  creator,  upholder,  and  ruler  of 
the  world,  and  professing  to  be  conscientiously  engaged 
to  live  peaceably  and  justly  in  society,  should  be  wholly 
exempted  from  molestation  fur  their  more  particular 
opinions  and  practices,  and  should  never  at  any  time 
be  compelled  to  frequent  or  maintain  any  religious  pUce, 
ministry,  or  worship  whatever. 

*  Markham.  the  kinsman  and  secretary  of  Penn,  and  after- 
wards governor  of  ihe  province,  has  ascribed  the  greater  part 
of  ihe  constiintio  5  of  Ihe  frame  itself  lo  the  eiiggeslions  and 
imporiuniiy  of  these  persons,  it,  opposition  lo  ihe  originel  in- 
tentions of  Penn.  In  a  Idler  to  Klelcher,  the  governor  of  N«»r 
York  (in  May,  1690),  Markham  say.i,  "  I  very  well  know  ihal 
ii  [the  frame  of  governmenr]  was  forced  from  htm  by  friends, 
when  unless  jileased  and  granted  wherever  ihey  demanded, 
they  would  not  have  settled  liis  country."  Stale  Pajiers,  apuQ 
Chalmers,  liliO.  Il  is  plain  from  ihe  preface,  that  Pei  n  con- 
si('ered  a  future  allcratiuu  of  the  conslitulioue  aj  Hii  from 
unlikely. 


838 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


This  composition  having  been  published,  the  next 
care  of  Penn,  enforced  by  his  experience  of  the  Duke 
of  York's  proceedings  ill  New  Jersey,  was  to  oblain, 
fri.iii  tins  prince,  an  express  release  of  every  claim  or 
pretence  of  jurisdiction  over  Pennsylvania  ;  nor  did 
the  Duke  refuse  a  concession  so  manifestly  just  to 
the  son  of  a  man  for  whose  memory  lie  professed  the 
hiohcst  regard  It  was  stronger  proof  of  this  regard, 
and  the  fruit  of  much  more  importunate  solicitation,  that 
Penn  obtained  at  the  same  time,  in  a  grant  of  the  De- 
laware territory,*  whose  thriving  plantations  he  had 
anxiously  desired  to  annex  to  his  immense  but  iincul- 
livaled  domains  of  Pennsylvania.  Yielding  to  the 
urgency  of  Penn,  and  probably  swayed  in  some  degree, 
bo'th  bv  sentiments  of  friendship,  and  by  indilferciice 
about  a  territory  which  he  held  by  a  dcfeciive  and  un- 
certain title,  and  had  never  been  able  to  render  pro- 
ductive of  a  revenue — the  Duke  now  conveyed  to  him, 
by  two  separate  deeds  of  gift,  the  town  of  Nevyiasllc, 
with  a  territory  of  twelve  miles  around  it,  together 
with  the  tract  of  land  extending  southward  from  it  upon 
the  river  Delaware  to  Uape  Henlopen.  This  convey- 
ance included  not  only  the  settlements  originally  formed 
by  the  Swedes  and  afterwards  conquered  by  tiie  Dutch, 
of  winch  the  early  history  is  blended  with  the  annals  of 
New  York,  and  to  which  Lord  lialtiinore  possessed  a 
claim  which  he  had  never  been  able  to  render  cHectual, 
lint  a  large  district  which  this  nobleman's  title  equally 
cnibraceif,  and  his  activity  and  remonstrance  had  ac- 
tually reclaimed  from  Diu'ch  and  Swedish  occu|)ation. 
W'lll'ionl  adopting  the  harsh  censure  of  a  writer  who 
maintains  that  this  transaction  reflected  dishonor  both 
on  the  Duke  of  York  and  William  Penn,  we  can  hardly 
fall  to  regard  it  as  a  faulty  and  ambiguous  proceeding, 
or  10  regret  the  proportions  in  which  us  attendant 
blame  must  be  divided  between  a  prince  distinguished 
even  among  the  Stuarts  for  perfidy  and  injustice,  and  a 
[latiiarch  renowned  even  among  the  quakers  for  hu- 
manity and  benevolence.  The  Duke's  jiatents  as- 
suredly did  not  include  within  his  boundaries  what  he 
now  pretended  to  convey  ;  and  it  was  only  to  a  part  of 
it  that  he  could  transfer  even  the  dubious  title  arising 
from  occupancy,  in  opposition  to  the  legal  claim  ol 
Lord  Ualtimoret 

All  tilings  having  been  now  prepared  for  his  own 
personal  [iresence  in  America,  Penn  himself  set  sail 
from  LiiHland  to  visit  his  transatlantic  territory,  in  com- 
pany with  a  hundred  English  (piakers,  who  had  deter- 
mined to  unite  themselves  to  their  friends  already  re- 
moved to  that  quarter  of  the  world.  Arriving  on  the 
uaiiks  of  the  Delaware,  he  beheld  with  great  satisfac- 
tioi:  the  thriving  settlements  comprehended  in  his  late 
acquisition,  and  the  hardy,  sober,  and  laborious  race  ol 
men  by  whom  they  were  inhabited.  The  population 
of  that  part  of  the  Delaware  territory  which  he  ulti- 
mately succeeded  in  retaining  against  Lord  Baltimore, 
amounted  already  to  three  thousand  persons,  chiefly 
Swedes  and  Dutch  ;t  and  by  them,  as  well  as  by  the 
English  settlers  who  were  intermixed  with  them,  and 
by  the  quakers  whom  Markhani  had  cariied  out  in  the 
preceding  year,  ll.e  proprietary  was  received  on  his 
arrival  with  a  satisfaction  equal  to  his  own,  and  greeted 
with  the  most  cordial  expressions  of  respect  and  good 

•  Only  a  moiiih  before  this  favor  was  granted,  Sir  John 
Wurcleii,  ihe  Duke's  secretary,  signified  lo  Penn  a  repetiiion  of 
fiinner  refusals  of  it,  and  at  llie  same  lime  wrote  lo  Doiigaii, 
the  governor  of  New  York,  cautioning  liim  to  beware  ol  ihe 
eiicroachmeuls  of  Penn,  whom  be  describes  as  "very  irileiil 
oil  bis  own  inlcredl  in  tbese  parts,  as  you  observe.  "  Stale 
Papers,  apuci  Clialmers,  060.  Tlie  eftcct  of  tlie  scenes  of  in- 
Iriiue  and  allerraiioii,  wliicb  bis  views  on  ibe  Delaware  terri- 
tory bad  produi-ud,  and  seemed  likely  slill  furilier  lo  prolong, 
1»  sulbcicntly  visible  on  llie  mini!  of  Penn.  One  of  his  lelterH 
to  a  friend,  a|  ibis  period,  expresses  an  evident  abaieiiu  nt  of 
Ihe  fervor  of  bis  first  impres.-'iona  of  Ibe  degree  in  whicb  Ills 
roloniai  designs  niigbl  lie  rendered  conducive  lo  spiritual  ends. 
"Surely,"  he  says,  "  Uod  will  come  in  for  a  sliare  in  llii.s 

iildiiiiiig  work,  and  tbnt  leaven  shall  leafen  the  lump  in  time, 
dn  not  believe  ihe  Lord's  iirovideiice  had  run  tills  way  lo- 
wardx  me,  bill  that  he  has  a  beavco'y  end  and  service  in  it." 
C.arkaon.  1.  319. 

t  oidmiioB,  ..  X'l.  ITj.  Proud,  I.  200—2.  Chalmers,  643 
Onre  for  all,  I  would  observe  ibal,  in  ihc  course  of  ihis  bisiory, 
have  rro(|Uenlly  iUuiiraled  p  irnciilar  poriions  of  my  iiarra. 
live  by  citation  of  various  authoriiie?,  nol  one  of  whicb  accords 
»i,tirely  either  with  ibe  views  of  ilie  oibrrs  or  wiih  my  own. 
Toeiplaiit,  in  every  such  iiislftiire,  how  1  have  been  led,  from 
eoinnari.1011  of  Ibe  whole.  10  Ihe  view  (bat  I  have  mlopied, 
would  enrnmber  every  rliapler  of  my  work  wiib  1  long  scries 
ol  eubaidiary  d  sciuiailions.  Much  of  ibe  labor  of  an  hoiicsl 
hlMloriao  can  never  be  known  10  his  readers. 

t  In  one  of  Pcnn'ii  lellere,  Ihe  Diilch  and  SweifHh  inhabi. 
lunis  of  Di'Inwere  are  thus  denrribod :— Thuy  ar*  a  plain, 
Ntrong,  iiuliDtirioini  |io<i|>le  ;  who  have  inailc  no  {{real  pro>:re;4M 
In  culture  ;  ibiNintig  rather  lo  have  enough,  than  plenty  or  traf. 
6c.  An  Ibey  are  people  proper  and  strong  of  body,  no  they 
heve  flnr  cbildrco,  and  altiio<it  every  house  full."  Pr^iud,  i. 
UDO,  1.  The  DiKch  bad  one.  and  the  Sweden  ibree  inci>ting- 
hoiuM  fur  divine  wurahip  In  the  Delaware  lerriiury.— Ibid. 


will.  The  English  rejoiced  in  their  deliverance  from  I  modifications,  the  frame  of  government  that  had  provi- 
the  sway  of  the  Duke  of  York;  and  the  Dutch  andlously  been  made  public  was  solemnly  recognized  and 
Swedes  were  glad  to  renounce  a  connexion  that  bad  1  accepted.  An  act  of  uniun  was  passed,  annexing  itie 
originated  in  the  conquest  first  of  the  one  and  after- 1  Delaware  territory  to  the  province  of  Peniisvlvaiiia ; 
wards  of  both  their  races.  It  was  flattering  to  their  |  and  the  rank  cf  raturali/.ed  British  subjects  was  con- 
importance  to  bo  united  to  a  state  that  seemed  then  1  ferred  on  the  Dutch,  the  Swedes,  and  all  other.loreigners 


much  less  likely  to  overshadow  them  bv  superior  great- 
ness, than  cither  New  York  or  Marviaiid  :  and  what- 
ever they  might  think  of  the  justice  of  Lord  Baltimore's 
pretensions,  or  the  equity  of  his  administration,  it  was 
manifest  that  his  power  was  unequal  to  wrest  from  the 
Duke  of  York  what  had  now  been  granted  to  the  soli- 
citations of  William  Penn.  Proceeding  to  Newcastle, 
where  Ihe  Dutch  had  a  court-house,  the  proprietary  con- 
voked here  a  meeting  of  his  new  subjects  ;  and,  after 


within  the  boundaries  of  the  jirovince  and  lerritorv. 
This  arraiigrmeiit,  which,  at  the  time,  was  both  the 
effect  and  the  cause  of  mutual  harmony,  unlortuiiau-ly 
contained  witliin  itself  the  seeds  of  future  dissension 
and  discontent ;  for  Penn  held  the  Delaware  territory, 
not  by  a  grant  from  the  crown,  but  by  an  assignation 
from  the  Duke  of  York  ;  and  when  the  ellicacy  of  such 
a  title,  to  convey  the  rights  of  government,  came  lo  be 
questioned,  the  people  reprobated  with  resentful  hlaiiie 


the  formalities  requisite  to  ascertain  his  legal  posses- 1  the  wanton  rashness,  as  they  deemed  it,  of  huildina 


sion  of  the  country,  he  explained  to  them  the  objects  ol 
his  coming  among  them,  exhorted  them  to  live  in  so- 
briety and  mutual  amity,  and  renewed  the  commissions 
of  the  existing  magistrates.  The  number  of  his  colo- 
nists meanwhile  was  fast  increasing  around  him.  In 
the  course  of  this  year,  no  fewer  than  two  thousand 
persons,  chiefly  quakers,  arrived  from  England  on  the 
banks  of  the  Delaware.  Many  of  them  were  persons 
of  rank  and  substance,  and  all  were  men  of  some  edu- 
cation and  great  respectability,  and  with  whom  devo- 
tion to  religious  liherty  had  been  the  principal  induce- 
ment to  forsake  their  native  land.  They  needed  all  the 
influence  of  this  nolile  principle,  to  animate  them  to  a 
brave  endurance  of  the  hardships  they  were  compelled 
to  undergo  during  the  rigorous  winter  that  followed 
their  arrival.  Their  sufferings  were  mitigated  as  far 
as  possible  by  the  hospitality  of  the  Swedes;  but  many 
of  them  were  compelled  to  pass  the  winter  in  temporary 
huts  or  sheds,  and  the  greater  number  had  no  better 
lodging  than  caves,  which  they  dug  for  themselves  on 
the  banks  of  the  river.  These  hardshi|)s  neither  abated 
their  zeal,  nor  were  represented  by  them  in  such  a  for- 
midable light  as  to  repress  the  ardor  of  their  friends  in 
Europe,  who,  in  the  course  of  the  following  year,  con- 
tinued, by  successive  arrivals,  to  enlarge  the  population 
of  Delaware  and  Pennsylvania.  A  valuable  addition, 
in  particular,  was  derived  soon  after  from  a  numerous 
emigration  of  German  quakers,  who  had  been  converted 
to  this  failh  by  the  preaching  of  Penn  and  his  associ- 
ates, and  whose  well-timed  removal  from  their  native 
land  happily  enabled  them  to  escape  from  the  desola- 
tion of  the  Palatinate.  The  eminent  piety  and  virtue 
by  which  these  German  colonists  were  distinguished  in 
America,  formed  an  agreeable  scqual  to  the  hbppy  in- 
tervention of  Providence  by  which  they  were  snatched 
from  the  desolating  rage  of  a  tyrant,  and  the  impending 
ruin  of  their  country.  There  arrived  also  about  this 
time,  or  shortly  after,  a  number  of  emigrants  from  Hol- 
land ;  a  country  in  which  Penn  had  already  preached 
and  propagated  his  doctrines.* 

Seeing  his  people  thus  gathering  in  augmenting  num- 
bers around  him,  Penn  hastened  to  bind  them  together 
by  some  common  act  of  social  arrangement.  Having 
distributed  his  territory  into  six  comities,  he  summoned, 
at  Chester, t  the  first  general  assembly,  consisting  ol 
seventy-two  delegates.  Here,  according  to  the  frame 
that  had  been  concerted  in  England,  the  freemen  might 
have  attended  in  their  own  persons.  But  both  the 
sherifl's  in  their  returns,  and  the  inhabitants  in  petitions 
which  they  presented  lo  the  proprietary,  declared  that 
the  fewness  of  the  people,  their  inex|)erience  in  legisla- 
tion, and  the  pressing  nature  of  tlieir  domestic  wants, 
rendered  it  inexpedient  for  them  to  exercise  their  privi- 
leges ;  and  expressed  their  desire  that  the  deputies  they 
had  chosen  might  serve  both  for  the  provincial  council 
and  the  general  assembly,  in  Ihe  proportions  of  three 
out  of  every  county  for  the  former,  and  nine  for  the  lat- 
ter of  these  bodies.  In  the  circnin.stances  of  the  ]iro- 
vmcc,  the  session  of  this  first  assembly  was  necessarily 


their  constitutional  rights  and  jirivileges  on  a  fo'indaiion 
so  precarious.  All  the  laws  that  had  been  concerled 
in  Englaiiil,  together  with  nineteen  others,  were  propo- 
sed and  enacted  by  the  assembly,  which,  111  three  davs, 
closed  a  session  no  less  remarkable  for  the  importance 
of  lis  labors,  tban  for  the  candor  and  harmony  thai  pre- 
vailed amono  men  so  diversified  by  variety  of  race, 
habit,  and  religious  opinion.  All  coiicuried  in  express- 
ing gratitude  and  attachment  to  the  proprietary  ;  the 
Swedes,  in  particular,  deputing  one  of  their  numtier  to 
assure  him,  "  that  they  would  love,  serve,  and  obey  hnn 
witii  all  they  had,  and  that  this  was  the  best  day  they 
had  ever  seen.'' 

Among  the  many  praiseworthy  features  of  the  code 
of  laws  that  was  thus  enacted  fur  Pennsylvania  and 
JJelaware,  we  have  already  remarked  the  particular 
wisdom  of  the  provision  for  educating  every  native- 
born  colonist  to  some  useful  trade  or  eiiiployiiieiit. 
But  the  points  on  which  this  code  most  justly  claims 
the  jiraise  of  original  excellence  and  enlightened  hu- 
manity, are  its  provisions  for  the  admnnstration  of 
penal  law.  Nor  was  theru  any  point  on  winch  ila 
regulations  have  been  more  efficacious,  or  more  pro- 
ductive of  lasting  and  extensive  benefit  to  mankind. 
It  was  reserved  for  quaker  wisdom  to  discover,  and  lot 
quaker  patience  and  benevolence  to  prove,  that,  111  tiie 
treatment  of  criminals,  justice  and  mercy  were  not  m- 
consistent  virtues,  nor  policy  and  humanity  incompati- 
ble objects  of  pursuit.  Uiily  two  capital  crimes,  trea- 
son and  murder,  were  recognised  by  this  code  ;  and, 
111  all  other  cases,  the  reformation  of  the  ollender  was 
esteemed  a  duty  not  less  imperative  than  the  punisii- 
inent  of  the  oli'eiice.  To  this  end  it  was  enacted,  that 
all  prisons  should  be  wvrk-houscs,  where  ollenders 
iiiiglil  be  reclaimed,  by  discipline  and  instruction,  lo 
halms  of  industry  and  morality,  and  political  benefit 
educed  from  the  performance  of  chrislian  duty.  Tlie 
institutions  that  resulted  from  this  benevolent  enter- 
(irise  in  leoisUtion,  h.ive  reflected  honor  on  Pennsylva- 
nia, and  dillused  their  advantages  exlensirely  in  Ame- 
rica and  Europe.  Notwithstanding  the  strict  injunc- 
tions in  the  royal  charier,  neither  the  code  ol  laws 
which  was  now  enacted,  nor  the  alteraiioii  and  enlarge- 
ment which  It  subsequently  underwent,  was  ever  oub- 
mittcd  to  the  royal  revision. 

No  sooner  was  the  assembly  atljourned,  than  Penn 
hastened  to  Maryland  to  vindicate  that  jiart  of  its  pro- 
ceedings which  was  necessarily  oflensive  to  Lord  Bal- 
timore, and,  if  possible,  effect  with  this  noblcmaii  an 
ainicaole  adjustment  of  their  respective  boundaries. 
But  he  seems,  from  the  beginning,  to  have  been  aware 
that  such  a  lerininalion  of  the  dispute  was  not  to  be 
expected  ;  and,  notwilhslanding  all  the  respect  he  must 
have  felt  for  Lord  Baltimore's  tolerant  policy,  and  the 
jirotection  which  the  quakers  had  experienced  from  ll 
111  Maryland,  he  plainly  regarded  him  with  a  suspicion 
and  aptitude  to  surmise  wrong  and  anticipate  resist- 
ance, not  very  creditable  to  his  own  candour  and  mo- 
leralioii  ;  finding  matter  of  evil  import  even  111  ihc  de- 


short  ;  but  It  was  distinguished  by  procei  dmgs  of  con- 1  inonstraiioiis  of  honor  and  respect  which  he  received 
sidcrable  moment.  The  proprietary  having  expressed  !  (Voiii  his  brother  proprietary.*  Lord  Baltimore,  relied 
his  apjiroval  of  the  representations  that  had  been  con-  Ion  the  priority  and  distinctness  of  his  own  lillc  ;  while 
veyed  to  him,  an  art  of  sclllcmcnt  was  passed,  iiilro- 1  I'eim  defended  a  later  and  more  indistinct  grant,  on  a 
ducing  3  corresponding  and  permanent  change  into  the  j  plea  that  hail  been  furnished  to  him  by  the  C^oiiiinittee 
provincial  constitution.  With  this  and  a  few  other  j  of  Plantations  111  England — that  it  had  never  been  in- 
tended to  confei  on  Lord  Baltimore  any  other  territory 
but  such  as  was  inhabited  by  savages  only,  at  the  dan> 
of  his  charter  ;  and  that  the  langmige  of  his  charter  »va« 
therefore  mcoiisisleiit  with  its  iiiteiidnu-nt.  in  so  far  as 
It  seemed  to  authorise  his  claim  lo  any  part  of  the  ler- 

»  In  an  account  of  their  conference,  which  Priin  traosniitieJ 
to  Kogland,  In'  exya.  "  1  met  ihe  proprielary  of  .Maryland.  »!• 
icndo.l  sniuily  10  his  character,  who  look  il:c  occaj--'i.  n,  by  bli 
I  clvllllioe,  tc  BDOvr  oic  ll.e  i:«ii.'jJtfi  U'  kit  f.Lwa  "    I  icudi  »• 

i:od 


♦  In  this  (19S2]  and  the  two  next  succeeding  years,  arrived 
ships  with  pa^iseiigers  or  seulers,  from  London,  Bristol,  Ire- 
binil,  Walea,  Cheshire.  Lnnca.^hiie.  Hidland.  Ucrinany,  Jtc. 
10  Ibe  niiinber  of  about  ftl'ty  sail."— Proud,  i.  '213. 

t  Penn,  resolving  to  distinzuiiih  by  a  new  name  the  place  at 
which  he  called  his  firsl  asseinbly,  said  to  Thomas  Pearson,  a 
ipiakcr.  who  hail  accompanietl  hini  from  Kngland,  "Thou 
ba.Hi  been  Ibe  companion  of  my  perils  ;  vhal  will  thou  that  I 
shoulilcall  Ibis  place  Pearson  siiggerjod  the  name  of  bis 
own  native  cilv  of  Chester.  This  frioijj  nf  Penn  was  ihr  ine- 
ti  riial  grandfather  of  Benjamin  West.  Ctnll'e  Life  of  Well 
Part  I.  p.  2. 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


82ft 


ritorv  previously  coloiiizcil  bv  the  Swedes  or  the  Diitcli. 
Eacli  of  lliein  tenaciouslv  adhrred  to  what,  with  more 
or  less  reason,  ho  considered  his  own  ;  and  neither 
could  soggiest  any  mode  of  adjustment  save  a  total  re- 
linquishment of  the  other's  preteiisions.  To  avoid  the 
necessity  of  recurring  again  to  tins  disagreeable  con- 
troversy, I  shall  here  overlook  inlervcnnig  events  to 
relate,  that  it  was  protracted  for  some  year^  without 
V.  e  slightest  appproach  to  mutual  accommodation  ; 
that  King  Charles,  to  whom  both  parties  had  complained, 
vainly  endeavored  to  prevail  with  the  one  or  the  other 
to  yield  ;  and  that  James  tl.c  If.,  soon  after  his  acces- 
sion to  the  throne,  caused  an  act  of  conned  to  be  issued 
for  terminating  the  dispute  by  dividing  Ihe  .lubject  mat- 
ter of  it  equally  between  them.  Uy  this  arrangement, 
which  had  more  of  equitable  show  than  of  strict  justice, 
Pcnn  obtained  the  whole  of  the  Swedish  and  Dutch 
setllemcnls,  and,  in  effect,  preserved  all  that  he  or  the 
Duke  of  York  had  ever  been  in  possession  of.  These 
districts,  anne.ted,  as  we  have  seen,  to  his  original  acqni- 
silion,  received  the  name  of /Ac  Three  Linvcr  Counlies, 
or  Ihe  Territories,  in  contradistinction  to  the  remain- 
der of  the  union,  which  was  termed  the  Three  Upper 
Counties  or  I'rovince  of  Pennsylvania.* 

This  busy  year  '■"■;3  not  yet  to  close  without  an  im- 
portant and  memorable  scene,  in  which  the  character 
of  Peiin  has  shone  f.irlh  in  a  very  different  light  from 
that  which  his  controversy  w  ith  Lord  Baltimore  reflects 
on  it.  The  commissioners  who  had  accompanied  the 
first  detachment  of  emigrants,  had,  ui  compliance  with 
their  instructions,  negotiated  a  treaty  with  the  neigh 
boring  Indian  tribes,  for  the  purchase  of  the  lands 
which  the  colonists  were  to  occu[)V,  and  for  the  preser- 
vation of  jierpetual  friendship  and  peace.  The  time 
apiiointed  for  the  ratification  of  this  treaty  was  now 
arrived  ;  and,  at  a  spot  which  is  now  the  site  of  Ken- 
sington, one  of  the  suburbs  of  Philadelphia,  the  Indian 
sachems,  at  the  head  of  their  assembled  warriors, 
awaited  in  arms  the  approach  of  a  quaker  deputation. 
To  this  scene  William  Penn  repaired,  at  the  head  of 
an  unarmed  train  of  his  religious  associates,  carrying 
various  artichts  of  merchandise,  which,  on  their  ap- 
proach to  the  sachems,  were  spread  on  the  ground. 
Distinguished  from  his  followers  by  no  other  external 
appendage  than  a  sash  of  blue  silk,  and  holding  in  his 
hand  a  ri.ll  of  parchment  that  contained  the  confirma- 
tion of  the  treaty,  Penn  e.tchanged  salutations  with  the 
Indians,  and  taking  his  station  under  an  elm  tree.t  ad- 
dressed them  through  the  intervention  of  an  inti  rpre- 
ter.  He  assured  them  that  the  Great  Spirit  who 
created  all  men,  and  beheld  the  thoughts  of  every 
heart,  knew  with  what  sincerity  he  and  his  people  de- 
eiifcd  to  live  in  friendship  and  a  perpetual  commerce  of 
good  olfices  with  the  Indians.  It  was  not  the  custom 
of  his  friends,  he  said,  to  use  hostile  weapons  against 
their  fellow  creatures,  and  for  this  rea.'^on  they  came  lo 
meet  the  Indians  unarmed.  Their  object  was  not  lo 
do  injury,  and  thus  provoke  the  (ireat  Spirit,  but  to  do 
good  ;  and  in  this  and  every  transaction,  to  consider 
the  advantage  of  both  people  as  inseparable,-and  to  pro- 
ceed with  all  openness,  brotherhood,  and  love.  Having 
read  from  the  parchment  record  the  conditions  of  the 
purchase,  and  the  articles  of  compact,  by  which  it  was 
agreed  that  all  disputes  between  the  colonists  and  the 
Indians  should  ne  adjusted  bv  arbitrators  mutually  cho- 
sen, he  delivered  to  the  sachems  the  stipulated  price,  t 
and  farther  desired  their  acceptance,  as  a  I'riendly  gift, 
of  the  additional  articles  of  merchandise  that  were 
spread  before  them.  He  then  invited  them  to  consi- 
der the  land  which  he  had  purchased,  as  coininoii  to  the 
two  races,  and  freely  to  use  its  resources  whenever 
they  might  have  occasion  for  them.ij  He  added,  "  that 
he  would  not  do  as  ihe  Maryhmdcrs  did,  that  is,  call 


*  Proud,  i.  208.  293,  &c.  Chalmers,  647,  8.  650,  <te  Tlie 
Duke  of  Y'lrk,  wlio  supported  Peiin's  preteiismiis,  tiiidiii^  it 
imiicss'.'ole  iillirrwise  to  prevail  over  tlie  tille  of  Lord  lialll- 
more.  solicited  from  tlie  Kmg  a  new  charter  of  the  Delaware 
territory  to  lumself,  in  order  to  reconvey  it  with  more  elferl 
to  his  fneiid  ;  and  this  was  on  tlie  point  of  being  done,  when 
the  Dake'j  ai-cession  to  tlie  tliroiie  enabled  him  lo  gratify 
Penn  by  a  proceeding  no  less  arbitrary  in  its  import,  but  more 
eciuitnlile  in  its  appearance. 

t  Tills  tree  was  long  regarded  with  universal  respect. 
Uiiriiig  iiip  war  of  independence.  General  Simcoe,  wlio  eoni- 
mandi'd  a  Urilish  force  stationed  at  Kensington,  when  his 
Koli'iers  were  cntlingdown  all  the  trees  around  them  forfire- 
v;ood,  placed  a  sentinel  under  tins  elm  to  guard  it  from  injury 
—a  singular  trib'ite  from  a  man  who  was  engaged  in  riola'- 
inp  the  very  principles  of  equity  and  peace  of  which  llie  ob- 
'oct  of  his  coiusideration  was  respected  as  a  memorial. 

t  What  tills  price  amounted  to  has  nowhere  been  recorded. 
Penn,  writing  in  the  following  year  to  some  friends  in  Eng- 
lind,  represents  it  as  dear;  and  adds.  "He  will  deserve  the 
name  ol  wise  that  outwits  them  (the  Indian?)  in  any  treaty 
about  a  thing  they  understand."    Proud,  i  258. 

♦  The  same  liberality  was  shown  bv  the  colonists  of  New 
England,  where,  as  we  leiira  from  Dr^  Dwlght,  "  the  Indians 


.hem  children  or  brothers  only  ;  for  often  parents  were 
apt  to  whip  their  children  too  severely,  and  brothers 
sometimes  would  dilier  :  neither  would  he  compare 
the  friendship  between  liim  and  them  to  a  chain,  for  the 
rain  might  sometimes  rust  it,  or  a  tree  might  fall  and 
break  it ;  bu*.  he  should  consider  them  as  the  same 
flesh  and  blood  with  the  christians,  and  the  same  as  if 
one  man's  body  were  to  be  divided  into  two  parts." 
He  concluded  by  presenting  the  parchment  to  the  sa- 
chems, and  requesting,  that,  for  the  information  of  their 
posterity,  they  would  carefully  preserve  it  for  three 
generations.  The  Indians  cordially  acceded  to  these 
propositions,  and  solemnly  pledged  themselves  to  live 
in  love  with  William  Penn  and  his  children  as  long  as 
the  sun  and  inoon  .should  endure. 

Thus  ended  a  treaty  of  which  Voltaire  has  remarked, 
with  sarcastic  e.xhultalion,  that  it  was  the  only  one  be- 
tween the  christians  and  the  Indians  that  was  not  rati- 
fied by  an  oath,  and  that  nev(!r  was  brok<:n.  In  one 
respect,  indeed,  the  fnrliearance  of  Penn  on  this  occa- 
sion to  introduce  christianitv  in  any  other  way  than  as 
a  name,  into  his  harangue,  may  have  contributed  to  the 
cordiality  with  which  his  projiositions  were  received. 
He  seduously  forbore  every  allusion  to  distinctive  pe- 
cnlarities  or  offensive  truths  :  and  in  addressing  men 
whom  he  considered  as  beniolited  heathens,*  he  de- 
scended to  adopt  their  religious  nomenclature,  and 
more  than  insinuated,  that  the  Great  Spirit  of  the  In- 
dians, and  the  True  God  of  the  christians,  were  not 
different,  but  the  same.  But  a  much  more  respecta- 
ble peculiarity  of  quakerism  than  abstinence  from  oaths, 
formed  the  most  remarkable  feature  in  this  treaty  with 
the  Indians,  and  inaiiilv  contributed  to  ensure  its  durabi- 
lity. Nothing  could  be  more  magnanimous  than  the 
explicit  declaration  of  a  race  of  civilised  men,  sur- 
rounded by  a  nation  of  warlike  barbarians,  that  they 
renounced  all  the  advantage  of  superior  military  skill, 
and  even  disclaimed  the  employment  of  every  weapon 
of  violence  for  the  defence  of  their  lives,  or  the  vindi- 
cation of  their  wrongs  :  trusting  the  protection  of  their 
persons  and  possessions  against  human  ferocity  and 
cupidity,  to  the  dominion  of  God  over  the  hearts  of  his 
rational  creatures,  and  his  willingness  to  signalize  this 
dominion  in  behalf  of  all  such  as  would  exclusively 
rely  on  it.  The  singular  e.xemplification  of  christian 
character  in  this  respect,  which  the  Pennsylvanian 
quakers  continued  uniformly  to  e.xhihil,  was  attended 
With  an  exemption  no  less  singular,  from  those  conten- 
tions and  calamities  which  Indian  iieioliborhood  entailed 
on  every  other  description  of  European  colonists.  The 
intentional  injury  of  a  ipiaker  by  an  Indian  is  an  event 
unknown  in  Pennsylvanian,  and  very  rare  in  American 
history.  The  probity  of  dealing,  and  courtesy  of  de- 
meanor, by  which  the  quakers  endeavored  to  maintain 
this  good  understanding,  were  powerfully  aided  by  the 
disMiiciions  of  dress  and  manners  by  which  they  v«reie 
visibly  disconnected  with  other  men,  and  thus  ex- 
empted, as  a  peculiar  or  separate  tribe,  from  responsi- 
bility for  the  actions,  or  concern  in  the  quarrels  of  their 
countrymen.  The  inhabitants  of  many  of  the  other 
colonies  were  no  less  distinguished  than  the  quakers 
for  the  justice  and  good  faith  that  characterised  their 
transactions  with  the  Indians  ;  and  the  catholic  inhabi- 
tants of  Maryland  are  said,  in  addition,  to  have  graced 
these  estimable  qualities  with  the  most  conciliating  de- 
meanor. Yet  none  were  able  wholly  to  exempt  them- 
selves from  Indian  attack,  or  to  refrain  from  retaliatory 
hostilitv.  The  people  of  Maryland  were  sometimes  in- 
volved in  the  indiscriminate  rage  with  which  certain  of 
the  Indian  tribes  pursued  the  hostilities  (hey  had  com- 
menced against  the  colonists  of  Virginia.  But  what- 
ever animosity  the  Indians  might  conceive  against  the 
European  iieighbors  of  the  Pennsylvanians,  or  even 
aoamst  Pennsylvanian  colonists  who  did  not  belong  to 
tlie  quaker  society,  they  never  failed  to  discriimiiale  the 
followers  of  Penn,  or  children  of  Onus,*  (which  was 


were  always  considered  as  having  a  right  to  dwell  and  to 
hunt  within'  the  lands  wlucli  tliey  had  sold."  Travels  in  New 
England,  drc.  1.  312. 

■*ln  one  of  his  letters  to  liis  friends  in  England,  he  says  of  the 
Indians  ;  "These  poor  people  are  under  a  dark  night  in  tilings 
relating  to  religion."  Proud,  i.  256.  Tlie  following  adven- 
ture was  communicated  by  Penn  himself  to  Oldmixon.  lie 
was  visiting  an  Indian  sachem,  and  had  retired  for  the  night, 
when  a  young  woman,  the  sachem's  daughter,  approaching 
lushed  lay  down  beside  him.  Fenn  was  much  shocked  ;  but, 
unwilling  to  offend  by  rejeoting  an  intended  compliment,  he 
lay  siill  without  taking  any  notice  of  lier,  till  she  thought  pro- 
per to  return  to  her  own  couch.  Vol.1  p.  308,  2d  edition.  A 
New  England  patriarch  in  such  circumstances,  would  proba- 
l)ly  have  e.vcited  the  enmity  of  the  whole  Indian  tribe  by  his 
cx[)ressioiis  of  disgust  and  reprobation. 

t  Ouas,  in  tlie  hidian  tongue,  signifies  a  pen.    It  came  to 
be  the  Indian  appellation  of  the  governors  of  Pennsylvania, 
as  corlear  was  of  Ihe  governors  of  New 'i'ork.    Proud, i  214. 
1     John  'Wesley,  in  the  close  of  his  life,  was  forcibly  impressed 


the  denomination  they  gave  to  the  quakers),  as  pereoin 
whom  it  waii  iinpossibh^  for  their,  to  l.iclude  within  th* 
jialc  of  legitimate  hostility.  'J'he  friendship  that  wa» 
created  by  Peiin's  treaty  between  the  province  and  tho 
Indians,  refreshed  by  successive  acts  of  courtesy  and 
humanity,  endured  for  more  than  seventy  years,  and 
was  ne\er  mierrupted  while  the  quakers  retained  tho 
command  of  the  government  of  I'eniisylvania.  Uri- 
doiibtedly,  the  feature  of  quaker  manners  which  proved 
most  efficient  in  guarding  them  against  Indian  ferocity, 
was  their  rigid  abstinence  not  only  from  the  use,  hut 
even  from  the  possession,  of  olFensive  weapons,  arising 
from  their  conviction  of  the  siilliciimcv  of  divine  aid, 
and  their  respect  to  the  scriptural  threat,  that  all  who 
take  the  sword  shall  perish  by  it.  It  was  a  totally  dif- 
ferent feature  of  christian  character  that  was  exhibited 
by  the  puritan  colonists  of  New  England  in  their  inter- 
course with  the  Indians.  They  felt  less  indulj.'ence  fur 
the  frailty  of  the  savages  than  concern  for  their  a)iiritual 
bliiiiliiess,  and  abhorrence  of  their  idolatrous  supersti- 
tion :  they  displayecl  less  meekness  of  wisdom  than  the 
quakers,  but  more  of  active  zeal  and  missionary  ardor. 
The  puritans  were  most  concerned  lo  promote  the  reli- 
gious interests  of  the  Indians  ;  the  quakers  to  gain  their 
good  will.  The  puritans  converted  a  number  of  iheir 
heathen  neighbors  ;  the  quakers  conciliated  them  all. 
It  was  unfortunate  for  the  colonists  of  New  England, 
that,  asserting  the  lawfulness  of  defensive  war,  they 
were  surrounded  by  numerous  bold  and  warlike  tribes, 
stimulated  to  acts  of  aggression,  at  first  by  their  own 
ferocity  and  jealousy,  anil  latterly  by  the  intrigues  of  the 
French.  It  was  a  happy  contingency  for  the  planters 
of  Peniisylvdnia,  that  the  Indian  tribes  around  ihem 
vveie  inconsiderable  in  number,  and  either  belonged  lo 
the  lonfederacy  or  were  subjected  to  the  iiifiuence  of 
Ihe  Frre Nalw7is,  who  were  themselves  iii  alliance  with 
the  sister  colony  of  New  York. 

Nothing  can  be  more  exaggerated  or  inapplicable 
than  ihe  encomiums  w'hicli  luimeroiis  writers  have  be- 
stowed on  this  celebrated  transaction  between  Penn 
and  the  Indians.  They  have,  with  unhappy  partiality, 
selected  as  the  chief,  and  frequently  the  sole  object  of 
coininendatioii,  the  supj^osed  originality  of  the  design 
of  buying  the  lands  from  the  savages,  instead  of  appro- 
priating them  by  fraud  or  force, — wliich  last  they  re- 
present as  the  only  methods  of  acquisition  that  had  been 
employed  by  the  predecessors  of  Pemi  in  the  coloniza- 
tion of  North  .America.*  This  is  at  once  to  reproach 
every  one  of  the  other  christian  founders  of  North  .Ame- 
rican society  with  injustice  and  usurpation  ;  to  com- 
pliment the  Indians  with  the  gralniluus  supposition  that 
only  bare  justice  on  the  part  of  the  colonists  was  re- 
quisite to  the  preservation  of  peace  between  the  two 
r  ces ;  and  to  ascribe  to  Penn  a  merit  which  assuredly 
did  not  belong  to  hiin,  and  which  he  himself  has  ex- 
pressly disclaimed.  The  example  of  that  equitable 
consideration  of  the  rights  of  the  native  owners  of  the 
soil,  wiiich  has  been  supposed  ;o  have  originated  with 
him,  was  first  exhibited  by  the  planters  of  New  Eng- 
land, whose  deeds  of  convevaiicc  from  the  Indians 
were  earlier  by  half  a  century  than  his  ;  and  was  suc- 
cessively repeated  bv  the  planters  of  Maryland,  Caro- 
lina. New  York,  and  New  Jersey,  before  the  province 
of  Pemir-vlvania  had  a  name.  Penn  was  mtrtiduced 
to  an  acquaintance  with  .American  colonization,  by 
succeeding  to  the  management  of  New  Jersey,  iii 
which  Berkeley  and  Carteret  had  already  established 
this  equitable  practice  ;  and  his  own  conformity  to  it 
in  Pennsylvania  had  been  expressly  recommended  by 
Bishop  Compton  (whose  interference  in  the  coinpo- 
siiion  of  the  charter  we  have  already  witnessed)  and 
was  [lublicly  ascribed  by  himself  to  the  counsels  of  that 
prelate. t 


with  the  mtltience  of  the  peculiar  dress  of  tlie  quakers,  as  at 
once  asegrating  principle,  and  a  bond  of  sectariiii  union  ;  and 
regretted  that  he  had  not  prcs.-ribed  a  distinctive  apparel  lo 
the  inethodists.    Wesley's  Journal. 

♦  The  Abtie  Raynal  declares,  that  Penn.  in  purchasing  a 
conveyance  from  the  Indians,  in  addition  lo  his  charier  from 
the  king  of  England,  ■■  is  entitled  lo  the  glory  of  having  given 
an  example  of  moderation  and  justice  in  America,  never 
so  much  as  thought  of  before  by  the  Europeans."  Noble,  in 
Ills  Conlinualiou  of  Granger,  says,  "  lie  occupied  his  domains 
by  actual  bargain  and  sale  with  the  Indians.  This  tact  di>es 
him  ini'mile  honor.  Penn  has  thus  taught  us  lo  respect  the 
lives  and  properties  of  the  most  unenlightened  nations."  It 
would  be  ea.-y  to  Jriultiply  similar  quotations.  Even  Mr. 
Clarkson,  who  acknowledges  thai  Lord  Baltimore  at  least 
preceded  Penn  in  this  act  of  justice,  cannot  refrain  from  com- 
plimenting Penn  for  soaring,  in  this  instance,  "above  the 
prejudices  and  customs  of  his  lime."  The  most  modest  and 
moderate  account  of  Penn's  treaty  which  I  have  seen,  is  that 
which  claims  Mr.  Dillvvyn  (See  note  25  for  its  author). 

t  In  a  letter  from  Penn  to  the  Lords  of  the  (;ommUtce  o( 
Trade  and  Plantations  in  England  (in  1683),  he  declares,  that 
"  I  have  followed  the  Bishop  of  London's  counsel  by  buyim 
and  not  taking  away  the  natives'  land  "   Proud,  i.  274.  "TUi* 


830   

1C83.]  Thn  continual  Brrival  of  vessels,  transport- 

ini!  st  i tiers  to  tlic  colony  from  all  parts  ol  the  British 
doiriimons,  aHbrded  ample  occasion  to  Penn  for  the  ex- 
crciJC  of  the  agreeable  labor  of  surveying  his  territories, 
and  appropriatini;  to  the  purchasers  their  respective 
slloiineiits  of  land.  One  of  these  allotments,  consist- 
ing of  a  thonsand  acres,  wis  a  gift  from  the  proprietary 
to  his  friend  Georce  Fox,  and  formed  the  only  estate 
which  that  venerable  quaker  patriarch  was  ever  pos- 
sessed of*  The  fircater  nnmber  of  llic  emigrants  still 
foniiniied  to  be  qnakers,  with  the  addition  of  some 
other  dissenters,  withdrawing  from  the  severities  of 
pcrsecuti  )n.  and  the  contagion  of  European  vices  ;  and 
li.eir  behavior  in  the  colony  corresponding  with  the 
noble  motives  tliat  had  conducted  them  to  it,  [28]  the 
doir.>;n.3  of  Penn  exhibited  a  happy  and  animated  scene 
of  'JCtirr  ••  'J'jstry,  r!-?volional  exercise,  and  lliankfiil  en- 
ioviiient  of  "ivi!  :"<!  religious  liberty.  It  appeared, 
hoi«ever,  lha'.  s )me  worthless  pcifcr.r  bad  already  in- 
truded themselves  among  the  more  respectable  scil'.crf  ; 
and  ihrer.  :ncn,  who  were  now  brought  to  trial  and  con- 
victed of  coining  laiil'erated  money,  gave  occasion  to 
the  first  practical  display  of  '.he  mildness  of  Pcnnsyl- 
vaiiian  justice. 

Shortly  before  this  judicial  proceeding,  the  second 
session  of  the  assembly  of  Pennsylvania  and  Delaware 
had  been  held.  In  this  assembly,  some  new  laws  were 
passed,  and  certain  singularities  in  legislation  were  at- 
tempted. It  was  [iroposed  that  all  young  men  should 
be  compelled  by  law  to  marry  before  a  certain  age  ;  and 
that  no  iiiliabitaiit  of  the  province  should  be  permitted 
to  have  more  than  two  suits  of  clothes,  one  for  summer, 
and  the  other  for  winter  ;  but  these  propositions  were 
very  properly  rejected.  More  wisdom  was  displayed 
in  an  ordinance  which  abrogated  the  common  law  with 
regard  to  the  descent  of  lands,  and  enacted,  that,  in  the 
succession  ol  children  to  a  father  dying  intestate,  the 
eldest  son  should  have  no  farther  preference  than  a 
double  share.  However  consonant  it  might  have  been 
to  feudal  principles,  to  bestow  the  fief  uiidiiiiinishcd 
upon  him  who  was  first  able  to  defend  it,  this  policy 
was  manifestly  unsuitable  to  colonists  who  had  a  wil- 
derness to  cultivate,  and  were  the  more  especially 
called  to  invigorate  exertion  by  an  extensive  diffusion 
of  interest  and  projierty  in  the  soil.  An  impost  upon 
goods  imported  and  exported  was  voted  to  the  proprie- 
ctarv.t  who  acknowledged  the  kindness  of  the  assem- 
bly, but  wisely  and  generously  remitted  the  propo.'ied 
burden  on  the  province  and  the  traders  who  resorted  to 
it.  ljut  the  most  important  business  that  was  trans- 
acted in  this  session  was  an  alteration  in  the  constitu- 
tion of  the  *tate,  which,  unquestionably,  from  whatever 
cause,  underwent  at  first  much  greater  and  more  fre- 
quent fluctuations  than  the  history  of  any  of  the  other 
colonial  settlements  evinces.  William  Penn  having 
demanded  of  the  members  of  council  and  asseinlily, 
"  W  hether  they  desired  to  [)reserve  his  first  charier,  or 
to  obtain  a  new  one  !"  they  unanimously  adopted  the 
Utter  part  of  the  alternative.  With  the  assistance  of  a 
committee  ol  these  two  bodies,  a  new  frame  or  charter 
was  accordingly  prepared  and  executed  by  the  proprie- 
tary. The  chief  purpose  of  this  proceeding  seems  to 
have  been  to  legalize  (according  to  Penn's  ideas)  the 
alteration  that  had  been  effected  hy  the  "  act  of  setllc- 
ment"  passed  in  the  first  session  of  the  assembly.  It 
was  accordingly  now  provided,  by  a  charter  emanating 
from  the  proprietary,  that  the  provincial  council  should 
consist  of  eighteen  persons,  three  from  each  county, 
and  the  assembly  of  thirty-six  ;  by  whom,  in  conjunction 
with  the  governor,  all  laws  were  to  be  made,  and  public 
affairs  transacted.  Dut  still  no  laws  could  be  proposed 
in  the  assembly  but  such  a»  had  been  prepared  and  pre- 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


eller  l»  »\'n  printed  hy  Chalmers,  p.  601,  4c.  Mr.  Clarkson 
refers  to  it  hs  containing  Penn'^s  statement  of  his  controvei.sy 
with  l.oiil  llnllimure,  lint  has  not  tlinusht  that  tlie  credit  n( 
Venn  would  be  adranced  hj  its  pnhijcalion.  It  consi,ts 
rlm-fly  of  an  ehihorate  attempt  to  vindicate  ills  own  pretcii- 
moiK  lo  tlie  Dt  lauaie  territory,  and  to  interest  tlic  lords  of 
tr'ide  to  siifiport  tliem  against  l,ord  Italtiniore's  claims 
Ili'iirc.  perhaps,  the  readiness  he  evinces  to  do  honor  to  tlic 
Uishop  of  l.ond'.n. 

•  Fo«  riiipoiicd  of  this  estate  by  his  will.  But  he  never  was 
In  Primfevlvuniii. 

t  This  seems  to  refute  the  alle^nlion  of  Dr.  Franklin,  in  his 
"  IliHtoncal  Review  of  the  (  onslitiitinn  of  I'ennsylvRnia," 
"thai  Penn  prevailed  wnli  hn  fir.>t  colonmls  to  suhmil  lo  his 
quit  rents,  hy  hohliiift  out  the  delusive  hope,  that  they  would 
tii|>cr»cde  all  piililln  impositions  for  the  support  of  (tovern- 
ijiriil."  Fmnklln  havinij  cnitaKcd  on  the  side  oflhe  Pennsyl- 
vniiian  assrmhiy  in  their  disputes  with  the  descendant!!  of 
Pcim,  I'hdi  avored  to  incrcn.si'  the  discredit  of  his  Bdvc!aarie3 
by  the  hnrHhini  censure  of  their  ilUislrioiis  anceslor.  Yet, 
that  Kiaiiklin  really  esteemed  Penn,  is  apparent  from  many 
pwuiies  III  his  wnlinus  :  nml  that  he  even  regarded  him  with 
BO  coiuinon  adii:irati';n  ninv  he  iiiferrrd  from  n  curious  letter 
•f  hii  (n  lmive  to  a  supposed  norirait  of  Penn),  preserved  in 
W»i4hMiial«e'*  Life  ul  Lord  Kalmci. 


sented  by  the  governor  and  council.  The  only  altera- 
tion in  the  distribution  of  (lower  that  was  effected  by 
this  new  charter  was,  that  the  governor,  with  his  treble 
vote,  necessarily  possessed  more  control  in  a  council 
of  eighteen,  than  by  the  original  frame  he  could  have 
enjoyed  in  a  council  of  seventy-two  members.  The 
interests  of  freedom  were,  however,  promoted  by  a 
grant,  to  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  province,  of  unlimited 
liberty  to  hunt  in  unincloscd  lands,  and  to  fish  in  all 
waters,  •'  that  they  may  be  accommodated  with  such 
food  and  sustenance  as  God  in  his  providence  hath 
freely  afforded ;"  and  aliens  were  encouraged  by  a 
provision,  that,  in  case  of  their  dying  without  having 
been  previously  naturalized,  their  lands  should  never- 
theless descend  lo  their  heirs.  This  charter  was  thank- 
fully acce[)teu  by  the  representatives  of  the  people,  who 
closed  their  second  assembly  with  expressions  of  undi- 
minished attachment  to  the  proprietary. 

This  assembly  had  been  held  at  the  infant  city  of 
Philadelphia.  Shortly  after  his  arrival  in  the  province, 
Penn  had  selected  a  commodious  situation,  between  the 
rivers  Schuylkill  and  Delaware,  for  the  erection  of  the 
metropolis  of  Pennjyivania  :  and  having  regulated  the 
model  of  the  future  city  by  s  map,*  he  bestowed  on  it 
a  name  expressive  of  that  brotherly  love  which  he  hoped 
would  ever  characterise  its  inhabitants.  To  many  of 
the  streets  he  gave  names  descriptive  of  the  varieties  of 
forest  trees  lhat  had  been  cut  down  to  make  room  for 
the  structures  of  civilized  life  ;  and  which  still  continue 
lo  commemorate  the  sylvan  origin  of  the  place.  The 
progress  of  the  buildings  of  Philadelphia  was  a  favorite 
object  of  his  care,  and  advanced  with  such  rapidity, 
that,  in  less  than  a  year  from  the  time  when  it  was  be- 
gun, a  hundred  substantial  houses  overlooked  the  caves 
that  had  sheltered  their  owners  but  a  few  months  be- 
fore ;  and,  in  the  course  of  the  following  year,  [1684] 
the  population  of  the  city  amounted  to  two  thousand 
five  hundred  persons. 

The  remainder  of  the  time  occupied  by  the  proprie- 
tary's first  visit  to  his  colony  was  spent  in  conducting 
his  controversy  with  Lord  Baltimore  ;  in  extending  his 
treaties  with  the  Indiar.  tribes,  to  whom  his  presents 
from  time  to  time  amcuntccl  in  value  lo  several  thou- 
sand pounds  ;  in  acting  as  a  minister  among  the  quaker 
colonists,  and  arranging  the  frame  of  their  sectarian 
usages  and  discipline;  and  in  impelliiig  and  directing 
the  progress  of  his  favorite  city  of  Philadelphia.  He 
saw  his  religious  society  and  principles  established  in  a 
land  where  they  were  likely  to  take  a  vigorous  root, 
and  expand  with  unbounded  freedom  ;  and  institutions 
rising  around  him  that  promised  to  illustrate  his  name 
ith  a  lasting  and  honorable  renown.  In  fine,  he  be- 
held the  peo|)le  who  acknowledged  his  supremacy  happy 
and  prosjierous,  and  seemed  himself  to  enjoy  his  trans- 
atlantic, retirement  t  The  only  sources  of  uneasiness 
tl'.at  had  yet  arisen  from  his  colonial  labors,  were,  his 
dispute  with  T/Ord  Baltimore,  and  the  failure  of  all  his 
efforts  to  guard  the  Indians  from  that  destructive  vice 
which  the  vicitiitv  of  Europeans  has  always  contributed 
lo  diffuse  among  tl,em.  A  law  had  been  passed  against 
supplying  these  savages  with  spirituous  liquors  ;  but 
the  practice  had  tieeii  introduced  by  the  colonists  of 
Delaware,  long  before  Penn's  arrival,  and  his  attempts 
to  suppress  it  proved  utterly  ineffectual.  The  f^uro- 
peans  acknowledged  the  cruelly  and  injustice  of  this 
traffic,  and  the  Indians  confessed  their  experience  of 
its  baneful  effects  ;  but  neither  could  be  persuaded  to 
refrain  from  it.  It  was  attended  with  the  additional 
evil  of  confirming  the  Indians  in  their  roving  habits  of 
life  ;  as  the  [leltry  they  acquired  in  hunting  was  the 
only  commodity  they  were  able  lo  exchange  with  the 
colonists  for  rum  and  brandy.  The  more  valuable 
possessions  and  advantages  by  which  the  colonists  were 
distinguished,  were  either  lightly  esteemed  by  the  In 
dians,  or  reckoned  unworthy  of  the  laborious  habits 
that  were  requisite  to  procure  them.  In  answer  to  the 
advice  of  the  Europeans,  that  thev  should  betake  them 
selves  to  a  life  of  regular  industry,  one  of  the  Indians  | 
begoeii  lo  hear  some  satisfactory  reason  "  why  he  should  I 
labor  hard  all  his  days  to  make  his  children  idle  all 
theirs.'' 

In  the  "  Conned  ion  of  the  History  of  the  Old  and  New 
Testament,"  hy  Uean  i'rideaux,  there  is  a  plan  or  model  of 
the  cily  of  ancient  Ilahvlon.  Much  according  to  this  model,*' 
says  the  dean,  hath  William  Penn  the  quaker  laid  out  the 
ground  for  his  city  of  Philadelphia,  in  Pennsylvania  ;  and  were 
It  all  built  according  to  that  design,  it  would  r,n  the  fairest 
and  l)e.Ht  city  in  all  America,  and  not  much  behind  any  other 
in  the  whole  woild." 

t  In  a  letter  to  a  friend  in  England,  he  says,  "  Oh  how 
sweet  IS  the  quiet  of  these  paits,  free  from  the  anxious  and 
Iroiiblesonic  solicitations,  hurries,  and  perj)lexitics,  of  woeful 
Kiirope:  and  God  will  thin  her;  the  day  hastens  upon  har." 
Proud, :.  209. 


In  the  midst  of  a  scene  of  felicity  as  ui3mi.Ted.  pe» 
haps,  as  any  community  of  human  beings  has  ever  ex 
hibitcd.  Penn  resolved  upon  returning  to  England,  io 
order  to  enforce,  by  personal  solicitalion.  the  interest 
which  he  possessed  at  the  English  court,  aiid  which  ha 
was  desirous  lo  employ  in  aid  of  his  controversy  with 
Lord  Baltimore,  as  well  as  for  the  relief  of  a  number  o* 
his  quaker  brethren  who  were  suffering  in  the  parent 
state  from  an  increased  strictness  in  the  execution  ol 
the  penal  laws  against  non-conformists.*  In  prepara- 
tion for  this  measure,  he  entrusted  the  administration 
of  his  proprietary  functions  to  the  provincial  council,  of 
which  he  appointed  Thomas  Lloyd,  a  quaker,  to  be 
president,  and  his  own  kinsman,  Markham,  to  be  secre- 
tary ;  and  committed  the  execution  of  the  laws  to 
Nicholas  Moore  and  four  other  planters  whom  he  con- 
stituted the  provincial  judges.  On  ihe  eve  of  his  de- 
parture, and  having  already  embarked,  he  addressed,  to 
Lloyd  and  others  of  his  more  intimate  associates  a 
valedictory  letter,  which  he  desired  them  to  communi- 
cate to  all  his  friends  in  Pennsylvania  and  Delaware. 
"  Dear  friends,"  he  declared  to  them,  "  mv  love  and 
my  life  is  lo  you,  and  with  you;  and  no  water  can 
quench  it,  nor  distance  wear  it  out,  or  bring  it  to  an 
end.  I  have  been  with  you,  cared  over  vou.  and 
served  you  with  unfeigned  love  ;  and  you  are  beloved 
of  me,  and  dear  to  me  beyond  utterance.  I  bless  vou 
in  the  name  and  power  of  the  Lord  :  and  may  God 
bless  yon  with  his  righteousness,  peace,  and  plenty,  all 
the  land  over.  Oh  that  you  would  eve  him  in  all, 
through  all  1  and  above  all,  the  works  of  your  hands." 
After  admonishing  those  to  whom  he  had  committed 
the  rule,  lo  consider  it  as  a  sacred  function  and  hea- 
venly trust,  he  thus  ajiostrophizes  his  favorite  city : 
"  And  thou,  Philadelphia,  the  virgin  settlement  of  this 
province,  named  before  thou  wert  born,  what  love,  what 
care,  what  service,  and  what  travail,  has  there  been  to 
bring  thee  forth,  and  preserve  thee  from  such  as  would 
abuse  and  defile  thee  !  Oh  that  thou  inayest  be  kept 
from  the  evil  lhat  would  overwhelm  thee  I  that,  faithful 
to  the  (iod  of  thy  mercies  in  the  life  of  righteousness, 
thou  mayest  be  preserved  to  the  end.  Mv  soul  pravs 
lo  Gou  for  thee,  lhat  thou  mayest  stand  in  the  dav  ol 
trial,  that  thy  children  may  be  blessed  of  the  ]x)rd.  and 
thy  jieople  saved  by  his  power.  My  love  to  thee  has 
been  great,  and  the  remembrance  of  thee  affects  mine 
heart  and  mine  eyes  !  The  God  of  eternal  strengtli 
keep  and  preserve  thee  lo  his  glory  and  thy  peace.'' 
"  So,  dear  friends,"  he  thus  concludes,  "  my  love  again 
salutes  you  all,  wishing  lhat  grace,  mercy,  and  peace, 
with  all  temporal  blessings,  mav  abound  richly  among 
you  : — So  says,  so  plays,  your  friend  and  lover  in  the 
truth,  William  Penn." 

At  the  period  of  the  proprietary's  ileparture  from  the 
province.  Philadelphia  already  contained  three  hundred 
houses,  and  the  population  of  Pennsvlvania  amounted 
altogether  to  six  thousand  souls.  Of  the  increase 
which  the  inhabitants  of  the  Delaware  territory  had 
undergone,  no  memorial  has  been  preserved. 


C  H  AFTER  1 1. 

Penn's  Favor  at  the  Court  of  James  the  Second — Dissensions 
among  the  Colonists — tiieir  Disajteemenl  with  Penn  about 
his  yoit  Rents — He  ap|H>ints  Five  Commissioners  of  Stale 
— Rumour  of  an  Indian  Massacre — Penn  dissatis  tied  with 
his  Commissioners — appoints  Blacku  ell  Deputy  Governor — 
Arbitrary  (Conduct  of  HIai  kwell — Displeasure  of  the  Assem- 
bly— Dissension  between  the  People  ol  Delaware  and  Penn- 
sylvania—Delaware obtains  a  separate  Executive  Govern- 
ment— George  Keith's  Schism  in  Pennsyivania — Peiui  de- 
prived of  his  Authority  hy  King  William — Fletcher  appointed 
Governoi — Penn's  Authority  restoreii — Third  Frame  of  lrf»- 
vernmcnl — tjunker  Accession  to  War — Penn's  Sectuid  Visit 
to  his  Colony — SenHments  and  Conduct  of  the  tjoakers 
relative  to  Negro  Slavery— Renewal  of  the  Disputes  be- 
tween Delaware  and  Pennsylvania — Fourth  ana  Last  Finme 
of  Governinctit — Penn  returns  to  England— Viiion  of  Penn 
syl\'ania  and  Delaware  dissolved — ('omplainls  f»f  the  As 
sembly  against  Penn— .Misconduct  of  Governor  Evans- 11a 
is  supeiseded  by  Gookin — Penn's  Remonstrance  lo  his  Peo- 
ple— Slate  of  Pennsvlvania  and  Delaware  al  the  Close  ol 
the  Seventeenth  Century. 

BinniNG  adieu  to  the  peaceful  scenes  of  Pennsylva- 
nian  life,  Penn  transferred  his  exertions  to  the  very 
dissi.'nilar  theatre  of  ihe  court  of  England.  Here  the 
interest  which  he  pos.sessed  was  soon  increased  lo  su  Ji 

*  The  unfortunate  consequences  lha' attended  Penn's  with- 
drawment  at  this  period  from  Ihe  quiet  of  America,  lo  pluii^ 
again  into  tlie  solicitations  of  woeful  Eurojie,  have  rendeicd 
Ihc  cause  of  this  step  a  sulijecl  of  some  importance.  <bd 
niiion.  w  ho  derived  his  information  from  Penn  himself,  «<>s 
that  he  was  determined,  much  against  his  will,  to  relur.i  by 
tidings  ol  the  persi'culioii  ol  the  quakers  and  other  disseii  ns 
in  EngUnil;  and  llmt  "  He  knew  he  had  an  interest  In  lh« 
court  of  England,  and  was  willing  to  employ  it  for  the  si  etjf, 
ease,  and  wel'arc  of  his  friends."  I.  171.  Hut  Proud,  »b"  U 
by  far  the  best  aulhoiity  on  points  of  early  Pcnnsylvaiuan  lu»» 
'  lorv,  declares  that  "  the  dispute  Uitwcen  luui  uit\  Ike  Leii 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


831 


a  degree,  by  tlio  advaiicei  .cnt  of  his  own  patron  anil 
his  iKtlier's  fiieiiii,  tlie  Duke  of  York,  to  the  throiio, 
tiiat,  in  the  hope  of  employing  it  to  his  own  advjniagr, 
and  to  the  general  promotion  of  religious  liherty,  he 
ahaiidoiied  all  thoughts  of  returning  to  Ameiica,  and 
continui^d  to  reside  ni  the  nfighliorhood,  and  even  to 
employ  hnnself  in  the  service,  of  the  court,  as  long  a." 
Jaincs  the  Second  was  permitted  to  wear  the  crown  : 
>-a  policy  that,  in  the  sequel,  proved  equally  |)rejudicial 
to  his  reputation  in  England  and  hia  interests  in  Ame- 
rica. 'I'he  first  fruit  of  his  enhanced  inHuencc  at  court 
was  the  adjudication  that  terminated  his  controversy 
with  I>ord  Baltimore,  and  secured  to  him  the  most  valu- 
able portion  of  the  Delaware  territory.*  Fruits  of  a 
more  liberal  descri|)tion  were  evinced  in  his  successful  I 
ertbrls  to  procure  a  suspension  of  the  legal  severities  to 
which  the  members  of  his  own  religious  society  were 
obno.tious,  and  for  the  discontinuance  of  which  he  had 
the  satisfaction  of  presenting  an  address  of  thanks  to 
the  king  from  all  the  qnakers  in  England. t 

This  year  was  signalized  by  an  attempt,  that  origi- 
nated with  the  annual  meeting  of  the  quaker  sociely  at 
Burlington,  m  New  .lersey,  to  communicate  the  know- 
ledge of  christian  truth  to  the  Indians.  These  savages 
readily  acceded  to  the  conferences  that  were  proposed 
to  tlieui,  and  listened  with  tlieir  usual  gravity  and  deco- 
rum to  the  tirst  iiody  of  missionaries  wlio,  in  professing 
to  obey  the  divine  command  to  lr<ich  and  baptise  all  na- 
tions, ever  ventured  to  teach  that  baptism  was  not  an 
ordinance  of  christian  appointment.  Of  the  particular 
coinmunications  between  these  quaker  teacliers  and  the 
Indians,  no  account  has  been  pn^serred  ;  but  the  result, 
as  reported  by  a  quaker  historian,  was,  that  tlie  Indians 
in  general  acknowledged  at  the  time  that  what  they 
heard  was  very  wise,  weighty,  and  true,  and  never  i 
afterwards  thought  farther  about  it.  The  first  success- 
ful attempts  to  evangelize  the  Indian  inhabitants  of 
New  Jersey,  Delaware,  and  Pennsylvania,  were  not  j 
made  till  towards  the  middle  of  the  following  cenlury, 
when  this  work  was  undertaken  by  the  celebrated  Da- 
vid Brainerd,  of  New  England,  and  by  a  body  of  Mora- 
vian brethren  who  had  emigrated  from  Germany. 

Meanwhile,  the  emigrations  from  England  to  Pcnn- 
cylvauia  continued  to  [)roceed  with  undimiiiished  vigor  ; 
the  stimulus  that  had  been  previouslv  afforded  by  the 
r.gors  of  ecclesiastical  law,  being  amply  siqiplied  by  the 
ihslike  and  suspicion  with  which  the  king  s  civil  |}olicy 
was  reijarded,  by  the  accounts  which  had  been  circu- 
l.ited  of  the  [irosperity  enjoved  by  the  colonists  of  this 
province,  and  by  the  general  belief  that  Peim's  interest 
with  the  king  would  protect  its  liberties  from  the  gene- 
ral wreck  in  which  his  tyranny  hatl  involved  the  other 
colonial  constitutions.  In  the  course  of  this  year, 
about  a  thousand  emigrants  appear  to  have  resorted  to 
Pennsylvania  alone.  But  this  increase  in  the  popula- 
tion of  his  territories  was  now  the  only  source  of  s.itis- 
fdctioii  that  they  were  to  afford  to  the  proprietary,  and 
the  remainder  of  his  connexion  with  them  was  over- 
clouded by  disappointment,  and  embittered  by  mutual 
dispute.  It  was  but  a  few  months  after  his  departure 
from  the  province,  that  a  spirit  of  discord  began  to 
manifest  itself  among  the  planters.  Moore,  the  chief 
justice,  and  Robinson,  the  clerk  of  the  provincial  court, 
neither  of  whom  belonged  to  the  quaker  persuasion, 
had  rendered  themselves  disagreeable  to  the  leading 
persons  of  this  society  in  the  colony.  The  first  was 
impeached  bv  the  assembly  of  high  crnnes  and  misde- 
meanors, and  for  refusing  to  answer  the  charge  was 
suspended  from  his  functions  by  the  council  ;  while  a 
very  disproportioned  censure  was  passed  on  the  other, 
who,  for  what  was  deemed  contemptuous  behavior  in 

Baltimore  before-mentioned  was  wliat  niauily  occasio  ed 
Peim's  return  to  England,"  i.  288.  In  a  letter  wrilteii  shortly 
after  his  arrival  in  Eiigiand,  Pbiiii  say.s,  that  "  He  lind  seeri 
the  king  and  tlie  Duke  of  York.  Tliey  and  tlieir  nobles  had 
been  vfiry  kind  to  him,  and  he  hoped  the  Lord  would  make 
Way  for  him  m  their  hearts  to  sen'e  his  sulTerin^  people,  as 
?K-<o  hM  own  interests  as  it  related  to  his  American  concerns.*' 
Curkson,  i.  .126. 

*  This  adjudication  was  not  so  distinct  as  to  prevent  much 
subsequent  dispute  respectins;  the  precise  boundaries  between 
Delaware  and  Maryland,  which  continued  to  distract  the  inha- 
bitants oil  the  borders  of  these  provinces,  till  it  was  finally 
olosed  ill  1751),  by  a  decree  pronounced  in  Chancery  by  Lord 
llardwirke.    Chalmers,  631.    Vesey'^  Reports,  i.  144. 

Nothing  was  m^^re  common  for  a  loni^  tune  in  the  American 
provinces  than  disputes  arising  from  uncertain  boundaries. 
A  tlisput.e  of  this  nature  between  the  townships  of  Lyme  and 
New  Non  Ion,  in  New  England,  during  the  seventeenth  cen- 
Inry,  was  decided  by  a  solemn  pugilistic  combat  between  four 
champions  chosen  bv  the  nihauitants  of  the  two  places. 
Uwight's  Travels,  ii.  498. 

Proud,  i.  290—294.  30S-314.  "  The  king  has  given  us," 
said  Penn  in  the  speech  witli  wliich  he  accompanied  the  pre- 
sentation of  the  quaker  address,  "an  illiistnous  example  in 
Ins  own  person  ;  for  while  he  was  a  subject  he  gave  Csesar 
bia  tribute,  and  now  he  is  Cssar  he  gives  God  his  due, 
nanioly,  ib«  sovereignty  over  coiiscieneci." 


answering  the  questions  of  the  assembly,  was  not  only 
committed  lo  custody,  but  voted  "  a  public  enemy  to 
the  province  and  territories."    Of  the  charges  against 
Moore  not  a  trace  has  been  preserved  ;  but  it  is  mani- 
fest that  Penn  considered  them  frivolous  or  unfounded. 
In  vaiii  he  wrote  to  the  authors  of  these  [jroceedings,* 
entreating  them  to  restrain  their  tempers,  and  forbear 
from  the  mdulgenee  of  animosities  so  discreditable  to 
the  colony  ;  to  value  themselves  a  little  less,  and  to 
honor  other  men  a  little  more  tlian  they  appeared  to 
him  to  have  done.    The  assembly  answered  by  profes- 
sions of  the  highest  reverence  foi  himself,  accompanied 
by  entreaties  (unfortunately  ineffectual)  that  he  would 
return  to  live  among  his  people  ;  but  declared  withal 
that  they  thought  fit  "  to  humble  that  corrupt  and  aspi- 
ring minister  of  state,  Nicholas  Moore."    The  corres- 
pondence between  the  pro|)rietary  and  this  body,  as 
well  as  the  council,  gradually  assumed  an  increasingly 
disagreeable  complexton.    To  other  causes  of  displea- 
sure, were  added  rejiorts  of  the  increased  consumption 
of  spirituous  liquors  among  the  colonists — the  intempe- 
rance in  this  respect  which  they  propagated  among  the 
Indians  thus  recoiling  upon  themselves  ;  and  com()laints 
of  various  abuses  and  extortions  committed  by  the 
officers  whom  he  had  entrusted  to  conduct  the  sales  of 
his  land.     But  nothing  seems  to  have  mortified  him 
more  sensibly  than  the  diliicnlty  he  e.x|)erienced  in  ob- 
taining payment  of  his  quit  rents,  and  the  universal  re- 
luctance that  was  shown  to  comply  with,  or  even  pay 
any  attention  to.  his  applications  for  remittances  on 
that  account.    The  peo|)ie  in  general  had  rather  sub- 
mitted to  than  approved  the  imposition  of  quit  rents  ; 
and,  though  prospering  in  their  circumslances,  and  con- 
scious of  the  expenses  that  the  jiropnelary  had  menrred 
for  iheir  advantage,  they  were  only  now  beginning  to 
reap  the  first  fruits  of  the  far  greater  expenses  incurred 
by  themselves  in  purchasing  their  lands  from  him,  and 
in  transporting  themselves  and  their  families,  servants, 
and  substance  to  the  province.    Much  labor  and  ex- 
pense was  yet  wanting  to  render  more  than  a  small  por- 
tion of  their  lands  productive  of  advantage  to  tliein  : 
and  to  be  now  called  on  to  pay  quit  rents  for  the  whole, 
and  for  this  purpose  lo  surrender  the  first  earnings  of 
their  own  hazard,  hardship,  and  toil,  to  bo  expended  by 
their  proprietary  in  a  distant  country,  was  a  proceeding 
very  ill  calculated  to  obtain  their  favorable  regard,  and 
which  the  very  generosity  of  the  proprietary,  that  ren- 
dered It  the  more  unavoidable  on  bis  part,  bad  by  no 
means  prepared  them  to  expect.    Penn  bad,  doubtless, 
hoped  that  the  council  to  whom  he  had  delegated  his 
proprietary  functions,  would  have  spared  him  tlie  humi- 
liating necessity  of  descending  to  a  personal  altercation 
I  with  his  (leople  on  lliis  subject.     But,  so  far  were  the 
council  from  demonstrating  any  such  regard  for  his 
delicacy  or  his  mli.'rest,  that  they  would  give  hiin  no 
assistance  whatever  in  the  prosecution  of  his  unpopular 
demand,  and  even  forbore  to  take  any  notice  of  the  re- 
monstrances which  he  addressed  to  them  on  the  neglect 
of  their  duty.    Astonished  and  indignant  to  find  him- 
self treated  in  a  manner  which  he  deemed  so  ungrate- 
ful and  unjust,  Penn  felt  himself  consl rained  at  length 
to  reproach  his  people  in  a  letter,  [IfiStiJ  which  forms 
a  melancholy  contrast  to  the  beautiful  Valediction  with 
which  he  had  taken  his  leave  of  them,  scarcely  two 
years  before.     He  complained  that  the  provincial  eonii- 
cil  had  neglected  and  slighted  his  eonimunications  ; 
that  the  labor  which  he  had  relig  ously  consecrated  to 
his  people's  good  was  neither  valued  nor  understood  by 
them  ;  and  that  their  proceedings  in  other  respects  hail 
been  so   unwarrantable  as  to  have  put  it  in  his  jiower 
more  than  once  to  annul  the  charter  he  had  bestowed 
on  them,  if  he  had  been  disjiosed  to  take  advantage  of 
their  misconduct.     He  declared  that  he  was  suffering 
much  embarrassment  by  the  failure  of  the  remittances 
he  had  expected  from  America,  and  that  this  was  one 
of  the  causes  of  his  detention  in  England.    His  quit 
rents,  he  said,  amounted  then,  at  the  very  least,  to  five 
hundred  pounds  a  year  ;  but  he  could  not  obtain  pay- 
ment of  a  penny  of  this  income.     "God  is  my  witness," 
says  he,  "  I  he  not.    I  am  above  six  thousand  pounds 
out  of  pocket  more  than  ever  I  saw  by  the  province  ; 
and  you  may  throw  in  my  pains,  cares,  and  hazard  of 
life,  and   leaving  of  my  family  and  friends  to  serve 
them."    According  to  this  statement,  it  would  appear 
that  he  had  already  sold  a  million  acres  of  land  in  the 
province,  and  devoted  twenty  thousand  pounds  (the 
stipulated  price  corresponding  to  sales  of  that  extent) 
I  to  the  public  service,  besides  the  additional  expenditure 
which  he  mentions  of  six  thousand  pounds. 


"  "  Fur  the  love  of  God,  ir,e,  and  the  poor  countrv,"  he  says 
in  one  of  these  letters,  "be  not  so  governmentish,  so  noisy, 
and  open  in  your  dissatisfactions.  Some  folks  love  hunting 
in  government  itscU."   Proud,  i.  2U7 


This  remonstrance,  which  was  more  especially  ad- 
dressed to  the  [irovincial  council,  liavmo  proved  as  in- 
elinctual  as  his  preceding  applications,  I'emi  deter- 
mined to  withdraw  from  that  body  die  manaoemenl  ol 
his  interests  and  the  po.^session  of  the  exeeuiive  [jower, 
which  liu  had  commitled  to  its  keeping  on  Ins  departnre 
from  the  |)ro»incc.  Expecting  more  activity  from 
fewer,  and  more  integrity  from  different  hands,  he  rf/- 
solved  to  eonfine  the  executive  power  to  five  persons  , 
and.  111  order  to  mark  his  sense  of  the  injurious  treat- 
ment which  he  conceived  had  been  inflicted  on  an  able 
and  honorable  man,  he  hesitated  not  to  appoint  NielioUs 
Moore  to  be  one  of  the  persons  by  v\honi  iliis  important 
function  v\'as  to  be  exercised.  To  Lloyd,  the  hiriner 
president  of  the  council,  and  three  other  quftkers,  in 
conjunction  with  Moore,  he  accordingly  granted  a  war- 
rant or  deputation  investing  them  with  their  oHice 
under  the  title  of  cummissiuncrs  of  stale.  He  com- 
manded them,  at  the  very  first  assembly  that  should  be 
liolden  after  their  instalment  in  office,  lo  abrogate,  in 
the  proprietary's  name,  every  act  that  had  been  passed 
in  his  absence.  He  charged  them  to  be  particularly 
careful  lo  repress  every  tendency  to  disorder,  dispute, 
or  collision  of  powers  between  the  several  organs  of 
government,  and,  fur  this  purpose,  to  permit  no  parley- 
ing or  open  conference  between  the  council  and  the 
assembly,  but  to  confine  the  one  to  the  exerei-e  of  its 
privilege  ol  proposing  laws,  and  the  other  to  'v  sim|)le 
expression  of  assent  or  dissent.  He  admonished  iheni 
to  act  with  vigor  in  suppressing  vices  wilhou'  respect 
of  persons  or  persuasions, —  adding,  "Let  not  foolish 
pity  rob  justice  of  its  due,  and  the  people  of  proper  ex- 
amples. I  know  what  malice  and  prejudice  say  ;  but 
they  move  me  not.  I  know  liow  to  allow  'or  new 
colonies,  though  others  do  not."  He  advised  them,  be- 
fore ever  "  letting  their  spirits  into  any  affair,"  lo  lift  up 
their  thoughts  to  Him  who  is  not  far  from  every  one  of 
us,  and  to  beseech  from  that  only  source  of  intelligence 
and  virtue,  the  communication  of  a  good  nndersianding 
and  a  temperate  spirit.  He  recomineiided  to  them  a 
diligent  attention  to  the  proprietary's  interest,  and  a 
vvalcliful  care  to  the  preservation  of  their  own  dignity. 
"I  beseech  you,"  he  said,  "draw  not  several  ways; 
have  no  cabals  apart,  nor  reserves  .^rom  one  another  ; 
treat  with  a  mutual  simplicity,  an  entire  confidence,  in 
one  another;  and  if  at  any  lime  you  mislake,  or  niis- 
appreheiid,  or  dissent  from  one  another,  let  n' t  that 
appear  to  the  people  :  show  your  virtues  but  conceal 
your  infirmities  ;  this  will  make  vou  awful  and  reverent 
with  the  people."  "  Love,  forgive,  hclji,  and  serve  one 
another,"  he  continued;  "and  let  the  people  learn  by 
your  example,  as  well  as  by  your  power,  the  liapny  lile 
of  concord."* 

1687.]  This  appointment  proved  more  conducive 
than  might  have  been  exjiected  to  the  peace  of  thi  pro- 
vince, which  appears  for  some  time  lo  have  sustained 

110  other  interru|)tion  than  what  arose  from  the  minor 
of  an  Indian  massacre.  In  the  midst  of  the  consterna- 
tion which  his  report  excited,  Caleb  Pusey,  a  quaker, 
volunteered  to  go  to  the  spot  wh.ere  the  Indians  were 
said  to  have  assembled  in  preparation  for  their  bloody 
design,  provided  the  council  would  appoint  rive  other 
deputies  to  accompany  him,  and  who  would  agree,  like 
him,  to  present  themselves  unarmed  to  the  Indians. 
On  the  anival  of  this  magnanimous  deputation  at  the 
spot  which  had  been  indicated  lo  them,  ihey  found  cnily 
an  Indian  prince  with  a  small  retinue  engaged  m  their 
usual  occupations.  The  prince,  on  lieing  apprised  of 
the  cause  of  their  visit,  informed  '.he  depnti<;s  that  the 
Indians  had  indeed  been  disappomteil  to  find  th-'t  the 
price  of  a  recent  occupation  of  land  had  not  yet  been 
lully  paid  10  them  ;  but  tliat,  having  perfect  conlidenco 

111  the  integrity  of  the  English,  they  were  \iy  no  means 
impatient ;  he  declared  tliat  Ihe  smry  of  tfie  [irojecled 
massacre  was  a  wicked  falirn  ation,  and  that  some  l-i- 
dian  women  who  had  contributed  to  give  il  currency 
deserved  lo  be  burned  alive.  One  of  tlie  deputies  hav- 
ing reminded  the  prince  that  the  Indians  and  ihe  Eng- 
hsu  were  the  creatures  of  the  same  God,  and  ecjujlly 
the  objects  of  his  impartial  love,  winch  he  shovvi  d  by 

*  Proud,  i.  295— 300,  303— 307.  In  a  letter  to  these  com- 
nnssiouei s,  some  lime  alter,  he  lells  them,  "They  that  live 
near  lu  (iod,  will  live  lar  trom  theniseivtfs  ;  and,  liom  th* 
sense  they  have  ol  his  nearness  anu  majesty,  have  a  low 
opirnoii  of  themselves :  and  out  of  that  low  and  humble  Iramo 
ol  spirit  It  IS  that  true  ciianlv'  grows.  Ch  ihal  Ine  people  ol 
m\  province  lelt  thU  gracious  quahly  aboandiitg  in  Ihei'i !  Mf 
work  would  then  be  uoiie,  and  their  iuaijo  and  my  j  )y  UB> 
speakably  abound.  Wherefore,  iii  the  ivaiiie  and  iVar  of  God, 
let  all  old  sores  be  forgotten  as  well  aa  h.rgiven.''  Ibid.  3ai. 
Tills  letter  is  dated  from  a  mansion  which  puliucs  and  litera- 
ture have  since  contributed  to  distm^iUsh,  Holland  llouso, 
which  Penn  had  made  tns  residence  on  Qi-couiil  ol  iu  iricii:(l^ 
lu  Kensington,  where  King  Jamus  held  hiaeouil 


a33 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


•eiwliug  dew  from  heaven  alike  on  their  lands,  and 
urged  liial  llie  two  races  ought  therefore  to  love  one 
anuliicr,  ilic  prmce  refihed,  "  N\'hat  you  have  said  is 
true  ;  and  as  God  nas  gjven  you  corn,  I  would  advise 
you  to  pet  It  III.  lor  we  iiilciid  you  no  liariii."  This 
•iuicaL'!u  assurance,  repeated  by  the  de|)uties  to  their 
frierids,  delivered  the  province  from  an  apprehension 
tbi:  hat!  excited  general  dismay. 

But  I'eiiii  was  I'lr  from  deriving  the  satisl'action  which 
l«  had  experied  from  his  commissioners  of  state  ;  and 
hie  letters  continued  lo  repeat,  though  in  a  milder  man- 
ner than  before,  his  complaints  of  the  detention  of  his 
quit  rents,  the  neglect  of  his  communications,  and  the 
disregard  of  hia  services.  "  I  believe  I  may  say,"  was 
his  expression  on  one  of  these  occasions,  "  I  am  one  of 
the  unliappiest  proprietaries  with  one  of  the  best  peo- 
ple."* i-'rom  the  numerous  apologies  contained  in 
these  letlcrs  for  his  continued  residence  in  England, 
and  his  protestations  that  lie  found  attendance  at  court 
as  burilensome  and  disagreeable  as  a  stale  of  slavery  in 
'I'urkey  could  be,  it  would  seem  that  the  people  of 
I'eniisvlvaiiia  n^garilcd  his  absence  from  them  with 
much  dissatisfaction.  At  length,  Lloyd  and  some  of 
the  other  quaker  commissioners  desiring  that  he  would 
discharge  them  from  their  functions,  it  apjjcared  to  him 
that  some  farther  change  was  necessary  in  the  form  of 
his  provincial  administration  ;  and,  having  deteriniiied 
to  coininil  his  |)Owers  and  his  interests  to  the  more  ac- 
tive management  of  a  single  individual,  who  should  be 
invested  wilh  the  rank  of  deputy  governor,  he  selected 
for  this  purpose  Captain  John  Blackwell,  one  of  Crom- 
well's  ollicers,  who  had  married  the  daughter  of  General 
haiiiliert,  and  was  residing  at  this  time  in  New  Eng- 
land. 'J'lie  consequences  of  this  a[)pointinent  were, 
tn  truth,  the  reverse  in  all  respects  of  those  which  had 
resulted  from  the  preceding  one  :  but,  unfortunately, 
they  were  much  more  disagreeable  and  pernicious. 
Blackwell  appeiirs  to  have  been  very  highly  esteemed 
by  I'eiin,  and  he  probably  exerted  himself  much  more 
llian  his  predecessors  in  the  executive  authority  had 
done  to  vindicate  the  patrimonial  interest  of  the  pro- 
prietary ;  but  he  provoked  the  general  indignation  and 
disgust  of  the  people  by  his  arbitrary  and  illegal  pro- 
ceediiijgs.  "  Rule  the  meek  meekly,"  was  the  instruc- 
tion of  I'enn  to  him  ;  "  and  those  that  will  not  be 
ruled,  rule  with  authority."  But  meekness  was  no 
part  of  the  disposition  of  Blackwell  ;  and  violence  and 
intrigue  were  the  chief  engines  of  his  policy. t  He 
loiniiienced  his  administration  by  endeavoring,  not 
t^i'.hout  ellect,  to  sow  discord  among  the  freemen,  and 
lo  overawe  the  timid  by  a  display  of  power.  Bui  he 
had  mistaken  the  real  character  of  the  people  over 
whom  he  presided  ;  and  was  taught,  by  the  issue  of 
an  ob.stiiiale  struggle,  that  the  profession  of  quaker 
meekness  and  submission  is  not  iiiconsislenl  with  the 
exhibition  of  unbending  llrmness  and  determined  re- 
solution. Finding  that  White,  the  individual  who 
had  given  most  disjileasure  lo  Penn,  by  urging  the 
impcaehmenl  of  Moore,  had  been  chosen  a  delegate  to 
the  assembly,  he  resolved  to  debar  him  from  attend- 
ance there  ;  and  for  this  purpose  caused  him  to  be 
thrown  into  prison  on  the  most  frivolous  pretences. 
A  writ  of  habeas  corpus  was  procured  in  behalf  of 
White  ;  but  the  execution  of  it  was  long  impeded  by 
the  devices  of  Blackwell.  Other  practices,  no  less 
arbitrary  and  illegal,  were  employed  by  him  for  dis- 
abling men  whi>m  he  disliked  or  suspected,  from  j)er- 
forming  thediilii's  of  members  of  the  provincial  coun- 
cil. To  give  the  assembly  time  to  cool,  after  the  com- 
mission of  thesg  outrages,  he  deferr('<l  the  convocation 
of  it  as  long  as  possible,  and  at  length  opened  its  ses- 
sion [IfiS'JJ  with  a  haughty  and  insolent  harangue. 
His  predecessors  in  authority  had  not  considered  it 
expedient  to  coin|>ly  with  the  proprietary's  desire  of 
abriigatiiig  all  the  laws  that  had  been  made  in  his  ah 
•ence  ;  but  this  measure  was  now  announced  by  the 
deputy  governor,  wilh  an  insolence  that  would  have 
di.Hcrirditeil  a  more  acceptable  communication.  'J'he 
first  proceeding  of  the  assembly  was  a  remonstrance 
against  his  arbitrary  proceedings  ;  and  all  that  his 
ulmiisl  influence  could  elFect  on  some  of  the  members 
of  this  body,  was  lo  prevail  wilh  them  lo  absent  ihem- 

*  "  ll  is  none  nrilic  emleariiiijexl  coiiaideralinns,"  h«  adda 
III  llip  siiiiir  li-ucr,  "  thai  1  have  iiiit  hail  ilic  pre.-eiii  of  a  akin, 
or  a  ii  Miiiil  "1  mliarr.i),  mure  I  came  over.'*    I'roud,  i.  33^. 

t  Pfiiii  U|>|icurK  lo  hav  Itecii  deceived  iiiln  iliia  a|>poinnnenl 
by  «  repuif  of  which  Ul  icKweil  proved  to  have  been  lolally  iiii- 
detorviiii;.    Mu  u|H>liiiii/ed  lo  the  iieople  of  PeiiUHylv.inia  lor 

th  ihuppy  coiiHiMpieocrs  thai  rcsuiicd  from  ii,  hy  siaiiiiv'ihac 

be  h.xl  nrii  il  for  ilie  hewi,  iiiiil  h.id  iioi  nel'  cicd  Bluckwell  lill 
lie  ha'l  loiiod  II  imp-Kxililo  lo  prevail  wilh  any  ijiiiikeriu  ai  cepi 
lU<i  oMiii-i.l  depiiiy  i;oicriior;  yii,  he  a.ldecf  wiihal,  "l  miM 
MV,  I  lear  III  1  |»  i  »i.loie»i  lo  noiiir-  Inciulu  (ipiukcni)  has  Iiol 
•IMU  u'M  ul'ilu  duM  willioul  uccaiiuii."   Pruud,  i.  34u. 


selves  from  its  sittings.  This  miserable  manoeuvre 
had  no  other  effect  than  to  provoke  the  assembly  lo 
declare  that  the  secession  of  these  members  was  a 
treacherou.i  desertion  of  the  public  service.  'I  hey 
passed,  at  the  same  time,  a  series  of  resolutions,  im- 
porting, "  That  the  proprietary's  absence,  as  it  may 
be  lo  his  disappointment,  so  it  was  extremely  lo  the 
peoples  prejudice  ;  that  as  to  the  project  of  abrogating 
all  the  laws,  he  had  no  right  so  lo  do,  because  every 
law  was  in  force  that  had  not  been  declared  void  by 
the  king  ;  lhal,  even  wilh  the  consent  of  the  freemen, 
the  proprietary  could  make  no  laws  to  bind  the  pro- 
vince, except  in  the  way  prescribed  by  the  charier  ; 
and  lhal  as  it  was  desirable,  so  it  was  also  to  be 
hoped,  that  no  laws  of  any  other  make  would  be  im- 
posed upon  the  people."  After  a  vain  struggle  with 
an  opposition  thus  vigorously  supported,  Blackwell 
was  compelled  lo  abandon  his  office,  and  depart  from 
the  province,  leaving  the  executive  authority  once 
more  in  the  hands  of  the  provincial  council,  of  which 
the  presidency  was  resumed  by  Thomas  liloyd. 

'I'he  ferment  which  had  been  excited  during  Black- 
well  i,  administration,  whatever  evil  iufluencc  it  may 
have  exercised  on  the  tempers  of  some  of  the  colonists, 
was  not  permitted  to  retard  in  the  slightest  degree  the 
rapid  pace  with  which  the  general  prosperity  was  ad- 
vancing. On  the  contrary,  a  more  vigorous  spring 
seemed  to  have  been  imparted  to  the  industry  and 
general  progress  and  improvement  of  the  community, 
as  if  the  energy  that  was  excited  by  the  provocation 
given  lo  the  public  spirit  of  the  people,  had  dili'used 
its  influence  through  every  occupation  and  department 
of  life.  It  was  ill  this  year  that  the  first  institution 
for  the  education  of  youth  was  established  in  Penn- 
sylvania. This  was  called  "  The  Friends'  Public 
School  of  Philadelphia  ;"  at  the  head  of  which  was 
placed  George  Keith,  a  celebrated  quaker  writer  ;  and 
which  was  subsequently  incorporated  and  enlarged  by 
charters  from  the  pro|)rietary. 

It  had  been  happy  for  Penn,  if  he  had  sooner  dis- 
covered how  detrimental  to  all  his  interests  this  long 
absence  from  the  colony,  and  residence  at  the  Enijlish 
court,  must  inevitably  prove.  The  revolution  that 
had  occurred  in  the  close  of  the  preceding  year,  had 
abruptly  destroyed  that  precarious  favor  of  a  tyrr.nl, 
for  the  sake  of  which  he  had  risked  his  popularity  in 
England  and  his  influence  in  Pennsylvania,  and  which 
had  infatuated  his  understanding  lo  such  a  degree, 
that  he  even  continued  lo  correspond  with  the  fiioitive 
monarch  after  his  exi)ulsiou  from  the  throne.  Thai  he 
was  engaged  in  any  of  the  plots,  that  were  carrying  on 
althis  period  for  the  restoration  of  James,  there  is  truly 
no  reason  to  believe  ;  but  as  he  voluntarily  lingered  in 
England  for  some  time  after  the  revolution  had  been 
accoiiijdislied,  and  never  Iransmitted  any  instruction 
for  proc'laiining  William  and  Mary  in  Pennsylvania,  it 
is  not  improbable  that  he  looked  wilh  some  expecta- 
tion lo  the  success  of  these  altempts.*  To  return 
lo  America  was  soon  after  put  out  of  his  power,  by  the 
consequences  of  the  general  suspicion  which  his  con- 
duct had  excited  in  England.  He  was  compelled  to 
give  bail  for  his  appearance  before  the  privy  council  ; 
[1G90]  and  thouoh  he  more  than  once  succeeded  in 
justifying  himself  from  the  charges  adilueed  against 
him,  yet,  finding  lhal  farther  accusations  continued  lo 
be  preferred,  and  that  a  warrant  had  at  length  been 
issued  for  cominilling  him  to  prison,  he  thought  pro- 
per lo  sequester  himself  from  public  view,  and  to  live 
for  some  time  in  a  stale  of  concealment.  His  name 
was  occasionally  inserted  in  the  proclamations  for  th'^ 
apprehension  of  suspected  persons,  that  were  i.ssue<l, 
from  lime  to  lime  by  I  he  English  ministers  ;  who 
were,  however,  loo  deeply  engaged  in  more  pressing 
and  important  allairs.  lo  have  leisure  as  yet  lo  allend 
lo  the  concerns  of  his  Pennsylvaniaii  sovereioni v. 
During  this  retirement,  his  repo.se  was  invaded  very 
disagreeably  by  tidings  of  factions  disputes  and  dis- 
sensions among  his  people,  ami  particularly  by  the 
rupture  that  took  place  between  Peniisvlvania  am!  De- 
laware, and  separated  from  each  other  two  coininuni- 
ties,  for  iheconjunction  of  which  he  had  labored  w  ith  a 
zeal  that  oulstri|>pe<l  his  usual  equity  and  moderalioii 

•  In  a  lelicr,  wrillcii  hy  him  lo  his  frifiids  in  FeniiMylvniiia 
in  January,  1639,  he  says,  **  CJreal  rcviduiions  have  been  of 
laic  in  lliis  lanil  id'  your  iialiTiiy,  and  where  Ihey  ni.ny  period 
ihe  Lord  knows."  ilc  ailda,  lhal  "  lo  improve  iny  inieroM 
Willi  Kini:  James  ft>r  leiuier  consciences''  IkuI  been  ibe  main 
cause  of  liis  deieiilion  so  lone  in  Knijland.  Proud,  i.  341.  Knun 
a  leiicr  of  LeiMler,  whom  iliin  period  acpiired  so  niiieh  cele- 
hriiy  at  New  York  (anie.  B.  v.  cap  ii),  lo  Bishop  Burnet,  it 
appears  lhal  he  consiilered  Penusylvania  as  one  of  the  sironu'* 
holds  of  ihejacohiie!!  in  America,  and  lhal  .t  considerable  num- 
ber of  ibis  party  were  ihi  n  retirini!  fn'ni  ibc  oihor  pruviiicea 
1^  ri>:\:'.«}'vania  aud  Now  Jeraey.    Clialmera,  Cl>7. 


The  increasing  greatness  of  Pennsylvania  had  grt- 
dually  excited  the  jealou.sy  of  the  people  of  Ddlaware, 
who  beheld  with  impatience  their  more  ancient  settle- 
ment dwindling  into  comparative  insignificance,  and 
verging  into  a  mere  fraction  of  a  younger  but  more 
thriving  conimuiiily.  The  members  deputed  lo  the 
provincial  council  at  Philadelphia  from  Delaware 
complained  that  Ihey  were  deprived  of  a  just  share  in 
the  appointment  of  public  ollicers,  and  at  length  en- 
deavored by  intrigue  lo  counterbalance  the  preponde- 
rance of  their  associates.  Privately  assembling,  with- 
out the  usual  formality  of  an  official  summons,  in  the 
council-room,  they  proceeded  to  exercise  the  executive 
functions  vested  in  the  whole  body,  and  issued  war- 
rants for  displacing  a  number  of  public  officers,  and 
appointing  others  to  fill  their  places.  This  proceeding 
was  almost  iiistanlanlly  declared  illegal  and  void 
by  a  Council  more  regularly  convoked  ;  but  the  waters 
of  strife  had  now  been  let  out,  and  could  no  longer  l>e 
stayed.  Penn.  alarmed  at  the  account  of  these  dis- 
sensions, endeavored  lo  mediate  between  the  par- 
ties, and  desired  them  to  make  choice  of  any  one 
of  the  three  forms  of  executive  administration  which 
they  had  alreailv  respectively  tried.  He  was  willing, 
he  said,  to  invest  the  executive  power  either  in  the 
council,  or  in  five  commissioners,  or  in  a  deputy  go- 
vernor ;  and  their  choice  would  be  determined  by  the 
recollection  of  w  hich  of  these  they  had  found  the  most 
impartial  in  the  distribution  of  public  offices.  [IG91j 
The  Pennsylvanians  at  once  declared  themselves 
in  favor  of  a  deputy  governor,  and,  anticipating  the 
pro[)rielary's  approbation  of  their  wishes,  desired 
hloyd  to  perforin  the  duties  of  this  ortice.  The  Dela- 
ware counsellors,  on  the  contrary,  protested  against 
this  choice,  and  declared  their  own  preference  of  a 
board  of  commissioners.  They  refused  to  submit  lo 
the  government  of  Lloyd,  and,  withdrawing  from  the 
council,  ihey  returned  lo  Delaware,  where  their  coun- 
trymen were  easily  prevailed  on  lo  approve  and  sup- 
port their  secession.  In  vain  Lloyd  endeavored,  by 
the  most  liberal  and  generous  oilers  to  the  Delaware 
colonists,  to  prevail  with  them  to  sulmiit  to  an  admi- 
nistration which  he  had  reluctantly  assumed  in  obe- 
dience lo  the  urgent  and  unanimous  desire  of  iLe 
Pennsylvanians  ;  they  rejected  all  his  ofl'ers  ;  and, 
countenanced  l)y  Colonel  Markham,  the  kinsman  of 
the  proprietary,  declared  that  they  were  determined  lo 
have  an  executive  government  separate  from  that  ol 
Pennsylvania.  Slung  wilh  vexation  and  disappoint- 
ment at  this  result,  Penn  was  at  first  inclined  to  impute 
the  blame  of  it  lo  Lloyd;  but  soon  ascertaining  how 
perfectly  disinteresled  and  well  ineanino  ifie  ninduct 
of  this  worthy  man  had  been,  he  traiisferreil  his  cen 
sure  to  the  Delaware  counsellors,  and  bilterlv  re 
proached  lliein  with  sellish  ambition  and  iiii/r-.ititiide. 
Hoping,  however,  by  gratilyiiig  them  in  their  pre.-iciit 
desire,  to  prevent  the  rupture  from  exleniliiig  any 
farther,  he  granted  separate  commissions  fiir  Ihe  ex- 
ecutive government  of  Pennsylvania  and  Delaware  lo 
Lloyd  anil  .Markham  ;  ihe  functions  of  Ihe  legislaliire 
still  remaining  united  in  a  council  and  assembly  com- 
mon to  Ihe  two  selllemenls.  By  the  friendly  co-ope- 
ration of  Lloyd  and  Markham,  this  singular  machinery 
of  government  was  comliitSeil  w  ith  much  greater  har- 
mony and  success  than  the  peculiarities  of  its  struc- 
ture, and  the  causes  from  which  they  had  arisen, 
would  have  |)repareil  us  lo  expect.* 

The  following  year  [  l()i>'J]  was  signalised  in  a  man- 
ner still  more  disereditiible  lo  the  province,  and  disa- 
greeabhf  to  the  propriet.iry,  by  a  violent  dissension 
among  the  quakers  of  Pennsylvania  This  has  been 
represented,  by  the  party  that  proved  weakest  in  llio 
struggle,  as  a  purely  ecclesiastical  quarrel,  in  which 
their  adversaries,  wor.sted  in  spiritual,  had  resorted  lo 
carnal  wenpons;  and  by  the  stronger,  as  a  political 
efrerve.scence  which  the  power  of  the  niagislrale  was 
rightfully  employed  to  compose.  The  dislurhanco 
orioinated  with  George  Keith,  a  man  eminently  dis- 
tinguished by  the  vigor  anil  subtlety  of  his  ap[)rel)en- 
sion,  by  an  insatiable  appetite  for  controversy,  a  ca- 
pious  eloquence,  and  a  vehement  temper.  To  his  re- 
ligious associates,  the  quakers,  he  was  recommended 
by  his  numerous  writings  in  defence  of  their  tenets, 
and  more  particularly  endeared  as  the  champion  o( 
their  quarrel  with  the  churches,  ministers  and  inagiR. 

•  PriMiil,  i.  346—61.  (  larkson,  ii.  61.  Penn  soema  to  bars 
expressed  no  disapprobalion  whatever  of  ihe  conduct  of  .Mark- 
ham. of  whom  Proud  indeed  reporls  (i.  -136)  thai  "  he  bad  iba 
proprieiary'a  coiifidenee  and  eslceni  till  his  death  ;"  «  heucs 
perhaps  it  may  he  iufcrrol  that  the  real  purpose  of  .Markbain, 
in  niacin!.'  himself  at  Ihe  bead  of  the  factious  couiuellors  ol  Da 
laware,  w  as  lo  relnin  uver  thoin  an  infiueuce  favorahle  to  tba 
Buiburiiy  uf  the  proprlvtury. 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


888 


Iratos  of  New  Knglanil — a  country  wliich,  by  a  nume- 
rous iiody  of  the  quakors,  was  lonij  regarded  witli  a 
teelinij  to  wliicli  it  is  diincult  to  give  any  otiier  name 
tlian  that  of  a  vindictive  dislike.  [~'J]  He  had  travelled 
in  that  country  as  a  quaker  preacher  :  and,  adding 
tlie  smart  of  personal  controversy  with  the  people 
to  a  resentment  of  the  well-reinemhered  wrongs  which 
they  had  wreaked  on  ids  religious  fraternity,  he  had 
accumulated  against  them  a  lioard  of  animosity,  which 
all  the  prolixity  of  his  [luhlications  seemed  to  he  in- 
capal)le  of  exhausting.  With  an  animated  vitupera- 
tion, wliich  was  thought  very  savoury  hy  the  quakers 
as  long  as  it  was  directed  against  their  adversaries,* 
he  had  condemned  tlie  government  of  New  England 
for  the  severities  inflicted  by  it  heretofore  upon  en- 
thusiasts, with  whoso  extravagatice,  as  well  as  whose 
sull'crings,  it  appeared  that  he  himself  was  too  much 
inclined  to  sympathise.  Even  those  quakers,  who 
were  possessed  of  that  moilerate  spirit  which  was 
gradually  leavening  tlie  whole  of  their  society,  and 
was  utterly  opposed  bo  the  wild  extravagance  hy  which 
their  brethren  in  New  Englanil  had  provoked  their 
fate,  were  flattered  by  j)ublicatiotis  which  artfully 
lurneil  the  shame  of  quakerism  into  its  glory,  and 
added  the  honors  of  martyrdom  to  the  other  evidences 
of  their  claim  to  a  revival  of  primitive  Christianity. 
His  eminent  repute  with  his  fellow  sectaries  had  re- 
coinmeruled  him  lirst  to  the  a[)pointnient  of  surveyor- 
general  of  East  .lersey,  and  more  recently  to  the  mas- 
tership of  tlio  quaker  seminary  of  education  esta- 
blished at  Phila<lelphia.  From  real  conviction,  from 
an  inveterate  habit  of  controversy,  or  from  ambitious 
desire  to  gain  a  still  higher  eminence  among  the  qua- 
kers than  he  had  already  attained,  he  began  at  length 
to  utter  censures  upon  various  particulars  in  the  con- 
duct and  usage  ol  his  fellow  sectaries  in  Pennsyl- 
vania. He  complained  that  there  was  a  great  deal 
too  much  slackness  in  the  system  of  quaker  discipline, 
and  that  very  loose  and  erroneous  doctrine  was  taught 
by  many  of  the  quaker  preachers.  He  insisted  that, 
as  the  infliction  and  even  the  violent  resistance  of 
evil  was  inconsistent  with  Christian  meekness  and 
brotherly  love,  no  quaker  ought  to  be  concerned  in 
"the  compelling  part  of  government,"'  and  much  less 
ought  any  such  to  retain  negroes  in  a  state  of  slavery.! 
His  censures  had  in  some  respects  a  substantial  reality, 
and  in  oihers  at  least  -i  reasonable  show,  of  just  appli- 
cation, that  rendered  them  onlv  the  more  irritating  to 
the  minds  of  those  whom  he  rebuked  without  being  able 
to  convince.  Supported  by  a  respectable  com|)any  of 
adherents,  and  particularly  in  some  of  his  views  by  the 
German  emigrants,  who  from  the  first  had  protested 
against  negro  slavery  as  utterly  inconsistent  with  qua- 
ker Christianity,  Keith  appears  to  have  encountered  the 
opposition  which  his  new  doctrines  received  from  the 
majority  of  the  quakers,  with  as  much  vehemence  as 
he  had  displayed  in  his  jirevious  contests  with  their 
common  enemies.  A  regular  trial  of  strength  ensued 
between  the  two  parties  in  the  quaker  society  ;  and  the 
adversaries  of  Keith,  finding  themselves  siqiported  by 
a  majority,  published  a  declaration  or  testimony  of 'de- 
nial against  him.  In  this  curious  production  they  ex- 
pressed their  deep  regret  of  "  the  tedious  exercise  and 
vexatious  perplexity"  which  their  late  friend,  George 
Keith,  had  brought  upon  them.  "  With  mourning,"' 
they  declared,  "  and  lamentation  do  we  say, — IIow  is 
this  mighty  man  fdllen  ! — How  is  his  shield  cast  away  ! 
— How  shall  it  be  told  in  Galh  ! — Will  not  the  daugh- 
ters of  the  uncircumcised  triumph  1"  They  proceeded 
to  accuse  him  of  uttering  against  themselves  "  such  un- 
savoury words  and  abusive  language,  as  a  person  of 
rnminoii  civility  would  loath  ;"  and  in  particular  with 
having  assured  them  on  various  occasions,  "  and  upon 
small  provocations,  if  any,  that  they  were  fools,  ignorant 
heathens,  silly  souls,  rotton  ranters,  and  Muggletonians, 

•  On  ,-1  reiKispectof Ilia  character,  however,  at'certiiey  ihem- 
eelves  hud  become  liis  adversaries,  the  quakers  discovered 
Iliai,  even  before  his  schism  wiih  ihem,  and  even  in  his  treat- 
meniot"  the  people  of  New  Entrland,  he  had  "had  too  much 
hie  111  argument,"  had  "exhibited  an  iinbccoming  vanity  on 
victory  thereby  obtained  by  him  over  liis  opponents,"  and  alto- 
gether conducted  himself  "  in  a  very  extiavasrant  manner." 
Proud,  1.  364. 

t  I'  is  leas  remarkable  that  this  latter  feature  of  his  doctrine 
rhould  have  been  unnoticed  by  Proud,  than  that  it  should  have 
escaped  the  observation  of  Clarkson,  who,  in  his  life  of  Fenn, 
•peaks  of  Keith  with  unmixed  contempt;  and  in  his  historv  of  the 
Abolition  of  the  Slave  Trade  refers  to  a  period  four  vears  later, 
a»  the  era  of  ti.e  first  effort  of  the  American  qeakers  to  miti- 
gaie  the  evil  of  neero  slavery.  Galiriel  Thomas,  a  quaker, 
contemporary  with  Keith,  the  friend  of  Feim,  and  the  earliest 
niMonaii  ol  Peinisylvania,  expressly  a.-icribes  to  Keith  the  par- 
UCU  ar  doctrine  to  .vhich  I  allude  ;  and  Dr.  Kra.iklin,  in  one  of 
m»  letters,  mentions  that  he  hu\  seen  the  protestation  a;.'ainsi 
negro  slavery,  that  was  i-su.  d  at  this  i.eriod  by  Keith  and  his 


with  other  names  of  that  infamous  strain,  thereby  to 
our  grief,  foaming  out  his  own  shame."  They  accused 
hiiu  of  asserting  that  quakerism  was  too  often  a  cloak 
of  heresy  and  hypocrisy  :  and  that  more  diabolical  doc- 
trine passed  current  among  the  quakers  than  among 
any  oth(!r  description  of  Protestant  professors.  As 
the  climax  of  his  contumacy,  they  alleged,  that  when 
they  had  "  tenderly  dealt"  with  him  for  his  abusive  lan- 
guage and  disorderly  behavior,  he  had  insultingly  an- 
swered, "  that  he  trampled  their  judgment  under  his 
feet  as  dirt  ;  *"  and  that  he  had  since  set  up  a  separat<! 
meeiiiig,  whose  proceednig-s  had  rendered  the  religious 
reputation  of  the  bulk  of  the  quakers  "a  scorn  to  the 
profane,  and  the  song  of  the  drunkard." 

Keith  who  had  by  this  time  collected  around  him  a 
numerous  concourse  of  adherents,  whom  he  styled 
"  Christian  quakers,"  wliile  he  bestowed  on  all  the  re.-.t 
of  the  quaker  community  the  opproliious  title  of  "  apos- 
tates," did  not  fail  to  answer  this  declaration  liy  an  ad- 
dress wiiich  contained  a  defence  of  himself  and  his  prin- 
ciples, and  an  illustration  of  the  various  acts  of  aposlacy 
committed  by  hi^  adversaries.  This  publication  pre- 
sented so  ludicrous  a  contrast  between  the  sectarian 
principles  and  the  magisterial  conduct  of  these  persons, 
that  It  fairly  transported  them  hevond  the  bounds  of 
quaker  patience,  and  convinced  them  that  what  had 
been  hitherto  regarded  as  a  mere  ecclesiastical  disjuite, 
ought  now  to  be  resented  as  a  [lolitical  quarrel.  They 
declared,  that  though  a  tender  meekness  should  un- 
doubtedly characterize  their  notice  of  offences  commit- 
ted against  them  in  their  capacity  of  quakers,  yet  a 
magisterial  sternness  vvas  no  less  incumbent  upon  them, 
in  the  visitation  of  offences  that  tended  to  "lesson  the 
lawful  authority  of  the  magistracy  in  the  view  of  the 
liaser  sort  of  the  people."  Keith,  the  author  of  the 
address,  and  Bradford,  the  printer  of  it,  were  both  (after 
an  examination  which  the  other  magistrates  refused  to 
share  with  their  quaker  brethren)  committed  to  prison  ; 
Bradford's  printing  press  was  seized,  and  both  Keith 
and  he  were  denounced,  by  proclamation,  as  seditious 
persons,  and  enemies  of  the  royal  authority  in  Penn- 
sylvania. Bradford,  who  relied  on  the  protection  of 
Eiiolish  constitutional  law,  compelled  his  prosecutors 
to  bring  hiin  to  trial  for  the  offences  they  had  laid  to 
his  charge  ;  but  though  he  was  acquitted  by  the  verdict 
of  a  jury,  he  had  incurred  such  pecuniary  loss,  and 
found  himself  the  object  of  so  much  active  dislike,  that 
he  was  compelled  to  remove  his  printing  establishment 
from  Pennsylvania.  Keith  vvas  brought  to  trial  shortly 
alter,  along  witli  Francis  Budd,  another  quaker,  for 
having,  in  a  little  work  which  was  their  joint  produc- 
tion, falsely  defamed  a  quaker  magistrate,  whom  they 
had  described  as  too  high  and  imperious  in  worldly 
courts.  They  were  found  guilty,  and  sentenced  to  pay 
a  fine  of  five  pounds.!  Retiring  soon  after  to  Eng- 
land, Keith  published  an  account  of  the  whole  pro- 
ceedings against  hitn,  in  a  pamphlet  which  he  entitled 
"  New  England  sjiirit  of  persecution  transmitted  to 
Pennsylvania,  and  the  pretended  quaker  found  perse- 
cuting the  true  quaker."  So  extensive  was  his  influ- 
ence, both  in  England  and  America,  that  for  some  time 
it  was  doubted  whether  he  and  his  friends,  or  the  party 
opposed  to  them,  would  succeed  in  eclipsing  the  others, 
and  securing  to  thcniseWes  the  exclusive  possession  of 
the  quaker  name.  But  ihe  career  of  Keith,  as  a  qua- 
ker, was  suddenly  abridged,  and  his  influence  in  the 
society  completely  overthrown,  by  a  consequence  which 
it  is  probable  that  neither  he  nor  his  opponents  antici- 
patetl  from  the  commencement  of  their  disputes.  In 
the  course  of  his  labors  in  that  wide  field  of  contro- 
versy, which  the  attacks  of  his  various  adversaries  in 
Pennsvlvania  and  New  England  spread  before  him, 
Keith  succeeded  (to  his  own  satisfaction  at  least)  in  re- 
futing all  the  peculiar  tenets,  that  had  ever  been  com- 
mon to  himself  and  the  quakers  ;  and  scorning  to  con- 
ceal the  desertion  of  his  original  opinions,  he  hesitated 


♦  These  very  words,  long  before  addressed  by  William  Penn 
to  an  English  magistrate,  who  was  committing  him  to  Newgate 
(Clarkson,  i.  100)for  refusing  to  take  an  oath,  had  been  hitherto 
current  and  respected  among  Ihe  quakers,  as  imiiorti  g  no 
more  than  a  magnanimous  contempt,  or  decent  disdain.  How- 
ever deficient  in  meekness  and  courtesy,  they  were  certainly 
much  less  so  than  a  great  deal  of  the  language  that,  about  this 
period,  was  exchanged  between  many  of  the  quaker  writers 
and  their  adversaries.  One  But'g,  a  quaker,  having  about  this 
time  deserted  tfie  society  and  quarrelled  with  his  friends,  main- 
tained a  literary  warfare  with  them  that  tended  much  more  lo 
promote  the  mirth  than  the  edification  of  mankind  I  have 
seen  an  address  to  Bugg,  from  his  ancient  associates,  in  which 
they  greeted  him  with  numerous  abusive  allusions  to  the  uiisa- 
vouriness  of  his  name. 

t  Penn,  writing  to  a  friend  in  America,  declares  that  the  re- 
jiort  of  this  trial  bad  exciteil  much  disgust  in  England,  and  in- 
ifnced  many  to  exclaim  against  the  fitness  of  quakers  to  admi. 
nistur  municipal  authority.    Proud,  i.  37G. 


not  to  declare  himself  a  convert  from  the  quaker  so- 
ciety, to  the  church  of  England.  This  secession  was  % 
death-blow  to  the  influenct^  of  that  party,  which  hnd  tii- 
iherlo  espoused  bis  sentiments  ;  and  which  hencefor- 
ward, either  gradually  coalescing  with  a  more  powerful 
majority,  or  [leaceably  submitting  to  a  sentence  of  ex- 
pulsion, contributed  alike  to  the  ascend.incv  of  princi- 
ples which  originally  it  had  hoped  and  intended  to  sub- 
vert.  When  Ktuth  finally  declared  himself  the  antago- 
nist of  quakerism,  he  eiu  oimlered  the  most  active  op- 
position from  William  I'eiin  :  but  till  then,  the  treat- 
ment which  he  had  ex|)ericnced  in  Pennsylvania,  had 
been  a  source  of  the  utmost  regret  and  ditapprohatioii 
to  the  proprietary.* 

1693.]  The  governinent  that  had  been  formed  in 
England  by  the  revolution,  having  now  com|)'eted  the 
arrangements  that  were  necessary  for  its  estatilishment 
and  security  at  home,  had  leisure  to  extend  its  cares  to 
the  colonial  communities  at  the  extremity  of  the  empire. 
In  the  histories  of  the  other  A  incrican  settlements,  wo 
have  seen  instances  of  the  eagerness  which  Km"  Wil- 
liam and  his  ministers  evinced  to  appro[)riate  to  the 
crown  the  appointment  of  the  provincial  governors. 
The  situation  of  the  proprietary  of  Pennsylvania,  toge- 
ther with  various  circumstances  in  the  recent  history  o| 
this  province,  presented  a  favoral)ll^  opportunity  of  re- 
peating the  same  policy,  and,  indeed,  furnished  a  much 
more  decent  |)retext  for  it  than  had  been  deemed  suf- 
Hcient  to  warrant  an  invasion  of  the  rights  of  the  pro- 
prietary of  Maryland.  Pemi  was  generally  8Usj)ected 
l)y  the  English  people  of  adherence  to  the  interests  of 
his  ancient  patron  .lames  the  Second  ;  and  in  conse- 
cpicnce  of  3  charge  of  this  nature  (though  supported  only 
by  falseliood  and  perjuryf)  he  had  absconded  from  ju- 
dicial inquiry,  and  was  living  in  concealinent.  In 
Pennsylvania  the  laws  had  been  admimslercd  in  the 
name  of  the  banished  king,  long  after  the  government 
of  William  and  Mary  had  been  recognised  in  the  other 
coionies ;  and  the  dissensions  which  Keith's  schism 
had  excited  were  magnified  into  the  appearance  of  dis- 
orders inconsistent  with  tlie  honor  of  ihe  British  crown. 
Fortified  with  such  pretexts  for  the  roval  iiiierpositioti, 
Kmg  William  issued  a  commission,  depriving  Penn  of 
all  aiithority  in  .■\merica,  and  investing  the  government 
of  his  territories  in  Colonel  Fletcher,  who  had  aUo 
been  appointed  the  governor  of  New  York.  Penn,  who 
regarded  this  proceeding  as  a  tyrannical  usurpation  of 
Ins  rights,  adopted  the  strange  defensive  precaution  of 
writing  to  Fletcher,  beseeching  him,  on  the  score  of 
private  friendship,  to  refuse  com[)liauce  with  the  king's 
commission  ;  but  an  effort  of  this  irregular  description 
could  not  possibly  avail  him,  and  the  government  was 
quietly  surrendereil  to  Fletcher,  who  appointed,  first 
I  'oyd,  and  afterwards  .Markbain,  to  act  as  his  de|Mitv. 
In  the  commission  to  Fletcher,  no  manner  of  regard 
had  been  expressed  to  the  charter  of  J'ennsylvania  , 
and  the  main  object  of  his  policy  was  to  oblain  a  recog- 
nition of  the  dependence  of  the  province  on  the  crown. 
This  involved  him  in  a  series  of  disputes  with  the  as- 
sembly, wlio  passed  an  unanimous  resoliilioii,  that 
the  laws  of  this  province,  which  were  in  force  and  prac- 
tice before  the  arrival  of  this  present  governor,  are  still 
in  force;"  but  afterwards  judged  it  expedient  to  acqui- 
esce in  the  arrogation.  that  the  liberty  ol  conscience 
which  they  owed  to  the  wisdom  and  virtue  ol  William 
Penn  and  themselves,  was  bestowed  on  them  by  the 
grace  and  favor  of  the  king.  Farther  than  this,  tl;e 
governor  found  it  impossible  to  bend  them  to  his  wishes. 
One  object  to  which  he  sirenuoiisly  labored  to  obtain 
their  concurrence,  [lf)94]  was  a  gencrel  contribution 
in  aid  of  the  defence  of  the  frontiers  of  New  York 
against  the  arms  of  the  French.  Finding  it  necessary 
to  reinforce,  by  argument,  the  authority  of  a  royal  letter 
which  he  produced  fortius  purpose,  he  reminded  them 
that  the  military  operalioi-.s  carried  on  at  this  frontier 
contributed  to  the  defVmce  of  the  other  colonies  as  well 
as  New  York,  and  that  it  was  unpist  to  burden  this 
province  with  the  sole  charge  of  proceeilings  which 

*  G.  Thomas'  Hist,  of  Pennsylvania,  52,  I.  Proud,  i.  3tj. 
361.— 376.  Clarkson'3  Hist,  of  the  Abolition  of  the  Slave  Tra.tc, 
i.  136.  Thomas'  Hi>t.  of  Printing  in  Ameiica,  ii.  10. -21.  Frond's 
account  of  these  proceedings  bears  evident  i  arks  of  pariialiiy. 
It  is  amusing  to  observe  his  grudge  against  Keith  and  Bradford 
for  having  dated  a  paper,  which  they  published,  from  the  pri- 
son to  which  they  had  been  committ-^ 

George  Keith,  after  his  embracennrrtC  of  the  doclrinae  ""f  tha 
Church  of  England,  was  sent  back  again  as  &  misslonar)'  to 
America,  by  tlie  English  Society  for  the  Propagation  of  Ihs 
Gospel  ;  and  in  his  labors  to  convert  the  Indians,  is  said  to 
have  been  much  more  successful  than  any  of  the  votaries  o( 
his  former  tenets.    OMmtxon,  i.  146. 

t  The  author  of  llie  charge  from  which  Penn  withdrew  him- 
self, was  the  notorious  Fuller,  who  w  is  aftervirards  condemned 
to  the  pillory,  for  the  detected  falsehood  of  the  charge*  which 
tic  hou  preferred  against  other  di  linguishcd  persons. 


884 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


were  indispensible  to  the  general  safety.  He  was 
aware,  he  said,  that  the  qiiaker  principles  which  pre- 
vailed among  them  forl)ad<;  not  only  the  carrying  of 
arms,  Iml  the  levvii  g  of  money  even  for  the  support  of 
drfensive  war ;  but  ke  hoped  they  would  not  refuse  to 
feed  the  hungry  and  clothe  tho  naked,  which  were  cer- 
tainly Christiaii  virtues,  and  whioh  the  hunger  and  na- 
kedness of  the  Indian  allies  of  New  York  now  presented 
them  with  a  favorable  opportunity  of  exercising.  This 
ingrcious  casuiitry,  which  the  quakers  might  well  have 
regarded  rather  as  an  affront  to  their  understandings 
than  a  concession  to  iheir  principles,  proved  on  the  pre- 
»uiit  occasion,  quite  unavailing  ;  to  the  no  small  dis- 
pleasure of  WilLam  Penn,  who,  on  being  reinstated  in 
hi«  government,  reproached  the  assembly  with  iheir 
refusal  to  contribute  towards  the  cDininoii  defence,  and 
desired  that  a  sum  of  money  for  tliis  purpose  should 
forthwith  be  levied  and  remitted  to  New  York. 

In  addition  to  the  other  disappointments  and  mi3for- 
tunes  that  had  recently  befallen  the  proprietary  of 
Pennsylvania,  he  had  now  to  lament  a  sensible  diminu- 
tion of  the  esteem  he  had  enjoyed  with  the  members  of 
Ibs  religious  society  in  England.  Tliey  reproached 
him  with  having  meddled  more  with  politics,  and  tlie 
concerns  of  the  English  government,  than  became  a 
member  of  their  Cliristian  l>ody  ;  and  would  not  adniit 
the  benevolent  motives  of  his  conduct,  or  the  benefit 
xhivh  thf-y  themselves  had  personally  reaped  from  it, 
as  3  sufficient  apology  for  the  scandal  it  had  created, 
and  the  evil  exain|ile  it  had  alfoided.*  In  the  midst  of 
80  inanv  adverse  circumstances,  involving  th.e  desertion 
of  ancient  friends,  and  the  disappointment  of  almost 
every  object  of  temporal  satisfaction  which  he  had  pro- 
posed to  himself,  his  retirement  was  penetrated  by  the 
grateful  kindness  of  that  illustrious  man,  whom  once, 
in  ciicumstances  resembling  his  own  present  .situation, 
he  had  endeavored  to  befriend.  John  Locke,  who  was 
now  in  the  enjoyment  of  considerable  favor  at  the  Erig- 
hsh  court,  convinced  of  Peiin's  innocence,  and  mindful 
of  the  friendly  intercession  which  Penn  had  made  in 
his  behalf  with  King  James,  when  he  was  an  exile  in 
lli)llaiid,  olTered  to  employ  his  interest  to  |)rocure  him  a 
pirdon  from  King  William.  But  the  dignity  of  Penn's 
virtire  was  rather  elevated  than  depressed  by  adversity  ; 
and  emulating  the  inagnaiiimily  by  wliich  Ins  own  simi- 
lar kindness  had  been  formerly  rejected  by  Locke,  he 
declared,  that,  as  he  had  dime  nothing  blainewortliv,  he 
would  not  consent  to  slain  liis  reputation  by  accepting 
a  pardon. t  The  retirement  thus  virtuously  preserved, 
contributed  no  less  to  the  refinement  of  his  cliaracler 
than  to  the  extension  of  his  fame  :  and  was  siirnalised 
by  the  publication  of  a  .«eries  of  literary  performances 
replete  with  learning,  genius,  and  mild  benevolence. 

In  a  short  lime,  the  clouds  that  had  gathered  around 
his  fortunes  began  to  disperse  ;  the  qnakers  became 
completely  reconciled,  and  as  much  attached  as  ever 
to  him  ;  and  the  good  olfices  of  Lord  Somers,  Locke, 
<nd  other  friends,  concurring  with  the  justice  of  Ins 
oause,  and  the  detection  of  impostures  committed  by 
One  of  his  accusers,  succeeded  in  undeceiving  the  Eng- 
lish court,  and  obviated  every  pretence  for  continuing 
to  exclude  him  from  the  enjoyment  of  ihe  privileges  con- 
ferred on  him  by  the  charter  of  Pennsvlvaii.a.  A  royal 
warrant  was  accordingly  issued  for  reinstating  hiin  in 
his  proprietary  functions  ;  in  the  exercise  of  which  he 
proceded  forlhwitn  to  invest  his  kinsman,  Markliain, 
with  the  office  of  deputy-governor,  of  his  whole  territo- 
ries— thus  agiiri  re-uniting  the  executive  administra- 
tion of  Pennsylvania  and  Delaware  t 

•  Lower,  a  quaker,  the  IVieiiil  nf  I'rjm,  anil  in  gnml  re|>uie 
Willi  ihe  resi  of  ihc  sorieiy,  inulcridok  lo  inriliaie  n  r'-coiicilia. 
tiuii  belwecri  them,  and  for  this  purpose  drew  up  lite  following 
ap<dogy,  which  was  lo  be  subscribed  and  clisinbtited  by  Perm  : 
*'  If  any  thingH,  duriit?  ihese  lale  revolutions,  I  have  concen.ed 
myself,  either  by  words  or  writings  (in  love,  piiy,  or  eood-wiU 
lo  any  in  disiros:*),  farther  than  consisted  with  truth's  honor  or 
ll'C  •  b'irch's  peace,  I  am  sorry  for  it  ;  and  the  government 
haviin;  passed  it  by,  I  desire  that  it  may  be  by  you  also." 
ClarkKon,  i.  !>S.  Whether  this  a|iology  was  presented  or  not, 
Is  unknown  :  but  a  reconciliation  took  place  sliortly  after  bc- 
Iween  Penn  and  the  tpiakerii. 

\  This  wan  not  the  only  point  of  similarity  in  the  histories  of 
tiiese  distingiiisheil  persons.  Both  had  been  llie  dupes  of  very 
bad  men  (Shaftesbury  and  James  ti.e  Secmid),  and  both  suf- 
feretl  nfijiintly  for  their  ctninexion  with  them.  Both  were  ex- 
pelled  from  the  university  of  Dxford. 

t  Proud,  1.  400—404.  Clarkson,  277.  97.  Mr.  Clarkson's 
jtnieineoiit  thai  this  warrant  w.is  expressed  in  a  ni.inner  parii. 
cuUrly  creiliiable  to  William  Penn,  is  erroiioons.  The  aliMrart 
he  has  given  of  its  import  is  equally  so,  and  shows  him  to  have 
been  misled  by  some  defective  copy  of  the  iostrument,  which 
III  reality  commenced  m  this  manner  ;— *'  Whereas  upon  iiifor- 
Intnoii,  that,  by  reason  of  great  miscairiages  in  the  govern 
mem  of  our  province  of  Pennsylvania,  in  America,  and  the  nb- 
»ence  "f  the  proprietor,  the  »iime  was  fillen  inio  disorder  and 
confusion,**  kc.  The  reu'^on  assn^ned  lor  resioniii:  him  is, 
that  he  ••  has  f  iveii  us  go.id  assnranre  that  he  will  i.tke  rare  of 
Um  fOTernmont  of  onr  snid  provinre  and  territoriai,  and  jiro. 
*id«  Kt  Iha  safaty  and  sucunty  lliercof.*' 


I     Pennsylvania,  meanwhile,  continued  to  increase  its 

riifinlation  with  such  rapnlitv,  that,  about  this  period, 
1695]  the  number  of  inhabitants  (exclusive  of  negro 
j  slaves),  was  estimated  at  twenty  thousand.  A  consi- 
derable change  was  observed  soon  after  the  English 
Revolution  in  the  character  of  the  emigrants,  who, 
chough  generally  respectable  persons,  yet  showed  very 
plainly,  in  many  [larts  of  their  conduct,  and  especially 
in  their  reluctance  to  embrace  the  measures  that  were 
proposed  for  mitigating  the  evils  of  negro  slavery,  that 
views  of  temporal  enrichment  had  much  more  power- 
fully influenced  them  in  resorting  to  America  than  re- 
ligious zeal.  The  formality  of  a^iparel  and  simplicity 
of  manners  peculiar  to  the  constitutions  of  the  qnakers, 
served  to  purify  their  bodv  by  confining  its  attractions 
to  solier-minded  men  ;  and  enforced  the  example  of  in- 
dustrv  ;  by  increasing '  its  efficacy  in  conducting  to  a 
plentiful  estate.  But  the  temporal  advantages  thus 
closely  associated  with  quaker  manners  had  latterly 
tended  to  produce  a  practical  relaxation  of  (he  strictness 
and  spirituality  of  quaker  principles,  and  to  adulterate 
the  motives  from  which  the  profession  of  these  princi- 
ples was  embraced.  The  attractions  of  Pennsylvania 
as  a  sanctuary  of  liberty  of  conscience  had  been  com- 
paratively diminished  to  the  English  dissenters  by  the 
Revolution  ;  but  its  attractions,  in  other  respects,  con- 
tinued unabated,  and,  by  the  widely-diffused  influence 
and  ccrrespondence  of  Penn,  were  circulated  through 
all  parts  of  the  British  empire.  Already  many  persons 
who  in  England  had  found  it  difficult  to  gain  a  liveli- 
hood, had  in  Pennsylvania  amassed  estates,  to  the 
value,  some,  of  many  thou.-ands,  more  of  many  hun- 
dreds of  pounds.  The  accounts  that  were  published  in 
England  of  the  wages  of  labor  in  the  province  attracted 
thither  a  considerable  number  of  persons  in  the  hum- 
blest walks  of  life,  who  had  the  expenses  of  their  trans- 
portation defrayed  by  the  wealthier  individuals,  to  whom 
for  a  series  of  years,  they  engaged  themselves  as  ser- 
vants. But  the  improvement  in  the  condition  of  these 
people  was  so  rapid,  that  a  want  of  laborers,  and  the 
exorbitancy  of  the  wages  that  were  necessarv  to  retain 
free  men  in  tliat  condition,  were  continual  sulijects  of 
complaint.  These  circumstances,  concurring  with  the 
example  of  the  neighboring  colonies,  had  originally  intro- 
duced, and  now  continued  to  prolong,  the  subsistence  of 
negro  slavery  in  tlit^  province  ;  and  this  vile  institution, 
by  degrading  servitude,  and  rendering  it  a  condition 
still  more  nndesirable  to  free  men,  promoted  the  causes 
from  which  itself  had  arisen.  It  required  more  virtue 
than  even  the  qnakers  were  yet  capable  of  exerting  to 
defend  themselves  from  the  contagion  of  this  evil,  and 
to  induce  them  to  divide  the  produce  of  their  lands  wilh 
their  laborers,  in  such  proportions  as  might  have  enabled 
them  to  employ  only  free  labor  in  their  cultivation. 

During  the  interval  that  elapsed  between  the  resto- 
ration of  Ptnin  to  his  pro|irietary  authority,  and  Ids 
second  visit  to  his  people,  [169t)]  some  change  was  in- 
troduced into  the  form  of  the  provincial  constitution. 
Markham  had  repeatedly  pressed  the  assembly  to  au- 
thorise the  levy  of  a  sum  of  money,  lo  be  remitted  lo 
the  g()vernor  of  New  York,  for  the  support  of  the  war  ; 
or,  as  It  was  decently  declared,  for  the  relief  of  the 
poor  Indians  ;  and  I'enn,  in  his  letters  trom  England, 
had  reinforced  this  a)iplication  by  declaring,  that  the 
preservation  of  the  proprietary  government  would  again 
be  endangered  bv  their  refusal  to  comply  with  it.  This 
appeared  lo  the  assembly  a  favorable  opportunity  of 
obtaining  a  change  which  they  had  long  desired  to 
effect.  III  the  distribution  of  the  legislative  liiiiclioiis 
between  themselves  and  the  governor  and  council  ; 
and  showing  plainly  that,  wilhoiit  this  equivalent,  they 
were  determined  not  lo  wave  their  scruples  to  a  con- 
tribution for  hostile  purposes,  they  compelled  Maruhai;". 
to  consent  to  the  passing  of  a  new  act  of  settlement, 
which  formed  the  third  jranu  or  charier  of  the  Pemi- 
svlvanian  constitution.  By  this  new  com|iact,  it  was 
provided,  that  from  each  county  there  should  be  chosen 
only  two  persons  to  represent  the  people  in  connci!, 
and  four  as  their  represeiitalivcs  in  assembly  ;  the 
council  being  thus  reduced  in  number  from  eighteen  to 
twelve,  and  the  assembly  from  thirly-six  to  tweiily-four. 
It  was  farther  stipulated,  that  the  assembly  should 
regulate  its  own  adjournments,  and  should  be  no  longer 
confined  lo  a  simple  assent  or  negation  to  legislative 
propositions  originating  uilh  the  governor  and  council, 
liut  should  share  with  them  the  privilege  of  preparing 
and  proposing  laws.  On  receiving  this  boon,  the  as- 
sembly passed  an  order  for  raising  the  sum  of  three 
hundred  pounds,  to  be  remitted  to  the  governor  of  New- 
York,  for  the  relief  of  the  distressed  Indians  on  the 
frontiers  of  Ins  province.*  Uovernor  Fletcher  wrote 
•  It  »as  alinukl  at  the  ^anic  tiino  thai  Archdale,  Ihc  quaker 


I  to  Markham  in  the  following  year,  f  !C97]  declanng 
that  the  money  had  been  faithfully  applied  to  the  feed- 
ing and  clothing  of  the  Indians,  and  desiring  a  fresL 
snpi)ly  for  Ihe  same  benevolent  purpose.  The  assem- 
bly, in  reply  lo  this  proposition,  desired  that  tlieii 
thanks  mij,-ht  be  conveyed  lo  Fletcher  for  "  his  regard 
and  candor  to  ihem"  in  applying  their  former  remit- 
lance  to  the  use  they  ha<l  intended;  adding,  il^it 
although,  for  the  present,  they  must  decline  to  impose 
farther  burdens  on  the  province,  thev  would  always  be 
ready  lo  observe  the  king's  farliier  commands,  **  accord- 
ing to  iheir  religious  persuasions  and  abilities  "  Thus 
early  did  the  quakers  experience  the  dilPcijIty  of  recon- 
ciling their  religious  principles  wiih  the  adniinistration 
of  political  power.  It  was  but  a  few  years  after,  when, 
in  answer  lo  a  reipiisition  from  William  Penn,  in  tho 
king's  name,  for  a  sum  expressly  intended  for  the  erec- 
tion of  forts  and  batteries  at  New  York,  the  Peiinsvlva- 
nian  assembly  assigned  their  poverty,  and  the  parlnlity 
which  imposed  upon  them  so  many  exactions  from 
which  other  and  older  colonies  were  exempted,  as  the 
only  reasons  for  deferring  to  comply  wiih  the  kino'g 
commands,  "  so  far  as  their  abililies  and  religious  per- 
suasions shall  permit."  This  salro,  wnich  was  alwavi 
inserted  on  such  occasions,  for  ihe  honor  of  quaker  con- 
sistency, never  prevented  ihe  quakers  of  Pennsylvania 
from  contributing,  as  the  subjects  of  a  military  govern- 
ment, their  full  contingent  lo  the  sinews  of  war.  In 
voting  grants  of  money  which  were  expressly  de- 
manded, and  which  they  well  knew  would  be  employed 
to  impel  ihe  rage  of  war,  and  reward  ihe  ferocity  of 
savages  whom  they  had  [irofessed  their  anxious  desire 
lo  convert  ami  civilize,  it  was  always  attempted  by  Ihe 
substitution  of  some  other  alleged  purpose,  to  shift  the 
sin  from  themselves  to  their  military  superiors,  or  at 
least  to  draw  a  decent  veil  over  concessions  winch  lliey 
could  neither  withhold  nor  avow.*  This  veil  was  not 
wiihout  its  use,  if  it  contributed  to  maintain  among  the 
Peiinsylvaniaii  quakers  thai  respect  for  their  pacific 
tenets  which  they  displayed  in  the  following  ccnturi*, 
when  the  English  government,  endeavoring  lo  |>ush 
ihem  into  a  still  more  active  and  unequivocal  co-opera- 
lion  with  military  measures,  they  sacrificed  to  ibeir 
principles  the  possession  of  political  jiower.  To  the 
real  derelicUoii  of  these  prmc.ples,  however,  which  was 
sullered  to  gain  admission  among  ihem  under  the  cover 
of  this  veil,  may  perhaps,  in  part,  be  ascribed  that  schism 
which  produced  the  sect  or  parly  of  I'icc  i^iuikeis.  who. 
during  the  war  of  independence,  look  arms  against 
Great  Britain,  and  have  since  continued  to  jiroliss  llie 
lawfulness  of  defensi\e  war. 

1698 — 99.]  The  colony  continued  lo  glide  on  for 
some  time  in  a  course  of  tranquil  prosperity,  inter- 
rupted at  length  by  an  event  which  had  been  now  loo 
long  deferred  to  be  capable  of  producing  ihe  beneficial 
consequences  which  at  one  lime  were  fondly  expected 
lo  ensue  from  it — the  return  of  the  proprietary  lo  liia 
American  dominions.  On  this  second  occasion,  ac- 
companied by  Ins  family,  and  [irofessmg  his  intention  to 
spend  the  remainder  of  his  life  in  Pennsvlvaiiia,  his 
arrival  was  hailed  with  general,  if  not  uiiirersal  satis- 
laclioii, — of  which  the  only  visible  abalemeiil  wa» 
created  by  the  first  visitalion  of  that  dreadful  epniemic 
ihe  yellow  fever  (since  so  fatally  prevalent)  al  Phila- 
del|)nia.t  Some  young  men  having  ventiiretJ,  m  ojipo- 
silioii  10  llie  coiniiiaiids  of  the  magistrates,  to  salute 
the  jiroprietary  on  his  arrival  wiih  a  dischaige  of  artil- 
lery, performed  this  operation  so  awkwardly,  as  lo 
occasion  a  severe  injury  to  iheraseKes  ;  which  the  qua- 
kers seem  to  have  regarded  as  a  providential  rebuke  of 
a  tribute  oo  unsuitable  to  a  member  of  iheir  fralernily. 
The  very  first  transactions  that  look  place  betweea 
Penn  and  his  provincial  asseniLly  were  but  ill  calcula- 

^■^overnor  c!'  Cirolina,  introduced  into  this  province  aiiiwi'jr 
the  formation  oi's  :nil^:*ft. 

•  Dr.  Kranklin  incniii.r.s  ia  Instance  some  years  nfiT,  of  a 
rcqiusition  addressed  to  the  BSan.-.l'iy  of  Peo:i»y.' cf  * 
grant  of  of  £'iOO<l  for  the  purchase  o4  cu(.pjv,'Jr-  :  w'4'.'.h  lbs 
assembly  replied,  that,  consistently  wiih  tpiak^r  p> .■iplen. 
they  could  not  grants  farthing  for  such  a  ■  ..rposc.  t.  ii  n*a 
voted  £'^0(10  for  the  purchase  of  grain.  Virions  inji":„ea  of 
accession  lo  war,  still  more  uiiainbigt'.iU9,  on  the  f  (r:  of  Ih4 
American  quakers,  arc  related  in  Kalm'i  iravrig  in  Morih 
America,  vol.  i. 

t  Thomas  Story,  an  emineri  prencher  among  the  (^UHkxn, 
and  afterwards  recorder  of  rhilndelphii,  thu<  derribfr.  the  ..n 
p'ression  produced  bv  th'-  previiUnce  ol  this  epiileniic  "Oroa* 
was  the  imiiosty  anO  liand  of  the  Lord  j  great  wa«  the  fear  that 
fril  ni«on  all  Hesh  ,  I  saw  no  lofty  or  airy  counleniince,  not 
haard  any  vai-.,  jesting  to  move  men  to  laughter:  nor  extrava- 
gant feasti'.t;  to  excite  above  measure  the  lusts  of  the  tlesh;  but 
every  l>.,"e  gaihered  paleness,  and  many  heans  were  humbled, 
and  countenances  tal'?-.!  and  sink,  as  such  that  waited  every 
moment  to  lie  smncioned  to  the  bar."  Prouil,  vol.  i.  p.  4-i. 
Mow  dillrrent  this  from  Thucydides'  description  of  ilio  in- 
ere.iser  gaiety  and  proHi^'acy  produced  by  Ibo  plafju*  M 
.\thens. 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


833 


tod  to  promote  their  mutual  satisfaction.  In  the  his- 
tory of  some  of  the  other  settlements  (and  particularly 
of  Carolina  and  New  York,)  we  liavi-  seen  that  the 
American  seas  were  at  this  time  infested  by  pirates, 
whose  prodigal  expenditure  of  money  among  their  en- 
tertainers, and  whose  readiness  to  assist  in  evading  the 
obnoxious  acts  of  navigation,  recommei>ded  them  too 
successfully  to  the  countenance  of  many  of  the  North 
American  cnloni>ts.  Pennsylvania  had  not  escaped 
this  reproach,  which  Penn  had  coininumcated  in  letters 
to  the  assembly  ;  by  whom,  while  laws  were  readily 
enacted  against  the  practices  imputed  to  them,  procla- 
mations had  at  the  same  time  been  issued,  declaring  in 
the  strongest  terms  that  these  im[)Utations  were  un- 
founded. This  disagreeable  subject  was  resumed  im- 
inediately  after  the  arrival  of  Penn  ;  and  though  the 
assembly  still  complained  of  the  injustice  of  the  re- 
proach, it  was  found  necessary  to  expel  from  it  one  of 
its  members,  the  son-in-law  of  Colonel  Markham,  v\ho 
was  suspected  of  participating,  or  at  least  countenanc- 
ing piracy.  Still  more  |>roductive  of  uneasiness  weie 
the  a|iphcations  which  Penn  was  compelled  by  the 
British  government  lo  address  to  his  assembly  for  lery- 
ing  money  to  be  expended  on  military  operations  at 
New  York  ;  and  which  were  answered  only  by  com- 
plaints of  the  hardship  of  these  exactions,  and  protesta- 
tions of  the  inability  of  the  province  to  comply  with 
them.  But  the  most  signal  and  unhappy  disagreement 
that  occurred  between  Penn  and  the  assembly,  arose 
from  the  measures  which  he  now  suggested  for  imp'rov- 
ing  the  treatment  of  negro  slaves,  and  correcting 
abuses  that  had  occurred  in  the  intercourse  between 
the  colonists  and  the  Indians. 

It  was  impossible  that  the  evils  of  slavery,  and  the 
repugnance  of  such  an  inhuman  institution  to  the  dutie« 
of  Christianity,  which  Baxter,  Tryon,  and  other  writers 
had  already  pressed  upon  the  attention  of  the  protestant 
inhabitants  of  Christendom,  could  escape  the  sense  of 
those  benevolent  sectaries,  who  professed  to  exhibit  a 
peculiar  conformity  to  the  mildest  an<l  most  self  deny- 
ing precepts  of  the  gospel.  When  George  Fox,  die 
founder  of  this  sect,  paid  a  visit  to  Barbadoes  in  1671, 
he  found  the  quakers,  as  well  as  the  other  white  inhabi- 
tants, in  possession  of  slaves.  "  Respecting  their  ne- 
groes," he  relates  among  his  other  admonitions  to  the 
quakcr  planters,  "  I  desired  them  to  endeavor  to  train 
Ihem  up  in  the  fear  of  God,  as  well  those  that  were 
bought  with  their  money,  as  those  that  were  born  in 
their  families.  I  desired  also  that  they  would  cause 
thoii  overseers  to  deal  mildly  and  gently  with  their  ne- 
groes, and  not  use  cruelty  towards  them,  as  the  manner 
of  some  hath  been  and  is  ;  and  that  after  certain  years 
of  servitude,  they  should  make  them  free.'"  How  con- 
scientiously the  quakers  complied  with  this  admonition 
is  apparent,  from  a  law  passed  by  the  legislature  of 
Barbadoes  live  years  after,  commanding  them  to  desist 
from  giving  instruction  to  negroes,  and  in  particular 
from  admitting  them  to  their  religious  assemblages  ;  t 
and  how  magnanimously  they  persisted  to  do  their  duty 
In  the  face  of  this  unchristian  command,  may  be  infer- 
red from  an  enactment  of  the  same  legislature  in  the 
following  year,  imposing  a  penalty  on  any  shipmaster 
who  should  bring  a  quaker  to  the  island.  The  prose- 
cution of  such  measures,  and  the  adoption  of  a  similar 
policy  m-  athers  of  the  West  India  plantations,  suc- 
ceeded in  banishing  from  these  settlements  an  example 
which  might  have  been  attended  with  the  most  bene- 
ficial consequences  to  the  interests  of  the  planters  and 
llie  happiness  of  the  negroes;  and  oompelled  many 
qiiaker  planters  to  emigrate  to  America,  where  they 
brought  with  them  their  modified  opinions  on  the  sub- 
jectofslavery.  Many  of  them  probably  entertained  the 
intention  of  an  entire  compliance  with  the  admonition 
of  Fox,  by  setting  their  negroes  at  liberty  after  certain 
years  of  servitude  ;  but  this  purpose  was  easily  over- 
Dowered  by  the  sophistry  and  temptation  of  self-inte- 


*  Fox's  Jdurnal  (3a  .nlit.)  431  An  earlier  and  more  un- 
eoinproiuising  resistance  lo  slavery  was  niaile  bv  some  of  the 
Clargy  of  the  cliurrh  i.t  Rome  At  St.  Luiz,  in  the  vc:v  1653 
llie  ccleliraicd  Jesuit  Vieyra  scrupled  .,.>t  l  r..in  tlie  pi'ilpit  to  del 
Clare,  to  a  congregation  (,f  slave  owners,  liiai  on  man  could 
hn  il  a  negro  in  slavery,  withont  devoiinir  his  own  soul  to  eter. 
nal  slavery  in  hell.  SoniheVs  Hist..rv  oT  Brazil.  Part  II  cap 
3P.  This  discourse,  which  .Mr.  Southcv  has  preserved  at  full  ' 
length.  IS,  perhaps,  the  most  eloquent  and  powerful  denuncia- 
tion ol  the  system  of  slavery  thai  ever  was  uttered  or  written 
07  priest  or  layman. 

f,>r>i,"','i',"','^c?i^u"'-  ''■  "^^^  P^^mble  of  this  law  sets 

11  rill,  thai  Whereas  many  negroes  have  been  suffered  lo  re. 
niain  at  the  meeting  of  quakers  as  hearers  of  their  doctrine, 
ail',  tiinghi  111  their  principles,  wherehv  the  safety  of  this  island 
Bjay  be  mud>  hazarded,"  Sec.  We  find  the  le-i'slature  of  Bar- 
badoes. an  hundred  and  fifty  years  alter,  enactiiii.' similar  laws 
RCaiiist  the  methodist  teachers  and  preachers,  and  declaring 
u«t  ttieir  Uocjruies  were  fined  to  turn  the  world  upside  down 


rest,  the  contagion  of  general  example,  and  the  influ- 
ence of  habit  in  blunting  the  feelings  of  humanity. 

By  his  acquisition  of  the  Delaware  territory,  it  is 
proliable  that  Penn,  on  coming  to  the  possession  of  his 
American  domains,  found  the  system  of  negro  slavery 
already  established  within  them.  During  his  rirst  visit, 
it  appears  that  a  few  negroes  were  imported  into  Penn- 
sylvania, and  were  purchased  by  the  quakers,  as  well 
as  the  other  settlers.  While  the  scarcity  of  laborers 
enforced  the  temptation  to  this  practice,  the  kindnens 
ofquaker  manners  contributed  to  soften  its  evil  and 
veil  its  iniquity  ;  and  it  was  not  till  the  year  1688, 
that  the  repugnance  of  slavery  itself,  however  disguised 
to  the  tenets  of  (  'hristianity,  was  first  suggested  to  the 
Pennsylvanians  by  the  emigrants  who  had  resorted  to 
them  from  Germany.  Whatever  taint  the  practice 
of  the  quakers  might  have  derived  from  human  infir- 
mity, they  were  still  anxious  as  a  body  to  maintain  the 
theoretical  purity  of  their  principles  ;  and  accordingly, 
in  compliance  with  the  suggestion  of  the  Ciermans,  a 
resolution  declaratory  of  this  undeniable  truth  was 
passed  in  the  same  year,  by  the  annual  meeting  of  the 
quakers  of  Pennsylvania.  The  etlcct  of  this  generous 
homage  to  religious  truth  and  the  rights  of  human  na- 
ture, however,  was  not  carried  beyond  a  practical  ex- 
emption of  the  slaves  of  the  quakers,  from  evils  not  in- 
ev'tably  inherent  in  the  system  of  bondage.  CJeorge 
Keith,  as  we  have  seen,  made  an  attempt,  in  1692,  to 
bring  the  practice  of  his  fellow-sectaries  into  a  closer 
accommodation  to  their  theory.  But  his  violence  and 
irregularity  were  not  calculated  to  recommend  his  dic- 
tates to  general  esteem  ;  and  the  increasing  number  of 
the  slaves,  together  with  the  diversities  of  character 
among  the  colonists  (to  which  I  have  already  adverted), 
rendered  the  emancipation  of  the  negroes  increasingly 
improbable.  In  the  year  1696,  the  annual  meeting  of 
the  Pennsvlvanian  quakers  repeated  their  former  de- 
claration, adding  to  it  an  earnest  admonition  lo  the 
members  of  their  society,  to  refrain  from  all  farther  im- 
portations of  negro  slaves  ;  but  no  other  immediate  ef- 
fect seems  to  have  resulted  from  this  measure,  than  an 
increased  concern  for  the  welfare  of  the  negroes,  who 
in  some  instances  were  admitted  to  attend  divine  wor- 
siliip  in  the  same  ineeting-houses  with  their  quaker 
masters. 

On  his  second  arrival  in  America,  [1700]  Penn 
seems  very  soon  to  have  perceived,  that  from  the  varie- 
ties of  character  among  his  colonists,  and  the  inevitable 
tendency  of  ahsolule  power  to  abuse,  the  negro  slavery 
of  Pennsylvania  too  much  resembled,  in  some  instances, 
the  features  of  the  same  institution  in  other  places. 
He  was  mortified  with  the  discovery,  at  the  same  time, 
of  numerous  frauds  and  abuses  that  disgraced  the  cha- 
racter of  the  colonists  in  their  traffic  with  the  Indians. 
With  the  view  of  providing  a  remedv  for  both  these 
evils,  he  presented  to  the  assembly  three  bills  which  he 
had  himself  prepared  ;  the  first,  for  regulating  the  morals 
and  marriages  of  the  negroes  ;  the  second,  for  regulat- 
ing the  trials  and  punishments  of  the  negroes  ;  and  the 
third,  for  preventing  abuses  and  frauds  upon  the  Indians. 
The  assembly  instantly  negatived  the  first  and  last  of 
these  bills  ;  acceding  only  to  that  which  related  to  the 
trial  and  the  punishment  of  their  slaves.  No  account  is 
transmitted  of  any  discussion  or  debate  on  the  bills 
which  were  rejected  ;  and  indeed  it  is  probable  that  the 
assembly,  in  this  instance,  were  glad  to  confine  them- 
selves lo  the  ancient  formula  of  simply  approvitig  or 
rejecting  the  bills  presented  to  then*.  But  it  is  said  by 
one  of  the  biographers  of  Penn,  that  the  feelings  of  the 
proprietary  received  a  convulsive  shock  on  the  occasion. 
He  had  indeed  been  unanimously  supported  by  his 
council,  which  consisted  entirely  of  quakers,  in  pro- 
posing the  bills  ;  hut  he  had  seen  them  decisively  ne- 
gatived by  an  asseinbly,  of  which  a  great  majority  con- 
sisted of  persons  of  the  saine  religious  persuasion. 
Though  disappointed  of  the  more  extensive  inHiience, 
whicli  as  a  political  legislator  he  had  hoped  to  exercise, 
he  was  yet  able,  in  his  ecclesiastical  ministry  among 
the  quakers,  to  introduce  into  their  discipline  regula- 
tions and  practices  relative  to  the  purposes  of  the  re- 
jected bills,  the  spirit  of  which,  at  least,  was  by  the  ex- 
ample of  this  powerful  sect  forcibly  recommended  to 
general  imitation.  Monthly  meetings  were  enacted 
ainong  the  quakers,  for  the  religious  and  moral  educa- 
tion of  their  negro  slaves  ;  and  regular  conferences 
were  arranged  with  the  Indians,  for  communicating  to  j 
them  whatever  instruction  they  could  be  prevailed  on 
to  accept.  Penn  finally  obtained  leave,  or  at  least, 
took  it  upon  himself  to  make  a  treaty  with  the  Indians,  | 
by  which  they  acknowledged  tlfeintelves  subjects  n!  the  j 
British  crown,  and  atnenable  to  the  provincial  laws  ;  | 
&nd  by  which  cerl&in  regulations  wsrc  prtscribed,  fur  I 


I  preventing  frauds  upon  them  in  their  commercial  dcal> 

ings  with  the  wliil(^  population. 

Thus  was  cherished  m  the  quaker  society  a  principlo 
which  about  (ifty  years  after  obtained  the  signal  triumph 
1  of  procuring  emancipation  to  all  the  negroes  in  /Xme- 
I  rica  belonging  to  quakers  ;  and  thus,  meanwhile,  was 
cherished  in  the  general  body  of  the  inhabilanis  ol 
Pennsylvania  a  sense  of  what  was  due  to  the  claims  of 
human  nature,  which  obtained  for  the  slaves  in  this  pro- 
vince a  treatment  far  kinder  and  more  equitable  than 
tliey  enjoyed  in  any  other  of  the  American  states. 
Notwithstanding  the  encouragement  afl'ordeil  by  llio 
British  government  to  the  ini|iortation  of  iicoroes  into 
all  the  American  settlements,  th&  slaves  in  Pennsylva- 
nia never  formed  more  than  a  very  insignificant  fraction 
of  the  whole  population  of  the  province.  Slavery  sub- 
sisted longer  in  Delaware  ;  and  the  slaves  in  this  set- 
tlement, though  not  numerous,  were  rather  inofc  so 
than  in  the  larger  jirovince  of  Pennsylvania.* 

In  addition  to  the  other  disagreeable  impressions  of 
which  his  second  visit  to  .America  had  been  productive, 
William  Penn  had  now  the  mortificaticn  of  witnessing 
a  revival  of  the  jealousies  between  Delaware  and  Penn- 
sylvania, and  the  inefncacy  of  all  his  efforts  to  promote 
a  cordial  union  between  the  inhabitants  of  these  coun- 
tries. Asa  remedy  for  their  mutual  dissatisfaction,  he 
had  prepared  a  change  in  the  frame  of  government : 
I  but  the  adjustment  of  this  compact  tended  rather  to  in- 
flame than  allay  the  existing  dis(iutes.  He  endeavored 
to  defer  the  extremity  to  which  their  dis|iules  mani- 
festly tended,  by  various  acts  of  conciliation  towards 
the  weaker  and  more  jealous  party,  and  particularly  by 
convoking  at  Newcastle,  the  metropolis  of  Delaware, 
another  assembly,  which  was  held  in  the  close  of  this 
year.  But  although  he  succeeded  alter  many  eflbria 
in  obtaining  from  this  as.sembly  a  subsidy  for  the  sup- 
port of  his  government,  and  made  some  progress  in  ar- 
ranging with  them  the  terms  of  a  new  charier  or  frame 
of  government,  the  mutual  jealousies  between  the  two 
settlements  were  displayed  with  such  unreserve,  that  in 
almost  every  topic  of  consideration,  the  Delaware  re- 
presentatives, to  a  man,  voted  exactly  the  reverse  o( 
whatever  was  proposed  or  approved  by  the  Pennsylva- 
nians. The  subsidy  amounted  to  21)00/.  of  which 
1573/.  was  the  proportion  imposed  upon  Pemisvlvania, 
and  the  remainder  upon  Delaw  are.  It  was  unwise,  per- 
haps, of  Penn  to  invite  his  pcojile  to  the  acceptance  ol 
a  jiew  social  compact,  at  a  time  when  they  were  .«o 
much  heated  by  mutual  j<>alousy,  and  when  the  union 
between  the  two  settlements  was  evidently  so  preca- 
rious. It  afibrded  a  jiretext  not  long  after  for  laxiiig 
him  with  converting  the  publ'c  distractions  lo  his  ovsn 
advantage,  and  effectuating  devices  for  the  enlargement 
o.  his  own  power,  while  the  minds  of  his  people  were 
too  much  occupied  [1701]  wilh  their  mutual  dissen- 
sions to  perceive  the  drift  ol  his  propositions. 

But  Penn  had  now  determined  again  to  leave  Ame- 
rica, and  return  to  England  ;  and  while  he  naturally 
desired  to  have  some  frame  of  government  finally  esta- 
blished before  his  departure,  his  recent  experience  had 
doubtless  impressed  him  with  the  conviction,  that  an 
extension  of  his  own  authority  would  render  the  consti- 
tution more  subservient  to  the  welfare  of  the  people, 
and  afford  a  freer  scope  to  the  promotion  of  views,  and 
the  exertion  of  influence,  which  must  always  be  impar- 
tially directed  lo  the  general  advantage. 

In  the  last  assembly,  which  he  held  before  his  depar- 
tuie,  he  had  occasion  to  exert  all  bis  authority  and  ad- 
dress to  prevent  the  re[)reseiitatives  of  Delaware  and 
Peiinsylvania  frcm  coming  to  an  open  rupture,  and  also 
to  guaid  his  own  interests  m  the  sale  and  lease  of  vacant 
lands,  from  an  attempt  of  the  assembly  to  exercise  a 


♦  Proud,  vol.  i.  p.  4'.!3.  4-29— JSi.  Clarkson's  Abolition  of  iIm 
Slave  Trade,  vol  i.  p  136,  137.  Ibid.  Life  of  I'eiin,  vid.  il.  p. 
219,  219.  225.  Wiiiterbolham,  vol.  ii.  p.  417.  Warden,  vol.  li. 
p.  69.  125.  In  the  course  of  his  miniMerial  labors  at  tins  time, 
Penn  visited  his  ipiaker  brethren  in  Maryland,  and  appears  to 
have  been  received  in  a  friendly  manner  by  his  aiirient  adver- 
sary Lord  Baltimore,  who  with  his  lady  acconipanieil  lii:n  ii>  a 
cpiaker  inecthig.  Penn  regretted,  for  the  sake  of  his  noble 
companions,  that  the  fervor  ol  tlie  meeting  had  subsiiled  belore 
their  entrance,  and  lady  Baltimore  declared  herself  disap- 
pointed of  the  diversion  she  had  e.tpecled.  He  had  aUo  va- 
rious iiiterviev\s  with  the  Indians,  who  listened  to  hiio  wil- 
lingly  as  long  as  be  confined  lum.self  lo  general  a.lnsions  lo 
religion.  But  wlicii  be  desired  on  one  occasion  to  dncci  llioit 
minds  lo  the  search  of  an  iiucnial  niaiiifeslation  of  Ihe  Re- 
deemer of  the  human  race.  Ins  inlerprelerdeclared  thai  ihere 
were  no  words  in  the  Indian  tongue  that  were  capable  of  con- 
veviMi:  such  a  notion. 

To  Penn  biniselt,  Ihe  Indians  very  readily  paid  a  degree  of 
respect,  wlurli  they  refused  lo  eMend  lo  his  religu  us  tenets. 
Many  of  them  believed  bim  a  bei:  g  ol  a  higher  ordei  i  han  the  rest 
of  mankind  ;  "  nor  could  Ibey  for  a  long  time  credit  Ihc  newi 
ofliisdealh,  iiol  believing  hini  subietl  to  the  accidenls  of  r,t 
tore.''  Farmer's  View  of  tb«  Policy  of  Great  Brllajn,  me;. 
(A.  U.  1V64.)  J).  60. 


836 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


control  oyer  them.  A  great  many  laws  were  passed  ;  I  Ceived  of  a  project  of  the  English  ministers  to  abolish 
of  which  the  most  reinarkahlc  were,  for  the  estabhsh-  I  all  the  proprietary  jiirisdictioiid  in  North  America,  and 
menl  of  n  |iosi-otiii  e.  for  liie  punishiiicnt  of  the  vices  of  I  the  necessity  of  his  own  a|)pearance  in  En;^land  lo  op- 
•coldiiig  and  driinlicnness  ;  for  restrainin;;  itie  practice  i  pose  a  proceeding  so  derogatory  to  his  interest  :  but  as 
of  drinkini;  healths,  and  for  the  destruction  of  wolves.  1  he  found  on  his  arrival  in  this  country,  that  the  nieasnre 
Bnt  the  moat  important  proceeding  on  this  occasion  |  had  been  abandoned,  and  yet  never  again  returned  to 


was  the  enactment  of  the  new  charter  or  frame  of  go- 
vcfiimcnt,  which  Penn  finally  tendered  to  the  assembly, 
a;;d  prevailed  wuh  six  parts  in  seven  of  that  body  to 
Eccc()t,  and  even  thankfully  acknowledge.  By  this 
charter,  it  was  provided  (in  conformity  with  the  Irame 
of  109C)  that  an  assembly  should  be  annually  chosen 
by  the  freemen,  to  consist  of  four  persons  out  of  each 
county,  or  of  a  greater  number,  if  the  governor  and  as- 
sembly should  so  agree  ;  tlial  tins  assembly  should 
choosi!  its  own  olficers,  and  be  the  sole  judges  ol  the 
qualifications  and  elections  of  the  members;  tliut  it 
should  prepare  bills,  impeach  criminals,  and  redress 
grievances  ;  and  possess  all  the  other  powers  and  privi- 
leges of  an  assembly,  according  to  the  rights  ol  the 
freeborn  subjects  of  England,  and  tiie  customs  observed 
in  anv  of  the  king's  plantations  in  America.  The  go- 
vernor was  ein|)Owered  to  summon,  prorogue,  and  dis- 
solve the  assembly  ;  to  nominate  his  council  ;  to  dis- 
charge singly  the  whole  executive  functions  of  govern- 
ment, and  10  share  the  legislative,  by  atiirming  or  re- 
jecting the  bills  of  the  assembly.*  It  was  declared  that 
liberty  of  conscience  should  i)e  inviolably  preserved  ; 
that  Christijiis  of  every  denomination  should  be  quali- 
fied to  fill  llie  otficers  of  government  ;  and  that  no  act 
or  ordniaiice  should  ever  be  made  to  alter  or  diminish 
the  form  or  ellect  of  tins  charter,  without  the  consent 
of  the  governor  for  the  time  being,  and  tix  parts  in 
seven  of  the  assembly.  But  as  it  was  now  plainly  fore- 
seen that  the  representatives  of  the  province,  and  those 
of  the  territories,  would  not  long  continue  to  unite  in 
legislation,  it  was  provided  that  tliey  should  be  allowed 
to  sep.irate  witliin  three  years  from  the  date  of  the  cliar- 
ttr;  and  should  enjoy  the  same  privileges  wiieii  sepa- 
rated as  when  connected.  In  the  exercise  of  the  new 
authority  thus  invested  in  himself,  Penn  proceculed  to 
nominate  a  council  of  state,  to  consult  with  and  assist 
the  governor  or  his  deputy,  and  to  exercise  his  func- 
tions in  case  of  his  death  or  absence.  'l"he  office  of 
de|)iity-governort  he  bestowed  on  Colonel  Andrew 
Hamiltoi:^  who  had  formerly  been  governor  of  Mew 
Jersey. 

One  of  the  last  acts  which  he  performed  before  his 


America,  it  seems  verv  unlikely  that  this  was  the  sole 
or  even  the  chief  reason  for  bis  conduct.  The  disagree- 
ments that  had  taken  place  between  himself  and  his 
colonists,  had  r(Mi<lered  their  intercourse  far  less  satis- 
factory than  he  could  have  desired,  and  induced  him  to 
supply  the  inadequacy  of  his  own  personal  influence  by 
a  large  addition  to  his  political  power;  and  from  the 
numerous  demands  of  the  British  government  for  con- 
tributions, in  aid  of  military  purposes,  it  was  manifest 
that  this  [juwer  must  be  frecpieiilly  exerted  for  the  al- 
lainment  of  objects  which,  as  a  professor  of  quakerism, 
he  could  pursue  with  more  decency  and  more  vigor  by 
the  intervention  of  a  de[)iity,  than  by  his  own  peisonal 
agency.  The  disagreeable  tidings  that  pursued  him 
from  America  must  have  increased  his  aversion  to  re- 
turn thither:  and  the  favor  he  enjoyed  with  queen 
Anne  on  her  accession,  [  1703]  perhaps  reawakened  the 
views  and  hopes  that  had  led  him  once  before  to  prefer 
the  courtly  shaiies  of  Kensington,  to  the  wild  woods  of 
Pennsylvania.  His  attendance  at  court,  however,  was 
soon  interru()ted  by  the  perplexity  and  embarrassment 
of  his  private  affairs  (arising  from  the  fraud  of  his 
steward),  which  compelled  hini  to  mortgage  his  Ame- 
rican territory  :  ami  the  same  cause,  concurring  with 
increased  dissensions  between  him  and  the  colonists, 
induced  him  subbequently  to  bargain  with  the  British 
government  for  a  sale  of  his  pro|)rietary  functions.* 
The  completion  of  the  bargain,  however,  was  preven- 
ted by  his  death,  which  transmitted  the  proprietary  go- 
vernment to  his  descendants,  by  whom  it  was  enjoyed 
till  the  period  of  the  American  revolution. 

Penn  had  scarcely  quilted  America  when  the  dis- 
putes between  the  province  and  the  territories  broke 
forth  with  greater  bitterness  than  ever.  The  Delaware 
represenlalives  protested  against  the  charter;  and,  rc- 
lusiiig  to  sit  in  the  same  assembly  with  the  Pcnnsvlva- 
niaii  representatives,  chose  a  separate  place  of  meet- 
ing for  themselves  in  Pliiladelphia.  After  continuing 
for  some  time  to  indulge  their  jealous  humor,  and  to 
enjoy  whatever  satisfaction  they  could  find  in  separate 
legislation,  [17()3J  they  were  [lersuadcd  by  the  suc- 
cessor of  Hamilton,  Governor  Evans  (who  was  much 


departure,  the  incorporation,  by  charter,  of  the  city  of  I  more  agreeable  to  them  than  to  the  peo[)le  of  Pennsyl 
J'iiiladelphia,  has  been  justly  charged  with  great  illibe-  |  vania,)  to  evince  a  more  reasonable  temper,  anu  to  pro-  i 
wlity  :  though,  according  lo  the  apology  that  has  been  (pose  a  reunion  with  the  Peiinsylvanian  assembly.  B'U 
suggested  for  it,  the  blame  must  be  divided  between  |  tins  body,  provoked  with  the  refractoriness  which  the  j 
himself  and  others.     By  tins  charter,  he  nominated  the  |  Delaware  representatives  had  already  displayed,  now 
first  mayor,  recoriler,  aldermen,  and  common  council-  I  refused  lo  listen  to  their  overtures  of  reconciliation.  I 
men  of  the  city  ;  and  among  olhrr  privileges  and  Iran-  I  I  he  breach  thus  became  irreparable,  and  in  the  follow-  I 


cliises,  empowered  them  to  elect  their  successors  in 
office,  and  even  to  increase  their  own  number  at  plea- 
sure.   The  city  lands  were  granted  to  thein,  by  the 


ing  year  [1704J  the  separate  legislature  of  Delaware 
was  permanently  established  at  Newcastle.  In  addi- 
tion to  the  tidings  of  these  prolonged  disagreements 


slyle  of  the  mayor  and  commonalty  of  the  city  of  Pliila-  |  and  final  rupture  between  the  two  scttleii  cms,  Penn 


delphia  ;  but  the  commonalty  had  no  share  in  the  go- 
vernment or  estate  of  the  city  ;  the  civic  functionaries 
being  self-elective,  and  not  accountable  lo  their  fellow- 
citizens  in  any  respect.  It  has  been  said  that  this  mu- 
nicipal constitution,  which  was  copied  from  the  charier 
of  the  town  of  Bristol  in  Kngland,  was  accorded  by 
I'eiin  to  the  desires  of  certain  of  his  colonists  who  were 
natives  of  that  place  ;  and  it  is  admitted  that  the  func- 
tionaries whom  he  himself  named,  were  men  of  integ- 
rily  and  abilities.  But  the  possession  of  jiower,  dives- 
ted of  control  and  responsibility,  produced  its  usual 
effect  on  thi.i  cor|)orate  body  ;  and  the  abuses  engen- 
dered by  its  administration,  were  from  a  very  early 
period  a  continual  theme  of  discontent  and  complaint 
to  the  inhalnlants  of  ihe  city  and  the  provincial  assem- 
bly. Having  finished  these  proceedings,  and  once 
more  renewed  a  friendly  league  with  the  Indians,  Penn 
communicated  to  his  people  an  a<lieu,  friendly  and  be- 
nevolent, bnt  far  less  airoctionale  than  his  former  vale- 
<!.elion;  and  embarking  wuh  his  family,  returned  to 
E'lgland. 

'I'he  only  reason  that  Penn  assigned  to  his  people  for 
this  second  departure  was  the  intellig<'nce  he  had  re- 


•  ntr.  t:i>irk»iin  lias  omitted  to  rmiicc  tins  iinporlaiit  iniiova- 
lion.  III  liti.  aluiract  ef  lliuir  cliarter.  Ur.  Fraiil<lin  (in  li,> 
IliKloricfc.  Review,  &c.)  compariiiK  it  Willi  the  correspoiidni|r 
liiiiuvuti»n  111  favor  of  llio  a.sseiiiljiy,  ailimts,  llial,  "  u|k.ii  llic 
wlii.lc  there  was  wutli  more  reason  for  ackuowlcdKiiii-iils 
lhan  coiii(il:iinl»  " 


was  harassed  by  complaints  against  the  government  of 
Evans,  whose  exertions  to  promote  a  militia,  though 
they  rendered  him  pojiuUr  in  Delaware,  made  him 
odious  III  Pennsylvania.  Deriding  the  pacific  scruples 
ol  the  (piakers,  [1706]  Evans  falsely  proclaimtd  the  ap- 
proach of  a  hostile  invasion,  and  invited  all  who  were 
willing  to  join  liim  to  take  arms  against  the  enemy. 
A  tew  indinduals,  and  among  these,  four  quakers, 
duped  by  tins  stratagem,  flew  to  arms,  and  prepared  lo 
repel  the  threatened  attack.  But  tjie  chief  effect  of  the 
proclamalion  was  lo  cause  many  persons  to  bury  their 
plate  and  money,  and  lo  fly  from  llieir  homes  ;  and  the 
detection  of  the  falsehood  was  followed  by  an  impeach- 
ment of  the  governor,  and  of  Logan  the  secretary  ol 
the  province,  who  though  innocent  of  accession  lo  the 
fraud,  made  hinist  If  suspected,  by  endeavoring  to  pail. 
aUt  the  guilt  of  it.  Penn,  however,  snpporteil  these 
accused  officers,  and  tlierehv  increased  the  displeasure 
that  was  begiiming  to  jirevail  in  the  province  against 
himseh.  He  was  now  very  little  disposed  to  look  with 
favor  on  the  proceedings  of  the  inhabitanls  of  Pemibyl- 
vania  ;  who,  no  loiii'er  engrossed  wuh  their  disputes 
with  the  people  of  Delaware,  began  to  scan  with  very 
dissati.shed  eyes  the  whole  course  of  his  proceedings 
wuh  re.^pect  to  themselves.  The  assembly  ol  Pennsyl- 
vania not  only  assailed  him  with  repeated  demands, 
that  the  (juil-rents  which  he  deemed  his  own  private 
estate,  .should  be  approjiriated  lo  the  support  of  the  pro- 
vincial government,  but  transmitted  to  him  a  remoii- 


t  No  ineiition  ill  made  of  llic  royal  approbation  of  this  ap 
poiiiiineut,  « hi,  h  i«  eiprossly  referred  lo  11,  iho  appoiiiiiiioiit  I  straiice,  tnlllled  JJiails  of  Vc.iaidaint,  m  which  ihcy 

t:;::^.^  iric::r;::;l'!;:r;;":;f  '""•^^'^^ "       "'^'^'-^-timt  the  several  dmr- 


tors  granted  at  the  first  setrlmg  of  the  provitice  had 

been  defeated  ;  that  he  had  violated  his  original  com, 
•  pact  by  the  rerent  stretch  of  his  authoritv  so  far  beynnd 
,  the  limits  within  which  he  had  engaged  to  confine  it ; 
and  that  he  had  received  large  sums  of  money  during 
his  last  visit  lo  the  province,  in  return  tor  benetita 
which  he  had  promised  to  procure,  hut  had  never  vet 
obtained  for  the  people  from  ihe  English  government 
They  censured  the  original  annexation  of  Delaware  to 
Pennsylvania  ;  reminding  him  that  his  title  to  itie  go- 
vernment of  Delaware,  not  having  been  founded  on  a 
royal  grant,  was  from  the  first  very  precarious  ;  and 
lamenting  wit/i  grcal  grief  lhal  the  piivileges  granted 
to  Ihe  Pennsylvaniaiis  by  his  first  charters,  had  been 
exposed  to  perish  svilh  the  baseless  fabric  of  the  Dela- 
ware institutions  with  which  he  had  associated  them. 
Numerous  extortions  of  his  officers  were  at  llie  sainn 
time  comjilained  of;  and  these  were  aitributed  to  his 
refusal,  in  the  year  1701,  to  affirm  a  bill  that  had  been 
framed  by  the  assembly  for  the  regulation  of  olfieia! 
fees.  Probably  some  of  these  com|>l2mts  were  founded 
in  misapprehension,  or  suggested  by  factious  malignity  ; 
a.id  doubtless  the  disconlent,  which  lioili  on  this  anC 
other  occasions  was  expressed  towards  the  proprietary, 
owed  in  some  degree  us  origin  lo  the  peculiar  relation 
which  he  held  with  the  members  of  his  own  religious 
society  in  the  province  They  had  always  regarded 
the  civil  and  political  institutions  of  Pennsylvania  as 
Eubordinate  lo  the  establishment  and  liberal  encourage- 
ment of  quakerism,  and  expected  a  degiee  of  equality 
to  result  from  the  legislation  of  a  qnaker  minisler, 
which  they  would  never  have  looked  for  from  a  law- 
giver of  any  other  persuasion.  His  own  assurances, 
at  the  beginning,  that  in  acquiring  the  province,  his 
main  pur[)ose  ^as  lo  serve  the  truth  and  people  of 
God,  (which  they  understood  to  signify  quakerism  and 
the  quakers.)  contributed  to  exaggerate  their  expecta- 
tions in  this  respect. 

Indignant  at  these  charges  against  himself,  and,  pre- 
judiced by  this  feeling  against  tlie  accusers  ol  Evans, 
Penn  continued  to  maintain  this  worthless  individual  in 
the  office  he  had  conferred  on  hini,  till  his  conduct  had 
gone  far  to  excite  the  people  of  Delaware  lo  actual  hos- 
tililies  against  their  Peiinsylvanian  neighbors,  in  pro- 
secution of  an  unjust  demand  for  a  toll  on  the  naviga- 
tion of  the  Delaware,  which  Evans  had  suggested  ic 
them.  Recen  ingcomplamls  of  this,  as  well  as  of  Olhei 
instances  of  official  malversation,  on  the  part  of  his  de- 
liuty-governor,  and  having  ascertained,  by  a  deliberate 
examination  of  them,  that  they  were  loo^  well 
founded,  Penn  hesitiated  no  longer  to  supersede  Evans, 
and  appointed  in  his  place  Charles  Gookiii,  a  genllemaii 
of  ancient  Irish  family,  sometime  retired  from  ihe  army, 
in  wliich  he  had  served  with  repute  ;  and  who  seemed 
qualified,  by  his  age,  experience,  and  the  mildness  of 
MS  manners,  lo  give  satisfaction  to  the  people  over 
whom  he  was  sent  to  preside.  Gookm  carried  on 
wi  h  him  an  afrectionate  letter  from  Penn  lo  the  as- 
sen.bly,  in  vvhich  their  recent  disagreements  were  passed 
over  without  any  other  notice  than  what  may  be  inferred 
from  a  recommendalion  lo  his  peo^ile  as  well  as  him- 
self, of  that  humility  wlih  which  nun  ought  to  remem- 
ber ihei;  own  imperfections,  and  that  charity  wiih  which 
they  ougjt  to  cover  the  infirmities  of  olliers.  But  the 
asscmiily  were  not  so  to  be  pacified.  AVhilc  ihey  con- 
gratulated Ciookin  on  his  arrival,  [1709]  iheyVevned 
in  iheir  address  every  topic  of  complaint  that  ihey  had 
ever  before  piofeTed  'i'.hrir  ill-huiiior  was  aiigmi  iiled 
by  the  number  of  applications  which  Lioomu  .-.o-:  !r-."!i 
lime  to  time  compelled  to  make  in  the  queen's  name, 
for  contributions  in  aid  of  the  various  military  opo.a- 
lions  that  related  more  immediately  lo  the  Ai;.ericali 
colonies.  To  all  these  applicalions,  the  assembly  in- 
variably answered,  that  their  religious  prmcipics  would 
not  suH'er  them  lo  contribute  lo  llie  support  if  war  ; 
liut  Ihey  voted  the  sums  that  were  demanded  a»  pre- 
tents  to  the  queen. 

Finding  his  people  not  so  easily  inlreatcd  to  concili- 
ation as  he  had  hoped,  Penn,  now  in  his  sixt\ -sixth 
year,*  for  the  last  time  addressed  the  assembly,  m  t. 
letter  replete  wuh  calm  solemnity,  and  dignified  con- 
cern. It  was  a  mournf  ul  consideration  lo  him.  he  said, 
that  he  was  forced  by  the  o]>pressions  and  disapiMiml- 
meiils  which  had  lalleii  lo  his  share  in  this  lift,  lo  »pcak 
to  Ihe  people  of  that  province  in  a  language  he  once 
hoped  never  to  have  occasion  to  employ.  [1710]  In  • 
style  of  serious  remonstrance  he  appealed  lo  them,  if, 
at'lhe  expense  of  his  own  Ibrtune  and  personal  care,  ha 
had  not  conducled  them  inlo  a  land  where  prosperity 


•  Mr.  Clarlisoii  lias  iiuscalculaled  in  suppoung  that  P«no 
w:is  in  his  seventieth  year  when  ha  wrote  tins  Utter.  ISED 
«as  born  on  the  Hlh  October,  llAi. 


,  A 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


and  liberty,  far  licyoiiil  the  coininou  lot  of  iiiaiikiud,  iia(l|  I.itllo  rciiiaiiis  to  In'  added  lo  tlic  view  that  has  al-imaiiufactiircs  would  prohaMv  li  ivc  liceii  larjrcr,  Init  that 
been  inado  tlu'ir  |)orti<m  ;  and  if  this  work  of  his  hand, ^rcady  hcfii  exliil)itcd  of  tlio  civil  am!  political  institutions  tlic  (Jcrnian  colonists  had  iiii|iorlrd  wiih  them  into 
had  yii'Idcil  hiin  aujjht  else  than  the  sorrow,  disquiet  (of  Pennsylvania  and  Delaware,  at  iho  close  of  the  se- Pennsylvania,  the  manufactures  of  paper,  linen,  and 
and  poverty,  that  now  depressed  his  old  age.*  "  ijventeenth  century.  Pennsylvania  continued  to  retain 
must  desire  you  all,"  he  proceeded,  "in  a  serious  and  the  constitution  enacted  liy  Penn's  last  charter,  in  1701, 


true  wei;;htines.s  of  mind,  to  consider  what  you  are,  or  till  the  era  of  American  independence;  and  Delaware 
have  heiii  doing;  why  matters  must  bo  carried  onjcontinued  to  enjoy  its  own  assembly,  and  to  be  subject 


woollen  cloth. 

According  to  Oldmixnn,  whose  liistory  was  published 


vith  these  divisions  and  contentions  ;  and  what  real 
causes  have  been  given  on  my  side  for  that  opposition 
to  iiie  and  my  interest  which  I  have  met  with,  as  if  I 
were  an  enemy,  and  not  a  friend,  after  all  I  have  done. 


I  atn  sure  I  know  not  of  any  cause  whatsoever.    Were  tej  to  the  governor  of  I'cnnsylvaiiia  ;  but  sums  of  money 


1  sensible  you  really  wanted  any  thing  of  me,  in  the 
relation  between  us,  that  would  make  you  happier,  I 
could  ir.idily  grant  it,  if  any  reasonable  man  would  say 
it  were  lit  for  you  lo  demand."  He  entered  into  a 
long  deduction  of  the  various  alterations  that  the  con- 
stitution of  the  province  had  received,  and  endeavored 
to  show  that  every  one  had  arisen  out  of  inconve- 


was  right,  he  contended,  that  the  projirietary,  who  was 
personally  responsible  to  the  crown,  for  an  administra- 
tion conlormalile  to  the  provincial  charter,  should  be 
vested  exclusively  with  the  executive  power.  He 
could  no  longer,  he  said,  impute  the  treatment  he  had 
met  with,  to  mistakes  in  judgment, — seeing  that  he  had 


to  the  executive  administration  of  the  governor  of  Penn 
sylvania  till  the  year  1755,  when  it  was  formally  erect- 
ed into  a  separate;  state,  and  endowed  with  a  separate 
ffovernment.    No  fixed  salary  seems  to  have  been  allot- 


were  voted  to  him,  from  time  to  time,  to  defray  the  ex- 
penses of  his  government ;  and  the  amount  of  these  was 
proportioned,  in  a  great  degree,  to  the  favor  he  enjoyed 
with  the  representatives  c\f  the  people.  At  the  assem- 
bly which  was  held  by  Penn  at  Newcastle  in  the  close 
of  the  year  1700,  the  remuneration  allotted  to  the  mem- 
bers consisted  of  six  shillings  a  day  for  attendance,  and 


nicnces  of  which  all  had  been  sensible  at  the  time,  and  threepence  per  mile  for  travelling  charges.  The  speaker's 
which  all  li.ul  willingly  united  in  thus  correcting.    It  daily  allowance  was  ten  shillings.    The  meetint;  of  the 


assembly  was  indicated  by  the  ringing  of  a  bell  ;  and 
any  member  entering  half  an  hour  after  the  appointed 
time,  was  Ihied  tenpeiice.  The  humane  code  of  crimi- 
nal law,  that  was  coeval  with  the  first  instance  of 
Pennsylvanian  legislation,  continued  in  force  till  the 
year  1705,  when  it  was  abolished  by  Queen  Anne  as 


such  injuries  to  complain  of  as  repeated  attacks  on  hisjtoo  little  consonant  with  the  spirit  of  English  jurispru 
reputation  ;    numerous  indignities  offered  to  him  in  dence.    But  it  was  soon  after  re-established  by  the  same 


papers  sent  over  to  England,  by  the  hands  of  men  who 
could  not  be  expected  to  make  the  most  discreet  and 
charitable  use  of  them  ;  insinuations  against  his  inte- 
grity ;  atteir.()ts  upon  his  estate  ;  and  disfavor  shown 
lo  individuals  (purticularly  Logan,  the  secretary  of  the 


to  him.  "  I  cannot  but  mourn,"  he  added,  "  the  un- 
liippiiu'ss  of  my  portion  dealt  to  me  from  those,  of 
whom  1  had  reason  to  expect  much  better  and  dilfer- 


toi)  many  are  bringing  on  themselves,  who,  instead  of 
pursuing  the  amicable  ways  of  peace,  love,  and  unity, 
which  i  at  first  hoped  to  find  in  that  retirement,  are 
cherishing  a  spirit  of  contention  and  opposition,  and, 
blind  to  their  own  interest,  are  oversetting  that  founda- 
tion on  which  your  happiness  might  be  built.  Friends  ! 
the  eyes  ol  many  are  upon  you  :  the  people  of  many  na- 
tions of  Europe  look  on  that  country  as  a  land  of  ease 
and  ([inet,  wishing  to  themselves  in  vain  the  same 
blessings  they  conceive  you  may  enjoy:  but  to  see  the 
use  you  make  of  them,  is  no  less  the  cause  of  surprise." 


princess,  on  the  intercession  of  William  Penn 

Although  quakerism  continued  long  to  be  the  most 
prevalent  religious  profession  in  Pennsylvania,  yet  from 
a  very  early  period  the  province  had  been  resorted  to  bj' 
sectaries  of  various  other  denominations,  and  a  church 


province)  on  account  of  their  well  known  attachment  had  already  been  built  in  Philadelnl'.ia  for  the  reception 

of  a  congregation  o  700  jiersons  attached  to  the  tenets 
and  discipline  of  the  church  of  England.    Some  dis- 
pleasure is  said  to  have  been  evinced  by  the  quakers  at 
eiit  tilings  ;  nor  can  I  but  lament  the  unhappiness  that  the  first  proposal  of  this  episcopal  party  to  erect  an  or- 


in  1708,  the  total  number  of  inhabitants  within  the  do- 
mains of  William  Penn  then  amounted  to  35,000  ;  a 
compulation  which  the  author  himself  terms  a  modest 
one,  and  which,  as  it  includes  Indians  and  negroes,  is 
probably  short  of  the  truth.  The  town  of  Philadelphia, 
in  169G,  contained  two  thousand  houses,  most  of  whicfl 
are  described  as  stalely  structures  of  brick  ;  and  New- 
castle, the  metropolis  of  Delaware,  in  the  beginning  of 
the  eighteenth  century,  possessed  2500  inhabitants. 
For  many  years  after  its  first  occupation  by  the  Eiii;Iish, 
Pennsylvania  continued  lo  witness  a  rapid  growth  of  iis 
people,  not  only  from  a  constant  resort  of  emigrants, 
whom  its  attractions  invited  from  all  parts  of  Euroi)e,J; 
but  from  a  native  increase  more  vigorous  than  any 
society  since  the  infancy  of  tlu;  world,  has  ever  exhi- 
bited. Gabriel  Thomas,  who  published  his  account  of 
this  province  in  1690,  declares  that  barrenness  amimg 
women  was  unknown  in  Pennsylvania,  and  their  celi- 
bacy, after  twenty  years  of  age,  not  less  so  ;  adding, 
with  quaker  plainness,  that  it  was  iinpossibl(!  lo  meet 
a  young  married  woman  there  who  had  not  a  child  in 
her  body  or  one  in  her  arms.  The  children  born  in  the. 
province  he  describes  as  in  general  "  better  natured, 
milder,  and  more  lender  hearted  than  those  born  in 
England."  The  fertility  of  the  soil,  the  general  healthi- 
ness of  the  climate  (notwithstanding  the  severe  epide- 
mics occasionally  prevalent  at  Phil.idelphia),  the  llbe'-al 
reward  of  labor,  and  the  trugal,  industrious,  and  reirular 
habits  dilTused  by  the  powerful  example  of  the  quakers, 
contributed  to  the  promotion  of  this  large  increase,  and 
rendered  the  people  of  Pennsylvania  distinguished,  even 
among  the  North  American  communities,  as  a  moral 
and  a  happy  race.  The  mapuers  of  a  great  propo'-)ii>n 
of  the  first  race  of  quaker  settlers,  and  of  their  iniiiio- 


gan  in  their  church.    The  episcopalians,  and  all  the  diate  descendants,  are  said  to  have  formed  a  pleasing 


other  sectaries  unconnected  with  the  quakers,  made  fre 
quent  propositions  for  the  establishment  of  a  militia; 
but  the  quakers  steadily  refused  to  sanction  such  a  pro 


exhibition  of  courteous  benevolence,  corresponding  lo 
the  purpose  with  which  their  removal  to  America  had 
been  undertaken, — of  facilitating  the  enjoyment  of  lint 


government  were  filled  by  quakers ;  and  neither  the 
duties  of  the  bar,  nor  the  functions  of  the  bench,  were 
He  concluded  by  declaring,  that  the  o|)position  he  had  deemed  incompatible  with  their  religious  profession.! 


received  from  them,  must  at  length  force  him  to  con 
sider  more  closely  his  own  private  and  declining  cir- 
cumstances in  relation  to  the  [jrovince.  He  was  will- 
ing lo  continue  his  kindness  lo  them,  if  they  should 
think  him  deserving  of  reciprocal  regard.  If  it  should 
be  otherwise  deemed  by  a  majority  among  them,  let 


them  say  so  at  once  ;  and  he  would  know  what  he  had  dinary  pitch,  by  tlie  mortality  which  the  small-pox  occa 


to  rely  on.    And  yet  he  would  hope  that  (>od  might  so 


to  remember  his  long  laDors,  and  to  ai>{)reciate  their  trade  with  England,  with  the  southern  colonies  of  Ame- 
^  own  interest  in  his  distinguished  fame.    These  senti-  rica,  and  with  the  West  India  settlements.    Their  ex- 


direct  them  by  the  iinpartment  of  heavenly  wisdom  and  of  prey  that  they  derived  from  the  unburied  corpses  of 


holy  fear,  that  "  we  may  once  more  meet  good  friends, 
and  live  so  to  the  end." 

This  letter  is  said  to  have  produced  a  deep  and  pow- 
erful impression  on  the  more  considerate  part  of  the 
assembly,  who  now  began  to  feel  for  the  father  of  his 
counlry,  and  regard  with  tenderness  his  venerable  age  ; 


nients  were  rapidly  propagated  throughout  the  province  ; 
and  their  ellect  was  ajiparent  at  the  next  annual  elec- 
tion, when  not  one  of  the  persons  who  had  demonstrated 
enmity  to  Penn,  and  excited  the  rest  of  their  country- 
men to  think  unfavorably  of  him,  was  returned  to  the 
provincial  assembly.  Hut  it  is  more  than  doubtful  if 
this  change  of  sentiment  was  ever  known  to  its  illus 
Irious  object,  who  was  attacked  shortly  after  by  a  sue 
cession  of  apoplectic  fits,  which  suspending  in  a  great 
degree  the  exercise  of  his  memory  and  understanding, 
prevented  him  alike  from  completing  an  arrangement  he 


ceeding,  by  an  act  of  the  provincial  government ;  though  alfeclionate  intercourse  which  their  tenets  peculiarly 
all  who  deemed  the  use  of  arms  lawful,  were  permitted  enjoined.  Some  of  the  leading  persons  among  the  ear- 
to  train  themselves,  and  to  adopt  every  military  precau-  liest  quaker  settlers  were  men  who  traced  their  lineage 
tion  for  their  defence  that  should  not  be  inconsistent  to  the  stock  of  the  most  ancient  nobility  of  England, 
with  the  peace  of  the  province.    Most  of  the  offices  of  and  in  whom  a  sense  of  ancestral  distinction  w  as  so 


So  early  as  the  year  1086,  a  printing  press  was  esta- 
blished at  Philadelphia  ;  and  an  almanac,  for  the  follow- 
ing year,  was  printed  at  this  press  by  Bradford. 

When  the  Swedish  colonists  first  occupied  Dela- 
ware, they  found  the  country  infested  with  wolves, 
whose  ferocity  was  soon  after  inflamed  to  an  extraor- 


sioned  among  the  Indians,  and  the  increased  quantity 


the  victims  of  this  pestilence.  Both  in  Pennsylvania 
and  Delaware,  bounties  continued  to  be  paid  for  the 
destruction  of  wolves  so  late  as  the  middle  of  the 
eighteenth  century. 

The  province  and  the  territories,  but  especially  the 
former,  appear  to  have  enjoyed  very  soon  a  thriving 


ports  consisted  of  corn,  beef,  pork,  fish,  pipe  staves  ; 
hides,  tallow,  and  wool  to  the  West  India  settlements  ; 
horses  and  other  live  cattle  to  the  southern  plantations  ; 
and  peltry  to  England.  Their  direct  trade  with  Eng- 
land was  afterward  increased  by  the  cultivation  of  to- 
bacco, which  was  begun  under  Blackwell's  adminis- 
tration, and  so  rapidly  extended,  that  in  the  beginning 
of  the  eighteenth  century,  fourteen  ships  sailed  annually 
with  that  commodity  from  Pennsylvania.  Their  ex- 
ports, however,  were  abridged  in  the  year  1699,  by  an 
act  of  parliament  (already  noticed  in  the  history  of  New 


lijd  made  with  the  crown  for  thi!  sale  of  his  proprietary  Jersey)  which  prohibited  the  exportation  of  wool,  whe 
rights,  and  from  receiving  the  intelligence  that  would  ther  raw  or  manufactured,  from  the  American  colonies, 
have  induced  him  to  consider  such  an  arrangement  un-  The  province,  at  the  same  time,  imported  the  produce 
necessary.  [30.]  of  various  English  manufactures,  to  the  value  of  about 

X  18,000  a  year,  and  yielded  a  revenue  of  £3,000  to 
the  customs  of  the  crown.    The  consumption  of  English 


*  Notwithstanding  this  desponding  strain,  it  is  manifest 
from  Penn's  competition  with  Locke  for  the  praise  of  superior 
iegislallon  (sec  a  nole  to  li.  III.  ante),  ihat  he  was  by  no 
means  insonsiljlu  to  the  imperisbaljle  lame  a.ssored  to  liim  as 
the  to\iiuler  of  Peiuisylvama.  The  services  of  Penn  were  not 
only  more  liberally  remunerated,  but  more  fjratefiiUy  remem- 
bered by  his  people,  than  were  those  ol  Lord  Haltimo^c  by  the 
C»lomsts  ol  MaryLiniL 

23 


+  In  the  case  of  Ki:nsey,  a  quaker  lawj'er  (afterward  attor 
ney-general,  and  finally  chief-jiisticc  of  Pennsylvania,)  it  was 
determined,  after  solemn  debate,  by  the  provincial  govern- 
ment, that  (piaker  Hiwyers  should  not  be;  oblined  to  vineover 
theirhcads  in  addressin;;  the  judges.  Proud,  ii.  19C,  197,231. 


tempered  with  the  meekness  of  genuine  quakerism,  as 
to  impart  only  a  patriarchal  dignity  to  their  manners. 
Their  hospitality,  in  particular,  was  conducted  with  a 
grace  and  simplicity  entirely  patriarchal.'^  The  people 
of  Delaware  appear  to  hav,^;  been,  in  general,  a  less 
refined  and  enterprising,  but  not  a  less  virtuous  race. 
Pt;.n  himself  has  celebrated  the  good  morals  and  so- 
briety of  deportment  of  the  Swedish  and  Dutch  a:;ri- 
culturists.  The  Swedish  church  at  Wilmington  is  re- 
puted one  of  the  oldest  churches  in  North  America. 

Among  the  first  race  of  Peiu.sylvanian  settlers  were 
many  persons  whose  attainments  in  science  and  litera- 
ture would  have  done  honor  to  the  most  enlightened 
communities.  James  Logan,  a  quaker,  and  secretary 
of  the  province,  was  the  correspondent  of  the  most 
learned  men  in  Europe  ;  and  several  of  his  works, 
written  in  the  Latin  tongue,  (particularly  a  treatise  on 
the  generation  of  plants,  and  one  on  the  pro|)erties  of 
light,)  were  published  with  much  applause  at  Leyden. 
He  enriched  Philadelphia  with  a  valuable  library  ;  and, 
in  his  old  age,  executed  an  admirable  translation  of 
Cicero's  treatise  Dc  Scna-tiile,  which  was  afterward 
printed  with  an  encomiastic  preface  by  Dr.  Franklin. 
Thom.is  Makin,  another  quaker,  and  one  of  the  earliest 
settlers  in  Pennsylvania,  produced,  in  the  beginning  of 
the  eighteenth  century,  a  descriptive  and  historical 
account  of  the  province,  in  a  Iiatin  poem,  <ntitled, 
Descriptio  Pcnnii/lcani'-r,  exhibiting  with  great  force  of 
thought,  and  beauty  of  language,  one  of  the  most  de- 
lightful pictures  of  national  virtue  and  happiness,  llial 
ever  was  presented  to  the  admiration  of  mankind 


X  In  the  yearl7'J9  alone  the  number  of  emigrants  from  va 
rious  parts  of  Europe  to  Peimslyvania  amounted  to  CiOO. 
The  greater  part  of  these  were  Germans  and  Irish.  Douglas's 
Summary. 

Warden,  ii.  98.  Gait's  Life  of  West,  Part  I.  p. 
In  the  houses  of  the  principal  families,  the  patricians  of  the 
country,"  says  Mr.  Gait,  " unlimited  hospil.dity  formed  a  part 
of  their  regular  economy.  It  was  the  custom  aiiioiei  those 
who  resided  near  the  highways,  after  supper,  and  the  last  reli 
gious  exercises  of  the  evening,  to  make  a  large  lire  in  the  luill, 
and  lo  set  out  a  table  with  refreshments  for  such  traTellers 
as  might  have  occasion  to  pass  during  the  night  ;  and  when 
the  families  assembled  in  the  inornmg,  they  sehlom  found 
that  their  tables  hud  been  unviuitfrt." 


838 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


APPENDIX. 

Stale  and  Pruspecu  of  the  North  American  Pioviiices  at  the 
^;i.)sc  ol  Ihe  Scvt  iilrenlh  Ctnlnry — J^ciiliineiits  and  Opi- 
nions ol  ihi-  Colonists  rcsjitcling  the  Sovereignity  and  the 
I'olicy  ol  Great  Uritain,  &c. 

At  llie  close  ol"  the  seventeenth  century,  the  British 
netileiueiits  in  IVorth  America  contained  a  population 
of  more  than  three  hundred  thousand  persons,  distri- 
huled  aniontr  the  various  colonial  establishments,  whose 
ori;^in  and  early  progress  I  have  endeavored  to  illus- 
trate* The  formation  of  these  colonies  by  far  the 
most  interesting  event  of  that  remarkable  age. 

".Speculative  reasoiiers  during  that  age,"  says  a  great 
historian,  "  raised  many  objections  to  the  planting  of 
those  remote  colonics,  and  foretold  that,  after  draining 
tlieir  mother  country  of  inhabitants,  they  would  soon 
hli.ike  oil"  her  yoke,  and  erect  an  independent  govcrn- 
iiieiit  in  America  ;  but  time  has  shown  that  the  views 
entertained  by  tho.se  who  encouraged  such  undertak- 
ings, were  more  just  and  solid.  A  mild  government, 
and  great  naval  force,  have  preserved,  and  may  still 
preserve,  during  some  time,  the  dominion  of  England 
over  her  colonies.  And  such  advantages  have  com- 
merce and  navigation  reaped  from  these  establishments, 
that  more  than  a  fourth  of  the  English  shipping  is  at 
present  computed  to  be  employed  in  carrying  on  the 
Irallic  with  the  American  settlements."  The  apprehen- 
sions of  depopulation,  alluded  to  by  this  author,  are 
noticed  at  greater  length  in  the  prior  work  of  Oldmixon, 
who  asserts,  that  "  on  this  argument  are  founded  all 
the  reasons  to  excuse  the  ill-usage  the  plantations  have 
met  with  ;"  and  after  deiiioiistraling  the  absurdity  of 
such  a  notion,  appeals  to  the  large  increase  which  the 
trade  and  the  revenue  of  England  had  already  derived 
from  the  colonies,  as  aH'ording  a  juster  and  more  pow- 
erful argument  for  repairing  this  ill-usage,  and  introduc- 
ing more  liberal  provisions  into  the  English  conuucroial 
code.t  1  be  appri'lieiisioiis  of  American  independence 
were  no  less  the  object  of  ridicule  to  the  best  informed 
writers,  in  the  beginning  of  that  century  which  was 
destined  to  witness  the  American  revolution.  "  It  will 
be  impossible,"  says  Neal,  "  for  New  England  to  sub- 
sist of  ilsell  for  some  centuries  of  years  ;  for,  though 
they  miylil  maintain  themselves  against  their  neigli- 
bcirs  on  ibe  coiitiiiet,  they  must  starve  without  a  free 
trade  with  Euro|ie,  the  manufactures  of  the  country 
being  very  inconsiderable ;  so  that  ij  wc  could  suppose 
ihciii  Iv  rebel  ai^'ainst  England,  they  must  throw  them- 
selves into  the  arms  of  some  other  potentate,  who  would 
protect  them  no  longer  than  he  could  sell  them  with 
advantage."  So  slightly  were  the  colonies  connected 
with  each  other,  and  so  much  of  mutual  repugnance 
had  been  created  by  religious  and  political  distinctions 
between  lliem,  that  the  probability  of  their  uniting  toge- 
ther for  common  defence  against  the  parent  state  never 
occurred  to  this  author.  Nor  will  this  be  thought  any 
grf  it  impeachment  of  his  sagacity,  when  we  consider 
that  seventy  years  afterward,  the  prosjiect,  which  had 
t!i>'ii  begun  to  dawn,  of  an  eU'ectual  confederacy  of 
I'lose  colonies  against  England,  was  declared  by  a 
phii'v.iophical  historian  to  ho  perfectly  delusive  and 
cl.'eieri;;.ii. 

If  Slu'.ii-  iiad  studied  t!;e  hiolory  and  condition  of  il.c 
colonic's,  or  :!'  Neal  and  Oldmixon  had  added  to  this 
I'cquirement  the  sag.xci'y  of  Hume,  it  is  probable  that 
lie  wo, lid  not  have  .-tdduced  the  >nd<biess  of  the  English 
•^(ivcriimeiit  as  one  of  the  causes  that  were  likely  to 
letard  the  independence  of  America,  which  he  perceived 
must  er'  long  ensue  ;  and  that  they  wouUl  have  di.sccrne<l, 
in  the  policy  of  the  English  government,  an  inllueiice 
that  powerfully  tended  to  counteract  the  principles  that 
sep'iraled  the  Aiiierica'.i  communities  from  each  other, 

•  Kroni  a  eoniparison  of  the  calculations  of  variou.s  writers, 
each  ol  hIkpiii,  almost  invariably,  conlradicls  all  the  others, 
and  not  unli<  (|nenlly  eonlradicts  himself,  1  am  iiiclinrd  lo 
think  ihi'  lollowini;  eslimaic  of  the  population  of  the  colonies 
at  tins  pernxl  iienrly,  if  iiol  entirely  correct.  Virginia,  GO.OOO  ; 
Massacnu.seit.i  (lo  which  Maine  was  then  atlachecl),  between 
■'(i,ll<>(laiM|  h(l.(KKI;(;oiinecliriil,;fO,0(MI:  Rhode  Island,  10,000; 
New  I  hiiii|ist>ire,  10,00(1;  Maryland,  .10,tK)0  ;  North  and  .Soutli 
C"iirolin:i.  lO.IHHI;  New  York,  •JO.tHH) ;  New  Jersey, I5,00(J  ;  and 
IViMisylvania.  :i."),(KM).  Even  writers  so  accurate  and  sa);a- 
cioim  as  Dwi^ht  nn<l  lloliues  have  been  led  to  underrate  tlie 
early  pn|MiluIic)n  of  North  America,  by  relying  too  far  on  the 
«>stiiiMli'S  which  Ihe  loral  governmenls'fiiinished toihe  British 
minislry  for  ih'e  asreriainment  ol  the  numbers  of  men  w  hom 
■ii-v  were  to  he  reiinired  lo  .supply  for  the  jiurposcs  of  naval 
mml  military  exnedlllolis. 

MMibnixiMi,  Inirodiirt.  in,A:c.  Tlii.s  author  refers  toasldl 
riirlK  r  work  m  which  the  same  topics  hnd  been  enforced, 
enlilli  il  "CroiuiH  of  the  IMantntions,"  hv  Judge  Lilllelcm,  of 
Harlmdoi  s.  A  slill  more  ilislimriiishi  il  w  riter  on  llie  same 
•idool  Ihe  ,|<ii-Hiion  WHS  Sir  Dalhy  Thoin.is,  an  eminrni  mer- 
chant, who  .wrote  an  IIi<iU<rieal  Accounlof  the  Rise  anJ 
0^>w*.h  of  the  West  India  Colonics. 


and  to  unite  them  by  a  strong  sense  of  common  interest 
and  common  injury  in  a  confederacy  fatal  to  the  preten- 
sions of  the  parent  state.  Every  added  year  tended  no 
less  to  weaken  the  divisive  influence  of  the  distinctions 
imported  by  the  original  colonists  into  their  settlements, 
than  to  enhance  the  sense  of  a  common  interest,  and 
to  fortify  the  power  by  which  that  interest  might  be 
defended.  The  character  of  generous  undertakings, 
which  Hume  very  justly  accords  to  these  colonial 
establishments,  expresses  a  praise  which  the  English 
government  had  no  pretensions  to  share  with  the  private 
individuals  by  whom  they  were  founded  it  and  the  mild 
policy,  whether  voluntary  or  not,  which  permitted  the 
liberal  institutions  erected  for  themselves  by  these  men 
to  continue  in  existence,  tended  rather  to  abridge  than 
to  prolong  the  British  dominion,  by  cherishing  in  the 
colonies  a  spirit  and  habit  of  liberty  repugnant  to  the 
unjust  and  opjiressivc  tenor  of  the  English  commercial 
restrictions.^  The  colonial  empire  of  Spain  would  not 
have  boasted  a  longer  duration  than  that  of  P-iigland  if 
her  settlements  in  South  America  had  enjoyed  as  liberal 
constiliitions  as  the  North  American  colonies.  "  The 
policy  of  Europe,"  says  a  writer  who  perhaps  equalled 
Hume  in  political  sagacity,  and  certainly  excelled  him 
in  acquaintance  with  colonial  history,  "  has  very  little 
to  boast  of,  either  in  the  original  establishment,  or,  so 
far  as  concerns  their  internal  government,  in  the  sub- 
sequent ;(rosperity  of  the  colonies  of  America."  Foliy 
and  injustice,  he  pronounces,  were  the  principles  that 
presided  over  the  formation  of  all  the  colonial  establish- 
ments ;  avarice  of  gold  impelling  the  adventurers  to  the 
southern,  and  tyranny  and  persecution  promoting  the 
emigrations  to  the  northern  parts  of  America.  The 
governments  of  the  several  parent  states,  he  observes, 
contributed  little  or  nothing  towards  etrectuating  the 
establishments  of  thtir  colonies,  and  yet  invariably 
attempted  to  enrich  their  own  exchequers,  and  secure 
to  themselves  a  nionopoly  of  the  colonial  commerce. 
[31,]  by  regulations  injurious  to  the  freedom  and 
prosperity  of  the  colonists — a  procedure,  in  which  the 
particular  policy  of  England  was  only  somewhat  less 
illiberal  and  ojipressivc  than  that  of  the  other  Euro- 
pean states.  "  In  what  way,  therefore,"  he  demands, 
"  has  the  policy  of  Europe  contributed  either  to  the  first 
establishment,  or  to  the  present  grandeur  of  the  colo- 
nics of  America?  In  one  way,  and  in  one  way  only,  it 
has  contributed  a  great  deal.  Magna  water  riniin  !  It 
bred  and  formed  the  men  who  were  capable  of  achiev- 
ing such  great  actions,  and  of  laying  the  foundations  of 
so  great  an  empire  ;  and  there  is  no  other  quarter  o*" 
the  world  of  which  the  policy  is  capable  of  forming,  or 
has  ever  actually  and  in  fact  formed  such  men.  The 
colonies  owe  to  the  policy  of  Europe  the  education  and 
great  views  of  their  active  and  enterprising  founders  ; 
and  some  of  the  greatest  and  most  iiii|)ortaiit  of  them, 
so  far  as  concerns  their  internal  government,  owe  to  it 
scarce  any  thing  else." 

In  the  colonial  establishments  of  the  French,  the 
Spaniards  and  the  Portuguese,  the  royal  government 
was  stronger  and  more  arbitrary,  and  sobordinaiion 
more  strictly  enforced,  than  in  the  |)arent  st.ites.  II!:- 
be.-al  institutions,  remote  from  the  j.ower  and  splendor 
of  the  thrones  to  which  they  were  allied,  required  lo  be 
guarded  with  peculiar  strictiirss  from  the  intrusion  of 
opinions  and  practices  that  savored  of  freedom.  It  was 
otherwise  in  the  British  colonies,  where  the  grafts  of 
constitutional  liberty  that  had  been  transplanted  from 
the  parent  state,  expanded  with  a  vigor  proportioned  lo 
their  distance  from  the  rival  shoots  of  rovally  and  aris- 
tocracy with  which  they  were  theoretically  connected. 
Not  only  did  these  colonies  enjoy  domestic  constitutions 
f:»vorable  to  liberty,  but  there  existed  in  the  minds  of 
the  great  bulk  of  the  people,  a  democratic  spirit  and  re- 
solution that  practically  reduced  the  power  of  the  pa- 


t  The  colonizatiun  of  Georgia  which  was  not  effected  till 
1732,  was  the  onl)  instance  in  which  the  English  government 
contributed  to  th  <  foundation  of  any  of  the  North  American 
states. 

<)  See  an  account  of  the  commercial  restrictions  that  were 
imposed  prior  to  the  English  Rerohition,  and  an  examination 
of  their  policy,  •.nte.  It.  I.  cap.  3.  Tothe  restrictions  there 
described,  thei*  was  added,  before  the  close  of  the  seven- 
teenth centiir/,  a  prohibition  (noticed  in  the  histories  of  New- 
Jersey  and  P<unsylvania)  of  the  exportation  of  wool  from  Ihe 
colonies. 

I  have  .somf  .loubts  of  the  accuracy  of  a  statement  (derived 
from  Neal)  in  B.  II.  cap  v.  ante,  of  the  colonists  having  t>een 
at  one  time  restrained  from  woiking  mines  of  iron  and  copper. 
Till  the  yearlTSO.  the  export  of  Anierlean  iron  was  restrained 
by  heavy  duties,  Uaynal,  H.  IV'.  cap  vii. ;  ami  even  the  iiianu- 
farlure  iippears  lo  have  been  siihjert  to  some  inconvenient 
j  regulations,  Oldmixon, ('Jd  Edit.)  vol.  i.  n.  'JWO.  But  even  the,,, 
j  both  iron  and  oopper  mines  were  worked  in  several  of  the 
states  ;  and  llie  snrcess  of  these  iindertakinirs  seems  to  have 
I  been  eluelly  olislr'ic-icd  hy  (he  dc'iirness  of  labor.  Douglas, 
ivol.  ii.  p.  lot).    \\  iiiterboiham,  vol.  il.  p.  308. 


rent  state  even  below  the  slaiiilard  of  its  theory.  Maiiy 
causes  seem  to  have  contributed  to  the  lorniati  in  of 
this  spirit,  and  to  the  production  of  sentiments  and 
habits  conducive  lo  its  cllicacy.    All  the  colonial  chai^ 
ters  were  extorted,  by  interest  or  importunity,  froin 
princes  noted  for  arbitrary  designs  or  perfidious  cha- 
racters ;  and  no  sooner  had  these  charters  produced 
the  effect  of  collecting  numerous  and  thriving  coBk> 
munities  in  America,  than  some  of  them  were,  and 
all  of  them  would  have  been,  annulled,  if  the  dynaitr 
of  the  Stuarts   had  been  much   farther  prolonged. 
The  designs  of  these  princes  were  not  entirely  aban- 
doncd  by  their  successors  at  the  British  Revolution. 
For  many  years  after,  the  American  colonists  wen 
roused  to  continual  contests  in  defence  of  their  char- 
ters, which  the  English  court  made  successive  attempti 
to  qualify  or  annul.    These  defensive  efforts,  and  the 
success  with  which  they  were  generally  crowned,  tend- 
ed powerfully  to  keep  alive  an  active  and  vigilant  spi. 
rit  of  liberty  in  America.    The  ecclesiastical  coniU- 
tutions  and  the  religious  sentiments  that  prevailed  in 
the  majority  of  the  provinces,  were  no  less  favora'nle  to 
the  nurture  of  liberal  and  independent  sentiments.  In 
Virginia,  .Maryland,  and  South  Carolina,  alone  of  all  the 
states: — in  the  first,  from  its  earliest  settlement,  and 
in  the  two  others  by  a  most  unjust  usurpation ;  the 
church  of  Englaml  wa.s  possessed  of  a  legal  pre-emi- 
nence, and  maintained  at  the  expense,  not  only  of  ila 
own  adherents,  but  of  all  the  other  inhabitants,  of  what- 
ever christian  denomination.il    In  all  the  other  states 
there  existed,  about  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury, either  an  entire  political  equality  of  religious  sect-, 
or  at  least  a  very  near  approach  to  it ;  and  in  all  the.-r. 
not  only  were  the  inhabitants,  by  their  general  eliarjc  ■ 
ter  of  protcstants,  the  votaries  of  a  system  founded  n 
the  rights  of  private  judgment,  but  the  majority  of  the 
belonging  to  that  class  which  in  England  received  tl  • 
name  of  proteslant  dissenters,  professed  tenets  whu 
li.ave  been  termed  the  protestantism  of  the  jimlcslu 
faith,  and  which  peculiarly  predisposed  to  a  jealousy  < 
civil  liberty,  and  a  promptitude  lo  repel  every  arbiin: 
exertion  of  authority.    Even  the  episcopal  church  whi' 
it  existed,  whether  as  the  pre-eminent  establishment,  ■ 
as  one  among  many  co-c-qual  associations,  was  siript  < 
its  aristocratical  appendages,  and  exhibited  neither  .i 
tilled  hierarchy  nor  a  gradation  of  ranks  anions  the 
ministers  of  religion.    In  civil  life,  a  similar  eipialih 
of  ranks  universally  prevailed.    No  attempt  was  v\< 
made  to  plant  the  proud  distinction  of  nohiliti/  in  an;, 
of  the  provinces,  except  in  Carolina,  where  the  insli- 
tution  soon  withered  and  died.lT    Unaccustomcil  ii  that 
distinction  of  ranks  which  the  policy  of  Europe  h 
]  established,  the  people  were  generally  impressed  wr 
an  o])inion  of  the  natural  equality  of  all  freemen  ;  ai 
1  even  in  those  provinces  where  negro  slavery  had  tl 
greatest  prevalence,  the  possession  of  this  lyr^iiinii- 
privilege  seems  rather  to  have  adulter.ated  the  spirit  > 
freedom  with  a  considerable  tinge  of  arrogance,  ilian  ' 
I  have  contribute  J  at  all  to  mitigate  or  depress  t  Ex- 
cept this  inhuman  institution,  every  circumstance  in  ihe 
j  dome  lie  or  relative  condition  of  these  provinces  hail 
tendency  to  promote  industry,  good  morals,  and  iinpn  - 
sions  of  equality.    The  liberal  reward  of  labor  ami  I'  ■ 
cheapness  of  land,  pl.aced  the  enjoyment  of  coinfori. 
and  the  dignity  of  independence,  within  the  reach  «\ 
all  ;  the  luxuries  and  honors  of  England  attracted  the 
wealthy  voluptuarj-  and  the  votarv'  of  ambition  to  that 
more  inviting  sphere  of  enjoyment  and  intrimie ;  .ind 
the  vast  traslts  or  uncultivated  districts  attached 
every  province  served  as  salutary  outlets  by  which  il  ■ 
])opulation  was  drained  of  those  restless  disorderly  atl- 
venturers  who  were  averse  to  legal  restraint  and  pa- 
tient Labor,  and  who,  in  the  roving  occupation  of  Initilers 
and  baektroodsmen  (as  they  have  been  term' d,)  lonnd 
a  resource  that  diverted  them  from  more  lawle.-sand 
dangerous  pursuits,  and  even  rendered  iheiii  u.sefiil  .is 
a  body  of  pioneers,  who  paved  the  way  for  an  estension 


II  The  most  remarkable  dispute  that  occurreil  dnrinf  tin- 
eighteenth  century  between  England  and  Vircinia.prnirlo''  ■ 
Revolution,  wa-s  occasioned  by  an  allempt  of  the  Em;hsh: 
vemment  to  support  the  episcopal  clergv  of  ihe  pnivi'  ' 
pretension  which  w  as  disagreeable  loltie  bulk  of  tl  ' 
The  English  tovemment  interfered  to  prevent  tlie  ■ 
of  a  law  prejudici;d  lo  the  emoluments  of  the  clenfy  .  ■ 'i  •  " 
provincial  tribunals  refused  to  p.iy  any  attention  to  its  man- 
date. 

51  Vet  the  mysterious  nonsense  of  free  miisonr)"  seen"  to 
have  been  introduced  pretty  early, and  has  continued  loinain- 
tain  a  fixiting  among  the  Americans.  This  is  [lerhqisthf 
only  instance  of  Ihe  siiceessfnl  iinpoitalion  into  .Aim  rira  oi 
oneof  ihese  instil  ill  ions  so  Ireiiuent'in  Enp)pean  .stales,  wliich 
have  become  alisiiril  by  siirvivinL'  Ihe  maniicis  and  prineiplM 
in  which  they  oriL'inaled,  but  which  are  eonsfcnird  by  tint* 
and  the  passion  that  mankind  have  for  connectm)!  ibmn 
selves  with  antiauily. 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


339 


»nd  iiiiiltiplicalion  of  the  colonial  spttlompnts.  No 
trailiii!,'  corporations  or  nionopolios  rostraincd  tiic  froc- 
,4o]n  with  vvliicli  every  man  iiii^lil  ejnploy  liis  itidiistry, 
CJpilal,  ami  slvill  ;  and  no  forest  laws  mu'  if.inie  laws 
conlllieil  the  sports  of  tlie  field  to  a  privilei;e<l  class  of 
tile  community.  No  entails  wore  admitted  to  give  ad- 
fentitious  aid  to  natural  inequalities,  and  peri)etuate, 
in  the  hands  of  idleness  and  folly,  the  substance  that 
had  been  amassed  by  industry  and  ability.*  Happily 
for  the  stability  of  American  freedom,  it  was  impossible 
for  the  first  generation  of  colonists  to  succeed  in  ef- 
"fectuatinif  their  settlements,  and  attaining  a  secure  and 
prosperous  establishment,  without  the  exercise  of  vir- 
tues, and  the  form.ation  of  a  character,  that  guaranteed 
the  preservation  of  the  blessings  to  which  they  had  con- 

!  ducted.  Even  the  calamities  of  T'rench  and  Indian 
war  with  which  some  of  the  provinces  long  continued 

'  1.)  l)e  harassed,  contributed  to  preserve  a  spirit  and 
nabils  without  which  their  people  might  have  been  un- 
able in  the  eighteenth  century  to  achieve  their  inde- 
pendence. If  the  latter  settlements  of  New  Jersey  and 
Pennsylvania  were  exempted  in  some  degree  from  the 
discipline  of  those  hardships  and  ditlicultics  with  which 
the  eoinmenceinent  of  all  the  other  settlements  was  at- 
tended, they  were  happily  peopleu,  in  a  great  degree, 
by  a  class  of  sectaries  whose  habits  and  manners  are 

!  peculiarly  favorable  to  industry  and  good  morals,  and 
congenial  to  the  spirit  »f  republican  constitutions.  The 

t  quakors,  indeed,  have  been  much  more  successful  in 
leavening  American  society  with  manners  favoralile  to 
liberty,  than  with  principles  allied  to  their  own  political 
doctrines. 

To  England,  the  acquisition  of  these  colonial  settle- 
ments was  highly  advantageous.    They  enlarged  her 
trade  and  revenues;  they  alford  a  vast  field  in  which 
her  neeily  and  superfluous  population  might  improve 
tlieir  condition  and  dissipate    their  discontent  ;  and 
finally,  thov  created  for  her  a  new  nation  of  friends  in- 
1    teresled  in  her  happiness  and  glory,  and  of  customers, 
;   whose  arowing  wants  and  wealth  c.vcited  and  rewarded 
the  manufacturing  industry  of  her  people.    All  the  na- 
tions of  Europe  derived  advantage  from  the  formation 
of  these  establishments,  which  di-sburdened  their  terri- 
'ories  of  great  numbers  of  men,  whom  the  pressure  of 
I    poverty,  aggravated  by  defective  civil  institutions,  and 
'    in  eversion  to  the  systems  of  their  national  churches 
Inflamed  by  ecclesiastical  intolerance,  must  have  ren- 
jered  either  martyrs  or  rebels  in  their  native  land.  The 
emigration  from  the  continent  of  Europe,  and  especially 
from  Germany  to  America,  during  the  greater  part  of 
the  eighteenth  century,  was  much  more  copious  than 
'   the  emigration  from  England.     To  the  colonists,  the 
1  subsistence  of  their  peculiar  connexion  with  England 
I   was  likewise  attended  with  some  advantages.  The 
acknowledged  right  and  implied  protection  of  England 
deterred  all  other  Suropcan  powers  who  were  not  at 
war  with  her  from  molesting  them  ■  while  their  char- 
tered or  traditionary  constitutions  opposed  (after  the 
English  Revolution)  a  barrier  to  gross  and  open  en- 
croachments of  the  parent  state  herself  on  colonial 
rights  and  liberties.  As  their  own  strength  and  resources 
increased,  the  benefit  of  English  protection  was  propor- 
tionally diminished,  while  the  inconvenience  of  her 
I  commercial  restrictions,  and  of  participation  in  her  poli- 
tics and  wars,  was  more  sensibly  experienced. 

A  considerable  variety  and  indistinctness  of  opinion 
^  prevailed  both  in  England  and  America,  respecting  the 
precise  import  of  the  political  relation  subsisting  be- 
tween the  two  countries.    It  wa^  at  first  the  maxim  of 
the  Eiiirlish  court,  that  the  crown  was  the  only  member 
of  the  British  constitution  which  possessed  jurisdiction 
over  the  colonies  !    All  the  charters  were  framed  in 
I   conformity  with  this  maxim,  except  the  charter  of  Pcnn- 
;   sylvaiiia.    The  colonies  were  by  no  means  uniform  in 
I    the  sentiments  which  they  expressed  on  this  subject, 
j    They  complained  veiy  generally  of  an  unjust  usurpation 
of  pow  er  over  them  by  the  British  parliament,  when  the 
navigation  laws  were  passed  ;  and  openlv  maintained 
on  many  occasions,  that  an  act  of  the  British  parliament 
,   was  not  biniling  on  America.    Yet  they  scrupled  not  to 
complain  of  their  grievances  to  the  houses  of  parlia- 
ment, and  to  invoke,  from  time  to  time,  parliamentary 


*  At  a  subsequent  period,  the  system  of  entails  became  pre- 
/alenl  in  Virginia.  Wirt's  Life  of  Henry,  p.  33.  It  was  pro- 
ductive of  great  disline  and  jealousy  betw  ecn  the  aristocracy 
and  the  ypomanr)-  of  the  province.    Ibid,  passim. 

+  .\  bill  having  been  introduced  into  the  Hoase  of  Commons 
tn  the  reign  of  James  the  First,  for  regulating  the  American 
fisheries,  Sir  George  Calvert,  the  secretary  of  state,  conveyed 
to  the  house  the  following  intimation  from  the  kin^g  ;  "  Ame- 
rica IS  not  annexed  to  the  realm,  nor  within  the  jurisdiction 
of  parhuneiit ;  you  have,  therefore,  no  rieht  to  interfere." 
ColomiU  Tiacts  in  Harvard  Library,  apud  Holmes,  i.  195. 


interposition  in  their  behalf  The  New  England  states 
alone  seem  to  have  perceived  from  the  first  the  advan- 
tage they  might  one  day  derive  from  adhering  to  the 
maxim,  that  they  were  politically  connected  only  with 
the  king,  and  not  at  all  with  the  parliament  ;  and  with 
singular  prudence  forbore  to  ask  favors  from  a  parlia- 
ment by  which  they  were  regarded  with  especial  favor, 
lest  they  should  seem  to  sanction  iiarliamentary  inter- 
ference with  their  concerns.  When  the  parliament  en- 
joyed but  an  occasional  existence,  and  was  frequently, 
indeed  generally,  opposed  to  the  court,  the  English 
nionarchs  resolutely  maintained  their  exclusive  jurisdic- 
tion over  the  colonies.  When  the  parliament  acquired 
greater  power  and  permanence  it  enforced,  both  on  the 
court  and  the  colonies,  the  acknowledgment  of  its 
supreme  legislatorial  jur4sdiction.  'J'he  colonies  mur- 
mured against  the  trade  laws  :  they  often  evaded  them  ; 
and  many  persons  still  maintained  that  the  parliament 
had  no  right  to  impose  thein.  This  opinion  kept  its 
ground,  and  would  have  been  more  generally  and 
openly  asserted,  if  the  colonies  had  been  able  to  enforce 
it,  or  had  received  encouragement  from  the  crown.  But 
the  English  ministers  were  now  always  (by  a  necessity 
of  the  constitution)  in  possession  of  a  majority  in  par- 
liament, and  found  it  easier  and  safer  to  act  on  all 
occasions  through  the  instrumentality  of  this  organ, 
than  through  a  prerogative  employed  on  a  number  of 
distant  provincial  assemblies.  The  revolution  of  1688 
established  firmly  the  supreme  power  of  the  parliament, 
and  enforced  the  submission  of  America  to  its  legisla- 
tive control ;  and  from  this  period,  all  the  measures  by 
which  the  British  government  proposed  to  affect  the 
public  interest  of  the  colonists,  were  pursued  through 
the  medium  of  parliamentary  enactments.  No  taxation 
of  the  colonies  was  practically  attempted  by  the  parlia- 
ment, except  what  arose  from  the  regulation  of  com- 
merce ;  but  a  power  was  assumed  to  alter  the  Ameri- 
can charters,  or  at  least  to  modify  the  constitutions 
which  these  charters  had  created.  There  was  one 
point,  indeed,  in  which  the  relation  of  the  colonies  to 
the  royal  prerogative,  seemed  still  to  be  acknowledged. 
It  was  not  to  the  House  of  Lords,  or  to  any  of  the 
ordinary  tribunals  of  England,  that  appeals  were  carried 
from  the  judgments  of  American  courts,  but  to  the  king 
in  council  ;  and  it  was  the  same  organ  that  enjoyed 
the  power  of  modifying  and  rescinding  the  provincial 
laws  which  were  deemed  repugnant  to  English  juris- 
prudence.t 

Yielding  not  to  conviction  but  to  necessity,  overawed 
by  the  strength  of  Britain,  and  encumbered  by  the  dan- 
gerous vicinity  of  the  French  in  Canada,  the  colonists 
submitted  to  the  power  cf  parliament,  and  rendered  to 
it  even  that  degree  of  voluntary  acknowledgment  which 
may  be  inferred  from  numerous  petitions  for  the  redress 
of  grievances.ij  Yet  the  submission  that  was  actually 
enforced,  was  yielded  with  manifest  reluctance,  and  the 
pretensions  by  which  that  submission  might  in  aft^r 
times  be  extended,  were  regarded  with  the  most  jealous 
apprehension.  So  early  as  the  year  1896,  a  pamphlet 
\\as  published  in  England,  recommending  the  imposi- 
tion of  a  parliamentary  tax  on  one  of  the  colonies 
This  was  immediately  answered  by  two  other  publica- 
tions, in  which  the  power  of  taxing  the  colonies  was 
utterly  denied  to  a  parliament  in  which  they  were  not 
represented.il 

There  were  various  particulars  in  the  supremacy  that 
was  exercised  and  the  policy  that  was  pursued  by  the 
parent  st;  te,  that  were  olfensive  tjb  the  colonists,  and 
regarded  by  them  as  humilating  badges  of  dependence. 
The  appointment  of  certain  of  the  provincial  governors 
by  the  crown,  not  only  created  discontent  in^the  pro- 
vinces which  beheld  this  privilege  enjoyed  by  the  in- 
habitants of  the  other  states,  but  excited  in  these  others 

X  Lord  Mansfield  repeatedly  pronounced  that  it  was  v%  ithin 
tlie  competency  of  the  English  court  of  King's  Bench  to  send 
a  writ  of  habeas  corpus  into  America  ;  bul'he  declared  that 
this  was  a  power  which  could  rarely  if  ever  be  exercised  w  ith 
propriety.  Stokes  on  the  Constitution  of  the  British  Colonics, 
p.  5,  6.  ' 

(j  When  they  became  more  wealthy  and  powerful,  and  found 
that  the  parliament  w  as  about  to  usurp  their  domestic  tax- 
ation, they  refrained  from  sending  petitions  to  it,  and  presented 
themonly  totheking— See  Franklin's  Works,  iii.  3.36— and  at 
length  boldly  revived  the  ancient  maxim,  "  that  the  king,  and 
not  the  king,  lords,  and  commons  collectively,  is  their  sove- 
reign ;  and  that  the  king  with  their  respective  assemblies  is 
their  only  legislator."  Ibid.  381.  Thus  the  Americans  in  con- 
tending for  their  independence,  finally  took  their  stand  on  a 
principle  originally  introduced  by  despotic  princes,  and  in- 
tended to  secure  their  subjection  to  arbitrary  government  and 
royal  prerogative. 

II  Gordon's  Hist,  of  the  United  Slates  vol.  i.  Letter  li. 
"The  pamphlets  against  taxation  (said  Lord  Camden  in  his 
speech  in  the  House  of  Lor.ls.  April,  ITOO)  were  much  read, 
and  no  answer  was  given  to  them,  no  censure  passed  upon 
them  ;  nor  were  men  startled  ut  the  doctrine."  Ibid. 


I  a  continual  ap|)rcIiension  o(  beini;  levelled  in  this  repppct 
I  w  ith  the  condition  of  their  neighbors.  The  manner  in 
;  which  this  branch  of  tin-  royal  (irerogativc  was  to  i  often 
exercised,  tended  to  render  it  addilionallv  dis.i'.tree^iMe. 
•  It  was  the  general  practice  of  the  English  ministiTs  t.- 
commit  the  royal  governments  to  needy  dependenta, 
whose  chief  aim  was  to  repair  a  shattered  fortune  a.n.i 
to  recommend  themselves  to  their  patrons  by  a  head- 
long zeal  fi)r  the  assertion  of  every  real  or  pretemh'd 
prerogative  of  the  crown. T  The  transportation  of  F^ng- 
lisli  felons  to  .\merica,  was  also  a  i)rac'  ice  of  the  Brilish 
government,  which  the  lapse  of  time  rendered  incre.is- 
ingly  olfensive  to  the  colonists.  We  have  seen  the 
assembly  of  Maryland,  as  early  as  the  year  1676,  endea- 
vour to  stem  the  torrent  of  vicious  and  profligate  example 
which  was  thus  directed  by  the  parent  state  among  the 
laboring  classes  of  her  colonial  subjects.  The  assem- 
bly of  Pennsylvania  made  an  attempt  to  obstruct  the 
importation  of  convicts  into  that  state  by  imposin?;  a 
duty  of  five  pounds  on  every  convict  that  should  bo 
imported.  But  it  was  not  till  a  later  period  that  the 
practice  was  generally  objected  to  by  the  colonists. 
So  pressing  in  most  places  was  the  demand  for  laborers, 
that  their  moral  characters  and  the  terms  on  which  they 
were  obtained,  were  considerations  to  which  the  plant- 
ers had  not  leisure  to  attend.  Nay,  in  some  instances, 
felons  were  not  the  only  involuntary  emigrants  from 
England  whose  labor  they  appropriated.  It  became  at 
one  time  a  common  practice  for  captains  of  vessels  to 
entice  ignorant  persons,  by  flattering  promises  of  wealth 
and  preferment,  to  accompany  them  to  America,  where 
they  had  no  sooner  arrived,  than  they  were  sold  as 
bondsmen  to  defray  the  cost  of  their  passanc  and 
entertainment.  [32  ]  So  early  as  the  year  1086  an 
order  of  council**  was  issued  for  the  prevention  of 
this  practice.  In  process  of  time  all  the  local  govern- 
ments and  all  the  respectable  inhabitants  of  the  |>ro- 
vinces  united  in  petitioning  the  English  government  to 
discontinue  the  practice  of  sending  felons  to  America  :tt 
but  their  complaints  of  this  evil,  as  well  as  of  the  con- 
tinued importation  of  additional  negro  slaves,  expe- 
rienced the  most  contemptuous  disregard.  One  coiise- 
([uence  that  is  said  to  have  resulted  from  this  arbitrary 
treatment,  was  the  existence  of  very  general  ii'nor.ince 
or  very  illiberal  prejudices,  with  regard  to  the  condition 
of  North  America,  in  the  minds  of  all  c'asses  of  people 
in  England.  Though  persons  connected  with  the  colo- 
nies, by  commerce  or  otherwise,  might  entertain  jiister 
ideas  of  their  condition,  it  is  certain  that  till  a  very  late 
period  these  territories  were  generally  regarded  in  En- 
gland as  wild  inhospitable  deserts,  infested  by  Kava:>es 
and  beasts  of  prey,  and  cultivated  only  by  criminals  or 
by  kidnapped  negroes  and  Europeans.  Though  Bi.-hop 
Berkeley  had  prophesied  a  destiny  of  unequalled  s|.!eii- 
c  >r  to  this  region,  in  his  "  A'erses  on  the  prospect  of 
planting  arts  and  literature  in  America,"  and  ihouiili 
Thomson  had  celebrated  the  happiness  of  the  colonies, 
and  their  subservience  to  the  greatness  of  the  British 
empire,tt  the  encomiastic  strains  of  these  writers  were 
more  than  counteracted  by  the  sarcastic  and  opprobrious 
imputations  which  were  sanctioned  by  others  and  more 

IT  SirWilliamKeith's  Hist,  of  Virginia,  131.  Williamson's 
North  Carolina,  ii.  16.  We  have  already  seen  abundant  con- 
firmation of  the  testimony  of  tliesc  writers  in  the  histories  of 
Virginia,  New  York,  and  New  Jersey.  See  the  observations 
on  tlie  general  effect  of  the  English  Revolution  on  the  .Aine- 
rican  colonies,  at  the  close  of  the  history  of  Virginia,  li.  I. 
cap.  3,  ante. 

In  some  instances,  the  government  was  bestowed  as  a  sine- 
cure office  on  a  courtier  who  resided  in  England,  whih-  hisde  ■ 
puty  (appointed  also  by  the  crown)  performed  the  duty,  and 
received  a  part  of  the  salar)'.  The  Earl  of  Orkney,  in  parti- 
cular, who  was  appointed  governor  of  Virginia  in  1701,  held 
this  appointment  so  long  that  ho  receive.!  42,0001.  of  salary 
from  a  people  who  never  once  beheld  him  among  them.  Old- 
mixon,  (2d  Edit.)  vol.  i.  p.  400.  His  place  in  the  j)rovince, 
however,  was  very  well  supplied  for  nearly  tw  enly  years  by  a 
distinguished  olllcer  and  man  of  science.  Colonel  .UexaiKler 
Spottiswoode,  (of  the  Scotch  family  of  liiat  name.)  to  w  horn, 
among  other  benefits,  the  colonists  were  indebted  furtlii-  i  xpo 
d  it  ion  in  1714,  by  which  a  passage  over  the  .\palaehiai)  niuim- 
tains  was  first  ascertained.  Ibid,  p.401,402.  In  honor  o!' his 
services,oneofthe  counties  of  Virginia  is  calledSpottsylvania. 

♦*  This  document  is  preserved  in  the  British  .Mnxcu'm.  'I'hd 
system  of  inveigling  and  kidnapping  was  not  confine.^  to  V.r  - 
gland.  It  wa.s  carried  on  to  a  great  extent  in  Suabia  and  other 
German  cantons  by  Dutch  factors,  whom  Ray.iai  as.serts  la 
have  been  hired  by  the  British  government.  British  Scale 
ments  in  America,  B.  IV.  cap.  9. 

ft  An  American  patriot  humorously  proposed  tnat  a  reei])ro- 
cal  transportation  of  American  felons  to  En^dand  should  ia 
equity  be  indulged  to  the  colonists.    Franklin's  .Memoirs. 
XX  "Lo!  swarming  o'er  the  new-discover'd  worid, 
Gay  colonies  extend  ;  the  calm  retreat 

Of  undeserve  1  distress  

 Bound  1  y  social  freedom,  firm  they  rise  , 

Of  Britain's  empire  the  support  and  strengtii." 

Thomsow 


C40 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


popular  authors.*  The  conquest  of  Louisliurjjh  from 
the  l-'rnu-li  in  1745,  an  entrrpriiic  ori^'inally  i)rojt'Ctfd 
by  thi!  wisdom,  and  mainly  accomphshcd  by  the  vijfor 
of  the  ;.'ovfrnnient  of  Massachuictls,  was  the  circum- 
that  first  prepared  the  people  of  Eiifrland  to 
receive  more  just  impressions  of  the  dignity  and  im- 
portance of  the  Aiuericaii  provinces. 

Uut  no  particular  of  the  treatment  which  the  colo- 
nists experienced  from  England  during  the  early  part  of 
tlii'ir  connexion  with  her,  was  so  generally  olfcnsivo  to 
them  as  the  restriction*  she  imposed  upon  their  trade 
and  iiulustry.  The  system  not  only  disgusted  thein 
Uv  its  injustice,  but  seemed  in  some  instances  to  have 
perverted  their  own  sense  of  justice,  and  commu- 
nicated to  their  counsels  a  portion  of  its  own  illibe- 
ralifv.  In  some  features  of  the  commercial  policy  pur- 
sued l>v  the  colonists,  we  may  discern  the  rellection  of 
that  narrow  and  sellish  .spirit  tliat  perxaded  the  system 
adopted  toward  themselves  by  the  parent  state.  An 
act  of  the  assembly  of  Virginia,  in  1C80,  imposed  a 
duly  on  all  tobacco  exported  from,  and  on  all  emigrants 
iin|iorted  into  the  colony  in  vessels  not  belonging  to 
Virginian  owners.  liy  an  ordinance  of  Massachusetts 
a  tannage  duty  was  imposed  on  all  ships  casting  anchor 
in  any  poit  within  its  jurisdiction,  excepting  vessels 
owned  by  inhabitants  of  the  state.  A  similar  duty  was 
inip;)sed  by  the  assembly  of  Rhode  Island,  in  the  year 
17(11,  on  all  vessels  not  wholly  owned  by  inliahitaiils 
of  that  colony.  In  1709,  the  inhabitants  of  New  York 
imposed  a  tonnage  duty  on  every  vessel  of  which  one 
half  did  not  belong  to  citizens  of  that  state.  I3y  a  law 
of  Maryland,  in  1715,  the  duties  imposed  on  the  impor- 
tation of  negroes,  servants,  and  liquors,  were  declared 
not  to  extend  to  such  as  were  imported  in  vessels  whose 
owners  were  all  residents  in  the  province.  In  the  same 
province  it  had  been  enacted,  eleven  years  before,  that 
debts  due  to  English  bankrupts  should  not  be  collected 
till  se'-urity  were  given  that  the  claims  of  colonial  cre- 
ditors on  the  bankrupt's  estate  should  be  lirst  wholly 
discharged. t  Even  the  Pennsylvanians,  who  in  this 
respect  |)r'i|<-ssed  a  more  liberal  consideration  of  the 
ilaims  of  loreign  creditors  than  any  of  the  otrier  pro- 
vincial communities,  passed  a  law  for  securing  priority 
of  payments  from  the  estates  of  bankrupts  to  the  in- 
habitants of  their  province.  Among  other  apologies  for 
Lhis  policy  with  regard  to  the  recovery  of  debts  (which 
.vas  very  generally  adopted  throughout  the  colo- 
nies) it  is  |)roper  to  notice  the  fact  that  the  planters 
were  commonly  treated  with  great  illiberality  by  the 
merch  iiits  to  whom  they  consigned  their  produce  in 
England,  who  took  advantage  of  their  necessities,  while 
the  sales  were  in  suspense,  to  lend  them  money  at  ex- 
orbitant interest,  and  on  the  security  of  their  mortgaged 
plantations.  In  1701,  the  assembly  of  South  Carolina 
imposed  a  duty  of  three  farthings  a  skin  on  hides  ex- 
ported by  the  colonists  in  their  own  ships,  but  double  this 
amount  if  the  exports  were  loaded  in  English  vessels — a 
distinction  against  which  the  English  commissioners  of 
plantations  remonstrated,  as  an  unjust  di.scouragemeiit 
to  the  trade  of  England.  The  Virginian  act  of  1680 
had  excited  similar  remonstrances  from  the  same  quarter, 
ind  nude  the  nation  feel,  that  to  practise  injustice  is  to 
teach  a  lesson  that  often  returns  to  plague  the  inventor. 

In  the  year  1696,  King  William  erected  a  new  and 
ftanding  council  under  the  name  of  the  Lords  Com- 
niissioiiers  for  Trade  and  Plantations.  All  the  Ame- 
rican governors  were  required  to  maintain  correspond- 
ence with  this  board,  and  to  transmit  to  it  the  journals 
of  their  coiineils  and  assemblies,  the  accounts  of  the 
collectors  of  customs,  and  similar  articles  of  oflicial  in- 
telligence.   This  requisition  was  obeyed  by  the  royal 

♦  .Siiiollel  alludes  to  the  colonics  of  North  America  in  the 
followjii;;  .11  rain—"  The  galleys  of  France  iiliouiid  « llli  abbes  ; 
and  many  leinplars  may  be  found  in  our  Anx  ric.iii  plaiila- 
lioHM."  ('ounl  Kallioni,  vol.  i.  cap.  "iJ  KiclcUii^  semis  his  hero, 
Jonathan  VVild.to  fortify  liis  vice  and  villany  in  Virginia  ;  and 
in  various  oIIkt  .illtision.s  lo  the  colonies  always  re|)res<TiTs 
tlii  iii  U.1  the  Huitalile  refuge  of  deserved  distress.  In  Keed's 
farce  of '["lie  KegiMierOlhee,  a  iniserable  Irisliiiian  is  exhibited 
a.H  on  llie  poliitoriieing  trepanned  to  America,  to  be  lliere  sold 
as  a  slave.  Kvi  n  in  Goldsmilb"s  Traveller,  where  the  expul- 
sion of  an  Enijlisli  pea.sant  mid  liis  family  from  their  home  is 
represented  as  a  very  ordinary  consecpience  of  the  pride  and 
luxury  of  Kmilish  lanillords,  tiic  exiles  are  supposed  to  find  a 
tenfold  addition  to  thiMr  woes  in  North  Ameriea.  Nay.  tliis 
Hlni  n  serins  not  yet  lo  have  ce.ased  ;  and  the  grief  of  "  heart- 
Mick  exilen"  .,\  'America  lia.s  been  ili  plored  by  a  Seollisli  bard 
of  the  niiieteeiilli  ec  nuiry.  Froiiillie  time  when  Walli  rand 
Marvi  ll  eulogiMi  d  tlic>  Iranipiil  lelreat  of  Henniidas.  I  am  not 
aware  iliat  any  other  Kimlisli  poets  but  Thomson  .iiul  (,'ain;)- 
bcil  have  r  elebraled  the  happy  scenes  and  circumstances  of 
Amerieui  life. 

+  111  til"  hmtory  nf  Maryland  we  have  .ilready  seen  the  first 
inmaiio  ol  a  la»  di<iHlilmg  all  einiL'ranls  to  the  colony  from 
•nji>)  II  i!  eiiloiiial  iiiri'M'N  till  by  resiilrncc  for  a  term  of  years 
(bey  ItAii  U'coajii  completely  culomitlM. 


governors,  but  met  with  very  little  attention  in  those 
exjlonies  of  which  the  governors  were  appointed  by  the 
people.  In  thcyear  17H,  the  attorney-general  of  Eng- 
land (Xortlicy)  informed  the  English  ministers  that  it 
was,  not  in  tlirir  power  to  punish  this  neglect,  and  ad- 
vised them  to  a|)ply  to  parliament  for  an  act  command- 
ing all  the  colonies  to  transmit  their  laws  for  royal  re- 
vision. This  proceeding,  liowever,  was  not  adopted  : 
and  a  report  of  the  lords  commissioners,  in  the  year 
1733,  sets  forth  that  "  Rhode  Island  and  Connecticut, 
being  charter  governments,  hold  little  or  no  correspond- 
ence with  our  ollice,  and  we  are  very  little  informed 
of  what  is  doing  in  these  governments  ;  they  not  being 
under  any  obligation  to  return  authentic  copies  of  their 
laws  to  the  cowii  for  disallowance,  or  to  give  any  ac- 
count of  their  p.-oceedings."t 

There  was  a  considerable  variety  in  the  constitutions 
of  the  several  iirovimies  at  the  commencement  of  the 
eighteenth  century.  In  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania, 
the  pro|)erly  of  the  soil,  and  the  government  of  the 
state,  belonged  to  one  or  more  proprietaries.  This 
was  also  the  situation  of  the  (.Jarolinas,  till  the  surren- 
der of  the  projirietary  jurisdiction.  In  New  Jersey, 
and  in  the  Carolinas,  after  the  proprietary  jurisdictions 
were  surrendered,  the  soil  belonged  to  the  proprietaries, 
and  the  government  to  the  crown.  In  Massachusetts, 
the  property  of  the  soil  was  vested  in  the  people  and 
their  re|)resentatives,  and  the  government  was  exercised 
by  the  crown.  In  Virginia  and  New  York,  both  pro- 
perty and  government  belonged  to  the  crown.  In  Con- 
necticut and  Rhode  Island,  both  property  and  govern- 
ment were  vesteil  in  the  corporation  of  the  freemen  of 
the  colony.  These  distinctions,  among  other  evil  con- 
sequences, promoted  disputes  respecting  boundaries, 
in  which  the  crown  was  tliought,  and  not  without  rea- 
son, to  favor  the  claims  of  those  states  in  which  its 
power  was  largest,  and  the  quit  rents  were  subservient 
to  the  royal  revenue. 

No  encouragement  seems  ever  to  have  been  given 
by  the  English  government  to  the  cultivation  of  science 
or  literature  in  the  Americas  provinces,  except  in  the 
solitary  instance  of  a  donation  by  William  and  Mary, 
in  aid  of  the  college  which  took  its  name  from  them  in 
Virginia.  The  policy  adopted  by  the  parent  state  in 
this  respect  is  very  correctly  indicated  by  one  of  the 
royal  governors  in  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury. "  As  to  the  college  erected  in  Virginia,"  says 
this  otTicer,  "  and  other  designs  of  the  like  nature  which 
have  been  proposed  for  the  encouragement  of  learning, 
it  is  only  to  be  observed  in  general,  that  although  great 
advantages  noay  accrue  to  the  mother  state  botii  from 
the  labor  and  luxury  of  its  plantations,  yet  they  will 
probably  be  mistaken  who  imagine  that  the  advance- 
ment of  litorattrre  and  the  iiiiiirovement  of  arts  and 
sciences  in  our  American  colonies  can  be  of  any  ser- 
vice to  the  liritish  state."'J  We  have  already  seen  the 
instructions  that  were  given  to  the  royal  governors  by 
the  English  court,  both  prior  and  subsequent  to  the  re- 
volution of  IGSS,  to  restrain  the  exercise  of  printing 
within  their  jurisdictions.  Many  laws  were  enacted  in 
New  England,  after  that  event,  for  enlirging  the  lite- 
rary privileges  and  honors  of  H.irvard  College  ;  but  they 
were  all  disallowed  by  the  English  government. 

The  first  printing-press  establislied  in  North  Ame- 
rica, was  erected  in  Miissachusetts  in  the  year  1638. 
It  was  more  than  forty  years  atlerward  before  print- 
ing commenced  in  any  other  part  of  liritish  .\merica. 
In  1686,  a  printing-|)ress  was  established  in  Pennsyl- 
vania ;  in  16i)3,  at  Now  York  ;  in  170i),  in  Connecti- 
cut; in  1726,  in  .Maryland;  in  1729,  in  Virginia;  and 
in  1730,  in  South  Carolina.  Previous  to  the  year 
1740,  more  printing  was  performed  in  Massachusetts 
than  in  all  the  other  colonies  together.  From  1760  till 
the  commencement  of  Ihe  revolutionary  war,  the  quan- 
tities of  printing  executed  in  Boston  and  Philadelphia 
were  nearly  the  same.  The  first  North  .\inerican 
newspaper  was  published  at  Boston  by  Campbell,  a 
Scotchman,  the  postmaster,  in  1704.  The  second 
made  its  appearance  in  the  same  city  in  1719;  and  in 


X  Anderson's  Hist,  and  Chronol.  Deduct,  of  the  Origin  of 
Commerce,  ii.  622, 623.  Chalmers,  295.  As  a  remedy  for  the 
defective  correspondence  which  w;»s  anticipated  between  the 
colonies  and  the  board  of  trade,  an  act  of  parliament  was 
pa.ssed  in  1696,  deelarmg  (in  conforiiiily  w  ith  the  colonial 
charters,)  "  that  all  by-laws,  usages,  and  customs  which  shall 
be  in  praetlce  in  any  of  the  plantations,  reimgnanl  loany  law 
made  in  the  kingdmii  relative  to  the  said  plaiitalioiis,  shall  be 
void  and  of  no  elfert." 

<)  Sir  William  Keith's  Ilisloryof  Virginia.  I  have  lerineil 
Ki'illia  royal  governor.  He  w  as,  it  is  Inie  the  governor  of 
a  proprietary  settlement,  Pencsylvama.  Uut  all  these  gover- 
nors were  now  approved  by  the  erown  ;  ami  Keith's  nomi- 
nal mil,  in  eonsiquiuiee  of  William  IViin's  ineiitnl  incapacity 
at  tliu  tunc  proceeded  ullogulhci  from  Ihc  crown. 


:  the  same  j  car,  the  third  was  published  in  Philadelphia. 
'  In  1725,  New  York,  for  the  first  time,  published  a 
I  iicws[>apei  ;  and  after  this,  similar  journals  were  gra- 
I  dually  introduced  into  the  other  colonies. || 

'Ihe  press  in  America,  was  no  where  entirely  free 
i"rom  legal  restraint  till  about  the  year  1755.  In  1723, 
James  Franklin  was  prohibited  by  the  governor  of 
Massachusetts  from  publishing  The  Ncie  Eiiflani 
Courant,^  without  previously  submitting  its  cuntenti 
to  the  revision  of  the  secretary  of  the  province  ;  and  in 
1754,  one  Fowie  was  imprisoned  by  the  House  of  .\s 
senibly  of  the  same  province,  on  sutpicion  of  having 
printed  a  pamplilet  containing  rclleclions  on  some  mem- 
bers of  the  government.  After  the  year  1730,  no  of- 
ficer seems  to  have  been  appointed  in  Massachusetts  to 
exercise  a  particular  control  over  the  press  ;  but  priot 
to  that  period,  the  imprimatur  o{  a  licenser  was  inscrib- 
ed on  many  of  the  New  England  publications. 

A  country  where  labor  was  so  dear,  and  property 
in  land  so  general  as  in  North  America,  might  have 
been  expected  to  have  proved  eminently  favorable  to 
the  growth  of  a  skilful  and  economical  system  of  hiw> 
bandry.  While  the  dearness  of  labor  restrained  expen* 
sive  cultivation,  the  ireneral  dilTusion  of  the  ownership 
of  land,  enhanced  and  multiplied  the  incitements  to  in- 
dustry. But  the  iiitl.ience  of  these  causes  was  coun- 
teracted by  the  cheapness  and  abundance  of  land,  and 
the  vast  forests  with  which  the  whole  country  wa« 
covered.  Every  man  possessed  land  enough  to  af^ 
ford  him  a  sullicient  subsistence  by  the  easiest  agricul 
tural  process  ;  and  a  great  deal  of  industry  was  con 
tinually  directed  to  the  task  of  disencumbering  tht 
ground  of  wood.  Although  every  one  of  the  settliy 
ments  already  possessed  numerous  substantial  edifica^ 
tions  of  biick  and  stone,  yet,  from  the  dearness  of  labor 
and  the  abundance  of  wood,  the  greater  number  of 
dwelling-houses  were  every  where  constructed  of  this 
material — a  practice  which  was  prolonged  till  a  vciy 
late  period  by  the  erroneous  notion,  that  wooden  housea 
contributed '  a  better  defence  than  stone  building! 
.against  the  humiility  of  the  atmosphere.** 

America  has  owed  to  Europe  not  only  a  race  of  citiI- 
ized  men,  but  a  breed  of  domestic  animals.  Oxen, 
horses,  and  slieep,  were  introduced  by  the  English, 
French,  Dutch,  and  Swedes,  into  their  respective  set- 
tlements. Bees  were  imported  by  the  English.  The 
Indians  who  had  never  seen  these  insects  before,  gave 
them  the  name  of  English  Jltcs  ii 

Every  one  of  the  provinces  beheld  the  Indian  tribej 
by  './hich  it  was  surrounded  melt  away  more  or  lc*» 
rapidly  under  the  intUience  of  a  civilized  neighborhood. 
In  none  of  the  provinces  (with  the  exception,  perli.-.p5, 
•of  South  Carolina"  were  wars  underlaken  ag.iinst  ih.tl 
unfortunate  race  for  the  sake  of  compiest  ;  yet  none  o( 
the  colonies  wliose  history  we  have  hitherto  traced,  ex- 
cept New  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania,  were  able  to  avoid 
altOi;ether  a  contest,  in  which  the  uniform  a^i;r«-ssion 
of  the  Indians  w.as  uniformly  punished  with  discom- 
fiture and  destruction.  Virginia  was  the  only  province 
of  which  the  soil  had  been  occupied  without  a  previous 
purchase  from  the  Indi  ins  ;  and  in  .South  C.iroliiia  alone 
had  the  treatment  which  these  savages  experienced 
from  the  Europeans,  been  justly  chargeable  with  defect 

II  John  Duntoii,  in  the  prospectus  of  the  journal  which  he 
began  to  publish  at  London,  in  1696,  slates  that  there  »er« 
then  but  eiglit  newspapers  pulilished  in  England.  None  were 
published  in  Scotland  till  after  the  accession  of  Williuniaiid 
.Mary. 

III  17 19,  there  was  no  printing  press  in  Canada.  There  had 
formerly  been  one  ;  but  it  did  mit  alford  its  ow  ner  the  meant 
of  subsistence.  The  Frenrh  colonisi.s.  more  ashamed  of  tl.t 
reproach  of  poverty  or  intellectual  inleriorily  than  o(  de.sli 
tiilion  of  liberty,  asserted  that  Ihe  Canadian  press  hail  l^ecD 
iiiti  idii'ti  il,  lest  it  sixmld  produce  libels  against  goveriiincnt 
K.dm's  Travels,  iii.  182.  The  dilfereiiee  between  Frciich  aii« 
EiiLtlish  manners  was  very  apparent  in  the  colonial  srille- 
ments  of  the  two  nations.  The  Canadian  Freiicli.  savs  ('li»r- 
levoix,  w  ill  rather  retrench  from  their  tables  than  wear  pLi's 
clothes.  Voyage  to  North  America  in  1720,  vol.  i.  Letter  III. 
Hut  Hutchinson  declares,  that  Ihe  English  cob  nists  would 
r.itlier  simplify  their  attire  than  ini|>overish  then  diet,  ilisl. 
of  Massachusetts,  ii.  413. 

%  This  journal  (first  published  in  1721)  was  edited  by  n 
eUh  r  brother  of  Dr.  Franklin,  and  had  been  previously  de- 
nounced by  Dr  Increase  Malherasa  worlhlessand  irreIii;ious 
publication.  It  was  the  earliest  lileniry  organ  of  iiitidelily  i* 
North  .America.  In  o.ie  of  the  nmnliers  of  this  paper  it  VU 
.ailvanced,  that  "  if  the  ministers  of  Ciod  approve  of  »  thingi 
It  IS  a  sign  it  is  of  the  devil."  Dr.  Mather  was  co:iipf  lied  10 
vindicate  liiinst  lf  publicly  froicaii  assertion  in  the  piper, thU 
he  was  one  of  its  friends  and  supporters.  Isaiah  Tliomas' 
Mist,  of  Prinling  iii  .\rnerica,  i.  21.5. 

*  •  Mr.  Jeflersoii  was  the  first  who  attempted  to  combat  this 
error  of  his  countrymen,  in  his  "  Notes  on  Virginia." 

ii  Kalin,  1.  2HM.'  Obliiiixon  a.saert.s  (2d  edit.  i.  <ll.llhil 
America  had  neither  nils  noriP'"«'dl  iho  arrivd  ol  hie  h'lf* 
pean  vessels. 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


841 


of  forbearance  and  humanity.  But  the  friendship  of 
tfie  colonists  proved  in  general  no  less  hta.1  than  their 
hostilities  to  the  Indians.  The  taste  for  spirituous 
liquors,  which  they  communicated,  was  indulged  by  the 
gavages  with  a  passion  that  amounted  to  frenzy  ;  and 
the  new  diseases  which  they  imported  from  Europe, 
both  from  peculiarities  in  the  constitution  of  the  Indians, 
and  the  defective  treatment  occassioned  by  their  iue.^;- 
pericnce  of  such  maladies  were  productive  of  a  havoc 
among  the  tribes  that  far  outstri[)ped  all  the  efforts  of 
.human  hostility.  The  peculiar  mortality  whicli  the 
small-i)o,\:  produced  among  the  Indians  has  been  ascrib- 
ed by  some  writers  to  their  practice  of  anointing  them- 
selves with  bears'  grease,  in  order  to  repel  the  attacks 
of  noxious  insects  in  summer,  and  to  exclude  the  ex- 
treme cold  of  winter,  which  is  supposed  to  repress  the 
cutaneous  eruption  that  is  requisite  to  a  favorable  issue 
of  the  distemper.  Guided  by  their  own  sensations,  the 
Indians  anticipated  the  Europeans  in  the  use  of  the 
cold  regimen  in  small-pox  ;  and  the  mortality  that  the 
disorder  occasioned  among  them  was  at  first  errone- 
ously ascribed  to  this  practice.  Even  the  relish  for 
superior  comforts  and  finer  luxuries,  which  might  have 
oeen  expected  to  lead  the  Indians  to  more  civilized 
modes  of  life,  was  productive  of  an  opposite  effect,  and 
tended  to  confirm  them  in  savage  habits  ;  as  these 
luxuries  were  now  generally  tendered  to  them  in  ex- 
change for  the  peltry  which  they  procured  by  hunting. 
Almost  all  the  Indian  tribes  were  engaged  in  wars  with 
each  other,  and  all  were  eager  to  obtain  the  new  instru- 
ments of  destruction  which  the  superior  science  of  the 
Europeans  had  created.  Wielding  this  improved  ma- 
chinery of  death  with  the  same  rage  and  fury  that  had 
characterised  their  previous  warfare  with  less  efficacious 
weapons,  their  mutual  hostilities  were  rendered  addi- 
tionally destructive  by  the  communication  of  an  inven- 
tion which,  among  civilized  nations,  has  shortened  the 
duration  and  diminished  the  carnage  of  war. 

At  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century  the  Indian 
tribes  of  New  Englard  could  still  muster  10,000  fight- 
ing men  ;*  those  of  New  York,  1,000  ;  and  those  of 
Virginia,  500.  There  were  6,000  Indians  altogether 
la  Pennsylvania  ;  4,000  in  North  Carolina  ;  probably 
as  many  in  South  Carolina  ;  3,000  in  Maryland  ;  and 
only  200  in  New  Jersey. t 

The  danger  which  the  European  colonists  must  have 
incurred  from  a  coalition  between  their  negro  slaves 
and  the  Indians,  was  obviated  by  the  irreconcileable 
dislike  and  antipathy  which  prevailed  universally  be- 
tween these  two  degenerate  races.  The  gentle  and 
effeminate  Indians  of  South  America  were  regarded 
from  the  first  with  insolence  and  scorn  by  the  negro 
slaves  of  the  Spaniards  ;  and  the  freer  and  hardier  In- 
dians of  North  America  have  always  demonstrated  the 
fiercest  aversion  and  contempt  for  the  negroes  imported 
Jito  the  settlements  of  the  English. 


NOTES  TO   GRAHAM'S  HISTORY. 

Note  [1]  p.  218. — The  important  instruction,  both 
moral  and  political,  which  may  be  derived  from  a  con- 
sideration of  the  origin  of  the  Slave  Trade,  is  forcibly 
uepicted  by  that  distinguished  philanthropist  (Thomas 
Clarkson),  whose  virtue  promoted,  and  whose  genius 
has  recorded,  the  abolition  of  this  detestable  traffic.  It 
is  a  remarkable  fact,  that  the  pious  and  benevolent  Las 
Casas,  actuated  by  a  vehement  desire  to  emancipate 
the  feeble  nations  of  South  America  from  the  bondage 
of  the  Spanish  colonists,  was  the  first  person  who  pro- 
posed to  the  government  of  Spain  the  importation  of 
negroes  from  Africa  to  America.  His  proposition  was 
rejected  by  Cardinal  Ximenes,  who  considered  it  un- 
lawful to  consign  innocent  people  to  slavery  at  all,  and 
was,  moreover,  struck  with  the  inconsistency  of  deli- 
vering the  inhabitants  of  one  country  from  a  state  of 

*  When  Connecticut  was  first  settled,  there  were  computed 
to \te  20,000  Indians  within  its  boundaries  alone.  Trumbull, 
1.43.  In  Gookin's  "Historical  Collections  of  the  Indians  in 
New  England,"  some  illustration  is  afforded  of  the  rapid  de- 
ehiie  which  these  tribes  sustained  durin'.;  the  short  interval 
tetween  the  settlement  of  the  New  England  states  and  the 
year  1764.  The  Pequods  were  reduced  from  4,000  to  300 
VFarriors  ;  the  Narraghansetts,  from  3,000  to  1,000  ;  the  Paw- 
tuckets,  from  3,000  to  250  ;  the  Massachusetts  (wlio  have 
jiiveii  their  name  to  the  principal  state  in  New  England,) 
Irom  3.000  to  300  ;  and  the  Pavvkunnakuts.  a  tribe  which  had 
lonnerly  numbered  3,000  warriors,  was  almost  entirely  ex- 
tinct. Collections  of  the  Massachusetts  Hist.  Soc.  i.  141-227 
l^ldmixon,  i.  106.  125.  141.  164.  204.  282.  Warden,  ii. 
d75.  419.  The  most  accurate,  believe,  and  certainly  the 
most  interesting  picture  of  Indian  manners  that  exists  in  the 
tnglisli  language,  is  contained  in  that  noble  production  o' 
looniing  and  feniiis,  Southey's  History  af  Brazil 


misery,  by  inflicting  it  upon  the  inhabitants  of  another. 
"  .\fter  the  death  of  Cardinal  Ximenes,  the  Emperor 
Charles  thi;  Fifth  eiieouraged  the  shi\<'  trade.  In  l.'ilT, 
he  granted  a  patent  to  one  of  his  Flemish  fivorites, 
containing  an  exclusive  right  of  iniporliiig  four  thou- 
sand Africans  into  America.  But  he  lived  long  enough 
to  repent  of  what  he  had  thus  inconsiderately  done. 
For  in  the  year  1.542,  he  made  a  code  of  laws  for  the  bet- 
ter protection  of  the  unfortunate  Indians  in  his  foreign 
dominions ;  and  he  stopped  the  progress  of  African 
slavery  by  an  order  that  all  slaves  in  his  American 
islands  should  be  made  free."  This  order  was  subse- 
quently defeated  by  his  own  retirement  into  a  monaste- 
ry ;  but  "  it  shows  he  had  been  ignorant  of  what  he 
was  doing,  when  he  gave  his  sanction  to  this  cruel 
trade.  It  shows,  when  lejrislators  give  one  set  of  men 
an  undue  power  over  another,  how  quickly  they  abuse 
it ;  or  he  never  would  have  found  himself  obliged,  in 
the  short  space  of  twenty-five  years,  to  undo  that  which 
he  had  countenanced  as  a  great  stale  measure.  And 
while  it  confirms  the  former  lesson  to  statesmen,  of 
watching  the  beginnings  or  principles  of  things,  in 
their  political  movements,  it  should  teach  thein  never 
to  persist  in  the  support  of  evils,  through  the  false 
shame  of  being  obliged  to  confess  that  they  had  once 
given  them  their  sanction  ;  nor  to  delay  the  cure  of 
them,  because,  politically  speaking,  neither  this  nor 
that  is  the  proper  season  ;  but  to  do  them  away  instant- 
ly, as  there  can  be  only  one  fit  or  proper  time  in  the 
eye  of  religion,  namely,  on  the  conviction  of  their  exist- 
ence." (  larkson's  History  of  the  Abolition  of  the  Slave 
Trade,  vol.  i.  p.  36—38. 

Louis  the  Thirteenth  of  France  was  at  first  stagger- 
ed by  the  same  scruples  of  conscience  that  prevailed 
with  Charles,  and  could  not  be  persuaded  to  authorize 
the  slave  trade  till  he  had  been  made  to  believe  that 
the  readiest  way  of  converting  the  negroes  was  by 
transporting  them  to  the  colonies  — Ibid.  41,  43. 

Note  [2]  p.  219. — Captain  Smith  appears  to  have 
been  so  obnoxious  to  the  leading  patentees,  thai,  even 
if  he  had  remained  in  the  colony,  it  is  highly  improba- 
ble they  would  ever  have  intrusted  him  with  any  autho- 
rity. They  never  rewarded  nor  re-employed  him  after 
his  return  to  England.  They  were  bent  on  deriving 
immediate  supplies  of  gold  or  rich  merchandize  from 
the  colony,  and  ascribed  their  disappointment  in  a  great 
measure  to  his  having  restricted  his  views  to  the  esta- 
blishment of  a  solid  and  respectable  frame  of  society. 
This  is  apparent  from  many  passages  of  his  writings, 
and  particularly  from  his  letter  to  the  patentees  while 
he  held  the  presidency. — B.  III.  cap.  vii.  An  honester, 
but  absurder  reason,  that  appears  to  have  prevailed  with 
sume  of  them  to  oppose  his  pretensions  to  oliice,  was, 
that  certain  fortune-tellers  had  predicted  that  he  would 
be  unlucky  ;  a  [irediclion  that  sometimes  contributes 
to  its  own  fulfilment — B.  VI. 

In  various  parts  of  his  history  he  applies  himself  to 
refute  their  unrea.wnable  charges,  and  account  for  the 
disappointment  of  their  expectations.  For  this  pur- 
pose he  has  drawn  a  parallel  between  the  circumstances 
of  the  Spanish  and  the  English  colonists  of  America. 
"  It  wa>3  the  Spaniards'  good  hap,"  he  observes,  "  to 
happen  in  those  parts  where  were  infinite  numbers  of 
people,  who  had  manured  the  ground  with  that  jirovi- 
dence  it  afforded  victuals  at  all  times.  And  time  had 
brought  them  to  that  perfection,  that  they  had  the  use 
of  gold  and  silver,  and  the  most  of  such  commodities 
as  those  countries  afforded  :  so  that  what  the  Spaniard 
got  was  chiefiy  tl;e  spoil  and  pillage  of  those  counlry 
people,  and  not  the  labors  of  their  own  hands.  But 
had  these  fruitful  countries  been  as  savage,  as  barba- 
rous, as  ill  peopled,  as  little  planted,  labored,  and 
manured,  as  Virginia,  their  proper  labors,  it  is  likely, 
would  have  produced  as  small  profit  as  ours.  And  had 
Virginia  been  peopled,  planted,  manured,  and  adorned 
with  such  store  of  precious  jewels  and  rich  commodi- 
ties as  were  the  Indies  ;  then,  had  we  not  gotten  and 
done  as  much  as,  by  their  example,  might  be  expected 
from  us,  tlie  world  might  then  have  traduced  us  and  our 
merits,  and  have  made  shame  and  infamy  our  recom- 
pense and  reward." — B.  III.  cap.  ix. 

Were  we  to  confine  our  attention  to  the  seeming 
import  of  this  isolated  passage,  it  would  be  difficult  not 
to  suppose  that  this  excellent  person  was  deterred  less 
by  want  of  inclination  than  lack  of  opportunity,  from 
imitating  the  robberies  and  enormities  of  the  Spanish 
adventurers.  But  the  general  context  of  his  book,  as 
well  as  the  more  credible  evidence  derived  from  the 
whole  scope  and  tenor  of  his  life,  would  ampl)'  refute 
the  unjust  supposition.  That  he  was  utterly  unac- 
quainted with  the  enormities  committed  by  tlio  Span- 


iards in  Mexico  and  Peru,  may  be  collected  from  th<J 
praises  he  bestows  on  their  exploits,  and  from  his  ap- 
pealing to  the  glory  of  these  exploits  as  .lu  incentive 
that  should  stimulate  the  ardor  of  llie  En;rlisli  to  th.a 
prosecution  of  laborious  virtue,  and  humble  but  honeet 
emolument  in  North  America  Thus  nobly  we  find 
him  expressing  the  sentiments  of  a  mind  which  the  con- 
dition of  humanity  did  not  exempt  from  being  deceived 
but  which  piety  preserved  from  being  depraved  or  per 
verted,  "  Who  can  desire  more  content  that  hath  smtll 
means  or  but  only  his  merit,  to  advance  his  fortunes, 
than  to  tread  and  plant  that  ground  he  hath  purchased 
by  the  hazard  of  his  life  ;  if  he  have  but  the  taste  of 
virtue  and  magnanimity,  what  to  r.uch  a  mind  can  bo 
more  pleasant  than  planting  and  building  a  foundation 
for  his  posterity,  got  from  the  rude  earth  by  (Jod's  bless- 
ing and  his  own  industry,  Tvithout  prejudice  to  any; 
if  he  have  any  grain  of  ftiith  or  zeal  in  religion,  wh.'it 
can  he  do  less  hurtful  to  any,  or  more  agreeable  to  (Jod, 
than  to  seek  to  convert  those  poor  savages  to  know 
Christ  and  humanity,  whose  labors  with  discretion  will 
triple  thy  charge  and  pains  1  What  so  truly  suits  with 
honor  and  honesty  as  the  discovering  things  un- 
known, erecting  towns,  peopling  countries,  informing 
the  ignorant,  reforming  things  unjust,  teaching  virtue, 
and  gaining  to  our  mother  country  a  kingdom  to  attend 
her  ;  finding  employment  for  those  that  are  idle  be- 
cause they  know  not  what  to  do  ;  so  far  from  wronging 
any,  as  to  cause  posterity  to  remember  thee,  and  re- 
membering thee,  ever  honor  that  remembrance  with 
praise  1"  It  is  probably  such  expressions  as  these  that 
have  led  certain  writers  to  charge  Smith  with  enthusi- 
asm—  a  term  by  which  some  persons  denote  every  ele- 
vation of  view  and  tone  that  religion  imparts,  and  by 
which  many  others  designate  every  quality  and  senti- 
ment that  they  feel  to  be  above  the  pitch  of  their  own 
nature. 

Smith  proceeds  as  follows  :  "Then  who  would  live 
at  home  i<lly,  or  think  in  himself  any  worth  to  live, 
only  to  eat,  drink,  and  sleep,  and  ?o  die  ;  or  consum- 
iiiir  that  carelessly  his  friends  got  worthily,  or  usin" 
that  miserably  that  maintained  virtue  honestly  :  or  be- 
ing descended  nobly,  pine  with  the  vain  vaunt  of  (jreat 
kindred  in  penury  ;  or,  to  maintain  a  silly  show  of 
bravery,  toil  out  thy  heart,  soul  and  time  basely,  by 
shifts,  tricks,  cards,  and  dice  :  or  by  relating  news  of 
other  men's  actions,  shark  here  and  there  for  a  dinner 
or  supper,"  &c.  "  though  thou  seest  what  honors  and 
rewards  the  world  yet  hath  for  them  that  will  seek  them, 
and  worthily  deserve  them." — B.  VI.  He  adds  shortly 
after,  "  It  would  be  a  history  of  a  large  volume,  to  re- 
cite the  adventures  of  the  Spaniards  and  Porlugals, 
their  affronts  and  defeats,  their  dangers  and  miseries, 
'vhicli,  with  such  incom])arable  honor  and  constant  re- 
solution, so  far  beyond  belief,  they  have  attem|)ted  and 
endured,  in  their  discoveries  and  plantations,  as  may 
well  condemn  us  of  too  much  imbecility,  sloth,  and 
negligence.  Yet  the  authors  of  these  new  inventions 
were  held  as  ridiculous  for  a  long  time,  as  now  are 
others  that  but  seek  to  imitate  their  unparalleled  vir- 
tues." 

I  should  contend  neither  wisely  nor  honestly  fi)r  the 
fame  of  Captain  .Smith,  were  I  to  represent  him  as  a 
faultless  character,  perfectly  unclothed  of  the  imperfec- 
tions of  humanity.  The  sufferings  of  others  have  been 
known  to  provoke  him  to  an  intemperance  at  least  of 
expression  which  none  of  his  own  trials  and  provoca- 
tions ever  excited,  and  which  none  of  his  actions  ever 
realized.  Indignant  at  the  dreadful  massacre  of  the 
Virginia  colonists  in  1622,  long  after  he  had  left  them, 
he  pronounced  in  haste  and  anger  that  the  colony  could 
not  be  preserved  without  subduing  or  expelling  the  In- 
dians, and  punishing  their  perfidious  cruelty  as  the 
Spaniards  had  punished  "  the  treacherous  and  rebellious 
infidels"  in  South  .America. — B.  IV.  These  expres- 
sions afford  a  farther  proof  of  the  very  imperfect  ac- 
quaintance he  had  with  the  real  circumstances  that 
at'ended  the  subjugation  of  South  .\merica  by  the 
Spaniards.  "  Notwithstanding  such  a  stern  and  invin- 
cible resolution  as  Captain  Smith  displayed,"  says  an 
intelligent  historian  of  Virginia,  "there  was  seldom 
seen  a  milder  and  more  tender  heart  than  his  was." 
Stith,  p.  112. 

He  expatiates  at  great  length,  an  I  with  much  spirit 
and  ability,  on  the  advantages  of  colonial  establish- 
ments in  America;  and  displays  a  varietv  of  induce- 
ments to  embark  in  them,  appropi  ate  to  the  various 
classes  of  society  in  England.  Colonies  he  describe* 
as  schools  for  maintaining  the  liardy  virtues  on  which 
the  safety  of  every  state  must  <.epend.  He  ascribed 
the  fall  of  Rome  and  the  subjugation  of  Constantinf  pie 
to  the  indolence  and  covetousncss  of  the  rich,  who  not 


843 


THE  HISTORY  OK 


only  passed  tlieir  own  lives  in  slothful  indulgence,  but 
retained  the  poor  in  factious  idleness,  by  neglecting  to 
pro\ide  them  with  safe  and  useful  employment;  and 
«tron;;ly  urge-  'lu^  wealthy  capitalists  of  England  to 
provide  for  their  own  security,  by  facilitating  every 
foreign  vent  to  the  energies  of  active  and  indigent 
men.  He  enlarges  on  the  pleasures  incident  to  a 
planlcr's  life,  and  enforces  his  description  by  the  testi- 
mony of  his  own  experience.  "  I  have  not  been  so 
ill  bred,"  he  declares,  "but  1  have  tasted  of  plenty 
and  jileasure,  as  well  as  want  and  misery.  And  lest 
■iny  should  think  the  toil  might  be  insupportable,  I 
assiire  myself  there  are  who  delight  extremely  in  vain 
pleasure,  that  take  much  more  pains  in  England  to 
enjoy  it,  ih.m  I  should  do  there  to  gain  wealth  suffi- 
cient ;  and  yet  I  think  they  should  not  have  hulf  such 
sweet  content."  15.  V'l.  To  gentlemen  he  proposes, 
among  other  inilucements,  the  pleasures  of  fishing, 
fowling,  anil  hunting,  to  an  unliounded  extent  ;  and 
to  laborers,  the  blessings  of  a  vacant  soil,  of  unequalled 
cheapness  and  unsurpassed  fertility.  He  promises  no 
mines  to  tem|)t  sordid  avarice,  nor  conquests  to  allure 
jirolligate  amiiition  ;  but  the  advantages  of  a  tempe- 
rate clime,  and  of  a  secure  and  exhauslless  subsist- 
ence ;  the  wealth  that  agriculture  may  extract  from 
the  land,  and  fisheries  from  the  sea.  "  Therefore,"  he 
concludes,  "  honorable  and  worthy  countrymen,  let 
not  the  meanniiss  of  the  word  fish  distaste  you,  for  it 
will  allord  as  good  gold  as  the  mines  of  Guiana  or 
I'otosi,  with  less  hazard  and  charge,  and  more  certainty 
and  facility  " 

I  have  given  but  a  very  general  outline  of  Smith's 
exposition  of  this  subject.  The  details  with  which  he 
lias  filled  it  up  are  tiighly  interesting,  and  well  de- 
serving of  jierusal.  I  think  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  he  has  treated  the  subject  of  colonization  with 
mere  both  of  the  skill  of  a  politician  and  the  profound 
sagacity  of  a  philosi)i)lier,  than  Lord  liiicon  has  shown 
in  either  or  both  of  U'lx  productions,  the  "  Essay  on 
Plantations,"  and  the  "  Considerations  touching  the 
l^antation  in  Ireland." 

The  name  of  Smith  has  not  yet  gathered  all  its 
I  line.  The  lustre  it  once  possessed  is  somewhat  ob- 
suired  by  time,  and  by  tl;e  circumstances  that  left 
.•\merii  i  si)  long  to  depend  on  England  for  the  senti- 
ments ai  1  opinions  that  literature  preserves  or  pro- 
duces, and  consecpiently  led  her  to  rate  her  eminent 
men  lather  by  the  importance  of  their  achievements 
in  the  scale  of  British  than  of  American  history.  But 
I  think  I  can  foresee  its  revival.  It  will  grow  with 
the  growth  of  men  and  letters  in  America;  and  whole 
nations  of  il.s  admirers  have  yet  to  be  born.  As  the 
stream  becomes  more  illustrious,  the  springs  will  be- 
come more  iiiterestiiiii.  Romulus,  I  doubt  not,  was 
an  object  of  greater  interest  in  the  Augustan  .a-ra  than 
in  the  preceding  ages  of  Rome.  The  age  of  Smith's 
fame  has  in  like  manner  yet  to  come  ;  an  age  when 
there  will  be  inscribed  by  the  .\mericans,  on  tablets 
more  lasting  than  Carthaginian  gold, 

"  Kortia  facta  patruni,  series  loii^irtsima  renini, 
I'er  lot  ducia  viros  j.'rii.na  ab  online  gentis  ;" 

and  he  will  then  be  thought  as  far  to  excel  Romulus 
111  true  glory,  as  .Xmerica  has  excelled,  and  is  yet 
likely  to  excel  old  Rome  in  happiness  and  virtue. 

He  was  born  in  the  year  1579,  and  died  on  the  21st 
of  June,  1031. 

Nothing  can  be  more  erroneous  or  unjust  tlian  Win- 
terbotham's  (JlironologicMl  Catalogue  of  the  American 
States,  ill  which  Lord  Delaware  is  recorded  as  the 
'ouiub  r  of  Virginia.  If  tins  honor  belong  to  any  in- 
dividual, it  is  to  Captain  Smith. 

NoTK  ['.J]  p.  2iy. — The  history  of  liOnl  Delaware's 
government,  and  the  more  recent  example  of  the  set- 
ilement  for>'ied  by  Lord  Selkirk  in  I'rince  Edward's 
Islanil,  clemoiistrale  very  strongly  the  beneficial  iiilhi- 
eiie4',  to  wliieli  nnblemeii  may  render  their  r.nik  s'ub- 
Hervienl,  in  the  pniniotioii  and  sup|)(irt  of  such  esta- 
hlishmeiits.  The  masK  of  mankind  bear  very  little 
reseinbl  nice  to  the  original  colonists  of  Massachusetts 
and  I'eiiiis)  Ivania  They  arc  uHerly  incapable  of 
appreciating  superior  piety,  and  yield  (especially  in 
■mail  liDilie.-)  a  very  reluctant  deference  to  the  preten- 
Bioiiv  of  superio.i  wisiloiu  .uid  ability  The  cl.aims  of 
superior  birlh  an  I  liereilitary  elevation  have  the  advan- 
tage of  being  ino  •■  certain  and  maiiifesi,  more  idapted 
to  iheir  habits,  ai  I  less  olfensive  to  their  self-compla- 
cency. l<ord  -on  observes,  that  plantations  are 
rookt  frequent  in  he  earlier  stages  of  society  ;  that 
is,  in  the  |M'riod  wh.-n  superior  birth,  united  (as  it  then 
roinnionly  is)  with  a  monopoly  of  the  little  knowledi'e 


that  exists,  exercises  the  strongest  influence  on  man- 
kind. The  colony  conducted  by  Ijord  Selkirk  to  Prince 
Edward's  Island  consisted  of  Highlanders,  a  race  of 
men  peculiarly  distinguished  by,  what  Uurke  has 
termed,  "  the  proud  submission  and  generous  loyalty 
to  rank."  When  their  countrymen  in  the  Hebrides 
beheld  Dr.  Johnson,  they  made  little  account  of  the 
intellectual  superiority  which  had  gained  him  a  sort 
of  monarchical  influence  in  England  ;  but  desiring  to 
know  what  were  his  claims  to  respect,  inauired  of  him 
if  he  could  recount  a  long  genealogy 

Note  [4]  p.  219. — The  surprising  errors  that 
Robertson  has  committed  in  his  account  of  Sir  Thomas 
Dale's  administration  may  well  seem  to  detract,  in  no 
small  degree,  from  the  credit  of  history  He  not  only 
imputes  to  the  Company-  the  enactment  and  introduc- 
tion of  the  arbitrary  code  transmitted  by  Sir  Thomas 
Smith,  but  unfolds  at  length  the  (imaginary)  reasons 
that  prevailed  with  them  to  sdopt  a  measure  so  harsh 
and  sanguinary  ;  though  of  this  measure  itself  they 
are  expressly  acquitted  by  Stith,  the  only  authority  on 
the  saliject  that  exists,  and  the  very  authority  to  which 
Robertson  himself  refers.  Among  the  other  reasons 
which  he  assigns,  is  the  advice  of  Lord  Bacon,  which 
he  unhesitatingly  charges  this  eminent  person  with 
having  communicated,  and  the  Company  with  having 
eagerly  approved.  In  support  of  a  charge  so  decided 
and  so  remarkable,  he  refers  merely  to  a  passage  in 
Lord  Bacon's  Essai/  on  Plantations.  It  would  be  well 
for  the  fame  of  Bacon  if  all  the  charges  with  which 
his  character  is  loaded  were  supported  by  such  evi- 
dence. For  supposing  (which  is  doubtful)  that  this 
essay  was  published  before  the  collection  of  Sir  Tho- 
mas Smith's  system  of  martial  law,  and  supposin<r  it 
to  have  been  read  by  the  compiler  of  that  system,  it  is 
surely  more  than  doubtful  if  the  passage  alluded  to 
would  yet  support  Dr.  Robertson's  imputation.  It 
merely  recommends  that  a  colonial  government  should 
"  have  commission  to  exercise  martial  laws,  with  some 
limitation  ;"  a  power  inseparable  from  such,  and  indeed 
from  every  system  of  government.  The  twenty-fourth 
section  of  King  James'  second  charter  to  the  Com- 
pany had  already  invested  the  colonial  governors  with 
"full  power  and  authority  to  use  and  exercise  martial 
law,  in  cases  of  mutiny  or  rebellion  ;"  and  the  preced- 
ing section  of  the  same  charter  authorizes  them,  "  in 
case  of  necessity,"  to  rule,  correct,  and  punish,  accord- 
ing to  their  own  "  good  discretions."  No  blame  can 
attach  to  the  bare  authorization  of  an  extraordinary 
power,  reserved  in  every  society,  for  extraordinary  occa- 
sions. What  alone  seems  deser'  ing  of  blame  is  Sir 
Thomas  Smith's  violent  and  illegal  substitution  of  the 
most  sanguinary  code  of  martial  law  that  was  ever 
framed,  in  the  rv<oin  of  the  former  constitution,  and 
for  the  purposes  of  the  ordinary  administration  of  the 
colony;  and  Dr.  Robertson's  very  liasly  and  unfounded 
imputation  of  this  proceeding  to  the  act  of  the  Council 
and  the  advice  of  Lord  Bacon.  It  had  been  well  if  the 
Council  had  paid  more  attention  to  the  maxim  of  this 
great  man,  tliat  "those  who  plant  colonies  muut  be 
endued  with  great  patience." 

The  inaccuracy  and  misrepresentation  in  which  Dr. 
Robertson  has  indulged,  in  his  history  of  South  .\ine- 
rica,  has  been  detected  by  Mr.  Southey,  and  exposed 
in  the  History  of  Brazil,  Part  I.  note  oS. 

NoTB  [5]  p.  240. — Chalmers  and  Robertson  have 
imputed  the  slow  increase  of  the  colonists  of  New 
Plymouth  to  "  the  unsocial  character  of  their  religious 
confederacy."  As  the  charge  of  entertaining  anti- 
social principles  was  preferred  against  the  first  Chris- 
tians by  men  who  plumed  themnelves  on  exercising 
hosptlality  to  the  guds  of  all  nations,  it  is  necessary  to 
ascertain  the  precise  meaning  of  this  imputation,  if 
we  would  know  whether  it  be  praise  or  blame  that  it 
involves.  Whether,  in  a  truly  ;)lamewortliy  accepta- 
tion, the  charge  of  unsocial  principles  most  properly 
belongs  to  these  |>eople  or  to  their  adversaries,  may  be 
collected  from  the  statements  they  have  respectively 
made  of  the  terms  on  which  they  were  willing  lo  hold 
a  companionable  intercourse  with  their  fellow  men. 
Mr.  Winslow,  who  was  for  some  time  governor  of  New- 
Plymouth,  in  his  account  of  the  colony  declares  that 
the  faith  of  the  people  was  in  all  resjiects  the  same 
with  that  of  the  reloriiied  churches  of  Europe,  from 
which  they  dill'ered  only  in  their  opinion  of  church 
government,  wherein  they  pursued  a  more  thorough 
reformation.  They  disclaimed,  however,  any  uncha- 
ritable separation  iroiii  those  with  whom  they  dilVered 
on  this  point,  and  freelv  admi'.ti  d  the  members  of  every 


reformed  church  to  communion  with  then  "  We 
ever  placed,"  he  continues,  "a  large  dilfrrence  between 
those  that  grouiirled  their  practice  on  the  word  of  God 
though  dill'ering  from  us  in  the  exposition  and  under, 
standing  of  it,  and  those  that  haled  such  reformers 
and  reformation,  and  went  on  in  anti-cliristian  oppo- 
sition to  it,  and  persecution  of  it.  It  is  true  we  profess 
and  desire  to  jiractise  a  separation  from  the  world  and 
the  works  of  tlie  world  ;  and  as  the  churches  of  Christ 
are  all  saints  by  calling,  so  we  desire  to  see  the  grace 
of  God  shining  forth  (  at  least  seemingly,  leaving  secret 
things  to  God)  in  all  we  admit  into  church  fellowship 
with  us,  and  to  keep  oft"  such  as  openly  wallow  in  the 
mire  of  their  sins,  that  neither  the  holy  things  of  God 
nor  the  communion  of  saints  may  be  leavened  or  pol- 
luted thereby."  He  adds,  that  none  of  the  new  settlers 
who  are  admitted  into  the  church  of  New  Plymouth 
are  encouraged,  or  even  pernvitted,  to  insert  in  the  de- 
claration of  their  faith  a  renunciation  of  the  Church  of 
England  or  any  other  reformed  establishment.  (Mather, 
B.  I.  cap.  iii.)  It  does  not  appear  to  me  that  these 
sentiments  warrant  the  charge  of  unsocial  principles  in 
any  sense  which  a  Christian  will  feel  himself  at  all 
concerned  to  disclaim.  Whether  the  adversaries  of 
these  men  were  dintinguished  for  principles  more  ho- 
norably social  or  more  eminently  charitable,  may  be  ga- 
thered from  a  passage  in  llowel's  Familiar  Letters, 
where  this  defender  of  church  and  state  thus  expresses 
the  sentiments  of  his  party  respecting  religious  diflfer- 
ences  between  mankind.  "  1  rather  pity  than  hate 
Turk  or  infidel,  for  they  are  of  the  same  metal  and 
bear  the  same  stamp  as  I  do,  though  the  inscriptions 
differ.  If  I  hate  any,  it  is  those  schismatics  that  puzzle 
the  sweet  peace  of  our  church  ;  so  that  I  could  be  con- 
tent to  see  an  .\n;biptist  go  to  hell  on  a  Brownist's 
back."  (vol.  i.  let.  31.)  The  policy  of  the  ecclesiastical 
administration  of  England  gave  a  premium  to  the  pro- 
duction of  such  sentiments.  Howel's  fervor  for  the 
church  party  did  not  survive  the  power  of  that  party  to 
reward  him.  Aflci  the  fall  of  the  English  church  and 
monarchy,  he  became  the  defender  and  penegyrist  of 
the  administration  of  Cromwell  ;  though,  like  Waller 
and  Dryden,  he  returned  in  the  tr.ain  of  Fortune,  when 
she  returned  to  his  original  friends. 

Note  [6]  p.  245 — The  introduction  of  this  feature 
into  the  portrait  of  Sir  Henry  Vane  rests  entirely  on 
the  authority  of  Burnet  and  Kcnnet,  (followed  by 
Hume,)  who  speak  from  hears.-iy.  Ludlow,  who  knew 
Vine  personally,  bestows  the  highest  praise  on  his  im- 
perturbable serenity  and  presence  of  mind  ;  and.  with 
the  glowing  sympathy  of  a  kindred  spirit,  describes  the 
resolute  magnanimity  with  which  at  his  trial  he  sealed 
his  own  fate  by  scorning  to  jilead,  like  Lambert,  for 
his  life,  and  galiantly  pleading  for  the  dying  liberties  of 
his  country.  .\t  his  execution,  when  some  of  his 
friends  expressed  resentment  of  the  injuries  that  were 
heaped  upon  him,  "  .\las  !"  said  he,  "what  ado  they 
keep  to  make  a  poor  creature  like  his  Saviour.  I  bless 
the  Lord  I  am  so  far  from  being  allrightetl  at  death, 
that  I  find  it  rather  shrink  from  me  than  I  from  it. 
Ten  thousand  deaths  for  me,  before  I  will  defile  the 
chastity  and  purity  of  my  conscience  ;  nor  would  l  for 
ten  thousand  worlds  part  with  the  peace  and  satisfac- 
tion I  have  now  in  my  heart."  Even  Burnet  admits 
that  the  resolution  he  summoned  np  at  the  last  prompt- 
ed him  "to  some  very  extraordinary  acts,  though  they 
cannot  be  mrntioned."  Oldmixon,  less  scrupulous, 
has  satisfied  the  curiosity  that  Burnet  excited,  by  re- 
lating that  "  Lady  Vane' began  her  reckoning  for  her 
son.  The  Lord  Barnard,  from  the  night  before  Sir  Henry 
lost  his  head  on  Tower  Hill."  Perhaps  the  deep  piety 
and  constant  negation  of  all  merit  in  himself,  by  which 
the  heroism  of  Vane  was  softened  and  ennobled,  may 
have  suggested  to  niiiids  unacquainted  with  th«se  prin- 
ciples the  imputation  of  constitutional  timidity.  .\t  all 
events  this  cloud,  whether  truly  belonging  to  his  cha- 
r  icter,  or  raised  by  the  envious  breath  of  his  detractors, 
has,  from  the  admirable  vigor  of  his  mind  and  the  un- 
ipiestioned  courage  of  his  demeanor,  served  rather  to 
embellish  than  to  obscure  the  lustre  of  his  Luue. 

Note  [7]  p.  '2.'>'2. — The  .iccounts  of  the  first  conver- 
sations which  the  missionaries  helci  with  v.'^rious  bodies 
of  these  heathens,  abound  with  curious  questions  and 
observations  that  procivdcd  from  the  Indians  in  rela- 
tion to  the  tiilings  that  were  brought  to  their  ears. 
One  man  asked,  W  hether  Englishmen  were  ever  so  g 
noraiit  of  Jesus  Christ  as  the  Indians?  .\  second, 
VVhelher  Jesus  Christ  could  understand  prayers  in  ths 
Indian  language  1     A  third  proposed  this  queatioiv 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


348 


I   How  thorc  could  be  an  imacre  of  God,  since  it  was  for- 
I   biddon  in  the  second  coiiiniandinont  !    On  another  oc- 
i  casion.  alter  Mr.  Elliot  liad  done  speaking,  an  ajrcd 
;  Indian  started  up,  ;!t:d  with  tears  in  his  eyes  asked, 
I  Wiiether  it  was  not  too  late  for  such  an  old  man  as  he, 
i  who  was  near  ih  alh,  to  repent  and  seek  after  Uod  .'  A 
',  second  askeil.  How  the  Enf.di.-=h  came  to  dilVer  so  much 
:   from  tlie  Indians  in  their  knowledge  of  God  and  Jesus 
j  Christ,  since  they  had  all  at  (irst  but  one  Father !  A 
bird  desired  to  be  informed,  How  it  came  to  jiass  that 
i  sea  water  was  salt,  and  river  water  fresh  !    Several  in 
quired.  How  Judas  could  deserve  blame  for  facilitating 
the  end  which  it  was  the  i)ur[)Ose  of  God  to  elfect  ! 
One  woman  asked.  Whether  slie  was  entitled  to  consi- 
j   der  herself  as  having  prayed,  when  slie  merely  joined 
!   in  her  mind  with  her  husband  who  prayed  by  her  side  ! 
Another,  If  her  husband's  prayer  signified  any  thing 
while  he  continued  to  beat  his  wife  !     Many  of  the  cv)n- 
verts  continued  to  believe  that  the  gods  whom  they  had 
formerly  served  had  in  reality  great  power,  but  were 
spirits  subordinate  to  the  true  and  only  God  ;  and 
when  threatened  with  witclicraft  by  the  Powaws  for 
,  their  apostacy,  they  said,  We  do  not  deny  your  power, 
out  we  serve  a  greater  God,  who  is  so  much  above 
yours  that  he  cm  defend  us  from  them,  and  enable 
even  us  to  tread  upon  them  all.    One  sachem  scut  for 
an  Indian  convert,  and  desired  to  know  how  many  gods 
the  English  had  !      When  he    heard  they  had  but 
I  one,  he  replied  scornfully.  Is  that  all  !    I  have  thirty- 
seven  !    Uo  they  sup|>ose  I  would  exchange  so  many 
for  one  1 

Note  [8]  p.  255 — The  character  of  George  Fox  is 
j  by  no  means  generally  understood  in  the  present  day. 
i  His  writings  are  so  voluminous,  and  there  is  such  a 
]  mixture  of  good  and  evil  in  them,  that  every  reader 
'  finds  it  easy  to  justify  his  preconceived  opinion,  and  to 
lortify  it  by  appropriate  quotations.    His  works  are 
!  read  bv  few    and  wholly  reed  by  still  fewer.  Many 
form  their  opinions  of  him  from  the  passages  which  are 
cited  from  his  writings  by  his  adversaries  :  and  of  the 
quakers  there  are  many  who  derive  their  opinions  of 
liini  from  the  passages  of  a  very  dillerent  complexion 
which  are  cited  in  the  works  of  the  modem  writers  of 
I  llieir  own  sect.    I  shall  here  subjoin  some  extracts  from 
his  Journal,  which  will  verify  some  of  the  remarks  I 
have  made  in  the  text  :  premising  this  observation, 
that  the  book  itself  was  lirst  put  into  my  hands  by  a 
lealous  and  intelliirent  quaker,  for  the  purpose  of  prov- 
ing that  it  contained  no  such  passages  as  some  of  those 
which  I  am  now  to  transcribe  from  it. 
j      Fox  relates,  that  in  the  year  1648  he  found  his  na- 
'  ture  so  completely  new-modelled,  that  "  I  knew  no- 
thing  but    pureness,  innocency,  and  righteousness, 
being  renewed  up  into  the  image  of  God  by  Christ 
,   Jesus ;  SI)  that  I  was  come  up  to  the  state  of  Adam, 
I   which  he  was  in  before  he  fell.    The  creation  was  open- 
ed to  me ;  and  it  was  showed  me  how  all  things  had 
I    their  names  given  them  according  to  their  nature  and 
I    virtue.    I  was  at  a  stand  in  my  mind  whether  I  should 
I   practice  physic  for  the  good  of  mankind,  seeing  the  na- 
ture and  virtues  of  the  creatures  were  so  opened  to 
i   me  by  the  Lord.    But  I  was  immediately  taken  up  in 
[   spirit  to  see  another  or  more  steadfast  state  than  Adam's 
in  innocency,  even  into  a  state  in  Christ  Jesus  that 
should  never  fall.    The  Lord  showed  me  that  such  as 
^  were  faithful  to  him  in  the  power  and  light  of  Christ 
should  come  up  into  that  state  in  which  Adam  was  be- 
i    fore  he  fell  ;  in  which  the  admirable  works  of  the  cre- 
I   ation  and  the  virtues  thereof  may  be  known  through 
J   the  openings  of  that  divine  Word  of  wisdom  and  pow- 
er by  which  they  were  made."    In  many  of  the  disputes 
which  he  afterward  held  with  ministers  and  doctors, 
I    he  maintained  that  he  was,  and  that  every  human  being 
I    by  cultivation  of  the  spiritual  principle  within  him  might 
j    become  like  him,  perfectly  pure  and  free  from  all  dregs 
ol  .sin.    He  relates  with  complacency  and  approbation, 
that  having  one  day  addressed  a  congregation  of  people 
at  Beverley  in  Vorkshire,  the  audience  declared  after- 
[    Ward  that  it  was  an  angel  or  spirit  that  had  suddenly 
I    appeared  among  tliem  and  spoken  to  them.    He  con- 
I    ceived  himself  warranted  by  his  endowments  to  tram- 
1    pie  on  all  order  and  decency.    One  Sunday  as  he  ap- 
[    preached  the  town  of  Nottingham,  he  tells,  "  I  espied 
the  great  stccple-house ;  and  the  Lord  said  unto  me, 
thou  must  go  cry  against  yonder  great  idol,  and  against 
the  worshippers  therein."    He  accordingly,  entered  the 
church,  and  hearing  the  minister  annuunce  the  text. 
We  hnee  also  a  mure  sure  irurd  of  prophecy,  and  tell 
the  people  th.it  by  this  was  meant  the  Scriptures, 
[    whereby  they  were  to  try  all  doctrines  religions,  and 


opinions.  Fox  adds,  "  I  could  not  hold,  but  was  made 
to  cry  out,  "Oh  no;  it  is  not  the  Scriptures  ;  it  is  the 
Holy  Spirit."  On  another  occasion,  having  entered  a 
church,  and  hearing  lh(^  preacher  read  for  his  text,  llu  ! 
every  one  Ihiil  ilinwicth,  come  ye  to  the  waters,  &c., 
Fox  called  out  to  liim,  "  Come  down,  thou  deceiver  ! 
dost  thou  bid  people  come  freely  and  take  of  the  water 
of  life  freely,  and  yet  tiiou  takcst  three  hundred  pounds 
a  year  of  them  for  preaching  the  scriptures  to  them  !" 
Approaching  the  town  of  iiitchlield,  he  declares  he 
found  himself  directed  to  cast  oil' his  shoes,  and  in  that 
condition  walked  through  the  streets,  exclaiming,  "Wo 
to  the  bloody  city  of  Lilchtield  !"  whicli  he  accordingly 
did.  These  examples  are  selected  almost  at  random 
from  numberless  iiiftances  of  similar  |)roceedings  re- 
corded in  liis  voluminous  journal.  Yet  he  strongly 
condennis  those  whom  he  terms  ranters,  and  relates  in 
various  places  the  attempts  he  h.ad  made  to  convince 
them  of  their  delusion.  Journal,  3d  edit.  1765,  pp.  16. 
21.  27.  31.  49.  50.  51. 

William  Penn,  in  the  beautiful  Preface  which  he 
wrote  for  this  Journal,  informs  us  that  these  ranters 
were  persons  who  "  for  want  of  staying  their  minds  in 
an  liumble  dependence  upon  him  that  opened  their  un- 
derstandings to  see  great  things  in  his  law,  ran  out  in 
their  own  imaginations,  and  mixing  them  with  these 
divine  openings,  brought  forth  a  monstrous  birth,  to  the 
scandal  of  those  that  feared  God."  "  Divers,"  he 
adds,  "  fell  into  gross  and  enormous  practices,  pre- 1 
tending  in  excuse  thereof  that  they  could  witliout  evil 
commit  the  same  act  which  was  sin  in  another  to  do." 
"  I  say,"  he  continues,  "  this  ensnared  divers,  and 
brought  them  to  an  utter  and  lamentable  loss  as  to  their 
eternal  state  ;  and  they  grew  very  troublesome  to  the 
better  sort  of  people,  and  furnished  the  looser  with  an 
occasion  to  blaspheme,"    (Preface,  p.  7.) 

Fox  himself  relates  some  horrid  immoralities  of  the 
ranters,  and  that  he  had  found  it  necessary  to  publish 
addresses  to  give  assurance  to  the  people  that  these 
deluded  persons  were  quakers  only  in  name  (Journal, 
p.  399.)  He  applies  the  epithet  of  ranters  to  many  of  . 
those  who  called  themselves  quakers  in  America  (443  ) 
Some  of  Fox's  chief  associates  and  coadjutors  appear 
to  have  become  in  the  end  ranters,  or  something  worse. 
Of  these  was  James  Nayler,  wlio  was  long  the  fellow- 
laborer  and  fellow-sutTerer  of  Fox,  and  whom  Fox  still 
terms  a  quaker,  at  the  same  time  when  he  was  in  prison 
for  his  horrible  enormities.  P'ox  alludes  vaguely  and 
sorrowfully  to  Nayler's  errors  and  disobedience  to  him- 
self When  he  found  that  Nayler  would  not  give  heed 
to  his  rebukes,  Fox  told  him  that  "  the  Lord  moved  me 
to  slight  him,  and  to  set  the  power  of  God  over  him." 
He  adds,  that  it  soon  after  ha|)pened  to  Nayler  that 
"  Ids  resisting  the  power  of  God  in  me,  and  the  truth  of 
God  that  was  declared  to  liiin  by  me,  became  one  of 
his  greatest  burdens."  (Journal,  p.  205.)  Nayler  had 
ridden  naked  into  Bristol  with  a  crew  of  insane  fol- 
lowers making  the  most  blasphemous  proclamations 
before  him,  and  had  committed  the  most  profligate 
immoralities.  On  his  trial  he  produced  a  woman,  one 
Dorcas  Earberry,  who  dejjosed  that  she  had  been  dead 
two  days,  and  was  recalled  to  life  by  Nayler. 

It  is  impossible  to  discover  what  part  of  the  extra- 
vagance of  Nayler  was  condemned  by  Fox  and  the  pro- 
per body  of  the  quakers.  We  find  Fox  relating  with 
great  approbation  many  wild  and  absurd  exhibitions  by 
which  quakers  were  moved,  as  they  said,  to  show  them- 
selves as  signs  of  the  times.  "  Some,"  he  says,  "  have 
been  moved  to  go  naked  in  the  streets,  and  have  de- 
clared amongst  them  that  God  would  strip  them  of 
their  hypocritical  professions,  and  make  them  as  bare 
and  naked  as  they  were.  But  instead  of  considering 
it,  they  have  frequently  whipped,  or  otherwise  abused 
them."  (Journal,  p.  386.)  Many  such  instances  he 
relates  in  the  Journal  (p.  323,  <Scc.,)  with  cordial  appro- 
bation of  the  conduct  of  the  quakers,  and  the  strongest 
reprobation  of  the  persecutors  who  punished  them  for 
walking  naked. 

Fox  taught  that  God  did  not  create  the  devil,  (Jour- 
nal, p.  140.)  Yet  though  the  reasoning  by  which  he 
defends  this  gross  heresy  would  plainly  seem  to  imply 
that  the  devil  was  a  self-created  being,  there  is  anotlier 
passage,  (  p.  345,)  from  which  we  may  perhaps  conclude 
that  Fox's  real  opinion  was  that  the  devil  was  created 
by  God  a  good  spirit,  but  transformed  himself  by  his 
own  act  into  a  wicked  one.  He  sets  down  every  mis- 
fortune that  happened  to  any  of  his  adversaries  or  per- 
secutors as  a  judgment  of  Heaven  upon  them.  He 
relates  various  cures  of  sick  and  wounded  persons  that 
ensued  on  his  prayers,  and  on  more  ordinary  means 
that  he  used  for  their  relief.    It  is  not  easy  to  discover 


if  he  himself  regarded  these  as  the  exertions  of  tnira- 
culons  power;  but  from  many  pa  saijes  it  is  plain  thai 
they  were,  to  his  knowled<;e,  so  regarded  by  his  follow- 
ers ;  and  the  editor  of  his  journal  refers  to  them  in  the 
index  under  the  head  of  "  .Miracles." 

I  think  it  not  unreasonable  to  consider  quakerism  the 
growth  of  a  protestant  country,  and  quietism,  wliich 
arose  among  catholics,  as  branches  of  a  system  essen- 
tially the  same  ;  and  Madame  Guyon  and  .Molinos  as 
thi!  counlerparis  of  Fox  and  Barclay.  The  moral  re- 
semblance is  plainer  thati  the  historical  connexion  ;  but 
the  propagation  of  sentiinent  and  O])inion  may  be  pow- 
erfully ellected  when  it  is  not  visibly  indicated.  Quiet- 
ism was  first  engendered  in  Spain,  by  a  sect  called  the 
Illuminali  or  Alambrados,  who  sprung  up  about  the  year 
1575.  They  rejected  sacraments  and  other  ordinances  , 
and  some  of  them  became  notorious  for  indecent  and 
immoral  extravagances.  This  sect  was  revived  in 
France  in  the  year  1634,  but  quickly  disappeared  under 
a  hot  per-secution.  It  re-appeared  again  with  a  system 
of  doctrine  considerably  purified,  yet  still  inculcating 
the  distinctive  principle  of  exclusive  teaching  by  an 
inward  light  and  sensible  direction,  towards  the  close 
of  the  seventeenth  century,  both  at  l{ome  in  the  writ- 
ings of  Molinos,  and  in  Fr.uicc  utider  the  ausjiices  of 
Madame  Guyon  and  Fenelon.  Encyclopedia  Britan- 
nica,  vol.  ix.  p.  156,  and  xv.  p.  766 

i  NoTU  [9]  p.  256. — Besse,  in  his  voluminous  "Col- 
lection of  the  Sutlerings  of  the  People  called  Quakers," 
relates  that  Lydia  Wardell,  of  Newbury  in  New  Eut- 
land,  a  convert  to  quakerism,  at  length  found  herself 
concerned  to  appear  in  a  public  assemblv  "  in  a  very 
unusual  manner,  and  such  as  was  exceeding  hard  and 
self-denying  to  her  natural  disposition,  she  being  a 
woman  of  exemplary  modesty  in  all  her  behavior.  The 
duty  and  concerns  she  lay  under  was  that  of  going  into 
their  church  at  Newbury  naked,  as  a  token  of  that 
miserable  condition  whicli  she  esteemed  them  in." 
"But  they,  instead  of  religiously  reflecting  on  their 
own  condition,  which  she  came  in  that  manner  to 
represent  to  them,  fell  into  a  rage  and  presently  laid 
hands  on  her,"  Jkc.  Vol.  ii.  p.  235.  He  also  notices 
the  case  of  Deborah  Wilson,  a  young  woman  of  very 
modest  and  retired  life,  and  of  a  sober  conversation, 
having  passed  naked  through  the  streets  as  a  sign 
against  the  cruelty  and  oppression  of  the  rulers."  236. 

George  Bishop,  another  quaker  writer,  thus  relates 
the  case  of  Dcl)orah  Wilson.  "  She  was  a  modest 
woman,  of  a  retired  life  an<l  sober  conversation  ;  and 
bearing  a  great  burden  for  the  hardness  and  cruelty  of 
the  people,  she  went  through  the  town  of  Salem  naked 
as  a  sign  ;  which  she  having  in  part  performed,  was 
Ir  i  J  hold  on,  and  bound  over  to  appear  at  the  next  court 
Ol  Salem,  where  the  wicked  rulers  sentenced  her  to  be 
whipt."  New  England  judged,  p.  3S8.  The  writing* 
of  Besse,  Bishop,  and  some  others,  who  were  foolish 
enough  to  defend  the  extravagance  that  they  had  too 
much  sense  to  commit,  were  the  expiring  sighs  of 
quaker  nonsense  and  frenzy.  They  are  still  mentioned 
with  respect  by  some  modern  quakers,  who  praise  in- 
stead of  reading  them  ;  as  the  sincere  but  frantic  zeal 
of  Loyola  and  Xavier  and  still  comnien  led  by  their  sly 
successors,  who  have  inherited  the  name  and  the  man- 
ners, without  the  spirit  that  distinguished  the  original 
Jesuits. 

It  had  been  well  if  the  government  of  Massachusetts 
had  inflicted  punishment  on  the  disgusting  violations  of 
decency  avowetl  by  these  writers,  without  extending  its 
severity  to  the  bare  profession  of  quakerism.  This 
injustice  was  occasioned  by  the  conviction  that  these 
outrages  were  the  legitimate  fruit.s  of  quaker  principles  ; 
a  conviction  whicli,  it  appe.irs  the  language  even  of 
those  quakers  who  were  theinselvss  guiltless  of  such 
outrages,  tended  strongly  to  confirm.  It  is  only  such 
language  on  the  [lart  of  the  quakers  that  can  acquit  their 
adversaries  of  the  inhuman  absurdity  that  pervades  the 
reasoning  of  persecutors,  and  holds  men  responsible 
for  all  the  consequences  that  may  be  logically  deduced 
from  their  principles,  though  rejected  and  denied  by 
themselves.  Tlie  sentiiiieiits  of  the  people  of  New 
England  are  thus  strongly  expressed  by  Cotton  Ma- 
ther: "I  appeal  to  all  the  reasonable  part  of  mankind 
whether  the  infant  colonies  of  New  England  had  not 
cause  to  guard  themselves  against  these  dangerous  vil- 
lains. It  was  also  thought  that  the  very  quakers  them- 
selves would  say,  that  if  they  had  got  into  a  corner  of 
the  world,  and  with  immense  toil  and  charge  made  a 
wilderness  habitable,  on  purpose  there  to  be  unilisturb- 
ed  in  the  exercises  of  their  worship,  they  would  ui'ver 
bear  to  have  New  Englanders  come  among  them  md 


S44 


THE   HISTORY  OF 


interrupt  tlieir  jmblic  worship,  and  endeavor  to  seduce 
their  children  Iroin  it;  yea  and  repeat  such  endeavors 
nfler  mild  entreaties  first,  and  then  just  bunishiiienLs  to 
oMipe  Iheir  departure  "  B.  VII.  cap.  iv.  ^'et  IM.ither 
deplores  and  condemns  Uie  extreme  severities  which 
wen;  ultimately  inllicied  by  his  countrymen  upon  the 
Quakers.  It  was  one  of  the  privileges  of  Israel  that 
the  people  skill  dwell  alone;  and  the  hope  of  enjoying 
a  similar  privilege  was  one  of  the  motives  that  led  the 
))iiritans  to  e.xcliange  the  pleasures  of  their  native  land 
Ibr  the  labors  of  desolato  wilderness. 

Note  [10]  p.  259. — Fpon  this  occasion  Cotton 
Mather  observes — "  Such  has  been  the  jealous  disi)o- 
silioii  of  our  New  Env'landers  about  their  dearly-bought 
privileges,  and  such  also  has  been  the  various  iiuder- 
•taiidiiig  of  the  people  about  the  extent  of  those  pri- 
vilegtvs,  that  of  all  the  agciiLs  which  they  have  sent  over 
unto  the  court  of  Dnglaud  for  now  forty  years  together, 
I  know  not  any  one  who  dir!  not  at  his  return  meet 
with  some  verv  froward  entertaiuinent  among  his  coun- 
Irvmen:  and  there  may  he  the  Wisdom  of  the  Holy 
and  Higliteous  (lod.  as  well  as  the  malice  of  the  Kvil 
One,  acknowledged  in  llie  ordering  of  such  tempta- 
tions." 

Mr.  Norton,  before  his  departure  for  England,  ex- 
pressed a  strong  a|)prehension  that  the  atVair  lie  was 
rc-quired  to  engage  in  would  issue  disastrously  to  hiin- 
Belf  Mather  adds,  "  In  the  spring  before  his  going 
for  Knirland  he  preached  an  excellent  sermon  unto  the 
represeiititives  of  the  whole  colony  a.ssembled  at  the 
Court  of  r.lection,  wherein  I  take  particular  notice  of 
this  passage — Moses  was  the  meekest  man  on  earth, 
yet  it  went  ill  with  Moses,  'lis  said,  for  their  sakes. 
How  long  did  Moses  live  at  Meribah  ?  Sure  I  am,  it 
killed  him  in  a  short  time  ;  a  man  of  as  good  a  temper 
»s  could  be  expectcMl  from  a  mere  man." 

It  might  have  been  thought  that  Mr.  Norton,  whose 
death  was  thus  in  a  manner  the  fruit  of  his  exertions  to 
extend  reli:;ioiis  liberty  in  the  colony,  would  have  e.s- 
capi'd  the  reproa<!h  of  persecution.  But  he  had  given 
^reat  olfeiice  to  some  of  the  (piakers,  by  writing  aiiil 
preaching  ai'ainst  tlii'ir  tenets  And  after  his  death, 
Certain  of  that  body  published  at  London,  A  represen- 
tation to  tlte  King  and  Parliament,  wherein,  pret'-nding  to 
report  some  Hemarhuile  jmlginents  upon  ttwir  Perse- 
cutors, they  inserted  the  following  passage:  "John 
Norton,  chief  priest  in  Boston,  by  the  immediate  pow- 
er of  the  Lord,  was  smitten  and  as  he  was  sinking 
down  by  the  fireside,  being  under  just  judgment,  lie 
confessed  the  hand  of  the  Lord  was  upon  him,  and  so 
he  died."  Mather,  B.  III.  cap.  ii.  sect.  2\,  22,  2:?. 
The  ])opish  fables  respecting  the  deaths  of  Luther,  Cal- 
vin, Biicer,  and  Beza,  are  hardly  nioje  re|-,lete  with 
folly,  imtriith,  and  presumption,  than  some  of  these  qua- 
ker  interprrtatious  of  providence.  Their  authors,  like 
many  other  persons  involved  in  religious  coiileiitious, 
or  exposed  to  persecution  for  religion's  sake,  mistook 
an  arden*.  zeal  for  (Jod,  for  a  complete  subjection  of 
mind  to  hi.;  will,  and  an  entire  identiticatioii  of  their 
views  and  purposes  with  his;  practically  regardless  of 
their  own  remaining  iiitiriiiity  and  corruption,  and  of 
that  important  truth,  that  while  we  continue  in  this 
veil  of  tlesh  wo  know  only  in  part,  and  can  see  but 
through  a  glass  darkly.  Among  other  evil  consequences, 
this  error  begets  a  contracted  or  perverted  view  of  the 
administration  of  divine  jitstice.  It  was  when  the  royal 
jis.ilmist,  impatient  of  his  own  sulferings.  and  of  the 
prosperity  ofoppressors,  pi^rplexed  himself  with  endeav- 
ors to  find  within  the  coinpa.ss  of  this  life  a  visible  display 
of  the  whole  scene  of  divine  justice,  that  he  uttered  the 
words  of  folly  and  ignorance,  and  olTended  against  the 
generation  of  the  children  of  God. 

Note  [IJ]  p.  2')9. — .Mr.  Winthrop  the  younger  was 
in  the  bloom  of  inaiiliood,  accomplished  by  li'ariiing  and 
travel,  and  the  heir  of  a  large  estate,  when  he  readily 
joined  with  his  father  in  promoting  and  aecoinpanving 
an  emit'r.ilion  to  New  I'.itgland.  Cotton  .Mathi'r  has 
preserveil  a  letter  written  by  Winthrop  the  elder  to  his 
noil,  while  the  one  was  governor  of  Massacliusi  lts,  an<l 
the  otiii'i  of  C.jnnecticiit.  I  shall  be  excused  for  tran- 
Bcriliing  some  p.irt  of  an  epistle  so  beautiful  in  itself, 
and  so  strikingly  chatncleristic  of  the  fatlif.'rs  of  New 
Knglaiid.  '  Vou  are  the?  chief  of  two  families.  Iliad 
hy  your  inolhi-r  three  sons,  nnd  three  d  ingliKirs;  and 
1  li.'id  with  hr-r  a  large  iiortfoii  of  outward  estate. 
These  now  are  all  gone ;  mother  gone  ;  br(!tliren  and 
•iKters  gone  ;  you  only  are  lell  to  see  the  vanity  of 
the»e  Uiinporal  things  and  leant  wisdom  iherebv; 
which  may  ho  of  moro  use  to  you,  through  the  Lord's  | 


blessing,  than  all  that  inheritance  which  might  have  be- 
fallen you  :  and  for  which  this  may  stay  and  quiet  your 
heart,  that  God  is  able  to  give  you  more  than  this  ;  and 
that  it  being  spent  in  ihe  furtherance  of  his  work, 
which  has  here  prospered  so  well  through  bis  power 
hitherto,  you  and  yours  may  certainly  expect  a  liberal 
portion  in  the  prosperity  and  bli'ssiug  thereof  hereafter ; 
and  the  rather,  because  it  w;is  not  forced  from  you  by 
a  father's  power,  hut  freely  resigned  by  yourself,  out  of 
a  loving  and  filial  respect  unto  me,  and  your  own  readi- 
ness unto  the  work  itielf  From  whence,  as  I  do 
often  take  occasion  to  bless  the  Lord  foryoii,  so  do  I 
also  commend  you  and  yours  to  his  fatherly  blessing. 
f»r  a  plentiful  reward  to  be  rendered  unto  you.  And 
doubt  not  my  dear  son,  hut  let  your  faith  be  built  u])on 
his  promise  and  faithfulness,  that  as  he  hath  carried  you 
hitherto  through  many  perils,  and  provided  liberally  for 
you,  so  he  will  do  for  the  time  to  come,  and  will  never 
fail  you  nor  forsake  you.  My  son  the  Lord  knows 
how  dear  thou  art  to  nie,  and  that  my  care  has  been 
more  for  thee  than  for  myself  But  i  know  thy  pros- 
perity depend  not  on  my  care,  nor  on  thine  own,  but 
on  the  blessing  of  our  heavenly  Father:  neither  doth 
It  on  the  things  of  this  world,  but  on  the  lielit  of  (iod's 
countenance,  through  the  merit  and  mediation  of  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ.  It  is  that  only  which  can  give  ii 
peace  of  conscience  with  coiitentatioii ;  which  can  as 
well  make  our  lives  happy  and  comforUible  in  a  mean 
estate  as  in  a  great  abundance.  But  if  you  weigh 
things  aright,  and  sum  up  all  the  turnings  of  divine 
providence  together,  you  shall  find  great  advantage 
The  Lord  hath  brought  us  to  a  good  land ;  a  land 
where  we  enjoy  outward  peace  and  liberty,  and  above 
all,  the  blessing  of  the  gospel,  witlioiit  the  burthen  of 
impositions  in  matters  of  religion.  Many  thousands 
there  are  who  would  give  great  estates  to  enjoy  our 
condition.  Labor,  therefore,  my  good  son,  to  increase 
our  tliaiikfulncss  to  (iod  for  .ill  his  mercies  to  thee,  es- 
pecially for  that  he  hath  revealed  his  everlasting  good 
will  to  thee  in  Jesus  Christ,  and  joined  thee  to  the  visi- 
ble body  of  his  cbiirch,  in  the  fellowship  of  his  people, 
and  lialh  saved  tliee  in  all  thy  travels  abroad  from  being 
infected  with  the  vices  of  these  countrie's  where  thou 
hast  been,  (a  mercy  vouchsafed  but  unto  few  young 
gentlemen  travellers.)  Let  Him  have  the  honor  of  it 
who  kept  tiiee.  He  it  was  who  gave  thee  favor  in  t!ie 
eyes  of  all  with  whom  thou  hadst  to  do,  both  by  sea 
and  land;  He  it  is  who  hath  given  thee  a  gift  in  under- 
standing and  art;  and  he  it  is  who  hath  |)rovi(led  thee  a 
blessing  in  marriage,  a  comfortable  help  and  manv 
sweet  children.  And  therefore  I  would  have  yDu  to 
love  him  again,  and  serve  him,  and  trust  him  for  the 
time  to  come." — .Mather,  B.  II.  cap.  xi.sect.  9. 

The  wife  of  the  writer  of  the  foregoing  'etter,  and  the 
mother  of  the  jierson  to  whom  it  was  addressed,  was  a 
(laughter  oftlic  celebrated  Hugh  Peters. — Savage's  Notes 
to  Wintlirop's  Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  ().'>. 

Winthrop  the  elder  not  only  performed  actions  wor- 
thy to  be  written,  but  produced  writings  worthy  to  be 
read.  Yet  hi;-  Journal,  or  History  as  it  has  been  term- 
ed, in  the  late  edition  by  Mr.  Savage,  is,  I  think,  very  in- 
ferior in  spirit  and  interest  to  his  letters.  I  hope  that  .Mr. 
Savage  has  expressed  rather  his  own  eilitorial  partiali- 
ty than  the  prevalent  taste  of  New  Fngland,  in  prefer- 
ring this  perlbrnianco  to  tin?  work  of  Cotton  .Mather. 
It  would  .seem  indeed  that  Wintlirop's  Journal  has  not 
derived  much  support  from  its  own  jxipularitv,  since 
•'  the  liberal  aid"  of  the  legislature  ol  .Massachusetts  is 
acknowledged  to  have  been  recpiisite  to  its  publication. 

I  must  regret  that  I  had  not  an  earlier  opportunity  of 
perusing  the  performance  of  Mr.  Savage,  to  whose  sa- 
gacity I  owe  the  detection  of  an  error  into  which  I 
have  been  betrayed  by  the  authorities  on  which  I  have 
hitherto  relied.  At  present  it  is  not  in  my  power  lo 
correct  it  otherwise  than  by  noticing  (in  conformitv 
with  Lt.  Savage  s  note.  vol.  ii.  p.  l.V.)).  that  although 
Sir  John  Harvey  was  displaced  from  the  ollice  of  Go- 
vernor of  Virginia  in  lt;:{',t.  .Sir  W'illiain  Berkeley,  whom 
I  have  supposed  to  have  been  liisiiiiinediali'  successor  was 
not appointi'd  till  1(141.  The  governmentin  tlie  interim 
was  held  by  Sir  Francis  Wyatt. 

NoTF.  [12]  p.  203. — Among  many  intc-resting  and 
roiuanlic  adventures  and  escapes  ndated  by  ."Mather, 
Neal,  Hutchinson,  I) wight,  and  other  New  I'.ngl.ind 
writer,  as  having  occurred  during  the  continuance  of 
Philip's  war,  there  is  one  iucidi'iit  which  excited  much 
marvelling  at  the  time,  and  has  since  derived  an  in- 
crease of  interest  from  the  explanation  which  it  receiv- 
ed after  tlie  death  of  the  p  irly  principally  concerned  in 
it.    In  167.>  till)  town  of  llaillev  wms  alarmed  by  the 


sudd  en  aj)proach  of  a  bodv  of  Indians  in  the  time  of 
public  worsiiqi.and  the  |)i-ople  were  thrown  inro  a  con- 
fusion that  bi  tokeucd  an  unresisted  ni.ass;icre.  .Sud- 
<l'  iily  a  grave  elderly  per.-on  appeared  in  the  midst  of 
them.  Whence  he  came  or  who  he  was,  nobodv  could 
tell.  In  his  nieiu  and  dress  he  dillered  from  ilie  re.'^t 
of  the  peo))le.  He  not  only  encouraged  them  lode- 
lend  themselves,  but  putting  himself  at  their  head,  ho 
rallied,  instructed,  and  led  them  on  to  encouiiler  lliu 
enemy,  who  by  this  means  were  repulsed.  As  sudden- 
ly the  deliverer  of  Hadley  disappeared;  and  the  people 
were  left  in  a  state  of  perple.viiy  and  amazement,  and 
utterly  unable  to  account  for  this  singular  phenomenon. 
Aller  his  death  it  was  known  to  have  been  GolVe  the 
regicide,  who  resided  smiiewhere  in  the  neighborhood, 
but  in  such  deep  sequestration  that  none  but  tliose  who 
were  intrusted  with  the  secret  were  ever  able  to  mak'' 
the  remotest  ajiproach  to  a  dicovery  of  his  retro:;: 
Wlialey  resided  with  him  :  and  they  had  some  year- 
before  been  joined  by  another  of  the  regicides.  Colonel 
Dixwell.  They  frequently  changed  their  place  o'' 
abode,  and  gave  the  name  of  Ebniezer  to  every  spot 
that  ati'orded  them  shelter.  They  had  many  friends 
both  in  F'.ngland  and  in  the  New  England  states,  and 
with  some  they  maintained  a  pretty  close  correspon- 
dence. They  had  constint  and  exact  intelliiieiice  if 
every  thing  that  passed  in  England,  and  were  unwiliing 
to  give  up  all  ho|)es  of  deliverance.  Their  greatest 
expectations  were  from  the  I'ulfilment  of  the  prophecies 
of  .scri])ture.  which  they  had  intentiv  studied.  They 
had  no  doubt  that  the  execution  of  the  judges  was  the 
slaying  of  the  witnesses ;  and  were  much  disapoiuted 
when  the  year  KitiO  had  passed  without  any  reiii:irka- 
ble  event,  hut  still  llattered  themselves  with  the  hope 
that  common  chronology  might  he  erroneous.  The 
strict  inquisition  that  was  made  for  them  by  the  royal 
commissioners  and  others,  renders  their  conceabuent 
in  a  country  .so  thinly  peopled,  and  where  every  stran- 
ger was  the  object  of  immediate  and  curious  notice, 
truly  surprising.  It  appears  that  they  were  befriended 
and  much  esteemed  for  their  pielv  bv  persons  who  pj. 
gariled  the  great  ;iction  in  which  thev  had  participated 
with  the  strongest  disapprobation.  llutchiiLson.  215— 
2 19. 

It  requires  le.ss  .sense  and  humanity  tlian  were  com 
inon  in  New  England  to  perceive  that  the  capital  trial 
of  a  king  must  ever  he  a  mockery  of  justice,  and  prac- 
tic:illy  refutes  the  plea  of  necessity  that  is  sometimes 
made  the  apology  for  defect  of  justice.  No  man  will 
accejit  a  commission  to  sit  asjudge  of  his  king  without, 
previously  determining  for  his  own  safety  to  convict 
him,  and  to  guard  the  sentence  from  being  infringed 
by  pardon;  and  the  authority  that  is  powerful  enough 
to  bring  the  king  to  trial  has  nothing  lo  apprelien<l  from 
his  hostility  itl  exile.  IIow  dilferent  was  the  situation 
of(;harl<'s  and  his  peiseciilors.  from  the  relations  which 
courts  of  justice  commonly  imply.  w;is  sironglv  ex- 
[iressed  by  Cook,  the  Solicitor  for  thi-  People  of  En- 
gland, who  declared,  that  although  in  ordirarv  trials  hr 
had  often  trembled  to  think  how  much  e;isier  it  woiijj 
be  to  account  to  God  for  mercy  ami  indulgence  than 
for  justice  and  rigor,  yet  now  it  was  meat  and  drink  to 
him  to  ask  judgment  against  tlie  king.  Howell's  State 
Trials,  iv.  1045. 

In  such,  as  in  all  ca.«es,  to  be  brave  and  generous  is 
the  safest  course.  W'hile  the  deposed  king  lives,  the 
deinerits  that  have  procured  bis  deposition  altiicli  to  h^ 
cause  ;  hut  w  heii  his  bloixl  is  shed,  his  faults  seem  to  l» 
washed  away,  ;ind  the  cause  which  he  maintained,  pun 
fled  from  much  of  his  odium  by  compassion,  is  trausinitted 
to  his  uiioireiiding  descendants. 

Note  [IS]  p.  271. — In  every  state  of  human  socie 
ty,  and  under  every  form  of  faith,  the  belief  of  w  ilclh 
craft  has  prevailed.  Heathens,  who  are  represented 
in  scripture  as  serving  demons,  have  respected  and 
sought  to  propitiate  the  powi'rs  of  w  itchcraft.  Chris- 
tians, or  persons  professing  the  service  of  the  true  (iod. 
have  condemned  and  ))uiiished  the  practice.  It  has 
prevailed  from  time  iiiiiuemorial  in  .Africa,  which  is 
generallv  considered  bv  the  leariif  I  .ui  "'s  cnidle.  |lr'- 
an  I'dwards  hits  given  a  ciirio.is  av-coiiiit  of  the  winh- 
crafl  or  Obeali  practices  believed  aiul  cultivated  aiiio  i^ 
the  negroes  in  the  West  luiiii-s.  He  slates  that  'h« 
term  Obeah,  Obi  ih,  or  Obia  (for  it  is  variously  w  rittol), 
is  the  adjective,  and  Obe  or  Obi  the  noun  siibslaiiti^c ; 
and  that  by  the  terms  Obia  nie.i.  and  Obia  woinef, 
are  meant  those  who  practi.se  Obi  or  witchcraft.  IIii 
tory  of  the  West  Indies,  vol.  ii.  p.  107. — Jacob  liry 
aul.  in  his  commentary  on  the  word  Oph.  remarks  tha' 
•'a  serpent  in  tlie  I'.gvptian  "tingrago  wis  called  Ob  ot 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


Aut ;"  and  that  "  Oiwn  is  still  tin;  l",<.'y|)liaii  naiiK?  Cor 
a  serpent."  "  Moses,"  he  coiitiiiiies.  "  in  the  name  of 
Cidil  loi  liids  the  Israelites  ever  to  iiKpiire  oC  the  detnon 
Oh.  whioii  is  translated  in  our  IJihIo,  charmer  or  wizard, 
diviiiator  or  sorcili-gns."  "  The  woman  at  I'.ndor,"  ho 
adds,  '•  is  called  Oitb  or  Ob,  translated  I'ytlionissa  ;  and 
Ouli  ii/is  was  the  name  of  the  hasilisk  or  royal  serpent, 
eml)lem  of  the  sun,  and  an  ancient  oracular  deity  of 
Africa."  Bryant's  Ancient  Mytliology,  vol.  i.  p.  48, 
475  and  478. 

>0TE  [14J  p.  283.— The  following  may  serve  as  a 
specimen  of  these  articles  of  grievance,  and  of  the  an- 
swers they  received: — "  IV.  As  no  laws  can  he  re- 
pealed hut  hy  the  assembly,  it  desired  to  know  if  the 
proprietary  intended  to  annul  a  clause  in  the  act  for 
bringiug  tobacco  to  towns?"  Answer.  "The  pro- 
prietary does  not  intend  to  annul  the  clau.se  mentioned 
without  an  act  of  repeal."  "  V.  The  attorney-general 
oppresses  the  people."  Answer.  "  If  such  proceed- 
ings liave  been  practised,  the  law  is  open  against  the 
oiii-nder,  who  is  not  countenanced  by  goverinnent." 
"  VI.  Certain  persons,  under  a  pretended  authority 
from  some  militia  oiKcers,  have  pressed  provisions  in 
time  of  peace."  Answer.  "  We  know  of  no  such 
olfenders;  but  when  informed  of  them  we  shall  pro- 
ceed against  them  according  to  law  and  matter  of 
fact."  "VII.  The  late  adjournment  of  the  provincial 
court  to  the  last  Tuesday  in  January  is  a  time  most 
inconunodious  to  the  people."  Answer.  "  At  the 
request  of  the  lower  house,  they  will  adjourn  the  pro- 
vincial court  by  proclamation."  Chalmers,  380,  381. 
Why  Chalmers,  who  is  generally  displeased  even  with 
the  more  moderate  assertors  of  American  liberty,  should 
term  this  "  a  spirited  representation  of  grievances," 
(p.  37'2,)  I  am  at  a  loss  to  discover.  But  perhaps  no 
other  writer  has  ever  combined  such  elaborate  research 
of  facts  with  such  temerity  of  opinion  and  such  glaring 
inconsistency  of  sentiment,  as  the  "  Political  Annals" 
of  this  writer  display.  The  American  provinces,  though 
little  indebted  to  his  favorable  opinion,  owe  the  most 
important  illustration  of  their  history  to  his  industrious 
researches.  Some  of  She  particulars  of  his  own  early 
history  may  perhaps  account  for  the  peculiarities  ol  his 
American  politics.  A  Scotsman  by  birth,  he  had  emi- 
grated to  .Maryland,  and  was  settled  at  Baltimore  as  a 
lawyer,  when  the  revolutionary  contest,  (in  which  he 
adhered  to  the  royal  cause,)  blasted  all  his  prospects, 
and  compelled  him  to  take  refuge  in  England,  where 
his  unfortunate  loyalty  and  distinguished  attainments 
procured  him  an  honorable  appointment  from  the  Board 
of  Trade.  The  first  (and  only)  volume  of  his  Annals 
was  composed  while  he  hoped  that  the  royal  cause 
would  yet  prevail  in  America,  and  was  intended  to  be 
the  apology  of  his  party.  His  labors  were  discontinued 
when  the  cause  and  party  to  which  they  were  devoted 
had  evidently  perished.  Though  a  strong  vein  of  Tory- 
ism pervades  all  his  pages,  he  is  at  times  unable  to 
restrain  an  expression  of  indignant  contempt  at  parti- 
cular instances  of  the  conduct  of  the  kings  and  ministers, 
whose  general  policy  he  labors  to  vindicate. 

Note  [15]  p.  288.— That  a  gift  will  blind  the 
(discernment  even  of  the  wise,  and  pert^ert  the  words 
even  of  the  just,  is  an  assurance  conveved  to  us  by 
unerring  wisdom,  and  confirmed  by  e.xamples  among 
which  even  the  name  of  Locke  must  be  enrolled.  If 
no  gift  could  be  more  seducing  than  the  deference  and 
admiration  with  which  Shaltesbury  graced  his  other 
bounties  to  Locke,  no  blindness  could  well  be  greater 
than  that  which  veiled  the  eyes,  and  perverted  the 
sentiments  of  the  philosopher  with  respect  to  the  con- 
duct and  character  of  his  patron.  In  his  memoirs  of 
this  profligate  politician,  not  less  insiduons  in  his  friend- 
ships than  furious  in  his  enmities,  and  who  alternately 
inflamed  and  betrayed  every  faction  in  the  state, — he 
has  honored  him  as  a  mirror  of  worth  and  patriotism  ; 
declaring  that,  in  a  mild  yet  resolute  constancy,  he  was 
equalled  by  few  and  exceeded  by  none  ;  and  that  while 
liberty  endures,  his  fame  will  mock  the  etlbrts  of  envy 
and  the  operations  of  time.  Locke,  folio  edit.  III.  450, 
\c.  While  Locke  reprobates  the  unprincipled  ambi- 
tion and  inveterate  falsehood,  with  which  Monk  endea- 
vored to  the  last  to  obtain  for  himself  the  vacant  dignity 
of  Cromwell. — he  is  totally  insensible  to  any  other  fea- 
ture than  the  ability  of  the  more  successful  niaiiteuvres 
by  which  Shaftesbury  outwitted  the  less  dexterous 
knave,  and  at  length  forced  bin  to  concur  in  the  Res- 
toration. Locke  has  vaunted  the  profound  sagacity 
with  which  Shaftesbury  could  penetrate  the  character, 
lad  avail  himsoif  jf  the  talents  and  disposition,  of  every 


person  he  conversed  with.  Tor  his  own  vindication. 
It  is  necessarv  to  regard  him  in  this  perloriuance  as 
exemplil\  ini.'  lhe(|ualilv  which  he  so  highly  coimiieiided. 
When  occasion  required  it,  Shaftesbury  could  as>nme, 
a  virtue  to  which  his  talent  lent  such  a  degree  of  edi- 
cacy  as  coiiimaiided  universal  admiration.  When  he 
was  appointed  to  pri'side  in  the  Court  of  Chancery,  he 
was  unacquainted  with  law,  and  had  grown  grey  in  the 
practice  of  fraud  and  intrigue.  Yet  in  the  discharge 
of  the  functions  of  this  office,  he  is  acknowledged  to 
have  combined  the  genius  of  Bacon  with  the  integrity 
of  More  ;  and  tlie  satisfaction  that  vv;i8  derived  from  the 
legal  soundness  of  his  decrees,  was  surpassed  only  by  the 
respect  that  was  entertained  for  tlie  lofty  impartiality  of 
his  conduct. 

Among  other  marks  of  confidence  bestowed  by 
Shallesbury  on  Locke,"  he  employed  him  to  choose  a 
wife  for  his  son,  whom  he  was  anxious  to  marry  early; 
as  the  feebleness  of  the  young  man's  constitution  gave 
him  cause  to  apprehend  the  extinction  of  his  family. 
Locke,  undismayed  by  the  nice  and  numerous  retpii- 
sites  which  Shaftesbury  desired  him  to  combine  in  the 
object  of  his  choice,  fulfilled  this  delicate  office  to  his 
patron's  satisfaction  ;  and  afterwards  accepted  the  office 
of  tutor  to  the  eldest  male  offspring  of  the  marriage. 
Life  of  Locke,  prefixed  to  the  folio  edition  of  his 
Works.  Like  Philip  of  Macedon,  Shaftesbury  seems 
to  have  determined  to  extract  as  much  advantage  as 
possible  to  his  posterity  from  the  genius  of  the  great 
philosopher  who  proved  to  be  his  contemporary.  Nei- 
ther the  tutors,  however,  derived  much  credit  from 
his  tuition,  or  received  much  gratitude  from  his  pupil. 
Alexander  sneered  at  the  sophisms  of  Aristotle,  (Plu- 
tarch's Life  of  Alexander;)  and  the  author  of  the 
"Characteristics,"  in  his  "  Letters  written  by  a  Noble- 
man to  a  Young  Man  at  the  University."  ITltJ,  severely 
censured  the  writings  of  Locke,  as  giving  countenance 
to  infidelity. 

Shaftesbury  was  able  to  infect  Locke  with  all  his 
own  real  or  preteniled  suspicions  of  the  catholics ; 
and  even  when  the  philosojiber  could  not  refrain  from 
censuring  the  severity  and  intolerance  of  the  protest- 
ants,  he  expressed  his  regret  that  they  should  be  found 
capable  of "  such  popish  practices."  Not  less  unjust 
and  absurd  was  Lord  Russel's  declaration,  that  mas- 
sacreing  men  in  cool  blood  was  so  like  a  practice  of  the 
papists,  that  he  could  not  but  abhor  it;  and  Sir  Edward 
Coke's  remark,  that  poisoning  wvla  a  popish  trick.  Wheii 
Locke  undertook  to  legislate  for  Carolina,  he  produced 
ecclesiastical  constitutions  not  more,  and  political  regu- 
lations far  less  favorable  to  human  liberty  and  happiness, 
than  those  which  had  been  previously  established  by  a 
catholic  legislator  in  Maryland. 

M  r.  Fox  is  much  pi.zzled  to  account  for  Locke's  friend- 
ship with  Shaftesbury,  and  has  attempted  it,  I  tiiink,  very 
unsuccessfully. 

It  is  strange  that  we  should  be  obliged  to  prefer  the 
testimony  of  an  uuprincipLd  satirist  to  that  of  an 
upright  philosopher.  Yet  Dryden's  character  of  Achi- 
topliel"  is  undoubtedly  the  justest  and  most  masterly 
representation  of  Shaftesbury  that  has  ever  been  pro- 
duced by  friend  or  foe.  So  much  more  powerful  is 
aftection  than  enmity  in  deluding  the  fancy  and  seducing 
the  understanding  1 

Note  [16]  p.  300. — Founders  of  ancient  colonies 
have  sometimes  been  deified  by  their  successors.  New 
York  is  perhaps  the  only  commonwealth  whose  found- 
ers have  been  covered  with  ridicule  from  the  same 
quarter.  It  is  impossible  to  read  the  ingenious  and 
diverting  romance  entitled  Knickerbocker's  History  of 
New  York,  without  wishing  that  the  author  had  put 
either  a  little  more  or  a  little  less  truth  in  it,  and  that 
his  talent  for  humor  and  .sarcasms  had  found  another 
subject  than  the  dangers,  hardships,  and  virtues,  of  the 
ancestors  of  his  national  family.  It  must  he  unlavor- 
able  to  patriotism  to  connect  historical  recollections 
with  ludicrous  associations;  but  the  genius  of  Mr. 
Irving  has  done  this  so  effectually,  that  it  is  difficult  to 
read  the  names  of  Woiiter  Van  Twiller,  of  Corlear,  and 
of  Peter  Stuyvesant,  without  a  smile;  or  to  see  the 
free  and  happy  colonists  of  New  York  enslaved  by  the 
forces  of  a  despot,  without  a  sense  of  ridicule  that 
abates  the  resentment  which  injustice  should  excite, 
and  the  .sympathy  which  is  due  to  misfortune.  Yet 
Stuyvesant  was  a  gallant  and  generous  man:  anil  Cor- 
lear softened  the  miseries  of  war  and  mitigated  the 
wrath  of  man  by  his  benevolence.  If  this  writer  had 
coi.fined  his  ridicule  to  the  wars,  or  rather  bloodless 
burtetings  and  squabbles  of  the  Dutch  and  the  Swedes, 
i  his  readers  v/oald  have  derived  more  luireproved  enjoy- 


moiit  from  his  performance.  Probab  y  my  discern- 
ment of  the  unsuiliibleness  of  Mr.  Irving's  mirth,  ig 
quickened  by  a  sense  of  per.'oiial  wrong;  as  I  c.tnnot 
helj)  feeling  that  he  has  by  anticipation  ridiculed  my 
topic  and  parodied  my  narrative.  If  Sancho  Panza 
had  lii'eii  a  real  governor,  misrepresented  by  the  wit  o! 
Cervantes,  his  future  historian  w  ould  have  found  it  no 
easy  matter  to  bespeak  a  grave  attention-  to  the  annals 
of  ills  administration. 

NoTK  [17]  p.  SO,'). — "Dining  one  day  ot  Monsieur 
lloid't's,  and  having  a  great  cold,  I  observed,  everylinie 
1  spit,  a  tight  handsome  wench,  that  stood  in  the  room 
w  ilh  a  clean  cloth  in  her  hand,  was  pri'seiitlv  dow  n 
to  wi[)e  it  up,  and  rub  the  board  clean.  Somebody  at 
table  speaking  of  my  cold,  I  .said  the  most  trouble  it 
ive  nic  was  to  see  the  poor  wejich  take  so  much  ])ain3 
about  it.  Monsieur  Hooft  told  me,  'twas  well  I  es- 
caped so;  and  that  if  his  wife  had  been  at  home,  tbo'  I 
were  an  ambassador,  she  would  have  turned  me  out  of 
doors  for  fouling  her  house."  Sir  William  Temple's 
Works,  i.  472. 

Note  [18]  p.  300.— The  charitable  attempt  of  dial 
mers  to  vindicate  the  character  of  this  man  from  iht 
impeachment  and  abhorrence,  not  of  one,  but  of  every 
province  over  which  he  exercised  the  functions  of  go- 
vernment previous  to  the  British  Revolution,  is  totally 
unsuccessful.  The  main  to[)i(;  of  apology  is,  that  he 
merely  executed  the  orders  of  his  master,  and  some 
times  ineffectually  recommended  more  liuiuatie  and 
liberal  measures;  an  a|)ology  which  might  be,  as  in 
fict  it  was  equally  pleaded  to  justify  the  atrocities  of 
Kirke  and  Jeffries  in  England,  and  of  (iraliam  of  Cla- 
verliouse  and  Sir  James  Turner,  in  Scotland.  It  is  an 
apology  that  may  sometimes  exempt  from  punishment, 
but  can  never  redeem  character,  or  avert  reprobation. 
When  Turner  was  taken  prisoner  by  the  persecuted 
Scottish  peasantry  in  Dumfriesshire,  they  were  pro- 
ceeding to  put  him  to  death  for  his  cruelty;  but  obser 
ving  from  the  written  instructions  foini<l  on  his  person 
that  he  had  actually  fallen  short  of  the  severity  which 
he  had  been  ordered  to  commit,  these  generous  men  ar- 
rested their  uplifted  hands,  and  dismissed  him  w  itii  im- 
punity, but  not  without  abhorrence.  That  Aiidros, 
from  some  of  his  private  suggestions  to  the  duke, 
seeins  at  times  to  have  b  :en  willing  to  alleviate  the  bur- 
dens of  the  people,  only  renders  him  the  more  culpable 
for  so  actively  eflfectuating  a  contrary  policv,  the  mis- 
chief and  odium  of  which  he  jdainly  disi  erned.  It 
might  have  been  argued,  with  some  a])pearaiice  of  pro- 
bability, that  the  unanimous  dislike  he  excited  in  New 
England  inferred  less  of  reproach  to  his  jiersonal  char- 
acter, than  of  the  repugnance  between  the  previous 
habits  of  the  people  and  ihe  structure  of  that  arbitrary 
system  which  he  was  appointed  to  administer  among 
thein.  But  the  detestation  he  excited  in  New  York 
where  the  people  had  been  habituated  to  arbitrary  go 
vernment,  admits  not  of  this  suggestion;  which,  even 
with  regard  to  New  England,  we  have  already  seen 
to  be  very  slightly,  if  at  all  admissible.  James  the  Se- 
cond evinced  a  sagacity  that  approached  to  instinct,  in 
the  employment  of  fit  instriimenLs  to  execute  injustice 
and  cruelty;  and  his  steady  patronage  of  .Andros,  and 
constant  preference  of  his  to  any  other  instrumentality, 
in  the  subjugation  of  colonial  liberty,  is  the  strongest 
certificate  that  could  be  given  of  the  a])tness  of  this 
officer's  disposition  for  the  eini)loyment  for  w  liich  hp 
was  selected.  His  friend  and  compeer  Raniloph  boast 
ed,  that,  in  New  England,  Andros  was  as  arbitrary  as 
the  Great  Turk. 

After  the  British  Revolution,  Andros  is  said  to  have 
conducted  himself  irreproachably  as  governor  of  Vir- 
i'inia.  But  William  and  .Mary  had  not  entrusted  him 
with  tyrannical  power;  and  the  Virginians  would  not 
have  permitted  him  to  exercise  it.  His  appointment 
to  this  situation,  however,  was  an  insult  to  the  Ameri- 
can colonies,  and  a  disgraceful  proceeding  of  King  Wil- 
liam, who  assuredly  was  not  a  friend  to  .Vmeric.in  liberty. 

.\udros  died  at  London  in  1715,  at  a  very  advanced 
age. 

Note  [19]  p.  313. — This  jesuit  accompanied  the 
French  comiiiissioners  who  repaired  to  the  head  quar- 
ters of  the  Five  Nations  to  tre.it  for  )>eace.  When 
the  commissioners  approached  the  Indian  stitiou,  they 
were  met  by  a  sachem  who  presented  lliem  w  ith  three 
sei)arate  gilt-s,  strings  of  wampum;  the  first,  to  wipe 
aw.iy  their  tears  for  the  French  that  had  been  slain ; 
the  second,  to  open  their  inonths,  tha'  tli'-y  might 
speak  freely;  and  the  third,  to  clean  the  'nat  oiiwliirjj 


THF,    HISTORY  OF 


lliev  were  to  sii,  wliile  tri'aliiil  o("  peace,  from  tin;  lilimcl 
tliut  had  been  spilt  on  botli  sidos.  Tliu  ji^siilt,  who 
acted  ax  the  orator  of  the  eiiihassy,  eiideavori-d  to  pay 
;ourt  10  th,'  Indians  hy  iiiiilalioti  of  their  style.  '■  I'lie 
war  ketlh;."  sai  l  he,  •'  hoil  fd  so  lonsr,  that  it  wrxild 
have  scalded  i  I  llie  Five  JVatioiis  hid  it  continued; 
but  now  it  is  overset,  and  tnrned  npsich'-dou  ii,  and  a 
firm  peace  made."  He  recommended  to  them  tlie  pri^- 
servation  ot"  amity  with  Corlmr,  the  huhaii  name  for 
the  ■rovernor  of  .N'-'W  York ;  and  liaviiig  thns  attempt- 
ed to  di<urm  thi'ir  suspicions,  uttered  many  injiirions 
insiuiialiotis  against  this  ally.  '•!  oiler  myself  to  you," 
he  coirliuued.  "  to  live  with  you  at  Onondafra,  to  in- 
slrucrt  vou  in  the  christian  relijjion,  and  to  drive  away- 
all  sickn  :ss,  plajfues,  and  the  diseases  of  your  coini- 
trv."  Thoneh  this  ])roposition,  which  llie  French 
were  much  bent  on  elTectuating,  was  absolutely  re- 
j"cti-d.  the  peace  broiijjht  them  a  deliverance  from  so 
much  misery  and  fear,  that,  when  a  deputation  of  the 
Hachems  of  tUe  Five  .Nations  arrived  at  Montreal  to 
ratify  the  treaty,  they  Nvere  received  with  general  ac- 
clamations of  joy,  and  a  salute  from  the  artillery  on 
the  riuiparts.  The  Indian  allii'S  ol"  ih;;  French  were 
hi;rhly  oU'eiided  with  this  demonstration  ot  respect. 
"  We  perceive,"  they  angrily  observed,  "  that  fear 
makes  t!ie  French  show  more  respect  to  their  ene- 
mies, than  love  can  make  lliem  do  to  their  friends." 
Coldeti.  i.  203— -211 

NoTT  [CO]  p.  SIT)  -Denton,,  whose  description  of 
New  Vork  was  publishetl  ir  170i,  gives  a  very  a^ree- 
abli  picture  of  Ih  '  state  of  the  province  and  its  inhabit- 
ants at  this  period: — "I  must  needs-- say,  that  if  th»re  be 

tcrrestial  Canaan,  'lis  surely  here.  The  iuhabilauts 
are  blessed  with  peac;  and  j)li'nty ;  blessiul  in  their 
country,  blessed  in  the  fruit  of  their  bodies,  and  the 
fruit  of  their  grounds;  blessed  in  their  basket  and  in 
their  st.jre ;  in  a  word,  blessed  in  whatsoever  they  take 
in  hand,  or  go  about:  the  earth  yielding  plentiful  in- 
crease to  all  their  painful  labor." — "  Were  it  not  to 
avoid  prolixity,  I  could  say  a  great  deal  more,  and  yet 
say  too  little,  to  show  how  free  are  these  parts  of  the 
world  from  that  pride  and  oppression,  with  their  mise- 
rable etrects.  which  many,  nay  almost  all,  parts  of  the 
w-orld  are  troubled  with.  There,  a  wagon  or  cart  gives 
as  good  content  as  a  coach;  and  a  ))iece  of  their  home- 
iniule  cloth  better  than  the  finest  lawns  or  richest  silks; 
.md  thon!:h  their  low-roofed  houses  may  seem  to  shut 
tlieir  doors  ajainst  pride  and  luxury,  yet.  how  do  they 
stand  wide  oi)en  to  let  charity  in  and  out,  either  to  as- 
»ist  each  otiier  or  to  relieve  a  stranger!  and  the  dis- 
tance of  plac(!  from  other  nations  doth  secure  them 
from  the  envi.>us  frowns  of  ill-alFected  neighbors,  and 
the  troubles  whii-li  usually  arise  thence."  Denton.  V.\'H). 

What  a  conJ  rast  there  is  between  this  happy  picture 
and  the  stale  of  I'.uropean  society  about  the  same  ])e- 
riod,  as  depicted  by  L)(!  l"oe  in  liie  most  C(debrated  of 
his  romances  I — •' I  saw  the  world  busy  around  me; 
one  part  laboring  for  bread,  and  the  other  s(pi;indering 
it  in  vile  excessi's  or  empty  pleasures :" — '• 'I'he  men 
of  labor  spent  their  strength  in  daily  strngglings  for 
bread  to  maintain  the  vital  power  they  laboured  with; 
80  living  in  a  daily  circul.-ition  of  sorrow;  living  but  to 
work,  and  working  but  to  live,  as  if  daily  bread  were 
the  only  end  of  a  wearisome  life,  and  a  wearisome  life 
the  only  occasion  of  daily  bread." 

Note  [21]  p.  318. — From  the  writings  of  the  modern 
historians  and  apologists  of  quakerism.we  might  be  led 
to  suppose  that  none  of  the  cpiakers  who  were  imprison- 
ed by  till!  magistrates  of  Fnidand  at  this  period  had 
been  accused  of  aught  else  but  the  profession  of  their 
peculiar  iloclrin;il  liuiets,  or  attendance  at  their  pettuliar 
places  of  worship.  Hut  very  dillerent  accounts  of  the 
caiisi-s  of  their  iinprisoiiineiit  have  been  transmitted  by 
some  of  the  snirerers  themselves;  and,  from  the  tenor 
of  these  it  is  nianil'est  that  the  only  wrong  they  sustain- 
ed Irom  the  inai'istrates  was.  that  thev  were  committed 
to  prison,  iiisleail  of  biding  confined  in  lunatic  hos|)it,-ils. 
'I'he  most  remarkable  of  tliese  couipositioiis  is  the  Nar- 
ral've  ol  the  rersiM  utioii  of  Solomon  I'.cclcs,  in  the 
ye.i:  1C..')0,  written  by  himsrdf.  and  dated  from  New- 
gate, where  be  describes  himself  as  "a  prisoner  for  the 
lesiimouy  of  the  Lord."  This  man.  w  ho  was  a  qnaker, 
iiiid  a  '.u<lr>r  in  l.onibui,  relates,  that  '- ll  was  ch-ariy 
•bowed  to  me  thai  I  should  go  to  the  sti'cpie-honse  iii 
Alilcrmanbnry  the  lirst  d.iy  of  the  we.d<  then  folU)wing, 
nnri  t.ike  with  iiie  sinneth'ing  to  work,  and  do  it  in  the 
pnlpil  at  their  singing  time."  So.  after  much  musing, 
"1  purposed  III  carry  with  mc  a  pocket  to  sew."  lie 
•"paired  lo  Fdinund  Calamy's  chapel,  and  watching  his 


opixirtiinitv,  made  his  way  into  the  pulpit.  "  I  sat  iiiy- 
sell'  down  upon  the  cushion,  and  my  fei  t  upon  tlie  seat 
wlii're  the  pri.-si.  when  he  hath  told  out  his  lies,  doth 
sit  down,  and,  having  my  work  ready,  I  pulled  one  or 
two  stitches."  When  the  people  began  to  persecute 
him,  i.e.  to  j)ull  him  down,  he  cared  not  if  they  had 
killed  him,  "for  I  was  fidl  of  joy,  and  they  were  full 
of  wrath  and  madness."  He  was  carried  before  the 
mayor.  "  Then  said  he  to  me,  '  Wherefore  did  you 
work  there  .''  I  said,  '  In  obedience  to  the  Lord's  com- 
mandment.' lie  said  it  was  a  false  spirit:  and  said  he, 
'  Where  are  yonr  sureties  ?'  I  said,  the  Lord  was  my 
security."  Accordingly,  his  persecution  wa.s  consum- 
mated by  a  commitment  to  Newgate.  "  Now,  let  all 
sober  people  judge  whether  I  did  this  thing  out  of  envy 
against  either  priest  or  people.  Yea,  farther,  1  say, 
the  Lord  lay  it  not  to  their  charge  who  have  said  that  I 
did  it  in  malice,  devilishne.^s,  and  envy,"  &c.  &c.  This 
singular  narrative  is  republished  in  the  State  Trials, 
vol.  vi.  p.  99S. 

Note  [22]  p.  319. — Of  this  diversity  the  following 
instance  may  serve  as  a  specimen.  When  the  statute 
against  the  cpiaki^rs  began  to  be  generally  enforced, 
George  Bishw]),  a  man  of  some  eminence  among  them, 
remonstrated  against  it  in  these  terms:  "To  the  king 
and  both  houses  of  ])arliament,  Thus  saith  the  Lord, 
.Meddle  not  with  my  people  because  of  their  conscience 
to  me.  and  banish  them  not  out  of  the  nation  because 
oflheir  consiii'nce  ;  for  if  you  do  I  will  send  my  plagues 
amons  you,  and  you  shall  know  that  I  am  the  Lord. 
^Vrilten  in  obedience  to  the  Lord,  by  his  .servant,  (i. 
Bishop."  Goiigh  and  Sewell.  i.  211)  Very  dilVerent 
w.is  the  remonstrance  which  William  IVnn  adiiressed 
on  the  sani !  subject  to  the  king  of  I'oland.  in  whose 
dominions  a  severe  |)ersecution  was  instituted  against 
the  (jiiaki'is.  '•  (jive  us  poor  christians,"  says  he, 
■  .eave  to  expostulate  with  thee.  Suppose  we  are 
tares,  as  the  true  wheat  hath  always  been  called,  yet 
pluck  us  not  np  for  Chri.st's  sake,  who  saith.  Let  the 
tares  and  the  wheat  grow  up  until  the  harvest,  that  is, 
until  the  end  of  the  world.  Let  (Jod  have  his  due  as 
well  as  Ca'sar.  The  judgmont  of  conscience  beloug- 
eth  unto  him  anil  mistakes  about  religion  are  known  to 
him  alone."    Clarkson's  li'.i  of  Penn,  i.  189. 

Nor.T  [23]  p.  321. — It  is  not  difficult  to  understand 
how  a  friendly  intercourse  origir.ated  between  the  lead- 
ing persons  among  the  (piakers  and  Charles  the  Second 
and  his  brother.  The  quakers  desired  to  avail  them- 
selves of  the  authority  of  the  king  for  the  eslablishinent 
of  a  general  toleration,  and  their  own  especial  defence 
against  the  enmity  and  dislike  of  their  inimerous  adver- 
saries. The  king  and  his  brother  regarded  u-ith  great 
benevolence  the  principles  of  non-resistance  professed 
by  those  sectaries,  and  found  in  them  the  only  class  of 
protestanLs  who  could  be  rendered  instnunental  to  their 
design  of  re-establishing  jiopcry  by  the  jireparatory 
measure  of  a  gtuieral  toleration.  But  how  the  friendly 
relation  thus  created  between  the  roy  d  brothers  and 
such  men  as  I'enn  and  Barclay  shoidd  have  continued 
to  subsist  uninterrupted  by  all  the  tyranny  anil  treach- 
ery which  the  reigns  of  these  princes  di.sclosed,  is  a  ditH- 
cully  which  their  contem])orarics  were  unable  to  solve 
in  any  other  manner  than  by  considering  the  quakers 
as  at  bottom  the  votaries  of  popery  and  arbitrary  pow  er. 
The  mere  modern  and  juster,  as  well  as  more  charita- 
ble censure  is,  that  they  w  ere  the  dupes  of  kingly  cour- 
tesy, craft,  and  dissimulation.  They  endeavored  to 
make  an  instrument  of  the  king;  while  he  permitted 
them  to  flatter  themselves  with  this  hope,  that  lie  might 
avail  himself  of  their  instrumentality  for  tlie  accom- 
plishment of  his  own  designs. 

I'erhaps  since  the  days  when  the  prophets  of  Israel 
were  divinely  commissioned  to  rebuke  their  ollending 
moiiarchs.  no  king  was  ever  addressed  in  terms  of  more 
dignified  admonition  that  Robert  Barclay  h:is  employed 
in  concluding  the  dedication  of  his  famous  Apology  for 
the  Qiiiihers  to  (/"harles  the  Second.  "  There  is  no  king 
ill  the  world,"  he  bids  him  remember,  ••who  can  so 
experimentally  testify  of  (iod's  provideiici!  and  good- 
ness; neither  is  there  any  who  rules  .so  many  free  peo- 
ple, so  many  true  Christians;  which  thing  renders  thy 
government  more  honorable,  and  thyself  more  consi- 
derable, than  the  accession  of  iiianv  nations  filled  with 
slavish  and  superHlitioiis  souls.  'I'liou  has  t.asted  of 
prosperity  and  adversity;  llioii  knowest  what  it  is  to  be 
lianished  thy  native  country  and  to  be  overruled,  as 
well  as  to  rule  and  sit  upon  the  throne  ;  and  being  op- 
pressed, thou  host  reason  lo  know  how  hateful  tlie  op- 
pressor is  both  to  (iod  and  man.    If  after  all  these 


warnings  and  advertiseineuis.  li.oii  dost  not  turn  iiiii.i 
the  Loril  with  all  thy  li;'art,  but  lorget  him  w  ho  remem- 
bered thee  in  thy  distress,  aud  i;;ve  thyself  ii|i  to  follow 
lust  and  vanity,  surely  great  wiil  be  liiy  condemnation.'' 
Yet  Charles  gave  himself  up  to  lust  and  vanity,  witlj- 
out  apprehending  or  experiencing  any  diuiini/tion  o. 
the  regards  of  lii>  quaker  friends;  aiul  the  tyranny  and 
oppression  that  stained  ibe  conduct  of  both  Charles  H:id 
James  rendered  them  baleful  to  all  men  except  the  ca- 
tholics and  the  quakers.  The  horrible  cruelties  in- 
flicted by  the  orders,  and  in  the  presence  of  James  him- 
self on  the  Scottish  covenanters  iiiust  have  been  per- 
fectly well  known  to  Barclay.  But  perhaps  his  sm-pa- 
thy  with  the  sullerers  was  abated  by  the  lamentable  in- 
tolerance which  many  of  these  unfortunate  victims  of 
bigotry  thenselves  evinced.  There  were  few  of  them 
who,  even  in  the  midst  of  their  own  afflictions,  did 
not  bequeath  a  dying  testimony  to  their  countrymen 
against  the  fin  of  tolerating  the  blasphemous  heresy 
of  the  quakers  See  The  Cloud  of  ll'ilncsses,  Wood 
row's  History,  and  other  works  illustrative  of  Jv-t 
period. 

Of  the  cajolery  that  was  practised  h/  King  James 
upon  the  quakers,  I  think  a  remarkable  instance  is 
alTbrded,  very  unintentionally,  by  -Mr.  Clarkstm.  in  his 
Memoirs  of  William  Penn,  vol.  ii.  cap.  1.  In  the  yeai 
KJ-^S,  Gilbert  Latey,  an  eminent  quaker  minister,  hav- 
ing been  presented  by  Penn  to  this  prince,  thanked 
him  for  his  Declaration  of  Iiidulatnce  in  favor  of  qua- 
kers and  other  dissenters,  adding  an  expression  of  his 
hope,  that,  as  the  king  had  remembered  the  quakers  in 
their  distress,  so  God  might  remember  him  in  his  di.v 
iress.  Some  time  after  when  James,  exjielled  from 
Knglaiid,  was  endeavoring  lo  make  head  against  his 
adversaries  in  Ireland,  he  sent  a  iiK.ssage  to  Latey,  con- 
fessing that  the  revolution  had  approved  liiiii  so  far  a 
prophet,  in.ismiich  as  the  king  had  fallen  into  distress. 
But  Latey  was  not  .satisfied  with  this  partial  tesliniony. 
and  reminded  James,  that  as  his  life  had  been  saved 
at  the  battle  of  the  Boyne.  the  proph(cy  tliat  had  been 
addressed  to  him  was  entirely  fulfilled. 

Note  [24]  p.  323. — Gabriel  Tlioni:ts,  the  author  of 
this  pleasing  litde  work,  which  is  dedicated  to  Sir  John 
.Moare  ami  Sir  Thomas  Lane,  aldermen  of  Lc:>don, 
and  at  that  time  two  of  the  principal  propriet;'.ries  ot 
Wesit  Jersey,  was  a  quaker,  and  the  .'"liend  o:"  Penii- 
to  whom  at  the  same  time  he  dedicated  a  c^ncr-p.-^nd, 
iirg  history  of  the  province  of  Peii:;.sylvania.  Hia 
chief  aim  in  w  riliiig  he  declares  to  have  been  to  i.'iform 
th(  labouring  poor  of  Britain  of  the  (qiportunily  aflbrd- 
ed  to  them  by  these  colo:iial  .seltlemenls.  of  exchanging 
a  state  of  ill-rewarded  toil,  or  of  beggarly  and  burden 
some  dependev.ce.  for  a  condition  at  once  more  useful, 
honorable,  prosperous,  and  happy.  ••  .Now.  n.'ader," 
he  tlius  concludes,  '•  having  no  more  to  add  of  any 
moment  or  importance.  I  salute  thee  in  Christ,  and 
whether  thou  staycst  in  F.nglaiid,  Sco'.lanil.  Ireland,  or 
Wal(!s,  or  goest  to  Pennsylvania,  West  or  I'".ast  Jersey, 
I  w-ish  thee  all  health  and  liappine.s.n  in  this,  and  ever 
lasting  comfort,  in  God,  in  tlie  world  to  come.  Fare 
thee  well !" 

Note  [25]  p.  3-24. — The  following  instance  of  the, 
sensitivenciss  of  the  quakers  to  the  reputation  of  'icil- 
liain  Penn  and  his  institutions.  I  believe  has  never  be 
fore  been  published,  and  I  think  deserves  to  be  mada 
known.  \V'hen  Wintei-bothaiu  undertook  the  compila- 
tion of  his  ■■  Historical,  (ieograpliical.  Commercial,  and 
Philosophical  View  of  the  .American  United  States,"  he 
was  encouraged  to  pursue  his  labors  by  the  assurance 
of  numerous  subscriptions,  a  great  part  of  which  were 
obtained  from  F.nglish  quakers.  The  authorities  which 
he  consulted  on  the  subject  of  Penii.sylvania,  gave  him 
an  insight  into  the  lamentable  dissensions  that  had 
occurred  between  the  founder  of  tliis  province  and  his 
quiUter  colonists,  and  induced  him  to  form  an  opinion 
nnfavorable  to  the  equity  of  Penn.  aud  to  the  modera- 
tion of  both  parties.  Tiie  liistoric.il  part  of  his  account 
of  this  province  was  accordingly  written  in  a  strain 
calculated  to  convey  this  impression.  rnfortuiiatelv 
for  him  this  came  to  be  known  just  when  his  work 
was  ready  for  publication  and  delivery  to  the  snl^ 
scribers.  iPhe  quakers  instantly  withdrew  their  siibscrip 
tions,  a  step  that  iivolveil  NViiilerbolbam  in  the  most 
serious  cinbarrassment.  .Manned  at  this  unexpected 
blow,  the  unfortunate  author,  then  a  prisoner  in  New 
gate  for  seditious  expressions  of  which  he  is  now  g»- 
gerally  acknowleilged  to  have  been  innocent,  apj'lied 
to  the  late  \Villiain  Dillwyn.  of  Walthanistow,  and 
tlirowing  himself  on  the  hiimryity  of  that  veueratM« 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


847 


man,  implored  his  powerful  intercession  with  the  mem- 
bers of  iiis  reliirious  fralcriiity.  By  his  advice.  Wiii- 
terbothaiii  coiisriiU'd  to  cancel  the  objectionable  por- 
uoii  of  the  work,  and,  in  tlu-  [ilace  of  it,  there  was  sub- 
stituted a  composition  on  the  same  subject  from  the 
pen  ot  Mr.  Dillwyn.  A  few  copies  of  llie  work  in  its 
;  original  state  having  got  into  circulation,  there  was 
adUed  to  the  preface  in  the  remaining  cojties  an  apology 
for  the  error  into  which  the  author  declared  that  lie  had 
been  betrayed  with  regard  to  the  character  o.*'  Penn  and 
his  colonists.  The  (Quakers,  on  being  apprised  of  this, 
couijilied  at  once  with  the  solicitation  of  their  respected 
friend,  and  t'ullillcd  their  engagements  with  Winter- 
botham.  This  anecdote  was  related  to  me  by  Mr. 
Dillwyn  himself.  The  coi.tribution  which  this  excel- 
lent person,  celebrated  in  Clarkson's  History  of  the 
Abolition  of  the  Slave  Trade,  thus  made  to  Winterbo- 
thain's  work,  is  characterised  by  his  usual  mildness  and 
indulgence.  Without  denying  the  e.\istence  of  unhap- 
py dissensions  in  Pennsylvania,  he  suggests  reasons  for 
supposing  that  they  originated  in  mutual  misapprehen- 
sion, and  were  neither  violent  nor  lasting.  An  apolo- 
getical  vein  pervades  the  whole  composition,  of  which 
the  only  fault  is,  that,  uolike  the  generality  of  Quaker 
productions,  it  is  a  great  deal  too  short.  Mr.  Dillwyn 
was  a  native  of  New  Jersey,  and  had  devoted  a  great 
deal  of  attention  to  the  history  of  America. 

NoTK  [2()]  p.  325. — Bishop  Burnet  relates  that  Penn, 
I  in  alluding  to  the  executions  of  Mrs.  Gaunt  and  Alder- 
man Cornish,  at  which  he  had  attended  as  a  spectator, 
.said,  that  "the  king  was  greatly  to  be  pitied!"  and 
endeavored  to  palliate  his  guilt,  by  ascribing  his  parti- 
i   cipation  in  these  and  other  atrocities,  to  the  influence 
'   that  JertVies  had  acquired  over  his  mind.  Unfortunately 
for  the  credit  of  this  wretched  apology,  the  king  was 
not  under  the  influence  of  JeHVies  when  he  ordered  and 
witnessed  the  infliction  of  torture  on  the  crvrnanters 
in  Scotland  ;  and  the  disgrace  into  which  Jetl'ries  fell 
imniciilately  before  the  Revolution,  for  refusing  to  gra- 
tify the  king  by  professing  popery,  and  pretending  to 
keep  a  corner  of  his  conscience  sacred  from  the  royal 
Jomlnion,  shows  how  voluntary  and  how  limited  the 
king's  pretended  subjection  to  him  truly  was.      It  is 
j   related  in  the  diary  of  Henry  Lord  Clarendon,  that 
I  JefTries  expressed  his  uneasiness  to  this  nobleman  at 
the  king's  impetuosity  and  want  of  moderation.  When 
Jeffries  was  imprisoned  in  the  Tower  at  the  Revolu- 
tion, he  assured  Tutchin,  one  of  his  victims,  who  came 
to  visit  and  exult  over  him,  that  on  returning  from  his 
bloody  circuit  in  the  west,  he  had  been  "  snubbed  at 
I   court  for  being  too  merciful."     Kirke,  in  like  manner, 
I   when  reproached  with  his  cruelties,  declared,  that  they 
nad  sjreatly  fallen  short  of  the  letter  of  his  instructions. 

For  the  credit  of  Penn's  humanity,  it  may  be  proper 
to  observe,  that  it  was  common,  in  that  age,  for  persons 
of  the  highest  respectability,  and,  among  others,  for 
noblemen  and  ladies  of  rank,  in  their  coaches,  to  attend 
I  e.Kecutions,  especially  of  remarkable  sutferers.  See  va- 
rious passages  in  that  learned  and  interesting  work, 
Howell's  State  Trials. 

Note  [27.]  p.  326. — Colonel  Nicholson,  an  active 
agent  of  the  crown,  both  before  and  after  the  English 
Revolution,  who  held  oflice  successively  in  many  of 
the  colonies,  and  was  acquainted  with  the  condition  of 
.  them  all,  in  a  letter  to  the  Board  of  Trade,  in  1698, 
'  observes,  that  "  A  great  many  people  of  all  the  colo- 
\   nies,  especially  in  those  under  proprietaries,  think  that 
no  law  of  England  ought  to  be  binding  on  them,  with- 
out their  own  consent ;  for  they  foolishly  say,  that  they 
have  no  representatives  sent  from  themselves  to  the 
parliament  of  England  ;  and  they  look  upon  all  laws 
made  in  England,  that  put  any  restraint  upon  them,  to  be 
great  hardships."    State  Papers,  apud  Chalmers,  443. 

In  the  introduction  to  the  historical  work  of  Old- 
mixon,  who  boasts  of  the  assistance  and  information 
j  he  received  from  William  Penn,  we  find  this  remarkable 
passage  : — "  The  Portuguese  have  so  true  a  notion  of 
Ihe  advantage  of  such  colonies,  that  to  encourage  them, 
they  admit  the  citizens  of  Goa  to  send  deputies  to  sit 
in  the  assembly  of  the  0^.-rtes.  And  if  it  were  asked, 
why  our  colonies  have  not  their  representatives,  who 
could  presently  give  a  satisfactory  answer  V  Edit. 
170S,  p.  34. 

An  extension  of  the  right  of  electing  members  of 
parliament,  to  a  part  of  the  realm  which  had  not  been 
previously  represented  there,  occurred  in  the  thirty-fifth 
yearof  the  reign  of  Henry  the  Eighth.  The  innabitants 
of  the  county  Palatine  and  city  of  Chester  complained, 
in  a  petition  to  the  king,  "  that,  for  want  of  knights 
tnd  burgesses  in  the  court  of  parliament,  they  sustained 


manifold  damages,  not  only  in  their  lands,  good.s,  and 
bodies,  but  in  the  civil  and  politic  governance  and 
maintenance  of  the  coimiioiiwealtli  of  their  said  county  ; 
and  that  while  they  had  been  always  bound  by  the  acts 
and  statutes  of  the  said  court  of  parliament,  the  same 
as  other  counties,  cities,  and  boroughs,  that  had 
knights  and  burgesses  in  said  court,  they  had  ol'ten 
been  touched  and  grieved  with  acts  and  statutes,  made 
within  the  said  court,  as  well  derogatory  ur:to  the  most 
ancient  jurisdictions,  liberties,  and  privileges  of  the 
.said  county  Palatine,  as  prejudicial  unto  the  conimon- 
vvealth,  quietness,  and  peace  of  his  majesty's  subjects." 
They  proposed  as  a  remedy,  ''  that  it  would  please  his 
highness,  that  it  be  enacted,  with  the  assent  of  the  lords 
spiritual  and  temporal,  and  by  the  commons  in  parlia- 
ment assembled,  that,  from  the  end  of  the  session,  the 
county  Palatine  shall  have  two  knights  for  the  said 
county  ;  and  likewise  two  citizens,  to  be  burgesses  for 
the  city  of  Chester."  The  complaint  was  thought  just 
and  reasonable,  and  the  petitioners  were  accordingly 
admitted  to  send  representatives  to  parliament. 

Various  instances  of  similar  proceedings  occurred  in 
the  reigns  of  this  monarch's  successors — Edward  the 
Sixth,  Mary,  and  Elizabeth  ;  the  latter  of  whom  created 
twenty-four  new  boroughs  in  England. 

Note  [28]  p.  330. — In  the  year  1G84,  there  was  pub- 
lished, by  one  of  these  emigrants,  "  The  Planter's 
Speech  to  his  Neighbors  and  Countrymen  of  Pennsyl- 
vania ;"  a  composition  which  reminds  us  of  some  of 
the  productions  of  the  early  colonists  of  New  England. 
"  The  motives  of  your  retreating  to  these  new  habita- 
tions," says  this  writer,  "  I  apprehend,  measuring  your 
sentiments  by  my  own,  to  havo  been, — 

"  1st.  The  desire  of  a  peaceable  life,  where  we  might 
worship  God  and  obey  his  law,  with  freedom,  according 
to  the  dictates  of  the  divine  principle,  unincumbered 
with  the  mouldy  errors  occasioned  by  the  lierce  inva- 
sions of  tradition,  politic  craft,  and  covetous  or  ambi- 
tious cruelty. 

"  2d.  That  we  might  here,  as  on  a  virgin  Elysian 
shore,  commence,  or  improve,  such  an  innocent  course 
of  life,  as  might  unload  us  of  those  outwarS  cares, 
vexations,  and  turmoils,  which  before  we  were  always 
subject  unto  from  the  hands  of  self-designing  and  un- 
reasonable men. 

"  3d.  That,  as  Lot,  hy  flying  to  little  Zoar,  from 
the  ungodly  company  of  a  more  populous  and  magniti- 
cent  dwelling,  we  might  avoid  being  grieved  with  the 
sight  of  infectious,  as  well  as  odious,  examples,  of 
horrid  swearings,  cursings,  drunkenness,  gluttony,  un- 
cleanness,  and  all  kinds  of  debauchery,  continually 
committed  with  greediness  ;  and  also  escape  the  judg- 
ments threatened  to  every  land  polluted  with  such  abo- 
minations. 

"  4th.  That  as  trees  are  tram-planted  from  one  soil 
to  another,  to  render  them  more  thriving  and  better 
bearers,  so  we  here,  in  peace  and  secure  retirement, 
under  the  bountiful  protection  of  (lod,  and  in  the  lap  of 
the  least  adulterated  nature,  might  every  one  the  better 
improve  his  talent,  and  bring  forth  more  plenteous 
fruits  to  the  glory  of  God,  and  public  welfare  of  the 
whole  creation. 

"  5th.  And  lastly,  that  in  order  hereunto,  by  our 
holy  doctrine,  and  the  practical  teachings  of  our  exem- 
plary abstemious  lives,  transacted  in  all  humility,  so- 
briety, plainness,  self-denial,  virtue,  and  honesty,  we 
might  gain  upon  those  thousands  of  poor  <lark  souls 
scattered  round  about  us,  and  commonly,  in  way  of 
contempt  and  reproach,  called  heathens,  and  bring 
them  not  only  to  a  state  of  civility,  but  real  piety  ; 
which  elTectcd,  would  turn  to  a  more  satisfactory  ac- 
count than  if,  with  the  proud  Spaniards,  we  had  gained 
the  mines  of  Potosi."  "  These  thoughts,  these  designs, 
my  friends,  were  those  that  brought  you  hither  ;  and  so 
far  only  as  you  pursue  and  accomplish  them,  you  obtain 
the  end  of  your  journey."  "  Our  business,  therefore, 
here,  in  this  new  land,  is  not  so  much  to  build  houses, 
and  establish  factories,  and  promote  trade  and  manu- 
factures, that  may  enrich  ourselves,  though  all  these 
things  in  their  due  place  are  not  to  be  neglected,  as  to 
erect  temples  of  holiness  and  righteousness,  which  God 
may  delight  in."  Among  other  advices,  which  this 
writer  proceeds  to  communicate,  he  recommends  not 
only  the  refraining  from  all  wanton  waste  of  inferior 
animal  life,  but  a  total  abstinence  from  animal  food. — 
Proud,  i.  226,  &c. 

Note  [29]  p.  333  —Of  the  long  prevalence  of  this 
feeling  among  the  Quakers,  innumerable  instances 
might  be  adduced.  One  of  the  most  remarkable,  is  a 
transaction  which  occurred  in  England,  in  1705,  and 


which  reflects  very  little  credit  on  the  honesty  of  any 
of  the  pi'rsons  who  were  implicated  in  it.  .At  that 
time,  Lord  Cornbury,  the  royal  governor  of  New  V.'ork. 
in  conjunction  wii  li  the  royal  governor  of  Massachusetts, 
and  various  enemies  of  colonial  liberty  in  England, 
were  endeavoring  to  supply  Queen  Anne's  ministers 
with  some  pretext  for  annulling  the  charter  of  Connec- 
ticut. To  this  end,  they  preferred  agairst  the  govern- 
ment of  this  province  a  great  variety  of  charges,  some 
of  which  were  so  manifestly  incapable  of  abiding  par- 
liamentary scrutiny,  or  judicial  investigation,  that  they 
could  not  have  been  intended  to  serve  any  other  pur- 
pose than  that  of  discrediting  the  colonial  government 
in  the  opinion  of  the  English  public,  and  abating  tlio 
.sympathy  by  which  the  colonists  were  aided  in  the  de- 
fence of  their  liberties.  Among  other  proceediiiL'M  of 
this  descri|)tion,  the  enemies  of  the  colony  laid  hold  of 
one  of  Ihe  laws  that  had  been  passed  by  the  Connecti- 
cut assembly,  more  than  fifty  years  before,  against  the 
Quakers,  at  the  time  of  the  general  |)erseeutioii  of  Iheso 
sectaries  in  New  England  ;  and  which,  as  it  had  been 
enacted  before  the  last  Connecticut  charter  was  yrant- 
ed,  could  never  imply  an  abuse  of  the  powers  which 
this  charter  conferred.  A  comjilaint  ai;ainst  this  law 
was  presented  to  Ihe  queen  in  council,  describing  it  aj 
an  ordinance  recently  enacted,  and  beseeching  her  ma- 
jesty's interposition  to  prevent  the  injustice  which  it 
threatened  from  being  carried  into  ellect.  In  vain  the 
colonial  agents  endeavored  to  prevent  the  sanction  of  a 
royal  order  from  being  given  to  this  charge  by  oflering 
to  prove,  that  the  law  had  been  enacted  half  a  century 
before  ;  that  it  had  never  been  carried  into  elleet  even  at 
that  time,  and  was  long  since  deemed  obsolete,  and 
that  no  sus|)icion  could  now  have  been  reasonably  en- 
tertained of  an  attempt  to  revive  it,  as  there  was  not  a 
single  Quaker  living  in  the  colony.  An  order  of  coun- 
cil was  issued,  nevertheless,  stating  the  complaint  ex 
actly  in  the  terms  in  which  it  had  been  presented,  ahd 
annulling  the  law  as  a  recent  enactment,  and  contrary 
to  the  colonial  charter.  To  give  greater  ellica^'y  to  this 
proceeding,  the  Quakers  of  London,  who  had  been  in- 
stigated to  support  the  complaint,  and  must,  therefore, 
have  known  the  ex|)Ianation  which  it  had  received,  pre- 
sented a  public  address  of  thanks  to  the  (jueen  fiir  her 
gracious  interposition  in  behalf  of  their  brethren  in 
New  England;  taking  especial  care  so  to  word  their 
representation  of  what  she  had  done,  that  the  public 
should  not  be  undeceived  as  to  the  date  of  the  law  th.it 
had  been  repealed.  Nay,  more  than  seventv  vears 
after,  Robert  Proud,  a  Quaker,  and  American  historian, 
with  astonishing  ignorance,  or  shameful  parti.ilitv,  pub- 
lished a  copy  of  the  queen's  order  in  council,  and  of  IMo 
Quaker  address,  with  the  preliminary  remark,  that 
"  About  this  time,  (anno  1705,)  the  Quakers,  in  Ame- 
TiC:i,  seem  to  have  had  reason  to  be  alarmed  by  a  sin- 
gular act  of  Assembly,  passed  in  the  colony  of  Connec- 
ticut ;  the  substance  or  purport  of  which  a|>pears  by  the 
order  of  Queen  Anne  in  council,  made  upon  that  occa- 
sion." Proud,  1.  465,  6.  TrumbuH's  Connrclicut, 
i.  420. 

William  Penn,  probably,  partook  of  the  general  preju- 
dice entertained  by  his  fellow  sectaries  against  the 
people  of  New  England  ;  and  it  is  certain  that  he  c»r- 
ried  on  a  friendly  correspondence  with  Randolph,  who 
had  rendered  himself  so  odious  to  that  peo|ile,  and  dono 
so  much  to  destroy  their  liberties  (a«/c,  b.  ii.  cap.  \\. 
and  v.)  But  it  is  with  sincere  pleasure,  I  add,  that 
he  appears  to  have  had  no  concern  whatever  with  this 
proceeding  of  the  London  Quakers,  in  1705.  Indeed, 
it  appears  (from  Clarkson's  Life  of  him,  vol.  ii.  cap 
xvi.)  that  he  was  at  this  lime  involved  in  great  perplo.v 
ity  by  the  embarrassed  state  of  his  circumstances,  an  ] 
compelled  to  reside  within  the  rules  of  the  Fleet  jirison. 
It  is  the  more  necessary  to  note  this,  as  two  y?ars  be 
fore  he  had  carried  up  an  address  from  the  Quakers  of 
England  to  Queen  Anne,  thanking  her  for  her  general 
declaration  of  indulgence  to  all  dissenters. 

No  sectaries  have  ever  evinced  a  stronger  corporate 
spirit  than  tlic  Quakers.  None  have  shown  a  keener 
sense  or  more  lasting  resentment  of  injuries  sustained 
by  any  member  of  their  fraternity.  It  wan  the  opinion 
of  Tnrgot,  says  his  biographer  Condorcel,  "that  3nly 
good  men  were  capable  of  sustaining  indii;nalion  and 
dis|ileasure."  In  truth,  this  is  a  frailty  which  many 
good  men  have  too  readily  indulged.  Deeming  olTmces 
against  themselves  offences  against  goodness,  anil  con- 
vinced of  their  own  good  intentions,  they  have  fiirgot- 
ten  to  believe  in  their  own  imperfections,  or  to  make 
allowance  for  the  infirmities  of  others  ;  and  so  have 
cherished  passions  and  prejudices  that  obscured  their 
moral  discrimination,  and,  on  some  occasions,  rende"e<< 
their  general  honesty  of  little  avail. 


84B 


HISTORY  OF 


The  qiiakcrs  have  alwnys  delightt'd  to  exa^jgcrale  the 
perseoutK)Hs  that  they  liavo  eiicouiileretl.  An  ilhistri- 
ous  French  iravt-ner  has  been  so  far  deceiveil  l>y  their 
vague  dechunalion.s  on  this  topic,  as  to  assert  tliat  qnu- 
kers  were,  at  one  time,  put  to  tite  torture  in  New  Lng- 
laud. — liochelbucauJl's  Travels,  i.  52'). 

Note  [:J0]  p.  337— Of  the  conditic  j  in  which  Penii 
eoiitiniied  to  hnger  for  a  number  of  years  before  his 
deutli,  an  interesting  account  is  given  by  Tlionia.s  Sto- 
ry llie  quaker,  (whose  account  of  the  yellow  fever  at 
rhiladelphia  in  llj'Ji)  1  have  already  noticed,)  who,  ar- 
rivhig  from  America  in  1713,  proceeded  to  i>ay  a  visit 
to  all  that  remained  of  his  venerable  friend.  "  He  was 
ttien,"  says  Story,  "  under  the  lamentable  etfecLs  of  an 
apoplectic  fit  which  he  had  had  some  time  before;  for 
his  memory  was  almost  quite  lost,  and  the  use  of  his 
understanding  suspended,  so  that  he  was  not  so  con- 
versable as  I'ormerly,  ami  yet  as  near  the  truth,  in  the 
love  of  it,  as  before;  wherein  ajjpeared  the  great  mer- 
cy and  fivourof  (iod,  who  looks  not  as  man  looks.  For 
though  to  some  this  accident  might  look  like  Judgment, 
and  no  doubt  his  enemies  so  accounted  it,  yet  it  will 
bear  quite  another  interpretation,  if  it  be  considered 
how  little  time  of  rest  he  ever  had  from  the  importuni- 
ties of  the  ali'urs  of  others,  to  the  great  hurt  ol'  his  own, 
and  suspension  of  all  his  enjoyments,  till  this  happen- 
ed to  Inm,  by  which  he  v.'as  rendered  incapable  of  all 
business,  and  yet  sensible  of  the  enjoyment  of  truth  :is 
at  any  time  in'all  his  life.  When  I  went  to  the  hou.se, 
I  thought  my.self  strong  enough  to  see  him  in  that  con- 
dition ;  but  when  I  entered  the  room,  and  penx-ived  the 
great  defect  of  his  expressions  from  want  of  memory, 
it  greatly  bowed  my  spirit  under  a  consideration  of  the 
uncertainty  of  all  humm  (jualilications,  and  what  the 
finest  of  men  are  soon  reduced  to  by  a  disorder  of  the 
organs  of  th  if  liodv  with  which  the  soul  is  connected  and 
acts  during  this  present  mode  ol'  being.  When  these  are 
but  a  little  obstructed  in  their  various  lunctions,  a  man  of 
liie  clearest  parts  and  finest  expression  becomes  scarce- 
ly intelligible.  Nevertheless,  no  insanity  or  lunacy  at 
ail  appeared  in  his  actions;  and  his  mind  was  in  an 
Uinocent  st  ite,  as  appeared  by  his  very  loving  deport 
ment  to  all  that  came  near  him.  And  that  Ik?  Iiad  still 
a  good  sense  of  truth,  is  plain  by  some  very  clear  sen- 
tences he  spoke  in  the  lile  and  power  of  truth  in  an 
evening  meeting  we  had  together  there,  wherein  we 
7/ere  greatly  comforted ;  so  that  I  was  ready  to  tliink 
this  was  a  sort  of  sequestration  of  him  from  all  the 
concerns  of  his  life,  which  so  much  oppres.sed  him, 
T.ot  in  j..dguient,  but  in  inercv,  that  he  might  have  rest. 
aiiJ  not  be  oppressed  thereby  to  the  v.nA." — Clarksoii, 
ii.  335.  Yet  some  writers  have  believed  that,  at  this 
very  time,  Penn  was  engaged  with  the  Jacobites  incoti- 
certing  plots  in  behalf  of  the  Pretender.  This  alle- 
gation appeared  the  more  plausible,  as  proceeding  from 


tiio  State  Papers  (published  by  Macpherson)  of  Nairne, 
an  under  .secretary  at  the  Pretender's  court  ;  although 
the  statements  in  these  papi^rs  are  Ibunded  entirely  on 
the  reports  sent  to  France  by  two  ob.scure  Jacobite 
.spies  in  F.ngland. 

William  I'enn  lingered  in  this  condition  till  the  IJOtli 
of  July,  1718,  when  he  closed  his  long  and  laborious 
life.  This  event,  though  long  expected,  was  deeply  be- 
wailed in  Peiinsylvaina  ;  and  the  worth  of  Peim  honor- 
ably comineniorated  bv  tlie  tardy  gratitude  of  his  peo- 
ple.—Proud,  ii.  105.  1-iO.  VZ-2. 

Note  [31]  p.  338. — "It  is  remarkable,"  says  a  dis- 
tinguished modern  statesman  and  philosopher,  "  how 
exactly  the  history  of  the  Caithaginian  monopoly  re- 
.sembles  that  of  the  European  nations  who  have  colo- 
nized America.  At  first,  the  distant  settlement  could 
admit  of  no  immediate  restraints,  but  demanded  all  the 
encouragement  and  protection  of  the  parent  state;  and 
the  gains  of  its  commerce  were  neither  sulficiently  al- 
luring to  the  Carthaginian  merchant  from  their  own 
magnitude,  nor  neces.sary  to  him  from  the  ditticulty  of 
finding  employment  for  his  capital  in  other  directions. 
.\t  this  period,  the  colony  was  left  to  itself,  and  was 
allowed  to  manage  its  own  allairs  in  its  own  way,  un- 
der the  superintendance  and  care  of  Cartharge,  which 
protected  it  from  foreign  invasion,  but  neglected  its 
commerce.  lu  this  favourable  predicament,  it  soon 
grew  into  importance;  some  of  the  Carthaginian  mer- 
chants most  probably  found  their  way  thither,  or  pro- 
moted the  colonial  specidations  by  loans ;  at  any 
rate,  by  furnishing  a  ready  demand  for  tlie  rude  pro- 
duce. 

"  In  this  stage  of  its  progress,  then,  we  find  the  colo- 
ny trade  left  free ;  for  the  first  of  tlie  two  treaties,  pro- 
hibiting all  the  Roman  ships  of  war  to  approach  within 
a  certain  distance  of  the  coast,  allows  llie  trading  ves- 
sels free  access  to  all  the  harbors,  both  of  the  continent 
and  the  colonies.  This  intercourse  is  even  encouraged 
with  the  port  of  Carthage,  by  a  clause  freeing  the  ves- 
sels entering,  from  almost  all  import  duties.  The  treaty 
includes  the  Roman  and  Cartliagenian  allies;  by  which 
Were  probably  meant  theircolonies,  as  well  as  the  friend- 
ly [lowers;  and  the  clause,  which  expre.ssly  includes  the 
colony  of  Sicily,  gives  the  Romans  all  the  privileges  in 
that  island  which  tlie  Carthaginians  themselves  enjoyed. 
At  thi.s  period,  it  is  probable  that  the  commerce  of 
Rome  excited  no  jealousy,  and  the  wealth  of  tlie  colo- 
nies little  avarice;  although  a  dread  of  tlie  military 
prowess  of  the  former  seems  to  have  given  rise  to  the 
negotiation. 

"  Some  time  afterwards  another  treaty,  conceived  in 
a  different  spirit,  and  formed  exactly  upon  the  princi- 
ples of  the  mercantile  system,  was  concluded  between 
those  celebrated  rival  powers.  The  restrictions  upon 
the  navigation  of  the  Roman  ships  of  war  are  here  ex- 


tended and  enforced ;  the  freedom  of  entry  Into  die 
port  of  Carthage  is  continued,  and  into  the  pons  of 
Sicily  also,  die  Romans  granting  to  the  Cartliagiman* 
like  privileges  at  Rome.  Uut  the  Romans  are  debarred 
from  pluiiderii'g,  trading,  or  setthn;;  (a  singular  con- 
junction) upoi.  the  coast  of  .\frica  Propria,  which  was 
peo|)li'd  by  Carthaginian  colonies,  and  furnished  large 
supplies  of  provisions  and  money  to  die  city.  The 
same  restriction  is  extended  to  Sardinia;  and  trading 
vessels  are  only  permitted  to  enter  the  harbour  of  that 
colony  for  die  space  of  five  days,  to  relit,  if  driven 
tliither  by  stress  of  woaUier.  \  singular  clau.se  is  in- 
.serted,  to  which  close  analogies  may  be  traced  in  die 
modern  questions  of  neutral  rights  and  contraband  of 
war; — if  any  Roman  troops  shall  receive  stores  from  a 
("artliaginian  port,  or  a  port  in  Uie  provincial  territorieg 
of  the  state,  they  are  bound  not  to  turn  tliem  against 
either  the  rejiublic  or  her  allies. 

'•  The  substance  of  Uiis  very  singtdar  document  will 
suggest  various  reflections  to  my  readers.  I  shall  only 
observe,  diat  we  find  in  it  the  prin<  i|)les  of  the  modern 
colonial  system  clearly  unfolding  diem.selves ;  and  that 
we  have  every  reason  to  regret  die  scantiness  of  our 
knowledge  of  die  Carthaginian  .story,  which,  in  so  far 
as  relates  to  the  commerce  of  that  people,  breaks  off 
here,  and  leaves  us  no  trace  of  the  i'ardier  restrictions 
most  probably  imposed  by  succeeding  statesmen  upon 
the  growing  trade  of  the  colonies." — Brougham's  In 
quiry  into  tlie  Colonial  Policy  of  the  European  Powers 

Note  [32]  p.  339. — .\  good  deal  of  irritation  seems 
to  have  been  excited  in  America,  in  die  beginning  of 
die  eighteenth  century,  by  some  di.scussion  diat  took 
place  in  parliament  with  regard  to  a  project  for  die  em- 
ployment of  felons  in  the  royal  dock-yards  of  I'ligland 
A  bill  for  diis  jiurpose  w;ls  pa.s.sed  by  die  House  of 
Commons,  but  rejected  by  die  IIou.se  of  Lords  as  tend- 
ing to  discredit  his  .Majesty's  service  in  die  dock-varda. 
Tliis  was  commented  on  widi  just  displea.sure  in  an 
American  periodical  work,  of  which  some  ))a.ssages 
have  been  preserved  in  Sinidi's  History  of  New  York. 
Ry  making  felon)'  a  pa-ssjiort  to  die  advantages  of  an 
estiblislmient  in  .America,  says  Uiis  writer,  die  number 
of  criminals  is  iiiultipli(,'d  in  England  ;  and  die  misery 
of  the  industrious  poor  is  aggravated  by  the  discredit 
attached  to  the  only  certain  means  of  improving  their 
conditiou.  "  There  are  dioiisands  of  honest  men,"  he 
continues,  "  labouring  in  Europe  at  fourpence  a  day. 
star\  ing  in  spite  of  all  dieir  eflbrts,  a  dead  weight  to  the 
respective  parishes  to  which  they  belong;  who.  withon 
any  odier  qualifications  than  common  sense,  health,  and 
strength,  might  accumulate  estates  among  us,  a.s  many 
have  done  already.  These,  and  not  die  felons,  are  die 
men  that  should  be  sent  over  lor  Uie  better  peopling  the 
plantations." — 2G8,  9. 


THE 

HISTORY  OF  IVORTH  A.m'E:KlC A.— Continued. 


Tnfs  far  Mr.  Graliame's  work  has  enabled  us  to  trace  the  progress  of  the  North  American  Continent  down  to  that  period  when,  by  a  revolutionaiy  process,  a 
Protestant  supremacy  w.is  finally  established  in  flic  government  of  Great  Britain,  and  new  concessions  to  the  claims  of  popular  ojiinion  were  secured. 
Wc  have  next  to  mark  the  development  of  the  .\morici>.n  provinces  under  a  new  system,  and  to  follow  out  the  various  steps  by  which  the  policy  of  the 
Ilouse  of  Hanover  led  to  the  ultimate  establishment  of  an  American  Nationality.  The  guidunce  we  have  to  follow  in  doing  this  la  new,  but  none  the 
less  authoritative  and  sound. 


CHAPTER  I. 

IMipntes  between  New  York  and  New  Jersey — Overtlirow  of 
the  Royal  (Sovcriimont  In  New  York — Scttloirient  of  IVnn- 
iylv;uii:i— New  Oharlcr  for  Ma-ssacliusetls — Restoration  of 
tlic  Royal  (Jovernincnl  in  New  York — War  \vilh  the  French 
and  Indians — Fort  I'ania'inid  built — Comparative  Force  of 
tlio  Colonies  In  Ifi'JS — War  Willi  Canada — Willi  the  Spani.-.li 
Colonics — lielween  Carolina  and  the  Indians— Dissensions 
in  Now  York — Boundary  settled  between  Massacliuselts  and 
Connecticut— Yale  College. 

\'i  \Ci~A,  William  Penn  obtained  an  assignment  of 
Lord  Herki-lcy's  interi-st  in  the  Jerseys;  and  in  l(i7() 
ne  released  I'.ast  Jersey  to  ('arteret.  About  I ()"'(),  alter 
•ettliug  a  1  imtroviTsy  with  the  Duke  of  York,  he,  with 
eleviMi  olhi'is.  obtiined  a  transf  r  of  Carterot's  part; 
and  immeiliateir  conveyed  one  half  of  their  interest  to 
Ihe  Karl  ol"  Perth  and  others.  (Continual  ellbrts  were 
oadu  in  diu  nieantiine  for  re-annexing  die  Jerseys  to 


Now  York.  Carteret  est;iblislied  a  port  of  entry  at  Am- 
boy.  Andros  seized  and  condemned  the  vessels  which 
tradtfd  diere.  New  York  then  claimed  the  right  of  tax- 
ing the  Jerseys ;  but  when  her  collector  ventured  to 
prosecuti!  a  ves.sel,  judgment  was  almost  invariably  given 
against  him.  A  tim  wnrranto  issued  against  East  Jer- 
sey :  die  proprietors  surrendered  their  patent,  and  it  was 
not  long  after,  diat  bodi  Jerseys  were  annexed  to  New 
England. 

A  -Mr.  Dongan  wa."!  the  governor  who  succeeded  An- 
dros in  ir)~'3.  The  French  had  underUikcn  to  exclude 
the  people  of  New  York  from  the  fur  trade  in  Canada ; 
and  as  the  F\e  Nations  were  dien  at  war  with  the  tribes 
of  that  country,  Dongan  sought  revenge  by  obtaining 
permission  to  assist  them.  The  permission  w.as  recalled 
m  ItiHf),  and  under  Andros,  New  York  was  shortly  al\er 
annexed  to  .New  England.  James  II.  had  ordered  the 
discontinuance  of  assuinbUes  ;  diu  coloniski  were  greatly 


exasperated  at  the  proceeding;  and  as  soon  as  they 
heard  of  the  revolution  at  Boston,  they  took  possession 
of  the  fort  in  King  William's  name,  and  drove  die 
lieutenant-governor  out  of  the  country.  Captain  Ja- 
cob Leisler,  who  wxs  the  leader  of  the  insurrection, 
conducted  afterwards  with  so  little  prudence  or  mode- 
ration, that  the  province  was  li\  ided  into  two  factious, 
and  for  a  long  time  sulfered  much  iiicouvenieuce  from 
their  mutual  animosities. 

In  ICSl  William  Penn  obtained  n  charter  for  the 
territory  of  Pennsylvania;  in  .\pril.  lt)f*2.  ne  formed  a 
code  of  laws  for  his  intended  colony;  In  .August  he  ob- 
tained from  the  Duke  of  York  a  grant  of  Newca.«dc, 
with  die  country  southward  to  Cape  Henlnpen,  and  iu 
October  of  the  .same  year  he  laiuled  on  the  banks  of 
the  Delaware  with  two  dioiisand  emigrants.  Philadel- 
phia w;is  immediately  founded,  and  within  twelve 
mouths  nearly  one  hundred  housei^  demonstrnted  the 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


849 


rauidity  of  its  growtli.  The  proprietor,  tlioiigli  ap- 
pointed "  captaiii-fjeiicral"  of  Ins  territory,  and  invested 
witii  power  to  raise,  equip,  and  lead  liis  forces  vvlien- 
ever  it  should  Ije  necessary,  did  not  come  to  the  coun- 
try as  a  coiupieror,  and  instead  of  exasperating  the 
natives  hy  iorcing  them  to  quit  tlicir  lands,  conciliated 
tlieir  good  will  ljy  paying  them  a  satisfactory  equiva- 
lant.  He  experienced  considerahle  dilKculty,  iiowever, 
hi  settling  a  dispute  with  Lord  Baltimore  ahout  the 
boundaries  of  his  grant,  and  after  some  fruitless  alter- 
cation the  question  was  suhmitted  to  the  committee  of 
plantations,  who  decided  that  the  peninsula  formed  by 
the  bays  of  Chesapeake  and  Delaware  shoidd  be  e([ually 
divided  between  the  two  claimants  by  a  meridional 
line,  drawn  from  the  fortieth  degree  of  north  latitude  to 
Cape  Henlopen.  Penn's  code  of  laws  was  founded  on 
the  enlightened  principle,  that  "  liberty,  without  obe- 
dience, is  confusion ;  and  obedience  without  hberty,  is 
slavery ;"  but  its  complicated  provisions  were  nmch 
better  in  theory  than  in  practice,  and  after  many  unsuc- 
cessful attempts  to  make  it  fit  the  circumstances  of  the 
colouy,  it  was  finally  abandoned  lor  a  more  simple  form 
of  government.  Pennsylvania  was  dilatory  in  acknow- 
ledging tlie  Prince  of  Orange.  The  government  was 
administered  in  the  name  of  James  for  some  time  after 
his  abdication ;  and  when  at  last  the  proprietor  was 
obliged  to  recognise  William  and  iMary,  he  did  not 
I  lack  address  to  make  satisfactory  apologies  for  his  delay, 
I  Nor  did  Massachusetts  derive  so  much  benefit  from 
1  the  Revolution  as  she  had  at  first  anticipated.  In  June, 
IGdO,  the  assembly  met  at  Boston,  and  until  orders 
I  were  received  from  England  the  council  were  requested 
to  administer  the  government  according  to  the  original 
charter.  The  king  sent  for  Sir  EdniondAndros,  and  the 
I  other  prisoners;  the  general  court  deputed  two  assist- 
i  ajits,  Mr.  Cooke  and  Mr.  Oakes,  to  aid  die  other  agents 
[  in  procuring  a  confirmation  of  their  beloved  charter ; 
but  a  new  one  was  issued  in  lODl,  and  the  colony 
found  with  no  little  dissatisfaction,  that  in  future  the 
king  was  to  appoint  tlieir  governor,  deputy-governor, 
and  secretary,  and  that  the  governor  was  to  have  the 
calling,  adjournment,  prorogation,  and  dissolution  at 
the  assembly,  as  well  as  the  sole  appointment  of  all 
military,  and  with  tlie  council,  of  all  political  officers. 
By  another  provision  Plymouth  and  Nova  Scotia  were 
I  annexed  to  Massachusetts ;  while,  contrary  to  the 
I  wishes  of  both  parties,  New  Hampshire  was  left  to  a 
separate  governuieut.  In  May,  1692,  Sir  William 
Phipps,  the  first  governor,  arrived  with  the  new  charter, 
I  which  after  all  was,  in  the  following  June,  joyfully  ac- 
cejjted  by  the  general  r^ssembly. 

New  Vork  was  reduced  to  its  former  allegiance  in 
March,  1(591.    The  conduct  and  character  of  Leisler 
had  determined  some  of  the  most  respectable  men  in 
I    the  colouy  to  setde  at  Albany,  where  a  convention  of 
tlie  ])eo[ile  resolved  to  retain  the  fort  and  country  for 
the  king  and  queen.    Leisler  sent  against  it  a  small 
!    force,  under  his  worthy  lieutenant,  one  Jacob  JMel- 
bourne,  who,  though  on  his  first  attack,  he  found  the 
garrison  impregnable  to  his  sermons  against  James  and 
popery,  was  enabled  to  subdue  them  on  the  second  by 
tlie  co-operation  of  the  Indians.    Their  property  was 
confiscated,  and  Leisler's  authority  re-established.  But 
;     both  himsch  and  his  authority  were  short-lived.  He 
had  the  folly  to  resist  the  new  governor,  Colonel  Henry 
Slaughter,  who  soon  obtained  possession  of  the  fort, 
and  ordered  Leisler  and  Melbourne  to  be  executed  for 
liigh  treason.    Nor  was  it  with  internal  enemies  alone 
i.    that  ISew  York  had  at  this  tiuie  to  contend.    In  1688 
[     Louis  XIV.  despatched  some  ships  of  war,  under  one 
Calfiiiiere,  in  order  to  assist  Count  Frontignac,  general 
of  the  land  forces,  in  a  project  for  the  conquest  of  that 
province.    Count  Frontignac  was  indefatigable  in  his 
efforts  to  gain  over  the  Five  Nations,  who  had  made 
tvvo  attacks  upon  Montreal,  and  nmrdered  a  great  num- 
ber of  inhabitants.    He  held  a  great  council  with  them 
fit  Onoi'.daira.  and  as  they  seemed  to  be  somewhat  in- 
cHiicd  to  peace,  he  resolved  to  give  their  favourable  dis- 
posifion  no  fiine  for  change,  and  at  the  same  time  to 
,     mspirit  his  own  drooping  countrymen,  by  finding  them 
I     hnmediate  employment  against  the  English  colonies. 

On  the  IDtli  of  Jamiary  a  party  of  about  two  hundred 
!  French  and  some  Calinuaga  Indian';,  set  out  in  the  deep 
snow  Ibr  Schenectady :  they  arrived  on  the  8th  of  Fe- 
bruary, eleven  o'clock  at  night,  and  the  first  intimation 
tlie  inhabitants  had  of  their  design  was  conveyed  in  the 
noise  of  their  own  bursting  doors.  The  village  was 
burnt;  sixty  persons  were  butchered,  twenty-seven 
mrt'ercd  the  worst  fate  of  captivity,  and  the  rest  made 
fhe'r  way  naked  through  the  snow  to  Albany.  A  party 
ol'y  mug  men  and  some  Mohawk  Indi;  us  set  out  from 
tlie  laUer  place,  pursued  the  enemy,  and  killed  and 


captured  lwenty-fiv(^.  In  the  spring  and  siininier  of 
U;^(l,  New  Ilamjishire  and  Maine  were  subject  to  simi- 
lar inroads.  Ma.-sa(-husetls  fitted  out  seven  small  ves- 
sels with  about  eiglit  hundred  men,  who  under  Sir 
William  Phipps  had  the  poor  revenge  of  taking  Port 
Royal,  and  relumed  on  the  30th  ol'  May,  with  liardly 
plunder  enough  to  pay  the  expen.se  of  (  (piipinent. 
About  the  same  time  Count  Frontignac  made  an  alUick 
upon  Salmon  Falls  and  Fort  Casco,  where  he  killed  and 
captured  about  one  hundred  and  eighty  persons. 

New  York,  Connecticut,  and  Massachu.setts  now  re- 
solved to  join  in  a  united  attack  upon  tlie  common 
enemy.  The  troops  of  the  former  set  out  by  land  for 
Montreal.  Those  of  the  latter,  consisting  of  about  two 
thousand,  set  sail  from  Nantucket  on  the  9th  of  Au- 
gust, in  a  fieet  of  forty  vessels,  some  of  which  carried 
forty-four  guns.  The  land  forces  did  not  receive  tlie 
aid  they  expected  from  tlie  Five  Nations.  Their  provi- 
sions fell  short,  and  they  were  obliged  to  return.  The 
naval  expedition  did  not  reach  Ciuebec  till  October; 
the  energy  of  Sir  William  Phipps  was  by  no  means  cal- 
culated to  counterbalance  the  inclemency  of  the  season, 
and  after  holding  several  councils  of  war,  and  parading 
about  tlie  place  for  two  or  three  days,  it  was  deemed 
most  expedient  to  return,  and  the  fleet  arrived  safely  at 
Boston  on  the  Ltth  of  November.  The  colony  being 
unable  to  pay  oft'  the  troops,  they  threatened  to  mutiny, 
and  as  a  last  resource  the  general  court  issued  bills  of 
credit,  and  at  the  same  time  imposed  a  tax  payable  in 
those  bills  at  five  per  cent,  above  par.  The  paper  for  a 
time  was  worth  only  (burteen  shilhngs  in  the  pound, 
but  it  rose  above  par  when  die  tax  was  about  to  be 
collected. 

The  Indians  now  renewed  their  hostilities.  Sir  Wil- 
liam Phipps  went  to  England  for  aid,  but  returned 
without  eliecting  his  purpose.  A  fort  was  built  at 
Pauiaquid.  Iberville  and  Villebone  appeared  before  it 
with  two  ships  of  war,  and  some  French  and  Indians; 
but  to  the  no  small  dissatisfaction  of  the  latter  the  late- 
ness of  the  season  and  the  want  of  a  pilot,  necessitated 
them  to  return.  In  the  summer  of  1693,  king  William 
at  length  despatched  two  thousand  one  hundred  sailors 
and  two  thousand  four  hundred  soldiers,  for  the  reduc- 
tion of  Q.uebec,  but  they  were  first  to  capture  Mar- 
tinique; and  before  they  reached  Boston  a  contagious 
fever  had  carried  otV  more  than  h;df  of  their  numbers. 
The  rest  were  incapable  of  service,  and  the  expedition 
was  abandoned.  In  1696  the  conquests  which  Massa- 
chusetts had  made  in  the  French  territory  refused  their 
obedience.  Pamaquid  was  taken  by  Iberville,  and 
New  Hampshire  was  obliged  to  secure  herself  from 
attack,  by  putting  a  body  of  five  hundred  men  under 
the  command  of  Colonel  Church.  But  Iberville  re- 
tired and  though  Church  made  in  turn  a  successful 
inroad  upon  the  French  territory,  nothing  of  conse- 
quence took  place  on  either  side.  In  the  coiirse  of  the 
same  year  a  plan  was  matured  at  the  court  of  Versailles 
for  laying  waste  all  the  English  possessions  in  America, 
and  it  is  said  that  the  plan  would  probably  have  suc- 
ceeded, had  not  the  forces  appropriated  for  the  purpose 
been  employed  in  other  service,  till  tlie  season  of  ope- 
ration was  past. 

The  peace  of  Riswick  put  an  end  to  hostilities  be- 
tween the  French  and  English  on  both  sides  of  the 
Atlantic.  All  tlie  New  England  colonies  had  sutFered 
severely  from  the  Indians  during  the  war.  New  York 
was  protected  by  the  Five  Nations:  and  yet,  so  little 
did  the  English  ministry  know  of  the  respective  situa- 
tions of  the  colonies,  or  so  partial  were  they  to  tliat  of 
the  Duke  of  Y^irk,  that  they  formed  a  design,  in  1695, 
of  uniting  the  forces  of  all  the  others  for  the  defence  of 
this.  Massachusetts  was  to  furnish  three  hundred  and 
fifty  men;  Rhode  Island,  forty  eight:  Connecticut, 
one  hundred  and  twenty;  New  York,  two  hundred: 
Pennsylvania,  eighty;  Maryland,  one  hundred  and 
sixty  ;  Virginia,  two  hundred  and  fifty ;  in  all,  eleven 
hundred  and  ninety-eight.  But  the  plan  was  never 
carried  into  execution.  Such  of  the  colonies  as  vvere 
attacked  themselves,  could  not  spare  troops  to  defend 
others ;  and  those  that  were  still  at  peace,  could  not 
tell  how  long  they  should  be.  As  Virginia  was  pecu- 
liarly peaceftil,  she  furnishes  little  matter  for  tlie  pen  of 
the  historian.  The  college  of  William  and  Mary  ob- 
tained a  charter,  in  1692;  had  a  liberal  endownieiit, 
soon  after;  and  was  established  at  Williamsburgh,  in 
1693.  In  1698,  the  state-house  at  Jamestown  was  con- 
sumed by  fire ;  and,  in  the  following  year,  tlie  seat  of 
government  was  removed  to  \Vilhanisburg. 

By  the  treaty  of  Riswick,  there  was  to  be  a  recipro- 
cal surrender  of  all  conquests  made  during  the  war. 
But  no  specific  arrangement  was  entered  into,  for  as- 
certaining tlie  respective  boundaries  of  tlie  EngUsh  and 


French  possessions  in  America.  The  subject  furnished 
ampli!  room  for  coulroveisy  ;  and,  when  news  Wrts 
brought,  that  hostilities  liad  bten  re-comiuciiced  in 
I^urope,  it  found  die  colonies  in  a  fit  disjiosition  to  wel- 
come the  event.  They  iiintually  Hew  to  arms ;  and,  as 
New  York  had  secured  herself  from  danger,  by  assint- 
ing  to  conclude  a  treaty  of  neutrality,  between  the  l  ive 
Nations  and  the  Governor  of  (Canada,  New  England 
was  obliged  to  endiin;  ihe  whole  brunt  ol'  the  war.  Pro- 
positions were,  indeed  made  for  a  general  neutrality; 
but  Dudley,  the  governor  of  Mas.sachusetts  and  New 
Hampshire,  was  in  hopes  of  subduing  Nova  Scotia,  and. 
perhaps,  Canada;  and,  in  the  sjiring  of  1707,  he  ap 
plied  to  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island  to  assist  his 
own  colonics  in  raising,  for  the  purpose,  a  body  of  one 
tliousand  men.  The  former  declined  to  contribute  her 
quota :  the  troops  were  raised  by  the  odier  three  ;  and 
on  the  Kith  of  May,  the  expedition  set  sail  from  Nan- 
tasket  in  twenty-three  transports,  under  the  convoy  of 
the  Deptford  man  of  war,  and  the  Province  galley.  It 
arrived  at  Port  Royal  in  a  few  days;  but,  as  Colonel 
March,  though  a  brave  man,  was  unfit  to  head  so  dif- 
ficult an  enterprise,  litfte  was  done  beyond  the  burning 
of  some  houses,  and  the  killing  of  a  lew  cattle.  The 
otHcers  were  jealous  of  each  otiier:  all  were  mistaken 
as  to  the  state  of  the  fort ;  and  it  was  soon  concluded 
to  re-embark  the  troops.  They  were  led  back  again  by 
the  vicegerents  of  the  governor;  but  after  spending  ten 
days  in  fruitless  parade  about  the  fort,  they  again  re-em- 
barked and  came  home. 

The  colonies  were  resolved  not  to  give  up  the  enter- 
prise so.  In  the  fall  of  1708,  Massachu.setts  plied  the 
queen  with  an  address;  which,  with  the  assistance  of 
the  colony's  friends  in  England,  at  length  obtained 
from  the  ministry  a  promise  of  five  regiments  of  regu- 
lar troops.  These,  with  twelve  hundred  men  raised 
in  Massachusetts  and  Rhode  Islaiul,  were  to  sail  from 
Boston  and  proceed  to  Ciuebec;  while  a  second  division 
of  fifteen  hundred  men,  from  tlie  colonies  soudi  of 
Rhode  Island,  were  to  march  against  Montreal,  by  the 
route  of  Lake  Cliamplain.  Pennsvlvania  did  not  rai.se 
her  quota  of  troops;  and  those  furnished  by  the  other 
colonies  did  not  jienetrate  beyond  Wood  Creek.  The 
Boston  troops  waited  for  tlie  English  army  from  the 
20th  of  May  to  die  11th  of  October,  1709,  when  tho 
news  that  it  had  been  ordered  to  Portugal,  obliged  the 
provinces  to  abandon  the  undertaking.  But  their  pa- 
tience was  not  yet  exhausted.  Another  application 
was  made  to  the  queen ;  and  in  July,  1710,  Colonel 
Nicholson,  who  commanded  the  troops  destined  for 
Montreal,  the  year  before,  came  over  with  five  frigates 
and  a  bomb-ketch,  for  the  purpose  of  attacking  Port 
Royal.  He  was  joined  by  three  regiments  of  New 
England  troops;  sailed  from  Boston  the  18th  of  Sej>- 
teniber;  and  on  the  24th  was  before  Port  Royal, 
vhich  surrendered  on  the  .'jth  of  October;  and  being 
called  Annnpolis,  in  honour  of  the  (pieeii,  was  put  un- 
der the  government  of  Samuel  Vech,  a  Nova  Scotian 
trader.  Nicholson  returned  to  England ;  and  pl"ading 
the  success  of  his  first  expedition,  obtained  from  the  new 
ministry  an  anny  of  seven  regiments,  who  had  grown 
veteran  under  the  Duke  ofMarlboroiigh.  The  colonies, 
too,  made  every  exertion  to  bear  the  expenses  and  bur- 
thens of  the  expedition.  Troops  were  soon  raisi  il  ; 
Massachusetts  issued  forty  thousand  pounds  in  bills  of 
credit;  provisions  were  impressed;  and  on  the  31)ih  of 
July,  1711,  the  whole  armament  left  Boston  harbour  for 
Quebec.  On  the  23d  of  August  the  wreck  of  ten  trans- 
ports on  Egg  Island,  in  the  St.  Lawrence,  det<>rmined 
die  squadron  to  put  about.  A  debate  was  held  at  Spa- 
nish River,  in  Cape  Breton,  upon  the  expediency  of 
annoying  the  French  at  Placcntia ;  but  the  whole  exjie. 
dition  sailed  for  England,  without  annoying  them  du  re, 
or  any  where  else.  The  frontiers  of  the  colonies  were 
again  left  exposed  to  depredation  ;  nor  was  it  till  1713, 
that  the  cession  of  Nova  Scotia  to  England  prevented 
the  French  from  instigating  the  Indians  to  hostility. 

While  these  things  were  taking  place  in  tho  north, 
Carolina  was  alternately  engaged  in  disputes  with  its 
proprietors,  and  in  quarrels  with  its  neighbours.  A 
rumor  of  the  war  against  France  and  Spain,  in  1702, 
induced  Governor  Moore  to  anticipate  tlie  event,  by 
proposing  an  immediate  attack  upon  St.  Augustine. 
In  vain  did  the  more  temperate  incur  the  epitnet  ol 
traitor,  by  protesting  against  the  measure.  There  were 
six  thousand  white  inhabitants  of  the  colony ;  two 
tliousand  pounds  were  voted  to  defray  all  expenses; 
and  in  September  of  the  same  year,  Mr.  Moore  sailed, 
with  a  part  of  six  hundred  militia  and  six  hundred  In 
diaiis;  while  Colonel  Daniel  set  out  by  land  with  the 
remainder.  The  Spaniards,  apprised  of  the  iinib.'rtakiiig 
had  stored  the  castie  widi  four  iiuinths  provisions;  aiu{ 


S50 


Tlin   HISTORY  OF 


whon  llif  ir  iiivii<l<;r-i  nrrive<l,  tlioy  found  il  impossible  to 
■Ji:>loil!»f;  llio  ff.irri-on.  witlioul  liatleriiig  .irlillcrv.  W  liile 
Coloi!i-l  Uaiiicl  \v;is  ■joiic  lo  Juiii;ii<"i  to  procure  it,  the 
sppeariiice  of  two  .small  rjpaiiisli  vessels  at  the  mouth 
ol'  till-  liarhor  so  terrilied  the  (jovernor,  that  he  ahan- 
d(>neil  his  own  ships,  and  tied  precipitantly  to  Carolina. 
l)uni(!l  escapi'd  the  enemy  with  great  dilhciilty;  and 
ihe  only  result  of  the  enterprise  was  a  deht  of  six  ihou- 
iiand  poiuids;  which  the  colony  was  obliged  to  discharge 
ov  bdls  of  credit  redeemable  in  three  years,  out  of  a  duty 
on  li(juors.  skins,  and  furs.  But  the  ignominy  of  this 
e.xpedition  was  shortly  after  wipi'd  olf,  by  a  successful 
■;var  gainst  the  .Appalachian  Indians;  who,  after  wit- 
nessing the  conllagration  of  all  their  towns  between  the 
.•Mtainaha  and  the  davainiah,  were  lain  to  solicit  peace, 
and  to  acknowledge  the  British  government.  Peace 
witli  extt-rnal  enemies  was  soon  I'ollowed  by  a  revival 
of  til  !  old  dispute  with  the  proprietors.  They  addi'd 
new  fuel  to  the  controversy,  by  attempting  to  establish 
the  episcopal  church;  an<l  the  tianie  at  length  nioi.uted 
so  high,  that,  had  not  another  foreign  war  withdrawn 
the  alleulioii  ol'  the  colony,  they  must  have  shortly  fall- 
en under  a  writ  of  quo  inirranto. 

.Spain,  tinough  the  (iovernorof  Ilavanna,  despatch- 
ed M.  Le  I'eboure,  captain  of  a  French  frigate,  with 
four  other  armed  vessels,  and  eight  hundred  men,  lo 
make  a  practical  assertion  of  her  right,  by  hrst  disco- 
very, to  all  .North  .\merica.  The  Mews  was  no  soonc-r 
brought  lo  Charleston,  than  the  app  ?araiiee  of  the  squad- 
ron was  aiinonnced  by  signals  from  Sullivan's  Fort. 
Bat  the  enemy  cousuuied  one  day  in  .sounding  South 
Bar;  and  Sir  Nathaniel  Johnson,  who  had  succeeded 
Mr.  Moore,  and  who  liad  well  employed  the  military 
skill  he  accpiired  in  iCnrope,  in  erecting  works  of  de- 
fi.'nce  about  the  harbor,  made  good  use  of  the  twenty- 
four  hours,  in  calling  oril  the  militia,  and  procuring 
the  aid  of  the  Indians.  Tin:  cni'iiiv  laii(le<l  three  times  ; 
three  times  they  were  suceessliilly  ivpiilsed;  and  they 
weighed  an('hor  for  Ilavanna,  under  new  inipre.ssions 
of  tlie  strength  of  Carolina.  The  invasion  cost  the 
colony  about  eight  thousand  i)OUuds ;  no  tax  had  ever 
yet  been  imjjosed  on  lands  or  pi^rsons;  and  a  conlimi- 
anci-  of  the  duty  on  liipiors,  skins,  and  furs,  was  pledged 
to  rediieiu  an  ailditioiial  .imoinit  of  bills  of  credit. 
C'ominoilitii's  iiiimeiliatrly  rose  in  price;  and  the  |)a- 
per  currejicy  soon  fell  thirty-three  and  a  third  per  cent, 
below  par. 

In  171)7.  tlie  di'ath  of  tin'  pnlilini',  [^ord  ( ir.iiivilli',  a 
bigoted  chureinn, in,  gave  placi;  to  Lord  Cravan,amore 
liberal  and  tolerant  m  'iuber  of  the  same  sect.  In  17]"^, 
the  neighbouring  luJiairs  formed  a  secret  plan  for  Ihi' 
extermination  of  the  .\onli  Carolinians.  They  fidl 
fiuddi'uly  upon  the  iulial)itant.s ;  ami  in  the  single  settle- 
ment ol"  IJo.iuoke,  one  huinlred  and  seventy-seven  per- 
Bcns  IMI  victims  to  their  cruelty.  Some  fugitives  car- 
ried the  intellig'^nce  to  Charlesloii.  The  iissemhlv 
voted  four  thousmd  pounds  to  raise  troops  for  their  de- 
fence, anil  a  ('oloiiel  Barnvv'ell  was  soon  detached, 
with  .six  hundred  militia,  and  about  three  hundred  and 
sixty  frii'iiiliy  Indians.  In  the  firit  eugag^mrnt,  three 
liun  lred  of  the  en 'my  f 'II,  an:l  one  huudr.'d  wen?  cap- 
lured.  The  rest  took  shelter  in  a  wooden  breast-work 
al  Tiiscarora;  but  were  so  vigourously  pressed,  that 
they  soon  sued  for  peace;  ipiitted  llie  country;  and 
joiuinir  with  tin!  Iroqiuiis,  formed  what  has  since  been 
c.illed  the  Six.  iusl.'ad  of  the  I'iie,  nations.  The  addi- 
tion made  by  this  war  to  the  debt  of  the  colony,  in- 
duced till!  assiunbly  to  institute  a  bank;  and  to  issue 
notes  for  forty  thousand  |)iiuiuls;  which  shoiiM  be  lent 
on  iuti!rest,  and  in  uie  a  legal  tender.  In  the  lirst  year, 
die  evniiange  rose  to  on ;  hundred  and  eighty  ;  in  the 
8ecoiid,  to  two  hundred  per  cent.  And  what  was  an 
addilioual  vexation  lo  the  cidonists,  l^ueen  .\une  made 
a  d.'«pr'rate  alleiupt  to  settle,  by  proclamation,  the  no- 
mill  il  value  of  llii  ir  foreign  coin. 

About  til"  year  ITOi,  a  contagious  fever  was  brought 
from  the  West  Indies,  inio  .seviiral  of  the  North  Aini!- 
ricin  sea  ports.  It  r.iged  violently  in  New  Vork,  and 
was  mortal  in  almost  every  instance.  To  increase  the 
calaiiiile's  of  the  loloiiy,  it  was  in  llie  same  year  put 
under  ihi!  goveriiiiii'iil  of  the  needy  and  prolligate  Lord 
Coriibiiry ;  who  joined  the  .\iiti-Leislerian  party,  be- 
cause il  was  the  strongest;  flattered  the  asseinhly  in  a 
H't  speech;  got  them  to  raise  hl\i'eii  hiindreil  ])ounds 
lor  erec  ting  batteries  al  the  Narrows  ;  and  .ippropriated 
lliu  money  to  his  own  use.  A  cpnrrel  ensued  between 
hiiii<elf  ami  the  Legislature.  But  he  rontmued  to  charge 
piiormniis  fees,  and  to  demand  and  misapply  money, — 
till  in  ITOii,  the  niiiled  complaiiiLs  of  New  Vork  and 
Jf!r<ey  induced  (Ik;  ipu-eii  lo  recall  him.  One  good 
cnr.Nci|uenci'  .itleiideii  his  administration.  The  assem- 
bly pi^sod  a  resolution,  "  Thai  the  iu:posiiig  and  levy- 


ing'of  any  luoney.s  upon  her  iii.njesty's  subjects  of  this 
colony,  under  any  pretence-  or  colour  whatsoever,  with 
out  their  consent  in  general  assembly,  is  a  grievance, 
and  a  violation  of  the  people's  property."  As  early  as 
\Ci'J->,  it  is  worthy  of  observation  that  Mass;iclinsetts 
published  a  still  stronger  a.ssertion  of  the  .same  principle. 
"  No  aid,  tax,  tallage,  assessment,  custom  loan,  benev- 
olence, or  imposition  wluiLsoever,"  (saj  i  the  act,  and 
the  words  remind  us  of  Magna  Cluirla,)  shall  be  laid, 
assessed,  imposed,  or  levied  on  any  of  iheir  majesty's 
subjects,  or  their  estates,  on  any  pretence  whatsoever, 
but  by  the  act  and  consent  of  the  governor,  council,  and 
representatives  of  the  people  assembled  in  general 
court. 

New  York  had  entered  with  niucli  zeal  into  the  pro- 
ject of  conquering  Canada,  which  we  have  before  nieii- 
lioncd  as  havini.* failed  for  the  want  of  the  jiromised 
support  from  Liigland.'  To  defray  the  expenses  of  the 
army  under  Colonel  Nicholson.  New  York  voted  twen- 
ty tbous.ind  ])Oi'nds,  in  bills  of  credit :  New  Jersey  ad- 
ded three  thousand  pounds  ;  and  Connecticut  eight  ihoii- 
sand  more.  After  the  enterprise  had  failed.  Colonel 
Schuyler,  a  gentleman  of  great  inllui'iice  in  .\ew  Vork, 
undertook  a  voyage  to  England  at  his  own  expense,  in 
order  to  enlist  the  ministry  once  more  in  the  causp. 
The  presence  of  five  Indian  Sachems,  who  sailed  with 
him,  added  considerably  to  the  weight  of  his  negotia- 
tion; and  he  has  the  merit  of  having  been  a  chief  pro- 
moter of  the  ex])edition,  which  was  so  successful 
against  I'ort  lloy.il  in  ]71().  W  hen  Massachusetts  un- 
dertook lliat,  which  terminated  so  dilferently.  against 
Ciiiebec,  in  ]7r2.  New  York  i.ssiied  ten  tlioiisaiid  ])0uiids 
in  bills  of  credit,  and  incurred  debts  to  still  greater  an 
amount,  in  order  to  co-o|ierate  with  Connecticut  and 
New  Jersey,  in  putting  Air.  Nicholson  at  the  head  of 
four  thousand  men,  for  a  corresponding  attack  upon 
.Monlreal.  But  some  of  the  ships  which  had  been  sent 
lo  co-opeiate  in  the  i)laii,  were  wrecked  in  the  St.  Law- 
rence ;  and  the  return  of  llie  Heel  having  left  the  French 
governor  at  liberty  to  direct  his  whole  force  against  the 
army,  ColonrI  Nicholson  was  apprehensive  of  Jisconi- 
litiire,  .ind  couimenced  a  retreat. 

Here  coiieliiiles  the  history,  down  lo  this  period,  of 
every  important  event  in  the  colonies,  if  we  except  the 
order  of  tiueeii  .Aiine,  issued  in  17 1'J.  to  disconliiiui,' the 
presents  with  which  the  inhabitants  had  been  acciistmii- 
ed  to  conciliate  their  governors;  and  the  adjustment 
of  bouiiiiarirs  between  lUiode  I-I:iiid  and  Connectieut. 
,-iiiil  bi'twi'i'ii  (,'ounrcticut  and  .M:issaclmsetts.  The  two 
latter  agreed  that  the  towns  v.-liich  they  had  respectiveh 
settled  should  still  remain  iiiidi'r  their  former  jurisdiction; 
and  that  if  either  party  should  be  found  to  li.ive  en- 
croached on  the  territory  of  tin'  other,  the  loss  should  be 
ni  ide  good  by  an  equal  griiit  of  lauds  in  some  other 
plai'i;.  Massachusetts  had  lo  give  Connecticut  one  hiiii- 
dii'd  and  seven  ihon^aiid  seven  hundred  and  iiiiii'tv- 
tliree  acres;  which  were  sold  by  the  latterchielly  forllie 
support  of  \'ali!  College. 

.As  early  as  Ili.V),  New  Haven  made  an  aiipi-opriatimi 
of  three  huuilred.  and  .'\Llforil  of  one  luindred  pouji(l> 
for  ihi'  support  of  a  grammar  sclioolaiid  cnllcgi'.  The 
form  'r,  soon  after,  added  a  iloiiatiou  of  lauds;  and  in 
KmU,  till'  li';;islatuie  voted  forty  pounds  annually,  and 
one  hunilreil  poiiinls  for  the  purchase  of  books.  In 
lf)!)(),a  donation  was  received  Irom  ( iovernor  Hopkins. 
The  general  court  agreed  to  establish  both  iiistiiutimis 
at  .New  Haven;  and  the  project  had  just  begun  lo  show 
its  IVilils.  when  the  troubles  of  the  (oloiiv  so  impover- 
islie.l  llr'ir  resourci's,  that  thi'y  could  not  pay  for  instriic!- 
ors.  When  the  New  F.nglaiid  colonies  formed  the 
union  in  lii(j'),  the  graiumir  school  was  revived;  anil 
the  fun  Is,  wliieli  bad  been  raised  for  both  institutions, 
being  appropriated  exclusively  to  this,  it  has  beiui  ena- 
bled to  contiuui'  in  existence  to  the  present  time. 

In  Ki'.W,  the  clergy  began  a;;ain  lo  talk  upon  the  sub- 
ject of  a  college;  in  the  following  year  ten  of  their 
number  were  chosen  to  fo:iud.  erect,  and  govern  one; 
and  in  17(10  they  met  at  Br.inford.  each  bringing  three 
or  four  l.irge  books,  and  I.iyiug  them  upon  Ihe  table, 
with,  "  I  give  these  books  for  the  founding  <d'  a  collci;" 
in  this  colony."  .As  it  was  doubtful  wlielher  lliey  could 
hold  property,  it  was  agreed  to  petition  for  a  charter. 
To  promote  the  design,  Mv.  Fitch,  of  Norwich,  gave 
siv  hnndred  acres  of  land,  and  "all  the  glass  and  nails 
which  should  be  necessary  lo  build  ;i  college  house  and 
hall."  The  charter  was  grauled  in  October,  1701  ; 
and  on  the  llth  of  .November,  the  trustees  held  a  meet- 
ing; chose  a  rector;  pa.ssed  soiin.'  rules  for  llie  govern- 
ment of  the  institution,  and  concluded  to  fix  it  ,'it  Say- 
brook.  The  lirst  commencement  was  held  at  that 
place  on  the  LJlli  of  September,  17(l'i.  The  college 
was  originally  ilesigiied  forllie  education  of  niinisters  : 


the  charter  provided  that  the  trustees  should  lie  nooa 
but  clergymen  ;  and  of  Ihe  loriy-six  giadiiales,  between 
JTO'iand  1733,  thirty-lour  became  ministers. 

The  growth  of  the  school,  though  slow,  at  length  ren- 
dered it  inconvenient  to  act  ommodate  all  lli>.'  stiideiiti 
at  Saybrook;  and  both  tliev  and  their  iiarents  were  dis- 
satislied  to  see  a  p.iit  transferred  to  .Milford.  The  evil 
grew  worse  every  day  ;  and  as  the  trustees  did  iiii:  seem 
inclined  to  apply  the  jiroper  remedy,  by  removing  the 
institution  lo  a  more  adequate  place,  the  several  tnwn9 
of  the  colony  undertook  lo  I'orce  the  measure,  by  sub- 
scribing dilVereiit  sums  for  its  eslabhsliineiit  in  dilTerenl 
situations.  Seven  hundred  |iouiids  slc  rliiig  were  sub- 
scribed to  fix  it  at  New  Haven  ;  live  hundred  lor  its  con- 
tinuance al  Saybrook;  and  less  sums  for  its  remoy;d  lo 
other  places.  Still  there  wils  much  dill'ereiii-e  of  opiii. 
ion  among  the  trustees;  nor  was  il  till  Oi  iober.  )7I(), 
that  they  agreed  to  establish  the  college  at  .New  Haven. 
In  1711.  Governor  Yale  had  made  it  a  present  of 
forty  volumes;  and  in  I71(),  he  added  three  hnndred 
more.  Two  years  afterwcirds,  lie  gave  the  triisleea 
goods  to  till!  value  of  two  hundred  ])ounds  .sterling, 
prime  cost;  and  a  similar  donation  of  one  hundred 
pounds  in  ]7'2J,  indiir  ed  them  to  call  the  iiistitiitioii 
alter  his  name.  lnl7JT.  the  number  of  students  wa« 
ihirtv-one.  A  century  after,  it  had  increased  nearly 
ten-fold. 

CIIAPTLR  IL 

Paper  Money  in  Massarliiisctts — Qnarrel  between  the  Giver" 
nor  and  lieprcsi-ntativts — Inroads  of  the  Indians — Ueputa^ 
lion  lo  Uie  Frcncli— Peace — Alterations  in  the  Cli.-irter— 
llcncwal  of  1  tie  Dispute  between  llie  Exerulive  and  Lejns- 
laliire — Mr.  Unrnet's  Instructions  for  a  Fixed  Salary — .Ad- 
journment of  llic  Court — Mr.  Itiiniefs  Death— Mr.  Ilelrher 
KMiews  the  Discussion — .\ssociatioii  for  issniin;  more  Hills 
of  cietiil — Mr.  Shirley— .Adjustment  of  tlie  Dispute  Srlween 
New  York  and  New  .lersey  conrerniiis  lloiinoaries — Con- 
troversy between  New  York  and  Canada — Prosperity  I'l  the 
Norlliern  Colonies — 'I'lie  Parson's  ("ause  in  Viririnid — Pio- 
cicdiiifs  in  (Jaroliiia— Scllienii'iit  of  Yainasee  TinMory— 
Paper  .Money — Disposition  of  llie  Proprielois— DispuUf 
tween  tiie  (Iovernor  and  the  .Assembly — Liissoliition  oi  j;© 
Charter  and  Division  of  the  Proviiic."  — Settleeneul  of  Geor- 
gia—  Mr.  0?jlelli<irpe — Quariel  «itli  Ihe  i»panianls— Inetler- 
tual  Attack  upon  St.  Augustine — Aborlix'e  allempl  upol. 
Georgia. 

The  rise  in  exchange  produced  by  imprudent  is«ueM 
of  jiaper  money  in  .Massachusetts,  was  idly  atlribiiteJ 
to  a  decay  in  trade;  and  the  coloiiv  was  ;iliiiost  li.ii. 
nimonslv  of  opinion,  that  trade  could  only  ho  ivyived, 
by  an  addilioual  quantity  of  bank  notes.  .A  few  k,>\v  the 
re.il  evil,  .iinl  were  for  calling  in  the  bills  tlvii  were 
already  abroad;  but  il  was  determined  by  i:;e  great 
majoritv,  that  either  by  a  ]u  i\ate,  or  a  public  hnik.  the 
province  should  be  supplied  \\  iih  more  mone\ .  or  i;.:'ier, 
with  iiiiire  paper.  The  goneral  court  at  leii;;th  resolved 
lo  place  bills  liir  fifty  ihciusaiid  pnunds  in  the  hands  of 
Iriisli'es:  who  \\  ere  lo  1 'iid  them  al  ti\  e  per  cent  in- 
terest, w'lth  a  sfipiilaliiiu,  thai  o>i<'-fil'lli  of  the  principal 
slioiild  be  repaid  annually.  Still  tr.ide  «oiild  not  im- 
prove. .Mr.  Shute,  who  had  just  succeeded  .Mr.  Diid'ey, 
atlriliiiled  ihe  fact  to  a  scarcity  of  iiinney  ;  and  reconi- 
ui  'tided,  that  some  elfectiial  measures  should  he  l.ikeii 
Id  make  it  more  abun<laiit.  'I'lie  specific  was  thi-refnrc 
doubled,  liut  tin  adililionat  emission  of  one  hundred 
thousand  pounds  so  greatly  deprecialed  the  value  of  the 
currency,  that  the  general  court  wer<'.  at  last  enabled  lo 
see  the  true  cause  of  the  ditiiciilty  :  and  the  g(i\ernor, 
loo.  when  his  salary  came  lo  be  voted  in  the  di  precialed 
iiioney.  ;iccoriling  lo  its  nominal  tiinotint,  began  lo  bo 
somewhat  sce]itical  of  his  policy. 

This  was  the  small  beginning  of  a  long  and  r  incor- 
oiisipiarrel  between  the  governor  and  the  g-.'in  ral  court. 
In  i71!l,  it  was  now  I7"J0.  the  former  had  incurred  the 
censure  of  the  ministry,  by  asseiiliiig  lo  a  bill  for  t!io 
imposition  of  duties  upon  I'.iiglisli  tonnage,  and  upon 
r.iiiilish  nianul'actiires  :  when  a  similar  hill  w;is.scnt  up, 
this  year,  it  was  negatived  in  the  council:  a  warm  al- 
li'r<:atioii  ensued  ;  iind  it  was  not  till  the  next  session, 
that  the  act  passed  witlioul  the  otlensive  clan.sfs.  In 
the  same  session,  the  governor  claimed  the  right  of 
ni'iialiving  a  choice,  wliii  li  the  house  litid  made,  of  a 
speaker;  and,  when  they  refused  to  recogni/.e  ihe 
claim,  he  dissolved  the  court,  and  issued  new  writs  of 
election.  .Nearly  the  same  persons  were  re-elected; 
.'inil  the  only  elVect  of  the  measure,  was.  to  iinike  llii-in 
still  less  disposed  lo  accommodate  .Mr,  Sliule.  They 
opposed  him  in  every  Ihiiii.  whether  il  was  ri^'!  I  oi 
wrona.  insignificant  <  r  ini|iortant.  They  neglei  l  d  to 
vole  him  his  sal.iry,  as  was  usual,  at  the  beginning  nl 
the  session;  and  not  only  postponed  the  business  till 
the  day  of  adjournment,  but  reduced  tin?  amount  from 
six  to  live  hundred  pounds.  The  deprediitions  of  some 
easlp  n  Indians  made  it  necessary  to  call  the  repre^eu^ 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


afiyes  to^'Pllicr  again,  before  the  staled  time.  'J'iiey 
iuinu'di.ilcly  passed  an  net,  nliieh  amounted  to  a  deela- 
ration  of  war  ;  and,  when  tlie  <r()vernor  aecuscd  them 
of  usnrj)inj.''  his  preroifalive,  they  docked  oil"  another 
bundreii  |)onnds  from  his  sahiry.  He  hiid  before  lliem 
ilistruelions  from  the  crown,  to  give  liim  a  fixed  and 
adeiinate  sum  ;  tliey  "  desired  the  court  might  rise  :" 
and  it  rose  aeeordinjily. 

The  governor  o|)ened  the  next  assemhly  with  recom- 
mending many  wise  measures  ;  which  were  totally 
neglected  hy  the  court ;  and  little  else,  indeed,  was 
done,  diiring  the  session,  but  to  continue  the  emission 
of  bank  bills,  and  to  drive  the  gold  and  silver  from  the 
country,  by  ordering  tliat  it  should  be  passed  at  a  higher 
rate  than  that  which  had  been  established  by  an  act  of 
parliament.  The  next  general  court  very  early  ap- 
pointed a  eommiltee  to  vindicate  their  predecessors  from 
the  aspersions  of  the  governor.  The  connnittee  jus- 
tified the  house;  and  their  report  wa.s  ordered  to  be 
printed.  Tiie  court  postponed  the  vote  for  the  gover- 
nor's salary  ;  he  laid  by  tiieir  list   of  appointments  : 

.  they  deputed  a  connnittee  to  inquire  into  the  matter  ; 
he  told  them,  he  should  take  his  own  time  for  it ;  the 
house  resolved,  to  make  no  grants  or  allowances  ;  the  go- 
vernor made  an  angry  speech  ;  and  the  court  was  dissol- 
ved. A  new  legislature  soon  manifested  the  same  tem- 
per with  the  old.  In  spite  of  tlie  governor's  protest, 
thai  the  charter  had  |)laced  the  militia  solely  at  his  own 
disposal,  they  proceeded  to  make  regulations  for  car- 
rying on  the  Indian  war ;  leaving  his  excellency  no 
other  power,  than  that  of  approving  the  measures, 
which  nnght  he  ado[)ted  by  a  committee  of  their  ap- 

:  poiutinent.  He  embarked  suddenly  for  England  ;  and 
the  representatives  and  council,  though  generally  op- 
posed on  all  other  questions,  were  united  in  resolving 
to  send  after  him  instructions  to  their  agent,  to  take 
the  best  measures  for  defending  the  interests  of  the  co- 

t     lony  against  his  representations. 

I       These  internal  dissensions  gave  the  Indians  a  good  op- 
portunity to  make  their  inroads  upon    the  frontiers. 
They  were  set  on  by  the  French  in  Canada  ;  particu- 
larly by  one  father  Ivalle,  a  Jesuit  missionary.  Some 
i    troops  were  sent  to  capture  this  holy  personage  ;  but  he 
f    received  the  intelligence  in  time  to  escape;  and  the 
1    parly  cnuUl  only  get  possession  of  his  papers  ;  among 
which  were  letters  of  authorization  from  M.  Vaudreuil 
the  governor  of  Canada.     War  was  now  formally  de- 
clared ai;ainst  Ihe  Indians  ;  and,  as  it  was  abundantly 
jvident  that  ihey  were  instigated  by  the  French,  a  de- 
putation was  sent  to  M.  Vaudreuil,  in  1726,  in  order 
to  remonstrate  against  a  conduct  so  incompatible  with 
I    Oie  peace,  which  then  subsisted  between  France  and 
'     England.    He  first  disclaimed    all  interference  ;  but, 
when  his  letters  to  Ralle  were  produced,  he  could  deny 
It  no  longer.    He  assured  the  deputation,  that  he  would 
thenceforth  exert  himself  to  efl'ectuate  a  peace  ;  and  a 
peace  was  accordingly  soon  after  concluded  at  Boston. 
Parliament,  in  the  mean   time,    was  condemning, 
j    question  after  question,  the  whole  proceedings  of  the 
general  court  in  the  case  of  Mr.  Shute.    It  was  thought 
expedient  to  issue  a  new  charter  for  "  explaining"  the 
old  one,  in  the  two  points,  which  respected  the  powers 
of  choosing  a  speaker,  and  of  adjourning  the  court. 
The  last  was  entirely  "explained"  away  from  the  house  ; 
and  the  former  was  so  modified,  as  to  leave  the  governor 
his  negative.    Rather  than  have  the   whole  subject 
I    again  brought  before  parliament,  which  was  the  penalty 
f  of  refusal,  the  general  court  concluded  it  was  most 
advisable  to  adopt  both  of  these  alterations.     Its  at- 
tention was  next  turned  to  tlie  loud  complaints  about 
the  decay  of  trade  and  the  scarcity  of  money.    A  bill 
I    passed  both  houses  for  issuing  more  notes  ;  and  when 
It  was  negatived  by  the  lieutenant-governor,  they  agreed 
to  postpone  the  consideration  of  salaries.     The  lieu- 
tenant had  said,  that  his  instructions  would  not  let  him 
>u«ent  to  such  bills,  except  they  were  for  the  charges 
■)f  government ;  a  bill  for  issuing  sixty  thousand  pounds 
was,  therefore,  headed,  "An  act  for  defraying  the  ne- 
I    :cssary  charges  of  government ;"  and  the  influence  of 
an  uncertain  salary  necessitated  his  excellency  to  give 
his  assent. 

Mr.  William  fiurnet,  the  new  governor  of  Massa- 
chusetts and  New  Hamp.shire,  had  received  express 
inslruclions  from  the  king,  to  sec  that  the  general  court 
s-Pttlod  upon  him  a  fixed  and  certain  salary.  Soon  after 
(lis  arrival,  the  assembly  voted  seventeen  hundred 
pounds  for  defraying  the  expenses  of  his  voyage,  and 
for  supporting  him  in  the  discharge  of  his  othc'e.  He 
said  he  could  rot  assent  to  such  a  \ote.  They  then  vo- 
ted, for  the  first  pu.pose,  three  hundred  pounds  ;  which 
were  accepted  ;  and,  for  the  last,  fourteen  hundred 
pounds;  whil:h  were  refused.     The  legislanin  assert- 


ed, that  it  was  their  privilege,  as  Englishmen,  to  raise  | 
and  apply  their  own  money  ;  and,  when  the  governor 
answered,  that  he  would  never  accept  sucli  a  grant  as 
had  been  made,  tlie  council  were  for  establishing  a  fixed 
salary,- — but  the  representatives  requested,  tliat  the 
court  might  rise.  Mr.  Uurnet  would  not  grant  the 
request.  It  was  again  made  ;  and  again  refused.  The 
house  then  sent  up  a  long  message  ;  in  which  they  de- 
tailed their  reasons  for  refusing  to  establish  a  fixed 
salary  ;  and  once  more  reiterated  their  wishes,  that 
they  "might  not  be  kept  silting  there,"  to  the  manifest 
prejudice  of  their  constituents.  The  governor  answer- 
ed thein  prom|)tly  enough  ;  but  not  at  all  to  their  satis- 
faction ;  and,  after  resolving  to  adhere  to  their  old 
method  of  appropriating  moneys,  they  drew  up  a  state- 
ment of  the  controversy.,  and  transinilled  it  to  the  seve- 
ral towns.  Many  spirited  messages  were  exchanged 
in  quick  succession  between  his  excellency  and  the 
house.  The  latter  again  repeated  a  request,  that  the 
court  might  rise:  he  told  them  they  could  not  expect 
to  have  their  own  wishes  gratified,  when  they  paid  so 
little  attention  to  those  of  his  majesty  ;  and  the  alter- 
cation was  waxing  so  high,  that  the  council  thought  it 
best  to  interfere, — and  to  propose  that  some  certain 
sum  should  be  fixed  upon,  as  a  salary  for  the  governor. 
The  representatives  voted  three  thousand  pounds  in 
their  own  money, — equal  to  about  one  thousand  pounds 
sterling  ;  but  as  the  act  contained  no  provision  for  the 
continuance  of  the  same  sum,  Mr.  Burnet  refused  his 
assent ;  and,  apprehending,  that  the  house  was  some- 
what influenced  by  the  people  of  Boston,  who  had 
unanimously  voted  against  a  fixed  salary,  he  adjourned 
the  court  to  the  town  of  Salem.  At  Salem  it  met,  on 
the  30th  of  October,  1728.  The  battle  of  messages 
recommenced  as  briskly  as  ever.  The  representatives 
appointed  agents  to  plead  their  cause  in  England  ;  tlie 
council  would  not  concur  in  the  act,  because  they  had 
not  been  consulted  ;  and  the  project  must  have  failed 
for  want  of  money,  had  not  the  people  of  Boston  sub- 
scribed for  the  necessary  sums.  The  agents  soon 
transmitted  a  report  of  the  board  of  trade  ;  in  which 
the  conduct  of  the  house  was  entirely  disapproved. 
They  were  told,  also,  that,  unless  they  fixed  a  salary, 
the  parliament  would  ; — "  It  is  better,"  they  answered, 
"  that  the  liberties  of  the  people  should  be  taken  from 
them,  than  given  Uj)  by  themselves."  Both  parts  of 
the  administration  went  all  this  time  without  pay  ;  for, 
as  the  representatives  wimld  vote  no  salaries,  the  go- 
vernor would  assent  to  no  drafts  upon  the  treasury. 
At  length  there  was  a  recess  between  the  20th  of  De- 
cember, 1728,  and  the  2d  of  April,  1729  ;  when  the 
court  assembled  at  Salem;  and,  after  several  fruitless 
meetings,  were  adjourned  to  Cambridge.  They  met 
there,  on  the  21st  of  August;  and,  a  few  days  after, 
Mr.  Burnet  died  of  a  fever  at  Boston. 

Mr.  Belcher,  his  successor,  came  over,  in  the  be- 
ginning of  August,  1730,  with  a  fresh  packet  of  in- 
structions, to  insist  upon  a  fixed  salary.  The  king  said 
it  was  the  "last  signification  of  the  royal  pleasure  on 
this  subject ;"  and  he  threatened  to  bring  the  whole 
history  of  the  province  before  parliament,  if  it  were 
not  immediately  complied  with.  The  house  voted  one 
thousand  pounds  currency,  to  defray  the  charges  of  his 
excellency's  voyage,  and  a  sum  equal  to  one  thousand 
pounds  sterling,  to  aid  him  in  managing  public  affairs. 
The  council  added  an  amendment,  to  make  the  appro- 
priation annual  The  amendment  was  rejected.  The 
council  modified  it,  by  confining  the  yearly  allowance 
to  the  duration  of  Mr.  Belcher's  government.  The 
representatives  again  refused  their  assent,  and  the  re- 
solution was  dropped.  The  controversy  continued  for 
some  time  longer,  but  the  governor  was  at  length 
wearied  out,  and  leave  was  in  the  end  obtained  of  the 
king  to  let  the  legislature  take  its  own  way  in  the  regu- 
lation of  his  salary. 

The  termination  of  this  dispute  was  only  the  begin- 
ning of  another.  An  unusual  scarcity  of  money  was 
complained  of  all  over  New  England.  The  governor 
of  Massachusetts  and  New  Hampshire,  had  been  in- 
structed to  suffer  the  emission  of  no  more  bills  in  those 
colonies.  Connecticut  was  employed  in  agriculture, 
and  did  not  stand  in  need  of  much  money.  But  the 
commerce  of  Rhode  Island  demanded  an  abundant  cir- 
culating medium,  and  one  hundred  thousand  ponnd.s  in 
bills  of  credit  were  accordingly  loaned  to  the  inhidii- 
tants  for  twenty  years.  An  association  of  merchants, 
in  Boston,  undertook  to  prevent  the  circulation  of  this 
money,  by  issuing,  themselves,  one  hundred  and  ten 
thousand  pounds  of  the  same  sort  ;  but  the  bills  of  all 
the  New  England  colonies  soon  became  current ;  silver 
rose  from  nineteen  to  twenty-seven  shillings  the  ounce, 
I  and  the  notes  of  the  association  entirely  disappeared. 


.Another  company  of  eight  hundred  pers^>ns  set  on  foot 
a  plan  fiir  issuing  one  hundred  and  lifty  Ih.iusaud  [)ounds 
in  bills  of  credit,  which  should  be  lent  on  gnod  secu- 
rity, at  three  percent,  interest,  the  ])rincipal,  as  in  all 
these  schemes,  being  redeemable  bv  annual  instalments 
of  a  certain  per  cent.  The  authors  of  the  project  bf- 
gan  in  season  to  secure  the  good  opinion  of  the  next 
general  court,  and  so  successful  were  I  hey  in  the  bu.si 
ness,  that  the  house  was  found  to  be  chielly  composed 
of  sul)scribers,  and  was  for  a  long  lime  dislinguisheJ 
by  the  name  of  the  Lund  Itank  llouxc.  Small  traders, 
and  small  traders  only,  would  accept  the  company's 
notes  ;  but  it  continued  to  issue  them  without  cn:l, 
and  the  governor  was  finally  obliged  to  petition  jjarlia- 
ment  for  an  act  to  supjiress  the  inslitiition.  Mr.  Shirley 
superseded  Mr.  Belcher  in  1710,  and  one  of  the  first 
bills  passed  under  his  administration,  declared  that  all 
conlraels  should  be  considered  as  p.iyable  in  silver 
at  six  shillings  and  eight  pence  Ihe  ounce,  or  its  equi- 
valent in  gold.  Notes  for  so  many  ounces  of  silvef 
were  al.so  issued,  and  made  receivable  in  payment  ol 
debts,  the  debts  being  augmented  as  the  notes  should 
dei)reciate. 

A  long  peace  had  enabled  New  York  and  New  Jer- 
sey to  adjust,  in  some  measure,  an  unpleasant  <lisputo 
about  boundaries.  It  gave  the  former  an  opportunity, 
also,  to  take  advantage  of  her  geographical  facilities 
for  trading  on  the  northern  lakes,  and  in  1722,  Mr. 
Burnet,  the  governor  of  that  province  and  of  New  Jer- 
sey., greatly  excited  the  jealousy  of  the  French,  by 
building  a  store-house  at  Oswego.  M.  Longoeil,  the 
governor  of  Canada,  retaliated  by  launching  two  ves- 
sels on  Lake  Ontario,  and  sending  materials  to  erect  a 
trading-house,  and  to  repair  the  fort  at  Niagara.  The 
Seneca  Indians  were  greatly  inc(Mised  at  this  measure, 
and  Mr.  Burnet  remonstrated  airainst  it  ;  but  M.  Lon- 
gueil  proceeded  to  complete  liis  fort,  and  the  former 
could  only  get  revenge  by  erecting,  at  his  own  expense, 
a  like  fi>rt  at  Oswego.  M.  Beauliarnois,  the  successoi 
of  M.  Longueil,  sent  the  commander  a  written  sum- 
mons to  evacuate  it.  The  summons  was  disregarded 
He  warmly  remonstr.ated  against  the  proceeiling  to 
Mr.  Burnet.  Mr.  Burnet  as  warmly  remonstrated 
against  the  proceeding  at  Niagara,  and  here  the  dispute 
ended  for  the  present.  It  was  not  long  afterward,  that 
the  French  acijuired  the  control  over  Lake  Champlain, 
by  seizing  and  fortifying  Crown  Point. 

During  the  regency  of  the  Duke  d'Orleans,  in  France, 
and  the  administration  of  Sir  Robert  Walpole,  in  Eng- 
land, all  the  colonies  to  Virginia,  inclusive,  had  littld 
to  distract  their  attention  from  their  own  ])rivate  affairs, 
and  could  scarcely  help  becoming  prosperous.  Land 
was  cheap,  and  subsistence  easily  obtained.  Mar- 
iages,  of  course,  were  early  an<l  freqneiil,  and  popula- 
tion soon  began  to  extend  itself  over  Ihe  vacant  parts 
of  the  country.  Such  a  process  is  all(Mided  with  no 
eclat,  and  perhaps  there  is  nothing  to  relieve  the  mono- 
tony of  a  long  and  felicitous  period,  in  the  internal 
economy  of  the  colonies,  if  we  excejit  the  di.xpute  in 
Virginia  respecting  ecclesiastical  salaries. 

In  IGUG,  when  the  j)riee  of  tobacco  was  sixteen  i-hil- 
lings  and  eightpence  per  hundred,  an  act  of  the  assem 
bly,  which  was  re-enacted  and  assented  to  by  the  king, 
in  1748,  conferred  upon  each  parish  minister  an  annual 
stipend  of  sixteen  thousand  |)ounds  of  tobacco.  In 
1755,  the  crop  was  scanty,  and  the  legislature,  by  ano- 
ther act,  which  was  to  continue  in  force  ten  months, 
and  not  to  wait  for  the  roval  assent,  provided  that 
those  who  owed  debts,  in  tobacco,  might  eilher  pav 
them  in  the  specific  article  or  in  money,  at  Ihe  rale  o{ 
sixteen  shillings  and  eight  pence  perhumlred.  Though 
the  price  was  then  from  fifty  to  sixty  shillings,  tho 
measure  created  no  disturbance,  and  three  years  after- 
ward, when  it  was  surmised  that  the  crop  would  anain 
be  short,  the  same  expedient  was  resortecl  to.  But  tht 
ministers  now  began  to  see  its  operation,  and  one  of 
them,  in  a  pamphlet,  entitled  The  Twnprmu/  Arty  con- 
vinced the  lei.Mslature  that  he  understood  precisely  how 
they  were  defrauding  his  order  of  its  just  dues.  Hr 
was  attacked  by  two  Colonels,  whom  he  answered 
with  The  Colonels  Dismounlcd,  and  the  wa^  of  pam- 
phlets soon  grew  so  hot,  that  the  printers  of  Virginis 
were  afraid  to  continue  it. 

The  subject  was  next  taken  up  by  the  king  in  conn 
cil,  who  declared  that  the  act  of  1758  was  a  mere  usur- 
pation, and  could  have  no  force.  Backed  by  such 
authority,  the  ministers  brought  the  question  before  a 
county  court,  and,  after  a  formal  argument,  it  was 
decided  in  their  favor  By  the  laxity  of  practice,  the 
I  subject  was  permitted  to  be  once  more  discussed,  and 
!  when  all  supjiosed  that  the  first  judgment  could  never 
!  be  shakfm,  the  unexpected  eloquence  of  Mr.  Patrick 


Til  F,  HISTORY  o  r 


Hflirvig  sail!  to  have  changed  tlie  opinion  of  the  court. 
Thi'  rliTjiy  took  llieir  revenge  iii  an  angry  painplilet ; 
and  hero  tlie  i  onlro\er-iy  soeins  to  have  terminated. 

Carohna.  in  the  nicai;  time,  was  ra])idly  undergoing 
X  revolution  of  government.  In  1715,  tlie  colony  had 
incnrred  eonsid.-rable  expenses,  in  a  war  with  ahont 
six  thousand  Vama.ssee,  Creek,  and  Apalachian  In- 
dian-:, who  were  met  at  a  jdaee  called  the  Salt  Catchers, 
by  twelve  hundred  men,  and  so  completely  routed,  that 
thev  were  obliged  to  make  a  new  settlement  in  Florida, 
'i'lie  proprietors  not  only  ordenid  the  reduction  of  the 
paper  inonev,  which  the  assijmbly  saw  fit  to  issue,  on 
iccount  of  tills  expedition,  but  when  applied  to  for  a.s- 
«i.stance  by  the  agents  of  the  colony,  they  declared  dieir 
inability  io  pioiect  it,  unless  his  majesty  would  iiit(?r- 
pose.  The  a.ssenibly  had  also  undertaken  to  make  a 
oarrier  against  the  Indians,  by  ollering  the  Vama.ssee 
territory  to  all  persons  who  would  come  over  and  settle 
in  it.  Five  hundred  Irishiiien  acccjited  the  oiler,  and 
had  actually  taken  up  the  ground,  when  the  proprietors 
ordered  the  law  to  be  repeahid,  and  the  lands  to  be  laid 
out  in  baronies  for  themselves.  It  had  been  the  cus- 
tom to  elect  all  the  representatives  of  the  colony,  in  the 
tingle  town  of  Charleston.  The  incre;ise  of  population 
now  rendered  tiie  practice  extremely  inconvenient ; 
and  the  legislature  had  enacted,  that  for  the  future, 
each  parish  should  assemble  in  its  own  church,  and 
choose  its  own  representatives.  The  proprietors  or- 
dered the  act  to  be  repealed;  and  (iovernor  Johnson, 
son  of  the  former  governor  of  that  name,  had  to  use  all 
his  iiiHiienre  to  keep  the  colonists  from  breaking  into 
open  rebellion,  at  this  wanton  and  outrageous  proceed- 
ing. I5ut  they  were  compelled  to  bear  yet  more  insults. 
Some  expeditions  against  a  band  of  ])irates,  who  liad 
long  infested  the  coast,  necessitated  the  assembly,  as 
they  imagined,  to  issue  another  <|uanfity  of  jiaper  mo- 
ney; ami  the  governor  carri<.'d  an  additional  bill  for  rv- 
deeming  it  in  three  years,  by  a  tax  ujioii  land  and  ne- 
groes. But  the  tax  was  oppressive  to  the  planters  ;  and 
They  had  iuHuence  enough  to  obtain  another  act,  for 
the  emission  of  more  bills.  As  soon  as  the  proprietors 
heard  of  these  transactions,  they  sent  the  governor  in- 
structions to  approve  of  no  legislative  measures,  until 
it  hail  been  laid  before  thcin.  Another  order  soon  after 
followed,  to  take  oil"  a  duty  which  tlia  colony  had  laid, 
of  five  per  cent,  on  Uritisli  manufactures;  and  as  if 
these  outrages  were  not  sullicieiit,  they  deemed  it  iiu'et 
to  show  another  instance  of  their  despotism,  by  giving 
an  arrogant  and  abusive  answer  to  a  memorial,  which 
the  :Lssenil)lv  had  presented,  against  their  right  to  revoke 
the  laws  ol'  the  province. 

Tlie  rupture  lu'tween  Spain  and  Great  Britain  in 
1711),  atlorded  fresh  opportunities  for  the  i)rosecution 
of  this  dis|)Ute.  The  rumor  of  an  ex|)editioii,  tilling 
out  at  llavanua,  for  the  invasion  of  South  ("aroliiia, 
indiu  ed  (iovernor  Johii-on  to  attempt  the  reparation 
of  the  forts  in  the  harl)or  of  (,'li  irleslon.  by  the  vohin- 
tiirv  aid  ol"  till-  inlialiilaiits.  A  siibscii|)tiou  was  set  on 
foot;  anil  he  plared  a  libiTal  sum  opposite  to  his  own 
name.  The  JLsseinbly  disapproved  of  the  measure  ;  or 
ratli  -r  asserted  that  the  receipts  from  tint  duties  would 
render  it  unnecessary.  The  govitrnor  wanted  to  know 
if  the  duties  hail  not  been  taken  olff  They  lold  him 
they  intended  to  pay  no  alteiition  to  the  r.'p.'.ils,  which 
they  li  id  been  liireed  to  make.  A  warm  altercation 
follow(?d;  and  though  nothing  decisive  took  place,  the 
representatives  seem  to  have  fornuHl  a  deteriiiinatioii 
to  rid  dieinselves  of  the  proprietary  govi^rr'iient.  Pri- 
vate ni  M'tiiigs  were  held,  to  concert  measures  of  resist- 
ance. The  militia  un.iiilinoiisly  subscribed  an  instru- 
ment of  a.ssociation ;  and  the  pi'Ople  eii;:aged  to  st.ind 
by  each  other,  in  the  assertion  ol"  their  rights  and  privi- 
Seges.  At  the  first  meeliiig  of  the  new  iLssembly,  all 
former  repeals  were  re|)ealed  :  the  proprietors  were  de- 
clared to  have  l"orfeited  their  rights  of  governnienl ; 
and  the  liiiiioiirable  Kobert  Johnson  w.is  desired  to  ac- 
cept the  ollice  of  governor  in  the  n.iine  of  the  king.  y\ 
message  I'rom  liiinielfaiid  the  council  requested  a  con- 
ference willi  the  house  ;  they  would  receive  no  mes- 
sage "  from  the  governor,  in  concert  with  the  gentlemen 
he  was  ple.tsed  to  call  his  council."  He  .sent  them  an 
expo-iiil  itory  speech ;  they  would  take  notice  of  no 
"  |i  iper,  si'iit  by  the  governor  in  coiiiuction  with  the 
pentl'-iiien"'  he  called  his  council;  and  they  informed 
niiii,  in  a  second  address,  tliat  they  intended  to  c:Lst  olF 
the  propri-tary  ffoveriiment,  and  to  obey  him  no  longer, 
iinles<  h'!  would  con^ieiit  to  exi-rcise  his  ollii-e.  as  vice- 
gerent of  til'!  king,  lie  prorlaiineil  the  dis^niliition  of 
I'l"  a'siMi'bly,  anil  retired  into  the  country.  Th  •  pro- 
rlain  iliiiii  w.i<  torn  from  the  other's  hands ;  Colonel 
J(din  Moore  was  eleel-d  chief  niagislrate;  and  the  as- 
•tiii'ilj   igr"^' •(  to  in  iiigiirafe  hiiii.  on  the  very  d.iv, 


which  Mr.  Johnson  had  set  apart  for  the  review  of  tlie 
militia.  He  had  the  review  postponed;  but,  when  he 
came  to  Charleston,  on  the  appointed  day,  he  l"onnd 
the  militia  paraded  in  the  public  square,  in  order  to 
celebrate  the  iiroi  laiiiation  of  .Mr.  Moore.  All  his  ef- 
forts to  slop  the  proceedings  were  inelTectual.  The 
assembly  proclaimed  tlieir  own  governor  ;  chose  their 
own  council;  and  went  deliberately  about  the  transac- 
tion of  j)ublic  ati"airs.  The  province  was  on  their  side  ; 
and  their  power  was  soon  after  corroborated  and  fixed, 
by  the  vigorous  preparations,  which  lliey  made  to  repel 
a  contemplated  attack  from  H.avanna.  Their  agent  in 
F.ngland  obtained  a  decision  in  the  council,  that  the 
proprietors  had  forfeited  their  charter;  a  scire,  facias 
issued  against  it:  the  proprietors  surrendered  their  in- 
terests; and  Mr.  Francis  fS"icholsou  was  soon  afler 
welcomed  to  the  colony,  as  governor  under  the  king. 
The  .security,  wliich  the  province  felt  in  the  protection 
of  the  crown,  was  greatly  increa.sed  by  a  treaty,  which 
was  .soon  after  concluded  with  the  Cherokee  Indians. 
Security  made  the  colonists  industrious;  and  industry 
soon  raised  them  sutlicieiitly  above  their  former  circnm- 
.stances,  to  arrest  the  depreciation  of  their  paper  cur- 
rency; which  had  fallen  about  eighty-six  percent,  be- 
low par.  Increase  of  wealth  made  boundaries  a  mat- 
ter of  importance;  and,  in  ll'.Vi,  the  province  found 
it  convenient  to  divide  ibelf  into  Nortli  and  South  Ca- 
rolina. 

About  the  same  time,  the  territory  of  Georgia  was 
granted  to  twenty-one  trustees,  for  the  purpose  of  be- 
ing parcelled  out  to  such  of  the  F.nglish  poor  as  would 
consent  to  be  carried  over  the  Atlantic  ;  and,  early  in 
17:53,  Mr.  James  Oglethorpe,  one  ol"  the  trustees,  ar- 
rived at  Charleston  with  one  hundred  and  sixty.  He 
proceeded,  soon  afterwards,  to  the  intended  jilace  of 
settlement;  erected  a  small  fort  on  the  scite  of  .S.i- 
vaima;  and  obtained  a  cession  of  lands  from  the  Creek 
tribe  of  Indians.  The  first  coiiip.iny  was  followed  by 
several  others  ; — but  the  progress  of  the  colony  was 
greatly  obstructed,  by  an  attetnpt  to  put  it  uniler  a  feu- 
dal systeiti.  The  lands  were  to  be  held  in  t.iil-mail  by 
the  tenure  of  knight-service;  and  to  revert  to  the  trus- 
tees, either  if  the  in.ile  issue  .should  become  extinct, — 
or  if  the  grounds  were  not  enclosed  and  cultivated 
within  eiglitocn  years.  To  complete  the  policy,  the 
iiiiporlatioii  of  rum  and  of  negroes  was  i)roliibited ; 
and  all  commerce  with  the  Indians  was  restricted  to 
those,  who  could  obtain  a  license.  The  natural  con- 
sequiMices  soon  followed.  A  great  many  ol"  the  settlers 
emigrated  to  Carolina;  where  they  could  hold  lands  in 
fee  simple;  could  trade  freely  with  the  West  Indies; 
anil  he  permitted  to  employ  negro  slaves  in  the  culti- 
vation ol"  their  lands.  Those  who  staid  behind,  were 
|)erpetually  complaining  of  their  fetters:  and,  though 
.Mr.  Oglethorpe  erected  a  battery,  to  command  the 
month  of  the  Savanna,  and  built  f"orts  at  Augusta  and 
Freilerica,  the  colony  needed  civil  privileges  more  than 
military  delences,  and  their  general  co::cerns  were  soon 
in  a  ruinous  condition.  L'ndi^r  a  dilferent  system,  Ca- 
rolina was  so  prosperous  as  to  double  herexports  in  ten 
years;  while  it  was  with  the  greatest  dilheulty,  that  the 
inhabitants  of  Georgia  obtained  a  scanty  sub.-istence. 

When  F.iiglaiiil  and  Spain  began  to  prepare  for  war, 
III  1737,  a  British  regiment  ol"  si\  liiiiiilred  men  was 
sent  into  ('arolina  ;  and  .Mr.  Oglethorpe  w.is  ap|)ointed 
iiiajor-general  of  that  province  and  of  (Jeorgia.  The 
.Spaniards  fortifiiil  I'.ast  Florida;  and  made  a  vain  at- 
tempt to  gain  over  the  Indians,  who  were  in  alliance 
with  the  I'.nglish.  They  succeeded  belter  with  the 
slaves;  of  whom  enough  were  .seduced  to  form  a  dis- 
tinct regiment  by  themselves.  Nor  did  the  evil  stop 
here.  A  large  number  of  negroes  assembled  at  Stono; 
forced  open  a  warehouse  of  arms  and  ammunition  ; 
murdered  all  the  white  men  whom  they  met  ;  and 
compelled  the  black,  willing  or  unwilling,  to  come  un- 
der their  standard.  But  it  was  a  brief  triumph.  Afler 
ihe  first  impulse  of  rage  was  exhausted,  the  insurgents 
halted  in  an  o|>en  field;  and  began  their  usual  pastime 
of  dancing.  There  ha|)pened  to  be  a  religious  meeting 
in  the  neighborhood;  and  the  congregation,  armed  as 
usual  set  U|)on  the  thoughtless  rabble;  killed  great 
niliiibers  on  the  spot ;  and  so  frightened  the  rest,  that 
thi-y  never  afterwards  dre  imed  of  insurrection.  There 
were  now  about  forty  thousand  slaves  in  ('arolina:  and 
the  occurrence  just  niiuitioned  had  the  good  elfect  of 
making  the  colonists  kei'p  vigilant  watch  over  their  con- 
duct, during  the  approach  of  the  war  between  Fngland 
and  .Spain. 

When  it  actually  broke  out,  in  171?!),  Admiral  ^'er- 
non  was  detached  to  the  West  Indies,  and  General 
<  )i'li'tliorpe  was  ordered  to  annov  the  Floridas.  He 
iininedi-itelv  coiiiiiiiinicated  his  iustructions  to  the  as- 


sembly of  South  Carolina;  they  voten  one  hundred  and 
twenty  thousand  pounds  l"or  die  service  :  a  regiment  ol 
four  hundred  men  was  raised  in  Virgiria  and  the  Ca- 
rolinas;  a  body  of  Indians  enlisted  ;  and  Post-Captain 
Price  promi.sed  his  co-operation  with  lour  twtnty-guu 
ships  and  two  sloops  of  war.  On  the  O'.li  of  May, 
1740,  the  general  entered  Florida,  wilh  four  hundred 
men  and  a  parly  of  Indians  f"roin  his  <n\  n  province.  He 
was  Joined,  at  the  mouth  of  St.  John's  Kiver,  by  th* 
Virginia  and  Carolina  regiment,  and  a  company  of 
Highlanders;  and  was  enabled,  shortly  after,  to  ap- 
pear before  St.  Augustine,  with  about  two  tlioii.sand, 
efl"ective  men.  A  reconnoitre  of  the  jilace  induced 
him  to  abandon  his  original  design  of  taking  it  bjf 
storm.  A  regular  inveslnieiit  was  determined  upon ; 
and  the  troops  were  dispo.sed  in  the  most  advantageous 
jiositions  for  beginning  the  approaches.  The  general 
liiinself  undertook  to  bonihard  the  town  from  the 
Island  of  Anastatia ;  hut  a  few  shots  convinced  him 
that  a  breach,  at  so  great  a  distance,  was  ini|>ractica 
ble.  It  was  next  resolved  to  attack  the  six  half  gallies 
then  in  the  harbor,  by  one  of  the  twentv-gun  shijis; 
but  die  bar  was  found  to  be  so  shallow  that  she  could 
not  gel  over  it.  In  the  mean  lime  the  Spaniards  had 
received  supplies  and  reinforcements  ;  and  a  party  of 
the  besiegers  was  surpri.sed  and  cut  in  pieces.  Odier 
Biisfortunes  followed  in  ipiick  succession.  Captiin 
Price  withdrew  his  slii]is;  the  dispirited  troops  began 
to  desert  in  large  bodies;  and  General  Oglethorpe  w;ls, 
at  length,  reluctantly  compelled  to  abandon  the  enter- 
prise. The  colonies  attributed  the  failure  to  die  gene- 
ral ;  and  the  general  laid  it  to  the  charge  of  tlie  army. 
We  think  neither  was  to  blame.  The  force  was  too 
small  at  tlie  outset;  and.  bef"ore  a  jiart  ol"  it  reached 
the  place  of  rendezvous,  the  arrival  of  supplies  had 
greatly  and  unexpectedly  increased  llie  strength  of  tiio 
enemy. 

But,  at  any  rate,  the  expenses  entailed  by  the  ex- 
pedition, joineil  to  the  still  greater  calamily  of  seeiiip 
their  cajiital  reduced  to  ashes,  detcrniiiied  the  people, 
of  Carolina  to  raise  no  forces  in  liitiire,  except  lir.r 
their  own  defence;  and,  when  an  expedition  of  tliiity 
sliij)S  and  three  thous.ind  men  sailed  against  (jcorgia, 
in  \74'2,  they  imagined  it  would  not  be  for  their  own 
defence,  to  aid  (ieiieral  ( )glethorpe  in  preventing  the 
enemy  l"r<iiii  getting  possession  of"  a  province,  which 
was  so  elVecliial  a  barrier  to  their  own.  .•\bout  llie^ 
end  of  Juno  the  enemy  anchored  oil"  Simon's  Bar; 
and  General  Oglethorpe  found  he  had  to  ojipiise  liini 
with  only  seven  hundred  men. — consisting  of  the  re- 
::iiiient  he  led  ag.iiiist  St.  .Augustine,  and  ol"  a  few 
lliglil.iiiders,  rangers,  and  Indians.  But  the  thiikeis 
and  morasses  of"  the  country  stood  him  in  the  ])lace  of 
many  soldiers;  and,  retiring  to  Frederica,  he  resolved 
to  act,  as  long  as  ho  could,  upon  the  defensive.  By 
an  F.nglish  prisoner,  who  had  escaped  from  the  .Sjiaii- 
iards,  lie  learned  that  the  trocqis  from  Cub.i.  and  those 
from  St.  .Vugustine,  agreed  so  ill  with  each  other,  that 
they  had  tiken  up  their  eucam|iments  apart.  One 
of  these,  the  general  thought  he  might  venture  to  at- 
tack. He  selected  the  flower  of  his  little  arm\  ;  and 
under  the  cover  of  the  night,  marched  unobserved 
within  two  miles  of  the  lines.  The  main  body  was 
lulled;  while  he  went  fiarward.  with  a  small  ])ar;y,  to 
reconnoitre  the  encampment.  He  had,  with  great  cir- 
cumspection, apiiroached  very  near  it;  when  the  whole 
enteriirise  was  suppo.sed  to  be  defeated,  by  the  treach- 
ery of  a  French  soldier,  who  fired  his  musket,  and  nili 
over  to  the  enemy,  (ieiieral  Oglethorpe  wrote  a  letter 
to  the  deserter;  requesting  him  to  tell  the  Spaniards 
how  defenceless  Frederica  was;  to  urge  an  iuiinediate 
attack ;  or.  at  any  rate,  to  persuade  them  to  remain  at 
Simon's  Fort  three  days  longer  ;  when  his  expected 
reiiiforceineni  of  two  thousand  men  and  six  ships  of 
war  would  .arrive  He  p.irticiilarly  cautioned  him 
against  ilro|)piiig  even  a  hint  about  the  contemplated 
attack  of  .\diniral  Vernon  upon  St.  .Augustine.  A 
."■Spanish  prisoner,  who  had  been  taken  in  a  skiiinish, 
was  bribed  to  deliver  the  letter  into  the  deserter's  own 
hands:  but  he.  of  course,  delivered  it  into  the  hands  o.' 
(ieiieral  Don  .Antonio  l)i  Hadondo.  The  latter  wiw, 
at  first,  not  a  little  perplexed,  whether  to  consiiler  it  aj 
a  mere  stratagem,  or  as  a  real  and  serious  letter  of  iil- 
striicli.in ;  but  the  appearance  of  some  ships,  whicli 
had  been  despatched  with  supplies  by  the  assembly  of 
.■'outh  Carolina,  appeared  to  put  the  seriousness  ofUi« 
paper  beyond  all  doubt.  The  panic-struck  army  set 
tire  to  the  fort,  and  hiirrieil  on  board  of  their  vessels! 
and  thus  a  l  ircumst.iuce,  which,  at  first,  seemed  to 
threaten  the  certain  conquest  of  the  province.  ser\'e«li 
in  the  hands  of  a  skilful  comm.iu.ler,  .is  pi'iliaps  tlw 
only  means  of  its  pieserv  itioii. 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  III. 

War  between  France  and  England  and  tlieir  Colonics 
— l'r(;i)aiaiion  for  an  Attack  upon  l-onislMmig — I'lie 
Attack — Siurrender — U'Anville's  ('Expedition— Abortive 
Attempt  upon  iNovu  Scotia — Upon  Crown  I'oint — 
Peace — Paper  Money  in  Maosacliusetts — Discovery  ol' 
Louisiana  and  Foundation  of  New  Orleans — Situation 
of  tlie  Knplii'li  and  French  Colonies — Oritrin  of  the 
llnpture  between  tdeni — Colonel  Washington's  Em- 
bassy— Project  of  Union — I'lan  of  the  lirst  canjpaign— 
Capture  of  iVova  ScoV^ — General  iiiaildocli's  Ueleut — 
Exi)edition  a<jaiiist  Crown  I'oint — I'liat  against  i\ia- 
garn — Second  Campaign — Capture  of  Oswego — TliirJ 
Campaign — Disputes  between  Lord  Loudon  and  Alas- 
Baciiuseits — Fourth  Cami)aign — Second  Capture  ol' 
Louisbourg — Unsuccesfifnl  attack  upon  Ticonderoga — 
Capture  of  Fort  Frontignac — Of  Uu  Qnesne — Filth 
Campaign — Capture  of  Uuebec — Death  of  W'ollo — At- 
tempt to  retake  Quebec — Surrender  of  iNcw  France — 
Ciencral  Peace. 

While  France  and  England  were  engaged  in 
Ar,tual  war,  under  the  pretence  of  supporting  le- 
spectively  the  queen  ol"  Hinigary  an  1  tiie  elector  of 
Havaria,  the  colonies  of  the  two  nations  preserved 
a  sort  of  hostile  peace;  but  as  soon  as  the  news 
reached  Cape  Breton,  that  the  controversy  had  be- 
come open  and  avowed  in  Europe, Dttvivier  attack- 
ed and  took  the  English  fishing  settlement  at  Cati- 
seau ;  and  soon  after  made  a  similar,  though  im- 
sticcessful,  attempt,  upon  Annapolis.  Governor 
Shirley  immediately  formed  the  desigji  of  taking 
Cape  Breton.  It  was  well  situated  for  annoying 
thz  English  Fisheries  ;  and  thirty  millions  of  francs 
c.iiployed  upon  its  fortifications,  had  made  it  the 
"  Dunkirk  of  America."  The  governor  requested 
the  secrecy  of  the  court,  upon  a  project,  which  he 
was  aboutto  communicate.  They  readily  promised 
it;  and  he  surprised  them  with  the  proposal  of 
sending  four  hundred  men  to  take  Louisbourg  by 
storm.  They  condemned  the  undertaking  as  vastly 
too  hazardous  and  expensive  :  but,  unfortunately", 
or,  perhaps,  forttniatfily,  one  of  the  members  hap- 
pened to  pray  for  blessings  upon  it,  in  the  family  de- 
votions at  bis  lodgings.  The  plan  was  soon  known, 
;dl  over  Massachusetts ;  the  people  were  generally 
iu  favour  of  it;  and  an  inthix  of  petitions,  from 
p\'ery  quarter  induced  the  council  to  change  their 
iletermination.  They  invited  the  co-operation  of 
all  the  colonies  as  far  as  Pennsylvania;  but  none, 
except  those  of  New  England  would  furnish  their 
quotas  of  troops.  There  was  no  military  character 
of  note  in  the  country ;  and  th"  command  of  the  ex- 
pedition was  given  to  one  Colonel  Peppcrel ;  who 
had  little  other  qualification  than  that  of  being  a 
rich  merchant  and  a  popular  man.  A  geiaeral  em- 
bargo was  laid:  more  bills  of  credit  were  issued, 
notwithstanding  the  express  prohibition'  of  the 
crown  "  a  variety  of  advice,  (says  Mr.  Belknap,) 
was  given  from  allquarters  :"  private  property  was 
.tnpressed,  and,  by  the  4th  of  April,  1745,  three 
thousand  two  hundred  and  fifty  troops  from  Mas- 
sachusetts arrived  safely  at  Canseau.  The  quota 
of  three  hundred  and  four,  from  New  Hampshire, 
had  landed  four  days  before;  that  of  five  hundred 
diid  sixteen,  from  Connecticut,  came  in  on  the 
25th  of  the  same  month  ;  but  the  troops  from 
Rhode  Island  did  not  arrive  in  time  to  be  of  any 
service  to  the  expedition. 

Governor  Shirley  had  written  to  England  for  as- 
.sistapie,  some  time  before  the  disclosure  of  his  pro- 
ject to  the  general  court;  and  a  detachment  from 
Admiral  Warren's  fleet  in  the  West  Indies,  appear- 
ed oT  Canseau,  the  day  before  tiie  arrival  of  the 
Massachusetts  troops :  the  tidtniral  liimself  soon 
fiiUovved,  in  the  Superb,  of  sixty  guns  ;  and,  every 
thinij  being  now  ready,  the  lantl  forces  embarked 
for  Cbapeaurouge ;  while  the  fleet,  (in  all,  about 
one  hundred  sail,)  manoeuvred  before  Louisbourg, 


chimnies  without  smoke.  An  Inditiii  was  hired, 
lijr  a  bottle  t»f  rum,  to  crawl  in  at  an  embrasure,  and 
open  the  gate  ;  and,  though  a  detachment  of  the 
enemy  was  then  coming  to  retake  the  li)rt,  the 
thirteen  retained  possession,  till  the  arrival  of  a 
reinli)i  cement  from  the  main  body. 

Fourteen  nights  were  the  troojjs  engaged  iu 
drawing  the  cannon  ovcra  morass  to  the  phtce  of 
encttinpinent,  a  distance  of  about  two  miles  ;  and, 
when  the  account  of  the  e::pcdilion  was  sent  to 
Enjrland,  they  were  not  a  little  indi<rnantat  seeiiijr 
no  mention  of  their  having  worked  like  oxen,  with 
straps  over  their  shoulders,  and  up  to  their  knees  in 
mud.  As  this  expedition  had  been  planned  by  a 
lawyer,  and  was  to  be  txxecuted  by  a  merchant,  at 
the  head  of'husbandiiien  and  mechanics,  any  thing 
like  a  regular  siege  was  not  to  have  been  expected 
The  soldiers  laughed  atsuch  words  as  sig-  zag,  and 
cpaulement ;  and  thought,  the  most  eligible  mode 
of  a])proaching  was  that  of  a  straight  line.  In 
execution  of  this  new  principle  of  tactics,  400  men 
tissaulted  the  island  battery;  were  repulsed  ;  and 
many  of  them  taken  prisoners.  They  all  concur- 
red in  representing  the  besiegers  as  much  more 
nuiuerous  than  they  were ;  though  all  was  frolic  in 
the  rear  of  the  army,  the  front  did,  indeed,  look 
formidable;  and  the  impression  made  by  these  re- 
ports and  appearances,  together  with  the  intelli- 
gence, which  was  conveyed  into  town,  that  the 
supply  ship,  the  Vigilant,  of  sixty-four  guns,  had 
been  taken,  induced  Duchambon,  the  governor, 
to  tendera  capitulation.  This  was  the  only  advan- 
tage gained  over  France,  during  the  whole  war ; 
and,  when  accounts  of  it  reached  England,  the 
crown  made  baronets  of  Pepperel  and  Shirley, 
and  the  parliament  readily  unilertook  to  defray  the 
expenses. 

France  and  England  now  mutually  resolved  to 
make  a  complete  conquest  of  each  other's  posses- 
sions in  America  ;  and,  in  the  spring  of  1 746,  circu- 
lar letters  were  sent  to  the  English  colonies  as  far 
as  Virginia,  to  have  in  readiness  as  many  troops  as 
each  might  be  able  to  spare.  The  plan  ofthecam- 
paign,  was,  to  sail  against  (iuebec,  Avith  some  ships 
of  war  and  the  New  England  troops;  while  those 
of  the  other  colonies  should  be  collected  at  Albany, 
and  march  against  Crown  Point  and  Montreal. 
The  ships  of  war  made  seven  vain  attempts  to  leave 
England,  and  the  first  part  of  the  scheme  was  ne- 
cessarily abandoned.  Thecolonists  were  diverted 
from  the  last,  by  a  threatened  attack  of  the  enemy 
upon  Annapolis;  and, before  they  could  despatch 
troops  for  the  protection  of  that  place,  New  Eng- 
land, in  particular,  was  greatly  alarmed  by  thein- 
telliireiice,  that  a  formidable  armament,  under  the 
Duke  D'Anville,had  arrived  in  Nova  Scotia.  Eve- 
ry efibrt  was  made  to  put  the  country  in  a  state  of 
defence.  The  militia  were  joined  to  the  troops  al- 
reaily  raised ;  and,  for  six  weeks,  all  stood  in  hourly 
expectation  of  an  attack  ;  when  some  English  pri- 
soners, ivho  had  been  set  at  liberty,  brought  the 
welcome  news,  that  the  French  soldiers  were  in  too 
much  distress  themselves  to  think  of  distressing 
others.  The  armament  originally  consisted  of 
about  forty  ships  of  war,  and  about  fifty-six  trans- 
ports ;  carrying  3000  troops,  and  40,000  mus- 
kets for  the  Canadians  and  Indians.  Many  ships 
were  lost  and  \vrecked  on  the  voyage ;  a  nd  a  sweep- 
ing mortality  prevailed  on  board  of  those,  which 
bad  reached  the  place  of  destination.  To  increase 
their  calamities,  they  learned,  by  an  intercepted 
letter  from  Governor  Shirley  to  the  commander  at 
Louisbourg,  that  their  own  squadron  would  pro- 
bably be  followed  by  an  English  fleet.  The  ad- 
miral shortly  died  :  the  vice-admiral  killed  him- 
self: and,  when  M.  Le  Jonquiere  undertook  to 
lead  the  fleet  against  Annapolis,  a  violent  storm 


Tlie  landing  was  elTected  with  little  dllhculiy;  and,  i  dispersed  the  ships;  and  those,  that  did  not  suflfer 
m  the  course  of  the  ensuing  night,  a  party  of  four  j  wreck,  returned  singly  to  France, 
hundred  men  marched  around  to  the  northeastpartj  Governor  Shirley^  now  resumed  the  project  of 
of  the  harbour,  and  set  fire  to  some  warehouses  of'  dislodffingthe  French  and  Indians  from  Nova  Sco- 
spirituoiis  liquors  and  naval  stores.  The  smoke  was  tia.  Thelroops  of  Rhode  Island  and  New  Hatnp- 
blown  dire'-t.y  into  the  grand  battery  ;  and  it  did  shire  were  prevented  from  joining  the  expedition  ; 
Buch  signal  execution,  that,  when  thirteen  of  the  and  the  enemy  was  not  only  more  numerous  than 
party  were  returning,  nextday,  they  saw,  with  stir- 'those  of  Massachusetts,  but  had  the  advantage  of 
orise  and  joy,  that  the  flagstaff  was  bare,  and  the  [being  provided  with  snow-shoes.    The  English 


I  were  beaten  at  Minas ;  and  prcmiiseil  not  to  bear 
arms  tor  one  year,  against  the  French  in  Nova 
Scotia.  GoveriKir  Shirley  next  directed  his  ;ille;i- 
tion  to  Crown  Point.  Massacliusetl.s  and  New 
York  engaged  to  furnish  theirquotas  of  troops  :  the 
winter  was  no  obstacle  to  the  governor's  enthusi- 
asm ;  and  the  enterprise  was  only  j^revented  by  the 
discreet  resolution  of  Connecticut,  to  withbolil  her 
co-operation.  The  treaty  of  Aix-la- Ch;i])i  lle  w;i3 
conckided  in  October,  1748;  and  New  England 
deemed  ilbut  ajjoor  return  for  the  expenses  whicii 
she  had  incurred, thatan  avUc\L' oi' st ul it s  ant e ht  Uum 
compelled  her  to  reliiKjuish  Louislxnirg.  IMtissa- 
chusett:',  in  particular,  bad  Issued  iiiiinense  (|u:inti- 
ties  of  paper-money.  Was  there  a  call  ui>on  the 
treasury.  Bills  of  credit  must  answer  it.  Was 
trtide  decaying.''  Itcould  only  be  revived  by  bills 
of  credit.  Was  there  any  disorder  in  the  interna, 
economy  of  the  province?  Bills  of  creilit  were  the 
only  remedy.  And  bills  of  credit  were  issued  in 
such  quantiiieSjthat  they  had  sunk  lo  eleven  for  one; 
when  the  arrival  of  the  specie,  which  i)arliament 
hadpromised,was  the  means  not  only  ofsttiying  tlie 
de])reciation,  but  of  destroying  paper-money  alto- 
gether. After  some  opj>osition,  the  general  court 
passed  an  act  fbr  redeeming  bills  of  credit,  at  their 
real  value,  or,  in  other  words,  ti)r  silver  at  fifty 
shillings  the  ounce.  Not  an  evil,  which  had  been 
predicted,  was  seen  to  attend  the  measure  ;  ami, 
on  the  contrary,  it  is  said  to  have  given  commerce 
a  very  perceptible  impulse  for  the  better. 

As  the  importance  of  America  w;ts  daily  increas- 
ing in  the  eyes  of  Europe,  thecpiestion  of  botinda- 
riesbciween  thecoloniesof  difl'ereiit  nations  began 
to  be  discussed  more  frequently  and  in  greater 
earnest.  Spain  had  pretensions  to  the  whole  of 
Georgia;  and  Englantl  laidclaimto  a  part  of  Flori- 
da. By  the  treaty  of  Utrecht,  Nova  Scotia,  or 
Acadia,  was,  indeed,  ceded  to  the  English  ;  but 
there  was  still  room  enough  for  controversy, in  de- 
termining what  were  the  boundaries  of  tbalcoun 
try.  The  French  asserted,  that  its  eastern  line 
was  the  Kennebec;  the  English  made  it  embrace 
the  whide  territory  south  of  the  St.  Lawrence  ;  and 
the  commissioners  appointed  by  the  two  nations, 
under  the  treaty  of  Aix-la-Chapelle,  were  equally 
laborious  and  equally  obstinate  in  inaintainingtheir 
respective  claims.  Nor  was  this  the  only  conflict. 
As  if  these  two  nations  were  fated  to  cross  each 
otl  er's  path,  in  every  thing,  whilt-  the  English 
colonies  were  advancing  indefinitely  from  cast  to 
west,  the  French  began  to  extend  their  ov.-n  set- 
tlements transversely  from  north  to  south.  In 
1673,  they  explored  the  Mississippi  us  far  as  the 
33d  (legree  of  north  latitude  ;  and  some  time  after- 
wards,its  mouth  v.-as  discovereil  by  one  La  Salle,  a 
Norman,  who  subsequently  obtained  the  ])atron 
age  of  the  French  court,  in  an  attempt  to  make  a 
settlement  on  its  banks.  He  sLt  sail  with  a  tew 
fiillowers.in  foursmall  vessels;  arrived  100  leairues 
west  of  the  river ;  was  soon  assassinated  by  bis 
own  men  ;  and  they,  in  turn,  were  murdered,  or 
disoersed,  by  the  Spanish  and  Indians.  Several 
other  expeditions  w'ere  undertaken,  for  the  same 
purpose,  but  none  were  fortunate  enoi  gh  to  land 
at  the  wished  for  place;  and  it  was  not  till  1722, 
that  a  joint  removal  of  these  scattered  settlements 
to  New  Orleans  laid  the  foundation  of  a  fl<nirish- 
ing  colony.  The  country  was  called  Louisiana  ; 
and,  as  settlements  now  began  to  extend  up  the 
Mississippi,  a  plan  was  formed  to  unite  them  with 
Canada,  by  a  concatenation  of  forts.  EiiLland 
claimed  the  country  to  the  South  Sea  :  France  was 
resolved  to  bound  her  by  the  Alleghany  iiiotiti- 
tains  ;  and,  as  usual,  the  cimtroversy  soon  ended 
in  a  reci|)rocal  determination  ot'  liixhtiiiir  it  out. 

There  was  a  jrreat  disparity  of  numbers  between 
the  French  and  English  colonies.  Nova  Scntia 
contained  five thotisaiid inhabitants ;  New  Hanij)- 
shire,  thirty  thousand  >  Massachusetts,  two  hun- 
dreil  and  twenty  thousand  ;  Rhode  Ishind,  thirty 
five  thousand:  Connecticut,one  hundred  thonsnnd: 
New  York,  one  hundred  thousand:  the  .Jerseys, 
six ty thousand:  Pennsylvania, incluih'ntrDehnvarc, 
two  hundred  and  fifty  tlioosand:  Maryland, eighty- 
five  thousand  :  Virginia,cighty-five thousand:  the 


854 


THE   HISTORY  OF 


Carolinas,  sevfiity-live  tliousand:  Georgia,  six 
tliousaiid  : — ill  all,  one  million  lilty-one  thousand. 
Canada  contained  hut  rorty-liv  ctliousand :  Louisi- 
ana, butseveiitlioiisaiul:— total, lilty-twotliousand. 
To  comiiensale  in  part  fur  this  numerical  inien- 
iTity,tlie  Frencliliadtheadvanta;i^eof  being  guided 
by  one  and  the  same  liand  ;  wiieieas  the  English 
weredivided  into  separate  claus,and  unaccustomed 
lo  act  in  concert.  All  the  Indians,  except  the  Five 
Nations,  were  on  the  side  of  France;  and,  what 
was  of  siili  greater  service  to  her  cause,  the  gover- 
nors of  Canada  had  all  been  military  men  ;  had 
employed  the  inhabitants  in  erecting  Ibrtilications 
to  command  Lake  Champlain,  and  the  River  St. 
Lawrence;  and  were  now  proceeding  to  complete 
the  chain,  by  extending  the  links  along  the  other 
western  lakes,  and  down  the  Mississippi. 

The  circumstance,  wiiieh  served  to  ojicn  tiie 
quarrel,  was  the  alleged  intrusion  of  the  0/iio  Com- 

tanij;  an  association  of  iiiHuenlial  men  from  Eng 
md  and  Virginia,  who  had  obtaineda  grant  of  (iOO- 
000  acres  of  land, in  order  to  drive  a  fur  trade  with 
the  Indians.  The  governor  of  Canada  wrote  to 
the  governors  of  New  York  and  Pennsylvania, 
that,  unless  these  intruders  were  removed  from 
the  territory  of  his  most  Christian  majesty,  he 
should  be  under  the  necessity  of  seizing  them.  The 
threat  was  disregarded;  and  the  traders  were 
seized.  Acommunication  was  immediately  opened 
along  French  Creek  and  Alleghany  River,  be- 
tween the  Ohio  and  Fort  Presqu'Ile  ;  and  troops 
stationed  at  convenient  distances,  were  secured, 
by  temporary  works,  against  any  attack  of  small 
arms.  The  Ohio  company  made  loud  complaints : 
Lieutenant-Governor  Dinwiddle  laid  the  subject 
before  the  assembly  of  Virginia;  and  despatched 
Major  Washinffttm,  with  a  letter  to  the  French 
commander;  i"  which  he  was  required  to  (piitthe 
dominions  of  his  Britannic  majesty.  M.  Legar- 
deur  de  St.  Pierre  transmitted  the  letter  to  the 
governor  of  Canada;  whose  orders,  he  said,  he 
Bhould  implicitly  Ibllow.  Early  in  tlie  spring  of 
1735,  MajorAVashington,  on  the  death  of  ids  colo- 
nel, took  the  command  of  a  regiment,  raised  in  Vir- 
ginia, for  the  protection  of  the  frontiers.  H'  de- 
feated a  ])arty  of  French  and  Indians,  under  Dijon- 
ville;  and  was  proceeding  to  occupy  the  post,  at 
the  fork  ofthe  Alleghany  and  Monongabela  Rivers, 
when  he  was  met,  at  the  Little  Meadows,  by  a  su- 
perior force;  and,  after  a  gallant  defence,  was 
com;)elled  lo  surrender.  The  French  had  already 
erected  the  strongfirtofDu  Quesne,on  theground 
of  which  he  had  intended  to  take  possession. 

The  provincial  governors  received  orders  from 
the  secretary  of  state,  to  repel  force  by  force  ;  and, 
if  practicable,  to  form  a  Union  among  the  several 
colonies.  Delegates  hail  already  been  appointeii 
to  meet  at  Albnny,  for  the  purpose  ofconferring 
with  the  Five  Nations:  and  Governor  Shirley  re- 
commended, that  the  subject  of  union  should,  also, 
be  discussed  at  the  convention.  The  commission- 
ers from  Massachusetts  had  ami)le  powers  to  co- 
operate in  the  formation  of  a  jilan  :  those  from  Ma- 
ryland were  instructed  toobserve  whatothersdid; 
and  those  from  New  Hampshire,  Rhode  Island, 
Connecticut,  Pennsylvania,  and  New  York, bad  no 
instructions  at  all  on  the  subject.  Assoon,  how- 
ever, as  the  friendship  of  the  Indians  was  thought 
lo  be  secured  by  a  distribution  of  presents,  the  de- 
legates ai)pi)inte(l  a  committee.  V'  devise  some 
scheme  for  the  proposed  confederat'on ;  and  the 
Committee  recoiTiinended  the  adoption  a  govern- 
ment an-daeousto  that  of  the  individual  "olonies. 
There  was  to  be;  a  grand  council,  comprwd  of 
deputlesfroin  the  several  Drovinces, — and  a  preai- 
dent-:jeneral,  appointed  l)y  the  crown,  with,  die 
power  of  ni'iiativing  the  acts  of  the  council.  Tlie 
Connecticut  deleL'ates  alone  dissented  from  this 
jilan  ;  IxTause,  as  they  said,  it  put  too  much  power 
into  the  binds  of  the  crown.  It  was  rejected  in 
Rngland  for  the  very  oi>posite  reason ;  and,  in  lieu 
of  it,  till'  minister  proposed,  that  the  several  ffover- 
nors,  with  one  or  twoof  their  counsellors,  should 
meet  and  adopt  such  m<'asures  aslhecommon  safety 
might  di'in  iiid.  But  this  scheme  was  defeated  liv 
a provisii.»n.  tliat  iJicv  nii;jhl  draw  uixin  the  BrilLsli 


treasury  for  all  necessary  sums:  which  parliament 
woulil  undertake  to  rejiay,  by  imposing  a  general 
tax  upon  the  colonies.  It  was  now  resolved,  tiiere- 
lore,  to  carry  on  the  war  with  British  troops;  and 
leave  the  provincial  legislatures  to  supply  such  re- 
inforcements as  each  was  willing  or  able  to  aflbrd. 

Early  in  1755,  General  Braddock  set  sail  from 
England,  with  a  respectable  body  of  troops ;  and 
about  the  same  time,  Admiral  Boscawen  was  des- 
patched to  this  country,  in  order  to  intercept  a 
French  armament,  which  was  then  fitting  out  for 
Canada.  The  provincial  governors  met  General 
Braddock,  in  Virginia,  on  the  14tli  of  Ajjril ;  and  it 
was  resolved  to  divide  the  campaign  into  three 
separate  expeditions; — the  firstagainst  Du  Quesne, 
with  the  British,  Virginia,  and  Maryland  forces, 
under  General  Braddock  ;~the  second  against  Fort 
Frontignac,  with  the  Massachusetts  regulars,  un- 
der Governor  Shirley, — the  third  against  Crown 
Point,  with  New  England  and  New-York  troojis, 
under  General  William  Johnson,  one  of  the  New 
York  council.  Massaciiusetts,  in  the  mean  time, 
undertook,  singly,  to  drive  the  French  from  Nova 
Scotia  ;  and,  on  the  20tli  of  May,  three  thousand 
troops  were  despatched  for  the  purpose,  under 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Winslow.  They  arrived  at 
Annapolis  Royal,  on  the  28th  ;  anchored,  soon  af- 
ter, before  Fort  Lawrence,  in  Cbenecto,  with  a 
fleet  of  forty  sail :  and,  being  joined  by  three  hun- 
dred British  troops,  with  some  artillery,  marched 
immediately  against  Beau  Sejour.  A  block  house, 
with  a  lew  cannon,  and  a  breast-work,  with  a  few 
troops  behind  it,oi)posed  the  passaire  of  tl.e  Mussa- 
guash  ;  which,  according  to  the  French,  was  the 
western  limit  of  Nova  Scotia.  The  passage  was 
forced,  with  the  loss  of  one  man ;  and  entrench- 
ments were  immediately  opened  liefore  Beau  Se- 
jour. The  garrison  surrendered  on  the  fifth  day  : 
Fort  Gaspereau  soon  followed  the  example  ;  the 
appearance  of  three  twenty-gnn  ships  induced  the 
enemy  to  set  fire  to  his  works  at  St.  Johns;  and 
thus,  in  the  single  month  of  June,  ■with  the  loss  of 
but  three  men,  the  English  gained  possession  of 
Nova  Scotia,  according  to  their  own  definition  of 
the  term. 

As  soon  as  the  convention  of  governors  \i?as  dis- 
solved, General  Braddock  proceeded  to  the  post  at 
Well's  Creek,  whence  the  army  commenced  its 
march  about  the  middle  of  June.  Their  ])rogress 
was  very  much  retarded  by  the  necessity  of  cutting 
a  road;  and,  lest  the  enemj'  should  have  time  to 
collect  in  great  force,  the  general  coiirliided  to  set 
forward  with  1200  select  men,  while  Colonel  Dun- 
bar should  follow  slowl}'  in  the  rear,  with  tliemain 
body  and  the  heavy  ba<rgage.  Colonel  ^'ashing- 
ton's  regiment  had  been  split  into  separate  compa- 
nies, and  he  had  only  joined  the  army  as  aid  to  the 
gener.il.  The  roughness  of  the  countiy  jirevented 
the  advanced  corps  from  readiing  the  Mononga- 
bela till  the  Sth  of  July.  It  was  resolved  to  attack 
Du  Quesne  the  very  next  day;  and  lieutenant- 
colonel  Gage  was  sent  in  front  with  three  livindred 
British  regulars,  while  the  general  himself  followed 
at  some  distance  with  the  main  body.  He  had 
been  stron<xly  cautioned  by  Colonel  W^ashin2ton 
to  provide  against  an  ambuscade,  by  sending  flir- 
ward  some  jirovincial  companies  to  scotir  tlie 
woods;  but  be  held  thr  provincials  and  the  enemy 
in  equal  contempt.  The  Monotiixahela  was  cross- 
ed the  second  time,  about  seven  miles  from  Du 
Qiiesne;and  the  army  was  jiressintrforwnrd  in  an 
open  wood,  throuirh  liiixli  and  thick  irrass.  when  the 
front  was  suddenly  thrown  into  disonler  by  a  volley 
from  small  arms.  The  main  body  was  formed 
three  deep,  and  broutrl'l  to  its  support :  the  com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  enemy  fell ;  and  a  cessation 
of  the  fire  li-d  General  Braddock  to  suppose  that 
the  assailants  had  fled  ;  but  he  was  soon  attacked 
with  redoubled  fury.  Concealed  behind  trees,  logs, 
and  rocks,  the  Indians  poured  upon  the  troops  a 
deadly  and  incessant  fire;  officers  and  men  fell 
thickly  around,  and  the  survivors  knew  not  where 
to  direct  their  aim  to  revencre  tlieir  slau^bten^d 
romrades.  The  whole  body  was  ntrain  thrown  into 
confusion  ;  l>ut  the  rreneral,  olistinate  and  coura- 
geous, refused  to  retreat ;  and  instead  of  withdnnv 


ingthem  beyond  llie  reach  of  the  enemy's  musxcis, 
where  their  ranks  might  easily  have  been  Ibni  ej 
anew,  undertook  to  rally  them  on  tiie  very  ground 
of  attack,  and  in  the  midst  of  a  most  incessant  and 
deadly  fire.  He  persisted  in  tlnse  ctlorts  until 
three  horses  had  been  shot  under  him,  and  everv 
one  of  bis  ofllceis  on  horseback,  except  Colonel 
Washington,  was  either  killed  or  wounded.  The 
general  at  length  fell,  and  the  rout  became  univcr 
sal.*  The  troops  fled  precipitately  until  they  met 
the  division  under  Dunbar,  then  Ibrty  miles  in  Hie 
rear.  Sixty-four  oflicers  out  of  eighty-five,  and 
about  half  of  the  privates  were  killed  or  wounded. 
General  Braddock  died  in  Dunbar's  cam]) ;  and  the 
whole  army,  which  ap|)ears  to  have  been  pan;c 
struck,  niaiched  back  lo  Pliiladelphia.  The  pro- 
vincial troops,  whom  Braddock  had  so  lightly  es- 
teemed, displayed  during  the  battle  the  utmost 
calmness  and  courage.  Though  placed  in  the  rear, 
they  alone,  led  on  by  Washington,  advanced  against 
the  Indians,  and  covered  the  retreat ;  and  had  they 
at  first  been  permitted  to  engage  the  enemy  intiieir 
own  way,  they  would  easily  have  defeated  them. 

The  two  northern  expeditions,  Ihouirh  not  so 
disastrous,  did  not  either  of  them  succeed  in  attain- 
ing the  object  proposed.  In  that  against  Crowr 
Point  much  delay  was  occasioned  by  the  distracted 
councils  of  so  many  difleient  governments  ;  and  it 
was  not  till  the  last  of  August,  that  General  John' 
son,  with  three  thousand  seven  hundred  men,  arri- 
ved at  the  fiirt  of  lake  George,  on  his  way  to  Ti- 
eondero^a-  Meanwhile  the  French  squadron  had 
eluded  Admiral  Boscawen;  and,  as  soon  as  it  arri- 
ved at  (iuebec,  Baion  Dieskau,  the  cominaiider, 
resolved  to  march  aijainvt  Oswego,  with  his  own 
twelve  hundred  regulars,  and  alK)ul  six  iiiindred 
Canadians  and  Indians.  The  news  of  General 
Johnson's  movement  determined  Dieskau  to  cbanut 
bis])lan,  and  to  lead  his  forces  directly  a<rainst  the 
American  camp.  General  Johnson  called  tor  rein- 
forcements: eight  hundred  troops,  raised  as  a 
corps  of  reserve  by  Massachusetts,  were  ininie- 
dialcly  ordered  to  his  assistance:  and  the  same  co- 
lony undertook  to  raise  an  additional  number  of 
two  thousand  men.  Colonel  Williams  was  sent 
forward  with  one  tliousand  men  lo  amuse  and  re- 
connoitre the  enemy.  He  met  them  t'our  miles 
from  the  camp,  ofiered  battle,  and  was  deli  ated.t 
Another  detachment  shared  the  same  fate:  rnd 
the  French  were  now  within  (uie  hundred  and  fifty 
yardsof  the  camp,  when  a  ball  tor  a  short  time  ena- 
bled the  Americans  lo  recover  their  alarm,  and  to 


*  Rrnddork  wns  mortnlly  wounded,  and  taken  on 
sashes,  at  first,  from  llie  field,  and  llien  a  filler  was  niad« 
for  liiiii,  on  which  he  w  as  carried  fiii  lv  miles  froin  die  bat- 
tle eioiind.  w  liere  he  expired  on  llie  evenintr  of  die  fiiiinh 
da\  after  his  defeat.  Seven  hundred  of  his  men  wer«< 
killed,  nmonc  wliom  wen-  W  illiam  Shirley,  of  the  ftnfT, 
and  Colonel  Sir  Peler  Halkei.  Amonir  llie  wounded, 
were  Kohert  Orine,  Roser  Morris,  Sir  John  St.  CWn 
and  several  others  of  the  slafl",  nnd  Lieiuennnt-roloiiel- 
Riitlon  and  Case.  Riaddoek  was  n  l>r«\e  nnd  excel 
lent  officer.  His  mistake  wns  in  not  sludyiiie  the  rhn 
ijcler  of  the  eiuiny.  Franklin  advised  liini  lo  pro 
ceed  w  ith  the  inmost  eaiilion :  hill  the  pnuid  cenern 
lliouL'ht  the  ndvii-cr  was  u  much  better  j^iilosoplier  llinn 
soldier. 

t  Hendrick,  n  Midiaw  k  chief,  wns  killed  in  tins  Iiatllc. 
He  was  the  son  of  a  .Mohecnn  chief,  hy  a. Mohawk  no- 
mnn.  He  marrieil  inIo  a  Mohawk  familv,  nnd  l«-c,inie 
dislincuished  anions  the  six  nations.  His  fame  extended 
to  Massarhnseiis,  for  the  commissioners,  in  17,')l.  eonsiilieH 
liiiii  on  the  erent  question  of  instriicliiii  certain  \oalti« 
of  his  iiiitioii.  He  wns  iViendly  lo  the  Kiiiilish:  anil  in 
this  halllewilh  Pieskau,  he  commanded  lhr<'e  hmuln.l 
Mohawks.  He  was  crave  and  sententious  in  council 
and  lirave  in  fmhl.  Soiue  of  his  nphorisms  are  ns  wi-i' 
as  those  of  Solon.  When  it  was  proposed  to  send  n 
detacliuient  lo  meet  the  eiiemv,  nnd  ihe  iiuuilier  l^'irf: 
menli.Mie.l,  he  replied:  "Iflhev  nr.-  lo  fieht,  lliev 
few  ;  if  iliey  nre  lo  he  killed,  they  nre  too  niniiv."  V  hen 
it  w  as  proposed  to  send  out  ihe  detacliuient  in  ihrre  par- 
lies. Hendrick  took  three  slicks,  and  said,  "  Tut  them  I.h 
"ether,  and  vou  cannot  hreak  them;  take  them  one  hy 
one,  ami  vou  will  hreak  them  easily."  Thev  followed  the 
ndvice  of  the  old  warrior  in  this;  nii.l  had  they  ""Ciirftcrt 
Ihe  precautions  he  su?so«ted,  in  Fcourin!:  the  I)el1 
hvn  n^nk  cuard.  Williams  wouh.  tot  have  fallen  mm 
the  nml.uscade.  Hendrick  is  rcr  <  mbered  nmonc  Ine 
friends  of  white  men,  who  now  .•.:id  then  have  P.- 
fouu.l  in  the  dilfcRMit  ages  of  ov  History,  among 
diuas. 


U 


NORTH  AMERICA, 


0')J 


make  (rood  use  of  their  artillery  tlirjup;!!  the  ilillen 
trees,  hehiiKi  which  they  were  posted.  Dieskau 
atlvaiiced  to  the  charge;  but  he  was  so  firmly  re- 
ceived, that  the  Indians  ami  militia  gave  way  and 
Hed:  he  was  obliged  to  order  a  retreat  of  the  regu- 
lars; and,  in  the  ardent  ])ursuil  which  ensued,  lu 
was  himself  mortally  wounded  and  made  prisoner.* 
A  scouting  party  had,  in  the  mean  time,  taken  the 
enemy's  baggage;  and  when  the  retreating  army 
came  up,  they  attacked  it  so  successfully  iVom  he- 
liind  tlie  trees,  that  the  panic-struck  soldiers  droj)- 
pcd  all  their  accoutrements,  and  lied  in  the  utmost 
eonl'usion  for  their  posts  on  the  lakes. t  This  vic' 
tory  revived  the  spirits  of  the  colonists,  dei)ressc( 
by  the  receut  defeat  of  General  Bratldock,  hut  the 
success  was  not  improveil  in  any  ])roportion  to  tlicir 
expectation.  General  Shirley,  now  the  conimand- 
er  in  chief,  urged  an  attempt  on  Ticonderoga;  but 
a  council  of  war  judging  it  unadvisable,  Johnson 
employed  the  remainder  of  the  cam|)aigii  in  fortify 
ing  his  camp.  On  a  meeting  of  Commissioners 
from  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut,  with  the  go 
vernor  and  council  of  New- York,  in  October,  it 
was  unanimously  agreed,  that  the  army  under 
GeneralJohnson  should  be  discharged,  excepting 
six  hundred  men,  who  should  be  eugaifed  to  garri- 
son Fort  Edward  and  Fort  William  Henry.  The 
French  still  retained  possession  of  Ticonderoga 
and  fortified  it. 

General  Shirley,^:  who  was  to  conduct  the  expe- 
dition against  Niagara  and  Fort  Frontiijuac,  expe- 
rienced such  delays,  that  he  did  not  reach  Oswego 
until  the  21st  of  August.  On  his  arrival,  he  made 
all  necessary  preparations  for  the  expedition  to 
Niagara;  but,  through  the  desertion  of  batteau- 
men,  the  scarcity  of  wagons  on  the  Mohawk  river, 
and  the  desertion  ofsledgemen  at  the  great  carry- 
ng  place,  the  conveyance  of  provisions  ami  stores 


*  John  Hiirnianil  Dieskau,  baron,  was  a  lientenant- 
peneral  iji  tlie  French  army.  In  17.55,  he  left  ftlonlreal 
with  twelve  liunilred  reiriiliirs,  anil  six  hnmlrril  Cnniuli- 
Risanil  Indians.  General  Johnson,  with  three  thousand 
seven  hiiiidrod  men,  arrived  at  the  fort  of  Lake  (ieorirc, 
on  his  way  to  Ticonderoj^a.  Baron  Dieskaii,  hearinjc 
"of  this  movement  of  General  Johnson,  iiHicud  of  pro- 
ceeding to  Albany,  as  was  his  oriu'inal  iulcntion,  re- 
solved to  attack  the  American  canij).  A  reiMl'orcemont 
of  eight  hundred  troops  was  sent  to  (ieueral  Jolmsou's 
assistance;  and  Colonel  Williams,  wiih  one  thousand 
men,  was  ordered  to  reconnoitre  tlie  enejuv.  He  met 
the  enemy  but  was  defeated,  and  left  aiiiouu'  the  slain. 
The  loss  of  the  French  was  also  considi'r.ilde;  iM.  St. 
Pierre,  commander  of  the  Indians,  was  iiuirlallv  woiuid- 
?d.  On  the  same  day,  the  «th  of  September,  liaron 
Dieskau  appeared  in  view  of  General  Jolmsou's  army, 
which  was  encamped  on  the  banks  of  Lake  George, 
lefended  on  each  side  by  a  woodv  sw.unp.  -The  Ame- 
ricans having  recovered'  from  the  alarm  which  their 
nrst  disaster  had  thrown  them  into,  and  bein^^  stationed 
hehind  some  fallen  trees,  their  superior  sjtualion  ena- 
bled thein  to  make  good  use  of  their  artillcrv.  Dieskau, 
tBcouraged  by  his  previous  success,  advanced  boldlv 
10  the  charge;  but  his  Indians,  more  accustomed  to  the 
toniiihawk  and  scalping  knife,  than  to  tin.'  roar  of  c.innou, 
fled  m  dismay.  His  auxiliary  troops  being  so  dis])ersed, 
he  was  obliged  to  order  a  retreat  of  the  re-ulars.  In  the 
pursuit  which  followed,  he  was  himself  wounded.  A  sol- 
Jier,  seeking  for  plunder,  found  Dieskau  alone,  deserted 
by  his  troops,  leaning  on  the  stump  of  a  tree,  unable  to 
move  from  a  wound  in  his  leg.  While  he  was  search- 
ing for  his  watch,  to  deliver  to  him,  the  soldier  suppos- 
ing be  was  seeking  for  a  pistol,  poured  a  ehar-e  ihrongh 
his  Inps  He  was  conveyed  to  New  York,  where  he  was 
»tlende,l  by  Or.  Jones.  He  never  entirely  recovered  from 
(lie  wound,  which  gradually  impaired  "his  constiiutiou, 
iiid  lie  died  in  consequence  of  it,  at  Siirene,  in  France 
September  8th,  1767.  He  was  unouestiojiablv  a  general 
Ol  military  skill.  ' 
_  t  General  Phineas  Lyman  was  second  in  command 
m  tins  liattle.  He  was  a  brave  man,  of  f.ir  superior  abili- 
ties to  Johnson;  and  when  the  coininaniler-in-chief  was 
wounded,  General  Lyman  took  the  command,  and  fou-ht 
out  the  battle  most  gallantly.  L<  uian  was  a  man""of 
"3  me  talents  and  e<lucation,  a  lawyer,  and  a  stales- 
lie  sustained  himself  for  live  hours,  on  that  dav 
lilU  gave  his  orders  like  a  veteran  soldier;  but  Johnsiui' 
never  mentioned  his  name  in  his  account  of  the  battle 
rom  a  most  despicable  feeling  of  jealousy.  Lynmn  co.,: 
nnue.l  lor  several  campaigns  to  commaiid  the  Connecti- 
cut troops,  and  won  laurels  ir  every  situation.  The  close 
tarnishe.'r        '^^'^  ''<"'""!•  was  never 

+  Shirley  was  a  good  lawyer,  and  a  brave  oHlcer  He 
na»  a  man  of  litorary  taste  and  acquireua-nts.  He  mib 
*Ml»»>J  a  tiagedy,  aud  some  other  draumtiu  wovka. 


was  so  much  retarded,  that  nearly  four  weeks  elrij)- 
sed  before  he  could  commence  any  further  ojiera- 
tions;  and  from  a  continued  succession  of  adverse 
circumstances,  in  u  council  of  war  called  on  the 
2Gth  of  Sc])tember,  it  was  unanimously  resolved  to 
defer  the  expedition  to  the  succeeding  year;  to 
leave  Colonel  Miycer  at  Oswego,  with  a  garrison 
of  seven  hundred  men,  and  to  l)uild  two  additional 
forts  for  the  security  of  the  ])lace  ;  while  the  gene- 
ral should  return  with  the  rest  of  the  army  to  Albti- 
ny.  Thus  ended  the  campaign  of  1755:  it  opened 
with  the  brightest  ])rospects;  mimense  preparatitius 
had  been  made,  yet  not  one  of  the  objects  of  the 
three  princii)al  expeditions  had  been  attained;  and 
by  this  failure  the  whole  frontier  was  exposed  to 
the  ravages  of  the  Indians,  which  were  accompa- 
nied by  their  usual  acts  of  barbarity. 

The  colonies,  however,  far  from  being  discoura- 
ged by  the  mislbrtunes  of  the  last  campaign,  deter- 
mined to  renew  and  increase  their  exertions.  Ge- 
neral Shirley,  to  whom  the  superintendence  of  all 
the  military  operations  had  been  confided,  assem- 
bled a  council  of  war  at  New-York  to  concert  a  plan 
for  the  ensuing  year.  The  plan  adopted  by  the 
ciHinoil  embraced  expeditions  against  Du  Quesne, 
Niagara,  and  Crown  Point,  and  the  desjjatching  a 
body  of  troops  by  the  way  of  the  rivers  Kennebeck 
and  Chaudiere,  to  create  alarm  for  the  safety  of 
Quebec.  Major-General  Winslow*  was  appointed 
to  lead  the  expedition  against  Crown  Point.  He 
was  a  popular  otTicer,  and  the  colonists  felt  a  deep 
interest  in  the  expedition;  but,  for  want  of  an  esta- 
blished financial  system,  (their  only  taxes  were 
upon  lands  and  polls,)  the  requisite  funds  were  raised 
with  dilficulty,  and  the  recruiting  service  made  very 
slow  y)rogress.  Onlj'  seven  thousand  men  assem- 
bled at  the  posts  on  Lake  George.  General  Wins- 
low  declared,  that,  without  more  forces,  he  could 
not  undertake  the  exijedition;  and  it  would  proba- 
bly have  been  abandoned, had  he  not  been  reinfor- 
ced by  the  timely  arrival  of  some  British  troops. 
They  came  over  with  General  Abercrombie,  who 
had  superseded  General  Shirley,  and  wlio  soon 
after  gave  place  to  the  Earl  of  Loudon.  Tliese 
chanixes  ])roducC(l  some  unpleasant  contests  for 
l^riority  of  rank.  General  Winslow  asserted  frank- 
ly, that  the  ])rovincials  would  never  be  commanded 
hy  British  ollicers;  and  the  Earl  of  Loudon  seri- 
ously propoinided  the  question,  whether  the  colo- 
nial troo])s,  with  his  majesty's  arms  in  their  hands, 
wotikl  refuse  obedience  to  his  majesty's  command- 
ers.'' He  was  answered  in  the  aifirmative;  and 
when  he  understood  that  the  New  England  troops 
in  particular,  had  enlisted  under  the  condition  of 
Vieing  led  by  their  own  olficers,  lie  agreed  to  let 
those  troops  act  separately. 

While  the  English  were  adjusting  these  differ- 
ences, and  debating  whether  it  would  be  expedient 
to  attack  Fort  Niagara,  or  Fort  Du  Quesne,Mont- 
calm,  the  successor  of  Dieskau,  marched  against 
Oswego  with  about  five  thousand  French,  Cana- 
dians, and  Indians.  His  artillery  played  with  such 
effect  upon  the  fort,  that  it  was  soon  declared  unte- 
nable; and  to  avoid  an  assault,  the  garrison,  who 
were  sixteen  hundred  in  number,  and  had  stores  for 
five  months,  surrendered  themselves  prisoners  of 
war.  The  fort  bad  been  an  object  of  considerable 
jealousy  to  the  Five  Nations;  and  Montcalm  made 
a  wise  use  of  his  conquest  by  demolishing  it  in  their 
presence.  The  English  and  American  army  was 
now  thrown  uj)on  the  defensive.  Instead  of  at- 
tacking Ticonderoga,  General  Winslow  was  or- 
lercd  to  fortity  his  own  cainj):  Major-General 
AVebb,  with  fourteen  hundred  regulars,  took  post 
near  Wood  Creek;  and  Sir  W^illiatn  Johnson,  witii 
one  thousand  militia,  was  stationed  at  the  German 
Flats.  The  colonists  were  now  called  upon  for 
reinforccfuents  ;  and,  as  parliament  bad  distributed 


*  Winslow  was  a  grandson  of  the  second  governor  of 
Plymouth,  of  that  name.  Ke  was  engaeed  as  a  captain 
in  the  expedition  to  Culm,  in  17-10;  as  a  major-genera!  in 
the  expeditions  to  Kennebeck,  Nova  Sc'otia,  and  Crown 
Point,  in  the  Spanish  wars.  The  bold  stand  ho  took  in 
favour  of  the  militia  at  that  lime,  has  been  quoted  ns  a 
precedent  since,  and  endeared  hi?  name  to  every  lover  ot 
military  honour.  i 


among  them  one  hundred  and  fifteen  lliounanrl 
pounds  for  the  last  year's  expenses,  they  were  eiia 
bled  to  answer  the  call  with  perhaps  more  i)roiiipti 
tude  than  was  anticipated.  The  recniil«  were  on 
their  way  to  the  camp,  when  intelligence  of  the 
small-pox  at  Albany  frightened  themliome  again. 
The  other  jirovincials  were  equally  alarmed  ;  and 
,all,  except  a  New  York  regimcnt.'were  dismissed 
Thus  termii  ated  the  second  campaign.    The  cx 
pedition  up  the  Kennebeck  had  been  abandoned 
that  against  Niagara  was  not  commenced;  and 
not  even   a  preparation  had  been  made  lor  thut 
against  Du  (iuesne. 

At  the  conwneiicement  of  the  A)llowing  year 
council  was  held  at  Boston, composed  of  Lord  Lou 
don,  and  the  governors  ol'  the  New  Englanti  pro- 
vinces and  of  Nova  Scotia.  At  this  amncil  liis 
lordship  proposed  that  New  England  should  raise 
four  thousand  men  lor  the  ensuing  canrpaign  ;  and 
that  a  projiortionate  munber  should  lie  raised  by 
New  York  and  New  Jersey.  These  requisitions 
were  complied  with  ;  aiul  m  the  spring  his  lordshij) 
found  himself  at  tlu;  he:id  of  a  very  considerable 
army.  Admiral  Holbouni  airiving  in  the  be<fin- 
ning  of  Jtdy  at  Halifax  with  a  powerful  squadron, 
and  a  reinforcement  of  five  thousand  British  troops, 
under  George  Viscount  Howe,  Lord  Loudon  sail-^ 
ed  from  New  York  with  six  thousand  regulars,  to 
join  those  troops  at  the  place  of  their  aritval.  In- 
stead of  the  complex  operations  undeitaken  in  pre- 
vious campaigns,  his  lordship  limited  liis  plan  to  a 
single  object.  Leaving  the  posts  on  the  lakes 
strongly  garrisoned, he  le.solved  to  diiect  his  whole 
disposable  force  against  Louisbourg;  Haliliix 
liaviiig  been  determined  on  as  the  place  of  rendez- 
vous for  the  fleet  and  army  destined  for  the  exjie- 
dition.  Information  was,  liowever,  soon  received, 
that  a  French  fleet  liad  lately  sailed  from  Brest; 
that  Loui.sbourg  was  garrisoned  by  .sx  thousand 
regulars,  exclusive  of  provincials;  and  that  it  was 
also  defended  by  seventeen  line  of  battle  shijis, 
which  were  moored  in  the  harbour.  There  beini' 
no  liope  of  success  against  .so  liirmidable  a  force" 
the  enterprise  was  deferred  to  the  next  year;  the 
general  and  admiral  on  the  last  of  August  proceed- 
ed to  New  York ;  and  the  provincials  were  dis- 
missed. 

The  Marquis  de  Montcalm,  availing  himself  of 
the  absence  of  the  princi|)al  part  of  the  British 
force,  advanced  with  an  army  of  nine  thousand 
men,  and  laid  sieire  to  Fort  William  Henry.  The 
garristm  at  this  fort  consisted  of  between  iwo  and 
three  thousand  regida is,  and  its  fortifications  were 
strong*  and  in  very  good  order;  and  for  the  addi- 
tional sectirity  of  this  important  jKist,  General  Webb 
was  stationed  at  Fort  Edward  with  an  army  of  four 
thousand  men.  The  French  commander,  however, 
urged  his  approaches  with  such  vigour,  tliatwitli- 
in  six  days  after  the  investment  of  the  fort,Colone" 
Monro,  the  commandant,  having  in  vain  solicited 
succour  from  General  Webb,  finind  it  necessary  to 
surrender  by  capitulation.  The  ganison  was  to 
be  allowed  the  honours  of  war,  and  to  be  protected 
atrainst  the  Indians  tmtil  within  tiie  reach  of  Fort 
Edward  :  btit  the  next  mor-iing,  a  great  number  of 
Indians  having  been  permitted  to  enter  the  lines, 
began  to  plunder;  and  meeting  with  no  opposition, 
they  fell  upon  the  sick  and  wounded  whom  they 
immediately  massacred.  Their  aiijietife  for  car- 
nage being  excited,  the  defenceless  troojis  were 
attacked  with  fiend-like  fury.  Munioinvain  im- 
plored Montcalm  to  [)rovide  the  stipulated  guard, 
and  the  massacre  proceeded.  All  was  turbulence 
and  horror.    On  every  side  savages  were  butcher- 


•  This  is  a  great  mistake  ;  the  fort  was  built  nierelv 
as  a  defence  against  Indians,  and  >vns  entirely  unfit  for 
a  siege,  by  a  power  w  ho  had  the  command  of 'ordnonre. 
The  f»rt  was  not  abandoned  till  the  last  shot  they  bad 
was  tired.  The  conduct  of  the  biavi  and  galbint  Mont 
calm  is  inexplicable.  Could  not  such  a  t'cneral,  with 
so  many  regular  troops,  have  restrnined  ilie  Indians' 
His  reputation  was  wiih<mt  siain  until  that  hour.  Somr 
of  the  disarmed  and  wretched  Iroops  were  compelled 
to  make  resistance,  and  wrenched  the  arms  from  their 
assailants,  and  defended  themselves  with  desp.-riitiV 
There  are  blood-stained  pares  in  liistor>  wc  could  v. 
«  ere  not  llicie.    'I'his  is  one  of  them. 


856 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


ing  and  soalping  their  wretched  victims.  Their 
niduous  yells,  tiie  groans  of  the  dyinj;,  :ind  the  fran- 
tic shrieks  of  others  shrinking  from  the  uphffed 
tomahawk,  were  heard  by  the  Frcncli  unmoved. 
The  fury  of  the  savages  was  permitted  to  rage 
without  .estraiut  until  fifteen  hundred  were  killed, 
or  hurried  captives  into  the  wilderness.  The  day 
after  this  awful  tragedy.  Major  Putnam  was  sent 
with  his  rangers  to  watch  the  motions  of  the  enemy. 
When  he  Crfme  to  the  shore  of  the  lake,  their  rear 
was  hardly  beyond  the  reach  of  musket  shot.  The 
prospect  was  horrible  in  the  extreme  ;  the  fort  de- 
molished ;  tlie  barracks  and  buildings  yet  burning  ; 
innumerable  fragments  of  human  carcasses  still 
broded  in  the  decaying  fires ;  and  dead  bodies, 
mangled  witli  tomahawks  and  scalping  knives,  in 
all  the  wantonness  of  Indian  barbarity,  were  every 
wliere  scattered  around.  Who  cau  forbear  ex- 
claiming with  the  poet, 

"  Man  is  to  man  the  surest,  sorest  ill  "' 
Thus  ended  the  third  campaign'  in  America  ; 
happily  forming  the  last  series  of  disasters  result- 
ing from  fcdly  and  mismanagement,  rather  than 
from  want  of  means  and  military  strength.  The 
successes  of  the  French  left  the  colonies  in  a  gloomy 
slate.  Hy  the  acquisition  of  Fort  William  Henry, 
they  had  obtained  full  possession  of  the  lakes  Cham- 
plain  and  George  ;  and  by  the  destruction  of  Oswe- 
go, they  had  acquired  the  dominion  of  those  other 
lakes  which  connect  the  St.  Lawrence  with  the 
waters  of  Mississippi.  The  first  allbrded  the  ea- 
siest admission  from  the  northern  colonies  into 
Canada,  or  from  Canada  into  those  colonies;  the 
last  united  Canada  to  Louisiana.  By  the  continued 
possession  of  Fort  Du  (Jiiesne,  they  ])reserved  their 
ascendency  over  the  Indians,  and  held  undisturbed 
control  of  all  the  country  west  of  the  Alleghany 
mountains.  The  British  nation  was  alarmed  and 
indignant,  and  the  king  found  it  necessary  to  change 
his  councils.  At  the  head  of  a  new  ministry,  he 
placed  the  celebrated  William  Pitt,  afterwards  Earl 
of  Chatham,  who  was  raised  by  his  talents  from  the 
humble  post  of  ensign  in  the  guards  to  the  control 
of  tlie  destinies  of  a  mighty  empire ;  under  his  ad- 
ministration public  confidence  revived,  and  the  na- 


*  While  the  nriiiy  was  in  winter  quarters,  a  circuni- 
■tanje  occurred,  wliich  exhiliits  the  wiiuliful  jculousy 
the  colonists  ever  exeri  ised  over  tlieir  lil)orlies.    "  The 

S'eneral  court  had  provided  barracks  on  Casde  Island, 
or  a  resiincnt  of  lli^hliinders,  which  had  been  cxpei  t- 
ed  at  lioston.  .Some  recruiting  ollicers  soon  aftorwardu 
arrived  at  Nova  .Scotia ;  and,  protesting  that  iheir  ro- 
ciments  would  never  he  tilled  up  if  the  men  must  be 
loilgcd  in  these  barracks,  they  ro(|uired  the  justices  of 
tho  peace  to  furnish  quarters,  according  to  the  act  of 
p&rliunient.  The  justices  denied  that  the  act  of  parlia- 
ment extended  to  this  country.  Lord  I.oudoun  wrote 
rtio  court  n  letter,  and  asserted  roundly  thai  it  diil;  that, 
moreover,  he  liad  '  used  gentleness  and  patience'  long 
enough;  and  that  unless  the  requisitions  were  complied 
with  ill  forty-eight  hours  from  the  receipt  of  this  letter, 
he  slioiild  be  '  unilcr  the  necessity'  of  ordering  '  into 
Boston  the  three  battalions  from  New  Vork,  Long 
Island,  and  Connecticut;  and  if  more  were  wanting,  he 
liad  two  in  the  Jerseys  at  haml,  besides  those  in  Penn- 
evlvania.'  The  general  court  now  pasied  an  act  very 
SHiiilur  In  that  of  parliament,  on  the  subject  of  recruits; 
but  it  did  not  fully  answer  Lord  Loudoun's  expectalions, 
nor  did  he  fail  to  let  (hem  know  it  in  a  second  epistle. 
The  answer  of  tho  general  court  was  merely  a  reitera- 
tion of  what  we  Imve  so  often  heard  from  the  same 
body.  They  aHserled  their  rights  as  Knglishnien;  said 
they  had  conformed  to  the  act  of  parliament  as  nearly 
•A  the'  case  would  admit ;  and  declared  that  it  was  their 
minfortuiie,  if  a  strict  adiierenec  to  their  duly  shoulil 
give  onTencc  to  Lonl  Loudoun.  He,  in  turn,  applauded 
the  zc.il  of  Ihe  province  in  the  service  of  his  majesty, 
•ffecled  lo  relv  on  its  compliance  with  his  wishes,  and 
cntintcrmanded  his  orders  for  the  march  of  the  troops,  i 
The  gener.d  loiirt  sent  his  excellency  a  eoncilialory 
ni«Moee,  in  which  they  asserted  that  tliev  were  entirely 
dependent  on  parliament;  that  its  acts  were  Ihe  rule  of 
mil  llieir  judiciiil  proccechii^s ;  lhat  its  aiithorllv  hail 
■ever  bo"T  qiiesiicuieil ;  unil  lhat  if  they  had  not  made 
CniN  Bto'^nl  'in  times  past,  it  was  because  there  had 
On-n  no  cM-caxinn  for  it.'  Jinlije  Marshall  seems  to 
think  thai  tliis  laneiince  was  sincere  but  Mr.  Minot  at- 
tribulen  ii  lo  the  desire  of  ihe  court  to  keep  friends  with 
p«rli»tnenl  lill  lliev  were  reimbursed  for  ihe  expenscH 
which  lh~v  had  inciirri'd  diiriti!;  ibe  wiir.  The  Iriilli  in 
prohnblv  belween  the  two  npiuiun»." — Sundford's  Hist, 
•f  the  United  Slates,  p.  MO,  Uli. 


t'on  seemed  inspired  with  new  life  and  vigour.f  i 
He  was  equally  popular  in  both  hemi-spheres  ;  and 
so  promptly  did  the  governors  of  the  northern  colo- j 
nies  obey  the  requisitions  of  his  circular  letter  of 
1757,  that  by  May,  in  the  following  year,  Massa- 
chusetts, had  seven  thousand,  Connecticut  five 
thousand,  and  New  Hampshire  three  thousand 
troops,  prepared  to  take  the  field.  The  zeal  of 
Massachusetts  was  particularly  ardent.  The  peo- 
ple of  Boston  supported  taxes  which  took  away  two 
thirds  of  the  income  on  real  estate  ;  one  half  of  the 
eliective  men  in  the  province  were  on  some  sort  of 
military  duty ;  and  the  transports  for  carrying  the 
troops  to  Halifax  were  ready  to  sail  in  fourteen 
days  from  the  time  of  their  engagement.  The 
motlier  country  was  not  less  active.  While  her 
fleets  blockaded  or  captured  the  French  annaments. 
she  despatched  Admirzd  Boscawen  to  Halifax  with 


t "  William  Pitt,  Earl  of  Chatham,  one  of  the  most 
able  and  successful  ministers  lhat  England  ever  pos- 
sessed, waa  born  November  15,  1708,  and  was  ilie  son 
of  Robert  Pitt,  Esq.  of  IJoconnock,  in  Cornwall.  His 
education  he  received  at  Eton,  and  at  Trinity  College, 
Oxford.  His  entrance  into  public  life  was  as  a  cornet 
of  horse;  and  in  1735,  through  the  iuHuence  of  ihe 
Ducliess  Uowager  of  Marlborouirh,  he  was  returned  to 
liarliauient,  as  member  for  Old  5>arum.  He  subsequent- 
ly sat  for  8eaford,  Aldborough,  snd  Bath.  As  a  sonu- 
lor,  he  soon  rendered  himself  so  obnoxioug  to  Wulpole, 
that  the  minister,  with  equal  injustice  and  impolicy,  de- 
prived him  of  his  coiimiission.  'I'his  unconstitutional 
act  only  enhanced  his  popularity,  and  sharpened  iiis 
reseuliiient.  .Aflcr  having  been  ten  years  in  opposition, 
he  was,  earlv  in  171(<,  appointed  joint  vice-treasurer  of 
Ireland;  and,  in  tho  same  year,  treasurer  and  paymas- 
ter general  of  the  army,  and  a  privy  counsellor.  Du- 
ring liis  treasurership,  he  invariably  refused  to  benelit 
by  lire  largo  balances  of  money  which  necessarily  re- 
mained in  his  liands.  In  1755,  ho  was  dimissed ;  in 
175(),  he  obtained  a  brief  reinstatement  in  power,  as  se- 
cretary of  state,  and  was  again  dismissed  ;  but,  in  1757, 
defeat  and  disgrace  having  fallen  on  the  couiiiry,  the 
unanimous  voice  of  the  people  couipellcd  the  sovereign 
to  place  him  at  the  head  of  the  administration.  Under 
his  auspices,  liritain  was,  during  four  year.s,  Iriiinipbaiil 
ill  every  quarter  of  the  globe.  Thwarted  in  his  mea- 
sures, after  the  accession  of  (ieorge  III.,  ho  resigned,  in 
October,  1701,  an  ollice  which  he  could  no  longer  hold 
with  honour  to  himself,  or  advantage  to  the  nation.  ;i 
pension  was  granted  to  him,  and  his  wife  was  created 
a  baroness.  On  the  downfall  of  tho  Kockingham  ad- 
uiiui-itration,  Pitt  was  a|)pointed  lord  privy  seal,  and  was 
raised  to  the  peerage,  with  the  title  of  Earl  of  Chatham. 
Ho  ac(|uired  no  glory  as  one  of  the  new  and  ill-assorleU 
miuistiy,  and  he  withdrew  from  it  in  November,  17(18. 
'l'hou:;li  siitlering  severely  from  gout,  he  couiitinued  to 
speak  in  parliament  upon  all  important  questions.  The 
American  war,  in  particular,  he  opposed  hIiIi  all  his 
wonted  vigour  and  talent.  On  the  8th  of  Ajjril,  1778, 
while  rising  to  speak  in  tne  nouse  of  lords,  he  fell  into 
a  convulsive  fit,  and  he  expired  on  the  Uth  of  the  Ibl- 
lowing  May.  He  was  interred,  and  a  monument  raised 
lo  him,  in  Westminster  Abbey,  at  the  public  expense ; 
anil  a  perpetual  annuity  of  1000/.  was  granted  to  his 
heirs.  Some  short  poems,  and  a  volume  of  letters  lohisi 
nepliew,  have  appeared  in  print.  The  character  of  Lord ' 
Chatham  is  thus  ablv  summed  byGratlan:  'There 
was  in  this  man  something  that  could  <  reatc,  .subvert,  or 
reform;  an  uiidcrstanding,  a  spirit,  and  an  clo(|uence, 
to  summon  iMaiikiiul  to  socii  ty,  or  to  break  the  bonds 
of  slavery  asunder,  and  to  rule  the  wililerness  of  free 
minds  witli  unbounded  authority;  something  that  could 
establish  or  o\erwhelin  empire,  and  strike  a  bl-jw  in 
the  worlil  lhat  should  resound  through  the  universe.'  " 

In  America,  his  name  was  held  in  the  higliest  esti- 
mation. Everv  patriot  did  him  honour.  Country  signs 
bore  bis  semblance,  or  someihing  the  people  thought 
like  his  noble  features.  In  the  town  of  Oedliani,  in 
Massscliiisells,  Nathaniel  Ames,  the  father  of  the  grr-at 
orator.  Fisher  Ames,  a  physician,  philosopher,  and  ina- 
iheinatician,  creeled  a  granite  (olumn  to  his  memory, 
and  surmounled  it  by  a  bust  of  the  ereal  friend  of  liber- 
ty. It  was  thrown  down  by  time,  ami  sufTcnvl  to  lie  in 
neglect  for  many  years;  but  it  has  since  been  n-nova- 
ted,  and  stundg  now  u  monuuieni  to  departed  genius  and 
patriotism.  "  His  eloqiieiH  e  formed  an  era  in  our  bin- 
Siiage;"  and  the  fire  he  bn'athed  into  the  soul  of  free- 
dom, has  not,  and  we  tnist  never  will,  be  exliuiruished. 
fienius,  iinileil  to  letters  nud  pntriolism,  can  never  die. 
We  foriive  his  last  ni'l ;  it  was  one  of  fedine  and  of 
national  priile.  Lord  Challiam  aiileil  the  projeelon  of 
canals  with  bis  whide  soul,  while  politicians  ihought  he 
bad  better  have  been  doing  almost  any  thing  else ;  but 
his  sagaciiv  has  been  proved  by  the  wonderful  advan- 1 
tasres  which  have  resiiliiyl  lo  the  nation  from  canals, 
(•rattan  should  have  added,  that  hr  fi/rrsnir  the  re%fnirrci> 
of  the  itittion^  and  rofnmrnrrd  their  tUti'lopcuu'nt ;  if  not  so 
rhetorical,  it  would  have  been  literally  true;  and  oven 
the  beauty  of  prophecj'  ia  ila  fulfilincnt.  | 


a  formidable  squadron  of  ships,  and  an  arniv  ol 
twelve  thousand  men.  Lord  Loudoun  whs  repla- 
ced by  (Jeiieral  Abercombie.  who,  early  in  the 
spring  of  17.jS,  was  ready  to  enter  upon  the  cam 
paign  at  the  head  of  fifty  thou-saiid  tneu,  the  most 
powerful  army  ever  seen  in  America. 

Three  points  of  attack  were  marked  out  for  this 
campaign;  the  first,  Louisbourg  ;  Ihe  second,  Ti- 
contieroga  and  Crown  Point;  and  the  third.  Fort 
Du  Quesne.  On  tlie  first  expedition  Adnui-al  Bos 
cawen  sailed  from  Halifax  on  the  2Sth  of  May, 
with  a  fleet  of  twenty  ships  of  the  line  and  cighiien 
frigates,  and  an  army  of  fourteen  thousand  Jn5n, 
under  the  coinmand  of  General  .Amhei-st,  and  ;uri- 
ved  befote  Louisbourg  on  the  2d  of  .June.  The 
garrison  of  that  place,  commanded  by  the  Chevalier 
de  Drucourt,  an  officer  of  courage  and  experience, 
was  composed  of  two  thousand  five  hundred  regn- 
lai^,  aided  by  six  hundred  militia.  The  harboai 
be  ing  secured  by  five  ships  o<' the  line,  one  fifty  gnu 
ship,  and  five  frigates,  three  of  which  were  sunt 
across  the  mouth  of  the  basin,  it  was  found  neces 
sary  to  land  at  some  distance  from  the  town.  This 
being  effected,  and  the  artillery  and  stores  brough 
onshore.  General  Wolfe  was  detached  with  two 
thousand  inen  to  seize  a  post  occupied  by  the  enemy 
at  tlie  Lighthouse  Point,  from  wliicli  the  ships  ia 
the  harbour,  and  the  fortifications  in  the  town, 
tnight  be  greatly  annoyed.  On  the  approach  of 
that  gallant  officer,  the  post  was  abandoned  by  the 
enemy,  and  and  several  strong  batteries  were 
erected  there  by  their  opjKjnents.  Approaches 
were  also  made  on  the  ot)posite  side  of  tlie  town, 
and  the  siege  was  pressed  with  resolution  and  vi- 
gour, tliough  with  great  caution.  A  very  heavy 
cannonade  being  kept  up  against  the  town  and  the 
vessels  in  the  harbour,  a  bond)  was  at  length  set  on 
fire  and  blew  up  one  of  the  largest  ships,  and  the 
flames  were  communicated  to  two  others,  which 
shared  the  same  fate.  The  English  admiral  now 
sent  six  hundred  men  in  boats  into  the  harbour,  to 
make  an  attempt  on  two  ships  of  the  line  wluLh  still 
remained  in  the  basin  ;  one  of  whicli.  being  aground, 
was  destroyed,  and  the  other  was  towed  olf  in  tri- 
tiiii|)h,  Tliis  gallant  exploit,  [rutting  the  Kiiglisli 
in  complete  possession  of  the  liarbour,  and  several 
breaches  being  made  ])ractical)le  in  the  works,  the 
place  was  deemed  no  longer  defensible,  and  the 
governor  olfered  to  cajritiilate.  It  was  re(|tiired 
that  the  garrison  should  surrender  as  prisoners  of 
war.  These  humiliating  terms,  though  at  first  re- 
jected, were  alierwards  acceded  to ;  and  Louiv 
bourg,  with  all  its  artillery,  provisions,  and  militarf 
stores,  as  also  Island  Koyal,  St.  .lolm's.  and  their 
dependencies,  were  jrlaced  in  the  hands  of  the  Eng- 
lish, who,  without  farther  dilficnlty,  took  possession 
of  the  island  of  Cape  Breton.  The  conqueror! 
finmd  two  hundred  and  twenty-one  pieces  of  can- 
non, and  eighteen  mortars,  with  a  vei-y  large  quan- 
tity of  stores  and  ammunition.  'I'he  inhabiluiti> 
irf  Cape  Bi^'on  were  sent  to  France  in  English 
ships  ;  but  Jie  garrison,  sea  oflicers,  sailors,  antf 
marines,  amounting  collectively  to  nearly  six  thou- 
sand men,  were  carried  prisoners  to  England. 

The  armies  destined  to  execute  the  plans  again?' 
Tictrndcroga  and  Fort  Du  Quesne  were  appiriutec 
to  rende/.vous  respectively  at  .-Mhany  and  Philadel- 
phia. The  first  was  commanded  bv  (ieirernl  .\ber 
crombie,  and  consisted  of  upwards  of  fifteen  tlioit 
sand  men,  attended  by  a  fiirmidable  train  of  artille- 
ry. On  the  /)th  erf  .July,  the  i;eiieial  embarked  his 
troojrs  on  T^ake  (Jeorize,  on  board  of  one  hiindrer 
and  twenty-five  whale  boats,  and  nine  liiindf 
batteaux,  and  commenced  operations  acaiiist  'I  i 
conderoga.  After  debarkation  at  the  laiuling  placi 
in  a  cove  on  the  west  side  of  'he  lake,  th-.'  troops' 
were  formed  into  four  columns,  the  British  in  tht 
centre,  and  tlie  provincials  on  ihe  (lanks.  In  thi' 
trrder  they  luarched  toward  the  adv;ini-ed  giianl  '  ' 
the  French,  which,  consisting  of  the  b.itlalion  c 
ly,  (rirsted  in  a  logged  camp,  destroyed  what  was  n 
tiieir  power,  and  made  a  irrecipitate  retreat.  W'hil* 
.\bercrombie  was  contmiiing  p's  inarch  in  in' 
woods  towards  Tironderoga,  the  C(rliiinn«  wet' 
thrown  into  conlusimi,  and  in  some  degree  eni  in 
gled  with   each  other.    At   this  juncture,  JjO" 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


HowiT,  at  the  head  of  the  right  centre  column,  fell!  was  the  key  to  the  communication  between  Canada 
in  with  a  part  of  the  advanced  guard  of  tlie  enemy 'and  Louisiana.  It  served  also  to  keep  (lie  Indians' 
which  liad  been  lost  in  tlie  wood  in  retreating  from  I  in  subjection,  and  was  the  general  repository  of 
Lake  George,  and  immediately  attacked  and  dis-  stores  for  the  enemy's  western  and  southern  posts. 
•«ersed  it,  kifline  a  considerable  number,  and  taking]  Late  in  the  evening  of  the  2;>ih  of  August,  Colonel 
•iDe  hundred  and  fortv-eight  prisoners.  This  sue- 1  Bradstreet  lauded  within  a  mile  of  the  place,  with 
3ess  was,  however,  dearly  purchased,  by  the  loss 
of  the  gallant  nobleman  who  fell  in  leading  the  at- 
tack.* The  English  army,  without  farther  oppo- 
sition took  possession  of  a  post  within  two  mdes  of 
Ticonderoga.  Abercrombie,  having  learned  from 
the  prisoners  the  strength  of  the  enemy  at  that  for- 
tress, and  from  an  engineer  the  condition  of  their 
works,  resolved  on  an  immediate  storm,  and  made 
instant  disposition  for  an  assault.  The  troops  hav- 
ing received  orders  to  march  up  briskly,  rush  upon 
the  enemy's  lire,  and  reserve  their  own  till  they  had 
passed  a  breastwork,  marched  to  the  assault  with 
great  intrepidity.  Unlooked  for  impediments,  how- 
ever, occurred.  In  front  of  the  breastwork,  to  a 
considerable  distance,  trees  had  been  felled  with 
their  branches  outward,  many  of  which  were  sharj)- 
ened  to  a  point,  by  means  of  which  the  assailants 
were  not  only  retarded  in  their  advance,  but,  be- 
coming entangled  among  the  boughs,  were  exposed 
to  a  very  galling  fire.  Finding  it  impracticable  to 
pass  the  breastwork,  which  was  eight  or  nine  feet 
high,  and  much  stronger  than  had  been  represented. 
General  Abercrombie,  after  a  contest  of  near  four 
hours,  ordered  a  retreat,  and  the  next  day  resumed 
his  former  camp  on  tlie  south  side  of  Lake  George. 
In  this  brave  but  ill-judged  assault  nearly  two  thou- 
sand of  the  assailants  were  killed  and  wounded, 
wuile  the  loss  of  the  enemy,  who  were  covered  du- 
ring the  whole  action,  was  inconsiderable.  Gene- 
eral  Abercrombie  immediately  re-crossed  Lake 
George,  and  entirely  abandoned  the  project  of  cap- 
turing Ticonderoga. t 

The  campaign  was  not  destined,  however,  to 
close  with  such  ill  success.  Colonel  Bradstreet 
proposed  an  expedition  against  Frontignac  ;  a  fort 
which,  by  being  placed  on  the  north  side  of  the  St. 
Lswreuce,  just  where  it  issues  from  Lake  Ontario, 


"Gt'oige  Howe,  lord-viscount,  was  commander  of  five 
thousand  British  troops  in  America,  and  was  the  most 
popular  of  all  the  leaders  of  the  British  Armies,  in  the 
condicts  with  France.  When  Abercrombie  made  his  at- 
tack on  Ticonderoga,  he  led  the  van-guard,  and  fell  at 

I  the  first  fire.    He  was  admired  by  all  the  jirovincials.  Old 

I  Stark,  the  hero  of  Bennington,  who  knew  him  well,  fear- 
ed that  he  should  not  have  been  a  true  whig  in  the  rev- 

'  olution,  if  Lord  Howe  had  been  alive.     His  death  was 

•  mourned  as  a  public  calamity,  and  the  Americans  seem- 
ed to  lose  their  spirit  in  his  fall.    The  good  people  of  Mas- 

1  sachusetts  caught  the  infection  of  grief  from  the  soldiers, 
and  erected  a  monument,  by  permission  for  their  admired 
General,  in  Westminster  Abbey,  at  their  own  e-xpense,  of 

t  iwo  hundred  and  fifty  pounds  sterling.    It  is  slill  standing 

I,  iu  Westminster  Abbey. 

'     t  Major  Rogers,  with  his  rangers,  was  in  this  battle,  and 
.  asked  permission  to  scour  the  woods  before  the  reeuhir 
troops  were  led  on  ;  but  this  was  not  granted.  Major 
'  Robert  Rogers  waj  a  native  of  Londonderry,  or  Dunbar- 
;  ton,  in  the  state  of  New  Hampshire.    He  was  early  known 
•!as  a  brave  soldier,  and  was  authorized  by  the  British  Gov- 
\  eminent  to  raise  five  companies  of  rangers,  as  they  were 
called.   They  were  kept  on  the  frontiers  for  winter  as 
well  ae  summer  service,  to  watch  the  hostile  Indians,  who 
often,  in  the  most  inclement  season,  made  attacks  on  the 
delenceless   inhabitants    of    the   frontiers.      This  body 
of  troops  was  taken  from  the  boldest  and  hardiest  of  the 
yeomanry  of  the  land.    They  were  doubly  armed,  and 
tarried  with  them   snovz-shoes  and  skates   for  service. 
They  generally  made  their  head-quarters  at  the  south- 
I  em  extremity  of  Lake  George.    "Their  snow-shoes  put 
them  on  an  equality  with  their  foes,  and  with  their  skates 
they  had  greatly  the  advantage  of  the  Indians.  Stark, 
Putnam,  and  several  others,  who  were  distinsuished  af- 
terwards in  the  revolutionary  war,  were  trained  in  this 
■  achool.    Some  of  the  well  authenticated  exploits  of  this 
aardy  band,  seem  like  romance  to  us  in  the  present  day. 
All  along  the  borders  of  Lake  George,  spots  are  shown 
wnjrethe  rangers  fought  desperate  battles,  in   the  v.'in- 
'er  season,  sometimes  with  more  than  twice  their  num- 
'  6er8.   This  corps  fought  from  seventeen  hundred  and  tifty- 
fiye  to  th"  fall  of  Quebec,  in  seventeen  hundred  and  fifty- 
'  nine.    They  were  nut  foremost  in  battle  by  Abercrom- 
bie and  Amherst,  and  some  of  them  were  sent  to  assist 
Wolfe.    Rogers  states  in  his  journal  of  these  campaigns, 
||  that  their  packs  were  generally  of  twice  the  weicht  of 
those  commonly  carried  by  soldiers.    Many  of  this  baud 

fiepshed  in  their  frontier  campaisns.  For  some  particu- 
ars  in  the  life  of  ibis  most  singular  man,  see  Allen's  Bio- 


three  thousand  men,  eight  pieces  of  cannon,  and 
three  mortars.  The  French  had  not  anticipated 
an  attack  at  this  point,  and  the  garrison  consisted 
of  oidy  one  hundred  and  ten  men,  with  a  lew  Indian 
auxiliaries.  It  was  imposs'ile  to  hold  out  long. 
Colonel  Bradstreet  posted  his  mortars  so  near  the 
fort,  that  every  shell  took  efiect ;  and  the  comman- 
der was  very  soon  obliged  to  surrender  at  discretion. 
The  booty  consisted,  of  sixty  pieces  of  camion, 
great  numbers  of  small  arms,  [)rovisions,  military 
stores,  goods  to  a  large  amount,  and  nine  armed 
vessels  of  from  eight  to  eighteen  guns.  Colonel 
Bradstreet  destroyed  the  fort  and  vessels,  re-cross- 
ed the  Ontario,  and  returned  to  the  army. 

Had  it  not  been  for  this  fortunate  enterprise,  tlie 
unaccountable  delay  in  preparing  the  ex[)edition 
against  T>u  Quesne  would  probably  liave  left  that 
fort  a  third  time  in  possession  of  tlie  enemy.  It  was 
not  until  June  that  the  commander.  General  Forbes, 
set  out  from  Philadelphia  ;  it  was  Septeinber  before 
Colonel  Washington,  with  the  Virginia  regulars, 
was  ordered  to  join  the  main  body  at  Ray's  Town  ; 
and  owing  to  the  difliculties  of  cutting  a  new  road, 
it  was  as  late  as  November  when  the  artny  appear- 
ed before  Du  Quesne.  The  garrison,  deserted  by 
the  Indians,  and  without  adequate  means  of  defence, 
had  escaped  down  tl*  Ohio  the  evening  before  the 
arrival  of  the  British,  who  had  only  to  take  posses- 
sion, therefore,  in  the  king's  name.  The  fort  was 
supplied  with  a  new  garrison,  and  the  name  chan- 
ged to  Pittsburgh.  The  Indians,  as  usual,  joined 
the  strongest  side.  A  peace  was  concluded  with  all 
the  tribes  between  the  Ohio  and  the  lakes ;  and  the 
frontier  inhabitants  of  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  and 
Virginia,  were  once  more  relieved  from  the  teiTors 
of  fire  and  scalping  knives. 

The  campaign  of  1758  was  highly  honorable  to 
the  British  arms,  and  the  results  of  it  very  impor- 
tant. Of  the  three  expeditions,  two  had  completely 
succeeded,  and  the  leader  of  the  third  had  made  an 
important  conquest.  To  the  commanding  talents 
of  Pitt,  and  the  confidence  which  they  inspired,  this 
change  of  fortune  must  be  chiefly  attributed  ;  and 
in  no  respect  were  these  talents  inore  strikingly  dis- 
played than  in  the  choice  of  men  to  execute  his 
plans.  The  advantages  of  this  campaign  had,  how- 
ever, been  purchased  by  an  expensive  eftort  and 
corresponding  exhaustion  of  provincial  strength  ; 
and  when  a  circular  letter  from  Mr.  Pitt  to  the  se- 
veral governors  induced  the  colonies  to  resolve  up- 
on making  the  most  vigorous  preparations  for  the 
next,  they  soon  discovered  that  their  resources  were 
by  no  means  commensurate  with  their  zeal. 

Notwithstanding  these  difficulties,  it  was  resol- 
ved to  signalize  the  year  1759  by  the  comi)lete  con- 
quest of  Canada.  The  plan  of  the  campaign  was, 
that  three  powerful  armies  should  enter  the  French 
possessions  by  three  different  routes,  and  attack  all 
their  strong-holds  at  nearly  the  same  time.  At  tlie 
head  of  one  division  of  the  army,  Brigadier-Gene- 
ral Wolfe,  a  young  officer  who  had  signalized  him- 
self at  the  siege  of  Louisbottrg,  was  to  ascend  the 
St.  Lawrence  and  lay  siege  to  Quebec,  escorted  by 
a  strong  fleet  to  co-operate  with  liis  troops.  The 
central  and  main  army,  composed  of  British  nd 
provincials,  was  to  be  conducted  against  Ticon.le- 
roga  and  Crown  Point  by  General  Amherst,  the  new 
coinmander  in  chief,  who,  after  making  hiiuself 
master  of  these  places,  was  to  proceed  over  L<tke 
Chami)lain  and  by  the  way  of  the  Richelieu  River 
to  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  descending  that  river,  form 
a  junction  with  General  Wolfe  before  the  walls  of 
Quebec.  The  third  army,  to  be  composed  princi 
pally  of  provincials,  reinforced  by  a  strong  body  of 
friendly  Indians,  was  to  be  commanded  by  General 
Prideaux,  who  was  to  lead  this  division  first  against 
Niagara,  and  after  the  reduction  of  that  place,  to 
embark  on  Lake  Ontario,  and  proceed  down  tlie  St. 
Lawrence  against  jNIontreal.  It  has  been  observed 
by  a  recent  author,  "  Had  the  elements  been  laid, 


887 

and  the  enemy  spell-bound,  the  whole  ol  this  bril- 
liant plan  could  not  have  helped  succeeding."  This 
sentence,  however,  betrays  a  very  limited  view  o( 
a  plan  that  was  well  worthy  of  the  mind  of  Pitt.  In 
tliis  arrangement  immediate  advantage  was  not  sac- 
rificed ;  wliile  tlie  more  remote  results  exhibited  a 
prospect  highly  calculated  to  excite  the  ambition  of 
the  leaders,  and  to  arouse  all  the  energies  of  the 
troo[)s.  It  is  in  thus  alfording  motives  wliich  tend 
to  bring  ])hysical  force  into  most  cfl'ective  and  jwr- 
severing  action,  that  intellectual  superioritv  becomes 
inanifest,  confounding  the  calculations  of  ordinary 
minds. 

Eatly  in  the  winter.  General  Amherst  commen- 
ced preparations  for  his  [)art  of  the  enterf)rise  ;  but 
it  was  not  till  the  last  of  .May  that  his  troops  were 
assembled  at  Albany  ;  and  it  was  as  late  as  the  22d 
of  July,  when  he  appeared  before  Ticonderoga.  As 
the  naval  superiority  of  (ireat  Britain  had  jireven- 
ted  France  from  senriiiig  out  reinforcements,  none 
of  the  posts  in  this  quarter  were  able  to  wiihstand  so 
great  a  force  as  that  of  General  Amherst.  Ticon- 
deroga was  iinmediately  abandoned  ;  tlie  example 
was  followed  at  Crown  Point  ;  and  the  only  way  in 
which  the  enemy  seemed  to  think  of  preserving 
their  province  was  by  retarding  the  English  army 
with  shows  of  resistance  till  the  season  of  operation 
should  be  past,  or,  till  by  the  gradual  concentration 
of  their  forces,  they  should  become  numerous 
enough  to  make  an  eflectual  stand.  Froin  Crown 
Point  they  retreated  to  Ile-aux-Noix,  where  Gen- 
eral Amherst  understood  tliere  was  a  body  of  be- 
tween three  and  four  thousand  men,  and  a  fleet  of 
several  armed  vessels.  The  English  made  great 
exertions  to  secure  a  naval  superiority  ;  and  had  il 
not  been  for  a  succession  of  adverse  storms  upon 
the  lake,  they  would  most  probably  have  accom- 
plished the  original  design  of  forming  a  junction  at 
Quebec,  instead  of  being  obliged  to  go  into  winter 
quarters  at  Crown  Point.  In  prosecution  of  the  en- 
terprise against  Niagara,  General  Prideaux  had 
embarked  with  an  anny  on  Lake  Ontario  ;  and  on 
the  6th  of  July  landed  without  opposition  within 
about  three  miles  from  the  fort,  which  lie  invested 
in  form.  Wliile  directing  the  operations  of  the 
siege,  he  was  killed  by  the  bursting  of  a  cohoin,and 
the  command  devolved  on  Sir  William  Johnson. 
That  General,  prosecuting  v/iih  judgment  and  vi- 
gour the  ])Ian  of  his  jiredecessor,  pushed  the  attack 
of  Niagara  with  an  intrepidity  that  soon  brought  the 
.besiegers  within  a  hundred  yards  of  the  covered 
way.  Meanwhile,  tlie  French,  alarmed  at  the  dan- 
ger of  losing  a  post  which  was  a  key  to  their  interior 
empire  in  America,  had  collected  a  large  body  of 
regular  troops  from  the  neighbouring  gairisons  of 
Detroit,  Venango,  and  Presqu'Isle,  with  which,  and 
a  party  of  Indians,  they  resolved,  if  possible  to  raise 
the  siege.  Apprised  of  their  intentions  to  hazard  a 
battle,  General  Johnson  ordered  his  light  infantry, 
supported  by  some  grenadiers  and  regular  foot,  to 
take  post  between  the  cataract  of  Niagara  and  the 
fortress  ;  placed  the  auxiliary  Indians  on  his  flanks  ; 
and,  together  with  this  preparation  for  an  engage- 
ment, took  eflectual  measures  for  securing  his  lines, 
and  bridling  the  garrison.  About  nine  in  the  mor- 
ning of  the  2lth  of  July,  the  enemy  apjieared  and  the 
horrible  sound  of  the  war  hoop  from  the  hostile  In- 
dians, was  tlie  signal  for  battle.  'J'lie  French  cliar- 
ged  with  great  impetuosity,  but  were  received  with 
firmness  ;  and  in  less  than  an  hour  were  completely 
routed.  This  battle  decided  the  fate  of  Niagara. 
Sir  William  Johnson  the  next  morning  opened  ne- 
gociations  with  the  French  commandant  ;  and  in  z 
few  hours  a  capitulation  was  signed.  The  garri- 
son, consisting  of  six  hundred  and  seven  men,  were 
to  march  out  with  the  honoi-s  of  war,  to  be  embar- 
ked on  the  lake,  and  carried  to  New- York  ;  and  the 
women  and  children  were  to  be  carried  to  Montreal. 
The  reduction  of  Niagara  eflccttially  cut  oft"  the 
coininunication  between  Canada  and  Louisiana. 

The  expedition  against  the  capital  of  Canada  was 
the  most  daring  and  important.  Strong  by  ni^ture, 
and  still  stronger  by  art,  Quebec  had  obtained  the 
appellation  of  the  Gibraltar  of  America;  and  every 
attempt  against  it  had  failed.  It  was  now  com- 
manded by  Montcalm,  an  officer  of  distiuguiahed 


888  

reputation  ;  and  its  capture  must  have  apjicared  thi- 
mencal  to  any  one  but  Pitt.  lie  ;iulm-(i  rijiliily, 
liowevfi',  iliat  the  lioMest  anil  most  (l;iiii;fr<iiis  vii- 
teqirises  are  i>ricii  tin.-  most  successful,  and  especially 
when  connnilti'd  to  ardent  minds,  ijlowins;  with  en- 
thusiasm, and  emulous  of  .s;l"ry.  Sucli  a  mind  he 
had  discovered  in  (leneral  \V  ;lfe,  whose  conduct  at 
Louisbours;  had  attracted  his  attention.  He  ap- 
pointed Inin  to  conduct  the  expedition,  and  gave 
liitn  for  assistants  Briga<lier  Generals  Moncton, 
Townsliend,  and  Murray  ;  ail,  like  himself,  youni; 
and  ardent.  Early  in  the  season  he  saileil  from 
Halifax  with  eight  tluiusand  troops,  and  near  tile 
last  ol'June,  landed  the  whole  army  on  the  island  ol' 
Orleans,  a  few  miles  below  C^uebec,  From  this  po- 
sition he  could  take  a  near  and  distinct  view  of  the 
obstacles  to  be  overcome.  These  were  so  great, 
tliat  even  the  bold  and  sanguine  Wolfe  perceived 
more  to  fear  than  to  hope.  In  a  letter  to  Mr.  Pitt, 
wr'tten  before  conmiencing  operations,  he  declared 
tha.  lie  saw  but  little  prospect  of  reducing  the  place. 

Quebec  stands  on  the  north  side  of  the  St.  Law- 
rence, and  consists  of  an  upper  and  lower  town.  The 
lower  town  lies  between  thv.  river  and  a  bold  and 
lofty  eminence,  which  runs  parallel  to  it  far  to  tlie 
westward.  At  t'le  to|)  of  this  eminence  is  a  plain, 
on  which  the  up|)er  town  is  situated.  IJelow,  or 
east  of  the  city,  is  the  river  St.  Charles,  whose  chan- 
nel is  rough,  and  wliose  banks  aresler|)and  broken. 
At  a  short  distance  farther  down  is  the  Montmoren- 
cy ;  and  between  these  two  rivers,  and  reaching  from 
one  lo  tne  other,  was  encamped  the  French  army, 
stroncly  entrenched,  and  at  least  e(|ual  in  number  to 
that  of  the  tlnglish.  (Jenenil  Wolle  took  posses- 
sion of  Point  Levi,  on  the  soulhein  bank  of  the  St. 
Lawrence,  and  there  erected  batteries  against  the 
lown.  The  cannonade  which  wa.s  kept  up,  thougli 
it  destroyed  tnany  houses,  made  but  little  impression 
on  the  works,  which  were  too  strong  and  too  remote 
to  be  materially  all'ected  ;  their  elevation,  at  the  same 
time,  placin<;  them  beyond  the  reach  of  the  fleet. 
Convinced  of  tlie  impossibility  of  reducing  the  place, 
unless  he  could  erect  batteries  on  the  north  side  of 
the  St.  Lawrence,  Wolfe  soon  decided  on  more  da- 
ring measures.  The  nortliern  shore  of  the  St. 
Lawrence,  to  a  considerable  distance  above  Quebec 
is  so  bold  anrl  riu  ky  as  to  render  a  landing  in  the 
face  of  an  enemy  impracticable.  If  an  attem|)t  were 
made  below  I  lie  town,  the  river  Montmorency,  pass- 
ed, and  the  French  driven  from  their  entrenchments, 
the  ."^t.  Charles  would  present  a  new,  and  perhaps 
an  insuperable  barrier.  With  every  obstacle  fully 
in  view,  Wolfe,  heroically  observing  that  "a  victori- 
ous army  finds  no  difficulties,"  resolved  to  jjass  the 
IMonlmorency  and  bring  Montcalm  to  an  engage- 
ment. In  pursuance  of  this  resolution,  thirteen  com- 
panies of  Kimlish  grenadiers,  and  part  of  the  second 
battalion  of  royal  Americans,  were  landed  at  the 
mouth  of  that  river,  while  two  divisions,  under  (je- 
nerals  Towiisliend  and  Murray,  prepared  to  cross  it 
higher  up.  Wolfe's  plan  was  to  attack  first  a  re- 
doubt, close  to  the  water's  edge,  a|)parently  beyond 
reach  of  the  fire  from  the  enemy's  entrenchments, 
in  the  belief  that  the  French,  by  attempting  to  sup- 
port that  fi)rtifieation,  woulil  put  it  in  his  (jower  to 
bring  on  a  general  engagement ;  or,  if  they  should 
subtnit  to  the  loss  of  the  redoubt,  that  he  could  af- 
terwards examine  their  situation  with  coolness,  anil 
advantageously  regulate  his  future  operations.  On 
the  approach  of  the  British  troops,  the  redoubt  was 
evacuated,  and  the  general,  oliserving  some  confii- 
gion  in  the  French  cainj),  changed  his  original  plan, 
and  determined  not  to  delay  an  attack.  Orders 
were  immediately  despatched  to  the  Generals 
Townsheiid  and  Murray  to  keep  their  divisions  in 
readinen  for  fording  tin;  river  ;  and  the  grenadiers 
^nd  royal  Americans  were  directed  to  fijrm  on  the 
beach  until  rhi'V  could  be  jiroperly  sustained.  These 
tro(i|m,  however,  not  waiting  for  support,  rushed 
imprinously  towards  the  enemy's  entrenchmenis  ; 
but  lliey  were  receiveil  with  so  strong  and  steady  a 
fire  (rorn  llio  French  inuskHlrY,  that  they  were  in- 
stantly thrown  into  disonli-r,  and  obliged  to  seek 
(theller  in  the  redoubt  which  the  enemy  had  aban- 
doned. Detained  here  awhile  by  a  dreadful  thun- 
demtonn,  hey  were  still  within  reach  of  a  Neverc 


THE   HISTORY  OF 


(ire  from  the  French  ;  and  many  gallant  officers,  ex- 
posing their  persons  in  attempting  to  form  the 
troops,  w  ere  killed,  the  whide  loss  amounting  to 
nearly  five  hundred  men.  The  plan  ol"  attack  being 
elfectually  disconcerteil,  the  English  General  gave 
i  orders  for  repassing  the  river,  and  returning  to  the 
isle  of  Orleans. 

CoiTipelled  to  abandon  tlie  attack  on  that  side, 
Wolfe  deemed  that  advantage  might  result  from  at- 
tempting to  destroy  the  French  fleet,  and  by  dis- 
tracting the  attention  of  Montcalm  with  continual 
descents  ujion  the  northern  shore.  (Jeneral  .Mur- 
ray, with  twelve  hundred  men  in  transports,  made 
two  vigorous  but  abortive  atieiii]>ts  to  land  ;  and 
though  more  successful  in  the  third,  he  did  nothing 
more  than  burn  a  magazine  of  warlike  stores.  The 
enemy's  fleet  was  ellectually  secured  against  at- 
tacks, either  by  land  or  by  water,  and  the  comman- 
der in  chief  was  again  obliged  to  submit  to  the  iiun  - 
tification  of  recalling  his  troops.  At  this  juncture, 
intelligence  arrived  that  Niagara  was  taken,  that 
Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point  had  been  abandoned, 
but  that  (ieneral  .■Vmlierst,  instead  of  jiressing  fitr- 
ward  to  their  assistance,  was  preparing  to  attack 
the  Ile-aux-Noix,  While  Wolfe  rejoiced  at  the 
triumph  of  of  his  brethren  in  arms,  he  could  not  avoid 
(•ontrasting  their  success  with  his  own  disastrous 
ell'orts.  Ilis  mind,  alike  lofty  and  susceptible,  was 
deeply  impressed  by  the  disasters  at  Montmorency  ; 
and  liis  extreme  anxiety,  preying  upon  liis  delicate 
frame,  sensibly  affected  his  health.  He  was  oli- 
served  fre(picntly  to  sigh  ;  ami,  as  if  life  was  only 
valuable  while  it  added  to  his  glory,  lie  declared  to 
his  intimate  friends,  that  he  would  not  survive  the 
disgrace  which  he  imagined  would  attend  the  fail- 
ure of  his  enterprise.  Nothing,  however,  could 
shake  tVie  resolution  of  this  valiant  commander,  or 
induce  him  to  atjandon  the  attempt.  In  a  council 
of  his  principal  officers,  called  on  tliis  critical  occa- 
sion, it  was  resolved,  that  all  the  future  operations 
should  be  above  the  town.  The  camp  at  the  isle 
of  Orleans  was  accordingly  abandoned  ;  and  the 
whole  army  having  embarked  on  board  the  fleet,  a 
part  of  it  was  landed  at  Point  Levi,  and  a  part  high- 
er up  the  river.  Montcalm,  apprehending  from  this 
inovenieiit  that  the  invaders  might  make  a  disfaiii 
descent,  and  come  on  the  back  of  the  city  of  Que- 
bec, detaclied  M.  de  Bouganville  with  fifteen  hun- 
dred men,  to  watch  their  motions,  and  prevent  their 
laniling. 

Baffled  and  harrassed  in  all  his  previous  assaults, 
(Jeneral  Wolfe  seems  to  have  determined  to  finish 
the  enter[)rise  by  a  single  bold  and  desperate  effort. 
The  admiral  sailed  several  leagues  U|)  the  river, 
making  occasional  dcmonstrilions  of  a  design  to 
land  troops  ;  and,  during  the  night,  a  slioiig  detach- 
ment ill  flat-bottomed  boats  fell  silently  down  with 
the  stream,  to  a  ))oint  about  a  mile  above  the  city. 
The  beach  was  shelving,  the  baiik  high  and  ])reci- 
pifous,  and  the  only  jiath  by  wliich  it  could  be  sca- 
led, was  now  defended  bv  a  captain's  guard  and  a 
battery  of  four  guns.  Colonel  Howe,  with  the  van. 
soon  clambered  up  the  rocks,  drove  away  the  guard, 
and  seized  upon  the  battery.  The  army  landed 
about  an  hour  befiire  day,  and  by  daybreak  was  mar- 
shalled on  the  heights  of  Abraham. 

Montcalm  could  not  at  first  believe  the  intelli- 
gence ;  but,  as  soon  as  lie  was  assured  of  its  truth, 
he  made  all  prudent  haste  to  decide  a  battle  which 
it  was  no  longer  possible  to  avoid.  Leaving  his 
cam])  at  iVIontniorency,  he  crossed  the  river  .St. 
Charles  with  the  intention  of  attacking  the  English 
army.  No  sooner  did  WoMe  obsi'rve  this  move- 
ment, than  he  began  to  form  his  order  of  battle.  His 
troops  consisted  of  six  battalions  and  the  Louis- 
bourg  grenadiers.  The  right  wing  was  coiiiiiiaiid- 
ed  by  (ieneral  Moncton,  and  tlie  left  by  General 
Murray.  The  right  flank  was  covered,  by  the  Lou- 
isbourg  grenadiers,  and  the  rear  and  left  by  Howe's 
light  itilantrv.  The  form  in  which  the  French  ad- 
vanced inilicatiiig  an  intention  to  outtlaiik  the  left 
of  the  English  army.  General  Townshend  was  sent 
with  the  battalion  of  Amherst,  and  the  two  battal-- 
ions  of  royal  .Vmericans.  to  that  part  of  the  line,  and 
they  were  formed  en  pofenre,  so  as  to  present  a  double 
front  to  the  enemy.    The  body  of  reserve  consisted 


[of  one  regiment,  drawn  up  in  eight  divisions,  with 
!  large  intervals.  The  dispositions  made  bv  the 
j  Flench  (ieneral  were  not  less  masterly.  The  right 
and  lef't  wings  were  composed  about  equally  of  Ki!- 
{ropeanaiid  colonial  troops.  The  centre  consi>: 
of  a  column,  formed  of  two  battalions  of  regul.u 
Fifteen  hundred  Indians  and  (Janadians,  exci'JU  ui 
iiiarksiiieii,  advancing  in  front,  screened  by  sur- 
rounding thickets  began  the  battle.  Their  iiregn- 
lar  fire  proved  fatal  to  many  British  officers,  but  it 
was  soon  silenced  by  the  steady  fire  of  the  English. 
.About  nine  in  the  morning  the  main  body  of  the 
Frei.ch  advanced  briskly  to  the  charge,  anil  the  ac- 
tion soon  became  general.  Montcalm  having  taken  1 
post  on  the  left  of  the  French  army,  and  Wolfe  on 
the  right  of  the  English,  the  two  Generals  met  each 
other  where  the  battle  was  most  severe.  Tiie  En- 
gli'sh  troops  reserved  their  fire  until  tlie  French  had 
advanced  within  forty  yards  of  their  line,  and  then, 
by  a  general  discharge  made  terrilile  havoc  among 
their  ranks.  1'he  fire  of  the  English  was  vigorous- 
ly maintained,  and  the  enemy  every  where  yielded 
to  it.  (ieneral  Wolfe,  who,  exjiosed  in  the  front 
of  his  battalions,  had  been  wounded  in  the  wrist,  be- 
traying no  symptom  of  jiain,  wrapped  a  handker- 
chief roiuid  his  arm,  and  continued  to  encounigehii 
men.  .Soon  after,  he  received  a  shot  in  the  groin  ; 
init,  conceaiing  the  wound,  he  was  pressing  on  at 
the  head  of  his  grenadiers  with  fixed  bayonets,  wh"a 
a  third  ball  pierced  his  breast.*  The  army,  luit  dis- 
concerted by  his  fall,  continued  the  action  unf'er 
.Moiickton,  on  whom  the  command  now  devolv-d, 
but  who,  receiving  a  ball  through  his  body,  soon 
yielded  the  command  to  (ieneral  Townshe.id. 
Montcalm,  fighting  in  front  of  his  battalions,  receiv- 
ed a  mortal  wound  about  the  same  time  ;  and  Ge  le- 
ral  Senezergus,  the  second  in  command,  also  f -ll. 
The  Britisli  (irenadiers,  pressed  on  with  their  ba  ;o 
nets.  General  Murray,  briskly  advancing  with  the 
troops  under  his  direction,  broke  the  centre  of  iho 
French  army.  The  Highlanders,  drawing  tlieir 
broadswords,  completed  the  contusion  of  the  ene- 
my ;  and  after  having  lost  their  first  and  second  in 
command,  the  right  and  centre  of  the  French  v.cre 
entirely  driven  t'nmi  the  field  ;  and  the  left  was  (ol- 
lowiiig  the  example,  when  Hougaiivillc  appeared 
in  the  rear,  witli  the  fil'teeu  hundred  men  who  bad 
been  sent  to  oppose  the  landing  of  the  Eiigbali. 
'J'wo  battalions  and  two  ))ieces  of  artillery  were  de- 
tached to  meet  him;  but  he  retired,  and  the  British 
troops  w  ere  left  the  undisinited  masters  of  the  f.cld. 
The  loss  of  the  French  was  much  greater  than  that 
ol  the  English.  The  corps  of  French  regulars  was 
almost  entirely  annihilated.  The  killed  and  woun- 
ded of  the  English  army  did  not  aiiiount  to  six  hun- 
dred men.  Although  Quebec  was  still  strongly  de- 
fended by  its  fiirtifications,  and  might  possibly  bo 
relieved  by  Bougainville,  or  from  Montreal,  yet 
(ieneral  Tow  iiseiid  had  scarcely  finished  a  load  ill 
the  bank  to  get  up  his  heavy  artillery  for  a  siege, 
when  the  iiiiiabitants  capitulated,  on  condition  tiiai 
during  the  war  they  might  still  enjoy  their  own  civii. 

•  On  recoivin?  his  mortal  wound,  Wolfe  »o.s  convey 
eii  into  tlio  rear,  where,  cureh-ss  tihoiil  hiinscir,  he  di» 
covered,  in  ihe  iii;"iii<"s  of  doalh,  the  most  anxious  Boli 
ciliide  roiiceniiua;  the  fiite  of  the  dii.v.  From  rxlreim 
faiuliiess,  he  hiid  refliiied  his  liead  on  the  arm  of  an  of 
licer,  hut  w.iH  soon  aroused  l>_v  the  erv  of  "'I'liev  fly 
ihi'v  tlv  I"  "  Who  fly  '"  exclaimed  the  dviiif:  hero 
"  'I'he  I'n'iich,"  nnswored  his  nuoiidaiil.  "  'I'lion,"  sail 
he,  "  I  die  conleute<l,"  and  immediately  expin'd.  A 
death  more  full  of  military  friory  has  seldom  hoeo  ro 
(•()nle<l  liy  the  pi  ii  of  the  historian,  or  criehnued  hy  tin 
|H'ucil  of  the  painter.  (Jeiurnl  Wolfe  was  only  thirty 
three  years  of  ase.  lie  possessed  those  military  laleats 
whii-h',  with  the  ndvanlnge  of  years  and  om)orliinily  o 
action,  "to  luodorale  his  ardour,  expand  hi->  fiicullien 
and  eive  lo  his  intuitive  jierceplion  and  scienlific  know 
Icdiie  the  correctness  of  judgment  perfected  by  experi- 
ence," would  have  "  placed  hi-n  on  n  level  w  illi  tb( 
most  celchratcd  generals  of  any  occ  or  nation."— Moot- 
calm  was  every  way  worthy  lo  he  o  competitor  o 
Wtdfe.  He  had  the  truest  military  genius  of  any  ofli- 
cer  whom  the  French  had  ever  employed  in  America 
After  ho  had  received  his  mortal  wound,  he  wns  car 
ricd  into  the  cilv  ;  nml  when  informed  that  it  wn<J  inor 
lal,  his  ivplv  was,  "  I  am  elad  of  it."  Ou  l)eiiii:  lold  lli.e 
he  coiihl  survive  hill  a  fc«  hours,  "  !<o  much  the  hi-Ker, 
ho  replied,  "1  t^hall  not  then  live  U>  6e«  llia  gurrcndei 
of  Uncboo." 


i 


Bud  reliiiioiis  rif^hts.  A  gunison  of  five  thousand 
oieti  w;is  lel't  iiiRit'f  GciicimI  Muiiay,  aiicj  llie  fleet 
eailpil  out  of  the  St.  [.awreiice. 

Tlie  fall  of  Quebec  did  not  immeiliately  produce 
the  subiiiissiou  of  Canada.  Tlie  main  body  of  the 
French  army,  which,  after  the  battle  on  the  plains 
«f  Abraham,  retired  to  Montreal,  and  whic^h  still 
cousiste<i  often  battalions  of  regulars,  had  been  re- 
inforced by  six  thousand  Canadian  militia,  and  a 
bodv  of  Indians.  With  these  forces  M.  de  Levi, 
who  had  succeeded  the  Marquis  de  Montcalm  in  the 
chief  command,  resolved  to  attempt  the  recovery 
of  Quebec.  He  had  hoped  to  carry  the  [)lace  by  a 
coup  de  main  during  tlie  winter  ;  but,  on  reconnoit- 
erin<r,  he  found  the  outposts  so  well  secured,  and  the 
povernor  so  vigilant  and  active,  that  he  postjioned 
the  enterprise  until  spring.  In  the  month  of  Ajjril, 
wheJi  the  u|)per  part  of  the  St.  Lawrence  was  so 
open  as  to  admit  a  transportation  by  water,  his  ar- 
tillery, military  stores,  and  heavy  baggage,  were 
embarked  at  iVIontreal,  and  fell  down  the  river  un- 
der convoy  of  six  frigates  ;  and  M.  de  Levi,  after  a 
march  of  ten  days,  arrived  with  his  army  at  Point 
au  Tremble,  within  a  few  miles  of  Qiiebee.  Gene- 
ral Murray,  to  whom  the  care  of  maintaining  the 
English  conquest  liad  been  entrusted,  had  taken 
every  precaution  to  preserve  it ;  but  his  troops  had 
BuU'ered  so  much  by  the  extreme  cold  of  the  winter, 
and  by  the  want  of  vegetables  and  i'resh  provisions, 
lhat  instead  of  five  thousand,  the  original  number 
of  his  garrison  there  were  not  at  this  time  above 
three  thousand  men  fit  for  service.  With  this  small 
but  valiant  body  he  resolved  to  meet  the  enemy  in 
the  field  ;  and  on  the  2Sth  of  April,  marched  out  to 
the  heights  of  Abraham,  where,  near  Sillery,  he  at- 
tacked the  French  under  M.  de  Levi,  with  great  im-  i 
petuosity.  He  was  received  with  fiimness  ;  and 
after  a  fierce  encounter,  finding  himself  outflanked, 
and  in  danger  of  being  surrounded  by  superior  num- 
bers, he  called  ofl"  liis  troojis,  and  retired  into  the 
:ity.  In  this  action  the  loss  of  the  English  was 
near  a  thousand  men,  and  that  of  the  French  still 
greater.  The  French  general  lost  no  time  in  im- 
proving his  victory.  On  the  very  evening  of  the 
lattle  he  opened  trenches  before  the  town,  but  it 
1  i.vas  the  llih  of  May  before  he  could  mount  his  bat- 
,  I  eries,  and  bring  his  guns  to  liear  on  the  fortifica- 
iions.  By  that  time  General  Murray,  who  had 
i  !)een  indefatigable  in  his  exertions,  had  com[)leted 
;onie  outworks,  and  jilanted  so  numerous  an  artil- 
eiy  on  liis  ramparts,  that  his  fire  was  very  superior 
0  that  of  the  besiegers,  and  in  a  manner  silenced 
heir  batteries.  A  British  fleet  most  opportunely 
UTiving  a  few  days  after,  M.  de  Levi  immediatel)' 
aised  the  siege,  and  precipitately  retired  to  Mon- 
real.  Here  the  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil,  governor- 
ijeneral  of  Canada,  had  fixed  his  head  quarters,  and 
ietermined  to  make  his  last  stand.  For  this  pur- 
)ose  he  called  in  all  his  detachments,  and  collected 
(round  him  the  whole  force  of  the  colony. 
I  1  The  English,  on  the  other  Itand,  were  resolved 
ipon  the  utter  annihilation  of  the  French  power  in 
'anada  ;  and  General  Amherst  prepared  to  over- 
vhelm  it,  with  an  irresistible  superiority  of  numbers. 
Almost  on  the  same  day,  the  armies  from  Quebec, 
1  from  Lake  Ontario,  and  from  Lake  Champlain,  were 
I  concentrated  before  Montreal  :  a  capitulation  was 
^  immediately  signed  ;  Detroit,  Michilimackinac,  and 
'  indeed,  all  New  France,  surrendered  to  the  English. 
■  iriie  French  troops  were  to  be  carried  home  ;  and 
'he  Canadians  to  retain  their  civil  and  religious  pri- 
I  i'ileges. 

The  history  of  modern  Europe,  with  whose  des- 
iny  that  of  the  colonies  was  closely  interwoven, 
jnay  be  designated  as  the  annals  of  an  interminable 
^ar.    Her  sovereigns,  ever  having  the  oily  words 
I  i»f  peace  on  their  lips,  have  seldom  had  recourse  to 
>   he  olive  branch  but  as  the  signal  of  a  truce,  the  du- 
ation  of  which  should  be  coeval  with  the  reinvigo- 
aiion  o  military  strength.   It  was  thus  whh  France 
<n  the  ])resent  occasion.    Equally  unsuccessful  on 
Hitti  continents,  and  exiiausted  by  her  strenuous  and 
ontinued  eturns,  she  was  at  length  induced  to  make 
ivertures  of  jieace  ;  and  every  thing  seemed  to  be  in 
I   I  fair  train  for  adjustment,  when  the  treaty  was  sud- 
I  lenly  broken  oft"  by  an  attempt  of  the  court  of  Ver- 


NORTH  AMERICA. 

sailles  to  mingle  the  politics  of  Spain  and  of  Ger- 
many with  the  disputes  between  l'"raiii  e  and  Great 
Britain.  A  secret  family  com|)act  between  the 
Bourbons  to  sui)port  each  other  through  evil  and 
good,  in  jieace  and  in  war,  had  rendered  Spain  de- 
sirous of  war,  and  induced  France  once  more  to  try 
her  fortune.  As  the  interests  of  the  two  nations 
were  now  identified,  it  only  remained  for  England  | 
to  make  a  formal  declaration  of  hostility  against 
Spain.  The  colonies  of  Now  England  being  cliielly 
interested  in  the  reduction  of  the  West  India  Islands, 
furnished  a  consideiable  body  of  troops  to  carry  on 
the  war.  A  large  fleet  was  dispatched  Irom  Ene- 
land  ;  the  land  forces  amounted  to  sixteen  thousand  : 
and  before  tlie  end  of  the  second' year.  Great  Bri- 
tain had  taken  the  im])ortant  city  of  Havana,  the 
key  of  the  Mexican  Gulf,  together  with  the  French 
provinces  of  Martinique,  Grenada,  St.  Lucia,  St. 
Vincent,  and  the  Caribee  Islands. 

The  progress  of  the  Britisli  conquests,  which 
threatened  all  the  remaining  colonial  possessions  of 
their  opponents,  was  arrested  by  preliminary  articles 
of  peace,  which,  towards  the  close  of  1762,  were 
interchanged  at  Fontainhleau  between  the  ministers 
of  Great  Britain,  France,  and  Spain.  On  the  10th 
of  February,  in  the  following  year,  a  definitive  treaty 
of  peace  was  signed  at  Paris,  and  soon  after  ratified.* 


*  "The  acquisitions  of  Great  Britain,  both  from  France 
(inil  Spain,  on  the  continent  of  North  America,  established 
by  tliis  treaty,  whether  they  be  consiilered  in  relation  to  the 
jiolitical  or  eoniinercial  interests  of  the  parent  country,  or  in 
relation  to  the  enlira  interests  oflhe  American  colonies, 
merits  particuUir  attention.  Every  article,  therefore,  which 
has  respect  to  America,  is  subjoined  in  the  words  of  the 
treaty. 

By  the  second  article,  France  renounces  and  guarantees  to 
Great  Britain  all  Nova  ricolia  or  Acadia,  and  likewise  Can- 
ada, the  Isle  of  Cape  Breton,  and  all  other  Islands  in  the 
gulf  and  river  of  Si.  Lawrence. 

By  tlie  third  article,  it  is  stipulated  lhat  the  French  shall 
have  the  liherty  of  fishing  and  drying  on  a  part  of  the  island 
of  Nevvfonndland,  as  specified  in  the  thirteenth  article  of 
the  treaty  of  Utrecht ;  and  the  French  may  also  fish  in 
the  g-ulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  so  as  they  do  not  exercise  the  same 
hut  at  tlie  distance  of  three  leagues  from  all  the  coasts  be- 
hmging  to  Great  Britain,  as  well  tliose  of  the  continent,  aa 
those  of  the  islands  in  the  said  gulf.  As  to  what  relates  to 
the  fishery  out  of  the  said  gulf,  the  French  shall  exercise 
the  same,  but  at  the  distance  of  fifteen  leagues  from  the 
coast  of  the  isle  of  Cape  Breton. 

By  tlie  fiiurth  article,  Great  Britain  cedes  to  France,  to 
serve  as  a  slielter  for  the  French  fishermen,  the  islands  of 
St  Peter  am!  Mii|iR'lon  ;  and  his  most  Christian  Majesty  ab- 
solutely ciiL'aLii  s  not  to  fortify  the  said  islands,  nor  to  erect 
any  other  liiiildings  thereon,  but  merely  for  the  convenience 
of  the  fishery  ;  and  to  keep  only  a  guard  of  fifty  men  for  the 
police. 

By  the  sixth  article  it  is  stipulated,  that  the  confines 
between  the  dominions  of  Great  Britain  and  France,  on 
the  continent  of  North  America,  shall  be  irrevocably  fix- 
ed, by  a  line  drawn  along  the  river  IV!ississi|)pi,  from  its 
source,  as  far  as  the  river  fberville,  and  from  thence  by  a  line 
drawn  along  the  middle  of  this  river,  and  of  the  lakes  Mau- 
repusand  Pontchartrain,  to  the  sea  ;  and  to  this  purpose  the 
most  Chistian  King  cedes  in  full  right,  and  guarantees  to  his 
Britanic  Majesty,  the  river  and  port  of  Mobile,  and  every 
thing  thai  he  possesses  on  the  left  side  of  the  river  Missis- 
sippi, except  the  town  of  New  Orleans,  and  the  island  on 
which  it  is  situated,  which  shall  remain  to  France,  ])r(ivided 
that  the  navigation  of  the  river  shall  be  equally  free  to  the 
subjects  of  Great  Britain  and  France,  in  its  whole  breadth 
and  length,  from  its  source  to  the  sea,  and  that  part  express- 
ly which  is  between  the  said  island  of  New  Orleans  and  the 
right  hank  of  that  river,  as  well  as  the  passage  bolli  in  and 
out  of  its  mouth  ;  and  the  vessels  belonsinff  to  the  subjects 
of  either  nation  shall  not  be  sto|iped,  visiieil,  or  subjected  to 
the  [layinenl  of  any  duty  whatsoever.  The  stipulation  in 
favour  of  tlie  inhabitants  ofCanada,  inserted  in  the  second  ar- 
ticle, shall  also  take  place  with  regard  to  the  inhabitants  of 
the  countries  ceded  by  this  article;  that  is,  that  the  French 
in  Canada  may  freely  profess  the  Roman  Catholic  religion, 
as  far  as  the  laws  of  Great  Britain  permit  ;  that  they  may 
enjoy  their  civil  rights,  retire  when  they  please,  and  may 
dispose  of  their  estates  to  British  siilijocts. 

By  the  seventh  article,  it  is  slipul.ited  that  Britain  shall 
restore  to  France  the  islands  of  Giridaloupe,  Mariiralante, 
Desirade,and  Martinico,  in  the  VVest  Indies,  and  of  lielleisle, 
on  the  coast  of  France,  with  their  fortresses  ;  [imvided  that 
the  term  of  eighteen  months  be  granted  to  his  Britanic 
Majesty's  subjects  settled  there,  anil  in  otiier  places  herehy 
restored  to  France,  to  settle  their  estates,  recover  their 
debts,  and  to  transport  themselves  and  elTecIs,  without 
being  restrained  on  account  of  their  religion,  or  any  pre- 
tence, except  for  debts,  or  criminal  prosecutions. 

I?y  the  eiffhth  article,  France  cedes  to  Great  Britain  the 
islands  of  Grenada  and  the  Grenadines,  with  the  same 
atipulalioua  in  favor  of  the  iuhabilauts  as  are  inserted  iu 


359 

France  ceded  to  (J real  Britain,  all  the  conquesLs 
which  the  hitler  had  made  in  North  America  ;  and 
it  was  stipulated  between  the  two  crowns,  that  the 
boundary  line  of  their  respccti\e  doimnions  in  ihe 
new  hemis])here  should  run  along  the  middle  of  the 
Mississippi,  from  its  source  as  tar  as  the  llierville, 
and  along  the  middle  ol' that  river,  and  ol  Luke  s 
I  iMaurepas  and  Pontchartrain. 

Thus  terminated  a  war,  which  originated  in  an 
attenqit  on  the  jiart  ol"  the  French  to  surround  the 
English  colonists,  and  chain  them  lo  a  narrow  stri|) 
of  country  along  the  coast  oflhe  Atlantic  ;  and  ended 
with  their  giving  up  the  whole  of  what  was  then 
Iheironly  valuable  territory  in  North  .\inerica.  'J'he 
immediate  advantage  the  colonies  derived  from  the 
successful  issue  of  the  contest  was  great  and  appa- 
rent. Although,  for  a  short  period  alier  the  con- 
quest of  Canada  liad  been  etiected,  they  were  sub- 
ject to  attacks  from  the  Indian  tribes  attached  to  the 
Fiench,  and  also  from  the  Cherokees  on  their  south- 
western borders,  they  were  soon  enableti  to  visit 
their  cruelties  with  severe  retribution,  and  to  pro- 
cure a  lasting  repose,  as  the  Indians  had  no  forts  to 
which  to  repair  for  protei-tion  or  aid.  But  the  in- 
direct results,  though  almost  unperceivable  at  first, 
were  far  more  important,  anil  i)re|)ared  the  way  for 
those  momentous  efl'orts  which  issued  in  the  loss  to 
Great  Britain  of  the  fairest  portion  oflier  colonies, 
and  the  establishment  oflier  vassal  as  a  rival.  The 
colonists  became  inured  to  the  habits  and  hardships 
of  a  military  life,  and  skilled  in  the  arts  of  European 
warfare  ;  while  the  desire  of  revenge  for  the  loss  of 
Canada,  which  France  did  not  fail  to  harbour,  was 
prejiaring  for  them  a  most  eflicient  friend,  and  mak- 
ing way  i'or  the  anomalous  exhibition  of  nespotic 
sovereign,  exerting  all  his  pow  er  in  the  cause  of  li- 
berty and  independence. 

CHAPTER  TV. 


History  oflhe  Colonies  from  the  peace  of  Paris,  1763,  to  1774. 

Immediately  after  the  peace  of  Paris,  1763,  a 
new  scene  was  opened.  The  national  debt  of  Great 
Britain  then  amounted  to  one  hundre-j  and  forty- 


'he  second  article  for  those  ofCanada  ;  and  the  parlilion  of 
t  ie  islands  called  neutral,  is  a":r8ed  and  fixed,  so  that  ihos« 
of  St  Vincent,  Dominico,  an'!  Tobago,  shall  remain  in  lull 
right  10  England,  iiiid  that  of  St.  Lucia  shall  bo  delivered 
to  France  in  full  right.  Ihe  two  crow  ns  rei  iprocally  guarau 
teeing  lo  each  other  the  partition  so  slipulaled. 

By  the  sixteenth  article,  it  is  stipulated,  tliRl  his  Britanic 
Majcstv  shall  cause  all  the  fortifications  to  be  demolished, 
which  bis  subjects  shall  have  erei-ted  in  the  hay  of  Hon- 
duras and  other  places  of  the  tcrriloiy  of  Spain,  in  that 
part  of  tlie  world.  And  his  Catholic  Majesty  shall  not,  for 
the  future,  ])ermit  his  Britanic  Majesty,  or  their  wiirkmen, 
lo  be  disturbed  or  molested  under  any  pretence  w  halsoever, 
in  their  occuiialion  of  culling,  loading,  and  carrying  away 
log-wood  ;  and  for  this  purpose  they  may  build,  without  !iin- 
derance,  and  occupy,  without  interruption,  the  houses  and 
magazines  necessary  for  tliem,  for  their  families,  and  for 
their  elfects  ;  and  bis  said  Catholic  Majesty  assures  lo  ibeiii, 
by  this  article,  ihe  entire  enjoyment  of  w  hat  is  above  slijiu- 
laled. 

Bv  the  seventeenth  article,  his  Catholic  Majesty  desists 
from  all  pretensions  which  he  may  have  formed  to  ibe  right 
of  fishing  about  the  island  of  Newfoundland. 

By  the  eisriiteenth  article,  it  is  stipiilaltd,  lhat  the  king 
of  (ireat  Britain  shall  restore  to  Spain  all  lhat  be  has  con- 
quered iu  tlie  Island  of  Cuba,  wiili  the  fortress  of  Havana; 
and  that  fortress,  as  well  as  all  the  other  f'oriresses  of  the 
said  island,  shall  be  restored  in  the  same  condition  they 
were  in  w  hen  they  were  conquered  by  bis  Britanic  Bb- 
jesly'e  arms. 

By  the  twentieth  article,  bis  Cnll.olic  Majesty  cede« 
and  ffuaranlees,  in  full  right,  to  his  Britanic  Majesty, 
Florida,  wilh  the  Fort  of  St.  .\iignmine,  and  the  bay 
of  Pensacola,  as  well  as  all  that  Spain  possess^^s  on 
the  continent  of  North  America,  to  the  east,  or  lo  the 
southeast  of  the  river  Mississippi  ;  and  in  general,  ev- 
ery thing  that  depends  on  the  said  countries  and 
laiids,  with  the  sovereignly,  power,  and  possession,,  and 
all  riehts  ac(|uired  by  treaties,  or  otherwise,  which  ibo 
Catholic  kinir  and  the  crown  of  Spain  have  had  till 
now  over  the  said  {■ountries."  Anderson,  vol.  iii.  p.  — 
4^!'i,  vihere  the  jireliminary  articles  of  ihe  treaty  are  in- 
serted entire  ;  and  vol.  iv.  p.  1,  2,  w  here  the  most  material 
alterations  or  explanations  of  those  arlicles,  us  seiilej  by 
the  definitive  treaty,  are  inserted. — Anierica)i  Annals,  vol 
ii.p.  113—115. 


880 


THE   HIS  T  OR  Y  O  F 


eiglit  millions,  for  wliich  an  interejit  of  nearly  five 
millions  was  ;uiiin;iily  paid.  While  the  Hriiish 
minister  w;i.s  dii;estinf;  plans,  for  (liiniiiishiii!^  this 
ainazins  load  of  debt,  he  conceived  the  idea  of  rais- 
ing a  sulistanlial  revenue  in  the  l^rilish  colonies, 
from  taxes  laid  i)y  the  parllanieut  of  tlie  parent  slate. 
On  the  one  hand  it  was  urged,  that  tiie  late  war  ori- 
ginated on  account  of  the  colonies;  and  that  it  w:is 
reasonable,  more  especially  as  it  had  terminated  in 
a  manner  so  favourable  to  their  interest,  they  should 
contribute  to  defrayinj;  the  expenses  it  had  occa- 
sioned. Thus  far  both  parties  were  agreed  :  but 
(Jreat  Britain  contended,  tliat  her  parliament,  as 
the  supreme  power,  was  constitutionally  vested  with 
an  autliority  to  lay  them  on  every  part  of  thi  em- 
pire. This  doctrine,  plausible  in  itself,  and  confor- 
mable to  the  letter  of  the  British  constitution, 
when  the  whole  dominions  were  represented  in  one 
assembly,  was  reprobated  in  the  colonies,  as  con- 
trary to  the  spirit  of  the  same  government,  when 
the  empire  became  so  far  extended,  as  to  have  many 
diatinct  representative  assemblies.  The  colonists 
believed,  that  the  chief  excellence  of  the  British 
roD->titution  consisted  in  the  right  of  the  subjects  to 
grant,  or  withhold  taxes  ;  and  in  their  having  a  share 
in  enacting  the  laws,  by  which  they  were  to  be 
bound. 

They  conceived,  that  the  superiority  of  the  Brit- 
ish constitution,  to  other  foniis  of  goverment,  was, 
not  that  their  supreme  council  was  called  parlia- 
ment but  that  the  people  had  a  share  in  it,  by  ap- 
pointing members,  who  constituted  one  of  its  con- 
stituent branches,  and  without  whose  concurrence, 
no  law,  binding  on  them,  could  be  enacted.  In  the 
mother  country,  it  was  asserted  to  be  essential  to 
the  unity  of  the  empire,  that  the  British  parliament 
should  have  a  right  of  taxation,  over  every  part  of 
the  royal  dominion.  In  the  colonies,  it  was  be- 
Vevcul,  that  taxation  and  representation  were  in- 
separable ;  and  tliat  they  could  neitlier  be  free  nor 
happy,  if  their  property  could  be  taken  from  them, 
wiiiiout  their  consent.  The  common  people  in 
America  reasoned  on  this  subject,  in  a  summary 
<vay  :  "  I  a  British  parliament,"  said  they,  "  in 
which  we  are  unrepresented,  and  over  which  we 
have  no  control,  can  take  from  us  any  part  of  our 
property,  by  direct  taxation,  they  may  take  as  much 
as  they  please  ;  and  we  liave  no  security  for  any  thing 
that  rem.'Mns,  but  a  forbearance  on  their  part,  less 
likely  to  be  exercised  in  our  favour,  as  they  lighten 
themselves  of  the  burdens  of  government,  in  the 
same  jiroportion  that  they  impose  them  on  us." 
They  well  knew,  that  communities  of  mankind,  as 
well  as  individuals,  have  a  strong  propensity  to  im- 
pose on  others,  when  they  can  do  it  with  im])unily ; 
and  espi'cially  when  their  is  a  prospect,  that  the 
imposition  will  be  attended  with  advantage  to  them- 
selves. The  Americans,  from  that  jealousy  of 
their  liberties,  which  their  local  situation  nurtured, 
and  which  they  inherited  from  their  forefathers, 
viewed  tlie  exclusive  right  of  laying  taxes  on  them- 
selves, free  from  extraneous  influence,  in  the  same 
light,  as  the  British  j)arliainent  views  its  peculiar 
privilege  of  raising  money,  independent  of  the 
crowii.  The  |)arent  state  appeared,  to  the  colo- 
nists, to  stand  in  the  same  relation  to  their  local  le- 
(^islatures,  as  the  monarch  of  (Jreat  Britain  to  the 
British  I'arliainent.  Ilis  prerogative  is  limited  by 
that  palladium  of  the  people's  liberty,  the  exclusive, 
privilege  of  granting  their  own  money.  While  this 
riiiht  resiM  in  the  hands  of  the  people,  their  liberties 
are  necured. 

In  the  same  manner  reasoned  the  colonists:  "  In 
order  to  l)e  styled  freemen,  our  local  assemblies, 
elected  by  ourselves,  must  enjoy  the  exclusive  pri- 
vilege ol'  imposing  taxes  U))oii  us."  'iMiev  contend- 
ed, that  men  settled  in  foreign  parts,  to  belter  their 
condition,  not  to  submit  their  liberties;  to  continue 
the  eijuals,  not  to  become  the  slaves  of  iheir  less  ad- 
venturous fellow-cili/.ens  ;  and  that,  by  the  novel 
<l()('lrine  of  parliamentary  pr)wer,  they  were  degra- 
ded from  being  the  subjects  of  n  king,  to  the  low' 
condition  of  being  subjects  of  subjects.  They  ar- ' 
giied,  tliat  It  w;is  essentially  involved  in  the  idea  of 

Eropeily,  that  the  possessor  had  such  a  right  there- i 
>,  lluit  it  w:ui  a  contradiction  to  suppose  any  other  i 


man,  or  body  ol  men,  possessed  a  right  to  take  it 
(rom  him,  without  his  consent.  Precedents  in  the 
history  of  Kngland  justified  this  mode  of  reasoning 
The  love  of  property  streiigtiiened  it  ;  and  it  had  a 
peculiar  force  on  the  minds  of  colonists,  three  thous- 
and miles  removed  iVom  the  seat  of  government, 
and  growing  up  to  maturity,  in  a  New  World,  w  here, 
from  the  extent  of  country,  and  the  state  of  society, 
even  the  necessary  restraints  of  civil  governinent 
weie  impatiently  borne.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
people  of  (Jreat  Britain  revolted  against  the  claims 
of  the  colonists.  Kducated  in  liabits  of  submission 
to  parliamentary  taxation,  they  conceived  it  to  be 
the  height  of  contumacy,  for  the  colonists  to  refuse 
obedience  to  the  power,  wliich  they  had  been  taught 
to  revere.  Not  adverting  to  the  common  interest, 
which  existed  between  the  peoj)le  of  (Jreat  Britain 
and  their  representatives,  they  believed,  that  the 
said  community  of  interests  was  wanting.  The 
pride  of  an  opulent,  conquering  nation,  aided  tliis 
mode  of  reasoning.  "  What !"  said  they,  "  shall 
we,  who  have  so  lately  humbled  France  and  Spain, 
be  dictated  to  by  our  own  colonists  ?  Shall  our  sub- 
jects, educated  by  our  care,  and  defended  by  our 
arms,  presume  to  question  the  riglits  of  parliament, 
to  which  we  are  obliged  to  submit?"  Reflections  of 
this  kind,  congenial  to  the  natural  vanity  of  the  hu- 
man heart,  operated  so  extensively,  that  the  jieople 
of  Great  Britain  spoke  of  their  colonies  and  of  their 
colonists,  as  a  kind  of  ])ossession  annexed  to  their 
persons.  The  love  of  power,  and  of  projjerty,  on 
the  one  side  of  the  Atlantic,  were  ojjposed  by  the 
same  powerful  passions  on  the  other. 

The  disposition  to  tax  the  colonies  was  also 
strengthened,  by  exaggerated  accounts  of  their 
wealth.  It  was  said,  "  that  the  American  planters 
lived  in  affluence,  and  with  inconsiderable  taxes  ; 
while  the  inhabitants  of  Great  Britain  were  borne 
down,  by  such  oppressive  burdens,  as  to  make  a 
bare  subsistei>ce,  a  matter  of  extreme  difTiculty." 
The  officers  who  had  served  in  America,  during  the 
late  war,  contributed  to  this  delusion.  Their  ob- 
servations were  founded  on  what  they  had  seen  in 
cities,  and  at  a  time,  when  large  sums  were  siient 
by  government,  in  support  o  fleets  and  armies,  atid 
when  American  commodities  were  in  great  demand. 
To  treat  with  attention  those  who  came  to  fight  for 
them,  and  also  to  gratify  their  own  pride,  the  colo- 
nists had  made  a  parade  of  their  riclies,  by  frequent- 
ly and  sumptuously  entertaining  the  gentlemen  of 
the  British  army.  These,  judging  from  what  they 
saw,  without  considering  the  general  state  of  the 
cotuitry,  concurred  in  representing  the  colonists  as 
very  able  to  contribute,  largely,  towards  defraying 
the  common  expenses  of  the  empire. 

The  charters,  which  were  sujjposed  to  contain 
the  principles  on  which  the  colonies  were  founded, 
became  the  subject  of  serious  investigation  on  both 
sides.  One  clause  was  found  to  run  through  the 
whole  of  them,  except  that  which  had  been  granted 
to  Mr.  Penn.  This  was  a  declaration,  "  that  the 
emigrants  to  America  should  enjoy  the  same  ])rivi- 
leges,  as  if  they  had  remained,  or  had  been  born 
within  the  realm  :"  but  such  was  the  subtilty  of  dis- 
putants, that  both  parties  construed  this  general 
principle  so  as  to  favour  their  respective  opinions. 
The  American  patriots  contended,  that  as  English 
freeholders  could  not  be  taxed,  but  by  representa- 
tives, in  choosing  whom  they  had  a  vote,  neither 
could  the  colonists  :  but  it  was  replied,  that,  if  the 
colonists  had  remained  in  England,  they  must  have 
been  bound  to  ))ay  the  taxes  imposed  by  parliament. 
It  was  flicrefore  inferred,  that,  though  taxed  by 
that  authority,  they  lost  none  of  the  rights  of  native 
Englishmen,  residing  at  home.  The  parti/ans  of 
the  mother  country  could  see  nothing  in  charters, 
but  security  against  taxes,  by  royal  authority.  The 
Americans,  adhering  to  the  spirit  more  than  to  the 
letter,  viewed  their  characters  as  a  shield  against  all 
taxes  not  im])osed  by  representatives  of  their  own 
choice.  'IMiis  construction  they  contended  to  be 
exjiresslv  recognised  by  the  charter  of  Maryland. 
In  that,  king  (Charles  bound  both  himself  and  his 
successors,  not  to  assent  to  any  bill  subjeclins  the 
inhabitants  to  internal  taxation,  by  cxlorual  legis- 
lution. 


The  nature  and  extent  of  the  connexion  beiweea 
(Jreat  Britain  and  America,  was  a  great  consiitu 
tional  <|uesti(iii,  involving  many  interests  and  the 
general  princi|)les  of  civil  liberty.  To  decid-;  ihia, 
recourse  w;is,  in  vain,  had  to  |)archment  auihorities 
made  at  a  distant  time  ;  when  neither  the  grantor, 
nor  grantees,  of' American  territory,  had  in  contem- 
plation any  thing  like  the  present  state  of  the  twc 
countries. 

(Jreat  and  flourishing  colonies,  daily  increasing 
in  numbers,  and  already  grown  to  the  magnitude  of 
a  nation,  platited  at  an  immense  distance,  and  go- 
verned by  eonstitution.s,  resembling  that  of  the  coun- 
try from  which  they  sprung,  were  novelties  in  the 
history  of  the  world.  To  combine  colonies  so  cir« 
cumstanced,  in  one  uniform  systeiu  of  governinent 
with  the  parent  state,  required  a  great  knowledge 
of  mankind,  and  an  extensive  comprehension  of 
things.  It  was  an  arduous  business,  far  beyond  the 
grasp  of  ordinary  statesmen,  whose  ininds  were 
narrowed  by  the  formalities  of  law,  or  the  tnunmels 
of  office.  An  original  genius,  unfettered  with  pre- 
cedents, and  exalted  with  just  ideas  of  the  rights  of 
human  nature,  and  the  obligations  of  universal  be- 
nevoleiice.  micht  liave  struck  out  a  middle  line, 
which  would  have  secured  as  much  liberty  to  the 
colonies,  and  as  great  a  degree  of  supremacy  to  the 
parent  state,  as  their  common  good  required  ;  but 
the  helm  of  (Jreat  Britain  was  not  in  such  hands. 
The  s|)irit  of  the  British  constitution,  on  the  one 
hand,  revolted  at  the  idea,  that  the  British  parlia- 
ment should  exercise  the  same  unlimited  authority 
over  the  unrepresented  colonies,  which  it  exer- 
cised over  the  inhabitants  of  (Jreat  Britain.  The 
colonists,  on  the  oilier  hand,  did  not  Claim  a  to- 
tal exemption  from  its  authority.  They  in  gene- 
ral allowed  tlie  mother  country  a  certain  undefined 
prerogative  over  them,  and  acquiesced  in  the  right 
of  ])arliament,  to  make  many  acts,  binding  them  in 
many  subjects  of  internal  policy,  and  regulating 
their  trade.  Where  parliamentary  supremacy  end- 
ed, and  at  what  point  colonial  independency  began, 
was  not  ascertained.  Happy,  for  the  English  em- 
pire, would  it  have  been,  had  the  question  never 
been  agitated  ;  but  much  more  so,  had  it  been  cotn- 
j  romised  by  an  amicable  compact,  without  the  hor- 
rors of  a  civil  war. 

'i'he  English  colonies  were  originally  established 
on  the  principles  of  a  commercial  monopoly.  While 
England  ])ursued  tnide,  her  commerce  increased  at 
least  four-fold.  The  colonies  took  the  manufac- 
tures of  (Jreat  Britain,  and  paid  for  them  with  jiro- 
visions,  or  raw  materials.  They  united  their  arms 
in  war,  their  commerce  and  their  councils  in  peace, 
without  nicely  investigating  the  terms  on  which  the 
connexion  of  the  two  countries  dejicnded. 

A.  jierfect  calm  in  the  jiolitical  world  is  not  long  ^ 
to  be  expected.  The  reciprocal  happiness,  both  of 
(Jreat  Britain  and  of  the  colonies,  was  too  great  to 
be  of  long  dui-ation.  The  calamities  of  the  war  of 
175.')  had  scarcely  ended,  when  the  germ  of  another 
war  was  planted,  which  soon  grew  up  and  produced  ^ 
deadly  fruit.  ', 

At  that  lime,  sundry  resolutions  passed  the  Bri- 
tish parliament,  relative  to  the  imposition  of  a  stamp  ^ 
duly  in  America,  which  gave  a  general  alarm.  By 
them  the  right,  the  eepiity.  the  policy,  and  even  the 
necessity  of  taxing  the  colonics,  were  formally 
avowed.  These  resolutions,  being  considered  as 
the  preface  of  a  system  of  American  revenue,  were 
deemed  an  introduction  to  evils  of  much  greater 
magnitude.  'JMiey  opened  a  |)rospect  of  oppres 
sion,  boundless  in  exient,  and  endless  in  duration. 
Thev  were  nevertheless  not  immediately  followed 
by  any  legislative  act.  Time,  and  an  iiiviiation, 
were  given  to  the  .\mericans,  to  su:;gest  any  other 
mode  of  taxation  that  might  be  equivalent  in  its  pro- 
duce to  the  stamp  act :  but  they  objected,  not  only  to 
the  mode,  but  the  princi|)le  ;  and  several  of  their  as- 
semblies, though  in  vain,  petitioned  against  it.  A" 
American  revenue  was,  in  England,  a  very  populsr 
measure.  The  cry  in  favour  of  it  was  so  strong,  as 
to  silence  the  voice  of  petitions  to  the  contrary.— 
The  equity  of  compelling  the  .Americans  to  ccntrl- 
bule  to  the  common  expenses  of  ti  e  empire,  satis- 
fied many  who.  without  incjuiring  into  the  y>ol\cj  cr 


NORTH  AMERICA, 


631 


justice  of  taxing  their  unre])i-esentc(l  fellow  subjects, 
ie;i(lily  asspiiteil  to  the  measures  adopted  by  tlie 
|iani-,uu''Mt  Cor  this  purpose.  Tlie  ])r()si)ect  of  easing 
iheir  own  burdens,  at  the  expense  of  the  colonists, 
(laz/.led  tlie  eyes  of  gentlemen  of  landed  interest, 
so  lis  to  keep  out  of  their  view  the  probable  coiise- 
tjueiices  of  the  innovation. 

The  omnipotence  of  parliament  wa.s  so  familiar  a 
phrase,  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic,  that  few  in 
America,  and  still  fewer  in  Great  Britain,  were  im- 
pressed, in  the  fnst  instance,  with  any  idea  of  the 
illc^tjallty  of  taxing  the  colonists. 

IHumination  on  that  subject  was  gradual.  The 
resohilions  in  favor  of  an  American  stamp  act, 
which  passed  in  March,  1761:,  met  with  no  opposi- 
tion. In  the  comse  of  the  year  which  intervened 
t)etween  these  resolutions,  and  the  passing  of  a  law 
grounded  upon  them,  the  subject  was  better  under- 
stood, and  constitutional  ol)jections  against  the  mea- 
sure, were  urged  l)y  .several,  both  in  (ireat  Britain 
and  America.  This  astonished  and  chagrined  the 
British  ministry :  but  as  the  principle  of  taxing 
America  had  iieen,  for  sometime,  determined  upon, 
tiiey  were  luiwilling  to  give  it  up.  Imjielled  by 
partiality  tor  a  long  cherished  idea,  Mr.  Grenville, 
in  March  1765,  brought  into  the  house  of  commons 
liis  long  exjiected  bill,  for  laying  a  stamp  duty  in 
America.  By  this,  after  passing  through  the  usual 
forms,  it  was  enacted,  that  the  instruments  of  wri- 
ting, in  daily  use  among  a  commercial  people,  should 
be  null  and  void,  unless  they  were  executed  on 
stamped  paper  or  parchment,  charged  with  a  duty 
hnjiosed  by  the  British  ])arliament. 

When  the  bill  was  brought  in,  Mr.  Charles 
Townspnd  concluded  a  sjieech  in  its  favour,  with 
words  to  the  following  effect  :  "  And  now  will  these 
Americans,  children  planted  by  our  care,  nourished 
up  by  our  indulgence,  till  they  are  grown  to  a  de- 
gree of  strength  and  opulence,  and  protected  by  our 
arms,  will  they  grudge  to  contribute  their  mite  to 
relieve  us  from  the  heavy  weight  of  that  burden 
which  we  lie  under  ?"  To  which  colonel  Barre 
replied  :  "  They  planted  by  your  care  !  No,  your 
oppressions  planted  theui  in  America.  They  fled 
from  tyranny  to  a  then  Tincultivated  and  inliospitable 
country,  where  they  exposed  themselves  to  almost 
nil  the  hardships  to  which  human  nature  is  liable ; 
and,  among  others,  to  the  cruelly  of  a  savage  foe, 
the  most  subtle,  and,  I  will  take  upon  me  to  say,  the 
most  formidable  of  any  people  upon  the  face  of 
God's  eartli !  and  yet,  actuated  by  principles  of  true 
English  liberty,  they  met  all  liardships  with  plea- 
sure, compared  with  those  they  suffered  in  their 
own  country,  from  the  hand  of  those  that  should 
have  been  their  friends.  They  nourished  up  by 
your  indulgence  !  They  grew  by  your  neglect  of 
them.  As  soon  as  you  began  to  care  about  them, 
that  care  was  exercised  in  sending  persons  to  rule 
them,  in  one  department  and  another,  who  were, 
perhaps,  the  deputies  of  deputies  to  some  members 
in  this  house,  sent  to  spy  out  their  liberties,  to  mis- 
represent their  actions,  and  to  prey  upon  them  :  men, 
whose  behaviour,  on  many  occasions,  has  caused 
the  blood  of  those  sons  of  liberty  to  recoil  within 
them  :  men  promoted  to  the  highest  seats  of  justice 
—some  who,  to  my  knowledge,  were  glad,  by  going 
to  a  foreign  country,  to  escape  being  brought  to  the 
bar  of  a  court  of  justice  in  their  own.  They  pro- 
tected by  your  arms  !  They  have  nobly  taken  up 
arms  in  your  defence,  have  exerted  a  valour  amidst 
their  constant  and  laborious  industry,  for  the  de- 
fence of  a  country  whose  frontier  was  drenched  in 
bbod,  whilst  its  interior  parts  yielded  all  its  little 
savings  to  your  emolument.  And,  believe  me,  that 
same  spirit  of  freedom,  which  actuated  these  people 
at  first,  will  accompany  tliem  still :  but  prudence 
forbids  me  to  explain  myself  farther.  God  knows, 
I  do  not,  at  this  time,  speak  from  any  motives  of 
p  trty  heat.  I  deliver  the  genuine  sentiments  of  my 
heart.  However  superior  to  me,  in  general  know- 
ledge and  experience,  the  respectable  body  of  this 
house  may  be,  yet  T  claim  to  know  more  of  America 
tlian  most  of  ycu;  having  seen  and  been  conversant 
in  that  country.  The  people,  1  believe,  are  as  trulv 
loyal  as  any  subjects  the  king  has  ;  but  a  people  jea'- 
lous  of  their  liberties,  and  who  will  vindicate  tliem, 


if  ever  they  should  be  violated :  but  the  subject  is 
too  delicate.    1  will  say  no  more." 

During  the  debate  on  the  bill,  the  suijijorters  of  it 
insisted  much  on  the  colonies  being  virtually  repre- 
sented in  the  same  majiiier  as  Leeds,  Halifax,  and 
some  other  towns  were.  A  recurrence  to  this  jjlea 
was  a  virtual  acknowledgement,  tliat  there  ought  not 
to  be  taxation  without  representation.  It  was  re- 
plied, that  the  connexion  between  the  electors  and 
non-electors  of  parliament,  in  (Jreat  Britain,  was  so 
interwoven,  from  both  being  equally  liable  to  pay 
the  same  common  tax,  as  to  give  some  security  of 
|)roperty  to  the  latter:  but  with  resjiect  to  taxes 
laid  by  the  British  parliament,  and  paid  by  the  Ame- 
ricans, the  situation  -of  the  parties  was  reversed. 
Instead  of  both  parties  bearing  a  proiiortionable 
share  of  the  same  common  burden,  what  was  laid 
on  the  one,  was  exactly  so  much  taken  off  from  the 
other. 

The  bill  met  with  no  opposition  in  the  house  of 
lords  ;  and,  on  the  22d  of  March,  1765,  it  received 
the  royal  assent.  The  night  after  it  passed.  Dr. 
Franklin  wrote  to  Mr.  Charles  Thomson  ;  "  The 
sun  of  liberty  is  set ;  you  must  light  up  the  candles 
of  industry  and  economy."  Mr.  Thomson  answer- 
ed :  "  I  was  apprehensive,  that  other  lights  would 
be  the  consequence  ;"  and  he  foretold  the  opposition 
which  shortly  took  place.  On  its  being  suggested 
from  authority,  that  the  stamp  officers  would  not  be 
sent  from  Great  Britain,  but  selected  from  among 
the  Americans,  the  colony  agents  were  desired  to 
point  out  proper  persons  for  that  purpose.  They 
generally  nominated  their  friends,  which  affords  a 
presumptive  proof,  that  they  supposed  the  act  would 
have  gone  down.  In  this  opinion,  they  were  far 
from  being  singular.  That  the  colonists  would  be, 
ultimately,  obliged  to  submit  to  the  stamp  act,  was 
at  first  commonly  believed,  both  in  England  and 
America.  The  framers  of  it,  in  particular,  flatter- 
ed themselves,  that  the  confusion,  which  would  arise 
upon  the  disuse  of  writings,  and  the  insecurity  of 
property,  which  would  result  from  using  any  other 
than  that  required  by  law^  would  compel  the  colo- 
nies, however  reluctant,  to  use  the  stamped  paper, 
and  consequently  to  pay  the  taxes  imposed  thereon. 
They,  therefore,  boasted  that  it  was  a  law,  which 
would  execute  itself.  By  the  term  of  the  stamp  act, 
it  was  not  to  take  effect  till  the  first  day  of  Novem- 
ber; a  period  of  more  than  seven  months  after  its 


every  attempt,  to  vest  such  power  in  any  other  per 
son  or  persons,  whatsoever,  than  the  geni-ral  assem 
bly  aforesaid,  is  illegal,  unconslituiioMal,  and  unjust, 
and  hath  a  manifest  tctjdency  to  destroy  British,  as 
well  as  American  liberty. 

"  iiesolved,  that  liis  majesty's  liege  people,  .no 
inhabitants  of  this  colony,  are  not  bound  to  yield 
obedience  to  any  law,  or  ordinance  whatever,  de 
signed  to  impose  any  taxation  whatever  upon  them, 
other  than  the  laws  or  ordinances  of  the  general  as 
sembly  aforesaid. 

"  Resolved,  that  any  person,  who  sliall,  by  sj)eak- 
ing  or  writing,  assert  or  maintain,  that  any  person, 
or  persons,  other  than  the  general  assembly  of  this 
colony,  have  any  right  or  power,  to  imj)osf,  or  lay 
any  taxation  on  the  jjeople  here,  shall  be  deemed  an 
enemy  to  this  his  majesty's  colony.*" 

Upon  reading  these  resolutions,  the  boldness  and 
novelty  of  them  affected  one  of  the  members  to  such 
a  degree,  tint  he  cried  out,  "  treason  I  treason  I" 
Tliey  were,  nevertheless,  well  received  by  the 
people ;  and  immediately  forwarded  to  the  other 
provinces.  They  circulated  extensively,  and  gave 
a  spring  to  the  discontented.  Till  they  ajjpeared, 
most  were  of  opinion,  that  the  act  would  be  quietly 
adopted.  Murmurs,  indeed,  were  common,  but 
they  seemed  to  be  such,  as  would  noon  die  away. 
The  countenance  of  so  respectable  a  colony,  as  Vir- 
ginia, confirmed  the  wavering,  and  emboldened  the 
timid.  Opposition  to  the  stamp  act,  from  that  pe- 
riod, assumed  a  bolder  face.  The  fire  of  liberty 
blazed  forth  from  the  press.  Some  well-judged 
publications  set  the  rights  of  the  colonists,  in  a  plain, 
but  strong  point  of  view.  The  tongues  and  the  pens 
of  the  well-informed  citiiiens  lalioured  in  kindling 
the  latent  sparks  of  patriotism.  The  flame  sjjread 
from  breast  to  breast,  till  the  conflagration  became 
general.  In  this  business,  New  England  had  a 
principal  share.  The  inhabitants  of  that  part  of 
America,  in  j)articular,  considered  their  obligations 
to  the  mother  country,  for  past  favours,  to  be  very 
inconsi<lerabIe.  Tliey  were  fully  informed,  that 
their  forefathers  were  driven,  by  persecution  to  the 
woods  of  America,  and  liad  there,  without  any  ex- 
pense to  the  parent  state,  effefcted  a  settlement  on 
bare  creation.  Their  resentment,  for  the  invasion 
of  their  accustomed  right  of  taxation,  was  not  so 
much  mitigated,  by  the  recollection  of  late  favours, 
as  it  was  hcishtened  by  the  tradition  of  grievous 


passing.    This  gave  the  colonists  an  opportunitv  |  sufferings,  to  which  their  ancestors,  by  the  rulers 


of  leisurely  canva.ssing  the  new  subject,  and  exam- 
ining fully  on  every  side.  In  the  first  part  of  this 
interval,  strack  with  astonishment,  they  lay  in  si- 
lent consternation,  and  could  not  determine  what 
course  to  pursue.  By  degrees  they  recovered  their 
recollection.  Virginia  led  the  way  in  opposition 
to  the  stamp  act.  Mr.  Patrick  Henry,  on  the  29th 
of  May,  1765,  brought  into  the  house  of  burgesses 
of  that  colony,  the  following  resolutions,  which  were 
substantially  adopted. 

"  Resolved,  that  the  first  adventurers,  settlers  of 
this  his  majesty's  colony  and  dominion  of  Virginia, 
brought  with  them,  and  transmitted  to  their  poste- 
rity, and  all  other,  his  majesty's  subjects,  since  in- 
habiting in  this,  his  majesty's  said  colony,  all  the 
liberties,  privileges,  and  immunities,  that  have  at 
any  time,  been  held,  enjoyed,  and  possessed  by  the 
people  of  Great  Britain. 

"  Resolved,  that,  by  two  royal  charters,  granted 
by  king  .lames  the  first,  the  colonists  aforesaid  are 
declared  entitled  to  all  liberties,  privileges,  and  im- 
munities of  denizens,  and  natural  subjects,  to  all  in- 
tents and  purposes,  as  if  they  had  been  abiding  and 
born  within  the  realm  of  Engl;uid. 

"  Resolved,  that  his  majesty's  liege  people,  of 
this  his  ancient  colony,  have  enjoyed  the  rights  of 
being  thus  governed,  by  their  own  assembly,  in  the 
article  ol  taxes,  and  internal  police ;  and  that  the 
same  have  never  been  forfeited,  or  yielded  up  :  but 
have  been  constantly  recognised  by  the  king  and 
people  of  Brit- .in. 

"  Resolved,  therefore,  that  the  general  assembly 
of  this  colony,  together  with  his  majesty,  or  his  sub- 
stitutes, have  in  their  representative  capacity,  the 
only  exclusive  right  and  power,  to  lay  taxes  and  im 


of  England,  had  been  subjected. 

The  heavy  burdens,  which  the  opeiaiion  of  the 
stamp  act  would  have  imposed  on  the  colonists,  to 
gether  with  the  precedent  it  would  establish  of  fu 
ture  exactions,  furnished  the  American  patriots 
with  arguments,  calculated  as  well  to  move  the 
passions,  as  to  convince  the  judgments  of  their  fel- 
low colonists.  In  great  warmth  they  exclaimed  : 
"  If  the  parliament  have  a  right  to  levy  the  stamp 
duties,  they  may,  by  the  same  authority,  lay  on  us 
imposts,  excises,  and  other  taxes,  without  end,  till 
their  rapacity  is  satisfied,  or  our  abilities  are  ex- 
hausted. We  cannot,  at  future  elections,  displace 
these  men,  who  so  lavishly  grant  away  our  proper- 
ty. Their  seats  and  their  power  are  independent 
of  us,  and  it  will  rest  with  their  generosity,  where 
to  stop,  in  transferring  the  expenses  of  government 
from  their  own,  to  our  shoulders." 

It  was  fortunate  for  the  liberties  of  America,  that 
newspapers  were  the  subject  of  a  heavy  stamp  duty. 
Printers,  when  uninfluenced  by  government,  have 
generally  arranged  themselves  on  ihe  side  of  liber 
ty,  nor  are  they  less  remarkable  for  their  attention 
to  the  profits  of  their  profession.  A  stam|)  duty, 
which  openly  invaded  the  first,  and  threatened  a  di 
minution  of  the  last,  provoked  their  united  zealous 


*  Patrick  HiMiry,  wliose  eloquence  was  of  tlie  .same  fa 
mily  willi  tlie  poclrv  of  Sliakspearc,  inlroduced  lliP.se  re 
.•solutions,  witli  an  animated  sppccb,  which  i?  unfnrtunatel j 
lo.st,  or,  perliaps,  was  never  written.  Tradition  inloriris 
lis,  that,  while  ho  was  pourin?  out  his  whole  .soul,  in 
tlie  hi'illiant  exti  iiiporaneous  efl'iisions  of  iht:  most  ar- 
dent patriotism,  he  broke  olT  ahruptly,  or  was  .siltiiccd 
bv  a  call  to  order,  in  the  niiddle  of  a  sentence,  wlii  h  he 
sun  a.s  follows.     "  Caesar  had  his  nrnlus  :  Cliar!i  s  his 


Oliver ;  aud  if  king  Gegrge  go  on  as  he  has  begun  he  will 
posts,  upon  the  inliabitants  of  litis  colony ;  and  tliatjfiuU"— 


8«3 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


opiMisitioD.  Tho.y  daily  preseritcd  to  tlie  public  ori-|  dages  to  Great  Britain  ;  that,  confining  their  trads 
UUial  liisscrtanoiis,  teiidini;  to  prove,  that,  if  the  [  for  the  exclusive  henefit  of  the  parent  state,  was  an 
stamp  act  were  nutfered  to  operate,  the  liberties  ofi  ample  compensation  for  her  protection,  and  a  sulh- 
.Vniericans -.rere  at  an  end,  and  their  properly  virtual-!  cicnt  equivalent  for  their  exemption  from  parliamen- 
tary taxation  ;  and  that  the  taxes  imj)osed  on  the  in- 
habitants of  Great  IJritain  were  incorporated  with 
their  manufactures,  and  ultimately  fell  on  the  co- 
lonists, who  were  the  consumers. 

The  advocates  for  tlie  stamp  act  also  contended, 
tliat,  as  the  parliament  was  charged  with  the  de- 
fence of  the  colonies,  it  ought  to  possess  tlie  means 
of  defraying  the  expenses  incurred  thereby.  'J''he 
same  argument  had  been  used  by  king  Charles  the 
first,  in  support  of  ship-money  ;  and  it  was  now  an- 
swered in  the  same  manner  as  it  was  by  the  patriots 
of  that  day  ;  "  that  the  peojile,  who  were  defended  or 
protected,  were  the  fittest  to  judge  of  and  to  provide 
the  means  of  defraying  the  expenses  incurred  on 
that  account."  In  the  meantime,  the  minds  of  the 
Americans  underwent  a  total  transformation.  In- 
stead of  their  late  jjeaccable  and  steady  attachment 
to  the  British  nation,  they  were  daily  advancing  to 
the  opposite  extreme.  The  peo{)le,  esj)ecially  in 
the  large  cities,  became  riotous,  insulted  the  per- 
sons, and  destroyed  the  property  of  such  as  were 
known  or  su[)posed  to  be  friendly  to  the  stamp  act. 
The  mob  were  the  visible  agents  in  tliese  disorderly 
proceedings  ;  but  they  were  encouraged  by  persons 
of  rank  and  character. 

As  opportunities  ollered,  the  assemblies  generally 
passed  resolutions,  asserting  their  exclusive  right 
to  lay  taxes  on  tlieir  constituents.  The  people,  in 
their  town  meetings,  instructed  their  rei)resenta- 
tives  to  oppose  the  stamp  act.  For  a  specimen  of 
the  spirit  and  style  of  their  iDStructions,  see  Appen- 
dix. No.  I. 

The  expediency  of  calling  a  continental  congress, 
to  be  composed  of  deputies  from  each  of  the  pro- 
vinces, had  early  occurred  to  the  people  of  Massa- 
chusetts. The  assembly  of  that  province  jiassed  a 
resolution  in  favour  of  that  measure,  and  fixed  on 
New  York  as  the  place,  and  the  second  Tuesday  of 
October,  17(35,  as  the  time,  for  holding  the  same. 
They  sent  circular  letters  to  the  speakers  of  the  se- 
veral assemblies,  requesting  their  concurrence. 
This  first  advance  towarils  continental  union,  was 
seconded  in  South  Carolina,  before  it  liad  been 
agreed  to  by  any  colony  to  the  southward  of  New 
England.  The  example  of  this  province  had  a  con- 
siderable; influence  in  recommending  the  iTieasure  to 
otliers,  divided  in  their  opinions  as  to  its  [irojiriety. 

The  assemblies  of  Virginia,  North  (Jarolina,  and 
Georgia,  were  prevented,  by  their  governors,  from 
sending  a  deputation  to  this  congress.  Twenty- 
eight  deputies  from  Massachusetts,  Rliodc  Islatid, 
Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Peimsyl- 
vania,  Delaware,  Maryland,  and  Sotith  Carolina, 
met  at  New  York  :  and,  after  mature  deliberation, 
agreed  on  a  declaration  of  their  rights,  and  on  a 
statement  of  their  grievances.  They  asserted,  in 
strong  terms,  their  exemption  from  all  taxes  not  im- 
posed by  tlieir  own  re()resentatives.  They  also 
concurred  in  a  petition  to  the  king,  a  memorial  to 
tlie  house  of  lords,  and  a  petition  to  the  house  of 
commons.  The  colonies  prevented  from  sending 
their  representatives  to  this  congress,  forwarded 
petitions  similar  to  those  adoi)tcd  by  the  deputies 
who  atlended. 

While  a  variety  of  legal  and  illegal  metliods  were 
adopted,  to  opjwse  the  stam|)  act,  the  first  of  No- 
vember, on  which  it  was  to  commence  its  operation, 
approached.  At  Boston,  the  day  was  ushered  in 
by  a  funeral  tolling  of  bells.  Many  shops  and  stores 
were  sliut.  The  effigies  of  the  planners  and  friends 
of  the  stamp  act,  were  carried  about  the  streets  in 
public  derision,  and  then  torn  in  pieces  by  the  en- 
raged jiopulace.  It  was  remarkable,  that,  though 
a  large  crowd  was  assembled,  there  was  not  the 
least  violence  or  disorder. 

At  Portsinoul  li.  in  New  Ilamiisliire,  tlie  morning 
was  ushered  in  with  tolling  all  the  hells  in  town. 
In  the  course  of  the  day,  notice  was  given  to  the 
friends  of  Liberty,  to  attend  her  funeral.  A  coffin, 
neatly  ornamented,  and  inscribed  with  the  word 
LIBERTY,  in  large  letters,  was  carried  to  the 


ly  transferred  to  their  trans-.\llantic  fellow  subjects 
The  wriit-rs  among  the  Americans,  seriously  alarm- 
ed lor  the  file  of  their  country,  came  forward  with 
assays,  to  prove,  that,  agreeably  to  the  British  con- 
stitution, taxation  and  representation  were  insepar- 
able; that  the  only  consiituiional  mode  of  raising 
mon"V  from  the  colonist.s,  was  by  acts  of  their  own 
leiisliilures ;  that  the  crown  possessed  no  farther 
jimver,  than  that  of  requisition  ;  and  tiiat  the  parlia- 
mentary right  of  taxation  was  confined  to  the  mo- 
Uier  country,  where  it  originated  from  the  natural 
right  of  man,  to  do  what  he  pleased  with  his  own, 
transl'erred  by  consent  from  the  electors  of  Great 
Britain,  to  those  whom  they  chose  to  represent  them 
n  [larliament.  They  also  insisted  much  on  the  mis- 
application of  public  money,  by  the  Briti.sh  ministry. 
Great  pains  were  taken  to  inform  the  colonists  of 
the  large  sums  annually  bestowed  on  pensioned  fa- 
vourites, and  for  the  various  purposes  of  bribery. 
Their  passions  were  inflamed  by  high  coloured  re- 
presentations of  the  hardship  of  being  obliged  to 
pay  the  earnings  of  their  industry  into  a  British 
(rea.sury,  well  known  to  be  a  fund  for  corruption. 

The  writers  on  the  American  side  were  opposed 
bv  arguments,  drawn  from  the  unity  of  the  empire; 
the  necessity  of  one  supreme  head;  the  unlimited 
power  of  parliament ;  and  the  great  numbers  in  the 
mother  country,  who,  though  legally  disqualified 
(roiu  voting  at  elections,  were,  nevertheless,  bound 
to  jiay  the  taxes  imposed  by  the  representatives  of 
the  nation.  To  these  objections  it  was  replied, 
that  the  very  idea  of  subordination  of  parts,  excluded 
the  notion  of  simple  undivided  unity  ;  that,  as  Eng- 
land was  the  head,  she  could  not  be  the  head  and 
the  members  too;  that,  in  all  extensive  empires, 
where  the  dead  uniformity  of  .servitude  did  not  pre- 
vent, the  subordinate  parts  had  many  local  jirivi- 
leges  and  immunities;  that,  between  these  privi- 
leges and  the  sujjreme  common  authority,  the  line 
was  extremely  nice  ;  and  that,  nevertheless,  the  su- 
premacy of  the  head  had  an  amj)le  field  of  exercise, 
without' arrogating  to  itself  the  disposal  of  the  pro- 
perly of  the  unrepresented  sul)ordinate  parts.  To 
the  assertion,  that  the  power  of  jiarliament  was  un- 
limited, the  colonists  replied,  that  before  it  could 
constitutionally  exercise  that  jiower,  it  must  be  con- 
stitutionally formed  ;  and  that,  therefore,  it  must  at 
(east,  in  one  of  its  branches,  be  constituted  by  the 
people,  over  whom  it  exercised  unlimited  power; 
that,  with  lesiiect  to  (ireat  Britain,  it  was  so  con- 
BtitiKed ;  and  with  respect  to  America,  it  was  not. 
They  therefore  inferred,  tliat  its  power  ought  not  to 
be  the  same  over  both  countries.  They  argued  al- 
so, that  the  delegation  of  the  people  was  the  source 
of  power,  in  regard  to  taxation;  and,  as  that  dele- 
gation was  wanting  in  America,  they  concluded  the 
right  of  parliament,  to  grant  away  tlieir  property, 
could  not  exist;  and  that  the  defective  representation 
in  (ireat  Britain,  should  be  urged  as  an  argument 
for  taxing  the  Americans,  without  any  representa- 
tion at  all,  proved  the  encroaching  nature  of  power. 
Instead  of  convincing  the  colonists  of  the  projiriety 
of  their  submission,  it  demonstrated  the  wisdom  of 
their  resistance ;  for,  said  they,  "  one  inv;ision  ol 
natural  right  is  made  the  justification  of  another, 
much  more  injurious  and  o])|)ressive." 

The  advocates  for  parliamentary  taxation,  laid 
great  stress  on  the  rights  supposed  to  have  accrued 
to  (Ireat  Britain,  on  the  score  of  lier  having  reared 
up  and  protected  the  Ent;lisli  settlements  in  Ame- 
rica, at  great  expense.  It  was,  on  tlie  other  hand, 
contended  by  the  colonists,  tliat,  in  all  the  wars 
which  were  common  to  both  countries,  they  had 
taken  their  full  share;  but  in  all  tlieir  own  dangers, 
in  all  the  diflicultirs  belonging  se[)arately  to  their 
•  ilnalKin,  which  clid  not  imiiiedialelv  concern  (rreat 
Britain,  they  were  left  to  themselves,  and  had  to 
»trni:!;le  through  a  hard  infancy;  and  in  particular, 
III  defend  themselves,  williont  any  aid  from  the  pa- 
rent state,  against  the  iiiiiiierous  savages  in  their 
rieiiiilv:  lliatl  when  France  hml  made  war  upon| 


'^ifiii.  it  waa  not  on  their  own  account,  but  as  appcn- 1  grave,    'i'hu  funeral  procession  begaa  from  the 


state-house,  atfenrted  with  two  unbraced  druiiis. 
While  the  inhabitatils  who  followed  the  co.'liii  were 
in  iiiolion,  minute  uiins  were  lired,  and  continued 
till  the  coffin  arrived  at  the  jilace  of  interment  Then 
an  oration,  in  favour  of  the  deceased,  w.m  pronoun- 
ced. It  was  scarcely  ended,  before  the  coiTin  was 
taken  up  ;  it  having  been  jierceived  that  some  re- 
mains of  life  were  lel't  :  on  which  the  inscription  was 
imriieJiately  altered  to  Liberty  revived."  The 
bells  immediately  excliantied  their  melancholy  for 
a  more  joylul  sound ;  and  satislaction  appeared  in 
every  countenance.  The  whole  was  conducted 
with  decency,  and  without  injury  or  insult  to  any 
man's  person  or  property. 

The  general  aversion  to  the  stamp  act  was,  by 
similar  methods,  in  a  variety  of"  (ilaces,  demonstra- 
ted. It  is  remarkable  that  the  |Hoceedinas  of  tho 
|)opulace,  on  these  occasions,  were  carried  on  with 
decorum  and  regularity.  They  were  not  ebulli- 
tions of  a  thoughtless  inob ;  but,  for  the  most  part, 
planned  by  leading  men,  of  character  and  influence, 
wlio  were  friends  to  peace  and  order.  These, 
knowing  well  that  the  bulk  of  mankind  are  more 
led  by  their  senses,  than  by  their  reason,  conducted 
the  public  exhibitions  on  that  principle,  with  a  view 
of  making  the  stamp  act,  and  its  friends,  both  ri- 
diculous and  odious. 

Though  the  stamp  act  was  to  have  operated  from 
the  1st  of  November,  yet  legal  proceedings,  in  the 
courts,  were  carried  on  as  before.  Vessels  entered 
and  departed  without  stani[)ed  jiapers.  The  printers 
boldly  [irinted  and  circulated  their  newspapers,  anH 
found  a  sufficient  number  of  readers;  though  they 
used  common  jiaper,  in  defiance  of  the  acts  of  par- 
liament. In  most  (lepartment.s,  by  common  consent, 
business  was  carried  on,  as  though  no  stamp  act  had 
existed.  This  was  accompanied  by  s])irited  reso- 
lutions to  risk  all  consequences,  rather  than  submit 
to  use  the  paper  required  by  law.  While  these 
matters  were  in  agitation,  the  colonists  entered  in- 
to as.sociations  against  iui[)ortiiig  British  mamifac- 
tures,  till  the  stamp  act  should  be  repealed.  In  this 
manner,  British  libertj'  was  made  to  opervite  aj^ainst 
British  tyranny.  Agreeably  to  the  free  constitution 
of  Great  Britain,  the  subject  w;ls  at  liberty  to  buy, 
or  not  to  buy,  as  he  pleased.  By  susiiendins;  their 
future  purchases  on  the  repeal  of  the  stamp  act,  the 
colonists  made  it  the  interest  of  merchants  and 
manufacturers,  to  solicit  for  that  repeal.  'JMu-y  had 
usually  taken  so  great  a  proportion  of  British  manu- 
factures, that  the  sudden  stoppage  of  all  their  or- 
ders, amoutiting,  annually,  to  two  or  three  millions 
sterling,  threw  some  thousands,  in  the  mcithei 
country,  out  of'emjiloyment,  and  induced  them,  from 
a  regard  to  theii  own  interest,  to  advocate  the  mea- 
sures wislied  lor  by  .\merica.  The  ])etitions  Iroiii  the 
colonies  were  seconded  bv  petitions  from  the  mer- 
chants and  manufacturers  of^  (Jreat  Britain.  Wliai 
the  former  prayed  tor  as  a  matter  of  right,  and  con 
nectcd  with  their  liberties,  the  latter  also  solicited 
from  motives  of  immediate  interest. 

In  order  to  remedy  the  deficiency  qf  British  sjoods, 
the  colonists  betook  themselves  to  a  variety  of  ne 
cessary  domestic  manufactures.  In  a  little  time, 
large  quantities  of  common  cloths  were  brouiilit  to 
market ;  and  these,  though  dearer,  and  of  a  worse 
(piality,  were  cheerfully  preferred  to  similar  arti 
cles,  imported  from  Britain.  That  wool  might  not 
be  wanting,  they  entered  into  resolutions  to  abstain 
from  eating  lambs.  Foreign  elegancies  were  laid 
aside.  The  women  were  as  exemplary  as  the  men, 
in  various  instances  of  self-denial.  With  creat 
readiness  they  rel'used  every  article  of  decoration 
for  their  persons,  and  luxury  for  their  tables.  These 
restrictions,  which  the  colonists  had  voluntarily  im- 
posed on  themselves,  were  .so  well  observed,  tha' 
multitudes  of  artificers,  in  Engimd,  were  reduced 
to  great  distress,  and  some  of  their  most  flourishini; 
manufactories  were,  in  a  trreat  measure,  at  a  stand. 
An  association  was  entered  into,  by  many  of  iho 
Sons  of  Liberty,  the  name  given  to  those  who  were 
opposed  to  the  stamp  act,  by  which  they  a<;ieed, 
"  to  march  with  the  utmost  experlition.  at  their  own 
proper  costs  and  ex|)eiise.  with  their  whole  force,  to 
the  relief  of  those  that  should  be  in  danger  f  torn  the 
stamp  act,  or  its  promoters  and  abettors,  or  anjr 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


893 


ihing  relative  to  it,  on  account  of  any  ihini;  that  may 
have  been  doiie,  in  opposition  to  its  obtaining." 
This  was  subscribed  by  so  many,  in  New  York  and 
New  Ku^lanil,  that  nothing  but  a  repeal  could  have 
prevented  the  immediate  commencement  of  a  civil 
*ar.  • 

From  the  decided  opposition  to  the  stamp  act, 
which  had  been  ado|)te(l  by  the  colonies,  it  became 
necessary  for  (ireat  I5ritain  to  enlorce,  or  to  repeal 
it.  Both  methods  of  proceeding  had  supporters. 
The  opposers  of  a  repeal  urged  arguments,  drawn 
from  the  dignity  of  tlie  nation,  the  danger  of  giving 
way  to  the  clamours  of  tlie  Americans,  and  the  con- 
sequences of  weakening  ))arliainentary  authority 
over  the  colonies.  On  tlie  other  hand,  it  was  evi- 
dent, from  the  determined  opposition  of  the  colonies, 
:]iat  it  could  not  be  eiiloiced  without  a  civil  war,  by 
which,  in  every  event,  the  nation  must  be  a  loser. 
In  the  course  of  these  discussions.  Dr.  Franklin 
was  examined  at  the  bar  of  the  house  of  commons, 
and  gave  extensive  information  on  the  state  of  Ame- 
rican alfairs,  and  the  impolicy  of  the  stamp  act, 
tvhicli  contributed  much  to  remove  predjudices,  and 
10  produce  a  disposition  that  was  friendly  toarejieal. 

Some  speakers  of  great  weight,  in  both  houses 
of  parliament,  denied  their  right  of  taxing  the  colo- 
nies. Tiie  most  distinguished  su]i])orters  of  this 
opinion  were  Lord  Cambdeii,  in  the  house  of  peers, 
and  Mr.  Pitt,  in  the  house  of  commons.  The  for- 
mer, in  strong  laiitriiage,  said  :  "  My  position  is 
this;  I  repeat  it;  1  will  maintain  it  to  my  last  hour. 
Taxation  and  representation  are  inseparable.  Tliis 
position  is  founded  on  the  laws  of  nature.  It  is 
more;  it  is  itself  an  eternal  law  of  nature.  For 
whatever  is  a  man's  own  is  absolutely  his  own.  No 
man  lias  a  riglit  to  take  it  from  him,  without  his  con- 
sent. Whoever  attempts  to  do  it,  attempts  an  in- 
jury.   \V'h()ever  does  it,  commits  a  robbery." 

Mr.  Pitt,  with  an  original  boldness  of  expression, 
justified  the  colonists,  in  oj)posing  the  stamp  act. 
"  You  have  no  right,"  said  he,  "  to  tax  America,  I 
rejoice  that  America  has  resisted.  Three  millions 
of  our  fellow-subjects,  so  lost  to  every  sense  of  vir- 
tue as  tamely  to  give  up  their  liberties,  would  be  fit 
is»ln.iiTients  to  make  slaves  of  the  rest."  He  con- 
cluded with  giving  his  advice,  that  the  stamp  act  be 
repealed  abscdutely,  totally,  and  immediately;  that 
the  reasons  for  the  repeal  be  assigned :  that  it  was 
founded  on  an  erroneous  principle.  "  At  the  same 
time,"  said  he,  "  let  the  sovereign  authority  of  this 
country  over  the  colonies,  be  asserted  in  as  strong 
terms  as  can  be  devised,  and  be  made  to  extend  to 
every  point  of  legislation  whatsoever,  that  we  may 
bind  their  trade  ;  confine  their  manufactvires  ;  and 
exercise  every  ])ower,  excejit  that  of  taking  their 
money  out  of  tlieir  pockets  without  their  consent." 

The  approbation  of  this  illustrious  statesman, 
whose  distinguished  abilities  had  raised  Great  Bri- 
tain to  the  highest  pitch  of  renown,  inspired  the 
Americans  with  additional  confidence  in  the  recti- 
tude of  their  claims  of  exemption  from  parliamen- 
l  tary  taxation ;  and  emboldened  them  to  farther  op- 
position, when,  at  a  future  day,  as  sliall  be  hereafter 
related,  the  project  of  an  American  revenue  was  re- 
sumed. After  much  debating,  two  protests  in  the 
house  of  Lords,  and  passing  an  act,  "  for  securing 
the  dependence  of  America  on  Great  Britain,"  the 
repeal  of  the  stamp  act  was  carried,  in  March, 
1766.  This  event  gave  great  joy  in  London. 
Ships  in  the  river  Thames  displayed  their  colours ; 
and  houses  were  illuminated,  all  over  the  city.  It 
was  no  sooner  known  in  America,  than  the  colonists 
rescinded  their  resolutions,  and  recommended  their 
mercantile  intercourse  with  the  mother  country. 
They  presented  their  homespun  clothes  to  the  poor ; 
and  imported  more  largely  than  ever.  The  churches 
resounded  with  thanksgivings  ;  and  their  public  and 
private  rejoicings  knew  no  bounds.  By  letters,  ad- 
dresses, and  other  means,  almost  all  the  colonies 
showed  unequivocal  marks  of  acknowledgment  and 
gratitude.  So  sudden  a  calm,  after  so  violent  a 
fctorm,  is  without  a  parallel  in  history.  By  the  ju- 
dicious sacrifice  of  one  law,  the  parliament  of  Great 
Britain  procured  an  ac(]uiescence  in  all  that  re- 
mained. 

There  we»a  enlightened  patriots,  fully  impressed 


with  un  idea,  that  the  immoderate  joy  of  the  colon- 
ists was  disproportioncd  to  the  advantage  they  liad 
gained. 

The  stamp  act,  though  repealed,  was  not  repeal- 
ed on  American  principles.  The  preamble  assigned 
as  the  reason  thereof,  "  that  the  collecting  the  se- 
veral duties  and  revenues,  as  by  the  said  act  was  di- 
rected, would  be  attended  with  many  inconvenien- 
ces, and  productive  of  consequences,  dangerous  to 
the  commercial  interests  of  these  kingdoms." 
Though  this  reason  was  a  good  one  in  England,  it 
was  by  no  means  satisfactory  in  America.  At  the 
same  time  that  the  stamp  act  was  repealed,  the  ab- 
solute unlimited  supremacy  of  parliament  was,  in 
words  asserted.  The  opposers  of  the  repeal  con- 
tended for  this  as  essential.  The  friends  of  that 
measure  acquiesced  in  it,  to  strengthen  their  party, 
and  make  sure  of  their  object.  Many  of  both  sides 
thought,  that  the  dignity  of  Great  Britain  required 
something  of  the  kind,  to  counterbalance  the  loss  ol' 
authority,  that  might  result  from  her  yielding  to  the 
clamours  of  the  colonists.  The  act  for  this  purjiose 
was  called  the  declaratory  act;  and  was,  in  princi- 
ple, more  hostile  to  American  rights  than  the  stamp 
act ;  for,  it  annulled  those  re.wlutions  and  acts  of 
the  provincial  assemblies,  in  which  they  had  asser- 
ted their  right  to  exemption  from  all  taxes  not  iin- 
])osed  by  their  own  representatives  ;  and  also  enac- 
ted, "  that  the  parliament  had,  and  of  right  ought  to 
have,  power  to  bind  the  colonies,  in  all  cases  what- 
soever," 

The  majority  of  the  Americans  intoxicated  with 
the  advantage  they  had  gained  overlooked  this 
statute,  which,  in  one  comprehensive  sentence,  not 
only  deprived  them  of  liberty  and  property,  but  of 
every  right  incident  to  hr.nianity,  They  consider- 
ed it  as  a  salvo  for  the  honour  of  parliament,  in  re 


been  harmless,  or,  at  most,  spent  themselves  in 
words,  had  not  a  ruinous  policy,  untaught  by  recent 
experience,  called  them  into  serious  acrion.  Though 
the  stamp  act  was  re])eale(l,  an  American  revenue 
was  still  a  favourite  object  willi  many  in  <irea' 
Britain.  The  equity  and  the  advantage  of  taxing 
the  colonists,  by  parliamentary  authority,  were  very 
apjiarent  to  their  uiiderslandings  ;  but  the  mode  ol 
effecting  it,  without  hazarding  the  public  traiiciuiii- 
ty,  was  not  so  obvious. 

Mr.  Charles  Townsend,  afterwards  chancellor  of 
the  exchequer,  pawned  his  credit  to  accomplish 
what  many  so  earn(!stly  desired.  He  accordingly 
in  17(57,  brought  into  ))arliament  a  bill,  forgraniin* 
duties  in  the  British  colonies  on  glass,  pa|)er,  pain- 
ters' colours,  and  tea,  which  was  afterwards  enac-t- 
ed  into  a  law.  If  the  small  duties,  iinposerl  on  these 
articles,  had  preceded  the  stamp  act,  they  migh 
have  passed  unoi)served  :  but  the  late  dis('ussious. 
occasioned  by  that  act,  had  produced  among  tlieco 
lonists,  not  only  an  animated  (conviction  ol'  their  ex- 
emption from  [larliaiiientary  taxation,  but  a  jealousy 
of  the  designs  of  Great  Britain. 

The  sentiments  of  the  Americans,  on  this  subject, 
bore  a  great  resemlilance  to  those  ol'  their  British 
countrymen,  of  the  preceding  century,  in  the  case 
of  shi|)-moiiey.  Tlie  amount  of  that  tax  was  very 
moderate,  little  exceeding  twenty  thousand  |)ound<i. 
It  was  distributed  upon  the  people  with  ecpiality, 
and  ex|)ended  for  the  honour  and  advantage  of  the 
kingdom;  yet  all  these  circumstances  could  not  re- 
(u)ncile  the  people  of  England  to  the  imposition.  It 
was  entirely  arbitrary.  "  By  the  same  right,"  said 
they,  "  any  other  tax  may  be  imposed."  In  like 
manner,  the  Americans  considered  these  small  du- 
ties, in  the  nature  of  an  entering  wedge,  designed 
to  make  way  for  others,  which  would  be  greater 


jiealing  an  act,  which  had  so  lately  received  theirland  heavier.    In  a  relative  connexion  with  late  acts 


sanction  ;  and  flattered  themselves  it  would  remain 
a  dead  letter;  and  that,  although  the  right  of  taxa- 
tion was  in  words  retained,  it  would  never  be  exer- 
cised. Unwilling  to  contend  about  jiaper  claims 
of  ideal  suprema(;y,  they  returned  to  their  habits  of 
good  humour  with  the  parent  state. 

The  repeal  of  the  staiii[)  act,  in  a  relative  connex- 
ion with  all  its  circumstances  and  consequences, 
was  the  first  direct  step  to  American  independence. 
The  claims  of  the  two  countries  were  not  only  let't 
undecided  ;  but  a  fouiidafiori  was  laid  for  their  ex- 
tending, at  a  future  period,  to  the  impossibility  of  a 
compromise.    Though,  for  the  present.  Great  Bri 


of  parliament,  respecting  domestic  inanufacturea 
and  foreign  commerce,  laws,  for  impi;:sing  faxes  oq 
J5ritish  commodities  exported  to  the  colonies,  form- 
ed a  com))lete  circle  of  opj/ression,  from  which  thera 
was  no  ])ossibility  of  escaping. 

The  colonies  had  been,  previously  -esn-ained 
from  manufacturing  certain  articles,  foi  their  own 
Ciinsumption.  Oilier  acts  confined  them  to  the  ex- 
clusive use  of  British  merchandise.  Tlic  addition 
of  duties  put  them  wholly  in  the  power  and  discre- 
tion of  (Jreat  Britain.  "  We  arc  not,"  said  iney 
"  permitted  to  import  fr(uu  any  nation,  other  than 
our  own  parent  state,  and  have  been,  in  some  cases. 


tain  receded  from  enforcing  her  claim  of  American  restrained  by  her  from  manufacturing  for  ourselves; 
revenue,  a  numerous  party,  adhering  to  that  system,  land  she  claims  a  right  to  do  so,  in  every  instance, 


reserved  themselves  for  more  favouraable  circum- 
stances to  enforce  it ;  and,  at  the  same  time,  the  co- 
lonists, more  enlightened  on  the  subject,  and  more 
fully  convinced  of  the  rectitude  of  their  claims,  were 
encouraged  to  oppose  it,  under  whatsoever  form  it 
should  appear,  or  under  whatsoever  disguise  it 
should  cover  itself. 

Elevated  with  the  advantage  they  had  gained, 
from  that  day  forward,  instead  of  feeling  themselves 
dependent  on  Great  Britain,  they  conceived  that,  in 
respect  to  commerce,  she  was  dependent  on  them, 
It  inspired  them  with  such  high  ideas  of  the  import- 
ance of  their  trade,  that  they  considered  the  moth- 
er country  to  be  brought  under  greater  obligations  to 
them,  for  purchasing  her  manufactures,  than  tliev 
were  to  her  for  protection  and  the  administration  of 
civil  government,  The  freemen  of  British  Ameri- 
ca, impressed  with  the  exalting  sentiments  of  pa- 
triotism and  of  liberty,  conceived  it  to  be  within  their 
power,  by  future  combinations,  at  any  time  to  con- 
vulse, if  not  to  bankrupt  the  nation,  from  which  they 
sprung. 

Opinions  of  this  kind  were  strengthened  by  their 
local  situation,  favouring  ideas,  as  extensive  as  the 
unexplored  continent  of  which  they  were  inhabit- 
ants. While  the  pride  of  Britons  revolted  at  the 
thought,  of  their  colonies  refusing  subjection  to  that 
parliament,  which  they  obeyed ;  the  Americans, 
with  equal  haughtiness,  exclaimed  :  "  Shall  tlie 
petty  island  of  Great  Britain,  scarce  a  speck  on  the 
map  of  the  world,  control  the  free  citizens  of  the 
great  continent  of  America?" 

These  high-sounding   pretensions   would  have 


which  is  incoin[)atible  with  her  interest.  To  these 
restrictions  we  have  hitherto  submitled  :  but  she 
now  rises  in  her  demands,  and  imposes  duties  on 
those  commodities,  the  purchasing  of  which  else- 
where, than  at  lier  market,  her  laws  I'orbid,  and  the 
manufacturing  of  which  for  her  own  use,  she  may. 
any  moment  she  jileases,  restrain.  If  her  right  be 
vaiid,to  lav  a  small  lax,  it  is  equally  go  to  lay  a  large 
one  ;  for,  from  tlie  nature  of  the  case,  she  must  be 
guided  exclusively  bv  her  own  opinions  of  our  abi 
lity,  and  of  the  propriety  of  the  duties  she  may  im 
|)ose.  Nothing  is  left  for  us  to  do,  but  to  complain, 
and  pay." 

The  colonists  contended  that  there  was  no  real 
difV(>rence,  between  the  jirinciple  of  these  new  duties 
and  the  stamp  act.  They  were  both  designed  to 
raise  a  revenue  in  .\merica,  and  in  the  same  manner. 
The  payment  of  the  duties,  im])osed  by  the  <.:amn 
act,  might  have  been  eluded  bv  the  total  disuse  of 
stamped  paper;  and  so  might  tlie  iiayment  of  these 
duties,  by  the  total  disuse  of  lliose  articles  on  which 
they  were  laid  :  but  in  neither  case,  without  great 
difficulty.  The  colonists  were,  tlierefore,  reduced 
to  the  hard  alternative  of  being  obliged,  totally,  to 
disuse  articles  of  great  utility  in  human  life,  or  to 
pay  a  tax  without  their  consent.  The  fire  of  ojijio 
sition,  which  had  b(>en  smothered  by  the  rejieal  of 
the  stamp  act,  burned  afncsh  against  the  same  jirin 
ciple  of  taxation,  exhibited  in  its  new  form.  Mr 
Dickinson,  of  Pennsylvania,  on  this  occrision,  pre 
sented  to  the  imblic  a  series  of  letters,  signed  "  a 
Farmer,"  proving  tiie  extreme  danger  which  tlireat 
ened  the  libeilies  of  America,  from  their  acquiea 


804   

cence  in  a  precedent,  wliicli  niifilit  establish  the 
ciniiii  ol'  |Kiiliiiiiieiit;irv  taxation.  Thev  were  writ- 
ten »  iili  yreat  annn;ition :  and  were  read  willi  un- 
coniniou  avuii'y  Their  reasonini;  was  so  convin- 
cing, that  many  of  the  can(hd  and  disinterested  citi- 
iteiis  of  Great  Hriiam  acknowledged,  that  the 
American  oi)i)ositioii  to  pariianientary  taxation  was 
jusiiliabie.  Tlic  enormous  sums,  which  the  stamp 
act  wiiuid  have  collected,  had  thoroughly  alarmed 
the  colonists  (or  their  ])roperty. 

It  was  now  demonstrated  by  several  writers,  es- 
pecially by  the  Pennsylvania  Farmer,  that  a  small 
tax,  llioui^h  more  specious,  was  etpially  dangerous; 
Hs  it  esialilished  a  precedent,  which  eventually  an- 
nihihted  American  property.  The  declaratory  act, 
which  at  first  was  the  subject  of  but  few  comments, 
was  now  dilated  upon,  as  a  foundation  for  every 
species  of  oppression;  and  the  small  duties,  lately 
linp<>sed,  were  considered  as  the  beginning  of  a 
train  of  much  greater  evils. 

Had  the  colonists  a<lmitted  the  propriety  of  raising 
a  parliamentary  revenue  among  them,  the  erection 
of  an  American  board  of  commissioners,  for  mana- 
ging it,  w  hich  was  about  tliis  time  instituted  at  Bos- 
ton, would  have  been  a  convenience,  rather  than  an 
injury  ;  but  united  as  they  were  in  sentiments,  of  the 
contrariety  of  that  mejtsure  to  their  natural  and  con- 
stitutional' rights,  they  ill  brooked  the  innovation. 
As  it  was  coeval  with  the  new  duties,  they  consider- 
ed it  as  a  certain  evidence,  that  the  [)roject  ol'an  ex- 
tensive American  revenue,  notwithstanding  the 
repeal  of  the  stamp  act,  was  still  in  contemplation. 
A  dislike  to  British  taxation  naturally  produced  a 
dislike  to  a  board,  which  was  to  be  instrumental  in 
that  business ;  and  occasioned  many  insults  to  its 
commissioners. 

The  revenue  acts,  of  17G7,  produced  resolves, 
petitions,  addresses,  and  remonstrances,  similar  to 
those,  with  which  the  colonists  opposed  the  stamp 
act.  It  also  gave  rise  to  a  second  association,  for 
suspending  farther  importations  of  British  manu- 
factures, till  those  olle.nsive  duties  should  be  taken 
off.  Uniformity,  in  these  measures,  was  promoted 
by  a  circular  letter  from  the  assembly  of  INIassriCh.v.- 
setts,  to  the  speakers  of  the  other  assemblies.  Thisj 
stated  the  petitions  and  representatior.s,  w  hich  they  j 
had  forwarded  against  the  late  duties,  and  strongly 
pointed  out  the  great  ditriculties,  that  must  arise  to 
themselves  and  tlieir  constituents,  from  the  ope- 
ration of  acts  of  iiarliament,  imposing  duties  on  the 
unrepresented  American  colonies ;  and  reijuestiiig 
a  recii)rocal  free  communication,  on  public  allairs. 
Most  of  the  provincial  assemblies,  as  they  had  op- 
p  irtunities  of  deliberating  on  the  subject,  approved 
the  proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts  assembly, 
and  harmonised  with  them  in  the  measures,  which 
ihcv  had  adoi)ted.  They  stated  their  riglits,  in 
firm  but  decent  language  ;  and  prayed  for  a  repeal 
of  the  late  acts,  which  they  considered  as  infringe- 
ments on  their  liberties. 

It  is  not  unreasonable  to  suppose,  that  the  mi- 
nister, who  planned  these  duties,  hoped,  that  they 
would  be  reizarded  as  regulations  of  trade.  He 
might  also  i)resume,  that,  as  they  amounted  only 
to  an  inconsiderable  sum,  they  would  not  give  any 
alarm.  The  circular  letter  of  the  Massachusetts 
assfinblv.  which  laid  the  foundation  for  united  pe- 
titions against  them,  gave  tlierefore  great  offence. 
Lord  Hillsborough,  who  had  lately  been  appoint- 
ed secretary  of  state,  for  the  American  department, 
wrote  letters  to  the  governors  of  the  respective 
provinces,  urging  them  to  exert  iheir  influence,  to 
prevent  the  assemblies  from  taking  any  notice  of 
U;  and  he  called  on  the  Massachusetts  assembly, 
to  reHcind  their  procecdinas  on  that  subject.  This 
meaKuri-  was  both  injudicious  and  irritating.  'J'o 
require  a  public  l)o(ly  to  resciixl  a  resolution,  for 
Bending  a  le;ier,  which  was  already  sent,  answer- 
ed, and  aried  upon,  was  a  bad  specimen  of  the 
winlom  of  the  new  minister.  'J'o  call  a  vote,  for 
BCndinu  a  circular  letter,  to  invite  the  assemblies 
of  the  iieiiililioiiring  colonies  to  communicale  to- 
pr'l  er.  in  ihe  pursuit  of  leeal  niea>:ures  to  obtain  a 
redn  ss  of  ci  ievaiices,  "  a  llagilious  attempt  to  dis- 
Inrli  'lie  |  iiblic  ])eacp."  appeareil  to  the  colonists  a 
rery  injtidiciuus  applicalioD  of  harsli  epithets,  to 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


their  constitutional  riglit  of  peluioning  To  threat- 
en a  new  house  of  assembly  with  dissolution,  in 
case  of  their  not  agreeing  to  rescind  an  act  of  a 
former  assembly,  which  was  not  executory,  but 
executed,  clashed  no  less  with  tlie  dictates  of  com- 
mon sense,  than  the  constitutional  rights  of  Brit- 
ish colonists.  The  proposition  for  rescinding  was 
negatived,  by  a  majority  of  ninety-two  to  seven- 
teen. The  assembly  was  immediately  dissolved, 
as  had  been  threatened.  This  procedure  of  the 
new  secretary  was  considered,  by  the  colonists, 
as  an  attempt  to  suppress  all  communication  of 
sentiments  between  them;  and  to  prevent  their uni- 
.ed  supplications  from  reaching  the  royal  ear. 

The  bad  humour,  which,  from  successive  irrita- 
tion, already  too  much-  prevailed,  was  about  this 
time  wrought  up  to  a  high  pitch  of  resentment  and 
violence,  on  occasion  of  the  seizure  of  Mr.  Han- 
cock's sloop  Liberty,  June  10th,  1768,  for  not  ha- 
ving entered  all  the  wines  she  had  brought  from 
Madeira.  The  popularity  of  her  owner,  the  name 
of  the  sloop,  and  the  gcnenil  aversion  to  the  board 
of  commissioners,  and  parliamentary  taxation,  con- 
curred to  inflame  the  minds  of  the  people.  They 
used  every  means  in  -their  power  to  interrupt  the 
officers,  in  the  execution  of  their  business  ;  and 
numbers  swore  that  they  would  be  revenged.  Mr. 
Harrison,  the  collector,  Mr.  Hallowell,  the  comp- 
troller, and  Mr.  Irwine,  the  inspector  of  im[)orts 
and  exports,  were  so  roughly  handled,  as  to  bring 
their  lives  into  danger.  The  windows  of  some  of 
their  houses  were  broken ;  and  the  boat  of  the  col- 
lector was  dragged  through  the  town,  and  burned 
on  the  common.  Such  was  the  temper  and  dis- 
position of  many  of  the  inhabitants,  that  the  com- 
missioners of  the  customs  thought  projier  to  retire 
on  board  the  Romney  man  of  war ;  and  afterwards 
to  Castle  Williain. 

The  commissioners,  from  the  first  moment  of 
their  institution,  had  been  an  eye-sore  to  the  people 
of  Boston.  This,  though  pnrtly  owing  to  their  ac- 
tive zeal  in  detecting  smugglers,  principally  arose 
from  the  association  which  existed  in  the  minds  of 
the  inhabitants,  between  that  board  and  an  Ameri- 
can revenue.  The  declaratory  act  of  ]7(5G,  the  re- 
venue act  of  1767,  together  with  tlie  pomj)  and  ex- 
pense of  this  board,  so  disjiroportionate  to  th.e  small 
income  cf  the  present  duties,  consjiiied  to  convince 
not  only  the  few  who  were  benefitted  by  smuggling, 
but  the  great  body  of  enlightened  freemen,  that  far- 
ther and  greater  impositions  of  parliamentary  taxes 
were  intended.  In  proportion  as  this  opinion  gained 
ground,  the  inhabitants  became  more  disrespectful 
to  the  executive  officers  of  the  revenue,  and  more 
disposed,  in  the  frenzy  of  patriotism,  to  commit  out- 
rages on  their  persons  and  property.  The  constant 
bickering  that  existed  between  them  and  the  inha- 
bitants, together  with  tlie  steady  ojiposition  given 
by  t!:e  latter  to  t}ie  discharge  of  the  official  duties 
of  the  foriner,  induced  the  commissioners  and 
friends  of  an  American  revenue,  to  solicit  the  pro- 
tection of  a  regular  force,  to  be  stationed  at  J$oston. 
In  compliance  with  their  wishes,  his  majesty  order- 
ed two  regiments,  and  some  armed  vessels,  to  re- 
pair thither,  for  suiiporling  and  assisting  the  officers 
of  tlie  customs  in  tlie  execution  of  their  duly.  This 
restrained  the  active  exertion  of  that  turbulent  spirit 
which,  since  the  jxissing  of  the  late  revenue  laws, 
liad  revived  ;  tjut  it  added  to  its  ])re-existing  causes. 

When  it  was  reported  in  Jioston,  that  one  or  more 
regiments  were  ordered  there,  a  meeting  of  the  in- 
habitants was  called,  and  a  committee  appointed  to 
re(]uest  the  governor  to  issue  precepts  for  conven- 
ing a  general  assembly.  He  replied.  "  that  he  could 
not  comply  witli  this  request  till  he  had  received  his 
majesty's  commands  {or  that  purpose."  'J'his  an- 
swer being  reported,  it  was  voted,  that  tlie  select- 
I  men  of  Boston  should  write  to  the  select-men  of 
'other  towns,  to  jirojiose,  that  a  convention  of  de 
puties  from  each,  be  held,  to  meet  at  Faneuil  Hall, 
in  Boston. 

!  Ninety-six  towns,  and  eight  districts,  agreed  to 
tlie  proposal  made  by  the  inhabitants  of  Boston,  and 
ap]>ointed  (hqiiities  to  attend  a  convention;  but  the 
town  of  Hatfield  refused  its  concurrence.  When 
[the  deputies  met,  they  couductcd  with  moderation ; 


disclaimed  all  legislative  authority ;  advised  the 
[leople  to  pay  the  greatest  deference  to  govern- 
ment ;  and  to  wait  patiently  for  ■*  redress  of  then 
grievances,  from  his  majesty's  wis.lom  and  modera- 
tion. Having  stated  to  the  world  the  causes  of 
their  meeting,  and  an  account  of  their  proceedings, 
they  dissolved  themselves,  alter  a  short  session,  and 
went  home. 

Within  a  day  after  the  convention  broke  up,  the 
expected  regiments  arrived,  and  were  peaceably 
received.  Hints  had  been  thrown  out  by  some, 
that  they  should  not  be  permitted  to  come  on  shore. 
Preparations  were  made,  by  the  captains  of  the 
men  of  war  in  the  liarbour,  to  fire  on  the  town,  io 
case  opposition  had  been  made  to  their  landing  ; 
but  the  crisis  for  an  jppeal  to  arms  was  not  yet  ar- 
rived. It  was  hoped  by  some,  that  tlie  folly  and 
rage  of  the  Bostonians  would  have  led  them  to  this 
rash  measure,  and  thereby  have  aflbrded  an  o|>- 
portunity  for  giving  them  some  naval  and  military 
correction;  but  both  prudence  and  policy  induced 
them  to  adopt  a  more  temperate  line  of  conduct. 

While  the  contention  was  kept  alive,  by  the 
successive  irritations,  which  have  been  mentioned, 
there  was,  particularly  in  Massachusetts,  a  spe- 
cies of  warfare  carried  on  between  the  royal  eo- 
vemors,  and  the  provincial  assemblies.  Each 
watched  tlie  other  with  all  the  jealousy,  which 
strong  distrust  could  inspire.  The  latter  regard- 
ed the  former  as  instruments  of  power,  wishing 
to  pay  their  court  to  the  mother  counlrv,  by  curb- 
ing the  spiiit  of  American  freedom  ;  and  the  Ibr- 
mer  kept  a  strict  eye  on  the  latter,  lest  thev  might 
smooth  tlie  way  to  independence,  at  which  they 
were  charged  with  aiming.  Lieutenant  governoi 
Hutchinson,  of  Massachusetts,  virtually  challeng- 
ed the  assembly  to  a  dispute,  on  the  ground  of 
the  controversy  between  the  two  countries.  This 
was  accepted  by  the  latter;  and  the  subject  dis- 
cussed with  all  the  subtilty  of  argument  which 
the  ingenuity  of  eithei  party  could  suggest. 

The  war  of  words  was  not  confined  to  the  col- 
onies. While  the  American  assemblies  passed 
resolutions,  asserting  their  exclusive  right  to  ta« 
their  constituents,  the  parliament,  liv  resolves, 
asserted  their  unlimited  supremacy  in  and  over 
the  colonies.  While  the  former,  in  ilieir  public 
acts,  tlisdaimed  all  views  of  independence,  they 
were  successively  represented  in  pariianientary 
resolves,  royal  speeches,  and  addresses  from  lords 
and  commons,  as  being  in  a  state  of  disobedience 
to  law  and  government;  as  liavini;  proceeded  to 
measures  subversive  of  the  constitution  ;  and  man- 
ifesting a  disposition  to  throw  of!"  all  subordinatioo 
to  (Jreat  Britain. 

In  February,  1760,  both  houses  of  parliament 
went  one  step  beyond  all  that  had  preceded.  They 
concun-ed  in  a  joint  address  to  his  majesty,  in 
wliich  they  expressed  their  satisfaction  in  the 
measures  his  majesty  had  pursued ;  gave  the 
strongest  assurances,  that  they  would  eti'ectiially 
support  him  in  such  farther  measures,  as  might 
be  found  necessary,  to  maintain  the  civil  magis- 
trates in  a  due  execution  of  (he  laws,  in  .Nlassa- 
chusetts  Bay;  beseeehed  him.  "to  direct  the 
governor  to  take  the  most  effectual  methods  lor 
procuring  the  fullest  information,  touching  aL 
treasons  or  misprisons  of  treason  comniitied  with- 
in the  government,  since  the  IJOth  day  of  Decem- 
ber, 1767  ;  and  to  transmit  the  same,  togeihet 
with  the  names  of  jiersons.  who  were  most  active 
in  the  commision  of  such  oitences.  to  one  of  the 
secretaries  of  slate,  in  order  that  his  majesty 
might  issue  a  special  commission  for  inquiring  of, 
hearing,  and  determining,  the  said  offences,  with- 
in the  realm  of  (Ireat  Hritain,  lursiiant  lo  the  pro- 
vision of  the  slatulc  of  the  tJiirty-fil'th  of  Kinj 
Hemy  the  eighth."  The  la.  er  |  ail  of  ih  s  ad- 
dress, which  jiroposed  the  bringing  of  deliii  p;enta 
from  Massachusetts,  to  be  tried  at  a  tribunal  io 
Great  Britain,  for  crimes  eominiited  in  America, 
undenvent  many  severe  aniniailversions. 

It  was  asserted  to  be  tolallv  incotisislent  with 
the  sjiirit  of  the  constitution  :  for.  in  Knuland,  a 
man,  charged  with  a  ciime,  ha.l  a  right  lo  be  tried 
in  the  country  in  which  bis  offence  was  sup|)0»ed 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


lo  have  been  committed.  "  Justice  is  regularly 
and  iiiip.irtially  administered  in  our  coutts,"  saif 
the  colonists;  "  an'!  yet,  by  direction  of  ])arlia 
ment.  oli'enders  a.e  to  be  taken  by  Ibrce,  together 
with  all  such  persons  as  may  be  pointed  out  os 
witnesses,  and  carried  to  England,  there  to  be 
tried  in  a  distant  land,  by  a  jury  of  strangers,  and 
subject  to  all  the  disadvantages  which  result  from 
want  of  friends,  want  of  witnesses,  and  want  of 
money." 

The  house  of  burgesses  of  Virginia  met,  soon 
after  official  accounts  of  the  joint  address  of  lords 

!  and  commons,  on  this  subject,  reached  Ameiica, 
and  ])assed  resolutions,  asserting  "  their  exclusive 
right  to  tax  their  constituents  ;  their  right  to  ))e- 
tition  their  sovereign  for  redress  of  grievances ; 
tiie  lawfulness  of  procuring  the  concurrence  of 
the  oilier  colonies,  in  praying  for  the  royal  inter 
position,  in  favour  of  the  violated  rights  of  Amer 

,  ica ;  that  all  trials  for  treason,  or  for  any  crime 
whatsoever,  conunitted  in  that  colony,  ought  to 
1)6  bet'ore  his  majesty's  courts,  within  the  said 

'   colony  ;  and  tliat  the  seizing  any  person,  residing 

I  in  tlie  said  colony,  suspected  of  any  crime  what- 
soever, committed  therein,  and  sending  such  per- 

■  son  to  places  beyond  the  sea  to  be  tried,  was  highly 
derogatory  to  the  right  of  British  subjects."  The 
next  day,  lord  Botetourt,  the  governor  of  Virginia, 
8ent  for  the  house  of  burgesses,  and  addressed 
them  as  follows :  "  Mr.  Speaker,  and  gentlemen 

I   of  the  house  of  burgesses,  I  have  heard  of  your 
resolves,  and  augur  ill  of  their  effects.    You  have 
made  it  my  duty  to  dissolve  you ;  and  you  are 
dissolved  accordingly." 
'      The  assembly  of  North  Carolina  adopted  reso- 
I    utions.  similar  to  those  of  Virginia,  for  which 
Tryon,    their    governor,    dissolved    them.  The 
members  of  the  house  of  burgesses  in  Virginia, 
and  of  the  assembly  of  North  Carolina,  after  their 
'    dissolution,  met  as  private  gentlemen,  chose  their 
,    late  speakers,  moderators,  and  adopted  resolutions 
f   against  importing  British  goods.    The  non-impor- 
I    tation  agreement  was,  in  this  manner,  forwarded 
by  the  very  measures  intended  to  curb  the  spirit 
of  /Vmetican  freedom,  from  which  it  sprung. — 
>    Pileetings  of  the  associations  were  regularly  held, 
in  the  various  provinces.    Committees  were  ap- 
i    i)ointed  to  examine  all  vessels  arriving  from  Bri- 
tain.   Censures  were  freely  passed  oa  such  as 
,   refused  to  concur  in  these  associations,  and  their 
names   ])ublished  in  newspapers,  as  enemies  to 
their  country.    The  regular  acts  of  the  provin- 

■  cial  assemblies  were  not  so  much  respected  and 
obeyed,  as  the  decrees  of  these  committees. 

I      In  Boston,  lieutenant-governor  Hutchinson  en- 

i  daavoured  to  promote  a  counter  association ;  but 
without  effect.  The  friends  of  importation  ob- 
jected, that,  till  parliament  made  provision  for  the 

f  punishment  of  the  confederacies  against  importa- 
tion, a  counter  association  would  answer  no  other 
purpose,  than  to  expose  the  associators  to  popular 

f  rage. 

'  The  Bostonians,  about  this  time,  went  one  step 
farther.  They  re-shipped  goods  to  Great  Britain, 
instead  of  storing  them  as  formerly.  This  was 
resolved  upon,  in  a  town  meeting,  on  the  informa- 
tion of  an  inhabitant,  who  commimicated  a  letter 
he  had  lately  received  from  a  member  of  parlia- 
i  ment,  in  whicli  it  was  said,  "  that  shipping  back 
I  ten  thousand  pounds'  worth  of  goods  would  do 
more,  than  storing  a  hundred  thousand."  This 
turned  the  scale,  and  procured  a  majority  of  votes 
for  re-shipping.  Not  only  in  this,  but  in  many 
other  instances,  the  violence  of  the  colonists  were 
fostered  l)y  individuals  in  (-treat  Britain.  A  num- 
Der  of  these  were  in  principle  with  the  Ameri- 
cans, in  denying  the  right  of  parliament,  to  tax 
them ;  but  others  were  more  influenced  by  a  spir- 
it Oi  opposition  to  the  ministerial  majority,  than 
by  a  rogard  to  the  constitutional  liberties  of  either 
country. 

The  non-importation  agreement  had  now  lasted 
Some  tiiTie,  and  by  degrees  had  become  general. 
Several  nf  tlie  colonial  assemblies  had  been  dis- 
solved, or  prorogued,  for  asserting  the  rights  of 
Uieii    constituents.     Tho    royal  governors,  and 


I  other  friends  to  an  American  revenue,  were  cha- 
Igrined.  The  colonists  were  irritated.  Good 
men,  both  in  England  and  America,  deplored 
tliese  untoward  events,  and  beheld  with  concern  an 
increasing  ill  huuiour  between  those,  who  were 
bound  by  interest  and  afieclion,  to  be  friends  lo 
each  otljer. 

In  consequence  of  the  Ainerican  non-importa- 
tion agreement,  founded  in  opposition  to  the  duties 
of  1767,  the  manufacturers  of  Great  Britain  ex- 
l)erienced  a  renewal  of  the  distresses,  which  fol- 
lowed the  adoption  of  similar  resolutions,  in  the 
year  176.5.  The  repeal  of  these  duties  was  there- 
lore  solicited  by  the  same  imluence,  which  had 
procured  the  repeal  of  the  stamp  act.  The  rulers 
of  Great  Britain  acted  without  decision.  Instead 
of  persevering  in  their  own  system  of  coercion, 
or,  indeed,  in  any  one  uniform  system,  they  struck 
out  a  middle  line,  embarrassed  with  the  conse- 
quences, both  of  severity  and  of  lenity,  and  with, 
out  the  complete  benefits  of  either.  Soon  after 
the  spirited  address  to  his  majesty,  last  mentioned, 
had  passed  both  houses  of  parliament,  assurances 
were  given  for  repealing  all  the  duties,  imposed 
in  1767,  excepting  that  of  three  pence  per  pound 
on  tea. 

Anxious  on  the  one  hand  to  establish  parlia- 
mentary supremacy,  and  on  the  other  afraid 
to  stem  tlie  torrent  of  opposition,  they  conceded 
enough  to  weaken  the  former,  and  yet  not  enough 
to  satisfy  the  latter.  Had  Great  Britain  gene- 
rously repealed  the  whole,  and  for  ever  relin- 
quished all  claim  to  the  right  or  even  the  exer- 
cise of  the  right  of  taxation,  the  union  of  the 
two  countries  might  have  lasted  for  ages.  Had 
she  seriously  determined  to  compel  the  submis- 
sion of  the  colonies,  nothing  could  have  been  more 
unfriendly  to  this  design,  than  her  repeated  con- 
cessions to  their  reiterated  associations.  T)ie  de- 
claratory act,  and  the  reservation  of  the  duty  on 
tea,  left  the  cause  of  contention  between  the  two 
countries  in  full  force  ;  but  the  former  was  only 
a  claim  on  paper,  and  the  latter  might  be  evaded, 
by  refuseing  to  purchase  any  tea,  on  which  the 
parliamentary  tax  was  imposed.  The  colonists, 
therefore,  conceiving  that  their  commerce  might 
be  renewed,  without  establishing  any  precedent, 
injurious  to  their  liberties,  relaxed  in  their  asso- 
ciations, in  every  particular,  except  tea,  and  im- 
mediately recommenced  the  importation  of  all 
other  articles  of  merchandise.  A  political  calm 
once  more  took  place.  The  parent  state  might 
now  have  closed  the  dispute  for  ever,  and  honour- 
ably receded,  without  a  formal  relinquishment  of 
her  claims.  Neither  the  reservation  of  the  duty 
on  tea,  by  the  British  parliament,  nor  the  excep- 
tions made  by  the  colonists,  of  importing  no  tea, 
on  which  a  duty  was  imposed,  would,  if  they  had 
been  left  to  their  own  operation,  have  disturbed 
the  returning  harmony  of  the  two  countries. — 
Without  fresh  irritation,  their  wounds  might  have 
healed,  and  not  a  scar  been  left  behind. 

Unfortunately  for  the  friends  of  union,  so  paltry 
a  sum  as  three  pence  per  pound  on  so  insignificant 
an  article  as  tea,  in  consequence  of  a  combination 
between  the  British  ministry  and  East  India  com- 
pany, revived  the  dispute  to  the  rending  of  the 
empire. 

These  two  abortive  attempts,  to  raise  a  parlia- 
mentary revenue  in  America,  caused  a  fermenta- 
tion in  the  minds  of  the  colonists,  and  gave  birth  to 
many  inquiries  respecting  their  natural  rights. 
Reflections  and  reasonings  on  this  subject  pro- 
duced a  high  sense  of  liberty,  and  a  general  con- 
viction, that  there  could  be  no  security  for  their 
property,  if  they  were  to  be  taxed  at  the  discre- 
tion of  a  British  parliament  in  which  they  were 
unrepresented,  and  over  which  they  had  no  con- 
trol. A  determination  not  only  to  oppose  this 
new  claim  of  taxation,  but  to  keep  a  strict  watch, 
lest  it  might  be  established  in  some  disguised  form, 
took  possession  of  their  minds. 

It  commonly  happens,  in  the  discussion  of 
doubtful  claims  between  states,  that  the  ground 
of  the  original  dispute  insensibly  changes.  When 
the  mind  is  employed  in  investigating  one  subject, 


others,  associated  with  it,  naturally  present  them- 
selves. In  the  course  of  inquiries  en  the  s'jbjtcl 
of  parliamentary  taxation,  the  restriction  on  ikie 
trade  of  the  colonists,  and  the  necessity  'hat  was 
imposed  on  them,  to  purchase  British  and  other 
manufactures,  loaded  with  their  full  pro|)or\ion  of 
all  taxes,  paid  by  those  who  made  or  sola  them, 
became  more  generally  kn>ywn.  While  Ani^rican 
writers  were  vindicating  their  country  from  the 
charge  of  contributing  nothing  to  the  common  ex- 
penses of  the  empire,  they  were  led  to  set  ofl"  (o 
their  credit,  the  disadvantage  of  their  being  con- 
fined exclusively  to  purchase  manufactures  in 
Britain,  They  instituted  calculations,  by  which 
they  demonstrated,  that  the  monopoly  of  their 
trade  drew  from  them  greater  sums,  for  the  sup 
port  of  government,  than  were  usually  paid  by  aa 
equal  number  of  their  fellow-citizens  of  Great 
Britain;  and  that  taxation,  supenidded  to  such  a 
monopoly,  would  leave  them  in  a  state  of  perfect 
uncompensated  slavery.  The  mvestigation  of 
these  subjects  brought  matters  into  view,  which 
the  friends  of  union  ought  to  have  kept  out  of 
sight.  These  circumstances,  together  with  the 
extensive  population  of  the  eastern  states,  and 
their  adventurous  spirit  of  commerce,  suggested 
to  some  bold  spirits,  that  not  only  British  taxation, 
but  British  navigation  laws,  were  unfriendly  to  the 
interests  of  America.  Speculations  of  this  mag- 
nitude suited  well  with  the  extensive  views  of 
some  capital  merchants ;  but  never  would  have 
roused  the  bulk  of  the  people,  had  not  new  matter 
brought  the  dispute  between  the  two  countries  to 
a  point,  in  which  every  individual  was  interested. 

On  reviewing  the  conduct  of  the  British  minis^- 
try,  respecting  the  colonies,  much  weakness,  aa 
well  as  folly,  appears.  P'or  a  succession  of  years, 
there  was  a  steady  pursuit  of  American  revenue ; 
but  great  inconsistency  in  the  projects  for  obtain- 
ing it.  In  one  moment,  the  parliament  was  for 
enforcing  their  laws  ;  the  next,  for  repealing  them. 
Doing  and  undoing,  menacing  and  submitting, 
straining  and  relaxing,  followed  each  other,  in  al- 
ternate succession.  Tlie  object  of  administration, 
though  twice  relinquished,  as  to  any  present  ef- 
ficacy, was  invariably  pursued  ;  but  without  any 
unity  of  system. 

On  the  9th  of  May,  17G0,  the  king,  in  his  speech 
to  parliament,  highly  applauded  their  hearty  con- 
currence, in  maintaining  the  execution  of  the  laws, 
in  every  part  of  his  dominions.  Five  days  after  this 
speech,  lord  Hillsborough,  secretary  of  state  for  tlie 
colonies,  wrote  to  lord  Botetourt,  governor  of  Vir- 
ginia :  "  I  can  take  upon  me  to  assure  you,  not- 
withstanding inforiTiations  to  the  contrary,  from 
men,  with  factious  and  seditious  views,  that  his 
majesty's  present  adtninistration  have  at  no  time 
entertained  a  design  to  propose  to  parliament,  to 
lay  any  farther  taxes  upon  America,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  raising  a  revenue;  and  that  it  is,  at  pre- 
sent, their  intention  to  propose,  the  next  session 
of  parliament,  to  take  off  the  duties  upon  glass, 
paper,  and  colours,  upon  consideration  of  such  du 
ties  having  been  laid  contrary  to  the  true  princi 
pies  of  commerce."  The  governor  was  also  in- 
formed, that  "his majesty  relied  upon  his  prudence 
and  fidelity,  to  make  such  an  explanation  of  his 
majesty's  measures,  as  would  tend  to  remove  pre- 
judices, and  to  re-establish  mutual  confidence  and 
aftection,  between  the  mother  country  and  the  co- 
lonies." In  the  exact  spirit  of  his  instructions, 
lord  Botetourt  addressed  the  Virginia  assemblv  a« 
follows  :  "  It  may  possibly  be  objected,  that,  a^ 
his  majesty's  present  administration  are  not  im- 
mortal, their  successors  may  be  inclined  lo  at- 
tempt to  undo,  what  the  present  ministers  shall 
have  attempted  to  perform  ;  and  to  that  onjectioQ 
I  can  give  but  this  answer:  that  it  is  my  firm 
opinion,  that  the  plan,  I  have  stated  to  you,  wil 
certainly  take  place,  and  that  it  will  neve-r  be  de 
parted  from ;  and  so  determined  am  I  for  ever  t 
abide  by  it,  that  I  will  be  content  to  be  declare, 
infamous,  if  I  do  not  to  the  last  hout  of  my  hit. 
at  all  times,  in  all  places,  and  upon  all  occasiorj., 
exert  every  power,  with  which  I  either  am.  »./ 
ever  shall  be,  legally  invested    jn  order  '  •  obt  „a 


860 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


an<l  iiiaintaiii  for  the  continent  of  America,  that 
eatisluciiun,  wliicli  1  h;ive  been  authorised  to  pro- 
mise tliis  (Jay,  hy  tlie  confidential  .senants  of  mir 
gracious  sovereign,  who,  to  my  certain  knowledge, 
rales  his  honour  so  high,  that  he  would  rather 
part  with  liis  crown,  tlian  preserve  it  by  deceit." 

These  assuiances  were  received  with  transjjorts 
of  joy,  by  the  Virginians.  They  viewed  them  as 
pledging  his  nrijesty  for  security,  that  the  late  de- 
sign for  raising  a  revenue  in  America  was  aban- 
doned, and  never  more  to  be  resumed.  The  as- 
Beiiibly  of  Virginia,  in  ariswei  to  lord  Botetourt, 
expressed  themselves  thus:  "  \Vc  are  sure  our 
most  gnicious  sovereign,  under  whatever  changes 
may  happen  in  his  confidential  servants,  will  re- 
main imnmtable  in  the  ways  of  truth  and  justice, 
and  that  he  is  incapable  o(  deceivinn;  his  faithl'ul 
subjects  ;  and  we  esteem  your  lordship's  inlbrma- 
tion  not  oidy  as  warranted,  but  even  sanctified  by 
the  royal  word." 

i!ow  far  these  solemn  engagements  with  tlie 
Americans,  were  observed,  subse<pjent  events  will 
demonstrate.  In  a  jMjrfect  reliance  on  them, 
most  of  the  colonies  returned  to  their  ancient  ha- 
bits of  good  humour,  and  flattered  themselves  that 
no  future  parliament  would  undertake  to  give  or 
grant  away  their  ))roperty. 

From  tiie  roval  and  ministerial  assurances  given 
in  favour  of  America,  in  the  year  176'J,  and  the 
subsespient  repeal  iti  1770,  of  five-sixths  of  the 
duties  which  had  been  imposed  in  17()7  ;  together 
with  the  coiiseciuent  renewal  of  the  mercantile  in- 
tercourse between  (Jreat  ISritain  and  lier  colonies, 
many  hoped,  that  the  contention  between  the  two 
countries  was  finally  closed.  In  all  the  provinces, 
excepting  Massachusetts,  appearances  seemed  to 
favour  that  opinion.  Many  incidents  operated 
there  to  the  prejtidicc  of  that  harmony,  which  liad 
be^un,  elsewhere  to  return.  Stationing  a  mili- 
tary force  among  them  was  a  fruitful  source  of 
uneasiness,  'i'he  royal  army  liad  been  lirouglit 
thither  with  the  avowed  design  of  enforcing  sub- 
rnissi  )n  to  the  mother  country.  Speeches  froiri 
the  throne,  and  addresses  from  both  houses  of  par- 
liament, had  taught  them  to  look  upon  the  inhabi- 
tants js  a  factious,  turl)iilent  peojjle,  who  aimed  at 
throwing  off  all  subordination  to  (ireat  Jiritaiti. 
They,  on  the  other  hand  were  accustomed  to  look 
upon  the  soldiery  as  instruments  of  tyranny,  sent 
on  purpose  to  dragoon  them  out  of  their  liberties. 

Reciprocal  insults  soured  the  temi)ers,  and  mu- 
tual injuries  emliittered  the  ])assions  of  the  opposite 
parties.  Some  fiery  spirits,  who  thought  it  an  in- 
dignity to  have  troops  quartered  among  them,  were 
constantly  exciting  the  townspeople  to  quarrel  with 
the  soldiers. 

'..•<i  ihe  second  of  March,  1770,  a  fray  took  ])lace 
Bear  Mr.  (iray's  ropewalk,  between  a  private  sol- 
dier of  the  twenty-ninth  regiment,  and  an  inhabi- 
tant. The  former  was  suy)porled  by  his  comrades, 
tlie  latter  by  the  rope-makers,  till  several  on  both 
sides  were  involved  in  the  conse(]uences.  On  iht! 
5lh,  a  more  dreadful  scene  was  |)resented.  The 
uddiers,  wh(?n  undi-r  arms,  were  [)ressed  upon,  in- 
Hiilted  and  pelted  by  a  mob,  armed  witli  clubs,  sticks, 
and  snow-balls  covering  stones.  They  were  also 
dared  to  fire.  In  this  situation,  one  of  the  soldiers 
who  had  received  a  blow,  in  resentment  fired  at  the 
supposed  aggressor.  This  was  followed  by  a  single 
discharge  frinu  six  others.  Three  of  the  inliabi- 
tants  wi-re  killed,  and  five  were  dangerously  wound- 
?d.  The  town  was  inmiediately  in  conmiotion. 
*?'.irh  were  tln!  temper,  force,  and  miiuber  of  the 
inhnliitants,  that  nolhing  but  an  eiigagemi'iit  to  re- 
move the  irodjis  out  of  the  town,  together  with  the 
ailrice  of  UKideraK;  men,  |)rcvenl<Ml  tin-  townsmen 
froii  falling  on  the  soldiers.  Preston,  the  captain 
who  rriniiiiaiided,  and  the  parly,  who  tired  on  the 
inhabitants,  were  comnnlled  to  jail,  and  afterwards 
tried.  The  captain  and  six  of  the  men  were  ac- 
quitted. Two  were  were  brought  in  guilty  of  man- 
Kl.iughler.  It  appeareil  on  the  trial,  that  the  sid- 
diers  were  alilised.  msulted,  threatened,  and  pelt- 
cil.  Iii'lnre  lliey  fired.  It  was  also  proved,  that 
,1'i'v  ><even  't'lins  'vere  fired  by  the  eight  prisoners. 
These  rircumstaiiceii  induced  the  jury  to  give  a 


favourable  verdict.  The  result  of  the  trial  reflect- 
ed great  honour  on  John  Adams  and  Josiah  Quincy, 
the  counsel  for  the  ])risoners  ;  and,  also,  on  the  in- 
tegrity of  the  jury,  who  ventured  to  give  an  up- 
right verdict,  m  defiance  of  jwpular  opinions. 

The  events  of  that  tragical  night  sunk  deep  in 
the  minds  of  the  i)eo|)le,  and  were  made  subser- 
vient to  important  purposes.  The  anniversary  of 
it  was  observed  with  great  solenniity.  Elo(]uent 
orators  were  successively  employed,  to  deliver  an 
annual  oration,  to  preserve  the  remembrance  of  it 
fresh  in  their  minds.  On  these  occasions  the  bles- 
sings of  liberty,  the  horrors  of  slavery,  the  dangers 
of  a  standing  army,  the  rights  of  the  colonies,  and 
a  variety  of  such  topics,  were  presented  to  the  pub- 
lic view,  under  their'  most  pleasing  and  alarming 
forms.  These  annual  orations  administered  fuel 
to  tlie  fire  of  liberty,  and  kept  it  burning  with  an 
incessant  flame. 

The  obstacles  to  returning  harmony,  which  have 
already  been  mentioned,  were  increased,  by  mak- 
ing the  governor  and  judges,  in  Massachusetts,  in- 
dependent of  the  province.  Formerly  tliey  had 
been  paid  by  yearly  grants  from  t)ie  assembly  ;  but 
about  this  time  jirovision  was  made  for  paying  their 
salaries  by  the  crown.  This  was  resented  as  a 
dangerous  innovation ;  as  an  infnictiou  of  their 
charter ;  and  as  destroying  that  balance  of  power, 
essential  to  free  governments.  That  the  crown 
should  pay  the  salary  of  the  chief  justice,  was  re- 
jiresented  by  the  assembly  as  a  species  of  bribery, 
tending  to  bias  his  judicial  determinations.  They 
made  it  the  foundation  for  impeacliing  Mr.  Justice 
Oliver,  before  the  governor;  but  he  excepted  to 
their  proceedings  as  unconstitutional-  The  as- 
sembly, nevertheless,  gained  two  points.  They 
rendered  the  governor  more  odious  to  the  inlialji- 
tants,  and  increased  the  public  respect  for  them- 
selves, as  the  counter  part  of  the  British  house  of 
commons,  and  as  guardians  of  the  rights  of  the 
people. 

A  personal  animosity  between  governor  Hutch- 
inson and  some  distinguished  patriots  in  Massa- 
chusetts, contributed  to  perpetuate  a  flame  of  dis- 
content in  that  jirovince,  after  it  had  elsewhere 
visibly  abated.  'J'his  was  worked  up,  in  the  year 
1773,  to  a  high  pitch,  by  a  singular  combination  of 
circumstances.  Some  letters  had  been  written,  in 
the  course  of  the  dispute,  by  governor  Hutchin- 
son, lieutenant  governor  Oliver,  and  other  royal 
servants  in  Boston,  to  persons  in  jiowcr  in  Kng- 
land,  which  contained  a  very  unfavourable  rejire- 
sentation  of  the  state  of  public  affairs,  and  tended 
to  show  the  necessity  of  coercive  measures,  and 
of  changing  the  chartered  system  of  government, 
to  secure  the  oliedience  of  the  province.  These 
letters  fell  into  the  hands  of  Dr.  Franklin,  agent 
of  the  Jirovince,  who  transmitted  them  to  Boston. 
The  indignation  and  animosity  which  were  excited 
on  the  receipt  of  them,  had  no  bounds.  The  liousc 
of  ;ussenibly  agreed  on  a  petition  and  remonstrance 
to  his  majesty,  in  which  they  charged  their  gov- 
ernor, and  lieutenant  governor,  with  being  betray- 
ers of  thv.  people  they  gov(>riied,  anil  of  giving 
private,  partial,  and  false  information.  They  al- 
so declared  them  enemies  to  the  colonies,  and 
prayed  for  justice  against  them,  and  for  their 
Bpee<ly  removal  from  their  places.  These  charges 
were  carried  through  by  a  majority  of  eighty-two 
to  twelve. 

The  petition  and  remonstrance  being  Iniiismit- 
ted  to  England,  their  merits  were  discussed  before 
his  majesty's  privy  council.  Af'ter  a  hearing  be- 
fore that  lioard,  in  which  Dr.  Frauklm  represent- 
ed the  province  of  Massachusetts,  the  governor 
and  lieiileiiant  governor  were  acquitted.  Mr. 
Weddcrlmine,  who  defended  the  accused  royal 
.servants,  in  the  course  of  his  pleadings,  inveighed 
against  Dr.  Franklin,  in  the  severest  language,  as 
tlie  fomenler  of  the  disputes  between  the  two 
coiuitries."    It  was  no  protection  to  this  venera- 

♦  Tliis  cliorgB  is  now  known  lo  be  fiilsc.  Dr.  Frank- 
lin took  every  method  in  Ills  power  lo  jirevrnl  m  rtiii- 
liirp  lirlivrrn  (ironl  Hrilniii  mid  Aiiirririi.  Mis  iiit\  ice 
lo  lii'i  coiiiin ymon  "  to  ii.  nr  rvriy   lliiiis  lor  llii- 

l>ru.-<i'iil ;  UH  tliey    were    sure,   in  linn',  lu   uiilgiuw  ail, 


ble  sage,  that,  being  the  agent  of  Massachusetts, 
he  conceived  it  his  duty  to  inform  his  coiisiitueiits 
of  letters,  written  on  jiublic  allairs,  cab  uiated  to 
overturn  their  chartered  constitutioi-.  The  age, 
respectability,  and  high  literary  character  of  the  I 
subject  of  ISlr.  Wedderburne's  |)hili]>pic.  turned  the  I 
attention  of  the  public  to  the  transaction.  The 
insult  ofl'ered  to  one  of  the  public  agents,  and  es- 
pecially to  one  who  was  both  the  pride  and  orna-  i 
mcnt  of  his  native  country,  sunk  dev'ji  in  the  miuda  J 
of  the  Americans.  That  a  faithful  servant,  whom 
they  loved,  should  be  insulted  for  discharging  his 
official  duty,  rankled  in  their  hearts.  Dr.  Frank- 
lin was  immediately  dismissed  from  the  ofiice  of 
deputy  postmaster  general,  which  he  held  under 
the  crown.  It  was  not  only  by  his  transmissioo 
of  these  letters,  that  he  had  given  ofl'eiice  to  the 
British  ministry,  but  by  his  jiopular  writings  in  fa> 
your  of  America.  Two  of  his  pieces,  in  particu- 
lar, had  lately  attrjicted  a  large  share  of  pulilic  at- 
tention, and  had  an  extensive  influence  on  bath 
sides  of  the  Atlantic  The  one  [lurported  to  be 
an  edict  from  the  king  of  Prussia,  for  taxing  the 
inhabitants  of  Great  Britain,  as  descendants  of 
emigrants  from  his  dominions.  The  other  was 
entitled,  "  Ilules  for  reducing  a  great  empire  to  a 
small  one."  In  both  of  which  he  had  exposed  the 
claims  of  the  mother  country,  and  the  proceedings 
of  the  British  ministiy,  with  the  severity  of  poig- 
nant satire. 

For  ten  years  there  had  now  been  little  inter- 
mission in  the  disputes  between  (ireat  Britain  aad 
her  colonies.  Their  respective  claims  had  never 
been  comiiroinised  on  middle  ground.  The  ca'm 
which  followed  tlie  repeal  of  the  stainj)  act,  was 
in  a  few  months  disturbed  by  the  revenue  act  of 
the  year  1767.  The  traiKjuillity  which  followed 
the  repeal  of  five-sixths  of  that  act,  in  the  year 
1770,  was  nothing  more  than  a  truce.  The  re- 
servation of  the  duty  on  tea,  as  an  avowed  evi- 
dence of  the  claims  of  (treat  Britain  to  tax  her  co- 
lonies, kept  alive  the  jealousy  of  the  eidonists; 
while,  at  tlie  same  time,  'he  stationing  of  an  army 
in  IMassacliusetts,  the  continuance  of  a  board  of 
commissioners  in  Boston,  the  constituting  the  go- 
vernors and  judges  of'  that  province  indepeiideni 
of  the  people,  were  constant  sources  ol'  irritation. 
The  altercations  which,  at  this  period,  were  com- 
mon between  the  royal  governors  and  the  provin- 
cial assemblies,  together  with  numerous  yiiidica- 
tions  of  the  claims  of  America,  made  the  subject 
familiar  to  the  colonists.  The  ground  of  the  con- 
troversy was  canvassed  in  every  company.  The 
more  the  Americans  read,  reasoned,  and  conversed 
on  the  subject,  the  more  they  were  convinced  of 
their  right  to  the  exclusive  disposal  of"  their  pro- 
jierly.  Tliis  was  followed  by  a  deierminatiou  to 
resist  all  encroachments  on  that  |)aliadium  of  li- 
berty. They  were  as  strongly  convinced  of  their 
right,  to  refuse  and  resist  parliamentary  taxation, 
as  the  ruling  powers  of  (ireat  Britain  of  their  right 
to  demand  and  enforce  their  siilmiission  to  it.  • 

The  claims  of  the  two  countries  being  thus  ir- 
reconcilably op])osed  to  each  other,  the  |)ailial 
calm,  which  followed  the  concession  of  parlianient, 
in  1770,  was  liable  to  disturbance.  fV(>m  every  in- 
cident. Under  such  circumstances,  nothing  less 
than  the  most  guarded  conduct,  on  both  sid.'s,  could 
prevent  a  renewal  of  the  controversy.  Instead  of 
fidlowing  these  prudential  measures,  which  would 
have  kept  the  ground  of  the  dispute  out  of  sight,  an 
impolitic  scheme  was  conciMled.  betwi'en  (he  Hnt 
isli  ministry  and  the  Kasi  India  company,  ihai 
placed  the  claims  of  (ireai  Britain  and  her  colonies 
in  hostile  army  against  each  oliier. 

In  the  year  177'{,  commenced  a  new  era  of  the 

tlicir  erioviini-cs;  nnil  as  il  coiilif  not  fie  in  die  power 
(if  till-  iiuiiluT  country  lo  oppress  ifioiii  Ions."  With 
dint  roiMinanil  of  coiinlriiiUic  o,  wliirli  is  ppciiliiir  to 
irrcnt  niiiiils,  he  lion-  W'cdderhiiriie's  iiliiisi-  uiiliiinianT 
vUililr  oniolion;  lull  lliiit  ho  fi'll,  nnil  ri'inriiilM-riil  il,  M 
visililc  Ironi  the  follouint;  cirrnnisuinrc«.  Alioni  fire 
yeiira  nnerwnrils,  when,  ns  niiiii^lcr  ploiiipoKviliiirv  of 
iln"  I 'nilr"(t  .'''inic?,  lie  siL'ned  n  Iroiily  of  nffuim  r  im  ihfu 
liclinlf.  wiili  lln"  kins  of  Kriinrr,  he  iiili'tiiiiinnllv  wore 
111.'  •<;iioc  com  lie  Um\  on  when  ho  «  us  insnflcil  hy  Wod- 
(lorburiic.    Sec  Ur-  I'iichiIv's  Life.    Vol.  II.  piigc  4i61. 


!  .i'..lll|l,.rllHlfll'Mllllii'."jlWl 


867 


American  controversy.  To  understand  this  in  its 
origin,  it  is  necessary  to  recur  to  the  period,  when 
the  sohtary  duty  on  tea  was  exempted,  from  the 
partial  repeal  ot"  the  revenue  act  of  17G7.  When 
the  duties  which  had  been  laid  on  glass,  pa|)er,  and 
painters'  colours,  were  taken  off,  a  resi)ectable  uii- 
noritv  in  jjarlianient  contended,  that  the  duty  on  tea 
should  also  be  removed.  To  this  it  was  reiilied; 
"  that,  as  the  Americans  denied  the  legality  of  tax- 
ing theni  a  total  rejjeal  would  be  a  virtual  acquies- 
cence in  their  claims ;  and  that,  in  order  to  i)reseiTe 
the  riiihts  of  the  mother  courUry,  it  was  necessary 
to  retain  the  i)reaiuble,  and  at  least  one  of  tlie  taxed 
articles."  It  was  rejoined,  that  a  jjartial  repeal 
would  be  a  source  of  endless  discontent ;  and  that 
the  tax  on  it  would  not  defray  the  expenses  of  col- 
lectini;  it.  The  motion  in  favour  of  a  total  repeal 
was  rejected  by  a  great  majority.  As  the  parliament 
thought  fit  to  retain  the  tax  on  tea,  for  an  evidence 
of  their  right  of  taxation,  the  Americans  in  like  man- 
ner, to  be  consistent  with  themselves  in  denying  that 
right,  discontinued  the  importation  of  that  conuno- 
dity.  While  there  was  no  attempt  to  introduce  tea 
into  the  colonies,  against  this  declared  sense  of  the 
iidiabitants,  these  opposing  claims  were  in  no  dan- 
ger of  collision.  In  that  case,  the  mother  coiuitry 
might  ha>'e  solaced  herself,  with  her  ideal  rights, 
;iud  the  colonies,  with  their  favourite  o]>inion  of  a 
total  exemption  from  parliamentary  taxes,  without 
disturbing  the  public  peace.  This  mode  of  com- 
])ron)ising  the  dis])ute,  which  seemed  at  first  design- 
ed as  a  salvo  for  the  honour  and  consistency  of  both 
puities,  was,  by  the  interl'erence  of  the  East  Inclia 
company,  in  combination  with  the  British  ministry, 
coin])letely  overset. 

The  expected  revenue  froin  tea  failed,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  American  association  to  im|)ort  none 
on  which  a  duty  was  charged.  This  proceeded  as 
much  from  the  s[)irit  of  gain,  as  of  patriotism.  The 
merchants  found  means  of  supplying  their  country- 
men with  tea,  smuggled  from  countries  to  which 
the  power  of  Britain  did  not  extend.  They  doubt- 
less conceived  themselves  to  be  supporting  the  rights 
of  their  country,  by  refusing  to  jiurchase  tea  from 
Britain  ;  but  they  also  reflected,  that  if  they  could 
bring  the  same  comiuodity  to  market  free  of  duty, 
their  profits  would  be  proportionai)lv  greater. 

The  love  of  gain  was  not  peculiar  to  the  Ameri- 
can merchants.  From  the  diminished  exjwrtation 
to  the  colonies,  the  warehouses  of  the  British  East 
India  coinpisny  had  in  them  seventeen  millions  of 
pounds  of  tea,  for  which  a  market  could  not  be  |)ro- 
cnred.  The  ministry  and  East  India  company,  un- 
willing to  lose,  the  one,  the  ex]iected  revenue  from 
the  sale  of  the  tea  in  Aiuerica,  the  other,  the  usual 
conuuercial  profits,  agreed  on  a  measure  by  which 
they  sui)posed  both  would  be  secured. 

The  East  India  company  was,  by  law,  authori- 
sed to  export  their  tea  free  of  duties,  to  all  j)laces 
whatsoever.  By  this  regulation,  tea,  though  load- 
ed with  an  exceptionable  duty,  would  come  cheap- 
er to  the  colonies,  than  before  it  had  been  made  a 
source  of  revenue:  for  the  duty  taken  off  it,  when 
exported  from  (jreat  Britain,  was  greater  than  that 
to  be  paid  on  its  importation  into  the  colonies.  Con- 
fident of  success,  in  finding  a  market  for  their  tea, 
thus  reduced  in  its  price,  and  also  of  collecting  a 
duty  on  its  importation  and  sale  in  the  colonies,  the 
East  India  company  freighted  several  ships  with 
teas,  for  the  dirt'erent  colonies,  and  ap|)ointed  agents 
for  its  disposal.  This  measure  united  several  in- 
terests in  opposition  to  its  execution.  The  pa- 
triotism of  the  Americans  was  corroborated  by  se- 
veral auxiliary  aids,  no  ways  connected  with  the 
cause  of  liberty. 

The  merchants  in  England  were  alarmed  at  the 
losses,  that  must  accrue  to  themselves,  from  the 
exportations  of  the  East  India  company,  and  from 
the  sales  going  through  the  hands  of  consignees. 
Letters  were  written  to  colonial  patriots,  urging 
ih?ir  opposition  to  the  project. 

The  smugglers,  who  were  both  numerous  and 
powerful,  could  not  relish  a  scheme  which,  by  un- 
ncrselli-ig  them,  and  taking  a  profitable  branch  of 
bnsmess  out  of  their  hands,  threatened  a  diminu- 
hoM  of  their  gains.    The  colouisis  were  too  sus- 


picious of  the  designs  of  Great  Britain  to  be  impo- 
sed upon. 

The  cry  of  endangered  liberty  once  more  excited 
an  alarm,  from  New  Hampshire  to  Georgia.  The 
first  opp()siti(m  to  the  execution  of  the  scheme, 
adopted  by  the  East  India  company,  began  with  the 
American  merchants.  They  saw  a  jirolitable  branch 
of  their  trade  likely  to  be  lost,  and  the  benefits  of  it 
to  be  transferred  to  the  jieople  in  Great  Britain. 
They  felt  for  the  wound,  that  would  be  inflicted  on 
their  country's  claim  of  exemption  from  [jarliamen- 
tary  taxation ;  but  they  felt,  with  e(pial  sensibility, 
for  the  losses  they  would  sustain,  by  the  diversion 
of  the  streams  of  commerce,  into  unusual  chan- 
nels. Though  the  O|)|)osition  originated  in  the 
selfishness  of  the  merchants,  it  did  not  end  there. 
The  great  body  of  the  people,  from  principles  of 
the  purest  patriotism,  were  brought  over  to  second 
their  wishes.  They  considered  the  whole  scheme 
as  calculated  to  seduce  them  into  an  acquiescence 
with  the  views  of  parliament,  for  raising  an  Ameri- 
can revenue.  Much  ])ains  were  taken  to  enlighten 
the  colonists  on  this  subject,  and  to  convince  them 
of  the  iminiuent  hazard  to  which  their  liberties  were 
exi)osed. 

The  provincial  patriots  insisted  largely  on  the 
persevering  determination  of  the  parent  state,  to 
establish  her  claim  of  taxation,  by  compelling  the 
sale  of  tea  in  the  colonies,  against  the  solemn  re- 
solutions and  declared  sense  of  the  inhaliilants ; 
and  that,  at  a  time,  when  the  commercial  inter- 
course of  the  two  countries  was  renewed,  and 
their  ancient  harmony  fast  returning.  The  pro- 
])osed  venders  of  the  tea  were  represented  as  re- 
venue officers,  employed  in  the  collection  of  an 
unconstitutional  tax,  imposed  by  Great  Britain. 
The  colonists  contended,  that,  as  the  duty  and  the 
l)rice  of  the  commodity  were  inseparably  blended, 
if  the  tea  were  sold,  every  purchaser  would  pay 
a  tax  imposed  by  the  British  parliament,  as  part 
of  the  purchase  money.  To  obviate  this  evil,  and 
to  prevent  the  liberties  of  a  great  country  from 
being  sacrificed  by  inconsiderate  purchasers,  sun- 
dry town  meetings  werQ  held  in  the  capitals  of 
the  different  provinces,  and  combinations  were  form- 
ed to  obstruct  the  sales  of  the  tea,  sent  by  the  East 
India  company. 

'J'lie  resolutions  adopted,  by  the  inhabitants  of 
Philadelidiia,  on  the  ISth  of  October,  1773,  afford 
a  good  specimen  of  the  whole.  These  were  as 
follow : 

"  1.  That  the  disposal  of  their  own  property  is 
the  inherent  right  of  freemen  ;  that  there  can  be  no 
jiroperty  in  that  which  another  can,  of  right,  take 
from  us  without  our  consent;  that  the  claim  of  par- 
liament to  tax  America,  is,  in  other  words,  a  claim 
of  right  to  levy  contributions  on  us  at  pleasure. 

"  2.  That  the  diUy,  imposed  by  parliament  upon 
tea  landed  in  America,  is  a  tax  on  the  Americans, 
or  levying  contributions  on  them,  without  their 
consent. 

"  3.  That  the  express  ])urpose,  for  which  the 
tax  is  levied  on  the  Americans,  namely,  for  the 
support  of  government,  administration  of  justice, 
and  defence  of  his  majesty's  dominions  in  Ame- 
rica, has  a  direct  tendency  to  render  assemblies 
useless,  and  to  introduce  arbitary  goverment  and 
slavery. 

"  4.  That  a  virtuous  and  steady  opposition,  to 
this  luinisterial  plan  of  governing  America,  is  ab- 
solutely necessary  to  preserve  even  the  shadow  of 
liberty;  and  is  a  duty  which  every  freeman  in 
America  owes  to  his  country,  to  himself,  and  to 
his  posterity. 

"  .5.  That  flie  resolution,  lately  entered  into  by 
the  East  India  comjiany,  to  send  out  their  tea  to 
America,  subject  to  the  ))ayment  of  duties  on  its 
being  landed  here,  is  an  open  atteiupt  to  enforce 
this  ministerial  plan,  and  a  violent  attack  upon  the 
liberties  of  America. 

"  6.  That  it  is  the  duty  of  every  American  to  op- 
pose this  attempt. 

"  7.  That  whoever  shall,  directly  or  indirectly, 
countenance  this  attempt,  or,  in  any  wise,  aid  or 
label  in  unloading,  receiving,  or  vending  the  tea 
[sent,  or  to  be  sent  out  by  the  East  India  com- 


I  pany,  while  it  remains  subject  to  the  payineni  of  a 
'duly  here,  is  an  enemy  to  his  country. 
]  "  8.  That  a  committee  be  immediately  chosen, 
I  to  wait  on  those  gentlemen,  wlio,  it  is  reported,  are 
a])pointe("I  by  the  East  India  company,  to  receive 
and  s(dl  said  Km,  and  recjuest  them,  from  i  regard 
to  their  own  character,  and  the  jieace  and  .^ood  or- 
der of  the  city  and  ]irovince,  iminediiciely  'o  resign 
their  a|)|)()inimeiit." 

As  the  time  approached,  when  the  arriv  d  of  the 
tea  ships  might  be  soon  expected,  such  neasiires 
were  adopted,  as  seemed  most  likely  t  »  prevent 
the  landing  of  their  cargoes.  The  tea  consignees, 
appointed  by  the  East  India  comiiany,  were,  in 
several  places,  compelled  to  relinquish  their  ap- 
fioinlments;  and  no  others  could  be  found,  hardy 
enough,  to  act  in  their  stead.  The  pilots,  in  the 
river  Delaware,  were  warned  not  to  conduct  any 
of  the  tea  ships  into  their  harbour.  In  New 
York,  po])ular  vengeance  was  denounced  against 
all  who  would  contribute,  in  any  measure,  to  for 
ward  the  views  of  the  East  India  conii)any.  Tho 
captains  of  the  New  York  and  Philadelphia  ships, 
being  apprized  of  the  resolution  of  the  people,  and 
fearing  the  conse(|ence  of  landing  a  coiiimodiiy, 
charged  with  an  odious  duty,  in  violation  of  their 
declared  i)ublic  sentiments,  concludiMl  to  return  di- 
rectly to  Great  Britain,  without  making  any  entry 
at  the  custom  house. 

It  was  otherwise  in  Blassachusetts.  The  tea 
ships,  designed  for  the  supply  of  Boston,  v.ere 
consigned  to  the  sons,  cousins,  and  jiarticular 
friends  of  governor  Hutchinson.  When  they  were 
called  upon  to  resign,  they  answered  "  that  it  was 
out  of  their  power."  The  collector  refused  to 
give  a  clearance,  unless  the  vessels  were  dis- 
charged of  dutiable  articles.  The  governor  re- 
fused to  give  a  pass  for  the  vessels,  unless  pro- 
j)erly  qualified  for  the  custom  house.  The  go- 
vernor likewise,  requested  admiial  INIontague  to 
guard  the  passages  out  of  the  harbour:  and  gave 
orders  to  suffer  no  vessels,  coasters  excepted,  to 
pass  the  fortress  from  the  town,  without  a  [)as9 
signed  by  himself.  From  a  combination  of  these 
circuiustances,  the  return  of  the  tea  vesstds,  fnmi 
Boston,  w:is  rendered  imp()ssil)le.  The  inhabitants, 
then,  had  no  option,  but  to  jirevent  the  landing  of 
the  tea;  to  sutler  it  to  be  landed,  and  depend  on 
the  unanimity  of  the  people  not  to  purchase  it;  to 
iestroy  the  tea;  or  to  suffer  a  dee|)  laid  scheme 
against  their  sacred  liberties  to  take  effect.  The 
first  would  have  required  incessant  watching,  bj 
night,  as  well  as  by  day,  for  a  period  of  time,  the 
duration  of  which  no  one  could  (;()mpute.  The 
second  would  have  been  visionary  to  childishness, 
by  suspending  the  liberties  of  a  growing  coun- 
try, on  the  sell-denial  and  discretion  of  cverv  lea- 
drinker  in  the  province.  They  viewed  the  tea  as 
the  vehicle  of  an  unconstitulioiial  tax,  and  as  inse- 
parably associated  with  it.  To  avoid  the  one,  tlu'y 
resolved  to  destroy  the  other.  About  seventeen 
persons,  dressed  as  Indians,  repaired  to  the  te? 
ships,  broke  oiien  three  hundred  and  forty-two  chests 
of  tea,  and,  without  doing  any  other  damage,  dis- 
charged their  contents  into  the  water. 

Thus,  by  the  inflexibility  of  the  governor,  the 
issue  of  this  business  was  different,  at  Boston,  froin 
what  it  was  elsewhere.  The  whole  cargoes  o<"  tea 
were  returned  from  New  York  and  Pliiladeh  hia. 
That  which  was  sent  to  Charlestcui  was  landet'  and 
stored;  but  not  ottered  for  sale.  Mr.  liufchi  ison 
had  repeatedly  urged  government  to  be  firm  and 
|)ersevering.  He  could  not,  therefore,  consi..tent 
with  his  honour,  depart  from  a  line  of  conduct,  he 
had  so  often  and  so  stronely  recommended  tn  his 
sujieriors.  He  also  believed,  that  the  inliabiianis 
would  not  dare  to  perfect  their  engagements ;  and 
flattered  himself,  that  they  would  desist,  when  the 
critical  moment  arrived. 

Admitting  the  rectitude  of  the  American  claims 
of  excm|)tion,  from  parliamentary  taxation,  the  de- 
struction of  the  tea,  by  the  Bostcuiians,  was  war- 
ranted by  the  grortt  law  of  self-preservation:  for  ii 
was  not  poss'ble  for  them,  by  any  other  means,  to 
discharge  the  duty  they  owed  to  their  couiitrv. 

The  event  of  litis  business  was  vei  v    '  'fercut 


B88  

from  what  had  been  expected  iu  England.  The 
colonists  acted  with  so  much  union  and  system,  that 
there  was  not  a  single  chest,  of  any  ol'  the  cargoes 
ieni  out  by  the  East  India  company,  sold  lor  their 
beaefit. 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


CHAPTER  V. 

Proreodiiigs  of  the  Rrilisli  Parliament,  in  consequence  of 
the  (tesiriK-tioa  of  the  tea,  by  the  Bostonianr  MostRR 
port  act,  &iCt 

Intelligknce  of  the  events,  w'  jcIx  have  been 
•itated  in  the  last  chapter,  was,  on  the  7th  of 
March,  1774,  communicated,  in  a  message  from 
the  throne,  to  both  houses  of  parliament.  In  this 
communication,  the  conduct  of  the  colonists  was 
represented,  as  not  only  obstructing  the  commerce 
of  Great  Britain,  but  as  subversive  of  its  constitu- 
tion. The  message  was  accompanied  with  a 
Dumber  of  papers,  containing  copies  and  extracts 
of  letters,  from  the  several  royal  governors  and 
others ;  from  which  it  appeared,  that  the  opposi- 
tion to  the  sale  of  tea  was  not  peculiar  to  Massa- 
chusetts ;  but  common  to  all  the  colonies.  These 
paj)ers  were  accompanied  with  declarations,  that 
nothmg  short  of  parliamentary  influence  could  re- 
establish order,  among  the  turbulent  colonists; 
and  that,  therefore,  decisive  measures  should  be 
itrincdiately  adojited.  If  the  right  of  levying 
taxei  on  the  Americans  were  vested  in  the  parent 
state,  these  inferences  were  well-founded;  but  if 
it  were  not,  their  conduct,  in  resisting  an  invasion 
of  their  rights,  was  justified,  not  only  by  many 
examples  in  the  history  of  Britain,  but  by  the  spirit 
of  the  constitution  of  that  country,  which  they  were 
opj)osing. 

by  the  destruction  of  the  tea,  the  people  of  Bos- 
ton had  incurred  the  sanction  of  penal  laws.  Those 
in  Great  Britain,  who  wished  for  an  opportunity 
to  take  vengeance  on  that  town,  commonly  su|)po- 
■ed  by  them  to  be  the  mother  of  sedition  and  rebel- 
hon,  rejoiced,  that  her  inhabitants  had  laid  thcm- 
itelves  open  to  castigation. 

It  was  well  known,  that  the  throwing  of  the  tea 
into  the  river  did  not  originate  with  the  persons, 
who  were  the  immediate  instruments  of  that  act 
of  violence ;  and  that  the  whole  had  been  con- 
certed, at  a  [)ublic  meeting,  and  was,  in  a  quali- 
fied sense,  the  act  of  the  town.  The  universal 
indignation,  which  was  excited  in  (ireat  Britain, 
against  the  people  of  Boston,  jtointed  out  to  the 
ministry  the  suitableness  of  the  [)resent  moment  for 
humbling  them.  Though  the  ostensible  ground 
of  complaint  was  nothing  more  than  a  trespass  on 
private  property,  committed  by  private  persons; 
yet  it  was  well  known  to  be  a  part  of  a  long  digest- 
ed plan  of  resistance  to  parliamentary  taxation. 
Every  measure,  that  might  be  pursued  on  the  oc- 
casion, seemed  to  be  big  with  the  fate  of  the  em- 
pire. To  proceed  in  the  usual  forms  of  law,  ap- 
peared to  the  rulers,  in  Great  Britain,  to  be  a 
departure  from  their  dignity.  It  was  urged  by  the 
ministry,  that  parliamerit,  and  parliament  only, 
was  ca|)able  of  re-establishing  tranquility  among 
these  turbulent  people,  and  of  bringing  order  out 
of  confusion.  To  stifle  all  opposition  froiu  the 
merchants,  the  public  papers  were  filled  with 
wriiings,  wliich  stated  the  impossil>irny  of  carrying 
on  a  future  trade  to  America,  if  this  flagrant  outrage 
on  comiiierci?  should  go  unpunished. 

It  was  in  vain  urged,  by  the  minority,  that  no 
good  could  arise  from  coercion,  tinless  the  minds 
of  ihe  Americans  were  made  easy  on  the  subject 
al  taxation.  Equally  vain  was  a  motion  for  a  reiro- 
■prrt  into  (tie  conduct  of  the  ministry,  which  had 
provoked  their  resistance. 

The  parliament  confined  themselves  solely  to 
the  late  mi'*l>ehavii)ur  of  the  Americans,  without  any 
inquiry  into  its  provoking  causes. 

The  violence  of  the  Bostonians,  in  destroying 
in  article  of  commerce,  was  largely  insisted  upon, 
lAirli'iui  any  imlul^enro  for  the  jealous  spirit  of 
lib"n\.  in  the  descendants  of  Englishmen. — 
.  1'hc  toiiiii-Miiii  bvlwceu  the  tea,  and  the  uncon- 


stitutional duty  iiirposed  thereon,  was  overloolvcd, 
and  the  ))ublic  mind  of  Great  Britain  solely  fixed 
on  the  ol)struction  given  to  commerce,  by  the  tur- 
bulent colonists.  The  spirit  raised  against  the 
Americans  became  as  high,  and  as  strong,  as  their 
most  inveterate  enemies  desired.  This  was  not 
confined  to  the  common  people ;  but  took  posses- 
sion of  legislators,  whose  unclouded  minds  ought 
to  be  exalted  above  the  mists  of  prejudice  or  jiar- 
tiality.  Such,  when  they  consult  on  public  affairs, 
should  be  free  from  the  impulses  of  passion ;  for 
it  rarely  happens,  that  resolutions,  adopted  in  arger, 
are  founded  in  wisdoru.  The  parliament  of  (ireat 
Britain,  transported  with  indignation  against  the 
people  of  Boston,  in  a  fit  of  rage  resolved  to  take 
legislative  vengeance  on  that  devoted  town. 

Disregarding  the  forms  of  her  own  constitution, 
by  which  none  are  to  be  condemned  unheard,  or 
punished  without  a  trial,  a  bill  was  finally  passed, 
by  which  tlie  port  of  Boston  was  virtually  blocked 
up  :  for  it  was  legally  precluded  from  the  privilege 
of  landing  and  discharging,  or  of  lading  and  ship- 
ping of  goods,  wares,  and  mercliandise.  The 
minister,  who  proposed  this  measure,  stated,  in 
su()port  of  it,  that  the  opposition,  to  the  authority 
of  parliament,  had  always  originated  in  that  colo- 
ny, and  had  always  been  instigated  by  the  sedi- 
tious proceedings  of  the  town  of  Boston;  that  it 
was,  tliereforo  necessary  to  make  an  example  of 
that  town,  which,  by  an  unparalleled  outrage, 
had  violated  the  freedom  of  commerce  ;  and  that 
(Jreat  Britain  would  be  wanting  in  the  protection 
she  owed  to  her  peaceable  subjects,  if  she  did  not 
punisli  such  an  insult,  in  an  exemplary  manner. — 
He,  therefore,  proposed,  that  the  town  of  Boston 
sliould  be  obliged  to  pay  for  the  tea,  whrch  had 
been  destroyed.  He  was  fartlier  of  opinion,  that 
making  a  pecuniary  satisfaction,  for  tlie  injury 
coiumitted,  would  not  alone  be  suflicient ;  but  that, 
in  addition  thereto,  security  must  be  given  in  fu- 
ture, that  trade  jnight  be  safely  carried  on ;  pro- 
])erty  protected;  laws  obeyed;  and  duties  paid. 
He  urged,  therefore,  that  it  would  be  proper  to 
take  away  from  Boston,  the  privileges  of  a  port, 
until  his  majesty  should  be  satisfied,  in  these  partic- 
ulars, and  j)ublicly  declare  in  council,  on  a  jiropcr 
certificate  of  the  good  behaviour  of  the  town,  that 
he  was  so  satisfied.  Until  this  should  ha|)pen,  lie 
[)roposed  that  the  custom-house  officers  should  be 
removed  to  Salem.  The  minister  lioped,  that  this 
act  would  execute  itself;  or,  at  most,  that  a  few 
frigates  would  secure  its  execution.  He  also 
hoped,  tliat  the  prosjiect  of  advantage  to  tlie  town 
of  Salem,  from  its  being  made  the  seat  of  the 
custom-house,  and  from  the  occlusion  of  the  port 
of  Boston,  would  detach  the  inhabitants  from  the 
interest  of  the  latter,  and  dispose  them  to  support 
a  measure,  from  which  they  had  so  much  to  expect. 
It  was  also  presumed,  that  the  other  colonies 
would  leave  Boston  to  sulfer  the  punishment  due 
to  her  demerits.  The  abettors  of  parliamentary 
supremacy  flattered  themselves,  that  this  decided 
conduct  of  Great  Britain  would,  for  ever  extinguish 
all  opposition  of  the  rcfractoiy  colonists  to  the 
claims  of  the  mother  country ;  and  the  apparent 
equity  of  obliging  a  delinquent  town  to  make  re- 
paration, for  an  injury  occasioned  by  tlie  factious 
sj)irit  of  its  inhabitants,  silenced  many  of  the  friends 
of  America.  The  consequences,  resulting  from 
tliis  measure,  were  the  reverse  of  what  were  wished 
by  the  first,  and  dreaded  by  the  last. 

By  tlie  operation  of  tiie  Boi,ton  port  act,  the 
preceding  situation  of  its  inhabitants,  dod  that  of 
the  East  India  comp.uiy,  was  reversed.  The  for- 
mer had  more  reason  to  complain  of  the  dispro- 
portionate ])eiialty,  to  which  they  were  indiscrim- 
inaiely  subjected,  than  the  latter  of  that  outnige 
on  their  property,  for  which  punisliment  had  been 
inflicted.  Hitherto  the  East  India  company  were 
the  injured  party;  but,  from  the  passing  of  this 
act,  the  balance  of  injury  was  on  the  opposite 
side.  If  wrongs  received  entitled  the  former  to 
reparation,  the  latter  had  a  much  stronger  title  on 
llie  same  ground.  For  the  act  of  seventeen  or 
eighteen  individuals,  as  many  thousands  were  in- 
volved in  one  general  calamity. 


I    Both  parties  viewed  the  case  on  a  much  largcf 

scale  than  that  of  municipal  law.  The  people  ol 
Boston  alledged,  in  vindication  of  their  conduct, 
that  the  tea  was  a  weapon  aimed  at  their  liber- 
ties ;  anil  that  the  same  principles  of  self-preser« 
vation,  which  justify  the  breaking  of  the  assassia'i 
sword,  uplifted  for  destruction,  equally  authorized 
the  destruction  of  tliat  tea,  which  was  the  vehicio 
of  an  unconstitutional  tax,  subvei-sive  of  their 
liberties.  The  parliaiuent  of  (ireat  Britain  con- 
sidered the  act  of  the  ])eople  of  Boston,  in  de- 
stroying the  tea,  as  an  open  defiance  of  that  coun- 
try. The  demerit  of  the  action,  as  an  ofTenee 
against  ])roperty,  was  lost  in  the  supposed  supe- 
rior demerit  of  treasonable  intention,  to  emanci- 
pate themselves  frtuu  a  state  of  colonial  (le[>eii- 
dence.  The  Americans  conceived  the  case  to  bo 
intimately  connected  with  their  liberties  ;  the  in- 
habitants of  Great  Britain,  with  their  suiiremacy. 
The  former  considered  it  as  a  duty  they  owed 
their  country,  to  make  a  common  cause  with  the 
people  of  Boston ;  the  latter  thought  tliemselvet 
under  equal  obligations,  to  support  the  privileges 
of  parliament. 

On  the  third  reading  of  the  Boston  port  bill,  a 
petition  was  presented  by  the  lord  ma\or,  in  the 
name  of  several  natives  and  iiihal)itants  of  North 
America,  then  residing  in  London.  It  was  drawn 
with  great  force  of  language,  and  stated  that, 
"  the  proceedings  of  parliament  against  Boston 
were  repugnant  to  every  principle  of  law  and  jus- 
tice, and  established  a  precedent,  by  which  no 
man  in  America  could  enjoy  a  luoment's  securi- 
ty." The  friends  of  parliamentary  sujiremacy 
had  long  regretted  the  democratic  constitutioot 
of  the  provinces,  as  adverse  to  their  schemes.— 
They  saw,  with  concern,  the  steady  o|)position 
that  was  given  to  their  measures,  by  tlie  Ameri- 
can legislatures.  These  constitutions  were  plan- 
ned, when  Great  Britain  neither  feared  nor  care  I 
lor  lier  colonies.  Not  suspecting  that  she  w;is  lay- 
ing the  foundation  of  future  states,  she  granted  char- 
ters that  gave  to  the  people  so  much  of  the  powers 
of  government,  as  enabled  them  to  make,  not  only 
a  fonuidable,  but  a  resiular,  constitutional  opposi- 
tion to  the  country  from  which  I  hey  sprung. 

Long  had  her  rulers  wished  for  an  opportunity 
to  revoke  these  charters,  and  to  new- model  tbese 
governments.*  The  |)reseiit  moment  seemed 
i'avounible  to  this  design.  The  temper  of  the 
nation  was  high;  and  the  reseniment  against  the 
I)rovince  of  Massachusetts  general  and  violent. 
The  late  outrages  in  Boston  furnished  a  pre'ence 
for  the  attempt.  An  act  of  the  British  parliament 
sjieedily  followed  to  the  one  for  shutting  up  the  |>ort 
of  Boston,  entitled.  An  act  for  better  regulating 
the  government  of  Massachusetts.  The  ol^ect  of 
this  was  to  alter  the  charter  of  the  province,  in  the 
following  particulars. 

The  council,  or  second  branrli  of  the  legisla- 
ture, heretofore  elected  by  tl.'e  general  court,  was 
to  be,  from  the  first  of  .\ugiist,  1771.  appointed  by 
the  crown.  The  royal  governor  was  also,  by  the 
same  act,  invested  with  the  power  of  appointine 
and  removing  all  judges  of  the  inferior  courts  of 
common  pleas,  commissioners  of  oyer  and  termi- 
ner, the  attorney  genend,  provost  marshal,  justi- 
ces, sheriffs,  A:c.  The  town  meetings,  which 
were  sanctioned  bv  the  charier,  were,  with  a  few 
exceptions,  expressly  forbidden  to  be  ;.*««2,  «"-^b- 


•  The  ihrce  lust  kines  of  the  Slimrt  line  labouriHl  hard, 
to  nnniliilalc  llio  chnrlors  of  the  F.nt.'li^>h  r..l<iiiio?  in  .Am*- 
rira  ;  ami  nolhins  Imt  tlie  revoliilion  of  11hS.S.  ir  r.iisiiUjjM 
provcntfd  the  ari-oiiiplisliniriil  ot  llieir  (jesicif.  TM 
four  (irst  sub-revoliilionnrv  sovorvipn;!  of  Knflniiii  dH- 
ronlinuoil  ihe  .alieinpt;  luil  it  was  ifvjvcd,  in  ih--  reigO 
of  ihe  fiflh.  This  abrognlion  of  ihe  chaiier  of  .Mnsdtchil- 
solts  "lis  llie  eiucrins  wedffe,  ami,  if  siuressliil,  'OIJ^ 
(loiihlless  have  been  followed,  !)>■  a  pro^^lraiioii  of  th« 
rhnrierii  of  the  olhcr  pi-ovinres,  lo  innke  room  fm  n  mow 
courlly  svslein,  loss  dop.-mli'iit  on  the  people.  The  .Ame- 
rican "revolution  saveil  the  colonies,  in  the  Insl  rase,  »t 
ihe  Knelish  revoliilion  had  in  the  first :— so  nrccssarv  til 
oci-Bsional  rev<diilions,  to  l>rin!:  povernmeiits  hack  to  firrt 
principles,  and  to  tench  rulers,  that  the  i  eople  are  Ibe 
fountain  of  all  lesiliinalc  powc-,  and  tiitir  liaj'juneM 
object  uf  nil  il^  dulcgatiout. 


NORTH  AMERICA 


out  the  leave  of  the  governor  or  lieutenant  i^over- 
Dor  in  vviitiug,  expressing  the  s|i('ci;il  business  of 
said  meeting,  lirst  had  and  ohlaineil ;  and  wilh  a 
iartlier  resu  iction,  that  no  inatti  r  should  l)e  treat- 
ed of  at  those  meetings,  excejit  the  election  of 
public  olficers,  anil  the  business  expressed  in  the 
leave  given  by  the  govertior  or  lieutenant  gover- 
noi     Juiynien,  who  liad  been  bel'ore  elected  by 
the    ireeholde  s  and  inliabitanls  of  the  several 
towns,  were  (o  be,  by  this  new  act,  all  sunuuon- 
ed  and  returtied,  by  the  sherill's  of  the  respective 
counties.    'I'he  whole  executive  government  was 
taken  out  of  the  hands  of  the  jjeople;  and  the  no- 
niniation  of  all  the  important  officers  vested  in  the 
kuig  or  Ifis  governor. 
This  act  excited  a  greater  alarm  than  the  port 
I  act.    The  one  alfected  only  the  nietroi)olis ;  tlie 
other  the  whole  province.    The  one  h  id  the  ;\p- 
'  pearance  of  being  merited  ;  as  it  was  well  known, 
that  an  act  of  violence  had  been  connriitled  by  its 
\  inhabitants,  under  the  sanction  of  a  town  meeting  : 
but  th<^  other  had  no  stronger  justifying  reason 
than  that  the  proposed  alterations  were,  in  the 
opinion  of  the  parliament,  absolutely  necessary,  in 
order  to  the  jjreservation  of  tlie  peace  and  good 
ordi  r  of  the  said  province.    In  support  of  tliis 
I  bill,  the  minister  who  brought  it  in,  alleged,  that 
I  an  executive  i)ower  was  wanting  in  the  country. 
I  The  very  people,  said  he,  who  connnit  the  riots, 
I  are  the  posse  comitatus,  in  which  the  force  of  the 
civil  power  consists.    He  fartlier  uiged  the  futil- 
;  ily  of  making  laws,  the  execution  of  which,  vuider 
j  the  present  ibrm  of  government  in  Massachusetts, 
.  might  be  so  easily  evaded  ;  and  therefore  contend- 
;  ed  lot  a  nec  essity  to  alter  the  whole  frame  of  their 
;  constitution,  as  far  as  related  to  its  executive  and 
,  judicial  powers.    In  opposition,  it  was  urged,  tliat 
the  taking  away  the  civil  constitution  of  a  whole 
.  people,  secured  by  a  solemn  charter,  upon  general 
I  charges  o(  delinipiencies  and  defects,  was  a  stretch 
,  of  pi/wei  of  die  most  arbitrary  and  dangerous  nature. 
;      J',y  the  Knglish  constitution,  charters  were  sa- 
I  crcd,  revocable  only  by  a  due  course  of  law,  and 
I  on  a  conviction,  of  misconduct.    They  w  ere  so- 
lemn compacts  between  tlie  ]irince  and  the  jjeople 
and  without  the  constitutional  ])ower  of  cither  par- 
,  >y.    The  abettors  of  the  British  scliemes  reasoned 
I  ''U  a  summary  way.    Said  they,  "  the  colonies, 
I  particularly  Massachusetts,  by  their  circular  let- 
I  teis,  associations,  and  town  meetings,  have  for 
j  years  past,  thwarted  all  the  measures  of  govern- 
|i  ment,  and  are  meditating  independency.  This 
turbulent  spirit  of  theirs  is  fostered  by  their  con- 
stitution which  invests  theiij  with  too  nuich  pow- 
er, to  be  consistent  with  their  state  of  subordina- 
rion.    Let  us  therefore  lay  the  axe  at  tlie  root ; 
n  w  model  their  chailer;  and  lop  off  those  privi- 
leges which  tliey  have  abused." 

When  the  human  mind  is  agitated  with  passion, 
it  larely  discerns  its  own  interest,  and  but  faintly 
loresees  consecpiences.  Had  the  parliament  stop- 
p',J  short  with  the  Boston  port  act,  the  motive  to 
union  atid  to  make  a  common  cause  with  that  me- 
tropolis, would  have  been  feeble,  i)erhai)S  inellec- 
tu.il  to  have  roused  the  other  ()rovinces  ;  but  the 
arbitrary  mutilation  of  the  important  privileges 
contained  in  a  solemn  charter,  without  a  trial,  and 
without  a  hearing,  by  the  will  of  parliament,  con- 
I  vinced  the  most  moderate,  that  the  cause  of  j\Ias- 
I  sachusetts  was  the  cause  of  all  the  provinces. 
It  readily  occurreil  to  those  who  guided  tlie  helm 
of  (jieat  i$ritain,  that  riots  would  probably  take 
place,  in  attempting  the  execution  of  the  acts  just 
mentioned  They  also  discerned,  that  such  was 
the  temper  of  th»  people,  that  trials  for  murders, 
committed  in  suppressing  riots,  if  held  in  ^lassa- 
chusetls,  would  seldom  terminate  in  favour  of  the 
i  parties,  vho  were  engaged  on  the  side  of  govern- 
ment. To  make  their  system  complete,  it  was 
fl*"'essary  to  go  one  step  farther,  and  lo  screen 
their  active  friends  from  the  appreherded  partial- 
ity o*"  such  trials.  It  was  therefore  provided  by 
law.  that  if  any  person  was  indicted  for  murder, 
or  for  any  capital  offence,  committed  in  aiding 
magistracy,  that  the  government  might  send  the 
^Vnon  80  indicted,  to  another  colony,  or  to  Uteat 
25 


Britain  to  be  tried.  This  law  was  the  subject  of 
severe  comments.  It  was  considered  as  an  act 
of  indeiniiity  to  those,  who  sliould  embrue  their 
hands  in  the  blood  of  their  fellow-cili/.ens.  It 
was  asked,  how  the  relations  of  a  murdered  man 
could  elfectiially  prosecute,  if  they  must  go  three 
thousand  miles  to  attend  that  business.  "  It  was 
contended,  that  the  act,  by  stoiiping  the  usual' 
course  of  justice,  would  give  rise  to  assassina- 
tions, and  dark  revenge  among  individuals  ;  and 
encourage  all  kinds  of  lawless  violence.  The 
charge  of  paitiality  was  retorted.  For,  said  they, 
'•  if  a  jjarty  spirit,  against  the  authority  of  (Jreat 
Britain,  would  condemn  an  active  officer,  in  Mas- 
sachusetts, as  a  murderer,  the  same  party  spirit, 
fur  preserving  tlie  authority  of  (ireat  Britain, 
would  in  tliat  country,  accjuit  a  murderer  as  a  spi- 
rited performer  of  his  duty."  The  case  of  Captain 
Preston  was  also  quoted,  as  a  proof  of  the  impar- 
tial administration  of  justice  in  IMassachusetts. 

The  same  natives  of  America,  who  had  peti- 
tioned against  the  Boston  port  bill,  presented  a 
second  one  against  these  two  bills.  With  uncom- 
mon energy  of  language,  they  pointed  out  many 
constitutional  objections  against  them  ;  and  con- 
cluded with  fervently  beseeching,  "that  the  par- 
liament would  not  by  passing  them,  reduce  their 
countrymen  to  an  abject  state  of  misery  and  hu- 
miliation or  drive  them  to  the  last  resource  of 
despair."  The  lords  of  the  minority  entered  also 
a  protest  against  the  passing  of  each  of  these  hills. 

It  was  fortunate  for  the  people  of  Boston,  and 
those  who  wished  to  promote  a  combination  of  the 
colonies  against  Great  Britain,  that  these  three 
several  laws  passed  nearly  at  the  same  time. — 
They  were  presented  in  quick  succession,  either 
in  the  form  of  bills,  or  of  acts,  to  the  considera- 
tion of  the  inflamed  Americans,  and  produced 
eflects  on  theirminds,  infinitely  greater  than  could 
have  been  expected  from  either,  especially  from 
the  Boston  port  act  alone. 

When  the  fire  of  indignation,  excited  by  the 
fust,  was  burning  intelligence  of  these  other  acts, 
operated  like  fuel,  and  made  it  flame  out  with  in- 
creasing vehemence.  The  three  laws  were  con- 
sidered as  forming  a  comjilete  system  of  tyranny, 
iVom  the  operation  of  which,  there  was  no  chance 
of  making  a  peaceable  escape. 

"  By  the  first,"  said  they,  "  the  property  of  un 
oflending  thousands  is  arbitrarily  taken  away,  for 
the  act  of  a  few  individuals.  By  the  second,  our 
chartered  liberties  are  annihilated :  and  by  the 
third,  our  lives  may  be  destroyed  with  impunity 
Property,  liberty,  and  life,  are  all  sacrificed  on  the 
altar  of  ministerial  vengeance."  This  mode  of 
reasoning  was  not  peculiar  to  Massachusetts. — 
These  three  acts  of  parliament,  contrary  to  the 
expectation  of  those  who  planned  them,  became  a 
cement  of  a  firm  union  among  the  colonies,  from 
New  Hampshire  to  Georgia.  They  now  openly 
said,  "  Our  charters  and  other  rights  and  immu- 
nities, mustde])end  on  the  pleasure  of  parliament." 
They  were  sensible  that  they  had  all  concurred, 
more  or  less,  in  the  same  line  of  opposition,  which 
had  provoked  these  severe  statutes  against  Mas- 
sachusetts ;  and  they  believed,  that  vengeance, 
though  delayed,  was  not  remitted  ;  and  that  the 
only  favour,  the  least  culpable  could  expect,  was 
to  be  the  last  that  would  be  devoured.  The  friends 
of  the  colonies  contended,  that  these  laws  were  in 
direct  contradiction  to  the  letter  and  the  spirit  of  the 
British  constitution.  Their  opposers  could  su])- 
port  them  on  no  stronger  grounds  than  those  of 
political  necessity  and  expedience.  They  acknow- 
ledged them  to  be  contrary  to  the  established  mode 
of  proceeding  ;  but  defended  them,  as  tending  ul- 
timately to  preserve  the  constitution,  from  the 
meditated  independency  of  the  colonies. 

Such  was  the  temper  of  the  people  in  England 
that  the  acts  hitherto  passed  were  popular.  A  ge- 
neral opinion  had  gone  forth  in  the  mother  coun- 
try, that  the  people  of  Massachusetts,  by  their 
violent  opposition  to  government,  had  drawn  on 
themselves  merited  correction. 

The  parliament  did  not  stop  here  :  but  proceeded 
one  step  farther,  which  inflamed  their  enemies  iu 


America,  and  lost  them  friends  in  Great  Britain. 
The  general  clamour  in  the  provinces  was,  tha' 
the  [)roceedings  in  ])arliamenl  was  arbitiary  antt 
unconstitutional.  IJet'ore  they  com|)leted  their 
memorable  session,  in  the  beginning  of  the  year 
1774,  they  j)assed  an  act  rejecting  the  govern- 
ment of  Quebec,  which,  in  the  opinion  of  their 
friends  merited  these  appellations.  By  this  act 
government  of  that  province  was  made  to  extend 
southward  to  the  Ohio,  westward  to  the  l)anks  of 
the  Mississipi)i,  and  northward  to  the  boundary  of 
the  Hudson's  Bay  conqiany.  The  principal  ob- 
ject of  the  act  was  to  form  a  legislative  council, 
for  all  the  alfairs  of  the  province,  except  taxation, 
which  council  should  be  appointed  by  the  crown  ; 
the  olTice  to  be  held  during  ])leasure  ;  his  majes- 
ty's Koman  Catholic  subjects  to  be  entitled  to  a 
place  therein  ;  lo  establish  the  French  laws,  and 
a  trial  without  jury,  in  civil  cases;  and  the  Kni^- 
lish  laws,  with  a  trial  by  jury,  in  criminal;  and  to 
secure,  to  the  Roman  Catholic  clergy,  except  the 
regulars,  the  legal  enjoyment  of  their  estates,  and 
their  tythes,  from  all  who  were  of  their  own  re- 
ligion. Not  only  the  spirit,  but  the  letter  of  this 
act  were  so  contrary  i  •  the  English  constitution, 
that  it  diminished  the  popularity  of  the  measures, 
which  had  been  adopted  against  the  Americans. 

Among  the  more  southern  colonists,  it  was  con- 
ceived, that  its  evident  object  was  to  make  the  in- 
habitants of  Canada  fit  instruments,  in  the  hands 
of  power,  to  leduce  them  to  a  state  of  slavery. 

They  w^ell  remembered  the  embarrassments  oc- 
casioned to  them,  in  the  late  war  between  France 
and  England,  by  the  French  inhabitants  of  Ca- 
nada. They  supposed,  that  the  British  adminis- 
tration, meant,  at  this  time,  to  use  these  people  in 
the  same  line  of  attack,  for  their  subjuijation. 
As  (jreat  Britain  had  new  modelled  the  chartered 
government  of  Massachusetts,  and  claimed  an  au- 
thority to  so  do  in  every  province,  the  colonists 
were  apjirehensive,  that,  in  the  plenitude  of  her 
power,  she  would  impose  on  each  of  them,  in  their 
turn,  a  constitution,  similar  to  the  one  projected  for 
the  province  of  Canada. 

They  foresaw,  or  thought  they  foresaw,  the  an- 
nihilation of  their  ancient  assemblies,  and  their 
whole  legislative  business  transferred  to  creatures 
of  the  crown.  Tlie  legal  parliamentary  right  to  a 
maintenance,  conferred  on  the  clergy  of  the  Roman 
C  'tholic  religion,  gave  great  ofl'ence  to  many  in 
England  ;  but  the  political  consequences,  expected 
to  result  from  it,  were  iriosl  dreaded  by  the  colonists. 

They  viewed  the  whole  act  as  an  evidence,  that 
hostilities  were  intended  against  them,  and  as  calcu- 
lated to  make  Roman  Catholics  subservient  to  the 
purposes  of  military  coercion. 

The  session  of  parliament,  which  passed  these 
memorable  acts,  had  stretched  far  into  summer.  As 
it  drew  near  a  close,  the  most  sanguine  expectations 
were  indulged,  that,  from  the  resolution  and  great 
unanimity  of  |)arliament,  on  all  American  questions, 
the  submission  of  the  colonists  would  be  immediate, 
and  their  future  obedience  and  tranquility  effectu- 
ally secured.  The  trium|)lis,  and  congratulations, 
of  the  friends  of  the  ministry  were  unusually  great. 

In  passing  the  acts  which  have  been  just  men- 
tioned, dissentients  in  favour  of  America,  were  un- 
usually few.  The  ministerial  majority,  believing 
that  the  refractory  colonists  depended  chiefly  on  the 
countenance  of  their  English  abettors,  were  of  opi- 
nion, that  as  soon  as  they  received  intelligence  of 
the  decrease  of  their  friends,  and  of  the  decisire 
conduct  of  parliament,  they  would  acquiesce  in  the 
will  of  Great  Britain.  The  fame  and  granduer  of 
the  nation  were  such,  that  it  was  never  iinajined, 
they  would  seriously  dare  to  contend  with  so  form- 
idable a  people.  The  late  triumphs  of  Great  Britain 
had  made  such  an  impression  on  her  rulers,  that 
they  believed  the  Americans,  on  seeing  the  anrient 
spirit  of  the  nation  revive,  would  not  risk  a  trial  of 
prowess  with  those  fleets  and  armies,  which  the 
combined  forces  of  France  and  Spain  were  unable 
to  lesist.  By  an  impious  confidence  in  their  supe- 
rior strength,  they  precipitated  the  nation  into  rash 
measures,  from  the  dire  eflects  of  whir  h,  t)ie  ^vsrSJ 
uay  learn  a  useful  lessuu. 


THE  inSTORV  OF 


CHAPTER  VI. 

ProcopJiti^s  of  the  colonies,  in  177 1,  in  consequence  of 
the  Uo<tun  j)or(  uct. 

TiiK  winter  which  followed  the  destruction  of 
tiie  lea  in  Boston,  was  fraught  with  anxiety  to  those 
o(  tiie  colonists,  who  were  given  to  rellection.  Ma- 
ny conjectures  were  formed  about  the  line  of  con- 
duct (Jreat  Britain  would  probably  adojU  for  the 
6ii|)|)ori  of  her  dignity.  The  fears  of  the  most 
liuiid  were  more  than  realized,  by  the  news  of  the 
Boston  port  bill.  This  arrived  on  the  10th  of  May, 
1774  ;  and  its  operation  was  to  commence  the  1st 
of  the  next  month.  Various  town  meetings  were 
called,  to  deliberate  on  the  state  of  public  affairs. 
Ou  the  Kith  of  May,  the  town  of  Boston  passed 
following  vote : 

That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  town,  that,  if  the 
otliL-r  colonies  come  to  a  joint  resolution,  to  stop  all 
importation  from  Great  Britain  and  the  West  In- 
dies, till  the  act,  for  blocking  up  this  harbour,  be 
re[)ealed,  the  same  will  prove  the  salvation  of  North 
America,  and  her  liberties.  On  the  other  liand,  if 
they  continue  their  expoits  and  imports,  there  is 
high  reason  to  fear  that  fraud,  power,  and  the  most 
odious  oppression,  will  rise  triumphant  over  justice, 
ri-'ht,  social  happiness,  and  freedom.  And,  more- 
over, that  this  vote  be  transmitted  by  tlie  modera- 
tor, to  all  our  sister  colonies,  in  the  name  and  be- 
half of  this  town." 

Cojiies  of  this  vote  were  transmitted  to  each  of 
the  colonies.  The  op|)osition  to  Great  iJritain  had 
hitherto  called  forth  the  pens  of  the  ingenious,  and, 
in  some  instances,  imposed  the  self-denial  of  nori- 
iinporlation  agreements :  but  the  bulk  of  the  people 
\\7>:\  iitile  to  do  with  the  dispute.  Tliespiiited  con- 
juct  of  the  people  of  Boston,  in  destroying  the  tea, 
and  the  alarming  precedents  set  by  Great  Britain, 
m  conseqtience  thereof,  brought  subjects  into  dis- 
cussii.n,  with  which  every  peasant  and  day  labour- 
er was  concerned. 

The  patriots  who  had  hitherto  guided  the  lielm, 
Anew  well,  that,  if  the  other  colonies  did  not  su[)- 
port  the  people  of  Boston,  they  must  be  crushed  ; 
and  it  was  equally  obvious,  that  in  their  coercion 
A  precedent,  injurious  to  liberty,  would  be  estab- 
lished. It  was  therefore  the  interest  of  Boston  to 
draw  in  the  other  colonies.  It  was  also  the  interest 
of  the  patriots,  in  all  the  colonies,  to  bring  over  the 
massof  thei)eople,  to  adopt  such  efficient  ineasuies 
as  were  likely  to  extricate  the  inhahiianls  of  Bos- 
ton from  the  unhappy  situation  in  wliich  they  were 
involved.  To  etlect  these  purposes,  much  piu- 
dence  as  well  as  patriotism  was  necessary.  Tlie 
other  provinces  were  but  remotely  affected  by  the 
fate  of  Massachusetts.  They  had  no  particular 
cause,  on  their  own  account,  to  oppose  the  gov- 
ernment of  Great  Britain.  That  a  people  so  cir- 
cumstanced, should  take  part  with  a  distressed 
neighbour,  at  the  risk  of  incurring  the  resentment 
of  the  mother  country,  did  not  accord  with  the 
selfish  maxims  by  which  states,  as  well  as  indivi- 
duals, are  usually  governed.  The  ruled  are,  for 
ilie  most  part,  prone  to  suffer  as  long  as  evils  are 
tolerable:  and,  in  general,  tljey  must  feel  before 
they  are  roused  to  contend  with  their  oppressors  : 
but  the  Americans  acted  on  a  contrary  principle. 

They  commenced  an  opposition  to  (ilreat  Bri- 
tain, and  ultimately  engaged  in  a  defensive  war, 
on  speculation.  Thvy  were  not  so  innch  moved 
by  oppression,  actually  felt,  as  by  a  conviction  that 
a  foundation  was  laid,  and  a  |)recedenl  about  to  be 
established,  for  fiilure  opfiressions.  To  convince 
ihc  bulk  of  the  peojjle,  that  they  liad  an  interest  in 
loregoing  a  present  good,  and  subiiiiltiiig  to  a  jire- 
Bent  evil,  in  order  to  obtain  a  future  greater  good, 
jnd  to  avoid  a  future  greater  evil,  was  the  task 
asHigned  to  the  colonial  patriots.  It  called  for  the 
exertion  of  their  utmost  abilities.  They  elleclcd 
it  in  a  great  measure  by  means  of  the  press.  Pam- 
pliW-ts,  essays,  addresses,  and  newsjiaiier  disserta- 
lions,  were  daily  presented  to  the  public,  ))i()ving 
that  Ma!«achusetts  was  suffering  in  the  roiiimon 
raURC  ,  and  that  interest  and  policy  recpiired  the 
uDiiod  exertions  of  all  the  colonies,  in  su]>i)ort  of 


tliat  much-injured  province.  It  was  inculcated  on 
the  people,  that,  if  the  ministerial  schemes  were 
suffered  to  take  eHect  in  Massachusetts,  the  other 
colonies  must  expect  the  loss  of  their  charters,  and 
that  a  new  government  would  be  imposed  upon 
them,  like  that  projected  for  Quebec.  Tlie  king 
and  parliament  held  no  patronage  in  America  suf- 
ficient to  oppose  this  torrent.  The  few  who  ven- 
tured to  write  in  their  favour,  found  a  difficulty  in 
communicating  their  sentiments  to  the  public.  No 
])ensions  or  preferments  awaited  their  exertions. 
Neglect  and  contempt  were  their  usual  portion  ; 
but  popularity,  consequence,  and  fame,  were  tlie 
rewards  of  those  who  stepped  forward  in  the  cause 
of  liberty.  In  order  to  interest  the  great  body  of 
the  people,  the  few,  'who  were  at  the  helm,  dis- 
claimed any  thing  more  decisive,  than  convening 
the  inhabitants,  and  takin*  their  sense  on  what 
was  projier  to  be  done.  In  the  meantime,  great 
pains  were  taken  to  prepare  them  for  the  adoption 
of  vigorous  measures. 

The  words  whigs  and  tories,  for  want  of  better, 
were  now  introduced,  as  the  distinguishing  names 
of  parties.  By  the  former,  were  meant  those  who 
were  for  making  a  common  cause  with  Boston, 
and  supporting  the  colonies  in  their  opposition  to 
the  claims  of  parliament.  By  the  latter,  those  who 
were,  at  least,  so  far  favourers  of  Great  Britain, 
that  they  wished,  either  that  no  measures,  or  only 
palliative  measures,  should  be  adopted  in  opposi- 
tion to  her  schemes. 

These  parties  were  so  nearly  balanced  in  New 
York,  that  nothing  more  was  agreed  to,  at  the  first 
meeting  of  the  inhabitants,  than  a  recommendation 
to  call  a  congress. 

At  Pliiladel()liia,  the  patriots  had  a  delicate  part 
to  act.  The  government  of  the  colony  being  pro- 
piietary,  a  multitude  of  officers,  connected  with 
that  interest,  had  much  to  fear  from  convulsions, 
and  nothing  to  expect  from  a  revolution.  A  still 
greater  body  of  the  people,  called  Quakers,  denied 
the  lawfulness  of  war ;  and  therefore  could  not  adopt 
such  measures,  for  the  support  of  Boston,  as  natu- 
rally tended  to  produce  an  event  so  adverse  to  their 
system  of  religion. 

The  citizens  of  Boston  not  only  sent  forward 
their  public  letter  to  the  citizens  of  Philadelphia, 
but  accompanied  it  with  private  communications, 
to  individuals  of  known  patriotism  and  inlluence, 
in  which  they  stated  the  impossibility  of  their 
standing  alone,  against  the  torrent  of  ministerial 
vengeance,  and  the  indispensible  necessity,  that 
the  leading  colony  of  Pennsylvania  should  allbrd 
them  its  support  and  countenance.  The  advocates 
in  Philadelphia,  for  making  a  common  cause  with 
Boston,  weie  fully  sensible  of  the  state  of  parties 
in  Pennsylvania.  They  saw  the  disj)ute  with 
Great  Britain  brought  to  a  crisis,  and  a  new  scene 
opening,  which  required  exertions  different  from 
any  heretofore  made.  The  success  of  these  they 
well  knew,  depended  on  the  wisdom,  with  which 
they  were  planned,  arid  the  union  of  the  whole 
])eopIe,  in  carrying  them  into  execution.  They 
saw  the  propriety  of  proceeding  with  the  greatest 
circuins|)eciion ;  and  therefore  resolved,  at  their 
first  meeting,  on  nothing  more  than  to  call  a  gen- 
eral meeting  of  the  inhabitants,  on  the  next  eve- 
ning. At  the  second  mcetinn,  the  patriots  had  so 
much  moderation  and  policy,  as  to  urge  nothing 
decisive,  contenting  '.hemselves  with  taking  the 
sense  of  the  inhabitants,  siin])ly  on  the  propriety 
of  sending  an  answer  to  the  public  letter  from 
Boston.  This  was  universally  approved.  The 
letter  agreed  upon  was  firm  but  temperate.  They 
acknowledged  the  difficulty  of  offering  advice  on 
the  [)iesent  occasion  ;  sympathized  with  the  ])eo- 
]ilc  of  I'oston  in  their  distress  ;  and  observed  that 
all  lenient  measures,  for  their  relief,  should  be 
first  tried.  Thry  said,  that,  if  tlic  making  resti- 
tution for  tlic  tea  destroyed,  would  put  an  end  to 
the  unhappy  controversy,  and  leave  the  jieople  of 
Boston  u|)on  their  ancient  footing  of  constitutional 
I  liberty,  it  could  not  admit  of  a  doiil)!  what  part  they 
should  art;  but  that  it  was  not  the  value  of  the 
tea;  it  was  the  indefeasible  riulit  of  giving  and 
I  granting  their  own  money,  which  was  the  matter 


I  in  coiisiderai  ion  ;  that  it  wa?  the  common  cd!  se  of 
1  America  ;  and.  ihereiore.  necessary,  in  their  o])in- 
I  ion,  that  a  congress  of  deputies  from  the  severa. 
I  colonies  should  be  ccnvened.  to  devise  iiieans  foi 
restoring  harmony  between  tJreat  Britain  and  the 
colonics,  and  preventing  matters  from  coming  t( 
extremities.  Till  th.is  could  be  brought  abof.t,  they 
recommended  firmness,  prudence,  and  moderatioQ 
to  the  immediate  sufferers ;  assuring  them,  thai  the 
j)eople  of  Pennsylvania  would  continue  to  evince 
a  firm  adherence  to  the  cause  of  American  libeitv. 

Ill  order  to  awaken  the  attention  of  the  people, 
a  series  of  letters  was  publislicd,  well  calculated  to 
rouse  them  to  a  sense  of  their  ilanger,  and  ])oint 
out  the  fatal  cons«;quences  of  the  late  acts  of  par- 
liament. Kvery  newspaper  teemed  with  disser 
tations  in  favour  of  liberty  ;  and  with  debates  of 
the  members  of  parliament,  es|)ecially  with  the 
speeches  of  the  favourers  of  America,  and  the  jiro- 
tests  of  the  dissenting  lords.  The  latter  had  a 
particular  effect  on  tlie  colonists,  and  were  consid- 
ered by  them  as  proofs,  that  the  late  acts  against 
Ma»sachusctts  were  unconstitutional  and  arbitrary. 

The  minds  of  the  people  being  thus  prepared, 
the  friends  of  liberty  promoted  a  petition  to  the 
governor,  for  convening  the  assembly.  They 
knew  that  this  would  not  be  gianted,  and  that  the 
refusal  of  it  would  smooth  the  way  for  calling  the 
inhabitants  together.  The  governor  having  re- 
fused to  call  the  assembly,  a  general  meeting  of 
the  inliabitants  was  requested.  About  eight  thou- 
sand met,  on  the  ISth  of  .June,  177-1  and  adopted 
sundry  spirited  resolutions.  In  these  they  declar- 
ed, that  the  Boston  port  act  was  unconstitutional ; 
that  it  was  ex|)edient  to  convene  a  contiiieiilal 
congress  ;  to  ap|)oint  a  committee  for  the  city  and 
county  of  Philailelphia,  to  correspond  with  their 
sister  colonies  and  the  several  counties  of  Penn- 
sylvania ;  and  to  invest  that  commmittee  wiih  pow- 
er to  determine  on  tlie  best  mode  for  collecting 
the  sense  of  the  province,  and  appointing  de|.'ulic9 
to  attend  a  general  congress.  Under  the  sanc- 
tion of  this  last  resolve,  the  committee  ap|iointed 
for  that  purpose,  wrote  a  circular  letter  to  all  the 
counties  of  the  province,  requesting  them  to  ap- 
point de|)Uties  to  a  general  meeting,  proposeil  to 
be  held  on  the  loih  of  July  Part  of  this  lettti 
was  in  the  following  words  : 

"  We  would  not  offer  such  an  affront  to  th* 
well-known  public  spirit  of  Pennsylvania,  as  to 
(piestion  your  zeal  on  the  present  occasion.  Our 
very  existence  in  the  rank  of  freemen,  and  the 
security  of  all  that  oiiglitto  be  dear  to  us,  evident- 
ly depends  on  our  conducting  this  great  cause  to 
its  proper  issue,  by  firmness,  wisdom,  and  mag- 
nanimity. It  is  with  pleasure  we  assure  you,  that 
all  the  colonies,  from  South  Carolina  to  New 
Hampshire,  are  animated  with  one  spirit,  in  tli« 
common  cause,  and  consider  this  as  the  proper 
crisis,  for  liaving  our  differences,  with  the  iiioilier 
country,  brought  to  some  certain  issue,  and  our 
liberties  fixed  upon  a  permanent  foundation.  Tliij 
desirable  end  can  only  be  accomplished  by  a  free 
communication  of  sentiments,  and  a  sincere  and 
fervent  regard  for  the  interests  of  our  eommon 
country." 

The  several  counties  readily  complied  with  the 
request  of  the  inhabitants  of  Philadelphia,  aii.l  ap- 
pointed deputies;  who  met  at  the  time  appointed, 
and  passed  sundry  resolves,  in  which  they  reptob*- 
ted  the  late  acts  of  parliament ;  expressed  dieir 
sympathy  with  lioston,  as  siillering  in  the  coii.iiion 
cause;  ajiproved  of  holding  a  congress;  and  de- 
clared their  willingness  to  makeaiiys.u  rifiees.  iliat 
might  be  recommended  by  a  cotigiess,  foi  sicui- 
in;;  their  liberties. 

Thus,  without  tumult,  disorder,  or  divide  1  coun- 
sels, the  whole  province  of  Pennsylvania  was.  by 
prudent  manacement  and  iemper;ito  |)i<)cei  (lings. 
Iirouaht  into  the  opposition,  with  its  whole  weight 
and  infiuence.    This  is  the  more  remaik.dile.  as  it 
is  probable,  that,  if  the  sentiments  of  indivi.liial* 
I  had  been  separately  taken,  there  would  have  been 
I  a  majoiiiv  a!;ainst  involvins  themselves  in  ih-rnn- 
j  seipu-iicesol  taking  part  with  the  aesii.iyeis  ol  ibe 
'  'ea,  at  Boston. 


NORTH  A  ME  PICA. 


871 


A\  \iile  these  proceedings  were  caiiyina;  on  ia 
Pciirsvlvania,  three  of  the  most  distinguished  pa- 
irio'i  ol  Philadelphia,  under  coloiu  ofan  excursion 
ol  |i'e;'sur<',  made  a  tour  throughout  the  i)rovince,in 
ord';r  I';  discover  the  real  sentiments  of  the  com- 
mon people.  They  were  well  a])prized  of  the  con- 
sequent es  of  taking  the  lead  in  a  dispute,  which 
every  day  became  more  and  more  serious,  unless 
ihey  could  depend  on  being  supported  by  the  yeo- 
I  .liaiiry  of  the  country.  By  freely  associating  and 
t  "  conversing  with  many  of  every  class  and  denomi- 
nation, they  found  them  unanimous  in  the  funda- 
inenial  |)rinciple  of  the  American  controversy, 
"rliat  the  parliament  of  (ireat  Britain  had  no  right 
to  lax  them."  From  their  general  determination 
on  ih'u  subject,  a  favourable  prognostic  was  form- 
ed, of  a  successful  op])ositioa  to  the  claims  of 
Ore?'  Britain. 

In  Virginia,  the  house  of  burgesses,  on  the  26th 
of  May,  1774,  resolved,  that  the  first  of  June,  the 
f     day  on  which  the  oi)eration  of  the  Boston  port  bill 
was  to  commence,  should  be  set  apart  by  the  mem- 
berM,  as  a  day  of  fastmg,  humiliation  and  prayer  ; 
"  devoutly  to  implore  the  divine  interposition,  for 
averting  the  heavy  calamities  which  threatened 
destruction  to  their  civil  rights,  and  the  evils  of  a 
civil  war  ;  and  to  give  them  one  heart  and  one 
iTiind,  to  oppose,  by  all  just  and  proper  means,  eve- 
ry injury  to  American  rights."    On  the  publication 
1    of  this  resolution,  the  royal  governor,  the  earl  of 
Dumnore  dissolved  them.    The  members,  not- 
withstanding their,  dissolution,  met  in  their  j)ri- 
vate  capacities,  and  signed  an  agreement,  in  which, 
among  other  things,  they  declared,  "  that  an  at- 
tack made  on  one  of  their  sister  colonies,  to  com- 
<    pel  submission  to  arbitrary  taxes,  was  an  attack 
\    made  on  all  British  America,  and  threatened  ruin 
I    to  the  rights  of  all,  unless  the  united  wisdom  of 

•Jie  whole  be  applied." 
I       In  South  Carolina  the  vote  of  the  town  ofBos- 
I    Ion,  of  iVie  13th  of  May,  being  presented  to  a  num- 
1    DPr  of  the  leading  citizens  of  Charleston,  it  was 
luianimously  agreed  to  call  a  meeting  of  the  in- 
Lubitants. 

That  this  might  be  as  general  as  possible,  letters 
were  sent  to  every  parish  and  district  in  the  jiro- 
vince,  and  the  people  were  invited  to  attend,  either 
personally,  or  by  their  rejiresentatives,  at  a  gene- 
ral meeting  of  the  inhabitants.  A  large  number 
assembled,  in  which  were  some,  from  almost 
every  part  of  the  province.  The  proceedings  of 
the  parliament  against  the  province  of  Massachu- 
setts were  distinctly  related  to  this  convention. — 
Williont  one  dissenting  voice,  they  ])asscd  sun- 
dry resolutions,  expressive  of  their  rights  and  of 
their  sym[)athy  with  the  people  of  Boston.  They 
also  chose  five  delegates  to  represent  them,  in  a 

I  continental  congress,  and  invested  them  "  with 
full  powers,  and  authority,  in  behalf  of  them  and 
their  constituents,  to  concert,  agree  to,  and  effec- 
tually prosecute  such  legal  measures  as,  in  their 

f  opinion,  and  the  opinion  of  the  other  members, 
would  be  most  likely  to  obtain  a  redress  of  Amcri- 

j    can  erievances." 

The  events  of  this  time  may  be  transmitted  to 

f  posterity  ;  but  the  agitation  of  the  public  mind  can 
never  be  fully  comprehended,  by  those  who  were 
not  witnesses  of  it. 

In  the  counties  and  towns  of  the  several  pro- 
vinces, as  well  as  in  the  cities,  the  people  assem- 
bled and  passed  resolutions,  expressive  of  tlieir 

j   rights,  and  of  their  detestation  of  the  late  acts  of 

'   parliament.    These  had  an  instantaneous  efl'ect 

'   on  the  minds  of  thousands.    Not  only  the  young 

I  and  impetuous,  but  tlieaged  and  temperate,  joined 
ID  pronouncing  them  to  be  unconstitutional  and 
oppressive.  They  viewed  them  as  deadly  wea- 
pons aimed  at  the  vitals  of  that  liberty,  which  they 

1  adored ;  and  as  rendering  abortive  the  generous 
pains  taken  by  their  forefathers,  to  procure  for 
them  in  a  new  world,  the  quiet  enjoyment  of  their 
rights.    They  were  the  subjects  ol  tlieir  meditation 

I  wnen  alone,  and  of  their  conversation  when  in 
Company. 

Wiiliiii  little  more  than  a  month,  after  the  hews 
of  he  b.jston  port  bill  reached  America,  it  was 


communicated  from  state  to  state  ;  and  a  flame 
kindled,  in  almost  every  breast,  through  tlie  wide- 
ly extended  provinces. 

In  order  to  understand  the  mode  by  which  this 
flame  was  spread  ;  with  such  rapidity,  over  so 
great  an  extent  of  country,  it  is  necessary  to  ob- 
serve, that  the  several  colonics  were  divided  into 
counties,  and  these  again  sub-divided  into  districts, 
distinguished  by  the  names  of  towns,  townshijjs, 
pre^'ncts,  hundreds  or  ])arishes.  In  New  Eng- 
land ilie  sub-divisions,  which  are  called  town*, 
were,  by  law,  bodies  corporate;  had  their  regular 
meetings  ;  and  luight  be  occasionally  convened  by 
their  j)roper  officers.  The  advantages  derived 
from  tliese  meetings,  hy  uniting  the  whole  body 
of  the  people,  in  the  measures  taken  to  oppose  the 
stamp  act,  induced  other  provinces  to  follow  the 
example.  Accordingly,  under  the  association 
which  was  formed  to  ojipose  the  revenue  act  of 
1767,  committees  were  established,  not  only  in  the 
capitals  of  every  province,  but  in  most  of  the  sub- 
ordinate distiicts.  (Jreat  Britain,  without  design- 
ing it,  had,  by  her  two  preceding  attempts  at  Ame- 
rican revenue,  taught  her  colonies,  not  only  the 
advantages,  but  the  means  of  union.  The  system 
of  committees,  which  prevailed  in  1765,  and  also 
in  1767,  was  revived  in  1771.  By  them  there  was 
a  quick  transmission  of  intelligence,  from  the  cap- 
ital towns,  through  the  subordinate  districts,  to  the 
whole  body  of  tlie  people,  and  an  luiion  of  coun- 
sels and  measures  was  eflected,  among  widely  dis- 
seminated inhabitants. 

It  is  perhaps  impossible  for  human  wisdom,  to 
contrive  any  system  more  subservient  to  these 
purposes,  tlian  such  a  reci])rocal  exchange  of  in- 
telligence, by  committees.  From  the  want  of 
such  a  communication  with  each  other,  and  con- 
sequently of  union  aiuong  themselves,  many  slates 
have  lost  their  liberties,  and  more  have  been  un- 
successful in  their  attempts  to  regain  them,  after 
they  were  lost. 

What  the  eloquence  and  talents  of  Demos'henes 
could  not  effect  among  the  states  of  Greece,  might 
have  been  efi'ecled  by  the  simple  device  of  com- 
mittees of  corresi)ondence.  The  few  have  been 
enabled  to  keep  the  many  in  subjection,  in  every 
age  from  the  want  of  union  among  the  latter. — 
Several  of  the  provinces  of  Spam  comi)lained  of 
oppression,  under  Charles  the  fifth,  and  in  trans- 
ports of  rage  took  arms  against  him  ;  but  they 
never  consulted  or  conimunicited  with  each  other. 
They  resisted  separately,  and  v/ere  therefore  sej>a- 
rately  subdued. 

The  colonists  sympatliizing  with  their  distress- 
ed brethren  in  Massachusetts,  felt  themselves  call- 
ed upon,  to  do  something  for  their  relief;  but  to 
determine  what  was  most  proper,  did  not  so  obvi- 
ously occur.  It  was  a  natural  idea,  that,  for  har- 
monising their  measures,  a  congress  of  deputies 
from  each  province  sliould  be  convened.  This 
early  occurred  to  all;  and,  being  agreed  to,  was 
the  means  of  producing  union  and  concert  among 
inhabitants,  removed  several  hundred  miles  from 
each  other.  In  times  less  animated,  various  ques- 
tions about  the  place  and  legality  of  their  meet- 
ing, and  about  the  extent  of  their  power,  would 
have  produced  a  great  diversity  of  sentiments; 
but  on  this  occasion,  by  the  special  agency  of 
Providence,  there  was  the  same  universal  bent  of 
inclination,  in  the  great  body  of  the  ])eople.  A 
sense  of  common  danger  extinguished  selfish  pas- 
sions. The  public  attention  was  fixed  on  the 
great  cause  of  liberty.  Local  attachments  and 
partialities  were  sacrificed  on  the  altar  of  patriot- 
ism. 

There  were  not  wanting  moderate  men,  who 
would  have  been  willing  to  pay  for  the  tea  des- 
troyed, if  that  would  have  put  an  end  to  the  con- 
troversy ;  for,  it  was  not  for  the  value  of  the  tea, 
nor  of  the  tax,  but  the  right  of  giving  and  grant- 
ing their  money,  that  the  colonists  contended. — 
The  act  of  |;arliamcnt  was  so  cautiously  worded, 
as  to  ])revent  the  opening  of  the  port  of  Boston, 
even  though  the  East  India  company  had  been 
reimbursed  for  all  damages,  "until  it  was  made 
appear  to  his  majesty  in  council,  that  peace  audi 


obedience  to  the  laws  were  so  far  restored,  in  the 
town  of  i?oston,  that  the  trade  of  (Jreat  Britain 
might  bo  safely  carried  on  there,  and  his  majesty's 
customs  duly  collected."  The  latter  [)art  of  thig 
limitation,  "the  due  collection  of  his  majesty's 
customs,"  was  understood  to  compiehend  submis- 
sion to  the  late  revenue  laws.  It  was  therefore  in- 
ferred, that  payment  for  tlie  tea  destroyed,  would 
produce  no  certain  relief,  unless  they  were  willing 
to  give  operation  to  the  law,  fi)r  raising  a  revenue 
on  future  importations  of  that  commodity,  and  also 
to  acquiesce  in  the  late  mutilation  of  their  char- 
ter. As  it  was  deliberately  resolved,  never  to 
submit  to  either,  the  most  lukewarm  of  well-iii- 
n)rme(I  patriots,  possessing  the  public  confidence, 
neither  advised  nor  wished  for  the  adoption  ofibr.t 
measure.  A  few  in  Boston,  who  were  known  ti 
be  in  the  royal  interest,  proposed  a  resolution  for 
that  purpose  ;  but  they  met  with  no  support. — 
Of  the  many,  who  joined  the  British  in  the  course 
of  the  war,  there  was  scarcely  an  individual  to  bo 
found  in  this  early  stage  of  the  controversy,  who 
advocated  the  right  of  parliamentary  taxation. — 
There  were  doubtless  many  timid  persons,  who 
fearing  the  power  of  Britain,  would  rather  have 
submitted  to  her  encroachments,  than  risked  the 
vengeance  of  her  arms  ;  but  such,  for  the  most 
part,  suppressed  their  sentiments.  Zeal  for  liber 
ty  being  immediately  rewarded  with  applause, 
the  patriots  had  every  inducement  to  come  for- 
ward, and  avow  their  principles ;  but  there  was 
something  so  unj)opular  in  appearing  to  be  influ- 
enced by  timidity,  interest,  or  excessive  caution, 
when  essential  interests  were  attackeil,  that  such 
persons  shunned  public  notice,  and  sought  the 
shade  of  retirement. 

In  the  three  first  months,  which  followed  tho 
shutting  up  of  the  port  of  Boston,  the  inhabitants 
of  the  colonies  in  hundreds  of  small  circles,  as 
well  as  in  their  provincial  assemblies  and  con- 
gresses, expressed  their  abhorrence  of  the  late 
proceedings  of  the  British  parliament  against  Mas- 
sachusetts ;  their  concurrence  in  the  pro()osed  mea- 
sure of  api)ointing  dejjuties  for  a  general  congress  ; 
and  their  willingness  to  do  and  suffer  whatever 
should  be  judged  conducive  to  the  establishment 
of  their  liberties. 

A  patriotic  flame,  created  and  diffused  by  sym- 
pathy, was  communicated  to  so  many  breasts,  and 
ri  'lected  from  such  a  variety  of  objects,  as  to  be- 
come too  intense  to  be  resisted. 

While  the  combination  of  the  other  colonies,  to 
support  Boston,  was  gaining  strength,  new  matter 
of  dissension  daily  took  jilaco  in  INIassachusetts. — 
The  resolution  for  shiitiing  the  port  of  Boston, 
was  no  sooner  taken,  than  it  was  determined  to 
order  a  military  force  to  that  town.  General 
Gage,  the  commander  in  chief  of  the  royal  forces 
in  North  America  was  also  sent  thither,  in  the  ad 
ditional  capacity  of  governor  of  Massachusetts. — 
He  arrived  at  Boston  on  the  third  day  after  the 
inhabitants  received  the  first  intelligence  of  the 
Boston  port  bill.    Though  the  jieople  were  irri 
tated  by  that  measure,  and  though  their  republi 
can  jealousy  was  hurt  by  the  combination  of  the 
civil  and  military  character  in  one  person,  yet  the 
general  was  received  with  all  the  lionours  which 
had  been  usually  paid  to  his  predecessors.  Soon 
alter  his  arrival,  two  regiments  of  foot,  with  a  de- 
tachment ofartillery,  and  some  cannon  were  land 
ed  at  Boston.    These  troops  were  by  degrees  rein 
forced,  with  others  from  Ireland,  New  York,  Ha 
lifax  and  Quebec. 

The  governor  announced  that  he  had  the  king's 
particular  command,  for  holding  the  general  court 
at  Salem,  after  the  first  of  .Tune.  When  that  event- 
ful day  arrived,  the  act  for  shutting  up  the  port 
ol' Boston  commenceu  its  operations.  It  was  de- 
voutly kept  at  Williamsburg,  as  a  day  of  fasting 
and  humiliation.  In  Philadel|)hia,  it  was  solem- 
ni/ed  with  every  manifestation  of  public  cp' imity 
and  grief.  The  inhabitants  shut  up  their  iiouses. 
Alter  divine  service,  a  stillness  reigned  over  t(ie 
city,  wliich  exhibited  au  appearance  ol  the  ueepcst 
distress. 

Ill  Boston,  a  new  scene  cpciied  on  the  iiibab.' 


873 


THE   HISTORY  OF 


unls.  Hitherto,  that  town  hail  been  the  seat  of, 
coiniiierce  ami  of  plenty.  The  iiimieiise  business,  ^ 
..ransacteil  therein,  allonleil  a  comfortable  subsis- 
tence to  many  thousands.  The  necessary,  llie 
useful,  and  even  some  of  the  elcfjant  arts  were  I 
cull.valeil  among  them.  The  citizens  were  polite  ; 
and  hospitable.  In  this  happy  state  they  were 
sentenced  on  the  shori  notice  of  twenty-one  days, 
to  a  Iota!  deprivation  of  all  means  of  subsistinsj. — 
The  blow  reached  every  person.  The  rents  of  the 
landholders  either  ceased,  or  were  greativ  dimin- 
ished. Tlie  immense  property,  in  stores  and 
wharves,  was  rendered  comparatively  useless. — 
L.al)<»urers,  artificers,  and  others,  employed  in  the 
numerous  occupations  created  by  an  extensive 
irade,  partook  of  the  general  calamity.  They  who 
depended  on  a  regular  income,  flowing  from  pre- 
vious acquisitions  of  property,  as  well  as  they,  who, 
with  the  sweat  of  their  brow,  earned  their  daily 
Bubsisience,  were  equally  deprived  of  the  means 
of  support  ;  and  the  chief  ditl'erence  between  them 
was,  that  the  distresses  of  the  former  vrere  render- 
ed more  intolerable,  by  the  recollection  of  past  en- 
joyments. All  these  inconveniences  and  hard- 
shi|)s  were  borne  w  ith  a  passive,  but  inflexible  for- 
titude. Their  determination  to  persist  in  the  same 
line  of  conduct,  which  had  been  the  occasion  of 
their  sulfering,  was  unabated. 

The  authors  and  advisers  of  the  resolution,  for 
destroying  the  tea,  were  in  the  town,  and  still  re- 
tained their  popularity  and  influence.  The  exe- 
-rations  of  the  inhabitants  fell  not  on  them,  but  on 
the  IJritish  parliament.  Their  countrymen  ac- 
quitted them  of  all  selfish  designs,  and  believed 
that  in  their  oi)position  to  the  measures  of  Great 
Britain,  they  were  actuated  by  an  honest  zeal  lor 
consiiiutional  liberty.  The  suficrers,  in  Boston, 
haH  the  consolation  of  sympathy  from  the  other 
colotiists.  (."ontribiilions  weie  raised,  in  all  quar- 
,ers,  ior  their  relief.  Letters  and  addresses  cume 
io  them  from  corporate  bodies,  town  meeling.s,  and 
provincial  conventions,  ,i|;;;lauding  their  conduct, 
an<l  exhorting  ih^rn  to  pcrseverac-e. 

The  people  of  Marblehoad,  who,  by  their  ])rox- 
itnity,  were  likely  to  reap  advantage  from  the  dis- 
tresses of  Boston,  generously  otlered  the  mer- 
chants thereof,  the  use  of  their  harbour,  wharves, 
ware-houses,  and  also  their  personal  attendance 
on  the  lading  or  unlading  of  their  goods,  free  of  all 
expense. 

The  inhabitants  of  Salem,  in  an  address  to  (Jo- 
vernor  Gage,  concluded  with  these  remarkable 
words  :  "  By  shutting  up  the  port  of  Boston,  some 
imagine  tliat  the  course  of  trade  might  be  turned 
hither,  and  to  our  benefit  ;  but  nature,  in  the  for- 
mation of  our  harbour,  forbids  our  becoming  rivals 
in  commerce,  of  that  convenient  mart  ;  and,  were 
it  otherwise,  we  must  be  dead  to  every  idea  of 
justice,  and  lost  to  all  the  feelings  of  humanity, 
co'.ilil  we  indulge  one  thought  to  seize  on  wealtli, 
and  raise  our  fortunes,  on  the  ruins  of  our  suller- 
in;;  neighbouis." 

The  Massachuselts  general  court  met  at  Salem, 
accordins;  to  adjourmiient,  on  the  7th  of  June. — 
Several  of  the  popular  leaders  took,  in  a  private 
way.  the  sense  of  the  members,  on  what  was  pro- 
per to  be  done.  Finding  they  were  able  to  carry 
sucli  measures,  as  the  public  exigencies  required, 
lliey  prepared  resolves,  and  moved  for  their  adop- 
tion ;  but  before  they  went  on  the  latter  business, 
their  door  was  shut. 

One  member,  nevertheless,  contrived  means  of 
•ending  iidnrmation  to  Governor  Gage  of  what 
was  iloing.  His  secretary  was  sent  oil',  to  dis- 
K<ilvc  the  general  court  ;  but  was  refused  admis- 
sion. Ah  he  rould  obtain  no  entrance,  he  read 
ih«  procl.imation  at  tlic  door,  and  immcdiatelv  af- 
lerwardt  in  council  ;  and  tlius  dissolved  the  gene- 
ral court.  The  house,  while  silting  with  theit 
doors  shut,  appointed  five  of  tlie  most  resjieclablc 
niembrrs  as  their  commiiiee,  to  meet  committees 
from  other  prcvinccs,  that  miuhl  be  convened  the 
1st  of  September  at  IMiiladelpliia  ;  voted  tliem 
•eventy-five  pounds  sterling  each;  and  recom- j 
nirndrd,  to  tlie  several  towns  and  (li<lricts,  to  raise 
the  sttid  liuui  by  equitable  proportions.    B>  the^e 


means,  tlie  designs  of  the  governor  were  disap- 
pointed. His  situation  in  every  respect  was  truly 
disagreeable.  It  was  his  duty  to  forward  the  exe- 
cution of  laws,  which  were  universally  execrated. 
Zeal  for  his  master's  service  prompted  him  to  en-  ' 
deavour,  that  they  should  be  carried  into  full  ef- ! 
feet ;  but  his  progress  was  retarded  by  obstacles 
from  every  quarter.  He  had  to  transact  his  offi- 
cial business  with  a  people,  who  possessed  a  high 
sense  of  liberty,  and  were  uncommonly  inge'  .ous 
in  evading  disagreeable  acts  of  parliament.  It 
was  a  part  of  his  duty,  to  prevent  the  calling  of 
the  town  meetings,  after  the  1st  of  August,  1774. 
These  meetings  were  nevertheless  held.  On  his 
proposing  to  exert  authority,  for  the  dispersion  of 
the  people,  lie  was  told  by  the  selectmen,  that 
they  ha<l  not  offended  against  the  act  of  parlia- 
ment; for  that  only  prohibited  the  calling  of  town 
meetings  ;  and  no  such  call  had  been  made  :  a 
former  constitutional  meeting,  before  the  1st  of 
August,  having  only  adjourned  themselves  from 
time  to  time.  Other  evasions,  equally  founded  on 
the  letter  of  even  the  late  obnoxious  laws,  were 
practised. 

As  the  summer  advanced,  the  people  of  Massa- 
chusetts received  stronger  proofs  of  support,  from 
the  neighbouring  [)rovinces.  They  were,  there- 
fore encouraged  to  farther  opposition.  The  in- 
habitants of  the  colonies,  at  this  time,  with  regard 
to  political  opinions,  might  be  divided  into  three 
classes.  Of  these,  one  was  for  rushing  precipitately 
into  extremities.  They  were  for  immediately  stop- 
ping all  trade,  and  could  not  even  brook  the  delay  of 
waiting,  till  the  proposed  continental  congress 
should  meet.  Another  party,  equally  respectable, 
both  as  to  character,  property,  and  patriotism,  was 
more  moderate  ;  but  not  less  firm.  These  were 
averse  to  the  ado])tion  of  any  violent  resolutions,  till 
all  others  were  inellectually  tried.  They  wished  that 
a  clear  statement  of  their  rights,  claims,  and  griev- 
ances, should  precede  every  other  measure.  A 
third  class  disapproved  of  what  was  generally  going 
on  :  a  few  from  principle,  and  a  persuasion  that 
tliey  ought  to  submit  to  the  mother  country  ;  some 
from  the  love  of  ease  ;  others  from  self-interest  ; 
biU  the  bulk  from  fear  of  the  mischievous  conse- 
quences likely  to  follow.  All  these  latter  classes, 
for  the  most  part,  lay  still,  while  the  friends  of  li- 
berty acted  witli  spirit.  If  they,  or  any  of  them, 
ventured  to  oppose  popukr  measures,  tliey  were 
not  supported,  and  therefore  declined  farther  ef- 
forts. The  resentment  of  the  peo|)le  was  so  strong 
against  tliem,  that  they  sought  for  peace  by  i-emain- 
ing  quiet.  The  same  indecision,  tliat  made  lliem 
willing  to  submit  to  Great  Britain,  made  'hem  ap- 
parently acquiesce  in  popular  measures  which  they 
disajjproved.  The  spirited  part  of  the  commu- 
nity, being  on  the  side  of  liberty,  the  patriots  had 
the  aj)pearance  of  unanimity  ;  though  many  either 
kept  at  a  distance  from  |>ubiic  meetings,  or  voted 
against  their  own  o|iinion,  to  secure  themselves 
from  resentment,  and  promote  their  present  ease 
and  interest. 

Under  the  influence  of  those  who  were  for  the 
immediate  adoption  of  ellicacious  measures,  an 
agreement,  by  the  name  of  the  solemn  league  an.i 
covenant,  was  adopted  by  numbers.  The  subscri- 
bers of  this  bound  themselves,  to  suspend  all  com- 
nurcial  intercourse  with  Great  Britain,  until  the 
late  obnoxious  laws  were  repealetl,  and  the  colony 
of  Massachusetts  restored  to  its  chartered  rights. 

General  CJage  published  a  proclamation,  in 
which  he  styled  this  solemn  league  and  covenant, 
*'  an  unlawful,  hostile,  and  ti-aitorous  combina- 
tion." And  all  magistrates  were  charged  to  ap- 
preh"nd,  and  secure  for  trial,  such  as  should  have 
any  agency  in  publishing  or  subscribing  the  same, 
or  any  similar  covenant.  ^I'liis  ploclamation  had 
no  other  efl'ect,  than  Io  exercise  the  pens  of  the 
lawyers,  in  showing  that  the  association  did  not 
come  within  the  description  of  legal  treason  ;  and 
that,  therefore,  the  governor's  proclamation  was 
liot  warranted  by  the  j)rinciples  of  ilie  constitu- 
tion. 

Tiie  late  law,  for  regulating  the  government  of 
the  jirovincc,  arrived  near  (he  beginning  of  Au- 


gust, and  was  accompanied  by  a  list  of  Jiirty-six 
new  counsellors,  appi>ointed  by  the  crown,  and  in  a 
mode  variant  from  that  prescribed  by  the  charter 
Several  of  these,  in  the  first  instance,  declined  an 
acceptance  of  the  appointment.  Those,  who  ac 
cepted  it,  were  every  where  declared  to  be  ene- 
mies to  their  country.  The  new  judges  were  ren- 
dered incapable  of  proceeding  in  their  ofl^cial  duty. 
Upon  opening  the  courts,  the  juries  refused  to  be 
sworn,  or  to  act  in  any  manner,  either  under  thera, 
or  in  conformity  to  the  late  regulations.  In  some 
places,  the  [leople  assembled,  and  filled  the  court- 
houses, and  avenues  to  them,  in  such  a  manner, 
that  neither  the  judges,  nor  their  officers,  could 
obtain  entrance  :  and,  upon  the  sheriff's  command- 
ing them  to  make  way  to  the  court,  they  answer- 
ed, "  that  they  knew  no  court  independent  of  the 
ancient  laws  of  their  country,  and  to  none  other 
would  they  submit." 

In  imitation  of  his  royal  master,  Governor  Gage 
issued  a  proclamation,  "  for  the  encimragement  of 
piety  and  virtue,  and  for  the  prevention  and  punish- 
ing vice,  profaneness,  and  immorality."  In  this 
proclamation,  hypocrisy  was  inserted  asoneofthe 
immoralities,against  w  hich  the  people  w  ere  warned. 
This  w  as  considered  by  the  inhabitants,  who  had 
often  been  ridiculed  for  their  stiict  attention  to  the 
forms  of  religion,  to  be  a  studied  insult,  and  as 
such  was  more  resented  than  an  actual  injury. 

The  proceedings  and  apparent  dispositions  of 
the  people  together  with  the  military  prepat-itions, 
which  were  daily  made  through  the  ))rovince,  in- 
duced General  Gage  to  fortify  that  neck  of  laud, 
which  joins  Boston  to  the  continent.  He  also 
seized  upon  the  powder  lodged  in  the  aisenal  at 
C'harlestown. 

This  excited  a  most  violent  and  universal  fer- 
ment. Several  thousand  of  the  people  assembled 
at  Cambridge  ;  and  it  was  with  dilhculiv,  iliey 
were  restrained  from  marching  directly  to  Bos- 
ton, to  demand  a  delivery  of  the  povider,  with 
a  resolution,  in  case  of  a  refusal,  to  attack  the 
troops 

The  people,  thus  assembled,  proceeded  to  Lieu- 
tenant Governor  Oliver's  liouse,  and  to  the  houses 
of  several  of  the  new  counsellors,  and  oblii;ed 
them  to  resign,  and  to  declare,  that  they  would 
no  more  act  under  the  laws  lately  enacted.  lu 
the  confusion  of  these  transactions,  a  rumour 
went  abroad,  that  the  royal  fleet  and  troaps  were 
firing  upon  the  town  of  Boston.  This  was  proba- 
bly circulated  by  the  popular  leaders,  on  purpose 
to  ascertain  what  aid  they  might  expect  from  the 
country  in  case  of  extremities.  The  result  ex- 
ceeded their  most  sanguine  expectations.  In  lesj 
than  twenty-four  hours  there  were  upwards  cf 
thirty  thousand  men  in  arms  marching  towards 
the  cajiital.  Other  risings  of  the  people  took 
place  in  different  parts  of  the  colony  ;  and  their 
violence  was  such,  that  in  a  short  time  the  new 
counsellors,  the  commissioners  of  the  customs 
and  all  who  had  taken  an  active  part  in  favoiu 
of  Great  Britain,  were  obliged  to  screen  them 
selves  in  Boston.  The  new  scat  of  government 
at  Salem  was  abandoned  ;  and  all  tlie  olficers  con- 
nected with  the  revenue  we  obliged  to  consult 
their  safety,  by  takitrg  up  their  residence  in  a  place, 
which  an  act  of  parliament  liad  proscribed  from  all 
trade. 

About  this  time  delegates  from  every  town  and 
district,  in  the  county  of  Suffolk,  of  w  hich  Boston 
is  the  county  town,  had  a  meeting;  at  which  they 
prefaced  a  number  of  spirited  resolutions,  con- 
laining  a  detail  of  the  |)articulars  of  tlieir  intended 
opposition  to  the  late  acts  of  parliament,  with  a  gen- 
eral declaration,  "  that  no  obedience  was  due  from 
the  province  to  either,  or  any  part  of  the  said  acts, 
but  that  they  should  be  rejected  as  the  atieiiipta 
of  a  wicked  administration  to  enslave  An.i-rica." 
The  resolves  of  this  meeting  were  sent  on  to  IMiil- 
adelpliia, fur  the  information  and  opinion  of  the 
congress,  which  as  shall  hereafter  be  related,  had 
met  there  about  this  time. 

The  people  ol  Massachusetts  ri^htlv  judged, 
tha'  from  the  decision  of  Congress  on  tlu'  ;e  irsn- 
luiions,  they  wou  d  be  enabled  to  deieriuinr  what 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


873 


BUj>pofl  they  might  expect.  NotwithslaiKiinu; 
present  appearances,  they  leareil  that  the  other 
colouies,  which  were  no  more  tliau  remotely  coii- 
cerneil.  would  not  hazard  the  consequence  of 
-nakiuu;  a  common  cause  witli  them,  should  subse- 
quent events  make  it  necessary  to  rei)el  forte  by 
forte.  The  decision  of  C'onfiress  exceeded  their 
expectations.  They  "  most  thoroughly  a|)i)roved 
the  wisdom  and  fortitude,  with  wliicli  opiiosition 
to  wicked  ministerial  measures  had  been  hith- 
erto conducted  in  Massachusetts;  and  recom- 
mended to  them  perseverance  in  the  same  fnm 
and  temperate  conduct,  as  expressed  in  the  reso- 
lutions of  the  delegates,  from  the  county  of  Suf- 
folk." 15y  tlii-s  ajjprobation  and  advice,  the  i)eo- 
ple  ol  Massachusetts  were  encouraged  to  icsis- 
lance.  and  the  other  colonies  became  bound  to 
support  ihein.  The  former  snore  in  need  of  a 
bridle  than  a  spur,  proceeded  as  they  had  begun  ; 
but  with  additional  confidence. 

Governor  Gage  had  issued  writs  for  holding  a 
general  assembly  at  iSaleni  ;  but  subsec|uent  events, 
and  the  heat  and  violence  which  everywhere  pre- 
vailed, made  him  think  it  expedient  to  counteract 
the  writs  by  a  inoclamation  for  suspending  the 
meeting  of  the  iiiemhers.  The  legality  of  a  jiro- 
clamaiion  for  that  purjiose  was  denied  :  and,  in  de- 
fiance thereof,  ninety  of  the  newly-elected  mem- 
bers met,  at  the  time  and  place  appointed.  They 
soon  al'terwavds  resolved  themselves  into  a  pro- 
vincial congress,  and  adjourned  to  Concord,  about 
twenty  miles  f>om  Charlestown.  On  their  meeting 
Sliere  they  chose  Mr.  Hancock  president,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  business.  One  of  their  first  acts  was  to 
appoint  a  comijiittee  to  wait  on  the  governor,  with 
a  remonstrance,  in  which  they  apologized  for  their 
meeting,  fr'>m  the  distressed  state  of  the  colony  ; 
complained  of  their  grievances  :  and,  alter  stating 
their  apprehei^sions,  I'rom  the  hostile  jjrepurations 
on  iSoston  ne»  k,  concluded  with  an  earnest  re- 
quest, "  that  )>e  would  desist  from  the  constructioi: 
of  the  fortress,  at  the  entrance  into  Boston,  and 
restore  that  p.  ss  to  its  natural  state." 

The  goveri  oi  found  some  difficulty  in  giving 
Iheman  answ  ;r,  as  they  were  not,  in  his  opinion, 
a  legal  body  •-  but  the  necessity  of  the  times  over- 
ruled his  scr»<ples.  He  replied,  by  expressing  his 
indign  ition  ?t  the  supposition,  "  that  the  hves,  li- 
berties, or  property  of  any  people,  exce()t  enemies, 
could  he  in  danger  from  Englisli  troojjs."  He  re- 
minded them,  that,  while  tliey  complained  of  al- 
terations, made  in  their  charter,  by  acts  of  parlia- 
ment, they  were  by  their  own  acts  subvening  it 
altogethei.  He,  therefore,  warned  them  of  tlie 
locks  they  were  upon,  and  to  desist  from  such  il- 
legal and  unconstitutional  proceedings.  The  go- 
vernor's admonitions  were  unavailing.  The  pro- 
vincial congress  appointed  a  committee,  to  draw 
up  a  plan,  for  the  immediate  defence  of  the  pro- 
vince. It  was  resolved  to  enlist  a  number  of  the 
hihabitants,  under  the  name  of  minute  men,  who 
were  to  be  under  obligations  to  turn  out  at  a  mi- 
nute's warning.  Jedediah  Pribble,  Artemas  Ward, 
and  Seth  Pomeroy,  were  elected  general  officers 
to  command  these  minute  men  and  the  militia,  in 
case  they  should  be  called  out  to  action.  A  com- 
mittee of  safety,  and  a  committee  ofsujiplies  weie 
appointed.  These  consisted  of  different  persons, 
and  were  intended  for  ditTeient  purposes.  The 
first  were  invested  with  an  authority  to  assemble 
the  militia,  when  they  thought  proper,  and  were 
to  recommend  to  the  committee  of  supplies  the 
jmrthasc  of  such  articles  as  the  public  exigencies 
required.  'J'he  last  were  limited  to  the  small  sum 
of  15,627/.  15.S.  sterling,  which  was  all  the  money 
at  first  voted,  to  oppose  the  power  and  riches  of 
eat  Britain.  Undet  this  authority,  and  with 
these  means,  the  committee  of  safety  and  of  siiji- 
piics  acting  in  concert,  laid  in  a  quantity  of  stores, 
partly  at  Worcester,  and  partly  at  Concord.  The 
Bame  congress  met  again,  and  soon  afterwards  re- 
solved, to  get  in  readiness  twelve  thousand  men, 
in  act  on  any  given  emergency  ;  and  that  a  fourth 
partofihe  militia  should  be  enlisted  as  minute 
t»en.  and  receive  pay.  John  Thomas  and  Wil- 
i.iin  Heath  were  appointed  general  officers.  They 


also  sent  persons  to  New  Hampshire,  Rhode  Is-i 
land,  and  Coniieclicut,  lo  inform  them  of  the  steps 
they  had  taken,  and  to  recpiest  their  co-operali(jn 
in  making  up  an  army  of  twenty  thousand  men. 
Committees  from  these  several  colonies,  met  a 
committee  from  the  provincial  congress  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, and  settled  their  plans.  The  proper 
period  for  commencing  o])i)osition  toGeneralGage's 
troojis,  was  determined  to  be,  whenever  they 
marched  out  with  their  baggage,  ammunition,  and 
artillery.  The  aid  of  the  clergy  was  called  in 
upon  this  occasion  ;  and  a  circular  letter  was  ad- 
dressed to  each  of  the  several  ministers  in  the  pro- 
vince, requesting  their  assistance,  "in  avoiding  the 
dieadful  slavery  with  which  they  were  threatened." 

As  the  winter  approached.  General  Gage  ordered 
barracks  for  his  troops  to  be  erected  ;  but  such 
was  the  superior  influence  of  the  pojmlar  leaders, 
that,  on  their  recommendation,  the  workmen  de- 
sisted from  fulfilling  the  general's  wishes,  though 
the  money  for  their  labour  would  have  been  jiaid 
by  the  crown. 

An  a[)[)lication  to  New  York  was  equally  unsuc- 
cessful; and  it  was  with  diffictilty  that  the  troops 
could  be  furnished  with  winter  lodgings.  Similar 
obstructions  were  thrown  in  the  way  of  getting 
winter  covering  for  the  soldiery.  The  merchants 
of  New  York,  on  being  applied  to,  answered.  "  that 
they  would  never  supply  any  article  for  the  bene- 
fit of  men  who  were  sent  as  enemies  to  the  coun- 
try." The  inhabitants  of  Massachusetts  encour- 
aged the  desertion  of  the  soldiers;  and  acted  sys- 
tematically in  preventing  their  obtaining  any  other 
supplies  but  necessary  provisions.  The  farmers 
were  discouraged  from  selling  them  straw,  timber, 
boards,  and  such  like  articles  of  convenience. 
Straw,  when  purchased  for  their  seivice,  was  fre- 
quently burnt.  Vessels,  with  bricks  intended  for 
their  use,  were  sunk  ;  carts  with  wood  were  over- 
turned ;  and  the  king's  property  was  daily  de- 
stroyed. 

A  proclamation  had  been  issued  by  the  king, 
prohibiting  the  exportation  of  military  stores  from 
Britain,  which  reached  America  in  the  latter  end 
of  the  year  1774.  On  receiving  intelligence  there- 
of, in  Rhode  Island,  the  people  seized  upon,  and 
removed  from  the  public  battery,  about  forty  pieces 
of  cannon  ;  and  the  assembly  passed  resolutions 
for  obtaining  arms  and  military  stores  by  every 
means,  and  also  for  laising  and  arming  the  inha- 
bitants. About  this  time,  T)ecemher  l^ith,  acom- 
|)any  of  volunteers,  lieaded  by  John  Sullivan  and 
John  Langdon,  beset  liis  majesty's  castle  at  Ports- 
mouth. They  stormed  the  fort,  and  secured  and 
confined  the  garrison,  till  they  broke  open  the 
powder  house,  and  took  the  powder  away.  The 
powder  being  secured,  the  garrison  was  released 
(roni  confinement. 

Throughout  this  whole  season,  civil  govern- 
ment, legislation,  judicial  proceedings,  and  com- 
mercial regulations  were,  in  Massachusetts,  to  all 
appearance  annihilated.  The  provincial  congress 
exercised  all  the  semblance  of  government  which 
existed.  From  their  coincidence  with  the  prevail- 
ing disposition  of  the  people,  their  resolutions  had 
the  weight  and  efficacy  of  the  laws.  Under  the 
simple  style  of  recommendation,  they  organized 
the  militia,  and  made  ordinances  respecting  public 
monies,  and  such  farther  regulations  as  were  ne- 
cessary for  preserving  order,  and  for  defending 
themselves  against  the  British  troops. 

In  this  crisis,  it  seemed  to  be  the  sense  of  the 
inhabitants  of  Massachusetts  to  wait  events.  They 
ilreaded  every  evil  that  could  flow  from  resistance, 
less  than  the  operation  of  the  late  acts  of  parlia- 
ment :  but,  at  the  same  time,  were  averse  to  be 
the  aggressors,  in  bringing  on  a  civil  war.  They 
chose  lo  submit  to  a  suspension  of  regular  gov- 
ernment in  preference  to  permitting  the  streams 
of  Justice  to  flow  in  the  channel  jirescribed  by  the 
late  acts  of  parliament,  or  to  conducting  them  for- 
cibly in  the  old  one,  sanctioned  by  their  charier. 
From  the  extinction  of  the  old,  and  the  rejection 
of  the  new  constitution,  all  regular  government 
was,  for  several  months,  abolished.  Some  hun- 
dred thousands  of  people  were  in  a  state  of  nature, 


without  legislation,  magistrates,  or  executive  offi- 
cers. There  was,  nevertheless,  a  surprising  de- 
gree of  order.  Men  of  the  purest  morals  were 
among  the  most  active  opposers  of  Great  Britain. 
While  municipal  laws  ceased  to  operate,  the  lawa 
of  reason,  morality,  and  religion,  bound  the  peo[)ltj 
to  each  other  as  a  social  band,  and  preserved  as 
great  a  degree  of  decorum  as  had  at  any  time  pre- 
vailed. Even  those  who  were  ojiposed  to  the 
proceedings  of  the  jjopulace,  when  tliey  were  pru- 
dent and  moderate,  fi)r  the  most  part  enjoyed  safe- 
ty, both  at  home  and  ubroad. 

Though  there  were  no  civil,  there  was  an  abun- 
dance of  military  officers.  These  were  chosen 
by  (he  people  ;  but  exercised  more  authority  than 
any  who  had  been  honoured  with  conmiissions 
fVoin  the  governor.  The  inhabitants  in  every  place 
devoted  tlKunselves  to  arms.  Handling  the  mus- 
ket, and  training,  were  the  fashionable  amusements 
of  the  men  ;  while  the  women,  by  tlieir  presence, 
encouraged  them  to  proceed.  The  sound  of  drums 
and  files  were  to  be  heard  in  all  directions.  The 
young  and  the  old  were  fired  with  a  martial  spirit. 
On  exijeriment,  it  was  found,  that  to  force  on  the 
inhabitants  a  fiirm  of  government  to  which  they 
were  totally  averse,  was  not  within  the  fancied  om- 
nipotence of  parliament. 

During  these  transactions  in  Massachusetts,  ef- 
fectual measures  had  been  taken,  by  the  colonies, 
for  convening  a  continental  congress.  Though 
there  was  no  one  entitled  to  lead  in  this  business, 
yet,  in  consequence  of  the  general  impulse  on  tho 
|)ublic  mind,  from  a  sense  of  common  danger,  not 
only  the  measure  itself,  but  the  time  and  [)lace  of 
meeting  were,  with  surprising  unanimity,  agreed 
upon.  The  colonies,  though  formerly  agitated 
with  local  prejudices,  jealousies,  and  aversions, 
were  led  lo  assemlde  together  in  a  general  diet,  and 
to  fee!  their  weight  and  importance  in  a  common 
union.  Within  four  months  from  the  day,  on 
whkh  the  first  intelligence  of  the  Boston  port  bill 
reached  America,  the  dei)uties  of  eleven  provinces 
had  convened  in  Philadelphia  ;  and  in  four  days 
more,  by  the  arrival  of  delegates  from  North  Ca- 
rolina, there  was  a  complete  representation  of 
twelve  colonies,  containing  three  millions  of  jieo- 
ple,  disseminated  overtwo  hundred  and  sixty  thou- 
sand square  miles  of  territory.  Some  of  the  dele- 
gates were  appointed  by  the  constitutional  assem- 
blies. In  other  provinces  where  they  wete  embar- 
ra.ssed  by  royal  governors,  the  appointments  were 
made  in  voluntary  meetings  of  the  peo|)le.  Per- 
haps there  never  was  a  body  of  delegates,  more 
faithful  to  the  interests  of  their  constituents,  than 
the  congress  of  1774.  The  |)ublic  voice,  elevated 
none  to  a  seat  in  that  august  assembly,  but  such  as, 
in  addition  to  considerable  abilities,  possessed  that 
ascendency  over  the  minds  of  their  fellow  citizens, 
which  can  neither  be  acquired  by  birth,  nor  pur- 
chased by  wealth.  The  instructions  given  to 
these  deputies  weie  various  ;  but,  in  general,  they 
contained  strong  professions  of  loyalty,  and  of  con- 
stitutional dependence  on  the  mother  country. — 
The  framers  of  them  acknowledged  the  j)ieroga- 
tive  of  the  crown,  and  disclaimed  every  wish  of 
separation  from  the  parent  state.  On  the  other 
hand,  thev  were  firm  in  declaring,  that  tliev  were 
entitled  to  all  the  rights  of  British  born  subjects, 
and  that  the  late  acts  respecting  Massachusetts 
were  unconstitutional  and  oppressive. 

They  particularly  stated  their  grievances,  and 
for  the  most  part  concurred,  in  authorizing  their 
deputies  to  concert  and  agree  to  such  measures, 
in  behalf  of  their  constituents,  as,  in  their  joint 
opinion,  would  be  most  likely  to  obtain  a  redress 
of  American  grievances,  ascertain  .\merican  rights, 
on  constitutional  principles  ;  and  establish  union 
and  harmony  between  Great  Britain  and  the  colo- 
nies. Of  the  v.irious  instructions,  on  this  occa 
sion,  those  which  were  drawn  up,  by  a  convention 
of  delegates,  from  every  county  in  the  province  of 
Pennsylvania,  and  presented  by  them,  in  a  body, 
lo  the  coiistiliilional  assembly,  were  the  most  pre- 
cise and  (hitenninate.  By  these  it  appears,  that 
the  Peniisylvanians  were  disposed  to  submit  !■)  the 
acts  of  navigation,  as  they  then  stopd,  and,  also 


374 


THS   HISTORY  OF 


to  srtlle  a  ce-tain  !iniiu;il  revenue  on  liis  in:ije.sty, 
lii"!  liens,  and  snrcessors,  suhjerl  to  the  control  ol 
[i.iiliiinient  ;  ;iri<l  to  salistV  all  tiarnaties,  done  to  the 
F.a>t  India  eonipany,  inovided  their  grievances 
were  redressed,  and  an  amicable  compact  was  set- 
lled.  which,  hy  establishing  American  rights,  in  the 
manner  of  a  new  inagna  charta,  would  have  pre- 
cluded future  disputes. 

Ol  tlie  whole  number  of  deputies,  which  formed 
the  continental  congress,  of  1774.  one  half  were 
lawyers,  (ieiillemen  of  that  profession  had  ac- 
flUired  the  confidence  of  the  inhabitants,  by  their 
exertions  in  the  common  cause.  The  |)revious 
measures,  in  the  respective  provinces,  had  been 
planneil  and  carried  into  effect,  more  by  lawyers 
I'lan  liy  any  olher  order  of  men.  Professionally 
t.inahl  the  rights  of  the  people,  they  were  among 
the  loremost,  to  descry  attacks  made  on  their  liber- 
ties. Bred  in  the  habits  of  public  speaking,  they 
made  a  distinguished  figure  in  the  meetings  of  the 
people,  and  were  [)articularly  able  to  explain  to 
ihem  ihe  tendency  of  the  late  acts  of  parliament. — 
Kxeriiiig  their  abilities  and  influence,  in  the  cause 
of  iheir  country,  they  were  rewarded  with  its  con- 
fidence. 

On  the  meeting  of  Congress,  they  chose  Peyton 
Randolph  tlieir  president,  and  Charles  Thomson 
their  secretary.  They  agreed,  as  one  of  the  rules 
of  their  doing  business,  that  no  entry  should  be 
made  on  their  journals  of  any  propositions  discuss- 
ed before  them,  to  which  they  did  not  finally  as- 
sent.* 

This  august  body,  to  which  all  the  colonies 
looked  up  for  wisdom  and  direction,  had  scarcely 
convened,  when  a  dispute  arose  alxmt  the  mode  of 
conducting  business,  which  alarmed  the  friends  of 
union.  It  was  contended  by  some,  that  the  votes 
of  the  small  provinces  should  not  count  as  much 
as  those  of  the  larger  ones.  This  was  argued  with 
some  warmth  ;  and  inviduous  comparisons  were 
made  between  the  extensive  dominion  of  Virginia, 
and  the  small  colonies  of  Delaware  and  Rhode 
Island.  The  impossibility  of  fixing  the  compa- 
rative weight  of  each  province,  from  the  want  of 
projier  materials,  induced  Congress  to  resolve, 
that  each  should  have  one  equal  vote.  The  mode 
of  conducting  business  being  settled,  two  commit- 
ees  were  appointed  :  one,  to  state  the  rights  of 
l!ie  colonies  ;  the  several  instances  in  which  these 
rights  had  been  violated  ;  and  the  means  most 
proper  to  be  pursued  for  obtaining  a  restoration  ol 
tiiein  ;  the  other,  to  examine  an(l  report  the  seve- 
ral statutes  which  all'ected  the  trade  and  manufac- 
tures of  ihe  cclonies.  The  first  committee  were 
farther  instructed,  to  confine  themselves  to  the 
consideration  of  such  lights,  as  had  been  infringed 
•iiice  the  year  17G!5. 

Congress,  soon  after  their  meeting,  agieed  upon 
h  declaration  of  their  rights,  by  which  it  was, 
among  other  things,  declared,  that  the  inhabitants 
of  ihc  Kiiglish  colonies,  in  North  .\meiica,  by  the 
immiiiable  laws  of  nature,  the  princijiles  of  the 
Kiiglish  constitution,  and  the  several  charters  or 


"  Tliis  rule  wn«  ixlnpted  from  policy.  Th«  firmncps 
of  two  iir  llirce  of  tlii^  ilolcgntos  wns  doiibteil  by  some 
of  llii'ir  more  (Iflrrmiiicil  nssorlalcs.  It  wns  iipprr- 
hriuli'il,  lliiit  lliesi-  woiilil  briiisr  fi)r»ar(l  some  t('iii|io- 
rlsmt;  m  Iiimih>  of  iicconniKxiutioii,  in  li<>|)r.s  thiit  it  umilil 
optTiili;  ill  llicir  fuvoiir,  in  case  llie  coiinlry  «as  coii- 
qiicrcd.  The  iiiiijoritv  tlioii^lit  it  more  cmial,  thai,  in 
every  event,  nil  slnmld  mnnil  or  fall  toeolfior,  witliotit 
Bopnrftle  KnlitPrfii(;e«.  Joneph  (in'lawiiy  liroiislil  !"(ir- 
wunl  micli  a  Krli<Miic,  wliioli  wud  rcjotlnd,  and,  of  cmirsr, 
not  f  niorrd  on  llio  journuls ;  but  lie  ohiained  a  <'i-riiri- 
cale  of  h\»  bavin;  done  ho.  After  lie  bail  joined  ilie 
BritiHli,  in  llie  low  ebb  of  Ameriean  alTair*,  wliii-li  took 
place  early  in  December,  1771),  he  produced  lllo^e  do- 
cuincnlH,  to  prove,  ihul  he  hud  aluiiya  been  a  true  and 
loyal  auliject.  'I'lio  outlines  of  (•allo«ay'»  nchemes 
were  a  neiilrhl  eoveriinient,  to  be  instituted  in  America, 
for  reKiilntine  nil  the  common  concerns  of  the  colonicH, 
and  to  be  adminiHiereil  by  a  presideiil-ceiieral,  of  royal 
appoinlinenl.  with  executive  powers,  and  n  nejriiiive  on 
ail  proposed  act.H  of  leci^lation  ;  toi^ethi^r  with  n  coun- 
cil, to  lie  appointed  by  the  provincial  ft««emlilics.  The 
•  ei'. J  Alive  liodv  to  be  incorporated  ,villi  the  llriti-'b  piir- 
lianii'iil,  so  hr  that  the  assent  of  both  should  lie  re(|iii- 
(ile  to  the  validity  of  all  eenerni  acts  and  slaliites,  which 
wore  intenduj  luoycrutu  over  bulb  luiinlriea. 


I  compacts,  were  entitled  to  life,  liberty,  and  pro- 1  acts  complained  of,  were  as  follow:  the  sevcjf. 
j  perty  ;  and  that  they  had  never  ceih'd,  to  any  so-iacts  of  4  (ieorge  III.  ch.  15.  and  ch.  3-') — .')  Ceo 
vereign  power  whatever,  a  right  to  dispose  of  j  11 1.  ch.  2.; — 6  (ieo.  1 1 1.  ch.  .'>2 — 7  Geo.  III.  ch.  41 
either,  without  their  consent.     That  their  anctis- 1  and  ch.  4G — 8  (Jeo.  HI.  ch.  22.  which  im|)osed  dii- 
tors,  who  first  settled  the  colonies,  were  entitled  j  ties  for  the  purpose  of  raising  a  revenue  in  Ame- 


to  all  the  rights,  liberties,  and  immunities  of  free 
and  natural-born  subjects,  within  the  realm  of 
Knglaiid,  and  by  their  migrating  to  America,  they 
by  no  means  (orfeiled,  surrendered,  or  lost  any  of 
those  rights  ;  that  the  foundation  of  English  liber- 
ty, and  of  all  free  government,  was  a  right,  in  the 
people,  to  participate  in  their  legislative  council; 
and  that  as.  the  Englisli  colonists  were  not,  and 
could  not  be  properly  repiesented  in  the  British 
parliament,  they  were  entitled  to  a  free  and  ex- 
clusive power  of  legislation,  in  their  sever.il  ])ro- 
vincial  legislatures,  in  all  cases  of  taxation  and  in- 
ternal polity,  subject  only  to  the  negative  of  tlieir 
sovereign.  They  then  ran  the  line,  between  the 
supremacy  of  parliament,  and  the  independency  of 
the  colonial  legislatures,  by  provisos  and  restric- 
tions, expressed  in  tlie  following  words  :  "  But, 
from  the  necessity  of  the  case,  and  a  regard  to  the 
mutual  interests  of  both  countries,  we  cheerfully 
consent  to  the  cperatiou  of  such  acts  of  the  Hritisli 
parliament,  as  fire,  bnu;;  fide,  restrained  to  the  re- 
gulation of  our  extecaal  commerce,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  securing  the  commercial  advantages  of 
the  whole  empire  to  the  mother  country,  exclud- 
ing every  idea  of  taxation,  internal  and  external, 
for  raising  a  iHvenue  on  the  subjects  in  America 
without  their  consent." 

This  was  the  very  hinge  of  tlie  controversy. — 
The  absolute,  unlimited  supremacy  of  the  British 
parliament,  both  in  legislation  and  taxation,  was 
contended  for  on  one  side ;  while,  on  tlie  otlier,  no 
farther  authority  was  conceded,  than  such  a  limit- 
ed legislation,  with  regard  to  external  commerce, 
as  would  combine  the  interests  of  the  whole  em- 
pire. In  government,  as  well  as  in  religion,  there 
are  mysteries,  from  the  close  investigation  of  which 
little  advantaga  can  be  expected.  From  the  unity 
of  the  empire,  it  was  necessary  that  some  acts 
should  extend  over  the  whole.  From  the  local 
situation  of  the  colonies,  it  was  equally  reasonable 
that  their  legislatures  should,  at  least  in  some  iriat- 
ters,  be  independent.  Where  the  supremacy  of 
the  first  ended,  and  llic  independency  of  tlie  last 
began,  was  to  the  best  informed  a  puzzling  (|ues- 
tion.  A  diflerent  state  of  things  would  exist  at 
this  d.ay,  had  the  discussion  of  this  doubtful  point 
never  been  attempted. 

Congress  also  resolved,  that  the  colonists  were 
entitled  to  the  common  law  ol"  England,  and  more 
especially  to  the  privilege  of  being  tried  by  their 
peers  of  the  vicinage  ;  that  tliey  were  entitled  to 
the  benefit  of  such  of  the  English  statutes  as  ex- 
isted at  the  time  of  their  colonization,  and  which 
they  had  found  to  be  apj)lic:'bic  to  their  local  cir- 
cumstances, and  also  to  the  iriimunities  and  privi- 
leges, granted  and  confirmed  to  them  by  royal 
charters,  or  secured  by  provincial  laws  ;  that  they 
had  a  right  peaceably  to  assemble,  consider  of  iheir 
grievances,  and  petition  the  king;  that  the  keeping 
01  standing  army  in  the  colonies, without  the  consent 
of  the  legislature  of  the  colony  where  the  army  was 
kept,  was  against  law  ;  that  it  was  indispensably  ne- 
cessary to  good  government,  and  rendered  essen- 
tial,by  tlieEnglisli  constitution. that  the  constituent 
branches  of  the  legislature  be  independent  of  each 
other;  and  that,  therefore,  the  exercise  of  legisla- 
tive |)ower,  in  several  colonies,  by  a  council,  ap- 
pointed during  pleasuri!  by  the  crown,  was  iincon- 
slilutional,  dangerous,  and  tlestructive  to  the  ("ree- 
dom  of  American  legislation.  All  of  these  liber- 
ties Congress,  in  behalf  of  themselves  and  their 
conslituenis,  cl.iimed,  demanded,  and  insisted  up- 
on, as  their  indubitable  rights,  which  could  not  be 
legally  taken  froiii  them,  altered,  or  abridged,  by 
any  power  whale\ei,  without  their  eotisetit. 

Congress  then  resolved,  that  sundry  acts  whicli 
had  been  passed  in  the  reign  of  (Jeorge  the  Third, 
were  infringements  and  violations  of  the  rights  of 
the  colonists  ;  and  that  the  repeal  of  them  was  es- 
sentially necessary,  in  order  to  lestore  harmony 
bLtwccii  Great  Britain  and  the  colonics.  The 


rica,  extended  the  power  of  the  admiralty  court«, 
beyond  their  ancient  limits,  deprived  the  AineiicKis 
subjects  of  trial  by  jury,  and  authorized  the  judge' 
certificate  to  ideiiinify  the  prosecutor  from  dam 
ages,  that  he  might,  otherwise,  be  liable  to;  re 
quiring  ojipressive  security  from  a  claimant  of  slii|)» 
and  goods  seized,  before  he  was  allrwed  .o  defend 
his  pro])erty. 

Also,  12  Geo.  III.  ch.  24  entitled,  "  An  act  or 
the  better  securing  his  majesty's  dock-yards,  ma- 
gazines, ships,  amini'tiition,  and  stores,"  whicli  de- 
clares a  new  oU'ence  in  .\merica,  and  deprives  the 
Ainerican  subjects  of  a  constitutional  trial  by  jury 
of  the  vicinage,  by  authorizing  the  trial  of  any 
jieison,  charged  with  committing  any  oflence.  de- 
scribed in  the  said  act,  out  of  the  realm,  to  be  in- 
dicted and  tried  for  the  same,  in  any  shire  orcoun 
ty  within  the  realm. 

Also,  the  three  acts  passed  in  the  last  session  of 
parliament,  for  stopping  the  port  and  blocking  up 
the  harbour  of  Boston;  for  altc-'iig  the  charter 
and  government  of  .Massaeh^-oetts  Bay  ;  and  that 
which  is  entitled,  "  An  act  for  the  better  adminis- 
tration of  justice,"  &:c. 

Also,  the  act  pa.ssed  in  the  .same  session,  for 
establishing  the  Roman  Catholic  religion,  in  the 
province  of  Quebec,  abolishing  the  equitable  sys- 
tem of  English  laws,  and  erecting  a  tyranny  there, 
to  the  great  danger,  from  so  total  a  dissimilarity 
of  religion,  law,  and  government  of  the  neighbour 
ing  British  colonies,  by  the  assistance  of  whose 
blood  and  treasure  the  said  country  had  been  con- 
quered from  France. 

.\lso  the  act  passed  in  the  same  session,  for  the 
better  ])roviding  suitable  quarters  for  officers  and 
soldiers,  in  his  majesty's  service,  in  North  ,\nii;- 
rica. 

Also,  that  the  keeping  a  standing  army  in  se- 
veral of  these  colonies,  in  time  of  peace,  withoii" 
the  consent  of  the  legislature  of  the  colony,  in 
which  such  army  was  kept,  was  against  la«. 

Concress  declared,  that  they  co-ild  not  siibintt 
to  tliese  grievous  arts  and  me:.sures.  In  hopes 
iliat  their  fellow-subjects  in  (Jreat  Britain  would 
restore  the  colonies  to  that  state,  in  which  both 
countries  found  happiness  and  prosjieritv.  they  re- 
solved, for  the  present,  only  to  pursue  tiie  follow- 
ing iieacealile  measures: 

1.  To  enter  into  a  non-importation,  non-con- 
sumption, and  non-exportation  agreement  or  asso- 
ciation. 

2.  To  prepare  an  address  to  the  people  of  (ireat 
Britain,  and  a  memorial  to  the  inhabitants  of  Bri- 
tish America. 

'3.  To  ])repare  a  loyal  address  to  his  majesty. 

By  the  association  they  bound  themselves  and 
their  constituents,  "from  and  after  the  1st  day  of 
December  next,  not  to  import  into  Hriiish  .\meri 
ca,  from  Great  Britain  or  Ireland,  any  gooils, 
wares,  or  merchandise,  whatsoever;  not  to  pur- 
chase any  slave,  imported  after  the  said  1st  day 
of  December;  not  to  purchase  or  use  anv  tea.  iin- 
poited  on  account  of  the  East  India  company,  or 
any  on  which  a  duty  hath  been  or  shall  be  paid; 
and.  from  and  after  the  1st  day  of  the  next  ensu- 
ing .March,  neither  to  purchase  or  use  any  East 
India  tea  whatever;  that  they  would  not.  alter 
the  Khli  day  of  the  next  .'^eptembei  if  their  griev- 
ance? nere  not  previously  redressed,  export  anv 
coiiiiiiodily  whatsoever,  to  (iieat  Britain.  lrelaii(l, 
or  the  West  Indies,  except  rice  to  Eiiro|<'  that 
the  merchants  should,  as  soon  as  possible,  vriie 
to  their  correspondents  in  (Jreat  Britain  and  Ire 
land,  not  to  ship  any  goods  to  them  on  anv  pretence 
whatever;  that,  if  any  merch' nt  here  should  ship 
any  goods  for  .\merica,  in  or:  ei  o  i.tnitravene  the 
non-iiiiporlation  agreement,  they  would  not  after 
wards  have  any  commercial  connexion  with  such 
merchant;  that  such  as  were  owners  of  vessels, 
lioiild  give  positive  orders  to  their  capiains  ;<ii(j' 
masters,  not  to  receive,  ou  board  their  /easels,  auj 


NORTH  AiMERTCA. 


375 


goods  pioliibited  by  lliesaiti  n()n-iiii|)()i  t;ition  ;ii;iee- 
ment ;  ibat  tln!y  would  usf  llicir  eiiilciivoui!*  to 
inii)iove  llie  breed  of  sliot'|i,  and  increase  lliuir 
number  to  the  greatest  extent;  tliat  tliey  would 
encourage  li ugality,  economy  and  industry,  and 
promo'.e  agriculture,  arts  and  Aiiicricat:  luanid'ac- 
tures;  irmt  they  would  discountenance  and  (Jis- 
courage  every  species  of  extravagance  and  dissi- 
patit  n ;  tliat,  on  the  death  of  relations  or  I'riends. 
ihev  would  wear  no  other  mourning  than  a  small 
piece  of  black  crape  or  ribbon  ;  that  sucli,  as  were 
venders  of  goods,  should  not  take  any  advantage 
of  the  scarcity,  so  is  to  raise  their  prices;  that, 
if  any  pers.m  should  imj)ort  goods  after  the  1st 
day  of  Doceniber,  and  before  the  1st  day  of  Feb- 
ruary, then  next  ensuing,  the  same  ought  to  be 
immediatt  ly  re-shipped,  or  delivered  up  to  a  com- 1 
luittee  to  be  stored  or  sold ;  aiid  that,  in  tlie  last 
case,  all  the  clear  profits  should  be  applied  to 
wards  the  reliel'of  the  inhabitants  of  Boston  ;  that, 
if  any  goods  should  be  imported  alter  tlie  1st  day 
of  February,  the  next  ensuing,  they  should  be 
sent  back  without  breaking  any  of 'he  packages  ; 
CJiat  committees  should  be  cliosen  in  every  coun- 
ty, city,  and  town,  to  observe  the  conduct  of  all 
persons  touching  the  association,  and  to  publish, 
in  gazettes,  the  names  of  the  violaiers  of  it,  as 
foes  to  the  riglits  of  British  America;  that  the 
coininittees  of  correspondence,  in  tlie  respective 
colonies,  frequently  inspect  the  entries  of  their 
custom-houses,  and  inform  each  other,  from  time 
to  time,  of  the  true  state  thereof ;  that  all  Ameri- 
can manufactures  should  be  sold  at  reasonable 
prices,  and  no  advantages  to  be  taken  of  a  future 
scarcity  of  goods  ;  and  lastly,  that  they  would 
have  no  dealings  or  intercourse  whatever,  with 
any  province  or  colony  of  North  America,  which 
slioidd  not  accede  to,  or  should  violate  (he  afore- 
said associations." 

These  several  resolutions  they  bound  themselves 
and  their  constituents,  by  the  sacred  ties  of  virtue, 
honour,  and  love  of  their  country,  to  observe  till 
their  grievances  were  redressed. 

In  their  address  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain, 
they  complimented  them  for  having,  at  every 
hazard  maintained  their  independence,  and  trans- 
mitted the  rights  of  man,  and  tlie  blessings  of  lib- 
erty to  their  posterity,  and  requested  them  not  to  be 
surprised,  that  they,  who  were  descendants  from 
the  same  common  ancestors,  should  refuse  to  sur- 
render their  rights,  liberties,  and  constitution. 
The)  proceeded  to  state  their  rights  and  their 
grieviinces.  and  to  vindicate  themselves  from  the 
charges  of  being  seditious,  impatient  of  gorern- 
nient,  and  desirous  of  independency.  They  sum- 
med up  their  wishes  in  the  following  words  : 
"  Place  us  in  the  same  situation  in  which  we  were, 
at  the  close  of  the  last  war,  and  our  former  har- 
mony will  be  restored.'" 

In  the  memorial  of  Congress  to  the  inhabitants 
of  the  British  colonies,  they  recapitulated  the 
proceedings  of  Great  Britain  against  thein, 
since  the  year  17G3,  in  order  to  impress  them 
with  a  belief  that  a  deliberate  system  was  formed 
for  abridging  their  liberties.  They  then  proceed- 
ed to  state  the  measures  they  had  adopted,  to 
counteract  this  system,  and  gave  the  reasons 
which  induced  them  to  adopt  the  same.  They 
encouraged  them  to  submit  to  the  inconveniences 
of  non-importation  and  non-exportation,  by  desir- 
ing them,  "  to  weigh,  in  the  opposite  balance,  the 
endless  miseries,  they  and  their  descendants  must 
endnre,  from  an  established  arbitrary  i)ower." — 
They  concluded  with  inforn^ing  them,  "  that  the 
»r.hcines  agitated  against  the  colonies,  had  been 
80  conducted  as  to  render  it  prudent  to  extend 
tbeir  views  to  mournful  events,  and  to  oe,  ui  all 
/aspects,  prepared  for  every  contingency." 

In  the  pe' ition  of  Congress  to  the  king,  they 
begged  leave  to  lay  their  grievances  before  the 
thione.  Afer  a  particular  enumei-ation  of  these, 
they  observed,  that  tliey  wholly  arose  from  a  de- 
structive system  of  colony  administration,  adopt- 
ed since  the  conclusion  of  the  last  war.  They 
assured  tis  majesty,  that  they  had  made  such 
provisioB  for  defraying  th  5  charges  of  the  admiu- 


istnition  of  justice,  and  the  8i)|)port  of  civil  gov-  the  colonies  to  choose  deputies  as  soon  as  po.ssi 
erninciil,  as  li;ul  been  judged  just  ajid  suitable  to  '  ble,  to  be  ready  to  attend  at  that  time  and  placo, 
their  respective 

(leleiicc,  protection,  and  security  ol  the  colonies, 
their  militia  would   be  fully  siiflicient  in  time  of 


circumstances;  and  that,  for  the  should  events  make  their  meeting  necessary." 


On  the  publication  of  the  proceedings  of  Con- 
gress, the  pe()))le  obtained  that  inl'onnation  which 
peace  ;  and,  in  case  of  war,  tliey  were  ready  andjlliey  desired.  Zealous  to  do  soiiielhing  lor  ilieir 
willing,  when  constitutionally  required,  to  exert  country,  they  patiently  waited  lor  the  decision  of 
their  most  strenuous  efi'orts  in  granting  supplies,  |  that  body,  to  whose  direction  they  had  resignef 
and  raising  forces.  They  said,  "  we  ask  but  for  '  themselves.  Their  determinations  w  ere  no  sooner 
peace,  liberty  and  safety.  We  wish  not  a  diininu- '  known,  than  cheerfully  obeyed.  Though  their 
tion  of  the  prerogative;  nor  do  we  solicit  the 'power  was  only  advisory,  yet  their  recommenda- 
granl  of  any  new  right  in  our  favour.  Your  royal  j  tions  were  more  generally  and  more  eU'ectual'y 
authority  over  us,  and  our  connexion  with  Great  carried  into  execution,  than  the  laws  of  the  bea. 


Britain,  we  shall  always  carefully  and  zealously 
endeavour  to  support  and  maintain."  They  then 
[solicited  for  a  redress  of  their  grievances,  which 
they  had  enumerated  ;  and,  appealing  to  that  Be- 
ing, who  searches  thoroughly  the  hearts  of  bis 
creatures,  they  solemnly  professed,  "  that  their 
councils  had  been  influenced  by  no  other  motives, 
than  a  dread  of  impending  destruction."  They 
concluded  with  imploring  his  majesty,  "  for  ilie 
honour  ol"  Almighty  God,  for  his  own  glory,  for 
the  interests  ol'  his  family,  and  Ibr  the  safety  of 
his  kingdom  and  dominions,  tliat  as  the  loving 
lather  of  his  whole  people,  connected  by  the  same 
bonds  of  law,  loyalty,  faith,  and  blood,  tliough 
dwelling  in  various  countries,  he  would  not  suffer 
the  transcendent  relation,  formed  by  these  ties,  to 
be  fartlier  violated,  by  uncertain  expectation  of 
effects,  that,  if  attained,  never  could  compensate 
for  flie  calamities,  through  which  they  must  be 
gained." 

The  congress  also  addressed  the  French  inhabi- 
tants of  Canada;  to  whom  they  stated  the  right 
they  had  on  becoming  English  subjects,  to  the 
benefits  of  the  English  constitution.  They  ex- 
plained what  these  rights  were  ;  and  pointed  out 
the  difference  between  the  constitution  im|)osed 
on  tliem  by  act  of  parliament,  and  that  to  which, 
as  British  subjects,  they  were  entitled.  They  in- 
troduced their  countryman  Montesquieu,  as  repro- 
bating their  parliamentary  constitution,  and  ex- 
horting them  to  join  their  fellow  colonists,  in  su|)- 
po(t  of  their  common  rights.  They  earnestly  in- 
vited them  to  join,  with  the  other  colonies,  in  one 
social  com])act,  formed  on  the  generous  principles 
of  equal  liberty,  and  to  this  end  recommended,  that 
they  would  clioose  delegates  to  represent  them  in 
Congress. 


regulated  states.  Every  individual  IVdt  his  liber 
ties  endangered,  ;ind  was  impressed  with  an  idea, 
that  his  safety  consisted  in  union.  A  common  in- 
terest in  warding  off  a  common  danger,  proved  a 
powetful  incentive  to  the  most  imjilicit  submission. 
Provincial  congresses  and  subor(linale  committees 
wers  every  where  instituted.  The  resolutions  ot 
the  continental  congress  were  sanctioned  with  the 
universal  ajiprobation  of  these  new  representative 
bodies  ;  and  institutions  were  formed  under  theii 
directions  to  carry  thcni  into  effect. 

The  regular  constitutional  assemblies,  also,  gave 
their  assent  to  the  measures  recommended.  The 
assembly  of  New  York  was  li  e  only  legislature, 
which  withheld  its  apixobation.  Their  metropo- 
lis had  long  been  head  quarters  o*"  the  British  ar- 
my in  the  colonies;  and  many  of  their  best  fami- 
lies were  connected  with  the  people  of  influence  in 
Great  Britain.  The  unequal  distribution  of  their 
land  fostered  an  aristocratic  spirit.  F'om  the  ope- 
ration of  these  and  other  causes,  the  pirty  for  roy- 
al government  was  both  more  numeious  and  re- 
spectable in  New  York,  than  in  the  other  colo- 
nies. 

The  assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  tho-igh  com- 
posed of  a  majority  of  Quakers,  or  of  'hose  whc 
were  friendly  to  their  interest,  was  tl'»  first  lega. 
body  of  representatives,  that  ratified  una.-iimousiy 
the  acts  of  the  general  congress.  T^'.cy  not  only 
voted  theii  approbation  of  what  that  body  had 
done,  but  appointed  members  to  represent  thera 
in  the  new  congress,  proposed  to  be  held  on  the 
10th  day  of  May  next  ensuing;  and  took  sundiy 
steps  to  put  the  |)rovince  in  a  posture  of  defence. 

To  relieve  the  distresses  of  the  i)eo|)le  ofi!os- 
ton,  liberal  collections  were  made,  throughout  the 
•.olonies,  and  forwarded  for  the  supply  of  their 


All  these  addresses  were  written  with  uncom- 1  immediate  necessities.     Domestic  maniifa(-luie.s 


mon  ability.  Coming  from  the  heart,  they  were 
calculated  to  move  it.  Inspired  by  a  love  o*"  liber- 
ty, and  roused  by  a  sense  of  common  danger,  the 
patriots  of  that  day  spoke,  wrote  and  acted,  with 
an  animation  unknown  in  times  of  public  tran- 
quility :  but  it  was  not  so  much,  on  the  (irobable 
effect  of  these  addresses,  that  Congress  founded 
their  hopes  of  obtaining  a  ledress  of  their  griev- 
ances, as  on  the  consequences  which  they  expec- 
ted from  the  operation  of  their  non-importation, 
and  non-exportation  agreement.  The  succe!?s 
that  had  followed  the  adojjtion  of  measures,  simi- 
lar to  the  former,  in  two  preceding  instances,  had 
encouraged  the  colonists  to  expect  much  from  a 
repetition  of  it.  They  indulged  in  extravagant 
opinio:is  of  the  importance  of  their  trade  to  Great 
Britain.  The  measure  of  ihe  non-exportation  of 
their  commodities  was  a  new  expedient;  and,  from 
that,  even  more  was  expected,  than  from  the  non 
importation  agreement.  They  supposed,  that  it 
would  produce  such  extensive  distress  among  the 
merchants  and  manufacturers  of  (ireat  Britain, 
and,  especially  among  the  inhabitants  of  the  Bri- 
tish West  India  Islands,  as  would  induce  their 
general  co-operation,  in  procuring  a  redress  of 
American  grievances.  Events  proved  that  young 
nations,  like  young  people,  are  prone  to  overrate 
their  own  importance. 

Congress  having  finished  all  this  important  bu- 
siness, in  less  than  eight  weeks,  dissolved  them- 
selves, on  the  26th  of  October,  after  giving  their 
opinion,  "that  another  congress  should  be  held  on 
the  10th  of  May,  next  ensuing,  at  Pliiladelphia, 
unless  the  redress  of  their  grievances  should  be 


were  encouraged,  that  the  wants  of  the  inhabitants, 
from  the  non-importation  agreement,  mii;ht  ije  di- 
minished ;  and  the  greatest /.cal  was  discovered  by 
a  large  majority  of  the  people,  to  comply  with  the 
determination  of  these  new  made  representative 
bodies.  In  this  manner.while  the  forms  of  iheold  go- 
vernment subsisted,  a  new  and  i:idepeiident  authori- 
ty was  virtually  established.  It  was  so  universally 
the  sense  of  the  people,  that  the  j)ublic  good  re- 
quired a  compliance  with  the  recommendations  of 
Congress,  that  any  man  who  discovered  an  anxie.'y 
about  the  continuance  of  tratle  and  business,  was 
considered  as  a  selfish  indivi<lual;  preferring  pri- 
vate interest  to  the  good  of  his  country.  Under 
the  influence  of  these  principles,  the  intem|)erate 
zeal  of  the  populace  transported  them,  fretjuently, 
so  far  beyond  the  limits  of  moderation,  as  to  ap- 
ply singular  |)unishmenis  to  particular  persons, 
who  contravened  the  general  sense  of  the  com- 
munity. 

One  of  these  was  forcibly  subjecting  the  obnox- 
ious persons  to  a  stream  of  cold  water,  discharged 
on  them  from  a  spout  of  a  pump.  Another  an" 
more  serious  one  was,  alter  smearing  their  bodies 
with  tar,  to  roll  them  in  featliors,  and  expose 
them,  thus  covered  with  tar  and  feathers,  to  ihn 
ridicule  of  spectators.  A  more  common  modo 
was  to  treat  them  with  contempt  and  scorn,  aris- 
ing in  particular  cases,  to  such  a  height,  as  to 
abstain  from  all  social  intercourse  with  thcin 
Frequently  their  names  were  stuck  up  n  public 
places,  with  the  appellation  of  tories,  traitors, 
cowards,  enemies  to  the  country.  6cc. 

The  British  ministry  were  not  less  disappointed 


previously  obtained,"  and  recommending,  "to  all.  than  mortified,  at  tliis  unexpected  coinbiQution  oi 


87C 


TIIK    HISTORY  OF 


liie  coldii'u's.  Tliry  had  flaticri'd  tli<'iiis«'lv»«! 
Willi  a  beli(.-r,  that  the  iiialcDiiteiiis  in  ]5(i.si»m  were 
a  siiiali  party,  headi-d  li_v  a  lew  factions  irieii,  and 
lliat  tlie  uiajorilv  ol'  (he  inliabitants  would  arrange 
themselves  on  the  side  of  governrnenl,  as  soon  as 
they  lound  Great  Britain  delerinincd  to  support 
her  ainhority;  and.  sliould  even  Massachusetts 
take  part  with  its  oll'endiug  capital,  they  could  not 
believe  that  the  other  colonies  would  make  a  com- 
mon cause,  in  supporting  so  intemperate  a  colony: 
but  should  even  that  expectation  fail,  they  con- 
ceived that  their  association  must  be  founded  on 
principles  so  adverse  to  the  interests  and  feelings 
of  individuals,  that  it  could  not  be  of  long  duration. 
They  were  encouraged  in  tliese  ill-founded  opi- 
nions, by  the  recollection,  that  the  colonies  were 
frequently  quarrelling  about  boundaries,  clashing 
in  interests,  dilVering  in  policy,  manners,  customs, 
forms  of  government,  and  religion,  and  under  the 
induence  of  a  variety  of  local  prejudices,  jealou- 
sies, and  aversions.  They  also  remembered  the 
obstacle'?,  which  prevented  the  colonies  from  act- 
ing together,  in  the  execution  of  schemes,  planned 
for  their  own  defence,  in  the  late  war  against  the 
French  and  Indians.  The  failure  of  tl;e  expected 
co-operation  of  the  colonies,  in  one  uniform  sys- 
tem, at  that  time,  was  not  only  urged  by  the  Bri- 
tish ministry,  as  a  reason  for  i)arliamentary  control 
over  the  whole,  but  flattered  them  with  a  delusive 
hope,  that  they  never  could  be  brought  to  cot7il)inc 
their  counsels  and  their  arms.  Perhaps  the  colo- 
nists ap|)rehended  more  danger  from  Britisli  en- 
croachments, on  their  liberties,  than  from  Frencii 
encroachment,  on  Indian  territories,  in  their  neigh- 
Oourhood  :  or  more  probably,  the  time  to  part  be- 
ing come,  the  Governor  of  the  Universe,  by  a  se- 
cret influence  on  their  minds,  disposed  them  to 
union.  From  wliafever  cause  it  proceeded,  it  is 
certain,  that  a  disposition  to  do,  to  suH'er,  and  to 
accommodate,  spread  from  breast  to  breast,  and 
from  colony  to  colony,  beyond  the  reach  of  human 
calculation.  It  seemed  as  though  one  mind  in- 
spired the  whole.  The  merchants  put  far  behind 
them  the  gains  of  trade,  and  cheerfully  submitted 
to  a  total  stoppage  of  business,  in  obedience  to  the 
recommendations  of  men.  invested  with  no  legis- 
lative powers.  The  cultivators  of  the  soil,  with 
great  unanimity,  assented  to  the  determination, 
that  ihe  harii-earned  produce  oi  tlieir  larms  sliould 
remain  unshipped,  although,  in  case  of  a  free  ex- 
portation, many  would  have  been  eager  to  have 
purchased  it  from  them,  at  advanced  prices.  The 
sons  and  daughters  of  ease  renounced  imported 
conveniences:  and  voluntarily  engaged  to  eat, 
drink.  ■>nd  wear,  only  such  articles  as  their  coun- 
try afforded.  'JMiese  sacrifices  were  made,  not 
from  the  pressure  of  present  distress,  but  on  the 
generous  principle  of  sympathy  with  an  invaded 
sister  colony,  and  the  ))rudent  policy  of  guarding 
against  a  precedent  which  might,  on  a  future  day, 
operate  against  their  liberties. 

This  season  of  universal  distress  exhibited  a 
Striking  proof,  how  practicable  it  is  for  mankind 
to  sacrifice  ease,  pleasure,  and  interest,  when  the 
mind  is  strongly  excited  by  its  passions.  In  the 
Diidst  of  their  sulferinus,  cheerfulness  ap()orircd  in 
the  face  of  all  the  people.  They  counted  every 
thing  cheap  in  comparison  with  liberty,  and  rea- 
dily gave  up  whatever  tended  to  endanger  it.  \ 
noble  strain  of  generosity  and  mutual  su|)p()rt  was 
(jeneraliv  excited.  A  great  and  powerful  dilfusion 
of  public  spirit  took  place.  The  animation  of  the 
times  raised  the  actors  in  these  scenes  above 
ihcmsrivos,  and  oxciled  them  to  deeds  of  self-de- 
nial, which  the  iiileresicd  prudetice  of  calmer  sea- 
lous  can  scarcely  credit. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Trmniuictioni  in  flrcnl  Rrimin  in  con»«qiirnco  of  llio  pro- 
ccudiiit;*  of  Con(;re»H,  in  177-1. 

SoMF  lime  before  the  proreediiigs  of  f'ongress 
rMcheil  Kiiplmd,  il  was  jiiMlly  a|)prehende<l,  that 
«  Duu-iiiiportailua  ai;rcuinciit  would  be  one  of  the 


measures  tlicy  would  arlopt.  The  ministry,  ap-ji 
piehending  that  this  event,  by  distressing  the  trad-n 
ing  and  manufacturing  towns,  might  iufluencej 
votes  against  the  court,  in  the  election  of  a  new 
parliament,  which  was  of  course  to  come  on  in  the 
succeeding  year,  suddenly  dissolved  the  parlia- 
ment, and  immediately  ordered  a  new  one  to  be 
chosen.  It  was  their  design  to  have  the  whole 
business  of  elections  ovei,  before  the  inconveni- 
ences of  a  non-importation  agreement  could  be 
felt.  The  nation  was  thus  s"jr|)iised  into  an  elec- 
tion, without  knowing  that  the  late  American  acts 
had  driven  the  colonies  into  a  Tirm  combination,  to 
support,  and  make  a  common  cause  with,  the  peo- 
ple of  Massachusetts.  A  new  parliament  was  re- 
turned ;  which  met -in  thirty-four  days  after  the 
proceedings  of  Congress  were  first  published  in 
Philadelphia,  and  before  they  were  known  in  Grreat 
Britain.  This,  for  the  most  jiart,  consisted,  either 
of  the  former  members,  or  of  those  who  held  simi- 
lar sentiments. 

On  the  30th  of  November,  the  king,  in  liis 
speech  to  his  new  parliament,  informed  them, 
"  thai  a  most  daring  sjiirit  of  resistance  and  diso- 
bedience to  the  laws.  unha|)pily  prevailed  in  the 
province  of  Massachusetts,  v.rA  had  broken  forth 
in  fresh  violences  cf  a  very  criminal  nature;  that 
these  |)rocecdings  had  been  countenanced  and  en- 
couraged in  his  other  colonies  ;  that  unwarrantable 
attempts  had  been  made  to  obstruct  the  commerce 
of  his  kingdom,  by  unlawful  combinations  ;  and 
that  he  had  taken  such  measures,  and  given  such 
orders,  as  hejudged  most  proper  and  efiectual,  for 
carrying  into  execution  the  laws,  which  were  pass- 
ed in  the  last  session  of  the  late  parliament,  rela- 
tive to  the  province  of  Massac  iiusetls." 

An  address,  proposed  in  the  house  of  commons, 
in  answer  to  this  speech,  produced  a  warm  de- 
bate. The  minister  was  reminded  of  the  great 
effects,  he  had  predicted  from  the  late  American 
acts  :  "  They  were  to  humble  that  whole  conti- 
nent, without  further  trouble  ;  and  the  punishment 
of  Boston  was  to  strike  so  universal  a  panic  in  ali 
the  colonies,  that  it  would  be  totally  abandoned, 
and,  instead  of  obtaining  relief,  a  dread  of  the 
same  fate  would  awe  the  other  provinces,  to  a 
most  resi)ectful  submission."  An  aiidiess,  re-echo- 
ing the  royal  speech  was,  nevertheless,  carried  by 
a  great  majority.  A  similar  address  was  carried, 
after  a  spirited  debate,  in  the  upper  house:  but 
the  loids  Kiclimond.  Portland, Kockiiigham,  Stam- 
ford, Stanliopc,  Torrington,  Ponsonby,  W'yconibe, 
and  Camden  entered  a  protest  against  it,  which 
concluded  with  these  remarkable  words:  "  What- 
ever may  be  the  mischievous  dt^signs,  or  the  incon- 
siderate temerity  which  lead  others  to  this  despe- 
rate course,  we  wish  to  be  known  as  persons,  w  ho 
have  disapproved  of  measuies  so  injurious  in  (heir 
past  effects,  and  future  tendency,  and  who  are  not 
in  haste,  without  iiKpiiry  or  information,  to  com- 
mit ourselves  in  declarations,  which  may  precipi- 
tate our  country  into  all  the  calamities  of  a  civil 
war." 

Soon  after  the  meeting  of  the  new  parliament, 
the  jiroceedings  of  the  congress  reache<l  Great 
Britain.  The  first  impression,  maile  by  them,  was 
in  favour  of  America.  Administration  seemed  to 
be  staggered  ;  and  their  opjiosers  triumphed,  in  the 
eventual  truth  of  their  |)rediction,  that  an  univer- 
sal confederacy,  to  resist  great  Britain,  wouM  be 
the  consequence  of  the  late  American  acts.  The 
secretary  of  state,  after  a  day's  perusal,  during 
which  a  council  was  held,  said  that  the  petition  of 
Congress,  to  the  king,  was  a  decent  ami  pio|)er(iiie. 
He  also  cheerfully  undcitook  to  present  it  ;  and 
afterwards  repotted,  that  his  majesty  was  pleased 
very  graciously  to  receive  il  ;  and  to  promise  to  la}' 
it  before  his  two  houses  of  parliament.  From 
these  favourable  circumstances,  the  sanguine 
friends  of  America  concluded,  that  it  was  intend- 
ed to  make  the  petition  a  foundation  of  a  change 
of  meatures  ;  but  these  hopes  were  of  short  dura- 
tion. 

The  parlizans  of  administration  placed  so  much 
confidence  in  the  efficacy  of  (he  measures,  they 
I  liad  lately  taken,  to  brinj;  the  Americans  to  obe- 


dience, that  thi-y  regarded  the  boldest  resolutitrir 
of  L'oni;ress,  as  the  idle  clamours  of  an  nunx-j 
multitude,  w  hich  proper  exertions  on  the  ^lari  o( 
(jreat  liritaiii  would  speedily  silence.  So  much 
had  been  asserted  and  contradicted  by  both  [jarties 
that  the  bulk  of  the  people  could  form  no  certaui 
opinion  on  the  subject. 

The  [larlianient  adjourned  for  the  Christm;is 
holidays,  without  coming  to  any  decision  on  Ame- 
rican afiairs.  As  soon  as  they  met,  in  January, 
1775,  a  number  of  papers,  containing  information, 
were  laid  before  them.  These  were  mostly  let- 
ters from  governors,  and  other  servants  of  hia 
majesty,  which  detailed  the  ojiposition  of  the  co- 
lonists, in  language  calculated  to  give  a  bad  im- 
pression of  their  past  conduct,  and  an  niarrainv 
one  of  their  future  intentions. 

It  was  a  circumstance  unfavourable  to  the  lov 
ers  of  peace,  that  the  rulers  of  Great  Britain  re 
cieved  almost  the  whole  of  their  American  iiiiel- 
ligence  from  those,  who  had  an  interest  in  deceiv- 
ing them.  Governors,  judges,  revenue  ofilicei-s 
and  other  royal  servants,  being  both  appointed  and 
paid  by  Great  Britain,  fancied  that  zeal,  for  the 
interest  of  that  country,  would  be  the  most  likelv 
way  to  insuie  their  farther  promotion.  They 
were  therefore,  in  their  official  despatches  to  go- 
vernment, often  lemjited  to  abuse  the  colonists, 
with  a  view  of  magnifying  their  own  waichluliiess, 
and  lecommending  themselves  to  Gieat  Britain. 
The  jjlain,  simple  language  of  truth  was  not  ac- 
ceptable to  courtly  ears.  Ministers  received  and 
caressed  those  and  those  only,  whose  repiesenta- 
lions  coincided  with  their  own  views  and  wishes 
They,  who  contended  that,  by  the  spirit  of  the  Eng- 
lish constitution,  British  subjects,  residing  on  one 
side  of  the  Atlantic,  were  entitled  to  equal  jirivi- 
leges,  with  those  who  resid,;d  on  the  other,  were 
unnoticed  ;  while  the  abbettors  of  ministerial  mea- 
sures were  heaid  with  attention. 

In  this  hour  of  national  infatuation,  lord  (.'hr.t- 
ham,  after  a  long  retirement,  resumed  his  seat  iri 
the  house  of  lords,  and  exerted  his  iiniivalled  elo- 
quence, in  sundry  attempts  to  dissuade  hiscouiilry- 
inen  from  atlemptiiia  to  subdue  the  Americans  by 
foico  of  arms.  The  native  dignity  of  his  siiperioi 
genius  and  the  recollection  of  his  im|)oriaiit  ser- 
vices e'ntitled  him  to  distinguished  notice.  His 
language,  voice,  and  gesture,  were  calculated  to 
force  conviction  on  his  hearers.  Thoush  venera- 
ble for  his  ai;e  he  spoke  with  the  fire  of  youth.  He 
iiilroduced  himself  with  some  general  observations 
on  the  importance  of  the  American  quarrel.  He 
enlarged  on  the  dangerous  events  that  were  com- 
ing on  the  nation,  in  consequence  of  the  present 
dispute.  He  ariaigned  the  conduct  of  ministers, 
with  great  severity  ;  repiobated  their  whole  sys- 
tem of  American  politics  :  and  moved  ihat  an  hum 
ble  address  be  presented  to  his  majesty,  most 
humbly  to  advise  and  beseech  him.  to  despatch 
orders  to  General  (iage,  to  remove  his  majesty's 
lorces  from  the  lown  of  Boston.  His  lordship  f 
supported  this  motion  in  a  pathetic  animaled 
speech;  but  it  was  rejected  by  a  great  majo-ily. 
From  this  and  other  circumstances,  it  soon  be- 
came evident,  that  the  Americans  could  expect  no 
more  favour  from  the  new  parliament,  than  ihey 
had  experienced  from  the  late  one.  A  majority 
in  both  houses  were  against  them,  and  rescdved  to 
compel  them  to  obedience :  but  a  respectable  mi- 
noiily  in  their  favoui  was  strongly  seconded  bj 
petilions,  from  the  merchants  and  manufactniem,  | 
throughout  the  kingdom,  and  particularlv  from  I 
those  of  London  and  Bristol,  As  these  wert 
well  appiised  <)f  the  consequences,  that  must  fol- 
low  Irom  the  prosecution  of  coercive  measures, 
and  ileeply  interested  in  the  event,  they  made  un- 
common exertions  to  prevent  tlieir  adoption.  They 
pointed  out  the  various  evils,  that  would  result 
from  them,  and  warned  their  countrymen  of  the 
danger  to  which  their  commercial  interests  were 
expos(>d. 

When  the  petition  from  the  merchants  of  I>on- 
don  was  read  in  the  house  of  commons,  it  was 
moved  to  refer  it  to  the  committee  appoiirted  to 
take  into  consideration  the  American  papers  ;  but 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


877 


t  was  moved  by  w;iy  of  aniendmont,  on  llie  miii 
isteriiil  fide,  that  it  sliould  he  lefeired  to  a  separate 
coiiimiiief,  to  meet  on  tiie27th,  the  day  sueceecl- 
i>n;  that  apiioinied  for  the  coiisideralioii  of  Ame 
ricaii  |)a])ers.  This,  though  a  dislioiioural)Ie  eva 
sion,  was  carried  by  a  majority  of  more  than  two 
to  one. 

A  similar  fate  attended  the  petitions  from  Bris- 
lol,  Glasi;ow,  Norwich,  Liverpool,  Manchester, 
Birmin<;liam,  WoolverhampioM,  Dudley,  and  some 
other  jjlaces.  These,  on  tlieir  being  presented, 
were  in  like  manner  consigned  to,  what  the  op- 
j.ttsilion  Immourously  termed  the  committee  of 
obliviuTi. 

About  the  same  time,  a  petition  was  offeree]  from 
]\Ir.  Hollan,  Dr.  Franklin,  and  Mr.  Lee,  stating 
that  ihcy  were  authorized  by  Congress  to  present 
llieir  |)etition  to  the  king,  whicli  his  majesty  had 
referred  to  that  house  ;  that  they  were  enabled  to 
(hrow  great  light  on  the  subject  ;  and  praying  to 
be  heard  at  the  bar  in  snppor  :  of  the  said  petition. 
The  friends  of  the  ministry  alleged,  that  as  Con- 
gress was  not  a  legal  body,  nothing  could  be  re- 
ceived from  them.  It  was  in  vain  replied,  that 
the  congress,  however  illegal  as  to  other  purpo- 
ses, was  sufficiently  legal  for  presenting  a  petition  ; 
that,  as  it  was  signed  by  the  individual  members 
of  Congress,  it  might  be  received  as  a  petition 
from  uidividuals  ;  that  the  signers  were  i>ersons 
of  great  influence  in  America  ;  and  that  it  was 
tlie  right  of  all  subjects  to  have  their  petitions 
heard. 

In  the  course  of  the  debate  on  lord  Chatham's 
motion,  for  addressing  his  majesty  to  withdraw 
his  troops  from  Boston,  it  had  been  observed,  by 
some  lords  in  administration,  that  it  was  common 
and  easy  to  censure  their  measures;  but  those 
wlio  did  so  proposed  nothing  better.  Lord  Chat- 
ham answered,  that  he  should  not  be  one  of  those 
idle  ccnsurers;  that  he  had  thought  long  and 
closely  upon  the  subject:  and  purposed  soon  to 
lav  before  their  lordships  tiie  result  of  his  medita- 
tions, in  a  i)lan  for  healing  the  differences  between 
Great  liritain  and  the  colonies,  and  for  restoring 
peace  lo  the  emf)ire.  When  he  had  matured  his 
plan,  he  introduced  it  into  tlie  liouse,  in  the  form 
of  a  bill,  for  settling  the  troubles  in  America.  In 
this  he  proposed,  that  the  colonists  should  make  a 
full  acknowledgment  of  the  supremacy  of  the  le- 
gislatme,  and  the  superintending  power  of  the 
Biitish  parliament.  The  bill  did  not  absolutely 
ddoide  on  the  right  of  taxation;  but  partly,  as  a 
ti;atter  of  grace,  and  partly  as  a  compromise,  de- 
clared and  enacted,  "  that  no  tax,  or  other  charge, 
should  belevied  in  America, except  by  common  con- 
sent in  tlieir  provincial  assemblies."  It  asserted  the 
right  of  the  king,  to  send  a  legal  army  lo  any  part 
of  his  dominions  at  all  times;  but  declared,  "  tliat 
no  military  force  could  ever  be  lawfully  employed, 
to  violate  or  destroy  the  just  rights  of  the  people." 
It  also  legalized  the  holding  a  congress,  in  the  en- 
suing May,  for  the  double  pur)iose,  "  of  recogni- 
zing tlio  supreme  legislative  authority, 'and  super- 
intending power  of  jiarliament  over  the  colonies  ; 
and  for  making  a  free  grant  to  the  king,  his  heirs, 
and  successors,  of  a  certain  and  perpetual  reve- 
nue subject  to  the  dis))osilion  of  parliament,  and 
ajiplicable  to  the  a-lleviation  of  the  national  debt." 
On  these  conditions  the  bill  proposed,  "  to  restrain 
the  powers  of  the  admiralty  courts  to  their  ancient 
limits;  and  suspended,  for  a  limited  time,  those  acts 
which  had  been  complained  ol'  by  Congress. "It  pro- 
posed to  place  the  judges,  in  America,  on  the  same 
footing, as  to  the  holding  of  their  salaries  and  offices, 
with  those  in  England  ;  and  secured  to  the  colo- 
nies all  the  piivileges,  franchises,  and  immunities, 
granted  by  their  several  charters  and  constitutions. 
His  lordship  introduced  this  plan  wiih  a  speech,  in 
which  he  explained,  and  supiiofted  every  part  of 
it.  When  he  sat  down,  lord  Dartmouth  rose,  and 
said  "  it  contains  matter  of  such  uiagnitude  as  to 
retpiire  consideiation  ;  and  therefore  hoped,  ihat 
the  noble  earl  did  not  expect  their  lordships  to  de- 
cide upon  it,  by  an  immediate  vote;  but  would  be 
willing  it  should  lie  on  the  table  for  considera- 
ti<'o. '    Lord  Chatham  answeied,  "  that  he  ex- 


pected no  more  :"  but  lord  Sandwich  rose,  and,  in 
a  petulant  speech,  opposed  its  being  received  al  all, 
and  gave  his  opinion,  "that  it  ought  immediately 
to  be  rejected,  with  the  contein[)t  it  deserved  ; 
that  he  could  not  believe  it  to  be  the  production 
of  any  British  peer;  that  it  ap[)eared  to  him  ra 
ther  the  work  of  some  American  ;"  and,  turning 
his  face  towards  Dr.  Eranklin,  who  was  leaning  on 
the  bar,  said,  "he  fancied  he  had  in  his  eye  the 
|)erson  wlio  d.;s»v  up  ;  one  i{  the  bitterest  and 
most  mischievous  enemies  this  country  had  ever 
known."  This  turned  the  eyes  of  many  lords  on 
the  insulted  American,  who  with  that  self-com- 
mand, which  is  peculiar  to  great  minds,  kept  his 
countenance  unmoved.  Several  other  lords  of 
the  administration  gave  their  sentiments,  also, 
for  rejecting  lord  Chatliain's  conciliatory  bill  ; 
urs^ing  tliat  it  not  only  gave  a  sanction  to  the  trai- 
torous proceedings  of  the  congress  already  held, 
but  legalized  their  future  meeting.  They  enlarged 
on  the  rebellious  temper,  and  hostile  disposition 
of  the  Americans;  and  said,  "that,  though  the 
duty  on  tea  was  the  ])relence,  the  restrictions  on 
their  commerce,  and  the  hopes  of  ihiowing  them 
olf,  were  the  real  motives  of  their  disobedience ; 
and  that  to  concede  now,  >voiild  be  to  give  up  the 
point  for  ever." 

The  dukes  of  Richmond  and  Manchester,  lord 
Camden,  lord  Lyitleton,  and  others  were  for  re- 
ceiving lord  Chatham's  conciliatory  bill ;  some 
from  approbation  of  its  principles;  but  others  only 
from  a  regard  to  the  character  and  dignity  of  the 
house. 

Lord  Dartmouth,  who,  from  indecision,  rarely 
had  any  will  or  judgment  of  his  own,  and  who,  with 
dispositions  for  the  best  measures,  could  be  easily 
prevailed  upon  to  join  in  support  of  the  worst,  find- 
ing the  ojjposition  from  his  coadjutors  in  adminis- 
tration unexpectedly  strong,  turned  round,  and 
gave  his  voice  with  them  for  immediately  reject- 
ing the  plan.  Lord  Chatham,  in  reply  to  lord  Sand- 
wich, declared,  "  the  bill  |iroposed  by  him  to  be 
entirely  his  own;  but  he  made  no  scruple  to  de- 
clare,that, if  he  were  the  first  minister  of  tlie  coun- 
try, and  had  the  care  of  settling  this  momentous 
business,  he  should  not  be  ashamed  of  publicly 
calling  to  his  assistance  a  person,  so  perfectly  ac- 
(juainted  with  the  whole  of  the  American  affairs 
as  the  gentleman  alluded  to,  and  so  injuriously  re- 
flected upon  (Dr.  Franklin  ;)  one  whom  all  Europ< 
held  in  high  estimation  for  his  knowledge  and  wis- 
dom, and  ranked  with  the  Boyles  and  Newtons, 
who  was  an  honour  not  only  to  the  English  nation 
but  to  human  nature." 

The  plan  proposed  by  lord  Chatham  was  reject- 
ed, by  a  majority  of  sixty-four  to  thirty-two;  and 
^villiout  being  admitted  to  lie  on  the  table.  That 
a  bill  on  so  im|iortant  a  subject,  offered  by  one  of 
the  first  men  of  tlie  age,  and  who,  as  prime  minis- 
ter of  the  nation,  had,  but  a  few  years  befoie,  ta- 
ken up  Great  Britain,  when  in  alow  despondency, 
and  conducted  her  to  victory  and  glory,  through  a 
war  with  two  of  the  most  powerful  kingdoms  of 
Europe,  should  be  rejected  without  any  considera- 
tion, or  even  a  second  reading,  was  not  only  a 
breach  of  decency,  but  a  departure  from  that  pro- 
priety of  conduct  which  should  mark  the  proceed- 
ings of  a  branch  of  the  national  legislature.  It 
could  not  but  strike  every  thinking  American,  lhat 
such  legislators,  influenced  by  passion,  prejudice, 
and  party  spirit,  many  of  whom  were  totally  igno- 
rant of  the  subject,  and  who  would  not  give  them- 
selves an  oppoitunity,  by  a  second  reading,  or  far- 
ther consideration,  to  inform  themselves  better 
were  very  unfit  to  exercise  unlimited  supremacy 
over  three  millions  of  virtuous,  sensible  people,  in- 
habiting the  other  side  of  the  globe. 

On  the  day  after  the  rejection  of  lord  Chatham's 
bill,  a  petition  was  presented  to  the  house  of  com- 
mons, from  the  planters  of  the  sugar  colonies,  re- 
siding in  (ireat  Britain,  and  the  merchants  of  Ijon- 
don,  trading  to  the  colonies.  In  this  they  stated 
that  the  British  property  in  the  West  India  islands 
amounted  to  upwards  of  thirty  millions;  that  a 
farther  properly  of  many  millions  was  emiiloyed  in 
the  commerce,  created  by  the  said  islands ;  and 


that  the  profits  and  produc(!  of  these  itmnense  ca* 
pitals,  which  llllimalely  centered  iiitirc.it  i;rit;iiii, 
would  be  deranged  and  endangered  l)y  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  American  troubles.  The  petition- 
eis  were  admiited  lo  a  hearing  ;  when  Mr.  (ilover, 
as  their  agent,  ably  demonsiraled  the  folly  and 
danger  of |)&»severing  in  the  contest;  but  withoul 
any  effect.  The  immediate  (roercion  of  the  colo- 
nies was  resolved  upon  ;  and  tlie  ministry  would 
not  sillier  themselves  to  be  diverted  from  its  exe- 
cution. They  were  confident  of  success,  if  they 
could  once  bring  the;  controversy  to  (he  decision 
of  arms,  'i'hey  exj'ected  more  from  conquest, 
llrm  they  could  |)romise  themselves  by  negociation 
or  compromise.  The  free  cons'  lulioris  of  the  co- 
lonies, and  their  rapid  progress  i  popiil  iiion,  were 
beheld  wilh  a  jealous  eye,  as  .e  natural  means  of 
inde|)endence.  They  conceived  the  most  ell'ectiia! 
method,  of  retaining  them  long,  would  be  to  reduce 
them  soon.  They  hojied  to  be  able  to  extinguish 
remonstrance  and  debate,  by  such  a  speedy  and 
decisive  conquest,  as  would  give  them  an  oppor- 
tunity to  new-model  the  colonial  constitutions,  on 
such  principles  as  would  prevent  future  alterca- 
ticms,  on  the  suliject  of  their  chartered  rights. 
Every  representation,  that  tended  to  retard  or  ob- 
struct the  coercion  of  the  colonies,  was  iherel'ore 
considered  as  tending  only  to  prolong  the  contro- 
versy. Confident  of  victory,  and  believing  that 
nothing  short  of  it  would  restore  the  peace  of  the 
empire,  the  ministry  turned  a  deaf  ear  lo  all  peti- 
tions and  representations.  They  even  presumed, 
that  the  petitioners,  when  they  found  (ireat  Britain 
determined  on  war,  would  assist  in  carrying  it  on 
wilh  vigour,  in  order  to  expedite  the  selllement  ot 
the  dispute.  They  took  it  for  giaiiled,  ihat  when, 
the  petitioning  towns  were  convinced,  that  a  re- 
newal of  the  commercial  intercourse,  between  the 
two  countries,  would  be  sooner  obtained  by  going 
on,  than  turning  back,  the  same  interest,  which  led 
them  at  first  to  petition,  would  lead  them  after- 
wards to  support  coercive  measures,  as  the  most 
effectual  and  shortest  way  of  securing  commerce 
from  all  future  interruptions. 

The  determination  of  ministers,  to  persevere, 
was  also  forwardeii  by  hopes  of  the  defection  of 
New  York  from  her  sister  colonies.  'J'liey  flat- 
tered themselves,  that,  when  one  link  of  the  con 
tinental  chain  gave  way  it  would  be  easy  to  make 
an  impression  on  the  ilisjointcd  extremities. 

Eveiy  attempt  to  close  the  breach,  which  had 
been  opened  i)y  the  former  parliament,  having  fail- 
ed, and  the  ministry  having  made  up  their  minds, 
on  the  mode  of  jiroceeding  with  tlie  c(donisls, 
their  j)roposed  plan  was  briefly  unlolded.  This 
was  to  send  a  greater  force  to  America,  and  lo 
bring  in  a  temporary  act,  to  prohibit  all  the  foreign 
trade  of  the  New  England  colonies,  till  they  shoiih' 
make  proper  submissions  and  acknowledgments 
An  address  to  his  majesty  was,  at  the  same  'ime, 
moved,  "  to  beseech  him  to  take  ihe  most  etfecnwl 
measures,  to  enforce  due  obedience  lo  the  laws 
and  authority  of  the  supreme  legislature." 

Truly  critical  was  the  moment  to  the  union  ol 
theem|)ire.  A  new  jiailiament  might,  without  ine 
charge  of  inconsistency,  have  repealed  acis,  pass- 
ed by  a  former  one,  which  had  been  found  incon- 
venient on  experiment  ;  but  pride  and  passion,  un- 
der the  s|)ecious  names  of  national  dignity  and 
zeal  for  the  supremacy  of  parliament,  iniluced  ihe 
adoption  ol' measures,  for  immediately  co'n])elling 
the  submission  of  the  colonies. 

The  repeal  of  a  few  acts  of  parliament  would, 
at  this  time,  have  satisfied  Ameiica.  Though  she 
had  been  extending  her  claims,  yet  sne  was  stii! 
willing  lint  (ireal  Britain  should  monopidize  hei 
trade,  and  lhat  the  parliament  should  regulate  it 
for  the  coiu'non  orntnt  of  the  empire.  Nor  was 
she  disposed  to  abridiie  his  majesty  of  any  of  his 
usual  ))rerogatives.  'i'his  aulhorily  was  sulTic>ent 
for  the  mother  country,  to  retain  the  colonisis,  in 
a  profitable  slate  of  subordination,  and  yet  not  so 
iiiuch  as  to  be  inconsistent  with  tiieir  claims,  or 
itlie  security  of  their  most  important  inleresls. 
Britain  viewed  the  matter  in  a  dillereni  light.  To 
I  recede,  at  this  lime  would  he  to  acknowledge, 


878 


TllK   HISTORY  OF 


that  the  iniiiisli}  Iiud  hitherto  been  iu  the  wrong  ; 
ri  coDcession  rarely  made  by  private  persons,  and 
•nore  rarely  by  men  in  |;!iblic  stations.  The  lead- 
ing members  in  parliament,  not  distinguishinj;  the 
opposition  of  lieemen  to  unconstitutional  innova- 
tion, froni  (lie  turbulence  ol  licentious  mobs  break- 
ing over  the  bounds  of  law  and  constitution,  sup- 
posed tliai  to  redress  grievances  was  to  renour>ce 
goven-igiity.  This  inference,  in  some  degree,  re- 
sulted tVoni  the  broad  basis,  which  they  had  as- 
si^'iied  to  the  claims  of  the  mother  country.  If, 
as  was  contended,  on  tlie  part  of  Great  Britain, 
t!iey  liad  a  right  to  bind  the  colonies,  in  all  cases 
whatsoever,  and  the  power  of  parliament  over 
f.liem  were  absolu  'and  unlimited,  they  were  pre- 
cluded from  rescin  'ig  any  act  of  theirs,  hov/ever 
oppressive,  when  de.iianded  as  a  matter  of  right. 
They  were  too  highly  impressed  with  ideas  of 
their  unlimited  auiltority,  to  repeal  any  of  their 
laws,  on  tlie  principle,  tliat  they  had  not  a  consti- 
tutional power  to  enact  them,  and  too  unwise  to 
adopt  the  same  measure  on  tlie  ground  of  |)olitical 
expediency.  Unfortunately  for  both  countries, 
two  opinions  were  generally  held,  neither  of  which 
was.  perhaps,  true  in  its  utmost  extent,  and  one 
of  which  was  most  asstiredly  false.  The  ministry 
and  parliament  of  England  proceeded  on  the  idea, 
that  the  claims  of  the  colonists  amounted  to  abso- 
lute independence,  and  that  a  fixed  resolution  to 
renounce  the  sovereignty  of  Great  Britain  was 
concealed  umler  the  specious  pretext  of  a  redress 
of  grievances.  The  Americans,  on  the  other  hand, 
were  equally  confident,  that  the  mother  country 
not  only  harboured  designs  unfriendly  to  their  in- 
terests, but  seriously  intended  to  introduce  arbi- 
trary government.  .lealousies  of  each  other  were 
reciprocally  indulged,  to  the  destruction  of  all  con- 
fidence, and  to  the  final  dismeniberinent  of  the 
eDi()ire. 

In  discussing  the  measures  proposed  by  the 
minister,  for  the  coercion  of  tlie  colonies,  tlie 
whole  ground  of  the  American  controversy  was 
traversed.  The  comjiarative  merits  of  concession 
and  coercion  weie  placed  in  every  point  of  view. 
Some  of  the  minority,  in  both  houses  of  parliament, 
pointed  out  the  dangers  that  would  attend  a  war 
with  .\merica ;  the  likelihood  of  the  interference 
of  other  powers  ;  and  tlie  probability  of  losing,  and 
the  impossibility  of  gaining  any  thing  more  than 
was  already  possessed.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
friends  of  the  ministry  asserted,  that  the  Ameri- 
c  ins  had  been  long  aiming  at  independence  ;  that 
they  were  niagnil'ying  pretended  grievances,  to 
cover  a  premeditated  revolt;  that  it  was  the  busi- 
ness ami  duly  of  Englishmen,  at  every  hazard,  to 
prevent  its  completion,  and  bring  tliein  back  to  a 
remembrance  that  their  present  greatness  was 
owing  to  the  mother  country  ;  and  that  even  their 
existence  had  been  purchased  at  an  immense  ex- 
pense of  British  blood  and  treasure.  They  ac- 
knowledged the  danger  to  be  great ;  but  said  "  it 
must  be  encountered  ;  that  every  day's  delay  in- 
creased the  evil  ;  and  that  it  would  be  base  and 
cowatdly  to  shift  olV,  for  the  present,  an  unavoida- 
ble contest,  which  must  fall  with  accumulated 
weight  on  the  heads  of  their  posterity."  The 
danger  of  foreign  interference  was  denied.  It 
was  contended,  that  an  appearance  of  vigorous 
measures,  with  a  farther  reinforcement  of  troops 
at  Boston,  would  be  sufficient  to  quell  thedisturb- 
ances.  It  was  also  urged,  that  the  friends  of  go- 
vernment were  both  strong  and  numerous,  and  only 
wailed  for  proper  support,  and  favourable  circum- 
stances, to  declare  themselves. 

After  long  and  warm  debates,  and  one  or  two 
protests,  the  minislerial  plans  were  carried  by 
great  majorities.  In  consequence  thereof,  on  the 
Ittli  of  Eebruary,  177.^,  a  joint  address,  from  both 
loids  and  cdinmons  was  pesented  to  liis  majesty, 
.11  which,  "lliey  relumed  lhanks  for  the  commu- 
ni'  iilion  of  the  papers,  relative  to  the  stale  of  the 
Brilish  cidonies  in  America;  gave  it  as  their  opi- 
nion that  a  rebellion  aclii;illy  existed  in  the  pro- 
vince of  iMassachiisells  ;  besoiii;)it  his  majesty, 
that  lie  would  lake  llie  most  en'ectual  measures, 
0  enforce  due  obedience  '  j  the  law*  and  authority 


of  the  supreme  legislature;  and  begged,  in  the 
most  solemn  manner,  to  assure  his  majesty,  that 
it  was  their  fixed  resolution,  at  the  hazaid  of  their 
lives  and  properties,  to  stand  by  his  majesty  against 
all  rebellious  attempts,  in  the  maintenance  of  the 
just  rights  of  his  majesty,  and  of  the  two  houses 
of  parliament." 

The  lords,  Richmond,  Craven,  Archer,  Aber- 
gavenny, Rockingham,  Wycombe,  Courtenay, 
Torrington,  Ponsonby,  Cholmondely,  Abingdon, 
Rutland,  Camden,  Effingham,  Stanhope,  Scarbo- 
rough, Fitzwilliam,  and  Tankerville,  protested 
against  this  address,  "as  founded  on  no  proper 
parliamentary  information,  being  introduced  by 
refusing  to  sutler  the  .presentation  of  petitions 
against  it  ;  as  following  the  rejection  of  every 
mode  of  conciliation;  as  holding  out  no  substan- 
ii?l  offer  of  redress  of  grievances  ;  and  as  promis- 
ing support  to  those  ministers,  who  had  inflamed 
America,  and  grossly  misconducted  the  affairs  of 
Great  .'{ritain." 

By  tlie  address  against  which  this  protest  was 
entered,  the  parliament  of  Great  Britain  passed 
the  Rubicon.  In  former  periods,  it  might  be  al- 
leged, that  the  claims  of  the  colonies  were  unde- 
fined, and  that  their  unanimous  resolution  to  defend 
them  was  unknown  ;  but  after  a  free  representa- 
tion from  twelve  provinces  had  stated  their  rights, 
and  pledged  themselves  to  each  other  to  support 
them,  and  their  determinations  were  known,  a  re- 
solution that  a  rebellion  actually  existed,  and  that 
at  the  hazard  of  their  lives  and  properties,  they 
would  stand  by  his  majesty,  against  all  rebellious 
attempts,  wss  a  virtual  declaration  of  war.  Both 
parties  were  now  bound,  in  consequence  of  their 
own  acts,  to  submit  the  controversy  to  a  decision 
of  arms.  issue  was  joined,  by  the  approbation 
Congress  had  given  to  the  Suffolk  resolves,  and  by 
this  subsequent  joint  address  of  both  houses  of  par- 
liament to  his  majesty.  It  is  probable  that  neither 
party,  in  the  beginning,  intended  to  go  thus  far  ; 
but  by  the  inscnitable  operations  of  Providence, 
each  was  permitted  to  adopt  such  measures  as  not 
only  rent  the  empire,  but  involved  them  both,  with 
their  own  consent,  in  all  the  calamities  of  a  long 
and  bloody  war.  The  answer  from  the  throne,  to 
the  joint  addresses  of  [larliament,  contained  assur- 
ances of  taking  the  most  speedy  and  effectual  mea- 
sures, for  enforcing  due  obedience  to  the  laws, 
and  authority  of  the  supreme  legislatiire.  This 
answer  was  accompanied  with  a  message  to  the 
commons,  in  which  they  were  informed,  that  some 
augmeiitalion  to  the  forces  by  sea  and  land  would 
be  necessary.  An  augmentation  of  four  thousand 
three  hundred  and  eighly-three  men  to  the  land 
forces,  and  of  two  thousand  seamen  to  be  em|)loy- 
ed  for  the  ensuing  year,  was  accordingly  asked 
for,  and  carried  without  difficiilty.  With  the  first, 
it  was  stated,  that  the  force  at  Boston  would  be 
ten  thousand  men,  a  number  supposed  to  be  suf- 
ficient for  enforcing  the  laws.  Other  schemes,  in 
addition  to  a  military  force,  were  thougiit  advisa- 
ble for  promoting  the  projected  coercion  of  the  co- 
lonies. With  this  view  a  (lunishment  was  proposed, 
so  universal  in  its  operation,  that  it  was  expected 
the  inhabitants  of  the  New  England  colonies,  to 
obtain  a  riddance  of  its  heavy  pressure,  would  in- 
terest themselves  in  procuring  a  general  submis- 
sion to  parliament.  Lord  Noitii  moved  for  leave 
to  bring  in  a  bill  "  to  restrain  the  trade  and  com- 
merce of  the  provinces  of  Massachusetts  Bay  and 
New  !Iam|)shire,  the  colonies  of  Connecticut,  and 
Riiode  Island  and  Providence  PIr.ntatiims  in  North 
America,  to  Great  iUitain,  Ireland,  and  the  l?ri- 
tish  islands  in  the  West  Indies,  and  to  piohibil 
such  provinces  and  colonies  from  carrying  on  any 
fishery  on  the  banks  of  Newfoundlaiul,  or  other 
places  therein  to  be  mentioned,  under  certain  con- 
ditions, and  for  a  limiled  time."  The  motion  for 
this  bill  was  supported,  by  declaring,  that,  as  the 
Americans  had  refused  to  trade  with  the  mother 
coiinliy,  they  ought  not  to  be  permitteii  to  trade 
with  any  other.  It  was  known  that  the  New 
England  colonies  carried  on  a  circuitous  trade 
and  fishery,  on  the  banks  of  Newfoundland  to  a 
great  extent.    To  cut  them  off  from  this  resource, 


they  were  legislatively  forbidden  to  fisl  ,  or  to  car- 
ry on  foreign  trade.  Jt  was  presumed,  that  tha 
wants  of  a  large  body  of  people,  deprived  of  em- 
ployment, would  create  a  clamour  in  favour  of  re- 
concilialioii. 

The  British  ministry  expected  to  excite  tlio 
same  temper  in  the  unemployed  New  England 
men,  that  Congress  meant  to  raise  by  the  nun-ini- 
portation  agreement,  among  the  British  merchants 
and  manufacturers.  The  motion  for  this  bill, 
brought  into  view  the  whole  of  the  Amerii  an  con- 
troversy. The  opposersof  it  said,  that  its  cruelty 
exceeded  the  examples  of  hostile  rigour  with 
avowed  enemies ;  for  that,  in  the  most  dangerous 

wars,  the  fishing  craft  wis  universally  spared.  

They  desired  the  proposer  of  the  bill  to  recollect, 
that  lie  had  often  sjiokeii  of  the  multitude  ol 
friends  he  had  in  those  provinces,  and  that  now  he 
confounded  the  innocent  with  the  guilty  ;  friends 
with  enemies;  and  involved  his  own  partizaiis  in 
one  common  ruin  with  his  opposers.  They  al- 
leged farther,  that  the  bill  would  ojierate  against 
the  people  of  Great  Britain:  as  the  people  of  New 
England  were  in  debt  to  them,  and  had  no  other 
means  of  jiaying  that  debt,  but  through  the  fishe- 
ry, and  the  circuitous  trade  depending  on  it.  It 
was  obser\ed,  that  the  fishermen,  being  cut  ofl 
froin  cmjiloyment,  must  turn  soldiers  ;  and  ihai, 
therefore,  while  they  were  provoking  the  Ameri- 
cans to  resistance,  by  one  set  of  acts,  they  were 
furnishing  them  with  the  means  of  recruiting  an 
army  by  another. 

The  favourers  of  the  bill  denied  the  charge  o( 
severity,  alleging  that  the  colonists  could  notcoin- 
|)lain  of  any  distress  tlie  bill  might  bring  on  tliein, 
as  they  not  only  deserved  it,  but  had  set  the  ex- 
ample ;  and  that  they  had  entered  into  unlawful 
combinations  to  ruin  the  merchants  and  manufac- 
turers of  Great  Britain.  It  was  said,  (hat,  if  any 
foreign  power  had  ofiered  a  similar  insult  or  iiijU- 
ry,  the  whole  nation  would  have  demanded  satis- 
faction. They  contended  that  it  was  a  bill  of  hu- 
manity and  mercy  ;  for,  said  they,  the  colonists 
have  incurred  all  the  penalties  of  rebellion,  aii-J 
ar?  liable  to  the  severest  military  execution.  In- 
stead of  inflicting  the  extent  of  what  they  deser- 
ved, the  bill  only  jiroposes  to  bring  them  to  th.eir 
senses,  by  restricting  their  trade.  They  urged 
farther,  that  the  iiieisnre  was  necessary  ;  lor,  said 
they,  "the  Americans  have  frecpiently  imposed  on 
us,  by  threatening  to  withdraw  their  trade,  hoping 
through  mercantile  influence  to  bend  the  legisla- 
tuie  to  their  demands;  that  this  was  the  tliinl  time, 
they  had  thrown  the  commerce  of  (!reat  Britain 
into  a  state  of  confusion  ;  and  that  both  colonies 
and  commerce  wete  belter  lost,  than  ineseived  on 
such  terms.''  They  added  farther,  that  tliev  iiiiist 
either  relinquish  their  connexion  with  America, 
or  fix  it  on  such  a  basis,  as  would  prevent  a  return 
of  these  evils.  They  admitted  the  bill  to  be  coer 
cive  ;  but  said,  "  that  the  coercion,  which  piii  ilip 
speediest  end  to  the  dispute,  was  eventually  the 
most  merciful." 

In  the  progress  of  the  bill,  a  petition  from  the 
merchants  and  traders  of  London,  who  were  inte- 
rested in  the  American  commerce,  was  preseiiied 
against  it.  They  were  heard  by  their  agent,  .Mr. 
Da\id  Barclay;  and  a  variety  of  witnesses  were 
examined  before  the  house.  In  the  course  of  their 
evidence  it  appeared,  that,  in  the  vear  17GI.  the 
four  provinces  of  New  England  emploved.  in  their 
several  fisheries,  no  less  than  forty-five  llioiisand 
eight  hundred  and  eighty  ton  of  shipping,  and  six 
thousand  and  two  men  ;  and  that  the  produce  ul 
their  fisheries  that  '.car,  in  foreign  maikeli 
amounled  to  322. '220/,  16s.  sterling.  It  also  a|>- 
peared,  that  the  fisheries  had  very  much  increas- 
ed since  that  time;  that  all  the  materials  used  in 
them,  except  salt,  and  the  timber  of  which  the 
vessels  were  built,  were  purchased  from  Great 
Britain;  and  that  the  net  pioceeds  of  ihe  Hliide 
were  remitted  lliither.  All  this  information  w:is 
disregarded.  After  much  ojiposition  in  both  houses, 
and  a  protest  in  ihe  house  of  lords,  the  bill  »v:is, 
by  a  great  majority,  finally  ralifieil.  So  iiiteni 
were  the  ministry  and  parliament  oq  the  coer 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


cioncftlic  colonists,  that  every  other  interest  was 
sacrificcil  to  its  a(;com|)iishineul.  They  conceived 
tiie  ((iiesiioti  lietwi'cMi  ilie  tw  o  couiUnes  to  be,  sim- 
ply, wiieiher  thev  slioiild  abaniioti  tlieir  ciauns, 
iiiid  at  once  give  up  all  the  advantages  arising 
Iroiii  soveiciiinty  and  comuieiee,  or  resort  to  vio- 
lent measures  lor  their  security. 

Since  the  year  1769,  when  a  secretary  of  state, 
officially  <isclaiined  all  views  of  an  American  re- 
venue, little  mention  had  been  made  of  that  sub- 
ject ;  but  the  decided  majority,  who  voted  with 
the  ministry  on  this  occasion,  emboldened  lord 
North  once  more  to  present  it  to  the  view  ol'  his 
countrymen.  He,  therelore,  brought  into  (jarlia- 
inent,  a  scheme,  which  had  the  double  recoiiimeii- 
datio!)  of  holding  forth  the  semblance  of  concilia- 
tion, and  the  prospect  of  an  easement  of  British 
taxes,  by  a  productive  revenue  from  the  colonies. 
This  resolution  passed  on  the  2Uth  of  February, 
and  was  as  follows : 

"  Resolved,  that,  when  the  governor,  council, 
and  assembly,  or  general  court,  of  any  of  his  ma- 
jesty's provinces  or  colonies  in  America,  shall 
propose  to  make  provision  according  to  the  con- 
dition, circumstances,  and  situation  of  such  pio- 
vince  or  colony,  for  contributing  their  |)roportion 
for  the  conunon  defence,  such  proportion  to  be 
raised  under  the  authority  of  the  general  court  or 
general  assembly  of  such  province  or  colony,  and 
disposable  by  parhi<ment;  and  shall  engage  to 
make  provision,  kIso,  .'or  the  support  of  the  civil 
government,  and  the  administration  of  justice  in 
such  province  or  colony,  it  will  be  proper,  if  such 
proposal  shall  be  a|)proved  by  his  majesty,  and  the 
two  houses  of  parliament,  and  for  so  long  as  such 
orovision  shall  be  made  accordingly,  to  forbear, 
n  respect  of  such  province  or  colony,  to  levy  any 
duty,  tax,  or  assessment,  except  only  such  duties 
as  it  may  \n}  expedient  to  continue  to  levy  or  to 
mpose  for  the  regulation  of  commerce;  the  net 
produce  of  the  duties  last  mentioned,  to  be  carried 
to  the  account  of  such  province  or  colony  respec- 
tively." 

This  was  introduced  by  the  minister,  in  a  long 
speech,  in  which  he  asserted,  that  it  would  be  an 
infallible  touchstone  to  try  the  Americans.  "  If," 
said  he,  "  their  o|)position  be  only  founded  on  the 
priiiciples  which  they  pretend,  they  must  agree 
with  this  proposition  ;  but  if  they  have  designs  in 
coiiteinplation,  dilfereiit  from  those  they  avow, 
their  refusal  will  convict  theiu  of  duplicity,"  The 
op[)osition  to  the  minister's  motion  originated 
among  those  who  had  supported  him  in  previous 
questions.  They  objected  to  the  proposal,  that, 
in  effect,  it  was  an  acknowledgment  of  something 
grievous  in  the  idea  of  taxing  America  by  parlia- 
ment; and  that  it  was,  therefore,  a  departure  from 
their  own  principles.  They  contended,  that  it  was 
improper  to  make  concessions  to  rebels,  with  arms 
in  their  hands  ;  or  to  enter  into  any  measures  for 
a  settlement  witli  the  Americans,  in  which  they 
did  not,  as  a  iireliminary,  acknowledge  the  supre- 
macy of  parliament.  The  minister  was  likely  to 
be  deserted  by  some  of  his  partizans,  till  others 
explained  the  consistency  of  the  scheme  with  their 
former  declarations.  It  was  .said,  "what  shall 
parliament  lose  by  acceding  to  this  resolution  ? — 
Not  the  right  of  taxing  America  :  for  this  is  most 
expressly  reserved.  Not  the  profitable  exeicise 
of  this  right  ;  for  it  proposes  to  enforce  the  only 
essential  part  of  taxation,  by  compelling  the  Amer- 
icans to  raise  not  only  what  they,  but  what  we, 
think  reasonable.  We  are  not  going  to  war  for 
trifles,  and  a  vain  point  of  honoir. ;  but  for  substan- 
tial revenue."  The  minister  farther  declared, 
that  he  did  not  expect  his  proposition  to  be  gener- 
ally relished  by  the  Americans.  But,  said  he,  if 
it  do  no  ^ood  in  the  colonies,  it  will  do  good  liere. 
It  will  unite  the  people  of  England,  by  holding  out 
to  them  a  distinct  object  of  revenue.  He  added 
farther,  as  it  tends  to  unite  England,  it  is  likely  to 
disunite  America;  for  if  only  one  province  accept 
the  olt'er  iicir  confederacy,  which  only  makes 
Ihein  formidable,  will  be  broken. 

The  opposers  of  ministry  attacked  the  proposi- 
tion, with  the  combined  force  of  wit  luid  argument. 


They  animadverted  on  the  inconsistency  of  hold- 
ing f()rth  the  same  resolution  as  a  measure  of  con- 
cession, and  as  an  assertion  of  authority.  They 
remarked,  that,  hitherto,  it  had  been  constantly 
denied,  that  they  had  any  contest  about  an  Amer- 
ican revenue;  and  that  the  whole  had  been  a  dis- 
pute about  obedience  to  trade-laws,  and  the  gene- 
ral legislative  authority  of  parliament ;  but  now 
ministers  suddenly  changed  their  language,  and 
projjosed  to  interest  the  nation,  and  console  the 
manufacturers,  and  animate  the  soldiery,  by  per- 
sua(lii:g  them,  that  it  is  not  a  contest  (or  empty 
honour,  but  for  the  acquisition  of  a  subtantial  re- 
venue. It  was  said,  that  the  Americans  woulii  be 
as  effectually  taxed,  without  their  consent  by  be- 
ing compelled  to  pay  a  gross  sum,  as  by  an  aggre- 
gate of  small  duties  to  the  same  amount;  and  that 
this  scheme  of  taxation  exceeded,  in  oi)|)ression, 
any  that  the  rapacity  of  mankind  had  hitherto  de- 
vised. In  other  cases,  a  specific  sum  was  demand- 
ed ;  and  the  i)eo[)le  might  reasonai)ly  presume  that 
the  remainder  was  their  own  :  but  here  they  were 
wludly  in  the  dark,  as  to  the  extent  of  the  de- 
mand. 

This  proposition,  however,  for  conciliation, 
though  disrelished  by  many  of  the  friends  of  min- 
istry, was  carried,  on  a  division  of  two  hundred 
and  seventy-four  to  eighty-eight.  On  its  trans- 
mission to  the  colonies,  it  did  not  produce  the  ef- 
fects of  disunion  expected  from  it.  It  was  imani- 
mously  rejected. 

Other  plans  for  conciliation  with  the  colonies, 
founded  on  principles  very  diflerent  from  those 
which  were  the  basis  of  lord  North's  conciliatory 
motion,  were  brought  forward,  in  the  house  of 
commons  ;  but  without  receiving  its  approbation. 
The  most  remarkable  of  these  was  proposed  by 
Mr.  Edmund  Burke,  in  a  speech,  wliich,  for 
strength  of  argument,  extent  of  information,  and 
sublimity  of  language,  would  bear  a  com|)arison 
with  the  most  finished  perfoimance  that  ancient  or 
modern  times  have  produced.  In  his  introduction 
to  tliis  admirable  speech,  he  examined  and  ex- 
plained the  natural  and  accidental  circumstances 
of  the  colonies,  with  respect  to  situation,  resour- 
ces, number,  population,  commerce,  fisheries,  and 
agriculture ;  and  from  these  considerations  showed 
tlieir  importance. Ilethen  inquired  into  their  uncon- 
querable spirit  of  freedom  ;  which  he  traced  to  its 
original  sources.  From  these  circumstances,  he 
inferred  the  line  of  policy  \.hich  should  be  pur- 
sued with  regard  to  America.  He  showed  that  all 
proper  plans  of  government  must  be  a(la|)ted  to  the 
feelings,  established  habits,  and  received  opinions 
of  the  people.  On  these  princi|)les,  Mr.  Burke 
reprobated  all  plans  of  governing  the  colonies  by 
force  ;  and  proposed,  as  the  ground-work  of  his 
plan,  that  the  colonists  should  be  admitted  to  an 
interest  in  the  constitution.  He  then  went  into 
an  historical  detail  of  the  manner,  in  which  the 
British  ])rivileges  had  been  extended  to  Ireland, 
Wales,  and  the  counties  palatine  of  Chester  and 
Durham  ;  the  state  of  confusion  before  that  event ; 
and  the  ha|)py  consequences  which  followed  it. — 
He  contended,  that  a  communication,  to  the  mem- 
bers, of  an  interest  in  the  constitution,  was  the 
great  ruling  principle  of  British  government.  He, 
therefore,  proposed  to  go  back  to  the  old  policy 
for  governing  the  colonies.  He  was  for  a  parlia- 
mentary acknowledgment  of  the  legal  competency 
of  tlie  colonial  assemblies,  for  the  support  of  their 
government  in  peace,  and  for  public  aids  in  time 
of  war.  He  maintained  the  futility  of  parliamen- 
tary taxation,  as  a  method  of  sup|)!y.  He  stated, 
that  much  had  been  given  in  the  old  way  of  cc  lo- 
nial  grant ;  that,  from  the  year  1718  to  176.3,  the 
journals  of  the  house  of  commons  repeatedly  ac- 
knowledged, that  the  colonies  not  only  gave,  but 
gave  to  satiety  ;  and  that,  from  time  to  time,  in 
wliich  parliamentary  imposition  had  superceded  the 
free  gifts  of  the  provinces,  there  was  mu  ~.h  discon- 
tent, and  little  levenue.  He,  tlierefw  moved 
six  resolutions,  affirmatory  of  these  facts;  and 
grounded  on  them  resolutions,  for  repealing  the 
acts  complained  of  by  the  Americans,  trusting  to 
the  liberality  of  their  future  voluntary  contribu- 


tions. This  pkn  of  conciliation,  wh'"h  promised 
imineiliatc  peaci;  tot  lie  whr  j'e  empire,  and  a  last  in" 
obedience  of  the  colonies,  though  recommended 
by  the  charms  of  the  most  persuasive  eloquence, 
and  su[)ported  by  the  most  convincing  argumeats, 
was  by  a  great  majority  rejected. 

Mr.  D.  Hartley,  not  discouraged  by  the  nega- 
tive, which  had  been  given  to  .Mr.  Burke's  scheme, 
came  forward  with  another  for  the  sami!  [)urpose. 
This  ))roposed,  that  a  letter  of  requisition  should 
be  sent  to  the  colonies,  by  the  secretary  of  state, 
on  a  motion  from  the  house,  for  a  contril)ulion  to 
the  expenses  of  the  whole  empire.  He  meant  to 
leave,  to  the  provincial  assemblies,  the  right  to 
judge  of  the  expedience,  amount  and  application  ol 
the  grant.  In  confidence  that  the  colonies  would 
give  freely,  when  called  on,  in  this  constiiutiona 
way,  he  moved,  to  suspend  the  acts  complained  of 
by  the  Americans.    'J'his  was  also  rejected. 

Another  plan  was,  digesteil  in  private,  bv  Dr 
Franklin,  on  the  part  of  the  Americans,  aixl  Dr. 
Fothergili  and  David  Barcley,  on  behalf  of  the 
British  ministry.  There  appeared  a  disposition 
to  concede  something  considerable  on  both  sides  ; 
but  the  whole  came  to  nothing  in  consequence  of 
an  indexible  determination  to  refuse  a  repeal  of 
the  act  of  parliament  for  altering  the  chartered 
government  of  Massachusetts.  Dr.  Fianklin 
agieed,  that  the  tea  destroyed  should  be  paid  for  ; 
the  British  ministers,  that  the  Boston  |)ort  act 
should  be  repealed  ;  but  the  latter  contended,  that 
the  late  Massachusetts  acts,  being  real  amend- 
ments of  their  constitution,  must,  for  that  reason, 
be  continued,  as  well  as  to  be  a  standing  exampio 
of  the  power  of  j)arliament."  On  the  other  hand, 
it  was  declared  by  Dr.  Franklin,  that,  while  the 
parliament  claimed  and  exercised  a  power  of  inter- 
nal legislation  for  the  colonies,  and  of  altering 
American  constitutions  at  pleasure,  there  couid 
be  no  agreement ;  as  that  would  render  the  Ame- 
ricans unsafe  in  every  privilege  they  enjoytnl.  and 
would  leave  them  nothing  in  which  they  could  be 
secure." 

This  obstinate  adherence  to  stipporl  parliament, 
in  a  power  of  altering  the  laws  and  charters  of  the 
jirovinces,  particularly  to  enforce  their  late  laws  for 
new-modelling  the  chartered  constitution  of  Massa- 
chusetts, was  the  fatal  rock,  by  dashing  on  whicl 
ihe  emiiire  broke  in  twain  ;  for  every  other  point, 
i:.  dispute  between  the  two  countries,  seemed  in  a 
fair  way  for  an  amicable  compromise. 

The  fishery  bill  was  S|)eedily  followed  by  ano- 
ther, for  restraining  the  trade  and  commerce  of  the 
colonies  and  provinces  of  New  Jersey,  Penns  vh'a- 
nia,  Maryland,  Virginia,  and  South  Carolina,  'j'he 
reasons  assigned  for  this  were  the  same  with  those 
ofliered  for  the  other.  These  provinces  had  adop 
ted  the  continental  association.  'J'he  I'ritish  min- 
ister thought  it  proper,  that,  as  they  had  volunla- 
lily  interdicted  themselves  from  trade  with  (irca; 
Britain,  Ireland  and  the  West  Indies,  thev  should 
be  restrained  from  it  with  all  other  parts  of  the  world. 
He  contended,  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  colonies 
might  reiKlertliis  act  a  dead  letter,  bv  r(dii)(|uish- 
ing  their  own  resolutions,  as  then  they  would  meet 
with  no  restraint  in  carrying  on  trade  in  its  ancient 
legal  channel.  It  is  remarkable,  that  three  of  the 
associated  colonies,  viz.  New  ^'ork,  Delaware,  an;l 
North  ('arolina,  were  omitted  in  this  restiaining 
bill.  Whatever  might  be  the  view  of  the  British 
ministry  fi)r  this  discrimination,  it  was  considered 
in  the  colonies  as  calculated  to  |H-omole  disunion 
among  them.  It  is  certain,  that  the  colonists,  ex- 
empted from  its  operation,  might  have  reaped  a 
golden  harvest  from  the  exemption  in  their  favour, 
had  they  been  disposed  to  avail  themselves  of  it; 
but  such  was  the  temper  of  tlie  times,  that  a  renun- 
ciation of  immediate  advantage  in  favour  of  the 
public  was  fashionable.  The  selfish  passions, 
which,  in  seasons  of  peace,  are  too  often  the  cause 
of  quarrels,  were  hushed  by  the  piessure  of  com- 
mon danger. 

The  exempted  colonies  spurned  the  proffered 
favour,  and  submitted  to  the  restraints  imposed  on 
their  less  favoured  neighbours,  so  as  to  be  equal 
sharers  of  their  fate.    The  ioduJijence  granted  to 


■\ 

a 

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I 

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i 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


881 


■tddrcss.  Tliey  avoiileii  every  kind  ;  f  outrage 
ami  violence,  preserved  peace  anil  good  order- 
,iini)ii'4  liiemseives,  siiccessluily  en<;a!;eii  the  otliet 
(•oloines  to  inaUe  a  coiiiiuon  cause  with  tlieiti,  and 
coiitiK'i'"-''*^^'  (ieneral  dago  so  ellectually  as  to 
prevent  his  doiiia  atiy  thnig  lor  his  royal  master, 
while  l)V  patience  and  moderation  tliey  screened 
themselves  I'rom  censure.  Tliotiij;h  resolved  to 
bear  as  long  as  prudence  and  policy  dictated,  they 
were  all  the  time  preparing  for  the  last  extremity. 
Thev  were  I'tirnisliing  themselves  with  arms  and 
aiinnunition,  and  training  their  militia. 

I'rovisioiis  were  also  (•ollecled  and  stored  in 
dili'erent  places,  pariicnlaily  at  Concord,  about 
twenty  miles  iVom  Boston,  (ieneral  (Jage,  though 
zealous  for  his  royal  master's  interest,  discovered 
11  ))revailiiig  desire  of  a  peaceable  accoinniodation. 
lie  wisiieil  to  prevent  hostilities  by  depriving  the 
inhabitants  of  the  meatis  necessary  tor  carrying 
tliein  on.  With  tliis  view  he  determined  to  des- 
troy the  stores  which  he  knew  were  collected  lor 
the  support  of  a  ])rovincial  army.  Wishing  to  ac- 
complish this  without  bloodshed,  he  took  every 
precaution  to  effect  it  by  surprise,  and  without 
alarming  the  country.  At  eleven  o'clock  at  night, 
April  18th,  1775,  800  grenadiers  and  light  infan- 
try, tlie  Hower  of  the  royal  ai  niy,  embarked  at  the 
Common,  landed  at  Phipp's  I'arm,  and  inarched  for 
Concord,  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant  Co- 
lonel Smith.  Neither  the  secrecy  with  wliich  this 
expedition  was  planned,  the  jnivacy  with  which  the 
troops  marched  out,  tu)r  an  order  that  no  one  in- 
habitant should  leave  Boston,  were  sufficient  to 
prevent  intelligence  from  being  sent  to  the  coun- 
try militia,  of  what  was  going  forward.  About 
two  in  the  morniiig  130  of  the  Lexington  militia 
had  assembleil  to  oppose  them,  but  intelligence 
respecting  the  regulars  being  uncertain,  they  were 
dismissed,  with  orders  to  appear  again  at  beat  of 
(Iruin.  They  collected  a  second  time,  to  the  num- 
ber of  70,  between  four  and  live  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  of  the  lUth,  and  the  British  regulars 
soon  after  inaile  theh- appearance.  Major  Pitcairn, 
who  led  the  advanced  corps,  rode  up  theiri  and 
called  out :  "  Disperse,  you  rebels;  throw  down 
voiu'  arms  and  dis|)eise."  They  still  continued 
in  a  bo'.ly  ;  on  which  he  advanced  nearer,  dis- 
charged his  pistol,  and  ordered  his  soldiers  to  fire. 
This  was  done  with  a  huzza.  A  dispersion  of  the 
militia  was  the  consequence  ;  but  the  firing  of  the 
regulars  was  nevertheless  continued.  Individuals 
finding  they  were  fired  upon,  though  dispersing, 
returned  the  fire.  Thiee  or  four  of  the  militia 
were  killed  on  the  green.  A  few  more  were  shot 
after  tliey  had  begun  to  disperse.  The  royal  de- 
tachment pioceeded  to  Concord,  and  executed 
tlieircomniission.  They  disabled  two  21  pounilers, 
threw  5001b  of  ball  into  wells,  and  staved  about 
sixty  barrels  of  flour.  Mr.  John  Butterick,  of 
Concord,  major  of  a  minute  regiment,  not  know- 
ing what  had  passed  at  Lexington,  ordered  his  men 
not  to  give  the  first  fire,  that  they  might  not  be 
the  aggressors.  Upon  his  approaching  near  the 
regulars,  ihey  fired,  and  killed  Captain  Isaac  Da- 
vis, and  one  i)rivate  of  the  provincial  minute  men. 
The  fire  was  returned,  and  a  skirmish  ensued. 
The  king's  troops  liaving  done  their  business,  be- 
gan their  retreat  towards  Boston.  This  was  con- 
jliicted  with  expedition,  for  the  adjacent  inhabi- 
lants  had  assembled  in  -arms,  and  began  to  attack 
'.hem  in  every  direction.  In  their  return  to  Lex- 
ington they  were  exceedingly  annoyed,  both  by 
tliuse  who  pressed  on  their  rear,  and  others  wlio 
])i)urino  in  from  all  sides,  filed  from  behind  stone 
Walls  and  such  like  coverts,  which  supplied  the 
place  of  lines  and  redoubts.  At  Lexington  the  regu- 
lars were  joined  by  a  detachment  of  i)00  men,  under 
lord  Piercy,  which  had  been  sent  out  by  General 
Cage  to  support  Lieutenant  Colonel  Smith.  This 
reinlorceinent  having  two  pieces  of  cannon,  awed 
the  provincials,  and  kept  them  at  a  greater  distance  : 
but  they  continued  a  constant,  tliough  irregular 
an(i  scattering  fire,  which  did  great  execution. 
The  close  firing  from  behind  the  walls  by  good 
marksmen,  put  the  regular  troops  into  no  small 
eon.usiou  :  but  they  nevertheless  kepi  up  a  brisk 


retreating  fire  on  the  militia  and  minute  iiu^i.  A 
little  alter  sunset  the  regulars  reache<l  Bunker's- 
liill,  worn  down  with  excessive  fatigue,  having 
marched  that  day  between  thirty  and  forty  miles. 
On  the  next  day  they  crossed  the  Charlestown  ferry, 
and  returned  to  Boston. 

There  never  were  more  than  400  provincials  en- 
gaged at  one  time,  and  often  not  so  many.  As 
some  tired  and  gave  out,  others  came  up  and  took 
their  places.  There  was  scarcely  any  discipline 
observed  among  them.  Ofhcers  and  privates  fired 
wlien  they  were  ready,  or  saw  a  royal  unifi)rm, 
i  without  waiting  for  the  word  of  command.  Their 
knowledge  of  the  country  enabled  them  to  gain 
j  opportunities  by  crossing  fields  and  fences,  and  to 
act  as  flanking  parties  against  the  king's  troops, 
who  kept  to  the  main  road. 

The  regulars  had  sixty-five  killed,  one  hundred 
and  eighty  wounded,  and  twenty-eight  made  pris- 
oners. Of  the  provincials  fifty  were  killed,  and 
thirty-eiglit  wounded  and  missing. 

As  arms  were  to  decide  the  controversy,  it  was 
fortunate  for  the  Americans  that  tlie  first  blood 
was  drawn  in  New  England.  The  inhabitants  of 
that  country  are  so  connected  with  each  other  by 
descent,  manners,  religion,  politics,  and  a  general 
equality,  that  the  killing  of  a  single  individual  in- 
terested the  whole,  and  made  them  consider  it  as 
a  common  cause.  The  blood  of  those  who  were 
killed  at  Lexington  ami  Concord  proved  tlie  firm 
cement  of  an  extensive  union. 

To  prevent  the  jieople  within  Boston  from  co- 
operating with  their  countrymen  without,  in  case 
of  an  assault,  which  was  now  daily  expected,  Ge- 
neral Cage  agreed  with  a  committee  of  the  town, 
that  ui)oii  the  inhabitants  lodging  their  arms  in 
Fancuil-hall,  or  any  other  convenient  ])lace,  under 
the  care  of  the  selectmen,  all  such  inhabitants  as 
were  inclined,  might  depart  from  the  town,  with 
tlieir  families  and  efl'ects.  In  five  days  after  the 
ratification  of  this  agreement,  the  inhabitants 
lodged  177S  musquets,  631  pistols,  273  bayonets 
and  38  blunderbusses.  The  agreement  was  well 
observed  in  the  beginning;  but  after  a  short  time 
obstructions  were  thrown  in  the  way  of  its  final 
completion,  on  the  plea  that  ])ersons  who  went 
from  Boston  to  bring  in  the  goods  of  those  who 
chose  to  continue  within  the  town,  were  not  ])ro- 
perly  treated.  Congress  remonstrated  on  the  in- 
fraction of  the  agreement,  hut  without  etlect.  The 
geiicral  on  a  farther  consideration  of  these  conse- 
quences of  moving  the  whigs  out  of  Boston,  evaded 
it  in  a  manner  not  consistent  with  good  faith.  He 
was  in  some  measure  compelled  to  adojit  this  dis- 
honourable measure,  from  the  clamour  of  the  tories, 
who  alleged  that  none  but  enemies  to  the  British 
government  were  disposed  to  remove,  and  that 
when  they  were  all  safe  with  their  families  and  ef- 
fects the  town  would  be  set  set  on  fire.  To  prevent 
the  provincials  from  oijtaining  supplies  which  they 
much  wanted,  a  quibble  was  made  on  the  meaning 
of  tlie  word  eU'ccts  which  was  construed  by  the 
genera!  as  not  including  merchandise.  By  this 
construction,  unwarranted  by  every  rule  of  genuine 
interpretation,  many  who  quitted  the  town  were  de- 
prived of  their  usual  resources  fi)r  sujjport.  Pass- 
ports were  not  universally  refused,  but  were  given 
out  very  slowly  :  and  the  business  was  so  con- 
ducted that  families  were  divided;  wives  were 
separated  from  their  husbands  ;  children  from  their 
patent;  and  the  aged  and  infirm  from  their  rela- 
tions and  friends.  The  general  dicovered  a  dis- 
inclination to  part  with  the  women  and  children, 
thinking  that,  on  their  account,  the  ])roviiicials 
would  be  rcsttained  from  making  an  assault  on  the 
town.  The  selectmen  gave  repeated  assurances 
that  the  inhabitants  had  delivered  up  their  arms  ; 
but,  as  a  cover  fi)r  violating  the  agreement.  Gene- 
ral Gage  issued  a  proclamation,  in  which  he  as- 
serted that  he  had  a  full  proof  to  the  contrary.  A 
few  might  have  secreted  some  favourite  arms; 
but  nearly  all  the  training  arms  were  delivered  u[). 
On  this  flimsy  pretence  the  general  sacrificed  his 
honour  to  policy  and  the  clamours  of  the  tories. 
Contrary  to  good  faith,  he  detained  many,  though 
fairly  entitled  by  agreement  to  go  out :  and  when 


he  admitted  the  departure  of  others,  he  would  not 
allow  tlicm  to  rem(»ve  their  families  and  effects. 

The  provincial  congress  of  Massaciiuseits,  which 
was  in  session  at  the  time  of  the  Lexington  biiule, 
despatched  an  account  of  it  to  Gieat  Ijriinin,  ac- 
companied witli  many  depositions,  to  prove  thai 
the  British  tioopswere  the  a£;gressors.  They  also 
made  an  address  to  the  inlialjiiaiits  of  (ireat  Bri- 
tain, in  which,  after  complaining  of  their  suU'er- 
ings,  they  say  :  These  have  not  yet  detached  us 
from  our  royal  sovereign.  We  |)rofess  to  be  his  loviil 
and  dutiful  subjects,  and  though  hardly  dealt  with, 
as  we  have  been,  are  still  ready  with  our  lives  and 
fortunes,  to  defend  his  person,  crown  and  dignity. 
Nevertheless,  to  the  persecution  and  tyranny  i)( 
his  evil  ministry,  we  will  not  tamely  submil.  .Ap- 
pealing to  heaven  fi)r  the  justice  of  our  cause,  we 
<letermine  to  die  or  be  free."  From  tlie  com- 
mencement of  hostilities,  the  dispute  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  colonies  took  a  new  direction. 

Intelligence  that  the  British  troops  had  marched 
out  of  Boston  into  tlie  country  on  some  hostile 
purpose,  being  fi)rwarded  by  expresses  from  one 
committee  to  another,  great  bodies  of  the  militia, 
not  only  from  Massachusetts,  but  the  adjacent  co- 
lonies, gras])ed  their  arms  and  marched  to  oppose 
them.  The  colonies  were  in  such  a  stale  of' irri- 
tability, that  the  least  shock  in  any  |)art  was,  by  a 
powerful  and  symi)allietic  affection,  instantaneous- 
ly felt  throughout  the  whole.  The  .Americans who 
fell  were  revered  by  their  countrymen,  as  martyrs 
who  had  died  in  the  cause  of  liberty.  Resentment 
against  the  British  burned  more  strongly  than  ever. 
.Martial  rage  took  possession  of  the  breasts  of  thou- 
sands. Combinations  were  fi)rmed,  and  associa- 
tions subscribed,  binding  the  inhabitants  to  one 
another  by  the  sacred  ties  of  honour,  religion,  and 
love  of  country,  to  do  whatever  their  public  bodies 
directed  for  the  preservation  of  their  liberties. 
Hitherto  the  Americans  had  no  regular  army. 
From  principles  of  policy  they  cautiously  avoidwl 
that  measure,  lest  they  mi^ht  subject  themselves  to 
the  charge  of  being  aggressors.  All  their  inilitary 
regulations  were  carried  on  by  their  militia,  anil 
under  the  old  established  laws  of  the  land.  Foi 
the  defence  of  the  colonies,  the  inhabitants  had 
been,  from  their  early  years,  enrolled  in  companies, 
and  taught  the  use  of  arms.  The  laws  for  thi.t 
purpose  had  never  been  better  observed  than  foi 
s  'lie  months  previous  to  the  Lexington  battle. 
These  military  arrangements,  which  had  been 
previously  adopte<l  for  defending  the  colonies  from 
hostile  French  and  Indians,  were  on  this  occasion 
turned  against  the  troojis  of  the  [larent  stale 
Forts,  magazines,  and  arsenals,  by  the  constitu- 
tion of  the  country,  were  iu  the  keeping  of  his 
majesty.  Immediately  after  the  Lexington  battle, 
these  were  for  the  most  part  taken  possession  of 
throughout  the  colonies,  by  parties  of  the  pro- 
vincial militia.  Ticonderoga,  in  w  hich  was  a  smal' 
royal  garrison,  was  surprised  and  taken  by  adven 
turers  from  difl'erent  stales.  Public  money  which 
had  been  collected  in  consequence  of  previous 
grants,  was  also  seized  fi)r  common  services.  Be- 
fore the  commmencement  of  hostilities,  these  mea- 
sures would  have  been  condemned  by  the  moderate 
even  among  the  Americans:  but  that  event  justi- 
fied a  bolder  line  of  opposition  than  had  been  adopt- 
ed. Sundry  citizens  having  been  put  to  death  by 
British  troops,  self  preseivaiion  dictated  niea-<ures 
which, if  adojited  under  other  circnmslances,  would 
have  disunited  the  colonists.  Oneofthemost  im- 
portant of  this  kind  was  the  raising  an  army.  Men 
of  warm  temiiers  whose  courage  exceeded  theii 
prMdeuce,  had  for  months  urged  the  necessiiv  of 
raising  troops  ;  but  they  were  restrained  by  the 
more  moderate,  who  wished  that  the  colonies 
might  avoid  extremities,  or  at  least  that  [hey 
might  not  lead  in  bringiiig  them  on.  T  he  provin- 
cial congress  of  Massachusetts  being  in  session  at 
the  time  the  battle  of  Lexington  was  Auight,  voted 
that  "  an  army  of  30.000  men  be  immediately 
raised:  that  13.G00  be  of  their  own  proviru-e  ; 
and  that  a  letter  and  delegate  be  sent  to  the  seve- 
ral colonies  of  New  Hampshire,  Connecticut  and 
Rhode  Island."    In  consequence  of  this  vole,  '.Lc 


55 


i 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


and  knowledae  to  direct  ils  operations.  The  dis- 
pii.sition  ol  the  fm^iiices  of  tlie  coiiiilry,  and  llic 
most  eiicctual  mode  of  druwinp:  forth  its  resour- 
ces, were  snbjects  willi  which  scarce  :iny  of  the 
inliabitaiits  wcie  acquainted.  Anns  and  ammuni- 
tion were  ahnost  wliolly  deficient;  and  thou;;htlie 
country  alxmnded  witii  tile  materials  of  whicli  tliey 
are  iiiaruil'actnred,  yet  tlicre  was  neitlier  time  nor 
artists  enougli  to  sn|)()iy  an  army  with  the  means 
of  defeiK'e.  Tlie  country  was  destitn'e  botli  of 
fortifications  and  engineers.  Amidst  so  many  dis- 
couragements, tliere  were  some  fhittering  circum- 
stances. Tlie  war  could  tiot  be  carried  on  by 
(heat  Brtain,  but  at  a  great  disadvantage,  and 
at  iimnense  expense.  It  was  easy  for  ministers, 
at  St.  James's,  to  plan  campaigns  :  but  hard  was  the 
fate  of  tlie  officer,  from  whom  the  execution,  of 
lliein,  in  the  woods  of  America,  was  expected. 
'J'lie  country  was  so  extensive,  and  abounded  so 
much  with  defiles,  that,  by  evacuating  and  retreat- 
the  Americans,  though  they  could  not  con(|uer, 
yet  might  save  themselves  from  beitig  conquered. 
The  autliorsof  the  acts  of  Parliament,  for  restrain- 
ing the  trade  of  the  colonies,  were  most  excellent 
recruiting  officers  for  Congress.  They  imposed  a 
necessity  on  tliousands  to  become  soldiers.  All 
other  business  being  suspended,  the  whole  resour- 
ces of  the  country  were  applied  in  supporting  an 
ariny.  Though  the  colonists  were  without  disci- 
pline, they  possessed  native  valour.  Though 
Ihey  had  neither  gold  nor  silver,  they  possessed  a 
mine,  in  the  enthusiasm  of  their  |)eople.  Papei, 
for  upwards  of  two  years,  produced  to  them  more 
solid  advantages,  than  Spain  derived  from  her  su- 
perabounding  precious  metals.  Though  they  had 
no  ships  to  protect  their  trade  or  their  towns,  they 
had  simplicity  enough  to  live  without  the  former, 
and  entiiusiasm  enough  to  risk  the  latter;  rather 
than  submit  to  the  power  of  J?ritain.  They  believ- 
ed their  cause  to  be  just,  and  that  heaven  approv- 
ed their  exertions  in  defence  of  their  rights.  Zeal 
■  originating  from  such  motives,  supplied  the  place 
of  discipline  ;  aini  inspired  a  confi(ience  and  mili- 
tary anlour,  which  overleaped  all  ditiiculties. 

liesistance  being  resolved  upon  by  the  Ameri- 
cans, tiie  pulpit,  the  press,  the  bench  and  the  bar, 
severally  laboured  to  unite  and  encourage  them. 
The  clergy  of  New  England  were  a  numerous, 
learned  and  respectable  body,  wlio  had  a  great 
ascendancy  over  the  minds  of  their  hearers. — 
They  connected  religion  and  patriotism  ;  and  in 
their  sermons  and  prayers,  represented  the  cause 
of  Ainetica,  as  the  cause  of  heaven.  The  synod 
of  New  York  and  Philadelphia  also  sent  forth  a 
pastoral  letter,  which  was  publicly  read  in  their 
churches.  This  earnestly  recommended  such 
sentiments  and  conduct,  as  were  suitable  to  their 
situation.  Writers  and  printers  followed  in  the 
rear  of  the  (ireachers;  and,  next  to  them,  had  the 
greatest  hand  in  animaling  tlieir  countrymen. — 
(ientieinen,  of  the  bench  and  of  the  bar,  denied  the 
charge  of  rebellion,  and  justified  the  resistance  of 
the  colonists.  A  distinction  founded  on  law,  be- 
tween the  king  and  his  ministry,  was  introduced. 
The  loriiier,  it  was  contended,  could  do  no  wrons. 
The  crime  of  treason  was  charged  on  the  latter, 
for  using  the  royal  name,  to  varnish  tlieir  own 
unconstitutional  measures.  The  phrase  of  a  min- 
isterial war  became  common  ;  and  was  used,  as 
a  medium  for  reconciling  resistance  with  alle- 
giance. 

Coeval  with  the  resolutions  for  organizing  an 
army,  was  one  appointing  the  20th  (lay  of.Tuly, 
1775,  a  il;>y  of  public  humiliation,  fasting  and 
Jir.iyer  (o  Almighty  (Jod;  "to  oless  their  tiglitful 
sovereign  king  Ceorge  ;  and  to  inspire  him  with 
wisdom  to  discern  and  pursue  the  true  interest  of 
liis  subjects;  that  the  British  nation  might  be  in- 
fluenced, to  regard  the  things  that  belonged  to  her 
peace,  before  they  wer  e  hid  from  her  eyes  ;  that 
the  colonies  might  be  ever  imder  the  care  and 
proteciion  of  a  kind  providence,  and  be  prospered 
in  all  their  interests:  that  America  might  soon 
behold  a  gracious  interposition  of  heaven,  for  the 
redress  of  her  many  grievances,  the  restoi-aiion  of 
tier  invaded  right,  a  i  ecouciliation  with  the  pa- 


rent state,  on  terms  constitutional  and  honourable 
to  both."*  The  forces  which  had  been  collected 
in  Massachusetts,  were  stationed  in  convenient 
})laces,  for  guaiding  the  country,  from  farther 
excursions  of  the  regulars  from  IJoston.  Breast- 
works were  also  erected  in  different  places,  for 
the  same  purpose.  While  both  parties  were  at- 
tempting to  cany  ofl"  stock  from  the  several  isl- 
ands, with,  whicli  the  bay  of  Boston  is  agreeably 
diversified,  sundry  skirmishes  took  place.  'J'liese 
were  of  real  service  to  the  Americans.  They 
habituated  tliem  to  danger ;  and,  perhaps,  mucli 
of  the  courage  of  old  soldiers,  is  derived  from 
an  exjierimental  conviction,  tliat  the  chance  of 
escaping  unhurt  from' engagements,  is  much  grea- 
ter than  young  recruits  suppose. 

About  the  latter  end  of  May,  a  great  part  of  tlie 
reinforcements  ordered  from  Great  Britain,  arriv- 
ed at  Boston.  Three  British  generals,  Howe, 
Burgoyne  and  Clinton,  whose  behaviour  in  the 
preceding  war  had  gained  them  great  reputation, 
anived  about  the  same  time.  Genera!  Gage,  thus 
reinforced,  pre|)ared  tor  acting  with  more  deci- 
sion :  but  before  he  proceeded  to  extremities,  he 
conceived  it  due  to  ancient  forms,  to  issue  a  pro- 
clamation, holding  forth  to  the  inhabitants  the  al- 
ternative of  peace  or  war.  He  therefore  oflercd 
pardon,  in  the  king's  name,  to  all  who  should  forth- 
with lay  down  their  arms,  and  return  to  their  res- 
pective occupations  and  peaceable  duties  :  except- 
ing only  from  the  benefit  of  that  pardon,  "•Samuel 
Adams,  and  .John  Hancock,  whose  offences  were 
said  to  be  of  too  flagitious  a  nature,  to  admit  of 
any  othe*- consideration,  than  that  of  condign  pun- 
ishment." He  also  proclaimed,  that  not  only  the 
])ersons  above-named  and  excepted,  but  also,  all 
their  adherents,  associates,  and  correspondents, 
should  be  deemed  guilty  of  treason  and  rebellion  ; 
and  treated  accordingly.  By  this  proclamation, 
it  was  also  declared,  "that  as  the  courts  of  judi- 
cature were  shut,  martial  law  should  take  place, 
till  a  due  course  of  justice  should  be  re-establish- 
ed." It  was  supposed  that  this  proclamation  was 
a  prelude  to  hostilities ;  and  preparations  were 
accordingly  made  by  the  Americans.  A  consid- 
erable height,  by  the  name  of  Bunker's  hill,  just 
at  the  entrance  of  the  peninsjla  of  Charlestown, 
was  so  situated  as  to  make  the  jiossession  of  it  a 
matter  of  great  consequence,  to  cither  of  the  con- 
tending parties.  Orders  were  tlierelore  issued, 
by  the  provincial  commanders,  that,  a  detachment 
of  a  thousand  men  should  intienuh  upon  this 
height.  By  some  mistake.  Breed's  hill,  high  and 
large  like  the  other,  but  situated  neai'-r  Boston, 
was  marked  out  for  the  intrenchments,  instead  of 
Bunker's  hill.  The  provincials  proceeded  to 
Breed's  hill;  and  worked  with  so  much  diligence, 
that  between  midnight  and  the  dawn  of  the  morn- 
ing, they  had  thrown  up  a  small  redoubt  about 
eight  rods  square.  They  kept  such  a  profound 
silence,  that  they  were  not  heard  by  the  British, 
on  board  their  vessels,  though  very  near.  These 
having  derived  their  first  ird'ormation  of  what  was 
going  on,  from  the  sight  of  the  works,  nearly  com- 
pleted, began  an  incessant  firing  upon  them.  The 
provincials  bore  this  with  firmness;  and,  though 
they  were  only  young  soliliers,  coritinued  to  la- 
bour till  they  had  throwa  uj  a  small  breast-work 
extending  from  the  east  side  of  the  redoubt  to  the 
bottom  of  the  hill.  As  this  eminence  overlooked 
Boston,  (Jeneral  Gage  thought  it  necessary  to 
drive  the  provincials  fr-oin  it.    About  noon,  there- 

Since  the  fust  of  the  Niiievites,  recorded  in  sacred 
writ,  perhaps  there  hi\s  not  been  one,  which  was  more 
irenerally  kept,  with  siiitiible  dispositions,  than  that  of 
July  "JO,  1775.  It  was  no  formal  service.  'I'lie  wliole 
body  of  the  people  felt  the  importance,  tlie  wci^lit  anil  the 
(1  m^'er  of  the  unequal  contest,  in  which  tliey  were  about 
til  engaiie;  that  every  ihini:  dear  to  them  was  at  slake; 
and  that  a  divine  blessiiis  only  could  carry  ihem  tlirouch 
it  su<'cessfully.  'I'liis  blessiuj  tliey  imi)lored  with  their 
whole  soids,  poured  forth  in  ardent  sujiplicntions,  issu- 
ing: from  hearts  deeply  penetrated  with  u  sense  of  their 
unworthiness,  their  depeudenec  and  <Ianser,  and  nt  the 
same  time,  impressed  with  an  huuihic  coiitidencc,  in  the 
mercies  aud  ffoodness  •<{  that  rieiui,  who  had  plained 
anil  preserved  them  hith'Tto,  amid  many  dangers,  in  llie 
wilderness  of  a  new  world. 


fore,  he  detached  Major  (ieiicral  Howe  and  Brig 
General  Pigot,  with  the  flower  ol  his  army,  con- 
sisting of  lour  battalions,  ten  companies  of'  the 
grenadiers  and  ten  of  light  infantry,  wiih  a  pro- 
portion of  field  artillery,  to  eliect  this  business 
These  troops  landed  at  Moreton's  point,  and  forir- 
ed  after  laiuling  ;  l>ut  remained  in  that  posilion, 
till  they  were  iciidorced  by  a  second  delachinent 
of  light  infantry  and  grenadier  companies,  a  bat- 
talion of  land  forces,  and  a  battalion  of  marines 
making  in  the  whole  nearly  :J(JUU  men.  Whilt 
the  troops,  who  first  landeil,  were  waiting  lor  lliiu 
reinforcement,  the  [irovimials  for  their  liiiilier 
security,  pulled  up  some  adjoining  post  and  rail 
fences,  and  set  them  down  in  twoparalell  lines,  at 
a  small  distance  from  each  other;  and  filled  ilie 
space  between  with  hay,  which,  having  been  late- 
ly mowed,  remained  on  the  adjaciMit  ground. 

The  king's  troo[)s  formed  in  two  lines,  and  ad- 
vanced slowly,  to  give  their  artillery  time  to  de- 
molish the  American  works.  While  the  Bnlish 
were  advancing  to  the  attack,  they  receiveil  orders 
to  burn  Charlestown.  These  were  not  given,  be- 
cause they  were  fir  ed  upon  from  the  houses  in  that 
town,  but  from  the  military  policy  of  depriving 
enemies  of  a  cover  in  their  ap|)roaches.  In  a 
shor-t  time,  this  ancient  town,  consisting  of  about 
.'jOU  buildings,  chiefly  of  wood,  was  in  one  great 
blaze.  The  lofty  steeple  of  the  meeting  litjuse 
formed  a  pyramid  of  fire  above  the  rest,  and  struck 
the  astonished  eyes  of  numerous  beholders,  with 
a  magnificent  but  awful  spectacle.  In  Boston,  the 
heights  of  every  kind  were  covered  w  iilt  tlie  citi- 
zens, and  such  of  the  king's  troops,  as  were  not 
on  duty.  The  hills  around  tlie  adjacent  country, 
which  afforded  a  safe  and  distinct  view,  were  oc- 
cu|)ied  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  country. 

Thousands,  both  within  and  without  Jioston, 
were  anxious  spectators  of  the  bloody  scene.  The 
honour  of  British  troops,  beat  high  in  the  breasts 
of  many:  while  others,  wilii  a  keener  sensibility, 
felt  for  the  liberties  of  a  great  and  growing  coun- 
try. The  British  moved  on  slowly  ;  which  save 
the  provitK-ials  a  belter  opportunitv  tor  taking  aim. 
The  latter,  in  general  reserved  themselves,  till 
their  adversaries  were  within  ten  or  twelve  rods  ; 
but  then  began  a  furious  discharge  of  small  arms. 
The  stream  of  the  Amc  ican  fire  was  so  incessant, 
and  did  so  great  execution,  that  the  king's  troops 
■'treated  in  disorder  and  |)recipitaiion.  'J'lieir  of- 
ficers rallied  them,  and  [luslied  them  fiirward  w  ith 
their  swords:  but  they  returned  to  the  attack  with 
great  reluctance.  The  Americans  again  reserved 
their  fire,  till  their  adversaries  were  neai  ;  and 
then  |)ut  them  a  second  time  to  flight.  (Jenerul 
Howe  and  the  ofTicers  redoubled  their  exertions, 
and  were  again  successful ;  though  the  soldiers 
discovered  a  great  aversion  to  going  on.  Bv  this 
time  the  jiowder  of  the  Americans  be^an  so  tar  to 
fail,  that  they  were  not  able  to  keep  up  the  same 
brisk  fire.  The  British  then  brought  s(Mne  cannon 
to  bear",  which  raked  the  inside  of  llie  breast- 
works from  end  to  end.  The  fire  from  the  ships, 
batteries,  and  field  artillery  was  redoubled  ;  the 
soldiers  in  their  rear  were  goaded  on  by  ilifir  of- 
ficers. 1'he  redoubt  was  attacked  on  ihree  sides 
at  once.  Under  these  circumstances,  a  retreat 
from  it  was  ordered  :  but  the  provincials  delay 
ed  and  made  resistance  with  iheir  discliarired  miis 
kels,  as  if  they  had  been  clubs,  so  hmg,  that  tUo 
kimr's  troops,  who  easily  mounted  the  works,  had 
half  filled  the  redoubt,  before  it  was  given  up  to 
them. 

While  these  operations  wer'e  going  on  at  liie 
breast-work  and  redoubt,  the  I?ritis!i  \\i>hi  itit"ar;irv 
were  atteirrpting  to  force  the  left  point  of  the  ("or- 
mer,  that  lliey  miglit  take  the  American  line  in 
flank.  Though  they  exhibited  the  most  undaunted 
courage,  they  met  with  an  opposition  wiiich  called 
for  ils  greatest  exertions.  'J'he  provincials  rc- 
sened  their  fire,  till  their  advei-saries  were  near  ; 
and  then  poured  it  irpon  tlie  light  infantry,  with 
such  an  incessant  stream,  and  in  a  diiection  so 
true,  as  mowed  down  their  ranks.  The  eriHa^e- 
ment  was  kept  up  on  both  sides  witli  great  resohi- 
|tion.    The  persevering  exertions  el'  the  king> 


884 


THE   HISTORY  OF 


Hoops  could  not  com|)el  Ilie  Ai;ici  i(;ans  lo  retreiU, 
till  iliey  observed  llialtlieir  boily  h;id  lelt  tlie 

liill.  Tliis,  when  begun,  exposed  them  to  new 
diinijers  ;  lor.  il  could  not  be  elVected,  but  by 
in;irriiing  over  Charleslow n  neck;  every  p:irt  ol 
which  was  raked  by  the  shot  of  the  Glasgow  man 
of  war,  and  of  two  floating  batteries.  The  inces- 
sant (ire  kepi  up  across  this  neck,  prevented  any 
considerable  reinforcement  from  joining  tiieir 
counirymen  who  were  engaged  ;  but  the  lew  who 
fell  on'their  retreat,  over  the  same  ground,  proved 
that  the  apprehensions  of  tliose  piovincial  officers, 
who  declined  jiassing  over  to  succour  tlieir  co:ii- 
|>ain()iis,  were  without  any  solid  foundation. 

The  number  of  Americans  engaged,  amounted 
only  o  1500.  It  was  apprehended  that  the  con- 
querors would  push  the  advantage  tliey  had  gain- 
ed, and  niaicli  immediately  to  American  head 
■)uarters  at  Cambridge  ;  but  they  advanced  no  far- 
ther than  Bunker's  hill.  There  they  threw  up 
vorks  for  their  own  security.  The  provincials 
did  ihe  same,  on  Prospect  hill,  in  front  of  them, 
'ioih  were  guaiding  against  an  attack  ;  and  both 
were  in  a  bad  condition  to  receive  one.  The  loss 
.j|  the  peninsula  depressed  the  spirits  of  the  Ame- 
ficans  ;  and  the  great  loss  of  men  ))roduced  tiie 
same  ctl'ect  on  the  British.  Their  have  been  few 
laiiles  in  modern  wars,  in  which,  all  circumstances 
ronsidered,  there  was  a  greater  destruction  of  men, 
hail  in  this  short  engagement.  The  loss  of  the 
I'.ritish,  as  acknowledged  by  General  Gage, 
^m()Ullled  to  lOol.  Nineteen  commissioned  of- 
(icers  were  killed  and  70  more  were  wounded. 
The  battle  of  Quebec,  in  17.')9,  wliich  gave  (ireat 
Britain  the  province  of  Canada,  was  not  so  destruc- 
tive to  Bi  iiish  ofiicers,  as  this  alfair  of  a  slight  iii- 
Ircnclimeiil,  the  work  only  of  a  few  hours.  That 
the  olVicers  siillercd  so  much,  must  be  imputed  to 
their  lieinc  aimed  at.  None  of  the  provincials  in 
tiiis  en>;agement  were  rifle  men  :  but,  they  were 
all  good  marksmen.  The  whole  of  their  [irevious 
military  knowledge  had  been  derived  from  hunt- 
ing, and  the  ordinary  amusements  of  sportsmen. 
'I'lie  dexleriiy  which,  by  long  habit,  they  had  ac- 
quired in  hilling  beast,  birds,  and  marks,  was  la- 
tallv  applied  lo  the  destruction  of  IJritish  ollicers. 
Kniiii  iheir  fall,  much  confusion  was  expected. 
They  were  therefore  particularly  singled  out. 
Mosi  of  those,  who  were  near  the  (lerson  of  (iene- 
lal  Howe,  were  either  killed  or  wountled  :  but  the 
general,  though  he  greatly  exposed  himself,  was 
unhurt.  'J'lie  light  infantry  and  grenadiers  losi 
ihiee-fourllis  of  their  men.  Of  one  company,  not 
more  ilian  five,  and  of  anotliet,  not  more  than 
fourleen  esca|)ed.  The  unexpected  resistance  of 
the  .\inericans  was  such,  as  wiped  away  the  re- 
|)roach  of  cowardice,  which  had  been  cast  on  lliem, 
by  ihcir  enemies  in  Britain.  The  sjiirited  conduct 
of  the  British  otTicers,  merited  and  obtained  great 
applause:  but,  ihe  |)rovincials  were  justly  entitled 
o  a  large  portion  of  the  fame,  for  having  made  the 
Dtmost  exertions  of  their  adversaries  necessary,  to 
iislodge  them  from  lines,  which  were  the  work 
only  of  a  single  night. 

The  Americans  lost  five  pieces  ofcannon.  Their 
killed  amounted  to  one  hundred  and  thirty-nine  ; 
th'>ir  wounded  and  missing  to  three  hundred  and 
fourleen.  Thirty  of  the  former  fell  into  the  hands 
oflhc  conquerors.  They  particularly  regretted  the 
death  of  (ieneral  Warren.  To  the  ptirest  patriot- 
ism and  most  undaunted  bravery,  he  added  the 
virliien  of  domestic  life,  llie  eloquence  of  an  ac- 
complished orator,  and  the  wisdom  of  an  able 
Riaiesmen.  A  regard  to  the  liberty  of  his  counlry 
only,  induced  him  to  oppose  the  measures  ol  go- 
vernment, lie  aimed  not  at  a  separalicm  Iroiii. 
bill  a  coalition  with  ihe  molher  counlry.  lie  took 
an  active  part  in  <lefence  of  his  counlry  ;  not  lhal 
he  ini'jhl  be  applauded,  and  rewarded  for  a  patri- 
otic s|)iiit  ;  i)Ul,  because  he  was,  in  the  best  sense 
of  ihe  word,  a  real  patriot.  Having  no  interested 
ir  pcrsr>nal  views  to  answer,  ihe  friends  of  liberly 
confided  in  his  iniegrilv.  The  soumlness  of  his 
iuil  meiil,  and  his  aliililies  as  a  public  s|<eaker, 
enabled  hiln  lo  make  a  dislin'jiiished  fi:;ur<'  in  pub- 
lic councils  :  but,  his  inlicpidiiy  and  active  zeal, 


induced  his  countrymen  to  place  him  in  the  mili- 
tary line.  Within  four  days  after  he  was  appointed 
a  major  general,  he  tell  a  noble  sacrifice  to  a  cause,  1 
which  he  had  espoused  from  the  purest  principles.  | 
Like  Hampden  he  lived,  and  like  Hampden  he 
died  ;  universally  beloved,  and  universally  regret- 
led.  His  many  virtues  were  celebrated  in  an  ele- 
gant eulogium,  written  by  Dr.  Rush,  in  language, 
equal  to  the  illustrious  subject. 

The  burning  of  Charlestown,  though  a  place  of 
great  trade,  did  not  discourage  the  provincials.  It 
excited  resentment  and  execration ;  but  noi  any 
disposition  lo  submit.  Such  was  the  liigli-toned 
state  of  the  public  mind,  and  so  great  the  inditl'er- 
ence  of  [iroperty,  when  put  in  competition  with 
liberly,  that  military  conflagrations,  though  they 
distressed  and  impoverished,  had  no  tendency  to 
subdue  the  colonists.  They  might  answer  in  the 
old  world:  but  were  not  calculated  fot  the  new, 
where  the  war  was  undertaken,  not  fi)r  a  change 
of  masters,  but  for  securing  essential  rights.  The 
action  at  Breed's-hill  or  Bunker's  hill,  as  it  has 
been  commonly  called,  produced  many  and  very 
important  consequences.  It  taught  the  British  so 
much  respect  for  the  Americans,  intrenched  behind 
works,  that  their  subsequent  operations  were  re- 
larded  with  a  caution,  that  wasted  away  a  whole 
cain|)aign,  to  very  little  purpose.  It  added  to  the 
confidence  ll:e  Americans  began  to  have  in  their 
own  al)ilities;  but  inferences,  very  injurious  to 
the  future  interests  of  America,  weie  drawn  from 
ihe  good  ctmduct  of  the  nev/  troojis,  on  the  memo- 
rable day.  It  inspired  some  of  the  leading  inembeis 
of  Congress,  with  such  high  ideas  of  what  might 
be  done  by  miiilia,  or  men  engaged  for  a  short 
term  of  enlistment,  that  it  was  long  before  thev 
assented  to  the  establishment  of  a  permanent  armv. 
Not  disiiiiguisliiiig  the  coniinued  exertions  of  an 
army,  through  a  series  of  years,  from  the  gallant 
ell'orts  of  the  yeoinanry  of  the  counlry,  led  direclly 
to  action,  they  were  slow  in  sdmiiting  the  neces- 
sity of  permanent  troo|)s.  They  conceived  the 
(Country  might  be  defended,  by  the  occasional  ex- 
ertions of  her  sons,  without  the  exjjense  and  dan- 
ijer  of  an  army,  engaged  for  the  war.  In  llie  pro- 
gress of  hostilities,  as  will  appear  in  the  secpiel, 
the  militia  lost  much  of  their  first  ardour;  while 
leading  men  in  the  councils  of  .\merica,  trusting  to 
its  continuance,  neglected  llie  proper  time  of  re- 
cruiting, for  a  series  of  years.  p''rom  the  want  of 
perseverance  in  the  militia,  and  the  want  of  a  dis- 
ciplined standing  army,  the  cause  for  which  arms 
were  at  first  taken  up,  was  more  than  once  brought 
to  the  ijrink  of  destruction. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

The  soconil  Consrcss  ineols  ;6r!rnni7.''s  a  reerulnrConliiiPn- 
l/il  Ariiry  :  iii.ikcs  siiiulrv  public  lulrlresses :  peiiiioiis  the 
King,  &c.    Transactiuns  in  Mussucliusetls. 

It  has  already  been  mentioned,  that  Congress, 
previous  to  its  (lissolution,  on  the  2Gth  of  October, 
1771,  recommended  to  the  colonies,  to  choose 
members  for  another;  to  meet  on  tlie  lOih  of 
May,  1775  ;  unless  the  redress  of  grievan-jes 
was  previously  obtained.  A  circular  letter  had 
l)eeii  addressed  by  lord  Dartmouth,  to  the  several 
colonial  governors,  re(]uesiing  their  inlerlVrcnce,  lo 
prevent  the  meetin<;  of  this  second  congress;  but 
ministerial  re(]uisili()ns  had  lost  their  infiuence. 
Deleiiales  were  elccied.  not  only  for  the  twelve 
colonies,  tlial  were  before  represented,  but  also  fur 
the  parish  of  St.  .lohn's.  in  Georgia;  and,  in  July 
following,  for  the  whole  ))rovince.  The  time  of 
the  meeiing  of  this  second  congiess,  was  fixed  ai 
so  distant  a  day.  that  an  opporluiiily  might  be  af- 
fiirded  fiir  obtaining  informalion  of  the  ]>lansadopt- 
ed  by  the  liri'ish  parliament  in  the  winter  of  1774, 
177").  Had  these  been  favourable,  the  delegates 
would  either  not  have  met,  or  dispersed  after  a 
short  session  :  but  as  the  resolution  was  ihen  fixed, 
to  compel  ihe  submission  of  the  colonies,  and  hos- 
tilities had  alreaily  commenced  the  meeting  of 


Congress,  on  the  tentli  of  May,  which  was  dt  firit 
eventual,  became  fixed. 

On  their  meeting,  tliey  chose  Peyton  Randolph, 
for  their  j)resident.  and  Charles  Thoni|i.son,  for 
their  secretary.  On  the  next  day  Mr.  Hancock 
laid  before  them  a  variety  of  depositions,  proving, 
that  the  king's  troops  were  the  aggressors,  in  ihe 
lale  battle  at  Lexington,  together  wiih  sundry  pa- 
pers relative  to  the  great  events,  which  had  huelv 
taken  place  in  Massachusetts.  ere  upon  Con- 

gress resolved  itself  into  a  commiiiec  of  the  whob;, 
to  take  into  «:onsideration  the  state  of  An<iTica. 
They  proceeded  in  ihe  same  line  of  morleration 
and  (irmness,  which  marked  the  acts  of  ihcir  pre- 
decessors in  the  past  year. 

The  city  and  county  of  New  York,  having  ap- 
plied to  Congress,  for  advice  how  they  should  con- 
duct themselves  with  regard  to  the  troops  they 
expected  to  land  there;  they  were  advised,  "to 
act  on  the  defensive,  so  long  as  might  be  consist- 
ent with  tlieir  safety;  to  peimit  the  troops  to  re- 
main in  the  barracks,  so  long  as  they  behaved 
peaceably  :  but  not  to  sufler  fortifications  to  be 
erected,  or  any  steps  to  be  taken  for  cutting  off 
the  communication  between  the  town  and  coun- 
try." Congress  also  resolved:  "That  exporta- 
tion to  all  parts  of  British  America,  which  had 
not  adopted  their  association,  should  inimeili;:telv 
cease;"  and  that,  "no  provision  of  any  kind,  or 
other  necessaries,  be  I'urnished  to  the  British  fish- 
eries, on  the  American  coasts;"  and.  "that  no 
bill  of  exchange,  draft,  or  order,  of  anv  officer  in 
the  British  army  or  navy,  their  agents  or  contract- 
ors, be  received  or  negotiated,  or  any  money  sup- 
plied them,  by  any  person  in  .\merica;  that  no 
provisions  or  necessaries  of  any  kind,  be  furnished 
or  sujiplied,  to  ot  for  the  use  of  the  British  army 
or  navy,  in  the  colony  of  Mr.ssachiiseiis  Bay  ;  iliat 
no  vessel  employed  in  Iranspoitiiig  British  troops 
to  America,  or  from  one  part  of  North  America, 
to  another,  or  warlike  stores  or  provisions  for  said 
troops,  be  freighted  or  furnished  with  provisions  or 
any  necessaries."  These  resolutions  may  be 
considered  as  the  counterpart  of  the  Biilisli  act:j 
for  restraining  the  commerce,  and  prohibiriii!;  liie 
fisheries  of  the  colonies.  They  were  calciilaied 
to  bring  distress  on  the  lirilish  islands,  in  the  West 
Indies  ;  whose  chief  dependence  for  subsi-s'enre, 
was  on  the  importation  of  provisions  from  ilie  .Ame- 
rican continent.  They  also  occasioned  new  difli- 
culties  in  the  support  of  the  Jriiish  armv  and  fish- 
eries. Tiie  colonists  were  so  much  indebted  to 
(jreat  Britain,  that  government  bills  for  the  most 
part  foiuid  among  them  a  ready  market.  A  wai 
in  the  colonies  was  therefore  made  subservienl  to 
commerce,  by  increasing  the  sources  of  remit- 
tance. This  enabled  the  mother  country,  in  a  great 
degree,  to  supply  her  troops  without  shippinj;  mo- 
ney out  of  the  kingdom.  From  the  operation  o( 
these  res(dutions,  advantages  of  iliis  naiure  were 
not  only  cut  olf,  but  the  supply  of  ihe  British  ar- 
my was  rendered  both  precarious  and  expensive 
In  consequence  of  the  interdiction  of  the  Ameri- 
can fisheries,  great  profits  were  expected,  by  Bri- 
tish adventurers,  in  that  line.  Such  freqiieiiily 
found  it  most  convenient  to  obtain  sup|diesin  .Ame- 
rica, for  carrying  on  their  fisheries:  but,  as  (heat 
lirilain  had  deprived  the  colonists  of  all  benefits 
from  that  (piarter,  tliey  now,  in  their  turn,  inler- 
dicled  all  supplies  fnim  being  furnished  lo  Brili.sh 
fishermen.  To  obviate  this  unexpected  einbar 
rassment,  several  of  ihe  vessels  etnployed  in  this 
business,  were  obliged  to  return  liome  lo  brim;  out 
(jfovisions.  for  their  associates.  These  reslrictivr 
resolutions  were  not  so  much  the  efi'ect  of  resen* 
nienl,  as  of  policy.  'J'he  colonists  conceived  ih.l 
by  disiressing  the  British  commerce,  they  would 
increase  the  number  of  those  who  would  ii:teresl 
themselves  in  their  behalf. 

The  new  congress  had  convened  but  a  few  days, 
when  their  venerable  ))residenl,  Peyton  Randolph, 
was  untier  the  necessity  of  returning  home.  On 
his  departure,  .John  Hancock,  who  had  lately  been 
proscribed,  by  General  (lage,  was  unaniinotisly 
chosen  his  successor.  The  objects  of  dfliberr- 
,  lion,  i)rcsenled  to  this  new  congress,  were,  il  pc* 


NORl  il  AMERICA. 


835 


Bible,  more  iinporiant  than  those  which,  in  the 
precciliiig  year,  li.ul  eiigaj;eti  the  attenliou  of  their 
pr^iUcessors.  'J'he  colonists  had  now  experien- 
ced llie  ineiricacy  of  tliose  measures,  from  which 
reiiel"  iiad  been  formerly  obtained.  They  found  a 
iieiv  parliament  disjiosed  to  run  all  risks  in  com- 
pelling; their  submission.  They  also  understood, 
,nat  administration  was  united  against  them,  and 
its  members  firmly  established  in  their  places. 
Hostilities  were  commenced.  Reinlorcements 
had  arrived;  and  more  were  daily  expected.  Ad- 
ded to  this,  they  had  information,  that  their  adver- 
saries had  taken  measures  Insecure  the  friendshii) 
nnd  co-operation  of  tin;  Indians  and  Canadians. 

'J'lie  coercion  of  the  colonists  being  resolved 
np(Mi,  and  their  conquest  supposed  to  be  inevitable, 
the  British  ministry  judged,  that  it  would  be  for 
'.he  interest  of  both  countries,  to  proceed  in  that 
vigorous  course,  which  promised  the  speediest  at  ■ 
(annnent  of  their  object.  They  hoped,  by  press- 
ing the  colonists  on  all  quarters,  to  intimidate 
opposition,  and  ultimately  to  lessen  the  effusion  of 
human  blood. 

ill  this  awful  crisis.  Congress  had  only  a  clioice 
of  didicuities.  The  New  England  stales  had  al- 
ready organized  an  army,  and  blockaded  General 
Gage.  To  desert  them  would  have  been  contra- 
ry to  plighted  faith,  and  to  sound  policy  :  to  sup- 
port them,  would  make  the  war  general,  and  in- 
volve all  the  provinces  in  one  general  promiscu- 
ous slate  of  hostility.  The  resolution  of  the  peo- 
ple in  favoiu  of  the  latter  was  fixed  ;  and  only 
wanted  public  sanction  for  its  operation.  Con- 
gress tlKuefoie  resolved:  "that  for  the  express 
inirpose  of  defemling  and  securing  the  colonies 
an<l  preserving  them  in  safety,  against  all  attempts 
to  carry  the  late  acts  of  parliament  into  execution 
by  force  of  arms,  they  be  immediately  put  in  a 
slate  ()(' defence  :  but,  as  they  wished  for  a  resto- 
ration of  the  liaimony,  formerly  .subsisting  between 
the  mother  country  and  the  colonies,  to  the  pro- 
uiotion  of  this  most  desirable  reconciliation,  an 
humble  and  dutiful  petition  be-  presented  to  his 
niajesiy."  To  resist,  and  to  jietition,  were  coeval 
resolutions.  As  freemen,  they  could  not  tamely 
submit :  but  as  loyal  subjects,  wishing  for  ])eace 
as  far  as  was  compatible  with  their  rights,  they 
once  more  in  the  character  of  jietitioners,  humbly 
stated  tl"eir  grievances,  to  the  common  filher  of 
die  empire.  To  dissiiiule  the  Canadi.ins  from  co- 
operating with  the  l?ritisli,  they  again  addressed 
them  :  representing  the  pernicious  tendency  of 
the  (Quebec  act,  and  apologi/.ing  for  their  taking 
Ticoiideroga,  and  Crown  Point,  as  measuies  which 
were  dictated  by  the  great  law  of  self-[neserva- 
lion. 

About  the  same  time.  Congress  took  measures 
for  warding  of  the  danger,  thai  threatened  their 
frontier  inhabitants  from  the  Indians.  Comniis- 
sioiiers  to  treat  with  them,  were  appointed  :  and  a 
supi)ly  of  goods  for  their  use  was  ordered.  A  talk 
was  also  prepared  by  Congress,  and  transmitted  to 
them,  in  which  the  controversy  between  (Jreat 
Britain  and  her  colonies  was  explained  in  a  famil- 
iar Indian  style.  They  were  told,  that  they  had 
no  concern  in  the  family  quatrel;  and  were  urged 
oy  the  ties  of  ancient  friendship,  and  a  common 
birth  place,  to  remain  at  home;  keep  their  halcliet 
buried  deep  ;  and  tojoin  neither  party. 

The  novel  situation  of  Massachusetts,  made  it 
necessary  for  the  ruling  powers  of  tliat  province, 
to  ask  the  advice  of  Congress,  on  a  very  interest- 
ing subject:  "the  taking  up  and  exercising  the 
powers  of  civil  government."  For  many  months 
they  had  been  kept  together,  in  tolerable  peace 
and  r)rder,  by  the  force  of  ancient  habits  ;  under 
the  simple  style  of  recommendation  and  advice 
fio'u  popular  bodies,  invested  with  no  legislative 
authority.  i?ut,  as  war  now  raged  in  their  bor- 
ders, and  a  numerous  army  was  actually  raised, 
some  more  elTicient  form  of  government  became 
necf-isary.  .\t  this  early  day,  it  neither  comport- 
ed with  the  wishes,  nor  the  designs  of  the  colo- 
nists, to  erect  forms  of  governnumt  independent 
m  ("ireat  J?iitaiii.  Coiiizress,  therefore,  recotn- 
meiidcd  only  such  regulations,  as  were  inimedi- 
20 


alely  necessary  :  and  these  were  confoimed,  as  ; 
near  as  possible,  to  the  spirit  and  substance  of  the  i 
charter;  and  were  only  to  last,  till  a  governor,  of 
his  majesty's  appointment,  would  consent  to  gov- 
ern the  colony  according  to  its  cliarter. 

On  the  same  ])rinciples  of  necessity,  another 
assumption  of  new  powers  became  unavoidable. 
The  great  intercourse  that  daily  took  place  through- 
out the  colonies,  pointed  out  the  propriety  of  estab- 
lishing a  general  ])ost-office.  This  was  accord- 
ingly done  ;  and  Dr.  Franklin  who,  had  by  royal 
authority,  been  dismissed  from  a  similar  emi)loy- 
ment  about  three  years  before,  was  appointed  by 
his  country,  the  liead  of  the  new  department. 

While  Congress  was  making  arrangements  for 
their  proposed  continental  army,  it  was  thought 
expedient,  once  more  to  address  the  inhabitants  ol 
Great  Britain  and  to  publish  to  the  world  a  decla- 
ration setting  forth  their  reasons  for  taking  up  arms  : 
to  address  the  s])eakcr  and  gentlemen  of  the  as- 
sembly of  Jamaica,  and  the  inhabitants  of  Ireland  ; 
and  also  to  prefer  a  second  humble  petition  to  the 
king.  In  their  address  to  the  inhabitants  of  Great 
Britain,  they  again  vindicated  themselves,  from 
the  charge  of  aiming  at  independency;  professed 
their  willingness  to  submit  to  the  several  acts  of 
trade  and  navigation,  which  were  passed  before 
the  year  1763;  reca[)itulaled  their  reasons  for  re- 
jecting lord  Nortli's  conciliatory  motion ;  stated 
the  hardsliips  they  suffered,  from  the  operations 
of  the  royal  army  in  Boston;  and  insinuated  the 
danger  that  the  iiiliabitants  of  Britain  would  be  in, 
of  losing  their  freedom,  in  case  their  American 
brethren  were  subdued. 

In  their  declaration,  setting  forth  their  causes  and 
necessity  of  their  taking  u[)  arms,  they  enumera- 
ted the  injuries  they  had  received,  and  the  methods 
taken  by  the  British  ministiy  to  compel  their  sub- 
mission ;  and  then  said  :  "  we  are  reduced  to  the 
alternative  of  choosing  an  unconditional  submis- 
sion to  the  tyranny  of  irritated  ministers,  or  resis- 
tance by  force.  Tlie  latter  is  our  choice.  We 
have  counted  tlie  cost  of  tliis  contest,  and  find 
nothing  so  dreadl'ul  as  voluntary  slavery."  They 
asserted  "that  foreign  assistance  was  undoubtedly 
attainable.'  This  was  not  founded  on  any  |)rivate 
information,  but  was  an  opinion  derived  from  their 
knowledge  of  the  piinciples  of  policy,  by  which 
states  usually  rogolate  their  conduct  towards  each 
other. 

In  their  address  to  the  sperd;er  and  gentlemen 
of  the  assembly  of  Jamaica,  they  dilated  on  the 
arbitrary  systems  cf  the  British  ministry;  and  in- 
formed them,  that  in  order  lo  obtain  a  redress  of 
their  grievances,  they  had  appealed  to  the  justice, 
humanity,  and  interest,  of  Great  Britain.  They 
stated,  that  to  make  their  schemes  of  non-impor- 
tation and  non-exi)ortation,  produce  the  desired 
effects,  they  were  obliged  to  extend  tliem  to  the 
islands.  "  P'rom  that  necessity,  and  from  that 
alone,  said  they,  our  conduct  has  proceeded." 
They  concluded  with  saying:  "the  peculiar  situ- 
ation of  your  island  forbids  your  assistance;  but 
we  have  your  good  wishes.  From  the  good  wish- 
es of  the  f  riends  of  liberty  and  mankind,  we  shall 
always  derive  consolation." 

In  their  address  to  the  people  of  Ireland,  they 
recajiitulated  their  grievances  ;  stated  their  hum- 
ble petitions,  and  the  neglect  with  which  they  had 
been  treated.  "  In  defence  of  our  persons  and 
])roperties  under  actual  violations,"  said  they, 
"  we  have  taken  u|)  arms.  When  that  violence 
shall  be  removed,  and  hostilities  tease  on  the  part 
of  the  agressors,  they  shall  cease  on  our  part 
also." 

These  several  addresses  were  executed  in  a 
masterly  manner,  and  were  well  calculated  to 
make  friends  to  the  colonies.  But  their  petition 
to  the  king,  which  was  drawn  up  at  the  same  time, 
produced  more  solid  advantages  in  favour  of  the 
American  cause,  than  any  other  of  their  produc- 
tions. This  was  in  a  great  measure  carried 
through  Congress  by  ]\Ir.  Dickinson.  Several 
members,  judging  from  the  violence  with  which 
I)arliameut  ])roceeded  against  the  colonies,  were 
of  opinion,  that  farther  petitions  were  nugatory  : 


but  this,  worthy  citizen,  a  friend  to  biith  countries, 
and  devoted  to  a  reconciliation  on  consiituiiorial 
principles,  urged  the  ex|)ediency  and  pidiiy  ol" 
trying,  once  more,  the  effect  of  an  humble,  decent, 
and  linn  petition  to  the  common  liead  of  ihe  em- 
pire. The  high  opinion  that  was  conceived  of  his 
]>atriotism  and  abilities,  induced  the  meiiibeis  lo 
assent  to  the  measure,  though  they  generally  con- 
ceived it  to  be  labour  lost.  The  petition  agiecil 
upon,  was  the  work  of  Mr.  Dickinsmi's  pen.  in 
this  among  other  things,  it  was  stated  :  "  'I'liat, 
notwithstanding  their  sufferings,  they  had  reiainetl 
too  high  a  regard  for  the  kingdom,  from  whicli 
they  derived  their  origin,  to  reipiest  such  a  iri  nn- 
ciliation,  as  might,  in  any  manner,  be  inconsislciit 
wilh  her  dignity  and  welfare.  Attached  lo  ins 
majesty's  person,  family,  and  government,  wilh  all 
the  devotion  tliat  ])i inciple  and  affection  can  in- 
s()ire  ;  connected  with  (ireat  Britain  by  the  stron- 
gest ties  tliat  can  unite  society  ;  and  deploring 
every  event  that  tended,  in  any  degree,  lo  weaken 
them,  they  not  only  most  fervently  desired  the  for- 
mer h.armony,  between  her  and  tlie  colonies,  to  be 
restored,  but  that  a  concord  might  be  established 
between  them,  upon  so  firm  a  basis,  as  to  perpet- 
uate its  blessings,  uninterrupted  by  any  fulure  dis- 
sensions, to  succeeding  generations,  in  both  coun- 
tries. Tliey,  therefore,  besought,  that  liis  majes- 
ty would  be  pleased  to  direct  some  mode,  by  w  liich 
the  united  applications  of  his  t'aitliful  colonists  to 
thetlirone,  in  pursuance  ofilieir  common  councils, 
might  be  imjiroved  into  a  hapjiy  and  permanent 
reconciliation."  By  this  last  clause.  Congress 
meant,  that  the  mother  country  should  propose  a 
jilaii  for  establishing  by  compact,  someihing  like 
Magna  Charta,  for  the  colonies.  They  did  not 
aim  at  a  total  exemption  from  the  control  of  par- 
liament ;  nor  were  tliey  unwilling  to  contribute  in 
their  own  way,  to  the  expenses  of  govern!  lent  : 
but  they  feared  tlie  liorrors  of  war  less  than  sub- 
mission to  unlimited  parliamentary  siiprenncy. 
They  desired  an  atnicable  comjiact,  in  wliicii 
doulitful,  undefined  points  should  be  asceitained, 
so  as  to  secure  that  projiortion  of  authority  and 
liberty,  which  would  be  for  the  general  good  of 
lire  whole  empire.  They  fancied  tliemselves  in 
tlie  condition  of  the  barons  at  Rnnnyniede  ;  witli 
this  diflerence,  that,  in  addition  to  opposing  tlie 
king,  they  had  also  to  oppose  llie  |)arliamenl. 
This  diflerence  was  more  nominal  than  real;  for, 
in  the  latter  case,  the  king  and  parliament  stood 
precisely  in  the  same  relation  to  the  people  of 
America,  which  subsisted  in  the  former,  beiween 
the  king  and  [leople  of  England.  In  boili,  popular 
leaders  were  contending  with  the  sovereign,  for 
the  privileges  of  subjects. 

This  well-meant  petition  was  presented  on  Sep- 
tember 1st,  1775,  by  Mr.  Penn,  and  Mr.  Lev"  ; 
and,  on  the  4th,  lord  Dartmouili  informed  liiem, 
"  that  to  it,  no  answer  would  be  given."  Tliis 
slight  contributed,  not  a  little,  to  the  union  and 
perseverance  of  the  colonists.  Wlien  pressed  by 
the  calamities  of  war,  a  doubt  would  sometimes 
arise,  in  the  minds  ofscru()ulous  persons,  lliat  ihey 
had  been  too  hasty  in  their  opposition  to  tlie  pro- 
tecting, parent  state.  To  such,  it  w,is  usual  lo 
present  the  second  petition  of  Congress  to  liie 
king  ;  observing  tliereon,  that  all  the  blood,  and  all 
the  guilt  of  the  w  ar,  must  be  charaed  on  IW  iiisli, 
and  not  tlie  American  counsels.  Though  liie  co- 
lonists were  accused,  in  a  speedi  from  ihe  ihrone. 
as  meaning  only  "  to  anruse,  by  vague  expres- 
sions of  attachment  to  tlie  parent  state,  and  ilie 
strongest  protestations  of  loyalty  to  tiieir  King, 
wliile  they  were  preparing  for  a  general  revolt; 
and  that  tiicir  rebellious  war  was  manifesilv  car- 
ried on,  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  an  iinle- 
jiendent  empire  :"  yet,  at  that  time,  and  tor  monihs 
after  a  redress  of  grievances  was  tlieir  ultimate 
aim.  Conscious  of  this  intention,  and  assenting, 
in  tlic  sincerity  of  tlieir  souls,  to  the  submissive 
language  of  tlieir  petition,  tliey  illy  brooked  liie 
contempt,  with  which  their  joint  snpplicaiion  was 
treated  ;  and  still  worse,  that  llicy  sliniild  be  cliarged 
from  the  throne,  with  studied  duplicity. 

Nothing  contributes  more  lo  tlic  success  of 


TIIK   HISTORY  OK 


revi)lutions.  than  niuderntinn.  Intemperate  ze:il- 
ots  ()vc!sh:)OI  their  oliject,  and  soon  spend  their 
("orcc  ;  while  (he  c:'.!;:!  and  dispassionate  persevere 
to  the  end.  Tlie  bulk  ol  llie  peoph;,  in  civil  com- 
motions, are  intluenced  toaclioice  of  sides,  b)'  tlie 
general  complexion  of  the  measures  adopted  by 
the  r-isprctive  |)arties.  When  these  appear  to  be 
dictated  by  justice  and  prudence,  and  to  be  unin- 
(luenced  by  passion,  ambition,  or  avarice,  they  are 
disposed  to  Cavonr  them.  Such  was  the  effect  of 
this  second  petition,  iliroueh  a  long  and  trying  war, 
in  which,  men  of  serious  relleclion  were  often  call- 
ed upon  to  examine  the  rectitude  of  their  conduct. 

Thoii'^h  the  refusal  of  an  answer,  to  this  renew- 
ed iipplication  (d  Congress  to  the  king,  was  censur- 
ed by  tiiimbers  in  Great  Britain,  as  well  as  in  the 
colonies;  yet,  the  jiartizans  of  the.  ministry  vai- 
nished  the  measure,  as  proper  and  expedient, 
'i'liey  contended,  that  the  petition,  as  it  coiitaine<l 
no  oilers  of  submission,  was  unavailing,  as  a  ground 
work  of  negocialion.  Nothing  was  larther  from 
the  thoughts  of  Congress,  than  such  concessions 
as  were  expected  in  (Jreat  Britain.  They  con- 
ceived themselves  more  sinned  against  than  sin- 
ning. They  claimed  a  redress  of  giievaiices,  as  a 
iriaiter  of  right :  but  were  persuaded,  that  conces- 
sions, for  this  purpose,  were  acts  of  justice,  and 
not  of  humiliation  ;  and  therefore,  could  not  be 
jisgra(.eliii  to  those  by  whom  they  were  made. 
To  prevent  future  altercations,  they  wished  for  an 
amicable  compact,  to  ascertain  the  extent  of  |)ar- 
liamenlary  supremacy.  The  mother  coiititrv  wish- 
ed for  absolute  submission  to  her  authority;  the 
colonists,  lor  a  rejieal  of  every  act,  that  imposed 
taxes,  or  that  inleifered  in  tlieir  internal  legisla- 
tion. 'J'he  ministry  of  England,  being  determin- 
ed not  to  repeal  these  acts,  and  the  congress eijual- 
y  determined  not  to  submit  to  them  ;  the  claims 
5l  the  two  countries  were  so  wide  from  each  other 
as  to  ali'ord  no  reasonable  ground  to  expect  a  com- 
promise. It  was,  therefore,  concluded,  that  any 
.notice  taken  of  the  petition  would  only  alford  an 
opportunity  for  the  colonies  to  prepaie  themselves 
or  the  last  extremity. 

A  military  opposition  to  the  armies  of  Great 
Britain,  being  resolved  upon  by  the  colonies,  it  be- 
same  an  object  of  consequence  to  fix  on  a  proper 
person  to  conduct  that  ojiposition.  Many  of  the 
colonists  had  titles  of  high  rank  in  the  militia,  and 
several  had  seen  something  of  real  service,  in 
the  late  w;ir  between  France  and  Kngland  :  but 
there  was  no  individual  of  such  superior  military 
ex[)erience,  as  to  entitle  him  to  a  decided  pre-emi- 
nence ;  or  even  to  (pialify  him,  on  that  ground, 
to  contend,  on  eipial  terms,  with  the  British  mas- 
ters of  the  art  of  war.  In  elevating  one  man,  by 
the  free  voice  of  an  invaded  country,  to  the  coiii- 
niand  of  thousands  of  his  equal  hdlow  citizens,  no 
consideration  was  regarded  but  the  interest  of  the 
community.  To  bind  the  uninvaded  |)rovinces 
more  closely  to  the  common  c.iuse,  policy  direct- 
ed the  views  of  Congress  to  the  south. 

Among  the  southern  colonies,  Virginia,  for 
numbers,  wealth,  and  inlluence,  stood  pre-eminent. 
To  attach  so  respectai)le  n  colony  to  the  aid  of 
MasHachusetis,  by  selecting  from  it  a  commander 
in  chief,  was  not  less  warranted  by  the  great  mili- 
tary gi'iiins  of  one  of  its  distinguished  citizens, 
tlian  dictated  by  sound  policy.  (Jeorge  Washing- 
ton was,  by  an  nininimous  vote,  appointed  corrj- 
inander  in  child' of  all  the  forces  raised,  or  to  be 
raised,  for  the  defence  of  the  colonies.  It  was  a 
fortunate  circumstance  attcndinc  his  election,  that 
it  was  accompanied  with  no  competition,  and  fol- 
lowed by  no  envy.  That  same  general  impulse  on 
the  public  mind,  which  led  the  colonists  to  agree 
in  many  other  particulars,  pointed  to  him  as  the 
most  proper  person  for  presiding  over  the  military 
arran:;emenls  of  .'\ineriea.  Not  only  Congress, 
hut  the  inhabitants,  in  the  east  and  the  west,  in 
the  north  anil  the  south,  as  well  before  as  at  tlie 
lime  of  embodying  a  roniineiital  army,  were  in  a 
preat  degree  iin.inimoim  in  his  favour. 

(ieneral  Washiiiiilon  was  born  on  tin-  2'h\  of 
Febiiiaiy.  \7'y>.     I  lis  eiliicniion  lavoiirrd  the  pro 
ion  o   ^  solid  mind,  and  a  vigorous  body. 


Mountain  air,  abundant  exercise  in  the  open  coun- 
try, the  wholesome  toils  of  the  chase,  and  the  de- 
lightful scenes  of  rural  life,  expaiideil  his  limbs  to 
an  unusual,  graceful  anil  well  proportioned  size. 
His  youth  was  spent  in  the  acquisition  of  usetul 
knowledge,  and  in  pursuits,  tending  to  the  im- 
provement of  his  fortune,  or  the  benefit  of  his 
country.  Fitted  more  for  active,  than  lot  S[)ecij- 
lative  life,  he  devoted  the  greater  portion  of  his 
time  to  the  atter:  but  this  was  amply  com|)ensa- 
ted  by  his  being  -fre(|uently  in  such  situations,  as 
called  forth  the  powers  of  his  mind,  and  strength- 
ened them  by  repeated  exercise.  Early  in  life, 
in  obedience  to  his  country's  call,  he  entered  the 
military  line,  and  began  liis  career  of  fame,  in  op- 
posing that  power,  in  concert  with  whose  troops, 
he  acquired  his  last  and  most  distinguished  ho- 
nours. He  was  aid-de-camp  to  (ieneral  Brad- 
dock  in  1755;  when  that  unfortunate  olTiccr  was 
killed.  He  was  eminently  serviceable  in  cover- 
ing the  retreat,  and  saving  the  remains  of  the  rout-' 
ed  army.  For  three  years  after  the  didcat  of 
Braddock,  (Jeorge  Washington  was  commander 
in  chief  of  the  forces  of  Virginia,  against  the  in- 
cursions of  the  French  and  Indians,  from  the  (Jhio. 
He  continued  in  serv'ce,  till  the  reduction  of  Fort 
Du(|ucsne,  1758,  gave  peace  to  the  frontiers  of 
his  native  colony,  Virginia.  Soon  after  that  event, 
he  retired  to  his  estate,  Mount  Vernon,  on  the 
banks  of  the  Potomac,  and  with  great  industry 
and  success  pursued  the  arts  of  peaceful  life. 

When  the  proceedings  of  the  British  iiarliament 
alarmed  the  colonists  with  ap])rehensions,  that  a 
blow  was  levelled  at  their  liberties,  he  again  came 
forward  into  public  view,  and  was  appointed  a  de- 
legate to  the  congress,  which  met  in  September, 
1771.  Possessed  of  a  large  proportion  of  common 
sense  and  directed  by  a  sound  judgment,  he  was 
better  fitted  for  the  exalted  station  to  which  he 
was  called,  than  inany  others,  who,  to  a  greater 
brilliancy  o  parts,  frequently  add  the  eccentricity 
of  original  genius.  Engaged  in  the  busy  scenes 
of  life,  he  knew  human  nature,  and  the  most  prop- 
er method  of  accomplishing  proposed  objects.  His 
passions  were  subdued  and  kept  in  subjection  to 
reason.  His  soul,  superior  to  party  spirit,  to  pre- 
judice, and  illiberal  views,  moved  according  to  the 
impulses  it  received  from  an  honest  heart,  a  good 
understanding,  common  sense  and  a  sound  judg- 
ment. He  was  habituated  to  view  things  on  every 
side  to  consider  them  in  all  relations,  and  to  trace 
the  [lossibleand  probable  consequences  of  propos- 
erl  measures.  Much  addicted  to  close  thinking, 
his  mind  was  constantly  emploved.  By  frequent 
exercise,  his  understanding  and  judgment  expa:<d- 
ed,  so  as  to  be  able  to  discern  Irutli,  and  to  know 
what  was  proper  to  be  done,  in  tlie  most  difficult 
conjectures. 

Soon  after  General  Washington  was  appointed 
commander  in  chief,  four  major  generals,  one  ad- 
jutant general,  with  the  rank  of  a  brigadier,  and 
eight  brigadier  generals,  were  apfiointeii,  in  sub- 
ordination to  him  ;  who  were  as  I'ollows  . 

Brig.  fJenerals. 
1st,  Seth  Pomeroy. 
2d,  Richard  Montgomery. 
3d,  David  Wooster. 
4th.  William  Heath. 


Maj.  (Jenerals. 
1st,  Artemas  Ward. 
2d,  Charles  Lee. 
."■id,  Philip  Schuyler. 
1th,  Israel  Putnam. 


5th,  Joseph  Spencer. 


Adjt.  (leneral,      ()th,  .lolm  Thomas 
Horatio  Gates.         7th,  John  SiiHivnn. 

8th,  Nath.  (Jreene. 
General  Washington  re))lied,  to  the  ))resident 
of  Congress,  announcing  his  appointment,  in  the 
following  words : 
Mr.  President. 
"  Though  I  am  truly  sensible  of  the  high  honour 
done  me,  in  this  ap[)i)intment.  yet,  1  feel  great  dis- 
tress from  a  consciousness,  that  mv  abilities  and 
military  experience  may  tiot  be  equal  to  the 
extf'nsive  and  important  trust.     However  as  ihe 
concress  desire  it,  1  will  enter  upon  the  momentous 
duty,  and  exert  every  power  I   jiossess  in  their 
service,  and  for  the  support  of  the  glorious  causi". 
I  bi't;  ihey  will  accept  my  most  cordial  thanks,  for 
[this  distinguished  testimony  of  their  a|'j)iobalion. 


I  '•  But,  lest  some  iiiilii(!ky  event  should  hapi^ea, 
unfavourable  to  my  reputation,  I  beg  i»  may  be  re- 

I  mem!)ered  by  every  gentleman  in  the  room,  that! 

1  this  day  declare,  with  the  utmost  sincerity,  I  do 

[not  think  myself  equal  to  (he  command  I  am  hoa 
oured  with. 

"  As  to  pay,  sir,  I  beg  leave  to  assure  the  con- 
Igress,  that  as  no  pecuniaiy  considenition  could 
'have  tempted  me  to  accept  this  arduous  employ- 
ment, at  the  expense  of  my  domestic  ease  and 
happiness,  I  do  not  wish  to  make  any  profit  from 
it.     I  will  keep  an  exact  account  of  my  ex|ieiises. 
Those,  I  doubt  not,  they  will  discharge,  and  tb.it 
is  all  I  desire.*' 

A  special  commission  was  ilrawn  up,  and  pre- 
sented to  him,  and  at  the  same  time,  a  unanimous 
resoliiiioii  was  adopted  by  Congress:  "that  they 
would  maintain  and  assist  him,  and  adhere  to 
him,  with  their  livwi  and  fortunes,  in  the  cause  o( 
.\mericaii  liberty."  Instructions  were  also  given 
him  for  his  government,  by  which,  after  reciiing 
various  particulars,  he  was  directed  •  "  to  des'roy 
or  make  prisoiieis,  of  all  persons  who  now  are,  or 
who  hereafter  shall  appear  in  arms  against  the 
good  peo|)le  of  tl;e  cidonies."  The  whole  w.is 
summed  up  in  authorising  him,  "  to  order  and  dis- 
|)ose  of  the  aiiiiy  under  his  command,  as  might  be 
most  advantageous  for  obtaining  the  end,  for  which 
it  had  been  raised  ;  making  it  his  special  care,  in 
diicharge  of  the  great  trust  committed  to  him,  that 
the  liberties  of  America  received  no  detriment." 
.Vbout  the  same  time,  twelve  companies  of  rifle- 
men were  ordereil  to  be  raised  in  Pennsylvania, 
Maryland,  and  \'iri:iiiia.  The  men,  to  the  amount 
of  14.'3U,  were  procured,  and  forwarded  with  szreat 
expedition.  They  had  to  march  from  l  to  7(10 
miles;  and  yet,  the  whole  business  was  completed, 
and  they  joined  the  American  army  at  Cambridge, 
in  less  than  two  months,  from  the  day  on  which 
the  first  resolution  for  raising  them  was  agreed  to 
Coeval  with  the  resolution  foi  raising  an  army, 
was  another  for  emitting  a  sum,  not  exceeding 
two  million  of  dollars,  in  bills  of  credit,  for  llit 
defence  of  America;  and  the  colonies  were  pleds;- 
e  1  for  their  redemption.  This  sum  was  increased 
from  time  to  time  by  farther  emissions.  The  co- 
lonies, having  neither  money  nor  revenue  at  their 
coiiimand,  were  forced  to  adopt  this  expedient ; 
the  only  one  which  was  in  their  power  foi  siip- 
|)orling  ::n  army.  No  one  delegate  opposed  the 
measure.  So  great  had  been  the  credit  of  ihel'nr- 
mer  emissions  of  paper,  in  the  greater  part  of  the 
colonies,  that  pvciy  few  at  that  time  foresaw  or  ap- 
lirehended  the  consequences  of  unfunded  papei 
emissions:  but  had  all  the  consequences  which  re- 
sulted (Voiii  this  measure,  in  the  course  ol'llie  war. 
been  foreseen,  it  must,  notwithstanding,  have  been 
adopted  ;  for  it  was  a  less  evil,  that  there,  slioiik! 
be  a  general  wreck  of  property,  than  that  tl;e  es- 
sential rights  and  liberties  of  a  growing  roiiiiiry 
should  be  lost.  A  liajipy  ignorance  of  luiiirc 
events,  combined  with  the  ardour  of  the  tiine?;, 
prevented  many  reflections  on  this  subject,  -ind 
gave  credit  and  circulation  to  these  bills  id'ciedit 
(Jeneral  Washington,  soon  alter  his  appoint  iiieni 
to  the  command  of  the  .\merican  army,  sei  out  fni 
the  camp,  at  Cambiidge.  On  his  way  thithei.  lit 
was  treated  \y'n\i  the  highest  hoiiouis,  in  ever) 
place  ihroiiuh  which  he  (lassed.  Large  detach 
ments  of  volunteers,  coin|)nsed  of  private  gentle 
men,  turned  out  to  escort  him. 

On  his  arrival  at  Cambridge,  July  od,  1775,  lit 
was  received  with  the  joyful  acclamations  of  the 
American  army.  At  the  head  of  his  troops,  he 
))iiblislied  a  declaration,  previously  drawn  up  by 
Congress,  in  the  nature  of  a  manil'esio,  suiting 
fiirtli  the  reasons  for  taking  up  arms.  In  this,  .if- 
\fr  enumerating  various  grievances  of  the  colonies, 
and  vindicating  ihem  fioiu  a  ))remeditaled  d<-sipn. 
of  establishing  independent  slates,  it  w  is  aiideil  : 
"  In  our  own  native  land,  in  defence  of  the  (reedom 
which  is  our  birthright,  and  which  we  ever  enjoy 
ed  till  the  late  viidalion  of  it  :  for  the  prolectioii  of 
our  pnqiftty,  acipiired  solely  by  the  industry  ol 
our  forefathers,  and  ourselves,  against  vi.deiico 
actually  olh  rcd,  we  have  taken  up  arms  ;  wc  shall 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


38Y 


)ay  tliein  down  when  hoslililies  sliull  cease  on  ih'e 
part  of  (lie  aggressors,  and  all  darjL'er  of  iheir  be- 
ing renewed,  shall  be  removed,  and  not  bclbre." 

When  General  Wasliuialon  joined  the  American 
army,  he  found  the  British  inueiiched  on  Bun- 
ker's hill,  iiaving  also  three  fioatiim  batteries  in 
Mjstic  river,  and  a  twenty  fjnn  siiip  below  the 
ferry,  between  Boston  and  Charlesiown.  They 
had  also  a  battery  on  Copse's  iiiil,  and  were  strong- 
ly fortifieil  on  the  neck.  The  Americans  were 
intrenched  at  Winter  hill.  Pro-sped  hill,  and  Rox- 
bury  connnunicating  with  one  another  by  small 
poKts  ovei  a  distance  of  ten  miles.  There  were 
also  parties  stationed  in  several  towns,  along  the 
sea  coast.  They  had  neither  engineers  to  plan 
suitable  works,  norsulT'icient  tools  l()r  their  erection. 

In  the  American  camp,  was  collected  a  large 
body  of  men  :  but  without  those  conveniences, 
which  ancient  establishments  have  introduce(i  for 
the  comfort  ol'  regular  armies.  Instead  of  tents, 
sails,  (now  rendered  useless  by  the  obstructions  of 
commerce,)  were  applied  for  their  covering  :  but, 
even  of  them,  there  was  not  a  sufficiency.  The 
American  soldiers,  having  joined  the  camp,  in  all 
that  variety  of  clothing,  which  they  used  in  their 
daily  labour,  were  without  uniformity  of  dress. 
■]'o  abolish  provincial  distinctions,  the  hunting 
shirt  was  introduced.  They  were  also  without 
those  heads  of  departments,  in  the  line  of  commis- 
saries, or  quarterinasteis,  which  are  necessary  for 
the  regular  and  economical  su|)ply  of  armies.  In- 
dividuals, brought  to  camp  their  own  provisions, 
on  their  own  horses.  In  some  parts  couimiitees 
of  supplies,  were  a[)pointed,  who  purchased  ne- 
cessaries at  public  expense,  sent  them  on  to  camp, 
and  distributed  them  to  such  as  were  in  want,  with- 
out any  regularity  or  system.  Tlie  country  af- 
fonled  provisions;  and  nothing  more  was  wanting, 
than  proper  systems  for  their  collection,  and  dis- 
'.ribution.  Other  articles,  though  equally  neces- 
sary, were  almost  wlioUy  delicient ;  and  could  not 
be  ])rocured,  but  witli  difficulty.  On  the  4th  of 
August,  the  whole  stock  of  powder  in  the  Ameri- 
can camp,  atid  in  the  public  magazines,  of  the  four 
New  England  provinces,  would  make  little  more 
than  nine  rounds  a  man.  The  continental  army 
remained  in  this  destitute  condition,  for  a  fortnight 
or  more.  This  was  generally  known  airiong 
tliemselves,  and  was  also  connnunicated  to  tlie 
British,  by  a  deserter  :  but  tliey,  suspecting  a  plot, 
would  not  believe  it.  A  supply  ofa  few  tons  was 
sent  on  to  them  from  the  committee  of  Elizabeth- 
town  :  but  this  was  done  privately,  lest  the  adja- 
cent inhabitants,  who  were  etpially  destitute, 
should  stop  it  for  iheirown  use.  The  public  rulers 
in  Massachusetts  issued  a  recommendation  to  tlie 
inhabitants,  not  to  fire  a  gun  at  beast,  bird,  or  mark  ; 
in  order  that  they  might  husband  their  little  stock, 
for  the  more  necessary  purposes  of  shooting  men. 
A  supply  of  several  thousand  pounds  weight  of 
powder,  was  soon  after  obtained  from  Africa,  in 
exchange  for  New  England  rum.  This  was 
managed  with  so  much  address,  that  every  ounce 
for  sale  in  the  British  Forts  on  the  African  coasts, 
was  purchased  up.  and  brought  oJffor  the  use  of 
ihe  Americans. 

Embarrassments,  from  various  quarters,  occur- 
red in  the  formation  ofa  continental  army.  The 
appointment  of  general  ofnceis,  made  by  Congress, 
was  not  satisfactory.  Enterprising  leaders  liad 
cotne  forward,  with  their  followers,  on  the  com- 
mencement of  hostilities,  witliout  scrupulous  at- 
tention to  rank.  When  these  were  all  blended 
together,  it  was  impossible  to  assign  to  every  ofifi- 
eer  the  station  which  his  services  merited,  or  his 
.'anity  demanded.  Materials  for  a  good  army 
were  collected.  The  husbandmen  who  flew  to 
arms,  were  active,  zealous,  and  of  unqtiestionable 
co'irage  :  but  to  introduce  discipline  and  subordi-. 
nation,  among  freemen  who  were  habituated  to  I 
ihink  for  themselves,  was  an  arduous  labour.  ! 

The  want  of  system  and  of  union  under  proper! 
heads,  |)ervaded  every  depaumcnt.  From  the  I 
encumstance.  that  the' persons  employed  in  pro- 1 
»iding  necessaries  for  the  army  were  unconnect- 
ed with  each  other,  much  waste  and  unnecessary  j 


delays  were  occasioned.  The  troops  of  the  dif- 
ferent colonies  came  into  service,  under  variant 
establishments.  Some  were  enlisted  with  the  ex- 
press condition  of  choosing  their  otlicers.  The 
rations  liirnished  by  the  local  legislatures,  varied 
both  as  to  quantity,  (juality,  and  price.  To  form 
one  uniform  mass  of  these  discordatit  materials, 
and  to  subject  the  licentiousness  of  independent 
fieemen  to  the  control  of  military  discipline,  was 
a  delicate  and  difficult  business. 

The  continental  army,  put  imder  the  command 
of  General  Washington,  amounted  to  14,500  men. 
These  had  been  so  judiciously  stationed  around 
Boston  as  to  confme-lhe  British  to  the  town,  and 
to  exclude  them  from  the  forage  and  provisions, 
which  the  adjacent  coutitry  and  islands  in  Boston 
bay  aliorded.  This  force  was  thrown  into  three 
grand  divisions.  General  Ward  coimnanded  the 
right  wir]g,  at  Roxbury.  General  Lee,  the  left, 
at  Prospect  hill ;  and  tlie  centre  was  commanded 
by  General  Washington.  In  arraying  the  army, 
the  military  skill  of  Adjutant  General  Gates  was  of 
great  service.  Method  and  punctuality  were  in- 
troduced. The  officers  and  privates  were  taught 
to  know  their  respective  places,  and  to  have  the 
mechanism  and  movements,  as  well  as  the  name 
of  an  army. 

When  some  effectual  pains  had  been  taken  to 
disci[)line  the  army,  it  was  found  that  the  term, 
for  which  enlistments  had  taken  |)lace,  was  on  the 
point  o  expiring.  The  troops  from  Coimecticut 
and  Rhode  Island,  were  engaged  only,  til'  the  1st 
day  of  December,  1775  ;  and  no  part  of  the  army 
longer  than  tlie  1st  day  of  January,  1776.  Such 
mistaken  ajjprehensions  respecting  the  future  con- 
duct of  (Jreat  Britain  prevailed,  that  many  thought 
the  assumption  ofa  determined  spirit  of  resistance, 
would  lead  to  a  redress  of  all  grievances. 

Tiie  Massachusetts  assembly  and  the  continental 
congress,  both  resolved  in  November,  to  fit  out 
armed  vessels,  to  cruise  on  the  American  coast, 
(or  the  purjjose  of  intercepting  warlike  stores  and 
supplies,  designed  for  the  use  of  the  British  army. 
The  object  was  at  first  limited  ;  but  as  the  pros- 
pect of  accotnmodation  vanished,  it  was  extended 
to  all  British  property  afloat,  on  the  high  seas. 
The  A.mericans  were  diffident  of  their  ability  to  do 
any  thing  on  the  water,  in  opposition  to  the  great- 
est naval  power  in  the  world  ;  but  from  a  combi- 
nation of  circumstances,  their  first  attempts  were 
successful. 

The  Lee  privateer,  Captain  Manly,  took  the 
brig  Nancy,  an  ordnance  ship,  from  Woolwich, 
containing  a  large  brass  moitar,  several  pieces  of 
brass  cannon,  a  large  quantity  of  arins  and  ammu- 
nition ;  with  all  maimer  of  tools,  utensils,  and  ma- 
chines, necessary  for  camps,  and  artillery.  Had 
Congress  sent  an  order  for  supplies,  they  coubl  not 
have  made  out  a  list  of  articles,  more  suitable  to 
their  situation,  than  tliose,  "hus  providentially 
thrown  into  their  liands. 

In  about  nine  days  after,  three  chips,  with  va- 
rious stores,  for  the  British  army,  and  a  brig  from 
Antigua,  with  rum,  were  taken  by  Captain  Manly. 
Before  five  days  more  had  elapsed,  several  other 
store  ships  were  captured.  By  these  means,  the 
distresses  of  the  British  trnojis,  in  Boston,  were 
increased,  and  supplies,  or  the  continental  army, 
were  procured.  Naval  captures,  being  unexpect- 
ed, were  matter  of  triumph  to  the  Americans,  and 
of  surprise  to  the  British.  The  latter  scarcely  be- 
lieved, that  the  former  would  oppose  them  by  land, 
with  a  regular  army  :  but  never  suspected,  that  a 
people  so  unfurnished  as  they  were,  with  many 
things  necessary  for  arming  vessels,  would  pre- 
sume to  attempt  any  thing  on  the  seas.  A  spirit 
of  enterprise,  invigorated  by  patriotic  zeal,  prompt- 
ed the  hardy  New-England-men  to  undertake  the 
hazardous  business;  and  their  success  encouraged 
them  to  proceed.  Before  the  close  of  the  year. 
Congress  determined  to  build  five  vessels  of  3:2 
guns,  five  of  2S,  and  three  of  24.  About  this 
time,  an  event  took  place,  which  woidd  have  dis- 
posed a  less  detei  uiiued  people  to  desist  from  |)ro- 
vokiiig  the  vengeance  of  the  British  navy.  This 
was  the  burning  of  Falmouth,  in  the  northern part 


of  Massachusetts.  Captain  Moet,  in  the  Canccaux, 
of  sixteen  guns,  on  the  ISth  of  October,  177J, 
destroyed  139  houses,  and  278  stores,  and  othcj 
buildings  in  that  town.* 

This  spread  :iti  alarm  on  the  coast,  but  produ- 
ced no  disposition  to  submit.  Many  moved  from 
the  sea  ports,  with  their  families  and  cllecis  ;  but 
no  solicitations  were  preferred  to  obtain  Ikitish 
protection. 

In  a  few  days  after  the  burning  of  Fahnoutli, 
the  old  south  meeting  house,  m  Boston,  was  taken 
into  possession  by  the  British:  and  destined  for  a 
riding  school,  and  the  service  of  the  light  dragoons. 
These  |)roceedings  produced,  in  the  minds  oftho 
colonists,  a  more  determined  spirit  of  resistance, 
and  a  more  general  aversion  to  Great  Britain. 


CHAPTER  X. 

Ticunderoja  taken  ;  Canada  iiivndeil,  ami  evnoiiated. 

It  early  occurred  to  many,  that  if  the  sword 
decided  the  controversy  between  (ireat  Britain 
and  her  colonies,  the  possession  of  Ticonderoga 
would  be  essential  to  the  security  of  the  latter. 
Situated  on  a  promontory,  formed  at  the  junction 
of  the  watersof  Lake  (jeorge  and  Lake  Champlain  ; 
it  is  the  key  of  all  conmiunicalion  between  New 
York  and  Canada.  Messrs.  Deanc,  Wooster, 
Parsons,  Stephens  and  others,  of  Coimecticut, 
planned  a  scheme  to  obtain  jiossession  of  this 
valuable  post.  Having  procured  a  loan  of  1800 
dollars  of  public  money,  and  f)rovided  a  sufficient 
quantity  of  powder  and  ball,  they  set  oil'  for  Ben- 
nington, to  obtain  the  co-operation  of  (Jolonel  Al- 
len, of  that  place.  Two  hundred  and  seventy  men, 
mostly  of  that  brave  and  hardy  ])eo|)le,  who  are 
called  green  mountain  boys,  were  speedily  collect- 
ed at  Castleton ;  which  was  fixed  on  as  the  place 
of  rendezvous.  At  this  place.  Colonel  Arnold,  who, 
though  attended  only  witli  a  servant,  was  prose- 
cuting the  same  object,  unex|)ectedly  joined  them. 
He  had  been  early  chosen  captain  ofa  volunteer 
company,  by  the  inhabitants  of  New  Haven,  among 
whom  he  resided.  As  soon  as  lie  received  news 
of  the  Lexington  battle,  he  marched  oil  with  his 
company  for  the  vicinity  of  Boston,  and  arrived 
there,  though  150  miles  distant,  in  a  few  days. 
Immediately  after  his  arrival,  he  waited  on  the 
Massachusetts  committee  of  safety,  and  informed 
tliem  that  that  there  were,  at  Ticonderoga,  many 
pieces  of  cannon,  and  a  great  quantity  of  valuable 
stores  :  and  that  the  fort  was  in  a  ruinous  condi- 
tion, and  garrisoned  only  by  about  Ibriy  men. 
They  a[)pointed  him  a  colonel,  and  commissioned 


*  Captain  Moot  bad  been  frcqiicnlly  at  Falinoiilli,  and 
was  tbcie  liospiluljly  entertained.  After  liosi  lilies  had 
conunenced,  luit  before  serious  war  was  cunlcinplated, 
he  landed  as  formerly ;  but  not  us  an  enemy.  Hri^adier 
Thompson,  under  no  orders  of  government,  look  him 
prisoner.  The  inhabitants  interposed ;  and,  riom  mo- 
tives of  iustioe  and  nol'-v.  urired  anil  ai.coMiiiIished  big 
unconditional  discnartre.  Tli»  nflront  rankled  in  the 
heart  of  tlie  (captain.  He  soon  after  reinrned  with  a 
small  naval,  force,  and  f;ave  notice,  that  he  was  under 
orders  to  reduce  tht  town  to  ashes,  and  tha:  he  should 
heii'm  the  business  at  sun  rise,  the  next  morning.  No 
resistance  was  maoc.  The  iidiabilants  employed 
themselves,  during  the  nisht.  in  removius  their  elTects. 
The  next  morning,  the  town  was  in  flames.  Aloefa 
urined  naval  force  lay  all  day  before  it,  and,  without 
cessation,  threw  shells,  carcasses,  and  hot  shot  into  it 
till  its  destruction  was  completed.  This  beintr  done. 
Captain  i\Ioet.  with  his  fleet,  drew  off.  Thus  the  prido 
of  the  profince  of  .'Maine  was  laid  desolate,  in  onetlay; 
and  families,  who,  2t  hours  before,  Iive<l  in  ease  and 
comfort,  were  rcluced  to  want,  and  had  no  shelter 
from  the  autumnal  storms,  and  appronchin;  winter. 
Falmouth  had  formerly  been  twice  sacked  by  Indians, 
and  some  of  its  inhabitants  had  been  killed  by  tlieiu  ; 
but  no  act  of  theirs,  was  to  be  compared  to  this  ronfln- 
eratinn.  The  Indians  scalped  women  and  children  to 
obtain  a  bountv.  They  robbed  houses,  for  the  sake  of 
plunder;  but  Coptain  Moet,  without  the  hope  of  sain, 
and  without  provocation,  destroyed  the  subsistence 
and  blasted  the  hopes  of  a  whole  community.  A  new 
town,  like  the  phoenix,  has  arisen  from  the  ashes  of  tin 
old  .  and  is  now  in  flourisliing  circumstances.  Seg 
.Sullivan's  History  of  the  District  of  Maine,  page  205 
2U8. 


38S 


THE  HISTORY  OF 


him  to  raise  400  men,  and  to  take  Ticonderoga. 
The  leadeia  ol  the  pari)  vhich  liad  i)reviously 
If nilf /.voused  ai  Caslleton,  .idiiiitted  Colonel  Ar- 
nold 10  join  them.  It  was  agreed  that  Colonel 
Allen  should  he  the  commander  in  chief  of  the 
expedition,  and  that  Colonel  Arnold  should  be  liis 
assistant.  They  proceeded  without  delay,  and 
arrived,  in  the  ni^hl,  at  lake  Chani|)lain,  o|)posite 
to  Ticonderoga.  .Midland  Arnold  crossed  over 
wiihJS.'J  UK'n,  and  landed  near  the  garrison.  They 
c.onlended  who  siiould  go  in  lirst:  but  it  was  at 
last  agreed,  that  iliey  should  both  go  in  together. 
They  advanced  abreast,  and  entered  the  (brt  at 
the  dawning  of  day.  A  sentry  snapped  his  piece 
at  one  ot'  iheni,  and  then  retreated,  through  the 
covered  way,  lo  the  parade.  The  Americans 
(iillowed,  atid  iijoinedialely  drew  up.  The  com- 
mander, surprised  in  his  bed,  was  called  upon  to 
surrender  the  fort,  lie  asked,  by  what  authority  ? 
Colonel  .Allen  replieil :  "  1  demand  it  in  the  name 
of  the  Great  .lehovah,  and  of  tlie  continental  con- 
gress." 

No  resistance  was  made ;  and  the  fort,  with 
100  pieces  of  cannon,  other  valuable  stores,  and 
IS  prisoners,  fell  into  tlie  hands  of  the  Americans, 
'j'lie  boats  liad  been  sent  back,  for  the  remainder 
ol'  the  men  :  but  the  business  was  done  before  they 
got  over.  Col.  Seth  Warner  was  sent  olf  with  a 
party  to  take  possession  of  Crown-Point,  where  a 
sergeant  and  twelve  men  performed  garrison  duty. 
Tliis  was  speedily  elfected. 

The  next  oliject,  calling  for  tlie  attention  of  the 
Americans,  was  to  obrain  the  command  of  lake 
Champlain  :  but,  to  areornplish  this,  it  was  neces- 
sary for  them  to  gel  I'ossession  of  a  sloop  of  war, 
'ying  at  St.  .'(dm's,  at  the  northern  extremity  of 
'.he  lake.  With  the  view  of  capturing  this  sloop, 
it  was  agreed  to  man  and  arm  a  schooner,  lying  at 
■>outh  Hay  ;  that  Arnold  should  command  her,  and 
vhat  Allen  shr  .id  command  some  baiieaux  on  the 
same  expedi*  on.  A  favourable  wind  carried  the 
5(diooner  ahead  of  the  batteaux,  and  Colonel  Ar- 
nold got  immediate  possession  of  tlie  sloop  by  sur- 
prise. 'I''he  wind  again  favouring  him,  he  return- 
ed, with  his  |)ii/,e,  to  Ticonderoga,  and  rejoined 
fjolonel  Allen.  The  latter  soon  went  home  ;  and 
the  former,  with  a  number  of  men,  agreed  lo  re- 
main there  in  garrison.  In  tliis  rapid  manner,  the 
possession  of  Ticonderoga,  and  the  command  of 
lake  Champlain,  was  obtained,  without  any  loss, 
by  a  few  determined  men.  Intelligence  of  these 
events  was  in  a  few  days,  communicated  to  Con- 
gress, which  met,  for  the  first  time,  at  ten  o'clock 
of  the  same  day,  in  the  morning  of  which,  Ticon  - 
deroga was  taken.  They  rejoiced  in  the  spirit  of 
enterprise,  displayed  by  their  countrymen  :  but 
te.ired  the  charge  of  being  aggiessors,  or  of  doing 
any  thing  to  widen  the  breach  between  Gieat  Bri- 
tain and  the  colonies  ;  for  an  accomodation  was, 
at  that  time,  their  unanimous  wish.  They  ihere- 
foie  recommended  to  the  committees  of  the  cities 
.Hid  counties  of  New  York  and  Albany,  to  cause 
the  cannon  and  stores  to  be  removed  from  Ticon- 
deroga to  the  south  end  of  lake  (jeorge,  and  to 
take  an  exact  inventory  of  them  :  "in  order  that 
I  hey  might  be  safely  returned,  when  the  resiora- 
Imii  of  the  former  harmony  between  Great  IJritain 
.10(1  the  colonies,  so  ardently  wished  forby  tlie  lat- 
ici,  should  render  it  prudent,  and  consistent  with 
the  ovei  riiling  law  of  self- preservation." 

(/'olonel  Arnold  having  begun  his  military  ca- 
reer with  a  series  of  successes,  was  urged  liy  his 
native  iiiipeluosity  lo  project  more  extensive  ope- 
rations. He,  on  the  l.'Jth  of  .lune,  wrote  a  letter 
lo  Congress,  strongly  urging  an  expedition  into 
Canada,  and  offering  with  2i){)()  men  lo  reduce  the 
whole  province.  In  his  ardent  zeal  to  oppose 
tiieat  Hrilaiii,  he  had  advised  the  adoption  of 
oll'ensive  war,  even  before  Congress  had  orja- 
lu/.ed  an  army,  or  appointed  a  single  military  offi- 
cer. His  imporluniiy  was  at  last  siic.c<'ss(ul,  as 
shall  hereafier  be  related  :  hut  not  till  Iwo  iiionths 
had  I  lapsed,  subseipieiit  lo  his  first  proposilion  of 
t  Olid  icliiig  an  exp'-dilion  asainst  Canada.  .Such 
w  (s  ine  increasing  fervour  of  ihe  piililict  mind  in 
1*7.5,  that  what,  in  ihe  early  jiarl  of  the  year,  was 


deemed  violent  and  dangerous,  was  in  its  progress  | 
pronounced  both  moderate  and  expedient. 

.SirGuy  Carleton,  the  king's  governor  in  Canada' 
no  sooner  heard  tliat  the  Americans  had  surprised' 
Ticonderoga,  and  Crown-Poini.  and  obtained  the! 
command  of  lake  Cham|)lain,  than  he  |)laiined  a 
scheme  for  their  recovery.  Having  only  a  few  I 
regular  troops  imder  his  command,  he  endeavoured 
lo  induce  the  Canadians  and  Indians,  to  co-o|)eraie 
with  him  ;  but  ihey  both  declined.  He  establish- 
ed martial  law,  that  he  might  compel  the  inhabi- 
tants to  take  arms.  They  declared  themselves 
ready  to  defend  the  province  ;  but  refused  lo  march 
out  of  it,  or  to  commence  hostilities  on  their  neigh- 
bours. Colonel  .loliiison  had,  on  the  same  occa- 
sion, repealed  conferences  with  the  Indians,  and 
endeavoured  to  influence  them  to  take  up  ilie 
hatchet;  but  they  steadily  refused.  In  order  to 
gain  their  co-operation,  he  invited  them  lo  feast 
on  a  liostonian,  and  to  drink  his  blood.  This,  in 
Ihe  Indian  style,  meant  no  more  than  to  pariake  of 
a  roasted  ox  and  a  jiipe  of  wine,  at  a  public  enter- 
tainment ;  wliich  was  given  to  induce  their  co- 
o|)eration  wiih  the  British  troops.  The  colonial 
patriots  alfecled  to  understand  it  in  its  literal  sense. 
It  furnished  in  their  mode  of  explication,  a  con- 
venient handle  for  operating  on  the  ])assioiis  of  the 
people. 

These  exertions  in  Canada,  which  were  princi- 
pally made  with  a  view  lo  recover  Ticonderoga, 
Crown-Point,  and  the  command  of  lake  Cham- 
plain, induced  Congress  lo  believe  tliat  a  formida- 
ble invasion  of  their  northwestern  frontier  was 
intended,  from  that  (piarler.  The  evident  tenden- 
cy of  the  (Quebec  act  favoured  this  opinion.  Be- 
lieving it  lo  be  the  (ixed  pur|)ose  of  the  British 
ministry,  to  attack  the  united  colonies  on  lhat  side, 
they  conceived  that  they  would  be  inexcusable  if 
they  neglected  the  proper  means  of  warding  oil' 
so  terrible  a  blow.  They  were  also  sensible  that 
the  only  praticable  plan  to  ellect  this  ])urpose,  was 
to  make  a  vigorous  attack  upon  ('anada,  while  it 
was  unable  to  resist  the  unexpected  impression. 
Their  success  at  Ticonderoga  and  Crown-Point, 
had  already  paved  the  way  for  this  bold  enterprise, 
and  had  broken  down  the  fences  which  guarded 
the  entrance  into  that  province.  On  the  other 
hand,  they  were  sensible  that  by  taking  this  step, 
they  changed  at  once  the  whole  nature  of  the  war. 
From  defensive  it  became  offensive  ;  and  subjected 
them  to  the  imputation  of  being  the  agressors. — 
They  were  well  aware  that  several  who  had  es- 
poused their  cause  in  Britain,  would  probably  be 
offended  at  this  measure  ;  and  charge  il.em  with 
heightening  the  mischiefs  occasioned  by  the  dis- 
pute. They  knew  that  the  principles  of  resistance, 
as  far  as  they  had  hitherto  acted  upon  (hem,  were 
abetted  by  a  considerable  parly  in  (Jreal  I5riia::i ; 
and  lhat  lo  forfeit  their  good  oi;inion,  might  be  of 
great  disservice.  Considerations  of  this  kind 
made  them  weitrh  well  the  important  stej),  before 
they  ventured  upon  it.  They,  on  the  oilier  hand, 
reflected  that  the  eloquence  of  ihe  minority  in  par- 
liament, and  the  petitions  and  remonstrances  of  the 
merchants  in  (Jrcal  Britain,  liad  produced  no  solid 
advantages  in  their  favour  ;  and  tliat  ihey  had  no 
chance  of  relief,  but  from  the  smiles  of  heaven  on 
iheir  own  endeavours.  The  danger  was  pressing. 
War  was  not  only  inevitable,  but  already  begun. 
To  wait  till  ihey  were  attacked  by  a  formidable 
force  at  their  backs,  in  the  very  instant  when  their 
utmost  exertions  would  be  re(|ui.^ile,  perhaps  insuf- 
ficient, to  protect  iheir  cities  and  sea  coast,  against 
an  invasion  from  Britain,  would  be  the  siimmil 
of  folly.  The  laws  of  war  and  of  nations  justified 
llie  forestalling  of  an  enemy.  The  colonists  main- 
tained lhat  to  prevent  known  hostile  intentions, 
was  a  matter  of  self-defence.  They  were  also 
sensible  they  had  already  gone  such  lengths,  as 
could  only  be  vindicated  by  arms;  and  that,  if  a 
certain  des:ree  of  success  did  not  attend  their  re- 
sistance, they  would  be  at  the  mercy  of  an  irritated 
government,  and  iheir  moderation  in  ihe  single  in- 
stance of  Canada,  would  be  an  unavailing  plea  for 
indulgence.  Thev  were  also  encouraged  lo  pro- 
ceed, by  certain  ini'ormalioii,  that  the  I'renrli  inha- 


bitants ol'Canada.  except  the  noblesse  and  the  cler 
gy,  were  as  much  discontented  with  their  presen 
system  of  government  as  the  British  settlers.  It 
seemed  therefore  probable,  that  they  would  con- 
sider the  provincials,  rather  as  friends,  than  as  ene- 
mies. The  invasion  of  lhat  province  was  there- 
fore determined  upon,  if  found  practicable,  and  not 
disagreeable  to  the  Canadians. 

Congress  had  committed  the  management  of 
their  military  arrangements,  in  this  northern  de- 
partment, lo  (ienerals  .Schuyler  and  Montgomery. 
While  the  former  remained  at  Albany,  lo  attend 
an  Indian  treaty,  the  latter  wassent  forward  to  Ti- 
conderoga, with  a  body  of  troops  from  New  York 
and  New  England.  About  this  time,  General 
Schuyler  addressed  the  inhabitants,  informing 
them,  "  lhat  the  only  views  of  Congress  were  to 
restore  to  them  those  rights,  which  every  subject 
of  the  British  Kmpiie,  of  whatever  religious  senti- 
ments he  may  lie,  is  entitled  to  ;  and  that,  in  the 
execution  of  these  trusts,  he  had  received  the 
most  positive  orders  to  cherish  every  Canadian, 
and  every  friend  lo  the  cause  of  liberty,  and  sacred- 
ly lo  giiaid  their  |)ro|)erly."  The  Americans, 
about  1000  in  number,  effected  a  landing  at  St. 
.lohn's  ;  which,  being  the  first  British  post  in  Ca- 
nada, lies  only  ]\-')  miles  to  the  northward  of  Ti- 
conderoga. The  British  picquets  were  driven 
into  the  fort.  The  environs  was  then  reconnoi- 
lered,  and  the  fortifications  were  found  lobe  much 
stronger  than  liad  been  suspected.  This  induced 
the  calling  of  a  council  of  war,  which  recommend- 
ed a  retreat  to  Isle  aiix  Noix,  twelve  miles  south 
of  .St.  .John's,  lo  throw  a  boom  across  the  chan- 
nel, and  to  erect  works  for  its  defence.  Soon  af- 
lerlhis  event,  a  bad  state  of  health  induced  (ieneia' 
Schuyler  to  retire  to  Ticonderoga;  and  the  com 
mand  devolved  on  General  Montgomery. 

This  enterprising  officer,  in  a  few  days,  relumed 
lo  ihe  vicinity  of  St.  John's,  and  opened  a  battery 
against  it.  Ammunition  was  so  scarce,  that  the 
siege  could  not  be  carried  on,  with  any  prospect  of 
speedy  success.  The  general  detached  a  small 
body  of  troops,  lo  attempt  the  reduction  of  fori 
Chamblee,  only  six  miles  distant.  Success  attend 
ed  this  enterjirize.  By  its  surrender,  six  Inns  c-< 
gunpowder  were  obtained,  which  enabled  the  gene- 
ral lo  prosecute  the  siege  of  St.  John's  with  vigour 
The  garrison,  though  stnii'.ened  for  provisions, 
persevered  in  defending  themselves  with  unabating 
fortitude.  While  (teiieral  Montgomery  was  prose- 
cuting this  siege,  the  govern.-^r  of  the  province  col- 
lected, at  Montreal,  about  800  men,  chiefly  militii 
and  Indians.  He  endeavoured  to  cross  the  rivei 
.St.  Tjawrence,  with  this  force,  and  to  land  at  Lon 
quiel,  intending  to  proceed  thence  to  attack  ilie  be- 
siegers :  but  (Jolonel  Warner,  with  300  greeu 
mountain  boys,  and  a  four  iiounder,  prevented  tlio 
execulioii  of  the  design.  The  governor's  parly 
was  sufiered  lo  come  near  the  shore  ;  Hut  was  theo 
fired  U|)on,  with  such  effect  as  to  make  them  re- 
tire, after  sustaining  great  loss. 

An  account  of  this  affair  being  communicated  to 
the  garrison  in  St.  John's,  .Major  Preston,  the 
commanding  officer,  surrendered,  on  receiving 
honourable  terms  of  capitulation.  About  .^OO  regu- 
lars and  100  Canadians  became  prisoners  lo  tho 
provincials.  They  also  acquired  39  pieces  of 
cannon,  seven  mortars,  two  howitzers,  and  aboiil 
SOO  stand  of  arms.  Among  ihe  cannon  were  man; 
brass  field  pieces;  an  article  ol  which  the  Aiiie 
ricans  weie  nearly  destitute. 

While  the  siege  of  St.  John's  was  pending,  Co 
lonel  Allen,  who  was  returning  with  about  S<)  met 
from  a  lour  on  which  he  had  been  sent  by  his  gene 
ral,  was  captured  by  the  British  near  Montreal 
Though  he  liad  surrendered  in  action,  wilh  arms 
in  his  hands,  under  a  verbal  capitulation  that  he 
should  receive  good  treatment,  he  was  loaded  wilil 
irons,  and  in  that  condition  sent  to  Kngland.* 


•Colonel  Allen,  nfter  bis  cxchanpf,  piiblislicd  nil  in 
Irrrsline  nnrrntive  of  his  rnplivily.  'I'lic  criifc  iiHccpJ 
nijiiinsl  liiin  wns  liii"  Inkiii?  'rii  oiiilcmca :  nnil  it  »as 
iiil.-ncU'd  lliMt  he  slioiilcl  lit-  Iriod  fur  llii«,  iik  an  «••< 
rrbrllion.  Frmn  his  narmlivr,  it  opponrs  iIirI  the  mmf 
plnccd  on  him  were  iincoiiiinoiily  heavy,  ind  so  f«»leii 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


880 


After  the  reduction  of  St.  John's,  General  Mont- 
gomery proceeded  towards  Monlreal.  'JMie  lew 
British  forces  there,  unable  to  stand  their  giouiid, 
repaired  for  safety  on  board  their  sliippini;,  in  hopes 
of  escaping  down  the  river;  but  they  were  |)re- 
vented.  General  Piescot,  who  was  on  board 
with  several  officers,  and  about  120  privates,  hav- 
ing no  chance  of  esca|)e  submitted  to  be  prisoners 
on  terms  of  capitulation.  Eleven  sail  of  vessels, 
with  all  their  contents,  consisting  of  ammunition, 
provisions,  and  intrenching  tools,  became  the  pro- 
perty of  the  provincials.  Governor  Garleton  was 
about  this  time  conveyed  in  a  boat  with  muftled 
paddles,  by  a  secret  way  to  the  Three  Rivers,  and 
thence  to  Quebec  in  a  few  days. 

When  Montreal  was  evacuated  by  the  troops, 
the  inhabitants  applied  to  General  Montgomery  for 
a  capitulation.  He  informed  them  as  they  were 
defenceless,  they  could  not  expect  such  a  conces- 
sion :  but,  lie  engaged,  upon  his  honour,  to  main- 
tain the  individuals  and  religious  communities  of 
the  city,  in  the  peaceable  enjoyment  of  their  prop- 
erty, and  the  free  exercise  of  their  religion.  In 
dll  his  transactions,  he  spoke,  h  rote,  and  acted 
(vith  dignity  and  propriety;  and  treated  the  inha- 
bitants with  liberality  and  politeness. 

Montreal  which  at  this  time  surrendered  to  the 
provincials,  carried  on  an  extensive  trade,  and 
contained  many  of  those  arlieles,  which  from  the 
o[)eration  of  the  resolutions  o(  C-ongress,  could  not 
be  imported  into  any  of  the  united  colonies.  From 
these  stores,  the  American  soldiers,  who  had  hith- 
erto sutVered  from  the  want  of  suitable  clothing, 
obtained  a  plentiful  supply. 

General  Montgomery,  after  leaving  some  troops 


cd,  that  he  could  not  lie  down  otli(>rwise  than  on  his 
back.    A  chest   was  his  scat   by  (lay  and  his  bed  by 
lii^ht.    In  letters  to  tlie  Hrilisli  general  I'rescot,  he  urtred 
liis  claim  to  better  treatment,  on  the  groiind  of  his  hu- 
manity and  politeness  to  all  the  prisoners  he  had  taken; 
but  no  answer  ever  came  to  his  hands.    Alter  he  had 
been  sent  in  irons  as  a  state  prisoner  to  England,  he  was 
sent  back  as  a  prisoner  of  war  to  America.    On  his  re- 
turn, when  the  fleet,  on  hoard  of  which  he  was  confin- 
ed, rendez.vonsed   at    the  Cove  of  Cork,  he  received 
from  the  kindness  of  the  inhabitants  of  that  city,  a  plen- 
tiful sn|)ply  for  all  his    wants;   hut   their  benevolence 
was  intercepted   by    Captain  Symonds,  of  the  British 
r  ivy,  who  swore  that  "the  da:;:::ed  American  rebels 
Blioidd  not  be  so  feasted  by  the  damned  rebels  of  Ire- 
land."   After  much  had  usaffc  ir.  u  circuitous  voyage 
he  was   landed  at   Halifax,  sick  with  the  scurvy,  and 
there  put  in  prison.    Thence  he  was  sent  to  New  York, 
and  for  a  few  months  was  admitted  to  his  parole ;  hut 
in  August,  1777,  on   pretence  of  breaking  it,  was  conliu- 
cd  in  the  provost  jail.    During  his  residence  there,  he 
was  wiiness  of  the  most  horrid  scenes  of  oppression 
nnd  cruelty,  to  the  American  prisoners;  and  declares, 
that,  from  his  own  knowledge,  he  had  no  doubt,  that  up- 
wards of  2(11)0  of  them  i>erished  with  hunger,  cold,  and 
sickness,  occasioned  by  the  filth  of  the  places  in  which 
they  were  confined,  and   the  scanty  unwholesome  pro- 
visions, with    which   they  were     served.     He  farther 
states,  llwit  till  the  defeat  of  the  Jlessiaus  at  Trentim, 
in  December,  1770,   the  conquest  of  the  country  was 
oonsidered  as  certain ;  that   the    forfeiture   of  estates, 
nnd  the  execution  of  the  leaders  of  the  rcliellion,  were 
spoken  of,  as  events  near  at  hand  ;  and  that  the  severe 
treatment  of  the  prisoners  was  founded  on  the  idea,  that 
every  thing  short  of    immediate    execution,  was  better 
than  they    as   rebels,  had  a  right  to  cxi)ect;  that  the 
most  ungenerous  anil  cruel  methods,  by  starvation,  and 
olhi'rwise,    were    adopted    to  compel    their  enli^lment 
into  the  British  service ;  that  uinny  submitted  to  death, 
in  preference  to  that  mode  of  obtaining  a  release;  that 
the  halter  and  the  gallows  were,  in  the  earlv  periods  of 
the  war,  otieu  j)rescntcd  to  Ids  own  view,  as  the  conse- 
quence of  his  olistiuacy  anil  rebellion;  but,  afterwards, 
high   command,   and  a  large   tract  of  the  conquered 
country  was  offered  him  on  condition  he  would  join  the 
British.    To  iho  Uist  he  replied:  "  that  he  viewed  their 
offer,  of  coiupie red  L'uitcil  Stales'  land,  to  be  similar  to 
that  whii  li   ihe  devil  olfered   to  Jesus  Christ;  to  eive 
him  all  llie  kiuiidoms  of  the  world,  if   he   would  fall 
nown  and   wor>^liip   him,  when  at  the  same  time,  the 
poor  devil  Imil  not  one  foot  of  land  upon  earth."    A  re- 
view i  '  this  narrative  naturally  excites  speculations  on 
the   numerous  excculinns.   and   exie.isive  confiscations 
which,  prohahly,  would  have  been  ihe  consequence  of 
the  fall  ore  of  the  revolution,  and  ought  to  excite  grati- 
tude in  the  hreast  of  every  American,  that  these  ruiniuis 
mejgures  wcto  prevented,  hy  the  final  success  of  their 
oriiis.    Colonel  Allen  was  confined  in  the  provost  jail, 
of  ^ew  Vork,  till  May,  1778,  when  he  was  exchaused; 
IBd,  toiho  grout  joy  of  Lis  counlrv  restored  to  activitv 
B  lU  service. 


in  Montreal,  and  sending  detachments  into  diU'cr- 
eiit  part.s  of  the  |)iovini:e,  advanced  towards  the 
capitil.  His  little  army  arrived  with  expedilioii 
I  before  Quebec.  Success  had  hitherto  crowned 
!  every  atieini)t  of  General  Moiitgimiery ;  but  his 
situation  was  nevertheless  very  embarrassing. 
Much  to  be  pitied  is  the  officer,  who,  having  been  ' 
bred  to  arms,  in  the  strict  diciiiline  of  regular 
armies,  is  afterwards  called  tc  command  men,  who 
carry  with  tliem  the  spirit  of  freedom  into  the  field. 
The  greater  part  of  the  Americans,  officers,  as 
well  as  soldiers,  having  never  seen  any  service, 
were  ignorant  of  their  duty,  and  feebly  impressed 
with  the  military  ideas  of  union,  subordination  and 
discipline.  The  army  was  continental  in  name 
and  pay  ;  l)ut  in  no  other  res[)ect.  Not  only  the 
t.>-oops  of  dili'erent  colonies  conceived  themselves 
independent  of  each  other  ;  but,  in  some  instances, 
the  (Jiiferent  regiments  of  the  same  colony  were 
backward  to  submit  to  the  orders  of  oflicers  in  a 
higher  grade  of  another  line.  They  were  soon 
tired  of  a  military  life.  Novelty  and  the  first  im- 
pulse of  passion  had  led  them  to  camp;  but, 
the  approaching  cold  season,  together  with  the 
fatigues  and  dangers  incident  to  war  induced  a 
general  wish  to  relinquish  the  service.  'j''hough, 
by  the  terms  of  their  enlistment,  they  were  to  be 
dischargeil  in  a  few  weeks,  they  could  not  biook 
an  absence  Irom  their  homes,  for  that  short  s])ace 
of  time.  'Ilie  ideas  of  liberty  and  independence, 
which  roused  the  colonists  to  oppose  the  claims  of 
Great  Britain,  operated  ag.xinst  that  implicit  obe- 
dience, which  is  necessary  to  a  well  regulated 
army. 

Even  in  European  states,  where  long  habits 
have  established  submission  to  superiors,  as  a 
primary  duty  of  the  common  people,  the  difhculty 
of  governing  lecruits,  when  first  led  to  the  field 
from  the  civil  occu|)ations,  is  great  :  to  exercise 
discipline  over  freemen,  accustomed  to  act  only 
from  the  impulse  of  their  own  minds,  required  not 
only  a  knowledge  of  human  nature,  but  an  accom- 
modating spirit,  and  a  degree  of  patience,  which 
are  rarely  found  among  officers  of  regular  armies. 
The  troops  under  the  immediale  command  of  Gene- 
ral Montgomery,  were,  from  their  usual  habits, 
averse  to  the  ideas  of  subordination,  and  had  sud- 
denly passed  from  domestic  etise,  to  the  number 
less  wants  and  •.listi-.'JEses,  which  are  incident  to 
inarches  tlirough  strange  and  desert  countries. 
Every  difficulty  was  ir.creased  by  the  short  term, 
fot  which  they  were  enlisted.  To  secure  the  af- 
fections of  the  Canadiai7s,  it  was  necessary  for  the 
American  general  to  restrain  tlie  appetites,  and 
control  the  licentiousnr'ss  of  his  soldiery  ;  while 
the  appearance  of  military  harshness  was  danger- 
ous, lest  their  good  will  might  be  forfeited.  In 
this  choice  of  difficulties,  the  genius  of  Montgo- 
mery surmounted  many  obstacles.  During  his 
short,  but  glorious  career,  he  conducted  with  so 
much  prudence,  as  to  make  it  doubtful,  whether 
we  ought  to  admire  most,  the  goodness  of  the  man, 
or  the  address  of  the  general. 

About  the  same  time  tliat  Canada  was  invaded 
in  the  usual  route  from  New  York,  a  considerable 
detachment,  from  the  American  army  at  Cam- 
bridge, was  conducted  into  tiiat  royal  province,  by 
a  new  and  unexpected  passage.  Colonel  Arnold, 
who  successfully  conducted  this  bold  undertaking, 
thereby  acquired  the  name  of  the  American  Han- 
nibal. He  was  detached,  with  a  tliousand  men, 
from  Cambridge,  to  penetrate  into  Canada,  by  as- 
cending the  river  Kennebeck,  and  descending  by 
the  Chaudiere,  to  the  river  St.  Lawrence.  Great 
were  the  difficulties  these  troops  had  to  encounter, 
in  marching  by  an  unexplored  route,  three  hundred 
miles,  through  an  uninhabited  country.  In  ascend- 
ing the  Kennebeck,  they  were  constantly  obliged 
to  work  upwards,  against  an  impetuous  current. 
They  were  often  compelled,  by  cataracts  or  other 
impediments,  to  land,  and  to  haul  their  batteaux  up 
rapid  streams,  and  over  fails  of  rivers.  Nor  was 
their  march  by  land  more  eligible,  than  this  pas- 
sage by  water.  They  had  deep  swamjis,  tliick 
woods,  difiicult  mountains,  and  craggy  precipices 
alternately  to  encounter.    At  some  places,  they 


had  to  cut  their  way,  for  miles  together,  through 
forests  so  embarrassed,  that  tlii;ir  progress  was 
only  four  or  live  miles  a  day.  'J'he  constant  laligue 
caused  many  to  I'all  sick.  One  third  of  the  num- 
ber which  set  out,  was  from  want  ol'  necessaries, 
obliged  to  return  ;  the  others  proceeded  with  una- 
bated fortitude  and  constancy.  Provisions  grew 
at  length  so  scarce,  that  some  of  the  men  eat  tlieii 
dogs,  cartouch  boxes,  breeches,  and  shoes.  When 
they  were  an  hundred  miles  from  any  habitation, 
or  prospect  of  a  siip|)ly,  their  whole  store  was  di- 
vided, which  yielded  (our  pints  of  Hour  to  each 
man.  After  they  had  baketl  and  eaten  llieir  last 
morsel,  they  had  thirty  miles  to  travel,  before  they 
could  expect  any  farther  supply.  The  men  born 
up  under  these  complicated  distresses,  with  the 
greatest  fortitude.*  'I'liey  gloried  in  the  hope  of 
completing  a  march,  whicli  would  rival  the  fame 
of  similar  expeditions  undertaken  by  the  heroes  of 
antiquity.  Having  spent  thirty-one  days,  in  tra- 
versing a  hideous  wildtnness,  without  ever  seeing 
any  thing  human,  they  at  length  reached  the  in- 
habited parts  of  Canada.  They  were  there  well 
received,  and  supplied  with  every  thing  necessary 
for  their  comfort.  The  Canadians  were  struck  with 
amazement,  when  they  saw  ihis  armed  force  emer- 
ging from  the  wilderness.  It  had  never  entered 
their  conceptions,  that  it  was  possible  (or  human 
beings  to  traverse  such  immense  wilds.  The  most 
pointed  instructions  liad  been  given  to  this  corps, 
to  conciliatt;  (he  all'eclions  o('  the  Canadians.  It 
was  particularly  enjoined  ujion  them,  if  (he  son  ot' 
lord  Chatham,  then  an  officer  in  one  ol  tin?  British 
regiments  in  that  jiiovince,  should  (all  into  iheir 
hands,  to  treat  him  with  all  ])ossible  attention,  in 
return  for  the  great  exertions  of  his  farther,  in  be- 
half of  American  liberty.  A  manifesto,  subscribed 
by  General  Washinglon,  which  had  been  sent  (loin 
Cambridge  with  this,  detachment  was  circulated 
among  the  inhabitants  of  Canada.  In  this,  they 
were  invited  to  arraniie  themselves  under  the 
standard  of  general  liberty;  and  were  informed 
that  the  American  army  was  sent,  not  to  plunder 
but  to  protect  them. 

While  General  Montgomery  lay  at  Montreal, 
Colonel  Arnold  arrived  at  Point  Levy,  opposite  to 
Quebec.  Such  was  tne  consternation  of  (he  gar- 
rison and  inhabitants,  at  his  unexpetued  apjieai- 
ance,  that  had  not  the  river  intervened,  an  imme- 
diate attack,  in  the  first  surprise  and  confusion, 
might  have  been  successful.  The  bold  enterprise 
of  one  American  army,  marching  through  the  w  il- 
derness, at  a  time  when  success  was  crowning 
every  underlaking  of  anodier.  invading  in  a  dille- 
rent  direction,  struck  terror  into  the  breast  of  those 
C'anadians,  who  were  unfriendly  to  the  designs  of 
Congress.  The  embarrassments  of  the  garrison 
were  increased  by  the  absence  of  Sir  (iiiv  ('arle- 
(on.  That  gallant  olTicer  on  hearing  of  .^Iontgo- 
mery's  invasion,  prepared  (o  op|)ose  him  in  (he 
ex(reines  of  the  province.  While  he  was  collect- 
ing a  force  to  attack  invaders  in  one  direction,  a 
different  corps,  emerging  out  of  the  depths  of  an 
unexjilored  wilderness,  sudilenly  ajipeared  from 
another.  In  a  few  days  Colonel  Arnold  crossed 
the  river  St.  Lawrence  ;  but  his  chance  of  suc- 
ceeding by  acoupde  main,  was  in  that  short  space 
greatly  diminished.  The  critical  moment  was  past. 
The  panic  occasioned  by  his  (irst  appearance  had 
abated,  and  solid  jirejiarations  for  the  defence  of 
the  town  were  adopted.  The  inhabitants,  both 
English  and  Canadians,  as  soon  as  danger  pressed, 
united  for  their  common  defence.  Alarmed  for 
their  jiroperty,  they  were  at  (heir  own  re(|iiest, 
embodied  ("or  its  seciiri(y.  The  sailors  were  taken 
from  the  shipping  in  the  harbour,  and  put  (o  the 
ba((eries  on  shore.  As  Colonel  Arnold  had  no 
artillery,  after  parading  some  days  on  the  heights 
near  (Quebec,  he  drew  o(l'  his  troops,  intending 
nothing  more  until  the  arrival  of  Montgomery, 
than  to  cut  olfsupfilies  from  entering  the  garrison. 

So  favourable  were  the  prospects  of  (he  united 

*  Aaron  Burr,  nt"terwards  vice-president  of  the  'Jni. 
ted  Slates,  was  one  of  his  party.  He  was  then  aliou 
twenty  years  old,  and  had  broken  off  from  his  legal  Etu 
dies  that  ho  might  serve  on  hit  expedition. 


800 


THK  HISTOUY  OF 


colonic!)  al  this  period,  that  General  Mont<;oiiipry 
eel  nil  fool  a  regiment  c.f  Canadians,  to  be  in  the 
\>.<y  ((('(Jongrcss.  .James  Livingston,  a  native  ol' 
Is'evv  Voik  who  liad  lonj^  resided  in  Canada,  was 
appointed  to  the  command  thereof;  and  several 
recruits  were  engat;ed  for  tlie  term  of  twelve 
iiionths!.  'J"he  inliabitants,  on  both  sides  of  the 
river  .St.  Lawrence,  were  very  friendly.  Ex- 
presses in  the  em|)loy  of  tlie  Americans,  went 
wiihout  molesiation,  backwards  and  forwards,  be- 
tween Montreal  and  Quebec.  Many  individuals 
peiforiiied  signal  services,  in  favour  of  the  invad- 
ing army  Among  a  considerable  number,  Mr. 
Price  stands  conspicuous,  who  advanced  OOQOl 
ill  s|)fcie,  for  their  use. 

\'arious  causes  had  contributed  to  attach  the 
inhabitants  of  Canada,  especially  those  of  the  in- 
ferior classes  to  the  interest  of  Congress,  and  to 
alieniate  their  ali'ections  from  the  government  of 
(iieat  Jjritain.  The  contest  was  for  liberty  ;  and 
tliere  is  something  in  iliat  sound  captivating  to 
the  mind  of  man,  in  a  stale  of  original  simplicity. 
It  was  for  the  colonies;  and  Canada  was  also  a 
colony.  The  objects  of  the  war  were  therefore 
supposed  to  be  for  their  common  advantage.  The 
I'orin  of  government,  lately  imposed  on  them  by 
act  of  parliament,  was  far  from  being  so  free,  as 
the  coiistiliiiions  of  the  other  colonies,  and  was  in 
many  respects  [jarticularly  oppressive.  The  coin- 
inon  peo|)le  had  no  representative  share  in  enact- 
ing the  laws,  by  whicli  they  were  to  be  governed; 
and  were  subjected  to  the  arbitrary  will  of  jier- 
sons,  over  whom  they  had  no  control.  Distinc- 
tions so  degrading  were  not  unobserved  by  the 
native  Canadians  :  but  were  more  obvious  to  those 
wlio  had  known  the  privileges  enjoyed  in  the 
neighbouring  |>r()vinces.  Several  individuals, 
fdii'-aled  in  New  England  and  New  York,  with 
the  hich  ideas  of  liberty,  inspired  by  their  free 
coiistiiul'ons,  had,  in  the  interval  between  the 
peaci-  ol' I'aris,  llG'.j,  and  the  coi7imencement  of 
the  American  war,  migrated  into  Canada.  Such 
sensibly  felt  the  dill'erence  between  the  govern- 
ments they  had  left,  and  the  arl)itrary  constitution 
imposed  on  them;  and,  both  from  principle  and 
aliec'tion,  earnestly  persuaded  the  Canadians  to 
make  a  common  cause  with  the  united  colo- 
nies. 

Tliiiugh  motives  of  this  kind  induced  the  pea- 
santry ol'the  country  to  espouse  the  interest  of 
Congress,  yet  sundry  individuals,  and  some  wliole 
orders  of  men,  threw  the  weisht  of  their  influence 
into  the  opposite  scale.  Tlie  legal  privileges 
v/liich  the  Roman  catholic  clergy  enjoyed,  made 
tliem  averse  to  a  change,  lest  they  should  be  en- 
d.iiigcred,  by  a  more  intimate  connexion  with  their 
protestant  neighbours.  They  used  their  supposed 
iiidiience  in  the.  next  world,  as  an  engine  to  ope- 
rate on  the  movements  of  the  present.  They  re- 
fused absolution  to  such  of  their  flocks  as  abetted 
the  Americans.  This  interdiction  of  the  joys  of 
heaven,  by  those  who  were  supposed  to  hold  tlie 
keys  of  it,  o|)(Mated  powerfully  on  the  opinions 
and  practices  of  the  superstitious  multitude.  The 
seigneurs  had  iiiHiiiiniiies  unknown  in  the  other 
colonies.  Such  is  the  fondness  for  power  in  eve- 
ry human  breast,  that  re»olutions  ate  rarely  fa- 
Toured  by  any  order  of  men,  who  have  reason  to 
appreheuil  that  their  future  situation,  in  case  of  a 
change,  will  be  less  pre-eminent  than  before. 

The  sagacious  (iencral  Montgomery,  no  less  a 
man  of  the  world  than  an  officer,  discovered  great 
adilrcss  in  accommodating  himself  to  these  clash- 
ing interests.  Though  he  knew  the  part  the  po- 
pish clergy  had  acted,  in  opposition  to  him,  yet  he 
conducted  towards  them,  as  if  totally  ignorant  of 
tlie  matlcr  ;  and  treated  them  and  their  religion 
with  great  respect  anil  attention.  As  far  as  he 
was  authorised  to  promise,  he  engaged  that  their 
ecclesiastical  properly  should  be  secured,  and  the 
free  exercise  of  their  religitm  continued.  To  all, 
he  held  forth  the  flaitering  idea  of  calling  a  coii- 
vriition  of  representatives,  freely  chosen,  to  in- 
Bliiiite,  bv  iu  own  will,  such  a  form  of  govern- 
niciit  as  they  approved.  While  the  great  mind 
uf  this  illustrious  man,  was  meditating  scliemes  of 


liberty  and  liappiness,  a  military  force  was  col- 
lecting and  iraining  to  oppose  him,  which  in  a 
short  time  put  a  period  to  liis  valuable  life. 

At  the  time  the  Americans  were  before  Mon- 
treal, (ieneral  Carleion,  as  has  been  related,  es- 
ca[)ed  through  their  hands,  and  got  safe  to  Que- 
bec. Ihs  presence  was  itself  a  garrison.  The 
confidence  reposed  in  liis  talents  insjiired  the  men 
under  his  command,  to  make  the  most  determined 
resistance.  Soon  after  his  arrival,  he  issued  a 
proclamation,  setting  forth :  "  That  all  persons 
liable  to  do  militia  duty,  and  residing  iu  Quebec, 
who  refused  to  arm  in  conjunction  with  the  royal 
army,  should,  in  fourdays,  quit  Quebec,  with  their 
families,  and  withdraw  from  the  limits  of  the  dis- 
trict, by  the  first  of  December,  on  pain  of  being 
treated  afterwards  as  spies  or  rebels."  All  who 
weie  unwilling  to  co-operate  with  the  British  ar- 
my, being  thus  disposed  of,  the  remaining  inhabi- 
tants, though  unused  to  arms,  became,  in  a  little' 
time,  so  lar  acquainted  with  them,  as  to  be  very 
useful  in  defending  the  town.  They  sup|)orted 
fatigues,  and  submitted  to  command,  with  a  pa- 
tience and  cheerfulness,  that  could  not  be  exceed- 
ed by  men  familiarized  to  the  hardships  and  sub- 
ordination of  a  military  life. 

General  Montgomery,  having  effected  at  Point 
aux  Tretiibles  ajunction  with  Colonel  Arnold,  com- 
menced the  siege  of  Quebec.  Upon  his  arrival 
before  the  town,  he  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Britisli 
governor,  recommending  an  immediate  suriender, 
to  prevent  the  dreadful  consequences  of  a  storm. 
Though  the  flag  which  conveyed  this  letter  was 
fired  upon,  and  all  communication  refused.  General 
Montgomery  found  other  means  to  convey  a  let- 
ter of  the  same  tenor  into  the  garrison:  but  the 
firmness  of  the  governor  could  not  be  moved, 
either  by  threats  or  dangers.  The  Americans 
soon  after  commenced  a  bombardment  with  five 
small  mortars;  but  with  very  little  effect.  In  a 
lew  days  General  Montgomery  opened  a  six  gun 
battery,  at  the  distance  of  seven  hundred  yards 
from  the  walls;  but  liis  metal  was  too  light  to 
make  any  impression. 

The  news  of  (iencral  IMontgomery's  success  in 
Canada  had  filled  the  colonies  with  expectations, 
that  the  con(]uest  of  Quebec  would  soon  add  fresh 
lustre  to  his  already  brilliant  fame.  He  knew 
well  the  consequences  of  popular  disappointment, 
and  was  of  opinion  that  unless  something  decisive 
was  iinitiediaiely  done,  the  benefit  of  his  pievious 
acquisitions  would,  in  a  great  degree,  be  lost  to 
the  American  cause.  On  both  accounts,  he  was 
strongly  impelled  to  make  every  exertion,  for  sa- 
tisfying the  expectations  and  |)roiiu)tiiig  the  inte- 
rest of  a  people,  who  had  honoured  him  with  so 
great  a  share  of  their  confidence.  'J'lie  govern- 
ment of  (ireat  Britain,  in  the  extensive  province 
of  Canada,  was  at  that  time  reduced  to  the  single 
town  of  (Quebec.  The  asttjiiished  world  saw 
peaceable  colonists,  suddenly  transforiiied  iiilo 
soldiers,  and  these  marching  through  unex|)loied 
wildernesses,  and  extending  themselves  by  con- 
(juests,  in  the  first  moment  after  they  had  atsumed 
the  profession  of  arms. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  year,  the  tide  of  fortune 
heg'.in  to  turn.  Dissensions  broke  out  between 
Colonel  Arnold  and  some  of  his  officers,  threaten- 
ing the  annihilation  of  discipline.  The  continen- 
tal currency  had  no  circulation  in  Canada,  and  all 
the  hard  money  furnished  fi)r  the  expedition  was 
nearly  expended.  DilTiculties  of  every  kind  w  cie 
daily  increasing.  The  extremities  of  fatigue  were 
constantly  to  be  encountered.  The  American 
general  had  not  a  sufTicient  number  of  men  to 
make  the  proper  reliefs,  in  the  daily  labours  they 
underwent;  and  that  inconsiderable  number,  worn 
down  with  toil,  wms  constantly  exposed  to  the 
severities  of  a  Canada  winter.  The  period  for 
which  a  great  (>art  of  his  men  had  enlisted,  being 
on  the  (Joint  of  expiration,  he  apprehended  that 
they  who  were  emitled  to  it,  would  insist  on  their 
discharge.  On  the  other  hand,  he  saw  no  pros- 
pfct  of  staggering  the  resolution  of  the  garrison. 
They  were  well  supplied  with  every  thing  neces- 
sary for  their  defence,  and  were  daily  acquiring 


additional  firmness.  The  extremity  of  winter  was 
fast  a|)proaching. 

From  these  combined  circumstances.  Genera 
Montgomery  was  impressed  with  a  conviction,  that 
the  siege  should  either  be  raised,  or  brought  to  a 
summary  terminaiion.  To  storm  the  place,  wao 
the  only  feasible  method  of  effecting  '  e  lattci 
purpose.  But  this  was  an  undertaking,  in  whicli 
success  was  but  barely  possible.  Great  minds  arc 
seldom  exact  calculators  of  danger.  Nor  do  they 
minutely  attend  to  the  difficulties  which  obstruc- 
the  attainment  of  their  objects.  Fortune,  in  con- 
tempt ol  the  pride  of  man,  has  ever  had  an  influ- 
ence in  the  success  or  failure  of  iiiiliiary  enter* 
prises.  Some  of  the  greatest  achievements,  of  that 
kind,  have  owed  their  success  to  a  noble  contempt 
of  common  forms. 

The  ujiper  |)art  of  Quebec  was  surrounded  with 
very  strong  works,  and  the  access  from  the  lower 
town  was  excessively  difficult,  iVoiii  its  almost  per- 
pendicular steepness.  (Jeneral  Montgomery,  from 
a  native  intre|)i<lity,  and  an  ardent  thirst  for  glory 
overlooked  all  these  dangers ;  and  resolved  at 
once,  either  to  carry  the  place  or  perish  in  the  at 
tem|)t.  'J'rustiiig  much  to  his  good  fortune;  con- 
fiding in  the  bravery  of  liis  troo])s,  and  their 
readiness  to  follow  whithersoever  lie  should  lead  • 
and  depending  somewhat  on  the  extensiveness  ot 
the  works,  he  determined  to  attempt  'Vie  town  by 
escalade. 

The  garrison  of  Quebec  at  tliis  time  consisted  of 
about  l'y2Q  men.  of  which  800  were  militia,  and 
450  were  seamen  belonging  to  the  king's  frigates, 
or  merchant  ships  in  the  harbour.  The  rest  were 
marines,  regulars,  or  Colonel  .Maclean's  new-rais- 
ed emigrants.  The  American  army  consisted  of 
about  8U()  men.  .Some  had  been  left  at  .Montreal 
•ind  near  a  third  of  Arnold's  detachment,  as  has 
been  related,  had  lelurned  to  Cambridge. 

General  .Montgomery,  having  divided  this  little 
force  into  four  detachments,  ordered  two  feints  tc 
be  made  against  the  upper  town  ;  one  by  Colone 
Livingston,  at  the  head  of  the  Canadians,  agains. 
Si.  John's  gate  ;  and  the  other  by  .Major  Brown 
against  Cape  Diamond  ;  reserving  to  himself  and 
Ccdoiiel  Arnold  the  two  principal  attacks,  agains*. 
the  lower  town.  .\t  five  o'clock  in  the  morning 
(iencral  .Montgomery,  advanced  against  the  lowei 
town,  lie  passed  the  first  barriei,  and  was  jus*, 
opening  to  attack  tlie  second,  when  he  was  killed, 
together  with  Captain  .John  M'Pherson,  Caplaic 
Checsman.  and  some  others.  This  so  dispirited 
the  men,  that  ( "oloiiel  Campbell,  on  whom  the  com- 
mand devolved,  thought  pnqier  to  draw  them  off 
In  the  mean  time  Ccdoiiel  Aintdd,  at  the  head  of 
about  3')0  men,  passed  through  .St.  lioques,  ant"; 
approached  near  a  two  gun  battery,  without  being 
discovered.  'J'liis  he  attacked,  and,  though  it  was 
well  defended,  carried  it;  but  with  cuiisiderablc 
loss.  In  this  attack,  C(doiiel  Arnold  received  n 
wound,  which  made  it  necessary  to  carry  liiiii  Oii' 
the  field  of  battle.  His  party  nevertheless  coiitiiiii- 
cd  the  assault,  and  pushing  on,  made  themselves 
masteis  of  a  second  barrier.  These  brave  men 
sustained  the  force  of  the  whole  garrison  forihrtc 
hours  ;  but  finding  lliemselves  liemmed  in,  and 
without  hopes  either  of  succe.ss,  relief  or  retreat 
they  yielded  to  niimljers,  and  the  advantageous 
situation  of  their  adversaries. 

'J'lie  loss  of  the  .Americans,  in  killed  and  wound- 
ed, was  about  100,  and  ;}00  were  taken  prismiers. 
.Among  tlie  slain  were  Captain  Kendricks.  Lieiile- 
nant  Humphries,  and  Lieutenant  Cooper.  'I'lie 
behaviour  of  the  provincial  tioops  was  such,  as 
might  have  silenced  those  who  had  repioaclied 
them,  fi)r  being  deficient  in  courage.  'J'lie  most 
experienced  veterans  coulil  not  have  exceeded  the 
firmness  they  displayed  in  their  last  attack.  'J'lm 
issue  of  ihis  assault  relieved  the  garrison  of  (Que- 
bec, from  all  apprehensions  for  iis  safety. 

The  provincials  were  so  much  weakened,  as  to 
be  scarcely  equal  to  their  own  defence.  However 
Colonel  .\rn(>ld  had  the  boldness  to  encamp  w  ithin 
three  miles  of  the  town,  and  had  thea<Idress.  even 
with  his  redm  ed  numbers,  to  impede  the  convey* 
ance  of  reJVishniL'iits  and  jirovisions  into  the  gnr- 


NORTH  AMERICA 


89* 


rison.    His  situation  was  extremely  difTicult.  He 

was  ;it  an  immense  distance  tVom  those  parts, 
whence  eliectual  assistance  could  be  expected. 
On  liis  first  entrance  into  the  province,  he  had  ex- 
perienced much  liind  treatnienl  f'roiii  tlie  inhabi- 
tants. Tlie  Canadians,  besides  being  tickle  in  tlieir 
resolutions  are  apt  to  he  biased  by  success.  Tlieir 
disposition  to  aid  the  Americans,  became  daily 
liiive  precarious.  It  was  even  difficult  to  keep 
the  provmcial  troops  (rom  returning  to  their  re- 
spective homes.  Their  suli'erings  were  great. 
While  their  adversaries  were  comlbrtably  liousctl 
in  Quebec,  they  were  exposed  in  the  open  air,  to 
the  extreme  rigour  of  the  season.  The  severity 
of  a  Canada  winter  was  far  beyond  any  thing  witli 
which  they  were  acquainted.  Tlie  snow  lay  about 
four  feet  deep  on  a  level. 

This  deliverance  of  Quebec  may  be  considered 
as  a  proof,  how  much  may  be  done  by  one  man,  lor 
the  preservation  of  a  country.  It  also  proves, 
(hat  soldiers  may  in  a  short  time  be  formed  out  of 
the  mass  of  citizens. 

The  conflict  being  over,  the  ill  will  which  had 
subsisted,  during  the  siege,  between  the  royal  and 
provincial  troops,  gave  way  to  sentiments  of  huma- 
nity. The  Americans,  who  surrendered,  were 
treated  with  kindness.  Ample  provision  was 
made  for  their  wounded,  and  no  unnecessary  seve- 
rity was  shown  to  any.  Few  men  have  ever  fallen 
in  battle  so  much  regretted  by  both  sides  as  (Ge- 
neral Montgomery.  His  many  amiable  qualities 
nad  procured  him  an  uncommon  share  of  private 
afl'ection,  and  his  great  abilities  an  equal  proportion 
of  public  esteem.  Being  a  sincere  lover  of  liberty, 
Le  had  engaged  in  the  American  cause  from  prin- 
siple;  and  quitted  the  enjoyment  of  an  easy  for- 
tune, and  the  highest  domestic  felicity,  to  take  an 
active  share  in  the  fatigues  and  dangers  of  a  war, 
instituted  for  the  defence  of  the  community,  of 
ivhich  he  was  an  adopted  member.  His  well  known 
character,  was  almost  eipially  esteemed  by  the 
friends  and  foes  of  the  side  which  he  liad  es|)oused. 
In  America,  he  was  celebrated  as  a  martyr  to  the 
liberties  of  mankind  ;  in  (Jreat  Britain,  as  a  mis- 
guided good  man,  sacrificing  to  what  he  supposed 
to  be  the  rights  of  his  country.  His  name  was 
mentioned  in  parliament  with  singular  res|)ecf. 
Some  of  the  most  powerful  speakers  in  that  illus- 
trious assembly,  displayed  ti.eireloquence  in  soimd- 
ing  his  piaise,  and  lamenting  his  fate.  Those  in 
particular,  who  had  been  his  fellow  soldiers  in  the 
ate  war,  expatiated  on  his  many  virtues.  The 
minister  himself  acknowledged  his  worth,  while 
he  reprobated  the  cause  for  which  lie  fell.  He 
concluded  an  involuntary  panegyric,  by  saying  : 
"Curse  on  his  virtues  they  have  undone  his  coun- 
try." 

Though  the  invasion  ofCanada  was  finally  un- 
successful, yet  the  advantages  which  the  Ameri- 
cans gained  in  the  months  of  Septemlier  and  Oc- 
tober, gave  fresh  spirits  to  their  army  and  people. 
The  boldness  of  the  enterprise  might  have  taught 
Great  Britain  the  folly  of  [lersisting  in  the  design 
of  subjugating  America.  But  instead  of  jireserv- 
ing  the  union,  and  restoring  the  peace  of  the  em- 
pire, by  repealing  a  few  of  her  laws,  she,  from  mis- 
taken dignity,  resolved  on  a  more  vigorous  prose- 
cution of  the  war. 

The  tide  of  good  fortune,  which,  in  the  autumn 
of  1775,  flowed  in  upon  General  Montgomery,  in- 
duced Congress  to  reinfoice  the  army  under  his 
command.  Chamblee,  St.  .Tohn's,  and  Montreal 
having  surrendered,  a  fair  pr')spect  opened  of  ex- 
l)elling  the  British  from  Canada,  and  of  annexing 
that  province  to  the  united  colonies  While  they 
were  in  imagination  antici|)ating  these  events,  the 
army  in  which  they  confided  was  defeated,  and  the 
general  whom  they  so  highly  esteemed  slain. 

Theinlelliiieiice  transmitte<l  from  (Jeneral  Mont- 
gomery, previous  to  his  assault  on  Quei)ec,  encour- 
aged Congress  to  resolve  that  nine  batalions 
should  be  kept  up  and  maintained  in  Canada. 
The  repulse  of  tlieir  army,  though  discouraging, 
did  not  extio'iuish  the  ardour  of  the  Americans, 
ft  was  no  sooner  known  at  head  quarters  in  Cam- 
tridgo,  than  Geneial  Was  'aington  convened  a  coun- 


cil of  war,  by  wliicli  it  was  resolved  :  "  That  as 
no  troops  could  be  spared  from  Cambridge,  the 
colonies  of  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  and  New 
Hampshire  should  be  requested  to  raise  three  regi- 
ments, and  forward  them  to  Canada.  Congress 
also  resolved  to  forward  the  reinl'orcemenis  |)revi- 
ously  voted,  and  to  raise  fi)ur  battalions  in  New 
York,  for  the  defence  of  that  colony,  and  to  garri- 
son Crown  Point,  and  the  several  posts  to  the 
southward  of  that  fortress.  That  the  army  might 
be  supplied  with  blankets  for  this  winter  expedi- 
tion, a  committee  was  appointed  to  procure  from 
householders,  such  as  could  be  spared  Irom  their 
lainilies.  To  obtain  a  supply  of  hard  money,  for 
the  use  of  the  army  in  (Janada,  pro])er  persons 
were  em])loyed  to  exchange  paper  money  for  spe- 
cie. Such  was  the  enthusiasm  of  the  times,  that 
many  thousand  Mexican  dollars  were  frecpiently 
exchanged  at  par,  by  in<lividuals,  for  the  j)a(>er  bills 
ot  Congress.  It  was  also  resolved,  to  raise  a  corps 
of  artillery  fortius  service,  and  to  take  into  the 
pay  of  the  colonies,  one  thousand  Canadians,  in 
addition  to  Colonel  Livingston's  regiment.  Moses 
Hazen,  a  native  of  Massachusetts,  who  had  resi- 
ded many  years  in  Canada,  was  appointed  to  the 
command  of  this  new  corps. 

Congress  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Canadians,  in 
which  they  observed  :  "  Such  is  the  lot  of  human 
nature,  that  the  best  causes  are  subject  to  vicissi- 
tudes :  but  generous  souls,  enlightened  and  warm- 
ed with  the  fire  of  liberty,  become  more  resolute  as 
ditTiculties  increase."  They  stated  to  them,  "  that 
eight  battalions  were  raising  to  proceed  to  their 
province,  and,  that  it  more  force  were  necessary, 
it  should  be  sent."  They  requested  them  to  seize, 
with  eagerness,  the  favourable  oi)portunity  then 
oliered  to  co-operate  in  the  present  glorious  en- 
terprise ;  and  advised  ihem  to  establish  associa- 
tions in  their  dilierent  parishes  ;  to  elect  deputies 
lor  forming  a  provincial  assembly,  and  for  repre- 
sentingthem  in  Congress. 

The  cause  of  the  Americans  had  received  such 
powerlul  aid  from  many  patriotic  publications  in 
their  gazettes,  and  from  the  fervent  exhortations 
of  popular  preachers,  connecting  the  cause  of  li- 
berty with  the  animating  jirinciples  of  religion,  that 
it  was  determined  to  employ  these  two  powerful  in- 
sttuirients  of  revolutions,  printing  and  preaching, 
to  operate  on  the  minds  of  the  Canadian.  A  com- 
plete apparatus  for  printing,  together  with  a  prin- 
ter and  a  clergyman,  were  therefore  sent  into  Ca- 
nada. 

Congress  also  appointed  Dr.  Franklin,  Mr. 
Chase,  and  Mr.  Carrol,  the  two  first  of  whom  were 
members  of  their  body,  and  the  last  a  respectable 
gentlemen  of  the  Eoman  Catholic  persuasion,  to 
proceed  to  Canada  with  the  view  of  gaining  over 
the  [leojjle  of  that  tobuiy  to  the  cause  of  America  ; 
and  authorized  them  to  promise,  on  behalf  of  the 
united  colonies,  that  Canada  should  be  received 
into  their  association  on  equal  terms  ;  and  also 
that  the  inhabitants  thereof  should  enjoy  the  free 
exercise  of  their  leligion,  and  the  jieaceable  pos- 
session of  all  their  ecclesiastical  pro|)erty. 

The  desire  of  effecting  something  decisive  in 
Canada,  before  the  approaching  spring  would  per- 
mit relief  to  ascend  the  river  St-  Lawrence,  added 
to  the  enthusiasm  of  the  day,  encountered  diffi- 
culties, which,  in  less  animated  times,  would  be 
reckoned  insurmountable.  Arthur  .St.  Clair,  who 
was  appointed  colonel  of  one  of  the  Pennsylvania 
regiments,  received  his  recruiting  orders  on  the 
10th  of  .January  ;  and,  notwithstanding  the  short- 
ness of  the  period,  his  regiment  was  not  only  rais- 
ed, but  six  companies  of  it  had,  in  this  extremely 
cold  season,  completed  their  march  from  Pennsyl- 
vania to  Canada,  a  distance  of  several  hundred 
miles;  and,  on  the  eleventh  of  April  following 
joined  the  American  army  before  Quebec. 

Though  Congress  and  the  states  made  great 
exertions  to  support  the  war  in  Canada,  yet  fiom 
the  fall  of  IMontyomery  their  interest  in  that  co- 
lony daily  declined.  The  reduction  of  Quebec 
was  an  object  to  which  their  resources  were  in- 
adecpiate.  Their  unsuccessful  assault  on  Quebec 
made  an  impression  both  on  the  Canadians  and  i 


Indians  unfavourable  to  their  views.  A  woman, 
inlected  with  the  small-pox,  liad  e-ther  been  sent 
out,  or  voluntarily  came  out  ot  (Quebec,  and,  by 
mixing  with  the  American  soldiers,  propagated 
that  scourge  of  the  new  world,  to  the  great  dimi- 
nution of  the  effective  force  ol'  their  army.  The 
soldiers  inoculated  themselves,  though  tlieii  of- 
ficers issued  positive  orders  to  the  contrary.  By 
the  tirsl  of  May,  so  many  new  troops  had  arrived, 
that  the  American  army,  in  name,  amounted  to 
liUUO  :  but  iVom  the  prevalence  of  the  siii,tll-|)ox, 
there  were  only<)()U  lit  lor  duly.  The  increasing 
number  of  invalids  letaided  militaiy  opt^rations, 
wliile  the  opposite  paity  was  buoyed  up,  with  the 
expectation  that  the  advancing  season  would  soon 
bring  them  relief.  To  these  causes  of  the  de- 
clinuig  interest  of  Congress,  it  must  be  added  that 
the  alfeclioirs  of  the  Canadians  were  alienated. 
They  had  many,  and  well-founded  eomplainis 
against  the  American  soldiers.  Unrestramt'd  by 
the  terror  of  the  civil  law,  and  refusing  obedience 
to  a  militaiy  code,  the  hope  of  impunity,  and  the 
love  of  plunder  led  many  of  the  invading  army 
to  practices  not  less  disgraceful  to  themselves, 
than  injurious  to  the  cause  in  which  they  had 
taken  arms.  Not  only  the  common  soldiers,  but 
the  officers  of  the  American  army  deviated  in 
their  intercourse  with  the  Canadians,  (rom  the 
maxims  of  sound  policy.  Several  of  them,  hav- 
ing been  lately  taken  from  obscure  life,  were  giddy 
with  their  exaltation.  Far  Irom  home,  they  were 
unawed  by  those  checks,  which  commonly  restrain 
the  ferocity  of  man. 

The  reduction  of  Chamblee,  St.  John's,  and 
Montreal,  together  with  the  ex|)osed  situation  of 
Quebec,  being  known  in  Knglr.nd,  measures  were 
without  delay  adopted  by  the  Brilish  minisiiy,  to 
introduce  into  Canada,  assoou  as  possible,  a  Ibtce 
sufficient  for  the  double  purpose  of  lecovering 
what  they  had  lost,  and  ol  prosecuting  olfensive 
operations  from  that  quarter  against  the  revolted 
colonies.  The  van  of  this  force  made  good  its 
passage,  very  early  in  May,  through  the  ice,  up 
the  river  St.  Lawrence.  The  expectation  of 
their  coming  had  fiirsoiiie  timedam|)ed  the  hopes 
of  the  besiegers,  and  had  induced  ihem  to  think 
of  a  retreat.  The  day  belbre  the  first  of  the  Bri- 
tish reinfiirceiiients  arrived,  the  measure  was  re- 
solved upon  by  a  council  of  war,  and  arrange- 
ments were  made  for  carrying  it  into  execution. 

Governor  Carleton  was  too  great  a  [troficient 
in  the  art  of  war,  to  delay  seizing  the  advantages 
which  the  consternation  of  the  besiegers,  and  the 
arrival  of  a  reinforcement,  afforded.  A  small 
detachment  of  soldiers  and  marines  from  the 
ships,  which  had  just  ascended  the  river  St. 
Lawrence,  being  landed,  and  joined  to  the  gar- 
rison in  Quebec,  he  marched  out  at  their  head 
to  attack  the  Amerrcans.  On  his  approach,  he 
found  every  thing  in  contusion.  The  late  be- 
siegers, abandoning  their  artillery  and  military 
stores,  had  in  great  preci|)iiation  retreated.  In 
this  manner,  at  the  ex|)iration  of  five  months, 
the  mixed  siege  and  blockade  of  Quebec  was 
raised.  The  fortitude  and  perseverance  of  tlic 
garrison  reflected  honour  on  both  officers  and  pri- 
vates. 

The  reputation  acquired  by  General  Carleton  in 
his  military  character,  for  braverv  and  judiciously 
defending  the  province  committed  to  his  care,  was 
exceeded  by  the  superior  apjilause  merited  from 
his  exercise  of  the  virtues  of  humanity  and  gene- 
rosity. Among  the  numerous  sick  in  the  .Ameri- 
can hospitals,  several  incajiable  of  being  moved 
were  left  behind.  The  victorious  general  proved 
himself  worthy  of  success,  by  the  treatment  ol 
these  unfortunate  men  :  he  not  only  fed  and  cloth- 
ed them,  but  permitted  then  when  recovered  to 
return  home.  A|)preliending  that  fear  might  make 
some  conceal  themselves  in  the  woods,  rathei 
than,  by  applying  for  relief,  make  themselves 
known  he  removed  their  doubts  by  a  proclama- 
tion, in  which  he  engaged:  "that  as  soon  as  their 
health  was  restored,  they  should  have  free  liberty 
of  returning  to  their  respective  provinces."  Tiiis 
humane  line  o'"  conduct  was  more  injurious  to  tho 


3^2 


THE   HISTORY  OF 


views  of  the  leaders  in  the  American  councils, 
i)j.in  ih»!  sevcriiy  praciisod  by  oilier  Ikitish  coiii- 
rii^iiiilcrs.  The  tiiily  politic,  as  well  ;is  humane 
(ient-ral  O.iiliton  dismissed  these  prisoners  alter 
liberally  supplyiiis  their  wants,  with  a  recommen- 
dation, "  to  t;o  home,  miiiil  their  farms,  and  keep 
themselves  and  their  neighbours  from  all  partici- 
pation in  the  unhappy  war." 

The  small  force  which  arrived  at  (c^ucbec  early 
in  .May,  was  followed  by  several  British  regiments, 
together  w  ith  the  Brunswick  troops,  in  sucliarapid 
succession,  that  in  a  few  weeks  the  whole  was 
e.stimaled  at  13,000  men. 

The  Americans  retreated  forty-five  miles  be- 
fore ihey  Jlopped.  After  a  short  halt,  they  pro- 
ceeded to  the  Sorrel,  at  which  place,  they  threw 
up  some  slight  works  for  thcirsafety.  They  were 
there  joined  by  some  battalions  coming  to  reinforce 
them.  About  this  time  General  Thomas,  the  com- 
iiiaiKler  in  chief  in  Canada,  was  seized  with  the 
r.niall-|)ox,  and  died;  having  forbidden  his  men  to 
inoculate,  he  conformed  to  his  own  rule,  and  re- 
fused toavail  himself  of  that  precaution.  On  his 
death,  the  command  devolved  at  first  on  General 
Arnold,  and  afterwards  on  (Jeneral  Sullivan.  It 
soon  became  evident,  that  the  Americans  must 
abandon  the  whole  province  of  Canada. 

From  a  desire  to  do  something  which  might 
counleibalance,  in  ihc  minils  of  the  '  anadians,  the 
unfavourable  impr(:ssion  which  this  larllier  retreat 
would  roiiiiiiimicatc.  General  Tlioir  ,.'Son  projected 
an  attack  upon  the  l?ritish  post  at  the  Three  Kivers. 
This  lies  ai)out  half  way  between  Quebec  and 
.Montreal,  and  is  so  called  from  the  vicinity  of  one 
of  the  branches  of  a  large  river,  whose  waters  are 
discharged  through  three  mouths  into  the  St. 
Lawrence. 

A  plan  of  o|)eraliotis  wasagrecd  upon,  in  wliich 
t  was  determined  to  make  the  attack,  in  four  dif- 
ferent places,  at  the  same  lime  ;  and  very  early  in 
the  morning,  in  the  hope  of  surprising  the  enemy. 
Much  lesoliilion  was  discoveretl  in  its  execution  : 
but  the  concurrence  of  too  many  circumstances 
was  necessary  to  ensure  success.  The  exj)ecta- 
'.ion  of  simuiiancoiis  ofierations  failed  ;  the  chance 
of  a  surprise  was  lost.  The  assailants  were 
repulsed  and  driven  some  miles  through  a  deep 
Bwainp.  (icneral  Thfimson  and  Colonel  Irvine, 
with  200  men.  were  taken  prisoners,  and  about  25 
were  killed.  The  loss  of  the  British  was  incon- 
siderable. 

The  British  forces  having  arrived,  and  a  con- 
siderable body  of  them  having  rendezvoused  at 
the  Three  Kivers,  a  serious  pursuit  of  the  Amer- 
ican army  commenced.  Had  sir  (luy  Carleton 
taken  no  |)ains  to  cut  off  (heir  retreat,  and  at  once 
attacked  their  post,  or  rather  their  fortified  camp 
at  Sorel,  it  would  probably  have  fallen  into  his 
liands  :  but  eilhcrllie  bold,  tliough  unsuccessful  at- 
tack at  I  he  Three  Kivers  had  taught  them  to  respect 
them,  or  he  wished  to  re<lucethem  without  blood- 
shed. Ill  the  pursuit  he  made  three  divisions 
of  his  army,  and  arranged  them  so  as  to  embrace 
the  whole  American  encampment,  and  to  com- 
mand it  in  every  part.  The  retreat  was  delayed 
so  long  that  the  Americans  evacuated  Sorel,  only 
about  two  hours  befiire  one  division  of  the  British 
made  ils  a|ipearance. 

While  the  .\meri(rans  were  retreating,  tliey  were 
daily  assailed  by  the  remonstrances  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Canaila.  who  had  either  joined  or  befriend- 
fil  ihem.  (Jreat  iiiiiiibers  of  ('anadians  had  taken 
a  decided  part  in  their  favour,  rendered  them  essen- 
tial services,  and  lliereliy  incurred  the  heavy  pen- 
allies  amieM'il  lo  the  criiiic  of  supporting  rebellion. 
These,  llii>if!;li  Congiess  had  assured  them  but  a 
few  moiilhs  before,  "that  ihey  would  never  aban- 
don ihem  lo  the  fury  of  their  common  enemies," 
were,  from  the  necessity  of  the  ease,  left  exposed 
loihe  resentment  of  their  [irovincial  rulers.  Se- 
ver.d  of  ihem,  with  tears  in  their  eyes,  (txposlula- 
led  with  llie  relrealing  army,  and,  bewailing  their 
li.ird  (ale,  prayed  forsiipport.  The  only  n^lief  the 
Amriii  aiis  could  oiler,  was  an  assurance  of  con- 
tinued proieclion  if  ihey  retreated  with  them  :  but 
dun  was  a  hard  alternative,  to  men  who  had  wives. 


I  children  and  immoveable  elfects.    They  general-  i 
ly  concluded,  that  it  was  the  least  of  two  evils,  to  I 
cast  themselves  on  tlie  mercy  of  that  governnieni, 
against  which  they  had  offended. 

The  distresses  of  the  retreating  army  were 
great.  The  British  were  close  on  tlieir  rear,  and 
threatening  them  with  destruction.  The  unfur- 
nished state  of  the  colonies  in  point  of  ordnance, 
imposed  a  necessity  of  preserving  their  cannon. 
The  men  were  obliged  to  drag  their  loaded  bat- 
teaux  up  the  rapids  by  mere  strength,  and  when 
they  were  to  the  waist  in  water.  The  retreating 
army  was  also  encumbered  with  great  numbers 
labouring  under  the  siilall  pox,  and  other  diseases. 
Two  regiments,  at  one  time,  had  not  a  single  man 
in  health.  Another  had  only  six,  and  a  fourth 
only  forty,  and  two  more  were  in  nearly  the  same 
condition. 

To  retreat  in  face  of  an  enemy  is  at  all  times 
hazardous:  but,  on  this  occasion,  it  was  attended 
with  an  unusual  proportion  of  embarrassments. — 
General  Sullivan,  who  conducted  the  retreat, 
nevertlieless,  acted  with  so  much  judgment  and 
propriety,  tliat  the  baggage  and  public  stores  were 
saved  and  the  numerous  sick  brought  oft".  The 
American  army  reached  Crown  Point  on  the  first 
of  July,  and  at  that  place  made  their  first  stand. 

A  short  time  before  tlie  Americans  evacuated 
the  province  of  Canada,  General  Arnold  convened 
the  merchants  of  Montreal,  and  proposed  to  them 
•o  furnish  a  (piantity  of  specified  articles  for  the 
use  of  the  army  in  the  service  of  Congress.  While 
they  were  deliberating  on  the  subject,  he  placed 
sentinels  at  their  shop  doors,  and  made  such  ar- 
langements,  that  wliat  was  at  first  only  a  re(|nest, 
o[)erated  as  a  command.  A  great  (juantity  of 
goods  were  taken  on  pretence  that  they  were 
wanted  for  the  use  of  the  American  army,  but  in 
their  number  were  many  articles  only  serviceable 
to  women,  and  to  persons  m  civil  life.  His  ne|)liew 
soon  after  opened  a  store  in  Albany,  and  publicly 
disposed  of  goods  which  had  been  procured  at 
Montreal. 

The  possession  of  Canada  so  eminently  favour- 
ed the  plans  ol' defence  adoptod  by  Congress,  that 
the  province  was  evacuated  with  great  reluctance. 
The  Americans  were  not  only  mortified  at  the  dis- 
ajipoiiitmeiit  of  their  favourite  scheme,  of  annex- 
ing it  as  a  foiirteenlli  link  in  the  chain  of  their  con- 
federacy :  but  ajjprehended  the  most  serious  con- 
sequences from  the  ascendency  of  the  British  |)ow- 
erin  that  quarler.  Anxious  to  ])reserve  a  fooling 
there,  they  had  persevered  for  a  long  time,  in 
stemming  the  tide  of  unfavourable  events. 

(Jeneral  tJates  was  ap[)ointed  to  command  in 
Canada,  June  17th,  ]77():  but  on  coming  to  the 
knowledge  of  the  late  events  in  that  province,  he 
concluded  to  stops)  ort  wiiliin  the  limits  of  New 
York.  The  scene  was  henceforlh  reversed.  In- 
stead of  medilaling  the  recommencement  ofofien- 
sive  operations,  |)iat  army,  which  had  lately  ex- 
cited so  much  terror  in  Canada,  was  called  upon 
to  be  prepared  for  repelling  an  invasion  threatened 
from  that  province. 

The  attention  of  the  Americans  being  exclu- 
sively fixed  on  plans  of  delence,  their  general  offi- 
cers, commanding  in  the  northern  deparlment. 
were  convened  to  deliberate  on  the  jilace  and 
means,  most  suitable  for  lliat  purpose.  To  form 
a  judgment  on  this  subject,  a  recollection  of  the 
events  of  the  late  war,  between  France  and  Eng- 
land, was  of  advantage.  The  same  ground  was 
to  be  fimght  over,  and  tlie  same  posts  to  be  again 
contended  for.  On  ihe  confines  of  lake  ( Jeorge 
and  lake  ('hamplain,  two  inland  seas,  which  streic  h 
almost  from  the  sources  of  Hudson's  river  to  the 
St.  Lawrence,  are  situated  the  famous  |)osts  of 
Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point.  'JMiese  are  ol" 
primary  necessity  to  any  power  which  contends 
for  the  jiossession  of  llic  adjacent  country  ;  for 
they  alford  the  most  convenient  stand  either  for  its 
annoyance  or  defence.  In  the  opinion  of  some 
American  officers,  ('rown  Point,  to  which  the 
army  on  the  evacuation  of  C.mada  had  retreated, 
was  the  most  proper  place  for  erecting  works  of 
defence;  but  it  was  otherwise  determine.',  by  the 


I  council  convened  on  tliis  occasion.  It  was  also 
I  by  their  advice  resolved  lo  move  lower  down,  and 
to  make  the  principal  work  on  the  strong  ground 
east  of  Ticonderoga,  and  es|)ecially  by  every 
means  to  endeavour  to  maintain  a  naval  superi- 
ority on  lake  Champlain.  In  conformity  to  these 
resolutions,  (ieneral  (iaies,  with  about  12,000  men, 
which  collected  in  the  course  of  the  summer,  was 
fixed  in  command  at  Ticonderoga,  and  a  (leet  was 
constructed  at  Skeneslioroiigh.  This  was  carried 
on  with  so  much  rajiidiiy,  thai  in  a  short  time  there 
were  afloat,  in  lake  Cliainplaiii,  one  sloop,  three 
scliooners,  and  six  gondolas,  carrying  in  the  whole 
58  guns,  SG  swivels,  and  140  men.  Six  other 
vessels  were  also  nearly  ready  for  launching  at 
the  same  time.  The  fleet  was  put  under  the 
command  of  Arnold,  and  he  was  instructed  to 
proceed  beyond  Crown  Point,  down  lake  Cham- 
plain  to  the  Split  Rock  :  btit  most  |)eremptorily 
restrained  from  advancing  any  fiirther  ;  for  secu- 
rity against  an  apprehended  invasion  was  the  ulti- 
mate end  of  tlie  armament. 

The  expulsion  of  the  American  invaders  from 
Canada,  was  only  a  ]mt  of  the  British  designs  in 
that  quarter.  They  urged  ihe  pursuit  no  larther 
than  St.  John's:  but  indulged  in  a  hope  of  being 
soon  in  a  condition  for  passing  tlie  lakes,  and  pe- 
netrating ihrough  ihe  cotintry  to  Albany,  so  as  to 
form  a  communication  wiih  .N'ew  Vork.  The  ob- 
jects they  had  in  view  were  great,  and  the  obsta- 
cles in  the  way  of  iheir  accomplishment  equally 
so.  Before  iliey  could  advance  wiih  any  pros- 
pect of  success,  a  Heel,  superior  to  that  of  the 
Aiuericans  on  the  lakes,  was  to  be  constructed. 
The  maierials  of  some  large  vessels  w  ere,  for  iliis 
purpose,  brought  from  England  :  but  their  trans- 
portation, and  the  labour  necessary  lo  put  them 
together,  required  both  time  and  patience.  The 
spirit  of  the  ]?ritish  commanders  rose  in  jiropor- 
tion  lo  the  dilliculiies  which  were  to  be  encoun- 
tered. Neverilieless,  it  was  late  in  the  monih  of 
October,  before  theirfleet  was  prepared  lo  face  the 
American  naval  fince,  on  lake  Champlain.  The 
former  consisted  of  the  sliip  Inflexible,  moiiniing 
IS  twelve  pounders,  wliich  was  so  expeditiously 
constructed,  that  she  sailed  from  St.  John's  28 
days  after  laying  her  keel  ;  one  schooner  mount- 
ing 1-1,  and  aiioihet  12  six  pounders;  a  flat  bot- 
tomed radeau,  carrying  six  21  and  six  12  pound- 
ers, besides  howitzers,  and  a  gondola  wiih  seven 
9  pounders.  Tliere  were  also  twenty  smaller 
vessels,  witii  brass  field  pieces,  from  9  io21  poun- 
ders, or  with  howitzers.  .Some  long  boats  were 
furnished  in  ihe  same  manner.  An  e(pial  number 
of  large  boats  acted  as  tenders.  Besides  these 
vessels  of  war,  there  was  a  vast  number  tieslined 
("or  the  transportation  of  ihe  aimy.  its  stores,  artil- 
lery,  baggage  and  provisions.    The  whole  was 

put  under  the  CO  and  ol'Caplain  Pcingle.  The 

naval  ("orce  of  the  Americans.  I'rom  the  deficiency 
of  means,  was  ("ar  short  of  what  was  bniuglit 
against  them.  Their  principal  armed  vessel  was 
a  schooner,  which  mounted  only  12  six  and  four 
pounders;  and  iheir  whole  fleet,  in  addilion  lo  this, 
consisted  of  only  filleen  vessels  of  inl'erior  force. 

No  one  step  could  be  taken  towards  acccun- 
plisliiiig  the  designs  of  ihe  British,  on  llie  norlliern 
("ronlieis  of  New  Vork.  till  they  liad  the  coiimiaud 
of  lake  Champlain.  Willi  this  view,  their  Meet 
|irocceded  u|)  the  lake,  and  engaged  the  Ameri- 
cans. The  wind  was  so  unlavoiiiable  to  the  Bri- 
tish, that  their  ship  Inflexible,  and  some  other  ves- 
sels of  fiirce,  could  nol  be  brought  into  aclion. 
This  lessened  the  inecpialiiy  between  ihe  coiilrud- 
iiig  fleets  so  much,  lhat  the  |)rincipal  damage  sus- 
tained by  ihe  Americans,  was  ihe  loss  of  a  si-homi- 
er  and  gondola.  At  the  approach  of  niglil.  llie 
action  was  disronlinued.  The  vanquished  look 
llie  advantage  which  the  darkness  afforded,  to 
make  their  es(  ape.  'I'his  was  efl'ecled  by  (Jeiie- 
ral  Arnold,  wiih  great  judgment  and  ability.  By 
the  next  uioriiing,  the  whole  fleet  under  his  com- 
mand was  out  of  sight.  The  British  pursued  wilb 
all  the  sail  they  could  crowd.  The  wind  having 
become  more  favourable,  they  overtook  ihe  Ame- 
rican,  and  brou4;ht  ihein  to  action  near  Crowo 


NORTH  AMERICA 


898 


Point.  A  smart  engagement  ensued,  and  was  well  i 
supported  on  botli  sides,  for  about  two  hours,  j 
iSDiiie  of  tlie  American  vessels  which  were  iiiost 
ahea  1  escajieil  to  Tieonderoga.  Two  gaUies  and  I 
five  gondolas  remained  and  resisted  an  unequal 
force,  with  a  s|)irit  approaching  to  desperation. 
One  ol  the  gallies  struck  and  was  taken.  General 
Arnold,  though  he  knew  that  to  escape  was  im- 
possible, and  to  resist  unavailing,  jet,  instead  of 
surrendering,  determined  that  liis  peojile  should 
not  become  prisoners,  nor  his  vessels  a  reinforce- 
lueiit  to  the  British.  The  spirited  resolution  was 
executed  with  a  judgment,  e(]ual  to  the  boldness 
with  wliich  it  had  been  adopted.  He  ran  the  Con- 
gress galley,  on  board  which  he  was,  together  with 
the  five  gondolas,  on  shore,  in  such  a  position  as 
enabled  him  to  land  his  men  anil  blow  up  the  ves- 
sels. In  the  execution  of  this  i)erilous  enterprise, 
he  paid  a  romantic  attention  to  a  ])oiiit  of  honour. 
He  ilid  not  quit  his  own  galley  till  slie  was  in  flames, 
iesl  ihelJrilisli  should  board  her  and  strike  his  flag. 
'J'lie  result  of  this  action,  though  unl'avourable  to 
the  Americans,  raised  the  reputation  of  General 
Arnold,  higher  than  ever.  In  addition  to  the  fame 
of  a  brave  soldier,  he  acijuired  that  of  an  able  sea 
.  officer. 

The  American  naval  force  being  neatly  destroy- 
ed, the  British  had  ui)dis|)uted  possession  of  lake 
Cliamplain.  On  this  event,  a  few  continental 
troops  whicli  liad  been  at  Crown  Point,  retired  to 
their  main  body  at  'J'iccmderoga  General  Carle- 
ton  look  possession  ol  the  ground  from  which  they 
had  retreated,  and  was  there  soon  joined  by  his 
army.  He  sent  out  several  reconnoitering  par- 
ties, and  at  one  time  puslieii  forward  a  strong  de- 
acliment  on  both  sides  of  the  lake,  wliich  ap- 
proached near  to  'J'icoiideroga.  Some  British 
vessels  appeared  at  the  same  time  within  cannon 
shot  of  the  American  works  at  that  ))lace.  It  is 
probable  he  had  it  in  contemplation,  if  circumstan- 
ces favoured,  to  reduce  the  post;  and  that  the  ap- 
paieiit  strength  of  the  works  restrained  him  from 
making  the  attempt,  and  induced  his  return  to  Ca- 
n'ula. 

Such  was  the  termination  of  tlie  northern  cam- 
paign, in  1716.  Though  after  the  surrender  of 
Montreal,  evacuations,  defeats  and  retreats  had 
almost  interiu[)tedly  been  the  lot  of  the  Ame- 
ricans, yet,  with  respect  to  tlie  great  object  of 
defence  on  the  one  side,  and  of  conquest  on  the 
other,  a  whole  campaign  was  gained  to  them  and 
lost  to  their  adversaries. 

The  British  had  cleared  Canada  of  its  invaders 
and  destroyed  the  American  fleet  on  the  lakes; 
yet.  Iron)  impediments  thrown  in  their  way,  they 
laileil  in  their  ulterior  designs.  The  delays,  con- 
trived by  (ieneral  Gales,  retarded  the  British,  for 
so  great  a  part  of  the  summer,  that,  by  the  time 
lliey  had  reached  Ticondcroga,  their  retreat,  on 
account  of  the  approaching  winter  became  imme- 
diately necessary.  On  the  [lart  of  the  Americans, 
some  men  and  a  few  armed  vessels  were  lost ;  but 
time  was  gained ;  their  army  saved :  and  the 
Ironiier  of  the  adjacent  states  secured  from  a  pro- 
jected invasion.  On  the  part  of  the  British,  the 
object  of  a  campaign,  in  which  13,000  men  were 
ctTiployed,  and  nearly  a  million  of  money  expended 
was  rendered  in  a  great  measure  aboitive. 


CHAPTER  Xr. 

Tianriaolinna  in  Viiffiniu;  the  Carolinas ;  Georgia;  tlie 
poiicral  Ptftte  of  pnlilic  nfl'airs,  in  the  colonies  jii  1775. 
rriiusactions  in  Massachusetts;  evaciiution  of  Boston, 
1 771}. 

It  has  already  been  mentioned  that  the  colo- 
nists, from  the  rising  of  Congress,  in  October, 
1774,  and  particularly  after  the  Lexington  battle 
*cre  attentive  to  the  training  of  their  militia,  and 
making  the  necessary  preparations  for  their  de- 
lence. 

The  ellects  of  their  arrangement,  for  this  pur- 
pose varied  with  circumstances. 
Where  there  were  no  royal  troops,  and  where 


ordinary  prudence  was  observed,  the  [lublic  peace 
was  undisturbed.  In  other  cases,  the  iiitcinperate 
/.eal  ot  governors,  and  the  imprudent  waimtli  of 
the  people,  antici|)ated  the  calamities  of  war.  Vir- 
ginia, though  there  was  not  a  single  British  soldier 
within  its  limit,  was,  by  the  indiscretion  of  its 
governor,  lord  Dunmore,  involved  for  several 
months  in  dil'ficulties,  little  short  of  those  to  which 
the  inhabitants  of  Massachusetts  weic  subjected, 
iJis  lordship  was  very  unflt  to  be  at  the  helm,  in 
this  tempestuous  season.  His  passions  jiredomi- 
nated  over  his  understanding,  and  precipitated  him 
into  measures  injuiio«s  both  to  the  people  whom 
he  governed,  and  to  the  interest  of  his  royal  mas- 
ter. The  Virginians,  from  the  earliest  stage  of 
the  controversy,  had  been  in  the  foremost  line  of 
the  opposition  to  the  claims  of  Great  Britain  ;  but, 
at  the  same  tiirie,  treated  lord  Uunmore  with  the 
attention  tliat  was  due  to  his  station.  In  common 
with  the  other  provinces,  they  had  taken  eli'ectiral 
measures  to  prepare  their  militia,  for  the  purposes 
ot  defence. 

While  they  were  pursuing  this  object,  his  lord- 
ship engaged  a  party,  belonging  to  a  royal  vessel 
in  James's  river,  to  convey  some  public  jjowder 
from  a  magazine  in  Williainsburgh,  on  board  their 
ship.  The  value  or  quantity  of  the  jiowder  was 
inconsiderable;  but  the  circumstances  attending 
its  removal  begat  susi;icions,  that  lord  Dunmore 
meant  to  deprive  the  inhabitants  of  the  means  of 
delence.  They  were,  therefore,  alarmed,  and  as- 
sembled with  arms  to  demand  its  restitution. 

By  the  interposition  of  the  mayor  and  corpora- 
tion of  Williainsburgh,  extremities  were  ])revenled. 
Keports  were  soon  afterwards  spread,  that  a  se- 
cond attem|)t  to  rob  the  magazine  was  intended. 
The  inhabitants  again  took  arms  and  instituted 
nightly  pattoles,  with  a  determined  resolution  to 
protect  it.  The  governor  was  irritated  at  these 
commotions,  and  in  the  warmth  of  his  temper, 
threatened  to  set  up  the  royal  standard,  enlran- 
chise  the  negroes,  and  arm  them  against  their 
masters.  This  irritated,  but  did  not  intimidate. 
Several  public  meetings  were  held  in  the  di!ferent 
counties,  in  all  of  which,  the  removal  of  the  pow- 
der from  the  magazine,  and  the  governor's  threats, 
were  entirely  condemned.  Some  of  the  gentle- 
men of  ilanover,  and  the  neighbouring  counties, 
assembled  in  arms,  under  the  conduct  of  Mr.  Pat- 
rick Henry,  and  inarched  towards  Williamsburg, 
with  an  avowed  design  to  obtain  restitution  of  the 
powder,  and  to  take  measures  for  securing  the 
public  treasury.  This  ended  in  a  negotiation,  by 
which  it  was  agreed,  that  payment  for  the  jiowder, 
by  the  receiver  general  of  the  colony,  should  be 
accepted  in  lieu  of  restitution  :  and,  that,  u|)onthe 
engagement  of  the  inhabitants  of  Williamsburg  to 
guard  both  the  treasury  and  the  magazine,  the 
armed  parties  should  return  to  their  habitations. 

The  alarm  of  this  atlair  induced  lord  Dun- 
more to  send  his  lady  and  family  on  board  the 
Fowey  man  of  war,  in  James's  river.  About  the 
same  time,  his  lordship,  with  the  assistance  of  a 
detachment  of  marines,  fortified  his  palace,  and 
suirounded  it  with  artillery.  He  soon  after  issued 
a  proclamation  in  which  Mr.  Henry  and  his  asso- 
ciates were  charged  with  rebellious  jiractices; 
and  the  existing  commotions  were  attributed  to  a 
desire  in  the  people,  of  changing  the  established 
form  of  government.  Several  meetings  were  held 
in  the  neighbouring  counties,  in  which,  the  con- 
duct of  Henry  and  his  associates  was  apjilaud- 
ed ;  and  resolutions  weie  adopted,  that,  at  every 
risk,  he  and  they  should  be  indemnified.  About 
this  time,  copies  of  some  letters  from  governor 
Dunmore,  to  the  minister  of  the  American  de- 
partment, were  made  public.  These,  in  the  opin- 
ion of  the  Virginians,  contained  unfair  and  un- 
just representations  of  facts,  and  also  of  their  tem- 
per and  disposition.  IMany  severe  things  were 
said  on  both  sides,  and  fame,  as  usual  mas,nilied 
or  misrepresented  whatever  was  said  or  done. 
One  distrust  begat  another.  Every  thing  tended 
to  jiroduce  a  spirit  of  discontent,  and  the  lever  of 
the  public  mind  daily  incrc'ised. 

In  this  state  of  disorder,  the  covernor  convened 


the  general  assembly.  The  leading  motive,  for 
this  unexpected  measure,  was  to  procure  their  ap- 
probation and  accejitance  of  the  terms  of  the  con- 
ciliatory motion,  agreed  to  in  parliament,  on  ihe 
20ih  of  the  preceding  February.  His  lordship 
introduced  this  to  their  cousideralion,  in  a  long 
and  plausible  sjieech.  In  a  few  days,  they  pre- 
sented their  address  in  answer;  in  which,  among 
other  grounds  of  rejection,  they  stated,  that  "tlie 
proposed  jilan  only  changed  the  form  of  opjiies- 
sion,  without  lessening  its  burden  ;"  but.  they  re- 
ferred the  ])a])ers  for  a  final  determination,  to  Con- 
gress. For  themselves  they  declared :  "  We 
have  exhausted  every  mode  of  ajiplication,  which 
our  invention  could  suggest,  as  piojier  and  promis- 
ing. We  have  decently  remonstrated  with  par- 
liament; they  have  added  new  injuries  to  the  old 
W^e  have  wearied  our  king  wiih  supplicaiioii  ;  he 
has  not  deigned  to  answer  us.  We  have  ap|)ealed 
to  the  native  honour  and  justice  of  the  British  na- 
tion ;  their  ell'oits  in  our  favour  have  been  hither- 
to inelfectual." 

The  assembly,  among  their  first  acts,  appointed 
a  committee  to  inquire  into  the  causes  of  the  late 
disturbances  ;  and  particularly  to  examine  tliestalo 
of  the  magazines  they  found  most  of  the  remain- 
ing powder  buried  ;  the  muskets  deprived  of  their 
locks;  and  spring  guns  planted  in  the  magazine 

These  discoveries  irritated  the  peojile,  and  occa 
sioned  intemperate  expressions  of  resentment. 
Lord  Dunmore  quitted  the  palace  privately,  and 
retired  on  board  the  Fowey  man  of  war,  which 
then  lay  near  York  Town.  He  left  a  messasje  for 
the  house  of  burgesses,  acquainting  them,  "  that 
he  thought  it  prudent  to  retire  to  a  place  of  safety, 
having  reason  to  believe  that  he  was  in  constant 
danger  of  falling  a  sacrifice  to  |)opiilar  fury.  He, 
nevertheless,  hoped  that  tliry  would  proceed  in 
the  great  business  before  them;  and  he  engaged 
to  render  the  communication  between  him  and  the 
house,  as  easy  and  as  safe  as  possible,  lie  as- 
sured them  that  he  would  attend,  as  heretofiu  e,  to 
the  duties  of  his  office  ;  and  that  \n'  was  >\'ell  dis- 
posed to  restore  that  harmony  which  had  been  un- 
liajipily  interrupted." 

This  message  produced  a  joint  address  from  the 
council  and  house  of  burgesses;  in  which,  they 
^presented  his  lordship's  fears  to  be  groundless 
and  declared  their  willingness  to  concur  in  any 
measure  he  would  propose  for  the  securiiy  ofliim 
self  and  family;  and  concluded,  by  entreating  hif 
return  to  the  palace.  Lord  Dunmore,  in  reply, 
justified  his  apprehensions  of  danger,  from  the 
threats  which  had  been  repeatedly  thrown  out 
He  charged  the  house  of  burgesses  with  counte- 
nancing the  violent  proceedings  of  the  people,  and 
with  a  design  to  usurp  the  executive  power,  and 
siiljvert  the  constitution.  This  produced  a  reply 
fraught  with  recrimination  and  defensive  argu- 
ments. Every  incident  alforded  fresh  room  foi 
altercation.  There  was  a  continued  intercourse 
by  addresses,  messages,  and  answers,  between  the 
house  of  burgesses  and  the  P'owey  ;  but  little  of 
the  public  business  was  completed.  His  lordship 
was  still  acknowledged  as  the  lawful  governor  of 
the  province:  but  did  not  think  proper  to  set  his 
foot  on  shore,  in  the  country  over  which  his  f'unc 
tions  were  to  be  exercised. 

.\t  length,  when  the  neccssarv  bills  were  ready 
for  ratification,  the  council  and  burgesses  jointly 
entreated  the  governor's  presence,  to  give  his  as- 
sent to  them  and  finish  the  session.  Alter  several 
messages  and  answers,  lor<l  Dunmore  peremptorily 
refused  to  meet  the  assembly  at  the  capilol.  ilieir 
usual  place  for  deliberation  :  but  said,  he  would  be 
ready  to  receive  them  on  the  next  Monday  at  his 
present  residence  on  board  the  Fowev.  for  the  pur 
pose  of  giving  his  assent  to  such  bills  as  he  should 
approve  of.  Upon  receivint;  this  answer,  the  housa 
of  burgesses  passed  resolutions,  in  which  they  de- 
clared, that  the  message,  requiring  them  to  attend 
the  governor  on  board  of  a  ship  of  war,  was  a  high 
breach  of  their  rights  and  jirivileges ;  that  they 
had  reason  to  fear  a  dangerous  attack  was  niedi 
tated  against  the  colony;  and  it  was,  therefor^ 
their  o[)iniou,  that  they  should  prepare  for  the  pre 


894 


THE   HISTORY  OF 


Bervation  of  iheir  rights  and  liberties.  After 
Btroiisly  profcssinj;  l(»v;ilty  l"  tlie  kitii!;,  iiiid  amity 
to  llie  iiuitlier  country,  tiiey  broke  up  tlicir  session. 

The  royal  (;oveniinei)t  in  Virginia,  from  that  (lay, 
July  10th.  1775,  ceased  Soon  at'terwanls,  a  con- 
vention of  delegates  was  appointed  to  .sup|)ly  tlie 
|)laceoftlie  assembly.  As  tliese  had  unlimited 
confidence  reposed  in  them,  they  became  at  once 
possessed  of  undeliiied  discretionary  powers,  both 
legislative  and  executive.  They  e.xercised  this 
authority,  lor  the  security  of  their  con.stituents. 
They  raised  and  embodied  an  armed  force,  and 
took  measures  for  pulling  the  colony  in  a  state  of 
defence.  They  published  a  justification  of  their 
conduct,  and  set  forth  the  necessity  of  tlie  mea- 
sures they  had  adopted.  They  concluded  with 
professions  of  loyalty,  and  declared,  that  though 
they  were  dotermiTied  at  every  hazard  to  maintain 
their  rights  and  privileges,  it  was  also  their  fixed 
resolutioti  to  disband  such  forces  as  were  raised 
for  the  defence  of  the  colony,  whenever  their 
danger  was  removed. 

The  headstrong  passions  of  lord  Dunmore  pie- 
cipitated  him  into  fartlier  follies.  With  the  aid  of 
tlie  loyalists,  run  away  nceroes,  and  some  frigates 
that  wiMe  on  the  station,  he  established  a  marine 
force.  i{y  degrees  he  C(|uippe(l,  and  armed  a  num- 
ber of  vessels,  of  dillerent  kinds  and  sizes,  in  one 
of  which  he  constantly  resided,  exce|)t  when  he 
went  on  shore,  in  a  hostile  manner.  This  force 
was  calculated  only  for  depredation,  and  never  be- 
came ecjual  to  any  essential  service.  Obnoxious 
persons  were  seized  and  taken  on  board.  Negroes 
were  carried  off;  plantations  ravaged  ;  and  houses 
burnt.  'J'hese  proceedings  occasioned  ihe  sending 
of  some  detachments,  ol  ihe  newly-raised  provin- 
cial forces,  to  protect  the  coasts.  This  ))ro(luced 
a  predatory  war,  from  which  neither  liotrour  nor 
benefit  could  be  accpiired,  and  in  which,  every  su|)- 
ply  from  the  shore  was  purchased  at  the  risk  of 
blood,  'ilie  forces  under  his  lordship  atleni))Ied 
to  burn  Jlampion:  but  the  crews  of  tiie  royal 
vessels  employed  in  that  business,  though  they 
liad  ijegiin  to  cannonade  it,  were  so  annoved  bv 
riflemen  from  the  shore,  that  they  were  obliged 
to  quit  their  staiion.  In  u  few  days  after  this  re- 
pulse, Nov  Till,  1775,  a  proclamation  was  issued 
by  the  governor  dated  on  board  the  ship  William, 
olf  Norfolk,  declaring  that,  as  the  civil  law  was 
at  present  insudicieiit  to  ))tinish  treason  and  trai- 
tors, martial  law  should  take  place,  and  be  exe- 
cuted tlirouglit  the  colony  ;  and  requiring  all 
j)ersons  capable  of  bearing  arms,  to  repair  to  his 
uiajesty's  standard,  or  to  be  considered  as  trai- 
tors. He  also  declared  all  indented  servants,  ne- 
groes and  others,  appertaining  to  rebels,  who  weic 
able  and  willing  to  bear  arms,  and  who  joined  his 
majesty's  forces,  to  be  free. 

Among  the  circumstances  which  induced  the 
lulers  ol  (ireat  Britain  to  count  on  an  easy  con- 
quest of  America,  the  great  number  of  slaves  had 
a  considerable  weight.  On  the  sea  coast  of  live 
of  the  most  southern  provin(!es  the  number  of 
slaves  excee(l(!d  that  of  freemen.  It  was  suppos- 
ed that  the  proffer  of  iVeedom  would  detach  ihvm 
from  their  masters'  interest,  and  bind  them  by 
strong  ties  lo  sii|>port  the  royal  standard.  I'ei  haps, 
under  fivourable  circiimstant^es,  these  expecta- 
tions would  in  some  degree,  have  been  realized; 
but  lord  Duiimore's  indiscrelioi;  de|)rive(l  his  royal 
master  of  this  resource.  Six  months  had  elapsed 
since  his  lordship  first  threatened  its  adoption. 
The  negroes  liad  in  a  great  measure  ceased  to 
believe  and  the  inhabitants  to  fear.  It  excited 
lets  s\irprise,  and  produced  less  effect,  than  if  it 
had  been  mciri''  immediate  anil  unexpected.  The 
couiilry  was  now  in  a  tolerable  state  of  defence, 
and  tin;  force  lor  proleclin^  the  negroes,  in  case 
they  had  closeil  with  his  lordship's  offer,  was  far 
short  of  what  would  have  been  necessary  for  their 
tecuiily. 

'J'he  iiijiiiy.  done  the  royal  cause  by  the  bare 
proposal  of  I'lie  .■■(■heme,  far  outweighed  any  ad- 
•  vantage  that  rcsidled  from  it.    The  colonisis  were 
struck  w.ih  horror,  and  fill(;d  with  detestation  of  a 
guvcriiineni,  which  was  exercised  in  loosening  the 


bands  of  society,  and  destroying  domestic  security.  I 
The  union  and  vigour,  which  were  given  to  their  ! 
opposition,  was  great,  while  the  additional  force,  \ 
acquired  by  his  lordshi|),  was  considerable.    It  | 
nevertheless  produced  some  effect  in  Norfolk  and  1 
the  adjoining  country,  where  hislordship  was  joined 
by  several  hundreds,  both  whites  and  blacks.  The  | 
governor,  having  once  more  got  footing  on  the 
main,  amused  himself  with  hopes  of  acquiring  the 
glory  of  reducing  one  part  of  the  province  by  means 
of  the  other.    The  provincials  had  now  an  object, 
against  which  they  might  direct  their  arms.  An 
expedition  was  therefore  concerted  against  the 
force  which  had  taken  post  at  Norfolk. 

To  protect  his  adherents,  lord  Dunmore  con- 
structed a  fort  at  the  great  bridge,  on  the  Norfolk 
side  and  furnished  it  with  artillery.  The  ])rovin- 
cials  also  fortified  themselves,  near  to  the  same 
place  with  a  narrow  causeway  in  their  front.  In 
this  state,  both  parties  continued  quiet  for  soine 
days.  'J'he  royalists  commenced  an  attack.  Cap- 
tain Fordyce,  at  the  head  of  about  GO  Hritish  gre- 
nadiers, passed  the  causeway,  and  boldly  marched 
up  to  the  provincial  intrenchments  with  fixed  bay- 
onets. They  were  exposed,  without  cover,  to  the 
lire  of  the  provincials  in  front,  and  enfiladed  by 
another  part  of  their  works.  The  brave  captain 
and  several  of  his  men  fell.  The  lieutenant,  with 
others,  was  taken  ;  and  all  who  surviveti  were 
wounded.  The  slaves  in  this  engagement  were 
more  prejudicial  to  their  British  employers  than 
to  the  provincials.  Captain  Fordyce  was  interred 
by  the  victors,  with  military  honour.  The  Eng- 
lish prisoners  were  treated  with  kindness-,  but 
the  Ameri(;ans,  who  had  joined  the  king's  stan- 
dard, experienced  the  resentment  of  their  country- 
men. 

The  royal  forces  on  the  ensuing  night,  evacu- 
ated their  post  at  the  great  bridge  ;  lord  Dunmore 
shortly  afterwards  abandoned  Norfolk,  and  retired 
with  his  peojjle  on  board  his  ships.  Many  of  the 
tories,  a  name  which  was  given  to  those  who  ad- 
hered to  the  royal  interest,  sought  the  same  asy- 
lum, for  themselves  and  moveable  efl'ects.  The 
provincials  took  possession  of  Norfolk  ;  and  the 
fleet,  with  its  new  incumbrances,  removed  to  a 
greater  distance.  The  peo()le  on  board,  cut  off 
f  rom  all  peaceable  intercourse  with  the  shore,  were 
distressed  for  provisions  and  necessaries  of  every 
kind.  This  occasioned  sundry  tinim|>(>rtant  con- 
tests, between  the  provincial  forces  and  the  armed 
ships  and  boats.  At  length  on  the  arrival  of  the 
Liverpool  man  of  war  from  England,  a  (lag  was 
sent  on  shore,  to  put  the  question,  whether  they 
would  suj)[)ly  his  majesty's  ships  with  provisions  .' 

An  answer  was  returned  in  the  negative.  Jt  was 
then  determined  to  destroy  the  town.  'J'liis  was 
carried  into  effect  ;  and  , Ian.  1,  1776,  Norfolk  was 
reduced  to  ashes.  The  whole  loss  was  estimated 
at  300,0001.  sterling.  The  [)rovincials,  to  deprive 
the  ships  of  every  source  of  supply,  destroyed  the 
houses  and  plantations  near  the  water,  and  obliged 
the  people  to  niovs  their  cattle,  provisions,  and  ef- 
fects, further  into  the  country. 

Lord  J)unmore,  wiih  his  fleet,  continued  for 
several  months  on  the  coast  and  in  the  rivers  of 
Virginia.  His  unhappy  followers sufl'ered  a  com- 
plication of  distresses.  The  scarcity  of  water 
and  provisiims,  the  closeness  and  filili  of  the  small 
vessels  |)roduccd  diseases  which  were  fatal  to 
many,  especially  to  the  negroes.  'I'housjh  his 
whole  force  was  trifling  when  compared  with  the 
resources  of  ^'irginia  ;  yet  the  want  of  suitable 
armed  vessels  made  its  expidsion  impracticable 
The  experience  of  that  day  evinced  the  inadequa- 
cy of  land  I'orccs,  for  the  defence  of  a  maritime 
country;  and  the  extensive  mischief  which  may 
be  done,  by  even  an  inconsiderable  marine,  when 
unopposed  in  its  own  way.  The  want  of  a  navy 
was  both  seen  and  felt.  Some  arrangements 
to  procure  one  were  therefore  made.  Either  the 
expectation  of  an  attack  from  this  quarter,  or  the 
sufferings  of  the  crews  on  board,  induced  his  lord- 
ship, in  the  summer  of  177G,  to  burn  the  least  va- 
luable of  his  vessels,  and  to  send  the  remainder, 
ouiouDting  lo  30  or  10  sail,  to  Florida,  Beriuuda, 


and  the  West  Indies.  The  hopes  which  lord  Dun 
more  had  entertained  ol  subduing  N'irginia,  by  the 
co-operation  of  the  negiues,  terminated  with  this 
movement.  The  unhappy  Africans,  who  had  en- 
gaged in  it,  arc  said  to  have  almost  nnivcisall; 
l)erislied. 

While  these  transactions  weie  carrying  on,  an 
other  scheme,  in  which  lord  Dunmore  v.  as  a  party 
in  like  manner  miscarried.  It  was  in  conti  inpla 
tion  to  raise  a  considerable  force  at  the  back  of  tin 
colonies,  jiariicularly  in  Virginia,  and  the  Caroli- 
nas.  Connelly,  a  native  of  Pennsylvania,  was  the 
framer  of'  the  design.  He  had  gained  the  appro- 
bation of  lord  Dunmore,  and  had  been  sent  to  hini 
by  Ueneral  Gage  at  Boston,  and  from  him  he  re- 
ceived a  commission  to  act  as  colonel  commandant. 
It  was  intended  that  the  British  garrisons  at  De- 
troit, and  some  other  remote  sjiois,  with  their  ar- 
tillery and  ammunition,  should  be  subservient  to 
this  design.  Connelly  also  hoped  for  the  aid  ol 
the  Canadians  and  Indians.  He  was  authorized 
to  grant  commissions,  and  to  have  the  supreme 
direction  of  the  new  forces.  As  soon  as  they  v.ere 
in  readiness  he  was  to  penetrate  through  A'irginia, 
and  to  meet  lord  Dunmore  near  Alexandria,  on  the 
river  Potomac.  Connelly  was  ta-lien  up  on  suspi- 
cion, by  one  of  the  committees  in  Maryland,  while 
on  his  way  to  the  scene  of  action.  The  pa- 
pers found  in  his  possession  betrayed  the  whole. 
Among  tliese,  were  a  general  sketch  of  the  plan, 
and  a  letter  from  lord  Dunmore  to  one  of  the  In- 
dian chiefs.  He  was  imprisoned,  and  the  papers 
published.  So  many  fortunate  escapes  induced  a 
belief  among  serious  Americans,  that  their  cause 
was  favoured  by  heaven.  The  various  projects 
which  were  devised,  and  put  in  operation  again.<it 
them,  pointed  out  the  increasing  necessity  of  union; 
while  the  havoc  made  on  their  coasts,  the  proffer 
of  freedom  to  their  slaves,  and  the  encoura'jemen' 
proposed  to  Indians,  for  making  war  on  their  Iron 
tier  inhabitants,  quickened  their  resentment  agains 
(ireat  Britain. 

North  ('arolina  was  more  fortunate  than  Virgi 
ma.  The  governors  of  both  were  perhaps  e(pi,dlj[ 
zealous  for  the  royal  interest,  and  the  people  ol 
both  equally  attached  to  the  cause  of  .America  ; 
but  the  former  escaped  with  a  smaller  portion  rl 
public  calamity.  Several  regulations  were  at  this 
lime  adopted  by  most  of  the  provinces.  Councils 
of  safety,  committees,  and  conventions,  were  com- 
mon substitutes  forirgular  government.  Similar 
plans  for  raising,  arming  and  supporting  troops, 
and  lot  training  the  militia,  were,  from  north  to 
south,  generally  -idopted.  In  like  manner,  royal 
governors,  throughout  the  provinces,  were  exert 
ing  themselves  in  attaching  the  people  to  the 
schemes  of  (Jreat  Britain,  (lovernor  Martin,  ol 
North  Carolina,  was  particularly  zealous  in  liis 
business.  He  fortified  andarmed  liis  pihce  at  .New- 
bern,  that  it  might  answer  the  double  purpose  o( 
a  garrison  and  magazine.  While  he  was  thus  em- 
ployed, such  commcsions  were  excited  among 
the  people,  that  he  thought  it  expedient  to  retire 
on  board  a  sloop  of  war  in  Cape  Fear  river.— 
The  people  found  powder  and  various  niiliiai-y 
stores,  which  had  been  buried  in  his  garden  and 
_\  ard 

(iovernor  Martin,  though  he  had  abandoned  his 
usual  place  of  residence,  continued  his  exertions 
for  reducing  North  Carolina  to  obedience.  He 
particularly  addressed  himself  to  the  regulators 
and  Highland  emigrants.  The  former  had  ac- 
quired this  name  from  attempting  to  regulate  the 
administration  of  justice,  in  the  remote  settle 
•iients,  in  a  summary  manner,  subversive  of  the 
()ul)lic  peace.  They  had  suffered  the  consequen 
ces  of  opposing  royal  government,  and.  from  obvi- 
ous principles  of  human  nature,  were  disposed  to 
support  the  authority,  whose  power  to  punish  they 
had  recently  exjierienced.  The  Highland  emi- 
grants had  been  only  a  short  time  in  ,\merica.  and 
were  yet  more  under  the  influence  of  Europeao 
ideas,  than  those  w  hich  their  new  situation  wa» 
calculated  to  inspire. 

(iovernor  .Martin  sent  commissions  among  those 
people,  for  raising  and  ccmmanding  regiments 


NORTH  AMERICA 


3B5 


aixl  lie  granted  one  to  Mr.  M'Donald.  to  act  as 
tlieir  <;erieral.  He  also  sent  tliein  a  proclamation 
coniinaiidiug  all  persons,  on  llieir  allegiance,  lore- 
pair  to  tlie  royal  standard.  This  was  erected  by 
General  M'Donald,  about  the  middle  of  February. 
Upon  the  (irst  intelligence  of  ilieir  assembling. 
Brigadier  (ieneral  Moore,  with  some  provincial 
troops  and  tniiitia,  and  some  pieces  ol  cannon, 
niaiched  to  oppose  them.  He  took  possession  of 
RocU-fish  bridge,  and  threw  up  some  works.  He 
had  not  been  there  many  days,  when  M"Donald 
approached  ;  and  sent  a  letter  to  Moore,  enclosing 
the  governor's  proclamation  and  advising  him  and 
his  party  to  join  the  king's  standard;  and  adding, 
that  in  case  of  a  refusal,  they  must  be  treated  as 
enemies.  To  this  Moore  replied,  that  he  and  his 
officers  consideied  tliemselves  as  engaged  in  a 
cause,  the  most  glorious  and  honourable  in  the 
world,  the  del'ence  of  mankind  ;  .ind  in  his  turn 
olif  red,  that  if  M'Donald's  party  laid  down  their 
arms,  they  should  be  received  as  friends;  but, 
olhei wise  they  must  expect  consequences,  simi- 
lar to  tliose  which  they  threatened.  Soon  after 
this,  (ieneral  .M'Donald,  w  ith  liis  adherents,  |)ush- 
ed  on  to  join  (jovernor  Martin  :  but  Colonels  Lil- 
lingion  and  Caswell,  with  about  1000  militia  men, 
took  [)ossession  of  Moore's  creek  bridge,  wliich 
lay  in  their  way,  and  raised  a  small  breast  work 
to  secure  themselves. 

On  the  next  morning,  the  Highland  emigrants 
attacked  the  militia  |)osted  at  the  bridge  ;  but  M' 
Cleod,  the  second  in  command,  and  some  more  of 
tiieir  oflicers  being  killed  at  the  first  onset,  they 
tied  with  precipitation.  General  M'Donald  was 
'.aken  prisoner,  and  the  whole  oftlie  party  broken 
and  dispersed.  The  overthrow  produced  conse- 
quences very  iiijuiious  to  the  British  interest.  A 
royal  licet  and  army  was  expected  on  the  coast. 
A  junction  lormed  between  them  and  the  High- 
land eniigiatits,  in  the  interior  country,  might 
have  made  a  sensible  impression  on  the  province. 
F roin  an  eagerness  to  do  soinething,  the  insur- 
gents prematurely  took  arms,  and  being  crushed 
before  the  arrival  of  jnoper  support,  their  spirits 
ivere  so  entirely  broken,  that  no  future  ell'ort  could 
oe  expected  I'romlhem. 

While  the  war  raged  only  in  Massachusetts, 
eacli  province  conducted  as  if  it  expected  to  be 
the  next  attacked.  Georgia,  though  a  majority 
ofiis  iidiabitants  were  at  (irst  against  tlie  mea- 
sures, yei,  about  ihe  nuddle  of  this  year,  joined 
the  other  colonies.  Having  not  concurred  in  the 
l)etiiions  from  Congress  to  the  king,  they  petition- 
ed by  themselves ;  and  stated  their  rights  and 
grievances,  in  firm  and  decided  language.  They 
also  adopted  the  continental  association,  and  sent 
on  llieir  deputies  to  Congress. 

In  South  Carolina,  there  was  an  eagerness  to  be 
prepared  for  defence,  which  was  not  suipassed 
in  any  of  the  provinces.  Regiments  were  raised  ; 
forts  were  built;  the  militia  trained;  and  every 
necessary  preparation  made  for  that  purpose. 
Lord  William  Campbell,  the  royal  governor, 
endeavoured  to  form  a  party  for  the  support 
of  government,  and  was  in  some  degree  suc- 
cessful. Distrusting  his  personal  safety  on  shore, 
about  the  middle  of  September,  he  took  up  his 
lesidence  on  board  an  armed  vessel,  then  in  the 
harbour. 

The  royal  government  still  existed  in  name  and 
form  ;  but  llie  real  power,  wliich  the  people  obey- 
ed, was  exercised  by  a  provincial  congress,  a 
council  (if  sal'ety,  and  sul)ordinate  committees. 
I'll  conciliate  the  friendship  of  the  Indians,  the 
p'ipiilar  leaders  sent  a  small  supjily  of  powder  into 
ihfir  country.  They  who  were  opposed  to  Con- 
gress, embodied,  and  robbed  the  wagons  which 
were  employed  in  its  transportation.  To  inflame 
the  minds  of  their  adherents,  they  propagated  a 
report  that  the  powder  was  intended  to  be  given  to 
the  Indians,  for  the  imrpose  of  liiassacreing  the 
friends  of  royal  government.  The  inhabitants 
took  arms,  some  to  support  toyal  government,  but 
more  to  support  the  Americari  measures. 

The  roya  ists  acted  feebly,  and  vvere  easily 
avcrpowered     They  were  disheartened  by  the 


superiornumbers  that  opposed  them.  They  every 
where  gave  way,  and  were  obliged  either  to  lly  or 
feign  submission.  Solicitations  had  been  m  ule 
about  this  time  for  royal  forces  to  awe  the  south- 
ern provinces ;  but  without  efl'ect,  till  the  proper 
season  was  over.  One  scheme  for  this  purpose 
was  frustrated  by  a  single  device.  Private  intel- 
ligence had  been  received  of  an  express  being  sent 
from  sir  James  Wright,  governor  of  Georgia,  to 
General  Gage.  By  him,  the  necessity  of  ordering 
a  [lart  of  the  royal  anuy  to  the  southward  was  fully 
stated.  'J'he  express  was  waylaid,  anil  compeded 
by  two  gentlemen  to  deliver  his  letters.  One  to 
(ieneral  Gage  was  kept  back,  and  another  one 
forwarded  in  its  room.  The  seal  and  hand-writing 
were  so  exactly  imitated  that  the  deception  was 
not  suspected.  The  forged  letter  was  received  and 
acted  upon.  It  is  slated  the  degree  of  peace  and 
tranquility  to  be  such  as  induced  an  opinion,  that 
there  was  no  necessity  of  sending  royal  tioops  to  the 
southward. 

While  these  states  were  thus  left  to  themselves, 
they  had  tune  and  opportunity  to  prepare  for  ex- 
tremities; and,  in  the  mean  time,  the  friends  of 
royal  government  were  severally  crushed.  A 
series  of  disasters  followed  the  royal  cause  in  the 
year  1775.  General  (iage's  army  was  cooped  up 
in  Boston,  and  rendered  useless.  In  the  southern 
states,  where  a  small  force  would  have  made  an 
impression,  the  royal  governors  were  unsupport- 
ed. Much  was  done  to  irritate  the  colonists,  and 
to  cement  their  union;  but  very  little,  either  in  the 
way  of  conquest  and  concession,  to  subdue  their 
spirits  or  conciliate  their  afi'ections. 

la  this  year  the  people  of  America  generally 
took  the  side  of  the  colonies.  Every  art  was 
made  use  of,  by  the  popular  leaders,  to  attach  the 
inhabitants  to  their  cause ;  nor  were  the  votaries 
of  the  royal  interest  inactive:  but  little  impres- 
sion was  made  by  the  latter,  except  among  the 
uninformed.  The  great  mass  of  the  wealth,  iearn- 
ing,  and  influence,  in  all  the  southern  colonies,  and 
in  most  of  the  northern,  was  in  favour  of  the 
AmCiicaa  cause.  Some  aged  persons  were  ex- 
ceptions to  the  contrary.  Attached  to  ancient 
habits,  and  enjoying  the  fruits  of  their  industry, 
they  were  slow  in  approving  new  measures,  sub- 
versive of  the  former,  and  endangering  the  latter. 
A  few,  who  had  basked  in  tlie  sunshine  of  court 
favour,  were  restrained  by  honour,  principle,  and 
interest,  from  forsaking  the  fountain  of  their  en- 
joyments. Some  feared  the  power  of  Britain,  and 
othets  doubted  the  perseverance  of  America  ;  but 
a  great  majority  resolved  to  hazard  every  thing, 
in  preference  to  a  tame  submission.  In  t!ie  be- 
ginning of  the  year  1776,  the  colonists  were  far- 
mers, merchants,  and  mechanics  :  but  in  its  close, 
they  had  assumed  the  [irofession  of  soldiers.  So 
sudden  a  transformation  of  so  numerous,  and  so 
dispersed  a  people,  is  without  a  parallel. 

This  year  was  also  remarkable  for  the  general 
termination  of  royal  government.  This  was  ef- 
fected without  any  violence  to  its  executive  ofli- 
cers. The  new  system  was  not  so  much  forcibly- 
imposed,  or  designedly  adopted,  as  introduced 
through  necessity,  and  the  imperceptible  agency 
of  a  common  danger,  operating  uniformly  on  the 
mind  of  the  public.  Tlie  royal  governors,  for  the 
most  part  voluntarily  abdicated  their  governments, 
and  retired  on  board  ships  of  war.  They  assigned 
for  reason  that  they  apprehended  personal  dan- 
ger ;  but  this,  in  every  instance,  was  unfounded. 
Perhajis,  these  represeniatives  of  royalty  ihought, 
that  as  they  were  constitutionally  necessary  to  the 
administration  of  justice,  the  horrors  of  anarchy 
would  deter  the  peo|)lefrom  prosecuting  their  o|)- 
position.  If  they  acted  from  this  principle,  they 
[were  mistaken.  Their  withdrawing  from  the 
!  exercise  of  their  official  duties  both  furnished  an 
[apology,  and  induced  a  necessity  for  organizing  a 
j  system  of  government.  inde|)endent  of  royal  au- 
thority. By  encoui aging  o|)|)osition  to  the  popu- 
;  lar  measures,  they  involved  their  friends  in  dis- 
I  tress.  The  unsuccessful  insurrections,  which 
j  they  fotnented,  being  improperly  timed,  and  un- 
'  supported,  were  easily  overthrown ;  and  actually 


strengthened  the  popular  government,  which  they 
meant  to  destroy. 

As  the  year  177.^  drew  near  to  a  close,  the  friends 
of  Congress  were  embarrassed  with  a  new  difficul- 
ty. The  army  was  lempoiary,  and  only  engaged 
to  serve  out  the  year.  The  olijecl,  forwliicii  tiiey 
had  taken  up  arms,  was  noi  obtained.  Every  rea- 
son, which  had  previously  induced  the  provinces  to 
embody  a  military  force,  still  existed  and  with  in- 
creasing weight.  It  was  therefore  resolveil  to  form 
a  new  army.  The  same  flattering  hopes  weie 
indulged,  that  an  army  for  the  ensuing  year  would 
answer  every  jmriiose.  A  committee  ol  Congress, 
consisting  of  Dr.  Franklin,  :\Ir.  Lynch,  and  .Mr. 
Harrison,  repaired  to  head  quarters  at  Cambridge  : 
and  there,  in  conjunction  with  (ieneral  Wasliing- 
ton,  made  arrangements  for  organizing  an  army 
for  the  year  177(j.  It  was  |)resumed  that  the  spirii, 
which  had  hitherto  operated  on  the  yeomanry  o( 
the  country,  would  induce  most  of  the  same  indi- 
viduals to  engage  for  another  Iwelvemonlli ;  but, 
on  experiment,  it  was  found  that  much  of  their  mi- 
litary ardour  had  already  evaporated.  The  first 
im|)ulse  of  passion,  and  the  novelty  of  the  scene, 
had  brought  many  to  the  field,  who  had  great  ob- 
jections against  continuing  in  the  military  line. — 
They  found,  that  to  be  soldiers,  required  sacrifices, 
of  which,  when  they  assumed  that  character,  they 
had  no  idea.  So  unacquainted  were  the  bulk  of  the 
people  with  the  mode  of  carrying  on  modern  war, 
that  some  of  them  flew  to  arms,  with  the  delusive 
expectation  of  settling  the  whole  dispute,  by  a  few 
decisive  and  immediate  engagements.  Experience 
soon  taught  ihem,  that  to  risk  life  in  open  fighting 
was  but  a  part  of  a  soldier's  duly.  Several  of  ihe 
inferior  oflicers  retired;  the  mcii  frequently  refused 
to  enlist,  unless  they  w  ere  allowed  to  choose  their 
officers.  Others  would  not  engage  unless  they 
wereindulged  with  furloughs.  Fifty  would  apply 
together  for  leave  of  absence  ;  indulgence  llire;:ien'- 
ed  less  ruinous  consequences  than  a  refusal  would 
()iobably  have  jnoduced.  On  the  whole,  enlist- 
ments went  on  slowly.  Though  the  recruits  lot 
the  new  army  had  not  arrived  ;  yet,  the  Connec 
ticut  troops,  w  hose  time  expired  on  the /irst  of  i)e 
cembet  cuuld  not  be  jietsuaded  to  continue  in  ser 
vice.  On  their  way  home,  several  of  them  were 
s'opped  by  the  country  people,  and  compelled  to 
return.  When  every  thing  seemed  to  be  exposed, 
by  the  departure  of  so  great  a  part  of  the  late 
army,  the  militia  were  called  on  for  a  teinporaiy 
aid.  A  new  difliculty  obstructed,  as  well  the  re- 
cruiting of  the  army,  as  the  coming  in  of  the  mill 
tia.  Sundry  persons,  infected  with  the  small-pox, 
were  sent  out  of  Boston  and  landed  at  Point  Shir- 
ley. Such  was  the  dread  of  that  disease,  that  llie 
Bwtish  army  scarcely  excited  er|ual  terror.  So 
many  diflicullies  retarded  the  recruiting  service, 
that  on  the  last  day  of  the  year,  1 775,  llie  whole 
American  army  amounted  to  no  more  than  9650 
men.  Of  the  remarkable  events,  with  which  the 
subsequent  imporlant  year  was  re|)lete,  it  was  not 
the  least,  that,  within  musket  shot  of  iweniv  Bri- 
tish regiments,  one  army  was  disbanded  and  ano- 
ther enlisted. 

All  this  time  the  British  troops  at  Boston  were 
sufl'ering  the  inconvenience  ofa  blockade.  From 
the  I'Jth  of  April,  they  were  cut  off  from  those 
refreshments  which  their  situation  required.  Their 
supplies  from  Britain  did  not  reach  the  coast,  for 
a  long  time  after  they  were  expected.  .Several  were 
taken  by  the  American  cruisers,  and  others  were 
lost  at  sea.  This  was  in  particular  the  late  ol 
many  of  iheir  coal  ships.  The  want  of  fuel  was 
particularly  fell,  in  a  climate  where  the  winter  is 
both  severe  and  tedious.  They  relieved  ihem- 
.selves,  in  part,  from  their  sufl'erings  on  this  ac- 
count, by  the  timber  of  houses,  which  thev  pulled 
down  and  burnt,  ^'"essels  were  despatched  lo  the 
West  Indies  lo  procure  provisions  :  but  the  islands 
were  so  straitened,  that  they  could  aflord  little  as- 
sistance. Armed  ships  and  transports  were  onler- 
ed  to  (ieorgia,  with  an  intent  to  procure  rice  :  but 
the  people  of  that  province,  with  the  aid  ofa  party 
from  South  Carolina,  so  cflectually  opposed  thcui. 
that  of  eleven  vessels,  only  two  got  olTonfc  witt 


THE   HISTORY  OF 


(heir  caicocs.    It  was  not  till  the  slock  of  the  gar-  ^ 
risoii  wiis  nearly  exhausted,  that  llie  traii>|)oits  , 
from  England  oi'itered  the  port  ol  Bosiou,  and  re- 
lieved (he  disii«sses  of  the  garrison. 

W  hile  the  troops  witliin  tlie  lines  were  appre- 
hensive ofsutreiing  from  want  of  provisions,  tiie 
troops  without  were  e(pially  uneasy  for  want  of 
employment.  Used  to  labour  and  motion  on  the;r 
farins.'lhcy  could  not  brook  the  inactivity  and  con- 
f;:ieinent  of  a  camp  life.  Fiery  spirits  declaimed 
in  favour  of  an  assault.  They  preferred  a  bold 
spirii  of  enterprise,  to  that  passive  fortitude, 
wliicli  bears  up  under  [)resent  evils,  wiiile  it  waits 
for  lavourable  junctures.  To  be  in  readiness  for 
an  atlcm|)t  of  this  kind,  a  council  of  war  recom- 
mended to  call  in  1280  militia  men,  from  New 
Hampshire  or  Connecticut.  This  number,  added 
to  the  regular  army  before  Boston,  would  have 
made  an  o|)eratin<;  force  of  about  17,000  men. 

The  provincials  laboured  under  great  inconve- 
niences from  tlie  want  of  arms  and  ammunition. — 
V^ery  early  in  the  contest,  the  king  of  (ireat  J5ri- 
tain,  by  proclamation,  forbade  the  e.\|)ortalion  of 
warlike  stores  to  the  colonies,  (ireat  exertions 
had  been  made  to  manufacture  saltpetre  and  gun- 
powder :  but  the  supply  was  slow  and  inadequate. 
A  secret  committee  of  Congress  had  been  appoint- 
ed, with  ample  power  to  lay  in  a  stock  of  this  ne- 
cessary article.  Some  swift  sailing  vessels  had 
been  despatched  to  the  coast  of  Africa,  tojmrchase 
what  could  be  procured  in  that  distant  region.  A 
[)ariy  from  (."harlestoii  for<:ibly  took  about  17,000 
lbs.  ol' powder,  from  a  vessel  near  the  bar  of  St. 
Augustine.  Some  time  after.  Commodore  Hop- 
kins stripped  Providence,  one  of  the  ISahama  is- 
lands, of  a  quantity  of  aiiillery  and  stores;  but 
the  whole,  ])rociired  from  all  these  quarters,  was 
far  short  of  a  sufficiency.  In  order  to  supply  the 
new  army  befoie  Boston,  with  the  necessary  means 
of  defence,  an  application  was  made  to  Massachu- 
setts for  arms  :  but,  on  examination,  it  was  found 
that  their  public  stores  allbrded  only  200.  Orders 
were  issued  to  |)iuchase  firelocks  from  private  per- 
sons :  but  lew  had  any  to  sell,  and  fewer  would 
part  with  them.  In  the  month  of  February,  there 
were  2000  of  the  American  infantry,  who  were 
destitute  of  arms.  Powder  was  equally  scarce, 
snd  yet  daily  a|)plications  were  made  for  dividends 
tf  the  small  quantity  which  was  on  hand,  for  the 
defence  of  various  parts  threatened  with  invasion. 
The  eastern  colonics  presented  an  uiuisual  sight. 
A  powerful  enemy  safely  entrenched  in  their  first 
city,  while  a  fleet  was  ready  to  transpoit  them  to 
any  part  of  the  coast.  A  numerous  body  of  lius- 
bandmen  was  resolutely  bent  on  opposition  ;  but 
without  the  necessary  arms  and  ammunition  lor 
self-defence.  The  eyesof  all  were  fixed  on  Gene- 
ral Washington;  and  it  was  unreasonably  expect- 
ed, that  he  would,  by  a  bold  exertion,  free  the 
town  of  iJoston  from  the  Hritish  troops.  The 
dangerous  situation  of  [>ulilic  alVairs  led  him  to 
conceal  the  real  scarcity  of  arms  and  ammunition  ; 
and,  with  that  magnanimity  which  is  characteris- 
tic of  great  minds,  to  sufVer  his  character  to  be 
assailed,  rather  than  vindicate  himself,  by  expo- 
sing his  many  wants.  'I'here  were  not  wanting 
persons,  who,  judging  from  the  superior  nuiid>ers 
of  men  in  the  American  army,  boldly  asserted, 
that,  if  the  commander  in  chief  were  not  desirous 
of  prolonging  his  impoilance  at  the  head  of  an 
army,  he  might,  by  a  vigorous  exertion,  gain  pos- 
session of  Boston.  Such  suggestions  were  report- 
ed and  believed  by  several,  wliilc  they  were  un- 
contradicted by  the  general,  who  chost?  to  risk  his 
fatne,  latlier  than  exp<ise  his  army  and  his  country. 

Agreeably  to  the  retpiest  of  the  council  of 
war,  about  7(f00  of  the  militia  had  rendezvoused 
in  February.  (Jeneral  Washington  staled  to  his 
olTicers.  that  the  troops  in  camp,  together  with 
the  leinforcrments  whi(-h  had  been  called  for, 
and  »  ere  daily  coming  in.  would  amount  nearly 
to  17,J00men:  that  lie  had  not  powder  suflicient 
for  a  bi.mbardment  ;  anil  asked  their  advice, 
wiiether,  as  rrinlnrcements  tniclit  be  dailv  ex- 
po led  to  the  ein'M'V,  it  would  not  be  prudent 
belore  that  ewnt  toon  place,  to  make  an  assault 


on  tlie  British  lines.    The  proposition  was  nega-  | 
lived  :  but  it  was  recommended  to  take  possession 
of  Dorchester  heights.    To  conceal  this  design,  i 
aiid  to  divert  the  attention  of  the  garrison,  a  bom-  ' 
bardmeiit  ol  the  town  from  other  directions  com-  i 
meuced,  and  was  carried  on  for  three  days,  with 
as  much  briskness  as  a  deficient  stock  of  i)owder 
would  admit.    In  this  first  essay,  three  of  the 
mortars  were  broken,  either  from  a  defect  in  tlieir 
construction,  or,  more  ()iobably,  from  ignorance 
of  the  proper  mode  of  using  them. 

The  night  of  the  4th  of  March  was  fixed  upon 
for  taking  possession  of  Dorchester  heights.  A 
covering  party  of  about  800  men  led  the  way. 
These  were  followed  by  the  carts,  with  the  in- 
trenching tools,  1200  of  a  working  party,  com- 
manded by  (Jeneral  Thomas.  In  the  rear,  there 
were  more  than  two  hundred  carts,  loaded  with 
fascines,  and  hay  in  bundles.  While  the  cannon 
were  playiug  in  other  parts,  the  greatest  silence 
was  kejit  by  this  working  [)arty.  The  active  zeal- 
oftlie  industrious  provincials  completed  lines  of 
defence,  by  morning,  which  astonished  the  garri- 
son. The  difference  between  Dorchester  heights 
on  the  evening  of  the  4th,  and  the  morning  of  the 
0th,  seemed  to  realize  the  tales  of  romance.  The 
admiral  informed  Cieneral  Howe,  that  if  the  Ame- 
ricans kei)t  possession  of  these  heiglits,  he  would 
not  be  able  to  keej)  one  of  his  majesty's  ships  in 
the  harbour.  It  was  therefore  determined  in  a 
council  of  war,  to  attempt  to  dislodge  them.  An 
engagement  was  hourly  expected.  It  was  intend- 
ed by  Cietieral  Washington,  in  that  case,  to  force 
his  way  into  Boston  witli  4000  men,  who  were  to 
have  embarked  at  the  mouth  of  Cambridge  river. 
The  militia  had  come  forv/ard  with  great  alertness 
each  bringing  three  days'  provision,  in  expecta- 
tion of  an  immediate  assault.  The  men  were  in 
high  spirits,  and  impatiently  waiting  foi  the  appeal. 

They  were  reminded,  that  it  was  the  otli  of 
March,  and  were  called  upon  to  avenge  the  death 
of  their  countrymen  killed  on  that  day.  The  many 
eiuinences  in  and  near  Boston,  which  overlooked 
the  ground  on  which  it  was  expected  that  the  con- 
tending parties  would  engage,  were  crowded  «vith 
numerous  spectators  ;  but  General  Howe  did  not 
intend  to  attack  until  the  next  day.  In  the  night, 
a  most  violent  stoim,  and,  towards  morning,  a 
heavy  Hood  of  rain,  came  on.  A  carnage  was 
thus  providentially  prevented,  that  would  probably 
have  equalled,  if  not  exceeded,  the  fatal  17th  of 
June  at  Bunker's  Hill.  In  this  situation,  it  was 
agreed  by  the  British,  in  council  of  war,  to  evacu- 
ate t!ie  town  as  soon  as  possible. 

In  a  few  days  after,  a  flag  came  out  of  Boston, 
with  a  paper  signed  by  four  selectmen,  informing, 
"  that  they  had  ap|)lied  to  (Jeneral  Robertson,  who, 
on  an  a|)plicalion  to  (ieneral  Howe,  was  authoris- 
ed to  assure  them,  that  he  had  no  intention  of 
burning  the  town,  unless  the  troops  under  his 
command  were  molested,  during  their  embarca- 
tion,  or  at  their  departure,  by  the  armed  force  with- 
out." When  this  paper  was  presented  to  (Jeneral 
Washington,  he  replied,  that  as  it  was  an  unau- 
thenticated  paper,  and  without  an  address,  and  not 
obligatory  on  (Jeneral  Howe,  he  could  take  no  no- 
tice of  it  ;"  biu  at  the  same  time  intimated  his  good 
wishes  for  the  security  of  the  town. 

A  ])roclamation  was  issued  by  (ieneral  Howe, 
ordering  all  woollen  ami  linen  goods  to  be  deliver- 
ed to  (  "rean  Brush,  Es(|.  Shops  were  opened  and 
stripped  of  their  goods.  A  licentious  ))lundcring 
took  place.  Much  was  carried  oil",  and  nu)re  was 
wantonly  destroyed.  These  irregularities  weie 
foibidden  inorders,  and  the  guilty  thieatened  with 
death;  but,  nevertheless,  great  mischief  was  cum- 
mitled. 

The  British,  amounting  to  more  than  7000  men 
evacuated  Boston,  .^Iarcll  17th,  177(i ;  leaving 
their  barracks  standing;  a  inimber  of  pieces  of 
cannon  spikiMl ;  four  large  iron  sea  mortars  ;  and 
stoies  to  the  value  of  :iO,0()0/.  They  demolished 
the  castle,  and  knocked  off  the  trunions  of  the 
cannon.  Various  incidents  caused  a  delay  of  nine 
days  alter  the  evacuation,  before  they  left  Nan- 
tusket  road. 


This  embarcation  was  attended  with  many  cir 
cumstances  of  distress  an<i  enibari assmeni.  On 
the  departure  of  the  ro)al  army  from  Boston,  a 
great  number  of  the  iiiliabilants,  attached  to  their 
sovereign,  and  afraid  of  public  resentment,  chose 
to  abandon  their  country.  1-  roni  the  great  multi- 
tude about  to  depart,  there  was  no  possibilitv  of 
procuring  purchasers  for  their  furniture  ;  neither 
was  there  a  sufiiciency  of  vessels  for  its  conve- 
nient transportation.  .Mutual  jealousy  subsisted 
between  the  army  and  navy  :  each  chaiging  the 
other  as  the  cause  of  theit  common  distress.  The 
army  was  full  of  discontent.  Reinforcements, 
though  long  promised, had  not  arrived.  Both  officers 
and  soldiers,  thought  themselves  neglected.  Five 
months  had  elapsed  since  they  had  received  any 
advice  of  their  destination.  Wants  and  inconve- 
niences increased  their  ill  humour.  Their  intend- 
ed voyage  to  Halifax  subjected  them  to  great  dan- 
gers. The  coast  at  all  times  hazardous,  was 
imminently  so  at  that  tempestuous  equinoctial  sea- 
son. They  had  reason  to  fear,  that  they  would 
be  blown  off  to  the  West  Indies,  and  without  a 
suflicient  stock  of  provisions.  They  were  also 
going  to  a  barren  country.  To  add  to  their  diffi- 
culties, this  dangerous  voyage,  when  coin|>leted, 
was  directly  so  much  out  of  their  way.  Their 
business  lay  to  the  southward  ;  and  they  were  goins 
northward.  Under  all  these  dilTiculties,  and  with 
all  these  gloomy  propect,  the  fleet  steered  for 
Halifax.  Contrary  to  appearances,  the  voyage 
thither  was  both  sliort  and  jirosperous.  They  re- 
mained there  some  lime,  waitins;  for  reinforce- 
ments and  instructions  from  England. 

When  the  royal  fleet  and  army  departed  from 
Boston,  several  ships  were  left  behind,  foi  the 
protection  of  vessels  coming  from  England  ;  but 
the  American  ()rivateers  were  so  alert,  that  they 
nevertheless  made  many  prizes.  .Some  of  the 
vessels  which  they  captured,  were  laden  with  arms 
and  warlike  stores.  Some  transports,  with  troojis 
on  board,  were  also  taken.  These  had  run  into 
the  harbour,  not  knowing  that  the  |)lace  was  evacu- 
ated. The  boats  employed  in  the  embarkation  of 
the  British  troops,  had  scarce  com|)leted  their  bu 
siness,  when  General  Washincton,  with  his  arniy, 
marched  into  Boston,  He  was  received  with 
marks  of  approbation  more  flattering  than  the 
pumps  of  a  triumph.  The  inhabitants,  released 
from  the  severities  of  a  garrison  life,  and  from  the 
various  indignities  to  w  hich  they  were  subjected, 
hailed  him  as  their  deliverer.  The  evacuation  of 
Boston  had  been  previously  delermiiied  upon,  by 
the  British  ministry,  from  i)rinciples  of  political 
ex|)cdiency.  Being  resolved  to  carry  on  the  war. 
for  purposes  ali'ecting  all  the  colonies,  they  con- 
ceived a  central  position  to  be  preferable  to  Bos- 
ton. Policy  of  this  kind  had  induced  the  adoption 
of  the  measure;  but  the  .A  iiierican  works  on  Rox- 
bury  expedited  its  execution 


CHAPTER  Xll. 

The  rrococilings  of  ParllnmPiil,  airninst  tlie  Coloiilci 
l77o-t);  Operutioiia  in  Soiilli  Carolina,  New  Vork,  nnd 
New  Jersey. 

TnK  operations,  carried  on  against  the  united 
colonies,  in  the  year  177."),  were  adapted  to  cases 
of  criminal  combination,  among  subjects  not  in 
arms.  The  military  arrangements  for  that  year, 
were  therefore  made  on  the  idea  of  a  trifling  addi- 
tion to  a  peace  establishiiuMit.  It  was  either  not 
known,  that  a  majority  of  the  Americans  had  de- 
termined to  resist  the  power  of  (Jreat  Britain, 
rather  than  submit  to  the  coeicive  laws,  or  it  was 
not  believed  that  they  had  spirit  suflicient  to  art 
in  conformity  to  that  determination.  The  piopen- 
sity  in  human  nature,  to  believe  that  to  be  true, 
which  is  wished  to  be  so,  had  deceived  the  royal 
servants  in  Ameiica,  and  the  British  niinistrv  in 
England,  so  for  as  to  induce  their  general  belief, 
that  a  determined  spirit  on  the  part  of  govern- 
ment, and  a  few  thousand  troops  to  support  tint 
doiermmatioD  would  easily  compose  Jic  lroiil)lci 


NORTH  AMERICA 


897 


ill  /Viiicnc.i.  i'lU'ir  iiiililiiry  opei atioiis,  iii  ilie 
_/tMi  177"),  wfre  llieieloiL-  calcuhiied  on  llie  sin.ill 
scale  ol  stieii^llieiiiiigtlie  civil  power, ;ui(l  not  on  tlic 
laii;e  one  of  lesistiiig  an  organized  army.  Tliougli 
it  h  id  been  declared  by  parliament  in  February, 
177.'",  that  a  rebellion  existed  in  Massachusetts, 
yet  it  was  not  believed  that  the  colonists  would 
dare  to  abet  their  opposition  by  an  armed  force. 

The  resistance  made  by  the  militia  at  Lexing- 
ton,the  consequent  military  arrangements  adopted, 
first  by  Massachusetts,  and  afterwards  by  C-ongress, 
together  with  the  defence  of  Hunker's  hill,  all  con- 
spired to  ])rove  that  the  Americans  were  far  from 
being  contemptible  adversaries.  The  nation,  find- 
ing itsell',  by  a  fatal  progression  of  the  unhap|)y 
ilkspuie,  involved  in  a  civil  war,  was  roused  to  re- 
collei  iiuii.  Though  several  corjiorate  bodies,  and 
siiiuliy  distinguished  individuals  in  Great  Britain 
were  opposed  to  coercive  measures,  yet  there  was 
a  iiwijority  for  [iroceeding.  The  pride  of  the  nation 
was  interesicd  in  humbling  the  colonists,  who  had 
dared  lit  resist  the  power  which  had  lately  triumph- 
ed over  the  combineil  force  of  France  and  S[)ain. 
The  prospect  of  freeing  their  own  estates  from  a 
part  ol  the  heavy  r.axes  charged  thereon,  induced 
nuiuliers  of  the  laiuled  gentlemen  in  Great  Hritain 
to  support  the  same  measures.  They  conceived 
the  coercion  of  the  colonies  to  be  the  most  direct 
mode  of  securing  their  contribution  towards  sink- 
ing the  national  debt.  influenced  by  these  o|)i- 
nioiis,  they  not  only  justified  the  adoption  of  rigor- 
ous measures,  but  clieerfully  consented  to  present 
addilioiKil  l.ixes,  with  the  same  spirit  which  indu- 
ces liiii;ants  in  private  life,  to  advance  money  for 
forwarding  a  lawsuit,  from  the  termination  of  which 
great  profits  are  expected. 

Lord  North,  the  ])rime  minister  of  England,  find- 
ing himself  su|)ported  by  so  many  powerful  inte- 
rests, was  encouraged  to  proceed.  He  had  already 
subdued  a  powerful  party  in  the  city  of  London, 
and  triumphed  over  the  Eastlndia  company.  The 
snbinission  of  the  colonies  was  only  wanting  to 
loiiiplcte  the  glory  of  his  administration.  Previ- 
jus  success  emboldened  him  to  attempt  the  ardu- 
ous liiisiness.  He  flattered  himself,  that  the  ac- 
coiiiplisliiiient  of  it  would  not  only  restore  peace  to 
the  empire,  but  give  a  brilliancy  to  his  name,  far 
exceeding  that  ofanyofhis  predecessors. 

Such  was  the  temper  of  a  great  part  of  the  na- 
tion,and  such  the  ambitious  views  of  its  prime  min- 
ister ;  when  the  parliament  was  convened,  on  the 
21ili  (if  October,  1775.  In  the  sjieech  from  the 
throne,  great  com|>laints  were  made  of  the  leaders 
in  the  colonies,  who  were  said,  by  their  misrepre- 
sentations, to  have  infused  into  the  minds  of  the 
(lehuied  multitude,  opinions  rejiugnantto  theircon- 
stituiiunal  subordination;  and  afterwards  to  have 
proceeded  to  the  coniinencement  of  hostilities,  and 
ilie  usurpation  of  the  whole  powers  of  government. 
His  majesty  also  charged  his  subjects  in  America, 
with  "  meaning  only  to  amuse,  by  vague  expres- 
sions of  attachment  to  the  parent  state,  while  they 
were  prepal  mg  for  a  general  revolt."  And  he 
farther  asstrted,  "that  the  rebellious  war  now 
levied  by  them  was  become  more  general,  and 
manifestly  carried  on  for  the  purpose  of  establish- 
ing an  independent  empire  ;  and  that  it  had  be- 
come the  part  of  wisdom,  and,  in  its  effects,  of 
cleineney,  to  put  a  speedy  end  to  these  disorders, 
by  the  most  decisive  exertions." 

Information  was  also  given,  that  "the  most 
friendly  oilers  of  foreign  assistance  had  been  re- 
ceived ;  and  that  his  majesty's  electoral  troops 
wore  sent  to  tlie  garrison  of  Gibraltar,  and  Port 
Mahon,  in  order  that  a  large  number  of  the  estab- 
lished forces  of  the  kingdom  might  be  applied  to 
the  maintenance  of  its  authority/'  The  severity 
,  of  these  assertions  was  mitigated  by  the  declaration, 
I  "  that  when  the  unhappy  and  deluded  multitude, 
•  against  whom  this  force  should  bediiected,  would 
become  sensible  of  their  error,  his  .majesty  would 
be  ready  to  receive  the  misled  with  tenderness  and 
mercy  ;"  and  "  that  to  prevent  inconveniences,  he 
Phduld  crive  authority  to  certain  persons  on  the 
y»U  to  grant  general  or  particular  pardons  and 
uuleninities  to  such  as  should  be  disposed  to  return 


to  their  allegiance."  The  sentiments  expressed 
in  this  S[)eech,  and  the  lieavy  charges  therein  laid 
against  the  colonists,  were  re-echoed  in  addresses! 
to  the  king  from  both  houses  of  parliament,  but  not 
without  a  spirited  protest  in  the  house  of  lords. 
In  this,  nineteen  dissenting  members  asserted  the 
Americui  war  to  be  "  unjust  and  im|)olitic  in  its 
principles,  and  fatal  in  its  consequences."  They 
also  dec  lared,  that  they  could  not  consent  to  an 
address,  "  w  hich  might  deceive  his  majesty  and 
the  public  into  a  belief  of  the  confidence  of  their 
house  in  the  ])resent  ministers,  who  had  disgraced 
parliament ;  deceived  the  nation ;  lost  the  colo- 
nies ;  and  involved  tliem  in  a  civil  war  against 
their  clearest  interests,  and,  upon  the  most  un- 
justifiable grounds,  wantonly  sjiilling  the  blood 
of  thousands  of  their  fellow  subjects." 

The  sanction  of  parliament  being  obtained  for  a 
vigorotis  jirosecution  of  the  American  war,  esti- 
mates for  the  public  service  were  agreed  to,  on  the 
idea  of  operating  against  the  colonies,  as  an  hos- 
tile armed  foreign  i)ower.  To  this  end,  it  was 
voted  to  employ  28,000  seamen,  and  55,000  land 
forces  ;  and  authority  was  given  to  engage  for- 
eign mercenaries.  No  ministry  had,  in  any  pre- 
ceding war,  exerted  themselves  more  to  prosecute 
military  operations  against  alien  enemies,  than  the 
present,  to  make  the  ensuing  campaign  decisive  of 
the  dispute,  between  the  mother  country  and  the 
colonies.  One  legislative  act  was  still  wanting, 
to  give  full  efficacy  to  the  intended  prosecution  of 
hostilities.  This  was  brought  into  parliament,  in 
a  bill  interdicting  all  trade  and  intercourse  with 
the  thirteen  united  colonies,  Nov.  20th,  1775.  By 
it,  all  property  of  Americans,  whether  of  ships  or 
goods  on  the  high  seas,  or  in  harbour,  was  de- 
clared "  to  be  forfeited  to  the  captors,  being  the 
officers  and  crews  of  his  majesty's  ships  of  war." 
It  farther  enacted,  "  that  the  masters,  crews  and 
other  persons  found  on  board  captured  American 
vessels,  should  be  entered  on  board  his  majesty's 
vessels  of  war,  and  there  considered  to  be  in  his 
majesty's  service,  to  all  intents  and  putposes,  as 
if  they  had  entered  of  their  own  accord."  This 
bill  also  authorised  the  crown  to  appoint  commis- 
sioners, who,  over  and  above  granting  pardons  to 
individuals,  were  empowered  to  "  inquire  into 
general  and  particular  grievances,  and  to  deter- 
mine whether  any  colony,  or  part  of  a  colony,  had 
returned  to  that  state  of  obedience,  which  might 
entitle  it  to  be  received  within  the  king's  peace  and 
protection."  In  that  case,  upon  a  declaration  from 
the  commissioners,  "  the  restrictions  of  the  pro- 
posed law  were  to  cease." 

It  was  said  in  favour  of  this  bill,  "  that  as  the 
Americans  were  already  in  a  state  of  war,  it  became 
necessary  that  hostilities  should  be  carried  on 
against  them,  as  was  usual  against  alien  enemies ; 
that  the  more  vigorously  and  extensively  military 
operations  were  prosecuted,  the  sooner  would  peace 
and  order  be  restored  ;  that  as  the  commissioners 
went  out  with  the  sword  in  one  hand,  and  terms  of 
conciliation  'in  the  other,  it  was  in  the  power  of 
the  colonists  to  prevent  the  infliction  of  any  real 
or  apparent  severities,  in  the  proposed  statute." 

In  opposition,  it  was  said,  "  that  treating  the 
Americans  as  a  foreign  nation,  was  chalking  out 
the  way  for  their  independence."  One  member 
observed,  that  as  the  indiscriminate  rapine  of  pro- 
perty authorised  by  the  bill,  would  oblige  the  colo- 
nists to  coalesce  as  one  man,  its  title  ought  to  be: 
"  A  bill  for  carrying  more  ellectually  into  execu- 
tion the  resolves  of  Congress."  The  clause,  for 
vesting  the  pro|)erty  of  the  seizures  in  the  captors, 
was  reprobated  as  tending  to  extinguish  in  the 
breasts  of  seamen  the  principles  of  patriotism  ;  of 
national  pride  and  glory;  and  to  substitute  in  their 
room,  habits  of  cruelty,  of  piracy  and  robbery. 
But  of  all  parts  of  this  bill,  none  was  so  severely 
condemned  as  that  clause,  by  which  persons, 
taken  on  board  the  American  vessels,  were  indis- 
criminately compelled  to  serve  as  common  sailors 
in  British  ships  of  war.  This  was  said  to  be  "a 
refinement  of  tyranny  worse  than  death."  It  was 
also  said,  "  that  no  man  could  be  despoiled  (d  liis 
(goods  as  a  foreign  enemy,  ;=.nd  lU  the  same  time 


obliged  to  serve  as  a  citizen  ;  and  that  compclhug 
captives  to  bear  arms,  against  their  families,  kin- 
dred, friends  and  country,  and,  after  being  plunder- 
ed themselves,  to  become  accomplices  in  plundur- 
ing  their  brethren,  was  unexampled,  cxce[)t  among 
pirates,  the  outlaws  and  enemies  of  human  society. 

To  all  these  high  charges  the  ministry  replied, 
"  that  the  measure  was  an  act  of  grace  and  favour  ; 
for,"  said  they,  "  the  crews  of  American  vessels, 
instead  of  being  put  to  death,  the  legal  punishment 
of  their  demerits,  as  traitors  and  rebels,  are  by  this 
law  to  be  rated  on  the  king's  books,  and  treated  as 
it  they  were  on  the  same  looting  with  a  great  body 
of  his  most  useful  and  faithful  subjects."  It  was 
also  said,  "that  their  pay  and  emoluments,  in  the 
service  of  their  lawf  ul  sovereign,  would  be  a  com- 
pensation for  all  scruples  that  might  arise  t'rc.n  the 
sujiposed  violation  of  their  principles." 

In  the  progress  of  the  debates  on  this  bill, 
lord  Mansfield  declared,  "  that  the  (|U(;sii()ns  of 
original  right  and  wrong  were  no  lonyer  to  be 
considered  ;  that  they  were  engaged  in  a  war,  and 
must  use  their  utmost  efforts  to  obtain  the  ends 
proposed  by  it ;  that  they  must  either  fight  or  be 
pursued;  and  that  the  justice  of  the  cause  must 
give  way  to  the  ])resent  situation."  Perliajis  no 
speech,  in  or  out  of  parliament,  operated  more  ex- 
tensively on  the  irritated  minds  of  the  colonists 
than  this  one. 

The  great  abilities  and  profound  legal  know- 
ledge of  lord  Mansfield,  were  both  known  and  ad- 
mired in  America.  That  this  illustrious  oracle 
of  law  should  declare  from  the  seat  of  legisla- 
tion, "  that  the  justice  of  the  cause  was  no  lon- 
ger to  be  regarded,"  excited  the  astonishment, 
and  cemented  the  union  of  the  colonists.  A 
number  of  lords,  as  usual,  entered  a  sjiirited  pro- 
test against  the  bill  ;  but  it  was  carrieil  by  a  great 
majority  in  both  houses  of  iiarliament,  and,  Uec. 
21,  1775,  received  the  royal  assent. 

This  law  arrived  in  the  colonies  in  March,  177G. 
The  ellects  resulting  from  it  were  such  as  had 
been  predicted  by  its  opposers.  It  not  only  uni- 
ted the  colonies  in  resisting  Great  Britain,  bu! 
produced  a  favourable  opinion  of  independence  in 
the  minds  of  thousands,  who  previously  reproba- 
ted that  measure.  It  was  considered  from  New 
Hampshire  to  Georgia,  as  a  legal  discharge  from 
..llegiance  to  their  native  sovereign.  What  was 
wanting  to  produce  a  decided  majority  of  the  par 
ty  for  breaking  off  all  connexion  with  (jreat  Bri 
tain,  was  speedily  obtained  Irom  the  irritation  ex- 
cited, by  tiie  hiring  of  foreign  troops  to  fight  against 
the  colonists.  This  measure  was  nearly  coincident 
with  the  ratification  of  the  jirohibitory  law  just 
mentioned  ;  and  intelligence  of  both  arrived  in  the 
colonies  about  the  same  time. 

The  treaties,  which  had  been  lately  concluded 
with  the  landgrave  of  Hesse  Cassel,  the  duke  ol 
Brunswick,  and  the  hereditary  prince  of  Hesso 
Cassel,  for  hiring  their  troops  to  the  king  of  Great 
Britain,  to  be  employed  in  the  American  service, 
being  laid  before  the  house  of  commons,  a  motion 
was  made  thereon  lor  referring  them  to  the  com- 
mittee of  supply.  This  occasioned  a  very  inte 
resting  debate,  on  the  propriety  of  employing  fo- 
reign trooi)s  against  the  Americans.  The  mea- 
sure was  supported  on  the  necessity  of  prosecu- 
ting the  war,  and  the  impracticability  of  raising  a 
sufficient  number  of  domestic  levies.  It  was  also 
urged,  "  that  foreign  troops,  inspired  with  the 
military  maxims,  and  ideas  of  implicit  submission, 
would  be  less  apt  to  be  biased  by  that  false  lenity, 
which  native  soldiers  misiht  indulge,  at  the  expense 
of  national  interest."  It  was  asked  :  "  are  we  to 
sit  still  and  suffer  an  nnprovoked  rebellion  to  ter- 
minate in  the  formation  of  an  independent  hostile 
emjiire  I"  "  Are  we  to  suffer  our  colonies,  the 
object  ol  great  national  expense,  and  of  two  bloody 
wars,  to  be  lost  for  ever  to  us;  and  given  away  to 
straniers,  from  a  scru|)le  of  employing  foreign 
troops  to  preserve  our  just  rights  over  colonics 
for  which  we  have  paid  so  dear  a  jmrchase  .'  As 
the  Ameiicans,  by  refusing  the  obedience  an  i  tax- 
es of  subjects,  deny  themselves  to  i)e  a  part  of  the 
British  empire,  and  make  themselves  foieigiiers. 


S93 


TH  F.   Ill  STORY  OF 


ihey  cannot  complain  that  foreigners  arc  employed 
against  llieni." 

On  ilie  otlicr  side,  tlic  measure  was  severely 
conilomneii.  The  neecssiiy  "T  the  war  was  deni- 
cil,  ami  ihe  nation  was  represenred  as  disf;raced 
liy  applying  lo  the  peiiy  |)ritices  ol'  (ierinany,  for 
succour  auainst  licr  own  rebellious  subjects.  Tlie 
tendency  of  the  example,  to  induce  tiie  Americans 
o  form  alliances  with  foreign  powers,  was  strong- 
ly urged.  It  was  said,  "  hitherto  tlie  colonists 
have  ventured  to  coiuuiit  themselves  singly  in 
this  arduous  contest,  without  liaving  recourse  to 
(orci^ii  aid  ;  bill  it  is  not  to  be  doubted,  that  in 
luture  they  will  think  themselves  fully  justified, 
both  by  our  exain|)le,  and  the  laws  o(  self-pre- 
servation, to  eiit;age  foreigners  to  assist  them  in 
uppi)siii<;  those  mercenaries,  whom  we  are  about 
to  transport  for  their  desti-uction.  Nor  is  it  doubt- 
ful, that  ill  case  of  tiieir  application,  European 
])owersofa  rank  farsuperior  to  that  of  those  petty 
princes  to  wliom  wc  have  so  abjectly  sued  for  aid, 
will  consider  tiiemselves  to  be  equally  entitled  lo 
interfere  in  the  quarrel  between  us  and  our  colo- 
nies." 

The  supposition  of  tlie  Americans,  reeeivinp;  aid 
from  France  or  Spain,  was,  on  this  and  several 
other  occasions,  ridiculed,  on  the  idea  that  these 
[lowers  would  not  dare  to  set  to  their  own  colonies 
the  dangerous  example  of  encoiiraning  those  of 
Great  Britain,  in  opposing  their  soveieian.  It  was 
alsosiipposed,  that  they  would  In;  inllueticed  by 
consideratioiisof  futuie  dan<;er  lo  their  American 
possessions,  from  llie  esiablisliiiient  of  an  iiidej)en- 
dent  empire  in  their  vicinity. 

In  this  session  of  p;irliament,  between  the  2Gth 
ofOctober,  I'i't-'),  and  the  2'.m\  of  iNIay  1770,  the 
ultimate  plan  for  reducing  the  ctdonies  was  com- 
pletely fixed.  The  Americans  were  declared  oul 
of  the  royal  protection;  and  i  (3, 000  foreign  mer- 
cenaries employed  by  national  aulhorily,  to  eli'tHrl 
th.cir  sul)iugaii(m.  'J'hese  measuri!s  induced  Con- 
gress, ill  tlie  following  summer,  to  declare  them- 
selves independent,  and  to  si'ek  for  foiei<;n  aid: 
events  which  shall  be  liereafter  more  fully  ex- 
plained. 

Parliamentary  sanction,  for  carrying  on  the  war 
against  the  colonists,  as  agaiiisl  alien  enemies, 
being  obtained,  it  became  necessary  lo  fix  on  a 
commander  of  the  royal  forces  to  be  employed  on 
this  occasion.  This,  as  a  matter  of  right,  was,  in 
uhe  first  iiisiaiice,  olfered  to  (ieneral  ( )glethor|'e, 
the  founder  oflieorgia  ;  as  being  the  first  on  the 
list  (d  general  ofiicers  To  the  surprise  of  ihe 
minister,  that  respectable  veteran  readily  accept- 
ed the  command,  on  conditiuii  of  his  being  proper- 
ly supported.  A  numerous,  well-appointed  army, 
Slid  a  piiweiful  lleet  were  promised  him  ;  to  which 
he  replied  :  "  I  will  iindertaUe  the  business  wilh- 
oul  a  man,  or  a  ship  of  war,  provided  you  will  au- 
tliorise  me  to  assure  the  cidonists  on  my  arrived 
among  them,  thai  vou  will  do  llieiii  justice."  He 
added  farther:  "I  know  the  people  of  America 
well,  and  am  salislied,  that  his  iiiajcsiy  has  not  in 
any  p.irl  o("  his  dominions,  more  obedient,  or  more 
loyal  subjects.  Vou  may  secure  their  obedience 
by  doing  them  justice  :  but  you  will  never  sulidue 
them  by  force  of  arms."*  These  opinions,  so  fa- 
vourable lo  the  Americans,  proved  General  Ogle- 
thorpe to  be  an  iiiipioper  person  for  the  purpose 
intended  by  the  IJritish  ministry.  He  was  there- 
fore passed  over,  and  the  command  given  to  Sir 
William  Howe. 

It  was  resolved  to  open  the  campaign,  with  such 
a  powerful  force,  as  '•  would  look  down  all  opposi- 
lion.and  elfectuale  submission  without  bloodshed;" 
and  to  direct  its  operations  to  the  accomplishment 
of  three  objects.  The  lirst  was  the  relief  of  (Jue  - 
bee,  :ind  the  recovery  of  r";iiiada  ;  wliicli  also  in- 
cluded asubseipieni  invasion  of  the  iiortli-weslcrii 
frontieisof  the  jidjaceiit  provinces.  The  second 
\v;is,  a  siroiii;  impression  on  some  of  the  southern 
cidoiiies.  The  third  and  principal,  was  to  lake 
]io»sessiion  ofNew  Yory,  with  a  force  sulficiently 

'  Tl.i't  iMier.  iolo  wan  coiiiniiinii-Hli'd  to  llic  iiiillior  by 
Il'iirv  l.iiiiroii.i,  Citi|.  who  received  it  iVuin  general 
Oijli-'tli'irpe. 


powerful  to  keep  possession  of  Hudson's  river, 
and  form  a  line  of  communication  with  llie  royal 
army  in  Canada,  or  to  overrun  the  adjacent  country. 

I  he  partial  success  of  the  (irsl  part  of  this  jilan. 
has  been,  in  the  preceding  chapter,  explained. 
The  execution  of  the  second  part  was  committed 
to  General  Clinton,  and  sir  Peter  P.irker.  The 
former,  with  a  small  force,  liaving  calleil  at  New 
York,  and  also  visited  in  \'irgiiiia  lord  Dunmore, 
the  late  royal  governor  of  that  colony,  and  fiiurui<: 
that  nothing  could  be  done  at  either  place,  pro- 
ceeded to  Ca|)e  Fear  river.  At  that  place,  he 
issued  a  proclamation  from  on  board  tlie  Pallas 
transport,  olferiiig  free  pardon  to  all  such  as  should 
lay  down  tiieir  arms,  excepting  Coriieliiis  Harnett, 
and  Robert  Howe  :  but  the  recent  defeat  of  the 
regulators  and  Higlaiidcrs,  restrained  even  their 
(iiends  from  paying  any  attention  to  this  act  of 
grace. 

At  Cape  Fear,  a  junction  was  formed  between 
sir  Henry  Clinton  and  sir  Peter  Parker;  the  lat- 
ter of  whom  had  sailed  with  his  sipiadron  directly 
from  Europe.  They  concluded  to  attem|)l  the 
reduction  of  Charleston,  as  being,  of  all  places 
within  the  line  of  their  instructions,  the  objects  at 
which  they  could  strike,  with  the  greatest  |)ros- 
pect  of' advantage.  They  had  800  land  forces, 
which,  they  hoped,  with  the  co-operaiiou  of  their 
shipping,  would  be  fully  sulTicient. 

For  siMiie  months  past,  every  exertion  liad  been 
made  to  put  the  colony  of  South  Carohna,  and 
especially  its  capital,  Charleston,  in  a  respectable 
posture  ot"  liefence.  In  subserviency  to  this  view, 
works  had  been  erected  on  Sullivan's  Island,  which 
is  situated  so  near  the  channel  leading  u|)  to  the 
town,  as  to  be  a  convenient  post  for  annoying  ves- 
sels approaching  it. 

On  the  28th  of  June,  177-3,  sir  Peter  Parker  at- 
tacked the  fort  on  that  island  with  two  fifty  gun 
ships,  the  Bristol  and  Experiment;  four  lVigates. 
the  .\ctive,  Acteon,  Solebay,  and  Syren,  each  of 
28  guns;  the  Sphyux  of  20  guns,  the  Friendship 
armed  vessel  o(  22  guns;  Rangerslooii  and  Thun- 
derbouib,  each  of  8  guns.  (Jn  the  foit  were 
niouiiied  2(;  cannon.  2(5,  18  and  9  pounders.  The 
attack  commenced  between  ten  and  eleven  in  the 
forenoon,  and  was  continued  for  upwards  (»f  ten 
hours.  The  garrison,  consisting  of  371  regulars 
and  a  lew  militia  un(h;r  the  command  of  Colonel 
Moultrie,  made  a  most  gallant  del'ence.  They 
fired  deliberately  ;  for  the  most  part  took  aim,  and 
seldom  missed  their  object.  The  ships  were  torn 
almost  to  pieces;  and  the  killed  and  wounded  on 
board  exceeded  200  men.  The  loss  of  the  gar- 
rison was  only  ten  men  killed,  and  22  wounded. 
The  foil,  being  built  of  palmetto,  yvas  little  dama- 
ged. The  shot  which  struck  it  were  inelfectually 
buried  in  its  soil  wood. 

General  tJlin'on,  had,  some  time  before  the  en- 
gagement, landed  with  a  number  of  troops  on  Long 
Island  :  and  it  was  expected  that  he  would  have 
co-operated  with  Sir  Peter  Parker,  by  crossing 
over  the  narrow  passaue,  which  divides  the  two 
islands,  and  allacking  the  tort  in  its  unfinished 
lear;  but  the  exireiiie  danixer,  to  which  he  must 
unavoidably  have  exjiosed  his  men,  induced  him 
to  decline  the  perilous  attem()t. 

{'oloiiel  Thompson,  with  7  or  800  men,  was 
stationed  at  the  east  end  of  Sullivan's  island,  lu 
ojipose  their  crossing.  No  serious  attempt  was 
made  to  land,  either  from  the  fleet,  or  the  delaeh- 
lueiil  commanded  by  sir  Henry  Clinton.  The  fir- 
ing ceaseil  in  the  evening,  and  the  ships  slipped 
their  cables.  Before  morning,  they  had  retired 
about  two  miles  (Voiii  the  island.  Within  a  few 
days  more,  the  troops  re-embarked,  and  the  whole 
sailed  for  New  York.  The  thanks  of  Congress 
were  given  to  General  Lee.  who  had  been  sen!  on 
by  ( 'oiigress  to  take  the  command  in  Carolina  ;  and 
aiso  to  Colonels  .Moultrie  and  Thompson,  for  their 
'  good  roiidiict  on  this  memorable  day.  I  n  com|ili- 
meiit  lo  the  commanding  ollicer,  the  fort  was  from 
this  lime  called  Fort  .NIoultrie. 

'     l)uriu^  this  en;:aucmenl.  the  inhabitants  stood 
wiih  arms  in  then  h;uids,  al  their  resjieclive  posts, 
I  prepared  lo  receive  the  enemy  wherever  they  might 


land ;  impressed  with  high  ideas  of  Brilish  prow- 
ess and  bravery,  they  were  apprehensive  that  the 
foil  would  be  either  silenced  or  passed,  and  tliii 
they  should  be  called  to  immediate  action.  Tli' v 
were  cantoned  in  the  various  biiidiiiCT  places  ne;  r 
Charleston,  and  iheir  resolution  was  fixed  lo  inec  i 
the  invaders  al  the  water's  cdoe,  and  dispute  eveiv 
inch  of  ground,  trusting  the  event  to  heaven. 

By  the  repulse  of  this  armament,  the  southern 
slates  obtained  a  respite  from  ihe  calamities  of 
war,  for  two  years  and  a  half.  The  defeat  th<; 
British  met  with  at  Charleston,  seemed  in  soiiio 
measure  to  counterbalance  the  unfavourable  im- 
pression, made  by  their  subsequent  successes,  to 
the  northward.  Throughout  llie  whole  suininer, 
and  till  the  close  of  the  year.  Congress  had  little 
else  than  the  victoiy  on  Sullivan's  island,  to  con- 
sole them  under  the  various  evacuations,  retreats, 
and  deteats,  lo  wliich,  as  shall  hereafter  be  related, 
their  armies  were  obliged  to  submit,  in  every  other 
parlof  the  union.  The  event  of  the  expedition  con- 
tributed greatly  to  establish  the  cause,  which  it  was 
intended  to  overset.  In  opposition  to  the  bolil  asser- 
tions of  some,  and  tlie  desponding  fears  of  others, 
experience  proved  that  America  might  elVectually 
resis'  a  British  fleet  and  army.  Those  who,  from 
interested  motives,  abetted  the  royal  government, 
ashamed  of  their  opposiiiou  lo  the  struiigles  of  an 
infant  people  for  llieir  dearest  rights,  retired  into 
obsciiiity. 

The  elfects  of  this  victory,  in  animating  the 
.Americans,  were  much  greater  than  could  be  war- 
ranted by  the  circuiiistaiices  of  the  action.  A~:  it 
was  the  first  attack  made  by  the  British  navy,  its 
unsuccessful  issue  inspired  a  coiifideiire,  which  a 
more  exact  knowledge  of  military  c;dculalinn3 
would  have  corrected.  The  circumstance  cf 
its  happening  in  the  early  part  of  the  war,  and  in 
one  of  the  weaker  provinces,  were  happily  in- 
strumental in  dispelling  the  gloom  which  over- 
shadowed the  minds  of  manv  of  the  cobmists,  on 
hearing  of 'he  |)owerl'iil  fleets  and  numerous  ar- 
mies wlii-:')  »vere  coming  against  them. 

The  command  of  the  force,  which  was  designed 
lo  operate  against  New  York  in  this  cainpaign, 
was  given  to  admiral  lord  Howe,  and  his  brolliei 
sir  W'illiam.  officers  who,  as  well  honi  their  per- 
sonal characters,  as  the  known  bravery  of  tlieii 
family,  stood  hi'.;h  in  llie  confidence  of  the  Brilisli 
nation.  To  this  service,  was  allotted  a  very  pow- 
erful army,  consisting  of  about  30,000  men.  Tliis 
force  was  far  superior  to  anything  that  .•\iiierira 
had  liillierto  seen.  The  troops  were  amply  pro- 
vided  with  artillery,  military  stores,  and  warlike 
materials  of  every  kind  ;  and  were  supported  by  a 
numerous  fleet.  The  admiral  and  general,  in  imI- 
ditioii  to  their  military  powers,  were  apirfiinteJ 
commissioners  for  restoring  peace  to  the  colonies. 

(Jeneral  Howe,  having  in  vain  waited  two 
months  at  Halifax,  for  his  brother,  and  the  expect- 
ed reinforcements  from  Englainl,  impatient  of' far- 
ther (hdavs,  sailed  lioiu  that  harbour,  with  llic 
force  which  he  had  previously  commanded  in  Bos- 
ton, and  directing  his  course  towards  .New  \  ork, 
arrived  in  the  latter  end  of.luiie,  off  Sandy  Hook. 
Admiral  lord  Howe,  witlipait  of  the  reinforce- 
ment I'rcmi  England,  arrived  at  Halifax,  soon  altei 
his  brother's  depaitiire.  Without  dropjiinu  aiii  lior, 
he  fiillowed  and  joined  him  near  ."^taleii  Island. 
The  IJritish  general,  on  his  approach,  found  every 
part  of  New  York  island,  and  the  most  exposed 
parts  of  Long  Island,  fortified  and  well  dereiiiled 
by  artillery.  .-Miout  fifty  British  traiispiuis  an- 
chored near  Staien  Island,  which  liail  not  been  so 
much  the  obji-ct  of  allention.  The  inhaiiitaiils 
thereof',  either  from  fear,  ))olicy,  or  affection,  ex- 
pressed great  jov  on  the  arrival  of  the  royal  forces 
General  Howe  were  theie  met  by  Tryoii,  late  gov- 
ernor of  the  province,  anil  by  several  of  the  loy- 
alists, who  had  taken  refuge  with  him.  in  an  aimed 
vessel.  He  was  also  joiiu'd  by  about  sixty  per- 
sons from  New  .lersey  ;  and  200  id' the  inhabilants 
of  .Staten  Island  were  embodied,  as  a  royal  niiblia. 
From  these  appearances,  great  hopes  were  imliilg- 
ed  that  ;is  soon  as  the  army  was  in  a  cinnliiion  to 
penetrate  into  the  country,  and  piotect  the  loy** 


NORTH  AMERICA 


809 


.st.«,  such  numbers  would  (lock  to  their  stiuidarcl, 
as  would  fiicilitnte  the  att;iiinueiu  ol'llie  oliject  oC 
the  cawiiiai^ii. 

Uu  the  luurlli  day  after  tlie  Hritish  tiansjjorts 
apiieared  oil  Sandy  liooU,  C'oiigress.  though  fully 
inlormed  of  the  iiuniljei.s  and  a|)|)oiiitiiiPtiI.s  of  the 
lorce  ahoiit  to  be  employed  agauist  ilie  colonics, 
ratified  their  famous  declaration  of  independence. 
This  was  |)iil)licly  read  to  the  American  army, 
iiid  receive<l  by  them  with  unfein;ned  acclamations 
)f  joy.    Though  it  was  well  known  that  Great 
Britain  had  employed  a  force  of  55,000  men,  to 
tvarupon  the  new  formed  states,  and  that  the  con- 
anental  army  was  not  nearly  equal  to  half  that 
number,  and  only  engaged  for  a  few  months,  and 
that  Congress  was  without  any  assurance  of  for- 
eign aid  ;  yet  both  the  American  officers  and  pri- 
vates gave  every  evidence  of  their  hearty  appro- 
aation  of  the  decree,  which  severed  the  colonies 
j     I'roin  lireat  Britain,  and  submitted  to  the  decision 
of  the  sword,  whether  they  should  be  free  states 
or  conquered  provinces.   "Now,"  said  they,  "we 
know  the  ground  on  which  we  stand.    Now  we  are 
a  nation.    No  more  shall  the  opprobrious  term  of 
rebel,  with  any  appearance  of  justice,  be  ajiplied  to 
us.    Shoidd  the  fortune  of  war  throw  us  into  the 
hands  o("  our  enemies,  we  may  expect  the  treatment 
of  prisoners,  and  not  the  punishment  of  rebels.  The 
prize  for  which  we  contend  is  of  such  magnitude, 
that  we  may  freely  risk  our  lives  to  obtain  it." 
It  had  early  occurred  to  General  Washington, 
I     that  llie  possession  of  New  York  would  be  with 
I     the  15ritish  a  favourite  object.    Its  central  situa- 
I     tioii,  and  contiguity  to  the  ocean,  enabled  them  to 
i     cairy,  with  facility,  the  war  to  any  part  of  the  sea 
I     coast.    The  possession  of  it  was  rendered  still 
I     more  valuable,  by  the  ease  with  which  it  could  be 
maintained.    Surrounded  on  all  sides  by  water,  it 
v/as  defensible  by  a  small  number  of  British  ships, 
against  adversaries,  whose  whole  navy  consisted 

I only  of  a  few  frigates.  Hudson's  river,  being  na- 
vigable (ot  ships  of  the  largest  size  to  a  great  dis- 
tance, alforded  an  opportunity  of  severing  the  east- 
ern from  the  more  southern  states,  and  of  prevent- 
ing almost  any  communication  between  them. 

From  these  well-known  advantages,  it  was  pre- 
sumed by  the  Americans,  that  the  British  would 
make  gteat  exertions  to  efiect  the  reduction  of 
New  York,    (ieneral  Lee,  while  the  British  were 
yet  in  possession  of  the  capital  of  Massachusetts, 
had  been  detached  from  Cambridge,  to  [(lit  Long 
Island  and  New  York  into  a  posture  of  defence. 
As  the  (ie()arture  of  the  British  from  Boston  be- 
came more  certain,  the  probability  of  their  instant- 
ly going  to  New  York  increased  the  necessity  of 
collecting  a  force  for  its  safety.    It  had  been  there- 
fore agreed  in  a  council  of  war,  that  five  regi- 
ments,   together  with  a  rifle  battalion,  should 
Y  march  without  delay  to  New  York;  and  that  the 
I    states  of  New  York  and  New  Jersey  should  be 
1    requested  to  furnish,  the  formertwo  thousand,  and 
I    the  latter  one  thousand  men,  for  its  iminediate  de- 
I    fence.    General  Washington  soon  followed,  and 
I    early  in  April  fixed  his  liead  quarters  in  that  city. 
I    A  new  distribution  of  the  Ainerican  army  took 
I    place.    Part  was  left  in  iAtissacliusetts.  Between 
I    two  and  three  thousand  were  ordered  to  Canada ; 
I    but  the  greater  part  rendezvoused  at  New  York. 
I       Eperience  had  taught  the  Americans  the  dif- 
I    ficulty  of  attacking  an  army,  after  it  had  effected 
1    a  lodgment.    They  therefore  made  strenuous  ex- 
ertions to  prevent  the  British  from  enjoying  the 
advantages  in  New  York,  which  had  resulted  from 
their  having  been  permitted  to  land  and  fortify 
themselves  in  Boston.    The  sudden  commence- 
I    ment  of  hostilities  in  Massachusetts,  together  with 
the  previous  undisturbed  landing  of  the  royal  army, 
allowed  no  time  for  deliberating  on  a  system  of 
war.    A  change  of  circuinstances  indicated  the 
propriety  of  fixing  on  a  plan,  for  conducting  the 
defence  of  the  new  formed  states.    On  this  occa- 
sion, (ieneral  Washington,  after  much  thousiht, 
determined  on  a  war  of  posts.    This  mode  of  con- 
uctin;:  mililat »  operations  gave  confidence  to  the 
I      mericans,  and  it  both  retarded  and  alarmed  their 
ersaries.    The  soldiers  in  the  Americans  army 


were  new  levies,  and  had  not  yet  learned  to  stand 
uncovered  before  the  instruments  of  death.  Ha- 
bituating them  to  the  sound  of  (ire  arms,  while  they 
were  sheltered  from  danger,  was  oik;  step  towards 
inspiring  them  with  a  portion  ol  luechanical  cour- 
age. The  British  remembered  Bunker's  hill,  and 
had  no  small  reverence  for  even  slight  fortifica- 
tions, when  defended  by  freemen.  W^ith  views 
of  this  kind,  works  were  erected  in  and  about  New 
York,  on  Long  Island,  and  the  lieights  of  Harlem. 
These,  besides  batteries,  were  (ield  redoubts,  form- 
ed of  earth,  with  a  [)arapet  and  ditch.  The  for- 
mer were  sometimes  (raised,  and  the  latter  |)ali- 
sadoed  ;  but  they  were  in  no  instance  formed  to 
sustain  a  siege.  Slight  as  they  were,  the  cam- 
paign was  nearly  wasted  away,  before  they  were 
so  far  reduced,  as  to  j)ermit  the  royal  army  to  pe- 
netrate into  the  country. 

The  war  having  taken  a  more  important  turn 
than  in  the  preceding  year  had  been  foreseen, 
Congress  at  the  opening  of  the  (campaign,  found 
themselves  destitute  of  a  force  suHicient  for  their 
defence.  They,  therefore,  in  June,  determined 
on  a  plan  to  reinforce  their  continental  army,  by 
bringing  iuto  tlie  (ield,  a  new  species  of  troops, 
that  would  be  more  permanent  than  the  common 
militia,  and  yet  more  easily  raised  than  regulars. 
With  this  view  they  instituted  a  (lying  camp,  to 
consist  of  an  intermediate  corps,  between  regular 
soldiers  and  militia.  Ten  thousand  men  were  call- 
ed for  from  the  states  of  Pennsylvania,  Maryland, 
and  Delaware,  to  be  in  constant  service  to  the 
first  day  of  the  ensuing  December.  Congress  at 
the  same  time  called  for  13,800  of  the  common 
militia  from  Massacliusetts,  Connecticut,  New- 
York,  and  New  Jersey.  The  men,  for  forming 
the  flying  camp,  were  generally  procured  ;  but 
there  were  great  deficiencies  of  the  militia;  and 
many  of  those  who  obeyed  their  country's  call,  so 
far  as  to  turn  out,  manifested  a  reluctance  to  sub- 
mit to  the  necessary  discipline. 

The  difficulty  of  providing  the  troops  with  arms, 
while  before  Boston,  was  exceeded  by  the  superi- 
or ditficulty  of  supplying  them  in  their  new  posi- 
tion. By  the  returns  of  the  garrison  at  fort  Mont- 
gomery, in  the  Highlands,  in  April,  it  appeared 
that  there  were  208  privates,  and  only  41  mus- 
kets fit  for  use.  In  the  garrison  at  fort  Constitu- 
tion, there  were  136  men,  and  only  68  muskets 
fit  for  use.  Flints  were  also  mucli  wanted.  Lead 
would  have  been  equally  deficient,  had  not  a  sup- 
I)ly  for  the  musquetry  been  obtained  by  stripping 
dwelling  houses. 

The  uncertainty  of  the  place  where  the  British 
would  commence  tlieir  operations,  added  much  to 
the  embarrassment  of  General  Washington.  Not 
only  each  colony,  but  each  sea-port  town,  supposed 
itself  to  be  the  object  of  the  British,  and  was  ar- 
dent in  its  supplications  to  the  commander  in  chief, 
for  his  peculiar  attention.  The  people  of  Massa- 
chusetts were  strongly  impressed  witli  an  idea,  that 
the  evacuation  of  Boston  was  only  a  feint,  and  that 
the  British  army  would  soon  return.  They  were 
for  that  reason  very  desirous,  that  the  continental 
troops  should  not  be  withdrawn  from  their  state. 
The  inhabitants  of  Rhode  Island  urged,  in  a  long 
petition,  that  their  maritime  situation  exposed  them 
to  uncommon  danger,  while  their  great  exertions 
in  fitting  out  armed  vessels,  had  deprived  them  of 
many  of  tlieir  citizens.  They  therefore  prayed 
for  a  body  of  continental  soldiers,  to  be  stationed 
for  their  constant  and  |>ecuriar  defence.  So  vari- 
ous were  the  ap|)lications  for  troo[)s,  so  numerous 
the  calls  for  arms,  that  a  decided  conduct  became 
necessary  to  prevent  the  feeble  American  force, 
and  the  deficient  stock  of  public  arms,  from  being 
divided  and  subdivided,  so  as  to  be  unequal  to  the 
proper  defence  of  any  one  place. 

In  this  crisis  of  particular  danger,  the  people  of 
New  York  acted  with  spirit.  Thouch  they  knew 
they  were  to  receive  the  first  impressions  of  the 
British  army,  yet  their  convention  resolved,  "that 
all  persons,  residing  within  the  state  of  New  York, 
and  claiming  prote(!tioii  from  its  laws,  owed  it  al- 
legiance; and  that  any  person  owing  it  allegiance, 
and  levying  war  against  the  state,  or  being  Hn  ad- 


herent to  the  king  of  Great  Britain,  sliould  be 
deemed  guilty  of  treason,  and  sutt'er  death."  They 
also  resolved,  "that  one  (ourlli  of  the  militia  of 
West  Chester,  Dutchess,  and  (.(range  counties, 
should  be  (brthwith  drawn  out  for  the  dclcnte  of 
the  liberties,  property,  wives  and  children  of  I  he 
good  people  of  lli^  state;  to  be  continued  in  ser- 
vice to  the  last  day  of  December  :"  anri,  ih  it  as 
the  inhabitants  of  King's  county  had  determined 
not  to  oppose  the  enemy,  a  committee  should  be 
appointed  to  inquire  into  the  authenticity  of  these 
re[)orts,  and  to  disarm  and  secure  the  disafi'ected  ; 
to  remove  or  destroy  the  stock  of  gram,  and,  if 
necessary,  to  lay  the  whole  country  waste." 

The  two  royal  commissioners.  Admiral  and  Ge- 
neral Howe,  thought  proper,  before  they  com- 
menced their  military  operations,  to  try  what 
might  be  done  in  their  civil  capacity,  towards  ef- 
fecting are-union  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
colonies.  It  was  one  of  the  first  acts  of  lord 
Howe,  to  send  on  shore,  a  circular  letter,  to  seve- 
ral of  the  royal  governors  in  America,  informing 
them  of  the  late  act  of  parliament,  "for  restoring 
peace  to  the  colonies,  and  granting  pardon  to  sucli 
as  should  deserve  mercy;"  and  desiring  them  to 
publish  a  declaration  which  accompanied  the  same. 
In  this,  he  informed  the  colonists  of  the  power  with 
which  his  brother  and  he  were  intrusted  ;  of  grant- 
ing general  or  particular  patdons  to  all  those,  who. 
though  they  had  deviated  from  their  allegiance, 
were  willing  to  return  to  their  duty  :"  and  of  de- 
claring, "  any  colony,  province,  coutity  or  town, 
port,  district  or  place,  to  be  in  the  peace  of  liis  ma- 
jesty."*   Congress,  impressed  with  a  belief,  that 


♦  With  these  circular  letters  to  the  governors,  lord 
Howe  sent  a  private  one  to  Dr.  rraiikliii :  to  which  a 
most  iiiterestitig  answer  was  returned,  worthy  of  ever- 
iasthig  remembrance.  The  letter  and  answer  were  aj 
follow : 

Lord  Howe  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"I  cannot,  my  worthy  friend,  permit  the  letters  iiiii 
l)aicels  wliich  1  liuve  sent,  to  be  landed,  without  addiii" 
a  word  uixin  the  siilijcct  of  the  injurious  extremities  in 
whicli  our  unhappy  disputes  have  enfaged  u?. 

"  i'ou  will  learn  the  nature  of  my  niisjiou  from  llio 
official  desiialches,  which  1  have  reconimei'dc;!  lo  be 
t'orrtarded  by  the  same  conveyance.  Kelaiiiiiifr  all  the 
earnestness  1  ever  expressed,  to  see  our  ilitrerences  ac- 
comniodaled,  I  shall  conceive,  if  I  meet  witli  the  dispo 
'  ition  in  the  colonies,  which  I  was  once  taufrht  lo  ex 
,iect,  the  most  flattering  hopes  of  provins  servicealde  in 
the  objects  of  the  king's  |>aternal  solicitude,  hy  proniot 
ing  the  eslahlishment  of  lasting  i)eace  and  union  willi 
the  colonies:  but,  if  the  deep-rooted  prejudices  of  .\iue 
rica,  and  the  necessity  of  preventing  her  trade  from  pas 
sing  into  foreign  channels,  must  keep  us  still  a  di\ idej 
pople,  I  shall,  from  every  private  as  well  as  pid)lic  m:>- 
live,  most  heartily  lament  that  this  is  not  the  luonierU 
wherein  those  great  ohjects  of  my  auihition  arc  lo  l>e  at- 
tained ;  and  that  I  am  to  be  longer  deprived  of  an  op 
porlunity  to  assure  you,  personally,  of  the  regard  with 
which  1  am,"  &c. 

Dr.  Franklin  answered — 

"  I  received  safe  the  letters  your  lordship  so  kimlly 
forwarded  to  inc,  and  beg  yon  to  accept  my  thanks. 

•'  The  oflicial   despatches,    to   which  you  refer  me, 
contain  nothing  more  than  what  we  had  seen  in  the  act 
of  parliament;    '  oflers  of  pardon    upon  sid)missi(ui 
which  I  am  sorry  to  find,  as  it  must  give  your  lordsiiip 
pain,  to  Ije  sent  so  far  on  so  hopeless  a  husiiiess. 

"  Directing  pardons  to  he  offered  to  the  colonies,  who 
are  the  very  parties  injured,  expresses  indeed  that  opin- 
ion of  our  ignorance,  baseness,  and  insensil)iliiy,  » liicli 
your  uninformed  and  proud  nation  has  long  hern  pleas- 
ed to  entertain  of  us  ;  but  it  can  have  no  other  elFert 
than  that  of  increasing  our  resentments.  It  is  impossi- 
ble we  should  think  of  submission  lo  a  govenuueni 
Iliat  has,  with  the  most  wanton  barbarity  and  riuclty, 
burned  our  defenceless  towns  in  the  midst  of  winter, 
exciteil  the  savages  to  massacre  our  peaceful  farmers, 
and  our  slaves  lo  murder  their  masters;  and  is  even 
now  bringing  foreign  mercenaries  lo  deluge  our  sellle- 
ments  with  blood.  These  atrocious  injuries  have  ex 
tinsuished  every  spark  of  affeclion  for  that  parent  coun 
tr\r,  that  we  once  held  so  dear;  but  were  it  possilde  foi 
us  to  forget  and  forgive  them,  it  is  not  possilile  for  you, 
I  mean  the  British  nat  on,  to  forgive  the  people  you  have 
so  heavily  injured.  Yau  can  never  conlide  again  in 
those,  as  fellow  subjects,  and  permit  them  to  enjoy 
efpial  freedom;  to  whom  you  know  you  have  •'iven 
such  just  causes  of  lasting  enmity ;  and  this  must  impel 
vou,  were  we  again  under  your  jfovernment,  to  endea- 
vour lo  break  our  spirit,  by  the  severest  tyianny,  one 
obstructing,  by  every  means  in  your  power  our  grow 
ing  strength  and  prosperity. 


400 


El  I  STORY  OF 


the  proposals  of  the  commissioners,  instead  of  dis- 
Uiiitifij;  the  people,  would  have  a  coiiirary  eflect, 
oideied  ihoiii  lo  be  s|)ee(lily  ])iil)li.shed  in  the  se- 
veral Amerieaii  newspa|)eis.  Had  a  redress  ol" 
ijrievaiiees  been  at  this  late  hour  offered,  though 
the  honour  of  ihe  states  was  involved  in  support- 
ins;  their  late  deelaration  of  independence,  yet  the 
love  of  peace,  and  the  bias  of  great  numbers  to 
their  parent  state,  would  in  all  probability,  liave 
made  a  powerful  parly  (or  rescindiiii;  the  act  of 
»e(.iraiion,  and  for  re-uniting  with  Great  Britain: 
jut.  when  it  appeared  that  the  power  of  the  royal 
commissioners  was  little  more  than  to  grant  jiar- 
dons.  Congress  appealed  to  the  good  sense  of  the 
|)eople,  for  the  necessity  of  adliering  to  the  act  o( 
independence.  The  resolution  for  publishing  the 
circ'i'ar  letter,  and  the  declaration  of  the  royal 
commissiotiers,  assigned  as  a  reason  thereof,  "  that 
(he  good  people  of  the  United  Stales  may  be  in- 
formed of  what  nature  are  the  commissioners,  and 
what  the  terms,  with  expectation  of  whit'h  the  in- 
sidious court  of  Great  Britain  had  endeavoured  to 
ainiise  and  disarm  them  ;  and  that  the  few  who  still 

"  Voiir  lonlsliip  mentions  the  'king's  paternal  soli- 
riludo  I'lir  i)r(iiiiotiii^  the  estiiblishiiicnt  of  Insling  pciice 
aiiil  iiiiiiiii  wiili  the  colonists.'  If,  by  peace,  bf  lu  re  nieaiit 
u  peiice,  to  be  ciilered  into  by  distinct  states,  now  at  war, 
and  his  niajesly  has  given  your  lordship  powers  to  treat 
with  u-!,  of  such  a  peace,  I  may  venture  to  say,  lliouf;h 
without  authority,  iiiat  I  think  a  treaty  tor  that  piujiose 
not  <|uitc  iinpraclieahle  hel'ore  we  enter  into  foreiiru 
alliances:  hut  I  am  persuaded  you  have  no  sui  h  |)oiv- 
ers.  Vour  nation,  lliou£;li  by  puiiishinff  those  Ameri- 
<:tii  <jovcrnors,  wlio  have  roijiented  the  discord;  re- 
buil(hi)<r  our  burnt  towns;  and  repairing,  as  far  as  pos- 
siblf,  tlie  uiischiefs  done  us,  she  might  recover  a  ^reat 
share  of  our  regard,  and  the  ereatesi  sljare  of  our 
growing  eoumierce,  with  nil  the  advanlages  of  that  ad- 
ditional sireugtli  to  be  derived  from  a  friendship  wilii 
os;  yet,  I  know  too  well  her  abounditi  pride  and  defi- 
cient wisdom,  to  believe  she  will  ever  take  such  salu- 
tary measures.  Her  fcuuhiess  for  conr|uest,  as  a  war- 
like MLiliiin,  her  lust  of  doiiiinion,  as  an  uujbitious  one ' 
uud  liL-r  thirst  for  n  gainful  monopoly,  as  a  eomi.iercial 
one",  none  of  them  legiliniale  causes  of  war,  will  join  lo 
bide  fidiii  her  eyes  every  view  of  her  true  iiiteicsl,  and 
conliiundly  goad  heron,  in  these  ruinous  distant  c;\pe- 
dilions,  so  destructive  both  of  lives  and  ol'  treasure,  that 
they  nnist  prove  as  pernicious  to  her  in  the  end,  as  the 
eroisadcs  Ibrmcrly  were  to  most  of  the  nations  of  Eu- 
r<  pe. 

"  I  have  not  the  vanity,  mv  lord,  lo  think  of  inlimida- 
riug  by  liiMs  predicling  tlie  efccls  of  this  war;  for  I  know 
tliat  it  will  in  F.ngland  have  the  fate  of  all  my  former 
predictions,  not  to  be  believed  till  the  event  shall  verity  it. 

"  Long  did  I  endeavour,  with  unfeiuiied  and  unwea- 
ried zeal,  lo  preserve  from  breakiiiL',  that  fine  and  noble 
porcelain  vase,  the  Hritish  empire;  fiir,  I  knew,  that 
briii;  onci'  broken,  the  separate  parts  could  not  lelaiii 
even  tlicir  share  of  Ihe  strength  and  value  that  e.\i>led 
in  the  whole,  and  that  a  perfect  reunion  of  those  parts 
eonld  scarce  ever  be  hoped  for.  V(nir  lordshij)  may 
possibly  renieniber  the  tears  of  joy  that  wetted  mv 
check,  when  at  your  good  si-ler's,'  in  l.imdon,  you 
cnce  gave  me  expectation  that  a  reconcili.uion  might 
take  place.  I  Inul  the  niisfortune  lo  find  these  expecta- 
tions disappointed,  and  to  he  treated  as  the  cause  of  the 
mischief  I  was  l.diouring  to  |)revcnt  My  consolation, 
miller  that  irronndless  and  malevolent  Ircalnient,  was, 
(hat  I  retained  the  IVieiidship  of  many  wise  and  good 
men.  In  that  coiinii  v,and  among  the  rest  .some  share  in 
the  regard  of  lord  llinvc. 

"  TIk!  well-founded  esteem,  nnil  permit  me  to  sav, 
nITei-iioii,  which  f  shall  always  have  for  your  lordship, 
make  it  painful  tome  to  see  you  engaged  in  conductiiiL'  a 
war,  the  great  ground  of  w liich, as  des<:rihed  in  your  let- 
ter, is,  '  the  necessity  of  |)rei  eiiliiig  the  .American  trade 
from  passing  into  foieiu'ii  channels.  'Pi.  m,',  |t  seems 
ih  it  neither  llie  obtaining  or  retaining  any  trade,  how 
valiiaMi-  soever,  is  an  object  for  which  men"  may  jiislly 
t^jiill  e  ach  other's  blooil  ;  that  the  true  and  sure  means 
of  exiendnig  and  securing  commerce  are  the  goodness 
and  cheiipne.4s  of  eommodilies;  and  that  the  profits  of 
no  trade  i-an  ever  be  eipial  lo  the  expense  of  compel- 
liu'.'  It,  anil  holding  it  hy  fleets  and  armies.  I  consider 
tins  war  BL'ainst  us,  therefore,  as  both  iiiijnst  and  un- 
wise: and  I  aiii  permiailed  that  cool  and  dispassionate 
loslerity  will  condemn  lo  infamy  those  who  advised  it; 
And  llial  even  success  will  not  save  from  smne  dc-gree 
of  ilinhiMionr  those  who  have  voluntarily  engaged  to 
Conduct  it. 

"  I  know  your  crent  motive  in  eominr  hither  was  the 
liopr-  of  being  instnim.  iiliil  in  a  recon-ilialion :  and.  I 
lielii've,  when  you  fiml  that  lobe  imnossibb-.  on  any 
lernn  given  yon  lo  propo.sc,  yon  will  then  reliiiipiish  so 
oilious  I  .eoininau"!  and  return  lo  a  more  lionourable 
privite  •  •alion. 

•'  \rilh  the  greaicst  and  most  sincere  respect,  I  have 
ihb  honour  to  be  ''  &c. 


remain  suspended  by  a  hope,  founded  eiiher  in  the 
justice  or  moderation  of  their  iate  king,  may  now 
at  length  be  convinced,  that  the  valour  alone  of 
tlieir  coiintiy  is  to  s:ive  its  liberties."  ^ 
About  the  same  time,  flags  weie  sent  ashore  by 
lord  Howe,  with  a  letter  directed  to  (ieorge  Wash-] 
ingtoii,  Esq.  which  lie  refused  to  leceive,  as  not! 
being  aildressed  to  hiin  with  the  title  due  to  liis 
rank.  In  his  letter  to  Congress,  on  tliis  subject, 
lie  wrote  as  follows  :  "  1  would  not,  on  any  occa- 
sion, sacrifice  essentials  to  i)unctilio  :  but,  in  this 
instance,  I  deemed  it  a  duty  to  my  country  and 
appointment,  to  insist  on  that  lespect,  which,  in 
any  other  than  a  public  view,  I  would  willingly 
have  waived."  Congress  applauded  his  conduct 
in  a  public  resolution,  and  at  the  same  time  direct- 
ed that  no  letter  or  message  should  be  received, 
on  any  occasion  whatever,  from  the  enemy,  by 
the  commander  in  chief,  or  others  the  comman- 
ders of  the  American  army,  but  such  as  were  di- 
rected to  them  in  the  characters  (hey  severally 
sustained. 

Some  time  after.  Adjutant  Gen  cral  Patterson 
was  sent  to  New  York,  bv  (ieneral  Howe,  with  a 
letter  addressed  to  (Jeorge  Washington,  Arc.  dec. 
dec.  On  an  interview  with  the  adjutant  general, 
Washiiigion  declared  that  he  would  decline  re- 
ceiving any  letter  directed  to  him  as  a  private 
person,  when  it  related  to  his  public  station.  A 
long  conference  ensued,  in  which  the  adjutant 
general  observed,  that  "  the  commissioners  were 
armed  with  great  powers,  and  would  be  very  hap- 
py In  elfecling  an  accoiiiniodation,"  He  received 
for  answer,  "  that  from  what  ajipeared,  tlieir  pow- 
ers were  only  to  grant  pardon  ;  that  they  »vho  had 
committed  no  fault,  wanted  no  jiardon."  Soon 
after  this  interview,  a  letter  from  Howe,  lespect- 
ing  prisoners,  which  was  properly  addressed  to 
Washington,  was  received. 

While  the  British,  by  their  manifestoes  and  de- 
clarations, were  endeavouring  to  separalr;  those 
who  preferred  a  reconciliation  with  (Jreat  Britain, 
floin  tliose  who  were  the  friends  of  independence  ; 
Congress,  by  a  similar  jiolicy,  was  attemiiling  to 
detacli  the  foreigners,  who  had  come  with  the 
royal  troops,  from  the  service  of  his  lititanic  ma- 
jesty. Before  hostilities  had  commenced,  the 
I'ollowing  resolution  was  adopted  and  circulated 
among  those  on  whom  it  was  intended  to  operate  : 
"  Jvesolved,  thai  these  states  will  receive  all  such 
foreignets  who  shall  leave  the  armies  of  his  Britan- 
nic majesty  in  .\merica,  and  shall  chose  to  become 
members  ofany  of  these  states;  and  they  shall  be 
protected  in  the  free  exercise  of  theii  respective 
religions,  and  be  invested  with  the  rights,  privih;- 
ges,  and  immunities  of  natives,  as  established  by 
the  laws  of  these  stales  :  and  moreover,  that  this 
congress  will  ]irovidc  for  every  such  person,  fifty 
acres  of  unappropriated  binds,  in  some  of  these 
states,  to  be  held  by  him  and  his  heirs,  as  absolute 
properly." 

'J'lie  numbers  which  were  prepareil  to  oppose 
the  British,  when  they  should  disembark,  made 
them  for  some  time  cautious  of  proceeding  to  theii 
projected  land  operations:  but  the  superiority  of 
their  navy  enabled  them  to  go  by  water  whither- 
soever they  pleased. 

A  British  forty  gun  ship,  with  some  smaller 
vess(!ls,sailed  tip  the  Noitli  river,  without  receiving 
any  damage  of  consequence,  though  fired  upon 
from  the  batteries  of  New  York,  Patiltis-Hook, 
Reil-Bank,  and  Governor's  Island.  An  atleiiipt 
was  made,  with  two  fire  ships,  to  destroy  the  Bri- 
tish vessels  in  the  North  River:  but  without  ef- 
fecting any  thing  more  than  the  burning  of  a  ten 
der.  "iMicy  were  also  attacked  with  row  gallies. 
with  little  effect.  After  some  lime,  the  Pluenix 
and  Rose  men  of  war  c;inie  down  the  river,  and 
joined  the  fleet.  Kvery  ellbrt  of  the  Americans, 
from  their  baiteiicson  land,  as  well  as  their  exer- 
tions on  the  water,  proved  inellcctual.  The  Bri- 
tish ships  passed  with  less  loss  than  was  generally 
expecled  :  but,  nevertheless,  the  damage  they  re- 
ceived was  such  as  deterred  them  from  frequently 
repealing  the  experiiuenl.  In  two  or  three  instan- 
ces, they  ascended  North  river,  and  in  one  or  two 


East  river ;  but  those  which  sailed  up  the  formei 
speedily  returned  ;  and  by  their  return,  a  free  com- 
munication was  ojiened  through  the  upper  part  of 
the  state. 

The  American  aimy,  in  and  near  New  York, 
a-iiounted  to  1722.')  men.  These  were  mostly 
new  troops,  and  were  divided,  in  many  small  and 
unconnected  jiosts,  some  of  which  were  fifteea 
miles  removed  from  others.  The  British  force 
before  New  York  was  increasing,  by  frequent 
successive  arrival  from  Halifax,  South'  Carolina, 
Florida,  the  West  Indies  and  Europe:  but  so 
many  unforscen  delays  had  taken  place,  that  the 
month  of  August  was  far  ailvanced,  before  they 
were  in  a  condition  lo  o|)(-n  the  campaign. 

When  all  things  were  ready,  the  British  com- 
manders resolved  to  make  tiieir  first  atienipt  on 
Long  Island.  This  was  preferred  lo  New  York, 
as  it  abounded  with  those  supjdies  which  their 
forces  required. 

The  British  landed  without  opposition,  be- 
tween two  small  towns,  Utrecht,  and  (iravesend. 
The  AmcTican  works  jirotected  a  small  peninsula, 
having  Wallaboul  bay  to  the  left,  and  stretching 
over  to  Red  Hook  on  the  right;  the  East  river  be- 
ing in  the  rear.  (Jeneral  Sullivan,  with  a  strong 
foice  was  etic;iinped  within  these  works  at  J5rook- 
lyn.  From  the  cast  side  of  the  narrows,  runs  a 
ridge  of  hills  covered  with  thick  wood,  about  five 
or  six  miles  in  length,  which  terminates  near  .la- 
maica.  There  were  three  passes  thmiigh  these 
hills;  one  near  the  narrow.s,  a  second  on  the  Flat- 
bush  toail  and  a  third  on  the  Bedfiird  road  ;  and 
Ihey  are  all  defensible.  The  Americans  had  HlQ 
men  on  each  of  these  roads;  and  Colonel  .Miles 
was  placed  with  his  battalion  of  riflemen,  to  guard 
the  road  from  the  soiiili  of  the  hills,  to  .lamaica 
and  to  watch  the  motions  ol'the  British. 

(ieneral  de  Heister,  with  his  Hessians,  took  post 
at  Flatbush,  in  the  evening.  August  'Jti.  1770.  In 
the  following  night,  the  greater  part  of  the  British 
army,  coiiiiiiaiided  by  (ieneral  Clinton,  marched  to 
gain  the  road  leading  round  the  easterly  end  ol  the 
hills  to  .lamaica,  and  to  turn  the  left  oi"  the  Ame- 
ricans. He  arrived  about  two  hours  before  dav, 
w  ith  hall  a  mile  of  this  ro;id.  One  of  his  p  iniea 
fell  in  with  a  jiatrol  of  .\meiic:in  oniceis.  and  tinik 
them  all  prisoners,  which  prevented  the  early 
transmission  of  intelligence.  I'pon  the  first  ap- 
pearance of  day,  (Jeneial  Clinton  advan<:ed.  and 
look  possession  of  the  heights  over  which  the  road 
passed.  (Jeneral  (jrant,  which  the  left  wing,  :id- 
vanced  along  the  coast  by  the  west  toad,  near  the 
narrows;  but  this  was  intended  chiefly  as  a  feint. 

The  guard  which  was  sialioiied  at  this  road, 
fled  without  making  any  resistance.  A  few  of 
them  were  afterwards  rallied,  and  lord  Stirling 
advanced  with  1.500  men,  and  took  possession  of 
a  hill,  about  two  miles  from  the  American  camp, 
and  in  I'ront  of  (Jeneral  Grant. 

An  attack  was  made  very  early  in  the  morn- 
ing, August  27,  177(5,  by  the  Hessians  from  Ebit- 
biisli,  under  (ieneral  de  Heister.  and  bv  (Jeneral 
(Jraiit  on  the  coast,  and  was  well  supported  Cora 
considerable  lime  on  both  sides.     The  .\  mericaiis, 
who  opposed  (Jeneral  jle  Heister.  were  first  in- 
formed of  the  ajiproach  of  (Jeneral  Clinton,  who 
had  come  round  on  their  left.    They  iniiiimediaiely 
began  to  retreat  to  their  camp,  but  were  in.ei- 
cepted  by  the  right  wing  under  (Jeneral  Clinton, 
who  got  into  the  rear  of  their  left,  and  attacked 
lliem  with  his  light  infantry  and  dragoons,  while 
returning  to  their  lines.    They  were  driven  back 
till  they  were  met  by  the  Hessians.    Tliev  wer» 
thus  alternately  chased  and  intercepted,  between  ' 
General  de  Heister  and  (Jeneral  Clinton,    ."^oiiie  ' 
of  their  regiments,  nevertheless,  fiiiind  their  way 
to  the  camp.  The  Americans  under  loid  ."^tilling, 
consisting  of  Colonel  .M  iles"s  two  balalions.  ( 'idoncl  ' 
.Vtlec's,  ( 'oloiiel  .'^mallwood's.and  <  'olonel  Ilalchc's  . 
regiments,  who  were  eng.iged  w  ith  (Jeneral  (iranl, 
fiiiiglit  with  great  resolution  fiir  about  six  houra.  ' 
They  weie  iinimforiiicd  of  l heir  movements  niad«  ' 
by  (Jeneral  Clinlon.  till  some  of  the  troops  under 
his  command  had  traversed  the  whole  exieiit  ol 
the  country  in  their  rear.    Tiieir  retreat  thus  >va3 


i 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


[•rcepred  ;  out  several,  notwithstanding,  broke 
t  jugli  and  got  into  tlie  woods.  Many  tlirew 
1  mselves  in'o  the  inrrsli,  some  were  ilrowncd, 
;  Others  perished  in  the  mud  :  a  considerable 
)  ulier  esi-aperl  to  iheir  lines. 
I'iie  kinjj's  troops  disi)layed  great  valour  through- 
,  ilie  wliole  day.  Tlie  variety  of  the  ground  oc- 
(  Hined  a  succession  of  small  engagements,  pur- 
t  s  and  slaughter,  which  lasted  for  many  hours. 
Itish  discipline,  in  every  instance,  triumphed 
cir  the  native  valour  of  raw  troops,  who  had  ne- 

V  been  in  action,  and  whose  officers  wore  unac- 
ciiinted  with  the  stratagems  of  war. 

;['he  loss  of  the  British  and  Hessians  was  about 
41  The  killed,  wounded  atid  prisoners  of  the 
yiericaris,  including  those  who  were  drowned,  or 
I  isbed  in  the  woods  or  mud,  considerably  ex- 
(ided  a  thousand.  Among  the  prisoners  of  the 
l,er  were  two  of  their  general  officers,  Sulli- 

Y  and  lord  Sterling  ;  3  colonels,  4  lieutenant  co- 
1  els,  3  majors,  IS  captains,  43  lieutenants,  and 
i'  ensigns.  Smallwood's  regiment,  the  officers 
iivhich  were  of  the  best  families  in  the  state  of 
I  ryland,  sustained  a  loss  of  259  men.  The  Bri- 
Ri  after  their  victory  were  so  impetuous,  that  it 

from 


■'^■"-lild    be  rcSLlatii€U 


is  with  dirticulty  they 
«cking  the  American  lines. 

(fn  the  time  of,  and  subsequent  to,  the  engage- 
iint,  General  Washington  drew  over  to  Long  Is- 
\\A  the  p-reatest  nart  of  his  army.  After  he  had 
I  lected  his  principal  force  there,  it  waa  his  wish 
:>l  hope,  that  Sir  William  Howe  wouUl  attempt 
I  storm  the  works  on  the  Island.  These,  though 
j.ufiicient  to  stand  a  regular  siege,  were  strong 
(Ough  to  resist  a  coup  de  main.  The  remem- 
llince  of  Bunker's-hill,  and  a  desire  to  spare  his 
ipn,  restrained  the  British  General,  from  making 
;i  assault.  On  the  contrary  he  made  demonstra- 
I'ns  of  proceeding  by  siege,  a»d  broke  ground 
■jliin  three  hundred  yards  to  (he  left,  at  P\u- 
iin's  redoubt.  Though  General  Washington  wish- 
I  for  an  assault,  yet  being  certain  that  his  works 
'  uld  be  untenable,  when  tlie  British  batteries 
iijuld  be  fully  opened,  he  called  a  council  of  war, 
ilcoiisult  on  the  measures  proper  to  be  taken.  It 
s  th"!n  determined,  that  the  objects  in  view  were 
jflo  di!gree  proportioned  to  the  dangers,  to  which, 
( a  continuation  on  the  island,  they  would  be  ex- 
Ised.  Conformably  to  this  o])inion,  dis])ositions 
ire  made  for  an  immediate  retreat.  This  com- 
i:uced  soon  after  it  was  dark,  from  two  points, 
(!  upper  and  lower  ferries  on  the  East  river.  Gen. 
j  Dougal  regulated  the  embarkation  at  one,  ;md 
jlonel  Knox  at  the  other. 

The  intention  of  evacuating  the  island  had 
'pn  so  prudently  concealed  from  the  Americans, 
Ht  they  knew  not  whither  they  were  going,  but 
ipposed  to  attack  the  enemy.  The  field  artillery. 
Its,  baggage,  and  about  9000  men,  were  con- 
lyedto  the  city  of  New  York,  over  the  East  liver, 
)re  than  a  mile  wide,  in  less  than  13  hours,  and 
khout  the  knowledge  of  the  British,  though  not 
[0  yards  distant.  Providence,  in  a  remarkable 
imuer,  favoured  the  retreat.  For  some  lime 
[erthe  Americans  began  it,  the  state  of  the  tide, 
a  strong  northeast  wind  made  it  impossible  for 
lein  to  make  use  of  their  sail  boats  :  and  their 
lole  number  of  row  boats  were  insufficient  for 
fHipleting  the  business,  in  the  course  of  the  night  : 
jt  about  eleven  o'clock,  the  wind  died  away,  and 
pn  after  sprang  up  at  south-east,  and  blew  fresii, 
)ich  rendered  the  sail  boats  of  use,  and  at  the 
jiie  time  made  the  passage  from  the  Island  to  the 
VV,  direct,  easy  and  expeditious. 
[Towards  morning,  an  extreme  ihick  fog  came 
I,  which  hovered  over  Long  Island  ;  and,  by  con- 
isling  the  Americans,  enabled  them  to  complete 
,;ir  retreat  without  interruption,  though  the  day 
|d  begun  to  dawn  some  time  before  it  was  fmish- 
I.  By  a  mistake  in  the  transmission  of  orders, 
e  Anierir  \n  lines  were  evacuated  for  about  three 
alters  of  in  hour  before  the  last  embarkation 
pk  place  :  but  the  British,  though  so  near  that 
pirwoikins  parties  could  be  distinctly  heard,  i)e- 
;«nv,-ioped  m  the  fog,  knew  notliing'of  the  mat- 
-  The  lines  « ere  repossessed,  and  held  till  six 
lock  in  the  morninu. 

27  ^ 


When  every  thing  except  some  heavy  cannon 
was  removed.  Gen.  Mifflin,  who  commanded  the 
rear  guard,  left  the  lines  and  under  the  cover  of 
the  fog  got  o(f  safe.  In  about  half  an  hour,  the 
fog  cleared  away,  and  the  British  entered  the 
works  which  had  been  just  relin(]uished.  Had  the 
wind  not  shifted,  the  half  of  the  American  army 
could  not  liave  crossed  ;  and  even  as  it  was,  if 
the  fog  had  not  concealed  their  rear,  it  must 
have  been  discovered,  and  could  hardly  have  escap- 
ed. General  Sullivan,  who  was  taken  prisoner 
I  on  Long  Island,  was  immediately  sent  on  parole, 
with  the  following  verbal  message  from  lord  Howe 
to  congress  :  "  tlratthougli  he  could  not  at  present 
treat  with  them  in  that  character,  yet  he  was  very 
desirous  of  having  a  conference  with  some  of  the 
members,  whom  he  would  consider  as  private  gen- 
tlemen ;  that  he,  with  his  brother,  the  General,  had 
full  power  to  compromise  the  dispute  between 
Great  Britain  and  America,  upon  terms  advanta- 
geous to  both  ;  that  he  wished  a  compact  might 
be  settled,  at  a  time  when  no  decisive  blow  was 
struck,  and  neither  party  could  say  it  was  com- 
pelled to  enter  into  such  agreement  ;  that  were 
they  disposed  to  treat,  many  things  which  they 
had  not  yet  asked,  might  and  ought  to  be  granted  ; 
and  that  if  upon  conference  they  found  any  pro- 
bable ground  of  accommodation,  the  authority  of 
congress  would  be  afterwards  acknowledged  to 
render  the  treaty  complete." 

Three  days  after  this  message  was  received. 
General  Sullivan  was  requested  to  inform  lord 
Howe  :  "  that  congress,  being  the  representatives 
of  the  free  and  independent  states  of  America, 
cannot  with  propriety  send  any  of  their  members 
to  confer  with  his  lordship  in  their  private  charac- 
ters ;  but  that  ever  desirous  of  establishing  peace 
on  reasonable  terms,  they  will  send  a  committee 
of  their  body,  to  know  whether  he  has  any  autho- 
rity to  treat  with  persons  authorised  by  congress, 
for  that  purpose,  on  behalf  of  America,  and  what 
that  authority  is  ;  an3  to  hear  such  propositions  as 
he  shall  think  fit  to  make  respecting  the  same." 
They  elected  Dr.  Franklin,  John  Adams,  and  Ed- 
ward Rutledge,  their  committee  for  this  purpose. 

In  a  few  days  they  met  lord  Howe,  on  Staten  | 
Island,  and  were  received  with  great  politeness. ; 
On  their  return  they  made  ;i  report  c:'  their  confer- 
ence, which  they  summed  up  by  saying ;  it  did 
not  appear  to  your  committee  that  his  lordship's 
commission  contained  any  other  authority  than  that 
expressed  in  the  act  of  parliament  ;  namely,  that 
of  granting  pardons,  with  such  exceptions  as  the] 
commissioners  shall  think  proper  to  make,  and  of 
declaring  America,  or  any  j)art  of  it,  to  be  in  the 
king's  peace,  on  submission.  For,  as  to  the  power 
of  inquiring  into  the  state  of  America,  which  his 
lordship  mentioned  to  us,  and  of  conferring  and 
consulting  with  any  persons  the  commissioners 
might  think  proper,  and  rei)rcsenting  the  result  of 
such  conversation  to  the  ministry,  who,  provided 
the  colonies  would  subject  themselves,  after  all, 
might,  or  might  not,  at  their  pleasure,  make  any 
alterations  in  the  former  instructions  to  governors, 
01  propose  in  parliament  any  amendment  of  the 
acts  complained  of ;  we  apprehend  any  expec- 
tation, from  the  eflect  of  such  a  power,  would  have 
been  too  uncertain  and  ])recarious,  to  be  relied  on 
by  America,  had  she  still  continued  in  her  state  of 
dependence."  Lord  Howe  had  ended  the  con- 
ference on  his  part,  by  expressing  his  regard  for 
America,  and  the  extreme  jiain  he  would  suffer  in 
being  obliged  to  distress  those  whom  he  so  much 
regarded.  Dr.  Franklin  thanked  him  for  his  re- 
gards, and  assured  him  that  the  Americans  would 
show  their  gratitude,  by  endeavoring  to  lessen  as 
much  as  possilile,  all  pain  he  might  feel  on  their 
account,  by  exerting  their  utmost  abilities,  in  tak- 
ing good  care  of  themselves. 

The  committee  in  every  respect,  maintained  the 
dignity  of  congress.  Their  conduct  and  sentiments 
were  such  as  became  their  character.  The  friends 
to  independence  rejoiced  that  nothing  resulted 
from  this  interview,  that  might  disunite  the  [leo- 
ple.  Congress,  trusting  to  the  good  sense  of  their 
countrymen,  ordered  the  whole  to  be  printed  fori 
their  informatiou.    All  the  slates  would  liave  tlieul 


rejoiced  at  less  beneficial  terms  than  they  obtained 
al)out  seven  years  after  :  but  (ireat  Britain  count- 
ed on  the  certainty  of  their  absolute  conquest,  or 
unconditional  submission.  Her  oilers,  therefore, 
comported  so  little  with  the  feelings  of  America, 
that  they  neither  caused  demur  nor  disunion, 
among  the  new  formed  states. 

The  unsuccessful  termination  of  tlie  action  on 
the  27th  led  to  consequences  more  seiiously  alarm- 
ing to  ihe  Americans,  than  the  loss  of  their  men. 
The  army  was  universally  dispirited.  The  mili- 
tia ran  off  by  companies.  'JMieir  example  infetlei' 
the  regular  regiments.  The  loose  footing  o< 
which  the  militia  came  to  camp,  made  it  ha/.ardouk 
to  exercise  over  them  that  discipline,  without 
which,  any  army  is  a  mob.  To  restrain  one  part 
of  an  army,  while  another  claimed  and  exercised 
the  right  of  doing  as  they  ple.'ised,  was  no  less  im- 
practicable than  absurd. 

A  council  of  war  recommended  to  act  on  ilie 
defensive,  and  not  to  risk  the  army  for  the  sake  of 
New  York.  To  retreat,  subjected  the  commander 
in  chief  to  reflections  painful  to  bear,  and  yet  im- 
politic to  refute.  To  stand  his  ground,  and,  by 
suffering  himself  to  be  surrounded,  to  hazard  the 
fate  of  America  on  one  decisive  engagement,  was 
contrary  to  every  rational  plan  of  defending  the 
wide-extended  states  committed  to  his  care.  A 
middle  line,  between  abandoning  and  defending, 
was  therefore  for  a  short  time  adopted.  The  pub- 
lic stores  were  removed  to  Dobbs's  ferry,  about 
twenty-six  miles  from  New  Yoik.  'J^velve  thou- 
sand men  were  ordered  to  the  northern  extremity 
of  New  York  island,  and  4,')00  to  remain  for  the 
ilefence  of  the  city  ;  while  the  remainder  occu])ied 
the  intermediate  space,  with  orders,  either  to  su|)- 
port  the  ciiy,  or  Kingsbridge,  as  exigencies  miglil 
require. 

Before  the  British  landed,  it  was  imjiossible  to 
tell  what  place  would  be  first  attacked.  This  made 
it  necessary  to  erect  works  for  the  defence  of 
a  variety  of  ])laces,  as  well  as  of  New  York. 
Though  every  thing  was  abandoned,  when  the 
crisis  came  that  either  the  city  must  be  relinquish- 
ed, or  the  army  risked  for  its  defence  ;  yet  from 
the  delays  occasioned  by  the  reiloubts  and  other 
works,  which  had  been  erected  on  the  idea  of 
making  the  defence  of  the  slates  a  war  of  posts, 
a  whole  campaign  was  lest  to  the  British,  and 
saved  to  the  Americans.  'J'he  year  began  with 
ho,  es  that  Great  Britain  would  recede  from  her 
demands,  and  therefore  every  plan  of  defence  was 
on  a  temporary  system.  The  declaration  of  inde- 
pendence, which  the  violence  of  (jreat  Britain 
forced  the  colonies  to  a(lo|)l  in  .luly,  though  neither 
foreseen  nor  intended  at  the  coimneiicement  of  the 
year,  pointed  out  the  necessity  of  organizing  an 
army,  on  new  terms,  correspondent  to  the  enlarg- 
ed objects  for  which  they  had  resolved  to  contend 
Congress  accordingly  determined  to  r-aise  SS  bat- 
talions, to  serve  during  the  war. 

Under  these  circumstances,  to  wear  away  the 
campaign,  with  as  little  misfortune  as  possible,  and 
thereby  to  gain  time  for  raising  a  [Jermaneiit  army 
against  the  next  year,  was  to  the  Americans  a  mat- 
ter of  the  last  importance.  Though  the  (comman- 
der in  chief  abandoned  those  works,  which  hod  en- 
grossed much  lime  and  attention,  yet  the  advan- 
tage resulting  from  the  delays  they  occasioned 
far  overbalanced  the  expense  incurred  by  ihcii 
erection. 

The  same  sliort  sighted  politicians,  who  had 
before  censured  (Jeneral  Washington,  for  his  cau- 
tious conduct,  in  not  storming  the  ISritish  lines  at 
]?oston,  renewed  their  clamours  against  him,  for 
adojiling  this  evacuating  and  retreating  system. 
Supported  by  a  consciousness  of  his  own  integrity, 
and  by  a  full  conviction  that  those  measures  w';ie 
best  calculated  for  securing  the  inoc|)cndence  c 
America,  he,  for  the  good  of  his  country,  volunia- 
rilv  suljjected  his  fame  to  be  cversnaoowed  by  a 
temporary  cloud. 

(Jeneral  Howe,  having  jreoared  every  llimg  for 
a  descent  on  New  YorV  island,  b'g-'n  to  liind  his 
men  under  cover  of  ships  of  war,  between  Kepp's 
bay  and  Turth;  bay.  A  breast  work  had  nucii 
erected   iu  the  vicinity,  aud  a  party  siuiionuJ  in  a 


403 


n I s T o R  r  OF 


o  oppose  the  British,  in  case  of  their  attempting 
to  land.  Hut  on  the  first  a|)pearance  of  danger, 
they  ran  olf  in  confusion.  The  commander  in 
chief  came  up  and  in  vain  attem[)ted  to  rally  them. 
Though  tlie  IJritish  in  sight  did  not  exceed  sixty, 
he  could  not,  either  by  example,  intreaty,  or  auiho- 
ritv,  prevail  on  a  superior  force  to  stand  their 
ground,  and  face  that  inconsiderable  number. 

On  the  day  after  this  shameful  flight  of  part  of 
the  American  army,  a  skirmish  took  place  between 
two  battalions  of  light  infantry  and  Highlanders, 
commanded  by  15rigadier  Leslie,  and  some  detach- 
ments fronj  the  American  army,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Lieutenant  Colonel  Knowlton,  of  Connec- 
ticut, and  Major  Jjcitch,  of  \'irginia.  The  colonel 
was  killed,  and  tlie  major  badly  wounded.  Their 
men  beliaved  with  great  bravery,  and  fairly  beat 
their  adversaries  fioin  the  field.  Most  of  these 
were  the  same  men,  who  had  disgraced  themselves 
the  day  before,  by  running  away.  Struck  with  a 
sense  of  shame  for  their  late  misbeliaviour,  they  had 
offered  themselves  as  volunteers,  and  retjuested 
the  commander  in  chief  to  give  them  an  oportu- 
nity  to  retrieve  their  honour.  Their  good  conduct, 
at  this  second  engagement,  proved  an  antidote  to 
the  poison  of  their  example  on  the  preceding  day. 
?l  demonstnited  that  the  Americans  oidy  wanted 
resolution  and  good  officers  to  be  on  a  footing  with 
the  British;  and  inspired  them  with  hopes,  that  a 
liitle  more  experience  would  enable  them  to  assume 
not  only  the  name  and  garb,  but  the  spirit  and  firm- 
ness of  soldiers. 

The  .\mericans,  having  evactiated  the  city  of 
New  York,  a  brigade  of  the  British  army  marclied 
into  it.  They  had  been  only  a  few  days  in  pos- 
session, when  a  dreadful  fire  broke  out  and  con- 
sumed about  a  thousand  houses.  Dry  weather, 
and  a  brisk  wind,  spread  the  llames  to  such  an  ex- 
tent, that,  had  it  not  been  for  great  exertions  of  the 
troops  and  sailors,  the  whole  city  must  have  shared 
llie  saiue  fate.  After  the  Americans  had  eva('u- 
ated  New  York,  they  retired  to  the  north  end  of 
the  island  on  which  that  city  is  erected.  In  about 
four  weeks,  (Jeneial  Howe  began  to  execute  a  plan 
for  cutting  ofi"  General  Washington's  comiuunica- 
tion  with  the  eastern  states,  and  enclosing  him  so 
as  to  compel  a  general  engagement  on  the  island. 
With  this  view,  the  greater  part  of  the  royal  army 
passed  throtigh  Hellgate,  entered  the  sound,  and 
landed  on  'J'hrog's  neck,  in  Westchester  county. 

'I'wo  (lavs  after  they  made  this  movement.  Gene- 
ral Lee  arrived  from  his  late  successful  command 
to  the  southward.  He  found  that  there  was  a 
prevailing  disjjosition  among  the  officers  in  the 
American  army  for  remaining  on  New  York  island. 
A  council  of  war  was  called,  in  wliich  General  Lee 
gave  such  convincing  reasons  fi)r  quitting  it,  that 
thev  resolved  inunediately  to  withdraw  the  bulk 
ofthearmv.  He  also  pressed  the  expediency  of 
evacinting  fort  Washington  ;  but  in  this  he  was 
opposed  by  General  (ireene,  who  argued  that  the 
possession  of  that  [)ost  would  divert  a  large  body 
of  the  er.fmy,  from  joining  their  main  force,  an(j, 
in  conjunction  w  th  fort  Lee,  would  be  of  great 
use  in  covering  the  transportation  of  provisions 
and  stores  tip  the  North  river,  for  the  service  of  tlie 
American  troops.  He  added  farther,  that  the  gar- 
rison could  be  brought  ofi'  at  any  time,  by  boats 
from  the  .Jersey  side  of  the  river.  His  o|)inion 
prevailed.  Though  the  system  of  evacuating  and 
retreating  was  in  general  adopted,  an  exceptio'i 
was  made  in  favour  of  fort  Washington,  and  3000 
men  weie  assigned  for  its  defence. 

'J'he  royal  army,  after  a  halt  of  six  days,  at 
Thro.;'s  neck,  advanced  near  to  New  Rochelle. 
On  their  march  thev  sustained  a  considerable  loss 
by  a  party  of  Americans  whom  (Jencral  Lee  ])ost- 
ed  behuid  a  wall.  After  three  days.  (Jeneral 
Howe  moved  the  right  and  centre  of  liis  army, 
two  miles  to  the  northward  of  New  Kochclle  ;  onl 
the  road  to  the  White  Plains:  there  he  received] 
n  larue  reinforcement. 

(Jencral  Washington,  wliile  retreating  from! 
New  York  i>iland,  w;is  careful  to  mak"  a  front  to-  I 
wards  the  British,  from  Kast  Chester,  almost  to 
White  IMaius,  in  order  to  secure  the  march  of 


those  who  were  behind,  and  to  defend  the  removal 
of  the  sick,  the  cannon,  and  stores  of  his  army. 
In  this  manner  his  troops  made  a  line  of  small  de- 
tached and  entrenched  camps,  on  the  several  heights 
and  strong  grounds  from  Valentine's  hill,  on  tlie 
right,  to  the  vicinity  of  the  White  Plains,  on  the  left. 

The  royal  army  moved  in  two  columns,  and  took 
a  position  with  the  Bronx  in  front  ;  upon  which 
the  Americans  assembled  their  main  force  at 
White  Plains  behind  intrenchments.  A  general 
action  was  hourly  expected,  and  a  considerable  one 
took  place,  in  which  several  hundreds  fell.  The 
Americans  were  commanded  by  General  M'Doti- 
gal,  and  the  British  by  General  Leslie.  While 
they  were  engaged,  the  American  baggage  was 
moved  oft'  in  full  vievr  of  the  British  army.  Soon 
after  this.  General  Washington  changed  his  front, 
his  left  wing  stood  fast,  and  his  right  fell  back  to 
some  hills.  In  this  position,  which  was  an  admi- 
rable one  in  a  military  point  of  view,  he  both  desir- 
ed and  expected  an  action  ;  but  General  Howe  de- 
clined it,  and  drew  off  his  forces  towards  Dobbs's 
ferry.  The  Ameiicans  afterwards  retired  to 
North  Castle. 

General  Washington,  with  a  part  of  his  army, 
crossed  the  North  river,  and  took  jjost  in  tlie 
neighbourhood  of  fort  Lee.  A  force  of  about 
7.500  men,  was  left  at  North  Castle,  under  General 
Lee. 

The  Americans  having  retired,  Sir  AVilliain 
Howe  determined  to  improve  the  opportunity  o( 
their  absence,  for  the  reduction  of  fort  Washing- 
ton. This,  the  only  post  the  Americans  then  held 
on  New- York  island,  was  under  the  command  of 
Colonel  jMagaw.  The  royal  army  made  four  at- 
tacks upon  it.  The  first  on  tlie  north  side,  was 
led  on  by  General  Kniphausen.  The  second 
on  the  east  by  General  Matthews,  supported  by 
lord  Coriiwallis.  The  tliird  was  under  the  di- 
rection of  Lieutenant  Colonel  Stirling,  and  tlie 
fourth  was  commanded  by  lord  Percy.  The  troops 
under  Kniphausen,  when  advancing  to  the  fort, 
had  to  [lass  through  a  thick  wood,  which  was  oc- 
cupied by  Colonel  Kawling's  regiment  of  riflemen, 
and  sulfered  very  much  from  their  well-directed 
fire. 

During  the  attack,  a  body  of  the  British  light 
infantry  advanced  against  a  party  of  the  Ameri- 
cans, who  were  annoying  them  froju  behind  rocks 
and  trees,  and  obliged  them  to  dispeise.  Lord  Per- 
cy carried  an  advance  work  on  his  side:  and  Lieu- 
tenant Colonel  Sterling  forced  his  way  u])  a  steep 
height,  and  took  170  prisoners.  Their  outworks 
being  carried,  the  Americans  left  their  lines,  and 
crowded  into  tlie  fort.  Colonel  Rahl,  who  led  the 
right  column  of  Kni])hausen's  attack,  pushed  for- 
ward, and  lodged  liis  column  within  a  hundred 
yards  of  the  fort,  and  was  there  soon  joined  by 
the  left  column  ;  tlie  garrison  surrendered  on  terms 
of ca])itulation,  by  which  the  men  were  to  be  con- 
sidered as  ])risoners  of  war,  and  the  oflicers  to 
keep  their  baggage  and  side  arms.  The  number 
of  prisoners  amounted  to  2700.  The  loss  of  the 
British,  in  killed,  wounded,  and  missing,  was  about 
1200.  Shortly  after  fort  Washington  had  sur- 
rendered, lord  Cornwallis,  with  a  considerable 
force,  passed  over  to  attack  fort  Lee,  on  the  op- 
posite Jersey  shore. 

The  garrison  wai  saved  by  an  immediate  evac- 
uation, but  at  the  expense  of  their  artillery  and 
stores.  (icneral  Washington,  about  this  time, 
retreated  to  Newark.  Having  abundant  reason, 
from  the  posture  of  aflairs.  to  count  on  the  neces- 
sity of  a  farther  retreat,  he  asked  Colonel  Reed; 
"should  we  retreat  to  the  back  parts  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, will  the  Pennsylvanians  sup|)ort  us  ?"  The 
Colonel  replied,  if  the  lower  counties  be  subdued, 
and  give  up,  the  back  counties  will  do  the  same. 
The  (ieneral  replied  :  "  we  must  retire  to  .\u!;usta 
county  in  Virginia.  Numbers  will  be  obliccd  to 
repair  to  us  for  s:ifety.  We  must  try  what  we  can 
do  in  carrying  on  a  predatory  war  ;  and.  if  over- 
powered, we  must  cross  the  .Mlcgany  mountain." 

While  a  tide  of  success  was  (lowing  in  ujion 
General  [lowe,  he  and  his  brother,  as  royal  com- 
missioners, issued  a  proclamation,   in  which  (hey 


commanded  all  persons  assemoled  in  arms  against 
his  majesty's  government  to  disband  :  and  ;dl  ge- 
neral or  provincial  congresses  to  desist  from  their 
treasonable  actings,  and  to  relinquish  their  usurp- 
ed powc:r."  They  also  declared,  "that  every 
jjiersonwho  within  sixty  days  should  appear  before 
the  governor,  lieutenant  governor,  or  coniinander 
in  chief  of  any  of  his  majesty's  colonies,  or  before 
the  general  or  commanding  officer  of  his  majesty's 
forces,  and  claim  the  benefit  of  the  proclamation  • 
and  testify  his  obedience  to  the  laws,  by  subscrib- 
ing a  certain  declaration,  should  obtain  a  full  and 
free  pardon  of  all  treasons  by  him  committed,  and 
of  all  forfeitures  and  penalties  for  the  same." 

TJielermof  time  for  which  the  American  sol- 
diers had  engaged  to  ser\e,  ended  in  November  or 
December;  with  no  other  exception,  than  that  ol 
two  companies  of  artillery,  belonging  to  the  slate 
of  New  York,  which  were  engaged  for  the  war. 
The  army  had  been  organized  at  the  close  of  the 
preceding  year,  on  the  fallacious  idea,  that  an  ac- 
commodation would  take  place  within  a  twelve- 
month. Even  the  flying  camp,  though  instituted 
after  the  prospect  of  that  event  had  vanished,  wa» 
enlisted  only  to  tlie  first  of  December,  from  a  pre- 
sumption that  tlie  campaign  would  terminate  by 
tliat  time. 

When  it  was  expected  that  the  conqueron 
would  retire  to  winter  quarters,  they  connnenced 
a  new  plan  of  operations  more  alanning  than  all 
their  previous  conquests.  The  redtiction  of  fon 
Washington,  the  evacuation  of  fort  Lee.  and  the 
diminution  of  the  American  army,  by  the  depar- 
ture of  those  whose  term  of  service  had  expired 
encouraged  the  British,  notwithstanding  the  seve- 
rity of  the  winter,  and  the  badness  of  the  roads, 
to  pursue  the  remaining  inconsidenible  continen- 
tal force,  with  the  pros])ect  of  annihilating  it.  Bv 
this  turn  of  aflairs,  the  interior  country  was  sur- 
prised into  confusion,  and  found  an  enemy  within 
its  bowels,  without  a  suflicient  army  to  op|  jsc  it. 
To  retreat  was  the  only  exjiedient  left.  This  hav- 
ing commenced,  lord  Cornwallis  fiillowt-d,  anil 
was  close  in  the  rear  of  (icneral  Wasliiiieton,  u 
he  retreated  successively  to  Newark,  to  liruns- 
wick,  to  Princeton,  to  Trenton,  and  to  the  Penn- 
sylvania side  of  the  Delaware.  The  pursuit  wu 
urged  with  so  much  rapidity,  that  the  rear  of  the 
one  army,  pulling  down  bridges,  was  often  within 
sight,  and  shot  ofthevauof  the  other,  building 
them  up. 

This  retreat  into,  and  through  New  .Tcrspy,  was 
attended  with  almost  every  circumstance  that 
could  occasion  embarrassment  and  depression  o( 
spirits.  It  commenced  in  a  few  days  afier  the 
.\mer  cans  had  lost  2700  men  in  foit  Washing- 
ton. In  fourteen  days  alter  that  event,  the  wliole 
flying  camp  claimed  their  discharge.  This  was 
followed  by  the  almost  daily  de|)arture  of  others, 
whose  engagements  terminated  nearly  about  flie 
same  time.  A  farther  disap|)ointment  hap|>eneil 
to  General  Washington.  Gates  had  been  ordered 
by  congress  to  send  two  regiments  from  Ticonde- 
roga,  to  reinforce  his  army.  Two  .lersey  regi- 
ments were  put  under  the  command  of  General  5>t. 
(.'lair,  and  forwarded  in  obedience  to  this  order* 
but  the  period  for  which  they  were  enlisted  wa» 
expired,  and  the  moment  they  entered  their  own 
state,  they  went  ofl"  to  a  man.  A  few  olTicers, 
without  a  single  private,  of  these  two  regiments, 
were  all  that  (Jeneral  St.  Clair  brought  to  the  aid 
of  the  retreating  .\merican  army.  The  lew,  wU" 
remained  with  General  Washington,  were  in  a  inosi 
forliun  condition.  They  consisted  mostly  ol  the 
troops  which  had  garrisoned  fort  Lee.  and  hi<J 
been  com|)elled  to  abandon  that  post  so  suddenly, 
that  they  commenced  their  retreat  without  teiitJ 
or  blankets,  and  without  any  utensils  to  dress  their 
provisions.  In  this  situation  they  (lerfonned  a 
march  of  about  ninety  miles,  and  had  the  address 
to  prolong  it  to  the  space  of  nineteen  days. 

As  til ;  retrealiiis  Americans,  marched  through 
the  country,  scarcely  oiu-  of  the  iiihabitaiiis  joined 
them:  while  ntuiibers  were  daily  flocking  to  th*" 
royal  army,  to  make  their  peace,  and  obtain  pro- 
tection.   They   saw  on  the  one  side  a  iiiunerou*, 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


4f)3 


well-appointed,  and  full-clad  army,  dazzling  their 
eyes  with  the  elegance  of  uniformity  ;  on  the  other, 
a  few  poor  fellows,  who,  from  their  shabby  cloth- 
ing, were  called  ragmuffins,  fleeing  for  their 
safely.  Not  oidy  the  common  peoi)le  changed 
sides  in  this  gloomy  state  of  public  affairs  ;  but 
some  of  the  leading  men  in  Now  Jersey  and  Penn- 
sylvania adopted  tlie  same  expedient.  Among 
these  Mr.  Galloway,  and  the  family  of  the  Aliens 
in  Philadelphia,  were  most  distingtiished.  The 
former,  and  one  of  the  latter,  had  been  memliers 
of  Congress.  In  this  hour  of  adversity,  they  eaine 
within  the  liritisli  lines,  and  surrendered  them- 
selves to  the  conquerors,  alleging  in  justification 
of  their  conduct,  that  though  they  had  joined  with 
their  countrymen,  in  seeking  for  a  redress  of 
grievances  in  a  constitutional  way,  they  had  never 
apjiroved  of  the  measures  lately  adopted,  and  were 
in  [)articular,  at  all  times  averse  to  independence. 

On  the  day  (ieneral  Washington  retreated  over 
the  Delaware,  the  British  took  possession  of  Rhode 
Island,  without  any  loss,  and  at  the  same  tir.ie 
blocked  up  Commodore  Hopkins'  squadron,  and  a 
number  of  privateers  at  Providence. 

In  this  ]ieriod,  when  the  American  army  was 
relinquishing  its  General  ;  the  people  giving  up 
the  cause  ;  some  of  their  leaders  going  over  to 
the  enemy;  and  the  British  commanders  succeed- 
ing in  every  enterprise,  General  Lee  was  taken 
prisoner  at  Baskenbridge,  by  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Harcourt.  This  caused  a  depression  of  spirits 
among  the  Americans,  far  exceeding  any  real  in- 
jury done  to  their  essential  interests.  He  had 
been  repeatexlly  ordered  to  come  forward  with  his 
division,  and  join  General  Washington;  but  these 
orders  were  not  obeyed.  This  circumstance,  and 
tlie  dangerous  crisis  of  public  affairs,  together  with 
his  being  alone,  at  some  distance  from  the  troops 
*hich  he  commanded,  begat  suspicions  th  it  he 
chose  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  British.  Though 
those  apprehensions  were  without  foundation,  they 
produced  the  same  extensive  mischief,  as  if  they 
had  been  realities.  The  Americans  had  reposed 
extravagant  confidence  in  his  military  talents,  and 
experietice  of  regular  European  war.  Merely  to 
have  lost  sucli  an  idol  of  the  states,  at  any  time, 
would  have  been  distressful ;  but  losing  him  under 
circumstances,  which  favoured  an  opinion  that, 
des[)airing  of  the  American  cause,  he  chose  to  be 
taken  prisoner,  was  to  many  au  e.xtinguishment  of 
every  hope. 

By  the  advance  of  the  British  into  New  .Jersey, 
the  neighbourhood  of  Philadelphia  became  the 
Beat  of  war.  This  prevented  that  undisturbed  at- 
tention to  public  business  which  the  deliiierations 
of  Congress  lequired.  They  therefore  adjourned 
themselves  to  meet  in  eight  days  at  Baltimore,  re- 
solving at  the  same  time,  "  that  General  Washing- 
ton  should  be  possessed  of  full  powers  to  order 
and  direct  all  things,  relative  to  the  department, 
and  the  operations  of  war." 

The  activity  of  the  British  at  the  close  of  the 
campaign,  seemed  in  some  measure  to  compensate 
for  iheir  tardiness  in  the  beginning  of  it. 

Hitherto  they  had  succeeded  in  every  scheme. 
They  Uinrched  up  and  down  the  Jersey  side  of 
the  Delaware,  and  through  the  country  without 
any  molestation.  All  opposition  to  the  re-estab- 
lishment of  royA  government  seemed  to  be  on 
the  point  of  expiring.  The  Americans  liad 
thus  far  acted  without  system,  or  rather  feebly  ex- 
tcutcd  what  had  been  in'udiciously  ado|)ted. 
Thouah  the  war  was  changed  from  its  first  ground, 
a  redress  of  grievances,  to  a  struggle  for  sove- 
reignty, yet  sonre  considerable  lime  elapsed,  before 
arrangements  conformable  to  this  new  system, 
weie  anopted  ;  and  a  much  longer,  before  they 
were  carried  into  execution. 

With  "he  year  1776,  a  retreating,  half-naked 
army  was  to  be  dismissed,  and  the  [irospect  of  a 
new  one  was  both  distant  and  uncertain.  The  re- 
cently assumed  independence  of  the  stales,  was 
apparently  on  the  verge  of  dissolution.  It  was 
Bup|)osed  by  many,  that  the  reconl  of  their  exist- 
ence would  have  been  no  more  than,  tliac  "  a  fickle 
poopic,  unpatteut  Df  the  restraints  of  regular  go- 


vernment, had  in  a  fit  of  passion,  abolished  that 
of  Great  Britain,  and  established  in  its  rocmi,  free 
constitutions  of  their  own  ;  but  these  new  estab- 
lishments, from  want  of  wisdom  in  their  rulers,  or 
of  spirit  in  their  people,  were  no  sooner  formed 
than  annihilated.  The  leading  men  in  their  res- 
pective govermnents,  and  the  principal  members 
of  Congress,  for  by  this  name  the  insurgents  dis- 
tinguished their  supreme  council,  were  hanged, 
and  their  estates  confiscated.  Washington,  the 
gallant  leader  of  their  military  establishments, 
worthy  of  a  better  fate,  deserted  by  his  army,  aban- 
doned by  his  country,  rushing  on  the  thickest  bat- 
talions of  the  foe,  provoked  a  friendly  British 
bayonet  to  deliver  him  from  an  ignominious  death." 

To  liuman  wisdom  it  appeared  probable,  that 
such  a  paragraph  would  have  closed  some  small 
section  in  the  history  of  England,  treating  of  the 
American  troubles.  There  is  in  human  affairs 
an  ultimate  point  of  elevation  or  depression,  beyond 
which  they  neither  grow  better  nor  worse  ;  but 
turn  back  in  a  contrary  course. 

In  proportion  as  difficulties  increased,  Congress 
redoubled  its  exertions  to  oppose  them.  They 
addressed  the  states  in  animated  language,  calcu- 
lated to  remove  their  despondency,  renew  their 
hopes,  and  confirm  their  resolutions. 

They,  at  the  same  time,  despatched  gentlemen 
of  character  and  influence,  to  excite  the  militia  to 
take  the  field.  General  Mifflin  was,  on  this  oc- 
casion, particularly  useful.  He  exerted  his  great 
abilities,  in  arousing  his  fellow  citizens,  by  anima- 
ted and  affectionate  addresses,  to  turn  out  in  de- 
fence of  their  endangered  liberties. 

Congress  also  recommended  to  each  of  the  Uni- 
ted States,  "  to  appoint  a  day  of  solemn  fasting 
and  humiliation,  to  implore  of  Almighty  God  the 
forgiveness  of  their  many  sins,  and  to  beg  the  coun- 
tenance and  assistance  of  his  providence,  in  the 
prosecution  of  the  present  just  and  necessary  war." 

In  the  dangerous  situation,  in  which  every  thing 
dear  to  the  friends  of  mdependence  was  reduced, 
congress  transferred  extraordinary  powers  to  Ge- 
neral Washington,  by  a  resolution  exj)ressed  in  the 
following  words  : 

"  The  unjust,  but  determined  purpose  of  the 
Britisli  court,  to  enslave  these  free  states,  obvious 
through  every  delusive  insinuation  to  the  contrary, 
having  placed  tilings  in  such  a  situation  that  the 
very  existence  of  civil  liberty  now  depends  on  the 
right  execution  of  military  pcwer  ;  and  the  vigor- 
ous, decisive  conduct  of  these  being  impossible  to 
distant,  numerous,  and  deliberative  bodies;  this 
Congress,  having  maturely  considered  the  present 
crisis,  and  having  perfect  reliance  on  the  wisdom, 
vigour,  and  uprightness  of  General  Washington, 
do  hereby — 

"  Resolve  that  General  W ashington  shall  be, 
and  he  is  hereby  vested  with  full,  ample,  and  com- 
plete powers,  to  raise  and  collect  together,  in  the 
most  speedy  and  effectual  manner,  from  any  or  all 
of  these  United  States,  sixteen  battalions  of  in- 
fantry, in  addition  to  those  already  voted  by  Con- 
gress ;  to  appoint  officers  for  the  said  battalions  of 
infantry  ;  to  raise,  ofTicer,  and  equip  3000  light 
horse,  three  regiments  of  artillery,  and  a  corps  of 
engineers;  to  establish  their  pay  ;  to  apply  to  any 
of  the  states  for  such  aid  of  the  militia  as  he  shall 
judge  necessary  ;  to  form  such  magazines  of  pro- 
visioBS,  and  in  such  places  as  he  shall  think  pro- 
])er  ;  to  displace  and  appoint  all  officers  under  the 
rank  of  Brigadier  General ;  and  to  fill  up  all  vacan- 
cies in  every  other  department  in  the  American 
armies  ;  to  take,  wherever  lie  may  be,  whatever 
he  may  want  for  the  use  df  the  army,  if  the  inha- 
bitants will  not  sell  it,  allowing  a  reasonable  price 
for  the  same  ;  to  arrest  and  confine  persons  who 
refuse  to  take  the  continental  ctirrcncy,  or  are 
otherwise  disaffected  to  the  American  cause;  and 
return  to  the  states  of  which  they  are  citizens, 
their  names,  and  the  nature  of  their  offences,  to- 
gether with  the  witnesses  to  prove  them  :  that  the 
foregoing  powers  be  vested  in  (Jeneral  Washing- 
ton, for,  and  during  the  term  of  six  niontlis,  from 
the  ilate  thereof,  unless  sooner  determined  by 
Congress." 


In  this  hourof  exireinity,  the  attention  of  Con- 
gress was  employed  in  devising  plans  to  save  the 
states  from  sinking  under  the  heavy  calamilic« 
which  were  bearing  them  down.  It  is  remarka- 
ble, that,  neither  in  the  present  condi'ioii,  though 
trying  and  severe,  nor  in  any  other  since  the  de- 
claration of  independence,  was  Congress  influen- 
ced either  by  force,  distress,  artifice,  or  persuasion, 
to  entertain  the  most  distant  idea  of  purchasing 
peace,  by  returning  to  the  condition  of  British 
subjects.  So  low  were  they  reduced  in  the  latter 
endofl77G,  that  some  members  distrustful  of 
their  ability  to  resist  the  power  of  Great  Britain, 
proposed  to  authorise  their  commissioners  ai  the 
court  of  France,  (whose  appointment  shall  be 
hereafter  explained,)  to  transfer  to  that  country 
the  same  monopoly  of  their  trade,  which  (ireat 
Britain  had  hitherto  enjoyed.  On  examination,  it 
was  found,  that  concessions  of  this  kind  would  de- 
stroy the  force  of  many  arguments  heretofore  used 
in  favour  of  independence,  and  probably  disunite 
their  citizens. 

It  was  next  proposed  to  oficr  a  monopoly  of 
certain  enumerated  articles  of  produce.  To  this 
the  variant  interests  of  the  different  states  were 
so  directly  opposed,  as  to  occasion  a  speedy  and 
decided  negative.  Some  proposed  oflTering  to 
France,  a  league  offensive  and  defensive,  in  case 
she  woidd  heartily  support  American  indepen- 
dence :  but  this  was  also  rejected.  The  more  en- 
lightened members  of  Congress  argued  :  "though 
the  friendship  of  small  states  might  be  purchased 
that  of  France  could  not."  They  alleged,  that  it 
she  would  risk  a  war  with  Great  Britain,  by  open- 
ly espousing  their  cause,  it  would  not  be  so  much 
from  the  prospect  of  direct  advantages,  as  from  a 
natural  desire  to  lessen  the  overgrown  power  of  a 
dangerous  rival.  It  was  therefore  supposed,  that 
the  only  inducement,  likely  to  influence  Franco 
to  an  interference,  was  an  assurance  that  the  Uni- 
ted States  were  determined  to  persevere  in  refu- 
sing a  return  to  tlieir  former  allegiance.  Instead 
of  listening  to  the  terms  of  the  royal  commission- 
ers, or  to  any  founded  on  the  idea  of  their  rcsuiring 
the  character  of  British  subjects,  it  was  tlieieforo 
again  resolved,  to  abide  by  their  declared  indepen- 
dence, and  proffered  freedom  of  trade  to  every 
foreign  nation  ;  tnisting  "he  event  to  providence, 
and  risking  all  consequences.  Copies  of  tnese 
resolutions  were  sent  to  the  principal  courts  of 
Europe,  and  proper  jiersons  were  apj)ointed  to 
solicit  their  friendship  to  the  new-formed  slates. 
These  despatches  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Bri- 
tish, and  were  by  them  published.  This  was  the 
very  thing  wished  for  by  Congress.  They  well 
knew  that  an  apprehension  of  their  making  up  all 
differences  with  Great  Britain  was  tlie  priiici|)al 
objection  to  the  interference  of  foreign  courts,  in 
what  was  represented  to  be  no  more  than  a  domes- 
tic quarrel.  A  resolution  adopted  i-n  the  deepest 
distress  and  the  worst  of  times,  that  Congress 
would  listen  to  no  terms  of  re-union  with  their 
parent  state,  convinced  those  who  wished  for  the 
dismemberment  of  the  British  empire,  that  it  was 
sound  policy  to  interfere,  so  far  as  would  prevent 
the  conquest  of  the  United  States. 

These  judicious  determinations  in  the  cabinet 
were  accompanied  with  vigorous  exertions  in  the 
field.  In  this  crisis  of  danger  1-500  of  the  Penn- 
sylvania militia  embodied,  to  reinforce  the  conti 
nental  army.  The  merchant,  the  farmer,  the 
tradesman,  and  the  labourer,  cheerfully  relin(|uish- 
ed  the  conveniences  of  home,  to  perform  the 
duties  of  private  soldiers,  in  the  severity  of  a 
winter  campaign.  Though  most  of  them  were 
accustomed  to  the  habits  of  a  city  life,  they  slept 
in  tents,  barns,  and  sometimes  in  the  open  air,  du- 
ring the  cold  months  of  December  and  Januaiy 
There  were,  nevertheless,  only  two  instances  of 
sickness,  and  only  one  of  death,  in  that  large  body 
of  men,  in  the  course  of  six  weeks.  The  tielay, 
so  judiciously  contrived  on  the  retreat  through 
Jersey,  afforded  time  for  these  volunteer  rein- 
forcements to  join  (Jeneral  Washington.  Tho 
number  of  troops  under  his  commar-d  at  that  lime, 
fluctuated  between  '.wo  and  three  thousand.  To 


404 


HISTORY  OF 


fum  rouiifi  and  face  a  MCtorious  and  iiiiincrous 
foe,  with  tliis  inconsi(leral)le  force,  was  riskiiij; 
iiiucli  :  Imt  the  iiri;fiic)'  of  tlie  case  letniircd  tliat 
sonietliiiig  slioiild  be  atl^-nnted.  Tlie  recruiting 
business,  for  the  proposed  new  continental  army, 
was  at  a  stand,  while  tlie  Hritish  were  driving  the 
Americans  before  them.  The  i)resent  regidar 
soldiers  could,  as  a  matter  of  right,  in  less  than  a 
week,  claim  their  discharge,  and  scarce  a  single 
recruit  offered  to  supply  their  place.  Under  these 
circumstances,  the  bold  resolution  was  formed,  of 
recrossing  into  the  state  of  Jersey,  and  attacking 
that  part  of  the  enemy  which  was  posted  at  Tren- 
ton. 

When  the  Americans  retreated  over  the  Dela- 
ware, the  boats  in  the  vicinity  were  moved  out  of 
the  way  of  their  pursuers  ;  this  arrested  their  pro- 
gress :  but  the  British  commanders,  in  the  securi- 
ty of  conquest,  cantoned  their  army  in  Burlington, 
Bordenton,  Trenton,  and  other  towns  of  New 
Jersey,  in  daily  expectation  of  being  enabled  to 
cross  into  Pennsylvania,  by  means  of  ice,  which  is 
generally  formed  about  that  time. 

Of  all  events,  tione  seemed  to  tliem  more  im- 
probable, than  that  their  late  retreating,  lialf-na- 
ked  enemies,  should,  in  this  cxlrenie  cold  season, 
face  about  and  commence  olfeiisive  operations. 
They  indulged  themselves  in  a  degree  ol"  careless 
inattention  to  tlu  [wssibility  of  a  surprise,  wliicli, 
in  the  vicinity  of  an  enemy,  however  contempti- 
ble, can  never  be  justified.  It  lias  been  said  that 
Colonel  Rahl,  tlie  commanding  officer  In  Treiilon, 
being  luider  some  ajiprehension  for  that  frontier 
post,  applied  to  (ieneral  (Jrant  for  a  reinforcement, 
and  that  (Jeneral  returned  for  answer  :  "  Tell  the 
colonel,  he  is  very  safe.  I  will  undertake  to  keeji 
the  peace  in  New  Jersey,  with  a  corporal's  guard." 

In  the  evening  of  Christmas  day  General  W'ash- 
'ngton  made  arrangements  for  re-crossing  the 
Delaware  in  three  divisions  ;  at  M'Konkey's  fer- 
'y  ;  at  Trenton  ferry  ;  and  at  or  near  Bordenton. 
The  troops  wliich  were  to  have  crossed  at  the  two 
ast  places,  we  e  commanded  by  (lenerals  Ewing 
and  Cadwaladf,  ,  who  made  every  exertion  to  get 
over  :  but  the  \,uantity  of  ice  was  so  Rieat,  that 
they  could  not  elfect  their  purpose.  The  main 
tody  which  was  commanded  by  General  Washing- 
ton, crossed  at  M'Konkey's  ferry  :  but  the  ice  in 
tke  river  retarded  its  passage  so  long,  that  it  was 
three  o'clock  in  the  morning,  before  the  artillery 
could  be  gotten  over.  On  landing  in  Jersey,  it 
was  lin  tned  into  two  divisions,  commanded  by  Ge- 
nerals .Sullivan  and  (Jreen,  who  had  under  t)i(!ir 
command  Brigadiers  lord  Stirling,  Mercer  and  St. 
Clair.  One  of  the  divisions  were  ordered  to  pro- 
ceed on  the  lower,  or  river  road,  the  other  on  the 
U()per,  or  Pennington  road,  ("cdonel  Stark,  with 
some  light  troops,  was  also  directed  to  advance 
near  to  the  river,  and  to  possess  himself  ol'  that 
part  of  the  town  which  is  beyond  the  bridge.  The 
divisions  having  nearly  the  same  distance  to 
march,  were  ordered,  immediately  on  forcing  the 
out  guards,  to  push  directly  into  Trenton,  that  they 
might  charge  the  enemy  before  they  had  lime  to 
form.  'I'hotigh  they  marched  dilferent  roads,  yet 
they  arrived  at  the  enemy's  advanced  post,  within 
t}iree  minutes  of  each  other.  The  out  guards  of 
tlie  Hessian  troops  at  Trenton  soon  fell  back  ;  but 
kept  up  a  constant  retreating  (ire.  Their  main 
body,  being  hard  pressed  i)y  the  Americans,  who 
had  already  got  possession  of  half  their  ariillcM  V, 
altemjited  to  (ile  olf  by  a  road  leading  towanis 
Princeton  :  but  were  cliecked  by  a  body  of  troops 
thrown  in  tlieir  way.  Finding  themselves  sur- 
rounded, they  laid  down  iheir  arms.  The  num- 
ber which  sobmilted  was  2.i  ollicers  and  SSfJ  men. 
Between  '.ify  rtn(,  -10  of  the  1  lessians  were  killed  j 
and  wounded.  Colonel  Kalil  was  among  the  for- 
mer, and  si'ven  of  his  officers  among  tlie  latter,  i 
Captain  Washington,  of  the  \'irginia  troojis,  and 
fire  or  six  of  the  Americans,  wertr  wounded.  Two  j 
were  killed,  anil  two  (ir  three  were  frozen  to  di'ath.  ' 
'I'iie  detachmeni  in  Trenton  con^ii-ited  of  the  regi- [ 
menlsiil  Kahl.  I,osberg.  and  Knipliauseii,  amoiiiit- 
ipR  in  'he  whole  to  about  men.  and  a  troop 

uf  lirilish  liglil  horse.    All  these  were  killed  or] 


captured,  except  about  GUO,  who  escaped  by  the 
road  leading  to  15ordenton. 

The  iiritish  had  a  strong  battalion  of  light  in- 
fantry at  Princeton,  and  a  force  yet  remaining  near 
the  Delaware,  superior  to  the  American  army, 
(ieneral  Washington,  therefore,  in  the  evening  of 
the  same  day,  thought  it  most  prudent  to  recross 
into  Pennsylvania  with  liis  prisoners. 

Tlie  elfects  of  this  successful  enterprise  were 
speedily  felt  in  recruiting  the  American  aimy. 
About  1400  regular  soldiers,  whose  time  of  ser- 
vice was  on  the  jioint  of  expiring,  agreed  to  serve 
six  weeks  longer,  on  a  promised  gratuity  of  ten 
paper  dollars  to  each.  Men  of  inllrence  weie 
sent  to  dilferent  parts , of  the  country  to  rouse  the 
militia.  The  rajiine  and  impolitic  conduct  of  the 
British  operated  more  forcibly  on  the  inhabitants, 
to  expel  them  from  the  state,  than  either  patriot- 
ism, or  persuasion  to  prevent  tlieir  overrunning  it. 

The  Hessian  prisoners  taken  on  the  2Gth  being 
secured.  General  Washington  re-crossed  the  De- 
laware, and  took  possession  of  Trenton.  The 
detachments,  which  had  been  distributed  o\'er 
New  Jersey,  previous  to  the  capture  of  the  Hes- 
sians, immediately  after  that  event,  assembled  at 
Piinceton,  and  were  joined  by  the  army  from 
Brunswick,  tinder  lord  Cornwallis.  From  this 
position,  Jan.  2d.  177G,  they  proceeded  towards 
Trenton  in  great  force,  ho])ing  by  a  vigorous  onset 
to  repair  the  injury  their  cause  had  sustained  by 
the  late  defeat.  Truly  delicate  was  the  situation 
of  the  feeble  American  army.  To  retreat  was  to 
hazard  the  city  of  Philadelpliia,  and  to  destroy 
every  ray  of  hope  which  had  begun  to' dawn  from 
their  late  success.  To  risk  an  action,  with  a  su- 
perior force  in  Iront,  and  a  river  in  rear,  was  dan- 
gerous in  tho  extreme.  To  get  round  the  advan- 
ced [)arty  of  the  British,  and,  by  pusliing  forwards, 
to  attack  in  their  rear,  was  deemed  prel'erable  to 
either.  The  ]Jritish,  on  their  advance  from 
Princeton,  about  4  P.  M.  attacked  a  body  of  Ame- 
ricans posted  with  four  field  pieces,  a  little  to  tlie 
northward  of  Trenton,  and  compelled  them  to 
retreat.  The  pursuing  British,  being  checked, 
at  the  bridge  over  Sanpink  creek,  wiiich  runs 
through  that  town,  by  some  field  [lieces,  posted  on 
the  ojiposite  banks  of  that  rivulet,  fell  back  so  far 
as  to  be  out  of  reach  of  the  cannon,  and  kindled 
tieir  fires. 

The  Americans  were  drawn  up  on  the  other 
side  of  the  creek,  and  in  that  position  remained 
till  night,  cannonading  the  enemy  and  receiving 
their  lire.  lu  this  critical  hour,  two  armies,  on 
which  the  success  or  failure  of  the  Ame/ican  re- 
volution materially  dei)ended,  were  crowded  into 
the  small  village  of  Trenton,  and  only  separated 
by  a  creek,  in  many  places  fordal)le.  'J'he  Bri- 
tish, believing  they  had  all  the  advantages  they 
could  wish  for,  and  that  they  could  use  them  when 
lliey  pleased,  discontinued  all  farther  operations, 
and  kept  tlieinselves  in  readiness  to  make  the  at- 
tack next  morning.  Sir  William  Frskiiie  is  re- 
|)ortcd  to  liave  advised  an  immediate  attack,  or 
at  least  to  ])lace  a  strong  guard  at  a  bridge  over 
Sanpink  creek,  which  lay  in  the  route  the  Ameri- 
cans took  to  Princeton  ;  giving  for  a  reason  that, 
otherwise,  Washington,  if  a  good  general,  would 
make  a  move  to  the  left  ofthe  royal  army,  and  at- 
tack the  post  at  Princeton  in  the  rear. 

The  next  morning  |)res<Mited  a  scene  as  brilliant 
on  the  one  side,  as  it  was  unexpected  on  the  other. 
.Soon  after  it  became  dark,  (Jeneral  Washington 
ordered  all  his  baggage  to  be  silently  removed, 
and  having  left  guards  for  the  purpose  of  decep- 
tion, marched  with  his  whole  force,  by  a  circui- 
tous route,  to  I'rinceton.  This  maiKcuvre  was 
determined  upon  in  a  council  of  war,  from  a  con- 
viction that  it  would  avoid  the  appearance  of  a 
retreat,  and  at  the  same  time  the  hazard  of  an  ac. 
lion  in  a  bad  [losition  ;  and  that  it  was  the  most  likely 
way  to  ])reserve  the  citv  of  Philadelphia,  from 
falling  into  the  hands  of  the  British,  (ieneral 
Washington  also  ])resuiiied,  that  from  an  eagerness 
to  elface  the  im[)re>;sions,  made  bv  the  late  capture 
ofthe  Hessians  at  Trenton,  the  Hritish  comman- 
ders had  ]>ushcd  forward  their  principal  force,  nud 


that  of  course  tlie  remainder  in  the  rear  at  Princ-e- 
ton  was  not  more  than  etpial  to  his  own.  The 
event  verified  this  conjecture.  The  more  elfectii- 
ally  to  disguise  the  departure  of  the  Americans 
from  Trenton,  fires  were  lighted  up  in  front  of 
their  camp.  Tliese  not  only  gave  appearance 
of  going  to  rest,  but,  as  flame  cannot  be  seen 
through,  concealed  from  tlie  British  whai  was 
transacting  behind  them.  ]n  this  relative  ])osition 
they  w  ere  a  jiillar  of  fire  to  the  one  army,  and  a 
pillar  of  a  cloud  to  ilie  other. 

Providence  favoured  this  movement  ofthe  .\ine- 
ricans.  The  weather  had  been  for  some  time  so 
warm  and  niui.^i,  mat  thegrouna  was  soft,  .md  the 
roads  so  deeji  as  to  be  scarcely  passable :  but  the 
w  ind  suddenly  changed  to  the  nortli-we.st,  and  the 
ground  in  a  short  time  was  frozen  so  hard,  tha< 
when  the  Americans  took  up  their  line  of  march, 
they  were  no  more  retarded,  than  i.  they  had  been 
upon  a  solid  pavement. 

(ieneral  Wasliington  reached  Princeton  early  in 
the  morning,  January  3,  and  w  ould  liave  complete- 
ly surprised  the  British,  had  not  a  jiarly,  which 
was  on  their  way  to  Trenton,  descried  his  troops 
when  they  were  two  miles  distant,  and  sent  back 
couriers  to  alarm  their  unsuspecting  fellow  sol- 
diers in  their  rear.  These  consisted  of  the  17th 
the  40tli,  and  ;>oth  regiment  of  JJritisli  infantry, 
some  ofthe  royal  artillery  with  two  field  jiieces, 
and  three  troops  of  light  dragoons.  The  centre  ol 
the  Americans,  consisting  ofthe  Philadeljdiia  mi- 
litia,while  on  their  line  of  march,  was  briskly  charg- 
ed by  a  ()arty  ofthe  l?ritish,  and  gave  way  in  dis- 
order. The  moment  was  critical,  (ieneral  ^\'ash 
ington  pushed  forward,  and  placed  liimsell'between 
his  own  men  and  the  British  ;  with  his  horse's 
head  fronting  the  latter.  The  Americans,  encou- 
raged by  his  example  and  exhortations,  made  a 
stand,  and  returned  the  British  lire.  The  general, 
though  between  both  i)arties,  was  providentially 
uninjured  by  either. 

A  party  of  the  British  fled  into  the  college,  and 
were  there  attacked  with  field  pieces  which  were 
fired  into  it.  The  seat  of  the  muses  became  ibi 
>ome  time  the  scene  of  action.  The  party,  which 
had  taken  refuge  in  the  college, after  receiving  a  lew 
discharges  fioiii  the  American  field  pieces,  came 
out  and  surrendered  themselves  prisoners  of  war. 

In  the  course  of  the  engagement  sixty  of  tho 
British  were  killed,  a  greater  number  wounded 
and  about  oOO  of  them  taken  prisoners.  The  rest 
made  their  escape,  some  by  ))usliing  on  towards 
'J^rentoii,  others  by  returning  towards  15runswick. 
The  Americans  lost  onlv  a  few  :  but  Colonels  Has- 
let and  Potter,  and  Captain  Neal  ofthe  artillery, 
were  among  the  slain,  (ieneral  Mercer  received 
three  bayonet  wounds,  of  which  lie  died  in  a  *\wn 
time.  He  was  a  Scotchman  by  birth  :  but  from 
princi|)Ie  and  alVectioii  had  engaged  to  support  the 
liberties  of' his  a(lo])teil  country,  wiiha  zeal  ecpial 
to  that  of  any  of  its  native  sons.  In  private  life 
he  was  amiable,  and  his  character  as  an  officer 
stood  high  in  the  jniblic  esteem. 

\\'liile  they  were  fighting  at  Princeton,  the  l?ri- 
tisli  in  'J'reiiton  were  underarms,  and  on  thejioiiit 
of  making  an  assault  on  the  evacuated  camp  of 
the  Americans.  M'ith  so  much  address  liad  the 
movemenl  to  Princeton  been  conducted,  thai 
though  from  the  critical  situation  of  the  two  ariiiirs 
every  ear  may  be  sup])osed  to  have  been  open, 
and  every  watchfulness  lo  have  been  employed, 
yet  tieneral  Washington  moved  completely  off  the 
ground,  with  his  whole  force,  stores.  l)agt;as:e  and 
artillery,  unknown  to,  and  unsuspected  by  hisad- 
versaries.  The  British  in  Trenton,  were  so 
entirely  deceived,  that  when  they  liear<l  the 
rep(ut  of  the  artillery  at  Princeton,  though  it  was 
in  the  depth  of  winter,  they  supposed  it  to  be 
thunder. 

That  jiart  of  tlie  royal  anny,  which,  having 
escaped  from  Princetcii,  retreated  towards  .N'c<* 
Brunswick,  was  pursued  for  three  or  four  miles. 
Another  parly  which  liad  advanced  as  fir  as 
Maidenhead,  on  their  way  lo  Trenlon,  liearing  the 
freipieiit  discharge  of  fire  arms  in  their  rear 
wheeled  rouad  and  marched  to  the  aid  of  the 


NORTH  AMERICA. 


401 


companions.  Tlie  Aineric;uis,  by  destroylug 
bridgf^s,  lelHided  these,  tliougli  close  in  their  ie;ir 
30  li)iui';is  to  j;uiu  time  for  iheiiiselves  to  move  oil", 
in  i;ood  oitler,  to  PIuci<eiiiiii. 

So  irie;it  was  tiie  consternation  of  llie  British  at 
thesP  unexpected  iiioveinents,  that  they  instantly 
evacuated  both  Trenton  and  Princeton,  and  re- 
treated with  their  whole  force  to  New  linmswiek. 
The  American  militia  collected,  and,  forming 
themselves  into  parties,  waylaid  their  enemies, 
and  cut  them  ott"  whensoever  an  opiiortuiiity  pre- 
sented. In  a  lev/  days  they  overran  the  Jerseys. 
General  Maxwell  surprised  Eli/.abethtown,  and 
took  near  100  piisoiiers.  Newark  was  abandon- 
ed :  and  the  late  con(|ucrcrs  were  forced  to  leave 
Woodbridf^e.  The  royal  troojjs  were  conlined  to 
Atnboy  and  IJrunswick,  which  held  a  water  com- 
munication with  New  York.  Thus,  in  the  short 
space  of  a  month,  that  ]):\rt  of  Jersey,  which  lies 
between  New  iJrunswick  and  Delaware,  was  both 
overrun  by  the  British,  and  recovered  by  the  Ame- 
ricans. The  retreat  of  the  continental  army,  the 
timid  policy  of  the  Jersey  farmers,  who  chose  ra- 
ther to  secure  their  jirojierty  by  submission,  than 
defend  it  by  resistance,  made  the  Biitish  believe 
tlieir  work  was  done,  and  that  little  else  remained, 
but  to  rea[)  a  harvest  of  plunder  as  the  reward  of 
iheir  laboiiis.  Unrestrained  by  the  terrors  of  civil 
law,  uncontrolled  by  the  severity  of  discipline,  and 
elated  with  their  success,  the  soldiers  of  the  royal 
army,  and  particularly  the  Hessians,  gave  full  scope 
to  the  selfish  and  ferocious  passions  of  human  na- 
ture. A  coiujuered  country  and  submitting  inhabi- 
taats  presented  easy  plunder,  equal  to  tlieir  un- 
boiuided  rapacity,  lid'ants,  children,  old  men  and 
women,  were  stripped  of  their  blankets  and  cloth- 
ing. Furniture  was  burnt  or  otherwise  destroyed. 
DoiTiestic  animals  were  carried  oM",  and  the  people 
robbed  of  their  necessary  household  provisions. 
The  rapes  and  brutalities  committed  on  women, 
and  evpii  oti  very  youtig  girls,  would  shock  the 
cars  of  modesty  if  particularly  recited.  These 
violences  were  perpetrated  on  inhabitants  who  had 
remained  in  their  houses,  and  received  printed 
protections,  signed  by  order  of  the  commander  in 
chief.  It  was  in  vain  that  they  produced  thest- 
protections  as  a  safeguard.  The  Hessians  could 
not  read  them  ;  and  the  British  soldiers  thought 
they  were  entitled  to  a  share  of  the  booty,  equally 
with  their  foreign  associates. 

Such,  in  all  ages,  has  been  the  complexion  of 
the  bulk  of  armies,  tliat  inunediate  and  severe 
punishments  are  indispensibly  necessary,  to  keep 
them  from  flagrant  enormities.  That  discipline, 
without  which  an  army  is  a  band  of  armed  plun- 
derers, was,  as  far  as  respected  the  inhabitants, 
either  neglected,  or  but  feebly  administered  in  the 
royal  army.  The  soldiers  finding  they  might  take 
with  impunity  what  they  pleased,  were  more 
strongly  urgetl  by  avarice,  than  checked  by  policy 
or  fear.  Had  every  citizen  been  secured  in  his 
rights,  protected  in  his  property,  and  paid  for  his 
supplies,  the  consetjuences  might  have  been  fatal 
to  the  hopes  of  those  who  were  attached  to  inde- 
pendence. What  the  warm  recomiuendations  of 
Congress,  and  the  ardent  applications  of  General 
Washington  could  not  elVect,  took  place  of  its  own 
accord,  in  conse(iuenee  of  the  plunderings  and  de- 
vastations of  the  royal  army. 

The  whole  country  becatne  instantly  hostile  to 
the  invaders.  Suflerers  of  all  parties  rose,  as  one 
man,  to  revenge  their  personal  injuries.  Those, 
who,  from  age  or  infirmities  were  incapable  of 
bearing  arms,  kept  a  strict  watch  on  the  move- 
ments ofthe  royal  army,  and,  iVoin  time  to  time, 
communicated  information  to  their  countrymen  in 
arms.  Those  who  lately  declined  all  military  op- 
position, 'hough  called  upon  by  the  sacred  tie  of 
honour  pledged  to  each  other  on  the  declaration  of 
indei)en('.ence,  cheerfully  embodied,  when  they 
found  submission  to  be  unavailing  for  the  sf-rurity 
of  tlieir  estates.  This  was  not  done  originally  in 
consequence  of  the  victories  of  Trenton  andPrince- 
ton.  In  the  very  moment  of  these  actions,  or  be- 
fore tlie  news  of  them  had  , circulated,  sundry  in- 
dividuals, unknowing  of  General  Washington's 


movements,  were  concerting  private  insurrections, 
to  revenge  tliejnselves  on  the  pliindereis.  The 
dispute  originated    about  properly,  or  iti  other 
I  words,  about  the  right  of  taxation.    From  the 
I  same  source,  at  this  time,  it  received  a  new  and 
i  forcible  imimlse.  The  farmer,  who  could  not  trace 
the  consequences  of  British  taxation,  norof  Amt!- 
I  rican  independence,  felt  the  injuries  he  sustained 
from  the  dc])redation  of  licentious  troo|)s.  The 
militia  of  New  Jeisey,  who  had  hitherto  behaved 
most  shamefully,  from  this  time  forward  redeemed 
their  character,  and,  throughout  a  tedious  war, 
|)erforinc(l  services  with  a  spirit  and  discipline,  in 
many  respects,  c(|ual  to  that  of  regular  soldiers. 

The  victories  of  Trenton  and  Princeton  seemed 
to  be  like  a  resurrection  froiri  tlie  dead,  to  the  des- 
[)onding  friends  of  independence.  A  melancholy 
glooin  had,  in  the  first  twenty-five  days  of  JJecem 
ber,  overspread  the  United  States  ;  but,  from  the 
memorable  era  of  the  26th  of  the  sairie  month, 
their  pros))ects  began  to  brighten.  The  recruiting 
service,  which  for  some  time  had  been  at  a  staiul, 
was  successfully  renewed  :  and  hojies  were  soon 
indulged,  that  the  commander  in  chief  would  be 
enubied  to  take  the  field  in  the  spring,  with  a  per- 
manent regular  force,  (ieneral  Washington  re- 
tired to  Morristown,  that  he  might  all'ord  shelter  to 
his  suli'ering  army.  The  American  militia  liad 
sundry  successful  skiriiushes  with  detachments  of 
their  a<Iversaries.  Within  four  days  after  the  af- 
fair at  Princeton,  between  forty  and  fifty  Waldeck- 
ers  were  killed,  wounded,  or  taken,  at  Springfield, 
by  an  equal  number  of  the  same  New  Jersey  mi- 
litia, which,  but  a  month  before,  suffered  the  Bri- 
tish to  overrun  their  country  without  opposition. 
This  enterprise  was  conducted  by  Colonel  Spen- 
cer, whose  gallantry,  on  the  occasion,  was  reward- 
ed with  the  command  of  a  regiment. 

During  the  winter  movements,  which  have  been 
just  related,  the  soldiers  of  both  armies  underwent 
great  hardshi])s ;  but  the  Atnericans  suffered  by 
lar  the  greatest.  Many  of  them  were  without 
shoes,  though  marching  over  frozen  ground,  which 
so  gashed  their  naked  feet,  that  each  step  was 
marked  with  blood.  There  was  scarcely  a  tent 
in  the  whole  army.  Tlie  city  of  Philadeli)hia 
had  been  twice  laid  under  contribution,  to  ])rovide 
tliein  with  blankets.  Officers  had  been  ap])ointe(l 
to  examine  every  house,  and,  after  leaving  a  scanty 
covering  for  the  family,  to  bring  olf  the  rest,  foi 
the  use  of  the  troops  in  the  field  ;  but,  notwith- 
standing these  exertions,  the  quantity  procured 
was  far  short  of  decency,  much  less  of  comfort. 

The  officers  and  soldiers  ofthe  American  army 
were  about  this  time  inoculated  in  their  canton- 
ment at  Morristown.  As  very  few  of  them  had 
ever  had  the  small  pox,  the  inoculation  was  nearly 
universal.  The  disorder  had  previously  spread 
among  them  in  the  nattiral  way,  and  proved  mor- 
tal to  many  ;  but  after  inoculation  was  introduced, 
though  whole  regiments  were  inoculated  in  a  dav, 
there  was  little  or  no  mortality  from  the  small 
pox  ;  and  the  disorder  was  so  slight,  that,  from  the 
l)eginning  to  the  end  of  it,  there  was  not  a  single 
day  in  which  they  could  not,  and,  if  called  upon, 
would  not  have  turned  out  and  fought  the  British. 
To  induce  the  inhabitants  to  accoimnodate  officers 
and  soldiers  in  their  houses,  while  under  the  small 
pox,  they  and  their  families  were  inoculated  gra- 
tis by  the  military  surgeons.  Thus,  in  a  short 
time,  the  whole  ariny,  and  the  inhabitants  in  and 
near  Morristown,  were  subjected  to  the  small  pox, 
and  with  very  little  inconvenience  to  either. 

Three  months,  which  followed  the  actions  of 
Trenton  and  Princeton,  passed  away  without  any 
important  military  enterprise  on  either  side.  Maj. 
Gen.  Putnam  was  directed  to  take  |)ost  at  Prince- 
ton, and  cover  the  country  in  the  vicinity.  He  had 
only  a  few  hundred  troops,  though  he  was  no  more 
than  eighteen  miles  distant  from  the  strong  garri- 
son ofthe  British  at  Brunswick.  At  one  period 
he  had  fewer  men  fi)r  duty,  than  he  had  miles  of 
fiontier  to  guard.  The  situation  of  General  Wash- 
ington at  Morristown  was  not  more  eligible.  His 
force  was  trilling,  when  compared  with  that  ofthe 
British  ;  but  the  enemy,  and  his  own  countrymen, 


believed  the  contrary.  Theit  deception  was  che- 
rished, and  artfully  continued  by  the  spe(-ious  pa- 
rade of  a  consi(lerai)le  army.  The  .X iiK'ricaii  of 
ficers  took  their  station  in  positions  of  dilficult  ac 
cess,  and  kepi  iij)  a  constant  communication  with 
each  other.  This  secured  them  from  insult  and 
surprise.  While  they  covered  the  country,  tiiey 
harassed  the  foraging  parties  of  the  British,  and 
often  attacked  them  with  success.  Of  a  variety 
of  these,  the  two  following  are  selected  as  most 
worthy  of  notice.  General  Dickinson,  with  four 
hundred  Jersey  militia,  and  fifty  of  the  I'eniisyl- 
vania  rillemea,  crossed  Millstone  river,  near  .So- 
merset court-house,  and  attacked  a  large;  foragino 
[)arty  ofthe  British,  A'ith  so  much  spirit,  that  they 
abandoned  their  com  oy  and  fled.  Nine  of  them 
were  taken  prisoners.  Forty  wagons,  and  u[>wards 
of  one  hundred  horses,  with  a  considerable  booty, 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  geneial.  While  the  Bri- 
tish were  loading  their  wagons,  a  single  man  be- 
gan to  fire  on  them  from  the  woods.  He  was  soon 
joined  by  more  of  his  neighbours,  who  could  nol 
|)atiently  see  their  jjroperty  carried  away.  Afiei 
the  foragers  had  been  annoyed  for  some  time  by 
these  unseen  marksmen,  they  fancied,  on  the  ap- 
pearance  of  General  Dickinson,  that  they  were  at- 
tacked by  a  superior  force,  and  began  a  precipitate 
flight. 

In  about  a  month  after  the  affair  at  Sotnerset 
court-house,  (Jolonel  Nelson,  of  Brunswick,  with 
a  detachment  of  150  militia  men,  surprised  and 
ca[)tured  at  Lawrence's  Neck,  a  major  and  fifty- 
nine  privates  of  the  refugees,  who  were  in  British 
pay. 

Throughout  the  campaign  of  1776,  an  uncom- 
mon degree  of  sickness  raged  in  the  American 
army.  Husbandmen,  transferred  at  once  ftoiii 
the  conveniences  of  domestic  life,  to  the  hardships 
of  a  field  encampment,  could  not  accommodate 
themselves  to  the  sudden  change.  The  southern 
troops  sickened  from  the  want  of  salt  provisions. 
Linen  shirts  were  generally  worn,  in  contact  with 
the  skin.  The  salutary  influence  of  flannel,  in 
preventing  the  diseases  of  camps,  was  either  un- 
known or  disregarded,  ^riie  discipline  ofthe  army 
was  too  feeble  to  enforce  those  regulations  whicli 
experience  has  proved  to  be  indispensably  neces- 
sery,  for  preserving  the  health  of  large  bodies  of 
men  collected  together.  Cleanliness  was  also 
too  much  neglected.  On  the  8th  of  August,  the 
whole  American  army  before  New  York,  consist- 
ing of  17,225  men;  but  of  that  numberonly  10,514 
were  fit  for  duty.  The  numerous  sick  suUered 
much  from  the  want  of  necessaries.  Hurry  and 
confusion  added  much  to  their  distresses.  Theie 
was  besides  a  real  want  of  the  requisites  for  their 
relief. 

A  proper  liospital  establishment  was  beyor\d  the 
abilities  of  Congress,  especially  as  the  previous 
arrangements  were  not  entered  upon  till  the  cam- 
paign had  begun.  Many,  perhaps  some  thousands, 
of  the  American  army,  were  swept  off  in  a  few 
months  by  sickness.  The  country  every  where 
presented  the  melancholy  sight  of  soldiers  suffer- 
ing poverty  and  disease,  without  the  aid  of  medi- 
cine or  attendance.  Those  who  survived  gave 
such  accounts  of  the  sutlerings  of  the  sick,  aa 
greatly  discouraged  the  recruiting  service.  A 
rage  lor  plundering,  under  the  pretence  of  taking 
lory  property,  infected  many  of  the  common  sol- 
diery, and  even  some  of  the  officers.  The  army 
had  been  formed  on  such  principles,  in  some  ofthe 
states,  that  commissions  were,  in  several  instances, 
bestowed  on  persons  who  had  no  j)retensions  to 
the  character  of  gentlemen.  Several  of  the  offi- 
cers were  chosen  by  their  own  men  ;  and  they  of- 
ten preferre(l  those  from  whom  they  ex])ected  the 
greatest  indulgences.  In  other  cases,  the  choice 
of  the  men  was  in  favour  of  those  who  liad  con- 
sented to  throw  their  pay  into  a  joint  stock  with 
the  ])rivales,  from  which  officers  and  men  drew 
equal  shares. 

The  army,  consisting  mostly  of  new  recruits 
and  inexperienced  olTicers.  and  beinc  only  t.nsa* 
ged  for  a  twelvemonth,  was  very  deficient  in  that 
mechanism  and  discipline,  which  t  luc  and  exp«« 


40C 


II  1  STORY  OF  THE 


rience  bestowed  on  veteran  troops.  (Jcneral 
W'asliins;lon  was  unremitting  in  bis  representations 
to  (  Diiiiif  ss.  lUvoiinii!:  siK-li  ailt-ratioiis  as  promised 
piriiiaiiciKV,  oilier,  and  discipline  in  the  army: 
bill  his  judicious  opinions  on  these  subjects  were 
elowlv  adopted.  The  sentiments  of  liberty  which 
then  generally  prevailed,  made  some  distin<;uished 
members  of  Congress  so  distmstful  of  the  future 
powr  and  probable  rlesigns  of  a  permanent  domes- 
tic army,  that  they  had  well  nigh  sacrificed  their 
country  to  their  jealousies. 

Tlie'  unbounded  freedom  of  the  savage,  wlio 
roams  the  woods,  must  be  restrained,  when  he 
becomes  a  citizen  of  orderly  government ;  and, 
from  the  necessity  of  the  case,  must  be  much 
more  so,  when  ho  submits  to  be  a  soldier.  Tlie 
individuals,  composing  the  army  of  America,  could 
not  at  once  pass  over  troin  the  full  enjoyment  of 
civil  liberty  to  the  discipline  of  a  camp,  nor  could 
the  leading  men  in  Congress  for  some  time  be  per- 
suaded to  adopt  energetic  establishments.  "  (iod 
forbid,"  would  sucli  say,  "  that  the  citizens  should 
be  so  far  lost  in  the  soldiers  of  our  army,  that  they 
should  give  over  longing  for  the  enjoyments  of 
domestic  happiness.  Let  frequent  furloughs  be 
granted,  rather  than  the  endearments  of  wives  and 
chili'ren  should  cease  to  allure  the  individuals  of 
our  aipiy  from  camps  to  farms."  The  amiable- 
ncss  of  this  principle  veiled  the  error  of  the  senti- 


ment. The  minds  of  the  civil  leaders  in  the  coun- 
cils of  Amerira  were  daily  occupied,  in  contem- 
plating the  rii;lits  of  huiiian  nature,  and  investiga- 
ting ari;uments  on  the  ])riiici|)les  of  general  liberty, 
io  justify  their  own  op()osiiion  to  Great  Britain. — 
Warmed  with  these  ideas,  they  trusted  too  much 
to  the  virtue  oftlieit  countrymen,  and  were  back- 
ward to  enforce  that  subonlination  and  order  in 
tlieir  armv,  wliich,  though  it  intrenches  on  civil 
lioertv,  produces  ellects  in  the  military  line  un- 
equalled by  the  effusions  of  jiatriotism,  or  the  ex- 
ei'ions  of  undisciplined  valour. 

The  experience  of  two  campaigns  evinced  the 
folly  of  trusting  the  defence  of  the  country  to  mili- 
iia,  or  to  levies  raised  only  for  a  few  months,  and 
had  induced  a  resolut'ion  for  recruiting  an  army  for 
the  war.  The  good  effects  of  this  measure  will 
ajjpearin  tlie  sequel. 

The  cainpaiirn  of  1776  did  not  end  till  it  had 
been  prolracled  into  the  first  month  of  the  year 
1777.  The  British  had  counted  on  the  comiilete 
and  speedy  reduction  of  tlieir  late  colonies  ;  but 
tiiey  found  the  work  more  difficult  of  execution, 
than  was  supposed.  They  wholly  failed  in  their 
designs  on  the  southern  states  In  Canada,  they 
recovered  what,  in  the  preceding  year,  they  had 
lost  ;  drove  the  Americans  out  of  their  borders, 
anddesiroyed  their  fleet  on  the  lakes;  but  they  fail- 
ed in  making  their  intended  impression  on  the 


northwestern  frontier  of  the  states.  They  obtain 
ed  possession  of  Rhode  Island  :  but  the  acipiisiiioc 
was  of  little  service  ;  perhaps  was  of  detriment. 
Kor  nearly  ihree  years,  several  thousand  men 
stationed  tliereon,  for  its  security,  were  lost  to 
every  purpose  of  active  co-operation  with  the  roval 
forces  in  the  field,  and  the  possession  of  it  secured 
no  equivalent  advantages.  The  British  completely 
succeeded  against  the  city  of  New  York,  and  the 
adjacent  country  ;  but  when  they  pursued  thrir 
victories  into  New  .lersey,  and  subdivided  their 
army,  the  recoiling  Americans  soon  recovered  the 
grealest  [)art  of  wliat  they  had  lost. 

•Sir  William  Howe,  after  having  nearly  reach- 
ed Philadelphia,  was  confined  to  limits  so  narrow, 
that  the  fee  simple  of  all  he  commanded  would 
not  reimburse  the  expense  incurred  by  its  con 
quest. 

Tl»c  war.  on  the  part  of  the  Americans,  was 
but  barely  begun.  Hitherto  they  had  encased 
w  ith  temporary  forces,  for  a  redress  of  grievances  : 
but  towards  the  close  of  this  year  they  made  ar- 
raniiements  for  raising  a  permanent  ariny,  to  con- 
tend wiih  Great  Biitain  for  the  sovereisinty  of  the 
country.  To  have  thus  far  stood  their'grourd, 
with  their  new  levies,  was  a  matter  of  great  iin()or- 
tance.  To  them  delay  was  victory  ;  and  not  to 
be  conquered  was  to  conquer. 


li  1  8  T  O  H  Y 


OF 


THE  UNITED  STATES. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Cf  InJependencr,  State  Constitutions,  and  the  Confede- 
ration. 

If  it  be  lawful  for  individuals  to  relinquish  their 
native  soil,  and  pursue  their  own  happiness  in  other 
regions,  and  under  other  political  associations,  the 
settlers  of  New  England  were  always  so  far  inde- 
pendent, as  to  owe  no  obedience  to  their  parent 
•tate,  but  such  as  resulted  from  their  voluntary 
assent.  What,  for  several  centuries  after  the 
christian  era,  would  have  been  called  the  institu- 
tion of  a  new  government,  was  by  modern  refine- 
ment denominated  only  an  extension  of  the  old,  in 
the  form  of  a  dependent  colony  Though  the  ])re- 
Tailing  ecclesiastical  and  political  creeds  tended 
to  degraiie  the  condition  of  the  settlers  of  New 
England,  yet  there  was  always  a  party  there  which 
believed  in  their  natural  right  to  independence. — 
They  recurred  to  first  principles,  and  argued,  that, 
as  they  received  from  government  nothing  more 
than  a  charter,  founded  on  idle  claimsof  sovereign- 
ty, they  owed  it  no  other  obedience  than  what  was 
derived  from  express,  or  implied  contract.  It  was 
not  till  the  ISth  century  had  more  than  lialfela()s- 
ed,  that  it  occurred  to  any  num!)er  of  the  colon- 
ists, that  they  had  an  interest  in  being  detached 
from  (Jreat  Britain.  Their  attention  was  first 
turned  to  this  subject,  by  the  British  claim  of  tax- 
ation. This  o|)cned  a  melancholy  [irospt  ct,  boiiiid- 
,ess  in  exientf  and  en<lless  in  duration.  The  Bos- 
ton port  act,  and  tlie  other  acts,  passed  in  1774 
and  177.1,  which  have  been  already  the  s'.:lijccl  of 
comment,  ])rogrcssively  weakened  the  attaclinifiit 
of  the  colonists,  to  the  birth  place  of  their  lore- 
lathers.  The  coiTimencement  of  hostilities  on  the 
I'.Mh  of  April,  177'),  exhibited  the  parent  state  in 
n  odious  |)i)int  of  view,  and  abated  the  original 
4i-cad  of  neparaling  from  it.    But  nevertheless,  at 


(hat  time,  and  for  a  twelvemonth  after,  a  'na|o- 
rity  of  the  colonists  wished  for  no  more  than  to  be 
re-established  as  subjects,  in  their  ancient  rights. 

In  i77tj, the  colonists  began  to  take  other  ground, 
and  contend  that  it  was  for  their  interest  to  be  lor 
ever  separated  from  (ireat  Britain.  In  favour  of 
this  opinion,  it  was  said,  that,  in  case  of  their  con- 
tinuing subjects,  the  mother  country,  though  she 
redressed  tlieir  grievances,  might  at  pleasure  re- 
peat similar  oppressions  ;  that  she  ought  iiot  to  be 
trusted,  having  twice  resumed  the  exercise  of  tax- j 
ation,  al'ter  it  had  been  apparently  relinquished.-— 
The  favourers  of  separation  also  urged,  that  threat 
Britain  was  jealous  of  their  increasing  numbers, 
and  rising  greatness  ;  that  she  would  not  exercise 
government  for  their  benefit,  but  for  her  own  ;  and 
that  the  only  periiiaiieiit  security  for  Americati 
hap[)iness  was,  to  deny  her  the  power  of  interfer- 
ing with  their  government  or  commerce.  To  ef- 
fect this  purpose,  they  were  of' opinion,  that  it  was 
necessary  to  cut  the  knot,  which  connected  the  two 
countries,  by  a  ]nil)lic  renunciation  of  all  ])olitical 
connexions  lietween  them. 

The  Americans  about  this  time  began  to  be  in- 
fluenced by  new  views.  'J'he  miliiary  ariaiige- 
inents  of  the  preceding  year  ;  their  unexpected 
union,  and  prevailing  enthusiasm,  expanded  the 
minds  of  then  leaders,  and  elevated  the  seiilimeiits 
of  the  peojilc.  Decisive  measures,  which  would 
have  been  lately  reprobated,  now  met  with  a|)pro- 
bation. 

The  favourers  of  subordination  under  the  former 
conslitution  urged  the  advantaiies  of'  a  supreme 
head,  to  control  the  disputes  of  interfering  C(doni«  s, 
and  also  the  benefits  which  flowed  fnnn  union  :  that 
independence  was  untried  ground,  and  should  not 
be  entered  upon,  but  in  the  last  extremity. 

They  flattered  themselves  that  (Jreat  I'ritain 
was  so  fully  convinced  of  the  determined  spirit  ol 
America,  that  if  the  present  controversy  were 
coaiprouiised,  she  would  not,  <il  any  future  period, 


resume  an  injurious  exercise  ol  her  supremacy 
They  were  t'nerefore  for  proceeding  no  farther 
than  to  defend  themselves  in  the  character  of  sub- 
jects, trusting  that  ere  long  the  i)resent  hostile 
me.isures  would  be  relinquished,  and  the  harmony 
ol  the  two  countries  re-established.  The  favourers 
of' this  system  were  embarrassed,  and  all  their  ar- 
guments weakened,  by  the  perseverance  of  (Jreat 
Britain  in  her  schemes  of  coercion.  A  probable 
hope  of  a  si);edy  re[)eal  of  a  lew  acts  of  ])ailiament 
would  have  grea'ly  increased  the  number  of  those 
who  were  advocates  for  reconciliation  :  but  the 
certainty  of  intelligence  to  the  contrary,  gave  ad- 
ditional force  to  the  arguments  of  the  opposite 
party.  Though  new  weight  was  daily  thrown  into 
the  scale,  in  which  the  advantages  of  independence 
weighed,  yet  it  did  not  preponderate  till  about  that 
time  in  17713,  when  intelligence  reached  tiie  colo 
nists  of  the  act  of  |)arliameiit  passed  in  December, 
177.'),  for  throwing  them  out  of  British  jirotection, 
and  of  hiring  foreign  troo])s  to  assist  in  affecting 
their  conquest.  Respecting  the  first  it  was  said, 
"  that  i)rotection  ami  allegiance  were  reciprocal, 
and  that  the  refusal  of  the  first  was  a  legal  ground 
of  justincition  for  withholding  the  last."  They 
considered  themselves  to  be  thereby  discharged 
from  their  allegiance,  and  that  to  declare  them- 
selves indc))ciident,  was  no  more  than  to  announce 
to  the  world  the  real  political  stale  in  which  (Jreat 
Britain  had  placed  them. 

This  act  ])roved  that  the  colonists  might  consti- 
tutionally.declare  themselves  independent ;  I  lit  tl» 
hiring  of  foreimi  troops  to  make  war  upon  iheni, 
demonstrated  the  necessity  of  their  doing  it  .mine- 
diately.  They  reasoned  that  if  (Jreat  Biitaio 
called  in  the  aiil  of  strangers  to  crush  them,  tliej 
must  seek  similar  relief  for  their  own  preservation. 
They  well  knew  that  this  could  not  be  expected 
while  they  were  in  arms  against  their  acknowledg 
ed  sovereign.  They  had  therefore  only  a  choice 
of  dilTicullies,  aud  iiiust  either  seek  foreign  aid  af 


I 


I 


II 


UNITED  S  T  A  T  K  S. 


407 


in;<e|'ei!(!iMit  statjs,  or  continue  in  the  awkwiiid 
and  li;i/.Hr(lotis  sitiiation  ot'  subjects,  can  viii^  on 
v.ar  from  their  own  resources,  botii  against  tiieir 
kins;,  and  such  mercenaries  as  lie  chose  to  enij)loy 
for  their  subjugation.  Necessity,  not  choice, 
forced  tliein  on  the  decision.  Sul)mission  without 
obtainins;  a  redress  of  their  grievances  was  advo- 
cated bynonewho  possessed  the  pubhc  conlidence. 
Some  ol'  the  jiopular  leaders  may  have  secretly 
wished  for  in(lei)endence  from  the  beginning  of 
the  controversy  ;  but  their  number  was  small,  and 
their  sentiments  Were  not  generally  known. 

While  the  public  mind  was  balancing  on  tliis 
eventful  subject,  several  writers  placed  the  advan- 
tages of  independence  in  various  points  of  view. 
Among  these,  Thomas  Paine,  in  a  jjamphlet  under 
the  signaltue  of  Common  Sense,  held  the  most 
distinguished  rank.  The  style,  manner,  and  lan- 
guage of  this  performance  were  calculated  to  in- 
terest the  passions,  and  to  rouse  all  the  active 
powers  of  human  nature.  With  the  view  of  ope- 
rating on  the  sentiments  of  a  religious  ])eople, 
scripture  was  pressed  into  his  service;  and  the 
powers,  and  even  the  name  of  a  king,  were  ren- 
dered odious  in  the  eyes  of  the  numerous  colonists, 
who  had  read  and  studied  the  liistory  of  the  .Tews, 
as  recorded  in  the  Old  Testament.  The  folly  of 
that  ])eo|)le  in  revolting  from  a  government,  insti- 
tuted by  heaven  itself,  and  the  oppressions  to 
which  they  were  subjected  in  consequence  of  their 
lusting  after  kings  to  rule  over  tliem,  afforded  an 
excellent  handle  for  prepossessing  the  colonists  in 
favour  of  republican  institutions,  and  prejudicing 
them  against  kingly  government.  Hereditary 
succession  was  turned  into  ridicule.  The  absurd- 
ly of  subjecting  a  great  continent  to  a  small 
is'and,  on  the  other  side  of  the  globe,  w:is  repre- 
sented in  such  striking  language,  as  to  interestthe 
honour  and  |)ri(le  of  the  colonists,  in  renouncing 
tlie  government  of  Great  Britain.  The  necessity, 
the  advantages,  and  practicability  of  independence 
were  forcibly  demonstrated. 

Nothing  could  be  better  timed  than  this  per- 
formance. It  was  addressed  to  fVeemen,  wlto  had 
)ust  received  convincing  |)roof",  that  Great  Britain 
had  thrown  them  out  of  her  protection,  had  en- 
gaged foreign  mercenaries  to  make  war  upon 
them,  and  seriously  designed  to  compel  their  un- 
conditional submission  to  her  unlimited  power.  It 
found  the  colonists  most  thoroughly  alarmed  for 
their  liberties,  and  disposed  to  do  and  sulfer  any 
thing  that  promised  their  establishment.  In  union 
with  the  feelings  and  sentiments  of  the  jieople,  it 
produced  sur|)rising  effects.  Many  thousands 
were  convinced,  and  were  led  to  approve  and  long 
for  a  separation  from  the  mother  country.  Though 
that  measure,  a  few  months  before,  was  not  only 
foreign  from  their  wishes,  but  tlie  object  of  their 
abhorrence,  the  current  suddenly  became  so  strong 
in  its  favour,  that  it  bore  down  all  opp.isition. 
The  multitude  was  hurried  down  the  stream  :  but 
Bome  worthy  men  could  not  easily  reconcile  them- 
selves to  the  idea  of  an  eternal  separation  from  a 
country,  to  v/hich  they  had  long  been  bound  by 
the  most  endearing  ties.  They  saw  the  sword 
drawn;  out  could  not  tell  when  it  would  be 
sheathed.  They  feared  that  the  dispersed  indi- 
viduals of  the  several  colonies  would  not  be  brought 
to  coalesce  under  an  efficient  government,  and 
that  after  much  anarchy  some  future  C;esar  would 
grasp  their  liberties,  and  confirm  liimself  in  a 
throne  of  despotism.  They  doubted  the  jierse- 
verance  of  their  countrymen  in  effecting  their  in- 
dependence, and  were  also  ajjprehensive  that,  in 
«ase  of  success,  their  future  condition  would  be 
le«s  happy  than  tlieir  past. 

Some  respectable  individuals,  whose  principles 
Were  ]iure,  but  whose  souls  were  not  of  that  firm 
texture  which  revolutions  require,  shrunk  back 
from  the  bold  measures  proposed  by  their  more 
adventurnus  countrymen.  To  submit  without  an 
appeal  to  heaven,  though  secretly  wished  for  by 
some,  was  not  the  avowed  sentiment  of  any ;  but 
lo  persevere  in  petitioning  and  resisting  was  the 
system  of  some  misguided,  honest  men.  The  fa- 
lotirers  of  tills  op^uion  were  generally  wanting  in 


that  decision  which  grasps  al  great  objects,  and 
influenced  by  that  timid  policy,  which  does  its 
work  by  halves.  Most  of  them  dreaded  the  power 
of  Britain.  A  few,  on  the  score  of  interest  or  an 
expectancy  of  favours  from  the  royal  government, 
refused  to  concur  with  the  general  voice.  Some 
of  the  natives  of  the  ])arent  state,  who,  having 
lately  settled  in  the  colonies.,  liad  not  yet  ex- 
changed European  for  Americm  ideas,  together 
with  a  few  others,  conscienti  jusly  o|)pose(i  the 
measures  of  Congress  :  but  the  great  l;ulkofthc 
people,  and  especially  of  the  spirited  and  inde|)en- 
dent  i)art  of  the  coimnunity,  came  with  surprising 
unanimity  into  the  project  of  independence. 

The  eagerness  for  inde[)endence  resulted  more 
from  feeling  than  reasoning.  The  advantages  of 
an  unfettered  trade,  the  jjrospect  of  honours  and 
emoluments  in  administering  a  new  goverment, 
were  of  themselves  insufficient  motives  for  adopt- 
ing this  bold  measure.  But  what  was  wanting 
from  considerations  of  this  kind,  was  made  up  by 
the  perseverence  of  Great  Britain,  in  her  schemes 
of  coercion  and  conquest.  The  determined  reso- 
lution of  the  nu)ther  country  to  subdue  the  colo- 
nists, together  with  the  plans  she  adopted  for  ac- 
complishmg  that  purpose,  and  their  e(|ually  deter- 
mined resolution  to  appeal  to  heaven  rather  than 
submit,  made  a  declaration  of  independence  as 
necessary  in  1776,  as  was  the  non-importation 
agreement  of  1774,  or  the  assumption  of  arms  in 
1775.  The  last  naturally  resulted  from  the  first. 
The  revolution  was  not  forced  on  the  i)eople  by 
ambitious  leaders  grasping  at  supreme  ])ower  ;  but 
every  measure  of  it  was  forced  on  Congress,  by 
the  necessity  of  the  case,  and  the  voice  of  the 
peo|)le.  The  change  of  the  jJiiblic  mind  of  Aukm  - 
ica,  res[)ecting  comiexion  with  Great  Britain,  is 
without  a  parallel.  In  the  short  space  of  two 
years,  nearly  three  millions  of  people  passed  over 
from  the  love  and  duty  of  loyal  subjects,  to  the 
hatred  and  resentment  of  enemies. 

The  motion  for  declaring  tlie  colonies  free  and 
inde[)endent,  was  first  made  in  Congress,  June  7, 
177G,  by  Richard  Henry  Lee,  of  Virginia.  He 
was  warranted  in  making  this  motion  by  the  par- 
ticular instructions  of  his  immediate  constituents, 
and  also  by  the  general  voice  of  the  people  of  all 
the  states.  When  the  time  for  taking  the  sulijcct 
under  consideration  arrived,  much  knowledge,  in- 
geimity  and  eloquence  weie  displayed  on  both 
sides  of  the  question.  The  debates  were  continued 
for  some  time,  and  with  great  animation.  In  these 
.lohn  Adams  and  John  Dickinson  took  leading  and 
op|)osite  parts.  The  former  began  one  of  his 
speeches,  by  an  invocation  of  the  god  of  eloquence, 
to  assist  liini  in  defending  the  claims,  and  enfor- 
cing the  duty  of  his  countrymen.  He  strongly 
urged  the  immediate  dissolution  of  all  political 
connexion  of  the  colonies  with  Great  Biitain, 
from  the  voice  of  the  people,  from  the  necessity 
of  the  measure  in  order  to  obtain  foreign  assist- 
ance, from  a  regard  to  consistency,  and  from  the 
prospects  of  glory  and  hai)|)iness,  which  ojjened 
beyond  the  war,  to  a  free  and  independent  people. 
Mr.  Dickinson  replied  to  this  speech.  He  began 
by  observing,  that  the  member  from  Massachu- 
setts, Mr.  Adams,  had  introduced  his  defence  of 
the  declaration  of  independence  by  invoking  a 
heathen  god  ;  but  that  he  should  begin  his  oi)jec- 
lions  to  it,  by  solemnly  invoking  the  (Jovernor  of 
the  universe,  so  to  influence  the  minds  of  the  mem- 
l)ersof  Congress,  that  if  the  proposed  measure  were 
forthebenefit  of  America,  nothing  which  he  should 
say  against  it  miLdit  Uiake  the  least  impression. 
He  then  urged  that  the  (iresenl  time  was  imjjroper 
for  the  declaration  of  independence  ;  that  the  war 
might  be  conducted  with  equal  vig:ur  without  it; 
that  it  would  divide  the  Americans,  and  unite  the 
people  of  Great  Britain  against  them.  He  then 
I)ro|)osed  that  some  assurance  should  be  obtained 
of  assistance  from  a  foreign  pjwer.  before  tliey 
renounced  their  connexion  with  (jreat  Britain; 
and  that  the  declaration  of  inde[)  -ndence  should  be 
the  condition  to  be  ollered  for  this  assistance.  He 
likewise  stated  tlie  disputes  that  existed  between 
J  several  of  tba  colonies,  and  proposed  that  some 


measures  for  the  settlement  of  them  should  bede- 
termined  upon,  before  they  lost  sight  of  that  tribu- 
nal, which  had  hitherto  been  the  umpire  of  all  their 
differences. 

After  a  full  discussion,  the  measure  of  declaring 
the  colonies  free  atid  independent  was  approved, 
July  4th,  by  nearly  an  unanimous  vote.  The  amii- 
versary  of  the  day,  on  which  this  great  event  took 
place,  has  ever  since  been  consecrated  bv  the 
Americans  to  religious  gratitude,  »■:(!  so'-i.'il  plea- 
sures. It  is  considered  by  liictn  as  the  birth-day 
of  their  freedom. 

The  act  of  the  united  co.onies,  tor  separating 
themselves  from  the  government  of  Great  Britain, 
and  declaring  their  independence,  was -expressed 
in  the  following  words: 

"  When  in  the  course  of  human  everts,  it  be- 
comes necessary  for  one  people  to  dissolve  the 
political  bands  which  have  connecte<l  them  with 
another,  and  to  assume  among  the  powers  of  the 
earth,  the  separate  and  equal  station  to  which  the 
laws  of  nature,  and  of  nature's  God  entitled  them, 
a  decent  respect  to  the  opinions  of  mankind,  re- 
(piires  that  they  should  declare  the  causes  whicli 
iin|)el  them  to  the  separation  : 

"  We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident;  that 
ail  men  are  created  equal ;  that  they  are  endowed 
by  their  Creator  with  certain  unalienable  rights  ; 
that  among  these  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pur- 
st;it  of  happiness;  that  to  secure  these  rights, 
governments  are  instituted  among  men,  deriv- 
ing their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the 
governed;  that  whenever  any  form  of  government 
becomes  destructive  to  these  ends,  it  is  the  right 
of  the  peojile  to  alter  or  to  abolish  it,  and  to  insti- 
tute new  government,  laying  its  foundation  on 
such  i)rinciples,  and  organizing  its  power  in  such 
form,  as  to  them  shall  seem  most  likelv  to  effect 
their  safety  and  happiness.  Prudence,  indeed, 
will  dictate  that  governments  long  established 
should  not  be  changed  for  light  and  transient 
causes ;  and  accoidingly,  all  experience  hath  shown, 
that  mankind  are  more  disposed  to  sulfer,  while 
evils  are  sufferable,  than  to  right  themselves,  by 
al)olishing  the  forms  to  which  they  are  accustorned. 
But  when  a  long  train  of  abuses  and  usurpations, 
pursuing  invariably  the  same  object,  evinces  a  de- 
sign to  reduce  them  under  absolute  desjiolism,  it 
■s  their  right,  it  is  their  duty,  to  throw  off  suth 
government,  and  to  [irovide  new  guarils  for  their 
future  security.  Such  has  been  the  patient  suf- 
ferance of  these  colonies,  and  such  is  now  the  ne- 
cessity which  constrains  them  to  alter  theit  for- 
mer systems  of  government.  The  history  of  the 
present  king  of  Great  Britain  is  a  history  of  re- 
peated injuries  and  usur|)ations :  all  having  in  di- 
rect ol)ject  the  establishment  of  an  abs(dute  tyranny 
over  these  states.  To  prove  this,  let  facts  be  sub- 
mitted to  a  candid  world. 

"  He  has  refused  his  assent  to  laws,  the  most 
wholesome  and  necessary  for  tlie  public  good. 

"  He  has  forbidden  his  governors  to  pass  laws 
of  immediate  and  pressing  inipoilance,  unless 
suspended  in  their  operation  till  his  assent  should 
be  obtained;  and  when  so  suspended,  he  Ir.'.s 
utterly  neglected  to  atttind  to  them. 

"  He  has  refused  to  pass  other  laws  for  the 
accomodation  of  large  districts  of  people,  un- 
less those  people  would  relincpiish  the  right  of  re- 
presentation in  the  Legislature,  a  right  inestinia- 
i)le  to  them,  and  formidable  to  tyrants  only. 

"He  has  called  together  Legislative  bodies  at 
places  unusual,  uncomfortable,  and  distant  from 
the  depository  of  tlieii  public  records,  for  the  sole 
|)urpose  of  fatiguing  them  into  compliance  with  hia 
measures. 

"He  has  dissolvei'  representative  houses  re- 
peatedly, for  opposing,  with  manly  firmness,  hi? 
invasions  on  the  rigtits  of  the  i)eo()le. 

"  He  has  refused,  for  a  long  time  after  such  (Ha- 
solutions.  to  cause  others  to  bo  elected  :  whereby 
the  legislative  powers,  incajiable  of  annihilaiion, 
have  returned  t)  the  ])e()|ileat  large  for  their  exer 
cise;  the  state  emaining  in  the  meantime  expos 
ed  to  all  the  dani;(!r  of  hivasiou  fiom  without,  and 
convulsions  within. 


fl  IS  TOR  V  OF   'I'll  K 


"1/e  Ins  fnile  ivdured  to  prevent  the  poiiiilaiion 
of  ihf.-c  slaH's :  lor  tliat  pur|)ose  obstrnctiii!;  the 
Uws  of  ii.iliir.ili/.adoii  of  forPiniuTs  ;  rfl'iism;;  to 
pass  oilii-rs  lo  ciicoiimse  their  migration  liltiier; 
uiui  raising  the  conditions  of  new  appropriations 
ot  laoils. 

"  He  has  obstricted  the  administration  of  jus- 
tice, I))  relusing  his  assent  to  laws  for  estabiish- 
inj;  juiiiciary  powers. 

"  He  has  made  judges  dependent  on  his  will 
aioac,  for  tlie  tenure  of  their  offices,  and  the 
atnount  and  payment  of  tlieir  salajies. 

"  He  has  erected  a  multitude  of  new  offices, 
and  sent  hither  swarms  of  ofticers  to  harass  our 
people,  ai»d  eat  out  their  substance. 

"He  has  kept  among  us,  in  times  of  peace, 
standing  armies,  without  the  consent  of  our  le- 
gislatures. 

"  He  has  affected  to  render  the  military  inde- 
pendent of,  and  superior  to,  the  civil  power. 

"  He  has  combined  with  others  to  subject  us  to 
a  jurisdiction  foreign  to  our  constitution,  and  un- 
acknowledged by  our  laws;  giving  his  assent  to 
their  acts  of  pretended  legislation  : 

"  For  quartering  large  bodies  of  armed  trooiM 
among  us  : 

"  For  protecting  them,  by  a  mock  trial,  from 
punishment  for  any  murders  which  they  should 
commit  on  the  inhabitants  of  these  states: 

"  For  cutting  oil' our  trade  with  all  parts  of  the 
world  : 

"  For  imposing  taxes  on  us  without  our  consent : 

"  For  de|)riving  us,  in  many  cases,  of  the  be- 
nefits of  trial  by  jury  : 

"  For  transporting  us  beyond  seas  to  be  tried 
for  pretended  otfences  : 

"  For  abolishing  the  free  system  ofEnglish  laws 
in  a  ncighl)ouring  [)rovince,  establishing  therein 
an  arbitrary  government,  and  enlarging  its  bounda- 
ries, so  as  to  render  it  at  once  an  example  and  lit 
instrument  for  introducing  the  same  absolute  rule 
into  these  colonies: 

"  For  taking  away  our  charters,  abolishing  our 
most  valuable  laws,  and  altering  fundamentally  the 
forms  of  our  governments: 

"  For  suspending  our  own  legislatures,  and  de- 
claring themselves  invested  with  power  to  legislate 
for  us  in  all  cases  whatsoever. 

"  He  has  alfiiicated  government  here,  by  de- 
claring us  out  of  his  protection,  and  waging  war 
against  us. 

"He  has  plundered  our  seas,  ravaged  our 
coasts,  burnt  our  towns,  and  destroyed  the  lives  of 
our  people. 

"  lie  is,  at  this  time,  transporting  large  arinies 
of  foreign  mercenaries,  to  comirfete  the  work  of 
death,  tiesolation  and  tyranny,  already  begun  with 
circumstances  of  cruelty  and  ])erfi(ly,  scaroely 
j)arallele(l  in  the  most  barbarous  ages,  and  totally 
unworthy  the  head  of  a  civilized  nation. 

"  He  h;is  constrained  our  fellow  citizens,  taken 
captive  on  the  high  seas,  to  bear  arms  against 
their  country  ;  to  become  the  executioners  of  their 
friends  and  brethren,  or  to  fall  themselves  by  their 
hands. 

"  He  has  excited  domestic  insurrections  amongst 
us,  and  has  endeavoured  to  bring  on  the  inhabitants 
of  our  frontiers  the  merciless  Indian  savages, 
whose  known  rule  of  warfare  is  an  undistinguished 
destruction  of  all  ages,  sexes  and  conditions. 

"In  every  stage  of  these  oppressions,  we  have 
|M>titioiu'(l  for  redress  in  the  most  humble  terms: 
o;;r  repeated  petitions  have  been  answered  only  by 
icpeated  injury.  A  prince,  whose  character  is 
thus  marked  by  every  act  which  may  define  a  ty- 
lant,  is  unfit  to  be  the  rti'er  of  a  free  people. 

"  .Nor  have  we  been  wanting  in  attention  to  our 
Hriiish  brethren.  \\'(!  have  w-i>-?ie(l  them  from 
tune  III  tmie  of  attempts  made  by  their  legislature, 
to  extend  an  unwai rantable  jiirisdietlon  over  us. 
We  li.ivi-  reinnided  them  cif  the  cii eumstances  of 
our  einigialion  and  settlement  here.  We  have  ap- 
pealed to  their  native  justice  and  inagiianimitv  ; 
and  w<>  have  conjured  them,  by  the  ties  of  our 
cominim  kiii'lied.  to  disavow  the-ie  iisiirpaiions, 
■rhich  wuuld  lueviiubly  iuteriupl  our  coimexious 


and  corre-ipondeiice.  They  too  have  been  deaf  to 
the  voice  of  justice  and  of  consanguinity.  We 
must,  therefore,  ac()uiesee  in  the  necessity,  which 
denounces  our  se|iaration,  and  hold  them,  as  we 
hold  the  rest  of  mankind,  ciiciiiies  in  war,  in  peace, 
friends. 

"  We,  therefore,  the  representatives  of  the 
United  .States  of  America,  in  general  Congress 
assembled,  appealing  to  the  Supreme  Judge  of  the 
world  for  the  rectitude  of  our  intentions,  do,  in  the 
name,  and  by  authority,  of  the  good  people  of  these 
colonies,  solenmly  publish  and  declare,  that  these 
united  colonies  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be, 
FRFF  and  INDKl'KNDENT  STATES:  that 
they  are  absolved  fr6m  all  allegiance  to  tlie  Bri- 
tish crown  ;  and  that  all  political  connexion  be- 
tween them  and  the  state  of  Great  Britain  is  and 
ought  to  be  totally  dissolved;  and  that  as  free  and 
independent  states,  they  have  full  power  to  levy 
war,  conclude  peace,  contract  alliances,  establish 
commerce,  and  to  do  all  other  acts  and  things 
which  independent  states  may  of  right  do.  And, 
for  the  support  of  this  declaration,  with  a  firm  re- 
liance on  the  protection  of  Divine  Providence,  we 
mutually  pledge  to  each  other  our  lives,  our  for- 
tunes, and  our  sacred  honour. 

John  Hancock,  President. 
"New  H.iMi'SHiRK,      Josiah  Barilett, 

William  Whipple, 
Matthew  Thornton. 
"Massacuusetts  Bay,  Samuel  Adams, 

John  Adams. 
"  Massachusetts,        Kobert  Treat  Paine, 

Elbridge  (Jerry. 
"Rhojpe  Island,  ice.    Stephen  Hopkins, 

William  Ellery. 
"  Connecticut,  Koger  Sherman, 

Samuel  Huntington, 
William  Williams, 
Oliver  Wolcott. 
"  New  York,  William  Floyd, 

Philip  Livingston, 
Francis  Lewis, 
Lewis  Morris. 
"New  Jersey,  Kichard  Stockton, 

John  Witlu  rspoon, 
Francis  Hopkinson, 
John  Hart, 
Abraham  Cla:k. 
"Pennsylvania,  Robert  Morris, 

Eer.jaiiiin  Push, 
Benjamin  Franklin, 
John  .Morton, 
George  Clymer, 
Ja::^es  Siiilth, 
George  Taylor, 
James  Wilson, 
George  Ross. 
"  Delaware,  Ciesar  Rodney, 

Thomas  .M'Kean, 
George  Read. 
"  Maryland,  Samuel  Chase, 

William  Paca, 
Thomas  Stone, 
Charles  Carroll  of  Carroll- 
ton. 

"ViiiuiMA;  George  Wythe, 

Richard  Henry  Lee, 
Thomas  Jellerson, 
Benjamin  Harrison, 
Thomas  Nelson,  junr. 
Francis  Lightfoot  Lee, 
C-arter  Braxton. 

"  NoRTit  Carolina,      William  Hooper, 
Joseph  llewes, 
John  Penn. 

"  South  Carolina,       Edward  Riitledge, 

Thomas  Hey  ward.  junr. 
Thomas  Lynch,  junr. 
Arthur  .Aliddleton. 

"Georgia,  Button  (iwinnett, 

Lyman  Hall, 
(ieorge  Walton." 
From    the    promulgation  of  this  declaration, 

every  thing  assumed  a  new  fdrm.    The  Anieri- 

Cdus  DO  lonj^er  appeared  iu  the  chiuucter  of  sub- 


jjecis  in  arms  against  their  sovereign,  but  as  aa 
independent  people,  repelling  the  attacks  o(  an  in- 
vading (oe.  The  propositions  and  supplications 
lor  reconciliation  were  done  away.  1  he  disTnue 
was  brought  to  a  single  point,  whether  the  late 
British  colonies  should  be  conrptcred  provinces,  or 
free  and  independent  states. 

Tlie  declaration  of  independence  was  read  ))ub- 
licly  in  all  the  states,  and  was  welcomed  with 
many  demonstrations  of  joy.  The  jieople  were 
encouraged  by  it  to  bear  up  under  the  calamities 
of  war,  and  viewed  the  evils  they  suffered,  only  a« 
ilie  thorn  that  ever  accompanies  the  rose.  The 
army  received  it  with  paiticular  satisfaction.  As 
I'ar  as  it  had  validity,  so  far  it  secured  them  iVoin 
sullering  as  rebels,  and  held  out  to  their  view  an 
object,  the  attainment  of  which  w  ould  be  an  ade- 
quate recomi)ense  for  the  toils  and  danci^rs  of  war. 
They  were  animated  by  the  conside.'ation  that  they 
were  no  longer  to  risk  their  lives  for  the  trilling 
purpose  of  procuring  the  repeal  of  a  few  oppressive 
acts  of  parliament ;  but  for  a  new  organization  of 
government,  that  would  for  ever  put  it  out  of  the 
power  of  Great  Britain  to  o|)press  them.  The 
llattering  prospects  of  an  extensive  commerce, 
deed  iVom  British  restrictions,  ami  the  honours 
and  emoluments  of  offices  in  independent  stales, 
now  began  to  glitter  before  the  eyes  of  the  colon- 
ists, and  reconciled  them  to  the  difficulties  of  their 
situation.  What  was  supposed  in  Great  Britain 
to  be  their  primary  object,  had  only  a  secondary 
iiiHuciice.  While  they  were  charged  with  aim. 
ing  at  independence  from  the  impulse  of  avarice 
and  ambition,  they  were  ardently  wishing  for  arc- 
conciliation.  But,  after  they  had  been  compelled 
to  adopt  that  measure,  those  powertul  principles 
of  human  actions  ojjposed  its  retraction,  and  sti- 
mulated to  its  sup|H)it.  That  separation  which 
the  colonist  at  first  dreaded  as  an  evil,  they  soon 
gloried  in  as  a  national  blessing.  While  the  rulers 
of  Great  Britain  urged  their  people  to  a  vigorous 
prosecution  of  the  American  war,  on  ilie  idea  that 
the  colonists  wers  aiming  at  independence,  they 
imposed  on  them  a  necessity  of  adopting  thatverv 
measure,  and  actually  ellected  its  accomplishment. 
By  rej'catedly  charging  the  Americans  with  aim- 
ing at  tlie  erection  of  a  new  government,  ami  by 
proceeding  on  that  idea  to  subdue  them,,  preilic- 
lions,  which  were  originally  false,  eventually  be- 
came true.  When  the  declaration  of  independence 
reached  (Jrcat  Britain,  the  partizans  of  ministry 
triumphed  in  theirsagacity.  "  The  measure,"  said 
they,"  we  liave  long  foreseen,  is  now  come  to 
pass."  They  inverted  the  natural  order  of  things. 
Vv'ithout  reflecting  that  their  own  policy  had  f'orced 
a  revolution  coiitiary  to  the  original  design  of  the 
colonists,  the  declaration  of  independence,  was 
held  out  to  the  people  of  Great  Britian  as  a  justi- 
fication of  those  previous  violences,  which  were  its 
efficient  cause. 

The  act  of  Congress,  for  dissevering  the  colonics 
from  their  parent  state,  was  the  subject  of  manj 
animadversions. 

The  colonists  were  said  to  have  been  precipitate 
in  adopting  a  measure,  from  which  theie  was  no 
honourable  ground  of  letreating.  They  replied 
that,  for  eleven  yeais,  they  had  been  incessantly 
peliiioiiing  the  throne  for  a  redress  of  ilieir  griev- 
ances :  since  the  year  17G."),  a  continental  Congress 
had,  at  thre"  sundry  times,  stated  their  claims, 
and  prayed  for  their  constitutional  rights ;  that 
each  assembly  of  the  thirteen  colonies  had  also, 
in  its  separate  capacity,  concurred  in  the  same 
measure;  that  from  the  perseverance  of  (iieat 
Biilain  in  her  schemes  for  their  coercion,  they  had 
no  alternative,  but  a  mean  submission,  or  a  vigor 
ous  re-istance;  and  that,  as  she  was  about  to  in 
vade  tlieir  coasts  with  a  large  body  of  mercemtries, 
they  were  compelled  to  declare  themselves  iiide- 
])en(lent,  that  they  might  be  put  into  an  immediate 
capacity  of  soliciting  foreign  aid. 

The  virulence,  of  those  who  had  been  in  opfw 
silion  to  the  claims  of  the  colonists,  v.as  increased 
liy  their  bold  act,  in  breaking  ofV  all  subordinalion 
to  the  parent  slate.  "  (ireat  Britain,"  said  they, 
"  has  I'uuudcd  colonies  at  great  expense  ^  has  in« 


cat. 


i 


1 


1 


I 


i 


UNITED  STATES. 


409 


cmied  a  lond  of  debts  by  wars  on  tlieir  account; 
has  ])n)lected  their  conuiiorce,  and  raised  them  to 
nil  lilt'  c<>iise(jUPiice  they  |)ossess  ;  and  now,  in  tlie 
insolcncn  of  adult  years,  rather  than  pay  their 
proportion  of  the  coninion  ex|)en.ses  of  govern- 
ment, tliey  iingratelully  renounce  all  connexion 
with  the  ntuse  of  their  youth,'  an<i  the  protectress 
ol  their  riper  years."  The  Americans  acknow- 
ltdi;ed  tliat  inui  li  was  due  to  Great  IJritain,  for  the 
protection  wliich  her  navy  prociued  to  the  coasts 
and  the  roinmerce  of  the  colonies  ;  but  contended 
that  nuich  was  ]iaid  by  the  latter,  in  consequence 
ol'ihe  restrictions  ini|)osed  on  their  commerce  by 
the  Conner.  "  The  charge  of  ingratitude  would 
have  been  just,"  said  they,  "  had  allegiance  been 
renounced  wliile  |)rotection  was  given  ;  but  when 
the  navy,  which  formerly  secured  the  commerce 
and  seaport  towns  of  America,  began  to  distress 
the  former,  and  burn  the  latter,  the  previous  obli- 
gations to  obey,  or  be  grateful,  were  no  longer  in 
force." 

That  the  colonists  paid  nothing,  and  would  not 
j)ay  to  the  support  of  government,  was  confKlently 
asserted  :  and  no  credit  was  given  for  the  sums 
indirectly  levied  ui)on  them,  in  consequence  of 
their  being  confined  to  the  consumption  of  British 
manufactures.  By  such  ill-founded  observations, 
were  the  people  of  (Jreat  Britain  inflamed  against 
their  fellow  subjects  in  America.  The  latter  were 
represented  as  an  ungrateful  people,  refusing  to 
bear  any  part  of  the  exjjenses  of  a  protecting  go- 
vernment, or  to  pay  their  proportion  of  a  heavy 
debt,  said  to  be  incurred  on  their  account. 

jMaiiy  of  the  inhabitants  of  (ireat  Britain,  de- 
ceived in  matters  of  lact,  considered  their  Ameri- 
can brethren  as  deserving  the  severity  of  military 
coercion.  iSo  strongly  were  the  two  countries 
riveted  togetlier,  that  if  the  wliole  truth  had  been 
known  to  the  peojjle  of  both,  their  separation 
would  have  been  scarcely  possible.  Any  feasible 
plan,  by  which  subjection  to  Great  Britain  could 
have  been  reconciled  with  American  safety,  would, 
at  any  time  previous  to  1776,  have  met  tlie  appro- 
bation of  the  colonists.  But  while  the  lust  of 
power  and  of  gain,  blinded  the  rulers  of  Great 
Britain,  misstated  facts,  and  uncandid  representa- 
tions brought  over  the  people  to  second  the  infatu- 
ation. A  few  honest  men,  properly  authorised, 
might  have  devised  measures  of  com])romise, 
which  under  the  influence  of  truth,  liuniility,  and 
moderation,  would  have  prevented  a  dismember- 
ment of  the  empire ;  but  these  virtues  ceased  to 
influence,  and  talsehood,  haughtiness  and  blind 
zeal  usurped  their  places. 

Had  Great  Britain,  even  after  the  declaration 
of  independence,  adopted  the  inagnaninious  reso- 
hilion  of  declaring  her  colonies  free  and  indepen- 
dent states,  interest  would  have  i)rompted  them  to 
form  such  a  connexion  as  would  have  secured  to 
the  mother  country  the  advantages  of  their  com- 
merce, without  the  expense  or  trouble  of  their  go- 
vernn'.ents.  But  misguided  politics  continued  the 
fatal  systein  of  coercion  and  conquest.  Several, 
on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic,  have  called  the  de- 
claration of  independence,  "  a  bold,  and  acciden- 
tally, a  lucky  speculation  ;"  but  subsequent  events 
proved  that  it  was  a  wise  measure.  It  is  acknowl- 
edged, that  it  detached  some  timid  friends  from 
supporting  the  Americans  in  their  opposition  to 
Great  Bruain  ;  but  it  increased  the  vigour  and 
uni(.n  of  those,  who  possessed  inore  fortitude  and 
perseverance.  Without  it,  the  colonists  would 
have  had  no  object  adequate  to  the  dangers,  to 
whicli  they  exposed  themselves,  in  continuing  to 
contend  with  Great  Britain.  If  the  interference 
of  France  were  necessary  to  give  success  to  tlie 
lesistance  of  the  Americans,  the  declaration  of  in- 
(](:pendence  was  also  necessary :  for  the  French 
expressly  founded  the  propriety  of  their  treaty 
V'ith  Congress  on  tlie  circumstaiice,  "  that  they 
found  the  United  States  in  possession  of  indepen- 
dence." 

All  political  connexion  between  Great  Britain 
?nd  her  colonies  being  dissolved,  the  institution  of 
t'.w  forms  of  govermuent  became  unavoidable. 
.Th«  uecessity  of  this  was  so  urgent  that  Congress, 


before  the  declaration  of  independence,  had  re- 
commended to  the  respective  assemblies  and  con- 
ventions o(' ihe  Lliiited  Siales,  to  adopt  such  go- 
vernments as  should,  in  then-  opinion,  best  conduce 
to  the  hapijiness  and  safely  of  their  constituents. 

During  more  than  twelve  moiuhs,  the  colonists 
had  been  held  together  by  the  force  of  ancient  ha- 
bits, and  by  laws  under  the  simple  style  of  recom- 
mendations. The  impropriety  of  proceetling  in 
courts  of  justice  by  the  authority  of  a  sovereign, 
against  whom  the  colonies  were  in  arms,  was  self- 
evident.  The  impossibility  of  governing,  for  any 
length  of  time,  three  millions  of  people,  by  the  ties 
of  honour,  without  Uie  authority  of  law,  was  e(|ual- 
ly  apparent.  The  rejection  of  British  sovereignty 
therefore  drew  after  it  the  necessity  of  fixing  on 
some  other  principle  of  government.  The  genius 
of  the  Americans,  their  republican  habits  and  sen- 
timents, naturally  led  them  to  substitute  the  ma- 
jesty of  the  people,  in  lieu  of  discarded  royalty. 
The  kingly  office  was  dropped  ;  but  in  most  of  the 
subordinate  departments  of  government,  ancient 
forms  and  names  are  retained.  Such  a  portion 
of  power  had  at  all  times  been  exercised  by  tlie 
people  and  their  representatives,  that  the  change 
of  sovereignty  was  hardly  j)erceptible,  and  the  le- 
volutiontook  place  without  violence  or  convulsion. 
Popular  elections  elevated  private  citizens  to  the 
same  offices,  which  formerly  liad  been  conferred 
by  royal  appointment.  The  people  felt  an  unin- 
terrupted continuation  of  the  blessings  of  law  and 
government  under  old  names,  though  derived  from 
a  new  sovereignty,  and  were  scarcely  sensible  of 
any  change  in  their  j)olitical  constitution.  The 
checks  and  balances,  which  restrained  the  popular 
assemblies  under  the  royal  govermuent  were  ])art- 
ly  dropped,  and  partly  retained,  by  substituting 
something  of  the  same  kind.  The  temper  of  the 
people  would  not  permit  that  any  one  man  how- 
ever exalted  by  office,  or  distinguished  by  abili- 
ties, should  have  a  negative  on  the  declared  sense 
of  a  inajorify  of  their  representatives;  but  the  ex- 
perience of  all  ages  had  taught  them  the  danger 
of  lodging  all  power  in  one  body  of  men. 

A  second  branch  of  legislature,  consisting  of  a 
few  select  persons,  under  the  name  of  senate,  or 
council,  was  therefore  constituted  in  eleven  of  the 
thirteen  states,  and  their  concurrence  made  neces- 
sary to  give  the  validity  of  law  to  ths  acts  of  , 
more  numerous  branch  of  popular  representatives. 

New  York  and  Massachusetts  went  one  step 
farther.  The  former  constituted  a  council  of  re- 
vision, consisting  of  the  Governor  and  the  heads 
of  the  judicial  departments,  on  whose  objections 
to  any  proposed  law  a  reconsideration  became 
necessary ;  unless  it  was  confirmed  by  two  thirds 
of  both  houses,  it  could  have  no  operation.  A 
similar  power  was  given  to  the  Governor  of  Massa- 
chusetts. 

Georgia  and  Pennsylvania  were  the  only  states 
whose  legislatures  consisted  of  only  one  branch.* 
Though  many  in  these  states,  and  a  majority  in 
all  the  others,  saw  and  acknowledged  the  propri- 
ety of  a  compounded  legislature,  yet  the  mode  of 
creating  two  branches,  out  of  a  homogeneous 
mass  of  people,  was  a  matter  of  difficulty.  No 
distinction  of  ranks  existed  in  the  colonies,  and 
none  were  entitled  to  any  rights,  but  such  as  were 
common  to  all.  Some  possessed  more  wealth 
than  others  ;  but  riches  and  ability  were  not  al- 
ways associated.  Ten  of  the  eleven  states, 
whose  legislatures  consisted  of  two  branches,  or- 
dained that  the  members  of  both  should  be  elect- 
ed by  the  people.  This  rather  made  two  co-or- 
dinate houses  of  representatives,  than  a  check  on 
a  single  one,  by  the  luoderation  of  a  select  few. 

Maryland  adopted  a  singular  plan  for  consti- 
tuting an  independent  senate.  By  her  constitu- 
tion the  members  of  that  body  were  elected  for 
five  years,  while  the  members  of  the  house  of  dele- 
gates held  their  seats  oidy  for  one.  The  number 
of  senators  was  only  fifteen,  and  they  were  all  elec- 
ed  indiscriminately  from  the  inhabitants  of  any 
part  of  the  state,  excepting  that  nine  of  them  were 

*  Altered  by  subsequent  convculious;  both  states  have 
now  a  senate* 


to  be  residents  on  the  west,  and  six  on  the  east 
side  of  the  ("hesapeake  bay.  Tliey  were  elected 
not  immediately  by  the  people,  but  by  electors, 
two  from  each  county,  appointed  by  the  inhabi- 
tants for  that  sole  purpose.  By  these  regulations 
the  senate  of  Maryland  consisted  of  men  of  inflii 
ence,  integrity  and  abilities,  and  such  as  were  a 
real  and  beneficial  check  on  ihehastv  procecditiga 
of  a  more  numerous  branch  of  jiopular  represent- 
atives. The  laws  of  that  state  were  well  diijest- 
ed,  and  its  interest  steadily  pursued  with  peculiar 
unity  of  system,  while  elsewhere  it  too  often  hap- 
pened, in  the  flunciualion  of  |)ublic  assemblies,  am{ 
where  the  legislative  department  was  not  sufficient- 
ly checked,  that  [)assion  and  party  predominated 
over  ])riiici|)les  and  public  good. 

Pennsylvania  instead  of  a  legislative  council 
orsenate,  adopted  the  expedient  of  publishing  bills 
after  the  second  reading,  for  the  information  of  the 
inhabitants.  This  liad  its  advantages  and  disad- 
vantages. It  prevented  the  precipitate  adoption 
of  new  regulatiiuis,  and  gave  an  o[)|)ortunity  of 
ascertaining  the  sense  of  the  people  on  those  laws 
by  which  they  were  to  be  bound  :  but  it  carded 
the  spirit  of  discussion  into  every  corner,  and  dis- 
turbed the  peace  and  harmony  of  neighbourhoods. 
By  making  the  business  of  government  the  duty 
of  every  man,  it  drew  ofl' the  attention  of  many 
from  the  steady  pursuit  of  their  respective  busi- 
nesses. 

The  state  of  Pennsylvania  also  adopted  another 
institution  peculiar  to  itself,  under  the  denotnina- 
tion  of  a  council  of  censors.*  These  were  to  be 
chosen  once  every  seven  years,  and  were  autho- 
rised to  inquire  whether  the  constitution  had  been 
preserved  ;  whether  the  legislative  and  executive 
liranch  of  government,  had  performed  their  duty, 
or  assumed  to  themselves,  or  excercised  other  or 
greater  powers,  than  those  to  wliich  tliey  were 
constitutionally  entitled  ;  to  inquire  whether  the 
public  taxes  had  been  justly  laid  and  collect- 
ed, and  in  what  manner  the  public  monies  had 
been  disposed  of,  and  whether,  the  laws  had  been 
duly  executed.  However  excellent  this  institu- 
tion may  appear  in  theory,  it  is  doubtful  whether 
in  ])ractice  it  answered  any  valuable  end.  It  most 
certainly  opened  a  doi.r  for  discord,  and  furnished 
abundant  matter  for  periodical  aliercation.  Kiilier 
from  the  disposition  of  its  inhabitants,  its  form  of 
government,  or  some  other  cause,  the  jieopio  of 
Pennsylvania  have  constantly  been  in  a  state  of 
fermentation.  The  end  ofone  public  controversy 
has  been  the  beginning  of  another.  From  the 
(  ollision  of  [)arties,  the  minds  of  tlie  citizens  were 
sharpened,  and  their  active  powers  improved  :  but 
internal  harmony  has  been  unknown.  They  who 
were  out  of  place,  so  narrowly  watched  those  who 
were  in,  that  nothing  injurious  to  the  public  could 
be  easily  efTected  :  but  from  the  fluctuation  of 
power,  and  the  total  want  of  permanent  system, 
nothing  great  or  lasting  could  with  safety  be  un- 
dertaken, or  prosecuted  to  effect.  I'nder  all  these 
disadvantages,  the  state  flourished,  and,  from  the 
industry  and  ingenuity  of  its  inhabitants,  acquired 
an  unrivalled  ascendency  in  arts  and  manufactures. 
This  must  in  a  great  measure  be  ascril)ed  to  the 
influence  of  the  habits  of  onler  and  industry  that 
had  long  prevailed. 

The  .\mericans  agreed  in  appointing  a  supremo 
executive  head  to  each  state,  with  the  title  either 
of  governor  or  president.  They  also  agreed  in 
deriving  the  whole  [lowers  of  government,  eilhei 
mediately  or  immediately,  from  the  people.  In 
the  eastern  slates,  and  in  New  York,  their  sover- 
nors,  were  elected  by  the  inhabitants,  in  their  re 
spective  towns  or  counties,  and  in  the  other  si  ites 
by  the  legislatures  ;f  but  in  no  case  was  the  small- 
est title  of  power  exercised  from  hereditary  vight. 
New  York  was  the  only  state  which  invested  its 
governor  with  executive  authority  without  a  coun- 
cil.t    Such  was  the  extreme  jealousy  of'  power 

*  .Miolislicd  by  a  subsequent  convcniion. 

t  I'enusylvnnia  has  since  adopted  the  popular  mode  of 
eleciinij  a  irovcrimr. 

)  .Several  states  bavp  since  abolished  councils  us  [lun 
fit  the  executive. 


41fl 


HISTORY   OF  THE 


which  |)erva(leil  tl)c  Ainerieati  status,  that  they 
di'i  not  tliiiik  proper  to  trust  the  man  of  their 
choice  witli  tlie  power  of  executing  their  own  de- 
lerniinations,  witliout  ohhging  him  in  many  cases 
to  lake  tlie  ailvice  of  such  counsellors  as  they 
thouj;hi  i)roper  to  nominate.  The  disadvantages 
of  this  instiiuiion  far  outweighed  its  advantages. 
Had  the  governors  succeeded  by  hereditary  right, 
a  counsel  would  liave  been  often  necessary  to  sup- 
py  the  real  want  of  abilities,  but  when  an  indi- 
viJtial  had  been  selected  by  the  people,  as  the  fit- 
test person  for  discharging  the  duties  of  this  high 
department,  to  fetter  him  with  a  council  was  either 
to  lessen  his  ca|)acity  of  doing  good,  or  to  furnish 
him  with  a  screen  for  doing  evil.  It  destroyed 
the  secret  y,  vigour  and  despatch,  which  the  excu- 
tive  jiower  ought  to  possess  ;  and,  by  making  go- 
vermeiital  acts  the  acts  of  a  body,  diminished  in- 
dividual responsibility.  In  some  states  it  greatly 
enhanced  the  expenses  of  government,  and  in  all 
retarded  its  operations,  without  any  equivalent  ad- 
\  antages. 

New  York  in  another  particular,  displayed  poli- 
tical sagacity,  su|)erior  to  her  neighbours.  This 
was  in  her  council  of  appointment,  consisting  of 
one  senator  from  each  of  her  four  great  election 
districts,  authorised  to  designate  proper  persons 
for  filling  vacancies  in  the  executive  departments 
of  governiiieut.  Large  bodies  are  far  from  being 
the  most  proper  depositories  of  the  power  of  ap- 
pointing to  offices.  The  assiduous  attention  of 
candidates  is  too  apt  to  bias  the  voice  of  individ- 
uals in  popular  assemblies.  Besides,  in  such  ap- 
pointments, the  lesponsibility  fortheconductof  the 
officer  is  in  a  gieat  measure  annihilated.  The  con- 
currence of  a  select  few  in  the  nomination  of  one 
seems  a  more  eligible  mode,  for  securing  a  proper 
choice,  than  ap|)ointments  made  either  by  one,  or 
by  a  miiiierous  body.  In  the  former  case,  there 
would  be  danger  of  favotiritism  ;  in  the  latter,  that 
modest  unassuming  merit  would  be  overlooked, 
!n  favour  of  the  forward  and  obsequious. 

A  rotation  of  public  officers  made  a  part  of  most 
of  the  Anieiican  constitutions.  Frequent  elections 
were  required  by  all  :  but  several  refined  still  far- 
ther, and  deprived  the  electors  of  the  power  of 
continuing  'he  same  office  in  the  same  hands,  af- 
ter a  s|)ecilied  lencih  of  time.  Young  politicians 
suddenly  called  from  the  ordinary  walks  of  life, 
to  make  laws  and  institute  forms  of  government, 
turned  their  attention  to  the  histories  of  ancient 
republics,  and  the  writings  of  speculative  men  on 
tlie  subject  of  government.  This  led  tliem  into 
many  errors,  and  occasioned  them  to  adopt  sundry 
opinions,  unsuitable  to  the  state  of  society  in  Ame- 
rica, and  contrary  to  the  genius  of  real  republi- 
canism. 

The  principle  of  rotation  was  carried  so  far,  that 
in  some  of  the  states,  public  officers  in  the  several 
departments  scarcely  knew  their  official  duty,  till 
they  were  obliged  to  retire  and  give  place  to  others 
as  ignorant  as  they  had  been  on  their  first  appoint- 
ment. If  offices  had  been  instituted  for  the  benefit 
of  the  holders,  the  policy  of  diffusing  those  bene- 
fits would  have  been  proper:  but  instituted  as  they 
were  for  the  convenience  of  the  public,  the  end 
was  marred  by  such  frequent  changes.  By  con- 
fining the  objects  of  choice,  it  diminished  the  pri- 
Vilfc]ies  of  electors,  and  frequently  deprived  them 
of  the  liberty  of  choosing  the  man  who,  from  pre- 
vious experience,  was  of  all  men  the  most  suitable. 
The  favourers  of  this  system  of  rotation  conlend- 
ed  for  il.  as  likely  to  prevent  a  perpetuity  of  of- 
fice and  power  in  the  same  individual  or  family, 
and  as  n  security  against  liereditary  honours.  To 
•his  it  was  replied,  that  free,  fair  and  frequent 
elections  were  the  most  nalural  and  proper  secu- 
rities, for  the  liberties  of  thr- |  pie.     Il  |)roduced 

a  more  general  dillusion  of  political  knowledge 
but  made  more  smalterers  than  adepts  in  the  sci- 
ence of  government. 

As  a  farther  serurily  for  the  continuance  of  re- 
piibliraii  prineipli-s  in  the  Aiiierieaii  const. Iiitions, 
they  auieed  in  pndiibiiing  all  hereditary  honours 
uml  disliiK-lion  of  ranks. 

it  Han  one  uf  the  peculiarities  of  these  new  foini* 


of  government,  that  all  religious  establishments 
were  abolished.  Soine  retained  a  constitutional 
distinction  between  Christians  and  others,  with  res- 
pect to  elegibility  to  office  :  but  the  idea  of  support- 
ing one  denomination  at  the  expense  of  others,  or 
of  raising  any  one  sect  of  Christians  to  a  legal  pre- 
eminence, was  universally  reprobated.  The  alli- 
ance between  church  and  state  was  completely 
broken,  and  each  was  left  to  support  itself  inde- 
pendent of  the  other. 

The  far-famed  social  compact  between  the  peo- 
ple and  their  rulers,  did  not  apply  to  the  United 
States.  The  sovereignty  was  in  the  people.  In 
their  sovereign  capacity,  by  their  representatives, 
they  agreed  on  forms  of 'government  for  their  own 
security,  and  deputed  certain  individuals  as  their 
agents  to  serve  them  in  public  stations,  agreeably 
to  constitutions  wliich  they  prescribed  for  their 
conduct. 

The  world  has  not  hitherto  exhibited  so  fair  an 
opportunity  for  proinoting  social  happiness.  It  is 
ho])ed  for  the  honour  of  liuman  nature,  that  the  re- 
sult will  prove  the  fallacy  of  those  theories,  whicli 
suppose  that  mankind  are  incapable  of  self-govern- 
ment. The  ancients,  not  knowing  the  doctrine  of 
ipprcsciitation,  were  apt  in  their  public  tneetings 
to  run  into  confusion  ;  but  in  America  this  luodc 
of  taking  the  sense  of  tlie  people,  is  so  well  under- 
stood, and  so  completely  reduced  to  system,  that 
its  most  populous  states  are  often  |)eaceably  con- 
vened in  an  assembly  of  deputies,  not  too  large  for 
orderly  deliberations,  and  yet  representing  the 
whole  in  equal  proportions.  These  popular  branch- 
es of  legislature  are  miniature  pictures  of  the  com- 
munity, and,  from  the  mode  of  their  election,  are 
likely  to  be  influenced  by  the  same  interest  and 
feelings  with  the  people  whom  they  represent. 
As  a  fartlier  security  for  their  fidelity,  they  are 
bound  by  every  law  they  make  for  their  constitu- 
ents. The  assemblage  of  these  circumstances 
gives  as  great  a  security  that  laws  will  be  made, 
and  government  administered,  for  the  good  of  the 
))eople,  as  can  be  expected  from  the  imperfection 
of  human  institutions. 

In  this  short  view  of  the  formation  and  establish- 
ment of  the  American  constittitions  we  behold  our 
species  in  a  new  situation.  In  no  age  before,  and 
in  no  other  country,  did  man  ever  possess  an  elec- 
tion of  tlie  kind  of  government,  under  which  he 
would  choesc  to  live.  The  constituent  parts  of 
the  ancient  free  governTnents  were  thrown  to- 
gether by  accident.  The  freedom  of  modern  Eu- 
ropean governments  was,  for  the  most  part,  ob- 
tained by  the  concessions,  or  liberality  of  nionarclis 
or  military  leaders.  In  America  alone,  reason  and 
liberty  concurred  in  tlie  formation  of  constitutions. 
It  is  true,  from  the  infancy  of  political  knowledge 
in  the  United  States,  there  were  many  defects  in 
their  forms  of  government  :  but  in  one  tiling  they 
were  all  perfect.  They  left  to  the  peopl  the 
power  of  altering  and  amending  them,  whenever 
they  pleased.  In  this  liappy  ])cculiarity  they  pla- 
ced the  science  of  politics  on  a  footing  with  the 
other  sciences,  by  opening  it  to  improvements 
from  experience,  and  the  discoveries  of  future 
ages.  Hy  means  of  this  power  of  amending  .Ame- 
rit'an  constitutions,  the  friends  of  mankind  have 
fondly  hoped  that  oppression  will  one  day  be  no 
more;  and  that  jiolitical  evil  will  at  least  be  ])re- 
venied  or  restrained  with  as  much  certainty,  by  a 
])ro])er  coml)ination  or  se|)aratioii  of  ))ower,  as  na- 
tural evil  is  lessened  or  pievented,  by  the  applica- 
tion of  the  knowledge  or  ingenuity  of  man  to  do- 
mestic purposes.  No  jiart  of  the  history  of  an- 
cient or  modern  Europe  can  furnish  a  single  fact 
that  militates  against  this  opinion  ;  since,  in  none 
of  its  governments,  have  tlie  ))rinciples  of  ei|ual 
representation  and  checks  been  applied,  for  the 
[)reservation  of  freedom.  On  these  two  pivots  are 
suspeniled  the  liberties  of  most  of  tlie  states. 
Where  they  are  wanting,  there  can  be  no  security 
(or  liberty:  where  ihi-y  exist,  tliey  render  any  far- 
ther security  unnecessary. 

From  history  ilie  ciii-/.«ns  of  the  United  States 
hail  been  tau^fit,  that  the  maxims,  adopted  by  the 
rulers  of  the  C3.rlh,  that  society  was  instituted  for 


the  sake  of  the  governors ;  and  that  the  interpflts 
of  the  many  were  to  be  postponed  to  the  conveni- 
ence of  the  privileged  few.  had  filled  the  world  with 
bloodshed  and  wickedness;  while  experience  had 
proved,  that  it  is  the  invariable  and  naiur.d  cha- 
racter of  power,  whether  intrusted  or  assumed,  to 
exceed  its  proper  limits,  and,  if  untestrained,  to  di- 
vide the  world  into  masters  and  slaves.  They 
therefore  began  upon  the  opposite  maxims,  that 
society  was  instituted,  not  for  the  governors,  but 
the  governed;  that  the  interest  of  the  few,  should 
in  all  cases,  give  way  to  that  of  the  many;  that 
exclusive  and  hereditary  privileges  were  useless 
and  dangerous  institutions  in  society  ;  and  that  en- 
trusted authorities  should  be  liable  to  frequent  and 
periodical  recalls.  With  them  the  sovereignty  of 
the  ])eople  was  more  than  a  mere  theory.  Tlie 
characteristic  of  that  sovereignty  was  displayed  by 
their  authority  in  written  constitutions. 

The  rejection  of  British  sovereignty  not  only  in- 
volved a  necessity  of  erecting  independent  consti- 
tutions, but  of  cementing  the  whole  United  Stales 
by  some  common  bond  of  union.  The  act  of  in- 
dependence did  not  hold  out  to  the  world  thirteen 
sovereign  stales,  but  a  common  sovereignty  of  the 
whole  in  their  united  capacity.  It  therefore  be- 
came necessary  to  run  the  line  of  distinction,  be- 
twen  the  local  legislatures,  and  the  assembly  of 
states  in  Congress.  A  committee  was  appointed 
for  digesting  articles  of  confederation,  between 
the  states  or  united  colonies,  as  they  were  then 
called,  at  the  time  the  propriety  of  declarinfj  inde- 
pendence was  under  debate,  and  some  weekfl  pre- 
viously to  the  adoption  of  that  measure :  but  the 
plan  was  not  for  sixteen  months  after  so  far  di- 
gested, as  to  be  ready  for  communication  to  the 
states.  Nor  was  it  finally  ratified  by  the  accessijc 
of  all  the  states,  till  nearly  three  years  more  had 
elapsed.  In  discussing  its  articles,  many  dif- 
ficult questions  occurred.  One  was,  to  ascertain 
the  ratio  of  contributions  from  each  state.  Two 
{)rinciples  presented  themselves:  numbers  of  peo- 
ple, and  the  value  of  lands.  The  last  was  pre- 
ferred, as  being  the  truest  barometer  of  the  wealth 
of  nations;  but  from  an  apjirehendcd  impractica- 
bility ol  carrying  it  into  etl'ect,  it  was  soon  relin- 
quished, ami  recurrence  had  to  the  fo'  iuer.  That 
the  states  should  be  represented  in  proportion  to 
their  importance,  was  contended  by  tliose  who  had 
extensive  territory  :  but  those,  who  were  confinec 
to  small  dimensions,  rejilied,  that  the  states  con- 
federated as  individuals  in  a  state  of  nature,  and 
should  th.rrefore  have  equal  votes.  The  large 
slates  yielded  the  point,  and  consented  that  each 
state  should  have  an  eipial  sullnige. 

It  was  not  easy  todefuie  the  power  of  the  state 
legislatures,  so  as  to  prevent  a  clashing  between 
their  juiisiliction,  and  that  of  the  general  govern- 
ment. It  was  thought  i)roper,  that  the  former 
should  be  abridged  of  the  power  of  forming  any 
other  confederation  or  alliance  ;  of  laving  on  any 
impost  or  duties  thai  might  intefere  with  treatie.s 
made  by  Conaress,  of  keeping  up  any  vessels  of 
war,  or  granting  letters  of  marque  or  reprisal. 
The  powers  of  Congress  were  also  defined.  Of 
these  the  priuci|)al  were  as  follow  :  To  have  the 
sole  and  exclusive  right  of  determining  on  peace 
or  war;  of  sending  or  receiving  ambassadors:  ol 
entering  into  treaties  and  alliances:  of  siiuiting 
letters  of  marque  and  reprisal  in  times  of  peace ; 
to  be  the  last  resort  on  appeal,  in  disputes  be- 
tween two  or  more  states  ;  to  have  the  sole  and 
exclusive  riiilit  of  res;ulalins:  the  alloy  and  value 
of  coin  ;  of  fixing  the  standard  ol  weichls  and 
measures;  regiilaling  the  trade  and  manasiinu  all 
affairs  with  the  Indians;  eslablishing  and  regu- 
lating post  ollices  ;  to  borrow  mon'-y,  or  emit  bills 
on  the  credit  of  the  United  .'^lates  ;  to  build  and 
equip  a  Navy  ;  to  agree  upon  the  number  of  land 
forces  ;  and  to  make  leipiisilions  frmn  each  smte 
for  its  quota  of  men.  in  proportion  to  the  nunibei 
of  its  white  inhabitants. 

No  coercive  power  was  given  to  the  genera 
government,  nor  was  it  invested  with  any  leei.-J- 
lative  ])ower  over  individuals,  but  only  over  slatei 
iu  their  corporate  cajiacitv.    A  power  to  rrguUt* 


UNITED  STATES. 


411 


trade,  or  to  raise  a  re  '611116  from  it,  though  both 
were  essi-ntial  to  the  welfare  of  the  union,  made 
no  part  of  this  first  federal  system.  To  remedy 
this  and  all  other  defects,  a  door  was  left  open  for 
introducing  further  iirovisions,  suiied  to  future 
circumstanees. 

'J'lie  articles  ofconfederation  were  proposed  at 
a  time  when  the  citizens  of  America  were  young 
in  the  science  of  politics,  and  when  a  commanding 
sense  of  duty,  enforced  by  the  pressure  of  a  common 
dandier,  j)recluded  the  necessity  of  a  power  of  com- 
pulsion. The  entliusiasm  of  the  day  gave  such 
credit  and  currency  to  paper  emissions,  as  made 
the  raising  of  sui)plies  an  easy  matter.  The  sys- 
tem of  federal  government  was,  therefore,  more 
calculated  for  what  men  then  were,  under  those 
circumstances,  than  for  the  languid  years  of  peace, 
when  selfishness  usurped  the  place  of  public  spirit 
and  when  credit  no  longer  assisted,  in  providing 
for  the  exigencies  of  government. 

The  ex[)erience  of  a  few  years,  after  the  termi- 
nation of  tlie  war,  [)n)ved,  as  will  appear  in  its  pro- 
per place,  that  a  ra<lical  change  of  the  whole  sys- 
tem was  necessary  to  the  good  government  of  the 
United  States. 


CHAPTER  II. 

The  Campaign  of  1777,  in  the  Middle  States. 

Soon  after  the  declaration  of  independence,  the 
1  authority  of  Congress  was  obtained  for  raising  an 
jriny.  that  would  be  more  permanent  than  the 
temporary  levies,  which  they  had  previously 
brought  into  the  field.  It  was  at  first  proposed  to 
recruit  for  the  indefinite  term  of  the  war  ;  but  it 
oeing  found  on  experiment,  that  the  liabits  of  the 
people  were  averse  to  engagements  for  sucli  an 
uncertain  period  of  service,  the  recniiting  officers 
were  instructed  to  ofi'er  the  alternatives  of  enlisting 
either  for  tlie  war,  or  for  three  years.  Those  who 
engaged  on  the  first  condition,  were  promised  a 
bundled  acres  of  land,  in  addition  to  their  pay  and 
bounty.  The  troops  raised  by  Congress,  for  the 
service  of  the  United  .States,  were  called  continen- 
tals. Though  in  September,  1776,  it  had  been 
resolved  to  raise  88  battalions,  and  in  December 
following,  autliority  was  given  to  General  Wash- 
ington to  raise  16  more,  yet  very  little  progress 
had  been  made  in  tlie  recruiting  business,  till  after 
the  battles  of  Trenton  and  Princeton.  .So  much 
time  was  necessarily  consumed,  before  these  new- 
recruits  joined  the  commander  in  chief,  that  his 
whole  force,  at  iMorristown  and  the  several  out- 
posts, for  some  time  did  not  exceed  1.500  men. — 
I  Yet  these  1500  kept  many  thousands  of  the  Bri- 
tish closely  ])ent  up  in  Brunswick.  Almost  every 
party,  that  was  sent  out  liy  the  latter,  was  success- 
fully opposed  by  the  former,  and  the  adjacent  coun- 
try preserved  in  a  great  degree  of  tranquilitv. 

I It  was  matter  of  astonishment,  that  the  British 
suffered  the  dangerous  inierval,  between  the  dis- 
banding of  one  army  and  the  raising  of  another,  to 
pass  away  without  doing  something  of  conse- 
quence, against  the  remaining  sliadow  of  an  armed 
(mcs.    Hitherto,  there  had  been  a  deficiency  of 
arms  and  ammunition,  as  well  as  of  men  ;  but  in 
'      the  sprina;  a  vessel  of  21  guns  arrived  from  France, 
at  Portsmouth,  in  New  Ilampsiiire,  with  upwards 
of  11,000  stand  of  arms,  and   1000  barrels  of 
powder.    Ten  thousand  stand  of  arms  arrived 
1      about  the  same  lime,  in  another  part  of  the  United 
I  States. 

Before  the  royal  army  look  the  field,  in  prose- 
cution of  tlie  main  business  of  the  campaign,  two 
enter])rises  for  the  destruction  of  American  stores 
were  undertaken.  The  first  was  conducted  by 
Colonel  Hird  ;  the  second  by  Major  General  Try"- 
«n.  The  former  landed  23d  March  with  about 
50)  men  at  Peekskill,  near  .50  miles  from  New 
\'ork.  (leneral  Washington  had  repeatedly  cau- 
tioned the  commissaries,  not  to  sutler  large  quan- 
tities of  provisions  to  be  near  the  water  :  but  his 
piudent  advice  had  not  been  regarded.    The  few 


Americans,  who  were  stationed  as  a  guard  at 
Peekskill,  on  the  approacli  of  Colonel  Bird,  fired 
the  principal  store-houses,  and  retired  to  a  good 
position,  two  or  three  miles  distant.  The  loss  of 
provisions,  forage,  and  other  valuable  articles,  was 
considerable. 

Major  General  Tryon,  with  a  detachment  of 
2000  men,  embarked  at  New  York,  26th  Ai)ril 
and  passing  through  the  Sound,  landed  between 
Fairfield  and  Norwalk.  They  advanced  through 
the  country  without  interruption,  and  arrived  in 
abont  twenty  horns  at  Danbury.  On  their  a[)- 
proach,  the  few  continentals  who  were  in  the  town 
witlidrew  from  it.  "^Tlie  British  began  to  burn  and 
destroy  :  but  abstained  from  injuring  the  pioperty 
of  such  as  were  reputed  tories.  Eighteen  houses, 
800  barrels  of  pork  and  beef,  800  barrels  of  flour, 
2000  bushels  of  grain,  1700  tents,  and  some  other 
articles,  were  lost  to  the  Americans.  Generals 
Wooster,  Arnold,  and  Silliman,  having  hastily 
collected  a  few  hundred  of  the  inhabitants,  made 
arrangements  for  interrupting  the  march  of  the 
royal  detachment  :  but  the  arms  of  those  who 
came  forward  on  this  emergency  were  injured  by 
excessive  lains,  and  the  men  were  worn  down 
with  a  inarch  of  thirty  miles  in  the  course  of  a 
day.  Such  dispositions  were  nevertheless  made, 
and  such  posts  were  taken,  as  enabled  them  to 
annoy  the  invaders  when  returning  to  their  ships. 
General  Arnold,  with  about  500  men,  by  a  rapid 
movement,  reached  Ridge-field  in  their  fiont,  bar- 
ticadoed  the  road,  kept  up  a  brisk  fire  upon  them, 
and  sustained  tlieir  attack,  till  they  had  made  a 
lodgment  on  a  ledge  of  rocks  on  his  left.  After 
the  British  had  gained  this  eminence,  a  whole  pla- 
toon levelled  at  General  Arnold,  not  more  than 
thirty  yards  distant.  His  horse  v/as  killed  ;  but 
he  escaped.  While  he  was  extricating  himself 
from  his  horse,  a  soldier  advanced  to  run  him 
through  with  a  bayonet  :  but  lie  shot  him  dead 
with  his  pistol,  and  afterwards  got  off  safe.  The 
Americans,  in  several  detached  parties,  harassed 
the  rear  of  the  British,  and  from  various  stands 
kept  up  a  scattering  fire  upon  them,  till  they  reach- 
ed their  shipping. 

The  British  accomplished  the  object  of  tlie  ex- 
pedition :  but  it  cost  them  dearly.  They  had,  by 
computation,  two  or  three  hundred  men  killed, 
wounded,  and  taken.  The  loss  of  the  Americans 
was  about  twenty  killed,  and  forty  wounded. — 
Among  the  former  was  Dr.  Atwater,  a  gentleman 
of  character  and  influence.  Colonel  Lamb  was 
among  the  latter.  General  Wooster,  though  se- 
venty years  old,  behaved  with  the  vigour  and  spirit 
of  youth.  While  gloriously  defending  the  liberties 
of  his  country  he  received  a  mortal  wound.  Con- 
gress resolved,  that  a  monument  should  be  erected 
to  his  memory,  as  an  acknowledgment  of  his  merit 
and  services.  They  also  resolved,  that  a  horse, 
properly  ca])arisoned,  should  be  presented  to  Gen. 
Arnold,  in  their  name,  as  a  token  of  their  appro- 
bation of  his  gallant  conduct. 

Not  long  after  the  excursion  to  Danbury,  Colo- 
nel Meigs,  an  enterprising  American  officer  on 
the  24th  of  May  transi)orted  a  detachment  ofabout 
170  Americans,  in  whale  boats,  over  the  Sound, 
which  separates  Long  Island  from  Connecticut  ; 
burned  twelve  brigs  and  sloops,  belonging  to  the 
British  ;  destroyed  a  large  quantity  of  forage  and 
other  articles,  collected  for  their  use  in  Sag-har- 
bour, on  tliat  Island  ;  killed  six  of  their  soldiers, 
and  brought  off  ninety  prisoners,  without  having 
a  single  man  either  killed  or  wounded.  The  Colo- 
nel and  his  party  returned  to  Guilford  in  twenty- 
five  hours  from  the  time  of  their  departure,  having 
in  that  short  space  not  only  com[)!eted  the  object 
of  their  expedition,  but  traversed  by  land  and  wa- 
ter, a  space  not  less  than  ninety  miles.  Congress 
ordered  an  elegant  swoid  to  be  qresented  to  Colo- 
nel Meigs,  f()r  his  good  conduct  in  this  expedition. 

As  the  season  advanced,  the  American  army, 
in  New  Jersey,  was  reinforced  by  the  successive 
arrivals  of  recruits;  but  nevertheless,  at  the  open- 
ing of  the  campaign,  it  amounted  only  to  7,272 
men, 

Great  pains  had  been  taken  to  recruit  the  British 


army  with  American  levies.  A  commission  of 
iirigadier  (Jeneral  had  been  conferred  on  Oliver 
IJclancy,  a  loyalist  ol" great  influence  in  New  Vork, 
and  he  was  authorised  to  raise  three  battalions.— 
Every  efi'ort  had  been  made,  to  raise  the  men, 
both  within  and  without  the  British  lines,  and  also 
from  among  the  American  prisoners  :  but  with  all 
these  exertions,  only  .507  were  jirocured.  Court- 
land  Skinner,  a  loyalist  well  known  m  .lersey,  was 
also  appointed  a  brigadier,  and  authorised  to  raiso 
live  battaliuns.  Great  efforts  were  made  to  jiro- 
cure  recruits  for  his  command  :  but  their  whole 
number  amounted  only  to  .517. 

Towards  the  latter  end  of  .May,  General  Wash 
ington  (piitted  his  winter  encampment  at  Morris- 
town,  and  took  a  strong  position  at  Middlebrook. 
Soon  after  this  movement,  the  British  inarched 
from  Brunswick,  and  extended  their  van  as  far  as 
Somerset  court-house  ;  but  in  a  few  days  returned 
to  their  former  station.  This  sudden  change  was 
owing  to  the  unex|)ected  opiiosiiion  which  seemed 
to  be  colleciing  from  all  quarters  ;  for  the  Jersey 
militia  turned  out  in  a  very  spirited  manner,  to 
()])pose  them.  'J'lie  same  army  had  lately  march- 
ed through  New  Jersey,  without  being  fired  upon  ; 
snd  even  small  parties  of  them  had  safely  patrolled 
the  country,  at  a  distance  from  their  camp;  but 
experience  having  proved  that  British  protections 
were  no  security  for  jiroperty,  the  inhabitants  ge- 
nerally resolved  to  try  the  effects  of  resistance,  in 
preference  to  a  second  submission.  A  fortunate 
mistake  gave  them  an  opportunity  of  assembling 
in  great  force  on  this  emergency.  Signals  had 
been  agreed  on,  and  beacons  erected  on  liigh 
places,  with  the  view  of  communicating,  over  the 
country,  instantaneous  intelligence  of  the  approach 
of  the  British.  A  few  hours  before  the  royal  army 
began  their  march,  the  signal  of  alarm,  on  the 
foundation  of  a  false  rejiorl,  had  been  hoisted.— 
The  farmers,  with  arms  in  their  hands,  ran  to  the 
place  of  rendezvous  from  considerable  distances. 
They  had  set  out  at  least  twelve  hours  before  the 
British,  and  on  their  appearance  were  collected  in 
formidable  numbers.  Whether  Sir  William  Howe 
intended  to  force  his  way  through  the  country  to 
the  Delaware,  and  afterwards  to  Philadelphia,  c  r 
to  attack  the  American  army,  is  uncertain;  but 
whatever  was  his  design,  he  suddenly  relinquished 
',  and  fell  back  to  Brunswick.  The  ]5ritish  army, 
on  their  retreat,  burned  and  destroyed  the  farm 
houses  on  the  road  ;  nor  did  they  s|)are  the  build- 
ings dedicated  to  the  worship  of  the  Deity. 

Sir  William  Howe,  after  his  retreat  to  Bruns- 
wick, endeavoured  to  provoke  General  Washing- 
ton to  an  engagement  ;  and  left  no  manuMivre  un- 
tried, that  was  calculated  to  induce  liiui  to  (piit  his 
position.  At  one  time,  he  a|)peared  as  if  he  in- 
tended to  )iush  on,  without  regarding  the  army  op 
posed  to  him.  At  another,  he  accurately  examin- 
ed the  situation  of  the  American  encami)ment. 
hoping  that  some  unguarded  part  might  be  found, 
on  which  an  attack  might  be  made,  that  would 
open  the  way  to  a  general  engagement.  All  these 
hopes  were  frustrated.  Gen.  Washington  knew  ilie 
full  value  of  his  situation.  He  iiad  too  much  j)eiic- 
tration  to  lose  it  from  the  circumvention  of  mili- 
tary manoeuvres,  and  loo  much  temper  to  be  pro- 
voked to  a  dereliction  of  it.  He  was  well  ap- 
prised that  it  was  not  the  interest  of  liis  country, 
to  commit  its  fortune  to  a  single  action. 

Sir  William  Howe  suddenly  reliiKjuished  his 
position  in  front  of  the  .\mericans,  and  retired 
with  his  whole  foicc  to  Amboy.  The  ajiparenUy 
retreating  British  were  pursutnl  by  a  considerable 
detachment  of  the  American  army,  and  Genera 
Washington  advanced  tVom  Middlebiook  toQuib- 
bletown,  to  be  near  at  hand  fV)r  the  support  of  hii 
advanced  parties.  The  British  general,  on  the 
21th  June,  marched  his  army  back  from  .Amboy, 
with  great  expedition,  hoping  to  bring  <m  a  gene- 
ral action  on  equal  ground  :  but  he  was  disappoint- 
ed. General  Washington  fell  back,  and  posieu 
his  armv  in  such  an  advanta^jeous  position,  i.a 
comiJensated  for  the  inferiority  of  his  numbers. 
.Sir  William  Howe  was  now  fully  convinced  Oi 
the  impossibility  of  compelling  a  general  engage- 


413 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


Bient  oil  e(|u;il  ten  is,  and  alsc  satisfied  that  it 
woul.l  too  lia/.ardoiis  to  alteiii(il  passing  tlie  De- 
laware. Hliile  the  country  was  in  arms,  and  the 
main  American  army  in  lull  lorce  in  his  rear.  He 
ihcrelore  returned  to  Aiiil)oy,  and  thence  passed 
over  to  .Sialen  Island,  resolving  to  prosecute  the 
jbjects  ol  the  canipaiirn  by  aiiotlier  route. 

Durini;  tlic  period  of  these  movements,  the  real 
Jesiiins  of  (Jeneral  Howe  were  involved  in  obscu- 
ri.l\~  Tlioush  the  season  for  military  operations 
wa's  advanced  as  far  as  the  month  of  July,  yet  his 
determinate  object  could  not  be  ascertained. — 
Nothuiii  on  his  part  had  hitlieito  taken  place,  but 
alternately  advancing  and  retreating.  Washing- 
ton's embarrassment  on  this  account  was  increased, 
by  intelligence  that  Burgoyne  was  coining  in  great 
force  towards  New  York  from  Canada.  Appre- 
hending that  .Sir  Wdliam  Howe  would  ultimately 
iMove  up  the  .North  River,  and  that  his  movements 
whicli  looked  southwardly  were  feints,  the  .Ameri- 
can genera!  detached  a  brigade  lo  reinforce  the 
northern  division  of  his  army.  Successive  advices 
of  the  advance  of  Burgoyne  favoured  the  idea, 
that  a  junction  ol  the  two  royal  armies  near  Albany 
was  intended.  Some  movements  were  therefore 
made  by  Washington  towards  Peekskill,  and  on 
the  other  side  towards  Trenton  ;  while  the  main 
armv  was  encamped  near  the  Clove,  in  readiness 
to  march  either  to  the  north  or  south,  as  the  move- 
ments of  Sir  William  Howe  might  require.  At 
length,  the  main  body  of  the  royal  army,  consist- 
ing of  thirty-six  Ikitishand  Hessian  battalions,  with 
a  regiment  of  light  horse,  a  loyal  provincial  corps, 
called  the  queen's  rangers,  and  a  powerful  artillery, 
amounting  in  the  whole  to  about  IG.OOO  men,  de- 
parted from  .Sandy-hook,  and  were  reported  to 
teer  southwardly. 

About  the  time  of  tliis  embarcation,  a  letterfroin 
SirWilliain  Howe  to  General  Burgoyne  was  in- 
tercepted. This  contained  intelligence,  that  the 
Britisli  troops  were  destined  to  New  Hampshire. 
The  intended  deception  was  so  superficially  veiled, 
that,  in  conjunction  with  the  intelligence  of  the 
British  embarcation,  it  produced  a  contrary  effect. 
Within  one  hour  after  the  reception  of  the  inter- 
cepted letter,  Washington  gave  orders  to  his  army 
to  move  to  the  southward  ;  but  he  was  neverthe- 
less so  much  impressed  with  a  conviction,  that  it 
was  the  true  interest  of  Howe  to  move  towards 
Burgoyne,  that  he  ordered  <hc  American  army  to 
halt  foi  soii.e  time,  at  the  river  Delaware,  sus- 
pecting that  the  movement  of  tlie  royal  army  to 
the  southward  was  a  feint,  calculated  to  draw  him 
farther  from  the  North  River.  The  British.  Ileet, 
having  sailed  from  .Sandy-hook,  was  a  week  at  sea 
before  it  reached  Cape  Ilenlopen.  At  this  time 
and  place,  for  reasons  that  do  not  obviously  occur, 
General  Howe  gave  up  the  idea  of  a|)proacliing 
Philadelphia,  by  ascending  the  Delaware,  and  re- 
solved on  a  circuitous  route  by  the  way  of  the 
Chesapeake.  Perhajjs  he  counted  on  being  joined 
by  large  reinforcements,  from  the  numerous  tories 
in  Maryland  or  Delaware,  or  perhaps  he  feared 
the  obstructions  which  the  Pennsylvanians  had 
]ilanted  in  the  Delaware.  If  these  were  his  rea- 
sons, he  was  mistaken  in  both.  From  the  tories 
he  received  no  advantage  :  and  from  the  obstruc- 
tions in  the  river,  iiis  ships  could  have  received  no 
(ietrini'int,  if  lie  had  landed  his  troops  at  Newcas- 
tle, which  was  11  miles  nearer  Philadelphia,  than 
tlie  head  of  (.'hesapeake  bay. 

The  Brilish,  after  they  had  left  the  Capesof  the 
Delaware,  had  a  le<lious  and  uncomfortable  pas- 
sage, briiiz  twenty  days  before  they  entered  the 
(';apes  of  Virginia.  They  asceniled  the  bay,  with 
a  favourable  wind,  and  on  the  "J-Hh  of  August 
lan(ied  at  Turkey-point.  The  circumstance  of 
the  British  piitiin'4  out  to  sea,  after  tliev  had  looked 
into  llie  Di'laware,  added  to  the  apprehension  be- 
lore  enierlaiiied.  that  the  whole  was  a  feint  calcu- 
l.ilcd  in  draw  the  American  army  farther  frcnii  the 
North  River,  so  as  to  pievent  their  bring  ;rt  hand 
lo  oppose  a  jnnclion  between  Howe  and  JJur- 
jf.ivne.  W'.ishinglon  therefore  fell  back  to  such  a 
middle  st.itioii.  as  would  enable  him.  either  spet'di- 
Ijr  lu  rcluru  lo  tho  North  Kivcr,  or  advance  to  the 


relief  of  Philadelphia.  The  British  fleet,  after 
leaving  the  Capes  of  the  Delaware,  was  not  heard 
of  lor  nearly  three  weeks;  except  that  it  had  once 
or  twice  been  seen  near  the  coast  steering  south- 
wardly. A  council  of  officers  convened,  21st  of 
August,  at  Neshaminy,  near  Philadelphia,  unani- 
mously gave  it  as  their  opinion,  that  Charleston, 
in  .South  Carolina,  was  most  probably  their  ob- 
ject, and  that  it  would  be  impossible  for  the  army 
to  march  thither  in  season  for  its  relief.  It  was 
therefore  concluded,  to  try  to  repair  the  loss  of 
Charleston,  which  was  considered  as  unavoidable, 
either  by  attempting  something  on  New  York 
island,  or,  by  uniting  with  the  northern  army,  to 
give  more  elTectual  opposition  to  Burgoyne.  A 
small  change  of  position,  conformably  to  this  new 
system,  took  place.  The  day  before  the  above 
resolution  was  adopted  the  British  fleet  entered 
the  Chesapeake.  Intelligence  thereof  in  a  few 
days  reached  the  American  army,  and  dispelled 
that  mist  of  uncertainty,  in  which  General  Howe's 
movemeuts  had  heretofore  been  enveloped.  The 
American  troops  were  put  in  motion  to  meet  the 
British  army.  Tlieir  numbers  on  paper  amounted 
to  14,'JUO  ;  but  their  real  effective  force,  on  which 
dependence  might  be  placed  in  the  day  of  battle, 
did  not  much  exceed  SOOO  men.  Every  appear- 
ance of  confidence  was  assumed  by  them  as  tliey 
passed  through  Philadelphia,  that  the  citizens 
might  be  intimidated  from  joining  the  British. — 
About  the  same  time  numbers  of  the  principal  in- 
habitants of  that  city,  being  suspected  of  disafl'ec- 
tion  to  the  American  cause,  were  taken  into  cus- 
tody and  sent  to  V^irginia. 

Soon  after  Sir  William  Howe  had  landed  his 
troops  in  Maryland,  he  put  forth  a  declaration,  in 
which  he  informed  the  inhabitants,  that  he  had 
issued  the  strictest  orders  to  the  troops,  "  for  the 
preservation  of  regularity  and  good  discipline,  and 
that  the  most  exemplary  punishment  would  be  in- 
flicted upon  those  who  should  dare  to  plunder  the 
property,  or  molest  the  persons  of  any  of  his  ma- 
jesty's well  disposed  subjects."  He  seemed  to 
be  fully  apprised  of  the  consequences,  which  liad 
resulted  from  the  indiscriminate  plunderings  of 
his  army  in  New  Jersey,  and  determined  to  adopt 
a  more  polite  line  of  conduct.  W^hatever  his 
lordship's  intentions  might  have  been,  tliey  were 
by  no  means  seconded  by  his  troops. 

The  royal  army  set  out  from  the  eastern  heads 
of  the  Chesapeake,  Se|)teinber  3(1,  wiili  a  spirit 
which  promised  to  compensate  for  the  various 
delays,  that  had  hitherto  wasted  the  campaign. — 
Their  tents  and  baggage  were  left  behind,  and 
they  trusted  their  future  accommodation  to  such 
quarters  as  their  arms  might  procure.  They  ad- 
vanced with  boldness,  till  they  were  within  two 
miles  of  the  American  army,  wliich  was  then 
posted  near  Newport.  Washington  soon  changed 
his  position,  and  took  post  on  the  high  ground 
near  Chadd's  ford,  on  tlie  Brandywine  creek,  witli 
an  intention  of  disputing  the  passage.  It  was  the 
wish,  but  by  no  means  the  interest  of  the  Ameii- 
cans  to  try  their  strength  in  an  engagement. — 
Their  regular  troops  were  not  only  greatly  infe- 
rior in  discipline,  but  in  numbers,  to  the  royal 
anny.  The  opinion  of  the  inhabitants,  though 
foisnded  on  no  circumstances  more  substantial 
than  their  wishes,  imposed  a  s|)ecies  of  necessity 
on  the  American  General,  to  keep  his  army  in 
front  of  the  enemy,  and  to  risk  an  action  for  the 
security  of  Philadelphia.  Instead  o(  this,  had  he 
taken  the  ridge  of  hii;li  mountains  on  his  right,  the 
British  must  have  respected  his  numbers,  and  pro- 
baldy  would  have  followed  him  up  the  country. — 
By  this  |)oliry  the  campaign  might  have  been 
wasted  away  in  a  manner  fatal  to  the  invaders  ; 
but  the  majority  of  the  .Vmerican  people  were  so 
im|)atii'nt  of  delays,  and  had  such  an  overweening 
conceit  of  the  numbers  and  prowess  of  their  army, 
that  they  could  not  comprehend  llie  wisdom  and 
|)(dicy  of  mana'uvres,  to  shun  a  general  engage- 
ment. 

On  ihis  occasion  necessity  dictated,  tliaf  a  sacri- 
fice should  be  made  on  the  altar  of  public  opinion. 
A  geaerul  actiou  was  therefore  hazarded  ou  the 


11th  of  .'<cptt'ml)er.  This  tooK  place  at  Chadd'i 
ford,  on  the  Brandywine;  a  small  stream  which 
empties  itself  into  Christiana  creek,  near  its  cun 
flux  with  the  river  Delaware. 

The  royal  army  advanced  at  day  break  in  two 
columns,  commanded  by  lieutenant  general  Knip- 
liausen,  and  lord  Cornwallis.  The  first  took  the 
direct  road  to  Chadd's  fotd,  and  made  a  show  of 
passing  it,  in  front  of  the  main  body  of  the  Ameri- 
cans. At  the  same  time,  the  other  cohmin  moved 
up  on  the  west  side  of  the  Brandywine  to  its  fork, 
crossed  both  its  branches,  and  then  marched  down 
on  its  east  side,  with  the  view  of  turning  the  right 
wing  of  their  adversaries.  This  they  affected, 
and  compelled  them  to  retreat  with  great  loss. 

General  Kniphausen  amused  the  Americans  with 
the  appearance  of  crossing  the  ford,  but  did  not 
attempt  it  until  lord  Cornwallis,  having  crossed 
above,  and  moved  down  on  the  opposite  side,  had 
commenced  his  attack.  Kni|)hausen  then  crossed 
the  ford,  and  attacked  the  troops  posted  for  its  de- 
fence. These,  after  a  severe  conflict,  were  com- 
pelled to  give  way.  The  retreat  of  the  Americans 
soon  became  general,  and  was  continued  to  Chester. 

The  final  issue  of  battles  often  depends  on  small 
circumstances,  which  human  prudence  cannot  con- 
trol. One  of  these  occurred  here,  and  prevented 
General  Washington  from  executing  a  bold  design, 
to  effect  which  his  troops  were  actually  in  motion. 
This  was,  to  cross  the  Brandywine,  and  attack 
Kniphausen,  while  General  Sullivan  and  lord  Stir- 
ling should  keep  Earl  Cornwallis  in  check.  In  the 
most  critical  moment,  Washington  received  intel- 
ligence which  he  was  obliged  to  credit,  that  the 
column  of  lord  Cornwallis  had  been  only  making 
a  feint,  and  was  returning  to  join  Kni|)hausen. — 
This  prevented  the  execution  of  a  plan,  which,  il 
carried  into  eflect,  would  probably  have  given  a 
different  turn  to  the  events  of  the  day. 

The  killed  and  wounded,  in  the  royal  army, 
were  near  six  hundred.    The  loss  of  the  Ameri- 
cans was  twice  tliat  numlier.    In  the  list  of  their 
wounded  were  two  general  officers,  the  Marquis 
de  la  Fayette*  and  General  Woodford. 
*As  we  intend  to  scatter  through  this  work  some 
biograi)hical  notices  of  those  distinguished  men 
who  took  an  active  part  in  tlie  revolutionary 
war,  and  who  assisted  in  the  councils  of  our 
nation,  we  shall  here  introduce  the  great  and 
good  La  Fayette,  from  the  pen  of  that  eminent 
statesman  and  scholar,  John  Quincy  Adams.— 
The  oration  was  delivered  before  the  congiess 
of  the  United  .States,  on  the  31st  of  December, 
1834,  at  tlieir  reipiest,  and  exhibits  the  finest 
view,  that  either  country  has  produced,  of  tho 
patriot  and  warrior  of  both  liemispheres,  whose 
name  is  given  to  immortality  on  every  liour  thai 
flies : — Ed. 

ORATION. 


Fi'Uow-tili/.ens  of  tlie  Senate  and 

Hoii?e  of  Rfpicsi'iilalives  oftlic  L'liltcJ  StDlos: 

If  the  authority  by  which  I  am  now  called  la 
address  you  is  one  of  the  highest  honours  that 
could  be  conferred  ujion  a  citizen  of  this  I'nion  by 
his  countrymen,  I  cannot  dissembletomyselftli.it 
it  embr.ices  at  the  same  time  one  of  the  mbst  ar- 
duous duties  that  could  be  imposed.  Gi-ateful  to 
you  for  the  honoui  conferred  upon  me  by  youi  in- 
vitation, a  sentiment  of  irrepressil)le  and  fearlu! 
diflidence  alisoibs  every  faculty  of  my  soul  in  con- 
templating the  magnitude,  the  difficulties,  and  th<; 
delicacy  of  the  task  which  it  li;is  been  your  plea- 
sure to  assign  to  me. 

I  am  to  speak  to  the  North  American  st;ite« 
and  people,  assembled  here  in  the  persons  of  their 
honoured  and  confidential  lawgivers  and  repre- 
sentatives. I  am  to  speak  to  tliem,  by  their  own 
appointment,  upon  the  life  and  diameter  of  a  nnn 
whose  life  was,  for  nearly  tlireescorc years,  the  hi»- 


UNITED  STATKS. 


413 


tor}'  of  the  civilized  world  ;  of  i  man,  of  whose 
character,  to  say  that  it  is  iiidi.s^ohil)ly  identified 
with  the  revohitioii  of  our  iiidepeiidence,  is  lillle 
more  thau  to  niarli  the  features  of  his  cliildhood; 
of  a  man,  the  personified  image  of  self-circum- 
scribed liberty.  Nor  can  it  escape,  the  most  su- 
perficial observation,  that,  in  speaUiiii;  to  the  fathers 
of  the  land  upon  the  life  and  character  of  Lafav- 
ETTH,  1  cannot  forbear  to  touch  upon  topics  \vhich 
are  yet  deeply  convulsing  the  world,  both  of  oj)i- 
iiion  and  of  action.  I  am  to  walk  between  burn- 
ing ploughshares;  to  tread  upon  fires  wliieli  have 
nut  yet  even  collected  cinders  to  cover  them. 

If',  in  addressing  their  countryTnen  upon  their 
most  important  interests,  the  Orators  of  Antiquity 
were  accustomed  to  begin  by  supplication  t<>  their 
gods  that  nothing  unsuitable  to  be  said  or  unworthy 
to  be  heard  might  escape  from  their  lips,  how 
much  more  forcible  is  my  obligation  to  invoke  the 
favour  of  Him  "  who  touclied  Isaiah's  hallowed 
lips  with  fire,"  not  only  to  extinguish  in  the  mind 
every  conception  unadapted  to  the  grandeur  and 
siibhmity  of  the  theme,  but  to  draw  from  the  bo- 
sitni  ol  tlie  deepest  conviction  thoughts  congenial 
to  the  merits  which  it  is  the  duty  of  the  discourse 
to  unfold,  and  woids  not  unworthy  of  the  dignity 
of  the  atiditory  before  whom  1  appear. 

In  order  to  form  a  just  estimate  of  the  life  and 
character  of  Lafayette,  it  may  be  necessary  to  ad- 
vert, not  only  to  the  circumstances  connected  with 
hisbirtii,  education,  and  lineage,  but  to  the  political 
condition  of  his  country  and  (Jreat  Britain,  her 
national  rival  and  adversai^,  at  the  time  of  his 
birth,  and  during  his  years  of  childhood. 

On  t)ie  sixth  day  of  September,  one  thousand 
Reven  hundred  and  fifty-seven,  the  hereditary  Mon- 
arch of  the  British  Islands  was  a  native  of  Ger- 
many. A  rude,  illiterate  old  soldier  of  the  wars 
for  the  Spanish  succession  ;  little  versed  even  in 
the  language  of  the  nation  over  which  he  ruled; 
educated  to  the  maxims  and  principles  of  the  feu- 
dal law;  of  openly  licentious  life,  and  of  moral 
character  far  from  creditable  ;  he  styled  himself', 
by  the  grace  of  (!od,  of  (Jreat  Britain,  France, 
and  lieland.  King  ;  but  there  was  another  and 
real  king  of  France,  no  better,  perhaps  worse,  than 
himself,  and  with  whom  he  was  then  at  war.  This 
was  Louis,  the  lif'teenlh  of  the  name,  great  grand- 
i  son  of  his  immediate  predecessor,  Lotiis  the  Four- 
teenth, sometimes  denominated  tlietireat.  Tliese 
;  two  kings  held  then'  thrones,  by  the  law  of  heredi- 
tary succession,  variously  modified,  in  France  by 
the  Roman  Catholics,  and  in  Britain  by  Protestant 
refornied  chrictiap.iiy. 

They  were  at  war,  chiefly  for  conflicting  claims 
j  to  the  possession  of  the  western  wilderness  of 
North  Anier'ica  ;  a  prize,  the  capfbilities  of  which 
I  are  now  unfolding  theiuselves  with  a  grandeur  and 
magnificence  unexampled  in  the  liisfory  of  the 
world  ;  but  of  which,  if  the  nominal  |)ossession  h;id 
remained  in  either  of  the  two  pri  ices,  who  were 
staking  their  kingdoms  upon  the  issue  of  the  strife, 
the  bufl'alo  and  the  beaver,  with  th-^ir  hunter,  the 
Indian  savage,  would,  at  this  day,  have  been  as 
they  then  were,  the  only  inhabitant:!. 

In  this  war,  George  Wasiiinuton,  then  at  the 
age  of  twenty-four,  vvas  on  the  side  of  the  British 
German  King,  a  youthful,  hut  heroi';  combatant; 
and,  in  the  same  war,  the  father  of  Lafayette  was 
on  the  opposite  side,  exposing  his  life  in  the  heart 
of  (Jeimany,  for  the  cause  of  the  King  of  France. 

On  that  (lay,  the  sixth  of  September,  one  thou- 
sand seven  hundred  and  fifty-spven  was  born  <iii-- 
BERT  MoTiER  DE  Lafayette,  at  the  Castle  of 
Chavaniac,  in  Auvergne,  and  a  few  rronths  after 
his  birth  his  father  fell  in  battle  at  Minden. 

Let  us  here  observe  the  influence  of  political  in- 
stitutions over  the  destinies  and  the  characters  of 
men.  George  the  Second  was  a  (iernian  Prince  ; 
he  had  been  made  king  of  the  Briti.ih  Islands  by 
the  accident  of  his  birth  :  that  is  to  siy,  because 
Ifis  great  grandmother  had  been  the  diughter  of 
lames  the  First  :  that  great  grandmother  had  been 
married  to  the  King  ol  Bohemia,  and  her  youngest 
daughter  had  been  married  to  the  Kleetor  of  lian- 
I  onr.    Geoige  the  Second's  father  was  her  son, 


and,  when  .fames  the  Second  had  been  expelled 
from  his  throne  and  his  country  by  the  indignation 
of  his  people,  revolted  against  his  tyranny,  and 
when  his  two  daughters,  who  succeeded  him,  had 
died  without  issue,  (Jeorge  the  First,  the  son  of 
the  Electress  of  Hanover,  became  King  of  Great 
Britain,  by  the  settlement  of  an  act  of  parliament, 
blending  together  the  principle  of  hereditary  suc- 
cession with  that  of  Ref'ormed  Protestant  Christi- 
anity, and  the  rites  of  the  Church  of  England. 

The  throne  of  France  was  occupied  by  virtue  of 
the  same  ])rinciple  of  hereditary  succession,  dif- 
ferently modified,  and  blended  with  the  Christianity 
of  the  church  of  Rome.  From  this  line  of  suc- 
cession all  females  were  inflexibly  excluded. — 
Louis  the  Fifteenth,  at  the  age  of  six  years,  liad 
become  the  absolute  sovereign  ofFrance,  becaur.e 
he  was  the  great  grandson  of  his  immediate  pre- 
decessor. He  was  of  the  third  generation  in  de- 
scent from  the  ))receding  king,  and,  by  the  law  of 
primogeniture  engrafted  upon  that  of  lineal  succes- 
sion, did,  by  the  death  of  his  ancestor,  forthwith 
succeed, though  in  childhood, to  an  absolute  throne, 
in  preference  to  numerous  descentlants  from  that 
same  ancestor,  then  in  the  full  vigor  of  manluiod. 

The  first  reflection  that  must  occur  to  a  rational 
being,  in  contemplating  these  two  results  of  the 
|)rinciple  of  hereditary  succession,  as  resorted  to 
for  designating  the  rulers  of  nations,  is,  that  two 
persons  more  unfit  to  occupy  the  thrones  of  iiritain 
and  of  France,  at  the  time  of  their  res[)ective  ac- 
cessions, could  scarcely  have  been  found  upon  the 
face  of  the  Globe  ;  George  the  Second,  a  fi)reigner, 
the  son  and  grandson  of  foreigners,  born  beyond 
the  seas,  educated  in  uncongenial  manners,  igno- 
rant of  the  constitution,  of  the  laws,  even  of  the 
language  of  the  people  over  whotn  he  was  to  rule  : 
and  Louis  the  Fifteenth,  an  infant,  incapable  of 
discerning  his  right  hand  from  his  left.  Yet,  strange 
as  it  may  sound  to  the  ear  of  unsophisticated  rea- 
son, the  British  nation  were  wedded  to  the  belief 
that  this  act  of  settlement,  fixing  their  crown  upon 
the  heads  of  this  succession  of  total  strangers,  was 
the  brightest  and  most  glorious  exemplification  of 
their  national  freedom  ;  and  not  less  strange,  if 
aught  in  the  imperfection  of  human  reason  could 
seem  strange,  was  that  deep  conviction  of  the 
French  i)eople,  at  the  same  period.  that;//e«V  chief 
glory  and  happiness  consisted  in  the  vehemence 
of  their  affection  for  their  k'.ng,  because  he  was 
descended  in  an  unbroken  male  line  of  genealogy 
from  St.  Louis. 

One  of  the  fruits  of  this  line  of  hereditary  suc- 
cession, modified  by  sectarian  principles  of  reli- 
gion, was  to  make  the  peace  and  war,  the  hapi)i- 
ness  Of  iiusery  of  the  people  of  the  British  em- 
pire, dependent  upon  the  fortunes  of  the  Electo- 
rate of  Hanover  ;  the  personal  domain  of  their  iin- 
ported  king.  This  was  a  restilt  calanutous  alike 
to  the  people  of  Hanover,  of  Britain,  and  of 
France  ;  but  it  was  one  of  the  two  causes  of  that 
dreadful  war  then  waging  between  them  ;  and  as 
the  cause,  so  was  this  a  principle  theatre  of  that 
disastrous  war.  It  was  at  Minden,  in  the  lieart  of 
the  Electorate  of  Hanover,  that  the  father  of  La- 
fayette fell,  and  left  him  an  orphan,  a  victim  to 
that  war,  and  to  the  principle  of  hereditary  suc- 
cession from  which  it  emanated. 

Thus,  then,  it  was  on  the  6th  of  September, 
1757,  the  day  when  Lafayette  was  born.  The 
kings  of  Frani-e  and  Britain  were  seated  upon  their 
thrones  by  virtue  of  the  principle  of  hereditary 
succession,  variously  modified  and  blended  with 
different  forms  of  religious  faith,  and  they  were 
waging  war  against  each  other,  and  exhausting 
the  blood  and  treasure  of  their  people  for  causes 
in  which  neither  ol  the  nations  had  any  beneficial 
or  lawful  interest. 

In  this  wai  the  father  of  Lafayette  fell  in  the 
cause  of  his  king,  but  not  of  his  country.  He 
was  an  officer  of  an  invading  army,  the  instru- 
ment of  his  sovereign's  wanton  ambition  and  lust 
of  conquest.  The  people  of  the  Electorate  of 
Hanover  had  done  no  wrong  to  him  or  to  his 
country.  When  his  son  came  to  an  ai;e  capable 
of  understanding  the  irrejKirable  loss  thathe  had  suf-. 


fered,  and  to  ninectujion  the  c-,4use  of  his  fathcr'j 
fate,  there  was  no  dro])  of  consolatian  mingled  in 
the  cup  from  the  consideration  that  he  hail  died 
for  his  counlrv.  And  when  the  vouthful  mind  w;.-« 
awakened  to  meditation  u|)on  the  rights  of  man- 
kind, the  principles  of  freedom,  and  theories  of 
government,  it  cannot  be  difficult  to  perceive,  in 
the  illustrations  of  his  own  family  records,  ti  e 
source  of  that  aversion  to  licreditary  rule,  perhaps 
the  most  distinguishing  feature  f)f  his  |)oruical  opi- 
nions, and  to  which  he  adhered  through  all  tlio 
vicissitudes  of  his  life. 

In  the  same  war,  and  at  tlie  same  time,  (jeorgo 
Washingt(>n  was  armed,  a  loyal  subject,  in  sup- 
port of  his  king;  but  to  him  that  was  also  the  cause 
of  his  country.  His  commission  was  not  in  the 
army  of  (ieorge  the  Second,  but  issued  under  the 
authority  of  the  colony  of  Virginia,  the  province 
in  which  he  received  his  birth.  On  the  l)oiders  ol 
that  ])rovince,  the  war  in  its  most  horrid  forms  was 
waged  ;  not  a  war  of  mercy,  and  of  courtesy,  like 
that  of  the  civilized  embattled  legions  of  Eiirope  ; 
but  war  to  the  knife;  the  war  of  Indian  savages, 
terril  le  to  man,  but  more  terrible  to  the  tender  sex, 
and  most  terrible  to  heljiless  infancy.  In  defence 
of  his  country  against  the  ravages  of  such  a  war, 
Washington,  in  the  dawn  of  manhood,  had  drawn 
his  sword,  as  if  Providence,  with  deliberate  pur- 
pose, had  sanctified  for  him  the  (nactice  of  war, 
all-detestable  and  unhallowed  as  it  is,  that  he 
might,  in  a  cause,  virtuous  and  exalted  by  its  mo- 
tive and  its  end,  be  trained  and  fitted  in  a  conge 
nial  school  to  march  in  aflertimes  the  leader  of  he  • 
roes  in  the  war  of  his  country's  independence. 

At  the  time  of  the  birth  of  Lafayette,  this  war, 
which  was  to  make  him  a  fatherless  child,  and  in 
which  Washington  was  laying  broad  and  deep,  in 
the  defence  and  protection  of  his  native  land,  the 
foumlations  of  his  unrivalled  renown,  was  but  in 
its  early  stage.  It  was  to  continue  five  years 
longer,  and  was  to  close  with  the  total  extinguish- 
ment of  the  cidonial  dominion  of  France  on  the 
continent  of  North  America.  The  deep  humilia- 
tion of  France,  and  the  triumphant  ascendancy 
on  this  continent  of  her  rival,  were  the  first  results 
of  this  great  national  conflict.  The  complrte  ex- 
pulsion of  France  from  N'orth  .Vmerica  sefincd  to 
the  superficial  vision  of  men  to  fix  the  British 
power  over  these  extensive  regions,  on  founda- 
tions immovable  as  the  everlasting  hills. 

Let  us  pass  in  imagination  a  period  of-  only 
twenty  years,  and  alight  upon  the  borders  of  the 
river  Brandywine.  Washington  is  aommander- 
in-chief  of  the  armies  of  tlie  United  States  of 
America;  war  is  again  raging  in  the  heart  of  his 
native  land  ;  hostile  armies  of  one  and  the  same 
name,  blood,  and  language,  are  arrayed  for  battle 
on  the  banks  of  the  stream;  and  Philadelphia, 
where  the  United  States  are  in  Congress  assem- 
bled, and  whence  their  decree  of  inde|)endencu 
has  gone  forth,  is  the  destined  prize  to  the  conflict 
of  the  day.  Who  is  that  tall,  slender  youth,  of 
foreign  air  and  aspect,  scarcelv  cmersed  from  the 
years  of  boyhood,  and  fresh  f'rom  the  w;ills  of"  a 
college  ;  fighting,  a  volunteer,  at  the  side  of'  Wash- 
ington, bleeding,  unconsciously  to  himself,  and 
rallying  his  men  to  secure  the  retreat  of'  the  scat- 
tered American  ranks  ?  It  is  (Jii.ijekt  .'\IoTiEit 
DE  Lafayette  ;  the  son  of  the  victim  of  .Minden  ; 
and  he  is  bleeding  in  the  cause  of  Noith  American 
independence  and  of  freedom. 

We  pause  one  moment  to  eixjuire  what  was  this 
cause  of  North  American  independence,  and  w  hat 
were  the  motives  and  inducements  to  tlie  vouthful 
stranger  to  devote  himself,  his  life,  and  fmtune  to  it. 

The  people  of  the  British  colonies  in  North 
.\merica,  after  a  controversy  of  ten  years'  dura- 
tion with  their  sovereign  beyond  the  seas,  u()oii 
an  attempt  by  him  and  his  parliament  to  tax  them 
without  their  consent,  had  been  constrained  by 
necessity  to  declare  themselves  independent  ;  to 
dissolve  the  lie  of  their  allegiance  to  him  ;  in  re- 
nounce their  right  to  its  protection,  and  to  Lrsunie 
their  station  among  the  independent  civilized  na- 
tions of  the  earth.  This  had  been  done  wiiu  a 
deliberation  and  solemnity'  uuexamjiled  in  tho  bi» 


414 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


tory  of  tlie  world ;  done  in  the  midst  of  a  civil 
w;ir,  ilili'Tins  in  character  from  any  of  tliose 
which  fur  centuries  before  had  desolated  Kurope. 
The  war  had  risen  upon  a  question  between  tlie 
ri!.'lin<>f  llift  people  and  the  powers  of  their  ;^ov- 
erim  ent.  The  discussions,  in  the  [jrogress  of  the 
controversy,  hail  opened  to  the  coiitenii)lations  of 
men  the  tirst  foundations  of  civil  society  and  of 
government.  'J'lie  war  of  Independence  began  by 
litigation  upon  a  peily  stamp  on  |)aper,  and  a  tax 
of  three  ])ence  a  pound  on  tea;  but  these  broke 
»<plhc  fouiitaitis  of  tlie  great  deep,  and  the  deluge 
ensued.  Had  the  Hriiish  parliament  the  right  to 
tax  the  people  of  the  colonies  ui  another  liemis- 
pliere,  not  represented  in  the  imjicrial  legislature  ? 
They  atVirmed  they  had  :  the  peofile  of  the  colo- 
nies insisted  they  )iad  not.  There  were  ten  years 
of  plea<liiig  before  they  came  to  an  issue  ;  ami  all 
the  le;;iliniale  sources  of  jjower,  and  all  the  primi- 
tive elements  of  freedom  were  scrutinized,  de- 
baled,  analyzed,  and  elucidated,  before  the  light- 
in;:  of  ihe  torch  of  .\le,  and  her  cry  of  havoc  up- 
on letting  slip  the  dogs  of  war. 

When  the  day  id'conthct  came,  the  issue  of  the 
contest  was  necessarily  changed.  The  |)eo|)le  of 
the  colonies  liad  maintained  the  contest  on  the 
piiiK  iple  of  resisting  the  invasion  of  chartered 
rights;  first  by  argument  and  remonstrance,  and, 
finailv,  by  appeal  to  the  sword.  But  with  the 
war  came  th(^  necessary  exercise  of  sovereign 
powers,  'i'lie  Declaration  of  Independence  justi- 
fied itself  as  the  only  ])ossible  remedy  for  iiisulfer- 
nble  wrongs.  It  sealed  itself  upon  tlie  first  foun- 
il:. lions  of  the  law  of  nature,  and  the  incontestable 
doctrine  of  human  rights.  There  was  no  longer 
any  ipiestion  of  the  constitutional  powers  of  the 
IJiilish  ijarliainent,  or  of  violated  colonial  charters. 
Tliciiceforward  the  American  nation  supported  its 
existence  bv  war;  and  the  Hritish  nation  by  war, 
was  coniet.ding  for  conquest.  As,  beiweeii  the 
wo  paities,  the  single  <|uestioii  at  issue  was  Tn- 
derenileru  e  ;  but  in  the  confederate  existence  of 
the  North  American  I/fnion,  liberty;  not  only 
their  own  liberty,  but  the  vital  principle  of  liberty 
to  the  whole  race  of  civili/.ed  man,  was  involved. 

It  was  at  this  stage  of  the  conflict,  and  imme- 
diately after  the  Declaration  of  Independeix.'e,  that 
it  drew  the  attention,  and  called  into  action  the 
moral  sensibilities  and  the  intellectual  faculties  of 
Lafayette,  then  in  the  nineteenth  year  of  his  age. 

The  war  was  revolutionary.  It  began  by  the 
dissoliilion  of  (he  Brilisli  government  in  the  colo- 
nies ;  the  people  of  which  were  by  that  operation, 
left  without  any  government  whatever.  They 
were  then  at  one  ami  (he  same  time  maintaining 
their  independent  national  existence  by  war,  and 
foriiiiiig  new  social  compacts  ("or  their  own  gov- 
erimient  thenceforwaril.  '''he  construction  of 
civil  society  ;  the  extent  Jtiid  the  limitations  of 
organized  power;  the  establishment  of  a  system 
of  goveimneni  coiidiiiiing  the  greatest  enlarge- 
ment of  individual  liberty  with  the  most  perfect 
presrrvalion  of  public  order,  were  the  continual 
occupations  of  evi-ry  mind.  The  conse(|uences 
of  this  stale  of  lhin<;s  to  tlie  history  of  mankind, 
and  especially  of  Kurope,  vrere  foreseen  by  none. 
F.uro|)e  saw  nothing  but  the  war;  a  people  slrug- 
glim;  for  lil)erly,  and  asrainsl  oppression;  and  ihe 
people  in  evi-ry  part  of  Kurope  sympalhi/.ed  with 
the  people  of  the  American  colonies. 

Willi  llieir  governnienis  it  was  not  so.  The 
jieople  of  the  American  colonies  were  iiisiiigenis  ; 
.ill  uoveriinienis  abhor  insiirreciion  :  I  hey  were  re- 
volted colonisis.  The  great  inarilimr  [)owers  of 
Kurope  h  id  colonies  of  llieir  own,  to  which  the 
cx  imple  of  resisience  against  opiu'es'iion  might  be 
contagious.  The  American  cidonies  were  slig- 
litali/.f?d  in  all  the  official  acts  of  British  govern- 
niPiil  as  rel)pls:  and  rebellion  to  tlie  governing 
pari  of  mankind  is  as  the  sin  of  witchcraf't.  The 
(5overninenls  of  Kuro|ie,  ihi-refore.  were,  at  heart, 
(111  tile  Hide  of  the  IJrilish  uovernmeni  in  this  war. 
anil  ihe  people  of  Kurope  were  on  the  side  of  the 
Allieriraii  people.  | 

l.atavelle,  liy  his  position,  and  condition  in  lite.! 
•<ii«  one  ot  those  who,  goveiaed  by  the  oidinaiy  j 


im[)ulses  which  influence  and  control  the  conduct 
of  men,  would  have  sided  in  sentiment  with  the 
Hritish  or  royal  cause. 

Lafayette  was  born  a  subject  of  tlie  most  abso- 
lute and  most  splendid  monarchy  of  Kurope,  ami 
in  the  highest  rank  of  her  [iroud  and  chivalrous 
nobility.  He  had  been  educated  at  a  college  of 
the  University  of  Paris,  founded  by  the  royal  mu- 
nificence of  Louis  the  Fourteenth,  or  of  his  minis- 
ter. Cardinal  Richelieu.  Left  an  orjihan  in  early 
childhood,  with  the  inheritance  of  a  princely  for- 
tune, he  had  been  married,  at  sixteen  years  of  age, 
U)  a  daughter  of  the  house  of  Noailles,  the  most 
distinguished  family,  of  the  kingdom,  scarcely 
deemed  in  public  consideration  inferior  to  that 
which  wore  the  crown.  He  came  into  active  life, 
at  the  change  from  boy  to  man,  a  husband  and  a 
lather,  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  every  thing  that 
avarice  could  covet,  witli  a  certain  prospect  before 
him  of  all  tliat  ambition  could  crave.  Happy  in  his 
domestic  afl'ections,  incapable  from  the  benignity 
of  his  nature,  of  envy,  hatred,  or  revenge,  a  life 
of  "  ignoble  ease  and  indolent  repose"  seemed  to 
be  that  which  nature  and  fortune  had  combined  to 
psejiare  before  him.  To  men  of  ordinary  mould 
this  condition  woukl  have  led  to  a  life  of  luxurious 
apathy  and  sensual  indulgence.  Such  was  the 
life  into  which,  from  the  operation  of  the  same 
causes,  Louis  the  Fifteenth  had  sunk,  with  his 
household  and  court,  while  Lafayette  was  rising 
to  manhood,  surrounded  by  the  contamination  of 
their  example.  Had  his  natural  endowments  been 
even  of  the  higher  and  nobler  order  of  such  as  ad- 
here to  virtue,  even  in  the  laj)  of  ))rosperity,  and 
in  the  bosom  of  temptation,  he  niii;lit  have  lived 
and  died  a  pattern  of  the  nobilily  of  France,  to  be 
classed,  in  aftertimes,  with  the  Turennes  and  the 
Moiitaiisiers  of  the  age  of  Louis  the  Foiu'teenili, 
or  with  the  X'^illars  or  the  Lainoignons  of  the  age 
immediately  preceding  his  own. 

]5iit  as,  in  the  firmament  of  heaven  that  rolls 
over  our  heads,  there  is,  among  the  stars  of  the 
first  iiiagiiiliide,  one  so  iire-eiiiiiicnt  in  s))ieiidour, 
as,  in  the  opinion  of  astronomers,  to  constitute  a 
class  by  itself;  so,  in  llie  fourteen  hundred  years 
ol'the  French  monarchy,  among  the  multitudes  of 
great  and  iiiighly  men  which  it  has  evolved,  the 
name  of  Lafayette  stands  unrivalled  in  the  solitude 
of  glory. 

In  entering  upon  the  threshold  of  life,  a  career 
was  to  o))en  before  him.  He  had  the  option  of 
the  court  and  the  camji.  An  office  was  tendered 
to  him  in  the  household  of  the  king's  hioilier,  the 
count  de  Provence,  since  successively  a  royal  exile 
and  a  reinstated  king.  The  servitude  and  inaction 
of  a  court  had  no  charms  for  him  ;  he  preferred  a 
commission  in  the  army,  and,  at  the  time  of"  the 
declaration  ol' inde])eiidence,  was  a  captain  of  dra- 
goons in  gairison  at  Metz. 

There,  at  an  eiiterlaiiiiiient  given  by  his  relative, 
the  Marechal  de  I'roglie,  the  commandant  of  the 
place,  to  the  duke  «(  (Jloiicesler,  brother  to  the 
liritisli  king,  and  llien  a  transient  traveller  through 
that  part  ol  France,  he  learns,  as  an  incident  of 
intelligence  received  that  morning  by  the  Kiiglisli 
prince  from  London,  that  the  congress  of  rebels, 
at  Philadelphia,  had  issued  a  declaration  of  inde- 
pendence. \  conversalion  ensues  upon  the  causes 
which  have  contriliuted  to  produce  this  event,  and 
upon  the  conseijiieiK-es  which  may  be  expected  to 
flow  from  it.  'The  imagination  of  Lafayette  has 
caught  across  the  Atlantic  tide  the  spark  eiiiilled 
from  the  declaration  ol  iii<lepeiidence  ;  his  liearl 
has  kindled  at  the  shock,  and  liefine  he  slumbers 
upon  his  jiillow,  he  has  resolved  to  devote  his  life 
and  fortune  to  the  cause. 

Vou  have  bel'ore  you  the  cause  and  the  man. — 
The  sell'-devotioii  ol  I^afivel te  was  twofold.  I'list, 
to  the  |)eople,  iiiainlaining  a  bold  and  seemingly 
desperate  struggle  against  ojipiession,  and  I'or  iia- 
lional  <'xistence.  Secondly,  and  chiefly,  to  the 
principles  of  their  declaration,  which  then  first  iin- 
lurleil  before  his  eyes  the  consecrated  standard  of 
human  rights.  .So  ihal  standard,  without  an  iii- 
siaiil  of  hesilalion,  he  repaired.  Where  it  would 
leail  him,  it  is  scarcely  probable  that  he  himself, 


then  foresaw.  It  was  then  identical  with  the  .siars 
land  stripes  of  the  Aineiiean  I'nion,  floatiiis  to  the 
breeze  from  the  hall  of  independence,  at  Pliiladel- 
Iphia.  Nor  sordid  avarice,  nor  vulgar  ambition, 
I  could  point  his  footsteps  to  the  pathway  leading 
I  to  that  banner.  To  the  love  of  ease  or  pleasure 
nothing  could  be  more  repulsive.  Someihiiig  may 
be  allowed  to  the  beatings  of  the  youthful  breast, 
which  make  ambition  virtue,  and  something  to  the 
spirit  ol'  military  adventure,  imbibed  liom  Ids  pro- 
fession, and  of  which  he  felt  in  common  with  many 
others.  France,  Germany,  Poland,  furnished  to 
the  armies  of  this  union,  in  our  revolutionary  strug- 
gle no  inconsiderable  number  of  oflicei-s  of  high 
rank  and  distinguished  merit.  The  name  of  Pulas- 
ki and  de  Kalb  are  numbered  among  the  martyrs 
of  our  freedom,  and  their  ashes  repose  in  our  soil 
side  by  side  with  the  canonized  bones  of  Warrea 
and  of  Montgomery.  To  the  virtues  of  Lafayette, 
a  more  protracted  career  and  ha[)|)ier  earthly  desti- 
nies were  reserved.  To  the  moral  p.-incii)le  of  po- 
litical action,  the  sacrifices  of  no  other  man  were 
comparable  to  his.  Youth,  health,  fortune  ;  the  fa- 
vour of  his  king  ;  the  enjoyment  of  ease  and  plea- 
sure ;  even  the  choicest  blessings  of  domestic  feli- 
city ;  he  gave  them  all  for  toil  and  ilanger  in  a  dis- 
tant land,  and  an  almost  hopeless  cause  ;  but  it  was 
the  cause  ofjustice,  and  of  the  rights  of  human  kind. 

The  resolve  is  firmly  fixed,  and  it  now  reiiiaiDS 
to  be  carrie<i  into  executi'ui.  On  the  7  th  of  De- 
cember, 177(),  Silas  Deane,  then  a  secret  agent  of 
the  American  Congress  at  Paris,  stipulates  with 
the  Marquis  de  Lafayette  that  he  shall  receive  a 
coiiiiuission,  to  date  from  that  day,  of  major  gene- 
ral in  the  aimy  of  the  United  Slates;  anrl  ihe 
Maniuis  stipulates,  in  return,  to  dejiart  when  and 
how  Mr.  Deane  shall  judge  jiroper.  to  serve  the 
United  States  with  all  possible  zeal,  w  iihout  pay  or 
emolument,  reserving  to  himself  only  the  liber'y 
of  returning  to  Kuro])e  if  his  family  or  his  king 
should  recall  him. 

Neither  liis  family  nor  his  king  were  willing 
that  he  shoirid  de|)art  ;  nor  had  Air.  Deane  the 
power,  either  to  conclude  this  contract,  or  to  fV.r- 
nish  the  means  of  his  con\eyanee  to  America. 
DilTiculties  lise  up  before  him  only  to  be  disjiers 
ed,  and  obstacles  thicken  only  to  be  surmounted. 
The  day  after  the  signature  of  the  contract,  Mr. 
Deane's  agency  is  sujiersedeil  by  the  arrival  of 
Doctor  Benjamin  Franklin  and  .Arthur  Lee  as  his 
colleagues  in  comiiiissiim ;  nor  (ful  they  think 
themselves  authorized  to  confirm  his  eiigageinenis, 
Lafayette  is  not  to  be  discouraged.  'J'lie  roiuinis- 
sioncrs  extenuate  nothing  ol"  tlie  un|<roniising  con- 
dition of  their  cause.  Mr.  Deane  avows  his  inabi- 
lity to  furnish  him  with  a  ])assage  to  the  United 
States.  "The  more  desperate  the  cause,"  says 
Lafayette,  "the  greater  need  has  it  of  my  ser- 
vices ;  and  if  Mr.  Deane  has  no  vessel  for  my 
passage,  1  shall  purchase  one  myself",  and  will  tra- 
verse the  ocean  with  a  selected  comi)any  of'  iny 
own." 

Other  impediments  arise.  His  design  becomes 
known  to  the  British  ambassador  at  the  court  of 
X'ersailles,  who  remonstrates  to  ihe  French  go 
vernnient  against  it.  .At  his  instance,  orders  are 
issued  for  the  detention  of  the  vessel  |)ureliased  by 
the  .Manpiis,  and  filled  out  at  Bordeaux,  and  for 
the  arrest  of  his  person.  To  elude  the  first  ot'these 
orders  the  vessel  is  removi-d  lioiii  Bordeaux  to 
the  neighbouring  jiort  of  passage,  within  ihe  do 
minion  of  Spain.  The  order  l"or  his  arrest  m 
executed;  but.  by  stratagem  and  disguisi .  he 
escapes  from  the  eiislody  of  those  who  have  hilli 
in  charge,  and  before  a  seciMid  cnder  can  reach 
him  he  is  sale  on  the  ocean  wave,  botiiu!  to  the 
l;Mid  of  independence  and  of  freedom. 

It  has  been  necessary  to  clear  out  llievessellor 
an  island  for  the  West  Indies;  but,  once  at  sea  hn 
av.iils  himself  of  his  right  as  owner  of  the  ship,  and 
coiii|iels  his  captain  to  steer  for  the  slioresof  eman- 
cipated .North  America.  He  laixis  with  his  com- 
panions, on  llie'i.'ilh  of  ;\pril,  1777,  in  .'^oiiih  Ca- 
rolina, not  far  f"roiii  Charleston,  and  finds  a  inosl 
cordial  reception  and  hospitable  welcome  in  ibo 
house  of  Major  linger. 


UNITED  STATES 


418 


Kvery  detail  of  this  adventurous  expedition, 
fiill  of  incidents,  combining  with  the  simplicity  of 
h)stcji  ic;d  truth  the  interest  of  romance,  is  so 
well  known,  and  so  familiar  to  the  memory  of  all 
who  hear  me,  that  1  ])ass  them  over  without  far- 
ther notice. 

From  Charleston  he  proceeded  Philadelphia, 
where  the  Congress  of  the  revolution  were  in  ses- 
sion, and  where  he  olfered  his  services  in  the 
cause.  Here,  again,  he  was  met  with  dilTicuIties, 
which,  to  men  of  ordinary  minds,  would  have  been 
insurmountable.  iMr.  Deane's  contracts  were  so 
numerous,  and  for  offices  of  rank  so  high,  that  it 
was  im[)()ssible  they  should  be  ratified  by  the  Con- 
gress, lie  had  stipulated  for  the  ai)|)oiiitment 
of  other  Major  (Jenerals;  and,  in  the  same  con- 
tract with  that  of  Lafayette,  for  eleven  othei 
oflicers,  I'roiii  the  rank  of  a  Colonel  to  that  of  Lieu- 
tenant. To  iniroduce  these  olficers,  strangers, 
scarcely  one  of  whom  could  speak  the  language 
of  the  country,  into  the  American  army,  to  take 
rank  and  jirecedeiice  over  the  native  citizens 
whose  ardent  patriotism  had  jiointed  them  to  the 
st.uidard  of  their  country,  could  not,  without 
£.teat  injustice,  nor  without  exciting  the  most 
fatal  dissensions,  have  been  done;  and  this  answer 
was  necessarily  given  as  well  to  Lafayette  as 
to  the  otiier  oflicers  who  had  accompanied  him 
from  Europe.  His  reply  was  an  olfer  to  sene  as 
a  volunteer,  and  without  jiay.  Magnanimity,  thus 
disinterested,  could  not  be  resisted,  nor  could  the 
sense  of  it  be  worthily  manifested  by  a  mere 
acceptance  of  tlie  offer.  On  the  31st  of  July, 
1777,  therefore,  the  I'ollowing  resolution  and  pre- 
amble are  recorded  upon  the  journals  of  Congress  : 

"Whereas,  the  iNLinjuisde  Lafayette,  out  of  his 
great  zeal  to  the  cause  of  liberty,  in  which  the 
United  States  are  engaged,  has  lel't  his  family 
and  connexions,  and,  at  his  own  expense,  come 
over  to  olfer  his  service  to  tlie  United  States, 
without  pension  or  particular  allowance,  and  is 
anxious  to  risk  his  lil'e  in  our  cause : 

'•Resolved,  Th.it  his  services  be  accepted,  and 
that,  in  consideration  of  his  zeal,  illustrious  I'amily, 
and  connexions,  he  have  the  rank  and  commis- 
sion of  Major  General  ia  the  aimy  of  the  United 
States." 

He  had  the  lankand  commission,  but  no  com- 
mand as  a  Major  General.  With  this,  all  per- 
gonal ambition  was  gratified;  and  whatever  ser- 
vices he  might  perform,  he  could  attain  no  higher 
rank  in  the  American  army.  The  discontents  of 
officers  already  in  the  service,  at  being  supersed- 
ed in  command  by  a  stripling  foreigner,  were  dis- 
armed ;  nor  was  the  ])rudence  of  Congress,  per- 
haps, without  its  inlluence  in  withholding  a  com- 
mand, which,  but  for  a  judgment  premature  "be- 
yond the  slow  advance  ofyears,"  might  have  haz- 
arded something  of  the  sacred  cause  itself,  by 
confidence  too  hastily  bestowed. 

The  day  after  the  date  of  his  commission,  he 
was  introduced  to  Washington  commander-in- 
chief  of  the  armies  of  the  confederation.  It  was 
the  critical  period  of  the  campaign  of  1777.  The 
British  army  commanded  by  lord  Howe,  was  ad- 
vancing from  the  head  of  Elk,  to  which  they  had 
been  transported  by  sea  from  New  York,  upon 
Philadelphia.  Washington  by  a  counteracting 
movement  had  been  approaching  from  his  line  of 
defence,  in  the  Jerseys,  toward  the  city,  and 
arrived  there  on  the  1st  of  August.  It  was  a 
meeting  of  congenial  souls.  At  tlie  close  of  it, 
Washington  gave  the  youthful  stranger  an  invita- 
tion to  make  the  head-quarters  of  the  commander- 
in-chief  his  home  :  that  he  should  establish  him- 
selt  thereat  his  own  time,  and  consider  himself  at 
all  times  one  of  his  family.  It  was  natural  that, 
■n  giving  this  inviiatiim,  he  should  remark  the 
contiast  of  the  situation  in  which  it  would  jilace 
nim,  with  that  of  ease,  and  comfort,  and  liixu- 
nous  enjoyment,  which  he  had  left,  at  the  splen- 
Oid  court  of  Louis  the  Sixteenth,  and  of  his  heau- 
lifu!  and  accomplished,  but  ill-fated  queen,  then  at 
•  he  very  summit  of  ail  which  constitutes  the  com- 
mon estimate  of  felicity.  How  deep  and  solemn  was 
lliio  contrtisl !    No  nati  t  American  had  luider- 


gone  the  trial  of  the  same  alternative.  None  ol 
them,  save  Lafayette,  had  brought  the  same  tri- 
bute, of  his  life,  his  fortune,  and  his  honour,  to  a 
cause  of  a  country  foreign  to  his  own.  To  La- 
fayette the  soil  of  freedom  was  his  country.  His 
post  of  honour  was  the  post  of  danger.  His  fire- 
side was  the  field  of  battle.  He  acce|)ted  with  joy 
the  invitation  of  Washington,  and  repaired  forlli- 
with  to  the  cam|).  The  bond  of  indissoluble 
friendship  ;  the  friendship  of  heroes,  was  sealed 
from  the  first  hour  of  their  meeting,  to  last  through- 
out their  lives,  and  to  live  in  the  memory  of  man- 
kind for  ever. 

It  was,  perhaps,  at"  the  suggestion  of  the  Ame- 
rican comniissioners  in  France,  that  this  invitation 
was  given  by  Washington.  In  a  letter  from  them, 
of  the  2otli  of  May,  1777,  to  the  committee  of 
foreign  affairs,  they  announce  that  the  ISIarquis 
had  departed  for  the  United  States  in  a  ship  of 
his  own,  accompanied  by  some  officers  of  distinc- 
tion, in  order  to  sen'e  in  our  armies.  They  observe 
that  he  is  exceedingly  beloved,  and  that  every 
body's  good  wishes  attend  liim.  They  cannot 
but  hope  that  he  will  meet  with  such  a  reception 
as  will  make  the  country  and  his  expedition  agree- 
able to  him.  They  further  say  that  those  who 
censure  it  as  imprudent  in  him,  do  nevertheless 
a])plaud  his  sj)irit ;  and  they  are  satisfied  that  ci- 
vilities and  respect  shown  to  him  will  be  service- 
able to  our  cause  in  France,  as  pleasing  not  only 
to  his  powerful  relations  and  to  the  court,  but  to 
tlie  whole  French  nation.  They  finally  add,  that 
he  had  left  a  beautiful  young  wife,  and  for  her  sake, 
particularly,  they  hoped  that  his  bravery  and  ardent 
desire  to  distinguish  himself  would  be  a  little  re- 
strained by  the  general's  [Washington's]  prudence 
so  as  not  to  permit  his  being  hazarded  much,  but 
ujion  some  important  occasion. 

The  head-quarters  of  Washington,  serving  as 
a  volunteer,  with  the  rank  and  commission  of  a 
Major  General  without  command,  was  precisely 
the  station  adapted  to  the  development  of  his  cha- 
racter, to  his  own  honour,  and  that  of  the  army, 
and  to  the  prudent  management  of  the  country's 
cause.  To  him  it  was  at  once  a  severe  school  of 
experience,  and  a  rigorous  test  of  merit.  But  it 
was  not  the  place  to  restrain  him  from  exposure 
to  danger.  The  time  at  which  he  joined  the  cam]) 
was  one  of  pre-eminent  peril.  The  British  govern- 
ment, and  the  commander  in  chief  of  the  British 
forces,  had  imagined  that  the  possession  of  Phi- 
ladelphia, combined  with  that  of  the  line  along  the 
Hudson  river,  from  the  Canadian  frontier  to  the 
city  of  New  York,  would  be  fatal  to  the  American 
cause.  By  the  capture  of  Burgoyne  and  his  army, 
that  portion  of  the  project  stistained  a  total  defeat. 
The  final  issue  of  the  war  was  indeed  sealed  with 
the  capitulation  of  the  17th  of  October,  1777,  at 
Saratoga  ;  sealed,  not  with  the  subjugation,  but 
with  the  independence  of  the  North  American 
union. 

In  the  southern  campaign  the  British  com- 
mander was  more  successful.  The  fall  of  Phila- 
delphia was  the  result  of  tlie  battle  of  Brandy- 
wine,  on  the  11th  of  September.  This  was  the 
first  action  in  which  Lafayette  was  engaged,  and 
the  first  lesson  of  his  practical  military  school 
was  a  lesson  of  misfortune.  In  the  attempt  to 
rally  the  American  troops  in  tlieir  retreat,  he  re- 
ceived a  musket  ball  in  the  leg.  He  was  scarcely 
conscious  of  the  wound  till  made  sensible  of  it  by 
the  loss  of  blood,  and  even  then  ceased  not  his 
exertions  in  the  field  till  he  had  secured  and  cov- 
ered the  retreat. 

This  casualty  confined  him  for  sometime  to  liis 
bed  at  Philadelphia,  and  afterwards  detained  him 
some  days  at  Bethlehem  ;  but  within  six  weeks  he 
rejoined  the  head-quarters  of  W^asliington,  near 
Whitemarsh.  He  soon  becam*»  xious  to  obtain 
a  command  equal  to  his  rank,  at.d,  in  the  short 
space  of  time  that  he  had  been  with  the  coinian- 
der-in-chief,  had  so  thoroughly  obtained  his  confi- 
dence as  to  secure  an  earnest  solicitation  from  him 
to  Congress  in  his  favour.  In  a  letter  to  Congress, 
of  the  1st  of  November,  1777,  he  says  ;  "  The 
Marquis  dc  Lafayette  is  extremely  solicitous  of 


having  a  command  equal  to  hi"  rank  I  do  not 
know  in  what  light  Congress  wil.  view  the  matter 
but  it  ajipears  to  me,  from  a  consideration  of  iiis 
illustrious  and  im|)orlant  connexions,  the  attach- 
ment which  he  has  manifested  for  our  cause,  and 
the  consetpieiices  which  his  relurn  in  dismist  mi-^ht 
]iroduce,  that  it  will  be  advisable  to  gratify  him  in 
his  wishes;  and  tin-  more  so.  as  several  genilemen 
fiom  France,  who  came  over  under  some  assur- 
ances, have  gone  back  disapiiointed  in  their  cxpec 
tations.  His  conduct  with  respect  to  them  stands 
in  a  favourable  point  of  view  ;  having  inteiest" 
ed  hims(!lf  to  remove  their  uneasiness,  atid  urged 
the  impropriety  of  their  making  any  unfavour- 
able representations  upon  their  arrival  home  ; 
and  in  all  his  letters  he  has  jilaced  otir  al)'air« 
in  the  best  situation  he  could.  Besides,  he  ia 
sensible,  discreet  in  his  manners  ;  has  made 
great  proficiency  in  our  language  ;  and,  from  the 
disposition  he  discovered  at  the  battle  of  Brandy- 
wine,  possesses  a  large  share  of  bravery  and  mili- 
tary ardour." 

Perhajis  one  of  the  highest  cncomitims  ever 
pronounced  ol"  a  man  in  public  life,  is  that  of  a 
historian  eminent  for  his  profound  acquaintance 
with  mankind,  who,  in  jiainting  a  great  character 
by  a  single  line,  says  that  he  was  just  equal  to  all 
the  duties  of  the  highest  offices  which  he  attained, 
and  never  above  them.  There  are  in  some  men 
qualities  which  dazzle  and  consume  to  little  or  no 
valuable  purpose.  They  seldom  belong  to  the 
great  benefactors  of  mankind.  'J'hey  were  not  the 
qualities  of  AVashingtoii,  or  of  I,af;iyette.  The 
testimonial  ofVered  by  the  American  commander 
to  his  young  friend,  after  a  probation  of  several 
months,  and  after  the  severe  test  of  the  disastrou.s 
day  of  Brandywine,  was  ))recise!y  adapted  to  the 
man  in  whose  favour  it  was  given,  and  to  the  ob- 
ject which  it  was  to  accomplish.  \V'hat  earnest- 
ness of  juirpose !  what  sincerity  of  conviction! 
what  energetic  sim|)licity  of  expression  I  what 
thorough  delineation  of  character  I  The  merits  of 
Lafayette,  to  the  eye  of  Washington,  are  the  can- 
dour and  generosity  of  his  disposition;  the  indo- 
faticable  industry  of  apjilication,  which  in  th« 
course  of  a  few  months,  has  already  given  him 
the  mastery  of  a  foreign  language;  good  sense, 
discretion  of  manners,  an  attribute  not  only  uu- 
asual  in  early  years,  but  doubly  rare  in  alliatics 
with  that  eiithusiatri  so  signally  marked  by  his 
self-devotion  to  the  American  cause  ;  and,  to 
crown  all  the  rest,  the  bravery  and  military  ardour 
so  brilliantly  manifested  at  the  Brandywine.  Hcve 
is  no  ranilom  praise;  no  umneaiiing  panegyric. 
This  cluster  of  qualities,  all  [ilain  and  simple,  but 
so  seldom  found  in  union  loi;ether,  so  generally 
incompatible  with  one  another,  these  are  the  pto- 
(lerties  eminently  trustworthy,  in  the  judgment  ot 
Washington  ;  and  these  are  the  properties  which 
his  discernment  has  found  in  Lafayette,  and  which 
urge  him  thus  earnestly  to  advise  the  gratification 
of  his  wish  by  the  assignment  of  a  command  equal 
to  the  rank  which  had  been  granted  to  his  zeal 
and  his  illustrious  name. 

The  recommendation  of  Washington  had  itg 
immediate  efl'ect  ;  and  on  the  first  of  December, 
1777,  it  was  resolved  by  Congress,  that  he  stiould 
be  informed  it  was  highly  aureeable  to  Congress, 
that  the  iMarquisde  Lafayette  should  be  appointctl 
to  the  command  of  a  division  in  the  continental 
army. 

lie  received  accordingly  such  an  appointment, 
and  a  plan  was  organized  in  Congress  for  a  second 
invasion  of  Canada,  at  the  head  of  whidi  he  was 
placed.  This  expedition,  originally  projected 
without  consultation  with  the  commander-in-chief, 
might  be  connected  with  the  temporary  dissatis- 
faction in  the  community  aid  in  Congress,  at  the 
ill  success  of  his  endeavours  to  defend  Philadel- 
phia, which  rival  and  unfriendly  ])artisans  were 
too  ready  to  compare  with  the  splendid  teiiiiiiia- 
tion,  by  the  capture  of  Burgoyne  and  his  army,  of 
the  nortliern  campaign,  under  the  command  of 
General  (lates.  To  foreclose  all  suspicion  ol  a  par 
ticipation  in  these  views,  Lafayette  proceeded  t-o 
the  seat  of  Congress,  and,  accepting  the  imjioriiuy 


HlSrORY  OV  THE 


cluirfu'  wliich  if  was  proposed  lo  assi;:n  to  liiin,  | 
olitaiiicil  ;it  his  p  irliciihir  rcimest  ihnt  lie  should 
be  coiisiileiv d  as  an  olliccr  detached  iVom  the 
army  of  Washiiigfoei,  ami  to  remain  under  his  or-  i 
(iers.  lie  then  repaired  in  person  to  Albany,  to 
lake  eoiimiatid  ol  the  troops  who  were  to'assendile 
a;  that  place,  in  order  to  cross  the  lakes  on  the 
ice,  and  attack  Montieal;  but  on  arrivin<;  at  Al- 
bany, he  (omid  none  of  the  promised  preparations 
■n  .  it  adiness  ;  lliey  were  never  etlected.  Con- 
jjresssome  time  alter  relinquished  the  dcsi;jn,  ar.d 
ihe  Marquis  was  ordeied  to  rejoin  the  army  cf 
Washinalon. 

In  the  succeeding  month  of  May,  liis  military 
tiilent  was  displayed  by  the  maste'ly  retreat  el- 
fected  in  the  presence  of  an  overwhelming  supe- 
riority of  the  enemy's  force  from  the  position  al 
Barrcji  Hill. 

He  was  soon  after  distinguished  at  the  battle  of 
Motnnouth  ;  and  in  September,  1778,  a  resolution 
of  Congress  declared  tlieir  high  sense  of  his  ser- 
vices, not  only  ill  tlie  field,  but  in  his  exertions  to 
conciliate  and  heal  dissensions  between  the  offi- 
cers of  the  French  lleet  under  the  ccipmand  of 
Count  d'Kstaing  and  some  of  the  nati"e  i>iricerscf 
our  army.  These  dissentions  had  arisen  in  the 
first  moments  of  co-oi)eration  in  the  service,  and 
had  tlireatened  pernicious  consequences. 

In  the  month  of  April,  177(5,  the  combined  wis- 
dom of  ilu'  Count  de  V^ergennes  and  of  Mt.  Tur- 
cot, the  Prime  .Minister,  and  the  financier  of  I^ouis 
llie  Sixteenth,  had  brought  him  to  the  conclusion 
•.hat  the  event  the  most  desirable  to  France,  with 
•egard  to  the  controveisy  between  (Jreal  Britain 
uikI  her  .Xmerican  colonies,  was  that  the  insurrec- 
tion shoidd  besupjiressed.  This  judgment,  evinc- 
ing oidy  the  total  absence  of  all  moral  coiisidera- 
•.lotis,  in  the  estimate,  by  these  eminent  statesmen, 
i>l' wliat  was  desirable  to  France,  had  undergone  a 
preat  change  by  the  close  of  the  year  1777.  The 
Oeclaration  of  Independence  had  changed  the 
question  between  the  parties.  The  popular  feei- 
ng ol"  France  was  all  on  the  side  of  the  Ameri- 
cans. The  <laring  and  romantic  movement  of 
Lafayette,  in  defiance  of  tlie  government  itself, 
tlien  highly  favoured  by  public  opinion,  was  fiil- 
lowed  by  universal  admiration,  ^riie  spontaneous 
spirit  of  the  people  gradually  s|)rea<l  itself  even 
over  the  rank  corrui)ti(in  of  the  court ;  a  suspit'ious 
and  deceptive  neutrality  succeeded  to  an  ostensi- 
ble exclusion  of  the  itis\irgents  from  the  j)orts  of 
France,  tiii  tlie  capitulation  of  Burgoyne  satisfied 
the  casuists  of  international  law  at  Versailles  that 
•  he  suppression  of  the  insurrection  was  no  longer 
the  most  desirai.lB  of  events  ;  btit  that  the  United 
Stales  were,  de  facto,  sovereign  and  independent  ; 
«:id  lliat  France  might  conclude  a  treaty  of  com- 
merce with  them,  without  giving  just  cause  of  of- 
fence to  the  siep-molher  coimtry.  On  theGlh  of 
Februrary,  I77S,  a  treaty  of  comtiierce  between 
France  and  the  United  States  was  coiiclu<le(l,  and 
Vkith  it,  on  the  same  day.  a  treaty  of  eventual  de- 
fensive alliance,  lo  take  elVect  only  in  the  event  of 
Great  Britain's  resenting,  by  war  against  France, 
.he  consummation  (d' ihe  commercial  treaty.  The 
war  immediately  ensued,  and  in  the  summer  of 
I77S,  a  i'"rench  tieet  under  the  command  of  Count 
d'Ksiaiiig  was  sent  to  co-operate  with  the  forces 
of  the  I'nited  Stales  fiir  the  maintenance  of  tlieir 
independence. 

By  these  events  the  position  of  the  IMarqtlis  de 
Lalayrtte  was  essentially  changed.  It  became 
necessary  for  him  to  reinstate  h'unself  in  the  good  j 
eiaces  of  his  sovereign,  otlended  at  his  absenling 
himself  from  his  country  without  permission,  but 
(iralified  uiih  the  distinction  which  he  had  ac- 
quired l)y  gallant  deeds  in  a  service  now  become 
that  of  France  herMdf.  At  the  close  of  the  cam- 
j)aii>n  ol'  177N,  with  the  approbation  of  his  frienil 
and  patron,  ihe  commander-in-chief,  he  addressed 
a  leKer  to  the  pri-^ident  of  Congress,  lepresenting 
!us  iIkmi  present  ciimmsiances  with  the  confidence 
of  all'eclion  and  gratitude,  (diserving  thai  the  sen- 
limi-nis  which  bound  him  to  Ins  country  could 
D<-.er  III-  mor«'  Dioiinly  spoken  of  than  in  ihe  pre- 
■Klice  ul  iiieu  who  had  done  .so  mucli  for  their  own. 


As  long,"  continued  he,  "  as  1  thought  I  could  I  of  a  land  and  naval  force  in  the  aiti  of  the  Ameii 


dispose  of  myself,  I  made  it  my  pri<le  and  pleasure 
to  light  under  American  colours,  in  defence  of  a 
cause  which  I  dare  more  particularly  call  ours, 
because  I  had  the  good  fortune  of  bleeding  for 
her.  Now,  sir,  that  France  is  involved  in  a  war, 
I  am  urged,  by  a  sense  of  my  duty,  as  well  as  by 
the  love  of  my  country,  to  present  myself  before 
the  king,  and  know  in  what  manner  he  judges 
proper  to  employ  my  .services.  The  most  agree- 
able of  al)  will  always  be  such  .as  may  enable  me 
to  serve  ihe  common  cause  among  those  whose 
friendship  I  had  ihe  happiness  to  obtain,  and  whose 
fortune  I  liad  the  honour  to  follow  in  less  smiling 
times.    That  reason,  ;rnd  others,  whicli  1  leave  to 


can  cause,  "the  Maiquis  de  Lafaytie,"  eayi 
Docto!  Franklin,  in  a  letter  of  ihe  4lii  of  March, 
17S0,  to  the  president  of  Congress,  "who.  during 
his  residence  in  France,  has  been  extremely  zea- 
lous in  su|)porting  our  cause  on  all  occasions,  re- 
turns again  lo  fight  for  it.  He  is  infinitely  esteem- 
ed and  beloved  here,  and  I  am  persuadetl  will  do 
every  thing  in  his  power  lo  merit  a  continuance  of 
the  same  alVeclion  from  America." 

Tmmedialely  after  his  arrival  in  the  United  States, 
it  was,  on  the  17th  of  .^Iay,  1780,  resolved  in  Con- 
gress, tliat  they  consider  his  return  to  .\nieiica 
lo  resume  liis  conmiand  as  a  fresh  proof  of  the  lis- 
interesied  zeal  and  persevering  atlacliincnl  wl.ich 


the  feelings  of  Congress,  engage  me  to  beg  from  |  have  justly  recommended  him  to  the  iniblic  con 


them  the  liberty  of  going  home  for  the  next  win- 
tf  r. 

"  As  long  as  there  were  any  hopes  of  an  active 
cami)aign,  I  did  not  think  of  leaving  tlie  field  ; 
now  that  I  see  a  very  jieaceable  and  undisturbed 
moment,  I  take  this  opjiortuuity  of  waiting  on 
congi  CSS." 

In  the  remainder  of  the  letter  he  solicited  that, 
in  the  event  of  his  request  being  granted,  he  might 
be  considered  as  a  soldier  on  furlough,  lie:Miily 
wishing  to  regain  his  colours  and  his  esteemed 
and  beloved  fellow-soldiers.  And  he  closes  with 
a  tender  of  any  services  which  he  miglit  be  ena- 
bled to  render  to  the  American  cause  in  his  own 
country. 

On  the  recei])!  of  this  letter,  accompanied  by 
one  from  General  Washington,  recommending  to 
congress,  in  terms  most  lionourable  to  the  Mar- 
quis, a  comiiliance  with  his  request,  that  body  im- 
mediately passed  resolutions  granting  him  an  un- 
limited leave  of  absence,  with  |)ermission  to  return 
to  the  United  States  at  his  own  most  convenient 
time;  that  the  president  of  Congress  should  write 
him  a  letter  rettirning  him  the  thanks  of  Congress 
i'ln  that  disinterested  zeal  whi<'h  had  led  him  to 
America,  and  for  the  services  he  had  rendered  to 
the  United  .States  by  ihe  exertion  of  his  courage 
and  abilities  on  many  signal  occasions  ;  and  that 
the  minister  pleni[)otentiary  of  the  United  States 
at  the  court  of  \^ersailles  should  be  directed  to 
cause  an  elegant  sword,  wiihpro|)er  devices,  to  be 
made,  and  presented  to  liim  in  the  name  of  the 
I'nited  States.  These  resolutions  were  coinmii- 
nicated  to  him  in  a  letter  expressive  of  the  sensibi- 
lity congenial  to  them,  from  the  president  of  Con- 
gress, Henry  Laurens. 

He  embarked  in  .Tanuary,  1779,  in  the  frigate 
Alliance,  at  Boston,  and,  on  the  succeeding  1:2th 
day  of  February,  presented  himself  at  Versailles. 
Twelvemonths  had  already  elapsed  since  the  con- 
clusion of  the  treaties  of  commerce  and  ol  event- 
ual alliance  between  Franceand  the  United  States. 
They  had,  during  the  greater  part  of  that  time, 
been  deeply  engaged  in  a  war  with  a  common 
(•ause  against  great  Britain,  and  it  was  the  cause 
in  which  Lafayette  had  been  sliedding  his  blood  : 
yet,  instead  of  receiving  him  with  open  arms,  as 
the  jiride  and  ornament  of  his  country,  a  cold  and 
hollow-hearted  order  was  issued  to  him  not  to  pre- 
sent himself  at  court,  but  to  consider  himself  under 
arrest,  with  permission  to  receive  visits  only  from 
his  relations.  This  ostensible  mark  of  the  royal 
displeasure  was  to  last  eight  days,  and  Lafayette 
manifested  his  sense  of  it  only  by  a  letter  to  the 
Count  de  Vergennes,  iiKpiiring  whether  the  inter- 
diction upon  him  to  receive  visits  was  lo  be  con- 
sideied  as  extending  to  that  of  Doctor  Franklin. — 
The  sentiment  of  universal  admiration  which  had 
fidlowed  him  at  his  fiist  departure,  greatly  increas- 
ed by  liiss|dendid  career  of  service  during  the  two 
years  of  his  absence,  indemnified,  him  for  the  in- 
dignity of  the  courtly  rebuke. 

He  remained  in  France  through  the  year  1770, 
and  returned  to  the  scene  of  action  early  in  the 
ensuing  year.  He  continued  in  the  French  ser- 
vice, and  was  appointed  lo  command  the  king's 
own  regiment  of  dragoons,  stationed  during  the 
yi-ar  in  various  parts  of  the  kingdom,  and  hoMing 
an  incessant  rorrespon<lence  with  the  minister  of 


fidencc  and  applause,  and  that  iliey  received  with 
pleasure  a  tender  of  the  farther  sei-vices  of  so  gal- 
lant and  meritorious  an  officer. 

From  tliis  time  until  the  termination  of  the 
campaign  of  1781,  by  the  surrender  of  lord  Corn- 
wallis  and  his  army  at  Yorklown,  liis  service  waj 
of  incessant  activity,  always  signalized  by  mili- 
laiy  talents  unsurpassed,  and  by  a  spirit  never  to 
be  subdued.  At  the  time  of  the  treason  of  Arnold, 
Lafayette  was  accompanying  his  commander-ia- 
chief  to  an  important  conference  and  consuliatiort 
with  the  French  (Jeneral,  Koclianibeaii  ;  and  ihei,, 
as  in  every  stage  of  the  war,  it  seemed  as  if  the 
position  which  he  occupied,  his  personal  charac- 
ter, his  individual  relations  with  Washington,  wilh 
the  officers  of  both  the  allied  armies,  and  with  the 
armies  themselves,  liad  been  specially  ordered  to 
promote  and  secure  that  liarimniy  ai"l  muiual 
good  understanding  indispensable  to  the  ultimaic 
success  of  the  common  cause.  His  position,  loo, 
as  a  foreigner  by  birth,  a  European,  a  volnnieer 
in  the  American  service,  and  a  person  of  high 
rank  in  his  native  country,  pointed  him  out  as 
peculiarly  suited  to  the  painful  duty  of  deciding 
upon  the  character  of  the  crime,  and  U|)oii  the  fue 
of  the  British  officer,  the  accomiilice  and  vicliin 
of  the  detesled  traitor,  .-Xrnold. 

In  the  early  part  of  ihe  campaign  of  1781 
when  Cornwallis,  with  an  overwhelming  force, 
was  spreading  ruin  and  devastation  over  ilie 
southern  ])ortio'.i  of  tlie  union,  we  find  Lai'.iyelte, 
with  means  altogether  inadequate,  charged  with 
the  defence  of  tlie  territory  of  \'irgiiiia.  .Always 
equal  to  the  emergencies  in  which  circumstan- 
ces placed  him,  his  expedients  for  encountering 
and  surmounting  t!ic  obstacles  which  ihey  casl 
in  his  way  are  invariably  stamped  with  the  pecu- 
liarities of  his  character.  The  troojis  placeil  mi- 
der  his  crMiimand  for  the  defence  of  N'irginia, 
were  cliiefly  taken  from  the  eastern  regiments, 
unseasoned  to  the  climate  lolhe  south,  and  preju- 
diced against  it  as  unfavourable  to  the  health  of 
the  natives  of  the  more  rigorous  regions  of  the 
north.  Desertions  became  frequent,  till  they 
threatened  tlie  very  dissolution  of  the  corps.  In- 
stead of  resorting  to  military  execution  to  reiaio 
his  men,  he  appeals  to  the  sympalliies  of  honour. 
He  states,  in  general  orders,  the  great  danger  and 
diiriculiy  of  the  enterprise  upon  which  he  is  about 
to  embark  ;  represents  the  only  possibility  by 
v.'hicii  it  can  ])romise  success,  the  fiiilhfiil  ail- 
herence  of  the  soldiers  to  their  chief",  ami  his 
confidence  that  they  will  not  abandon  him.  He 
then  adds,  that  if,  however,  any  individual  of  the 
detachment  was  unwilling  to  fidlow  him,  a  pass- 
port to  return  to  his  home  should  be  fi)rth»i(li 
granted  him  upon  liisapplication.  It  is  toa  cause 
like  that  of  .\iiieriean  independence  that  resomces 
like  this  are  congenial.  .\ll<'r  these  general  orders, 
nothing  more  was  heard  of  desertiim.  The  very 
cripples  of  the  army  preferied  paying  fiir  their  own 
trans|>ortation,  to  fi)llow  ihe  corps,  rather  llian  to 
ask  foi  the  dismission  which  had  been  made  ao 
easily    ticessible  to  all. 

But  how  shall  the  deficiencies  of  the  military 
chest  be  supplied  .'  The  want  of  money  was  hea- 
vily pressing  upon  the  service  in  eveiy  direction. 
Where  are  the  sinews  of  war  .'  How  are  tlieironos 
to  march  wilhoiit  shoes,  linen,  clothing  of  ali  ile»- 


foreign  ulVuirs  and  of  war,  urging  the  cm|)loy  mout  I  crijitions,  and  other  necessaries  of  life  .'  l/ifayrii* 


UNITED  STATES. 


417 


has  founJ  tliem  all.  From  the  patriotic  merchanis 
of  IJalliinore  he  (il)tain.s,  on  the  )>lc(lj;e  of  his  own 
personal  crrdit,  a  lo.m  ol'  money  adequaie  to  tlic 
purchase  of  the  materials  ;  and  Iroin  the  lair  hands 
of  the  daui^hters  of  the  moniinient;d  city,  even 
then  worlhy  to  be  so  called,  he  obtains  the  toil  ol' 
making  u|)  the  needed  garments. 

The  details  of  the  campaign,  from  its  unpromis- 
ing outset,  when  Coriiwallis,  thelJritish  comman- 
ded, exulted  in  antici|)atii)ii  that  the  boy  could 
not  escape  him,  till  the  storming  of  the  twin  re- 
doubts, in  emulation  of  gallantry  by  the  valiant 
Frenchmen  of  Viomesnil,  and  the  American  fel- 
low-soldiers of  Lafayette,  led  him  to  victory  at 
Yorktown,  must  be  left  to  the  recording  |)en  of 
history.  Both  redoubts  were  carried  at  the  point 
of  the  sword,  and  Cornwallis  with  averted  face 
surrendered  his  sword  to  Washington. 

This  was  the  last  vita!  struggle  of  the  war, 
which,  however,  lingered  thioiigh  another  year 
rather  of  negotiation  than  of  action.  Immediately 
after  the  capitulation  at  Yorktown,  Lafayette  ask- 
ed and  obtained  again  a  leave  of  absence  to  visit 
his  family  and  his  country,  and  with  this  closed  his 
military  service  in  the  field  during  the  revolu- 
tionary war.  But  it  was  not  for  the  individual  en- 
joyment of  his  renown  that  he  returned  to  France. 
The  resolutions  of  Congress  accompanying  that 
which  gave  him  a  discretionary  leave  of  absence, 
while  honorary  in  the  highest  degree  to  him, 
were  cipially  marked  by  a  grant  of  virtual  cre- 
dentials for  negotiation,  and  by  the  trust  of  confi- 
dential powers,  together  with  a  letter  of  the  warm- 
est commendation  of  the  gallant  soldier  to  the  fa- 
vour of  his  king.  The  ensuing  year  was  con- 
sumed in  [)rei)arations  for  a  formidable  combined 
French  and  Spanish  exi)editi()n  against  the  J?ri- 
tish  Islands  in  the  West  Indies,  and  ])articularly 
the  Island  of  Jamaica  ;  thence  to  recoil  u|)un  New 
York,  and  to  pursue  the  oti'ensive  war  into  Cana- 
da. The  fleet  destined  Ibr  tins  gigantic  under- 
taking was  alreaily  asseir.bled  at  Cadi/, ;  and  La- 
fayette, appointed  the  chief  of  the  staff,  was  tiiere 
ready  to  embark  upon  this  ])eriious  adventure, 
when,  on  the  30th  of  November,  1782,  the  |)re- 
liminary  treaties  of  peace  were  concluded  betv.een 
his  Britannic  majesty  on  one  part,  and  the  allied 
powers  of  France,  Spain,  and  the  United  States 
of  America,  on  the  other,  'rhe  first  intelligence 
of  this  event  received  by  the  American  Congress 
was  in  tlie  communication  cf  a  letter  from  La- 
fayette. 

The  war  of  American  Independence  is  closed. 
The  pcoj)le  of  the  North  American  confe<leiation 
are  in  union,  sovereign  and  independent.  Lafay- 
ette, ^t  twenty-five  years  of  irge,  lias  lived  the  life 
of  a  patriarch,  and  illustrated  the  career  of  a  hero. 
Had  his  days  upon  earth  been  then  numbered,  and 
had  he  then  slept  with  his  fathers,  illustrious  as 
for  centuries  their  names  had  been,  his  name,  to 
the  end  of  time,  would  ha\e  transcended  them 
all.  Fortunate  youth  I  fortunate  beyond  even  the 
measure  of  his  companions  in  arms  with  whom  lie 
had  achieved  the  glorious  consummation  of  Ame- 
rican independence.  His  fame  was  all  his  own  ; 
not  cheaply  earned  ;  not  ignobly  won.  His  fel- 
low-soldiers had  been  the  cham))ions  and  defenders 
of  theircountry.  They  reaped  for  themselves,  for 
their  wives,  their  children,  their  posterity  to  the 
latest  time,  the  rewards  of  thcii  dangers  and  their 
toils.  Lafayette  had  watched,  and  laboured,  and 
fought,  and  bled,  not  for  himself,  not  for  his  family, 
not,  in  the  lirst  instance,  even  •"jr  his  country.  In 
the  legendary  tales  of  chivalry  we  read  of  tourna- 
ments at  which  a  foreign  and  unknown  knight, 
suddenly  presents  himself,  armed  in  com])lete 
steel,  and  with,  the  vizor  down,  enters  the  ring 
to  contend  with  the  assembled  flower  of  knight- 
hood for  the  prize  of  honour,  to  be  awarded  by  the 
hand  of  beauty  ;  bears  it  in  Irivnuph  away,  and 
disappears  from  the  astonisheil  multitude  of  com- 
peiitors  and  sjjectators  of  the  feats  of  arms.  But 
where  in  the  rolls  of  history,  where,  in  the  fictions 
of  romance,  where,  but  in  the  life  of  Lafayeite, 
h?s  been  seen  the  noble  stranger,  flying  with  the 
triSute  of  his  name,  his  rank,  his  aflluence,  his 
28 


ease,  his  domestic  bliss,  his  treasure,  his  blood,  to 
the  relief  of  a  .sufiering  and  distant  land,  in  ihe 
hour  of  her  deepest  calamity ;  baring  his  bosom 
to  her  foes  ;  and  not  at  the  transient  pageantry  of 
a  lournairsent,  hut  for  a  succession  of  five  years 
sharing  all  the  vicissitudes  of  her  fortunes  ;  always 
eager  to  ap|)ear  at  the  post  of  danger ;  temi)ering 
the  glow  of  youthful  ardour  with  the  cold  caution 
of  a  veteran  commander;  bold  and  daring  in  ac- 
tion; proin])t  in  execution;  rapid  in  |)ursuit;  fer- 
tile in  expedients;  unattainable  in  retreat;  often 
exposed,  but  never  surprised,  never  disconcerted  ; 
eluding  his  enemy  when  within  his  fancied  grasp; 
bearing  upon  him  with  irresistible  sway  when  of 
force  to  cojie  with  him  in  the  conflict  of  arms? 
And  what  is  this  but  the  diary  of  Lafayette,  from 
the  day  of  his  rallying  the  scattered  fugitives  of 
the  Brandywine,  insensible  of  the  blood  flowing 
from  his  wound,  to  the  storming  of  the  redoubt  at 
Yorktown  ? 

Henceforth,  as  a  public  man,  Lafayette  is  to  be 
considered  as  a  Frenchman,  always  active  and 
ardent  to  serve  tlie  United  States,  but  no  longer 
in  their  service  as  an  officer.  So  transcendent 
had  been  his  merits  in  the  common  cause,  that, 
to  reward  them,  the  rule  of  progressive  advance- 
ment in  the  armies  of  France  was  set  aside  for 
him.  He  received  from  the  minister  of  war,  a 
notification  that  from  the  day  of  his  retirement 
from  the  service  of  the  United  States  as  a  Major 
General,  at  the  close  of  the  war,  he  should  hold 
the  same  rank  in  the  armies  of  France,  to  date 
from  the  day  of  the  capitulation  of  Lord  Cornwallis. 

Henceforth  he  is  a  Frenchman,  destined  to  per- 
form in  the  history  of  his  country  a  part,  as  pecu- 
liarly his  own,  and  not  less  glorious  than  that 
which  he  had  performed  in  the  war  of  independ- 
ence. A  short  [jeriod  of  profound  peace  followed 
the  great  triumph  of  freedom.  The  desire  of  La- 
fayette once  more  to  see  the  land  of  his  adoption 
and  the  associates  of  his  glory,  the  fellow-soldiers 
vi  ho  had  become  to  him  as  brothers,  and  the  frie-ad 
and  palron  of  his  youth,  who  had  become  to  him 
as  a  father  ;  sympathizing  with  their  desire  once 
more  to  see  him  ;  to  see  in  their  prosperity  him 
who  had  first  come  to  them  in  their  affliction,  in- 
duced him,  in  the  year  1784,  to  pay  a  visit  to  the 
United  States. 

On  the  4th  of  August,  of  that  year,  he  landed 
at  New-York,  and,  in  the  space  of  five  months 
from  that  time,  visited  his  venerable  friend  at 
Mount  Vernon,  where  he  was  then  living  in  re- 
tirement, and  traversed  ten  states  of  the  union,  re- 
ceiving every  where,  from  their  legislative  assem- 
blies, from  the  municipal  bodies  of  the  cities  and 
towns  through  wliich  he  passed,  from  the  o.'ficers 
of  the  army  his  late  associates,  now  restored  to 
the  virtues  and  occupations  of  private  lif'e,  and 
even  fiom  the  recent  emigrants  from  Ireland  who 
had  come  to  adoj)t  for  their  country  the  self-eman- 
cipated land,  addresses  of  gratulation  and  of  joy, 
the  effusions  of  hearts  grateful  in  the  enjoyment 
of  the  blessings  for  the  possession  of  which  they 
had  been  so  largely  indebted  to  his  exertions;  and, 
finally,  from  the  United  States  of  America  in  Con- 
gress assembled  at  Trenton. 

On  the  9th  of  December  it  was  resolved  by  that 
body  that  a  committee,  to  consist  of  one  member 
from  each  state,  should  be  appointed  to  receive,  and 
in  the  name  of  Congress  take  leave  of  the  Marquis. 
That  they  should  be  instructed  to  assure  him 
that  Congress  continued  to  entertain  the  same  high 
sense  of  his  abilities  and  zeal  to  promote  the  wel- 
fare of  America,  both  here  and  in  Europe,  which 
ihey  had  frequently  expressed  and  manifested  on 
former  occasions,  and  which  the  recent  marks  of 
his  attention  to  their  commercial  and  other  inter- 
ests had  perfectly  confirmed.  "  That,  as  his  uni- 
form and  unceasing  attachment  to  this  country  has 
resembled  that  of  a  patriotic  citizen,  the  United 
.States  regard  him  with  particular  ali'ection.  and  will 
not  cease  to  feel  an  interest  in  wrhalever  may  con- 
cern his  honour  and  prosperity,  and  that  their  best 
and  kindest  wishes  will  alwavsattend  him." 

.\nd  it  was  farther  resolved,  lhat  a  letter  be 
written  to  his  most  Christian  Majesty,  to  be  signed 


by  his  excellency  the  ['resident  o('  ('ongress,  ex- 
pressive of  the  high  sense  which  the  Uniled  Sli.tes 
in  Congress  assembled  enter: ain  of  the  i-.eal,  laleiits, 
and  meritorious  services  of  the  Marquis  de  La- 
fayette, and  recommending  him  to  the  favour  and 
patronage  of  his  majesty. 

The  first  of  these  resolutions  was,  on  the  next 
day  carried  into  execution.  At  a  solemn  inter- 
view with  the  committee  of  Congress,  received  in 
their  hall,  and  addressed  by  the  clKiirman  of  their 
committee,  John  Jay,  the  purport  of  these  resolu- 
tions were  communicated  to  him.  He  replied  in 
terms  of  fervent  sensibility  for  the  kindness  mani- 
fested ])ersonally  to  himself;  and,  with  allusions 
to  the  situation,  the  pros])ects,  and  the  duties  of 
the  people  of  this  country,  he  |)ointe<l  out  the  great 
interests  which  he  believed  it  indispensibh;  to  their 
welfare  that  they  should  cultivate  ami  cherish.  In 
the  fijilowing  memorable  sentences  the  ultimate 
objects  of  his  solicitude  are  disclosed  in  a  tone 
deeply  solemn  and  impressive : 

"  May  this  immense  tem[)le  of  freedom,"  said 
he,  "  ever  stand,  a  lesson  to  oppressors,  an  ex- 
ample to  the  oppressed,  a  sanctuary  for  the  rights 
of  mankind  !  and  may  these  happy  Uniled  States 
attain  that  complete  splendour  and  prosperity  which 
will  illustrate  the  blessings  of  their  government, 
and  for  ages  to  come  rejoice  the  departed  souls  of 
its  founders." 

Fellow-citizens !  Ages  have  passed  away  since 
these  words  were  spoken  ;  but  ages  are  the  years 
of  the  existence  of  nations.  The  (bunders  of  this 
immense  temple  of  freedom  have  all  deparied, 
save  here  and  there  a  solitary  exce|)ti<)n,  even 
while  I  s])eak,  at  the  point  of  taking  wimj.  The 
prayer  of  Lafayette  is  not  yet  consummated. — 
Ages  upon  ages  are  still  to  pass  away  before  it 
can  have  its  full  accomplishment ;  and,  for  its  full 
accomplishment,  his  s|)irit,  hovering  over  our 
heads,  in  more  than  echoes  talks  around  these 
walls.  It  repeats  the  prayer,  which  from  his  lips 
fifty  years  ago  was  at  once  a  parting  blessing  and 
a  pro])hecy;  for,  were  it  possible  for  the  whole 
human  race,  now  breathing  the  breath  of  life,  to 
be  assembled  within  this  hall,  your  orator  would, 
in  your  name,  and  in  that  of  your  constituents,  ap- 
peal to  them  to  testify  for  your  fathers  of  the  last 
veneration,  that,  so  far  as  has  depended  upon 
liiem,  the  blessing  of  Lafayette  has  been  prophecy 
Yes  !  this  immense  tem[)le  of  freedom  still  stands, 
a  lesson  to  oppressors,  an  example  to  the  op[)ress- 
ed,  and  a  sanctuary  for  the  rights  of  mankind.— 
Yes  !  with  the  smiles  of  a  benign  mt  providence, 
the  splendour  and  prosperity  of  these  ha])i)y  United 
States  have  illustrated  the  blessings  of  their  gov- 
ernment, an<),  we  may  humbly  hope,  ha\e  rejoiced 
the  departed  souls  of  its  fbunders.  Foi  the  past 
your  fathers  and  you  have  been  responsible.  The 
charge  of  the  future  devolves  upon  you  and  \i[)ov 
your  children.  The  vestal  fire  of  freedom  is  in 
your  custody.  May  the  souls  of  its  departed 
founders  never  be  called  to  witness  its  extinction 
by  neglect,  nor  a  soil  upon  the  purity  of  its  kee|)- 
ers ! 

With  this  valedictory,  Lafayette  took,  as  he 
and  those  who  heard  him  then  l)elieved,  a  final 
leave  of  the  people  of  the  United  States.  He  re- 
turned to  France,  and  arrived  at  Paris  on  the  2r>lU 
of  January,  178-3. 

He  continued  to  take  a  deep  interest  in  the  cot>- 
cerns  of  the  Uniled  States,  and  exerted  his  influ- 
ence with  the  French  government  to  obtain  ro- 
ductions  of  duties  favourable  to  their  commerce 
and  fisheries.  In  the  summer  of  178G,  he  visiled 
several  of  the  German  courts,  and  attended  the 
last  great  review  by  Frederic  the  Sec(Hiil  of  his 
veteran  army;  a  review  unusually  splendid,  aci'l 
sjjecially  remarkable  by  the  attendance  of  many 
of  the  most  distinguished  military  commanders  of 
Europe.  In  ti  e  same  year  the  legislature  of  \ 
ginia  manifested  the  continued  recollection  of  hi.j 
services  rendeied  to  'he  ptMiple  of  that  commoti- 
wealth,  by  a  complimentary  token  of  gratitude  not 
less  honourable  than  it  was  unusual.  'J'liey  re- 
solved lhat  two  busts  (if  Lafayette,  to  be  executeil 
by  the  celebrated  sculptor,  Houdon,  should  ho 


ill  STORY  OF  THE 


procured  at  their  expense  ;    that  one  of  tliem 
should  be  placed  \u  their  own  le;4isliitive  h;ill,  and 
the  olhcr  presented,  in  tlieir  name,  to  the  munici- 
pal aulhorities  of  ihc  eily  of  Paris.    It  was  aceor- 
dins;l_v  i)resented  by  Mr.  .lelferson,  then  minister | 
plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  in  France,, 
and,  by  the  pernnssionof  Louis  the  Sixteenth,  was; 
accepted,  and,  with  appropiiale  solemnity  placed 
in  one  of  the  halls  of  the  Hotel  de  ViUe  of  the 
metropolis  of  France. 

We  have  gone  through  one  stage  of  the  life  of 
Lafavette ;  we  are  now  to  see  him  acting  upon 
another  theatre;  in  a  cause  still  essentially  the 
same,  but  in  the  application  of  its  principles  to  his 
own  country. 

The  innnediately  originating  question  which 
occasioned  the  French  revolution,  was  the  same 
with  that  Irom  w  hich  the  American  revolution  had 
sprung:  taxation  ot'the  people  without  their  con- 
sent. For  nearly  two  centuries  the  kings  of 
France  had  been  accustomed  to  levy  taxes  upon 
the  people  by  royal  ordinances.  But  it  was  ne- 
cessary that  these  ordinances  should  be  registered 
n  the  parliaments  or  judicial  tribunals;  and  these 
parliaments  claimed  the  riglit  of  lemonstrating 
against  them,  and  sometimes  refused  the  registry 
of  them  itself.  The  inembers  of  the  parliaments 
lield  their  ofiices  by  purchase,  but  were  appointed 
by  the  King,  and  >vere  subject  to  banishment  or 
imprisonment,  at  his  pleasure.  Louis  the  Fif- 
teenth, towards  the  close  of  his  reign,  had  abo- 
lished the  parliaments,  but  they  had  been  restored 
at  the  accession  of  his  successor. 

The  fi.'iances  of  the  kingdom  were  in  extreme 
disorder.  The  minister,  or  comptroller  general 
de  Calonne,  after  attempting  various  projects  for 
obtaining  ihe  supplies,  tlie  amount  and  need  of 
which  he  was  with  lavish  hand  daily  increasing, 
bethought  himself,  at  last,  of  calling  for  the  coun- 
sel of  others.  He  prevailed  upon  the  king  to  con- 
voke, not  the  states  general,  but  an  assembly  of 
notables.  'J'here  was  something  ridiculous  in  the 
very  name  by  which  this  meeting  was  called  ;  but 
it  consisted  of  a  selection  from  all  tlie  grandees 
and  dignitaries  of  the  kingdom.  The  two  bro- 
thers of  the  king :  all  the  princes  of  the  blood  ; 
archbishops  and  bishops,  dukes  and  peers;  the 
chancellor  anil  presiding  members  of  the  parlia- 
ments; distinguished  members  of  tlie  noblesse, 
and  the  mayors  and  chief  magistrates  of  a  few  of 
the  principal  cities  of  the  kingdom,  constituted 
this  assembly.  It  was  a  re[)resentation  of  every 
interest  but  that  of  the  people.  They  were  ap- 
poinii-d  by  the  king;  were  members  of  the  Inghest 
arisiocracy,  and  were  assembled  with  tlie  design 
that  their  deliberations  should  be  confined  exclu- 
sively to  (he  subjects  submitted  to  their  consider- 
ation by  I  he  minister.  These  were  certain  |)lans 
devised  by  him  (or  replenishing  the  insolvent  trea- 
sury, by  assessments  upon  the  privileged  classes, 
the  very  |)rinces,  nobles,  ecclesiastics,  and  magis- 
trates exclusively  represented  in  the  assembly  it- 
self. 

Of  this  meeting,  llie  Marquis  de  Lafayette  was 
a  iiK-mber.  It  was  held  in  February,  17S7,  and 
terminated  in  the  overllirow  and  banishment  of 
the  minister  by  whom  it  had  been  convened.  In 
the  fiscal  concerns  which  absorbed  the  (!are  and 
attention  of  others,  Lafayette  took  comparatively 
little  interest.  His  views  were  rpoce  comprehen- 
nive. 

'i'he  nssembly  consisted  of  one  hundred  and 
thirty-seven  persons,  and  divided  itself  into  several 
seciions  or  bureaux,  each  presided  by  a  prince  of 
ihe  blood.  Lafayette  was  allolled  to  the  division 
miller  the  presidency  of  the  Count  (r.'\.jtois,  the 
)(iiiii[;er  bri-ther  of  the  king,  and  since  known  as 
("liarles  the  Tenth.  'J'he  propositions  made  by 
L:ifivelle  were 

1.  'i'he  siippi  ,Nsii)n  of  lettres  de  cacliet,  and  the 
abolition  of  all  arbitrary  iniprisoiiinent. 

2  The  cstablishmeiit  of  religions  toleration, 
and  ilio  reiitor-.it ion  of  the  protestants  to  tlieir  civil 
rigliti. 

3  The  roiniicaiiiin  of  a  iiationa!  assembly,  ro- 
presrnling  (lie  people  of  France  ;  personul  liberty 


religious  liberty;  and  a  representative  assetiibly 
ol'tlie  [leople.    These  were  his  demands. 

The  first  and  second  of  them  produced,  i)er- 
liaps,  at  the  time,  no  deep  im|)ression  upon  the 
assembly,  nor  ujion  the  ]>ublic.  Arbitrary  imprison- 
ment, and  the  religious  persecution  of  the  pro- 
testants had  become  universally  odious.  'J'liey 
were  worn-out  instruments,  even  in  the  hands  of 
those  who  wielded  tliem.  There  was  none  to  de- 
fend them. 

But  the  demand  for  a  national  assembly  startled 
the  prince  at  the  head  of  the  Bureau.  What!  said 
the  Count  d'Artois,  do  you  ask  the  states  gene- 
ral ?  Yes,  sir,  was  the  answer  of  Lafayette,  and 
forsomething  yet  better.  You  desire,  then,  rejilied 
the  prince,  thatl  should  take  in  wiiting,  and  re|)ort 
to  tlie  king,  that  the  motion  to  convoke  the  states 
general  has  been  made  by  the  Marquis  de  La- 
I'ayette  ?  "Yes,  sir;"  and  the  name  of  Lafayette 
was  accordingly  reported  to  the  king. 

The  assembly  of  notables  was  dissolved. — De 
Colonne  was  disjjlaced  and  banished,  and  his  suc- 
cessor undertook  to  raise  the  needed  funds,  by  the 
authority  of  royal  edicts.  The  war  of  litigation 
with  the  iiarliainents  lecominenced,  which  termi- 
nated only  with  a  positive  jiromise  that  the  states 
general  should  be  convoked. 

From  that  time  a  total  revolution  of  govern- 
ment in  France  was  in  progress.  It  has  been  a 
solemn,  a  sublime  often  a  most  painful,  and  yet 
in  the  coiitem|)lation  ot"  great  results,  a  refresli- 
ing  and  cheeiing  conteiiiphition.  I  cannot  follow 
it  in  its  overwheliiiiiig  multitude  of  details,  even 
as  connected  with  the  life  and  character  of  La- 
t'ayette.  A  second  assembly  of  notables  succeed- 
ed the  first ;  and  then  an  assembly  of  the  stales 
general,  liist  to  deliberate  in  separate  orders  of 
clergy,  nobility,  and  third  estate  ;  but,  finally 
constituting  itself  a  national  assembly,  and  form- 
ing a  constitution  of  limited  monarchy,  with  an 
liereditary  royal  executive,  and  a  legislature  in  a 
single  assembly  re|)resenting  the  jieople. 

Lafayette  was  a  member  of  the  states  general 
first  assembled.  Their  meeting  was  signalized 
by  a  struggle  between  the  several  orders  of  which 
they  were  composed,  which  resulted  in  breaking 
them  all  down  into  one  national  assembly. 

The  convocation  of  the  states  general  had,  in 
one  respect,  operated,  in  the  progress  of  the 
French  revolution,  like  the  declaration  of  inde- 
pendence in  that  of  North  America.  It  had  chang- 
ed the  cpiestion  in  controversy.  It  was,  'in  the 
part  of  the  king  of  France,  a  concession  that  ho 
had  no  lawful  ])ower  to  tax  the  people  without 
their  consent.  The  states  general,  tiiereforc,  met 
with  this  admission  already  conceded  by  the  king. 
In  the  American  conflict  the  British  government 
never  yielded  the  concession.  They  undertook 
to  maintain  their  supjiosed  right  of  arbitrary  tax- 
ation by  I'orcc  ;  and  then  the  people  of  tlie  colonies 
renounced  all  community  of  government,  not  only 
with  the  king  and  parliament,  but  with  the  Britisli 
nation.  They  reconstructed  the  fabric  of  govern- 
ment for  themselves,  and  held  the  ])eo]>le  of  Bri- 
tain as  foreigners ;  friends  in  peace ;  enemies  in 
war. 

The  concession  by  Louis  the  Sixteenth,  im- 
plied in  the  convocation  of  the  stales  general,  was 
a  virtual  surtcnder  of  absolute  jiower;  an  ac- 
knowledgment that,  as  exercised  by  himself  and 
his  predecessors,  it  had  been  usurped.  It  was,  in 
substance,  an  abdication  of  his  crown.  There  was 
no  ])ower  which  he  exercised  as  king  of  France, 
tlio  lawfulness  of  which  was  not  coniestable  on  the 
same  princi|)le  which  denied  him  the  right  of  lax- 
alion.  When  the" assembly  of  the  slates  general 
met  at  Versailles,  in  May,  17S0,  there  was  but  a 
shadow  of  the  royal  auihoriiy  left.  They  iVIi 
the  power  of  the  nation  was  in  their  hands,  and 
ihey  were  not  sparing  in  the  use  of  it.  The  re- 
Iiresenlatives  of  ilie  ihiril  estate,  double  in  num- 
lii-rs  to  those  ol' the  clergy  and  the  nobilily,  coii- 
stiluli'il  ihemselves  a  nalioiial  assi-mbly,  and,  as 
signal  for  llii"  demolilion  of  all  privileged  orders 
rediseii  lo  di'liberale  in  sepiralc  chambers,  and 
thus  compelled  tiiu  rcjireseutativcu  of  the  clergy 


and  nobility  to  merge  their  separate  existence  in 
ihe  general  mass  of  the  popular  lepresentation. 

Thus  the  edifice  o('  society  was  to  be  re^-ion- 
slructed  in  Fiance  as  it  had  been  in  Amunca. — 
The  king  made  a  feeble  attemjit  to  overawe  iho 
assembly,  by  calling  regiments  of  troops  to  V^er- 
sailles,  and  surrounding  with  them  the  hall  ol  their 
meeting.  But  there  was  defection  in  the  army  ii- 
self,  and  even  the  person  of  the  king  soon  ceased 
to  be  at  his  own  disposal.  On  the  11th  of  .Inlv, 
1789,  in  the  midst  of  the  fermentation  which  had 
succeeded  the  fall  of  the  monarchy,  and  while  the 
assembly  was  surroiuidcd  by  armed  soldiers,  La- 
fayetie  presented  to  them  his  declaration  of  rights  ; 
the  first  declaration  of  human  rights  ever  proclaim- 
ed in  Furope.  It  was  adopted,  and  became  the 
basis  of  that  which  the  assembly  promulgated  with 
their  constilution. 

It  was  in  this  hemisphere,  and  in  our  own  coun- 
try, that  all  ils  princi])les  had  been  imbibed.  At 
the  very  moiuent  when  the  declaration  was  pre- 
sented, the  convulsive  struggle  between  the  expir- 
ing monarchy  and  the  new  born  but  portentous 
anarchy  of  the  Parisian  populace  was  taking  ])Iace. 
The  royal  pal;. ce  and  the  hall  of  assembly  were 
surrounded  with  troops,  and  insurrection  was 
kindling  at  Paris.  In  the  midst  of  tlie  pon;ilar 
commotion,  a  deputation  of  sixty  members,  with 
Lafayette  at  their  head,  was  sent  from  the  assembly 
to  Iranqiiilli/.e  the  people  of  Paris,  and  that  inci- 
dent was  the  occasion  of  the  instiiuiion  of  the  na- 
tional guard  throughout  the  realm,  and  of  the  ap- 
])ointmeiit,  with  the  approbation  of  the  king,  of 
Lafayette  as  their  general  commander-in-chief. 

This  event,  without  vacating  his  seat  in  the  as- 
sembly, connected  him  at  once  with  the  military 
and  the  popular  inovement  of  the  revoluiion.  The 
national  guard  was  the  armed  militia  of  the  wliole 
kingdom,  embodied  for  the  preservation  of  order, 
and  the  protec^lioii  of  personsand  property,  as  well 
as  for  the  establishment  of  the  liberties  of  the  peo- 
I)le.  In  his  double  cajiacity  of  commander  general 
ol'this  force,  and  ofa  representative  in  the  consti- 
tuent assembly,  his  career,  for  a  period  of  more 
than  three  years,  was  beset  wiih  the  most  immi- 
nent dangers,  and  wiih  dilTiculties  beyond  all  hu- 
man power  to  surmount. 

The  ancient  monarchy  of  France  had  criiiii!)led 
into  ruins.  A  national  asseml)ly,  formed  by  an 
irregular  represeiiiation  of  deri^y,  nobles,  and 
third  estate,  after  melting  at  the  fire  ofa  revolu- 
tion into  one  bod  v.  liad  transformed  itself  inio  a  c  on- 
slituent  assembly  re|)reseniing  the  jieople,  had 
assutned  the  i.'xercise  of  all  the  powers  of  govern- 
ment, extorted  from  the  hands  of  the  king,  and  iiti- 
dertaken  to  form  a  constilution  for  the  French  na- 
tion, founded  at  once  upon  the  theory  of  human 
rights,  and  upon  the  preservation  of  a  royal  here- 
ditary crown  upon  llie  head  of  liOiiis  llie  Sixteenlli. 
Lafavelle  sincerely  believed  that  such  a  system 
would  not  be  absolulelv  inconi|)alible  with  the  na- 
ture of  things.  .Vn  hereditary  iiionarchv,  surrDiiiiil- 
eil  by  po])ular  instilutions,  presented  itself  to  his 
imagination  as  a  practicable  form  of  government ; 
nor  is  it  certain  that  even  to  his  last  days  he  ever 
abandoned  this  ])ersuasioii.  The  element  of  be 
redilary  monarchy  in  this  conslilulion  was  indeed 
not  congenial  with  it.  The  piololype  from  w  birli 
the  whole  ("abric  had  been  drawn,  had  no  siirh 
element  in  ils  coiii|)osilion.  .\  I'eeling  of  genero- 
sity, of  compassion,  of  commiseracion  with  the  iin- 
finlunate  prince  then  upon  the  tlirone,  who  bad 
been  his  sovereign,  and  for  his  ill-f.iied  f.imily, 
minglpd  itself,  perhaps  unconsciously  lo  himseli', 
with  his  well-reasoned  faith  in  the  .ibsiraci  princi- 
ples of  a  republican  creed.  The  total  abolition 
of  the  monarchical  feature  undoubtedly  belonged 
lo  his  iheorv,  but  the  fimilv  of  Bourbon  hail  8till 
a  strong  hold  on  the  alieclions  of  the  h'rench  peo- 
ple ;  history  Ind  not  made  up  a  record  favoniable 
to  the  esiablislimeni  of  elective  kings  ;  a  slroiig 
executive  head  wa>  .ibsolutely  necessary  lo  curb 
the  impetnosilies  ol  llie  people  of  France:  and 
the  same  doctrine  which  played  upon  the  fatioy, 
and  crept  upon  the  kinil-hearled  benevolence  of 
Lafayette   was  a<l  opted  by  a  largo  nia'ority  ol 


UNITED  STATES. 


419 


tlic  national  asseiii!)l_v,  siiiRtioned  l))'  the  siiil'iages 
of"  its  most  iiitelli^iMit,  virtuous,  ai;(l  patnutic 
meinheis.  and  was  iinally  ciiil)i)(lie(i  in  tlial  loyal 
deinoci  iicy,  tlic  result  of  their  laliours,  sent  lorth 
to  the  woild,  under  tlie  guaranty  ol"  numberless 
oaths,  as  tlie  constittitiun  ot'  France  lor  all  al'ter- 
tiinc. 

Biit,  during  the  same  period,  after  the  first 
meeting  of  the  states  general,  and  while  they 
were  in  actual  conflict  with  the  exjiiring  energies 
of  the  crown,  and  with  the  exclusive  privileges  of 
the  clergy  and  nobility,  another  portentous  power 
had  arisen,  and  entered  w  ith  terrific  activity  into 
the  controversies  of  the  time.  This  was  the 
power  of  |)opular  insurrection,  organized  by  volun- 
tary associations  of  clubs,  and  impelled  to  ac- 
tion by  the  municipal  authorities  of  the  city  of 
Paris. 

The  first  movements  of  the  people  in  the  state 
of  insurrection  took  place  on  the  12th  of  July, 
1781),  and  issued  in  the  destruction  of  the  Bastille, 
and  in  the  murder  of  its  governor,  and  of  several 
other  peisons,  hung  up  at  lamp-posts,  or  torn  to 
pieces  by  the  frenzied  multitude,  without  form  of 
trial,  and  without  shadow  of  guilt. 

The  Bastille  had  long  been  odious  as  the  place 
of  confinement  of  persons  arrested  by  arbitrary 
orders  for  ofi'ences  against  the  government,  and  its 
destruction  was  hailed  by  most  of  the  friends  of 
liberty  throughout  the  world  as  an  act  of  j)atriot- 
ism  and  magnanimity  on  the  j)art  ol  the  people. — 
The  brutal  ferocity  of  tlie  murders  was  overlooked 
or  palliated  in  the  gloiy  of  the  achievement  ol' razing 
to  its  foundations  the  execrated  citadel  of  despot- 
Isiu.  But,  as  the  summary  justice  of  insurrection 
;an  manifest  itself  only  by  destruction,  the  exam- 
Die  once  set,  became  a  precedent  for  a  series  of 
years,  for  scenes  so  atrocious,  and  forbutchei  ies  so 
merciless  and  horrible,  that  memory  revolts  at  the 
task  of  recalling  them  to  the  mind. 

It  would  be  impossible,  within  the  compass  of 
this  discotirse,  to  follow  the  details  of  the  French 
revolution  to  the  final  dethronement  of  Louis  the 
Sixteenth,  and  the  extinction  of  the  constitutional 
nionatthy  of  France,  on  the  lOih  of  August  1792. 
During  that  period,  the  two  distinct  powers  were 
In  continual  operation  ;  sometimes  in  concert  with 
each  other,  sometimes  at  irreconcilable  opposition. 
Of  these  ])owers,  one  was  the  people  of  France, 
represented  by  the  Parisian  populace  in  insurrec- 
tion ;  the  other  was  the  people  of  France,  repre- 
sented successively  by  the  constituent  assembly, 
which  formed  the  constitution  of  1791,  and  by  the 
legislative  assembly,  elected  to  carry  it  into  exe- 
cution. 

Tlie  movements  of  the  insurgent  power  were 
occasionally  convulsive  and  cruel,  without  mitiga- 
tion or  mercy.  Guided  bv  secret  springs  ;  prompt- 
ed bv  vindictive  and  sanguinary  amliition,  directed 
t)y  hands  unseen  to  oljjects  of  individual  aggran- 
dizement, its  agency  fell  like  the  thunderbolt,  and 
swept  like  the  whirlwind. 

The  proceedings  of  the  assemblies  were  deli- 
berative and  intellectual.  They  began  by  grasping 
at  the  whole  power  of  the  monarchy,  and  they 
finished  by  sinking  under  the  dictation  of  the  Pa- 
risian populace.  The  constituent  assembly  num- 
bered among  its  members  many  individuals  of 
great  ability,  and  of  pure  principles,  but  they  were 
overawed  and  domineered  by  that  other  represen- 
tation of  the  jieople  of  France,  which,  through  the 
instrumentality  of  the  jacobin  club,  and  the  muni- 
cipality of  Paris,  disconcerr"d  the  wisdom  of  the 
wise,  and  scattered  to  the  winds  the  counsels  of  the 
prudent.  It  was  iin|)ossible  that,  under  tlie  per- 
turbations of  such  a  controlling  powder,  a  constitu- 
tion suited  to  the  character  and  circumstances  of 
the  nation  should  be  formed. 

Through  the  \vhol(>  of  this  period,  the  part 
perlbrmed  by  Lafayelle  was  without  parallel  in 
history.  The  annals  of  the  human  race  exhibit 
00  {)ther  instance  of  a  position  comparable  for  its 
anintermitted  perils,  its  deep  responsibilities,  and 
Its  providential  issues,  with  that  which  he  occupi- 
ed as  commando  general  ol  the  national  guard, 
«B<i  its  a  leading  member  of  the  constituent  as- 


sem!)ly.  In  the  numerous  insurrections  of  the 
people,  he  saved  the  lives  of  multitudes  devoted 
as  victims,  and  always  at  the  most  imminent  ha- 
zard of  his  own.  On  theotli  and  Gth  of  October, 
17b9,  he  saved  the  lives  ol'  Louis  the  Sixteenth, 
and  of  his  queen.  He  escai)ed,  time  after  time, 
the  daggers  sharpened  by  princely  conspiracy  on 
one  hand,  aud  by  popular  frenzy  on  the  other,  lie 
witnessed,  too,  without  being  able  to  prevent  it, 
the  butchery  of  Foulen  before  his  eyes,  and  the 
reeking  heart  of  Berthier,  torn  from  his  lileless 
trunk,  was  held  up  in  exulting  triumph  before  him. 
On  this  occasion,  aijd  on  another,  he  threw  up  his 
commission  as  commander  of  the  national  guards; 
but  who  could  have  succeeded  him,  even  with 
equal  power  to  restrain  these  volcanic  excesses  .' 
At  the  earnest  solicitation  of  tliose  who  well  knew 
that  his  place  could  never  be  supplied,  he  resumed 
and  continued  iu  the  command  until  the  solemn 
proclamation  of  the  constitution,  upon  which  he 
definitively  laid  it  down,  and  retired  to  private  life 
upon  his  estate  in  Auvergne. 

As  a  member  of  the  constituent  asseiubly,  it 
is  not  in  the  detailed  organization  of  tlie  govern- 
ment which  they  prepared,  that  his  spirit  and  co- 
operation is  to  be  traced.  It  is  in  the  principles 
which  he  proposed  and  infused  into  the  system. 
As,  at  the  fust  assembly  of  notables,  his  voice  had 
been  raised  for  the  abolition  of  arbitrary  imprison- 
ment, for  the  extinction  of  religious  intolerance, 
aud  for  the  representation  ol  the  people,  so,  in  the 
national  assembly,  besides  the  declaration  of  rights, 
wliicli  formed  the  basis  of  the  constitution  itself, 
he  made  or  supjiorted  the  motions  for  the  estab- 
lishment of  trial  by  jury,  for  the  gradual  emanci- 
pation of  slaves,  for  the  freedom  of  the  press,  for 
the  abolition  of  all  titles  of  nobility,  and  for  the 
declaration  of  equality  of  all  the  citizens,  and  the 
suppression  of  all  the  privileged  orders,  without 
exception  of  the  princes  of  the  royal  family. 
Thus,  wliilt;  as  a  legislator  he  was  spreading  the 
principles  of  universal  liberty  over  the  whole  sur- 
face of  the  state,  as  commander-in-chief  of  the 
armed  force  of  the  nation,  lie  was  controlling,  re- 
pressing, and  mitigating,  as  far  as  it  could  be  ef- 
fected by  human  power,  the  excesses  of  the  people. 

The  constitution  was  at  length  proclaimed,  and 
the  constituent  national  assembly  was  dissolved. 
In  advance  of  this  event,  the  sublime  spectacle  of 
the  federation  was  exhibited  on  the  14th  of  .luly, 
179U,  the  first  annivarsary  of  the  destruction  of 
the  Bastille.  There  was  an  ingenious  and  fanciful 
association  of  ideas  in  the  selection  of  that  day. 
The  Bastille  was  a  state  prison,  a  massive  struc- 
ture, which  had  stood  four  hundred  years,  every 
stone  of  which  was  saturated  with  sighs  and  tears, 
and  echoed  the  groans  of  four  centuries  of  op- 
jiression.  It  was  the  very  type  and  emblem  of 
the  despotism  which  liad  so  long  weighed  upon 
France.  Demolished  from  its  summit  to  its  foun- 
dation at  the  first  shout  of  freedom  from  the  [leo- 
pie,  what  day  could  be  more  a[)propriate  than  its 
anniversary  Ibr  the  day  of  solemn  consecration  of 
the  new  fabric  of  government,  founded  upon  the 
rights  of  man  ? 

1  shall  not  describe  the  magnificent  and  melan- 
choly [lageant  of  that  day.  It  has  been  done  by 
abler  hands,  and  m  a  style  which  could  only  be 
weakened  and  diluted  by  repetition.*  The  reli- 
gious solemnity  of  the  mass  was  performed  by  a 
prelate,  then  eminent  among  the  members  of  the 
assembly  and  the  dignitaries  of  the  land  ;  still 
eminent,  after  surviving  the  whole  circle  of  sub- 
sequent revolutions.  No  longer  a  father  of  the 
church,  but  among  the  most  distinguished  laymen 
and  most  celebrated  statesmen  of  Franco,  his  was 
the  voice  to  invoke  the  blessing  of  heaven  upon 
this  new  constitution  for  his  hberated  country; 
and  he,  and  Louis  the  Sixteenth,  and  Lafayette, 
and  thirty  thousand  delegates  from  all  the  con- 
federated national  guards  of  the  kingdom,  in  the 
presence  of  Almighty  God,  and  of  five  hundred 
thousand  of  their  countrymen,  took  the  oath  of 


*  In  the  Address  to  the  yviuig  men  of  Boston,  by  Ed 
ward  Everett. 


fidelity  of  the  nation,  to  the  consiiiulion,  and  all 
save  the  monarch  liimsell,  to  the  king.»  lliscor- 
res|)onding  oath  was,  of  fidelity  to  discharge  the 
duties  of  his  high  office,  and  to  the  |;eople. 

Alas  I  and  was  it  ail  false  and  hollow  ?  had  these 
oaths  no  more  substance  than  the  breath  that 
ushered  them  to  the  winds?  It  was  impossible  to 
lookback  upon  the  short  an<l  turl>uleiit  existence 
of  this  royal  democracy,  to  murk  the  frequent 
paroxysms  of  popular  frenzy  by  which  it  was  as- 
sailed, and  the  catastrophe  by  which  it  jierished, 
and  to  believe  that  the  vows  of'  all  who  swore  to 
sujjport  it  were  sincere.  But,  as  well  might  the 
sculptor  of  a  block  of  marble,  af'tei  exhausting  his 
genius  and  his  art  in  giving  it  a  beautiful  human 
form,  call  God  to  witness  tliai  it  shall  perfiirm  ail 
the  functions  of  animal  life,  as  the  constituent  as- 
sembly of  France  could  pledge  the  faith  of  its 
members  that  their  royal  democracy  should  work 
as  a  permanent  organized  form  of  government. — 
Tlie  declaration  of  rights  contained  all  the  princi- 
ples essential  to  freedom.  The  frame  of  govern- 
ment was  radically  and  irreparably  defective.  The 
hereditary  royal  executive  was  itself  an  inconsis- 
tency with  the  declaration  of  rights.  The  legis- 
lative power,  all  concentrated  in  a  single  assemlily, 
was  an  incongruity  still  more  glaring.  These  were 
both  departures  from  the  .system  of  organization 
which  Lafayette  had  witnessed  in  the  American 
constitutions  :  neither  of  them  was  approved  by 
Lafayette.  In  deference  to  the  pievailiiig  opinions 
and  i)rejudices  of  the  times,  he  acquiesced  in 
them,  and  he  was  destined  to  incur  the  most  im- 
minent hazards  of'  his  life,  and  to  make  the  sacrifice 
of  all  that  gives  value  to  life  itself,  in  faithful  ad- 
herence to  that  constitution  which  he  had  sworn 
to  support. 

Shortly  after  his  resignation,  as  coimnandci 
general  of  the  national  guards,  the  friends  of  libei - 
ty  and  order  pieseuted  liim  as  a  candidate  for  elec- 
tion as  mayor  of  Paris  ;  but  he  had  a  competitor 
ill  the  jierson  of  Petliion,  more  suited  to  the  party, 
pursuing  with  inexorable  rancour  the  abolition  of 
the  monarchy  and  the  destruction  of  the  king  ; 
and,  what  may  seem  scarcely  credible,  the  remnant 
of  the  party  which  still  adhered  to  the  king,  the 
king  himself,  and,  above  all,  the  queen,  favoured 
the  election  of  the  jacobin  Pcthion,  in  preference 
to  that  of  Lafayette.  They  were,  too  fatally  ("or 
themselves,  successful. 

From  the  first  meeting  of  the  legislative  assem- 
bly, under  the  constitution  of  1791,  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  king  and  of  the  monarchy,  and  the  es- 
tablishment of  a  republic,  by  means  ()f  the  popular 
passions  and  of  popular  violence,  were  the  d.  li. 
berate  purposes  of  its  leading  members.  The 
spirit  with  which  the  revolution  had  been  pursued, 
from  the  time  of  the  desttuciioii  of  the  Bastille, 
had  caused  the  emigration  of'great  numbers  of  the 
nobility  and  clergy  ;  and,  among  them,  of  the  two 
brothers  of  Louis  the  .Sixteenth,  and  of  several 
other  princes  of  his  blood.  'J'liey  had  applied  to 
all  the  other  great  monarchies  of'  Europe  l"or  as- 
sistance to  uphold  or  restore  the  crumbling  monar- 
chy of  France.  The  French.  rel"ormeis  them- 
selves, in  the  heat  of  their  political  fanaticism, 
avowed,  without  disguise,  the  design  to  revoli\ 
tionize  all  Europe,  and  had  emissaries  in  every 
country,  oi)enly  or  secretly  pleaching  the  doctrine 
of  insurrection  against  all  established  governments. 
Louis  the  Sixteenth,  and  his  queen,  an  Austrian 
j)rincess,  sister  to  the  Emperor  Leopold,  were  in 
secret  negociation  with  the  .\ustrian  government 
for  the  rescue  of  the  king  and  royal  family  of 
France  from  the  dangers  with  which  thev  were 
so  incessantly  beset.  In  the  Elect(u  ate  of  Treves, 
a  part  of  the  Germanic  empire,  the  emigrants 
from  France  were  assembling,  with  indications  of 
a  design  to  enter  France  in  hostile  array,  to  efi'ect 
a  counter-revolution  ;  and  the  brothers  of  the 
king,  assuming  a  position  at  Cobleritz,  on  the  bor- 
ders of  their  country,  were  holding  councils,  the 
object  of  which  was  to  march  in  arms  to  Paiis, 
to  release  the  king  from  captivity,  and  to  resioro 
the  ancient  monarchy  to  t!ie  dominion  of  absolute 
power. 


420 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


The  kill?,  who,  even  before  his  forced  accept-  ^ 
ance  of  ihi'constituiion  of  1*  ^1,  had  made  an  un- 
Biiccessful  aitpinpt  to  escape  from  his  palace  pri- 
bon,  was,  ill  April.  171)2,  reduced  to  the  humilia- 
ting necessity  of  declaring  war  acaiiist  the  very  so- ^ 
vereijiis  wlio  weie  arinins  tlieir  nations  to  rescue 
liim  from  his  revolted  subjects.  Three  armies, 
each  of  fifty  lliousand  men,  w  ere  levied  to  meet  tiie 
eiiiersjeneies  of  I  his  war,  and  w  ere  placed  under 
tht  coiiiinand  of  Luckner,  Rocliambeau,  and  La- 
fayette. As  he  passed  throu^li  Paris  to  s.o  and 
»ake  the  command  of  his  army,  he  appeared  before 
the  legislative  assembly,  the  president  of  which, 
in  addressing  him,  said  that  the  nation  would  op- 
pose to  their  enemies  the  constitution  and  La- 
fayette. 

But  the  enemies  to  the  constitution  were  within 
the  walls.  At  this  distance  of  time,  when  most  of 
the  men,  and  many  of  the  passions  of  those  days, 
have  passed  away,  when  the  French  revolution, 
and  its  results,  should  be  regarded  with  the  search- 
ing eye  of  philosophical  speculation,  as  lessons  of 
experience  to  after  ages,  may  it  even  now  be  per- 
mitted to  remark  how  much  the  virtues  and  the 
crimes  of  men,  in  times  of  political  convulsion,  are 
modified  and  characteri/.e<l  by  the  circumstances 
in  which  they  are  placed  .'  The  great  actors  of  the 
tremendous  scenes  of  revolution  in  those  times 
were  men  educated  in  schools  of  high  civilization, 
and  in  the  humane  and  benevolent  precepts  of  the 
christian  religion.  A  small  portion  of  them  were 
vicious  and  dejiraved  ;  but  the  great  majority  were 
wound  up  to  madness  by  that  war  of  condicling  in- 
terests and  absorbing  passions,  enkindled  by  a  great 
convulsion  of  the  social  system,  it  has  been  said 
by  a  great  master  of  human  nature — 

"  In  ponce,  there's  notliiiiir  so  becomes  a  man 
"  As  modest  stillness  and  liiiniility; 
"  But  when  llic  Ijlasiofwar  lilows  in  your  ears, 
'  Then  imitate  the  action  of  the  tiger." 

Too  failhtully  did  tlie  people  of  France,  and  the 
eaders  of  their  factions,  in  that  war  of  all  the  po- 
filical  elements,  obey  that  injunction.  Who,  that 
ived  in  that  day,  can  reineiiilier  ?  who,  since  born, 
can  read,  or  liear  to  be  told,  the  horrors  of  the  20th 
Df. lune,  the  lOtli  of  Aiicust,  the  2d  and  3d  of  Sep- 
tember, 17;t2,  of  the  olstof  May,  179.3,  and  of  a 
miiltitiide  of  others,  during  which,  in  dreadful  suc- 
cession, the  murderers  of  one  day  were  the  victims 
of  the  next,  until  that,  when  the  insurgent  po|>u- 
lace  themselves  were  shot  down  by  thousands,  in 
the  very  streets  of  Paris,  by  the  military  legions  of 
the  convention,  and  the  rising  fortune  and  genius 
of  Najioleon  Bonaparte?  V\'ho  can  remember,  or 
read,  or  hear,  of  all  this,  without  shuddering  at  the 
eight  of  man, his  fellow-creature,  in  the  drunkenness 
of  p<ilitical  fren/y,  d(!gradin<;  himself  beneath  the 
condition  of  the  cannibal  savage  ?  benealh  even 
the  condition  of  llie  wild  beast  of  the  desert  ?  and 
who,  but  with  a  feeling  of  deep  mortification,  can 
redect.  that  the  rational  and  immortal  being,  to  the 
race  of  which  he  himself  belongs,  should,  even  in 
his  most  palmy  state  of  intellectual  cultivation,  be 
capabli*  of  this  self-transformation  to  brutality  ? 

In  this  dissolution  of  all  the  moral  elements  which 
regulate  the  conduct  of  men  in  their  social  condi- 
tion; ill  this  monstrous,  and  scarcely  conceivable 
spectacle  of  a  king,  at  the  head  of  a  mighty  nation, 
in  secret  league  with  the  enemies  against  whom 
he  lias  |ii'<K'laimed  himself  at  war,  and  of  a  legisla- 
ture ronspirintr  to  destrov  the  king  and  constitution 
(o  which  ihi-y  have  sworn  allegiance  and  support, 
Lafayette  alone  is  st!en  to  picscrve  his  fidelity  to 
the  king,  to  tiie  constitution,  and  to  his  country, 

"  IJn^hakon,  iinsoduceil,  untcrrified, 
"  Uli"  loyally. li-;  kept,  his  love,  hi:4  zeal." 

On  Mip  I'lih  <»f  .Iiine,  17!)2.  four  ilays  before  the 
first  vi  ilalion  of  the  palace  of  the  Tuilleries  by  tlie 
populace  of  Pans,  at  tin;  iii'^ligation  of  the  jaco- 
bins, Lafayette,  ill  a  letter  to  the  le;;is|alive  assem- 
bly, had  dcnounred  the  jaeol-in  eliib,  and  c-alled  up- 
on the  assembly  to  suppress  them.  Me  afterw  ards 
repaired  (o  PaTi<  in  jierson,  presented  himself  at  the 
bar  of  the  a«>em!ily,  r.  pealoil  his  deiuiiieialinii  of 
%bi  club,  and  took  tneasurcs  for  sujiprcssing  their 


meetings  by  force.  He  proposed  also  to  the  king  1 
himself  to  furnish  him  with  means  of  withdrawing 
with  his  family  to  Compeigne.  where  he  would 
have  been  out  of  the  reach  of  that  ferocious  and 
blood-thirsty  multitude.  The  Assembly,  by  a  great 
majority  of  votes,  sustained  the  principles  of  his 
letter,  but  the  king  declined  his  prolfered  assist- 
mce  to  enable  him  to  withdraw  from  Paris  ;  and  of 
those  upon  wlioin  he  called  to  march  with  him, 
and  shut  up  the  hall  where  the  jacobins  held  their 
meetings,  not  more  than  thirteen  jicrsons  present- 
ed themselves  at  the  appointed  time. 

He  returned  to  his  army,  and  became  thence- 
forth the  special  object  pf  jacobin  resentment  and 
revenge.  On  the  8th  of  August,  on  a  preliminary 
measure  to  the  intended  insurrection  of  the  lOth, 
the  question  was  taken,  after  several  days  of  de- 
bate, upon  a  formal  motion  that  he  should  be  put 
in  accusation  and  tried.  The  last  remnant  of  free- 
dom in  that  assembly  was  then  seen  by  the  vote  up- 
on nominal  appeal,  or  yeas  and  nays,  in  which  four 
hundred  and  forty-six  votes  were  for  rejecting  the 
charge,  and  only  two  hundred  and  twenty-four  for 
sustaining  it.  Two  days  after,  the  Tuilleries  were 
stormed  by  popular  insurrection.  The  unfortunate 
king  was  compelled  to  seek  refuge,  with  his  family, 
in  the  liall  of  the  legislative  assembly,  and  escaped 
from  being  torn  to  pieces  by  an  infuriated  multi- 
tude, only  to  pass  from  his  palace  to  the  prison,  in 
his  way  to  the  scaffold. 

This  revolution  thus  accomplished,  annihilated 
tlie  constitution,  the  government,  and  the  cause  for 
which  Lafayette  had  contended.  The  people  of 
France,  by  their  acquiescence,  a  great  portion  of 
them  by  direct  approval,  confirmeti  and  sanctioned 
the  abolition  of  tlie  monarchy.  The  armies  and 
their  commanders  took  the  same  victorious  side  : 
not  a  show  of  resistance  was  made  to  the  revolu- 
lionary  torrent,  not  an  arm  was  lifted  to  restore  the 
fallen  monarch  to  liis  tliione,  nor  even  to  rescue  or 
protect  his  person  from  the  fury  of  his  inexorable 
foes.  Lafayette  himself  would  have  inarched  to 
Paris  with  his  army,  for  the  defence  of  the  con- 
stitution, but  in  this  disposition  he  was  not  second- 
ed by  his  troops.  After  ascertaining  tliat  the  ef- 
fort would  be  vain,  and  after  arresting  at  Sedan 
the  members  of  the  deputation  from  the  legislative 
assembly,  sent,  after  their  own  subjugation,  to  ar- 
rest him,  he  determined,  as  the  only  ex])edient  left 
him  to  save  his  honour  and  his  principles,  to  with- 
draw both  from  tlie  army  and  the  country;  to  pass 
into  a  neutral  territory,  and  thence  into  lliese  Uni- 
ted States,  tlie  counlry  of  his  early  ado|)ti('n  and 
his  fond  partiality,  wliere  he  was  sure  of  finding  a 
safe  asylum,  and  of  meeting  a  cordial  welcome. 

But  his  destiny  had  reserved  him  for  other  and 
severer  trials.  We  liave  seen  him  struggling  for 
the  support  of  principles,  against  the  violence  of 
raging  factions,  and  the  fickleness  of  the  multi- 
tude; we  are  now  to  behold  him  in  the  hands  of 
the  hereditary  rulers  of  mankind,  and  to  witness 
the  nature  of  their  tender  mercies  to  him. 

It  was  in  the  neutral  territory  of  Liege  that  lie, 
together  with  his  companions,  Lalour  Maubouig, 
Hiiieau  de  Pu/.y,  Mid  Alexander  Laiiieth,  was  ta- 
ken by  the  Auslriaiis,  and  transferred  to  Prussian 
guards.  Under  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  he 
could  not,  by  the  princijiles  of  the  laws  of  nations, 
be  treated  even  as  a  prisoner  of  war.  He  was 
treated  as  a  prisoner  of  state.  Prisoners  of  stale 
in  the  monarchies  of  Europe  are  always  presumed 
guilty,  and  are  treated  as  if  entitled  ;ts  little  to 
mercy  as  to  justice.  Lafayette  was  immured  in 
dungeons,  first  at  Wcsel,  then  at  Magdeburg,  and. 
finally,  at  Olmutz,  in  Moravia.  Hy  what  right  ? 
By  none  known  among  men.  Bv  what  authority  ? 
That  has  never  been  avowed.  For  what  cause  ? 
None  has  ever  been  assigned.  Taken  by  Austri- 
an soldiers  upon  a  neutral  territory,  handed  over 
to  Prussian  jailors;  and,  when  Frederic  William 
of  Prussia  abandoned  his  Austrian  ally,  and  made 
his  separate  peace  wilh  republican  Fiance,  he  re- 
transferred  his  illustrious  prisoner  lo  the  Auslri- 
aiis, from  whom  he  had  ri  rrived  him,  that  he 
might  be  depiiveil  of  ihe  Mi'ssmg  of  ic;;ainili?  his 
liberty,  even  from  the  Inn  Is  of  peace.  Five  years 


was  the  duration  of  this  imprisonment,  aggravated 
by  every  indignity  that  coul'l  make  o[)pression  bit- 
ter. That  it  was  intended  as  imprisonment  for 
lile,  was  not  only  freely  avowed,  but  significantly 
made  known  to  him  by  his  jailors  ;  and  while, 
wilh  aflected  precaution,  the  means  of  terminating 
his  sulferings  by  his  own  act  were  removed  from 
him,  the  barbaiity  of  ill  usage,  of  un  wholesome 
food,  and  of  pestiferious  atmospliere,  was  applicG 
wilh  inexorable  rigour,  as  if  to  abridge  the  days 
which,  at  the  same  time,  were  rendered  as  far  as 
possible  insupportable  to  himself. 

Neither  the  generous  sympa'hies  of  the  gallant 
soldier,  (icneral  Fitzpatrick,  in  the  British  houso 
of  commons,  nor  the  personal  solicitation  ofWash- 
ington,  president  of  the  United  States,  speaking 
wilh  the  voice  of  a  grateful  tiation,  nor  the  per 
suasive  accents  of  domestic  and  conjugal  aflection, 
imploring  the  monarch  of  Austria  for  the  release 
of  Lafayette  could  avail.  The  imsophisticated 
feeling  ol"generoi;s  nature  in  the  hearts  of  men,  at 
this  ouliage  upon  justice  and  liumanity,  was  mani- 
fested in  another  form.  Two  individuals,  private 
citizens,  one,  of  the  United  Stylos  of  America, 
Francis  linger,  the  other,  a  native  of  the  Flecto- 
rate  of  Hanover,  Doctor  Erick  Bollmann,  under- 
took, at  imminent  hazard  of  their  lives,  to  supply 
means  for  his  escape  from  prison,  and  their  per- 
sonal ;iid  to  its  accomplishthftnt.  Their  desigo 
was  formed  with  great  address,  pursued  with  un- 
tiring perseverance,  and  executed  with  undaunted 
intrepidity.  It  was  frustrated  by  accidents  beyond 
the  control  of  human  sagacity. 

To  his  persecutions,  however,  the  hand  of  a  wise 
anfl  just  Providence  had,  in  its  own  lime,  and  in  its 
own  way,  jirepared  a  termination.  The  hands  ot 
the  Em|icror  Francis,  tied  by  mysterious  and  in- 
visible bands  against  the  indulgence  of  mercy  to 
the  tears  of  a  more  than  heroic  wife,  were  loosen- 
ed by  the  more  [irevailing  eloquence,  or,  rather, 
were  severed  by  the  con(|uering  sword  of  Napoleon 
Bonaparte,  acting  under  instructions  from  the  exe- 
cutive directory,  then  swaying  the  destinies  of 
Fr.ince. 

Lafayette  and  his  fellow-sufferers  were  still  un- 
der the  sentence  of  proscription  issued  by  the  fac- 
tion which  had  destroyed  the  conslitiition  of  1791, 
and  murdered  ihe  ill-fated  Louis  and  his  queen.— 
But  revolution  had  followed  tipon  revolution  since 
ihe  downfall  of  the  monarchy,  on  the  lOlli  o{ 
August,  1792.  The  federative  republicans  of  the 
Giroiuir  had  been  butchered  bv  the  jacobin  repub- 
licans of  the  iiiountain.  The  mountain  had  been 
subjected  by  the  iminicipality  of  Paris,  and  the 
sections  of  Paris,  by  the  reorganization  of  parlies 
in  the  national  convention,  and  with  aid  from  the 
armies.  Brissot  and  his  federal  associates,  Dan- 
ton  and  his  jiarly,  Robespierre  and  his  subaltern 
demons,  had  successively  jierished,  each  by  the 
measure  a|iplied  to  themselves  which  they  li.id 
meted  out  lo  others;  and  as  no  cxiieriment  of  po- 
litical empiricism  was  to  be  omiiled  in  the  mcdlej 
of  the  French  revolutions,  the  hereditary  execu- 
tive, wilh  a  single  legislative  assembly,  was  sue 
ceeded  by  a  constitution  wilh  a  legislature  in  two 
branches,  and  a  five-lie;ided  executive,  eligible. 
aiiBually  one-fifth,  by  their  concurrent  voles,  anu 
bearing  the  name  of  a  directory.  This  was  the  go- 
vernment at  whose  instance  Lafayelie  was  fin.ill) 
liberated  from  the  dungeon  of  Oliuul/.. 

But.  while  this  directory  were  shaking  to  thcii 
deepest  foundations  all  tlie  monarchies  ofEmopc  ; 
while  lliay  weie  stripping  Austria,  the  most  potent 
of  them  all,  piecemeal  of  her  territories  ;  while 
ihev  were  imposing  upon  her  the  most  humiliat 
ing  conditions  of  [leace,  and  bursting  open  hei 
dungeons  to  restore  their  illustrious  coiiiiiryman 
to  the  light  of  (lay  and  the  blessing  of  a  personal 
freedom,  they  were  themselves  exploding  by  in- 
ternal comlMislion,  divided  iiilo  two  factions,  each 
conspiring  llie  dcstruclion  ol'ihe  other.  Lafayette 
received  his  freedom,  only  to  see  the  two  mem- 
bers of  ihe  direcloiy,  who  had  taken  the  warniesi 
interest  in  eiVecliiig  his  liberalion,  oullawed  and 
proscribed  by  llieir  colleagues:  one  of  llicin.  Car» 
uot,  a  fuj^itivc  from  lii:>  counlry,  lurkir«*  iu  bauLnlv 


UNITED  STATES. 


431 


merit  to  escape  [nirsuit ;  ami  the  otiier  ]?ai  theleniy, 
tlt^piiitcd,  with  (illy  m('iiil)ers  of  the  len'slative  as- 
geii.iiJw  witlioiu  Ibriii  ol  trial,  or  evtjn  of  legal  pro- 
cess, 10  the  pestilential  cliiiiale  of  (iuiaiia.  All 
this  v,as  clone  with  the  ajiprobation,  expressed  in 
the  most  iiiKiualilied  terms,  ol' Na])oleoii,  and  with 
co-operation  of  his  army.  Upon  being  informed 
of  the  success  of  this  Pride's  purge,  he  wrote  to 
the  (lir(u  tory  that  he  had  with  him  one  hiiiulred 
tiionsand  men,  upon  whom  they  might  rely  to 
cause  to  be  resi)ecled  all  the  measures  that  they 
ehould  take  to  establish  liberty  upon  solid  founda- 
tions. 

Two  years  afterwards,  another  revolution,  di- 
rectly accomplished  by  Napoleon  himself,  demo- 
lished the  directory,  the  constitution  of  the  two 
councils,  and  the  solid  liberty,  to  the  support  of 
which  the  hundred  thousand  men  had  been  pledg- 
ed, and  introduced  another  constitution,  with  J?ona- 
parte  himself  for  its  executive  head,  as  the  first  of 
three  consuls,  lor  live  years. 

In  the  iiuerval  between  these  two  revolutions, 
Lafayette  resided  for  about  two  years,  first  in  the 
Danish  territory  of  iJolstein,  and,  afterwards,  at 
Utrecht,  in  the  Batavian  republic.  Neither  of 
them  had  been  ctiected  by  means  or  in  a  manner 
which  could  possibly  meet  his  approbation.  But 
the  consular  government  conunenced  with  broad 
professions  of  republican  principles,  on  the  faith  of 
which  he  returneil  to  France,  and  tor  a  series  of 
years  resided  in  privacy  and  retirement  tipon  his 
estate  of  La  Grange,  f  lere,  in  the  cultivation  of 
his  farm,  and  the  enjoyment  of  domestic  felicity, 
embittered  only  by  the  loss,  in  1S07,  of  that  angel 
upon  earth,  the  partner  of  all  the  vicissitudes  of 
his  life,  he  em|)loyed  his  time,  and  witnessed  the 
upward  flight  and  downward  fall  of  the  soldier  and 
sport  of  fortune.  Napoleon  lionaparte.  He  had 
soon  perceived  tlie  liollowness  of  the  consular  pro- 
fessions of  pure  re|niblican  principles,  and  withheld 
himself  from  all  participation  in  the  government. 
In  1S02,  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  geneni! 
council  of  the  department  ol'  Upper  Loire,  and,  in 
declining  the  appointment,  took  occasion  to  pre- 
sent a  review  of  his  preceding  life,  and  a  pledge 
of  his  perseverance  in  the  principles  which  he  haci 
previously  sustained.  "•  Far,"  said  he,  "  iVoiii 
the  scene  of  public  ati'airs,  and  devoting  myself  at 
iast  to  the  rejjose  of  |)rivale  live,  my  ardent  wishes 
are,  that  external  peace  should  soon  prove  the 
fruit  of  those  miracles  of  glory  which  are  even 
now  surpassing  the  prodigies  of  the  preceding 
cam))aigns,  and  that  internal  peace  should  be  con- 
solidated upon  the  essential  and  invariable  foun- 
dations of  true  liberty.  Happy  that  twenty-three 
years  of  vicissitudes  in  my  fortune,  and  of  con- 
stancy to  my  principles,  authorize  me  to  repeat, 
that,  if  a  nation,  to  recover  its  rights,  needs  only 
the  will,  they  can  only  be  preserved  by  inflexible 
fidelity  to  its  obligation." 

Wlien  the  first  consulate  for  five  years  was  in- 
vented as  one  of  the  steps  of  the  ladder  of  Napo- 
leon's ambition,  he  suffered  Sieyes,  the  member  of 
the  directory  whom  he  had  used  as  an  instrument 
for  casting  off  that  worse  than  worthless  in^titu- 
•  ion,  to  prepare  another  constitution,  of  which  he 
took  as  much  as  suited  his  pur|i«se,  and  consigned 
the  rest  to  oblivion.  One  of  the  wheels  of  tliis 
new  ))olitical  engine  was  a  conservative  senate, 
forming  the  peerage  to  sustain  tlie  executive  head. 
This  body  it  was  the  interest  and  the  policy  of 
Napoleon  to  conciliate,  and  he  filled  it  with  men, 
who,  through  all  the  previous  stages  of  the  revo- 
lution, had  acquired  and  maintained  the  highest 
respectability  of  character.  Lafayette  was  urged 
with  great  earnestness,  by  Napoleon  himself,  to 
t;ike  a  seat  in  this  senate  ;  but,  after  several  con- 
feieiices  with  the  first  consul,  in  which  he  ascer- 
tained the  extent  of  his  designs,  he  [)ereii)ptorily 
declined.  His  answer  to  the  minister  of  war 
tempered  his  refusal  with  a  generous  and  delicate 
comidiment,  allindingat  the  same  time  to  the  po- 
sition which  the  consistency  of  his  character  made 
.c  iiis  duty  to  occupy.  To  the  first  consul  him- 
•ell.  in  terms  equally  candid  and  explicit,  he  said, 
'  liiJt.  from  I  ;e  direction  whic?  Tublic  ali'airs  were 


ttiking,  what  he  already  saw.  and  what  it  was  easy 
to  foresee,  it  did  not  seem  suitable  to  his  character 
to  enter  into  an  order  of  things  contrary  to  his 
principles,  and  in  which  lie  would  have  to  con- 
tend without  success,  as  without  public  utility, 
against  a  man  to  whom  he  was  indebted  for  great 
obligations." 

Not  long  afterwards,  when  all  republican  prin- 
ciple was  so  utterly  prostrated,  that  he  was  sum- 
moned to  vole  on  the  question  whether  the  citizen 
Napoleon  Bonaparte  should  be  consul  for  life, 
Lafayette  added  to  his  vote  the  following  com- 
ment: "I  cannot  vote  for  such  a  magistracy  until 
the  ])ublic  liberty  shall  have  beeti  sufficiently 
guarantied  ;  and  in  that  event  I  vote  for  Najtoleon 
Bonaparte." 

He  wrote  at  the  same  titue  to  the  first  consul  a 
letter  explanatory  of  his  vote,  which  no  republi- 
can will  now  read  without  recognizing  the  image 
of  inordinate  and  triumphant  aini)ition  cowering 
under  the  rebuke  of  disinterested  virtue. 

"  The  ISth  of  Bruinaire,  (said  this  letter)  saved 
France;  and  I  felt  myself  recalled  by  the  liberal 
professions  to  whicli  you  had  attached  your  ho- 
nour. Since  then  we  have  seen  in  the  consular 
power  that  reparatory  dictatorship  which,  under 
the  auspices  of  your  genius,  has  achieved  so 
much  ;  yet  not  so  much  as  will  be  the  restoration 
of  liberty.  It  is  impossible  that  you.  General,  the 
first  of  that  order  of  men  who,  to  compare  and 
seat  themselves,  take  in  the  compass  of  all  ages, 
that  you  should  wish  such  a  revolution  ;  so  many 
victories,  so  much  blood,  so  many  calamities  and 
])rodigies,  sliould  have  for  the '.vorld  and  for  you 
no  other  result  than  arbitrary  government.  The 
French  people  have  too  we.II  knov/n  their  rights 
ultimately  to  forget  them  ;  but  perhaps  they  are 
now  better  prepared,  than  in  the  time  of  their  ef- 
fervescence, to  recover  them  usefully ;  and  you, 
by  the  force  of  your  character,  and  of  the  public 
confidence,  by  the  superiority  of  your  talents,  of 
your  position,  of  your  fortune,  may,  by  the  re-es- 
tahlishtnent  of  liberty,  surmount  every  danger,  and 
relieve  e^ery  anxiety.  I  have,  then,  nootherthan 
patriotic  and  personal  motives  for  wishing  you  this 
Ir.st  addition  to  your  glory  ;  a  permanent  magistra- 
cy ;  bitt  it  is  due  to  the  principles,  the  engage- 
ments, and  the  actions  of  my  whole  life,  to  wait, 
before  giving  my  vote,  until  liberty  shall  have 
been  settled  upon  foundations  worthy  of  the  nation 
and  of  you.  I  hone,  general,  that  you  will  here 
find,  as  heretofore,  that  with  the  perseverance  of 
my  political  opinions  are  united  sincere  good 
wishes  personally  to  you,  and  a  profound  sentiment 
of  my  obligations  to  you." 

The  writer  of  this  letter,  and  he  to  whom  it  was 
addressed,  have,  each  in  his  appropriate  sphere, 
been  instruments  of  transcendent  power,  in  the 
hands  of  Providence,  to  shape  the  ends  of  its  wis- 
dom in  the  wonderful  story  of  the  French  revolu- 
tion. In  contemplating  the  ])art  which  each  of 
them  had  acted  upon  tliat  great  theatre  of  human 
destiny,  befor  e  the  date  of  the  letter-,  how  strange 
was  at  that  moment  the  relative  position  of  the 
two  individuals  to  each  other,  and  to  the  world  I 
Lafayette  was  the  founder  of  the  great  movement 
then  in  progress  for  the  establishment  of  freedom 
in  F ranee,  and  in  tire  European  world  ;  but  his 
agency  had  been  all  intellectual  and  nroral.  He 
had  asserted  and  proclaimed  the  principles.  He 
had  never  violated,  never  betrayed  them.  Napo- 
leon, a  military  adventurer,  had  vapoured  in  pro- 
clamations, and  had  the  froth  of  jacobinism  upon 
his  hps  ;  but  his  soul  was  at  the  point  of  his  sword. 
The  revolution  was  to  Lafayette  the  cause  of  hu- 
man kind  ;  to  Napoleon  it  was  a  mere  ladder  of 
ambition. 

Yet,  at  the  time  when  this  letter  was  written, 
Lafayette  after  a  series  of  immense  sacrifices  and 
unparalleled  sufferings,  was  a  [jrivate  citizen, 
called  to  account  to  the  world  for  declining  to  vote 
for  placing  Napoleon  at  the  head  of  the  French 
nation,  with  arbitrary  and  indefiirite  power  for  life  ; 
and  Napoleon,  amid  professions  of  unbounded  de- 
votion to  liberty,  was,  in  the  face  of  mankind, 
ascending  the  steps  of  an  hereditary  imperial  and 


royal  throne.  Such  was  their  relative  position 
their  ;  what  is  it  now  ?  lias  history  a  lesson  for 
ntankind  more  instructive  than  the  contrast  and 
the  parallel  of' their  fortunes  and  their  late  .'  Time 
and  chance,  and  the  finger  of  Providence,  which, 
in  every  deviation  from  the  path  of  justice,  re- 
serves or  opens  to  itself  an  avenue  of  return,  has 
brought  each  of  these  mighty  men  to  a  close  of 
life,  congenial  to  the  character  with  which  he 
travelled  over  its  scenes.  The  consul  for  life, 
the  hereditary  emperor  and  king,  expires  a  cap- 
tive on  a  barreir  rock  in  the  wilderness  of  a  dis- 
tant ocean;  separated  from  his  imperial  wife; 
sejiarated  from  his  son,  who  survives  him  only  to 
pine  away  his  existence,  and  die  at  the  moment  of 
manhood,  in  the  condition  of  an  Austrian  prince. 
The  apostle  of  liberty  survives,  again  to  coine 
forward,  the  ever-consislent  cham[)ion  of  her  cause, 
and,  finally,  to  close  liis  cai-eer  in  peace,  a  repub- 
lican, without  reproach  in  death,  as  he  had  been 
without  fear  throughout  life. 

But  Napoleon  was  to  be  the  artificer  of  his  own 
fortunes,  prosperous  and  adverse.  He  was  rising 
by  the  sword  ;  by  the  sword  he  was  destined  to 
fall.  The  counsels  of  wisdoiir  and  of  virtue  fell 
forceless  upon  his  ear,  or  sunk  into  his  hear  t  only 
to  kindle  resentment  and  hatred.  He  sought  no 
farther  personal  intercourse  with  Lafayette  ;  and 
denied  common  justice  to  his  son,  who  had  entered 
and  distinguished  himself  in  the  army  of  Italy, 
and  from  whom  he  withheld  the  promotion  justly 
due  to  his  services. 

'Vhc  career  of  glory,  of  fame,  and  of  power, of 
which  the  consulate  for  life  was  but  the  first  ste[), 
was  of  ten  years'  continuance,  till  it  had  reachcil 
its  zenith  ;  till  the  astonished  eyes  of  mankind 
beheld  the  charity  scholar  of  Brienne,  emperor, 
king,  an<l  protector  of  the  confederation  of  the 
Rhine,  banqueting  at  Dresden,  surrounded  by  a 
circle  of  tributary  crowned  heads,  among  whom 
was  seen  that  very  Francis  of  Austria,  the  keeper, 
in  his  castle  of  Olmutz,  of  the  republican  Lafay- 
ette. And  upon  that  day  of  the  banqueting  at 
Dresden,  the  star  of  Napoleon  culminated  from 
the  equator.  Thenceforward  it  was  to  descend 
with  motion  far  more  rapid  than  when  rising,  till 
it  sank  in  endless  night.  Through  that  long  period, 
Lafayette  remained  irr  r'etiremeni  at  La  Grange. 
.Silent  amidst  the  deafeiting  shouts  of  victory  from 
Marengo,  and  Jena,  and  Auslerlitz,  and  Friedland, 
and  Wagranr,  and  Boi-odino;  silent  at  the  confla- 
gration of  Moscow  ;  at  the  passage  of  the  Bere- 
sina  ;  at  the  irretrievable  discomfiture  of  Leipzig  ; 
at  the  capitulation  at  the  gates  of' Paris,  and  at  tire 
first  restoration  of  the  Bourbons,  under  the  au- 
s])ices  of  the  inveterate  enemies  of  France  ;  as 
little  could  Lafayette  participate  in  the  measures 
of  that  restoration,  as  in  the  ustirpations  of  Napo- 
leon. Louis  the  Eighteenth  was  quartered  upon  the 
French  nation  as  the  soldiers  of  the  victorious  a.-- 
mies  were  (juartered  upon  the  inhabitants  of  Paris. 
Yet  Louis  the  Eighteenth,  w  ho  held  his  crown  as 
the  gift  of  the  conquerors  of  France,  the  most 
humiliating  of  the  conditions  imposed  u])on  the 
van(|uished  nation,  alfected  to  hold  it  by  divine 
right,  and  to  grant,  as  a  s|)ecial  favour,  a  charier, 
(U-  constitution,  founded  on  the  avowed  principle 
that  all  the  liberties  of  tlie  nation  were  no  more 
than  gratuitous  dorrations  of  the  king. 

These  pretensions,  with  a  coires|)onding  course 
of  policy  pursued  by  the  reinstated  government  ot 
the  Bourbons,  and  the  disregard  of  the  national 
feelings  and  interests  of  France,  with  which  Eu- 
rope was  re-modelled  at  the  Congress  ol'  X'ienna. 
opened  the  way  for  the  return  of  Napoleon  from 
Elba,  within  a  year  from  the  time  when  he  had 
been  relegated  there.  He  laniled  asa  solitary  ad- 
venturer, and  the  nation  rallied  round  him  with  rap- 
ture. He  came  with  promises  to  the  nation  of 
freedom  as  well  as  of  indepenrlence.  The  allies  of 
Vienna  proclaimed  against  him  a  war  of  extermi- 
nation, and  re-invaded  France  with  armies  exceed- 
ing in  numbers  a  million  of  men.  Lafayette  had 
been  courted  by  Napoleon  upon  his  return.  Ho 
was  again  urged  to  take  a  seat  in  the  house  of 
peers,  but  pereniplorily  declined,  from  aversion  ta 


«33 


H  1  S  rOR  V  OF   T  II  K 


its  hereiliiary  cluiraiter.  He  li.ui  refused  to  re- 
sume his  tilie  of  nobility,  iind  protested  iisainst  tlie 
cunstitution  of  tin-  erii|>ire,  and  tin-  additional  act 
eiilailin;;  the  imperial  lieredilary  crown  upon  the 
family  ol'  Napoleon.  lJut  he  ollered  himself  as  a 
candidate  for  election  as  a  member  of  the  popular 
eprcsen.  .../e  chamber  of  the  le<;islatiirp,  and  was 
unanimously  clioscn  by  the  electoral  college  of  his 
department  to  that  station. 

The  battle  of  Waterloo  was  the  last  desperate 
strii2f;le  ol"  Napideonto  recover  his  fallen  fortunes, 
and  its  issue  fixed  his  destiny  forever.  He  escaped 
almost  alone  from  the  field,  and  returned  a  fugitive 
to  Paris,  projecliiis;  to  dissolve  by  armed  force  the 
logislative  assi'inbly,  and,  assurtiin<;  a  dictatorial 
jiower,  to  levy  a  new  army,  and  try  the  desperate 
chances  of  aiiolher  balllc.  'JMiis  [mri)ose  was  de- 
feated l)y  the  enerijy  and  prouipiitiide  ol'  Lafayette 
At  his  instance  tlie  assembly  adopted  three  resolu- 
tions, one  of  which  deelareil  them  in  j)ernianent 
session,  and  denounced  any  attempt  to  dissolve 
lliem  as  a  crime  of  high  treasor).  

After  a  feeble  and  fruitless  attempt  of  Napoleon, 
through  his  brother  Lucien,  to  obtain  from  tiie  as- 
sembly itself  a  temporary  dictatorial  power,  he  ab- 
dicated the  imperial  crow:;  in  favour  of  his  infant 
eon  ;  but  his  abiiication  could  not  relieve  France 
from  the  deplorable  condition  to  w  hich  lie  had  re- 
duce;! her.  France,  from  the  day  of  the  battle  of 
Waterloo,  was  at  the  mercy  of  the  allied  monarchs  ; 
and,  as  the  last  act  of  tiieir  revenge,  they  gave 
her  again  to  the  Hourbons.  France  was  constrained 
to  receive  thein.  It  was  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet, 
and  resiotance  was  of  no  avail.  The  legislative 
assembly  appointed  a  provisional  council  of  govern- 
ment, and  commissioners,  of  whom  Lafayette  was 
one,  to  negociale  with  the  allied  armies  then  rapid- 
ly advancing  upon  I'aris 

The  allies  manifested  no  disposition  to  negoti- 
ate. They  closed  the  doors  of  their  hall  upon  the 
representatives  of  the  peo|)lo  of  France.  They 
reseated  Louis  the  Eighteenth  upon  his  tlirone. 
Against  tliese  measur<'s  Lafayette  and  the  mem- 
bers of  the  assembly  lia<l  no  means  of  resistance 
left,  save  a  fearless  protest,  to  be  remembered 
when  the  day  of  freedom  should  return. 

From  th(!  time  of  this  second  restoration  until 
liis  death,  Lafayette  who  had  declined  accepting 
a  seat  in  tin;  lieredilary  chamber  of  peers,  and  in- 
(lexibly  refused  to  resuttie  Jiis  title  of  nobility, 
though  the  charter  of  Louis  tlie  Eighteenth  had 
lestored  them  all,  was  almost  conslaiilly  a  mcmix'r 
of  the  chamber  of  deputies,  the  popular  branch 
of  the  legislature.  More  than  once,  how  ever,  the 
inlluence  of  the  court  was  successful  in  defeating 
his  election.  At  one  of  tJiese  intervals,  he  em- 
ployed the  leisure  afforded  him  in  revisiting  the 
United  .States. 

Forty  years  had  elapsed  since  he  had  visited  and 
taken  leave  of  ihem,  at  the  close  of  the;  revolution- 
ary war.  'I'he  greater  part  of  the  generation  for 
and  with  whom  he  had  fought  his  first  fields,  had 
passed  away.  Of  liie  two  millions  of  souls  to 
wliose  resctie  from  o|)presston  he  had  crossed  the 
ocean  in  1777,  not  one  in  ten  survived.  Hut  their 
places  were  supplied  by  more  than  five  times  their 
numbers,  their  descendants  and  successors.  The 
seniimeiii  ol  gratitude  and  affection  for  Lafayette, 
far  from  declining  with  the  la|)se  of  lime,  quickeii- 
cil  in  spiril  as  it  advanced  in  years,  and  seemed  to 
iiiulliply  w  ill)  the  increasing  numbers  of  the  peo|)l(!. 
The  nation  had  never  ceased  to  sympathize  with 
Jiis  fDrlnties,  aii<l,  in  every  vii  issilude  of  his  life, 
had  manil'esicd  th(-  deepest  interest  in  his  welfare. 
I  le  had  occasionally  expressed  his  intention  to  visit 
once  more  the.  scene  of  his  t'arlv  achievemeiits, 
and  the  c<iiiiilry  which  h  id  reipiiled  his  services  by 
a  just  estimate  of  their  value.  In  February,  IN^I, 
n  solemn  l>'<;islative  act,  iinaniiiioiisly  passed  by 
bolii  lioiis(-s  ol' ( 'onuress,  and  ajiproved  by  the  pre- 
itideiit  of  the  Fmli-il  .States,  charged  the  cliief  m  - 
f^isiraie  of  (he  nation  wiili  the  duty  of  cominunica- 
ling  to  him  the.  as>imatiei.-s  of  urateful  and  all'eciion- 
ale  .iliai'hmetil  still  chi-rislied  for  him  by  the  gov- 
ernment and  people  of  th<-  Fnited  .States,  and  of 
l?ndeiin(;  W.  him  a  national  ship  with  suitable  ac- 


coiuniodatiou,  for  his  conveyance  to  this  coun- 
tiy. 

Ten  years  have  i)assed  away  since  the  occurrence 
of  that  event.  Since  then,  the  increase  of  popu- 
lation within  the  borders  of  our  union  exceeds,  in 
numbers,  the  whole  mass  of  that  infant  community 
to  whose  liberties  he  had  devoted,  in  early  youth, 
his  life  and  fortune.  His  companions  and  fellow 
soldiers  of  the  war  of  independence,  of  whom  a 
scanty  remnant  still  existed  to  join  in  the  universal 
shout  of  welcome  with  which  he  landed  upon  our 
shores,  have  been  since,  in  the  ordinary  course  of 
nature,  dropping  away  :  pass  but  a  few  short  years 
more,  and  not  an  individual  of  that  generation  with 
which  he  toiled  and  bled  in  the  cause  of  liuman 
kind,  upon  his  first  appearance  on  the  field  of  hu- 
man action,  will  be  left.  The  gallant  officer,  and 
distinguished  representative  of  the  people,  at  whose 
motion,  upon  this  floor,  the  invitation  of  the  nation 
was  given — the  chief  magistrate  by  whom,  in  com- 
pliance with  the  will  of  the  legislature,  it  was  ten- 
dered— the  surviving  presidents  of  tlie  United 
Stales,  and  their  venerable  compeer  signers  of  the 
declaration  of  independence,  who  received  him  to 
the  arms  of  private  friendsliip,  while  mingling  their 
voices  in  the  chotus  of  public  exultation  and  joy, 
are  no  longer  here  to  shed  the  tear  of  sorrow  upon 
his  departure  from  this  earthly  scene.  They  all 
preceded  him  in  the  translation  to  another,  and, 
we  trust,  a  hapjiier  world.  The  active,  energetic 
manhood  of  the  nation,  of  whose  infancy  he  had 
been  the  protector  and  benefactor,  and  who,  by  the 
protracted  festivities  of  more  than  a  year  of  jubi- 
lee, manifested  to  him  their  sense  of"  the  obliga- 
tions for  wliicli  they  were  indebted  to  him,  are  al- 
ready descending  into  the  vale  of  years.  'J'he 
children  of  the  public  schools,  who  thronged  in 
double  flies  to  pass  in  review  before  him  to  catch 
a  glimpse  of  his  countenance,  and  a  smile  from  liis 
eye,  are  now  among  the  men  and  women  of  the 
land,  rearing  another  generation  to  envy  their  ])a- 
rents  the  joy  which  they  can  never  share,  of  having 
seen  and  contributed  to  the  glorious  and  triumphant 
reception  of  Lafayette. 

Upon  his  return  to  France,  Lafayette  was  re- 
ceived with  a  welcome  by  his  countrymen  scarce^ 
ly  less  enthusiastic  than  that  with  which  he  had 
been  greeted  in  this  country.  From  his  landing 
at  Havre  till  he  arrived  at  his  residence  at  La 
(irange,  it  was  again  one  triumphal  march,  ren- 
dered but  the  more  striking  by  tiie  inierruptions 
and  obstacles  of  an  envious  and  jealous  govern- 
ment. Threats  were  not  even  spared  of  arresting 
liim  as  a  criminal,  and  holding  him  responsible  for 
the  spontaneous  and  irrepressible  feelings  mani- 
fested by  the  people  in  his  f"avour.  He  was,  very 
soon  after  his  return,  again  elected  a  member  of' 
the  chamber  of  deputies,  and  thenceforward,  in 
that  honourable  and  independent  station,  was  llie 
soul  of  that  steadfast  and  inflexible  party  whidi  ne- 
ver ceased  to  defend,  and  was  ultimately  destined 
to  vindicate  the  liberties  of"  France. 

The  government  of  the  Hotirbons,  from  the  time 
of  tlieir  restoration,  was  a  |)erpetual  struggle  to 
return  to  the  Saturnian  times  of  absolute  power. 
For  them  rliesun  and  moon  had  stood  still,  not,  as 
in  the  miracle  of  ancient  story,  lor  about  a  whole 
day,  i)Ut  for  more  than  a  whole  century.  Jieseated 
it|)on  their  thrones,  not,  as  the  Stuarts  had  been  in 
the  seventeenth  century,  by  the  voluntary  act  of 
the  same  peo])le  w  hich  had  ex|)i>lled  them,  but  by 
the  arms  of  foreign  kings  and  hostile  armies,  in- 
stead of  aiming,  by  the  liberality  of  their  govern- 
ment, and  by  imi)roving  the  condition  of  their  i)eo- 
ple,  to  make  them  forget  the  huniiliation  of  the 
yoke  imposed  n]>on  iIk  iii,  thev  laboured  with  un- 
yielding  tenacity  to  make  it  more  galling.  They 
disarmed  the  national  guards;  thev  cramped  and 
crijipled  the  right  of  suffrage  in  elections  ;  they 
perverted  and  travestied  the  instilution  of  juries  ; 
they  fettered  the  freedom  of  the  press,  and  in  tiieir 
external  policy  lent  themselves,  willing  instrments 
to  crush  the  liberties  of  Spain  and  lialy.  The  spi- 
rit of  the  nation  was  embed  but  not  subdued.  The 
principles  of  f  reedom  proclaimed  in  the  declaration 
of  rights  of  1789  iia<l  taken  too  deep  root  to  be  cx- 


tirpateil.  Charles  the  Tenth,  by  a  gradual  intro- 
duction into  his  councils  of  the  most  inveterate  ad- 
herents to  the  ami  revohilionary  governnieiit,  was 
preparing  the  way  I'or  the  annihilation  of  the  char- 
ter and  ol  the  legislative  repre«etilation  of  the  peo- 
I  pie.  In  proportion  as  this  plan  approached  to  its 
I  maturity,  the  resistance  of  the  nation  to  its  ac- 
complishment acquire<l  consistency  and  organ- 
ization. The  time  had  been,  when,  by  the  restric- 
tions upon  the  right  of  suffrage,  and  the  control 
of  tile  piess,  and  even  of  the  freedom  of  debate  in 
the  legislature,  the  opposition  in  the  chamber  of 
deputies  had  dwindled  down  to  not  more  than 
thirty  members.  iJut,  under  a  rapid  succession  of 
iticoin])eteiit  and  unpoi)iilar  administrations,  the 
majority  of  the  house  of  deputies  had  passed  f'rom 
the  side  of  the  court  to  that  of  the  [jeoplc.  In 
August,  182'J,  the  king,  confiding  in  his  imaginary 
strength,  reorganized  his  ministry  by  the  apjioint- 
nient  of  men  wliose  reputation  was  itself  a  pledge 
of  the  violent  and  desperate  designs  in  contempla- 
tion. At  the  first  meeting  of  the  legislative  assem- 
bly, an  address  to  the  king,  signed  by  two  hundred 
and  twenty-one  out  of  four  himdred  members,  de- 
clared to  him,  in  respectful  terms,  that  a  concur- 
rence of  sentiments  l)etweeii  his  ministers  and  the 
nation  was  indispensible  to  the  happiness  of  the 
people  under  his  government,  and  that  this  con- 
currence did  not  exist.  He  replied,  that  liisdeter- 
mination  was  immovable,  and  dissolved  the  assem- 
bly. A  new  election  was  held  ;  and  so  odious 
throughout  the  nation  were  the  measures  of  tlio 
court,  that,  of  the  two  hundied  and  twenty-one 
members  who  had  signed  the  address  against  the 
ministers,  moietlian  two  hun<lred  were  le-elected. 
The  oj)position  had  also  gained  an  accession  of 
iiuiiibeis  in  the  remaining  part  ofthe  deputations, 
and  it  was  apparent  that,  u[)oii  the  meeting  ofthe 
assembly,  llie  court  party  could  not  i)e  sustained. 

At  this  crisis,  (,'haries  the  'I'enlh,  as  if  resolved 
to  leave  himself'  not  the  shadow  of  a  pretext  to 
com|)laiii  of  his  expulsion  from  the  throne,  in  de- 
fiance ofthe  charter,  to  the  observance  of  which 
he  had  stdemnly  sworn,  issued,  at  one  and  the  same 
time,  four  ordinances  ;  tlie  first  of  w  liicli  suspend- 
ed the  liberty  ofthe  press,  and  prohibited  the  pub- 
lication of  all  tiie  daily  newspapers  and  other  peri- 
odical journals,  but  by  license,  revokable  at  plea- 
sure, and  renewable  every  three  months:  the  se- 
cond annulled  the  elections  of" lieputies,  which  had 
just  taken  place  ;  the  third  »  haiiged  the  mode  of 
election  jirescribed  by  law.  and  redueed  nearly  by 
one-hall  the  numbers  of  the  house  of  deputies  to 
be  electetl ;  and  the  fourth  commanded  the  new 
elections  to  beheld,  and  fixed  a  day  lor  the  meet- 
ing ofthe  assembly  to  be  so  constituted. 

These  ordinances  were  the  imme<liate  occasion 
ofthe  last  revolution  of  the  three  davs.  termina- 
ting in  the  final  expulsion  of  Charles  the  Tenth 
from  the  throne,  and  of  himself  and  his  family 
from  the  lerrilory  of  France.  This  was  effected 
by  an  insurrection  of  tlu^  people  of  I'aiis,  which 
burst  forth,  l)y  spontaneous  and  iinpremiMlitated 
movement,  on  the  very  day  of  the  promulgation 
ofthe  l.iur  ordinances.  The  first  of  these,  the 
suppression  of  all  the  daily  newspapers,  seemed  as 
if  studiously  devised  to  provoke  instantaneous  re- 
sistance, and  the  conflict  of  pliysical  force.  Had 
Charles  the  Tenth  issued  a  decree  to  shut  up  all 
the  bakehiiuses  of  Paris,  it  could  not  liave  been 
more  fatal  to  his  authority.  The  coiiductois  ol 
the  |)roscribed  journals,  liy  mutual  engagemeni 
among  themselves,  determineit  to  consider  the  or- 
dinance as  iiiil.iwt'ul,  null,  and  void;  and  thiswai 
to  all  cl.isses  ofthe  people  the  signal  of  resistance. 
Tlk"  jmblisheis  of' two  of  the  journals,  summoned 
immediately  before  the  jmlicial  tribunal,  were  jus- 
tified in  their  resistance  by  the  sentence  of  the 
court,  pronouncing  the  ordinance  null  and  void.  A 
marshal  of  France  receives  the  commands  of  tlie 
kiiiii  to  disperse,  by  force  of  arms,  the  popidatioii 
of  Paris  ;  but  the  spontaneous  resurrection  ofthe 
national  guatd  organizes  at  once  an  army  to  defend 
till"  liberties  of  the  nation.  Lafayette  is  again 
called  from  his  retreat  at  La  (irange,  and,  by  ihc 
unanimous  voice  ofthe  i)eoj)le,  confirmed  by  such 


U  N  I  T  l:  1)   S  T  A  T  E  S 


433 


deputies  ol"  the  legislative  asseiiiljly  as  were  able 
to  meet  lor  coiiiiiioii  coiisultaiiuii  a;  tliat  ti yiiij; 
emergency,  is  ae  iiu  placed  at  tiielieail  ni'  the  iia- 
tioiiaj  guard  as  their  coiiiiiiaiider-iii  thiel.  He 
assumed  the  comiiiaiul  on  the  second  day  of  ihe 
conflict,  and  on  the  third  ('hailesihe  Tenth  iiad 
ceased  to  reign.  He  t'ormally  abdicated  the  crown, 
and  his  son,  the  duke  d'Angouleme,  renounced  his 
pretensions  to  the  succession.  But.  humble  imi- 
•lors  of  Napoleon,  even  in  subn)iuing  to  their 
own  degradation,  they  clung  to  the  last  gasp  of 
hereditary  sway,  by  transniiiting  ail  their  claim  o(' 
dominion  to  the  orphan  child  of  the  duke  de  Herri. 

At  an  early  stage  of  the  revolution  of  1789,  La- 
fayette had  declared  it  as  a  jjrinciple  that  insur- 
rection against  tyrants  was  the  most  sacred  of  du- 
ties. He  had  borrowed  this  sentiment,  perhai)s, 
from  the  motto  of  .leli'erson — "Rebellion  to  tyrants 
is  obedience  to  God."  The  principle  itself  is  as 
Bound  as  its  enunciation  is  daring.  Like  all  gene- 
ral maxims,  it  is  susceptible  of  very  dangerous 
abuses:  the  test  of  its  truth  is  exclusively  in  the 
correctness  of  its  application.  As  forming  apart 
of  the  political  creed  of  Lafayette,  it  has  not  been 
ieverely  criticised  ;  nor  can  it  be  denied  that,  in 
the  experience  of  the  French  revolutions,  the 
cases  in  which  popular  insurrection  has  been  re- 
sorted to,  for  the  extinction  of  existing  authority, 
have  been  so  frequent,  so  unjustifiable  in  their 
causes,  so  atrocious  in  their  execution,  so  destruc- 
tive to  liberty  in  their  consequences,  that  the 
friends  of  freedom,  who  know  that  she  can  exist 
only  under  the  supremacy  of  the  law,  have  some- 
times felt  themselves  constrained  to  shrink  I'rom 
the  developement  of  abstract  truth,  in  the  dread  of 
Uie  danger  with  which  she  is  surroiuided. 

In  the  revolution  of  the  three  days  of  18.30,  it 
was  the  steady,  calm,  but  inflexible  adherence  of 
Lafayette  to  this  maxim  which  decided  the  fate  of 
\he  ISourbons.  After  the  struggles  of  the  ])eople 
iiad  commenced,  and  even  while  liberty  and  |)ower 
were  grappling  with  each  other  for  life  or  death,  tlie 
deputies  elect  to  the  legislative  assembly,  then  at 
Paris,  held  several  meetings  at  the  house  of  their 
colleague,  Laftitte,  and  elsewhere,  at  which  the 
question  of  resistance  against  the  ordinances  was 
warmly  debated,  and  aversion  to  that  resistance  by 
force  was  tlie  sentiment  predominant  in  the  minds 
of  a  majority  of  the  meinbers.  The  hearts  of  some 
of  the  most  ardent  patriots  quailed  within  them  at 
the  thought  of  another  overthrow  ol  the  monarchy. 
All  the  horrible  recollections  of  the  reign  of  tei  ror, 
the  massacre  of  the  prisons  in  September,  the 
butcheries  of  the  guillotine  from  year  to  year,  the 
headless  trunks  of  Brissot,  and  Danton,  and  Kobes- 
pierre  and  last,  not  least,  the  iron  crown  and  scep- 
tre of  Napoleon  himself,  rose  in  hideous  succes- 
sion before  them,  and  haunted  their  imaginations. 
They  detested  the  ordinances,  but  hoped  that,  by 
negotiation  and  remonstrance  with  the  recreant 
king,  it  might  yet  be  possible  to  obtain  the  revoca- 
tion of  them,  and  the  substitution  of  a  more  liberal 
ministry.  This  deliberation  was  not  concluded 
till  Lafayette  appeared  aiuong  them.  From  that 
moment  the  die  was  cast.  They  had  till  then  no 
military  leader.  Louis  Philippe  of  Orleans,  had 
not  then  been  seen  among  them. 

In  all  the  changes  of  government  in  France, 
from  the  first  assembly  of  notables,  to  that  day, 
there  never  had  been  an  act  ofautliority  present- 
ing a  case  for  the  fair  and  jusi  application  of  the 
duty  of  resistance  against  oppression,  so  clear,  so 
unquestionable,  so  flagrant  as  this.  The  violations 
of  the  charter  wer-e  so  gross  and  paljiable,  that  the 
most  determined  royalist  could  not  deny  them. 
The  mask  had  been  laid  aside.  The  sword  of 
despotism  had  been  drawn,  and  the  scabbard  cast 
away.  A  king,  ojienly  forsworn,  had  forfeited 
every  claim  to  allegiance  ;  and  theotdy  resource  of 
the  icition  against  him  was  resistance  by  force. 
Tbi*  was  the  opmion  of  Lafavette,  and  he  declar- 
ed himself  ready  to  take  the  command  of  the  Na- 
tional Ciuard,  should  the  wish  of  the  i)eople,  already 
declared  thus  to  place  him  at  the  head  of  this 
spontaneous  movement,  lie  confirmed  by  his  col- 
Waguesof  the  legislative  assembly.    The  appoint- 


ment was  accordingly  conferred  upon  him,  and  the] 
second  day  alierw.acis  (Jharles  tlie  Tenth  and  his' 
I  family  were  lii^iuves  to  a  loreigii  land. 
I  France  was  witiioiit  a  government.  She  might 
their  have  constituted  heisel!  a  rejntblic,  and  such 
was,  undoubtedly,  the  aspiration  of  a  very  large 
portion  of  her  poinilation.  But  with  anol her,  atrd 
yet  larger  portion  oi  lier  people,  the  name  of  re- 
public was  identified  with  the  memory  of  Ivobes- 
picrre.  It  was  held  in  execratioit ;  there  was  im- 
minent danger,  if  not  absolute  certainty,  that  the 
attetiiiit  to  organize  a  republic  would  have  been 
the  signal  for  a  new  civil  war.  The  name  of  a 
reirubhc,  too,  was  hatef  ul  to  all  the  neighbours  of 
France  ;  to  the  confederacy  of  emperor;!  and  kings, 
which  had  twice  replaced  the  Bourbons  upon  tlie 
throne,  and  who  might  be  propitiated  under  the 
disappointnrent  and  mortification  of' the  result,  by 
the  retention  of  the  name  of  king,  and  the  substitu- 
tion of  tiie  semblance  of  a  Bourbon  for  the  reality. 

Thei)eople  of  France,  like  the  Cardinal  de  Ketz, 
more  than  two  centuries  before,  wanted  a  descend- 
ant from  Henry  the  Fourth,  who  could  sjjeak  the 
language  of  the  Parisian  populace,  and  who  had 
known  what  it  was  to  be  a  plebeian.  They  found 
him  in  the  jjerson  of  Ijouis  Philippe,  of  (Jrleans. 
Lafayette  himself  was  corripellerl  to  coiupromise 
with  his  principles,  purely  and  simply  reirublican, 
and  to  accept  him,  first  as  lieuteiiarrt  general  of 
the  kingdom,  and  then  as  hereditary  king.  There 
was,  perhaps,  in  this  determiiratioii,  besides  the 
motives  which  operated  upon  others,  a  considera- 
tion of  disiiiteicsted  delicacy,  which  could  be  appli- 
cable only  to  himself.  If  the  republic  should  be 
claimed,  he  knew  that  the  chief  magistracy  could 
be  delegated  only  to  himself'.  It  must  have  been 
a  chief  magistracy  for  life,  which  at  his  age,  could 
only  Ir.'.ve  buca  i'or  a  short  term  of'years.  Indepeir- 
deni  of  the  extreme  dangers  and  difficulties  to 
himself,  to  his  family,  and  to  his  country,  in  which 
the  jiositior.  '.vhicli  he  would  have  occujiied  might 
have  involved  them,  the  inquiry  could  not  escape 
his  forecast,  who  upo:;  his  demise,  could  be  his 
successor  and  what  must  be  the  {)osition  occupied 
by  him  ?  If,  at  that  moment,  he  liad  but  spoken 
the  word,  he  iiright  have  closed  his  career  with  a 
crown  upon  his  head,  and  with  a  withering  blast 
upon  his  naiue  to  the  end  of  time. 

With  the  duke  of  Orleans  himself,  he  used  no 
concealment  or  disguise.  When  the  crown  was 
offered  to  that  jrrince,  and  he  looked  to  Lafayette 
for  consultation,  "  you  know  (said  he)  that  I  am  of 
the  American  school,  and  partial  to  the  constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States."  So,  it  seems,  was  Louis 
Philippe.  "  1  think  with  you,"  said  he.  "  It  is 
iiirpossible  to  ])ass  two  years  in  the  United  States, 
without  being  convinced  that  their  government  is 
the  best  in  the  world.  But  do  you  think  it  suited  to 
our  present  circumstances  and  condition  ?"  No, 
replied  Lafayette.  "  They  require  a  monarchy  sur- 
rounded by  popular  institutions."  So  thought  also, 
Louis  Phili])pe  ;  and  he  accepted  the  crown  under 
the  conditions  u|)on  which  it  was  tendered  to  liim. 

Lafayette  retained  the  command  of  the  national 
guard  so  long  as  it  was  essential  to  the  settlement 
of  the  new  and  old  things,  on  the  basis  of  order 
and  of  freedom  ;  so  long  as  it  was  essential  to  con- 
trol the  stormy  and  excited  passions  of  the  Pari- 
sian people ;  so  long  as  was  necessary  to  save  the 
ministers  of  the  guilty  but  fallen  monarch  from  the 
rash  and  revengeful  resentments  of  their  conquer- 
ors. When  this  was  accomplished,  and  the  people 
had  been  preserved  from  the  calamity  of  shedding 
in  peace  the  blood  of  war,  he  once  more  resigned 
his  command,  retired  in  privacy  to  La  (Jrange  and 
resuirred  his  post  as  a  deputy  in  the  legislative  as- 
senrbly,  which  he  continued  to  hold  till  the  close 
of  life. 

His  station  there  was  still  at  the  head  of  the 
phalanx,  supporters  of  liberal  principles  and  of 
constitutional  freedom.  In  Spain,  in  Portugal,  in 
Italy,  and,  above  all,  in  Poland,  the  cause  of  liberty 
has  been  stniggling  against  the  hand  of  power, 
and  to  the  last  hour  of  his  life,  they  found  itr  La- 
fayette a  never-failing  friend  and  patron. 

In  his  last  illness,  the  standing  which  lie  held. 


j  in  the  hearts  of  nrankind  was  attested  by  the  for- 
mal resolution  of  the  house  of  deputies,  sent  to 
make  iiKpiiries  conc(M  ning  his  condition  ;  and,  dy 
ing,  as  he  did,  lull  of  yeais  and  of  glory,  never,  la 
the  history  ol'  mankind,  has  a  private  iudividua. 
departed  more  universally  lamented  by  the  whole 
generation  of  nien  whom  he  has  left  beliiiid. 

Such,  legislators  of  the  North  American  Con- 
federate Union,  was  the  life  of  (jilbcit  Motier  de 
Lafayette,  and  the  record  of  his  hie  is  the  delinea- 
tion of  his  character.  Consider  him  as  one  hu- 
man being  of  one  thousand  millions,  his  cotem|)o- 
raries  otr  the  surface  of  the  tei racjueoiis  globe. — 
Among  that  thousand  millions  seek  for  an  object 
of  com|)ai-ison  with  him  ;  assume  for  the  standard 
of  contparison  all  the  virtues  which  exalt  the  cha- 
racter of  man  above  that  of  the  brute  creation; 
take  the  ideal  man,  little  lower  than  the  angels; 
mark  the  qualities  of  the  mind  and  heart  which 
entitle  him  to  this  station  of  pre-eminence  in  the 
scale  of  created  beings,  and  inquire  who,  that 
lived  in  the  eighteenth  and  nineteenth  centuries 
of  the  christian  ;era,  combined  in  himself  so  many 
of  those  qualities,  so  little  alloyed  with  those 
which  belong  to  that  earthly  vesture  of  dectiy  in 
which  the  immortal  spirit  is  enclosed,  as  Lafay- 
ette. 

Pronounce  him  one  of  the  first  men  of  his  age, 
and  you  have  yet  not  done  him  jitstice.  Try  him 
by  that  test  to  which  he  sought  in  vain  to  stimu- 
late the  vulgar  and  .selfish  spirit  of  Napoleon ; 
class  him  among  the  men  who,  to  coiiqiare  ami 
seat  themselves,  must  take  in  the  compass  of  all 
ages  ;  turn  back  your  eyes  upon  the  records  ot 
time;  sumnnm  from  the  creation  of  the  world  to 
this  day  the  mighty  dead  of  every  age  and  every 
clime  ;  and  where,  among  the  race  of  merely  mor- 
tal men,  shall  one  be  fi)und,  who,  as  the  lieiiefac- 
tor  of  his  kind,  shall  claim  to  take  jirecedence  of 
Lafayette  ? 

There  have  doubtless  been,  in  all  ages,  men, 
whose  discoveries  or  inventions,  iit  the  world  ol 
matter  or  of  mind,  have  opened  new  avenues  to 
the  dominion  of  man  over  the  material  creation  ; 
have  increased  his  means  or  his  faculties  of  eiijov- 
iiieiit ;  have  raised  him  in  nef.rer  approximation 
to  that  higher  and  ha|)pier  condition,  liie  object 
of  his  hopes  and  aspirations  in  liisj)resent  state  ol 
existence. 

Lafayette  discovered  no  new  [irinciples  of  poli- 
tics or  of  nrorals.  He  invented  nothing  in  science. 
He  disclosed  no  new  phenomenon  in  the  laws  of 
nature.  Born  and  educated  in  the  highest  order 
of  feitdal  nobility,  under  the  most  absolute  mo 
iiarchy  of  Europe,  in  possession  of  an  aflluent  for- 
tune, and  master  of  himself  and  of  all  his  capabili- 
ties at  the  nromeiil  of  attaining  manhood,  the 
princi|)le  of  re])ublican  justice  antl  of  social  equali- 
ty took  possession  of  his  lieait  and  mind,  as  i('  by 
inspiration  from  above.  He  devoted  himself,  his 
life,  his  fortune,  his  hereditary  honours,  his  tow- 
ering ambition,  his  splendid  hopes,  all  to  the  cause 
of  liberty.  He  came  to  another  heiitis|)here  lo 
defend  her.  He  becaiire  one  of  the  most  effective 
champions  of  our  Independence  ;  but,  that  once 
achieved,  he  returned  lo  his  own  country,  and 
thenceforward  took  no  ]rart  in  the  controversies 
which  have  divided  us.  In  the  events  of  our  re- 
volution, and  in  the  forms  of  policy  which  we  have 
adopted  for  the  establisliiiieiit  and  per|)eluation  ol 
our  freedom,  Lafayatte  fcuind  the  most  perfect 
f'oriu  of  government.  He  wished  to  add  nothing 
to  it.  He  would  gladly  have  abstracted  nothing 
front  it.  Iiisteail  of  the  imaginary  republic  ol 
Plato,  or  the  Utopia  of  Sir  Thomas  .Sloi  e,  he  loon 
a  practical  existing  model,  in  actual  (qieraiioii 
here,  and  never  attempted  or  wished  more  than  to 
apply  it  faithfully  to  his  own  country. 

It  was  not  given  to  Moses  to  enter  the  promised 
land  ;  but  he  saw  it  from  the  summit  of  Pisgah.— 
It  was  not  given  to  Ijafayette  to  witness  the  con- 
summation of  his  wishes  in  the  establishment  of  a 
leimblic,  and  the  extinction  of  all  hereditary  rule 
in  France,  His  ])rinciples  were  in  advance  of  the 
age  and  hemisphere  in  which  he  lived.  A  Bour 
,  bun  still  reigns  on  the  throne  of  France,  and  it  is 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


not  for  IIS  to  sri  utiiii/.e  tlie  title  by  which  lie  reigns.  | 
The  principles  ol"  eieetive  and  heredil'.iry  power, 
bicnrleil  in  reluct:itit  union  in  liis  person,  like  the 
roil  ;in(i  while  roM's  tit' \'()ik  anil  LaiK  asU-i,  niay 
postpone  to  aHerlime  the  last  coiillict  to  which  they 
niiisr  iilliiiialely  roine.  The  life  of  the  j)atriarch 
was  not  loiiL'  onou^li  Cor  the  development  of  his 
whole  poliiical  sysieni.  Its  final  accomplishment 
is  in  the  woinl)  of  time. 

The  anticiiialion  of  this  event  is  the  more  cer- 
tain, from  the  consideration  tliat  all  the  principles 
for  which  Laravelie  contended  were  practical.  lie 
never  indulged  hiinsell'iii  wild  and  fanciful  specu- 
lations. The  princi|)le  of  heiediiary  jiower  was, 
in  his  opinion,  tlie  bane  of  all  republican  liberty  in 
Kiirope.  ITnable  to  extintruish  it  in  the  revolution 
of  1830,  so  far  as  concerned  the  chief  magistracy 
tif  the  nation,  Lafayette  had  the  satisfaction  of  see- 
ns  it  abolished  with  reference  to  the  peerage.  An 
.'ereditarv  crown,  stript  of  the  support  which  it 
nay  derive  from  an  hereditary  peerage,  however 
compatible  with  Asiatic  despotism,  is  an  anomaly 
in  the  history  of  the  christian  world,  and  in  the 
theory  of  free  government.  There  is  no  argument 
jiroiliu  il.'le  against  the  existence  of  an  hereditary 
peerage,  but  applies  with  aggravated  weight  against 
the  transmission,  from  sire  to  son,  of  an  licreditary 
crown.  The  prejudices  ai«l  passions  of  the  people 
of  France  rejected  the  [irinciple  of  inherited  power, 
in  every  station  of  public  trust  excepting  the  first 
and  highest  of  them  all  ;  but  there  they  clung  to 
it,  as  did  the  Israelites  of  old  to  the  savory  deities 
of  Ksypt. 

This  is  not  the  time  or  the  place  for  a  disquisi- 
lion  upon  the  comparative  merits,  as  a  system  of 
government,  of  a  republic,  and  a  monarchy  sur- 
■oiinded  by  republican  institutions.  Upon  this  sub- 
ject there  is  among  us  no  diversity  of  o|)inion  ;  and 
tfil  should  take  the  people  of  France  another  half 
ceniurv  of  internal  and  external  war.  of  dazzling 
and  delusive  glories;  of  unparalleled  triumphs, 
humiliating  reverses,  and  bitter  disappointments,  to 
settle  it  to  their  satisfaction,  the  ultimate  result 
can  only  bring  them  to  the  point  where  we  have 
stood  from  the  day  of  the  declaration  of  indepen- 
dence ;  to  the  point  where  Lafayette  would  liave 
broimht  them,  and  to  which  he  looked  as  a  con- 
summation devoutly  to  be  wished. 

IMien,  too,  and  then  only,  will  be  the  time  when 
the  character  of  Lafayette  will  be  appreciated  at 
its  true  value  throughout  the  civilized  world. — 
When  the  jirinciple  of  hereditary  dominion  shall  be 
extinguished  in  all  the  institutions  of  France ; 
when  government  shall  no  longer  be  considered  as 
property  transmissible  from  sire  to  son,  but  as  a 
trust  comniitled  for  a  limited  time,  and  then  to  re- 
turn to  the  people  whence  it  came  ;  as  a  burdensome 
riiitv  to  bo  discharged,  and  not  as  a  reward  to  be 
abused;  when  a  claim,  any  claim,  to  |>olitica! 
power  by  inheritance  shall,  in  the  estimation  of 
the  whole  I'''rench  people,  be  held  as  it  now  is  by 
the  whole  pe(>ple  of  the  North  American  union; 
llien  will  bi-  the  lime  for  contemplating  the  cha- 
racter of  Lalayetle.  not  merely  in  the  events  of  his 
li(e,  but,  in  the  lull  development  of  his  intellectual 
ronceptioiis,  ol' his  fervent  aspirations,  of  the  la- 
bours and  |)erils  and  sacrifices  of  his  long  and 
eventful  career  upon  earth;  and  thenceforward, 
lill  the  hour  when  the  trump  of  the  archangel  shall 
Biiiin<l  to  announce  that  lime  shall  l)e  no  more,  the 
nnnie  of  Lafayette  vliall  stand  enrolled  upon  t)ie 
annals  of  our  race,  high  on  the  list  of  the  pure  and 
disinterested  benefai'lorii  of  mankind. 

Lafayette*  was  a  French  nobleman  of  high 
rank,  who,  animated  ^^iih  the  love  of  liberty,  had 
left  his  nalivi-  country,  and  ollwcd  hix  services  to 
Congress.  W'lL'li-  in  France,  and  only  nineteen 
years  ol  age.  lu;  c.s|ioiised  the  cause  of  iiu«  Ame- 
ricans, Willi  lIuMiiost  disinleri'sted  anrl  generous  ar- 
dour. Haying  determined  to  join  them,  he  coin- 
liiiinienleil  his inlenliiins  lo  the  American  co;;imis- 
vioiierK.  at  Farin.  'j'liey  juslly  conceived,  tint  a 
patron  ol  so  iiiiicli  iinporlance  would  be  of  service 
\n  llii'ir  cause,  and  encouraged  hiii  design,  liefore 


■tfcc  page  4]  5. 


I  he  had  embarked  from  France,  intelligence  arri- 
ved in  Europe,  that  the  American  insurgents,  re- 
duced to  2000  men,  were  lleeing  through  .lersey, 
before  a  ISritisli  I'orce  of  ."30,000.  I'lidei  these  cir- 
cumstances, the  American  commissioners  at  I'aris 
thought  it  but  honest  to  dissuade  him  iVom  the  pre- 
sent prosecution  of  his  perilous  enterprise.  It  was 
in  vain  that  they  acted  so  candid  a  part.  His  zeal, 
to  serve  a  distressed  country,  was  not  abated  by 
her  misfortunes.  Having  embarked  in  a  vessel, 
which  lie  purchased  for  the  purpose,  he  arrived  at 
Charleston,  early  in  1777,  and  soon  alter  joined  the 
American  army.  Congress  resolved,  that,  "  in 
consideration  of  his  zeal,  illustrious  family  and  con- 
nexions, he  should  have  the  rank  of  major  gene- 
ral in  their  army.''  Independent  of  the  risk  he  ran 
as  an  American  officer,  he  hazarded  his  large  for- 
tune in  consequence  of  the  laws  of  France,  and 
also  the  confinement  of  liis  person,  in  case  of  cap- 
ture when  on  his  way  to  the  United  States,  with- 
out the  chance  of  bfting  acknowledged  by  any  na- 
tion; for  his  court  had  forbidden  his  proceeding  to 
.\merica,  and  had  despatched  orders  lo  have  him 
confined  in  the  West  Indies  if  found  in  that  quarter. 

This  gallant  nobleman,  who,  under  all  these  dis- 
advantages, had  demonstrated  his  good  will  to  the 
United  States,  received  a  wound  in  his  leg  at  the 
battle  of  Brandywine  ;  but  he  nevertheless  contin- 
ued in  the  field,  and  exerted  liimself  botli  byword 
and  example  in  rallying  the  Americans.  Other 
foreigners  of  distinction  also  shared  in  the  engage- 
ment. Count  Pulaski,  a  Polish  nobleman,  the 
same  who  a  few  years  before  carried  off  king  Stan- 
islaus from  his  capital,  though  surrounded  with  a 
numerous  body  of  guards,  and  a  Russian  army, 
fought  with  the  Americans  at  Brandywine.  He 
was  a  thunderbolt  of  war,  and  always  sought  for 
the  post  of  danger  as  the  post  of  honour.  Soon  af- 
ter this  engagement.  Congress  appointed  him  com- 
mander of  horse,  with  the  rank  of  brigadier. 

Howe  |)ersevered  in  his  scheme  of  gaining  the 
right  Hank  of  the  Americans.  This  was  no  less 
steadily  pursued  on  the  one  side,  than  avoided  on 
the  other.  Washington  came  forward  in  a  few- 
days  with  a  resolution  of  risking  another  action, 
fie  accordingly  advanced  as  far  as  the  Warren 
tavern,  on  the  Lancaster  road.  Near  that  place, 
on  the  18th  September,  both  armies  were  on  the 
point  of  engaging,  with  their  whole  foice  :  but  were 
prevented  by  a  most  violent  storm  of  rain,  which 
continued  for  a  whole  day  and  night.  When  the 
rain  ceased,  the  Americans  found  that  their  aiu- 
miinition  was  entirely  ruined.  Bei'ore  a  proper 
supply  was  procured,  the  British  marched  from 
their  ])osition  near  the  White  Horse  tavern,  down 
towards  the  ."Swedes'  ford.  The  Americans  again 
took  post  in  their  front ;  but  the  British,  instead  of 
urging  an  action,  began  to  march  up  towards  Read- 
ing. To  save  the  stores  which  had  been  deposited 
in  that  place,  Washington  took  a  new  |M)siiion, 
and  left  the  British  in  undisturbed  possession  of 
the  roads  which  lead  to  Philadelphia.  His  troops 
were  worn  down  with  a  succession  of  severe  du- 
ties. There  was  in  his  army  above  a  thousand 
iiien  who  W'Cre  barefooted,  and  who  had  performed 
all  their  late  movements  in  that  condition. 

About  this  time,  the  Americans  sustained  a  con- 
siderable loss  by  a  night  attack,  conducted  by  (Jen- 
eral  (Jrey,  on  a  detachment  of  their  troops,  which 
was  encamped  near  the  Paoli  tavern.  The  out- 
posts and  jiickets  were  forced  without  noise,  about 
one  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  "iOth  of  Septem- 
ber. The  men,  whcji  they  turned  out,  unfortu- 
nately |)arailed  in  the  light  of  their  fires.  This  di- 
rected the  British  how  and  where  to  proceed. 
They  rushed  in  upon  them,  and  put  about  'iOO  to 
death,  in  a  silent  manner,  by  a  free  and  exclusive 
use  of  the  bayonet.  The  enterprise  was  conducted 
with  so  much  address,  that  the  loss  of  the  assail- 
ants did  not  exceeil  eight. 

Congress,  which  afle'r  a  short  residence  at  Bal- 
timore, had  returned  lo  Philadelphia,  were  obliged 
a  .second  time  to  consult  their  safely  by  (light. — 
Tliey  retired  at  first  to  Lancaster,  and  afterwards 
to  Vorktown. 

The  bulk  of  the  British  army  being  Icf'  in  Ger- 


mantov.  n.  Sir  William  Howe,  with  a  small  pirl, 
made  his  triumphal  cniiy  into  Philadelphia,  on  the 
2(jili  of  Sej)Ieinber,  and  was  received  with  the 
hearty  welcome  of  numerous  citizens,  who,  cither 
from  conscience,  cowardice,  interest,  or  princi|)le, 
had  hitherto  separated  themselves  from  the  class 
of  active  wliigs. 

The  possession  of  the  largest  city  in  the  United 
States,  together  with  the  dis|)ersioii  of  that  grand 
couiu'il  which  had  heretofore  conducted  their  pub- 
lic atiairs,  were  reckoned  by  the  short-sighted  as 
decisive  of  their  I'ale.  The  submission  of  coun- 
tries after  the  conijuest  of  their  capital,  had  often 
been  a  thing  of  course  :  but  in  tl:e  great  contest  for 
the  sovereignly  of  the  United  Stales,  the  ((uestioD 
did  not  rest  with  a  ruler,  or  a  body  of  rulers:  nor 
was  it  to  be  determined  by  the  possession  or  loss 
of  any  particular  place.  It  was  the  public  mind, 
the  sentiments  and  opinions  of  the  yeomanry  of  the 
country  which  were  to  decide.  'I'hougli  Philadel- 
phia had  become  the  residence  of  the  British  atiny, 
yet  as  long  as  the  majority  of  the  |)eople  of  the 
United  States  weie  opposed  to  their  government, 
the  country  was  unsubdued.  Indeed  it  was  presu- 
med by  the  more  discerning  politicians,  that  the 
luxuries  of  a  great  city  would  so  far  enervate  the 
British  troops,  as  lo  indispose  them  for  those  ac- 
tive exeriions  to  wliich  they  were  prompted,  while 
inconveniently  encamped  in  the  open  country. 

To  take  off  liie  impression  the  British  successes 
might  make  in  France,  to  the  prejudice  of  Amer- 
ica, Dr.  Franklin  gave  them  an  ingenious  turn,  by 
obsening,  that  instead  of  saying  Sir  William 
Howe  had  taken  Philadel|)liia,  it  would  be  more 
proper  to  say,  Philadelphia  had  taken  Sir  William 
Howe." 

One  of  the  first  objects  of  the  British,  after  they 
had  gotten  possession,  was  to  erect  batteries  to  com- 
mand the  river,  and  to  ])rotect  the  city  from  any 
assault  by  water.  The  British  shipping  were  pre- 
vented from  ascending  the  Delaware,  by  obstruc- 
tions hereafter  lo  be  described,  which  were  fixed 
near  Mud-Island.  Philadelphia  though  possessed 
by  the  British  army,  was  exposed  to  danger  from 
the  Amciican  vessels  in  the  river.  The  American 
(ligaie  Delaware  oi guns,  anchored  within  ."lOO 
yards  of  the  unfinished  batteries,  and,  being  sec- 
onded with  some  smaller  vessels,  commenctxl  a 
lieavy  cannonade  upon  the  batteries,  tower;  but 
upon  the  falling  of  the  li<le,  she  ran  aground.  Be- 
ing briskly  fired  upon  from  the  town,  while  in  this 
condition,  she  was  compelled  to  surrender,  'i'he 
oiliei  American  ves.sels,  not  able  lo  resist  the  fire 
from  the  batteries,  after  losing  one  of  their  number, 
retired. 

(ieneral  Washington  having  been  reinforced  by 
2-')W  men  from  PeekskiH  and  X'irginia:  and 
having  been  informed,  that  (ieneral  Howe  had  de- 
tached a  considerable  part  of  his  force,  for  redu- 
cing the  forts  on  the  Delaware,  conceived  the  de- 
sign of  attacliiiig  the  British  |M)sI  at  Germantown. 
Their  line  of  cncaiiipment  crossed  the  town  at 
right  angles  near  its  centre.  'J'he  left  wing  ex- 
tended to  the  Scliiivlkill,  and  was  covered  in  front 
by  the  mouiited  anil  disiiioiinted  chasseurs.  The 
ipieen's  .Vmericaii  rangers  and  a  baltaliun  of  light 
infantry  were  in  front  of  the  right  The  40ili 
regiment,  with  another  battalion  of  light-inlantry, 
were  posted  on  the  Cliei>iiiit-hill  road,  three  quar- 
tets of  a  mile  in  advance.  Lord  Comw;illis  lay 
at  Philadeljihia  with  four  batalions  of  grenadiers. 

A  few  of  the  general  olfu  ers  of  the  American 
army,  whose  advice  was  requested  on  the  occa- 
sion, unanimously  recommended  an  attack  ;  and 
it  was  agreed  that  it  should  be  matle  in  ditferent 
places,  lo  produce  the  greater  conriisioii,  and  to 
prevent  the  several  parts  of  ihe  British  forces 
from  ali'ording  su|)port  to  each  other.  From  an 
appreheiisiim.  llial  the  Aiiieiicans,  through  the 
want  of  discipline,  would  not  persevere  in  a  long 
attack,  it  was  resolved  that  it  should  be  sudden 
and  vigorous:  and  if  unsiic-essful  to  be  followed 
by  an  expeitilioiis  retreat.  'I'ho  divisions  of  . "Sul- 
livan and  Wayne,  llaiiked  by  Conway's  brigade, 
were  to  enter  the  town  by  the  way  of  Chesniil- 
hill,  while  Geiicral  .\rintiirons  wi.h  the  PeiinsyJ- 


UNITED  STATES. 


42fS 


vania  nililia  should  fall  down  the  Manatawnyj 
road  raid  gain  tlie  left  and  rear  of  the  JJritisli. 
'J'hfi  divisions  of  (iieeiie  and  Ste|)liens,  (iani<n(l  l)y 
Ivri)oui;ars  brigadu,  were  to  enter  by  the  lime- 
kiln road.  The  militia  of  Maryland  and  Jersey, 
under  Generals  binalhvood  and  Furman,  were  to 
inarch  by  the  old  VirW  load,  and  to  fall  upon  the 
It  ar  )1  their  rijzlit. 

Lord  Stirling:,  with  iNash's  and  Maxwell's  bri- 
|jtde,  were  to  form  a  corps  of  reserve.  The  Ame- 
ricans began  their  attack  about  sunrise,  on  the  4th 
of  October,  on  the  4()th  regiment,  and  a  battaiion 
of  light  infantry.  These  two  corps,  being  obliged 
to  retreat,  were  pursued  into  the  village.  On 
their  retreat,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Musgrove,  with 
six  companies,  took  post  in  Chew's  strong  stone 
house,  which  lay  in  front  of  the  Americans.  From 
an  adherence  to  the  military  maxim  of  never  leav- 
ing a  fort  possessed  by  an  enemy  in  the  rear,  it  was 
resolved  to  attack  the  party  in  the  house. 

In  the  mean  'ime  (ieneral  Greene  got  up  with 
hi  column,  and  att  >cked  the  right  wing.  Colonel 
iMiithews  routed  a  parly  of  the  British  opposed  to 
him,  killed  several,  and  took  110  prisoners;  but 
fioni  the  darkness  of  the  day,  lost  sight  of  the  bri- 
gade to  which  lie  belonged  ;  and,  having  separated 
from  it,  was  taken  prisoner,  with  liis  whole  regi- 
ment ;  and  the  prisoners,  whom  he  had  previously 
tLken,  were  released.  A  number  of  the  troops  in 
Greene's  division  were  stopped  by  the  halt  of  the 
party  before  Chew's  house.  Near  one  half  of  the 
American  army  remained  for  some  time  at  that 
]>lace  inactive.  In  the  mean  time.  General  Grey 
led  on  three  battalions  of  the  third  brigade,  and 
; Hacked  H  iih  vigou'  A  sharp  contest  followed. 
Two  l^ritish  regimenis  altacked  at  the  same  time 
on  the  o|)posite  side  of  tlie  town.  General  Grant 
jnoved  u|>  the  JOih  regiment  to  the  aid  of  those 
who  were  tngaged  with  Greene's  column. 

The  nioining  was  (bggy.  This,  by  concealing 
the  true  situation  of  the  parties,  occasioned  mis- 
fakes,  and  made  so  much  caution  necessary  as 
gave  the  British  time  to  recover  from  the  effects 
of  their  first  surprise.  From  these  causes,  the 
early  promising  a|)|)earances  on  the  pait  of  the  as- 
sailants were  speedily  reversed.  The  Americans 
left  the  fields  hastily,  and  all  efforts  to  rally  them 
were  ineffectual.  Lord  Cornwallis  arrived  with 
a  party  of  light  horse,  and  joined  in  the  pursuit. 
This  was  continued  for  some  miles.  The  loss  of 
\L>e  royal  army,  including  the  wounded  and  prison- 
ers, was  about  500.  Among  their  slain  were 
Brigadier  General  Agnew,  and  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Bird.  The  loss  of  tlie  Americans,  including  400 
prisoners,  was  about  1000.  Among  their  slain 
were  (ieneral  Nash  and  his  aid-de-camp  Major 
Witlieispoon. 

Soon  after  this  battle  the  British  left  German- 
town,  and  turned  their  principal  attention  towards 
epening  a  free  comnmiiication  between  their  army 
and  their  shipping. 

Much  industry  and  ingenuity  had  been  exerted 
for  the  security  of  Philadelphia  on  the  watet  side. 
Thirteen  gallies,  two  floating  batteries,  two  zebecks, 
one  brig,  one  ship,  besides  a  number  of  armed 
boats,  fire  ships  and  rafts,  were  constructed  or  em- 
ployed for  this  purpose.  The  Americans  also  had 
built  a  fort  on  Mud-Island,  to  which  they  gave  the 
Dame  of  Fort  Mifflin,  and  erected  thereon  a  con- 
siderable battery.  This  island  is  admirably  situ- 
ated for  the  erection  of  works  to  annoy  shijipingon 
their  way  up  the  Delaware.  It  lies  near  the  mid- 
dle of  .he  river,  about  seven  miles  below  Phila- 
delphia. No  vessels  of  burden  can  come  up  but 
by  the  main  ship  channel,  which  passes  close  to 
Mud-Island,  and  is  very  narrow  for  more  than  a 
liiiie  below.  Opposite  to  Fort  MifJlin  there  is  a 
height,  called  Red-Bank.  This  overlooks  not  only 
Ihe  river,  but  the  neighbouring  country.  On  this 
eminence,  a  respectaljle  battery  was  erected.  Be- 
iwceii  these  two  fortresses,  which  are  half  a  mile 
dwtant  from  each  other,  the  American  naval  arma- 
uient,  for  the  defence  of  the  river  Delaware,  made 
its  harbour  of  retreat.  Two  ranges  of  clievaux- 
de-frise  were  also  sunk  in  the  channel.  These 
consisted  of  large  pieces  of  timber,  strongly  frain- 


'ed  together,  in  the  manDer  usual  for  making  the 
foundation  of  wharves,  in  deep  water.  Several 
large  points  of  bearded  iron  projecting  down  the 
river,  were  annexed  to  the  upper  parts  of  the  clie- 
I  vaux  de-ti  ise,  and  the  whole  was  sunk  with  stones, 
so  as  to  be  about  four  feet  underwater  at  low  tide. 
Their  prodigious  weight  and  strength  could  not  fail 
to  effect  the  destruction  of  any  vessel  which  came 
upon  them.  Thirty  of  these  machines  were  sunk 
about  three  hundred  yards  below  fort  Mifflin,  so  as 
to  stretch  in  a  diagonal  line  across  the  channel. 

The  only  open  passage  left  was  between  two 
piers  lying  close  to 'the  fort,  and  that  was  secured 
by  a  strong  boom,  and  could  not  be  ap])roached  but 
in  a  direct  line  to  the  battery.  Another  fortification 
was  erected  on  a  high  bank  on  the  Jersey  shore, 
called  Billingsport.  And  opposite  to  this,  another 
range  of  chevaux-de-frise  was  deposited,  leaving 
only  a  narrow  and  shoal  channel  on  the  one  side. 
There  was  also  a  temporary  battery  of  two  heavy 
cannon,  at  the  mouth  of  Mantua  creek,  about  half 
way  from  Ked-Bank  to  Billingsport. 

The  British  were  well  apprised,  that,  without 
the  command  of  the  Delaware,  their  possession  of 
Philadel])hia  would  be  of  no  advantage.  They 
therefore  strained  every  nerve,  to  open  the  navi- 
gation of  that  river.  To  this  end  lord  Ilov/e  had 
early  taken  the  most  effectual  measures  for  con- 
ducting the  fleet  and  transports  round,  from  the 
Chesapeake  to  the  Delaware,  and  drew  them  up 
on  the  Pennsylvania  shore,  from  Reedy-Island  to 
Newcastle. 

Early  in  October,  a  detachment  from  the  British 
army  crossed  the  Delaware,  with  a  view  of  dis- 
lodging the  Americans  from  Billingsport.  On  its 
approach  the  place  was  evacuated.  As  the  season 
advanced,  more  vigorous  measures  for  removing 
the  obstructions  were  concerted  between  the  ge- 
neral and  the  admiral.  Batteries  were  erected  on 
the  Pennsylvania  shore,  to  assist  in  dislodging  the 
Americans  from  Mud-Island.  At  the  same  time. 
Count  Donop  with  2000  men,  having  crossed  into 
New  Jersey,  opposite  to  Philadelphia,  marched 
down  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Delaware,  to  at- 
tack the  redoubt  at  Red-Bank,  which  was  defenvled 
by  about  400  men,  under  the  command  of  Colonel 
Greene.  The  attack  immediately  commenced 
by  a  smart  cannonade,  under  cover  of  which  th' 
count  advanced  to  the  redoubt.  This  place  was 
intended  for  a  much  larger  garrison  than  was  then 
in  it.  It  had  therefore  become  necessary  to  run 
a  line  through  the  middle  and  evacuate  one  part  of 
it.  That  part  was  easily  carried  by  the  assail- 
ants, on  which  they  indulged  in  loud  huzzas  for 
their  supi)osed  victory.  The  garrison  kejit  up  a 
severe  and  well-directed  fire  on  them  by  which  they 
were  compelled  to  retire.  They  suffered  not  only 
in  the  assault,  but  in  the  approach  to,  and  retreat 
from  the  fort.  Their  whole  loss  in  killed  and 
wounded  was  about  400.  Count  Donopwas  incr- 
tally  woimded  and  taken  jirisoncr.  Congress  re- 
solved, to  present  Colonel  Greene  with  a  sword 
for  his  good  conduct  on  thisoccasion.  An  attack, 
made  about  the  same  time  on  Fort  MifHin,  by 
men  of  war  and  frigates,  was  not  more  success- 
ful than  tiie  assault  on  Red-Bank.  The  Augusta 
of  61  guns,  and  the  Merlin,  two  of  the  vessels 
which  were  engaged  in  it,  got  around.  The 
former  was  fired,  and  blew  up.  The  latter  was 
evacuated. 

Though  the  first  attempts  of  tlie  British,  for 
opening  the  navigation  of  the  Delaware,  were  un- 
successful, they  cariied  their  point  in  another  way 
that  was  unexpected.  The  chevaux-de-frise,  ha- 
ving been  sunk  some  considerable  time,  the  current 
of  the  water  was  diverted  by  this  great  bulk  into 
new  channels.  In  consequence  thereof,  the  pas- 
sage between  the  islands  and  the  Pennsylvania 
shoie  was  so  deepened  as  to  admit  vessels  of  con- 
siderable draught  of  water.  Through  this  passage, 
the  Vigilant,  a  large  ship,  cut  down  so  as  to  draw 
but  little  water,  mounted  with  24  pounders,  made 
her  way  to  a  position  from  which  she  might  enfi- 
lade the  works  on  ^lud-Island.  This  gave  the 
British  such  an  advantage,  that  the  ])ost  was  no 
!  longer  tenable.    Lieutenant  Colonel  Smith,  whr 


had  with  great  gallantry  defended  the  fort  from  the 
latter  end  of  Scfitember,  to  the  1 1  th  of  Novemboi, 
being  wounded  was  removed  to  the  main.  With 
in  five  days  alter  his  removal.  Major  'J'hayer,  who 
as  a  volunteer  had  nobly  offered  lo  take  charge  of 
this  dangerous  post,  was  obliged  to  evaeuale  it. 
This  event  did  not  take  placx  till  the  works  were 
entirely  beat  down,  every  |)iece  of  cannon  dis- 
mounted, aiul  one  of  the  British  ships  so  near,  that 
she  threw  grenades  into  the  fort,  and  killed  the 
men  uncovered  in  the  platform.  The  troops,  who 
had  s*  bravely  defended  Fort  Mifflin,  made  a  safe 
retreat  to  Ked-Bank.  Congress  voted  swords  to  be 
given  to  lieutenant  colonel  .Smith  and  commodore 
llazlewood  for  their  gallant  defence  of  the  Delaware 

Within  three  days  after  Mud-Island  was  evacu- 
ated, the  garrison  was  also  wirh<lrawn  from  Red- 
Bank,  on  the  approach  of  Lord  Cornwallis,  at  the 
head  of  a  large  force  prepared  to  assault  it.  Some 
of  the  American  gallies  and  armed  vessels,  esca- 
ped by  keeping  close  in  with  the  Jersey  shore,  to 
places  of  security  above  Philadelphia  ;  but  seven- 
teen of  them  were  abandonee!  bv  their  crews,  and 
fired.  Thus  the  British  gained  a  free  communi- 
cation between  their  army  and  shipping.  This 
event  was  to  them  very  desirable.  They  had  been 
previously  obliged  to  draw  their  [irovisions  from 
Chester,  a  distance  of  fifteen  miles  at  some  risk, 
and  a  certain  great  expense.  The  long  protracted 
defence  of  the  Delaware,  deranged  the  plans  of 
the  British,  for  the  remainder  of  the  campaign, 
and  consequently  saved  the  adjacent  country. 

About  this  time,  the  chair  of  Congress  became 
vacant,  by  the  departure  of  Mr.  Hancock,  after  ho 
had  discharged  the  duties  of  that  office  to  great  ac- 
ceptance, two  years  and  live  months.  Henry  Lau- 
rens, of  South  (Carolina,  was  unanimously  elected 
his  successor  on  the  1st  of  November.  lIi;  had 
been  in  England  for  some  years,  aiilecedeiit  to  the 
hostile  determinations  of  parli  imeiu  against  the 
colonies;  but  finding  the  dispute  growing  serious, 
he  conceived  that  honour  and  duty  called  him  to 
take  part  with  his  native  country.  He  had  bt-en 
warmly  solicited  to  stay  in  England;  and  offers 
were  made  him  not  only  to  secure,  but  to  doable 
his  American  estate,  in  case  of  his  continuing  to 
reside  there  :  but  these  were  refused.  To  a  par- 
ticular friend  in  London,  dissuading  him  from  com- 
ing out  to  America,  he  replied  on  the  Uih  of  No- 
vember 1774,  when  at  Falmouth,  on  ilie  point  of 
embarking,  "  I  shall  never  forget  your  friendly  at- 
tention to  my  interest ;  but  I  dare  not  return.  Your 
ministers  are  deaf  to  information,  and  seem  bent 
on  provoking  unnecessary  contest.  I  think  1  have 
acted  the  part  of  a  faithful  subject.  I  now  go  re- 
solved still  to  labour  for  ()eace  ;  at  the  same  lima 
determined  in  the  last  event  to  stand  or  fall  with 
my  country." 

When  Sir  William  Howe  was  succeeding  ia 
every  enterprise  in  Pennsylvania,  intelligence  ar- 
rived, as  shall  be  related  in  the  next  chapter,  thai 
General  Biirgoyne  and  his  whole  army  had  sur- 
rendered prisoners  of  war  to  the  Americans." 

General  Washington  soon  afterwards  received  n 
considerable  reinforcement  from  the  northern  army 
which  had  accomplished  this  great  event.  With 
this  increased  force,  lie  took  a  position  at  and  near 
Whitemarsh.  The  royal  army,  having  succeeded 
in  removing  the  obstructions  in  the  river  Delaware, 
were  ready  for  new  enterprises.  .Sir  William 
Howe,  on  the  4th  of  December,  marched  out  of 
Philadelphia  with  almost  his  whole  force,  expect- 
ing to  bring  on  a  general  engagement.  The  next 
morning  he  appeared  on  Cliestnuthill  in  front  of, 
and  about  three  miles  distant  from,  the  right  wing 
of  the  Americans.  On  the  day  following,  the  Brit- 
ish changed  their  ground,  and  moved  to  the  right 
Two  days  after,  they  moved  still  farther  to  tlio 
right,  and  exhibited  every  appearance  of  an  inten 
tion  to  attack  the  American  encampment.  .Somo 
skirmishes  took  [ilace,  and  a  general  action  was 
hourly  expected  ;  but  instead  thereof,  on  the  morn- 
ing of  the  next  day.  December  !*lli,  afier  various 
marches  and  coiiiitermarches,  the  British  filed  oft" 
from  the  ri^lit,  liv  two  or  three  different  routes,  io 
fu'"  .narch  for  Philadeljihiu. 


420 


niSTORV  OF  THE 


Tlic  position  of  (leneral  Washington,  in  a  niili- 
nry  point  ol"  view,  was  admirable,  Ilo  was  so 
sensible  til' the  a(h aiitancs  of  it,  tlial  tlie  nitina  ii- 
vrt'3  ol  Sir  William  Howe  ("or  some  days  could  not 
allure  him  iVom  it.  In  conse(|uence  of  the  rein- 
forrenient  lately  received,  he  had  not  in  any  pre- 
ceding period  of  the  campaign  been  in  an  ecfual 
coiMlliion  for  a  general  encasement.  Though  he 
evidently  wished  to  be  attacked,  yet  he  would  not 
iel:ti(|iiisli  a  position,  from  which  he  hoped  to  re- 
pan- the  misl"ortunes  c«l"  the  campaign  lie  could 
not  believe,  that  General  Howe  wirli  a  viclf)rious 
army,  and  that  lately  reinforced  with  four  thou- 
sand men  from  New  York,  should  come  out  of 
Philadelphia,  only  to  return  thither  again.  He 
therefore  presumed,  that  to  avoid  the  disgrace  of 
such  a  movement,  the  IJritish  commander  would 
from  a  sensL- of  military  honour,  be  compelled  to 
attack  him,  t!;ouL'h  under  sireat  disadvantages. — 
When  he  found  liiin  cautious  of  engaging,  and  in- 
cliiiing  to  his  lel't.  a  daring  design  was  formed 
wliich  would  have  Keen  executed,  iiad  the  iiritish 
either  continued  in  their  position,  or  moved  a  little 
farther  to  the  leO  "f  'he  A?nerican  army.  This 
was  to  hr.ve  attempted  in  the  night  to  surprise 
Philadelphia.  'J  he  necessary  preparations  for  this 
jmrpose  were  made  ;  but  the  retreat  of  the  Jiriiish 
prevented  its  execution. 

Soon  after  these  events.  General  Smallwood 
with  a  considerable  force,  was  posted  at  Wilming- 
ton, on  tlie  banks  of  the  Delaware;  and  Wasliing- 
tiiii.  with  llie  main  army,  retired  to  winter  quarters 
at  \'allev  I'orge,  IG  miles  from  Philadelpiiia. — 
'I'his  position  was  preferred  to  distant  and  more 
comfortable  villages,  as  being  calculated  to  give 
the  most  extensive  security  to  the  country.  The 
American  army  might  have  been  tracked,  by  the 
blood  of  their  feet,  in  marching  without  sht)es  or 
stockings  over  the  hard  frozen  ground,  between 
Whiteniarsli and  Valley  Forge.  Some  hundreds 
of  them  were  without  blankets.  Under  these  cir- 
cumstances, they  had  to  sit  down  in  a  wood,  in 
tlie  latter  eii<l  of  December,  and  to  build  huts  for 
their  aecoiiunodation.  This  mode  of  procuring 
winter  (piarters,  if  not  entirely  novel,  has  been 
rarely,  it'  ever  practised  in  modern  war.  The 
cheerfulness  witli  wliich  the  general  and  Itis  army 
submitted  to  spend  a  severe  winter,  in  such  cir- 
cumstances, rather  than  leave  the  (•(uiiilrv  ex- 
posed, by  retirin-r  farther,  demonstrated  as  well  their 
patriotism  as  their  fixed  resolution  to  sutler  every 
inconvenience,  in  preference  to  submission. 

Thus  ended  the  campaign  of  1777.  Though 
Sir  William  Howe's  army  had  been  crowned  with 
the  most  brilliant  success,  having  gained  two  con- 
siderable victories,  and  been  equally  triumphant  in 
many  smaller  actions,  yet  the  whole  amount  of 
this  tide  ol' good  fortune  w.is  no  more  than  a  good 
winter  lodging  for  his  troops  in  I'hiladelpliia  wliilsi 
the  men  under  his  coinmaiirl  possessed  no  more 
of  the  adjacent  country,  than  wliat  they  immedi- 
ately commanded  with  theirarms.  The  Congress, 
it  is  true,  was  compelled  to  leave  tlie  first  seat  of 
their  deliberations:  and  the  greatest  cilv  in  the 
United  Slates  changed  a  number  of  its  whig  inha- 
bitants for  a  numerous  royal  army  ;  but  it  is  as  true 
that  the  minds  of  the  .Americans  were,  if  possible, 
more  hostile  to  the  claims  of  (ireat  Britain  than 
ever,  and  their  army  had  gained  as  much  by  dis- 
cipline and  experience,  as  compensated  for  its  di- 
minulion  by  defeats. 

The  events  of  this  campaign  were  adverse  to  the 
sanguine  hopes,  whicli  liad  been  entertained  of  a 
speedy  conquest  of  the  revolted  colonies,  kepeat- 
ed  proofs  had  been  given,  that  thoiiiih  Washing- 
ton was  very  forwani  to  engage  when  he  thought 
it  lo  his  advantage,  yet  it  was  impossible  for  the 
royal  commander  lo  brins  hiii.  to  a,'"ion  agair.?t 
his  l  onseiii.  I{y  this  mode  of  coiiduclinu  the  de- 
lenee  of  the  new  formed  stales,  two  campaigns 
had  been  wasted  away,  and  the  W(nk  which  was 
originally  allotted  for  one,  was  .till  iinfihi>licd. 

An  a<  cotinl  of  some  miscellaiieoiis  Ir  insactions 
will  .  |,,,ellii<  cliapler.  I.ieulenaiit  ("olimi'l  FJar- 
ton,  ofH  iinhtii.    iijimcut  of  ilje  stnlo  of  Khode 


Island,  accompanied  by  about  forty  volunteers, 
passed  by  night,  on  the  9th  of  July,  from  War- 
wick neck  to  Khode  Island,  surjiiised  General 
Prescott  in  his  quarters,  and  brought  him  and  one 
of  his  aids  safe  off  to  the  continent.  Though  they 
had  a  passage  of  ten  miles  by  water,  they  eluded 
the  ships  of  war  and  guard  boats,  which  lay  all 
round  the  Island.  The  enterprize  was  conducted 
with  so  much  silence  and  address,  that  there  was 
no  alarm  among  the  British,  till  the  colonel  and 
his  party  had  nearly  reached  the  continent  with 
their  prize.  Congress  soon  after  resolved,  that  an 
elegant  sword  should  be  presented  to  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Barton,  as  a  testimonial  cf  their  sense  of 
his  gallant  behaviour. 

It  has  already  been  mentioned,  that  Congress,  in 
the  latter  end  of  November,  1775,  authorized  tlie 
cajiture  of  vessels,  laden  with  stores  or  reiiiforc- 
nicnts  lor  their  enemies.  On  the  23d  of  March, 
177G,  they  extended  this  permission  so  far,  as  to 
authorize  their  inhabitants  to  fit  out  armed  vessels, 
to  cruise  on  the  enemies  of  the  United  colonies. 
The  Americans  lienceforth  devot^  themselves  to 
privateering,  and  were  very  successful.  In  the 
course  of  the  year,  they  made  many  valuable  cap- 
lures,  particularly  of  homeward  bound  West  In- 
diamen.  The  particulars  cannot  be  enumerated  ; 
but  good  judges  have  calculated,  that  within  nine 
months  after  Congress  authorized  privateering,  the 
British  loss  in  captures,  exclusive  of  transports 
and  government  store  ships,  exceeded  a  million 
sterling.  They  found  no  difficulty  in  selling  their 
prizes.  The  ports  of  France  were  open  to  them, 
both  in  Europe  and  in  the  West  Indies.  In  the 
latter  they  were  sold  without  any  disguise  ;  but  in 
the  former  a  greater  regard  was  jraid  to  appear- 
ances. ()pen  sales  were  not  permitted  in  the  har- 
bours of  France  at  particular  times  ;  but  even  then 
they  were  made  at  the  entrance,  or  offing. 

In  tlie  French  West  India  Islands,  the  inhabit- 
ants not  only  purchased  ])rizes,  brought  in  by  the 
American  cruisers,  but  fitted  out  privateers  under 
American  colours  and  commissions,  and  inade 
captures  of  iiritish  vessels.  William  Bingham,  of 
Philadelphia,  was  stationed  as  the  agent  of  Con- 
gress, at  Martinico  :  and  he  took  an  early  and  ac- 
tive part  in  arming  privateers  in  St.  Pierre,  to  an- 
noy and  cruise  against  Brilisli  property.  The  fa- 
vourable disposition  of  the  inhabitants  furnished 
him  with  an  ojjportunity,  which  he  successfully 
improved,  not  only  to  distress  the  British  com- 
merce, but  to  sow  the  seeds  of  discord  between 
the  French  and  English.  The  American  priva- 
teers also  found  countenance  in  some  of  the  ports 
of  Spain  ;  but  not  so  readily  nor  so  universally  as 
in  those  of  France.  The  British  took  many  of  the 
Ameiican  vessels.  Such  of  them,  as  were  laden 
with  provisions,  proved  a  seasonable  relief  to  their 
West  India  Islands,  which  othei  wise  would  have 
sulfered  from  the  want  of  those  supplies,  that  be- 
fore the  war  had  been  usually  procured  from  the 
neighbouring  continent.  . 

The  American  privateers,  in  the  year  1777,  in- 
creased in  numbers  and  boldness-  Tiiey  insulted 
the  coasts  of  (heat  Britain  and  Ireland,  in  a  man- 
ner that  had  never  before  been  attempted.  Such 
was  their  s|)irit  of  adventure,  that  it  became  ne- 
cessary to  appoint  a  convoy  for  the  protection  of 
the  linen  ships  from  Dublin  and  Newry.  The  (ie- 
neral  INIilllin  j)rivateer,  after  making  repeated  cap- 
tuies,  arrived  at  Brest,  and  saluted  the  French  ad- 
miral. This  was  returned  in  form,  as  to  the  ves- 
sel of  an  independent  power.  Jjord  Stormont. 
the  British  ambassador,  at  the  court  of  \'^crsailles, 
irritated  at  the  countenance  given  to  the  Ameri- 
cans, threatened  to  return  immediately  to  London, 
unless  satisfaction  were  given,  and  dill'erent  mea- 
sures was  adopted  by  France.  An  order  was  is- 
sued in  consecjuence  of  his  application,  requiring 
all  American  vessels  to  leave  the  ports  of  his  most 
clirisiian  majesty  :  but  though  the  ord-r  was  |)osi- 
live,  so  many  evasions  were  pr.ictised.  and  the  exe- 
cution of  it  was  so  relaxed,  that  it  produced  no  jier- 
maiient  discouragement  of  the  bene  Vial  inter- 


CIIAPTER  III. 
The  Norlliei  ii  Ciiinpaign  of  1777. 

To  elfect  a  free  communication  between  New- 
York  and  Canada,  and  to  maintain  the  navigation  of 
the  intermediate  lakes,  were  principal  objects  with 
the  British,  in  the  campaign  of  1777.  The  Air.ef- 
icans  presuming  on  this  had  been  early  attentive 
to  their  security  in  that  quarter.  They  had  re- 
solved to  construct  a  fort  on  Mount  Independence, 
an  eminence  adjoining  the  strait  on  which  Ticoii- 
deroga  stands,  and  nearly  opposite  to  that  l<)rtress. 
They  had  also  resolved,  to  obstnict  the  navigation 
of  the  strait  by  caissoons,  lo  be  sunk  in  the  water, 
and  joined  so  as  to  serve  at  the  same  time  for  a 
bridge,  between  the  fortificatjons  on  the  eust  and 
west  sides  of  it ;  that,  to  prevent  the  British  from 
drawing  their  small  craft  over  land  into  Laiie 
(Jeorge,  the  passage  of  that  lake  should  be  ob- 
structed ;  that  Fort  Schuyler,  the  same  w  hich  had 
formerly  been  called  Fort  ."stanwix,  should  be 
strengthened,  and  other  fortifications  erected  near 
the  Mohawk  river.  Requisitions  were  made,  by 
the  commanding  oflTicer  in  the  de])artment,  for 
13,G00  men,  as  necessary  for  the  security  of  this 
disirict.  The  adjacent  states  were  urged  to  fill  up 
their  recruits,  and  in  all  respects  to  be  in  readiness 
for  an  active  campaign. 

The  British  ministry  were  very  sanguine  in  their 
calculations,  on  the  consequences  of  forining  a  line  of 
communication  between  New  York  and  Canada. 
They  considered  the  NewEngland  people  the  soul  ol 
the  confederacy  .and  promised  themselves  much  bv 
severing  them  from  all  free  communication  wiiK 
the  neighbouring  states.  They  hoped,  when  this 
was  accomplished,  to  be  able  to  surround  them  so 
efl'ectiially  with  fleets,  armies,  and  Indian  allies,  as 
to  compel  their  submission.  Animated  with  these 
cxj)ectati()ns.  they  left  nothing  undone,  which  bid 
fair  for  insuring  the  success  of  their  iilans. 

The  regular  troops,  British  and  (German,  allotted 
to  this  service,  were  upwards  of  7000.  .\s  artil- 
lery is  considered  to  be  particularly  useful  in  an 
American  war,  where  numerous  inhabitants  are  to 
be  driven  out  of  woods  and  fastnesses,  this  part  of 
the  service  was  jjariicularly  attended  to.  The 
brass  train  sent  out  was  jierliaps  the  finest,  an;!  the 
most  excellently  supplied,  both  is  to  officers  and 
men,  that  had  ever  been  allotted  to  seco^id  the 
operations  of  an  etjual  fi)rce.  In  addition  to  the 
regulars,  it  was  supposed  that  the  Canadians  and 
the  loyalists,  in  the  neighbouring  states,  would  add 
large  reinforcements,  well  calculated  for  the  pecu- 
liar nature  of  the  service.  Arms  and  accoutre- 
ments, were  accordingly  provided  tosup|)ly  them. 
Several  nations  of  savages  had  also  been  induced  to 
take  u])  the  hatchet,  as  allies  to  his  Britannic  ma- 
jesty. Not  only  the  humanity,  but  the  policy  ol 
employing  them  was  questioned  in  (treat  Britain. 
The  opposers  of  it  contended  that  Indians  were 
cai)ricious,  inconstant,  and  intractable  ;  their  rapa- 
city insatiate,  and  their  actions  cruel  and  barba- 
rous. At  the  same  time,  their  services  were  rep- 
resented uncertain,  and  their  engagements  without 
the  least  claim  to  confidence.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  zeal  of  British  minislers  for  reducing  the  re- 
volted cohmies  was  so  violent,  as  to  make  them,  in 
their  excessive  wratli,  forget  that  their  adversaries 
were  men.  They  contended,  that  in  their  circum 
stances  every  ajjpearance  of  lenitv,  by  inciting  to 
disobedience,  and  thereby  increasing  the  objects 
of  punishment,  was  eventually  cruelty.  In  their 
opinion,  jiartial  severity  was  general  mercy,  and 
the  only  method  of  speedily  crushing  the  rebellion 
was  to  envelope  its  abettors  in  such  complicated 
distress,  as  bv  remlering  their  situation  intolera- 
ble, would  make  theiu  willing  to  accept  tht^  prof- 
fered blessings  of  peace  and  security.  The  senti- 
ments of  those  who  were  fi)r  em|)loying  Indians 
asiainsl  llie  Ami'iicans  prevailed.  Presents  were 
liberally  distribnied  amoiiir  them.  Induced  by 
these,  and  also  by  their  innate  thirst  li)r  war  and 
phiiuler.  they  poured  fi>rtli  their  warrior*  in  such 
al)iiiiilance,  that  their  nuiubers  threatoied  to  bo  ^D 
iucumbrauce. 


UNITED  ST  A  T  K  S. 


427 


Tlie  vast  force  destined  for  this  service  was  put 
under  the  coiniiiand  of  Lieutenant  (jcnerai  Bur- 
gjoyne,  an  olticei  vhose  abilities  were  w  ell  iiiiown, 
and  wliose  s|)irit  of  e/iterprise  and  tliirst  for  tiiihta- 
rv  fame  could  not  be  exceeded.  lie  was  supported 
bv  Major  General  Philips  of  the  artillery,  who  had 
establislied  a  solid  reputation  by  his  good  conduct 
durinj;  tlie  late  war  in  (ieiniany,  and  by  Majoi  'rc- 
neral  llcidesci,  and  lirigadier  General  S|)eech  ,  of 
the  German  troops,  together  witii  the  British  Gene- 
rals t'razer,  Powel  and  Ilaniilton,  all  officers  of 
distinguished  merit. 

The  British  had  also  undis|]iiied  ])ossession  of 
the  navigation  of  Lake  Champlain.  Th.eir  marine 
force  thereon,  with  which  in  the  preceding  cam- 
paign they  liad  destroyed  the  American  shipping 
on  the  lakes,  was  not  only  entire,  but  unopposed. 

A  considerable  force  was  left  in  Canada  for  its 
internal  security  ;  and  Sir  Guy  Carleton's  military 
command  was  restricted  to  the  limits  of  that  pro- 
vince. Though  the  British  ministry  attributed  the 
preservation  of  Canada  to  his  abilities  in  1775  and 
1776,  yet,  by  their  arrangements  for  the  year  1777. 
he  was  only  called  upon  to  act  a  secondary  part,  in 
subserviency  to  the  grand  expedition  committed  to 
General  Burgoyne.  His  behaviour  on  this  occa- 
sion was  conformable  to  the  greatness  of  his  mind. 
Instead  of  thwarting  or  retarding  a  service  which 
was , virtually  taken  out  of  his  hands,  he  ap|)lied 
himself  to  support  and  forward  it  in  all  its  parts, 
with  tiie  same  diligence  as  if  the  arrangemciit  liad 
been  entirely  Ins  own,  and  committed  to  liii.iself 
for  execution. 

The  plan  of  the  Biitish,  for  their  projected  ir- 
ruption into  the  nortli-western  frontier  of  New 
York,  consisted  of  two  parts.  General  Burgoyne 
with  the  main  body  was  to  advance  by  the  way  ol 
lake  Champlain,  with  positive  orders,  as  lias  been 
said,  to  (brce  his  way  to  Albany,  or  at  least  so  far 
as  to  elfect  ajunclion  with  the  royal  army  from 
New  York.  A  tletachinent  was  to  ascend  the  riv- 
er St.  Lawrence,  as  far  as  lake  Ontario,  and,  from 
that  quarter,  to  penetrate  towards  Albany,  by  the 
way  ol'the  Mohawk  river.  This  was  put  under 
the  command  of  Lieutenant  Colonel  St.  Leger, 
and  consisted  of  about  two  hundred  British  troops, 
a  regiment  of  New  York  loyalists,  raised  and  com- 
ujanded  by  Sir  John  Johnson,  and  a  large  body  of 
savages.  Lieutenant  General  Burgoyne  arrived  in 
Quebec  on  the  6th  of  May, and  exerted  all  diligence 
to  prosecute  in  due  time  the  objects  of  the  expedi- 
tion. He  proceeded  up  lake  Champlain,  and  land- 
ed near  Crown-Point.  At  this  place  he  met  the 
Indians,  20th  June,  gave  them  a  war  feast,  and 
made  a  speech  to  them.  This  was  well  calcula- 
ted to  excite  them  to  take  part  with  tlie  royal 
army;  but  at  the  same  time  to  re))ress  their  bar- 
barity. He  pointedly  forbade  them  to  shed  blood 
when  not  opposed  in  arms,  and  commanded  that 
aged  men,  women,  and  children,  and  prisoners 
Bhould  be  held  sacred  from  the  knife  and  the  hatch- 
et, even  in  the  heat  of  actual  conflict.  A  rew  ard 
was  promised  for  ])risoners,  and  a  severe  inquiry 
threatened  for  scali)s ;  though  permission  was 
granted  to  take  them  from  those  who  were  previ- 
ously killed  in  fair  opjiosition.  These  restrictions 
were  not  sufficient  to  restrain  their  barbarities. — 
Tlie  Indians  having  decidedly  taken  part  with  tlie 
British  army.  General  Burgoyne  issued  a  procla- 
mation, calculated  to  spread  terror  among  the  in- 
habitants. The  numbers  of  his  Indian  associates 
«  ere  magnified,  and  their  eagerness  to  be  let  loose 
to  their  prey  described  in  liigh  sounding  words. 
'J  he  force  of  the  British  armies  and  fleets,  prepa- 
icd  to  crush  every  part  of  the  revolted  colonies, 
was  also  displayed  in  pompous  language.  Encour- 
agement and  employment  weie  promised  lo  those 
»*  lio  should  assist  in  the  re-establisliment  of  legal 
government,  and  security  held  out  to  tlie  peace- 
able and  industrious,  who  continued  in  their  habi- 
tations. All  the  calamities  of  war,  arrayed  in  their 
most  terrific  forms,  were  denounced  against  those 
«vho  should  persevere  in  a  military  opposition  to 
the  royal  forces. 

(General  Burgoyne  advanced  with  his  army,  on 
die  30;h  of  June,  to  Crown  Point.    At  this  place 


he  issued  orders,  of  which  the  following  words  arc 
a  part  :  •'  The  army  embarks  to-morrow  to  ap- 
proach the  enemy.  The  services  required  on  this 
expedition  are  critical  and  conspicuous.  During 
our  progress  occasions  may  occur,  in  wliich  no 
difficulty,  nor  labour,  nor  life,  are  to  be  regarded. 
Tliis  army  must  not  retreat."  From  Crown-Point, 
the  royal  army  ])roceeded  to  invest  Ticonderoga. 
On  their  approach,  they  advanced  with  equal  cau- 
tion and  onler  on  both  sides  the  lake,  while  their 
naval  force  kept  in  its  centre.  Within  a  few  days, 
they  had  surrounded  three-fourths  of  the  Ameri- 
can works,  at  Ticonderoga  and  Mount  Indejiend- 
ence  ;  and  had  also  advanced  a  work  on  Sugar-hill, 
so  far  towards  completion,  that  in  twenty-four  hours 
it  would  have  been  ready  to  open.  In  these  cir- 
cumstances, General  St.  Clair,  the  coinmanding 
otiicer,  resolved  to  evacuate  the  post ;  but  con- 
ceiving it  prudent  to  take  the  sentiments  of  the 
general  officers,  he  called  a  council  of  war  on  the 
occasion.  It  was  represented  to  this  council,  that 
their  whole  numbers  were  not  sufficient  to  man  one 
lialf  of  the  works  ;  that,  as  the  whole  must  be  on 
constant  duty,  it  would  be  impossible  for  them  to 
sustain  the  necessary  fatigtie  for  any  length  of 
time  ;  and  that,  as  the  ))lace  would  be  com])letely 
invested  on  all  sides  within  a  day,  notliing  but  an 
immediate  evacuation  of  the  posts  could  save  their 
troops.  The  situation  of  General  St.  Clair  was 
eminently  embarrassing.  Such  was  tlie  confidence 
of  the  States  in  the  fancied  strength  of  this  post, 
and  in  the  supposed  superiority  of  force  forits  de- 
fence,that  to  retreat  without  risking  an  action  could 
not  fail  of  drawing  on  him  the  execration  of  the 
multitude.  To  stand  still,  and,  by  suffering  him- 
self to  be  surrounded,  to  risk  his  whole  army  for  a 
siogle  post,  was  contrary  to  the  true  interests  of 
the  Stateo.  In  this  trying  situation,  with  the  una- 
nimous approbation  of  a  council  of  his  general 
officers,  he  adopted  the  heroic  resolution  of  sacri- 
ficing personal  reputation  to  save  liis  army. 

Tlie  assumption  of  confident  appearances,  by 
the  garrison,  had  induced  their  adversaiies,  to  pro- 
ceed with  caution.  While  from  this  cause  they 
were  awed  into  respect,  the  evacuation  was  com- 
pleted with  so  much  secrecy  and  expedition,  that  a 
considerable  part  of  the  public  stores  were  saved, 
and  the  whole  would  have  been  embarked,  had  not 
a  violent  gale  of  wind  presented  the  boats  from 
reaching  tlieir  station. 

Tbe  works,  abandoned  by  the  Americans,  were 
chiefly  the  old  French  lines  constructed  in  the 
late  war  between  France  and  England,  which  had 
been  repaired  the  year  before,  and  were  in  good 
order.  New  works  were  began  on  tlie  mount ;  but 
there  was  neither  time  nor  strength  of  hands  to 
complete  them.  A  great  deal  of  timber  had  been 
felled  between  the  east  creek  and  the  foot  of  the 
mount,  to  retard  the  approaches  of  the  British.  All 
the  redoubts  on  the  low  ground  were  abandoned, 
for  want  of  men  to  occupy  them.  These  works, 
together  witli  ninety-three  pieces  of  ordnance,  and 
a  large  collection  of  provisions,  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  British. 

The  evacuation  of  Ticonderoga,  July  6,  was  the 
subject  of  a  severe  scrutiny.  Congress  recalled 
their  general  ofTicers  in  the  northern  department, 
and  ordered  anin(iuiry  into  their  conduct.  They 
also  nominated  two  gentlemen  of  eminence  in  the 
law,  to  assist  tlie  judge  advocate  in  inosecuting 
that  inquiry,  and  appointed  a  committee  of  their 
own  body  to  collect  evidence  in  support  of  the 
charges,  which  were  on  this  occasion  brought 
against  them,  General  St.  Clair,  from  the  ne- 
cessity of  the  case,  submitted  to  this  innovation 
in  the  mode  of  conducting  courts  martial ;  but  in 
behalf  of  the  army  protested  against  its  being 
drawn  into  precedent.  Charges,  of  no  less  magni- 
tude than  cowardice,  incapacity  and  treachery, 
were  brought  forward  in  court  against  him,  and 
believed  by  many.  The  jmblic  mind,  sore  with 
the  loss  of  Ticonderoga,  and  ap|)rehcnsive  of  gene- 
ral distress,  sought  to  ease  itself  by  throwing  blame 
upon  the  general.  When  the  situation  of  the 
army  permitted  an  inquiiy  into  his  conduct,  he  was 
honourably  acquitted.    In  the  cottrse  of  his  trial,  it' 


was  made  to  appear,  tliat,  though  l:i,6()0  men  had 
been  early  called  for,  as  necessary  to  defend  the 
northern  posts,  yet,  on  the  ii[)|)r('''ch  of  General 
Burgoyne,  the  vholc  fiirce  collected  to  oppose  him 
was  only  2.>16  continentals,  and  900  militia,  badly 
su[)plied  and  worse  armed.  From  the  insnfficienry 
of  their  numbers,  they  could  not  possess  them- 
selves of  Sugar-hill,  nor  of  i\Iount-ilo|)e,  though 
the  former  commanded  the  works,  both  of 'i'icon- 
deroga,  and  Mount  Independence,  and  the  latter 
was  of  great  importance  for  cmnmnnication  with 
lake  (ieorge,  and  had  been  forti(i(Ml  the  year  be- 
fore with  that  view.  To  the  (piestion  which  had 
been  repeatedly  asked  ;  '•  why  was  the  evacuation, 
if  really  necessary,  delayed  till  the  Americans 
were  so  nearly  surrounded,  as  to  occasion  the  loss 
of  such  valuable  stores  .'"  it  was  answered  ;  that 
"  from  various  circumstances  it  was  impossibli;  for 
General  St.  Clair  to  get  early  information  of  I  hi 
numbers  opjjosed  to  him.  The  savages,  wlinin 
the  British  kept  in  front,  deterred  small  recon- 
noitering  parties  from  approaching  so  near  as  to 
make  any  discoveries  of  their  numbers.  Large 
parties,  from  the  nature  of  the  ground,  could  not 
have  been  supported  without  risking  a  general  ac- 
tion. From  the  condiiiied  ojieration  of  these  cir- 
cumstances, the  numbers  of  the  appioaching  royal 
army  were  effectually  concealed  from  the  garri- 
son, till  the  van  of  their  force  apjieared  in  full 
view  before  it." 

The  retreating  army  embarked  as  much  of  tl.eir 
baggage  and  stores  as  they  had  any  prospect  {)f 
saving,  and  despatched  it  under  convoy  of  five 
armed  gallies  lo  Skeiiesboiough.  Their  main 
body  took  its  route  towards  the  same  place  bv 
way  of  Castlelon.  The  British  were  no  sooner 
appri/.ed  of  the  retreat  of  the  Americans  than  they 
pursued  them.  General  Frazer,  at  the  head  of 
the  light  troo])s,  advanced  on  their  main  l)odv. 
Major  General  Reidesel  was  also  ordered,  with 
the  greater  jiart  of' the  Brunswick  troops,  to  march 
in  the  same  direction.  General  Burgoyne  in  per- 
son conducted  the  pursuit  by  water.  'Jlie  ob- 
structions to  the  navigation,  not  having  been  com- 
pleted, were  soon  cut  through.  The  two  frigates 
the  Royal  George  and  the  Inflexible,  togethei 
with  the  gun  boats,  having  effected  their  |)assage, 
pursued  with  so  much  ra|)idity,  that  in  the  course 
of  a  day  the  gun  boats  came  up  with  and  allackeil 
the  American  gallies,  near  Skeiiesborough  l''alls. 
On  the  a])proach  of  the  frigates,  all  opposition 
ceased.  Two  of  the  gallies  were  taken,  and  three 
blown  up.  The  Americans  set  fire  to  their  works, 
mills,  and  batteaux.  Tlicy  were  now  li  It  in  ihe 
woods,  destitute  of  j)rovisioiis.  In  ihis  forlorn 
situation,  they  made  their  escape  up  Wood-creek 
to  fort  Anne.  Brigadier  Fia/.er  jiursned  the  re- 
treating Americans,  and  on  the  7tli  July,  came  up 
with  and  attacked  them.  They  made  a  gallant 
resistance,  but,  after  sustaining  considerable  loss, 
were  obliged  to  give  way. 

Lieutenant  Colonel  Hall,  with  tlie  (llh  I'ritish 
regiment,  was  detached  fiom  Skenesboroiii;li  by 
General  Burgoyne,  to  take  post  near  tint  Anne. 
An  engagement  ensued  between  this  regiment  and 
a  few  Americans ;  but  the  latter,  after  a  conflict 
of  two  hours,  fired  the  fort,  and  retreated  to  fort 
Edward.  The  destruction  of  the  gallies  and  bat- 
teaux of  the  Americans  at  Skenesborongh,  and 
the  defeat  of  their  rear,  obliged  (Jeneral  St.  Clair, 
in  order  to  avoid  being  between  two  fires,  to 
cliange  the  route  of  his  main  body,  ;m<l  lo  turn  ofl' 
from  Castleton  to  the  left.  After  a  fatiguing  and 
distressing  march  of  seven  days,  he  joined  (ieneral 
Schuyler  at  fort  Edward.  Their  combined  fi)rc83 
inclusive  of  the  militia,  not  exceeding  in  the  whole 
4,400  men,  were,  on  the  approach  of  (ieneral  Bur- 
goyne, compelled  to  retire  farther  into  the  coun- 
try, bordering  on  .\lbany. 

Such  was  the  rapid  torrent  of  success,  which, 
in  this  period  of  the  cam|)aign,  swept  away  all  op- 
|)osition  from  before  the  royal  army.  The  ofTicers 
and  men  were  liighly  elated  with  their  good  for- 
tune. They  considered  their  toils  to  be  nearly  at 
an  end  ;  Albany  to  be  within  their  grasp  ;  and  tho 
conquest  of  the  adjacent  provinces  reduced  to  a 


428 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


certainty.  In  Great  Britain,  intelligence  of  the 
pr')};ress  of  Burgoyne  dilVused  a  general  joy.  As 
tu  tliu  Americans,  ilic  loss  of  reputation,  which 
t\  ey  siistaiued  in  the  opinion  of  their  European 
admirers,  was  greater  than  tlieir  loss  of  posts,  ar- 
tillery and  troops.  They  were  stigmatized  as 
wanting  resolutmn.  Their  unqualified  subjuga- 
tion, or  unconditional  submission  was  considered 
near  :it  hand.  An  opinion  was  ditl'used,  that  the 
war  in  effect  was  over,  or  that  the  farther  resist- 
ance of  tlie  colonists,  w  ould  serve  only  to  make 
the  terms  of  tlieir  submission  more  humiliating. 
The  terror  which  the  loss  of  Ticonderoga  spread 
throughout  the  New  England  states  was  great; 
but  nevertheless  no  disposition  to  purchase  safety 
by  submission,  ajjpeared  in  any  quarter.  They 
did  not  sink  under  the  apprehension  of  danger,  but 
acted  with  vigour  and  lirmness. 

The  royal  army,  after  these  successes,  contin- 
ued for  some  days  in  .Skenesborough,  waiting  for 
their  tents,  baggage  and  provision.  In  the  mean- 
time, (ieiieial  Burgoyne  put  Ibrth  a  proclamation, 
in  w  hich  he  called  on  the  inhabitants  of  the  adja- 
cent towns,  to  send  a  deputation  often  or  more 
persons,  Irom  their  respective  townshi|)s,  to  meet 
Colonel  .Skene  at  Castleton,  on  the  15lli  of  July. 
The  troops  w  ere  at  the  same  time  busily  employed 
in  opening  a  road,  and  clearing  a  creek,  to  favour 
iheir  advance,  and  to  open  a  passage  for  the  con- 
veyance of  their  stores.  A  party  of  the  royal  ar- 
uiy,  whicli  had  been  left  behind  at  Ticonderoga, 
was  equally  industrious  in  carrying  gun  boats,  pro- 
visions, vessels,  and  batteaux  over  land  into  Lake 
George.  An  immensity  of  labour  in  every  quar- 
ter was  necessary ;  but  animated  as  lliey  were 
with  past  successes  and  future  hopes,  they  disre- 
garded toil  and  danger. 

From  Skenesborough,  Gen.  Burgoyne  directed 
his  course  across  the  country  to  Fort  Edward,  on 
Hudson's  lliver.  Though  the  distance  in  a  right 
line  from  one  to  the  other  is  but  a  few  miles,  yet 
5ucli  is  the  impracticable  nature  of  the  country,  and 
such  were  the  artificial  difficultiesthrown  inhis  way, 
'hat  neaily  as  many  days  were  consumed  as  the 
distance  passed  over  in  a  direct  line  would  have 
measured  in  miles.  The  Americans  under  the 
direction  of  (Jen.  Schuyler,  had  cut  large  tiees 
on  both  sides  of  the  road,  so  that  they  fell  across  it 
with  tlieir  branches  interwoven.  The  face  of  the 
country  was  likewise  so  broken  with  creeks  and 
m.irshes,  that  they  had  no  less  than  forty  bridges 
to  coi.struct,  one  of  which  was  a  log;-work  over  a 
moiass,  two  miles  in  extent.  This  difficult  march 
might  iiave  been  avoided,  had  General  Burgoyne 
/"alien  back  from  Skenesborough  to  Ticonderoga, 
and  thence  proceeded  by  Lake  George  ;  but  he  de- 
clined this  route,  Irom  an  apjirehension  that  a  ret- 
rograde motion  on  his  part  would  abate  the  panic  of 
the  enemy.  He  had  also  a  suspicion  that  some 
delay  might  be  occasioned  by  the  American  garri- 
son at  Fort  George;  as  in  case  of  his  taking  that 
route,  they  might  safely  continue  to  resist  to  the 
last  extremity,  having  o|)en  in  their  rear  a  place  of 
retreat.  On  the  other  hand  it  was  presumed,  that 
as  soon  as  they  knew  that  the  royal  army  was 
marching  in  a  direction  which  was  likely  to  cut  off 
their  retreat,  they  would  consult  tlieir  safety  by  a 
seasonable  evaci'.alion.  In  addition  to  these  rea- 
sons, he  had  the.  advice  and  persuasion  ol'  Colonel 
Skene.  Thai  geiillcmaii  had  been  recommended 
to  him  as  a  person  proper  to  be  consulted.  His 
land  was  so  siiii.ilcd,  that  the  opening  of  a  road  be- 
tween Fort  Edward  and  .Skenesborough,  would 
greatly  enhance  its  value.  This  circumstance 
might  have  made  him  more  urgent  in  his  recom- 
nienddtions  of  that  route,  especially  since,  being  the 
(thorte^t,  it  bid'  fair  for  uniting  the  royal  interest 
with  piivale  convenience. 

Thf  opinion  formed  by  (Jeneral  Burgoyne  of  the 
I'tVtrtof  his  direct  movement  from  Skenesborough 
to  Foil  Eilward,  on  the  .\merican  garrison,  was 
verilied  by  the  event  ;  for  brin-;  apprehensive  of 
liavmi;  iheir  relreal  cut  oil',  llicy  abandoned  their 
fort,  and  biiriil  iheir  vessels.  The  iiavigabion  of 
•lake  (irorge  bring  thi'ri-by  left  free,  provisions  and 
■Oiiouuition  wcie  broui;ht  forward    from  For' 


George,  to  the  first  navigable  parts  of  Hudson's 
Kivei.  This  is  a  distance  of  15  miles,  and  the 
roads  of  difficult  passage.  The  intricate  combina- 
tion of  land  and  water  carriage,  together  with  the 
insufficient  means  of  transportation,  and  excessive 
rains,  caused  such  delays,  that,  at  the  end  of  fif- 
teen days,  there  were  not  more  than  four  days'  pro- 
vision brought  forward,  nor  above  ten  batteaux  in 
the  river.  The  difficulties  of  this  conveyance,  as 
well  as  of  the  inarch  through  the  wilderness  from 
Skenesborough  to  Fort  Edward,  were  encountered 
and  overcome  by  the  royal  army,  with  a  spirit  and 
alacrity  w  hich  could  not  be  exceeded.  At  length, 
on  the  30th  of  July,  after  incredible  fatigue  and 
labour.  General  Burgoyne,  and  an  army  under  his 
command  reached  Fort  Edward,  on  Hudson's  Riv- 
er. 'J'heir  exultation,  on  accomplishing,  what  for 
a  long  time  had  been  the  object  of  their  hopes, 
was  unusually  great. 

While  the  British  were  retarded  in  their  ad- 
vance by  the  combined  ditficulties  of  nature  and 
art,  events  took  place,  which  proved  the  wisdom 
and  propriety  of  the  retreat  from  Ticonderoga. — 
The  army,  saved  by  that  ineans,  was  between  the 
inhabitants  and  General  Burgoyne.  This  abated  the 
panic  of  the  people,  and  became  a  centre  of  rendez- 
vous for  them  to  repair  to.  On  the  other  hand, 
had  they  stood  their  ground  at  Ticonderoga,  they 
must,  in  the  ordinary  course  of  events,  either  have 
been  cut  to  pieces,  or  surrendered  themselves 
prisoners  of  war.  In  either  case,  as  General  St. 
Clair  represented  in  his  elegant  defence  ;  "  Fear 
and  dismay  would  have  siezed  on  the  inhabitants 
from  the  lalse  opinion  that  had  been  formed  of  the 
strength  of  these  posts  ;  wringing  grief,  and  moping 
melancholy,  would  have  filled  the  habitations  of 
those  whose  dearest  connexions  were  in  that  ar- 
my ;  and  a  lawless  host  of  ruffians,  set  loose  from 
every  social  principle,  would  have  roamed  at  large 
through  the  defenceless  country,  while  bands  of 
savages  would  have  carried  havoc,  devastation  and 
terror  before  them.  Great  part  of  the  State  of 
New  York  must  have  submitted  to  the  conqueror, 
and  in  it  he  would  have  found  the  means  to  prose- 
cute his  success.  He  would  have  been  able  ef- 
fectually to  have  co-operated  with  General  Howe, 
and  would  probably  soon  have  been  in  the  same 
country  with  him  ;  that  country  where  the  illus- 
trious Washington,  with  an  inferior  force,  made  so 
glorious  a  stand,  but  who  must  have  been  obliged 
to  retire,  if  both  armies  had  come  upon  him  at 
once  ;  or  he  might  have  been  forced  to  a  general 
and  decisive  action,  in  unfavourable  circumstances, 
whereby  the  hopes,  the  now  well-founded  hopes  of 
America,  of  liberty,  peace  and  safety  might  have 
been  cut  off  for  ever."  Such,  it  was  apprehended, 
would  have  been  the  consequences,  if  the  Ameri- 
can northern  army  had  not  retreated  from  their  post 
at  Ticonderoga.    Very  different  events  took  place. 

In  a  few  days  after  the  evacuation.  General 
Schuyler  issued  a  proclamation,  calling  to  the 
minds  of  the  inhabitants  the  late  barbarities  and 
desolations  of  the  royal  army  in  Jersey  ;  warning 
them  that  they  would  be  dealt  with  as  traitors,  if 
they  joined  the  British,  and  requiring  them  with 
their  arms  to  repair  to  the  American  standard. — 
Numerous  parties  were  also  employed  in  bringing 
olf  public  stores,  and  in  felling  trees,  and  throwing 
obstructions  in  the  way  of  the  advancing  royal  ar- 
my. At  first,  an  universal  panic  intimidated  the 
iniialiitants  ;  but  they  soon  recovered.  The  laws 
of  selt-presei-vation  operated  in  their  full  foice,  and 
difl'used  a  general  activity  through  the  adjacent 
states.  The  formalities  of  convening,  drifting 
and  officering  the  militia  were  in  many  instances, 
dispensed  with.  Hundreds  siezed  their  firelocks, 
and  marched  on  the  general  call,  w  ithout  waiting 
for  the  orders  of  their  immediate  commanders. — 
The  inhabitants  had  no  means  of  security,  but  to 
abandon  their  habitations,  and  take  up  arms. — 
Every  individual  saw  the  necessity  of  becoming  a 
temporary  s(ddier.  The  terror  excited  by  the  In- 
dians, instead  of  disposing  the  inhabitants  to  court 
Brilish  proleclion,  h.id  a  conlrary  effect. 

'J'he  friends  of  the  royal  cause,  as  well  as  its 
enemies,  suffered  from  their  iudiscrimiuate  barba- 


rities. Among  othei  instances,  the  murder  o(  Miss 
M-Crea  excited  an  universal  horror.  This  young 
lady,  in  the  innocence  of  youth,  uiul  the  bloom  o! 
beauty  ;  the  daughter  of  a  steady  loyalist,  and  en- 
gaged to  be  married  to  a  British  officer,  was,  od 
the  very  day  of  her  intended  nuptials,  massacred 
by  the  savage  auxiliaries,  attached  to  the  Ihitish 
army.*  Occasion  was  thereby  given  to  loilaine 
the  populace,  and  to  blacken  the  royal  c:  use. — 
The  cruelties  of  the  Indians,  and  the  ciuse  ih 
which  they  were  engaged,  were  associated  toge- 
ther, and  [)reseiited  in  one  view  to  the  alarmed  in- 
habitants. They,  whose  interest  it  was  to  draw 
forth  the  militia  in  support  of  American  independ- 
ence, strongly  expressed  their  execrations  of  Hit 
army,  which  submitted  to  accept  of  Indian  aid 
and  loudly  condemned  that  government  which 
could  call  such  auxiliaries  as  were  calculated  not 
to  subdue,  but  to  exterminate  a  people  whom  they 
affected  to  reclaim  as  subjects.  Their  cniel  node 
of  warfare,  putting  to  death,  as  well  the  smiling 
infant  and  the  defenceless  female,  as  the  resisting 
armed  man,  excited  an  universal  spirit  of  resist- 
ance. In  conjunction  with  other  circumstances, 
it  impressed  on  the  minds  of'  the  inhabitants  a 
general  conviction  that  a  vigorous  determined  op- 
position was  the  only  alternative  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  their  property,  their  cliildren  and  their 
wives.  Could  they  have  indulged  the  hope  of  se- 
curity and  protection  while  they  remained  peace- 
ably at  their  homes,  they  would  have  found  many 
excuses  for  declining  to  assume  tlie  profession  of 
soldiers  ;  but  when  they  contrasted  the  dangers  of 
a  manly  resistance,  with  those  of  a  passive  inac- 
tion, they  chose  the  former,  as  the  least  of  two  un- 
avoidable evils. 

All  the  feeble  aid,  wliich  the  royal  army  receiv- 
ed from  their  Indian  auxiliaries,  was  infinitely 
overbalanced  by  tlie  odium  it  brought  on  their 
cause,  and  by  that  determined  sjiirit  of  opposition 
w^hich  the  dread  of  their  savage  cruelties  excited. 
While  danger  was  remote,  the  ])ressing  calls  of 
Congress,  and  of  the  general  officers,  for  the  in- 
habitants to  be  in  readiness  to  oppose  a  distant  foe, 
were  unavailing,  or  tardily  executed  :  but  no  soon- 
er had  they  recovereil  from  the  first  impression  of 
the  geneial  panic,  than  they  turned  out  with  un- 
exampled alacrity.  The  owners  of  the  soil  came 
forward  with  that  ardour,  which  the  love  of  dear 
connexions  and  of  property  inspires.  An  anny 
was  speedily  poured  forth  from  the  woods  and 
mountains.  When  they  who  had  begun  the  re- 
treat were  nearly  wasted  away,  the  s|)irit  of  tho 
country  immediately  supplied  their  ])lace,  with  a 
much  more  formidable  force.  In  addition  to  these 
incitements,  it  was  early  conjectured,  that  the 
royal  army,  by  pushing  f'orward,  would  be  so  en- 
tangled as  not  to  be  able  to  advance  or  retreat  oa 
equal  terms.  Men  of  abilities  and  of  eloquence, 
influenced  with  this  exjjectation,  harangued  the 
inhabitants  in  their  several  towns,  and  set  forth  in 
high  colouring  tlie  cruelties  of  the  savage  auxilia- 
ries of  Great  Britain,  and  the  fair  prospects  of 
capturing  the  whole  force  of  their  enemies.  From 
the  combined  influence  of  these  causes,  the  Ame- 
rican army  soon  amounted  to  upwards  of  13,000 
men. 

While  Burgoyne  was  forcing  his  way  down  to- 
wards Albany,  St.  Leger  was  co-operating  with 
him  in  the  Mohawk  country.  He  had  ascended 
the  River  St.  Lawrence,  crossed  Lake  Ontario,  and 
commenced  the  siege  of  Fort  Schuyler.    On  the 

"  'I'liis,  though  true,  was  not  preiiiPiliialed  barliarilv. — 
The  circuiiisiaMocs  were  as  follow:  Mr.  Jones,  her  lover, 
fmiu  an  uuxioly  for  her  safety,  cugu<:e(l  some  Indian* 
to  remove  her  from  anion?  tiie  .\nierii  uiis,  ami  promised 
to  reward  the  person  who  should  hrinfr  her  sale  to  him, 
with  a  barrel  of  rum.  Two  of  llie  Indians,  who  had 
eonveved  her  some  dislanee,  on  the  way  lo  her  intend- 
ed hiishaud,  disputed,  whieh  of  ihem  should  present 
her  lo  Mr.  Jones.  Both  were  anxious  for  the  rt^ward. 
One  of  theni  killed  her  with  his  loiuahaH  k,  to  prevent 
ihe  other  from  reeeivin?  it.  nuicoyne  ohlised  the 
Indians  to  deliver  uo  the  murderer,  and  ihrealened  to 
iput  him  lo  death.  llis  life  was  only  spared,  upon  the 
'  Indians  aereeiriK  to  lerins,  whieh  Ihe  ireiicral  thought 
would  he  more  elVieiieious  (hun  an  execution,  in  prcvoif- 
,  iiiK  similar  mischiefs. 


UNITED  STATES 


4*39 


appio-.u'h  111'  tliis  (Iclacliiiieiit  of  ihe  royal  anriy,  on 
tlie  !>il  (il  A  ',iuust,(ieii>-'r;!l  I  lerkiiniTcollecti-d  about 
800  iil  ilin  wliij;  mililia  of  tlie  parts  adjacent,  for 
the  relief  of  tlie  garrison. 

St.  Letter,  aware  of  tlic  consequences  of  being 

I    attack'-d  in  his  trenches,  detached  Sir  John  John- 

'  son,  "  itli  some  tories  and  Indians,  to  lie  in  am- 
hiisli,  and  intercept  the  advaiicing  militia.  The 
straiai^em  took  elfect.  The  general  and  his  mi- 
litia were  surprised  on  the  6th  of  August ;  but  se- 
veral of  the  Indians  were  nevertheless  killed  by 
llieir  lire.  A  scene  of  confusion  followed.  Some 
of  Herkimer's  men  ran  oil";  but  others  posted  them- 
selves behind  logs,  and  continued  to  fight  with  bra- 
very and  success.    The  loss  on  the  side  of  the 

I  Americans  was  IGO  killed,  besides  the  wounded. 
Among  the  former  was  tlieir  gallant  leader.  Gene- 
ral Herkimer.  Several  of  their  killed  and  wound- 
ed were  principal  inhabitants  of  that  part  of  the 
countiy.  C'idoiiel  St.  Leger  availed  himself  of 
the  teirorexcited  on  this  occasion,  and  endeavour- 
ed by  strong  representations  of  Indian  barbarity,  to 
intimidate  the  garrison  into  an  immediate  surren- 
der. He  sent  veibal  and  written  messages,  "  de- 
manding the  surrender  of  the  fort,  and  stating  tlie 
impossibility  of  tlieir  obtaining  relief,  as  their 

I  friends  under  (Jeneral  Herkimer  were  entirely  cut 
off,  and  as  (Jeneral  Hurgoyiie  had  forced  his  way 
through  the  country,  and  was  daily  receiving  the 
submission  of  the  inhabitants."  He  rejiresented 
"  the  pains  he  had  taken  to  soften  the  Indians,  and 
to  obtain  engagements  from  them,  that  in  case  of 
an  immediate  surrender  every  man  in  tlie  garrison 
should  be  spared  ;  and  particularly  enlarged  on  the 
(  ircumstance,  "  that  tlie  Indians  were  determined 
in  case  ol' their  meeting  with  further  opposition, 
to  massacre  not  only  the  garrison,  but  every  man, 
woman  or  child  in  the  IMoliawk  country."  Colo- 
nel (iansevorl,  who  commanded  the  fort,  replied, 

i       that  being  by  the  United  States  entrusted  with 

1  tiie  charge  of  the  garrison,  he  was  determined  to 
tiefend  it  to  the  last  extremity,  against  all  enemies 
whatever,  without  any  concern  for  the  consequen- 
ces of  doing  his  duty." 

It  being  resolved,  maugre  the  threats  of  Indian 
barbaiilies,  to  del'end  the  fort.  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Willet  undertook,  in  conjunction  with  Lieutenant 
Stockwell,  to  give  information  to  their  fellow-citi- 
xens,  of  the  state  of  the  garrison.  These  two  ad- 
venttirous  officers  passed  by  night  through  the  be- 

!  siegers'  works,  anil,  at  the  hazard  of  falling  into 
the  hands  of  savages,  and  suffering  from  them  the 
severity  of  torture,  made  their  way  for  (ifty  miles 
ihroiigli  dangers  and  difficulties,  in  order  to  pro- 
cure relief  for  their  besieged  associates.  In  the 
meantime,  the  British  carried  on  their  operations 

I  with  such  industry,  that  in  less  than  three  weeks 
they  had  advanced  within  150  yards  of  the  foit. 

The  brave  garrison,  in  its  hour  of  danger,  was 
not  forgotten.  General  Arnold,  with  a  brigade  of 
continental  troops,  had  been  previously  detached 
by  General  Sclniylerfor  their  relief,  and  was  then 
near  at  hand.  Tost  Schuyler,  who  had  been  taken 
up  by  the  Americans,  on  suspicion  of  being  a  spy, 
was  promised  his  life  and  his  estate,  on  considera- 
tion that  he  should  go  on  and  alarm  the  Indians, 

I  with  such  representations  of  the  numbers  march- 
ing against  tliem,  as  would  occasion  their  retreat. 

,  He  immediately  proceeded  to  the  campof  the  In- 
dians, and,  being  able  to  converse  in  their  own 
language,  informed  them  that  vast  numbers  of 
hostile  Americans  were  near  at  hand.  They  were 
thoroughly  Irightened,  and  determined  to  go  off. 
St.  Leger  used  every  art  to  retain  them ;  but 
nothing  could  change  their  determination.    It  is 

j  the  characteristic  of  these  people  on  a  reverse  of 
fortune,  to  betray  irresolution,  and  a  total  want  of 
tl'at  constancy,  w  hich  is  necessary  to  struggle  with 
ditfi 'iilties.  They  had  found  the  fort  stronger 
and  better  defcnileil  than  was  exjiected.  T'hey 
had  lost  several  head  men  in  their  engagement 
with  General  Herkimer,  and  had  aotlen  no  plunder. 

J These  circuinsiances,  added  to  the  certainty  of  tlie 
approach  of  a  reinl'orcciiient  to  their  adversaries, 
wliieli  they  believed  to  be  much  greater  than  it 
realiy  was.  made  them  (|uite  intraclablc.  Part 


of  tlieni  instantly  decamped,  and  the  remainder 
threatened  to  I'ollow,  it'  the  JJiitish  did  not  imme- 
diately retreat.  'J'his  measure  was  adopted,  and, 
on  the  22d  of  August,  the  sieg")  was  raised.  From 
the  disorder,  occasioned  by  the  precipitancy  of  the 
Indians,  tlie  tents  and  much  of  the  artillery  and 
stores  of  the  besiegcis,  fell  into  the  hands  of  tlie 
garrison.  The  discontented  savages,  exasperated 
by  their  ill  fortune,  are  said,  on  their  retreat,  to 
have  robbed  their  British  associates  of  their  bag- 
gage and  provisions. 

While  the  fate  of  Fort  Schuyler  was  in  susjiense, 
it  occurred  to  GeneraHJiirgoyne,  on  hearing  of  its 
being  besieged,  that  a  sudden  and  rai)id  movement 
forward  would  be  of  the  utmost  consequence.  As 
the  princij)al  force  of  his  adversaries  was  in  front 
between  him  and  Albany,  he  hoped  by  advancing 
on  them,  to  reduce  them  to  the  necessity  of  fight- 
ing, or  of  retreating  out  of  liis  way  to  New  Eng- 
land. Had  they,  to  avoid  an  attack,  retreated  up 
the  Mohawk  River,  they  would,  in  case  of  St.  Le- 
ger's  success,  have  put  themselves  between  two 
fires.  Had  they  retreated  to  Albany,  it  was  sup- 
posed their  situation  would  liave  been  worse,  as  a 
co-operation  from  New  York  was  expected.  Be- 
sides, in  case  of  that  movement,  an  opportunity 
would  have  been  given  for  a  junction  of  Burgoyne 
and  St.  Leger.  To  have  retired  from  the  scene 
of  action  by  filing  oft"  for  New  England,  seemed 
to  be  the  only  opening  left  for  their  escape.  With 
such  views,  General  Burgoyne  promised  himself 
great  advantages,  from  advancing  rajiidly  towards 
Albany.  Tlie  principal  objection,  against  tliis 
project,  was  tlie  difficulty  of  furnishing  [irovisions 
to  his  trooi)s.  To  keep  up  a  communication  with 
Fort  George,  so  as  to  obtain  from  tliat  garrison, 
regular  sup])lies,  at  a  distance  daily  increasing, 
was  wliolly  impracticable.  The  advantages,  which 
were  expected  from  the  proposed  measure,  were 
too  dazzling  to  be  easily  relinquished.  Though 
the  impossibility  of  drawing  provisions  from  tlie 
stores  in  their  rear  was  known  and  acknowledged, 
yet  a  hope  was  indulged  that  they  miglit  be  else- 
where obtained.  A  plan  was  therefore  formed  to 
open  resources  from  the  plentiful  farms  of  Ver- 
mont. Every  day's  account,  and  particularly  the 
information  of  Colonel  Skene,  induced  Burgoyne 
to  believe,  that  one  description  of  the  inhabitants 
in  that  cotintry  were  panic  struck,  and  that  another, 
and  by  far  the  most  utimerous,  were  friends  to  the 
British  interest,  and  only  wanted  the  ajjpearance 
of  a  protecting  power  to  show  tliemselves.  Rely- 
ing on  this  intelligence,  he  detached  .500  men,  100 
Indians,  and  two  field  pieces,  which  he  supposed 
would  be  fully  sufl^cient  for  the  expedition.  The 
command  of  this  force  was  given  to  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Baum  ;  and  it  was  supposed  that  with  it 
he  would  be  enabled  to  seize  upon  a  magazine  of 
supplies  which  the  Amer'cans  had  collected  at 
Bennington,  and  which  was  only  guarded  by  mili- 
tia. It  was  also  intended  to  try  the  temper  of  the 
inhabitants,  and  to  moimt  tlie  dragoons. 

Lieutenant  Colonel  Baum  was  instructed  to  kee[) 
the  regular  force  posted,  while  the  light  troops  felt 
their  way ;  and  to  avoid  all  danger  of  being  sur- 
rounded, or  of  having  his  retreat  cut  off.  But  he 
proceeded  with  less  caution  than  his  perilous  situ- 
ation required.  Confiding  in  the  numbers  and  pro- 
mised aid  of  those  who  were  depended  upon  as 
friends,  he  presumed  too  much.  On  approaching 
the  place  of  his  destination,  he  found  the  American 
militia  stronger  than  liad  been  supposed.  He 
therefore  took  post  in  the  vicinity,  entrenched  his 
party,  and  despatched  an  exjjress  to  General  Bur- 
goyne, with  an  account  of  his  situation.  Colonel 
Breyraan  was  detached  to  reinforce  him.  Though 
every  exertion  was  made  to  push  forwajfd  this  re- 
inforcement, yet  from  the  impracticable  face  of  the 
country  and  defective  means  of  transportation, 
thirty-two  hours  elapsed  before  they  had  marched 
twenty-four  miles. 

General  Starke,  who  commanded  the  American 
militia  at  Bennitigton,  attacked  Colonel  Baum,  be- 
fore the  junclioii  of  the  two  royal  detaciimenis 
could  be  eti'eeted.      On  this  occasion,  about  bOO  j 
undisciplined  mililia,  without  bayonets,  or  a  single  I 


piece  of  artillery,  iittacked  and  routed  500  regular 
troops,  advantageously  posted  behind  inlreiii  li- 
ments,  furnished  with  the  best  arms,  and  defended 
With  two  pieces  ol  artillery.  Tlie  field  jjiecea 
were  taken  from  the  party  comman  led  by  Colonel 
Baum,  and  the  greatest '  jiart  of  his  detachment 
was  eitlicr  killed  or  captured. 

[Major  General,  John  Stakkk,  tlie  son  of  Archi- 
bald S.,  a  native  of  (ilasgow,  who  married  in  Ire- 
land, was  born  at  Londonderry,  N.  H.,  Aug.  \iS. 
172S.  In  173G  his  farther  removed  to  Derry field, 
now  Manchester  on  the  Merrimac.  While  on  a 
hunting  expedition  he  was  taken  prisoner  by  the 
St,  Francis  Indians,  in  1752,  but  was  soon  re- 
deemed at  an  expense  of  103  dollars,  paid  by 
Mr.  Wheelwright  of  Boston.  To  raise  this  money 
he  repaired  on  another  hunting  expedition  to  the 
Androscoggin.  He  afterwards  scned  in  a  com- 
pany of  rangers  with  Rogers,  being  made  a  cap- 
tain in  1756.  On  hearing  of  the  battle  of  Lexing- 
ton he  repaired  to  Cambridge,  and,  recievinga  co- 
lonel's commission,  enlisted  in  the  same  day  800 
men.  He  fouglit  in  the  battle  of  Breed's  hill, 
June  17,  1775,  his  regiment  forming  the  left  of 
the  line,  and  repulsing  three  times  by  their 
deadly  fire  the  veteran  Welsh  fusileers,  who  had 
fought  at  Minden.  His  only  defence  was  a  rail 
fence,  covered  with  hay,  to  itisemble  a  breast- 
work. In  May  1776  he  proceeded  from  New 
York  to  Canada.  In  the  attack  on  Trenton  ho 
commanded  the  van  of  the  right  wing.  He  was 
also  engaged  in  the  battle  of  Princeton.  Dis- 
pleased at  being  neglected  in  a  list  of  promotions, 
he  resigned  his  commission  in  .March  1777  and  re- 
tired to  his  farm.  In  order  to  impede  the  progress 
of  Burgoyne,  he  ])roposed  to  the  council  of  New 
Hampshire  to  raise  a  body  of  troops,  and  fall  upon 
his  rear.  In  the  battle  of  Bennington,  so  called, 
though  fought  six  miles  north  west  from  B.,  in  the 
borders  of  New  York,  Saturday  Aug.  10,  1777,  he 
defeated  Colonel  Baum,  killing 207  and  making  750 
l)risoners.  Tlie  place  was  near  Van  Scliaack's 
mills,  (denominated  by  Burgoyne  Stantcoick  mills,) 
on  a  branch  of  the  Hoosuck  called  by  Dr.  Holmrs 
Walloon  creek  ;  by  others  Walloomsack,  and 
Wallomschaick,  and  Looms-chork.  This  event 
awakened  confidence,  and  led  to  the  capture  of 
'iurgoyne.  (Jf  those  who  fought  in  this  battle, 
iiie  names  of  T.  Allen,  J.  Orr,  and  others  are  ic- 
corded  in  this  volume.  In  Sept.  he  enlisted  a  new 
and  larger  Ibrce  and  joined  Gates.  In  1778  and 
1779  he  served  in  Rhode  Island,  and  in  1780  in 
New  Jersey.  In  1781  he  had  the  commi.nd  of  the 
iiortliJrn  department  at  Saratoga.  .\t  the  close  of 
the  war  he  bid  adieu  to  public  employ menis.  In 
181S  Congress  voted  him  a  pension  of  60  dollars 
per  month.  He  died  May  8,  1822,  aged,  9.3. 
He  was  buried  on  a  small  hill  near  the  Merri- 
mac ;  a  granite  obelisk  has  the  inscription — "  MaJ. 
Gen.  Stark."  A  memoir  of  his  life  was  jmblish- 
ed,  annexed  to  reminiscences  of  the  French  war, 
12.  1831.— Allen's  Biog.] 

Colonel  Breyman  arrived  on  the  same  ground, 
and  on  the  same  day  ;  but  not  till  the  action  was 
over.  Instead  of  meeting  his  friends,  as  he  ex- 
pected, he  found  himself  briskly  attacked.  This 
was  be^uu  by  Colonel  Warner,  who,  with  his  con- 
tinental regiment,  having  been  sent  for  at  iMan- 
Chester,  came  ojiportunely  at  this  time,  and  \\:ti 
well  supported  by  Starke's  militia,  which  hadjusl 
defeated  the  party  commanded  by  Colonel  Baum. 
Breyman's  troops,  though  fatigued  with  their  pre- 
ceding march,  behaved  with  great  resolution  ;  but 
were  at  length  compelled  to  abandon  their  artillery, 
and  retreat. 

In  these  two  actions,  tlie  Americans  took  four 
brass  field  pieces,  twelve  brass  drums,  250  dragoon 
swords,  4  ammunition  wagons,  and  about  700  pri- 
soners. Their  loss,  inclusive  of  the  wounded,  was 
about  100  men. 

Congress  resolved,  "  that  their  thanks  he  nre- 
seiited  to  General  Starke,  of  the  New  Hampshire 
militia,  and  the  officers  and  troojjs  under  his  com- 
mand, for  their  brave  and  successful  attack  upon, 
j  and  signal  victory  over,  the  enemy,  in  their  lines 
!al  Beuington,  and  also,  that  Bri|;adicr  Starke  bf 


480 


HISTORY  OK   TH  K 


a|)|  OiiUi-il  a  brigadier  gi-nnal  in  the  army  of  llit- 
Unit"  J  .Si;iti-s."*  Ni'ver  weie  iliaiiks  more  lie- 
servelly  Ijesioweil.  Tlie  overthrow  of  lliesc  ilc- 
lachiiieiits  WHS  the  fust  link  in  a  graiul  chain  of 
evuiiio,  which  fmally  drew  down  ruin  on  the  wliole 
roVal  army.  Tlie  conlidcnce  witii  whicli  tiie 
Ainericans'  were  inspired,  on  finding;  themselves 
able  to  defeat  reanlai  lroo|)s,  produced  surprising 
elVects.  It  anim;itrd  their  exerlions,  and  fdled 
thon  with  expectation  of  tarther  successes. 

'I'hat  ./liliiary  pride  w  hich  is  the  soul  of  an  ar- 
my, wa„  nurtured  by  the  captured  artillery,  and 
otiicr  trophies  of  victory.  In  proportion  to  the 
elevation  of  the  Americans,  was  the  depression  of 
iheir  adversaries.  Accustomed  to  success,  as  they 
liad  been  in  the  precedinf^  i)ari  of  the  campaign, 
they  felt  unusual  mortilicaiion  from  this  unexpect- 
ed check.  Thouf:h  it  did  not  diminish  their  cour- 
a.":e,  it  abated  their  confidence.  It  is  not  easy  to 
f  Qumerate  all  the  disastrous  conse(|ueiices  which 
resulted  to  the  royal  army,  from  the  failure  of 
tlieir  expediliou  to  Jiennington.  These  were  so 
extensive,  that  their  loss  of  men  was  the  least  con- 
siderable. It  deranged  every  plan  for  pushing  the 
advantaijes  which  had  been  jjreviously  obtained. 
Amonj;  other  embarrassments,  it  reduced  Generid 
r>uri;oyne  to  the  alternative  of  halting,  till  he 
brou-iht  forward  supplies  from  lort  George,  t)r  of 
advancing  without  them  at  the  risk  of  bein;; 
starved.  The  lormer  being  adojued,  the  royal 
army  was  detained  from  August  16th,  to  Se[)iem- 
ber 'l3th.  This  unavoidable  delay  gave  time  and 
opporiunity  for  the  Americans  to  collect  in  great 
numbers. 

The  defeat  of  Lieutenant  Colonel  JJaum,  was  the 
first  event  which  for  a  long  time,  had  taken  place, 
in  favour  of  the  American  northern  army.  From 
December,  1775,  it  had  experienced  one  misfor- 
tune treadmg  on  the  heels  of  another,  and  defeat 
succeeding  defeat.  Jvvery  movement  had  been 
either  retreating  or  evacuating.  The  subsecjuent 
transiictions  piesent  a  remarkable  contrast.  For- 
tune, which,  previous  to  the  battle  of  Hennington, 
liad  not  for  a  moment  <niittcd  the  British  standard, 
seemed  after  that  event,  totally  to  desert  it,  and 
go  over  to  the  o|)|)osite  party. 

After  the  evacuation  of  Ticonderoga  the  Ame- 
ricans had  fallen  back  from  one  place  to  another, 
till  iliey  at  last  fixed  at  Vanshaic's  Island.  .Soon 
after  this  retreating  system  was  adopted.  Congress 
recalled  their  general  officers,  and  put  Cicneial 
(iaies  at  the  head  of  their  northern  army.  His 
arrival,  on  the  lOtli  of  August,  gave  fresh  vigour 
to  tin;  exertions  of  the  inhabitants.  The  militia, 
flushed  with  their  recent  victory  at  IJetmiiigton, 
collected  in  great  numbers  to  his  standard.  They 
Boon  began  to  be  animated  with  a  hope  of  ca|)tur- 
ing  llie  whole  Hrilish  army.  A  sjiirit  of  adven- 
ture burst  forth  in  many  dilfercnt  points  of  direc- 
tion. While  (ieneral  Hurgoyne  was  urging  his 
pre|)arations  for  ailvancirig  towards  Albany,  an 
enterprise  was  undertaken  by  (ieneral  Lincoln  to 
recover  Ticonderoga,  and  the  other  posts  in  the 
rear  of  the  royal  army.  He  detadied  Colonel 
Hrown  with  .OOOmento  the  landing  at  lake(icorge. 
The  ctdonel  conducted  his  operations  wilhso  much 
address,  that  on  the  KJih  September,  he  sur])rised 
all  the  out-posis  between  the  landing  at  the  north 
end  of  lake  (Jeorge,  and  the  body  oi"  the  fortress 
at  Ticonderoga.    He  also  took  iMount  Defiance 


•  In  nn  nrmneement  of  Roncral  ofticcrs,  made  by  Coii- 
(rroxs,  ill  the  yn-cetVint:  yi'nr,  a  jiiniiir  olVircr  lind  Ih-i-ii 
|iri)iiii>lr<|  wliilc  Sliirko  vmis  nrfiliM  lcd.  lln  Inid  wril- 
iPii  III  Conerriin  on  llii^  .sulijcd,  iinil  jiis  liMlers  wcio  Inid 
on  llio  liildi'.  He  quilti-d  tlir  nriiiy,  mid  rotirod  to  Ills 
rnrin:  liiil  or.  ihc  npproiuli  of  Iturpovne,  ncrpptcil  a 
hricadirr's  commission  nnd  ii  Hi-ixiriitc  roiiiiiinnil  finni 
New  llninpsiiiir.  A»  llioir  oiTicrr  lie  iicliicv cd  lliis 
victory,  mnl  irmiKinilli-d  iiii  ofTiciiil  aeooiinl  of  it  lo  llic 
unrtilivr  of  llint  finlo.  ('onL:rc-»s,  lirnriim  of  il,  iii(|iii- 
rrd,  why  tlify  wfrc  iiniiifornM-d  on  llif  siilijn  l  ?  Sliiikr- 
nn»w<Ti-d,  llml  lii-<  rorrcsponilcnco  wiili  ilirir  hodv  »ns 
clooril,  n*  ilicv  liad  not  nlli-ndi-d  lo  liis  IhsI  Ictlrrs. 
riicv  look  lliiv  llint,  nnd  pronioli'd  liini.  Slaike  was  loo 
niicli  i.f  .1  Jinlriol  to  ii  fiiM'  scTi  ici-s,  |Iiimi:;Ii  lii.<  luili- 
tarv  f>  r>liiii;-<  wi  n-  liiirl ;  and  Coiilti  sh  wn-i  loo  «!,.«■  lo 
»(jnd  on  ctir|ut't(o,  wlii-n  their  country's  iincrcal  wan  ni 
•lake. 


;ind  iMoiiiil  Hope,  the  l''rench  lines,  and  a  block-  , 
house,  200  batteaux,  sfvcral  gun  boats,  and  an  ^ 
armed  sloop,  together  wuh  2'M  i)risoners,  and  at 
the  same  time  released  100  Americans.    His  own 
loss  was  trilling. 

Colonels  15rown  and  Johnson,  the  lalterof  whom 
had  been  detached  with  oOO  men,  to  attempt  Mount 
Independence,  on  examination  found  that  the  re- 
duction of  either  that  post  or  of  Ticonderoga  was 
beyond  their  ability.  When  the  necessary  stores, 
l()r  thirty  days  subsistence,  were  brought  t'onvard, 
from  lake  George,  General  Burgoyne  gave  up  all 
communication  with  the  magazines  in  his  real, 
and,  on  the  Kith  and  11th,  ciossed  Hudson's  river. 
This  movement  was  the  b*ubject  of  much  discus- 
sion. Some  charged  it  on  the  impetuosity  of  the 
general,  and  alleged  that  it  was  premature,  before 
he  was  sure  of  aid  from  the  royal  forces  posted  in 
New  York  ;  but  he  pleaded  the  peremptory  orders 
of  his  superiors.  The  rapid  advance  of  Burgoyne, 
and  especiitlly  his  passage  of  the  North  river, 
added  much  to  the  imjiracticability  of  his  future  re- 
treat ;  and,  in  conjunction  with  subsequent  events, 
made  the  total  ruin  of  his  army  in  a  great  degree 
unavoidable. 

Burgoyne,  after  crossing  the  Hudson,  advanced 
along  its  side,  and  in  four  days  encamped  on  the 
heights,  about  two  miles  from  (iates's  camp ; 
which  was  three  miles  above  Stillwater.  Tiie 
Americans,  elated  with  tlieir  success  at  Benning- 
ton and  fort  Schuyler,  thought  no  more  of  retreat- 
ing, but  came  out  to  meet  the  advancing  British, 
and  engaged  them  with  firmness  and  resolution. 
The  attack  began  a  little  before  mid-day,  Septem- 
ber 19th,  between  the  scouting  parlies  of  the  iwo 
armies.  The  commanders  on  both  sides  supported 
and  reinforced  their  respective  parties.  The  con- 
flict, though  severe,  was  only  partial  for  an  hour 
and  a  half;  but  after  a  short  pause,  it  became 
general,  and  contituied  for  three  hours  without 
any  intermission.  A  constant  blaze  of  fire  was 
kept  up,  a:id  both  armies  seemed  to  be  determined 
on  death  or  victory.  The  Americans  and  British 
alternately  drove,  and  were  driven  by  each  other. 
i\Ien,  and  particularly  officers,  dropped  every  mo- 
ment, and  on  every  side.  Several  of  the  Ameri- 
cans placed  themselves  in  high  trees,  and,  as  often 
as  they  could  distinguish  an  officer's  unifi)rm,  took 
him  filf  by  deliberately  aiming  at  his  jierson.  Few- 
actions  have  been  characterized  by  more  ol)stina- 
cy  in  attack  or  defence.  The  British  repeatedly 
tried  their  bayonets,  but  witliout  I  heir  usual  suc- 
cess in  the  use  of  tliat  weapon.  At  length,  niglit 
put  an  end  lo  the  ell'usion  of"  blood. 

The  British  lost  upwards  of  500  men,  including 
their  killed,  wounded  and  prisoners.  The  Ameri- 
(rans,  inclusive  of  tlie  missing,  lost  310.  Thirty-six 
out  of  fiirty-cight  British  matrosses  weie  killed  or 
wounded.  The  G'h\  British  regiment,  which  was 
500  strong,  when  it  left  Canada,  was  reduced  to 
GO  men,  and  4  or  5  officers. 

This  hard-fought  battle  decided  nothing  ;  and 
little  else  than  honour  was  gained  by  either  army: 
but  nevertheless  it  was  followed  by  important  con- 
sequences. Of  these,  one  was  the  diminution  of 
the  zeal  and  alacrity  of  the  Indians  in  tin;  British 
army.  Tlie  dangerous  service,  in  which  they  were 
e^igaged,  was  by  no  means  suited  to  their  habits 
of  war.  They  were  disap|)ointcd  of  the  plunder 
they  expected,  and  .saw  nothing  befiire  them  but 
hardships  and  danger.  Fidelity  and  honour  were 
loo  fe(d)le  motives  in  the  minds  of  savages,  to  re- 
tain them  in  such  an  unproductive  service.  By 
deserting  in  the  season  when  their  aid  would  have 
been  most  useful,  they  furnished  a  second  inslance 
of  ihe  impolicy  of  depending  upon  them.  \'erv 
little  more  peiseveiaiice  was  exhibited  by  the  Ca- 
nailians,  and  other  British  provincials.  They  also 
abandoned  the  British  standard,  when  they  liiiind, 
thai,  instead  of  a  flying  and  dispirited  enemy,  they 
had  a  numeioiis  and  resolute  for<-e  opposed  lo  them. 
These  desertions  were  not  the  only  disappointmeiils 
which  ( ieneral  Burgoyne  experii-nceil.  I''rom  the 
('omnieiicemenl  of  the  expedition,  he  had  promised 
liim>.ell'  a  strong  reinl'orcement  iViim  that  part  of 
the  I'lili'-h  armv,  «hich  was  stationed  at  New- 


York.  He  depended  on  its  bein-^  able  to  force  its 
way  to  Albany,  and  lojoiii  him  there,  or  in  the  vi- 
cinity. This  co-operation,  though  attempted,  fill- 
ed in  the  execution,  v.  hiletlie  expectation  of  it  con- 
tributed to  involve  him  in  some  dilliculties,  to  which 
he  would  not  otherwise  have  been  exposed. 

General  Burgoyne,  on  the  '2\si  of  Sepieinbcr, 
received  intelligence  in  cypher,  that  Sir  Henry 
Clinton,  who  then  commanded  in  New  York,  in- 
tended to  make  a  diversion  in  his  favour  bv  attack- 
ing the  fijrtresses  which  the  Americans  hail  erect- 
ed on  Hudson's  river,  to  obstruct  the  intercourse 
between  New  Y'ork  and  Albany.  In  answer  to 
this  communication,  he  despatched  to  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  some  trusty  persons,  with  a  full  account  of 
his  situation,  and  with  instructions  to  press  the  im- 
mediate execution  of  the  ])roposed  co-operation  ; 
and  to  assure  him,  that  he  was  enabled  in  point  of 
provisions,  and  fixed  in  his  resolution,  to  hold  his 
jiresent  position  till  the  12th  of  October,  in  thu 
hopes  of  favourable  events.  The  reasonable  ex- 
])ectation  of  a  diversion  from  New  Y'ork,  founded 
on  this  intelligence,  made  it  disgraceful  lo  retreat, 
and  at  the  same  time  improper  to  urge  ofleiisive 
o])erations.  In  this  posture  of  afiairs,  a  delay  of 
two  or  three  weeks,  in  expectation  of  the  promi- 
sed co-operdtion  from  New  Y''ork,  became  neces- 
sary. 

In  the  meantime,  the  provisions  of  the  royal 
army  were  lessening,  and  the  animation  and  num- 
bers of  the  American  army  increasing.  The  New 
England  i)eople  were  fully  sensible,  ihnt  their  all 
was  at  stake,  and  at  the  same  time  sanguine,  that, 
by  vigorous  exertions,  Burgoyne  would  be  so  en- 
tangled, that  his  surrender  w-ou Id  be  unavoidable. 
Kvery  moment  made  the  situati<m  of  the  British 
more  critical.  From  the  uncertainty  of  rcceivins; 
further  supplies,  (ieneral  Burgoyne  on  the  1st  ol 
October  lessened  the  soldiers' provisions.  The 
12th  of  October,  tlie  term  till  which  the  roval  army 
had  agreed  to  wait  for  aid  from  New  York,  was 
fast  apinoaching,  and  no  intelligence  of  ilie  e\- 
|)ccted  co-opeiation  had  arrived.  In  this  alarm- 
ing situation, it  was  thought  properto  makeaniovc- 
ment  to  the  left  of  the  Americans.  The  boilv  ol 
troops  employed  for  this  purpose,  consisted  of  1500 
chosen  men,  and  was  commanded  bv  (ieiierals 
Burgoyne,  Philips,  Reidesel,  and  Frazer.  As  diey 
advanced,  they  were  checked  by  a  sudden  and  iiii- 
lietuotis  attack,  on  the  7tli  of  Ciciober  :  but  .^lajor 
Ackland,  at  the  head  of  the  British  (.irenadiers, 
sustained  it  with  gieat  firmness.  • 

The  Americans  extended  their  attack  along  the 
whole  front  ofthe  (lerinan  troops,  who  were  posted 
on  the  right  of  the  grenadiers ;  and  ihey  also 
marched  a  large  body  round  their  flank,  in  order  lo 
cut  oll'their  retreat.  To  oppose  this  bold  enter- 
prise, the  British  light  infantry,  with  a  part  of  the 
24th  regiment,  were  directed  to  form  a  second  line, 
and  to  cover  the  retreat  of  the  troops  into  the 
camp.  In  the  mean  lime,  ihe  Americans  jiuslieH 
forward  a  fresh  and  strong  reinl'orcement,  to  leneW 
the  action  on  Burgoyne's  left.  That  part  of  his 
army  was  obliged  to  give  way;  but  the  light  infan- 
try, and  21lh  regiment,  by  acpiick  movement  came 
to  its  succour,  and  saved  it  from  total  ruin. 

The  British  lines  being  exposed  to  great  danger, 
the  troops  which  were  nearest  lo  them  leturned  lor 
their  defence,  (leneial  Arnold,  with  a  brigade  of 
conlinental  troops,  pushed  for  the  works,  possessed 
by  lord  Balcarras,  at  the  head  of  the  British  light 
infantry  ;  but  the  brigade,  having  an  abba'-s  tu 
cross,  and  many  other  obstructions  to  surmMuiil, 
was  compelled  to  retire.  Arnold  left  his  brigade, 
and  came  lo  .lackson's  regiiiieni,  which  he  onlcied 
instantly  to  advance,  and  attack  the  lines  and  re- 
doubt in  their  fi  ont,  wh  ch  were  defended  bv  Lieu- 
tenant ("olonel  Breyma  i  at  the  head  ol'ihe  (ieriiian 
grenadieis.  The  assailants  pushed  on  with  i.ipiii- 
ity,  and  carried  the  works.  Arnold  was  one  of  the 
first  who  entered  them.  Tjieutenant  Colonel  Hrey- 
niaii  was  killed.  The  lioops  commaii-led  by  liim 
retired  firing.  They  gaWied  their  tents  aboiil  "0 
or  10  yards  fVom  their  w-orks  ;  but  on  finding  that 
the  assault  was  general,  lliey  gave  one  lire,  after 
which  some  reliealed  to  the  Bril'sh  cam)),  bui  oth 


UNITED  STATES. 


431 


f  e:s  lliicw  down  their  urms.  The  night  put  an  end  : 
to  the  action. 

[iNhijur  (!('iifi;il  1?knki)ict  Arnold,  in  the  Anic- 1 
riciiii  'nniy,  ;u.»l  iiiliinious  lor  deserting  the  cause 
of  his  couutrv.  is  supposed  lo  have  been  :i  dcscend- 
aiii  o(  l>eiK'ili('t  Arnold,  fiovernor  oC  Rhode  Island, 
who  succeeded  JJoger  W'ilhanis  in  that  oOice  in 
l(i;)7.  lie  was  bred  an  apolliecary  with  a  Dr. 
[jadirop,  who  was  so  pleased  witli  him,  as  to  give 
Inni  .L'AK)  sterlins;.    From  to  17G7  he  com- 

hi  I  the  business  of  a  druggist  with  that  of  a 

bookseller,  at  New  Haven,  (Jon.  15eing  captain 
o(  a  volunteer  company,  alter  hearing  of  the  battle 
of  I^exinglon  lie  immediately  marched  with  his 
company  lor  the  American  head  quarters,  and 
reached  Cambridge,  April  29,  117').  He  waited 
on  the  jAlassachnsetts  connnittee  of  safely  and  in- 
formed them  of  the  defenceless  state  of  Ticonde- 
rogci.  'J'he  commiltee  a|)pointed  him  a  colonel, 
antl  commissioned  him  to  raise  four  hundred  men, 

L  and  to  take  that  fortress.  He  j.'roceeded  directly 
to  Vermont,  and  when  he  arrived  at  Castleton  was 
attended  by  one  servant  only.  Here  he  joined  Col. 
Allen,  and  on  May  lOlh  the  fortress  was  taken. 

In  the  fall  of  1775  he  was  sent  by  the  com- 
mander in  chief  to  penetrate  through  the  wilder- 
ness of  the  District  of  Maine  into  Canada."  He 
connnenced  his  march  Sept.  16,  with  about  one 
thousand  men,  consisting  of  New  England  infan- 
try, some  volunteers,  a  company  of  artillery,  and 
three  companies  of  riflemen.  One  division,  that 
of  Col.  Enos,  was  obliged  to  return  from  Dead 
river  from  the  want  of  provisions  ;  liad  it  pro- 
ceeded the  whole  ])atty  might  have  perished. 
■  'J'he  greatest  l)ardshi|)s  w  ere  endured  and  the  most 
a[)palling  dilficulties  surmounted  in  this  expedition, 
of  which  Major  Meigs  kept  a  journal,  and  Mr. 
Henry  also  published  an  account.  The  army  was 
in  the  wilderness,  between  fort  Western  at  Au- 
gusta and  the  first  settlements  on  the  Chaudiere 
n  Canada,  about  5  weeks.  In  the  want  of  pro- 
visions Capt.  Dearborn's  dog  was  killed,  and  eaten, 
even  the  leet  and  skin,  with  good  appetite.  As 
the  ;,rmy  arrived  at  the  first  settlements,  Nov.  4th, 
the  intelligence  necessarily  reached  Quebec  in 
one  or  two  days;  but  a  week  or  fortnight  before 
llfis.  Gov.  Cramahe  had  been  apprised  of  the  ap- 
proach of  this  army.  Arnold  had  im|)rudently 
sent  a  letter  to  Schuyler,  enclosed  to  a  friend  in 
Quebec,  by  an  Indian,  dated  Oct.  13,  and  he  was 
luniself  convinced,  from  the  preparations  iriade 
lor  liis  reception,  that  the  Indian  had  betrayed 
Liin.  Nov.  .5th  the  troops  arrived  at  St.  Mary's, 
10  or  12  miles  from  Quebec,  and  remained  there 
3  or  4  days.  Nov.  9th  or  10th  they  advanced 
to  Point  Levi,  opposite  Quebec.  Forty  bircli 
canoes  ii.ning  been  collected,  it  was  still  found 

'  necessary  to  delay  crossing-  (he  river  for  3  nights 
on  the  account  of  a  high  wind.  On  the  14th  the 
wind  moderated  ;  but  this  delay  was  verv  favour- 
able to  the  city,  for  on  the  13th  Col.  M'Lean,  an 
active  officer,  arrived  with  SO  men  to  strengthen 
the  garrison,  which  already  consisted  of  more  than 
a  thousand  men,  so  as  to  render  an  assault  hope- 
less. Indeed  Arnold  himself  placed  his  chief  de- 
pendence on  the  co-operation  of  Montgomery. 

On  the  14th  of  Nov.  lie  crossed  the  St.  Law- 
rence in  the  night ;  and,  ascending  the  precipice, 
which  Wolfe  had  climbed  before  him,  formed  his 
small  corps  on  the  height  near  the  plains  of  Abra- 
ham. With  only  about  seven  hundred  men,  one 
third  of  whose  muskets  had  been  rendered  useless 
in  (he  inarch  through  the  wildc'rness,  success  could 
not  be  expected.  It  is  surprising,  that  the  garri- 
son, consisting,  Nov.  14th,  of  li26  men,  did  not 
march  om  and  destroy  the  small  force  of  Arnold. 
.\ltcr  paiading  some  days  on  the  heigths  near  the 
town,  and  sending  2  flags  to  summon  the  inhabit- 
ants, he  letired  to  Point  aux  Trembles,  twenty 
miles  above  Quebec,  and  there  waited  the  arrival 
of  Montgomery,  who  joined  him  on  the  first  of  De- 
cember. Tlie  city  w  as  imme<liately  besieged,  but 
the  best  measures  had  been  taken  lor  its  tiefence. 
The  able  Gen.  Carlcton  had  cnlered  the  city  with 

^  6()  men  Nov.  20ih.  On  ihe  morning  of  the  last 
day  of  the  year  an  assault  was  made  ou  the  one  ' 


side  of  the  Lower  town  by  Montgomery,  who  was 
killed.  At  the  same  lime  Col.  Arnold,  at  the  head 
of  about  I  liree  hundred  and  fifteen  men,  made  a  des- 
perate attack  on  the  op|)osite  side.  Advancing 
with  the  utmost  intrepidity  along  the  St.  Charles 
through  a  narrow  path,  exposed  to  an  incessant  fire 
of  grape  shot  and  musketry,  as  he  approached  the 
first  barrier  he  received  a  musket  ball  in  the  left 
leg,  which  shattered  the  bone.  He  was  compelled 
to  retire  on  foot,  dragging  '  one  leg  after  him,' 
near  a  mile  lo  the  hosi)ital,  having  lost  60  men 
killed  and  wounded,  and  three  hundred  prisoners. 
Although  the  attack  was  unsuccessful, the  blockade 
of  Quebec  was  continued  till  Rlay  177G,  when  the 
at  my,  which  was  in  no  condition  to  risk  an  assault 
was  removed  to  a  more  defensible  position.  Arnold 
was  compelled  to  relinquish  one  j)ost  after  another, 
till  the  lythof  June,  when  he  quitted  Canada.  Af- 
ter this  ])eriod  he  exhibited  great  bravery  in  the 
command  of  the  American  fleet  on  Lake  Cham- 
plain. 

In  August  1777  he  relieved  fort  Scliuyler  under 
the  command  of  Colonel  Gansevoort,  which  was 
invested  by  Colonel  St.  Leger  with  an  army  of 
from  fifteen  to  eighteen  himdred  men.  In  the  bat- 
tle near  Stillwater,  Sept.  19th,  he  conducted  him- 
self with  his  usual  intrepidity,  being  engaged  in- 
cessantly for  four  hours.  In  the  action  of  Octo- 
ber 7th,  after  the  British  had  been  driven  into  the 
lines,  Arnold  pressed  forward  and  under  a  tremen- 
dous fire  assaulted  the  works  throughout  their 
whole  extent  from  right  to  left.  The  intrench- 
ments  were  at  length  forced,  and  with  a  few  men 
he  actually  entered  tlie  works;  but  his  horse  being 
killed,  and  he  himself  badly  wounded  in  the  leg, 
he  found  it  necessary  to  withdraw,  and,  as  it  was 
now  almost  dark,  to  desist  from  the  attack.  Be- 
ing rendered  unfit  for  active  service  in  consequence 
of  his  wound,  after  the  recovery  of  Philadeli)hia  he 
was  appointed  to  tlie  command  of  the  American 
garrison.  When  he  entered  tlie  city,  he  made  the 
house  of  Gov.  Penn,  the  best  house  in  the  city,  his 
head  quarters.  This  he  furnished  in  a  very  costly 
manner,  and  lived  far  beyond  his  income.  He  had 
wasted  the  plunder,  which  he  had  sei/.ed  at  Mon- 
treal in  his  retreat  from  Canada  ;  and  at  Philadcl- 
|)hia  he  was  determined  to  make  new  acquisitions. 
He  laid  his  hands  on  every  thing  in  the  city,  which 
could  be  considered  as  the  property  of  those,  who 
were  unfriendly  to  the  cause  of^  his  country.  He 
was  charged  with  oppression,  extortion,  and  enor- 
mous charges  upon  the  public  in  his  accounts,  and 
with  applying  the  pubhc  money  and  property  to  his 
own  private  use.  Such  was  his  conduct,  that  he 
drew  upon  himself  the  odium  of  the  inhabitants  not 
only  of  the  city,  but  of  the  province  in  general.  He 
was  engaged  in  trading  speculations  and  hr.d  shares 
in  several  privateers,  but,  was  unsuccessful.  From 
the  judgment  of  the  commissioners,  who  had  been 
appointed  to  inspect  his  accounts,  and  who  had 
rejected  above  half  the  amount  of  his  demands, 
he  appealed  to  Congress  ,  and  they  appointed  a 
committee  of  their  own  body  to  examine  and  settle 
the  business.  The  committee  confirmed  the  re- 
port of  the  commissioners,  and  thought  they  had 
allowed  him  more  than  he  had  any  right  to  expect 
or  demand.  By  these  disappointments  he  became 
irritated  and  he  gave  full  scope  to  his  resentment. 
His  invectives  against  Congress  were  not  less  vio- 
lent, than  those,  which  he  had  before  threwn  out 
against  the  commissioners.  He  was  however  soon 
obliged  to  abide  the  judgment  of  a  court  martial 
upon  the  charges,  exhibited  against  him  by  th«  ex- 
ecutive of  Pennsylvania,  and  he  was  subjected  to 
the  mortification  of  receiving  a  reprimand  from 
Washington.  His  trial  commenced  in  .June  1778, 
but  such  were  the  delays  occasioned  by  the  move- 
ments of  the  army,  that  it  was  not  concluded  until 
.Tanuary  26th,  1779.  The  sentence  of  a  reprimand 
was  approved  by  Congress,  and  was  soon  after- 
wards carried  into  execution. 

Such  was  the  liumiliation,  to  which  General 
Arnold  was  reduced  in  conse(|uence  of  yiel(lin<;  to 
the  temptations  of  jjrideand  vanity,  and  itidulgins 
himself  in  the  pleasures  of  a  sumptuous  table  and 
expensive  eqni])age     From  this  lime  his  prcjud 


spirit  revolted  from  the  cause  of  America.  He 
turned  his  eyes  lo  West  I'oint  as  an  accpiisilion 
which  would  give  value  to  treason,  while  its  loss 
would  inflict  a  mortal  wound  on  his  former  friends. 
He  addressed  himself  to  the  delegaiion  of  New- 
York,  in  which  state  his  reputation  was  peculiarly 
high  and  a  member  of  (Congress  from  thissJate  re- 
commended him  to  Washiiigion  for  the  servicp, 
which  he  desired.  The  same  ap|)licalion  to  th'i 
commander-in-chief  was  made  not  long  alter 
wards  througli  Gen.  Schuyler.  Washin^ion  ob 
served,  that  as  there  was  a  prospect  of  an  active 
campaign  he  should  be  gratilit  (I  v/ith  tlie  aid  of 
Arnold  in  the  field  ;  but  intimated  at  the  same 
time,  that  he  should  receive  the  appointment  re- 
quested, if  it  should  be  more  pleasing  lo  him.  Ar- 
nold, without  discovering  much  solicitude,  repair- 
ed to  camp  in  the  beginning  of  August,  and  re- 
newed in  person  the  solicitations,  which  had  been 
before  indirecily  made.  He  was  now  olfered  the 
command  of  the  left  w  ing  of  the  army,  w  hich  was 
advancing  against  New  York  ;  but  he  declined  it 
under  the  pretext,  that  in  consequence  of  his 
wounds,  he  was  unable  to  perform  the  active 
duties  of  the  field.  Withotit  a  suspicion  of  his 
patriotism  he  was  invested  with  the  command  of 
West  Point.  Previously  to  his  soliciting  this  sta- 
tion, he  had  in  a  letter  to  Colonel  Beverly  Robin- 
son signified  his  change  of  principles  and  his  wish 
to  restore  liimself  to  the  favour  of  his  jirince  by 
some  signal  proof  of  his  repentance.  This  letter 
opened  to  him  a  correspondence  with  Sir  Henry 
Clinton,  the  object  of  which  was  to  concert  the 
means  of  putting  the  im])ortant  post,  which  he 
commanded,  into  the  ])ossession  of  the  British  ge- 
neral. His  plan,  it  is  believed,  was  to  have  druwn 
the  greater  part  of  his  aimy  without  the  worksun- 
der  the  pretext  of  fighting  the  enemy  in  the  defiles, 
and  to  have  left  unguarded  a  designated  pass, 
through  which  the  assailants  might  securely  ap- 
proach and  surprise  the  fortress.  His  troops  he 
intended  to  place,  so  that  they  would  be  comfieiled 
to  surrender,  or  be  cut  in  pieces.  But  just  as  his 
scheme  was  ripe  for  execution  the  wise  Disposer 
of  events,  who  so  often  and  so  remarkably  inter- 
posed in  favour  of  the  American  cause,  blasted  hii" 
designs. 

Maj.  Andre,  after  his  detection,  apprized  Ar- 
nold of  his  danger,  and  the  traitor  found  opportu- 
nity to  escape  on  board  the  Vulture,  Sept.  2-3,  1780, 
a  few  hours  before  the  return  of  Washington,  wlio 
had  been  absent  on  a  journey  to  Hartford  Con. 
On  the  very  day  of  his  escape  Arnold  wrote  a  let- 
ter to  Washington,  declaring,  that  the  love  of  iiis 
country  had  governed  him  in  his  late  conduct,  and 
requesting  him  to  protect  Mrs.  Arnold.  She  was 
conveyed  to  her  husband  at  New  York,  and  his 
clothes  and  baggage,  for  which  he  had  written, 
were  transmitted  to  him.  During  the  exertions, 
which  were  made  to  rescue  Andre  from  the  de- 
struction, which  threatened  him,  Arnold  had  the 
hardihood  to  interpose.  He  ajipealed  to  the  hu- 
manity of  the  commander  in  chief,  and  then  sought 
to  intimidate  him  by  stating  the  situation  of  many 
of  the  principal  characters  of  South  Carolina,  who 
had  forfeited  their  lives,  but  had  hitherto  been 
spared  through  the  clemency  of  the  British  gene- 
ral. This  clemency,  he  said,  could  no  longer  ia 
justice  be  extended  to  them,  should  Major  Andre 
suffer. 

Arnold  was  made  a  brigadier  general  in  the 
British  service  ;  which  rank  he  preserved  through- 
out the  war.  Y'et  he  must  have  been  held  in  con- 
tempt and  detestation  by  the  generous  and  honour- 
able. It  was  impossible  for  men  of  this  descrip- 
tion, even  when  acting  with  him,  to  forget  that  he 
was  a  traitor  ;  first  the  slave  of  his  rage,  then  pur- 
chased with  gold,  and  finally  secured  by  the  blood 
of  one  of  the  most  accomplished  olTicers  in  the 
British  army.  One  would  suppose,  that  his  mind 
could  not  have  been  much  at  ease ;  but  he  had 
proceeded  so  far  in  vice,  that  perhaps  liis  re- 
flections gave  him  but  little  trouble.  "I  am  mis« 
taken."  says  Washington  in  a  private  letter.  "  il 
at  this  time  .Vrnold  is  undergoing  the  toimenis 
of  a  mental  hell.    He  wants  feeling.  Froiusom* 


433 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


traits  of  his  f  liararier,  wliicli  have  hiicly  come  to 
wy  kiiou  leiliii',  he  seems  to  have  been  so  hacknieil 
in  crime,  so  lost  to  ai!  sense  of  hot)our  and  shame, 
ihat  while  his  luciiliies  slill  enable  him  to  continue 
his  sordid  pursuits,  there  will  be  no  time  lor  re- 
morse." 

Arnold  found  it  necessary  to  make  some  exer- 
tions to  secure  tlie  attaclinient  of  liis  new  friends. 
W'llh  the  hope  of  alluring  many  of  the  discontent- 
ed- to  liis  standard,  he  published  an  address  to  the 
inhabitants  of  America,  in  which  he  endeavoured 
lo  justil'y  his  conduct.  lie  had  encountered  the 
clan<;crs  of  the  field,  he  said,  from  ajjprehension, 
that  the  rights  of  his  country  were  in  danger.  He 
had  ac(|uiesced  in  the  declaration  of  indejiendence. 
t})ou<;li  he  thought  it  precipitate.  Hut  the  rej^'c- 
liun  of  the  overtures,  made  by  Great  Britain  in 
1778,  and  tlie  French  alliance  had  opened  liis  eyes 
to  the  ambitions  views  of  those,  w  ho  would  sacri- 
fice the  ha])piness  of  their  country  to  their  own 
aggrandizement,  and  had  made  him  a  confirmed 
loyalist.  {le  artfully  mingled  assertions,  that  the 
principal  members  of  Congress  held  the  people  in 
Bovcreian  contempi.  This  was  followed  in  about 
a  fortniglit  by  j)roclamatir)n,  addressed  "  to  tlie 
officers  and  sobliers  ot  the  continental  army,  who 
have  the  real  interest  of  their  country  at  lieart, 
and  who  are  dctennined  to  be  no  longer  the  tools 
and  dupes  of  Congress  or  of  France."  To  induce 
llie  American  officers  and  soldiers  to  desert  the 
cause,  which  tliey  had  embraced,  he  represented, 
that  the  corps  of  cavalry  and  infantry,  which  he 
was  authorized  to  raise,  would  be  upon  tlie  same 
footing  with  other  troops  in  the  British  service; 
that  he  should  with  ))leasure  advance  those,  whose 
valour  he  might  witness  ;  that  the  private  men, 
^vll()  joined  him,  should  receive  a  bounty  of  three 
guineas  each,  besides  [layment  at  the  full  value 
for  horses,  arms,  and  accoutrements.  His  object 
>vas  the  peace,  liberty,  and  safely  of  A'lierica. 
"  \'ou  aie  promised  liberty,"  he  exclaims,  "but  is 
there  a"  iii(li\i(liial  in  ilie  enjoyment  of  it,  saving 
your  op|/"ess>)rs  ?  Wlio  among  voii  dare  s|)eak  or 
ivritc  whin  he  thinks  against  the  tyranny,  which 
l.is  robbed  you  of  your  |)i()perty,  imprisons  your 
p^rsons.  gsyou  to  the  field  of  battle,  and  is  de- 
luging your  eountiy  with  your  blood  .'"  "  What," 
lie  exclaii'is  again,  "  is  America  now,  but  a  land 
of  widows  (M'plians,  and  beggars  ?  As  to  you, 
who  have  been  soldiers  in  the  C(rtitiiientHl  army, 
can  you  at  this  day  want  evidence,  that  the  funds 
oi  your  country  are  exhausted,  or  that  tiie  mana- 
gers have  ap|)lied  them  to  tlieir  |irivate  uses  ?  In 
cither  case  you  surely  can  no  longer  continue  in 
their  service  with  honour  or  advantage.  Yet  you 
liavc  hitherto  been  their  supporters  in  that  cruelly, 
which  Willi  eipial  indill'ereiice  to  yours  as  well  as 
lo  till'  la!)our  and  blood  ol"  ollieis,  is  devouring  a 
foiiniry,  that  from  tiie  moment  you  (|uit  their  co- 
lours will  be  redeemed  from  their  Ivranny." 
These  proclamations  did  not  |)ro(luce  the  effect  de- 
signed, and  in  all  (he  liardsliips,  siilferings,  and  ir- 
ritations of  the  war,  Arnold  remains  the  solitary 
iiisiance  of  an  American  officer,  who  abandoned 
the  side  first  embraced  in  the  contest,  and  turned 
his  sword  iipuii  his  I'ormer  companions  in  arms. 

He  was  soon  despatched  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton 
to  make  a  diversion  in  Virginia.  With  about  1700 
men  lie  arrive<l  in  the  (  liesapeake  in  Jan.  17bl, 
anil  being  supported  by  such  a  naval  force,  as  was 
hiiiti  il  to  the  nature  of  the  service;  he  coniiuitted 
r \tensive  ravaues  on  the  river  and  along  the  un- 
prolecled  t.tasls.  Ii  is  said,  that  while  on  this 
e\|iediii(in  Arnold  incpiired  of  an  American  cap- 
tain, whom  he  had  taken  prisoner,  what  the  .Ame- 
ricans would  do  u  iih  him,  if  lie  should  fall  into 
their  hands.  The  officer  replied  thai  they  would 
cut  off  his  lame  leg  4nd  bury  it  with  the  honours 
of  war,  and  hang  the  remainder  of  his  body  in 
pibbils.  .Alter  his  recall  from  Virginia  he  con- 
ducted an  expedition  against  his  native  stale,  Con- 
necticut. He  look  fort  Trumbull  Sept.  (iih  with 
inconsiderabli-  loss.  ( )n  the  oilier  side  of  tlie  har- 
r,oiir  Lieiil.  Col.  Kyre.  who  commanded  another 
dclachme-jt  made  an  assault  on  fort  (Jriswold,  and 
with  ihc  greatest  dilficulty  entered  the  works.  Au 


oflTicerof  the  con()uering  troops,  asked,  who  com- 
manded .'  "  1  did,"  answeied  Colonel  Ledyaid, 
"  but  you  do  now,"  and  jircsented  him  his  sword, 
which  was  instantly  plunged  into  his  own  bosom. 
A  merciless  slaughter  commenced  upon  the  brave 
garrison,  who  had  ceased  to  resist,  until  the  greater 
part  were  either  killed  or  wounded.  Afier  burn- 
ing the  town  and  the  stores,  which  were  in  it,  and 
thus  thickening  the  laurels,  with  which  his  brow 
was  adorned,  Arnold  returned  to  New  Y'ork  iu  3 
days. 

From  the  conclusion  of  the  war  to  his  death 
General  Arnold  resided  chiefly  in  England.  In 
1786  he  was  at  St.  John's,  New  Brunswick,  en- 
gaged in  trade  and  navigation,  and  again  in  1790. 
For  some  cause  he  became  very  unpopular  in  1792 
or  1793,  was  hung  in  effigy,  and  the  mayor  found 
it  necessary  to  read  the  riot  act,  and  a  company 
of  troops  was  called  to  quell  the  mob.  Repairing 
to  the  West  Indies  in  1794,  a  French  fleet  anchor- 
ed at  the  same  Island  ;  he  became  alarmed  lest  he 
should  be  detained  by  the  American  allies  and 
|)ast  the  fleet  concealed  on  a  rait  of  lumber.  He 
died  in  Gloucester  place,  liOndon,  June  14,  ISOl. 
He  married  Margaret,  the  daughter  of  Edward 
Shippen  of  Philadelphia,  cbief  justice,  and  a  loy- 
alist, (ieneral  Green,  it  is  sai(l,  was  his  rival. — 
She  combined  fascinating  manners  with  streimth 
of  mind.  She  died  at  London  Aug.  21,1804, 
aged  43.  His  sons  were  men  of  property  in  Ca- 
nada in  1829.  His  character  presents  little  to  be 
commended.  His  daring  courage  may  indeed  ex- 
cite admiration  ;  bat  it  was  a  courage  without  re- 
flection and  without  jirinciple.  He  fought  bravely 
for  his  country  and  he  bled  in  her  cause  ;  hut  his 
country  owed  him  no  retuins  of  gratitude,  for  his 
subsequent  conduct  proved,  that  he  had  no  honest 
regard  to  lier  interests,  but  was  governed  by  sel- 
fish consideiations.  His  progress  from  self-indul- 
gence to  treason  was  easy  and  rapid.  He  was 
vain  and  luxurious,  and  to  gratify  his  giddy  desires 
he  must  resort  to  meanness,  dishonesty,  and  extor- 
tion. These  vices  bnniglit  with  them  disgrace  ; 
and  the  contempt,  into  which  he  fell,  awakened  a 
spirit  of  revenge,  and  lel't  him  to  the  unrestrained 
influence  of  his  cupidity  and  passion.  Thus  from 
the  high  fame,  to  which  his  bravery  had  elevated 
him,  he  descended  iii'o  infamy.  Thus  too  he  fur- 
nished new  evidence  of  the  infatuation  of  the  hu- 
man mind  in  attaching  such  value  to  the  reputa- 
tion of  a  soldier,  which  may  be  obtained,  while  the 
heart  is  unsound  and  every  moral  sentiment  is  en- 
tirely depraved. — .Mien's  Biog.  Die] 

This  day  was  fatal  to  many  brave  men.  The 
British  officers  sutfered  more  than  their  common 
pro])ortion.  Among  their  slain.  General  Frazer, 
on  account  of  his  distinguished  merit,  was  the  sub- 
ject of  particular  regret.  Sir  James  Clark,  Bur- 
goyne's  aid-de-camp,  was  mortally  wounded.  'J'lie 
general  himself  had  a  narrow  escape  :  a  shot  jiass- 
ed  throuuli  his  hat  and  another  tlirough  his  waist- 
coat. Majors  Williams  and  Ackland  were  taken  : 
the  latter  wounded. 

The  loss  of  the  Americans  was  inconsiderable, 
(icneral  .\rnold,  to  whose  imf,etuosity  they  were 
much  indebted  for  the  success  of  the  day,  was 
among  iheir  wounded.  They  took  more  than  200 
prisoners,  besides  9  pieces  of  brass  artillery,  and 
the  encampment  of  a  German  brigade,  with  all 
their  e(|ui|)age. 

The  royal  troops  were  under  arms  the  whole  of 
the  next  day,  in  exjiectation  of  another  action  ;  but 
nothiiii,'  more  than  skirmishes  took  jilace.  At  this 
time,  (Jeneral  Lincoln,  who  reconnoitering,  reciev- 
ed  a  dangerous  wound  ;  an  event  which  was 
greatly  regif  tted.  as  he  jiossesscd  muchofihe  es- 
teem and  confidence  of  the  American  army. 

The  posiiioii  of  the  British  army,  after  the  ac- 
tion oftlie7lh,  was  so  dangerous,  that  an  imme- 
diate and  total  change  became  necessary.  This 
hazardous  measure  was  executed  without  loss  or 
disorder.  The  British  camp,  with  all  its  appurte- 
nances, was  removed  in  the  course  of  a  single 
night.  The  .American  general  now  saw  a  fail 
prospect  of  overcoming  the  army  opposed  to  him. 
without  esjiosing  his  owu  to  the  dangers  of  another 


battle.  His  measures  were  thciet'oie  principalis 
calculated  to  cut  off  their  retreat,  and  prevent  their 
receiving  any  farther  sui)|)lies. 

While  General  Burgoy  ne  was  pushing  on  towards 
Albany,  an  unsuccessf  ul  ailempt  to  relieve  him  was 
made  by  the  British  commander  in  New  York. 
For  this  purpose,  October  5ih,  Sir  Henry  ClintoQ 
conducted  an  expedition  up  Hudson's  river.  Thii 
consisted  of  about  3000  men,  and  was  accompanied 
by  a  suitable  naval  force.  After  making  many 
feints,  he  landed  at  Stony  Point,  marched  over 
the  mountains  to  fort  Montgomery,  and  attacked 
the  different  redoubts.  The  garrison,  commanded 
by  Governor  Clinton,  a  bgnve  and  intelligent  offi- 
cer, made  a  gallant  resistance  :  but  as  the  post  had 
been  designed  principally  to  prevent  the  passing  of 
ships,  the  works  on  the  land  side  w  ere  incom|)lete 
and  untenable.  When  it  began  to  grow  dark  oa 
the  (ith,  the  British  entered  the  fort  wiili  fixed 
bayonets.  The  loss  on  neither  side  was  great. 
Governor  Clinton,  General  James  Clinton,  and 
most  of  the  officers  and  men  eflected  their  escape 
under  cover  of  the  thick  smoke  and  darkness  that 
suddenly  prevailed. 

The  reduction  of  this  post  furnished  the  British 
with  an  opportunity  for  opening  a  passage  up  the 
North  river:  but  instead  of  pushing  forward  to 
Burgoyne's  encamjiment,  or  even  lo  Albanv.  they 
spent  several  days  in  laying  waste  the  adjacent 
country.  The  Americans  destroyed  fort  Consti- 
tution, and  also  set  fire  to  two  new  frigates,  and 
some  other  vessels.  General  Tryon  at  the  same 
lime  destroyed  a  settlement  called  Continental  \"il- 
lage,  which  contained  barracks  for  l.OOO  men,  be- 
sides many  stores.  Sir  James  Wallace  with  a  fly- 
ing stjuadron  of  light  frigates,  and  (Jeneial  Vaug- 
lian  wiih  a  detachment  of  land  forces,  continued 
on  and  near  the  river  Ihi  several  d-avs,  desolating 
the  country  near  its  margin,  (ieneral  Vauchanon 
the  ]3ili()ciober  so  completelyburned  Esopus.a  fine 
flourishing  village,  that  a  single  house  was  not  left 
standing,  though  on  his  approach,  the  Ameiicans 
had  left  ihe  town  without  making  any  resistance. 
Charity  would  lead  us  to  suppose  that  these  devas- 
tations were  designed  to  answer  military  purposes. 
Their  authors  might  have  hoped  to  divert  the  at- 
tention of  (ieneral  Gates,  and  thus  indirectlv  re- 
lieve (iei.eral  Burgoyne  ;  but  if  this  weie  intended, 
the  artifice  did  not  take  efl'ect. 

The  preseiTation  of  property  was  with  the 
Americans  only  a  secondary  object.  The  captur- 
ing of  Burgoyne  promised  such  imporlant  consc- 
(|uences,  that  they  would  not  sufl'er  any  oilier  con- 
sideration to  inlerfcre  with  it.  General  (Jates  did 
not  make  a  single  movement  that  lessened  the  |)ro- 
bability  of  effecting  his  grand  purpose.  He  wrote 
an  expostulary  letter  to  \'auglian.  pait  of  which 
was  in  the  following  terms ;  "  Is  it  thus  vour  king's 
generals  think  to  make  converts  to  llie  loval  cause  ? 
It  is  no  less  surprising  than  true,  that  the  measures 
they  adopt  to  seiTe  tlieir  master  have  a  (piite  con- 
trary effect.  Their  cruelty  establishes  the  glori- 
ous act  of  independence  upon  the  broad  basis  of 
the  rpsentment  of  the  people."  M'liether  policy 
or  revenge  led  to  this  devastation  of  projierty  is 
uncertain  ;  but  it  cannot  admit  of  a  doubt,  that  it 
was  far  from  being  the  most  effectual  method  of 
lelieving  Burgoyne. 

The  passage  of  the  North  river  was  made  so 
practicable  by  the  advantages  gained  on  the  '3th 
of  October,  that  Sir  Henry  Clinion.  with  his  whole 
force,  amounting  to  3000  men.  might  not  oiilv  have 
reached  Albany,  but  General  (Jates's  encampni'^nf. 
before  the  12tli.  the  day  till  which  Buigoviie  h  id 
agreed  to  wait  for  aid  from  .New  York.  While 
the  British  were  doing  mischief  to  itnliviihi  ils, 
without  serving  the  cause  of  their  roval  m.isier, 
they  might,  by  pushing  forward,  about  l.'^li  miles 
in  six  days,  have  brought  Gates's  armv  between 
two  fires,  at  least  twenty-four  lioui-s  before  Bur- 
goyne's necessity  comjielled  his  submission  to  ar 
tides  of  capitulation.  Why  ihev  neglericd  this 
()))porlunity  of  relieving  their  suffering  brethren, 
about  .')(>  miles  to  the  norlliwaiil  of  Albanv,  when 
they  were  only  about  100  miles  below  it,  has  nor 
er  yet  been  satisfactorily  explained 


U  N  r  T  E  D   S  T  A  T  E  S 


433 


(lilies  posted  1400  men  on  the  lieiglits  opposite  ' 
the  fords  of  Saiatogn,  and  2000  more  in  tlie  rear,  | 
'.o  prevent  a  retreat  to  fort  Edward,  and  1500  at; 
a  ford  liiglier  tip.  Burgoyne,  receiving  intelligence 
o(  lliese  movements,  concluded  that  Gates,  meant 
to  turn  his  rigiit.  This.,  if  effected,  would  have 
entirely  enclosed  him.  To  avoid  being  hemmed 
in.  he  resolved  on  an  immediate  retreat  to  Sarato- 
ga. His  liospital,  with  the  sick  and  wounded, 
were  necessarily  left  behind  ;  but  they  were  re- 
commended to  the  humanity  of  General  (iates,  and 
'eceived  from  him  every  indulgence  their  situation 
reipiired.  When  General  Burgoyne  arrived  at  Sa- 
raioiia,  he  found  that  the  Ameni,ans  had  posted  a 
30'isi<!erable  force  on  the  opposite  heights,  to  im- 
jiede  his  passage  at  that  ford. 

[iNIajor  General  Horatio  Gates,  a  major  gene- 
ral ill  the  army  of  the  United  Stales,  was  a  native 
of  England.  Jn  early  life  he  entered  the  British 
army,  and  laid  the  foundations  of  his  iLilme  military 
excellence.  He  was  aid  to  Gen.  Monkton  at  the 
capture  of  INIartinico  ;  and  after  the  peace  of  Aix 
la  L'happelle  he  was  among  the  first  troops,  which 
landed  at  Halifax  uixler  General  C'ornwailis.  He 
was  with  Braddock  at  ilie  time  of  his  defeat  in 
1G75  ;  and  was  shot  through  the  body.  When 
peace  was  concluded,  he  purchased  an  estate  in 
Virginia,  where  he  resided  until  the  commence- 
ment of  tlie  American  war  in  1775,  when  he  was 
a|)poiiiled  by  Congress  adjutant  general,  with  the 
rank  of  brigadier  general.  He  accompanied  Wash- 
ington to  Cambridge,  when  he  went  to  take  com- 
mand of  the  army  in  that  place.  In  June  1776 
Gates  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  army 
ofCanada.  He  was  superseded  by  Genet  al  Schuyler 
in  May  1777,  but  in  August  following  he  took  the 
place  of  the  officer  in  the  northern  de[)artmeiit. 
The  success,  which  attended  his  arms  to  the  cap- 
ture of  Burgoyne  in  October,  filled  America  with 
joy.  Congress  passed  a  vote  of  thanks  and  order- 
ed a  medal  of  gold  to  be  presented  to  liim  by  the 
president.  His  conduct  towards  his  conquered 
enemy  was  marked  by  a  delicacy,  which  does  him 
the  highest  honour.    He  did  not  permit  his  own 

I  troops  to  witness  the  mortification  of  the  British 
in  depositing  their  arms.  After  Gen.  Lincoln  was 
taken  prisoner,  he  was  appointed  June  13,  1780 
to  the  command  of  the  southern  department.  Aug. 
16,  he  was  defeated  by  Cornwallis  at  Camden. 
He  was  superseded  Dec.  3,  by  Gen.  Greene ; 
but  was  in  1782  restored  to  his  command. 

After  the  peace  he  retired  to  his  farm  in  Berkeley 
county,  Virginia,  wliere  he  remained  until  the  year 
1790,  when  he  went  to  reside  at  New  York,  hav- 
ing first  emancipated  his  slaves,  and  made  a  pe- 
cuniary provision  for  such  as  were  not  able  to  pro- 
vide for  themselves.  Some  of  them  would  not 
leave  him  but  continued  in  his  family.    On  his 

'  arrival  at  New  York  the  freedom  of  the  city  was 
presented  to  him.  In  1800  he  accepted  a  seat  in 
the  legislature,  but  he  retained  it  no  longer,  than 
he  conceived  his  services  might  be  useful  to  the 
cause  of  liberty,  which  he  never  abandoned.  His 
political  opinions  did  not  separate  him  from  many 
respectable  citizens,  whose  views  differed  widely 
from  his  own.  He  died  April  10,  180G,  aged  77. 
His  widow  died  Nov.  20,  1810.  A  few  weeks  be- 
fore his  death  he  wrote  to  his  friend.  Dr.  Mitchill, 
then  at  Washington,  on  some  business,  and  closed 
his  letter,  dated  Feb.  27,  1806,  with  the  following 
words: — "  I  am  very  weak,  and  have  evident  signs 
of  an  approaching  dissolution.  But  I  have  lived 
long  enough,  since  I  have  lived  to  see  a  mighty 
people  animated  with  a  spirit  to  be  free,  and  gov- 
erned by  transcendent  al)ilities  and  honour."  He 
retained  his  faculties  to  the  last.  He  rook  plea- 
suri^  in  professing  liis  attachment  to  religion  and 
his  firm  belief  in  the  doctrines  of  Christianity. 
The  will,  which  wasyiiade  not  long  before  his 
death,  exhibited  the  humility  ofhisi'aith.  In  an 
article,  dictated  by  himself  he  expressed  a  sense 
of  his  own  unworthiness,  and  his  reliance,  solely 
on  theinteniessionand  sutTerings  of  the  Redeemer. 
In  another  paragraph  he  directed,  that  his  body 
should  be  privately  buried,  which  was  accordingly 
done.    General  Gales  was  a  whig  in  England  aud 

29 


a  republican  in  America.  He  was  a  scholar,  well 
versed  in  history  and  the  Latin  classics.  While 
he  was  just  hospitable,  and  generous,  and  [)ossess- 
ed  a  feeling  heart,  his  manners  and  deportment 
yet  indicated  his  military  character. — 

Allen's  Biosr.  Die.'] 
To  prepare  the  way  for  a  retreat  to  lake  George, 
Burgoyne  ordered  a  detachment  of  artificers,  with 
a  strong  escort  of  British  and  provincials,  to  re- 
pair the  bridges,  and  open  the  road  leading  thither. 
Part  of  the  escort  was  withdrawn  on  other  duty; 
and  the  remainder,  on  a  slight  attack  of  an  incon- 
siderable party  of  Americans,  ran  away.  The 
workmen,  thus  left  witJiout  support,  were  unable 
to  effect  the  business  on  which  they  had  been  sent. 
The  only  ptacticable  route  of  retreat,  which  now 
remained,  was  by  a  night  march  to  fort  I'.dward. 
Before  this  attempt  could  be  made,  scouts  return- 
ed with  intelligence,  that  the  Americans  were  in- 
trenched opposite  to  those  fords  on  the  Hudson's 
river,  over  whicli  it  was  proposed  to  pass,  and 
tliat  they  were  also  in  force  on  the  high  ground 
between  fort  Edward  and  fort  George.  They  had 
at  the  same  time  parties  down  the  whole  shore, 
and  posts  so  near  as  to  observe  every  motion  of 
the  royal  army.  Their  ])osition  extended  nearly 
round  the  British,  and  was  by  the  nature  of  the 
ground  in  a  great  measure  secured  from  attacks. 
The  royal  army  could  not  stand  its  ground  where 
it  was,  from  the  want  of  the  means  necessary  for 
subsistence  ;  nor  could  it  advance  towards  Albany, 
without  attacking  a  force  greatly  superior  in  num- 
ber ;  nor  could  it  retreat  without  making  good  its 
way  over  a  river,  in  the  face  of  a  strong  party,  ad 
vantageously  posted  on  the  opposite  side.  In 
case  of  either  attempt,  the  Americans  wer";  so 
near  as  to  discover  every  movement ;  and  by  tneans 
of  their  bridge  could  bring  their  whole  force  to 
operate. 

Truly  distressing  was  the  condition  of  the  royal 
army.  Abandoned  in  the  most  critical  moment  by 
'heir  Indian  allies,  unsupported  by  their  brethren 
in  New  York,  weakened  by  the  timidity  and  de- 
sertion of  the  Canadians,  worn  down  by  a  series 
of  incessant  efforts,  and  greatly  reduced  in  their 
numbers  by  repeated  battles,  they  were  invested 
by  an  army  nearly  three  times  their  number,  with- 
out a  possibility  of  retreat,  or  of  replenishing  tlieir 
exhausted  stock  of  provisions.  A  continual  can- 
nonade pervaded  their  camp,  and  rifle  and  grape 
shot  fell  in  many  parts  of  their  lines.  They  ne- 
vertheless retained  a  great  share  of  fortitude. 

In  the  meantime,  the  American  army  was  hour- 
ly increasing.  Volunteers  came  in  from  all  quar- 
ters, eager  to  share  in  the  glory  of  destroying  or 
capturing  those  whom  they  considered  as  their 
most  dangerous  enemies.  Tlie  12th  of  October 
at  length  arrived.  The  day  was  spent  in  anxious 
ex|)ectation  of  its  producing  something  of  conse- 
quence. But  as  no  prospect  of  assistance  appear- 
ed, and  their  provisions  were  nearly  expended,  the 
hope  of  receiving  any,  in  due  time  for  their  relief, 
could  not  be  farther  indulged.  General  Burgoyne 
thought  proper  in  the  evening,  to  take  an  account 
of  the  provisions  left.  It  was  found  on  inquiry, 
that  they  would  amount  to  no  more  than  a  scanty 
subsistence  for  three  days.  In  this  state  of  dis- 
tress, a  council  of  war  was  called,  and  it  was  made 
so  general,  as  to  comprehend  both  the  field  officers 
and  the  captains.  Their  unanimous  opinion  was, 
that  their  present  situation  justified  a  capitulation 
on  honourable  terms.  A  messenger  was  there- 
fore despatched  to  begin  this  business.  General 
Gates  in  the  first  instance  demanded,  that  the  royal 
army  should  surrender  prisoners  of  war.  He  also 
proposed,  that  the  British  should  ground  their 
arms:  but  General  Burgoyne  replied,  "  This  arti- 
cle is  inadmissible  in  every  extremity ;  sooner 
ihaii  this  aiiny  will  consent  to  ground  their  arms 
in  their  encampment,  they  will  rush  on  the  enemy, 
determined  to  take  no  quarters." 

After  various  messages,  a  convention  was  set- 
tled, by  which  it  was  substantially  stipulated  as 
folloivs  :  "  The  troops  under  (Jcneral  Burgoyne,  to 
m  ircli  out  of  their  camp  with  the  honours  of  war, 
land  the  artillery  of  the  entrenchments  to  the  verge 


of  tiie  river,  where  the  arms  and  artillery  are  to  bo 
left.  The  arms  to  be  ))iled  by  word  of  command 
from  their  own  officers.  A  free  passage  to  be 
granted  to  the  army  under  Lieutenant  (Jeneral  Bur- 
goyne to  Great  Britain,  u|)on  condition  of  not 
serving  again  in  North  .\merica  during  the  pre- 
sent contest  ;  and  the  port  of  Boston  to  oe  assigned 
for  the  entry  of  the  transports  to  receive  the 
troops,  whenever  (Jeneral  Howe  shall  so  order. 
The  army  under  Lieutenant  (Jeneral  Burgoyne  to 
march  to  Massachusetts  Bay,  by  the  easiest  route, 
and  to  be  (piartered  in  or  near  to  Boston.  The 
troops  to  be  provided  with  provisions  by  (Jeneral 
(Jates's  orders,  at  the  same  rate  of  rations  as  the 
troops  of  his  own  army.  All  oflficers  to  retain 
their  carriages,  bat-horses,  and  no  baggage  to  be 
molested  or  searched.  The  officers  not  to  be 
separated  from  tlieir  men.  The  officers  to  be 
quartered  according  to  their  rank.  All  corps  what- 
ever of  Lieutenant  (Jeneral  Burgoyne's  army,  lo  be 
included  in  the  above  articles.  All  Canadians, 
and  i)ersons  belonging  to  the  Canadian  establisLi- 
meni,  and  oilier  fidlowers  of  the  army,  to  be  per- 
mitted to  return  to  Canada  ;  to  be  conducted  to 
the  first  British  post  on  lake  George  :  to  be  sup- 
[)lied  with  provisions  as  the  other  troops,  and  to  be 
bound  by  the  same  condition  of  not  serving  during 
the  present  contest.  Passports  to  be  granted  to 
three  officers,  to  carry  despaiches  to  Sir  William 
Howe,  Sir  (Juy  (Jarleton,  and  to  Great  Britain. 
The  officers  to  l)e  admitted  on  their  parole,  and  to 
be  permitted  to  wear  their  side  arms." 

Such  were  the  embarrassments  of  the  royal  ar- 
my, incapable  of  subsisting  where  it  was,  or  of 
making  its  way  to  a  better  situation,  that  these 
terms  were  rather  more  favourable  than  they  had 
a  right  to  ex[)ect.  On  the  other  hand,  it  woulil  not 
have  been  prudent  for  the  .'American  general  at  the 
head  of  an  army,  which,  thousih  numerous,  con- 
sisted mostly  of  militia  or  new  levies,  to  have  pro- 
voked the  despair  of  even  an  inferior  number  of 
brave,  disciplined,  regular  troofis.  (Jeneral  (Jates 
rightly  judged,  that  the  best  way  to  secure  his  ad- 
vantages was  to  use  them  with  moderation.  Soon 
after  the  convention  was  signed,  the  Americans 
marched  into  their  lines,  and  were  kept  there  till 
the  i-oyal  army  had  deposited  their  arms  at  the 
place  appointed.  Thu  delicacy,  with  which  this 
business  was  conducted,  reflecled  honour  on  the 
/vmerican  general.  Nor  did  the  politeness  of 
Gales  end  here.  Every  circumstance  was  with- 
held, that  could  constitute  a  triumph  in  the  Ameri- 
can army.  The  captive  general  was  received  by 
his  conqueror  with  respect  and  kindness.  A  num- 
ber of  the  principal  officers,  of  both  armies,  met 
at  General  Gates's  quarters,  and  for  a  w  hile  seem- 
ed to  forget,  in  social  and  convivial  pleasures,  that 
they  had  been  enemies.  The  conduct  of  General 
Burgoyne  in  this  interview  with  (Jeneral  Gates 
was  truly  dignified  :  and  the  historian  is  at  a  loss 
whether  to  admire  most,  the  magnanimity  of  the 
victoiious,  or  the  fortitude  of  the  vanquislied 
general. 

The  British  troops  partook  liberally  of  the  plenty 
that  reigned  in  the  American  army.  It  was  the 
more  acceptable  to  them,  as  they  were  destitute  ol 
bread  and  flour,  and  had  only  as  much  meat  left, 
as  was  sufficient  for  a  day's  subsistence. 

By  the  convention  which  has  been  mentioned, 
579(3  men  were  surrendered  prisoners.  'I'he  sick 
and  wounded  left  in  camp,  when  the  British  re- 
treated to  Saratoga,  together  with  the  numbers  ol 
the  British,  (Jerman  and  Canadian  troops,  who 
were  killed,  wounded  or  taken,  and  who  had  desert- 
ed in  the  preceding  part  of  the  exjiediiion,  were 
reckoned  to  be  4GS9.  The  whole  royal  force,  ex- 
clusive of  Indians,  was  probably  about  10.000. — 
The  stores,  whicli  the  Americans  acquired,  wer« 
considerable.  'J'he  captured  artillery  consisted, (»l 
3.)  brass  field  pieces.  There  were  also4(i.57  mus- 
kets, and  a  variety  of  other  useful  and  much  vpani- 
ed  articles,  which  fell  into  their  hands.  'J'hc  con- 
tinentals in  (ieneral  (Jates's  army  were  nine  thou- 
sand and  ninety-three,  the  militia  four  thousand  one 
luindred  and  twenty-nine  ;  hut  of  the  former  two 
thousand  one  hundied  and  thiecwere  sick,  or  on 


451 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


furlough,  and  live  liundred  and  sixly-two  of  the 
laiier  were  in  ilie  same  situation.  The  number  of 
•be  mililui  was  cimslaiitly  lluctuating. 

Tiie  general  exullalion  of  ihe  Americans, on  re- 
toiving  Ihe  agreeable  iiiielligence  of  tlie  convention 
of  Saratoga,  disarmed  them  of  much  of  their  re- 
sentment. The  hurningsand  devastations  whicli 
had  taken  place  were  sufficient  to  have  inflamed 
their  minds:  but  private  feelings  were  in  a  great 
measure  absorbed  by  the  consideration  ol  the  many 
advantages,  which  the  capture  of3o  large  an  army 
promised  to  the  new-formed  states. 

In  a  short  time  after  the  convention  was  signed, 
(Jeiieral  (iates  moved  I'orward  to  stop  the  devasta- 
tions of  the  Hriiisli  on  the  North  river  ;  but  on 
heaimg  of  the  fate  of  Burgoyne,  Vauehan  and 
Wallace,  retired  to  New  York. 

About  the  same  time,  the  British,  who  bad  been 
left  in  the  rear  of  the  royal  army,  destroyed  their 
cannon,  and,  abandoning 'i'iconderoga,  retreated  to 
Canada.  The  whole  country,  after  experiencing 
for  several  months,  the  confusions  of  war,  was  in  a 
moment  restored  to  peifect  traiKjuility. 

'Jreat  was  the  grief  and  dejection  of  Britain,  on 
receiving  the  intelligence  of  the  late  of  Burgoyne. 
The  expedition  committed  to  him  had  been  under- 
taken w  ith  the  most  conlident  hopes  of  success. 
'rh".  (piality  ol  the  troops  he  commanded  was  such, 
that  froi|i  their  bravery,  directed  by  his  zeal,  ta- 
lents and  courage  it  was  presumed  that  all  the 
uorthetn  parts  of  the  United  .States  would  be  sub- 
dued befoie  the  end  of  the  campaign.  The  good 
fortune,  which  for  some  time  followed  him,  justi- 
fied these  expectations;  but  the  catastrophe  proved 
the  lolly  of  planning  distant  expeditions,  and  of 
projecting  remote  coiKjuests. 

The  consequences  of  these  great  events  vibrated 
round  the  world.  The  capture  of  Burgoyne  was 
Ihe  hinge  on  which  the  revolution  turned.  While 
it  encouraged  the  |)erseverance  of  the  Americans, 
by  well-grounded  hopes  of  final  success,  it  increa- 
sed the  embarrassment  of  that  ministry,  which  had 
so  inellectually  laboured  to  compel  their  submis- 
sion. Opposition  to  their  measures  gathered  new 
strength,  and  lormed  a  stumbling  block  in  the  road 
to  coiKjuest.  This  [ircveiited  (ireal  Britain  from 
acting  with  that  collected  force,  which  an  union  of 
sentiments  and  council!)  would  liave  enabled  her  to 
exert.  Hitherto  the  best  informed  Americans  had 
doubts  of  success  in  establishing  tlieir  independ- 
ence :  but  henceforward  their  language  was:  "That 
whatever  might  be  the  event  of  their  present  strug- 
gle, they  were  forever  lost  to  Great  ISritain."  Nor 
were  they  deceived.  The  eclat  of  capturing  a  large 
army,  of  liritish  and  (ierman  regular  troops,  soon 
procured  them  powerful  friends  in  Europe. 

Imiuediatcly  after  the  surrender,  15urgoyne's 
troops  were  marched  to  the  vicinity  of  Boston. 
On  their  arrival,  they  were  quartered  in  the  bar- 
racks on  Winter  and  I'rospect  hills.  The  gene- 
ral court  of  Massachusetts  passed  proper  resolu- 
tions for  procuring  suitable  accommodations  for 
the  prisoners  ;  l)ut  from  the  general  unwillingness 
of  the  people  to  oblige  them,  and  from  the  feeble- 
ness of  that  authtn  ity  which  the  republican  ruleis 
liad  at  that  time  over  the  property  of  their  fellow 
citi/.cns,  it  was  impossible  to  provide  immediatelv 
for  so  large  a  number  of  olliccrs  and  soldiers,  in 
such  a  manner  as  their  convenience  ie(|iiired,  or 
as  from  the  articles  of  convention  they  might 
reasonably  expect.  The  officers  remonstrated  to 
(ieiieral  Burgoyne,  that  six  or  seven  ol  them  weie 
crowded  logethci  in  one  room,  w  ithout  any  regard 
to  their  respective  ranks,  in  violation  of  the  seventh 
article  of  the  convtMitiou.  Burgoyne,  on  the  14th 
of  November,  for.varded  this  account  to  dates, 
and  added,  "  the  public  fiith  is  broken."  This 
letter,  being  laid  before  (Jongress,  gave  an  alarm. 
It  corroborated  an  apprehension,  previously  enter- 
tained, that  the  captured  troops,  on  their  embar- 
caticm,  would  make  a  junction  with  the  British 
garrisons  in  America.  The  tieclaralion  of  the 
general,  that  "the  public  faith  was  broken,"  while 
ill  the  power  of  ("ongrcss,  was  considered  by  them 
as  destroying  the  security  which  they  before  had  in 
hij  peniHijI  honour;  tor  iu  every  event  he  might 


adduce  his  previous  notice  to  justify  his  future  con- 
duct. They  therefore  resolve<l  ;  "That  the  em- 
barcation  of  Lieutenant  General  Burgoyne,  and  the 
troops  under  his  command,  be  postponed,  till  a  dis- 
tinct and  explicit  ratification  of  the  convention  of 
Saratoga  bepioperly  notified  by  the  court  of  Great 
iiritain  to  Congress." 

Burgoyne  cx()lained  the  intention  and  construc- 
tion of  the  passage  objected  to  in  his  letter,  and 
pledged  himself,  that  his  officers  would  join  with 
iiim  in  sigiiingany  instrument  that  miaht  bethought 
necessary  for  confirming  the  convention  ;  but  ("on- 
giess  w(>uld  no  recede  from  theii  resolution.  They 
alleged,  lhat  t  had  been  of'.en  asserted  by  their  ad- 
versaries, that  faith  was  not  to  be  kept  with  rebels;' 
and  that  therefore  they  would  be  deficient  in  atten- 
tion to  the  interests  of  their  constituents,  if  they 
did  not  require  an  authentic  ratification  of  the  con- 
vention by  national  authority,  before  they  parted 
with  tlie  captured  troops.  They  urged  farther,  that 
by  the  law  of  nations,  a  compact,  broken  in  one  ar- 
ticle, was  no  longer  binding  in  any  other.  They 
made  a  distinction  between  the  suspension  and  ab- 
rogation of  the  convention,  and  alleged,  that  ground 
to  suspect  ;m  intention  to  violate  it  was  a  justifying 
reason  for  suspending  its  execution  on  their  part, 
till  it  was  i)ro|)erly  ratified.  The  desired  ratifica- 
tion, iftireat  Britain  was  seriously  dis|)osed  to  that 
measure, might  have  been  obtained  in  a  few  months, 
and  Congiess  uniformly  declared  themselves  will- 
ing to  carry  it  into  full  effect,  as  soon  as  they  were 
secured  of  its  observance,  by  proper  authority  on 
the  other  side. 

About  eight  months  afterwards,  certain  royal 
commissioners,  whose  official  functions  shall  be 
herealier  explained,  made  a  requisition  respecting 
these  troops;  offered  to  ratify  the  convention  ;  and 
required  permission  for  their  embarcalion  On 
inquiry  it  was  found,  that  they  had  vin  authority  to 
do  .my  thing  in  the  matter,  which  would  be  obli- 
gatory on  Great  Britain.  Congress  therefore  re- 
solved, "  that  no  ratification  of  the  conveniion, 
which  may  be  tendered  inconsequence  of  poweis. 
which  only  reach  that  case  by  construction  and 
implication,  or  which  may  subject  whatever  is 
transacted  relative  to  it,  to  the  future  approbation 
or  disapprobation  of  the  parliament  of  Great  Bri- 
tain, cun  be  acce|)ted  by  Congress." 

Till  the  capture  of  Burgoyne,  the  powers  of 
Europe  were  only  spectators  of  the  war,  between 
Great  Britain  and  her  late  colonies,  but,  soon  after 
that  event,  they  were  drawn  in  to  be  i)arties.  In 
every  peiiod  of  the  controversy,  the  claims  of  the 
Americans  were  i)ationized  by  sumiry  respectable 
foreigners.  The  letters,  addresses,  and  other  pub- 
lic acts  of  Congiess  were  admired  by  many  who 
had  no  personal  interest  in  the  contest.  Liberty 
is  so  evidently  the  undoubted  right  of  mankind, 
that  even  they  who  never  possessed  it,  feel  the 
propriety  of  contending  for  it;  and  whenever  a 
people  take  up  arms,  either  to  (iefen<l  or  to  recover 
it,  they  are  sure  of  meeting  with  encouragement 
or  good  wishes  from  the  friends  of  humanity  in 
every  part  of  the  v/orld. 

From  the  operation  of  these  principles,  the 
Americans  had  the  esteem  and  good  wishes  of 
multitudes  in  all  parts  of  Europe.  They  were  re- 
puted to  be  ill  tised,  and  were  represented  as 
a  resolute  and  brave  |)eople,  detei  mined  to  re- 
sist oppression.  Being  both  pitied  and  ap- 
plauded, generous  and  sympathetic  sentiments 
were  excited  in  tiieir  favour.  These  circum- 
stances would  have  operated  in  every  case;  but 
in  the  present,  the  cause  of  the  Americans  was 
patronised  from  additional  motives.  An  universal 
jealousy  prevailed  against  (ireat  Britain.  Iler 
navy  had  long  tyrannised  over  the  nations  of  Eu- 
lope,  and  demanded,  as  a  matter  of  right,  that  the 
ships  of  all  other  powers  should  strike  their  sails 
to  her  as  mistress  of  the  ocean.  From  her  eager- 
ness to  prevent  supplies  going  to  her  rebellious 
C(doiiists,  as  she  called  the  Americans,  the  vessels 
of  foreign  powers  had  for  some  time  past  been 
subjecteil  to  searches  and  other  interruptions, 
when  steering  towards  ;\meriea,  in  a  manner  that 
could  not  but  be  inip.tticiiily  borne  by  iii  lependuui 


nations 
on 


ons.  That  pride  and  insolence  which  brought 
_-.  the  American  war,  had  loi.g  disgusted  hei 
neighbours,  and  made  theni  rejoice  at  her  luisfor- 
tunes,  and  especially  at  the  prosj;ect  of  dismeiii 
bering  her  overgrown  empire. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

The  Alliance  between    France    and    the    United  Stairs. 
Tlie  Campaign  of  1778. 

Soo.v  after  intelligence  of  the  capture  of  Rur- 
goyne's  army  reached  Europe,  the  court  of  Franco 
concluded  at  Paris,  treaties  of  alliance  and  com- 
merce with  the  United  States.  The  circumstan- 
ces, which  led  to  this  great  event,  deserve  to  be 
particularly  unfolded.  The  colonists  having  taken 
up  arms,  uninlluenced  by  the  enemies  of  Great 
Jiritain,  conducted  their  op|)osition  for  several 
montlis  after  they  liad  raised  troops,  and  emitted 
money,  without  any  reference  to  foreign  powers. 
They  knew  it  to  be  the  interest  of  Europe,  to  pro- 
mote a  se|)aiaiion  between  Great  Britain  and  hei 
colonies;  but  as  they  began  the  contest  with  no 
other  view  than  to  obtain  a  redress  of  grievances, 
they  neither  wished,  in  the  first  period  of  theii  oppo- 
sition to  involve  (ireat  Britain  in  a  war,  nor  to  pro- 
cure aid  to  themselves  by  paving  court  to  her 
enemies.  The  policy  of  tireat  liritaiii,  in  attempt-  • 
ing  to  deprive  the  .Americans  of  arms,  was  the  first 
event  which  made  it  necessary  lor  tiieiii  to  seek 
Ibieign  connexions.  At  the  time  she  was  urging 
military  preparations  to  compel  their  s.ibmissioii, 
she  forbade  the  exportation  of  arms,  and  solicited 
the  coiiimocial  powers  of  Europe  to  co-operate 
with  her  by  adopting  a  similar  prohibition.  To 
frustrate  the  views  of  (ireat  Britain,  Congress,  he- 
sides  recommending  the  domestic  manufacture  ol 
the  materials  for  military  stores,  appointed  a  se- 
cret committee,  with  powers  to  piocure  on  their 
account  arms  and  ammunition,  and  also  employed 
airents  in  foreign  countries  (or  the  same  purpose 
The  evident  advantage,  which  France  might  de 
rive  from  the  continuance  of' the  disp  ts  niid  the 
countenance  which  individuals  of  that  coun>rv  daily 
gave  to  the  Americans,  encouraged  Congr^-s*  to 
I  send  a  political  and  commercial  agent  to  that  ning- 
dou),  with  instructions  to  solicit  its  friendship,  and 
to  procure  military  stores.  Silas  Deane,  being 
choser.  lor  this  purpose,  sailed  for  France  early  in 
177G,  and  was  soon  after  his  arrival  at  Paris  in- 
structed to  sound  Count  de  \'ergennes,  the  French 
minister  for  fiireign  affairs,  on  the  subject  of  the 
.\merican  controversy.  .\s  the  public  mind,  for 
reast)ns  which  have  been  mentioned  closed  against 
Great  Hritain,  it  opened  towards  other  nations. 

On  the  11th  of . I  une.  Congiess  appointed  a  com 
mittee,  to  ])repare  a  plan  of  a  treaty  to  tie  piops 
sed  to  lorcisin  poweis.  The  discussion  ol'tliis  no 
vel  subject  engaged  their  altemion  till  the  lalte 
end  of  Si'ptember.  While  Congress  was  deliliera 
ting  thereon,  >Ir.  Deane  w,is  soliciting  a  supply  o, 
arms,  amiiuinit''<n,  and  soldier's  clothing  fi>rtliei. 
service  a  sufficiencv  fi)r  lading  three  vessels  wao 
soon  procured.  What  agency  the  govermiient  ol 
France  had  in  furnishing  those  supplit^s.  or  whether 
they  were  sold,  or  given  as  presents,  are  (pieslions 
which  have  often  been  asked,  but  not  satisl.irioi.ly 
answered  ;  ("or  the  b-.isiness  was  so  conilui't:-d  thai 
the  transaction  might  be  made  to  assume  a  variety 
of  complexions,  as  circumstances  might  render  ex- 
pedient. 

It  was  most  evidently  tlie  interest  of  France  to 
encourage  the  Americans,  in  their  opposition  to 
(ireat  Britain;  and  it  was  true  policv  to  do  this  by 
degrees,  and  in  a  private  iinnner,  lest  (Jreat  Brit- 
ain might  take  the  alarm.  Individuals  are  some- 
limes  iiilliienced  by  considerations  of  friendship 
anil  generosity  ;  but  interest  is  the  pole  star  by 
which  nations  are  universally  governed.  It  is  oer 
tain  that  (ireat  Britain  was  amused  with  declara 
lions  of  the  most  pacific  dispositions  on  the  part  of 
France,  :il  the  lime  the  Ameiicaiis  were  liberally 
supplied  with  the  means  of  cVfeiice  ;  and  it  is 
equa  ly  certain,  that  this  was  the  true  line  of  policy 


UNITED  STATES. 


435 


for  |)f(>m()tmg  lliat  (iisriieinherineiu  of  the  Britisli 
eiii|iiie,  wliich  Fniiice  had  an  interest  iii  accoiii- 
piisliiiif;. 

C'jii^rcss  knew,  that  a  diniinutioii  of  the  over- 
gro\'n  |)owero(' JiritajD,  could  not  but  be  (lesiral)le 
to  Kiaiice.  Sore  with  the  loss  ol' her  [lossessioiis 
01)  tlie  continent  ol  JMortli  America,  l)y  the  peace 
oC  Paris  in  ITG.'i,  and  also  by  tlie  capture  of  many 
thousands  of  her  sailors  in  1753,  atiit  cedent  to  a 
declaration  ol' war,  she  must  have  been  something 
more  than  liiiman,  not  to  have  rejoiced  at  an  oppor- 
tunity of  depressing  an  ancient  and  formidable  ri- 
val. J5esidesthe  increasing  naval  superiority  of 
Great  Britain,  her  vast  resources,  not  only  in  her 
ancient  <lominions,  but  in  colonies  growing  daily 
in  numbers  and  wealth,  added  to  the  haughtiness 
of  her  (lag.  made  her  tlie  object  both  of  terror  and 
envy.  It  was  the  interest  ot  Congress  to  apply  to 
the  court  of  France,  and  it  was  the  interest  of 
France  to  listen  to  their  application. 

Congress,  having  agreed  on  the  plan  of  the  trea- 
ty, which  they  intended  to  propose  to  hi?  Most 
Christian  Majesty  proceeded  to  elect  commission- 
ers to  solicit  its  acce|)tance.  Dr.  FranUlin,  Silas 
Deane,  and  Thomas  Jefferson  were  chosen.  The 
latter  declining  to  serve,  Arthur  Lee,  who  was  then 
in  London,  and  had  been  serviceable  to  his  coun- 
try, in  a  variety  of  ways,  was  elected  in  his  room. 
It  was  resolved,  that  no  member  should  be  at  lib- 
erty to  divulge  any  thing  more  of  these  transac- 
tions than  "  that  Congress  had  taken  such  steps  as 
they  judged  necessary  for  obtaining  foreign  allian- 
ces." The  secret  committee  were  directed  to 
make  an  effectual  lodgement  in  France,  of  ten 
thousand  pounds  sterling,  subject  to  the  order  o( 
these  commissioners.  Dr,  Ftanklin,  who  was 
employed  as  agent  in  the  business,  and  afterwards 
as  minister  plenipotentiary  at  the  court  of  France, 
was  in  possession  of  a  greater  jjroportion  of  foreign 
"anie,  than  any  other  native  of  America.  By  the 
dint  of  superior  abilities,  and  with  but  few  advanta  - 
ges in  early  life,  he  had  attained  the  higjiest  emi- 
nence among  men  of  learning,  and  in  many  instan- 
ces extended  the  empire  of  science.  His  genius 
was  vast  and  tomprehensive,  and  with  equal  ease 
tnvestiirated  the  mysteries  of  philosophy,  and  the 
l&liyriuthb  ot  politics.  His  fame  as  a  philosopher 
Lad  reached  as  far  as  human  nature  is  |)olishetl  or 
refined.  His  philanthropy  knew  no  bounds.  The 
prosperity  and  happiness  of  the  human  race  were 
objects  which  at  all  times  had  attracted  his  atten- 
tion. Disgusted  with  Great  Britain,  and  glowing 
with  the  most  ardent  love  for  the  liberties  of  his 
oppressed  native  country,  he  left  London,  where 
he  had  resided  some  years  in  the  character  of  agent 
for  several  of  the  colonies,  early  in  177o  ;  returned 
to  Philadelphia;  and  immediately  alterwards  w.as 
elected  by  the  legislature  of  Pennsylvania,  a  mem- 
ber ofCongress.  After  his  appointment,  to  solicit 
the  interests  of  the  United  States  in  France,  he 
Bailed  for  that  country  on  the  27th  of  October, 
177G.  He  was  no  sooner  landed,  13th  of  DeciMii- 
ber.  than  universally  caressed.  Ills  fame  ha<l 
smoothed  the  way  for  his  reception  in  a  public 
character. 

[Be.n  jAMi.N  Fra>klin,  a  philosopher  and  states- 
man, was  born  in  Boston,  Massachusetts,  Jaiuiary 
17,  1706.  His  father,  who  was  a  native  of  Eng- 
land, was  a  soap-boiler  and  tallow-chandler  in  that 
town.  At  the  age  of  eight  years,  he  was  sent  to  a 
pratnmar  school,  but  at  the  age  of  ten.  his  father 
lequired  his  services  to  assist  him  in  his  business. 
Two  years  afterwards,  he  was  bound  an  apprentice 
to  his  brother,  who  was  a  printer.  In  this  employ- 
ment he  made  great  proficiency,  and  having  a 
taste  for  books,  he  devoted  much  of  his  leisure 
time  to  reading.  So  eager  was  he  in  the  pursuit 
of  knowledge,  that  he  frequently  passed  the  greater 
part  of  the  night  in  his  studies.  He  became  ex- 
pert in  the  Socratic  mode  of  reasoning  by  asking 
questions,  and  thus  he  sometimes  embarrassed  per- 
sons of  understanding  superior  to  his  own.  In 
1721,  his  brother  began  to  jjrint  the  New  England 
Courant,  which  was  the  third  newspaper  pii!)lished 
111  America.  The  two  preceding  |)aperswere  the 
Bosi'ju  News  Letter  and  Boston  Gazette.  Young 


l''ianUlin  wrote  a  number  o(  essays  Ibr  the  Courant 
winch  were  so  well  received,  as  to  encourage  him< 
to  continue  his  literary  labours.  To  improve  his 
style,  he  resolved  to  imitate  Addison's  Specta- 
tor. The  method  which  he  took,  was  to  make  a 
summary  of  a  jjaper,  after  he  had  read  it,  and  in  a 
few  days,  when  he  had  forgotten  the  expressions 
of  the  author,  to  endeavour  to  restore  it  to  its  ori- 
ginal form.  By  this  means  he  was  taught  his  er- 
rors, and  perceived  the  necessity  of  being  more 
I'ully  acquainted  with  the  synonimous  words  of  the 
language.  He  was  much  assisted  also  in  acquiring 
a  (acility  and  variety  of  expression  by  writing  po- 
etry . 

At  this  early  period  the  perusal  of  Shaftsbury 
and  Collins  made  him  completely  a  sceptic, 
and  he  was  fond  of  disputing  upon  the  subject  of 
religion.  This  circustance  caused  him  to  be  re- 
gardeil  by  pious  men  with  abhonence  ;  and  on  this 
account,  as  well  as  on  account  of  the  ill-treatment 
which  he  received  from  his  brother,  he  determined 
to  leave  Boston.  His  departure  was  facilitated 
by  the  possession  of  his  indenture,  which  his  bro- 
ther had  given  him  about  the  year  1723,  not  from 
Iriendship,  but  because  the  general  court  had  pro- 
hibited him  fiom  publishing  the  New  England 
Courant.  and  in  order  that  it  might  be  conducted 
nniler  the  name  of  Benjamin  Franklin.  He  private- 
ly went  on  board  a  sloop,  and  soon  arrived  at  New 
York.  Finding  no  employment  here,  he  pursued 
his  way  to  Philadelphia,  and  entered  the  city  with- 
out a  friend,  and  with  only  a  dollar  in  his  pocket. 
Purchasing  some  rolls  at  a  baker's  shop,  he  put 
one  tinder  each  arm,  and  eating  a  third,  walked 
through  several  streets  in  search  of  a  lodging. 
Tliere  were  at  tliis  time  two  printers  in  Philadel- 
phia, Mr.  Andrew  Bradford,  and  Mr.  Keimer,  by 
the  latter  of  whom  he  was  employed.  Sir  William 
Keith,  the  governor,  having  been  informed  that 
Franklin  was  a  young  man  of  proinisi.ig  talents, 
invited  him  to  his  house,  and  treated  him  in  the 
most  friendly  manner.  He  advised  him  to  enter 
into  business  for  himself,  and,  to  accomplish  this 
object,  to  make  a  visit  to  London,  in  order  that  he 
might  purchase  the  necessary  articles  for  a  print- 
ing office,  lleceiving  the  promise  of  assistance. 
Franklin  prepared  himself  for  the  voyage,  and  on 
a|)plying  lor  letters  of  recommendation,  previously 
to  sailing,  he  was  told,  that  they  would  be  sent  on 
board.  When  the  letter  bag  was  opened,  there 
was  no  packet  for  Franklin  ;  and  he  now  discover- 
ed, that  the  governor  was  one  of  those  men,  who 
love  to  oblige  every  body,  and  who  substitute  the 
most  liberal  professions  and  offers  in  the  place 
of  active,  substantial  kindness.  Arriving  in  Lon- 
don in  1724,  he  was  obliged  to  seek  employment 
as  a  journeyman  printer.  He  lived  so  economically, 
that  he  saved  a  great  part  of  his  wages.  Instead 
ofdiinking  six  pints  of  beer  in  a  day,  like  some  of 
his  fellow  labourers,  he  drank  only  water,  and  he 
persuaded  some  of  them  to  renounce  the  extrava- 
gance of  eating  bread  and  cheese  for  breakfast, 
and  to  procure  a  cheap  soup.  As  his  principles 
at  this  time  were  very  loose,  his  zeal  to  enlighten 
the  world  induced  him  to  publish  his  dissertation 
on  liberty  and  necessity, in  which  he  contended  that 
virtue  and  vice  were  nothing  more  than  vain  dis- 
tinctions. This  work  procured  liimthe  acquaint- 
ance of  Mandeville,  and  others  of  the  licentious 
class. 

He  returned  to  Philadelphia  in  October,  1726, 
as  a  clerk  to  Mr.  Denham,  a  merchant,  but  the 
death  of  that  gentleman  in  the  following  year,  in- 
duced hiin  to  return  to  Mr.  Keimer,  in  the  capa- 
city of  foreman  in  his  office.  He  was  very  useful 
to  his  employer,  for  he  gave  him  assistance  as  a 
letter  founder.  He  engraved  various  ornaments, 
and  made  printer's  ink.  He  soon  began  business 
in  paitnership  with  Mr.  Meredith,  but  in  1729,  he 
dissolved  the  connexion  with  him.  Having  pur- 
chased of  Keimer  a  paper,  which  had  been  con- 
ducted in  a  wretched  manner,  he  now  conducted 
it  ill  a  style  which  attracted  much  attention.  At 
this  time,  though  destitute  of  those  religious  prin- 
ciples,  which  give  stability  and  elevation  to  virtue 
he  yet  bad  disccrnmeut  enough  to  be  convinced, 


that  truth,  |)robity,  and  sincerity,  would  [)roinote 
his  interest,  and  be  useful  to  him  in  the  world,  and 
he  resolved  to  respect  them  in  his  conduct  •  The 
expenses  of  his  establishment  in  business,  riolwith 
standing  his  industry  and  economy,  brought  him 
into  embarrassments,  from  which  he  was  relieved 
by  the  generous  assistance  of  William  Coleman 
and  llobert  (irace.  In  addition  to  his  other  em- 
ployments, he  now  opened  a  small  stationer's 
shop.  But  the  claims  of  business  did  not  extin- 
guish his  taste  for  literature  and  science.  He 
formed  a  club,  which  he  called  "The  Junto," 
composed  of  the  most  intelligent  of  his  acquain- 
tance. Questions  of  morality,  politics,  philoso- 
phy, were  discussed  every  Friday  evening,  and 
the  institution  was  continued  almost  forty  years. 
As  books  were  frequently  quoted  in  the  club,  and 
as  the  members  had  brought  their  books  togethei 
lor  mutual  advantage,  he  was  led  to  form  the  plan 
of  a  public  library,  which  was  carried  into  etfect 
in  1731,  and  became  the  foundation  of  that  noble 
institution,  the  present  library  company  of  Phila- 
del|)hia.  In  1732,  he  began  to  publish  Poor  Rich- 
ard's Almanac,  which  was  enriched  with  maxims 
of  frugality,  temperance,  industry,  and  integrity. 
So  great  was  its  reputation,  that  he  sold  ten  thou- 
sand annually,  and  it  was  continued  by  him  about 
twenty-five  years.  The  maxims  were  collecte.'* 
in  the  last  almanac  in  the  form  of  an  address  call 
ed  the  Way  to  Wealth,  which  has  appeared  in  vj 
rious  publications.  In  1736,  he  was  appointed 
clerk  of  the  general  assetribly  of  Pennsylvania,  and 
in  1737,  postmaster  of  Philadel|)hia.  The  first  fire 
company  was  formed  by  him  in  1738.  When  the 
frontier  of  Pennsylvania  were  endangered  in  1744, 
and  an  ineffectual  attempt  was  made  to  procure  a 
militia  law,  he  proposed  a  voluntary  association 
for  the  defence  of  the  province,  anil  in  a  short 
time  obtained  ten  thousand  names.  In  1747,  he 
was  chosen  a  member  of  the  assembly,  and  con- 
tinued in  this  station  ten  years.  In  all  important 
discussions,  his  presence  was  considered  as  indis- 
pensable. He  seldom  spoke,  and  never  exhibited 
any  oratory  ;  but  by  a  single  observation  he  some- 
times determined  the  fate  of  a  question.  In  the 
long  controversies  with  the  proprietaries  or  their 
governors,  he  took  the  most  active  ])art,  and  dis- 
played a  firm  spirit  of  liberty. 

He  was  now  engaged  for  a  number  of  years  in  a 
course  of  electrical  experiments,  of  which  he  pub- 
lished an  account.  His  great  discovery  was  the 
identity  of  the  electric  fluid  and  lightniiiir.  This 
discovery  he  made  in  the  summer  of  17>>2.  To 
the  upright  stick  of  a  kite,  he  attached  an  iron 
point ;  the  string  was  of  hemp,  excepting  the  part 
which  he  held  in  his  hand,  which  was  of  silk  ; 
and  a  key  was  fastened  where  the  hempen  string 
terminated.  With  this  apparatus,  on  the  ap|)roach 
of  a  thunder  storm,  he  raised  his  kite.  .\  cloud 
passed  over  it,  and  no  signs  of  electricity  appear- 
ing, he  began  to  despair;  but  observing  the  loose 
fibres  of  his  string  to  move  suddenly  toward  an 
erect  position,  he  presented  his  knuckle  to  the  key. 
and  received  a  strong  spark.  The  success  of  this 
experiment  completely  established  his  theory.  The 
practical  use  of  this  discovery  in  securing  houses 
from  lightning  by  pointed  conductors,  is  well  known 
in  America  and  Europe.  In  17o3,  he  was  ap- 
pointed deputy  postmaster  general  of  the  British 
colonies,  and  in  the  same  year,  the  academy  of 
Philadelphia,  projected  by  him.  was  establislied. 
In  1754,  he  was  one  of  the  commissioners,  who  at- 
tended the  congress  at  Albany,  to  devise  ilie  best 
meansofdefending  the  country  against  the  French. 
He  drew  up  a  i)lan  of  union  for  defence  and  gene- 
ral governinent,  which  was  adopted  by  the  con- 
gress. It  was  however  rejected  by  tlie  hoard  of 
trade  in  England,  because  it  gave  too  much  power 
to  the  representatives  of  the  people  :  and  it  was  re- 
jected by  the  assemblies  of  the  colonies,  because 
it  gave  too  much  power  to  the  president  getieral. 
After  the  defeat  of  Braddock  he  was  appointed 
colonel  of  a  regiment,  and  he  repaired  to  the  ftoin- 
tiers,  and  built  a  fort. 

Higher  employments,  however,  at  length  called 
him  from  his  country,  which  he  was  destined  to 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


serve  imire  etiV>c(ually  as  ils  agent  in  England, 
wliillier  he  was  sent  in  1757.  The  stamp  act,  by 
rt  lMcii  ilic  British  ministry  wished  to  lamiliarize 
the  Americans  to  |)ay  taxes  to  the  mother  coun- 
irv.  revived  that  love  ol"  liberty  wiiicli  had  led 
tlieir  lorelathers  to  a  country  at  that  time  a  de- 
sert ;  and  the  colonies  formed  a  Congress,  the  first 
idea  of  which  had  been  comiminicaled  to  them  by 
Dr.  Franklin,  at  the  conlerences  at  Albany,  in 
17.'}1.  The  war  that  was  just  terminated,  and  the 
excilions  made  by  them  to  support  it,  had  given 
them  a  conviction  of  their  strcncth  ;  they  opposed 
this  measure,  and  the  minister  gave  way,  but  he 
reserved  the  means  of  renewing  the  attempt. 
Once  cautioned,  however,  they  remained  on  their 
guard;  liheity,  cherished  by  their  alarms,  took 
deofier  root  ;  and  the  rapid  circulation  of  ideas 
by  means  of  newspapers,  for  the  introduction  of 
which,  they  were  indebted  to  the  printer  of  Phi- 
ladelphia, united  them  together  to  resist  every 
iVesh  enterjirise.  In  the  year  17()(),  this  printer, 
(■ailed  to  the  bar  of  the  house  of  commons,  under- 
went that  famous  interrogatory,  which  placed  the 
name  of  Franklin  as  high  in  politics,  as  in  natural 
philosophy.  From  that  time  he  defended  the  cause 
of  ,\merica,  with  a  firmness  and  moderation  be- 
coming a  great  man,  poiiiling  out  to  the  minis- 
try all  the  errors  they  commiited,  and  the  con- 
setpiences  they  would  produce,  till  the  period 
when,  the  lax  on  tea  meeting  the  same  opposi- 
tion as  the  stamp  a('t  had  done.  England  blind- 
ly fancied  herself  capable  of  subjecting,  by  force, 
three  million  of  men  determined  to  be  free,  at  a 
distance  o(  one  thousand  leagues. 

In  1796,  he  visited  Holland  and  Germany,  and 
received  the  greatest  marks  of  attention  from 
men  of  science.  In  his  passage  through  Holland, 
he  learned  from  the  waterman,  the  effect  which 
the  diiMiiiiition  of  the  quantity  of  water  in  canals 
has  in  impeding  the  progress  of  boats.  Upon  liis 
return  to  England,  he  was  led  to  make  a  number 
of  experiments,  all  of  which  tended  to  confirm  the 
observaii<m. 

In  the  following  year,  he  travelled  into  France, 
where  he  met  with  no  less  favourable  reception  than 
he  had  experienced  in  (Jermany.  He  was  intro- 
duced to  a  number  of  literary  characters,  and  to 
the  king,  Louis  XV. 

He  returned  to  America,  and  arrived  in  Phila- 
delphia in  the  beginning  of  May,  1775.  and  was 
received  with  all  those  marks  of  esteem  and  af- 
fection, which  his  eminent  services  merited.  The 
day  alter  his  arrival  he  was  elected  by  the  legis- 
lature of  Pennsylvania,  a  member  of  Congress. 

Almost  immediately  on  his  arrival  from  Eng- 
latid,  he  wrote  lelteis  to  some  of  his  friends  in 
that  country,  in  a  strain  fitted  to  inspire  lofty  ideas 
ol  the  virtue,  resolution,  and  resourcess  of  the  co- 
lonies. "All  America,"  said  he  to  Dr.  Priestley, 
"  IS  exasperated,  and  trioie  firmly  united  than  ever, 
(^reat  frugalily  and  great  industry  are  become 
fashionable  here.  Hritain,  I  conclude,  has  lost 
her  colonics  for  ever.  She  is  now  giving  us  such 
ruiserable  specimens  of  her  government,  that  we 
shall  ever  delest  and  avoid  it,  as  a  complication 
of  n)bliery,  murder,  fair'ne,  fire,  and  pestilence. 
If  you  Hatter  yourselves  with  beating  us  into  sub- 
mission, you  know  neither  the  people  nor  the 
country.  Voii  will  have  heard,  before  this  reaches 
you,  of  the  defeat  of  a  great  body  of  voiir  troops 
by  ihe  country  people  at  Lexington,  of  the  action 
at  liiiiikers  lull,  fee.  Enough  has  ha|)peiied,  one 
would  think,  to  convince  your  ministers,  that  the 
Americans  will  fight,  and  that  this  is  a  harder  nut 
lo  crack  than  they  imagined.  Hrilain,  at  the  ex- 
pense of  llii-ee  millions,  has  killed  one  hundred 
and  fifty  ^'ankees  this  campaign.  During  tin; 
name  time,  sixty  thousand  cliildieii  have  been  born 
in  America.  From  these  data,  the  mathematical 
head  of  our  dear  good  friend.  Dr.  Price,  will  ea- 
sily calculate  the  lime  and  expense  necessary  to 
kill  lis  all,  and  coiupier  our  whole  territory.  Tell 
Liui.  as  he  someiinies  has  his  doubts  and  despon- 
dencies about  our  lirmness,  that  America  is  deier- 
nuned  and  unanimous." 

it  was  In  Ilia  varied  loue  of  exultation,  resent- 


ment, and  defiance,  that  he  jirivately  coiiiuiiicated  j 
with  Europe.  The  strain  of  the  papers  respect- 
ing the  British  government  and  nation,  which  he  1 
jirepared  for  Congress,  was  deemed  by  his  col-' 
leagues  too  indignant  and  vituperative  ;  to  such 
a  pitch  were  his  feelings  excited  by  the  injuries 
and  sufferings  of  his  countiy,  and  so  anxious  was 
he  that  the  strongest  imiieius  should  be  given  to 
the  national  si)irit.  His  anger  and  his  abhorrence 
were  real  ;  they  endured  without  abatement  dur- 
ing the  whole  continuance  of  the  system  which 
provoked  them ;  they  wore  a  complexion  which 
rendeied  it  impossible  to  mistake  them  for  the  off- 
spring of  personal  |)i(]u'e  or  ccmstitutional  irritabi- 
lity ;  they  had  aviniiictive  jjower,  a  corrosive  en- 
ergy, proportioned  to  the  weight  of  his  character, 
and  the  dignity  of  the  sentiments  from  which  they 
sprung. 

It  was  in  this  year  that  Dr.  Franklin  addressed 
that  memorable  and  laconic  epistle  to  his  old  friend 
and  companion,  Mr.  Slrahan,  then  king's  printer, 
and  member  of  the  British  parliament,  of  which 
the  following  is  a  correct  copy,  and  of  which  a 
lac-simile  is  given  in  the  last  and  most  correct 
addition  of  his  works  : 

Philadelphia,  July  1773. 

Mr.  Strahan, 

You  are  a  member  of  parliament,  and  one  of  that 
majority  which  has  doomed  my  country  to  destruc- 
tion.—  i'ou  have  begun  to  burn  our  towns,  and 
murder  our  peojile. — Look  upon  your  hands  I — 
I'hey  are  stained  with  the  blood  of  your  relations! 
You  and  1  were  long  friends  I — You  are  now  my 
enemy,  and  I  am,  Yours, 

B.  FRANKLIN. 

In  October,  1775,  Dr.  Franklin  was  appointed 
by  Congress,  jointly  with  Mr.  Hairison  and  Mt. 
Lynch,  a  committee  to  visit  the  American  cam]) 
at  Cambridge,  and,  in  conjunction  with  the  com- 
mand«r  in  cliief,  ((General  Washington,)  to  endea- 
vour to  convince  the  troops,  whose  term  of  enlist- 
ment was  about  to  expire,  of  the  necessity  o.''theit 
continuing  in  the  field,  and  persevering  in  the 
cause  of  tlieir  country. 

He  was  afterwards  sent  on  a  mission  to  Canada, 
to  endeavour  to  unite  that  country  to  the  common 
cause  of  liberty.  But  the  Canadians  could  not  be 
prevailed  upon  to  oppose  the  measures  of  the  Bri- 
tish government. 

It  was  directed  that  a  printing  apparatus,  and 
hands  coni|)etent  to  print  in  French  and  English, 
should  accompany  this  mission.  Two  pa|)ers  were 
written  and  circulated  very  extensively  through 
Canada  ;  but  it  was  not  until  after  the  experiment 
had  been  tried,  that  it  was  found  not  more  than  one 
person  in  five  hundred  could  reail.  Dr.  Franklin 
was  accustomed  to  make  the  best  of  every  occur- 
ence, and  suggested,  that  if  it  were  intended  to 
send  another  mission,  it  should  be  a  mission  com- 
posed of  scliooliiiasiers. 

He  was,  in  177G,  appointed  a  committee,  with 
.)ohn  Adams  and  Edward  Ilutledge,  to  intpiire 
into  the  powers  with  which  lord  Howe  was  invest- 
ed in  regard  to  the  adjustment  of  our  differences 
with  Great  Biitain.  When  his  lordship  expressed 
his  concern  at  being  obliged  to  distress  those  whom 
he  so  much  regarded.  Dr.  Fiaiiklin  assured  him, 
that  the  Americans,  tiut  of  reciprocal  regard, 
woubl  endeavour  to  lessen,  as  much  as  possible, 
the  pain  which  he  might  feel  on  their  account,  by 
taking  the  utmost  care  of  themselves.  In  thedis^ 
cussion  of  the  great  (|uestioii  o(  independence,  he 
was  decidedly  in  favour  of  the  measure. 

In  .luly,  1771),  he  was  called  to  add  to  his  fede- 
ral duties,  those  of  president  of  a  convention  held 
at  Philadelphia,  lor  the  purpose  of  giving  a  new 
constitution  lo  the  stale  of  Pennsylvania,.  The 
unbounded  confidence  reposed  in  his  sagacity  and 
wisdom,  induced  the  convention  lo  adopt  his  fa- 
vourite theory  ofapinral  execiilive  and  single  le- 
gislature, which  the  expeiience  of  modern  times 
has  justly  brought  into  ilisrepiile.  It  may  be  said 
to  be  tlie  only  instance  in  w  hich  he  '■hei  ished  a  spe- 
culation that  experiment  would  nut  confirm. 


Franklin  early  conjectured  that  it  would  become 
necessary  for  America  to  a|)ply  to  some  foieign 
power  lor  asssistaiice.  To  prepare  the  way  for 
this  ste]),  and  ascertain  the  piobability  of  its  suc- 
cess, he  had,  towards  the  close  of  1775,  opened, 
undei  the  sanction  of  Congress,  a  correspondence 
with  Holland,  which  he  managed  with  admirable 
judgment,  as  may  be  perceived  by  his  letiei  to  Mr. 
Dumas,  of  Amsterdam  of  December,  1776,  con- 
tained in  the  filth  volume  of  the  American  edition 
of  his  works.  When  at  the  end  of  1776,  our  af- 
laiis  had  assumed  so  threatening  an  aspect,  the 
hopes  of  Congress  were  naturally  turned  to  Europe, 
and  to  France  particulaily,  the  inveterate  and  most 
powerful  rival  of  England.  Every  eye  rested  on 
Franklin  as  a  providential  instrument  for  sustain- 
ing the  American  cause  abroad  ;  and  though  he 
had  repeatedly  sijinilied  from  London,  his  deter- 
mination to  revisit  Europe  no  more,  yet,  having 
consecrated  himself  anew  to  the  pursuit  of  nation- 
al independence,  he  accepted  without  hesitation, 
in  his  seventy-first  year,  the  a|)poiiiimeiit  of  com- 
missioner plenipotentiary  to  the  court  of  France. 

He  wished,  partly  with  a  view  to  protect  his 
|)erson,  in  case  ofcaptine  on  the  voyage  across 
the  Atlantic,  to  carry  with  him  propositions  for 
peace  with  England,  and  submitted  to  the  secret 
committee  of  Congress,  a  series  of  aiticles,  which 
his  grandson  has  published.  We  are  especially 
struck  w  ith  that  one  of  them  w  hich  asks  the  ces- 
sion to  the  United  Slates,  of  Canada,  Nova  Sco- 
tia, the  Floridas,  fee.  ;  and  the  explanation  an- 
nexed to  the  article  by  this  long  sighted  statesman, 
is  jiot  a  little  remarkable.    "  it  is  worth  our  w  hile 

to  offer  such  a  sum  for  the  countries  to  be 

ceded,  since  ilie  vacant  lands  will  in  time  sell  for 
a  great  part  of  what  we  shall  give,  if  not  more; 
and  if  we  are  to  obtain  them  by  conquest,  alter 
perhajjs  a  long  war,  they  will  probably  cost  us 
more  than  that  sum.  It  is  absolutely  necessary 
for  us  to  have  them  for  our  own  secuiiiy  ;  and 
though  the  sum  may  seem  large  to  the  preseiil 
generation,  in  less  than  lialf  the  term  of  years  al- 
lowed for  their  payment,  it  will  be  to  the  whole 
United  States  a  mere  trifle."  Who  does  not.  on 
reading  this  passage,  recollect  with  gratitude,  and 
feel  disjiosed  to  honour  as  a  master-stroke,  the  pur- 
chase of  Louisiana,  accomplished  by  Franklin's 
successor  in  the  mission  to  France? 

In  the  month  of  October.  1776,  our  philosoplter 
set  sail  on  this  eventful  mission,  liaving  first  de- 
posited in  the  hands  of  Congress,  all  the  money  be 
could  raise,  between  three  and  four  thousand 
pounds,  as  a  demonstration  of  his  confidence  ia 
their  cause,  and  an  incentive  for  those  who  migti 
be  able  to  assist  it  in  the  same  way.  His  passage 
to  France  was  short,  but  extremely  boisterous 
During  some  part  of  the  monih  of  December,  he 
remained  at  the  country  seat  of  an  opulent  l"rieii(< 
of  America,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Nant/.,  in  or- 
•ierto  lecoverfrom  the  f'atigues  of  the  voyage,  and 
to  ascertain  the  ))osiure  of  American  affairs  ai 
Paris,  before  he  approached  that  cajiital.  With 
his  usual  sound  discretion  he  I'oreboie  to  assume, 
at  the  moment,  any  public  character,  that  he  iiii^lit 
not  embarrass  the  court  which  it  was  his  province 
to  conciliate,  nor  subject  the  mission  to  the  hazard 
of  a  disgracef  ul  repulse. 

From  the  civilities  with  which  he  was  lo  aded  by 
the  gentry  ofNanIz,  and  the  sui rounding  country, 
and  the  lively  satisfaction  with  w  hich  iliey  appear- 
ed to  view  his  supposed  errand,  he  drew  au<:uries 
that  animated  him  in  the  discharge  of' his  first  du- 
ties at  Paris.    The  reception  given  lo  him  and  his 
colleagues,  by  M.  de  \'ergennes,  the  minisiei  lor 
foreign  affairs,  at  the  private  audience  to  which 
they  were  admitted,  towards  the  end  of  December, 
was  of  a  nature  to  strengthen  his  patriotic  hopes, 
and   eminently  to  gratify  his  personal  feelings. 
1  The  particular  policy  of  the  French  cabinet  did 
'not  admit,  at  this  period,  of  a  formal  recosnition 
'of  the  American  commissioners.     Franklin  ab- 
stained from  pressing  a  measure  for  which  circum- 
stances were  not  lipe,  but  urged,  without  delay,  in 
an  argumentative  meniorial,  the  j)rayei  of  Ct  rigresi 
[for  subalauiial  suicours. 


UNITED  STATE  S  . 


437 


fli-sioiy  presents  no  oilier  case  in  which  the 
interests  of  a  |)e()|)le  abroad  derived  so  inucli  es- 
sential, direct  aid  iVom  the  auspices  of  an  indivi- 
dual;  there  is  no  otlier  instance  of  a  concurrence 
of  qualities  in  a  national  missionary,  so  full  and 
opportune.  Foreisjn  assistance  hail  become,  as  it 
was  thought,  indispensable  for  the  rescue  of  the 
colonies  :  F" ranee  was  the  only  sufficient  auxilary  ; 
and  by  her  intervention,  and  the  influences  of  her 
capital,  alone,  could  any  countetiance  or  supplies 
be  exjiected  from  any  other  European  power. 
Her  court,  though  naturally  anxious  for  the  dis- 
memberment of  tlie  British  eiupire,  shrunk  from 
the  risks  of  a  war;  and  could  be  pievented  from 
stagnating  in  irresolution  only  by  a  strong  current 
of  public  o[)inion:  Her  people,  already  touched 
by  the  causes  and  motives  of  the  colonial  struggle, 
required,  however,  some  striking,  immediate  cir- 
cumstance, to  be  excited  to  a  clamorous  sympathy. 
It  was  from  Paris,  that  the  impulse  necessary  to 
foster  and  fructify  this  useful  enthusiasm  was  lobe 
received,  as  well  by  llie  whole  European  continent, 
as  by  the  mass  of  the  French  nation.  At  the 
time  when  Franklin  appeared  in  Paris,  the  men 
of  letters  and  of  science  possessed  a  remarkable 
ascendancy  over  all  movement  and  judgment  : 
they  gave  the  tone  to  geneial  opinion,  and  con 
tributed  to  decide  ministerial  policy.  Fashion,  too, 
had  no  inconsiderable  share  in  moulding  ])ublic 
sentiment,  and  regulating  events;  and  at  this 
epoch,  beyond  any  other,  it  was  deteritiined,  and 
liable  to  be  kindled  into  passion,  by  ananialous,  or 
fanciful  external  appearances,  however  trivial  in 
themselves,  and  moral  associations  of  an  elevated 
or  romantic  cast. 

Observing  the  prediliciion  of  the  people  of 
France  for  the  American  cause,  tlie  rapid  diffusion 
of  a  lively  symi;athy  over  the  whole  continent,  the 
devotion  of  the  li'erary  and  fashionable  circles  of 
Paris  to  his  oujects,  the  diligent  preparations  for 
war  made  daily  in  France,  and  the  frozen  mein  of 
all  the  continental  powers  towards  Great  Britain, 
Franklin  did  not  allow  himself  to  be  discouraged 
by  the  reserve  of  the  court  of  Versailles  ;  and,  in 
order  lo  counteract  its  natural  efiect,  and  that  of 
other  adverse  appearances  upon  the  resolution  of 
his  countrymen,  he  emphatically  detailed  those 
circumstances  in  his  correspondence  with  Ame- 
rica; adding,  at  the  same  time,  accounts  of  the 
doinestic  embarrassments,  and  growing  despair  of 
the  enemy. 

When  the  news  of  the  surrender  of  Burgoyne 
reached  France  in  October,  1777,  and  produced 
there  an  explosion  of  public  opinion,  he  seized 
upon  the  auspicious  crisis,  to  make  his  decisive 
effort,  by  urging  the  most  peisuasive  motives  for 
a  formal  recognition  and  alliance.  The  epoch  of 
the  treaty  concluded  with  the  court  of  Versailles, 
on  the  6th  of  February,  1778,  is  one  of  the  most 
splendid  in  his  dazzling  career. 

In  conjunction  with  Mr.  .Tohn  Adams,  Mr.  Jay, 
and  Mr.  Laurens,  he  signed  the  provisional  arti- 
cles of  peace,  Nov.  30,  1782,  and  the  definitive 
treaty,  September  30,  1783.  While  he  was  in 
France,  he  was  appointed  one  of  the  commission- 
*;rs  to  examine  Mesiner's  anima!  magnetism.  In 

1784,  being  desirous  of  returning  to  his  native 
iountry,  he  requested  that  an  ambassador  might 
be  ap|)ointed  in  his  place,  and  on  the  arrival  of  his 
successor,  Mr.  Jefl'erson,  he  immediately  sailed 
for  Philadel|)hia,  where  he  arrived  in  September, 

1785.  He  was  received  wi'h  universal  ajiplause, 
and  was  soon  appointed  president  of  the  supreme 
executive  council.  In  1787,  he  was  a  delegate  to 
the  grand  convention,  which  formed  the  constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States.  In  this  convention  he 
had  differed  in  some  points  from  the  majority,  but 
*lien  the  articles  were  ultimately  decreed,  he  said 
to  his  colleagues,  "  We  ought  to  have  but  one 
opinion  ;  the  good  of  our  cotmtry  requires  that  the 
resolution  should  be  unanimous  ;"  and  he  signed. 

On  the  17lh  of  April,  1790  in  the  eighty-fourth 
year  of  his  age,  he  expired,  i  i  the  city  of  Phila- 
delphia; encountering  this  last  solemn  conflict, 
with  the  same  philosophical  tranquility  and  pious 
resignatioa  to  the  will  of  heaven,  which  had  dis- 


tinguished him  tlirough  all  the  various  events  of 
his  life. 

He  was  interred  on  the  21st  of  April,  and  Con- 
gress ordered  a  general  mourning  for  him 
throughout  America,  of  one  month.  In  France, 
the  expression  of  public  grief  was  scarcely  less 
enthusiastic.  There  the  event  was  solemnized, 
under  the  direction  of  the  municipality  of  Paris, 
by  funeral  orations,  and  the  national  assembly, 
his  death  being  announced  in  a  very  eloquent,  and 
pathetic  discourse,  decreed,  that  each  of  the  mem- 
bers should  wear  mourtiing  for  three  days,  "  in 
commemoration  of  the  event;"  and  that  a  letter 
of  condolence,  for  the  irrejiarable  loss  they  had 
sustained,  should  be  directed  to  the  American  con- 
gress. Honours  extremely  glorious  to  his  memory, 
and  such,  it  has  been  remarked,  as  were  never  be- 
fore paid  by  any  public  body  of  one  nation,  to  the 
citizer  of  another. 

He  lies  buried  in  the  north-west  corner  of 
Christ  church-yard  ;  distinguished  from  the  sur- 
rounding dead,  by  the  humility  of  his  sepulchre. 
He  is  covered  by  a  smali  marble  slab,  on  a  level 
with  the  surface  of  the  earth  ;  and  bearing  the 
single  inscri])tion  of  his  name,  with  that  of  his 
wife.  A  moiuiment  sufficiently  corresponding  to 
the  plainness  of  his  manners,  little  suitable  to  the 
splendour  of  his  virtues. 

He  had  two  children,  a  son  and  a  daughter,  and 
several  grand-children,  who  survived  him.  The 
son,  who  had  been  governor  of  New  Jersey,  un- 
der the  British  government,  adhered,  during  the 
(evolution,  to  the  royal  party,  and  spent  the  re- 
mainder of  liis  life  in  England.  The  daughter 
married  Mr.  Bache,  of  Philadelphia,  whose  de- 
scendants yet  reside  in  that  city. 

Fianklin  etijoyed,  during  the  greater  part  of  his 
life,  a  hralthy  constitution,  and  excelled  in  exer- 
cises of  -.trength  and  activity.  In  stature,  he  was 
above  the  ruiddle  size,  manly,  athletic,  and  well 
pro|)ortioned.  His  countenance,  as  it  is  repre- 
sented in  his  portrait,  is  distinguished  by  an  air  of 
serenity  and  satisfaction  ;  the  natural  consequen- 
ces of  a  vigorous  temperament,  of  strength  of 
mind,  and  conscious  integrity  :  It  is  also  marked, 
in  visible  characters,  by  deep  thought  and  inflexi- 
ble resolution. 

The  whole  life  of  Franklin,  his  meditations  and 
his  labours,  have  all  been  directed  to  ])ublic  utili- 
ty ;  but  the  grand  object  that  he  liad  always  in 
view,  did  not  shut  his  heart  against  private  friend- 
ship ;  he  loved  his  family,  and  his  friends,  and  was 
extremely  beneficent.  In  society  lie  was  senten- 
tious, but  not  fluent ;  a  listener  rather  than  a  talk- 
er ;  an  informing  rather  than  a  jileasing  companion  : 
impatient  of  interruption,  he  often  mentioned  the 
custom  of  the  Indians,  who  always  remain  silent 
some  time  before  they  give  an  answer  to  a  ques- 
tion, which  they  have  heard  attentively;  unlike 
some  of  the  politest  societies  in  Europe,  where  a 
sentence  can  scarcely  be  finished  without  inter- 
ruption. In  the  midst  of  his  greatest  occupations 
for  the  liberty  of  his  country,  he  had  some  physi- 
cal experiments  always  near  him  in  his  closf^t  ; 
and  the  sciences,  which  he  rather  discovered  than 
studied, afforded  him  a  continual  source  of  pleasure. 
He  made  various  bequests  and  donations  to  cities, 
public  bodies,  and  individuals. 

The  following  epitaph  was  written  by  Dr.  Frank- 
lin, for  himself,  when  he  was  only  .wenty-tliree 
years  ofage,  as  appears  by  the  original  (with  va- 
rious corrections)  found  among  his  papers,  an 
from  which  this  is  a  faithful  copy. 

"  Tlie  body  of 
BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 

PRINTKR, 

(Like  the  cover  of  an  old  book. 
Its  contents  torn  out. 
And  stript  of  its  lettering  and  gilding,) 
Lies  here,  food  for  worms  : 
But  the  work  shall  not  be  lost. 
For  it  will  (as  he  believed)  appear  once  more, 
In  a  new,  and  more  elegant  edition, 
Revised  and  corrected 
by 

THE  AUTHOR." 


Doctor  Franklin,  Silas  Deane,  and  Arthur  Lee, 
having  rendezvoused  at  Paiis,  on  the  2H[U  r)|ieiied 
their  business  in  a  private  audience  with  count  de 
Vergennes.  1'he  congress  could  not  have  applied 
to  tlie  court  of  France  under  more  favourable  cir- 
cumstances. The  throne  was  filled  by  a  prince  in 
the  flower  of  liLs  age,  and  animated  with  i\:v.  de- 
sire of  rendering  his  reign  illustrious,  t'ount  de 
Vergennes  was  not  less  remarkable  for  extensive 
political  knowledge,  than  for  true  greatness  of 
mind.  He  had  grown  old  in  the  habits  of  govern- 
ment, and  was  convinced  that  conquests  are  neither 
the  surest  nor  the  shortest  way  to  substantial  fame. 
He  knew  full  well  that  no  success  in  war,  how- 
ever brilliant,  could  so  effectually  promote  the  se- 
curity of  France,  as  the  emancipation  of  the  colo- 
nies of  her  ancient  rival.  He  had  the  sujierior 
wisdom  to  discern,  that  there  were  no  ijreseiit  ad- 
vantages to  be  obtained  by  unequal  terms,  that 
would  compensate  for  those  lasting  benefits  which 
wer(!  likely  to  flow  from  a  kind  and  generous  be- 
ginning. Instead  of  grasping  at  too  much,  or  ta- 
king any  advantages  of  the  humble  situation  of  the 
invaded  colonies,  he  aimed  at  nothing  more  than, 
by  kind  and  generous  terms  to  a  distressed  coun- 
try, to  jjerpetuate  the  separation  which  had  already 
taken  place  between  the  component  parts  of  an 
empire,  from  the  union  of  which  his  sovereign  had 
much  to  fear. 

Truly  difficult  was  the  line  of  conduct,  which  the 
real  interest  of  the  nation  required  of  the  ministtrsoi 
his  Most  Christian  Majesty.  A  haughty  reserve 
would  have  discouraged  the  Americans.  An  open 
reception, or  even  a  legal  countenance  of  their  depu- 
ties might  have  alarmed  the  rulers  of  Great  Brit- 
ain, and  disjiosed  them  to  a  compromise  with  their 
colonies,  or  have  brought  on  an  immediate  rupture 
between  France  and  England.  A  middle  line,  as 
preferable  to  either,  was  therefore  pursued.  Whilst 
the  French  government  (1777)  prohibited,  threat- 
ened, and  even  punished  the  Americans  ;  pri- 
vate persons  encouraged,  supplied,  and  supported 
them.  Prudence,  as  well  as  policy  required,  that 
France  should  not  be  over-hasty,  in  o|)enly  espous- 
ing their  cause.  She  was  by  no  means  fit  for  war. 
From  the  state  of  iter  navy,  and  the  condition  of 
her  foreign  trade,  she  w.is  vulnerable  on  every  side. 
'Her  trading  people  dreaded  the  thoughts  of  a  war 
with  (ireat  Britain,  as  they  would  thereby  be  e\- 
;  posed  to  great  losses.  These  considerations  were 
[strengthened  from  another  quarter.  The  jjeace  of 
Europe  was  supposed  to  be  unstable,  from  a  pre- 
vailing belief,  that  the  speedy  death  of  the  elector 
of  Bavaria  was  an  event  extremely  probable.  But 
the  principal  reason  which  induced  a  delay,  was  an 
opinion  that  the  disimte  between  the  mother  coun- 
try and  the  colonies  would  be  compromised.  With- 
in the  thirteen  years  immediately  jiieceding,  twice 
had  the  contested  claims  of  the  two  countries 
brought  matters  to  the  verge  of  extr  emity.  Twice 
had  the  guardian  genius  of  both  interposeil,  and  re- 
united them  in  the  bonds  of  love  and  affection.  It 
was  feared  by  the  sagacious  ministry  of  France, 
that  the  present  iu|)ture  would  terminate  in  the 
same  manner.  These  wise  observers  of  human 
nature  apprehended,  that  their  too  early  inter- 
ference would  favour  a  reconciliation,  and  that  the, 
reconciled  parlies  would  direct  their  united  force 
against  the  French,  as  the  disturbers  of  tliir  do- 
mestic tranquility.  It  had  not  yet  entered  into  the 
hearts  of  the  French  nation,  that  it  was  possible 
"or  the  British  American  colonists,  to  join  with  their 
ancient  enerrries  against  their  late  fiiends. 

At  this  jreriod.  Congress  did  not  so  much  expect 
any  direct  aid  from  France,  as  the  indirect  reliel 
of  a  war  between  that  country  and  Great  iiritain. 
To  subserve  this  design,  they  resolved  that  "their 
commissioners  at  tlie  court  of  France  should  be 
furnished  with  warrants  and  commissions,  and  au- 
thorised to  arm  and  fit  for  war  in  the  FrencS  ports, 
any  number  of  vessels,  not  exceeding  six,  at  the 
expense  of  the  United  States,  to  war  upon  British 
property  ;  provided  tliey  were  satisfied  this  mea- 
sure would  not  be  disagreeable  to  the  couit  of 
France."  This  resolution  was  carried  into  effect  : 
and  in  the  year  1777,  marine  officers,  with  Aiulri* 


133 


ii  I  S  T  O  K  V   OF  THE 


can  cdiiiiiiissiuns,  bolli  sailed  oul  of  Freiicli  ports, 
9ii<i  turned  prizes  of  liritisli  properly  inlo  them. 
'I'lif}  cuiilil  not  proi  uie  llieir  coiidfiiiiialioii  inllie 
courts  ol  France,  nor  sell  them  publicly  ;  but  they 
nevertheless  I'ound  ways  and  means  to  turn  tliem 
into  money.  The  commanders  of  these  vessels 
were  sonietiines  punished  by  authority,  to  please 
the  Kn<;lish  ;  but  they  were  oftener  caressed  from 
another  tjuarter,  to  please  the  Americans. 

Wlnle  private  agents  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States  were  endeavouring  to  embroil  the  two  na- 
tions, the  American  commissioners  weie  urging 
the  ministers  •f  his  most  C'hrisliaa  Majesty  to  ac- 
cept the  treaty  proposed  by  Congress.  They  re- 
ceive,! assurances  of  the  good  wislies  of  the  court 
ot  France  ;  but  were  from  time  to  time  informed, 
that  the  important  transactions  required  farther 
consideration,  and  were  enjoined  io  observe  the 
most  profound  secrecy.  Matters  remained  in  this 
(liiciuating  state  from  December  177(J,  till  Decem- 
ber 1777.  Private  encouragement  and  public  dis- 
countenance weie  alternated  ;  but  both  varied  ac- 
coiding  to  the  complexion  of  news  from  America. 
'J'he  defeat  on  Long  Island,  the  reduction  ofNew 
York,  and  the  train  of  disastrous  events  in  1776, 
which  have  already  been  mentioned,  sunk  the  cre- 
dit of  the  .•\iiiericans  very  low,  and  abated  much 
of  the  national  ardour  for  their  support.  Their 
siibseiiuent  successes  at  Trenlon  and  Princeton  ef- 
faced these  impressions,  and  rekindled  active  zeal 
in  iheir  behalf.  The  capture  of  Uurgoyne  fixed 
these  wavering  politics.  The  success  of  the 
Americans,  in  the  campaisn  of  1777,  placed  them 
on  liiali  ground.  Toeir  enmity  had  ])roved  itself 
formidable  to  Britain,  and  their  friendship  became 
desirable  to  France.  Having  helped  themselves, 
they  found  it  less  difficult  to  obtain  help  from  oth- 
ers. The  same  interest,  which  hitherto  had  di- 
rected the  court  of  France  to  a  temporising  policy, 
now  required  decisive  conduct.  Previous  delay  had 
favoured  the  dismemberment  of  the  em|)ire  :  but 
farther  procrastination  bid  fair  to  promote  atlea.si 
such  a  federal  alliance  of  the  disjointed  parts  of  the 
British  empire,  as  would  be  no  less  lioslile  to  the 
interests  of  France,  than  a  re-union  of  its  several 
parts.  The  news  of  the  capitulation  of  Saratoga 
reached  France  very  eaily  in  December,  1777. 
The  American  deputies  took  that  opportunity  to 
press  for  an  acceptance  of  the  treaty,  which  had 
been  under  consideration  for  the  preceding  twelve 
months.  The  ca|)ture  of  Burgoyne's  army  con- 
vinced the  French,  tliat  the  opposition  of  the  A  me 
ricans  to  Great  Britain  was  not  the  work  of  a  few 
men  who  had  gotten  power  in  their  hands,  but  of 
tlie  great  body  of  the  people  ;  and  was  likely  to 
be  finally  successful.  It  was  therefore  determined 
to  take  them  by  the  hand,  and  publicly  to  espouse 
their  cause. 

The  commissionersof  Congress  on  the  16th  De 
cember,  1777,  were  informed  by  Mr.  Gerard,  one 
ol' the  secretaries  of  the  king's  council  of  state 
"that  it  was  decided  to  acknowledge  the  indepen 
ilencc  of  the  United  Slates,  and  to  make  a  treaty 
with  them;  that  in  the  treaty  no  advantage  would 
be  taken  ol  their  situation,  to  obtain  terms  which 
otherwise,  it  would  not  be  convenient  for  them  to 
agiee  to;  that  his  Most  (.'hristian  Majesty  desired 
the  treaty  once  made  should  be  durable,  and  their 
amity  to  siilisist  forever,  which  could  not  be  ex- 
pected, if  each  nation  did  not  find  an  interest  in  its 
:;onliiiiiance,  as  well  as  in  its  commencement.  It 
wan  therefore  intended,  that  the  terms  of  the  treaty 
ahould  be  siidi  as  the  new  formed  states  would  be 
williiii;  Io  agree  to,  i!"  they  had  been  long  siiicr> 
esiablished,  and  in  the  fullness  of  strength  and 
power,  and  su.-h  as  they  should  approve  when  that 
time  should  come;  that  his  inosi  christian  majes- 
ty was  fixed  in  his  delermmalion  not  only  to  ac- 
kiiov* led::e,  but  lo  support  iheir  independence  ; 
that  in  rluing  this  he  mi^lit  pioliably  soon  be  en- 
gaged in  a  war  ;  yet  he  should  not  expect  any 
compensation  from  the  United  Slates  on  that  ac- 
count. Nor  was  it  pretended  tint  lie  acted  wholly 
lor  their  sakeH,  since  besides  his  real  good  will  tii 
lli-in,  il  W3H  manifi  slly  the  interest  of  Fraiuc, 
Uut  the  power  of  Kngland  should  bo  diminished, 


by  the  separation  of  the  colonies  Irom  its  govern- 1  How  far  this  interference  of  the  court  of  Franco 
ment.  The  only  condition  he  should  require,  and  can  be  justified  by  the  laws  of  nations,  it  is  noi  the 
rely  on,  would  be,  that  the  United  States,  in  no  piovmce  of  history  to  decide.  iMeasures  of  thw 
peace  to  be  made,  should  give  up  their  indepe:i- ,  kind  are  not  determined  by  abstract  leasoning. 
dence  and  return  to  the  obedience  of  the  British  I  The  present  feelings  of  a  nation,  and  the  probiible 
government."  At  any  time  previously  to  the  ItJih  I  consequences  ol'  loss  or  gain,  influence  more  than 
of  December,  1777,  when  Mr.  (ierard  made  the !  the  decisions  of  speculative  men.    Suffice  it  to 


foregoing  declaration,  it  was  in  the  power  of  the 
British  ministry  to  have  ended  the  American  war, 
and  lo  have  established  an  alliance  with  the  United 
States,  that  would  have  been  of  great  service  to 
both  ;  but  from  the  same  haughtiness  wliich  for 
some  time  had  piedoniinated  in  their  councils,  and 
blinded  them  to  their  interests,  they  neglected  to 
improve  the  favourable  opportunity. 

C'oiiformably  to  the  ])ieliininaries  proposed  by 
Mr.  Gerard,  his  most  clirisiian  majesty  Louis  the 
l(jth,  on  the  Gth  of  February.  1778,  entered  into 
treaties  of  amity,  commerce,  and  alliance  with  the 
United  States,  on  the  footing  of  the  most  perfect 
equality  and  reciprocity.  By  the  latter  of  these, 
that  illustrious  monarch  became  the  guarantee  ol 
their  sovereignty,  independence  and  commerce. 
On  a  review  of  the  conduct  of  the  French  minis- 
try, to  the  Americans,  the  former  appear  to  have 
acted  uniformly  from  a  wise  regard  to  national  in- 
terest. Any  line  of  conduct,  ditl'erent  from  that 
which  they  adopted,  might  have  overset  the  mea- 
sures which  they  wished  to  establish.  Had  they 
pretended  to  act  from  disinteiesied  ])rinciples  ol 
generosity  to  the  distressed,  the  known  selfishness 
of  human  nature  would  have  contradicted  the  ex 
travagant  pretension.  By  avowing  the  real  ino 
live  of  their  conduct,  they  furnished  such  a  proof 
of  candour  as  begat  confidence. 

The  terms  of  recijirocity,  on  wliicli  they  con- 


mention,  that  the  French  exculpated  themselves 
from  the  heavy  charges  brought  against  them,  by 
this  summary  mode  of  reasoning  :  We  have 
found,"  said  they,  "  the  late  colonies  of  Great  Bri- 
tain in  actual  possession  of  independence,  and  in 
the  exercise  of  the  prerogatives  of  sovereignty.  It 
is  not  our  business  to  inquire,  whether  they  had.  or 
had  not,  siifiicient  reason  to  withdraw  themselves 
from  the  government  of  Great  Britain,  and  to  erect 
an  independent  one  of  their  own.  We  are  to  con- 
duct towards  nations,  agreeably  to  the  political 
slate  ill  which  we  find  them,  without  investigating 
how  they  acipiired  it.  Observing  them  to  be  inde 
pendent  in  (act,  we  were  bound  to  sujipose  tliey 
were  so  of  right,  and  had  the  same  liberty  to  make 
tre.ities  with  them,  as  with  any  other  sovereiyn 
power,"  They  also  alleged,  that  Great  Brilimi 
could  not  com|)laiii  of  their  interference,  since  sho 
had  set  (hem  the  example  only  a  few  years  before, 
ill  supporting  the  Corsicans  in  ofiposiiion  to  tlio 
court  of  Ft  nice.  They  had  besides  many  well- 
founded  com|)laiiits  against  the  British,  w  hose  arm- 
ed vessels  had  for  months  past  harassed  theii 
commerce,  on  the  idea  of  preventing  an  illicit  trade 
with  tiie  revolted  colonies. 

The  marquis  de  la  Fayette,  whose  letters  to 
France  had  a  considerable  share  in  preparing  the 
nation  to  ])aironise  the  United  States,  w.is  among 
the  first  ill  the  .American  army  who  received  the 


tracted  with  the  United  States,  were  no  less  re-  welcome  tidings  of  the  treaty.  In  a  tiansport  of 
commended  by  wise  policy  than  dictated  by  true 'joy,  mingled  wiih  an  e/lusion  of  tears,  he  embraced 
magnanimity.  As  there  was  nothing  exclusive  in  I  General  Washington,  exclaiming,  "  the  kii,g  my 
the  treaty,  an  opening  was  left  for  Great  Britain  luaster  has  acknowledged  your  independence,  and 


lo  close  the  war  when  she  pleased,  with  i.ll  the 
advantages  for  future  commerce  that  France  had 
stipulated  for  herself.  This  judicious  measure 
made  the  establishment  of  American  independ  >nce 
the  common  cause  of  all  the  commercial  powers 
of  Europe  ;  for  the  question  then  was,  whellier  the 
trade  of  the  United  States  should,  by  the  subver- 
sion of  their  independence,  be  again  monojiolised 
by  Great  Britain,  or,  by  the  esiablishmenl  of  it, 
laid  open  on  equal  terms  to  all  the  world. 

In  national  events,  the  public  attention  is  gene- 
rally fixed  on  the  movements  of  armies  and  fleets. 
Mankind  never  fail  to  do  lioinage  to  llie  able  ge- 
neial,  and  expert  admiral.  To  this  they  are  justly 
entitled  :  but  as  great  a  tribute  is  due  lo  the  states- 
man,who,  from  a  more  elevated  station,  determines 
on  measures  in  which  the  general  safety  and  wel- 
fare of  empires  are  involved.  This  glory,  in  a  par- 
ticular manner,  belongs  to  the  count  de  V'ergennes, 
who,  as  his  Most  Christian  ^lajesty's  minister  lor 
foreign  all'airs,  conducted  the  conferences  which 
terminated  in  these  treaties.  While  the  ministers 
of  his  Britannic  iNlajesiy  were  pleasing  themselves 
with  the  flattering  idea  of  permanent  ])eace  in 
Europe,  they  were  not  less  surprised  than  provo- 
ked by  hearing  of  the  alliince,  which  had  taken 
place  between  his  Most  Christian  Majesty  and  the 
United  States.  This  event,  though  often  foretold, 
was  disbelieved.  The  zeal  of  the  British  ministry 
to  reduce  the  colonies,  blinded  them  to  danger 
from  every  other  quarter.  Forgetting  that  inter- 
est governs  public  bodies,  perhaps  more  than  pri- 
vate persons,  they  supposed  that  feebler  motives 
would  out-weii;h  its  all-comniandiiig  influence.  In- 
leiii  on  carrying  into  execution  the  object  of  their 
wishes,  they  fancied  that,  because  France  and 
Spain  had  colonies  of  their  own,  they  would  refrain 
from  aiding  or  abetting  the  revolted  British  colo- 
nies, Irom  the  fear  of  establishing  a  precedent 


entered  into  an  alliance  with  you  for  its  establish- 
ment." The  lieail-felt  joy,  which  sptead  from 
bieasl  to  breast,  exceeded  descrijition.  The  seve- 
ral brigades  assembled  by  order  ol  the  commander 
ill  chief.  Their  chaplains  ofl'ered  u|)  public  thanks 
to  Almighty  God,  and  delivered  discourses  suitable 
to  the  occision.  A  feu-de-joie  was  fired,  and,  on  a 
proper  signal  being  given,  the  air  resounded  with 
liuzzas.  Long  live  the  king  of  France,"  poured 
forth  from  the  breast  of  every  private  in  the  army. 
The  .\inericans.  having  in  their  own  strength  lor 
three  years  weathered  the  storms  of  war,  fancied 
the  jiort  of  peace  to  be  in  full  view.  Replete  with 
the  sanguine  hopes  of  vigorous  youth,  they  presu- 
med that  Britain,  whose  northern  army  had  been 
reiluced  by  their  sole  exertions,  would  not  continue 
the  uiietiual  contest  w  ith  the  combined  force  of 
Fiance  and  America.  Overvaluing  theirown  im- 
portance and  undervaluing  the  resources  of  their 
adversaries,  they  were  tempted  to  indulge  a  dan- 
gerous confidence.  That  they  might  not  be  lulled 
into  carelessness.  Congress  made  an  animated  ad- 
dress to  them,  in  w  hich,  after  reviewing  the  lead- 
ing features  of  the  war,  they  informed  them  : 
"  They  must  yet  expect  a  severe  conflict  ;  that 
though  foreign  alliances  secured  their  indepen- 
dence, they  could  not  secure  tlieir  country  from 
devastation." 

The  alliance  between  France  and  America  had 
not  been  concluded  three  days,  before  it  was  known 
to  the  British  ministry;  and  in  lesK  than  five 
weeks  more,  March  I3th,  it  was  olliciallv  coiiiinu- 
nicated  lo  the  court  of  London,  in  a  rescript,  de- 
livered by  the  French  ambassador,  lo  lord  Wey- 
month.  In  this  new  situation  ol'  afl'airs,  there 
were  some  iy  G'leat  Biilain  who  advocated  lli*- 
measure  of  peace  with  .\nierica,  on  the  fooling  o' 
independeiU'O  ;  but  the  point  of  honour,  uhiclih.id 
before  jirecipilated  the  nation  into  llie  war.  pie- 


wliich  at  a  future  day  niii:lil  operate  against  them- !  dominated  over  the  voice  of  prudence  and  interest 


selves.  Transported  with  indignation  against  their 
late  fellow  subjects,  they  were  so  infatuated  with 
the  .\merican  war,  as  tosiijipose  that  trifling  evils. 


The  king  and  parliament  of  (ileal  Britain  lesolvec" 
to  punish  the  I'Vencb  nation  for  treating  w  ith  iheir 
subjects,  which  ill  y  termed  "an  unprovoked  a;;- 


both  (listaiil  and  uiicerlaiii  would  induce  the  court  gression  on  the  honour  of  the  crown,  ai:d  esseii- 
of  Fiance  to  neglect  an  opportunity  of  securing  tial  interests  of  the  kingdom."  And  at  ihe  same 
great  and  immediate  advauUges.  itiiiie,  a  vain  hojie  was  indulged,  that  the  alliance 


UNITED  STATES. 


439 


between  France  and  tlie  United  States,  which  was 
BUj)|)()sed  t(i  have  originated  in  passion,  miglit  be 
dissolved.  Tlie  national  jirf  •luiices  against  tlie 
French,  liad  been  so  instilleu  into  the  minds  of 
Englisliinen,  and  of  their  An  erican  descendants, 
that  it  was  supposed  pnicticabie,  by  negotiations 
and  concessions,  to  detach  tlie  United  States  from 
their  new  alliance,  and  re-unite  them  to  the  parent 
state. 

Eleven  days  after  the  treaty  between  France 
ind  America  had  been  concluded,  17th  February, 
.he  British  mitiister  introduced  into  the  house  of 
conuijons  a  project  for  conciliation,  founded  on  tlie 
idea  of  obtaining  a  re-union  of  the  new  states  with 
(jieat  Britain.  This  consisted  of  two  bills,  with 
the  following  titles  :  "  A  bill  for  declaring  the  in- 
tention of  (neat  Britain,  concerning  llie  exercise 
of  the  right  of  imposing  taxes  within  his  majesty's 
colonies,  provinces  and  plantations  in  North  Ame- 
rica ;"  and  a  bill  "  to  enable  his  majesty  to  appoint 
coniinissioners  with  suflicient  powers,  to  treat, 
consult  and  agree  upon  the  means  of  quieting  the 
disorders  now  subsisting  in  certain  of  the  colonies, 
plantations  and  provinces  of  North  Atneriea." 
'J'liese  bills  were  hurried  through  both  houses  of 
parliament,  and  before  they  passed  into  acts,  were 
Cjpied  and  sent  across  the  Atlantic,  to  lord  and 
General  Howe.  On  their  arrival  in  America,  they 
were  sent  by  a  flag  to  congress  at  Yorktown. 
When  they  were  received,  21st  April,  congress 
was  uninformed  of  the  treaty  which  their  commis- 
Bioners  had  lately  concluded  at  Paris.  For  up- 
wards of  a  year,  they  had  not  received  one  line  of 
information  from  them  on  any  subject  wliatever 


•)f  that  union.  Wherefore  any  man  or  body  of 
men,  who  should  piesumc  to  make  any  separate  or 
partial  convention  or  agreement  with  commission- 
srs  under  the  crown  of  (ireat  Britain,  or  any  of 
them,  ought  to  be  considerinl  and  treated  as  open 
and  avowed  enemies  of  these  United  States. 

"  And  farther,  your  committee  beg  leave  to  re- 
port it  as  their  opinion,  that  these  United  States 
cannot,  with  propriety,  hold  any  conference  with 
any  commissioners  on  the  part  of  Great  liritain, 
unless  they  shall,  as  a  preliminary  thereto,  either 
withdraw  their  fleets  and  armies,  or  else,  in  posi- 
tive and  express  terins,, acknowledge  the  indepen- 
dence of  the  said  states. 

"  And  inasmuch  as  it  appears  to  be  the  design 
of  the  enemies  of  these  states  to  lull  them  into  a 
fatal  security ;  to  the  end  that  they  may  act  with  a 
becoming  weight  and  importance,  it  is  llie  opinion 
of  your  committee,  that  the  several  states  be  called 
Ulion  to  use  the  most  strenuous  exertions,  to  have 
their  respective  quotas  of  continental  troops  in  the 
field  as  soon  as  possible,  and  that  all  the  miliiia  of 
the  said  states  be  held  in  readiness  to  act,  as  occa- 
sion may  require." 

The  conciliatory  bills  were  speedily  followed  by 
royal  commissioners,  deputed  to  solicit  their  re- 
ce|)tion.  Governor  Johnstone,  lord  Carlisle  and 
Mr.  Eden,  appointed  on  this  business,  attempted  to 
open  a  negociation,  on  the  subject.  They  re- 
quested General  Washington,  on  the  9th  of  June, 
to  furnish  a  passport  for  their  secretary.  Dr.  Fer- 
guson, with  a  letter  from  them  to  Congress  ;  but 
this  was  refused,  and  the  refusal  was  unanimously 
approved  by  Congress.    They  then  forwarded,  in 


One  |)acket  had  in  that  time  been  received:  but  Itis  usual  channel  of  communication,  a  letter  ad 
all  the  letters  therein  were  taken  out,  before  it  was  dressed,  "  To  his  Excellency  Henry  Laurens,  the 


put  oil  board  tlie  vessel  which  brought  it  from 
France,  and  blank  papers  put  in  their  stead.  A 
committee  of  Congress  was  appointed  to  examine 
these  bills,  and  report  on  them.  Their  report  was 
brought  in  the  following  day,  and  was  unanimously 
Bdopted.  By  it  they  rejected  the  proposals  of 
Great  Britain. 

The  vigorous  and  firm  language  in  which  Con- 
gress expiessed  their  rejection  of  these  offers  con- 
eidered  in  connexion  with  the  citcumstance  of 
their  being  wholly  ignorant  of  the  late  treaty  with 
France,  exhibits  the  glowing  serenity  of  fortitude. 
While  the  royal  commissioners  were  industriously 
circulating  these  bills  in  a  paitial  and  secret  man- 
ner, as  if  they  suspected  an  intention  of  conceal- 
ing them  from  the  common  people. Congress  trust- 
ing to  the  good  sense  of  their  constituents,  ordered 
ihein  to  be  forthwith  printed  for  the  public  infor- 
mation. Having  directed  the  affairs  of  their  coun- 
try with  an  honest  reference  to  its  welfare,  they 
had  nothing  to  fear  from  tlie  people  knowing  and 
judging  for  themselves.  They  submitted  the 
whole  to  the  public.  Their  rejiort,  after  some  gen- 
eral remarks,  on  the  bill,  concluded  as  follows: 

"From  all  which  it  appears  evident  to  your 
committee,  that  the  said  bills  were  intended  to  ope- 
rate upon  the  hopes  and  fears  of  the  good  people 
of  these  states,  so  as  to  create  divisions  among 
them,  and  a  defection  from  the  common  cause, 
now,  by  the  blessing  of  Divine  Providence,  draw- 
ing near  to  a  favourable  issue  ;  that  they  are  the 
sequel  of  that  insiduous  plan,  which,  from  the  days 
of  the  stamp  act,  down  to  the  present  time,  Intli 
involved  this  country  in  contention  and  bloodshed; 
and  that,  as  in  other  cases,  so  in  this,  although 
circumstances  may  force  them  at  times  to  recede 
from  their  unjustifiable  claims,  there  can  be  no 
doubt  they  will,  as  heretofore,  upon  the  first  fa- 
vourable occasion,  again  display  that  lust  of  domi- 
nation, which  hath  rent  in  twain  the  mighty  em- 
pire of  Britain. 

'•  Upon  the  whole  matter,  the  committee  beg 
leave  to  report  it  as  their  opinion,  that  as  the  Ame- 
ricans united  in  this  arduous  contest  upon  principles 
of  cotnmon  interest,  for  the  defence  of  common 
rights  and  privileges,  which  union  hath  been  ce- 
mented by  common  calamities,  and  bymiitual  good 
offices  and  aUection,  so  the  great  cause  for  which 
they  contend,  and  in  which  all  mankind  are  inter- 
ested must  derive  its  success  from  the  continuance 


president,  and  other  thj  members  of  Congress, 
in  which  they  communicated  a  co[)y  of  their  com- 
mission, and  of  i)ie  acts  of  parliament,  on  which  it 
was  founded  ;  and  they  oflered  to  concur  in  every 
satisfactory  and  just  arrangement  towards  the  fol- 
lowing among  other  purposes: — 

To  consent  to  a  cessation  of  hostilities,  botli  by 
sea  and  land ; 

To  restore  free  intercourse  ;  to  revive  mutual 
aftection  ;  and  renew  the  common  benefits  of  na- 
turalization, through  the  several  parts  of  this  em- 
piie  ; 

To  extend  every  freedom  to  trade  that  our  re- 
spective interests  can  requirt;: 

To  agree  tliat  no  military  forces  shall  be  kept 
up  in  the  different  states  of  North  America,  with- 
out the  consent  of  the  general  Congress,  or  parti- 
cular assemblies  ; 

To  concur  in  measures  calculated  to  discharge 
the  debts  of  America,  and  to  raise  the  credit  and 
value  of  the  paper  circulation  ; 

To  perpetuate  our  union  by  a  reciprocal  depu- 
tation of  an  agent  or  agents  from  the  dilferent 
states,  who  shall  have  the  privilege  of  a  seat  and 
voice  in  the  parliament  of  Great  Britain  ;  or  if 
sent  from  Britain,  in  that  case  to  have  a  seat  and 
voice  in  the  assemblies  of  the  dilferent  states  to 
wliicli  they  may  be  deputed  respectively,  in  order 
to  attend  the  several  interests  of  those  by  whom 
they  are  deputed 

in  short,  to  establish  the  power  of  the  respective 
legislatures  in  each  particular  state  ;  to  settle  its 
revenue,  its  civil  and  military  establishment  :  and 
to  exercise  a  perfect  freedom  of  legislation  and  in- 
ternal government,  so  that  the  British  states 
throughout  North  America,  acting  with  us  in  peace 
and  war  under  one  common  sovereii;n,  may  have 
the  irrevocable  enjoyment  of  every  privilege,  that 
is  short  of  a  total  separation  of  interests,  or  con- 
sistent with  that  union  of  force,  on  which  the  safe- 
ly of  our  common  religion  and  liberty  depends. 

A  decided  negative  having  been  already  given, 
previous  to  the  arrival  of  the  British  commission- 
ers, to  the  .>•  ri  tures  contained  in  the  conciliatory 
bills,  and  intelligence  of  the  treaty  with  France 
having  in  the  mean  time  arrived,  there  was  no 
ground  left  for  farther  deliberation.  President 
Laurens,  tlierelbre,  bv  order  of  Congress,  on  the 
27th  of  June,  returned  tlie  following  answer: 

"  I  have  teceivcd  the  letter  from  vour  excellen- ' 


cies,  of  the  9tli  instant,  with  the  enclosures,  and 
laid  them  before  Congress.  Nothing  but  an  earnest 
desire  to  spare  the  farther  effusion  ofliuinan  blood 
could  have  induced  them  to  read  a  paper,  contain- 
ing expressions  so  disrespectful  to  his  Most  Chris- 
tian iNlajesty,  the  good  and  great  ally  of  these 
states  ;  or  to  ccmsider  propositions  so  derogatory 
to  the  honour  of  an  independent  nation. 

'•  The  acts  of  the  IJritish  parliment,  the  com- 
mission from  your  sovereign,  and  your  letter,  sup- 
pose the  people  of  these  states  to  be  subjects  of  the 
crown  of  (ireat  Britain,  and  are  founded  on  llie 
idea  of  dependence,  which  is  utterly  inacJmissable 

"  I  am  farther  directed  to  inform  your  excellen 
cies,  that  Congress  are  inclined  to  peace,  notwiih 
standing  the  unjust  claims  from  wliich  this  war 
originated,  and  the  savage  manner  in  which  it  hath 
been  conducted.  They  will,  therefore,  be  ready 
to  enter  ujion  the  consideration  of  a  treaty  of  peace 
and  commerce, not  inconsistent  with  treatiesalready 
subsisting,  when  the  king  of  Great  Britain  shall 
demonstrate  a  sincere  disposition  (or  tliat  purpose. 
The  only  solid  [)roof  of  this  disposition  will  be,  an 
explicit  acknowledgment  of  the  independence  of 
these  states,  or  the  withdrawing  his  fleets  and 
armies." 

Though  Congress  could  not,  consistently  with 
national  honour,  enter  on  a  discussion  of  the  terms 
proposed  by  the  British  commissioners,  yet  some 
individuals  of  their  body  ably  proved  the  propriety 
of  rejecting  them.  Among  these  Gouverneur 
Morris  and  William  Henry  Drayton,  with  great 
force  of  argument  and  poignancy  of  wit,  justified 
the  decisive  measures  adopted  by  their  countrymen. 

As  the  British  plan  for  conciliation  was  wholly 
founded  on  the  idea  of  the  states  returning  to  their 
allegiance,  it  was  no  sooner  known  than  rejected 
In  addition  to  the  sacred  ties  of  plighted  faith  and 
national  engagements,  the  leaders  in  Congress  and 
the  legislative  assemblies  in  America  had  tasted 
the  sweets  of  power,  and  were  in  full  possession  o( 
its  blessings,  with  a  fair  prospect  of  retaining  them 
without  any  foreign  control:  The  war,  having 
originated  on  the  partof(ireat  Britain  from  a  lust 
of  power,  had  in  its  progress  compelled  the  .\me- 
cans  in  sell-defence  to  assume  and  exercise  its 
highest  prerogatives.  The  passions  of  human  na- 
ture, which  induced  the  former  to  claim  jiower, 
perated  no  less  forcibly  wiili  the  latter,  against 
the  relinquishment  of  it.  After  the  colonies  had 
declared  themselves  independent  states,  had  re- 
peatedly pledged  their  honour  to  abide  by  th;.t  ]e- 
claration,  had  under  the  smiles  of  heaven  main- 
tained it  for  three  cam[)aigns  without  foreign  aid, 
alter  the  greatest  monarch  in  Europe  had  entered 
into  a  treaty  with  them,  and  guaranteed  their  in- 
dependence: after  all  th.is  to  exjiect  popular  lea 
deis,  in  the  enjoyment  of  power,  voluntarily  to  re- 
tire from  the  helm  of  government,  to  the  languid 
indilference  of  |)rivate  life,  and  while  they  violate.! 
national  faith,  at  the  same  time  to  depress  their 
country  from  the  rank  of  sovereign  states  to  that 
of  dependent  provinces,  was  not  more  repugnant 
to  universal  experience,  than  to  the  governing 
principles  of  the  human  heart. 

The  high-s|)irited  ardour  of  citizens  in  the 
youthful  vigour  of  honour  and  dignity,  did  not  so 
much  as  inquire,  whether  greater  political  happi- 
ness might  be  ex|)ected  from  closing  with  tlie 
proposals  of  Great  Britain,  or  by  adhering  to  their 
new  allies.  Honour  forbade  any  balancing  on  tlio 
subject  ;  nor  were  its  dictates  disobeyed.  'J'lioiigh 
peace  was  desirable,  and  the  offers  of  Great  Britain 
so  liberal,  that,  if  proposed  in  due  lime,  they  would 
have  been  acceptable  ;  yet  tor  the  Americans,  af- 
ter thev  had  declared  themselves  independent,  and 
at  their  own  solicitation  obtained  the  aid  of  France, 
to  desert  their  new  allies,  and  leave  them  exposed 
to  ]?ritrsh  resentment,  incurred  on  their  account, 
would  have  argued  a  total  want  of  honour  and 
gratitiule.  The  folly  of  Great  liritain,  in  expect- 
ing such  conduct  from  virtuous  freemen,  could 
only  be  exceeded  by  the  baseness  of  America, had 
her  citizens  realised  that  expectation. 

These  offers  ol  conciliation  in  a  great  measure 
originalcd  in  an  opinion  that  thecougress  was  sap- 


440 


fU  ST  O  R  Y  O  F  THE 


pnrliil  b\  ii  hiclioii,  uiiil  dial  (lie  ureal  boily  •>!  llie 
j)*-!)!)!!-  was  liosdie  lo  iiidepeiKlence,  ami  well  ilis|)o- 
si-il  lo  II!  iiiiiie  with  (ireal  Britain.  The  latter  ol 
these  assertions  was  true,  till  a  certain  period  (if 
the  contest  :  but  that  period  was  elapsed.  With 
iheir  new  situation,  new  opinions  and  attachments 
had  taken  place.  'i"he  political  revolution  of  the 
govermneni  was  less  extiaoitiinary  than  that  of 
the  style  and  manner  of  thiiikiii'^  in  the  United 
St-ates.  The  independent  Americans  citizens  saw 
with  other  eyes,  and  heard  with  other  ears,  than 
when  they  were  in  the  condition  of  British  subjects. 
Tlie  narrowness  of  sentiment,  wliich  prev.iiled  in 
Kngland  towaids  France,  no  longerexisied  among 
the  Americans.  The  British  commissioners  un- 
apprised of'this  real  change  in  the  public  mind,  ex- 
pected to  keep  a  hold  on  the  citizens  of  the  United 
JSiates,  by  that  illibcrality  which  they  inherited 
from  then  forefathers.  Presumiiis;  that  the  love  of 
|>eace,  and  the  ancient  natiotial  antipathy  to  France 
would  counterbalance  all  other  ties,  they  flattered 
themselves  that,  by  perseverance,  an  impression 
favourable  to  (Jreat  JSrilain  might  yet  be  made  on 
the  mind  of  America.  'J'liey  theiefoie  renewed 
their  ell'ortsto  open  a  negociation  with  (Jongress 
in  a  letter  of  the  lllli  of  .Inly.  ,\s  they  liad  been 
iiformed,  in  answer  to  their  preceding  letter  of  the 
JUih  of  .lune,  that  an  exjilicit  acknowledgment  of 
the  iiide|)endence  of  the  United  .States,  or  a  with- 
drawing of  their  fleets  and  armies,  must  precede 
•in  entrance  on  the  consideration  of  a  treaty  ol' 
peace,  and  as  neither  branch  of  this  alternative  had 
oeen  complied  with,  it  was  resolved  by  Congress 
that  no  answer  should  be  given  to  their  reiterated 
application. 

In  adilition  to  liis  public  exertions  as  a  commis- 
9ioner,Goveriior  .Johnstone  endeavoured  to  obtain 
the  objects  on  which  he  had  been  sent,  by  opening 
B  private  correspondence  with  some  ot  the  mem- 
Ders  of  Congress,  and  other  Americans  of  influence. 
He  in  particular  addressed  himself  by  letter  lo 
Henry  Laurens,  .Joseph  Reed,  and  Robert  Morris. 
His  letter  lo  Henry  Laurens  was  in  these  words, 

"  Dear  Sir, 

"  1  beg  to  transfer  to  my  friend  Dr.  Ferguson, 
the  private  civiliies  which  my  friends  Mr.  Man- 
liing,  and  Mr  Oswald,  request  in  my  behalf.  He 
ia  a  ir.an  of  the  utmost  probity,  and  of  the  highest 
esteem  in  the  republic  of  letters. 

'•  If  you  should  follow  the  exainple  of  Britain,  in 
the  hour  of  her  insolence,  and  send  us  back  with- 
out a  hearing,  I  shall  hope,  from  private  friendslii[), 
that  1  maybe  permitted  to  seethe  country,  and  the 
worthy  characters  she  has  exiiibited  to  the  world, 
upon  making  the  recjuest  in  any  way  you  may  point 
out." 

The  following  answer  was  immmediately  written  : 
"  York  Tmcn,  June  14,  1778. 

Dkar  Sir, 

Yesterday,  I  was  honoured  with  your  favour 
of  (he  10th,  and  thank  you  for  the  transmission  of 
those  from  my  dear  and  worthy  friends,  Mr.  Os- 
wald and  .Mr.  Manning.  Had  Dr.  Ferguson  been 
the  bearer  of  these  papers,  I  should  have  shown 
that  gentleman  every  decree  of  respect  and  atten- 
liiin,  that  limes  and  circumstances  admit  of. 

"  li  is,  sir,  for  Creat  Britain  to  determine, 
whether  her  commissioners  shall  return  unheard 
by  the  repre.^entatives  of  the  United  ."-Stales,  or  re- 
vive a  friendship  with  the  citizens  at  large,  and  re- 
main among  iis  as  long  as  they  please. 

"  ^'oii  are  undoubtedly  ac(|uainted  with  tlie  only 
terms  upon  which  Congress  can  treat  for  accom- 
plishing this  good  end;  leims  from  which,  al- 
though writing  in  a  private  character,  I  may  ven- 
I'lip  to  assert  with  great  assurance,  they  never 
will  recede,  even  admitting  the  continuance  of 
hostile  attempts,  and  that,  from  the  rage  of  war, 
the  nood  people  of  these  states  shall  be  diiven  to 
ccimiiienre  a  treaty  westward  of  yonder  mouniains. 
And  iM-rmit  pie  lo  add.  sir,  as  my  humble  opinion, 
the  lni«  interest  of  (upat  Britain,  in  the  piesciil 
ailvaiice  of  our  contest,  will  be  found  in  confirni- 
uur  inde|>€udeoct< 


"Congress  in  no  hour  have  been  haughty;  bul 
to  suppose  that  their  minds  are  less  firm  at  the 
present,  than  I  hey  were  w  hen  destitute  of  all  for- 
eign aid,  and  even  without  expectation  of  an  al- 
liance ;  when  upon  a  day  of  general  ])ublic  fasting 
and  humiliation  in  their  house  of  >vorship,  and  in 
presence  of  God,  they  resolved,  "to  hold  no  con- 
ference or  treaty  with  any  commissioners  on 
the  part  of  deal  Britain,  unless  they  shall,  as  a 
preliminary  tliereto,  either  withdraw  their  fleets 
and  armies,  or  in  positive  and  express  terms  ac- 
knowledge the  independence  of  these  stales," 
would  be  irrational. 

"  At  a  proper  time, .sir,  I  shall  think  myself 
highly  honoured  by  a  personal  attention,  and  by 
contributing  lo  render  every  part  of  these  slates 
agreeable  lo  you;  but  until  the  basis  of  mutual 
confidence  shall  be  establislied,  I  believe,  sir, 
neither  former  private  friendship,  nor  any  other 
consideration  can  influence  Congress  lo  consent, 
that  even  (iovernor  .lohnstone,  a  gentleman  who 
has  been  so  deservedly  esteeiried  in  America,  shall 
see  the  country.  1  have  bul  one  voice,  and  that 
shall  be  against  it.  But  let  me  inlreat  you,  my 
dear  sir,  do  not  hence  conclude  that  I  am  deficient 
in  ali'eciion  to  my  old  friends,  through  whose  kind- 
ness I  have  obtained  the  honour  of  the  jiresent 
corresjjondence,  or  that  I  am  not,  with  very  great 
|)ersonal  respect  and  esteem. 

Sir,  your  most  obedient, 

"And  most  humble  servant, 

"HENRY  LAURENS. 

"  The  honourable  Geo.  Jou.nstone,  Esq. 
"  rhiladelphia." 

In  a  letter  to  Joseph  Reed,  of  April  the  lllh. 
Governor  Johnstone  said,  "  The  man  who  can  be 
instrumental  in  bringing  us  all  to  act  once  more  in 
harmony,  and  to  unite  together  the  various  jioweis 
which  this  contest  has  drawn  forth,  will  deserve 
more  from  the  king  and  jieople,  from  patriotism, 
humanity,  and  all  the  tender  lies  llial  are  allected 
by  the  quarrel  and  reconciliation,  than  ever  was 
yet  bestowed  on  human  kind."  On  the  16th  of 
June,  he  wrote  to  Robert  .Morris  :  "  I  believe  the 
men  who  have  conducted  the  alfaiis  of  America 
incapable  of  being  influenced  by  improper  motives 
bul  in  all  such  transactions  there  is  risk.  And,  I 
think,  that  whoever  ventures  sliould  be  secured,  at 
tlie  same  time  that  honour  and  emolument  should 
naturally  follow  the  fortune  of  those,  who  have 
steered  the  vessel  in  the  stoitn,  and  brought  her 
safely  to  port.  1  think  Washington  and  the  presi- 
dent have  a  right  lo  every  favour,  that  grateful 
nations  can  bestow,  if  they  could  once  more  unite 
our  interest,  and  spare  the  miseries  and  devasta- 
tions of  war." 

To  Joseph  Reed,  private  information  was  com- 
municated, on  the  21sl  June,  that  it  had  been  in- 
tended by  tiovcrnor  Johnstone,  lo  oiler  him,  thai 
in  case  of  his  exerting  his  abilities  to  promote  a 
re-union  of  the  two  countries,  if  consistent  with 
his  piinciples  and  judgment,  ten  thousand  |)ounds 
sterling,  and  any  olfice  in  the  colonies,  within  his 
majesty's  gift.  To  which  Mr.  Reed  replied  :  "  I 
am  not  worth  purchasing  ;  but  such  as  I  am,  the 
king  of  (ileal  Britain  is  not  rich  enough  lo  doit." 
Congress  on  thi^  '.)ih  July,  ordered  all  letters,  re- 
ceived by  members  of  Congress  from  any  of  the 
British  commissioner,  or  their  agents,  or  from 
any  subject  of  the  king  of  Great  Britain,  of  a  pub- 
lic nature,  to  be  laid  belore  them.  The  above  let- 
ters and  information  beins  communicated.  Congress 
resolved  ;  "  that  the  same  cannot  bul  be  considered, 
as  direct  altem|)ts  to  corrupt  their  inte<;ritv,  and 
that  it  is  incompatible  with  the  honour  of  Congress, 
lo  hold  any  manner  of  correspondence  or  inter- 
course with  the  said  (Jeorge  Johnstone,  Esquire; 
especially  to  negociate  with  him  upon  affairs  in 
which  the  cause  of  liberty  is  interested."  Their 
determination,  wuh  the  reasons,  was  expressed  ex- 
pressed in  the  form  of  a  declaration,  a  copy  of 
which  w;is  signed  by  the  president,  and  sent  by  a 
llag  to  the  commissioners  at  .New  Viuk.  This  was 
I  answered  by  (iovernor  Johnstone,  by  an  angry  pub- 
[lioution,  ill  which  he  denied,  or  explained  awaj' 


what  had  been  alleged  a;;ainst  him.     Lord  Car- 
lisle, .sir  Henry  (Jlintan,  and  .Mr.  Eden  denied  hav 
ing  any  know  ledge  of  the  matter  charged  on  Go 
venior  Johnstone. 

The  commissioners,  failing  in  their  aiipmins  tu 
negociale  with  Congress,  had  no  resource  leli,  but 
to  persuade  the  inhabitants  to  adopt  u  line  of  cuii- 
ducl,  counter  to  that  of  their  representatives.  To 
this  purpose  they  published  a  manifesto  and  jirocla 
mation  addressed  to  Congress,  the  assemblies,  and 
all  others,  tlie  free  inhabitants  of  the  colonies,  ni 
which  they  observed  ;  "  The  policy  as  well  as  ihe 
benevolence  of  (Ireat  Britain  have  so  far  checked 
the  extremes  of  war,  when  they  tended  to  distress 
a  i)eo|)le  still  considered  as  our  fellow  subjects,  and 
lo  desolate  a  country  shortly  to  become  a  source  of 
muiualadvautage;  but  when  that  country  professes 
the  unnatural  design,  not  only  of  estranging  her- 
self from  us,  bul  of  mortgaging  herself  and  her  re- 
sources lo  our  enemies,  the  whole  contest  is 
changed  ;  and  the  (|uestion  is,  how  far  Great  Brit- 
ain may.  by  every  means  in  her  power,  destroy, 
or  lender  useless  a  connexion  contrived  for  liei 
ruin,  and  for  the  aggrandizement  of  Fiance.  Un- 
der such  circumstances,  the  laws  of  self-preserva- 
tion must  direct  the  conduct  of  Great  Britain  ;  and 
it  the  British  colonies  shall  become  an  accession  to 
France,  will  direct  her  to  render  that  accession  of 
as  little  avail  as  possible  to  her  enemy." 

('ongress,  upon  being  informed  of  the  designof 
the  commissioners  to  circulate  these  pajiers,  decla- 
red thai  the  agents,  employed  lo  distribute  the 
manilestos  and  proclamation  of  the  commissioners, 
were  not  entitled  to  protection  from  a  flag.  They 
also  recommended  to  the  several  slates  lo  seciirfl 
and  keep  them  in  close  custody  :  but  that  they 
might  not  appear  to  hood-wink  their  constituents, 
they  ordered  the  manifestos  and  proclamation  to  be 
printed  in  the  newspapers.  The  proposals  of  the 
commissioners  were  not  more  favourably  received 
by  the  people  than  they  had  been  by  Congress.  In 
some  places,  the  flags  containing  them  were  not 
received,  but  ordered  instantly  to  depart;  in  oth- 
ers, they  were  received  and  forwaided  to  Con- 
gress, as  the  only  proper  tribunal  to  take  cogni- 
zance of  them.  In  no  one  place,  not  immediately 
commanded  by  the  British  army,  was  there  any  at- 
tempt to  accept,  or  even  lo  deliberate  on  the  pro- 
prietry  of  closing  with  the  offers  of  Brit.iin. 

To  deter  the  British  from  executing  their  ihroais 
t)f  laying  waste  thecountry,  Conuress,  on  ihe  ;>Uth 
of  October,  published  to  the  world  a  resolution  and 
manifesto,  in  which  they  concluded  with  these 
words  : 

"We,  therefore,  the  Congress  of  the  T'nited 
Slates  of  America,  do  solemnly  declare  and  pro- 
claim, that,  if  our  enemies  presume  to  execute 
their  threats,  or  persist  in  their  present  career  of 
barbarity,  we  will  take  such  exemplary  veiiireance 
as  shall  deter  others  fiom  a  like  conduct.  W'e  ap- 
peal lo  that  God  who  searcheth  the  hearts  of  men, 
for  the  rectitude  of  our  intentions ;  and  in  his  hoi) 
presence  we  declare,  that,  as  we  are  not  moved  by 
any  light  and  hasty  suugestions  of  ansier  and  le- 
reveiige,  so.  through  every  possible  cliaiine  of  for- 
tune, we  w  ill  adlieie  to  this  our  determination." 

This  was  the  last  efloi  t  of  Great  Britain,  in  the 
way  of  ne;;ocialion,  to  regain  her  colonies.  It 
originated  in  folly  and  ignorance  of  the  real  stale 
of  alfairs  in  America.    She  had  begun  with  wrong 
measures,  and  had  now  got  into  wrong  lime.  Her 
concessions,  on  this  occasion,  were  an  implied  jus 
lilication  of  the  resistance  of  the  colonists.    Bv  ol 
fering  to  concede  all  that  they  at  first  asked  liif, 
she  virtually  acknowledged  herself  to  have  been 
the  aggressor  in  an  unjust  war.    Nolhing  could 
be  more  favourable  to  tlie  cementing  of  the  fi  iend- 
ship  of' the  new  ;illies,  tlian  this  unsuccessful  nesio- 
elation.    The  slates  had  an  opportiinilv  of  evin- 
cing the  sincerity  of  theirengagemenfs,  and  l-'Sance 
abundant  reason  to  believe  that,   by  preven'iiig 
their  being  con(]iiered,  her  favourite  Rclieme  dfles 
seninc  llu'  power  of  (Jreat  Britain,  would  be  secw 
red  be^'ond  the  reach  of  accidcut 


UNITED  STATES. 


441 


C I AFTER  V. 
The  Campaign  of  1778. 


After  ilie  termination  of  the  campaign  of  1777, 
(lie  Iji  itisli  army  retired  to  winter  quarters  in  Piiii- 
ailelpliirt,  ami  the  American  army  to  Valley  Forge. 
The  former  enjoyed  (1778)  ail  the  conveniences 
wliicii  an  opnient  city  alforded,  while  the  latter, 
not  liaK  clothed,  and  more  than  once  on  the  point 
of  starving,  were  enduring  the  severity  of  a  cold 
winter  in  a  hutted  camp.  It  was  well  for  them, 
that  the  British  made  no  attempt  to  distuib  them, 
wliile  in  this  destitute  condition. 

Tiie  winter  and  spring  passed  away  without  any 
more  remarkable  events  in  either  army,  than  a  few 
successful  excursions  of  parties  from  Philadelphia 
to  the  neighbouring  country,  for  the  purpose  of 
brniging  in  supplies,  or  destroying  property.  In 
one  of  these,  a  party  of  the  British  proceeded  to 
Bordenton,  and  there  burned  four  store-houses  full 
of  useful  commodities.  Before  they  returned  to 
Philadelphia,  they  burned  two  frigates,  nine  ships, 
six  privateer  sloops,  twenty-three  brigs,  with  a 
number  of  sloops  and  schooners. 

Soon  afterwards,  an  excursion  from  Newport 
was  made  by  500  British  and  Hessians,  under  the 
command  of  Lieutenant  Colonel  Campbell.  These, 
having  landed  in  the  night  of  the  25th  of  May, 
marched  next  morning  in  two  bodies,  the  one  for 
Warren,  the  other  for  Kickemuit  river.  They 
destroyed  about  70  flat  bottoined  boats,  and  burned 
a  quantity  of  pitch,  tar  and  plank.  They  also  set 
fire  to  the  meeting  house  at  Warren,  and  seven 
dwelling  houses.  At  Bristol,  they  burned  the 
church  and  22  houses.  Several  other  houses  were 
plundered  ;  and  women  were  stripped  of  their  shoe- 
biickles,  gold  rings  and  handkerchiefs. 

A  French  squadron,  consisting  of  12  ships  of  the 
line  and  4  frigates, commanded  by  Count  D'Estaign, 
sailed  from  Toulon  for  America,  soon  after  the 
treaty  had  been  agreed  upon  between  the  United 
States  and  the  king  of  France.  After  a  passage  o( 
87  days,  the  count  arrived  July  9th,  at  the  en- 
trance of  the  Delaware.  From  an  apprehension 
ofsomething  of  this  kind,  and  fiom  the  prospect  of 
greater  security,  it  was  resolved  in  Great  Britain, 
forthwith  to  evacuate  Philadelphia,  and  to  concen- 
trate the  royal  force  in  the  city  and  harbour  of  New 
York.  Tlie  cominissioners  brought  out  the  orders 
for  this  movement ;  but  knew  nothing  of  the  mat- 
ter. It  had  an  unfriendly  influence  on  their  propo- 
sed negociations  ;  but  it  was  indispensably  neces- 
sary, for  if  the  French  fleet  had  blocked  up  the 
Delaware,  and  the  Americans  besieged  Philadel- 
phia, the  escape  of  the  British  from  either,  would 
have  been  scarcely  possible. 

The  royal  army,  on  the  18th  of  June,  passed 
over  the  Delaware  into  New-Jersey.  Washing- 
ton, having  penetrated  into  their  design  of  evacua- 
ting Philadelphia,  had  previously  detached  General 
Maxwell's  brigade,  to  co-operate  with  the  Jersey 
militia,  for  obstructing  their  progress.  The  British 
were  incumbered  with  an  enormous  baggage, 
which,  together  with  the  impediments  thrown  in 
their  way,  greatly  retarded  their  luarch.  The 
American  army,  having,  in  pursuit  of  the  British, 
crossed  the  Delaware,  six  hundred  men  were  im- 
mediately detached  under  Colonel  Morgan, to  rein- 
force General  Maxwell.  Washington  halted  his 
troops  when  they  had  marched  to  the  vicinity  of 
Princeton.  The  general  officers,  in  the  American 
army,  seventeen  in  number,  being  asked  by  the 
commander  in  chief:  "  Will  it  be  advisable  to  haz- 
ard a  general  action  ?"  fifteen  of  tliem  answered  in 
the  negative  ;  but  recommended  a  detachment  of 
1500  inen,  to  be  immediately  sent,  to  act  as  occa- 
sion might  serve,  on  the  enemy's  left  flank  and 
rear.  This  was  immediately  forwarded  under 
General  Scott. 

When  Sir  Henry  Clinton  hadadvanced  to  Allen- 
town,  he  determined,  instead  of  keeping  the  direct 
course  towards  Staten  Island,  to  draw  towards  the 
sea  coast,  and  to  push  on  towards  Sandy  Hook. 
General  Washicgtou,  on  receiving  intelligence 


that  Sir  Henry  was  proceeding  in  that  dircciioii, 
towards  Monmouth  court-house, despatched  lOOO 
men  under  General  Wayne,  anil  sent  the  M.iKiuis 
do  la  Fayette  to  take  command  of  the  whole  ad- 
vanced orps,  with  oulers  to  seize  the  first  lair  op- 
portunity of  attacking  the  enemy's  rear.  General 
Lee,  who,  having  been  lately  exchanged, had  joined 
the  army,  was  oli'ered  this  command  ;  but  he  decli- 
ned it,  as  he  was  in  principle  against  hazarding  an 
attack.  The  whole  army  followed  at  a  proper 
distance,  for  suj)()orting  the  advanced  corps,  and 
reached  Cranberry  the  next  morning.  Sir  Henry 
Clinton,  sensible  of  the  approach  o(  the  Ameri- 
cans, placed  his  grenadiers,  light  infantry  and  chas- 
seurs in  his  rear,  and  his  baggage  in  his  front. 

General  Washington  increased  his  advanced 
corps  with  two  brigades,  and  sent  General  Lee, 
who  now  wished  for  the  command,  to  take  charge 
of  the  whole  ;  and  followed  with  the  main  army  to 
give  it  support.  On  the  next  morning,  orders  were 
sent  to  Lee,  to  move  on  and  attack,  unless  there 
should  be  powerful  reasons  to  the  contrary.  When 
Washington  had  marched  about  five  miles  to  sup- 
|)oit  the  advanced  cor|)s,  he  found  the  whole  of  it 
retreating  by  Lee's  orders,  and  without  having 
made  any  opposition  of  consequence.  Washing- 
ton rode  up  to  Lee,  and  proposed  certain  questions 
to  him,  which  implied  censure.  Lee  answered 
with  warmth  and  unsuitable  language.  The  coiu- 
inander  in  chief  ordered  Colonel  Stewart's  and 
lieutenant  colonel  Ramsay's  battalions  to  form  on 
a  piece  of  ground,  which  he  judged  suitable  for 
giving  a  check  to  the  advancing  enemy.  Lee  was 
then  asked,  if  he  would  commaiul  on  that  ground  ; 
to  which  he  consented,  and  was  ordered  to  take 
proper  measures  for  checking  the  enemy  :  to 
which  he  replied,  "your  orders  shall  be  obeyed, 
and  I  will  not  be  the  first  to  leave  the  field." 
Washington  then  rode  to  the  main  army,  which 
was  Ibrmed  with  the  utmost  expedition 

[Charles  Lee,  a  luajor  general  in  the  army  of 
the  United  States,  was  born  in  Wales  and  was 
the  son  of  John  Lee,  a  colonel  in  the  British  ser- 
vice. He  entered  the  army  at  a  very  early  age 
but  though  he  possessed  a  military  spirit,  he  was 
ardent  in  tKo  putsuit  of  knowledge.  He  acquired 
a  competent  skill  in  (ireek  and  Latin,  while  his 
fondness  for  travelling  made  him  acquainted  with 


the  Italian,  Spanish,  German,  and  French  langua- 
ges. In  1756  he  came  to  Aiuerica,  and  was  en- 
gaged in  the  attack  upon  Ticonderoga  in  July 
1758,  when  Abercrombie  was  defeated.  In  1762 
he  bore  a  colonel's  commission,  and  served  undei 
Burgoyne  in  Portugal,  where  he  much  distinguish- 
ed himself.  Not  long  afterwards  he  entered  into 
the  Polish  service.  Tiiough  he  was  absent  when  the 
stamp  act  passed,  he  yet  by  his  letters  zealously 
supported  the  cause  of  America.  In  the  years 
1771,  1772,  and  1773  he  rambled  over  all  Europe. 
During  this  excursion  he  was  engaged  with  an 
officer  in  Italy  in  an  affair  of  honour,  and  he  mur- 
dered his  antagonist,  escaping  himself  with  the 
loss  of  two  finger  s.  Having  lost  the  favour  of  the 
ministry  and  the  hopes  of  promotion  in  conse- 
quence of  his  political  sentiments,  he  came  to 
America  in  Nov.  1773.  He  travelled  through 
the  country,  animating  the  colonies  to  resistance. 
In  1774  he  was  induced  by  the  persuasion  of  his 
friend,  Gener-al  (iates,  to  purchase  a  valuable  tract 
of  land  of  two  or  three  thousand  acres  in  Berke- 
ley county,  Virginia.  Here  he  resided  till  the 
following  year,  when  he  resigned  a  comnrission, 
which  he  held  in  the  British  service,  and  accepted 
a  commission  froiri  Congress,  appointing  him  ma- 
jor general.  He  accompanied  Washington  to  the 
camp  at  Cambridge,  where  he  arrived,  July  2, 
1775,  and  was  received  with  every  mark  of  re- 
spect. In  the  beginning  of  the  following  year  he 
was  despatched  to  New  York  to  prevent  the  Bri- 
tish from  obtaining  possession  of  the  city  and  the 
Hudson.  This  trust  he  executed  with  great  wis- 
dom and  energy.  He  disarmed  all  suspicious  per- 
sons on  liOng  Island,  and  drew  up  a  test  to  be  of- 
fered to  everyone,  whose  attachment  to  the  Ame- 
rican cause  was  doubted.  His  bold  iireasur  es  car- 
ried terror  wherever  he  appeared.    lie  seems  to 


have  beerr  very  fond  of  this  a|)plication  of  a  test , 
for  irr  a  letter  to  the  presidc'iit  of  Congress  he  iit« 
foritrs  him,  that  he  had  taken  the  liberty  at  New- 
port to  administer  to  a  number  of  the  lories  a  very 
strong  oath,  one  article  of  which  was,  that  they 
should  take  arms  in  defence  of  their  country,  if 
cilled  u])on  by  Congress,  and  he  recommerrds,  that 
this  measure  should  be  adopted  in  rclererrce  to  all 
the  lories  irr  America.    Those  fanatics,  who  might 
refuse  to  take  it  he  thought  should  be  carried  into 
the  interior.  Being  sent  into  the  souther  n  colonies, 
as  conrrrrander  of  all  the  forces,  which  shouhi  there 
be  raised,  he  dill'used  an  ardour  among  the  soldiers, 
which  was  attended  by  the  most  salutary  conse- 
quences.   In  Oct.  by  the  direction  of  Congress  he 
repah-ed  to  the  northern  army.    As  he  was  march- 
ing Irom  the  Hudson  through  New  Jersey  to  form 
a  junction  with  Washington  in  Pennsylvania,  he 
quitted  his  camp  in  ftlorris  county  to  reconnoitre. 
In  this  em|)loy  ment  he  went  to  the  distance  of  three 
iriiles  from  the   camp  and  eirtered  a  hoirse  for 
breakfast.     A  British  colonel  became  acquainted 
with  his  situation  by  intercepting  a  couturyman, 
charged  with  a  letter  from  him,  and  was  enabled 
to  take  him  |)risoner.    He  was  instantly  moirnted 
on  a  horse  without  his  cloak  and  hat,  arnl  carried 
safely  to  New  York.    He  was  detained  till  April 
or  May  1778,  when  he  was  exchanged  for  General 
Prescott,  taken  at  New[)ort.    He  was  very  soon 
engaged  in  the  battle  of  Monnrouth.    Being  de- 
tached by  the  commander  in  chief  to  make  an  at- 
tackrjpon  the  rear  of  the  enemy,  Washingtotr  was 
pressing  forward  to  su|)port  him  June  2Sih,  when 
to  his  astonishment  he  Ibund  liinr  retreating  with- 
out having  made  a  single  eflV)rt  to  rrraintain  his 
ground.    Meeting  hinr  in  these  circumstances, 
without  any  previous  notice  of  his  plans,  Wash- 
ington addressed  him  in  terms  of  sorrre  warmth. 
Lee,  being  ordered  to  check  the  enemy,  conducted 
himself  with  his  usual  bravery,  and,  when  forced 
from  the  ground  on  which  he  had  been  placed, 
brought  oft"  his  troops  in  good  order.    But  his 
hairghty  tem[)er  could  not  brook  the  indrcrrity, 
which  he  believed  to  have  been  offered  hinr  (m  tho 
field  of  battle,  and  he  addressed  a  letter  to  Wash- 
ington, requiring  reparation  for  the  injury.  He 
was  on  the  30th  arrested  for  disobedience  of  or- 
lers,  for  misbehaviour  before  the  enenry,  aird  tor 


disrespect  to  the  comnrander  in  chief.  Of  these 
chari;es  he  was  found  girilty  by  a  court  martial,  at 
which  lord  Stirling  presided,  and  he  was  senten- 
ced to  be  susperrded  lor  one  year.  He  defended 
himself  with  his  accustomed  ability,  and  his  re- 
treat seems  to  be  justified  from  the  circumstance 
of  his  having  advanced  upon  an  etremy,  whose 
strength  was  much  greater,  than  was  apprehend- 
ed, and  from  his  beirrg  in  a  situation  with  a  rrrorass 
in  his  rear,  which  would  preclude  him  froirr  a  re- 
treat, if  the  British  should  have  proved  victorious 
But  his  disrespectful  letters  to  the  commander  in 
chief  it  is  not  easy  to  justify.  His  suspension 
gave  general  satisfaction  to  the  army,  for  he  was 
sirspected  ofainring  hinrself  at  the  supreme  corn- 
nrand.  After  the  result  of  his  trial  was  confirm- 
ed by  Congress  in  January  1780,  he  retired  to  his 
estate  in  Berkley  county,  where  he  lived  in  a 
style  peculiar  to  himself.  Glass  windows  and 
plaster  worrld  have  been  extravagances  in  his 
Irouse.  Thonglr  he  had  for  his  companions  a  few 
select  authors  and  his  dogs;  yet,  as  he  found  his 
situation  too  solitary  and  irksorrre,  he  sold  his 
farm  in  the  fall  of  1782.  that  in  a  different  abode 
he  might  enjoy  the  conversation  of  irrankind.  He 
went  to  Philadelphia  and  took  lodgings  irr  an  inn. 
After  being  three  or  four  davs  in  the  city  he  was 
seized  with  a  fever,  which  terminated  his  life  (^ct 
2,  1782.  The  last  words,  which  he  uttered,  were 
"stand  by  me,  rrry  brave  gr-enadiers." 

In  his  person  (Jeneral  Lee  was  rather  above 
the  middle  size,  and  his  remarkable  a(|uiline  nose 
rendered  his  face  somewhat  disaijreeable.  He 
was  master  of  a  most  genteel  address,  but  was 
rude  in  his  iiranners  and  excessively  ncHlisrent  in 
his  appearance  arrd  behaviour.  His  appetite  was 
so  wliiirrsical,  that  he  was  every  where  a  mosi 
troublesome  guest.    Two  or  three  dogs  usually 


4-12  

followed  liiin  wlierever  he  went.  As  an  ofTiccr  he 
was  biavt'  -.iiid  ;il)le,  and  did  much  towards  disci- 
|)liiniis:thf  Aineiicaii  army.  With  vigorous  powers 
of  mind  and  a  brilliant  fancy  he  was  a  correct  and 
elegant  classical  scholar,  and  he  both  wrote  and 
spoke  his  native  language  with  propriety,  force, 
and  beauty.  His  teni|)er  was  severe.  The  his- 
tory of  his' life,  is  liitJ*  else  than  the  history  of 
disputes,  quarrels,  aiM  duels  in  every  part  of  the 
world.  He  was  vindictive,  avaricious,  immoral, 
impious,  and  profane.  His  principles,  as  would  be 
expected  fiom  his  character,  were  most  abandon- 
ed, and  he  ridiculed  every  tenet  of  religion.  He 
published  about  the  year  17(i0  a  pam|)hk-'.  on  the 
imporlance  of  retaining  Canada.  After  h  s  death, 
memoirs  of  his  life,  with  his  essays  anJ  letters, 
were  published,  \2iih).  1792.    Lee's  memoirs.] 

A  warm  cannonade  immediately  commenced  be- 
tween the  British  and  American  artillery,  and  a 
lieavy  firing  between  the  advanced  tioops  of  the 
British  army,  and  the  two  battalions  which  (gene- 
ral Washington  had  halted.  These  stood  their 
ground,  till  they  were  intermixed  with  a  (lart  of 
the  British  army:  Lieutenant  Colonel  Kamsay, 
the  commander'of  one  of  them,  was  wounded  and 
taken  prisoner.  (Jeneral  Lee  continued  till  the 
last  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  brought  olf  the  rear 
of  the  retreating  troops. 

The  check  the  British  received  gave  time  to 
uiake  a  disposition  of  the  left  wing,  and  second 
line  of  the  American  army  in  the  wood,  and  on  the 
eminence  to  which  Lee  was  retreating.  On  this, 
some  cannon  were  placed  by  lord  Stirling,  who 
commanded  the  left  wing;  which,  with  the  co- 
operation of  some  parlies  of  infantry,  effectually 
stopped  the  advance  of  the  British  in  that  quarter, 
(leneral  Greene  took  a  very  advantageous  posi- 
tion, on  the  light  of  lord  Stirling.  The  British 
attempted  to  turn  the  left  flank  of  the  Americans, 
but  were  repulsed.  They  also  inaile  a  movetnent 
to  the  right,  with  as  little  guccess ;  for  (ireene 
with  artillery  disappointed  their  design.  Wayne 
advanced  with  a  body  of  troops,  and  kept  up  so  se- 
vere and  well-directed  a  fire,  that  the  British  were 
soon  compelled  to  give  way,  They  retired  and 
look  the  position,  which  Lee  had  before  occupied. 
Washington  resolved  to  attack  them,  and  ordered 
General  Poor  to  move  round  upon  ihcir  right  and 
G<!neral  Woodford  to  tlieir  left ;  but  they  could  not 
get  within  reacli,  before  it  was  daik.  'J'hese  te- 
remai'ied  on  the  ground,  wliich  they  had  been  di- 
rected to  occupy  during  the  night,  with  an  inten- 
tion of  attacking  early  next  morning  ;  and  the 
main  body  lay  on  their  arms  in  the  field,  to  be 
ready  for  supporting  them. 

General  Washington  reposed  himself  in  his 
cloak,  under  a  tree,  in  hopes  of  renewing  the  ac- 
tion the  next  day  ;  but  iliese  hopes  were  frustrated. 
The  British  troops  marched  away  in  the  night,  in 
such  silence  that  General  Poor,  though  very  near 
them,  knew  nothingof  their  departure.  They  left 
behind  them.  4  officers,  and  about  10  privates,  all  so 
badly  wounded,  that  they  could  not  be  removed. 
The  British,  June  30,  pursued  their  march  without 
farther  interruption,  and  soon  reached  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Sandy  Hook  without  the  loss  ofeither 
their  covering  party  or  baggage.  The  American 
genoral  declined  all  farther  pursuit  of  the  royal  ar- 
my, and  soon  after  drew  of^his  troops  to  the  borders 
of  the  North  river.  The  .wssofthe  Americans,  in 
killed  and  wounded,  was  about  250.  The  loss  of 
the  royal  armv.  inclusive  of  prisoners,  was  about 
350.  Lieut.  Colonel  iMonckton,  one  of  the  iirit- 
ish  slain,  on  account  of  his  singular  merit  was 
universally  l.iiiienled.  (-'olonel  Bonner  of  Penn- 
nylvania,  and  Major  Dickenson  of  \'irginia,  ofli- 
cers  hinlny  esleemod  by  their  countiv,  fell  in 
ihiH  eiigaiiement.  The  cmoiions  of  the  mind, 
ailded  to  fitiuiie  in  a  very  hot  day,  brought  on 
Blicii  a  fatal  suppression  of  the  vil;il  powers,  thai 
some  of  tin-  Anii'ricans,  and  .Olt  of  the  British 
Wfrc  foiiixl  ilead  on  the  field  of  battle,  without  any 
marks  of  vi(driice  upon  their  bodies. 

It  is  probable,  that  Washington  intended  Intake 
no  farther  notice  of  Lee's  conduct  in  the  day  of 
tctiuu;  but  the  laitei  could  nut  brook  thcexpres- 


H  I  S  T  O  R  V   O  F    T  ff  K 


sions  used  by  the  toimer  al  their  first  meeting, and 
wrote  hini  two  passionate  lelteis.  This  occasion- 
ed his  being  arrested,  and  brou<;ht  to  trial.  The 
charges  exhibited  against  him  were  : 

1st.  For  disobedience  of  orders,  in  not  aitack- 
ing  the  enemy  on  the  2Sth  of  June,  agreeable  lo 
repeated  instructions. 

2dly.  For  misbehaviour  before  the  enemy,  on 
the  same  day,  by  making  an  unnecessary,  disorder- 
ly, and  shameful  retreat. 

3dly.  For  disrespect  to  the  commander-in-chief 
in  two  letters. 

Af"ter  a  tedious  hearing  before  a  court  martial, 
Lee  was  found  guilty;  and  sentenced  to  be  sus- 
pended from  any  command  in  the  armies  of  the 
United  Slates,  for  the  term  of  one  year  :  but  the 
second  charge  was  softened  by  the  court  martial 
who  in  their  award  only  found  him  guilty  of  mis- 
behaviour before  the  enemy,  by  making  an  unne- 
cessary, and  in  some  few  iiKsiances,  a  disorderly 
retreat.  Many  were  displeased  with  ihis  sentence. 
They  argued,  "that  by  the  tenor  of  Lee's  orders 
it  was  submitted  to  his  discretion,  whether  to  at- 
tack or  not;  and  also,  that  the  time  and  manner 
were  to  be  determined  by  his  own  judgment :  that 
at  onetime  he  intended  to  attack,  but  altered  his 
o[)inion  on  ap|)arenlly  good  grounds;  that  ilie  [)ro- 
priety  of  an  attack,  considerinff  the  superiotily  of 
the  British  Cavalry,  and  the  ojiennessof  the  ground, 
was  very  questionable  ;  and  that,  though  it  might 
have  distressed  the  enemy's  rear  in  the  fust  in- 
stance, it  would  probably  have  brought  on  a  gene- 
ral action,  before  the  advanced  corps  could  have 
been  supported  by  the  main  body,  which  wassome 
miles  in  the  rear."  "  If,"  said  they,  "  Lee's  judg- 
ment were  against  attacking  the  enemy,  he  could 
not  be  guilty  of  disobeying  an  ordei  for  that  pur- 
pose, wjiich  was  suspended  on  the  condition  of  his 
own  approbation  of^  the  measure."  They  also 
contended,  that  a  suspension  from  command  was 
not  a  suflicient  piinisliinent  for  his  crimes,  if  really 
guilty.  They  therefore  inferred  a  presumption  of 
his  innocence  from  the  lenient  sentence  of  his 
judges  though  there  was  a  diversity  of  o|)i.iion 
relative  to  the  first  and  second  charges,  all  were 
agreed  in  pronouncing  him  guilty  of  disrespect  to 
the  commander-in-chief.  The  Americans  had  for- 
merly idolized  General  Lee  ;  but  some  of  ilieni  now 
went  to  the  opposite  extreme,  and  without  any 
foundation  pronounced  him  treacherous,  or  defici- 
ent in  courage.  His  temper  was  violent,  and  his 
impatience  of  subordination  had  led  liiin  ofien  to 
quarrel  with  those  whom  he  was  bound  to  respect 
and  obey  ;  but  his  courage  and  fidelity  could  not 
be  questioned. 

Soon  after  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  ilic  Ame- 
rican army  took  post  at  the  White  I'lains,  a  few 
miles  beyond  Kings-bridge  ;  and  the  British, 
though  only  a  few  miles  distant,  did  not  molest 
them,  'i'hey  remained  in  this  position,  from  an 
early  day  in  July,  till  a  late  one  in  ihe  autumn: 
and  then  the  Americans  retired  to  Middle  Brook 
in  Jersey,  where  they  built  themselves  huts  in  the 
same  manner  as  they  had  done  at  V  alley  Forge. 

Immediately  on  the  departure  of  the  British  from 
Philadel|)hia,  Concress.  after  an  absence  of  nine 
months,  returned  to  the  I'oriiier  seat  of  their  de- 
liberations. Soon  after  their  return,  Gth,  August, 
they  were  called  upon,  to  give  a  public  audience 
to  a  minister  plenipolenliaiy  from  the  court  of 
France.  The  person  appointed  to  this  oflice  was 
M.  (ierard,  the  same  who  had  been  employed  in 
the  nesoci  itions,  antecedent  lo  the  treaty.  The 
arrival  and  leception  of  a  minister  from  France, 
made  a  strong  impression  on  the  minds  of  the 
Americans.  They  felt  the  weight  and  importance, 
to  which  they  were  lisen  among  nations.  That 
the  same  spot  which  in  less  than  a  century,  had 
been  the  residence  of  savages,  should  become  the 
theatre  on  which,  the  representatives  of  a  new, 
Iree,  and  civilized  nation,  gave  a  public  audience 
to  a  minister  plenipoieiitiarv,  fi  om  oiu;  of  the  old- 
est and  most  povvei  fill  kingdoms  of  Kurope.  alVord- 
ed  ample  materials  ftir  philosophic  contemplation. 
That  in  less  than  three  years  from  the  day,  on 
which  an  answer  was  refused  by  Great  Britain  to 


the  united  supplications  of  the  colonists,  |)raying 
for  peace,  liberty  and  safety,  they  should,  as  an  in- 
dependent people,  be  honoured  with  the  residence 
of  a  minister  from  the  court  of  France,  exceeded 
the  expectation  of  the  most  sanguine  Americans. 
The  patriots  of  the  new  world  revolved  in  their 
minds  these  transactions,  with  heart-felt,  satis- 
faction ;  while  the  devout  were  led  to  admire 
that  Providence,  w  hich  had,  in  so  short  a  space, 
stationed  the  United  States  among  the  powers 
of  the  earth,  and  clothed  them  in  robes  of  sove- 
reignty. 

'J'he  British  liad  barely  completed  the  removal 
of  their  fleet  and  army,  from  the  Delaware  and 
Philadel|)hia,  to  the  harbour  and  tity  of  New 
York,  when  they  received  intelligence,  that  a 
French  fleet  was  on  the  coast  of  Ameiica.  This 
was  commanded  by  Count  D'Estaign,  and  consi»- 
ed  of  twelve  ships  of  the  line  and  three  frigaleg. 
Among  the  former,  one  carried  90  guns,  mother, 
80,  and  six  74  guns  each.  Their  first  object  was 
the  surprise  of  lord  Howe'sfleet  in  the  Deliware  ; 
but  they  arrived  too  late.  In  naval  history,  there 
are  few  more  narrow  escapes,  than  that  of  the 
British  fleet,  on  this  occasion.  It  consisted  only 
of  SIX  64  gun  shi[)s,  three  of  fiO,  and  two  of  4l(, 
with  some  frigates  and  sloops.  Most  of  these 
had  been  long  on  service,  and  were  in  a  bad  con- 
dition. Their  foice,  when  compared  with  that  of 
the  French  fleet,  was  so  greatly  inferior,  that  had 
the  latter  reached  the  mouth  of  the  Delaware,  in 
75  days  from  its  leaving  Toulon,  their  capture,  in 
the  ordinary  course  of  events,  would  have  been 
inevitable.  This  was  pi evented  by  the  various 
hindrances  which  retarded  D'Estaign  in  his  voy 
age  to  the  term  of  87  days  ;  in  the  last  eleven  of 
which  lord  Howe'sfleet  not  only  quitted  the  Dela- 
ware, but  reached  the  harbour  of  New  York. 
D'Estaign,  disappointed  in  his  first  scheme,  ptir- 
sued,  and,  July  11th,  appeared  off  Sandy  Hook. 
American  i)ilots  of  the  first  abilities,  provided  for 
the  purpose,  went  on  board  his  fleet.  Among  them 
were  persons,  whose  circumstances  ))laced  them 
above  the  ordinary  lank  of  pilots. 

The  sight  of  the  French  fleet  roused  all  the  ac- 
tive passions  of  their  adversaries.  Transported 
with  indignation  against  the  French,  f(>r  inteiter 
ing  in  what  they  called  a  domestic  (|uairel,  the 
British  displayed  a  spirit  of  zeal  and  bravery  which 
could  not  be  exceeded.  A  thousand  volunteers 
were  despatched  from  their  transports  to  man  their 
fleet.  The  masters  and  mates  of"  the  merch.ir.i- 
men  and  traders  at  New  York,  took  their  stations 
at  the  guns  with  the  common  sailors.  Others  |iut 
to  sea  in  light  vessels,  to  watch  the  motions  of 
theii  enemies.  The  oliicers  and  privates  of  the 
British  aimy  contended,  with  .so  much  eagerness, 
to  serve  onboard  the  men  of  war  as  marines,  tint 
it  became  necessary  to  decide  the  point  of'  honour 
by  lot. 

The  French  fleet  came  to  anchor,  and  con 
tinned  without  the  Hook  for  eleven  days.  During 
this  time,  the  Hntish  had  the  mortification  ol  see 
ing  the  blockade  of  their  fleet,  and  the  capliiie  ol 
about  20  vessels  under  English  colours.  On  the 
22(1,  the  French  fleet  appeared  under  weigh.  It 
was  an  anxious  moment  to  the  Biitish.  They 
supposed  that  Count  D'Estaign  would  force  his 
way  into  the  'larboiir.  and  that  an  engageiiienl 
would  be  the  consequence.  Every  thing  with 
them  was  at  slake.  Nothing  less  than  deslnn  tiiiii 
or  victory  would  have  ended  the  conlesl.  ll  the 
first  had  been  their  lot,  the  vast  fleet  of  transports 
and  victuallers,  and  the  army,  must  have  I'alliMi. 
The  |>ilots  on  board  the  French  fleet,  declared  it 
to  be  imjiossible  to  carry  the  large  ships  thereof 
over  the  bar,  on  account  of  their  draught  of  water. 
D  Estaign,  on  that  account,  and  by  the  advice  of 
(Jciieral  Washington,  left  the  I  look  and  sailed  lor 
Newport.  By  his  departure  the  British  fleet  li  id 
a  second  escape;  for  had  he  remained  at  the 
[  Hook  but  a  few  days  longer,  the  fleet  of  Ailiniral 
Byron  must  have  fillen  into  his  hands.  Tl.al  of- 
ficer had  been  sent  out  to  relieve  lord  Hov  e,  who 
had  solicited  to  be  recalled  ;  and  the  flee'  twidei 
his  command  had  been  seut  to  reinforce  th.  t  w  bicb 


UNITED  STATES. 


443 


had  Let)  [jieviously  on  the  coast  of  America. 
Ailiiiiial  Hvioii's  squadron  had  met  witli  bad  wea- 
tl)('r,  and  «as  separated  in  dilierent  storms.  It 
now  arrived,  scattered,  broken,  dismasted,  or 
ollierwise  damaged.  Williin  eijjlit  days  alter  tlie 
departiiie  of  llie  French  lieet,  the  Kenown,  tiie 
Uaisoiinabie,  the  ("eiitiirion,  and  the  Cornwall  ar- 
rived siiifily  at  Sandy  Hook. 

^'he  next  attempt  of  Count  D'Estaign  was 
against  Rhode  Island,  of  which  tlie  British  liad 
been  in  possession  since  December,  1776.  A 
cond)ined  attack  a;;ainst  it  was  projected,  in  which 
It  was  agreed  tlial  (ieneral  Sullivan  shonld  coni- 
luaiid  ll)(!  .American  land  forces.  Such  was  the 
eai;eriiess  of  the  people  to  to-operate  with  their 
new  allies,  and  soconlident  were  they  of  success, 
that  some  thonsaiids  o(  volunteers  engaged  in  the 
service,  'i'lie  militia  of  Massachusetts  was  under 
tlie  conunaiid  of  (ieneral  Hancock.  The  royal 
Ir  >i)ps  on  tlieisl.ind,  having  lately  been  reiiitorced, 
were  about  GOOO.  Sullivan's  force  nas  about 
10. (100.  Lord  Howe  followed  Count  D'Estaign, 
and  came  w  ithin  sight  of  Rhode  Island,  the  day 
alter  the  Fieiich  lleet  entered  the  harbour  of  \e\v- 
port.  The  Hrilish  fleet  exceeded  the  French  in 
point  of  number,  bui  was  infeiiorin  effective  force 
and  weijilit  of  metal.  On  the  appeaianc^i  of  lord 
Howe,  the  Krench  admiral  put  out  to  sea  with  his 
whole  force  to  engage  him.  While  the  t\/o  coiu- 
inandeis  were  exerting  their  naval  skill  to  gain  re- 1 
sppctively  the  advantages  of  position,  a  strong  gale 
of  wind  came  on,  which  greatly  damaged  theshipsj 
on  both  sides.  In  this  conflict  of  the  elements, 
Iwo  capital  French  ships  were  dismasted.  The 
Laiigiiedoc  of  9(>  guns,  D'Estaign's  own  ship,  afce r 
losing  all  lier  masts  and  rudder,  was  attacked  by 
iJie  Renown  of  50  guns,  commanded  by  Captain 
Dawson.  Tlie  same  evening,  the  Preston  of  50 
guns,  fell  in  with  the  Tonnant  of  80  guns:  will 
only  her  mainmast  standing,  and  attacked  her  with 
spirit  :  but  night  put  an  end  to  the  enga';ement. 
Six  sail  of  tlie  French  squadron  came  up  in  the 
night,  which  saved  the  disabled  ships  from  any 
farther  attack.  There  was  no  ship  or  vessel  lost 
un  either  side.  The  British  snffered  less  in  the 
Btorin  tlian  their  adversaries;  yet  enough  to  make 
it  necessary  to  return  to  New- York,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  refitting.  The  French  fleet  c;ime  to  an- 
chor, on  the  20th  of  August,  near  to  Rhode  Island  ; 
but  sailed  on  the  22d,  to  Boston.  Before  they 
sailed,  (ieneral  Greene  and  tlie  Marquis  de  la  Fay- 
ette went  on  board  the  Languedoc,  to  consult  on 
measures  proper  to  be  ptiisued.  They  urged 
D'Ksiaign  toreturn  withhis fleet  into  the  harbour; 
but  his  principal  officeis  were  opposed  to  the  trea- 
sure, and  protested  against  it.  He  had  been  in- 
structed to  go  to  Boston,  if  his  fleet  met  with  any 
misfortune.  HisofTicers  insisted  on  his  ceasing  to 
prosecute  the  expedition  against  Rhode  Island, 
that  he  might  conform  to  the  orders  of  their  com 
mon  superiors. 

Upon  the  return  of  (ieneral  Greene  and  the  Mar 
quis  de  la  Fayette,  and  their  reporting  the  de 
termination  oi' Count  D'Estaign,  a  protest  was 
drawn  up  and  sent  to  him,  which  was  signed  by 
John  Sullivan,  Nathaniel  (ireene,  John  Hancock. 
J.(ilover,  E/.ekiel  Cornel,  William  Whipple,  John 
Tyler.  Solomon  Lovcll,  Jon.  Fitconnel.  They 
protested  against  the  count's  taking  the  fleet  to 
Boston,  as  derogatory  to  the  honour  of  France, 
contrary  lo  the  intention  of  his  most  ( Jhristian  Ma- 
jjsly,  and  the  interests  of  his  ration,  destructive  in 
Che  highest  degree  to  the  welfare  of  the  United 
Slates,  and  highly  injurious  to  the  alliance  formed 
between  the  two 'nations.  Had  D'Estaign  prose- 
cuted his  original  plan  within  the  harbour,  either 
before  or  immediately  after  the  pursuit  of  lord 
Howe,  the  reduction  o'f  the  British  post  on  Rhode 
Island  would  have  been  probable  ;  but  his  depar- 
ture in  the  first  instance  to  engage  the  British  fleet, 
and  in  the  second  from  Rhode  Island  to  Boston, 
frustrated  the  whole.  Perhaps  Count  D'Estaign 
lioped  by  something  brilliant  to  efface  the  impres- 
•ions  made  by  his  late  failure  at  New  York.  Or  he 
might  have  thought  it  imprudent  to  stake  his  whole 
fleet,  within  an  harbour  possessed  by  his  enemies. 


After  his  ships  had  sufl'ered  both  from  battle  and 
the  storm,  the  letter  of  his  instructions,  the  im|)or- 
tuuiiy  of  his  officers,  and  his  anxiety  to  have  his 
ships  speedily  refitted,  might  have  weighed  with 
him  to  sail  directly  for  Boston.  Whatever  were 
the  reasons  which  induced  him  to  adopt  that  mea- 
sured, the  Americans  were  greatly  dissatisfied. 
They  complained  that  they  had  incurred  great  ex- 
pense and  danger,  under  the  ])rospect  of  tlie  most 
effective  co-operation;  that  depending  thereon, 
they  had  risked  their  lives  on  an  island,  where, 
without  naval  |)rotection,  they  were  exposed  to 
particular  danger  ;  that'  in  this  situation,  they  were 
first  deserted,  and  afterwaids  totally  abandoned,  at 
a  time,  when,  by  perseveiing  in  the  original  plan, 
they  had  well-grounded  hopes  of  speedy  success. 
Under  these  a[)|)rehensions,  the  discontented  mili- 
tia went  home  in  such  crowds,  that  the  regular  ar- 
my which  remained,  was  in  danger  of  being  cut  off 
Iroin  a  retreat.  In  these  embarrassing  circumstan- 
ces, General  Sullivan  extricated  himself  with  judg- 
ment and  ability.  He  began  to  send  off  his  heavy 
artillery  and  baggage  on  the  26ih,  and  retreated 
from  his  lines  on  the  night  of  the  2Stli.  It  had 
been  that  day  resolved  in  a  council  of  war,  to  re- 
move to  the  north  of  the  island,  fortify  their  camp, 
secure  a  commtinication  with  the  main,  and  hold 
the  ground  till  it  could  be  known  whether  the 
French  fleet  would  return  to  theirassistance.  The 
Marquis  de  la  Lafayette,  by  desire  of  his  associates, 
setoff  for  Boston,  to  request  the  speedy  return  of 
the  French  fleet.  To  tliis  Count  d'Esiaign  would 
not  consent ;  but  he  made  a  spirited  oH'er  to  lead 
:he  troops  under  his  command,  and  co-operate  with 
:Iie  American  land  forces  against  Rhode  Island. 

Sullivan  retreated  with  great  order;  but  he  had 
not  been  five  hours  at  the  north  end  of  the  Island, 
when  his  troo|)s  was  fired  upon  by  the  British,  who 
had  pursued  them,  on  discovering  their  retreat. 
The  pursuit  was  made  by  two  parties  and  on  two 
roads;  to  one  was  opposed  Colonel  Henry  B.  Liv- 
ingston ;  to  the  other  John  Laurens,  aid-de-camp 
to  General  Washington,  and  each  of  them  had  a 
command  of  light  troops.  In  the  first  instance 
these  liglit  troops  were  compelled  bv  sujierior  num- 
bers to  give  way  ;  but  they  kept  up  a  retreating 
fire.  On  being  reinforced,  they  gave  their  pur- 
suers a  check,  and  at  length  repulsed  them.  By 
degrees  the  action  became  in  some  respects  gen- 
eral, and  near  1200  Ameiicans  were  engaged. 
The  loss  on  each  side  was  between  two  and  three 
hundred. 

Lord  Howe's  fleet,  with  sir  Henry  Clinton  and 
about  4000  troops  on  boaid,  being  seen  off  the 
coast,  General  Sullivan  concluded  immediately  lo 
evacuate  Rhode  Island.  As  the  sentries  of  both 
armies  were  witliiii  400  yards  of  each  other,  the 
greatest  caution  was  necessary.  To  cover  the  de- 
sign of  retreating,  the  show  of  resistance  and  con- 
tinuance on  the  island  was  kept  up.  The  retreat 
was  made  in  the  night,  and  nearly  completed  by 
twelve  o'clock.  Towards  the  last  of  it,  the  Mar- 
quis de  Lafayette  returned  from  Boston.  He  had 
rode  thither  from  Rhode  Island,  a  distance  of  70 
miles,  in  seven  hours,  and  returned  in  six  and  a 
half.  Anxious  to  partake  in  the  engagement,  his 
mortification  w^as  not  little  at  beini:  absent  on  the 
day  bel'ore.  He  was  in  time  to  bring  off  the  |)i('- 
quets,  and  other  parties  that  covered  the  retreat  of 
the  American  army.  This  lie  did  in  excellent  or- 
der. Not  a  man  was  left  behind,  nor  was  the  small- 
est article  lost. 

The  bravery  and  good  coniluct  which  John  I^au- 
rens  displayed  on  this  occasion,  were  excelled  by 
his  republican  magnanimity,  in  declining  a  milita- 
ry conimision,  which  was  conferred  on  him,  by 
tlie  representatives  of  his  country.  Congress  re- 
solved, that  he  should  be  presented  with  a  conti- 
nental commission,  of  lieutenant  colonel,  in  testi- 
mony of  the  sense  which  they  entertained  of  his 
[latriotic  and  s[)irited  services,  and  of  his  brave 
conduct  in  several  actions,  ))articularly  in  that  of 
I\hode  Island,  on  the  29th  of  August. 

On  the  next  day  he  wrote  to  Congress  a  letter, 
expressing  "  his  gratitude  for  the  unexpected  hon- 
our which  they  were  pleased  to  confer  him,  and  the 


satisfaction  it  would  have  afforded  him,  could  he 
have  a(  i  i'pted  it  w  ithout  injuring  1  he  r'glits  of  the 
ollicers  in  the  line  of  the  army,  and  doing  an  evi- 
dent injustice  to  his  colleagues,  in  the  family  of  tlia 
commander  in  chiel".  That  having  been  a  specta 
tor  ol  the  convulsions  occasioned  in  the  army  by 
disputes  of  rank,  he  held  the  traii(|uillity  of  it  loo 
dear,  to  be  instrumental  in  disturbing  it,  and  there- 
lore  intreated  Congress  to  suppress  their  resolve, 
ordering  him  the  commission  ol  lieutenant  colonel 
and  to  accept  his  sincere  thanks  for  the  intended 
honour." 

With  the  abortive  ex|)edition  to  Rhode  Island, 
there  was  an  end  to  the  plans,  which  were  in  ihis 
first  campaign  projecteil  by  the  allies  of  Congress 
(or  a  co-operation.  The  Americans  had  been  in- 
toxicated with  hopes  of  the  most  decisive  advan- 
tages ;  but  in  every  instance  they  were  disappoint- 
ed. Lord  Howe,  with  an  infei  iority  of  force,  not 
only  preserved  his  own  fleet,  but  coiuilei acted  and 
defeated  all  the  views  and  attempts  of  Count  D'Es- 
taign. The  French  fleet  gained  no  direct  advan- 
tages for  the  Americans;  yet  their  arrival  w;is  of 
great  service  to  their  cause.  Besides  deranging 
the  plans  of  the  British,  it  carried  conviction  to 
iheir  minds,  th^t  liis  most  Christian  Majesty  wag 
seriously  disposed  to  support  them.  The  good 
will  of  their  new  allies  was  manifested  to  the  .'\me- 
licans;  and  though  it  had  failed  in  [iroducing  the 
eli'ecis  expected  from  it,  the  failure  was  charged 
to  winds,  weather,  and  unavoidable  incidents.— 
Some  censured  Count  D'Estaign  ;  but  while  they 
attempted  to  console  themselves  by  throwing 
blame  on  him,  tiiey  felt  and  acknowledged  ;l;cir 
obligation  to  the  French  nation,  and  were  encour- 
aged to  persevere  in  the  war,  from  the  liope  lhat 
better  fortune  would  attend  their  luture  co-opera- 
lion. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton,  finding  lhat  the  Americans 
had  left  Rhode  Island,  returned  to  New  York  ;  but 
directed  (ieneral  (irey  to  proceed  to  Bedford  and 
(he  neighbourhood,  where  several  American  pri- 
vateers resorted.  Or)  reaching  the  [ilace  of  their 
destination,  the  general's  parly  landed,  and  in  a 
lew  hours  destroyed  about  seventy  sa"'  iif  ship- 
ping, besides  a  number  of  small  craft.  Tiiey  a!so 
buint  magazines,  wharves,  stores,  warehoui'-s, 
V  ssels  on  the  stocks,  and  a  considerable  number 
01  dwelling  houses.  The  building  burned  in  Bed- 
ford, were  estimated  to  be  worth  <l'2O,O0U  sterling. 
The  other  articles  destroyed  were  worih  much 
more.  The  royal  lroo|)s  proceeded  lo  Martha's 
Vineyard.  There  they  destroyed  a  few  vessels, 
and  made  a  requisition  of  the  militia  arms,  tlie 
public  money,  300  oxen,  and  2000  sheep,  which 
was  complied  wilh. 

A  similar  expedition,  under  the  command  of 
Captain  Ferguson,  was  about  the  same  time  un<ler- 
taken  against  I^ittle  Egg-Harbour,  at  which  place 
the  Americans  had  a  riumberof  privateers  and  pri- 
zes, and  also  some  salt-works.  Several  of  the 
vessels  got  ofl";  but  all  that  were  found  were  de- 
stroyed. Previous  to  the  enibarcatioti  of  the  Bri- 
tish Irom  Egg  HarbourlbrNew  York, Capt.iin  Fer- 
guson wilh  250  men,  surprised  and  put  to  tiealh 
about  fiO  of  a  party  of  the  Americans,  who  were 
posted  in  the  vicinity.  The  attack  beinn  made  in 
the  night,  liille  or  no  (jiiarler  was  given. 

The  loss  sustained  by  the  British  in  these  seve- 
i"il  excursions  was  trifling;  but  the  advantage  was 
considerable,  from  lire  supplies  ihey  procured,  and 
the  check  wiiich  was  given  lo  the  American  priva- 
teers. 

One  of  the  most  dis  istrous  events,  which  occur- 
red at  this  period  of  the  campaign,  was  the  sur- 
prise and  massacre  of  an  .AiTiericari  regiment  of 
light  dr-agoons,  commanded  by  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Baylor.  \\'hile  employed  in  a  detached  situation, 
to  iniercept  and  watch  a  British  foraging  party, 
they  took  up  their  lodging  in  a  barn  near  Tappau. 
The  oflicer  who  commanded  the  parly  wliich  sur- 
prised them,  was  .Major  (ieneral  (irey.  He  acqui- 
red the  name  of  the  "No  flint  (ieneral,"  from  iiis 
common  practice  of  ordering  the  men  under  his 
command  lo  take  the  flints  out  of  their  muskets 
that  tliey  might  be  cotifiuet}  to  the  use  ef  their  bay- 


444 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


oueis.  A  i)ariy  of  militia,  which  hiid  been  suitioiiedtempted  by  pioceeirmg  from  north  to  somh  but 


on  lite  ro.id,  by  wliich  the  Ikitisli  advanced,  quitted 
tiieir  posts,  willioiil  givinj;  any  notice  to  Colonel 
Havlor.  This  disorderly  cor)diict  was  the  occasion 
ot' the  disaster  which  lollowed.  (ircy's  men  pro- 
dCfdfd  With  such  silence  and  address,  that  they 
cm  oiKa  ser^jeant's  patrol  without  noise,  and  siii- 
roiinded  old  Ta()pan  without  being  discovered. 
Tliey  tlien  rushed  in  upon  Baylor's  regiment,  while 
rlipy  weje  in  a  profound  sleep.  Incapable  of  de- 
fence or  resistance,  cut  oil'  from  every  j)rospect  of 
selling  their  lives  dear,  the sur|)rised  dragoons  sued 
for  quarters.  Unmoved  by  their  sui)plications, 
their  adversaries  applied  the  bayonet,  antl  contin- 
ued its  repealed  thrusts,  while  objects  could  be 
liuind  in  which  any  signs  of  life  appeared.  A  few 
escaped  ;  and  others,  after  having  received  from 
five  10  eleven  bavonet  wounds  in  the  trunk  of  the 
body,  were  restored  in  a  course  of  time,  to  jjerfect 
licallh.  IJ.ivlor  hin)self  was  wounded  but  not  dan- 
gerously. He  lost  in  killed,  wounded  and  taken, 
1)7  privates  juit  of  101.  Alxtut  40  were  made  pris- 
oners. These  were  indebted,  for  their  lives,  to 
the  hunianiiy  of  one  of  Grey's  captains,  who  gave 
quarters  to  tlie  whole  fourth  trooj),  though  contra- 
ry lo  the  orders  of  his  superior  olhcers.  The  cir- 
cumstance of  the  attack  being  made  in  the  night, 
w  hen  neither  order  nor  discipline  can  be  observed, 
may  apologise  in  some  degree  with  men  of  a  cer- 
tain description,  for  this  bloody  scene.  It  cannot 
be  maintained  that  the  laws  of  war  require  that 
'quarters  should  be  given  in  similar  assaults;  but 
the  lovers  of  mankind  must  ever  contend,  that  the 
laws  ofhuinaniiy  are  of  superior  obligation  to  those 
of  war.  The  truly  brave  will  spare  when  resist- 
ance ceases,  and  in  every  case  where  it  can  be 
done  with  safety.  The  perpetrators  of  such  ac- 
tions may  justly  be  denominated  the  enemies  of  re- 
fined society.  As  far  as  their  example  avails,  it 
tends  to  arrest  the  growing  humanity  of  modern 
times,  and  to  revive  the  barbarism  of'iothic  ages. 
On  tliese  principles,  the  inassacre  ofColonel  Bay- 
lor's regiment  was  the  subject  of  much  complaint. 
The  particulars  of  it  were  ascertained,  by  the  oaths 
of  sundry  credible  witnesses,  taken  before  Gover- 
nor Livingston,  of  .Jersey  ;  and  the  whole  was  sub- 
mitted to  the  judginent  of  the  public. 

In  the  sununer  of  this  year,  an  expedition  was 
undertaken  against  East  Florida.  This  was  re- 
solved upon,  with  the  double  view  of  protecting  the 
state  of  (  Jeorgia  from  depredation,  and  of  causing 
a  diversion.  (lencral  Robert  Howe,  who  con- 
ducted it,  had  under  his  command  about2000  men, 
a  few  hundred  of  whom  were  continental  troops, 
and  the  remainder  tnilitia  of  the  states  of  South 
Carolina  and  (Jeorgia.  They  proceeded  as  far  as 
St.  Mary's  river,  and  without  any  opposition  of 
consequence.  At  this  place  the  Britisli  had 
erected  a  fort,  whicli  in  coinplirnenf  to  Tonyn, 
governor  of  the  province,  was  called  by  his  name. 
On  the  approachof  General  Howe,  they  destroyed 
litis  fort,  and  after  some  slight  skinuishing,  re- 
treated towards  St.  Augustine.  The  season  was 
more  fatal  to  the  Americans,  than  any  op|>osilinn 
they  experienced  from  their  enemies.  Sickness 
and  death  raged  to  such  a  degree,  than  an  imine- 
diale  retreat  became  necessary ;  but  before  this 
was  ell'ected,  they  lost  nearly  one-fourth  of  their 
whole  number. 

The  royal  coTumissioners  having  failed  in  their 
attempts  lo  induce  the  Americans  to  resume  the 
character  of  British  subjects,  and  the  successive 
plans  of  co-operation  between  the  new  allies  hav- 
ing also  failed,  a  solenm  pause  ensued,  it  would 
neein  as  iftlie  commissicmers  indulged  a  hope,  that 
the  citizens  of  the  llmted  States,  on  fmding  a  dis- 
appointment of  their  expectations  from  the  French, 
would  re-consider  and  accept  the  olfers  of  (Jre;it 
Itrilain.  Full  lime  w;is  given,  both  for  the  circu- 
lation of  their  maiulesto,  and  for  observing  its  ef- 
I'ecls  on  the  public  mind  :  but  no  overtures  were 
made  lo  them  from  any  quarter.  Tin?  year  was 
Jiawinc  near  lo  a  close,  befdre  any  interesting  ex- 
pedition was  iiiidcitaken.  With  this  new  era,  a 
lirw  system  w;is  introducod. 

Hilliertu  the  conqueal  of  the  states  had  bren  jt- 


that  order  was  henceforth  inveited,  and  the  south 
ern  stales  became  the  principal  theatre,  on  which 
the  British  coumienced  their  oll'ensive  operations. 
Georgia,  being  one  of  the  weakest  slates  in  the 
union,  and  at  the  same  time  abounding  in  provis- 
ions, was  marked  out  as  the  first  object  of  renewed 
warfare.  Lieutenant  Colonel  Campbell,  an  officer 
of  known  courage  and  ability,  embarked  from  New 
York  for  Savannah,  27ih  November,  with  a  force 
of  about  2000  men,  under  the  convoy  of  some  shi|)s 
of  war,  commanded  by  Commodore  Hyde  Parker. 
To  make  more  sure  of  success  in  the  enterprise, 
Major  General  Prevost,  who  commanded  the  royal 
forces  in  East  Florida,  was  directed  to  advance 
with  them  into  the  southern  extremity  of  Georgia. 
The  fleet  that  sailed  from  New  York,  in  about 
three  weeks  effected  a  landing  near  the  mouth  of 
the  river  Savannah.  From  the  landing  place,  a 
narrow  causeway  of  six  hundred  yards  in  length, 
with  a  ditch  on  each  side,  led  through  a  swamp. 
A  body  of  the  British  light  infantry  moved  for- 
ward along  this  causeway.  On  their  advance, 
they  received  a  heavy  fire  from  a  small  party  un- 
der Ca[)tain  Smith,  posted  for  the  purpose  of  im- 
peding their  passage.  Captain  Cameron  was  killed  ; 
but  the  British  made  their  way  good,  and  com- 
I)elled  Captain  Smith  to  retreat.  General  Howe, 
the  American  officer  to  whoiti  the  defence  of 
Georgia  was  committed,  took  his  station  on  the 
main  road,  and  posted  liis  little  army,  consisting 
of  about  GOO  continentals,  and  a  few  htmdred  mi- 
litia, between  the  landing-place  and  the  town  of 
Savannah,  with  the  river  on  his  left  and  a  morass 
in  front.  This  disposition  announced  great  diffi- 
culties to  be  overcome,  before  the  Americans  could 
be  dislodged.  While  Colonel  (Jam|)bell  was  mak- 
ing the  necessary  arrangements  for  this  purpose, 
he  received  intelligence  from  a  negro,  of  a  private 
path  through  the  swamp,  on  the  right  of  the  Ame- 
ricans which  lay  in  such  a  situation,  that  the  Bri- 
tish troops  might  march  through  it  unobserved. 
Sir  James  Baird,  with  the  light  infantry,  was  di- 
rected to  avail  himself  oftliis  path,  in  order  to  turn 
tlie  right  wing  of  the  Americans,  and  attack  their 
rear.  As  soon  as  it  was  supposed  tliat  sir  James 
Baird  liad  cleared  his  passage,  the  British  in  fiont 
of  the  Americans,  yvere  directed  to  advance  and 
engage.  Howe,  finding  himself  attacked  in  the 
rear  as  well  as  in  the  front,  ordered  an  iiumediate 
retreat.  The  Biitish  pursued  with  great  execu- 
tion ;  theii  victory  was  complete.  Upwards  of 
100  of  the  Americans  were  killed.  Thirty-eight 
officers,  41.')  privates,  48  j)ieces  of  cannon,  23 
mortars,  the  fort,  with  its  ainmunition  and  stores, 
the  shipping  in  the  river,  a  large  quantity  of  pro- 
visions, yvitli  the  capital  of  Georgia,  were  all,  in 
the  space  of  a  few  hours,  in  the  possession  of  llie 
con(]uerors.  The  broken  remains  of  the  American 
army  retreated  up  the  river  Savannah  for  several 
iTiiles,  and  then  took  shelter  by  crossing  into  South 
Carolina. 

Agreeably  to  instructions,  (n.-neral  Prevost  had 
marched  from  East  Florida,  about  the  same  time 
that  the  embarcation  took  place  from  New  York. 
After  encouniering  many  difficuliies,  the  king's 
troops  from  St.  Augustine  reached  the  inhabited 
paits  of  Georgia,  and  there  heard  the  welcome 
tidings  of  the  arrival  and  success  ofColonel  ( 'amp- 
bell.  Savannah  having  fallen,  the  fort  al  Siinbury 
surrendered.  (Jeneral  Prevost  marched  lo  Sa- 
vannah, and  took  the  command  of  the  combined 
forces  from  New  York  and  St.  Augustine.  Pre- 
vious to  his  arrival,  a  ))roclamation  had  been  is- 
sued, toencourace  the  inhabitants  lo  come  in  and 
submit  lo  liie  conquerors,  with  promises  of  protec- 
tion, on  condition  that  with  their  arms  ihey  would 
support  royal  government. 

Lieutenant  Colonel  Campbell  acted  with  great 
policy,  in  securing  the  submission  of  the  inhabit- 
ants. He  did  more  in  a  short  time,  and  with  com- 
paralively  a  few  men,  towards  tlie  re  establish- 
ment of  the  liritisli  interest,  than  all  the  gcner.d 
olficers  who  Ind  preceded  him.  He  not  only  ex- 
tirpated milit'iry  opposition,  but  subverted  for  some 
time  every  trace  of  republican  government,  and 


paved  the  way  for  the  re-establishment  of  a  royal 
legislature.  Georgia,  soon  after  the  reduction  o( 
its  capital,  exhibited  a  singular  spectacle.  It  was 
the  only  state  of  the  Union,  in  which,  after  the 
declaration  of  independence,  a  leijislaiive  body 
was  convened  under  the  authority  of  the  crown  of 
Great  Britain.  The  moderation  and  prudence  of 
Lieutenant  (Colonel  Campbell  were  more  successful 
in  reconciling  the  minds  of  the  citizens  lo  their 
former  constitution,  than  the  seveie  measures 
which  had  been  generally  adopted  by  othetBiitisL 
commanders. 

The  errors  of  the  first  years  of  the  war,  forced 
on  Congress  same  useful  reforms,  in  the  year  1778. 
The  insufficiency  of  the  provision  made  for  the 
support  of  the  officers  of  their  army  had  induced 
many  resignations.  From  a  conviction  of  the  jus 
lice  and  policy  of  making  commissions  valuable 
and  from  respect  to  the  warm,  but  drsinierested  re- 
commendations of  (jeneral  Washington,  Congress 
resolved  :  "  that  half-pay  sliould  be  allowed  to 
their  officers,  for  the  term  of  sev-en  years,  after 
the  expiration  of  their  service."  This' was,  after- 
wards, extended  to  the  end  of  their  lives  :  and 
finally,  that  was  commuted  for  full  pay,  for  five 
years.  Resignations  were  afterwards  rare  ;  and 
the  states  reaped  the  benefit  of  expeiienced  offi- 
cers continuing  in  service,  til!  the  war  was  ended. 

A  system  of  more  regular  discipline  was  in- 
troduced into  the  American  army,  by  the  industry, 
abilities,  and  judicious  regulations  of  Baron  de 
Steuben,  a  most  excellent  disciplinarian,  who  had 
served  under  llie  king  of  Prussia.  A  very  im- 
portant reform  took  place  in  the  medical  depart- 
ment, by  appointing  different  officers,  to  discharge 
the  directing  and  purveying  business  of  the  mili- 
tary hospitals,  which  had  been  before  united  in  the 
same  hands.  Dr.  Rusli  was  principally  instrumen- 
tal in  ertecting  this  beneficial  alteration.  Some 
regulations,  which  had  been  adopted  for  Jmiiing 
the  prices  ofcommodities,  being  found  not  only  im- 
practicable, but  injurious,  weie  abolished. 

The  Randolph,  an  .\metican  frigate  of  3G  guns 
and  three  hundred  and  five  men,  commanded  by 
Captain  Biddle,  having  sailed  on  a  cruise  from 
Charleston,  fell  in  with  the  Yarmouth,  of  64  uuns, 
and  engaged  her  in  the  night.  In  about  a  quarter 
of  an  hour,  the  Randolph  blew  up.  Four  men 
only  were  saved,  upon  a  piece  of  her  wreck. 
These  had  subsisted  foui  days  on  nothing  but  rain 
water,  which  they  sucked  from  a  piece  of  blanket. 
On  the  ,5th  day,  Captain  Vincent  of  the  Yarmouth, 
though  in  chase  of  a  ship,  on  discovermg  them, 
suspended  the  chase,  and  took  them  on  board. 
Captain  Biddle,  who  perished  on  board  the  Ran- 
dolph, yvas  universally  lamented.  He  was  in  ilie 
prime  of  life,  and  had  excited  high  expectations 
of  future  usefulness  to  his  countiy,  as  a  bold  and 
skilful  officer. 

[Nicholas  Binni-K,  captain  in  the  American 
navy,  during  the  revolutionary  war.  was  born  in 
the  city  of  Philadelphia,  in  the  year  17.50.  ,\mong 
the  brave  men  who  perished  in  the  glorious strue- 
gle  for  the  inde|)enilence  of  America,  Captain  Bid- 
dle liidds  a  distinguished  rank.  His  services,  and 
the  liigli  expectations  raised  by  his  mililarv  genius 
and  gallantry,  have  left  a  strong  impiession  of  his 
merit,  and  a  profound  regret  that  his  early  fate 
should  have  disappointed,  so  soon,  the  hopes  of 
his  country. 

Very  early  in  life  he  manifested  a  partialiiv  fof 
the  sea,  and  before  the  age  of  fourteen  he  had 
made  a  voyage  to  (Quebec.  In  the  following  year, 
17().5,  lie  sailed  from  Philadelphia  to.lamaica,  and 
the  Bay  of  Honduras.  The  vessel  left  the  bay  in 
the  latter  end  of  necember,  I7().'),  bound  lo  .\nli- 
gua,  and  on  the  second  day  of  January,  in  a  heavy 
gale  of  wind,  she  was  cast  aw  av  on  a  shoal,  railed 
ihe  Northern  Triansles.  After  remaining  two 
nights  and  a  day  upon  the  wreck,  the  crew  took 
to  their  yawl,  the  long-boat  having  been  lost,  and 
with  creat  difficulty  and  hazard,  landed  on  one  of 
the  small  uninhabited  islands,  about  three  leagues 
distant  from  the  reef  upon  wliich  they  struck 
Here  they  staid  a  few  days.  Soii.f  provisions 
were  procured  from  the  wreck,  and  their  boat  waf 


UNITED  STATES. 


449 


refitted.  As  it  was  too  small  to  cany  tliem  all  oH', 
they  drew  lots  to  deteiiiiiiie  wlio  slio.ild  lemaiii, 
anil  yoim^  Biddie  was  aiiionii  (lie  number.  He, 
atid  Ills  three  companions,  suli'ered  extreme  hard- 
ships for  want  of  j.'rovisions  and  jjood  water;  and, 
aitl><)Hi;li  various  ell'orts  wete  made  for  their  relief, 
it  was  nearly  two  months  before  they  succeeded. 

Such  a  scene  o("  dansjers  and  siid'erini;  in  the 
commencement  of  his  career,  would  \  ave  discou- 
raged ayouili  of  ordinary  enterprise  and  perseve- 
rance. On  him  it  produced  no  such  etlect.  The 
coolness  and  promptitude  with  which  he  acted,  in 
the  midst  of  perils  that  alarmed  the  oldest  seamen, 
gave  a  sure  presage  of  ilie  force  of  his  character, 
and  after  he  had  returned  home,  he  made  several 
European  voyages,  in  which  he  acquired  a  thorough 
knowledge  of  seamanship. 

In  the  year  1770,  when  a  war  between  Great 
Britain  and  Spain  was-  exjiected,  in  consequence 
of  the  dispute  relative  to  Falkland's  Island,  he  went 
to  London,  in  order  to  enter  the  British  navy.  He 
took  with  him  letters  of  recommendation  from 
Thomas  Willing,  Esq.  to  his  brother-in-law,  Capt. 
Sterling,  on  board  of  whose  ship  he  served  for 
Bome  time  as  a  midshipman.  The  dispute  with 
Spain  being  accommodated,  lie  intended  to  leave 
the  navy,  but  was  persuaded  by  Captain  Sterling  to 
remain  in  the  service,  promising  that  he  would  use 
all  his  interest  to  get  him  promoted,  His  ardent 
mind,  however,  could  not  rest  satisfied  with  the 
hiactivity  of  his  situation,  which  he  was  impatient 
to  change  for  one  more  suited  to  his  disposition. 

In  the  year  1773,  a  voyage  of  discovery  was 
undertaken,  at  the  request  of  the  Royal  Society 
in  oilier  to  ascertain  how  far  navigatiori  was  prac- 
ticable towards  the  North  Pole,  to  advance  the 
discovery  of  the  north-west  passage  into  the  south 
seas,  and  to  make  such  astronomical  observations 
as  might  prove  serviceable  to  navigation. 

Two  vessels  the  Race  Horse  and  Carcase,  were 
fitted  out  for  the  expedition,  the  command  of  which 
was  given  to  Ca|)tain  Pliipps,  afterwards  lord  Mul- 
grave.  The  peculiar  dangers  to  which  such  an 
undertaking  was  exposed,  induced  the  government 
to  take  extraordinary  precautions  in  fitting  out  and 
prejiaring  the  vessels,  and  selecting  tlie  crews,  and 
a  positive  order  was  issued  that  no  boys  should  be 
received  on  board. 

To  the  bold  and  enterprising  spirit  of  young 
Hiddle,  such  an  expedition  had  great  attractions. 
Extremely  anxious  to  join  it,  he  endeavouied  to 
procure  Captain  Sterling's  permission  for  that  pur- 
pose, but  he  was  unwilling  to  part  with  liim,  and 
would  not  consent  to  let  him  go.  The  temptation 
was,  however,  iitesistable.  He  resolved  to  go 
and  laying  aside  his  uniform,  he  entered  on 
board  ihe  Carcase  before  the  mast.  AVhen  he  first 
went  on  board  he  was  observed  by  a  seaman  who 
had  ktiown  him  before,  and  was  very  much  attach- 
ed to  him.  The  honest  fellow,  thinking  that  he 
must  have  been  degraded  and  turned  before  the 
mast  in  disgrace,  was  greatly  affected  at  seeing 
iiiin,  but  was  equally  surprised  and  pleased  when 
he  learned  the  true  cause  of  the  young  officer's 
disguise,  and  he  kept  his  secret,  as  he  was  re- 
quested to  do.  Impelled  by  tlie  same  spirit,  young 
Horatio,  afterwards  lord  Nelson,  had  solicited  and 
obtained  permission  to  enter  on  board  the  same 
vessel.  These  youthful  adventurers  are  both  said 
to  have  been  appointed  cockswains,  a  station  al- 
ways assigned  to  the  most  active  and  trusty  sea- 
men. The  particulars  of  this  expedition  are  well 
known  to  the  public.  These  intrepid  navigators 
penetrated  as  far  a*  the  latitude  of  eighty-one  de- 
grees and  thirty-nine  min  utes,  and  they  were,  at 
one  time,  enclosed  with  mountains  of  ice,  and  thelf 
vessels  rendereJ  almost  immoveable  for  five  days 
at  the  hazard  of  instant  destruction  .  Captain  Bid- 
die  kept  a  journal  of  his  voyage,  which  was  after- 
wards lost  with  him. 

I'he  commencement  of  the  revolution  gave  a  new 
turn  to  his  pursuits,  and  he  lepaired  wiihotudelay 
to  the  standard  of  his  country.  When  a  rupture 
between  England  and  America  appeared  inevita- 
ble, he  returned  to  Philadel|)hia,  and  soon  after  liis 
arrival,  he  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  '. 


Camden  galley,  fitted  for  the  defence  of  the  Dela- 
ware. He  found  this  too  inactive  a  service,  and 
when  the  'leel  was  pieparing,  under  Commodore 
Hopkins,  for  an  expcilition  against  New  Provi- 
dence, he  applied  for  a  command  in  the  fleet,  and 
was  immediately  a])poinled  commander  of  the  An- 
drew Dori.i,  a  brig  of  14  guns  and  130  men.  Paul 
Jones,  who  was  then  a  lieutenant,  and  was  going 
on  the  expedition,  was  distinguished  by  Captain 
Biddie,  and  introduced  to  his  friends  as  an  officer 
of  merit. 

Before  he  s;  ilcd  from  the  capes  of  Delaware,  an 
incident  occurred,  which  marked  his  personal  in- 
trepidity. Hearing  that  two  deserters  from  his 
vessel  were  at  Lewistown  in  prison,  an  officer  was 
sent  on  shore  for  them,  but  he  returned  with  infor- 
mation that  tlie  two  men,  with  some  others,  had 
armed  themselves  barricadoed  the  door,  and  swore 
they  would  not  be  taken  ;  that  the  militia  of  the 
town  had  been  sent  lor,  but  were  afraid  to  open 
the  door,  the  jirisoners  threatening  to  shoot  the  first 
man  who  entered.  Captain  Biddie  immediately 
went  to  the  prison,  accompanied  by  a  midshipman, 
and  calling  to  one  of  the  deserters,  whose  name 
was  Green,  a  stout  resolute  fellow  ordered, 
him  to  open  the  door;  he  replied  that  he  would 
not,  and  if  attempted  to  enter,  he  would  shoot 
him.  He  then  ordered  the  door  to  be  forced, 
and  entering  singly  with  a  pistol  in  each  hand,  he 
called  to  Green,  who  was  ])re|)ared  to  fire,  and 
said,  "  now.  Green,  if  you  do  not  take  good  aim, 
you  are  a  dead  man."  Daunted  by  his  manner, 
their  resolution  iailed,  and  the  militia  coming  in 
secured  tliem.  They  afterwards  declared  to  the 
officer  who  furnishes  this  account,  that  it  was 
Captain  Biddle's  look  and  manner  which  had  awed 
them  into  submission,  I'or  that  they  had  determined 
to  kill  him  as  soon  as  he  came  into  the  room. 

Writing  from  the  capes  to  his  brother,  the  late 
Judge  Biddie  he  says,  "  I  know  not  what  may  be 
our  fate  ;  be  it,  however,  what  it  may,  you  may 
rest  assured,  I  will  never  cause  a  blush  in  the 
cheeks  of  my  friends  or  countrymen."  Soon 
after  they  sailed,  the  small-pox  broke  out  and  ra- 
ged with  great  violence  in  the  fleet,  wliich  was 
manned  chiefly  by  New  England  seamen.  The 
humanity  of  Capt.  Biddie,  always  prompt  and  ac- 
tive, was  employed  on  this  occasion  to  alleviate 
the  general  distress,  by  all  the  means  in  its  power. 
His  own  crew,  which  was  from  Philadelphia,  be- 
ing seciu  e  against  the  distemper,  he  took  on  board 
great  numbers  of  the  sick  from  the  other  vessels. 
Every  part  of  his  vessel  was  crowded,  the  long- 
boat was  fitted  for  their  accommodation,  and  he 
gave  up  his  own  cot  to  a  young  midshipman,  on 
whom  he  bestowed  the  greatest  attention  till  his 
death.  In  the  mean  while  he  slept  himself  upon 
the  lockers,  refusing  the  repeated  solicitations  of 
his  officers  to  acce|)t  their  births.  On  their  arri- 
val at  New  Providence,  it  surrendered  without  oji- 
position.  The  crew  of  the  Andrew  Doria,  from 
the  crowded  situation,  became  sick,  and  before  she 
led  Providence,  there  were  not  men  enough  ca[)a- 
ble  of  doing  duty  to  man  the  boats;  Capt.  Biddie 
visited  them  every  day,  and  ordered  every  neces- 
sary refreshment,  but  they  continued  sickly  until 
they  arrived  at  New  London. 

After  refitting  at  New  London,  Captain  Biddie 
received  orders  to  proceed  off  the  Banks  of  New- 
foundland, in  order  to  intercept  the  transports 
and  storeships  bound  to  Boston.  Before  he  reach- 
ed the  banks,  he  captured  two  ships  from  Scotland, 
with  400  highland  troops  on  board,  destined  for 
Boston.  At  this  time  the  Andrew  Doria  had  not 
100  men.  Lieutenant  Josiah,  a  brave  and  excel- 
•  lent  officer,  was  put  on  board  one  of  the  prizes, 
with  all  the  highland  officers,  and  ordered  to  make 
the  first  port.  Unfortunately,  about  ten  days  af- 
terwards, he  was  taken  by  the  ('erberus  frigate, 
and  on  pretence  of  his  being  an  Englishman,  he 
was  ordered  to  do  duty,  and  extremely  ill  used. 
Captain  Hiddle  hearing  of  the  ill  tr  eatment  of  Lieu- 
tenant Josiah,  wrote  to  the  admiral  at  New  York, 
that,  however  disagreeable  it  was  to  him,  he  would 
treat  a  young  man  of  family,  believed  to  be 
!sou  of  lord  Crastou,  who  was  then  his  prisoner, 


in  the  manner  they  treated  Lieutenant  Josiah 
He  also  applied  to  his  own  government  in  be- 
half of  this  injured  officer,  and  by  the  proceedings 
of  Congress,  on  the  7th  of  August,  1776.  it  ap- 
pears, that  a  letter  from  Captain  Nicholas  Bid 
die  to  the  marine  committee,  was  laid  l>ef(iru  Con- 
gress and  read  :  whereupon.  Resolved,  That  (ieiie- 
ral  Washington  be  directed  to  projiose  an  exchange 
of  Lieutenant  Josiah,  for  a  lieutenant  of  the  navy 
of  Great  Britain  ;  that  the  general  reir-.onstrate  to 
lord  Howe  on  the  cruel  treatment  Lieutenant  Jo- 
siah has  met  with,  of  which  the  congress  ha\e  re- 
ceived undoubted  information."  Lieutenant  Jo- 
siah was  exchanged,  alter  an  imprisonment  of  ten 
months.  Alter  the  capture  of  the  ships  with  the 
highlanders,  such  was  Captain  Biddle's  activity 
and  success  in  taking  prizes,  that  when  he  arrived 
in  the  Delaware,  he  had  but  five  of  the  crew  with 
which  he  sailed  from  New  London,  the  rest  hav- 
ing been  distributed  among  the  captured  vessels, 
and  their  places  supplied  by  luen  who  haii  entered 
from  the  prizes.  He  had  a  great  number  of  pri- 
soners, that,  for  some  d.iys  before  he  got  in,  he 
never  left  the  deck. 

While  he  was  thus  indefatigably  engaged  in 
weakening  the  enemy's  power,  and  advancing  his 
country's  interest,  he  was  disinterested  and  gener- 
ous in  all  that  related  to  his  private  advantage. 
The  brave  and  woiihy  opponent,'  whom  the  chaiTce 
of  war  had  thrown  in  his  power,  found  in  him  a 
jiatron  and  friend,  who  on  more  than  one  occasion, 
was  known  to  restore  to  the  vanquished  the  fruits 
of  victory. 

In  the  latter  end  of  the  year  1776,  Capt.  Biddlo 
was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  Randoljih, 
a  frigate  of  thirty-two  guns.  With  his  usual  ac- 
tivity, he  employed  every  exertion  to  get  her  rea- 
dy for  sea.  The  difficulty  of  procuring  American 
seamen  at  that  time,  obliged  him,  in  order  to  man 
his  ship,  to  take  a  number  of  British  seamen,  who 
were  prisoners  of  war,  and  who  had  requested 
leave  to  enter. 

The  Randolph  sailed  from  Philadelphia,  in  Fe- 
bruary, 1777.  Soon  after  she  got  to  sea,  her 
lower  masts  were  discovered  to  be  unsound,  and, 
in  a  heavy  gale  of  wind,  all  her  masts  went  by  tho 
board.  While  they  were  bearing  away  forChailes- 
'un,  the  English  sailors,  with  some  others  of  the 
crew  forrued  a  design  to  take  tlie  ship.  When  all 
was  ready,  they  gave  three  cheers  on  the  gun- 
deck.  By  the  decided  and  resolute  conduct  of 
Captain  Biddie  and  his  officers,  the  ring  leaders 
were  seized  and  punished,  and  the  rest  submitted 
without  farther  resistance.  After  refitting  at 
Charleston,  as  speedily  as  possible,  he  sailed  on  a 
cruise,  and  fhree  days  after  he  left  the  bar,  he  fell 
in  with  four  sail  of  vessels,  bound  from  Jamaica 
to  London.  One  ofthem.  called  the  True  Briton, 
mounted  twenty  guns.  The  commander  of  hei, 
who  had  frequently  expressed  to  his  passengers  his 
hopes  of  falling  in  with  the  Randolph,  as  soon  as  he 
perceived  her,  made  all  the  sail  he  could  (ioin  her, 
but  finding  he  could  not  escape,  he  hove  to,  and 
kept  up  a  constant  fire,  until  the  Randidpli  h  id 
bore  down  upon  him,  and  was  preparing  for  a 
broadside,  when  he  hauled  down  his  colours.  By 
her  superior  sailing,  the  Randolph  was  enabled  tcr 
capture  the  rest  of  the  vessels,  and  in  one  week 
from  the  time  he  sailed  from  Charleston.  Cap- 
tain Biddie  returned  there  with  his  prizes,  which 
proved  to  be  very  valirable. 

Encouraged  by  his  spirit  and  succe  ss,  the  stale 
of  South  Carolina  made  exertions  for  fitting  out 
an  expedition  under  his  comurand.  His  nairi" 
and  the  personal  attachment  to  him,  urged  foi 
ward  a  crowd  of  volunteers  to  serve  with  him, 
and  in  a  short  time,  the  ship  General  Moultrie, 
the  brigs  Fair  American,  and  Polly,  and  the  Notre 
Dame,  were  prepared  for  sea.  A' netacliment  of 
fifty  men  from  the  first  regiment  of  South  Caro- 
lina continental  infantry,  was  ordered  to  act  as 
marines  on  board  the  Randolph.  Such  "  as  the 
attachment  which  the  honourable  and  ami  bic  de- 
portment of  Captain  Biddie  had  impresseo  during 
his  stay  at  Charleston,  and  such  the  confidence  in- 
1  spired  by  his  professional  conduct  and  •  '  ur,  that 


44G 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


II  Keii'-ral  ciiiiihilioii  pervaded  tlie  corps  lo  have 
the  liuiioiir  ol'serviiiij  iiinler  liis  command.  Tlif 
»oiir  olduiy,  altera  <;eiieroiis  compe'.ilion  amonj; 
lUe  olhcers,  was  decided  to  Captain  Joor,  and  Lieu- 
ti^nants  Grey  atid  Simm  )ns,  whose  galhint  conduct, 
and  that  of  their  bravo  detachment,  did  justice  to 
the  hi};h  charactf>r  of  the  reeiment.  As  soon  as 
the  Randolph  was  refuted,  and  a  now  mainmast 
obtained  in  place  of  one  wliich  had  been  struck 
with  lii;hining,  -she  dropt  down  to  Rebeihori  Roads 
witli  iier  little  s<madron.  Their  intention  was  to 
attack  the  Carysfori  frigate,  the  Perseus  twenty- 
four  gun  ship,  the  iliclimbrook  of  sixteen  guns, 
^nd  a  privateer  which  had  been  cruising  oli"  tiie 
bar,  and  had  much  annoyed  tlie  trade.  'J'hey 
were  detained  a  consitlerable  time  in  Rebellion 
Roads,  after  they  were  ready  to  sail,  by  contrary 
winds,  and  want  of  water  on  t)ie  bar  for  tlie  Raii- 
dolpli.  As  soon  as  they  got  over  the  bar,  they 
stood  to  the  eastward,  in  expectaiion  of  falling  in 
with  the  British  cruisers.  The  next  day  they  re- 
look  a  dismasted  ship  from  New  England  ;  as  she 
had  no  cargo  on  board,  they  took  out  her  crew, 
six  liiiht  cutis,  and  some  stores,  and  set  her  on 
fire.  Finding  that  the  British  ships  had  left  the 
coast,  they  proceeded  to  the  West  Indies,  and 
cruised  to  the  eastward,  and  nearly  in  the  latitude 
of  Barbadoes,  for  some  days,  during  which  time 
they  boarded  a  number  of  French  and  Dutch  siiips, 
and  took  an  English  sdiooner  from  New  York, 
bound  to  Grenada,  which  had  mistaken  the  Ran- 
dolph for  a  British  frigate,  and  was  taken  posses- 
sion of  before  the  mistake  was  dicovered. 

On  the  night  of  the  7th  of  March,  1778,  the  fatal 
accident  occurred,  which  terminated  the  life  of  this 
excellent  officer.  For  some  days  previously  he 
liad  expected  an  attack.  Captain  Blake,  a  brave 
officer,  who  coiTiinanded  a  detachment  of  the  se- 
cond South  Carolina  regiment,  serving  as  marines 
on  board  the  Gcneial  Moultrie,  and  to  wliom  we 
are  indebted  for  several  of  the  ensuing  particulars, 
dined  on  board  the  Randolph  two  days  before  the 
engagement.  At  dinner  Captain  Biddle  said,  "We 
bave  been  cruising  here  for  some  time,  and  have 
Bpoken  a  number  of  vessels,  who  will  no  doubt 
five  information  of  us,  and  I  should  not  be  sur- 
prized if  my  old  ship  should  be  out  after  us.  As 
to  a-iy  tliitiii  that  carries  her  guns  upon  one  deck, 
J  think  myself  a  match  for  her.  About  3.  P.  iM. 
of  the  7th  of  March,  a  signal  was  made  from  the 


Randolph  for  a  sail  to  windward,  in  consequence 
of  which  the  squadron  hauled  upon  a  wind,  in  or- 
der to  speak  lier.  It  was  lour  o'clock  before  she 
could  be  distinctly  seen,  when  she  was  discovered 
to  be  a  ship,  though  as  she  neared  and  came  before 
the  »vind,  she  had  the  ai)])earance  of  a  large  sloop 
with  only  a  square  sail  set.  About  seven  o'clock, the 
Randolph  being  to  windward,  hove  to  ;  tlie  Moul- 
trie, being  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards  astern, 
and  rather  to  leeward,  also  hove  to.  About  eight 
o'clock  the  British  ship  fired  a  shot  just  ahead  of 
the  Moultrie,  and  hailed  hsr ;  the  answer  was, 
the  Polly,  of  New  York  ;  upon  which  she  imme- 
diately hauled  her  wind,  and  hailed  the  Randol[)h. 
She  was  then,  for  the  first  time,  discovered  to  be 
a  two  decker.  After  several  questions  asked  and 
answered,  as  she  was  ranging  u|)  alongside  the 
Randolph,  and  had  got  on  het  weather  quarter. 
Lieutenant  Barnes,  of  that  ship  called  out,  "  This 
is  the  Randol[)h,"  and  she  immediately  hoisted 
her  colours  and  gave  the  enemy  a  broadside. 
.Shortly  after  the  acti>)n  commenced,  Capt.  Biddle 
received  a  wound  in  the  thigh  and  fell.  This  oc- 
casioned some  confusion,  as  it  was  first  thought 
that  he  was  killed.  He  soon,  however,  ordered  a 
chair  to  be  brought,  said  that  lie  was  only  slightly 
wounded,  and  being  carried  forward  encouraged 
the  crew.  The  stern  of  the  enemy's  ship  being 
clearof  the  Randolph,  the  captain  of  the  Moultrie 
gave  orders  to  fire,  but  the  enemy  having  shot 
ahead,  so  as  to  bring  the  Randolph  between  them, 
the  last  broadside  of  the  Moultrie  went  into  the 
Randolph,  and  it  was  thought  by  one  of  tlie  men 
saved,  who  was  stationed  on  the  quarter-deck  near 
Capt.  Biddle,  that  he  was  wounded  by  a  shot  from 
the  Moultrie.  The  fire  from  the  Randol|)h  was 
constant  and  well  directed.  She  fired  nearly  three 
broadsides  to  the  enemy's  one,  and  she  appeared, 
while  the  battle  lasted,  to  be  in  a  continual  blaze. 
In  about  twenty  minutes  after  the  action  began, 
and  while  the  surgeon  was  examining  Captain 
Biddle's  wound  on  the  quarter  deck,  the  Ran- 
dolph blew  up. 

The  enemy's  vessel  was  the  British  ship  Yar- 
mouth, of  sixty-four  guns,  commanded  by  Captain 
Vincent.  So  closely  were  they  engaged,  that  Cap- 
tain Morgan,  of  the  Fair  American,  and  all  his 
crew,  thought  that  it  was  the  enemy's  ship  that 
had  blown  up.  He  stood  for  tlie  Yarmouth,  and 
had  a  trumpet  in  his  hand  to  hail  and  inquire  how 


Captaiti  Biddle  was,  when  lie  disi:overed  his  mis* 
take.  Owing  to  the  disabled  condition  of  the  Var- 
moutli,  the  other  vessels  escaped. 

The  cause  of  the  explosion  was  nevei  ascer- 
tained, but  it  is  remarkable  that  j.ist  before  be 
sailed,  after  the  clerk  liad  c  >pied  the  siuuals  and 
orders  for  the  armed  vesse  s  that  accompanied 
him,  he  wrote  at  the  foot  of  them,  "  In  case  of 
coming  to  action  in  the  night  be  very  careful  of 
your  magazines."  The  number  of  persons  oa 
board  the  Randolph  was  three  hundred  and  fifteen, 
who  all  perished  except  four  men,  who  were  toss- 
ed about  for  four  days  on  a  piece  of  the  wreck  be« 
fore  they  were  discovered  and  taken  up.  Frorn 
the  information  of  two  of  these  men,  who  wereaf- 
terwards  in  Philadelphia,  and  of  some  individuals 
in  the  other  vessels  of  the  squadron,  we  have  been 
enabled  to  state  some  particulars  of  this  unfonu 
nate  event,  in  addition  to  the  accounts  given  of  it 
by  Dr.  Ramsay  in  his  History  of  the  American 
Revolution,  and  in  his  History  of  the  Revolutioo 
of  South  Carolina.  In  "he  former  work,  the  lii«- 
torian  thus  concludes  his  account  of  the  action  : 
"  Captain  Biddle,  who  perished  on  board  the  Ran 
dolph,  was  universally  lamented.  He  was  in  the 
prime  of  life,  and  had  excited  high  expectations 
of  future  usefulness  to  bis  country,  as  a  bold  and 
skilful  naval  officer." 

Thus  prematurely  fell,  at  the  age  of  twenty-se- 
ven, as  gallant  an  officer  as  any  country  ever 
boasted  of.  In  the  short  career  which  Providence 
allowed  to  him,  he  displayed  all  those  qualities 
which  constitute  a  great  soldier  ;  brave  to  excess, 
and  consummately  skilled  in  his  professsion.— 
Amer.  Bioiz.  Dic.\ 

Major  Talbot  took  the  British  schooner  Pigot, 
of  8  twelve  pounders,  as  she  lay  on  the  eastern 
side  of  Rhode  Island.  The  major,  with  a  numbei 
of  troops  on  board  a  small  vessel,  made  directly 
for  the  Pigot  in  the  night,  and  sustaining  the  firo 
of  her  marines,  reserved  his  own  till  he  had  rua 
his  jib-boom  through  her  fore  shrouds.  He  theo 
fired  some  cannon,  threw  in  a  volley  of  musketry, 
loaded  with  bullets  and  buckshot,  and  immeuiate'lj 
boarded  her.  The  captain  made  a  gallant  resist- 
ance but  was  not  seconiled  by  his  crew.  I^lajni 
Talbot  soon  gained  undistuibed  possession,  and 
canied  off"  his  prize  in  safety.  Congress,  as  a 
reward  of  his  merit,  presented  him  with  the  com- 
mission of  lieutenant  ccdunel. 


UNITED  STATES. 


THE 

HI8TOUY  OF  THE  UI\ITED  ST  AT  ES—Co?itt?iued. 


CHAPTER  VI. 
Campaign  of  1779. 

Throughout  the  year  1779,  the  British  seem 
to  have  aimed  ;it  little  more,  in  the  states  to  the 
northward  of  Carolina,  than  distress  and  depreda- 
tion. Having  publicly  announced  their  resolution 
of  making  "the  colonies  of  as  little  avail  as  pos- 
sible to  their  new  connexions,"  they  planned  sun- 
dry expeditions,  on  this  principle. 

One  of  these,  consisting  of  both  a  naval  and  land 
force,  was  committed  to  Sir  George  Collyer  and 
General  Matthews,  who  made  a  descent  on  Vir- 
ginia. They  sailed  for  Portsmouth,  and  on  their 
arrival  took  possession  of  that  defenceless  town. 
The  remains  of  Norfolk,  on  the  opposite  side  of 
the  river,  fell  of  course  into  their  hands.  The 
Americans  burned  some  of  their  own  vessels; 
b^ut  others  were  made  prizes  by  the  invaders.  The 
British  guards  marched  18  miles  in  the  night,  and, 
arriving  at  Suflblk  by  morning,  proceeded  to  the 
destruction  of  vessels,  naval  stores,  and  of  a  large 
Diagazine  of  provisions,  which  had  been  deposited 
in  that  place.  A  similar  destruction  was  carried 
on  at  Kemp's  landmg,  Shepherd's-gosport,  Tan- 
ner's creek,  and  other  places  in  the  vicinity.  The 
frigates  and  armed  vessels  were  employed  on  the 
same  business,  along  the  margin  of  the  rivers. 
Titree  thousand  hogsheads  of  tobacco  were  taken 
at  Portsmouth.  Every  house  in  Suffolk  was 
burnt,  except  the  church,  and  one  dwelling  house. 
The  houses  of  several  private  gentlemen  in  the 
country  sliared  the  same  fate.  Above  130  vessels 
were  either  destroyed  or  taken.  All  that  were 
upon  the  stocks  were  burned,  and  every  thing  re- 
ative  to  the  building  or  fitting  of  ships  was  either 
carried  oft' or  destroyed.  After  demolishing  Fort 
Nelson,  and  setting  fire  to  the  store-houses,  and 
other  public  buildings  in  the  dock-yard  at  Gos- 
port,  the  British  embarked  from  Virginia,  and  re- 
turned with  their  prizes  and  booty  safe  to  New 
York,  in  the  same  month  in  which  they  had  left  it. 
This  expedition  into  Virginia,  distressed  a  number 
of  its  inhabitants,  and  enriched  the  British  forces, 
but  was  of  no  real  service  to  the  royal  cause.  It 
was  presumed,  that,  by  involving  the  citizens  in 
losses  and  distress,  they  would  be  brought  to  re- 
flect on  the  advantages  of  submitting  to  a  power, 
against  which  they  had  not  the  means  of  defend- 
ing themselves:  but  the  temper  of  the  times  was 
unfavourable  to  these  views.  Such  was  the  high 
toned  state  of  the  American  mind,  tliat  properly 
had  comparatively  lost  its  value.  It  was  fashion- 
able to  suffer  in  the  cause  of  independence.  Some 
hearty  whigs  gloried  in  their  losses  with  as  much 

Kride  as  others  gloried  in  their  possessions.  The 
ritish,  supposing  the  Americans  to  be  influenced 
by  the  considerations  which  bias  men  in  the  lan- 
guid scenes  of  tranquil  life,  and  not  reflecting  on 
the  sacrifices  which  enthusiastic  patriotism  is  will- 
ing to  make,  proceeded  in  their  schemes  of  dis- 
tress :  but  the  more  extensively  they  carried  on 


this  mode  of  warfare,  the  more  obstacles  they  cre- 
ated to  the  re-union  of  the  empire. 

In  about  five  weeks  after  the  termination  of  the 
exi)edition  to  Virginia,  a  similar  one  was  projected 
against  the  exposed  margin  of  Connecticut.  Gov. 
Tryon  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  about 
2600  land  forces,  employed  on  this  business,  and 
he  was  supported  by  General  Garth.  The  transports 
which  conveyed  these  troops,  were  covered  by  a 
suitable  number  of  armed  vessels,  commanded  by 
Sir  George  Collyer.  They  proceeded  from  New 
York,  by  the  way  of  Hell-gate,  and  landed  at  East 
Haven.  The  royal  commanders  made  an  address 
to  the  inhabitants,  in  which  they  invited  them  to 
return  to  their  duty  and  allegiance,  and  promised 
protection  to  all  who  should  remain  peaceably  in 
their  usual  place  of  residence,  except  the  civil  and 
military  officers  of  the  government.  It  also  stated, 
"that  their  property  lay  within  the  grasp  of  that 
power,  whose  lenity  had  persisted  in  its  mild  and 
noble  eflbrts,  though  branded  with  the  most  unwor- 
thy imputation;  that  the  existence  of  a  single 
house,  on  their  defenceless  coast,  ought  to  be  a 
constant  reproof  of  their  ingratitude;  that  they, 
who  lay  so  much  in  the  British  power,  afforded  a 
striking  monument  of  their  mercy,  and  therefore 
ought  to  set  the  first  example  of  returning  to  their 
allegiance." 

One  of  the  many  addresses,  froin  which  the 
above  extract  is  taken,  was  sent  by  a  flag  to  Colo- 
nel Whiting,  of  the  militia  near  Fairfield.  The 
colonel  was  allowed  an  hour,  for  his  answer;  but 
he  had  scarcely  time  to  read  it,  before  the  town  was 
in  flames.  He  nevertheless  returned  the  follow- 
ing answer:  "Connecticut,  having  nobly  dared  to 
take  up  arms  against  the  cruel  despotism  of  Great 
Britain,  and  the  flames  having  preceded  the  an- 
swer to  your  flag,  they  will  persist  to  oppose  to 
the  utmost  the  power  exerted  against  injured  in- 
nocence." The  British  marched  from  their  land- 
ing to  New  Haven.  The  town  on  their  entering 
it,  was  delivered  up  to  promiscuous  [jlunder,  a  few 
instances  of  protection  excepted.  The  inhabitants 
were  stripped  of  their  household  furniture  and 
other  moveable  property.  The  harbour  and  wa- 
ter side  were  covered  with  feathers,  which  were 
discharged  from  opened  beds.  An  aged  citizen, 
who  laboured  under  a  natural  inability  of  speech, 
had  his  tongue  cut  out  by  one  of  the  royal  army. 
After  perpetrating  every  species  of  enormity,  but 
that  of  burning  houses,  the  invaders  suddenly  reem- 
barked  and  proceeded  by  water  to  Fairfield.  The 
militia  of  that  place  and  the  vicinity,  posted  them- 
selves at  the  court-house  green,  and  gave  consider- 
able annoyance  to  them,  as  they  were  advancing, 
but  soon  retreated  to  the  back  of  the  town.  On 
the  approach  of  the  British,  the  town  was  evacu- 
ated by  most  of  its  inhabitants.  A  few  women 
remained,  with  the  view  of  saving  their  jiroperty. 
They  imagined  that  their  sex  would  protect  them. 
They  also  reposed  confidence  in  an  enemy  who  had 
been  formerly  famed  for  Inimnnily  and  politeness; 
but  theybitterlyrepented  their  presumption. Parties 


of  the  royal  army  entered  the  deserted  hou3C8 
of  the  inhabitants:  broke  ofien  desks,  trunks,  clo- 
sets and  chests,  and  took  every  thing  of  value  that 
came  in  their  way.  They  robbed  the  Women  of 
their  buckles,  rings,  bonnets,  aprons  and  handker- 
chiefs. They  abused  them  with  the  foulest  lan- 
guage, threatened  their  lives,  a,rJ  presented  the 
bayonets  to  their  breasts.  A  sucking  infant  was 
plundered  of  part  of  its  clothing,  while  the  bayo- 
net was  presented  to  the  breast  of  its  mother. 
Towards  evening,  they  began  to  burn  the  houses, 
which  they  had  i)reviously  |)lundered.  The  women 
begged  General  Tryon  to  spare  the  town.  Mr. 
Sayre,  the  episco[)al  minister,  who  had  suffered 
for  his  attachment  to  the  royal  cause,  joined  the 
women  in  their  requests:  but  their  joint  su|)|)lica 
tions  were  disregarded.  They  then  begged,  that 
a  few  houses  might  be  spared  for  a  general  shelter. 
This  was  at  first  denied  :  but  at  lentjth  'J'ryon  con- 
sented to  save  the  buildings  of  Mr.  Burr  and  of 
Mr.  Elliot,  and  also  that  the  houses  for  public 
worship  should  be  s[)are(l.  After  his  departure  ou 
the  next  morning  with  the  main  body,  llie  rear 
guard  consisting  of  German  yeagers  set  fire  to 
every  thing  which  Tryon  liad  spared  ;  but  on  their 
departure  the  inhabitanis  extinguished  the  flames, 
?nd  saved  some  of  the  houses.  The  mdilia  were 
joined  by  numbers  frorrr  the  counliy,  who  succes- 
sively came  in  to  their  aid  ;  but  they  were  too  few 
to  make  eflectiial  op[)osition. 

The  British  in  this  excursion,  also  burned  East 
Haven,  and  the  greatest  part  of  Green's  farms,  and 
the  flourishing  town  of  Norwalk.  A  considerable 
number  of  shi|)s,  either  finished  or  on  the  stocks, 
with  whale-boats,  and  a  largeamoimt  of  stores  and 
mercliandize,  were  destroyed.  Particular  ac- 
counts of  these  devastations  were,  in  a  short  time, 
transmitted  by  authority  to  Congress.  ]}y  thesis 
it  appeared,  tliat  there  were  burnt  at  Norwalk,  two 
houses  of  public  worship,  SO  dwelling  houses,  87 
barns,  22  stores,  17  shops,  3  mills,  and  5  vessels: 
and  at  Fairfield,  two  houses  of  public  worship,  If 
dwelling  houses, 11  barns, and  several  stores.  There 
w(>re  at  the  same  time,  a  number  of  certificates 
transii.tiei  tr  (Jeneral  Washington,  in  which  sun- 
dry persons  of  veracity  bore  witness  on  oath  to  va- 
rious acts  of  brutality,  lupine  and  cruelty,  conr 
mitted  on  aged  persons,  women  and  prisoners. 
Congress,  on  receiving  satisfactory  attestation  of 
the  ravages  of  the  British,  in  this  and  other  simi- 
lar expeditions,  resolved  ;  "  To  direct  their  ma- 
rine conrmittee  to  take  the  most  eflectual  mea- 
sures, to  carry  into  execution  their  manifesto  of 
October  30th.  1778,  by  burnins;  or  destroying  ihe 
towns  belonging  the  enemy  in  Great  Britain  or  the 
the  West  Indies:"  but  their  resolve  was  never  car- 
ried into  effect. 

The  elder  citizens  of  the  United  Slates,  who 
had  grown  up  with  habits  of  love  and  attachment 
to  the  British  nation,  felt  the  keenest  sensations 
of  regret,  when  ihey  contrasted  the  years  1759 
and  1770.  The  former  was  their  glory,  when  ia 
the  days  of  their  youth,  they  were  disj)08ed  to 


448 


n  r  S  T O R  Y"  OF  THE 


boast  of  llie  lionoiirs  oftljeir  cuininoii  country: 
lull  the  liitlcr  fillfd  llicm  with  distress,  not  only 
for  w  liMt  llicy  siiflV-reti,  but  for  llie  defrradalion  of 
n  (•(iiintry  iIk-v  revered  as  llie  natal  soil  of  their 
foref.illiers.  Tlie  one  ennobled  the  Britisli  name 
will)  liie  conquest  off.'rown  Point,  Oswego,  Mon- 
treal, Quebec,  and  the  whole  province  of  C  inada. 
The  01  her  was  remarkable  only  for  the  burning  of 
n>a$;azines,  store-houses,  dock-yards,  tlie  towns  of 
Fairfield  and  Norwalk,  and  (or  the  general  distress 
of  a  dcl'enceless  peasantry. 

The  fires  and  destruction  which  accompanied 
this  expedition,  were  severely  censured  by  the 
Anieiicans.  and  apologised  for  by  the  J5ritisli  in 
a  ery  unsatisfactory  manner.  The  latter,  in  their 
vii.  Jicaiion,  alleged  that  tlie  houses  which  they 
liad  burned  gave  shelter  to  the  Americans,  while 
they  fired  iVom  them,  and  on  other  occasions  con- 
cealed their  retreat. 

Tryon,  who  was  a  civil  governor  as  well  as  a 
general,  undertook  the  justification  of  the  measure, 
on  principles  of  policy.  1  should  be  very  sorry," 
said  he,  if  the  destruction  of  these  villages  would 
be  thought  less  reconcileable  with  humanity,  than 
the  love  of  my  country,  iny  duty  to  tlie  king, 
and  the  laws  of  arms.  The  usurpers  have  pro- 
fessedly placed  their  hopes,  of  severing  the  em- 
pire, in  avoiding  decisive  actions;  iii)on  the  waste 
of  the  British  treasures  ;  and  upon  the  escape  of 
their  own  property,  during  the  protraction  of  the 
war.  Their  power  is  supported,  by  the  general 
dread  of  their  tyranny  and  threats,  practised  to 
inspire  a  credulous  multitude,  with  a  i)resiiin|)tu- 
oiis  confidence  in  our  forbearance:  I  wish  to  de- 
tect this  delusion."  These  devastations  were  the 
subject  o(  an  eleiiant  poem,  written  on  the  spot,  a 
few  days  afterwards,  by  Colonel  Hnmi)hieys. 

While  the  British  were  proceeding  in  these  de- 
solating operations,  Washington  was  called  upon 
for  Continental  troops;  but  he  could  spare  very 
few.  He  durst  not  detach  largely;  as  he  ap|)re- 
Lended  that  one  design  of  the  British  in  tliese 
aiovements  was,  to  draw  olTa  proportion  of  his 
arniy  from  West  Point,  to  favour  an  intended  at- 
l.iik  on  that  important  post.  General  Parsons, 
iliouah  closely  connected  with  Connecticut,  and 
though,  frtun  his  small  force,  he  was  unable  to 
make  successful  opposition  to  the  invaders,  yet, 
instead  of  |)ressinji;  (ieneral  Washington  for  a  large 
detachment  of  continental  troops,  wrote  to  him  as 
follows:  "The  British  may  probably  distress  the 
<:ountry  exceedingly,  by  the  ravages  they  will 
coimuit  :  but  I  would  rather  see  all  the  towns  on 
the  coast  of  my  country  in  flames,  than  that  the 
enemy  should  possess  West  Point. 

The  inhabitants  feared  much  more  than  tliey 
sullered.  'I'hey  expected  tliat  the  whole  marijin 
of  tl  ;ir  coiintty,  1:20  miles  in  extent,  would  suffer 
the  late  of  Fairfield  and  Norwalk.  The  season 
of  the  year  added  much  to  their  difficulties ;  as 
the  close  attenticm  of  the  farmers  to  their  iiarvest- 
iDg  could  not  be  omitted,  without  hazarding  theii 
subsistence.  These  fears  were  not  ol  long  dura- 
tion. In  about  ten  days  after  the  landing  of  the 
British  troops,  an  order  was  issued  for  their  im- 
mediate return  to  New  York.  This  they  etl'eeted, 
ill  a  short  time,  and  with  a  loss  so  inconsiderable, 
thai,  in  the  whole  expedition,  it  did  not  exceed 
one  hundred  and  fitly  men. 

While  the  Briiisii  were  successfully  making 
llii'sc  desultory  operations,  the  American  army 
was  incapable  of  covering  the  country.  The  fiir- 
iner,  by  means  of  their  superior  marine  force,  hav- 
ing the  coi  imand  of  the  numerous  rivers,  bavs, 
and  hailiours  of  the  United  States,  had  it  in  their 
[)ower  to  MKikc  descents,  wliere  thfy  pleased,  with 
an  expedition  that  could  not  be  equalled  by  the 
American  land  forces.  Had  W^isliiiigion  divided 
his  army,  conformably  to  the  wishes  of  the  invad- 
ed citizens,  he  would  have  subjected  his  whole 
force  to  be  cut  up  in  detail.  It  was  therefore  liis 
Uniform  (iractice,  to  lisk  no  more  by  way  of  cover- 
liii;  the  (  oiintry,  than  was  consistent  w  ith  the  ge- 
neril  satety. 

aimjr  wai  posted  at  some  distance  from 


British  head  quarieis  in  New  York,  and  on  both 
sides  of  the  North  River.  The  rear  thereof,  con- 
sistnig  ol  iJOU  inl'antiy  and  150  cavalry,  under  the 
comiiiand  ol  (.'oloiicl  .Vnlhoiiy  Walton  White,  pa- 
trolled constantly,  for  several  months  in  Iront  of 
the  J5ritish  lines,  and  ke()t  a  constant  watch  on  the 
Sound,  and  on  the  North  River.  This  corps,  had 
sundry  skirmishes  with  parties  of  the  British,  and 
was  particularly  useful  in  checking  their  excur- 
sions, and  in  procuring  and  communicating  intel- 
ligence ol  their  luovements. 

About  this  time,  General  Putnam,  who  had  been 
stationed  with  a  respectable  command  at  Reading, 
in  Connecticut,  when,  on  a  visit  to  his  out-post,  at 
Horse -Neck,  was  attacked  by  Governor  Tryon, 
with  about  1500  men.  General  Putnam  had  only  a 
|)ic()uet  of  150  men  and  two  iron  field  pieces,  with- 
out liorses  or  drag-ropes.  He  however  planted 
his  cannon  on  the  liigh  ground,  near  the  meeting- 
house, and,  by  several  fires,  retarded  the  advanc- 
ing enemy,  and  continued  to  make  opposition,  till 
he  perceived  the  enemy's  horse,  supfiorted  by  the 
infantry,  was  about  to  charge.  General  Putnam, 
after  ordering  the  picket  to  provide  for  their  safe- 
ty, by  retiring  to  a  swamp  inaccessible  to  horse, 
plunged  down  the  precipice  at  tlie  church.  This 
is  so  steep  as  to  have  artificial  stairs,  composed  of 
nearly  one  hundred  stone  steps,  for  the  accommo- 
dation of  foot-passengers.  The  dragoons  stopped 
short,  without  venturing  down  the  abrupt  declivi- 
ty, and  before  they  got  round  the  brow  of  the  hill, 
Putnam  was  far  enough  beyond  their  reach.  Of 
the  many  balls  that  were  fired  at  him,  all  missed 
except  one,  which  went  through  his  hat.  He  pro- 
ceeded to  Stamford,  and  having  strengthened  his 
[)icquet  with  some  militia,  faced  about,  and  pursu- 
ed (lov.  Tryon  on  his  return. 

[Israel  Putnam,  a  major-general  in  the  army 
of  the  United  States,  was  born  at  Salem,  Massa- 
chusetts, January  7,  1718.  His  mind  was  vigor- 
ous, but  it  was  never  cultivated  by  education. 
When  he  for  the  first  time  went  to  Boston,  lie  was 
insulted  for  his  rusticity  by  a  boy  of  twice  his 
size.  After  bearing  his  sarcasms  until  his  good 
nature  was  entirely  exhausted,  he  attacked  and 
vanquished  the  unmannerly  fellow,  to  the  great 
diversion  of  a  crowd  of  spectators.  lu  running, 
leaping,  and  wrestling,  he  almost  always  bore 
away  the  prize.  In  1739,  he  removed  to  Pom- 
fret,  in  Connecticut,  where  he  cultivated  a  con- 
siderable tract  of  land.  He  had,  however,  to  en- 
counter many  difficulties,  and  among  his  troubles, 
the  depredations  of  wolves  on  his  sliee|:-fold  was 
not  the  least.  In  one  nijih'  seventy  fine  sheep  and 
goats  were  killed.  A  she  wolf,  who,  with  her  annual 
whelps,  had  for  several  years  infested  the  vicinity, 
being  considered  as  the  ])rincipal  cause  of  the  ha- 
voc, Mr.  Putnam  entered  into  a  combinatitm  with 
a  number  of  his  neighbours  to  liunt  alternately,  till 
iliey  should  destroy  her.  At  length  the  hounds 
drt)ve  her  into  her  den,  and  a  number  of  persons 
soon  collected  with  guns,  straw,  fire,  and  sulphur, 
to  attack  the  common  enemy.  But  the  dogs  were 
alVaid  to  approach  lier,  and  the  fumes  of  brimstone 
could  not  force  her  from  the  cavern.  It  was  now 
ten  o'clock  at  nisjlit.  Mr.  Putnam  jiroposed  to  his 
l>lack  servant  to  descend  into  the  cave,  and  shoot 
the  woll';  but  as  the  ne<.ro  declined,  he  resolved 
to  do  it  himself.  Having  divested  himself  of  his 
coat  and  waistcoat,  and  haviiii;  a  long  rope  fasten- 
ed round  his  legs,  by  which  he  miuht  be  |)ulled 
back  at  a  concerted  signal,  heenteied  the  cavern, 
head  foremost,  with  a  blazing  torch,  macie  of  strips 
of  biich  bark,  in  his  hand.  He  descended  lilteen 
feet,  passed  alons;  horizontally  ten  fee',  and  then 
began  the  gradual  ascent,  which  is  sixteen  feet  in 
length.  He  slowly  proceeded  on  his  hands  and 
knees,  in  an  abode  which  was  silent  as  the  house 
of  death.  Cautiously  glancing  forwards,  he  dis- 
covered the  glaring  eye-balls  of  the  wolf,  who 
started  at  the  sight  of  hia  torch,  gnashed  her  teeth, 
and  gave  a  sullen  growl.  He  vnmediately  kicked 
the  rope,  and  was  drawn  out  with  a  friendly  cele- 
rity, and  violence,  which  not  a  little  bruised  him. 
Loading  his  gun  with  nine  buck  shot,  and  caiiyin^ 


it  in  one  hand,  while  he  held  the  torch  with  the 
other,  he  descended,  a  second  time.  As  lie  ap- 
jiroached  the  wolf,  she  howled,  rolled  her  eyes, 
snapped  her  teeth,  dropped  her  head  between  her 
legs,  and  was  evidently  on  the  point  of  springing 
at  him.  At  this  moment  he  fired  at  her  head,  and 
soon  found  himself  drawn  out  of  the  cave.  Hav- 
ing refieshed  himself,  he  again  descended,  and 
seized  the  wolf  by  her  ears,  kicked  the  rope,  and 
liis  companions  above,  with  no  small  exultation, 
dragged  them  both  out  together. 

During  the  French  war  he  was  appointed  to 
command  a  company  of  the  first  troo|)s  which 
were  raised  in  Connecticut,  in  1755.  He  render- 
ed much  service  to  the  army  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Crown  Point.  In  1756,  while  near  Ticonde- 
roga.  he  was  repeatedly  in  the  most  imminent  dan- 
ger. He  escaped  in  an  adventure  of  one  nialil 
with  twelve  bullet-holes  in  his  blanket.  In  .Au- 
gust he  was  sent  out  with  several  hundred  men  to 
watch  the  motions  of  the  enemy.  Being  ambus- 
caded by  a  party  of-equal  numliers,  a  general,  but 
irregular  action  took  jilace.  Putnam  had  dischar- 
ged his  fusee  several  times,  but  at  length  it  missed 
fire  while  its  muzzle  was  presented  to  the  breast  of 
a  savage.  The  warrior  with  his  lifted  hatchet, 
and  a  tremendous  war-whoop,  compelled  liim  to 
surrender,  and  then  bound  him  to  a  tree.  In  the 
course  of  the  action  the  parties  changed  their  po- 
sition, so  as  to  bring  this  tree  directly  between 
tlieiu.  The  balls  flew  by  him  incessantly;  many 
struck  the  tree,  and  some  jiassed  through  his 
clothes.  The  enemy  now  gained  possession  of 
the  ground,  but  being  afterwards  driven  from  the 
field,  they  carried  their  prisoners  with  them.  At 
night  he  was  stripped,  and  a  fire  was  kindled  to 
roast  him  alive.  For  this  purpose  they  led  him 
into  a  dark  forest,  stri[)|)ed  him  naked,  and  bound 
him  to  a  tree,  and  piled  dry  brush,  with  other  fuel, 
at  a  small  distance,  in  a  circle  round  him.  They 
accompanied  their  labours,  as  if  for  his  funeial 
dirge,  with  screams  and  sounds  inimitable  but  by 
savage  voices.  They  then  set  the  piles  on  fire. 
A  sudden  shower  damped  the  rising  fiame.  Still 
they  strove  to  kindle  it;  at  last  the  blaze  ran 
fiercely  round  the  circle.  Major  Putnam  soon  be- 
gan to  feel  the  scorching  heat.  His  hands  were 
so  tied  that  he  could  move  his  body.  He  often 
shifted  sides  as  the  fire  approached.  This  sight, 
at  the  very  idea  of  which,  all  but  savages  must 
shudder,  afforded  the  highest  diversion  to  his  in- 
human tormentors,  who  demonstrated  the  <lelirium 
of  their  joy  by  coriespondent  yells,  dances,  and 
gesticulations.  He  saw  clearly'ihat  his  final  hour 
was  inevitably  come.  He  suminoned  all  his  reso- 
lution, and  composed  his  mind,  so  far  as  the  cir- 
cumstances could  admit,  to  bid  an  eter  nal  farewell 
to  all  he  held  most  dear.  To  quit  the  world  would 
scarcely  have  cost  him  a  single  pang;  but  for  the 
idea  of  home,  but  for  the  remembrance  of  domes- 
tic endearments,  of  the  atVectioirate  partner  of  his 
soul,  and  of  their  beloved  olispring.  His  thought 
was  ultimately  fixed  on  a  hapiiiersiate  of  existence, 
beyond  the  tortures  he  was  beginning  to  endure. 
The  bitterness  of  death,  even  of  that  death  which 
is  accompanied  with  the  keenest  agonies,  was.  in 
a  manner,  past  :  nature,  with  a  feeble  struggle, 
was  quilling  its  last  hold  on  sublimary  things, 
when  a  French  officer  rushed  through  the  crowd, 
opened  a  way  by  scattering  the  burning  brands, 
and  unbound  the  victim.  It  was  Molang  liimself, 
to  whom  a  savage,  unwilling  to  see  another  hu 
man  victim  immolated,  had  run  and  communicated 
the  tidings.  That  commaixlant  spurned  and  se- 
verely reprimanded  the  barbarians,  whose  noctur- 
nal powwas  and  hellish  orgies  lie  suddenly  ended 
Putnam  did  not  want  for  feeling  or  gratitm'e. 
The  French  commander-,  fearing  to  trust  him  alone 
with  them,  remained  till  he  could  safely  deliver 
him  into  the  hands  of  his  master. 

The  savage  approached  his  prisoner  kindlv,  and 
seemed  to  treat  him  with  particular  allection.  Us 
otlered  him  some  h.ird  biscuit ;  but  finding  that  be 
could  not  chew  them  on  account  of  the  blow  he 
had  received  lium  the  Fieiicliman,  this  mor''  hu- 


UNITED  STATKS. 


449 


ni;\iic  savnge  soaked  some  of  tiie  hisciiit  in  water, 
and  made  liiiii  suck  tlie  [iul|)-lik(!  pait.  Detciiiiiii- 
cd,  liowever,  not  to  lose  liis  captive,  the  reCiesli- 
ment  Ijcinj;  (iiiislied,  lie  took  tiie  moccasins  lioni 
his  feet,  and  tied  ihem  to  one  of  liis  wrists;  then 
directinj;  him  to  lie  down  on  liis  back  on  the  l)are 
ground,  he  stretched  one  arm  to  its  full  length, 
and  bound  it  fast  to  a  young  tree  :  the  other  arm 
was  extended  and  bound  in  the  same  manner:  his 
legs  were  stretched  apart,  and  fastened  to  two 
sa|)lings.  Then  a  number  of  tall,  but  slender 
poles  were  cut  down,  which,  with  sonic  long 
bushes,  were  laid  across  his  body  from  head  to  foot : 
on  each  siile  lay  as  many  Indians  as  could  conve- 
niently lind  lodging,  in  order  to  prevent  the  possi- 
bility of  his  escape.  In  this  disagreeable  and 
paiiitui  j)osture  he  remained  till  morning.  During 
the  night,  the  longest  and  most  dreary  con- 
ceivable, our  hero  used  to  relate  that  he  felt  a 
ray  of  cheerfuhiess  come  casually  across  his  mind, 
and  could  not  even  refrain  from  smiling  when  he 
rellected  on  this  ludicrous  group  for  a  painter,  of 
*hicli  he  himself  was  the  principal  figure. 

The  next  day  he  was  allowed  his  blanket  and 
moccasins,  and  permitted  to  inarch  without  car- 
rying any  pack,  or  receiving  any  insult.  To  allay 
liis  extreme  hunger,  a  little  bear's  meat  was  given, 
which  he  sucked  thronah  his  teeth.  At  night  the 
party  arrived  at  Ticonderoga,  and  the  prisoner  was 
placed  under  the  care  of  a  French  guard. 

The  savages,  who  had  been  prevented  from 
glutting  their  diabolical  thirst  for  blood,  took  this 
opportunity  of  manifesting  their  malevolence  for 
the  disappointment,  by  horrid  grimaces  and  angry 
gestures;  but  they  were  sulfered  no  more  to  olfer 
violence  or  peisonal  indignity  to  him. 

After  having  been  examined  by  the  Mtirqiiis  de 
Montcalm,  Major  Putnam  was  conducted  to  Mon- 
treal by  H  French  officer,  who  treated  him  with 
the  greatest  indulgence  and  humanity. 

At  this  place  were  several  prisoners.  Colonel 
Peter  Schuyler,  remarkable  for  his  |)hilanthropy, 
generosity  and  fiiendship,  was  of  the  number.  No 
sooner  had  he  heard  of  Mijor  Putnam's  arrival, 
than  he  went  to  the  interpreter's  quarters,  and  in- 
quired whether  he  had  a  provincial  major  in  liis 
custody.  He  found  Major  Putnam  in  a  comfort- 
less condition,  without  coat,  waistcoat,  or  hose  ; 
the  leninant  of  his  clothing  miserably  dirty  and 
ragged,  his  beard  long  and  squalid,  his  legs  torn 
by  thorns  and  briers,  his  face  gashed  with  wounds, 
and  swollen  with  bruises,  t^olonel  Schuyler,  ir- 
ritated beyond  all  sulference  at  such  a  sight,  could 
scarcely  restrain  his  speech  within  limits  consist- 
ent with  the  pnidence  of  a  prisoner,  and  the  meek- 
ness of  a  christian.  Major  Putnam  was  immedi- 
ately treated  according  to  his  rank,  clothed  in  a 
decent  manner,  and  supplied  with  money  by  this 
liberal  and  sympathetic  patron  of  the  distressed  ; 
and  by  his  assistance  he  was  soon  after  exchanged. 

When  General  Amherst  was  marcliingacross  the 
country  to  Canada,  the  army  coming  to  one  of  the 
lakes,  which  they  were  obliged  to  pass,  found  the 
French  had  an  armed  vessel  of  twelve  guns  upon 
it.  He  was  in  great  distress,  his  boats  were  no 
match  for  her,  and  she  alone  was  capable  of  sink- 
ing his  whfile  army  in  that  situation.  While  he 
was  pondering  wliat  should  be  done,  Putnam 
Comes  to  him,  and  says,  "General,  that  ship  must 
be  taken."  "  Ay,"  says  Amherst,  "  I  would  give 
the  worbl  she  was  taken."  "  I'll  lake  her,"  says 
Putnam.  Amherst  smiled,  and  asked  how?  "  (iive 
me  some  wedges,  a  beetle,  (a  large  wooden  hatri- 
mer,  or  maul,  used  for  driving  wedges,)  and  a  few 
men  of  my  own  choice."  Amherst  could  not  con- 
ceive how  an  armed  vessel  was  to  be  taken  by 
four  or  five  men,  a  beetle  and  wedges.  However, 
he  granted  Putnam's  request.  When  night  came, 
Putnam,  wiih  his  materials  and  -nen,  went  in  a 
boat  under  the  vessel's  stern,  and  in  an  instant 
drove  in  the  wedges  between  the  rudder  and  ship, 
and  lelt  her.  In  the  morning,  the  sails  were  seen 
fluttering  about:  she  was  adrift  in  the  middle  of 
the  lake;  and  being  presently  blown  ashore,  was 
easily  taken. 

30 


I  At  the  commencement  of  hostilities  between  the 
colonies  and  the  mother  country.  Colonel  Putnam, 
on  hearingol  tlie  battle  at  Lexington, lel'l  his  plou>;li 
in  the  middle  of  the  held,  and  without  changing 
his  clothes,  repaired  to  Caml)ridge.  rid:ng  in  a  sin- 
gle day  one  hundred  miles.  He  <vas  soon  appoint- 
ed a  major-general  in  th«>  provincial  army,  and  re- 
turning to  Connecticut,  he  made  no  delay  in  bring- 
ing on  a  body  of  troops. 

Among  other  examples  of  patriotism  that  might 
be  related,  the  following  is  from  a  living  witness. 
The  day  that  the  report  of  the  battle  of  Lexington 
reached  Barnstable,  a'company  of  militia  imtriedi- 
ately  assembled  and  marched  off  to  Cambridge. 
In  the  front  rank  there  was  a  young  man,  the  son 
of  a  respectable  farmer,  and  his  only  child.  In 
marching  from  the  village,  as  they  passed  his 
house,  he  came  out  to  meet  them.  There  was  a 
momentary  halt.  The  drum  and  fife  paused  for 
an  instant.  The  father,  suppressing  a  strong  and 
evident  emotion,  said,  "(jod  be  with  you  all,  my 
(riends  !  and,  John,  if  you,  my  son,  are  called 
into  battle,  take  care  that  you  behave  like  a  man, 
or  else  let  me  never  see  your  face  again!"  A 
tear  started  into  every  eye,  and  the  march  was 
resumed. 

Not  long  after  his  appointment,  the  commander 
of  the  British  army,  unwilling  that  so  valuable  an 
officer  should  act  in  opposition,  privately  convey- 
ed to  liim  a  proposal,  that  if  lie  would  quit  the  rebel 
party,  he  might  rely  on  being  made  a  major-gene- 
ral ill  the  British  establishment,  and  receiving  a 
great  pecuniary  compensation  for  his  services; 
but  he  spurned  the  offer.  On  the  16th  of  June, 
1775,  it  was  determined,  in  a  council  of  war,  at 
which  General  Putnam  assisted,  that  a  fortified 
post  should  be  established  at,  or  near  Bunker's 
Hill.  General  Putnam  marched  with  tlie  first  de- 
tachment, and  commenced  the  work  :  he  was  the 
principal  agent  or  engineer  who  traced  the  lines  of 
the  redoubt,  and  he  continued  most,  if  not  all  the 
night,  with  the  workmen;  at  any  rate,  he  was  on 
the  spot  before  sun-rise  in  the  morning,  and  had 
taken  his  station  on  the  top  of  Bunker's  Hill,  and 
participated  in  the  danger,  as  well  as  the  glory  of 
that  day. 

When  the  army  wasorganized  by  GeneralWash- 
ington  at  Cambridge, General  Putnam  was  appoint- 
ed to  command  the  reserve.  In  Aug.  1776,  he  was 
stationed  at  Brooklyn,  on  Long  Island.  After  the 
defeat  of  our  army,  on  the  27tli  of  that  month,  he 
went  to  New-York,  and  was  very  serviceable  in 
the  city  and  neighbourhood.  In  October  or  No- 
vember, he  was  sent  to  Philadelphia  to  fortify  that 
city.  In  January,  1777,  he  was  directed  to  take 
post  at  Princeton,  where  he  continued  until  spring. 
At  this  place,  a  sick  prisoner,  a  captain,  requested 
that  a  friend  in  the  British  army  at  Brunswick, 
might  be  sent  for,  to  assist  him  in  making  his  will. 
Putnam  was  perplexed.  He  had  but  fifty  m.;n 
under  his  command,  and  did  not  wish  to  have  his 
weakness  known  :  but  yet  he  was  unwilling  to 
deny  the  request.  He,  however  sent  a  (lag  of 
truce,  and  directed  the  officer  to  be  brought  in  the 
night.  In  the  evening,  lights  were  placed  in  all 
the  college  windows,  and  in  every  apartment  of 
the  vacant  houses  throughout  the  town.  The  of- 
ficer, on  his  return,  rejiorted,  that  General  Put- | 
nam's  army  could  not  consist  of  less  than  four  or, 
five  thousand  men.  In  the  spring,  he  was  ap- j 
pointed  to  the  command  of  a  separate  army,  in  the 
liighlands  of  New  York.  One  Palmer,  a  lieuten- 
ant in  the  lory  new  levies,  was  detected  in  the  | 
camp  :  Governor  Tryon  reclaimed  him  as  a  British 
officer,  threatening  vengeance  if  he  was  not  re- 
stored. General  Putnam  wrote  the  following  pithy 
reply  : 

"  Sir, 

"  Nathan  Palmer,  a  lieutenant  in  your  king's 
service,  was  taken  in  my  camp  as  a  spy  ;  he  was 
tried  as  a  spy  ;  he  was  condemned  as  a  spy  ;  and 
he  shall  be  hanged  as  a  spy. 

"Israel  Putnam." 

"P.  S.    Afternoon.    He  is  hanged." 


After  the  loss  of  fiirt  JMonlgomery,  the  com. 
mander  in  chief  determined  to  build  another  for- 
tification, and  he  directed  (ieneral  I'utnam  to  f\x 
on  a  spot.  To  him  belongs  the  ])raise  ol  having 
chosen  West  Point.  The  campaign  ol'  1779, 
which  was  principally  spent  in  strengthening  th» 
works  at  this  place,  finished  the  military  career 
of  Putnam.  A  paralytic  affection  impaired  the 
activity  of  his  body,  and  he  passed  ihe  remainder 
of  his  days  in  retirement,  retaining  his  relish  for 
enjoyment,  his  love  of  pleasantry,  his  strength  of 
memory,  and  all  the  faculties  of  his  mind. 

He  died  at  Brookline,  Connecticut,  May  20, 
1790,  aged  seventy-two  years. 

Rogers'  Amer.  Biog.  Die] 

The  camjiaign  of  1779,  though  barren  of  im- 
portant events,  was  distinguished  by  one  of  the 
most  gallant  enterprises,  which  took  place  in  the 
course  of  the  war.  This  was  the  capture  of  Sto- 
ney-Point  on  the  North  river.  (Jeneral  Wayne, 
who  had  the  honour  of  conducting  this  cnterjirise, 
at  noon,  on  the  15th  of  July,  set  out  at  the  head  of 
a  strong  detachment,  of  the  most  active  infantry  in 
the  American  army,  and  comjileted  a  march  of 
about  14  miles,  over  bad  roads,  by  eight  o'clock  in 
the  evening.  The  detachment,  being  then  within 
a  mile  and  a  half  of  its  object,  was  halted  and 
formed  into  columns.  The  general,  with  a  few  of 
his  officers,  advanced  and  reconnoitred  the  works. 
At  half  past  eleven,  the  whole  moved  forward  to 
the  attack.  The  van  of  the  right,  consisting  of 
150  volunteers,  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Finery,  advanced  with  unloaded  muskets, 
and  fixed  bayonets.  These  weie  jireceded  by 
twenty  picked  men,  who  were  particulaily  instruct- 
ed to  reiTiove  the  abbatis  and  other  obstructions. 
The  van  of  the  left  was  led  by  Major  Ste\,'art, 
and  advanced  with  unloaded  muskets  and  fixed 
bayonets.  It  was  also  preceded  by  a  similar  for- 
lorn hope.  The  general  placetl  himself  at  the 
head  of  the  right  column,  and  gave  the  most  [lointcd 
orders  not  to  fiie,  but  to  depend  solely  on  the  bay- 
onet. The  two  columns  directed  their  attacks  to 
opposite  points  of  the  works,  while  a  detachment 
engaged  the  attention  of  the  garrison,  by  a  I'eint  la 
their  front.  The  approaches  were  more  difficult 
than  had  been  apprehei.ded.  The  works  were  de- 
fended by  a  deep  morass  which  was  also  at  that 
time,  overflowed  by  the  tide.  Neither  the  morass, 
the  double  row  of  abbatis,  nor  the  strength  of  the 
works,  damped  the  ardour  of  the  assailants.  In  the 
face  of  a  most  tremendous  fire  of  musketry  and  of 
cannon  loaded  with  grape-shot,  they  forced  tlieit 
way  at  the  ])oint  of  the  bayonet,  through  every 
obstacle,  until  both  columns  met  in  the  centre  of 
the  works,  at  nearly  the  same  instant.  General 
Wayne  as  he  passed  the  last  abbatis,  was  wounded 
in  the  head  by  a  musket  ball ;  but  nevertheless  in- 
sisted on  being  carried  forward,  adding  as  a  rea- 
son, "  that  if  he  died,  he  wished  it  niii;ht  be  in  the 
fort."  Lieutenants  Gilibons  and  Knox,  who  led 
the  forlorn  hope,  escaped  unhurt,  although  the  first 
lost  seventeen  men  out  of  twenty,  and  the  last 
nearly  as  many.  The  killed  and  wounded  of  the 
Americans  amounted  to  ninety-eight.  The  killed 
of  the  garrison  were  sixty-three,  and  the  number  of 
their  prisoners  51.'].  Two  flags  two  standards  fif 
teen  pieces  of  ordnance,  and  a  considerable  quan- 
tity of  military  stores,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
conquerors. 

The  vigour  and  spirit  with  which  this  enter- 
prise was  conducted,  was  matter  of  triumph  to  the 
American.  Congress  gave  their  thanks  to  Gene- 
ral Washington,  "  for  the  vigilance,  wisdom,  and 
magnanimity  with  .which  he  had  conducted  the 
military  operations  of  the  stales,  and  which  were, 
among  many  other  signal  intances,  manifested  rn 
his  orders  for  the  above  enterprise."  They  also 
gave  thanks  to  (jcneral  Wayne,  and  ordered  a  gold 
medal,  emblematical  of  the  action,  to  be  struck, 
and  presented  to  him.  They  directed  a  silver  one 
to  be  presented  to  Lieutenant  Colonel  Fleurv.  and 
another  to  Major  Stewart.  At  the  same  time  they 
passed  general  resolutions,  in  honour  of  the  offi- 
cers and  men,  but  part'f -ilarly  designating  Lieutea 


II  IS  TOR  V    OF  TIIK 


Bnt  C.ilonel  Fluery,  Major  Stewart,  Lieulenanis 
GiLljons  and  Knox.  To  the  two  latter,  and  also 
to  Mr.  .\r(:l)er,  ilie  general's  volunteer  aid-de- 
tarnp,  they  pave  the  rank  of  ca|>tain. 

'i'he  clemency  shown  to  the  vanquislied,  was 
univiTsally  applauded.  The  customs  of  war,  and 
the  leceiit  harbarities  at  Fahfield  and  Norwalk, 
nould  have  been  an  apology  for  the  conquerors, 
had  they  put  the  whole  garrison  to  (he  sword  ;  but 
Uie  assadatiis  no  less  geneious  than  brave,  ceased 
to  destroy,  as  soon  as  their  adversaries  ceased  to 
resist.  Upon  the  capture  of  Stoney-Point,  the 
victois  turned  its  artillery  against  Vcrplank's 
Point,  and  fued  u[)on  it  with  citect,  that  the  ship- 
ping in  its  vicinity  cut  their  cables  and  fell  down 
the  river.  As  soon  as  the  news  of  these  events 
reached  New  York,  preparations  were  instantly 
made  to  relieve  the  latter  post,  and  to  recover  the 
former.  It  by  no  means  accorded  with  the  cau- 
tious prudence  of  Washington,  to  risk  an  engage- 
ment lor  either  or  both  of  tliem.  He  therefore  re- 
.noveil  the  cannon  and  stores,  destroyed  the  works, 
and  evacuated  the  captured  post.  Sir  Henry 
('linton  regained  possession  of  Sloney  Point  on 
the  third  day  after  its  capture,  and  placed  in  it  a 
strong  garrison. 

The  successful  enterprize  of  the  Americans  at 
Sloney  Point,  was  speedily  followed  by  another, 
which  equalled  it  in  boldness  of  design.  This  was 
the  surprise  of  the  IJritisli  garrison  at  Paiilus 
Hook,  opposite  to  New  York,  which  was  effected 
by  i\Iaj()r  Lee,  with  about  350  men.  INIajor  Suth- 
erland, the  commandant,  with  a  number  ol'  Hes- 
sians, fjotolfsafe  to  a  small  block-hoiise,  on  the 
left  of  the  fort ;  but  about  30  of  his  men  were  kill- 
ed, and  IGO  taken  prisoners.  The  loss  of  the 
Americans  was  inconsiderable,  Major  Lee  in 
conformity  to  the  orders  he  had  received,  made  an 
immediate  retreat,  without  waiting  to  destroy  either 
the  barracks  or  the  artillery.  Congress  lion- 
oured  him  with  their  thanks,  and  ordered  a  medal 
of  gold,  emblematical  of  the  affair,  to  be  struck, 
and  presented  to  him  as  a  reward,  "for  his  pru- 
Jence,  address,  and  bravery."  They  also  passed 
resolutions  applauding  his  humanity,  and  express- 
ing their  high  sense  of  the  good  conduct  of  his 
lroo|>s  ;  and  at  the  same  time  ordered  a  considera- 
ble donation  in  money  lo  be  distributed  among 
them. 

These  advantages  were  more  than  counterbalan- 
ced, by  an  unsuccessl'ul  attempt,  made  by  the  state 
of  Massachusetts,  on  a  British  post  at  Penobscot. 
Colonel  Macleane,  by  the  direction  of  Sir  Henry 
Clinton,  landed  with  a  detachment  of  6.'>0  men, 
from  Halifax  on  the  banks  of  Penobscot  river,  in 
the  eastern  confines  of  New  England,  and  pro- 
ceeded soon  after  to  construct  a  fort  in  a  well- 
chosen  situation.  This  occasioned  an  alarm  at 
lioslon.  To  counteract  the  establishment  of  the 
post,  vigorous  measures  were  resolved  u|)on. 
That  armed  vessels,  transports,  and  sailors,  might 
be  secured  for  an  expedition  which  was  iinitre- 
di.itcly  projected  for  this  purpose,  an  embargo  for 
forty  days  was  laid  by  the  state  of  Massachuscits, 
on  all  their  shipping.  A  considerable  armament, 
consisling  of  Inarmed  vessels,  besides  transports, 
was  filled  out  with  extraordinary  expedition,  -.ind 
put  under  the  command  of  Commodore  .Saltonstal. 
The  birgesl  vessel  in  this  nt!et  was  the  Warren  of 
:ij  ^iins,  IS  and  Impounders,  'i'lie  others  varied 
Inim  :i  \  to  12  guns.  A  body  of  land  forces,  com- 
iiLinded  by  (ieneral  Lovel,  embarked  on  ihis  expc- 
iliiion.  On  the  2.')lh  of.Iuly,  llie  American  fleet, 
consisting  of  37  sail,  appeared  olf  Penobscot. 
(  .olonel  Alacleane  had  four  days  before  gained  in- 
lormalion  of  .what  was  inlended  against  him.  This 
induced  him  lo  redouble  his  exertions  in  strenglh- 
enini:  his  fori,  which  was  in  an  unfinished  state. 
Two  of  the  bastions  were  uiiloirched.  The  re- 
rnauiing  iwo  were  in  no  part  above  five  feet  high. 
The  ditch  was  only  iboiil  three  feet  deep.  There 
was  no  pbiiform  hiid.  nor  any  artillery  mounted. 
The  Ainciiran  i:cneralon  his  landing,  summoned 
me  fdliiiK  l  In  surrender,  which  bein^  refused,  he 
proceeded  loerect  a  battery  at  the  dis'nnce  of  570 


yards.  A  cannonading  commenced,  and  was  kept 
uj)  for  about  a  fortnight,  but  without  any  consider- 
able edect.  While  the  besiegers  weie  making 
preparation  for  an  assault,  xvliicli  they  had  in  im- 
mediate conteniplation,  SirGeorge  Coilyer  apjiear- 
ed  in  lull  view,  with  a  squadron  for  the  relief  of  the 
garrison.  He  had  sailed  from  Sandy  Hook,  on 
hearing  of  the  intended  attack  on  Colonel  Mac- 
leane's  i)arty,  and  in  about  eleven  days  arrived  in 
the  river  Penobscot.  His  marine  force  consisted 
of  the  Raisonnable,  of  G4  guns,  and  five  frigates. 
The  Americans  at  first  made  a  show  of  resistance  ; 
but  they  intended  no  more,  than  to  give  the  trans- 
ports tiirte  to  move  up  the  river,  that  the  troops 
might  have  an  opportunity  of  landing,  and  making 
their  esca|)e.  The  superior  force  and  weight  of 
metal  of  the  Raisonnable  was  irresistible.  A  gene- 
ral flight  on  the  one  side,  and  a  general  chase  on 
the  other,  took  place.  Sir  George  destroyed  and 
look  seventeen  or  eighteen  armed  vessels.  The 
American  stddiers  and  sailors  had  to  return  a  great 
part  of  their  way  by  land,  and  to  ex|)lore  their 
route  through  thick  woods. 

While  the  war  languished  as  to  great  objects  in 
the  country  where  it  originated,  it  was  raging  on  a 
new  element,  and  involving  distant  countries  in  its 
wide  spreading  flame.  Hostilities,  between  the 
fleets  of  France  and  Great  Britain,  were  carrying 
on  in  both  the  Indies,  and  in  the  European  seas, 
as  well  as  on  the  coast  of  America.  His  Most 
Catholic  Majesty  was  also,  about  this  tiine,  induced 
to  take  a  decided  part  with  France,  agaiost  Great 
Britain. 

To  the  surprise  of  many,the  Marquis  D'  Almo- 
dovar.tlie  Spanish  ambassador,delivered  a  manifes- 
to to  Lord  ViscountWeymouth, amounting  to  a  de- 
claration of  war  against  Great  Britain.  This  event 
had  often  been  predicted  by  the  minority  in  the 
British  parlirment;  but  disbelieved  by  the  tninis- 
try.  The  latter  i-easoned,  "that  Spain  could  have 
no  interest  in  joining  their  adversaries;  that  she 
had  colonies  of  her  own,  and  could  not  set  so  bad 
an  exam|)le  to  them,  as  to  .give  any  countenance 
to  the  Americans."  It  was  also  said  •'  that  -Spain 
was  naturally  attached  to  Great  Britain."  They 
were  so  far  iin|>osed  upon  by  their  eagerness  to 
effect  the  conquest  of  the  United  States,  as  to  be- 
lieve that  to  be  true  which  they  wished  to  be  so. 
The  event  jiroved,  that  the  politics  of  foreign  pow- 
ers, are  not  reducible  to  fixed  principles.  Some- 
times one  interest  clashes  with  another ;  and  it  is 
not  always  the  case  that  the  strongest  preponder- 
ates. Whetlier  the  influence  of  the  French 
counsels,  or  the  prospect  of  recovering  (Jibraller, 
Jamaica,  and  Florida,  or  the  pressure  of  recent 
injuries,  determined  the  court  of  Spain  to  adopt 
this  measure,  it  is  impossible  with  certainty  to  de- 
cide; but  circumstances  make  it  probable,  that 
the  hope  of  regaining  (Jibjalter  and  Jaittaica  was 
the  princi|)al  inducement. 

The  situation  of  Great  Britain  was  at  this  time 
truly  distressing.  She  was  weakened  and  dis- 
tracted by  an  unnatural  war,  in  which  victory  |)ro- 
duced  no  advantages;  but  defeat  all  its  natural  ef- 
fects. In  the  midst  of  this  wasting  contest,  in 
which  her  ability  to  reduce  her  revolted  colonies, 
though  without  foreign  aiil,  was  doubtful,  she  was 
suddenly  involved  in  a  new  and  tuuch  tuore  dan- 
gerous war,  with  one  of  the  greatest  powers  in 
Europe.  At  the  very  time,  while  she  was  enijag- 
ed  in  this  double  warfare,  against  old  friends  and 
old  enemies,  his  Most  Catholic  Majesty  added  his 
force  to  that  of  her  numerous  foes. 

In  this  situation,  a  dereliction  of  the  American 
war  was  recommended,  by  some  leading  chaiac- 
lers  in  the  n.ition  ;  but  every  |)roposition  of  that 
kind  was  overruled;  and  assurances,  from  both 
houses  of  parliament,  were  given  to  liis  majesty 
"to  support  him  in  carrying  on  the  war  against  all 
his  enemies." 

From  these  events,  whidi  only  affected  the 
United  Slates,  as  far  as  thev  increased  the  embar- 
rassments of  (ireat  Britain.  I  return  to  relate  the 
transactions  which  took  place  in  their  own  limits. 
In  the  year  177'J,  though  the  war  was  carried  on 


for  little  more  than  distress  or  depredation,  in  iha 
northern  slates,  the  re-establishment  of  British  go- 
verntiient  was  seriously  atiempled  in  Carolina  and 
Georgia.  Alter  the  reduction  of  Savannah,  a 
great  part  of  the  state  of  Georgia  was  restored  to 
the  king's  [jeace.  The  royal  army  in  that  quar- 
ter was  strengthened  l)y  a  numerous  reinforcemenl 
from  East  Florida,  and  the  whole  was  [nil  under 
the  command  of  Major  General  Prevost.  The  force 
then  in  Georgia  gave  a  serious  alarm  to  the  adja- 
cent states.  There  were  at  that  time  but  few  con- 
tinental troops  in  (ieorsiia,  or  South  Carolina,  and 
scarcely  any  in  North  Carolina  ;  as  during  the  late 
tranquility  in  the  southern  states,  ihey  had  beeo 
detached  to  serve  in  the  main  army,  commanded  bj 
Washington.  A  body  of  militia  was  raised  and  sent 
forward  by  North  Carolina,  to  aid  her  neigtibours 
These  joined  the  continental  troops:  but  not  til 
they  had  retreated  out  of  Georgia,  and  taken  post 
in  Soulli  Caiolina.  Towards  the  close  of  the  year 
1778,  (ieiieial  Lincoln,  at  the  request  of  the  dele- 
gates of  Soulh  ("arolina,  was  appointed  by  Con- 
gress, to  lake  the  command  of theirsouthern  array. 

This  consisted  only  of  a  few  hundred  continen- 
tals. To  supply  the  deficiency  of  regular  soldiers, 
a  considerable  body  of  militia  was  ordered  to  join 
him  ;  but  tliey  added  much  more  to  his  numbers, 
than  to  his  eU'eclive  force. 

They  had  not  yet  learned  the  implicit  obedience, 
necessary  for  miliiarv  operations.  Acctistomed 
lo  activity  on  their  farms,  thev  could  not  bear  the 
languor  of  an  encampitient.  Having  grown  up  in 
habiis  of  freedom  and  independence,  they  reluct 
anlly  submitted  to  martial  discipline.  The  royal 
army  at  Savannah,  being  reinfi)rced  by  the  junc- 
tion of  the  troops  from  St.  Augustine,  was  in  con- 
dition to  extend  their  posts.  The  first  object  was 
to  lake  possession  of  Port  Royal,  in  South  Caroli- 
na. Major  (iardiner,  with  two  hundred  men,  being 
detached  with  this  view,  landed  on  the  island  ;  hut 
(jeneral  Moultrie,  at  the  head  of  an  equal  number 
of  Americans,  in  which  there  were  only  nine  regu- 
lar soldiers,  attacked  and  drove  them  oil".  This  ad- 
vantage was  principally  gained  by  two  field  pieces, 
which  were  well  served  by  a  party  of  Charleston 
militia  artilleiy.  The  British  lost  almost  all  theit 
officers.  The  Americans  had  eight  men  killed, 
and  twenty-two  wounded.  Among  the  former, 
was  Lieutenant  Benjamin  Wilkiiis,  an  artillery  of- 
ficer of  great  merit,  and  a  citizen  of  disiingriished 
virtue,  whose  early  fall  deprived  a  numerous  fa- 
mily of  their  chief  sujiport.  He  was  the  first  of- 
ficer of  South  Carolina  who  lost  his  life  in  sup- 
|)ortin';  his  independence.  This  repulse  restrained 
the  British  from  attempting  any  immediate  enter- 
prise, lo  the  northwaid  of  Savannah  ;  but  they  fix- 
ed |)osIs  at  Ebenezer,  and  ugusla,  and  extended 
themselves  over  a  great  part  of  Georgia.  Tliey 
also  endeavoured  to  strengthen  themselves,  oy  re- 
inforcements Irom  the  tories,  in  the  western  set- 
tlements of  (ieorgia  and  Carolina. 

Emissaries  were  sent  amoog  the  inhabitants  of 
that  description,  to  encourage  them  to  a  general 
insurrection.  They  were  assured  that,  if  »!iey 
embodied  and  added  their  force  to  thai  of  the 
kind's  anuy  in  Georgia,  they  woirld  have  such  a 
decided  suireriority,  as  wdiild  make  a  speedy  re- 
turn lo  their  homes  practicable,  on  their  own  terms. 
Several  hundreds  of  theirr  accordinuly  reitdezvous- 
ed.  and  set  off  to  join  the  royal  forces  at  Augusta 
Among  those  who  called  themselves  loyalists  there 
were  many  of  the  most  infaiuous  characters. 
Their  neneral  complexion  was  that  of  a  plunder 
ing  bandilti.  more  solicitous  for  booty,  than  for  the 
honour  and  an  interest  oftheir  royal  master.  At 
every  period  before  the  war,  the  western  wilder- 
ness of  the  colonies,  which  extended  to  the  Missis- 
sippi, allorded  an  asylum  forlhe  idle ordisorderly, 
who  disrelished  the  restraints  of  of  civil  society. 
While  the  war  la-ieil  the  demands  of  ntililia  duly 
and  of  taxes  contributed  much  to  the  |)eopling  of 
I  those  remote  settlements,  byholdins  out  prospccW 
lof  exempiion  from  the  control  of  uovernmeiit 
I  .\iuon!;  these  people,  the  royal  emissaries  had  sue 
jcessfully  planted  the  standard  of  loyally;  and  o 


UNITED  STATES 


4ol 


tliaC  class  was  a  great  proportion  of  those,  wlio,  in 
the  upper  country  <>t  tlie  C;tr()liti;is  and  (Jeoi^ia, 
CTllcd  themselves  the  kini^'s  IVieixIs.  They  had 
ni)  sooner  einljodied,  nnd  i)e;:iin  llieir  inarc:h  to  join 
the  yoyiil  army  at  Amiusia,  than  lliey  commenced 
such  a  scene  oC  phiniierins;  the  delenceless  setlle- 
incnis.  throus;h  which  tliey  passed,  as  induced  the 
orderly  iidial)ilaiits  to  turn  out  to  oppose  them. 
Ccbn-I  Pickens,  with  ahont  300  men  of  the  latter 
character,  immediately  pursued,  and  came  up  with 
them,  near  Ketlle-creek.  An  action  took  place, 
which  lasted  tiiree  quarters  of  an  lioiir.  Tlie  to- 
ries  were  totally  routed.  About  forty  of  them 
were  killed;  and  in  that  nund)er  was  tlieir  leader 
Colon<d  IJoyd,  who  had  been  secretly  employed  by 
British  authority  to  collect  and  head  them.  iJy 
(his  action,  the  British  were  disconceited.  The 
lories  were  dispersed.  Some  ran  quite  off.  Others 
went  to  their  homes,  and  cast  tlienisclves  on  the 
mercy  of  their  country.  These  were  ti  ied  by  the 
laws  of  South  Caiolina  for  ollendinn;  against  an 
act,  called  the  sedition  act,  which  had  been  passed 
since  the  revolution,  for  the  security  of  the  new 
government.  Seventy  of  them  were  condemned 
to  die;  but  the  sentence  was  only  executed  on  five 
of  their  ringleaders. 

As  the  British  extended  their  posts  on  the  Geor- 
gia side  of  Savannah  river,  General  Lincoln  fixed 
encampments  at  Black-swamp,  and  nearly  opposite 
*3Au;;iista  on  the  Carolina  side.  From  these 
posts,  lie  formed  a  plan  of  crossing  into  Georgia, 
with  the  view  of  limiting  the  Brilisli  to  the  low 
countiy,  near  the  ocean.  Jii  the  execution  of 
this  desiiin  General  Ash,  with  1500  North  Caro- 
lina n)ililia,  and  a  few  regular  troops,  after  crossing 
tl;e  river  Savannah,  took  a  ])osition  on  Briar-creek  : 
but  in  a  few  days  lie  was  surprised  by  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Prevosi,  who,  having  inade  a  circuitous 
march,  of  about  ')()  miles,  came  unexpectedly  on 
his  rear,  with  about  900  men.  The  militia  were 
thrown  into  confusion,  and  fled  at  the  first  fire. 
One  huiidted  and  fifty  of  the  Americans  were 
killed,  atid  16:2  were  taken.  Few  had  any  chance 
of  escaping,  but  by  crossing  the  Savarmah  •  .n  at- 
tempting which,  many  were  drowned.  0(  those 
who  got  off  safe,  a  si  eat  part  returned  home.  The 
number  that  rejoined  the  American  camp,  did  not 
exceed  4o0  men.  'J'he  few  continentals  under  Co- 
lonel K.lberl,  made  a  brave  resistance  ;  but  the  sur- 
vivots  of  them,  with  their  gallant  leader,  were  at 
last  compelled  to  surrender.  This  event  deprived 
General  I^incoln  of  one  fourth  of  his  numbeis, 
and  opened  a  comnuiincalion  be'ween  tlie  British 
the  Indians,  and  the  lories  of  Nortli  and  South 
Carolina. 

Inexperienced  in  the  art  of  war,  the  Americans 
were  subject  to  those  reverses  of  fortune,  which 
usually  attend  young  soldiers.  Unacquainted  with 
military  stratagems,  deficient  in  discipline,  and  not 
broken  to  habits  ol  implicit  obedience,  tliey  were 
often  surprised,  and  had  to  learn  by  repeated  mis- 
foriunes  tlie  necessity  of  subordination,  and  the 
advantages  of  watchfulness  and  discipline.  Their 
numbers  in  the  field,  to  those  who  are  acquainled 
with  European  wars,  must  appear  inconsiderable  ; 
but  sucli  is  the  diHerence  of  the  state  of  society. 
BD(I  of  the  population,  in  the  old  and  new  world, 
that  in  America,  a  few  liundreds  decided  objects 
ol  etpial  maiiiiitude  with  those,  which,  in  Euro[)e, 
wtuild  have  called  into  the  field  as  many  thou- 
sands. 'J'lie  pii/.e  contended  (or  was  nothing  less 
than  the  soveieii;nly  of  three  millions  of  peo|de, 
and  nf  five  hundred  millions  of  acres  of  land  ;  and 
yet,  from  the  remote  situation  of  the  invading 
powers,  and  the  thin  population  of  the  invaded 
states,  esjiecially  in  the  southern  extreme  of  the 
Union,  this  momentous  question  was  mateiiallv  af- 
fected by  liie  consecpiences  of  battles,  in  which 
only  a  few  hiindieds  ensaiied. 

The  series  of  disasters,  which  had  followed  the 
Americin  arms,  since  the  landing  of  the  British 
near  Savannah,  occasioned  well-fiiunded  appre- 
hensions for  the  safety  of  the  adjacent  states. 
The  militia  of  South  (Carolina  was  therefore  put 
on  a  better  footing,  and  a  regiment  of  cavalry  was 


raised.  John  Rutledje,  a  Carolinian  of  tlie  most 
distinguished  abilities,  was  called  to  the  chair  of 
t:overnment  by  an  almost  unanimous  vote,  and,  in 
imilalion  of  the  ancient  republic  of  Kome,  invested, 
in  coiijuction  with  his  council,  witli  dictatorial 
powers.  By  virtue  of  his  authority,  he  convened 
a  large  body  of  the  militia,  near  the  centre  of  the 
state,  that  they  might  be  in  constant  readiness,  to 
march  whithersoever  [)ublic  service  required.  The 
otiginal  plan  of  penetrating  into  Georgia  was  re- 
sumed. Part  ot'  the  American  force  was  stationed 
on  the  nortli  side  of  the  Savannah,  at  Purrysburgh 
and  Black-swamp,  while  General  Lincoln  and  the 
main  army  crossed  into  Georgia  near  Augusta, 
tieneral  Prevosi  availed  himself  of  the  critical 
moment,  when  the  American  army  had  ascended 
150  miles,  towards  the  source  of  the  Savannah, 
and  crossed  into  Carolina,  over  the  same  river, 
near  to  its  mouth  with  about  2400  men.  A  con- 
siderable body  of  Indians,  whose  friendship  the 
British  liad  previously  secured  were  associated 
with  them  on  this  ex])edition.  The  superior  Bri- 
tish force,  which  crossed  Savannah  river,  soon 
cotupelled  General  Moultrie,  who  was  charged 
with  tlie  defence  of  Sourh  Carolina,  to  retire. 
Lincoln,  on  receiving  information  of  these  move- 
ments, detached  300  of  his  light  troops  to  rein- 
force Moultrie  ;  but  proceeded  with  the  main  army 
towards  the  capital  of  Georgia.  He  was  induced 
to  pursue  his  original  intention,  from  an  idea  that 
(ieneral  Prevost  meant  nothing  luore  than  to  di- 
vert him  by  a  feint  on  Carolina  ;  and  because  his 
marching  down,  on  the  south  side  of  the  river  Sa- 
vannah, would  occasion  but  little  additional  delay, 
in  repairing  to  its  defence.  When  Lincoln  found 
that  Prevost  was  seriously  pushing  for  Charles- 
ton, he  re-crossed  the  Savannah,  and  pursued  him. 
The  British  pioceeded  in  their  inarch  by  the  main 
road  near  the  sea  coast,  with  but  little  opposition; 
and  in  the  luean  time,  the  Americans  retreated 
before  theiTi,  towards  Charleston.  General  Moul- 
trie, wlio  ably  conducted  this  retreat,  had  no  ca- 
valry to  check  the  advancing  foe.  Instead  of  liis 
receiving  reinforcements  from  the  inhabitants,  as 
he  marched  through  the  country,  he  was  aban- 
doned by  many  of  the  militia,  who  went  to  their 
homes.  Their  faiuilies  and  properly  lay  directly 
in  the  route  of  the  invading  atmy.  The  absence 
of  the  main  army  under  Lincoln,  the  letreat  of 
iMoultrie,  the  plunderings  and  devastations  of  the 
invaders,  and,  above  all,  the  dread  of  the  Indian 
savages,  who  accompanied  the  royal  army,  dif- 
fused a  general  panic  ainotig  the  inhabitants.  The 
terror  of  each  individual  became  a  source  of  ter- 
ror to  another.  Froiu  the  influence  of  these 
causes,  many  were  induced  to  apply  for  British 
protection.  New  converts  to  the  royal  standard 
endeavoured  to  ingratiate  themselves  with  their 
protectors,  by  encouraging  them  to  attempt  the 
reduction  of  Charleston.  Being  in  their  |)ower, 
they  were  more  anxious  to  frame  intelligence  on 
the  idea  of  wliat  was  agreeable,  than  of  what  was 
true.  They  represented  the  inhabitants  as  being 
generally  tired  of  the  war,  and  wishing  for  (leace. 
at  all  events.  They  also  stated  that  Charleston 
was  incapable  of  much  resistance.  These  circum- 
stances, combined  with  the  fiicility  with  which  the 
British  marched  through  the  coutitiy,  induced 
(ieneral  Prevost  to  extend  his  plan,  and  push  for 
Charleston.  Had  he  designed  it  at  first,  and  con- 
tinued his  march,  with  the  same  rapidity  with 
which  it  was  begun,  the  town  would  probably  have 
been  carried  by  a  coiap-de-main ;  but  he  hidted 
two  or  three  days,  when  advanced  near  half  the 
distance.  In  that  interval,  every  pre|)aration  was 
made  by  the  South  Carolinians,  for  the  defence  of 
their  capital.  All  the  houses  in  its  suberbs  were 
burnt.  Lines  and  abbaiis  were,  in  a  few  days, 
carried  across  the  [)eninsula,  between  Ashley  and 
Coopet  rivers,  and  cannon  were  mounted  at  projier 
intervals  on  its  whole  extent.  TlioUiih  this  visit 
of  the  British,  especially  an  attack  on  the  land 
side,  was  unexpected  ;  yet  in  a  few  days,  great 
preparations  were  made,  and  a  force  of  3300  men 
assembled  in  Charleston  for  its  defence. 


The  main  body  and  baggage  of  the  British  army, 
being  left  on  the  south  side  of  Aslily  river,  ati  ad- 
vanced detachment  of  900  men  crossed  the  f<  rrv, 
and  appeared  befiire  the  town.  In  the  meantime, 
Lincoln  was  marching  on  as  fiist  as  possible,  for 
the  relief  of  Charleston  ;  but  as  his  arrival  was 
doubtful,  and  the  crisis  hazardous,  to  gain  tim<? 
was  a  matter  of  consequence.  A  whole  day  was 
therefore  spent  in  exchange  of  flags.  Commis- 
sioners from  the  garrison  were  insirucled  "to  pro- 
pose a  neutrality,  during  the  war  between  Great 
Britain  and  America:  and  that  the  (piestion,  who 
ther  the  slate  shall  belong  to  (ireat  Britain,  or  re- 
main one  of  the  United  Slates,  be  determined  by 
the  treaty  of  peace  between  these  powers."  Tho 
British  commanders  refused  this  advantageous  of- 
fer, alleging  that  they  did  not  come  in  a  legislative 
capacity,  and  insisted,  that  as  the  inhabitants  and 
others  were  in  arms,  they  should  surrender  prison- 
ers of  war.  This  being  refused,  the  garrison  pre- 
pared for  an  immediate  assault;  but  it  was  not  at- 
tempted. In  the  night  of  the  same  day.  Major 
Benjamin  linger,  commandins  a  patty  without  the 
lines,  was,  through  mistake  killed  by  his  countrv- 
iTien.  This  was  a  loss  indeed.  The  liberality, 
generosity  and  public  spirit,  which  distinguished 
hill  as  a  citizen,  added  to  great  political  and  mili- 
tary talents,  rendered  his  untimely  death  the  sub- 
ject of  universal  regret.  By  his  fall,  the  country 
was  deprived  of  one  of  its  fiimest  and  most  useful 
friends,  and  the  army  lost  one  of  its  brightest  or- 
naments. Prevost,  learning  by  an  intercepted  let- 
ter that  Lincoln  was  coming  on  in  his  rear,  retreat- 
ed from  Charleston,  and  filed  off  with  his  whole 
force  from  the  m;iin,  to  the  islands  near  the,  sea, 
that  he  might  avoid  being  between  two  fiies.  Both 
armies  encamped  in  the  vicinity  of  Charleston, 
watching  each  others'  motiims, 'till  the  20th  of 
.lune,  when  an  attack  was  made  with  about  1200 
Americans  on  6  or  700  of  the  British,  advanta- 
geously posted  at  Slono  ferry.  The  latter  had  re- 
doubts with  a  line  of  communication,  and  fitld 
pieces  in  the  intervals;  and  the  whole  was  secur- 
ed with  an  abbatis.  By  a  preconcerted  plan,  a 
feint  was  to  have  been  made  from  .lames  Island, 
with  a  body  of  Charleston  militia,  at  the  moment 
when  General  Lincoln  be^an  the  attack  from  the 
main  ;  but,  from  mismanagement,  they  did  not 
reach  their  place  of  destination,  till  the  action  was 
over.  The  attack  was  continued  for  an  hour  and 
twenty  minutes,  and  the  assailants  ha<l  the  advan- 
tage ;  but  the  appearance  of  a  reinforcement,  to 
prevent  which  the  feint  from  .lames  Island  was 
intended,  made  their  retreat  necessarv.  The  lo.ss 
of  the  Americans  in  killed  and  wounded  was  about 
150.  Among  the  fiirmer  was  Colonel  Roberts,  an 
artillery  officer  of  distinguished  abilities.  Having 
been  bred  to  arms  in  his  native  country,  Enclanti, 
he  liad  been  particularly  serviceable  in  diffusing 
military  knowledge  among  the  less-informed  .^me- 
riciin  officers.  In  the  short  interval  between  his 
being  wounded  and  his  dyin<r,  he  was  visited  on 
the  field  of  battle  by  his  son.  Captain  Roberts,  of 
his  own  regiment.  Tlie  expirini;  father  presented 
his  swoi'd  to  his  son,  witli  an  exhortation,  to  be- 
have worthy  of  it,  and  to  use  it  in  the  defence  ol 
liberty  and  his  country.  After  a  short  conversa- 
tion, he  desired  him  to  return  to  his  proper  statron 
adding  fi)r  reason,  "that  there  he  miylit  be  useful; 
but  to  him  he  could  be  of  no  service." 

Immediately  after  this  attack,  the  American  mil- 
itia, impatient  of  alisence  from  their  homes,  rn- 
turned  to  their  plantations  ;  and  about  the  same 
time  the  British  left  the  islands  adjacent  toCharles- 
ton,  retreating  from  one  to  another,  till  they  arriv- 
ed at  Port-royal,  and  Savannah.  A  considerable 
garrison  was  left  at  the  former  place,  under  Colo- 
nel Maitland  :  but  the  main  body  went  to  .*>av;innah. 

This  incursion  into  South  Cartdina  contributed 
very  little  to  the  advancement  of  the  roval  cause; 
but  added  much  to  the  wealth  of  the  officers,  sol- 
diers, and  followers  of  the  British  army;  and  still 
more  to  the  distresses  of  the  inhabitants.  Tho 
forces  under  the  command  of  (ieneral  Prevost, 
spread  themselves  over  a  considerable  jiart  of  tli« 


453 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


riclicst  settlements  of  the  stale,  and  where  there 
■re  the  fewest  white  inhabitants,  in  proportion  to 
the  number  of  slaves.  There  was  much  to  altrait, 
nut  little  to  resist  the  invaders.  Small  parties 
visited  almost  every  liouse,  acul,  uno|)|X,sed,  took 
whatever  they  chose.  They  not  only  rifled  the 
iuhabitunis  of  household  furniture,  but  of  wearing 
aj)parel,  inoney,  lings,  and  other  personal  orna- 
nienis.  Every  place,  in  their  line  of  inarch,  ex- 
perienced the  effects  of  tlieir  rapacity. 

Soon  after  the  aflair  of  Stono,  tlie  continental 
forces,  under  the  command  of  Lincoln,  retired  to 
Sheldon,  a  healthy  situation  in  the  vicinity  of  Beau- 
fort. IJoth  armies  remained  in  their  res|)eclive 
encampments,  till  the  arrival  of  a  French  fleet,  on 
the  co;ist,  roused  the  whole  country  to  immediate 
activity. 

Count  D'Estaign,  after  repairing  liis  fleet  at 
Boston,  sailed  for  the  West  Indies.  Having  re- 
ceived instructions  from  the  king  his  master,  to 
act  in  concert  with  the  forces  of  the  United  States, 
and  being  strongly  solicited  by  (jciieial  Lincoln, 
President  Lowndes,  (Jovernor  Jlulledge,  and  Mr. 
Plumhard,  consul  of  France,  in  CJiarieston,  he 
eailed  from  the  West  Indies,  September  1st,  for 
the  American  continent,  with  expectation  of  ren- 
dering essential  service,  in  operating  against  the 
common  enemy.  He  arrived  on  the  coast  of  (Jeor- 
gia,  with  a  fleet  consisting  of  twenty  sail  of  the 
line,  two  of  50  guns,  and  eleven  frigates.  His  aj)- 
pearance  was  so  unexpected,  that  the  Experiment 
man  of  war,  of /jO  guns,  commanded  by  Sir  .lames 
Wallace,  and  three  frigates,  fell  into  his  hands. 

As  soon  as  his  arrival  on  the  coast  was  known, 
General  Lincoln,  with  the  army  under  his  com- 
mand,  tnarched  for  the  vicinity  of  Savannah  :  and 
orders  were  given  for  the  militia  of  Georgia  and 
South  Carolina  to  rendezvous  near  tiie  same  place. 
The  British  were  equally  diligent  in  pre[)aring  for 
their  defence.  Great  numbers  were  employed, 
both  liy  day  and  night,  in  strengthening  and  ex- 
tending their  lines.  The  American  militia,  flush- 
ed witii  the  lio|)e  of  speedily  expelling  tlie  British 
from  their  southern  possessions,  turned  out  with 
an  alacrity,  which  far  sur|)assed  their  exertions  in 
the  preceding  campaign.  D'Estaign,  before  the 
arrival  of  Lincoln,  demanded  the  surrender  of  the 
town  to  the  arms  of  France.  Prevost,  in  his  an- 
Bwer,  declined  surrendering  on  a  general  summons, 
and  requested  that  specific  terms  should  be  pro|)os- 
td,  to  which  he  would  give  an  answer.  Tlie  count 
replied,  that  it  was  the  pan  of  the  besieged  to  pro- 
pose terms.  Prevost  then  asked  for  a  sus|)ension 
of  hostilities,  twenty-four  hours,  for  preparing  pro- 
per terms.  This  was  inconsiderately  granted. 
Before  the  twenty-four  hours  elapsed.  Lieutenant 
Colonel  IMaitlarul,  with  several  hundred  men.  who 
had  been  stationed  at  I5eauforl,  made  their  way 
through  many  obstacles,  and  joined  tlie  royal  army 
in  Savannah.  The  garrison,  encouraged  by  the 
arrival  of  so  resjjeciable  a  force,  determined  on 
resistance.  The  French  and  Americans,  who 
formed  a  junction  the  evening  after,  were  tliere- 
fore  re<liiced  to  the  necessity  of  storming  or  be- 
Biegiiig  the  garrison.  'JMie  resolution  of  |)roceed- 
ing  by  siege  being  adojited,  several  days  were  con- 
sumed in  preparing  for  it  ;  and  in  the  meantime, 
the  works  of  the  garrison  were  houi  ly  strengthen- 
ed, by  the  labour  of  several  hundred  ncsroes,  di- 
rected by  ihi;  able  enuineer,  Major  Aloncrief. 
The  besieL'ers,oii  the  Itli  of  October-,  opened  with 
nine  mortars,  thirly-seven  pieces  of  cannon,  from 
iht  land  side,  and  rifleen  from  the  water.  Soon 
after  the  commencement  o("  the  cannonade,  Pre- 
vost solicited  for  leave  to  sen<l  the  women  and 
cliildren  out.  of  town.  This  was  refused.  The 
conibiiii'd  army  suspected,  iliat  a  desire  of  secret- 
mi;  the  plunder,  lately  taken  I'lom  the  South  Ca- 
rolinians, was  covere<l  under  ihe  veil  of  humanity. 
It  was  also  presumed  that  a  refusal  would  expe- 
diie  a  surrender.  On  a  report  from  the  engineers, 
thai  a  considerable  time  would  l)e  necessary  to  re- 
duce the  ^arrison  by  reuular  approaches,  it  was 
deter  mined  to  make  an  assault.  This  measure 
WM  forced  ou  Count  D'Estaign  by  his  marine  of- 


(tcers,  who  remonstrated  against  his  continuing  in 
risk  so  valuable  a  fleet,  on  a  dangerous  coast,  in 
the  hurricane  season,  and  at  so  great  a  distance 
from  the  shore,  that  it  might  be  sur|)rised  by  a  Bri- 
tish fleet,  completely  repaired  and  fully  manned. 
In  a  few  days,  the  lines  of  the  besiegers  might 
have  been  carried,  into  the  works  of  the  besieged; 
but  under  these  critical  circumstances,  no  farther 
delay  could  be  admitted.  To  assault  or  raise  the 
siege  was  the  only  alternative.  Prudence  would 
have  dictated  the  latter  :  but  a  sense  of  honour 
determined  the  besiegers  to  adopt  the  foriner. 
Two  feints  were  made  with  the  country  militia, 
and  a  real  attack  on  Spring-liill  battery,  early  in 
the  morning  of  the  9th,  with  3500  French  troops, 
((00  continentals,  and  350  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Charleston.  These  boldly  marched  up  to  the  lines, 
under  the  command  of  D'Estaign  and  Lincoln ; 
but  a  heavy  and  well-directed  lire  from  the  batte- 
ries, and  a  cross-fire  from  the  gallies,  threw  the 
front  of  their  columns  into  coafusion.  Two  stand- 
ards were  nevertheless  planted  on  the  JJriiish  re- 
doubts. A  retreat  of  the  assailants  was  ordered, 
after  they  had  stood  the  enemy's  fire  for  fifty-five 
minutes.  Count  D'Estaign  and  Count  Pulaski 
were  both  wounded.  Tlie  former  slightly  ;  but 
the  latter  mortally.  Six  hundred  and  thirty-seven 
of  the  French  and  u[)wards  of  two  hundred  of  the 
contineiilals  and  militia  were  killed  or  wounded, 
(ieneial  Prevost,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Maitland,  and 
Major  Moncrief,  deservedly  acquired  great  reputa- 
tion by  this  successful  defence.  The  force  of  the 
eairison  was  between  two  and  three  thousand,  of 
which  about  150  were  militia.  The  damage  sus- 
tained by  the  besieged  was  trifling,  as  they  fired 
(rom  behind  works,  and  few  of  the  assailants  fired 
at  all.  Immediately  after  this  unsuccessful  assault, 
the  militia,  almost  universally,  went  to  their  hoines. 
(Jount  D'Estaign  re-embarked  his  troops  and  artil 
leiy,  and  left  the  continent. 

While  the  siege  of  Savannah  was  pending,  a 
remarkable  enterprise  was  eflected  by  Colonel 
John  White  of  the  Georgia  line.  Captain  French 
had  taken  post  with  about  100  men  near  the  river 
OKCchec,  some  time  before  the  siege  began. 
There  were  also  at  the  same  place,  forty  sailors 
on  board  of  five  British  vessels,  four  of  which 
were  armed.  All  these  men,  together  with  the 
vessels  and  130  stand  of  arms,  were  surrendered, 
October  1st,  to  Colonel  White,  Captain  Elholm 
and  four  others,  one  of  whom  was  the  colonel's 
servant.  On  the  preceding  night,  this  small  party 
kindled  a  number  of  fires  in  difl'erent  places,  and 
adopted  the  |>arade  of  a  large  encam|)ment.  By 
these,  and  a  variety  of  deceptive  stratagems, 
(,'aptain  French  was  impressed  with  an  opinion, 
that  nothing  but  an  instant  surrender,  in  conformi- 
ty to  a  pereri»,)tory  surrrmons,  could  save  his  men 
from  being  cut  to  pieces  iiy  a  superior  force.  He 
therefore  gave  up,  without  making  any  resistance. 

This  visit  of  the  fleet  of  his  iMost  Christian  Ma- 
jesty to  the  coast  of  America,  though  unsuccess- 
ful as  to  its  main  object,  was  not  without  utility  to 
the  United  Stales.  It  disconcerted  the  measures 
already  digested  by  the  British  commanders,  and 
cursed  a  considerable  waste  of  time,  before  they 
could  determine  on  anew  plan  of  operations.  It 
also  occasioned  the  evacuation  of  Rhode  Island  : 
but  this  was  of  no  advantage  to  the  United  States, 
I'or,  of  all  the  blunders  committed  by  the  British 
ill  the  cotirse  of  the  American  war,  none  was  great- 
er tharr  their  stationing  ()00()  men,  for  two  years 
and  eight  months,  on  that  Island,  where  they  were 
lost  to  every  purpose  of  co-operation,  and  where 
they  could  render  very  little  more  service  to  the 
royal  cause,  than  could  have  been  allorded  by  a 
corrjrle  of  frigates  crirising  in  the  vicinity. 

The  sieg(!  being  raised,  the  continental  troops 
retreated  over  the  river  .'Savannah,  'i'he  vicissi- 
tudes of  an  aiilumnal  atmosphere  made  a  severe 
impression  on  the  irritable  fibres  of  men,  exhausted 
w  ith  fati<;ue,  and  dejected  by  defeat.  In  propor- 
tion to  the  toweling  hopes,  with  which  the  expedi- 
tion was  undertaken,  was  the  depression  of  spirits 
subsequent  to  its   failure.    The  Georgia  exiles 


who  had  assembled  from  all  quarters  to  reposecst 
themselves  of  their  estates,  were  a  second  tiino 
obliged  to  flee  from  their  country  and  possessions. 
The  most  gloomy  ap[)rehension3,  respecting  the 
southern  states,  took  possession  of  the  minds  of 
the  people. 

Thus  ended  the  southern  campaign  of  1779, 
without  any  thing  decisive  on  either  side.  After 
one  year,  in  which  the  British  had  overrun  the 
state  of  Georgia,  for  150  miles  from  the  sea  coast, 
and  had  penetrated  as  far  as  the  lines  of  (."harles- 
ton,  they  were  reduced  to  their  original  limits  in 
Savannah.  All  their  schemes  of  co-operation  with 
the  tories  had  failed,  and  the  spirits  of  that  class  of 
the  inhabitants,  by  successive  disappointments, 
were  thoroughly  broken. 

The  campaign  of  1779  is  remarkable  for  the  fee- 
ble exertions  of  the  Ai«iericans.  Accidental  caus- 
es which  had  previously  excited  their  activity, 
liad  in  a  great  measure  ceased  to  have  influence. 
An  enthusiasm  for  liberty  made  them  coinparativc- 
ly  disregard  property,  and  brave  all  dangers  in  the 
first  years  of  the  war.  The  successes  of  their 
art)is  near  the  beginning  of  1777,  and  the  hopes  of 
capturing  Burgovne's  army  in  the  close  of  it,  to- 
gether wiih  the  brisk  circulation  of  a  large  quan- 
tity of  paper  money,  in  good  ci-edit,  made  that  year 
both  active  and  decisive.  The  flattering  prospects 
inspired  by  the  alliance  with  France  in  1778,  ban- 
ished all  fears  of  the  success  of  the  revolution  :  but 
the  failure  of  every  scheme  of  co-operation  produ- 
ced a  despondency  of  mind  unfavourable  to  great 
exertions.  Instead  of  driving  the  British  out  of  the 
country,  as  tlie  Americans  vainly  presumed,  the 
cam|)aigns  of  1178  and  1779  terminated  without 
any  direct  advantage,  from  the  French  fleet  sent 
to  their  aid.  .Expecting  too  much  from  their  al- 
lies, and  then  failing  in  these  ex[)ectations,  thev 
were  less  prepared  to  prosecute  the  war  with  their 
own  resources,  llian  they  would  have  been,  if 
D'Estaign  had  not  touched  on  their  coast.  Their 
army  was  reduced  in  its  numbers  and  badly 
clothed. 

In  the  first  years  of  tlje  war,  the  mercantile 
character  was  lost  in  the  military  spirit  of  the 
times;  but  in  the  progress  of  it,  the  inhabitants, 
cooling  in  their  enthusiasm,  giadirally  returned  to 
their  former  habits  of  lucrative  business.  This 
made  distinctions  between  the  army  and  the  citi- 
zens, and  was  unfriendly  to  military  exertions. 
While  several  foreign  events  tended  to  the  embar- 
rassment of  lireat  iiritain,  and  indirectly  to  the 
establishment  of  independence,  a  variety  of  inter- 
nal causes  relaxed  the  exertions  of  the  Americans  ; 
and  for  a  time,  marie  it  doubtful,  whether  they 
would  ultimately  be  indeiiendent  citizens,  or  con- 
quered subjects.  Among  these,  the  daily  depre- 
ciation of  their  bills  of  credit,  held  a  distinguished 
pre-eminence.  This  so  materially  afl'ecled  every 
department,  as  to  merit  a  particular  discussion. 
The  subject  to  prevent  an  interruption  of  the 
thread  of  the  narrative  is  treated  in  a  sejiarato 
chai)ter. 

CHAPTER  AIL 

Of  Continental  Paper  Currency. 

In  tlie  modern  mode  of  making  war,  money  is 
not  less  essential,  than  valour  in  the  field,  or  wis- 
dom in  the  cabinet.  The  longest  purse  dccidct 
the  fate  of  coirtending  nations,  as  often  as  the 
loosest  sword.  It  early  occtrrred  to  the  founders 
of  the  American  empire,  that  the  established  reve- 
nues of  Great  Britain  must,  eventually,  overbal- 
ance the  sudden  and  impetuous  sallies  of  rneir. 
corvtendins:  for  iVeedom.  on  the  s|)ur  of  the  occa- 
Bion.  and  without  the  permanent  means  ofdelence: 
but  how  to  remedy  the  evil  puzzled  their  w  isest 
politicians.  (Jold  and  silver,  as  far  as  was  kriouii, 
had  not  a  i)hysical  existence  in  the  coirntry,  in 
any  quantity  e()iial  to  the  demands  of  w-ar  :  nor 
cotilil  they  be  |)rocuted  from  abroad  ;  as  the  cban 
nel«  of  commerce  had  been  prc>ious|y  shut,  by 


UNITED  STATES. 


453 


the  voluntary  association  of  Congress,  to  suspend 
forei^'ii  trade.  America  having  never  been  niucli 
taxed  in  any  direct  way,  and  being  williout  eslab- 
lisiied  goveriitnents,  and  especially  as  slie  was 
contending  ag  iinsl  what  was  lately  i  iwCul  autho- 
rity, could  not  immediately  proceed  to  taxation. 
Besides,  as  the  contest  was  on  tlie  subject  of  tax- 
ation, tlie  laying  of  taxes  adequate  to  the  exigen- 
cies of  war,even  though  it  had  been  practicable, 
tvould  have  been  impolitic.  The  only  plausible 
expedient,  in  their  power  to  adopt,  was  the  emis- 
sion of  bills  of  credit  lepresenting  specie,  under  a 
public  engagement  to  be  ultimately  sunk  by  equal 
taxes,  or  exchanged  for  gold  or  silver.  This  prac- 
tice had  been  familiar  from  the  first  settlement  of 
the  colonies,  and,  under  proper  restrictions,  liad 
been  found  highly  advantagcoi;s.  Their  resolu- 
tion, to  raise  an  army  in  June,  177a,  was  there- 
fore followed  by  another  to  emit  bills  of  credit,  to 
the  aino'int  of  two  millions  of  dollars.  To  that 
sum,  on  the  2/)th  of  the  next  month,  it  was  re- 
solved to  add  another  million.  For  their  redemp- 
tion they  pledged  the  confederated  colonies,  and 
directed  each  colony  to  find  ways  and  means,  to 
6inlv  its  proportion  and  (luota,  in  four  annual  pay- 
ments ;  the  first  to  be  made  on  or  before  the  last 
of  November,  1779.  That  time  was  fixed  upon 
from  an  expectation,  that,  previous  to  its  arrival, 
the  contest  would  be  brought  to  a  conclusion.  On 
the  29th  of  November,  177o,  an  estimate  having 
been  made  by  Congress  of  the  public  expenses  al- 
ready incurred,  or  iiUely  to  be  incurred,  in  carry- 
ing on  their  defence,  till  the  10th  of  June,  177(3, 
it  was  resolved  to  emit  a  farther  sum  of  three 
millions  of  dollars,  to  be  redeemed,  as  the  former, 
by  four  annual  payments  ;  the  first,  to  be  made  on 
or  before  the  last  day  of  November,  1783.  It 
was,  at  the  same  time,  determined,  that  the  quotas 
of  bills  to  be  redeemed,  by  each  colony, should  be 
in  a  relative  j)roportion  to  their  respective  nutn- 
bersof  inhabitants.  This  estimate  was  calculated 
to  defray  expenses,  to  the  10th  of  June,  1776, 
on  tiie  idea,  that  an  accommodation  would  take 
place  before  that  lime.  Hitherto  all  arrange- 
ments, both  for  men  and  money,  were  temporary, 
and  founded  on  the  supposed  probability  of  a  re- 
conciliation. Early  in  1776,  Congress  obtained 
information,  that  (ireat  Britain  had  contracted  for 
16,000  foreign  mercenaries,  to  be  sent  over  for 
the  purjjoseof  subduing  America.  This  enforced 
the  necessity  of  extending  their  plan  of  defence, 
beyond  the  10th  of  the  next  June.  Tliey,  there- 
fore, on  the  17th  of  February,  1776,  ordered  four 
millions  of  dollars  to  be  emitted,  and  on  the  9th 
of  May,  and  the  22d  of  July  following,  emitted 
ten  millions  more,  on  the  same  security.  Such 
was  the  animation  of  the  times,  that  these  several 
emissions,  amounting  in  the  aggregate  to  twenty 
millions  of  dollars,  circulated,  for  several  months, 
without  any  depreciation,  and  commanded  the  re- 
sources of  the  country  for  public  service,  equally 
with  the  same  sum  of  gold  or  silver.  Tlie  United 
States  derived  for  a  considerable  time,  as  much 
benefit  from  this  paper  creation  of  their  own, 
though  without  any  established  funds  for  its  sup- 
port or  redemption,  as  would  liave resulted  fiom  a 
free  gift  of  as  many  Mexican  dollars.  While  the 
ministry  of  England  were  puzzling  themselves  for 
new  taxes,  and  funds,  on  which  to  raise  their  sup- 
plies, Congress  raised  theirs  by  resolutions,  direct- 
ing paper  of  no  intrinsic  value  to  be  struck  off,  in 
form  of  promissory  notes.  But  there  was  a  |)oint, 
both  in  time  and  quantity,  beyond  which  this  con- 
gressional alcliemy  ceased  to  operate.  That  time 
was  about  eighteen  months  fiom  the  dale  of  their 
first  eniissiorv,  and  that  quantity  about  twenty  mil- 
fioiis  of  dollars. 

Independence  being  declared,  in  the  second  year 
of  the  war,  and  the  object  for  which  arms  were  at 
first  assumed  beinsr  changed,  it  was  obvjous  that 
more  money  must  be  procured, and  ecpially  so, that, 
if  bills  of  credit  were  multiplied  bevond  a  reason- 
able sum  for  circulation,  they  must  necessarily 
depreciate.  It  was,  therefore,  on  the  3d  of  Octo- 
ber, 1776,  resolved  to  borrow  five  millions  of  dol- 


lars ;  and,  in  the  month  following,  a  lottery  was 
set  on  foot:  for  obtaining  a  farllier  sum  on  loan. 
The  expenses  ot  the  war  were  so  great,  that  the 
money  arising  from  both,  though  considerable, was 
I'ar  short  of  a  sutficieiicy.  The  rulers  of  Ameiica 
thought  it  still  [)remature  to  urge  taxation.  They, 
tlierelore.  reiterated  the  expedient  of  faither  emis- 
sions. The  ease,  with  which  the  means  of  pro- 
curing supi)lies  were  furnished,  by  striking  oli' 
bills  of  credit,  and  the  readiness  of  the  peo|)le  to 
receive  them,  prompted  Congress  to  multiply  them 
beyond  the  limits  of  prudence.  A  diminiitioii  of 
their  value  was  the  unavoidable  consequence. — 
This  at  first  was  scarcely  perceivable  ;  but  it  daily 
increased.  The  zeal  oi'  the  people,  nevertheless, 
so  far  overbalanced  the  nice  mercantile  calcula- 
tions of  interest,  that  the  campaigns  of  1776,  and 
1778,  were  not  affected  by  the  depreciation  of  the 
paper  currency.  Congress  foresaw  that  this  could 
not  long  be  the  case.  It  was,  therefore,  on  the 
22d  of  November,  1777,  recommended  to  the  se- 
veral states,  to  raise  by  taxes  the  sum  of  five  mil- 
lions of  dollars,  for  the  service  of  the  year  1778. 

Previously  to  this,  it  had  been  resolved  to  bor- 
row larger  sums  ;  and  for  the  encouragement  of 
lenders,  it  was  agreed  to  pay  the  interest  which 
should  accrue  thereon,  by  bills  of  exchange,  pay- 
able in  France,  out  of  monies  borrowed  there,  for 
the  use  of  the  United  Slates.  This  tax  unfortu- 
nately failed  in  several  of  the  slates.  From  the 
impossibility  of  procuring  a  sufficiency  of  money, 
either  from  loans  or  t«xes,  the  old  expedient  of 
farther  emissions  was  reiterated  ;  but  the  value 
decreased  as  the  quantity  increased.  Congress, 
anxious  to  put  a  slop  to  the  increase  of  their  bills 
of  credit,  and  to  provide  a  fund  for  reducing  what 
were  issued,  called  upon  the  states  on  the  1st  of 
January,  1779,  to  pay,  into  the  continental  trea- 
sury, their  respective  quotas  of  fifteen  millions  of 
dollars,  for  the  service  of  that  year,  and  of  six 
millions  annually  from  and  after  the  year  1779,  as 
a  fund  for  reducing  their  early  emissions  and  loans. 
Such  had  been  the  mistaken  ideas,  which  origi- 
nally prevailed,  ofthe  duration  of  the  contest, that, 
though  the  war  was  raging,  and  the  demands  for 
money  unabated,  yet  the  period  had  arrived, which 
had  been  originally  fixed  upon,  fi)r  the  redemption 
of  the  first  emissions  of  Congress. 

Ill  addition  to  these  fifteen  millions,  called  for 
on  the  1st  of  January,  1779,  tlie  states  were,  on 
the  21st  of  May  following,  calle<i  upon  to  furnish, 
for  public  service,  within  the  current  year,  their 
respective  quotas  of  forty-five  millions  of  dollars. 
Congress  wished  to  arrest  the  growing  deprecia- 
tion, and,  therefore,  called  for  taxes  in  large  sums, 
proportioned  to  the  demantls  of  the  public,  and  also 
to  the  diminished  value  of  their  bills.  These  re- 
quisitions, though  nominally  large,  were  by  no 
means  sufificient.  From  the  fluctuating  state  of 
the  money,  it  was  impossible  to  make  any  certain 
calculations  ;  for  it  was  not  two  days  of  the  same 
value.  A  sum  which,  when  demanded,  would  have 
purchased  a  sufficiency  of  the  commodities  wanted 
(or  the  public  service,  was  very  inadequate,  when 
the  collection  was  made,  and  the  money  lodged  in 
the  treasury.  The  depreciation  began  at  dilierent 
periods  in  difl'erent  states  ;  but  in  general  about 
the  middle  of  tlie  year  1777,  and  progressively  in- 
creased for  three  or  four  years.  Towards  the  last 
of  1777,  the  depreciation  was  about  two  or  tliiee 
for  one.  In  1778,  it  advanced  from  two  or  three 
for  one,  to  five  or  six  for  one  ;  in  1779,  from  five 
or  six  for  one,  to  twenty-seven  or  twenty-eisiht  for 
one  ;  in  1780,  from  twenty  seven  or  twenty-eight 
lor  one,  to  fifty  or  sixty  for  one,  in  the  first  four 
or  five  months  of  that  year.  Its  circulation  was 
afterwards  partial  :  but  where  it  |)assed,  it  soon 
depreciated  to  150  for  one.  In  some  few  parts,  it 
continued  in  circtilation  for  the  first  four  or  five 
months  of  1781  ;  but  in  this  latter  period,  many 
would  not  take  it  at  any  rate,  and  tliev  who  did,  re- 
ceived it  at  a  depreciation  of  several  hundreds  for 
one. 

As  there  was  a  general  clamour  on  account  of 
the  floods  of  money,  which,  at  successive  periods. 


had  deluged  the  stales,  it  was  res(dved,  in  October, 
1779,  that  no  farther  sum  should  be  issued,  on  any 
account  whatever,  than  what,  when  aildid  lo  iho 
present  sum  in  circulation,  would  in  the  whole  b« 
etjual  two  hundred  millions  ol  dollars.  It  was  at 
the  same  lime  resolved,  that  Congress  should  emit 
only  such  part  of  the  sum  wauling  lo  make  up  two 
hundred  millions,  as  should  be  absoluKdy  neces- 
sary lor  the  ])ul)lic  exigencies,  beliire  adeipiale  sup- 
plies could  be  otherwise  obtained ;  relying,  for 
such  supplies,  on  the  exertions  of  the  several  slates. 
This  was  lorcibly  represented  in  a  circular  letter 
from  Congress  to  their  consiituenis  ;  and  thestufs 
were  earnestly  entreated  to  prevent  llial deluge  of 
(^vils,  which  would  How  from  their  neglecting  to 
lurnisli  ade(|uate  supplies,  for  the  wants  of  ihe 
confederacy.  The  same  circular  letter  staled  the 
practicability  of  redeeming  all  the  bills  o(  (Jorifiress. 
at  par,  with  gold  and  silver,  and  rejected,  wiih  in- 
dignation, the  supposition  that  the  states  would 
ever  tarnish  their  credit,  by  violating  public  faith. 
These  strong  declarations,  in  favour  of  the  paper 
currency,  deceived  many  to  repose  confidence  in 
it  to  their  ruin.  Subsequent  events  compelled  Con 
gress  to  adopt  the  very  measure  in  1780,  whudi, 
in  the  preceding  year,  they  had  sincerely  repro- 
bated. 

From  the  non-compliance  ofthe  states.  Congress 
was  obliged,  in  a  short  lime  after  the  dale  of  their 
circular  letter,  lo  issue  such  a  farther  (piaiilily,  as, 
when  added  to  previous  emissions,  made  the  sum. 
of  2U0  millions  of  dollars.  Besides  this  immense 
sum,  the  paper  emissions  of  the  dilierent  stales 
amounted  to  many  millions;  which  mixed  with  the 
continental  money,  and  added  lo  its  depreciation. 
What  was  of  very  little  value  before,  now  became 
less.  The  whole  was  soon  expended  ;  and  yr, 
from  its  increased  depreciation,  the  immediate 
wants  of  the  army  were  not  supplied.  The 
source  which  for  five  years  had  enabled  Congress 
to  keep  an  army  in  the  field  being  exhausted,  (je- 
neral  Washington  was  reduced,  fi)r  some  lime,  to 
the  alternative  of  disbanding  his  troops,  or  of  sup- 
plying them  by  a  military  foice.  He  preferred  the 
latter  ;  and  the  inhabitants  of  New  York  and  New 
Jersey,  though  they  felt  the  injury,  saw  the  ne- 
cessity and  patiently  submitted. 

The  states  were  next  called  upon  to  furnish, 
in  lieu  of  money,  determinate  quantities  of  beef, 
pork,  flour,  and  other  articles,  for  the  use  of  the 
army.  This  was  called  a  requisition  for  spec^ific 
supplies,  or  a  tax  in  kind;  and  was  found,  on  ex- 
periment, to  be  so  difficult  of  execution,  so  incon- 
venient, partial  and  expensive,  that  it  was  speed- 
ily abandoned.  About  this  time.  Congress  re- 
solved upon  another  expedient.  This  was  to  issue 
a  new  species  of  paper  money,  under  the  guaran- 
tee ofthe  several  states.  The  old  money  was  to 
be  called  in  by  taxes  ;  and.  as  soon  as  broui;lii  in, 
lo  be  burnt;  and  in  lieu  thereof,  one  dollar  of  the 
new  was  to  be  emitted  for  every  twenty  of  the 
old:  so  that  when  the  wh<de  two  bundled  millions 
were  drawn  in  and  cancelled,  only  leu  millions  of 
the  new  should  be  issued  in  their  place:  four- 
lenllis  of  which  were  lo  be  subject  lo  the  order  of 
("ongress,  and  the  remainiui;  six  tenths  to  the  or- 
der of  the  several  stales.  These  new  bills  wero 
to  be  redeemable  in  specie,  within  six  years,  and 
to  bear  an  interest  at  the  rate  of  five  per  cent,  to 
be  paid  also  in  sjiecie,  at  the  redemption  of  the 
bills,  or,  at  the  election  of  the  owner,  anniiaiiv  in 
bills  of  exchange  on  the  AiiK-rican  commissioners 
in  Europe,  at  four  shillings  and  sixpence  for  each 
dollar. 

From  the  execution  of  these  resolu'.ions,  it  wag 
expected,  that  the  old  money  would  be  cancelled  ; 
that  the  currency  would  be  reduced  to  a  fixed 
standard  ;  that  the  slates  wouKl  be  supplied  with 
the  means  of  puieliasing  the  specific  supplies  re- 
quired of  them;  and  that  Congress  would  be  fur- 
nished with  efficient  money,  lo  provide  ("orllie  exi- 
gencies of  the  war.  That  lliese  eood  elfecis 
would  have  l<)llowed,  even  though  lire  resolutions 
of  Congress  had  been  carried  into  execution,  is 
very  questionable  :  but,  from  the  partial  ccmpli- 


454 


HISTORY    OF  THE 


nnccs  of  tlic  stales,  the  experiment  was  never 
fiiirly  made,  :nid  the  new  paper  answered  very 
Imle  purpose.  It  was  lioped  by  varyiii;;  llie  {(round 
ofcn-dii,  tliat  (Jon^res.s  would  {;ain  a  repetition  of 
the  advania>;es,  wliicli  resulted  Crom  their  first  i)a- 
per  expedient  :  but  tliese  hopes  were  of  short  du- 
ration, liy  this  time,  much  of  the  |)opular  enthu- 
siasm had  spent  itselt",  and  confidence  in  public 
eonacemenis  was  at  a  low  ebb.  The  event  proved, 
tliat  credit  is  of  too  delicate  a  nature  to  be  spott- 
ed with,  and  can  only  be  maintained,  by  honesty 
and  |)unciualiiy.  The  several  expedients  propos- 
ed by  Congress  far  raisina;  sup|)lies,  liaving  failed, 
a  crisis  I'ollowed,  very  interesting  to  the  success 
of  the  revolution.  The  particulars  of  this  are  re- 
lated anions  the  public  events  of  the  year  1781,  in 
which  it  took  place.  Some  observations  on  that 
primary  instrument  of  American  independence, 
the  old  continental  bills  of  ctedit,  shall  for  llie  pres- 
ent close  this  subject. 

It  would  have  been  impossible  to  have  carried  on 
.he  war,  without  something  in  the  form  of  money. 
There  was  spirit  enough  in  America,  to  bring  to 
the  field  of  battle  as  many  of  her  sons,  as  would 
have  out-numbered  the  armies  of  Great  Britain, 
and  to  have  risked  their  fate  on  a  general  engage- 
nient  ;  but  this  was  the  very  thing  they  ought  to 
avoid.  Their  principal  hope  lay  in  evacuating,  re- 
treating and  protracting,  to  its  utmost  length,  a 
war  of  posts.  The  continued  exertions,  necessary 
foi  this  species  of  defence,  could  not  be  expected 
liom  \\\v.  im|)('luous  sallies  of  militia.  A  regular, 
|)ermament  at  niy  became  necessary.  Though  the 
enthusiasm  of  the  times  iniaht  have  dis[)ensed  with 
j)resenl  pay,  yet,  without  at  least  as  much  money 
as  would  support  them  in  the  (ield,  the  most  pa- 
triotic army  must  have  dispersed. 

The  impossibility  of  the  Americans  procuring 
pold  and  silver,  even  for  that  purpose,  doubtless 
weiijhed  with  the  Hritish  as  an  encouragement,  to 
bring  the  cc/iiiroversy  to  the  decision  of  the  sword. 
What  they  knew  could  not  be  done  by  ordinary 
means,  was  accomplished  by  those  which  were 
extraordinary.  Paper  of  no  intrinsic  value  was 
made  to  answer  all  the  purposes  of  gold  and  silver, 
and  to  support  the  expenses  of  live  cam|)aigns. 
This  was  in  some  degree,  owin;;  to  a  previous  con- 
fidence, which  had  been  begotten  by  honesty  and 
fidelity,  in  discliarsint;  the  eiiiragements  of  govern- 
ment. From  New  York  (o  lieorgia,  there  never 
had  been,  in  matters  relating  to  money,  an  instance 
of  a  breach  of  [)iiblic  faith.  In  the  scarcity  ofgold 
and  silver,  many  emergencies  had  imposed  a  ne- 
cessity of  emitting  bills  of  credit.  These  had 
been  uniformly  and  honestly  ledeemoJ.  The  bills 
ol  Con^iess  being  thrown  into  circulation  on  this 
favouiable  foundation  of  public  confidence,  were 
readily  received.  The  eiuhuaiaam  of  the  |:eople 
contributed  to  the  same  elfect.  That  the  endan- 
gered liberties  of  America  ought  to  be  defended, 
and  that  the  credit  of  their  [lapcv  was  essentially 
necessary  to  a  proper  defence,  were  opinions  en- 
graven on  the  heai  Is  of  a  great  maj.irilv  (;!' l.'ie  citi- 
zens, li  was,  lliciefnie,  a  point  of  honour,  ;ii;<i 
considered  as  a  part  of  duty,  to  lake  i!ie  bills  fre(dy 
at  their  full  value.  Private  gain  was  ihcnso  little 
regarded  ihai  the  whig  cili/ens  were  willing  to  run 
all  the  lia/.ards  incidental  to  bills  of  credit,  rather 
than  injure  tin;  cause  of  their  country  by  under- 
valuing' its  money.  Kvery  thing  human  has  its 
value  ilimlnishcil  from  the  increase  of  its  rjiianlity. 
Repealed  emissions  bejat  that  natural  deprecia- 
iHiii,  which  results  from  an  excess  of'tpiantity. 
This  was  helped  on  by  various  causes,  which  af- 
fected the  credit  of  the  money.  The  enemy  very 
inseiiidiisly  cfviiiilerl'i-iteil  their  bills,  anil  indus- 
triously <-irciilaled  llieir  lor<;eries  tliroi|i;li  the  I'ni- 
Icd  Stales.  Coiiiiress  allowed,  to  (heir  public 
agents,  a  cuminission  on  the  amount  of  their  pur- 
chases. Insti-ad  of  exerting  themselves  to  piir- 
rhrsi-  low.  ihey  had,  iherefore,  an  inieresi  in  biiy- 
iog  al  hi;;h  prices.  So  strong  was  the  force  of 
prfjudicc,  Out  the  Hiitisli  mode  of  supplying  ar- 


mies by  contract  could  not  for  a  long  time,  obtain 
the  approbation  of  Connress.  While  these  causes 
operated,  confidence  in  the  public  was  abating,  and, 
at  the  same  time,  that  fervour  and  patriotism,  which 
disregaideil  interest,  was  daily  decruiiiig.  To  pre- 
vent orretani  the  (le[)iecialion  of  their  paper  mo- 
ney. Congress  attempted  to  (irop  its  credit  by  means, 
which  wrecked  private  property,  and  injured  the 
morals  of  the  people,  without  answering  the  end 
proposed.  They  recommended  to  the  states,  to 
pass  the  laws  for  regulating  the  prices  of  labour,  and 
of  all  sorts  of  commodities  ;  and  for  confiscatin}; 
and  selling  the  estates  of  tories,  and  investing  the 
money,  arising  from  the  sales  thereof,  in  loan- 
office  certificates.  As  many  of  those  who  were 
disaffected  to  the  revolution,  absolutely  refuse<l  to 
take  the  bills  of  Congress,  even  in  the  first  stage  of 
the  war,  when  the  real  and  nominal  value  was  the 
same  with  the  view  of  counteracting  their  machi- 
nations, ('onsress  early  recommended  to  the  states, 
to  pass  laws  for  making  the  paper  money  a  le^al 
tender,  at  its  nominal  value,  in  the  discharge  of  bo- 
na fide  debts,  though  contracted  to  be  paid  in  gold 
or  silver.  With  the  same  views,  they  farther  re- 
commended, that  laws  should  be  passed  by  each  of 
the  states  ordaining  that,  "whosoever  should  ask 
or  receive  more,  in  their  bills  of  credit  for  gold  or 
silver  or  any  species  of  money  whatsoever,  than 
the  nominal  sum  thereof  in  Spanish  dollars,  or 
more  in  the  said  bills  for  any  commodities  whatso- 
ever, than  the  same  could  be  purchased,  from  the 
same  jierson,  in  gold  or  silver,  or  oiler  to  sell  any 
commodities  for  gold  or  silver,  and  refuse  to  sell  the 
same  for  'he  said  bills,  shall  be  deemed  an  enemy 
to  the  liberties  of  the  United  Slates,  and  forfeit  the 
property  so  sold  or  otl'ered  for  sale."  The  laws 
which  were  passed  by  the  stales,  for  regula- 
ting the  prices  of  labour  and  commodities,  were 
lound  on  experiment  to  be  visionary  anil  impracti- 
cable. They  only  operated  on  the  patriotic  lew, 
who  were  disposed  to  sacrifice  every  thing  in  the 
cause  of  their  country,  and  wlio  implicitly  obeyed 
every  mandate  of  llieir  rulers.  Others  disregarded 
them,  and  either  refused  to  part  w  ith  their  commo- 
dities, or  demanded  and  obtained  their  own  prices. 

These  laws,  in  the  first  instance,  made  an  arti- 
ficial s('arcily,  and,  had  they  not  been  repealed, 
would  soon  have  made  a  real  one;  for  men  never 
exert  themselves,  unless  they  have  the  iVuit  of  iheir 
exertionsseiMired  to  them,  and  at  their  own  disposal. 

The  confiscation  and  sale  of  the  property  of  to- 
ries, for  the  most  part,  brought  but  very  little  into 
the  public  treasury.  The  sales  were  generally 
made  on  credit,  and,  by  the  progressive  deprecia- 
tion, what  was  dear,  at  the  time  of  the  purchase, 
was  veiy  cheap  at  the  time  of  paymeul.  The 
most  extensive  mischief  resulted  in  the  progress, 
and  towards  the  close  of  the  war,  from  the  opera- 
tion of  the  laws  which  made  the  |)a[)er  bills  a  ten- 
der, in  the  discharge  of  debts,  contracted  jiayable 
in  gold  or  silver.  When  this  measure  was  first 
adopted,  little  or  no  injustice  resulted  from  it  ;  for, 
at  that  time,  the  paper  bills  were  e(|ual.  or  nearly 
equal  to  gold  or  silver,  of  the  same  nominal  sum. 
In  the  progress  of  the  war,  when  depreciation  took 
place,  the  case  was  maleiially  alleied.  Ijaws, 
which  were  originally  innocent,  became  eventually 
the  occasion  of  much  injustice. 

The  a^ed,  who  had  retired  from  the  scenes 
of  active  business,  lo  enjoy  the  fruits  of  their  in- 
dustry, found  their  siil)slani;e  melting  away  In  a 
mere  pittance,  insulficienl  for  th<-'>' support.  The 
I  widow,  who  lived  comfoitably  on  ;'ie  l>e(|iiesls  of 
a  deceased  husband,  experienced  a  frustration  of- 
all  his  well-meant  tendeiness.  The  laws  of  the 
country  interposed,  and  compelled  her  lo  receive  a 
shilling',  where  a  pound  was  her  iliie.  The  bloom- 
in;:  viii;iii,  who  had  urowii  iipwiih  an  unquestion- 
able title  to  a  liberal  patrimony,  was  lei;ally  strip- 
ped of  every  thine,  hut  her  personal  charms  and 
virtues.  The  hapless  orphan,  instead  of  receiv- 
ing from  the  hands  of  an  executor,  a  competency 
to  set  out  in  business,  was  obliged  to  givo  a  final 


discharge  on  the  payment  of  six  pence  in  the 
pound.  In  many  instances,  the  earnings  of  along 
life  of  care  and  diligence  were,  in  the  space  of'  a 
few  years,  reduced  to  a  trillint:  sum.  A  few  per- 
sons escaped  these  aHecting  calamities,  by  secret 
ly  transfering  their  bonds,  or  by  flyiNs;  from  th 
I)resence  or  neighbourhood  of  their  liebtors.  Tilo 
evils  which  Hesulled  from  the  le^al  tender  of  these 
paper  bills,  were  foreign  from  the  intentions  ol 
("ongress,  and  of  the  state  legislatures.  It  is  but 
just  ce  to  add,  farther,  that  a  great  proportion  of 
them  flowed  from  ignorance.  Till  the  year  1780, 
when  the  bills  fell  to  forty  for  one,  it  was  designed 
by  most  of  the  rulers  of  America,  and  believed  by 
a  great  majority  of  the  people,  that  the  whole  sum 
in  circulation  would  be  appreciated  by  a  rediK-iion 
of  its  f|uantity,  so  as  finally  to  be  equal  to  gold  or 
silver.  In  every  department  of  government,  the 
Americans  ctred  from  ignorance  ;  tut  in  none  so 
much,  as  in  that  which  related  to  money. 

Such  were  the  evils  wlii(di  resulted  from  paper 
money.  On  the  other  hand,  it  was  the  occasio/iof 
good  to  iTiany.  It  was  at  all  limes  the  ])oor  man's 
friend.  While  it  was  current,  all  kinds  of  labour 
very  readily  found  their  reward.  In  the  first  years 
of  iho  war,  none  were  idle  from  want  of  employ- 
ment;  and  none  were  em|iloyed,  without  having  it 
in  their  jiower  lo  obtain  ready  payment  for  their 
services.  To  that  class  of  people,  whose  daily 
labour  was  tlieir  su[)|)ort,  the  depreciation  was  no 
disadvantase.  Expendini;  their  money  as  fast  as 
they  received  it,  they  always  procured  its  full  va- 
lue. The  reverse  was  the  case  with  the  rich,  of 
those  who  were  disposed  to  lioarding.  No  agra- 
rian law  ever  had  a  more  extensive  operation,  than 
continental  money.  That,  fiir  which  the  (Jracchj 
lost  their  lives  in  Rome,  was  peaceably  effected  ia 
the  United  States,  by  the  le^al  tender  of  these  de- 
preciating bills.  The  poor  became  rich,  and  tho 
rich  became  ])oor.  Money  lenders,  and  they  whose 
circumstances  enabled  them  to  give  credit,  were 
essentially  injured.  All  that  the  money  lost  in  its 
value  was  so  much  taken  from  their  capital ;  but 
the  active  and  industrious  indemnified  themselves, 
by  conforming  the  pi  ice  of  their  services  to  the 
|)resent  state  of  the  depreciation.  The  experience 
of  this  time  inculcated  on  youth  two  salutary  les- 
sons :  the  impolicy  of  depending  on  paternal  ac- 
(|uisitions.  and  the  necessity  of  their  own  exeitioiis. 
They  who  were  in  debt,  and  possessed  |)roperly 
of  any  kind,  could  easily  make  the  latter  extin- 
guish the  former.  Kvery  thing  that  was  useful, 
when  brought  to  market,  readily  foutd  a  purcha- 
ser. A  few  cattle  would  pay  for  a  comfiirtable 
house  ;  and  a  good  horse  lor  an  improved  planta- 
tion. A  small  part  of  the  productions  of  a  firm 
would  discharse  the  lon<;  out-standing  acconnts, 
due  from  its  owner.  The  dreams  of  the  golden 
age  were  realised  to  the  poor  man  and  the  debtor; 
but  unfortunately  what  these  gained,  was  just  so 
much  taken  from  others. 

The  evils  of  depreciation  did  not  terminate  with 
the  war.  That  tiie  helpless  part  of  the  commu- 
nity were  legislatively  deprived  of  their  property, 
was  among  the  lesser  evils,  which  resulted  from 
the  legal  tender  of  the  depreciated  bills  of  credit. 
The  ini(]Uity  of  the  laws  enslrangeil  the  inindf;  of 
many  of  the  citizens,  from  the  habits  and  love  of 
justice. 

The  nature  of  obligations  was  so  far  changed 
that  he  was  reckoned  the  honest  man,  who,  from 
principle,  delayed  to  pay  his  debts.  The  mounds 
which  government  had  erected,  to  secure  the  ob- 
servance of  honesty,  in  the  commercial  intercourse 
of  man  with  man.  weie  broken  down.  Time  and 
industry  soon  lepaiied  the  losses  of  properly, 
whi('h  the  citi/.ens  sustaineil  during  the  war  ;  but 
both,  for  a  long  time,  faileil  in  effacing  the  taint 
which  was  then  coirimunicated  to  their  principles.* 

*  'I'liis  WHS  wrill"'ii  in  1778,  siiiee  wlucb  pcriiid  ii  ni'W 
oon^litiitioii,  Kiiiid  liiws,  uiic  n  vi;iiioii3  iiiliniiii<lmtlc>n 
of  jiivlice,  lm\o  riV'i-Ird  ii  t  nH  doralilo  tiuicluialjaa  il 
Ilio  niurnis  of  tlio  inliiiliilaiil:i. 


UNITED  STATES. 


488 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

or  Iiiilimis  ami  expeditious  into  the  Indian  coiintiy. 

When  tlie  English  coloti  es  were  lust  phuiled 
ill  Noiili  America,  the  country  was  inhabited  by 
numerous  tribes  of  Indians,  who  [jrincipally  sup- 
ported themselves  by  fishing,  hunting,  ami  by  the 
spontaneous  productions  of  nature.  The  arts  and 
arms  of  Europeans  soon  gave  tliem  an  ascendancy 
over  sucli  untutored  savages.  Had  the  huter  un- 
derstood their  interest,  and  been  guided  by  aspiril 
of  union,  they  woiihl  soon  have  expelled  the  in- 
vaders ;  and  in  that  case,  they  might  now  be  Nou- 
rishing, in  the  possession  of  their  ancient  terri- 
tories and  independence.  By  degrees,  the  (dd  in- 
liabitants  were  circutnsi'ribed  within  nariower 
limits  :  and,  by  some  strange  fatality,  their  num- 
bers have  been  constantly  lessening.  Tlie  names 
of  various  nations,  which,  in  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury, boasted  of  several  thousands,  are  now  known 
only  to  those  who  are  fond  of  curious  reseaiches. 
Many  are  totally  extinct  ;  and  others  can  show  no 
more  than  a  few  straggling  iudivi(] iials,  the  rem- 
nants of  their  fallen  greatness.  'I'hat  so  many 
tribes  should,  in  so  short  a  time,  lose  both  their 
counti'y  and  their  national  existence,  is  an  event 
scarcely  to  be  paralleled  in  the  history  of  the 
world.  Spirituous  liquors,  the  small  })ox,  and  an 
abridgment  of  territory,  to  a  |>eople  wliose  mode 
of  life  needed  an  extensive  range,  evils  wliich 
chiefly  resulted  from  the  neighbourhood  of  Euro- 
peans, were  aiuong  the  principal  causes  o(  their 
destruction.  The  retleclions,  which  arc  excited 
by  reviewing  the  havoc  made  among  the  native 
proprietors  of  this  new  world,  are  in  some  degree 
alleviated  by  its  counter|)art.  While  one  set  of 
inhabitants  was  insensil)ly  dwindling  away,  an- 
olher,improving  in  the  arts  of  civil  and  social  life, 
was  growing  in  numbers,  and  rapidly  filling  up 
their  places.*  As  the  emigrants  fronr  Eurojje.and 
llieii  descendants,  extended  their  possessions  on 
the  sea  coast,  the  aborigines  retired  from  it.  By 
this  gradual  advance  of  the  one,  and  retiring  of 
Ibc  other,  the  former  always  presented  an  exten- 
sive frontier,  to  the  incursions  of  the  latter.  'J^he 
European  emigrants,  from  an  avidity  for  land,  the 
possession  of  which  is  the  ultiiriate  object  of  hu- 
man avarice,  were  prone  to  encroach  on  the  terri- 
tories of  the  Indians;  while  the  Indians,  fr(uir  ob- 
vious principles  of  human  nature,  beheld  with  con- 
cern the  descenda itts  of  the  ancient  proprietors 
circumscribed,  in  theirterritory,  by  the  descend- 
ants of  those  strangers,  whoirr  their  fathers  had 
permitted  to  reside  among  therrr.  From  these 
causes,  and  especially  from  the  licentious  conduct 
of  disorderly  individuals,  of  both  Indians  and  white 
people,  there  were  frequent  interruptions  of  the 
peace  in  iheir  contiguous  settlements. 

In  the  war  between  France  and  England, which 
commenced  in  1775,  both  parties  paid  assiduous 
attentioirto  the  Aborigines.  The  former  succeed- 
ed in  securing  tire  greater  number  of  adherents; 
but  tlie  superior  success  of  the  latter,  in  the  pro- 
gress, and  at  the  termination  of  the  war,  turned  the 
current  of  Indian  affections  and  interest  in  their 
favour.  When  the  dispute  between  Great  Britain 
and  her  colonies  began  to  grow  serious,  the  friend- 
ship of  the  Indians  became  a  nratter  of  conse- 
quence to  both  parties.  Stretching  for  fifteen 
hundred  miles  along  the  whole  north-western  fron- 
tier of  the  colonies,  they  were  to  theiu  desirable 
friends,  and  formidable  enemies.  As  terror  was 
one  of  the  engines,  by  wliich  Great  Britain  in- 
tended to  enforce  the  submission  of  the  colonies, 
nothing  could  be  more  conducive  to  the  excite- 
ment of  this  passion,  than  the  c()-o[)erations  of  In- 
dians. Policy,  not  cruelty,  led  to  the  adoption  of 
this  expedient  :  but  it  was  of  that  over-refined  spe- 
cies which  counteracts  itself.  In  the  competition 
for  the  friendship  of  the  Indians,  the  British  had 

*  It  liiis  been  eoiripnteil,  tliU  five  hnndrerl  civilized 
huninn  l)einj;s  may  enjoy  life  in  plenty  and  comfort, 
wlier';  only  one  savage  drags  out  a  miserable  existence. 


advantages,  tar  superior  to  any  possessed  by  tiie 
colonists.  The  expulsion  of  the  French  Irom  (.'a- 
iiada,  an  event  which  had  taken  place  only  about 
thirteen  years  before,  was  still  fresli  in  the  memory 
of  many  of  the  savag(!s,  ari(]  had  inspired  them  witli 
high  ideas  of' the  martial  superioiity  of  the  l>rilish 
troops.  The  first  steps  taken  by  the  congress,  to 
oppose  (ireat  Britain,  put  it  out  of  their  power  to 
gratify  the  Indians.  Such  was  tlie  effect  of  the  non- 
importation agreement  of  1774.  While  Great 
15ritain  had  access  to  the  principal  Indian  tribes, 
through  Canada  on  the  north,  and  I'lorida  on  the 
south,  and  was  abuiidantly  able  to  supply  their 
many  wants  the  colonists  had  debarred  themselves 
from  importing  the  articles,  wliich  were  necessary 
for  the  Indian  trade. 

It  was  iinforiunate  for  the  colonics,  that,  since 
the  peace  of  Paris,  1763,  the  transactions  with 
the  Indians  had  been  irrostly  carried  on  by  super- 
inteiidants, appointed  and  paid  by  the  king  of  (ireat 
Britain.  Tliese,  being  unilcr  obligations  to  the 
crown,  and  expectants  of  farther  favours  from  it, 
generally  used  their  influence  with  the  Indians,  in 
behalf  of' the  mother  country,  and  against  the  co- 
lonies. They  insinuated  into  the  minds  of  the 
uninformed  savages,  that  the  king  was  their  natu- 
ral [irotector,  against  the  encroaching  colonists; 
and  tliat,  if  tlie  latter  succeeded  in  their  opposi- 
tion to  Great  Britain,  they  would  next  aim  at  the 
extirpation  of  their  red  neighbours.  By  such  re- 
presentations, seconded  with  a  profusion  of  pres- 
ents, the  attachment  of  the  Indians  was  pre-en- 
gaged, ill  su|)p(irt  of  the  British  interest. 

The  Americans  were  not  unmindful  of  the  sa- 
vages on  their  (loiitier.  They  appointed  commis- 
sioners (o  explain  to  tliem  the  grounds  of  their 
dispute,  and  to  cultivate  their  friendship,  by  trea- 
ties and  presents.  They  endeavoured  to  persuade 
the  Indians,  that  the  quarrel  was,  by  no  means, 
relative  to  them  ;  and  that,  therefoi-e,  they  should 
take  part  with  neither  side. 

For  the  greater  convenience  of  managing  tlie 
intercourse  between  the  colonies  and  the  Indians, 
the  latter  were  divided  into  three  departments,  the 
northern,  southern,  and  middle;  and  commission- 
ers were  appointed  for  each.  Congress  also  re- 
solvefl  to  import  and  distribute  among  theiri  a  suit- 
able assortment  of  goods,  to  the  amount  of  forty 
thousand  pounds  sterling,  on  account  of  the  United 
States  ;  but  this  was  not  executed.  All  the  ex- 
ertions of  Congress  were  insufTicient  for  the  secu- 
rity of  their  western  frontiers.  In  almost  every 
period  of  the  war,  a  great  majority  of  the  Indians 
took  |)art  with  (ireat  Britian,  against  the  Ameri- 
cans. South  fJarolina  was  among  the  first  of  the 
states,  which  experienced  the  effects  of  British 
influence  over  the  Indians.  The  Cherokees  and 
the  Creeks  inhabit  lands  not  far  distant  from 
the  western  settlements  of  Carolina  and  (ieor- 
gia.  The  intercourse  with  these  tribes  had,  for 
several  years  prior  to  the  American  war,  been 
exclusively  committed  to  John  Stuart,  an  offi- 
cer of  the  crown,  and  devoted  to  the  royal  in- 
terest. His  great  influence  was  wholly  exerted 
in  favour  of  Great  Britain.  A  plan  was  settled 
by  him  in  concert  with  the  king's  governors  and 
other  royal  servants,  to  land  a  royal  armed  force 
in  Florida,  and  to  proceed  with  it  to  the  western 
frontier  of  the  southern  states;  and  there  in  con- 
junction with  the  tories  and  Indians,  to  fall  on  the 
friends  of  Congress,  at  the  same  time  that  a  fleet 
and  army  should  invade  them  on  the  sea  coast. 
The  whole  scheme  was  discovered,  by  the  cajr- 
tureof  Moses  Kirkland,  one  of  the  (irincipal  agents 
employed  in  its  execution,  while  he  was  on  his 
way  to  (ieneral  Gage  with  dispatches,  detailing 
the  particulars,  and  soliciting  the  requisite  aid  to 
accomplish  it.  The  possession  of  Kirkland,  and 
of  his  papers,  enabled  the  Americans  to  take  such 
steps,  as  in  a  great  degree  frustrated  the  views  of 
the  royal  servants  ;  yet  so  much  was  carried  into 
eflect,  that  the  Cherokees  began  their  massacres, 
at  the  very  time  the  British  fleet  attacked  the  fort 
on  Sullivan's  island.  The  undisturbed  tranquili- 
ty, which  took  place  in  South  Carolina  and  the 


adjacent  states,  after  the  British  had  failed  in 
their  designs  at^ainst  them,  in  the  spring  and  sum- 
mer of  1776,  gave  an  opportunity  f.ir  cariyiiig  war 
into  the  Indian  country.  This  was  done,  not  so 
much  to  punish  what  was  past,  as  to  prevent  all 
future  co-operation  between  the  Indians  and  liri- 
tish,  in  that  (juarler. 

Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  and 
Georgia,  sent  about  the  same  time,  a  considera- 
ble force,  which  traversed  the  Indian  settleiiienis, 
burned  their  towns,  and  destroyed  their  fields  of 
corn.  Above  five  hundred  of  the  Cherokees  were 
obliged  from  the  want  of  provisions,  to  take  re- 
fuge in  Florida,  and  were  there  fed  at  the  expense 
of  the  British  government.  These  unfortuiiHte, 
misled  people  sued  for  peace,  in  the  most  submis- 
sive terms,  and  soon  afterwards  assented  to  a 
treaty,  by  which  they  ceded  a  considerable  part  of 
their  land  to  South  Carolina.  The  decision  with 
which  this  expedition  was  conducted,  intimidated 
the  Cherokees,  for  some  years  from  farther  hos- 
tilities. 

Very  different  was  the  case  of  those  Indians, 
who  were  in  the  vicinity  of  the  British  posts,  and 
contiguous  to  the  frontier  of  the  norlhein  and  mid- 
dle stales.  The  presents  which  they  continually 
received  from  England,  the  industry  of  the  British 
agents,  and  the  influence  of  a  great  number  of 
American  refugees  who  had  taken  shelter  among 
them,  operating  on  their  native  jiassion  for  rajiine, 
excited  them  to  frequent  hostile  excursions.  Col- 
onel John  Butler,  a  (."onnecticut  tory,  and  IJrandt, 
a  half  Indian  by  blood,  were  the  principal  headers 
of  the  savages  in  these  expeditions.  The  vast 
extent  of  frontier,  and  remote  situation  of  the  set- 
tlements, together  with  the  exact  knowledge 
which  the  refugees  possessed  of  the  country,  made 
it  practicable  for  eveu  small  parties  to  do  extensive 
mischief. 

A  storm  of  Indian  and  tory  vengeance  burst  ic 
July  1778  with  particular  violence  on  Wyoming,  a 
new  and  flourishing  settlement  on  the  eastern 
branch  of  the  Sus(]uehannah.  Unfortunately  for 
the  security  of  the  inhabitants,  the  soil  was  claimed 
both  by  Connecticut  and  Pennsylvania.  From  the 
collision  of  contradictory  claims,  founded  on  royal 
cli;«^ters,  the  law  s  of  neither  were  steadily  enforced. 
In  this  remote  settlement,  where  government  was 
feeble,  the  tories  were  under  less  control ;  and 
could  easily  assemble  undiscovered.  iS'everthe- 
less,  twenty-seven  of  them  were  taken  and  sent  to 
Hartford,  in  Connecticut :  but  they  were  af  ter- 
wards released.  These  and  others  of  the  same 
description,  instigated  by  revenge  against  the 
Americans,  from  whom  some  of  them  had  sufVered 
banishment  and  loss  of  property,  tuade  a  common 
cause  with  the  Indians,  and  attacked  the  Wyoming 
settlement,  with  their  combined  forces,  esliiiialed 
at  1100  men,  909  of  whom  were  Indians.  The 
whole  was  commanded  by  Colonel  John  Butler,  a 
Connecticut  tory.  One  of  the  forts,  which  had 
been  constructed  for  the  security  of  the  inhabi- 
tants, being  very  weak,  surrendered  to  this  party; 
but  some  of  the  garrison  had  previously  retired  to 
the  principal  fort  at  Kingston,  called  Forty-Fort. 
Colonel  John  Butler  next  demanded  the  sin  render 
thereof.  Colonel  Zcbulon  Butler,  a  continental 
officer,  who  commanded,  sent  a  message  to  him. 
proposim;  a  conference  at  a  bridge  without  the 
fort.  This  being  agreed  to.  Colonel  Zebiilon  But- 
ler, Demiison,  and  soirre  other  officers  repaired  to 
the  place  appointed  ;  and  they  were  followed  by 
the  whole  gairison,  a  few  invalids  excepted. 
None  of  the  enemy  appeared.  The  Wyoming 
people  advanced,  and  supposed  that  the  tneiiiy 
were  reiiiinsr.  They  continued  to  march  on.  till 
they  were  about  three  rrriles  from  the  fort.  They 
then  saw  a  few  of  the  enemy,  with  whom  they  ex- 
changed some  shot ;  but  they  presently  found  them 
selves  ambuscaded,  and  attacked  by  the  whole  body 
of  Indians  and  lories.  They  fought  gallantly,  till 
their  retreat  lo  the  fort  was  cut  olT.  Universr.l 
confusion  ensued.  Of  417,  who  had  marched  out 
of  the  fort,  about  3G0  were  instantly  slain.  No 
quarters  were  given.    Colonel  John  Butler  agaii/ 


450 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


Jeinandeil  (he  surrender  of  Forty-Fort.  This  was 
ngieed  to,  tinder  articles  of  capitulation,  l)y  which 
tin- fdects  of  the  people  tlioreiii  were  to  be  secured 
to  llifiii.  The  ;;iirrisi)n,  consisting  of  thirty  men 
and  (WO  hiiii(]red  women,  were  permitted  to  cross 
(he  yusqueliaritiali,  and  retreat  through  the  woods 
to  Northampton  county.  The  most  of  the  scat- 
tered .settlers  had  previously  retired,  some  through 
the  woods  to  Northampton,  otliers  down  the  river 
to  Northuiiilierhind.  In  this  retreat,  some  women 
weie  (jpiivcred  of  children  in  the  woods,  and  many 
sullered  from  want  of  provisions.  Several  of  the 
settlers  at  Wyoming  had  erected  good  houi;es  and 
harns,  and  made  very  considerable  improvements. 
These  and  tlie  other  houses  in  the  vicinity,  were 
destroyed.  Their  horses,  cattle,  slieej)  and  ho(rs, 
were  for  the  most  part  killed,  or  driven  away  by 
the  enemy. 

A  large  [»roportionof  the  male  inhabitants,  were, 
in  one  day,  slaughtered.  In  a  single  engagement, 
near  200  women  were  made  widows,  and  a  much 
greater  number  of  children  were  left  fatherless. 

Soon  after  the  destruction  of  the  Wyoming  set- 
tlement, an  expedition  was  carried  on  against  the 
Indians,  by  Colonel  Rutler  of  the  Pennsylvania 
troops.  He  and  his  paity  having  gained  the  head 
of  the  Delaware,  Oct.  1st.  (uarched  down  the  river 
for  two  days,  and  then  struck  across  the  country  to 
the  Susquehannah.  They  burnt  or  destroyed  (he  In- 
dian villages,  both  in  that  quarter,  and  the  other  set- 
tlements :  but  the  inhabitimts  escaped.  The  destruc- 
tion was  extended  for  several  miles,  on  both  sides 
of  the  Susquehannah.  The  difficulties  which  Co- 
lonel Sutler's  men  encountered,  in  this  expedition, 
were  uncommonly  great.  They  were  obliged  to 
carry  provisions  on  their  backs,  and  thus  loaded, 
fre(|uently  to  wade  t})rough  creeks  and  rivers.  Af- 
ter the  toil  of  a  hard  march  they  were  obliged  to 
endure  chilly  niahts,  and  heavy  rains,  without  even 
the  moans  of  keeping  their  arms  dry.  They  com- 
j)leted  the  expedition  in  sixteen  days.  About  four 
weeksafter  Colonel  Butler's  return,  some  hundreds 
of  Indians,  a  large  body  of  tories,  and  about  fifty 
regulars  entered  (Jlierry  Valley,  within  the  state 
of  New  York.  They  made  an  unsuccessful  at- 
tempt on  Fort  Allien;  but  they  killed  and  scalped 
thirty-two  of  the  inliai)itants,  mostly  women  and 
children  ;  and  also  Colonel  Allien  and  ten  soldiers. 

An  expedition  which  was  to  liave  taken  place 
under  Henry  Hamilton,  liciiienant  governor 
of  Detrc^it,  torlunaiely  for  the  V^irginia  back  set- 
tlers, against  whom  it  was  principally  directed, 
fell  through  in  consequence  of  the  s[)iri(ed  con- 
tluct  of  Colonel  Clarke.  The  object  of  the  expe- 
dition was  extensive,  and  many  Indians  were  en- 
gaged in  it.  Hamilton  took  post  at  St.  Vincennes, 
in  tlie  winter,  to  have  all  things  in  readiness,  for 
invading  the  American  settlements,  as  soon  as  the 
season  of  the  year  would  permit.  Clarke,  on 
liearing  that  Hamilton  liad  weakened  himself,  by 
Bending  away  a  considerable  part  of  his  Indians, 
against  the  tronliei  setiiers,  formed  the  resolution 
of  attacking  him,  as  the  best  expedient  for  pre- 
venlini;  the  miseljiefs  which  were  designed  against 
his  country.  After  surmountini;  many  dilficiihies, 
he  arrived  with  130  men,  unexpectedly  at  St. 
Vincennes. 

Tlie  inhabitants  of  ilie  town  immediately  sur- 
rendered on  ihe  2:?il  Feb.  1779,  to  the  Ameri- 
cans: and  assisted  ihein  in  taking  the  fott.  The 
next  day,  Hamilton,  with  the  garrison,  were  made 
prisrxiers  of  war,  on  artii  les  of  capil illation. 
Clarke,  on  hearing  that  a  convoy  of  Hrilish  goods 
and  [irovisions  was  on  its  way  from  Detroit,  de- 
tached a  parly  of  sixty  men,  which  met  lliem,  and 
made  pri/.(Mif  (he.  whole.  ]5y  this  well-conducted 
and  spirited  alluek  on  Hamilton,  his  intended  ex- 
(lediiion  was  nipped  in  the  bud.  Colonel  Clarke 
Iransiiiiiii'd  to  (he  council  of  Virginia,  letters  and 
papers,  ri  fiiint  lo  [/leiitenanl  (Jovernor  I lainillon, 
Philipde  .lean,  justice  of  peace  for  Detroit,  and 
William  f.amoihr,  eaplaiii  of  volunteers,  whom  he 
had  marie  prisoners.  The  board  reported,  that 
Hanidinn  had  ineiied  ilir  liulians  lo  |)prpetrate  their 
'  tccustomcd  crueliieg,  on  the  defenceless  inliabit- 


ants  of  the  United  States;  had  sent  considerable 
detachments  of  Indians  against  the  frontiers  ;  had 
appointed  a  great  council  of  them,  to  meet  liiin 
and  concert  the  operations  of  the  ensuing  cam- 
paign ;  had  given  standing  rewards  for  scalps; 
and  had  treated  American  prisoners  with  cruelty. 
Tliey  also  reported,  that  De  Jean  was  the  willing 
and  cordial  instrument  of  Hamilton  ;  acd  that  La- 
mothe  was  captain  of  the  volunteer  scalping  parties 
of  Indians  and  tories,  who  went  out,  from  time  to 
time,  under  general  orders  to  spare  neither  men, 
women,  nor  children.  They  therefore  consider- 
ing them  as  fit  objects,  on  whom  to  begin  the  work 
of  retaliation,  advised  tjie  governor  to  put  them  in 
irons;  confine  them  in  the  dungeon  of  the  public 
jail;  debar  them  the  use  of  jien,  ink  and  paper; 
and  exclude  them  from  all  converse,  except  with 
their  keeper. 

Colonel  (Joose  Van  Shaick,  with  fifty-five  men, 
marched  from  fort  Schuyler  to  the  Onondaga  set- 
tlements, and  on  the  19th  of  April,  burned  the 
whole,  consisting  of  about  fifty  houses,  together 
with  a  large  quantity  of  provisions.  Horses,  and 
stock  of  every  kind,  were  killed.  The  arms  and 
amunition  of  the  Indians  were  either  destroyed 
or  brought  ofll",  and  their  settlements  were  laid 
waste.  Twelve  Indiana  were  killed,  and  thiriy- 
fotir  made  prisoners.  This  expedi(ion  was  per- 
formed in  less  than  six  days,  and  widiout  the  loss 
of  a  single  man. 

In  this  manner,  the  savage  part  of  the  war  was 
carried  on  in  America.  Waste,  and  sometimes 
cruelly,  were  inflicted  and  retorted,  with  infinite 
variety  of  scenes  of  horror  and  disgust.  The  sel- 
fish passions  of  human  nature,  uniestrained  by 
social  ties,  broke  over  all  bounds  of  decency  or 
humanity.  The  American  refugees,  who  had  (led 
to  the  western  wilderness,  indulged  tlieir  passion 
for  rapine  by  assuming  the  colour  and  dress  of 
Indians.  At  other  times,  they  acted  as  guides, 
and  conducted  these  merciless  ravagers  into  such 
settlements,  as  alforded  the  most  valuable  booty, 
and  the  fairest  prospect  of  escape.  The  savages, 
encouraged  by  British  presents  and  agents,  and 
led  on  by  American  refugees  well  acquainted  with 
the  country,  and  who  cloaked  the  most  consum- 
mate villany  under  the  specious  name  of  loyalty, 
extended  their  de|)redations  and  murders  far  and 
near. 

A  particular  detail  of  the  devestation  of  proper 
ty ;  of  the  distress  of  numbers,  who  escajied  only 
by  fleeing  to  the  woods,  where  they  subsisted, 
without  covering  on  the  spontaneous  pro(1uctions 
of  the  earth;  and  of  the  barbarous  murders  which 
were  committed  on  persons  of  every  age  and  sex, 
would  be  sufTicient  to  fill  every  breast  wiih  horror. 

In  sundry  expeditions,  which  had  been  cariied 
on  against  the  Indians,  am[)le  vengeance  had  been 
taken  on  some  of  them  ;  hut  these  partial  successes 
produced  no  lasting  benefit.  The  few  who  escaped, 
had  it  in  their  power  to  make  thousands  miserable. 
Forthe  permanent  security  of  the  frontier  inhabit 
tants,  it  was  resolved,  in  the  year  1770,  to  cany 
a  decisive  exjiedilion  into  (he  Indian  country.  A 
considerable  body  of  contiiieiilal  troojis  were  select- 
ed for  this  purpose,  and  put  under  the  command  of 
(ieneral  Sullivan. 

The  Indians  who  forin  the  confederacy  of  the 
six  nations,  commonly  (railed  the  Mohawks,  were 
the  objects  of  this  expedition.  They  inhabit  that 
immense  and  fertile  tr  iel  of  country,  which  lies 
between  New  Kngland,  the  middle  states,  and  the 
[irovincc  of  Canada.  They  had  been  advised  by 
('onsress,  and  they  had  promised,  lo  observe  a 
neutrality  in  the  war  ;  but  they  soon  departed  from 
lliis  line  of  Conduct.  The  Oneidas  and  a  few- 
others  were  friends  to  the  Ameiicaiis;  but  a  creat 
majority  took  part  decidedly  against  them.  Over- 
come by  the  presents  and  piomises  of  .'sir  .lohn 
.lohnston,  and  other  British  aaenls,  and  by  their 
own  native  appetite  lor  depiedalion.  ihey  iiivailed  j 
llie  frontiers,  carrying  slaiiahter  and  devastation  i 
wherever  they  went.  From  (he  vicinity  of  their! 
settlements,  to  the  inhabited  parts  of  the  United 
States,  they  facilitated  the  inroads  of  the  more  rc-j 


mote  Indians.  Much  was  therefore  expected  from 
their  exfiulsion.  When  General  .Sullivan  was  on 
his  way  to  the  Indian  country,  he  was  joined  by 
the  .American  general,  Clinion,  wilh  upwaids  of 
1000  men.  The  latter  made  his  way  down  ilie 
Susquehannah,  by  a  singular  con(rivance.  'J'lin 
stream  of  water  in  that  river  was  too  low  to  float 
his  batteaux.  To  remedy  this  inconvenience,  he 
raised  with  great  industry,  a  dam  across  the  mouth 
of  the  lake  Otsego,  which  is  one  of  the  sources  of 
the  river  Susquehannah.  The  lake,  being  con 
stanlly  supplied  by  springs,  soon  rose  lo  the  height 
of  (he  dam.  General  Clinton  having  got  his  bat- 
teaux ready,  opened  a  passage  through  the  dam 
for  the  water  to  flow.  This  raised  the  river  so 
high,  that  he  was  enabled  to  embark  all  his  troops, 
and  to  floai  them  down  to  Tioga.  By  this  exer- 
tion they  soon  joined  .Sullivan. 

The  Indians,  on  hearing  of  the  expedition  pro- 
jected against  them,  acted  with  firmness.  They 
collected  their  sirengih,  took  possession  of  proper 
cround,  and  fortified  it  with  judgment.  (Jei.oial 
Sullivan,  on  the  29ih  August  attacked  them  in  their 
works.  They  had  a  cannonade  for  more  ihaa 
two  hours;  but  then  gave  way.  This  engane- 
ment  (!ioved  decisive.  After  the  trenches  were 
forced,  the  Indians  fled  without  making  any  attempt 
to  rally.  The  consternation  occasioned  among 
them  by  this  deleat  was  so  great,  that  thev  gave 
up  all  ideas  of  farther  resistance.  As  the  Ameri- 
cans advanced  into  their  settlements,  the  Indians 
retreated  before  them,  without  throwing  any  ob- 
siruciions  in  tlieir  way.  fJeneral  Sullivan  pene- 
trated into  the  heart  of  the  countiy  inhabited  by 
the  .Mohawks,  and  spread  desolation  every  where. 
Many  settlements  in  the  form  of  towns  were  de- 
stroyed Ail  their  fields  of  corn,  and  whatever 
was  in  a  state  of  culiivation  underwent  the  same 
fate.  Scarcely  any  thin;;  in  the  form  of  a  house 
was  left  standing,  nor  was  an  Indian  to  be  seen. 
To  the  surprise  of  (he  .Americans,  they  found  the 
lands  about  the  Indian  towns  well  cultivated,  and 
their  houses  both  large  and  commodious.  The 
qiiaiiiity  of  corn  destroyed  was  immense.  Or- 
chariis,  in  which  were  several  hundred  (iiiit  trees, 
were  cut  down  ;  and  of  them  many  appeared  to 
have  been  planted  for  a  long  series  of  years.  Their 
aardens,  replenished  with  a  variety  of  useful  vege- 
tables, weie  laid  waste.  The  .Americans  were  so 
lull  of  reseniment  against  the  Indians,  for  the 
many  outrages  they  had  suffered  from  them, 
and  so  bent  on  making  the  expedition  decisive, 
that  the  officers  and  soldiers  cheerfully  agreed 
to  remain,  till  they  had  fully  completed  the  de- 
struction of  the  settlement.  The  supplies  obtained 
in  the  country  lessened  the  inconvenience  of  short 
rations.  The  ears  of  corn  were  so  remarkably 
large,  that  many  of  them  measured  tweniv-two 
inches  in  len<;th.  Necessity  sujgested  a  novel 
expedient  fiir  jnilverizing  the  grains  theieof.  The 
soldiers  perforated  a  few  of  their  camp-kettles  wiih 
bayonets.  The  protrusions  occasioned  thereby 
formed  a  rough  surface,  and,  by  rubbing  the  ears 
of  corn  thereon,  a  coarse  meal  was  produced,  w  hich 
was  easily  converted  in(o  agreeable  nourishment. 

The  Indians,  by  this  decisive  expedition,  being 
inade  to  feel,  in  the  most  sensible  manner,  those 
calamities  thev  were  wont  to  infiiet  on  others,  be- 
came cautious  and  timid.  The  siifrerincs  lliev  had 
undergone,  and  the  dread  of  a  repetition  of  ihem, 
in  case  of  their  provoking  the  resentment  of  the 
Americans,  damped  the  ardour  of  their  warriors  for 
making  incursions  into  the  .American  sedlements. 
The  frontiers,  llioiii;h  not  restored  to  perfect  iran- 
qiiiliiy,  experieiiceil  an  exemption  fiom  a  great 
propiirtion  ofthe  (  alamities,  in  which  they  had  been 
lately  involved. 

Tlioii!;h  these  good  consequences  resulted  from 
this  expedition  ;  vet.  befoi e  its  tei  minalion,  several 
detached  parlies  of  Indians  distressed  dilfer'-nt  set- 
llements  in  the  United  Slates,  .A  party  of  sixty  In- 
dians, and  twenty-seven  while  men,  under  Brandt, 
attacked  the  .Minisink  sellleiiicnt  on  the  23d  .Inly, 
and  burnt  ten  hotises.  twelve  barns,  a  fori  and  two 
mills ;  and  carried  ulV  iiU'cli  plunder,  together  witii 


HISTORY    OF  THE 


4.T7 


eevenil  piisonets.  The  militia  from  Gosl)en  and 
tlie  vii  iiiiiv,  to  the  aiiiouiit  of  149,  coilectoii  and 
imiMii'd  ilieiii  ;  but  wii li  so  little  caution,  that  iliey 
W!ie  siiipiised  and  (leleated.  About  tills  time 
(leneral  VV'illiaiiisun  and  C(donel  Pickens,  both  of 
South  (Jaroliiia,  entered  the  Indian  country,  adja- 
cent to  the  iVontier  ol  tlicit  state,  Auj;iist  22d,  1779, 
burned  and  destroyed  the  corn  of  eight  towns,  and 
insisted  upon  the  Indians  removing  immediately 
from  their  late  habitations,  into  more  remote  settle- 
ments. 

In  the  same  month.  Colonel  Uroadhead  engaged 
in  a  successl'ul  expedition  agamst  the  Mingo,  Mun- 
sey,  and  Seneca  Indians.  He  left  Pittsburgh  with 
605  men,  and  was  gone  five  weeks  ;  in  which  time, 
he  penetrated  200  miles  from  the  fon,and  destroyed 
a  number  of  Indian  huts  and  live  hundred  acres  of 
corn. 

The  state  of  New  York  continued  to  suffer  in  its 
frontier,  from  Indians  and  their  tory  associates. 
Tliese  lairnt  fil'ty  houses,  and  forty-seven  barns, 
ilie  prini'ipal  part  of  Canijohary,  a  fine  settle- 
ment about  o()  miles  from  Albany.  They  also  des- 
troyed twenty-seven  houses  al  Schoharie,  August, 
I7bO,  and  twenty  at  Norman's  creek.  In  about 
two  months  afterwards,  they  made  a  second  irrup- 
tion, and  attacked  Stone  Arabia,  Canasoiraga  and 
Schoharie.     At  the  same  time,  they  laid  waste  a 

I  great  extent  of  country  about  the  Mohawk  river, 
f     killed  a  number  of  the  settlets,  and  made  many 

prisoners. 

The  Cherokee  Indians,  having  forgotten  tlie  con- 

I sequences  of  provoking  the  Americans  to  invade 
their  settlements,  in  the  year  1776,  made  an  in- 
cursion into  Ninety-Six  district,  in  Soutli  Carolina, 
massacred  some  families,  and  burned  several  liou- 

II  Bes.  (leneral  Pickens,  in  1781,  collected  a  i)arty 
of  the  militia,  and  penetrated  into  tlieir  country. 
This  he  accomplished  in  fourteen  days,  at  the  head 
o(  394  liorsemen.  In  that  short  space,  he  burned 
ihirtetin  towns  and  villages,  killed  upwards  of  forty 
Indians,  and  took  a  number  of  prisoners.  Not  one 
of  his  party  was  killed,  and  only  two  were  wound- 
ed. None  of  tlie  expeditions  against  the  Chero- 
kees  had  been  so  rapid  and  decisive  as  this.  The 
Americans  did  not  expend  three  rounds  of  ammu- 
nition, and  yet  only  three  Indians  escaped, after  hav- 
ing been  once  seen.  On  this  occasion  a  new  and  suc- 
r.essful  moile  of  fighting  them  was  introduced.  The 
American  militia  rushed  forward  on  horseback, and 
ch  irged  the  Indians  with  drawn  swords.  The 
vantjiiished  Cherokees  again  sued  for  peace,  in  the 
.Tiost  submissive  terms,  and  obtained  it ;  but  not  till 
fliey  had  promised,  that  instead  of  listening  to  the 
advice  of  the  royalists,  instigating  them  to  war, 
tliey  would  deliver,  to  the  authority  of  the  state  of 
South  Carolina,  all  who  should  visit  them  on  that 
errand. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  war,  in  1782,  there  was 
a  baibarous  and  unprovoked  massacre  of  soine 
civilized  Indians,  who  had  been  settled  near  the 
Muskingum.  These,  under  the  influence  of  some 
pious  missionaries  of  the  Moravian  persuasion, 
had  been  formed  into  some  degree  of  civil  and  re- 
ligious order.  They  abhorred  war,  and  would  take 
no  part  therein,  giving  for  reason  that,  "  the  Great 
Being  did  not  make  men  to  desttoy  men  ;  but  to 
love  and  assist  each  other."  From  a  love  of  peace, 
they  advised  those  of  their  own  colour,  who 
were  bent  on  war,  to  desist  from  it.  They  were 
also  led  from  humanity,  to  inform  the  white  people 
of  their  danger,  when  they  kr.ew  that  their  settle- 
ments were  about  to  be  invaded.  This  provoked 
the  hostile  Indians  to  such  a  degree,  that  they  car- 
ried these  pacific  i)eo|)le  quite  away  from  .Muskin- 
gum, to  a  bank  of  Sandusky  Creek.  They,  finding 
corn  dear  and  scarce  in  their  new  habitations,  ob- 
tained liberty  to  come  back,  in  the  fall  of  the  same 
year,  to  Muskingum,  that  they  ndght  collect  the 
crops  tliey  had  planted  before  their  removal. 

When  the  white  people,  at  and  near  iMononga- 
hela,  heard  that  a  number  of  Indians  were  at  the 
Moravian  towns,  on  the  Muskingum,  they  gave 
out  that  their  intentions  were  hostile.  Without 
any  farther  inquiry,  160  of  them  crossed  •.he  Ohio, 


and  put  to  death  these  harmless,  innflensive  peo- 
ple, though  they  made  no  resistance.  In  confor- 
mity to  their  religious  principles,  these  Moravians 
patiently  submitted  to  their  hard  late,  without  at- 
tempting to  destroy  their  murd(!rers.  Upwards  ot 
ninety  of  this  |)acific  race  were  killed  by  men, 
who,  while  they  called  themselves Christians;were 
more  deserving  of  the  name  of  savages,  than  those 
whom  they  inhumanly  murdered. 

Soon  alter  this  unprovoked  massacre,  a  party 
of  Americans  set  out  for  Sandusky,  to  destroy  the 
Indian  towns  in  that  |)art;  but  the  Delawares, 
Wyaiiuots,  and  otherlndians  opposed  them.  An 
engagement  ensued,  in  which  some  of  the  white 
people  were  killed,  and  several  were  taken  pris- 
oners. Among  tlie  latter  weie  Colonel  Crawford, 
and  his  son-in-law.  The  colonel  was  sacrificed 
to  the  manes  of  those  Indians,  who  were  massa- 
cred at  the  Moravian  towns.  The  other  prisoners 
were  |)ut  to  death  witli  the  toiuahawk. 

Throughout  the  American  war,  the  desolation 
brought  by  the  Indians,  on  the  frontier  settlements 
of  the  United  States,andon  the  Indians  by  the 
Americans,  was  sufficient  to  excite  compassion  in 
the  most  obdurate  hearts. 

Not  only  men  and  warriors,  but  women  and  chil- 
dren, were  indiscriminately  murdered,  while  whole 
settlements  were  involved  in  promiscuous  desola- 
tion. Each  was  made  a  scourge  to  the  other; 
and  the  unavoidable  calamities  of  war  were  ren- 
dered doubly  distressing,  by  the  dispersion  of 
families, the  breaking  up  of  settlements,  and  an 
addition  of  savage  cruelties,  to  the  most  exten- 
sive devastation  of  those  things,  which  conduce  to 
tlie  comfort  of  human  life. 


CHAPTER  IX. 
Campaign  of  1780  in  the  Southeru  States. 

The  successful  defence  of  S,«vannah,  together 
with  the  subsequent  departure  of  Count  D'Estaign, 
from  the  coast  of  the  United  States,  [1780]  soon 
dissi[)ated  all  apprehensions,  previously  entertain- 
ed for  the  safety  of  New  York.  These  circiini-| 
stances  pointed  out  to  Sir  Heniy  Clinton,  the  pio- 
priety  of  renewing  offensive  operations.  Having 
effected  nothing  of  importance,  for  the  two  pre- 
ceding camjiaigns,  he  turned  his  attention  south- 
wardly, and  regaled  himself  with  flattering  ))ros- 
pects  of  easy  conquest,  among  the  weaker  states. 
Tlie  suitableness  of  the  climate  for  winter  opera- 
tions, the  richness  of  the  country,  and  its  distance 
from  support,  designated  South  Carolina  as  a  pro- 
per object  of  enterprise.  No  sooner,  therefore, 
was  the  departure  of  the  French  fleet  known,  that 
Sir  Henry  Clinton  committed  the  command  of  the 
royal  army,  in  New  York,  to  Lieutenant  General 
Kniphausen,  and  embarked  for  the  southward  with 
lour  flank  battalions,  twelve  regiments,  and  a  corps, 
British,  Hessian  and  provincial,  a  powerful  de- 
tachment of  artillery,  2-50  cavalry,  together  with 
an  ample  supply  of  military  stores  and  [irovisions. 
Vice-admiral  Aibuthnot,  with  a  suitable  naval 
force,  undertook  to  convey  the  troops  to  the  place 
of  their  destination.  After  a  tedious  and  danger- 
ous passage,  in  which  part  of  their  ordnance,  most 
of  their  artillery,  and  all  their  cavalry  horses  were 
lost,  the  fleet  arrived  at  Tybee  in  Georgia,  .Ian. 
21,  1780.  In  a  few  days,  the  transports,  with  the 
army  on  board,  sailed  from  Savannah,  for  Nortli- 
Edisto.  After  a  short  passage,  on  the  4th  of  Feb- 
ruary, the  troo|)s  made  good  their  landing,  about 
thirty  miles  from  Charleston,  and  took  possession 
of  John's  Island  and  Stono  ferry  ;  and  soon  after- 
wards of  James  Island,  and  Wappoo-cut.  A  bridge 
was  thrown  over  the  can  il,  and  part  of  the  royal 
army  took  post  on  the  banks  of  Ashley  river,  op- 
posite to  Charleston. 

The  assembly  of  the  stato  was  sitting  when  the 
British  landed  ;  but  broke  up  af"ter  '•  delegating  to 
Governor  Rutledge,  and  sucli  of  his  council,  as  he 
could  conveniently  consult,  a  power  to  do  every 


thing  necessary  for  the  public  good,  except  taking 
away  the  life  of  a  citizen,  without  a  legal  trial." 
The  governor  immediately  ordered  the  miliii.i  t>) 
rendezvous.  'J'hongli  the  necessity  was  great,  few 
obeyed  the  pressing  call.  A  proclam.ition  was 
issued  by  the  governor,  under  his  extraordinary 
powers,  requiring  such  of  the  militia,  as  were  regii- 
lai ly  drafted,  and  all  the  inhabitants  and  owners 
ol'propeity  in  the  town,  to  repair  to  the  .American 
standard,  and  join  the  garrison  immediately,  undei 
pain  of  confiscation. 

The  tedious  passage,  from  New  York  toTvbee, 
gave  the  Americans  time  to  fortify  Charleston. 
This,  together  with  the  losses,  which  the  royal 
army  hail  sustained,  in  the  late  tempestuous  wea- 
ther, induced  Sit  Henry  Clinton  to  despatch  an  or- 
der to  New  York,  for  reinforcements  of  men  and 
stores.  He  also  directed  Major  General  Prevost, 
to  send  on  to  him  twelve  hundred  men,  from  the 
garrison  of  Savannah.  Brigadier  (ieneral  Patter- 
son, at  the  head  (d'tliis  detachment,  made  his  way 
good  over  the  Savannah,  and  through  the  inter- 
mediate country  ;  and,  soon  afterwards  joined  Sir 
Henry  Clinton,  near  the  banks  of  .Vsliley  river. 
The  royal  forces,  without  delay,  proceeded  to  the 
siege.  At  Wappoo  on  James  Island,  they  formed 
a  depot,  March  29,  and  erected  fortilicaiions,  Ixnh 
on  that  island  and  on  the  main,  opposite  to  the 
southern  and  western  extremities  of  Charleston. 
An  advanced  party  crossed  Ashley  river,  and  soon 
afterwards  broke  ground,  at  the  distance  of  eleven 
hundred  yards  from  the  American  works.  At  suc- 
cessive periods,  they  erected  five  batteri(\s  on 
Charleston  neck.  The  garrison  was  eipially  assi- 
duous, in  preparing  for  its  defence.  'I'he  works, 
which  had  been  previously  blown  ui),  were  strength- 
ened and  extended.  Lines  and  redoubts  were  con- 
tinued across,  from  Cooper  to  .\shley  river.  In 
front  of  the  whole,  was  a  strong  abbaiis,  anil  a  w(tl 
ditch,  made  by  [lassing  a  canal  from  the  heads  of 
swamps,  which  run  in  op|)osite  directions.  Be- 
tween the  abbatis  and  the  lines,  deep  holes  were 
dug  at  short  intervals.  The  lines  were  made  par- 
ticularly strong,  on  the  right  and  left,  and  so  con- 
structed, as  to  rake  the  wet  ditch,  in  almost  its 
wliole  extent.  To  secure  the  centre,  a  horn-work 
had  been  erected,  which,  being  closeil  during  the 
-■lege,  formed  a  kind  of  citadel.  Works  were  also 
thrown  up  on  all  sides  of  the  town,  where  a  land- 
ing was  practicable.  Though  the  lines  were  no 
more  than  field-works,  yet  Sir  Henry  Clinton 
treated  them  with  the  res|)ectful  homage  of  three 
parallels.  From  the  3d  to  the  lOt h  of  A pril,  the 
first  |)arallel  was  completed  ;  and,  immediately 
afterwards,  the  town  was  summoned  to  surremler, 
On  the  12th,  the  batteries  were  opened,  and.  from 
that  day,  an  almost  incessant  fire  was  kept  up. 
About  the  time  the  batteries  were  o|>ened,  a  work 
was  thrown  u(),  near  Wando  river,  nine  miles  from 
town  ;  and  another,  at  Lempriere's  |)oint,  to  pro- 
serve  the  communication  with  the  country  by  wa- 
ter. A  post  was  also  ordered  at  a  ferry  over  the 
Santee,  to  favour  the  coming  in  of  reinforcements, 
or  the  retreat  of  the  garrison  when  necessary. 
The  British  marine  force,  consisting  of  one  ship 
of  fifty  guns,  two  of  forty-four  guns,  fourof  thirty- 
two,  and  the  Sandwich  armed  ship,  crossed  the 
bar  in  front  of  Rebellion  road,  and  anchored  in  Five 
Fathom  Hole.  The  American  force,  opposed  to 
this,  was  the  Bricole,  which,  lliougli  piercivj  lot 
lorty-four  guns,  did  not  mount  half  of  that  number, 
two  of  thirty-two  guns,  one  of  twenty-eight,  two 
of  twenty-six,  two  of  twenty,  and  the  brig  Notre 
Dame  of  sixteen  guns.  The  first  object  of  its  com- 
mander. Commodore  Whipple,  was  to  prevent  ad- 
miral Arbuthnot  from  crossing  the  bar;  but,  on 
farther  examination,  this  was  found  to  be  im|)rac- 
ticable.  He  therefore  fell  back  to  Fort  Moultrie, 
and  afterwards  to  Charleston.  The  crews  and 
guns  of  all  his  vessels,  except  one,  were  put  on 
shore  to  reinforce  the  batteries. 

Admiral  Arbuthnot,  on  the  9th  of  April,  weighed 
anchor,  at  Five  Fathom  Hole;  and,  with  the  ad- 
vantage of  a  strong  southerly  wind,  and  flowing 
tide,  passed  Fort  Moultrie,  without  stopping  to 


468 


UNITED  STATES. 


engage  it ;  and  anchored  near  the  remains  of  Fort 
Johnson.  Colonel  Pincknev,  who  coinniiinded  on 
Sullivan's  ^^itiiid,  kopt  ;i  biiskand  well-diiected 
fire,  on  the  ships  in  their  passage.  To  prevent 
the  roynl  armed  vessels,  (Vom  running  into  Cooper 
river,  eleven  vessels  were  sunk  in  the  channel, 
opposite  to  the  exchange.  The  batteries  of  llie 
besiegers  soon  obtained  a  superiority  over  those 
of  lilt  town.  'J'he  foriiicr  had  twenty-one  mor- 
tars and  royals;  the  latter  only  two.  The  regu- 
lar force  ill  the  garrison,  was  much  inferior  to 
tint  of  the  besiegers.  Few  of  the  militia  could 
be  persuaded  to  leave  their  plantations,  and  rein- 
force their  bretliren  in  the  capital.  A  camp  was 
formed  at  Monk's  corner,  to  keep  up  the  commu- 
nication between  the  town  and  country  ;  and  the 
militia  without  the  lines,  were  requested  to  ren- 
dezvous there  ;  l)ut  this  was  surprised,  and  routed 
by  Lieutenant  Colonel  Taileton.  The  British 
having  now  less  to  fear,  extended  themselves  to  the 
eastward  of  Cooper  river.  Two  hundred  and  filly 
horse,  and  600  infantry  were  detached  on  this  ser- 
vice, Aptil  16 ;  but  nevertheless,  the  weak  state 
of  the  garrison  made  it  iiii()ropcr  to  detach  a  num- 
ber sufficient  to  attack  that  small  force. 

About  this  time,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  received  a 
reinforcement  of  3000  men,  from  New  Vork.  A 
council  of  war  agreed  that  "  a  retreat  would  be 
iltended  with  many  distressing  inconveniences,  if 
not  altogether  impracticable  ;"  and  advised,  "  that 
offers  of  capitulation,  bel'ore  their  alfairs  became 
aiore  critical,  should  be  made  to  General  Clinton, 
which  might  admit  of  the  army's  withdrawing,  and 
afford  security  to  the  persons  and  properly  of  the 
Inhabitants."  These  terms,  being  proposed,  were 
instantly  rejected  ;  but  the  garrison  adhered  to 
ihem,  in  hopes  that  succours  would  arrive  from 
the  neigbouring  states.  'J'lie  bare  offer  of  ca- 
pitulating dispirited  the  garrison;  but  they  con- 
tinued to  resist,  in  expectation  of  favourable  events. 
The  IJriiish  speedily  com|)leted  the  investiture  of 
the  town,  both  by  land  and  water.  After  Admiral 
Arbullinot  liad  passed  .Sullivan's  Island,  Colonel 
Pinckney,  and  LOO  of  the  men  under  his  coiiiiiiand, 
were  withdrawn  from  that  post  to  Cliaric-ston, 
The  fort  on  llie  island  was  surrendered  on  the  6lh 
of  May,  without  opposition,  loCaptain  Hudson  of 
the  royal  navy.  On  ihe  same  day,  the  remains 
of  the  American  cavalry  which  escajied  from  the 
late  surpiise  at  Monk's  corner,  were  again  surprised 
by  LieiitenaiU  Colonel  Tarlelon,  at  Laneau's  ferry, 
on  Santee  ;  and  the  whide  were  either  killed,  cap- 
tured, or  dispersed.  Wliile  every  thing  prospered 
with  the  British,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  began  a  cor- 
respondence with  CJeneral  Lincoln,  and  renewed 
h'is  former  offers  to  the  garrison,  in  case  of  theii 
Biirrender.  Lincoln  was  disposed  to  close  with 
them,  as  far  as  they  respected  his  army  ;  but  some 
demur  was  made,  with  a  view  of  gaining  better 
terms  for  the  citizens,  which,  it  was  hoped,  might 
be  obtained  on  a  confeience.  This  was  asked; 
but  Chilton,  instead  of  granting  it,  answered,  "  that 
hoslilities  should  re-commence  at  eight  o'clock." 
Nevertheless,  neither  parly  fired  till  nine.  The 
garrison  then  re-commenced  hostilities.  The  be- 
siegers immediately  followed  ;  and  each  cannon- 
aded the  other,  with  unusual  briskness.  The  Brit- 
ish batteries  of  the  third  parallel  oirened  on  this 
occasion.  Shells  and  carcasses  were  thrown,  into 
almost  all  parts  of  tlie  town,  and  several  houses 
were  burned.  The  cannon  and  mortars  played  on 
the  garrison,  at  a  less  distance  than  a  hundred 
yards.  The  Hessian  chasseurs  were  so  near  the 
American  lines,  tli;ii.  with  their  rifles,  they  could 
•  asily  strike  any  object  on  tl"-m  The  British, 
having  crossed  ihe  w-;-  ,htrl,  by  sip,  ncivincci 
wiihin  twenty-five  yards  of  the  American  works, 
and  were  ready  for  niakini:  a  general  assault  by 
!i.nd  and  water.  All  expectation  of  s.icrour  wa's 
at  an  cikI.  The  only  h.ipe  left  was.  that  9000  men, 
tlic  flower  of  the  British  army,  seronded  by  a  na- 
val force,  rn.glr>  tail  in  forcinL'  extensive  lines  de- 
fen.led  by  less  than  3000  men.  I'nder  tliese'cir- 
•  ctinistances.  the  siege  was  protracted  till  the  Uth 
of  May.    On  that  day,  a  great  number  of  citizens 


addressed  (ieneral  Lincoln  in  a  (letition,  expressing 
their  acquieseiK-e  in  the  terms,  which  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  had  offered,  aud  requested  his  acceptance 
of  them.  On  the  reception  of  this  petition,  Cieneral 
Lincoln  wrote  to  .Sir  Henry,  and  offered  to  accept 
the  terms  before  proposed.  The  royal  command- 
ers, wishing  to  avoid  the  extremity  of  a  storm, and 
unwilling  to  press  to  unconditional  submission  an 
enemy,  wliose  friendship  they  wished  to  concil  ate, 
returned  a  favourable  answer.  A  capitulation  tvas 
signed  on  the  12thof  3Iay,  and  iMajor  General  Les- 
lie took  possession  of  the  to%vn,  on  the  next  day. 
The  loss  on  both  sides  during  the  siege  was  nearly 
equal.  Of  the  king's  troojis,  76  were  killed,  and 
189  wounded.  Of  the  Americans,  89  were  killed, 
and  140  wounded.  U|)wards  of  400  pieces  of  ar- 
tillery were  surrendered.  By  the  articles  of  ca- 
pitulation, the  garrison  was  to  marcli  out  of  town, 
and  deposit  their  arms  in  front  of  the  works;  but 
the  drums  were  not  to  beat  a  British  march  nor  the 
c(dours  to  be  uncased.  The  continentel  lroo|)s 
and  seamen  were  to  keep  their  baggage,  and  re- 
main |)risoners  of  war,  till  exchanged.  The  mili- 
tia were  to  be  jiermitted  to  return  to  their  respec- 
tive homes,  as  prisoners  on  parole  ;  and  while  they 
adhered  to  their  parole,  were  not  to  be  molested  by 
the  British  troops,  in  person  or  property.  The  in- 
habitants of  all  conditions  were  to  be  considered, 
as  prisoners  on  parole,  and  to  hold  their  jirojierty, 
on  the  same  terms  with  the  militia.  The  officers 
of  the  army  and  navy  were  to  retain  their  servants, 
swords,  pistols,  and  baggage  unsearched.  They 
were  permitted  to  sell  their  horses;  but  not  to  re- 
move them.  A  vessel  was  allowed  to  proceed  to 
Philadelphia,  with  General  Lincoln's  desjratclies 
unopened. 

The  numbers  which  surrendered  prisoners  of 
war,  inclusive  of  the  militia,  and  every  adult  male 
inhabitant,  were  above  ;>000  ;  but  the  jiroper  gar- 
rison, at  the  time  of  the  surrender,  did  not  exceed 
2500.  The  precise  number  of  privates,  in  the  con- 
tinental army,  was  1977  ;  of  which  number  500 
were  in  the  hospitals.  The  captive  offrcers  were 
much  more  in  ])roportion  than  the  privates,  and 
consisted  of  one  major-general,  six  brigadiers,  nine 
colonels,  fourteen  lieutenant  colonels,  fifteen  ma- 
jors, eighty-four  captains,  eighty-four  lieutenants, 
thirty-two  second  lieutenants  and  ensigns.  The 
gentlemen  of  the  country,  wlio  were  mostly  militia 
oiTicers,  from  a  sense  of  honour,  repaired  to  the 
delcnce  of  Charleston,  though  they  could  not  bring 
with  tiiem  privates,  equal  to  their  respective  com- 
mands. The  tegular  regiments  were  fully  officer- 
ed, though  greatly  deficient  in  privates. 

This  was  the  first  instance,  in  wiiich  the  Ameri- 
cans had  attempted  to  defend  a  town.  The  unsuc- 
cessful event,  with  its  consequences,  demonstrated 
the  policy  of  sacrificing  the  towns  of  tlie  union,  in 
prefereirce  to  endangering  the  whole,  by  risking 
too  much  lor  their  defence. 

iNIucli  censure  was  undeservedly  cast  on  Gener-al 
Lincoln,  for  attempting  the  defence  of  Charleston. 
Though  tiie  contrary  plan  was  in  general  the  best, 
he  had  particular  reasons  to  jusiily  his  deviation 
froirr  the  examjile  of  the  commander-in-chief  ol 
the  American  army.  Charleston  was  the  only 
considerable  town,  in  the  southern  extremity  of 
the  confederacy,  and  for  its  preservation,  .South 
Carolina  and  the  adjacent  states  seemed  willing  to 
make  great  exertions.  The  reinforcements,  pro- 
mised for  its  defence,  were  (ully  sufficient  for  that 
purpose.  The  Congress,  anil  the  stales  of  North 
and  .South  Carolina,  gave  (ieneral  Lincoln  ground 
to  expect  an  army  of  9900  men,  lo  second  his  ope- 
rations :  but,  from  a  variety  of  causes,  this  ariiry, 
inchiling  hi  m'liiia,  was  little  more  tlian  one- 
third  of  mat  number.  As  h)ng  as  an  evacuation 
was  practicable,  lie  had  such  assurances  of  sup- 
port, that  he  could  not  alteiirpt  it  with  propriety. 
Before  he  could  be  ascertained  of  the  futility  ». 
these  assurances,  the  British  had  taken  such  a 
position,  that  a  retreat  could  not  be  successfully 
made. 

.Shortly  after  the  surrender,  the  commander-in- 
chief  adopted  sundry  measures  to  induce  the  in- 


habitants to  return  to  their  allegiance.  It  was 
stated  to  them,  in  a  handbill. which,  though  with- 
out a  name..'eemed  to  flow  from  author iiv,  "that 
the  helping  hand  of  every  man  was  wanting,  tore- 
establish  |ieace  and  good  government  ;  that  the 
commander-in-chief  wished  not  to  draw  ihem  into 
danger,  while  any  doubt  could  remain  of  his  suc- 
cess ;  but,  as  that  was  now  certain,  he  tiusted  that 
one  and  all  would  heartily  join,  and  give  efl'ect  to 
necessary  measures  for  lhat  purpose."  Those 
who  liad  families  were  infrirmed,  "that  they  would 
be  permitted  lo  remain  at  home,  and  form  a  militia, 
for  the  maintenance  of  peace  and  good  order; 
but,  from  those  who  had  no  families,  it  was  ex- 
pected, that  they  would  cheerfully  assist,  in  driv- 
ing their  oppressors,  and  all  the  miseries  of  war, 
from  their  border's."  To  such  it  was  promised, 
"  lhat,  when  on  service,  they  woulil  be  allowed 
pay,  ammunition,  and  provisions,  in  the  same  man- 
ner as  the  kinsi's  troops."  About  the  same  time, 
Sir  Henry  Clinton,  in  a  proclamation.  May  22,  de- 
clared, "  that  if  any  person  should  thenceforward 
appear  in  arms,  in  order  lo  prevent  the  establish- 
ment of  his  majesty's  government  in  that  country, 
or  should,  under  any  pretence  or  auihniity  what- 
ever, attempt  to  compel  any  other  person  or  per- 
sons so  to  do,  or  should  hinder  the  king's  faithful 
subjects  from  joining  his  forces,  or  from  perform- 
ing those  duties  iheir  allegiance  required,  such 
persons  should  be  treated  with  the  utmost  severi- 
ty, and  theireslates  be  immediately  seized  forcon- 
liscation."  Sir  Henry  Clinton  and  Admiral  Ar- 
buthiiot,  in  the  character  of  commissioners  for  re- 
storing peace,  offered  lo  the  inhabitants,  June  1st, 
with  some  exceptions,  "  pardon  for  iheir  pajt 
treasonable  offences,  and  a  reiiisiatcineiit  in  the 
possession  of  all  those  rights  and  immunities, 
which  they  heretofore  had  enjoyed,  under  a  free 
liritish  government,  exempt  from  taxation,  except 
by  their  own  legislatures." 

The  capital  liaving  surrendered,  the  next  ob- 
ject with  the  lirilish  was,  to  secure  the  genera, 
submission  of  the  w  hole  body  of  ihe  people. 

To  iliis  end,  they  posted  garrisons  in  diirerent 
parts  of  the  country,  to  awe  the  inhabitants. 
They  also  marched,  with  upwards  of  2000  men, 
towards  North  Carolina.  'I'liis  caused  an  iirrme- 
diate  retreat  of  some  parlies  of  Americans,  who 
had  advanced  into  the  northern  extremity  of  South 
Carolrna,  with  the  expectation  of  relieving  Char  les- 
ion. Among  the  corps  which  had  come  forward, 
with  that  view,  there  was  one  commanded  by  Colo 
nel  Buford,  which  consisted  of  three  or  four  hun- 
dred continental  inl'aniry,  and  a  few  horsemen. 
Colonel  Tarleion.  with  aboui  seven  hundred  horse 
and  foot,  advanced  in  front  of  ihe  Briiish  army,  in 
quest  of  this  parly.  After  a  rapid  march  of  one 
hundred  miles  in  fifty-four  hours,  lie  came  up  with 
them,  at  the  Waxhaws,  and  demanded  their  sur- 
render. This  being  refused,  an  action  ensued. 
Buford  committed  two  capital  mistakes  in  this  af- 
fair. One  was,  sending  his  wagons  and  arlillpiy 
away,  before  the  engagement.  The  wagons  might 
have  served  as  a  breast  work,  to  defend  his  nieu 
against  the  attacks  of  the  cavalry.  Another  mis 
l.ike  was,  ordering  his  men  not  to  fire,  till  the  ene 
my  were  wiihin  ten  yards.  \  single  discharge 
made  but  little  impression,  on  the  advancing  Brit- 
ish horsemen.  Before  it  could  be  repealed,  the 
assailants  were  in  contact  with  their  adversaries, 
culling  them  down  with  their  sabres.  The  .Ameri- 
cans, finding  resistance  useless,  sued  for  quar 
ters  ;  but  their  submission  produced  no  cessation 
of  hoslilities.  Some  of  ihem,  after  they  had  ceas- 
ed to  resist,  lost  their  hands;  others  their  arms; 
and  almost  every  one  was  mangled  with  a  succes- 
sion of  wounds.  The  charge  was  urged,  till  fivo 
out  of  six  of  the  whole  number  of  the  .Americans 
were,  by  Tarleton's  official  accoiinl  of  this  bloody 
scene,  either  killed  or  so  badly  wounded,  as  to  be 
incapable  of  being  moved  from  the  field  of  bailie  : 
and  by  the  same  account,  this  took  place,  though 
they  made  such  iiieffeciiial  opposition,  as  only  to 
kill  fivc,  and  wound  twelve  of  the  Briiish.  Lord 
Cornwallis  bestowed  on  Tarleton  high  encomium* 


UNITED  STATES. 


for  this  en  erprise,  and  recoinmendecj  him,  in  a 
special  manner,  to  royal  favour.  This  barbarous 
massacre  j;ave  a  more  sanguinary  turn  to  the  war. 
Tarleton's  quarters  became  proverbial  ;  and,  in 
tlie  subsc(|uent  battles,  a  sjiirit  of  revenge  gave  a 
keener  (^l^e  to  military  resentment. 

Sir  Hemy  Cliiiloti,  having  left  about  4000 
men  for  the  southern  service,  embarked  early  in 
June,  with  the  main  army  for  New- York.  On  his 
dep;utiire,  the  coiuiiiaini  devolved  on  Lieutenant 
(leneral  (Jornwallis.  The  season  of  the  year,  the 
condition  ol' tlie  army,  and  the  unsettled  state  of 
South  Carolina,  impeded  the  immediate  invasion 
of  North  Carolina.  Earl  Cornwailis  des|)atched 
instructions  to  the  principal  loyalists,  in  that  state, 
to  attend  to  the  harvest,  |)repare  provisions,  and 
remain  quiet.  His  lordship  committed  the  care 
of  the  frontier  to  lord  Rawdon,  and,  repairing  to 
Charleston,  devoted  his  principal  attention  to  the 
commercial  and  civil  regulations  of  South  Caro- 
lina. In  the  meantime,  the  impossil)ility  oflleeing 
witii  their  families  and  effects,  and  the  want  of  an 
army,  to  which  the  militia  of  the  state  might  re- 
()air,  induced  the  people  in  the  country  to  abandon 
all  scheiues  of  firther  resistance.  At  Beaufort, 
f/amden,  and  Ninety-Six,  they  generally  laid  down 
their  arms,  and  submitted  either  as  prisoners  or  as 
subjects.  Kxcepting  the  extremities  of  the  state, 
bordering  on  North  Carolina,  the  inhabitants,  wlio 
did  t)ot  flee  out  of  the  country,  preferred  submis- 
sion to  resistancev.  This  was  followed  by  an  un- 
usual calm,  and  the  British  believed,  that  the  state 
«'as  thoroughly  conquered.  An  op|)ortHnity  was 
aow  given,  to  make  an  experiment,  from  which 
much  was  expected,  and  for  the  omission  of  which, 
Sir  Henry  Clinton's  predecessor.  Sir  William 
Howe,  nad  ucen  severely  censuren.  it  nact  been 
confidently  asserted,  that  a  majority  of  the  Ameri- 
cans were  well  alfected  to  the  Uritish  government, 
and  that  under  proper  regulations,  substantial  ser- 
vice mifilit  be  expected  from  them  in  restoring 
the  coiiniry  to  peace. 

At  this  crisis,  every  bias  in  favour  of  Congress 
was  removed.  Their  armies  in  the  southern  states, 
were  ciilier  captured  or  defeated.  There  was  no 
regular  force  to  the  southward  of  Pennsylvania, 
which  was  sufficient  to  awe  the  friends  of  royal 
government.  Every  encouragement  was  held 
lortli,  to  those  of  the  inhabitants,  who  would  with 
arms  support  the  old  constitution.  Confiscation 
and  death  were  threatened  as  the  consequence  of 
opposing  its  re-estahlishmeiit.  While  there  was 
no  regular  army,  within  four  hundred  miles,  to  aid 
the  Iriends  of  independence,  the  Britisli  were  in 
force,  posted  over  all  the  country.  The  people 
were  thus  left  to  themselves,  or  rather  strongly 
impelled  to  abandon  an  apparently  sinking  cause, 
and  arrange  themselves  on  the  side  of  the  conquer- 
ors. Under  these  favourable  circumstances,  the 
experiment  was  made,  for  supporting  the  British 
interest  by  the  exertion  of  loyal  inhabitants,  unaw- 
cd  by  American  armies,  or  republican  demagogues. 
It  soon  appeared,  that  the  disguise,  which  fear  had 
nn|)osed,  subsisted  no  longer  than  the  present  dan- 
ger, and  that  the  minds  of  the  people,  though  over- 
awed, were  actuated  by  a  hostile  spirit.  In  prose- 
cuting the  scheme  for  obtaining  a  military  aid  from 
the  inhabitanis,  that  tranquility,  which  jjrevio us  suc- 
cesses had  procured,  was  disturbed,  and  that  as- 
cendency, which  arms  had  gained,  was  interrupted. 
The  inducement  to  submission  with  many  was,  a 
hope  of  obtaining  a  respite  from  the  calamities  of 
war,  under  the  shelter  of  British  protection.  Such 
were  not  less  astonished  than  confounded,  on  find- 
inn  iheniselves  virtually  called  upon,  to  take  up 
arms  in  support  of  royal  government.  This  was 
done  in  the  following  manner.  After  the  inhabit- 
ants, by  the  specious  promises  of  protection  and 
security,  h.ad  generally  std)niited  as  subjects,  or 
taken  their  parole  as  prisoners  of  war,  a  procla- 
nation  was  issued  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  which 
set  forth,  "that  it  was  proper  for  all  persons  to 
take  an  active  part,  in  settling  and  securing  his 
majesty's  government ;  that  ali  the  inhabitants  of 
the  province,  who  were  then  prisoners  on  parole. 


those  taken  in  Fort  Moultrie  and  Charleston,  and  ,  i.ewal  of  hoslihlicsobscured  the  pleasing  |)r(.spect. 


such  as  were  in  actual  confinement  excepted, 
should,  from  and  after  the  20tli  of  .lune,  be  (reed 
from  their  paroles,  and  restored  to  ail  the  rights 
and  duties  belonging  to  citizens  and  inhabiiaiits ; 
and  that  all  persons  under  the  description  above 
mentioned,  who  should  afterwards  neglect  to  re- 
turn to  their  allegiance,  and  to  his  majesty's  gov- 
ernment, should  be  considered  as  enemies  and 
rel)els  to  the  same,  and  treated  accordingly."  It 
was  designed  by  this  ;irbitrary  change  of  the  po- 
litical condition  ol  the  inhabitants,  to  bring  them 
into  a  dilemma,  whicli  would  (bice  them  to  take 
an  active  part  in  settling  and  securing  the  royal 
government.  It  involved  a  majority  in  the  neces- 
sity of  either  fleeing  out  of  the  country,  or  of  be- 
coming a  British  militia.  With  this  proclamation, 
the  declension  of  British  auiiiority  commenced  ; 
(or  though  the  inliabilants,  from  motives  of  tear 
and  convenience,  had  generally  submitted,  the 
greatest  jiart  of  them  retained  an  alTection  for  their 
American  bretliren,  and  shuddered  of  tlie  thought 
of  taking  up  arms  against  them.  Among  sucli  it 
was  said,  "  if  we  must  fight,  let  it  be  on  the  side 
of  America,  our  friends  and  countrymen." 

A  great  number  considering  this  proclamation 
as  a  discharge  from  their  paroles,  aimed  tliemselves 
in  self-defence  being  induced  thereto,  by  the  royal 
menaces,  that  they  who  did  not  return  to  their  al- 
legiance, as  British  subjects,  must  ex[)ect  to  be 
tieated  as  rebels.  A  greater  number  from  being  in 
the  power  of  tlie  British,  exchanged  their  paroles 
IS  prisoners,  for  the  protection  of  subjects  ;  but 
this  was  done  in  many  cases,  with  a  seciet  reser- 
vation of  breaking  the  compulsory  engagement, 
when  a  Drouer  opportunity  should  present  itself. 

A  party,  always  attached  to  royal  government, 
though  they  had  conformed  to  the  laws  of  the  state, 
rejoiced  in  the  ascendency  of  the  royal  arms  ;  but 
their  number  was  inconsiderable,  in  comparison 
with  the  multitude  wlio  were  obliged  by  necessity, 
or  induced  by  convenience,  to  accept  of  British 
protection. 

The  precautions,  taken  to  prevent  the  rising  of 
the  loyalists  in  North  Carolina,  did  not  answer  the 
end.  Several  of  t/ :■;  inhabitants  ofTryon  county, 
under  the  direction  of  Colonel  Moore,  took  up 
arms,  and  were,  in  a  few  days,  defeatetl  by  (he 
whig  militia,  commanded  by  General  Ruthertord. 
Colonel  Bryan,  another  loyalist,  though  equally  in- 
judicious as  to  time,  was  successful.  He  reached 
the  71st  regiment  stationed  in  the  Cheraws,  with 
about  SOD  men,  assembled  from  the  neighbourhood 
of  the  river  Yadkin. 

While  the  conquerors  were  endeavouring  to 
strengthen  the  party  for  royal  government,  the 
Americans  were  not  inattentive  to  their  interests, 
(lovernor  Riitledge,  who  during  the  siege  of 
Charleston,  had  been  requested  by  General  Lin- 
coln to  go  out  of  town,  was  industriously  and  suc- 
cessfully negociating  with  North  Carolina.  Vir- 
ginia, and  Congress,  to  obtain  a  force  for  checking 
the  |)rogress  of  the  British  arms.  Representa- 
tions, to  the  same  elTect,  had  also  been  made  in 
due  lime  by  (ieneral  Lincoln.  Congress  ordered 
1  considerable  detacliment  from  their  main  army, 
to  be  marclied  to  the  southward.  North  Carolina 
ilso  ordered  a  huge  body  of  militia  to  take  the 
field.  As  the  British  advanced  to  the  upper  coun- 
try of  South  Carolina,  a  considerable  number  o( 
determined  wliigs  retreated  bclbre  them,  and  took 
refuge  in  North  Carolina.  In  this  class  was  Colonel 
Sumter,  a  distinguished  paitisaii,  who  was  well 
(pialified  for  conducting  military  opeiations.  A 
party  of  exiles,  from  South  Carolina,  made  choice 
of  him  for  their  leader.  At  the  head  of  this  little 
band  of  iVeemen,  he  returned  to  his  own  state,  and 
took  the  field  agaiuot  the  victorious  British,  after 
the  inhabitants  had  generally  abandoned  all  ideas 
of  farther  resistance.  This  unexpected  impedi- 
ment to  the  extension  of  IJritish  conquests,  roused 
all  the  passions,  which  disappointed  ambition  can 
inspire.  Previous  successes  had  flattered  the  royal 
commanders  with  hopes  of  distinguished  rank, 
among  the  conquerors  of  America;  but  the  re- 


Flushed  with  the  victories  they  had  gaiiied  in  the 
first  of  the  campaign,  and  believing  every  thing 
told  them,  favourable  to  their  wishes,  to  be  (rue, 
they  conceived  that  they  had  little  to  feai  on  the 
south  side  of  Yirginia.  When  experience  icldled 
these  hopes,  they  were  transported  with  indigna- 
tion against  the  inhabitants,  and  confined  several 
of  them,  on  siisjiicion  ol  their  being  accessary  to 
the  recommencement  of  hostilities. 

The  (irst  ellbrt  of  renewed  warlare  was  on  Inly 
12lh,  two  months  after  the  fall  of  Charleston,  when 
133  of  Colonel  Sumter's  corps  attacked  and  louled 
a  detachment  of  the  royal  forces  and  iT;ilitia,  whicll 
were  |)osted  in  a  lane  at  Williamson's  plantation. 
This  was  the  fust  advantage  gained  over  the  Brit- 
ish, since  their  landing,  in  the  beginning  of  the 
year.  The  steady,  persevering  friends  of  Ameti- 
ca,  who  were  veiy  numerous  in  the  norih-westel a 
(rontier  of  South  ('arolina,  turned  out  with  grei* 
alacrity,  tojoin  Colonel  Sumter;  though  opposition 
to  the  British  government  had  eiitiredy  ceased,  ia 
every  other  part  of  the  state.  His  troops,  in 
a  few  days,  amounted  to  GOO  men.  VViili  this  in- 
crease ol  strength,  he  made  a  spirited  attack  on  a 
parly  of  the  ]5rilish,at  Rocky  Mount  :  but  as  he  had 
no  aitillery,  and  they  were  secured  undercover  of 
earth,  (illed  in  between  logs,  he  could  make  no  im- 
pression upon  tiiem,  and  was  obliged  to  retreat. 
Sensible  that  the  minds  of  men  are  inlluenced  by 
enterprise,  and  that,  to  keej)  militia  together,  it  is 
necessary  to  employ  them,  this  active  partisan  at- 
tacked another  of  the  royal  detachments,  consist- 
ing of  the  Prince  of  Wales's  regiment,  and  a  large 
body  of  lories,  posted  at  the  Hanging-rock.  The 
Prince  of  Wales's  regiment  was  almost  totally  des- 
troyed. From  278,  it  was  reduced  to  nine.  The 
loyalists,  who  were  of  that  party  which  had  advan- 
ced from  North  ("arolina,  under  Colonel  Krvun, 
were  dispersed.  The  panic  occasioned  by  the  I'.ill 
of  Charleston  daily  abated.  'I'he  wliig  militia,  on 
the  extremities  of  the  slate  formed  themselves  into 
parties,  under  leaders  of  their  own  choice,  and 
sometimes  attacked  detachments  of  (he  British  ar- 
my, but  more  frequently  tlioseof  their  own  coun- 
trymen, who  as  a  royal  militia,  were  co-operating 
with  the  king's  forces.  While  .Sumter  kept  up  the 
-pirils  of  the  people,  by  a  succession  of  gallanl  en- 
terprises, a  respectable  continental  force  was  ad- 
vancing through  the  middle  states,  (or  the  relief 
of  theirsoulhern  brethren.  With  the  hopes  of  re- 
lieving Charleston,  orders  were  given,  March  2(>, 
lor  the  Maryland  and  Delaware  troops  to  maich 
from  (ieneral  Washington's  head  <]iiarters.  to  S(mlh 
Carolina;  but  the  quarter-master-geiieral  was  un- 
able to  put  this  detachment  in  motion,  as  soon  as 
was  intended. 

The  manufacturers,  employed  in  providing  for 
the  army,  would  neither  go  on  witli  their  busi- 
ness, nor  deliver  the  articles  they  had  completed  ; 
declaring  they  had  suffered  so  much  from  the  de- 
|)recia(ion  of  the  money,  that  they  would  not  part 
with  their  properly  without  immediate  payment. 
Under  these  embarrassing  circumstances,  the 
southern  states  required  an  aid  (rom  (he  northern 
army,  to  be  marched  (hough  the  iiitermedi  i(e 
s[)ace  of  SOO  miles.  The  Maryland  and  Delaware 
troops  were,  with  great  exertions,  at  length  ena- 
bled to  move.  After  marching  through  .(ersey  and 
Pennsylvania,  they  embarked  at  the  head  o(  Elk, 
April  IG,  landed  soon  afterwards  at  Petersbiirgh, 
and  thence  proceeded  through  the  country  towards 
.Soulh  Carolina.  This  force  was  at  first  put  under 
the  command  of  Major  (ieneral  Baron  de  Kalb,  and 
afterwards  of  General  (iates.  The  success  of  the 
latter,  in  the  northern  campaigns  of  1776  and 
1777,  induced  many  to  believe,  that  his  presence, 
as  commander  of  the  southern  army,  would  re- 
animatedie  friends  of  independence.  While  Haron 
de  Kalb  commanded,  a  council  of  war  had  advised 
him  to  file  oil'  from  the  direct  road  to  (Jamden,  to- 
wards (he  well  culiivaled  settlements  in  the  vicin- 
ity of  the  Waxhaws  ;  but  (Jeneral  (iates,  on  taking 
the  commands,  did  not  conceive  this  movement  to 
I  be  necessary;  supposiag  it  to  be  most  for  the  in 


460 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


terest  of  ilie  states,  that  he  sliould  proceed  imme- 
di;iiely  wiili  his  :iiiny.  on  the  shortest  ro;i(l,  to  the 
vicinity  of  the  iiiiiish  enciinipnienis.  Tliis  led 
throngli  a  barren  coiinirv,  in  passing  over  whirh, 
the  Americans  severely  felt  the  scarcity  of  pro- 
visions. Tiieir  iiiiirinurs  became  audible,  and 
ihere  ivere  strong  appearances  of  mutiny  :  but  the 
officers,  who  shared  every  calamity  in  common 
with  the  privates,  interposed,  and  conciliated  ihem 
to  a  patient  sulferance  of  their  hard  lot.  They 
principally  subsisted  on  lean  cattle,  picked  up  in  the 
woods.  The  whole  army  was  under  the  necessity 
of  using  green  corn,  and  peaches,  in  the  place  of 
bread.  They  were  subsisted  for  several  days  on 
the  latteralone.  Dysenteries  became  common,  in 
consequence  of  this  diet.  The  heat  of  the  season, 
the  itnhealthiness  of  the  climate,  together  with  iu- 
Ruflicient  and  unwholesome  food,  threatened  des- 
trnclion  to  the  army.  The  common  soldiers,  in- 
inslead  of  desponiling,  began  after  some  time  to  be 
merry  with  their  mislortunes.  They  used  '■  starva- 
tion" as  a  cant  word,  and  vied  with  each  other  in 
burlescpiing  their  situation.  The  wit  and  humour, 
displayed  on  this  occasion,  contributed  not  a  little 
to  reconcile  them  to  iheirsnU'erings.  The  Ameri- 
can army,  liaving  made  its  way  through  a  country 
of  pifie-barrens,  sand-hills,  and  swamps,  reached 
Clermont,  thirteen  mdes  from  Canjden,  on  the  13lh 
of  Au'j;usl.  'J'lie  next  day,  d'enoral  Stephens  ar- 
rived with  a  large  body  of  \'irginia  militia. 

As  the  American  army  approached  South  Ca- 
rolina, lord  Rawdon  concentrated  his  force  at 
Camden.  The  retreat  of  the  British  from  their 
out-posts,  the  advances  of  the  American  army,  and 
the  impolitic  conduct  oftlie  conquerors  towards 
their  new  subjects,  concurred,  at  this  juncture,  to 
produce  a  general  revolt  in  favour  of  Congress. 
The  people  were  daily  more  dissatisfied  with  llieir 
mtuation.  Tired  of  war,  they  had  submitied  to 
IJriiish  government,  with  the  expectation  of' bet- 
tering iheir  condition  ;  but  they  soon  found  their 
mistake.  The  greatest  address  should  have  been 
practised  towards  the  inhabitants,  in  order  lo  second 
the  views  of  the  parent  state,  in  re-uniting  the  re- 
volted colonies  to  her  government.  That  the  pco- 
l)le  might  be  induced  to  return  lo  the  condition  of 
subjects,  their  minds  and  atlections,  as  well  as  I  heir 
armies,  ought  to  liave  been  conquered.  This  deli- 
cate task  was  rarely  attempted.  The  ollicers, 
privates,  and  followers  of  the  royal  army,  were 
generally  more  intent  on  amassing  fortunes  by  plun- 
der and  ra|)ine,  than  on  promoting  a  re-union  of 
the  dissevered  members  of  the  empire.  Instead 
of  increasing  the  niimberof  the  real  friends  to  royal 
government,  they  disgusted  those  that  they  found. 
Tlie  high-spirited  citizens  of  Carolina,  impatient 
of  their  rapine  and  insolence,  rejoiced  in  the  |)ros- 
pect  of  freeing  their  country  from  its  oppressors. 
Motives  of  this  kind  ;  together  with  a  prevailing 
allachment  to  the  cause  of  independence,  induced 
many  to  break  through  ail  ties,  tojoin  (ieneral  (Jates; 
and  more  lo  wish  iiim  the  compleiest  success. 

General  Gates,  on  reaching  the  frontier  of  South 
Carolina,  issued  a  proclamation  inviting  the  {)atri- 
otic  citizens,  "tojoin  heartily  in  rescuing  them- 
selves and  their  country,  from  the  oppressiim  of  a 
government,  imposed  on  them  by  the  riinian  hand 
of  conquest.  He  also  gave  "assurances  of  for- 
giveness and  pe 'feet  security,  to  such  of  the  un- 
I'orlunate  citizens  as  had  been  induced,  by  the  ter- 
ror of  sanguinary  punishment,  the  menace  of  con- 
fiscation, and  \hv  arbitrary  measures  of  military 
domination,  ap|)arently  to  acquiesce  under  the 
Hr.lish  governnu-nl,  and  lo  make  a  forced  decla- 
ration of  allegiance  and  support  to  a  tyranny, 
which  the  indignant  souls  of  cilizi-ns,  resolved  on 
fre(!(lom  inwardly  revolted  at  with  horror  and  de 
teslaiion;  excepting  liom  this  amnesty,  only 
those  who,  in  the  hour  of  devastation,  had  exer- 
cised acts  of  l>arbarity  and  ilepredalion,  on  the  per- 
sons and  property  of  ihcir  fellow  citizens."  'J'he 
army,  with,  which  (Jates  advanced,  was,  by  the 
arrivd  of  .Stephen's  militia,  iucreased  neailv  to 
4000  men  ;  but  of  this  lar^e  number,  the  whole 
regular  force  was  only  DOU  infantry,  and  seventy 


I  cavalry.  On  the  approach  of  Gates,  Earl  Corn- 
waliis  hastened  from  Charleston  to  Camden,  and 
ariived  there  on  the  I-ltli  of  August.  The  force, 
which  his  lordship  found  collected  on  his  arrival, 
was  1700  infantry,  and  300  cavalry.  This  infe- 
rior number  would  have  justified  a  retreat ;  but  he 
chose  rather  to  stake  his  fortune  on  the  decision 
of  a  battle.  On  the  night  of  the  loth,  he  march- 
ed from  Camden  with  his  whole  force,  intending 
to  attack  the  Americans  in  their  camp  at  Cler- 
mont. In  the  same  night.  Gates,  after  ordering 
his  baggage  to  the  Waxhaws,  put  his  army  in  mo- 
tion, with  an  intention  of  advancing  to  an  eligible 
position,  about  eight  ii'iiles  from  Camden.  The 
American  army  was  ordered  to  march  at  ten  o'clock 
P.  in  the  following  order :  Colonel  Armand's 
advance  cavalry ;  Colonel  Pottersfield's  light 
infantry,  on  the  right  flank  of  Colonel  Armand,  in 
Indian-file,  two  hundred  yards  from  the  road  ;  Ma- 
jor Armstrong's  light  infantry,  in  the  same  order 
as  Colonel  Potterlield's  ;  on  the  left  flank  of  the 
legion,  advanced  guard  of  foot,  composed  of  the 
advanced  picquets  ;  first  brigade  of  Maryland  ;  se- 
cond brigade  of  Maryland  ;  division  of  North  Ca- 
rolina; Virginia  rear  guard;  volunteer  cavalry, 
U])on  the  flanks  of  the  baggage,  equally  divided. 
The  light  infantry  upon  each  flank  were  ordered 
to  march  up  and  su|)porl  the  cavalry,  if  it  should 
be  attacked  by  the  British  cavalry  ;  and  Colonel 
Armand  was  diiected,  in  that  case,  to  stand  the 
attack  at  all  events. 

The  advance  of  both  armies  met  in  the  night, 
and  engaged.  Some  of  the  cavalry  of  Armand's 
legion  being  wounded  in  the  first  fire,  fell  back  on 
others,  who  recoiled  so  suddenly,  that  the  first  Ma- 
ryland legimeni  was  l)roken,  and  the  whole  line  of 
the  army  was  thrown  into  confusion.  This  first 
Impression  struck  deep,  and  dispirited  the  militia. 
The  American  army  soon  recovered  its  order. 
Both  they  and  their  adversaries  kept  their  ground, 
and  occasionally  skirmished  through  the  night. 
Colonel  Potterfield,  a  most  excellent  officer,  on 
whose  abilities  Cieneral  (Jates  particularly  depend- 
ed, was  wounded  in  the  early  part  of  this  night  at- 
tack. In  the  morning,  a  severe  and  general  en- 
gagement took  place.  At  the  first  outset,  the  great 
body  of  the  Virginia  militia,  who  formed  the  left 
wing  of  the  army,  on  being  charged  Aviih  fixed 
bayonets,  by  the  British  infantry,  thiev/  down  their 
arms,  and  with  the  utinost  precipitation  fled  from 
the  field.  A  considerable  part  o(^  the  North  Caro- 
lina militia  followed  the  unworthy  example  ;  but 
the  continentals,  who  formed  the  right  wing  oftlie 
army,  inferior  as  they  were  in  numbers  to  the 
British,  stood  their  ground,  and  maintained  the 
conflict  with  great  resolution.  Never  did  men  ac- 
(pilt  themselves  belter.  For  some  time  they  had 
the  advantage  of  their  opponents,  and  were  in))os- 
session  of  a  considerable  body  of  prisoners.  Over- 
powered at  last  by  numbers,  and  nearly  surrounded 
by  the  enemy,  they  were  compelled  reluctantly  to 
leave  the  ground.  Injustice  to  the  North  Caroli- 
na militia,  it  should  be  remarked,  that  part  of  the 
brigade  commanded  by  (Jenera)  (Jregory  acquitted 
themselves  well.  They  were  formed  immediately 
in  ilie  left  of  the  continentals,  and  kept  the  field 
while  they  had  a  cartridge  to  fire.  General  (Jreg- 
ory himself  Was  twice  wounded,  by  a  bayonet,  in 
bringing  ofl  his  men  ;  and  several  of  his  brigade, 
who  were  made  prisoners,  had  no  wounds  except 
from  bayonets.*  Two  hundred  and  ninety .Vinerlcan 
wounded  prisoners  weie  carried  Into  Camil'Mi,  after 
this  action,  200  of  whom  were  continentals,  82  were 
North  Carolina  militia,  and  two  were  Virginia  mi- 
litia. The  resistance  made  by  each  corps,  may 
in  some  degree,  be  estimated  with  the  number  of 
wounded.  The  Americans  lost  the  whole  of  their 
artillery,  eight  field  pieces,  upwards  of  two  hundred 
wagons,  and  the  greatest  part  of  their  baggage. 
Almost  all  their  officers  were  separated  from  their 
respective  commands.  Every  corps  was  broken 
in  action,  and  dispersed.    The  fugitives,  who  fled 

*  'I'lii.-i  detail  won  fiiriiislird  by  Dr.  W'illinniKon,  siirpoon 
penerul  of  tlie  North  Caroliiiii  militia,  wliu,  alter  llie  battle, 
wcut  into  CuukIcii  willi  a  Hug.  | 


by  the  conimon  road,  were  pursued  above  twenty 
miles  by  tlie  horse  of  Tarleton's  legion  ;  and  ihe 
way  was  covered  wHli  arms,  baggage,  and  w;n». 
ons.  Baron  de  Kalb,  the  second  m  command,  a 
brave  and  experienced  officer,  was  taken  Drisoner, 
and  died  on  the  next  day,  of  his  wounds,  lie  was 
a  (Jerman  by  birth,  but  had  long  been  in  the  Frcncb 
service.  Congress  resolved,  that  a  monuinciil 
should  be  erected  to  his  memory,  in  Annajiolls, 
w  ith  a  very  honourable  inscription.  General  Kuih- 
eilord,  of  iNorth  Carolina,  was  wounded  and  taken 
prisoner. 

The  royal  army  fought  w  itii  great  bravery  ;  but 
the  completeness  of  their  victory  was,  in  a  great 
'degree,  owing  to  their  superiority  in  cavalry,  and 
the  precipitate  flight  of  the  American  inilitia. 
Their  whole  loss  is  supposed  to  have  amounted  to 
several  hundreds.  To  add  lo  the  distresses  of  the 
Ameiicans,  the  defeat  of  Gates  was  immediately 
followed  by  the  surprise  and  dispersion  of  Sumter's 
corps.  While  the  former  was  advancing  near  to 
the  British  army,  the  latter,  who  had  previously 
taken  jiost  between  Camden  and  Charleston,  took 
a  number  of  prisoners,  and  captured  sundry  British 
stores,  together  with  their  ccnvoy.  On'liearin<» 
of  the  defeat  of  his  superior  officers,  he  began  to 
retreat  with  his  prisoners  and  stores.  Tarleton 
with  his  legion,  and  a  detachment  of  infantry,  pur- 
sued with  such  cderity  and  address,  as  to  overtake 
and  surprise  this  party,  at  Fishing  creek.  The 
British  rode  into  their  camj),  before  ihey  w  ere  pre- 
pared for  defence.  The  retreating  Americans, 
having  been  four  days  with  little  or  no  sleep,  were 
more  obedient  lo  the  calls  of  nature,  than  ailentlve 
to  her  first  law,  self-preservation.  Sumter  had 
taken  every  prudent  precaution  lo  prevent  a  sur- 
prise ;  but  his  videttes  were  so  overcome  with  fa- 
tigue, that  they  neglected  their  duly.  With  great 
diflicully  he  prevailed  on  a  few  "to  stand  their 
ground,  fora  short  lime:  but  the  greater  part  of 
his  corps  fled  to  the  river,  or  the  woods.  He  lost 
all  his  artillery ;  and  his  w  hole  detachment  was 
either  killed,  captured,  or  dispersed.  The  ])rison 
ers,  he  had  lately  taken,  were  all  retaken. 

On  the  17th  and  ISth  of  August,  about  150  of 
(Jates's  army  rendezvoused  at  Charlotte.  These 
had  reason  to  apprehend,  that  they  would  be  im- 
mediately pursued,  and  cut  to  pieces.  There  was 
no  magazine  of  provisions  in  the  town,  anil  It  was 
without  any  kind  of  defence.  It  was,  therefore, 
concluded  to  retreat  to  Salisbury.  A  circumstan- 
tial detail  of  this  retreat  would  be  the  picture  of 
complicated  wretchedness.  There  were  more 
wounded  men  than  could  be  conveniently  carried 
off  The  inhal>itants,  hourly  expecting  the  British 
to  advance  into  their  settlement,  and  generallv  in- 
tending to  flee,  could  not  attend  to  the  accommo- 
daiion  of  the  sufl'ering  soldiers.  Objects  of  distress 
occurred  in  every  quarter.  There  were  many  who 
stood  In  need  of  kind  assistance  ;  but  there  were 
few  who  could  give  it.  Several  men  weie  to  be 
seen  with  but  one  arm  ;  and  some  without  any. 
Anxiety,  pain  and  dejection,  poverty,  hurry  and 
confusion,  marked  the  gloomy  scene.  Under  these 
circumstances,  the  remains  of  that  numerous  ainiy, 
which  had  lately  caused  such  terror  to  the  friends 
of  (ireat  Britain,  retreated  to  Salisbury,  and  soon 
afterwards  to  Hillsborough.  General  Gates  had 
previously  retired  lo  the  latter  place  ;  and  was 
there,  in  concert  witli  the  government  of  North 
Carolina,  devising  plans  of  defence,  and  for  renew- 
ing military  operations. 

Though  there  was  no  army  to  op|)ose  lord  Corn- 
wallls,  yet  the  season,  and  bad  liealih  ofhis  army, 
restrained  him  from  pursuing  his  concpiests.  By 
the  complete  dispersion  oftlie  continental  forces, 
the  country  was  in  his  power.  The  present  mo- 
ment of  triumph  seemed, iherefore, the  most  favour- 
able conjuncture,  for  breaking  the  spirits  of  those 
who  wereallached  to  iiidc|)eiidence.  To  prevent 
their  future  co-operation  with  the  arir  es  ol  (^'on- 
gress.  a  severer  policy  was  henceforwanl  adopted. 

I'nfortunalely  for  the  inhabitants,  this  was  taken 
up  on  grounds,  which  involved  thousands  In  dis- 
ir«88,  and  not  a  few  in  the  Ions  of  life.  Th* 


UNITED  STATES 


nniish  conceived  themselves  in  possession  of  (he  veriinient,  lord  Coi  nwallis,  in  ;il)out  (our  weeks  id- 


ler his  victory,  Se|)tcnil)er  KJ,  issued  ;i  prochinia- 
tion,  for  the  .seqiiestfiitioii  ol' all  estates,  Ijeloiifjitig 
to  the  active  fiiendsof  iri(lcpeM<len(:e.  By  this,  he 
constituted  "  John  Cnideii,  coiinnissioiier,  with 
lull  power  and  authority,  on  the  receipt  of  an  or- 
der or  warrant,  lo  take  into  his  possession  llie 
estates,  both  real  and  personal,  not  included  in  the 
capitulation  of  Charleston,  of  those  in  the  service, 
or  acting  under  the  authority  of  the  rebel  Congress: 
and  also  the  estates,  both  real  and  personal,  of 
those  persons  who,  by  an  open  avowal  of  rebel- 
lious principles,  or  by  other  notorious  acts,  mani- 
fested a  wicked  and  desperate  perseverance,  in  op- 
posing the  re-establishment  of  his  majesty's  just 
and  lawful  authority.''  It  was  further  declared, 
"  that  any  person  or  persons  obstructing  or  im- 
peding the  said  commissioner,  ill  the  execution  of 
his  duty,  by  the  concealment,  or  removal  of  pro- 
perty, or  otherwise,  should,  on  conviction,  be 
punished  as  aidinu;  and  abetting  rebellion." 

An  adherent  to  independence  was  now  consid- 
ered as  one  who  courted  exile,  poverty,  and  ruin. 
Many  yielded  to  the  temptation,  and  became 
British  subjects.  The  mischievous  ell'ects  of  slav- 
ery, in  facihtating  the  conquest  of  the  country,  now 
port  the  royal  cause,  and  left  them  at  liberty  became  apparent.    As  the  slaves  had  no  interes 


rigliis  (It  sovereignty,  over  a  conquered  country, 
anii  that,  there!oie,  the  elibns  ofthe  citi/.eiis,  lo 
asscit  their  independence,  exposed  ihem  to  the 
penal  consequences  ol' treason  and  rebellion.  In- 
iiiKMiced  by  these  o[)inions,  and  transported  with 
indignation  against  the  inhabitants,  they  violated 
the  rights,  held  sacred  between  independent  hostile 
nations.  C)rder8  were  given  by  lord  Cornwallis, 
"that  all  the  inhabitants  ofthe  province,  who  had 
subinitied,  and  who  had  taken  part  in  this  revolt, 
should  be  punished  with  the  greatest  rigour  ;  that 
they  should  be  imprisoned,  and  their  whole  pro- 
periy  taken  from  them,  or  destroyed."  He  also 
ordered,  in  the  most  positive  manner,  "that  every 
mihtia  man,  who  had  borne  arms  with  the  British, 
and  afterwards  joined  the  Americans,  should  be 
put  to  death."  At  Augusta,  at  Camden,  and  else- 
where, several  ofthe  inhabitants  were  hanged,  in 
consequence  of  these  orders.  The  inen  who  suf- 
fered had  been  compelled  by  the  necessities  of 
their  families,  and  the  prospect  of  saving  their 
property,  to  make  an  involuntary  submission  to  the 
royal  conquerors.  Experience  soon  taught  them 
the  inefhcacy  of  these  submissions.  This,  in  their 
opinion,  absolved  them  from  their  obligations  to 

SU| 

to  follow  their  inclinations.  To  treat  men  thus 
circumstanced,  with  the  severity  of  punishment, 
usually  inflicted  on  deserters  and  traitors,  might 
have  a  political  tendency  to  discourage  farther  re- 
volts ;  but  the  impartial  world  must  regret,  that 
tlie  unavoidable  horrors  of  war  should  be  aggra- 
vated, by  such  deliberate  effusions  of  human  blood. 

Notwithstanding  the  decisive  superiority  ofthe 
liriiish  armies,  in  South  Carolina,  several  of  the 
niost  respectable  citizens,  though  in  the  power  of 
their  con(|uerors,  resisted  every  temptation  to  re- 
sume the  character  of  subjects.  To  enforce  a  ge- 
neral submission,  orders  were  given  by  lord  Corn- 
wallis, immediately  after  this  victory,  to  send  out 
of  Soiiih  Carolina  a  number  of  its  principal  citi- 
zens. Lieutenant  Governor  Gadsden,  most  of  the 
civil  and  mihtia  officers,  and  some  others,*  who 
had  declined  exchanging  their  paroles,  for  the  pro- 
tection of  British  subjects,  were  taken  up,  August 
27,  put  on  board  a  vessel  in  the  harbour,  and  sent 
to  St.  Augustine,  General  Moultrie  remonstrated 
against  the  confinement  and  removal  of  these  gen- 
tlemen, :«s  contrary  to  their  rights,  derived  from 
the  capitulation  of  Charleston.  They,  at  the  same 
lime,  challenged  their  adversaries  to  prove,  that 
any  part  of  their  conduct  merited  expulsion  from 
their  country  and  faniilie  s.  They  received  no 
farther  satisfaction,  than  that  the  measure  had  been 
"  adopted  from  motives  of  policy."  To  convince 
the  inhabitants,  that  the  conquerors  were  seriously 
lesolved  to  remove  from  the  country,  all  who  re- 
fused to  become  subjects,  an  additional  number  of 
above  twenty  citizensf  of  South  Carolina,  who  re- 
mained prisoners  on  parole,  wero  sent  off  to  the 
same  place,  in  less  than  three  months.  General 
Rutherford  and  Colonel  Isaacs,  both  of  North  Ca- 
rolina, who  had  been  lately  taken  near  Catnden, 
were  associated  with  them. 

To  compel  the  re-establishment  of  British  go- 


*  Their  names  were :  Edward  Blake,  John  Budd, 
Robert  Cochran,  John  Edwards,  Thomas  Ferguson, 
3eorse  Flagg-,  William  Hassel  Gibbes,  William  Hall, 

lomas  Hall,  Thomas  Hey  ward,  jr.  Isaac  Holmes, 
Richard  Hutson,  Wiliam  Johnson,  Rev.  John  Lewis, 
VVilliain  Livinorston,  John  Loveday,  Richard  Lushing- 
Bon,  William  "Massey,  Edward  M'Breadv,  Alexander 
iMoidtrie,  John  Mowait,  John  Neufville,  Edward  North, 
Joseph  Parker,  John  Ernest  Povas,  David  Ramsay,  Ja- 
lobRead,  Huffh  Rntledge,  Edward  Rutledse,  Johii  San- 
sum  Thomas  Savatre,  Thomas  Sinslcton,  Josiah  Smidi, 
James  Hamhden  Thomson,  Peter  Timothy,  John  Todd, 
and  Anthony  Toonier. 

t  'I'heir  names  were:  Joseph  Bee,  Richard  Beresford 
John  Berwick,  Daniel  Bonrdeaux,  Benjamin  Cudvvorth, 
Henry  Crouch,  John  Splatt  Cripps,  Edward  Darrell 
Daniel  De  Saussure,  George  A.  Hall,  Thomas  Giim- 
nall,  Noble  Whimherly  Jones,  William  Lee,  William 
Lojon,  Arthur  Middleton,  Christopher  Peters,  Benjamin 
Potwil,  Samuel  Pridean,  Philip  Smith,  Beniamin  Wal- 
ter, James  Waketield,  Edward  Wevman,  Morton  Wil- 
KmG:in. 


at  stake,  the  subjugation  of  the  state  was  a  matter 
of  no  consequence  to  then..  Instead  of  aiding 
in  its  defence,  they,  by  a  variety  of  means,  threw 
the  weight  of  their  little  influence  into  the  oppo- 
site scale. 

Though  numbers  broke  through  all  the  ties 
which  bound  them  to  support  the  cause  of  Ameri- 
ca, illustrious  sacrifices  were  made  at  tiie  shrine  of 
liberty.  Several  ofthe  richest  men  in  the  state 
suffered  their  fortunes  to  remain  in  the  power  and 
possession  of  their  conquerors,  rather  than  stain 
their  honour  by  joining  the  enemies  of  their  coun- 
try. The  patriotism  ofthe  ladies  contributed  much 
to  this  firmness.  They  crowded  on  board  prison 
shi|)s,  and  other  places  of  confinement,  to  solace 
their  suffering  countrymen-  While  the  conquerors 
were  regaling  themselves,  at  concerts  and  assem- 
blies, they  could  obtain  very  few  of  the  fair  sex  to 
associate  with  them  ;  but  no  sooner  was  an  Amer- 
ican officer  introduced  as  a  prisoner,  than  his  com- 
pany was  sought  for,  and  his  person  treated  with 
every  possible  mark  of  attention  and  res;>ect.  On 
other  occasions,  the  ladies,  in  a  great  measure,  re- 
tired from  the  public  eye,  wept  over  the  distresses 
of  their  country,  and  gave  every  proof  ofthe  warm- 
est attachment  to  its  suffering  cause.  Among  the 
numbers  who  were  banished  from  their  families, 
and  whose  property  was  seized  by  the  conquerors, 
many  examples  could  be  produced,  of  ladies  cheer- 
fully parting  with  theirsons,  husbands,  and  brothers; 
exhorting  tliem  to  foi-titude  and  perseveiance  ;  and 
repeatedly  entreating  them  never  to  sulfer  family 
attachments  to  interfere  with  the  duty  they  owed 
to  their  country.  When,  in  the  |)rogress  of  the 
war,  they  were  also  comprehended  under  a  general 
sentence  of  banishment,  with  equal  resolution  thev 
parted  with  their  native  country,  and  the  many  en- 
dearments of  home,  and  followed  their  husbands 
into  prison-sliips  and  distant  lands,  where  they  were 
reduced  to  the  necessity  of  receiving  charity. 

Animated  by  such  examples,  as  well  as  by  a  high 
sense  of  honour,  and  the  love  of  their  country,  a 
great  proportion  of  the  gentlemen  of  South  Caro- 
lina deliberately  adhered  to  their  first  resolution  of 
risking  life  and  fortune  in  support  of  their  liberties. 
Hitherto  the  royal  forces  in  South  Carolina  had 
been  attended  with  almost  uninterrupted  success. 
Their  standard  overspread  the  country,  penetra- 
ted into  every  quarter,  and  triumphed  over  all  op- 
position. 

The  British  ministry,  by  this  flattering  posture 
of  affairs,  were  once  more  intoxicated  with  the 
hope  of  subjugating  America.  New  plans  were 
formed,  and  great  expectations  indulged,  ofspedi- 
ly  re-uniting  the  dissevered  members  of  the  em- 
pire. It  was  now  asserted,  with  a  confidence  bor- 
dering on  presumption,  that  such  troops  as  fought 
at  Camden,  put  under  such  a  commander  as  lord 


'  401 

Cornwallis,  would  soon  extirpate  rebellion  so  ef- 
fectually, as  to  leave  no  vestige  of  it  in  America. 
'l"he  IWilish  ministry  and  army,  by  an  impious  con- 
fidence ill  their  wisdom  and  pr(jwcss,  wire  duly 
prepared  lo  give,  in  their  a|)proaching  dowulall,  a 
ijseliil  lesson  lo  the  world. 

The  disaster  of  the  army,  under  General  (iates. 
overspread,  at  first,  the  face  of  American  affairs, 
with  a  dismal  gloom  :  but  the  day  of  [irosperity  to 
the  United  States,  began,  as  will  appear  in  ihc  se- 
quel, from  that  moment,  to  dawn.  Their  jirospecia 
brightened  up  ;  w  liile  those  of  their  enemies  were 
obscured  by  disgrace,  broken  by  defeat,  and  at  last 
covered  with  ruin.  Elated  with  their  victories, 
the  conquerors  grew  more  insolent  and  rapacious, 
while  llie  real  fi  lends  of  independence  became  reso- 
lute and  determined. 

We  have  seen  Sumter  penetrating  into  South 
Carolina,  and  re-commencing  a  military  opposition 
to  British  government.  .Soon  after  that  event,  he 
was  promoted  by  Governor  Riitledge,  to  the  rank 
of  brigadier  general.  About  the  same  time,  Ma- 
rion was  promoted  to  the  same  rank,  who,  in  the 
north-eastern  extremity  of  the  state,  successfully 
prosecuted  a  similar  plan.  Unfurnished  with  llie 
means  of  defence,  he  was  obliged  to  take  possession 
ofthe  saws  ofthe  saw-mills,  and  to  convert  them 
into  horsemen's  swords.  So  much  was  he  dis- 
tressed for  ammunition,  that  he  has  engaged,  when 
he  had  not  three  rounds  lo  eaidi  man  of  his  party. 
At  other  times,  he  has  brought  his  men  into  view, 
though  without  ammunition,  that  he  might  make  a 
show  of  numbers  to  the  enemy.  For  several  weeks 
he  had  under  his  command,  only  seventy  men.  At 
one  time,  hardships  anil  dangers  reduced  that  num- 
ber to  25  ;  yet  wi*h  this  inconsiderable  number, 
he  secured  himself  in  the  midst  of  surrounding 
foes.  Various  schemes  were  tried  to  detach  the 
inhabitants  from  co-operating  with  him.  ^^aior 
Weiuys  burned  scores  of  houses  on  redee,Lynch's 
creek,  and  Black  river;  belonging  to  such  as  were 
supposed  to  do  duty  with  Marion,  or  to  be  subser- 
vient to  his  views.  This  had  an  effect  ditt'erent 
from  wiiat  was  intended.  Revenge  and  despair 
co-operated  with  patriotism,  to  make  these  ruined 
men  keep  the  fi-jld.  Having  no  liouses  to  shelter 
j  them,  the  camps  of  their  counlrymen  became  their 
hoiTies.  For  several  months,  Maiion  and  his  party 
were  obliged  to  sleep  in  the  open  aii,  and  to  shel- 
ter themselves  in  the  recesses  of  deep  swamps. 
From  these  retreats,  they  sallied  out,  whenever 
an  opportunity  of  liarrassing  the  enemy,  or  id  ser- 
ving their  country,  presented  itself 

Opposition  to  British  government  was  not  wholly 
confined  to  the  parties  commanded  by  .Siiniterand 
Marion.  It  was  at  no  tiiiie  altogether  extinct,  in 
the  extremities  ofthe  state.  The  disposition  to 
revolt,  which  had  been  excited  on  the  approach  of 
(ieneral  Gates,  was  not  extinguished  bv  his  defeat. 
The  spirit  ofthe  people  w  as  oieiawed  ;  but  not 
subdued.  The  severity,  witli  which  revolters, 
who  fell  into  tlie  hands  of  the  British,  were  treat- 
ed, induced  those  wl'o  escaped,  to  persevere,  and 
seek  safety  in  swam,» 

From  tlie  time  of  the  general  submission  of  tlic 
inhabitants,  ill  ] 780,  pains  had  been  taken  to  in- 
crease the  royal  Ibrce,  by  the  co-o))eration  of  the 
yeomanry  of  the  country.  The  15i  itisli  persuaded 
the  people  to  form  a  royal  militia,  by  representing, 
that  every  prospect  of  succeeding,  in  their  scheme 
of  independence,  wag  annihilated  ;  and  that  a  far 
ther  opposition  would  only  be  a  jirolongaiion  of 
their  distresses,  if  not  their  utier  ruin.  Major 
Ferguson,  of  the  71st  regiment,  was  (lariicularly 
active  in  this  business.  He  visited  the  settle- 
ments of  tlie  disaffected  to  the  American  cause, 
and  collected  a  corps  of  militia  of  ihat  description, 
from  which  much  active  service  was  expected. 
He  advanced  lo  the  north-western  setlements,  to 
hold  communicalioii  with  the  loyalists  of  both  Ca- 
rolinas.  From  his  presence,  together  with  assur- 
ances of  an  early  movement  of  the  royal  army  iiiici 
North  Carolina,  it  was  hoped  that  the  friends  of 
royal  government  would  be  roused  lo  activity,  in 
the  service  of  their  klr>g.   In  the  .-.leaniime,  evuy 


463 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


piepai.ilioii  w;is  made  lor  urging  ollensive  opera- 
iKiiis,  :is  soon  iis  (lie  season,  and  tlie  siaie  ol'  tbe 
sl(  I f-i,  would  permit. 

Tlmt  spirit  of  enterprise,  which  lias  already  been 
nieiiiiuned,  as  beuinnin!^  to  revive  among  the  Anie- 
ric.m  militia,  about  this  time,  prompted  Colonel 
C'larke  to  make  an  attempt  on  the  British  post  at 
Aimnsta,  in  Georgia  ;  but  in  tliis  he  failed,  and  was 
obliijed  to  retreat.  Major  Ferguson,  with  the  hope 
of  intercepting  his  party,  kept  near  the  mountains, 
and  at  considerable  d  .siance  from  sup|)ort.  Tiiese 
circumstances,  together  with  the  depredations  of 
the  loyalists,  induced  those  hardy  republicans,  who 
reside  on  the  west  side  of  the  Alleghany  mountains, 
to  lorm  an  enterprise  for  reducing  that  distinguisli- 
ed  partisan.  Tliis  was  done  of  their  own  motion, 
wiiiiout  any  direction  from  the  governments  of 
America,  or  from  the  officers  of  the  coiitiuental 
army. 

'I'here  was,  without  any  apparent  design,  a  pow- 
erful combination  ofsevjral  detached  commanders, 
of  the  adjacent  slates,  with  llieir  respective  com- 
mands of  militia.  Colonel  Campbell,  of  Virginia, 
Colonels  Cleveland,  Shelby,  Sevier,  and  M'Dowel, 
ofiNortii  Carolina,  together  with  Colonels  Lacy, 
Hawthorn  and  Hill,  of  South  Carolina,  all  ren- 
(lev^vouse<l  together,  with  a  number  of  men  amount- 
ing to  ItjOO  ;  though  they  were  under  no  general 
command,  and  though  they  were  not  called  upon, 
to  eml)()dy  by  any  common  authoiity,  or  indeed  by 
any  autliority  at  all,  but  that  of  a  general  impulse 
of  their  own  minds.  They  had  so  little  of  the 
mechanism  of  a  regular  army,  that  the  colonels, 
by  common  consent  commanded  each  day  alter- 
nately. The  liaidships  these  volunteers  under- 
went were  very  great.  Some  of  them  subsisted, 
for  weeks  together,  without  tasting  bread,  or  salt, 
or  spirituous  liquors,  and  slept  in  the  woods  with- 
out blankets.  The  running  stream  quenched  their 
ihnst.  At  night,  the  earth  afforded  them  a  bed, 
iind  the  heavens,  or  at  most,  the  limbs  of  trees 
were  their  only  covering.  Ears  of  corn  or  ()oin- 
pions,  thrown  into  the  fire,  with  occasional  su|)plies 
of  beef  or  venison,  killed  and  roasted  in  the 
woods,  were  the  chief  articles  of  their  provisions. 
Tliey  had  ii' ither  commissaries,  quarter-masters, 
not  stores  of  any  kind.  'J'liey  selected  about  a 
thousand  of  their  best  men,  and  mounted  them  on 
their  lleetesl  horses.  These  attacked  Major  Fer- 
guson, Till  October,  on  the  top  of  King's  moun- 
tain, near  llie  confines  of' North  and  South  Caro- 
lina. The  .\mericans  formed  three  parties.  Colo- 
nel Eacy  of  South  Carolina  led  one,  which  at- 
tacked on  the  west.  The  two  others  were  com- 
manded by  Colonels  Campbell  and  Cleveland  ;  one 
of  which  attacked  on  the  east,  and  the  other  in  the 
♦jentre. 

On  this  occasion.  Colonel  Cleveland  addressed  his 
party  in  the  following  plain  unvarnished  language  : 
••  M  V  brave  fellows !  we  have  beat  the  tories,  and 
we  can  beat  them.  They  are  till  cowards.  If 
they  had  the  spirit  of  men,  they  would  join  with 
their  fellow  citizens,  in  supporting  t!ie  indepen- 
dence of  their  country.  Wh<':i  engaged,  you  are 
not  to  wait  for  the  word  of  command  from  me.  1 
« ill  show  you  by  my  example,  how  to  fight.  I  can 
undertake  no  more.  Every  man  must  consider 
lii  nsL-lf  as  an  olTicer,  and  act  from  his  own  judg- 
nieiit.  Fire  as  ipiick  as  you  can,  and  stand  as  long 
as  vou  can.  Wlieii  you  can  do  no  better,  get  be- 
liiii  I  trees,  or  retreat ;  but  I  beg  of  you  not  to  run 
quite  ofT.  If  we  be  repulsed,  let  us  make  a  point 
to  return,  and  renew  the  fight.  I'erhaps  we  may 
have  belter  luck,  in  the  second  atl<Mnpt,  than  in  the 
first.  If  rmy  of  you  be  afraid,  such  liave  leave  to 
retire  ,  and  they  are  requested,  immediately,  to  take 
themselves  off." 

Fermison  with  ureat  boldness  attacked  the  as- 
nailaiils  with  fixed  bayonels,  and  compelled  them 
Biiccessivelv  lo  retire  :  but  they  rnily  fell  back  a 
little  wav  and  iietting  behind  trees  and  rocks,  re- 
liewi'd  tlnsr  fin-,  in  almost  everv  direction,  'i'lie 
ISrilisli,  belli;;  uncovered,  were  aimed  at  by  the 
Aiiii'iican  marksmen;  and  many  of  them  were 
klaiii.  Anunus'ial  number  of  the  killed  were  found 


siiot  in  the  liead.  Kitlemen  took  off  rinemen,  with 
such  exactness,  that  they  killed  each  other,  when 
taking  sight,  so  ef]ectually,tlial  their  eyes  remained, 
after  they  were  dead,  one  shut,  and  the  other  open, 
in  the  usual  manner  of  marksmen,  when  levelling 
at  theit  object.  3Iajor  Ferguson  disjilayed  as  much 
bravery,  as  was  jiossible,  in  his  situation  :  but  iiis 
encampment,  on  the  lop  of  the  mountain,  was  not 
well  chosen  ;  as  it  gave  the  Aineiicaiis  an  ojjpor- 
tunity  of  covering  themselves  in  their  approaches. 
Had  he  pursued  his  marcli,  on  charging  and  driving 
the  first  part  of  the  militia  which  gave  way,  he 
might  have  got  oU'wilh  most  of  his  men  ;  but  liis 
unconquerable  spirit  disdained  cither  to  flee  or  to 
suriender.  After  a  severe  conflict,  he  received  a 
mortal  wound.  No  chance  of  escajje  being  left, 
and  all  [irospect  of  successful  resistance  being  at 
an  end,  the  contest  was  ended,  by  the  submission 
of  the  survivors.  Upwards  offrOO  became  prison- 
ers, and  22')  were  killed  and  wounded.  Very  few 
of  the  assailants  fell  ;  but  in  their  number  was 
Coionel  Williams,  a  distinguished  militia  oflicer,  in 
Ninety-Six  district,  who  had  been  very  active  in 
opposing  the  re-establishment  of  British  govern- 
ment. Ten  of  the  royal  militia,  who  had  surren- 
dered, were  hanged  by  their  conquerors.  They 
were  provoked  to  this  measure,  by  the  severity  of 
the  British,  who  liad  lately  hanged  several  of  the 
captured  Americans,  in  Soutli  Carolina  and  Geor- 
gia. They  also  alleged,  that  the  men  who  suffered 
were  guilty  of  previous  felonies,  for  which  their 
lives  were  forfeited  by  the  laws  of  the  land. 

The  fall  of  Ferguson  was  in  itself  a  great  loss 
to  the  roynl  cause.  He  possessed  superior  abili- 
ties as  a  paitisan,  and  his  spirit  of  enterprise  was 
uncommon.  To  a  distinguished  capacity  for  plan- 
ning great  designs,  he  also  added  the  jiractical 
abilities,  necessary  to  carry  them  into  execution. 
The  unexpected  advantage,  which  the  Americans 
gained  over  him  and  his  paity,  in  a  great  degree 
frustrated  a  well-concerted  scheme,  for  strengthen- 
ing the  J5ritisli  army,  by  the  co-o|)eration  of  the 
lory  inhabitants,  whom  he  had  undertaken  to  dis- 
ci|)liiie  and  prepare  for  active  service.  The  total 
rout  of  the  party,  whicli  had  joined  Major  Fergu- 
son, o|)eraled  as  a  check  on  the  future  exertions  of 
the  loyalists.  The  same  timid  caution,  which  made 
them  averse  to  joining  their  countrymen,  in  oppo- 
sing the  claims  of  (jreat  Britain,  restrained  tliem 
from  risking  any  more  in  su[)port  of  the  royal 
cause.  Henceforward,  they  wailed  to  see  liow 
the  scales  were  likely  to  incline,  and  reserved  them- 
selves till  the  British  army,  by  its  own  unassisted 
efforts,  slioiild  gain  a  decided  superiority. 

In  a  few  weeks  al"ter  the  general  action  near 
Camden,  lord  (Jornwallis  lel"t  a  small  force  in  that 
village,  and  marched  with  the  m  iin  army,  tow  ards 
Salisbury  ;  intending  to  jmsh  (orwarcis  in  that  di- 
rection '  While  on  his  way  thither,  the  Norih 
Carolina  militia  were  very  iii(htstrious  and  suc- 
cessful, in  annoying  his  detachments.  Riflemen 
frequently  penetrated  near  his  camp,  and,  from  be- 
hintl  tiees,  made  sure  of  their  objects.  The  late 
con(|uerors  were  exposed  to  unseen  dangers,  if 
they  att<Mnpted  to  make  an  exclusion  ofonly  a  few 
luindied  yards,  from  their  main  body.  The  de- 
feat of  Major  Ferguson,  added  to  these  ciicum- 
staiiccs,  gave  a  serious  alarm  to  lord  Coriiwallis; 
and  he  soon  after  retreated  to  Winnsborongh.  .\s 
he  retire<l,  the  militia  look  several  of  his  wagons; 
and  single  men  often  rode  up  wilhiti  gunshot  of  his 
army,  discharged  their  pieces,  and  made  their 
escajic.  The  panic  occasioned  by  tlie  defeat  of 
Gates,  had,  in  a  great  measure,  worn  olT.  The 
defeat  of  Fer;:uson,  and  the  consequent  retreat  of 
lord  Coriiwallis  enroiirasied  the  Ameiican  militia 
to  take  the  field  ;  and  the  necessity  of  tlie  times 
induced  them  to  submit  lo  stricter  discipline. — 
Sumter,  soon  al'ter  tlie  dispersion  of  his  corps  on 
the  iSih  of  Auutist.  collected  a  band  of  volunteers, 
p  artly  from  new  advciiliires.  ami  iiarlly  from  those 
who  hail  escaped  on  ih  it  day.  With  these,  thotis;li 
for  three  months  there  was  no  continental  army 
in  the  state,  he  constantly  kept  the  field,  i.:  sup- 
port of  American  independence.    He  varied  his 


position  from  time  to  time,  about  Enoiee,  Bioad, 
and  Tyger  rivers,  and  had  fiequeiit  skirmishes 
with  his  adversaries.  Having  mounted  !iis  fol- 
lowers,  lie  infested  the  Biitish  parties  with  iVe- 
qiieiit  incursions  :  beat  up  their  quarters;  inter- 
ce|)ted  their  convoys;  and  so  harassed  them  with 
successive  alarms,  that  their  movements  could  not 
be  made,  but  with  caution  and  difficulty.  His 
spirit  of  enterprise  was  so  particularly  injurious  to 
the  British,  that  they  laid  sundry  plans  for  destroy- 
ing his  force  :  but  they  all  failed  in  the  execution. 
He  was  attacked,  November  r2tli,  at  Broad  river, 
by  Major  Wemys,  commandinga  corps  of  infantry 
and  dragoons.  In  this  action,  the  British  were 
defeated,  and  their  commanding  officer  taken  pri- 
soner. Eight  days  afterwards,  November  20th,  he 
was  attacked  at  Black  Slocks,  near  Tyger  river, 
by  Lieutenant  Colonel  Tarletoii.  The  attack  was 
beiiun  with  170  dragoons,  and  SO  men  of  the  C3d 
regiment.  A  considerable  part  of  Sumter's  force 
had  been  thrown  into  a  large  log  barn,  from  the 
apertures  of  which,  they  fired  in  security.  Many 
of  the  63d  regiment  were  killed.  Tarleton  charged 
with  his  cavalry,  but,  being  unable  to  dislodge  the 
Americans,  he  retreated,  and  Sumter  was  left  in 
quiet  possession  of  the  field.  Tlie  loss  of  the 
British  in  this  action  was  considerable.  .Among 
their  killed  were  three  officers.  Major  Money 
Lieutenants  Gibson  and  Cope.  The  .\me1ican3 
lost  very  few  ;  but  General  Sumter  received  a 
wound,  which,  for  several  months,  interrupted  his 
gallant  enterprises,  in  behalf  of  his  country.  His 
zeal  and  activity  in  animating  the  militia,  when 
they  were  discouraged  by  repeated  defeats,  and 
the  bravery  and  good  conduct  he  dispiaye<l,  in 
sundry  attacks  on  the  British  detachments,  pro- 
cured him  the  applause  of  his  countrymen,  and  the 
thanks  of  Congress. 

For  the  three  months,  which  followed  the  defeat 
of  the  .\merican  army  near  Camden,  General  (Jatcs 
was  industriously  preparing  to  take  the  field.-— 
Having  collected  a  foice  at  Hillsborough,  he  ad- 
vanced to  Salisbury,  and  soon  afteiwanis  to  Char- 
lotte. He  had  done  every  thing  in  his  power,  10 
re[)air  the  injuries  of  his  defei',  and  was  agiiin  ina 
condition  to  face  the  enemy  ;  but  I'roin  that  influ- 
ence, which  |)opular  opinion  has  over  ])iiblic  af- 
fairs, in  a  commonwealth.  Congress  resolved  10 
supersede  him,  and  to  order  a  court  of  inquiry  to 
be  held  on  his  conduct.  'J'his  was  founded  (m  a 
former  resolve,  that  whoever  lost  a  post  should  be 
subject  to  a  court  of  inquiry.  The  cases  were  no 
ways  parallel  ;  he  had  lost  a  battle  ;  but  not  a  post. 
The  only  charge,  that  could  be  exhibited  against 
General  Gates,  was,  that  he  had  been  defeated. 
His  enemies  could  accuse  him  of  no  military 
crime,  unless  that  to  be  unsuccessful  might  be  so 
reckoned.  The  public,  sore  with  their  losses, 
were  desirous  of  a  change  ;  and  Congress  found  il 
necessary  to  gratify  them  ;  though  at  the  expense 
of  the  feelings  of  one  of their  best,  and,  till  August 
1780,  one  of  their  most  successf'nl  olliceis.  \'ir- 
ginia  did  not  so  sotm  forget  Saratoga.  \\'lien 
(^enenil  Gates  was  at  Richmond,  on  his  way  home 
ftom  Carolina,  the  house  of  burgesses  of  1  hat  state 
unanimously  resolved,  December  18th.  "  lliat  a 
committee  of  lour  be  appointed  to  wait  on  (Jeneral 
Gates,  and  assure  him  of  their  high  regard  and 
estee-ii  ;  that  the  remembrance  of  his  former  g'o- 
rious  services  could  not  be  obliterated,  by  any  re- 
verse of  fortune,  ;  and  that  ever  mindful  of  his 
great  merit,  they  would  omit  no  opportiiniiy  ol 
testifying  to  the  world,  the  gratitude  which  the 
cotintry  owed  to  him,  in  his  militarr  character." 

These  events,  together  with  a  few  unimporlaat 
skirmishes,  not  worthy  of  being  particularly  men- 
tioneil,  closed  the  campaign  of  1780  in  the  sot'ithem 
states.  They  afforded  ample  eviiler.i  c  of  the  folly 
of  prosecuting  the  American  war.  Tho';jh  British 
conquests  had  rapidly  succeeded  each  other,  yet 
no  advantages  accrued  to  tlir  victors.  The  minds 
of  the  people  were  unsiibdi  ed.  or  ratlier  more 
alienated  from  every  idea  of  returning  to  their 
former  allegiance.  Such  was  their  teinjier.  that 
the  expense  of  retaining  them  in  subjection,  would 


UNITED  STATES. 


hiive;  cxct'pii*^(l  [lie  piulils  ol  llie  conquest.  Bril- 
isl)  f;:irrisons  kf  pt  down  open  rtsisdiiice,  in  the  vi- 
■liiiity  u(  tlie  places  wlitre  tliey  were  estublislieil  ; 
but  as  soon  ;is  tliey  weie  willidrawn,  and  the  peo- 
ple left  10  themselves,  a  spirit  of  revolt,  hostile  to 
(iieat  !5ritain,  always  displayed  itself;  and  the 
staiidaril  of  independence,  whensoever  it  was  pru- 
dently raised,  never  wanted  followers,  among  the 
active  and  spirited  |)art  of  the  community. 


463 


CHAPTER  X. 

Catiipaigii  of  1780,  in  the  Norlliern  States. 

W'liiLE  the  war  raj;ed  in  South  Carolina,  the 
campaign  of  1780,  in  the  northern  states,  was  bar- 
ren of  important  events.  At  the  close  of  the  year 
1779,  the  American  northern  army  took  post  at 
Morristown,  and  built  themselves  huts  agreeably 
to  the  practice  wliich  had  been  first  introiluced  at 
Valley  Forge.  This  position  was  well  calculated 
to  cover  the  country,  from  the  incursions  of  the 
British,  being  only  twenty  miles  from  New  York. 

Lord  Stilling  made  an  inetfectual  attempt,  in 
January,  1780,  to  surprise  a  party  of  the  enemy 
on  Staien  Island.  While  he  was  on  the  island,  a 
number  of  persons,  from  the  Jersey  side,  passed 
over,  and  plimdered  tlie  inhabitants,  who  had  sub- 
uiilied  to  the  British  government.  In  these  times 
of  confusion,  licentious  persons  fixed  themselves 
neat  tlie  lines,  which  divided  the  British  from  the 
Americans.  Whensoever  the  opportunity  ottered 
they  were  in  the  habit  of  going  within  the  settle- 
ments, of  the  opposite  party,  and,  under  the  pre- 
tence o(  distressing  their  enemies,  committed  the 
most  shameful  de])redations.  In  the  first  months 
of  the  year  17S0,  wliile  tlie  royal  army  was  weak- 
ened, by  the  expedition  against  Charleston,  the 
British  were  apprehensive  for  their  safety  in  New 
York.  The  rare  circumstance  which  then  existed, 
of  a  connexion  hrtween  The  main  and  York  island, 
by  means  of  ice,  seemed  to  invite  to  the  enter- 
prise ;  but  the  force  and  equipments  of  the  Amer- 
lean  army  were  unequal  to  it.  Lieutenant  Gene- 
ral Kniph  ausen  who  th  n  commanded  in  New- 
\ork  apprehending  such  a  design,  embodied  the 
inhabitants  of  the  city,  as  a  militia,  for  its  defence. 
They  very  cheerfully  formed  themselves  into  com- 
panies and  discovered  great  zeal  in  the  service. 

An  incursion  was  made  into  Jersey,  from  New 
York,  with  five  thousand  men,  commanded  by 
Lieutenant  General  Kniphausen.  They  landed  at 
Elizabetlitown,  and  proceeded  to  Connecticut 
farms  In  this  neighbourhood,  lived  the  Rev.  Mr. 
James  Caldwell,  a  Presbyterian  clergyman,  of 
great  activity,  ability  and  influence  ;  whose  suc- 
cessful exertions,  in  animating  the  Jersey  militia 
to  defend  their  rights,  had  rendered  him  particu- 
larly obnoxious  to  the  British.  When  the  royal 
forces  were  on  their  way  into  the  country,  a  sol- 
dier came  to  his  house  in  his  absence  ;  and  shot 
his  wife  instantly  dead,  by  levelling  his  piece  di- 
rectly at  her,  through  the  window  of  the  room  in 
wliich  she  was  sitting  with  her  children.  Her 
body,  at  the  request  of  an  officer  of  the  new  levies, 
was  moved  to  some  distance,  and  then  the  house, 
and  every  thing  in  it  was  reduced  to  ashes  !  The 
British  burnt  about  twelve  other  houses,  and  also 
the  Presbyterian  church;  and  then  proceeded  to 
opriiigfield.  As  they  advanced,  they  weie  annoy- 
ed by  Colonel  Dayton,  with  a  few  militia.  On 
their  approach  to  the  bridge  near  tlie  town,  they 
were  farther  opposed  by  General  Maxwell,  who, 
with  a  (ew  continental  troops,  was  prepared  to  dis- 
pute its  passage.  They  made  a  halt  and  soon  af- 
ter returned  to  Hlizabe'thlown.  Before  they  had 
retreated,  the  whole  American  army  at  Morris- 
town  marched  to  oppose  them.  While  this  royal 
detachment  was  in  Jersey,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  re- 
lumed, with  his  victorious  tioops,  from  Cliailesloii 
1<>  New  York.  He  ordered  a  reiiilbrcement  to 
Kniphausen  ;  and  the  whole  advanced  a  second 
time  towards  Springfield.  They  were  now  op- 
posed by  General  Greene,  with  a  considerable  body 


of  continental  troojis.  Colonel  Angel,  with  his  re- 
giment and  a  piece  of  artillery,  was  posted  to  se- 
cure the  bridge  in  front  of  the  town.  An  engage- 
ment took  jilace.  Superior  numbers  forced  llie 
Americans  to  retire.  General  (Jieene  took  post 
with  his  troops,  on  a  range  of  hills,  in  hopes  of  be- 
ing attacked.  Instead  oi' this,  the  British  beg  in  to 
burn  the  town.  Near  fifty  dwelling-houses  were  re- 
duced to  ashes.  The  British  then  retreated  ;  but 
were  pursued  by  ihe  enraged  militia,  till  ihev  en- 
tered Elizabetlitown.  The  next  day,  they  set 
out  on  their  return  to  New  York.  The  loss  of 
the  Americans  in  tlie  action  was  about  eighty; 
and  that  of  the  British,  was  supposed  to  be  more. 
It  is  difficult  to  tell  what  was  the  precise  object  of 
this  expedition.  Perhaps  the  royal  commandeis 
hoped  to  get  possession  of  Morristown,  and  to  de- 
stroy the  American  stores.  Perhaps  they  flattered 
themselves,  that  the  inhabitants  were  so  dispirited, 
by  the  recent  loss  of  Charleston,  that  they  would 
submit  without  resistance;  and  that  the  soldiers 
of  the  continental  army  would  desert  to  them  :  but 
if  these  were  their  views,  they  were  disappointed 
in  both.  The  firm  opposition,  made  by  the  Jersey 
farmers,  contrasted  with  the  conduct  of  the  same 
people,  in  the  year  1776,  made  it  evident,  that  not 
only  their  aversion  to  Great  Britain  continued  in 
full  force  ;  but  that  the  practical  habits  of  service 
and  danger  had  improved  the  country  militia,  so 
as  to  bring  them  near  to  an  equality  with  regular 
troops. 

By  such  desultory  operations,  were  hostilities 
carried  on,  at  this  time,  in  the  northern  states.  In- 
dividuals were  killed,  houses  were  burnt,  and  much 
mischief  done;  but  nothing  was  effected  which 
tended  either  to  reconcilement  or  subjugation. 

The  loyal  Americans,  who  had  fled  within  the 
British  lines,  commonly  called  refugees,  reduced 
a  predatory  war  into  system.  On  their  petition  to 
Sir  Henry  Clinton,  they  had  been  in  the  year 
1799,  permitted  to  set  up  a  distinct  goverment  in 
New  York, under  a  jurisdiction,  called  the  honour- 
able board  of  associated  loyalists.  They  had  some- 
thing like  a  fleet  ol  small  privateers  anil  cruisers, 
by  the  aid  of  which  they  ci;mrained  various  deore- 
dations.  A  party  of  them,  who  had  fomierly  be- 
longed to  Massachusetts,  went  to  Nantackct,  broke 
open  the  warehouses,  and  carried  off  (!veiy  thing 
that  fell  in  their  way.  They  also  carried  ofl'two 
loaded  brigs,  and  two  or  three  schooners.  In  a 
proclamation  left  behind  them,  they  observed, "that 
they  liad  been  deprived  of  their  property,  and  com- 
pelled to  abandon  their  dwellinss,  friends  and  con- 
nexions ;  and  that  iliey  conceived  themselves  war- 
ranted by  the  laws  of  God  and  man,  to  wage  war 
against  their  persecutors,  and  to  endeavour,  by 
every  means  in  their  power,  to  obtain  compensa- 
tion for  their  siiflerings."  These  associated  loy- 
alists eagerly  embraced  every  adventure  which 
gratified  either  their  avarice  or  their  revenge. 
Their  enterprises  were  highly  lucrative  to  them- 
selves, and  extremely  distressing  to  the  Americans. 
Their  knowledge  of  the  country  and  superior 
means  of  transportation,  enabled  them  to  make 
hasty  desents,  and  successful  enterprises.  A  war 
ol  plunder,  in  which  the  feelings  of  humanity  were 
often  suspended,  and  which  tended  to  no  valuable 
public  [lurpose,  was  carried  on,  in  this  shameful 
manner,  from  the  double  excitements  of  profit  and 
revenge.  The  adjoining  coasts  of  the  continent, 
and  especially  the  maratime  parts  of  New  Jersey, 
became  scenes  o("  waste  and  havocs 

The  distress,  which  the  Americans  suliered, 
from  the  diiiiinishcd  value  of  their  currency, 
though  felt  in  the  year  177S,  and  still  more  so  in 
the  year  1779,  did  not  arrive  to  its  hiuliest  pitch, 
till  the  year  1780.  Under  the  pressure  of  sullerings 
I'rom  this  cause,  the  officers  of  the  Jersey  line  ad- 
dressed a  memorial  to  their  stale  legislature,  set- 
ling  forth  "that  four  months'  ))ay  of  a  private 
would  not  procure,  for  his  family,  a  single  bushel 
of  wheat;  that  the  pay  of  a  colonel  would  not  pur- 
chase oats  for  his  horse:  that  a  common  labourer 
or  express  rider  received  (our  times  as  much  as  an 
Ameiican  officer."    They  urged,  "that,  uiilessa 


speedy  and  ample  remedy  was  provided,  the  total 
dissolution  of  their  line  was  inevitable  ;"  anrl  con 
eluded  with  saying,  "that  'heir  pay  should  eithei 
be  m^'.de  up  in  Mexican  dollars,  or  in  sometliiii(» 
equivalent."  In  addition  to  the  insufficiency  of 
their  pay  and  supjiori,  other  causes  of  disconieni 
prevailed.  The  original  idea  of  a  com iiiei;tal 
army,  to  be  raised,  jiaid,  subsisted,  and  legiilaled 
li|)on  an  equal  and  und'oriii  jirinciple,  had  been  in 
a  great  measure  exchanged  for  stale  establish- 
ments. This  iiiischevious  measure  partly  origi- 
nated from  necessity;  for  slate  credit  was  not 
quite  so  much  depreciated  as  continental.  Con- 
gress not  possessing  the  means  of  supjiorting  their 
army,  devolved  the  business  on  the  componen: 
parts  of  Ihe  confederacy.  Some  stales,  from  ilieir 
internal  ability  and  local  advantages,  furnished 
their  troops  not  only  with  clothim;,  but  with  many 
conveniences.  Others  supplied  them  with  some 
necessaries,  but  on  a  more  contracted  scale.  A 
few,  from  their  particular  situation,  could  do  little 
or  nothing  at  all.  The  officers  and  men,  in  the 
routine  of  duty,  mixed  daily,  and  compared  cir- 
cumstances. Those  who  fared  worse  llian  others, 
were  dissatisfied  with  a  service,  which  made  such 
injurious  distinctions.  From  causes  of  this  kind, 
superadded  to  a  complication  of  wants  and  suffer- 
ing, a  disposition  to  mutiny  began  to  show  ilsell 
in  the  American  army.  This  broke  forth  into 
full  action,  among  the  soldiers,  stationed  at  Fort 
Schuyler.  Thirty-one  of  tl  le  men  of  that  garrisoD 
went  ofl"  in  a  body.  Being  pursued,  sixteen  of 
them  were  overtaken  :  and  thirteen  of  the  sixteen 
were  instantly  killed. 

About  the  same  time,  two  regiments  of  Con- 
necticut troops  mutinied,  and  got  under  arms. 
They  determined  to  return  home,  or  to  gain  sub- 
sistence at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.    Their  of- 
ficers reasoned  with  them,  and  urged  every  argu- 
ment, that  could   interest  their  pride  or  tlieir  (las- 
sions.     They  were  reminded  of  their  good  coii 
duct,  and  of  the  important  objects  for  which  they 
were  contending  :  but  their  answer  was  "  our  suf- 
ferings are  too  great,  and  we  want  present  relief.' 
Afier  much  exposlula'ion,  they  went  to  their  huts 
Wliile  the  army  was  in  thi«  feveiish  slate  of  dis- 
content, from  tlieiraccurnulatcd  distresses,  a  print- 
ed paper  addressed  to  the  soldiers  o(  the  conti- 
nental army,  was  circulated  in  tlie  American  camp. 
This  was  in  the  fiillowing  word  :  "  The  lime  is 
at  length  arrived,  when  all  the  artifices  and  false- 
hoods of  the  Congress,  and  of  your  commanders, 
can  no  longer  conceal  from  you  the  miseries  of 
your  situation.    You  are  neither  fed,  clothed,  nor 
paid.     Your  numbers  are  wasting  away  by  sick- 
ness, famine,  and  nakedness,  and  rapidly  so,  by 
the  period  of  your  stipulated  sei vices  being  ex- 
pired.   This  is  now  the  period  to  fly  from  slavery 
and  fraud. 

"  I  am  happy  in  acquainting  the  old  countrymen, 
chat  the  aU'airs  of  Ireland  are  fully  settled  ;  and  ihbt 
Great  Britain  and  Ireland  are  united,  as  well  from 
interest  as  from  aflection.  I  need  not  tell  you, 
who  are  born  in  America,  that  you  have  been  cheat- 
ed and  abused.  You  are  both  sensible,  that,  in  or- 
der to  procure  your  liberty,  you  must  quit  your 
leaders  and  join  your  real  friends  who  scorn  to 
iiiqiose  upon  you,  and  who  will  receive  you  with 
open  arms,  kindly  forgiving  all  your  errors.  You 
are  told,  you  are  surrounded  by  a  numerous  mili 
lia.  This  is  also  false.  Associate  then  together  ; 
make  use  of  youi  firelocks  ;  and  join  the  British  ar- 
my, where  you  will  be  permitted  to  dispose  ofyour- 
selves  as  you  jilease." 

About  the  same  lime,  or  rather  a  little  before, 
the  news  arrived  of  the  reduction  of  Charleston, 
and  the  capture  of  the  whole  American  southern 
army.  Such  was  the  firmness  of  the  common  sol- 
diery, and  so  strong  their  attachment  to  the  cause 
ot  their  country,  that,  though  danger  impelled,  want 
urged,  e'ld  British  favour  invited  them  to  a  change 
of  sides  yet,  on  the  arrival  of  but  a  scanty  supply 
of  meat,  for  their  immediate  subsistence,  military 
duty  was  cheerfully  perl'ormed,  and  no  uncomu.OD 
desertion  took  place. 


404 


11  IS  TO  RV   OF  TllK 


So  great  were  ihc  necessiiies  of  the  An-terican 
Drniy.  lli;it  W;isliiiii,'loii  was  oblii^ed  to  call  on  llie 
rii;if{islr;iles  of  I  lie  ailjiicfiil  comities,  for  sjiecified 
qii;iiKities  of  provisiuiis,  to  be  supplied  in  a  given 
number  ol  <la)s.  At  otiier  limes,  lie  wascomi)el- 
led  lo  send  out  delaclimeiits  of  his  troops,  to  take 
provisions  at  the  point  o(  llie  bayonet.  This  ex- 
pedient at  length  failed  ;  for  the  country  in  the  vi- 
cinity of  tlie  army  afforded  no  farther  snpi)lifs. 
These  impressmenls  were  not  only  iiijuiious lo  the 
morals  and  discipline  of  ihe  army;  but  tended  to 
alienate  the  affections  of  the  people.  Much  of  the 
support  which  the  American  geneial  had  previous- 
ly experienced  from  llie  iniiabilanis,  proceeded 
from  the  ditference  of  treatment  tliey  received  from 
their  own  army,  compared  with  what  they  sufl'ercd 
from  the  15rilisli.  'J'he  general,  whom  the  inhabi- 
tants hitherto  regarded  as  their  protector,  had  now 
no  alternative,  but  to  disband  his  troops,  or  to  sup- 
port them  by  force.  The  situation  of  Washing- 
Ion  wasemiiiently  embarrassing.  The  army  looked 
to  him  for  provisions,  the  inlialjitants  for  protection 
of  their  property.  To  supply  the  one,  and  not  of- 
fend the  other,  seemed  little  less  than  an  impossi- 
bility. To  preseive  order  and  subordination  in  an 
aiiny  of  (Vee  republicans,  even  when  well-fed,  paid 
and  clothed,  w(>nld  have  been  a  work  of  difficulty  ; 
but  retain  them  in  service,  and  restrain  lliem  with 
discipline,  when  destiiwie,  not  only  of  the  comforts, 
but  often  of  the  netessaiies  of  life,  retiuired  ad- 
dress and  abilities  of  such  mai;iiitude,  as  are  rarely 
found  in  human  nature.  In  this  choice  of  difficul- 
ties, Washington  not  only  kept  his  army  together, 
but  condiicleii  with  so  much  discretion,  as  to  com- 
mand the  approbation  both  of  the  army  and  of  the 
citizens. 

So  great  a  scarcity,  in  a  country  usually  abound- 
ing with  provisions,  appears  extraordinary  ;  but 
larious  causes  had  concurred,  about  this  time,  to 
produce  an  unprecedented  deficiency.  The  seasons 
both  in  1779  and  1780  were  unfavouiable  to  the 
crops.  The  labours  of  the  husbandmen,  who  were 
ailaciieo  o  the  e.iuse  cd"  independence,  had  been 
fr^cjiient.y  interrupted  by  the  calls  for  militia  duty. 
Those  who  caied  for  neither  side,  or  who,  from 
jirinciD.es  of"  Kdmion,  held  the  unlawfulness  of 
t\ar,  or  who  weie  secretly  attached  to  the  royal 
interest,  liad  been  very  deficient  in  industry.  Such 
sometimes  reasoned,  that  all  labour  on  their  farms, 
bey(iiid  a  bare  supply  of  their  own  necessities,  was 
unavailing  ;  but  the  principal  cause  of  the  sulfer- 
ings  of  (he  army  was,  the  daily  diminishing  value 
of  the  continental  bills  of  credit.  The  farmers 
foninl,  that  the  longer  lliey  delayed  the  |iayment 
of  taxes,  the  less  ()uantitv  of  country  produce  would 
discharge  the  stipulated  sum.  They  also  oliser- 
ved,  ihat  the  longer  they  kept  their  grain  on  hand, 
the  more  of  the  paper  currency  was  olilained  in 
exchange  for  it.  This  either  discouraged  them 
from  selling,  or  made  them  very  lardy  in  coming 
lo  market.  Many  secreted  their  provisions,  and 
denied  liaving  any  ;  while  others,  who  were  con- 
tigious  to  llie  liritish,  secretly  sold  to  ihem  for 
gold  or  silver.  The  patiiotism,  which  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  war,  had  led  so  many  to  sacri- 
fice projierfy,  for  the  good  of  their  country,  had,  in 
a  great  degree,  subsided.  Though  they  still  re- 
tained their  good  wishes  for  ihe  cause,  yet  these 
dill  not  carry  them  so  far,  as  lo  induce  a  willing- 
ness to  exchange  the  hard-earned  produce  of  their 
farms,  for  a  paper  currency,  of  a  daily  diminishing 
value.  For  provisions  carried  to  New  York,  the 
farmers,  received  real  money  ;  hut  for  wliat  was 
cairied  lo  the  Americans,  they  only  received  |)a- 
per.  The.  valiu;  of  the  first  was  known;  of  the 
other  daily  varying,  and  in  an  unceasing  piogres- 
sion,  from  bad  to  worse.  Laws  were  made  against 
tlii.'*  intercourse  ;  bill  lliey  were  executed  in  tile 
manner  laws  uniformly  have  been,  in  the  evasion 
of  which  multilii 'fs  find  an  immediate  interest. 

In  addition  lo  these  disasters  from  short  crops, 
and  depreciation  money,  disorder  and  confusion 
pervaded  the  departmenis  for  supplying  the  armv. 
Symi-ins  for  these  piir;ioscs  had  been  hastily  .idopl- 
eJ,  and  wiie  very  inadequate  to  thecnJ  proposed. 


To  provide  for  an  army  under  the  best  establish- 
ments, and  with  a  full  mililaiy  chest,  is  a  work  of 
difficully  ;  and  though  guarded  by  the  |)recautions 
which  time  and  experience  have  suggested,  opens 
a  door  to  many  frauds  :  but  it  was  the  hard  case 
oftlie  Americans,  lo  be  called  on  to  discharge  this 
duty,  wilhout  sufficient  knowledge  of  the  business, 
and  under  ill  digesteii  systems,  and  witli  a  paper 
currency  that  was  not  two  days  of  the  same  value. 
Abuses  crept  in;  frauds  were  practised;  and 
economy  was  exiled. 

To  obviate  these  evils,  Congiess  adopted  the  ex- 
pedient of  sending  a  committee,  oftlieirown  mem- 
bers, to  the  camp  of  their  main  army.  Mr.  .Schuy- 
ler, of  New  York,  Mr.  Peabody,  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, and  Mr.  Matthews,  of  South  Carolina,  were 
appointed.  They  were  furnished  with,  ample 
powers  and  instructions  to  reform  abuses,  to  alter 
preceding  systems,  and  to  establish  new  ones  in 
their  room.  This  committee  proceeded  to  camp, 
in  May,  1780,  and  llience  wrote  sundry  letters  to 
(Congress  and  the  states  ;  in  which  ihey  confirmed 
the  representations  previously  made,  of  ihe  dis- 
tresses and  disorders  every  where  [irevalent.  In 
particular,  they  stated,  "that  the  army  was  un- 
paid for  five  months;  that  it  seldom  had  tnoretlian 
six  days'  provisions  in  advance  ;  and  was  on  several 
occasions,  for  sundry  successive  days,  without 
meat  ;  that  the  army  was  destitute  of  forage  ;  that 
the  medical  department  had  neither  sugar,  coffee, 
tea,  chocolate,  wine,  nor  spirituous  li(|uors  of  any 
kind  ;  that  evety  department  of  the  army  was 
wilhout  money,  and  had  not  even  the  shadow  of 
credit  left  ;  lliat  the  |)atience  of  the  soldiers,  worn 
down  by  the  pressure  of  complicated  siifleriiigs 
was  on  the  point  of  being  exhausted." 

A  tide  of  misfortunes,  from  all  quarters,  was,  ;it 
this  time,  pouring  in  upon  llie  United  States. 
There  ajipeared  not,  however,  in  their  public  bo- 
dies, the  smallest  disposition  to  purchase  safety, 
by  concession  of  any  sort.  They  seemed  lo  rise 
ill  the  midst  of  their  distresses,  and  lo  gain  strength 
f  rom  the  pressure  of  calamities.  When  Congress 
could  neither  command  money  nor  credit,  for  the 
subsistence  of  llieir  army,  the  citizens  of  Pliiladel- 
|)hia  formed  an  association,  lo  procure  a  supply  of 
necessary  articles,  for  their  suflering  soldiers. 
The  sum  of  300,000  dollars  was  subscribed  in  a 
lew  days,  and  converted  into  a  bank  ;  the  princi- 
pal design  of  which  was,  to  purchase  provisions 
for  the  troops,  in  the  most  prom|>l  and  ellicacious 
manner.  The  advantages  of  this  institiilion  were 
great,  and  particularly  enhanced  by  the  critical 
time  in  which  it  was  instituted.  The  loss  of 
Charleston,  and  the  siibsc(|ueni  British  victories 
in  Carolina,  produced  effects  directly  the  reverse 
of  what  were  expected.  It  being  the  deliberate 
resolution  of  the  Americans,  never  lo  return  to  the 
government  of  (ireat  Britain,  such  unfavourable 
events,  as  threatened  the  subversion  of  indepen- 
dence, operated  as  incentives  lo  their  exertions. 
The  patriotic  flame,  which  had  blazed  forth  in  the 
beginning  of  the  war  was  rekindleil.  .\  willing- 
ness lo  do,  and  lo  suflVr,  in  the  cause  of  American 
liberty,  was  revived  in  ihe  breastg  of  many.  These 
dispositions  were  invigorated  by  private  assur- 
ances, thai  his  Most  Christian  Majesty  would,  in 
the  course  of  the  campaign,  send  a  poweiful  ar- 
mament lo  their  aid.  To  excite  the  stales  lo  be 
in  readiness  for  this  event,  Congiess  circulated 
among  ihem  an  address,  of  which  the  following  is 
a  part:  "The  crisis  calls  for  exertion.  Much  is 
to  be  done  in  a  little  lime  ;  and  every  motive,  that 
can  stimulate  ihe  mind  of  man,  presents  itself  to 
view.  No  period  has  ot'curred  in  ihis  long  and 
glorious  struggle,  in  which  indecision  would  be  so 
destructive  on  the  one  hand,  and  on  the  other,  no 
coiijuiiclure  has  beeninore  favourable  to  great uud 
deciding  cITorts." 

The  powers  of  the  cotninitlee  of  Congress,  in 
the  .V'.rieriran  camp,  were  enlarged  so  far,  as  lo 
authorise  ihem  lo  (Vame  and  execiilc  such  plans 
as,  in  their  opinion,  would  most  eirectually  draw 
forth  the  resources  of  ihc  country,  in  co-operating 
with  the  armament  expected  from  France.  Iiitliis 


character  they  wrote  sundry  letters  to  the  slates, 
sliinulaling  them  to  vigorous  exertions.  It  wai 
agreed  lo  make  arrangemeiils  for  bringing  into  iho 
field  3-'), 000  effective  men,  and  lo  call  on  the  stutes 
for  specific  supjilies  of  every  thing  necessary  for 
iheir  support.  To  obtain  the  men,  it  was  pro- 
posed lo  complete  the  regular  regiments,  by  drafts 
from  the  militia,  and  to  make  up  what  they  fell 
short  of  35,000  effectives,  by  calling  forth  more 
of  the  militia.  Every  motive  coiicuried  lo  rouse 
the  activity  of' tlie  inhabitants.  The  states,  nearly 
exhausted  by  the  war,  ardently  wished  for  its  ter- 
mination. ,\n  opportunity  now  offered  for  striking 
a  decisive  blow,  that  might  at  once,  as  lliey  sup- 
posed, rid  the  coiinlry  of  its  distresses.  The  only 
thing  required  on  the  (lart  of  the  United  States 
was  lo  bring  into  the  field  35,000  men,  and  to 
make  elleclual  arrangements  for  llieir  support. 
'I'he  tardiness  of  deliberation  in  Congress  was,  in 
a  great  measure  done  away,  by  the  full  powers 
given  to  their  committee  in  camp.  Accurate  esti- 
mates were  made  of  every  article  of  su|)ply,  ne- 
cessary for  the  ensuing  campaign.  Tiiese,  and 
also  the  numbers  of  men  wanted,  were  assigned 
to  the  ten  northern  states,  in  proportion  to  their 
abilities  and  numliers.  In  conformity  to  these  re- 
(|iiisiti()ns,  vigorous  resolutions  were  adopted  for 
catiying  them  into  effect.  Where  voluntarily  en- 
listiiieiits  fell  short  of  the  proposed  number,  the 
deficiencies  were,  by  the  laws  of  several  stales, 
lo  be  made  up  by  drafts  or  lots  from  the  militia. 
The  towns  in  New  England,  and  the  counties  ia 
the  middle  slates,  were  respectively  called  on,  for 
a  specified  number  of  men.  Such  was  tlie  zeal  of 
the  people  in  New  England,  that  neighbours  would 
of  ten  club  together,  to  engage  one  of  their  number 
to  go  into  the  ainiy.  Being  wilhout  money,  in 
conformity  lo  the  practice  usual  in  the  eai  ly  stages 
id'sociely,  they  jiaid  lor  military  duty  witli  rattle. 
Twenty  head  were  frequeiilly  given  as  a  reward 
for  eighteen  months'  service.  Maryland  diiccted 
her  lieutenants  of  counties  to  class  all  the  proper- 
ty, in  their  respective  counties  into  as  many  equal 
classes,  as  there  were  men  wanted  ;  and  each  class 
was  by  law  obliged,  within  ten  day  llieieafter,  !o 
t'uiiiislian  able  bodied  recruit,  lo  serve  during  the 
war;  and,  in  case  of  their  neglecting  or  refusing 
so  10  do,  the  county  lieuleiiants  were  authorised 
to  |irocure  men,  at  iheir  expense,  at  any  rate,  not 
exceeding  fifteen  pounds  in  every  hundred  pound.s 
worth  of  jiroperly,  classed  agreeably  to  the  law. 
Yirginia  also  classed  her  citizens,  and  called  upon 
the  res|)eclive  classes  for  every  fifteenth  man  tot 
public  service.  Pennsylvania  concentrated  the 
requisite  |)owerin  her  president  Joseph  Reed,  and 
authorised  him  to  draw  forth  the  resources  of  the 
slate,  under  certain  liinilalions  ;  and,  if  necessary,  i 
to  declare  martial  law  over  the  stale.  The  legis- 
lative part  of  these  complicated  arrangements  was 
speedily  passed  ;  but  the  execution,  though  un- 
commonly vigorous,  lagged  far  behind.  Few  oc-  | 
casions  could  occur,  in  which  it  might  so  fairly  be 
tried,  to  what  extent,  in  conducting  a  war,  a  va-  i 
rieiy  of  wills  might  be  brought  to  act  in  unison. 
The  result  of  the  experiment  was,  that,  liowever  j 
favourable  republics  may  be  to  the  liberty  and  I 
happiness  of  llie  people,  in  the  lime  of  |;eace,  ihcy  ' 
will  be  greatly  deficient  in  thai  vigour  and  despaicil, 
which  military  operation  requite  unless  ihey  iini- 
tale  the  policy  of  monarchies,  by  committing  the  ; 
executive  departments  of  government  totliedircc-  | 
lion  of  a  single  will. 

While  these  preparations  were  making  in  Aiuer-  j 
ica,  the  armament,  which  had  been  piomised  by  | 
his  Most  Christian  Majesty,  was  on  its  w.iy.     As  ' 
soon  as  it  was  known  in  France,  lhal  a  resolution 
was  adopted,   to  send  out  troops  to  the  Uiiiied 
."-Jtates,  the  young  French  iiobililv  discovered  tiie  i 
greatest  zeal  lo  be  employed  (.:)  that  service- 
Court  favour  was  scarcely  ever  solicited  willi  iiiore  • 
earnestness  than  was  the  honour  of  serving  undej 
Washington.  The  number  of  a|)plicants  was  much  | 
greater  than  the  service  required.    The  disptisl-  i 
tion,  lo  support  the  American  iev(dution,  was  uof 
only  pievaleut  in  the  court  of  France,  but  it  am 


1 


U  NIT  ED  STATES. 


465 


mated  the  whole  body  of  the  nation.  The  wind 
and  waves  did  not  second  tlie  iir<ient  wishes  of  the 
French  troops.  Though  they  sailed  from  Fiance 
on  the  1st  of  iMay,  17S0,  tlicy  did  not  reach  a  port 
in  the  United  States,  till  tlie  tenth  ot  July  follow- 
ing. On  tliat  day,  to  the  i;reat  joy  of  tlie  Ameri- 
cans, ISl.  de  Teriiay  arrived  at  l\hode  Island,  with 
a  squadron  of  seven  sail  of  llie  line,  five  frigates, 
and  live  smaller  armed  vessels.  He  liliewise  con- 
voyed A  fleet  of  transports,  with  four  old  French 
regiments,  besides  the  lef:ion  de  Lauzun,  and  a 
battalion  of  artillery,  amounting  in  tlie  whole  to 
6000  men,  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant  (je- 
neral  Count  de  Kochambeau.  To  the  French,  im- 
mediate possession  was  given  of  the  forts  and  bat- 
teries on  the  island  :  and  by  tlieir  exertions  they 
were  soon  put  in  a  high  state  of  defence.  An  ad- 
dress of  congratulation,  from  the  general  assem- 
bly of  the  slate  of  Rhode  Island,  was  presented  to 
(^)unt  de  Rochambeau,  in  which  they  expressed 
"  their  most  grateful  sense  of  the  magnanimous 
aid  afforded  to  the  United  States,  by  tlieir  illus- 
irious  friend  and  ally,  the  monarch  of  France  ;  and 
also  gave  assurances  of  every  exertion  in  their 
power,  for  the  supply  of  the  French  forces,  with 
all  manner  of  refreshments,  and  necessaries  lor 
rendering  the  service  happy  and  agreeable."  Ro- 
chambeau declared  in  his  answer-,  "  that  he  only 
brought  over  the  vanguard  ofa  much  greater  force, 
which  was  destined  for  their  aid  ;  and  that  he  was 
ordered  by  the  king,  his  master,  to  assure  them, 
that  his  whole  power  should  be  exerted  for  their 
support."  "  The  French  troops,"  he  said,  "  were 
under  the  strictest  discipline,  and,  acting  under 
the  order's  of  General  Washington,  would  live  with 
the  Americans  as  brethren."  He  returned  their 
nonipliurents  by  an  assurance,  "  that,  as  brethren, 
not  only  his  own  life,  but  the  lives  of  all  those  un- 
der his  coirrmand  were  devoted  to  their  service." 

Washington  recommended,  in  public  orders  to 
the  American  ofificers,  as  a  symbol  of  friendship 
and  all'ection  for  their  allies,  to  wear  black  and 
white  cockades,  the  ground  to  be  of  the  first  colour 
and  the  relief  of  the  second. 

The  French  troops,  united  both  in  interest  and 
aftoctior.  with  the  Americans,  ardently  longed  for 
an  oppcTtuni'y  to  co-operate  with  them.aiiainst  the 
common  enemy.  The  continental  army  wished 
for  the  same  with  equal  ardour.  One  circumstance 
alone  seemed  unfavourable  to  this  spirit  of  enter- 
prise. This  was  the  deficient  clothing  of  the 
Americans.  Some  whole  lines,  ofTicers  as  well  as 
men,  were  shabby;  and  a  great  proportion  of  the 
privates  were  without  shirts.  Such  troops,  brought 
alongside  of  allies,  fully  clad  in  the  elegance 
of  uniformity,  must  have  been  more  or  less  than 
men,  to  feel  no  degradation  on  the  contrast. 

Admiral  Arbuthnot  liad  only  four  sail  of  the  line, 
at  New  York,  when  M.  de  Ternay  arrived  at 
Rhode  Island.  This  inferiority  was  in  three  davs 
reversed  by  the  arrival  of  Admiral  (Jreaves,  with 
six  sail  of  the  line.  The  British  admiral,  having 
now  a  superiority,  proceeded  to  Rhode  Island. 
He  soon  discovered,  that  the  French  were  perfectly 
secure  from  attack  by  sea.  Sir  Henry  Clinton, 
who  had  returned  in  the  pieceding  month,  with  his 
victorious  troops  from  Charleston,  embarked  about 
8000  of  his  best  men,  and  proceeded  as  far  as  Hun- 
tingdon-bay, on  Long  Island,  with  the  apparent 
design  of  concurring  wiih  the  British  fleet,  in  at- 
tacking the  French  force  at  Rhode  Islan<l.  When 
this  movement  took  place,  Washington  set  his  ar- 
my in  motion,  and  proceeded  to  Peekskill.  Had 
Sir  Henry  Clinton  prosecuted  what  appeared  to  be 
his  design  it  was  intended  to  attack  New  York  in 
his  absence.  Preparations  were  made  for  that 
purpose;  but  Sir  Henry  Clinton  instantly  turned 
about,  from  Huntingdon-bay,  towards  New  York. 

In  the  meantime,  the  French  fleet  and  army 
being  blocked  up  at  Rhode  Island,  were  incapaci- 
tated from  co-operating  with  the  Americans.  Hopes 
were  nevertheless  indulged,  that  by  the  arrival  of 
another  fleet  of  his  Most  Christian  Majesty,  then 
in  Ihe  WbmI  Indies  under  the  command  of  Count 
de  Guichen  '.he  superiority  wji-.ld  be  so  much  in 
31 


favour  of  the  allies,  as  to  enable  them  to  prosecute 
their  original  intention  of  attacking  New-York. 
Wlicn  the  expectations  of  the  Americans  were 
raised  to  the  Irighest  pitch,  and  when  they  were  in 
great  forwardness  of  preparation,  to  act  in  concert 
with  their  allies,  intelligence  arrived  that  Count  de 
Guichen  had  sailed  for  France.  The  disap|)oint- 
mcnt  was  extremely  morlifiy  iiig.  The  Americans 
had  made  uncommon  exertions,  on  the  ide;i  of  re- 
ceiving such  an  aid  from  their  allies,  as  would  en- 
able thenr  to  lay  efl'ectual  siege  to  New  York,  or  to 
strike  some  decisive  blow.  Their  towering  ex- 
pectations were  in  a  mo(nent  levelled  with  the  dust. 
Another  campaign  was  anticipated,  and  new  shades 
were  added  to  the  deep  cloud,  which,  for  some 
time  past,  had  overshadowed  American  affairs. 

The  campaign  of  17S0  passed  away  in  the 
northern  states,  as  has  been  related,  in  successive 
disa])pointments,  and  reiterated  distresses.  The 
country  was  exhausted  ;  the  contiirenlal  currency 
expiring.    The  army,  for  want  of  subsistence,  was 
kept  inactive,  and  brooding  over  its  calamities. 
While  these  disasters  were  openly  menacing  trie 
ruin  of  the  American  cause,  treachery  was  silently 
undermining  it.    A  distinguished  officer  engaged, 
for  a  sii|)ulated  sum  of  money,  to  betray  into  the 
hands  of  the  British,  an  important  |)ost  coirrmitted 
to  his  care.    General  Arnold,  who  committed  this 
foul  crime,  was  a  native  of  Connecticut.  That 
slate,  remarkable  for  the  purity  of  its  irrorals,  for 
its  republican  principles  and  patriotism,  was  the 
birth  place  of  a  man,  to  whom  none  of  the  other 
states  have  produced  an  equal.  He  had  been  among 
the  first  to  take  up  arms  against  Great  Britain,  and 
to  widen  the  breach  between  the  parent  state  and 
the  colonies.    His  distinguished  military  talents 
had  procured  him  every  honour  a  grateful  country 
could  bestow.    Poets  and  painters  had  marked  him 
as  a  suitable  subject  for  the  display  of  their  talents. 
He  possessed  an  elevated  seat  in  the  hearts  of  his 
counti-ymen,  and  was  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  a 
substantial  fame,  for  the  purcliase  of  which,  the 
wealth  of  worlds  ought  to  have  been  insufficient. 
His  country  had  not  only  loaded  him  with  honours, 
but  forgiven  him  his  crimes.    Though,  in  his  ac- 
counts against  the  states,  there  was  much  room  to 
suspect  iraud  and  imposition,  yet  the  recollection 
of  his  gallantly  and  good  conduct,  in  a  great  mea- 
sure served  as  a  cloak  to  cover  the  whole.  He, 
who  liMi  been  jirodigal  of  'ife,  in  his  country's 
cause,  was  indulged  in  extraordinary  demands  for 
his  services.    The  generosity  of  the  states  did  not 
keep  pace  with  the  extravagance  of  their  favourite 
officer.    A  sumptuous  table  and  expensive  equi- 
page unsupported  by  the  resources  of  private  for- 
tune, unguarded  by  the  virtues  of  economy  and 
good  management,  soon  increased  his  debts  beyond 
a  possibility  of  his  discharging  them.    His  love  of 
pleasure  produced  the  love  of  money  ;  and  that  ex- 
tinguished all  sensibility  to  the  obligations  of  honour 
and  duty.    The  calls  of  luxury  were  pressing,  and 
demanded  gratification,  though  at  the  expense  of 
fame  and  country.    Contracts  were  made,  specu- 
lations entered  into,  and  partnerships  instituted, 
which  could  not  bear  investigation  Oppression, 
extortion,  misapplication  of  public  money  and  |)ro- 
perty,  furnished  him  with  with  the  farther  means  of 
gratifying  his  favourite  passions.    In  these  cir- 
cumstances, a  change  of  sides  afforded  the  only 
hope  of  evading  a  scrutiny,  and  at  the  same  time, 
held  out  a  jrrospect  of  repleirishing  his  exhausted 
coffers.    The  disposition  of  the  American  forces, 
in  the  year  1780,  afforded  an  opportunity  of  ac 
com|)lishing  this,  so  much  to  the  advantage  of 
the  British,  that  they  could  well  afford  a  liberal 
reward  for  the  beneficial  treachery.    The  Ameri- 
can army  was  stationed  in  the  strong  holds  of 
the  Higiilands  on  both  sides  of  the  North  River. 
In  this  arrangement,  Arnold  solicited  for  the  com- 
mand of  West  Point.    This  has  been  called  the 
Gibralter  of  America.    It  was  built,  after  the  loss 
of  Fort  Montgomery,  for  the  defence  of  the  North 
River,  and  was  deemed  the  most  proper  for  com- 
manding its  navigation.    Rocky  ridges,  rising  one 
behind  another,  reudered  it  incapable  of  being  tu- 


vested,  by  less  tlian  tiventy  thousand  men.  Though 
some,  even  then,  entertained  doubts  of  Arnold's 
fidelity,  yet  Washington,  in  the  unsuspecting  s[)irit 
ofa  soldier,  believing  it  to  be  impossible  that  hon- 
our should  be  wanting  in  a  breast,  which  he  knew 
was  the  seat  of  valour,  cheerfully  grained  his  re- 
quest, and  intrusted  him  witli  tlje  important  post. 
Arnold,  thus  invested  with  command,  carried  on  a 
negociation,  with  Sir  Henry  (Jlinton,  by  which  it 
was  agreed  that  the  former  should  make  a  dispo- 
sition of  his  forces,  which  wouKl  enable  the  latter 
to  surprise  West  Point,  under  such  circii  instances, 
that  he  would  have  the  garrison  so  compli'tely  \n 
his  power,  that  the  troops  must  either  lay  down 
their  arms  or  be  cut  to  pieces.  Theoliject  of  this 
negociatiim  was  the  strongest  post  of  the  Ameri- 
cans ;  the  thoroughfare  of  communication,  Iretween 
the  eastern  and  southern  slates;  and  was  the  re- 
pository of  their  most  valuable  stores.  Tlie  loss 
of  it  would  have  been  severely  felt. 

The  agent  employed  in  this  negociation,  on  the 
part  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  was  IMajor  Andre,  adju- 
tant-general of  the  Biitish  army,  a  young  officer 
of  great  hopes,  and  of  iincomnron  merit.  Nature 
had  bestowed  on  him  an  elegant  taste  for  literature 
and  the  fine  arts,  which,  by  industrious  cultivation, 
had  been  greatly  improved.  He  possessed  many 
amiable  qualities,  and  veiy  great  accoinplisliments. 
His  fidelity,  together  with  his  place  anil  character, 
eminently  fitted  him  for  this  business  :  but  his  high 
ideas  of  candour,  and  his  abhorence  of  duplicity, 
made  him  inex[)ert  in  practising  those  arts  of  de- 
cejition  which  it  required. 

[John  Andrk,  aid-de-camp  to  Sir  Henry  Clinton, 
and  adjutant-general  of  the  British  army  in  the  re- 
volutionary war,  was  born  in  England  in  1749. 
His  father  was  a  native  of  Geneva,  and  a  consider- 
able merc'hant  in  the  Levant  trade  ;  he  died  in 
1769.  Young  Andre  was  destined  to  mercantile 
business,  and  attended  his  father's  counting  house, 
after  having  spent  some  years  for  his  education  at 
Geneva.  He  first  entered  the  army  in  .laniiary 
1771.  At  this  time  he  had  a  strong  attachment 
to  Honoria  Sneyd,  who  afterwards  married  Mr. 
Edgeworih.  In  1772  he  visited  the  courts  of  (Jer- 
many,  and  returned  to  England  in  1773.  He  land- 
ed at  Philadelphia  in  Sept.  1771,  as  lieutenant 
of  the  Royal  English  Fusileers  ;  ar.d  soon  pro- 
c'-eded  by  way  of  Boston  to  Canada  to  join  his  re- 
giment. In  1775  he  was  taken  prisoner  by  Mont- 
gomery, at  St.  .John's;  but  was  afterwards  ex- 
changed, and  appointed  captain.  In  the  summer 
of  1777  he  was  appointed  aid  to  (xeneral  Grey,  and 
was  ))resent  at  the  engagements  in  New  .Jersey 
and  Pennsylvania  in  1777  and  1777.  On  the  re- 
turn of  General  Grey,  he  was  appointed  aid  to  Ge- 
neral Clinton.  In  1780  he  was  promoted  to  the 
rank  of  major,  and  made  adjutant  general  of  the 
British  army. 

After  Arnold  had  intimated  to  the  British,  in 
1780,  his  intention  of  delivering  up  West  Point  to 
them.  Major  \ndre  was  selected  as  the  person,  to 
whom  the  maturing  of  Arnold's  treason  and  tlio 
arrangements  for  its  execution  should  be  commit- 
ted. A  corr  espondence  was  for  some  time  carried 
on  between  them  under  a  mercantile  disguise,  anf' 
the  feigned  names  of  Gustavus  and  .\nderson; 
and  at  length  to  facilitate  their  communications, 
the  V  ultiire  sloop  of  war  moved  up  the  North  River 
and  took  a  station  convenient  for  the  purpose,  but 
not  so  near  as  to  excite  suspicion.  An  interview 
was  agreed  on,  and  in  the  night  of  September  2], 
1780,  he  was  taken  in  a  boat,  which  was  despatch- 
ed for  the  |)t;rpose,  and  carried  to  the  bench,  wiili 
out  the  posts  of  both  armies,  under  a  pass  for.lolm 
Anderson.  He  met  (Jeneral  Arnold  at  the  house 
of  a  Mr.  Smith.  While  the  conference  was  yet 
unfinished  daylight  approached  ;  and  to  avoid  the 
danger  of  discovery,  it  was  proposed  that  he  should 
remain  conceale'l  till  the  succeeding  night,  lie 
is  understood  to  have  refused  to  be  carried  with- 
in the  American  posts,  but  the  promise  made  him 
by  Arnold  to  res[iect  this  ol)jeciion  was  not  ob- 
served. He  was  carried  within  them  ccn'rary  lo 
his  wishes  and  against  bis  kuowlcdge.    He  con- 


4C0 


HISTORY   OF  THE 


tiiiiieil  Willi  Arnold  tlie  succeeding  d:iy,  and  when 
iin  tlie  followinu  niaht  lie  proposed  to  return  to  the 
V'ultiuc,  tlie  bo;itni;in  lefused  to  carry  liiin,  bec;iuse 
sl'e  lud  during  tiie  day  sliilted  her  station,  in  con- 
sequence of  a  mill  having  been  moved  to  the 
ihoie  and  brouijlu  to  bear  upon  her.  This  em- 
barrassing circumstance  reduced  him  to  the  ne- 
cessity of  endeavouring  to  reach  New  York  by 
land.  Yielding  with  reluctance  to  the  urgent  le- 
presentalions  of  Arnold,  he  laid  aside  his  regiinen- 
lals,  which  he  had  hitheito  worn  under  a  surtout, 
(nil  put  on  a  plain  suit  of  clothes  ;  and  receiving  a 
passl'rom  the  American  general,  authorizing  him, 
under  the  feigned  name  of  John  Anderson,  to  [jro- 
cee-l  on  the  public  service  to  the  White  Plains,  or 
,o\»er  if  he  thought  proper,  he  set  out  on  his  return 
in  the  evening  of  the  22d,  accompanied  by  .Joshua 
•Smith,  and  passed  the  nightat  Crompond.  The  next 
morning  he  crossed  the  Hudson  to  King's  Ferry 
on  the  east  side.  A  little  beyond  the  Croton, 
Siiiilh.  deeming  him  safe,  bade  him  adieu.  He 
had  passed  all  the  guards  and  posts  on  the  ro  id 
witiioiit  suspici7)n,  and  was  proceeding  to  New 
York  in  perfect  security,  when  September  23d. 
one  of  the  tliree  militiamen,  who  were  employed 
with  others  in  scouting  parties  between  the  lines 
of  the  two  armies,  sjiringing  suddenly  from  his 
covert  into  llie  road,  seized  the  reins  of  his  bri- 
dle and  Slopped  his  horse.  Instead  of  |noducing 
his  pass,  Andre,  with  a  want  of  self-possession, 
w  hich  can  be  attributed  only  to  a  kind  providence, 
asked  the  man  hastily  where  he  belonged,  and  being 
answered,"  to  below,"  replied  immediately,  "and 
so  do  I."  He  llien  declared  himself  to  be  a  |}rilish 
ofTicer,  on  urgent  business,  and  begged  that  he 
might  not  be  detained.  'I'he  other  two  militia  men 
coming  u[)  at  this  moment,  he  discovered  his  iiiis- 
lake  ;  Imt  it  was  now  too  late  to  repair  it.  He  olieied 
them  his  purse  and  a  valuable  watch,  to  which  he 
dilded  the  most  tem|)ting  |)romises  of  ample  leward 
iinil  permanent  provision  from  the  government,  if 
tliey  would  permit  him  to  escape;  but  his  oli'ers 
were  rejected  without  hesitation. 

The  militia  inen,  wliose  names  were  .lohn  Pauld- 
ing, David  Williams,  and  Isaac  Van  Wart,  |)ro- 
ceeded  to  search  him.  They  Asund  concealed  in 
his  boots  exact  returns,  in  Arnold's  haiidwrilint:, 
of  the  state  of  the  forces,  ordnance,  and  defences 
at  West  Point  and  its  dependences,  critical  re- 
marks on  the  works,  and  an  estimate  of  the  men 
ordinarily  employed  in  ihein,  with  otlier  interesting 
papers.  Andre  was  carried  bet'oie  Lieut.  Col. 
Jameson,  the  officer  commanding  the  scoutina 
[larties  on  the;  lines,  and  regardless  of  himself,  and 
anly  anxious  for  the  safely  of  Arnold,  lie  siill 
maintained  the  character  wliich  he  had  assumed, 
and  re(|iiestc-il  Jaiueson  to  inform  his  commanding 
officer  that  Anderson  was  taken.  A  letterwasac- 
cordinuly  sent  to  Arnold,  and  the  traitor,  thus  be- 
coming accjiiainled  with  his  dancer,  escaped.  The 
nairative  ol'ihe  bearer  of  this  letter,  IMr.  Solomon 
Allen,  is  given  in  the  sketch  of  his  life:  it  differs 
in  several  respects  from  llie  account  of  the  affair 
in  the  Kncyclop;edia  Americana,  and  throws  light 
upon  ciicumstances  which  have  been  heretofore 
obscure. 

A  hoard  of  general  officers,  of  whicli  Major 
(Jeneral  (Jreene  was  president,  ■ind  the  two  foreign 
generals,  Laf.iyelte  and  Steuben,  were  memliers, 
was  called  to  report  a  precise  stale  of  ilie  c  ise  of 
Andie,  who  had  acknowledijed  himself  adjiit.int- 
geiK^ral  of  the  British  army,  and  to  determine  in 
what  char.icter  he  was  to  be  considered,  and  to 
what  punishment  he  was  liable.  He  received  I'lom 
the  board  every  maik  of  indiiliient  attention  ;  and 
Irom  a  sense  of  juslii-e,  as  well  as  of  delic  icv,  he 
Was  informed  on  the  first  opening  of  the  examina 
lion,  that  he  was  at  perfect  liberty  not  to  answer 
any  iiiterrocatory  wliirh  mi^ht  embarrass  his  own 
feelings.  Hul  he  disdaiiKMl  every  evasion,  and 
fiaiikly  ackiiowledijed  every  thing  which  was  ma- 
terial to  his  rnndemnalion. 

"  I  caiii'e,"  said  he,  "  to  hold  a  communication 
with  1  general  ofTicer  of  the  American  army,  by 
the  order  of  niy  own  commander.    1  entered  the 


Ameiican  lines  by  an  unquestionable  authority  : 
when  I  passed  from  them  it  was  by  the  same  au- 
thority. I  used  no  deception.  I  had  lieard  that  a 
provincial  officer  liad  repented  of  the  course  he 
had  taken,  and  that  he  avowed,  that  he  never  meant 
to  go  so  far  as  he  had  gone  in  resisting  the  autho- 
rity of  his  king.  The  ISritish  commander  was  will- 
ing to  extend  to  him  the  king's  clemency,  yea,  his 
bounty,  in  hopes  to  allure  others  to  do  the  same 
I  made  no  plans;  I  examined  no  works: — I  only 
received  his  communications,  and  was  on  my  way 
to  rrturn  to  the  army,  and  to  make  known  all  I 
had  learned  from  a  geneial  officer  in  your  camp. 
Is  this  the  office  of  a 'spy?  I  never  should  have 
acted  in  tliat  light,  and  what  I  have  done  is  not  in 
the  nature  of  a  spy.  I  liave  noted  neither  your 
strength,  or  nakedness.  If  there  be  wrong  in  the 
transaction,  is  it  mine? 

"  The  office  of  a  sjiy,  a  soldier  has  a  right  to  re- 
fuse; but  to  carry  and  fetch  communications  with 
another  army,  I  never  heard  was  criminal.  The 
circumstances  which  followed  after  my  interview 
with  general  Arnold,  were  not  in  my  power  to  con- 
trol.   He  alone  had  the  management  of  tliem. 

"  It  is  said  that  I  rode  in  disguise.  I  rode  for 
security,  incog,  as  far  as  I  was  able,  but  other  than 
criminal  deeds  induce  one  to  do  this.  I  was  not 
bound  to  wear  my  uniform  any  longer  than  it  was 
expedient  or  politic.  I  scorn  the  name  of  a  spy  ; 
lirand  my  offence  w  ith  some  other  title,  if  it  change 
not  the  punishment,  I  beseech  you.  It  is  not  death 
I  fear.  1  am  buoyed  above  it  by  a  consciousness 
of  having  intended  to  discharge  my  duty  in  an 
honourable  manner. 

"  Plans,  it  is  said,  were  found  with  me.  This 
is  true ;  but  they  were  not  mine  ;  yet  I  must  tell 
you,  honestly,  that  they  would  have  been  commu- 
nicaied,  if  I  had  not  been  taken.  They  were  sent 
by  general  Arnold  to  the  Hiilish  commander,  and  I 
should  have  delivered  them.  From  the  bottom  of 
my  lieart  I  S|)urn  the  thought  of  attempting  to 
screen  myself  by  criminating  aiiotl)er;  but  as  far 
as  I  am  concerned,  the  truth  shall  be  told,  whoever 
suliiers.  It  was  tlie  allegiance  of  General  Arnold 
that  I  came  out  to  secure.  It  was  fair  to  presutne 
that  many  a  brave  officer  would  be  glad,  at  tliis 
'ime,  to  have  been  able  to  retrace  hisste|)s;  al 
least  we  have  been  so  infoimed.  Shall  I,  who 
came  out  to  negociate  this  allegiance  only,  be 
treated  as  one  who  came  to  spy  out  the  weakness 
of  a  camp?  If  these  actions  are  alike  I  have  to 
learn  my  moral  code  anew. 

"  Gentlemen  officers,  be  it  understood  that  I  am 
no  supplicant  for  mercy;  that  1  ask  only  liom  Om- 
nipotence, not  from  huma;i  beings.  Justice  is  all 
I  claim;  that  justice  which  is  neither  swayed  by 
prejudice  nor  distorted  by  passion;  but  thatwhicli 
flows  from  honourable  minils,  directed  by  virtuons 
ilelerminations.  I  hear,  gentlemen,  I'lat  mv  case 
is  likened  to  that  of  Captain  Hale,  in  1776.  1  have 
heard  of  hiirr  and  his  misfortunes.  I  wish  that  in 
all  that  dignifies  man,  that  adorns  and  elevates  hu- 
man nature,  that  I  coidd  be  named  with  that  ac- 
complidhed,  but  unfortunate  officer.  His  fate  was 
wayward  and  untimely;  he  was  cut  olF  yet  youn- 
ger than  I  now  am.  I5ut  ours  are  not  parallel 
cases.  He  went  out  knowing  that  he  was  assum- 
ing the  character  of  a  spy  ;  he  took  all  its  liabilities 
on  his  head,  al  the  request  of  liis  great  comman- 
der. He  was  ready  to  meet  what  he  assumed,  and 
a  Hits  conse(piences.  His  deal  li  the  law  ot'  rial  ions 
sanctioned.  It  may  be  complimentary  to  courpare 
me  with  him,  still  it  wouiil  be  unjust.  lie  took 
his  hie  in  his  hand  when  he  assumed  the  character 
and  the  disguise.  1  assumed  no  disguise,  nor  took 
upon  myself  any  other  character  that  that  of  a 
iSiitish  officer,  who  had  business  to  transact  with 
an  American  officer. 

"  In  fine,  I  ask  not  even  for  justice;  if  you 
want  a  victim  to  the  names  of  those  fallen  un- 
timely,! may  as  well  be  that  victim  as  another.  I 
have  in  the  most  undisguised  manner  given  you 
every  fact  in  the  case.  I  rely  only  on  the  proper 
eonslriiction  of  these  (acts.  Let  me  be  called  any 
tiling  but  a  spy.    I  am  nut  a  spy;  I  have  exam- 


ined nothing  ;  learned  nothing  ;  commuuicated 
nothing  but  my  detention  to  Arnold,  that  he  might 
escape,  if  he  thoui'lit  proper  so  to  do.  This  was, 
as  I  conceived,  my  duty.  I  hope  the  gallant  of- 
I  ficer,  who  was  then  unsuspicious  of  his  general, 
will  not  be  condemned  for  the  military  error  he 
committed. 

"  I  farther  state  that  .Smith,  who  was  the  mo 
|diumof  communication,  did  not  know  any  uaitof 
our  conference,  except  that  there  was  some  ne- 
cessity for  secrecy.  He  was  counsel  in  varioiia 
matters  for  (Jeneral  Arnold,  and  from  all  the  inter- 
course 1  had  with  him;  and  it  was  Sirrith  who  lent 
iTie  this  dress-coat  of  crimson,  on  being  tidd  by 
General  Arnold  that  my  business  was  of  that  pri- 
vate nature  that  I  did  not  wish  to  be  known  by 
English  or  Americans;  I  do  not  believe  that  he 
had  even  a  suspicion  of  my  errand.  On  me  your 
wrath  should  fall  if  on  any  one,  I  know  your  af- 
fairs look  gloomy,  but  lliai  is  no  reason  why  1 
should  besaciificed.  'My  death  can  do  your  cause 
no  good.  Millions  of  friends  to  your  struggle  in 
Knghmd  you  will  lose  if  you  condemn  me.  I  srj 
not  this  by  way  of  threat,  for  I  know  brave  intn 
are  not  awed  by  tliem  ;  nor  will  brave  men  bevin- 
dictive  because  lliey  are  desponding.  I  should  no) 
have  said  a  word  had  it  not  been  for  the  opinion 
of  others  wliich  I  am  bound  to  respect. 

"  I  have  done.  The  sentence  you  this  day  pro 
nounce  will  go  down  to  posterity  with  exceeding 
great  distinctness,  on  the  page  of  history;  and  if 
humanity  and  honour  mark  this  day's  decision, 
your  names  each  and  all  of  you,  will  be  remeni 
l)ered  by  both  nations  when  they  have  grown 
greater  and  more  powerful  than  they  now  are; 
but  if  misfortune  befals  me,  I  shall,  in  time,  have 
all  due  honours  paid  to  my  memory.  The  martyr 
is  kept  in  remembrance  when  the  tribunal  thai 
condemned  him  is  forgotten.  I  trust  this  liononr- 
able  court  will  believe  me  when  I  say,  that  wlia: 
I  had  spoken  conTes  from  no  idle  fears  of  a  cow- 
ard.    I  have  done." 

The  court  deliberated  long,  and  at  last  came  to 
the  decision,  that  Major  Andre  was  a  spy,  and 
ought  to  suffer  death.  He  was  calm  as  a  philo 
sopher  when  the  award  of  the  court  was  read. 

The  morning  of  the  2d  of  October,  17S0 
dawned  u|)on  the  American  army.  This  time 
was  fixed  for  the  execution  of  the  prisoner.  It 
was  some  distance  from  the  prison  to  the  place  of 
exe.cution,  and  this  the  prisoner  desired  to  walk 
There  had  been  some  fog  during  the  night,  which 
was  now  settling  about  llie  surrounding  muuntniiis 
Some  of  the  leaves  had  begun  to  wear  an  aiiluiu 
rial  a|)pearance.  The  army  was  drawn  out  to 
witness  the  sad  spectacle.  He  passed  tliroiigli 
files  of  soldiers,  on  whose  pale  faces  sat  the  ut- 
most melancholy,  bowing  to  every  one  he  knew. 

As  the  prisoner  came  wiihin  sight  of  the  gal 
lows,  he  turned  to  the  ofTrcers  who  were  wiih 
him,  and  said,  "  Could  not  this  have  been  other- 
wise ?"  He  was  answered,  no.  "  Well,  ilieii," 
said  he.  "  it  is  only  one  pang.  I  am  reconriled 
to  my  death,  biit  not  to  the  manner  of  it.  Sol- 
diers, bear  witness  that  I  die  like  a  brave  man." 
His  manly  air;  his  cheek,  fresh  as  Irom  morn- 
ing exercise  ;  liis  nerves  firm  as  ever  were  in  a 
human  frame;  his  softened  tone  of  voice  :  his 
sweet  smile  ;  were  all  witnessed  by  the  spectators ^ 
and  as  he  was  launched  into  eternity,  a  groan  in 
vidiintaiily  burst  fiom  ihebotloirr  of  every  bosom 
The  greatest  exertimis  were  made  by  sir  llcii>y 
('liiiton.  to  whom  Andre  was  parliculaily  dear,  to 
rescue  liim  from  his  fate.  It  was  at  first  repre- 
sented, that  he  came  on  shore  under  the  sanction 
of  a  flag  ;  but  Washington  retur  ned  an  answer  to 
Clinton,  in  which  he  stated,  that  Andre  himself 
disclaimed  llie  pretext.  An  interview  was  ti'  Xl 
proposed  between  Lieut.  (Jen.  Kooertson  and  (ie- 
iieral  Greene  ;  but  no  facts,  which  h;'.d  no;  before 
1/peu  considered,  were  made  known-  When  every 
other  exertion  failed,  a  letter  fiom  .Arnold,  filled 
with  threats,  was  presented. 

The  sympathy  excited  among  the  American  of- 
ficers by  his  fate,  was  as  universal  as  il  is  unusual 


UNITED  STATES. 


467 


jn  sufli  occasions;  and  |)roclaims  tlie  riieiii  of  him 
who  siili'oieil  and  the  liuinaiiity  of  tliosu  who  in- 
rticled  tiie  |)unisliment.  In  1S21  the  bones  of  An- 
dre- were  dug  up  and  carried  to  his  native  huid  hy 
roy:d  mandate. — Kd.] 

'i'o  favour  the  necessary  communications,  tlie 
Viillure  sloop  of"  war  had  been  previously  stationed 
in  the  North  River,  as  near  t{)  Arnold's  posts  as 
was  practicable,  witliout  excitit)g  suspicion.  Be- 
fore this,  a  wiitten  correspondence,  between  Arnold 
find  Andre,  had  been  for  some  time  carried  on, 
under  the  fictitious  names  of  tJustavus  and  Ander- 
son.   A  boat  was  sent  at  night  from  the  shore,  to 
fetch  Major  Andre.    On  its  return,  Arnold  met 
liiin  at  tne  beacii,  witiiout  tiie  posts  of  eitlier  army, 
j   Tlieir  business  was  not  finished,  till  it  was  too  near 
'  tlie  (iawn  of  day,  for  Andre  to  return  to  the  Vul- 
ture.   Arnold  told  him  he  must  be  concealed  till 
the  next  night.    For  that  purpose,  lie  was  con- 
ducted within  one  of  the  Americati  posts,  and  con- 
tinued with  Arnold  the  following  day.    The  boat- 
i  man  refused  to  carry  hitn  back  the  next  night,  as 
j  the  Vulture,  from  being  exposed  to  the  fii  e  of  some 
catuion,  brought  up  to  aimoy  her,  had  changed  her 
position.    Andre's  return  to  New  Vork,  by  land, 
j   was  then  the  oidy  practicable  mode  of  escape.  To 
I  favour  this,  lie  exchanged  his  unilurin,  which  he 
'   had  hitherto  worn  under  a  siirtout,  for  a  common 
coat;  was  furnished  with  ahorse,  and,  under  the 
name  of  John  Anderson,  with  a  passport,  "to  go 
,  to  the  lines  of  White  Plains,  or  lower,  if  he  thought 
j  proper;  he  being  on  public  business."    He  ad- 
vanced alone  and  undisturbed,  a  great  pan  of  the 
way.    Xv'^hen  he  ihouglit  himself  almost  out  of 
j  danger,  he  was  stopped  by  three  of  the  New  York 
militia,  who  were,  with  others,  scouting  between 
tlie  out-i)osts  of  the  two  armies.     Major  Andre, 
instead  of  producing  his  pass,  asked  the  man  who 
stopped  him.  "  where  he  belonged  to."    He  was 
answered,  "  to  below,"  meaning  New  York.  He 
then  replied,  "so  do  I,"  declared  himself  a  Brit- 
ish officer,  and  pressed  that  he  might  not  be  de- 
taiued.    He  soon  discovered  his  mistake.  His 
'   captors  proceeded  to  search  him.    .Sundry  papers 
I    were  found  in  his  [lossession.    These  were  secret- 
ed in  his  boots,  and  were  in  Arnold's  hand-wriling. 
They  contained  exact  returns  of  the  state  of  the 
j  forces,  ordnance,  and  defences,  at  West  Point, 
with  the  artillery  oiders,  critical  remarks  on  tlie 
works,  d:c. 

Andre  ofTered  his  captots  a  purse  of  gold  and  a 
j  new  valuable  watch,  if  they  would  let  liini  pass  ; 
I  and  permanent  ()rovision,  and  future  [)romotion,  if 
they  would  convey  and  accom|)any  him  to  New 
I   York.    They  nobly  disdained  the  jirofl'ered  bribe, 
and  delivered  him,  a  prisoner,  to  Lieutenant-Colo- 
^  nel  .lameson,  who  commanded  tlie  scouting  par- 
!   lies.     In  testimony  of  the  high  sense,  enieitaiiied 
of  the  virtuous  and  patriotic  conduct  of  John  Pauld- 
j   ing,  David  Williams,  and  Isaac  Van  Wart,  the 
captois  of  Andre,  Congress  resolved,  "ilnit  each 
of  them  receive,  annually,  two  hundred  dollars  in 
specie,  during  life  ;  that  the  board  of  war  be  di- 
rected to  procure  for  each  of  them  a  silver  medal, 
j   on  one  side  of  which  should  be  a  shield  with  this 
i   inscription,  Fidelity,  and  on  the  other,  the  follow- 
ing motto,  vincit  Amor  Patrite  ;  and  that  the  com- 
mander-in-chief'oe  requested  to  present  the  same, 
with  the  tlnnks  of  Congress,  for  their  fidelity,  and 
the  eminent  service  tiiey  iiad  rendere(i  tlieir  coun- 
ITV."    Andre,  when  delivered  to  Jameson,  con- 
tinued to  call  himself  hy  the  name  of  Amierson, 
and  asked  ieave  to  send'a  letter  to  Arnold,  to  ac- 
quaint him  with  Anderson's  detention.    This  was 
inconsiderately  granted.    Arnold,  on  the  receipt 
of  this  letter,  abandoned  everything;  and  went 
on  board  the  Vuiture  sinop  of  war.  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Jameson  (oniarded  to  Washington  ah  the 
papers  found  on  Andre,  together  with  a  letter  giv- 
ing an  account  of  the  whole  affair  ;  but  the  ex- 
press, by  taking  a  different  route  from  the  gene- 
ral,^wlio  was  returning  from  a  conference,  at  Hart- 
Curt',  with  Count  de  RochambeTi:,  missed  him. 
I  Ins  caused  such  a  delay  as  gave  Arnol.l  lime  to 
eflect  his  escape.    The  same  packet,  «hich  de- 


tailed the  particulars  of  Andre's  capture,  brought 
a  letter  from  him,  in  which  he  avowed  his  name 
and  character,  and  endeavoured  to  show  that  he  did 
not  come  under  the  description  of  a  spy.  The 
letter  was  expressed  in  terms  of  dignity  wilhoiil 
insolence,  and  of  apology  without  meanness.  lie 
Slated  therein,  that  he  held  a  corrcsponilence  with 
a  person,  under  the  orders  of  his  general ;  that  this 
attention  went  no  farther  than  meeting  that  person, 
on  neutral  ground,  for  the  purpose  of  intelligence  ; 
and  that,  against  his  stipulation,  his  intention,  and 
without  his  knowledge  beidrehand,  he  was  brought 
within  the  American  posts,  and  had  to  concert  liis 
escape  from  them.  Being  taken  on  his  return,  he 
was  betrayed  into  the  vile  condition  of  an  enemy 
in  disguise.  His  principal  request  was,  that, 
"Whatever  his  fate  might  be,  a  decency  of  treat- 
ment mignt  tie  observed,  which  would  mark,  that, 
though  unfortunate,  he  was  branded  with  nothing 
that  was  disiionourable,  and  that  he  was  involun- 
tarily an  impostor." 

Washington  referred  the  whole  case  to  the  ex- 
amination and  decision  of  a  board,  consisting  of 
fourteen  general  officeis.  On  his  examination, 
.\ndre  voluntarily  confessed  every  thing,  that  re- 
lated to  liimself,  and,  particularly,  that  he  did  not 
come  ashore  under  the  protection  of  a  flag.  The 
boaid  did  not  examine  a  single  witness ;  but  fouiui- 
ed  their  report  on  liis  own  confession.  In-  this 
they  stated  the  following  facts  :  "  That  Major  An- 
dre caine  on  shore,  on  the  night  of  the  21st  of 
September,  in  a  private  and  secret  manner  ;  that 
he  changed  his  dress  within  the  American  lines, 
and,  under  a  feigned  name,  and  disguised  habit 
passed  their  works  ;  that  he  was  taken  in  a  dis- 
guised habit  when  on  his  way  to  New  York  ;  and 
that,  vvlieu  taken,  several  papers  were  found  in  his 
|)ossession,  which  contained  intelligence  for  the 
enemy."  From  these  facts,  they  farther  reported 
it  as  their  opinion,  "  tliat  Major  Andre  ought  to  be 
considereci  as  a  spy  ;  and  that  agreeably  to  the 
laws  and  usages  of  nations,  he  ought  to  suffer 
death." 

Sir  Henry  Clinton,  Lieutenant-General  Robert- 
son, and  the  late  American  general  Arnold,  wrote 
pressing  letters  to  Washington,  to  prevent  the  de- 
cision of  (he  board  of  general  officers  from  being 
carried  into  ellect.  Arnold  in  particular  urged, 
that  every  thing  done  by  Major  Andre  was  done 
by  his  particular  request,  and  at  a  time  when  he 
was  the  acknowledged  commanding  officer  in  the 
de|)artment.  He  contended,  "  that  he  had  a  right 
to  transact  all  these  matters,  for  which,  though 
wrong.  Major  Andre  ought  not  to  suffer."  And  in- 
terview, also,  took  [dace  between  General  Robert- 
son, on  the  part  of  the  British,  and  General  Greene, 
on  the  part  of  the  Americans.  Every  thing  was 
urged  by  tlie  former,  that  ingenuity  or  humanity 
could  suggest,  for  averting  the  proposed  execu- 
tion. Gieene  made  a  proposition  lor  delivering 
up  Andre  for  Arnold;  but  this  could  not  be  ac- 
ceded to  ny  the  British,  without  offending  against 
every  principle  of  policy.  Robertson  urged,  "that 
Andre  went  on  shore,  under  the  sanction  of  a  flag, 
and  that,  being  then  in  Arnold's  power,  he  was 
not  accountable  for  his  subsequent  actions,  which 
were  said  to  be  compulsory."  To  this  it  was  re- 
plied, that  "lie  was  employed  in  the  execution  of 
measures,  very  foreign  f  rom  the  objects  of  flags  of 
truce,  and  such  as  they  were  never  meant  to  au- 
thorise or  countenance  ;  and  that  Major  A ndre,  in 
the  course  of  his  examination,  had  candidly  con- 
fessed, that  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  suppose 
that  he  came  on  shore  under  the  sanction  of  a 
flag.''  As(Jreene  and  Roberts(<n  dill'ered  so  wide- 
ly, both  in  tlieir  statement  of  facts,  and  the  infer- 
ences they  drew  from  them,  the  latter  proposed  to 
the  former,  that  the  opinions  of  disinterested  gen- 
llemen  might  be  taken  on  the  subject,  anil  nond- 
nated  Knipliaiisen  and  Rochambeau.  Robertson 
also  urged,  that  Andre  possessed  a  great  shaie  of 
Sir  Henry  Clinton's  esteem  ;  and  that  he  would  be 
infinitely  oiiliged,  if  he  should  be  spared.  He  of"- 
lered,  that,  in  case  .\ndre  were  permitted  to  re- 
turn with  him  to  New  York,  any  person  wlmtever, 


that  might  be  named,  sh,;uld  be  set  at  liberty  All 
these  arguments  and  entreaties  having  failed,  Ro- 
bertson |)resenled  a  long  letter  from  Arnold,  in 
which  he  endeavoured  to  exculpate  Andie,  by  ec- 
knowlcdging  himself  the  author  of  every  part  of 
his  conduct,  "  and  (larticularly  insisted  on  his 
coming  from  the  Vulture,  undi^r  a  iV.wi.  whi-ch  he 
had  sent  li)r  that  purpose."  He  ileclai'oil,  that,  if 
Andic  suffered,  he  sliould  think  himself  bound  ir 
honour  to  retaliate.  He  also  observed,  "  ilii 
forty  of  the  principal  inhabitants  of  .South  (Jaro 
lina  had  justly  forfeited  their  lives,  who  had  liith 
erto  been  spared,  only  through  the  clemency  of 
.Sir  Henry  Clinton,  but  who  could  no  longer  extend 
his  mercy,  if  Major  Andre  suffered  ;  an  event  which 
would  probidily  open  a  scene  of  bloodshed,  at  which 
humanity  must  revolt."  He  entreated  Washing- 
ton, by  his  own  honour,  and  for  the  sake  of  hu- 
manity, not  to  sillier  an  unjust  sentence  to  touch 
the  life  of  Andre;  but  if  that  warning  should  be 
diregarded,  and  Andre  sufl'er,  he  called  heaven 
and  earth  to  witness,  that  he  alone  would  be  just- 
ly answerable  for  the  torrents  of  blood,  that  might 
be  spilt  in  consequence." 

Every  exertion  was  made  by  the  royal  com- 
manders to  save  Andre;  but  without  effect.  I( 
was  the  general  opinion  of  the  American  army, 
that  his  life  was  forfeiter]  ;  anil  that  national  dig- 
nity, and  sound  policy  required,  that  the  forfeiture 
should  be  exacted. 

Andre,  though  superior  to  the  terrors  of  death, 
wished  to  die  like  a  soldier.  To  obtain  this  fa- 
vour, he  wiote  a  letter  to  Washington,  fraught 
with  sentiments  of  military  dignity.  From  an  ad- 
herence to  the  usages  of  war,  it  was  not  thought 
proper  to  grant  this  request;  but  his  delicacy  was 
saved  from  the  jiain  of  receiving  a  negaiive  an- 
swer, the  guard  which  attended  him  in  his  con- 
finement, marched  with  him  to  the  place  of  exe- 
cution. Tlie  way,  over  which  he  passed,  was 
crowded,  on  eacli  side,  by  anxious  spectators. 
Their  sensibility  was  strongly  impressed,  bv  be- 
holding a  well  dressed  youth  iti  the  bloom  of  li<"^, 
of  a  peculiarly  engaging  person,  mien  .iti.i  aspect, 
devoted  to  immediate  execution.  jNIajor  .Andre 
walked  with  firmness,  composure  and  dignily,  be- 
tween two  officers  of  his  guaid,  his  arm  being 
)  -ked  in  theirs.  Upon  seeing  the  preparation.s, 
at  the  fatal  spot,  he  asked,  with  some  degree  of 
concern,  "must  I  die  in  this  manner?"  He  was 
told,  it  was  unavoidable.  He  replied,  "  I  am  re- 
conciled to  my  fate,  but  not  to  the  mode  ;"  but 
soon  subjoined,  "  It  will  be  but  a  momeiilary  pang." 
He  ascended  the  cart,  with  a  pleasing  countenance, 
and  with  a  degree  of  composure,  which  excited 
the  admiration,  and  melted  the  hearts  of  all  tlie 
s|)ectators.  He  was  asked,  when  the  fatal  mo- 
ment was  at  hand,  if  he  had  any  tiling  to  say  .' 
He  answered,  "  nothing  but  to  request,  thai  you 
will  witness  to  the  world,  that  I  die  like  a  brave 
man."  The  succeeding  moments  closed  the  af- 
fecting scene. 

This  execution  was  the  subject  of  severe  cen- 
sures. Barbarity,  cruelly,  and  murder  were  plen- 
tifully chargsd  on  the  Americans  ;  but  the  impar- 
tial of  all  nations  allowed  that  it  was  warranleii 
by  the  usages  of  war.  It  cannot  be  condemned, 
without  condemning  the  maxims  of  self-preserva- 
tion, which  have  uniformly  guided  the  practice  of 
hostile  nations.  The  finer  feelings  of  hiimanily 
would  have  been  graiifieil,  by  dispensing  with  iho 
rigid  maxims  of  war,  in  favour  of  so  distinguished 
an  officer  :  but  these  feelings  must  lie  controlled 
by  a  regard  for  the  jiublic  safely.  .Such  was  the 
distressed  stale  of  the  .\nierican  army,  and  so 
abundant  were  their  causes  u!  complaint,  thai  there 
was  much  to  fear  from  the  contaiiious  nature  of 
treachery.  Could  it  have  been  reduced  to  a  cer- 
tainly, that  then!  were  no  more  .Vrnidds  in  Amer- 
ica, perhaps  Andre's  life  might  have  been  spared  : 
but  the  necessity  of  discouraging  farther  plots  fixed 
his  fate,  and  stamped  it  with  the  seal  of  political 
necessity.  If  conjectures  in  the  botuiiHess  field 
of  possible  contin .jencies  wcie  to  be  ind^iljieil,  it 
mii^ht  be  said,  that  it  was  more  consuuau'  tu  c.v 


«C8   

iew\  luiiiiatnty,  lo  tiike  one  life,  than  by,  ill-iimed 
leniiv.  lo  lay  a  fDariditioii,  wliicli  probably  would 
occasion  nol  oidy  the  loss  o(  inany,  but  endanger 
the  independence  of  a  great  country. 

Thongli  a  regard  to  the  public  safety  imposed  a 
necessity  of  inllicting  the  rigours  of  martial  law, 
yet  the  rare  worth  ol  this  unl'ortunate  officer  made 
his  unhappy  case  the  subject  of  universal  regret. 
Nol  only  among  the  partisans  of  royal  govern- 
ment, but  among  the  firmest  American  republi- 
nns,  the  friendly  tear  of  sympathy  freely  flowed, 
for  ilie  early  fall  of  this  amiable  young  man.  Some 
condemned;  others  justified  ;  but  all  tcgreited  the 
fatal  sentence,  which  put  a  period  to  his  valuable 
hfe. 

This  grand  [)roject  terminated  with  no  other  al- 
teration, in  respect  of  the  Biitish,  than  that  of 
their  exchanging  one  of  their  best  officers,  for  the 
worst  man  in  the  Americaii  army.    Arnold  was 
immediately  appointed  a  brigadier-general,  in  the 
service  of  the  king  of  Great  Britain.    The  failure 
ol  the  scheme,  respeciitig  West  Point,  made  it  ne- 
I  rssary  I'or  him  to  dispel  the  cloud,  wliich  over- 
shadowed his  character,  by  the  ])erformance  of 
Bome  signal  service  for  his  new  masters.  The 
condition  of  the  American  army  allbrded  him  a 
prospect  of  doing  something  of  consequence.  He 
(latiered  himseli',  that  by  the  allurements  of  pay 
and  promotion,  he  should  be  able  to  raise  a  nuitier- 
ons  force,  from  the  distressed  Ameiican  soldiery. 
He  tlierefore  took  methods  for  accom|)lishing  this 
|)Mrpose,  by  obviating  their  scrii|)les,  and  working 
on  iheir  passions.  His  first  public  measure  was,  an 
addressdirecled  to  the  inhabitanls  of  A  merica,  daleil 
from  New  York,  Oct.  7,  1780,  five  days  after  An- 
dre's execution.    Ill  this,  he  endeavoured  to  justi- 
fy himself  for  deserting  their  cause.    He  said, 
"  that,  when  he  first  engaged  in  it,  he  conceived 
the  rights  of  his  country  to  be  in  danger,  and  that 
rluty  and  honourcalled  him  to  her  defence.     A  re- 
.'iress  of  grievances  was  his  only  aim  and  object. 
He,  however  acquiesced  in  the  declaration  oi'  iii- 
:lepen(lence,  although  he  thought  it  precipitate. 
But  the  reasons  that  were  then  oU'ered  to  justify 
<hal  measure,  no  longer  could  exist ;  when  (ireat 
Britain,  with  the  open  arms  of  a  parent,  offered  to 
rmbiace  them  as  chililren,  and  to  grant  the  wished - 
for  redress.     From  the  refusal  of  these  proposals, 
and  the  ratification  of  the  French  alliance,  all  his 
ideas  of  the  justice  and  policy  of  the  war  were  to- 
tally changed,  and  from  that  lime,  he  had  become 
a  professed  loyalist."     He  acknowledged  that,  '•  in 
these  princi|)les,  he  had  only  retained  his  arms  and 
counnand,  lor  an  opportunity  to  surrender  them  to 
Great  Britain."    This  address  was  soon  followed 
bv  another,  inscribed  to  the  officers  and  soldiers  of 
the  coniinental  army.    It  was  intended  to  induce 
them  to  follow  his  example,  and  engage  in  the 
royal  service.    He  informed  them,  that  he  was 
authorised  to  raise  a  corps  of  cavalry  and  infantry, 
who  were  to  be  on  the  same  footing  with  the 
other  troops  in  the  British  service.    To  allure  tin 
private  men,  three  guineas  were  offered  to  each, 
besides  [layment  for  their  horses,  arms  and  accou 
trements.    Rank  in  the  British  army  was  also  held 
out  to  the  American  officers,  wlio  would  recruit 
and  brine  in  a  certain  number  of  men,  jiroportioned 
lo  the  different  grades  in  military  service.  These 
offers  were  proposed  to  unpaid  soldiers,  who  were 
sufleriiig  from  the  want  of' lioth  food  and  clothing, 
and  to  officers  who  were,  in  a  great  degree,  obli- 
ged to  support  ihemselvps,  fioin  their  own  resour- 
ces, while  they  were  spending  the  prime  of  their 
day,  and  risking  their  lives,  in  the  unproductive 
service  of 'J\ini:ress.    Thoui;h  they  were  urged  at 
a  lime  when  the  paper  currency  was  at  its  lowest 
ebb  of  depreciation,  and  the  wants  and  distresses 
of  the  American  army  were  at  their  hinhest  pitch, 
yet  they  did  not  prodiu  e  the  inlcnded  eflect  on  a 
•ingle  senliiiel  or  officer.     Whether  the  circum- 
»iances  of  Arnold's  case  added  new  shades  lo  the 
crime  of  desertion,  or  whelher  the  provitlenlial  es- 
rape  from  ihc  deep  laid  scheme  against  West 
l'(»inl,  gave  a  higher  tone  lo  the  firmness  of  the 
A mericao  soldiery,  caoooot  be  unfolded  ;  but,  from 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


these  or  some  other  causes,  deserlion  wholly  ceas- j  same  force  was  also  taker.:  but  afterwards  totally 
ed,  at  this  remarkable  period  of  the  war.  lost.     Four  escaped  ;  two  of  them  being  sreally 

It  is  mailer  of  reproach  to  tlie  United  Stales,  |  damaged.    The  Spanish  admiral  did  not  strike. 


that  they  brought  into  public  view  a  man  of  .\r 
Hold's  ciiaracter;  but  it  is  lo  the  honour  of  human 
nature,  that  a  great  revolution,  and  an  eight  years' 
war,  produced  but  one  such  example.  In  civil 
contests,  for  officers  lo  change  sides  lias  not  been 
unusual  :  but  in  the  various  events  of  the  Ameri- 
can war,  and  among  the  many  regular  ofiicers  it 
called  to  the  field,  nothing  occurred,  that  bore  any 
resemblance  to  the  character  of  Arnold.  Hissin- 
gular  case  enforces  the  policy  of  conferring  high 
trusts,  exclusively,  on  men  of  clean  hands,  and  of 
withholding  all  |iul)lic  confidence  from  those,  who 
are  subjected  to  the  dominion  of  pleasure. 

A  gallant  enterprise  of  Major  Talmadge,  in  the 
course  of  this  campaign,  shall  close  this  cha|)ter. 
He  crossed  the  sound  to  Long  Island,  with  eighty 
men,  Nov.  28th  ;  made  a  circuitous  march  of 
twenty  miles  to  Fort  (ieorge,  and  reduced  it,  with- 
out any  other  loss,  than  that  of  one  private  man 
wounded.  He  killed  and  wounded  eight  of  the 
enemy,  captured  a  lieutenant  colonel,  a  captain, 
and  fifty-five  privates. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Foreign  AfTairs,  connected  with  tlie  American  Uevolulion, 
1730,  1781. 

That  spark,  which  first  kindled  at  Boston  grad- 
ually expanded  itself,  till  sundry  of  the  nations  of 
Kurope  were  involved  in  ils  wide-spreading  flame. 
Fiance,  S[)ain,  and  Holland  were,  in  llie  years 
1778,  1779,  and  1780,  successively  drawn  in  for  a 
share  of  the  general  calamity. 

These  events  had  so  direct  an  influence  on  the 
American  war,  that  a  short  recapitulation  of  them 
becomes  necessary. 

Soon  after  his  Most  Catholic  Majesty  had  de- 
clared war  against  (ireat  Britain,  expedition;"  were 
carried  on  by  Don  Galvez,  the  Spanish  governor 
of  Louisiana,  against  the  British  settle  menis,  in 
West  ^'lorida.  These  were  easily  reduced.  The 
conquest  of  the  whole  province  was  completed  in 
a  few  months,  by  the  reduction  of  Pensacola,  May 
')lh,  1781.  The  Spaniards  were  not  so  successful 
in  ilieir  attempts  against  (tibralter  and  .Jamaica. 
They  had  l)lockaded  the  former  of  these  places,  on 
the  land  side,  ever  since  July,  1779;  and  soon  af- 
terwards invested  it  as  closely  by  sea,  as  the  nature 
of  the  gut,  and  variety  of  wind  and  weather,  would 
permit.  Towards  the  close  of  the  year,  the  gar- 
rison was  reduced  lo  great  straits.  Vegetables 
were  with  great  difficulty  to  be  got  at  any  price  ; 
but  bread,  the  greal  essential  bolh  of  life  and 
health,  w as  most  deficient.  Governor  Elliot,  w  ho 
commanded  in  the  garrison,  made  an  experiment. 
10  ascertain  what  qiiaiitilv  of  rice  would  suffice  a 
single  person  ;  and  lived  foreiclu  successive  days, 
on  iliirty-two  ounces  of  that  niitrilious  grain. 

The  critical  situation  of  (Jibralter  called  fiirre- 
lief.  A  strong  squadron  was  prepared  for  that  pur- 
pose, and  the  command  of  it  given  to  Sir  (Jeorge 
Rodnev.  He,  when  on  his  way  thither,  fell  in 
with  fifteen  sail  of  merchantmen,  under  a  slight 
convoy,  bound  from  .^l.  Sebastian  lo  Cadi/.,  and 
captured  the  whole,  July  lOlli,  17M0.  .""Jeveral  of 
the  vessels  were  laden  with  provisions,  which  being 
sent  into  (Jibralter,  proved  a  seasonable  snp|)ly. 
In  eiuht  days  aflerwar<ls,  he  engaged,  near  Cajie 
St.  V^ineenl,  with  a  .'Spanish  squadron,  of  eleven 
sail  of  the  line,  commanded  by  Don  Juan  de  I.,an- 
gara.  Early  in  the  action,  ihe  Spanish  ship  San 
Doiuingo,  mounting  70  guns,  and  carrying  (iOO 
men,  blew  up;  and  all  on  board  perished.  The 
action  continued  with  great  vigour,  on  bolh  sides 
for  ten  hours.  The  ."Spanish  admiral's  sliij),  the 
Plnnnix,  of  SO  guns,  and  three  of70,  were  carried 
into  a  British  port.  The  San  Julian,  of  70  guns, 
was  taken.  ,\  lieulenanl.  with  70  British  seamen, 
was  |>ut  on  board  ;  but,  as  she  r:»ii  on  shore,  the 
victors  became  prisoners.    Anotlier  .ship  of  the 


till  his  ship  was  reduced  to  a  mere  wreck.  Captain 
Macbride,  of  the  Bienfaisani,  to  whom  he  struck, 
disdaining  lo  convey  infection,  even  to  an  eneinv, 
informed  hiirr,  that  a  malignant  small-pox  prevail- 
ed onboard  the  Bienfaisant;  and  otlereJ  lo  perniil 
the  Spanish  prisoners  to  stay  on  b(>ar<i  the  Phre- 
nix,  rather  than,  by  a  removal,  to  expose  them  to 
the  small-pox,  trusting  to  the  admiral's  honour, 
that  no  advantage  would  be  taken  of  the  circnru- 
slance.  The  proposal  was  cheerfully  embraced, 
and  the  conditions  honourably  observed.  The  con- 
sequence of  this  important  victory  was,  the  imme- 
diate and  comi)lete  relief  of  (Jibralter.  This  be- 
ing done,  Rodney  proceeded  to  the  West  Indies. 

The  Spaniards,  nevertheless,  persevered  with 
steadiness,  ii;  their  original  design  of  reducing 
(Jibraliar.  Thoy  seemed  to  be  entirely  absorbed 
in  that  object.  The  garrison,  after  some  lime, 
began  again  to  suffer  the  inconveniences  which 
flow  from  deficient  and  unwholesome  food:  but  in 
Ajiril,  1781,  complete  relief  was  obtained  through 
ihe  intervention  of  a  British  fleet,  commanded  by 
Admiral  Darby. 

The  court  of  Spain,  mortified  by  these  repeated 
disappointments,  determined  lo  make  greater  ex- 
ertions.   Their  works  were  carried  on  with  more 
vigour  than  ever.    Having,  on  an  experiment  of 
twenty  months,  found  the  inefllcacy  of  a  blockade, 
itiey  resolved  to  try  the  eflects  of  a  boirrbaid'iienl. 
Their  batteries  were  mounted  with  guns  of"  tin 
heaviest  metal,  and  with  mortars  of  the  largest  di 
mensions.    These  disgorged  torrents  of  fire  on  i 
narrow  spot.    It  seemed  as  if  not  only  ihe  works 
but  the  rock  itself  must  have  been  overwhelmed. 
All  distinction  of  parts  was  lost  in  flame  and  smoke 
This  dreadful  cannonade  continued  day  and  night, 
almost    incessantly,  for  three  weeks;    in  every 
twenty-four  hours  of  which.  lOO.OOOIbs.  of  gun- 
powder were  consumed,  and  between  four  anil  .lOOO 
sliot  and  shells  went  through  the  town.    It  then 
slackened  ;  but  was  not  iritermilled,  one  whide 
day.  for  upwards  of  a  twelvemonth.    The  fatigues 
of  the  garrison  were  extreme;  but  the  loss  of  men 
was  less  than  might  liave  been  expected.  F"orllie 
first  ten  weeks  of  this  unexampled  bombardinent, 
the  whole  number  of  killed  and  wounded  was  about 
iOO.    The  damage  done  to  the  woiks  waslrifliiig. 
The  liouses  in  town,  about  .")00  in  number,  were 
mostly  destroyed.    Such  of  the  inhabitanls,  as 
were  not  buried  in  the  ruins  of  their  houses,  or 
torn  lo  pieces  by  llie  shells,  fled  lo  the  remote 
parisofihe  rocks;  but  desiruciion  fidloweil  ihern 
to  places  which  had  always  been  deenr»-d  secure. 
No  scene  could  be  more  deplorable.  Mothers 
and  children,  clasped  in  each  others'  arms,  were 
so  completely  lorn  lo  pieces,  that  it  seemed  nrore 
like  an  annihilation,  than  a  dispersion  of  their 
shattered  fragments.     Ladies,   of    the  grealesi 
sensibility,  and  most  delicate  constiiuiion,  deenr- 
ed  themselves  happy  to  be  admitted  lo  a  few 
hours  of  r-epose,  in  the  casenrents.  amidst  the  noise 
of  a  crowded  soldiery,  and  the  groans  of  ihe 
wounded. 

At  the  first  onset.  General  Elliot  retorted  on 
the  besiegers  a  shower  of  fire,  but  for  eseeing  the 
(lilficulty  of  procuring  supplies,  he  soon  relrencheil, 
and  received  with  ecmiparative  unconcern,  the 
firry  and  viidence  of  his  adversaries.  By  lire  lat- 
ter end  of  November,  the  besiegers  had  broiiglil 
their  works  to  thai  slate  of  jierlection  which  they 
intended.  The  care  and  ingenriily  employed  riptn 
them  were  exiraorilinary,  'I'he  best  engineers  of 
France  and  Spain  had  united  their  abilities,  anil 
both  kingdoms  were  filled  with  sanguine  expec- 
tations of  speedy  success.  In  this  conjnnclnre, 
when  all  Europe  was  in  susi)pnse,  concerning  the 
fate  of  ihe  garrison,  and  when,  from  the  proiligi- 
oiis  efl'orts  luade  fiir  ils  reduction,  many  believed 
that  i:  could  nol  hold  out  much  longer,  a  s. illy  was 
proiected  and  executed,  that  in  aboul  two  honvs 
destroyed  those  works,  on  which  so  much  time 
skill,  and  labour  had  been  expended. 


UNITED  STATES. 


A  body  of  2000  chosen  men,  under  the  command 
ori5rii;;iiiicr  Geiieial  Koss,  march(',(]  out  about  two 
o"i  lock  Ml  ilie  morning,  November27tli,  and,  at  ihe 
same  instant,  made  a  general  attacU,  on  tlie  whole 
exterior  I'ront  oC  the  hnes  of  the  besiegers.  Tlie 
Spaniari's  gave  wav  on  every  side,  and  abandoned 
their  works.  The  pioneeis  and  artillerymen  spread 
their  fire  witli  such  rapidity,  that,  in  a  little  time, 
every  thing  combustible  was  inflames.  The  mor- 
tars and  cannon  were  spiked,  and  their  beds,  plat- 
forms, and  carriages  destroyed.  The  magazines 
blew  up,  one  after  another.  The  loss  of  the  de- 
tachment, which accoinplished  all  this  destruction, 
was  inconsiderable. 

This  unexpected  event  disconcerted  the  besieg- 
ers ;  but  tliey  soon  recovered  from  their  alarm, 
and,  with  a  perseverance  almost  peculiar  to  their 
nation,  determined  to  go  on  witli  tire  siege.  Tlieir 
subsequent  exertions,  and  reiterated  defeats,  shall 
be  related  in  tlie  order  of  time  in  which  they  took 
place. 

While  the  Spaniards  were  urging  the  siege  of 
Gibraliai',  a  scheme,  previously  concerted  witii  the 
French,  was  in  a  train  of  execution.  This  con- 
sisted of  two  parts.  The  object  of  the  first,  con- 
certed between  the  French  and  Spaniards,  was  no 
less  than  the  conquest  of  Jamaica.  The  object  of 
the  secon<l,  in  which  the  French  and  the  Americans 
were  parties,  was  the  reduction  of  New  York.  In 
conformity  to  this  plan,  the  monarchs  of  France 
and  Spain,  early  in  the  year  1780,  assembled  n 
force  ill  the  West  Indies,  su|)erior  to  that  of  the 
British.  Their  courbined  fleets  anrounted  to  thirty- 
six  sail  of  the  line,  and  their  land  forces  were  in  a 
correspondent  proportion.  By  acting  in  concert, 
they  hoped  to  make  ra[)id  conquests  in  the  West 
Indies. 

Fortunately  for  the  British  interest,  this  great 
hostile  foice  tarried  within  itself  the  cause  of  its 
own  overthiow.  The  Spanish  troops,  from  being 
too  much  crowded  on  board  their  transports,  were 
seizeil  with  a  mortal  and  contagious  distemper. 
J'his  spread  through  the  French  fleet,  and  land 
forces,  as  well  as  their  own.  With  the  liopes  of 
firrestiiig  iis  piogress,  tlm  Spaniards  were  laiidcd 
in  the  French  islands.  By  these  disastrous  events, 
the  spirit  of  enterprise  was  damped.  The  combi- 
ned fleets,  having  neither  effected,  nor  attempted 
jny  thing  of  consequence,  desisted  from  the  prose- 
cution of  the  objects  of  the  campaign.  Tire  failure 
of  the  first  part  of  the  |)lan  occasioned  the  failure 
of  the  second.  Count  de  Guichen,  the  commander 
of  the  French  fleet,  who  was  to  have  followed  M. 
de  Ternay,  and  to  have  co-operated  with  Wash- 
ington, instead  of  coming  to  the  American  conti- 
nent, sailed  with  a  large  convoy,  collected  from  the 
French  islands,  directly  to  France. 

The  abortive  plans  of  the  French  and  Spiiniards, 
operated  directly  against  the  interest  of  the  United 
Slates;  but  this  was,  in  a  short  time,  counterbalan- 
ced, by  the  increased  enrbarrassments  occasioned 
to  Great  Ikitain,  by  the  arnred  neutrality  of  the 
norilrern  powers,  and  by  a  ruiiture  with  Holland. 

The  naval  superiority  of  Great  Britain  had  long 
been  the  subject  of  regret  and  of  envy,  As  it  was 
the  interest,  so  it  seemed  to  be  the  wish  of  Euro- 
pean sovereigns,  to  avail  themselves  of  the  present 
favourable  moment,  loeftect  an  humiliation  of  her 
niaratime  grandeur.  That  the  flag  of  all  nations 
must  strike  to  British  ships  of  war,  could  not  be 
otherwise  than  mortifying  to  independent  sove- 
reigns. This  haughty  demand  was  not  their  only 
cause  of  coirtplaint.  The  activity  and  number  of 
British  privateers  had  rendered  them  objects  of 
terror,  not  only  to  the  commercial  shipping  of' their 
enemies,  but  to  the  many  vessels  belonging  to 
other  powers,  that  were  employed  in  trading  with 
tliciTi.  Various  litigations  had  taken  place,  be- 
tween the  commanders  of  British  armed  vessels, 
and  those  who  were  in  the  service  of  neutral  pow- 
ers, respecting  the  extent  of  that  commerce,  which 
was  consistent  with  a  strict  and  fair  neutrality. 
The  British  insisted  on  the  lawfulness  of  seizing 
Siipjilies,  which  were  nboiit  to  be  carried  to  their 
enemies.    In  the  Itabtt  of  commanding  on  the  sea, 


they  considered  power  and  light  to  be  synonymous 
terms.  As  other  nations,  from  a  dread  of  provo- 
king their  vengeance,  had  submitted  to  their  claim 
of  dominion  on  the  ocean,  they  fancied  themselves 
invested  with  authority,  to  control  the  commerce 
of  independent  nations,  when  it  interfered  with 
llieii  views.  The  empress  of  Russia  took  the  lead, 
in  establishing  a  system  of  maratime  laws,  which 
tended  to  subvert  the  claims  of  Great  Biilain. 
Her  trading  vessels  had  long  been  harassed  by 
British  searches  and  seizures,  on  pretence  oftheir 
carrying  on  a  commerce,  inconsistent  with  neu- 
tralrty.  The  present  crisis  favoured  the  re-estab- 
lishment of  the  laws  of  nations,  in  place  of  the 
usurpations  of  Great  Britain. 

A  declaration  was  published  in  February,  17S0, 
by  the  empress  of  Russia,  addressed  to  tlie  courts 
of  London,  Versailles  and  Madrid.  In  this  it  was 
observed,  "  that  her  im|)erial  majesty  had  given 
such  convincing  proofs  of  the  strict  regard  she  had 
for  the  rights  of  neutr-ality,  and  the  liberty  of  com- 
merce in  general,  that  it  might  have  been  hoped 
her  inqrartial  conduct  would  have  entitled  hersub- 
jects  to  the  enjoyment  of  the  advantages  belonging 
to  neutral  nations.  Experience  had,  however, 
proved  the  contrary.  Her  subjects  had  been  mo- 
lested in  their  navigation,  by  the  ships  and  priva- 
teers of  the  belligerent  powers."  Her  majesty 
therefore  declared,  "that  she  found  it  necessary  to 
remove  these  vexations,  which  had  been  offered  to 
the  commerce  of  Russia;  but,  before  she  came  to 
any  serious  measures,  she  thought  it  just  and  etjui- 
table,  to  expose  to  the  world,  and  particularly  to 
the  belligerent  powers,  the  principles  she  had 
adopted  for  ber  conduct  ;  wliich  were  as  follow  ; 

"That  neutral  ships  should  enjoy  a  free  naviga- 
tion, even  from  port  to  port,  and  on  the  coasts  of 
the  nations  at  war;  that  all  effects,  belonging  to 
the  belligerent  powei-s,  should  be  looked  on  as  free 
on  board  such  neutral  ships,  with  an  exception  of 
places  actually  blocked  up  or  besieged  ;  and  with 
a  proviso,  that  they  do  not  carry  to  the  enemy  con- 
traband articles."  These  were  limited  by  an  ex- 
planation, so  as  to  "comprehend  only  warlike 
stores  and  ammunition."  Her  imperial  majesty 
declared  that,  "she  was  firmly  resolved  to  main- 
tain these  principles,  and  that  with  tire  view  of 
protecting  the  commerce  and  navigation  of  her 
subjects,  she  had  given  orders  to  fit  out  a  consid- 
erable part  of  her  naval  forje."  This  declaration 
was  communicated  to  the  States  General;  and  the 
empress  of  Russia  invited  them  to  make  a  com- 
mon cause  with  her,  so  far  as  such  a  union  might 
serve  to  protect  commerce  and  navigation.  Sim- 
ilar communication  and  invitations  were,  also, 
made  to  the  courts  of  Copenhagen ;  Stockholm, 
and  Lisbon.  A  civil  answer  was  received  from 
the  court  of  Great  Britain,  and  a  very  cordial  one 
from  the  court  of  France.  On  this  occasion,  it 
was  said  by  his  Most  Christian  Majesty,  "  that  what 
her  imperial  majesty  claimed  from  the  belligerent 
powers,  was  nothing  more  than  the  rules  prescribed 
to  the  French  navy."  The  kings  of  Sweden  and 
Denmark,  also,  formally  acceded  to  the  princi|)les 
and  measures,  proposed  by  the  empress  of  Russia. 
The  States  General  did  the  same.  The  queen  of 
Portugal  lefused  to  concur.  The  powers  engaged 
in  this  association  resolved  to  supfiort  each  other, 
against  any  of  the  belligerant  nations,  who  should 
violate  the  principles,  which  had  been  laid  down, 
in  the  declaration  of  the  empiess  of  Russia. 

This  combination  assumed  the  name  of  the  arm- 
ed neutrality.  By  it  a  respectable  guarantee  was 
procured  to  a  commerce,  from  which  France  and 
Spain  procured  a  ])lentiful  siipjjly  of  articles  es- 
sentially comiucive  to  a  vigorous  prosecution  of 
the  war.  The  usurped  authority  of  (ireat  Britain, 
on  the  highway  of  nature,  received  a  check.  Her 
embarrassments,  from  this  source,  were  aggrava- 
ted by  the  consideration,  that  they  came  I'rom  a 
power,  in  whose  friendship  she  had  confided. 

About  the  same  time,  the  enemies  of  (Jreat 
Britain  were  increased,  by  the  addition  of  the 
.States  General.  Though  these  two  powers  weie 
bound  to  each  other,  by  the  obligations  of  treaties, 


 m 

the  Conduct  of  the  latter  had  long  been  consider- 
ed rather  hostile  than  friendly.  Few  Kuropeans 
had  a  greater  projiec:  of  advantage  from  Ameri- 
can independence,  t  ha:  I  lie  Hollanders.  The  coo- 
quest  of  (he  [Jiiiied  Stales  would  have  regained  to 
(ireat  Britain  a  iiKinopoly  of  their  trade  ;  but  the 
establishment  oftheir  independence  promised,  to 
other  nations,  an  equal  chance  of  participating 
therein.  As  commerce  is  the  soul  of  the  Unitecl 
Netherlands,  to  have  neglected  the  [;resent  oppor 
tunily  of  extending  it,  would  have  been  a  devia- 
tion from  their  established  maxims  of  policv.  For- 
mer treaties,  framed  in  distant  peiiods,  when  other 
views  were  predominant,  opposed  but  a  feeble  bar- 
rier to  the  claims  of  present  interest.-  The  past  ge- 
neration found  it  to  their  advantage  to  seek  th" 
friendship  and  protection  of  (Jreal  Britain.  But 
tlipy,  who  were  now  on  the  stage  of  life,  had  similar 
inducements  to  seek  for  new  chaiin<ds  of  trade 
Th  ough  this  coiitd  not  be  done,  without  thwarting 
the  views  of  the  court  of  London,  their  recolleclion 
of  former  favours  was  not  sufficient,  to  curb  their 
immediate  favourite  passion. 

From  the  year  1777,  Sir  Joseph  Yorke,  the 
British  minister  at  the  Hague,  has  made  sundry 
representations  to  their  high  mightinesses,  of  the 
clandestine  commerce,  carried  on  between  their 
subjects  and  the  Americans.  He  particularly 
Slated  that  Mr.  Van  Graaf,  the  governor  of  St. 
Eustatia,  had  permitted  an  illicit  commerce  with 
the  Americans  ;  and  had,  at  one  time,  returned 
the  salute  of  a  vessel  carrying  their  flag.  Sir  Jo- 
seph, therefore  demanded  a  formal  disavowal  of 
this  salute,  and  the  dismission  and  immediate  re- 
call of  Governor  Van  Graaf.  This  insolent  de- 
mand was  answered  with  a  pusillanimous,  temjio- 
rising  reply. 

On  the  12th  of  September,  1778,  a  memorial 
was  presented  to  the  States  General,  from  the 
merchants  and  others  of  Amsterdam,  in  which 
they  complained  that  their  lawful  commerce  was 
obstructed  by  the  ships  of  his  ]5ritannic  majesty. 
On  the  22d  of  July,  1779,  Sir  Joseph  Yorke  de- 
manded of  the  States  General  the  succours  stip- 
ulated in  Ihe  treaty  of  1(378  ;  but  this  was  not 
complied  with.  Friendly  declarations  and  un- 
friendly actions  firllowed  each  other  in  alternate 
succession.  At  length,  a  declaration  was  pnblish- 
id  by  the  king  of  (Jreat  Britain,  by  wliicli  it  was 
announced,  "  that  tiie  subjects  of  the  United  Pro- 
vinces were,  henceforth,  to  be  considered  upon  the 
same  footing  with  other  martial  powers,  not  pri- 
vileged by  treaty."  Throughout  the  whole  of  this 
period,  the  Dutch,  by  means  of  neutral  ports  con- 
tinued to  supply  the  Americans  ;  and  the  English 
to  insult  and  intercept  their  navigation  :  but  o[)en 
hostilities  were  avoided  by  both.  'I'he  f(>rmer  aimed 
principally  at  the  gains  of  a  lucrative  commerce; 
the  latter  to  remove  all  obstacles,  which  stood  in 
the  way  of  their  favourite  scheme  of  conquering 
the  Americans.  The  event,  which  occasioned  a 
formal  declaration  of  war,  was  the  cajHure  of 
Henry  Laurens.  In  the  deranged  stale  of  the 
American  finances,  that  genilciiian  had  been  de- 
puted by  Congress,  lo  solicit  a  loan  from  their  ser- 
vice, in  the  United  Netlrerlands  ;  and,  also,  to  ne- 
uociate  a  treaty  between  them  and  the  United 
.'^tates.  On  his  way  thither.  Sepleiriber  3.  1780, 
he  was  taken  by  the  ^''estal  frigate,  commanded  by 
Captain  Kepple.  He  had  thrown  his  papers  over- 
board ;  but  nrany  of  ihem  were  recovered,  without 
having  received  much  damage.  His  papers  beiii" 
delivered  to  the  ministry,  were  carefully  examin- 
ed. Among  them,  was  found  one,  purporting  to 
be  a  plan  of  a  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce,  be- 
tween the  stales  of  HuI!;;!m.I  and  (he  Uiiile<l  Stales 
of  America.  This  had  been  originally  dr.iwn  up, 
in  coiise(|uence  of  some  conversation  between 
Williant  Lee.  whom  Congress  had  appointed  com- 
missioner to  the  courts  of  Vienna  and  Berlin,  and 
John  de  Ncufville.  merchant  of  Amsterdam,  as  a 
plan  of  treaty,  destined  to  bp  concluded  hei eafiei  : 
but  it  had  never  been  proposed,  either  by  Congrcsg 
or  the  stales  of  Holland  ;  though  it  hail  receivrd  ihe 
approbation  of  the  Pensionary  Van  Berkul.aud  of 


470 


11  I  S  T  O  R  Y   OF  THE 


llie  <      1)1  Aiii!<(i-iiluiii    As  tins  was  uitl  ;in  olViciiil, 
|i.i|'t  r,  anil  haj  never  lieuu  read  in  Coni^ress,  the  j 
«)tH;i.ial  u;i»  ^iven  to  iMr.  Laurens,  as  a  paper  that , 
nii,<;lil  be  nseliil  lo  him,  in  his  projected  iie^otia- j 
(iuns.    'i'his  unauthentic  |)aper,  wliicli  was  in  iMr. 
Laurens'  |)ossessi(in  by  accident  and  which  was 
so  nearly  sunk  in  the  ocean,  pioved  the  occasion 
ut'  a  national  war.    'J"he  court  of  Gieat  Britain 
was  high!)-  olieiided  al  it.    The  paper  itsell',  and 
some  olheis  relating  to  the  same  sulijecl,  were  de- 
Irvered  lo  the  prince  ol  Orange,  wlio,  on  the  lOlli 
ct  Noveinher,  laid  them  belore  llie  states  of  Hol- 
land and  West  Fielsland. 

Sir  .loseph  Vorke  presented  a  memorial  lo  the 
Stales  (ieneial,  in  which  he  asserted,  "  that  the 
papeis  ol  Mr.  Laurens,  who  si)led  himsell  presi- 
dent ol  the  pretended  Congiess,  had  furnislied  the 
discovery  ot  a  plot,  unexampled  in  the  annals  ol' 
ihe  republic;  that  it  appeared  by  these  ])apers, 
that  the  gentlemen  of  Amsterdam  had  been  en- 
gaged in  a  clandestine  coi lespondence  with  the 
A iiiericaii  i ebels,  liom  the  month  ol  Augusj,  1778 ; 
and  that  insiructions  and  lull  powers  had  !<eeii 
given  by  them,  lor  the  conclusion  of  a  tieaiy  of 
amity,  with  rebels,  «ho  weie  the  subjects  of  a 
sovereign,  to  whom  the  republic  was  united  by 
the  closest  engagements."  He  therefore,  in  the 
■  rune  of  his  ma>ler,  demanded  a  iornial  disavowal 
ol  ihis  iiiegularcoiiduct,  a  |irom|)t  satislaclion  pro- 
portioned lo  the  olfence.and  an  exemplaiy  punish- 
iiienl  of  the  pensionary  V  an  Berkel,  and  his  ac- 
toinplices,  as  disturbers  of  the  public  peace,  and 
viol.ilers  of  ihe  laws  of  nations. 

The  Slates  tieneral  disavowed  the  intended  trea- 
ty of  the  city  of  Amsterdam,  and  engaaed  to  prose- 
tii.e  the  pensionary,  according  to  the  laws  of  the 
country  ;  but  ihis  was  not  deemed  satisfactory. 
•Sir  Jose|)h  Vorke  was,  on  the  2Uih  o(  December, 
ordered  lo  withdraw  from  the  Hague,  and,  soon 
alierwards,  a  manilesio  against  the  Dutch  was 
published  in  Loiulon.  This  was  followed  by  an 
Older  III  council,  "  that  general  reprisals  be  grant- 
ed against  ihe  ships,  goods,  and  subjects  of  the 
Stales  (jeneral."  Whatever  may  be  thought  of  the 
policy  of  iliis  measure,  its  boldness  must  be  ad- 
iniieil.  (ireat  Britain,  already  at  war  wiih  the 
-Uiiiied  States  of  America,  and  the  monarchies  of 
ranee  and  Si)ain,  dehbcrilely  lesolved  on  a  war 
Willi  Holland,  at  a  lime  when  she  might  have 
avoided  open  hostilities.  Her  spirit  was  si  ill  far- 
ther evinced,  by  ihe  consideration,  that  she  was 
dt^erle(l  by  her  friends,  and  without  a  single  ally. 
Ciieal  must  liave  been  her  resources,  to  support  so 
exiefisive  a  war,  against  so  many  hostile  sove- 
reigns ;  but  this  very  ability,  by  proving  that  her 
ovei grown  power  was  dangerous  to  the  peace  of 
Europe,  furnished  an  apology  for  their  combina- 
tion against  her. 

A  war  with  Holland  being  resolved  upon,  the 
slorm  of  iSriiish  vengeance  fust  burst  on  tlie  Dutch 
island  of  St.  Eiislatia.  This,  though  intrinsically 
of  liltle  value,  had  long  been  the  seat  of  an  exten- 
sive commerce.  It  was  the  grand  freeport  of  the 
West  Indies,  and.  as  such,  was  a  general  market 
and  magazine  to  all  nations.  In  consequence  of 
its  neutrality  and  situation,  together  with  its  un- 
bounded Ireedom  of  trade,  it  rea|)ed  the  richest 
liarvest  of  commerce,  during  the  seasons  of  war- 
laie  among  its  neiglil)ours.  It  was,  in  a  particular 
manner,  u  convenient  channel  of  supjily  to  the 
A  inei  ieans. 

'I'he  maiid  is  a  natural  fortification,  and  very 
capable  ol  lieiiii;  made  strong  ;  but,  as  its  inhabil- 
anis  weie  a  motley  mixture  of  transient  persons, 
«  holly  intent  on  the  gains  of  commerce,  they  were 
nmre  soliciloiiH  to  a('<|iiire  property,  than  attentive 
to  improve  those  means  of  iecuiity,  which  the 
i^'laiid  alfotded. 

Sir  (i/M)ri;e  llodneyand  General  Vaiighan,  witli 
a  larne  lleet  and  army,  surrounded  this  island,  and 
pii  the  lid  Kebiiijjy.  17M,  demanded  a  surrender 
iheii  ol,  and  of  its  dependencies,  within  an  hour. 
Rlr.  de  (itaaf  retiirneil  for  answer,  "  that,  being 
Utti  ily  incapable  of  makinc  any  defence  against 
the  I'lrLC  which  iiivcBied  the  islaii  1,  he  iiiusl  ofue- 


cessiiy  surrender  it ;  only  recommending  the  town  i  next  oidered  otf  the  island  ;  and,  lastly,  the  native 
and  its  inhabitants,  to  the  known  and  usual  clem-  Dutcli  were  obliijed  to  submit  to  the  same  sen- 
ency  of  British  commanders."  |  tence.    Many  opulent  persons,  in  consequence  of 

The  wealth  accumulated  in  tliis  barren  spot  was ;  these  proceedings,  were  instantly  reduced  to  ex- 


prodigious.  Tlie  whole  island  seemed  to  be  one 
vast  magaiiine.  The  storehouses  were  lilled,  and 
the  beach  covered  with  valuable  commodities. 
These,  on  a  inoderaie  calculation,  were  estimated 
to  be  worth  above  3,000,000 sterling.  All  this  pio- 
perty,  together  w  ith  w  liai  was  found  on  the  island. 


treme  indigence. 

In  ihe  mean  time,  public  sales  were  advertised, 
and  persons  of  all  nations  invited  to  become  pur- 
chasers. The  island  of  St.  Eustaiia  became  a 
scene  of  constant  auctions.  There  never  was  a 
better  market  (or  buyers.  ^JMie  immense  quanlilies, 


was  indiscriminately  seized,  and  declaied  to  be  exposed  for  sale,  reduced  the  price  of  many  ar- 


confiscated.  This  valuable  booty  was  farther  in 
creased  by  new  arrivals.  The  conquerors,  for 
some  time,  kept  u[)  Dutch  colours,  which  decoyed 
a  number  of  French,  Dutch,  and  American  vessels 
into  their  hands.  Above  loO  merchant  vessels, 
most  of  which  were  richly  laden,  were  captured. 
A  Dutch  frigate  of  38  guns,  and  five  small  armed 
vessels,  sliared  the  same  fate.  The  neighbouring 
island  of  St.  Martin  and  Saba  weie  in  like  man- 
ner reduced.  Just  before  the  arrival  of  the  Brit- 
ish, thirty  large  ships,  laden  with  West  India  com- 
modities, liad  sailed  from  Eustaiia  for  Holland, 
under  the  convoy  of  a  ship  of  sixty  guns.  Admi- 
ral Rodney  despatched  the  Monarch  and  Panther, 
with  tlie  Sybil  frigate,  in  )nirsuil  of  this  fleet. 
The  whole  of  it  was  overtaken  and  captured. 

The  Dutch  West  India  company,  many  of  the 
citizens  of  Amsterdam,  and  several  Americans, 
were  great  suflereis  by  the  capture  of  this  island, 
and  tlie  confiscation  of  all  properly  found  therein, 
which  immediately  followed  ;  but  the  J5ntish  mer- 
chants were  much  more  so.  These,  confiding  in 
the  acknowledged  neutrality  of  the  island,  and  in 
acts  of  parliament,  had  accumulated  therein  great 
quantities  of  West  India  produce  as  weli  as  of  Eu- 
ropean goods.  They  stated  their  hard  case  to  .\d- 
miral  Rodney  and  General  \'aughan,  contending 
that  their  connexion  with  ihe  captured  island  was 
under  the  eanction  of  acts  of  parliament,  and  that 
their  commerce  had  been  conducted,  according  to 
the  rules  and  maxims  of  tiading  natiions.  To  aj)- 
plications  of  this  kind  it  was  answered,  "that  the 
island  was  Dutch  ;  every  thing  in  it  was  Dutch, 
and  under  the  protection  of  the  Dutch  flag  ;  and  as 
Dutch  it  should  be  tieated." 

The  severity,  with  w  hich  the  victors  j)roceeded. 
drew  on  them  |)ointed  censures,  not  only  from  the 
immediate  suH'ereis,  but  from  all  Europe.  It  must 
be  supposed,  that  they  were  filled  with  lesentment, 
for  the  supplies  which  the  Americans  received 
through  this  channel  ;  but  there  is  also  reason  to 
suspect  that  the  love  of  gain  was  cloaked  under 
the  specious  veil  of  national  policy. 

The  horrors  of  a  universal  havoc  of  property 
were  realised.  The  merchants  and  traders  were 
ordered  to  give  up  their  books  of  correspondence, 
their  letters,  and  also  inventories  of  all  their  ef- 
fects, inclusive  of  an  exact  account  of  all  money 
and  plate  in  their  possession.  The  Jews  weie  de- 
signated as  objects  of  particular  resentment.  They 
were  ordered  to  give  uj)  the  keys  of  their  stores; 
to  leave  their  wealth  and  merchandise  behind 
them;  and  to  depart  the  island,  without  knowing 
the  place  of  their  dt stiiiation.  F'rom  a  naiural 
wish  to  be  furnished  with  the  means  of  supplying 
their  wants,  in  the  place  of  ilieir  future  residence, 
they  secreted  in  their  wearing  apparel,  gold,  silver, 
and  other  articles  of  great  value  and  small  bulk. 
The  policy  of  these  unfortunate  Hebrews  ditl  not 
avail  them.  The  avarice  of  the  conquerors  efiec- 
tiially  counteracted  their  ingenuity.  They  were 
stripped,  searched,  and  despoiled  of  their  money 
and  jewels.  In  this  state  ol'  wreichedness.  many 
of  the  inhabitants  weie  transported  as  outlaws,  and 
landed  on  St.  (,'liristopher's.  'J'he  assembly  of 
that  island,  with  great  humanity,  |)r(ivided  fi)r 
them  such  articles  as  their  situation  leoiiired. 
The  Jews  were  soon  fidlowed  by  the  Americans. 
Some  of  these,  ihoiigh  they  had  been  banished 
from  the  United  States,  on  account  of  their  fiaving 
taken  part  with  (ileal  Britain,  were  banished  a 
second  time,  by  the  con((uering  troops  of  the  .sov- 
ereign, ill  whose  service  lliev  had  jireviously  suf- 
fered.   The  Frencli  merchauts  and  iradcis  were 


tides,  far  below  their  original  cost.  »AIany  of  the 
commodities  sold  on  this  occasion,  became,  in  the 
hands  of  their  new  purchasers,  as  ell'ectual  su|)- 
plies  to  the  enemies  of  Great  Britain,  as  they 
could  have  been  in  case  the  island  had  not  been 
captured.  The  spirit  of  gain,  which  led  the 
traders  of  St.  Eustatia  to  sacrifice  the  interests  of 
Great  Britain,  influenced  the  conquerors  to  do'.i'.e 
same.  The  friends  of  humanity,  who  wish  ilrii 
war  was  exletminaied  from  the  world,  or  entered 
into  only  for  the  attainiuent  of  national  justice, 
must  be  gratified,  when  they  are  told,  that  this 
unexampled  rapacity  was  one  link  in  the  great 
chain  of  causes,  which,  as  hereafter  shall  be  ex- 
plained, greatly  contributed  to  the  rapture  of  a 
iar^e  British  army,  in  Yorktown,  X'irginia  ;  an 
event  which  gave  peace  to  contending  nations. 
While  .Xdmiral  Rodney  and  his  officers  were  be- 
wildered, in  the  sales  of  confiscated  property,  at 
St.  Eustatia,  and  especially  wliile  his  fleet  was 
weakened,  by  a  large  delachmeni  sent  oil"  to  con- 
voy their  booty  to  Great  Britain,  the  Frencli  were 
silenlly  executing  a  well-digested  scheme,  which 
assured  them  a  naval  superiority  on  the  .\inerican 
coast,  to  the  total  ruin  of  the  British  interest  ia 
the  Coiled  States. 


CHAPTER  XIL 

The  revolt  of  tlie  Pensylvania  line;  of  part  of  the  Jcr^ 
scv  troops :  distresses  of  the  American  nriiiy  :  Ar- 
nold's illusion  of  Virginia. 

Though  general  .Arnold's  address  to  his  couniry- 
tnen  produced  no  eli'ect,  [1781]  in  detacliins  the 
soldiery  of  America,  from  the  unproductive  service 
of  (.'oiigi  ess,  their  steadiness  could  not  be  account- 
ed for,  i'rom  any  melioralion  of  theircircumslances. 
Thev  still  remained  without  pay,  and  without  such 
cloihing  as  the  season  required.  They  could  not 
be  induced  lo  enter  the  British  service  ;  but  their 
complicated  distresses  at  length  broke  out  into  de- 
liberate mutiny.  This  event,  which  had  been  long 
expec  ted,  maife  iis  fiist  threatening  ap|)earance,  in 
the  Pennsylvania  line.  The  common  soldiers, 
enlisted  in  that  slate,  were,  for  the  most  part,  na- 
tives of  Ireland  :  but  though  not  bound  to  .Ameri- 
ca, by  the  incidental  tie  of  birth,  ihey  weie  infe- 
rior to  none  in  discipline,  courage,  or  atiachmeiit 
to  the  cause  of  inde|)endence.  They  liaci,  on  all 
previous  occasions,  done  their  duty  to  adiniiaiion. 
.\n  ambi<:uiiy,  in  the  terms  of  their  enlistment, 
furnished  a  pretext  for  their  conduct.  A  great 
part  of  them  were  enlisted  for  three  years,  or 
duiins  the  war.  The  three  years  were  expired  ; 
and  the  men  insisted,  that  the  choice  of  stay ina  or 
i;oiiig  reiuained  with  them,  while  the  ollicers  con- 
tended that  the  choice  was  in  the  state. 

The  mutiny  was  excited,  by  the  non-comniis- 
sioiied  ollicers  and  privates  in  the  night  of  the  Is', 
of  January,  1781,  and  soon  became  so  universal, 
in  the  line"  of  that  state,  as  to  defy  all  opposition. 
The  whole,  except  three  regiments,  upon  a  siiinal 
for  the  purpose,  turned  out  underarms  without  i  heir 
oniceis,  and  declared  fiir  a  redress  of  giievances. 
The  oH'icers  in  vain  endeavoured  to  quell  them. 
Several  were  wounded;  and  a  captain  was  killed 
in  attempt ine  it.  (Jeneral  Wayne  presented  his 
pistols,  as  if  about  to  fire  on  ihem;  they  held  tlieir 
hayoiieis  to  his  breast,  and  said  :  "  we  lovo 
anil  respect  you  ;  I  ut  if  you  fire,  you  are  a  drad 
man.  We  arc  not  going  to  the  enemy.  On  ibo 
contrary,  if  they  were  now  to  come  out,  you  '  htuid 


UNITED  STATES. 


471 


see  us  lii;lit  under  jour  orders,  iis  uiucli  alae- 
riiv  :is  ever;  l)ut  we  will  uo  lui)t;or  be  amused. 
We  are  determined  on  obtainiui;  what  is  our  just 
due."  Deaf  to  arguments  and  entreaties,  tliey,  to 
tlie  numher  o(  loOO  moved  oil"  in  a  body.  IVom 
Morristowii,  and  |)roceeded,  in  ^ood  order,  with 
theiraruis  and  sixlield  |)ieces,  to  Princeton.  They 
elected  temporary  officers  from  their  own  body, 
and  appointed  a  sergeant  major,  who  had  Cormerly 
deserted  from  the  British  army,  to  be  their  com- 
mander. General  Wayne  forwarded  provisions 
aCierthem,  to  pievent  their  |)hmdering  the  country 
for  their  subsistence.  They  invaded  no  man's 
property,  farther  than  tlieir  immediate  necessities 
made  unavoidable.  This  was  readily  submitted  to 
by  the  inhabitants  ;  who  liad  been  long  used  to  ex- 
actions of  the  same  kind  levied  for  similar  pur- 
poses, by  ilieir  lawful  rulers.  They  [)rofessed  that 
they  had  no  object  in  view,  but  to  obtain  what  was 
justly  due  to  tliein,  nor  were  their  actions  incon- 
sistent with  that  profession. 

(/'ongress  sent  a  committee  of  their  body,  con- 
sisting of  General  Sullivan,  Mr.  Mattliews,  Mr. 
Atlee,  and  Dr.  Witherspoon,  to  pnjcuie  an  ac- 
commodation. The  revolters  were  resolute  in  re- 
fusing any  terms,  of  which  a  redress  of  their  griev- 
ances was  not  the  foutidation.  Every  thing  asked 
of  their  country,  they  might,  at  any  time,  alter  the 
Gth  of  January,  have  obtained  fioni  the  British,  by 
passing  over  into  New  York.  This  they  refused. 
Their  sufferings  liad  exhausted  their  patience,  but 
not  their  patriotism.  Sir  Hemy  Clinton,  by  con- 
fidential messengers,  offered  to  take  them  under 
•he  [)roiertion  ofthe  British  government ;  to  [jar- 
don  all  their  past  offences;  to  have  the  pay  due 
them  from  Congress  faitlifully  made  without 
any  expectation  of  military  service  in  return,  al- 
though it  would  be  received,  if  voluntarily  olfered. 
It  was  recommended  to  tliem  to  move  behind  the 
South  river,  and  it  was  promised,  that  a  detach- 
ment of  British  troops  should  be  in  readiness  for 
their  [jrotection,  as  soon  as  desired.  In  the  mean- 
linie,  the  troops  passed  over  from  New  York  to 
Staten  Island,  and  tlie  necessary  arrangements 
were  made  for  moving  them  into  New  .Jersey, 
whensoever  they  might  be  wanted.  The  royal 
comniander  was  not  less  disappointed  than  sur- 
prised, to  find  that  the  faithful,  tliough  revolting 
soldiers,  disdained  his  offers.  The  messengers 
of  Sir  Henry  Clinton  were  seized,  and  delivered 
to  General  Wayne.  President  Reed  and  General 
Potter  were  appointed,  by  the  council  of  Penn- 
sylvania to  accommodate  matters  with  the  revolt- 
ers. They  met  them  at  Princeton,  and  agreed  to 
dismiss  all  whose  terms  of  enlistment  were  cotn- 
jjleted.  and  admitted  the  oath  of  each  soldier  to  be 
evidence  in  his  own  case.  A  board  of  officers  tiied 
and  condemned  the  British  spies;  and  they  were 
instantly  executed.  President  Reed  offered  a  purse 
of  one  hundred  guineas  to  the  tnutineers.  as  a  re- 
ward for  their  fidelity,  in  delivering  uj)  the  spies  ; 
but  they  refused  to  accept  it,  saying,  "  that  what 
they  had  done  was  only  a  duty  they  o^ved  their 
country,  and  that  they  neither  desired,  nor  would 
receive  any  leward,  but  the  approbation  of  that 
country,  for  which  they  liad  so  often  fought  and 
bled." 

By  these  healing  measures,  on  the  17th  Janu- 
ary, the  revolt  was  completely  quelled ;  but  the 
complaints  of  the  soldiers  being  founded  in  jus- 
tice, were  first  redressed.  Those  whose  time  of 
service  was  expired  obtained  ilieir  discharges  ;  and 
others  had  their  arrears  of  pay  in  a  great  measure 
made  up  to  ihem.  A  general  amnesty  closed  the 
business.  On  this  occasion,  the  commander-in- 
chief  stated  in  a  circular  letter,  to  the  four  eastern 
states,  (he  well-founded  complaints  of  his  army  ; 
and  the  impossibility  of  keeping  them  together,  un- 
der the  pressure  of  such  a  variety  of  sufferinss. 
(ieneral  Knox  was  requested  to  be  the  bearer  of 
these  despatches  ;  and  to  iirsje  the  states  to  an  im- 
mediate exertion  for  the  relief  of  the  soldiers.  lie 
visited  Massachusetts,  New  Hampshire,  Connec- 
ticut, and  Rhode  Island  ;  and,  with  great  earnest- 
ness and  equal  success,  described  the  wants  of  tho 


army.  Massachusetts  gave  twenty-lour  silver  dol- 
lars to  each  man  of  her  line;  and  also  furnished 
them  with  some  clothing.  Other  states,  about  the 
same  time,  made  similar  advances. 

The  spirit  of  mutiny  proved  contagious.  About 
one  hundred  and  sixty  of  the  .lersey  ttnops  follow- 
ed the  example  ol'the  Pennsylvania  line  ;  but  they 
did  not  conduct  with  e()ual  spirit,  nor  with  equal 
[jrudence.  They  committed  sundry  actsofomrage 
against  particular  otlicers,  while  they  affected  to 
be  submissive  to  otheis.  Major  General  Howe, 
with  a  considerable  foice,  was  ordered  to  take 
methods  for  reducing  tliein  to  obedience.  Con- 
vinced that  there  was  no  medium  between  dignity 
and  servility,  but  coercion,  and  that  no  otherreme- 
dy  could  be  applied  without  the  deepest  wound 
to  the  service,  he  determined  to  proceed  against 
them  with  decision.  (ieiieial  Howe  marched 
from  Kingwood  about  midnight  ;  and,  by  the  <iawii- 
ing  of  the  next  day,  had  his  men  in  four  dillerenl 
positions,  to  prevent  tlie  revolters  from  making 
their  escape.  Every  avenue  being  secureil.  Colo- 
nel Barber  of  the  Jersey  line  was  sent  to  them, 
w  ith  orders  immediately  to  parade  without  arms  ; 
and  to  march  to  a  particular  spot  of  ground.  Some 
hesitation  appearing  among  them.  Colonel  Sproat 
was  diiected  to  advance  ;  and  only  five  minutes 
were  given  to  the  mutineers,  to  com|)ly  with  the 
orders  which  had  been  sent  them.  Tliis  had  its 
effect ;  and  they,  to  a  man,  marched  without  arms 
to  the  appointed  ground.  The  Jersey  officers  gave 
a  list  ofthe  leaders  ofthe  revolt  ;  upon  which  (ie- 
neral Howe  desired  them  to  select  three  of  the 
greatest  ofi'enders.  A  field  court-martial  was  pre- 
sently lield  upon  these  three  ;  and  they  were  u  nani- 
mously  sentenced  to  death.  Two  of  them  were 
executed  on  the  spot;  and  the  exectitioners  were 
selected  from  among  the  most  active  in  the  mu- 
tiny. The  men  were  divided  into  |)latoons,  made 
public  concessions  to  their  officers,  and  promised, 
by  future  good  conduct,  to  atone  for  past  offences. 

These  mutinies  alarined  the  states  ;  but  did  not 
produce  permanent  relief  to  the  ariny.  Their 
wants,  with  respect  to  provisions,  were  only  par- 
tially sujiplied,  and  by  expedients  from  one  short 
time  to  another.  The  most  usual  was  ordering  an 
officer  to  seize  on  provisions  wherever  found.  This 
differed  from  lobbing,  only,  in  its  being  done  b\ 
authority,  for  the  i)id)lic  service,  and  in  tlie  of- 
ficer being  always  directed  to  give  the  proprietor 
a  certificate,  of  the  quantity  and  quality  of  what 
was  taken  from  liim.  At  first,  some  reliance  was 
placed  on  these  certificates,  as  vouchers  to  support 
a  future  demand  on  the  United  States;  but  they 
soon  became  so  common  as  to  be  of  little  value. 
Recourse  was  so  frequently  had  to  coercion,  both 
legislative  and  military,  that  the  peo|)le  not  only 
lost  confidence  in  |)ublic  credit,  but  became  im- 
patient under  all  exertions  ofauthoiity,  for  forcing 
their  property  fiom  them.  That  an  army  shotild  be 
ke|)t  together,  under  such  circumstances,  so  far 
exceeds  credibility,  as  to  make  it  necessary  to  pro- 
duce some  evidence  of  the  fa(;t.  The  American 
General  Clinton,  in  a  letter  to  Washington,  dated 
at  Albany,  April  KJth,  1781,  wrote  as  follows: 
"  there  is  not  now  independent  of  Fort  Schuyler, 
three  day-s'  provision  in  the  whole  department,  for 
the  troops,  in  case  of  an  alarm,  nor  any  prospect 
of  procuring  any.  The  recruits  of  the  new  levies, 
I  cannot  receive,  because  I  have  nothing  to  give 
them.  The  Canadian  families  I  have  been  obliged 
to  deprive  of  their  scanty  pittance,  contrary  to  every 
principle  of  humanity.  The  (|uarter  master's  de- 
[jartment  is  totally  useless.  The  piil)lic  armory  has 
been  shut  up  for  nearly  three  weeks,  and  a  total 
suspension  ofeverv  military  operation  has  ensued." 
Soon  after  this,  Washington  was  obliged  to  a()ply 
9000  dollars,  sent  by  the  state  of  Massachusetts 
for  the  payment  of  her  troops,  to  tlie  use  of  the 
quarter  master's  department,  to  enable  him  to 
transport  provisions  from  the  adjacent  states.  Be- 
fore he  consented  to  adojit  this  expedient,  he  had 
consumed  every  ounce  of  provision,  which  had 
been  kept  as  a  reserve  in  the  garrison  of  West 
Point ;  and  had  strained  impress  by  military  force 


to  so  great  an  extent,  tha*.  there  was  leason  to 
apprehend  the  iidiabitanis,  irritated  by  such  fru- 
(juent  calls,  would  proceed  to  dangerous  insurrec- 
tions. Fort  Schuyler,  West  Point,  and  the  posts 
up  the  North  river,  were  on  the  |)oiirt  of  beiiis; 
abandoned  by  their  starving  garrisons.  At  this 
period  of  the  war,  there  was  little  or  no  circula- 
ting rued  iurrr,  either  in  I  he  form  of  paper  or  specie  ; 
and  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  American  army, 
there  was  a  real  want  of  necessary  provisions. 
The  deficiency  of  the  former  occasioned  many 
inconveniences,  and  an  une(|iial  distribution  of 
the  buidens  of  tlie  war;  but  the  insufficiency  of 
the  latter  had  well  nigh  dissolved  the  army,  and 
laid  the  country,  in  every  direction,  open  to  Brit- 
ish excursions. 

'J'liese  events  were  not  iinforseen  by  the  rulers 
of  America.  From  the  jirouressive  depreciation  of 
their  bills  of  credit,  it  had  for  some  time  past  oc- 
curred, that  the  perind  could  not  be  far  distant, 
w  hen  they  would  cease  to  circulate.  This  crisis, 
ardently  wished  for  by  the  enemies,  and  dreaded 
by  the  friends  of  American  independence,  took 
place  in  1781  ;  liiit  without  realising  the  hopes  of 
ihe  one,  or  the  fears  of  the  other.  New  resources 
were  providentially  opened;  and  the  war  was  car- 
ried on  with  the  same  vigour  as  before.  A  great 
(leal  of  gold  and  silver  was,  about  this  time,  intro- 
duced into  the  United  .States,  by  a  beneficial  trade 
•.villi  the  Frencli  and  Spanish  West  India  islands, 
and  by  means  of  the  French  army  in  Rhode  Inland.- 
Pathetic  representations  were  made  to  the  minis 
tersof  his  Most  Christian  Majesty  by  Washington, 
Dr.  Franklin,  and  particularly  by  Lieutenant  Colo- 
nel John  Laurens,  who  was  sent  to  the  court  of  Ver- 
sailles as  a  special  minister  on  this  occasion.  The 
king  of  France  gave  the  United  .States  a  subsidy 
of  six  millions  of  livies,  and  became  their  security 
for  ten  millions  more,  borrowed,  for  their  use  in  the 
United  Netherlands.  A  regular  system  of  finance 
was  also,  about  this  time,  adopted.  All  matters, 
relative  to  tlie  treasury,  the  supplies  ofthe  army, 
and  their  accounts,  were  put  under  the  direction 
of  Robert  Morris,  who  an aiiged  the  whole  with 
judgment  and  economy.  The  issuing  of  paper  mo- 
ney, by  the  authority  of  government,  was  discoii- 
liiiued,  and  the  piilrlic  engagemants  were  made 
payable  in  coin.  The  introduction  of  so  mucli 
gold  and  silver  together  with  these  judicious  do- 
mestic regulations,  aided  by  the  bank  which  had 
been  erected,  the  preceding  year,  in  Philadelphia, 
extricated  Congress  from  much  of  their  embarrass- 
ment, and  put  it  in  their  jiower  to  feed,  clothe,  and 
move  their  army. 

About  the  same  time,  the  old  continental  money, 
by  common  consent,  ceased  to  have  currency. 
Like  an  aged  man,  expiring  by  the  decays  of  na- 
ture, without  a  sigh  or  groan,  it  fell  asleep  in  the 
hands  of  its  last  possessors.  By  the  scale  of  de- 
preciation tlie  war  was  carried  on  five  years,  for 
little  more  than  a  million  of  |)ounds  sterling;  and 
two  hundred  millions  of  jiaper  dollars  were  made 
redeemable  by  five  millions  of  silver  ones.  lii 
other  countries,  such  measures  would  probably 
have  |)rr)duced  popular  insurrections;  but,  in  the 
United  States,  they  were  submitted  to  without  any 
tumults.  Public  faith  was  violated  ;  but,  in  the 
opinion  of  most  men,  jniblic  good  was  promoted. 
The  evils  consequent  on  depreciation  had  laken 
place,  and  the  redemption  of  the  bills  of  credit,  at 
their  nominal  value,  as  originally  promised,  instead 
of  remedviri!;  the  distresses  ol'ihe  sult'erers.  would, 
in  many  cases,  have  increased  them,  by  suliject- 
Mig  their  small  remains  of  projieriy  to  exorbitant 
taxation.  The  moirey  had,  in  a  great  measuie 
i;one  out  of  the  hands  of  the  original  proprietors 
and  was  in  the  possession  of  others,  who  had  ob- 
tained it,  at  a  rate  of  value  not  exceeding  what  was 
fixed  u|)on  it,  by  the  scale  of  depreciation. 

Nothing  could  afford  a  stronger  proof,  itiat  llie  re- 
sistance of  America  to  (Jreat  Biitan  was  grounded 
iit  the  hearts  ofthe  people,  than  these  events.  To 
receive  jiaper  bills  of  credit,  issued  without  any 
I'unds.  and  to  give  projieriy  in  exchange  for  them, 
as  equal  to  gold  or  silver,  dcmonstralcd  tho  xeul 


47:2 


U  IS  TOR  V   OF  Til  K 


iiid  eiiiliii-.i;isiii  W  illi  wliicli  the  war  was  be^un  ;  | 
bill  to  (•oiispiil  U)  ilie  exiinction  ofllie  same,  after 
.1  tuneiu-y  ul'five  years,  willioul  any  acle(iiiale  [iro- 
vWuin  made  (or  ilicir  future  reilein|)lioii,  was  more 
tliari  would  have  been  borne  by  any  people,  who 
coiieeiveil  that  their  rulers  had  separate  interests 
or  views  from  themselves.  The  demise  of  one 
liin<;,  and  tiie  coronation  of  a  lawful  successor, 
jave  often  excited  greater  commotions,  in  royal 
governments,  than  took  |)lace  in  the  United  Slates, 
on  thesudden  extinction  oftheir  whole  curient  mo- 
ney. 'J'he  people  saw  the  necessity  which  compel- 
led iheir  rulers  to  act  in  the  manner  iliey  had  done; 
and,  being  well  convinced  that  the  good  of  the 
country  was  iheir  object,  quietly  submitted  to  mea- 
sures, whi';h,  under  other  circumstances,  would 
scarcely  have  been  expiated  by  the  Jives  and  for- 
tunes of  their  authors. 

While  the  .Americans  were  sufiering  the  com- 
plicated calamities,  wliicli  introduced  the  year 
17S1,  their  adversaries  were  carrying  on  the  most 
extensive  plan  of  operations,  which  had  ever  been 
attempted  since  the  war.  It  had  often  been  ob- 
•ecleJ  to  the  British  commanders,  that  they  had 
not  conducted  the  war,  in  the  manner  most  likely 
to  elfecl  the  subjugation  of  the  revolted  |)rovinces. 
Military  critics,  in  particular,  Ibund  fault  with  them, 
for  keepitrg  a  huge  army  idle  at  New  York,  which, 
they  said,  if  properly  applied,  would  hove  been  suf- 
ficient to  make  successful  impressions,  at  one  and 
the  same  time,  on  several  oftlie  slates.  The  Brit- 
ish seem  to  liave  calculated  the  cam()aign  ol  1781, 
with  a  view  to  make  an  experiment  of  the  com- 
parative merit  of  this  mode  of  conducting  military 
operations.  The  war  raged  in  that  year,  not  only 
ill  the  vicinity  of  British  liead  quarteis,  at  New 
York,  but  in  fieorgia.  South  Carolina,  North  Caro- 
lina, and  in  Virginia.  Tlie  latter  state,  from  its 
peculiar  situation,  and  from  the  modes  of  building, 
planting,  and  living,  adopted  by  tlie  inhabitants,  is 
particularly  exposed,  and  lies  at  the  mercy  of  what- 
ever army  is  master  of  llie  Chesapeake.  These 
circumstances,  together  witli  the  pre-eminent  rank 
which  Virginia  held  in  tlie  confederacy,  pointed 
ou'  the  propriety  of  making  that  state  the  object 
ol  |>articular  atteniion.  To  favour  JLord  Cornwal- 
lis's  designs  in  the  southern  states,  Major  General 
Leslie,  with  about  2000  men,  had  been  detached 
from  New  York  to  the  Chesapeake,  in  the  latter 
enil  of  1780;  but  subsequent  events  induced  his 
lordship  to  order  liim  from  Virginia  to  Charleston, 
W  illi  the  view  of  his  more  efl'ectually  co-operating 
with  the  ai  my  under  his  own  immediate  command. 
Soon  after  the  dcpaiture  of  (ieneral  Leslie,  Vir- 
ginia was  again  invaded  by  another  party  from 
New  Vork.  Tliis  was  commanded  by  General 
Arnold,  now  a  brigadier  in  the  royal  army.  His 
force  consisted  of  about  1600  men,  and  was  sup- 
ported by  such  a  number  of  armed  vessels,  as 
enabled  him  to  commit  extensive  ravages,  on  the 
unpiotected  coasts  of  that  well  watered  country. 
The  invaders  landed  about  fil'teen  miles  below 
Kichiiumd,  and  in  two  days  nrirciied  into  the  town, 
where  they  destroyed  large  quantities  of  tobacco, 
salt,  rum,  sailcloth,  &:c.  Successive  excursions 
weie  made  to  several  other  |)laces,  in  which  the 
royal  jriiiy  committed  similar  devastations. 

In  about  a  fortnight,  they  marched  into  Ports- 
mouth. January  JiOih,  and  began  to  (ortify  it.  The 
loss  ihey  sustained  from  the  feeble  opposition  of 
the  disperseil  inhabilanis  was  inconsiderable.  The 
havoc  made  by  ( ieneral  Arnold,  and  the  apprelien- 
Bi4)n  ol  a  design  to  lix  a  permanent  post  in  Vir- 
ginia, induced  (ieneral  WashinL'ton  to  detach  the 
Mar(|iiis  de  la  Fayette,  with  ]:H)Q  oftlie  American 

in(i  y,  to  that  Hiate  ;  and  also  to  urge  the  French 

in  Khode  Island  to  co-operate  wjih  hint,  in  at- 
leiiipling  If)  capture  Arnold  atid  his  parly.  The 
French  roiimianders  eagerly  closed  with  the  pro- 
posal. .Since  Ihey  had  landed  in  the  United  States, 
no  proper  opportunity  of  gratifying  theii  passion 
for  military  lame,  had  yet  presented  itself.  They 
rejoiced  at  that  which  now  offered,  and  indiilgeti  a 
■  eh»'erliil  hope  of  rendering  essential  service  to 
»Ucii  allies,  by  culling  olf  the  retreat  of  Arnold's 


party.  With  this  view,  their  fleet,  with  loOOad-i 
ditiunal  men  on  board,  saileil  from  Rhode  Island,] 
March  Stii,  for  Virginia.  D' Kstoiu  hes,  who  since 
the  death  ofde  Ternay,  in  the  preceding  Decem- 
ber, had  commanded  the  French  (leet,  previous  to 
the  sailing  of  his  whole  naval  force,  (lespatched 
the  Eveille,  a  sixty-four  gun  ship,  and  two  frigates, 
with  orders  lo  destroy  the  Brilisli  ships  and  (Vigates 
in  the  Chesapeake.  These  look  or  destroyed  ten  I 
vessels,  and  captured  the  Romulus,  of  forty-four 
guns.  Arbutlinot,  with  a  British  fleet,  sailed  from 
(Gardiner's  bay,  in  pursuit  of  D'Fstouclies.  The 
former  overtook  and  engaged  the  latter  olT  the 
capes  of  Virginia.  Tim  British  had  the  advantage 
of  more  guns  than  the  French  ;  but  the  latter  were 
much  more  strongly  manned  tlian  the  former. 
The  contest  between  the  fleets,  thus  nearly  bal- 
anced, ended  without  the  loss  of  a  shij)  on  either 
side;  bul  theBritisli  obtained  the  fruits  of  victory, 
so  far  as  to  frustrate  the  whole  scheme  of  their 
adversaries.  The  fleet  of  his  Most  Christian  Ma- 
jesty returned  to  Rhode  Island,  without  efl'ecting 
the  object  of  the  ex|)edition.  Tlius  was  Arnold 
saved  from  the  imminent  danger  of  falling  into 
the  hands  of  his  exasperated  countrymen.  The 
day  before  the  French  fleet  returned  to  Newport, 
March  2'>lh,  a  convoy  arrived  in  the  Chesapeake 
from  New  Yoik,  with  Major  General  Philips,  and 
about  2000  men.  This  distinguished  officer,  who, 
having  been  taken  at  Saratoga,  had  been  lately  ex- 
changed, was  ajipointed  commander  of  the  royal 
forces  in  Virginia.  Pliilipsand  Arnold  soon  made 
a  junction,  and  carried  every  thing  before  them. 
They  successively  defeated  those  bodies  of  ii:ili- 
lia  wliich  came  in  their  way.  The  whole  country 
was  o|)en  to  tlieir  excursions.  On  their  embar 
cation  from  Portsmouth,  a  detachment  visiied 
Yorktown  ;  bul  the  main  body  ])roceeded  to  Wil- 
liamsburg. On  the  22d  of  Ajiril,  they  reached 
Chickajjowing.  A  jiarty  proceeded  up  that  river 
ten  or  twelve  miles,  and  destroyed  much  properly. 
On  the  2-lth,  lliey  landed  at  City  point,  and  soon 
afterwards  marched  for  Petersburg.  About  one 
mile  from  the  town,  they  were  opposed  by  a  small 
force  co:iwiianded  by  Baron  Steuben  ;  but  this, 
after  making  a  gallant  resistance,  was  compelled 
to  retreat. 

At  Petersburg,  on  tlic  27th,  they  destroy  ed  4000 
hogsheads  of  tobacco,  a  shi|),  and  a  number  of 
small  vessels.  Within  three  days,  one  jiarty 
marched  to  Chesterfield  court-house,  and  burned  a 
range  of  barracks,  and  '300  barrels  of  flour.  At 
the  same  time,  another  party  under  the  command 
of  (ieneral  Arnold  marched  to  Osborne's.  About 
lour  miles  above  that  |)la('e,  a  small  marine  force 
was  drawn  up  to  ojjpose  him.  Genera!  Arnold 
sent  a  flag  to  treat  with  the  commander  of  this 
fleet  ;  but  he  declared  he  would  defend  it  to  the 
last  extremity.  Upon  this  refusal,  Arnold  ad- 
vanced with  some  artillery,  and  fired  upon  him 
with  decisive  effect  from  the  banks  of  the  river. 
Two  ships,  and  ten  small  vessels  loaded  with  to- 
bacco, cordage,  flour,  dec.  were  captured.  Flour 
ships,  five  brigantiiif^s,  and  a  number  of  small  ves- 
sels were  burnt  or  sunk.  The  quantity  of  tobacco, 
taken  or  destroyed  in  this  fleet,  exceedeii  2000 
hogsheads;  and  the  whole  was  effected  without 
the  loss  of  a  single  man,  on  the  side  of  the  British. 
The  royal  forces  then  marched  up  the  fork,  till 
they  arrived  at  M  iiicliosier  on  the  30tli.  There 
they  destroyed  1200  hogsheads  of  tobacco.  Re- 
turning thence  they  made  great  havoc  at  \\'^ar- 
wick.  They  destroyed  the  ships  on  the  stocks, 
and  in  the  river,  and  a  large  range  of  rope  walks. 
A  magazine  of  500  barrels  of  flour,  with  a  number 
of  warehouses,  and  of  tan-houses,  all  filled  with 
their  respective  commodities,  were  also  consumed 
in  one  general  contlagation.  On  the  9th  of  iMay, 
they  returned  to  Petersburg  ;  having,  in  the  course 
of  the  preceiliug  three  weeks,  destroyed  property 
to  an  immense  amount.  With  this  expedition. 
Major  (ieneral  Philips  terminated  a  life,  which  in 
all  its  previous  operations  had  been  full  of  glory. 
At  early  periods  of  his  military  career,  on  dilTer- 
cut  occasions  of  a  preceding  war,  he  had  gained 


the  approbation  of  Prince  P'erdinand,  under  whom 
he  had  served  in  Germany.  As  an  officer  he  was 
universally  admired.  Though  much  of  the  deVM- 
tations,  cdii' .nitled  by  the  troops  under  his  com- 
mand, may  be  vindicated  on  the  principles  of  those 
who  hold,  that  the  rights  and  laws  of^  war  are  of 
equal  obligation  with  the  rights  and  laws  of  huma- 
nity ;  yet  the  friends  of  his  lame  have  reason  to 
regret,  that  he  did  not  die  three  weeks  sooner. 


CHAPTER  Xm. 

Campaign  of  1781.    Operations  in  tlie  two  Carolinna  nnd 
Georgia. 

The  successes  which,  with  a  few  checks,  followed 
the  British  arms,  since  they  had  reduced  .Savan- 
nah and  Charlesion,  encouraged  them  to  pursue 
their  object,  by  advancing  from  south  to  noilli.  A 
vigorous  invasion  of  North  Carolina  was  therefore 
(irojected,  for  tlie  business  of  the  winter,  which  fol- 
lowed (ieneral  (jates's  defeat.  The  Americans 
were  sensible  of  the  necessity  of  reinforcing  and 
supporting  their  southern  army  ;  but  were  destitute 
of  the  means  of  doing  it.  Their  northern  army 
would  not  admit  of  being  farther  weakened;  nor 
was  there  time  to  march  over  the  intervening  dis- 
tance of  seven  hundred  miles;  but  if  men  could 
have  been  procured,  and  time  allowed  for  marching 
them  to  .South  (Jarolina,  money,  for  defraying  the 
unavoidable  expenses  of  their  transportation,  could 
not  be  commanded,  either  in  the  latter  end  of 
17S0,  or  the  first  months  of  1771.  Though  Con- 
gress was  unable  to  forward  either  money  or  men, 
for  the  relief  of  the  southern  states,  ihev  did  what 
was  equivalent.  They  sent  them  a  general  whose 
head  was  a  council  and  whose  military  talents 
were  equal  to  a  reinlbrcenient.  The  nomination 
of  an  officer,  for  this  important  trust,  was  left  to 
General  Washington.  He  mentioned  (lencra 
(jireene,  adding  for  reason,  "  that  lie  was  an  of 
ficer,  in  whose  abilities  and  integrity,  from  a  loi  j 
and  iiiiimaie  experience,  he  had  the  most  ent;.c 
confidence." 

[Natha.mkl  Greene,  a  Major  General  in  the 
American  army,  during  the  revolutionary  war,  wa; 
l)orii  near  the  town  of  Warwick,  in  Rhode  Island, 
in  the  year  1741.  He  received  but  a  scanty, 
chance  education,  when  a  boy,  but  possessed  suf- 
ficient sagacity  to  see  and  feel  his  deficiency.  His 
father  was  an  honest  blacksmith,  extensively  en- 
gaged in  making  heavy  work,  but  possessed  little 
if  any  knowledge  beyond  that  of  reading  the  bilde 
or  almanac,  or  being  enabled  to  write  well  enough 
to  keep  a  d  iy-book,  in  which  to  charge  his  neigh- 
bour with  his  work.  But  Nathaniel  was  not  con- 
tented with  this,  he  sought  books,  became  his  own 
inslructer,  and  made  rapid  progress  in  several 
branches  of  knowledge.  Those  portions  of  ancient 
history,  which  treat  of  wars  and  the  exploits  of 
heroes,  were  the  most  attractive  to  the  young 
Quaker;  and  while  he  wore  his  plain  beaver,  his 
mind  was  filled  with  the  nodding  plumes,  and  bur-* 
nished  armour  of  ancient  days.  From  the  work- 
shop, in  which  he  was  engaged  with  his  ("aiher.  be 
was  elected  to  the  (ieneral  .\ssembly  of  Rhode 
Island,  10  represent  the  ancient  town  of  Warwick, 
the  place  of  his  birth.  He  was  in  that  body,  when 
a  proposilion  was  made  to  raise  a  considerable  mi- 
litary force,  for  the  exigencies  of  the  times.  He  had 
shown  his  lasle  for  military  life,  in  an  indepei:dent 
company,  raised  previously,  in  expectaticui  ol'llie ne- 
cessity of  using  force  to  protect  themselves  in  the  ex- 
ercise oftheir  i  ights.  With  a  sagacity  and  foresight 
seldimi  fbiiiid  in  a  popular  assembly,  the  legislature 
of  Khode  Island  look  him  from  the  ranks,  and  gave 
him  the  command  of  the  whole,  with  the  rank  ol 
brigadie'- general.  Heaceepteil  the  command,  and 
marched  forthwith  to  the  head  quatters  of  the  .\me- 
rican  army,  at  Cambridge.  The  keen  eve  of  Wash- 
ington soon  marked  (Jreene  for  a  soldier.  He  saw 
the  great  military  chieftain,  in  the  voiMhf'u!  orlior-r, 
whose  maiden  sword  had  not  then  been  llr- !:<  il. 
lu  August,  177(5,  after  having  been  but  I'lii'le  ii.ur» 


UNITKD  STATES. 


478 


thiin  ;i  year  in  the  service,  he    w;is  commissioned 
a  Mi  ijor  i;eiiLMiil,  and  this  without  any  miinniir 
Irom  aiiv  one.    He  was  with  the  army  at  Trenton 
and  I'lniceum:  and  had  a  shaie  in  that  enterprise, 
goforlunale  (or  the  cause  ol'  the  revolution.  He 
4-iis  at  tiie  l)atile  ol' Germanlown,  and  lor  his  good 
:onduct  was  honouraliiy  mentioned  by  tlie  com- 
itiaMder-in-c!)iel'.    .So  I'lilly  had  (Greene  disciplined 
tlie  resources  ol' liis  minil  tiiat  Wasliington  urged 
him  to  do  tlie  duties  of  (luartermaster  general  to 
the  army,  believing  that  he  would  find  ways  and 
means,  that  no  other  man  could.    These  duties 
were  performed  by  him  while  he  still  held  his  rank 
in  the  line.    Every  thini;  had  gone  wron<r  (or  the 
patriots  in  the  south.    The  ]5ritish  considered  the 
war  as  ended,  south  ol  the  Potomac,  when  General 
Greene  was  sent  by  General  Washington  to  the 
Souihern  district.    He  found  the  army  he  was  to 
command  in  :i  most  wretched  condition  ;  a  mere 
skeleton  of  mililary  force,  wasted  Jown  to  that 
state  bv  sword,  famine,  and  desertion.     Many  of 
his  companies  were  worse  than  FalstalF's  tatterde- 
ni.ilions,  for  they  were  not  only  covered  with  rags, 
but  were  liler.dly  naked  in  a  winter  month.  The 
brave  Morgan  was  with  him  ;  and  the  very  next 
in'nuh  alter  (ireene  airived  in  the  district,  lought 
the  battle  of  the  Cowpens,  one  of  the  most  dis- 
linguislu'd  atl'iirs  in  the  annals  of  the  revolution- 
ary war.  The  proud  and  brave  Tarleton  was  beaten 
by  a  force  stnaller  tlyn  his  own,  and  two-thirds  of 
tliat  force,  raw  militia.    In  March,  1781,  Greene 
made  an  attack  on  the  enemy  at  Guilford  Court 
House,  and  after  a  smart  action,  was  forced  to  re- 
treat;  but  the  IJritish,  though  victorious,  were  so 
crippled  that  they  were  obliged  to  make  a  retro- 
grade motion,  having  gained  no  advantage  by  their 
iionnnal  success.    Greene  next  attempted  the  re- 
duction of  Camden,  and  had  a  battle  with  lord 
Rawdon  ;  but  through  the  bad  conduct  of  one  of 
the  regiments  under  his  command,  General  Greene 
was  compelled  to  retreat,  but  lost  no  honour  by 
the  fight.    Kawdon,  like  Cornwallis,  was  obliged 
to  retreat  soon  alter  the  engagement.    For  some 
time  after  this  the  American  army  was  victorious, 
and  several  forts  garrisoned  by  the  British,  sur- 
rendered ;  but  the  enemy's  force,  being  augmenl- 
fcd  by  reinforcements,  the  tide  was  changed,  and 
they  again  obtained  the  control  of  South  Carolina. 
Greene,  however,  was  not  dismayed  nor  subdued  ; 
he  said  in  the  piide  of  his  soul,  and,  in  the  con- 
sciousness of  his  powers,  "  I  will  recover  the  coun- 
try, or  die  in  the  attempt."    The  battle  of  Eutaw 
Springs,  followed  ;  (ireene's  army  was  victorious, 
and  the  consequences  were  favourable  to  the  Amer- 
ican cause.     It  was  a  hard-fought  battle  ;  five 
hundred  of  the  American  army  were  slain,  and 
more  than  double  that  number  of  the  British.  To 
the  difficulties  tliat  at  this  time  encompassed  Gen- 
eral Greene,  was  added   that  of  treason  in  his 
camp.    Misfortune  had  broken  down  some  men 
from  whom  better  things  were  expected  ;  but  ener- 
gy, and  a  kind  providence,  delivered  him  from  all 
the  snares  that  surrounded  him.    Rebellion  was 
hushed  by  well-tiiued  severity,  and  confidence 
restored  in  tlie  camp.    Our  limits  will  not  allow 
us  to  dwell  longer  on  the  liardships,  the  exertions, 
and  the  successes  of  our  soutliern  army,  during 
this  eventful  |)enod  ;  the  details  would  require 
volumes,  and  happily  these  have  already  been 
written,  by  men  of  genius  and  research.  The 
surrender  of  Cornwallis,  December  17,  1782,  put 
an  end  to  tlie  hardshij)s  of  the  American  army, 
and  laid  the  loundatlon  for  an  honourable  peace  for 
the  coi'-itry.    General  Greene  now  revisited  his 
native  state,  and  was  received  with  every  mark  of 
atteiuion.    Notwithstanding  all  he  had  suffered  at 
the  Houih,  he  was  still  pleased  with  it,  and  remov- 
ed his  family  to  Georgia,  in  1785  ;  but  he  did  not 
live  long  to  enjoy  the  life  of  a  southern  planter. 
He  died  suddenly,  on  the  15th  of  June,  1786, 
leaving  behind  him  a  wife   and  five  children. 
Congress  voted  him  a  monument,  but  it  lias  nev- 
er been  erected.    Greene  had  to  encounter  ene- 
mies, sharp  and  severe  enemies,  who  were  de- 
termined to  destroy  him ;  not  only  among  those 


who  were  foes  to  his  country,  but  among  those 
who  owed  him  a  debt  of  gratitude.  He,  how- 
ever, lived  down  envy  and  malice,  and  rose  tri- 
umphant over  all  who  assailed  him.  There  was 
about  him  in  all  his  transactions,  an  uiideviatiiig 
honesty,  a  perseverance  and  hardihood  worlhvtlie 
best  ages  ol  the  world.  He  claimed  no  lineal 
honours — he  had  no  adventitious  support.  He 
broke  from  the  thraldom  of  the  religious  preju- 
dices of  the  sect  in  which  he  was  born  and  edu- 
cated ;  but  he  retained  all  their  lirmiiess  of  pur- 
pose and  integrity  of  character.  His  life  is  a 
proof,  iind  although  time  and  chance  happeneth 
to  all,  still  a  great  man,  may,  under  our  free  sys- 
tem of  government,  be  the  builder  of  his  own 
fame. — Ed.] 

The  ;iriny,  after  its  defeat  and  dispersion,  to 
the  IGth  of  August,  1780,  rendezvoused  at  Hills- 
borough. In  the  latter  end  of  the  year,  they  ad- 
vanced in  (^'liarlottetown.  At  this  place  (Jeneral 
(iates  transferred  the  command  to  (reneral  (jreenc. 
The  manly  resignation  of  the  one  was  e(|ualled 
by  the  delicate  disinterestedness  of  the  other. 
Expressions  of  civility,  and  acts  of  friendship  and 
attention,  were  rei-iprocally  exchanged,  (ireene, 
upon  all  occasions,  was  the  vindicator  of  Gates's 
reputation.  In  his  letters  and  conversation,  he 
uniformly  maintained,  that  his  predecessor  had 
failed  in  no  part  of  his  inilitary  duty;  and  that  he 
had  deserved  success,  though  he  could  not  com- 
mand it. 

Within  a  few  liours  after  Greene  took  charge  of 
tlie  army,  a  report  was  made  of  a  successful  en- 
terprise of  Lieutenant  Colonel  Washington.  Being 
out  on  a  foraging  excursion,  he  had  penetrated 
within  thirteen  miles  of  Camden,  to  Clermont,  the 
seat  of  Lieutenant  Colonel  Rigley,  of  the  British 
militia.  This  was  fortified  by  a  block-house,  en- 
compassed by  an  abbatis,  and  defended  by  upwards 
of  one  hundred  of  the  inhabitants,  who  liad  sub- 
mitted to  the  British  government.  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Washington  advanced  with  his  cavalry, 
and  planted  the  trunk  of  a  pine  tree,  so  as  to  re- 
semble a  field  piece.  The  lucky  moment  was 
seized,  and  a  peremptory  demand  of  an  immediate 
surrender  was  made  ;  when  the  garrison  was  im- 
pressed with  the  expectation  of  an  immediate  can- 
nonade, in  case  of  their  refusal.  The  whole  sur- 
rendered at  discretion,  without  a  shot  on  either 
side.  This  fortunate  incident,  through  the  super- 
stition to  which  most  men  are  more  or  less  subject, 
was  viewed  by  the  army  as  a  i)resage  of  success 
under  their  new  commander. 

When  General  Greene  took  the  command,  he 
found  the  troops  had  made  a  practice  of  going 
liome  without  permission,  staying  several  days  or 
weeks,  and  then  returning  to  camp.  Determined 
to  enforce  strict  discipline,  he  gave  out,  that  he 
would  make  an  example  of  the  first  deserter  of  the 
kind  he  caught.  One  such  being  soon  taken,  was 
accordingly  shot,  at  the  head  of  the  army,  drawn 
up  to  be  spectators  of  the  punishment.  This  had 
the  desired  effect,  and  put  a  stop  to  the  dangerous 
practice. 

'J^he  whole  southern  army  at  tliis  time  consisted 
of  about  2000  men  ;  moie  than  lialf  of  whom 
were  militia.  The  regulars  had  been  for  a  long 
time  without  pay,  and  very  deficient  in  clothing. 
All  sources  of  supply  from  Charleston  were  in 
possession  of  the  British  ;  and  no  imported  article 
could  be  obtained,  from  a  distance  less  than  two 
hundred  miles.  The  procuring  of  provisions  for 
this  small  force  was  a  matter  of  diflficulty.  The 
paper  currency  was  depreciated  so  far,  as  to  be 
wholly  unequal  to  the  purchase  of  even  such  suji- 
plies  as  the  country  atVorded.  Hard  money  had 
not  a  physical  existence  in  any  hands  accessible  to 
the  Americans.  The  only  resource  left  for  sup- 
plying the  army,  was  by  the  arbitrary  mode  of  im- 
press. To  seize  on  the  property  of  the  inhabit- 
ants, and,  at  the  same  time,  to  preserve  their  kind 
affections,  was  a  difficult  business,  and  of  delicate 
execution  ;  but  of  the  utinost  moment,  as  it  fur- 
nished the  ariTiy  with  provisions,  without  impairing 
the  disposition  of  the  inhabitants  to  co-operate 


with  it,  in  recovering  the  country.  This  giT.iid 
object  called  for  the  united  cllorls  of  both.  .Such 
was  the  situation  uf  the  ctitinlry,  that  it  wasalmost 
equally  dangerous  for  the  American  army  to  go 
fi;r«ard  or  stand  still.  In  the  first  case,  every 
thing  was  hazarded  ;  in  the  last,  the  confluence  of 
the  peo()le  would  be  lost  ;  and  with  it  ail  |iios[)ecl 
of  being  supported  by  them.  The  impatience  of 
the  siitiering  exiles  and  others  led  tliem  to  urge 
the  adoption  of  rash  measures.  'J"he  mode  of  op- 
position they  preferred  was  the  least  likely  to  ef- 
(ect  their  ultimate  wishes.  The  nature  of  the 
country,  thinly  inhabited,  abounding  with  swampg 
and  covered  with  woods  ;  the  iiiconsiderible  forco 
of  the  American  army,  tlie  numlier  ol  the  disall'ocl- 
ed,  and  the  want  of  magvizines,  weighed  with  G'en- 
eral  (Jreene  to  prefer  a  partisan  war.  By  close 
application  to  his  new  profession,  he  had  acquired 
a  scientific  knowledge  ofihe  principles  and  maxims 
for  conducting  wars  in  Europe  ;  but  considered 
ihem  as  often  inapplicable  to  .\merica.  When 
they  were  adapted  to  his  t  irciimsiances,  he  used 
them;  but  oftener  deviated  from  ihem.  and  follow- 
ed his  own  [iiaclical  judgment,  founded  on  a  com- 
prehensive view  of  his  real  situation. 

With  an  inconsiderable  armv,  miserably  provi- 
ded, (ieneral  (ireene  took  the  field,  aijainst  a  supe- 
rior British  remilar  force,  which  liad  marched  in 
triumph  two  hundred  miles  from  the  sea  coast,  and 
was  flushed  with  successive  victories  ihrouiih  a 
whole  campaign.  Soon  after  he  look  the  com- 
mand, he  divided  his  force,  and  sent  (ieneral  Mor- 
gan, with  a  respectable  detachment,  to  the  western 
extremity  of  South  Carolina;  and,  about  the  same 
time  marched  with  the  main  body  to  Ilicks's-creek, 
on  the  north  side  of  the  Pedee,  opposite  to  Cheraw 
Hill. 

After  the  general  submission  of  the  militia,  in 
the  year  1780,  a  revolution  took  place,  liighly  fa- 
vourable to  the  interest  of  America.  The  resi- 
dence of  the  British  army,  instead  of  increasing 
the  real  friends  to  royal  government,  ilimiiiished 
their  number,  and  adtled  new  vigour  to  tlie  oppo- 
site parly.  The  ]5rilish  had  a  jiost  in  Ninety-Six, 
for  thirteen  months,  during  which  time  the  coun- 
try was  filled  with  rapine,  violence  and  murder. 
.\pplications  were  daily  made  for  redress;  yet,  in 
'lat  whole  period,  there  was  not  a  single  instance 
wherein  punishment  was  inflicted,  either  on  the 
soldiery  or  the  tories.  The  people  soon  found, 
that  there  was  no  security  for  their  lives,  liberties 
or  property,  under  the  mililary  government  of  Brit- 
ish officers,  regardless  of  their  civil  rights.  The 
peaceable  citizens  were  reduced  to  that  iincomtiion 
distress,  in  which  they  had  more  to  fear  from  op- 
pression, than  resistance.  They  therefore  most 
ardently  wislie<l  for  an  American  force.  Under 
these  favourable  circumstances.  General  (ireene 
detached  (ieneral  Morgan,  to  take  a  position  in  that 
district.  The  appearance  of  this  force,  a  sincere 
attachment  to  the  cause  of  independence,  and  the 
impolitic  conduct  of  the  British,  induced  several 
persons  to  resume  their  arms,  and  to  act  in  concert 
with  the  conlinent  il  troops. 

When  this  irruption  was  made  into  the  district 
of  Ninety-Six,  lord  Cornwallis  was  far  advanced 
in  his  [ireparalions  for  the  invasion  of  North  Caro- 
lina. To  leave  General  .Morgan  in  his  rear,  was 
contrary  to  mililary  policy.  In  order  therefore  to 
drive  him  fiinii  his  station,  and  to  deierthe  inhab- 
itants from  joining  him.  Lieutenant  Colonel  Tarle- 
ton was  ordered  to  proceed,  with  about  1100  men, 
and  "  push  him  to  the  utmost."  He  liad  two  (ield 
pieces.and  a  sii|)er  ini  ity  of  infantry, in  the  proportion 
of  five  to  four,  and  of  cavalry  in  the  |)roporlion  of 
three  to  one.  Besides  this  in  equality  of  force,  two 
j  thirds  of  the  troops  tinder  General  .Morgan  were 
niilitia.  With  these  fair  prospects  of  success, 
Tarleton  engaged  Morgan  at  the  Cowpens.  on  the 
17th  of  .lantiarv,  with  the  expectation  of  driving 
him  out  of  South  Carolina.  The  latter  drew  up 
his  men  in  two  lines.  The  whole  of  the  southern 
militia,  with  190  from  North  Carolina,  were  put 
under  the  command  of  Colonel  Pickens.  Tlies^ 
formed  the  first  line,  aud  weie  advanced  a  few  buu- 


474 


H  ISTOR  Y  OF  TH  E 


dred  yanls  Uefore  the  second,  with  orders  to  form 
:>ii  'lie  ri^ht  of  the  second,  when  forced  to  retire. 
The  spcorul  line  consisted  of  tlie  liglit  infantry,  and 
a  corps  of  Virjiinia  niilitia  rifieinen.  Lieutenant 
Colonel  \Vasliin!:ton,  with  his  cavalry,  and  about 
forty-five  iriililia  men,  mounted  and  equipped  with 
swords,  were  drawn  up  at  some  distance  in  the 
rear  of  the  whole.  The  open  wood,  in  which  they 
were  (ormed,  was  neither  secured  in  Iront,  (lank, 
or  rear.  On  the  side  of  the  British,  the  light  le- 
gion infantry  and  fusileers,  thouiih  worn  down 
Willi  extreme  fatigue,  were  ordered  to  form  in  line. 
IJt'fore  this  order  was  e.xeculed,  tlie  line,  (hough 
far  from  being  complele,  was  led  lo  the  attack  by 
'I'arleton  hiinsell'.  Tliey  advanced  with  a  shout, 
and  poured  in  an  incessant  fire  of  musketry.  Colo- 
nel Pit  kens  directed  the  men  under  his  command 
to  retain  their  fne,  till  the  British  were  within  forty 
or  fifty  yards.  Tliis  order,  though  executed  with 
great  lirmness,  was  not  sufficient  to  re|)el  their  ad- 
vancing foes.  The  militia  fell  back  ;  but  were 
soon  rallied  by  their  odicers.  The  British  advan- 
ced, and  engaged  the  seco:id  hue,  which,  alter  an 
obstinate  conliict,  was  compelled  lo  retreat  to  tlie 
Cavalry.  In  this  ci isis.  Colonel  Washington  made 
a  successful  charge  on  Tarleton,  who  was  cutting 
down  the  militia.  Lieutenant  Colonel  Howard,  al- 
most at  the  same  moment,  rallied  the  continental 
troops,  and  charged  with  t'wetl  bayonets.  The  ex- 
Jimple  was  instantly  followeil  by  tlie  militia.  No- 
thing could  exceed  the  astonishment  and  confusion 
of  tlie  British,  occasioned  by  these  unexjiected 
charges.  Their  advance  fell  back  on  their  rear, 
and  communicated  a  panic  to  the  whole.  Tarle- 
lon's  pieces  of  artillery  were  seized  by  the  Ameri- 
cans; and  ihe  greatest  confusion  took  place  among 
his  infantry.  While  they  were  i:i  this  state  of 
disorder,  lieutenant  colonel  Howard  called  to  them, 
to  "  lay  down  their  arms,"  and  promised  them 
good  (luarters.  Some  hundreds accejiled  theoli'er, 
and  surrend-'red.  The  first  battalion  of  the  71st, 
and  Iwo  ISr.lish  li>:ht  infantry  companies,  laid  down 
their  arms  to  the  American  militia.  A  party, 
uhich  li.id  been  left  some  distance  in  the  rear,  to 
guard  ihe  baggage,  was  the  only  body  of  inlantry 
that  escapi'd.  The  officer  of  lhat  detachiiient,  on 
hearing  of  Tarleton's  defeat,  destroyed  a  gf-i' 
part  of  the  baggage,  and  retreated  to  lord  Corn- 
w.dlis.  Three  hundied  of  the  British  were  killed 
or  wounded,  and  above  five  hundred  prisoners  ta- 
ken. Kiglit  hundred  muskets,  Iwo  field  pieces, 
thirty-five  baguage-wagons,  and  one  hundred  dra- 
goon horses  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  conquerors, 
'i'he  Americans  liad  only  twelve  men  killed  and 
sixty  woiindeil. 

General  iMtirgati's  good  conduct,  on  this  memo- 
rable day, was  honoured  by Congresswith a  gold  me- 
<lal.  'J'liev  also  pres'-nled  medals  of  silver  to  Lieu- 
tenant Cobiiiels  Washington  and  Howard,  a  sword 
to  (Jolonel  I'ickens,  a  brevet  majority  lo  Kdwaid 
(jiles,  the  general's  aid-de-camp,  and  a  captaincy 
lo  Baron  (ilassbeck.  Lieutenant  Colonel  Tarle- 
ton, hitherto  triumphant  in  a  variety  of  skirmishes, 
on  this  occasion  lost  his  laurels,  though  he  was 
supported  by  lhe7lh  regiment,  one  battalion  of  the 
71si,  and  two  companies  ofliiihl  infantry  :  and  his 
repulse  did  more  esseiilial  injury  to  the  British  in- 
terest than  was  equivalent  lo  all  the  preceding 
advantages  lie  had  gained.  It  was  the  first  link  in 
a  chain  o(  causes,  which  finally  drew  down  rfiin, 
bolli  in  North  and  South  (Carolina,  on  the  royal  in- 
leicst.  'IMial  impetuosity  of  Tarleton,  which  had 
ai'ipiired  him  yreat  repiitalion,  when  on  former  oc- 
casions he  had  surprised  an  incaiilious  enemv,  or 
aitacki'd  a  panic-sirnck  inililia,  was  at  lliis  liiiw 
the  occasion  ol  lint  ruin.  Impatient  of'  delay,  he 
•  naaged  with  f.iti>2iied  iroops,  and  led  them  on  to 
action,  before  ihey  were  properly  lormed,  ami  be- 
fore ihu  reserve  had  taken  its  i;round.  He  was 
also  gniliy  of  a  great  oversight,  in  not  bringing  up 
a  column  of  cavalry,  to  support  and  improve  the 
advanlai;es  he  had  g-iined,  when  llie  Americans 
r''lrealed. 

l^oiil  CornwalliM,  though  preparing  to  extend  his 
Coiiquesla,  noilhwjtdly,  was  not  inattentive  to  the 


security  of  South  Carolina.  IJesides  the  force  at 
Charleston,  he  left  a  considerable  body  of  troops, 
under  the  command  of  lord  Rawdon.  These  were 
principally  stationed  at  Camden,  from  which  cen- 
tral sitiHilion  they  might  easily  be  drawn  forlli  to 
defend  the  frontiers,  or  lo  -suppiess  insurrections. 
To  facilitate  the  intended  o|)erations,  against  North 
Carolina,  .^Iajor  ('raig,  with  a  detachment  of  about 
thiee  hundred  men  from  Charleston,  and  a  sinall 
maiine  force,  took  possession  of  Wilmington. 
While  these  arrangeirrents  were  making,  the  year 
17fSl  commenced,  with  the  fairest  prospects  lo  the 
British  government.  The  arrival  of  General  Les- 
lie in  Charleston,  with'  his  late  command  in  Vir- 
ginia, gave  Earl  Cornwallis  a  decided  superiority, 
and  enabled  him  to  attempt  the  reduction  of  North 
Carolina,  with  a  force  sufficient  to  lieardown  all 
probalile  opposition.  Arnold  was  before  him  in 
Virginia,  while  South  ('arolina,  in  his  rear,  was 
considered  as  completely  subdued.  His  lordship 
had  much  to  hope,  and  little  to  fear.  His  admir- 
ers flalteied  him  with  the  expectation,  that  his 
victory  at  Camden  would  prove  but  the  dawn  of  his 
glory  ;  and  that  the  events  of  the  approaching 
cam|)aign  would  immortalize  his  name  as  the  con- 
queror, at  least  of  the  southern  states.  Whilst 
lord  Cornwallis  was  indulging  these  pleasing  [)ros- 
pects,  he  received  intelligence,  no  less  unwelcome 
than  unexpected,  that  Tarleton,  his  favourite  of- 
ficer, in  whom  he  placed  the  greatest  confidence 
instead  of  driving  Morgan  out  of  the  country,  was 
completely  defeated  by  him.  This  sut prised  and 
mortified,  but  did  not  discourage  his  lordship.  He 
hoped,  by  vigorous  exertions,  soon  to  obtain  repa- 
ration for  the  late  disastrous  event,  and  even  to 
recover  what  he  had  lost.  With  the  expectation 
of  retaking  the  j)risoners,  captured  at  the  Cow- 
pens,  and  to  obliteiate  the  impression  made  by  the 
issue  of  the  late  action  at  that  place,  his  lordship 
instantly  delermiiied  on  the  pursuit  of  (Jeneral 
Morgan,  who  had  moved  otl'towards  Virginia  with 
his  ])risoners.  The  moveincnts  of  the  royal  army, 
in  conse(juence  of  tliisdetermination,  inducted  (Jen- 
eral Greene  immediately  to  retreat  from  Hicks's- 
creek,  lest  the  British,  by  crossing  the  up|)er 
sources  of  the  Pedee,  should  get  between  him  arid 
the  detac'"i?ent,  which  was  encumbered  with  the 
prisoners.  In  this  critical  situation,  tieneral 
(ireene  left  the  main  army,  under  the  command 
of  (General  Huger,  and  rode  150  miles  througli'the 
country,  to  join  the  detachment  under  (ieneial 
Morgan;  that  he  might  be  in  front  of  lord  Corn- 
wallis, and  direct  the  motions  ol'botli  divisions  of 
his  army,  so  as  to  form  a  speedy  junction  between 
them.  Jmmediately  ol  the  action,  on  the  17lh 
of  January,  .^lorgan  sent  on  liis  prisoners  under  a 
|)roper  guard  ;  and,  having  made  every  arrange- 
ment in  his  power  for  their  security,  retreated 
with  expedition.  Nevertheless  the  J5iitisli  gained 
ground  upon  him.  iNIorgan  intended  to  cross  the 
mountains  with  his  deiachment  and  prisoners,  lhat 
he  might  more  elleclually  secure  the  latter;  but 
(Jreene,  on  his  arrival,  ordered  the  prisoners  lo 
Cliarlotteville,  and  directed  the  troops  to  (iiiilford 
court-house  ;  to  which  place  he  had  also  ordered 
General  Huger,  lo  proceed  with  the  main  army. 

In  this  retreat,  the  Americans  underwent  hard- 
ships almost  incredible.  iMany  of  them  perl'ormed 
this  march  without  shoes,  over  frozen  gioiind. 
which  so  gashed  their  naked  feet,  that  their  blood 
m  ilked  every  step  of  their  progress.  They  were 
sometimes  without  meat,  often  without  flour,  and 
always  without  spirituous  Inpiors.  Their  march 
led  through  a  barren  coiiiitiy,  which  scarirely  at- 
lonled  necessaries  for  a  lew  stras;i;ling  inhabitants. 
In  this  severe  season,  also  with  very  little  clothing, 
they  were  daily  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  lord- 
ing deep  creeks,  and  of  remaining  wet  without  any 
change  of  clothes,  till  the  heat  of  their  bodies,  and 
occasional  fires  in  the  woods  drie<l  iheir  tattered 
rags.  To  all  these  dilliciillies  ihey  submitted,  with- 
out the  loss  of  a  single  sentinel  by  desertion.  Lord 
Cornwallis  reduced  the  quantity  of  his  own  bag- 
ga'^e  ;  and  the  example  was  ((diowed  by  the  of- 
ficers uo'lnr  liis  command.    Every  thing  nut  ne- 


cessary in  action,  or  to  the  existence  of  the  troops 
was  destroyed.  No  wagons  were  reserved,  ex- 
cept those  loaded  with  hospital  stores,  salt,  ana 
ammunition,  and  four  emjity  ones  for  the  use  of 
the  sick.  The  royal  army,  encouraged  by  tha 
example  of  his  lordship,  submitted  to  every  hard 
ship  with  cheerfulness.  They  beheld,  without 
murmuring,  their  most  valuable  ba<.'2ai;e  destroy 
ed,  and  their  spirituous  liquors  staved,  when  thcv 
were  entering  on  hard  service,  and  under  circum- 
stances which  precluded  every  prospect  of  supply. 

The  British  liad  urged  the  pursuit  with  so  innc'h 
rapidity,  thai  they  readied  the  Catawba,  on  the 
evening  of  the  same  day  on  which  their  fleeing  ad- 
versaries had  crossed  it.  Before  the  next  morning 
a  heavy  fall  of  rain  made  that  liver  impassable. 
The  Americans,  confident  of  the  justice  of  their 
c:inse,  considered  this  event  as  an  interposition  of 
Providence  in  their  favour.  It  is  certain  thai,  if 
the  rising  of  the  river  had  taken  place  a  few  houra 
earlier.  General  Morgan,  wiih  his  whole  deiach- 
ment and  500  prisoners,  would  have  scarcely  had 
any  chance  of  escape.  When  llie  fresh  had  sub- 
sided, so  far  as  to  leave  the  river  fordable,  a  large 
proportion  of  the  king's  Iroops  received  orders  lo 
be  in  reidiness  to  march  at  one  o'clock  in  the 
morning.  Feints  had  been  made  of  passing  at 
several  ditrerent  fiirds;  but  the  real  attempt  was 
made  on  the  1st  of  February  at  a  ford  near  McCow- 
an's,  the  north  banks  of  wliicli  were  defended  by  a 
small  guard  of  militia  commanded  by  General  D«- 
vidson.  'J'he  British  matched  through  the  river 
upwards  of  five  hundred  yards  wide,  and  about 
three  feet  deep,  sustaining  a  constant  fire  from  the 
militia  on  the  opposite  bank  without  returning  it 
till  they  had  made  good  their  passage.  The  li^ht 
inlantry  and  grenadier  companies,  as  soon  as  they 
reached  the  land,  dis[)ersed  the  Americans.  (Jen- 
eral Davidson,  the  brave  leader  of  the  latter,  was 
killed  at  the  first  onset.  The  militia  tliioughont 
the  neighbouring  setlleinents  were  disjiiriled.  and 
but  few  of  them  could  be  persuaded  lo  lake  or  keep 
the  field.  A  small  party,  which  collected  about 
ten  miles  from  the  ford,  was  attacked  and  dispers- 
ed by  Lieutenant  (Jolonel  Tarleton.  .All  the  fordi 
were  abandoned,  and  the  whole  royal  army  crossed 
over,  without  any  farther  opposition.  The  passage 
ol  the  Catawba  being  ell'ected.  the  .\mericans  con- 
tinued lo  flee,  and  the  British  lo  pursue.  The 
former,  by  expeditious  movements,  crossed  the 
Y'adkin,  partly  in  flats,  and  partly  by  fordiui;,  on 
the  second  and  third  days  of  February  ;  and  se- 
cured iheir  boats  on  the  north  side.  Tlioiiulithe 
British  were  close  in  iheir  rear,  yet  the  want  of 
boats,  and  the  rapid  rising  of  the  river  from  pre- 
ceding rains,  made  (he  crossing:  impossible.  This 
second  hair-breadth  escape  was  considered  by  the 
Americans  as  a  I'arllier  evidence,  that  their  cause 
was  favoured  by  heaven.  That  they,  in  two  suc- 
cessive instances  should  effect  their  passage, 
while  their  pursuers,  only  a  few  miles  in  llieir 
rear,  could  not  follow,  impressed  the  reliaious 
people  of  lhat  seltlement  wiih  such  sentiments  of 
devotion,  as  added  fresh  vigour  to  their  exertions, 
in  behalf  of  American  independence. 

The  British,  having  failed  in  their  first  scheme 
of  passing  the  Vadkin,  weie  obliged  lo  cross  it  the 
upper  lords;  but  before  this  was  completed,  the 
two  divisions  of  the  .\merii;an  army  made  a  jiiiie 
lion  at  (jiiilford  eoiiil-house  on  ihe  seventh  ol  Keb 
ruary.  Though  this  had  taken  place,  their  com 
billed  numbers  were  so  interior  lo  the  British,  tb  it 
(Jeneral  (iieene  coubl  not  with  any  propiielv  risk 
an  action.  Ilelherel'ore  called  a  conned  ofof- 
ficers,  who  unanimously  eonciii  red  in  opinion,  that 
he  oiiuht  lo  retire  over  the  Dan,  and  Ui  avoi-.i  ao 
ein;ai;emenl  till  he  was  reinforced.  [,,oid('orn- 
wallis,  knowing  the  inferiority  of  ihe  American 
fiirce,  conceived  hopes,  by  gelling  between  (Jeneral 
(Jreene  and  Virginia,  lo  cut  his  retreat,  inter- 
cept his  supplies  and  reinforcements,  and  oI'Iijb 
him  lo  fighl  under  many  disadvantages.  \V  iib 
this  view,  his  lordship  kept  the  upper  conniiy, 
where  only  ihe  rivers  are  fordable  ;  suppo-i.iui 
that  his  adversaries,  from  the  want  of  a  siilliciepi 


UNITED  STATES. 


475 


number  of  flats,  could  not  make  good  their 
passage  in  llie  deep  water  below,  or  in  case  of 
Jieir  atleinpiing  it,  he  expected  to  overtake 
and  ibrce  them  to  action  before  they  could 
cross.  In  this  expectation  he  was  deceived. 
General  Crreene,  by  good  management,  elu- 
ded his  lordship.  The  British  urged  their 
pursuit  with  so  much  rapidity,  that  the  Ameri- 
canlight  troops  were  on  the  14th  compelled  to 
retire  upwards ()1'40  miles.  By  the  most  inde- 
fatigable exertions  general  Greene  had  that  day 
transported  his  army,  artillery  and  baggage, 
over  the  river  Dan  into  Virginia.  So  rapid 
was  the  pursuit,  and  so  narrow  the  escape,  that 
the  van  of  the  pursuing  British  just  arrived  as 


nel  Pyle,  when  on  tlieir  way  to  join  the 
British,  fell  in  with  this  liglit  American  party, 
and  mistook  them  for  tlie  royal  detachment 
sent  for  their  support.  The  Americans  attack- 
ed them,  labouring  under  this  mistake,  to  great 
advantage,  and  cut  them  down  as  tliey  were 
crying  out.  "  God  save  the  king,"  and  ma- 
king protestations  of  tlieir  loyalty.  Natives  of 
the  British  colonies  who  were  of  this  cliaracter, 
more  rarely  found  mercy  than  European  sol- 
diers. They  were  considered  by  the  wliig 
Americans  as  being  cowards,  who  not  only 
wanted  spirit  to  defend  their  constitutional 
rights,  but  who  unnaturally  co-operated  with 
strangers  in  fixintr  the  chains  of  fbreitrn  dom- 


the  rear  of  the  Americans  had  crossed.    The  ination  on  themselves  and  countrymen.  Many 


naraships  and  difficulties,  which  the  royal  army 
had  undergone  in  this  march,  were  exceeded 
by  the  mortification,  that  all  their  toils  and  ex- 
ertions were  to  no  purpose.  They  conceived 
it  next  to  impossible  that  general  Greene  could 
escape,  without  receiving  a  decisive  blow. 
They  therefore  cheerfully  submitted  to  diffi- 
culties, of  which  they  who  reside  in  cultivated 
countries  can  form  no  adequate  ideas.  After 
surmounting  incredible  hardships,  when  they 
fancied  themselves  within  grasp  of  their  object, 
they  discovered  that  all  their  hopes  were 
blasted. 

The  continental  army  being  driven  out  of 
North  Carolina,  earl  Cornwallis  thought  the 
opportunity  favourable  for  assembling  the  loy- 
alists.   With  this  view  he  left  the  Dan,  and 
proceeded  to  Hillsborough.    On  his  arrival 
there,  he  erected  the  king's  standard,  and  pub- 
lished a  proclamation,  inviting  all  loyal  sub- 
jects to  repair  to  it  with  their  arms  and  ten 
Jays  provision,  and  assuring  them  of  his  read- 
iness to  concur  with  them  m  effectual  measures 
for  suppressing  the  remains  of  rebellion,  and 
for  the  re-establishment  of  good  order  and  con- 
stitutional government.    Soon  after  the  king's 
standard  was  erected  at  Hillsborough,  some 
hundreds  of  the  inhabitants  rode  into  the  British 
camp.    They  seemed  to  be  very  desirous  of 
peace,  but  averse  to  any  co-operation  for  pro- 
curing it.    They  acknowledged  the  pontlnen- 
tals  were  chased  out  of  the  province,  but  ex- 
pressed their  apprehensions  that  they  would 
soon  return,  and  on  the  whole  declined  to  take 
(tny  decided  part  in  a  cause  wliich  yet  appear- 
ed dangerous.    Notwithstanding  the  indiffer- 
ence or  timidity  of  the  loyalists  near  Hills- 
borough, lord  Cornwallis  hoped  for  substantial 
aid  from  the   inhabitants  between  Haw  and 
Deep  river.    He  therefore  detached  lieuten- 
ant colonel  Tarleton  with  450  men,  to  give 
countenance  to  the  friends  of  royal  government 
m  that  district.    Greene  being  informed  that 
many  of  the  inhabitants  had  joined  his  lordship, 
and  that  they  were  repairmg  in  great  numbers 
to  make  their  submission,  was  apprehensive 
that  unless  some  spirited  measure  was  imme- 
diately taken,  the  whole  c(tur.try  would  be  lost 
to  the  Americans.    He  therefore  concluded, 
at  every  hazard,  to  recross  the  Dan.  This  was 
done  by  the  light  troops,  and  these  on  the  next 
day  were  followed  by  the  main  body  accom- 
panied with  a  brigade  of  Virginia  militia.  Im- 
mediately after  the  return  of  the  Americans  to 
North-Carolina,  some  of  their  light  troops. 
Commanded  by  general  Pickens  and  lieutenant 
colonel  Lee,  were  detached  in  pursuit  of  Tarle- 
ton, who  had  been  sent  to  encourage  the  in- 
surrection of  the    loyalists.    Three  hundred 
and  fifty  of  these  tones,  commanded  by  colo- 


of  them  on  tills  occasion  suffered  the  extremity 
of  military  vengeance.  Tarleton  was  refresh- 
ing his  legion,  about  a  mile  from  this  scene  of 
slaugliter.  Upon  hearing  the  alarm  he  re- 
crossed  the  Haw  and  returned  to  Hillsborough. 
On  his  retreat  he  cut  down  several  of  the  roy- 
alists, as  they  were  advancing  to  join  the  Brit- 
ish army,  mistaking  them  for  the  rebel  militia 
of  the  country.  These  events,  together  with 
the  return  of  the  American  army,  overset  all 
the  schemes  of  lord  Cornwallis.  The  tide  of 
public  sentiment  was  no  longer  in  his  favour. 
The  recruiting  service  in  behalf  of  the  royal  army 
was  entirely  stopped.  The  absence  of  the  Amer- 
ican army,  for  one  fortnight  longer,  might  have 
turned  the  scale.  The  advocates  for  royal 
government  being  discouraged  by  these  ad- 
verse accidents,  and  being  also  generally  defi- 
cient in  that  ardent  zeal  which  characterised 
the  patriots,  could  not  be  induced  to  act  with 
confidence.  They  were  so  dispersed  over  a 
large  extent  of  a  thinly  settled  country,  that  it 
was  difficult  to  bring  them  tounite  in  any  common 
plan.  They  had  no  superintending  Congress 
to  give  system  or  concert  to  their  schemes. 
While  each  little  district  pursued  separate 
measures,  all  were  obliged  to  submit  to  the 
American  governments.  Numbers  of  them, 
who  were  on  their  way  to  join  lord  Cornwal- 
lis, struck  with  terror  at  the  imexpected  re- 
turn of  the  American  army,  and  with  the 
unhappy  fate  of  their  brethren,  went  home  to 
wait  events.  Their  policy  was  of  tliat  timid 
kind,  which  disposed  them  to  be  more  atten- 
tive to  personal  safety,  than  to  the  success  of 
either  army. 

Though  general  Greene  had  recrossod,  his 
plan  was  not  to  venture  upon  an  immediate  ac- 
tion, but  to  keep  alive  the  courage  of  his  par- 
ty— to  depress  that  of  the  loyalists,  and  to  har- 
rass  the  foragers  and  detachments  of  the  Brit- 
ish, till  reinforcements  should  arrive.  While 
Greene  was  unequal  even  to  defensive  opera- 
tions, he  lay  seven  days  within  ten  miles  of 
Cornwallis'  camp,  but  took  a  new  position 
every  night,  and  kept  It  a  profound  secret 
where  the  next  was  to  be.  By  such  frequent 
movements,  lord  Cornwallis  could  not  gain  In- 
telligence of  his  situation  in  time  to  profit  by  it. 
He  manoeuvred  in  this  manner  to  avoid  an  ac- 
tion, for  three  weeks,  during  which  time  he 
was  often  obliged  to  ask  bread  from  the  com- 
mon soldiers,  having  none  of  his  own.  By 
the  end  of  that  period,  two  brigades  of  militia 
from  North-Carolina,  and  one  from  Virginia, 
totjether  with  four  hundred  regulars  raised  for 
eighteen  months,  joined  his  army,  and  gave 
him  a  superiority  of  numbers.  He  therefore 
determined  no  longer  to  avoid  an  engagement. 
Lord  Cornwallis  having  sought  for  this,  no 


.onger  delay  took  ]>lace  on  either  side.  Tho 
Ainerlcan  army  consisted  of"  abo  ••.  4100  meri 
of  which  more  than  one  half  were  militia. 
The  Britlsli  of  about2400, chiefly  troops  grown 
veteran  in  victories.  The  former  was  drawn 
up  in  three  lines.  The  front  composed  of 
Nortli-Carolina  militia,  the  second  of  Virginia 
militia,  the  third  and  last  of  continental  troops, 
commanded  by  general  Huger  and  colonel  Wil- 
liams. After  a  brisk  cannonade  in  front  the  British 
advanced  In  three  columns.  The  Hessians  on  the 
riglit,  the  guards  in  tlie  centre,  and  lieutenaiitcol- 
onel  Webstf-r'sbrigade  on  the  left,  and  attacked 
the  frontline.  This  gave  way  when  their  adver- 
saries were  at  the  distance  of  140  yards,  and 
was  occasioned  by  the  misconduct  of  a  colonel, 
who  on  the  advance  of  the  enemy,  called  out  to 
an  officer  at  some  distance  "that  he  would  be 
surrounded."  The  alarm  was  sufficient  : 
without  in(]ulrlng  into  the  proliablllty  of  what 
had  been  injudiciously  suggested,  the  militia 
precipitately  quitted  the  field  :  As  one  good 
officer  may  sometimes  mend  the  face  of  affairs, 
so  the  misconduct  of  a  bad  one  may  injure  a 
whole  army.  Untrained  men  when  on  the 
field  are  similar  to  each  other.  The  difference 
of  their  conduct  depends  much  on  incidental 
circumstances,  and    on  none  more  than  the 


manner  of  their  being  led  on,  and  the  quality 
of  the  officers  by  whom  they  are  commanded. 

The  Virginia  militia  stood  their  ground,  and 
kept  up  their  fire  till  they  were  ordered  to 
retreat.  General  Stevens,  their  commander, 
had  posted  40  rifleman  at  eijual  distances, 
twenty  paces  in  the  rear  of  his  brigade,  with 
orders  to  shoot  every  man  who  should  leave 
his  post.  That  brave  officer,  though  wounded 
tlii-ough  the  thigh,  did  not  quit  the  field.  The 
continental  troops,  were  last  engaged,  and 
maintained  the  conflict  with  great  spirit  for  an 
hour  and  a  half.  At  'ength  the  discipline  of 
veteran  troops  gained  the  day.  They  broke 
tlie  second  Maryland  brigade,  turned  the 
American  left  flank,  and  got  in  rear  of  tiie  Vir 
ginia  brigade.  They  appeared  to  be  gaining 
Greene's  rie-ht,  which  would  have  encirclca  the 
whole  of  the  continental  troops,  a  retreat  was 
therefore  ordered.  This  was  made  In  ^ood 
order,  and  no  farther  than  over  the  reedy  fork, 
a  distance  of  about  three  miles.  Greene  hal- 
ted there  and  drew  uj)  till  he  had  coUecred 
most  of  the  stragglers,  and  then  retired  tc 
Speedwell's  iron  works,  ten  miles  distant  from 
Guilford.  The  Americans  lost  4  pieces  of  ar- 
tillery and  two  ammunition  wagons.  The 
victory  cost  the  British  dear.  Their  killed 
and  wounded  amounted  to  several  hundreds. 
The  guards  lost  colonel  Stuart  and  three  cap- 
tains besides  subalterns.  Colonel  Webster,  an 
officer  of  distinguished  merit,  died  of  his  wounds 
to  the  creat  regret  of  the  whole  royal  a;-my. 
Generals  O'Hara  and  Howard,  and  lieutenant 
colonel  Tarleton,  were  wounded.  About  30C 
of  the  continentals,  and  one  hundred  of  the 
Virginia  militia,  were  killed  or  wounded. 
Among  the  former  was  major  Anderson  of  tho 
Maryland  line,  a  most  vahiable  officer,  of  the 
latter  were  generals  Huger  and  Stevens.  The 
early  retreat  of  the  North-Carolinians  saved 
them  from  much  loss.  The  American  army 
sustained  a  great  diminution,  by  the  numerous 
fugitives  who  instead  of  rejoining  the  camj- 
went  to  their  homes.  Lord  Cornwallis  suf 
fered  so  much  that  he  was  in  no  condition  t»/ 
Imjirove  the  advantages  he  had  gained.  The 
British  had  only  the  name  the  Americans,  al' 


476 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


the  good  consequences  of  a  victory.  General 
Greene  retreated,  and  lord  Cornwallis  kept  the 
field,  but  nolhwithstanding  the  British  interest 
in  North-Carolina  was  from  that  day  ruined. 
Soon  after  this  action,  lord  Cornwallis  issued  a 
proclamation  setting  forth  liis  complete  victory, 
and  calling  on  all  loyal  subjects  to  stand  forth,  and 
take  an  active  part  in  restoring  order  and  good 
government,and  offering  apardon  and  protection 
to  all  rebels,  murderers  excepted,  who  would 
surrender  themselves  on  or  before  the  20t\i  of 
April.  On  the  next  day  after  this  proclamation 
was  issued,  his  lordshi])  left  his  hospital  and  75 
W'ounded  men,  with  the  numerous  loyalists  in 
the  vicinity,  and  began  a  march  towards  Wil- 
mington, which  had  the  appearance  of  a  re 
treat.  Major  Craig,  who  for  the  purposes  of 
co-operating  with  his  lordship,  had  been  sta 
tioned  at  Wilmington,  was  not  able  to  open  a 
wafer  communication  with  the  British  army 
while  they  were  in  the  upper  countiy.  The 
distance,  the  narrowness  of  Cape-Fear  river,  tlie 
commandingf  elevation  of  its  banks,  and  the 
hostile  sentiments  of  the  inhabitants  on  each 
side  of  it,  forbade  the  attempt.  The  destitute 
condition  of  the  British  army,  made  it  necessary 
to  {TO  to  these  supplies,  which  for  these  reasons 
could  not  he  brought  to  them. 

General  Greene  no  sooner  received  infor- 
irstion  of  this  movement  of  lord  Cornwallis, 
than  he  put  his  army  in  motion  to  follow  him. 
As  he  had  no  means  of  providing  for  the 
wounded,  of  his  own  and  the  British  forces,  he 
wrote  a  letter  to  the  nei'jhborin"'  inhabitants  of 
the  Quaker  persuasion,  in  which  he  mentioned 
his  being  brought  up  a  Quaker,  and  urged 
them  to  take  care  of  the  wounded  on  botli  sides. 
His  recommendations  prevailed,  and  the 
Quakers  supplied  the  hospitals  with  every 
comfort  in  their  power. 

The  Americans  continued  the  pursuit  of 
Cornwallis  till  they  had  arrived  at  Ramsay's 
niill  on  Deep  river,  liut  for  good  reasons  de- 
sisted from  following  him  any  fartlier. 

Lord  Cornwallis  halted  and  refreshed  his 
army  for  about  three  weeks  at  Wilmington, 
and  then  marched  across  the  country  to  Peters- 
buro;  in  Virtrinia.  Before  it  was  known  that 
his  lordshi])  had  determined  on  this  movemcmt, 
the  bold  resolution  of  returning  to  South-Car- 
olina was  formed  by  general  Greene.  This  ani- 
mated the  friends  of  Congress  in  that  quarter. 
Had  the.  American  army  followed  his  lordship, 
the  soutliern  states  would  have  conceived  them- 
selves conquered  ;  fortheir  hopcsand  fears  pre- 
vailed just  as  tlie  armies  niarclied  north  or  south. 
Though  lord  Cornwallis  marched  through 
Nortli-Carolina  to  Virginia,  yet  as  the  Ameri- 
can army  returned  to  South-Carolina,  the  people 
considered  that  movement  of  his  lordship  in  the 
light  of  a  retreat. 

While  the  two  armies  were  in  North-Caroli- 
na the  whig  inhabitants  of  South-Carolina  were 
animated  by  the  gallant  exertions  of  Sumter 
and  Marion.  These  distinguished  jiartizans, 
while  surrounded  with  enemies,  kept  the  field. 
Thuu^'h  the  continental  army  was  driven  into 
Virginia,  they  did  not  despair  of  the  common- 
wi'allh.  Having  iiiouiilcd  tlieir  followers, 
their  motions  were  ra])id,  and  their  attacks  un- 
fxp».»cted.  With  their  light  troops  they  inter- 
ceiitcd  th(!  Britsh  convoys  of  provisions,  infes- 
ted iheir  out-j»osts,  beat  up  tlieir  (juarters,  and 
toariassed  their  detachments  with  such  frequent 
alanns,  tliat  lliey  were  obliged  to  be  always  on 
iLeir  guard.    In  tlie  western  extremity  cf  tLe 


state,  Sumter  was  powerfully  supported  by  i  plain,  covered  on  the  south  and  east  sides  by 
colonels   Niel,  Lacy,  Hill,  Wine,    Bratton,  the  Wateree  and  a  creek,  the  western 


Lacy, 

Brandon,  and  others,  each  of  whom  held  militia 
commissions,  and  had  many  friends.  In  the 
north-easteiTi  extremity,  Marion  received  in 
like  manner  great  assistance  from  the  active 
exertions  of  colonels  Peter  Horry,  and  Hugh 
Horry,  lieutenant  colonel  John  Baxter,  colonel 
James  Postell,  major  John  Postell,  and  major 
John  James. 

The  inhabitants,  either  as  afTection  or  vicini- 
ty induced  them,  arranged  themselves  under 
some  of  the  militia  officers  and  performed  many 
gallant  enterprizes.  These  singly  were  of  too 
little  consequence  to  merit  a  particular  relation, 
but  in  general  they  displayed  the  determined 
spirit  of  the  people  and  embarrassed  the  Brit- 
ish. One  m  which  major  John  Postell  com- 
manded may  serve  as  an  illustration  of  the 
spirit  of  tlie  times,  and  particularly  of  the  in- 
difference for  property  which  then  prevailed. 
Captain  James  de  Peyster  of  the  royal  army, 
with  25  grenadiers,  having  taken  post  in  the 
house  of  the  major's  father,  tlie  major  posted 
his  small  command  of  21  militia  men,  in  such 
positions  as  commanded  its  doors,  and  deman- 
ded their  surrender.  This  being  refused,  he 
set  fire  to  an  out-house,  and  was  proceeding  to 
burn  that  in  which  they  were  jiostcd,  and  noth- 
ing but  the  immediate  submission  of  the  M'hole 
party  restrained  liimfrom  sacrificing  his  father's 
valuable  property,  to  gain  an  advantage  to  his 
country. 

AVhile  lord  Cornwallis  was  preparing  to  in- 
vade Virginia,  general  Greene  determined  to 
re-commence  offensive  military  operations  in 
the  southern  extreme  of  the  confederacy,  in 
preference  to  pursuing  his  lordship  into  Vir- 
ginia. General  Sumter,  who  had  warmly  ur- 
ged this  measure,  was  about  this  time  authori- 
zed to  raise  a  state  brigade,  to  be  in  service  for 
eighteen  months.  He  had  also  prepared  the 
militia  to  co-ojierate  with  the  returning  conti- 
nentals. With  these  forces  an  ofli'nsivc  war  was 
re-commenced  in  South-Carolina,  and  prose- 
cuted with  spirit  and  success. 

Before  Greene  set  out  on  his  march  for  Caro- 
lina, he  sent  orders  to  general  Pickens,  to  jirc- 
vent  sup))lies  from  going  to  the  British  garri- 
sons at  Ninety-Six,  and  Augusta,  and  also  de- 
tached lieutenant  colonel  Lee  to  advance  be- 
fore the  continental  troops.  The  latter  in 
eight  days  penetrated  through  the  intermediate 
country  to  general  Marion's  quarters  upon  the 
Santee.  The  main  army,  in  a  few  more  days, 
completed  their  march  from  Deep  river  to 
Camden.  The  British  had  erected  a  chain  of 
posts  from  the  capital  to  the  extreme  districts 
of  the  state,  which  had  regular  communications 
with  each  other.    Lord  Cornwallis  beiiisr  jjone 


to  Virginia,  these  became  objects  of  erterprize 


to  the  Americans.  While  general  Greene 
was  marchin<T  with  his  main  force  asraiiist 
Camden,  fort  Watson,  which  lay  between 
Camden  and  Cliarleston,  was  invested  by  gen- 
eral Marion  and  lieutenant  colonel  Lee.  The 
besiegers  speedily  erected  a  work  '.vhicli 
ovcrloolied  the  fort,  though  that  was  built  on 
an  Indian  mount  uj)wards  of  .30  fi!Ct  liigh,  from 
which  they  fired  into  it  with  such  execution 
that  the  besieged  durst  not  show  themselves. 
Under  these  circumstances  the  garrison,  con- 
sisting of  114  men,  surrendered  by  cujiitu- 
lation. 

Camden,  before  which  the  main  American 
army  was  encamped,  is  a  village  bituated  on  a 


a  creek,  the  western  aniJ 
northern  by  six  redoubts.  It  was  defended  by 
'ord  Rawdon  with  about  900  men.  The 
American  army,  consisting  only  of  about  an 
equal  number  of  continentals,  and  between  two 
and  three  hundred  militia,  was  unequal  to  the 
task  of  carrying  this  post  by  storm,  or  of  com- 
pletely investing  it.  General  Greene  therefore 
took  a  good  jjosiiion  about  a  mile  distant,  in 
expectation  of  alluring  the  garrison  out  of  their 
lines.  Lord  Rawdon  armed  his  whole  force, 
and  with  great  spirit  sallied  on  the  25th.  An 
engagement  ensued.  Victory  for  some  time 
evidently  inclined  to  the  Americans,  but  in  the 
progress  of  the  action,  the  premature  retreat  of 
two  companies  eventually  occasioned  the  de- 
feat of  the  whole  American  army.  Greene 
with  his  usual  firmness,  instantly  took  measures 
to  prevent  lord  Rawdon  from  improving  the 
success  he  had  obtained.  He  retreated  with 
such  order  that  most  of  his  wounded  and  all 
his  artillery,  together  with  a  number  of  prison- 
ers, w-ere  carried  off".  The  British  retired  to 
Camden,  and  the  Americans  encamped  about 
five  miles  from  their  former  position.  Their 
loss  was  between  two  and  three  hundred. 
Soon  after  this  action  general  Greene,  know- 
ing tliat  the  British  garrison  could  not  subsist 
long  in  Camden  without  fresh  supplies  from 
Charleston  or  the  country,  took  such  positions 
as  were  most  likely  to  prevent  their  getting  any. 

Lord  Rawdon  received  a  reinforcement  of  4 
or  500  men  by  the  arrival  of  colonel  Watson 
from  Pedee.  With  this  increase  of  strenjjtli, 
he  attempted  on  the  next  day  to  compel  gen- 
era' Greene  to  another  action,  but  found  it  to 
be  impracticable.  Failing  in  this  design  he 
returned  to  Camden  and  burned  the  jail,  mills, 
many  private  houses,  and  a  great  deal  of  his 
own  baggage.  He  then  evacuated  the  post, 
and  retired  to  the  southward  of  Santee.  H;s 
lordship  discovered  as  much  prudence  in  eva- 
cuating Camden,  as  he  had  shown  bravery  in 
its  defence.  1"he  fall  of  Fort  "Watson  broke 
the  chain  of  communiration  with  Charleston, 
and  the  position  of  the  American  arms,  in  a 
great  measure  interce])t(>d  sujiplies  from  the 
adjacent  country.  The  British  in  South-Caro- 
lina, now  cut  from  all  communication  with 
lord  Cornwallis,  would  ha\  e  hazarded  tlie  cap- 
ital, by  keejiing  large  detachments  in  their 
distant  out-posts.  TLt'V  therefore  resolved  to 
contract  their  limits  by  retiring  within  the  San- 
tee. This  measure  animated  tht;  friends  of 
Congress  in  the  extremities  of  the  state,  and 
disposed  them  to  co-operate  with  the  American 
army.  While  .Greene  lay  in  the  neighlioiliood 
of  Camden,  he  hung  in  one  day  eight  soldiers, 
who  had  deserted  from  his  army.  This  had 
such  effect  afterwards  that  there  was  no  deser- 
tion for  three  months.  On  the  day  after  the 
evacuation  of  Camden,  the  post  at  Orangeburg, 
consisting  of  70  ]>i-itish  militia  and  12  regulars, 
surrendered  to  general  Sumter.  On  the  next 
day  Forte  Motte  capitulated.  This  was  situa- 
ted above  the  fork  on  the  south  side  of  the 
Conirar(>e.  The  British  had  built  tlieir  works 
round  Mrs.  Motte's  dwelling-house.  She  with 
great  cheerfulness  furnished  the  Americani* 
with  materials  for  firing  her  own  house. 
These  being  thrown  by  them  on  its  roof  sooi 
kindled  into  flame.  The  firing  of  the  liouse, 
which  was  in  tlie  centre  of  tlic  Briti.-li  works, 
rompelled  the  garrison,  consisting  of  1C)5  men, 
to  surrender  at  discretion. 


UNITED  STATES 


477 


ill  two  days  more  e  Biitish  evacuated  their 
post  at  N(;lson's  ferry,  and  destroyed  a  great 
part  of  their  stores.  On  the  day  following, 
ibrt  Graiiby,  garrisoned  by  352  men,  mostly 
roya  militia,  surrendered  to  lieutenant  colonel 
Lee.  Very  advantageous  terms  were  given 
tliem,  from  an  apprehension  that  lord  Rawdon 
was  marching  to  their  relief. 

Their  baggage  was  secured,  in  which  was 
mcluded  an  immense  quantity  of  plunder.  The 
American  military  were  much  disgusted  at  the 
terms  allowed  the  garrison,  and  discovered  a 
disposition  to  break  the  capitulation  and  kill  the 
prisoners  ;  but  Greene  restrained  them,  by  de- 
claring in  the  most  preremptory  manner,  that 
he  would  instantly  put  to  death  any  one  who 
should  offer  violence  to  those,  who,  by  surren- 
dering, were  under  his  protection. 

General  Marion  with  a  party  of  militia,  mar- 
ched about  this  time  to  Georgetown,  and  be- 
"■an  regular  approaches  against  the  British  post 
in  that  place.  On  the  first  night  after  liis  men 
had  broken  ground,  their  adversaries  evacua- 
ted tlieir  works,  and  retreated  to  Charleston ; 
shortly  after,  one  Manson,  an  inhabitant  of 
South-Carolina,  who  had  joined  the  British, 
appeared  in  an  armed  vessel,  and  demanded 
permission  to  land  his  men  in  the  town.  This 
being  refased,  he  sent  a  few  of  them  ashore 
and  set  fire  to  it.  Upwards  of  forty  houses 
were  speedly  reduced  to  ashes. 

In  the  rapid  manner  just  related,  the  British 
lost  six  posts,  and  abandoned  all  the  north-eas- 
tern extremities  of  Soutlj-Carolina.  They  still 
retained  possession  of  Augusta  and  Ninety-Six, 
ill  addition  to  their  posts  near  the  sea  coast. 
Immediately  after  the  surrender  of  fort  G  ranby, 
hcutenant  colonel  Lee  began  his  march  for  Au- 
gusta, and  in  four  days  completed  it. 

The  British  post  at  Sdver-Bluft',  with  a  field 
piece  and  considerable  stores,  surrendered  to  a 
detachment  of  Lee's  legion  commanded  bv 
captain  Rudolph.  Lee  on  his  arrival  at  Au- 
gusta joined  Pickens,  who  with  a  body  of  mili- 
tia had  for  some  time  past  taken  post  in  the  vi- 
cinity. They  jointly  carried  on  their  approa- 
ches against  fort  Cornwallis  at  Augusta,  in 
which  colonel  Brown  commanded.  Two 
batteries  were  erected  within  30  yards  of  the 
parapet,  which  overlooked  the  fort.  From 
these  eminences  the  American  riflemen  shot 
into  the  inside  of  the  works  with  success  : 
The  garrison  buried  themselves  in  a  great  mea- 
sure under  ground,  and  obstinately  refused  to 
capitulate,  till  the  necessity  was  so  pressing 
that  every  man  who  attempted  to  fire  on  the 
besiegers,  was  immediately  shot  down.  At 
length  when  fartlier  resistance  would  have 
been  madness,  the  fort  with  about  300  men  sur- 
rendered, on  lionorable  terms  of  capitulation. 
The  Americans  during  the  siege  had  about  for- 
ty men  killed  and  wounded.  After  the  sur- 
render, lieut.  colonel  Grierson  of  the  British 
militia,  was  shot  by  the  Americans.  A  re- 
ward of  100  guineas  was  offered,  but  in  vain, 
for  the  perpetrator  of  the  perfidious  deed. 
Lieutenant  colonel  Brown,  would  probably 
have  shared  the  same  fate,  had  not  his  conquer- 
ors furnished  him  with  an  escort  to  the  royal  gar- 
rison in  Savannah.  Individuals  whose  paS' 
sions  were  inflamed  by  injuries,  and  exaspera- 
ted with  personal  animosity,  were  eager  to 
gratify  revenge  in  violation  of  tlie  laws  of  war. 
Murders  had  produced  murders.  Plundering, 
ass:issinations,  and  house  burnings,  had  become 
common.    Zeal  for  the  king  or  tlie  Congress 


were  the  ostensible  motives  of  action  ;  but  in  se- 
veral of  both  sides,  the  love  of  plunder,  private 
pique,  and  asavageness  oi'disposition,  led  to  ac- 
tions which  were  disgraceful  to  human  nature. 
Such  was  the  state  of  parties  in  the  vicinity  of 
Savannah  river,  and  such  the  exasperation  of 
whigs  against  torics,  and  of  tories,  against 
whigs ;  and  so  much  had  they  suffered  from 
and  inflicted  on  each  other,  that  the  laws  of 
war,  and  the  precepts  of  humanity,  afforded 
but  a  feeble  security  ibr  the  observance  of  ca- 
pitulations on  either  side.  The  American  offi- 
cers exerted  themselves  to  procure  to  their 
prisoners  that  safety  which  many  of  the  inhab- 
itants, influenced  by  a  remembrance  ol"  the 
sufferings  of  themselves,  and  of  their  friends, 
were  unwilling  to  allow  them. 

While  operations  were  carrying  on  against 
the  small  posts,  Greene  proceeded  with  his 
main  army  and  laid  siege  to  Ninety-Six,  in 
which  lieutenant  colonel  Cruger,  with  upwards 
of  500  men,  was  advantageously  posted.  On 
the  left  of  the  besiegers  was  a  work  erected  in 
the  form  of  a  star.  On  the  right  was  a  strong 
blockade  fort,  with  two  block  houses  in  it. 
The  town  was  also  picquetted  in  with  strong 
picquets,  and  surrounded  with  a  ditch,  and  a 
bank,  near  the  height  of  a  common  parapet. 
The  besiegers  were  more  numerous  than  the 
besieged,  but  the  disparity  was  not  great. 

The  siege  was  prosecuted  with  indefatiga- 
ble industry.  The  garrison  defended  them- 
selves with  spirit  and  address.  On  the  morn- 
ing after  the  siege  began,  a  party  sallied  from 
the  garrison,  and  drove  the  advance  of  the  be- 
siegers from  their  works.  The  next  night, 
two  strong  block  batteries  were  erected  at 
the  distance  of  350  yards.  Another  battery  20 
feet  high,  was  erected  within  220  yards,  and 
soon  after  a  fourth  one  was  erected  within  100 
yards  of  the  main  fort,  and  lastly,  a  rifle  bat- 
tery was  erected  30  feet  high,  within  30  yards 
of  the  ditch  ;  from  all  of  which  the  besiegers 
fired  into  the  British  works.  The  abbatis  was 
turned,  and  a  mine  and  two  trenches  were  so 
far  extended,  as  to  be  within  six  feet  of  the 
ditch.  At  that  interesting  moment,  intelligence 
was  conveyed  into  the  garrison,  that  lord  Raw- 
don was  near  at  hand,  with  about  2000  men  for 
their  relief.  These  had  arrived  in  Charleston 
from  Ireland  after  the  siege  began,  and  were 
marched  for  Ninety-Six, on  the  seventh  day  after 
they  landed.  In  these  circumstances,  gen- 
eral Greene  had  no  alternative  but  to  raise  the 
seige,  or  attempt  the  reduction  of  the  place  by 
assault.  The  latter  was  attempted.  Though 
the  assailants  displayed  great  resolution,  they 
lliiled  of  success.  On  this  gen.  Greene  raised 
the  siege,  and  retreated  over  Saluda.  His  loss 
in  the  assault  and  previous  conflicts  was  about 
150  men.  Lieutenant  colonel  Cruger  deser- 
vedly gained  great  reputation  by  this  success- 
ful defence.  He  was  particularly  indebted  to 
major  Greene, who  had  bravely  and  judiciously 
defended  that  redoubt,  for  the  reduction  of 
which,  the  greatest  exertions  had  been  made. 
Truly  distressing  was  die  situation  of  the 
American  army.  When  they  were  nearly 
masters  of  the  whole  country,  they  were  com- 
pelled to  seek  safety  by  retreating  to  its  ut- 
most extremity.  In  this  gloomy  situation 
Greene  was  advised  to  retire  with  his  remain- 
ing force  to  Virginia.  To  suggestions  of  this 
kind  he  nobly  replied,  "I  will  recover  South- 
Carolina,  or  die  in  the  attempt."  This  distin- 
guished officer,  whose  genius  was  most  vigorous 


in  those  ])erilousextreniities  when  feebh;  minds 
abandoned  themselves  to  despaii-,  adopted  the 
only  expedientnow  left liiin,  that  ol'a\  oidiiig  an 
engagement  till  the  British  force  should  be  di- 
vided. Lord  Rawdon,  who  by  rapid  marches 
was  near  Ninety-Six  at  the  time  of  the  assault, 
pursued  the  Americans  as  iiir  as  the;  Enoree  river; 
but  without  overtaking  them.  Desisting  I'vom 
this  fruitless  pursuit,  he  drew  off' a  j)art  of  lii» 
force  fi-om  Ninety-Six,  and  fixed  a  detaclinieiit 
at  the  Congaree.  General  CJreenc,  on  lirariiig 
tliat  the  British  force  was  divided,  iiiced  aijout 
to  give  them  battle.  Lord  IJawdon,  no  less 
surprized  than  alarmed  at  this  unexjiected 
movement  of  his  lately  retreating  {'ae,  abandon 
ed  the  Congaree  in  two  days  after  heliad  reach 
ed  it,  and  marched  to  Oraiigeburgh.  General 
Greene  in  his  turn  pursued  and  offered  him 
battle.  His  lordship  woidd  not  venture  out, 
and  his  adversary  was  too  weak  to  attack  him 
in  his  encampment,  with  any  j)rospect  of 
success. 

Reasons  similar  to  tliose  which  indi-ccd  the 
British  to  evacuate  Camden,  weiglied  with 
them  about  this  time,  to  withdraw  their  troops 
from  Ninety-Six.  While  the  American  armv 
lay  nearOrangeburgh, lieutenant  colonel  Ci-uger 
having  evacuated  the  post  lie  liad  gallantly  de- 
fended, was  marching  with  the  troops  of  that 
garrison,  through  the  forks  of  Edislo,  to  join 
lord  Rawdon  at  Orangeburgh.  General 
G  reene  being  unable  to  prevent  their  junction, 
and  still  less  so  to  stand  before  their  combined 
force,  retired  to  the  high  hills  of  Santee.  Tlie 
evacuation  of  Camden  having  been  effected  by 
striking  at  the  posts  below  it,  the  same  man- 
oeuvre was  now  attempted  to  induce  the  lirit- 
isli  to  leave  Orangeburgh.  With  this  view, 
general  Sumter  and  Marion,  with  their  brigades, 
and  the  legion  ca\alry,  were  detached  to 
Monk's  corner  and  Dorchester.  They  moved 
down  different  roads,  and  commenced  separate 
..nd  successful  attacks,  on  convoys  and  detacli- 
ments  in  the  vicinity  of  Charleston.  In  this 
manner  was  the  war  carried  on.  Wliile  the 
British  kept  their  forces  compact  they  could  not 
cover  the  country,  and  the  American  general 
had  the  prudence  to  avoid  figliting.  When 
they  divided  their  army,  tlieir  detachments 
were  attacked  and  defeated.  While  they  were 
in  the  upper  country,  light  parties  of  Ameri- 
cans annoyed  their  small  posts  in  the  lower  set- 
tlements. The  people  soon  fiiund  that  the  late 
conquerors  were  not  able  to  afl^ord  them  their 
promised  protection.  Tlie  spirit  of  revolt  lie- 
came  general,  and  the  royal  interest  declined 
daily. 

The  British  having  evacuated  all  their  posts 
to  the  northward  of  Santee  and  Congai'ee,  and 
to  the  westward  of  Edisto  conceived  themselves 
able  to  hold  all  that  fertile  country  which  is  in  a 
great  measure  enclosed  by  these  rivers.  They 
therefore  once  more  resumed  their  station,  near 
the  junction  of  the  Watcree  and  Congaree 
This  induced  general  Greene  to  concert  far 
ther  measures  for  forcing  them  down  towards 
Charleston.  He  therefore  crossed  thi!  Wateree 
and  Congaree,  and  collected  his  whole  force 
on  the  south  side  of  the  latter,  intending  to  act 
offens'vely.  On  his  approach  the  British  re- 
tired about  40  miles  nearer  Charleston,  and 
took  post  at  the  Eiitaw  springs.  General 
Greene  advanced  with  2000  men,  to  attack 
them  in  their  encampment  at  this  place.  His 
force  Avas  drawn  up  in  two  lino*; :  The  first 
was  composed  of  militia,  and  the  second  of 


478 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


continental  troops.  As  the  Americans  advan- 
ced they  fell  in  with  two  parties  of  the  British, 
tliree  or  four  n:Ues  a-head  of  tlieir  main  army. 
These  being  l.riskly  attacked  soon  retired. 
The  militia  continued  to  pursue  and  fire,  till 
the  action  liecame  general,  and  till  they  were 
obliged  to  give  way.  They  were  well  suj)- 
ported  by  the  continental  troops.  In  tlie  hot- 
test of  the  action  colonel  O.  Williams,  and 
lieutenant  colonel  Campbell,  with  the  Mary- 
'aiid  and  Virefinia  continentals,  charfjed  with 
trailed  arms.  Nothing  could  surpass  the  in- 
trepidity of  both  officers  and  men  on  this  oc- 
casion. They  rushed  on  in  good  order  through 
a  heavy  cannonade  and  a  shower  of  musketry, 
with  such  unshaken  resolution,  that  they  bore 
down  all  before  them.  Lieutenant  colonel 
Campbell,  while  bravely  leading  his  men  on 
to  that  successful  charge,  received  a  mortal 
woimd.  After  he  had  fallen,  he  inquired  who 
gave  way,  and  being  informed  that  the  British 
were  fleeing  in  all  quarters,  replied,  "I  die 
contented,"  and  immediately  expired.  The 
British  were  vigorously  pursued,  and  upwards 
of  500  of  them  were  taken  prisoners.  On  their 
retreat  they  took  post  in  a  strong  brick  house, 
and  in  a  picquetted  garden.  From  these  ad- 
vantageous positions  they  renewed  the  action. 
Four  six  pounders  were  ordered  up  before  the 
house  from  under  cover  of  which  the  British 
were  firing.  The  Americans  were  compelled 
to  leave  these  pieces  and  retire,  but  they  left  a 
strong  p;c(juet  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  only 
retreated  to  the  nearest  water  in  their  rear.  In 
the  evening  of  the  next  tiny,  lieutenant  colonel 
Stuart,  who  commanded  the  British  on  this 
occasion,  left  seventy  of  his  wounded  men  and 
a  thousand  stand  of  arms,  and  moved  from  the 
Kiitaws  towards  Charleston.  The  loss  of  the 
British,  inclusive  of  prisoners,  was  upwards  of 
J 100  men,  that  of  the  Americans  above  500,  in 
which  number  were  sixty  officers.  Congress 
honored  general  Greene  for  lils  good  conduct  in 
this  action,  with  a  British  standard  and  a  golden 
incdal.  They  also  voted  their  thanks  to  the 
different  cor]is  and  their  commanders. 

Soon  after  this  engagement,  the  Americans 
retired  to  tlieir  former  position  on  the  high 
hills  of  Santee,  and  the  British  took  post  in  the 
vicinity  of  Monk's-Corner.  In  the  close  of  the 
year,  general  Greene  moved  down  into  the 
lower  country,  and  a])out  the  same  time  the 
I'ritish  abaiidoiunl  their  out-posts,  and  retired 
with  their  whole  force  to  the  quarter  house  on 
Charleston-neck.  The  defence  of  the  country 
was  given  up,  and  tlie  conijucrors,  who  liad 
lately  carried  their  arms  to  the  extremities  of 
the  state,  seldom  aimed  at  any  thing  more  than 
to  secure  tlicmselves  in  the  vicinity  of  the  cap- 
ital. The  crops,  which  had  been  planted  in 
the  spring  of  the  year  under  Britisli  ausj)iccs, 
and  with  the  expectation  of  affording  them  sup- 
plies, f(!ll  into  the  hands  of  the  Americans  ;iik1 
adininist(!red  to  them  a  seasonabierelief  The 
liattl(M)f  Eutaw  maybe  consid(  red  as  closing 
tli(!  national  war  in  South-Carolina.  A  few 
excursions  were  afterwards  made  by  the  Brit- 
;eli,  and  sundry  small  enterprizes  were  execu- 
ted, but  nothing  of  nioi-e  general  conse(]uence 
than  the  loss  of  property,  and  of  individual 
lives.  Thus  ended  tlie  campaign  of  17Sl,in 
South-Carolina.  At  its  commencement  the 
British  were  in  force  over  all  the  state  ;  nt  its 
cl.)sc  they  durst  not,  but  with  great  precaution, 
venture  twenty  mil.;sfromCharleston.  History 
tiflbrds  but  few  instances  of  commanders,  who 


have  achieved  so  much  with  equal  means,  as 
was  done  by  general  Greene  in  the  short  space 
of  a  twelvemonth.  He  opened  the  campaign 
with  gloomy  prospects,  but  closed  it  with 
glory.  His  unpaid  and  half  naked  army  had 
to  contend  with  veteran  soldiers,  supplied  with 
every  thing  tliat  the  wealth  of  Britain  or  the 
plunder  of  Carolina  could  procure.  Under 
all  these  disadvantages,  he  compelled  superior 
numbers  to  retire  from  the  extremity  of  the 
state,  and  confine  themselves  in  the  capital  and 
its  vicinity.  Had  not  his  mind  been  of  the 
firmest  texture,  he  v/ould  have  been  discoura- 
ged ;  but  his  enemies  found  him  as  formidable 
on  the  evening  of  a  defeat,  as  on  the  morning 
after  a  victory 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

C&mpuign  of  1781. — Operations  in  Virsinia  : — Comwallis 
captured : — New  London  d'Jstroyed. 

It  has  already  been  mentioned  that  lord 
Cornwallls,  soon  after  the  battle  of  Guilford, 
marched  to  Wilmington  in  North-Carolina. 
When  he  had  completed  that  march,  various 
plans  of  operation  were  presented  to  his  view. 
It  was  said  in  favour  of  his  proceeding  south- 
wardly, that  the  country  between  Wilmington 
and  Ciimden  was  barren  and  of  difficult  pas- 
sage— that  an  embarkation  for  Charleston 
would  be  both  tedious  and  disgraceful — that  a 
jtmction  with  the  royal  forces  in  Virginia,  and 
the  prosecution  of  solid  operations  in  that 
quarter,  would  be  the  most  effectual  plan  for 
eflecting  and  securing  the  submission  of  the 
rtxire  southern  states.  Other  arguments,  of 
apparently  equal  force,  urged  his  return  to 
South-Carolina.  Previous  to  his  departure  for 
Virginia,  he  had  received  information  that 
general  Greene  had  begun  his  march  for  Cam- 
den, and  he  had  reason  from  past  experience  to 
fear  that  if  he  did  not  follow  him,  the  inhabi- 
tants by  a  second  revolt,  would  give  the  Ameri- 
am  army  a  superiority  over  the  small  force  left 
nnder  lord  Rawdon.  Though  his  lordship  was 
very  apprehensive  of  danger  from  that  quarter, 
he  hoped  that  lord  Rawdon  would  be  able  to 
stand  his  ground,  or  that  general  Greene  would 
fi)lIow  the  royal  army  to  Virginia,  or  in  the  most 
fiivourablecvcnthe  flattered  himself,  that  by  the 
conquest  of  Virginia,  the  recovery  of  South- 
Carolina  would  be  at  any  time  practicable.  His 
lordship  having  too  much  pride  to  tuni  back, 
and  preferring  the  extensive  scale  of  operations 
which  Virginia  presented,  to  the  narrow  one 
of  preserving  })ast  conquests,  determined  to 
leave  Carolina  to  its  fate.  Before  the  end  of 
April,  he  therefore  proceeded  on  his  march, 
from  Wilmington  towards  Virginia.  To  favour 
the  ])assage  of  the  many  rivers,  with  \vhich  the 
country  is  intersected,  two  boats  were  mount- 
ed on  carriages  and  taken  along  with  liis  army. 
TIk;  king's  troops  proceeded  several  days 
without  opposition,  and  nimost  without  intelli- 
gence. The  Americans  made  an  attempt  at 
Swift-Creek  and  afterwards  at  Fisliing-creek  to 
stop  their  progress,  but  without  any  eflect.  The 
British  took  the  shortest  road  to  Halifax,  and 
on  their  arrival  there  defeated  several  ])arties 
of  the  Americans  and  tooksomestores  with  very 
little  loss  on  their  side.  The  Roanoke,  tlie 
Meherrin,  and  (he  Noltaway  rivers  were  suc- 
cessively crossed  by  the  royal  army,  aud  with 


little  or  no  opposition  from  the  dispersed  in- 
habitants. In  less  than  a  month  the  march 
from  Wilmington  to  Petersburg  was  completed. 
The  latter  had  been  fixed  upon  as  the  place  of 
rendezvous,  in  a  private  correspondence  with 
general  Phillips.  By  this  combination  of  the 
royal  force  previously  employed  in  Virginia, 
with  the  troops  which  had  marched  fiom  Wil- 
mington, lord  Comwallis  was  at  the  head  of  a 
very  powerful  army.  This  jmxition  was  scarce- 
ly completed,  when  lord  Cornv/allis  received 
lord  Rawdoii's  report  of  the  advantage  he  had 
gained  over  general  Greene,  on  the  25th  of  tlie 
preceding  month.  About  the  same  time  he  re- 
ceived information  that  tliree  British  regiments 
had  sailed  from  Cork  for  Charleston. 

These  two  events  cased  his  mind  of  all 
anxiety  for  South-Carolina,  and  inspired  him 
v.-ith  brilliant  hopes  of  a  glorious  campaign. 
He  considered  himself  as  having  already  sub- 
dued both  the  Carolinas,  and  as  beintj  in  a  fair 
way  to  increase  his  military  fame,  by  the  adtli- 
tion  of  Virginia  to  the  list  of  liis  con(iuests.  By 
the  late  combination  of  the  royal  forces  under 
Phillips  and  Comwallis,  and  by  the  recent 
arrival  of  a  nunforcement  of  1500  men  directly 
from  New- York,  Virginia  became  the  principal 
theatre  of  operations  for  the  remainder  of  the 
campaign.  The  formidable  force,  thus  collect- 
ed in  one  body,  called  for  the  vigorous  exer- 
tions of  the  friends  of  independence.  The  de- 
fensive operatlojis,  in  opposition  to  it,  were 
principally  entrusted  to  the  Man^uis  de  la 
Fayette.  Early  in  the  yenr  he  had  been  de- 
tached from  the  main  American  army  on  an 
expedition,  the  object  of  which  was  a  co-opera- 
tion with  the  FrciK;h  fleet  in  capturing  geni'mi 
Arnold.  On  the  failure  of  this,  the  Mar(ji:i3 
marched  back  as  far  as  the  head  of  Elk.  Tliere 
he  received  an  order  to  return  to  Virginia  to 
oppose  the  British  forces,  which  had  become 
more  formidable  by  the  arri\'al  of  a  considerable 
reinforcement,  under  general  Philips.  Ho 
proceeded  without  delay  to  Richmond,  and 
arrived  there  the  day  before  the  British  reach- 
ed Manchester,  on  the  opposite  side  of  James 
river.  Thus  was  the  capital  of  ^'irglnia,  at  that 
time  filled  with  almost  all  the  military  stores 
of  the  state,  saved  from  imminent  danger.  So 
great  was  the  superiority  of  nuniliers  on  the 
side  of  the  British,  that  the  Marquis  had  l  efbrc 
him  a  labour  of  the  grentest  difliculty,  and  was 
pressed  with  many  embarrassments.  In  the 
first  moments  of  the  rising  ^empest,  and  till  he 
could  j)rovlde  against  its  utmost  rage,  lie  began 
to  retire  with  his  little  army,  which  consisted 
only  of  about  1000  regulars,  2000  militia,  and 
GO  dragoons. 

Lord  Comwallis  advanced  from  Petersburg 
to  James  river,  which  he  crossed  at  AVestown, 
and  thence  marching  througli  Hanover  county, 
crossed  the  South  Anna  or  Pamunkey  river. 
The  marquis  followed  his  motions,  but  at  a 
ETunrded  distance.  The  superiority  ff  the 
British  nrmy,  especially  of  their  cavjdry,  which 
tliey  easily  supplied  with  good  horses  from 
the  stables  and  j)astures  ofprn  ate  gent.emen  in 
Virginia,  enabled  them  to  iraverse  the  country 
in  all  directions.  Two  distant  exjieditions 
were  therefore  tindertaken.  The  one  was  to 
Cliarlotteville,  with  the  \  lew  of  capturing  the 
governor  and  assembly  of  the  state.  The 
other  to  Point  of  Fork  to  destroy  stores.  Lieu- 
tenant colonel  Tarleton,  to  whom  the  first  was 
committed,  succeeded  so  for  as  to  disperse  the 
assembly,  captuis  seven  of  its  rneniucrs.  ai.d 


UNITED  STATES. 


479 


to  destroy  a  great  quantity  of  stores  at  and 
near  Charlotte ville.  The  other  expedition, 
which  was  committed  to  lieutenaTit  colonel  Sim- 
•oe,  was  only  in  part  successful,  for  the 
Americans  had  previously  removed  the  most 
of  tlieir  stores  irom  Point  of  Fork.  In  the 
course  of  these  marches  and  countermarches, 
-immense  ijuantities  of  property  were  destroy- 
ed, and  sundry  unimportant  skirmishes  took 
olace.  The  British  made  many  partial  con- 
quests, but  these  were  seldom  of  longer  duration 
ihan  their  encampments.  The  young  marquis, 
vvith  a  degree  of  prudence  that  would  have 
done  honour  to  an  old  soldier,  acted  so  cau- 
tiously on  the  defensive  and  made  so  judicious 
a  choice  of  posts,  and  showed  so  much  vigour 
and  design  in  his  movements,  as  to  prevent 
any  advantage  being  taken  of  bis  weakness. 
In  his  circumstances,  not  to  be  destroyed,  was 
triumph.  He  effected  a  junction  at  Raccoon- 
ford  with  general  Wayne,  who  was  at  the 
head  of  800  Pennsylvanians.  While  this  junc- 
tion was  forming,  the  British  got  betw^een  the 
American  army  and  its  stores,  which  had  been 
removed  from  Richmond  to  Albemarle  old 
court-house.  The  possession  of  these  was  an 
object  with  both  armies.  The  marquis  by 
forced  marches,  got  within  a  few  miles  of  the 
British  army,  when  they  were  two  days 
march  from  Albemarle  old  court-house.  The 
British  general  considered  himself  as  sure  of 
his  adversary,  for  he  knew  that  the  stores  were 
his  object;  and  he  conceived  it  impractical)le 
for  the  marquis  to  get  between  .him  and  the 
stores;  but  by  a  road  in  passing  which  he 
might  be  attacked  to  advantage.  The  mar 
qnis  had  the  address  to  extricate  himself  from 
tliis  difficulty,  by  opening  in  the  night  a  nearer 
road  to  Albemarle  old  court-house,  which  had 
been  longf  disused  and  was  much  embarrass 
ed.  To  the  surprize  of  lord  Cornvvaliis,  the 
marquis  fixed  himself  the  next  day  between  the 
British  army  and  the  American  stores.  Lord 
Cornwallls,  finding  his  schemes  frustrated,  fell 
back  to  Richmond.  About  this  time  the  mar 
qnis'  army  was  reinforced  by  Stculjen's  troops, 
and  by  militia  from  the  parts  adjacent.  He 
followed  lord  Cornwallis,  and  had  the  address 
to  impress  him  with  an  idea  that  the  American 
army  was  much  greater  than  it  really  was. 
His  lordship  therefore  retreated  to  Williams- 
burg. The  day  after  the  main  body  of  the 
British  army  arrived  there,  their  rear  was  at- 
tacked by  an  American  light  corps  under  colo- 
nel Butler,  and  sustained  a  considerable  loss. 

About  the  time  lord  Cornwallis  reached 
Williamsburgh,  he  received  intelligence  from 
New- York  setting  forth  the  danger  to  which 
the  royal  army  in  that  city  was  exposed  from 
a  combined  attack,  that  was  said  to  be  threaten- 
ed by  the  French  and  Americans.  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  therefore  required  a  detachment  from 
earl  Cornwallis,  if  he  was  not  engaged  in  any 
important  enterprize,  and  recommended  to  him 
a  healthy  station,  with  an  ample  defensive  force, 
till  the  danger  of  New- York  was  dispersed. 
Lord  Cornwallis,  thinking  it  expedient  to  com- 
ply with  this  requisition,  andjudging  that  his 
command  afterwards  would  not  be  adequate  to 
maintain  his  present  position  at  Williamsburg, 
determined  to  retire  to  Portsmouth.  For  the 
execution  of  this  project,  it  was  necessary  to 
cross  .Tames  river.  The  marquis  de  la  Fayette, 
I  conceiving  this  to  be  a  favorable  opportunity 
'  for  acting  offensively,  advanced  on  the  British. 
Hencral  Wayne,  relying  on  the  information  of 


a  countryman,  that  the  main  body  of  the  Brit- 1  by  the  Marquis  de  St.  Simon,  were  disemhark- 


ish  had  crossed  James  river,  pushed  forwards 
with  about  SCO  light  troops  to  harrass  their  rear. 
Contrary  to  his  expectations,  he  found  the 
whole  British  army  drawn  up  ready  to  oppose 
him.  He  instantly  conceived  that  the  best 
mode  of  extricating  himself  from  his  perilous 
situation  would  be,  to  assume  a  bold  counte- 
nance, and  engage  his  adversaries  before  he  at- 
tempted to  retreat.  He  therefore  pressed  on 
for  some  time,  and  ur^ed  an  attack  with  spirit 
before  he  fell  back.  Lord  Cornwalllis,  perha])s 
suspecting  an  ambuscade,  did  not  pursue.  By 
this  bold  manoeuvre,  Wayne  got  off  with  but 
little  loss. 

In  the  course  of  these  various  movements, 
the  British  were  joined  by  few  of  the  inhabitants 
and  scarcely  by  any  of  the  natives.  The  Virgini- 
ans for  the  most  part  either  joined  the  Ameri- 
cans, or,  what  was  much  more  common,  kept 
out  of  the  way  of  the  British.  To  purchase 
safety  by  submission,  was  the  policy  of  very 
few,  and  these  were  for  the  most  part  natives 
of  Britain.  After  earl  Cornwallis  had  crossed 
.Tames  river,  he  marched  for  Portsmouth.  He 
had  previously  taken  the  necessary  steps  for 
complying  with  the  requisition  of  sir  Henry 
Clinton,  to  send  a  part  of  his  command  to 
New-York.  Butbefore  they  sailed,  an  expres 
arrived  from  sir  Henry  Clinton  with  a  letter, 
expressing  his  preference  of  Williamsburgh  to 
Portsmouth  for  the  residence  of  the  army,  and 
his  desire  that  Old-Point-Comfort  or  Hampton 
road  should  be  secured  as  a  station  for  line  of 
battle  ships.  The  commander  in  chief,  at  the 
same  time,  allowed  his  lordship  to  detain  any 
part  or  the  whole  of  tiie  forces  under  his 
command,  for  completing  this  service.  On  ex 
amination,  Hampton  road  was  not  approved  of 
as  a  station  for  the  navy.  It  being  a  principal 
object  of  the  campaign  to  fix  on  a  strong  per- 
manent post  or  place  of  iirms  in  the  Chesapeake 
for  the  security  of  both  the  army  and  navy,  and 
Portsmouth  and  Hampton  road  having  both 
been  pronounced  unfit  for  that  purpose,  York 
Town  and  Gloucester  Points  were  considered 
as  most  likely  to  accord  with  the  views  of  the 
royal  commanders.  Portsmouth  was  there 
fore  evacuated,  and  its  garrison  transferred 
to  York-Town.  Lord  Cornwallis  availed 
himself  of  sir  Henry  Clinton's  permission  to 
retain  the  whole  force  under  his  command,  and 
impressed  with  the  necessity  of  establishing  a 
stroiigplace  of  arms  in  the  Chesapeake,  applied 
himself  with  industry  to  fortify  his  new  posts  so 
as  to  render  them  tenable  by  his  present  army, 
amounting  to  7000  men  against  any  force  that  he 
supposed  likely  to  be  brought  against  them. 

At  this  period  the  officers  of  tlie  British 
navy  expected  that  their  fleet  in  the  West-In- 
dies would  join  them,  and  that  solid  operations 
in  Virginia  would  in  a  short  time  re-commence 
with  increased  vigour. 

While  they  were  indulging  these  hopes, 
count  de  Grasse,  with  a  French  fleet  of  28  sail  of 
the  line  from  the  West-Indies,  entered  the 
Chesapeake,  and  about  the  same  time  intelli- 
gence arrived,  that  the  French  and  American 
armies  whicli  had  been  lately  stationed  in  the 
more  northern  states,  were  advancing  towards 
Virginia.  Count  de  Grasse,  without  loss  of 
time,  blocked  up  York  river  with  three  large 
ships  and  some  frigates,  and  moored  the  princi- 
pal j)art  of  his  fleet  in  Lynhaven  bay.  Three 
tliousaiid  two  hundred  French  troops,  brought 
in  tliis  fleet  from  the  West-Indies,  commanded 


ed  and  soon  after  formed  a  junction  w  ith  the 
continental  troops  under  the  manjuis  de  la 
Fayette,  and  the  whole  took  post  at  Williams- 
burg. An  attack  on  this  force  was  intendetl, 
but  before  all  the  arrangements  subservient  to 
its  execution  were  fixed  upon,  letters  fif'an  c.-u-ly 
date  in  September  were  received  by  lord  Corn- 
wallis from  sir  Henry  Clinton,  announcing  that 
he  would  do  his  utmost  to  reinfiirce  the  royal 
army  in  the  Chesapeake,  or  make  every  diver 
sion  in  his  power,  and  that  admiral  Digby  was 
hourly  expected  on  the  coast.  On  the  receipt  of 
this  intelligence  earl  Cornwallis,  not  tliinking 
himself  justified  in  hazarding  an  ongagcmi  iit, 
abandoned  the  resolution  of  attacking  the  com- 
bined force  of  Fayette  and  St.  Simon.  It  is  the 
province  of  history  to  relate  what  has  hajjpcn- 
ed,  and  notto  indulge  conjectures  in  the  bound- 
less field  of  contingencies  ;  otherwise  it  might 
be  added  that  earl  Cornwallis,  by  this  change 
of  opinion,  lost  a  favoraljle  ojjportuniiy  of  ex- 
tricating himself  from  a  combination  of  hostile 
force,  which  by  farther  concentrntien  soon  be- 
came irresistible.  On  the  other  liand  if  an  at- 
tack had  been  made,  and  that  had  proved 
unsuccessful,  he  would  liavc  been  charged 
with  raslmess  in  not  waiting  for  the  promised 
co-operation.  On  the  same  uncertain  ground 
of  conjecturing  what  ought  to  have  been  done, 
it  might  be  said  that  the  knowledge  earl 
Cornwallis  bad  of  public  affairs  would  Iiave 
justified  him  in  abandoning  York-Town,  in 
order  to  return  to  South-Carolina.  It  seems  as 
though  this  would  have  been  his  M-isestplan; 
but  either  from  an  opinion  that  his  instructions, 
to  stand  his  ground  were  positi\e,  or  that 
effectual  relief  was  probable,  his  lordship 
thought  proper  to  risk  every  thing  on  the 
issue  of  a  siege.  An  attempt  was  made  to 
burn  or  dislodge  the  French  ships  in  tlie 
river,  but  none  to  evacuate  his  j)osts  at  this 
c  rly  period,  when  that  measure  \\  as  prac- 
ticable. 

Admiral  Greaves,  with  20  sail  of  the  line, 
made  an  effort  for  the  relief  of  lord  Cornwallis 
but  without  effecting  his  jturjiose.  ^\'hen  ha 
appeared  oft'  the  capes  of"Viiginia,  ISf.de  Grasse 
went  out  to  meet  him,  and  an  indecisive  en 
gagement  took  place.  The  British  were  willing 
to  renew  the  action ;  but  de  Grasse  for  good 
reasons  declin'^d  it.  His  chief  object  in  coming 
out  of  the  capes  was  to  cover  a  French  fleet 
of  eight  line  of  battle  ships,  which  was  expec- 
ted from  Rhode-Island.  In  conformity  to  a 
preconcerted  plan,  count  de  Barras,  comman- 
der of  this  fleet,  had  sailed  for  the  Chesapeake, 
about  the  same  time  de  Grasst;  sailed  from  tho 
West-Indies  forthe  same  ]ilace.  To  avoid  the 
British  fleet  he  had  taken  a  circuit  by  Bermuda. 
For  fear  that  the  British  fleet,  miglit  intercept 
him  on  his  approach  to  tlie  cajies  of  V  irginia,  do 
Grasse  came  out  to  beat  hand  f<)rhis  protection. 
While  Greaves  and  de  Grasse  were  mancLHiv- 
rins;'  near  the  mouth  of  the  Chesapeake,  count 
de  Barras  passed  the  f"ormer  in  the  night,  and 
got  within  the  capes  of  Virginia.  Tliis  gave 
the  fleet  of  his  most  christian  majesty  a  decided 
superiority.  Admiral  Greaves  soon  took  his 
departure,  and  M.  de  Grasse  re-entered  the 
Chesapeake.  All  this  time,  conformably  to 
the  well  digested  plan  of  the  campaign,  tho 
French  and  the  American  forces  were  march 
ing  through  tlie  middle  states  on  their  way  to 
York-town.  To  understand  in  their  proper 
connexion  the   fjreat   e\ents  shortly  to  be 


480 


HISTORY  OFTHE 


flescribed,  it  is  necessary  to  go  back  and  trace 
die  remote  causes  which  hrouglit  on  this  great 
eoinbination  of  fleets  and  armies  whicli  put  a 
period  to  the  war. 

The  fall  of  Charleston  in  May  1780,  and  the 
{oniplete  rout  of  the  southern  American  army 
vn  August  following,  together  with  the  increas- 
Tjg  inability  of  the  Americans  to  carry  on  the 
A'a.r,  gave  a  serious  alarm  to  the  friends  of  in- 
dependence. In  tills  low  ebb  of  their  affairs,  a 
pathetic  statement  of  their  distresses  was  made 
totheirillustrious  ally  the  king  of  France.  To 
give  greater  efficacy  to  their  solicitations.  Con- 
gress a])pointed  lieutenant-colonel  John  Lau- 
rens their  special  minister,  and  directed  him 
ol'ter  repairing  to  the  court  of  Versailles,  to 
urge  the  necessity  of  speedy  and  effectual 
succour,  and  in  particular  to  solicit  for  a  loan  of 
money,  and  the  co-operation  of  a  French  fleet, 
in  atttempting  some  important  entcrprize 
against  the  common  enemy.  His  great  abilities 
as  an  officer,  had  been  often  displayed  ;  but  on 
this  occasion,  the  superior  talents  of  the  states- 
man and  negociator  were  called  forth  into 
action.  Animated  as  he  was  with  the  ardor  of 
the  warmest  patriotism,  and  feeling  most 
sensibly  for  the  distresses  of  his  country,  his 
wtiole  soul  was  e.\erted  to  Interest  the  court 
of  France  in  giving  a  vigorous  aid  to  thtjir 
allies.  His  engaging  manners  and  insinuating 
address,  procured  a  favorable  reception  to -his 
representations.  He  won  the  hearts  of  those 
who  were  at  the  lielm  of  public  affairs,  and 
inflamed  them  with  zeal  to  assist  a  country 
whose  cause  was  so  ably  pleaded,  and  whose 
Bulfermgs  were  so  pathetically  represented. — 
At  this  crisis,  his  most  christian  majesty  gave 
h"s  Amorii-an  allies  a  subsidy  of  six  millions  of 
I'.^Tes,  and  became  their  security  for  ten  mil- 
1I<  ns  more  borrowed  fvjr  their  use  in  the  United 
Ni.'therlands.  A  naval  co-operation  was 
promised,  and  a  conjunct  expedition  against 
their  common  foes  was  projected. 

The  American  war  was  now  so  far  involv- 
od  in  the  consequences  of  naval  operations, 
that  a  superior  French  fleet,  seemed  to  be  tlie 
only  hinge  on  which  it  was  likely  soon  to  take 
a  favourable  turn.  The  British  army  being 
parci^Ued  in  the  different  sea  ports  of  the  Uni- 
ted States,  any  division  of  it  blocked  up  by  a 
French  fleet,  could  not  long  resist  the  sup(^rior 
combined  force,  which  might  be  brought  to 
oj)erat,c  against  it.  The  marcjuls  de  Castries 
who  directed  the  marine  of  France,  with  great 
precision  calculated  tlio  naval  force,  whicli  the 
British  could  concentre  on  the  coast  of  the 
United  States,  and  disposed  his  own  in  sucli  a 
manner  as(;nsured  him  a  superiority.  In  con- 
formity to  these  princi]iles,  and  in  subserviency 
to  the  design  of  the  campaign,  M.  de  (xrasse 
Bailed  in  March  17S1,  from  Brest,  with  25  sail 
of  the  line,  several  tiiousand  land  forces,  and  a 
large  convoy  amounting  to  more  than  200  shijis. 
A  small  part  of  this  force;  was  destined  for  the 
East-lndit!S,  but,  M.  deCJrasse  with  the  greater 
part  sailed  for  Martinique.  The  British  fleet 
then  in  the  West-Indies,  had  b<-en  previouslv 
M'eakencd  by  the  dc|)arture  of  a  s(]uadron  for 
the  protection  of  the  ships  which  were  einplov- 
ed  in  carrying  to  England  the  booty  whicli  had 
been  taken  at  St.  Kustatius.  The  Hritisli  ad- 
mirals Hood  a!id  Drake,  wer<;  detached  to  in- 
fercepf  tjic  outward  bound  French  fl(;et  com- 
ini'idi.'.l  by  M.  de  (Jrasse,  but  n  junction 
between  his  force  and  eight  ships  of  the  line 
(•nJ  o:ic  of^O  guns,  which  were  previously  at 


Martinique  and  St.  Domingo,  was  nevertheless 
effected.  By  this  combination  of  fresh  ships 
from  Europe,  with  the  French  fleet  previously 
in  the  West-Indies,  they  had  a  decided  supe- 
riority. M.  de  Grasse  having  finished  his  bu- 
siness in  the  West-Indies,  sailed  in  the  begin- 
ning of  August  with  a  prodigious  convoy. 
After  seeing  this  out  of  danger,  he  directed  his 
course  for  the  Chesapeake,  and  arrived  there 
as  has  been  related  on  the  thirtieth  of  tlie  same 
month.  Five  days  before  his  arrival  in  the 
Chesapeake,  the  French  fleet  in  Rhode-Island 
sailed  for  the  same  place.  These  fleets,  not- 
withstanding their  original  distance  from  the 
scene  of  action  and  from  each  other,  coincid- 
ed in  their  operations  in  an  extraordinary  man- 
ner, far  beyond  the  reach  of  military  calcula- 
tion. They  all  tended  to  one  object  and  at  one 
and  the  same  time,  and  that  object  was  neither 
known  nor  suspected  by  the  British,  till  the 
proper  season  for  counter-action  was  elapsed. 
This  coincidence  of  favourable  circumstances, 
extended  to  the  marches  of  the  French  and 
American  land  forces.  The  plan  of  operations 
had  been  so  well  digested,  and  ^^'as  so  faith- 
fully executed  by  the  different  commanders, 
that  ofeneral  Washingfton  and  count  deRocham- 
beau  had  passed  the  British  head  quarters  in 
New- York,  and  were  considerably  advanced 
in  their  way  to  York-town,  before  count  de 
Grasse  had  reached  the  American  coast.  This 
was  effected  in  the  following  manner.  Monsr. 
de  Barras,  aj)pointed  to  the  command  of  the 
French  scjuadron  at  Newport,  arrived  at  Bos- 
ton with  desj>atches  for  count  de  Rochambeau. 
An  interview  soon  after  took  place  at  Wethers- 
field,  between  general  Washington,  Knox. 
"  and  du  Portail,  on  the  part  of  the  Americans, 
and  count  de  Rochambeau  and  the  chevalier 
Cliastelleux,  on  tlic  part  of  the  French.  At 
this  interview,  an  eventual  plan  of  the  whole 
campaign  was  fixed.  This  was  to  lay  siege 
to  New- York  in  concert  with  a  French  fleet, 
which  was  to  arrive  on  the  coast  in  the  month 
of  Aufrust.  It  was  aprreed  that  the  French 
troops  should  march  towards  the  North-river. 
Letters  were  addressed  by  general  Washing- 
ton to  the  executive  officers  of  New-Hamp- 
shire, ISIassachusctts,  Connecticut  and  New- 
Jei-sey,  requiring  tlu;m  to  fill  up  their  battalions, 
and  to  have  their  (juofas,  G200  militia,  in  readi- 
ness, within  a  week  of  the  time  they  might  be 
called  for.  Conformably  to  these  outlines  of 
the  campaign,  tlie  French  troops  marched 
from  Rhode-Island  in  June,  <and  early  in  the 
following  month  joined  the  American  army. 
About  the  time  this  junction  took  ])lace,  general 
Washington  inarched  his  army  from  their 
v/inter  encampment  near  Peeks-kill,  to  the 
vicinity  of  Kingsl)ridge.  General  Lincoln 
fell  down  the  North-river  with  a  detachment 
in  boats,  and  took  possession  of  the  ground 
where  fort  Independence  formerly  stood.  An 
attack  was  ma<]e  upon  him,  but  was  soon  dis- 
continued. The  British  about  this  time,  re- 
tired with  almost  the  whole  of  their  force  to 
York-Island.  (Jeneral  Washington  lioped  to 
be  able  to  commence  operations  against  New- 
York,  about  the  middle,  or  at  llirthest  the  lat- 
ter end  of  July.  Flat  bottoried  boats  suffi- 
cient to  transpcut  5000  men  uerc  built  near 
Albany,  and  brou<j;Iit  down  Hudson's  river  to 
tin?  neighbourhood  of  the  American  army  lie- 
f"or<r  New-York.  Ovens  were  erected  op]iosite 
to  Staten  Island,  for  the  use  of  the  French 
troops.    Every  mo\cmeiil  wan  made  which 


was  introductory  to  the  commencement  of  tlm 
siege.  It  was  not  a  little  mortif\-ing  to  general 
Washington,  to  find  himself  on  the  second  ol 
August  to  be  only  a  few  hundreds  stronger 
than  he  was  on  the  day  liis  army  first  moved 
from  their  winter  quarters.  To  have  fixed 
on  a  plan  of  operations,  with  a  foreign  officer 
at  the  head  of  a  respectable  force  :  to  have 
brought  that  force  from  a  considerable  distance, 
in  confident  expectation  of  reinforcements  suffi- 
ciently large  to  commence  effective  operations 
against  the  common  enemy,  and  at  the  same 
time  to  have  engagements  in  behalf  of  the  states 
violated  in  direct  opposition  to  their  own  in- 
terest, and  in  a  manner  derogatory  to  his  per- 
sonalhonour,  was  enough  tohave  excited  storms 
and  tempests,  in  any  mind  less  calm  than  that 
of  general  Washington.  He  bore  this  hard 
trial  with  his  usual  magnanimity,  and  cont(!nt- 
cd  himself  with  repeating  his  requisitions  to 
the  states,  and  at  the  same  time  urged  them  by 
every  tie,  to  enable  him  to  fulfil  engagements 
entered  into  on  their  account,  with  the  com- 
mander of  the  French  troops. 

That  tardiness  of  the  states,  which  at  other 
times  had  brought  them  near  the  brink  of  ruin, 
was  now  the  accidental  cause  of  real  service. 
Had  they  sent  forward  their  recruits  for  the 
regular  army,  and  their  (]uotas  of  militia  as  was 
expected,  the  siege  of  New-York  would  have 
commenced,  in  the  latter  end  of  July,  or  early 
in  August.  While  the  season  was  wasting 
away  in  expectation  of  these  reinforcements, 
lord  Cornwallis,  as  has  been  mentioned,  fixed 
himself  near  the  capes  of  Virginia.  His  situa 
tion  there,  the  arrival  of  a  reinforcement  of  3000 
Germans  from  Eurojie  to  New-Yoi  k,  the  su- 
perior strength  of  that  garrison,  tlie  failure  ol 
the  states  in  filling  uj)  their  battalions  and  em- 
bodying their  militia,  and  especially  recent  in- 
telligence from  count  de  Grasse,  that  his  de- 
stination was  fixed  to  the  Chesapeake,  concurred 
about  the  middle  of  August,  to  make  a  lotai 
change  of  the  plan  of  the  campaign. 

Tlie  appearance  of  an  intention  to  attack 
New- York  was  nevertheless  kept  up.  While 
this  deception  was  played  off,  the  allied  army 
crossed  the  Nortli-rivcr,  and  passed  on  by  the 
way  of  Philadeljdiia,  through  the  interniediate 
country  to  York-town.  An  attempt  to  reduce 
the  British  force  in  Virginia  promised  success  i 
with  more  expedition,  and  to  secure  an  object 
of  nearly  equal  importance  as  the  reduciion  of 
New- York.  No  one  can  undertake  to  sny 
what  would  have  been  the  conset|uence,  if  the 
allied  forces  had  jiersevered  in  their  original 
plan  ;  but  it  is  evident  from  the  event,  that  no 
success  could  hav(>  been  greater,  or  more  con- 
ducive to  the  establishment  of  their  schemes, 
than  what  resulted  from  their  operations  in  Vir- 
ginia. 

AV'hile  the  attack  of  New-York  was  in  seri- 
ous contemplation,  a  letter  from  general  Wash- 
ington, detailing  the  particulars  of  the  intended 
operations  of  the  campaign,  being  intercc|)ted, 
fi'll  into  tlie  hands  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton. 
After  the  ]>lan  was  changed,  the  royal  com- 
mander was  '<o  much  under  the  impression  of 
the  intelligence  contained  in  the  intt-reeptcd 
lettt  r,that  he  believed  every  movement  towards 
Virginia  to  be  a  feint,  calculated  to  draw  oR 
his  attention  from  the  defence  of  New-A  ork. 
Under  the  influence  of  this  opinion  he  bent  h'.i 
whoh>  force  to  strengthen  that  post,  and  snff'en'd 
the  French  and  American  armies  to  pass  him 
without  any  molestation.    A\'hen  the  Lc»t  (']> 


UNITED  STATES. 


4.S1 


portunity  of  strikiiifr  at  tVioin  \V!is  elapsetl,  then 
for  the  first  time  lie  was  lirouglit  to  believe 
that  the  allies  had  fixed  on  Virginia,  for  the 
theatre  of  their  combined  operations.  As  truth 
may  be  made  to  answer  tlic  purposes  of  decep- 
tion, so  no  feint  of  attacking  New-York,  could 
have  beer  more  successful  than  the  real  inten- 
tion. 

In  the  latter  end  of  August,  the  American 
army  began  their  march  to  Virginia,  from  the 
neigiibourhood  of  New-York.  General  Wash- 
ington had  advanced  as  far  as  Chester,  before 
Jie  received  the  news  of  the  arrival  of  the  fleet, 
commanded  by  monsieur  de  Grasse.  The 
French  troops  marched  at  the  same  time,  and 
for  the  same  place.  In  the  course  of  this  sum- 
mer they  passed  throngh  all  the  extensive  set- 
tlements which  lie  between  Newport  and  York- 
Town.  It  seldom,  if  ever  happened  before, 
that  an  arm.y  led  through  a  foreign  country,  at 
so  great  a  distance  from  their  own,  among  a 
peo]>le  of  different  principles,  customs,  lan- 
guage, and  religion,  behaved  with  so  much  re- 
gularity. In  their  march  to  York-Town  they 
had  passed  through  500  miles  of  a  country 
abounding  in  fruit,  and  at  a  time  when  the 
most  delicious  productions  of  nature,  growing 
on  and  near  the  public  highways,  presented 
both  opportunity  and  temptation  to  gratify 
their  a]i[)etites.  Yet  so  com])lete  was  their 
discipline,  that  in  this  long  marcli,  scarce  an 
instance  could  be  produced  of  a  peach  or  an 
apjiie  being  taken,  without  the  consent  of  the 
inhabitants.  General  AVasliington  and  count 
Rochambeau  reached  Williamsburg  on  the  14th 
of  September.  They  with  generals  Chastelleux, 
dii  Portail,  and  Knox  proceeded  to  visit  count 
de  Grasse  on  board  his  ship  the  Ville  de  Paris, 
and  ag-reed  on  a  plan  of  operations. 

The  count afterwartis  wrote  to  Washington, 
that  in  case  a  British  fleet  appeared,  "he  con- 
ceived that  he  ought  to  go  out  and  meet  them 
at  sea,  instead  of  risking  an  engagement  in  a 
confined  situation."  This  alarmed  the  general. 
He  sent  the  marquis  de  la  Fayette,  with  a  letter 
to  dissuade  him  from  the  dangerous  measure. 
This  letter  and  ihc  ]}crsuasions  of  the  marquis 
had  the  desired  effect. 

The  combined  forces  proceeded  on  their  way 
to  York-Town,  partly  by  land,  and  partly 
down  the  Chesapeake.  The  whole,  together 
with  a  body  of  Virginia  militia,  undei  the  com- 
mand of  general  Nelson,  amounting  in  the 
aggregate  to  12,000  men, rendezvoused  at  Wil- 
liamsburg on  the  2.5th  of  September,  and  in 
five  days  after,  moved  downto  the  investiture  of 
York-Town.  The  French  fleet  at  the  same  time 
moved  to  the  mouth  of  York-river,  and  took 
a  position  which  was  calculated  to  prevent  lord 
Cornwallis,  either  from  retreating,  or  receiving 
succour  by  water.  Previously  to  the  march 
from  Williamsburg  to  York-Town,  Washington 
gave  out  in  general  orders  as  follows  :  "  11" the 
enemy  should  be  tempted  to  meet  the  army  on 
Its  march,  the  general  particularly  enjoins  the 
troops  to  place  their  jn-iucipal  reliance  on  the 
bayonet,  that  they  may  prove  the  vanity  of  the 
boast,  which  the  British  make  of  their  peculiar 
prowess,  in  deciding  battles  with  that  weapon." 

The  combined  army  halted  in  the  eveninr, 
about  two  miles  from  York-Town,  and  lay  oii 
their  arms  all  night.  On  the  next  day  colonel 
Scammell,  an  ofHcer  of  uncommon  merit,  and 
of  the  most  amiable  manners,  in  approaching 
the  outer  woiks  of  the  British,  was  mortally 
Wounded  and  t/iken  prisoner.  About  this  time 


earl  Cornwallis  received  a  letter  from  sir  Hen- 
ry Clinton,  announcing  the  arrival  of  admiral 
Digby,  with  three  ships  of  the  line  from  Europe, 
and  the  determination  of  the  gent^ral  and  flag 
officers  in  New-York  to  embark  .0000  men  in 
a  fleet,  which  woidd  probably  sail  on  the  5th 
of  October — tluit  this  fleet  consisted  of  23  sail 
of  tlie  line,  and  that  joint  exertions  of  the  navy 
and  army  would  be  m.ade  for  his  relief.  On 
the  night  after  the  receipt  of  this  intelligence, 
earl  Cornwallis  quitted  his  outward  position, 
and  retired  to  one  more  inward. 

The  works  erected  for  the  security  of  York- 
Town  on  the  right,  were  redoubts  and  bat- 
teries, with  a  line  of  stockade  in  the  rear.  A 
marshy  ravine  lay  in  front  of  the  right,  over 
which  was  placed  a  large  redoubt.  The 
morass  extended  along  the  centre,  which  was 
defended  by  aline  of  stockade,  and  by  batteries. 
On  the  left  of  the  centre  was  a  hornwork  with 
a  ditch,  a  row  of  freize  and  an  abbatis.  Two 
redoubts  were  advanced  before  the  left.  The 
combined  forces  advanced  and  took  possession 
of  the  ground  from  which  the  British  had  re- 
tired. About  this  time  the  legion  cavalry  and 
mounted  infantry,  passed  over  the  river  to 
Gloucester.  General  de  Clioisy  invested  the 
British  po.st  on  that  side  so  fully,  as  to  cut  off 
all  conmiunlcations  between  it  and  the  coimtry. 
In  the  mean  time  the  royal  army  was  straining 
every  nerve  to  strengthen  their  works,  and 
their  artillery  was  constantly  employed  in  im- 
peding the  operations  of  the  combined  army. 

On  the  9th  and  10th  of  October,  the  French 
and  Americans  opened  their  batteries.  They 
kept  up  a  brisk  and  well  directed  fire  from 
heavy  cannon,  from  mortars  and  howitzers. — 
The  shells  of  the  besiegers  reached  the  ships  in 
the  harbor ;  the  Charon  of  44  guns,  and  a 
transport  ship,  were  burned.  On  the  10th,  a 
messenger  arrived  with  a  despatch  from  Sir 
Henry  Clinton  to  earl  Cornwallis,  dated  on  the 
30th  of  September,  which  stated  various  cir- 
cumstances tending  to  lessen  the  probability  of 
relief  being  obtained,  by  a  direct  movement 
from  New-Yurk.  Earl  Cornwallis  was  at 
this  juncture  advised  to  evacuate  York-town, 
and  after  passing  over  to  Gloucester,  to  force 
his  way  into  the  country.  Whether  this  move- 
ment would  have  been  successful,  no  one  can 
with  certainty  pronounce,  but  it  could  not  have 
produced  any  consequences  more  injurious  to 
the  royal  interest,  than  those  which  resulted 
from  decliningthe  attempt.  .  On  the  other  hand, 
had  this  movement  been  made,  and  the  royal 
army  been  defeated  or  captured  in  the  interior 
country,  and  in  the  mean  time  had  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  with  the  promised  relief,  reached  York- 
Town,  the  precipitancy  of  the  noble  earl  would 
have  been  perhaps  more  the  subject  of  censure, 
than  his  resolution  of  standing  his  ground  and 
i-esisting  to  the  last  extremity.  From  this  un- 
certain ground  of  conjectures,  I  proceed  to 
relate  real  events. 

The  besieofers  commenced  their  second 
parallel  200  yards  from  the  w-orks  of  the 
besieged.  Two  redoubts  which  were  advan- 
ced on  the  left  of  the  Britisli,  greatly  impeded 
the  progress  of  the  combined  armies.  It  was 
therefore  proposed  to  carry  them  by  storm. — 
To  excite  a  spirit  of  emulation,  t)ie  reduction 
of  the  one  was  committed  to  the  French,  of 
tlie  other  to  the  Americans.  The  assailants 
marched  to  the  assault  with  unloaded  arms  ; 
having  passed  the  abbatis  and  palisades, 
they  attacked  on  all  sides,  and  carried  the  re- 


doubt in  a  few  minutes,  with  the  loss  of  8 
killed  and  28  wounded.  Lieutenant  colonel 
Laurens  personally  took  the  commanding 
officer  prisoner.  His  humanity  and  that  of  his 
associates,  so  overcame  their  resentments,  that 
they  sj)ared  the  liritish,  though  they  were 
charged  v/hen  they  went  to  tlie  assault,  to  re- 
member New-London  (the  recent  massacres  at 
which  place  shall  be  hereafter  related)  and  to 
retaliate  by  ])utting  the  men  in  the  redoubt  to 
the  sword.  J5eing  asked  why  they  had  diso- 
beyed orders  by  bringing  them  off  as  prisoners, 
they  answered,  "We  could  not  put  them  to 
death,  when  they  begged -for  their  lives." 
About  five  of  the  Britisli  were  killed,  and  the 
rest  w-ere  captured.  Colonel  Hamilton,  who 
conducted  the  enterprize,  in  his  rcjiort  to  the 
marquis  de  la  Fayette,  mentioned  to  the  honour 
of  his  detachment,  "that  incapable  of  imitating 
examjiles  of  barbarity,  and  forgetting  recent 
provocations,  they  spared  every  man  who  ceased 
to  resist." 

The  French  were  equally  successful  on  their 
part.  They  carried  the  redoubt  assigni'd  to 
them  with  rapidity,  but  lost  a  considerable 
number  of  men.  These  two  redoubts  were 
included  in  the  second  parallel,  and  facilitated 
the  subsequent  ofterations  of  tlie  besiegers. — 
The  British  could  not  with  propriety  risk  re- 
peated sallies.  One  was  projected  at  this 
time,  consisting  of  400  men,  commanded  by 
lieutenant  colonel  Abercrombie.  He  procee- 
ded so  far  as  to  force  two  redoubts,  and  to  spike 
eleven  pieces  of  cannon.  Though  the  officers 
and  soldiers  displayed  great  liraverv  in  this 
enterprize,  yet  their  success  produced  no  es- 
sential advantage.  The  cannon  were  soon  un- 
spiked  and  rendered  fit  for  service. 

By  this  time  the  batteries  of  the  besiegers 
were  covered  with  nearly  a  hundred  pieces  of 
heavy  ordnance,  and  tne  works  of  the  besieged 
"vere  so  damaged,  that  they  could  scarcely 
show  a  single  gun.  Lord  Cornwallis  had  now 
no  hope  left  but  from  offering  terms  of  capitu- 
lationor  attemptingan  escape.  Hedetermined 
on  the  latter.  This,  though  less  practicable 
than  w'hen  first  proposed,  was  not  altogether 
hopeless.  Boats  were  prepared  to  receive  the 
troops  in  the  night,  and  to  transport  them  to 
Gloucester-Point.  After  one  wliole  embarka- 
tion had  crossed,  a  violent  storm  of  wind  and 
rain  dispersed  the  boats,  emjiloyed  on  tins 
business,  and  frustrated  the  whole  scheme.  The 
royal  army,  thus  weakened  by  division  was 
exposed  to  increased  danger. 

Orders  were  sent  to  those  who  had  passed, 
to  recross  the  river  to  York-Town.  With 
the  failure  of  this  scheme  the  last  horie  of  the 
Britsh  army  expired.  Longer  resistance  could 
answer  no  good  purpose,  and  might  occasion 
the  loss  of  many  valuable  lives.  Lord  Corn- 
walks  therefore  wrote  a  letter  to  general 
Washington,  requesting  a  cessation  of  arms  for 
24  liours,  and  that  commissioners  might  be 
appointed  to  digest  terms  of  capitulation.  It 
is  remarkable  while  lieutenant  colonel  Laurens, 
the  oflicer  cm]iloyed  by  general  Washington 
on  this  occasion,  was  drawing  up  these  articles, 
that  his  father  was  closely  confined  in  the 
tower  of  London,  of  wliich  earl  Cornwallis  waa 
constable.  By  this  singular  combination  of 
circumstances,  his  lordship  became  a  prisoner 
to  the  son  of  his  own  prisoner. 

The  posts  of  York  and  Gloucester  wore 
surrendered  liy  a  capitulation,  the  principal 
article;  of  which  were  as  follows  :    The  troojis 


A83 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


to  he  ^)risoner3  of"  war  to  Congress,  and  the 
naval  force  to  France.  The  officers  to  retain 
their  side  arms  and  private  property  of  every 
kind  ;  bvit  all  property,  obviously  bclonginj^  to 
the  inhabitants  of  the  United  States,  to  be  subject 
lo  be  reclaimed.  The  soldiers  to  be  kept  in 
Vir2;'inia,  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania,  and  to  be 
supplied  with  the  same  rations,  as  are  allowed 
to  soldiers  in  the  service  of  Conj^ress.  A  pro- 
portion of  the  officers  to  march  mto  the  country 
with  tlie  prisoners  ;  the  rest  to  Ije  allowed  to 
proceed  on  parole  to  Europe,  to  New-York, 
or  to  any  other  American  maritime  post 
in  possession  of'»tlie  I^ritish.  The  honour  of 
marchinfT  out  with  colours  flying,  which  had 
been  refused  to  gen.  Lincoln  on  his  giving  u]) 
Charleston,  was  now  refused  to  earl  Cornwal- 
.is ;  and  general  Lincoln  was  appointed  to  re- 
ceive the  submission  of  the  royal  army  at 
York-Town  precisely  in  the  same  way  his  own 
liad  been  conducted,  about  18  months  befbn;. 

Lord  Cornwallis  endeavoured  to  obtain 
permission  for  the  British  and  German  troops  to 
return  to  their  respective  countries,  under  no 
other  restrictions  than  an  engagfement  not  to 
serve  against  France  or  America.  He  also 
tried  to  obtain  an  indemnity  for  those  of  the  in- 
habitants who  had  joined  lilm  ;  but  lie  was 
obliged  to  recede  from  the  former,  and  also  to 
consent  that  the  loyalists  in  his  cam]i  should 
be  given  up,  to  the  unconditional  mercy  of  their 
countrymen.  His  lordship  nevertlicle.ss  oi)- 
tained  periiussion  for  the  Bonetta  sloop  of  war 
to  pass  unexamined  to  New- York.  This  gave 
an  opportunity  of  screening  such  of  them,  as 
were  most  obnoxious  to  the  Americans. 

Tlie  regular  troops,  of  France  and  America, 
employed  in  this  siege,  consisted  of  about  7000 
of  the  former,  and  5500  of  the  latter  ;  and  tlu'  y 
were  assisted  by  about  4000  militia.  On  the  part 
of  the  combined  army  about  300  were  killed  or 
wounded.  On  the  part  of  the  British  about 
500  ;  antl70  were  taken  in  the  redoubts,  which 
were  carried  by  assault  on  the  14th  of  Octo- 
lier.  The  troops  of  every  kind  that  surren- 
dered prisoners  of  war  exceeded  7000  men, 
but  so  great  was  the  number  of  sick  and 
wounded,  that  then*  were  only  3800  capable 
■.f  beariii":  arms.  The  French  and  American 
engineers  and  artillery,  merited  and  received 
the  high(!st  aj)plause.  Brigadiers  general  dii 
Portall  and  Knox  were  both  promoted  to  the 
rank  of  ma  jor  generals,  on  accountof  their  me- 
ritorious services.  Lieutenant  colonel  Gouvlon 
and  captain  Rochefontaine  of  the  corps  of  en- 
gineers, respectively  received  brevets,  the  for 
mcrto  the  rank  of  a  colonel,  and  the  latter  to 
the  rank  of  a  major 

Congress  honoured  genera]  Washington, 
count  de  Rocliamb(!au,  count  de  Grasso  and 
the  officers  of  th(!  differerrt  corps,  and  the  men 
under  them,  with  thunksfor  their  services  in  tlie 
reduction  of  lord  (\)rn\\  allls.  The  whole  ])ro- 
ject  was  conceived  with  ])rofound  wisdom,  and 
the  incich-nts  of  It  had  been  combuK.'d  with  sin- 
gular propriety.  It  is  not  .therefore  wonderful, 
that  from  the  remarkable  colnclderiro  in  all  Its 
parts,  it  was  crowned  with  unvari«'il  success. 

A  nriiish  fleet  and  an  army  of  7000  men, 
destined  for  the  relief  of  lord  Cornwallis,  arri- 
ved off  the  Chesapeake  on  the  21fh  of  Octo- 
Der;  but  on  receiving  advice  of  his  lordship's 
("iirremh'r,  th(!y  returned  to  Sandy-hook  and 
.  New  - York.  Such  was  the  fate  f)f  that  general 
from  whose  gallantry  and  pr(>vious  successes 


been  so  confidently  expected.  No  event  du- 
rino;  the  war  bid  fairer  for  oversettingr  the  in- 
dependence  of  at  least  a  ])art  of  the  confedera- 
cy, than  his  complete  victory  at  Camden  ;  but 
by  the  consequences  of  tliat  action,  his  lordship 
became  the  occasion  of  rendering  that  a  revo- 
lution, which  from  his  previous  success  was  in 
danger  of  terminating  in  a  rebellion.  The 
loss  of  his  army  may  be  considered  as  the 
closing  scene  of  the  continental  war  in  North 
America. 

The  troops  under  the  command  of  lord 
Cornwallis  had  spread  waste  and  ruin  over  the 
face  of  all  the  country  for  four  hundred  miles 
on  the  sea  coast,  and  for  two  hundred  miles  to 
the  westward.  Their  marches  from  Charleston 
to  Camden,  from  Camden  to  the  river  Dan, 
rom  the  Dan  through  North-Carolina  to 
Wilmington,  from  Wilmington  to  Petersburg, 
and  from  Petersburg  through  many  parts  of 
Virginia,  till  they  finally  settled  in  York-Town, 
made  a  route  of  more  than  eleven  hundred 
miles.  Every  place  through  which  they  pas- 
sed in  these  various  marches,  experienced  the 
e  fleets  of  their  rapacity.  Their  numbers 
enabled  them  to  go  withersoever  they  pleased, 
their  rage  for  j)lunder  disposed  them  to  take 
whatever  they  had  the  means  of  removing,  and 
their  animosity  to  the  Americans  led  them  often 
to  the  wanton  destruction  of  what  they  could 
neither  use  nor  carry  off.  By  their  means 
thousands  had  been  Involved  in  distress. 

The  reduction  of  such  an  army  occasioned 
unusual  traiis|>orts  of  joy,  in  the  breasts  of  the 
whole  body  of  the  people.  Well  authenticated 
testimony  asserts  that  the  nerves  of  some  were 
so  agitated,  as  to  produce  convulsions,  and  that 
at  least  one  man  expired  under  the  tide  of  ]ilea- 
sure  which  flowed  in  upon  him,  when  Informed 
of  his  lordship's  surrender.*  The  people 
throughout  the  United  States  displayed  a  social 
triumph  and  exultation,  which  no  private  pros- 
jierlty  is  ever  alile  fully  to  inspire.  General 
Washington,  on  the  day  after  the  surrender, 
ordered  "that  those  who  were  under  an-est 
should  be  pardoned  and  set  at  liberty."  His 
orders  cIoscmI  as  follows.  "  divine  service  shall 
be  performed  to-morrow  in  the  diflerent  brig- 
ades and  divisions.  The  commander  in  chi(!f 
recommends,  that  all  the  troojis  that  are  not 
upon  duty  do  assist  at  it  with  a  serious  deport- 
ment, and  that  sensibility  of  heart,  which  the 
recollection  of  the  sur[)rlzing  and  ]iart:<:tilar  in- 
terposition of  provldet)ce  in  our  fiivour  claims." 
Congress,  on  receiving  the  official  account  of 
the  great  events  which  had  taken  place  at 
Yorktown,  resolved  to  go  in  procession  lo 
church  and  return  public  thanks  to  Almlirhty 
God  f()r  the  advantages  they  had  gained.  They 
also  issued  a  proclamation  for  "religiously  obser- 
ving through  the  United  States, the  13th  of  De- 
cember as  a  day  of  thanksgiving  and  orayer.  ' 
The  singularly  Interesting  event  of  captivating 
a  second  royal  army,  |)roduced  strong  emotions 
which  broke  out  in  all  the  variety  of  ways 
with  which  the  most  rapturous  joy  usually  dis- 
plays itself 

While  the  combijied  armies  were  ach  anclng 
to  the  siege  of  Yorktown,  an  excursion  was 
made  from  New-York,  whicli  was  attended 
with  no  small  loss  to  the  Americans.  General 


*  'I'lii"  (l(ior  koopcr  of  roinrross,  nn  ncod   ninn,  ilioil 
siidilfiily,  imiiioiliiili'ly  iifli-r  liiMiiini;  of  llii'  i-nphiir  of 
,  ,  "  /»  1       ■      1  ,   loriU'iiriiWHlliM'  ariiiv.    This  dcnlli  was  iiiiivcrsallv  ni- 

thc  speedy  con(Viest  of  tiio  southern  states  had  cribcd  to  a  >iolciit«  iiiotic.in>r  jiditical  joy 


Arnold,  who  had  lately  returned  from  Virginia, 
was  appointed  to  conduct  an  expedition,  the 
objcctof  which  was  the  town  of  New-Londoi 
In   his  native  country.  The  troops  employed 
therein  were  landed  In  two  detachments  on  each 
side  of  the  harbour.  The  one  was  commanded 
by  lieutenant  colonel  Eyer  and  the  other  by 
general  Arnold.  The  latter  met  with  little  op- 
position. Fort  Trumbull  and  a  redoubt  which 
was  intended  to  cover  the  liarbour,  not  being 
tenable  were  evacuated.and  the  men  crossed  the 
river  to  Fort  Griswold  onGroton  hill.  Thiswaa 
furiously  attacked  by  lieutenant  colonel  Eyer: 
the  garrison  def'eniled  themselves  with  great 
resolution,  but  after  a  severe  conflict  of  forty 
minutes,  the  fort  was  carried  by  the  assailants, 
Tli-3  Americans  had  not  more  than  six  or  seven 
men  killed  when  the  British  carried  their  lines, 
but  a  severe  execution  took  place  afterwards, 
though  resistance  had  ceased.  An  officer  of  the' 
conquering  troops  ln(]uired  on  his  entering  the 
fort,  who  commanded.  Colonel  Ledyaril  an- 
sv/erec',  I  did,  but  you  do  now,"  and  presented 
him  Ills  sword.  The  colonel  was  immediately 
run  through  the  body  and  killed.    Between  30 
and  40  were  wounded,  and   about  40  were 
carried  o.T])rlsoners.  On  the  side  of  the  Bi'ilish 
48  were  killed  and  145  wounded  :  Among  the 
latter  was  major  Montgomery,  and  among  the 
former  was  colonel  Eyer.  About   15  vessels 
loaded  with  the  effects  of  the  inhabitants,  re- 
treated up  tlie  river,  and  four  others  remained 
in  the  harbour  unhiut,  but  all  exce|)ting  these 
were  burned  l.>y  the  communication  of  fire  fi-oni 
the  burning  stores.  Sixty  dwelling  houses ar.tl 
84  stores  were  reduced  to  ashes. 

The  loss  which  the  Americans  sustamed  by 
the  destruction  ofna\  al  stores,  of  pro\  islona 
and  merchandize,  was  inmiense.  General  Ar- 
nold, having  completed  the  object  of  tiie  expe- 
dition, returned  in  eight  days  to  New-York. 
The  Americans  lost  many  valuable  men,  nnj 
much  of  their  pos.sessioTis,  by  this  incursion, 
but  the  cause  for  which  they  contended  was  un- 
injured. ExptHlitions  which  seemed  to  lunc  no 
higlier  obj(>(  t  than  the  destruction  of  propri  ly, 
alienated  their  affectio^is  still  farther  from  liril- 
Isli  ijoveriunent.  'J'liey  "vere  not  so  extensive  as 
to  an.swer  the  ends  of  conquest,  and  the  mo- 
mentary impression  res'ilting  from  them,  ])ro- 
iluced  no  lasting  intimidation.  On  the  other 
hand,  thi  y  excited  a  spirit  of  revenge  against 
tlu?  authors  of  s>ich  accumulated  distresses. 

The  year  17S1  terminated,  in  all  jiarts  of 
the  United  States,  in  favour  of  the  AmerTHnfs. 
It  began  with  weakness  in  South-C^anilinii, 
mutiny  in  N(>\v-.Tersey,  and  devastations  in 
V^irglnia  ;  nevertheless  in  its  close,  the  IJrilish 
were  confined  to  their  strongholds  in  or  near 
New-York,  Charleston,  and  Savannah,  nnd 
their  whole  army  in  Virginia  was  captured. 
'Thc\'  in  course  of  the  year  had  acquired  much 
plunder  by  which  Indlx  uluals  W(>re  enriclu'd, 
but  their  nation  was  In  no  r<'sp(>ct  benefitted 
The  whole  camjiaign  jiassed  away  on  their  part 
without  one  valuable  ciuiqiiest,  or  the  atquisi- 
tliui  ofiuiv  p(vst  or  place, from  which  higher  pur- 
poses were  answen-d,  than  destroying  piiMm 
stores  or  distressing  iiidi\  i(iuals,  and  enrichin? 
the  officers  and  privates  of  their  army  and  na\y 
The  important  services  remlered  by  France  to 
the  Americans,  cc<ment(>d  the  union  of  the  two 
nations  with  addillonal  ties.  The  orderly  inof- 
fensive behaviour  of  the  French  troops  in  the 
TTnlted-States,  contrasted  with  the  havoc  of 
jiroperty  made  by  the  British  in  Ui«»i  nurches 


UNITED  STATES. 


489 


aiiJ  excursions,  was  silently  lurnins^  the  cur- 
rent of  popular  esteem  in  favour  of  the  forruei', 
and  working  a  revolution  in  the  minds  of  the 
inhalruants,  greatly  conducive  to  the  establish- 
ment of  that  which  had  taken  place  in  the  go- 
vernment. The  property  of  the  inhabitants 
of  Rhode-Islcind,  received  no  damage  of  any 
account  from  the  French  troops,  dui-ing  their 
eleven  months  residence  among  tliem.  The 
soldiers  were  rather  a  guard  than  a  nuisance  : 
The  citizens  met  with  no  interru[)tion  when 
prosecuting  their  lawful  Lusiiiess,  either  by 
night  or  day,  and  were  treated  with  every 
mark  of  attention  and  resjjcct. 

While  the  progress  of  the  British  army,  in 
a  circuitous  march  of  1100  miles  from  Charles- 
ton to  Yorktown,  was  marked  with  rapine  and 
desolation  ;  the  march  of  the  French  troops 
from  Rhode-Island  to  the  same  place,  a  dis- 
t;ince  nearly  equal  in  a  right  line,  was  produc- 
tive of  no  inconvenience  to  the  intermediate 
inhabitants.  They  were  welcome  guests 
wherever  they  came,  for  they  took  nothing  by 
fraud  or  force,  but  punctually  paid  for  all  they 
wanted  with  hard  money.  In  a  contest  where 
the  good  will  of  the  people  had  so  powerful 
an  iuHuence  on  its  final  issue,  such  opposite 
modes  of  conduct  could  not  fail  of  producing 
tiielr  natural  effects.  The  moderation  and 
justice  of  the  French,  met  with  its  reward  in 
the  general  good  will  of  the  people,  but  the 
violence  and  ra])ine  of  the  British  contributed, 
amontr  other  thing's,  to  work  the  final  over- 
throw  of  all  their  schemes  in  America. 

On  the  last  day  of  this  year,  Dec.  31,  1781, 
Henry  Laurens  was  released  from  his  long  con- 
finement in  the  tower  of  London.  He  had 
been  committed  there,  as  already  related,  on 
the  6th  of  October  1780,  "  On  suspicion  of 
high  treason,"  after  being  examined  in  the  pre- 
sence of  lord  Stormont,  lord  George  Ger- 
maine,  lord  Hillsborough,  Mr.  Chamberlain, 
Mr.  Justice  Addington,  and  others.  The  com- 
mitment was  accompanied  with  a  warrant  to 
the  lieutenant  of  the  tower  to  receive  and  con- 
fine him.  Their  lordships  orders  were  "  To 
confine  him  a  close  prisoner  ;  to  be  locked  up 
every  night ;  to  be  in  the  custody  of  two 
warders;  not  to  suffer  him  to  be  out  of  their 
eight  one  moment,  day  nor  night ;  to  allow  him 
no  liberty  of  speaking  to  any  person,  nor  to 
permit  any  person  to  speak  to  him  ;  to  deprive 
him  of  the  use  of  the  pen  and  ink ;  to  suffer 
no  letter  to  be  brought  to  him,  nor  any  to  go 
from  him."  Mr.  Laurens  was  then  fifty-five 
years  old,  and  severely  afflicted  with  the  gout 
and  other  infirmities.  In  this  situation  he  was 
conducted  to  apartments  in  the  tower,  and  was 
shut  up  in  two  small  rooms  which  together 
made  about  twenty  feet  square,  with  a  warder 
for  his  constant  companion,  and  a  fixed  liay- 
onei  unde-  his  window,  without  any  friend  to 
converse  with,  and  without  any  prospect  or 
even  the  means  of  correspondence.  Being 
debarred  the  use  of  pen  and  ink,  he  procured 
■pe7icils,  which  proved  a  useful  substitute.  After 
a  month's  confinement,  he  was  permitted  to 
walk  out  on  limited  ground,  but  awarder  with 
a  sword  in  his  hand  followed  close  behind. 
This  indulgence  wns  occasionally  taken  for 
about  three  weeks,  when  lord  (  Jeorge  Gordon, 
who  was  also  a  prisoner  in  the  tower,  unluck- 
tiy  irct  and  asked  Mr.  Laurcms  to  walk  with 
him.  Mr.  Laurens  declined  tlie  offer  and  in- 
stantly retur;.ed  to  his  apartment.  Governor 
Uore  cauir'it  at  this  ti'aiisgresslon  of  orders, 


and  locked  him  up  for  37  days,  though  the  at- 
tending warder  exculpated  him  from  all  blame. 
At  the  luid  oi'  that  time  the  (jovernor  relented 
so  iar,  as  to  ptjrnut  his  prisoner  to  walk  on  the 
parade  before  the  door,  but  this  honor,  as 
coming  from  him,  was  refused.  General 
Vernon,  on  hearing  of  what  had  passed,  gave 
orders  that  Mr.  Laurens  should  be  permitted 
to  walk  out,  and  this  exercise  was  in  conse- 
quence thereof  resumed,  after  an  intermission 
of  two  months  and  a  half. 

About  this  time,  Feb.  26,  an  old  friend  and 
mercantile  correspondent,  having  solicited  the 
secretaries  of  state  lor  Mr  Laurens'  enlargement 
on  parole,  and  having  offered  his  whole  fortune 
as  security  for  his  good  conduct,  sent  him  the 
following  message  :  "  Their  lordships  say,  if 
you  will  point  out  any  thing  for  the  benefit  of 
Great  Britain,  in  the  present  dispute  with  the 
colonies,  you  shall  be  enlarged."  This  pro- 
position filled  him  with  indignation,  and  pro- 
voked a  sharp  reply,  part  of  which  was  in  the 
following  words :  "I  perceive  from  the  mes- 
sage you  sent  me,  that  if  I  were  a  rascal  I 
might  presently  get  out  of  the  tower,  but  I  am 
not.  You  have  pledged  your  word  and  for- 
tune for  my  integrity.  I  will  never  dishonor 
you  nor  myself.  I  can  forsee  what  will 
come  to  pass.  Ha])pen  to  me  what  may,  I  fear 
no  possible  consequences." 

The  same  friend  soon  after  visited  Mr.  Lau- 
rens, and  beiner  left  alone  with  him,  addressed 
him  as  follows,  "  I  converse  with  you  this 
morning,  not  particularly  as  your  friend,  but  as 
the  friend  of  Great  Britain.  I  have  certain 
propositions  to  make,  for  obtaining  your  liberty, 
which  I  advise  you  should  take  time  to  con- 
sider." Mr.  Laurens  desired  to  know  what 
they  were,  and  added,  "  That  an  honest  man 
required  no  time  to  give  an  answer,  in  a 
case  where  his  honour  was  concerned.  If," 
said  he,  "  the  secretaries  of  state  will  enlargf 
me  upon  parole,  I  will  ttrictly  conform  to  my 
engagement  to  do  nothing  directly  or  indirect- 
ly to  the  hurt  of  this  kingdom.  I  will  return 
to  America,  or  remain  in  any  part  of  England 
which  may  be  assigned,  and  surrender  myself 
when  demanded."  It  was  answered,  "  No, 
sir,  you  must  stay  in  London  among  your 
friends:  The  ministers  will  often  have  occasion 
to  send  for  and  consult  you  :  You  can  write 
two  or  three  lines  to  the  ministers,  and  barely 
say  you  are  sorry  for  what  is  past :  A  pardon 
will  be  granted  :  Every  man  has  been  wrong, 
at  some  time  or  other  of  his  life,  and  should 
not  be  ashamed  to  acknowledge  it."  Mr.  Lau- 
rens replied,  "  I  will  never  subscribe  to  my 
own  infamy,  and  to  the  dishonour  of  my  chil- 
dren." He  was  then  told  of  long  and  painful 
confinement,  and  hints  were  thrown  out  of  the 
possible  consequences  of  his  refusal:  To 
which  he  replied,  "  I  am  afraid  of  no  conse- 
quences but  such  as  would  flow  from  dis- 
honourable acts." 

In  about  a  week  after  this  interview,  major 
general  James  Grant,  who  had  long  been  ac- 
quainted with  Mr.  Laurens,  and  had  served 
with  him  near  twenty  years  before,  on  an  ex- 
pedition against  the  Cherokee  Indians,  visited 
him  in  the  tower,  and  talked  much  of  the  in- 
conveniencies  of  his  situation,  and  then  ad- 
dressed him  thus  :  "  Colonel  Laurens,  1  have, 
brou<^ht  paper  and  pencil  to  take  down  any 
jir'jpoaitions  you  hav(>  to  make  to  the  admmis- 
tration,  and  I  will  deliver  them  myself."  Mr. 
Laurons  replied,  "  I  have  pencil  and  paper, 


but  not  one  proposition,  beyond  repeniirjg  a  re 
quest  to  be  enlarged  on  parole.  1  hud  weH 
weighed  what  consequences  mifihl  I'olK.w  \to- 
lore  I  entered  in  the  presi'ut  dispute.  ]  tf.ok 
the  path  of  justice  and  honour,  and  no  personal 
evils  caust!  me  to  shrink." 

About  this  lime  lieiitenantcolonel  John  IjUxi- 
reus,  the  eldest  son  of  Henry  Laurens,  arrivcjl 
in  France,  as  the  special  minister  of  Congress. 
The  father  was  requested  to  write  to  son 
to  withdraw  himself  Irom  the  court  of  France, 
and  assurances  were  given  that  it  would  ope- 
rate in  his  favour.  To  these  requests  he  replied, 
"  my  son  is  of  age,  and  has  a  will  of  his  own ; 
if  1  should  write  to  him  in  the  tenr.s  you  re- 
quest, it  would  have  no  effect  :  He  would 
only  conclude,  thnt  confinement  and  per- 
suasion had  softened  me.  1  know  him  to  Le  a 
inanof  honour;  he  loves  me  dearly,  and  would 
lay  down  his  life  to  save  mine ;  but  I  am  sure 
he  would  not  sacrifice  his  honour  to  save  my 
life,  and  I  applaud  him." 

Mr.  Laurens  penciled  an  address  to  the  sec- 
retaries of  state  for  the  use  of  pen  ai.d  ink,  to 
draw  a  bill  of  exchange  on  a  merchant  in  Lon- 
don who  was  in  his  debt,  for  money  to  answer 
his  immediate  exigences,  and  to  reipiest  that  his 
youngest  son  might  be  permitted  to  visit  him, 
for  the  purpose  ol"  concerting  a  plan  fiw  his 
farther  education  and  conduct  in  life.  This 
was  delivered  to  their  lordships;  but  they, 
though  they  had  made  no  provision  for  the 
support  of  their  prisoner,  returned  no  answer. 
Mr.  Laurens  was  thus  left  to  languish  in  con- 
finement under  many  infirmities,  and  without 
the  means  of  applying  his  own  resources  on 
the  spot,  for  his  immediate  supjioit. 

As  soon  as  Mr.  Laurens  liad  completed  a 
year  in  the  tower,  he  was  called  upon  to  pay 
9/  Is  IQd  sterling  to  the  two  wardeis  for  at- 
tending on  him.  To  which  he  replied,  "  I  was 
sent  to  the  tower  by  the  secretaries  ol'  state 
without  money  (for  aught  they  knew) — their 
lordships  have  never  sup[)lied  me  with  any 
thing — It  is  now  upwards  of  three  months 
since  1  informed  their  lorilships  that  the  f'Lind  I 
had  hitherto  subsisted  upon  was  nearly  «!x- 
hausted,  and  prayed  for  leave  to  draw  a  billon 
Mr.  John  Nutt,  who  was  in  my  debt,  which 
they  have  been  phrased  to  refuse  by  the  most 
grating  of  all  denials  a  total  silence,  and  now 
a  demand  is  made  for  9^  7#  ]0</.  If  their 
lordships  will  permit  ine  to  draw  liir  money 
where  it  is  due  to  me,  I  will  cinitinue  to  pay 
my  own  expenses,  but  1  will  not  ]>ay  ihe  war- 
dens w  hom  I  never  employed,  ami  w  lio-c  at- 
tendance I  shall  be  glad  to  dispense  w  itli." 

Three  weeks  after,  the  secretaries  of  state 
consented  that  Mr.  Laurens  slioiild  ha\  e  the 
use  of"  pen  and  ink,  for  the  purpose  of  draw- 
inor  a  l)ill  of  exchamre,  but  they  were  taken 
awuy  the  moment  that  business  was  done. 

About  this  time  Henry  Laurens,  jun.  w  roto 
an  humble  request  to  lord  Hillsborough  for 
permission  to  see  his  father,  which  his  lordship 
refused  to  grant.  He  had  at  first  been  per 
niitted  to  visit  his  father  and  converse  witn 
him  for  a  short  time ;  but  these  interviews 
were  no  longer  permitted.  They  neverthe- 
less occasionally  met  on  the  lines  and  saluted 
each  other,  but  durst  not  exchange  a  singlfl 
word,  lest  it  might  occasion  a  second  confine 
ment,  similar  to  that  which  lord  George  Gor- 
don had  been  accessary. 

As  the  year  1781  drew  near  a  close,  Mr, 
Laurens'  sufferings  in  the  tower  became  gcu» 


i84  

mllv  kno\vn,  and  exGitcd  compassion  in  his  fa^ 
vour,  and  odium  against  the  authors  of  his  con- 
finement. It  had  been  also  found  by  tlie  inefTi- 
cacy  of  many  attempts,  that  no  concessions 
could  be  obtained  from  him.  It  was  therefore 
resolved  to  release  him,  but  difficulties  arose 
about  the  mode.  Mr.  Laurens  would  not  con- 
sent to  any  act,  which  implied  that  he  was  a 
British  subject,  and  he  had  been  committed  as 
such,  on  charge  of  high  treason.  Ministers,  to 
extricate  themselves  from  this  difficulty,  at 
length  proposed  to  take  bail  for  his  appearance 
at  the  court  of  King's-Bcnch.  When  the 
words  of  the  recognizance,  "  Our  Sovereign 
Lord  the  King,"  were  read  to  Mr.  Laurens,  ho 
replied  in  open  court,  "Not  my  Sovereign," 
and  with  this  declaration  lie,  with  Mr.  Oswald 
and  Mr.  Anderson  as  his  securities,  entered  in- 
to an  obligation  for  his  appearance  at  the  court 
of  King's- Bench  the  next  Elaster  term,  and  for 
notdepartitig  thence  without  leave  of  the  court. 
Thus  elided  a  long  and  painful  farce.  Mr, 
Laurens  was  immediately  released.  When  the 
time  of  his  appearance  at  court  drew  near,  he 
was  not  only  discharged  from  all  obligations 
to  attend,  but  was  recjucsted  by  Lord  Shel- 
bume  to  go  to  the  continent,  in  subserviency  to 
a  scheme  for  making  peace  with  America.  Mr. 
Laurens,  startled  at  the  idea  of  being  released 
without  any  equivalent,  as  he  had  uniformly 
held  himself  to  be  a  prisoner  of  war,  replied, 
that  "He  durst  not  accept  himself  as  a  gift, 
and  that  as  Congress  had  once  offered  lieu- 
tenant general  Burgoyne  for  him,  he  had  no 
doubt  of  their  now  giving  lieutenant  general 
earl  Cornwallis  for  the  same  j)urpose." 


THE    HISTORY  OF 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Of  ihc  treatment  of  prisoners,  and  of  the  distresses  of  tlie 
iiiliiibilaiits. 

Many  circumstances  concurred  to  make  the 
American  war  particularly  calamitous.  It  was 
originally  a  civil  war  in  the  (estimation  of  both 
parties,  and  a  rebellion  to  its  termination,  in 
the  opinion  of  one  of  them.  Unfortunately 
for  mankind,  doubts  have  been  entertained  of 
the  obligatory  force  of  the  law  of  nations  in 
such  cases.  The  refinement  of  modern  ages 
has  stripped  war  of  half  its  horrors,  but  the 
systems  of  some  illiberal  men  have  tended  to 
re-produce  the  barbarism  of  Gothic  times,  by 
withholding  tlie  l^enefits  of  that  refinement 
from  thos(!  who  are  effecting  revolutions.  An 
enlighten(Hl  philanthropist  embraces  the  whole 
human  ract;,  and  en(piires  not  whether  an  ob- 

tect  of  distress  is  or  is  not  an  unit  of  an  ac- 
mowledgcd  nation.  It  is  sufficient  that  he  is 
a  cliild  of  the  same  commc)n  parent,  and  cnpa- 
tle  of  happiness  or  misery.  The  {)nn'alence 
of  such  a  temper  would  have  greatly  lessened 
the  calamities  of  the  Amcirican  war;  but  while 
from  coiifrart(?d  policy  iitifortiiiiatc  cai)tives 
were  considereil  as  not  entithvl  to  the  trrat- 
infttil  of  prisoners,  they  wore  often  doomed 
without  ijcing  guilty,  to  (tiilFer  the  punishment 
dae  to  criminals. 

Tlie  first  .\ni(.'rican  prisf)nors  were  taken  on 
ihc  17tl)  r»f^  .Tunc,  1771.  These  were  thrown 
indiscriniiiiatcly  into  the  jail  at  Boston,  without 
»ny  ronsidcriiiion  of  tlioir  rank.  General 
Washington  wrote  to  g<'nei-al  ( Jage,  Au<r.,  11, 
1775,  ou  *J'is  subject,  to  which  the  latter  an- 


swered by  asserting  that  the  prisoners  had 
been  treated  with  care  and  kindness,  though 
indiscrimirately,  "  as  he  acknowledged  no 
rank  that  was  not  derived  from  the  king."  To 
which  general  Washington  replied,  "  You  af- 
fect, sir,  to  despise  all  rank  not  derived  from 
the  same  source  with  your  own  ;  I  cannot  con- 
ceive one  more  honorable,  than  that  which 
flows  from  the  uncorrupted  choice  of  a  brave 
and  free  people,  the  purest  source  and  original 
fountain  of  all  power." 

General  Carleton,  ciuring  his  command,  con- 
ducted toward  the  American  prisoners  with  a 
degree  of  humanity,  that  reflected  the  greatest 
honour  on  his  character.  Before  he  commenced 
his  operations  on  the  lakes  in  1776,  he  shipped 
off  those  of  thern  who  were  officers  for  New- 
England,  but  previously  supplied  them  with 
every  thing  requisite  to  make  their  voyage 
comfortable.  The  other  prisoners,  amounting 
to  SOO,  were  sent  home  by  a  flag,  after  exact- 
ing an  oath  from  them,  not  to  serve  during  the 
war  unless  exchanged.  Many  of  these  being 
almost  naked  were  comfortably  clothed  by  his 
orders,  previously  to  their  being  sent  of!'. 

The  capture  of  general  Lee  proved  calam- 
itous to  several  individuals.  Six  Hessian  field 
officers  were  offered  in  exchange  for  him,  but 
this  was  refused.  It  was  said  by  the  British 
that  Lee  was  a  deserter  from  their  service,  and 
as  such  could  not  expect  the  indulgences  usu- 
ally given  to  prisoners  of  war.  The  Ameri- 
cans replied,  that  as  he  had  resigned  his  British 
commission  previously  to  his  accepting  one 
from  the  Americans,  he  could  not  be  consid- 
ered as  a  deserter.  He  was  nevertheless  con- 
fined, watched,  and  guarded.  Congress  there- 
upon resolved,  that  general  Washington  be 
directed  to  inform  general  Howe,  that  should 
the  proffered  exchange  of  general  Lee  for  six 
field  officers  not  be  accepted,  and  the  treatment 
of  him  as  above  mentioned  be  continued,  the 
princi[)les  of  retaliation  should  occasion  five  of 
the  said  Hessian  field  officers,  together  with 
lieutenant  colonel  Archibald  Campbell,  to  be 
detained,  in  order  that  the  said  treatment  which 
general  Lee  received,  should  be  exactly  in- 
flicted on  their  persons."  The  Campbell  thus 
designated  as  the  subject  of  retaliation,  was  a 
humane  man,  and  a  meritorious  officer,  who 
had  been  cajiturcd  by  some  of  the  Massachu- 
setts privateers  near  Boston,  to  which,  from 
the  want  of  information,  he  was  proceeding 
soon  after  the  British  had  evacuated  it.  The 
above  act  of  Congress  was  forwarded  to  Mas- 
sachusetts, with  a  request  that  they  would  de- 
tain lieutenant  colonel  Campbell  and  keep  him 
in  safe  custody  till  the  further  order  of  Con- 
gress. The  council  of  Massacliusetts  exct!ed- 
ed  this  request,  and  sent  him  to  Concord  jail, 
where  he  was  lodged  in  a  gloomy  dungeon  of 
twelve  or  thirteen  feet  square.  The  attend- 
ance of  a  single  servant  on  his  p-^rson  was  de- 
nied him,  and  every  visit  from  a  friend  refused. 

The  prisoners  captured  by  Sir  William 
Howe  in  1776,  amounted  to  many  hundreds. 
The  officers  were  admitted  to  parole,  and  had 
some  waste  houses  assigned  to  them  as  quar- 
ters ;  but  the  privates  were  shut  up  in  the  cold- 
est season  of  the  year,  in  churches,  sugar 
houses,  and  such  like  large  o|)en  buildings. 
The  severity  of  the  weather,  and  tlie  rigor 
of  their  treatment,  occasioiK-d  the  death  of 
many  hundreds  of  these  unfortunate  men. 
The  filth  of  the  ]ilacos  of  tlieir  confinement, 
in    consequence  of  fluxes  which  prevailed 


among  them,  was  both  offensive  and  dange^ 
ous.  Seven  dead  bodies  have  been  seen  ig 
one  building,  at  one  time,  and  all  lying  iq 
a  situation  shocking  to  humanity.  The  pro- 
visions served  out  to  them  were  deficient 
in  quantity,  and  of  an  unwholesome  qual- 
ity. These  suffering  prisoners  were  get  erally 
pressed  to  enter  into  the  British  service,  tut 
hundreds  submitted  to  death,  rather  than 
procure  a  melioration  of  their  circumstances 
by  enlisting  with  the  enemies  of  their  coun- 
try. After  general  Washington's  successes 
at  Trenton  and  Princeton,  the  American 
prisoners  fared  somewhat  better.  Those  who 
survived  were  ordered  to  be  sent  out  for 
exchange,  but  some  of  them  fell  down  dead 
in  the  streets,  while  attempting  to  walk  to 
the  vessels.  Others  were  so  emaciated  that 
their  appearance  was  horrible.  A  speedy 
death  closed  the  scene  with  many. 

The  American  board  of  war,  Dec.  1,  1777, 
after  conferring  with  Mr.  Boudinot,  the  com- 
missary-general of  prisoners,  and  examining 
evidences  produced  by  him,  reported  among 
other  things,  "  That  there  were  900  jirivates 
and  300  officers  of  the  American  army,  J)ri- 
soners  in  the  city  of  New- York,  and  about 
500  jirivates  and  50  officers  prisoners  in 
Pliiladelphia.  'I'hat  since  the  beginning  of 
October,  all  these  prisoners,  both  officers  and 
privates,  had  been  confined  in  prison  ships  or 
the  Provost:  'i'hat  from,  the  best  evidence 
the  subject  could  admit  of,  the  general  allow- 
ance of  prisoners,  at  most,  did  not  exceed 
four  ounces  of  meat  per  day,  and  often  so 
damaged  as  not  to  be  eatable  :  That  it  had 
been  a  common  piNactice  with  the  British,  on 
a  jirisoner's  being  first  captured,  to  keep  him 
three,  four  or  five  days,  without  a  morsel 
of  meat,  and  then  to  temjit  him  to  enlist  to 
save  his  life :  That  there  were  numcroui 
instances  of  jirisoners  of  war  perishing  in  aU 
the  agonies  of  hunger." 

About  this  time  there  was  a  mcetirg  f i 
merchants  in  London,  for  the  purpose  of  ra  «- 
ing  a  sum  of  money  to  relieve  the  distresses 
of  the  American  prisoners  then  in  England. 
The  sum  subscribetl  for  that  purpose  amounted 
to  4647Z.  15.V.  Thus  while  human  nature  was 
dishonored  by  the  cruelties  of  some  of  tlio 
British  in  America,  there  was  a  laudable  dis- 
play of  the  benevolence  of  others  of  the  sanio 
nation  in  Europe.  The  American  sailors,  when 
cajitured  by  the  British,  suffered  more  than 
even  the  soldiers  that  fell  into  their  liands. 
The  former  were  confined  on  board  prison 
sliijis.  They  were  there  crowded  together  in 
such  numl)ers,  and  ilieir  accommodations  were 
so  wretched,  that  diseases  broke  out  and  swept 
them  off  in  a  manner  that  was  sufficient  to  ex 
cite  compassion  in  breasts  of  the  least  sensi- 
bility. It  hivs  been  asserted,  on  as  good  evi- 
dence, as  the  case  will  admit,  that  in  the  lasr 
six  years  of  the  war,  upwards  of  eleven  tliou- 
saiul  persons  died  on  board  the  Jersey,  one  o! 
these  prison  shijis,  which  was  stationed  in 
East  river  near  New-York.  On  many  ot 
these,  the  rites  of  sepulture  were  never  or 
but  very  imperfectly  conferred.  For  some 
time  after  the  war  was  ended,  their  bones 
lay  whitening  in  the  sun,  on  the  shores  of 
Long-Island. 

The  operations  of  treason  laws  ndiled  to  the 
cnh-imities  of  the  war.  Individuals  on  both 
sides,  while  they  were  doing  no  more  tlian 
they  uupprjc.l  to  be  their  duty,  were  involvod 


UNITED  STATES. 


485 


m  the  penal  consequences  of  capital  criirios. 
The  Americans,  in  conformity  to  tlie  usual  po- 
licy of  nations,  dornandecl  the  allegiance  of  all 
who  resided  among  them,  but  several  of  these 
preferred  the  late  royal  government,  and  were 
disposed,  when  opportunity  offered,  to  support 
it.  While  they  acted  in  conformity  to  these 
sentiments,  the  laws  enacted  for  the  security 
of  the  new  government,  condemned  them  to 
death.  Hard  is  the  lot  of  a  people  involved 
in  civil  war  ;  for  in  such  circumstances  the 
lives  of  individuals  may  not  only  be  legally 
forfeited,  but  justly  taken  from  those,  who 
have  acted  solely  from  a  sense  of  duty.  It  is 
to  be  wished  tliat  some  more  rational  mode 
than  war  might  be  adopted  for  deciding 
national  contentions ;  but  of  all  wars,  those 
whicli  are  called  civil  are  most  to  be  dreaded. 
They  are  attended  with  the  bitterest  resent- 
ments, and  produce  the  greatest  quantity  of 
human  woes. 

In  the  American  war,  the  distresses  of  the 
country  were  aggravated,  from  the  circum- 
stance that  every  man  was  obliged  some  way 
or  other,  to  be  in  the  public  service.  In  Eu- 
rope, wlu'^ro  military  operations  are  carried  on 
l)y  armies  hired  and  paid  for  the  purpose,  the 
common  people  partake  but  little  of  the  cala- 
mities of  war :  l)ut  in  America,  where  the 
whole  people  were  enrolled  as  a  militia,  and 
where  both  sides  endeavored  to  strengthen 
themselves  by  oaths  and  by  laws,  denouncing 
the  penalties  of  treason  on  those  who  aided  or 
abetted  the  opposite  party,  the  sufferings  of  in- 
dividuals were  renewed,  as  often  as  fortune 
varied  her  standard.  Each  side  claimed  the 
co-operation  of  the  inhabitants,  and  was  ready 
to  jiunish  when  it  was  withheld.  Where 
either  party  had  a  decided  superiority,  the 
common  people  were  comparatively  undis- 
turbed ;  but  the  intermediate  space  between 
the  contending  armies,  was  subject  to  the 
alternate  ravages  of  both. 

In  the  first  institution  of  the  Amencan  go- 
vernments, the  boundaries  of  authority  were 
not  properly  fixed.  Committees  exercised  le- 
gislative, executive,  and  judicial  powers.  It 
is  not  to  be  doubted,  that  in  many  instances 
iheac.  were  improperly  used,  and  that  private 
resentments  were  often  covered  under  the  spe- 
cious veil  of  patriotism.  The  sufferers  in 
passing  over  to  the  royalists,  carried  with  them 
a  keen  remembrance  of  the  vengeance  of  com- 
mittees, and  wlien  opportunity  presented, 
were  tempted  to  retaliate.  From  the  nature 
of  the  case,  the  original  offenders  were  less 
frequently  the  objects  of  retaliation,  than  those 
who  were  entirely  innocent.  One  instance  of 
severity  begat  another,  and  they  continued  to 
mcrease  in  a  proportion  that  doubled  the 
evils  of  common  war.  From  one  unadvised 
step,  individuals  were  often  involved  in  tlie 
loss  of  all  their  property.  Some  from  present 
appearances,  apprehending  that  tlie  British 
would  finally  conquer,  repaired  to  their 
•tandard.  Their  return  after  the  partial  storm 
which  intimidated  them  to  suhniission,  liad 
blown  over,  was  always  difRciilt  and  often 
impossible.  From  this  single  error  in  judg- 
ment, such  were  often  obliged  to  seek  safety 
by  continuing  to  support  the  Interest  of  those 
to  whom,  in  an  hour  of  temptation,  they  had 
devoted  themselves.  The  embarrassments  on 
both  sides  were  often  so  great,  that  many  in 
the  hui.:bler  wall;^  of  life,  could  not  tell  what 
course  WIS  beat  to  pursue. 


It  was  hajipy  for  those,  who  having  made 
up  their  minds  on  the  nature  of  llie  contest, 
invariably  followed  the  dictates  of  their  con- 
sciences, for  in  every  instance  they  enjoyed 
self-approbation.  Though  they  could  not  be 
deprived  of  this  reward,  they  were  notalv.^ays 
successful  in  saving  their  property.  They 
who  varied  with  the  times,  in  like  manner  often 
missed  their  object,  for  to  such  it  frequently 
happened  that  they,  were  plundered  by  both, 
and  lost  the  esteem  of  all.  A  few  saved  their 
credit  and  their  property  ;  but  of  these,  there 
was  not  one  for  every  hundred  of  those,  who 
were  materially  injured  either  in  the  one  or 
the  other.  The  American  whigs  were  exas- 
perated against  those  of  their  fellow  citizens 
who  joined  their  enemies,  with  a  resentment 
which  was  far  more  bitter,  than  that  which 
they  harbored  against  their  European  adver- 
saries. Feeling'  that  the  whole  streng'th  of  the 
States  was  scarcely  sufficient  to  protect  them 
against  the  British,  they  could  not  brook  the 
desertion  of  their  countrymen  to  invading 
foreigners.  They  seldom  would  give  them 
credit  for  acting  from  principle,  but  generally 
supposed  them  to  be  influenced  either  by 
cowardice  or  interest,  and  were  therefore  in- 
clined to  proceed  against  them  with  rigor. 
They  were  filled  with  indignation  at  the  idea 
of  fighting  for  the  property  of  such  as  had 
deserted  their  country,  and  were  tlierefore 
clamorous  that  it  should  be  seized  for  public 
service.  The  royalists  raised  the  cry  of 
persecution,  and  loudly  complained  that 
merely  for  supporting  the  government  under 
which  they  were  born,  and  to  which  they 
owed  a  natural  allegiance,  they  were  doomed 
to  suffer  all  the  penalties  due  to  capital 
offenders.  Those  of  them  who  acted  from 
principle  felt  no  consciousness  of  guilt,  and 
could  not  look  V(Ut  with  abhorrence  upon  a 
government  which  inflicted  such  severe  pu- 
nishments on  what  they  deemed  a  laudable 
line  of  conduct. 

Humanity  would  shudder  at  a  particular  re- 
cital of  the  calamities  which  the  whigs  inflicted 
on  the  tories,and  the  tories  on  the  whigs.  It 
is  particularly  remarkable  that  on  both  sides, 
they  for  the  most  part  consoled  themselves 
with  the  belief  that  they  were  acting  or  suf- 
fering in  a  good  cause.  Though  the  rules  of 
moral  right  and  wrong  never  vary,  political 
innocence  and  guilt  changes  so  much  with  cir- 
cumstances, that  tlie  Innocence  of  the  sufferer, 
and  of  the  party  that  punishes,  are  often 
compatible.  The  distresses  of  the  American 
prisoners  in  the  southern  states,  prevailed 
particularly  towards  the  close  of  the  war.  Co- 
lonel Campbell,  who  reduced  Savannah, 
though  he  had  personally  suffered  from  the 
Americans,  treated  all  who  fell  into  his  hands 
with  humanity.  Those  who  were  taken  at 
Savannah  and  at  Ashe's  defeat,  suffered  very 
much  from  his  successors  in  South  Carolina. 
The  American  prisoners,  with  a  few  excep- 
tions, had  but  little  to  complain  of  'till  after 
Gates'  defeat.  So(ui  afler  that  event,  sundry 
of  them,  though  entitled  to  the  benefits  of 
I  the  capitulation  of  Charleston, were  separated 
from  their  families  and  sent  into  exile  ;  others, 
in  violation  of  the  same  solemn  agreement, 
were  crowded  into  prison  ships,  and  de- 
prived of  the  use  of  their  property. 
I  When  a  general  exchange  of  prisoners  was 
effected,  the  wives  and  clilldren  of  those  in- 
I  habitajits  who  adhered  to  the  Americans  were 


exiled  from  their  homes  to  Virginta  and  Phi- 
jladolphia.  Upwards  of  one  thousand  person! 
were  thrown  upon  the  charity  of  thcii-  fi-llow 
citizens  in  the  more  northern  states,  'l  liis  se- 
vere treatment  was  the  occasion  of  retaliating 
on  the  families  of  those  who  liad  taken  part 
with  the  British.  In  the  first  months  of  the 
year  1781,  the  British  were  in  force  in  the  re- 
motest settlements  of  South-Carolina,  but  as 
their  limits  were  contracted  in  the  course 
of  the  year,  the  male  inhabitants  who  joi»  ed 
them,  thouglit  jiroper  to  retire  with  the  royal 
army  towards  the  capital.  In  retaliation  i'or 
the  expulsion  of  the  wives  and  children  of 
the  whig  Americans  from  this  state,  governor 
Rutledge  ordered  the  brigadiers  of  militia,  to 
send  within  the  British  lines  the  families  of 
such  of  the  Inhabitants  as  adhered  to  their 
interest.  In  consequence  of  this  order,  and 
more  especially  iri  consequence  of  the  one 
which  occasioned  it,  several  hundreds  of  help- 
less women  and  children  were  reduced  to 
great  distress. 

The  refugees  who  had  fled  to  New-York, 
were  formed  into  an  association  under  Sir 
Henry  Clinton,  for  the  purposes  of  retaliating 
on  the  Americans,  and  for  reimbursing  the 
losses  they  had  sustained  from  their  country- 
men. The  d(![)re<lations  they  committed  in 
their  several  excursions  would  fill  a  volume, 
and  would  answer  little  purpose  but  to  excite 
compassion  and  horror.  Towards  the  close  of 
the  war,  tliey  began  to  retaliate  on  a  bolder 
scale.  Captain  .Toshua  Huddy,  who  command- 
ed a  small  party  of  Americans  at  a  block 
house,  in  Monmouth  county,  New-Jersev,  was, 
after  a  gallant  resistance,  taken  prisoner  by  a 
party  of  these  refugees.  He  was  brought  to 
New- York,  Ajirll  2d.  and  there  kept  in  close 
custody  fifteen  days,  ard  then  told  "that  he  was 
ordered  to  be  hanged."  Four  days  after,  he 
was  sent  out  with  a  party  of  refugees,  and 
hanged  on  the  heights  of  Middleton.  The  fol- 
lowing label  was  affixed  to  his  breast  :  "  We 
the  refugees  having  long  with  grief  beheld  the 
cruel  murders  of  our  brethren,  and  finding  no- 
thing but  such  measures  daily  carrying  into 
execution  ;  we  therefore  determine  not  to  suffer 
without  taking  vengeance  for  the  numerous 
cruelties,  and  thus  begin,  and  have  made  use 
of  captain  Huddy  as  the  first  olyect  to  present 
to  your  view,  and  further  determine  to  hang 
man  for  man,  while  there  is  a  refugee  existing: 
Up  goes  Huddy  for  Philip  White."  The 
Philip  White  in  retaliation  for  whom  Huddy 
was  hanged,  had  been  taken  by  a  party  of  the 
Jersey  militia,  and  was  killed  in  attempting 
to  make  his  escape. 

General  Washington  resolved  on  retaliation 
for  this  deliberate  murder,  but  instead  of  imme- 
diately executing  a  British  officer,  he  wrote  to 
Sir  Henry  Clinton,  that  unless  the  murderer* 
of  Huddy  were  given  up,  lie  should  be  under 
the  necessity  of  retaliating.  The  fi)rnier  l)eing 
refused,  captain  Asglll  was  designated  for  thai 
purpose.  Ill  the  mean  time  the  l>ritish  instit',- 
ted  a  court  martial  for  tlu;  trial  of  cpptain  Lip- 
])encutt,  who  was  supposed  to  lit;  the  jiniicipal 
agent  in  executing  captain  Huddy,  lta|)poar- 
ed  in  the  course  of  this  trial,  tliat  governor 
Franklin,  the  ]>resident  of  the  board  of  asso- 
ciated loyalists,  gave  Lippencult  verbal  order* 
for  what  he  did,  and  that  ho  had  been  designa- 
ted as  a  proper  subject  for  retaliation,  having 
I  been,  as  the  refugees  stated,  a  persecutor  of 
,  the  loyalists,  and  particularly  as  having  booa 


tb-i   

mstnirnenlal  in  h:in<;ing  Stephen  Edwards, 
who  'lad  been  one  of  tliat  description.  The 
court  having  considered  the  wliole  matter, 
gave  their  opinion,  "  That  as  what  Lippencult 
did  Avas  not  the  effect  jf  malice  or  ill  will, 
but  prciceeded  from  a  conviction  that  it  was 
his  duty  to  obey  the  orders  of  the  })oard  of 
directors  of  associated  loyalists,  and  as  he  did 
not  do'jbl  their  having  fall  authority  to  give 
a  ich  orders,  he  was  not  guilty  of  the  murder 
laid  to  his  charge,  and  therefore  they  acquitted 
nim." 

Sir  Guy  Carleton,  who  a  little  before  this 
time  had  been  appointed  commander  in  chief 
of  the  British  army,  in  a  letter  to  general  Wash- 
ington, accompanying  the  trial  of  Lippencutt, 
declared  "  that  notwithstanding  the  acquittal 
of  Lippencutt,  he  reprobated  the  measure,  and 
gave  assurances  of  ])rosecuting  a  farther  en- 
auiry,"  Sir  Guy  t 'arleton  about  the  same  time 
broke  up  the  board  of  associated  loyalists, 
wliich  prevented  a  repetition  of  similar  ex- 
cesses. The  war  also  drawing  near  a  close, 
the  motives  for  retaliation,  as  tending  to  pre- 
vent other  murders,  in  a  great  measure  ceased. 
In  the  mean  time  general  Washington  received 
a  letter  from  ti.e  count  de  Vergennes  interce- 
ding for  captain  Asgill,  which  was  also  accom- 
panied wi*)»  a  very  pathetic  one  from  his  mo- 
ther, M-s.  Asgill,  to  the  count.  Cu[)ies  of  these 
several  hitters  were  forwarded  to  Congress, 
Nov.  7th,  17S2,  and  soon  after  they  resolved, 
that  the  commander  in  chief  be  directed  to 
set  captain  Asgill  at  liberty."  The  lovers  of 
humanity  rejoiced  that  the  necessity  of  retali- 
klion  was  superceded,  by  the  known  humanity 
of  the  new  commander  in  chief,  and  still  more 
by  the  well  fou ruled  prospect  of  a  speedy 
»>eax5e.  Asgill,  who  liad  received  every  indul- 
jfence,  and  who  had  been  treated  with  all  pos- 
sible politenesa,  was  released  and  permitted 
to  go  :nto  New-Ycrk. 


HISTORY   OF  THE 


CHAPTER 

campaign  of  1782 


xvr. 


Foreign  events 
IVuoe,  178-'. 


and  negociation§. 


Afteii  the  capture  of  lord  Cornwallis,  gen- 
eral Washington,  with  the  greatest  part  of  his 
force,  r(?turn(!(l  to  the  vicinity  of  New- York. 
He  was  in  no  condition  to  attempt  the  reduc- 
tion of  that  [)ost,  and  the  royal  army  had  good 
rtjasons  for  not  ur<rinQ;  hostilities  without  their 
lines.  An  obstruction  of  the  communication 
lietween  town  and  country,  some  indecisive 
ekirmishes,  and  [)redatory  excursions,  were  the 
principal  evidences  of  an  existing  state  of  war. 
rills  in  a  gi'cat  measure  was  also  the  case  in 
South-Carolina..  From  December  1781,  gene- 
ral Gretuie  ha<l  possession  of  all  tlie  state  except 
Cliarlcston  and  the  vicinity.  The  British 
Bornctimes  sullied  out  of  their  lines  for  the  ac- 
.juisitioii  of  property  and  provisions,  but  never 
lor  the  purposes  of  con(|uest.  In  opposing 
one  of  thes(!  near  Cotnbahee,  lieutiMiant  colo- 
nel .lohn  Tiaurens.  !\n  accornplishi'd  officer,  of 
uncommon  merit,  was  mortally  wounded. 
Nafuri'liad  adoriieil  him  with  a  hirg(!  projxir- 
tion  oi'  Kcr  choicest  gifts,  and  thes<!  were 
highly  cultivated  by  an  elegant,  useful  a:id 
practical  I'ducalion,    His  jiatriotism  was  of 


London,  and  on  his  arrival  in  America,  in- 
stantly joined  the  army.  Whereever  the  war 
raged  most,  there  was  he  to  be  found.  A 
dauntless  bravery  was  the  least  of  his  vir- 
tues, and  an  excess  of  it  his  greatest  foible. 
His  various  talents  fitted  him  to  shine  in 
courts  or  camps,  or  pojiular  assemblies.  He 
had  a  heart  to  conceive,  a  head  to  contrive,  a 
tongue  to  persuade,  and  a  hand  to  execute 
schemes  of  the  most  extensive  utility  to  his 
country,  or  rather  to  mankind,  for  his  enlarged 
philanthropy,  knowing  no  bounds,  emb."aced 
the  whole  human  race.  This  excellent  young 
man,  who  was  the  pride  of  his  country,  the 
idol  of  the  army,  and  an  ornament  of  human 
nature,  lost  his  life  in  the  27th  year  of  his 
age,  in  an  unimportant  skirmish  with  a  fo- 
raging party,  in  the  very  last  moments  of 
the  war. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  year  17S2,  the 
British  had  a  more  extensive  range  in 
Georgia,  than  in  any  other  of  the  United 
States,  but  of  this  they  were  soon  abridged. 
From  the  unsuccessful  issue  of  the  assault  on 
Savannah  in  1779,  that  state  had  eminently 
suff'ered  the  desolations  of  war.  Political 
hatred  ragged  to  such  a  degree  that  the  blood 
of  its  citizens  was  daily  .shed  by  the  hands  of 
each  other,  contending  under  the  names  of 
whlgs  and  tories.  A  few  of  the  friends  of 
the  revolution  kept  together  in  the  western 
settlements,  and  exercised  the  powers  of  inde- 
pendent government.  The  whole  extent  be- 
tween these  and  the  capital,  was  subject  to 
the  alternate  ravages  of  both  parties.  After 
the  surrender  of  lord  Cornwallis,  geiKjral 
Greene,  being  reinforced  by  the  Pensylvania 
line,  was  enabled  to  detach  general  W^yne 
with  a  part  of  the  southern  army  to  Georgia. 
General  Clarke,  who  commanded  in  Savan- 
nah, on  hearing  of  their  advance,  sent  orders 
to  his  officers  in  the  out  posts,  to  burn  as 
far  as  they  could,  all  the  provisions  in  the 
country,  and  then  to  retire  within  the  lines 
at  the  capital.  The  country  being  evacuated 
by  the  British,  the  governor  came  with  his 
council  from  Augusta  to  Ebenezer,  and  re- 
established government  in  tha  vicinity  of  the 
sea  coast. 

Colonel  Brown,  at  the  head  of  a  conside- 
rable force,  marched  out  of  the  garrison  of 
Savannah,  May  21,  1782,  with  the  apparent 
intention  of  attacking  the  Americans.  Gene- 
ral Wayne,  by  a  bold  manoeuvre,  got  in  his 
rear,  attacked  him  at  12  o'clock  at  night,  and 
routed  his  whole  party.  A  large  number 
of  Creek  Indians,  headed  by  a  number  of 
their  chiefs  and  a  British  officer,  m.ade  a  fu- 
rious attack  on  Wayne's  infantry  in  the  night. 
For  a  few  minutes  they  possessed  themselves 
of  his  field  pieces,  but  they  were  soon  re- 
covered. In  the  meantime  colonel  White, 
with  a  party  of  the  cavalry,  came  up,  and 
pressed  hard  upon  them.  Both  sides  engaged 
in  close  (juarters.  The  Indians  disjilayed  un- 
common bravery,  but  at  length  were  com- 
pletely  routed.  Shortly  after  this  affair,  a 
perio(i  was  put  to  the  calamities  of  war  in 
that  ravaged  state.  In  a])out  three  months  af- 
ter \\w  cajiture  of  lord  Cornwallis  was  known 
In  Great  Britain,  the  parlinment  resolved  to 
abandon  all  off^eiislve  operations  in  America. 
In  conse(|uence  thereof,  every  idea  of  con- 
(|Uest  being    given  up,   arrantrements  were 


the  most  ardent  kind.  The;  moment  liir  was  I  madi!  for  witlidrawiiig  tlui  royal  forces  from 
•f  age,  ho  broke  off"  from  the  amuuemonts  of  |  Georgia  and  South  Carolina.    Peace  was  re- 


stored to  Georgia,  after  it  had  been  upworilf 
of  three  years  in  ]>os.?ession  of  the  British, 
and  had  been  ravaged  iieai  ly  from  one  ex- 
treme to  the  other.  It  is  computed  that  tho 
state  lost  by  the  war,  one  thousand  of  its  citi 
zens,  besides  four  thousand  slaves.  In  about 
five  months  after  the  British  left  Georgia,  they 
in  like  manner  wiliidrev/  their  force  from 
South  Carolina.  The  inhabitants  of  Charles- 
ton, wlio  had  remai.'ied  therein  while  it  was 
possessed  by  the  British,  felt  themselves  hap- 
py in  being  delivered  from  the  severities  of 
a  garrison  life.  The  exiled  citizens  collected 
from  all  (piarters  and  took  possession  of  their 
estates.  Thus  in  less  than  tliree  years  from 
the  landing  of  the  British  in  South-Carolina, 
they  withdrew  all  their  forces  from  it.  In 
that  time  the  citizens  had  suffered  an  accu- 
mulation of  evils.  There  was  scarcely  as 
inhabitant,  however  obscure  in  character  or 
remote  in  station,  whether  ho  remained  firm 
to  one  party  or  changed  with  the  times,  who 
did  not  partake  of  the  general  distress. 

In  modern  Euro))e  the  revolutions  of  pub- 
lic affairs  seldom  disturb  the  humble  obscuri- 
ty of  private  life ;  but  the  American  revolu- 
tion involved  the  interest  of  every  family 
and  deeply  affected  the  fortunes  and  happi- 
ness of  almost  every  individual  in  the  United 
States.  South-Carolina  lost  a  great  number 
of  its  citizens,  and  uj)wards  of  20,000  of  its 
slaves.  Property  was  sported  with  by  both 
parties.  Besides  those  who  fell  in  battle  or 
died  of  diseases  brought  on  by  the  war,  many 
were  inhumanly  murdered  by  private  assassi- 
nations. The  country  abounded  with  widows 
and  orphans.  The  severities  of  a  militarv  life 
co-operating  with  the  climate,  destroyed  the 
healtlis  and  lives  of  many  hundreds  of  the 
invading  army.  Excepting  those  who  en- 
riched lhcms(;lves  by  plunder,  and  a  few  suc- 
cessful s])eculators,  no  private  advantage  was 
gained  by  individuals  on  either  side,  but  bC 
experimental  conviction  of  the  folly  and 
madness  of  war. 

Though  in  the  year  17S2  the  United  States 
afforded  few  gre.it  events,  the  reverse  was 
the  case  with  the  other  powers  involved  in 
the  consequences  of  the  American  war. 

Minorca,  after  a  tedious  siege,  surrendered 
to  the  Duke  de  Crillon  in  the  service  of  his 
most  catholic  majesty.  About  the  same  time 
the  settlements  of  Domarara  and  Essequiho, 
which  in  the  preceding  year  had  been  taken 
by  the  British,  were  taken  from  them  by  the 
French.  The  gallant  martjuis  de  Bouille  ad- 
ded to  the  splendor  of  his  Ibrn.er  fame  by 
reducinsr  St.  Kitts,  the  former  at  the  close  of 
the  year  17S1,  and  the  latter  early  in  the  year 
1782.  The  islands  of  Nevis  and  Montserrat 
followed  the  fortune  of  St.  Kitts.  The 
French  at  this  period  seemed  to  be  establish 
ed  in  the  West-Indies,  on  a  firm  foundation 
Their  islands  were  full  of  excellent  troopa, 
and  their  marine  force  was  truly  respectable. 
The  exerticms  of  Spain  were  also  uncom- 
monly great.  The  strength  of  these  two 
monarchies  had  never  before  been  so  conspi- 
cuously dis|)lnyed  in  that  quarter  of  tho 
globe.  Their  combined  navies  amourted  to 
threescore  ships  of  the  line,  and  these  wrro 
attcMided  with  a  prodigious  multitude  of  fri- 
u;ates  and  armed  vessels.  With  this  immense 
force  they  entertained  hopes  of  wresting  fiom 
Ills  Britannic  majesty  a  great  part  of  hit 
West-India  ic lands. 


UNITED  STATES. 


487 


In  the  meantime,  t}ie  British  ministry  pre- 
pared a  strong  s<juadr(>n,  for  the  ])rotecti()n  of 
their  possessions  in  tiiat  (juarter.  This  was 
commanded  by  admiral  liodney,  and  amount- 
ed, after  a  junction  witli  Sir  Sanmel  Hood's 
squadron,  and  the  arrival  of  three  ships  from 
Great  Britain,  to  36  sail  of  the  line. 

It  was  the  design  of  count  de  Grasse,  who 
commanded  the  French  fleet  at  Martinique 
amounting  to  34  sail  of  the  line,  to  proceed  to 
Hispaniola  and  join  the  Spanish  admiral  Don 
Solano,  who  with  sixteen  ships  of  the  line 
and  a  considerable  land  force  was  waiting 
for  his  arrival,  and  to  make,  in  concert  with 
him,  an  attack  on  Jamaica 

The  British  admiral  wished  to  prevent  this 
junction,  or  at  least  to  force  an  engagement 
before  it  was  effected.  Admiral  Rodney  came 
up  witli  the  count  de  Grasse,  soon  alter  he 
had  set  out  to  join  the  Spanish  fleet  at  His- 
paniola. Partial  engagements  took  place  on 
the  three  first  days,  after  they  came  near  to 
each  other.  In  these,  two  of  the  French 
ships  were  so  badly  damaged,  that  they  were 
obliged  to  quit  the  fleet.  On  the  next  day  a 
general  engagement  took  place:  This  began 
at  seven  in  the  morning,  and  continued  till 
past  six  in  the  evening.  There  v.  as  no  ap- 
parent superiority  on  cither  side  till  between 
twelve  and  one  o'clock,  wlien  admiral  Rodney 
broke  the  French  line  of  battle,  by  bearing 
down  upon  their  centre,  and  penetrating 
through  it.  The  land  forces,  destined  lor 
the  expedition  against  Jamaica,  amountmg  to 
5500  men,  were  distributed  on  board  the 
French  fleet.  Their  ships  were  therefore  so 
;rowded,  that  the  slaughter  on  board  was 
prodigious.  The  battle  was  fought  on  both 
sides  with  equal  spirit,  but  with  a  very  un- 
equal issue.  The  French  for  near  a  century, 
had  not  in  any  naval  engagement  been  so 
completely  worsted.  Their  fleet  was  little 
less  than  ruined.  Upwards  of  400  men 
were  killed  on  board  one  of  the  ships,  and 
the  whole  number  of  their  killed  and  wound- 
ed amounted  to  several  thousands,  while  the 
loss  of  the  British  did  not  much  exceed  1100 
men.  The  French  lost  in  this  action,  and  the 
subsequent  pursuit,  eight  ships  of  the  line. 
On  board  the  captured  ships,  was  the  whole 
train  of  artillery,  witli  the  battering  cannon 
end  travelling  carriages,  intended  for  the  e?:- 
pedition  against  Jamaica.  One  of  them  vva.s 
the  Ville  de  Paris,  so  called  from  the  city  of 
Paris  having  built  her  at  its  own  expense, 
and  made  a  present  of  her  to  the  king.  She 
had  cost  four  millions  of  livres,  and  was  es- 
teemed the  most  magnificent  ship  in  France  ; 
she  carried  110  guns  and  had  on  board  1300 
men.  This  was  truly  an  unfortunate  day  to 
count  de  Grasse.  Though  his  behaviour 
throughout  the  whole  action  was  firm  and 
mtrepid,  and  his  resistance  continued  till  he 
and  two  more  were  the  only  men  left  stand- 
ing upon  the  upper  deck,  he  was  at  last 
obliged  to  strike.  It  was  no  small  addition 
to  his  misfortunes  that  he  was  on  the  point 
of  forming  a  junction.  w^hicVi  would  have  set 
him  above  ail  danger.  Had  this  taken  place, 
the  whole  British  naval  ]iowcr  in  the  West 
Indies,  on  principles  of  ordinary  calculation, 
would  have  been  insufficient  to  have  pre- 
vented him  from  can-ying  into  effect,  schemes 
of  the  m(T=t  exten^jive  conse<]uence. 

The  ship<!  of  tlie  defeated  fleet  fled  in  a 
v^arietj.  of  'ireciions.    Twenty-three  or  twen- 


ty-four sail  made  the  best  of  their  way  to 

Cape  Francois.  This  was  all  that  remained 
in  a  body  of  that  fleet,  which  was  lately  so 
formidable.  By  this  signal  victory,  the  de- 
signs of  France  and  Spain  were  frustrated. 
No  i'arthcr  enterj)rises  were  undertaken 
against  the  fleets  or  possessions  of  Great 
Britain  in  the  West-Indies,  and  such  mea- 
sures only  were  embraced,  as  seemed  requi- 
site for  the  purposes  of  safety.  When  the 
news  of  admiral  Rodney's  victory  reached 
Great  Britain,  a  general  joy  was  ditlused  over 
the  nation.  Before  there  had  been  much 
despondency.  Their  losses  in  the  Chesa- 
peake and  in  the  West-Indies,  together  with 
the  increasing  number  of  their  enemies,  had 
depressed  the  spirits  of  the  great  body  of  the 
people;  but  the  advantages  gained  on  the 
12th  of  April,  placed  them  on  high  ground, 
either  fcir  ending  or  prosecuting  the  war. 
It  was  fortunate  for  the  Americans,  that  this 
success  c  f  the  British  was  posterior  to  their 
loss  in  Virginia.  It  so  elevated  the  spirits 
of  Britain,  and  so  depressed  the  hopes  of 
France,  that  had  it  taken  place  prior  to  the 
surrender  of  Lord  Cornwallis,  that  event 
would  have  been  less  influential  in  dis|)osing 
the  nation  to  peace.  As  the  catastroj)he  of 
York-town  closed  the  national  war  in  North- 
America,  so  the  defeat  of  de  Grasse,  in  a 
great  measure,  put  a  period  to  hostilities  in 
the  West- Indies. 

Other  decisive  events  soon  followed,  which 
disposed  another  of  the  belligerent  powers 
to  a  pacification.  Gibraltar,  though  succes- 
sively relieved,  still  continued  to  be  besieged. 
The  reduction  of  Minorca  inspired  the  Span- 
ish nation  with  fresh  motives  to  perseverance. 
The  Duke  de  Crillon,  who  had  been  recently 
successful  in  the  siege  of  Minorca,  was  ap- 
pointffd  to  conduct  the  siege  of  Gibraltar,  and 
it  was  resolved  to  employ  the  whole  strength 
of  the  Spanish  monarchy  in  seconding  his, 
operations.  No  means  were  neglected,  nor 
expense  spnred,  that  promised  to  forward 
the  views  of  the  besiegers.  From  the  failure 
of  all  plans,  hitherto  adopted  for  effecting  the 
reduction  of  Gibraltar,  it  was  resolved  to 
adopt  new  ones.  Among  the  various  pro- 
jects for  this  purpose,  one  which  had  been 
form.ed  by  the  Chevalier  D'Arcon,  was  deem- 
ed the  most  worthy  of  trial.  This  was  to 
construct  such  floating  batteries  as  could  nei- 
ther be  sunk  nor  fired.  V/ith  this  view  their 
bottoms  were  made  of  the  thickest  timber,  and 
their  sides  of  wood  and  cork  long  soaked 
in  water,  with  a  large  layer  of  wet  sand 
between. 

To  prevent  the  effects  of  red  hot  balls,  a 
number  of  pipes  were  contrived  to  carry  wa- 
ter through  every  part  of  them,  and  pumps 
were  provided  to  keep  these  constantly  sup- 
plied with  wafer.  The  people  on  board  were 
to  be  sheltered  from  the  fall  of  bombs  by  a 
cover  of  rope  netting,  which  was  made  slo- 
ping, and  overlaid  with  wet  liides. 

These  floating  batteries,  ten  in  number, 
were  made  out  of  the  hulls  of  large  vessels, 
cut  down  for  the  purpose,  and  carried  from 
28  to  10  guns  each,  and  were  seconded  by 
80  large  boats  mounted  with  gims  of  heavy 
metal,  and  also  by  a  multitude  of  frigates, 
ships  of  force,  and  some  hundreds  of  small 
craft. 

General  Ellio't,  the  intrepid  defender  of 
Gibraltar,  waa  njt  ignorant  that  inventions  of 


la  jieculiar  kind  were  prepared  against  him, 
but  knew  nothing  of  their  construction.  Ho 
nevertheless  provided  lor  every  circum- 
stance of  danger  that  could  be  ibreseen  or 
imagined.  The  13th  day  of  Septemtjer  wiu 
fi.xed  upon  by  the  besiegers  lor  making  t 
grand  attack,  when  the  new  invented  ma- 
chines, with  all  the  united  po^^■crs  of  gim- 
powder  and  artillery  in  their  highest  ttate  of 
improvement,  were  to  be  called  into  action. 
The  combined  fleets  of  France  and  Spa!n  in 
the  bay  of  Gibralter  amounted  to  48  sail  ol 
the  line.  Their  batteries  were  covered  with 
154  pieces  of  heavy  brass  cannon.  The 
numbers  employed  by  land  and  sea  against 
the  fortress  were  estimated  at  one  hundred 
thousand  men.  With  this  force,  and  by  the 
fire  of  300  cannon,  mortars,  and  howitzers, 
from  the  adjacent  isthmus,  it  was  intended  to 
attack  every  part  of  the  British  works  at  one 
and  the  same  instant.  The  surrounding  hills 
were  covered  with  people  assembled  to  be- 
hold the  spectacle.  The  cannonade  and  bom- 
bardment was  tremendous.  The  showers  of 
sliot  and  shells  from  the  land  batteries,  and 
the  ships  of  the  besiegers,  and  from  the  va- 
rious works  of  the  garrison,  exhibited  a 
most  dreadful  scene.  Four  hundred  j)ieces 
of  the  heaviest  artillery  were  playing  at  the 
same  moment.  The  whole  Peninsula  seem- 
ed to  be  overwhelmed  in  the  torrents  of  fire, 
which  were  incessantly  poured  upon  it.  The 
Sj)anish  floating  batteries  for  some  time  an- 
swered the  expectations  of  their  fran)ers. 
The  heaviest  shells  often  rebounded  from 
their  tops,  while  thirty-two  pound  shot  made 
no  visible  impression  upon  their  hulls.  For 
some  hours,  the  attack  and  defence  were  so 
equally  supported,  as  scarcely  to  admit  any 
appearance  of  superiority  on  either  side. 

The  construction  of  the  battering  ships 
was  so  well  calculated  for  withstanding  the 
combined  force  of  fire  and  artillery,  that  they 
seemed  for  some  time  to  bid  defiance  to  the 
powers  of  the  heaviest  ordinance.  In  the  af- 
ternoon the  effects  of  hot  shot  became  visi- 
ble. At  first  there  was  only  an  ajipearance 
of  smoke,  but  in  the  course  of  the  night,  after 
the  fire  of  the  garrison  had  continued  about 
15  hours,  two  of  the  floating  batteries  were 
in  flames,  and  several  more  were  visibly  be- 
ginning to  kindle.  The  endeavours  of  the 
besiegers  were  now  exclusively  directed  to 
bring  off  the  men  from  the  burning  vessels, 
but  in  this  they  were  interrupted.  Captain 
Curtis,  who  lay  ready  with  12  gun  boats,  ad- 
vanced and  fired  upon  them  with  such  order 
and  expedition,  as  to  throw  fheni  into  confu- 
sion before  they  had  finished  their  business. 
They  fled  with  their  boats,  and  abandoned 
to  their  fate  great  numbers  of  their  people. 
The  opening  of  day-light  disclosed  a  most 
dreadful  spectacle.  Many  were  seen  in  the 
midst  of  the  flames  crying  out  for  help, 
while  others  were  floating  upon  pieces  of 
timber,  exposed  to  equal  danger  from  the 
opposite  element.  The  generous  humanity 
of  the  victors  equalled  their  valour,  and  was 
the  more  honorable,  as  the  exertions  of  it 
exposed  them  to  no  less  danger  than  those  of 
active  hostility.  In  endeavcniring  to  save  the 
lives  of  liis  enemies,  captain  Curtis  nearly 
lost  his  own.  Wliile  for  the  most  benevo- 
lent jiurpose  he  was  alontr  side  the  floating 
batteries,  one  of  them  blew  up,  and  some 
heary  pieces  of  timber  fell  into  his  boat  and 


t88 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


pierced  through  its  bottom.  By  similar  fKjr- 
jIous  oxfirtions,  near  400  men  were  saved  from 

inevitable  destruction. 

Tlie  exercise  of  liumanity  to  an  enemy, 
under  such  circumsUnces  of  immmediate  ac- 
tion, and  impending  danger,  conferred  more 
true  honour  tiian  could  be  acquired  by  the  most 
splendid  series  of  victories.  It  in  some  de- 
gree obscured  the  impression  made  to  the  dis- 
advantage of  human  nature,  by  the  madness 
of  mankind  in  destroying  each  other  by  waste- 
ful wars.  The  floating  batteries  were  all  con- 
sumed. The  violence  of  their  explosion  was 
such  as  to  burst  open  doors  and  windows  at  a 
great  distance.  Soon  after  the  destruction  of 
the  floating  batteries,  lord  Howe,  with  35 
ships  of  the  line,  brought  to  the  brave  garrison 
an  ample  supply  of  every  thing  wanted,  either 
for  their  support  or  their  defence.  This  com- 
plete relief  of  Gibraltar,  was  the  third  de- 
cisive event  in  the  course  of  a  twelvemonth 
which  favoured  the  re-cstablishment  of  a  ge- 
neral peace. 

The  capture  of  the  British  army  in  Vir- 
ginia— the  defeat  of  count  de  Grasse,  and  the 
destruction  of  the  Spanish  floating  batteries, 
inculcated  on  Great  Britain,  France  and  Spain, 
the  policy  of  sheathing  the  sword,  and  stop- 
ping the  effusion  of  human  blood.  Each 
nation  found,  on  a  review  of  past  events,  that 
though  their  losses  were  great,  their  gains 
were  little  or  nothing.  By  urging  the  Ameri- 
can war.  Great  Britain  had  increased  her  na- 
tional debt  one  hundred  millions  of  pounds 
sterling,  and  wasted  the  lives  of  at  least 
50,000  of  her  subjects.  To  add  to  her  morti- 
fication she  had  brought  all  this  on  herself,  by 
pursuinsr  an  object  the  attainment  of  which 
seemed  to  be  daily  less  probable,  and  the  be- 
nefits of  which,  even  though  it  could  have 
been  attained,  were  very  problematical. 

While  Great  Britain,  France  and  Spain 
•.vere  successively  brought  to  think  favourably 
of  peace,  the  United  States  of  America  had 
the  consolation  of  a  public  acknowledgment 
of  their  independence  by  a  second  power  of 
Europe.  This  was  effected  in  a  great  mea- 
sure by  the  address  of  John  Adams.  On  the 
capture  of  Henry  Laurens,  he  had  been  com- 
missioned Jan.  1,  1781,  to  be  the  minister 
plenipotentiary  of  Congress,  to  the  states 
general  of  tlie  United  Provinces,  and  was  also 
empowered  to  negociate  a  loan  of  money 
among  the  Hollanders.  Soon  after  his  arrival 
lie  presented  "to  their  high  mi^litincsses  a  me- 
morial, in  which  he  informed  them  that  the 
United  Slates  of  America,  had  thought  fit  to 
send  him  a  commission  with  full  power  and 
instructions,  to  confer  with  them  concerning  a 
treaty  of  amity  and  commerce,  and  that  they 
had  a])pointed  him  to  be  their  minister  pleni- 
potentiary to  reside  near  them.  Similar  infor- 
mation, was  at  the  same  time  communicated  to 
the  stadtholder,  the  prince  of  Orange. 

About  a  year  aft<;r  the  presentation  of  this 
memorial,  it  was  resolved  "  that  the  said  Mr. 
Adams  was  agreeable  to  their  high  inight- 
•.nesses,  and  that  he  should  be  acknowledged 
in  (juality  of  minister  plenipotentiary."  Be- 
fore lliis  was  obtained,  much  ])aiiis  had  been 
taken  mucli  ln<?(Mniity  had  been  exerted,  to 
c<jnvinre  the  rulers  and  people  of  the  slat(>s 
8;eneral,  that  they  ha<l  an  interest  in  coniioct- 
irig  thftnielves  with  the  lJnite<l  States.  These 
K'jjresentations,  together  with  some  recent 
fucccd«<s  in  thoir  contests  on  the  sea  with 


Great  Britain,  and  their  evident  commercial 
interest,  encouraged  them  to  venture  on  being 
the  second  power  of  Europe,  to  acknowledge 
American  Independence. 

Mr.  Adams  having  gained  this  point,  pro- 
ceeded on  the  negociation  of  a  treaty  of  amity 
and  commerce  between  the  two  countries. 
This  was  in  a  few  months  concluded,  to  the 
reciprocal  satisfaction  of  both  parties.  The 
same  success  which  attended  Mr.  Adams  in 
these  negociations,  continued  to  follow  him  in 
obtaining  a  loan  of  money,  which  was  a  most 
seasonable  supply  to  his  almost  exhausted 
country. 

Mr.  Jay  had  for  nearly  three  years  past  ex- 
erted equal  abilities,  and  equal  industry  with 
Mr.  Adams,  in  endeavoring  to  negociate  a 
treaty  between  the  United  States  and  his  most 
catholic  majesty,  but  his  exertions  were  not 
crowned  with  equal  success. 

To  gain  the  friendship  of  the  Spaniards, 
Congress  passed  sundry  resolutions,  favouring 
the  wishes  of  his  most  catholic  majesty  to  re- 
annex  the  two  Floridas  to  his  dominions. 
Mr.  Jay  was  instructed  to  contend  for  the  right 
of  the  United  States  to  the  free  navigation  of 
the  river  Mississippi,  and  if  an  express  ac- 
knowledgment of  it  could  not  be  obtained,  he 
was  restramed  from  acceding  to  any  stipula- 
tion, by  which  it  should  be  relinquished. 
But  in  February  1781,  when  lord  Cornwallis 
was  making  rapid  progress  in  overrunning  the 
southern  states,  and  when  the  mutiny  of  the 
Pennsylvania  line  and  other  unfavorable  cir- 
cumstances depressed  the  spirits  of  the  Ame- 
ricans, Congress,  on  the  recommendation  of 
Virginia,  directed  him  to  recede  from  his  in- 
structions, so  far  as  they  insist  on  the  free  na- 
vigation of  that  part  of  the  river  Mississippi, 
which  lies  below  the  thirty-first  degree  of  north 
latitude,  and  on  a  free  port  or  ports  below  the 
same  ;  provided  such  cession  should  be  unal- 
terably insisted  on  by  Spain,  and  provided  the 
free  navigation  of  the  said  river  above  the 
said  degree  of  north  latitude  should  be  ac- 
knowledged and  guaranteed  by  his  catholic 
majesty,  in  common  with  his  own  sulyects. 

These  propositions  were  mad<;  to  the  minis- 
ters of  his  most  catholic  mtijesty,  but  not  ac- 
cepted. Mr.  Jay  in  his  own  name  Informed 
them,  "  That  if  the  acceptance  of  tliis  offer 
should,  together  with  the  propc.sed  alliance, 
be  postponed  to  a  general  peace,  the  United 
States  would  cease  to  consider  themselves 
bound  by  any  propositions  or  oiFers  he  miglit 
then  make  in  their  behalf." 

Spain  having  delayed  to  accept  these  terms, 
which  originated  more  in  necessity  than  in 
policy,  till  the  crisis  of  American  independ- 
ence was  past,  Congress,  ap])iehciisive  that 
their  offered  relinquishment  of  the  free  navi- 
gation of  the  Mississippi  should  at  that  late 
hour  be  accepted,  instructed  their  minister 
"  To  forbear  making  any  overtures  to  the 
court  of  Spain,  or  entering  into  atiy  stipula- 
tions, in  consequence  of  any  which  he  liad 
previously  made."  The  ministers  of  his  most 
catholic  majesty,  from  indecision  and  tardiness 
of  deliberation,  let  slip  an  c^pportunitv  of 
gaining  a  favourite  point,  which  from  the  in- 
creasing numbers  of  the  westt;rn  settlements 
of  the  United  States,  seems  to  be  removed  at 
a  (lailv  incrciasing  distanci*.  Humiliating  of- 
f(»rs,  made  an(l  rejected  in  the  hour  of  distress, 
will  not  readily  bo  renewed  in  the  day  of 
prosperity. 


It  was  expected,  not  only  by  the  sanguine 
Americans,  but  by  many  in  England,  that  th« 
capture  of  lord  Cornwallis  would  instantlv 
dispose  the  nation  to  peace  ;  but  what^-viir 
might  have  been  the  wish  or  the  interest  of  tba 
people,  the  American  war  was  too  much  tha 
favourite  of  ministry  to  be  relinquished,  with- 
out a  strujjglo  for  its  continuance. 

Just  after  intelligence  arrived  of  the  capitu- 
lation of  York-Town,  the  king  of  Great- 
Britain,  m  his  speech  to  parliament,  declared 
"  That  he  should  not  answer  the  trust  com- 
mitted to  the  sovereign  of  a  free  people,  if  he 
consented  to  sacrifice  either  to  his  own  desire 
of  peace,  or  to  their  temporary  ease  and  re- 
lief, thi,se  essential  rights  and  permanent  in- 
terests, upon  the  maintalnance  and  preserva- 
tion of  which  the  future  strength  and  security 
of  the  country  must  for  ever  depend."  The 
determined  language  of  this  speech,  pointing 
to  the  continuance  of  the  American  war,  was 
echoed  back  by  a  majority  of  both  lords  and 
commons. 

In  a  few  days  after,  it  was  moved  in  the 
house  of  commons  that  a  resolution  should  be 
adopted  declaring  it  to  be  their  opinion  "  That 
all  farther  attempts  to  reduce  the  Americiins 
to  obedience  by  force  would  be  Ineffectual, 
and  injurious  to  the  true  interests  of  Great 
Britain."  Though  the  debate  on  this  subject 
was  continued  till  two  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
and  though  the  opposition  received  additional 
strength,  yet  the  ()uestion  was  not  carried. 
The  same  ground  of  argument  was  soon  gone 
over  again,  and  the  American  war  underwent, 
for  the  fourth  time  since  the  beginning  of  the 
session,  a  full  discussion  ;  but  no  resolution 
disapproving  its  farther  prosecution,  could  yet 
obtain  the  assent  of  a  majority  of  the  mem- 
bers. The  advocates  for  peace  becoming 
daily  more  numerous,  it  was  moved  l)y  gen- 
eral Conway,  "  That  an  humble  address  "be 
jiresented  to  his  majesty,  that  he  will  be 
pleased  to  give  directions  to  his  ministers  not 
to  pursue  any  longer  the  impracticable  objec: 
of  reducing  his  majesty's  revolted  colonies  bj 
force  to  their  allegiance,  by  a  war  on  the  con 
tinent  of  America."  This  brought  forth  a  re 
petition  of  the  former  arguments  on  the  sub 
jeer,  and  engaged  the  attention  of  the  houso 
till  two  o'clock  in  the  morning.  On  a  division, 
the  motion  for  the  address  was  lost  by  a  single 
vote.  In  the  course  of  these  debates,  while 
the  minority  were  gaining  ground,  the  ministry 
were  giving  up  one  point  after  another.  They 
at  first  consented  that  the  war  should  not  be 
carried  on  to  the  same  extent  as  formerly — 
then  that  there  should  be  no  internal  conti- 
nental war — next  that  there  should  be  no  other 
war  than  what  was  necessary  for  the  defence 
of  the  posts  already  in  their  jmssession — and 
last  of  all,  none  but  against  the  French  in 
America. 

The  ministry  as  well  as  the  nation  began  to 
be  sensible  of  the  impolicy  of  continental  ope- 
rations, but  hopei.  that  they  might  gain  their 
point  by  prosecut  ig  hostilities  at  sea.  Every 
opposition  was  ihcref()re  made  by  them 
PLTiiinst  the  total  Jereiictlon  of  a  war,  on  the 
success  of  which  they  liad  so  repeatedly 
pl-vlired  themselves,  and  on  the  continuance  of 
which  they  held  their  places.  CJeiieral  Con- 
way, in  five  days  after,  brought  forward 
another  motion  expressed  in  difTer.'nt  worJs, 
but  to  the  s:\mo.  effect  with  tljat  which  hod 
been  lost  by  a  single  vote.    This  caused  • 


UNITED  STATES. 


4S9 


long  debate  which  lasted  till  two  o'clock  in 

the  morning.  It  was  then  moved  to  adjourn 
the  debate  till  the  13th  of  March.  There 
appeared  for  the  adjournment  215,  and  against 
It  234. 

The  original  motion,  and  an  address  to  the 
king  formed  upon  the  resolution,  were  then 
:arried  without  a  division,  and  the  address 
A-as  ordered  to  be  presented  by  the  whole 
louse. 

To  this  his  majesty  answered,  "that  in 
pursuance  of  their  advice,  he  would  take  such 
measures  as  should  appear  to  him  most  con- 
ducive to  the  restoration  of  harmony  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  revolted  colonies." 
The  thanks  of  the  house  were  voted  for  this 
answer.  But  the  guarded  language  thereof, 
not  inconsistent  with  farther  hostilities  against 
America,  together  with  other  suspicious  cir- 
cumstances, induced  general  Conway  to  move 
another  resolution,  expressed  in  the  most  de- 
cisive language.  This  was  to  the  following 
effect:  "  That  the  house  would  consider  as 
enemies  to  his  majesty  and  the  country,  all 
those  who  should  advise  or  by  any  means  at- 
tempt the  further  prosecution,  of  offensive 
war,  on  the  continent  of  North-America,  for 
the  purpose  of  reducing  the  colonies  to  obe- 
dience by  force."  This  motion,  after  a  feeble 
opposition,  was  carried  without  a  division,  and 
put  a  period  to  all  that  chicanery  by  which 
ministers  meant  to  distinguish  between  a  pro- 
secution of  offensive  war  in  North-America, 
and  a  total  dereliction  of  it.  This  resolution 
and  the  preceding  address,  to  which  it  had 
reference,  may  be  considered  as  the  closing 
•cene  of  the  American  war.  As  it  m  as  made 
a  parliarr.ontary  war,  by  an  address  from 
parliamen;  for  its  prosecution  in  February 
1775,  it  now  was  no  longer  so,  by  an  ad- 
dress from  the  most  numerous  house  of  the 
iame  parliament  in  1782,  for  its  discontinu- 
ance. A  change  of  ministry  was  the  conse- 
quence of  this  total  change  of  that  political 
system  which,  for  seven  years,  had  directed 
the  affairs  of  Great  Britain.  A  new  adminis- 
tration was  formed  under  the  auspices  of  the 
marcjuis  of  Rockingham,  and  was  composed 
of  characters  who  opposed  the  American 
war. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  new  minister  sti- 
pulated with  the  court  before  he  entered 
into  office,  that  there  should  be  peace  with 
the  Americans,  and  that  the  acknowledgment 
of  their  independence  should  not  be  a  bar  to 
the  attainment  of  it.  Soon  after  the  marquis 
of  Rockingham,  on  whom  Great  Britain  relied 
with  a  well  placed  confidence,  for  extrication 
from  surrounding  embarrassments,  departed 
this  life,  and  his  much  lamented  death  for 
some  time  obscured  the  agreeable  prospects 
which  had  lately  begun  to  dawn  on  the  na- 
tion. On  the  decease  of  the  noble  marquis, 
earl  Shelburne  was  appointed  his  successor. 
To  remove  constitutional  impediments  to  ne- 
gociate  with  the  late  British  colonies,  an  act 
fif  parliament  v%-as  passed,  granting  to  the 
crown  powers  for  negociating  or  concluding 
a  general  or  particular  peace  or  truce  with 
till!  whole,  or  with  any  part  of  the  colonies, 
hnd  *br  setting  aside  all  former  laws,  whose 
operations  were  in  contravention  of  that 
purpose. 

Sir  Guy  Carleton,  who  was  lately  appoint- 
ed to  the  command  of  the  royal  army  in 
North  America,  was  instructed  to  use  his  en- 


deavours for  carrying  into  effect  the  wishes 
of  Great  Britain  for  an  accommodation  with 
the  Americans.  He  therefore  dispatclied  a 
letter  to  general  Washington,  informing  him 
of  the  late  proceedings  of  parliament,  and  of 
the  dispositions  so  favoural)Io  to  America, 
which  were  prevalent  in  Great  Britain,  and 
at  the  same  time  solicited  a  passport  for  his  sec- 
retary, Mr.  Morgan,  to  pay  a  visit  to  Congress. 
His  request  was  refused.  The  application 
for  it,  with  its  concomitant  circumstances, 
were  considered  as  introductory  to  a  scheme 
for  opening  negociations  with  Congress  or  the 
states,  without  the  concurrence  of  their  allies. 
This  caused  no  small  alarm  and  gave  rise  to 
sundry  resolutions,  by  which  several  states 
declared,  that  a  proposition  from  the  enemy 
to  all  or  any  of  the  United  States  for  peace 
or  truce,  separate  from  their  allies,  was  in- 
admissable.  Congress  not  long  after  re- 
solved, "that  they  would  not  enter  into  the 
discussion  of  any  overtures  for  pacification, 
but  in  confidence  and  in  concert  with  his 
most  christian  majesty,  and  as  a  proof  of  this, 
they  recommended  to  the  several  states  to 
pass  laws,  that  no  subject  of  his  Britannic 
majesty  coming  directly  or  indirectly  from 
any  part  of  the  British  dominions,  Ije  admit- 
ted into  any  of  the  United  States  during  the 
war."  This  decisive  conduct  extinguished 
all  hopes  that  Great  Britain  might  have  en- 
tertained, of  making  a  separate  peace  with 
America.  Two  of  the  first  sovereigns  of  Eu- 
rope, the  Empress  of  Russia  and  the  Empe- 
ror of  Germany,  were  the  mediators  in  ac- 
complishing the  great  work  of  peace.  Such 
WEis  the  state  of  the  contending  parties,  that 
the  intercession  of  powerful  mediators  was 
no  longer  necessary.  The  disposition  of 
Great  Britain,  to  recognize  the  independence 
of  the  United  States,  had  removed  the  princi- 
pal difficulty,  which  had  hitherto  obstructed 
a  general  pacification.  It  would  be  curious 
to  trace  the  successive  steps  by  which  the 
nation  was  brought  to  this  measure,  so  irre- 
concilable to  their  former  declarations.  Va- 
rious auxiliary  causes  might  be  called  in  to 
account  for  this  great  change  of  the  jiublic 
mind  of  Great  Britain,  but  the  sum  of  the 
whole  must  be  resolved  into  this  simple  pro- 
position, "  That  it  was  unavoidable."  A  state 
of  perpetual  war  was  inconsistent  with  the 
interest  of  a  commercial  nation.  Even  the 
longer  continuance  of  hostilities  was  for- 
bidden by  every  principle  of  wise  policy. 

The  avowed  object  of  the  alliance  between 
France  and  America,  and  the  steady  adhe- 
rence of  both  parties  to  enter  into  no  nego- 
ciations without  the  concurrence  of  each 
other,  reduced  Great  Britain  to  the  alternative 
of  continuing  a  hopeless  unproductive  war, 
or  of  negociat.ng  under  the  idea  of  recogni- 
zing American  independence.  This  great 
change  of  the  public  mind  in  Great  Britain, 
favourable  to  American  independenc,  took 
place  between  November  17S1,  and  March 
1782.  In  that  interval  Mr.  Laurens  was  re- 
leased from  his  confinement  in  the  tower. 
Before  and  after  his  release,  he  had  frequent 
opportunities  of  demonstrating  to  persons  in 
power,  that  from  his  personal  knowledge  of 
the  sentiments  of  Congress,  and  of  their  in- 
structions to  their  ministers,  every  hope  of 
peace,  without  the  acknowledgment  of  in- 
dependence, was  illusory.  Seven  years  ex- 
perience had  proved  to  the  nation  that  the 


icomjuest  of  tlie  American   states  was  itiv- 

practicable  ;  they  now  received  equal  con- 
viction, that  the  recognition  of  their  indeperH 
dence,  was  an  indispcnsible  prelimuiary  to 
the  determination  of  a  war,  from  the  continu- 
ance of  %\  hich,  neither  profit  nor  honour  was 
to  be  acijuircd.  The  pride  of  Great  Britain 
for  a  long  time  resisted,  but  that  usurping 
passion  was  obliged  to  yield  to  the  sujjerior 
influence  of  interest.  The  feelings  of  the 
great  body  of  the  people  were  no  longer 
to  be  controlled,  by  the  honour  of  ministers, 
or  romantic  ideas  of  national  dignity.  At  the 
close  of  the  war,  a  revolution  was  efl'cctcd 
in  the  sentiments  of  the  inhabitants  of  Great 
Britain,  not  less  remarkable  than  what  in  tho 
beginning  of  it,  took  place  among  the  citi- 
zens of  America. 

Independence  which  was  neither  thought  of 
nor  wished  for  by  the  latter  in  the  year  1774, 
and  1775,  became  in  the  year  177()  their  fa- 
vourite object.  A  recognition  of  this,  which 
throughout  the  war,  liad  l)een  with  few  ex- 
ceptions tho  object  of  a1)horrcnce  to  the  Brit- 
ish nation,  became  in  the  year  17S2,  a  popu 
lar  measure  in  Great  Britain,  as  the  means  of 
putting  an  end  to  a  ruinous  war. 

The  conmiissioners  for  negociating  peace 
on  the  part  of  tlie  United  States,  were  John 
Adams,  Benjamin  Franklin,  John  Jay,  and 
Henry  Laurens.  On  the  part  of  Great  Bri- 
tain, Mr.  Fifzherbert,  and  Mr.  Oswald.  Pro- 
visional articles  of  peace,  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States  were  agreed 
upon  by  these  gentlemen,  which  were  to  be 
inserted  in  a  future  treaty  of  peace,  to  be  fi- 
nally concluded  between  the  partii's,  \\  lien 
that  between  Great  Britain  an<?  France  took 
place.  By  these  the  independence  of  tlie 
states  was  acknowledged  in  its  fiiUest  extent. 
Verv  ample  boundaries  were  allowed  ihem, 
•vhich  comprehended  the  fertile  and  exten- 
sive countries  on  both  sides  of  the  Ohic, 
and  on  the  cast  side  of  the  Mississi|i|)i,  ii 
which  was  the  residence  of  ujiwards  of  twen- 
ty nations  of  Indians,  and  particuhivly  of  the 
five  nations,  who  had  long  been  the  friends 
and  allies  of  Great  Britain.  An  unlimited 
right  of  fishery  on  the  banks  of  Newfoundland, 
and  other  places  where  both  nations  had  here 
tofore  been  accustomed  to  fish,  was  likewise 
confirmed  to  the  Americans.  From  the  ne- 
cessity of  the  case,  the  loyalists  were  sacri- 
ficed, nothing  more  than  a  simple  recommen- 
dation for  restitution  being  stipulated  in  their 
favour.  Five  days  after  these  provisituial 
articles  were  signed,  the  British  parliament 
met.  They  underwent  a  severe  parliament- 
ary discussion.  It  was  said  by  the  opposition 
that  independence  being  recognized,  every 
thing  ceded  by  Great  Britain  required  ar 
equivalent ;  but  that  while  they  gave  up  the 
many  posts  they  held  in  the  United  States, 
an  immense  extent  of  north  and  western  ter- 
ritory, a  participation  in  the  fur  trade,  and 
in  the  fisheries,  nothing  was  stipulated  ir. 
return. 

It  must  be  acknowledgred,  that  the  minia- 
ters  of  Congress  procured  for  their  country- 
men better  terms  than  they  had  reason  to  ex 
pect ;  but  from  a  combination  of  circum 
stances,  it  was  scarcely  possible  to  end  the 
war  without  similar  concessions  on  the  part 
of  Great  Britain.  By  the  alliance  between 
France  and  America,  there  could  be  no  jieaca 
without  irdependence.    That  once  grantc<J, 


190 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


mobt  of  the  other  articles  followed  of  course. 
It  is  true,  tlie  boundaries  agreed  upon  were 
more  extensive  than  tlie  states,  wlien  colonies, 
xiad  claimed ;  yet  the  surplus  ceded  could 
cave  been  of  little  or  no  use  to  Great  Britain, 
and  might  if  retained  have  given  an  occasion 
to  a  future  war. 

The  case  of  the  loyalists  was  undoubtedly 
a  hard  one,  but  unavoidable,  from  the  com- 
plex constitution  of  the  United  States.  The 
American  ministers  engaged  as  far  as  they 
were  authorized,  and  Congress  did  all  that  they 
constitutionally  could ;  but  this  was  no  more 
than  sim])ly  to  recommend  their  case  to  the  se- 
veral states,  for  the  purpose  of  making  them 
restitution.  To  have  insisted  on  more,  under 
such  circumstances,  would  have  been  equiva- 
lent to  saying  that  there  should  be  no  peace. 
It  is  true,  much  more  was  expected  from  the 
recommendations  of  Congress,  than  resulted 
from  them  ;  but  this  was  not  the  consetjuence 
of  deception,  but  of  misunderstanding  the 
principles  of  the  confederation.  In  conformity 
to  the  letter  and  spirit  of  the  treaty,  Congress 
urged  in  strong  terms  tlie  propriety  of  mak- 
ing restitution  to  the  loyalists,  but  to  procure 
it  was  beyond  their  power.  In  the  animation 
produced  by  the  war,  when  the  Americans 
conceived  their  liberties  to  be  in  dangcu-,  and 
that  their  only  safety  consisted  in  obeying  their 
federal  head,  they  yielded  a  more  unreserved 
obedience  to  the  recommendations  of  Congress, 
than  is  usually  paid  to  the  decrees  of  the  most 
arbitrary  sovereigns.  But  the  case  was  widely 
diffeyient,  when  at  the  close  of  the  war,  amea- 
Bure  was  recoinmended  in  direct  opposition  to 
their  jirejudices. 

It  was  the  general  opinion  of  the  Ameri- 
cans, that  the  continuance  of  the  war,  and  the 
asperity  with  which  it  had  been  carried  on, 
was  m<jre  owing  to  the  machinations  of  their 
own  countrymen,  wiio  had  taken  part  with 
royal  gcvcn.inent,  than  to  their  British  ene- 
mies. It  is  certain  that  the  former  /lad  been 
most  active  In  predatory  excursions,  and  most 
forward  in  scenes  of  blood  and  murder.  Their 
knowledge  of  the  country  enabled  theTi  to  do 
mischief  wliich  never  would  have  occurred  to 
European  soldiers.  Many  powerful  passions 
of  human  nature  operated  against  making  res- 
titution to  men,  who  were  thus  considered  as 
the  authors  of  so  great  a  share  of  the  ])ubllc 
distress. 

There  were  doubtless  among  the  loyalists 
many  worthy  characters — friends  to  peace,  and 
lovers  of  justice  :  To  such,  restitution  was  un- 
doubtedly due,  and  to  many  such  it  was  made  ; 
but  it  is  one  of  the  many  calamities  incident  to 
war,  that  the  innocent,  from  the  impossibility 
of  discrimination,  are  often  involved  in  the 
same  distress  with  the  guilty.  The  return  of" 
the  loyalists  to  their  former  placcjs  of  resi- 
dence, was  as  much  disrelished  l)V  tht;  whicf 
citizens  of  America,  as  the  proposal  for  reim- 
bursing their  confiscated  property.  In  sundry 
places  committees  were  formed,  which  in  ati 
arb.trary  manner  opposed  their  jieaceable 
residence.  The  sober  and  dispassionate  citi- 
Eons  exerted  themselves  in  checking  these  ir- 
regtilar  measures  ;  but  such  was  the  violence 
of  party  spirit,  and  so  relaxed  were  the  sinews 
of  government,  that  in  opposition  to  legal 
authority,  and  the  private  interferenc(!  of  the 
judicous  and  moderate,  many  indecent  out- 
rapoo  were  committed  on  the  persons  and  pro- 
perty of  die  returning  loyalists. 


Nor  were  these  all  the  sufferings  of  those  i 
Americans  who  had  attached  themselves  to 
the  royal  cause.  Being  compelled  to  depart 
their  native  country,  many  of  them  were 
obliged  to  take  up  their  abodes  in  the  inhos- 
pitable wilds  of  Nova  Scotia,  or  on  the  barren 
shores  of  the  Bahama  Islands.  Parliamentary 
relief  was  extended  to  them,  but  this  was  ob- 
tained with  dithculty,  and  distributed  with  a 
partial  hand.  Some  who  invented  plausible 
tales  of  loyalty  and  distress,  received  much 
more  than  they  ever  possessed  ;  but  others, 
less  artful,  were  not  half  reimbursed  for  their 
actual  losses.  The  bulk  of  the  sufferings, 
subsequent  to  the  peace,  among  the  Ameri- 
cans, fell  to  the  share  of  the  merchants,  and 
others,  who  owed  money  in  England.  From 
the  operations  of  the  war,  remittances  were 
impossible.  In  the  mean  time  payments  were 
made  in  America  by  a  depreciating  paper,  un- 
der the  sanction  of  a  law  which  made  it  a 
legal  tender.  The  unhappy  persons  who  in 
this  manner  suffered  payment,  could  not  ap))ly 
it  to  the  extinguishment  of  their  foreign  debts. 
If  they  retained  in  their  hands  the  paper  which 
was  paid  to  them,  it  dally  decreased  in  value : 
If  they  invested  it  in  public  secuixties,  from 
the  deficiency  of  funds,  their  situation  was  no 
better  :  If  they  purchased  land,  such  was  the 
superabundance  of  territory  ceded  by  the 
peace,  that  it  fell  greatly  in  value.  Under  all 
these  embarrassments,  the  American  debtor 
was  by  treaty  bound  to  make  payments  in 
specie  of  all  his  honafule  debts,  due  in  Great- 
Britain.  The  British  merchant  was  materially 
injured  by  being  kept  for  many  years  out  of 
his  capital,  and  the  American  was  often  ruined 
by  being  ultimately  held  to  pay  in  specie  what 
he  received  in  paper.  Enough  was  suffered 
on  both  sides  to  make  the  inhabitants,  as  well 
in  Great  Britain  as  in  America,  deprecate  war 
as  one  of  the  greatest  evils  incident  to 
humanity. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

TliR  Btatc  of  parties ;  the  advantages  and  disadvantages 
of  the  Revohition ;  its  influence  on  the  minds  and 
morals  of  the  citizens. 

Previous  to  the  American  revolution,  the 
Inhabitants  of  the  Brltisti  colonies  were  tmi- 
versally  loyal.  That  three  millions  of  such 
subjects  should  break  througli  all  former  at- 
tachments, and  unanimously  adopt  new  ones, 
could  not  reasonably  be  expected.  The  re- 
volution had  its  enemies,  as  well  as  its  friends, 
in  every  period  of  the  war.  Country,  religion, 
local  policy,  as  well  as  private  views,  operated 
in  disposing  the  inhabitants  to  take  dillerent 
sides.  The  New-England  provinces  being 
mostly  settled  by  one  sort  of  people,  were 
nearly  of  one  sentiment.  The  influence  of 
placemen  in  Boston,  together  with  the  connex- 
ions which  they  had  formed  by  marriages, 
had  attached  sundry  influential  characters  in 
that  ca])ltal  to  the  British  interest,  but  these 
were  but  as  the  dust  in  the  balance,  when 
compared  with  the  numerotis  independent 
whig  yeomanry  of  the  country.  The  same 
atid  other  causes  produced  a  large  number  in 
New- York  who  were  attached  to  royal  go- 
vernment. That  city  had  long  been  head 
(]uarters  of  the  British  army  in  America,  and 
many  interraarriages  and  other  connexions, 


had  been  made  between  British  otKcers  and 
some  of  their  first  families. 

The  practice  of  entailing  estates  hac  pre- 
vailed in  Nev.'-York  to  a  much  greater  extent 
than  in  any  of  the  other  provinces.  The  go- 
vernors thereof  liad  long  been  in  the  haliit  of 
Indulging  their  favourites  with  extravigant 
grants  of'  land.  This  hi'd  lntit)duced  the  dis- 
tinction of  landlord  and  tenant.  There  was 
therefore  in  New-York  an  aristocratic  J>arty, 
respectable  for  number,-',  wealth  and  in- 
fluence, which  had  much  to  fear  fiom  inde- 
pendence. The  city  was  also  dl\  Ided  into 
parties  by  the  influence  of  two  ancient  and  nu- 
merous families,  the  Livingstons  and  De- 
lanceys.  These  having  been  long  accustom- 
ed to  oppose  each  other  at  ejections,  could 
rarely  be  brought  to  unite  in  any  political 
measures.  In  this  controversy,  one  almost 
universally  took  part  with  Amenro,  the  other 
with  Great  Britain. 

The  Irish  in  America,  with  a  few  c.xccptiors, 
were  attached  to  independence.  TKev  h.ui 
fled  from  oppression  in  their  native  country, 
and  could  not  brook  the  idea  that  it  should  flil- 
low  them.  Their  national  prepossessions  in 
favor  of  liberty,  were  strengthened  by  ihoir 
religious  opinions.  They  were  presbyterians, 
and  people  of  that  denomination,  for  reasons 
hereafter  to  be  explained,  were  mostly  wlr'gs 
The  Scotch,  on  the  other  hand,  thoiigli  they 
liad  formerly  sacrificed  much  to  liberty  in  tbcir 
own  country,  were  generally  disposed  to  sup- 
port the  claims  of  Great-Britain.  Their  na- 
tion for  some  years  past  had  experienced  a 
large  proportion  of  royal  favor.  A  very  ab- 
surd association  was  made  by  many,  belwccn 
the  cause  of  John  Wilkes  and  the  cause  of 
America.  The  former  had  rendered  hitusclf 
so  universally  odious  to  the  Scotch,  that  many 
of  them  were  |)rejudiced  against  a  cause, 
which  was  so  ridiculously,  but  generally  asso- 
ciated, with  that  of  a  man  who  had  grossly  iu- 
suited  their  whole  nation.  The  illiberal  re- 
flections cast  by  some  Americans  on  the  whole 
body  of  the  Scotch,  as  favourers  of  arbitrary 
power,  restrained  high  spirited  individuals  of 
that  nation  from  joining  a  peojile  who  suspect 
ed  their  love  of  liberty.  Such  of  them  as  ad- 
hered to  the  cause  of  independence,  were 
steady  in  their  attachment.  The  army  and  the 
Congress  ranked  among  their  best  oflicers, 
and  most  valuable  members,  some  individuals 
of  that  nation. 

Such  of  the  Germans,  in  America,  as  pes 
sessed  the  means  of  information,  were  gener 
ally  determined  wliisrs,  but  many  of  them 
were  too  little  informed,  to  be  able  to  choose 
their  side  on  proper  ground.  They,  especially 
such  of  them  as  resided  in  the  interior  coun- 
try, were  from  their  not  understanding  the 
iMiglish  language,  far  behind  most  of  the 
otiier  inhabitants,  in  a  knowledge  of  the  merits 
of  the  disDute.  Their  disaffection  was  rather 
passiv-^  Yian  active  :  A  considerable  part  of  it 
aroso  irom  principles  of  religion,  for  some  of 
thei<  sects  deny  the  lawfulness  of  war.  No 
people  have  prospered  more  in  America  than 
the  (lermans.  None  have  surpa.«sed,  and  but 
few  have  e(]i!alled  them,  in  industry  and  othei 
rejniblican  virtues. 

The  great  body  of  torles  in  the  southern 
states,  war.  among  the  settlers  on  their  western 
frontier.  Many  of  these  were  disorderly  per 
sons,  who  had  fled  from  the  old  settlements,  to 
avoid  the  restraints  of  civil  government  Their 


UNITED  STATES. 


491 


numbers  were  Iiicreased  by  a  set  of  menl 
called  regulators.  The  expense  and  difficulty: 
of  (  btiiiniiig  the  decision  of  courts,  ajianist; 
horjc-thieves  and  other  criminals,  had  induced 
sundry  persons,  about  the  year  1770,  to  take 
the  execution  of  the  laws  into  their  own  hands, 
in  some  of  the  remote  settlements,  both  of 
North  and  SouthCarolina.  In  punishing  crimes, 
forms  as  well  as  substance,  must  be  regarded. 
From  not  attending  to  the  former,  some  oi  these 
regulators,  though  perhaps  aiming  at  nothing 
but  what  they  thought  right,  committed  many 
offences  both  against  law  and  justice.  By  their 
violent  pr  -ceedings  regular  government  was 
prostrated.  This  drew  on  them  the  vengeance 
of  royal  governors.  The  regulators  having 
suffered  from  their  hands,  were  slow  to  oppose 
an  estalilislicd  government,  whose  power  to 
punish  they  had  recently  experienced.  Ap- 
prehending that  the  measures  of  Congress 
were  like  their  own  regulating  schemes,  and 
fearing  that  they  would  terminate  in  the  same 
disagreeable  consequences,  they  and  their  ad- 
herents were  generally  opposed  to  the  revolu- 
tion. 

Religion  also  divided  the  inhabitants  of  Amer- 
ica. The  presbyterians  and  independents, 
were  almost  universally  attached  to  the  mea- 
fures  of  Conofress.  Their  religious  societies 
are  governed  on  the  republican  plan. 

From  independence  they  had  much  to  liope, 
but  from  Great  Britain  if  finally  successful, 
tliey  had  reason  to  fear  the  establishment  of  a 
church  hierarchy.  Most  of  the  episcopal  min- 
isters of  the  northern  provinces,  were  pension- 
ers on  the  bounty  of  the  British  government. 
The  greatest  part  of  their  clergy  and  many  of 
ihe.r  laity  in  these  provinces  were  therefore 
dis[)osed  to  supiport  a  connexion  with  Great 
Britain.  The  episcopal  clergy  in  these  south- 
ern provinces  bcmg  under  no  such  bias,  were 
often  among  the  warmest  wliigs.  Some  of 
ihem  foreseemg  the  downfall  of  religious  es- 
tablishments from  the  success  of  the  Ameri- 
cans, were  less  active,  liut  in  general  where 
their  church  was  able  to  support  itself,  tlieir 
clergy  and  laity,  zealously  espoused  the  cause 
•of  independence.  Great  pains  were  taken  to 
persuade  them,  that  those  who  had  been  called 
dissenters,  were  aiming  to  abolish  the  episco- 
pal establishment,  to  make  way  for  their  own 
exaltation,  but  the  good  sense  of  the  people, 
restrained  them  from  giving  any  credit  to  the 
unfounded  suggestion.  Religious  controversy- 
was  happily  kept  out  of  view:  The  well  in- 
formed of  all  denominations  were  convinced, 
that  the  contest  was-  for  their  civil  rights,  and 
therefore  did  not  suffer  any  other  considera- 
ations  to  interfere,  or  disturb  their  union. 

The  quakers  witti  a  few  exceptions  were 
averse  to  independence.  In  Pennsylvania  they 
were  numerous,  and  had  power  in  their  hands. 
Revolutions  in  government  are  rarely  patron- 
ised by  any  body  of  men,  who  foresee  that  a 
dimintuion  of  their  own  importance,  is  likely 
to  result  from  the  change.  Quakers  from  reii- 
g3or,3  prmci[)les  were  averse  to  war,  and  there- 
fore could  not  be  friendly  to  a  revolution,  which 
could  only  be  effected  by  the  sword.  Several 
individuals  separated"from  them  on  account  of 
their  principles,  and  following  tlie  impulse  of 
their  inclinations,  joined  their  coimtrymen  in 
arms.  The  services  America  received  from 
two  of  their  society,  generals  Greene  and  Mif- 
flin, made  some  amends  for  the  embarrass- 
ment, which  the  disaffection  of  the  great  body 


1  of  their  people  occasioned  to  the  exertions  of 
:  the  active  friends  of  independence. 
;  The  age  and  temperament  of  individuals 
had  often  an  influence  in  fixing  their  political 
character.  Old  men  were  seldom  warm  whigs. 
They  could  not  relish  the  great  changes  which 
were  daily  taking  place.  Attached  to  ancient 
forms  and  habits,  they  could  not  readily  accom- 
modate themselves  to  new  systems.  Few  of 
the  very  rich  were  , active  in  forwarding  the 
revolution.  This  was  remarkably  the  case  in 
the  eastern  and  middle  states;  but  the  reverse 
took  place  in  the  southern  extreme  of  the  con- 
federacy. There  were  in  no  part  of  America, 
more  determined  whigs  than  the  opulent  slave- 
holders in  Virginia,  the  Carolinas  and  Georgia. 
The  active  and  spirited  part  of  the  community, 
who  felt  themselves  possessed  of  talents,  that 
would  raise  them  to  eminence  in  a  free  govern- 
ment, longed  for  the  establishment  of  indepen- 
dent constitutions :  But  those  who  were  in 
possession  or  expectation  of  royal  flivour,  or 
of  promotion  from  Great  Britain  wished  that 
the  connexion  between  the  parent  state  and  the 
colonies  might  be  preserved. 

The  young,  the  ardent,  the  ambitious  and  the 
enterprising  were  mostly  whigs,  but  the  phleg- 
matic, the  timid,  the  interested  and  those  who 
wanted  decision  were,  in  general  favourers  of 
Great  Britain,  or  at  least  only  the  lukewarm  in- 
active friends  of  independence.  The  whigs  re- 
ceived a  great  reinforcement  from  the  operation 
of  continental  money.  In  the  year  1775, 1776, 
and  in  the  first  months  of  1777,  while  the  bills 
of  congress  were  in  good  credit,  the  effects  of 
them  were  the  same,  as  if  a  foreign  power  had 
made  the  United  States  a  present  of  twenty 
millions  of  silver  dollars.  The  circulation  of 
so  large  a  sum  of  money,  and  the  employment 
given  to  great  numbers  in  providing  for  the 
American  army,  increased  the  numbers  and 
invigorated  the  zeal  of  the  friends  to  the  revo- 
lution :  on  the  same  principles  the  American 
war  was  patronised  in  England,  by  the  many 
contractors  and  agents  for  transporting  and 
supplying  the  British  army.  In  both  cases 
the  inconveniences  of  interrupted  commerce 
were  lessened  by  the  employment  which  war 
and  a  domestic  circulation  of  money  substitut- 
ed in  its  room.  The  convulsions  of  war  afford- 
ed excellent  shelter  for  desperate  debtors. 
The  spirit  of  the  times  revolted  against  drag- 
ging to  jails  for  debt,  men  who  were  active  and 
zealous  in  defending  their  country,  and  on  the 
other  hand,  those  who  owed  more  than  they 
were  worth,  by  going  within  the  British  lines, 
and  giving  themselves  the  merit  of  suffering 
on  the  score  of  loyalty,  not  only  put  their  cred- 
itors to  defiance,  but  sometimes  obtained  pro- 
motion or  other  special  marks  of  royal  favour. 

The  American  revolution,  on  the  one  hand, 
brought  forth  great  vices ;  but  on  the  other 
hand,  it  called  forth  many  virtues,  and  gave 
occasion  for  the  display  of  abilites,  which  but 
for  that  event,  would  have  been  lost  to  the 
world.  When  the  war  began,  the  Americans 
were  a  mass  of  husbandmen,  merchants,  me- 
chanics and  fisherman  ;  but  the  necessities  of 
the  country  gave  a  spring  to  the  active  pow- 
ers of  the  inhabitants,  and  set  them  on  think- 
ing, speaking  and  acting,  in  a  line  far  beyond 
that  to  which  they  had  been  accustomed.  The 
difference  between  nations  is  not  so  much  ow- 
ing to  nature,  as  to  education  and  circumstan- 
ces. While  the  Americans  were  guided  by 
the  leading  strings  of  the  mother  country,  they 


had  no  scope  nor  encouragement  fo"-  exertion 
All  tlie  departments  of  govcrnniei.t  wt'ij;  <'» 
tablished  and  executed  for  them,  but  noi  by 
them.  In  the  years  177;")  and  177G,  the  eom.iry 
being  suddenly  tlirown  into  a  situation  il'ai 
needed  the  abilities  of  all  its  sons,  these  gen- 
erally took  their  places,  each  according  to  the 
bent  of  his  inclination.  As  tliey  severally  pur- 
sued their  object  with  ardour,  a  vast  exjiansion 
of  the  human  mind  speedily  followed.  Tin? 
displayed  itself  in  a  variety  of  ways. 

It  was  found  that  the  talents  for  great  sta- 
tions did  not  differ  in  kind,  but  only  in  degree, 
from  those  v/hich  were  necessary  for  the  prop- 
er discharge  of  the  ordinary  business  of  civil 
society.  In  the  bustle  that  was  occasioned  by 
the  war,  few  instances  could  be  produced  of 
any  person  who  made  a  figure,  or  who  render- 
ed essential  services,  but  from  among  those 
who  had  given  specimens  of  similar  talents  in 
their  respective  professions.  Those  wlio  from 
indolence  or  dissipation,  had  been  of  little  ser- 
vice to  the  community  in  time  of  peace,  were 
found  equally  unserviceable  in  war.  A  few 
young  men  were  exceptions  to  this  geufral 
rule.  Some  of  these,  who  had  indulged  in 
youthful  follies,  broke  of  from  their  vicious 
courses,  and  on  the  pressing  call  of  their  coun- 
try became  useful  .servants  of  the  ))ublic  ;  but 
the  great  Inilk  of  those  wlio  were,  the  active 
instruments  of  carrying  on  the  revolution,  were 
self-made,  industrious  men.  1'hese,  who  by 
their  own  exertions  had  established  or  laid  n 
foundation  for  establisliing  ))ersonal  indepen- 
dence, were  most  generally  trusted,  and  nicit 
successfully  emj)loycd  in  establishing  that  of 
their  country.  In  those  times  of  action,  clas- 
sical education  was  found  of  less  service  tlian 
good  natural  parts,  guided  by  comm  ».'<  sens.T 
and  sound  judgment. 

Several  names  could  be  mentioned,  of  [r.di- 
iduals  who  without  the  knowledge  of  any 
other  language  than  their  mother  tongue,  wroto 
not  only  accurately,  but  elegantly,  on  {uibiic 
business.  It  seemed  as  if  the  war  not  only 
required,  but  created  talents.  Men  whoso 
minds  were  warmed  with  the  love  of  liberty, 
and  whose  abilities  were  improved  by  daily 
exercise,  and  sharpened  with  a  laudable  am- 
bition to  serve  their  distressed  countrv,  spoke, 
wrote,  and  acted,  with  an  energy  far  surpass- 
ing all  expectations  which  could  be  reasonably 
fbunded  on  their  previous  acquirements. 

The  Americans  knew  but  little  of  one  anotn- 
er,  previous  to  the  revolution.  Trade  and 
business  had  brought  the  inhabitants  of  their 
seaports  acquainted  with  each  other,  but  the 
bulk  of  the  people  in  the  interior  country 
were  unacquainted  with  their  fellow  citizens. 
A  continental  army,  and  Congress,  composed 
of  men  from  all  the  states,  by  freely  mix- 
ing together  were  assimilated  into  one  mass 
Individuals  of  both,  mingling  with  the  citizens, 
disseminated  ])rinciples  of  union  among  them. 
Local  prejudices  abated.  By  frequent  colli- 
sion asperities  were  worn  off,  and  a  foundatioE 
was  laid  for  the  establishment  of  a  nation,  out 
of  discordant  materials.  Intermarriao-es  be- 
tween men  and  women  of  different  states  were 
much  more  common  than  before  the  war,  and 
became  an  additional  cement  to  the  union. 
Unreasonable  jealousies  had  existed  between 
the  inhabitants  of  the  eastern  arid  southern 
states;  but  on  becoming  better  acquainted 
with  each  other,  these  in  a  great  measure  sut>- 
sided.    A  v.  iser  policy  preva-led-   Men  of  lib 


403 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


eral  minds  le^^  the  way  in  discoura^ng  local 
distinctions,  ;ind  the  real  bod v  of  tin;  p)eople, 
as  soon  as  reason  got  the  better  of  prejudice, 
found  that  their  best  interests  would  Lo  most 
promoted  by  sncli  practices  and  sentiments  as 
were  favourable  to  un'wn.  Religious  bigotry 
had  broken  in  upon  the  peace  of  various  sects, 
before  the  American  war.  This  was  kept  up 
by  i)artiai  establishments,  and  by  a  dread  tliat 
the  church  of  England,  througli  the  power  of 
the  mother  country,  would  be  made  to  triumph 
over  a!'  other  denominations.  These  appre- 
hensions were  done  away  by  the  revolution. 
The  different  sects,  having  nothing  to  fear 
from  each  other.  Dismissed  all  religious  con- 
troversy. 

A  proposal  for  introducing  bishops  into 
America  before  the  war,  had  kindled  a  flame 
among  the  dissenters  ;  but  the  revolution  was 
no  sooner  accomplished,  than  a  scheme  for  that 
purpose  was  perfected,  witii  the  consent  and 
approbation  of  all  those  sects  who  had  previ- 
ously opposed  it.  Pulpits  which  had  formerly 
been  shut  to  worthy  men,  because  their  heads 
had  not  been  consecrated  by  the  imposition  of 
iJie  hands  of  a  l)ishop,  or  of  a  presbytery,  liave 
Since  the  establisliment  of  independence,  lieen 
reciprocally  opened  to  e;ich  other,  whensoever 
the  public  conveinence  required  it.  The  world 
will  soon  see  the  result  of  an  experiment  in 
politics,  and  be  able  to  determine  whether 
the  happiness  of  society  is  increased  by  reli- 
(^ious  establishments,  or  diminished  by  the 
R'ant  of  them. 

Though  schools  and  colleges  were  generahy 
chut  U](  d.iring  the  war,  yet  many  of  the  arts  and 
sciences  were  promoted  by  it.  The  geography 
of  tlie  United  States  before  the  revolution  was 
Sut  littli;  known  ;  but  the  marches  of  armies, 
ftiid  the  operating  of  war,  gave  birth  to  many 
geogTr,pI(ical  inquirios  and  discoveries,  wiiich 
otherwise  would  not  have  been  made.  A  pas- 
sionate fondness  for  studies  of  this  kind,  and 
the  growing  importance  of  the  country,  exci- 
ted one  of  its  sons,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Morse,  to 
travel  through  every  state  of  the  union,  and 
«mass  a  fund  of  topographical  knowledge,  far 
exceeding  any  thing  heretofore  communicated 
to  the  public.  The  nccessitit!3  of  the  states 
led  to  the  study  of  tactics,  fortification,  gun- 
nery, and  a  variety  of  other  arts  connected 
with  war,  and  diffused  a  knowledge  of  them 
among  a  peac(!al)le  p<"oj)le,  who  would  otlu^r- 
wise  have  had  no  inducement  to  study  them. 

The  abilities  of  ingenious  men  were  directed 
to  make  fartlier  improvements  in  the  art  of  de- 
stroying <iii  enemy.  Among  these,  David 
Bushriell  of  Connecticut  invented  a  machine 
for  submarine  navigation,  which  was  found  to 
mnswer  the  |>urpose  of  rowing  horizcmtally  at 
any  given  depth  under  water,  and  of  rising  or 
niiiking  at  pleasure.  To  this  was  attached  a 
magazine  of  powder,  and  the  whole  was  con- 
trived in  such  a  manner,  as  to  make  it  practi- 
cable to  blow  up  vessels  by  machinery  undfir 
thein.  Mr.  Rushncll  also  contrived  simdry 
other  curious  machines  for  tlx;  annoyance!  of 
Hritish  shi|)ping;  but  from  accid<Mit  they  only 
succeeded  in  part.  He  destroyed  one  vessel 
in  charge  of  Cf)minodore  Symonds,  and  a  sec- 
ond one  near  tin;  shore  of  Long  Island. 

Surgery  was  one  of  the  arts  which  was  pro- 
moled  by  the  war.  From  the  want  of  hospi- 
IhU  aiiil  Diher  aiils,  tlie  medicnl  men  of  America, 
had  fi'W  opporliiiiilies  of  perfecting  theinsclves 
in  this  art,  the  thorough  knowledge  of  which 


can  only  be  acquired  by  practice  and  observa- 
tion. The  melancholy  events  of  battles  gave 
the  American  students  an  opportunity  of  see- 
ing, and  learning  more  in  one  day,  th.in  they 
could  have  acquired  in  years  of  peace.  It 
was  in  the  hospitals  of  the  United  States,  that 
Dr.  Rush  first  discovered  the  method  of  curing 
the  lock-jaw  by  bark  and  wine,  added  to  other 
invigorating  remedies,  which  has  since  been 
adopted  with  success  in  Europe,  as  well  as  in 
the  United  States. 

The  science  of  government,  has  been  more 
generally  diffused  among  the  Americans  by 
means  of  the  revolution.  The  policy  of  Great 
Britain  in  throwing  them  out  of  her  protection, 
induced  a  necessity  of  establishing  indepen- 
dent constitutions.  This  led  to  reading  and 
reasoning  on  the  subject.  The  many  errors 
that  were  at  first  committed  by  unexperienced 
statesmen,  have  been  a  practical  comment  on 
the  folly  of  unbalanced  constitutions,  and  in- 
judicious laws.  The  discussions  concerning 
the  new  constitution,  gave  birth  to  much  reason- 
ing on  the  subject  of  government,  and  par- 
ticularly to  a  series  of  letters  signed  Publius, 
but  really  the  work  of  Alexander  Hamilton, 
in  which  much  jiolitical  knowledge  and  wis- 
dom were  displayed,  and  which  will  long 
remain  a  monument  of  the  strength  and  acute- 
ness  of  the  human  understanding  in  investiga- 
ting truth.* 

When  Great  Britain  first  began  her  en- 
croachments on  the  colonies,  there  were  few 
natives  of  America  who  had  distinguished 
them.selves  as  speakers  or  writers,  but  the  con- 
troversy between  the  two  countries  multiplied 
their  number. 

The  stamp  act,  which  was  to  have  taken 
place  in  17G5,  employed  the  pens  and  tongues 
of  many  of  the  colonists,  and  by  repeated  ex- 
ercise improved  their  ability  to  serve  their 
country.  The  duties  imposed  in  17G7,  called 
forth  the  pen  of  Jolm  Dickinson,  who  in  a 
series  of  letters  signed  a  Pennsylvania  F  artner, 
may  be  said  to  have  sown  the  seeds  of  tht^ 
revolution.  For  being  universally  read  by  the 
colonists,  they  universally  enlightened  the."n  on 
the  dangerous  consequences,  likely  to  result 
from  thiiir  being  taxed  by  the  parliament  of 
Great  Britain. 

In  establishing  American  Independence,  the 
pen  and  the  press  had  merit  equal  to  that  of 
the  sword.  As  the  war  was  the  people's  war, 
and  was  carried  on  without  funds,  the  exer- 
tions of  the  army  would  have  been  insufficient 
to  effect  the  revolution,  unless  the  great  body 
of  the  people  had  been  prepared  for  it,  and 
also  kept  in  a  constant  disposition  to  oppose 
(treat  Britain.  To  rouse  and  unite  the  inhab- 
itants and  to  persuade  them  to  patience  for 
several  years,  under  present  sufferings,  with 
the  hope  of  obtaining  remote  advantages  for 
their  posterity,  was  a  work  of  difficulty  :  This 
was  effected  in  a  great  measure  by  the  tongues 
and  pens  of  the  well-informed  citizens,  and  on 
it  depended  the  success  of  military  operations. 

To  enumerate  the  names  of  all  those  who 
were  successful  labourers  in  this  arduous 
business,  is  irn])ossible.  The  following  list 
contains,  in  nearly  alphalietical order,  the  names 
of  the  most  distinguished  writers  in  favour  of 
the  rights  of  Am<!rica. 

"  The  Dr.  is  niistakrn  in  nwarHin^  to  Hamilton  nlono 
llie  honour  of  wrilini  llio  "  FederaliRt."  Moot  of  llie  lot- 
tiTH  wliicli  rnnipoxn  iIiIm  invnliinl)li'  work  are  from  his  poii, 
bill  oihcra  wore  cuntribuled  by  his  compatriots  Jay  nnd 


John  Adams,  and  Samuel  Adams,  of  Bos- 
ton ;  Bland,  of  ^"irginia  ;  John  Dickinson,  o( 
Pennsylvania;  Daniel  Dulany,  of  Annapolis  ; 
Williatn  Henry  Drayton,  of  South  Carolina* 
Dr.  Franklin,*  of  Philadelphia  ;  John  Jay, 
and  Alexander  Hamilton,  of  N'e w-York  ;  Tho- 
mas Jefferson,  and  Arthur  Lee,  of  Virginia  ; 
Jonathan  Hyman,  of  Connecticut  ;  Governor 
Livingston,  of  New-Jersey  ;  Dr.  Mayhew,  and 
James  Otis,  of  Boston;  Thomas  Paine,  Dr. 
Rush,  Charles  Thompson,  and  James  Wilson, 
of  Philadelphia ;  William  Tennant,  of  South 
Carolina ;  Josialr.  Quincy,  and  Dr.  Warren,  ot 
Boston.  These  and  many  others  laboured  in 
enlightening  their  countrymen,  on  the  sub- 
ject of  their  political  interests,  and  in  anima- 
ting them  to  a  prt)per  line  of  conduct,  in  de- 
fence of  their  liberties.  To  these  individuals 
may  be  added,  the  great  body  of  clergv,  espe- 
cially in  New-England.  The  printers  of  news- 
papers, had  also  much  merit  in  the  same  way. 
Particularly  Edes  and  Gill  of  Boston;  Holt, 
of  New- York;  Bradford,  of  Philadelphia;  and 
Timothy,  of  South  Carolina. 

The  early  attention  which  had  been  paid 
to  literature  in  New-England,  was  also  emi- 
nently conducive  to  the  success  of  the  Ame- 
ricans in  resisting  Great  Britain.  The  univer- 
sity of  Cambridge  was  founded  as  early  as 
1636,  and  Yale  college  1700.  It  has  been 
computed,  that  in  the  year  the  Boston  port  act 
was  passed,  there  were  in  the  four  eastern  co- 
lonies, upwards  of  two  thousand  graduates  of 
their  colleges  dispersed  through  their  several 
towns,  who  by  their  knowledge  and  abilities, 
were  able  to  influence  and  direct  the  great  bo- 
dy of  the  people  to  a  proper  line  of  conduct, 
for  0{)posing  the  encroachments  of  Great  Bri- 
tain on  their  liberties.  The  colleges  to  the 
southward  of  New-England,  except  that  of 
Willi;im  and  Mary  in  Virginia,  were  but  of 
modern  date  ;  but  they  had  been  of  a  stand- 
ing sufficiently  long  to  have  trained  for  pub- 
lic service  a  considerable  number  of  the  youth 
of  the  country.  The  college  of  New-Jersey, 
which  was  incorporated  about  28  years  be- 
fore the  revolution,  had  in  that  time  educa- 
ted upwards  of  300  persons,  who,  with  a  few 
exceptions,  were  active  and  useful  friends  of 
independence.  From  the  influence  which 
knowledge  had  in  securing  and  preserving 
the  liberties  of  America,  the  present  genera 
tion  may  trace  the  wise  policy  of  their  fathers, 
in  erecting  schools  and  colleges.  They  may 
also  learn  that  it  is  their  duty  to  found  more, 
and  supj)ort  all  such  institutions. 

Witiiout  the  advantages  derived  from  these 
lights  of  this  new  world,  the  L^nited  States 
would  probably  have  fallen  in  their  unequal 
contest  with  Great  Britain.  Union,  which  was 
essential  to  the  success  of  tJieir  resistance, 
could  scarcely  have  taken  place,  in  the  mea- 
sures adopted  by  an  ignorant  multitude.  Much 
less  could  wisdom  in  council,  unity  in  system, 
or  perseverance  in  the  prosecution  of  a  long 
and  self-denying  war,  be  expected  from  an 
uninformed  people.  It  is  a  well  known  fact, 
that  persons  unfriendly  to  the  revolution,  were 
always  most  numert)us  in  those  parts  of  the 
United  States,  which  had  eitlu^r  jiever  been  il- 
luminated, or  but  faintly  warmed  by  the  rays 
of  science.  The  uninformed  and  the  niisin 
formed,  constituted  a  great  jiroportion  of  those 
Americans,  who  preferred  the  leadinsi  strings 
of  the  parent  state,  though  encroaching^  oB 
*  Born  in  Boston. 


UNITED  STATKS. 


AW 


llioir  ',ib(?rlief,  to  a  ^ove-rjmrnt  of  tlioir  own 
/iouiiir_vmt>n  ami  fellow  citizens. 

As  literature  had  in  the  first  instance  favoiir- 
ect  tlie  revolution,  so  in  its  turn,  the  revolution 
promoted  literature.  The  study  of  elocjueiice 
•nd  of  the  belles  lettres,  was  more  successfully 
prosecuted  in  America,  after  the  disputes  be- 
tw(?en  Great  liritainand  her  colonies  beji^an  to  be 
serious  than  it  ever  had  been  before.  The  vari- 
ous orations,  addresses,  letters,  dissertations  and 
other  literary  performances  which  the  war 
made  necessary,  called  forth  abilities  where 
they  were,  and  excited  the  rising  generation 
to  study  arts,  which  brought  with  them  their 
own  reward.  Many  incidents  afforded  mate- 
rials for  the  favourites  of  the  muses,  to  display 
their  talents.  Even  burlesquing  royal  procla- 
mations, by  parodies  and  doggerel  poetry,  had 
great  effects  on  the  minds  of  the  people.  A 
celebrated  historian  has  remarked,  that  the  song 
of  Lillibullero  forwarded  the  revolution  of 
16S8  in  England.  It  may  be  truly  affirmed, 
that  similar  productions  produced  similar  ef- 
fects in  America.  Francis  Hopkinson  rendered 
essential  service  to  his  country,  by  turning  the 
artillery  of  wit  and  ridicule  on  the  enemy. 
Philip  Freneau  laboured  successfully  in  the 
same  way. 

Royal  proclamations  and  other  productions 
which  issued  from  royal  printing  presses,  were, 
by  the  help  of  a  warm  imagination,  arrayed  in 
such  dresses  as  rendered  them  truly  ridiculous. 
Trumbull,  with  a  vein  of  original  Hudibrastic 
hum()ur,  diverted  his  countrymen  so  much 
with  the  follies  of  their  enemies,  that  for  a  time 
th°y  forgot  the  calamities  of  war.  Humphries 
twined  d:3  literary  with  the  military  laurel,  by 
superadding  the  fame  of  an  elegant  poet,  to 
that  of  an  accomplished  officer.  Barlow  in- 
creased the  fame  of  his  country  and  of  the  dis- 
tinguished actors  in  the  revolution,  by  the  bold 
d>33ign  of  an  epic  poem  ably  executed,  on  the 
idea  that  Columbus  foresaw  in  vision,  the  great 
scenes  that  were  to  be  transacted  on  the  thea- 
tre of  that  new  world  which  he  had  discover- 
ed. D  wight  struck  out,  in  the  same  line,  and 
at  an  early  period  of  life  finished  an  elegant 
Work,  entitled  the  Conquest  of  Canaan,  on  a 
^  plan  which  has  rarely  been  attempted.  The 
'  principles  of  their  mother  tongue,  were  first 
unfolded  to  the  Americans  since  the  revolution, 
by  their  countryman  Webster.  Pursuing  an 
unbeaten  track,  he  has  made  discoveries  in  the 
genius  and  construction  of  the  English  language, 
which  had  escaped  the  researches  of  preceding 
philologists.  These,  and  a  group  of  other 
Jiterary  characters,  have  been  brought  into 
view  by  the  revolution.  It  is  remarkable,  that 
of  these,  Connecticut  has  produced  an  unusual 
proportion.  In  that  truly  republican  state, 
every  thing  conspires  to  adorn  human  nature 
with  its  highest  honours. 

From  the  latter  periods  of  the  revolution  till 
the  ])resent  time,  schools,  colleges,  societies, 
and  institutions  for  promoting  literature,  arts, 
manufactures,  agriculture,  and  for  extending 
human  happiness,  have  been  increased  far  be- 
yond any  thing  that  ever  took  place  before  the 
declaration  of  independence.  Every  state  in 
the  union,  has  done  more  or  less  in  this  wav, 
but  Pennsylvania  has  done  the  most.  The 
following  institutions  have  been  very  lately 
founded  in  that  state,  and  most  of  them  in  the 
time  oMhe  war  or  since  the  peace.  An  uriiver- 
sitv  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia  ;  a  ccllege  of 
physiaiar.s  in  the  same  place ;  Dickinson  coi.etje 


at  Carlisle  ;  Franklin  college  at  Lancaster ; 
the  protestant  episcopal  academy  in  Phildel- 
phia  ;  academies  at  Yorktown,  at  Germaiitown, 
at  Pittsliurgh  and  Washington  ;  and  an  acade- 
my in  Philadelphia  fiir  young  ladies  ;  societies 
for  promoting  political  cn<]uiries  ;  for  the  medi- 
cal relief  of  the  poor,  under  the  title  of  the 
Philadelphia  dispensary  ;  f"or  promoting  the 
abolition  of  slavery,  and  the  relief  of  free 
negroes  unlawfully  held  in  bondage  ;  for  pro- 
pagating the  gospel'among  the  Indians,  under 
the  direction  of  the  united  bretliren  ;  for  the 
encouragement  of  manufactures  and  the  useful 
arts  ;  for  alleviating  the  miseries  of  prisons. 
Such  have  been  some  of  the  beneficial  efl'ects, 
which  have  resulted  from  that  exfiansion  of 
the  human  mind,  which  has  been  produced  by 
the  revolution,  but  these  have  not  been  without 
alloy. 

To  overset  an  established  goverment  un- 
hinges many  of  those  principles,  which  bind 
individuals  to  each  other.  A  long  time,  and 
much  prudence,  will  be  necessary  to  reproduce 
a  spirit  of  union  and  that  reverence  for  govern- 
ment, without  which  society  is  a  rope  of  sand. 
The  right  of  the  people  to  resist  their  rulers, 
when  invading  their  liberties,  forms  the  corner 
stone  of  the  American  republics.  This  prin- 
ciple, though  just  in  itself,  is  not  favourable  to 
the  tranquility  of  present  establishments.  The 
maxims  and  measures,  which  in  the  years 
1774  and  1775  were  succesfully  inculcated 
and  adopted  by  American  patriots,  for  overset- 
tins  the  established  iiovermeiit,  will  answer  a 
similar  purpose  when  recurrence  is  had  to 
them  by  factious  demagogues,  for  disturbing 
the  freest  governments  that  were  ever  de- 
vised. 

War  never  fails  to  in  jure  the  morals  of  the 
people  engaged  in  it.  The  American  war,  in 
particular,  had  an  unhappy  influence  of  this 
kind.  Beinsf  beofun  without  l"unds  or  refjular 
establishments,  it  could  not  be  carried  on  with- 
out violating  private  rights  ;  and  in  its  progress, 
it  involved  a  necessity  for  breaking  solemn 
promises,  and  plighted  public  faith.  The 
failure  of  national  justice,  which  was  in  some 
degree  unavoidable,  increased  the  difficulties 
o,f  performing  private  engagements,  and  weak- 
ened that  sensibility  to  the  obligations  of  pub- 
lic and  private  honour,  which  is  a  security  for 
the  punctual  performance  of  contracts. 

In  consequence  of  tlie  war,  the  institutions 
of  religion  have  been  deranged,  the  public 
worship  of  the  deity  suspended,  and  a  great 
number  of  the  inhabitants  deprived  of  the  ordi- 
nary means  of  obtaining  that  religious  know- 
ledge, wliich  tames  the  fierceness,  and  softens 
the  rudeness  of  human  passion  and  manners. 
Many  of  the  temples  dedicated  to  the  service 
of  the  most  high,  were  destroyed,  and  these, 
from  a  deficiency  of  ability  and  inclination,  are 
not  yet  rebuilt.  The  clergy  were  left  to  suf- 
fer, without  jiropcr  support.  The  deprecia- 
tion of  the  paper  currency  was  particularly 
injurious  to  them.  It  reduced  their  salaries 
to  a  pittance,  so  insufl'icient  for  their  mainten- 
ance, that  several  of  them  were  obliged  to  lay 
down  their  profession,  and  engage  in  other 
pursuits.  Public  preaching,  of  which  many 
of  the  inhabitants  were  thus  deprived,  seldom 
fails  of  rendering  essential  service  to  society, 
by  civilizincr  the  multitude  and  forming  them 
'  to  union.  No  cLiss  of  citizens  have  contributed 
mon^  to  tlic  rmcliition  than  the  clergy,  and  i 
none  ha\e  liiiherlo  suffered  more  in  conse- 1 


I  (]uence  of  it.  From  the  dimunition  of  their 
number,  and  the  penury  to  wliich  they  have 
been  subjected,  civil  go\crn)eiit  has  lost  many 
of  the  advantages  it  formerly  derived  from 
the  j)ublic  instructions  of  that  useful  order  cf 
men. 

On  the  whole,  the  literary,  political,  and 
military  talents  of  the  cilizcns  of  the  United 
States  have  been  improved  by  the  revolution, 
but  their  moral  character  is  inferior  to  what  if 
formerly  was.  So  great  is  the  change  for  the 
worse,  that  the  friends  of  public  order  are 
loudly  called  upon  to  exert  their  utmost  abili- 
ties, in  extirpating  the  vicious  prihcif)lcs  and 
habits,  which  have  taken  deep  root  during  tho 
late  convulsions. 


CHAPTER  .Wni. 

Tim  discharge  of  the  Americnn  armv :  Thp  rvnciialion 
of  New-York  :  The  resigiinlimi  ofcjeneral  Wiishiiipion: 
Arranijenients  of  Confrress  for  (lisposing  of  their  wegt- 
cm  territory,  and  paying  their  ilehls :  The  distreRS 
of  the  States  after  the  i)en<  e  :  The  inelTicacy  of  the  ar- 
ticles of  the  eoiifeilcratioii :  A  iirmid  ronvention  for 
ainendins  the  govermiicm  :  Tlie  new  consliliilion  :  (len- 
eral  Washington  appointed  I'residcnt:  An  achlress  to 
the  people  of  the  United  Slates. 

While  the  citizens  of  the  United  States 
were  anticipating  the  blessings  of  peace,  their 
army,  which  had  successfully  stemmed  the 
tide  of  British  victories,  was  unrewarded  for 
its  services.  The  States  which  had  been  res- 
cued by  their  exertions  from  slavery,  were  in 
no  condition  to  jiay  them  their  stipulated  due. 
To  dismiss  officers  and  soldiers,  who  had  spent 
the  prime  of  their  days  in  serving  their  coun- 
try, without  an  equivalent  for  their  labours,  or 
even  a  sufficiency  to  enable  them  to  gain  a  de- 
cent living,  was  a  hard  but  unavoidable  case. 
An  attempt  was  made,  March  10,  1783,  by 
inonymous  and  seditious  publications*  to  m- 
flame  the  minds  of  the  officers  and  soldiers, 
and  induce  them  to  unite  in  redressing  their 
own  grievances,  while  they  had  arms  in  their 
hands.  As  soon  as  General  Washington  was 
informed  of  the  nature  of  tliese  papers,  he  re- 
quested the  general  and  field  officers  with  ono 
ofllcer  from  each  company,  and  a  proper  re- 
presentation from  the  staff  of  tho  army,  to  as- 
semble on  an  early  day.  He  rightly  judged 
that  it  would  be  much  easier  to  divert  from  a 
wrong  to  a  right  path,  than  to  recal  fatal  and 
hasty  steps,  after  they  had  once  been  taken. 
The  period,  previously  to  the  meeting  of  tho 
officers,  was  improved  in  preparing  them  for 
the  adoption  of  moderate  measures.  General 
Washington  sent  for  one  officer  after  another, 
and  enlarged  in  private,  on  the  fatal  conse- 
quences, and  particularly  on  the  loss  of  cha- 
racter to  the  whole  army,  which  would  result 
from  intemperate  resolutions.  When  the  offi- 
cers were  convened,  the  commander-in-cViief 
addressed  them  in  a  speech  well  calculated 
to  c-silm  their  minds.  He  also  [)ledged  him- 
self to  exert  all  his  abilities  and  influence  in 
their  favour,  and  requested  them  to  rely  on  the 
faith  of  their  country,  and  conjured  them,  "as 
they  valued  their  honour,  as  tliey  respected  the 
rights  of  humanity,  and  as  they  regarded  tho 
military  and  national  character  of  America,  to 
express  their  utmost  detestation  of  the  man, 

*  The  not  very  enviahle  hononr  nltached  to  th«  au- 
'  ihorship  of  one  of  tlie  most  hish-ldnpil  of  ilif  le  addTet? 
j  ses,  is,  by  srood  authority,  conlVrred  tpoD  Genvkl 
\  .lauics  .AriaBlroug. 


m  II I  S  T  O  R  Y  O  F  T  II  E 

v/ho  was  attcmprin<T  to  open  the  flood-gates  of  I  marched  with  fixed  bayonets  and  drums,  to 
civil  discord,  and  di-liis^o  their  rising  empire  I  the  statehouse,  in  which  Congress  and  the  su- 
preme executive  council  of  Pennsylvania  held 
tlieir  sessions.  They  placed  guards  at  every 
door,  and  sent  in  a  written  message  to  the  pre- 
sident and  council  of  the  state,  and  threatened 
to  let  loose  an  enraged  soldiery  upon  them,  if 
they  were  not  gratified  as  to  their  demand 
within  20  minutes. 

The  situation  of  Congress,  though  they 
were  not  the  particular  object  of  the  soldiers' 
resentment,  was  far  from  being:  asrreeable. 
After  being  about  three  hours  under  duresse 
they  retired,  but  previously  resolved  that  the 
authority  of  the  United  States  had  been  gross- 
ly insulted.  Soon  after  they  left  Philadelphia, 
and  fixed  on  Princeton  as  the  place  of  their 
next  meeting.  General  Washington  immedi- 
ately ordered  a  large  detachment  of  his  army, 
to  march  for  Philadelphia.  Previously  to  their 
arrival,  the  disturbances  were  quieted  without 
bloodshed.  Several  of  the  mutineers  were 
tried  and  condemned,  two  to  suffer  death,  and 
four  to  receive  corporal  punishment,  but  tlicy 
were  all  afterwards  pardoned. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  year,  Congress 
issued  a  j)roclamatioii,  in  which  the  armies  of 
the  United  States  were  applauded,  "for  havin? 
isplayed   in  the  progress  of  an  arduous  and 


with  blood."  General  Washington  then  re- 
tired. 

The  minds  of  those  who  had  heard  him 
were  in  such  an  irritable  state,  that  nothing 
but  their  most  ardent  patriotism,  and  his  un- 
bounded influence,  prevented  the  proposal  of 
rasli  resolutions,  which,  if  adopted,  would  have 
Bullied  the  glory  of  seven  years  service.  No 
reply  whatever  was  made  to  the  General's 
speech.  The  happy  moment  was  seized,  while 
the  minds  of  tlie  officers,  softened  by  the  elo- 
quence of  their  beloved  commander,  were  in 
a  yielding  state,  and  a  resolution  was  unani- 
mously adopted,  by  which  they  declared, 
"  that  no  circumstances  of  distress  or  danger 
should  induce  a  conduct  that  might  tend  to 
sully  the  reputation  and  glory  they  had  ac- 
quired ;  that  the  army  continued  to  have  an 
unshaken  confidence  in  the  justice  of  Congress 
and  their  country  ;  that  they  viewed  with  alj- 
horretice,  and  rejected  with  disdaui,  the  infa- 
mous propositions  in  the  late  anonymous  ad- 
dress to  the  officers  of  tlic  army."  Too  much 
praise  cannot  be  given  toGenend  Washington, 
for  the  jiatriotisrn  and  decision  which  marked 
bis  conduct,  in  the  whole  of  tins  serious  trans- 
action. Perhaps  in  no  instance  did  the  United 
States  receive  from  Heaven  a  more  signal  de- 
liverance, through  the  hands  of  the  camman- 
der-in-chief. 


Soon  after  these  events,  Congress  completed 
a  resolution  which  had  been  for  some  time 
pending,  that  tlie  officers  of  tlieir  army,  who 
preferred  a  sum  in  gross  to  an  annuity,  should 
be  entitled  to  receive  to  the  amount  of  five 
years  full  pay,  in  money,  or  securities  at  six 
per  cent,  per  annum,  instead  of  their  half  pay 
for  life,  whicli  had  been  previously  promised 
to  lliein. 

To  avoid  the  inconvenience  of  dismissing 
a  great  number  of  soldiers  in  a  body,  fur- 
lougiis  were  freely  granted  to  individuals,  and 
after  their  dispt>rsion  they  were  not  enjoined 
to  return.  By  tliis  arrangement  a  critical  mo- 
ment was  got  over.  A  great  part  of  an  un- 
paid army,  was  disbanded  and  dispersed  ov(>r 
the  states,  without  tumult  or  disorder.  The 
privates  generally  betook  themselves  to  lal>our, 
and  crowned  the  merit  of  being  good  sokli(!rs, 
by  becoming  good  citizens.  Several  of  the 
American  officers,  who  had  been  bred  mecha- 
nics, resumed  their  trades.  In  old  countries 
lh(!  disbanding  a  single  regiment,  even  though 
fully  paid,  has  often  produced  serious  conse- 
quences ;  but  in  America,  where  arms  had 
been  taken  u])  fi)r  self  defence,  they  were 
peaceably  laid  down  as  soon  as  they  became 
inineeessary.  As  soldiers  had  been  easily  and 
Bpee.bly  formed  in  1775,  out  of  farmers,  plant- 
ers and  mechanics,  with  equal  ease  and  exjie- 
tiition  in  the  year  17S.3,  they  droj)ped  their 
adventitious  character,  and  resumed  their  for- 
mer occupations.  About  80  of  the  Pennsyl- 
vania levies  formed  an  exception  to  the  pre- 
vailing peaceable  disposition  of  the  army. 
Tlu!se,  in  defiance  of  their  officers,  set  out  from 
Lancaster,  and  marched  to  Philadelphia  to 
8eek  redress  of  their  grievances,  from  the  ex- 
rcutivc  couiicil  of  the  state.     The  mutineers, 


difficult  war,  every  military  and  patriotic  vir- 
tue, and  ill  wliich  the  thanks  of  their  country 
iwerc!  given  them,  for  their  long,  eminent  and 
faithful  services."  Congress  then  declared  it 
to  lie  their  pleasure,  "that  such  part  of  their 
federal  armies,  as  stood  engaged  to  serve  du- 
ring the  war,  should  from  and  after  the  third 
day  of  Novemlier  next,  be  absolutely  dis- 
charged from  the  said  service."  On  the  day 
preceding  their  dismission,  Nov.  gd.  General 
Wasliington  issued  his  farewell  orders,  in  the 
most  endearing  language.  After  giving  them 
his  advice  respecting  their  future  conduct, 
and  bidding  them  an  affectionate  farewell,  he 
concluded  with  these  words:  "May  ample 
justice  be  done  them  liere,  and  may  the  choi- 
c(!st  of  Heaven's  favours,  both  here  and  here- 
after, attend  those,  who  under  the  divine  aus- 
])ices  have  secured  innumerable  blessings  for 
others.  With  these  wishes,  and  this  benedic- 
tion, the  commander-in-chief  is  about  to  re- 
tire from  service;  the  curtain  of  separation 
will  soon  be  drawn,  and  the  military  scene,  to 
him,  will  be  closed  forever, 

With  great  exertions  of  the  superintendant 
of  finance,  four  months  pay,  in  part  of  several 
years  arrearages,  were  given  to  the  army. 
This  sum,  though  trifling,  was  all  the  immedi- 
ate recompence  tlie  states  were  able  to  make 
to  those  brave  men,  who  had  conducted  their 
country  through  an  eight  years  war,  to  peace 
and  independence. 

The  evacuation  of  New- York,  took  place 
ill  about  three  weeks  after  the  American  army 
was  discharged.  For  a  twelveiiKuith  preced- 
ing, there  had  been  an  unrestrained  commu- 
nication between  that  city,  though  a  British 
garrison,  and  the  adjacent  country.  The  bit- 
terness of  war  passed  away,  and  civilities 
were  freely  interchanged  between  those,  who 
had  lately  sought  for  opportunities  to  destroy 
each  other.    General  WashinsJlon  and  cfover- 


111  o|)position  to  au vice  and  entreaties,  pi-rsisted  j  nor  Clinton,  with  their  suites,  made  a  public 
in  their  iiVirch,  till  they  arrived  at  Philadelphia,  lentry  into  the  city  of  New- York,  as  sof  n  as 
T  liey  were  theiK  joined  by  some  other  troops,  i  the  royal  army  war.  withdrawn.  The  lieute- 
who  were  quartered  in  the  barracks.  The  j  nant  goveriior,  and  members  of  the  council, the 
whole,  amounting  to  upwards  of  300  iiieii,  loflicers  of  the  American  army,  and  the  citizens, 


followed  in  an  elegant  procession.  It  was  re- 
marked that  an  unusual  proportion  of  tiiosa 
who  in  1776,  had  fled  from  New- York,  were 
by  death  cut  off  from  partaking  in  the  gene- 
ral joy,  which  flowed  in  upon  their  fellow-citi 
zens,  on  returning  to  their  ancient  habitations. 
The  ease  and  affluence  which  they  enioved  in 
in  the  days  of  their  prosperity,  made  the  seve- 
rities of  exile  inconvenient  to  all,  and  fatal  to 
many,  particularly  to  such  as  were  advanced 
in  life.  Those  who  survived,  both  fidt  and 
expressed  the  overflowings  of  joy,  on  finding 
their  suflfeiings  and  services  rewarded  with 
the  recovery  of  their  country,  the  expulsion 
of  their  enemies,  and  the  establishment  of  their 
independence.  In  the  evening  there  was  a 
display  of  fireworks,  which  exceeded  every 
thing  of  the  kind  before  seen  in  the  United 
States.  They  commenced  by  a  dove's  de- 
scending with  an  olive  branch,  and  setting  fire 
to  a  maron  battery. 

The  hour  now  aj)proached  in  which  it  be- 
came necessary  for  General  W^asliington  to 
take  leave  of  his  officers,  w"ho  had  been  en- 
deared to  him  by  a  long  series  of  common 
sufl'erings  and  dangers.  This  was  done  in  a 
solemn  manner.  The  officers  having  previ-. 
ously  assembled  for  the  purpose;.  General 
AV^ashington  joined  them,  and  calling  for  a 
glass  of  wine,  thus  addressed  them.  "  With 
a  heart  full  of  love  and  gratitude,  1  now 
take  my  leave  of  you.  I  most  devoutly  wish 
that  your  latter  days  may  be  as  prosperous  and 
happy,  as  your  former  ones  have  been  glori- 
ous and  honourable."  Tlie  officers  came  up 
successively,  and  he  took  an  affectionate  leave 
of  each  of  them.  When  this  affecting  score 
was  over,  Washington  left  the  room,  and 
passed  through  the  corps  of  light  infantry,  to 
the  place  of  embarkation.  The  officers  f()llow- 
ed  in  a  solemn  mute  procession,  with  dejectec* 
countenances.  On  his  entering  the  barge  to 
cross  the  North  river,  he  turned  towards  «lie 
companions  of  his  glory,  and  by  wavinsj  his 
hat,  bid  them  a  silent  adieu.  Some  of  t)-em 
answered  this  last  signal  of  respect  and  affec- 
tion with  tears,  and  all  of  tliein  hung  upon 
the  barge  which  conveyed  him  from  tlieir 
sight,  till  they  could  no  longer  distinguish  in 
it  the  person  of  their  beloved  comniHiider-in- 
chief. 

A  proposal  was  made  to  perpetuate  the 
friendship  of  the  officers,  by  forming  them- 
selves into  a  society,  to  be  named  after  the  fa- 
mous Roman  patriot  Cincinnatus.  The  ex- 
treme jealousy  of  the  new  republics  suspect- 
ed danger  to  their  liberties,  fronj  the  miion  of 
the  leaders  of  their  late  aiuiy,  and  es|>enially 
from  a  part  of  the  institution,  which  held  out 
to  their  posterity,  the  honour  of  being  admit 
ted  members  of  the  same  society.  To  obvi 
ate  all  grounds  of  fear,  the  (reneral  met  tins'of 
the  Sviciety,  recommended  an  alteration  of  their 
institution,  which  has  been  adopted  by  eight 
of  the  state  societies.  By  thrs  recominenda- 
tion  it  was  proposed  o  expuncfe  overy  thing 
that  was  hereditary,  and  to  retain  little  else 
than  their  original  name,  anti  a  social  clKirila- 
ble  institution  for  perpetuating  their  pi>rsona 
friendships,  and  relieving  the  wants  of  their  in- 
digent brethren.  (leneral  Washinu;ton.  ot 
the  approaching  dissolution  cf  th't  Airicricar 
army,  by  a  circular  letter  In  me  governors  or 
presidents  of  the  individual  states,  cjnve  lii» 
partiiiir  advice  to  his  countrymen  ;  aiid.  v,vith 
all  the  charms  of  eloquence,  inculcateil  the  n;> 


UNITED  h>TATES. 


■195 


cessity  of  union,  justice,  subordination,  and  of 
such  principles  and  practices,  as  their  new 
situation  required. 

Tiie  army  being  disl)anded,  the  CDtnmand- 
er-in-cliief  proceeded  to  Annapolis,  then  the  scat 
of  Congress,  to  resign  his  commission.  On 
his  way  thither,  he  delivered  to  the  comptrol- 
ler in  Philadelphia  an  account  of  the  expen- 
diture of  all  the  public  money  he  had  ever 
received.  This  was  in  his  own  hand  writing, 
and  every  entry  was  made  in  a  very  particu- 
lar manner.  The  whole  sum,  which  in  the 
course  of  the  war  had  passed  through  his 
hands,  amounted  only  to  14,479/.  18s.  9d. 
sterling.  Nothing  was  charged  or  retained  as 
a  reward  for  personal  services,  and  actual 
disbursements  had  been  managed  with  such 
economy  and  fidelity,  that  they  v/ere  all  cover- 
ed by  the  above  moderate  sum. 

In  every  town  and  village,  through  which 
the  general  passed,  he  was  met  by  public  and 
orivate  demonstrations  of  gratitude  and  joy. 
When  he  arrived  at  Annapolis,  he  informed 
Congress  of  his  intention  to  ask  leave  to  resign 
the  commission  he  had  the  honour  to  hold  in 
their  service,  and  desired  to  know  their  plea- 
sure in  what  manner  it  would  be  most  proper 
to  be  done.  They  resolved  it  should  be  in 
a  public  audience.  When  the  day  fixed  for 
that  purpose  arrived,  a  great  number  of  dis- 
tinguished personages  attended  the  interesting 
scene.  At  a  proper  moment,  general  Wash- 
'iii^lon  addressed  Thomas  MilHen,  the  presi- 
df.'iit,  in  the  following  words  : 

"  .Mr.  President, 

"  The  great  events  on  which  my  resignation 
depended,  having  at  length  taken  place,  I  have 
now  the  honour  t)f  offering  my  sincere  con- 
gratulations to  Congress,  and  of  presenting 
myself  before  them  to  surrender  into  their 
hands  the  trust  committed  to  me,  and  to  claim 
the  indulgence  of  retiring  from  the  service 
of  n.y  country. 

"  Happy  in  the  confirmation  of  our  inde- 
pendence and  sovereignty,  and  pleased  with 
the  Of  portunity  afforded  the  United  States  of 
becor.iing  a  respectable  nation,  I  resign  with 
satisfaction  the  appointment  I  accepted  with 
diffiilence;  a  diffidence  in  my  abilities  to  ac- 
complish so  arduous  a  task,  which,  however, 
M'as  superceded  by  a  confidence  in  the  recti- 
tude of  our  cause,  the  support  of  the  su- 
preme power  of  the  union,  and  the  patronage 
of  Heaven. 

"The  successful  termination  of  the  war  lias 
verified  the  most  sanguine  expectations,  and 
my  gratitude  for  the  interposition  of  Provi- 
dence, and  the  assistance  I  have  received  from 
my  countrymen,  increases  with  every  review 
of  the  momentous  contest. 

"  \V^hile  I  repeat  my  obligations  to  the  army 
m  general,  I  should  do  injustice  to  my  own 
feelings  not  to  acknowledge,  in  this  place,  the 
[)eculiar  services,  and  disti-iguished  merits  of 
the  persons  who  have  been  attached  to  my 
jierson  during  the  war:  it  was  impossible  the 
clioico  of  confidential  officers  to  compose  my 
family  should  have  been  more  fortunate  ;  per- 
mit me,  sir,  to  recommend  in  particular  those 
who  have  continued  in  the  service  to  the  pre- 
sent moment,  as  worthy  of  the  favourable  no- 
tice and  ])atronage  of  Congress. 

"  I  consider  it  as  an  indispensable  duty  to 
close  this  last  solemn  act  of  my  official  life,  bv 
commending  the  interests  of  our  dearest  coun- 
try to  the  pn.itection  of  Almighty  God,  and 


those  who  have  the  superintendance  of  thetn, 
to  His  holy  keeping. 

"  Ha  ving  now  finished  the  work  assigned 
me,  1  retire  from  the  great  theatre  of  action  ; 
and  bidding  an  affectionate  farewell  to  this  au- 
gust body,  under  whose  ordiM-s  I  have  long 
acted,!  here  offer  my  commission,  and  take  my 
leave  of  all  the  employments  of  ])ublic  life." 

To  this  the  President  returned  the  follow- 
ing answer : 

"  The  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled, 
receive  with  emotions  too  affecting  for  utter- 
ance, the  solemn  resignation  of  the  authorities 
under  which  you  have  led  their  troops  with 
success,  through  a  perilous  and  doubtful 
war. 

"  Called  upon  by  your  country  to  defend 
its  invaded  rights,  you  accepted  the  sacred 
charge  before  it  had  formed  alliances,  and 
whilst  it  was  without  friends  or  a  government 
to  support  you. 

"  You  have  conducted  the  great  military 
contest  with  wisdom  and  fortitude,  invariably 
regarding  the  rights  of  the  civil  power  through 
all  disasters  and  changes  :  you  have,  by  the 
love  and  confidence  of  your  fellow  citizens, 
enabled  them  to  display  their  martial  genius, 
and  transmit  them  to  posterity  ;  you  ha\  e  per- 
severed till  these  United  States,  aided  by  a 
magnanimous  king  and  nation,  have  been  ena- 
bled, under  a  just  Providence,  to  close  the 
war  in  freedom,  safety  and  independence  ;  on 
which  happy  event  wc  sincerely  join  you 
in  congratulations. 

"  Having  defended  the  standard  of  liberty 
in  this  new  world — liavina:  taught  a  lesson 
useful  to  those  who  inflict,  and  to  those  who 
feel  oppression,  you  retire  from  the  great  thea- 
tre of  action,  with  the  blessings  of  your  fel- 
low-citizens ;  but  the  glory  of  your  virtues 
will  not  terminate  with  your  military  com- 
mand ;  it  will  continue  to  animate  remotest 
ages.  We  feel,  with  you,  our  obligations  to 
the  army  in  general,  and  will  particularly 
charge  ourselves  with  the  intei-est  of  those  con- 
fidential officers,  who  have  attended  your  per- 
son to  this  affecting  moment. 

"  We  join  you  in  commending  the  interests 
of  our  dearest  country  to  the  protection  of 
Almighty  God,  beseeching  Him  to  dispose  the 
hearts  and  minds  of  its  citizens,  to  improve 
the  opportunity  afforded  them,  of  becoming 
a  happy  and  respectable  nation  ;  and  for  you, 
we  address  to  Him  our  earnest  prayers,  that 
a  life  so  beloved  may  be  fostered  with  all  His 
care  :  That  your  days  may  be  happy  as  they 
have  been  illustrious,  and  that  He  will  finally 
give  you  that  reward  which  this  world  can- 
not give." 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

Washington's  administration. 

In  every  department  of  nature  violent  ef- 
forts are  succeeded  by  a  corresponding  ex- 
haustion ;  and  the  struggles  of  a  nation  for  li- 
berty and  independence  affortl  no  exception  to 
this  universal  law.  From  the  evils  insepa- 
rable from  such  contests,  the  pusillanimous  and 
the  sordid  may  urge  arguments  in  favour  of 
what  they  deem  a  prudent  and  ])rofitable  sub- 
,  miasiveness  to  arbitrary  sway ;  but  the  lover 
1  of  freedom,  while  he  will  not  deny  that  there 


are  evils  in  national  convulsion,  even  wiien  ne- 
cessitated by  the  most  justifiable  causes,  will 
still  scorn  to  evade  them  by  a  base  s<!rviliiy  ; 
and  ill  does  it  become  those  wlio  have  rei.- 
dered  such  evils  inevitable,  to  attempt  to  caft 
the  odium  of  them  on  the  noble  and  self-de- 
nying effTorts  of  the  patriot. 

The  exhausting  effect  of  their  exertions 
was  felt  by  the  people  of  the  United  Statett 
for  a  considerable  period  after  peace,  as  well 
ag  independence,  had  been  secured.  The  en- 
thusiasm of  a  popular  contest  terminating  in 
victory,  began  to  subside,  and  the  sacrifices  of 
the  revolution  soon  became  known  and  ft  It. 
The  claims  of  those  who  toiled,  and  fi)ug.it, 
and  suffered  in  the  arduous  struesle,  were 
strongly  urged,  and  the  government  had  nei- 
ther resources  nor  power  to  satisfy  or  to  si- 
lence them.  The  federal  head  had  no  sepa- 
rate or  exclusive  fund.  The  members  of  Con- 
gress d(!pended  on  the  states  which  they  re- 
spectively represented,  even  for  their  own 
maintenance,  and  money  for  national  purposes 
could  only  be  obtained  by  refjnisitions  on  the 
different  members  of  the  confederacy.  On 
them  it  became  necessary  immediately  to  call 
for  funds  to  dis(;harge  the  arrears  of  pay  due 
to  the  soldiers  of  the  rcvohition,  and  the  inter- 
est on  the  debt  which  the  government  had 
been  compelled  to  contract.  The  legislatures 
of  the  different  states  received  these  reipiisi- 
tions  with  respect,  listened  to  the  monitory 
warnings  of  Congress  with  deference,  and 
with  silent  and  Inactive  acquiescence.  Their 
own  situation,  indeed,  was  full  of  embarrass- 
ment. The  wealth  of  the  country  had  been 
totally  exhausted  during  the  revolution.  Taxes 
could  not  be  collected,  because  there  was  no 
money  to  represent  the  value  of  the  little  per- 
sonal property  which  had  not  been,  and  the 
land  which  could  not  he,  destroyed  ;  and  com- 
"lerce,  though  jireparing  to  burst  from  its 
iiiraldom,  had  not  yet  had  time  to  restore  to 
the  annual  produce  of  the  country  its  exchange- 
able value.  The  s'ates  owed  each  a  heavy 
debt  for  local  services  rendered  dui  infr  the  re- 
volution, for  which  it  was  bound  to  provide, 
and  each  had  its  own  domestic  government  to 
support.  Under  these  circumstances,  it  is  not 
surprising  that  each  state  was  anxious  to  re- 
fain  for  its  own  benefit  the  small  but  rising 
revenue  dei'ived  from  foreign  commerce  ;  and 
ihat  the  custom-houses  in  each  commercial  city 
were  considered  as  the  most  valuable  sources 
of  income  which  the  states  possessed.  Each 
state,  therefore,  made  its  own  regulations,  its 
tariff,  and  tonnage  duties,  and,  as  a  natural 
consequence,  the  different  states  clashed  with 
each  other;  one  nation  became  more  favoured 
than  another  under  the  same  circumsiances ; 
and  one  state  pursued  a  system  injurious  to 
the  interests  of  another.  Hence  the  confi- 
dence of  foreign  countries  was  destroyed  ; 
and  they  would  not  enter  into  treaties  of  com- 
merce with  the  confederated  government, 
while  they  were  not  likely  to  be  carried  mto 
effect.  A  general  decay  of  trade,  the  rise  of 
imported  merchandise,  the  fall  of  produce, and 
an  uncommon  decrease  of  the  value  of  lands, 
ensued. 

The  distress  of  the  inhabifants  was  continu- 
ally on  the  increase;  ami  in  Massachusetts, 
where  it  was  most  felt,  nn  insurrection  of  >i 
serious  character  was  the  conse(]uonce.  Near 
the  close  of  the  year  1786,  the  i)opulace  as- 
sembled to  the  number  of  two  thousand,  in 


4% 


H  I  S  1  O  R      OF  THE 


tlie  north-wcsierii  part  of  tli(^  stiitf,  iiiul,  clioos- 
iiii^  D.iiiit  l  Shays  th-'ir  leader,  deinaiuled  that 
the  collection  of  deljts  slioiild  lie  suspeiiiled, 
and  that  the  legislature  should  authoiize  the 
emission  ol"  paper  money  lor  general  circula- 
tion. Two  iwdies  of  militia,  drawn  from  those 
parts  of  the  state  where  disaH'ection  did  not 
prevail,  were  immediately  despatched  against 
them,  one  under  the  command  of  General 
Lincoln,  the  other  of  General  Shopard.  Tin; 
disaffected  were  dispersed  with  less  difficulty 
than  had  been  apprehended,  and,  abandoning 
their  seditious  purposes,  accepted  the  proffer- 
ed indemnity  of  the  government. 

The  time  at  length  came  when  the  public 
mind  gave  tokens  of  being  prepared  for  a 
change  in  the  constitution  of  the  general  go- 
vernment— an  occurrence,  tlie  necessity  of 
which  had  long  been  foreseen  by  Washington, 
and  most  of  the  distinguished  patriots  of  that 
period.  Evil  had  accumulated  upon  c\  il,  till 
till?  mass  became  too  oppressive  to  be  endured, 
and  the  voice  of  the  nation  cried  out  for  relief. 
'J'he  first  decisive  measures  proceeded  from 
the  m(;rchants,  who  came  forward  almost  si- 
multaneously in  all  parts  of  the  country,  with 
representations  of  the  utter  prostration  of  the; 
mercantile  interests,  and  petitions  for  a  speedy 
and  efficient  remedy.  It  was  shown,  that  the 
advantatres  of  this  most  important  source  of 
national  jirosperity  were  flowing  into  the  hands 
of  foreigners,  and  that  the  native  merchants 
were  suffering  for  the  want  of  a  just  ])rotec- 
tion  and  a  uniform  system  of  trade.  The  wise 
end  reflecting  were  convinced  that  some  deci- 
ded efforts  were  necessary  to  strengthen  the 
general  government,  or  that  a  dissolution  of 
the  union,  and  perhaf)s  a  devastating  anarchy, 
would  be  incvita!)le.  The  first  stej)  towards 
R  general  reformation  was  rather  accidental 
than  premeditated.  Certain  citizens  of  Vir- 
^nia  and  Maryland  had  formed  a  scheme  for 
promoting  the  navigation  of  the  Potomac  and 
Chesapeake  Bay,  and  commissioners  were  ap- 
pointed by  those  two  states  to  meet  at  Alex- 
andria, and  devise  some  plan  of  operation. 
These  persons  made  a  visit  to  Mount  Vernon, 
and  while  there,  it  was  pro[)osed  among  them- 
selves that  more  important  objects  should  be 
connected  with  the  j)urpose  at  first  in  view, 
and  that  the  state  governments  should  be  soli- 
cited to  appoint  other  commissioners,  with  en- 
larged powers,  instructed  to  form  a  plan  for 
maintaining  a  naval  force  in  the  Chesapeake, 
and  also  to  fix  upon  some  system  of  duties  on 
exports  and  ini[)orts  in  which  both  states  should 
agree,  and  that  in  the  end  Congress  should  be 
j>etitioned  to  allow  these  privileges.  This 
project  was  approved  by  the  legislature  of 
Virginia,  and  commissioners  were  accordingly 
appointed.  The  same  legislature  passed  a  re- 
solution recommendlnsr  the  design  to  other 
states,  and  inviting  them  to  unite,  by  their  com- 
missioners, in  an  attempt  to  established  such  a 
tystem  of  commercial  relations  as  would  jiro- 
tnote  general  harmony  and  prosperity.  Five 
States  only,  In  addition  to  Virginia,  acceded  to 
this  proposition,  namely,  Maryland,  Delaware, 
Pennsylvania,  New-.T<'r.soy,  and  New-York. 
From  these  stales  cnniniissioners  assembled  at 
Annapolis,  l)nt  they  had  hardly  entered  into  a 
jiscnssion  of  the  lopies  which  nanirally  forced 
Jiemselves  into  view,  b<-foii;  tUcy  discovered 
the  powers  with  which  they  were  instructed 
to  be  so  limited,  us  to  tie  nj)  ihc'ir  hands  from 
cftocting  any  i.urj)ose  that  could  be  c  f  essen- 


tial utility.  On  this  account,  as  well  as  from 
the  circumstance  that  so  few  stales  were  re- 
presented, they  wisely  declined  deciding  on 
any  Imptjrtant  measures  in  reference  to  the 
particular  subject  for  which  they  had  come 
together.  This  convention  is  memorable,  how- 
ever, as  liaving  been  the  prelude  to  the  one 
whi(-li  followed.  Before  the  commissioners 
adjourned,  a  report  was  agreed  upon,  in  which 
the  necessity  of  a  revision  and  reform  of  the 
articles  of  the  old  federal  compact  was  strong- 
ly urged,  and  which  contained  a  recommen- 
dation to  all  the  state  legislatures  for  the  ap- 
pointment of  deputies,  to  meet  at  Philadelphia, 
with  more  ample  powers  and  instructions. 
This  proposal  was  eventually  carried  into  ef- 
fect, and,  in  conformity  with  it,  a  convention  of 
delegates  from  the  several  states  met  at  Phlla- 
del[)hla  In  May,  1787.  Of  this  body  of  emi- 
nent statesm(!n,  (reorgo  Washington  was  elect- 
ed president.  They  deliberated  with  closed 
doors  during  a  period  of  four  months.  One 
party  In  the  conv(?ntlon  was  atixions  to  enlarge, 
another  to  abridge,  the  authority  delegated  to 
the  general  government.  This  was  the  first 
germ  of  parties  in  the  United  States ;  not  that 
materials  were  wanting,  for  the  dissensions  of 
the  revolution  had  left  behind  some  bitterness 
of  spirit  and  fi-cllngs  that  only  awaited  an  op- 
portunity for  their  disclosure.  The  divisions 
in  the  convention  proved  the  foundation  of 
many  a  subsequent  strugglt!.  At  leiiijth  a  con- 
stitution was  agrreed  on,  which,  after  beinfr  re- 
ported  to  Congress,  was  submitted  for  ratifica- 
tion to  conventions  held  In  the  respectl\e 
states.  This  constitution  differs,  in  many  Im- 
portant particulars,  from  the  articles  of  confe- 
deration ;  and,  by  its  regulations,  connects  the 
states  more  closely  together,  under  a  genijral 
and  supreme  government,  com[)osed  of  three 
di^partments,  legislative,  executive,  and  judi- 
cial ;  and  Invested  ivith  powers  essential  to 
Its  being  respected,  both  by  foreign  nations 
and  the  states  whose  interest  it  was  designed 
to  secure.  The  j>rovIsIons  and  characteristics 
of  this  interesting  and  im|)ortant  political  code, 
will  receh'o  the  consideration  to  which  they 
are  so  justly  entitled  in  another  departtnent 
of  our  work. 

As  that  party  which  was  desirous  to  extend 
the  powers  of  the  constitution,  had  been  the 
most  anxious  for  the  formation  of  this  system, 
and  the  most  zealous  advocates  for  Its  adop- 
tion, it  almost  naturally  followed  that  the  ad- 
ministration of  it  was  committed  to  their 
bands.  This  party,  which  might,  from  their 
opinions,  have  been  denominated  nntlonalists, 
or,  in  more  modern  phraseology,  centralists, 
acquired  the  name  of  federalists,  while  the 
appellation  of  antl-finlerallsts  was  given  to 
their  antagonists.  The  latter,  ardently  attach- 
ed to  freedom,  imagined  that  rulers,  possessing 
such  extensive  sway,  such  abundant  patronage, 
and  such  independent  tenure  of  ollice,  would 
becom(!  fond  of  the  exercuse  of  power,  and  In 
the  end  arrogant  and  tyrannical.  The  for- 
mer, e(]ually  dexoted  to  the  cause  of  national 
liberty,  contended  that  to  preserve  it  nn  ener- 
getic government  was  necessary.  They  de- 
scribed, with  |)owerful  efl'ect,  the  evils  actu- 
ally endureil  from  the  inefllclency  of  the  con- 
f«'deratIon,  and  demandeil  that  a  trial  at  least 
should  !>«•  made  of  the  remedy  proposed. 

In  eleven  stales,  a  mnjorlty,  though  in  some 
instances  a  small  one,  decided  In  favour  of  the 
constitution.    Provision  was  then    made  for 


the  election  of  the  officers  to  compose  flic  ex- 
ecutive and  l(!gislative  departments.  In  tlis 
highest  station,  the  electors,  by  a  unanimous 
vote,  ])laced  the  illustrious  Washington  ;  and 
to  the  odice  of  vIce-()rosident,  by  a  vote  near- 
ly unanimous,  they  elevated  John  Adams,  wtio, 
In  stations  less  conspicuous,  had,  with  equal 
[)atriot  sm,  rendered  important  services  to  his 
country.  On  the  2.3d  of  April  the  piesident 
(dect  arrived  at  New-York,  where  he  was  re- 
ceived by  the  governor  of  the  state,  and  con- 
ducted, with  military  honours,  through  an  irr.' 
mense  concourse  of  people,  to  the  apartments 
provided  for  him.  Here  he  received  the  ss- 
lutations  of  foreign  ministers,  public  bodies, 
])()litlcal  characters,  and  private  citizens  of 
distinction,  who  pressed  around  him  to  offer 
their  congratulations,  and  to  express  their  joy 
at  seeing  the  man  who  had  the  confidence  of 
all,  at  the  head  of  the  American  rcpul>lic.  On 
the  30th  of  April  the  president  was  Inaugura- 
ted. Having  taken  the  oath  of  office  in  an 
open  gallery  adjoining  the  senate  chamber,  in 
the  view  of  an  immense  concourse  of  people, 
who  attested  their  joy  by  loud  and  repeated 
acclamations,  he  returned  to  the  senate  cham- 
ber, where  he  delivered  the  following  aj>- 
proprlate  address  : 

"Fellow  citizens  of  the  Senate, 

nnd  of  tlie  Huii!;e  of  Roprespiitalivcs : 

"  Among  the  vicissitudes  Incident  to  life,  no 
event  could  have  filled  me  with  greater  anx- 
ieties, than  that  of  which  the  notification  was 
transmitted  by  your  order,  and  received  cn 
the  14lh  day  of  the  present  month.  On  the 
one  hand.  I  was  summoned  by  my  counTy, 
whose  voice  I  can  never  hear  but  with  vor.e- 
i-atlon  and  love,  from  a  retreat  which  I  had 
chosen  with  the  fondest  predilection,  and,  in 
my  flattering  hopes,  with  an  Immutable  deci- 
sion, as  tlie  asylum  of  my  declining  years  :  a 
retreat  w'hich  was  rendered  every  day  more 
necessary  as  well  as  more  dear  to  me.  by  the 
addition  of  habit  to  inclination,  and  of  fre(]uent 
interruptions  in  my  health  to  the  gradual 
waste  committed  on  it  by  time.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  magnitude  and  difliculty  of  the  trust 
to  which  the  voice  of  my  country  called  me, 
being  sufiiclent  to  awaken  in  the  wisest  and 
most  experienced  of  her  citizens,  a  distrustful 
scrutiny  info  his  (juallfications,  couKl  not  hut 
overwhelm  with  despondence,  one,  who,  inhe- 
riting Inferior  endowments  froiti  nature,  and 
un]iractised  In  the  duties  of  civil  administra- 
tion, ought  to  be  peculiarly  conscious  of  his 
own  deficiencies.  In  this  conflict  of  entotlons, 
all  I  dare  aver  is,  that  It  has  been  my  faithful 
stady  to  collect  my  duty  from  a  just  a]ipreci- 
atlon  of  every  circumstance  by  which  it  might 
be  alTected.  All  I  dare  hope,  is,  that.  If  in  ac- 
cepting this  task,  I  have  been  too  much  sway- 
ed by  a  grateful  remembrance  of  former  in- 
stances, or  by  an  affectionate  sensibility  to  this 
transcendent  proof  of  the  confidence  of  raj 
fellow  citizens,  and  have  thence  too  little  con- 
sulted my  inca])ncity  as  well  as  disinciliiation, 
for  the  weighty  and  untried  cares  before  me, 
my  error  will  be  palliated  by  the  motives 
which  misled  me,  and  its  conse()uences  be 
judged  by  my  country,  with  some  share  of  the 
partiality  In  which  they  originated. 

"Such  being  the  inqiressions  under  whicll 
I  have,  in  obedience  to  the  pulilic  simiinons, 
repaired  to  the  present  station,  it  will  lie  pecu 
llariv  irnnrojier  to  omit,  in  this  first  olliciid  act, 
my  fervent  supplications  to  that  Almighty  B« 


UNITED  STATES. 


■m 


mg^,  who  rules  over  the  universe,  who  pre 
eides  in  the  councils  of  nations,  and  whose 
providential  aids  can  supply  every  human 
defect,  tliat  his  lienediction  may  consecrate  to 
tiie  liberties  and  happiness  of  the  people  of 
the  United  States,  a  government  instituted  by 
themselves  for  these  essential  purposes,  and 
may  enable  every  instrument  employed  in  its 
administration,  to  execute  with  success  the 
functions  allotted  to  his  charge.  In  tendering 
ihis  homage  to  the  great  Author  of  every  pub 
lie  and  private  good,  I  assure  myself  that  it 
expresses  your  sentiments  not  less  than  my 
own  ;  nor  those  of  my  fellow  citizens  at  large 
less  than  either.  No  people  can  be  bound  to 
acknowledge  and  adore  the  Invisible  hand, 
which  conducts  the  affairs  of  men,  more  than 
the  peopl(!  of  the  United  States.  Every  step, 
by  which  they  have  advanced  to  the  charac- 
ter of  an  independent  nation,  seems  to  have 
been  distinguished  by  some  token  of  provi- 
dential agency.  And  in  the  important  revolu- 
tion just  accomplished  in  the  system  of  their 
mited  government,  the  tranquil  deliberations, 
and  voluntary  consent  of  so  many  distinct 
communities,  from  which  the  event  has  re- 
sulted, cannot  be  compared  with  the  means 
by  which  most  governments  have  been  es- 
tablished, without  some  return  of  pious  grati- 
tude, along  with  an  humble  anticipation  of  the 
future  blessings  which  the  past  seem  to  pre- 
sasre.  These  reflections,  arlslns:  out  of  the 
present  crisis,  have  forced  themselves  too 
strongly  on  my  mind  to  be  suppressed.  You 
will  join  vi'ith  me,  I  trust,  In  thinking  that 
there  are  none  under  the  influence  of  which 
tlie  proceedings  of  anew  and  free  government 
car.  more  auspiciously  commence. 

"  By  the  article  establishing  the  execiUive 
department,  it  is  made  the  duty  of  the  Presi- 
dent, '  to  recommend  to  your  consideration 
such  measures  as  he  shall  judge  necessary  and 
expedient.'  The  circumstances  under  which 
I  now  meet  yon,  will  acquit  me  from  entering 
into  that  subject,  further  than  to  refer  to  the 
great  constitutional  charter  under  which  you 
ure  assembled,  and  which,  In  defining  your 
powers,  designates  the  objects  to  which  your 
attention  is  to  be  given.  It  will  be  more  con- 
sistent with  those  circumstances,  and  far  more 
congenial  with  the  feelings  which  actuate  me, 
to  substitute.  In  place  of  a  recommendation  of 
particular  measures,  the  tribute  that  is  due  to 
the  talents,  the  rectitude,  and  the  patriotism 
which  adorn  the  characters  selected  to  devise 
and  adopt  them.  In  these  honorable  qualifi- 
cations, I  behold  the  surest  pledges,  that,  as 
on  one  side  no  local  prejudices  or  attachments, 
no  separate  views  nor  party  animosities,  will 
misdirect  the  comprehensive  and  equal  eye 
which  ought  to  watch  over  this  great  assem- 
blage of  communities  and  Interests  ;  so,  on 
another,  tliat  the  foundations  of  our  national 
policy  will  be  laid  in  the  pure  and  imnuitable 
principles  of  private  morality ;  and  the  pre- 
eminence of  free  govecnment  be  exemplified 
by  all  the  attributes  which  can  win  the  affec- 
tions of  its  citizens,  and  command  the  respect 
of  the  world. 

"  I  dwell  on  this  prospect  with  every  satis- 
&vtIon  which  an  ardent  love  for  my  country 
tan  inspire.  Since  there  is  no  truth  more 
thoroughly  established,  than  that  there  exists 
in  the  economy  and  course  of  natui-e,  an  indis- 
soluble union  between  virtue  and  happiness — 
between  duty  and  advantage — betwetui  the 
33 


genuine  maxims  of  an  honest  and  magnani- 1  say.  "  The  unanimous  suffrage  of  .he  eleclive 
raous  policy,  and  the  solid  rewards  of  public  body  in  your  favour,  is  peculiarly  expressive 

of  the  gratitude,  confidence,  and  aflx'ction  of 
the  citizens  of  America,  and  is  the  highest 
testimonial  at  once  of  your  merit,  and  their 
esteem.  We  are  sensible,  sir,  that  nothing 
but  the  voice  of  your  fellow  citizens  coula 
have  called  you  from  a  retreat,  chosen  with 
the  fondest  predilection,  endeared  by  habit, 
and  consecrated  to  the  repose  of  declining 
years.  We  rejoice,  and  with  us  all  America, 
that,  in  obedience  to  the  call  of  our  common 
country,  you  have  returned  once  more  to 
public  life.  In  you  all  parties  confide  ;  in 
you  all  interests  unite;  and  we  have  no  doubt 
that  your  ))ast  services,  great  as  they  have 
been,  will  be  equalled  by  your  future  exer- 
tions ;  and  that  your  prudence  and  sagacity, 
as  a  statesman,  will  tend  to  avert  the  dangers 
to  which  we  were  exposed,  to  give  stability 
to  the  present  government,  and  dignity  and 
splendour  to  that  country,  which  your  skill 
and  valour,  as  a  soldier,  so  eminently  contri- 
buted to  raise  to  independence  and  to  empire." 

The  aflection  for  the  person  and  character 
of  the  President  with  which  the  answer  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  glowed,  promised 
that  between  this  branch  of  the  legislature 
also  and  the  executive,  the  most  harmonious 
co-operation  in  the  public  service  might  bw 
expected. 

"  The  representatives  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States,"  says  this  address,  "  present 
their  congratulations  on  the  event  by  which 
your  fellow  citizens  have  attested  the  pre- 
eminence of  your  merit.  You  have  long  lield 
the  first  place  In  their  esteem.  You  nave 
often  received  tokens  of  their  affection.  Y'"' 
now  possess  the  only  proof  that  remained  t'f 
their  gratitude  for  your  services,  of  their  reve- 
rence for  your  wisdom,  and  of  their  confi- 
dence in  your  virtues.  You  enjoy  the  high- 
est, because  the  truest  honour,  of  being  the 
first  magistrate,  by  the  unanimous  choice  of 
the  freest  people  on  the  face  of  the  earth." 

After  notlcins:  the  several  communications 
made  in  the  speech,  intense  of  deep  felt  re- 
spect and  affection,  tlie  answer  concludes 
thus  : 

"  Such  are  the  sentiments  with  which  we 
have  thought  fit  to  address  you.  They  flow 
from  our  own  hearts,  and  we  verily  believe 
that  among  the  millions  we  represent,  there  is 
not  a  virtuous  citizen  whose  heart  will  disown 
them. 

"  All  that  remains  is,  that  we  join  In  youi 
fervent  supi)lications  for  the  blessing  of  lieaven 
on  our  country;  and  that  we  add  our  own  for 
the  choicest  of  these  blessings  on  the  most 
beloved  of  her  citizens." 

Tlie  government  being  now  completely 
organized,  and  a  system  of  revenue  estab- 
lished, the  President  proceeded  to  make  ap 
pointments  of  suitable  persons  to  fill  the  Oi' 
fices  which  had  been  created.*  After  a  la 
borious  and  Imjiortant  session,  in  which  per 
feet  harmony  subsisted  between  the  execu 
tive  and  the  legislature,  congress  adjourned 


pros[)erity  and  felicity  ;  since  we  ought  to  be 
no  less  persuaded  that  the  propitious  smiles 
of  Heaven  can  never  be  expected  on  a  nation 
that  disregards  the  eternal  rules  of  order  and 
right  which  Heaven  itself  has  ordained  :  and 
since  the  preservation  of  the  sacred  fire  of 
liberty,  and  the  destiny  of  the  republican 
model  of  government,  are  justly  considered  as 
deeply,  perhaps  as  finalli/,  staked  on  the  ex- 
periment Intrusted  to  the  hands  of  the  Ameri- 
can people. 

"  Besides  the  ordinary  objects  submitted  to 
your  care,  it  will  remain  with  your  judgment 
to  decide,  how  far  an  exercise  of  the  occa- 
sional power  delegated  by  the  fifth  article  of 
the  constitution,  is  rendered  expedient  at  the 
present  juncture  by  the  nature  of  objections 
which  have  been  urged  against  the  system,  or 
by  the  degree  of  inquietude  which  has  given 
birth  to  them.  Instead  of  undertaking  par- 
ticular recommendations  on  this  subject,  In 
which  I  could  be  guided  by  no  lights  de- 
rived from  official  opportunities,  I  shall  again 
give  way  to  my  entire  confidence  in  your  dis- 
cernment and  pursuit  of  the  public  good.  For 
I  assure  myself,  that  w-hilst  you  carefully 
avoid  every  alteration  wliich  might  endanger 
the  benefits  of  a  united,  and  effective  govern- 
ment, or  which  ought  to  await  the  future  les- 
sons of  experience  ;  a  reverence  for  the  char- 
acteristic rights  of  freemen,  and  a  regard  for 
the  public  harmony,  will  sufHciently  influence 
your  deliberations  on  the  question,  how  far 
the  former  can  be  more  Impregnably  fortified, 
or  the  latter  be  safely  and  advantageously 
promoted. 

"  To  the  preceding  observations  I  have 
one  to  add,  which  will  be  most  properly  ad- 
dressed to  the  House  of  Representatives.  It 
concerns  myself,  and  will  therefore  be  as 
brief  as  possible.  When  I  was  first  honoured 
with  a  call  Into  the  service  of  my  country, 
then  on  the  eve  of  an  arduous  struggle  for  Its 
liberties,  the  light  in  which  I  contemplated 
my  duty  required  that  I  should  renounce 
every  pecuniary  compensation.  From  this 
resolution  I  have  in  no  instance  departed. 
And  being  still  under  the  impressions  which 
produced  it,  I  must  decline,  as  inapplicable  to 
myself,  any  share  in  the  personal  emoluments, 
v\hlch  may  be  indispensably  Included  in  a 
permanent  provision  for  the  executive  depart- 
ment ;  and  must  accordingly  pray,  that  the 
pecuniary  estimates  for  the  station  in  which  I 
am  placed,  may,  during  my  continuance  in  it, 
be  limited  to  such  actual  expenditures  as  the 
public  good  may  be  thought  to  require. 

"  Having  thus  impartod  to  you  my  senti- 
ments, as  they  have  been  awakened  by  the 
occasion  which  brings  us  toget'ier,  I  shall  take 
my  present  leave  ;  but  not  without  resorting 
once  more  to  the  benign  Parent  of  the  human 
race,  in  humble  supplication,  that  since  he  has 
been  pleased  to  favour  the  American  people 
with  opportunities  for  deliberating  in  perfect 
tranquillity,  and  dispositions  for  deciding  with 
unparalleled  unanimity  on  a  form  of  govern- 
ment, for  the  security  of  their  union,  and  the 
advancement  of  their  liappiness  ;  so  his  divine 
blessing  may  be  equally  conspicuous  in  the 
enlarged  views,  the  temperate  consultations, 
and  the  wise  measures  on  which  the  success 
of  this  government  must  di^pend." 

In  their  answer  to  this  speech,  the  seuale 


♦  At  tlie  head  of  ihc  drpartiiicnt  of  state  he  placed  Mr. 
Jefferson;  al  llio  head  of  ihe  treasury,  Colonel  Haniillon 
ul  the  lira'l  of  the  war  departnieiil.  General  Knox  ;  in  ihe 
oftice  of  atlorney-eeneral,  Kilinund  Randolph  ;  at  the  head  ■ 
of  the  judicial  deparltncnl,  .Mr.  Jay.  The  associale  jus-, 
tices  were  John  Rutled<re,  of  South  Carolina,  Jnmes  WiK-' 
sou,  of  Pennsylvania,  William  Cushine,  of  Slas*aclii*» 
sells,  Kohert  Harrison,  of  Maryland  and  John  I'luir  tl 
Virginia. 


498   

oil  the  29tli  of  Si-ptember  to  the  first  Monday 
■  It  tlie  succeeding  January. 

At  the  next  session  of  Congress,  which 
commenced  in  January,  1790,  Mr.  Hamilton, 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  made  his  cele- 
brated report  upon  the  public  debts  coTitracted 
durins  the  revolutionary  war.  Taking  an 
able  and  enlarged  view  of  the  advantages  of 
public  credit,  he  recommended  that  not  only 
the  debts  of  the  continental  Congress,  but 
these  of  the  States  arising  from  their  exer- 
tions in  ihe  common  cause,  sliould  be  funded 
or  assumed  by  the  general  government ;  t^nd 
that  provision  should  be  made  for  paying  the 
interest,  '.)y  imposing  taxes  on  certain  artit  le.-i 
of  luxury,  and  on  spirits  distilled  within  the 
country.  The  report  of  the  Secretary  was 
largely  discussed,  and  with  great  force  of  ar- 
gument and  eloquence.  In  conclusion.  Con- 
gress passed  an  act  for  tlie  assumption  of  tlie 
State  debts,  and  for  funding  the  national  debt. 
By  the  provisions  of  this  act,  21,500,000  dol 
lars  of  the  State  debts  were  assumed  in  spe- 
cific proportions  ;  and  it  was  particularly 
enacted,  that  no  certificate  should  lie  received 
from  a  state  creditor  which  could  be  "  ascer- 
tained to  have  l>een  issued  for  any  purpose 
other  than  compensations  and  expenditures 
for  services  or  suj)plies  towards  the  prosecu- 
tion of  the  late  war,  and  the  defence  of  the 
United  States,  or  of  some  part  thereof,  during 
the  same."  Thus  was  the  national  debt 
funded  upon  ])rinciples  which  considerably 
lessened  the  weight  of  the  public  burdens, 
and  gave  much  satisfaction  to  the  public  cre- 
ditors. The  produce  of  the  sales  of  the  lands 
lying  in  the  western  territory,  and  the  surplus 
product  of  tlie  revenue,  after  satisfying  tlie 
appropriations  which  were  charged  upon  it, 
with  the  addition  of  two  millions  which  the 
President  was  authorized  to  borrow  at  five 
per  cent.,  constituted  a  sinking  fund  to  be 
ap])lied  to  the  reduction  of  the  debt.  The 
sfl'cct  «,f  those  measures  was  great  and  rajiid. 
Ihe  pi  rmanent  value  thus  given  to  the  debt 

t)rodu<rd  a  result  equal  to  the  most  favoura<^ 
lie  anticipations.  The  sudden  increase  of 
monied  capital  derived  from  it  invigorated 
commirce,  and  consequently  gave  a  new 
stimulus  to  pgricultiire. 

It  has  already  been  stated,  that  when  the 
new  government  was  first  organized,  but 
eleven  states  had  ratified  the  constitution. 
Afterwards  North  Carolina  and  Rhode  Island, 
tlie  two  dissenting  states,  adopted  it ;  the 
former  in  November,  1789,  the  latter  in  May, 
1790.  In  1791,  Vermont  adopted  it,  and  ap- 
plied to  Congress  to  be  admitted  into  the 
Union.  An  act  was  also  passed,  declaring 
that  the  district  of  Kentucky,  then  part  of 
Virginia,  should  be  admitted  into  the  Union 
on  the  Ist  day  of  June  in  the  succeeding  year. 

During  the  year  1790,  a  termination  was 
]>iit  to  the  war  which,  for  several  years,  had 
raged  betw(>en  the  Creek  Indians  and  the 
state  of  Cieorgia.  Pacific  overtures  were  al- 
so made  to  the  hostile  tribes  inhabiting  the 
banks  of  the  Sciota  and  the  Wabash.  These 
hi.'ing  rejected,  an  aimy  of  fourteen  hundred 
men,  commanded  by  (Jeneral  Harmar,  was 
despatch(!d  against  tncin.  Two  battles  were 
fought  coar  Chlllicotlie,  in  Ohio,  b(.'tween  suc- 
cessive detachments  from  this  army  and  the 
Indians,  in  which  the  latter  were  victorious. 
I'^Tiiboliit'ned  by  these  successes,  they  con- 
liuucd  lu  make  mure  vigorous  a'lacks  upon 


 TIISTORY   OF  THE  

the  frontier  si'ttlements,  which  suffered  all  the 
distressing  calamities  of  an  Indian  war.  Ad- 
ditional troops  were  raised,  and  the  command 
of  the  wliole,  amounting  to  nearly  two  thou- 
sand men,  was  given  to  General  St.  Clair. 
By  desertion  and  detachments,  this  force  was, 
however,  reduced  to  fourteen  hundred,  when, 
on  the  .3d  of  November,  1791,  they  encamped 
a  few  miles  from  the  villages  on  the  Miiinii. 
But  before  sunrise  the  next  morning,  just  after 
the  troops  were  dismissed  from  the  parade, 
they  were  attacked  unexpectedly  by  the  In- 
dians. The  new  levies,  who  were  in  front, 
rushed  back  in  confusion  upon  the  regulars. 
The  latter,  however,  with  great  intrepidity, 
advanced  into  the  midst  of  the  enemy,  who 
retired  from  covert  to  covert,  keeping  always 
beyond  reach,  and  again  returning  as  soon  as 
the  troops  were  recalled  from  pursuit.  At 
length,  after  a  contest  of  three  or  four  liours, 
St.  Clair,  whose  ill-health  disabled  him  from 
performing  the  active  duties  of  commander, 
determined  to  withdraw  from  the  field  the 
remnant  of  his  troops  ;  fortunately,  the  victo- 
rious Indians  preferred  the  plunder  of  the 
camp  to  pursuit,  and  the  vanquished  continued 
their  retreat  unmolested  to  the  frontier  settle- 
ments. In  this  battle,  the  numViers  engaged 
on  each  side  were  supposed  to  be  equal.  Of 
the  whites,  the  slaughter  was  almost  beyond 
example.  Six  hundred  and  thirty  were  killed 
and  missing,  and  two  hundred  and  sixty  were 
wounded — a  loss  which  proves  at  once  the 
obstinacy  of  the  defence,  and  the  bravery  of 
the  assailants.  On  receiving  information  of 
tills  disaster,  Congress,  resolving  to  prosecute 
the  war  with  increased  vigour,  made  jiro- 
vision  for  augmenting,  by  enlistment,  the  mili- 
tary force  of  the  nation  to  five  thousand  men. 

In  the  course  of  this  year  was  completed 
the  first  census  or  enumeration  of  the  inhabit- 
ants of  the  United  States.  They  amounted 
to  3,921,326,  of  which  number  695,055  were 
slaves.  The  revenue,  according  to  the  report 
of  the  secretary  of"  the  treasury,  amounted  to 
4,771,000  dollars,  the  exports  to  about  nine- 
teen, and  the  imports  to  about  twenty  mil- 
lions. A  great  improvement  in  the  circum- 
stances of  the  people  began  at  tliis  period  to 
be  visible.  The  establishment  of  a  firm  and 
regular  government,  and  confidence  in  the 
men  whom  they  had  chosen  to  administer  ii, 
gave  an  impulse  to  their  exertions  which  bore 
them  rapidly  forward  in  the  career  of  pros- 
perity. 

Pursuant  to  the  authority  contained  in  the 
several  acts  on  the  subject  of  a  permanent  seat 
of  the  government  of  the  United  Slates,  a  dis- 
trict of  ten  miles  square  for  this  purpose  was 
fixed  on,  comprehending  lands  on  both  sides 
of  the  River  Potomac,  and  the  towns  of  Alex- 
andria and  Gef)rgetown.  A  city  was  laid 
out,  and  the  sales  which  took  place  produced 
funds  for  carrying  on  the  necessary  public 
buildings. 

The  war  in  Europe  had  embraced  those 
powers  with  whom  the  United  States  had  tlie 
most  extensive  relations.  The  French  peo- 
ple r«!garded  the  Americans  as  their  brethren, 
bound  to  them  by  the  ties  of  gratitude;  and 
when  the  kings  of  Europe,  dreading  the  es- 
tablishment of  rejiubllcaiiism  in  her  borders, 
assembled  in  arms  to  restore  monarchy  to 
France,  they  looked  across  the  Atlantic  for 
sympathy  and  assistance.  The  new  govern- 
ment, n.calling  the  minister  whom  the  king 


had  appointed,  despatched  the  citi/.ei;  (ii'nf-t, 
of  ardent  temper  and  a  zealous  republican,  to 
supply  his  place.  In  April,  1793,  he  arrived 
at  ('harleston,  in  South  Carolina,  where  ho 
was  received  by  the  Governor  and  the  citi- 
zens, in  a  manner  expressive  of  their  warm 
attachment  to  his  country,  and  their  cordial 
approbation  of  the  change  of  her  institutions. 
Flattered  by  his  rece|>tion,  and  presuming 
that  the  nation  and  the  government  A'ere  ac- 
tuated by  similar  feelings,  he  undertook  to 
authorize  the  fitting  and  arming  of  vessels  in 
that  port,  enlisting  men,  and  giving  commis- 
sions to  cruise  and  commit  hostilities  on  na- 
tions with  whom  the  United  States  were  at 
peace  ;  captured  vessels  were  brought  into 
port,  and  the  consuls  of  France  assumed,  un- 
der the  authority  of  M.  Genet,  to  hold  courts 
of  admiralty  on  them,  to  try,  condemn,  and 
authorize  their  sale.  The  declaration  of  war 
made  by  France  against  Great  Britain  and 
Holland  reached  the  United  States  early  in 
the  same  month.  The  President,  regarding 
the  situation  of  these  states,  issued  his  pro- 
clamation of  neutrality  on  the  9tli  of  May.  In 
July,  he  requested  the  recall  of  M.  (lenet, 
who  was  soon  afterwards  recalled,  and  suc- 
ceeded by  M.  Fauchet. 

After  "the  defeat  of  St.  Clair  by  the  Indi- 
ans, in  1791,  General  Wayne  was  appointed 
to  command  the  American  forces.  Taking 
post  near  the  country  of  the  en^my,  lie  made 
assiduous  and  long  protracted  endeavours  to 
negotiate  a  peace.  Failing  in  these,  he  marched 
against  them  at  the  head  of  three  thousand 
men.  On  the  20th  of  August,  1794,  an  ac- 
tion took  place  in  the  vicinity  of  one  of  the 
British  garrisons,  on  the  banks  of  the  Miami 
A  rapid  and  vigorous  charge  roused  the 
savages  from  their  coverts,  and  they  were 
driven  more  than  two  miles  at  tlie  jiolnt  of  the 
bayonet.  Broken  and  dismayed,  they  HeJ 
without  renewinir  the  combat.  In  this  deci- 
sive  battle,  the  loss  of  the  Americans  in  killed 
and  wounded,  including  officers,  was  one 
hundred  and  seven.  Among  the  slain  were 
Captain  Campbell  and  Lieutenant  Fowles, 
both  of  whom  fell  in  the  first  charge.  The 
American  troops  engaged  in  the  battle  did  not 
amount  to  nine  hundred ;  the  number  of  In- 
dians was  two  thousand.  After  remaining  on 
the  banks  of  the  Miami  three  days,  during 
which  time  the  houses  and  cornfields  above 
and  below  the  fort  were  burnt.  Gen.  Wayne, 
on  the  28th,  returned  with  the  army  to  Au 
Glaize,  having  destroyed  all  the  villages  and 
corn  within  fifty  miles  of  the  river.  The  In- 
dians still  continuing  hostilities,  their  whole 
country  was  laid  waste,  and  forts  were  er<>rtej 
In  the  heart  of  their  settlements.  The  effect 
of  the  battle  of  the  20th  of  August  was  in- 
stantly and  extensively  felt.  To  the  victory 
gained  by  the  Americans  is  ascribed  the  res- 
cuo  of  the  United  States  from  a  general  w  ar 
with  the  Indians  northwest  of  the  Ohio ;  and 
its  iiiduence  is  believed  to  have  extended  to 
the  Indians  in  Georgia.  In  1795,  a  treaty 
was  ccHicluded  at  Grenville,  whicli,  long  and 
faithfully  obs<  rved,  gave  peace  and  security 
to  the  frontier  inhabitants,  permitting  tne  su- 
perabundant population  of  the  eastern  slates 
to  spread  with  astonishing  rapidity  o\cr  tin; 
fertile  region  northwest  o(  tl'e  Oiiio. 

The  year  1794  is  tlistiiigui>lied  by  ii;i  in- 
surrection in  Pi'iiiisyh  iinia.  In  171'!,  Con 
{jress  had  cacied  laws,  laying  duties  iipoo 


spirit.'.  liistilleJ  witliiri  the  UuitoJ  States,  and 
apoii  stills.  From  the  commeiicomotit  of"  the 
operation  of  these  laws,  combinations  were 
formed  in  the  four  western  counties  of  Penn- 
sylvania to  defeat  them,  and  violence  was 
repeatedly  committed.  In  July  of  tiie  pre- 
sent year,  about  one  hundred  persons,  armed 
with  guns  and  other  weapons,  attacked  llie 
house  of  an  inspector  of  the  revenue,  and 
wounded  some  persons  within  it.  They 
seized  the  marshal  of  the  district  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, who  had  been  previously  fired  on  while 
in  the  execution  of  his  duty  by  a  party  of 
armed  men,  and  compelled  liim  to  enter  into 
stipulations  to  forbear  the  execution  of  his  of- 
fice. Both  the  inspector  and  the  marshal  were 
obliged  to  fly  from  that  part  of  the  country  to 
the  seat  of  government.  These  and  many 
other  outrages  induced  President  Washing- 
ton, on  the  7th  of  August,  to  issue  a  ])rocla- 
mation,  commanding  the  insurgents  to  dis- 
perse, and  warning  all  persons  against  aiding, 
abetting,  or  comforting  the  perpetrators  of 
these  treasonal>le  acts,  and  requiring  all  offi- 
cers, and  other  citizens,  according  to  their  re- 
spective duties  and  the  laws  of  the  land,  to 
exert  their  utmost  endeavours  to  prevent  and 
suppress  such  dangerous  proceedings.  On 
tlie  25th  of  September  the  President  issued  a 
second  proclamation,  admonishing  the  insur- 
gents ;  forcibly  describing  the  obstinate  and 
perverse  spirit  with  which  the  lenient  propo- 
sitions of  the  government  had  been  received  ; 
and  declaring  his  fixed  determination,  in  obe- 
dience to  the  duty  assigned  to  him  by  tiie  con- 
stitution, "  to  take  care  that  the  laws  be  faith- 
fully executed,"  and  to  reduce  the  refractory 
to  obedietice.  Fifteen  thousand  men,  placed 
under  the  command  of  Governor  Lee,  of  A'^ir- 
ginia,  were  marched  into  the  disaffected  coun- 
ties. The  strength  of  this  army  rendering 
resistance  desperate,  none  was  offered,  and  no 
blood  was  shed.  A  few  of  the  most  active 
leaders  were  seized  and  detained  for  legal 
prosecution.  The  great  body  of  the  insur- 
gents, on  submission,  were  pardoned,  as  were 
also  the  leaders,  after  trial  and  conviction  of 
titdson.  The  government  acquired  the  re- 
spect of  the  people  by  this  exertion  of  its  force 
and  their  affection  by  this  display  of  its  lenity. 

Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  had 
each  been  incessantly  complaining  that  the 
other  had  violated  the  stipulations  contained 
in  the  treaty  of  peace.  The  former  was  ac- 
cused of  having  carried  away  negroes  at  the 
close  of  the  revolutionary  war  ;  and  of  re- 
taining in  her  possession  certain  military  posts 
situated  in  the  western  wilderness,  and  within 
the  limits  of  the  United  States.  The  latter 
were  accused  of  preventing  the  loyalists  from 
regaining  possession  of  their  estates,  and 
British  subjects  from  recovering  debts  con- 
tracted before  the  commencement  of  hostili- 
ties. For  the  purpose  of  adjusting  these  mu- 
tual complaints,  and  also  for  concluding  a 
commercial  treaty,  Mr.  Adams  had  been  ap- 

Sointed,  in  1785,  minister  to  the  court  of  St. 
ames  ;  the  British  ministry  then  declined  ne- 
gotiating on  the  subject;  but  after  the  consti- 
tution of  1789  was  ratified,  ministers  were 
interchanged,  and  the  discussion  was  prose- 
cuted with  no  little  zeal.  In  1794,  Mr.  Jay 
be'.ng  then  minister  from  the  United  States,  a 
treaty  was  concluded,  which,  in  the  spring  of 
the  next  year,  was  laid  befi)rc  the  Senate. 
That  body  advised  the  President  to  ratify  it, 


 UxNITED  STATES.  

on  condition  that  an  alteration  should  be  made 
in  one  of  the  articles.  The  democratic  party, 
however,  exclaimed  in  intemperate  language 
against  most  of  the  stipulations  it  contained  ; 
and  the  partisans  of  F ranee  swelled  the  cry  of" 
condemnation.  Public  meetings  were  held 
in  various  parts  of  the  Union,  at  which  reso- 
lutions were  passed  expressing  warm  disap- 
probation of  the  treaty,  and  an  earnest  wish 
that  the  President  would  withhold  his  ratifi- 
cation. General  Washington,  believing  that 
an  adjustment  of  differences  would  conduce 
to  the  prosperity  of  the  republic,  and  that  the 
treaty  before  him  was  the  best  that  could,  at 
that  time,  be  obtained,  gave  it  his  assent,  in 
defiance  of  popular  clamour,  and  issued  his 
proclamation  stating  its  ratification,  and  de- 
claring it  to  be  the  law  of  the  land.  The  pre- 
dominant party  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives expressed  surprise  that  this  proclama- 
tion should  be  issued  before  the  sense  of  the 
House  was  taken  on  the  subject,  as  they  de- 
nied the  power  of  the  President  and  Senate 
to  complete  a  treaty  without  their  sanction. 
In  March,  a  resolution  passed,  requesting  the 
President  "  to  lay  before  the  House  a  copy  of 
the  instructions  to  the  minister  of  the  United 
States,  who  negotiated  the  treaty  with  the 
king  of  Great  Britain  communicated  by  his 
message  of  the  1st  of  March,  together  with 
the  correspondence  and  other  documents  rela- 
tive to  the  said  treaty,  excepting  such  of  the 
said  papers  as  any  existing  negotiation  mav 
render  improper  to  be  disclosed."  This  re- 
solve placed  the  President  in  a  situation  of 
high  responsibility.  He  knew  that  the  ma- 
jority of  the  House  entertained  the  opinion 
that  a  treaty  was  not  valid  until  they  had 
acted  upon  it.  To  oppose,  in  a  government 
constituted  like  that  of  the  United  States,  the 
popular  branch  of  the  Legislature,  would  be 
attended  with  hazard,  and  subject  him  to 
much  censure  and  abuse ;  but  considerations 
of  this  nature  make  but  weak  impressions  on 
a  mind  supremely  solicitous  to  promote  the 
public  interest.  Upon  the  most  mature  de- 
liberation, the  President  conceived  that  to 
grant  this  request  of  the  House  would  estab- 
lish a  false  and  dangerous  principle  in  the  di- 
plomatic transactions  of  the  nation,  and  he 
gave  a  denial  to  their  request  in  an  answer 
eminent  for  mildness,  firmness,  and  perspicu- 
ity, which  concluded  with  the  following  brief 
recapitulation  of  the  argument  :  "  As,  there- 
fore, it  is  perfectly  clear  to  my  understanding 
that  the  assent  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives is  not  necessary  to  the  validity  of  a 
treaty ;  as  the  treaty  with  Great  Britain 
exhll)its  in  itself  all  the  objects  requiring  le- 
gislative provision,  and  on  these  the  papers 
called  for  can  throw  no  light;  and  as  it  is  es- 
sential to  the  due  administration  of  the  govern- 
ment, that  the  boundaries  fixed  by  the  consti- 
tution between  the  different  departments 
should  be  preserved  ;  a  just  regard  to  the 
constitution,  and  to  the  duty  of  my  oflSce,  un- 
der all  the  circumstances  of  this  case,  forbid 
a  compliance  with  your  request." 

A  resolution  moved  in  the  House  to  make 
the  necessary  appropriations  to  carry  the  Bri- 
tish treaty  into  effect,  excited  among  the  mem- 
bers the  strongest  emotions,  and  gave  rise  to 
speeches  highly  argumentative,  eloquent,  and 
animated.  The  debate  was  protracted  until 
the  people  took  up  the  subject.  In  their  re- 
spective corporations,  meetings  were  held,  the 


 499 

strength  of  parti(!3  was  fully  tried,  an(i  it 
clearly  aj)peared  that  the  great  majority  were 
disposed  to  rally  around  th<j  Executive.  In- 
numerable petitions  were  presented  to  Con- 
gress, praying  them  to  make  tlie  requisite 
ap[)r()priations.  Unwilling  to  take  upon  them- 
selves the  consequences  of  resisting  the  pub- 
lic will,  they  yielded  to  tliis  call. 

The  conduct  of  Spain  towards  the  United 
States  had  always  been  cold  and  unfriendly. 
She  feared  lest  the  principles  of  liberty  and 
the  desire  of  independence  should  find  their 
way  into  her  contiguous  American  provinces. 
At  length,  becoming  involved  in  a  war  with 
France,  embarrassed  at  home,  and  intimi- 
dated by  the  unauthorized  preparations  which, 
under  the  auspices  of  Genet,  were  making  in 
Kentucky  to  invade  Louisiana,  she  intimated 
her  readiness  to  conclude  a  satisfactory  treaty, 
should  an  envoy  extraordinary  be  sent  to 
Madrid  for  that  purpose.  Thomas  Pinckncy 
was  accordingly  appointed.  In  October, 
1795,  a  treaty  was  signed,  securing  to  the  citi- 
zens of  the  United  States  tlie  free  navigation 
of  the  Mississippi  to  the  ocean,  and  the  priv.i- 
lege  of  landing  and  depositing  cargoes  at 
New  Orleans. 

During  this  year  also  a  treaty  was  con- 
cluded with  the  regency  of  Algiers,  with 
which  the  republic  was  previously  at  war.  It 
stipulated  that  the  United  States,  in  con- 
formity with  the  practice  of  other  nations, 
should,  as  the  price  of  peace,  pay  an  annual 
tribute  to  the  sovereign  of  that  country. 

The  last  two  or  three  years  had  witnessed 
several  changes  in  the  important  oflices  of  the 
nation.  On  the  first  day  of  the  ycur  1794, 
Mr.  Jefferson  resigned  the  ofhce  oi  secretary 
of  state,  and  was  succeeded  by  Mr.  Ran- 
dolph. He  had  perfi)rmed  the  duties  of  that 
office  with  extraordinary  ability,  and  to  the 
entire  satisfaction  of  the  President.  He  was 
considered  the  leader  of  the  republican  party, 
enjoying  their  highest  confidence  and  warm- 
est attachment.  On  the  last  day  of  January, 
1795,  Mr.  Hamilton  retired  from  the  office  o' 
secretary  of  the  treasury.  He  possessed  dis- 
tinguished talents,  and  had  exerted  those  ta- 
lents to  establish  order  where  all  was  confu 
sion.  and  to  raise  from  the  lowest  depression 
the  credit  of  the  country.  His  complete  suc- 
cess greatly  exalted  his  reputation,  and  to 
him  the  federalists  felt  a  sincerity  of  attach- 
ment equalled  only  by  that  entertained  for 
Washington.  He  was  peculiarly  obnoxious 
to  the  republican  party,  and  was  accused  by 
them  of  partiality  to  England,  and  of  miscon- 
duct in  office.  After  the  closest  scrutiny,  his 
official  character  was  acknowledged,  by  his 
enemies,  to  be  without  stain.  He  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Oliver  Wolcott.  At  the  close  of 
the  year  1794,  General  Knox  resigned  the 
office  of  secretary  of  war,  and  Colonel  Pick- 
ering, of  Massachusetts,  was  appointed  in  his 
place.  In  August  Mr.  Randolph,  having  lost 
the  confidence  of  the  President,  and  having 
in  consequence  retired  from  the  administca 
tion,  Mr.  Pickering  was  appointed  his  sue 
cessor  in  the  department  of  state,  and  James 
M'Henry,  of  Maryland,  was  made  secretary 
of  war.  No  republican  being  now  at  the  head 
of  any  of  the  departments,  many  of  the  lead 
ers  of  that  party  withd'-ew  their  support  from 
the  administration  ;  but  the  confidence  of"  the 
jieojile  in  the  integrity  and  patriotism  of  tbn  Pre- 
sident exjierienccd  not  the  slightest  abatement. 


600 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


The  conduct  adopted  by  France  towards 
tlie  American  republic  continued  to  be  a 
source  of  vexation.  M.  Faucliet  charged  the 
adniinistraiion  with  sentiments  of  hostility  to 
the  allies  of  the  United  States,  with  partiality 
for  their  former  foes,  and  urged  the  adoption 


regular  deliberation  and  action  of  the  consti- 
tuted authorities,  he  wished  also  to  guard 
against  the  spirit  of  innovation  upon  the  prin- 
ci[)les  of  the  constitution.  Aware  that  the 
energy  of  the  system  might  be  enfeebled  by 
alterations,  lie  thought  that  no  cliange  should 


of  a  course  more  favourable  to  the  cause  of  be  made  without  an  evident  necessity  ;  and 


liberty.  Mr.  Morris,  the  minister  to  Paris, 
/laving  incurred  the  dis[)lcasure  of  those  in 
power,  was  recalled  at  their  request,  and  his 
place  supplied  by  Mr.  Monroe.  Being  an 
..rdent  republican,  he  was  received  in  the 
most  respectful  manner  by  the  convention, 
who  decreed  that  the  flags  of  the  two  repub- 
lics, entwined  together,  should  be  suspended 
in  the  legislative  hall,  as  a  mark  of  their  eter- 
nal union  and  friendship.  M.  Adet  was  ap- 
pointed soon  after  to  succeed  M.  Fauchet. 
He  brought  with  him  the  colours  of  France, 
wl'.ich  hQ  was  instructed  by  the  convention  to 
present  to  the  Congress  of  the  United  States. 
They  were  received  by  the  President  with 
extraordinary  ceremonies,  transmitted  to  Con- 
gress, and  afterwards  deposited  in  the  national 
archives.  But  France  required  of  the  United 
States  more  than  professions  and  hopes,  and 
nir)re  than  by  treaty  she  was  entitled  to  claim. 
She  wished  to  make  them  a  party  in  the  war 
she  was  waging  with  the  despots  of  Europe. 
Failing  in  this,  and  jealous  of  the  more  inti- 
mate relations  contracted  with  her  principal 
enemy,  England,  she  adopted  regulations 
lighly  injurious  to  American  commerce,  di- 
recting her  cruisers  to  capture  in  certain  cases 
the  vessels  of  the  United  States.  In  conse- 
.pience  of  these  regulations,  several  hundred 
vessels,  loaded  with  valuable  cargoes,  were 
taken  while  prosecuting  a  lawful  trade,  and 
:lic  whole  confiscated.  Believing  that  tlie 
rights  of  the  nation  were  not  asserted  and 
vindicated  with  sufiicient  spirit  by  Mr.  Mon- 
roe, the  President  recalled  him,  and  Charles 
C.  Pinckney,  of  South  Carolina,  was  ap- 
pointed in  his  stead.  In  the  summer  of  1796, 
he  left  the  United  States,  instructed  to  use 
every  effort  compatible  with  national  honour, 
to  restore  the  amicable  relations  which  had 
once  subsisted  between  the  sister  republics. 

As  the  period  for  a  new  election  of  a  Prcsi- 
d(!nt  of  the  United  States  approached,  after 
plain  indications  thai  the  public  voice  would 
be  in  his  favour,  and  when  he  probably  would 
have  been  chosen  for  the  third  time  unani- 
mously, Washington  determined  irrevocably 
to  withdraw  to  the  seclusion  of  private  life. 
He  published,  in  September,  1796,  a  fare- 
well address  to  the  }>eople  of  the  United 
States,  which  ought  to  be  engraven  upon  the 
hearts  of  his  countrymen.  In  the  most  ear- 
nest and  affectionate  manner  he  called  upon 
thetn  to  cherish  an  immoveable  attachment  to 
the  national  union,  to  watch  for  its  jireserva- 
tion  with  jealous  anxiety,  to  discountenance 
even  the  suggestion  that  it  could  in  any  event 
be  abandoned,  and  indignantly  to  frown  upon 
the  first  dawning  of  every  attempt  to  alienate 
any  portion  of  the  country  from  the  rest. 
Overgrown  military  establishments  he  repre- 
lented  as  particularly  hostile  to  i-epublican 
/iberty.  While  he  recommended  the  most 
implicit  obedience  to  the  acts  of  the  estab- 
liched  government,  and  reprobated  all  ob- 
«Crucli<ins  to  the  execution  of  the  laws,  all 
combinations  and  associations,  under  what- 
rvor  plausible  character,  with  the  r?al  design 
u)  direct,  control,  counteract,  or  o-'^-awc  the 


that,  in  so  extensive  a  country,  as  much  vigour 
as  is  consistent  with  liberty  was  indispensa- 
ble. On  the  other  hand,  he  pointed  out  the 
danger  of  a  real  despotism,  by  breaking  down 
the  partitions  between  the  several  depart- 
ments of  government,  by  destroying  the  re- 
ciprocal checks,  and  consolidating  the  differ- 
ent powers.  Against  the  spirit  of  party,  so 
peculiarly  baneful  in  an  elective  government, 
he  uttered  his  most  solemn  remonstrances,  as 
well  as  against  inveterate  antipathies  or  pas- 
sionate attachments  in  respect  to  foreign  na- 
tions. While  he  thought  that  the  jealousy  of 
a  free  people  ought  to  be  constantly  and  im- 
partially awake  against  the  wiles  of  foreign 
influence,  he  wished  that  good  faith  and  jus- 
tice should  be  observed  towards  all  nations, 
and  peace  and  harmony  cultivated.  In  his 
opinion,  honesty,  no  less  in  public  than  in  pri- 
vate affairs,  was  always  the  best  policy.  Pro- 
vidence, he  believed,  had  connected  the  per- 
manent felicity  of  a  nation  with  its  virtue. 
Other  subjects  to  which  he  alluded,  were  the 
importance  of  credit,  of  economy,  of  a  reduc- 
tion of  the  public  debt,  and  of  literary  institu- 
tions ;  aVjove  all,  he  recommended  religion  and 
morality  as  indispensably  necessary  to  politi- 
cal prosperity.  This  address  to  the  people 
of  the  United  States  was  received  with  the 
highest  veneration  and  gratitude.  Several  of 
the  state  legislatures  ordered  it  to  be  put  upon 
their  journals,  and  every  citizen  considered  ii, 
as  the  legacy  of  tlie  most  distinguished  Ameri- 
can patriot. 

On  the  7th  of  December,  1796,  the  Presi- 
dent for  the  last  time  met  the  national  legis- 
lature. In  his  speech,  after  taking  a  view  of 
the  situation  of  the  United  States,  resardl<?ss 
of  opposition  and  censure,  he  recon^mended 
the  attention  of  Congress  to  those  measures 
which  he  deemed  essential  to  national  inde- 
pendence, honour,  and  prosperity.  On  the 
4th  of  March,  1797,  he  attended  the  inaugu- 
ration of  his  successor  in  office.  Great  sensi- 
l)ility  was  manifested  by  the  members  of  the 
Legislature  and  other  distinguished  charac- 
ters when  he  entered  the  Senate  chamber, 
and  much  admiration  exjiressed  at  the  com- 
])lacence  and  delight  he  manifested  at  seeing 
another  clothed  with  the  authority  with  which 
he  had  himself  been  invested.  Having  paid 
his  affectionate  compliments  to  Mr.  Adams, 
as  president  of  the  United  States,  he  bade 
adieu  to  the  seat  of  government,  and  hastened 
to  the  delights  of  domestic  life.  He  intended 
that  his  journey  should  have  been  private,  but 
the  attenqit  was  vain  ;  the  same  affectionate 
and  respeclful  attentions  were  on  this  orra- 
sion  paid  him  which  he  had  received  during 
his  presidency.  In  his  retirement  at  Mount 
Vernon  he  gave  the  world  the  glorious  exam- 
))le  of  a  man  voluntarily  disrobing  himself  of 
the  highest  authority,  and  returning  to  pri- 
vate life,  with  a  character  having  upon  it  no 
stain  of  ambition,  of  covetousness,  of  profu- 
sion, of  luxury,  of  oppression,  or  of  injustice  ; 
while  it  was  adorned  with  the  presence  of 
virtues  and  graces,  brilliant  alike  in  the  shade 
of  retirement  and  in  the  glare  of  public  life. 


CHAPTER  XX.. 

THE    ADMINISTRATION    OF   JOHN    ADAMS  AND 
JEFKERSOX. 

Whf.n  the  determination  of  Washington 
not  again  to  accept  of  the  presidentship  left 
open  the  high  office  to  the  competition  of  the 
k«ders  of  the  great  political  ])ariies,  no  exer- 
tion was  spared  throughout  the  Union  to  give 
success  to  their  respective  claims.  The  fede- 
ralists, desiring  that  the  system  of  measures 
adopted  by  Washington  should  be  pursued, 
and  dreading  the  influence  of  French  senti- 
ments and  principles,  made  the  most  active 
eflfbrts  to  elect  John  Adams.  The  re^iubli- 
cans,  believing  their  opponents  less  friendly 
than  themselves  to  the  maxims  of  liberty,  and 
too  much  devoted  to  the  British  nation  and  to 
British  institutions,  made  equal  exertions  to 
elect  Thomas  Jefferson.  The  result  was  the 
choice  of  Mr.  Adams  to  be  President,  and  Mr. 
Jefferson  to  be  Vice-President. 

The  President  was  inaugurated  on  the  4th 
day  of  March,  and  made  the  following  speech : 

"  When  it  was  first  perceived,  in  early 
times,  that  no  middle  course  for  America  re- 
mained, between  unlimited  submission  to  a 
foreign  Legislature  and  a  total  inde]iendence 
of  its  claims;  men  of  reflection  were  less  ap- 
prehensive of  danger  from  the  formidable 
power  of  fleets  and  armies  they  must  deter- 
mine to  resist,  than  from  those  contests  and 
dissensions,  which  would  certainly  arise,  con- 
cerning the  forms  of  government  to  be  iiisti- 
.uted  over  the  whole,  and  over  the  parts  of 
this  extensive  country.  Relying,  however, 
on  the  purity  of  their  intentions,  the  justice  of 
their  cause,  and  the  integrity  and  intelligence 
of  the  people,  under  an  overruling  Provi- 
dence, which  had  so  signally  protected  this 
country  from  the  first ;  the  representatives  of 
this  nation,  then  consisting  of  little  more  than 
half  its  present  numl)ers,  not  only  broke  to 
pieces  the  chains  which  were  forging,  and  the 
rod  of  iron  that  was  lifted  up,  and  frankly  cut 
asunder  the  ties  which  had  bound  them,  and 
launched  into  an  ocean  of  uncertainty. 

"  The  zeal  and  ardour  of  the  people  during 
the  revolutionary  war,  supplying  the  place  of 
government,  commanded  a  degree  of  order, 
sufficient  at  least  fer  the  temporary  jireserva- 
tion  of  society.  The  confederation,  which 
was  early  felt  to  be  necessary,  was  jirejiared 
from  the  models  of  the  Batavian  and  Helve- 
tic confederacies,  the  only  examples  which 
remain,  with  any  iletaii  and  precisi(ui,  in  his- 
tory, and  certainly  the  only  ones,  which  the 
people  at  large  had  ever  considered.  But. 
reflecting  on  the  striking  difference,  in  ^o 
many  particulars,  between  this  country  and 
those,  where  a  courier  may  go  from  the  seat 
of  government  to  the  frontier  in  a  single  day, 
it  was  then  certainly  foreseen  by  some,  who 
assisted  in  Congress  at  the  formation  of"  it, 
that  it  could  not  be  durable. 

"  Negligence  of  its  regulations,  inattention 
to  its  recommendations,  if  not  disobedience  fa 
its  authority,  not  only  in  individuals,  but  ir. 
states,  soon  appeared  with  their  melancholy 
consequences ;  universal  lansruor,  jealousies, 
rivalries  of  states;  decline  of  navigHti(>n  and 
commerce;  discoun.trenn'nt  of  necessary  mar  j- 
factures;  universal  full  in  the  value  of  Uiids 


UNITED  STATES. 


6D1 


and  their  produce;  contetiipt  of  public  and 
private  f'ailh  ;  loss  of  consideration  and  credit 
with  Ibreign  nations;  and  at  length,  in  dis- 
contents, animosirie^s,  combinations,  piirtial 
conventions,  and  insurrection,  threatening 
some  great  national  calamity. 

"  In  this  dangerous  crisis,  the  people  of 
America  were  not  abandoned  hy  their  usual 
good  sense,  presence  of  mind,  resolution,  or 
integrity.  Measures  were  pursued  to  concert 
a  plan,  to  form  a  more  perfect  union,  estab- 
lish justice,  insure  domestic  tranquillity,  pro- 
vide for  the  common  defence,  promote  the 
general  welfare,  and  secure  the  blessings  of 
liberty.  The  public  disquisition,  discussions, 
and  deliberations,  issued  in  the  present  happy 
constitution  of  government. 

"  Emjiloyed  in  the  service  of  my  country 
abroad  during  the  whole  course  of  these 
transactions,  I  first  saw  the  constitution  of 
the  United  States  in  a  foreign  country.  Irri- 
tated by  no  literary  altercation,  animated  by  no 
public  debate,  heated  by  no  party  animosity, 
I  read  it  with  great  satisfaction,  as  tlie  result 
of  good  heads,  prompted  by  good  hearts  ;  as 
an  experiment,  better  adapted  to  the  genius, 
character,  situation,  and  relations  of  this  na- 
tion and  country,  than  any  which  had  ever 
been  proposed  or  suggested.  In  its  general 
principles  and  great  outlines,  it  was  conform- 
able to  such  a  system  of  government  as  I  had 
ever  most  esteemed ;  and  in  some  states,  my 
own  native  state  in  particular,  had  contributed 
to  establish.  Claiming  a  right  of  suffrage  in 
common  with  my  fellow  citizens  in  the  adop- 
tion or  rejection  of  a  constitution,  which  vvas 
to  rule  me  and  my  posterity,  as  well  as  them 
and  theirs,  I  did  not  hesitate  to  express  my 
approbation  of  it  on  all  occasions,  in  public 
and  in  private.  It  was  not  then  nor  has  been 
since  any  objection  to  it,  in  my  mind,  that  the 
Executive  and  Senate  were  not  more  perma- 
nent. Nor  have  I  entertained  a  thoutjht  of 
promoting  any  alteration  in  it,  but  such  as  tlie 
pei)ple  themselves,  in  the  course  of  their  ex- 
perience, should  see  and  feel  to  be  necessary 
or  expedient,  and  by  their  representatives  in 
Congress  and  the  state  legislatures,  accord- 
ing to  the  constitution  itself,  adopt  and  or- 
dain. 

"  Returning  to  the  bosom  of  iny  country, 
after  a  painful  separation  from  it  for  ten  years, 
1  had  the  honour  to  be  elected  to  a  station 
Under  the  new  order  of  things,  and  I  have 
repeatedly  laid  myself  under  the  most  serious 
obligations  to  support  the  constitution.  The 
operation  of  it  has  equalled  the  most  sanguine 
expectations  of  its  friends  ;  and  from  an  ha- 
bitual attention  to  it,  satisfaction  in  its  ad- 
ministration, and  delight  in  its  effects  upon  the 
peace,  order,  prosperity,  and  happiness  of  the 
nation,  I  have  acquired  an  habitual  attachment 
to  it,  and  veneration  for  it. 

"  What  other  form  of  government,  indeed, 
can  so  well  deserve  our  esteem  and  love  1 

"  There  may  be  ]>ule  solidity  in  an  ancient 
idea,  that  congregate  s  of  men  into  cities  and 
nations  are  the  most  pleasing  objects  in  tlie 
sight  of  superior  intelligences  :  but  this  is  very 
certain,  that  to  a  benevolent  human  mind 
there  can  be  no  spectacle  presented  by  any 
nation,  more  pleasing,  more  noble,  majestic, 
or  august,  than  an  assembly  like  that,  which 
has  so  often  been  seen  in  this  and  the  other 
chamber  of  Congress — of  a  government,  in 
which  tiie  executive  authority,  as  well  as  that 


of  all  the  branches  of  the  Legislature,  are 
exercised  V^y  citizens  selected  at  regular  pe- 
riods by  their  neighbours,  to  make  and  exe- 
cute laws  for  the  general  gooil.  Can  any 
thing  essential,  any  thing  more  than  mere  or- 
nament and  decoration,  be  added  to  this  by 
robes  or  diamonds  ]  Can  authority  bo  more 
amiable  or  respectable,  when  it  descends  from 
accidents  or  institutions  established  in  remote 
antiquity,  than  when  it  springs  fresh  from  llic 
hearts  and  judgments  of  an  honest  and  en- 
lightened ])eople  ?  For,  it  is  the  people  only 
that  are  represented  :  it  is  their  power  and 
majesty  that  is  reflected,  and  only  for  their 
good,  in  every  legitimate  government,  under 
whatever  form  it  may  appear.  The  exist- 
ence of  such  a  government  as  ours  for  any 
length  of  time,  is  a  full  proof  of  a  general  dis- 
semination of  knowledge  and  virtue  through- 
out the  whole  body  of  the  people.  And 
what  object  of  consideration,  more  pleasing 
than  this,  can  be  presented  to  the  human 
mind  ?  If  national  pride  is  ever  justifiable  or 
excusable,  it  is  when  it  springs,  not  from 
power  or  riches,  grandeur  or  glory,  but  from 
conviction  of  national  innocence,  information, 
and  benevolence. 

"  In  the  midst  of  these  pleasing  ideas,  we 
should  be  unfaithful  to  ourselves,  if  we  should 
ever  lose  sight  of  the  danger  to  our  liberties, 
if  any  thing  partial  or  extraneous  should  in- 
fect the  purity  of  our  free,  fair,  virtuous  and 
independent  elections.  If  an  election  is  to  be 
determined  by  a  majority  of  a  single  vote, 
and  that  can  be  procured  by  a  party  through 
artifice  or  corruption,  the  government  may  be 
the  choice  of  a  party,  for  its  own  ends,  not  of 
the  nation  for  the  national  good.  If  that  soli- 
tary sufl"rage  can  be  obtained  by  foreign  na- 
tions, by  flattery  or  menaces,  by  fraud  or  vio- 
lence, by  terror,  intrigue,  or  venality ;  the 
government  may  not  be  the  choice  of  the 
American  people,  but  of  foreign  nations.  It 
may  be  foreign  nations  who  govern  us,  and 
not  we,  the  people,  who  govern  ourselves  : 
and  candid  men  will  acknowledge,  that  in 
such  cases,  choice  would  have  little  advantage 
to  boast  of,  over  lot  or  chance. 

"  Such  is  the  amiable  and  interesting  sys- 
tem of  government,  (and  such  are  some  of  the 
abuses  to  which  it  may  be  exposed,)  which 
the  people  of  America  have  exhibited  to  the 
admiration  and  anxiety  of  the  wise  and  virtu- 
ous of  all  nations  for  eight  years  ;  under  the 
administration  of  a  citizen  who,  by  a  long 
course  of  great  actions,  regulated  by  pru- 
dence, justice,  temperance,  and  fortitude, 
conducting  a  people  Inspired  with  the  same 
virtues,  and  animated  with  the  same  ardent 
patriotism  and  love  of  liberty,  to  independ- 
ence and  peace,  to  increasing  wealth  and  un- 
exampled prosperity,  has  merited  the  grati- 
tude of  his  fellow  citizens,  commanded  the 
highest  praises  of  foreign  nations,  and  se- 
cured immortal  glory  with  posterity. 

"  In  that  retirement,  which  is  his  voluntary 
choice,  may  he  long  live  to  enjoy  the  delicious 
recollection  of  his  services,  the  gratitude  of 
mankind  ;  the  happy  fruits  of  them  to  him- 
self and  the  world,  which  are  daily  increasing, 
and  that  splendid  prospect  of  tlie  future  for- 
tunes of  his  country,  which  is  opening  from 
year  to  year.  His  name  may  be  still  a  ram- 
part, and  the  knowledge  'hat  he  lives,  a  bul- 
wark against  all  open  or  secret  enemies  of  his 
country's  peace. 


"  This  example  has  been  rccommendud  tn 
the  imitation  of  his  successors,  by  botli  Housea 
of  Congress,  and  by  the  vf)icc  of  the  legisla- 
tures and  the  people,  throughout  the  nation. 

"On  this  subject  it  might  become  me  bette« 
to  be  silent,  or  to  s])eak  with  diHidence  ;  but, 
as  something  may  be  expected,  th(!  occasion 
I  hope,  will  be  admitted  as  an  apology,  if  I 
venture  to  say,  that,  if  a  preference,  upon 
principle,  of  a  free  republican  government, 
formed  upon  long  and  serious  reflection,  after 
a  diligent  and  impartial  Inquiry  after  truth  ;  if 
an  attachment  to  the  constitution  of  the  Unittjd 
States,  and  a  conscientious  determination  to 
support  it,  until  it  shall  be  altered  by  the 
judgments  and  wishes  of  the  people,  ex- 
pressed in  the  mode  prescriV>ed  in  it ;  if  a  re- 
sjiectful  attention  to  the  constitutions  of  the 
individual  states,  and  a  constant  caution  and 
delicacy  towards  the  state  governments ;  if 
an  equal  and  impartial  regard  to  the  rights. 
Interests,  honour,  and  liappiness  of  all  the 
states  in  the  Union,  without  preference  or  re- 
gard to  a  northern  or  southern,  eastern  or 
western  position,  their  various  ])olitical  opi- 
nions on  essential  points,  or  their  personal  at- 
tachments; If  a  love  of  virtuous  men  of  all 
parties  and  denominations  ;  if  a  love  of  sci- 
ence and  letters,  and  a  wish  to  patronize  every 
rational  effort  to  encourage  schools,  colleges, 
universities,  academies,  and  every  institution 
for  propagating  knowledge,  virtue,  and  reli- 
gion, among  all  classes  of  the  people,  not  only 
for  their  Ijenign  influence  on  the  hapjilness  of 
life,  in  all  Its  stages  and  classes,  and  of  society 
in  all  its  forms,  but,  as  the  only  means  of  pre- 
serviner  our  constitution  from  its  natural  ene- 
mies,  the  spirit  of  sophistry,  the  spirit  of  party, 
the  spirit  of  intrigue,  profligacy,  and  corrup- 
tion, and  the  pestilence  of  foreign  influence, 
which  is  the  angel  of  destruction  to  elective 
governments  ;  if  a  love  of  equal  laws,  of  jus- 
'ice  and  humanity,  in  the  interior  administra- 
tion ;  if  an  inclination  to  improve  agriculture 
commerce,  and  manufactures,  for  necessity, 
convenience,  and  defence;  if  a  spirit  of  equi- 
ty and  humanity  towards  the  aboriginal  na- 
tions of  America,  and  a  disposition  to  melio 
rate  their  condition,  by  Inclining  them  to  be 
more  friendly  to  us,  and  our  citizens  to  be 
more  friendly  to  them;  if  an  inflexible  deter- 
mination to  maintain  peace  and  inviolable 
faith  with  all  nations,  and  that  system  of  neu- 
trality and  impartiality  among  the  belligerent 
powers  of  Europe,  which  has  been  adopted 
by  the  governmetit,  and  sp  solemnly  sanc- 
tioned by  both  Houses  of  Congress,  and  ap- 
plauded by  the  legislatures  of  the  states  and 
the  public  opinion,  until  it  shall  be  otherwise 
ordained  by  Congress  ;  if  a  personal  esteem 
for  the  French  nation,  formed  in  a  residence 
of  seven  years  chiefly  among  them,  and  a  sin- 
cere desire  to  preserve  tlie  friendship,  which 
has  been  so  much  for  the  honour  and  Interest 
of  both  nations;  if,  while  the  conscious  honour 
and  Integrity  of  the  peoi)le  of  America,  and 
the  internal  sentiment  of  their  own  power  and 
energies  must  be  preserved,  an  earnest  en- 
deavour to  investigate  every  just  cause,  and 
remove  every  colourable  pretence  of  com- 
plaint ;  if  an  intention  to  nursue,  by  amicable 
negotiation,  a  re])aration  for  the  injuries  that 
have  been  committed  on  the  commerce  of  our 
fellow  citizens,  by  whatever  nation  ;  and  it 
success  cannot  be  obtained,  to  lay  the  facta 
before  the  Legislature,  that  they  may  coo- 


sider  w  hat  fiirih«r  jneasu'es  the  honour  and  I 
ifiteri'st  of  the  government  and  its  constitu- 
ents demand  ;  if  a  resolution  to  do  justice,  as  I 
far  as  may  depend  upon  me,  at  all  times,  and 
to  all  nations,  and  maintain  peace,  friendship, 
and  benevolence,  with  all  the  world  ;  if  an 
unshaken  confidence  in  the  honour,  spirit,  and 
■/-esources  of  the  American  people,  on  which 
I  have  so  often  hazarded  my  all,  and  never 
been  deceived  ;  if  elevated  ideas  of  the  high 
destinies  of  this  country,  and  of  my  own  du- 
ties towards  it,  founded  on  a  knowledge  of 
the  moral  principles  and  intellectual  improve- 
ments of  the  people,  deeply  engraven  on  my 
mind  in  early  life,  and  not  obscured  l)ut  ex- 
alted by  experience  and  age  ;  and  with  hum- 
ble reverence  I  feel  it  my  duty  to  add — if  a 
veneration  for  the  religion  of  a  people,  who 
profess  and  call  themselves  Christians,  and  a 
fixed  resolution  to  consider  a  decent  respect 
for  Christianity  among  the  best  recommenda- 
tions for  the  public  service,  can  enable  me,  in 
anv  degree,  to  comply  with  your  wishes,  it 
shall  be  my  strenuous  endeavour,  that  this  sa- 
gacious injunction  of  the  two  Houses  shall  not 
be  without  effect. 

"  With  this  great  example  before  me  ;  with 
the  sense  and  spirit,  the  faith  and  honour,  the 
duty  and  interest  of  the  same  American  peo- 
ple, pledged  to  support  the  constitution  of  the 
United  States,  I  entertain  no  doubt  of  its  con- 
tinuance in  all  its  energy  ;  and  my  mind  is 
prepared,  without  hesitation,  to  lay  myself 
under  the  most  solemn  obligations  to  support 
it,  to  the  utmost  of  my  power. 

"  And  may  that  Being,  who  is  supreme 
over  ail,  the  patron  of  order,  the  fountain  of 
justice,  and  the  protector,  in  all  ages  of  the 
world,  of  virtuous  liberty,  continue  his  bless- 
mg  upon  this  nation  and  its  government,  and 
give  it  all  possible  success  and  duration,  con- 
sistent with  the  ends  of  his  providence." 

Mr.  Pinrkney  had  been  appointed  mini- 
ster plenipotentiary  to  the  French  republic  in 
1796.  The  olyect  of  his  mission  was  stated, 
in  his  letter  of  credence,  to  be,  "  to  maintain 
that  good  understand. ng  which,  from  the 
commencement  of  the  alliance,  had  subsisted 
between  the  two  nations  ;  and  to  efface  un- 
favourable imjiressions,  banish  suspicions,  and 
restore  that  cordiality  which  was  at  once  the 
evidence  and  pledge  of  a  friendly  union."  On 
inspecting  his  letter  of  credence,  the  directory 
announced  to  him  their  determination  "  not  to 
receive  another  minister  plenipotentiary  from 
the  United  States,  until  after  the  redress  of 
grievances  demanded  of  the  American  govern- 
ment, which  the  French  republic  had  a  right 
to  expect  from  it."  The  American  minister 
was  afterward  obliged,  by  a  written  mandate, 
to  (|iiit  the  territories  of  the  French  republic. 
Besides  other  hostile  indications,  American 
vessels  were  captured  wherever  found  ;  and, 
under  the  pretext  of  their  wanting  a  docu- 
ment, with  which  the  treaty  of  commerce  had 
been  uniformly  understood  to  dispense,  tliey 
were  condemned  as  prizes. 

In  consequence  of  this  serious  state  of  the 
relations  with  France,  the  Presidcint,  by  pro- 
clamation, summoned  Congress  to  meet  on 
the  \5th  of  June;  when,  in  a  firm  and  digni- 
fied speech,  he  stated  the  gri'at  and  unpro- 
voked outrages  of  the  French  governnn!nt. 
Having  mentioned  a  disposition  indicated  in 
the  executive  directory  lo  separate  the  people 
of  America  from  their  government,  "  such  at- 


 HISTORY  OF  THE  

I  tempts,"  li(!  added,  "  ouglit  to  be  repelled 
with  a  decision  which  shall  convince  France 
!  antl  all  the  world  that  we  are  not  a  di-graded 
people,  humiliated  under  a  colonial  spirit  of 
fear  and  sense  of  inferiority,  fitted  to  be  the 
miserable  instruments  of  foreign  influence,  and 
regardless  of  national  honour,  character,  and 
interest."  He  expressed,  however,  his  wish 
for  an  accommodation,  and  his  purpose  of  at- 
tempting it.  "  Retaining  still  the  desire  which 
has  uniformly  been  manifested  by  the  Ameri- 
can government  to  f>reser\  e  peace  and  friend- 
ship with  all  nations,  and  believing  that  nei- 
ther the  honour  nor  the  interest  of  the  United 
States  absolutely  forbade  the  repetition  of 
advances  for  securing  these  desirable  objects 
with  France,  lie  should,"  he  said,  "institute  a 
fresh  attempt  at  negotiation,  and  should  not 
fail  to  promote  and  accelerate  an  accommo- 
dation on  terms  compatible  with  the  rights, 
duties,  interests,  and  honour  of  the  nation." 
In  the  mean  time,  he  earnestly  recommended 
it  to  Congress  to  provide  effectual  measures 
of  defence. 

To  make  a  last  effort  to  obtain  reparation 
and  security,  three  envoys  extraordinary  were 
appointed,  at  the  head  of  whom  was  General 
Pinckney.  By  their  instructions,  "  Peace 
and  reconciliation  were  to  be  pursued  by  ail 
means  compatible  with  the  honour  and  the 
faith  of  the  United  States  ;  but  no  national 
engagements  were  to  be  impaired  ;  no  inno- 
vations to  be  permitted  upon  those  internal 
regulations  for  the  preservation  of  jieace, 
which  had  been  deliberately  and  uprightly 
established  ;  nor  were  the  rights  of  the  go- 
vernment to  be  surrendered."  These  ambassa- 
dors also  the  directory  refused  to  receive. 
They  were,  however,  addressed  by  peisons 
verbally  instructed  by  Talleyrand,  the  mini- 
ster of  foreign  relations,  to  make  proposals. 
In  explicit  terms,  these  unofiicial  agents  de- 
manded a  large  sum  of  money  before  any  ne- 
gotiation could  be  opened.  To  this  insulting 
demand  a  decided  negative  was  given.  A 
compliance  was,  nevertheless,  repeatedly 
urged,  until  at  length  the  envoys  refused  to 
hold  with  them  any  further  communication. 

When  these  events  were  known  in  the 
United  States  they  excited  general  indigna- 
tion. The  spirit  of  party  appeared  to  be  ex- 
tinct. "  Millions  for  defence,  not  a  cent  for 
tribute,"  resounded  from  every  quarter  of  the 
Union.    The  treaty  of  alliance  with  France 

was  declared  by  Congress  to  be  no  lonijer  in 

*  .  .  . 

force  ;  and  authority  was  given  for  capturing 

armed  French  vessels.  Provision  was  made 
for  raising  immediately  a  small  regular  army, 
and,  in  case  events  should  render  it  expedi- 
ent, for  augmenting  it.  A  direct  tax  and  ad- 
ditional internal  duties  were  laid.  To  com- 
mand the  armies  of  the  United  States,  Presi- 
dent Adams,  with  the  unanimous  advice  of 
the  Senate,  appointed  George  Washington. 
He  consented,  but  with  great  reluctance,  to 
accept  the  office,  declaring,  however,  that  he 
cordially  approved  the  measures  of  the  go- 
vernment. 

The  first  act  of  hostility  between  the  two 
nations  appears  to  have  been  committed  by 
the  Insurgente,  whicli  was  in  a  short  period 
after  so  signally  b(>at«'n  l)y  an  American  fri- 
gate. The  schooner  Retaliation,  Lieutenant- 
Commandant  Bainbridsre,  beinji  deluded  into 
the  power  of  tins  vessel,  was  cajitured  and 
carried   into   Guudaloupc.     Several  otlier 


United  States  armed  vessels  were  in  com 
pany  with  the  Retaliation,  and  pursued  by 
the  French  squadron,  but  were  probably 
saved  from  capture  by  the  address  of  Lieu- 
tenant Bainbridge,  who,  being  asked  by  the 
French  Commodore  what  was  the  force  a' 
the  vessels  chased,  exaggerated  with  so  much 
adroitness  as  to  induce  him  to  recall  his  ships. 
The  Constellation  went  to  sea  under  the  com- 
mand of  Captain  Truxton.  In  February, 
1799,  he  encountered  the  Insurgente,  and,  af- 
ter a  close  action  of  about  an  hour  and  a  half, 
compelled  her  to  strike.  The  rate  of  the 
Constellation  was  thirty-two  guns,  that  of  the 
Insurgente  forty.  The  former  had  three  men 
wounded,  one  of  whom  shortly  after  died, 
and  none  killed ;  the  latter  had  forty-one 
wounded,  and  twenty-nine  killed.  This  vic- 
tory, which  was  so  brilliant  and  decisive,  with 
such  a  wonderful  disparity  of  loss,  gave  great 
eclat  to  the  victor  and  to  the  navy.  Commo- 
dore Truxton  again  put  to  sea  in  the  Con-- 
stellation,  being  destined  to  renew  his  tri- 
umphs, and  the  humiliation  of  the  foe.  In 
February,  ISOO,  he  fell  in  with  the  Ven- 
geance, a  French  ship  of  fifty-four  guns,  with 
which  he  began  an  engagement  that  lasted, 
with  great  obstinacy  and  sjiirit  on  both  sides, 
from  eijjht  o'clock  in  the  evening^  till  one  in 
the  morning,  when  the  Vengeance  was  com- 
jiletely  silenced,  and  sheered  off.  The  Con- 
stellation, having  lost  her  mainmast,  was  too 
much  injured  to  pursue  her.  The  Captain  of 
the  Vengeance  is  said  to  have  twice  surren- 
dered during;  the  contest,  but  his  signals  were 
not  understood  rmidst  the  darkness  of  night 
and  the  confusion  of  battle. 

The  L^nited  States,  thus  victorious  in  arms 
at  home  and  on  the  ocean,  commanded  the 
respect  of  their  enemy ;  and  the  directory 
made  overtures  of  peace.  The  President  im- 
mediately ap])ointcd  ministers,  who,  on  their 
arrival  at  Paris,  found  the  executive  authority 
in  the  possession  of  Bonaparte  as  first  consul. 
They  were  promptly  received,  and  in  Sep- 
tember, ISOO,  a  treaty  was  concluded  satis- 
factory to  both  countries. 

The  services  of  Washington  had  not  been 
re<]uired  in  his  capacity  of  commander  in 
chief ;  but  he  did  not  live  to  witness  tlie  re- 
storation of  peace.  On  Friday,  December  1 3, 
while  atteiuling  some  improvements  upon  his 
estate,  he  was  exposed  to  a  light  rain,  which 
wetted  his  neck  and  hair.  Unapprehensive 
of  danger,  he  passed  tlie  afternoon  in  his  usual 
manner;  but  at  night  was  seized  with  an  in- 
flammatory affection  of  the  windpipe,  attended 
by  fever,  and  a  quick  and  laborious  respira- 
tion. About  twelve  or  fourteen  ounces  of 
blood  were  taken  from  him.  In  the  morning, 
his  family  physician.  Dr.  Craik,  was  sent  for; 
but  the  utmost  exertions  of  medical  skill  were 
applied  in  vain.  Believing  from  the  com- 
mencement of  his  complaint  that  it  would  be 
mortal,  a  few  hours  before  his  departure,  a  nd 
after  repeated  efforts  to  be  understood,  he  suc- 
ceeded in  expressing  a  desire  that  he  might 
be  permitted  to  die  without  being  disquieted 
by  unavailing  attempts  to  rescue  him  from  liis 
fate.  M'lieii  he  could  no  longer  swallow,  he 
undressed  himself  and  got  into  bed,  there  tc 
await  his  dissolution.  To  his  friend  ami  p.iy 
sician  he  said,  with  difliciilty,  "  Doctor,  I  atr. 
dying,  and  have  been  dying  for  a  long  time; 
but  I  am  not  afraid  to  die."  Respiration  be 
came  more  and  more  contracted  and  ini perfect 


UNITED  STAIES 


SOS 


^•itil  li;ill-|)ast  eleven  on  Saturday  night,  wlion 
retaining  the  full  possession  of  his  intellect, 
he  ex|)ired  without  a  struggle.  Thus,  in  the 
sixty-eighth  year  of"  his  age,  died  the  fatiun- 
of  his  country.  Intelligence  of  this  event, 
as  it  rapidly  spread,  jiroduced  spontaneous, 
deep,  ai:d  unaffected  grief,  suspending  every 
other  thought,  and  absorbing  every  diffennit 
feeling.  Congress,  then  at  session  at  Phila- 
delphia, immediately  adjourned.  On  assem- 
bling the  next  day,  the  house  of  representa- 
tives resolved,  "  that  the  speaker's  chair  should 
be  shrouded  in  black,  and  the  members  wear 
black  during  the  session;  and  that  a  joint 
committee  should  be  a])pointed  to  devise  the 
most  suitable  manner  of  paying  honour  to  the 
memory  of  the  man  first  in  war,  first  in  peace, 
and  first  in  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen." 
The  senate  of  the  United  States,  in  an  ad- 
dress to  the  president  on  this  melancholy  oc- 
casion, indulged  their  pntrlotic  pride,  while 
they  did  not  transgress  the  bounds  of  truth, 
in  speaking  of  their  Washington.  "Ancient 
and  modern  names,"  said  they,  "are  dimi- 
nished before  him.  Greatness  and  guilt  have 
too  often  been  allied  ;  but  his  fame  is  whiter 
than  it  is  brilliant.  The  destroyers  of  nations 
stood  abashed  at  the  majesty  of  his  virtues. 
It  reproved  the  intemperance  of  their  am- 
bition, and  darkened  the  splendour  of  victory. 
Tlie  scene  is  closed,  and  we  are  no  longer 
anxious  lest  misfortune  should  sully  his  glory  : 
he  has  travelled  on  to  the  end  of  his  journey, 
and  carried  with  him  an  increasing:  weisfht  of 
honour;  he  has  deposited  it  safely  where 
misfortune  cannot  tarnish  it, — where  malice 
cannot  blast  it." 

According  to  the  unanimous  resolution  of 
Congress,  a  funeral  procession  moved  from  the 
legislative  hall  to  the  German  Lutheran  church, 
where  an  oration  was  delivered  by  General 
Lee,  a  representative  from  Virginia.  The 
procession  was  grand  and  solemn  ;  the  ora- 
tion impressive  and  eloquent.  Throughout 
the  union  similar  marks  of  affliction  were  ex- 
hibited ;  a  whole  people  appeared  in  mourn- 
ing. In  every  y)art  of  the  republic  funeral 
orations  were  delivered,  and  the  best  talents 
of  the  nation  were  devoted  to  an  expression 
of  the  nation's  grief 

In  the  year  1800  the  seat  of  government 
of  the  United  States  was  removed  to  Wash- 
ington, in  the  district  of  Columbia.  After 
congratulating  the  people  of  the  United  States 
on  the  assembling  of  Congress  at  the  perma- 
nent seat  of  their  government,  and  Congress 
on  the  prospect  of  a  residence  not  to  be  chang- 
ed, the  president  said,  "  It  would  be  unbecom- 
ing the  representatives  of  this  nation  to  as- 
semble for  the  first  time  in  this  solemn  tem- 
ple, without  looking  up  to  the  Supreme  Ruler 
of  the  univf^rse,  and  imploring  his  blessing. 
May  this  territory  be  the  residence  of  virtue 
and  happiness  !  In  this  city  may  that  piety 
and  virtue,  that  wisdom  and  magnanimity,  that 
constancy  and  self-government,  which  adorn- 
ed the  great  character  whose  name  it  bears,  be 
for  ever  held  in  veneration !  Here,  and 
throughout  our  country, may  simple  manners, 
pure  morals,  and  true  religion,  flourish  for 
ever." 

At  this  period  a  presidential  election  again 
occurred.  From  the  time  of  the  adoption  of 
the  constitution,  the  republican  party  had  been 
gradually  increasing  in  numbers.  '  The  two 
parties  being  r.ow  nearly  etjual,  the  contest 


inspired  both  with  uncommon  ardour.  The 
federalists  supported  Mr.  Adams  and  ( rencral 
Pinckney  ;  the  rei)ublicans,  Mr.  Jefferson  and 
Colonel  Burr.  The  two  latter  received  a 
small  majority  of  the  electoral  votes  ;  and  as 
they  received  also  an  equal  number,  the  se- 
lection of  one  of  them  to  be  president  de- 
volved upon  the  house  of  representatives. 
After  thtrty-five  trials,  during  which  the  na- 
tion felt  intense  solicitude,  Mr.  Jefferson  was 
chosen.  Colonel  Burr  received  the  votes  of 
the  federalists,  and  lost,  in  consequence,  the 
confidence  of  his  former  friends.  I3y  the  pro- 
visions of  the  constitution  he  became,  of 
course,  vice-president.  On  his  inauguration, 
Mr.  Jefferson  made  the  following  speech  to 
both  houses  of  Congress. 

"  Friends  and  fellow-citizens, 

"  Called  upon  to  undertake  the  duties  of 
tlie  first  executive  office  of  our  country,  I 
avail  myself  of  the  presence  of  that  portion 
of  my  fellow-citir.ens  which  is  here  assembled, 
to  express  my  grateful  thanks  for  the  favour 
with  which  they  have  been  pleased  to  look 
towards  me,  to  declare  a  sincere  conscious- 
ness, that  the  task  is  above  my  talents,  and 
that  I  approacli  it  with  those  anxious  and  aw- 
ful presentiments,  which  the  greatness  of  the 
charge,  and  the  weakness  of  my  powers,  so 
justly  inspire.  A  rising  nation,  spread  over 
a  wide  and  fruitful  land,  traversing  all  the  seas 
with  the  rich  productions  of  their  industry, 
engaged  in  commerce  with  nations  who  feel 
power  and  forget  right,  advancing  rapidly  to 
destinies  beyond  the  reach  of  mortal  eye; 
when  I  contemplate  these  transcendent  ob- 
jects, and  see  the  honour,  the  happiness,  and 
the  hopes  of  this  beloved  country  committed 
to  the  issue  and  the  auspices  of  this  day,  1 
shrink  from  the  contemplation,  and  humble 
myself  before  the  magnitude  of  the  under- 
taking. Utterly,  indeed,  should  I  despair, 
did  not  the  presence  of  many,  whom  I  here 
see,  remind  me,  that  in  the  other  high  autho- 
rities provided  by  our  constitution,  I  shall 
find  resources  of  wisdom,  of  virtue,  and  of 
zeal,  on  which  to  rely  under  all  difficulties. 
To  you,  then,  gentlemen,  who  are  charged 
with  the  sovereign  functions  of  legislation, 
and  to  those  associated  with  you,  I  look  with 
encouragement  for  that  guidance  and  support 
which  may  enable  us  to  steer  with  safety  the 
vessel  in  which  we  are  all  embarked,  amidst 
the  conflicting  elements  of  a  troubled  world. 

"  During  the  contest  of  opinion  through 
which  we  have  past,  the  animation  of  discus- 
sions and  of  exertions,  has  sometimes  worn 
an  aspect  which  might  impose  on  strangers 
unused  to  think  freely,  and  to  speak  and  to 
write  what  they  think  ;  but  this  being  now 
decided  by  the  voice  of  the  nation,  announc- 
ed according  to  the  rules  of  the  constitution, 
all  will  of  course  arrange  themselves  under 
the  will  of  the  law,  and  unite  in  common  ef- 
forts for  the  common  good.  All  too  will 
bear  in  mind  this  sacred  principle,  that  though 
the  will  of  the  majority  is  in  all  cases  to 
prevail,  that  will,  to  be  rightful,  must  be  rea- 
sonable ;  that  the  minority  possess  their  equal 
rights,  which  equal  laws  must  protect,  and  to 
violate  which  would  be  oppression.  Let  us 
then,  fellow-citizens,  unite  with  one  heart,  and 
one  mind,  let  us  restore  to  social  intercourse, 
that  harmony  and  affection  without  which, 
liberty,  and  even  life  itself,  are  but  dreary 


things.  And  let  us  reflect,  that  having  ba- 
nished from  our  land  that  religious  intolci  aiice 
under  which  mankind  so  long  bled  and  suffer- 
ed, we  have  yet  gained  little,  if  we  counte- 
nance a  political  intolerance,  as  despotic  and 
wicked,  and  capable  of  as  bitter  and  bloody 
persecutions.  During  the  throes  and  convul- 
sions of  the  ancient  world,  during  the  ago- 
nizing spasms  of  infuriated  man,  seeking 
through  blood  and  slaughter  his  long  lost 
liberty,  it  was  not  wonderful  that  the  agita- 
tion of  the  billows  should  reach  even  this  dis- 
tant and  peaceful  shore  ;  that  this  should  be 
more  felt  and  feared  by  some,  and  less  l)y 
others  ;  and  should  divide  opinions  as  to  mea- 
sures of  safety  ;  but  every  difference  of  opi- 
nion is  not  a  difference  of  principle.  Ws 
have  called  hy  different  names  brethren  of  the 
same  principle.  We  are  all  republicans :  we 
are  all  federalists.  If  there  be  any  among  us 
who  would  wish  to  dissolve  this  Union,  or  to 
change  its  republican  form,  let  them  stand 
undisturbed  as  monuments  of  the  safety  with 
v/hich  error  of  opinion  may  he  tolerated, 
where  reason  is  left  free  to  combat  it.  I 
know,  indeed,  that  some  honest  men  fear  that 
a  republican  government  cannot  be  strong  ; 
that  this  government  is  not  strong  enough. 
But  would  the  honest  patriot,  in  the  full  tide 
of  successful  experiment,  abandon  a  gr)vern- 
ment  which  has  so  far  kept  us  free  and  firm, 
on  the  theoretic  and  visionary  fear,  that  this 
government,  the  world's  best  hope,  may,  by 
possibility,  want  energy  to  preserve  itself  { 
I  trust  not.  I  believe  this,  on  the  contrary, 
the  strongest  government  on  earth.  I  believe 
it  the  only  one,  where  every  man,  at  the  call 
of  the  law,  would  fly  to  the  standard  of  the 
law,  and  would  meet  invasions  of  the  public 
order  as  his  own  personal  concern.  .Some- 
times it  IS  said,  that  man  cannot  be  trusted 
with  the  government  of  himself  Can  he 
hen  be  trusted  with  the  government  of 
others  ?  Or,  have  we  found  angels  in  the 
form  of  kings,  to  govern  him  ]  Let  history 
answer  this  question. 

"  Let  us  then,  with  courage  and  confidence, 
pursue  our  own  federal  and  republican  prin- 
ciples ;  our  attention  to  union  and  represent- 
ative government.  Kindly  separated  by  na- 
ture and  a  wide  ocean  from  the  extermina- 
ting havoc  of  one  quarter  of  the  globe  ;  too 
high  minded  to  endure  the  degradations  a{ 
the  others;  possessing  a  chosen  country, with 
room  enough  for  our  descendants  to  the  thou- 
sandth and  thousandth  generation,  entertain- 
ing a  due  sense  of  our  equal  right  to  the  use 
of  our  own  faculties,  to  the  acquisitions  of 
our  own  industry,  to  honour  and  confidence 
from  our  fellow-citizens,  resulting  not  from 
birth,  but  from  our  actions  and  their  sense  of 
them,  enlightened  by  a  benign  religion,  pro- 
fessed indeed  and  practised  in  various  forms, 
yet  all  of  them  inculcating  honesty,  truth,  tem- 
perance, gratitude,  and  t'ne  love  of  man,  ac- 
knowledging and  adoring  an  overruling  pro- 
vidence, which,  by  all  its  dispensations,  proves 
that  it  delights  in  the  happiness  of  man  here, 
and  his  greater  h-jjipiness  hereafter  ;  with  all 
these  blessings,  what  more  is  necessary  to 
make  us  a  happy  and  prosperous  people! 
Still  one  thing  more,  fellow-citizens,  a  wise 
and  frugal  government,  which  shall  restraiu 
men  from  injuring  one  another,  shall  leav© 
them  otherwise  free  to  regulate  their  own 
pursuits  of  industry  and  imurovemcnt,  and 


504 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


ihall  not  take  from  the  mouth  of  labour  the 
hread  it  has  earned.  This  is  the  sum  of  good 
government;  and  this  is  necessary  to  close 
the  circle  of  our  felicities. 

"About  to  enter,  fellow-citizens,  on  the  ex- 
ercise of  duties  which  comprehend  every 
thing  dear  and  valuable  to  you,  it  is  jjroper 
you  should  understand  what  I  deem  the  es- 
iential  principles  of  our  government,  and  con- 
sequently, those  wliich  ought  to  shape  its  ad- 
ministration. I  will  compress  them  within 
the  narrowest  compass  they  will  bear,  stating 
the  general  principle,  but  not  all  its  limita- 
tions. Equal  and  exact  justice  to  all  men, 
of  whatever  state  or  persuasion,  religious  or 
political:  peace,  commerce,  and  honest  friend- 
ship with  all  nations,  entangling  alliances  with 
none  :  the  support  of  the  state  governments 
in  all  their  rights,  as  the  most  competent  ad- 
ministrations for  our  domestic  concerns,  and 
the  surest  bulwarks  against  anti-republican 
tendencies :  the  preservation  of  the  general 
government  in  its  whole  constitutional  vi- 
gour, as  the  sheet  anchor  of  our  peace  at 
home,  and  safety  abroad:  a  jealous  care  of 
the  right  of  election  by  the  people,  a  mild 
and  safe  corrective  of  abuses  which  are  lop- 
ped by  the  sword  of  revolution  where  peace- 
able remedies  are  unprovided:  absolute  ac- 
quiescence in  the  decisions  of  the  majority, 
the  vital  principle  of  republics,  from  wliich 
there  is  no  appeal  but  to  force,  the  vital  prin- 
ciple and  immediate  parent  of  despotism  :  a 
well  disciplined  militia,  our  best  reliance  in 
peace,  and  for  the  first  moments  of  war,  till 
r<!gular3  may  relieve  them  :  the  supremacy 
of  the  civil  over  the  military  authority  :  eco- 
nomy in  the  public  expense,  that  labour  may 
be  lightly  burdened  :  the  honest  payment  of 
our  debts  and  sacred  preservation  of  the  pub- 
lic faith  :  encouragement  of  agriculture,  and 
of  commerce  as  its  handmaid:  the  diffusion 
of  information,  and  arrangement  of  all  abuses 
at  the  bar  of  the  public  reason  :  freedom  of 
religion:  freedom  of  the  press;  and  freedom 
of  person,  under  the  protection  of  the  hahens 
corpus:  and  trial  by  juries  impartially  select- 
ed. These  principles  form  the  bright  con- 
stellation, which  has  gone  before  us,  and  gui- 
ded our  steps  through  an  age  of  revolution 
and  reformation.  The  wisdom  of  our  sages, 
and  the  blood  of  our  heroes,  have  been  de- 
▼otcd  to  their  attainment  :  they  should  be  the 
creed  of  our  political  faith,  the  text  of  civic 
instruction,  the  touchstone  by  which  to  try 
the  services  of  those  we  trust;  and  should 
we  wander  from  them  in  moments  of  error 
or  of  alarm,  let  us  hasten  to  retrace  our  steps, 
and  to  regain  the  road  which  alone  leads  to 
peace,  liberty  and  safety. 

"  I  repair,  then,  fellow-citizens,  to  the  post 
you  have  assigned  me.  With  experience 
enough  in  subordinate  offices  to  have  seen  the 
dilficulties  of  this,  the  greatest  of  all,  I  have 
learned  to  expect  that  it  will  rarely  fall  to  the 
lot  of  imperfect  man,  to  retire;  from  this  sta- 
tion with  th(;  reputation,  and  the  fiivour,  which 
bring  him  into  it.  Without  pretensions  to 
that  liigh  ciinfidenre  you  reposed  in  our  first 
and  greatest  revolutionary  character,  whose 
pre-eminent  sc'rviees  had  entitled  him  to  the 
first  plare  in  his  country's  love,  and  destined 
for  him  the  fairest  page  in  the  volume  of  faith- 
tiil  hiiiury,  I  ask  so  much  confidiuico  only  as 
may  give  firmness  and  effect  to  the  legal  ad- 
miiiiitration  of  your  affairs.    I  often  go 


wrong  through  defect  of  judgment.  When 
right,  I  shall  often  be  thought  wrong  by  those 
whose  positions  will  not  command  a  view  of 
the  whole  ground.  I  ask  your  indulgence 
for  my  own  errors,  which  will  never  be  in- 
tentional ;  and  your  support  against  the  er- 
rors of  others,  who  may  condemn  what  they 
would  not,  if  seen  in  all  its  yiarts.  The  ap- 
probation implied  by  your  suffrage,  is  a  great 
consolation  to  me  for  the  past ;  and  my  future 
solicitude  will  be,  to  retain  the  good  opinion 
of  those  who  have  bestowed  it  in  advance,  to 
conciliate  that  of  otliers,  by  doing  them  all  the 
good  in  my  power,  and  to  be  instrumental  to 
the  happiness  and  freedom  of  all. 

"  Relying  then  on  the  patronage  of  your 
good  will,  I  advance  with  obedience  to  the 
work,  ready  to  retire  from  it  whenever  you 
become  sensible  how  much  better  choices  it 
is  in  your  power  to  make.  And  niay  that 
infinite  Power  which  rules  the  destinies  of  the 
universe,  lead  our  councils  to  what  is  best, 
and  give  them  a  favourable  issue  for  your 
peace  and  prosperity." 

A  second  census  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
United  States  was  completed  in  1801.  They 
amounted  to  5,319,762,  having  in  ten  years 
increased  nearly  one  million  four  hundred 
thousand.  In  the  same  number  of  years  the 
exports  increased  from  nineteen  to  ninety- 
four  millions,  and  the  revenue  from  4,771,000 
to  12,945,000  dollars.  This  rapid  advance  in 
the  career  of  prosperity  has  no  parallel  in  the 
history  of  nations,  and  is  to  be  attributed  prin- 
cipally to  the  institutions  of  the  country,  which, 
securing  equal  privileges  to  all,  gave  to  the 
enterprise  and  industry  of  all  free  scope  and 
full  encouragement. 

In  1802,  the  state  of  Ohio  was  admitted  into 
the  union.  It  was  formerly  a  portion  of  the 
north-western  territory,  for  the  governm.ent 
of  which,  in  1787,  an  ordinance  was  passed 
by  the  continental  Congress.  In  thirty  years 
from  its  first  settlement,  the  number  of  its  in- 
habitants exceeded  half  a  million.  The  state 
of  Tennessee,  which  was  previously  a  part  of 
North  Carolina,  and  which  lies  between  that 
state  and  the  river  Mississippi,  had  been  ad- 
mitted in  1796. 

The  right  of  deposit  at  New  Orleans,  con- 
ceded to  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  by 
Spain,  and  necessary  to  the  people  of  tlie 
western  country,  had,  until  this  period,  been 
freely  enjoyed.  In  October,  the  chief  officer 
of  that  city  prohibited  the  exercise  of  it  in 
future.  This  violation  of  a  solemn  engage- 
ment produced,  throughout  the  states  of  Ohio 
and  Kentucky,  indignant  clamour  and  violent 
commotion.  In  Congress  a  proposition  was 
made  to  take  possession  by  force  of  the  whole 
province  of  Louisiana ;  but  a  more  pacific 
course  was  adopted.  Knowing  that  the  pro- 
vince had  been  ceded,  although  not  trans- 
ferred, to  France,  the  president  instituted  a 
negotiation  to  ac(juire  it  by  purchase.  In 
April,  1S03,  a  treaty  was  concluded,  convey- 
ing it  to  the  United  States  for  fifteen  millions 
of  dollars.  Its  ac(]uisiti(m  was  considered 
by  the  United  Stati-s  of  the  greatest  import- 
ance, as  it  gave  them  the  entire  control  of  a 
river  which  is  one  of  the  noblest  in  the  world. 

At  this  period,  also,  there  was  another  im- 
portant ar(]uisition  of  territory.  The  friendly 
tribe  of  Kaskaskia  Indians,  reduced  by  wars 
and  other  causes  to  a  few  iiulividuals  who 
wore  unable  to  defend  themselves  against  the 


neighbouring  tribes,  transi'erred  its  country  to 
the  United  States;  reserving  only  a  sutK 
eiency  to  maintain  its  members  in  an  agiicul- 
tural  way.  The  stipulations  on  the  part  of 
the  United  States  were,  to  e.xtend  to  them  pa- 
tronage and  protection,  and  to  give  to  them 
certain  annual  aids,  in  money,  implements  of 
agriculture,  and  other  articles  of  their  choice. 
This  ceded  country  extends  along  the  Mis- 
sissippi from  the  mouth  of  the  Illinois  to  and 
up  the  Ohio  ;  and  is  esteemed  as  among  the 
most  fertile  within  the  limits  of  the  union. 

The  United  States  had  fljr  some  time  enjoy 
cd  the  undisj)utcd  repose  of  peace,  with  only 
one  exception.  Tripoli,  ths  least  considerable 
of  the  Barbary  states,  had  made  demands, 
f(-)unded  neither  in  right  noi  in  compact,  and 
had  denounced  war  on  the  failure  of  the 
American  government  to  comply  with  them 
before  a  given  day.  The  president,  on  this 
occasion,  sent  a  small  squadron  of  frigates 
into  the  Mediterranean,  with  assurances  to 
that  power  of  the  sincere  desire  of  the  Ame- 
rican government  to  remain  in  peace ;  h-ut 
with  orders  to  protect  our  commerce  against 
the  threatened  attack.  It  was  a  seasonable 
and  salutary  measure  ;  for  the  bey  had  al- 
ready declared  war;  and  the  American  cor/- 
merce  in  the  Mediterranean  was  blockaded, 
while  that  of  the  Atlantic  was  in  peril.  The 
arrival  of  the  squadron  dispelled  the  dansrer. 
The  Insurgente,  which  had  been  so  honour- 
ably added  to  the  American  navy,  and  the 
Pickerino;,  of  fourteen  g-uns,  the  former  com- 
manded by  Captain  Fletcher,  the  latter,  by 
Captain  Hillar,  were  lost  in  the  equinoctial 
gale,  in  Septem»>er,  ISOO.  In  1801,  the  En- 
terprise, of  fourteen  guns.  Captain  Sterrett, 
fell  in  with  a  Tripolitan  ship  of  war  of  equal 
force.  The  action  continued  three  hours  and  a 
half,  the  corsair  fighting  with  great  obstinacy, 
and  even  desperation,  until  she  struck,  having 
lost  fifty  killed  and  wounded,  while  the  En- 
terprise had  not  a  man  injured.  In  1*^03, 
Commodore  Preble  assumed  the  command 
of  the  Mediterranean  squadron,  and  after 
humbling  the  emperor  of  ^lorocco,  who  had 
begun  a  covert  war  upon  American  com- 
merce, concentrated  most  of  his  force  before 
Tripoli.  On  arriving  off'  that  port.  Captain 
Uaiiibridiie,  in  the  frigate  Philadelphia,  of 
forty-four  guns,  was  sent  into  the  harltour,  to 
reconnoitre.  While  in  eager  pursuit  of  a 
small  vessel,  he  unfortunately  advanced  so  far 
that  the  frigate  grounded,  and  all  attempts  to 
remove  her  were  in  vain.  The  sea  around 
her  was  immediately  covered  with  Tri[)olitan 
gunboats,  and  Captain  Bainbridgc  was  com- 
pelled to  surrender.  This  misfortune,  which 
threw  a  number  of  accomplished  officers  and 
a  valiant  crew  into  opjiressive  boudnge,  and 
wliich  shed  a  gloom  over  the  whole  nation,  as 
it  seemed  at  once  to  increase  the  difiiculties  ot 
a  peace  a  hunilred-fold,  was  soon  relieved  by 
one  of  the  most  daring  and  cl-.ivalroi'.s  exploits 
that  is  found  in  naval  annals.  Lieutenant 
Stephen  Decatur,  then  one  of  Comniodnre 
Prel)l(>'s  subalterns,  proposed  a  jilnn  for  re- 
capturing or  destroying  the  Philadelphia. 
The  American  s(]uadron  was  at  that  time 
lying  at  Syracuse.  Agreeably  to  the  plan 
proposed.  Lieutenant  Decatur,  in  the  ketch 
Intrepid,  four  guns  and  seventy-five  men,  iiro- 
ceeded,  under  the  escort  of  the  Syren,  Cap 
tain  Stewart,  to  tlie  harbour  of  Tripoli.  The 
Philade'ph'a  'ay  within  half  gun-shot  of  lb« 


UNITED  STATES. 


506 


bashaw's  castle,  and  several  cruisers  and  gun- 
boats surrounded  her  with  jealous  vigilance. 
ItiS  Intrepid  entered  the  harbour  alone, 
about  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening,  and  suc- 
ceeded in  getting  near  the  Philadelphia,  be- 
tween ten  and  eleven  o'clock,  without  having 
awakened  suspicion  of  her  hostile  designs. 
This  vessel  had  been  captured  from  the  Tri- 
politans,  and,  assuming  on  this  occasion  her 
former  national  appearance,  was  permitted  to 
warp  alongside,  under  the  alleged  pretence 
that  she  had  lost  all  her  anchors.  The  mo- 
ment the  vessel  came  in  contact,  Decatur  and 
his  followers  leaped  on  board,  and  soon  over- 
whelmed a  crew  which  was  paralyzed  with 
consternation.  Twenty  of  the  Tripolitans 
were  killed.  All  the  surrounding  batteries 
being  opened  upon  the  Philadflphia,  she  was 
immediately  set  on  fire,  and  not  abandoned  until 
thoroughly  wrajiped  in  flames;  when,  a  fa- 
vouring breeze  springing  up,  the  Intrepid  ex- 
tricated herself  from  her  prey,  and  sailed  tri- 
umphantly out  of  the  harbour  amid  tlie  light 
of  the  conflagration.  Not  the  slightest  loss 
occurred  on  the  side  of  the  Americans  to 
shade  the  splendour  of  the  enterprise. 

In  July,  1S04,  Commodore  Preble  brought 
together  all  his  forces  before  Tripoli,  deter- 
mined to  try  the  effect  of  a  bombardment. 
The  enemy  having  sent  some  of  his  gunboats 
ant]  galleys  without  the  reef  at  the  mouth  of 
the  harbour,  two  divisions  of  American  gun- 
boats were  formed  for  the  purpose  of  attacking 
ihem,  while  the  large  vessels  assailed  the  bat- 
teries and  town.  On  the  3d.  of  August  this 
plan  was  put  in  execution.  The  squadron 
approached  within  gun-shot  of  the  town,  and 
opened  a  tremendous  fire  of  shot  and  shells, 
which  was  as  promptly  returned  by  the  Tri- 
politan  batteries  and  shipping.  At  the  same 
time  tlie  two  divisions  of  gunboats,  the  first 
under  the  command  of  Captain  Somers,  the 
second  under  Captain  Stephen  Decatur,  who 
had  been  promoted  as  a  reward  for  his  late 
achievement,  advanced  against  those  of  the 
enemy.  The  squadron  was  about  two  hours 
under  the  enemy's  batteries,  generally  within 
pistol-shot,  ranging  by  them  in  deliberate  suc- 
cession, alternately  silencing  their  fires,  and 
launching  its  thunders  into  the  very  palace  of 
the  bashaw;  while  a  more  animated  battle 
was  ranging  in  another  quarter.  Simidtane- 
ously  with  the  bombardment  the  American 
gunboats  had  closed  in  desperate  conflict  with 
the  enemy.  Captain  Decatur,  bearing  down 
upon  one  of  superior  force,  soon  carried  her 
by  boarding,  when,  taking  his  prize  in  tow, 
he  grapjiled  with  atiother,  and  in  like  manner 
transferred  the  fight  to  the  enemy's  deck.  In 
the  fierce  encounter  wliich  followed  this  se- 
cond attack.  Captain  Decatur,  having  broken 
his  sword,  closed  with  the  Turkish  com- 
mander, and  both  falling  in  the  struggle,  gave 
him  a  mortal  wound  with  a  pistol-shot,  just  as 
the  Turk  was  raising  his  dirk  to  pluno'e  it  into 
hi9  breast.  Lieutenant  Trippe,  of  Captain 
Decatur's  squadron,  liad  boarded  a  third  large 
gunboat,  with  only  one  midshipman  and  nine 
men,  when  his  bont  fell  off,  and  left  him  to 
wage  the  unequal  fighf  of  eleven  against  thirty- 
six,  which  was  the  number  of  tVie  enemy. 
Courage  and  resolution,  however,  converted 
this  devoted  little  band  into  a  formidalilo  host, 
which,  after  a  sanguinary  contest,  ob  ligod  the 
numerous  foe  to  yield,  with  the  los;  of  four- 
teen killed  and  seven  wounded.    L  eutenant 


Trippe  received  eleven  sabre  wounds,  and  had  | 
three  of  his  party  wounded,  but  none  killed. | 
Several  bombardments  and  attacks  succeeded 
each  or.'ier  at  intervals  throughout  the  month. 
Day  after  day  death  and  devastation  were 
poured  into  Tripoli  with  unsparing  perseve- 
rance, each  attack  exhibiting  instances  of  va- 
lour and  devoted ness  which  will  give  lustre 
to  history.  The  eyes  of  Europe  were  drawn 
to  the  spot  where  a  young  nation,  scarcely 
emerged  into  notice,  was  signally  chastising 
the  aespotlc  and  lawless  infidel,  to  whom 
some  of  her  most  powerful  governments  were 
then  paying  tribute. 

On  the  4th  of  September,  Commodore  Pre- 
ble, in  order  to  try  new  experiments  of  an- 
noyance, determined  to  send  a  fireship  Into 
the  enemy's  harbour.  The  Intrepid  was  fit- 
ted out  for  this  service,  being  filled  with  pow- 
der, shells,  and  other  combustible  materials. 
Captain  Somers,  who  had  often  been  the  emu- 
lous rival  of  Decatur  in  the  career  of  glory, 
was  appointed  to  conduct  her  in,  having  for 
his  associates  in  the  hazardous  enterprise 
Lieutenants  Wadsworth  and  Israel,  all  volun- 
teers. The  Argus,  Vixen,  and  Nautilus, 
were  to  convoy  the  Intrepid  as  far  as  the 
mouth  of  the  harbour.  Captain  Somers  and 
Lieutenant  Wadsworth  made  choice  of  two 
of  the  fleetest  boats  in  the  squadron,  manned 
with  picked  crews,  to  bring  them  out.  At 
eight  o'clock  in  the  evening  she  stood  into  the 
harbour  with  a  moderate  breeze.  Several 
shot  were  fired  at  her  from  the  batteries.  She 
had  nearly  gained  her  place  of  destination 
when  she  exploded,  without  having  made 
any  of  the  signals  previously  concerted  to 
show  that  the  crew  was  safe.  Night  hung 
o'l'er  the  dreadful  catastrophe,  and  left  the 
whole  squadron  a  prey  to  the  most  painful 
anxiety.  The  convoy  hovered  about  the  har- 
iiour  until  sunrise,  when  no  remains  could  be 
discovered  either  of  the  Intrepid  or  her  boats. 
Doubt  was  turned  into  certainty,  that  she  had 
prematurely  blown  up,  as  one  of  the  enemy's 
gunboats  was  observed  to  be  missing,  and 
several  others  much  shattered  and  damaged. 
Commodore  Preble,  in  his  account,  says,  that 
he  was  led  to  believe  "  that  those  boats  were 
detached  from  the  enemy's  flotilla  to  intercept 
the  ketch,  and  without  suspecting  her  to  be  a 
fireship,  the  missing  boats  had  suddenly 
boarded  her,  when  the  gallant  Somers  and 
the  heroes  of  his  party  observing  the  other 
three  boats  surrounding  them,  and  no  pro- 
spect of  escape,  determined  at  once  to  prefer 
death,  and  the  destruction  of  the  enemy,  to 
captivity  and  torturing  slavery,  put  a  match 
to  the  train  leading  directly  to  the  magazine, 
which  at  once  blew  the  whole  into  the  air,  and 
terminated  their  existence ;"  and  he  adds, 
that  his  "conjectures  respecting  this  affair  are 
founded  on  a  resolution  which  Captain  Somers 
and  Lieutenants  Wadsworth  and  Israel  had 
formed,  nf;ither  to  be  taken  by  the  enemy, 
nor  suffer  him  to  get  possession  of  the  powder 
on  board  the  Intrepid."  Soon  after  these 
events.  Commodore  Preble  gave  up  the  cotn- 
mand  in  tlie  Mediterranean  to  Commodore 
Barron,  and  returned  to  the  United  States. 
His  eminent  services  were  eiitliusiastically  ac- 
knowledged by  his  admiring  fellow-citizens, 
as  well  of  those  of  his  associates  in  arms, 
"  whose  names,"  in  the  expressive  language 
of  Congress  on  the  occasion,  "  ought  to  live 
in  the  recollection  and  affection  of  a  grato- 


|ful  country,  and  whose  conduct  ought  to  ba 
I  regarded  as  an  example  to  future  genera- 
tions. 

While  the  squadron  remained  before  Tri- 
poli other  deeds  of  heroism  were  performed. 
William  Eaton,  who  had  been  a  cajitain  in 
the  American  army,  was,  at  the  commence- 
ment of  this  war,  consul  at  Tunis.  He  tliere 
became  acquainted  with  Hamet  Caramauly, 
whom  a  younger  brother  had  excluded  from 
the  throne  of  Tri])oli.  With  him  he  con- 
certed an  ex[)edition  against  the  reigning 
sovereign,  and  rcpairi!d  to  the  United  States 
to  obtain  permission  and  the  means  to  under- 
take it.  Permission  was  granted,  the  co- 
operation of  the  squadron  recommended,  and 
such  pecuniary  assistance  as  could  be  spared 
was  afforded.  To  raise  an  army  in  Esrvpt, 
and  lead  it  to  attack  the  usurper  in  his  do- 
minions, was  the  projt!Ct  which  had  l)een  con- 
certed. In  the  beginning  of  180.5,  Eaton  met 
Hamet  at  Alexandria,  and  was  appointed 
general  of  his  forces.  On  the  6th  of  March, 
at  the  head  of  a  respectable  body  of  mounted 
Arabs,  and  about  seventy  Christians,  he  set 
out  for  Tripoli.  His  route  lay  across  a  de- 
sert one  thousand  miles  in  extent.  On  his 
inarch,  he  encountered  peril,  fatigue,  and  suf- 
fering, the  description  of  which  would  re- 
scMTible  the  exaggerations  of  romance.  On 
the  25th  of  April,  having  been  fifty  dnys  on 
the  march,  he  arrived  before  Derne,  a  Tripo- 
litan  city  on  the  Mediterranean,  and  found  in 
the  harbour  a  part  of  the  American  squadron 
destined  to  assist  him.  He  learnt  also  that 
the  usurper,  havinj^  received  notice  of  his  ap- 
proach, had  raised  a  considerable  army,  and 
was  then  within  a  day's  march  of  the  city. 
No  time  was  therefore  to  be  lost.  The  next 
morning  he  summoned  the  governor  to  sur- 
render, who  returned  for  answer,  "  Mv  head 
or  yours."  The  city  was  assaulted,  and  after 
a  contest  of  two  hours  and  a  half,  possessif)n 
was  gained.  The  Christians  suffered  severely, 
and  the  general  was  slightly  wounded.  Great 
exertions  were  i.mmediately  made  to  fortify 
the  city.  On  the  Sth  of  May  it  was  attacked 
by  the  Tripolitan  army.  Although  ten  times 
more  numerous  than  Eaton's  band,  the  as- 
sailants, after  persisting  four  hours  in  the  at- 
tempt, were  compelled  to  retire.  On  the  10th 
of  .Tune  another  baliie  was  fimght,  in  \\-hich 
the  enemy  were  defeated.  The  next  day  the 
American  frigate  Constitution  arrived  in  the 
harbour,  which  so  terrified  the  Tripolitans 
that  they  fled  precipitately  to  the  desert.  The 
frigate  came,  however,  to  arrest  the  opera- 
tions of  Eaton  in  the  midst  of  his  brilliant  and 
successful  career.  Alarmed  at  Iiis  progress, 
the  reigning  bashaw  had  offered  terms  of 
])eace.  which,  b«ing  much  more  favourable 
than  had  before  heeii  offered,  were  accepted 
by  Mr.  Lear,  the  authorized  agent  of  the  go- 
vernment. Sixty  thousand  dollars  were  ffiven 
as  ransom  for  the  unfortunate  American  pri- 
soners, and  an  engagement  was  made  to  with- 
draw all  support  from  Hamet.  The  nation, 
proud  of  the  exploits  of  Eaton,  regretted 
this  diplomatic  interference,  but  the  treaty  was 
subsecpiently  ratified  by  the  r^rcsident  and 
senate. 

During  the  year  180  1  the  Delaware  Indians 
relinquished  to  the  Uniteil  States  their  title  to 
an  extensive  tract  east  of  the  Mississii)pi,  be- 
tween the  Wabash  and  Ohio,  for  whicli  tliev 
were  to  receive  annuities  in  animals  and  iiu 


1 


606   

piemeiits  for  agriculture,  and  in  other  neces- 
saries. Tliis  was  an  irn|)Oitant  acquisition, 
not  onl^  for  its  extent  and  fertility,  but  because, 
by  its  commanding' tlie  Ohio  for  three  hundred 
miles,  and  nearly  half  that  distance  the  Wa- 
bash, the  produce  of  the  settled  country  could 
be  safely  conveyed  down  those  rivers,  and, 
with  the  cession  recently  made  by  the  Kas- 
kaskias,  it  nearly  consolidated  the  possessions 
of  the  United  States  north  of  the  Ohio,  from 
Lake  Erie  to  the  Mississippi. 

Earlv  in  the  following  year  Mr.  Jefferson 
was  re-elected  to  fill  the  president's  chair, 
by  the  decided  majority  of  sixty-two  votes 
against  sixteen,  a  circumstance  whicli  he  view- 
ed as  an  indication  of  a  great  decay  in  the 
strength  of  the  federal  party.  George  Clinton 
was  also  elected  vice-president. 

The  American  government  at  this  period 
began  to  be  seriously  affected  by  the  contest 
which  was  raging  in  Europe.  Under  the 
guidance  of  the  splendid  talents  of  Napoleon 
»he  military  prowess  of  France  had  brought 
most  of  the  European  nations  to  her  feet. 
England,  however,  still  retained  almost  un- 
disputed command  of  the  ocean,  expelling 
every  hostile  navy  from  the  seas.  America 
profiled  from  the  destruction  of  the  ships  and 
commerce  of  other  nations  ;  being  neutral, 
her  vessels  carried  from  port  to  port  the  pro- 
ductions of  France  and  the  dependant  king- 
doms ;  and  also  to  the  ports  of  those  kingdoms 
the  manufactures  of  England  :  indeed,  few 
ships  were  found  on  the  ocean  except  those 
of  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain. 
These  advantages  were,  however,  too  great 
to  be  long  enjoyed  unmolested.  American 
ships  carrying  to  Europe  the  produce  of 
French  colonies  were,  in  the  early  stage  of 
llie  war,  captured  by  British  cruisers,  and 
condemned  by  their  courts  as  lawful  prizes  ; 
and  now  several  European  ports  under  the 
control  of  France  were,  by  British  orders  in 
council, dated  in  May  1S06,  declared  in  a  state 
of  blockade,  although  not  invested  with  a  Brit- 
ish fleet ;  and  American  vessels  attempting 
to  enter  those  ports  were  also  captured  and 
condemned.  France  and  her  allies  suffered, 
as  well  as  the  United  States,  from  these  pro- 
ceedings; but  her  vengeance  fell  not  so  much 
upon  the  belligerent  as  upon  the  neutral  party. 
By  a  decree,  issued  in  Berlin  in  November, 
1806,  the  French  emperor  declared  the  Brit- 
ish islands  in  a  state  of  blockade,  and  of 
course  authorized  the  capture  of  all  neutral 
vessels  attem|)ting  to  trade  with  those  islands. 
From  these  measures  of  both  nations  the 
commerce  of  the  United  States  severely  suf- 
fered, and  their  merchants  loudly  demanded 
of  the  government  redress  and  protection. 

This  was  not  the  only  grievanct;  to  which 
the  contest  between  the  European  powers 
gave  rise.  Great  Britain  claimed  a  right  to 
search  for  and  seize  English  sailors,  even  on 
board  neutral  vessels  while  trav(;rsing  the 
ocean.  In  the  exercise  of  this  pretended 
right,  citizens  of  the  United  Slates  were 
seized,  dragged  from  their  fri<Mids,  transported 
to  distant  parts  of  the  world,  compelled  to 
perform  the  duty  of  lirifish  sailors,  and  to 
fight  with  nations  at  peace  with  their  own. 
Against  this  outrage  upon  personal  liberty  and 
th<?  rights  of  Am.'riean  citizens,  Washington, 
Adams,  and  Jeircrsnti  hnd  remonstrated  in 
vain.  The  abuse  continued,  and  every  year 
•diied  to  iu  aggravation.    In  June,  1807,  a 


 HISTORY  OF  THE  

circumstance  occurred  which  liiglily  and  just- 
ly incensed  the  Americans.  The  frigate 
Chesapeake,  being  ordered  on  a  cruise  in  the 
Mediterranean  sea,  under  the  command  of 
Commodore  Barron,  sailing  from  Hampton 
Roads,  was  come  up  with  by  the  British  ship 
of  war  Leopard,  one  of  a  squadron  then  at 
anchor  within  the  limits  of  the  United  States. 
An  officer  was  sent  from  the  Leopard  to  the 
Chesapeake,  with  a  note  from  the  captain 
respecting  some  deserters  from  some  of  his 
Britannic  majesty's  ships,  supposed  to  be 
serving  as  part  of  the  crew  qf  the  Chesapeake, 
and  enclosing  a  copy  of  an  order  from  Vice- 
Admiral  Berkeley,  requiring  and  directing 
the  commanders  of  ships  and  vessels  under 
his  command,  in  case  of  meeting  with  the 
American  frigate  at  sea,  and  without  the 
limits  of  the  United  States,  to  show  the  order 
to  her  captain,  and  to  require  to  search  bis 
ship  for  the  deserters  from  certain  ships 
therein  named,  and  to  proceed  and  search  for 
them ;  and  if  a  similar  demand  should  be  made 
by  the  American,  he  was  permitted  to  search 
for  deserters  from  their  service,  according  to 
the  customs  and  usage  of  civilized  nations  on 
terms  of  amity  with  each  other.  Commodore 
Barron  gave  an  answer,  purporting  that  lie 
knew  of  no  such  men  as  were  described  ;  tliat 
the  recruiting  officers  for  the  Chesapeake  had 
been  particularly  instructed  by  the  govern- 
ment, through  him,  not  to  enter  any  deserters 
from  his  Britannic  majesty's  ships;  that  he 
knew  of  none  such  being  in  her;  that  he  was 
instructed  never  to  permit  the  crew  of  any 
ship  under  his  command  to  be  mustered  l)v 
any  officers  but  her  own;  that  he  was  dis- 
posed to  preserve  harmony,  and  hoped  his 
answer  would  prove  satisfactory.  The  Leo- 
pard, shortly  after  this  answer  was  recei\-ed 
hy  lier  commander,  ranged  along  side  of  the 
Cheoapeake,  and  commenced  a  heavy  fire 
upon  her.  The  Chesapeake,  unprepared  for 
action,  made  no  resistance,  but  having  suffered 
much  damage,  and  lost  tViree  men  killed,  and 
eighteen  wounded.  Commodore  Barron  or- 
dered his  colours  to  be  struck,  and  sent  a 
lieutenant  on  board  the  Leopard,  to  inform 
her  commander  that  he  considered  the  Chesa- 
peake lier  prize.  The  commander  of  the 
Leopard  sent  an  officer  on  board,  who  took 
possession  of  the  Chesapeake,  mustered  her 
crew,  and,  carrying  off  four  of  her  men,  aban- 
doned the  ship.  Commodore  Barron,  find- 
ing that  the  Chesapeake  was  very  much  in- 
jured, returned,  with  the  advice  of  his  offi- 
cers, to  Hampton  Roads.  On  receiving  infor- 
mation of  this  outrage,  the  president,  by  pro- 
clamation, interdicted  the  harbours  and  wa- 
ters of  the  United  States  to  all  armed  British 
vessels,  forl)ade  intercourse  with  them,  and 
ordered  a  sufTicient  force  for  the  protection  of 
Norfolk,  and  such  other  preparations  as  the 
occasion  appeared  to  require.  An  armed  ves- 
sel of  th(!  United  States  was  despatched  with 
instructions  to  the  American  minister  at  liOn- 
don  to  call  on  the  British  government  for  the 
satisfaction  and  security  which  this  outrage 
recjuired. 

Bonaparte  liaving  declared  his  purpose  of 
enfiirring  with  rigour  the  Berlin  decree  ;  the 
British  government  having  solemnly  asserted 
the  ri<.;ht  of  search  and  Impressment,  and  ha\'- 
ing  intimated  their  intention  to  adopt  mea- 
sures in  retaliation  of  the  French  decree,  the 
President  recommended  to  Congress  that  the 


seamen,  ships,  and  merchandise  of  the  United 
States  should  be  detained  in  port  to  preserve 
them  from  the  dangers  which  threatened  thero 
on  the  ocean;  and  a  law  laying  an  indefinite 
embargo  was  in  consequence  enacted.  A  few 
days  only  had  elapsed  when  information  was 
received  that  Great  Britain  had  prohibitea 
neutrals,  except  upon  most  injurious  condi- 
tions, from  trading  with  France  or  her  allies, 
comprising  nearly  every  maritime  nation  of 
Europe.  This  was  fi)llowed  in  a  few  weeks 
by  a  decree  issued  by  Bonaparte,  at  Milan, 
declaring  that  every  neutral  vessel  which 
should  submit  to  be  visited  by  a  British  ship, 
or  comply  with  the  terms  demanded,  should 
be  confiscated,  if  afterwards  found  in  his  ports, 
or  taken  by  his  cruisers.  Thus,  at  the  date 
of  the  embargo,  were  orders  and  decrees  in 
existence  rendering  liable  to  capture  almost 
every  American  vessel  sailing  on  the  ocean. 
In  the  New  England  states,  the  embargo, 
withholding  the  merchant  from  a  career  in 
which  he  had  been  highly  prosperous,  and  in 
which  he  imagined  that  he  might  still  ne  fa- 
voured by  fortune,  occasioned  discontent  and 
clamour.  The  federalists,  more  numerous 
there  than  in  any  other  part  of  the  union,  pro- 
nounced it  a  measure  unwise  and  oppressive. 
These  representations,  and  the  distress  which 
the  people  endured,  induced  a  zealous  oppo 
sitlon  to  the  measures  of  the  government. 

The  president,  in  his  message  on  the  open- 
ing of  the  tenth  Congress,  stated  the  continu- 
ed disregard  shown  liy  the  belligerent  na- 
tions to  the  neutral  rights,  so  destructive  to 
the  American  commerce  ;  and  referred  it  to 
the  wisdom  of  Congress  to  decide  on  the 
course  best  adapted  to  such  a  state  of  things, 
"With  the  BarVjary  powers,"  he  said,  "we 
continue  in  harmony,  with  the  exception  of  an 
unjustifiable  proceeding  of  the  Dey  ofALpers 
towards  our  consul  to  that  regency,"  thw  cha- 
racter and  circumstances  of  which  he  I  jd  be- 
fore Congress.  "  With  our  Indian  neig  ibours 
the  j)ubllc  jieace  has  l)een  steadily  mt  mta>n- 
ed.  From  a  conviction  that  we  conside  •  them 
as  a  part  of  ourselves,  and  cherish  with  sin- 
cerity their  rights  and  interests,  the  attach- 
mfMit  of  the  Indian  tribes  is  gaining  strength 
daily,  is  extending  from  the  nearer  to  tlie 
more  remote,  and  will  amply  requite  us  for 
the  justice  and  friendship  practised  towards 
them.  Husbandry  and  household  manufac- 
ture are  advancing  among  them,  more  rapidly 
with  tlie  southern  than  the  northern  tribes, 
from  circumstances  of  soil  and  climate;  and 
one  of  the  two  great  divisions  of  the  Chero- 
kee nation,  lias  now  under  consideration  to  so- 
licit the  frlendsliip  of  the  United  States,  and 
to  be  identified  with  us,  in  laws  and  govern- 
ment in  such  progressive  manner  as  we  sliall 
think  best." 

Mr.  Jefferson,  following  and  confirming  the 
examjiU?  of  Wasliington,  determined  not  to 
continue  in  office  f()r  a  longer  ti-rm  than  eight 
years.  "Never  did  a  prisoner,"  says  the  pre- 
sident of  the  American  republic,  "  n-leased 
from  his  chains,  feel  such  relief  as  I  shall  on 
shaking  off  the  shackles  of  power.  Nature 
intended  me  for  the  tranquil  pursuits  of  sci- 
ence, by  rendering  them  my  supreme  delight. 
But  the  enormitii's  of"  the  times  in  which  I 
have  lived  havi'  forced  me  t<i  take  a  part  in 
resisting  them,  and  to  commit  myself  on  the 
boisterous  ocean  of  political  passions.  1  thank 
God  for  the  opportuni'y  of  retiring  from  the*. 


I 


-UNITED  STATES. 


507 


without  censure,  and  carrying  with  me  the i and  acknowledij-ed  law.    How  !on<^  their  Mr- 


most  consoling  proof's  of  public  approbation 
1  leave  every  thing  in  the  hands  of  men  so 
able  to  take  care  of  them,  that  if  we  are  des- 
tined to  meet  misfortunes  it  will  be  because 
no  human  wisdom  could  avert  them." 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  MR.  MADISON. 

Mr.  Jefferson  was  succeeded  in  the  pre- 
sidency by  Mr.  Madison.  He  stated  in  his 
inaugural  address,  that,  "Unwilling  to  depart 
from  examples  of  the  most  revered  authority, 
I  avail  myself  of  the  occasion,  now  presented, 
to  express  the  profound  impression  made  on 
me  by  the  call  of  my  country  to  the  station, 
to  the  duties  of  which  I  am  about  to  pledge 
myself,  by  the  most  solemn  of  sanctions.  So 
distinguished  a  mark  of  confidence,  proceeding 
from  the  deliberate  and  tranquil  suffrage  of  a 
free  and  virtuous  nation,  would,  under  any 
circumstances,  have  commanded  my  gratitude 
and  devotion,  as  well  as  filled  me  with  an 
awful  sense  of  the  trust  to  be  assumed.  Un- 
der the  various  circumstances  which  give  pe- 
culiar solemnity  to  the  existing  period,  I  feel, 
that  both  the  honour  and  the  responsibility, 
allotted  to  me,  are  inexpressibly  enhanced. 

"  The  present  situation  of  the  world  is  in- 
deed without  a  parallel ;  and  that  of  our  coun- 
try full  of  difficulties.  The  pressure  of  these 
tjo  is  the  more  severely  felt,  because  they 
have  fallen  upon  us  at  a  moment,  when  na- 
tional prosperity  being  at  a  height  not  before 
attained,  the  contrast  resultinof  from  this 
elianse  has  been  rendered  the  more  strikui£r. 
Under  the  benign  influence  of  our  republican 
institutions,  and  the  maintenance  of  peace  with 
all  nations,  whilst  so  many  of  them  were  en- 
gaged in  bloody  and  wasteful  wars,  the  fruits 
of  a  just  policy  were  enjoyed  in  an  unrivalled 
growth  of  our  faculties  and  resources.  Proofs 
of  this  were  seen  in  the  improvements  of 
agriculture  ;  in  the  successful  enterprises  of 
commerce  ;  in  the  progress  of  manufactures 
and  useful  arts ;  in  the  increase  of  the  public 
revenue,  and  the  use  made  of  it  in  reducinof 
the  public  debt;  and  in  the  valuable  works 
and  establishments  every  where  multiplying 
over  the  face  of  our  land. 

"It  is  a  precious  reflection,  tliat  the  transi- 
tion from  this  prosperous  condition  of  our 
cotmtry  to  the  scene,  which  has  for  some  time 
been  distressing  us,  is  not  chargeable  on  any 
unwarrantable  views,  nor,  as  1  trust,  on  any 
involuntary  errors  in  the  public  councils.  In- 
dulging no  passions  which  trespass  on  the 
rights  or  the  repose  of  other  nations,  it  has 
been  the  true  glory  of  the  United  States  to 
cultivate  peace,  by  observing  justice,  and  to 
entitle  themselves  to  the  respect  of  the  na- 
tions at  war  by  fulfilling  their  neutral  obliga- 
tions with  the  most  scrupulous  impartiality. 
If  there  be  candour  in  tlte  world,  the  truth  of 
these  assertions  will  not  be  questioned.  Pos- 
terity at  least  will  do  justice  to  them. 

"  This  unexceptionable  course  could  not 
avail  against  the  injustice  and  violence  of  the 
belligerent  powers.  In  their  rage  against 
each  other,  or  impelled  by  more  direct  mo 


bitrary  edicts  will  be  continued  in  spiinoi"  tlit; 
demonstrations,  that  not  even  a  pretext  for 
them  has  been  given  by  the  United  States, 
and  of  the  fair  and  liberal  attempts  to  induce 
a  revocation  of  them,  cannot  be  anticipated. 
Assuring  myself,  that  under  every  vicissitude, 
the  determined  spirit  and  united  councils  of 
the  nation  will  be  safe-guards  to  its  honour, 
and  its  essential  interests,  1  repair  to  the  post 
assigrned  me  with -no  other  discouragement 
than  what  spnngs  from  my  own  inadequacy 
to  its  high  duties.  If  I  do  not  sink  under  the 
weight  of  this  deep  conviction,  it  is  because  I 
find  some  support  in  a  consciousness  of  the 
purposes,  and  a  confidence  in  the  ])rinciplcs 
which  I  bring  with  me  into  this  arduous  ser- 
vice. 

"  To  cherish  peace  and  friendly  intercourse 
with  all  nations  having  correspondent  disposi- 
tions ;  to  maintain  sincere  neutrality  towards 
belligerent  nations;  to  prefer,  in  all  cases,  ami- 
cable discussions  and  reasonable  accommoda- 
tion of  differences,  to  a  decision  of  them  by  an 
appeal  to  arms  ;  to  exclude  foreign  intrigues 
and  foreign  partialities,  so  degrading  to  all 
countries  and  so  baneful  to  free  ones  ;  to  foster 
a  spirit  of  independence,  too  just  to  invade  the 
rights  of  others,  too  proud  to  surrender  our 
own,  too  liberal  to  indulge  unworthy  prt^ju- 
diccs  ourselves,  and  too  elevated  not  to  look 
down  upon  them  in  others  ;  to  hold  the  union 
of  the  states  as  the  basis  of  their  peace  and 
happiness  ;  to  support  the  constitution,  which 
is  the  cement  of  the  union,  as  well  in  its  limit- 
ations as  in  its  authorities ;   to  respect  the 
rights  and  authorities  reserved  to  the  states 
and  to  the  people,  as  equally  incorporated  with 
and  essential  to  the  success  of  the  general 
system ;   to  avoid  the  slightest  interference 
with  the  rights  of  conscience  or  the  functions 
of  religion,  so  wisely  exempted  from  civil  ju- 
risdiction ;  to  preserve,  in  their  full  energy, 
the  other  salutary  provisions  in  behalf  of  pri- 
vate and  personal  rights,  and  of  the  freedom 
of  the  press  ;  to  observe  economy  in  public 
expenditures  ;  to  liberate  the  public  resources 
by  an  honourable  discharge  of  the  public 
debts  ;  to  keep  within  the  requisite  limits  a 
standing  military  force,  always  remetnbering, 
that  an  armed  and  trained  militia  is  the  firm- 
est bulwark  of  republics,  that  without  stand- 
ing armies  their  liberty  can  never  be  in  dan- 
ger, nor,  with  large  ones,  safe ;  to  promote, 
by  authorized  means,  improvements  friendly 
to  agriculture,  to  manufactures,  and  to  exter- 
nal  as  well  as  internal  commerce  ;  to  favour, 
in  like  manner,  the  advancement  of  science 
and  the  diffusion  of  information,  as  the  best 
aliment  to  true  liberty  ;  to  carry  on  the  be- 
nevolent plans  which  have  been  so  meritori- 
ously ap|)lied  to  the  conversion  of  our  abori- 
ginal neighbours,  from  the  degradation  and 
wretchedness  of  savage  life,  to  a  participation 
of  the  improvemen.s  of  which  the  human 
mind  and  manners  ire  susceptible  in  a  civil- 
ized state  : — as  far  is  sentiments  and  inten- 
tions such  as  these  can  aid  the  fulfilment  of 
my  duty,  they  wili  be  a  resource  which  can- 
not fail  me. 

"  It  is  my  good  fortune,  moreover,  to  have 
the  path  in  which  I  am  to  tread,  lighted  by 
examples  of  illustrious  services,  successfully 
rendered  in  the  most  trving  difficulties,  by 


lives,  principles  of  retaliation  have  been  intro- !  those  whohave  marched  before  me.    Of  those 

duced,  equally  contrary  to  universal  reaaonlof  my  immediate  predecessor,  it  might  least  [declaring  that  unrestrained  conunerce  with 


liecome  me  here  to  speak  ;  I  may,  however, 
be  pardoned  for  not  suppressing  tiie  syinpit- 
thy,  with  which  my  heart  is  full,  in  the  rich 
reward  he  enjoys  in  the  benedictions  of  a  I  c" 
loved  country,  gratefully  liestowed  for  ex 
alted  talents,  zealously  devoted,  through  a 
long  career,  to  the  advancement  of  its  highest 
interest  and  happiness.  But  the  source  to 
which  1  look  for  the  aids,  which  alone  can 
supply  my  deficiencies,  is  in  the  well  tried  in- 
telligence and  virtue  of  my  fellow-citizens 
and  in  the  councils  of  those  representing  thi'm 
in  the  other  departments  associated  in  the  care 
of  the  national  interests.  In  these,  my  cf>nfi- 
dence  will,  under  every  difliculty,  be  best 
j)laced  ;  next  to  that,  we  have  all  been  en- 
couraged to  feel  in  the  guardianship  and 
guidance  of  that  Almighty  Being,  whose 
power  regulates  the  destiny  of  nations,  whose 
blessings  have  been  so  consjiicuously  dis- 
pensed to  this  rising  republic,  and  to  whom 
we  arc  bound  to  address  our  devout  gratitude 
for  the  past,  as  well  as  our  fervent  supplica- 
tions and  best  hopes  for  the  future." 

One  of  the  first  acts  of  Congress  under  the 
new  president  was  to  repeal  the  embargo  ; 
but  at  the  same  time  to  prohibit  all  int(;rc<nirse 
with  France  and  England. 

o 

In  the  non-intercourse  law  a  provision  was 
inserted,  that  if  either  nation  should  revoke 
her  hostile  edicts,  and  the  president  should 
announce  that  fact  by  proclamation,  then  the 
law  should  cease  to  be  in  force  in  regard  lo 
the  nation  so  revoking.  On  the  23d  of  April, 
Mr.  Erskine,  minister  plenipotentiary  fnuti  his 
Britannic  majesty  to  the  United  States, 
pledged  his  court  to  repeal  its  anti-neuti  al  de- 
crees by  the  10th  of  June  ;  and,  in  conse- 
quence f)f  an  arrangement  now  made  with 
the  British  minister,  the  president  prociaimed 
that  commercial  intr-rcourse  would  be  re- 
newed on  that  day  ;  but  this  arrangement  wag 
disavowed  by  the  ministry  ;  and,  in  Octol)er, 
Mr.  Erskine  was  replaced  by  Mr.  Jackson, 
who  soon  giving  offence  to  the  American  go- 
vernment, all  further  intercourse  with  lilm 
was  refused,  and  he  was  recalled. 

The  Rambouillet  decree,  alleged  to  be  de- 
signed to  retaliate  the  act  of  Congrt-ss,  which 
forbade  French  vessels  to  enter  the  ports  of 
the  United  States,  was  issued  by  Bonaparte 
on  the  23d  of  March.  By  this  decree, 
American  vessels  and  cargoes,  arriving  in  any 
of  the  ports  of  France,  or  of  countries  occu- 
pied by  French  troops,  were  ordered  to  be 
seized  and  condemne<l. 

On  the  1st  of  May,  Congress  passed  an  act, 
excluding  British  and  French  armed  vessels 
from  the  waters  of  the  United  States  ;  but 
providing,  that  if  either  of  the  above  nations 
should  modify  its  edicts  before  the  3d  of 
March,  1811,  so  that  they  should  cease  to  vio- 
late neutral  commerce,  of  which  fact  tlie  pre- 
sident was  to  give  notice  by  proclamation,  aruJ 
the  other  nation  should  not,  within  three 
months  after,  pursue  a  similar  course,  com- 
mercial intercourse  with  the  first  might  be 
renewed,  but  not  with  the  other. 

In  August  the  French  government  assured 
Mr.  Armstrong,  the  American  envoy  at  Paris, 
tliat  the  Berlin  and  Milan  decrees  were  re- 
voked, the  revocation  to  take  effect  on  the 
first  day  of  November  ensuing.  Confiding  m 
this  assurance,  the  president,  on  the  sec(Uid 
day  of  November,  issued  li  s  proclamation. 


506 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


Frarire  was  Hilowed,  but  that  all  intercourse 
with  CirtMt  I)i-it;iiu  w;i.s  jirohibitcd. 

(Jri'iit  Britain  hiivin"^  previously  expressed 
a  willin<rness  to  repeal  her  orders,  whenever 
France  sliouKl  repeal  her  decrees,  was  now 
called  upon  by  the  American  envoy  to  fulfil 
that  engagement.  The  British  ministry  ol)- 
jected,  however,  tliat  the  French  decrees 
could  not  be  considered  as  repealed,  a  letter 
from  the  minister  of  state  not  being,  for  that 
purpose,  a  document  of  sufficient  authority ; 
and  still  persisted  to  enforce  the  orders  in 
council.  For  this  purpose  British  ships  of 
war  were  stationed  before  the  principal  har- 
bours of  the  United  States.  AH  American 
merchi'.ntmen,  departing  or  returning,  were 
boarded,  searched,  and  many  of  them  sent  to 
British  ports  as  legal  prizes.  The  contempt 
in  which  the  British  officers  held  the  Repub- 
lican navy,  in  one  instance,  led  to  an  action. 
Commodore  Rogers,  iu  the  President  frigate, 
met  in  the  evening  a  vessel  on  the  coast  of 
Virginia  :  he  hailed  ;  but,  instead  of  receiving 
an  answer,  was  hailed  in  turn,  and  a  shot  was 
fired,  which  struck,  the  mainmast  of  the  Pre- 
sident. The  fire  was  instantly  returned  by 
the  commodore,  and  continued  for  a  few  mi- 
nutes, when,  finding  his  antagonist  was  of  in- 
ferior force,  and  that  her  guns  were  almost 
silenced,  he  desisted.  On  hailing  again,  an 
answer  was  given,  that  the  ship  was  the  Bri- 
tish sloop  of  war.  Little  Belt,  of  eighteen  guns. 
Tliirty-two  of  her  men  were  killed  and 
vvounded,  and  the  ship  was  much  disabled. 

For  several  years  the  Indian  tribes,  residing 
r.oar  the  sources  of  the  Mississippi,  had  occu- 
pied themselves  in  murdering  and  robbing  the 
white  s'^ttlers  in  their  vicinity.  At  length  the 
frontier  inhabitants,  being  seriously  alarmed 
ny  their  hostile  indications,  in  the  autumn  of 
ISll  Govi'rnor  Harrison  resolved  to  move  to- 
wards the  Prophet's  town,  on  the  Wabash, 
with  a  body  of  Kentucky  and  Indiana  militia, 
and  the  fourth  United  States  regiment,  under 
Colonel  Boyd,  to  demand  satisfaction  of  the 
Indians,  and  to  put  a  stop  to  their  threatened 
hostilities.  His  expedition  was  made  early  in 
November.  On  his  approach  within  a  few 
miles  of  the  Prophet's  town,  the  principal 
chiefs  came  out  with  offers  of  peace  and  sub- 
mission, and  requested  the  governor  to  en- 
camp for  the  night ;  but  this  was  only  a  trea- 
cherous artifice.  At  four  in  the  morning  the 
camp  was  furiously  assailed,  and  a  bloody 
contest  ensued  ;  the  Indians  were  however 
repulsed.  The  loss  on  the  part  of  the  Ameri- 
cans was  sixty-two  killed  and  one  hundred 
and  twenty-six  wounded,  and  a  still  greater 
JHimber  on  the  side  of  the  Indians.  Governor 
Harrison,  having  destroyed  the  Prophet's 
town,  and  established  forts,  returned  to  Vin- 
ciMines. 

In  November  reparation  was  made  l>y  fh(> 
British  for  the  attack  on  the  Chesapeake. 
Mr.  Foster,  the  British  envoy,  informed  the 
secretary  of  the  United  States,  that  he  was  in- 
structed to  repeat  to  the  Am«'rican  govern- 
niiMit  the  prompt  disavowal  made  by  his  ma- 
j<;My,  on  beintj  apprized  of  the  unautliorized 
act  of  the  officer  in  command  of  his  naval 
fcrres  on  the  coast  of  America,  whose  recall 
from  a  highly  important  and  honourable  com- 
mand iminivliately  ensued,  as  a  mark  of  his 
majesty's  di'<a|)]>robalion ;  that  he  was  au- 
thorized to  offer,  in  additi(^n  to  that  disavowal 
'Jii  the  part  of  hii  royal  highness,  the  immedi- 


ate restoration,  as  far  as  circumstances  would 
admit,  of  the  men  who,  in  consetpience  of  Ad- 
miral Berkeley's  orders,  were  forcibly  taken 
out  of  the  Chesapeake,  to  the  vessels  from 
which  they  were  taken  ;  or,  if  that  ship  were 
no  longer  in  commission,  to  such  a  seaport  of 
the  United  States  as  the  American  govern- 
ment may  name  for  the  purpose  ;  and  that  he 
was  also  authorized  to  ofier  to  the  American 
government  a  suitable  pecuniary  provision  for 
the  sufferers,  in  consequence  of  the  attack  on 
the  Chesapeake,  including  the  families  of  those 
seamen  who  fell  in  the  action,  and  of  the 
wounded  survivors.  The  president  acceded 
to  these  propositions ;  and  the  officer  com- 
manding the  Chesapeake,  then  lying  in  the 
harbour  of  Boston,  was  instructed  to  receive 
the  men  who  were  to  be  restored  to  that  ship. 
The  British  envoy,  however,  could  give  no 
assurance  that  his  government  was  disposed 
to  make  a  satisfactory  arrangement  of  the  sub- 
ject of  impressment,  or  to  repeal  the  orders  in 
council.  These  orders,  on  the  contrary,  con- 
tinued to  be  enforced  with  rlgfour  :  and,  on 
the  restoration  of  a  free  commerce  with 
France,  a  large  number  of  American  vessels, 
laden  with  rich  cargoes,  and  destined  to  her 
ports,  fell  Into  the  power  of  British  cruisers, 
which,  since  1803,  had  captured  nine  hun- 
dred American  vessels. 

Early  in  November,  1811,  President  Madi- 
son summoned  the  Congress.  His  message 
indicating  an  apprehension  of  hostilities  with 
Great  Britain,  the  committee  of  foreisrn  rela- 
tlons  In  the  house  of  representatives  reported 
resolutions  for  filling  up  the  ranks  of  the  ar- 
my ;  for  raising  an  additional  force  of  ten 
thousand  men  ;  for  authorizing  the  president 
to  accept  the  services  of  fifty  thousand  volun- 
teers, and  for  ordering  out  the  militia  when  he 
should  judge  it  necessary  ;  for  repairing  the 
navy  ;  and  for  authorizing  the  arming  of  mer- 
chantmen in  self-defence.  A  bill  from  the 
senate,  for  raising  twenty-five  thousand  men, 
after  much  discussion,  was  also  agreed  to  by 
the  house. 

The  American  Congress,  although  continu- 
ing the  preparations  for  war,  still  cherished 
the  hope  that  a  change  of  policy  In  Europe 
would  render  imnecessary  an  appoal  to  arms 
till  May  in  the  following  year.  Towards  the 
close  of  that  season,  the  Hornet  arrived  from 
London,  bringing  information  that  no  prospect 
existed  of  a  favourable  change.  On  the  1st  of 
June,  the  president  sent  a  message  to  Con- 
gress, recounting  the  wrongs  received  from 
Great  Britain,  atid  submitting  the  question, 
whether  the  United  States  should  continue  to 
endure  them,  or  resort  to  war?  The  mes- 
sage was  considered  with  closed  doors.  On 
the  ISth,  an  act  was  passed,  declaring  war 
against  Great  l?ritain ;  and  the  next  dav  a 
|)r()clamation  was  issued.  Against  this  de- 
claration, however,  the  re[)resentati\'cs,  be- 
longing to  the  federal  party,  presently]  a  so- 
lemn protest,  which  was  written  with  great 
ability. 

At  the  time  of  the  declaration  of  war,  Gene- 
ral Hull  was  also  governor  of  the  Michigan 
territory,  of  which  Detroit  is  the  capital.  On 
the  12th  of  July,  with  two  thousand  regulars 
and  volunteers,  he  crossed  the  river  dividing 
the  United  States  from  Canada,  apparently 
intending  to  attack  Maiden,  and  ihenre  to 
proceed  to  Montreal.  Information  was,  liow- 
cvcr,  received,  tliat  Mackinaw,  an  American 


1  post  above  Detroit,  had  surrendered  to  a  largo 
;body  of  British  and  Indians,  who  were  rush- 
i  ing  down  the  river  in  numbers  sufficient  to 
j  overwhelm  the  American  forces.  Panic- 
I  struck.  General  Hull  hastened  back  to  Detroit. 
I  General  Brock,  the  commander  at  Maiden, 
pursued  him,  and  erected  batteries  opposite 
Detroit.  The  ne.xt  day,  meeting  with  no  re- 
sistance, General  Brock  resolved  to  march  di- 
rectly forward  and  assault  the  fort.  The 
American  troops  awaited  the  approach  of  the 
enemy,  and  anticipated  victory;  but,  to  their 
dismay,  General  Hull  opened  a  correspond- 
ence, which  ended  in  the  surrender  of  the 
army,  and  of  the  territory  of  Michigan.  An 
event  so  disgraceful,  occurring  in  a  quarter 
where  success  was  confidently  anticipated, 
caused  the  greatest  mortification  and  amaze- 
ment throughout  the  Union. 

General  Van  Rensselaer,  of  the  New  York 
militia,  had  the  command  of  the  troops  which 
were  called  the  army  of  the  centre.  His  head- 
(]uarters  were  at  Lewiston  on  the  river  Nia- 
gara, and  on  the  opposite  side  was  Queens- 
town,  a  fortified  British  post.  The  militia 
displaying  great  eagerness  to  be  led  against 
the  enemy,  the  general  determined  to  cross 
the  river  at  the  head  of  about  one  thousand 
men  :  though  successful  at  first,  he  was  com 
pelled,  after  a  long  and  obstinate  engas^ement, 
to  surrender.  General  Brock,  the  British 
commander,  fell  in  rallying  his  troops. 

The  army  of  the  north,  which  was  und'T 
the  immediate  command  of  General  Dearborn, 
was  stationed  at  Greenbush.  near  Albany,  and 
at  Plattsbureh,  on  Lake  Chamnlain.  From 
the  latter  post,  a  detachment  marched  a  short 
dijtance  into  Canada,  surprised  a  small  body 
of  British  and  Indians,  and  destroyed  a  con- 
siderable quantity  of  public  stores.  C)ther 
movements  were  anxiously  expected  bv  the 
people;  but,  after  the  misfortunes  of  Detroit 
and  Niagara,  the  general  deemed  it  inexpe- 
dient to  engage  in  any  important  enterprise. 

While,  on  land,  defeat  and  disgrace  at- 
tended the  arms  of  the  republic,  on  the  ocean 
they  gained  victories,  which  compensated  their 
loss,  and  relieved  their  wounded  pride.  On 
the  10th  of  August,  Captain  Hull,  command 
ing  the  Constitution,  of  forty-four  guns,  fell  in 
with  the  British  frigate,  Le  Guerriere.  She 
advanced  towards  the  Constitution,  firing 
broadsides  at  intervals ;  the  American  re- 
served her  fire  till  she  had  approached  within 
half  pistol  shot,  when  a  trem(>n<lous  cannon 
atle  was  directed  upon  her,  and  in  thirty  mi- 
nutes, every  mast  and  nearly  everv  sparbeino 
shot  away.  Captain  Dacres  struck  his  flair.  Of 
the  crew,  fifty  were  killed  and  sixtv-four 
wounded  ;  while  the  Constitution  had  only 
seven  killed  and  seven  wounded.  The  Guer- 
riere received  so  much  injury,  that  it  was 
tliouijht  to  be  impossible  to  get  her  into  port, 
and  she  was  burned.  Captain  Hull,  on  his 
return  to  the  United  States,  was  Nvelromed 
with  enthusiasm  by  his  grateful  and  admiring 
countrymen.  Tlie  vast  difference  in  the  tnim- 
ber  of  killed  and  wounded  crrtainly  evinced 
great  skill,  as  well  as  bravery,  on  the  part  ol 
the  American  seamen.  But  this  was  the  first 
only  of  a  series  of  naval  victories.  On  the 
18th  of  October,  Captain  Jones,  in  the  Wasp, 
of  eighteen  guns,  captured  the  Frolic,  ot 
twenty-two,  after  a  bloody  conflict  of  three- 
quarters  of  an  hour.  In  this  action  the  Ameri- 
cans obtained  a  victory  over  a  superior  force; 


I 


UNITED  STATES. 


COO 


anH,  on  their  part,  but  eight  were  kiUed  and 
(vounded,  while  on  that  of  the  enemy  about 
eiglity.  The  Wasp  was  unfortunately  cap- 
tured, soon  after  her  victory,  by  a  British  siiip 
of  the  hue.  On  the  2otli,  the  fric;ate  United 
States,  commanded  by  Captain  Decatur,  caj)- 
tured  the  British  frigate  Macedonian.  In  this 
instance,  also,  the  disparity  of  loss  was  asto- 
nishingly great :  on  the  part  of  the  enemy,  a 
hundred  and  ibur  were  killed  and  wounded  ; 
on  that  of  the  Americans  but  eleven.  The 
United  States  brought  her  prize  safely  to 
New  York.  A  most  desperate  action  was 
fought,  on  the  29th  of  December,  between  the 
Constitution,  of  ft)rty-four  guns,  then  com- 
manded })y  Captain  Bainbridge,  and  the  Bri- 
tish frigate  Java,  of  thirty-eight.  The  com- 
bat continued  more  than  three  hours;  nor  did 
the  Java  strike  till  she  was  reduced  to  a  mere 
wreck.  Of  her  crew,  a  hundred  and  sixty- 
one  were  killed  and  wounded,  while  of  that 
of  the  Constitution  there  were  only  thirty-four. 

These  naval  victories  were  peculiarly  grati- 
fying to  the  feelings  of  the  Americans;  they 
were  gained  in  the  midst  of  disasters  on  land, 
and  by  that  class  of  citizens  whose  rights  had 
been  violated  ;  they  were  gained  over  a  na- 
tion whom  long-continued  success  had  taught 
to  consider  themselves  lords  of  the  sea,  and 
who  had  confidently  affirmed  that  the  whole 
American  navy  would  soon  be  swept  from  the 
ocean.  Many  British  merchantmen  were  also 
captured,  both  by  the  American  navy  and  by 
privateers,  which  issued  from  almost  every 
port,  and  were  remarkably  successful.  The 
number  of  prizes  made  during  the  first  seven 
months  of  the  war  exceeded  five  hundred. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  session  of 
Congress,  held  in  the  autumn  of  1812,  the 
president,  in  liis  message,  stated  that  imme- 
diately after  the  declaration  of  war,  he  com- 
municated to  the  British  government  the 
terms  on  which  its  progress  might  be  arrested ; 
that  these  terms  were,  the  repeal  of  the  orders 
in  council,  the  discharge  of  American  seamen, 
and  the  abandonment  of  the  practice  of  im- 
pressment ;  and  that  the  ministry  had  de- 
clined to  accede  to  his  offers.  He  also  stated 
that,  at  an  early  period  of  the  war,  he  had  re- 
ceived official  infi)rmation  of  the  repeal  of  the 
orders  in  council;  that  two  propositions  for 
an  armistice  had  been  made  to  him,  both  of 
which  he  had  rejected,  as  they  could  not  have 
been  accepted  without  conceding  to  Great 
Britain  the  right  of  impressment.  The  re- 
jection of  these  propositions  was  approved  by 
the  national  representatives,  who,  far  from 
abandoning  the  ground  they  had  taken,  adopted 
more  vigorous  measures  for  the  prosecution 
of  the  war. 

While  the  war  was  proceeding  in  America, 
a  friendly  power  abroad  Interposed  for  Its  ter- 
mination. Soon  after  the  spring  session  of 
Congress,  an  offer  was  communicated  from 
the  emperor  of  Russia  of  his  mediation,  as  the 
common  friend  of  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain,  for  the  purpose  of  facilitating  a  peace 
between  them.  The  offer  was  immediately 
accepted  by  the  American  government,  and 
provision  made  foi  the  contemplated  negotia- 
tion. Albert  Gallatin,  James  A.  Bayard,  and 
John  Quincy  Adams,  were  appointed  com- 
missioners, and  invested  with  the  requisite 
powers  to  conclude  a  treaty  of  peace  with  per- 
sons clothed  with  like  powers  on  the  part  of 
Great  Bntain.    Tliey  were  also  authorized  to  I 


enter  into  such  conventional  regulations  of  the  ^  camp,  and  bred  a  soldier  from  his  birth,  landed, 
commerce  between  the  two  countries  as  might  although  opposed  at  the  water's  edije  by  a  su- 


be  mutually  advantageous.  .  The  two  first 
named  envoys  proceeded  to  join  theircolleague 
at  St.  Petersburgh,  where  he  tluni  was  as  re- 
sident minister  from  the  United  States.  A 
commission  was  also  given  to  the  envoys,  au- 
thorizing them  to  conclude  a  treaty  of  com- 
merce with  Russia,  with  a  view  to  strengthen 
the  amicable  relations,  and  Improve  the  bene- 
ficial intercourse,  between  the  two  countries. 

On  the  24th  of  May,  Congress  was  convened 
by  proclamation  of  the  president.  Laws  were 
enacted,  imposing  a  direct  tax  of  three  mil- 
lions of  dollars  ;  authorizing  the  collection  of 
various  Internal  duties ;  providing  for  a  loan 
of  seven  and  a  half  millions  of  dollars  ;  and 
prohibiting  the  merchant  vessels  of  the  United 
States  from  sailing  under  British  licenses. 
Near  the  close  of  the  session,  a  committee  ap- 
pointed to  inquire  into  the  subject  made  a  long 
report  upon  the  spirit  and  manner  In  which 
the  war  had  been  conducted  by  the  British. 

The  scene  of  the  campaign  of  1813  was 
principally  in  the  north,  towards  Canada. 
Brigadier-General  Winchester,  of  the  United 
States  army,  and  nearly  five  hundred  men,  of- 
ficers and  soldiers,  were  made  prisoners  at 
Frenchtown,  by  a  division  of  the  British  army 
from  Detroit,  with  their  Indian  allies,  under 
Colonel  Procter.  Colonel  Procter  leavln£r 
the  Americans  without  a  guard,  the  Indians 
returned,  and  deeds  of  horror  followed.  The 
wounded  officers  were  dragged  from  the 
houses,  killed,  and  scalped  In  the  streets. 
The  buildings  were  set  on  fire.  Some  who 
attempted  to  escape  were  forced  back  into 
the  flames,  while  others  were  put  to  death  t^(y 
the  tomahawk,  and  left  shockingly  mangled  in 
the  highway.  The  infamy  of  this  butchery 
does  not  fall  upon  the  perpetrators  alone,  but 
extends  to  those  who  were  able,  and  were 
bound  by  a  solemn  engagement,  to  restrain 
them.  The  battle  and  massacre  at  French- 
town  clothed  Kentucky  and  Ohio  In  mourn- 
ing. Other  volunteers,  Indignant  at  the  trea- 
chery and  cruelty  of  their  foes,  hastened  to 
the  aid  of  Harrison.  He  marched  to  the  ra- 
pids of  the  Miami,  where  he  erected  a  fort, 
which  he  called  Fort  Meigs,  in  honour  of  the 
governor  of  Ohio.  On  the  1st  of  May  it  was 
invested  by  a  large  number  of  Indians,  and 
by  a  party  of  British  troops  from  Maiden,  the 
whole  commanded  by  Colonel  Procter.  An 
unsuccessful  attempt  to  raise  the  siege  was 
made  by  General  Clay,  at  the  head  of  twelve 
hundred  Kentucklans  ;  but  the  fort  continued 
to  be  defended  with  bravery  and  skill.  The 
Indians,  unaccustomed  to  sieges,  became  wea- 
ry and  discontented  ;  and,  on  the  8th  of  May, 
they  deserted  their  allies.  The  liritish, 
despairing  of  success,  then  made  a  precipitate 
retreat. 

On  the  northern  frontier  a  body  of  troops 
had  been  assembled,  under  the  command  of 
General  Dearborn,  at  Sackett's  Harbour,  and 
great  exertions  were  made  by  Commodore 
Chauncey  to  build  and  equip  a  squadron  on 
Lake  Ontario,  sufficiently  powerful  to  contend 
with  that  of  the  British.  I3y  the  25th  of  April 
the  naval  preparations  were  so  far  completed, 
that  the  general  and  seventeen  thousand  troops 
were  conveyed  across  the  lake  to  the  attack 
of  York,  the  capital  of  Upper  Canada.  On 
the  27th,  an  ad\anced  party,  commanded  by 


perior  force.  Alter  a  short  but  severe  con- 
flict, the  British  were  driven  to  their  fortifica- 
tions. The  rest  of  the  troops  having  landed, 
the  whole  party  pressed  forward,  carried  th? 
first  battery  by  assault,  and  were  moving  to- 
wards the  main  works,  when  the  English  ma- 
gazine blew  up,  with  a  tremendc)us  explosion, 
hurling  upon  the  advancing  troops  immense 
quantities  of  stone  and  timber.  Numbers 
were  killed;  the  gallant  Pike  received  a  mor- 
tal wound;  the  troops  halted  for  a  moment, 
l)ut,  recovering  from  the  sliock,  again  pressed 
forward,  and  soon  gained  jwssession  of  the 
town.  Of  the  British  tro()j)s,  one  hundred 
were  killed,  nearly  three  liundred  were 
wcunded,  and  the  same  number  made  priso- 
ners. 

The  object  of  the  expedition  attained,  the 
squadron  and  troops  returned  to  Sackett's 
Harbour,  and  subsequently  sailed  to  Fort 
George,  situated  at  the  head  of  the  lake.  Af- 
ter a  warm  engagement,  tlie  British  abandon- 
ed the  fort  and  retired  to  the  heights,  at  tho 
head  of  Burlington  Bay. 

While  the  greater  part  of  the  American 
army  was  thus  employed,  the  British  made 
an  attack  upon  the  important  post  of  Sackett's 
Harbour.  On  the  27th  of  May,  their  scpiadron 
appeared  before  the  town.  Alarm  guns  in- 
stantly assembled  the  citizens  of  the  neigh- 
bourhood. General  Brown's  force  amounted 
to  about  one  tliousand  men  ;  a  sli<:ht  breast- 
work was  hastily  thrown  up  at  the  only  |)lace 
where  the  British  could  land,  and  behind  tliig 
he  placed  the  militia,  the  regulars,  under  Co- 
lonel Backus,  forming  a  second  line.  On  the 
morning  of  the  29th,  one  thousand  British 
troops  landed  from  the  squadron,  and  adva.i- 
ced  towards  the  breasc-work  ;  the  militia  gave 
way, but  by  the  bravery  of  the  regulwrs,  under 
the  skilful  arrangement  of  General  Jjrown, 
the  British  were  repulsed,  and  re-embarked 
so  hastily  as  to  leave  behind  most  of  their 
wounded. 

The  sea  coast  v.'as  harassed  by  predatory 
warfare, carried  on  by  large  detachments  from 
the  powerful  navy  of  Great  Britain.  One 
squadron,  stationed  In  Delaware  Bay,  captur- 
ed and  burned  every  merchant  vessel  which 
came  within  its  reach,  while  a  more  powerful 
s(|uadron,  commanded  b}'  Admiral  Cockburn, 
destroyed  the  farm-houses  and  gentlemen's 
seats  along  the  shore  of  Chesapeake  Bav. 
Frenchtown,  Havre-de-Grace,  Frcdrickfown, 
and  Georgetown,  were  sacked  and  burnt. 
Norfolk  was  saved  fr'om  a  similar  fate  by  the 
determined  bravery  of  a  small  force  stationed 
on  Craney  Island,  In  the  harbour.  A  furious 
attack  was  made  upon  Hampton,  which,  not- 
withstanding the  gallant  resistance  of  ijs  small 
garrison,  was  captured. 

The  ocean  was  the  theatre  of  sangiiinarv 
conflicts.  Captain  Lawrence,  In  the  sloop  of 
war.  Hornet,  on  the  23d  of  February,  met 
the  British  brig  Peacock,  and  a  fierce  combat 
ensued.  In  less  than  fifteen  minutes  the  Pea- 
cock struck  her  colours, displaying  at  the  same 
time  a  signal  of  distress.  The  victors  hasten- 
ed to  the  relief  of  the  vantjuished;  the  same 
strength  which  had  been  exerted  to  conquer 
was  equally  ready  to  save  ;  but  me  Peacock 
sank  before  all  her  crew  could  be  removed, 
carrying  down  nine  British  s(?amen.  and  three 


Brigadier-General  Pike,  who  was  born  In  a  brave  and  generous  Americans.    On  his  ra- 


610 


HISTORY  CF  THE 


turn  to  the  United  States,  Captain  Lawrence 
was  i)roini)ted  to  tlie  command  of  the  in^-Alu 
Chesapeake,  then  in  the  harbour  of  Boston. 
For  several  weeks  the  British  frigate  Siian- 
non,  of  equal  force,  had  been  cruising  before 
the  por.;  and  Captain  Broke,  her  command- 
er, had  announced  his  wish  to  meet,  in  single 
combat,  an  American  frigate.  Inflamed  by 
this  challenge.  Captain  Lawrence,  although 
his  crew  was  just  enlisted,  set  sail  on  the  1st 
of  June  to  seek  the  Shannon.  Towards  eve- 
ning of  the  same  day  they  met,  and  instantly 
engaged,  with  unexampled  fury.  In  a  very 
few  minutes,  and  in  quick  succession,  the  sail- 
ing master  of  the  Chesapeake  was  killed. 
Captain  Lawrence  and  three  lieutenants  were 
severely  wounded,  her  rigging  was  so  cut  to 
pieces  that  she  fell  on  board  the  Shannon,  Cap- 
tain Lawrence  received  a  second  and  mortal 
wound,  and  was  carried  below;  at  this  instant 
Captain  Broke, at  the  head  of  his  marines,  gal- 
lantly boarded  the  Chesapeake,  when  resist- 
ance ceased,  and  and  the  American  flag  was 
struck  by  the  British.  Of  the  crew  of  the 
Shannon  twenty-four  were  killed  and  fifty-six 
wo>inded.  Of  that  of  the  Chesapeake,  forty- 
eight  were  killed  and  nearly  one  hundred 
wounded.  This  unexpected  defeat  impelled 
the  Americana  to  seek  for  circumstances  con- 
soling to  their  pride,  and  in  the  journals  of 
the  day  many  such  were  stated  to  have  pro- 
ceded  and  attended  the  action.  The  youth- 
ful and  intrepid  Lawrence  was  lamented,  with 
sorrow  d(!C|),  sincere,  and  lasting.  When 
carried  })elow,  he  was  asked  if  the  colours 
should  bo  struck.  "No,"  he  replied,  "  they 
Shall  wave  while  1  live."  Delirious  from  ex- 
cess of  suffering,  he  continued  to  exclaim, 
"Don't  give  up  the  ship!" — an  expression 
consecrated  by  his  countrymen.  He  uttered 
but  few  other  words  during  the  four  days  that 
he  survived  his  defeat. 

The  next  encounter  at  sea  was  between 
the  American  brig  Argus  and  the  British  brig 
Pelican,  in  which  the  latter  was  victorious. 
Soon  after,  the  American  lirig  Enterprise, 
commanded  by  Lieutenant  Burrows,  caj)tured 
the  British  brisr  Boxer,  commanded  by  Cap- 
tain Blyth.  Both  commanders  were  killed 
in  the  action,  and  were  buried,  each  by  the 
other's  side  in  Portland. 

While  each  nation  was  busily  employed  in 
equlping  a  squadron  on  Lake  Erie,  General 
Clay  remained  inactive  atFort  Meigs.  About 
the  last  of  July,  a  large  number  of  British 
and  Indians  appeared  before  the  fort,  hoping 
to  entice  the  garrison  to  a  general  action  in 
the  field.  After  waiting  a  few  days  without 
succeeding,  they  decamped,  and  proceeded 
to  Fort  Ste|)henson,  on  the  river  Sandusky. 
This  fort  was  little  more  than  a  picketinir, sur- 
rounded by  a  ditch,  and  the  garrison  consist- 
ed of  l)Ut  one  liundred  and  sixty  men,  who 
were  commanded  by  Major  Croghan,  a  youth 
of  twenty-one.  The  force  of  the  assailants 
was  estima'ed  at  about  four  hundred  in  uni- 
form, and  ns  many  Indians  ;  they  were  re- 
ptils.'d,  and  their  loss  in  killed,  wounded,  and 
prisoners,  is  supposed  to  have  exceeded  one 
hundred  and  fifty,  thost;  of  the  remainder  who 
were  not  abb;  to  escape  were  taken  off  du- 
nng  the  night  by  the  Imlians.  The  whole 
loss  of  Major  Croghan  during  the  siege  was 
ane  killed  and  s(n-eii  slisjhtly  woundeil.  About 
thn-e  tli<!  next  morning  the  British  sailed 
do^'u  tho  river,  ieiiving  behind  tliem  a  boat 


containing  clothing  and  considerable  military 
stores. 

By  the  exertions  of  Commodore  Perry,  an 
American  squadron  had  been  fitted  out  on 
Lake  Erie  early  in  September.  It  consisted 
of  nine  small  vessels,  in  all  carrying  fifty-four 
guns.  A  British  squadron  had  also  been  built 
and  equipped,  under  the  superintendence  of 
Commodore  Barclay.  It  consisted  of  six  ves- 
sels, mounting  sixty-three  guns.  Commodore 
Perry,  immediately  sailing,  offered  battle  to 
his  adversary,  and  on  the  10th  of  September, 
the  British  commander  left  the  harbour  of 
Maiden  to  accept  the  offer.  In  a  few  hours 
the  wind  shifted,  giving  the  Americans  the 
advantage.  Perry,  forming  the  line  of  battle, 
hoisted  his  flag,  on  which  were  inscribed  the 
words  of  the  dying  Lawrence,  "Don't  give 
up  the  ship."  Loud  huzzas  from  all  the  ves- 
sels proclaimed  the  animation  which  this  mot- 
to inspired.  About  noon  the  firing  com- 
menced ;  and  after  a  short  action  two  of  the 
British  vessels  surrendered,  and  the  rest  of 
the  American  squadron  now  joining  in  the 
battle,  tVie  victory  was  rendered  decisive  and 
complete.  The  British  loss  was  forty-one 
killed,  and  ninety-four  wounded.  The  Ame- 
rican loss  was  twenty-seven  killed,  and  nine- 
ty-six wounded,  of  which  number  twenty-one 
were  killed  and  sixty-two  wounded  on  board 
the  flag-ship  Lawrence,  whose  whole  comple- 
ment of  able  bodied  men  before  the  action 
was  about  one  hundred.  The  commodore 
gave  intelligence  of  the  victory  to  General 
Harrison  in  these  words:  "We  have  met  the 
enemy,  and  they  are  ours.  Two  ships,  two 
brigs,  one  schooner,  and  one  sloop."  The 
.'Vmericans  were  now  masters  of  the  lake;  but 
the  territory  of  Michigan  was  still  in  the  pos- 
session of  Colonel  Procter.  The  next  move- 
ments were  against  the  British  and  Indians  at 
Detroit  and  Maiden.  General  Harrison  had 
previously  assembled  a  portion  of  the  Ohio 
militia  on  the  Sandusky  river;  and  on  the  7th 
of  September  four  thousand  from  Kentucky, 
the  flower  of  the  state,  with  Governor  Shelby 
at  their  head,  arrived  at  his  camp.  With  the 
co-operation  of  the  fleet,  it  was  determined  to 
proceed  at  once  to  Maiden.  On  the  27th  the 
trooyis  were  received  on  board,  and  reached 
Maiden  on  the  same  day ;  but  the  British  had, 
in  the  mean  time,  destroyed  the  fort  and  pub- 
lic stores,  and  had  retreated  along  the  Thames 
towards  the  Moravian  villages,  together  with 
Tecuniseh's  Indians,  amounting  to  twelve  or 
fifteen  hundred.  It  was  now  resolved  to  pro- 
ceed in  pursuit  of  Procter.  On  the  5th  of 
October  a  severe  battle  was  fought  between 
the  two  armies  at  the  river  Thames,  and  the 
British  army  was  taken  by  the  Americans. 
In  tliis  l)attle  Tecumseh  was  killed,  and  the 
Indians  fled.  The  British  loss  was  nineteen 
regulars  killed,  and  fifty  wounded,  and  about 
six  hundred  prisoners.  The  American  loss, 
in  killed  and  wounded,  amounted  to  upwards 
of  fifty.  Procter  made  his  escape  down  the 
Thames.  On  the  2'>.1:<  of  S»«ptcmber  the 
Americans  took  postwssion  of  Detroit,  which, 
on  the  aj)proac}i  of  Harrison's  army,  had 
been  al)andoned  by  the  British.  Preparations 
were  now  made  for  subduing  Upper  Canada, 
and  taking  Montreal  ;  but  owing  to  the  difli- 
cullies  attending  the  concentration  of  the 
troops,  and  perhaps  also  to  tlie  want  of  vigour 
in  the  coinmanders,  that  )iroi<Tt  was  al)aii- 
doned,and  the  army  under  Wilk.r  s  Jr  march- 


ing to  French  Mills,  there  encamped  for  the 
winter.  This  abortive  issue  of  the  campaign 
occasioned  murmurs  tliroughout  the  naii^n, 
and  the  causes  which  led  to  it  have  never 
been  fully  developed.  The  severest  censure 
fell  upon  General  Armstrong,  wno  was  se- 
cretary of  war,  and  u|)on  Genera'  Hamptf)n, 
The  latter  soon  after  resigned  his  commission 
in  the  army,  and  General  Izard  was  selected 
to  command  the  post  at  Plattsbi;i gh. 

Major-General  Harrison,  commander  in 
chief  of  the  eighth  military  district  in  t}ie 
United  States,  issued  a  proclamation,  stating, 
that  the  enemy  having  been  driven  from  the 
territory  of  Rlichigan,  and  a  part  of  the  army 
under  his  command  having  taken  possession 
of  it,  it  became  necessary  that  the  civil  govern- 
ment of  the  territory  should  be  re-established, 
and  the  former  officers  resume  the  exercise 
of  their  authority.  He  therefore  proclaimed, 
that  all  appointments  and  commissions  wliich 
have  been  derived  from  British  oflicers  were 
at  an  end  ;  that  the  citizens  were  restored  to 
all  the  rights  and  privileges  which  they  en- 
joyed previously  to  the  capitulation  made  bv 
General  Hull  on  the  15th  of  August,  1S12, 
and,  until  the  will  of  the  government  should 
be  known,  directed  that  all  persons  having 
civil  offices  in  the  territory  of  Michiean,  at 
the  period  of  the  capitulation  of  Detroit, 
should  resume  the  exercise  of  the  powers 
appertaining  to  their  offices  respectively. 

The  United  States  squadron,  chased  by 
Commodore  Hardy  with  a  superior  i^R\al 
force,  had  taken  refuge  in  theharbour  of  jVew 
London,  where  the  decayed  and  feeble  stale 
of  the  fortifications  afforded  a  ])r«'carioiis  de- 
fence. The  menacing  appearance  of  the  Ilri- 
tish  squadron  at  the  entrance  of  the  harbour, 
and  the  strong  probability  that  the  town 
would  be  destroyed  in  the  conflict,  which  had 
been  long  expected,  produced  among  the  ••!- 
habitants  the  greatest  consternation.  In  this 
moment  of  alarm,  the  major-general  of  the 
third  division,  and  the  lirigadier-general  of  tins 
third  brigade,  considered  themselves  justified 
at  the  earnest  entreaty  of  the  citizens,  in  sum- 
moning the  militia  to  their  assistance.  Gr)- 
vernor  Smith,  of  Connecticut,  approved  this 
proceeding,  and  immediately  forwarded  sup- 
plies, and  adopted  measures  of  defence. 
"  On  this  occasion,"  said  the  governor  to  the 
lesrislature,  "  I  could  not  hesitate  as  to  the 
course  which  it  became  my  tiuty  to  jiursue. 
The  cjovernment  of  Connecticut,  the  last  to 
invite  hostilities,  should  be  the  first  to  repel 
acfSfression." 

The  Indians  at  the  southern  extremity  of 
the  union  had  imbibed  the  same  hostile  spirit 
as  those  at  the  north-western.  They  had  been 
visited  by  Tecumseh,  and  by  his  eioquenco 
had  been  persuaded  that  the  great  spi.it  re- 
quired them  to  unite  and  attempt  the  extirpa- 
tion of  the  whites.  In  tho  fall  of  1S12,  a 
cruel  war  was  carried  r,n  liV  the  Creeks  and 
Seniinoles  against  tlx;  frontier  inhabitants  of 
Georgia.  General  Jackson,  at  the  head  of 
two  thousand  five  hundred  volunteers  froMi 
Tennessee,  rnarrhed  into  the  cou'^try  of  the 
Indians.  Overawed  by  his  presenv-e,  they  de- 
sisted for  a  time  from  hostility  ;  but,  after  hia 
return,  their  animosity,  burst  forth  with  in- 
creased and  fatal  violence.  Dreading  their 
crueltv,  about  threi?  huiulred  men,  women, 
and  children,  sought  safety  in  l''ort  Min.nis 
in  the  Tcnsaw    settlement.    Although  fro 


UNITED  STATES. 


BU 


qucnt  warnings  of  an  intended  attack  had 
been  given  tliem,  yet,  at  noonday,  on  the 
30lh  of  August,  they  were  surprised  by  a 
party  of  six  hundred  Indians,  who,  with 
axes,  cut  their  way  into  the  fort,  and  drove 
,he  people  into  the  houses  which  it  enclosed. 
To  these  they  set  fire.  Many  persons  were 
burnt,  and  many  killed  by  the  tomahawk. 
Only  seventeen  escaped  to  carry  the  horrid 
tidings  to  the  neighbouring  stations.  The 
whites  resolved  on  vengeance.  Again  Ge- 
neral Jackson,  at  the  head  of  three  thousand 
five  hundred  militia  of  Tennessee,  marched 
into  the  southern  wilderness.  A  detachment 
under  General  Coffee  encountering  at  Tallus- 
hatchie  a  body  of  Indians,  a  sanguinary  con- 
flict ensued.  The  latter  fought  with  despe- 
ration, neither  giving  nor  receiving  quarter, 
until  nearly  every  warrior  had  perished.  Yet 
still  was  the  spirit  of  the  Creeks  unsubdued, 
and  their  faith  in  victory  unshaken.  With  no 
little  sagacity  and  skill  they  selected  and  for- 
tified another  position  on  the  Tallaoosa, 
called  by  themselves  Tohopeka,  and  by  the 
whites  Horse-shoe  Bend.  Here  nearly  a 
•housand  warriors,  animated  with  a  fierce  and 
determined  resolution  were  collected.  Three 
thousand  men,  commanded  by  General  Jack- 
son, marched  to  attack  this  post.  To  prevent 
escape,  a  detachment  under  General  Coffee 
encircled  the  Bend.  The  main  body  advanced 
to  the  fortress  ;  and  for  a  few  minutes  the  op- 
posing forces  were  engaged  muzzle  to  muzzle 
at  the  port-holes ;  but  at  length  the  troops, 
leaping  over  the  walls,  mingled  in  furious 
combat  with  the  savages.  When  the  Indians, 
Seeing  to  the  river,  beheld  the  troops  on  the 
opposite  bank,  they  returned  and  fought  with 
mcreased  fury  and  desperation.  Six  hundred 
warriors  were  killed  ;  four  only  yielded  them- 
selves prisoners  ;  the  remaining  three  hundred 
escaped.  Of  the  whites,  fifty-five  were  killed, 
and  one  hundred  and  forty-six  wounded.  It 
was  deemed  probable  that  further  resistance 
would  be  made  by  the  Indians  at  a  place 
called  the  Hickory-Ground  ;  but  on  General 
Jackson's  arriving  thither  in  April,  1814,  the 
principal  chiefs  came  out  to  meet  him,  and 
imong  them  was  Wetherford,  a  half-blood, 
distinguished  equally  for  his  talents  and  cru- 
elty. "  I  am  in  your  power,''  said  he,  "  do 
with  me  what  you  please.  I  have  done  the 
white  people  all  the  harm  I  could.  I  have 
fought  them,  and  fought  them  bravely.  There 
was  a  time  when  I  had  a  choice  ;  I  have  none 
now,  even  hope  is  ended.  Once  I  could  ani- 
mate my  warriors ;  but  I  cannot  animate  the 
dead.  They  can  no  longer  hear  my  voice ; 
their  bones  are  at  Tallushatchie,  Talladega, 
Emuckfaw,  aud  Tohopeka.  While  there 
was  a  chance  of  success  I  never  supplicated 
peace  ;  but  my  people  are  gone,  and  I  now 
ask  it  for  my  nation  and  myself"  Peace  was 
concluded,  and  General  Jackson  and  his 
troops  enjoyed  an  honouraVjle  but  short  repose. 

It  was  the  declared  intention  of  the  British 
to  lay  waste  the  whole  American  coast,  from 
Maine  to  Georgia.  Of  this  intention  demon- 
stration was  made  by  their  descent  upon  Pet- 
tipauge,  and  the  destruction  which  followed 
in  that  harbour.  Early  in  April,  a  number  of 
British  barges,  supposed  to  contain  about  two 
luiiidred  and  twenty  men,  entered  the  mouth 
of  Connecticut  river,  passed  up  seven  or| 
eight  miles,  and  came  on  shore  at  a  part  ofi 
Saybrook  called  Pettipauge,  where  they  de-l 


stroyed  about  twenty-five  vessels.  Guards  of 
militia  were  placed  without  delay  at  nearly 
all  the  vulnerable  points  on  the  seaboard,  and 
whore  troops  could  not  be  stationed,  patrols 
oi  videttes  were  constantly  maintained. 

On  the  25th  of  April,  Admiral  Cochrane 
declared,  in  addition  to  the  ports  and  places 
blockaded  by  Admiral  Warren,  all  the  re- 
maining ports,  harbours,  bays,  creeks,  rivers, 
inlets,  outlets,  islands,  and  sea  coasts  of  the 
United  States,  from  Black  Point,  on  Long 
Island  Sound,  to  the  northern  and  eastern 
boundaries  between  the  United  States  and  the 
British  province  of  New  Brunswick,  to  be  in 
a  state  of  strict  and  rigorous  blockade.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  president  of  the  United 
States  issued  a  proclamation,  declaring  that 
the  blockade  proclaimed  by  the  British  of  the 
whole  Atlantic  coast  of  the  United  States, 
nearly  two  thousand  miles  in  extent,  being  in- 
capable of  execution  by  any  adequate  force 
actually  stationed  for  the  purpose,  formed  no 
lawful  prohibition  or  obstacle  to  such  neutral 
and  friendly  vessels  as  may  choose  to  visit  and 
trade  with  the  United  States;  and  strictly  or- 
dered and  instructed  all  the  public  armed  ves- 
sels of  the  United  States,  and  all  private  arm- 
ed vessels  commissioned  as  privateers,  or  with 
letters  of  marque  and  reprisal,  not  to  inter- 
rupt, detain,  or  molest  any  vessels  belonging 
to  neutral  powers,  bound  to  any  port  or  place 
within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States; 
but,  on  the  contrary,  to  render  all  such  vessels 
all  the  aid  and  kind  offices  which  they  might 
need  or  require. 

The  pacification  in  Europe  offered  to  the 
British  a  large  disposable  force,  both  naval 
and  military,  and  with  it  the  means  of  giving 
to  the  war  in  America  a  character  of  new  and 
increased  activity  and  extent  The  friends 
of  the  administration  anticipated  a  severer 
conflict,  and  prepared  for  greater  sacrifices  and 
greater  sufferings.  Its  o})posers,  where  diffi- 
culties thickened  and  danger  pressed,  were 
encouraged  to  make  more  vigorous  efforts  to 
wrest  the  reins  of  authority  from  men  who, 
they  asserted,  had  shown  themselves  incom- 
petent to  hold  them.  The  president  deemed 
it  advisable  to  strengthen  the  line  of  the  At- 
lantic, and  therefore  called  on  the  executive 
of  several  states  to  organize  and  hold  in  rea- 
diness for  immediate  service  a  corps  of  ninety- 
three  thousand  five  hundred  men. 

The  hostile  movements  on  the  northern 
frontier  were  now  becoming  vigorous  and  in- 
teresting. In  the  beginning  of  July,  General 
Brown,  who  had  been  assiduously  employed 
in  disciplining  his  troops,  crossed  the  Niagara 
with  about  three  thousand  men,  and  took  pos- 
session, without  opposition,  of  fort  Erie.  In 
a  strong  position  at  Chippewa,  a  few  miles 
distant,  was  intrenched  an  equal  number  of 
British  troops,  commanded  by  General  Riall. 
On  the  4th,  General  Brown  approached  their 
works ;  and  the  next  day,  on  the  plains  of 
Chippewa,  an  obstinate  and  sanguinary  battle 
was  fought,  which  compelled  the  British  to 
retire  to  their  intrenchments.  In  this  action, 
which  was  fought  with  groat  judgment  and 
coolness  on  both  sides,  the  loss  of  the  Ameri- 
cans was  about  four  hundred  men,  that  of  the 
British  was  upwards  of  five  hundred.  Soon 
afterwards.  General  Riall,  abandoning  his 
works,  retired  to  the  heights  of  Burlington. 
I  Here  Lientenant-General  Drummond,  with  a 
I  large  reinforcement,  joined  him,  and  assuming 


the  command,  led  'oack  the  army  towards  the 
American  camj).  On  the  S/ith  was  fo.^glit  the 
battle  of  Bridgewater,  wliicli  began  at  four  in 
the  afternoon,  and  continued  until  midnight 
After  a  desperate  conflict,  tlie  British  troopg 
were  witlidrawn,  and  the  Americans  left  in 
possession  of  the  field.  The  loss  on  b.ith 
sides  was  severe,  and  nearly  equal.  Gene- 
rals Brown  and  Scott  having  both  been  se- 
verely wounded,  the  command  devolved  npfm 
General  Ri|)ley.  He  remained  a  few  hours 
upon  the  hill,  collected  the  wounded,  and 
then  returned  unmolested  to  the  catnp.  This 
battle  was  finight  near  tlie  cataract  of  Niai^ara, 
whose  roar  wa.s  silenced  by  the  thuncicr  oi 
cannon  and  the  din  of  arms,  but  was  distinctly 
heard  during  the  pauses  of  the  fight.  The 
American  general  found  his  force  so  much 
weakened,  that  he  deemed  it  prudent  again  to 
occupy  fort  Erie.  On  the  4th  of  August  it 
was  invested  by  General  Drummond  with 
five  thousand  troops.  In  the  night  between 
the  14th  and  15th,  the  besiegers  made  a  daring 
assault  upon  the  fort,  which  was  repelled 
with  conspicuous  gallantry  by  the  garrison, 
the  former  losing  more  than  nine  hundred 
men,  the  latter  but  eighly-fi)ur.  The  siego 
was  still  continued.  On  the  2d  of  September, 
General  Brown,  having  recovered  from  his 
wounds,  threw  himself  irjto  the  fort,  and  took 
command  of  the  garrison.  For  their  fate 
great  anxiety  v\'as  felt  by  the  nation,  which 
was,  howevei-,  in  some  degree  removed,  iiy 
the  march  from  Plattsburgh  of  five  thousand 
men  to  their  relief  After  an  hour  of  close 
fighting  they  entered  the  fort,  liaving  killed, 
wounded,  and  taken  one  thousand  of  the  Bri- 
tish. The  loss  of  the  Americans  was  also 
considerable,  amounting  to  more  thar  five 
hundred.  On  the  21st  of  Se))tembe;,  the 
forty-ninth  day  of  the  siege,  General  Druni- 
lond  withdrew  his  forces. 
The  march  of  the  troops  from  Plattsourcli 
having  left  that  post  ahnost  defenceless,  the 
enemy  determined  to  attack  it  by  land,  and,  at 
the  same  time,  to  attempt  the  destruction  of 
the  American  flotilla  on  lake  Champlain. 
On  the  3d  of  September,  Sir  George  Pro- 
vost, the  governor-general  of  Canada,  at  the 
head  of  fourteen  thousand  men,  entered  the 
territories  of  the  United  States.  On  the  Gili 
they  arrived  at  Plattsburgh.  It  is  situated 
near  lake  Champlain,  on  the  northern  bank 
of  the  small  river  Saranac.  On  their  ap- 
proach, the  American  troops,  w  lio  were  post- 
ed on  the  opposite  bank,  tore  up  the  planks  o 
the  bridges,  with  which  they  formed  slight 
breast-works,  and  prepared  to  dispute  the 
passage  of  the  stream.  The  British  employ- 
ed themselves  for  several  days  in  erecting 
batteries,  while  the  American  t'orces  were 
daily  augmented  by  the  arrival  of  vohinfeers 
and  militia.  Early  in  the  morning  of  the  11th, 
the  British  squadron,  commanded  by  Com- 
modore Downie,  appeared  off  the  harbour  of 
Plattsburgh,  where  that  of  the  United  States, 
commanded  by  Commodore  Macdonough, 
lay  at  anchor  prepared  for  battle.  At  nine 
o'clock  the  action  commenced.  Seldom  has 
there  been  a  more  furious  encounter  than  tlic 
bosom  of  this  transparent  and  peaceful  lake 
was  now  called  to  witness.  During  the  naval 
conflict,  the  British  on  land  began  a  heavy 
cannonade  upon  the  American  lines,  and  at- 
tempted at  different  places  to  cross  the  Sa- 
ranac;  but  as  often  as  the  Briti&li.iid\ a"ccJ 


B13 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


into  ilio  water  they  were  re  >e)ldd  by  a  de-, 
strnctive  fire  Iroiii  tlie  militia.  At  lialf-past 
eleven  the  shout  of"  victory  heard  aloii^  the 
American  lines  announced  the  result  of  the 
bill  tie  on  tlie  lake.  Thus  deprived  of  naval 
aid,  in  the  afternoon  the  British  withdrew  to 
their  intrencliments,  and  in  the  night  theycom- 
ni»>iiced  a  precipitate  retreat.  Upon  the  lake 
the  American  loss  was  one  hundred  and  ten  ; 
the  British  one  hundreil  and  ninety-four,  be- 
sides prisoners.  On  land,  the  American  loss 
was  one  hundred  and  nineteen;  that  of  the 
British  has  been  estimated  as  high  as  two 
thousand  five  hundred. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  middle  and  soutliern 
States,  anticipating  a  great  augmentation  of 
the  English  force,  and  uncertain  where  the 
blow  would  fall,  made  exertions  to  place  every 
exposed  position  in  a  posture  of  defence. 
About  the  middle  of  August,  a  British  squa- 
dron of  between  fifty  and  sixty  sail  arrived  in 
the  Chesapeake,  with  troops  destined  for  the 
attack  of  Washington,  the  capital  of  the  United 
States.  A  body  of  five  thousand  of  thorn 
having  landed,  an  action  was  fought  at  Bla- 
densburgh,  six  miles  from  Washington.  Gene- 
ral Winder  commanded  the  whole  American 
force;  Commodore  Barney  the  flotilla.  The 
British  were  commanded  by  Major-Gcneral 
Ross  and  Rear-Admiral  Cocklnirn.  The 
Americans  were  repulsed,  and  the  British  ad- 
vanced towanls  the  capital.  A  body  of  mili- 
tia had  b(!en  asseml)led  in  this  emergency  ; 
but  the  president  and  heads  of  de|)artments, 
on  revimving  the  force  brought  out  for  do- 
fence,  despaired  of  success,  and  dispersed. 
General  Ross,  at  the  head  of  about  sev(!n  hun- 
dred men,  took  possession  of  Washington,  and 
burned  the  capitol,  or  senate-liouse,  the  pre- 
sident's house,  and  public  offices,  the  arsenal, 
the  navy  yard,  and  the  bridge  over  the  Poto- 
mac. The  loss  of  the  British  in  this  expedi- 
tion was  nearly  a  tliousand  men,  in  killed, 
wounded,  and  missing  ;  the  loss  of  the  Ameri- 
cans was  ten  or  twelve  killed,  and  tliirty  or 
forty  wounded.  Commodore  Barney's  horse 
was  killed  under  Iiim,  and  himself  wounded 
in  the  thigh  and  t;iken  prisoner  ;  but  he  was 
narol(.'d  on  the  fit^ld  of  battle  f"or  his  bravery. 
The  cnjiture  of  Washington  reflected  no  credit 
upon  those  by  whom  it  ought  to  have  been 
defeiuled  ;  but  the  destruction  of  the  national 
edifices  was  still  more  disgraceful  to  the  cha- 
racter of  the  invaders.  The  wliolc  civilized 
world  exclaimed  against  the  act,  as  a  violation 
of  the  rules  of  modern  warfare.  The  capitals 
of  most  of  the  European  kingdoms  had  lately 
l)een  in  the  power  of  an  enemy  ;  but  in  no 
instance  had  the  comjueror  been  guilty  of 
similar  conduct.  The  act  was  also  as  impoli- 
tic as  it  was  barbarous  ;  it  naturally  excited  an 
indignant  spirit  throughout  the  republic,  and 
led  its  inhabitants  to  vie  with  each  other  in  ex- 
erting all  their  faculties  to  overcome  the 
iHvag<!rs  of  their  country. 

After  the  capture  of  Washington,  the  Bri- 
tish armv  re-(;mbarked  on  board  the  fleet  in 
*hr  I'liliixent,  and  Admiral  Cix^kburn  moved 
down  that  river,  and  proceeded  u[)  the  (/hesa- 
Oeake.  On  the  29th  of  August,  the  corpora- 
tion of  Alexandria  submiited  to  articles  of 
ciipitulation,  and  the  city  was  delivered  up  to 
fill-  I'.rilinh.  On  the  11th  of  September,  the 
firiii^'K  admiral  a|)peared  at  tin?  mouth  of  the 
I'Ht'ipMro,  I'ourteen  miles  from  Baltimore,  with 
•  fu'M  of  bhips  of  V  ar  and  transports  amount- 


ing to  fifty  sail.  Tlie  next  day  six  thousand 
troops  were  landed  at  North  Point,  and  com- 
'  menced  their  march  towards  the  city.  In  this 
march,  Nvhen  the  foremoit  ranks  were  harassed 
by  a  brisk  fire  from  a  wood,  Major-General 
Ross  was  mortally  wounded.  A  battle  was 
fought  on  this  day.  The  American  forces, 
the  militia,  and  the  inhabitants  of  Baltimore, 
made  a  gallant  defence,  but  were  compelled 
to  retreat ;  the  British,  however,  abandoning 
the  attempt  to  get  possession  of  the  city,  re- 
tired to  their  shipping  during  the  night  of  the 
13th  of  September. 

On  the  ocean,  the  Essex,  commanded  by 
Captain  Porter,  after  a  bloody  combat,  struck 
to  a  British  frigate  and  sloop  of  war,  whose 
united  force  was  much  superior.  The  Ame- 
rican sloop  Peacock  captured  the  Epervier 
of  equal  force.  The  sloop  Wasp,  command- 
ed by  Captain  Blakely,  captured  the  Rein- 
deer, and  afterwards,  in  tlie  same  cruise,  sank 
the  Avon,  both  of  superior  force.  She  made 
several  other  prizes,  but  never  returned  into 
port;  she  probably  foundered  at  sea. 

The  closing  scene  of  this  unnecessary  and 
disgraceful  war,  the  mo-e  detestable  when 
contemplated  as  a  series  of  human  sacrifices 
for  the  preservation  of  a  commercial  system, 
was  creditable  to  the  genius  and  bravery  of 
the  American  republic.  The  operations  of 
the  liritish  in  Louisiana  were  commenced  by 
a  small  expedition,  the  naval  part  under  the 
command  of  Captain  Percy,  and  the  troops 
under  Colonel  Nicholls.  They  landed  and 
took  forcible  possession  of  Pensacola,  and 
were  aided  by  the  Spaniards  in  all  their  pro- 
ceedings; they  collected  all  tlie  Indians  that 
would  resort  to  their  standard  ;  and  Colonel 
Nicholls  then  sent  an  officer  to  the  piratical 
establishment  at  Barrataria  to  enlist  the  child', 
Lafitte,  and  his  followers,  in  their  cause;  the 
most  liberal  and  tempting  offers  were  made 
them.  These  peojile,  however,  showed  a 
decided  preference  for  the  American  cause; 
they  deceived  the  English  by  delay;  convey- 
ed intelligence  of  their  designs  to  the  Gover- 
nor at  New  Orleans,  and  offered  their  services 
to  defend  the  country.  Disappointed  in  se- 
curing their  aid,  the  expedition  proceeded  to 
the  attack  of  fort  Bowyer,  on  ]\IobiIe  point, 
commanded  by  Major  Lawrence,  with  one 
hundred  and  thirty  men.  The  result,  how- 
ever, was  a  loss  to  the  besiegers  of  more  than 
two  hundred  men  ;  the  commodore's  ship  was 
so  disabled  that  they  set  fire  to  her,  and  she 
blew  up,  and  the  remaining  three  vessels, 
shattered  and  filled  with  wounded  men,  re- 
turned to  Pensacola.  Wh'l.o  the  British  thus 
sheltered  in  this  place,  where  they  were  bu- 
sily occupied  in  bringing  over  the  Indians  to 
join  them.  General  Jackson  formed  an  expe- 
dition of  about  four  tliousand  men,  regulars 
and  militia,  to  dislodge  them.  He  summoned 
iho  town,  was  refused  entrance  by  the  Span- 
ish governor,  and  his  flag  of  truce  was  fired 
upon  ;  the  British  soldiers  being  in  the  forts, 
where  their  flag  had  been  hoisted,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  the  Spanish,  the  day  before  the  Ame- 
rican forces  appeared.  Preparations  were 
immediately  made  to  carry  the  jilace ;  one 
battery  liaving  been  taken  by  storm,  with 
slight  loss  on  either  side,  the  governor  sur- 
rend<TreiI,  the  English  having  previously  re- 
tina] on  boartl  thtMr  ships.  'J'he  forts  below 
which  commanded  the  jiassage,  wereblownup 
and  this  enabled  the  English  fleet  to  put  to  sea. 


tieiieral  .Jackson  tin.n  i'\  acuat<'J  iheSpanish 
territory,  and  marched  his  troops  back  to  Mo- 
bile and  New  Orleans,  which  he  reached  on 
the  second  day  of  December.  Having  re- 
viewed a  corps  of  volunt(!ers  the  day  of  his 
arrival,  he  immediately  jiroceeded  to  visit 
every  post  in  the  neighbourhood,  to  give  or- 
ders lor  adding  fortifications,  and  cstalilishing 
defensive  works  and  outposts  in  every  spot 
where  the  enemy  might  be  expected,  as  them 
was  the  grealest  uncertainty  where  a  landing 
would  be  made;  he  mingled  with  the  citizens, 
and  infused  into  the  greater  part  his  own  spir- 
it and  energy.  By  his  presence  and  exhorta- 
tions they  were  animatt^d  to  exertions  of  w  hich 
before  they  were  notsup|)osed  to  be  capable 
All  who  could  wield  a  spade,  or  carry  a  mus 
ket,  were  either  put  to  work  upon  the  fortifi- 
cations, or  trained  in  tlie  art  of  defendinij  them. 
The  Mississippi,  upon  the  eastern  bank  of 
which  New  Orleans  stands,  flows  to  the  ocean 
in  several  channels;  one  leaving  the  main 
stream  above  the  city,  runs  east  of  it,  and 
forms  in  its  course  lake  Poiichartrain  and 
lake  Borgne.  Early  in  December,  the  Brit- 
ish entered  this  channel,  with  a  force  of  about 
eight  thousand  men,  a  part  of  wliom  had  just 
left  the  shores  of  the  Chesapeake,  the  re- 
mainder having  arrived  direct  from  England. 
A  small  squadron  of  gunboats,  under  Lieute- 
nant Jones,  was  despatclied  to  op])ose  their 
passage  into  the  lake.  These  were  met  bv  a 
superior  force,  and  after  a  spirited  conflict,  in 
which  the  killed  and  wounded  of  the  British 
exceeded  the  whole  number  of  the  Aineri- 
cans,  they  were  compelled  to  surrender.  The 
loss  of  the  guiilioats  left  no  means  of  wnicli- 
ii'g  the  movements  of  the  enemy,  or  of  ascer- 
taining where  the  landing  wouiu  iik  made. 
Orders  were  given  for  increased  vigilance  at 
every  post;  the  people  of  colour  were  form- 
ed into  a  battalion;  the  offer  of  tlu;  Barrataiians 
to  volunteer,  on  condition  of  ])ardon  for  pre- 
vious offences,  if  they  conducted  themselves 
with  bravery  and  fidelity,  was  accepted.  Ge- 
neral Jackson,  after  applying  to  the  legisla- 
tun'  to  suspend  the  act  of  habeas  corpus,  and 
finding  that  they  were  consuming  these  ex- 
treme moments  in  discussion,  prnclaimed  mar- 
tial law,  and  from  that  moment  his  means  be- 
came more  commensurate  with  the  weia:lit  of 
responsibility  he  had  to  sustain. 

On  the  22d,the  British  having  landed,  look 
a  position  near  the  main  channel  o  the  river, 
about  eight  miles  below  the  city.  In  the  e\e- 
nii'g  of  the  23i), General  Jackson  made  a  sud- 
den and  furious  attack  upon  their  camp.  They 
were  thrown  into  disorder:  but  they  soon 
rallied,  and  foiis;ht  with  a  bravery  at  least 
equal  to  that  of  tlie  assailants.  Satisfied  with 
the  advantage  first  gained,  he  withdrew  his 
troops,  fortified  a  strong  position  four  miles 
below  New  Orleai.s,  and  supported  it  by  bat- 
teries erected  on  th<!  west  bank  of  tne  river. 
On  the  2Stli  of  December,  and  the  Isl  of  Jan- 
uary, viiTorous  but  unsuccessful  attacks  were 
made  upon  these  fortifications  by  the  Eng- 
lish. In  the  tueantime,  both  armies  had  re- 
ceived reinforcements;  and  General  Sir  E 
Packenham,  the  liritish  commaiid(!r,  resolved 
to  exert  all  his  strength  in  a  combined  attack 
upon  the  American  positions  on  both  sides  of 
the  river.  With  almost  incredible  industry 
he  caused  a  canal,  leadiiiLr  from  a  creek  emp- 
tying itself  into  lake  i^orgne  to  the  iiiain 
channel  of  the  Mi8sissij)pi,  to  be  dug,  that  h« 


• 


UNITED  STATES. 


mislit  remove  a  part  of  his  boals  and  artillery 
to  that  river.    On  the  7th  of  January,  from 
the  movements  observed  in  the  British  camp, 
a  speedy  attack  was  anticipated.    This  was 
inaJe  early  on  the  8th.    The  British  troops, 
formed  in  a  close  column  of  about  sixty  men 
ill  front,  the  men  shouldering  their  muskets, 
h\\  carrying  fascines,  and  some  with  ladders, 
advanced  towards  the  American  fortifications, 
from  whence  an  incessant  fire  was  kept  up  on 
the  column,  which  continued  to  advance,  im- 
til  the  musketry  of  the  troops  of  Tennessee 
R.nd  Kentucky,  joined  with  the  fire  of  the  ar- 
tillery, began  to  make  an  impression  on  it 
which  soon  threw  it  into  confusion.  For  some 
time  the  British  officers  succeeded  in  anima- 
ting the  courage  of  their  troops,  making  them 
advance  obliquely  to  the  left,  to  avoid  the  fire 
of  a  battery,  every  discharge  from  which 
I  opened  the  column,  and  mowed  down  whole 
files,  which  were  almost  instantaneously  re- 
placed by  new  troops  coming  up  close  after 
the  first :  but  these  also  shared  the  same  fate, 
until  at  last,  after  twenty-five  minutes  conti- 
nual firing,  through  which  a  few  platoons  ad- 
vanced to  the  edge  of  the  ditch,  the  column 
entirely  broke,  and  part  of  the  troops  dis- 
persed, and  ran  to  take  shelter  among  the 
bushes  on  the  right.    The  rest  retired  to  the 
ditch  where  they  had  been  when  first  per- 
ceived, four  hundred  yards  from  the  Ameri- 
can lines.  There  the  officers  with  some  ditficul- 
ty  rallied  their  troops,  and  again  drew  them  up 
[   for  a  second  attack,  the  soldiers  having  laid 
j   down  their  knapsacks  at  the  edge  of  the  ditch, 
'    that  they  might  be  less  encumbered.  And 
now  for  the  second  time,  the  cohmm,  recruited 
witli  the  troops  that  formed    the   rear,  ad- 
(   vanced.    Again  it  was  received  with  t\\e  same 
I'   galling  fire  of  nmsketry  and  artillery,  till  it  at 
last  l>roke  again,  and  retired  in  the  utmost 
j    confusion.    In  vain  did  the  officers  now  en- 
I   deavour,  as  before,  to  revive  the  courage  of 
their  men  ;  to  no  purpose  did  they  strike  them 
I   with  the  Hat  of  their  swords,  to  force  them  to 
j   advance  ;  they  were  insensible  of  every  thing 
Dut  danger,  and  saw  nothmg  but  death,  which 
j   had  struck  so  many  of  their  comrades.  The 
Ij    attack  had  hardly  begun,  when  the  British 
,   commander-in-chief.  Sir  Edward  Packonham, 
foil  a  victim  to  his  own  intrepidity,  while  en- 
j   deavounng  to  animate  his  troops  with  ardour 
for  the  assault.    Soon  after  his  fall,  two  other 
generals,  Keane  and  Gibbs,  were  carried  off 
the  field  of  battle,  dangerously  wounded.  A 
great  number  of  officers  of  rank  had  fallen  : 
'    the  ground  over  which  the  column  had  march- 
ed was  strewed  with  the  dead  and  wounded. 
Such  slaughter  on  their  side,  with  scarcely 
I    any  loss  on  the  American,  spread  consterna- 
l    lion  through  the  British  ranks,  as  they  were 
now  convinced  of  the  impossibility  of  carry- 
nig  the  lines,  and  saw  that  even  to  advance 
was  certain  death.    Some    of    the  British 
troops  had  penetrated  into  tiie  wood  towards 
the  extremity  of  the  American  line,  to  make 
a  false  attack,  or  to  ascertain  whether  a  real 
one  were  practicable.    These  the  troops  un- 
der General  Coffee  no  sooner  perceived,  than 
they  opened  on  them  a  brisk  fire  with  their 
rifles,  which  made  them  retire.     The  greater 
part  of  those  who,  on  the  column's  being  re- 
pulsed, had  taken  shelter  in  the  thickets,  only 
escaped  the   batteries   to  be    killed  by  the 
wusketry.    During  the  whole  hour  that  the 
•Hack  lasted,  the  American  fire  did  not  slack- 
34 


en  for  a  single  moment.  But  half-after  eight 
in  the  morning,  the  musketry  had  ceased. 
The  whole  plain  on  the  left,  as  also  the  side 
of  the  river,  from  the  road  to  the  edge  of  the 
water,  was  covered  with  the  British  soldiers 
who  had  fallen.  About  four  hundred  wound- 
ed prisoners  were  taken,  and  at  least  double 
that  number  of  wounded  men  escaped  into 
the  British  camp  ;  and  a  space  of  ground,  ex- 
tending from  the  ditch  of  the  American  lines 
to  that  on  which  thg  enemy  drew  up  his 
troops,  two  hundred  and  fifty  yards  in  length, 
by  about  two  hundred  in  breadth,  was  lite- 
rally covered  with  men,  either  dead  or  se- 
verely wounded.  Perhaps  a  greater  dispa- 
rity of  loss  never  occurred;  that  of  the 
British  in  killed,  wounded,  and  prisoners,  in 
this  attack,  which  was  not  made  with  sufficient 
judgment,  and  which,  besides,  was  embar- 
rassed, by  unforseen  circumstances,  w^as  up- 
wards of  two  thousand  men  ;  the  killed  and 
wounded  of  the  Americans  was  only  thirteen. 

The  events  of  the  day  on  the  west  side  of 
the  river  present  a  striking  instance  of  the  un- 
certainty of  military  operations.  There  the 
Americans  were  thrice  the  number  of  their 
brave  assailants,  and  were  protected  by  in- 
trenchments  ;  but  they  ingloriously  fled.  They 
were  closely  pursued,  until  the  British  party, 
receiving-  intelligence  of  the  defeat  of  the 
main  army,  withdrew  from  pursuit,  and  re- 
crossed  the  river.  They  then  returned  and 
resumed  possession  of  their  intrenchments. 
General  Lambert,  upon  whom  the  command 
of  the  British  army  had  devolved,  having 
lost  all  hopes  of  success,  prepared  to  return  to 
his  shipping.  In  liIs  retreat  he  was  not  mo- 
lested: General  Jackson  wisely  resolving  to 
hazard  nothing  that  he  had  gained,  in  attempt- 
ing to  gain  still  more. 

The  Americans  naturally  indulged  in  ecsta- 
sies of  joy  for  this  signal  victory.  Te  Deum 
was  sung  at  New  Orleans,  and  every  demon- 
stration of  gratitude  manifested  by  the  inhabit- 
ants of  the  union  generally.  In  speaking  of 
gratitude  on  this  occasion,  however,  we  must 
not  omit  a  ludicrous  instance  of  the  meanness 
which  party-spirit  will  sometimes  exhibit. 
The  state  of  Louisiana  passed  votes  of  thanks 
to  several  of  the  officers  concerned  in  the  de- 
fence, and  omitted  General  Jackson.* 

Although  the  results  of  the  war  had  been 
honourable  to  the  American  arms,  a  large 

*  The  reason  for  this  omifsion  wns,  thnt,  while  they 
were  wrangling  and  dehiving  to  suspend  tlie  habeas  cor- 
pus in  a  moment  of  tlie  most  imperions  necessity,  the 
general,  to  save  the  country,  proclaimed  martial  law.  In 
consequence  of  the  omission  of  thanks  by  the  legislature, 
some  of  the  citizens  of  New  Orleans  presented  an  address 
to  the  general ;  the  answer  to  which  is  highly  characteris- 
tic of  the  gallant  officer,  now  president  of  the  United 
Slates: — "Although  horn  and  bred  in  the  land  of  free- 
dcmi,"  says  the  general,  "  popular  favour  has  always  been 
with  me  a  secondary  object.  My  first  wish  in  political 
life  has  been,  to  be  useful  to  my  countrv.  Yet  t  am  not 
insensible  to  the  good  opinion  of  my  fellow-citizens;  I 
would  do  much  !o  obtain  it;  but  I  cannot,  for  this  pur- 
pose, sacrifice  my  own  conscience,  or  what  I  conceive  to 
be  the  interests  of  my  country.  These  principles  have 
jirepared  me  to  receive  with  just  satisfaction  the  address 
you  have  presented.  The  first  wish  of  my  heart,  the 
safely  of  our  country,  has  been  accomplished  ;  and  it  af- 
fiu'ds  me  the  greatest  happiness  to  know,  that  the  means 
taken  to  secure  this  object,  have  met  the  approbation  of 
those  who  have  had  the  best  opportunities  of  judging  of 
tlicir  propriety,  and  who,  from  their  various  relations, 
mijlit  be  supposed  the  most  ready  to  censure  any  which 
had  been  improperly  resorted  to.  The  distinction  you 
draw,  gentlemen,  between  those  who  only  declaim  about 
civil  rights,  and  those  who  fight  to  maintain  them,  shows 
how  just  and  practical  a  knowledce  yon  have  of  the  true 
principles  of  liberty — without  such  knowlcd-re  all  theory 
is  useless  or  mischievous.  It  is  matter  of  surprise,  that 
they  who  boast  theuisclvcs  tlic  champions  of  those  rights 


portion  of  the  inhabitiints  of  the  New  Eng 
land  states  were  unceasingly  opposed  to  the 
measures  of  the  administration.  The  gover- 
nor of  Massachusetts  convoked  tlie  general 
court  of  that  state;  the  legislature  of  Connec- 
ticut was  about  to  hold  its  usual  semi-annual 
session;  and  the  legislature  of  Rhode  Island 
also  assembled.  When  these  several  bodies 
met,  what  should  be  done  in  this  unexampled 
state  of  affairs  became  a  subject  of  most  so- 
lemn  deliberation.  To  insure  unity  of  view* 
and  concert  in  action,  the  legislature  of  Mas- 
sachusetts proposed  a  '  Conference'  by  dele- 
gates from  the  legislatures  of  the  New  Eng- 
land  states,  and  of  any  other  states  that  might 
accede  to  the  measure.  Their  resolution  for 
this  purpose,  and  the  circular  letter  accom- 
panying it,  show,  that  the  duty  proposed  to 
be  assigned  to  these  delegates  was  merely  to 
devise  and  recommend  to  the  states,  measures 
for  their  security  and  defence,  and  such  mea- 
sures as  were  "  not  repugnant  to  their  federal 
obligations  as  members  of  the  Union."  The 
proposition  was  readily  assented  to  by  several 
states,  and  the  delegates  appointed  in  pursu- 
ance of  it  met  at  Hartford,  on  the  15th  of 
December  following.  The  convention  re- 
commended, 1.  That  the  states  they  represent 
take  measures  to  protect  their  citizens  from 
"  forcible  draughts,  conscriptions  or  impress- 
ments, not  authorized  by  the  constitution  of 
the  United  States."  2.  That  an  earnest  ap 
plication  be  made  to  the  government  of  the 
United  States,  requesting  their  consent  to 
some  arrangement,  whereby  the  states  sepa- 
rately, or  in  concert,  may  take  upon  them- 
selves the  defence  of  their  territory  against 
the  enemy,  and  that  a  reasonable  portion  of 
the  taxes  collected  within  the  states  be  appro- 
priated to  this  object.  3.  That  the  several 
governors  be  authorized  by  law  to  employ 
the  military  force  under  their  command  in  as 
si?  ng  any  state  requesting  it,  to  repel  the  in- 
vasions of  the  public  enemy.  4.  That  seve- 
ral amendments  of  the  constitution  of  the 
United  States,  calculated  in  their  view  to  pre- 
vent a  recurrence  of  the  evils  of  which  they 
complain,  be  proposed  by  the  states  they  re- 
present for  adoption  either  by  the  state  legis- 
latures, or  by  a  convention  chosen  by  the 
people  of  each  state.  Lastly,  That  if  the 
application  of  these  states  to  the  governmeil', 
of  the  United  States  should  be  unsuccessful, 
and  peace  should  not  be  concluded,  and  the 

and  privileges,  should  not,  when  they  were  first  put  in 
daneer  by  the.  proclamation  of  martial  law,  have  niani 
fcsted  that  lively  sensibility  of  which  ihev  hs^-e  since 
made  so  ostentations  a  display.  So  far,  however,  was 
this  from  being  the  case,  that  this  measure  not  only  met, 
then,  the  open  support  of  those  who,  when  their  country 
was  invaded,  thoueht  resistance  a  virtue,  and  the  silent 
approbation  of  all,  but  even  received  the  particular  recom- 
mendation and  encouragement  of  many  who  now  inveigh 
the  most  bitterly  against  it.  It  whs  not  until  a  victory, 
secured  bv  that  very  measure,  had  lessened  the  daneer 
which  occasioned  the  resort  to  it,  that  the  present  feeling 
guardians  of  our  rights  discovered  that  the  coinniandinK 
eeneral  ought  to  have  suffered  his  posts  to  be  abandoned 
through  the  interference  of  a  foreign  agent — his  ranks  to 
be  thinned  by  desertion, and  his  whole  army  to  be  broken 
to  pieces  bv  mutiny;  while  yet  a  powerful  force  of  iho 
enemy  remained  on  our  coast,  and  within  h  few  hours 
sail  of  your  city.  Under  these  eimiiusiances,  fellow- 
soliliers,  voiir  resolution  to  let  others  declaiiii  about  privi- 
leges and  constitutional  rights,  will  ne-  er  draw  upon  vou 
the  charge  of  bcine  indifferent  to  those  inestimable  bles- 
sings; your  attachment  to  ihcm  has  Ijcen  (irovcd  by  a 
stronger  title — that  of  having  nobly  fought  to  prcser>o 
them.  You,  who  have  llius  supported  them  aeainst  the 
open  pretensions  of  a  powerful  enemy,  will  never,  I  trust, 
surrender  tliem  to  the  underhand  machinations  of  men 
who  Bland  aloof  in  the  hour  of  peril,  and  who,  wh<n  tho 
danger  is  gone,  claim  to  be  the  'defenders  of  yoii'  :,sn;:li. 
tutioQ.' " 


014 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


defence  of  these  states  be  still  neglected,  it 
would,  in  their  o-)  nion,  be  expedient  for  the 
lesrislaturcs  of  the  several  states  to  appoint 
delegates  to  another  convention,  to  meet  at 
Boston,  in  June,  with  such  powers  and  in- 
structions as  the  exigency  of  a  crisis  so  mo- 
mentous may  require.  The  cfTect  of  these 
proceedings  upon  the  public  mind  in  the  ag- 
grieved states,  was  alike  seasonable  and  salu- 
tary. The  very  proposal  to  call  a  convention, 
and  the  cciif.dence  reposed  in  the  men  dele- 
gated to  that  trust,  served  greatly  to  allay  the 
passions,  and  to  inspire  confidence  and  hope. 
Nor  was  the  influence  of  this  body  upon  the 
national  councils  less  perceptible.  Within 
three  weeks  after  the  adjournment  of"  the 
Convention  and  the  publication  of  their  re- 
port, an  act  passed  both  houses  of  the  national 
legislature,  and  received  the  signature  of  the 
president,  authorizing  and  requiring  him  to 
"  receive  into  the  service  of  the  United 
States  any  corps  of  troops  which  may  have 
been  or  may  be  raised,  organized,  and  offi- 
cered, under  the  authority  of  any  of  the 
states,"  to  be  "  employed  in  the  state  raising 
tlie  same,  or  an  adjoining  state,  and  not  else- 
where, except  with  the  consent  of  the  exe- 
cutive of  the  state  raising;  th*?  same."  Be- 
fore the  commissioners  who  were  sent  to  con- 
fer with  the  government  could  reach  Wash- 
ington, a  bill  passed  the  senate,  providing  for 
the  payment  of  the  troops  and  militia  already 
called  into  service  under  the  authority  of  the 
states.  The  arrival  of  the  treaty  of  peace  at 
this  juncture,  rendered  all  farther  proceed- 
ings unnecessary. 

Durinsr  the  preceding  year  the  British  go- 
vernment had  declined  to  treat  under  the  me- 
diation of  Russia,  and  a  direct  negotiation 
had  been  agreed  on.  Ghent  was  ultimately 
determined  as  the  place  of  meeting ;  and  in 
the  autunr.n  of  1814  the  co^nmissioners  prose- 
cuted their  labours,  but  at  first  with  very 
doubtful  success.  By  the  24(h  of  December, 
a  treaty  was  agreed  upon  and  signed  by  the 
plenipotentiaries  of  the  respective  powers  at 
Ghent;  and  in  February  of  the  following 
year  it  received  the  ratification  of  the  presi- 
dent. 

While  the  people  of  the  United  States  were 
rejoicing  at  the  return  of  peace,  their  attention 
was  called  to  a  new  scene  of  war.  By  a  mes- 
sage from  the  president  to  the  house  of  repre- 
sentatives, with  a  report  of  the  secretary  of 
state,  it  appeared  that  the  dey  of  Algiers  had 
violently,  and  without  just  cause,  obliged  the 
consul  of  the  United  States,  and  all  the  Ameri- 
can citizens  in  Algiers,  to  leave  that  place,  in 
violation  of  the  treaty  then  subsisting  Ijetvveen 
the  two  nations  ;  that  he  had  exacted  from 
the  consul,  under  pain  of  immediate  imprison- 
ment, a  large  sum  of  mom'.y,  to  which  he  had 
no  just  claim;  and  that  these  acts  of  violence 
and  outrage  had  Ijcen  followed  by  the  capture 
of  at  least  one  American  vessel,  and  by  the 
seizure  of  an  American  citizen  on  board  of  a 
neutral  vessel ;  that  the  captured  persons 
were  yet  held  in  captivity,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  two  of  them,  who  had  been  ransomed; 
that  every  effort  to  obtain  the  r(?l(!ase  of  the 
otncrs  had  proved  abortive ;  and  that  there 
was  some  reason  to  believe  they  were  lu-ld  bv 
the  dey  as  means  by  which  he  calculated  to 
extort  from  the  United  States  a  degrading 
treaty.  The  president  observed,  tliat  the 
u)UsiJurations  which  rendered  it  unnecessary 


and  unimportant  to  commence  hostile  opera- 
tions on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  were 
now  terminated  by  the  peace  with  Great  Bri- 
tain, which  opened  the  prospect  of  an  active 
and  valuable  trade  of  their  citizens  within  the 
range  of  the  Algerine  cruisers ;  and  recom- 
mended to  Congress  the  consideration  of  an 
act  declaring  the  existence  of  a  state  of  war 
between  the  United  States  and  the  dey  of 
Algiers,  and  of  such  provisions  as  might  be 
requisite  for  the  prosecution  of  it  to  a  success- 
ful issue.  A  committee  of  Congress,  to  whom 
was  referred  a  bill  "  for  the  protection  of  the 
commerce  of  the  United  States  against  the 
Algerine  cruisers,"  after  a  statement  of  facts, 
concluded  their  report  by  expressing  their 
united  opinion,  "  that  the  dey  of  Algiers  con- 
siders his  treaty  with  the  United  States  as  at 
an  end,  and  is  waging  war  with  them ;"  and 
in  March,  war  was  declared  against  the  Alge- 
rines. 

An  expedition  was  immediately  ordered  to 
the  Mediterranean,  under  the  command  of 
Commodore  Balnbridge.  The  squadron  in 
advance  on  that  service,  under  Commodore 
Decatur,  lost  not  a  moment  after  its  arrival  in 
the  Mediterranean,  in  seeking  the  naval  force 
of  the  enemy,  then  cruising  in  that  sea,  and 
succeeded  in  capturing  two  of  his  ships,  one 
of  them  commanded  by  the  Algerine  admiral. 
The  American  commander,  after  this  demon- 
stration of  skill  and  prowess,  hastened  to  the 
port  of  Algiers,  where  he  readily  obtained 
peace,  in  the  stipulated  terms  of  which  the 
rights  and  honour  of  the  United  States  were 
particularly  consulted,  by  a  perpetual  relin- 
quishment, on  the  part  of  the  dey,  of  all  pre- 
tensions to  tribute  from  them.  The  impres- 
sions thus  made,  strengthened  by  subsequent 
transactions  with  the  regencies  of  Tunis  and 
Tripoli,  by  the  appearance  of  the  larger  force 
which  followed  under  Commodore  Bain- 
bridge,  and  by  the  judicious  precautionary  ar- 
rangements left  by  him  in  that  quarter,  af- 
forded a  reasonable  prospect  of  future  secu- 
rity for  the  valuable  portion  of  American  com- 
merce which  passes  within  reach  of  the  Bar- 
bary  cruisers. 

President  Madison,  in  his  message  to  the 
congress  of  1S16,  having  adverted  to  the 
peace  of  Europe  and  to  that  of  the  United 
States  with  Great  Britain,  said,  he  had  the 
"  satisfaction  to  state,  generally,  that  they  re- 
mained in  amity  with  foreign  powers."  He 
proceeded  to  say,  that  the  posture  of  affairs 
with  Algiers  at  that  moment  was  not  known  ; 
but  that  the  dey  had  found  a  pretext  for  com- 
plaining of  a  violation  of  the  last  treaty,  and 
presenting  as  the  alternative,  war  or  a  renew- 
al of  the  former  treaty,  which  stipulated, 
among  other  things,  an  annual  tribute.  "  The 
answer,"  says  the  president,  "  with  an  ex- 
plicit declaration  that  the  United  States  pre- 
ferred war  to  tribute,  required  his  recognition 
and  observance  of  the  treaty  last  made,  which 
abolishes  tribute,  and  the  slavery  of  our  cap- 
tured citizens.  The  result  of  the  answer  has 
not  been  received.  Should  he  renew  his 
warfare  on  our  commerce,  we  rely  on  the  pro- 
tection it  will  find  in  our  naval  force  actually 
in  the  Mediterranean.  With  the  other  Bar- 
bary  states  our  affairs  have  underfifone  no 
change.  With  reference  to  the  aborigines  of 
our  own  country,"  he  continues  "the  Indian 
tribes  within  our  limits  appear  also  disposed 
to  remain  in  peace.    From  several  of  them 


purchiises  of  lands  have  been  made,  parlIcQ* 
larly  favourable  to  the  wishes  and  security  of 
our  frontier  settlements  as  well  as  to  the  ge- 
neral interests  of  the  nation.  In  some  instan- 
ces, the  titles,  though  not  supported  by  due 
proof,  and  clashing  those  of  one  tribe  with  the 
claims  of  another,  have  been  extinguished  by 
double  purchases,  the  benevolent  policy  of 
the  United  States  preferring  the  aMgmei.led 
expense  to  the  hazard  of  doing  injustice,  or 
to  the  enforcement  of  justice  against  a  feeble 
and  untutored  people,  by  means  involving  or 
threatening  an  effusion  of  blood.  I  am  happy 
to  add,  that  the  tranquility  which  has  been 
restored  among  the  tribes  themselves,  as  well 
as  between  them  ard  our  own  population, 
will  favour  the  resumption  of  the  work  of 
civilization,  which  had  made  an  encourag- 
ing  progress  among  some  tribes  ;  and  that  the 
facility  is  increasing  for  extending  that  divi- 
ded and  individual  ownership,  which  exists 
now  in  moveable  property  only,  to  the  soil 
itself ;  and  of  thus  establishing,  in  the  cul- 
ture and  improvement  of  it,  the  true  founda- 
tion for  a  transit  from  the  habits  of  a  savage 
to  the  arts  and  comforts  of  social  life." 

The  doubtful  state  of  the  relations  between 
the  United  States  and  the  dey  of  Algiers,  to 
which  the  president  alludei^.  in  his  message, 
arose  either  from  a  strong  impulse  of  the  love 
of  extortion  In  the  dey,  or  from  tlie  influence 
of  some  foreign  personages ;  tlie  rising  dif- 
ferences were,  however,  settled  by  ihe  pru- 
dent management  of  the  American  consul, 
Mr.  Shaler,  and  peace  has  not  since  been 
broken  on  the  part  of  the  Algerines. 

Among  the  incidents  of  domestic  interest 
which  Indicate  the  rapid  growth  and  increas- 
ing prosperity  of  the  republic,  we  may  no- 
tirn  the  formation  of  the  territory  of  Indiana 
into  a  state,  and  its  admission  into  the  union: 
the  progress  of  canals  in  various  stales;  the 
institution  of  a  national  bank ;  and  the  arri- 
val of  many  thousand  emigrants,  chiefly  from 
Great  Britain.  Treaties  were,  during  this 
year,  negotiated  with  the  Choctaw,  Chicka- 
saw, and  Cherokee  Indians,  ceding  largo 
portions  of  their  respective  territories  to  the 
United  States,  and  acknowledging  their  tribes 
to  be  under  the  protection  of  the  republic. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

ADMINISTR.ATIONS  OK  JAMES  MONHOE,  JOHV 
QUINCY  ADAMS,  AND  PART  OF  THAT  OP 
ANDREW  JACKSON. 

The  events  of  the  existing  generation  can 
never  be  considered  fully  ripe  for  the  histo- 
rian; we  have  therefore  been  concise  in  our 
narrative  of  recent  transactions.  The  closine 
chapter  of  this  narrative,  although  comprising 
a  period  of  eighteen  years,  will  exhibit  still 
more  strikingly  a  happy  brevity,  through  the 
absence  of  events  which  constitute  the  chief 
materials  of  history  ;  and  our  earnest  hope  is, 
that  every  succeeJing  decade  will  possess  an 
equally  diminished  claim  on  the  lustoric  pen 
— an  Indication  that  an  interchange  of  benevo- 
lent acts  constitutes  an  increasing  proportion 
of  national  proceedings,  giving  little  to  record, 
but  much  to  enjoy.  Ambition  and  the  lovo 
of  glory,  the  brilliant  but  delusive  ofl'spimg 
of  disordered  minds,  may  excite  to  deedi 


UNITED  STATES. 


619 


»\4iicli  engagie  the  admiration  of  the  unreflfict- 
lug  mass  of  mankind ;  but  they  are  dccGS 
which,  wliile  they  gratify  the  pride  of  a  few, 
blast  the  happiness  of  multitudes;  and,  like 
family  feuds,  spread  their  baneful  influence 
through  distant  generations.  Under  the  lieat- 
ed  and  deadly  giare  of  military  glory,  the  arts 
and  sciences  which  contribute  to  the  enjoy- 
ment of  life  wither,  and  give  place  to  the  lux- 
urious growth  of  rancorous  weeds,  whose 
blossoms  are  decked,  indeed,  with  gorgeous 
colours,  but  whose  fruit  is  the  dust  of  bit- 
t2rness  and  despair. 

A  circumstance  peculiar  to  the  constitution 
of  the  United  States,  also  tends  to  abridge 
our  present  labours; — the  history  of  the  Unit- 
ed States  during  the  remainder  of  the  period 
we  propose  to  include  relating  chiefly  to  mea- 
sures of  internal  improvement,  which  are, 
for  the  most  part,  conducted  by  the  respect- 
ive states,  and  not  by  the  general  govern- 
ment, the  arransrements  of  the  work  necessa- 
rily  transfer  our  notice  of  these  transactions 
to  a  subsequent  section,  which  will  treat  of 
them  iti  connection  with  the  statistics  and  to- 
pography of  the  states  in  which  they  have 
occurred. 

The  term  of  Mr.  Madison's  administration 
having  expired  in  the  year  1817,  James  Mon- 
roe was  inaugurated  president,  and  Daniel 
D.  Tompkins  vice-president.  On  his  inagu- 
riition.  Mr.  Monroe  delivered  the  following 
ad<iress  to  both  houses  of  congress  : — 

"I  should  be  destitute  of  feeling,  if  I  was 
lint  deeply  affected  by  the  strong  proof  which 
mv  fellow-citizens  have  given  me  of  their 
confidence,  in  calling  me  to  the  high  office, 
Kvhose  functions  I  am  about  to  assume.  As 
the  expression  of  their  good  opinion  of  my 
conduct  in  the  public  service,  I  derive  from  it 
a  gratification,  which  those  who  are  conscious  i 
of  having  done  all  that  they  could  to  merit 
it,  can  alone  feel.  My  sensibility  is  increased 
by  a  just  estimate  of  the  importance  of  the 
trust,  and  of  the  nature  and  extent  of  its  du- 
ties ;  with  the  proper  discharge  of  which,  the 
highest  interests  of  a  great  and  free  people 
are  intimately  connected.  Conscious  of  my 
own  deficiency,  I  cannot  enter  on  these  duties 
without  great  anxiety  for  the  result.  From 
a  just  responsibility  I  will  never  shrink ;  cal- 
culating with  confidence,  that  iu  my  best  ef- 
forts to  promote  the  public  welfare,  my  mo- 
tives w\ll  always  be  duly  appreciated,  and 
my  conduct  be  viewed  with  that  candour  and 
indulgence  which  I  have  experienced  in  other 
stations. 

"In  commencing  the  duties  of  the  chief 
executive  office,  it  has  been  the  practice  of 
the  distinguished  men  who  have  gone  before 
me,  to  explain  the  principles  which  would 
govern  them  in  their  respective  administra- 
tions. In  following  their  venerated  exani[)le, 
my  attention  is  naturally  drawn  to  the  great 
causes  which  have  contributed,  in  a  principal 
d^'gree,  to  produce  the-  present  happy  condi- 
tion of  the  United  States.  They  will  best  ex- 
plain the  nature  of  our  duties,  and  shed  much 
light  on  the  policy  which  ought  to  be  pursu- 
ed in  future. 

"From  the  commencement  of  our  re volu- 
t.on  to  the  present  day,  almost  forty  years 
-lave  elapsed,  and  from  the  establishment  of 
this  constitution,  twenty-eight.  Through  this 
whole  term  the  government  has  been  wliat 
iP.iy  emphatically  b«  called,  aelf-governnient; 


and  what  has  been  the  effect?  To  whatever 
object  wo  turn  our  attention,  whether  it  re- 
lates to  our  foreign  or  domestic  concerns,  we 
find  abundant  cause  to  felicitate  ourselves  in 
the  excellence  of  our  institutions.  During  a 
period  fraught  with  difficulties,  and  marked 
by  very  extraordinary  events,  the  United 
States  have  flourished  beyond  example. 
Their  citizens,  individually,  have  been  happy, 
and  the  nation  prosperous. 

"Under  this  constitution,  our  commerce 
has  been  wisely  regulated  with  foreign  nations, 
and  between  the  states;  new  states  have  been 
admitted  into  our  union;  our  territory  has 
been  enlarged,  by  fair  and  honourable  treaty, 
and  with  great  advantage  to  the  original  states; 
the  states  respectively,  protected  by  the  na- 
tional government,  under  a  mild  parental  sys- 
tem, against  foreign  dangers,  and  enjoying 
within  their  separate  spheres,  by  a  wise  par- 
tition of  power,  a  just  proportion  of  the 
sovereignty,  have  improved  their  police,  ex- 
tended their  settlements,  and  attained  a 
strength  and  maturity,  which  are  the  best 
proofs  of  wholesome  laws,  well  administered. 
And  if  we  look  to  the  condition  of  individu- 
als, what  a  proud  spectacle  does  it  exhibit  1 
On  whom  has  oppression  fallen  in  any  quar- 
ter of  our  union?  Who  has  been  deprived 
of  any  right  of  person  or  property  1  Who 
restrained  in  offering  his  vows  in  the  mode  in 
which  he  prefers,  to  the  Divine  Author  of 
his  being?  It  is  well  known,  that  all  these 
blessings  have  been  enjoyed  in  their  fullest 
extent ;  and  I  add  with  peculiar  satisfaction, 
that  there  has  been  no  example  of  a  capital 
punishment  being  inflicted  on  any  one  for  the 
crime  of  high  treason. 

"Some,  who  might  admit  the  competency 
of  our  government  to  these  beneficent  duties, 
might  doubt  it  in  trials  which  put  to  the  test 
its  strength  and  efficiency,  as  a  member  of  the 
great  community  of  nations.  Here,  too,  ex- 
perience has  afforded  us  the  most  satisfactory 
proof  in  its  favour.  Just  as  this  constitution 
was  put  into  action,  several  of  the  principal 
states  of  Europe  had  become  much  agitated, 
and  some  of  them  seriously  convulsed.  De- 
structive wars  ensued,  vi'hich  have,  of  late 
only,  been  terminated.  In  the  course  of  these 
conflicts,  the  United  States  received  great  in- 
jury from  several  of  the  parties.  It  was 
their  interest  to  stand  aloof  from  the  contest; 
to  demand  justice  from  the  party  committing 
the  injury  ;  and  to  cultivate,  by  a  fair  and  ho- 
nourable conduct,  the  friendship  of  all.  War 
became,  at  length,  inevitable,  and  the  result 
has  shown,  that  our  government  is  equal  to 
that,  the  greatest  of  trials,  under  the  most  un- 
favourable circumstances.  Of  the  virtue  of 
the  people,  and  of  the  heroic  exploits  of  the 
army,  the  navy,  and  the  militia,  I  need  not 
speak. 

"  Such,  then,  is  the  happy  government  un- 
der which  we  live  :  a  government  adequate 
to  every  purpose  for  which  the  social  compact 
is  formed  ;  a  government  elective  in  all  its 
branches,  under  which  every  citizen  may,  by 
his  merit,  obtain  the  highest  trust  recognized 
by  the  constitution  ;  which  contains  within  it 
no  cause  of  discord  ;  none  to  put  at  variance 
one  portion  of  the  commimity  with  another; 
a  government  which  protects  every  citizen  in 
the  full  enjoyment  of  his  rights,  and  is  able  to 
protect  the  nation  against  injustice  from 
foreign  powers. 


"  Other  considerations  of  the  highest  impor- 
tance admonish  us  to  cherish  our  union,  and 
cling  to  the  government  which  6upj)ort8  it. 
Fortunate  as  we  are  in  our  political  institu- 
tions, we  have  not  been  less  so  in  other  cir- 
cumstances, on  which  our  prosperity  and  hap- 
piness essentially  depend.  Situated  within 
the  temperate  zone,  and  extending  throujrh 
many  degrc^es  of  latitude  along  the  Atlantic, 
the  United  States  enjoy  all  the  varieties  of 
climate,  and  every  production  incident  to 
that  portion  of  the  globe.  Penetrating,  inter- 
nally, to  the  great  lakes,  and  beyond  the  source 
of  the  great  rivers  which  communicate  through 
our  whole  interior,  no  country  was  ever  hap- 
pier with  respect  to  its  domain.  Blessed  too 
with  a  fertile  soil,  our  produce  has  always 
been  very  abundant,  leaving,  even  in  years 
the  least  favourable,  a  surplus  for  the  wants  of 
our  fellow  men  in  other  countries.  Such  is 
our  peculiar  felicity,  that  there  is  not  a  part  of 
our  union  that  is  not  particularly  interested  in 
preserving  it.  The  great  agricultural  inte- 
rest of  the  nation  prospers  under  its  protec- 
tion. Local  interests  are  not  less  fostered  by 
it.  Our  fellow-citizens  of  the  north,  engaged 
in  navigation,  find  great  encouragement  in 
being  made  the  favoured  carriers  of  the  vast 
productions  of  the  other  portions  of  the  United 
States,  while  the  inhabitants  of  these  are  am- 
ply recompensed,  in  their  turn,  by  the  nursery 
for  seamen  and  naval  force,  thus  formed  and 
reared  up  for  the  support  of  our  common 
rights.  Our  manufactures  find  a  generous 
encouragement  by  the  policy  which  patron- 
izes domestic  industry;  and  the  surplus  of 
our  produce,  a  steady  and  profitable  market 
by  local  wants,  in  less  favoured  parts  at  homo. 

"Such,  then,  being  the  highly  favoured  con- 
dition of  our  country,  it  is  the  interest  of  every 
citizen  to  maintain  ih  What  are  the  dangers 
which  menace  us?  If  any  exist,  they  ought 
to  be  ascertained  and  guarded  against. 

"  In  explaining  my  sentiments  on  this  sub- 
ject, it  may  be  asked,  what  raised  us  to  the 
present  happy  state  ?  How  did  we  accom- 
plish the  revolution  ?  How  remedy  the  de- 
fects of  the  first  instrument  of  our  union,  by 
infusing  into  the  national  government  suffi- 
cient power  for  national  purposes,  without 
impairing  the  just  rights  of  the  states,  or  affect- 
ing those  of  individuals?  How  sustain,  and 
pass  with  glory  through  the  late  war?  The 
government  has  been  in  the  hands  of  the  peo- 
ple. To  the  people,  therefore,  and  to  tho 
faithful  and  able  depositories  of  their  trust,  is 
the  credit  due.  Had  the  people  of  the  United 
States  been  educated  in  different  principles; 
had  they  been  less  intelligent,  less  independ- 
ent, or  less  virtuous,  can  it  be  believed  that 
we  should  have  maintained  the  same  steady 
and  consistent  career,  or  been  blessed  with  the 
same  success?  While  then  the  constituent 
body  retains  its  present  sound  and  healthful 
state,  every  thing  will  be  safe.  They  will 
choose  competent  and  faithful  repn^sentatives 
of  every  department.  It  is  only  when  the 
people  become  ignorant  and  corrupt,  when 
they  degenerate  into  a  populace,  that  they  are 
incapable  of  exercising  the  sovereignty.  Usin-. 
pation  is  then  an  easy  attainment,  and  a  usur- 
per soon  found.  The  people  themselves  be- 
come the  willing  instruments  of  their  own 
debasement  and  ruin.  Let  us  then  look  to 
the  great  cause,  and  endeavour  to  preserve  it 
in  full  force.    Let  us,  by  all  wise  and  consti- 


S16 


HISTOHY  OF  THE 


tutional  measures,  promote  inteUls^ence  among 
the  peoplo,  as  the  best  means  of  preserving 
our  liberties. 

"  Dangers  from  abroad  are  not  less  deserv- 
ing of  attention.  Experiencing  the  fortune  of 
other  nations,  the  United  States  may  be  again 
involved  in  war,  and  it  may,  in  that  event,  be 
the  ol)ject  of  the  adverse  party  to  overset  our 
government,  to  break  our  jiiion,  and  demolish 
us  as  a  nation.  Our  distance  from  Europe, 
and  the  just  moderate,  and  pacific  policy  of 
our  government,  may  form  some  security 
ajainst  these  danger^,  but  they  ought  to  be 
anticipated  and  guarded  against.  Many  of 
our  citizens  are  engaged  in  commerce  and 
navisration,  and  all  of  them  are  in  a  certain  de- 
gree  dependent  on  their  prosperous  state. 
Many  are  engaged  in  the  fisheries.  These 
interests  are  exposed  to  invasion  in  the  wars 
between  other  powers,  and  we  should  disre- 
gard the  faithful  admonition  of  exj)erience  if 
we  did  not  expect  it.  We  must  support  our 
rights  or  lose  our  character,  and  with  it  per- 
ha()s  our  liberties.  A  people  who  fail  to  do 
it,  can  scarcely  be  said  to  hold  a  place  among 
in(lependent  nations.  National  honour  is  na- 
tional property  of  the  highest  value.  The 
sentiment  in  the  mind  of  every  citizen,  is  na- 
tional strength.  It  ought  therefore  to  be 
cherished. 

"  To  secure  us  against  these  dangers,  our 
coa^t  and  inland  frontiers  should  be  fortified, 
our  army  and  navy  regulated  upon  just  prin- 
ciples as  to  the  force  of  each,  be  kept  in  per- 
fect order,  and  our  militia  be  placed  on  the 
best  practicable  footing.  To  put  our  exten- 
sive coast  in  such  a  state  of  defence,  as  to  se- 
cure our  cities  and  interior  from  invasion,  will 
be  attended  with  expense,  but  the  work  when 
fiiii<hed  will  be  permanent,  and  it  is  fair  to 
presume  that  a  single  campaign  of  invasion, 
by  a  naval  force  superior  to  our  own,  aided 
by  a  few  thousand  land  troops,  would  expose 
as  to  greater  expense,  without  taking  into  the 
estimate  the  loss  of  property,  and  distress  of 
our  citizens,  than  would  be  sufficient  for  this 
great  work.  Our  land  and  naval  forces  should 
be  moderate,  but  adequate  to  the  necessary 
purposes.  The  former  to  garrison  and  pre- 
serve our  fortifications  and  to  meet  the  first 
invasions  of  a  foreign  foe;  and,  while  consti- 
tuting the  elements  of  a  greater  force,  to  pre- 
serve the  science,  as  well  as  all  the  necessary 
im()lemenfs  of  war,  in  a  state  to  be  brought 
into  activity  in  the  event  of  wai.  The  latter, 
retained  within  the  limits  proper  in  a  state  of 
peace,  might  aid  in  maintaining  the  neutrality 
of  the  United  States  with  dignity  In  the  wars 
of  other  powers,  and  in  saving  the  property 
of  their  citizens  from  spoliation.  In  time  of 
war,  with  the  enlargement  of  which  the  great 
naval  resources  of  the  country  render  it  sus- 
ceptible, and  which  should  be  duly  fostered 
in  time  of  peace,  it  would  contribute  essen- 
tially both  as  an  auxiliary  of  defence,  and  as  a 
powerful  engine  of  annoyance,  to  diminish 
the  calamities  of  war,  and  to  bring  the  war  to 
a  spci'dy  and  honourable  termination. 

"  BMt  it  always  ought  to  be  held  promi- 
nently in  view,  that  the  safety  of  these  stat(!S, 
and  of  every  thin^  dear  to  a  free  p(!<)ple,  must 
di'pend  in  an  eminent  degree  on  the  militia. 
Invasions  may  be  made,  too  formidable  to  bo 
resisted  by  any  land  and  naval  force,  which  it 
would  com|)ort  either  with  the  j)rinclple3  of 
our  govcriicncnt,  or  the  circumstances  of  the 


United  States,  to  maintain.  In  such  cases, 
recourse  must  be  had  to  the  great  body  of  the 
people,  and  in  a  manner  to  produce  the  best 
effect.  It  is  of  the  highest  importance,  there- 
fore, that  tliey  be  so  organized  and  trained,  as 
to  be  prepared  for  any  emergency.  The  ar- 
rangement should  be  such,  as  to  put  at  the 
command  of  the  government  the  ardent  pa- 
triotism and  youthful  vigour  of  the  country. 
If  formed  on  equal  and  just  principles,  it  can- 
1  ot  be  oppressive.  .It  is  the  crisis  which 
rjakes  the  pressure,  and  not  the  laws  which 
provide  a  remedy  for  it.  This  arrangement 
should  be  formed  too  in  time  of  peace,  to  be 
better  prepared  for  war.  With  such  an  or- 
ganization of  such  a  people,  the  United  States 
have  nothing  to  dread  from  foreign  invasion. 
At  its  approach,  an  overwhelming  force  of 
gallant  men  might  always  be  put  in  motion. 

"Other  interests  of  high  importance  will 
claim  attention,  among  which  the  improve- 
ment of  our  country  by  roads  and  canals,  pro- 
ceeding always  with  a  constitutional  sanction, 
holds  a  distinguished  place.  By  thus  facili- 
tating the  intercourse  between  the  states,  we 
shall  add  much  to  the  convenience  and  com- 
fort of  our  fellow-citizens;  much  to  the  orna- 
ment of  the  country;  and,  what  is  of  a  greater 
importance,  we  shall  shorten  distances,  and  by 
making  each  part  more  accessllile  to,  and  de- 
pendent on  the  other,  we  shall  bind  the  union 
more  closely  together.  Nature  has  done  so 
much  for  us  by  intersecting  the  country  witli 
so  many  great  rivers,  bays,  and  lakes,  ap- 
proaching from  distant  points  so  near  to  each 
other,  that  the  inducement  to  complete  the 
work  seems  to  be  peculiarly  strong.  A  more 
interesting  spectacle  was  perhaps  never  s^en 
than  is  exhibited  within  the  United  States ;  a 
territory  so  vast,  and  advantageously  situated, 
containing  objects  so  grand,  so  useful,  so  hap- 
pily connected  in  all  their  parts. 

"  Our  manufactures  will  likewise  require 
tlie  systematic  and  fostering  care  of  the  go- 
vernment. Possessing,  as  we  do,  all  the  raw 
materials,  the  fruit  of  our  own  soil  and  indus- 
try, we  ought  not  to  depend  in  the  decree  we 
have  done  on  the  supplies  from  other  coun- 
tries. While  we  are  thus  dependent,  the  sud- 
den event  of  war  unsought  and  unexpected, 
cannot  fail  to  plunge  us  into  the  most  serious 
dlirictiltles.  It  is  important,  too,  that  the  cap- 
ital which  nourishes  cur  .manufactures  should 
be  domestic,  as  its  influence  in  that  case,  in- 
stead of  exhausting,  as  it  may  do  in  foreign 
h.\nds,  would  be  felt  advantageously  on  agri- 
culture, and  every  other  branch  of  industry. 
Equally  important  Is  it  to  provide  at  home  a 
market  for  our  raw  materials,  as  by  extend- 
ing the  competition,  it  will  enhance  the  price, 
and  protect  the  cultivator  against  the  casual- 
ties incident  to  foreign  markets. 

"  With  the  Indian  tribes  it  is  our  duty  to 
cultivate  friendly  relations,  and  to  act  with 
kindness  and  liberality  in  all  our  transactions. 
Equally  proper  is  it  to  persevere  in  our  ef- 
forts to  extend  to  them  the  advanta<;es  of  civili- 
zation. 

"  The  great  amount  of  our  revenue,  and 
the  flourishing  slate  of  the  treasury,  are  a  full 
proof  of  the  competency  of  the  national  re- 
sources for  any  emergency,  as  they  are,  of 
the  willingness  of  our  fellow-citizens  to  bear 
I  he  burdens  which  the  public  necessities  re- 
quire. The  vast  ainoiiiit  of  vacant  lands, 
the  valus  of  which  daily  augments,  forms  an 


I  additional  resource  of"  great  extent  and  dura 
tlon.  These  resources,  besides  accomplishing 
every  other  necessary  purpose,  put  it  c  )m 
pletely  in  the  power  of  the  United  States  t« 
discharge  the  national  debt  at  an  early  '|)eri()d 
Peace  is  the  best  time  for  improvement  and 
preparation  of  every  kind  ;  it  is  in  jieace  that 
our  commerce  flourishes  most,  that  taxes  are 
most  easily  paid,  and  that  the  revenue  is  most 
productive. 

"  The  executive  is  charged  officially,  in  the 
departments  under  it,  with  the  disbursementof 
the  public  money,  and  is  responsible  ftir  the 
faithful  application  of  it  to  the  purposes  for 
which  it  is  raised.  The  legislature  is  the 
watchful  guard  over  the  public  purse.  It  is 
its  duty  to  see  that  the  disbursement  has  been 
honestly  made.  To  meet  the  requisite  re- 
sponsibility, every  facility  should  be  afforded 
to  the  executive  to  enable  it  to  brirjg  the 
public  agents,  intrusted  with  the  public 
money,  strictly  and  promptly  to  account. 
Nothing  should  be  presumed  against  them  ; 
but  if,  with  the  requisite  faculties,  the  public 
money  is  suffered  to  He,  long  and  uselessly, 
In  their  hands,  they  will  not  be  the  only  de- 
faulters, nor  will  the  demoralizing  effect  he 
confined  to  them.  It  will  evince  a  relaxatior, 
and  want  of  tone  in  the  administration,  w  hich 
will  l)e  felt  by  the  whole  community.  1  shall 
do  all  that  I  can,  to  secure  economy  and  fiilel- 
Ity  in  this  important  branch  of  the  adminis- 
tration, and  I  doubt  not,  that  the  legislature 
will  perform  its  duty  with  equal  zeal.  A 
thorough  examination  should  be  regularly 
made,  and  I  will  promote  it. 

"  It  is  particularly  gratif\  ing  to  me,  to  en- 
ter on  the  discharge  of  these  duties,  at  a  lime 
when  the  United  States  are  blessed  with 
peace.  It  is  a  state  most  consistent  with  their 
prosperity  and  happiness.  It  will  be  my  sin- 
cere desire  to  preserve  it  so  far  as  depends  on 
the  executive,  on  just  principles  with  all  na- 
tions, claiming  nothing  unreasonable  of  any, 
and  rendering  to  each  what  is  its  due. 

"  Equally  gratifying  is  it,  to  witness  the 
increased  harmony  of  opinion  whicli  pervailps 
our  union.  Discord  does  not  belong  to  our 
system.  Union  is  recommended,  as  well  l)y 
the  free  and  benign  principles  of  our  govern- 
ment, extending  its  blessings  to  every  in<livi- 
dual,  as  by  the  other  eminent  advantages  at 
tending  it.  The  American  people  have 
encountered  together  great  dangers,  and 
sustained  severe  trials  with  success.  They 
constitute  one  great  family  with  a  common 
interest.  Experience  has  enlightened  us  on 
some  questions  of  essential  importance  to  the 
country.  The  progress  lias  been  ."ilow,  dic- 
tated by  a  just  reflection,  and  faithful  regard 
to  every  interest  connected  with  it.  To  pro- 
mote this  harmony,  in  accord  with  the  |)rin- 
cij)les  of  our  republican  government,  and  in 
a  manner  to  give  them  the  most  complete 
effect,  and  to  advance  in  all  other  respects  the 
best  interests  of  our  union,  will  be  the  object 
of  my  constant  and  zealous  exertions. 

"Never  did  a  government  con.menco  lui 
der  auspices  so  favourable,  nor  ever  was  sue 
cess  so  complete.  If  we  look  to  the  histe.y 
of  other  nations,  ancient  and  modern,  we  find 
no  examjile  of  a  growth  so  rapid,  so  gigantic; 
of  a  p(-oj)le  so  prosperous  and  happy.  In 
conteiu])lating  wliat  we  have  still  to  perform, 
the  heart  of  every  citizen  must  expand  with 
joy  when  he  reflects  liow  near  our  go^  ersi- 


I 

( 


UNITED  STATES. 


517 


me  lit  has  approached  to  perfection  ;  that  in 
respect  to  it,  we  have  no  essential  improve- 
ment to  make ;  that  the  great  object  is  to  pre- 
serve it  in  the  essential  principles  and  features 
which  characterize  it.  and,  that  it  is  to  be 
done,  by  preserving  the  virtue  and  enlighten- 
ing' the  minds  of  the  people;  and  as  a  securi- 
ty against  foreign  dangers,  to  adopt  such  ar- 
rangements as  are  indispensable  to  the  sup- 
port of  our  Independence,  our  rights,  and  li- 
berties. If  we  persevere  in  the  career  in 
which  we  have  advanced  so  far,  and  in  the 
path  already  traced,  we  cannot  fail,  by  the  fa- 
vour of  a  sfracious  Providence,  to  attain  the 
high  destiny  which  seems  to  await  us. 

"In  the  administration  of  the  illustrious 
men  who  have  preceded  me  in  this  high  sta- 
tion, with  some  of  whom  I  have  been  con- 
nected by  the  closest  ties  from  early  life,  ex- 
amples are  presented,  which  will  always  be 
found  highly  instructive,  and  useful  to  their 
successors.  From  these  I  shall  endeavour  to 
derive  all  the  advantages  which  they  may  af- 
ford. Of  my  immediate  predecessor,  under 
whom  so  important  a  portion  of  this  great 
and  successful  experiment  has  been  made,  I 
shall  be  pardoned  for  expressing  my  earnest 
wishes  that  he  may  longenjoy.inhisretirement, 
the  affections  of  a  grateful  country,  the  best 
reward  of  exalted  talents,  and  the  most  faith- 
ful and  meritorious  services.  Relying  on  the 
aid  to  be  derived  from  the  other  departments 
of  the  government,  I  enter  on  the  trust  to 
which  I  have  been  called  by  the  suffrages  of 
my  fellow-citizens,  with  my  fervent  prayers 
to  the  Almighty,  that  He  will  be  graciously 
pleased  to  continue  to  us  that  protection, 
which  He  has  already  so  conspicuously  dis- 
played in  our  favour." 

During  this  year  the  republic  received 
another  accession  by  the  erection  of  the  terri- 
tory of  Mississippi  into  a  state,  and  its  admis- 
sion info  the  union.  By  the  act  of  admission 
it  is  provided,  that  the  public  lands,  while  be- 
longing to  the  United  States,  and  for  five 
years  from  the  day  of  sale,  shall  be  exempted 
from  all  taxes;  that  lands  belonging  to  the 
citizens  of  the  United  States  residing  without 
the  state,  shall  never  be  taxed  higher  than 
lands  belonging  to  persons  residing  within 
the  state:  and  that  the  river  Mississippi,  and 
the  navigable  rivers  and  waters  leading  into 
It,  or  into  the  gulf  of  Mexico,  shall  be  com- 
mon highways,  and  for  ever  free  of  toll  or 
duty  to  all  the  citizens  of  the  United  States. 
In  return  for  this  concession.  Congress  provi- 
ded, that,  after  paying  a  debt  to  Georgia  and 
indemnifying  certain  claimants,  five  per  cent, 
of  the  net  proceeds  of  the  public  lands,  lying 
within  the  state,  shall  be  devoted  to  the  mak- 
ing of  roads  and  canals  for  the  benefit  of  the 
state. 

In  the  summer  of  this  year  an  expedition 
was  undertaken  against  East  Florida  by  per- 
sons claiming  to  act  under  the  authority  of 
some  of  the  revolted  Spanish  colonies.  The 
leader  of  this  expedition  styled  himself  "Cit- 
izen Gregor  M'Gregor,  brigadior-general  of 
the  armies  of  the  united  provinces  of  New 
Grenada  and  Venezuela,  and  general  in  cliief, 
employed  to  liberate  the  provinces  of  both 
the  Floridas,  commissioned  by  the  supreme 
governments  of  Mexico  and  South  America." 
The  persons  that  combined  for  this  purpose 
took  possession  of  Amelia  Island,  at  the  mouth 
of  St.  Mary's  River,  near  the  boundary  of  the 


state  of  Georgia.  The  president,  apprised  of 
this  transaction,  ordered  an  expedition,  con- 
sisting of  naval  and  land  forces,  to  repel  the 
invaders, and  occupy  the  island.  A  squadron, 
under  the  command  of  J.  D.  Henley,  with 
troops  under  the  command  of  James  Banhead, 
arrived  off  Amelia  Island  on  the  22d  of  De- 
cember, and  the  next  day  took  possession  of 
it,  hoisting  the  American  flag  at  Fernandina. 
The  president,  in  a  message  to  Congress  rela- 
tive to  the  capture,  observed,  "In  expelling 
these  adventurers  from  these  posts,  it  was  not 
intended  to  make  any  conquest  from  Spain, 
or  to  injure,  in  any  degree,  the  cause  of  the 
colonies."  The  real  reason  of  the  measure 
seems  to  have  been,  that  the  invasion  inter- 
fered with  endeavours  which  were  then  ma- 
king on  the  part  of  the  United  States  to  ob- 
tain the  cession  of  the  Floridas  from  the 
Spaniards. 

In  the  following  year  the  union  received 
the  accession  of  another  state,  that  of  Illinois. 
At  the  time  of  its  admission,  the  government 
of  the  United  States  granted  to  the  state  one 
section  or  thirty-sixth  part  of  every  township 
for  the  support  of  schools,  and  three  per  cent, 
of  the  net  proceeds  of  the  United  States  lands 
lying  within  the  state  for  the  encouragement 
of  learning,  of  which  one  sixth  part  must  be 
exclusively  bestowed  on  a  college  or  univer- 
sity. The  constitution  happily  provides,  that 
no  more  slaves  shall  be  introduced  into  the 
state.  In  1819  the  Alabama  territory  was  ad 
mitted  as  a  state  into  the  union  ;  and  the  Ar 
kansaw  territory  was,  by  an  act  of  Congress, 
erected  into  a  territorial  government.  In  the 
following  year  the  district  of  Maine  was  se 
parated  from  Massachusetts,  formed  into  a  dis- 
tinct state,  and  admitted  into  the  union. 

During  this  year  the  American  congress 
did  themselves  honour  by  providing  more  ef- 
fectually against  carrying  on  the  slave  trade. 
The  enactment  declared,  that  i;  any  citizen 
of  the  United  States,  being  of  the  ship's  com- 
pany of  any  foreign  ship  or  vessel  engaged 
in  the  slave  trade,  or  any  person  whatever 
being  of  the  crew  or  ship's  company  of  any 
ship  or  vessel  owned  by,  or  navigated  for, 
any  citizens  of  the  United  States,  shall  on 
foreign  shore  seize  any  negro  or  mulatto,  not 
held  to  service  or  labour  by  the  laws  either  of 
the  states  or  territories  of  the  United  States, 
with  intent  to  make  him  a  slave,  or  shall  de- 
coy or  forcibly  bring" or  receive  him  on  board 
with  such  intent,  he  shall  be  adjudged  a  pirate, 
and  on  conviction  shall  suffer  death. 

A  treaty  for  the  cession  of  the  Floridas 
was  concluded  at  Washington,  February  22, 
1819,  between  Spain  and  the  United  States. 
In  the  year  1821  it  was  reluctantly  ratified  by 
the  king  of  Spain,  and  possession  was  taken 
of  those  provinces  according  to  the  terms  of 
the  treaty.  On  the  1st  of  July,  General 
Jackson,  who  had  been  appointed  governor 
of  the  Floridas,  issued  a  proclamation,  declar- 
ing "  that  the  government  heretofore  exer- 
cised over  the  said  provinces  under  the  autho- 
rity of  Spain  has  ceased,  and  that  that  of  the 
United  States  of  America  is  established  over 
the  same;  that  the  inhabitants  thereof  will  be 
incorporated  in  the  union  of  the  United  States, 
as  soon  as  may  be  consistent  with  the  princi- 
ples of  the  federal  constitution,  and  admitted 
to  the  enjoyment  of  all  the  privileges,  rights, 
and  immunities  of  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States;   that  in  the  meantime  they  shall  be 


maintained  and  protected  in  tho  free  enjoy 
ment  of  their  lilierty,  property,  and  the  reli- 
gion they  profess ;  that  all  laws  and  munici- 
pal regulations  which  were  in  existence  at 
the  cessation  of  tho  late  government  remain 
in  full  force,  and  all  civil  officers  charged  with 
their  execution,"  with  certain  exceptions  and 
limitations,  "are  continued  in  their  functions." 
On  the  7th  of  July,  the  colonel  commandant, 
Don  JoseGallava,  commissioner  on  tht?  part 
of  his  Catholic  majesty,  made  to  Major-Gene- 
ral  Jackson,  the  commissioner  of  the  United 
States,  a  delivery  of  the  keys  of  the  town  of 
Pensacola,  of  the  archives,  documents,  and 
other  articles,  mentioned  in  the  inventories, 
declaring  that  he  releases  from  their  oath  of 
allegiance  to  Spain  the  citizens  and  inhabi- 
tants of  West  Florida  who  may  choose  to  re- 
main under  the  dominion  of  the  United  States. 
On  the  same  day.  Colonel  Joseph  Coppin- 
ger,  governor  of  East  Florida,  issued  a  pro- 
clamation to  the  inhabitants,  announcing  that, 
on  the  10th  day  of  this  month,  "  possession 
will  be  given  to  Colonel  Robert  Butler,  the 
commissioner  legally  authorised  by  the  United 
States."  The  American  authorities  were  ac- 
cordingly put  in  possession  of  the  Floridas. 

During  this  year  Missouri  was  admitted  as 
a  state  into  the  union,  forming  the  eleventh 
state  added  to  the  thirteen  confederated  states 
which  signed  the  declaration  of  independ- 
ence, making  the  present  number  of  the 
United  States  twenty-four.  The  proposition 
for  the  admission  of  this  state,  which  was 
brought  forward  in  the  session  of  1819,  pro- 
duced vehement  discussion  in  the  congress, 
and  excited  an  intense  interest  throughout  the 
whole  union.  The  inhabitants  of  Missouri, 
the  territory  having  been  considered  as  a  part 
of  Louisiana,  had  derived  from  their  connex- 
ion with  the  Spaniards  and  French  the  custom, 
which  they  deemed  equivalent  to  the  right,  of 
possessing  slaves  ;  it  was  proposed,  however, 
in  admitting  the  territory  to  the  privileges  of 
a  state,  to  prevent  the  increase  and  to  insure 
the  ultimate  abolition  of  slavery,  by  the  inser- 
tion of  the  following  clause  : — "  Provided, 
that  the  further  introduction  of  slavery  or  in- 
voluntary servitude  be  prohibited,  except  for 
the  punishment  of  crimes  whereof  the  party 
shall  have  been  duly  convicted  ;  and  that  all 
the  children  born  within  the  said  state  after 
the  admission  thereof  into  the  Union  shall  be 
free  at  the  age  of  twenty-five  years."  Judg- 
ing from  the  previous  views  and  measures  of 
the  general  government,  in  similar  and  analo- 
gous cases,  it  could  hardly  have  been  conjec- 
tured, that  the  result  of  proposing  such  a 
limited  and  qualified  restriction  would  be 
doubtful.  The  house  of  representatives,  afte'r 
a  short  but  animated  debate,  refused  to  pass 
the  bill  without  the  restriction  ;  but  the  senate 
refused  to  pass  the  bill  with  it;  consequently 
the  bill  itself  was  lost,  and  Missouri  still  con- 
tinued under  her  former  territorial  govern- 
ment. Such  was  the  rapidity  with  wliicli  the 
several  proceedings  passed  in  the  two  houses 
of  congress,  that  it  was  scarcely  known  i)e- 
yond  its  walls  that  such  a  question  was  agi- 
tated, before  it  was  decided.  When,  how 
ever,  it  came  to  be  generally  known  what 
principles  had  been  advanced,  what  votes  liad 
l)een  given,  with  what  ardour  and  vehemence 
the  advocates  of  slavery  had  urged  their  de- 
mands, not  merely  upon  lie  justice,  the  rea- 
son, and  good  sense  of  Congrefs,  but  upon 


HI  3TORY  OF 


THE 


tboir  interests,  their  prejudices,  and  their 
fears,  hy  how  slender  a  majority  a  measure 
had  heeii  checked,  which,  in  tlie  estimation  of 
many  of  the  best  friends  of  American  liberty, 
would  have  been  productive  of  incalculable 
and  interminable  mischiefs,  it  excited  a  feel- 
ing of  universal  surprise  and  alarm.  It  is  m- 
structive  to  observe  that  many  of  the  stanchest 
advocates  of  liberal  ideas,  who  delighted  in 
appropriating  to  themselves  exclusively  the 
name  of  republicans,  suffered  their  jealousy 
of  the  interference  of  the  congress  in  the 
internal  government  of  an  individual  state,  to 
engage  them  on  the  side  of  the  perpetuators 
of  slavery.  Jefferson,  who  prided  himself 
in  being  the  devoted  friend  of  liberty,  thus 
expresses  himself :  "  The  real  question,  as 
seen  in  the  state  afflicted  with  this  unfortunate 
population,  is,  are  our  slaves  to  be  presented 
with  freedom  and  a  dagger  1  For,  if  Con- 
gress has  the  power  to  regulate  the  conditions 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  states  within  the 
states,  it  will  be  but  another  exercise  of  that 
power  to  declare  that  all  shall  be  free.  Are 
we  then  to  see  as:ain  Athenian  and  Lace- 
demonian  confederacies  1 — to  wage  another 
Peloponnesian  war  to  settle  the  ascendency 
between  them?  Or  is  this  the  toscin  of 
merely  a  servile  war  ?  That  remains  to  be 
Been  ;  but  not,  I  hope,  by  you  or  me.  Surely 
tliey  will  parley  awhile,  and  give  us  time  to 
get  out  of  the  way."  The  consequence  of 
this  combination  of  the  advocates  of  the  so- 
vereignty of  individual  states  with  those  who 
make  a  traffic  of  the  bodies  of  their  fellow 
men,  was  the  passing  of  the  bill  for  the  admis- 
sion of  Missouri  in  the  next  session  of  the 
congress,  without  the  restricting  clause  ;  a 
circumstance  which  occasioned  the  deep  re- 
gret and  mortification  of  most  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  northern  states,  and  excited  feel- 
ings which  it  has  been  feared  by  many,  may 
ultimately  lead  to  a  dissolution  of  the  union. 

No  circumstances  of  particular  interest  in 
the  transactions  of  the  general  government 
occurred  till  the  year  1824,  when  articles  of 
a  convention  between  the  United  States  of 
America  and  Great  Britain  for  the  suppres- 
sion of  the  African  slave  trade,  were  sub- 
scribed at  London  by  plenipotentiaries  ap- 
pointed for  that  purpose.  By  the  first  article, 
the  commanders  and  commissioned  officers  of 
each  of  the  two  high  contracting  parties,  duly 
auliiorized  by  their  respective  governments  to 
cruise  on  the  coast  of  Africa,  America,  and 
the  West  Indies,  for  the  suppression  of  the 
slave  trade,  are  empowered,  under  certain  re- 
strictions, to  detain,  examine,  capture,  and  de- 
liver over  for  trial  and  adjudication  by  some 
competent  tribunal,  any  ship  or  vessel  con- 
cerned in  the  illicit  traffic  of  slaves,  and  car- 
rying the  flag  of  the  other. 

In  the  spring  of  this  year  a  convention  wa3 
also  concluded  between  the  United  States  of 
America  and  the  emperor  of  Russia.  By  the 
third  article  of  this  convention  it  was  agreed, 
"  that,  hereafter,  there  shall  not  be  formed  by 
the  citizens  of  tin?  United  Slates,  or  under  tlie 
authority  of  the  said  States,  any  establishment 
uDon  thn  northern  [north-west]  coast  of  Ameri- 
ca, nor  in  any  of  tlie  islands  adjacent,  to  the 
north  of  fifty-four  degrees  and  forty  minutes 
of  north  latitude;  and  th;it,  in  the  same  man- 
•  ncr,  »hrrc  shall  bo  none  funned  by  Russian 
■  ubji'cts,  or  under  the  authority  of  Russia, 
bouth  uf  the  same  parallel." 


Tliis  year  is  signalized  in  American  history 
by  the  visit  of  the  venerable  La  Fayette,  on 
the  express  invitation  of  Congress.  He  ar- 
rived in  the  harbour  of  New  York  on  the  13th 
of  August,  and  proceeded  to  the  residence  of 
the  vice-president  at  Staten  Island.  A  com- 
mittee of  the  corporation  of  the  city  of  New 
York,  and  a  great  number  of  distinguished 
citizens,  proceeded  to  Staten  Island  to  wel- 
come him  to  their  capital.  A  splendid  escort 
of  steamboats,  decorated  with  the  flags  of 
every  nation,  and  bearing  thousands  of  citi- 
zens, brought  him  to  the  view  of  assembled 
multitudes  at  New  York,  who  manifested 
their  joy  at  beholding  him,  by  acclamations, 
and  by  tears.  At  the  city  hall  the  ofEcers  of 
the  city  and  many  citizens  were  presented  to 
him  ;  and  he  was  welcomed  by  an  address 
from  the  mayor.  While  he  was  at  New  York, 
deputations  from  Philadelphia,  Baltimore, 
New  Haven,  and  from  many  other  cities,  ar- 
rived with  invitations  for  him  to  visit  them. 
After  remaining  a  few  days  at  New  York,  he 
proceeded  to  Boston,  where  he  met  with  the 
same  cordial  reception.  The  general  snon  af- 
ter returned  to  New  York,  visited  Albany  and 
the  towns  on  Hudson  river,  and  afterwards 
passed  through  the  intermediate  states  to  Vir- 
ginia. He  returned  to  Washington  during 
the  session  of  Congress,  and  remained  there 
several  weeks.  Congress  voted  him  the  sum 
of  two  hundred  thousand  dollars,  and  a  town- 
ship of  land,  as  a  remuneration,  in  part,  of  his 
services  during  the  war  of  the  revolution,  and 
as  a  testimony  of  their  gratitude. 

General  Lafayette  was  present  at  the  im- 
posing ceremony  of  laying  the  corner  stone  of 
the  Bunker  Hill  Monument,  on  the  17ih  of 
June,  1825,  to  which  he  had  been  invited  by 
the  Association  for  the  purpose  of  erecting  a 
memorial  to  those  which  fell  in  the  battle  of 
June  17,  1775. 

In  the  year  1825,  John  Quincy  Adams  was 
inaugurated  president  of  the  United  Slates, 
and  John  C.  Calhoun,  vice-president.  On 
his  inauguration,  Mr.  Adams  delivered  tlie 
following  address  to  both  houses  of  congress  : 

"  In  compliance  with  a  usage,  coeval  with 
the  existence  of  our  federal  constitution,  and 
sanctioned  by  the  example  of  my  predeces- 
sors, in  the  career  upon  which  I  am  about  to 
enter,  I  appear,  my  fellow-citizens,  in  your 
presence,  and  in  that  of  heaven,  to  bind  my- 
self by  the  solemnity  of  religious  obligation, 
to  the  faithful  performance  of  the  duties  al- 
lotted to  me  in  the  station  to  which  1  have 
been  called. 

"  In  unfolding  to  my  countrymen  the  prin- 
ciples by  which  I  sliall  be  governed,  in  the 
fulfilment  of  those  duties,  my  first  resort  will 
be  to  that  constitution,  which  1  shall  swear, 
to  the  best  of  my  ability,  to  preserve,  pro- 
tect, and  defend.  That  revered  instrument 
enumerates  the  powers  and  proscribes  the 
duties  of  the  executive  magistrate;  and,  in  its 
first  words,  declares  the  purposes  to  which 
these,  and  the  whole  action  of  the  govern- 
ment, instituted  by  it,  should  be  invariably 
and  sacredly  devoted  :  to  form  a  more  perfect 
union,  establish  justice,  ensure  domestic 
tran(]uility,  provide  for  the  common  defence, 
promote  the  general  warfari!,  and  secure  the 
ijlessings  of  liberty  to  the  people  of  this 
union,  in  their  succ(>s3ive  generations.  Since 
the  adoption  of  this  social  compact,  one  of 
these  generations  bos  passed  away.    It  is  the 


woik  ol'  our  forefathers.  Administered  by 
some  of  its  most  eminent  men,  who  contribu- 
ted to  its  formation,  through  a  most  eventful 
period  in  the  annals  of  the  world,  and  tliroutrh 
all  the  vicissitudes  of  peace  and  war,  incidental 
to  the  condition  of  associated  man,  it  has  not 
disappointed  the  hopes  and  aspirations  of 
those  illustrious  benefactors  of  their  age  and 
nation.  It  has  promoted  the  lasting  welfare 
of  that  country  so  dear  to  us  all ;  it  has,  to  an 
extent,  far  beyond  the  ordinary  lot  of  hu- 
manity, secured  the  freedom  and  hijjpiness 
of  this  people.  We  now  receive  it  as  a  pre- 
cious inheritance  from  those  to  whom  we  are 
indebted  for  its  establishment,  doubly  bound 
})y  the  examples  which  they  have  left  us,  and 
by  the  blessings  which  we  have  enjoyed,  as 
tlie  fruits  of  their  labours,  to  transmit  the 
same,  unimpaired,  to  the  succeeding  gene- 
ration. 

"  In  the  compass  of  thirty-six  years  since 
this  great  national  covenant  was  instituted,  a 
body  of  laws,  enacted  under  its  authority, 
and  in  conformity  with  its  provisions,  has  un- 
folded its  powers,  and  carried  into  practical 
o[)eration  its  effective  energies,  Subordinite 
departments  have  distributed  the  executive 
functions  in  their  various  relations  to  foreign 
affairs,  to  the  revenues  and  expenditures,  and 
to  the  military  force  of  the  union,  by  land  anc 
sea.  A  co-ordinate  department  of  the  judici 
ary  has  expounded  the  constitution  and  lawsi 
settling,  in  harmonious  coincidence  with  the 
lesilslatlve  will,  numerous  weighty  questions 
of  construction,  which  the  imperfection  of 
human  language  had  rendered  unavoidable. 
The  year  of  jubilee,  since  the  first  formation 
of  our  union,  has  just  elapsed  ;  that  of  the 
declaration  of  our  independence,  is  at  hand. 
The  consummation  of  both  was  effected  by 
this  constitution. 

"Since  that  period,  a  population  of  four 
millions  has  multiplied  to  twelve;  a  territory 
bounded  by  the  Mississippi,  has  been  extend- 
ed from  sea  to  sea;  new  states  have  been  ad- 
mitted to  the  union,  in  numbers  equal  to  those 
of  the  first  confederation;  treaties  of  peace, 
amity,  and  commerce,  have  been  concluded 
with  the  principal  dominions  of  the  earth;  the 
pco|)le  of  other  nations,  inhabitants  of  regions 
ac(|ulred,  not  by  conquest,  but  by  compact, 
have  been  united  with  us  in  the  participation 
of  our  rights  and  duties,  of  our  burdens  and 
blessings;  the  forest  has  fallen  by  the  axe  of 
our  woodsmen;  the  soil  has  been  made  to 
teem  by  the  tillage  of  our  farmers  ;  our  com- 
merce has  whitened  every  ocean;  the  domin- 
ion of  every  man  over  physical  nature  has 
been  extended  by  the  invention  of  our  artists; 
lib(-rty  and  law  have  marched  hand  in  iiand; 
all  the  jiurposes  of  human  association  have 
been  accomjillshcd  as  effectively  as  under 
any  other  government  on  the  globe;  and  at  a 
cost  little  exceeding,  in  a  whole  generation, 
the  expenditure  of  other  nations  in  a  single 
ycar.^ 

"  Such  is  the  unexaggerated  picture  of  our 
condition,  under  a  constitution  founded  upon 
the  republican  principle  of  equal  rights.  To 
admit  that  this  ]iicture  has  its  shades,  is  but  to 
say,  that  it  is  still  the  condition  of  men  upon 
earth.  From  evil,  physical,  moral,  and  poli- 
tical, it  is  not  our  claim  to  be  exempt.  We 
have  suffered,  sometimes  by  the  visitaticn  "f 
heaven,  through  disease;  often, by  the  wrongs 
and  injustice  of  other  nations,  oven  to  \hc  cx 


i 


UNITED  STATES. 


519 


h-emites  of  war;  and  lastly,  by  diissensions 
among  ourselves — dissensions,  perliaps,  in- 
separable from  the  enjoyment  of  freedom,  but 
which  have,  more  than  once,  appeared  to 
threaten  the  dissolution  of  the  union,  and,  with 
it,  the  overthrow  of  all  the  enjoyments  of  our 
pi-esent  lot,  and  all  our  earthly  hopes  of  the 
future.  The  causes  of  these  dissensions  have 
been  various;  founded  upon  differences  of 
speculation  in  the  theory  of  republican  go- 
vernment; upon  conflicting  views  of  policy, 
in  our  relations  with  foreign  nations:  upon 
jealousies  of  partial  and  sectional  interest,  ag- 
gravated by  prejudices  and  prepossessions 
which  strangers  to  each  other  are  ever  aj)t 
to  entertain. 

"  It  is  a  source  of  gratification  and  of  en- 
couragement to  me,  to  observe  that  the  great 
result  of  this  experiment,  upon  the  theory  of 
human  rights,  has,  at  the  close  of  that  genera- 
tion by  which  it  was  formed,  been  crowned 
with  success,  equal  to  the  most  sanguine  ex- 
pectations of  its  founders.  Union,  justice, 
tranquillity,  the  common  defence,  the  general 
welfare,  and  the  blessings  of  liberty,  all  have 
been  promoted  by  the  government  under 
which  we  have  lived.  Standing  at  this  jioint 
of  time  ;  looking  back  to  that  generation 
which  has  gone  by,  and  forward  to  that 
which  is  advancing,  we  may,  at  once,  indulge 
in  grateful  exultation,  and  in  cheering  hope. 
From  the  experience  of  the  past,  we  derive 
instructive  lessons  for  the  future.  Of  the 
two  great  political  parties  which  have  divid- 
ed the  opinions  and  feelings  of  our  country, 
the  candid  and  the  just  will  now  admit,  that 
both  have  contributed  splendid  talents,  spot- 
less integrity,  ardent  patriotism,  and  disinter- 
ested sacrifices  to  the  formation  and  adminis- 
tration of  this  government ;  and  that  both 
have  required  a  liberal  indulgence  for  a  por- 
tion of  human  infirmity  and  error.  The  re- 
volutionary wars  of  Europe,  commencing 
precisely  at  the  moment  when  the  govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  first  went  into  ope- 
ration under  this  constitution,  excited  a  col- 
lision of  sentiments  and  of  sympathies  which 
kindled  all  the  passions,  and  embittered  the 
conflict  of  parties,  till  the  nation  was  involved 
m  war,  and  the  union  was  shaken  to  its  centre. 

"  This  time  of  trial  embraced  a  period  of 
five  and  twenty  years,  during  which  the  poli- 
cy of  the  union  in  its  relations  with  Europe, 
constituted  the  principal  basis  of  our  political 
divisions,  and  the  most  arduous  part  of  the 
action  of  our  federal  government.  With  the 
catastrophe  in  which  the  wars  of  the  French 
revolution  terminated,  and  our  own  subse- 
quent peace  with  Great  Britain,  this  baneful 
weed  of  party  strife  was  uprooted.  From 
that  time,  no  difference  of  principle,  connect- 
ed either  with  the  theory  of  government,  or 
with  our  intercourse  with  foreign  nations,  has 
existed,  or  been  called  forth,  in  force  suflicient 
to  sustain  a  continued  combination  of  parties, 
or  to  give  more  than  wholesome  animation  to 
the  public  sentiment  or  legislative  debate. 
Our  political  creed  is,  without  a  dissenting 
voice  that  can  be  heard,  that  the  will  of  the 
people  is  the  source,  and  the  happiness  of  the 
people  the  end,  of  all  legitimate  government 
upon  earth — that  the  best  security  for  the  be- 
neficence and  the  best  guarantee  against  the 
abuse  of  power,  consists  in  the  freedom,  the 
purity,  and  the  frequency  of  popular  elec- 
tions— that  the    general  government  of  the 


union,  and  the  separate  government  of  the 
states,  are  all  sovereignties  of  limited  pow- 
ers, fellow-servants  of  the  same  masters  ;  un- 
controlled within  their  respective  s[)heres ; 
uncontrollable  but  by  encroachments  upon 
each  other — that  the  firmest  security  of  peace 
is  the  preparation,  during  peace,  of  the  de- 
fences of  war — that  a  rigorous  economy  and 
accountability  of  public  expenditures,  should 
guard  against  the  aggravation,  and  alleviate, 
when  possible,  the  burden  of  taxation — that 
the  military  should  be  kept  in  strict  subordi- 
nation to  the  civil  power — that  the  freedom  of 
the  press  and  of  religious  opinion  should  bi; 
inviolate — that  the  policy  of  our  country  is 
peace,  and  the  ark  of  our  salvation,  union, 
are  articles  of  faith  upon  which  we  are  all 
now  agreed.  If  there  have  been  those  who 
doubted  whether  a  confederated  represent- 
ative democracy  were  a  government  compe- 
tent to  the  wise  and  orderly  management  of 
the  common  concerns  of  a  mighty  nation, 
those  doubts  have  been  dispelled.  If  there 
have  been  projects  of  partial  confederacies  to 
be  erected  on  the  ruins  of  the  union,  they  have 
been  scattered  to  the  winds  :  if  there  have 
been  dangerous  attachments  to  one  foreign 
nation  and  antipathies  against  another,  they 
have  been  extinguished.  Ten  years  of  peace, 
at  home  and  abroad,  have  assuaged  the  ani- 
mosities of  political  contention,  and  blended 
into  harmony  the  most  discordant  elements  of 
public  opinion.  There  still  remains  one 
effort  of  magnanimity,  one  sacrifice  of  preju- 
dice and  passion,  to  be  made  by  the  indivi- 
duals throughout  the  nation,  who  have  here- 
tofore followed  the  standards  of  political 
party.  It  is  that  of  discarding  every  remnant 
of  rancour  against  each  other;  of  embracing, 
as  countrymen  and  friends,  and  of  yielding  to 
talents  and  virtue  alone,  that  confidence  which, 
in  times  of  contention  for  principle,  was  be- 
stowed only  upon  those  \.'ho  wore  the  badge 
of  party  communion. 

"  The  collisions  of  party  spirit,  which  ori- 
ginated in  speculative  opinions,  or  in  different 
views  of  administrative  policy,  are,  in  their 
nature,  transitory.  Those  which  are  founded 
on  geographical  divisions,  adverse  interests  of 
soil,  climate,  and  modes  of  domestic  life,  are 
more  permanent,  and  therefore  perhaps  more 
dano-erous.  It  is  this  which  gives  inestimable 
value  to  the  character  of  our  government,  at 
once  federal  and  national.  It  holds  out  to  us 
a  perpetual  admonition  to  preserve  alike,  and 
with  equal  anxiety,  the  rights  of  each  indivi- 
dual state  in  its  own  government,  and  the 
rights  of  the  whole  nation  in  that  of  the 
union.  Whatsoever  is  of  domestic  concern- 
ment, unconnected  with  the  other  members  of 
the  union,  or  with  foreign  lands,  belongs  ex- 
clusively to  the  administration  of  the  state  go- 
vernments. Whatsoever  directly  involves 
the  rights  and  interests  of  the  federative  fra- 
ternity, or  of  foreign  powers,  is  of  the  resort 
of  this  general  government.  The  duties  of 
both  are  obvious  in  the  general  principle, 
though  sometimes  perplexed  with  difl^culties 
in  the  detail.  To  respect  the  rights  of  the^ 
state  governments,  is  the  inviolable  duty  of 
that  of  the  union  ;  the  government  of  every 
state  will  feel  its  own  obligation  to  respect 
and  preserve  the  rights  of  the  whole.  The 
prejudices,  every  where  too  commonly  enter- 
tained against  distant  strangers,  are  worn 
away,  and  the  jealousies  of  jarring  interests 


are  allayed  by  the  composition  and  functions 
of  thi'  great  national  councils,  annually  as- 
sembled from  all  quarters  of  the  union  at  this 
place.  Here  the  distinguished  men  from 
every  section  of  our  country,  while  meeting 
to  deliberate  upon  the  great  interests  of  thoso 
by  whom  they  are  deputed,  learn  to  estimate 
the  talents,  and  do  justice  to  the  virtues  of 
each  other.  The  harmony  of  the  nation  is 
promoted,  and  the  whole  union  is  knit  to- 
gether, by  the  sentiments  of  nmtunl  respect, 
the  habits  of  social  intercourse,  and  the  ties  of 
personal  friendship,  formed  between  the  re 
prcsentatives  of  its  several  parts,  in  the  per 
formance  of  their  service  at  tliis  metropolis. 

"  Passing  from  tliis  general  review  of  tho 
purpose  and  injunctions  of  the  federal  consti- 
tution and  their  results,  as  indicating  the  first 
traces  of  the  path  of  duty  in  the  discharge  of 
my  public  trust,  I  turn  to  the  administration 
of  my  immediate  predecessor,  as  the  second. 
It  has  passed  away  in  a  period  of  profound 
peace;  how  much  to  the  satisfaction  of  our 
country,  and  to  the  honour  of  our  country's 
name,  is  known  to  you  all.  The  great  fea 
tures  of  his  policy,  in  general  concurrence 
with  the  will  of  the  legislature,  have  been — 
to  cherish  peace,  while  preparing  for  de- 
fensive war  ;  to  yield  exact  justice  to  other 
nations,  and  maintain  the  rights  of  our  own  ; 
to  cherish  the  principles  of  freedom  and  of 
equal  rights,  wherever  they  were  proclaimed; 
to  discharge,  with  all  possible  promptitude, 
the  national  debt  ;  to  reduce,  within  the  nar- 
rowest limits  of  efficiency,  the  military  force  ; 
to  improve,  the  organization  and  discipline  of 
the  army  ;  to  provide  and  sustain  a  school  of 
military  science  ;  to  extend  equal  protection 
to  all  the  great  interests  of  the  nation  ;  to  pro- 
mote the  civilization  of  the  Indian  tribes  ;  and 
to  proceed  in  the  groat  system  of  internal  im- 
"ovements,  within  the  limits  of  the  constitu- 
tional power  of  the  union.  Under  the  pledge 
of  these  promises,  made  by  that  eminent  citi- 
zen, at  the  time  of  his  first  induction  into  this 
office,  in  his  career  of  eight  years,  the  interna, 
taxes  have  been  repealed  ;  sixty  millions  of 
the  public  debt  have  been  discharged  ;  pro- 
vision has  been  made  for  the  comfort  and  re- 
lief of  the  aged  and  indigent  among  the  sur- 
viving warriors  of  the  revolution  ;  the  regu- 
lar armed  force  has  been  reduced,  and  its 
constitution  revised  and  perfected ;  the  ac- 
countability for  the  expenditure  of  public 
moneys  has  been  more  effective ;  the  Flo- 
ridas  have  been  peaceably  acquired,  and  our 
boundary  has  been  extended  to  the  Pacific 
ocean;  the  independence  of  the  southern  na- 
tions of  this  hemis]>here  has  been  recognised 
and  recommended  by  example  and  by  coun- 
sel, to  the  potentates  of  Euroj)e  ;  progress  has 
been  made  in  tlie  defence  of  the  country,  by 
fortifications,  and  the  increase  of  the  navy  to- 
wards the  elfectual  suppression  of  the  African 
traflFic  in  slaves ;  in  alluring  the  aboriginal 
hunters  of  our  land  to  the  cultivation  of  tho 
soil  and  of  the  mind  ;  in  exploring  the  inte- 
rior regions  of  the  union;  and  in  preparing, 
by  scientific  researches  and  surveys,  for  the 
further  application  of  our  national  resources 
to  the  internal  improvement  of  our  country. 

"  In  this  brief  outline  of  tho  promise  atul 
performance  of  my  immediate  predecessor, 
the  line  of  duty,  for  his  successor,  is  clearly 
delineated.  To  pursue,  to  their  consumma- 
tion, those  purposes  of  hnprovcment  in  our 


C20 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


comiuon  condition,  instituted  or  recommended 
by  him,  will  embrace  the  whole  sphere  of  my 
obligations.  To  the  topic  of  internal  im- 
provement, emphatically  urged  by  him  at  his 
inauguration,  1  recur  with  peculiar  satisfaction. 
It  is  that  from  which  I  am  convinced  that  the 
unborn  millions  of  our  posterity,  who  are,  in 
future  ages,  to  people  tliis  continent,  will  de- 
rive their  most  fervent  gratitude  to  the  found- 
ers of  the  union;  that,  in  which  the  beneficent 
action  of  its  government  will  be  most  deeply 
felt  and  acknowledged.  The  magnificence 
and  splendour  of  their  public  works  are  among 
the  imperishable  glories  of  the  ancient  repub- 
lics. The  roads  and  aqueducts  of  Rome  have 
been  the  admiration  of  all  after  ages,  and 
have  survived  thousands  of  years,  after  all  her 
conquests  have  been  swallowed  up  in  des- 
potism, or  become  the  spoil  of  barbarians. 
Some  diversity  of  opinion  has  prevailed  with 
regard  to  the  powers  of  Congress  for  legisla- 
tion upon  objects  of  this  nature.  The  most 
respectful  deference  is  due  to  doubts  origi- 
nating in  pure  patriotism,  and  sustained  by 
venerated  authority.  But  nearly  twenty  years 
have  passed  since  the  construction  of  the  first 
national  road  was  commenced.  The  authority 
for  its  construction  was  then  unquestioned. 
To  how  many  thousands  of  our  countrymen 
has  it  proved  a  benefit  1  To  what  single  in- 
dividual has  it  ever  proved  an  injury  ?  Re- 
peated liberal  and  candid  discussions  in  the 
legislature  have  conciliated  the  sentiments, 
and  proximated  the  opinions  of  enlightened 
minds,  upon  the  question  of  constitutional 
oower.  I  cannot  but  hope,  that  by  the  same 
ore  cess  of  friendly,  patient,  and  persevering 
deliberation,  all  constitutional  objections  will 
ultimately  be  removed.  The  extent  and 
limitation  of  the  powers  of  the  general  go- 
vernment, in  relation  to  this  transcendently 
important  interest,  will  be  settled  and  acknow- 
ledged, to  the  common  satisfaction  of  all,  and 
every  speculative  scruple  will  be  solved  by  a 
practical  public  blessing. 

"  Fellow-citizens,  you  are  acquainted  with 
the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  recent  elec- 
tion, which  have  resulted  in  affording  me  the 
opportunity  of  addressing  you,  at  this  lime. 
You  have  heard  the  exposition  of  the  prin- 
ciples which  will  direct  me  in  the  fulfilment 
of  the  high  and  solemn  trust  imposed  upon 
me  in  this  station.  Less  possessed  of  your 
confidence  in  advance,  than  any  of  my  prede 
cessors,  I  am  deeply  conscious  of  the  prospect 
that  I  shall  stand,  more  and  oftener,  in  need  of 
your  indulgence.  Intentions,  upright  and 
pure ;  a  heart  devoted  to  the  welfare  of  our 
country,  and  the  unceasing  application  of  all 
tlie  faculties  allotted  to  me,  to  her  service,  are 
*11  the  j)ledge3  that  t  can  give,  for  the  faithful 
performance  of  the  arduous  duties  I  am  to  un- 
dertake. To  the  guidance  of  the  legislative 
councils  ;  to  the  assistance  of  the  executive 
and  subordinate!  departments  ;  to  the  friendly 
co-operation  -of  tlu;  respective  state  govern- 
ments; to  the  candid  and  liberal  supi)ort  of 
the  people,  so  far  as  it  may  be  deservinl  hy 
honest  industry  and  zeal,  I  shall  look  for  what- 
ovi!r  success  may  attend  my  public  service  : 
and  knowing,  that,  oxrejit  tlio  Lord  keep  the 
<Vty,  the  watchman  wakoth  but  in  vain;  with 
fervent  supplications  for  his  favour,  to  his 
pveruling  rrovid(!nce  I  commit,  with  hum 
We  iiut  fearless  confidence,  my  own  fate,  and 
tho  futuru  doBtinies  of  my  country." 


In  August,  1826,  Lafayette  repaired  to 
Washington,  to  take  leave  of  the  president, 
and  his  last  look  of  the  land  through  which  he 
had  passed  as  a  laurelled  victor,  receiving  the 
homage  of  nations.  His  was  the  homage  of 
the  heart ;  the  offerings  he  received  was  the 
gratitude  of  an  enlightened  people.  "  The 
last  three  weeks  which  he  spent  in  the  United 
States,  was  exceedingly  well  appropriated  ; 
and,  no  doubt,  after  much  reflection,  by  him — 
for  he  is  a  man  not 'more  remarkable  for  the 
purity  of  his  motives,  than  an  observance  of 
every  right  rule  of  conduct,  a  deviation  from 
which  might  lead  to  a  suspicion  of  any  of 
them.  This  induced  him,  after  witnessing  the 
magnificent  ceremony  at  Boston,  on  the  anni- 
versary of  the  battle  of  Bunker's  Hill, 
leisurely  to  return  to  the  city  of  Washington, 
(visiting  many  of  his  personal  friends  in  the 
way,  and  reviewing  the  battle  field  at  Brandy 
wine,)  that  his  last  moments  miglit  be  given 
up  to  a  brief  residence  in  what  must  be  meta- 
phorically regarded  as  the  heart  of  the  nation, 
being  the  seat  of  its  government,  where  the 
chief  agents  of  millions  of  their  fellow-citi- 
zens are  gathered  together,  to  execute  the 
laws,  and  distribute  that  moral  force,  for  the 
preservation  of  harmony,  which  rightfully  be- 
longs to  institutions  based  upon  the  self  com- 
petency of  a  free  people  for  the  self-manage- 
ment of  their  own  affairs  ;  and  it  was  here 
that  Lafayette  mentally  looked  over  the 
whole  republic — the  twenty-four  sovereignties 
which  he  had  visited — and,  with  feelings 
which  no  honest  man  will  envy,  but  such  as 
every  honourable  one  would  desire  to  possess 
for  himself — reflected  on  what  he  had  seen, 
and  indulge  the  fond  hopes  of  what  this  na- 
tion, of  which  he  was  a  distinguished  builder, 
would  attain,  before  the  expiration  of  that  pe- 
riod of  time  usually  allotted  to  men  now 
living ;  and  his  tender  heart  must  have  seem- 
ed to  melt  within  him,  at  the  remembrance  of 
the  scenes  through  which  he  had  passed  in  the 
dark  days  of  the  revolution,  -contrasted  with 
the  triumphs  of  his  journey  through  the  'land 
of  the  free.'  Not  the  triumphs  of  the  con- 
queror, before  whom  the  enslaved  bow  to  tlie 
dust,  and  by  their  own  debasement  endeavour 
to  win  the  favour  of  the  oppressor  ;  but  grow- 
ing out  of  the  best  aff'ections  of  the  human 
mind,  for  kindnesses  rendered,  when  a  weak 
people  most  needed  them,  that  they  might  be- 
come strong,  and  laugh  the  oppressor  to  the 
scorn  and  contempt  that  tyranny  merits. 

"  From  the  city  of  Washington,  the  po- 
litical heart  of  the  nation,  he  made  delightful 
excursions  into  Virginia,  in  which  it  happened 
that  three  out  of  all  the  presidents  which  we 
have  had,  yet  resided  as  citizens — distinguish- 
ed over  their  fellows  only  by  the  right  of 
franking  their  letters,  except  in  their  private 
virtues, — and  this  is  all  the  distinction  that  the 
constitution  allows! — no  pension,  no  prece- 
dent, no  other  privilege  than  that  of  being  en- 
abled to  correspond  through  th(!  post-offices 
with  their  old  friends  and  acquaintances,  free 
of  expense  !  He  had  before  visited  one  of 
the  lion-hearted  of  the  revolution,  the  resolute 
and  devoted  president  Adams;  and  the  other 
ex-presidents  were,  the  author  of  the  decla- 
ration of  independence  ;  a  soklier  who  spilled 
his  blood  in  supporting  it;  and  ho  to  whom, 
perhaps,  more  than  any  man  living,  we  are  in- 
debted for  the  jiresent  hap|iy  constitution  of 
tho  United  States.    And  in  one  of  tliosc  ex- 


cursions, he  was  accompanied  by  the  present 

presicient  of  the  republic,  and  met  bv  tluj 
venerable  chief  justice  of  the  United  States, 
fellow  soldier  also.  What  meetings  were 
these  of  the  great  and  the  good  1  We  can  en- 
tertain some  idea  of  the  sensations  which  they 
produced,  but  language  would  fail  to  give  ut- 
terance to  it,  and  we  shall  not  attempt  an  im- 
possiliility. 

"  The  last  days  of  his  visit  were  properly 
spent  by  Lafayette  in  the  nation's  house,  on 
the  invitation  of  its  present  ))ossessor,  the 
chief  magistrate  of  the  United  States.  Mr. 
Adams  was,  in  his  early  youth,  a  favourite 
with  the  general,  having  much  personal  com- 
munication with  him;  and  of  his  disposition 
and  ability  to  represent  the  hospitality  and 
feeling  of  the  millions  of  free  people  over 
whose  affairs  he  presides,  there  could  not  })e  a 
doubt.  Lafiiyette  was  at  home,  in  the  national 
house,  in  the  city  of  Washington,  and  in  the 
heart  of  a  family  which  had  every  inducement 
that  can  operate  on  the  human  mind  to  make 
him  comfortable ;  this  was  his  abode  till  the 
moment  of  his  departure,  to  embark  in  the 
Brandywine,  named  in  compliment  to  him,  and 
peculiarly  fitted  for  his  accommodation — her 
'  giddy  mast'  bearing  the  stripes  and  the  stars, 
lier  bosoni  to  contain  the  person  of  our  guest : 
man  of  wliom  it  may  be  said,  '  take  him  all  in 
all,  we  ne'er  shall  look  upon  his  like  asrain,' 
unless  he  shall  again  visit  our  shores  :  one 
tliat  was  the  same,  great  and  good,  in  pros- 
perity and  adversity — grateful  for  kind  oflices, 
forgiving  of  injuries,  zealous  to  confer  bene- 
fits— modest  when  as  on  the  pinnacle  of  hu- 
man glory,  dignified  and  collected  in  tlie  proud 
presence  of  kings.  But  1  must  not  proceed — 
if,  after  Mr.  Adams'  display  of  eloquence  and 
power,  he,  who  commands  words  and  they 
obey  him,  honestly  confessed  '  a  want  of  lan- 
guage to  give  utterance  to  his  feelings' — who 
among  us  may  attempt  it  ?  I  shall,  therefore, 
proceed  to  notice  some  of  the  things  which 
happened  at  the  departure  of  Lafayette,  with 
this  simple  remark,  that  if  there  is  any  Ame- 
rican who  can  read,  unmoved,  Mr.  Ailam's 
valedictory  address  to  him,  or  the  reply  of  the 
general  to  that  address,  I  would  not  possess 
that  man's  heart  for  his  fortune,  though  he 
were  a  Croesus. 

"  The  7th  inst.  was  the  day  appointed  for 
his  departure.  The  civil  and  military  autho- 
rities, and  the  whole  people  of  Washington, 
had  prepared  to  honour  it.  The  banks  were 
closed,  and  all  business  suspended  ;  and  no- 
thing else  engaged  attention,  except  the  cere 
tnonies  prescribed  for  the  occasion. 

"  At  about  12  o'clock,  the  authorities  of 
Washington,  Georgetown,  and  Alexandria, 
the  principal  officers  of  the  general  go\ern- 
ment,  civil,  military,  and  naval,  some  members 
of  Congress,  and  other  respected  strangers, 
were  assembled  in  the  president's  house  to 
take  leave  of  Lafayette.  He  entered  the 
great  hall  in  silence,  leaning  on  the  marshal  of 
the  district,  and  on  the  arm  of  one  of  the  pre- 
sident's sons.  Mr.  Adams  then,  with  much 
dii:fnity,  but  with  evident  emotion,  addressed 
him  in  the  following  terms  : — 

*'  '  General  Lafayette  :  It  has  been  the  good 
fortune  of  many  of  my  distinguished  fellow- 
citizens,  during  the  course  of  the  year  now 
elapsed,  upon  your  arrival  at  their  respective 
places  of  abode,  to  greet  you  with  the  w  el- 
come of  the  nation.    The  loss  pleasing  taflk 


UNITED  STATES. 


S31 


now  devolves  upon  me,  of  bidding  you,  in  the 
Uhine  of  t\w.  nation,  adieu. 

"  '  It  \V(!rc  no  longer  seasonable,  and  would 
he  superfluous,  to  recapitulate  the  remarkable 
incidents  of  your  early  life — incidents  which 
associated  your  name,  fortunes,  a. id  reputation, 
in  imperishable  connexion  with  the  independ- 
ence and  history  of  the  North  American 
union. 

"  '  The  part  which  you  performed  at  that 
miportant  juncture  was  marked  with  charac- 
ters so  peculiar,  that,  realizing  the  fairest  fiible 
of  antiquity,  its  parallel  could  scarcely  be 
found  in  the  authentic  records  of  human 
history. 

"  '  You  deliberately  and  pcrseveringly  pre- 
ferred toil,  danger,  the  endurance  of  every 
hardsliiji,  and  the  privation  of  every  comfort, 
in  defence  of  a  holy  cause,  to  inglorious  ease, 
and  the  allurements  of  rank,  affluence,  and 
utirestrained  youth,  at  the  most  splendid  and 
fascinating  court  of  Europe. 

"  '  That  this  choice  was  not  less  wise  than 
mas^nanimous,  the  sanction  of  half  a  century, 
and  tlie  gratulations  of  unnumbered  voices,  all 
unable  to  express  the  gratitude  of  the  heart 
with  which  your  visit  to  this  hemisphere  has 
been  welcomed,  afford  ample  demonstration. 

"  '  When  the  contest  of  freedom,  to  which 
you  had  repaired  as  a  voluntary  champion,  had 
closed,  by  the  complete  triumph  of  her  cause 
in  this  country  of  your  adoption,  you  returned 
to  fulfil  the  duties  of  the  philanthropist  and 
patriot  in  the  land  of  your  nativity.  There, 
in  a  consistent  and  undeviating  career  of  forty 
V  Bars,  you  have  maintained,  through  every  vi- 
c  ssitude  of  alternate  success  and  disappoint- 
ment, the  same  glorious  cause  to  which  the 
first  years  of  your  active  life  had  been  devoted, 
the  improvement  of  the  moral  and  political 
condition  of  man. 

"  '  Throughout  that  long  succession  of  time, 
the  people  of  the  United  States,  for  whom,  and 
witli  whom,  you  had  fought  the  battles  of 
liberty,  have  been  living  in  the  full  possession 
of  its  fruits  ;  one  of  the  happiest  among  the 
family  of  nations.  Spreading  in  population  ; 
enlarging  in  territory  ;  acting,  and  suffering 
according  to  the  condition  of  their  nature  ;  and 
laynig  the  foundations  of  the  greatest,  and  we 
humbly  hope,  the  most  beneficent  power  that 
ever  regulated  the  concerns  of  man  upon  earth. 

"  '  In  that  lapse  of  forty  years,  the  genera- 
tion of  men  with  whom  you  co-operated  in  the 
conflict  of  arms,  has  nearly  passed  away.  Of 
the  general  officers  of  the  American  army  in 
that  war,  you  alone  survive.  Of  the  sages  who 
guided  our  councils  ;  of  the  warriors  who  met 
the  foe  in  the  field  or  upon  the  wave,  with  the 
exception  of  a  few,  to  whom  unusual  length 
of  days  has  been  allotted  by  Heaven,  all  now 
sleep  with  their  fathers.  A  succeeding,  and 
even  a  third  generation,  iiave  arisen  to  take 
their  places;  and  their  children's  children, 
while  rising  up  to  call  them  blessed,  have  been 
taught  by  them,  as  well  as  admonished  by 
their  own  constant  enjoyment  of  freedom,  to 
include  In  every  benison  upon  their  fathers, 
the  name  of  him  who  came  from  afar,  with 
them,  and  In  their  cause,  to  conqueror  to  fall. 

"  The  universal  prevalence  of  these  senti- 
nr.ents  was  signally  manifested  by  a  resolution 
of  Congress,  representing  the  whole  jieople, 
and  all  the  states  of  this  union,  requesting  the 
president  of  tlie  United  States  to  communicate 
to  you  assurances  of  the  grateful  and  affection- 


ate attachment  of  this  government  and  people, 
and  desiring  that  a  national  ship  might  be  em- 
[)loyed,  at  your  convenience,  for  your  passage 
to  the  borders  of  our  country. 

"  '  The  invitation  was  transmitted  to  you  by 
my  venerable  predecessor:  himself  bound  to 
you  by  the  strongest  ties  of  personal  friend- 
ship, himself  one  of  those  whom  the  hi<rhc3t 
honours  of  his  country  had  rewarded  for  blood 
early  shed  in  her  cause,  and  for  a  long  life  of 
devotion  to  her  welfare.  By  him  the  services 
of  a  national  ship  were  placed  at  your  dis- 
posal. Your  delicacy  preferred  a  more  pri- 
vate conveyance,  and  a  full  year  has  elapsed 
since  you  landed  upon  our  shores.  It  were 
scarcely  an  exaggeration  to  say,  that  it  has 
been,  to  the  people  of  the  union,  a  year  of  un- 
interrupted festivity  and  enjoyment,  inspired 
by  your  presence.  You  have  traversed  the 
twenty-four  states  of  this  great  confederacy  : 
You  have  been  received  with  rapture  by  the 
survivors  of  your  earliest  companions  inarms: 
You  have  been  hailed  as  a  long  absent  parent 
l)y  their  children,  the  men  and  women  of  the 
present  age  :  And  a  rising  generation,  the  ho])e 
of  future  time,  in  numbers  surpassing  the 
whole  population  of  that  day  when  you  fought 
at  the  head  and  by  the  side  of  their  fore- 
fathers, have  vied  with  the  scanty  remnants  of 
that  hour  of  trial,  in  acclamations  of  joy  at  be- 
holding the  face  of  him  whom  they  feel  to  be 
the  common  benefactor  of  all.  You  have 
heard  the  mingled  voices  of  the  past,  the  pre- 
sent, and  the  future  age,  joining  in  one  univer- 
sal chorus  of  delight  at  your  approach  :  and 
the  shouts  of  unbidden  thousands,  which 
greeted  your  landing  on  the  soil  of  freedom, 
have  followed  every  step  of  your  way,  and 
still  resound,  like  the  rushing  of  many  waters, 
from  every  corner  of  our  land. 

"  '  You  are  now  about  to  return  to  th< 
country  of  your  birth,  of  your  ancestors,  of 
your  posterity.  The  executive  government  of 
the  union,  stimulated  by  the  same  feeling 
which  had  prompted  the  congress  to  the  de- 
signation of  a  national  ship  for  your  accom- 
modation in  coming  hither,  has  destined  the 
first  service  of  a  frigate,  recently  launched  at 
this  metropolis,  to  the  less  welcome,  but 
equally  distinguished  trust,  of  conveying  you 
home.  The  name  of  the  ship  has  added  one 
more  memorial  to  distant  regions  and  to  future 
ages,  of  a  stream  already  memorable,  at  once 
in  the  story  of  your  sufferings  and  of  our  in- 
dependence. 

"'The  ship  is  now  prepared  for  your  re- 
ception, and  equipped  fur  sea.  From  the  mo- 
ment of  her  departure,  the  prayers  of  millions 
will  ascend  to  Heaven  that  her  passage  may 
be  prosperous,  and  your  return  to  the  bosom 
of  your  familyas  propitious  to  your  happiness, 
as  your  visit  to  this  scene  of  your  youthful 
glory  has  been  to  that  of  the  American  people. 

"  '  Go  then,  our  beloved  friend — return  to 
the  land  of  brilliant  genius,  of  generous  senti- 
ment, of  heroic  valour;  to  that  beautiful 
France,  the  nursing  motlier  of  the  twelfth 
Louis,  and  the  Fourth  Henry  ;  to  the  native 
soil  of  Bayard  and  Collgni,  of  Turenne  and 
Caiinat,  of  Fenelon  and  D'Aguesseau.  In 
that  illustrious  catalogue  of  names  which  she 
claims  as  of  her  children,  and  with  honest 
pride  holds  up  to  the  admiration  of  other  na- 
tions, the  name  of  Lafayette  has  already  for 
centuries  been  enrolled.  And  It  shall  hence- 
forth burnish  into  brighter  fame  ;   for  if,  in 


after  days,  a  Frenclman  shall  be  called  to  in- 
dicate the  character  of  his  nation  by  that  o^ 
one  individual,  during  the  age  in  wliich  wo 
live,  the  blood  of  loi'ty  patriotism  shall  mantle 
in  Ills  cheek,  the  fire  of  conscious  virtue  shall 
sparkle  in  his  eye,  and  he  shall  j)ronounce  the 
name  of  Lafayette.  Yet  wo,  too,  and  our 
children,  in  life  and  after  death,  shall  claim 
you  for  our  own.  You  are  ours  by  that 
more  than  patriotic  self-devotion  with  wliich 
you  flew  to  the  aid  of  our  fifhers  at  the  crisis 
of  ineir  fate.  Ours  by  that  long  series  of 
years  in  which  you  have  cheristied  us  in  your 
regard.  Ours  by  that  unshaken  seritiment  of 
gratitude  for  your  services  which  is  a  precious 
portion  of  our  inheritance.  Ours  by  thiit  tie 
of  love,  stronger  than  death,  which  has  linked 
your  name,  for  the  endless  ages  of  time,  witL 
the  name  of  Washington. 

"'At  the  painful  moment  of  parting  from 
you,  we  take  comfort  in  the  thought,  that 
wherever  you  may  be,  to  the  last  pulsation  of 
your  heart,  our  country  will  be  ever  present 
to  your  affections  ;  and  a  cheering  consolation 
assures  us,  that  we  are  not  called  to  sorrow 
most  of  all,  that  we  shall  see  your  face  no 
more.  We  shall  Indulge  the  pleasing  antici- 
pation of  beholding  our  friend  ajjain.  In  the 
meantime,  speaking  In  the  name  of  the  whole 
people  of  the  United  States,  and  at  a  loss  only 
for  language  to  give  utterance  to  that  feeling 
of  attachment  with  which  the  heart  of  the  na 
tion  beats,  as  the  heart  of  one  man — [  bid  yoi 
a  reluctant  and  affectionate  farewell.'  " 

"  To  whicli  General  Lafayette  made  the 
following  answer  : — 

"  '  Amidst  all  my  obligations  to  the  genera! 
government,  and  particularly  to  von,  sir,  its 
respected  chief  magistrate,  I  have  most  thank- 
fully to  acknowledge  the  opportunity  given 
me,  at  this  solemn  and  painful  tnoment,  to 
present  the  people  of  the  United  States  with 
a  parting  tribute  of  profound,  inexpressible 
gratitude. 

"  '  To  have  been.  In  the  infant  and  critical 
days  of  these  states,  adopted  liy  them  as  a 
favourite  son,  to  have  participated  in  the  foils 
and  perils  of  our  unspotted  struggle  for  inde- 
pendence, freedom,  and  equal  rights,  and  in 
the  foundation  of  the  American  era  of  a  new 
social  order,  which  has  already  pervaded  this, 
and  must,  for  the  dignity  and  ha])pim'ss  of 
mankind,  successively  pervade  every  j)nrt  of 
the  other  hemisphere,  to  have  received  at 
every  stage  of  the  revolution,  and  during 
forty  years  after  that  period,  from  the  people 
of  the  United  States,  and  their  representa- 
tives at  home  and  abroad,  continual  marks  ol 
their  confidence  and  kindness,  has  been  the 
pride,  the  encouragement,  the  support  ofi 
long  and  eventful  life. 

" '  But  how  could  I  find  words  to  acknow 
ledge  that    series  of  welcomes,  those  un 
bounded  and  universal  disiilays  of  public  af 
fection,  which  have  marked  eacli  step,  each 
hour,  of  a  twelve-months'  proijress  through 
the  twenty-four  states,  and  which,  while  they 
overwhelm  my  heart  with  grateful  delight, 
have  most  satisfactorily  evinced  the  concur 
rence  of  the  people  in  the  kind  testimonies,  in 
the  immense  favours  bestowed  on  me  by  the 
several  brandies  of  tiicir  representatives,  in 
every  part  and  at  the  central  seat  of  the  con- 
federacy. 

"  '  Yet,  gratification  still  hlghrrawalted  me  ; 
in  the  wonders  of  creation  and  improvement 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


that  have  met  my  enchanted  eye,  in  the  un- 
paralleled and  self-fell  haj)piness  of  the  peo- 
ple, in  their  rapid  prosperity  and  insured  se- 
curity, puhlic  and  private,  in  a  practice  of  g'ood 
order,  the  a|)peiidage  of  true  freedom,  and  a 
national  good  sense,  the  final  arbiter  of  all  dif- 
ficulties, I  liave  liad  proudly  to  recognise  a 
result  of  the  republican  principles  for  which 
we  have  fought,  and  a  glorious  demonstration 
to  the  most  timid  and  prejudiced  minds,  of  the 
superiority,  over  degrading  aristocracy  or 
despotism,  of  popular  institutions  founded  on 
the  plain  rights  of  man,  and  where  the  local 
rights  of  every  section  are  preserved  under  a 
constitutional  bond  of  union.  The  cherishing 
of  that  union  between  the  states,  as  it  has  been 
the  farewell  intreaty  of  our  great  paternal 
Washington,  and  will  ever  have  the  dying 
prayer  of  every  American  patriot,  so  it  hus 
become  the  sacred  pledge  of  the  emancipation 
of  the  world,  an  object  in  which  I  am  happy 
to  observe  that  tVie  American  people,  while 
they  give  the  animating  example  of  successful 
free  institutions,  in  return  for  an  evil  entailed 
jpon  them  by  Europe,  and  of  which  a  liberal 
and  enlightened  sense  is  every  where  more 
and  more  generally  felt,  show  themselves 
every  day  more  anxiously  interested. 

"  '  And  now,  sir,  how  can  I  do  justice  to 
my  deep  and  lively  feelings  for  the  assu- 
rances, most  peculiarly  valued,  of  your  esteem 
and  friendship,  for  your  so  very  kind  refer- 
ences to  old  times,  to  my  beloved  associates, 
to  the  vicissitudes  of  my  life,  for  your  affect- 
ing picture  for  the  blessings  poured  by  the 
Beveral  generations  of  the  American  people 
on  the  remaining  days  of  a  delighted  veteran, 
for  your  affectionate  remarks  on  this  sad  hour 
of  separation,  on  the  country  of  my  birth, 
full,  I  can  say,  of  American  sympathies 
on  the  hope  so  necessary  to  me  of  my  seeing 
again  the  country  that  has  deigned,  near  half 
a  century  ago,  to  call  me  herst  I  shall  con- 
tent myself,  refraining  from  superfluous  repe- 
titions, at  once,  before  you,  sir,  and  this  re- 
Bpocted  circle,  to  proclaim  my  cordial  con- 
firmation of  every  one  of  the  sentiments 
which  I  have  had  daily  opportunities  publicly 
to  utter,  from  the  time  when  your  venerable 
predecessor,  my  old  brother  in  arms  and  friend, 
transmitted  to  me  the  honourable  invitation  of 
Congress,  to  this  day,  when  you,  my  dear  sir, 
whose  friendly  connexion  with  me  dates  from 
your  earliest  youth,  are  going  to  consign  me 
to  tlie  protection,  across  the  Atlantic,  of  the 
heroic  national  flag,  on  board  the  splendid 
ship,  the  name  of  which  has  not  been  the 
least  flattering  and  kind  among  the  number- 
less favours  conferred  upon  me. 

"  '  God  bless  you,  sir,  and  all  who  surround 
us.  God  bless  the  American  people,  each  of 
their  states,  and  the  federal  government.  Ac- 
cept this  patriotic  farewell  of  an  overflowing 
heart ;  such  will  be  its  last  throb  wlien  it 
ceases  to  lioat.' 

"  As  the  last  sentence  was  pronounced,  the 
general  ad  vanced,  and,  wliile  the  tears  poured 
over  hi.s  venerable  cheek,  again  took  the  prc- 
■ident  in  his  arms — he  retired  a  few  ])aces, 
but  overcome  by  his  feelings  again  returned, 
anil  uttering  in  broken  accents,  '  God  bless 
you  !'  fell  once  more  on  the  neck  of  Mr. 
.  Adams.  It  was  a  scene,  at  once  solemn  and 
moving,  as  liie  sighs  and  stealing  tears  of 
many,  who  witnessed  it,  bore  testimony, 
llavinc  recovered  his  self  possession,  the  gen- 


eral stretched  out  his  hands,  and  was,  in  a  mo- 
ment, surrounded  by  the  greetings  of  the 
whole  assembly,  who  pressed  u])on  him,  each 
eager  to  seize,  perhaps  for  the  last  time,  that 
beloved  hand  which  was  opened  so  freely  for 
our  aid,  when  aid  was  so  precious,  and  which 
grasped,  with  firm  and  undeviating  hold,  tlie 
steel  which  so  bravely  helped  to  achieve  our 
deliverance.  The  expression  which  now 
beamed  from  the  face  of  this  exalted  man  was 
of  the  finest  and  most  touching  kind.  The 
hero  was  lost  in  the  father  and  the  friend  : 
dignity  melted  into  subdued  affection,  and  the 
friend  of  Washington  seemed  to  linger  with  a 
mournful  delight  among  the  sons  of  his  adopt- 
ed country.  A  considerable  period  was  then 
occupied  in  conversing  with  various  individu- 
als, while  refreshments  were  presented  to  the 
company.  The  moment  of  departure  at 
length  arrived,  and,  having  once  more  pressed 
the  hand  of  Mr.  Adams,  he  entered  the  ba- 
rouche, accompanied  by  the  secretaries  of 
state,  of  the  treasury,  and  of  the  navy. 

"  The  parting  being  over,  the  carriage  of 
the  general,  preceded  by  the  cavalry,  the  ma- 
rine corps,  and  Captain  Edwards'  rifle  corps, 
and  followed  by  the  carriages  containing  the 
corporate  authorities  of  the  cities  of  the  dis- 
trict, and  numerous  military  and  high  civil 
officers  of  the  government,  moved  forward, 
followed  by  the  remaining  military  com- 
panies. In  taking  up  the  escort,  the  whole 
column  moved  through  the  court,  in  front  of 
the  president's  mansion,  and  paid  him  the  pas- 
sing salute,  as  he  stood  in  front  to  receive  it. 
The  whole  sccne-~the  peals  of  artillery,  the 
animating  sounds  of  numerous  military  bands, 
the  presence  of  the  vast  concourse  of  people, 
and  the  occasion  that  assembled  them,  alto- 
gether produced  emotions,  not  easily  de- 
scribed, but  which  every  American  will 
readily  conceive. 

"  On  reaching  the  bank  of  the  Potomac, 
near  where  the  Mount  Vernon  steam  vessel 
was  in  waiting,  all  the  carriages  in  tho  pro- 
cession, except  the  general's,  wheeled  off,  and 
the  citizens  in  them  assembled  on  foot  around 
that  of  the  general.  The  whole  military 
body  then  passed  him  in  review,  as  he  stood 
in  the  barouche  of  the  president,  attended 
by  the  secretaries  of  state,  of  the  treasury, 
and  of  the  navy.  After  the  review,  the  ge- 
neral proceeded  to  the  steam  vessel  under  a 
salute  of  artillery,  surrounded  by  as  many 
citizens,  all  eager  to  catch  the  last  look,  as 
could  press  on  the  large  wharf;  and,  at  four 
o'clock,  this  great,  and  good,  and  extraordi- 
nary man,  trod,  for  the  last  lime,  the  soil  of 
America,  followed  by  the  blessings  of  every 
patriotic  heart  that  lives  on  it. 

"  As  the  vessel  moved  off,  and  for  a  short 
time  after,  the  deepest  silence  was  observed 
by  thewholeof  the  vast  multittuh^  that  liiied 
the  shore.  The  feelings  tliat  pervaded  them 
was  that  of  children  bidding  a  final  farewell 
to  a  venerated  parent.  The  whole  remained 
gazing  after  the  retiring  vessel,  until  she  had 
passed  GreenleaPs  Point,  where  another 
salute  repeated  the  valedictory  sounds  of  re- 
spect, and  these  again  were,  not  long  after, 
echoed  by  the  heavy  guns  of  fort  Washing- 
ton, and  reminded  us  of  the  rnpidity  with 
which  this  benefactor  and  friend  of  our  coun- 
try was  borne  from  it. 

"  The  general  was  accompanied  to  the 
Brandy  wine  by  the  secretary  of  :hc  navy,  the 


mayors  of  the  three  cities  of  the  district,  the 
conunandur-in-chief  of  the  army,  the  generals 
of  the  militia  of  the  district.  Commodore 
Bainbridge,  and  several  other  gentlemen." 

The  transactions  between  the  United  Statee 
and  the  Indian  tribes  have  occasioned  consid- 
eraVjle  discussion  among  '.he  philanthropists  of 
both  the  new  and  the  old  world  ;  we  shall, 
therefore,  notice  the  treaties  which  were 
formed  somewhat  particularly.  In  February, 
a  treaty  was  concluded  with  the  Creek  na- 
tion of  Indians.  The  commissioners  on  the 
part  of  the  United  States  represented  to  the 
Creeks,  that  it  Is  the  policy  and  wish  of  the 
general  government,  that  the  several  Indian 
tribes  within  the  limits  of  any  of  the  states  of 
the  union,  should  remove  to  territory  to  be 
designated  on  the  west  side  of  the  Mississippi 
river,  as  well  for  the  better  protection  and  se- 
curity of  the  said  tribes,  and  their  improve- 
ment in  civilization,  as  for  the  purpose  of  en- 
abling theUnited  States,  In  thlsinstance,  to  com- 
ply with  a  compact  entered  into  with  the  state 
of  Georgia,  on  the  24th  of  April,  1S02.  The 
chiefs  of  the  Creek  towns  assented  to  the 
reasonableness  of  the  proposition,  and  ex- 
pressed a  willingness  to  migrate  beyond  the 
Mississippi,  those  of  Tokaubatchee  excepted. 
The  Creeks  accordingly,  by  the  first  article 
of  the  treaty,  ceded  to  the  United  States  all 
the  lands  within  the  boundaries  of  the  state  of 
Georgia  now  occupied  by  them,  or  to  which 
they  have  title  or  claim,  lying  within  certain 
described  boundaries ;  and  by  the  second  it 
was  agreed,  that  the  United  States  will  give 
In  exchange  for  the  lands  hereby  acquired  the 
like  quantity,  acre  for  acre,  westward  of  the 
Mississippi,  on  the  Arkansas  river.  Othei 
stipulations  favourable  to  the  equitable  claims 
of  the  emigrating  parties  were  made  ;  parti- 
cularly that  a  deputation  may  be  sent  to  ex- 
oiore  the  territory  herein  offered  them  in  ex- 
change ;  and  if  the  same  be  not  acceptable  to 
ihem,  then  they  may  select  any  other  territory 
west  of  the  Mississippi,  on  Red,  Canadian, 
Arkansas,  or  Missouri  rivers,  the  territory  oc- 
cupied by  the  Cherokees  and  Choctaws  ex- 
cepted; and  if  the  territory  to  be  selected 
shall  be  in  the  occupancy  of  other  Indinn 
tribes,  then  the  Uisted  States  will  extinguish 
the  title  of  such  occupants  for  the  benefit  of 
the  said  emigrants. 

The  Kansas  Indians,  by  treaty,  ceded  to 
the  United  States  all  their  lands  both  within 
and  without  the  limits  of  Missouri,  excepting 
a  reservation  beyond  that  state  on  the  Kansas 
river,  about  thirty  miles  square,  including 
their  villages.  In  consideration  of  this  ces- 
sion, the  Ignited  States  agreed  to  pay  three 
thousand  five  hundred  dollars  a  year  for 
twenty  years;  to  furnish  the  Kansas  imme- 
diately with  three  hundred  head  of  cattle, 
three  hundred  hogs,  five  hundred  fowls,  three 
yoke  of  oxen,  and  two  carts,  and  with  such 
farming  utensils  as  the  Indian  snperinfeiulent 
may  deem  necessary  ;  to  provide  and  sup- 
port a  blacksmith  for  them  ;  and  to  employ 
persons  to  aid  and  instruct  them  in  their  agri- 
cultural pursuits,  as  the  president  may  deem 
expedient.  Of  the  ceded  lands,  thirty-six 
sections  on  the  Big  Blue  river  were  to  be  laid 
out  under  the  diri'ction  of  tlie  jiresider.t,  and 
soli!  for  the  support  of  schools  among  the 
Kansas.  Reservations  were  also  made  foi 
the  benefit  of  certain  half-breeds;  and  other 
stipulations   mutually  satisfactory.    It  \>'ds 


I 


UNITED  STATES. 


323 


also  agreed,  that  no  private  revenge  shall  be 
taken  by  llio  Intiiaiis  for  tlie  violation  of  tlieir 
rights ;  but  that  they  shall  make  their  com- 
plaint to  the  superintendent  or  other  agent, 
and  receive  justice  in  a  due  course  of  law; 
and  it  was  lastly  agreed,  that  the  Kansas  na- 
tion shall  never  dispose  of  their  lands  without 
the  consent  of  the  United  States,  and  that  the 
United  States  shall  always  have  the  free  right 
of  navigation  in  the  waters  of  the  Kansas. 

A  treaty  was  also  concluded  with  the  Great 
and  Little  Osages,  at  St.  Louis,  Missouri. 
The  general  principles  of  this  treaty  are  the 
same  as  those  of  the  treaty  with  the  Kansas. 
The  Indians  cede  all  their  lands  in  Arkansas 
and  eUewhere,  and  then  reserve  a  defined 
territory,  west  of  the  Missouri  line,  fifty  miles 
square  ;  an  agent  to  be  permitted  to  reside  on 
the  reserr  ation,  and  the  United  States  to  have 
the  right  of  free  navigation  in  all  the  waters 
on  the  tract.  The  L^nited  States  pay  an  an- 
nuity of  seven  thousand  dollars  for  twenty 
years;  furnish  forthwith  six  hundred  head  of 
cattle,  six  hundred  hogs,  one  thousand  fowls, 
en  yoke  of  oxen,  six  carts,  with  farming 
atensils,  persons  to  teach  the  Indians  agricul- 
ture, and  a  blacksmith,  and  build  a  commodious 
dwelling-house  for  each  of  the  four  principal 
chiefs,  at  his  own  village.  Reservations  were 
made  for  the  establishment  of  a  fund  for  the 
support  of  schools  for  the  benefit  of  the  Osage 
children;  and  provision  was  made  for  the 
benefit  of  the  Harmony  missionary  establish- 
ment. The  United  States  also  assume  cer- 
tain debts  due  from  certain  chiefs  of  the 
tribes;  and  agree  to  deliver  at  the  Osage  vil- 
lages, as  scon  as  may  be,  four  thousand  dol- 
lars in  merchandise,  and  two  thousand  six 
hundred  in  horses  and  their  equipments. 

In  May,  a  general  convention  of  peace, 
amity,  navigation,,  and  commerce,  between 
the  United  States  of  America  and  the  republic 
of  Colombia,  was  signed  by  the  president,  at 
Washington. 

The  fiftieth  anniversary,  the  jubilee,  as  it 
was  termed,  of  American  independence,  was 
observed  througho>:.t  the  states  vsnth  great  en- 
thusiasm, and  was  rendered  additionally  inter- 
esting by  the  remarkable  circumstance  that 
both  Adams  and  Jefferson,  eminent  men 
among  the  fathers  of  their  country,  died  on 
that  day. 

Mr.  Adams,  in  a  message  to  Congress,  re- 
commended a  naval  academy,  and  urged  the 
appropriation  of  money  for  such  an  establish- 
ment ;  but  Congress  did  not  move  far  in  the 
business.  He  also  recommended  the  erection 
of  an  observatory,  that  the  United  States 
raigiit  not  be  behind  the  nations  of  Europe  in 
iho'.r  astronomical  knowledge.  This  was  also 
neglected.  The  next  election  was  the  all  en- 
grossing subject  of  the  politicians,  in  every 
quarter  of  the  country,  and  forbade  any  im- 
provements in  science  or  letters.  Towards 
the  close  of  his  administration,  twenty  thou- 
sand (h)llars  were  appropriated,  to  be  paid  by 
instalments,  for  statuary  to  fill  some  niches  in 
tlie  east  front  of  the  capitol,  and  a  suitable 
artist  engaged  to  repair  to  Italy,  to  commence 
his  labours.  He  received  his  instructions 
from  Mr.  Adams,  who  had  designed  the  orna- 
ments of  the  pediment  on  the  front  of  the 
iSame  building. 

Mr.  Adams  lived  in  harmony  with  his  cabi- 
net, although  they  were  made  of  different  ma- 
terials from  himself.    He  struggled  hard  to 


prove  tliat  a  president  could  act  without  party; 
hut  his  su(;,'ess  did  not  warrant  the  conclusion 
that  such  a  course  could  ever  be  wisely  pur- 
sued. Many  were  mortified,  and  not  a  few 
disappointed,  to  see  those  who  liad  made  no 
effort  to  bring  in  the  administration,  receive 
the  rewards  which  belonged  to  his  political 
friends.  Mr.  Adams  was  unquestionably  the 
most  learned  of  all  the  chief  magistrates  the 
nation  has  had.  He'received  all  foreign  am- 
bassadors without  an  interpreter,  and  satisfied 
all  that  he  was  acquainted  with  their  mother 
tongue.  His  learning  and  his  openness  of  dis- 
position did  nothing  to  insure  his  second  elec- 
tion. The  tide  of  party  was  not  to  be  stem- 
med by  learning  and  enlarged  views.  Gene- 
ral Jackson  was  elected  by  a  large  majority. 

In  the  year  1828,  Congress  made  provi- 
sion, by  law,  for  certain  officers  of  the  revo- 
lutionary army.  The  debt  of  justice  had  been 
long  delayed.  Thousands  had  descended  to 
the  grave  in  poverty,  with  complaints  on  their 
lips  against  the  rulers  of  the  land.  All  the 
wise,  patriotic,  and  eloquent  of  both  houses  of 
Congress,  were  on  the  side  of  the  veteran  sol- 
diers. Strong  arguments  were  used  in  their 
cause.  The  chairman  of  the  committee  which 
reported  the  bill,  made  the  following  forcible 
remarks  : — 

"  Mr.  President,  (said  he,)  it  has  become 
my  duty,  sir,  as  chairman  of  the  committee 
who  reported  this  bill,  to  explain  the  origin 
and  character  of  it.  I  regret  that  this  duty 
has  not  devolved  upon  some  abler  represent- 
ative of  the  interests  of  the  petitioners  ;  but  I 
regret  it  the  less  as  my  colleagues  on  the  com- 
mittee possess  every  quality  of  both  the  head 
and  heart  to  advance  those  interests,  and  will 
no  doubt,  hereafter,  be  seconded  by  an  indul- 
gent attention  on  the  j)art  of  the  senate. 

"  Who,  then,  sir,  are  the  venerable  men 
that  knock  at  your  door  1  and  for  what  do 
they  ask  ?  They  are  not  suppliants  for  mere 
favour  or  charity,  though  we  all  know  that 
nothing  but  the  proud  spirit  which  helped  to 
sustain  them  through  the  distresses  of  our 
revolution,  has  withheld  most  of  them  from 
reliance  for  daily  bread  on  the  alms  provided 
by  the  present  pension  act.  No,  sir,  they 
come  as  petitioners  for  their  rights.  They 
come  as  the  remnant  of  that  gallant  band,  who 
enlisted  your  continental  army,  who  disci- 
plined its  ranks,  who  planned  its  enterprises, 
and  led  the  way  to  victory  and  independence. 
Confiding  in  the  plighted  faith  of  Congress, 
given  in  the  form  of  a  solemn  compact,  they 
adhered  to  your  cause  through  evil  re[)ort  and 
good  report,  till  the  great  drama  closed  ;  and 
they  now  ask  only  that  the  faith  so  plighted 
may  be  redeemed.  Amid  the  wrecks  from 
time  and  disease,  during  almost  half  a  century, 
short  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  now  survive, 
out  of  two  thousand  four  hundred  and  eighty, 
who  existed  at  the  close  of  the  war.  Even 
this  small  number  is  falling  fast  around  us,  as 
the  leaves  of  autumn;  and  this  very  morning 
a  gentleman  before  me  has  communicated  the 
information,  that  another  of  the  most  faithful 
among  them  has  just  passed  '  that  bourne 
whence  no  traveller  returns.'  It  behooves  us, 
then,  if  we  now  conclude,  in  our  prosperity 
and  greatness,  to  extend  relief,  either  from 
charity,  gratitude,  or  justice,  to  do  it  quickly. 

"  great  anxiety  is,  in  the  outset,  to  pre- 
vent any  misapprehension  of  the  true  grounds 
on    which    the    appropriation    is  founded. 


Througliout  the  whole  inquiry,  there  is  no 

dispiisilion  to  ce;isure  the  motives  or  policy  of 
the  old  congress.  They  adopted  such  mea- 
sures as  the  exigencies  and  necessities  of  the 
times  forced  upon  tliem ;  and  now,  when 
those  exigencies  have  ceased,  it  is  Just,  as  well 
as  generous,  to  give  such  relief  as  the  nature 
of  the  case  may  demand. 

"  A  very  great  obstacle  to  the  success  of 
this  measure,  heretofore,  has  been  a  prevalent 
opinion,  that  these  petitioners  are  seeking 
compensation  merely  for  losses  sustained  on 
the  depreciation  of  continental  money  and 
certificates  received  for  their  monthly  wa^es  ; 
whereas  from  their  first  memorial  in  A.  I). 
1810,  to  the  present  session,  they  have  inva- 
riably rested  on  tlie  non-performance,  by 
Congress,  of  a  distinct  and  independent  con- 
tract. All  the  losses  on  their  monthly  wages, 
they  bore  in  common,  and  are  willing  to 
forego  in  common  with  many  in  the  walks  of 
civil  life,  and  with  the  brave  soldiers  under 
their  command.  This  is  the  plain  and  de- 
cisive reason  why  none  but  officers  are  em- 
braced in  the  present  bill.  The  contract  or 
which  they  rely,  was  made  with  the  officers 
alone;  and  gallant  and  unfortunate  as  were 
the  soldiers,  the  officers  have  endured,  and 
will  continue  to  endure,  without  repining, 
still  severer  sufferings  from  the  worthless 
mcr.ey  and  certificates  received  for  their 
wages  ;  because  those  losses  were  perhaps 
too  large,  and  too  general  in  all  departments 
of  life,  ever  to  warrant  the  expectation,  or 
practicability,  of  complete  remuneration.  I 
have  said  severer  sufferings  on  this  account  hy 
the  officers  ;  because  the  money  received  foi 
wages  before  A.  D.  1780,  worth  only  me 
dollar  in  the  hundred,  was,  to  the  officers,  the 
only  means  to  purchase  camp  eqi.ipage  and 
c'  nhing,  that  were  furnished  to  the  soldiers 
out  of  the  public  arsenals ;  and  l)ecanse  tlie 
soldier  often  received  besides  bounties  both  at 
home  and  from  Congress. 

"  Let  it  then  be  distinctly  understood,  that 
notwithstanding  this  disparity  against  the  offi- 
cers, no  such  losses  or  depreciations  form  any 
part  of  the  foundation  for  this  bill.  A  mo- 
ment's attention  to  the  history  of  that  period, 
will  show  the  true  ground  of  the  appropria- 
tion. After  fhis  unequal  pressure  had  con- 
tinued nearly  three  years — after  the  officers 
had  sustained  their  spirits  during  that  trying 
period  under  such  disadvantages,  by  the  force 
of  those  principles  tliat  led  them  at  first  to 
join  in  the  pledge  to  the  cause,  of 'their  lives, 
their  fortunes,  and  their  sacred  honour  ;'  after 
their  private  resources  had  become  nearly  ex- 
hausted in  supplying  those  wants  their  coun- 
try was  unable  rather  than  unwillins'  to  satisfy, 
there  arose  a  state  of  tilings  which  led  to  cer- 
tain proceedings  by  Congress  in  relation  to 
half  pay. 

"•The  prospect  had  nearly  vanished,  tliat 
any  honourable  accommodation  could  be  ef- 
fected with  the  parent  country.  The  contest 
seemed  likely  to  become  more  severe,  and  to 
be  protracted  for  many  years ;  and  it  was  obvi- 
ous that  many  of  the  officers  thus  impover- 
ished and  disheartened,  must  actually  resie'n 
in  order  to  provide  themselves  with  decent 
clothing,  and  to  maintain  their  families,  and 
secure  any  subsistence  for  advanced  life,  or 
that  they  must  receive  some  assurance  of 
future  indemnity,  if  they  continued  in  ser- 
vice, and  abandoned  everjf  thing  else  to  »':vk 


B24 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


or  sw.m  with  the  military  destinies  of  their 
country. 

"  It  Was  then  that  the  resolve  of  May  15th, 
177S,  granting  half-pay,  for  only  seven  years, 
to  all  who  continued  in  service  till  the  close  of 
the  war,  was  passed. 

"  This  short  period  of  half-pay  was  dic- 
tated, rather  hy  the  wants  of  Congress  to  pro- 
vide a  longer  one,  than  from  an  impression 
that  it  was,  in  truth,  sufficient,  or  in  accord- 
ance with  any  similar  system  in  the  armies  of 
Europe.  Hence,  a  committee,  May  24th, 
1779,  reported  a  resolution,  allowing  half-pay 
for  life  to  the  same  class  of  officers,  and  justly 
grounded  it  on  the  great  risks  tliey  were  called 
to  encounter,  on  their  great  sufferings  and  sa- 
crifices, of  youth,  ease,  health,  and  fortune,  in 
the  cause  of  their  country.  But  the  want  of 
resources  in  Congress,  induced  them  to  post- 
Done  this  suhject,  and  on  the  17th  of  August, 
1779,  to  urge  upon  the  respective  states  the 
expediency  of  adopting  such  a  resolution,  and 
of  pledging  for  its  fulfilment  their  state  re- 
sources. Tlie  power  of  the  states  over  those 
resources,  was  much  more  effective  than  that 
of  the  confederation  over  the  states.  But  such 
were  the  general  gloom  and  despondency  of 
the  times,  that  not  a  single  state,  except  Penn- 
sylvania, complied  with  the  recommendation. 
The  currency  continued  to  depreciate  more 
and  more,  daily ;  the  officers,  in  many  in- 
stances, were  utterly  unable,  by  their  whole 
pay,  to  procure  decent  apparel :  treason  had 
penetrated  the  camp  in  the  person  of  Arnold  : 
Charleston  had  been  surrendered  :  Lincoln 
captured  :  Gates  defeated  at  Camden  :  the 
southern  states  overrun  by  Cornwallis  :  our 
soldiery  had  become  discouraged  ;  and  the 
great  military  leader  of  the  revolution  liad  be- 
come convinced,  and  had  urged,  with  his  usu- 
al energy,  upon  Congress,  that  the  adoption 
of  this  resolution  was  almost  the  only  possible 
method  of  retaining  the  army  together.  Un- 
der such  appalling  circumstances.  Congress 
passed,  on  the  24th  of  October,  A.  D.  17S0, 
the  resolution,  which  1  will  now  take  the 
liberty  to  read  : 

"  '  Resolved,  That  the  officers  who  shall 
continue  in  the  service  to  the  end  of  the  war, 
shall  also  be  entitled  to  half-pay  during  life  ; 
to  commence  from  the  time  of  their  reduction.' 
(1  U.  S.  Laws,  688.) 

"  This,  with  one  or  two  subsequent  resolu- 
tions, explaining  and  modifying  its  provisions 
as  to  particular  persons,  constitutes  the  great 
fiiundation  of  the  bill  under  consideration. 
'J'he  promise  was  most  solemnly  and  delibe- 
rately made  :  the  consideration  for  it  was  am- 
ple, and  most  honourably  performed  by  the 
officers:  and  yet,  on  the  part  of  Congress,  its 
stipulations  have,  in  my  {)|nnioii,  never,  to  this 
day,  been  equital'ly  fulfilled.  As  to  the  bind- 
ing cff'fct  of  the  compact  on  Congress,  nobody 
can  pretend  to  doubt.  I  shall,  therefore,  not 
waste  a  single  moment  in  the  discussion  of 
that  point.  Hut  I  admit  that  the  officers  weri; 
first  bound  to  pc-form  the  condition  faithfully, 
of  serving  to  the  clos(!  of  th<!  war,  however 
long  or  disastrous.  Did  th(;y  do  it  ]  History 
and  ira>lition  must  convince  all,  that  through 
deft  nt  as  well  as  victory,  they  clung  to  our 
fortuTies  to  the  utti'rmost  momtsnt  of  the  strug- 
gle. They  were  actuated  by  a  spirit  and  in- 
tolligenre,  the  surest  gtifirantees  of  such  fide- 
lity. M.istof  them  had  investijrated,  and  well 
aiulor<it<jod,  the  principles  in  dispute,  and  to 


defend  them,  had  flown  to  the  field  of  battle 
on  the  first  alarm  of  war,  with  all  the  ardour 
of  a  Scottish  gathering,  at  the  summons  of  the 
fiery  cross.  And  it  is  not  poetry,  that  one  of 
my  own  relatives,  an  officer,  long  since  no 
more,  when  the  alarm  was  given  at  Lexing- 
ton, left  for  the  tented  field,  the  corpse  of  his 
father  unburied  ; 

'  One  look  he  cast  upon  th(i  bier, 
Dashed  from  his  eyes  the  eatheriiig  tear, 

and  hastened  to  devote  his  own  life  to  the 
salvation  of  his  country.  In  the  same  duty — 
in  performing  their  part  of  the  compact,  to 
serve  faithfully  to  the  close  of  the  war,  these 
petitioners  endured  the  frosts  of  winter,  often 
half  sheltered,  badly  fed,  badly  clothed,  and 
badly  paid.  God  forbid  that  1  should  exag- 
gerate. The  naked  truth  is  stronger  than  any 
colouring  of  fancy.  We  have  the  authority 
of  their  commander,  that  they  were,  at  times, 
in  such  a  condition  as  to  be  unable  and 
ashamed  to  receive  their  friends  ;  but  never, 
I  believe,  loath  to  face  their  enemies.  Their 
paths  were  sometimes  marked  by  their  blood — 
their  courage  and  constancy  tried  by  frequent 
alarms,  by  ambuscade,  and  the  pitched  battle; 
but  they  never  faltered  :  and  when,  towards 
the  close  of  the  war,  neglect  on  the  part  of 
Congress,  as  to  their  monthly  wages,  might 
have  justified,  under  most  circumstances,  dis- 
quiet and  distrust ;  and  when  at  Newburg 
they  were  tempted  w-ith  the  insidious  taunt, 
that  if,  relinquishing  their  arms  and  retiring 
home  with  the  promises  made  to  them  un- 
fulfilled, they  would  '  go  starve,  and  be  for- 
gotten ;'  yet  they  disbanded  in  peace,  and  ex- 
pressed their  '  unshaken  confidence  in  the 
justice  of  Congress." 

"  Washington,  himself,  declared  in  sub- 
stance, that  by  means  of  this  resolve  the  offi- 
cers were  inspired  to  make  renewed  exer- 
tions ;  to  feel  a  security  for  themselves  and 
families,  which  enabled  them  to  devote  every 
faculty  to  the  common  cause;  and  that  thus 
was  an  army  kept  together,  which  otherwise 
must  have  dissolved,  and  we  probably  have 
been  compelled  to  pass  again  under  the  yoke 
of  colonial  servitude. 

"  For  all  this  fidelity  to  the  performance  of 
their  part  of  the  compact,  tVie  officers  have 
been  duly  thanked  by  many  congresses,  and 
applauded  by  the  world.  They  have  occu- 
pied a  conspicuous  niche  in  toasts,  odes,  and 
orations,  and  some  of  them  have  animated  the 
canvass  and  breathed  in  marble. 

"  But  has  the  promisetothemof  half-pay  ever 
been  either  literally  or  substantially  fulfilled  ? 
That,  sir,  is  the  important  question.  1  answer 
not  literally,  by  any  pretence,  from  any  (]uar- 
ter.  No  half-pay,  as  such,  has  ever,  for  any 
length  of  time,  been  either  paid  or  prov  ided 
for  one  of  the  petitioners.  Almost  as  little, 
sir,  can  there  be  a  |)retence  that  it  has  been 
substantially  fulfilled.  No  kind  of  fulfilment 
has  been  attempted,  except  in  the  comniuta- 
tion  act,  passed  March  22d,  178.1. 

"  That  act  grew  out  of  objections,  in  some 
of  tlie  stat(?s,  to  the  .system  of  half-pay  as  a 
system,  becaiis(?  not  strictly  republican  in  theo- 
ry, and  because  every  thiiiir  of  a  pension 
character  had  become  so  odious  by  its  abuse 
in  some  governments,  in  the  maintenance  of 
liirelinirs  who  had  performed  secret  and  dis 
reputable  service. 

"  Some  of  the  officers  being  anxious  to  re 
move  any  formal  objection,  petitioned  Con 


gress  for  a  commutation  or  change  in  the 

mode  of  indemnifying  and  rewarding  the.Ti. 
No  opposition  had  been  made  to  the  amount 
or  value  of  the  half  pay,  and  therefore,  as  ap- 
pears in  the  commutation  act  itself,  the  offi- 
cers expected,  if  a  change  took  place,  a  full 
'  equivalent'  in  value  to  the  half-pay  for  life. 

"  But  instead  of  such  an  equivalent.  Con- 
gress gave,  by  that  act,  what  was  far  short  of 
an  equivalent,  whether  we  regard  the  par- 
ticular ages  at  that  time  of  these  petitioners, 
or  their  average  age  with  the  other  officers,  or 
the  period  they  have  actually  since  lived. 
Congress  gave  only  five  years'  full  pay  to  the 
youngest  in  the  line,  and  just  as  much  to  tho 
eldest ;  treating  "the  officer  of  twenty-five,  as 
not  likely  to  live  any  longer  than  him  of  seven- 
ty ;  and  subjecting  the  former  to  take  for  his 
half-pay,  which  he  was  entitled  to  for  his 
whole  life,  of  probably  thirtv-five  years,  the 
same  small  sum  bestowed  on  him  not  likely 
to  live  ten  or  fourteen  years. 

"  If  we  look  to  the  average  age  of  all  the 
officers  at  that  time,  the  commutation  was  still 
inadequate.  That  age  was  probably  not  over 
thirty  ;  none  have  pretended  to  consider  it 
over  thirty-five  ;  and  on  all  observations,  in 
similar  climates,  and  all  calculations  of  annuity 
tables,  such  persons'  lives  would  be  likely  to 
extend  beyond  thirty  years,  and  thus  their 
half-pay  for  life  be,  on  an  average,  worth  the 
gross  sum,  in  prcsenti,  of  at  least  seven  years 
full  pay.  Any  gentleman  can  test  the  ge- 
neral accuracy  of  these  results,  by  a  reference 
to  Price's  Aimuity  Tables,  and  to  Milne  on 
Annuities.  In  England,  Sweden,  and  France, 
'.t  will  be  seen  that  a  person  of  thirty  years  ot' 
age  is  ascertained  to  be  likely  to  live  thi.-ty- 
four  more  ;  and  of  thirty-five  years  of  ogc, 
to  live  about  twenty-eight  more.  An  anjiiity 
ft)r  thirty-four  years  is  worth  a  fraction  more 
than  fourteen  times  its  annual  amount,  ii  paid 
in  a  gross  sum  in  advance ;  and  one,  for 
twenty-eight  years,  only  a  fraction  less  than 
fourteen  times  its  annual  amount.  So  that 
seven  years'  full  pay  is  as  near  a  fair  commu- 
tation for  the  half  pay  for  life,  taking  their 
average  ages,  as  can  well  be  calculated,  or  as 
is  necessary  for  the  present  inquiry. 

"  Again  :  If  we  advert  to  the  real  facts,  as 
since  developed,  these  petitioners,  liad  the 
commutation  act  not  passed,  or  not  been  at  ail 
binding,  would  now  receive  twenty-two,  in 
stead  of  five  years'  full  pay,  as  they  have  sur 
vived,  since  the  close  of  the  war,  ov  er  forty 
four  years. 

"Congress,  as  if  conscious  that  the  pressure 
of  the  times  had  driven  them  to  propose  n  sub- 
stitute for  the  hall-pay  for  life,  not,  in  any 
view,  sufficient  or  equivalent,  as  regarded  the 
younger  officers,  who  alone  now  survive  and 
ask  for  redress,  provided  in  the  coniniutation 
act,  not  that  each  officer  miirht  accept  or  re- 
ject i'  at  pleasure,  but  that  it  should  take  ef- 
fect, if  accepted  within  certain  periods,  net 
excppting  six  months,  by  majorities  in  the 
sevi-ral  lines  of  the  army.  The  most  influen- 
tial officers  in  any  line,  are  of  course  the  elder 
and  superior  ones.  To  these,  as  a  general 
rule,  five  years  fuli'-pay  was  a  fair  equivalent; 
and  by  their  exertions  tho  commutntlf  n  was 
accepted  by  majorities  in  most  of  the  lines, 
and  no  provision  ever  afterwards  made  for 
such  officers,  as  were  either  absent  or  present, 
and  dissenting. 

"  No  evidence  can  now  be  found,  how"*«;r 


UNITED  STATES. 


525 


of  any  acceptance,  even  by  majorities,  in  any 
of  the  lines,  till  after  the  expiration  of  the  six 
months  prescribed.  But  a  report  of  the  secre- 
tary of  war,  dated  October  31,  1783,  (S  Jour- 
nals of  Congress,  478,)  enumerates  certain 
lines  and  individuals,  that  had  then  signified 
their  acceptance.  It  would  be  difficult,  as 
might  be  expected,  to  find  among  the  indi- 
viduals named,  one  v/ho  still  survives.  Those, 
then,  the  youngest  and  now  surviving,  must 
have  felt  deeply  the  inequality  proposed  ;  and 
if  most  of  them  had  not  been  absent  on  fur- 
lough, by  a  resolve  of  Congress,  after  peace 
was  expected,  probably  even  majorities  in  the 
lines  would  never  have  been  obtained.  The 
certificates  were  made  out  for  all,  without  ap- 
plication, and  left  with  the  agents  ;  no  other 
[)r<)vision  was  made  for  those  entitled  to  half- 
pav,  and  it  remained  with  the  younger  offi- 
cers to  receive  those  certificates  or  nothing. 

"  But  it  is  most  manifest,  that  Congress  had 
no  legal  right  to  take  away  from  a  single  offi- 
cer his  vested  half-pay  for  life,  without  giving 
lim  a  full  equivalent ;  or,  to  say  the  least, 
what  the  officer  should  freely  and  distinctly 
assent  to,  as  a  full  equivalent.  It  would  be 
contrary  to  the  elementary  principles  of  legis- 
lation and  jurisprudence  :  and  a  majority  of 
the  lines  could  no  more  bind  the  minority  on 
this  subject  of  private  rights  of  property,  than 
they  could  V)ind  Congress,  or  the  states,  on 
questions  of  politics.  This  point  need  not  be 
argued  to  men,  who,  like  those  around  me, 
have  watched  the  discussions  and  decisions  in 
this  country  the  last  quarter  of  a  century.  But 
no  such  individual  assent  was  asked  here  :  it 
was  indeed  declared  to  be  useless  for  any  mi- 
nority of  indi\  iduals  to  dissent ;  the  commu- 
tation not  having  been,  in  any  view,  a  full 
equivalent,  individual  assent  cannot  fairly  be 
presumed.  The  subsequent  taking  of  the 
certificates  was  merely  taking  all  that  was  pro- 
videtl,  and  all  they  could  get,  without  any 
pretence  that  they  took  it  as  a  full  and  fair 
eipii v;ilent.  And  hence  it  follows,  that,  on 
the  lowest  computation,  two  years  more  full 
pay  are  necessary  to  make  any  thing  like  a 
substantial  fulfilment  of  the  compact  on  the 
part  of  Congress.  In  truth,  twenty  years 
more  would  be  ]ess  than  the  petitioners  could 
nghtfuUy  claim  now,  if  the  commutation  -act 
had  never  passed  ;  or  if  the  position  was 
clearly  established  that  the  commutation  act, 
as  to  them,  was,  under  the  circumstances,  en- 
tirely null  and  void.  To  say  that  such  a 
transaction,  resorted  to  under  the  pressure  of 
the  times,  and  finding  no  apology  except  in 
the  security  and  necessities  of  that  pressure, 
should  not  be  relieved  against  when  the  pres- 
sure is  over,  and  our  means  have  become  am- 
ple, is  to  make  a  mockery  of  justice,  and  to 
profane  every  principle  of  good  faith. 

"  But  consider  a  little  farther  the  history  of 
tliese  proceedings,  on  the  supposition  that  the 
five  years  full-pay  was  an  ample  equivalent  to 
all.  Was  it  either  paid  or  secured  to  them  in 
such  manner  as  to  become  any  thing  like  a 
substantial  fulfilment  of  the  promise  1  Though 
the  act  allowed  Congress  to  give  the  officers 
money  or  securities,  and  though  these  last 
might  be  in  the  form  prescribed  for  other 
creditors,  yet  the  act  contemplated  giving 
them  money  or  money's  worth,  else  it  doubly 
riolated  the  former  engagement  to  give  them 
half-pay  for  life.  The  very  nature  of  half- 
pay,  or  of  any  commutation  for  it,  implies  that 


it  should  be  actually  paid,  or  so  secured  as 
to  raise  the  money  whenever  it  becomes  due. 
They  were  here  intended  as  means  for  imme- 
diate maintenance  or  business  to  those  who, 
by  peace,  would  be  thrown  out  of  ihcir  accus- 
tomed employment  and  suj)port.  This  is  tf)o 
plain  for  further  illustration;  and,  in  confor-l 
mity  with  these  views.  Congress  forthwith 
effected  a  loan  in  Europe,  and  paid  in  money 
all  the  foreign  officers  entitled  to  the  commu- 
tation. But  how  wt*re  the  petitioners  treated  ? 
They  did  not  obtain  a  dollar  in  money,  and 
even  their  certificates  were  not  delivered  till 
six  or  nine  months  after  their  right  tohalf-j)ay 
accrued  ;  and  when  received,  so  far  from  be- 
ing secured  by  pledges  or  requisitions  render- 
ing them  valuable  as  money,  the  officers  could 
not  obtain  for  them  in  the  market  over  one- 
fifth  of  their  nominal  amount.  The  receipts 
given  for  these  certificates  truly  omitted  to 
state  that  they  were  in  full  payment,  of  either 
the  commutation  or  the  half-pay.  By  such 
means  these  petitioners,  to  supply  the  then 
existing  wants  of  themselves  and  families, 
which  was  the  legitimate  object  of  both  the 
half-pay  and  its  commutation,  in  fact  realized 
only  one,  instead  of  five  years'  full-pay  ;  or 
only  two  years'  half-pay  instead  of  half-pay 
for  life. 

"  If  this  was  a  substantial  fulfilment  of 
the  promise  to  them,  I  think  it  would  be  diffi- 
cult to  define  what  would  have  been  a  defec- 
tive, delusive,  and  unsubstantial  fulfilment. 
But  it  has  been  suggested,  that  the  petitioners 
might  all  have  retained  their  certificates  till 
afterwards  fuiided,  and  in  that  event  have  es- 
caped loss.  Can  gentlemen,  however,  forget 
that  the  very  design  of  half-pay  was  to  fur- 
nish food  and  raiment,  and  not  a  fund  to  be 
deposited  in  bank  for  posterity  ?  And  that, 
though  the  use  of  a  portion  of  it,  if  all  had 
been  paid  at  once,  might  have  been  postponed 
to  a  future  period,  yet  their  necessities  utterly 
forbade  most  of  them  from  not  resorting, 
forthwith,  to  a  single  year's  pay,  which  was 
the  entire  value  of  the  whole  certificate.  It 
is  another  part  of  the  distressing  history  of  this 
case,  that  if,  on  the  contrary,  every  officer 
had  retained  his  certificate  till  funded,  his  loss 
on  it  would  have  been  very  near  one  third  of  its 
amount.  But  on  this  point  I  shall  not  dwell, 
as  its  particulars  are  more  recent  and  familiar. 
It  will  suffice  to  call  to  your  minds,  that  the 
provision  made  for  the  payment  of  these  cer- 
tificates in  A.  D.  1790,  was  not  by  money,  nor 
virtually  to  their  full  amount,  but  by  opening 
a  loan,  payable  in  those  certificates,  and  a 
scrip  of  stock  given  for  them  on  these  terms : 
one  third  of  the  principal  was  to  draw  no  in- 
terest whatever,  for  ten  years;  and  all  the  in- 
terest then  due,  was  to  draw  thereafter  only 
three  per  cent.  Without  going  into  any  cal- 
culations of  the  value  of  different  kinds  of 
stock,  under  different  circumstances,  it  is  ob- 
vious that  such  a  payment  or  security  was 
not  worth  so  much  by  nearly  a  third,  as  the 
money  would  have  been  worth,  or  as  scrip 
would  have  been  worth  for  the  whole  then 
due  on  six  per  cent,  interest. 

"  It  is  true  that  this  loan  was,  in  form,  vo- 
luntary ;  but  it  is  equally  true,  that,  as  no 
other  provision  was  made  for  payment,  no  al- 
ternative remained  but  to  accept  the  terms. 
Hence,  if  the  officer  sold  his  certificate  from 
necessity,  he  obtained  only  one  fifth  of  the 
amount  therein  prom;sed:or,  if  he  retained  it,  he 


obtained  only  about  two  thirds  of  that  amount. 

"  What  renders  this  circumstance  still  more 
striking,  we  ourselves  have  in  this  w  ay  sincd, 
and  reduced  our  national  debt  below  n\  h.it  it 
would  have  been,  many  millions  of  doliiiri-- 
from  eighteen  to  fifteen,  I  beMeve  ;  end  'c-t. 
Inow,  in  our  prosperity,  hesitate  to  re>t  irc 
what  was  taken  in  part  from  tliese  very  njcn, 
and  when  not  from  them,  taken  from  others 
on  account  of  their  sp<!cuialions  on  these 
very  men,  and  their  associates  in  arms.  It 
was  at  the  time  of  the  funding  thoiight  just, 
and  attempted  by  some  of  our  ablest  states- 
men, to  provide  some  retrilnition  to  the  ori- 
ginal holders  of  certificates  for  the  losses  that 
had  been  sustained  on  them — to  jtrovidt;  in 
some  way  a  partial  restoration.  But  the  in- 
herent difficulty  of  the  subject,  and  the  low 
state  of  our  resources,  prevented  us  from 
completing  any  such  arrangement,  ihou£rh  w  e 
were  not  prevented  from  saving  to  the  go- 
vernment, out  of  these  very  certificates,  arid 
similar  ones,  ten  times  the  amount  now  pro- 
posed for  these  petitioners. 

"  On  this  state  of  facts,  then,  I  hold  these 
conclusions:  that  what  is  honest,  and  moral, 
and  honourable,  between  debtor  and  creditor 
in  private  life,  is  so  in  public  life.  Tliat  a 
creditor  of  the  public  sliould  be  treated  with 
'  at  least  equal,  if  not  greater  kindnesses,  than 
the  creditor  of  an  individual.  That  when 
the  embarrassments  of  a  debtor  give  rise  to 
a  mode  of  payment  altogether  inadequate  to 
what  is  justly  due,  and  this  kind  of  payment 
is  forced  upon  the  creditor,  by  the  necessities 
of  either  party,  the  debtor  ought,  when  re- 
lieved from  his  embarrassments  f)r  necessities, 
to  make  ample  restitution.  That  it  is  tlie 
dictate  of  everv  moral  and  honourable  ee  \r.a 
to  supply  the  deficiency;  and  es])eciallv, 
should  the  debtor  do  ihis  where  the  iriade- 
ruacy  was  more  than  four  fifths  of  the  whole 
aebt ;  where  the  debtor,  by  a  part  of  the  ar- 
rangement, saved  millions  to  contribute  in 
his  present  prosperity,  and  where  the  debi 
itself  was,  as  in  the  present  case,  the  price  ot 
blood  lavished  for  the  creditor,  the  wages  of 
those  sufferings  and  toils  which  secured  our 
present  liberties,  and  fill  the  brightest  page  of 
glory  in  our  country's  history.  The  great 
military  leader  of  the  revolution  has  given  his 
sanction  to  this  measure,  in  tlie  strongest  terms, 
when  calling  to  mind  the  lion  hearts,  and 
eagle  eyes,  that  had  surrounded  and  sustain 
ed  him  in  all  his  arduous  trials,  and  reflecting 
that  they,  not  soldiers  by  profession,  nor  ad- 
venturers, but  citizens,  with  tender  ties  of 
kindred  and  friendship,  and  with  cheeririg 
prospects  in  civil  life,  had  abandoned  all  to' 
follow  him,  and  to  sink  or  swim  with  the 
sacred  cause  in  which  he  had  enlisted,  he  in- 
voked towards  them  the  justice  of  nis  countrv, 
and  expressed  the  fullest  confidence,  that  '  a 
country  rescued  by  tlieir  arms,  will  never 
leave  unpaid  the  debt  of  gratitude.' 

"It  is  not  to  be  forgotten,  that  a  measure 
like  this  would  remove  a  stain  from  our  his- 
tory. Its  moral  influence  on  our  population, 
in  future  wars,  for  wars  we  must  expect,  again 
and  again  :  its  consonance  wiih  those  religious, 
as  well  as  moral  principles  of  perfect  justice, 
which,  in  a  republic,  are  the  anchor  and  sal- 
vation of  all  that  is  valuable;  its  freedom,  I 
trust,  from  political  prejudice  and  party  feel- 
ing, all  strengthen  the  other  reasons  for  i^s 
speedy  adoption. 


536 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


"  Nor  have  all  the  imputations  against  it  as 
a  local  measure,  been  at  all  well  founded. 
AV'hat  is  right  or  just  in  regard  to  contracts,  is 
rif;lit  witiiout  regard  fo  the  residence  of  indi- 
viduals, wlietherin  the  east,  the  west,  or  the 
south.  But  independent  of  that  considera- 
tion, these  venerable  worthies,  though  once 
much  more  numerous  at  the  nortii  than  else- 
where, have  since  followed  the  enterprises  of 
their  children,  and  pushed  their  own  broken 
f.jrtunes  to  every  section  of  the  union.  It  is 
impossible  to  obtain  perfect  accuracy  as  to 
iheir  numbers  and  residence.  But  by  cor- 
responding and  verbal  inquiries  it  is  ascertain- 
ed, that  four  or  five  survive  in  New  Hamp- 
shire ;  from  thirty  to  thirty-five  in  Massa- 
chusetts and  Maine;  five  or  six  in  Rhode 
Island  ;  five  in  Vermont;  sixteen  in  Connec- 
ticut; twenty  in  New  York;  twelve  in  New 
Jersey;  eighteen  in  Pennsylvania  ;  three  in 
Delaware;  twelve  in  Maryland  ;  thirty-three 
to  thirty-eight  in  Virginia  and  Kentucky  ;  ten 
to  twelve  in  Ohio;  twelve  or  fifteen  in  the 
Carolinas;  and  five  or  six  in  Georgia.  As 
by  the  annuity  tables,  something  like  two 
liundred  and  fifty  ought  now  to  be  alive,  the 
computations  have  been  made  on  a  medium 
of  two  hundred  and  thirty,  between  the  num- 
ber ascertained  and  the  conjectural  number. 

"  The  question  then,  is  of  a  general  public 
nature,  and  jiresents  the  single  point,  whether, 
in  the  late  language  of  an  eloquent  states- 
nan  of  New  York,  these  veterans  shall  any 
loiiijer  leuiain'  living  monuments  of  the  netjlect 
of  their  country.' 

"  All  the  forc'.gn  officers,  whose  claims  rested 
cn  I  he  same  resolve,  were,  as  I  have  before 
•tated.  promptly  j)aid  in  specie;  and  their  il- 
1  istricus  leader,  Lafayette,  by  whose  side 
these  petitioners  faced  equal  toils  and  dan- 
gers, lias  been  since  loaded  with  both  money 
and  applause.  Even  the  tories,  who  deserted 
the  American  cause,  and  adhered  to  one  so 
much  less  holy  and  pure,  have  been  fully  and 
faithfully  rewarded  by  England  :  and  it  now 
remains  with  the  senate  to  decide,  not  wh<!th- 
er  the  sum  proposed  shall  be  bestowed  in 
mere  charity — however  charity  may  bless  both 
him  that  ijives  and  him  that  takes  ;  nor  in  mere 

o  ... 

gratitude — however  sensible  the  petitioners 
may  be  to  the  influence  of  either;  but  wheth- 
er, let  these  considerations  operate  as  they 
may.  the  officers  should  be  remunerated  for 
their  losses,  on  those  broad  principles  of  eter- 
nal justice  which  arc  the  cement  of  society, 
and  which,  without  a  wound  to  their  delicacy 
and  honest  pride,  will,  in  that  event,  prove 
the  sfdace  and  staff  of  their  declining  years. 

"  I  shall  detain  the  senate  no  longer,  except 
to  offer  a  ft;w  remarks  on  the  computations, 
on  which  the  sum  of  one  million  one  hundred 
thous;ind  dollars  is  proposed  as  the  proper  one 
for  filling  th(!  blank.  Various  estimates,  on 
various  hypothesis,  are  anii(!X(;d  to  the  report 
in  this  case,  and  others  will  doubtless  occur  to 
diirercnt  gentlemen.  But  if  any  just  one 
amounts  to' about  the  sum  ])roposed,  no  cap- 
tious obj(;ction  will,  I  trust,  be  offered  on  ac- 
coi  nt  of  any  trifling  diflerence.  It  is  impossi- 
l)le,  in  such  cases,  to  attain  perfect  accuracy  ; 
but  the  estimates  are  correct  enough,  proba- 
bly, for  the  present  purpose. 

"  The  'committee  have  jiroposed  a  sum  in 
gross  rather  than  a  lialf-pay  or  annuity,  be- 
rnus(t  more  apjiropriale  to  the  cirrunistances 
of  the  :ase,  and  because  more  acceptable,  for 


the  reasons  that  originally  gave  rise  to  the 
commutation. 

"  On  the  ground  that  these  officers  were,  in 
1783,  justly  entitled  to  two  years  more  full- 
pay,  as  a  fair  equivalent  for  half-pay  during 
life  ;  and  there  being  two  hundred  and  thirty 
of  them  of  the  rank  supposed  in  the  report, 
their  monthly  pay  would  be  about  thirty  dol- 
lars each.  This,  for  two  years,  would  be 
seven  hundred  and  twenty  dollars  each  ;  or 
one  hundred  and  si.xty-five  thousand  six  hun- 
dred dollars  due  to  these  petitioners  at  the 
close  of  the  war,  over  and  above  what  they 
then  received  certificates  for.  The  interest 
on  that,  for  forty-four  years,  would  be  four 
hundred  and  thirty-seven  thousand  one  hun- 
dred and  eighty-four  dollars,  which,  added  to 
the  principal,  make  six  hundred  and  two  thou- 
sand seven  hundred  and  eighty-four  dollars. 

"  If  to  that  be  added  what  they  lost  on  their 
certificates  by  depreciation,  which  at  four- 
fifths  was  three  hundred  and  thirty-one  thou- 
sand two  hundred  dollars,  and  the  sum  with- 
out any  interest,  on  the  depreciation,  amounts 
to  nine  hundred  and  thirty-three  thousand  nine 
hundred  and  eighty-four  dollars  ;  or,  with  in- 
terest, to  more  than  a  million  and  a  half ;  or, 
if  the  depreciation  be  considered  seven-eights, 
as  it  really  was,  the  sum  would  be  still  larger. 
On  the  other  hand,  if  nothin"  be  allowed  for 
depreciation  on  the  certificates,  but  one-third 
be  considered  as  lost  in  funding,  that  one-third, 
in  A.  D.  1791,  would  be  about  two  hundred 
and  four  thousand  two  hundred  and  forty  dol- 
lars, and  interest  since  would  swell  it  to  six 
hundred  and  forty-five  thousand  four  hundred 
and  thirty-four  dollars,  which  added  to  the  two 
years'  pay  not  received,  and  interest  on  tliat 
pay,  makes  the  whole  one  million  two  hun- 
dred and  forty-eight  thousand  two  hundred 
and  eighteen  dollars. 

"  Another  view  of  the  case,  which  seems  to 
me  the  most  technical,  and  which  steers  clear 
of  any  difficulty  about  the  loss,  cither  by  de- 
preciation or  funding,  will  lead  to  aliout  the 
same  result  as  to  the  amount.  It  is  this.  On 
the  ground  that  seven  years'  full-pay  was  the 
smallest  sum  which,  in  A.  D.  1783,  could  be 
deemed  a  fair  equivalent  for  the  half-pay  for 
life,  then  tlie  petitioners  got  certificates  for  only 
five  sevenths  of  their  half-pay.  Or,  in  other 
words,  five  sevenths  of  their  half-pay  was  ex- 
tinguished and  paid.  The  other  two  sevenths, 
then,  has  annually  accrued  since,  and  will  con- 
tinue to  accrue  while  tlie  petitioners  survive. 
This  two  sevenths  being  fifty-one  dollars  and 
forty-two  cents  per  year,  to  each  officer,  or 
eleven  thousand  eight  hundred  and  twenty- 
six  dollars  to  these  officers,  would  amount  at 
this  time  to  five  hundred  and  twenty  thousand 
three  liundred  and  forty-four  dollars  ;  and  the 
interest  accruing  on  it  during  only  thirty-five 
years,  vs'ould  make  it  exceed  the  one  million 
one  hundred  thousand  dollars  pn)posed.  The 
amount  is  fairly  reached  by  this  view  of  tJie 
case,  without  a  single  cent  for  either  depre- 
ciation or  loss  in  funding,  and  thus  does  not 
indirectly  touch  a  single  fact  or  principle 
upon  which  a  similar  allowance  could  be 
made  to  any  body  besides  these  officers.  Gal- 
lant, and  meritorious,  and  suffering,  as  were 
the  soldiers,  and  none  could  be  more  so ; 
worthy  and  afTectionate  as  may  liave  been  the 
surviving  willows,  and  distinmnshed  as  may 
hav(!  been  many  of  the  officers'  heirs,  fi)r 
filial  and  generous  devotion  to  smooth  their 


'declining  years;  they  all  stand  on  their  own 
cases  and  merits.  None  of  them  have  been 
referred  to  the  committee  who  reported  this 
bill,  and  they  can  all  be  provided  for  other- 
wise, this  session,  or  hereafter,  if  thought 
proper.  Let  the  present  appropriation  be 
tried  first  on  its  own  grounds,  and  then  bv  sub- 
sequent amendments  of  this  bill,  or  by  new 
bills,  let  an  approjiriation  for  other  classes  of 
jiersons  be  also  tried  on  its  own  grounds. 
All  I  ask  and  entreat  is,  that  if,  either  in  strict 
law  or  in  justice,  whether  grounded  upon  the 
original  defective  commutation,  the  deprecia- 
tion of  the  certificates,  or  the  loss  in  funding, 
any  member  is  convinced  that  the  sum  pro- 
posed to  these  officers  is  a  fair  one,  that  he 
will  first  consider  the  case  of  the  officers,  and 
support  this  motion.  If  any  think  a  different 
sum  more  proper,  I  hope  they  will  propose 
that  sum  in  due  time;  and  thus  let  the  sense 
of  the  senate  be  fully  expressed  upon  one 
case  at  a  time,  and  upon  the  only  case  now 
duly  before  us.  In  this  manner,  only,  can 
any  thing  ever  be  accomplished. 

"  The  amount  of  the  sum  now  proposed, 
cannot  be  objected  to  on  the  grounds  that 
doubtless  caused  the  losses  and  sufferings 
which  we  are  now  seeking  to  redress.  The 
country  during  the  revolution,  and  at  its  close, 
would  hardly  have  been  unwilling  to  bestow 
twice  the  amount,  had  its  resources  permitted. 
But,  now,  such  have  been  our  rapid  advanc<"s 
in  wealth  and  greatness,  by  means  of  the 
rights  and  liberties  of  the  valour  of  these  men 
contributed  so  largely  to  secure;  that  tlie 
very  public  land  they  defended,  if  not  won, 
yields  every  year  to  our  treasury  more  than 
tlie  whole  appropriati(Ui.  One  twentieth  (>( 
our  present  annual  revenue  exceeds  it.  A 
fraction  of  the  cost  of  the  public  buildings — 
the  expense  of  two  or  three  ships  of  the 
line — one  tenth  of  what  has  been  saved  to 
our  national  debt  in  the  funding  system — a 
tax  of  ten  cents  per  head  on  our  jiopulation, 
only  a  single  twelvemonth, — either  of  them 
would  remove  all  this  reproach. 

"  But,  whatever  might  be  the  cost,  I  would 
say,  in  all  practicable  cases,  be  just  and  fear 
not.  Let  no  illiberal  or  evasive  feeling  blast 
the  hopes  of  these  venerable  patriots.  Much 
lonfjer  delay  will  do  this  as  etfectually  as  a 
hard  hearted  refusal  ;  since  the  remains  of 
them  are  almost  daily  going  down  to  the  city 
of  silence.  Either  drive  them,  then,  at  once 
from  your  doors,  with  taunts,  and  in  despnir, — 
or  sanction  the  claim.  So  far  as  regarils  my 
single  self,  before  I  would  another  year  en- 
dure the  stigma,  of  either  injustice  or  ingrnti- 
tude  to  men  like  these,  I  would  vote  to  stop 
every  species  of  splendid  missions  :  I  would 
cease  to  talk  of  Alleghany  canals  :  I  would  let 
the  ca|)itol  crumble  to  atoms  for  want  of  np- 
propriations,  and  introduce  retrenchment  from 
the  palace  fo  the  humblest  door-keeper. 

*'  It  has  formerly  been  said,  that  if  these  offi- 
cers are  relieved,  so  must  be  those  of  the  late 
war.  But,  deserving  as  were  these  last,  the 
cause  in  which  they  fought  required  much  infe- 
rior sacrifices — they  were  notcontendingunder 
the  stigma  of  traitors,  liable  to  the  halter — they 
were  liberally  and  promptly  paid  ;  and  wlint- 
ever  small  depreciation  may  have  existed  in 
the  treasury  notes  taken  for  their  monthly  yny, 
it  was  infinitely  less  than  the  losses  sustained 
by  these  petitioners  on  their  monthly  pay.  niid 
,  for  which  they  neither  ask  norcxprcl  rclJef. 


UNITED  STATES. 


527 


"  One  other  consideration,  and  1  will  at  this 
time  trouble  the  senate  no  longer.  The  long 
la[)se  of  lime  since  the  claim  originated  has 
been  objected  ibrmerly  to  its  success.  But 
what  honest  individual  shelters  h'.mself  under 
a  statute  ol'  limitation,  if  conscious  that  his 
promise  has  not  been  substantially  fulfilled  ] 
Under  sttch  circumstances,  it  is  no  defence, 
either  in  the  court  of  conscience  or  in  a  court 
of  honour;  and  Congress  have  often  sliown 
their  liberality  in  waiving  it,  where  expressly 
provided  to  bar  an  application. 

"  Here  no  express  bar  has  ever  been  pro- 
vided. Before  their  first  application,  the  offi- 
cers waited  till  A.  D.  1810,  when  old  age  and 
infirmity  rendered  them  more  needy,  and 
when  many  years  of  prosperity  had  rendered 
tlieir  country  more  able.  Howevernumerous, 
and  technical,  and  evasive,  may  liave  been  the 
objections  since  interposed,  let  it  not  be  for- 
gotten, that  in  performing  their  portion  of  the 
compact,  however  neglected  as  to  food  or 
wages,  they  never  were  heard  to  plead  ex- 
cuses or  evasions,  however  appalling  the  dan- 
ger, whether  roused  by  a  midnight  alarm  or 
invited  tojoin  a  forlorn  hope. 

"  Like  others,  too,  it  may  be  imputed  to 
them  in  derogation,  that  they  were  '  military 
chieftains.'  But  if,  as  such  for  a  time,  they 
did,  like  others,  nobly  help  '  to  fill  the  measure 
of  their  country's  glory;'  so,  like  others  of 
that  class,  they  have  often  distinguished  them- 
selves in  forums,  cabinets,  and  halls  of  legisla- 
tion. 

"  Whatever  '  honour  and  gratitude'  they 
have  yet  received,  is  deeply  engraven  on  their 
hearts ;  but  they  now  also  need — and  tliey 
ask,  only  because  they  need,  the  additional 
rewards  of  substantial  justice. 

"  It  remains,  sir,  for  us,  whose  rights  they 
defended  and  saved,  to  say  whether  they  shall 
longer  ask  that  justice  in  vain." 

On  the  4th  oif  March,  1829,  General  An- 
drew Jackson  took  the  oath  of  office.  His 
course  as  a  military  commander  had  been 
wonderfully  successful,  and  in  all  republics, 
the  military  chieftain  has  been  held  in  the 
highest  consideration.  He  was  not  bred  a 
statesman,  nor  had  he  been  considered  as  a 
leader  in  senates ;  but  he  was  energetic, 
prompt,  and  fearless.  He  was  initiated  in 
war  on  the  borders  with  the  Indian  tribes,  and 
his  name  was  a  terror  throughout  the  nations 
then  hostile  or  friendly  to  the  United  States. 
His  successful  defence  of  New  Orleans  had 
excited  the  admiration  and  awakened  the  grati- 
tude of  the  American  people.  His  inaugu- 
ral speech  was  short,  and  full  of  promises  in 
the  way  of  reform.  "  Fellow-citizens,  (said 
he,)  about  to  undertake  the  arduous  duties 
that  1  have  been  appointed  to  perform,  by  the 
choice  of  a  free  people,  I  avail  myself  of  this 
customary  and  solemn  occasion,  to  express  the 
gratitude  which  their  confidence  inspires,  and 
to  acknowledge  the  accountability  which  my 
situation  enjoins.  While  the  magnitude  of 
their  interests  convinces  me  that  no  thanks 
can  be  adequate  to  the  honour  they  have  con- 
i'errcd,  it  admonishes  me  that  the  best  return 
1  can  make,  is  the  zealous  dedication  of  my 
humble  abilities  to  their  service  and  their  good. 

"  As  the  instrument  of  the  federal  consti- 
tution, it  will  devolve  on  me,  for  a  stated  pe- 
riod, to  execute  the  laws  of  the  United  States  ; 
lo  superintend  their  foreign  and  their  confed- 
erate relations;  to  manage  their  revenue;  to 


command  their  forces ;  and,  by  communica- 
tions to  the  legislature,  to  watch  over  and  to 
promote  their  interests  generally.  And  the 
principles  of  action  by  which  1  shall  endea- 
vour to  accomplish  this  circle  of  duties,  it  is 
now  proper  for  me  briefly  to  explain. 

In  administering  the  laws  of  Congress,  I 
shall  keep  steadily  in  view  the  limitations  as 
well  as  the  extent  of  the  executive  power, 
trusting  thereby  to  discharge  the  functions  of 
my  office  without'  transcending  its  authority. 
With  foreign  nations  it  will  be  my  study  to 
preserve  peace,  and  to  cultivate  friendship  on 
fair  and  honourable  terms  ;  and  in  the  adjust- 
ment of  any  difference  that  may  exist  or  arise, 
to  exhibit  the  forbearance  becoming  a  power- 
ful nation,  rather  than  the  sensibility  belong- 
ing to  a  gallant  people. 

"  In  such  measures  as  I  may  be  called  on 
to  pursue,  in  regard  to  the  rights  of  the  sepa- 
rate states,  I  hope  to  be  animated  by  a  proper 
respect  for  those  sovereign  members  of  our 
union  ;  takitig  care  not  to  confound  the  powers 
they  have  reserved  to  themselves,  with  those 
they  have  granted  to  the  confederacy. 

"  The  management  of  the  public  revenue — 
that  searching  operation  in  all  governments — 
is  among  the  most  delicate  and  important  trusts 
in  ours  ;  and  it  will,  of  course,  demand  no  in- 
considerable share  of  my  official  solicitude. 
Under  every  aspect  in  which  it  can  be  con- 
sidered, it  would  appear  that  advantage  must 
result  from  the  observance  of  a  strict  and 
faithful  economy.  This  I  shall  aim  at  the 
more  anxiously,  both  because  it  will  facilitate 
the  extinguishment  of  the  national  debt — the 
unnecessary  duration  of  which  is  incompatible 
with  real  independence — and  because  it  will 
counteract  that  tendency  to  public  and  private 
profligacy  which  a  profuse  expenditure  of 
money  by  tlie  government,  is  but  too  apt  to 
engender.  Powerful  auxiliaries  to  the  attain- 
ment of  this  desirable  end,  are  to  be  found  in 
the  regulations  provided  by  the  wisdom  of 
Congress,  for  the  specific  appropriation  of  pub 
lie  money,  and  the  prompt  accountability  of 
public  officers. 

"With  regard  to  a  proper  selection  of  the 
subjects  of  impost,  with  a  view  to  revenue,  it 
would  seem  to  me,  that  the  spirit  of  equity, 
caution,  and  compromise,  in  which  the  consti- 
tution was  formed,  requires  that  the  great  in- 
terests of  agriculture,  commerce,  and  manu- 
factures, should  be  equally  favoured  ;  and 
that,  perhaps,  the  only  exception  to  this  rule 
should  consist  in  the  peculiar  encouragement 
of  any  products  of  either  of  them  that  may  be 
found  essential  to  our  national  independence. 

"  Internal  improvement,  and  the  diff'usion 
of  knowledge,  so  far  as  they  can  be  promoted 
by  the  constitutional  acts  of  the  federal  go- 
vernment, are  of  high  imoortance. 

"  Considerinar  standitig'  armies  as  dansfer- 
ous  to  free  governments,  m  time  of  peace,  I 
shall  not  seek  to  enlarge  our  present  establish- 
ment, nor  disregard  that  salutary  lesson  of 
political  experience,  which  teaches  that  the 
military  should  be  held  subordinate  to  the 
civil  power.  The  gradual  increase  of  our 
navy,  whose  flag  has  displayed,  in  distant 
climes,  our  skill  in  navigation  and  our  fame  in 
arms;  the  preservation  of  our  f)rts,  arsenals, 
and  dock  yards  ;  and  the  introduction  of  pro- 
gressive improvements  in  the  discipline  and 
science  of  both  branches  of  our  military  eer- 
vlce,  are  so  plainly  prescribed  byprudenos, . 


that  I  should  be  excused  for  omittinor  their 
mention  sooner  than  for  enlarging  on  their  im- 
portance. But  tlie  bulwark  of  (jur  defenci?  is 
the  national  militia,  which,  in  tin;  present  state 
of  our  intelligence  and  population,  must  ren- 
der us  invincible.  As  long  as  our  govern 
ment  is  administered  for  the  good  of  ilie  peo- 
ple, and  is  regulated  by  their  will ;  as  lor.g  as 
it  secures  to  us  the  rights  of  person  and  o, 
property,  liberty  of  conscience  and  of  liie 
press,  it  will  be  worth  defending  :  and  so  long 
as  it  is  worth  defending,  a  patriotic  militia 
will  cover  it  with  an  impenetrable  crgls.  Par- 
tial injuries  and  occasional  mortifications  we 
may  be  subjected  to,  but  a  million  of  armed 
freemen,  possessed  of  the  means  of  war,  car. 
never  be  conquered  by  a  foreign  foe.  To  any 
just  system,  therefore,  calculated  to  strengtlicn 
this  natural  safe-guard  of  the  country,  I  sliall 
cheerfully  lend  all  the  aid  in  my  power. 

"  It  will  be  my  sincere  and  constant  desire 
to  observe  towards  the  Indian  tribes  within 
our  limits,  a  just  and  liberal  policy  ;  and  to 
give  that  humane  and  considerate  attention  to 
their  rights  and  their  wants  which  are  con- 
sistent with  the  habits  of  our  government,  and 
the  feelings  of  our  people. 

"  The  recent  demonstration  of  public  sen- 
timent inscribes,  on  the  list  of  executive  du- 
ties, in  characters  too  legible  to  be  overlooked, 
the  task  of  reform  ;  which  will  require,  par- 
ticularly, the  correction  of  those  abuses,  tliat 
have  brought  the  patronage  of  the  federal  go- 
vernment into  conflict  with  the  freedom  of 
elections,  and  the  counteraction  of  tiiosc 
causes  which  have  disturbed  the  rightful 
course  of  appointment,  and  have  placed,  or 
continued,  power  in  uiifaitliful  or  Incompetent 
hands. 

"  In  the  performance  of  a  task  thus  gene- 
rally delineated,  I  shrll  endeavour  to  selec  t 
men  whose  diligence  and  talents  will  insure, 
■  n  their  respective  stations,  able  and  faiihfu 
co-operation — depending,  for  the  ad\ance- 
ment  of  the  public  service,  more  on  the  in- 
tegrity and  zeal  of  the  public  officers,  tiian  on 
their  numbers. 

"  A  diffidence,  perhaps  too  just,  in  my  o\\  n 
qualifications,  will  teach  me  to  look  with  reve- 
rence to  the  examples  of  public  virtue  left  by 
my  illustrious  predecessors,  and  with  venera- 
tion to  the  lights  that  flow  from  the  mind  that 
founded,  and  the  mind  that  reformed,  our  .sys- 
tem. The  same  diffidence  induces  me  to 
hope  for  instruction  and  aid  from  the  co-ordi- 
nate branches  of  the  government,  and  for  tlie 
indulgence  and  support  of  my  fellow-citizi-ns 
generally.  And  a  firm  reliance  on  the  good- 
ness of  that  Power  whose  providence  merci- 
fully protected  our  national  infancy,  and  has 
since  upheld  our  liberties  in  various  vicissi- 
tudes, encourages  me  to  ofT'er  up  my  ardent 
supplications  that  he  will  continue  lo  n)nkc 
our  belo\ed  country  the  object  of  his  divine 
care  and  gracious  benediction." 

General  Jackson  at  once  filled  up  his  cabi- 
net with  men  devoted  to  his  cause.  Martin 
Van  Buren,  of  the  state  of  New  York,  was 
appointed  secretary  of  state.  He  was  a  self- 
made  man,  and  had  secured  the  votes  of  hi; 
native  state  for  governor,  which  oflice  he  held 
when  he  received  his  appointment.  Samuel 
D.  Ingham,  of  Pennsylvania,  was  appointed 
secretary  of  the  treasury.  He  had  been  a 
member  of  the  house  of  rcprescnlalives  in  tl  o 
national  legislature,  and  was  thought  a  strnight 


638 


»°nt  thereof,  and  are  null  and  void,  and  no !  lliat  must  inevita!)ly  rcsuli  from  an  observance 
law,'  nor  hindiiig  on  tlie  citizens  ol'  that  state  |  of  tho  dictates  of  the  convention, 
or  its  ofiicers  :  and  \>y  the  s;iid  ordinance,  is.     "  Strict  duty  would  require  of  .He  notliino 
further  declared  to  he  unlawful  for  any  of  the  more  than  the  exercise  of  those  powers  with 
constituted  authorities  of  the  state,  or  of  the 
Uiuted  States,  to  enforce  the  payment  of  the 
duties  imposed  by  the  said  acts  within  the 
same  state,  and  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  legis- 
lature to  pass  such  laws  as  may  be  necessary 
to  give  full  effect  to  the  s'iid  ordinance. 

"  And  whereas,  by  the  said  ordinance  it  is 
further  ordained,  tliat  in  no  case  <'f  law  or 
equity,  decided  in  the  courts  of  the  said  state, 
wherein  shall  be  drawn  in  question  the  vali- 
dity of  the  said  ordinance,  or  of  the  acts  of 
the  legislature  that  may  be  passed  to  give  it 
effect,  or  of  the  said  laws  of  the  United  States, 
no  appeal  bhall  be  allowed  to  the  supreme 
court  of  the  United  States,  nor  shall  any  copy 
of  the  record  be  pertnitted  or  allowed  for  that 
purpose,  and  that  any  person  attempting  to 
take  such  appeal  shall  be  punished  as  for  a 
contempt  ni'  court: 

"  And,  finally,  the  said  ordinance  declares, 
that  the  people  of  South  Carolina  will  main- 
tain the  said  ordinance  at  every  hazard  ;  and 
that  they  will  consider  the  passage  of  any  act 
by  Congress  abolishing  or  closing  the  ports  of 
the  said  state,  or  otherwise  obstructing  the 
free  ingress  or  egress  of  vessels  to  and  from 
the  said  ports,  or  any  other  act  of  the  federal 
government  to  coerce  the  state,  shut  up  her 
ports,  destroy  or  liarass  her  commerce,  or  to 
enforce  the  said  acts  otherwise  than  through 
the  civil  tribunals  of  the  country,  as  inconsist- 
ent with  the  lonsjer  continuance  of  South  Car- 
o)ina  in  the  Union;  and  that  the  people  of  the 
said  state  will  thenceforth  liold  themselves 
absolved  from  all  further  oblisjation  to  main- 
tain  or  preserve  their  political  connexion  with 
the  people  of  the  other  states,  and  will  fortli- 
with  proceed  to  organize  a  separate  govern- 
ment, and  do  all  other  acts  and  things  which 
sovereign  and  independent  states  may  of  right 
do  : 

"  And  whereas,  the  said  ordinance  pre- 
scril)es  to  the  people  of  South  Carolina  a 
course  of  conduct  in  direct  violation  of  their 
duty  as  citizens  of  the  United  States,  contrary 
to  the  laws  of  their  country,  subversive  of  its 
constitution,  and  liaving  for' its  object  the  de- 
struction of  the  union — that  union  which,  coe- 
val with  our  political  existence,  led  our  fa- 
thers, without  any  other  ties  to  unite  them 
than  those  of  patriotism  and  a  common  cause, 
through  a  sanguinary  strutrgle  to  a  glorious  in- 
dependence— that  sacred  union,  liitherto  in- 
violate, wliich,  perfected  by  our  happy  consti- 
tution, lias  brought  \is,  by  the  favour  of 
Heaven,  to  a  state  of  prosperity  at  home,  atid 
high  consideration  aliroad,  rarely,  if  ever, 
equalliul  in  the  history  of  nations.  To  pre- 
S(;rve  this  bond  of"  our  political  existence  from 
destruction,  to  maintain  inviolate  this  stati;  of 
national  honour  and  jirosperity,  and  to  justif^v 
the  confidence  my  fellow-citizens  have  reposed 
in  me,  I,  Andrew  .Iackson,  President  of  the 
United  Stri/rs,  have  thought  pniper  to  issue 
this  my  rROCLAMATION,  stating  mv 
views  of  the  constitution  and  laws  applicabli 


forward,  plain  man.  John  H.  Eaton  was 
made  secretary  el"  war.  He  had  been  a  sena- 
for  i"rom  Tennessee,  and  was  the  personal 
friend  of  General  Jackson.  John  Branch  was 
appointed  to  fill  the  office  of  secretary  of  the 
jiavy.  The  (jualifications  he  had  f"or  this  office 
were  n  it  known  to  the  nation  at  large,  but  they 
presumed  the  executive  was  fully  aware  of 
them,  before  he  had  elevated  him  to  that  of- 
fice. John  M'Plierson  Berrien  was  made  at- 
tornev-general.  This  appointment  gave  gen- 
eral satisfaction.  He  was  at  tlie  time  of  his 
appointment  a  senator  from  Georgia,  and  cele- 
brated for  his  acijuirements,  eloqu(;nce,  and 
discrimination.  He  had  shown  his  talents  as 
well  in  the  hi^h  judicial  councils  of  the  nation, 
as  in  the  senate  of  the  United  States.  John 
M'Lean,  who  had  held  the  office  of  post  mas- 
ter general,  was  transferred  to  the  bench  of 
ine  supreme  court  of  the  United  States,  and 
William  T.  Barry,  of  Kentucky,  was  put  into 
llic  office  which  Mr.  M'Lean  had  filled  with 
so  much  reputation,  that  not  a  man  of  note  in 
the  country  wished  him  removed.  A  general 
sweep  was  made  of  men  in  office  not  f"avoura- 
ble  to  the  administration.  This  was  justified 
u{)on  political  grounds,  as  a  course  of  true  poli- 
cy, and  in  full  accordance  with  the  genius  of 
the  government. 

The  relations  of  the  United  States  with 
foreign  countries,  were  in  a  prosperous  situa- 
tion. Some  little  misunderstanding  existed 
with  the  British  government,  in  regard  to  the 
West  India  trade,  which  was  arranged  by  the 
pleni[)otentiary  to  the  court  of  London,  ]Mr. 
Louis  M'Lane  ;  but  this  was  of  no  great  im- 
portance, although  thought  so  at  the  lime. 

In  18.13,  the  cholera  raged  in  the  United 
States,  and  gave  great  alarm  to  the  whole 
population  ;  but  the  number  of  deaths  was  not 
prea-.. 

The  lK)undary  line,  a  subject  of  dispute,  has 
not  lateiy  been  af^itated. 

The  people  of  S(juth  Carolina  had,  before 
this  tim<!,  broached  some  doctrines  in  regard 
to  state  rights,  not  acknowledged  by  the  great 
boily  of  the  union.  The  (juestion  was  most 
ably  argued  in  Congress,  particularly  by 
Colonel  Hayne,  a  senator  from  South  Caro- 
lina, on  the  one  side,  and  hy  Mr.  Webster,  of 
Massachusetts,  on  the  other. 

The  attention  of  the  people  was  attracted 
by  this  discussion,  and  an  immense  majority 
of  them  were  decidedly  against  the  doctrines 
avowed  by  Carolina.  Although  the  state  of 
South  Carolina  assumed  an  attitude  of  defi- 
ance, President  Jackson  at  once  took  a  most 
decided  course.  He  was  supported  by  the 
great  body  (if"  the  j)eople.  He  issued  a  pro- 
clamation, which  we  shall  insert,  f"raught  with 
&ll  the  sound  doctrines  of  the  old  school.  This 
manly,  bold,  and  decided  course,  made  him 
lentol'l  more  |)o])uhir  than  bef"ore. 

"  Whereas,  a  conver.t/on  assembled  in  the 
state  o'"  South  Carolina,  have  passed  an  ordi- 
uiincc,  by  which  they  declare, '  That  the  seve- 
ral acts  aixJ  parts  of  acts  of  the  Congress  of 
the  United  States,  purporting  to  be  laws  for 
the  imposing  f)f  duties  and  imposts  on  the  im- 

[xji'.ation  of  foreign  commodities,  and  now 
laving  actual  operation  and  effect  within  ihv. 
United  States,  and  more  especially'  two  acts 

for  the  same  purposes,  passed  on  the  29th  ofj  put  forth  to  sustain  them,  declaring  the  course  other  |>ort,  and  no  revenue  could  be  collected 
■May,  1828,  and  on  th(!  11th  of  July,  18.j2,  are|  which  duty  will  re(juire  mr.  to  pursue,  and  any  where,  for  all  imposts  must  be  e(]ual.  It 
'uiianlhorizecl  by  the  c<>nstilutioii  of  the  United  appealing  to  the  undi'rslaiiding  and  patriotism  is  no  answer  to  repent,  that  nn  unconstitii- 
State*,  and  violate  the  true  meaning  and  in-|of  the  people,  warn  them  of  the  consequences  ^  tiona)  law  is  no  law,  so  long  as  the  qucsli-ni  o 


which  I  am  now,  or  may  hereafter  be  invested, 
for  preserving  the  peace  of  the  union,  and  for 
the  execution  of  the  laws.  But  the  impoi^ing 
aspect  which  opposition  has  assumed  in  this 
case,  by  clothing  itself  with  stale  autiiority, 
and  the  deep  interest  which  the  ])eople  of  the 
United  States  must  all  feel  in  preventing  a 
resort  to  stronger  measures,  while  there  is  a 
hope  that  any  thing  will  be  yielded  to  reasoi,- 
ing  and  remonstrance,  perhaps  demand,  and 
will  certainly  justify  a  full  exposition  to  South 
Carolina  and  the  nation  of  the  views  I  enter- 
tain of  this  im[)ortant  question,  as  well  as  a 
distinct  enunciation  of  the  course  which  m\ 
sense  of  duty  will  re(]uire  me  to  pursue. 

"  The  ordinance  is  founded,  not  on  the  in- 
defeasible right  of  resisting  acts  which  are 
plainly  unconstitutional  and  too  oppressive  to 
be  endured  ;  but  on  the  strange  position  that 
any  one  state  may  not  only  declare  an  act  ol 
Congress  void,  but  prohibit  its  execution — 
that  they  may  do  this  consistently  with  the 
constitution — that  tlie  true  construction  of  that 
instrument  permits  a  state  to  retain  its  place  in 
th  e  union,  and  yet  be  bound  by  no  other  of  its 
laws  than  those  it  may  choose  to  consider  as 
constitutional.  It  is  true,  they  add,  that  to 
justify  this  abrogation  of  a  law,  it  must  be  pal- 
pably contrary  to  the  constitution  ;  but  it  is 
evident,  that  to  give  the  right  c^f  resisting  law  » 
of  that  description,  coupled  with  the  uncon- 
trolled right  to  decide  what  laws  deserve  that 
character,  is  to  give  the  power  of  resisting  all 
laws.  For,  as  by  the  theory,  lliere  is  no  ap- 
peal, the  reasons  allcijed  by  the  state,  good  or 
bad,  must  prevail.  If  it  should  be  said  that 
public  opinion  is  a  sufficient  check  against  the 
abuse  of  this  power,  it  tnay  be  asked,  why  it 
is  not  deemed  a  sufficient  guard  against  the 
jiassage  of  an  unconstitutional  act  by  Con- 
gress. There  is,  however,  a  restraint  in  this 
last  case,  which  makes  the  assumed  power 
of  a  state  more  indefensible,  and  which  does 
not  exist  in  the  other.  There  are  two  ap- 
peals from  an  unconstitutional  act  ))assed  }>y 
Congress — one  to  the  judiciary,  the  other  to 
the  people  and  the  states.  There  is  no  ap- 
peal from  the  state  decision  in  theory,  and  the 
pract'cal  illustration  shows  that  the  courts  are 
shut  against  an  application  to  review  it,  both 
judges  and  jurors  being  sworn  to  decide  in  its 
favour.  But  reasoning  on  this  subject  is  su- 
perfluous, when  our  social  compact  in  expre.«s 
t(!rms  declares,  that  the  laws  of  the  Ignited 
States,  its  constitution  arid  treaties  made  un- 
tler  it,  are  the  supreme  law  of  the  laiul — and 
for  the  greater  caution  adds,  'that  the  judges 
in  every  state  shall  be  bound  thereby,  any 
thing  in  the  constitution  or  laws  of  any  stale 
to  tlie  contrary  notwithstanding.'  And  it  mnv 
be  ass'-rted  without  f"-i-  of  refutation,  that  no 
fi'derative  governmr-nv  ^ould  exist  without  a 
similar  p-ovision.  Look  for  a  moment  to  tl.'C 
consequence.  If  South  Carolina  considers  tl  e 
revenue  laws  unconstitutional,  and  has  a  right 
to  prevent  their  execution  in  the  port  of 


to  the  measures  ailopted  by  the  convention  of  Charleston,  there  would  be  a  clear  constilu- 
Soulh  Carolina,  and  to  the  reasons  they  have  |  tional  objection  to  tlii-ir  collection  in  every 


UNITED  STATES. 


S39 


!ts  legality  is  to  be  decided  by  the  state  itself; 
i'or  every  law  operating  injuriously  u])oii  any 
local  interest  will  be  perhaps  thoughr,  uud 
certainly  represented,  as  uiicorislituitional,  and, 
as  has  been  shovvni,  there  is  no  a[)peal. 

"  If  this  doctrine  had  been  established  at 
an  earlier  day,  the  union  would  have  lieen 
dissolved  in  its  infancy.  The  excise  law  in 
Pennsylvania,  the  embargo  and  non-inter- 
course law  in  the  eastern  states,  the  carriage 
lax  in  Virginia,  were  all  deemed  unconstitu- 
tional, and  were  more  unequal  in  their  opera- 
tion than  any  of  the  laws  now  complained  of; 
but  *brtunately  none  of  those  states  discovered 
the*-  they  had  the  right  now  claimed  by  Soutli 
Ca'-')lina.  The  war  into  which  we  were 
Ibr'^'id,  to  support  the  dignity  of  the  nation 
ai-d  the  rights  of  our  citizens,  might  have  end- 
ed ni  defeat  and  disgrace  instead  of  victory 
and  honour,  if  the  states  who  supposed  it  a 
ruinous  and  unconstitutional  measure,  had 
thought  they  possessed  the  right  of  nullifying 
the  act  by  which  it  was  declared,  and  denying 
supulies  for  its  prosecution.  Hardly  and  un- 
ecjually  as  those  measures  bore  upon  several 
members  of  the  Union,  to  the  legislatures  of 
none  did  tliis  efficient  and  peaceable  remedy, 
as  it  is  called,  suggest  itself.  The  discovery 
of  tliis  Important  feature  in  our  constitution 
was  reserved  to  the  present  day.  To  the  states- 
men of  South  Carolina  belongs  the  invention, 
and  tipon  the  citizens  of  that  state  will  unfor- 
tunately fall  the  evils  of  reducing  it  to  practice. 

"  If  the  doctrine  of  the  state  veto  upon  the 
laws  of  llie  Union  carries  with  it  internal  evi- 
dence of  its  impracticable  absurd. :y,  our  con- 
stitutional history  will  also  aflbi'd  abundant 
j)roof  that  it  would  have  been  repudiated  witli 
-ndlgnation  had  it  been  proposed  to  form  a 
feature  in  our  government. 

"  In  our  colonial  state,  although  dependent 
on  another  power,  we  very  early  considered 
oiu'selves  as  connected  by  common  interest 
with  each  other.  Leagues  were  formed  for 
common  defence,  and  before  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  we  were  known  in  our  ag- 
gregate character  as  the  United  Colonies 
OF  America.  That  decisive  and  important 
step  was  taken  jointly.  We  declared  our- 
selves a  nation  by  a  joint,  not  by  several  acts, 
and  when  the  terms  of  our  confederation  were 
reduced  to  form,  it  was  in  that  of  a  solemn 
league  of  several  states,  by  which  they  agreed 
that  they  would  collectively  form  one  nation 
for  the  purpose  of  conducting  some  certain 
domestic  concerns  and  all  foreign  relations. 
In  the  instrument  forminjr  that  union,  is  found 
an  article  which  declares  that  '  every  state 
shall  abide  by  the  determination  of  Congress 
on  all  questions  which  by  that  confederation 
should  be  submitted  to  them.' 

"  Under  the  confederation,  then,  no  state 
could  legally  annul  a  decif  ion  of  the  Congress, 
or  refuse  to  submit  to  its  execution  ;  but  no 
provision  was  made  to  enforce  these  decisions. 
Congress  made  requisitions,  but  they  were 
not  complied  with.  The  government  could 
not  operate  on  individuals.  They  had  no  ju- 
diciary, no  means  of  collecting  re\  enuc. 
■  "  But  the  defects  of  the  confederation  need 
not  be  detailed.  Under  its  operation  we  could 
scarcely  be  called  a  nation.  We  had  neither 
prosperity  at  home  nor  consideration  abroad. 
This  state  of  things  could  not  bo  endured,  and 
our  present  happy  constitution  was  formed, 
Out  formed  in  vain,  if  this  fatal  doctrine  pre- 


vails. It  was  Ibrmed  ibr  important  objects 
that  are  announcei]  in  the  preamble,  made  in 
the  name,  and  by  the  authority  of  the  [)eoj)le 
of  the  United  States,  whose  delegates  framed, 
and  whose  conventions  approved  it.  The 
most  important  among  these  objects,  that 
which  is  placed  first  in  rank,  on  which  all  the 
others  rest,  is  '  to  form  a  more  jicrfcct  Union.' 
Now,  is  it  possible  that  even  if  there  were  no 
express  provision  '  giving  supremacy  to  the 
constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States 
over  those  of  the  states — it  can  be  conceived, 
that  an  instrument  made  for  the  purpose  of 
'forming  a  more  j^crfcct  Union'  than  that  of  the 
confederation,  could  be  so  constructed  by  the 
assembled  wisdom  of  our  country,  as  to  sub- 
stitute ibr  that  confederation  a  form  of  govern- 
ment, dependent  for  its  existence  on  the  local 
interest,  the  party  spirit  of  a  state,  or  of  a  pre- 
vailing faction  in  a  state  %  Every  man  of 
plain,  unsophisticated  understanding,  who 
hears  the  question,  will  give  such  an  answer 
as  will  preserve  the  union.  Metaphysical 
suVjtlety,  in  pursuit  of  an  impracticable  theory, 
could  alone  have  devised  one  that  is  calculated 
to  destroy  it. 

"  I  consider,  then,  the  power  to  annul  a 
law  of  the  United  States,  assumed  by  one 
state,  incompatihle  with  the  existence  of  the 
Union,  contradicted  expressly  by  the  letter  of 
the  Constitution,  unauthorized  hy  its  spirit,  in- 
consistent with  every  j^^^'^^^^P^^  which  it  was 
fminded,  and  destructive  of  the  great  object 
for  tvhich  it  was  formed. 

"After  this  general  view  of  the  leading  prin- 
ciple, we  must  examine  the  particular  appli- 
cation of  it  which  is  made  in  the  ordinance. 

"  The  preamble  rests  its  justification  on 
these  grounds  : — It  assumes  as  a  fact,  that  the 
obnoxious  laws,  although  they  purport  to  be 
laws  for  raising  revenue,  were  in  reality  in- 
tended for  the  protection  of  manufactures, 
which  purpose  it  asserts  to  be  unconstitu- 
tianal;  that  the  operation  of  these  laws  is  un- 
equal; that  the  amount  raised  by  them  is 
greater  than  is  required  by  the  wants  of  the 
government;  and,  finally,  that  the  proceeds 
are  to  be  applied  to  objects  unauthorized  by 
the  constitution.  These  are  the  only  causes 
alleged  to  justify  an  open  opposition  to  the 
laws  of  the  country,  and  a  threat  of  seceding 
from  the  union,  if  any  attempt  should  be  made 
to  enforce  them.  The  first  virtually  acknow- 
ledges that  the  law  in  (juestion  was  passed 
under  a  power  expressly  given  by  the  consti- 
tution, to  lay  and  collect  imposts  ;  but  its  con- 
stitutionality is  drawn  in  question  from  tlie 
motives  of  those  who  passed  it.  However 
apparent  this  purpose  may  be  in  the  present 
case,  nothing  can  be  more  dangerous  than  to 
admit  the  position,  that  an  unconstitutional 
purpose,  entertained  by  the  members  who 
assent  to  a  law  enacted  under  a  constitutional 
power,  shall  make  that  law  void  ;  for  how  is 
that  purpose  to  be  ascertained  '\  Who  is  to 
make  the  scrutiny  %  How  often  may  bad  pur- 
poses be  falsely  imputed  ?  in  how  many  cases 
are  they  concealed  by  false  professions  ?  in 
how  many  is  no  declaration  of  motive  made? 
Admit  this  doctrine,  and  you  give  to  the  states 
an  uncontrolled  right  to  decide,  and  every 
law  may  be  annulled  under  this  pretext.  If, 
therefore,  the  absurd  and  dangerous  doctrine 
should  lie  admitted,  that  a  state  may  annul  an 
unconstitutional  law,  or  one  that  it  deems  such, 
it  will  not  apply  to  the  present  case. 


"  The  next  objection  is,  that  the  laws  in 
question  operate  unequally.  This  objection 
may  be  made  with  truth  to  every  law  that 
has  been  or  can  be  passed.  Tlie  wisdom  of 
man  never  yet  contrived  u  system  of  taxatuju 
that  would  operate  with  perfect  equality.  11 
the  unequal  operation  of  a  law  makes  it  un- 
constitutional, and  if  all  laws  of  that  descrip- 
tion may  be  abrogated  by  any  state  for  that 
cause,  then  indeed  is  the  federal  constitution 
unworthy  of  the  slightest  effort  for  its  preser- 
vation.  We  have  hitherto  relied  on  it  as  the 
perpetual  bond  of  our  union.  We  ha^•e  ro 
ceived  it  as  the  work  of  the  assembled  wisdom 
of  the  nation.  We  have  trusted  to  it  as  to  the 
sheet  anchor  of  our  safety,  in  the  stormy  times 
of  conflict  with  a  foreign  or  domestic  foe.  We 
have  looked  to  it  with  sacred  awe  as  the  pal- 
ladium of  our  liberties,  and,  with  all  the  so- 
lemnities of  religion,  have  pledged  to  each 
other  our  lives  and  fortunes  here,  and  our 
hopes  of  happiness  hereafter,  in  its  defence 
and  support.  Were  we  mistaken,  my  coun- 
trymen, in  attaching  this  importance  to  the 
constitution  of  our  country  ]  Was  our  devo- 
tion paid  to  the  wretched,  inefficient,  clumsy 
contrivance,  which  this  new  doctrine  would 
make  it  ?  Did  we  pledge  ourselves  to  the 
support  of  an  airy  nothing,  a  bubble  that  must 
be  blown  away  by  the  first  breath  of  disaffec- 
tion %  Was  this  self-destroying,  visionary 
theory,  the  work  of  the  profound  statesmen, 
the  exalted  patriots,  to  whom  tlie  task  of  con- 
stitutional reform  was  intrusted  %  Did  the 
name  of  Washington  sanction,  did  the  states 
deliberately  ratify,  such  an  anomaly  in  the 
history  of  fundamental  legislation  ?  No.  We 
were  not  mistaken  !  The  letter  of  tliis  great 
instrument  is  free  from  this  radical  fyult  :  its 
language  directly  contradicts  the  imputation: 
its  spirit,  its  evident  intent,  contradicts  it. 
No,  we  did  not  err!  Our  constitution  does 
not  contain  the  absurdity  of  giving  power  to 
make  laws,  and  another  power  to  resist  them. 
The  sages,  whose  memory  will  always  be 
reverenced,  have  given  us  a  practical,  and,  as 
they  hoped,  a  permanent  constitutional  com- 
pact. The  Father  of  his  country  did  not  af- 
fix his  revered  name  to  so  palpable  an  absur- 
dity. Nor  did  the  states,  when  they  severally 
ratified  it,  do  so  under  the  impression  that  a 
veto  on  thp  laws  of  the  United  States  was  re- 
served to  them,  or  that  they  could  exercise  it 
by  implication.  Search  the  debates  in  all 
their  conventions — e.xamine  the  speeches  of 
the  most  zealous  opposers  of  federal  authority 
— look  at  the  amendments  that  were  proposed. 
They  are  all  silent-^nota  syllable  uttered,  not 
a  vote  given,  not  a  motion  made,  to  correct 
the  explicit  supremacy  gi\'en  to  the  laws  of 
the  union  over  those  of  the  states — or  to  show 
that  implication,  as  is  now  contended,  could 
defeat  it.  No,  we  have  not  erred  !  The  con- 
stitution is  still  the  object  of  our  reverence, 
the  bond  of  our  union,  our  defence  in  danger, 
the  source  of  our  prosperity  in  peace.  It  shall 
descend,  as  we  have  received  it,  uncorrupted 
by  sophistical  construction,  to  our  posterity; 
and  the  sacrifices  of  local  interest,  of  state 
prejudices,  of  personal  animosities,  that  were 
made  to  bring  it  into  existence,  will  again  be 
patriotically  offered  for  its  support. 

"The  two  remaining  objections  made  bvtlie 
ordinance  to  these  laws  are,  that  the  sum's  in- 
]  tended  to  be  raised  by  them  are  greater  than 
jare  retjuired,  and  that  the  proceeds  will  be 


5^0 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


unconstitutionally  employed.  The  constitu- 
•lon  has  ^iven  expressly  to  Congress  the  right 
of  raising  revenue,  and  of  determining  the  sum 
the  public  exigencies  will  require.  The  states 
liave  no  control  over  the  exercise  of  this  right, 
other  than  that  which  results  from  the  power 
of  chan<ring  tlie  representatives  who  abuse  it, 
and  thus  procure  redress.  Congress  may  un- 
doubtedly abuse  this  discretionary  power,  but 
the  same  may  be  said  of  t/thers  with  which 
they  are  vested.  Yet  the  discretion  must  ex- 
ist somewhere.  The  constitution  has  given  it 
to  the  representatives  of  all  the  people,  checked 
by  the  representatives  of  the  states,  and  by 
the  executive  power.  The  South  Carolina 
construction  gives  it  to  the  legislature  or  the 
convention  of  a  single  state,  where  neither  the 
people  of  the  different  states,  nor  the  states  in 
their  separate  capacity,  nor  the  chief  magis- 
trate elected  by  the  people,  have  any  repre- 
sentation ■?  Which  is  the  most  discreet 
disposition  of  the  power?  1  do  not  ask 
you,  fellow-citizens,  which  is  the  constitutional 
disposition — that  instrument  speaks  a  language 
not  to  be  misunderstood.  But  if  you  w<.>re 
assembled  in  general  convention,  which  would 
you  think  the  safest  depository  of  this  discre- 
tionary power  in  the  last  resort?  Would  you 
add  a  clause  giving  it  to  eacli  of  tlie  states,  or 
would  you  sanction  the  wise  provisions  al- 
ready made  by  your  constitution  ?  If  this 
should  l>e  the  result  of  your  deliberations  wlien 
providing  for  the  future,  are  you — can  you — 
be  ready  to  risk  all  that  we  hold  dear,  to  es- 
tablish, for  a  temporary  and  local  purpose, 
that  which  you  must  acknowledge  to  be  de- 
structive, and  even  absurd,  as  a  general  provi- 
sion 1  Carry  out  the  consequences  of  this  right 
vested  in  the  different  states,  and  you  must 
oerceive  that  the  crisis  your  conduct  presents 
at  this  day  would  recur  whenever  any  law  of 
the  United  States  displeased  any  of  the  states, 
and  that  we  should  soon  cease  to  be  a  nation. 

"  The  ordinance,  with  the  same  knowledge 
of  the  fiiture  that  characterizes  a  former  ob- 
jection, tells  you  that  the  proceeds  of  the  tax 
will  be  unconstitutionally  applied.  If  this 
could  be  ascertained  with  certainty,  the  objec- 
tion would,  with  more  propriety,  be  reserved 
for  the  law  so  ap|iiying  the  proceeds,  but 
surely  cannot  be  urged  against  the  laws  levy- 
ing the  duty. 

"  These  are  the  allegations  contained  in  the 
ordinance.  Examine  them  seriously,  my  fel- 
low-citizens, judge  for  yourselves.  I  appeal 
to  you  to  determine  whether  they  are  so  clear, 
an  convincing,  as  to  leave  no  doubt  of  their 
correctness  ;  and  even  if  you  should  come  to 
this  conclusion,  how  far  they  justify  the  reck- 
less, destructive  course,  which  you  are  directed 
to  pursue.  Review  these  objections  and  the 
conclusions  drawn  from  them,  once  more. 
What  are  they  ?  Every  law,  then,  for  raising 
r(!venu<',  according  to  the;  South  Carolina  or- 
dmance,  may  be  rightfully  annulled  unless  it 
be  so  framed  as  no  law  ever  will  or  can  be 
framed.  Congress  have  a  right  to  pass  laws 
f  )r  raising  revi?nue,  and  iMch  slat(!  has  a  right 
to  oppose  their  (execution,  two  rights  directly 
opposed  to  each  other  ;  and  yet  is  this  absur- 
dity supposed  to  be  contained  in  an  instrurnent 
driiwn  fiir  llio  express  purpose  of  avoiding 
<;  illisioMs  between  the  states  ami  the  general 
H  n  enimtMir,  by  an  asscmlily  of  the  most  en- 
lii.'liieii»'d  NtaleHiiien  and  purest  patriots  over 
I  iiib:)di<!d  for  a  sinidar  purpose. 


I  "  In  vain  have  these  sages  declared  that 
Congress  shall  have  power  to  lay  and  collect 
taxes,  duties,  imposts,  and  excises — in  vain 
have  they  provided  that  they  shall  have  power 
to  pass  laws  which  shall  be  necessary  and 
proper  to  carry  those  powers  into  execution; 
that  those  laws  and  that  constitution  shall  be 
the  '  supreme  law  of  the  land  ;  and  that  the 
judges  in  every  state  shall  be  bound  thereby, 
any  thing  in  the  constitution  or  laws  of  any 
state  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding.'  In 
vain  have  the  people  of  the  .several  states  so- 
lemnly sanctioned  these  provisions,  made  them 
their  paramount  law,  and  individually  sworn 
to  support  them  whenever  they  were  called 
on  to  execute  any  office.  Vain  provisions! 
ineffectual  restrictions  !  vile  profanation  of 
oaths  !  miserable  mockery  of  legislation  !  if 
a  bare  majority  of  the  voters  in  any  one  state 
may  on  a  real  or  supposed  knowledge  of  the 
intent  with  which  a  law  has  been  passed,  de- 
clare themselves  free  from  its  operation — say 
here  it  gives  too  little,  there  too  much,  and 
operates  unequally — here  it  suffers  articles  to 
be  free  that  ousfht  to  be  ta,xcd,  there  it  taxes 
those  that  ought  to  be  free — in  this  case  the 
proceeds  are  intended  to  be  applied  to  pur- 
poses which  we  do  not  a{)prove,  in  that  the 
amount  raised  is  more  than  is  wanted.  Con- 
gress, it  is  true,  are  invested  by  the  constitu- 
tion with  the  right  of  deciding  these  questions 
according  to  their  sound  discretion.  Congress 
is  composed  of  the  representatives  of  all  the 
states,  and  of  all  the  people  of  ali  the  states; 
but  we,  part  of  the  people  of  one  state,  to 
whom  the  constitution  has  given  no  power  on 
the  subject,  from  whom  it  has  expressly  taken 
it  away — loc,  who  have  solemnly  agreed  tnat 
this  constitution  shall  be  our  law — wc,  most  of 
whom  have  sworn  to  support  it — we  now  ab- 
rogate this  law,  and  swear,  and  force  others 
to  swear,  that  it  shall  not  be  obeyed,  and  we 
do  this,  not  because  Congress  have  no  right  to 
pass  such  laws,  this  we  do  not  allege  ;  but  be- 
cause they  have  passed  them  with  improper 
views.  They  are  unconstitutional  from  the 
motives  of  those  who  passed  them,  which  we 
can  never  with  certainty  know  ;  from  their 
unequal  operation,  although  it  is  impossible 
from  the  nature  of  things  that  they  should  be 
equal  ;  and  from  the  disposition  which  we 
presume  may  be  made  of  their  proceeds,  al- 
though that  disposition  has  not  been  declared. 
This  is  the  plain  meaning  of  the  ordinance  in 
relation  to  laws  which  it  abrojrates  for  allrwd 
uncons.titutionality.  But  it  does  not  stop  there. 
It  repeals,  in  express  terms,  an  important  part 
of  the  constitution  itself,  and  of  laws  passed 
to  give  it  effect,  which  have  never  been  al- 
leged to  be  unconstitutional.  The  constitu- 
tion declares  that  the  judicial  powers  of  the 
United  States  extend  in  cases  arising  under 
the  laws  of  the  United  States,  and  that  such 
laws,  the  constitution,  and  treaties,  shall  be 
paramount  to  the  state  constitutions  and  laws. 
Th(!  judiciary  act  prescribes  the  moile  by 
which  the  case  may  be  brought  before  a  court 
of  the  United  States  t)y  appeal,  when  a  stale 
tribunal  shall  deciile  against  this  provision  of 
the  constitution.  The  ordinance  declares 
there  shall  be  no  appeal  •  makes  the  stale  law 
paramount  to  the  constitution  niid  laws  of  the 
United  States;  forces  judges  and  jurors  to 
swear  that  ihev  will  disregard  their  provi- 
sions; and  even  makes  it  penal  in  a  suitor  to 
.'ittempt  relief  by  npjical.    It  further  declares 


that  it  shall  not  be  lawful  for  the  authorities 
of  the  United  States,  or  of  that  state,  to  en- 
force the  payment  of  duties  imposed  by  the 
revenue  laws  within  its  limits. 

"  Here  is  a  law  of  the  United  States,  not 
even  pretended  to  be  unconstitutional,  re- 
pealed by  the  authority  of  a  small  majority  of 
the  voters  of  a  single  state.  Here  is  a  pro- 
vision of  the  constitution  which  is  solemnly 
abrogated  by  the  same  authority. 

"  On  such  expositions  and  reasonings,  the 
ordinance  grounds  not  only  an  assertion  of  the 
right  to  annul  the  laws  of  which  it  complains, 
but  to  enforce  it  by  a  threat  of  seceding  from 
the  union,  if  any  attempt  is  made  to  execute 
them. 

"  This  right  to  secede  is  deduced  from  the 
nature  of  the  constitution,  which,  they  say,  is 
a  compact  between  sovereign  stales,  who  have 
preserved  their  whole  sovereignty,  and,  there- 
fore, are  subject  to  no  superior  ;  that,  because 
they  made  the  compact,  they  can  break  it 
when,  in  their  opinion,  it  has  been  departed 
from  by  the  other  slates.  Fallacious  as  this 
course  of  reasoning  is,  it  enlists  state  pride,  and 
finds  advocates  in  the  honest  prejudices  of 
those  who  have  not  studied  the  nature  of  our 
government  sufficiently  to  see  the  radical  er- 
ror on  w  hich  it  rests. 

"  The  people  of  the  United  States  formed 
the  constitution,  acting  through  the  state  le- 
gislatures in  making  the  compact,  to  meet  and 
discuss  its  provisions,  and  acting  in  separate 
conventions  when  they  ratified  those  provi- 
sions ;  but  the  terms  used  in  its  construction, 
show  it  to  be  a  government  in  which  the  peo- 
ple of  all  the  states  collectively  are  repre- 
sented. We  are  one  people  in  the  choice  of 
the  president  and  vice  president.  Here  the 
states  have  no  other  agency  than  to  direct  the 
mode  in  which  the  votes  shall  be  given.  The 
candidates  having  the  majority  of  all  the  votes 
are  chosen.  The  electors  of  a  majority  oi 
states  may  have  given  their  votes  for  one  can- 
didate, and  yet  another  may  be  chosen.  The 
people,  then,  and  not  the  states,  are  repre- 
sented in  the  executive  branch. 

"In  the  house  of  representatives  there  is 
this  difference,  that  the  people  of  one  state  do 
not,  as  in  the  case  of  president  and  vice  pre 
sidcnt,  all  vote  for  the  same  officers.  The 
people  of  all  the  states  do  not  vote  for  all  the 
members,  each  state  electing  only  its  own  rep- 
resentatives. But  this  creates  no  material  dis- 
tinction. When  chosen,  they  are  all  repre- 
sentatives of  the  United  States,  not  represent- 
atives of  the  particular  state  from  which  they 
come.  They  are  paid  by  the  United  Slates, 
not  by  the  state  ;  nor  are  thry  accountable  to 
it  for  any  act  done  in  the  performanci-  of  their 
legislative  functions  :  and  however  they  may 
in  practice,  as  it  is  their  duly  to  do,  ronsiill 
and  prefer  the  interests  of  their  particular  con 
stituents  when  they  come  in  conflict  w  ith  any 
other  partial  or  local  interests,  yet  it  is  their 
first  and  highest  duty,  as  representatives  of  llie 
United  Slates,  to  promote  the  general  good. 

"  The  constitution  of  tlx?  Ignited  Stales,  ilien. 
forms  a  i^orrrnmcnf,  not  a  league  ;  and  wlielh 
er  it  be  formed  by  compact  between  ihe  slates, 
or  in  any  other  manner,  its  charncter  is  the 
same.  It  is  a  ijoverninent  in  which  nil  the 
jieople  are  represented,  which  operat«'s  ili- 
rectlv  on  the  pco])le  ind  vidually,  not  upon 
the  states  ;  they  retained  all  the;  power  tl  ey 
did  not  grant.     But  each  state  having  ex- 


UNITED  STATES. 


631 


pressly  parted  willi  so  many  powers  as  lo  con- 
slilute  jointly  with  the  other  states,  a  single 
nation,  cannot  from  that  period  possess  any 
right  to  secede,  because  such  secession  does 
n.ot  break  a  league,  but  destroys  the  unity  of  a 
nation  ;  and  any  injury  to  that  unity  is  not  only 
a  breach,  which  would  result  from  the  contra- 
vention of  a  compact,  but  it  is  an  offence 
against  the  whole  union.  To  say  tliat  any 
state  may  at  pleasure  secede  from  the  union, 
is  to  say  that  the  United  States  are  not  a  na- 
tion ;  because  it  would  be  a  solecism  to  con- 
tend, that  any  part  of  a  nation  might  dissolve 
its  connexion  witli  the  other  parts,  to  their  in- 
jury or  ruin,  without  committing  any  offence. 
Secession,  like  any  other  revolutionary  act, 
may  be  morally  justified  by  the  extremity  of 
oppression  ;  but  to  call  it  a  constitutional  right 
is  confounding  the  meaning  of  terms  ;  and  can 
only  be  d  ine  through  gross  error,  or  to  de- 
ceive tho--e  who  are  willing  to  assert  a  right, 
but  wou'd  pause  before  they  made  a  revolu- 
tion, or  incur  the  penalties  consequent  on  a 
fiilure. 

"Because  the  union  was  formed  by  com- 
pact, it  is  said  the  parties  to  that  compact  may, 
when  they  feel  themselves  aggrieved,  depart 
from  it:  but  it  is  precisely  because  it  is  a  com- 
jhacf  (hat  they  cannot.  A  compact  is  an  agree- 
ment or  binding  obligation.  It  may,  by  its 
ter  ns,  have  a  sanction  or  penalty  for  its  breach, 
or  it  may  not.  If  it  contains  no  sanction,  it 
rnay  be  broken  with  no  other  consequence 
than  moral  guilt :  if  it  have  a  sanction,  then 
the  breach  incurs  the  designated  or  implied 
penalty.  A  league  between  independent  na- 
tions, generally  has  no  sanction  other  than  a 
noral  one  ;  or,  if  it  should  contain  a  penalty, 
as  there  is  no  common  superior,  it  cannot  be 
enforced.  A  government,  on  the  contrary,  al- 
"vays  has  a  sanction,  express  or  implied  ;  and, 
in  our  case,  it  is  both  necessarily  implied  and 
expressly  given.  An  attempt  by  force  of 
arms  to  destroy  a  government,  is  an  offence, 
by  whatever  means  the  constitutional  compact 
may  have  been  formed;  and  such  govern- 
ment has  the  right,  by  the  law  of  self-defence, 
to  pass  acts  for  punishing  the  offender,  unless 
that  right  is  modified,  restrained,  or  resumed, 
by  the  constitutional  act. — In  our  system,  al- 
though it  is  modified  in  the  case  of  treason, 
yet  authority  is  expressly  given  to  pass  all 
laws  necessary  to  carry  its  powers  into  effect, 
and  under  this  grant,  provision  has  been  made 
for  punishing  acts  which  obstruct  the  due  ad- 
ministration of  the  laws. 

"  It  would  seem  superfluous  to  add  any 
tiling  to  show  the  nature  of  that  union  which 
connects  us;  but  as  erroneous  o[>inions  on  this 
subject  are  the  foundation  of  doctrines  the 
most  destructive  to  our  peace,  I  must  give 
some  further  development  to  my  views  on 
this  subject.  No  one,  fellow-citizens,  has  a 
higher  reverence  for  the  reserved  rights  of  the 
states,  than  the  magistrate  who  now  addresses 
you.  No  one  would  make  greater  personal 
sacrifices,  or  official  exertions,  to  defend  them 
from  violation;  but  equal  care  must  be  taken 
to  prevent  on  their  part  an  improper  interfe- 
rence with,  or  resumption  of,  the  rights  they 
.lave  vested  in  the  nation.  The  line  has  not 
been  so  distinctly  drawn  as  to  avoid  doubts  in 
some  cases  of  the  exercise  of  power.  Men  of 
tho  besf  detentions  and  soundest  views  mav 


dis{)assionate  rcliection  can  leave  no  doubt. 
Of  this  nature  appears  to  be  the  assumed  right 
of  secession.  It  rests,  as  we  have  seen,  on  the 
alleged  undivided  sovereignty  of  the  sUtes, 
and  on  their  having  formed  in  this  sovereign 
capacity  a  compact  which  is  called  the  consti- 
tution, from  whicli,  because  they  made  it,  they 
have  the  right  to  secede.  Both  of  these  posi- 
tions are  erroneous,  and  some  of  the  arguments 
to  prove  them  so  have  been  anticipated. 

"  The  states  severally  have  not  retained 
their  entire  sovereignty.    It  has  been  shown 
that  in  becoming  parts  of  a  nation,  not  mem- 
bers of  a  league,  they  surrendered  many  of 
their  essential  parts  of  sovereignty.   The  right 
to  make  treaties — declare  war — levy  taxes — 
exercise  exclusive  judicial  and  legislative 
powers,  were  all  of  them  functions  of  sove- 
reign power.    The  states  then,  for  all  these 
important  purposes,  were  no  longer  sovereign. 
The  allegiance  of  their  citizens  was  trans- 
ferred, in  the  first  Instance,  to  the  government 
of  the  United  States — they  became  American 
citizens,  and  owed  obedience  to  the  constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States,  and  to  the  laws 
made  in  conformity  with  the  powers  it  vested 
in  Congress.    This  last  position  has  not  been, 
and  can  not  be  denied.    How  then  can  that 
state  be  said  to  be  sovereign  and  independ- 
ent, whose  citizens  owe  obedience  to  laws  not 
made  by  it,  and  whose  magistrates  are  sworn 
to  disregard  those  laws,  when  they  come  in 
conflict  with  those  passed  by  another  ]  What 
shows  conclusively  that  the  states  can  not  be 
said  to  have  reserved   an  undivided  sove- 
reignty, is,  that  they  expressly  ceded  the  right 
to  punish  treason — not  treason  against  their 
separate    power — but  treason    against  the 
United  States.    Treason  is  an  offence  against 
sovereignty,  and  sovereignty  must  reside  with 
the  power  to  punish  it.    But  the  reserv  1 
rights  of  the  states  are  not  less  sacred,  because 
they  have  for  their  common  interest  made  the 
general  government  the  depository  of  these 
powers.    The  unity  of  our  political  character 
(as  has  been  shown  for  another  purpose)  com- 
menced with  its  very  existence.    Under  the 
royal  government  we  had  no  separate  charac- 
ter— our  opposition  to  its  oppression  began  as 
United  Colonies.    We  were  the  United  States 
linder  the  confederation,  and  the  name  was 
perpetuated,  and  the  union  rendered  more  per- 
fect, by  the  federal  constitution.    In  none  of 
these  stages  did  we  consider  ourselves  in  any 
other  li^lit  than  as  forming  one  nation.  Trea- 
ties and  alliances  were  made  in  the  name  of 
aU.    Troops  were  raised  for  the  joint  defence. 
How,  then,  with  all  these  proofs,  that  under 
all  changes  of  our  position  we  had,  for  desig- 
nated purposes  and  with  defined  powers,  cre- 
ated national  governments — how  is  it,  that  the 
most  perfect  of  those  several  modes  of  union 
should  now  be  considered  as  a  mere  league, 
that  may  be  dissolved  at  pleasure]    It  is  from 
an  abuse  of  terms.    Compact  is  used  as  sy- 
nonymous with  league,  although  the  true  term 
is  not  employed,   because  it  would  at  once 
show  the  fallacy  of  the  reasoning.     It  would 
not  do  to  say  that  our  constitution  was  only  a 
league;  but,  it  is  laboured  to  prove  if  a  com- 
pact, (which  in  one  sense  it  is,)  and  then  to 
argue  that  as  a  league  is  a  compact,  every 
compact  between  nations  must  of  course  be  a 
"eagne,  and  from  such  an  engagement  every 


differ  in  tneir  construction  of  some  parts  of  sovereign  power  has  a  right  to  secede.  But 
tl)^  constitution  :  but  there  are  others  on  which]  it  has  been  shown,  that  in  tliis  sense  the  states 


arc  not  sovereign  and  that  even  if  they  were, 
and  the  national  constitution  had  been  formed 
by  compact,  there  would  be  no  right  in  any 
one  state  to  exonerate  itself  from  its  oblica- 

o 

tions. 

"  So  obvious  are  the  reasons  whicli  forbid 
this  secession,  that  it  is  necessary  only  to  al- 
lude to  them.  The  union  was  formed  for  the 
benefit  of  all.  It  was  produced  by  mutual 
sacrifices  of  interests  and  opinions.  Can  those 
sacrifices  be  recalled  ?  Can  the  states  who 
magnanimously  surrendered  their  title  to  ilie 
territories  of  the  west,  recall  the  grant  ?  Will 
the  inhabitants  of  the  inland  states  agree  lo  pay 
the  duties  that  may  be  imposed  without  their 
assent  by  those  on  the  Atlantic  or  the  Gulf 
for  their  own  benefits  ]  Shall  there  be  a  free 
port  in  one  state,  and  onerous  duties  in  anoth- 
er ]  No  one  believes  that  any  right  exists  in 
a  single  state  to  involve  all  the  others  in  these 
and  countless  other  evils,  contrary  to  the  en- 
gagements solemnly  made.  Every  one  must 
see  that  the  other  states,  in  self-defence,  must 
oppose  at  all  hazards. 

"  These  are  the  alternatives  that  are  pre- 
sented by  the  convention — a  repeal  of  all  the 
acts  for  raising  revenue,  leaving  the  govern 
ment  without  the  means  of  support;  or  an  ac- 
quiescence in  the  dissolution  of  our  union  liy 
the  secession  of  one  of  its  members.  When 
the  first  was  proposed,  it  was  known  that  it 
could  not  be  listened  to  for  a  moment.    It  was 
known  if  force  was  applied  to  oppose  the  ex- 
ecution of  the  laws,  tliat  it  must  be  repelled 
by  force — that  Congress  could  not,  without 
involving  itself  in  disgrace,  and  the  country  in 
ruin,  accede  to  the  proposition  ;  and  yet,  if 
this  is  not  done  in  a  given  day,  or  if  any  at- 
tempt is  made  to  execute  the  laws,  the  state 
is,  by  the  ordinance,  declared  to  be  out  of  the 
union.    The  majority  of  a  convention  assem- 
bled for  the  purpose  have  dictated  these  terms, 
or  rather  this  rejection  of  all  terms,  in  the 
name  of  the  people  of  South  Carolina.    It  is 
true  that  the  governor  of  the  state  speaks  of 
the  submission  of  their  grievances  to  a  conven- 
tion of  all  the  states;  which,  he  says,  they 
'  sincerely  and  anxiously  seek  and  desire.' 
Yet  this  obvious  and  constitutional  mode  of 
obtaining  the  sense  of  the  other  states  on  the 
construction    of  the    federal    compact,  and 
amending  it,  if  necessary,  has  never  been  at- 
tempted by  tr.ose  who  have  urged  the  state  on 
to  this  destructive  measure.    The  state  might 
have  proposed  the  call  for  a  general  conven- 
tion to  the  other  states  ;  and  Congress,  if  a  suf 
ficient  number  of  them  concurred,  must  have 
called  it.    But  the  first  magistrate  .^f  South 
Carolina,  when  he  expressed  a  hope  that, '  on 
a  review  by  Congress  and  the  functiona.-ies  of 
the  general  government  of  the  merits  of  the 
controversy,'  such  a  convention  will  be  ac- 
corded to  them,  must  have  known  that  neitlier 
Congress  or  any  functionary  of  tlie  general 
government  has  authority  to  call  such  a  con- 
vention, unless  it  be  demanded  by  two-thirds 
of  the  states.   This  suggestion,  then,  is  another 
instance  of  the  reckless  inattention  to  the  pro 
visions  of  the  constitution  with  which  this  cri- 
sis has  been  madly  hurried  on,  or  of  the  at 
tempt  to  persuade  the  people  that  a  constitu 
fional  remedy  had  lieen  sought  and  refused 
If  the  legislature  of  South  Carolina  '  anxiously 
desire'  a  general  convention  to  consider  their 
complaints,  why  have  they  not  niaile  applica- 
tion for  it  in  the  way  the  constitvition  poin's 


833 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


3ut  ]  The  assertion  that  they  '  earnestly  seek' 
it  is  completely  negatived  by  the  omission. 

"  This,  then,  is  the  position  in  which  we 
stand.  A  small  majority  of  the  citizens  of  one 
state  in  the  union  have  elected  delegates  to  a 
state  -convention  :  that  convention  has  ordained 
that  all  the  revenue  laws  of  the  United  States 
must  be  repealed,  or  that  they  are  no  longer 
a  member  of  the  union.  The  governor  of  the 
state  has  recommended  to  the  legislature  the 
raising  of  an  army  to  carry  the  secession  into 
sffect,  and  that  he  may  be  empowered  to  give 
clearances  to  vessels  in  the  name  of  the  state. 
No  act  of  violent  opposition  to  the  laws  has 
yet  been  committed,  but  such  a  state  of  things 
is  hourly  apprehended,  and  it  is  the  intent  of 
this  instrument  to  procl.\im,  not  only  that  the 
diity  imposed  on  me  by  the  constitution,  '  to 
take  care  that  the  laws  be  faithfully  executed,' 
shall  be  performed  to  the  extent  of  tlie  powers 
already  invested  in  me  by  law,  or  of  such 
others  as  the  wisdom  of  Congress  shall  devise, 
and  intrust  to  me  for  the  purpose  ;  but  to 
warn  the  citizens  of  South  Carolina,  who  have 
been  deluded  into  an  opposition  to  the  laws, 
of  the  danger  they  incur  by  obedience  to  the 
illegal  and  disorganizing  ordinance  of  the  con- 
vention— to  exhort  those  who  have  refused  to 
support  it  to  persevere  in  their  determination 
to  uphold  the  constitution  and  laws  of  their 
country,  and  to  point  out  to  all,  the  perilous 
situation  into  which  the  good  people  of  that 
state  have  been  led — and  that  the  course  that 
they  are  urged  to  pursue  is  one  of  ruin  and 
disgrace  to  the  very  state  whose  rights  they 
affect  to  support. 

"  Fellow-citizens  of  my  native  ^tate  ! — Let 
me  not  only  admonish  you,  as  the  first  magis- 
liate  of  our  common  country,  not  to  incur  the 
penalties  of  its  laws,  but  use  the  influence  that 
8  father  would  over  his  children  whom  he  saw 
rishing  to  a  certain  ruin.  In  that  paternal 
ft.'eling,  let  me  tell  you,  my  countrymen,  that 
you  are  deluded  by  men  who  are  either  de- 
ceived themselves,  or  wish  to  deceive  you. 
Mark  under  what  pretences  you  have  been 
led  on  to  the  brink  of  insurrection  and  treason, 
on  which  you  stand  !  First  a  diminution  of 
the  value  of  your  staple  commodity,  lowered 
by  over  production  in  other  quarters,  and  the 
conse<juent  diminution  in  the  value  of  your 
lands,  were  the  sole  effect  of  the  tariff  laws. 
The  effect  of  those  laws  are  confessedly  inju- 
rious, but  the  evil  was  greatly  exaggerated  by 
the  unfounded  theory  you  were  taught  to  be- 
li(!vc,  that  its  burdens  were  in  proportion  to 
your  ex[)orts,  not  to  your  consumption  of  im- 
ported articles.  Your  pride  was  roused  by 
the  assertion  that  a  submission  to  those  laws 
was  a  state  of  vassalage,  and  that  resistance  to 
them  was  equal,  in  patriotic  merit,  to  the  op- 
position our  fathers  offered  to  the  oppressive 
laws  of  Great  Britain.  You  were  told  that 
this  opposition  might  be  peaceably — might  be 
constitutionally  made — that  you  might  enjoy 
all  the  advantages  of  the  union,  and  bear  none 
of  its  burdens. 

"  Eloquent  appeals  to  your  passions,  to 
your  state  pride,  to  your  native  courage,  to 
your  sense  of  real  iojnry,  were  used  to  pre- 
I>are  you  for  the  pt^riod  wlien  the  mask  which 
concealed  the  hideous  feafun^s  of  DISUNION 
should  be  taken  off.  It  fell,  and  you  were 
made  to  look  with  complacenry  on  objects 
whi<;h,  not  long  since,  you  would  have  re- 
l,'ardod  with  liorror.     Look  back  at  the  arts 


which  have  brought  you  to  this  state — look 
forward  to  the  consequences  to  which  it  must 
inevitably  lead  !  Look  back  to  what  was 
first  told  you  as  an  inducement  to  enter  into 
this  dangerous  course.  The  great  political 
truth  was  repeated  to  you,  that  you  had  the 
revolutionary  right  of  resisting  all  laws  that 
were  palpably  unconstitutional  and  intolera- 
bly oppressive ;  it  was  added,  that  the  right 
;o  nullify  a  law  rested  on  the  same  principle, 
but  that  it  was  a  peaceable  remedy  !  This 
character  which  was  given  to  it,  made  you  re- 
ceive, with  too  much  confidenc,  the  assertions 
that  were  made  of  the  unconstitutionality  of 
of  the  law,  and  its  oppressive  effects.  Mark, 
my  fellow-citizens,  that  by  the  admission  of 
your  leaders,  the  unconstit  ititjnality  must  be 
palpable,  or  it  will  not  justify  either  resistance 
or  nullification  !  What  is  the  meaning  of  the 
word  palpable,  in  the  sense  in  which  it  is  here 
used  ?  that  which  is  apparent  to  every  one  ; 
that  which  no  man  of  ordinary  intellect  will 
fail  to  perceive.  Is  the  unconstitutionality  of 
these  lawsof  that  description  1  let  those  among 
your  leaders  who  once  approved  and  advo- 
cated the  principle  of  protective  duties,  an- 
swer the  question ;  and  let  them  choose 
whether  they  will  be  considered  as  incapable, 
then,  of  perceiving  that  which  must  have  been 
apparent  to  every  man  of  common  understand- 
ing, or  as  imposing  upon  your  confidence,  and 
endeavouring  to  mislead  you  now.  In  either 
case,  they  are  unsafe  guides  in  the  perilous 
path  they  urge  you  to  tread.  Ponder  well  on 
this  circumstance,  and  you  will  know  how  to 
appreciate  the  exaggerated  language  they  ad- 
dress to  you.  They  are  not  champions  of 
liberty,  emulating  the  fame  of  our  revolution- 
ary fathers  ;  n(}r  are  you  an  oppressed  people, 
contending,  as  they  repeat  to  you,  against 
worse  than  colonial  vassalage.  You  are  free 
members  of  a  flourishing  and  happy  union. 
There  is  no  settled  design  to  oppress  you. 
You  have  indeed  felt  the  unequal  operation  of 
laws  which  may  have  been  unwisely,  not  un- 
constitutionally passed  ;  but  that  inequality 
must  necessarily  be  removed.  At  the  very 
moment  when  you  were  madly  urged  on  to 
the  unfortunate  course  you  have  begun,  a 
change  in  public  opinion  had  commenced. 
The  nearly  approaching  payment  of  th6  puV)- 
lic  debt,  and  the  consequent  necessity  of  a  di- 
minution of  duties,  had  already  produced  a 
considerable  reduction,  and  that  too  on  some 
articles  of  general  consumption  in  your  state. 
The  importance  of  this  change  was  under- 
rated, and  yon  were  authoritatively  told,  that 
no  further  alleviation  of  your  burdens  was  to 
be  expected,  at  the  very  time  when  the  con- 
dition of  the  country  imperiously  demand  such 
a  modification  of  the  duties  as  should  reduce 
them  to  a  just  and  equitable  scale.  But,  as  if 
apprehensive  of  the  effect  of  this  change  in 
allaying  your  discontents,  you  were  precipi- 
tated into  the  fearful  state  in  which  you  now 
find  yourselves. 

"  I  have  urged  you  to  look  back  to  the 
means  that  were  used  to  hurry  yoii  on  to  the 
position  you  have  now  assumed,  and  forward 
to  the  consequences  it  will  produce.  Some- 
thing more  is  necessary.  Contemplate  the 
condition  of  that  country  of  which  you  still 
form  an  important  part!  Consider  its  govern- 
ment, uniting  in  one  bond  of  common  interest 
and  general  protection  so  many  different 
[states,  giving  to  all  their  inhabitants  the  proud 


title  of  American  Citizens,  protecting  their 
commerce,  securing  their  literature  and  the 
arts,  facilitating  their  intercommunication,  de- 
fending their  frontiers,  and  making  their  name 
respected  in  the  remotest  parts  of  the  earth  t 
Consider  the  extent  of  its  territory,  its  in- 
creasing and  happy  population,  its  advance  ii. 
arts,  which  render  life  agreeable,  and  the 
sciences  which  elevate  the  mind  1  See  educa- 
tion spreading  the  lights  of  religion,  morality, 
and  general  information,  into  every  cottage  in 
this  wide  extent  of  our  territories  and  states 
Behold  it  as  the  asylum  where  the  wretched 
and  the  oppressed  find  a  refuge  and  support ! 
Look  on  this  picture  of  happiness  and  honour, 
and  say — we  too,  are  citizens  of  America: 
Carolina  is  one  of  these  proud  states  :  her 
arms  have  defended,  her  best  blood  has  ce- 
mented this  happy  union  !  And  then  add,  if 
you  can,  without  horror  and  remorse,  thishaj)- 
py  union  we  will  dissolve — this  j)icture  of 
peace  and  prosperity  we  will  deface — this 
free  intercourse  we  will  interrupt — these  fer- 
tile fields  we  will  deluge  with  blood — the  pro- 
tection of  that  glorious  flag  we  renounce — the 
very  name  of  Americans  we  discard — And  for 
what,  mistaken  men  ! — for  what  do  you  throw 
away  these  inestimable  blessings — for  what 
would  you  exchange  your  share  in  the  advan- 
tages and  honour  of  the  union  l  For  the 
dream  of  a  separate  independence — a  dream 
interrupted  by  bloody  conflicts  with  your 
neighbours,  and  a  vile  dependence  on  a  foreign 
power.  If  your  leaders  could  succeed  in  es- 
tablishing a  separation,  what  would  be  your 
situation  ?  Are  you  united  at  home — are  you. 
free  from  the  apprehension  of  civil  discord, 
with  all  its  fearful  consequences  ]  Do  our 
neighbouring  republics,  every  day  suffering 
some  new  revolution,  or  contending  with  some 
new  msurrection — do  they  excite  your  envyl 
But  the  dictates  of  a  high  duty  oblige  me 
solemnly  to  announce  that  you  cannot  succeed. 

"  The  laws  of  the  United  States  must  be 
executed.  I  have  no  discretionary  power  on 
the  subject — my  duty  is  emphatically  pro- 
nounced in  the  constitution.  Those  who  told 
you  tha:  yo«  might  peaceably  prevent  the.r 
execution,  deceived  you  ;  they  could  not  ha\  e 
been  deceived  themselves.  They  know  thai 
a  forcible  opposition  could  alone  prevent  tin; 
execution  of  the  laws,  and  they  know  that 
such  opposition  must  be  repelled.  Their  ob- 
ject is  disunion;  but  be  not  deceived  \ty 
names  ;  disunion  by  armed  force  is  tri;ason. 
Are  you  really  ready  to  incur  its  guilt  ?  If 
you  are,  on  the  heads  of  the  instigators  of  the 
act  be  the  dreadful  consequence, — on  their 
heads  be  the  dishonour,  but  on  yours  may  fa'l 
the  punishment — on  your  unhappy  stale  wili 
inevitably  fall  all  the  evils  of  the  conflict  ymi 
force  upon  the  government  of  your  country. 
It  can  not  accede  to  the  mad  project  of  disu- 
nion, of  which  you  would  be  the  first  victims 
— its  first  magistrate  cannot,  if  he  would, 
avoid  the  peforniance  of  his  duty — the  conse- 
(]uence  must  be  fearful  for  you,  distressine:  to 
your  fellow-citizens  here,  and  to  the  frietidsof 
erood  government  throughout  the  world,  lia 
enemies  have  beheld  our  prosperity,  with  h 
vexation  they  could  not  conceal — it  was  a 
standing  refutation  of  their  slavish  doctrines, 
and  they  will  point  to  our  discord  witli  a  tri- 
umpliof  malignant  joy.  It  is  yet  in  your  ]M)wer 
to  disappoint  them.  There  is  yet  time  to  show 
that  the  descendants  of  the  Pinckne^s,  the 


UiVITED  STATES. 


S88 


SuiTiTiters,  the  Rntledges,  and  of  the  thousand 
otlier  names  wliich  adorn  the  i)ap:fs  of  your 
rcvohitiouary  history,  -will  not  abandon  tliat 
nnion,  to  suj)port  which,  so  many  of  them 
fought,  and  bled,  and  died.  I  adjure  yon,  as 
you  lionour  their  memory — as  you  k)ve  the 
cause  of  freedom,  to  which  they  dedicated  their 
lives — as  you  prize  the  peace  of  your  country, 
tlie  lives  of  its  best  citizens,  and  your  own  fair 
fame,  to  retrace  your  steps.  Suatcli  from  the 
archives  of  your  state  the  disorganizing  edict  of 
its  convention — bid  its  members  to  re-assenible 
and  pronuilgate  the  decided  expressions  of  your 
will  to  remain  in  the  i)ath  which  alone  can  con- 
duct you  to  safety,  prosperity,  and  honour — tell 
them  tliat,  compared  to  disunion,  all  other  evils 
are  light,  because  tliat  brings  with  it  an  accu- 
mulation of  all — declare  that  you  will  never 
take  the  field  unless  the  star-spangled  banner  of 
your  country  shall  float  over  you  :  that  you  will 
not  be  stigmatized  when  dead,  and  dishonoured 
and  scorned  while  you  live,  as  the  authors  of 
the  first  attack  on  the  constitution  of  your  coun- 
try!— its  destroyers  you  cannot  be.  You  may 
disturb  its  peace — you  may  interrupt  the  course 
of  its  prosperity — you  may  cloud  its  rciintation 
for  stability — hut  its  tranquillity  will  be  restored, 
its  iiros[>erity^  will  return,  and  tlie  stain  upon  its 
national  character  wiil  be  transferred,  and  re- 
UKiin  an  eternal  blot  on  the  memory  of  those 
who  cnused  the  disorder. 

"  Fellow-citizons  of  the  TTnited  States! — The 
threat  of  unhallowed  disunion — the  names  of 
those  once  resjjccted,  by  whom  it  is  uttered — 
the  arra}'  of  military  force  to  support  it — denote 
the  approach  of  a  crisis  in  our  atfiiirs  on  which 
the  continuance  of  our  unexampled  prosperity, 
our  political  existence,  and,  perhaps,  that  of  all 
free  governments,  may  depend.  The  conjunc- 
ture demanded  a  free,  a  full,  and  explicit  enun- 
ciation, not  only  of  my  intentions,  but  of  my 
principles  of  action ;  and,  as  the  claim  was  as- 
Berted  of  a  right  hy  a  state  to  annul  the  laws  of 
the  union,  and  even  to  secede  from  it  at  plea- 
sure, a  frank  exposition  of  my  o])inions  in  rela- 
tion to  the  origin  and  form  of  our  government, 
and  ihe  construction  I  give  to  the  instrument 
by  Avhich  it  was  created,  seemed  to  be  proper. 
Having  the  fullest  confidence  in  the  justness  of 
the  legal  and  constitutional  opinion  of  my  duties 
which  has  been  expressed,  I  rely  with  equal 
confidence  on  your  undivided  support  in  my  de- 
terniination  to  execute  the  laws — to  pi-eserve 
the  union  by  all  ct)n3titutional  means— to  arrest, 
if  possible,  by  moderate  but  firm  measures,  the 
necessitj'  of  a  recourse  to  force;  and  if  it  be  the 
will  of  heaven  that  the  recurrence  of  its  primeval 
curse  on  man  for  the  shedding  of  a  brother's 
blood  should  fall  upon  our  land,  that  it  be  not 
called  down  by  any  offensive  act  on  the  part  of 
the  United  States. 

"  Fellow-citizens !  The  momentous  case  is 
before  you.  On  your  undivided  support  of  your 
government  depends  the  decision  of  the  great 
question  it  involves,  whether  your  sacred  union 
will  be  preserved,  and  the  blessings  it  secures  to 
us  as  one  people  shall  be  perpetuated.  No  one 
can  doubt  that  the  unaninuty  with  which  that 
decision  will  be  expressed,  will  be  such  as  to 
inspire  new  confidence  in  republican  institutions, 
and  that  the  prudence,  the  wisdom,  and  the 
courage  which  it  will  bring  to  their  defence,  will 
transmit  them  unimpaired  and  invigorated  to 
our  children. 

"May  the  great  Ruler  of  nations  grant  that 
the  signal  blessings  with  which  he  has  favoured 
ours,  may  not,  by  the  matlness  of  party,  or  per- 
sonal ambition,  be  disregarded  and  "lost :  :ind 
may  wise  providence  bring  those  who  have 
produced  this  crisis  to  see  the  I'oUy,  before  they 
leel  the  misery  of  civil  strife :  and  inspire  a  re- 
turning veneration  for  that  union  which,  if  we 
may  dare  to  penetrate  his  designs,  he  has  chosen 
as  the  only  means  of  attaining  the  high  destinies 
to  •which  we  may  reasonably  aspire."' 


The  language  of  the  proclamation  is  too  pre- 
cious to  be  forgotten.  The  second  election  of 
General  Jackson  was  of  a  decided  character. 
The  opposition  was  overwhelming.  After  this 
event,  he  made  a  tour  t«  the  eastern  and  north- 
ern states.  Every  where  he  was  received  witli 
enthusiasm.  Party  feelings  were  forgotten,  and 
the  president  alone  was  considered.  A  brave 
and  generous  jieople  received  a  gallant  com- 
mander, with  every  demonstration  of  respect 
and  admiration.  The  most  ancient  university 
in  the  country  made  him  a  Doctor  of  Laws,  lie 
visited  liunker  Hill,  saw  the  plains  of  Lexington, 
ground  sacred  to  the  descendants  of  the  Pilgrims, 
and  returned  with  their  warmest  wishes  for  his 
prosperity. 

The  refusal  of  the  President  to  sign  the  bill 
for  rechartering  the  United  States  Bank  has  al- 
ready been  noticed.  In  the  present  year,  he 
went  still  further,  and  gave  orders  to  withdraw 
the  government  deposits  from  that  institution 
and  its  branches,  and  to  ])lace  them  in  the  local 
banks.  lie  defended  this  measure  in  a  long 
letter  addressed  to  the  Cabinet,  on  the  18th  of 
September.  His  accusations  were  denied,  and 
it  was  contended  that  his  measure  was  uncon- 
stitutional. But,  on  whichever  side  the  right 
and  law  might  be,  the  conduct  of  the  Presidi'ut 
led  to  disastrous  results  in  the  mercantile  world. 
The  deposits  being  withdrawn,  the  bank  neces- 
sarily diminished  its  issues,  and  lessened  its  dis- 
counts ;  all  operations  of  buying  and  selling 
were  thus  discouraged  and  impeded ;  a  stagna- 
tion of  trade  ensued  ;  property  was  depreciated  ; 
and  bankruptcies  and  failures  were  multiplied 
on  all  sides. 

During  the  year  1834,  the  United  States  con- 
tinued to  be  agitated  by  the  consequences  of 
the  acts  of  the  President.  The  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives was  inundated  with  petitions  for  the 
restoration  of  the  public  money  to  the  vaults  of 
the  bank;  but  the  majority  of  the  members 
were  favorable  to  the  measures  of  the  President ; 
whilst  the  Senate  was  arrayed  in  open  hostility 
to  his  measures,  and  refused  to  confirm  his  ap- 
pointment of  directors  for  the  bank  on  behalf 
of  the  government  shares. 

In  New  York  and  other  cities,  the  public  op- 
position to  the  President's  measures  was  violent 
in  the  extreme;  whilst  the  interior  of  the  coun- 
try, having  little  or  no  sympathj'  with  the  great 
trading  and  moneyed  interests  of  the  commer- 
cial cities,  were  generally  favorable  to  the  policy 
of  the  President.  The  election  of  members  to 
the  House  of  Representatives  of  this  year,  re- 
sulted in  adding  sixteen  or  twenty  to  the  former 
majority  in  favor  of  the  President.  One  of  the 
results  of  this  measure  was  the  partial  substitu- 
tion of  a  metallic  for  a  paper  circulation  through- 
out the  union.  It  has  been  computed  that  from 
the  beginning  of  January,  1833,  to  July,  1834, 
an  excess  of  over  tAventy-two  millions  of  specie 
was  imported  into  tlie  country. 

In  his  message  of  December,  1834,  the  Presi- 
dent called  attention  to  the  rejection,  by  the 
French  Chamber  of  Deputies,  of  the  bill  for  the 
indemnification  of  the  United  States  for  losses 
sustained  in  consequence  of  the  Berlin  and  Mi- 
lan decrees.  He  suggested  to  Congress  retalia- 
tory measures,  and  his  whole  message  breathed 
a  warlike  spirit.  The  Senate,  how'ever,  differed 
from  the  President  upon  the  subject ;  and,  after 
much  deliberation,  unanimously  adojJted  the 
following  resolution  on  the  14th  of  July,  1835  : 

That  it  is  inexpedient  at  present  to  ado|)t  any 
legislative  measures  in  regard  to  the  state  of 
aflairs  between  this  country  and  France."  The 
House  of  Representatives  unanimously  agreed 
to  two  resolutions:  "1.  That,  in  the  opinion 
of  this  House,  the  treaty  with  France  of  July 
4th,  1831,  should  be  maintained,  and  its  execu- 
tion insisted  upon.  2.  That  the  Committee  of 
Foreign  Affairs  should  be  discharged  from  fur- 
ther consideratiou  of  so  much  of  the  Presidoul's 


message  as  relates  to  commercial  restrictions,  or 
to  rciirisals  on  the  commerce  of  France." 

The  French  minister  was  recalled,  the  Ameri- 
can government  being  at  the  same  time  assured 
that  the  bill  should  nevertheless  be  presented 
to  the  Chambers.  Mr.  Livingston  was  instructed 
to  return  home  in  the  event  of  the  refusal  of 
the  French  government  to  p.ay  the  money.  A 
bill  passed  the  Chambers,  authorizing  the  pay- 
ment of  the  money,  after  satisfactory  explana- 
tion had  been  given  to  France  of  the  President's 
language.  In  December,  the  President  met 
Congress,  and  declared  that  there  was  nothing 
to  explain ;  and  that,  in  any  event,  he  woul«l 
never  allow  a  foreign  ])ower  to  found  demands 
upon  the  interior  and  official  connnunications 
of  one  department  of  the  American  government 
with  another,  (ireat  Britain  then  tendered  her 
mediation,  and  both  parties  accepted  the  offer. 
During  this  year,  the  whole  debt  of  the  United 
States  was  i)aid  off.  The  majority  which  the 
friends  of  the  President  had  secured  in  one 
branch  of  the  legislature,  rendered  all  the  efforts 
of  his  opponents  to  recharter  tlie  bank  abortive, 
and  its  concerns  were  consequently  wound  up. 

On  the  Iflth  of  July,  a  party  of  Seminole 
Indians  crossed  their  bounds,  near  the  Ilog's- 
Town  settlement,  for  the  pnr|)0se  of  hunting. 
They  separated,  and  agreed  to  meet  again  on  a 
certain  day.  On  that  day  five  of  them  wore  mot 
together,  when  a  party  of  white  men  came  by, 
and  commenced  flogging  them  with  their  eow- 
wlii[is.  Two  other  Indians  came  u]),  and  fired 
ujion  the  whites,  who  returned  the  fire.  Three 
whites  were  wounded,  and  one  Indian  killed  and 
one  wounded.  On  the  6lh  of  August,  Dalton, 
a  mail  carrier,  was  killed,  and  the  Indians  re- 
fused to  deliver  the  murderers  up  to  justice. 
In  September,  a  party  of  ilickasuckce  Indian.s, 
led  by  the  celebrated  Osceola,  waylaid  and  shot 
Ch.arloy  Omathla,  a  powerful  friendly  chief,  who 
was  journeying  with  his  daughter.  General 
Clinch,  who  commanded  a  small  force  in  this 
section  of  the  country,  obtained  a  body  of  six 
hundred  and  fifty  militia  from  the  Governor  of 
Florida,  and  commenced  operations  against  them 
on  the  Ouithlacooche  river. 

On  the  23d  of  December,  two  companies  of 
the  United  States'  army,  under  command  of 
.Major  Dade,  marched  from  Tampa  B,ay  for  Camp 
King.  From  Hillsborough  Bridge,  Major  Dade 
sent  a  letter  to  Captain  Belton,  urging  him  to 
forward  a  six-pounder  which  had  been  left  bo^ 
hind.  Horses  were  procured,  and  the  piece  was 
received  by  the  detachment  that  night.  Soon 
after  the  six-pounder  joined  the  column,  a  shot 
was  heard  in  the  direction  of  the  advanced  guard, 
which  was  soon  followed  by  another,  wlien  a 
volley  was  suddenly  poured  in  on  the  front  and 
left  fiank.  Half  the  men  were  killed  or  wound- 
ed at  the  first  fire;  and,  until  several  volleys 
had  been  received,  not  an  enemy  could  be  seen. 
Tlie  Indians  fired  lying  or  squatting  in  the  gra&s, 
or  from  behind  pine  trees.  The  infantry  threw 
themselves  behind  trees,  and  opened  a  sharp 
discharge  of  musketry.  Several  pounds  of  can- 
nister  were  fired  from  the  cannon;  and  the  In- 
dians temporarily  retreated.  The  detachment 
instantly  jiroceeded  to  form  a  breastwork  by 
felling  trees,  but  had  scarcely  commenced  when 
the  enemy  returned  to  the  tight.  The  infantry 
immediately  took  slcelter  behind  trees;  but  they 
were  all  gradually  cut  down  bv  the  uverwhelm- 
ing  force  ofqiosed  to  them.  hen  all  resistance 
had  ceased,  the  Indians  leaped  into  the  breast- 
work, and  stripping  off  the  arms  and  accoutre- 
ments from  the  dead,  carried  them  away. 
Forty  or  fifty  negroes  then  came  up  on  horse- 
back, tied  tfieir  animals  fast  to  trees,  and  com- 
menced butchering  the  wounded.  When  all 
were  supposed  to  bo  dead,  they  stripped  the 
clothing  oli"  all  the  bodies,  and  departed  in  the 
same  direction  with  the  Indians,  taking  the  cau- 
uou  with  them.    Of  eiyht  officers  and  one  hun 


B84 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


dred  and  two  jirivatos",  but  four  escaped  alive 
from  tlio  scene  of  flie  action,  one  of  whom  wa** 
Fhot  tiie  day  after  the  liMttle. 

Diirinff  the  year  1835,  much  excitement  was 
folt  in  the  Southern  States,  in  consequence  of 
the  alleged  etlbrts  of  the  friends  of  the  abolition 
-•;  slavery  to  disseminate  their  doctrines  among 
tlie  slaves,  which  in  many  places  broke  out  in 
riot  and  bloodshed. 

The  money  due  for  depredations  under  the 
Herlin  and  Milan  decrees,  was  received  from  the 
French  government  in  1836,  and  made  a  large 
surplus  in  the  treasurv.  Much  debating  oc- 
curred ill  Congress  about  the  disposal  of  the 
surplus  revenue,  which  was  now  kept  in  state 
banks,  selected  by  the  secretary  of  the  treasurj'. 
The  expiration  of  the  charter  of  the  United 
States'  Bank  was  followed  by  the  creation  of  a 
large  number  of  state  banks,  whose  capital  was 
chietly  nominal,  the  largest  being  tlie  United 
States'  Bank  of  Pennsylvania,  with  a  cajjital  of 
thirty-five  millions  of  dollars.  The  great  in- 
crease of  tlie  circulating  medium  wliicli  followed 
the  creation  of  these  hanks,  ])roduced  and 
nourished  all  manner  of  wild  specidations,  j)ar- 
ticularly  in  unappropriated  jjublic  lands.  The 
money  receiveil  from  their  sale  increased  to  an 
unprecedented  amount.  They  were  paid  for  in 
notes  of  the  hanks,  which  the  land  agents  con- 
veyed to  the  banks,  who  received  them  to  be 
immediately  issued  again,  the  government  being 
credited  with  the  amount  of  the  notes  on  the 
books  of  the  bank.  These  credits  upon  many 
of  the  western  banks  were  already  greatly  be- 
yond their  innnediate  means  of  payment,  and 
were  rai)idly  increasing;  many  fearing  that  if 
the  i)ractice  were  allowed  to  continue,  the  cred- 
its would  ultimately  be  worth  nothing  to  the 
government.  A  treasury  circular  was  issued, 
which  prohibited  the  receiving  jjayment  of 
lands  in  any  currency  but  s^pecie,  and  allowed 
no  sales  to  be  made  exce])t  to  actuid  settlers. 

This  circular  did  not  give  general  satisfaction, 
and  Congress  passed  a  bill  designating  and  con- 
fining within  certain  bounds  the  revenues  of 
the  United  States.  The  bill  providing  that  the 
notes  of  8[)ecie-payiiig  banks  should,  in  certain 
cases,  bo  taken  in  payment,  was  retained  by  the 
I'resident  until  after  the  adjournment  of  Con- 
(iTess,  thus  i)reventing  it  Iroin  becoming  a  law. 
llis  reasons  ho  jjublished  after  he  had  retired 
from  the  presidency,  ius  tbllows  : — 

Jieasona  of  the  Premlent  fur  retaining  the  bill 
dexignating  and  limiting  the  funds  receivable 
for  Ike  revenuen  <f  the  United  States. 

"  Wabiiisgtov,  March  3,  IS37, 
'•  J  licfiiro  12,  r.  M. 

"The  bill  from  the  senate,  entitled  'An  act 
designating  and  limiting  the  funds  receivable  for 
the  revenues  of  the  United  States,'  came  into 
niy  liands  yesterday,  at  2  o'clock,  p.m.  On 
I)erusing  it,  I  found  its  provisions  so  complex 
and  uncertain,  that  1  deemed  it  necessary  to 
obtain  the  opinion  of  the  Attorney-general  of 
the  United  States  on  several  imi)ortant  questions 
touching  its  construction  and  eflect,  before  I 
could  decide  on  the  (lisp()sit!<)n  to  be  made  of 
it.  The  Attorney-general  took  up  the  subject 
immediately,  and  his  rejily  was  reported  to  me 
this  day  at  5  o'clock,  p.m.  As  this  otlicer,  after 
a  careful  and  laborious  exairination  of  the  bill, 
and  a  distinct  expression  of  his  ojjinion  on  the 
])oints  jirop'.sed  to  hii;i,  still  camo  to  the  con- 
clusion that  the  construction  of  the  bill,  should 
it  Ijecomo  a  law,  would  bo  a  subject  of  much 
jierplexity  and  doubt  (a  view  of  the  bill  entirely 
foincident  with  my  own),  and,  as  I  cannot 
liiink  it  proper,  in  a  matter  of  such  vital  in- 
tcriHt,  and  of  such  constant  ai>|>lication,  to  ap- 
prove a  bill  so  liable  to  diversity  of  intcrpreta' 
tiMi),  and,  more  especially,  as  I  have  not  had 
.time,  i!iii«l  the  <luties  constantly  ]iressing  on 
nio,  to  give  the  >fl;bjcct  that  deliberate  consider- 


ation which  its  imi)ortance  demands,  I  am  con- 
strained to  retain  the  bill,  without  acting  defini- 
tively thereon  ;  and,  to  the  end  that  my  reasons 
for  this  stej)  may  be  fully  understood,  I  shall 
cause  this  paper,  with  the  o[)inion  of  the  Attor- 
ney-general, and  the  bill  in  question,  to  be  de- 
posited in  the  department  of  state. 

"Andrew  Jackson." 

In  the  middle  of  the  year  Congress  adjourned, 
and  the  excitement  of  the  presidential  election 
followed,  deneral  Jackson's  second  term  having 
exi)ired.  The  friends  of  the  existing  adminis- 
tration sup[)orted  Martin  Van  Buren  of  New 
York,  who  was  the  more  easily  elected  from 
the  circumstance  that  three  ditferent  candidates 
were  ojjposed  to  him.  The  next  year  oi)ened 
upon  the  people  of  the  United  States  under  very 
inauspicious  circumstances.  A  sense  of  approach- 
ing disasters  j)ervaded  all  classes,  and  the  spirit 
of  uubonnded  speculation  was  succeeded  by  one 
of  general  despondency  and  distrubt.  Many 
etlbrts  were  made  by  the  merchants  and  bankers 
to  avert  them,  but  with  very  partial  success. 

During  the  winter  session,  a  bill  was  brought 
before  Congress,  recognizing  the  indei)cndence 
of  Texas.  The  consideration  of  it  was,  however, 
])Ostponed,  and  a  .salary  was  ai)proi)riated  for  a 
Texan  charge  d'affaires,  whenever  the  President 
should  think  proper  to  api)oint  one.  This  he 
did  before  the  dose  of  his  administration. 

The  Indian  war  was  continued  in  Florida  du- 
ring the  year  1836.  On  the  6th  of  January, 
five  persons,  the  family  of  a  Mr.  Cooley,  were 
imirdered  at  his  residence  on  New  River,  about 
twelve  miles  from  Cape  Florida.  A  few  days 
previously,  a  battle  was  fought  at  a  ford  of  the 
Ouithlacoochee,  in  which  a  small  and  unsup- 
ported body  of  the  troops  were  attacked  by  a 
force  nearly  three  times  their  number,  the  ene- 
niy  being  re])ulsed  before  a  reinforcement  could 
cross  to  their  aid.  While  these  o])erations  were 
|)as.-ing  in  "West  P'lorida,  the  i)lantati(ms  and 
settlements  in  the  neighborhood  of  St.  Augus- 
tine were  ravaged  by  the  enemy,  the  inhabi- 
tants slain,  and  the  negroes  taken  away  ;  Gen- 
eral Hernandez,  who  was  in  command,  being 
too  weak  to  otfer  any  resistance.  General  Gaiiu-s 
iuid  collected  a  body  of  volunteers  from  Louisi- 
ana, and,  near  the  end  of  February,  moved 
down  the  Ouithlacoochee.  A  skirmish  hap- 
l)ened  at  General  Clinch's  crossing-place,  another 
on  the  28th,  and  a  third,  in  which  numbers 
were  engaged,  on  the  29th,  when  General 
Gaines  was  wounded  in  the  nnder  lip.  Tiiese 
skirmishes  continued  till  the  fuh  of  March, 
when  Osceola  demandtti  a  parley,  wdiieh  was 
broken  uj)  without  anj-  .satisfactory  conclusion. 

Before  closing  our  account  of  (ieneral  Jack- 
son's administration,  it  is  proper  to  notice  the 
troubles  with  tl.o  Indians  on  our  north-western 
frontier,  called  Black  Hawk's  war. 

lu  the  summer  of  the  year  18?!?  difficulties 
with  the  savages  broke  out,  owintr  pa.'tly  to 
their  dissatisfaction  with  the  stipulations  in  the 
Prairie  du  Chien  treaty  of  1823,  and  partly  to 
the  injustice  of  the  settlers  towards  their  red 
neighbors.  Kight  of  a  party  of  twenty-four 
Chijipewas,  on  a  visit  to  Fort  Snelling,  were  all 
killed  or  wounded  by  a  i)arty  of  Sioux,  four  of 
whom  wiM-e  afterwards  captured  by  the  com- 
mander of  the  garrison,  and  given  up  to  the 
Chippewas,  who  immediately  shot  them.  Red- 
Bird,  the  Sioux  chief,  chose  three  companions, 
and  they  set  about  seeking  revenge.  Four  or 
live  whites  were  killed  by  them,  when  Cioneral 
Atkinson  cai>tured  Red-Bird  and  a  party  of 
hostile  Wiiinebagoes,  in  the  country  of  that 
tribe.  licd-Bird  died  in  prison  .soon  after;  and 
bis  companions — one  of  whom  was  the  cele- 
brated Black  Hawk — were  released  from  con- 
linemont.  ]51a<.'k  Hawk  immediately  commenced 
inciting  hostility  among  the  already  disalfected 
tribes,  ouioug  whom  tho  Sacs  boro  a  prominent 


part.  Towards  July,  General  Gaines  marched 
to  the  Sacs'  village,  and  they  humblv  sued  for 
peace,  which  was  granted.  Meanwliile  a  party 
of  them,  under  Black  Hawk,  murdered  twenty- 
eight  of  the  friendly  Menominies,  and  rocrossed 
the  Mississi[)])i  to  the  lands  which  they  had 
ceded  to  the  United  States.  General  Atkinson 
marched  after  him  ;  and,  at  Dixon's  Ferry,  on 
Rock  River,  May  1.5th,  1833,  learned  that  a 
l)arty  of  two  hundred  and  seventy-five  men, 
under  Major  Stillman,  had  been  attacked  at 
Sycamore  Creek  on  the  y)ref-eding  day,  while 
incautiouslj'  marching  after  the  Indians,  and 
lost  a  great  many  of  their  number,  the  Indians 
having  suffered  but  little. 

The  cholera  broke  out  among  the  troops  in 
July,  and  whole  companies  were  nearly  broken 
up  ;  in  one  instance,  nine  only  surviving  out  of 
a  corps  of  two  hundred  and  eight.  Twelve 
Indians  were  killed  by  General  Dodge's  men  at 
(Jalena,  and  sixteen  others  afterwards  fell  by 
his  arms,  about  forty  miles  from  Fort  Winne- 
bago. Meanwhile,  General  Atkinson,  with  au 
army  greatly  superior  to  that  of  Black  Ilnwk, 
pursued  him  through  trackless  forests,  always 
finding  himself  no  nearer  his  enemy  at  the  end 
of  his  journey  than  ho  had  been  at  its  com- 
mencement. Finally,  however,  Black  Hawk, 
seeing  the  necessity  of  his  escape,  and  that  it 
could  not  be  etiecti'<l  with  his  whole  force,  sent, 
his  women  and  children  down  the  Mississippi 
in  boats,  many  of  wliich  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  whites.  About  four  hundred  of  them  wero 
encamped  on  Bad  Axe  River,  where  they  were 
discovered,  on  the  1st  of  August,  by  the  steam- 
boat Warrior,  which  had  been  sent  up  the  Mis- 
sissip])i  with  a  small  Ibrce  on  board,  in  hopes  of 
tinding  them.  In  the  action  which  ensued, 
twenty-three  Indians  were  killed  and  many 
wounded,  without  any  loss  to  the  troops.  Al'ter 
the  fight,  the  W.arrior  returned  to  Prairie  du 
Chien,  and,  Before  she  could  return  next  morn- 
ing. General  Atkinson  had  engaged  the  Indians. 
The  Warrior  joined  the  contest,  and  the  Indians 
retreated  with  considerable  loss,  thirty-six  of 
their  women  and  children  being  taken.  Kight 
of  the  trooi)swere  killed,  and  seventeen  wound- 
ed in  this  engagement.  Black  Hawk  was  now 
pursued  over  Wisconsin,  and  overtaken  in  an 
advantageous  position  at  the  foot  of  a  precipice, 
over  which  the  army  had  to  p.ass.  The  In- 
dians fought  with  the  fury  of  tigers,  leaving  one 
covert  for  another,  and  were  only  routed  at  the 
point  of  the  bayonet.  Notwithstanding  tho 
smallness  of  his  foree,  which  si-arcely  numbered 
three  hundred  men.  Black  Hawk  maintained 
the  battle  for  three  hours,  when  he  barely  es- 
caped, with  the  lo.ss  of  all  his  papers,  and  one 
hundred  and  fifty  of  his  bravest  warriors,  among 
wliom  was  Newpop,  his  second  in  command. 
A  party  of  Sioux  now  volunteered  to  pursue 
the  remainder  of  the  enemy,  of  whom  they  suc- 
ceeded in  killing  about  one  hundred  and  twenty. 
The  great  chief  liim.solf  was  finally  captured  by 
a  party  of  Wiiinebagoes,  and  given  up  to  Gen- 
eral Street,  at  Prairie  du  Chien.  Treaties  wero 
then  made  with  the  rest  of  the  Sacs,  the  Foxes, 
and  the  Winnebagoes,  by  which  the  United 
Slates  acipiired  some  very  valuable  lands  oa 
lavorablo  terms, —  Black  Hawk,  his  two  sons, 
and  six  of  the  principal  chiefs  were  retained  a.s 
hostages.  The  chief  and  his  son  were  carried 
to  Washington  to  visit  the  IVcsideut,  receiving 
many  valuable  i)resonts  on  their  route.  They 
returned  to  their  homes  by  way  of  Detroit,  and 
were  liberated  at  Fort  Armstrong,  Rock  Island, 
ill  Illinois,  in  August,  1833.  He  having  been 
by  the  treaty  deposed,  Keokuk  was  made  chief 
of  tho  tribe,  and  Black  Hawk  settled  on  the 
Mis,sissii)pi. 

In  the  early  part  of  the  year  1837,  GencraJ 
Santa  Anna,  "who  had  been  taken  prisouer  at 
the  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  and  subsequently  ob- 
tained his  liberty  from  his  Texan  ciiptors,  viiileil 


UNITED  STATES. 


533 


Washington,  whence,  after  a  short  stay,  he  sailed 
for  ^[exico,  in  a  United  States  vessel  of  war. 

On  the  4th  of  March,  the  term  of  General 
Jackson's  presidency  expired,  and  Martin  Van 
Buren,  whose  views  of  general  ])oIicy  coincided 
witli  those  of  his  predecessor,  took  posse-^sion  of 
the  chair.  After  issuing  a  valedictory  address, 
the  late  President  retired  to  his  residouce  in 
Tennessee. 

CHAPTER  XXin. 
YAN  BUEEN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

Leaving  the  honors  and  cares  of  government 
to  his  successor,  President  Jackson  delivered  to 
iiis  countrymen  a  valedictory  address  ;  and  nearly 
at  the  same  time  appeared  the  inaugural  speech 
of  the  new  President: — 

••  Unlike  all  tliat  liave  preceded  me,"  was  the 
Iauj,iiage  of  this  manifesto,  "  tlie  revolution  that 
gave  ns  existence  as  a  nation,  was  aclneved  at 
tlie  jjcriod  of  my  birth  ;  and  whilst  I  contetn- 
jilato,  with  grateful  reverence,  that  memorable 
event,  I  feel  that  I  belong  to  a  later  age,  and 
that  1  may  not  expect  my  countrymen  to  weigh 
my  actions  with  the  same  kind  and  partial 
hand." 

The  new  President  was  scarcely  seated  in  his 
chair,  when  the  storm,  so  long  collecting  itself, 
burst  upon  the  commercial  classes.  It  was  at 
New  Orleans,  that  the  first  failures,  of  any  con- 
sequence, were  declared ;  but  New  York  fol- 
lowed :  the  banks  found  the  demands  upon  their 
funds  increase  with  frightful  rapidity,  while, 
what  was  yet  more  ominous,  their  circulation 
returned  upon  them,  'the  alarm  broke  out  into 
a  paruc ;  then  came  a  general  "  run  "  upon  the 
banks ;  and  a  few  days  more  sufficed  to  bring 
about  the  almost  universal  suspension  of  cash 
payments.  It  has  been  computed  that  in  New 
York  no  less  than  two  hundred  and  fifty  houses 
stoi)i)ed  payment  in  the  course  of  the  tirst  three 
weeks  in  April.  The  banks  of  that  city,  Phila- 
delphia, Boston,  Baltimore,  Albany,  and  others, 
ceased  to  pay  specie.  The  mammoth  Bank  of 
the  United  States  itself  bent  to  the  tempest,  and 
imitated  the  example  of  the  rest. 

A  meeting  of  the  citizens  of  New  York  was 
held,  a  committee  appointed  to  wait  upon  the 
President,  and  request  him  to  annul  the  .specie 
circular,  to  postpone  commencing  actions  upon 
the  unpaid  bonds,  and  call  an  extra  session  of 
Congress.  Their  address  to  him  stated,  tliat 
''  under  a  deep  impression  of  confining  their 
declarations  within  moderate  limits,  they  affirm- 
ed, that  the  value  of  their  real  estate  had,  with- 
in the  last  six  months,  depreciated  more  than 
forty  millions  of  doUars ;  that  within  the  preced- 
ing two  months  there  had  been  more  than  two 
hundred  and  hfty  failures  of  houses  engaged  in 
extensive  business  ;  that  witliin  the  same  period 
a  decline  of  twenty  millions  had  occurred  in 
their  local  stocks,  including  those  railroad  and 
canal  incorporations,  which,  though  chartered  in 
other  States,  depended  chiefly  upon  New  York 
for  their  sale  ;  that  the  immense  amount  of  mer- 
chandise in  their  warehouses  bad,  within  the 
same  period,  fallen  in  value  at  least  thirty  per 
cent. ;  that  within  a  few  weeks  not  less  than 
twi^uty  thousand  individuals,  depending  upon 
their  daily  labor  for  their  daily  bread,  had  been 
discharged  by  their  employers,  because  the 
means  of  retaining  them  were  exhausted ;  and 
tJiat  a  complete  blight  had  fallen  upon  a  com- 
munity heretofore  so  active,  enterprising,  and 
prosperous  :  the  errors  of  our  rulers,"  they  said, 
"  had  produced  a  wider  desolation  than  the  pes- 
tilence which  depopulated  our  streets,  or  the 
conflagration  which  laid  them  in  ashes." 

The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  as  soon  as  the 
suspension  of  cash  payments  became  general, 
gave  orders  to  the  revenue  collectors,  to  receive 
uothiug  but  specie,  or  paper  convertible  into 
•pecie  on  demand,  in  payment  of  the  revenue 


bonds,  given  by  traders  in  the  course  of  busi- 
ness. Meanwhile  the  distress  spread  like  a  pes- 
tilence through  the  various  ra:iiitications  of 
society.  Public  works,  railways,  and  canals, 
were  brought  to  a  stand ;  the  s]di)wright  ami 
builder  dismissed  their  men ;  the  manufacturer 
closed  his  doors ;  one  sentiment  pervaded  all 
classes,  the  anticipation  of  universal  ruin,  and 
individual  beggarj\  The  administration  made 
several  endeavors  to  restore  the  financial  afl'airs 
of  the  country  to  their  former  condition,  and  an 
extra  session  of  Congress  was  convened  on  the 
4th  of  September  ;  the  President,  in  his  message, 
confining  himself  to  the  financial  condition  of 
the  country.  The  friends  of  the  administration 
triumphed  in  the  election  for  Speaker  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  Mr  Polk  being  re- 
elected. A  bill  was  passed  suspending  the  pay- 
ment of  the  fourth  iiistalment  of  surplus  reve- 
nue to  the  States,  until  the  1st  of  January,  1839. 

Another  bill  was  passed,  authorizing  the  issue 
of  treasury  notes,  equal  to  any  deficiency  that 
might  ensue,  with  four  millions  of  dollars  by 
way  of  reserve,  at  any  rate  of  interest  not  ex- 
ceeding six  per  cent.,  to  be  fixed  by  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury.  A  bill  for  the  extension  of  the 
payment  of  revenue  bonds,  for  a  short  period, 
and  another,  authorizing  the  warehousing  in 
bond  of  imported  goods,  for  a  term  not  exceed- 
ing three  years,  were  also  passed  during  the  ses- 
sion. 

But  a  bill,  organizing  a  Sub-treasury  System, 
whereby  the  nation  should  become  its  own 
banker,  which  the  friends  of  the  administration 
made  great  eflbrts  to  carry,  was  lost  in  the 
House  of  Representatives;  after  a  very  warm 
debate,  that  House  resolved  to  postpone  the  fur- 
ther consideration  of  the  measure  until  the  next 
session.  The  war  with  the  Seminole  Indians 
continued  during  the  year  to  employ  the  arms 
of  the  United  States  in  Florida.  The  troops 
succeeded  in  taking  the  great  chief  Osceola,  or 
Powell,  whose  capture,  it  was  thought,  would  be 
followed  by  the  submission  of  his  tribe.  Treaties 
were  concluded  with  Siam  and  iluscat,  which 
promised  considerable  commercial  benefit. 

Congress  reassembled  on  the  4th  of  Decembe 
when  the  President  sent  in  his  message,  in  whicli 
the  relations  with  Mexico,  which  had  recently 
become  confused,  the  finances,  foreign  relations, 
Indian  affairs,  military  and  naval  matters,  and 
the  post-office,  were  treated  at  some  length. 
The  message  concluded  by  inviting  Congress  to 
a  thorough  and  careful  revision  of  the  local  gov- 
ernment and  interests  of  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia, which  had  been  "  left  to  linger  behind  the 
rest  of  the  Union ;  its  codes,  civil  and  criminal, 
being  not  only  detective,  but  full  of  obsolete  or 
inconvenient  provisions ;  "  and  the  District,  al- 
though selected  as  the  seat  of  the  Legislature, 
had  never  received  "  that  special  and  compre- 
hensive legislation,"  which  its  situation  i)articu- 
larly  demanded.  The  annual  re[)ort  of  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  Treasury  was  received,  in  which  the 
receipts  for  the  year  a\  ere  estimated  at  nearly 
twenty-three  millions,  five  hundred  thousand  dol- 
lars, which,  added  to  the  surplus  remaining  in 
the  treasury  in  1836,  gave  the  sum  of  sixty-nine 
millions,  four  hundred  thousand  dollars,  in  his 
hands.  The  expenses  of  the  year  when  met, 
would  reduce  that  sum  to  about  one  half  its 
present  amount. 

During  the  early  part  of  tlie  session  of  Con- 
gress, the  Canadian  rebellion,  and  the  border 
conflicts  to  which  it  gave  rise,  occupied  the  at- 
tention of  that  body,  whose  proceedings  were 
marked  by  a  becoming  forbearance,  even  at  a 
moment  when  out  of  doors  the  excitement  of 
the  more  inflammable  portion  of  the  community 
was  at  its  height.  The  President  forbade,  by 
proclamation,  tiie  interference  of  American  citi- 
zens in  the  war,  and  ordered  the  United  States 
Marshal  to  execute  warrautJ  upon  all  those  who 
should  violate  the  national  neutrality.  General 


Scott  was  ordered  to  the  frontier  with  a  portion 
of  the  New  York  troops.  But,  whilst  these 
eflbrts  were  making,  an  affair  occurred  on  iho 
frontier,  which  j)roduced  much  ill-feeling  for  a 
time,  throughout  the  United  States.  A  party  of 
the  Patriots  had  made  a  rendezvous  on  Navy 
Isl.md,  in  the  Niagara  River,  ojjposite  to  which, 
on  the  American  .side,  was  a  small  village,  de- 
nominated Fort  Schlosser.  On  the  night  of  the 
•28th  of  December,  a  small  steandjoat,  called  Iho 
Caroline,  was  moored  there,  iiiteiligenco  of 
which  was  conveyed  to  Colonel  M'N^ah,  com- 
mander of  the  Canadian  militia  on  the  opposite 
side.  He  had  suspected  her  of  carryisig  ammu- 
nition and  supplies  to  the  Patriots,  and  he  re- 
solved to  destroy  her.  He  accordingly  de- 
spatched a  party  of  militia  in  boats  for  this  pur- 
pose. After  a  short  .scutlle,  they  became  juastere 
of  the  vessel,  and  then  setting  her  on  fire,  they 
suffered  her  to  drift  in  flames  down  tlie  Falls  of 
Niagai-a.  Several  persons  were  killed  in  the 
aftray.  This  circumstance  occasioned  a  corres- 
pondence between  the  Secretary  of  State  and 
Mr.  Fox,  the  British  minister  at  Wii-shington,  of 
rather  an  angry  nature;  and  after  a  long  debate, 
a  bill  for  the  preservation  of  neutrality  was 
passed  by  Congress,  and  the  matter  dropped. 

A  bill  giving  a  right  of  pre-emption  to  the 
first  settlers  on  unoccupied  i)ublic  jands,  wae 
passed  during  the  ses.sion,  in  conformity  with  the 
recommendation  of  the  President.  The  Sub- 
treasury  bill,  one  of  the  cardinal  ])oints  of  policy 
of  the  Van  Buren  party,  was  again  debated  at 
fidl  length,  and  passed  the  Senate;  but  its  recep- 
tion in  the  House  of  Representatives  was  less 
favoi-able;  and  in  June,  it  was  ultimately  re- 
jected by  a  vote  of  one  hundred  and  twenty-five 
to  one  Imndred  and  eleven.  During  this  year 
(1838),  the  banks  througliout  the  United  States 
generally  resumed  specie  payments.  The  effects 
of  the  commercial  catjistroplie  were  rapidly  sub- 
siding; credit  revived,  the  prospects  of  trade  in 
the  autumn  were  encouraging,  and  the  harvest 
was  abundant.  In  the  fall,  the  elections  held 
tliroughout  the  Union,  continued  the  change  in 
the  members  of  the  Van  Buren  party  in  Con- 
gress, whicii  had  been  commenced  in  1837,  and 
the  administration  found  itself  likely  to  lose  even 
the  small  majority  which  remained. 

The  contest  between  the  State  of  Maine  and 
Great  Britain  respecting  the  north-eastern  boun- 
dary, began  in  the  cour.se  of  the  year  to  a^ssume 
a  threatening  aspect.  The  north-we.stern  boun- 
daries were  fixed  by  a  treaty  with  Rus.-ia,  and 
land  added. to  the  territory  of  the  United  States 
h}'  the  removal  of  the  tribe  of  Cherokees  west 
of  the  -Mississippi.  The  war  with  the  Serainoles 
still  continued.  Texas  withdrew  her  application 
for  admission  into  the  Union  ;  but  her  consul  at 
New  Orleans  was  recognized  by  the  President 
who  issued  a  public  notice,  according  to  him  the 
enjoyment  ot  all  such  functions  and  privileges 
as  are  allowed  to  consuls  of  the  most  favored 
nations.  At  the  end  of  the  year,  when  the 
second  Canadian  outbreak  occurred,  a  new  pro- 
clamation was  issued  by  the  President,  calling 
on  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  to  preserve 
neutrality,  and  declaring  tlie  protection  of  the 
country  forfeited  by  those  who  should  invade 
the  territory  of  Great  Britain  with  hostile  in- 
tentions. 

A  convention  for  fixing  the  boundaries  of  the 
United  States  and  Texas  was  concluded  at  \\  ash- 
ington,  on  the  25th  of  April.  Treatias  had  been 
concludeil  between  the  United  States  and  the 
Peru-Bolivian  confederation,  and  also  with  the 
King  of  Greece. 

In  his  message  to  Congress  on  the  rcassem- 
bliug  of  that  body,  the  President  touched  upoc 
the  removal  of  many  of  the  Indians  west  of  the 
Mississippi.  He  then  stated  that  no  official  com- 
munications had  j)assed  between  the  government 
and  the  cabinet  -jf  Great  Britain,  since  the  laet 
communication  to  Coutrress.    The  Prcsider-t 


33« 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


was,  however,  assured  that  tlHsofVer  toncfiotiate 
a  ronveiition  for  tlie  .'ipiiointnient  of  a  Joint  coin- 
mission  of  survey  and  exploration,  would  be 
met  on  the  part  of  licr  .Majesty's  government  in 
a  conciliatory  spirit,  and  jirove,  if  successful,  to 
bo  an  important  step  towards  the  linal  adjust- 
ment of  tiie  controversy. 

The  discussion  of  the  question  of  the  abolition 
of  slavery  had  at  length  been  completely  pre- 
clude I  by  an  act  of  Congress,  which  passed,  at 
the  beginning  of  the  session,  a  series  of  resolu- 
tions to  that  ellect  by  the  overwhelming  major- 
ity of  one  Imndred  and  ninety-eight  to  six.  The 
excited  feelings  created  by  the  recent  collision  of 
the  citizens  of  the  United  States  and  the  subjects 
of  Victoria,  on  the  borders  of  Lower  Canada, 
had  scarcely  subsided,  when  the  relations  of  the 
two  countries  were  once  more  in  the  way  of  be- 
coming gravely  compromised  by  occurrences  in 
the  contested  district  between  Maine  and  New 
Brunswick.  It  would  appear  that  towards  the 
end  of  January,  1838,  a  numerous  band  of  British 
subjects  invaded  the  portion  of  the  British  terri 
tory  in  dispute  between  the  United  States  and 
Great  Britain,  Avhich  is  watered  by  the  river 
Aroostook,  and  committed  extensive  depreda- 
tions by  cutting  down  the  timber.  Au  armed 
force  was  sent  into  the  district  to  hinder  the 
carrying  ofi"  of  the  timber.  This  done  they  were 
Ki)  return  home  ;  but  for  the  seizure  of  Mr. 
^'Intyre,  the  American  land  agent,  when  he 
was  in  the  act  of  putting  himself  into  communi- 
cation with  the  agent  aijpoiiited  by  Sir  .J.  Har- 
vey, Governor  of  New  Brunswick,  to  watch  the 
trespassers  whom  the  olliccr  of  Maine  had  been 
comniissioned  to  drive  off.  In  retaliation,  the 
English  warden,  Mr.  M'Laughlin,  was  now  ar- 
rested, and  conveyed  as  a  hostage  to  Hangor. 
These  [)roceedings  were  followed  by  some  angry 
correspondence  between  Governor  Fairfield  and 
Sir  Joliu  Harvey,  and  the  i)eoplc  of  both  States 
began  seriously  to  prepare  for  hostilities. 

Both  prisoners  were,  however,  soon  liberated 
on  jiarole,  and  the  discussion  transterreil  to 
Washington.  Several  letters  passed  between 
Mr.  Fox,  the  British  minister,  and  ,Mr.  Forsyth, 
whidi,  with  a  message  tiom  the  rresident,  were 
laid  before  Congress.  Many  speeches  were  made 
in  that  body  ;  several  of  the  members  advocat- 
ing a  forcible  occupancy  of  the  territory,  whilst 
the  others  were  more  pacifically  inclined.  The 
debate  in  both  hou.ses  closed  by  referring  the 
matter  to  the  committee  on  foreign  alliiirs,  who 
recommended  in  their  rei)ort  that  power  should 
be  given  to  the  Brcsident  to  raise  a  provii^ional 
army  during  the  Congressional  recess  ;  that  ap- 
proi)riations  should  be  made  for  fortilicatious, 
and  the  immediate  repair  and  building  of  new- 
vessels  of  War,  and  that  the  President  sliould  lie 
instructed  to  repel  any  invasion  of  the  territory 
of  tlie  Union  in  .Maine.  It  was  moreover  re- 
commended, that  a  special  minister  should  be 
Rent  to  Euglan'!.  The  session  of  Congress 
shortly  after  came  to  an  end.  The  war  excite- 
ment in  the  north-cast  soon  began  to  subside, 
and  Messrs.  Kudge  and  I'eatlierstonhaugh  were 
Bubsei|uently  sent  out  by  llie  British  government 
to  conduct  a  new  investigation  of  the  still  de- 
batable territory. 

Great  dismay  was  created  in  the  commercial 
world  towards  the  close  of  the  year,  by  the 
Huspeiision  of  specie  payments  on  the  part  of  tiie 
I'nited  States  Bank,  on  the  5lh  of  October. 
Her  cxamiflo  was  followed  by  all  the  banks  in 
New  York,  Bhilailolphia,  Baltimore,  Virginia, 
and  the  juteiior  of  I'ennsylvania. 

The  residt  of  the  election  which  occurred 
during  tlio  rece.sp  of  Congress  wu8,  that  the 
(iMVernmcnt  had  a  «mall  majority  in  that  body; 
but  the  two  partie.i  were  ne  irly  eiiually  balanced 
\>i  the  Ilouscof  lieiiieseiitatives,  until  the  middle 
of.luly,  when  live  members  of  the  New  .Jer.sey 
delegation,  whose  seals  iiad  been  contested,  were 
uddiid  to  iho  udmiuistration  party,  who  thus 


gained  the  ascendency.  On  the  24th  of  Decern-, 
ber,  1839,  the  President's  mes.sage  was  deliver- j 
cd,  and  received  the  first  action  of  Congress.  It 
stated  that  with  foreign  countries,  the  relations 
of  the  government  continued  amicable.  He  re- 
ferred to  the  arrival  of  the  conunissioners  of 
exploration  and  survey  of  the  north-eastern 
boundary.  He  also  stated  that  the  troubles  in 
Canada  had  ceased.  Treaties  of  commerce  had 
been  made  with  the  King  of  Sardinia,  and  the 
King  of  the  Netherlands.  The  relations  with 
Mexico  and  Texas  were  touched  upon,  together 
with  finance,  the  ])Ost-office,  and  the  best  method 
of  keeping  the  public  revenue.  More  than  half 
of  the  message  was  occupied  with  a  discussion 
on  the  evils  of  the  American  banking  system, 
and  a  statement  of  the  "  constitutional"  as  well 
as  other  objections  entertained  by  him  to  the 
establishment  of  a  National  Bank,  while  at  the 
same  time,  he  proi)Osed  that  the  i)ublic  revenue 
should  be  kept  in  a  separate  and  independent 
treasury,  and  collected  in  gold  and  silver.  The 
Maine  and  New  Brunswick  boundarj'  question 
continued  this  year  still  to  keep  up  a  feeling 
of  irritation  between  England  and  America — and 
a  long  and  recriminatory  correspondence  on  the 
subject  took  place  in  the  month  of  March,  be- 
tween Mr.  Fox,  the  English  minister,  and 
Mr.  Forsyth.  It  was  concluded  by  Mr.  Fox,  in 
a  brief  reply  to  Mr.  Forsyth's  last  letter,  stating 
that  he  would  transmit  the  communication  to 
her  majesty's  government  in  England,  and  that 
until  he  received  in.structions  from  home,  he 
would  not  engage  in  correspondence  on  the  sub- 
ject. In  June  ho  addressed  another  letter  to 
.Mr.  Forsyth,  in  which  he  stated  that  the  most 
prominent  among  the  causes  of  failure  in  p.ist 
negotiations,  had  been  a  want  of  correct  informa- 
tion as  to  the  topographical  features  and  phy- 
sical character  of  the  country  in  dispute.  In 
consequence  of  his  statements,  and  the  recom- 
mendation of  the  President,  a  bill  was  pa.sscd  in 
Congress,  ai)propriating  twenty-five  thous.md 
dollars  towards  the  exjjcnses  of  the  survey  of  the 
disi)uted  territory. 

During  the  vacation  of  Congress,  the  election 
t'or  President  was  held  ;  Martin  Van  Buren  and 
William  Henry  Harrison,  being  the  two  candi- 
dates. The  choice  of  the  nation  fell  upon 
General  Harrison,  who  was  elected  by  a  large 
majority. 

The  negotiations  respecting  the  boundaries 
of  the  United  States  and  the  British  Provinces, 
and  of  the  United  States  and  Texas,  were  stated 
by  the  President  in  his  message  to  Congress 
in  January,  1841,  to  be  in  a  state  of  progression. 
The  state  of  the  public  finances,  and  the  re- 
duction of  expenditures  during  his  administra- 
tion were  dwelt  upon,  nnd  he  closed  with  a  long 
vindication  of  his  own  financial  policy.  But 
little  busine.ss  was  done  during  the  session  of 
Congress,  which  closed  on  tlie  2d  of  March, 
and  on  the  4th,  William  Henry  Harrison  was 
inaugurated  President,  and  John  Tyler,  of  Vir- 
ginia, Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 

CIIAl'TER  XXIT. 

HABKISONU  ADMINISTKATION. 

Unlimited  confidence  in  the  ability  nnd  in- 
tegrity of  the  new  President  appears  to  have 
been  entertained  by  the  jieople.  He  was  elected 
by  a  majority  so  decisive  as  to  leave  no  doubt 
respecting  their  disi)Osition  towards  himself. 
General  Harri.son,  coming  into  olfico  by  the 
sult'rages  of  a  ])arty  in  direct  opposition  to 
that  which  elected  and  had  sustained  his  prede- 
cessor, reorganized  the  cabinet  by  a])pointing 
Mr.  Webster,  of  Jlas.sachusctts,  to  the  olfice 
of  Secretary  of  State,  and  Mr.  Ewing,  of  Ohio, 
to  that  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  while 
.Mr.  Bell,  of  Tennessee,  and  Mr.  Badger,  ot 
North  Carolina,  wore  ai>pointed  to  preside  over 


the  departments  of  war  and  the  navy.  Numer- 
ous other  changes  in  the  executive  oflire« 
were  made,  and  a  total  change  in  administrative 
measures  was  anticipated.  The  state  of  the  com- 
mercial and  financial  relations  of  the  country 
were  considered  to  bo  so  critical,  that  i  special 
session  of  Congress  was  ordered  for  the  puri)os« 
of  taking  those  steps,  which  were  deemed  essen- 
tial to  the  restoration  of  credit  and  confidence 
among  the  trading  and  manufacturing  cla.s-se.s,  and 
increasing  the  reward  of  agricultural  industry. 

In  the  inaugural  address  of  General  Harrison, 
his  views  of  the  principles  of  the  American  gov- 
ernment were  fully  explained,  and  his  determina- 
tion to  carry  their  execution  into  effect,  solemn- 
ly expressed.  In  concluding  bis  address,  he  says, 
"  Fellow  citizens  :  being  fully  invested  with  that 
high  oftiee  to  which  the  parti.olity  of  my  coun- 
trymen has  called  me,  I  now  take  an  atiectiou- 
ate  leave  of  you.  Yon  will  bear  with  you,  to 
your  homes,  the  remembrance  of  the  pledge  I 
have  this  day  given,  to  discharge  all  the  high 
duties  of  my  exalted  station  according  to  the 
best  of  my  ability  ;  and  I  shall  enter  upon  their 
performance  with  entire  confidence  in  the  suji- 
I)ort  of  a  just  nnd  generous  people." 

But  these  professions,  and  this  system  of  pol- 
icy, General  Harrison  was  destined  never  to 
have  the  opportunity  of  realizing — His  elevation 
to  the  high  office  of  First  Miigistrate  of  the  Un- 
ion, furnishes  a  striking  .and  melancholy  exam- 
])le  of  the  uncertainty  of  human  greatness;  for 
on  the  morning  of  the  4tli  of  April,  before  he 
had  delivered  to  Congress  a  single  message,  he 
exjiired  at  Washington. 

General  Harrison  was  in  the  sixty-ninth  year 
of  his  age;  he  died  within  one  month  of  his  in- 
auguration, and  was  the  first  President  who  died 
in  office.  On  the  5tli  of  April  the  pnblic  were 
admitted  to  view  the  remains  of  the  late  Presi- 
dent. His  corpse  was  placed  in  a  leaden  cofiin, 
with  a  roofed  lid,  and  a  glass  cover  over  it.  The 
whole  was  covered  with  a  black  velvet  pall, 
trimmed  with  silver  lace.  The  funeral  took 
place  on  the  7tli.  The  corpse  was  borne  from 
the  President's  house,  and  was  deposited  in  the 
Congregaiiored  Cemetery.  The  order  of  the  cere- 
mony was  very  imiwsing;  the  procession  ex- 
tended over  two  miles  of  space,  and  was  the  long- 
est ever  witnes.<ed  in  Washington. 

A  sentiment  of  the  profoundest  grief  pervaded 
every  jiart  of  the  Union  on  this  melancholy  oc- 
casion. A  national  fast  was  proclaimed ;  and 
the  affection  and  respect  of  the  people  were  testi* 
tied  by  every  species  of  public  demonstration. 

CHAPTER  XSV. 

TTLEK"8  ADMINISTEATION. 

According  to  the  Constitution,  Mr.  Tyler  now 
became  President ;  he  arrived  at  Washington  on 
the  5th  of  April,  1841,  and  Wixs  immediately 
sworn  into  oftice.  Mr.  Southard,  who  had  been 
elected  President  of  the  Senate,  pro  tempore,  a 
few  days  before  the  chise  of  the  last  session  of 
Congress,  became  Vice-President.  On  the  8th 
the  new  President  issued  an  address,  suited  to 
the  occasion,  in  which,  after  lamenting  the 
decease  of  General  Harrison,  he  exi)ressed  his 
intention  of  carrying  into  practice  during  his 
administration  of  the  government,  what  he  con- 
ceived to  have  been  that  gentleman's  principles. 
The  cabinet  chosen  by  General  Harrison,  waa 
retained  in  office. 

On  the  31st  of  ilay,  the  Twenty-Seventh  Con- 
gress of  the  United  States  assembled  at  Washing- 
ton, when  Mr.  AYliito,  of  Kentucky,  a  member 
of  the  administration  i)arty,  waa  chosen  Spesik- 
er  of  the  House  of  Kcpresentatives,  by  a  major- 
ity of  tiiirty-seveii.  A  message  wjis  transmitted 
to  Coiigre"s.s,  in  which  the  I'residcnt  jiroi>osed 
'  that  the  nation  should  reimburse  the  family  cl 
General  Harrison,  for  the  expenses  ho  must  have 


UNITED  STATES. 


S3? 


incurred  in  taking  office  for  so  short  !i  time.  His 
views  with  regard  to  foreign  ])olioy  were  of  a 
liacilio  eliarai-ter,  arid  no  important  elianges  liad 
taken  place  iti  foreign  relations,  since  the  last 
session  of  Congress.  lie  stated  that  the  censns 
shows  tlie  ]io])ulation  to  be  seventeen  millions, 
and  that  it  had  doubled  in  twenty  three  years. 

Several  important  subjects  were  presented  for 
consideration  during  the  special  session  of  Con- 
gress— a  bill  for  estal)lishing  a  new  Bank  of  tlie 
United  States,  however,  which  was  considered 
the  cardinal  measure  of  the  session,  was  defeated 
by  the  President's  refusal  of  his  signature — a 
second  bill  was  prepared,  after  consult.ation  be- 
tween the  President,  his  caljinet,  and  certain 
:nembers  of  the  house  of  Representatives;  and 
wlien  this  bill  was  defeated,  b_v  a  second  exer- 
cise of  tl;e  negative  ])0v,-er,  all  the  members  of 
the  cabinet,  except  'Mr.  Webster,  resigned  their 
oiiices — The  elevated  cliaracter  of  the  Secretary 
of  State  did  not  prevent  his  motives  for  retain- 
ii  g  oliice  from  being  sternlj'  questioned  at  the 
time;  but  it  is  now  considered  a  most  fortunate 
circumstance  for  the  country  that  ho  did  not 
abandon  his  post.  The  importance  of  his  sub- 
sequent services  in  arranging  tlje  terms  of 
treaty  with  Great  Britain,  are  universallj'  recog- 
nized. 

Animated  discussions  took  place  upon  the  case 
of  Alexander  McLeod,  who  had  been  arrested  in 
New  York  and  committed,  on  the  charge  of  being 
concerned  in  the  attack  upon  tlie  Caroline,  and 
tlie  murder  of  Durfee,  an  American  citizen,  one 
of  the  jiarties  killed  on  that  occasion.  Ilis  re- 
lease was  demanded  by  the  British  minister,  who 
figiiitied  that  a  compliance  with  his  demand  was 
essential  to  the  preservation  of  the  good  under- 
standing which  had  hitherto  been  manifested 
between  the  two  countries.  The  President  re- 
fused to  comply  with  the  ilemand,  and  much  ex- 
citement was  felt  throughout  the  country.  The 
trial  of  McLeod  took  place  at  TJtica,  in  the  State 
of  New  York,  in  October,  and  he  was  acquitted, 
an  alibi  having  beeen  sworn  in  evidence.  Thus 
terminated  tliis  nnpleasant  atTair,  which  seemed 
likely  at  one  time  to  involve  the  two  nations  in 
a  war,  and  excited  angry  feelings  on  both  sides 
of  the  Atlantic. 

Before  the  close  of  the  special  session.  Con- 
gress passed  a  bill  for  the  distribution  of  the 
I>roceeds  of  the  public  lands,  which  received  the 
ussent  of  the  President.  This  jneasure  had  for 
many  years  been  urged  upon  Congress  by  Henry 
Clay,  who  had  repeatedly  prepared  bills  for  tlie 
purpose,  one  of  wliich  was  passed  by  both 
branches  of  the  national  legislature,  but  was  de- 
feated by  the  omission  of  President  Jackson  to 
return  it  with  his  signature  before  the  close  of 
the  session. 

On  the  reassembling  of  Congress  at  the  close  of 
the  year,  an  important  subject  of  dispute  sprung 
up  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States, 
respecting,  the  "  right  of  search"  claimed  by  the 
former  power.  The  debate  was  brought  up  in 
Congress  by  a  clause  in  the  message  of  the  Pres- 
ident at  the  commencement  of  the  session,  ac- 
couiijanied  by  a  copy  of  correspondence  between 
Lords  Palmerston  and  Aberdeen,  and  Mr.  Stev- 
enson, the  American  minister  at  London.  The 
nature  of  this  dispute  will  be  best  understood 
from  Mr.  Stevenson's  own  account  of  it. 

"  The  government  of  Great  Britain,  with  that 
of  other  nations,  regarding  the  African  slave 
trade  as  a  great  evil,  united  in  measures  for  its 
abolition.  For  that  purpose  laws  were  passed 
and  treaties  concluded,  giving  to  the  vessels  of 
cacli  of  the  contracting  parties,  the  mutual  right 
of  search,  under  certain  limitations.  Independ- 
ent of  these  treaties,  and  under  the  principles  of 
public  law,  this  right  of  search  could  not  be  ex- 
ercised. The  United  States  were  invited  to  be- 
come a  party  to  these  treaties ;  but  for  reasons 
which  they  deemed  satisfactory,  and  growing 
out  of  the  peculiar  character  of  their  institu- 


tions and  .systems  of  government,  they  declined 
doing  so.  They  deemed  it  iuexi)edient,  under  any 
modilication  or  in  any  lorni,  to  yield  tlie  right  of 
liaving  their  vessels  searched  or  interfered  with 
in  time  of  i)eace,  upon  the  high  seas. 

"  In  the  mean  time,  some  of  the  Powers 
who  were  parties  to  these  treaties,  and  others 
who  refused  to  become  so,  continued  to  prose- 
cute their  slave  tratSc ;  and  to  enal>'e  them  t-j 
do  so  with  more  effect,  they  resorted  to  the  n-o 
ot  tlags  of  other  nations,  but  more  parti,  i- 
larly  that  of  the  United  States.  To  jirevent  ♦'.is, 
and  enforce  her  treaties.  Great  Britain  decned 
it  important  that  her  cruisers  in  the  African  seas 
should  have  the  right  of  detaining  and  examin- 
ing all  vessels  navigating  those  seas,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  ascertaining  their  national  character. 
Against  this  practice  the  government  of  tlie 
United  States  jjrotested,  and  tlie  numerous  cases 
out  of  which  the  present  discussion  has  arisen, 
became  sulyects  of  complaint  and  negotiation 
between  the  two  governments." 

A  circumstance  occurred  at  the  close  of  tlie 
previous  year,  connected  with  the  question  of 
the  right  of  search,  which  threatened  to  produce 
unpleasant  consequences,  and  make  its  settlement 
still  more  dithcult.  Some  negroes  had  been 
carried  ofl'  from  the  coast  of  Africa  by  a  Span- 
ish slaver  called  the  Armistad.  They  rose  in  re- 
volt during  the  middle  passage,  seized  the  ship, 
and  murdered  some  of  tlie  crew.  They  after- 
wards landed  in  tlie  United  States,  where  they 
were  tried  for  the  murders  and  acquitted.  In 
this  case  the  American  government  refused  to 
recognize  the  right  of  slave  trading,  and  decided 
that  any  kind  of  resistance  was  lawful  on  the 
part  of  of  those  who  were  forcibly  torn  from 
their  native  country.  The  Sjjanish  owners  de- 
manded that  the  slaves  should  be  given  up  to 
be  tried  in  a  territory  subject  to  the  crown  of 
Spain  ;  but  their  claim  was  disallowed. 

On  the  27th  of  October,  the  brig  Creole,  of 
Richmond,  Virginia,  bound  to  New^  Orleans, 
sailed  from  Hampton  Roads,  with  a  cargo  of 
merchandise,  and  about  one  iiundred  and  thirty- 
tive  slaves.  On  the  7th  of  November,  some  of 
them  rose  upon  the  crew  of  the  vessel,  murdered 
a  passenger  named  Howell,  who  owned  some  of 
them,  and  wounded  the  captain  dangerously. 
When  they  had  obtained  complete  possession, 
the  brig  was  taken  into  the  port  of  Nassau,  in 
the  island  of  New  Providence,  where  at  there- 
quest  of  the  American  consul,  a  guard  was  placed 
on  board  to  prevent  the  escape  of  the  mutineers. 
Nineteen  of  the  slaves  were  identified  as  having 
participated  in  the  deed,  and  they  were  placed 
in  confinement  until  further  orders.  The  re- 
mainder were  set  at  liberty,  notwithstanding  the 
demand  of  the  American  Consul  that  they  shouhl 
be  sent  to  the  United  States.  The  Governor 
of  New  Providence  justified  tliis  proceeding  on 
the  ground  that  the  slaves  became  free  on  laud- 
ing in  a  British  territory,  and  that  he  could  not 
recognize  any  right  of  dominion  over  them, 
claimed  by  American  owners.  An  earnest  re- 
monstrance was  raised  on  this  occasion  in  the 
Southern  States,  where  tlie  British  governnieut 
was  charged  with  abetting  piracy  and  murder. 
But  the  case  of  the  Armistad  furnished  a  prece- 
dent against  the  surrender  of  the  slaves  who 
mutinied  on  board  the  Creole.  The  result  was, 
that  the  nineteen  incarcerated  in  the  jail  at  Nas- 
sau were  not  given  up,  but  were  tried  there,  the 
rest  being  allowed  to  depart  wherever  they 
pleased. 

During  this  year  the  President  gave  proofs 
that  he  did  not  intend  to  allow  the  veto  with 
■vrliich  the  constitution  intrusted  him,  to  be  an 
'  ineffective  instrument  in  his  hands.  A  bill  for 
the  extension  of  the  celebrated  Compromise  Act, 
was  first  subjected  to  the  use  of  this  power ;  aud 
a  new  taritf  bill,  which  followed,  shared  the 
same  fate.  In  September,  however,  a  modified 
bill  was  passed,  to  which  ho  gave  his  consent. 


Ilis  independent  exercise  of  the  veto  jiowcr, 
howcAer,  gave  great  olfciice  to  the  parly  to 
wiiom  the  Pre.'-ident  owed  his  elevation  to  oliice; 
and  a  committee  was  ai'jiointed,  who  reported 
against  the  course  he  Jiad  jinrsiicd.  A  protest 
foHowed  on  the  j)art  of  (he  I'rcMdent,  in  which 
he  inveighs  against  the  unfairness  and  unconsti- 
tutionality of  the  report. 

As  several  questions  had  occurred  between  the 
British  and  American  cabinets,  of  an  irritating 
nature.  Sir  Robert  Peel  determined  to  send  Lord 
Ashburton  as  a  special  ambassador  to  the  United 
States,  clothed  with  full  powers  to  ell'ect  an  am- 
icable adjustment  of  all  cau.ses  of  disjjiite  between 
the  two  governments.  His  lordship  arrived  in 
New  York  on  the  1st  of  April,  and  jiroceeded  im- 
nieiiiately  to  ell'ect  the  object  of  his  mission.  Ho 
was  met  by  Mr.  Webster,  the  Secretary  of  State, 
on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  and  their  ne- 
gotiations were  brought  to  a  dose  in  August. 
On  the  9th  of  that  month  a  treaty  was  signed  by 
the  two  plenipotentiaries,  with  a  i)rovisi(m  that 
it  was  to  be  duly  ratified  and  a  mutual  e.xchangre 
of  ratifications  to  take  place  in  London,  in  six 
months  tVom  that  date.  By  this  tre.tly,  the  line 
of  the  Northeastern  Boundary  was  .settled  by  a 
minute  geographical  description  of  the  country 
through  which  it  was  to  run.  It  was  also  s\]\>- 
ulated  that  (ireat  Britain  and  the  United  States 
should  each  maintain  on  the  coa.st  of  Africa  a 
sullicient  squadron  or  naval  force,  carrying  not 
less  than  eighty  guns,  for  the  purpo.sc  oV  enforc- 
ing separately  and  resjiectively  the  laws,  rights, 
and  obligations  of  each  of  the  two  countries,  for 
the  suppression  of  the  slave  trade.  Both  jiarties 
to  the  treaty  also  agreed  to  unite  in  all  becoru 
ing  representations  and  remonstrances  with  those 
powers  within  whose  dominions  slave  markets 
were  allowed  to  exist ;  and  to  urge  upon  all  such 
powers  the  propriety  and  duty  of  closing  such 
markets  at  once  aud  for  ever. 

The  treaty  was  ratified  by  the  Senate  on  the 
•20th  of  August,  184:2,  and  on  the  31st  of  the 
same  month.  Congress  adjourned,  alter  a  labo- 
rious session,  in  which  were  passed  ninety-live 
public  acts,  thirteen  joint  resolutions,  and  one 
undred  and  eighty-nine  private  bilk  Two 
other  public  bills  were  passed,  which  were  de- 
feated by  the  veto  of  the  President,  and  two 
more  were  defeated  by  not  receiving  the  execu- 
tive approval  before  the  close  of  the  session. 

On  the  reassembling  of  Congress,  the  principal 
subject  of  attention  was  still  the  plan  for  the  Ex- 
chequer. That  which  was  jiresented  by  the 
Secretar}^  of  the  Treasury,  and  recommended  by 
the  President,  however,  was  rejected  by  the 
House  of  Representatives  (one  hundred  and 
ninety-three  to  eighteen),  .January  2yth,  1843. 

In  May,  1843,  Mr.  Webster  resigned  hisotlice, 
as  Secretiiry  of  State,  and  was  succeeded  by  Hugh 
S.  Legare,  Attorney  General,  who  died  soon  after 
at  Boston."  In  July,  1843,  the  cabinet  of  the 
President,  was  its  follows: — Abel  P.  Upshur,  of 
Virginia,  Secretary  of  Stale;  John  C.  Spencer, 
of  New  York,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury;  James 
.M.  Porter  of  Pennsylvania,  Secretary  of  War; 
David  llenshaw,  ot  Massacliusctts,  Secretary  of 
the  Navy ;  Charles  A.  Wicklilfe.  of  Kentucky^ 
Postmaster  General ;  John  Nelson,  of  rylaiid. 
Attorney  General.  Congress,  however,  at  its  nest 
session,  refused  to  confirm  the  nomination  of 
Messrs.  Porter  and  Uenshaw,  and  the  Presideut 
nominated  William  Wilkins,  of  Peimsylvania, 
Secretary  of  War;  and  Thomas  W.  tiilmer,  of 
Virginia,  for  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  who  were 
confirmed  by  the  Senate. 

Mr.  Ujishur,  the  Secretary  of  State,  and  Mr. 
Gilmer,  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  lost  their  lives 
by  the  oxplasion  of  one  of  the  large  guns  of 
the  Steamship  Princeton,  on  the  Potomac,  and 
Jno.  C.  Calhoun,  of  South  Carolina,  was  appointed 
Secretary  of  State,  and  John  Y.  .Ma.son,  of  Vir- 
ginia, Secretary  of  the  Navy.  Mr.  Spencer,  in 
May,  1844,  resigned  the  office  of  Secretary  of  th» 


5S8 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


Treasury,  and  was  succeeded  by  George  M.  Bibb, 
of  Kentucky. 

Anioup  the  most  important  events  at  the  close 
of  the  administration  oi  Mr.  Tyler,  was  the  ne- 
gotiation of  a  valuaLle  treaty  with  China,  by 
Caleb  Cushing,  the  comniisPioner  to  tliat  coun- 
try, in  1843;  and  the  aniioxation  of  Texas 
treaty,  made  at  Wasliington,  April  12th  18-4-4,  by 
Secretary  Calhoun,  on  t'le  ])art  of  the  United 
State-!,  and  Messrs.  Van  Zandt  and  Henderson, 
on  tlio  part  of  Texas.  Ilie  former  treaty  was 
confirmed  by  Congress,  but  tlie  latter  rejected  ; 
as  it  w;vs  evident  that  il  would  be  made  the 
Bteppin;;-stonc  to  Mr.  Tyler's  accession  to  a 
oecond  term. 

At  the  great  n;itional  convention  lield  in  Bal- 
timore, in  May,  1844,  Henry  Clay  of  Kentucky, 
and  Theodore  Frclingliuysen  of  New  Jersey', 
were  nominated  by  the  >vhigs  for  the  Presidency. 
Mr.  Van  Buren.  in  the  democratic  convention, 
received  a  plurality  ot  »'<tes,  but  being  oi)posed 
to  the  ;  iinexation  of  Texas,  was  not  nominated. 
After  eight  ballofings.  Ja.?'c-s  K.  Polk,  of  Tennes- 
Bce,  received  the  n.imiMation  lor  President,  and 
Silas  Wright,  of  New  York,  for  Vice  President ; 
but  on  liis  declination,  George  ^I.  Dallas  of  Penn- 
sylvania, was  chosen  in  his  stead. 

The  friends  of  Mr.  T\]?r  also  lield  a  convention 
about  the  same  time,  and  iie  was  placed  befoi-e 
the  people  as  a  candidate  for  re-election ;  but 
yielding  to  the  persuasions  of  his  friends,  he 
withdrew,  in  favor  of  Me-srs.  Polk  and  Dallas, 
who  were  elected  after  a  very  exciting  contest. 

On  the  1st  of  March,  181-5,  resolutions  were 
passed  by  Congress,  admitting  Texas  into  the 
Union,  and  which  were  apjirovcd  by  Mr.  Tyler. 
The  last  act  of  .Mr.  Tykr  w.-is  denominated  the 
pocket  veto,"'  which  ho  exercised  by  holding  the 
river  and  harlior  a[>iiropnati');i  bill  over  the  time 
F[)ccificd  by  tlie  constiLi'tioii.  The  administra- 
tion of  Mr.  'J'yier  ended  on  the  3d  of  March,  and 
ho  retired  from  office  without  the  regret  of 
either  party. 

CnAPTEE  XXTL 
POLK'S  ADMDJISiKATION. 

James  Knox  Polk  was  inangurated  President 
of  the  United  States,  on  the  4tli  of  March,  1)S45, 
in  the  presence  of  a  vast  concourse  of  ])eople 
from  all  ]iarts  of  tlie  United  States.  On  arriving 
at  the  caijitol,  the  President  elect  and  tlio  Ex- 
I'resident  entered  the  Senate  chamber.  A  pro- 
cession wa.s  liere  formed,  when  they  proceeded 
to  the  platform  on  the  east  front  of  the  cajiitol, 
from  which  Mr.  Polk  delivered  his  inaugural 
address. 

Chief  Justice  Taney  administered  the  oath  of 
office,  and  Mr.  Polk  devoted  the  remainder  of 
the  day  to  receiving  the  congratulations  of  his 
friends.  His  cabinet  consisted  of  James  Bu- 
chanan, of  Pennsylvania.  Secretary  of  State ; 
Robert  J.  AValkcr,  of  Mississii)i)i,  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury ;  W.  L.  ^farcy,  of  New  York,  Secretary 
of  War ;  ( Jeorge  Bancroft,  of  Massachusetts,  Sec- 
retary of  the  Navy ;  Cave  Johnson,  of  Tennessee, 
Postmaster-general;  and  John  Y.  Mason,  of  Vir- 
ginia, Attorney-general. 

The  first  act  of  imjiortance  of  the  new  admin- 
istration, was  the  fidlilment  of  the  annexation 
of  Texas.  The  terms  proposed  by  Congress,  at 
the  close  of  Tyler's  administration,  were  accepted 
by  Texas,  and  a  state  constitution  adojited,  and 
hhe  was  ready  for  admission  into  the  Union. 
President  Polk,  in  his  lirst  annual  message,  re- 
commended Congress  to  jtass  a  bill,  recognizing 
Texas  ils  a  tiistcr  slate.  He  also  called  the  atten- 
tion of  Congress  to  the  disjiute  in  relation  to 
<Jregon,  ami  urge^'.  them  to  demand  the  whole 
.>f  tlial  territory,  notwithtsanding  the  claims  of 
CIreat  Britain.  A  reduction  of  the  duties  under 
lln-  tarilf  of  1842  wius  also  recommended,  the 
rurlher  restriction  of  banking  operatioiw,  and 
belter  means  for  tlie  national  defence. 


In  the  north,  especially,  the  proposed  altera- 
tion of  the  tariff  caused  great  alarm,  particularly 
in  the  i:iainifacturing  districts,  where  it  had  been 
understood  at  the  election,  that  the  President 
was  an  advocate  of  this  law  of  1842. 

The  only  obstacle  remaining  to  obstruct  the 
acquisition  of  Texas,  was  the  consent  of  that 
nation's  Congress.  Before  their  action  upon  it, 
however,  Mexico,  who  had  never  recognized 
their  independence,  a.ssumod  .in  opposing  aspect ; 
the  minister  at  Washington  demanded  his  pajiers, 
and  the  American  envoy  was  denied  all  com- 
munication with  Mexico.  Special  ministers  were 
ajipointed  to  adjust  the  ditiiculty  ;  but  without 
success,  atid  it  was  evident  that  the  oidy  resort 
would  be,  an  ai)peal  to  arms.  Meantime,  Texas, 
by  an  act  of  her  legislature,  became  one  of  the 
states  of  the  Union. 

The  tarilf  law  was  repealed  in  the  winter  of 
1845  C,  and  another  substituted,  calleil  the  ta- 
riff of  184G.  This  new  tariff  reduced  the  duties 
u])on  all  articles,  and  was  hailed  with  groat  dis- 
may and  indignation  throughout  the  north  and 
manufacturing  districts.  A  treaty  was  ako  con- 
cluded with  Great  Britain,  by  which  our  claim 
to  the  whole  of  Oregon  was  set  aside,  and  the 
boundary  line  fixed  at  49^  60'  north  latitude. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  on  the  12th  day 
of  Ai)ril,  1844,  during  the  administration  of 
President  Tyler,  a  treaty  of  annexation  between 
Texas  and  the  United  States  was  signed  by  joint 
commissioners,  but  not  ratified  by  the  United 
States  Senate.  On  th'i  1st  of  March,  1845,  the 
Congress  of  the  Uiuted  States  passed  a  resolution 
admitting  her  into  tlie  Union,  upon  certain  con- 
ditions, to  which  her  assent  was  required.  After 
grave  deliberation,  the  executive  Congress  of 
that  country  accepted  the  projiositious,  and  thus 
was  concluded  the  imjiortant  act,  by  which  the 
vast  territory  formerly  ceded  to  Si>ain  by  the 
Florida  treaty,  was  restored  to  our  government. 
During  this  time,  Mexico  had  formally  jirotesteJ 
against  the  course  of  the  United  States,  and  after 
tiie  preliminaries  had  been  settled,  the  Mexican 
minister  at  Washington,  in  a  note  to  the  Secre 
retary  of  State,  dated  March  Gth,  1845,  stated 
that  it  was  "  au  act  of  aggression,  the  most  un- 
just which  can  be  found  recorded  in  the  annal 
of  modern  history;  namely,  that  of  desiioiling  a 
friendly  nation,  like  Mexico,  of  a  considerable 
[lortion  of  her  territory."  He  also  protested 
against  the  resolution  of  annexation,  as  being  an 
act  "whereby  the  province  of  Texas,  an  integral 
portion  of  the  ilexican  territory,  is  agreed  and 
admitted  into  the  American  Union,"  stated  that 
his  mission  to  the  United  States  had  terminated, 
and  demanded  his  jiassjiort.s,  which  were  given 
him,  and  he  returned  to  Mexico. 

Afiairs  continued  in  this  condition  until  Sep- 
tember, when  the  Secretary  of  State  was  author- 
ized by  the  President  to  in(iuire,  through  the 
United  States  consul  at  Mexico,  if  the  Mexican 
government  would  consent  to  receive  an  Ameri- 
can envoy,  clothed  with  full  powers  to  settle  all 
ditticulties.  A  favorable  response  was  received, 
but  it  was  re(piested  that  the  American  naval 
force  might  be  withdrawn  from  Vera  Cruz,  w  bile 
negotiations  were  jjending.  This  re<juest  was 
granteil,  and  a  minister  with  full  jiowers  sent  to 
Mexico.  He  reached  ^'era  Cruz  on  the  3(Hh  of 
November,  1845,  but  found  that  the  politics  of  the 
country  had  undergone  au  unfavorable  change 
towards  the  United  States. 

President  llerrera,  who  had  always  been  an 
advocate  of  jieaco,  was  opjiosed  by  a  strong  party 
under  (ieneral  Paredcs,  who  founded  his  rebel- 
lion princijially  upon  the  assertion  that  General 
llerrera,  in  consenting  to  receive  the  peace  min- 
ister of  the  United  States,  intended  to  separate 
the  territory  of  Mexico,  by  granting  the  dei)art- 
ment  of  Texas  to  a  hostile  country.  Prior  to 
this  rebellion,  llerrera,  it  is  believed,  was  favor- 
able to  a  jieaceful  settlement  of  all  ditliculties ; 
but,  idaruicd  by  the  thic4itd  of  Paredos,  adopted 


jthe  unhappy  course  of  refusing  to  receive  the 
iniinister,  although  he  had  ]rromised  to  do  so. 
The  princijial  reason  assigned  for  acting  thus 
was,  that  the  minister  had  not  cr.me  upon  a 
Kpccidl  mission,  relating  solely  to  the  Texas  ques- 
tion, but  his  duties  also  included  a  consideration 
of  the  long-disputed  outrages  ui)on  the  flag  and 
citizens  of  his  country. 

On  the  30th  of  "December,  1845,  General 
llerrera  resigned  the  presidency,  and  he  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Paredes  without  opposition.  On  the 
1st  of  March,  18411,  the  American  envoy  ad- 
dressed the  Mexican  minister  of  foreign  affairs, 
requesting  that  his  credentials  might  be  ])re- 
sented  to  the  new  government,  in  order  that  he 
might  be  received  in  the  diplomatic  character 
in  which  he  had  been  commissioned.  He  re- 
ceived an  answer,  refusing  his  request,  demanded 
his  passports,  and  returned  to  the  Unitc<l  States. 

Meanwhile,  other  and  totally  different  ojur.-i- 
tions  Were  going  forward.  The  President  of  the 
United  States,  anticipating  war,  was  organizing 
a  force  to  defend  Texas,  in  case  of  an  invasion, 
or  should  war  be  declared,  to  invade  Mexico. 
In  his  message  of  December,  1845,  the  President 
thus  comments  upon  this  measure  : 

"  Both  the  Congress  and  the  convention  of 
the  people  of  Texas  invited  this  government  to 
send  au  army  into  their  territory,  to  protect  and 
defend  them  against  a  menaced  attack.  The 
moment  the  terms  of  annexation  offered  by  the 
United  States  were  accepted  by  Texas,  the  latter 
became  so  far  a  part  of  our  country,  as  to  make 
it  our  duty  to  afford  such  protection  and  do- 
fence.  I  therefore  deemed  it  proper,  as  a  jirecau- 
tionary  measure,  to  order  a  strong  squadn)n  to 
the  coasts  of  Mexico,  and  to  concentrate  au  efli- 
cieut  military  force  on  the  "Testeru  frontier  of 
Texas.  Our  army  was  ordered  to  take  positions 
in  the  country  between  the  Nucces  and  the  Del 
Norte,  and  to  repel  every  invasion  of  the  Texan 
territory  which  might  be  attempted  by  the  Mex- 
ican forces. 

"  Our  squadron  in  the  Gulf  was  ordered  to  co- 
operate with  the  army.  But,  though  our  army 
and  navy  Avere  placed  in  a  position  to  defend 
our  own  and  the  rights  of  Texas,  they  were 
ordered  to  commit  no  act  of  hostility  against 
Mexico,  unless  she  declared  war,  or  was  herself 
the  aggressor,  by  striking  the  first  blow."' 

Of  the  projier  arrangement  of  this  force,  he 
adds  as  follows : 

"  When  orders  were  given,  during  the  paat 
summer,  for  concentrating  a  military  force  ou 
the  western  frontier  of  Texas,  our  troops  were 
widely  dispersed,  and  in  small  detachments,  oc- 
cujiyiiig  jiosts  remote  from  each  other.  The 
prompt  and  exiieditious  manner  in  which  au 
army,  embracing  more  than  half  of  our  peace 
establishment,  was  drawn  together  on  an  emer- 
gency so  sudden,  reflects  great  credit  ou  the 
otticers  who  were  intrusted  with  the  executiou 
of  these  orders,  as  well  as  upon  the  discijiline  of 
the  army  itself." 

The  next  thing  that  demanded  attention  was 
the  ai>pointing  of  a  commander-iu  chief.  Gen- 
eral (iaines  was  the  sujierior  oflicer  in  that  eeo- 
tion,  but  for  some  reasons  not  known,  he  was 
jiassed  by,  und  at  the  suggestion  of  General 
Scott,  General  Zachary  Taylor  was  appointed. 
On  the  21.st  of  March,  1845,  information  was 
conveyed  to  that  oflicer,  then  at  Port  Jessup,  in 
Louisiana,  to  prepare  liis  forces  to  march  into 
Texas  as  soon  as  orders  were  received. 

The  resolutions  of  Congress,  passed  the  3d  of 
March  for  the  admis.-ion  of  Texas  into  the  Union, 
had  notius  yet  been  adoi)ted  by  the  Texan  gov- 
ernment. As  the  President,  however,  considered 
that  there  w  ould  be  no  ojiposition  by  that  body, 
he  issued  further  orders,  through  Mr.  Marc}, 
Secretary  of  State,  dated  28th  of  May,  directing 
tieneral  Taylor,  '-by  order  of  the  President,  to 
cause  the  forces  now  under  your  command,  anJ 
those  which  may  be  assigned  to  it,  to  be  put  ic 


UNITED  STATES. 


ft  position  where  they  may  most  promptly  and  I  pcoy)le  of  Texas.    The  Rio  Grande  is  claimed  to 


efficiently  act  in  the  dd'eiice  of  Texas,  in  tl 
event  it  should  become  necessary  or  proper  to 
eniplo}'  tlicm  for  that  jjiirpose." 

Jilr.  Bancroft,  actina;  secretary  in  the  absence 
of  Mr.  Marcy,  on  the  15th  of  June  gave  other 
instructions,  and  as  they  are  highly  important  in 
consequence  of  their  sliowin:?  the  ]>rccise  i)Osition 
laid  down  by  the  Governmcut  to  General  Taylor, 
we  give  them  in  full  :— 


[  "  Confidential.] 
"  W\K  Dkpart.mknt,  .tune  ISlh,  lS-15. 

"  Sib  :— On  the  4th  day  of  .July,  or  very  soon 
thereafter,  the  convention  of  the  i)eople  of  Texas 
will  probably  accei)t  the  i)roposition  of  annexa- 
tion, under  the  Joint  resolution  of  the  late  Con- 
gress of  the  United  States.  That  acce[)tance  will 
constitute  Texas  an  integral  portion  of  our 
country. 

''In  anticipation  of  that  event,  yon  will  forth- 
with make  a  forward  movement  with  the  troops 
under  your  command,  and  advance  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Sabine,  or  to  such  other  points  on  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico  or  to  its  navigable  waters,  as  in 
your  judgment  may  be  most  convenient  for  an 
eii.barkation,  at  the  proper  time,  for  the  western 
frontier  of  Texas.  *****  1'^^  point 
of  your  ultimate  destination  is  the  western  fron- 
tier of  Texas,  where  you  will  select  and  occupy, 
in  or  near  the  Rio  Grande  del  Norte,  such  a  site 
as  will  consist  with  the  Ijcalth  of  your  troops, 
and  v>  ill  he  best  adapted  to  repel  invasion,  and 
to  protect  what,  in  the  event  of  annexation,  will 
be  our  western  border.  You  will  limit  yourself 
to  the  defence  of  the  territory  of  Texas,  unless 
Mexico  should  declare  war  against  the  United 
States. 

"Your  movement  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and 
your  preparations  to  embark  for  the  western 
frontier  of  Texas  are  to  be  made  without  delay  ; 
but  you  will  not  elfect  a  landing  on  that  frontier, 
until  you  have  yourself  ascertained  the  due  ac- 
ceptance, by  Texas,  of  the  proliered  terms  of 
annexation." 

These  instructions  were  somewhat  changed  by 
the  following,  dated  8th  of  July,  by  Mr.  Marcy 
to  General  Taylor. 

"  This  department  is  informed  that  Mexico 
has  some  military  establishments  on  the  east 
side  of  the  Rio  Grande,  which  are,  and  for  some 
time  have  been  in  the  actual  occupancy  of  her 
troops.  In  carrying  out  the  instrnctions  hereto- 
fore received,  you  will  bo  careful  to  avoid  any 
acts  of  aggression  unless  an  actual  war  should 
exist.  The  Mexican  forces  at  the  posts  in  their 
possession,  and  which  have  been  so,  will  not  be 
disturbed,  as  long  as  the  relations  of  iieaco  be- 
tween the  United  States  and  Mexico  continue." 

On  the  20th  of  July,  the  receipt  of  this  letter 
was  acknowledged  by  General  Taylor,  who  ex- 
pressed his  entire  satisfaction  at  the  instructions 
it  contained,  "  as  they  conlirm,"  says  he,  "  my 
views  previously  communicated,  in  regard  to  the 
proper  line  to  be  occupied  at  present  by  our 
troops ;  those  instructions  will  be  closely  followed, 
and  the  department  may  rest  aasured,  that  I  will 
take  no  step  to  interrupt  the  friendly  relations 
between  the  United  States  and  Mexico." 

Oa  the  30th,  he  received  further  instructions 
as  follows : — 


be  the  boundary  between  the  two  countries,  and 
up  to  this  boundary  you  are  to  extend  your  pro- 
tection, only  excepting  any  posts  on  the  eastern 
side  thereof,  which  are  in  the  actual  occupancy 
of  ^[exican  forces,  or  Mexican  settlements,  over 
which  the  Re]*ublic  of  Texas  did  not  exercise 
jurisdiction  at  the  time  of  annexation,  or  shortly 
before  that  event.  It  is  expected  that,  in  select- 
ing the  establishment  for  your  trooj)s,  you  will 
ap])roach  as  near  the  boundary  line,  the  Rio 
Grande,  as  prudence  will  dictate.  "With  this 
view  the  President  desires  that  your  position, 
for  i>art  of  your  forces  at  least,  should  be  Avest 
of  the  Nueces." 


"  War  Depaetmest,  30tli  July. 

"  He  (the  President)  has  not  the  requisite  in 
formation  in  regard  to  the  country,  to  enable 
liiiu  to  give  any  positive  directions  as  to  the 
position  you  ought  to  take,  or  the  movements 
which  it  may  be  expedient  to  mako ;  these  mu 
be  governed  by  circumstances.    While  avoiding, 
us  you  have  been  instructed  to  do,  all  aggressive 
measures  towards  Mexico,  as  long  as  the  rehi 
tions  of  peace  exist  between  that  republic  and 
the  United  States,  you  are  expected  to  occupy, 
protect,  and  defend  the  territory  of  Texas,  to 
the  extent  that  it  has  been  occupied  by  the 


On  the  Gth  of  August,  it  was  stated  by  the 
adjutant-general,  that  the  seventh  infantry,  and 
three  companies  of  dragoons,  were  ordered  to 
join  General  Taj'lor  in  Texas;  "for,"  says  the 
letter,  "  althougli  a  state  of  war  with  Mexico,  or 
an  invasion  of  Texas  by  her  forces  may  not  take 
place,  it  is  nevertheless  deemed  proper  and 
necessary  that  your  forces  should  be  fully  equal 
to  meet,  with  certainty  of  succes.s,  any  crisis 
which  may  arise  in  Texas,  and  which  require  you 
by  force  of  arms  to  carry  out  the  instructions  of 
the  government."  The  letter  further  required 
General  Taylor  to  state  what  auxiliary  troops, 
in  case  of  emergency,  he  could  count  upon  from 
Texas,  and  "  what  additional  troops,  designating 
the  arms,  and  what  supply  and  description  of 
ordnance,  ordnance  stores,  small  arms,  &c.,  judg- 
ing from  any  information  yon  may  possess  as  to 
the  future  exigencies  of  the  public  service,"  he 
(General  Taylor)  thought  he  would  require,  stat- 
ing at  the  same  time,  that  ten  thousand  muskets 
and  one  thousand  rifles  had  already  been  issued 
for  Texas. 

So  far,  the  actions  and  intentions  of  Mexico 
were  not  known.    She  was  known  to  be  very 
bitterly  opposed  to  the  course  pursued  by  the 
United  States  in  regard  to  Texas ;  and  it  was 
evident,  that  without  a  severe  struggle,  she 
would  not  give  her  countenance  to  the  annexa- 
tion ;   but  whether  the  state  of  the  country, 
both  civil  and  political,  would  enable  the  govern- 
ment to  raise  an  array  of  sufiicient  strength  to 
cope  with  the  United  States,  was  utterly  un- 
known. Under  these  embarrassing  circumstances. 
General  Taylor  was  further  instructed,  as  follows : 
The  information  hitherto  received  as  to  the 
intentions  of  Mexico,  and  the  measuress  he  may 
adopt,  does  not  enable  the  administration  here 
to  give  you  more  explicit  in.structions  in  re- 
gard to  your  movements,  than   those  Avhich 
liave  already  been  forwarded  to  you.    There  is 
reason  to  believe  that  Mexico  is  making  eflbrts 
to  assemble  a  large  army  on  the  frontier  of 
Texas,  for  the  purpose  of  entering  its  territory 
and  holding  forcible  possession  of  it.    Of  their 
movements  you  are  doubtless  advised,  and  we 
trust  have  taken,  or  early  will  take,  prompt  and 
efficient  steps  to  meet  and  repel  any  such  hostile 
incursion.    Should  Mexico  assemble  a  large  body 
of  troops  on  the  Rio  Grande,  and  cross  it  with 
considerable  force,  such  a  movement  must  be  rC' 
garded  as  an  invasion  of  the  United  States,  and 
the  commencement  of  hostilities.    You  will,  of 
course,  use  all  the  authority  which  has  been 
given  or  may  be  given  yon  to  meet  such  a  state 
of  things.   Texas  must  be  p;-otected  Iroiu  hostile 
invasion,  and  for  that  purpo.se  you  will,  of  course, 
employ  to  the  utmost  extent  all  the  means  you 
possess  or  can  comnumd. 

"  An  order  has  this  day  been  issued  for  sending 
one  thousand  more  men  into  Texas  to  join  those 
under  your  conuuand.  Wlieu  the  existing  ordei's 
are  carried  into  effect,  you  will  have  with  \ou  a 
force  of  four  thousand  men  of  the  regular  army. 
We  are  not  enabled  tojudgo  what  auxiliary  fori'c 
can,  upon  an  emergency,  be  brought  together 
from  Texas,  and,  as  a  precautionary  measure,  you 
are  autliorized  to  accept  volunteers  from  the 
States  of  Louisiana  and  Alabama,  and  even  from 


Mississippi,  Tennessee,  and  Kentucky.  Slumld 
Mexico  (led. ire  war,  or  commence  hostilities  by 
crossing  the  Rio  Grande  witii  a  con-iiilerable 
force,  yon  are  instructed  to  lose  no  time  in  giv- 
ing information  to  the  authorities  of  e.'ich  or  any 
of  the  al)ove-nientioned  States  as  to  the  number 
of  volunteers  you  may  want  of  them  respec- 
tiveh'.  Should  you  require  troops  from  any  of 
these  States,  it  would  be  important  to  have  them 
without  the  least  pos.siblo  del;ty.  It  is  not 
doubted  that  at  least  two  regiments  from  New 
Orleans,  anil  one  from  Mobile,  could  l)e  obtained 
and  expeditiously  brought  into  the  field.  Yon 
will  cause  it  to  be  known  at  these  places,  what 
number  and  description  of  troo|)s  you  desire  to 
receive  from  them  in  tlie  contemplated  emer- 
gency. The  authorities  of  these  States  will  bo 
apprised  that  you  are  authorized  to  receive 
volunteers  from  them,  and  yon  may  calculate 
that  they  will  promptly  join  you,  when  it  is 
made  known  that  their  services  are  recjuirod. 
Arms,  ammunition,  and  camp  equipage  for  tho 
auxiliary  troops  that  you  may  require,  will  be 
sent  forward  subject  to  your  orders.  You  will 
so  dispose  of  them  as  to  be  most  available  in 
case  they  should  be  needed,  at  the  same  time 
with  a  due  regard  to  their  safety  and  preserva- 
tion. Orders  have  been  issued  to  the  naval 
force  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  to  co-ojierate  with 
you.  You  will,  as  far  as  practicable,  hold  com- 
munication with  the  commanders  of  our  national 
vessels  in  your  vicinity,  and  avail  yourself  of 
any  assistance  that  can  be  derived  from  their  co- 
operation. The  Lexington  is  ordered  into  ser- 
vice as  a  transport  ship,  iiiid  will  sail  in  a  few 
days  from  New  York,  with  a  detachment  of 
United  States  troojjs  for  G()ri)us  Christi.  She 
will  be  employed  as  the  exigency  of  the  public 
service  may  require.  In  order  to  keep  up  a 
proper  communication  between  the  army  in 
Texas  and  the  United  States,  the  On-ka-hy-e, 
the  Harney,  and  the  Dolphin  will  be  put  into 
service  as  soon  as  they  can  be  made  ready  as 
despatch  vessels  to  convey  intelligence,  suiijjlies, 
&c.  You  will  avail  yourself  of  these  vessels, 
and  all  other  projier  means,  to  keep  tho  govern- 
nn  at  here  advised  of  your  operations,  and  the 
state  of  things  in  Texas  and  Mexico." 

General  Taylor,  in  the  same  month,  having 
concentrated  his  forces,  marched  forTexa,s.  His 
march  from  Corjius  Christi  to  the  Rio  (Jrande  is 
tilled  with  wonderful  and  romantic  eveuts.  The 
Great  American  Desert  was  to  be  crossed ;  all 
vegetation  there  was  stunted,  and  every  river 
and  lake  tilled  with  salt  water.  The  appear- 
ance of  the  fruit  and  water  was  tempting,  but 
the  taste  loathsome  and  nauseous.  Droo|)iiig 
with  thirst  and  weariness,  their  feet  blistered 
with  heat  and  their  cattle  dropping  dead  at  every 
step,  the  army  moved  over  tho  burning  sand. 
The  men  who  could  face  death  in  battle  without 
shrinking,  now  grew  sad  and  melanciioly,  aucl 
moved  slowly  and  wearily  as  if  to  a  fuueral 
march. 

At  length  the  river  was  seen,  and  the  cry  of 
fresh  water  ran  through  the  ranks;  every  ma-i 
felt  his  energy  renewed,  and  the  army  swept  on 
\\\x\\  rai)id  steps;  as  they  neared  the  banks  dis- 
cipline was  lost,  and  general,  officers,  and  men, 
exulted  and  revelled  in  the  cooling  stream. 

On  tho  28th  of  March,  the  American  flag 
floated  on  the  banks  of  the  Rio  Grande,  and  tho 
troops  who  had  forded  rivers,  cros.sed  streams 
and  deserts,  endured  hunger,  hardship,  thirst, 
and  fatigue,  cai)tured  Point  Isabel,  and  e.siab- 
lislied  there  a  military  depot,  now  sat  down  to 
await  a  commencement  of  hostilities,  or  an  order 
to  return  home. 

Tho  death  of  Colonel  Cross,  then  of  Lieuten- 
ant Porter,  and  subsequently  the  capture  of  Cap- 
tain Thornton,  with  his  command,  roused  the 
Americans  from  their  security.  The  Mexicans, 
grown  bold  by  success,  were  pouring  in  upon 
them  from  all  quarters ;  their  supplies  were  cut 
olffrom  Poiut  Isabel,  and  a  dark,  trjing  period 


540 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


•was  eettling  over  the  ariny.  But  tbo  troops, 
confiilciit  of  the  genius  and  firmness  of  their 
leader,  did  not  dosiiond  ;  nor  was  this  confidence 
diniinislicd  on  tlie  arrival  of  Capt.  Walker  at  the 
fort,  after  escaping  inniinierahle  dangers,  to  re- 
port the  eritieal  condition  of  Point  Isabel. 

On  the  1st  of  May,  General  Taylor,  aware  of 
the  importance  of  re-oi)ening  this  communication, 
left  his  fort  for  the  purpose  of  cutting  his  way  to 
Point  Isabil.  He  readied  it  in  safety,  replen- 
ished his  stores,  recruited  his  army,  and  ou  the 
Vth  started  on  his  return.  Tliat  night  the  troops 
slept  on  the  oi)en  jilain,  and  early  on  the  tbllow- 
ing  n>orning  recommenced  their  march.  At 
noon  they  reached  a  wide  prairie,  Hanked  by 
pools  of  fresh  water,  and  bounded  in  the  dis- 
tance by  long  rows  of  chapporal.  In  front  of 
the  latter  were  drawn  up  in  battle  array,  six 
thousand  .Mexicans,  in  one  uid>roken  line,  a 
mile  in  length.  Undaunted  by  the  overwhelm- 
ing superiority  of  numbers,  the  Americans  pressed 
forward  with  the  greatest  enthusiasm.  AVhen 
the  arnues  were  within  six  hundred  yards  of 
each  otlier,  the  .Mexican  batteries  to  the  left, 
poured  fortli  their  murderous  fire.  Battery  alter 
battery  followed  in  rapid  succession,  until  tlie 
ground  rocked,  the  whole  field  was  filled  with 
dense  smoke,  and  the  balls  tore  up  the  earth  and 
grass  in  whirling  fragments. 

There  was  a  i)ause  of  a  few  minutes,  and  the 
Americans  i)laced  their  guns  in  battery.  Then 
the  action  euinineiiced  in  earnest,  Ringgold,  Dun- 
can and  Churchill,  sustaining  the  whole  force  of! 
the  enemy's  fire.  At  every  discharge  of  these 
gallant  cannoneers,  the  Mexican  cavalry  reeled 
to  and  fro,  while  scores  sank  down  in  mangled 
masses. 

Dismayed  by  the  havoc  of  his  cavalry,  the 
Mexican  general  collected  their  .scattered  frag- 
ments and  prepared  for  a  charge.  At  that  move- 
ment the  tliird  and  fifth  infantry  regiments,  who 
had  hitherto  taken  no  part  in  the  battle,  were 
ordered  forward  to  meet  the  enemy.  But  the 
huge  masses  bore  on  amid  a  tremendous  fire  from 
the  third  regiment,  assisted  by  Ridgcly's  gun.s, 
until  they  arrived  at  the  fifth.  This  was  forme(l 
into  a  sijuare  to  sujiport  Lieutenant  Ridgely. 
That  bravo  ofiicer  phiiited  his  guns  in  the  very 
front  of  the  lances,  and  rode  from  rank  to  rank, 
amid  showers  of  balls  and  bullets.  His  horse 
fell  dead,  and  four  others,  maddened  with  the 
euioke  and  uproar,  plunged  headlong,  before  the 
muzzles  of  the  cannon, and  directly  between  the 
two  armies.  There  was  a  moment  of  dread,  lor 
without  horses  the  artillery  would  be  unman- 
ageable. Then  Ridgeiy  sprang  forward,  and 
drew  the  animals  to  their  stations.  A  tremend- 
ous shout  followed  this  daring  action,  echoed  by 
roars  of  artillery,  and  the  hurryings  of  the  ene- 
my's retreat.  At  this  moment  Colonel  Twiggs 
came  down  on  them  with  the  third  infantry, 
BUpported  by  Major  Ringgold. 

While  the  cavalry  was  breaking  before  our 
artillery,  the  prairie  grass  became  ignited,  and 
the  exciting  siiectai'le  of  a  prairie  on  lire  was  add- 
ed to  the  liorrors  of  a  field  of  battle.  Gradually 
tiio  liring  cciused,  until  silence  hung  over  the 
plain,  unbroken  save  by  the  crackling  of  llames, 
or  uu  occasional  command. 

But  the  ccs.s;ition  was  only  temporary.  Un- 
der cover  of  the  thick  darkness,  caused  by  the 
jiia.s.scs  of  smoke,  which  ri.sing  hid  the  .sun,  and 
the  armies  from  each  other,  each  lormed  a  new 
liuo  of  battle,  and  in  an  hour  the  action  was 
renewed.  The  artillery  led  the  battle;  and  both 
armies  fought  with  a  heroism  rarely  surpa.ssed  in 
the  history  of  American  warfare.  In  the  very 
midst  of  it  one  man  rode  along  the  van  of  our 
tro«jp9,  on  a  while  horse,  and  exhorted  them  to 
liuty.  Wild  shouts  of  exultation  greeted  him, 
and  each  soldier  forgot  tliat  ho  was  rioting  in 
blood  and  danger. 

Major  Ringgold,  on  that  day,  nobly  su.staincd 
the  honor  of  his  country.    Hia  calm,  fearless 


bearing  attracted  peneral  attention,  as  he,  the 
very  soul  of  the  artillery,  watched  with  a  soldier's 
interest,  the  fearful  havoc  of  his  shot  in  the  en 
einy's  ranks. 

Yet  his  glory  was  as  short-lived  as  it  wa.s 
brilliant.  While  superintending  the  eighteen 
pounders,  a  cannon  ball  struck  his  right  thigh, 
passed  completely  through  the  shoulders  of  his 
horse,  and  out  through  his  left  thigh,  tearing  away 
all  that  opposed  its  course. 

The  last  cavalry  charge  was  met  by  Capt. 
Duncan's  battery,  assisted  by  the  8th  infantry 
and  Ker's  dragoon's.  Before  the  fire  of  these 
companies  the  horsemen  fell  back  in  confu.sion, 
and  the  day  was  won.  Night  brought  repose  to 
the  weary  soldiers. 

Thus  was  the  battle  of  Palo  Alto  won,  but 
smother  more  dark  and  terrible  was  in  reserve. 
At  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  May  9th,  the 
Americans  arrived  in  front  of  a  deep  gorge, 
known  as  the  Resaca  de  la  Palma,  flanking  the 
road  on  each  side,  and  covered  witli  an  impen- 
etrable cha])poral  of  prickly  pear,  Spanish  nee- 
dle, and  other  thorny  plants.  Here  were  con- 
cealed the  legions  of  the  Mexican  forces,  await- 
ing the  arrival  of  their  opponents.  Their  heavy 
batteries  were  posted  in  the  gorge,  so  as  to  rake 
the  ground  from  both  pide.«.  while  the  infantry 
should  at  the  same  time  emi)loy  their  musketry 
from  the  chapporal.  The  cavalry  was  stationed 
so  as  to  su])port  the  rest  of  the  armj-,  and  act 
according  to  emergencies. 

About  four  o'clock  the  battle  began.  A  party 
of  skirmishers  engaged  some  Mexican  cavalry, 
and  after  retreating  a  short  distance,  rallied, 
and  in  turn  drove  back  their  opponents.  Mean- 
while the  main  army  moved  rapidly  toward  the 
gorge,  eager  to  finish  the  work  commenced  at 
Palo  Alto.  Riding  through  their  column.s, 
the  commander  exhorted  each  man  to  his 
duty,  reminding  them  that  a  fearful  struggle 
was  about  to  complete  the  measure  of  their 
worth  and  glory.  Shouts  of  gratitude  and  exul- 
tation greeted  him. 

At  length  when  near  the  Resaca,  the  Mexican 
artillery  broke  forth  in  discharges  which  echoed 
along  the  gorge,  and  jiloughed  up  the  ground 
and  rocks  in  every  direction.  The  troo|)S  halted. 
Then  the  regiments  followed  each  other  towards 
the  ravine,  regardless  of  the  murderous  fire 
pouring  from  above  them.  In  advance  of  all 
rode  Lieutenant  Ridgely,  his  batteries  pouring 
forth  tminterrui)ted  discharges  of  shot  and  canis- 
ter. Then  came  the  heavy  columns  of  the  8th 
infantry,  succeeded  by  the  remainder  of  the 
army.  For  half  an  hour  the  artillery  stood  be- 
tween the  ojjposing  forces.  They  faltered  not, 
although  the  balls  whizzed  around  them,  and  the 
cavalry  dashed  forward  until  the  horses  almost 
leaped  u|)on  the  cannon.  Throwing  asiile  all 
superfiuous  clothing,  grim  with  smoke  and  pow- 
der, and  sweltering  in  the  burning  sun,  these 
heroes  faced  death,  and  amid  frightful  scenes  of 
carnage,  wrenched  victory  from  the  enemy. 
Their  leader  managed  a  gun  with  his  own  hand, 
like  a  common  soldier,  and  refused  to  mount  his 
horse  until  the  cavalry  was  broken. 

When  the  Mexicans  began  to  retreat,  the 
Americans  raising  a  terrific  shout,  immediately 
commenced  a  pursuit.  Batteries  groaning  with 
heavy  cannons  were  wheeled  into  action,  and 
ojjcned  njjon  the  Americans.  Still,  although 
clamor  and  misery  fi)llowed  their  course,  they 
])res.sed  on.  Then  the  llash  of  thou.sands  of 
muskets  burst  forth  from  the  chapporal.  Whole 
companies  were  jiloughed  down,  and  tlie  artillery 
was  almost  dismantled.  Still  the  s*)ldiers  ad- 
vanced. Dashing  through  death  and  horror 
they  reached  the  thicket,  and  sprang  forward  to 
the  fierce  trial  of  the  bayonet.  Then  the  firing 
ceased,  and  nothing  Wiis  heard  save  the  grating 
of  bayonet  with  bayonet  as  they  .sprung  to  op- 
posing bosoms.  Tiio«  arose  another  shout, — the 
chapporal  was  i,'ainod. 


Sure  of  victory,  the  troops  now  attempted  to 
drive  the  Mexicans  from  their  batteries.  But 
manned  hy  the  Tampico  veterans,  and  com- 
manded by  the  brave  La  Vega,  these  gunsswejit 
everything  before  them,  and  covered  the  retreat 
of  the  infantry,  while  the  cavalry  prepared  for 
another  charge. 

General  Taylor,  seeing  that  nothing  decisive 
could  be  accomplished  while  the  .Mexicans  re- 
tained their  guns,  ordered  Ca|)t.  May  to  charge 
them  with  his  dragoons.  When  the  captain 
rode  back  to  liis  command,  "  Men  !"  he  exclaimed, 

follow,"  and  the  troops  plunged  forward 
towards  the  rocks  of  the  Resaca.  On  they 
swept  until  they  reached  Colonel  Ridgely,  by 
whom  they  halted  until  he  had  drawn  the  ene- 
my's fire.  Then,  with  their  arms  bared  to  the 
shoulder,  and  their  sabres  glittering  in  the  sun, 
the  dragoons  advanced.  Silently  the  enemy, 
with  their  matches  ignited  close  to  the  cannon, 
awaited  them.  Nearer  the  dragoons  approached; 
a  roar  like  thunder  broke  the  silence,  and 
eighteen  horses  with  seven  men  fell  dead.  Lieu- 
tenant Sackett  was  thrown  into  the  midst  of  the 
enemy ;  Lieutenant  Inge  was  .shot  through  the 
throat.  Still  the  survivors  pressed  on.  Leaping 
over  the  breeches  of  the  cannon,  thev  overthrew 
the  cannoneers,  and  drove  back  tlie  Tampico 
regiment  with  their  sabres.  The.se  were  rejiulsed 
but  a  moment ;  then  rushing  back  to  their  sta- 
tions, they  seiz-d  the  horses'  bridles,  and  fought 
hand  to  hand  with  their  riders.  Again  they 
were  driven  back,  and  again  returned,  climbing 
over  their  dead  comijanions,  and  planting  their 
standard  by  the  principal  battery.  La  Vega, 
their  general,  black  with  smoke,  and  grimed 
with  blood,  stood  among  his  fallen  heroes,  and 
called  the  survivors  to  their  posts.  Nobly  obey- 
ing this  call,  they  dosed  around  him  like  a  wall 
of  uon.  But  May,  concentrating  his  forces,  again 
rushed  upon  them,  breaking  their  ranks,  and 
capturing  La  Vega  himself.  Then  the  shattered 
baud  slowly  left  their  guns.  One  of  them  tore 
the  flag  from  the  staff,  wrapped  it  around  hia 
body,  and  attempted  to  escape,  but  weary  and 
wounded  he  fell,  and  was  captured. 

Thus  was  won  the  battle  of  Re.<aca  do  la  Pal- 
ma. The  Mexicans  were  completely  routed,  and 
eleven  hundred  were  lying  still  and  cold  on  the 
jdains  of  Texas. 

The  little  fort  on  the  river  had  not  been  idle. 
On  the  3d  of  May,  all  the  cannon  in  Matamoras 
opened  a  heavy  cannonade,  and  soon  after  the 
.Nlexicans  crossed  the  river,  and  jwurcd  forth 
heavy  discharges  from  their  field  batteries.  The 
little  garrison  were  undismayed.  Surrounded 
by  many  times  their  number,  they  hurled  defi- 
ance at  their  foes,  and  prepared  for  the  fierce 
struggle  of  an  assault;  and  when  their  ammuni- 
tion was  almo.st  exhausted,  they  sullenly  awaited 
the  onset  of  the  enemy.  On  the  Gth  ilajor 
Brown,  their  commander,  was  mortally  wound- 
ed by  a  bomb,  yet  still  his  men  bore  on.  On 
the  8tli  the  sound  of  distant  cannon  broke  upon 
their  ears;  they  sprang  ui)on  the  jiarapets  and 
listened;  again  and  again  it  echoed  along,  and 
then  wild  cheers  followed  the  reports.  Cieneral 
Taylor  had  met  the  enemy,  and  on  the  follow 
ing  day,  when  his  little  army  sprang  from  the 
neighbouring  thickets,  in  pursuit  of  the  Mex- 
icans, one  shout  arose  from  the  fort  heard  above 
the  din  of  battle. 

The  cai)ture  of  Matanioras,  and  the  neigh- 
bouring posts,  followed  these  victories.  (Jeneral 
Taylor  refreslied  his  troops,  received  reinforce- 
ments, and  marched  for  .Nlonterey,  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  which  he  arrived  on  the  19th  of 
September. 

On  the  21st  this  strong  city  was  att.ackcd  at 
two  stations  by  the  main  army,  while  Cieneral 
Worth  led  a  division  against  the  forts  on  a 
neighbouring  hill.  Generals  Twiggs  and  Butler, 
Colonel  May's  dragoons  and  the  Tex;us  volunteers, 
bgcamo  involved  between  three  fixes,  directed 


Ik 


UNITED  STATES. 


511 


against  them  from  strongly  built  forts.  Here 
tliey  stood  for  several  hours  in  the  very  jaws  of 
(l.'ath,  with  the  balls  sweeping  through  and  tliin- 
iiiiig  their  ranks  every  instant.  .May  and  Twiggs 
wero  lieard  high  over  the  scene  of  slauglitcr,  ex- 
liorting  tlieir  heroes  to  the  cliargo;  wliile  Sut- 
ler's troops,  swee[iiiig  on  with  the  bayonet,  over- 
threw tlie  opposing  cavalry,  and  rushed  almost 
to  tiie  guns  of  the  fort.  But  the  Mexicans  saw 
tlie  (hiiiger,  and  calling  the  troops  arora^i,  pre- 
pared to  meet  it.  Our  companies  were  coni- 
j)lotely  riddled  by  tlie  tremendous  fires  poured 
upon  tliem,  and  in  gloomy  rage  were  torn  from 
the  scene  while  the  shouts  of  the  Mexicans  rang 
upon  the  air. 

Ihit  the  Aiiiericans  soon  changed  the  shout  of 
triunijjh.  Capt.  Backus,  having  climbed  upon  a 
tannery  near  fhe  fort,  poured  into  it  a  deadly 
fire  of  musketry.  Before  their  astonishment  at 
this  bold  feat  had  subsided.  General  Quitman 
came  upon  it,  leaped  the  embrasures,  wheeled 
round  the  cannon,  and  drove  olf  the  Mexicans 
Willi  the  bayonet. 

The  battle  now  raged  with  new  fury.  From 
thirtv  heavy  cannons  tlie  Mexicans  poured  forth 
a  deadly  tire ;  whole  sections  melted  under  it, 
and  (ieneral  Butler  was  wounded,  and  retired 
from  the  field,  'llie  rapid  charges  of  Colonel 
Garland  against  tlie  second  fort  were  unsuccess- 
ful, and  the  command  was  withdrawn  to  the 
caytnred  station. 

About  this  time  a  body  of  lancers  wound 
slowly  round  the  wall  of  the  city,  toward  t?.c 
battery  opposite  the  citadel.  At  seeing  the'/i 
Cai)t:iin  Bragg  gallo])ed  forward,  and  by  a  few 
Well  directed  charges  drove  them  bade  with 
loss. 

On  the  23d  a  grand  attack  was  made  upon  all 
the  Mexican  stations.  Maddened  by  heavy  loss- 
es, the  American  rangers  burst  into  the  houses, 
tore  the  skirmi>;hers  from  the  windows,  and 
bored  throHgli  the  side  walls  toward  the  central 
plaza.  The  dull  sound  of  the  pickaxe,  con- 
trasted straiigelj'  with  the  roar  of  the  guns. 
Streets  and  squares  were  thus  passed  until  the 
troops  were  in  the  vicinity  of  the  principal  plaza. 
Here  they  halted,  igsued  from  the  houses,  and 
commenced  a  cannonade.  This  renewed  the 
general  action.  Soon  the  walls  of  the  great 
cathedral  tottered,  and  at  length  a  portion  fell 
inward  with  a  fearful  crash.  There  was  an  in- 
stant's cessation  of  the  enemy's  tire,  then  it  com- 
menced again  with  renewed  fury.  Until  near 
sunset  the  Americans  fought  desperately,  against 
an  intrenched  foe  of  three  times  their  number. 
Then  they  were  withdrawn  to  await  the  arrival 
of  General  "Worth's  division.  This  officer,  after 
capturing  the  Bishop's  Palace  and  other  re- 
doubts, had  entered  the  city,  and  penetrated 
toward  the  square,  on  the  side  opposite  General 
Taylor.  Night  set  in,  and  both  armies  retired 
to  prepare  for  a  final  struggle  on  the  ensuing 
day. 

On  the  2-lth,  proposals  for  a  capitulation  were 
received  from  the  Mexican  General  Ampudia, 
and  negotiations  ensued,  which  resulted  in  a 
surrender  of  the  city  and  jniblic  stores  to  the 
ermy  of  General  Taylor.  The  army  marched 
Into  the  interior  on  parole,  the  officers  and  sol- 
diers retaining  most  of  their  arms,  together  with 
a  battery  of  artillery. 

The  crowning  jioint  of  General  Taylor's  career, 
was  the  battle  of  Buena  Vista.  The  generals  he 
had  heretofore  engaged  with  were  those  of  little 
po[)ularity;  now  he  was  contending  with  one, 
on  whom  the  nation  depended  with  entire  con- 
fidence, and  for  whom  they  were  willing  to 
make  any  sacrifices. 

About  seven  miles  south  of  Saltillo  stands  the 
small  village  of  Buena  Vista.  The  deep  gorge  of 
Angootura  is  at  some  distance  from  it,  surround- 
ed oy  rocks,  hills  and  ravines,  and  holding  the 
key  of  a  i)osition,  which,  for  defensive  warfare, 
is  not  sur[)assod  liy  any  other  on  the  continent, 
('cneral  Taylor,  wiili  his  little  army  of  five 


thousand  men,  hero  awaited  the  best  General  in 
Mexico,  with  twenty-one  thousand.  They  .«oon 
came,  arranging  their  artillery,  moving  info  line, 
and  choosing  positions  for  the  attack.  In  the 
afternoon,  a  party  of  lancers  wound  roimd  the 
heights  to  the  left  of  the  American  i>ositioii, 
with  the  intention  of  making  a  charge ;  they 
were  followed  by  some  infantry,  and  one  artil- 
lery company,  who  commenced  an  attack  in  that 
quarter.  Considerable  skirmishing  took  jilace, 
and  the  troops  of  both  armies  manccuvred  till 
night. 

On  the  23d  at  early  dawn,  the  movements  in 
both  armies  gave  token  of  the  a])i)roaching 
struggle.  The  enemy,  reinforced  (luring  the 
night,  now  bore  down  an  immense  column  ujion 
the  little  army  on  the  left.  Colonel  Marshall, 
calling  his  little  band  around  him,  i)repared  for 
the  charge.  For  three  hours  they  fought  for 
victory,  and  the  sun  rose  on  the  dreadful  battle 
already  commenced. 

At  eight  o'clock,  a  dense,  deep  column  came 
steadily  upon  the  American  centre.  The  eye  of 
their  leader  and  his  artillerists  watched  theni  in 
stern  silence  as  they  drew  near.  They  j>assed 
artillery  shot,  and  a  wild  shout  arose,  in  antii-i- 
[lation  of  victory ;  but  now  the  heavy  balls 
ploughed  their  way  from  side  to  side  of  that  liv- 
ing column,  sweeping  with  fearful  havoc  through 
their  ranks.  The  severed  ranks  closed,  and  tlu' 
columns  still  pressed  on.  Asecond  and  third 
time  the  death  shower  was  poured  u[)on  them, 
each  time  with  frightful  effect;  then  a  panic 
seized  them,  and  they  tied  in  dire  confusion. 

The  Mexican  General  viewed  this  rout  witl 
dismay,  and  instantly  began  to  repair  it.  His 
cavalry  and  a  large  infantry  force  united  under 
cover  of  the  rocks  in  one  body,  and  issued  forth 
to  attack  the  left  wing.  This  had  been  the 
lirst  point  of  attack,  and  was  now  reinforced  by 
the  Illinois  and  Indiana  regiments,  and  the  ar- 
tillery of  Capt.  O'Brien. 

General  Lane  rode  along  his  lines;  and  point- 
ing to  the  coming  hosts,  reminded  the  men  that 
they  Avere  Americans,  and  exhorted  them  to 
their  duty.  Throwing  the  artillery  rapidly  for- 
ward, he  ordered  the  second  Indiana  regiment 
to  sui)port  it,  and  placing  himself  by  the  soldiers 
of  the  Illinois,  watched  the  foe  s  progress.  In  a 
massive  column  they  came  on,  shouting  in  an- 
ticipation of  victory.  The  battle  now  opened. 
Sweeping  through  the  heavy  Mexican  phalanx, 
the  shot  mowed  down  whole  columns,  and  lev- 
elled the  cavalry ;  yet  the  lines  closed,  and 
pressed  on.  Then  another  road  opened,  and  the 
carnage  was  still  frightful.  Still,  with  pale,  com- 
pressed lips,  the  Mexicans  pressed  forward.  The 
Americans  were  melting  at  their  ajiproach,  and 
the  artillery  was  surrounded  with  (lead.  Gen- 
eral Lane,  sweeping  over  the  field,  urged  his  troops 
to  tirmuess ;  while  O'Brien,  leajiing  from  his 
horse,  seized  a  gun,  and  kept  the  artillerists  at 
their  places. 

At  the  fearful  moment  when  the  energy  of 
every  man  was  required  to  insure  victory  to  the 
Americans,  the  Indiana  regiment  moved  rapidly 
from  their  stations,  and  commenced  an  ingloi 
ons  retreat.  The  statf  officers,  at  this  shameful 
sight,  galloped  across  their  path,  and  seizing  the 
regimental  colors,  called  on  the  troojjs  to  remem- 
ber their  country ;  some  few  brave  spirits  came 
from  the  ma.ss,  in  answer  to  the  call,  but  the 
greater  part  still  lied. 

^ow  the  ilexicans,  inspired  by  this  success, 
poured  on  with  exultant  shouts.  Sure  of  vic- 
tory, the  lancers  bore  down.  They  bore  u[), 
their  stern  captain  refusing  to  yield,  until  the 
soldiers  less  than  the  cannon  fell  into  confusion. 
Ihen  remounting  his  horse,  which  was  wounded, 
like  all  the  others,  he  ordered  a  retreat,  and  the 
cavalry  dashed  down  and  took  his  guns. 

But  now  the  ringing  voice  of  General  Wool 
came  ringing  over  the  tieid,  "Illinois!  Illinois  I 
to  the  rescue  I  "  and  the  liory  sons  of  the  west, 
panting  for  conflict  and  revenge,  opened  their 


volleys  of  musketry.  Still  the  living  avalancho 
]>oured  <m.  Then  the  Mi.«si««ippians  planted 
themselves  in  tlie  path,  and  awaited  the  .struggle. 
All  around,  horsemen,  artillery,  and  infantry, 
were  concentrating  themselves  ujcn  these  (de- 
voted regiments.  Still  the  tall  form  of  Wool 
was  seen  gliding  from  company  to  comiiany, 
shouting  that  thrilling  war-cry,  which  filltjd 
every  heart  with  fire. 

But  a  still  more  stirring  appeal  awaited  them. 
General  Taylor,  on  his  white  horse,  rode  lielween 
the  two  armies,  while  the  army  carried  liis  niinie 
in  exultant  shouts  to  the  very  skies.  Before 
that  wild  battle  cry  was  over,  tlie  Mexicans  wero 
towering  upon  our  troops  for  the  final  struggle. 
Then  Cai)tain  Bragg  gallojjcd  into  battery, 
and  the  ritles,  musket«,  and  lieavy  ordnanco 
commenced  their  deadly  work.  Now  the  repu- 
tation of  each  general,  nation,  army  was  at  stake. 
Again  and  again  the  Mexicans  advanced,  and  as 
often  rolled  back,  before  the  showers  of  iron  hail 
w^hicli  greeted  them.  Nobly  the  American  troops 
did  their  duty.  Each  soldier  fought  :is  if  victory 
depended  on  his  individual  efforts.  Broken  and 
repulsed,  the  enemy  c(mimenced  their  disastrous 
retreat.  Their  dead  and  Avounded,  lying  in 
masses,  or  scattered,  marking  the  whole"  line  of 
their  march.  Yet  over  these  the  terrified  lancers 
rode,  grinding  them  to  earth,  and  comiileting 
the  work  of  death.  Ranks  were  trodden  down 
by  their  comrades,  or  whirled  over  slij)].ery 
rocks.  Then  they  burst  ujion  the  infantry,  over- 
throwing column  after  column,  and  scattering 
the  flower  of  the  army  like  chalf.  On  poured 
the  shouting  .Vmericans,  blighting  those  splendid 
companies  with  their  terrible  discharges,  and 
sweeping  the  entire  field.  Still  the  war-cry  of 
Wool,  and  the  shout  for  Taylor  went  uj),  urging 
the  troo|is  to  pursuit.  The  Kentucky  regiment 
under  the  command  of  Clay  and  ilcKee,  pushed 
after  the  fugitives,  far  in  advance,  until  they  be- 
came entangled  among  tiie  ravines  .and  jiasses  on 
the  left.  Seizing  this  favorable  moment,  the  cav- 
alry whirled  around,  and  attacked  these  troojo 
with  their  winkle  force,  and  the  battle  com- 
lenced  again.  Now,  after  a  hard  day's  battle, 
lacing  an  entire  army,  the  Kentucky  regiments 
fought  till  night.  Their  colonels  I'ell,  but  the 
.soldiers  gathered  round  the  bodies,  and  fought 
hand  to  hand  with  the  foe.  The  contest  was 
too  une(iual.  They  were  driven  back,  and  th* 
day  seemed  lost.  But  tlie  artillery  again  met 
the  enemy,  drove  them  back,  and  secured  the 
victory.    General  Taylor  had  triumj)hed. 

The  Americans  s;ink  exhausted  upon  the  field, 
and  night  fell  on  the  scene  of  slaughter.  Two 
ihousaud  dead,  dying  and  wounded,  friend  and 
foe  lay  around. 

This  great  battle,  by  far  the  most  remarkable 
of  the  war,  was  the  last  military  achievement  of 
General  Taylor. 

General  Kearney,  an  officer  of  marked  ability 
and  energy,  was  ordered  by  the  IVesideiit  to 
raise  a  numl)er  of  men,  not  to  exceed  2,000, 
which,  united  with  the  regular  army  at  Fort 
Leavenworth,  on  the  Missouri  liiver,  were  to  bo 
called  the  "Army  of  the  Wei^t,'"  and  were  to 
carry  out  a  most  important  i)art  of  the  plan  of 
operations  determined  on  by  the  government  of 
the  United  States.  His  instructions  were  to 
cross  the  prairies,  and  take  possession  of  New 
Mexico.  He  wa.s  further  commissioned  to  pro- 
ceed to  California,  after  securing  posacssion  of 
New  Mexico. 

The  Governor  of  Missouri  was  called  upon  for 
1,000  volunteers — one  battalion  to  serve  .-us  light 
artillery,  and  the  rest  as  mounted  ritlemeii.  So 
great  wiis  the  enthusi:ism,  that  no  difficulty  was 
experienced  in  raising  volunteers,  althi>ugli  each 
man  had  to  provide  himself  with  a  horse,  and 
every  thing  except  his  arms. 

After  many  delays,  the  Army  of  the  "West" 
were  in  proper  trim,  and  started  from  Fort 
Lcaveuworlh,  on  the  30tLi  of  June,  I64'j,  uuc* 


642 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


nrrivi'd,  on  the  20tli  ol"  July,  at  Bent's  Fort,  a 
distance  ol"  5G-t  miles.  Ilci-e  was  loiiiul  the  re- 
m  tinder  of  the  trooi)s  oniered  to  join  C!ener:d 
K>.!irney.  His  wliole  force  tlien  iininbered  about 
l,75i)  nicn.  On  the  Olst  of' July,  a  i)roclaination 
\v;is  is.-uod  to  tlio  iidiabitaats  of  New  Mexico,  ac- 
coniinfr  to  instructions. 

On  tlie  3d  of  August,  the  army  commenced  its 
onward  niovonients,  and  in  ten  days,  during 
which  both  the  men  and  beasts  suffered  most 
intolerably,  they  began  to  ascend  the  Rocky 
ivionntains.  Scouts  were  frequently  capiureil, 
viio  stated  that  Annijo,  the  (Jovernor  of  New 
Mexico,  would  oi)()Ose  tijc  jjrogress  of  the  Amer- 
icans; and  who,  after  being  shown  the  strength 
of  the  army,  were  sent  back  to  Annijo.  General 
Kearney  arrived  at  the  Lower  >Ioro  village  on 
the  15th  of  August,  and  addressed  the  people. 
He  compelled  the  alcal  !es  to  swear  allegiance  to 
the  United  States,  and  greeted  the  people  as 
citizens  of  that  country.  His  address  gave  a 
great  deal  of  sati-factiou  to  tlie  inhabitants. 

On  his  inarch,  General  Kearney  encountered 
the  village  of  San  Miguel,  on  the  Itith  of  August, 
where  he  made  another  speech,  similar  in  toiK' 
to  the  one  made  at  Lower  Moro  village.  Shortly 
afierh-aving  San  Miguel,  General  Kearney  learned 
that  General  Salazar  was  in  command  of  the 
trooi)s  destined  to  oi)pose  his  progress.  On  the 
(lay  following,  the  son  of  Salazar  was  made 

Krisoner,  who  informed  the  general,  that  the 
[exican  troo[)s  had  all  returned  to  their  home<. 
The  Atuericans  arrived  at  a  C:inon,  on  tiie  iSlh 
of  August,  where,  a  day  or  two  before,  a  Mc.vi- 
can  force,  consisting  of  o,(W0  men,  had  been  as- 
sembled ;  but  had  fled  on  the  api)roach  of 
General  Kearney.  The  army  marched  into  the 
plaza  of  Santa  Fe,  where  they  were  received  by 
the  acting  governor  and  other  dignitaries,  Ar- 
niijo  having  made  his  escajjc.  The  American 
Hag  was  hoisted,  and  (ieneral  Kearney  addressed 
the  i)eople,  assuring  them  of  full  [(rotection,  and 
taking  possession  of  the  country  in  the  nauie 
of  the  United  States,  proclaimeil  himself  Gov- 
ernor. 

On  the  2(1  of  Sejitember,  George  Bent,  known 
ns.  the  i;roprietor  of  lient's  Fori,  was  ap|)oint.  (l 
civil  Governor  of  New  Mexico,  and  General 
K<;arney  started  on  a  reconnoissance  down  the 
Rio  Grande,  with  750  men.  He  was  favorably 
received  every  where  on  the  route,  and  the  mo.-t 
friendly  disi)osition  was  manit'ested  by  the  In- 
dians. A  treaty  of  peace  was  condaded  between 
tiie  Ajiache  ti'ibe,  so  formiilablo  to  the  Mexicans, 
and  the  Americans,  in  the  latter  jiart  of  Septem- 
ber. Arrangements  were  also  made  lor  improv- 
ing the  civil  government  of  the  country,  and  a 
co.ie  of  laws  was  established,  which  were  drawn 
up  by  Colonel  Dcnijihan  and  Willard  B.  llrM. 

(ieneral  Kearney,  having  been  informed  of 
tlie  approatdi  of  tlie  Mi.ssouri  regiment,  under 
Colonel  Brice,  left  Santa  Fe  with  300  men,  to 
march  across  the  country  to  U[)per  Caliiornia. 
Soon  after,  he  was  informed  of  tlie  coiKjiiest  ol 
C'aliforniii  by  Commodi)re  Stockton  and  Colonel 
Fremont;  and  this  news  induced  him  to  scud 
back  a  portion  of  his  men.  He  then  marcheil 
the  distance  of  1,000  miles,  through  an  unknown 
country,  with  only  100  dragoons  as  an  escort; 
(he  remainder  of  the  Army  of  the  West  "  being 
posted  at  dilferent  places  in  New  Mexico. 

Colonel  l)oiiiplinn,  with  the  object  of  o])ening 
a  communication  with  General  Wool,  at  Chi- 
liualiua,  left  Valvcrde  with  500  men,  and  after 
u  journey  of  three  days,  thiougli  a  desert  coun- 
try, arrived  near  the  town  of  Bl  Baso.  Near 
thi.s  place  they  encamped.  They  had  all  dispersed, 
the  rear-gUard  being  six  miles  behind,  when 
tliey  were  atl.u  ked  by  a  large  boily  of  Mexicans, 
Willi  cayiilry  and  artillery.  Doniphan's  men 
had  not  time  to  saddle  their  horses,  but  drew  up 
r.i,/idly  in  front  of  their  encampment,  detcr- 
JiiiiKil  to  light  to  the  la  t.  The  .Mexi(;ans  sent  a 
Miick  Hag,  with  .--kiill  an<l  cro.-s-bones  upon  it, 
with  au  lutiianiioii  tliat  no  <iuarter  wouUl  bo 


given.  They  then  opened  their  fire  and  charged 
handsomely,  but  were  driven  back;  M-hilo  a 
handful  of  Donijjhan's  men  ran  u[)  to  the  Mex- 
ic  in  line,  and  seem  ed  their  cannon.  This  brave 
and  (!es|;erate  act  perjilexed  the  Mexicans,  who 
now  seemed  for  the  first  time  to  be  aware  of  the 
character  of  the  foes  with  whom  tlioy  had  to 
deal;  they  were  soon  routed,  leaving  about  200 
in  killed  and  wounded  ou  the  field,  M'liile  the 
loss  of  the  Americans  was  seven  wounded  and 
none  killed.  This,  t,he  first  battle  fought  by 
the  "  Army  of  the  AVest,"  was  called  the  battle 
of  Bracito,  from  a  bend  of  the  river  near  which 
it  was  fought. 

Colonel  Donii)han  entered  El  Paso  on  the 
■2!)th  of  Beccmber,  a.id  met  with  no  opi)osition. 
He  despatched  a  messenger,  to  liurry  a  company 
of  artillery,  which  he  had  some  time  before  or- 
dered from  Santa  Fe,  :ind  determined  to  await 
its  arrival.  Rejjorts  were  constantly  being  re- 
ceived of  anticipated  resistance  at  Carrizal — a 
fortified  jilace  some  distance  on  this  side  of  Chi- 
huahua. At  last  he  found  that  regular  carriers 
Were  .sent  to  that  i)lacc,  and  he  was  induced  to 
suspect  Ortis,  the  priest,  of  being  the  agent  of 
the  correspondence.  He  accordingly  des))atched 
a  scouting  jiarty  to  catch  him  in  the  act;  but 
owing  to  the  bad  management  of  the  officer  in 
chai'ge,  who  instead  of  waiting  to  seize  the  mes- 
senger after  he  had  started,  and  try  to  find  de- 
sjiatches  upim  iiim,  only  surrounded  the  house, 
and  arrested  Ortis,  who  was  taken  before  Col- 
onel l)oni|(han  aiid  upbraided  with  treachery; 
he  (Ortis)  remarked  that  he  did  not  consider  the 
delivering  one's  country  from  a  foreign  jiowcr 
treachery;  and  that  he  was  the  enemy  of  all 
Americans;  and  that  lie  would  use  his  utmost 
endeavors  to  free  his  country  from  them,  but  that 
he  would  not  attempt  to  excite  an  insurrection  ; 
all  should  be  fairly  ami  opeidy  done.  Colonel 
I)oni[>han  told  him,  that  while  he  admired  his 
sentiments,  he  would  take  care  that  an  opportu- 
nity was  not  given  liim  for  c.irrying  them  into 
effect.  A  strict  wati^h  was  kept  over  him,  and 
r)onii)lian  remarked,  that  as  he  had  seen  how- 
Mexicans  could  fight  u|)on  ground  of  their  own 
sjlection — meaning  Bracito,  where  Ortis  was — 
he  would  take  him  along  with  him,  in  order  that 
he  migiit  see  the  Mexicans  fight  upon  ground  of 
his,  Doniphan's,  selection.  This  threat  the  col- 
onel carried  iuto  effect,  taking  him  to  Chihua- 
hua. 

The  artillerj-  arrived  ou  the  1st  of  February, 
18-17,  and  Colonel  Doniphan's  force  was  increased 
:o  1,000  men;  and  on  the  11th,  he  set  out  for 
Chihuahua.  After  a  inarch  of  145  miles,  he  re- 
ceive I  information  that  General  Wool  was  not 
at  Chihuahua.  This  was  very  disheartening  in- 
tJligeiice,  for  it  was  fully  expected  that  the  two 
I'orces  would  there  be  combined.  After  some 
deliberation  it  was  decided  to  go  forwanl.  The 
march  from  the  jdace  where  tlie  council  of  war 
was  hehl,  was  one  of  the  most  ditHcult  and  dan- 
gerous of  the  whole  route.  The  most  jironiiuent 
souices  of  danger  were  fires  upon  the  i)rairies, 
and  long  journeys  without  water,  combined  with 
the  momentary  expectation  of  an  attack. 

It  was  very  clear,  on  the  27th  ol'  February, 
th  ,t  a  battle  would  be  fought  upon  the  day  fol- 
lowing; Colonel  Doniphan  having  received  in- 
formation that  the  menu'  were  posted  in  the 
nei;.rliborhood  of  the  Sacramento,  and  that  every 
thing  was  prepared  for  a  battle.  The  following 
is  a  semi-otiicial  account  of  the  battle: — 

*M!kai>  (ii'AKTi'UH,  ItHllatixii  Missimrl  I,i;;lit  Artillery, 
'•t'Bni|i  lii-ttr  C  iilliilJililKi,  .M<-\ln>,  il/iii-t-/i  '^.Z,  1S47." 

"To  Colonel  A.  W.  I)tuiij>han,  Commanding 
American  Forces  in  the  State  of  Chihuahua. 
'•  Sir  : — I  have  the  honor  to  report,  that,  agree- 
ably to  your  instructions,  1  left  the  camp  near 
.V/7(2,  on  the  morning  of  the  2sth  ultimo,  ac- 
companied by  my  adjut.-int.  Lieutenant  L.  D. 
Walker,  ami  nou-comini-sioued  staff,  and  pro- 
ceeded in  advance  to  a  position  commanding  a 
lull  view  of  tho  enemy's  ciuiip  and  introuch- 


ments,  situated  about  foiir  miles  distant  from 
this  point.  The  enemy  was  discovered  to  be  in 
force,  awaiting  our  approach,  having  occupied 
the  ridge  and  neighboring  he'ghts  about  Sacra- 
mento. Upon  examiii.ation,  it  was  a.«cert,iined 
that  his  intrenchments  an(l  redoubts  occupied 
the  brow  of  elevation  extending  acro.ss  the  ridge 
between  the  Arroyo  Se<-oa.n<l  that  of  Sacramento^ 
both  of  which,  at  this  point,  cross  the  valley 
from  tho  elevated  ridge  of  monnt.-iins  in  the  rear 
of  the  valley  of  I'orreon,  known  by  the  name  of 
the  Sicrrit  Je  Victoridiio,  that  of  Kvmhre  (It 
JHos  on  the  east,  and  throush  which  runs  the 
Rio  del  JS'omhre  de  Dion.  This  valley  is  about 
four  miles  in  width,  and  intrenched  by  tlie 
enemy  entirely  across,  from  mountain  to  moun- 
tain, the  road -to  the  city  of  Chihuahua  running 
directly  through  its  centre — and  of  necessity 
passing  near  to,  and  crossing  the  Hio  Sacra- 
moito,  at  the  llaiicJio  Sacramento,  a  strongly 
built  and  fortitied  iionse,  with  adjoining  corra- 
als,  and  at  other  enclosures,  belonging  to  Angel 
Frias,  the  Governor  of  Chihuahua.  From  ob- 
servation it  was  a.scertained  that  the  enemy  had 
oecuiiied  the  site  between  these  hills,  and  that 
the  batteries  upon  them  were  supported  by  in- 
fantry— his  cavalry  being  in  advanced  positions, 
formed  into  three  columns,  between  the  Arroyo 
Seco,  and  our  advance.  During  these  observa- 
tions, the  enemy's  advanced  guard  discovering 
my  ]>arty,  approached  rapidly,  with  the  evident 
intention  of  intercejiting  it;  but  being  met  by 
that  of  our  troops,  which  I  Iiad  sent  forward,  it 
as  rapidly  retreated.  At  this  time,  also,  the 
three  columns  of  the  enemy's  cavalry  recrosseJ 
the  Arroyo  Scco,  and  retired  behind  their  in- 
trenchments. I  then  ajiproached  within  600 
yards  of  the  most  advanced  redoubt,  from  which 
l)oint  the  enemy's  formation  was  jilainly  discern- 
able.  The  intrenchments  con-isted  of  a  line, 
with  intervals,  compos  d  of  circular  redoubts, 
from  300  to  500  yards  interval,  with  intrench- 
ments between  each,  covering  batteries  i>artly 
masked  by  cav  ilry.  The  redoubt  nearest  to  my 
position,  contained  two  pieces  of  cannon,  sup- 
ported by  several  hundred  infantry. 

"  The  e:iemy's  right  ami  left  M  ere  strong  po- 
sitions— the  Virro  Frijolts  on  his  right,  and 
having  high  precijjitous  sides,  with  a  redoubt 
commanding  the  surrounding  country,  and  the 
piUs  leading  towards  Chihuahua,  through  the 
Arroyo  Seco.  The  Cerro  Sacramento  on  his 
left,  consisting  of  a  i)ile  of  immense  volcanic 
rocks,  surmounted  by  a  battery,  commanded  the 
main  road  to  Chihuahua,  leading  directly  in  front 
of  the-enemy's  intrenchnients;  crossing  the  Rio 
Sacramento  at  the  rancho,  directly  under  its 
lire,  and  also  commanding  the  road  from  Ter- 
reon,  immediately  in  its  rear;  the  crossing  of 
the  m.ain  road  over  the  Arroyo  Seco.  at  the 
point  from  which  my  reconuoissance  was  made, 
laid  directly  under  the  tire  of  the  batteries  on 
the  enemy's  rigiit,  which  rendered  it  necess;iry 
to  ascertain  the  praciicability  of  a  route  more 
distant  from  tho  enemy's  intrenchments.  The 
p  issage  was  found  to  be  practicable,  with  soino 
little  labor,  and  a  point  selecled  as  the  best  for 
the  jiassage  of  the  artillery,  and  wjigoiis.  and 
merchants'  trains.  The  wliole  point  of  the 
enemy's  line  of  iutrenclinients  appeared  to  'jo 
about  two  miles,  and  his  force  3,000  men.  The 
artillery  being  masked,  the  number  and  calibre 
of  the  cannon  could  not  be  ascertained. 

"  Further,  1  have  the  honor  to  report,  that  tho 
battalion  of  artillery  under  my  command,  com- 
posed of  110  men,  "  and  seven  olheors,  with  a 
battery  of  six  jiieces  of  artillery,  were,  ou  iho 
morning  of  the  b.attle,  directed  to  form,  under 
the  direction  of  Captain  Weiglitman,  between 
the  two  columns  of  merchants'  and  provision 
wagons;  being  thus  masked  from  the  view  ot 
I  he  enemy.  In  this  column  my  troops  con- 
tinued the  march  to  within  l,50tJ  yards  of  the 
enemy's  most  advanced  jiosition;  our  direction 
was  tlien  changed  to  tho  right,  au.l  tho  coluiiiu, 


UNITED  STATES. 


513 


having  crossed  tlie  Arroyo  Seco  Avithout  rciicli  i 
f>f  tlie  enemy's  lire,  rapidly  advanced  towards 
tiie  table-land  between  the  Seco  and  Sacramento. 
At  this  time  the  enemy  was  jierceived  advanc- 
ing from  his  intrcnchments,  to  prevent  our  seiz- 
ing iqiou  the  heights,  but  by  a  rapid  movement 
ol'  tlie  battery,  it  was  quickly  drawn  from  its 
mask,  and  seizing  upon  a  favorable  position, 
protected  in  the  rear  by  a  mask  from  the  attack 
of  a  large  body  of  the  enemy's  cavalry,  ascer- 
taived  to  be  hanging  on  our  rear,  it  was  formed, 
and  at  once  opened  tire  upon  the  enemy's  cav- 
alry, ra[)idly  advancing  upon  us.  At  this  time 
his  cliarging  column  was  about  900  yards  dis- 
tant, and  the  ettect  of  our  stray  shot  and  shells 
was  such  as  to  break  his  ranks,  and  throw  his 
cavalry  into  confusion.  The  enemy  now  ra[)idly 
deployed  into  line,  bringing  up  his  artillery  from 
the  intrenchments.  During  this  time  our  line 
was  ])reparing  for  a  charge — my  artillery  ad- 
vancing by  hand,  and  firing.  The  enemy  now 
opened  a  heavy  tire  of  cannon  upon  our  line, 
mainly  directed  upon  the  battery,  with  little 
eliect.  Lieutenant  Dorn  had  his  horse  shot; 
under  liim  by  a  nine-pound  ball,  at  this  stage  of 
the  action,  and  several  mules  and  oxen  in  the 
i'.ierchant  wagons,  in  our  rear,  were  wounded  or 
killed,  which,  however,  was  the  only  damage 
done.  The  tire  of  our  cannon  at  this  time  had 
such  good  ettect,  as  to  dismount  one  of  the 
er>emy's  pieces,  and  completely  to  disperse  his 
cavalry,  and  drive  him  from  his  position,  forcing 
him  to  again  retire  behind  his  intrenchments. 
For  a  short  time  the  tiring  on  either  side  now 
ceased,  and  the  enemy  appeared  to  be  removing 
Ills  cannon  and  wounded,  whilst  our  line  pre- 
pared to  change  our  position,  aurd  move  towards 
the  right,  for  the  purpose  of  occupying  a  more 
advantageous  ground.  Our  object  being  soon 
f.iined,  the  order  to  advance  was  given,  and  im- 
mediately after  I  was  directed  to  send  the  sec- 
tion of  bowitzer.s,  to  suj>port  a  charge  upon  the 
enemy's  left.  I  immediately  ordered  Cai)tain  R. 
II.  Weightman  to  detach  the  .section,  composed 
of  two  twelve-pound  mountain  howitzers, 
mounted  upon  carriages  constructed  especially 
for  tieid-prairie  service,  and  drawn  by  two  horses 
each.  These  were  commanded  by  Lieutenant 
E.  F.  Chouteau  and  II.  D.  Evans,  and  manned 
by  some  twenty  men,  whjse  conduct  in  this  ac- 
tion cannot  be  too  much  commended. 

Captain  Weightman  charged  at  full  gallop 
upon  the  enemy's  left,  preceded  by  Captain 
Ivwid  and  his  company  of  horse,  and  after  cross- 
ing a  ravine  some  150  yards  from  the  enemy,  he 
uulimbered  the  guns  within  50  yards  of  the  in- 
trencliment,  and  poured  a  destructive  fire  of 
canister  into  bis  ranks,  which  was  warndy  re- 
turned, but  without  etiect.  Captain  Weightman 
again  advanced  upon  the  intrenchment,  passing 
through  it  in  the  face  of  the  enemy,  and  within 
a  few  feet  of  the  ditches  ;  and  in  "the  midst  of 
cross-fires  from  three  directions,  again  opened 
his  fire  to  the  rigbt  and  left  with  such  etfect, 
that,  with  the  formidable  charge  of  the  cavalry 
and  dismounted  men  of  your  own  regiment,  and 
Lieuterumt-colonel  Mitchell's  escort,  the  enemy 
were  driven  from  the  breastworks  on  our  right 
in  great  confusion.  At  this  time,  under  a  heavy 
cross-fire  from  a  battery  of  four  six-pounders, 
under  Lieutenant's  Dorn,  Kibben,  andLabeaume, 
upon  the  enemy's  right,  supported  by  Major 
GUpin  on  the  left,  and  the  wagon-train  escorted 
by  two  companies  of  infantry  under  Captains 
E.  F.  Glasgow  and  Skillman,  in  rear,  Major  Gil- 
pin charged  upon  the  enemy's  centre  and  forced 
him  fiom  his  intrenchments,  under  a  lieavy  fire 
of  artillery  and  small  arms.  At  the  same  time, 
the  tire  of  our  own  battery  was  opened  upon 
the  enemey's  extreme  right,  from  which  a  con- 
tinued tire  had  been  kel)t  up  upon  our  own  line 
and  the  wagon-train.  Two  of  the  enemy's  gims 
were  soon  dismounted  on  their  right,  tliat  bat- 
tery bileuced,  and  the  enemy  dislodged  from  the 
redoubt   on  tho   Ccrro  Fvijoles.  Perceiving 


a  body  of  lancers  forming,  for  the  purpose  of 
outflaidving  our  left,  and  attacking  the  merchant 
train  under  Captain  (ilasgow,  I  again  opened 
u])on  them  a  very  destructive  fire  of  grajio  and 
spherical  case  shot,  which  soon  cleared  the  left 
of  our  line.  The  enemy,  vacating  his  intrench- 
ments and  deserting  his  guns,  was  hotly  pursued 
towards  the  mountains  beyond  Cerro  Frijoles, 
and  down  Arroyo  Scco  de  S<tcrmiiento,  by  both 
wings  of  the  army,  under  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Mitchell,  Lieutenant-colonel  .Jackson,  and  Major 
Gilpin,  and  by  Captain  Weightman,  wit!»  the 
section  of  howitzers.  During  Ibis  ])ursuit,  my 
oHicers  repeatedly  opened  tlieir  iire  upon  the 
retreating  enemy  with  great  etiect.  To  cover 
this  flight  of  the  enemy's  forces  from  the  in- 
trenched camp,  the  heaviest  of  his  cannon  had 
been  taken  from  his  intrenchments  to  tbe  Cerro 
Sacramcrdo,  and  a  heavj-  tire  opened  upon  our 
I)ursuing  forces  and  the  wagons  tbllowing  in  the 
rear.  To  silence  this  battery,  I  bad  tho  bonor 
to  anticipate  your  order  to  that  ettect,  by  at  once 
occupying  the  nearest  of  tbe  enemy's  intrench 
ments,  ].225  yards  dittant,  and  notwithstanding 
the  elevated  position  of  the  Mexic:!n  battery 
giving  him  a  plunging  fire  into  my  intrench- 
ments, which  were  not  enfiladed,  and  the  greater 
range  of  his  long  nine-pounders,  the  first  fire  of 
our  guns  dismounted  one  of  his  largest  pieces, 
and  the  fire  was  kept  up  with  such  briskness 
and  decision  of  aim,  that  the  battery  was  soon 
silenced,  and  the  enemy  seen  precipitatelv  re- 
treating. Tbe  tire  was  then  continued  upon  the 
Kancho  Sacramento,  and  tlie  enemy's  ammuni- 
tion and  wagon  train,  retreating  u])on  the  road 
to  Chihuahua.  By  tlieir  fire,  the  liouseand  seve- 
ral wagons  were  rendered  untenable  and  useless. 
By  this  time.  Lieutenant-colonel  Mitchell  had 
scaled  the  hill,  followed  by  tlie  section  of  how- 
itzers, under  Cajitain  Weightman,  and  the  List 
position  of  the  Mexican  forces  was  taken  posses- 
sion of  by  our  troops  ;  thus  leaving  the  Ameri- 
can  forces  masters  of  the  field.  Having  silenced 
the  fire  from  Cerro  Sacramento,  one  battery  was 
removed  into  the  plain  at  tho  raiu'ho,  where  we 
gained  the  road,  and  were  in  i)ursuit  of  the 
enemy,  when  I  received  your  order  to  return 
and  encamp  within  the  enemy's  intrenchments 
for  the  night.  From  the  time  of  first  opening 
my  fire  upon  the  Mexican  cavalry,  to  the  cessa- 
tion of  the  firing  upon  the  ranclio  and  battery 
of  Sacramento,  was  about  three  hours;  and 
during  the  whole  time  of  the  action,  I  take  the 
utmost  pleasure  in  stating,  that  every  officer 
and  man  of  my  command,  did  his  duty  with 
cheerfulness,  coolness  and  precision,  which  is 
sufficiently  shown  by  the  admirable  etiect  pro- 
duced hy  their  tire,  the  great  accuracy  of  their 
aim,  their  expedition  and  ingenuity  in  supplying 
deficiencies  in  the  field  during  the  action,  and 
the  prompt  management  of  their  pieces — ren- 
dered still  more  remarkable,  from  the  fact,  that 
1  had,  during  the  fight,  less  than  two-thirds  the 
number  of  cannoneer.^  geuerally  reijuired  for  the 
service  of  light  artillery,  and  but  four  of  the 
twelve  artillery  carriages  belonging  to  my  bat- 
tery harncssjd  with  horses,  the  remaining  eight 
carriages  being  harnessed  to  nmles  of  the  coun- 
try. During  the  day  my  staff  were  of  the  great- 
est service;  Adjutant  Leo  D.  Walker  having 
been  sent  with  the  howitzers,  and  the  non-com- 
mi-ssioned  officers  remaining  with  me,  to  assist 
in  the  service  of  tbe  battery.  In  this  action, 
the  troojjs  under  your  conmiand  have  captured 
one  nine-pounder,  one  six-pounder,  and  seven 
four-pounder  guns,  all  mounted  on  new  stock- 
trail  carriages.  These  pieces  were  manufactured 
in  Chihuahua,  excej)t  the  six-pouuder,  which  is 
an  old  Spanish  piece.  Three  of  the  four-i)ound- 
ers  were  made  at  the  mint  in  (.'hihuahua.  Seven 
of  tbe  ten  pieces  were  spiked,  but  have  been  un- 
spiked  since  their  capture;  lour  of  these  were 
rendered  unserviceable  in  the  action  ;  one  en- 
tirely dismounted,  was  seized  by  my  adjutant, 
whilst  in  the  act  of  being  dragged  from  the  lieid 


by  the  retreating  enen-y.  There  wereal-o  taken 
two  pieces  of  artillery,  mounting  three  wall- 
pieces  of  one  and  a  h.d'-incli  calibre  earli,  aiir) 
these  are  formidabi.'^  weaj)ons  njion  a  ch.irging 
force.  With  these  twelve  i>ieces  of  artillery  was 
taken  a  due  ])roporiir>n  of  ammunition,  imple- 
ments, harness,  nn)le.s,  etc.;  and  they  ma}'  b» 
rendered  serviceable  l)y  being  ])roperly  repaired 
and  manned  ;  for  which  ])uri)Ose  I  would  ask 
tor  fm-ther  reinforceme;:*'  of  my  command.  It 
is  with  feelings  of  gr.'-titude  to  the  linler  of  all 
battles,  that  I  have  now  the  honor  to  report, 
that  not  a  man  of  my  command  has  been  hurt, 
nor  any  animals,  with  ihe  exception  of  ono 
horse  killed  under  Lieu'enaiit  Dorn,  chief  of  tho 
tirst  section  of  six-poimd  guns,  and  of  one  mide, 
belonging  to  the  United  States,  shot  under  one 
of  the  cannoneers ;  Dciiher  has  a  gun  or  oilier 
carriage  of  my  battery  been  touched,  cxci-pt  in 
one  instance,  when  a  nine-pound  ball  struck  tho 
tire  of  a  wheel,  without  producing  any  injury. 
This  is  a  fact  worthy  of  notice,  that  so  little 
damage  was  done  to  a  command  greatly  exposed 
to  the  enemy's  fire,  and  of  itself  made  a  point 
of  attack  by  the  enemy,  if  I  may  so  judge  by 
the  showers  of  cannon  and  other  shot  constantly 
poured  into  us,  as  long  as  the  enemy  continued 
to  occupy  his  position.  I  might  call  your  atten- 
tion to  the  individual  instances  of  personal 
courage  and  good  ciuduct  of  the  men  of  my 
command,  as  well  as  of  tbe  intrepid  bravery, 
cool  and  determined  courage  of  many  of  your 
own  regiment,  and  Lieutenant-colonel  Mitcheira 
escort,  who  charged  with  us  upon  the  enemy's 
work.s,  were  it  not  im|)ossibie,  in  any  reasonalde 
space,  to  name  .so  many  equally  worthy  of  dis- 
tinction ;  and  did  I  r.ot  presume  that  other  field 
ollicers  on  that  occasion,  would  report  the  prt«- 
ceedings  of  their  own  counnands,  and  the  [jraise- 
worthy  conduct  of  their  own  olfieers  and  men. 
"With  high  .'•es|)ect,  I  am,  sir, 
"Your  most  obedient  servant, 

"M.  Lewis  Clai:k, 

"Majiir  Coiiiiiianiling  Baltnil'xi  Missouri  Liglit  Arlilliry." 

The  day  following  iL-e  battle  was  devoted  to 
the  mending  of  the  tattered  clothes  of  the  army, 
previous  to  a  triuniphai  march  into  Chihuahua. 
Having  been  disajjpoi'ited  again  in  finding  Gen- 
eral W  ool,  an  express  wac  sent  to  general  Tay- 
lor, refjuesting  to  be  informed  wliellier  they 
sliould  return  liome,  or  join  him ;  an  auswer  was 
received,  stating  that  i:'ey  should  jniii  him  by 
way  of  I'arras  and  Saliillo.  They  accoridiigly 
started  for  Saltillo  on  tnc  '^oth  of  April ;  tra\  el- 
ling  a  distance  of  'JU'J  miles  in  forty-five  tiays, 
arriving  at  Saltillo  on  liic  22d  of  May.  ilere 
they  liad  many  ofiers  uvide  them  to  enlist  again, 
but  home  was  preferable,  and  they  returned  to 
the  United  States,  and  v.-'-re  received  with  every 
nianitestation  of  joy  and  pleiusure. 

In  the  meantime,  imp<.,;*ant  events  were  tak- 
ing place  in  Californui.  Belore  the  war  began, 
in  164(),  the  territory  of  U,.per  California  formed 
tlie  north-western  portion  of  the  Kepublic  of 
Mexico.  It  was  cliietly  inhabited  by  Im.ians, 
and  portions  of  the  co,;iitry,  in  the  valley  ul' 
San  Jo.-!e,  and  the  vicinity  of  Los  Angeles,  were 
very  fertile.  General  Sle.at,  commauuer  of  the 
squadron  on  the  I'aciiic  coast,  having  received 
luiormation  of  the  war  upon  the  liio  Grande, 
arrived  at  Monterey,  and  hoisted  the  American 
fiag  over  that  town,  amidst  the  cheers  of  tiio 
Americans,  and  a  salute  from  the  ships  in  llio 
harbor,  lie  also  issut-d  a  proclaniaiiou  to  tho 
peiqile  of  California.  Tl.?  Americ.m  tlag  wa.'j 
also  hoisted  at  San  Francisco,  by  Montgomery, 
commander  of  the  sloop-oi-war  l\)rtsmouth. 

Captain  Fremont,  with  170  men,  arrived  in 
Caliioriiia  by  an  oveibmd  route,  and  took  pos.'>os- 
sioii  of  Sonoma,  one  of  the  most  important 
posts  in  the  territory,  where  he  lelt  a  small  gar- 
rison, and  marched  lor  anJ  took  l  osscssiou 
San  .Juan,  about  SO  miles  east  of  Monterey . 

Immeduitely   after  ruising  tho  liag  of  tho 


644 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


United  States,  tlic  fortification  of  >rontcre,v  took 
filisce,  and  Commodore  Sloat  sailed  for  t'.ie  United 
States,  Icavinfr  Commodore  Stockton  in  com- 
mand of  the  Pacific  squadron.  Sliortly  after 
tliis,  the  Cyane,  Connnandant  Dupont,  Avitli 
C:ii)tnin  Fremont  and  volunteers  on  board,  sailed 
for  San  Dief^o,  and  tlio  frigate  Congress,  Com- 
modore Stocktou,  sailed  for  San  Pedro,  tlio  port 
of  Los  Angeles,  the  cajiital  of  California.  The 
frigate  Sav.innah  remained  at  Monterey,  and 
the  sloop-of-war  Portsmouth,  at  San  Francisco. 
Thus  all  the  ports  of  the  territory  were  secured. 

Ct)nnnodoro  Stockton  i>roclain'ieil  California 
in  full  posj^ession  of  the  United  States  on  the 
17th  of  August,  and  shortly  after,  Joined  the 
sqa  dron  at  San  Francisco.  Scarcely  had  he 
arrived,  when  inlorination  was  received  lliat  all 
the  country  below  Monterey  was  in  arms ;  he 
immediately  returned,  and  gained  a  victory  of 
the  Cnlifornians  at  the  lianche  Sepulinda.  On 
the  23d  of  September,  Pueblo  de  los  Angeles, 
which  had  been  left  in  command  of  Ca|)tain 
Gillespie  with  30  men,  was  invested  with  an 
army  of  Californians  under  Manuel  Gas])ar,  who 
forced  Gillespie  to  surrender  tliei)lace,  and  retire 
to  San  Pedro,  where  he  embarked  for  Monterey. 

(laspar  then  led  200  of  his  men  against  Santa 
liarbara  (which  i)laco  had  been  left  in  com- 
mand of  Jaeuteiiant  Talbot  with  oidy  nine  men), 
where  ho  was  held  in  check  by  Talbot  for  ten 
days.  Talbot  and  his  men  then  retired  to  tlie 
mountains,  and  were  summoned  to  surrender; 
but  on  his  refusal,  a  detachment  of  forty  men 
was  sent  against  him,  who  jiromised,  if  he  wou'd 
preserve  neutrality  during  the  war,  to  jiermit 
liim  to  retire.  This  not  proving  effect ual,  the 
grass  was  tired,  and  he  was  burned  out,  retreat- 
ing to  Monterey  on  foot  a  distance  of  500  miles. 

Some  two  days  after  the  arrival  of  Lieutenant 
Talbot  at  Monterey,  a  party  of  27  Americans, 
under  Captains  I5uri-ows  and  Thomijson,  were 
attacked  by  bO  Californians,  and  Captain  JJur- 
rows  an<l  three  Americasis  slain.  Three  of  the 
fci  emy  were  also  killed,  but  the  Americans  were 
kept  shut  up  in  St.  .John's,  until  the  arrival  of 
Major  Fremont.  The  whole  party  then  left  St. 
John's,  and  arrived  at  San  Fernando  on  the  11th 
of  January. 

W  liile  these  atJairs  were  in  jirogress  in  CaVi- 
fornia.  General  Kearney  was  on  his  march 
thither  fruni  Santa  Fe.  He  met  Carson  on  the 
Oth  of  October,  who,  with  lifteen  men,  was  on 
his  way  to  Washington,  with  an  account  of  the 
conipiest  of  that  country  by  Fremont  and  Stock- 
Ion.  General  Kearney  persuaded  him  to  act  as 
liis  guide  towards  the  Paciiic,  and  allow  some 
other  person  to  take  his  despatches.  On  the 
15th  of  Oeioher,  tliey  left  the  liio  Grande,  and 
commenced  their  march  with  100  men,  well 
ei]uipi-ed,  towards  the  Pacific  coast. 

1  liey  Were  met  on  the  5th  of  December,  by  a 
small  hoily  of  volunteers  under  Captain  (Jil- 
lesjiie,  wlio  gave  them  information  concerning 
the  state  of  the  country.  He  stated  th.it  an 
armed  |)arty  of  Californians,  with  an  extra  num- 
ber of  liorses,  were  encamped  at  San  Pas(jual, 
three  le.igues  distant.  (ienoral  Kearney  de- 
teriniiied  to  march  ujion  them,  in  the  double 
liKpo  of  a  victory,  and  obtaining  a  reii.ount  for 
liis  poor  soldiers,  whose  animals  had  been  com- 
pletely worn  out  during  their  march  from  Santa 
Fe,  u  distance  of  l,05o  miles.  They  encount 
ered  the  enemy  at  daybreak,  on  the  Clh  J)e 
cembcr,  and  Cajitaiu  Johnson,  who  led  the  ad- 
vaiieud  guard,  made  a  fiiri  ms  on.slaught  uimn 
tiieni,  but  tvll  almost  at  the  beginning  of  the 
ttclion.  The  cueniy  were  forced  to  retreat. 
Cajilain  .Moore  pursued  them,  but  the  mules  on 
which  the  dragoons  were  mounted,  could  not 
keep  up  with  Ijis  horses,  and  the  enemy  seeing 
this,  renewed  the  light.  Their  superior  nuni- 
ber>  nearly  proved  fatal  to  the  little  band  ;  but 
ibe  dragoons  coming  soon  afier,  lliey  lied 
from  the  lield,  carrying  oil'  most  of  their  dead 
with  them.    Captuiu  Johnson,  (J.ipUiiii  Moore, 


Lieutenant  nammond,  two  sergeants,  two  corpo- 
rals, eleven  ]»rivates,  and  a  man  attached  to  the 
topograjdiical  dei^artnient  were  slnin.  General 
Kearney  was  wounded  in  two  places.  Captain 
Gillespie  liad  three  wound.*.  Lieutenant  Warner, 
of  the  to])<>gra[)hical  engineers,  three,  and  Caj)- 
tain  (jtibson  and  eleven  others  were  also  wounded, 
most  of  them  having  from  tw'o  to  ten  wounds 
from  lances.  The  cripj)led  state  of  the  soldiers 
caused  a  lialt  until  the  12th  of  December,  when 
the  inarch  was  resumed,  and  on  the  12th  the 
army  reached  San  Diego. 

On  the  arrival  of  General  Kearney,  he  and 
Commodore  Stockton  laid  a  plan  for  putting  an 
end  to  the  war. 

The  little  army,  consisting  of  about  500  men, 
started  from  San  Diego  on  the  29th  of  Decem- 
ber, to  march  to  Los  Angeles.  They  had  oidy 
proceeded  100  miles,  as  far  as  the  Kio  San  (ia- 
briel,  when  they  met  the  enemy,  who  with  COO 
mounted  men,  and  four  pieces  of  artillery,  were 
jirepared  to  disj)ute  the  passage  of  the  river. 

On  the  8th  of  January,  1847,  the  Americans 
waded  through  the  river,  under  a  most  galling 
tire,  reserving  their  fire,  until  they  reached  the 
opposite  bank.  Here  they  succeeded  in  com- 
pletely routing  the  enemy,  and  encamped  there 
over  night,  and  resumed  their  march,  early  ne.xt 
morning.  On  the  jilains  of  the  Mesa,  another 
ittenipt  was  made  by  the  enemy  to  save  their 
cajiital.  They  concealed  themselves  in  a  ravine, 
IS  the  Americans  a])proached,  when  they 
ojiened  a  bri>k  tire  with  their  field  pieces,  and  at 
the  .same  time  charged  upon  them  both  in  the 
front  and  rear.  They  fell  back,  however,  as  the 
Americans  advanced,  iind  finally  retreated,  aftc!' 
another  charge  on  the  left  flank.  The  Ameri- 
cans entered  the  city  of  Los  Angeles  on  the  lOlh 
without  opposition. 

Two  or  three  days  jjrevionsly  to  the  battle  of 
the  8tli  of  January-,  iiroi)ositioiis  were  made  by 
Jose  -Maria  1  lores,  the  commander  of  the  Cali- 
forniau.-,  for  jieace.  But  Captain  Stockton  replied 
that  he  wotild  receive  no  overtures  from  a  man 
who  had  broken  his  j)arole  ;  that  ho  was  a  rebel 
in  arms,  and  if  taken  he  would  be  shot. 

After  losing  the  battles  of  the  8th  &  Dth,  they 
met  Colonel  Fremont  on  his  way  to  Ciudad  de 
los  Angeles.  Flores  had  fied,  leaving  the  com- 
mand to  Don  Andres  Pico,  who  proposed  sur- 
rendering his  force  to  Colonel  i^remont,  who, 
being  imaware  of  what  had  occurred  jireviously, 
agreed  to  accept.  The  articles  of  capitulation 
were  signed  on  the  13lh  of  January.  The  terms 
did  not  treat  the  Calitornians  either  as  rebels,  or 
as  citizens  of  the  United  States,  nor  e.xaet  oaths 
of  allegiance  until  a  defiidte  treaty  of  peace 
should  be  concluded  between  the  two  Power? 
Commodore  Stockton  approved  of  this  agreement 
though  he  regretted  that  the  opportunity  was 
lost  lor  punishing  the  ollicers  for  breaking  their 
parole. 

Colonel  Fremont  Joined  the  forces  of  Kearney 
auvl  Stockton,  at  Los  Angeles,  on  the  15tli.  It 
was  here  that  the  dispute  arose  between  Kearney 
and  Stockton,  as  to  their  relative  preiogatives, 
which  eventually  lost  to  the  country,  the  valu- 
able services  of  one  of  her  most  brUiiant  and 
talented  ollicers. 

Commodore  Stockton  had  been  greatly  pleased 
with  the  conduct  of  Colonel  Fr,  mont,  and  was 
dee|)ly  imiiressed  with  his  ability  and  zeal;  and 
in  return  for  liis  services,  before  leaving  the 
coast,  ai(|)oiiited  him  (iovernor  of  Calitornia. 

Commodore  Shubrick  arrived  at  ^Monterey, 
and  a.ssumecl  connnand  of  the  naval  forces  on 
that  station,  in  January,  1847.  (jeneral  Kear- 
ney was  Joined  by  Lieutenant  Colonel  Cooke,  at 
San  l)iego,  with  a  battalion  of  .Mormons,  who 
were  posted  at  San  Luis  lii'y,  to  prevent  the 
reinloreements  from  entering  Calitornia  from 
Sonora.  General  Kearney  sailed  to  .Monteri'y. 
Cai)tain  Tomjikins  arrived  with  his  com|>any  oi 
United  States  iirlillery,  and  was  stationed  at 
Monterey,  and  on  the  Olh  of  March,  Colonel 


Stephenson,  with  250  of  the  Xew  York  Califor- 
nia volunteers,  arrived  at  San  Francisco.  The 
remainder  of  his  regiment  arrived  soon  after, 
lie  wa.s  ordered,  soon  afterwards,  to  occnpy 
Monterey,  with  four  companies,  and  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Burton,  wi'h  three  companies,  gccupied 
Santa  Barbara.  The  emigrants  who  hail  formed 
the  Califorida  Battalion,  were  discharged,  and 
began  to  establish  tbeinselves.  Xew  .settlements 
were  formed  in  all  directions.  General  Kearney's 
last  act  was  to  order  Lieutenant  Colonel  Burton 
to  sail  to  La  Paz  in  Lower  CaliforniiV  and  occn 
py  that  country.  This  was  acconij)lished  with 
out  much  difficulty. 

A  brilliant  victory  was  g.ained  by  Lientenant 
Colonel  Burton  at  La  Paz,  over  300  of  the  eu?- 
niy,  killing  and  wounding  50  of  their  number, 
with  the  loss  of  oidy  three  men.  Some  50 
Americans,  under  Lientenant  Ileywood,  were 
besieged  at  San  Jose,  the  most  southern  port  of 
California,  for  30  days,  by  nearly  400  of  the 
enemy,  yet  despite  of  all  the  horrors  of  famine 
and  thirst,  they  maintained  their  i)0st  until  they 
were  released  by  the  United  States  ship  Cyane, 
the  crew  of  which  put  the  enemy  to  flight.  A 
series  of  minor  fights  and  skirmishes  took  place 
on  the  I'acific  coast  of  Mexico,  in  which  the 
enemy  were  generally  worsted. 

In  February,  1847,  General  Kearney  received 
instructions  from  the  war  dei)artment,  to  assume 
the  government  of  California,  and  issued,  on  the 
1st  of  March,  1847,  a  ])roclamation  to  that  etfect. 
When  Colonel  Fremont  was  ajiprised  of  this  ac- 
tion, he  declined  to  obey  his  military  orders,  and 
continued  to  act  as  "governor  and  commander- 
in-chief  of  California,"  under  authority  from 
Commodore  Stockton,  alleging  that  the  author- 
ity conJerred  on  General  Kearney  had  become 
obsolete  by  events,  of  which  the  government  had 
taken  no  note.  The  principal  of  these  was  the 
conipiest  of  California,  which  he  stated  had  been 
accomplished  by  Connnodore  Stockton  and  uini- 
•self,  before  the  arrival  of  General  Kearney. 

At  the  end  of  May,  (Jeneral  Kearney  left  for 
home,  having  aj)pointed  Colonel  Miison  governor 
of  California.  He  was  accompanied  by  Colonel 
Fremont  and  his  original  engineering  i)arty. 
When  they  reached  Fort  Leavenworth,  formal 
charges  of  mutiny,  and  disobedience  of  the 
commands  of  his  superior  officer,  to  the  Jireju- 
dice  of  good  order  and  military  discipline,  were 
preferred  by  Cieneral  Kearney  against  Colonel 
Fremont,  who  desired  a  speedy  trial.  He  was 
subsequently  tried  in  Washington,  befiu'e  a  court 
martial,  and  found  guilty  of  all  the  charges;  but 
recommended  to  executive  clemency.  Although 
the  President  approved  of  the  sentence  of  the 
court,  which  was  "dismissal  from  service,"  he 
wasofopiiMon  that  the  charge  of  mutiny  was 
not  sustained.  The  .sentence  was  renntted,  and 
Fremont  released  from  arrest,  and  ordered  to 
report  for  duty.  He  wns  ordered  to  Join  the  rifle 
regiment,  in  which  he  held  a  commission,  aa 
lieutenant-eolonei  in  Mexico;  but  he  was  not  con- 
scious of  meriting  the  sentence  of  the  court,  and 
he  woulil  not  seem  to  iidmit  its  justice,  by  ac- 
ee[)ting  executive  clemency.  Ho  therefore  re- 
signed his  commission. 

An  insurrection  broke  out  in  the  northern 
part  of  New  Mexico,  soon  after  Colonel  Doni- 
I'han  left  for  Chihuahua.  The  object  of  tlio.so 
engaged  in  it  appearecl  to  be  to  murder  all  the 
American  residents,  and  as  many  of  the  Mex- 
icans as  had  taken  office  under  the  govern- 
ment e>tablished  by  (Jeneral  Kearney.  The  insi;r- 
rection  was  formed  by  a  number  of  ])roininent 
.Mexicans,  headed  by  Thomas  Ortiz,  and  Diego 
Arehalet.-i.  The  failure  of  their  [plan  is  attribu- 
ted to  the  i(ost]>i)iieinent  of  their  scheme,  from 
the  time  first  .agreed  upon.  The  leaders  fleJ, 
though  their  doctrines  were  rife  among  the  peo- 
ple, .•ind  gave  great  anxiety  to  the  authorities, 
(iovernor  Bent  iivsueil  a  proclamation  on  the  Clh 
of  January,  which  appeared  to  have  the  desirwl 
etlcct,  for" the  governor,  confiding  in  the  appar- 


UlTITED  STATES. 


51.1 


ent  tranquillity,  -went  to  Taos  unattended  on  pri- 
vate business. 

Ou  the  10th  of  January,  a  party  of  Pueblo 
Indians  appeared  in  the  village,  and  demanded 
the  release  of  two  of  their  comrades,  who  were 
confined  in  prison  for  crime.  Stejihen  L.  Lee, 
the  sheriff,  would  have  complied  with  their  re- 
quest, iiad  not  Vigil,  the  Mexican  ])ref'ect,  for- 
bidilen  it.  The  Indians  then  murdered  both  Vigil 
and  Lee,  and  themselves  released  the  prisoners. 
They  were  now  joined  by  a  party  of  Mexicans, 
and  marched  to  the  house  of  Governor  Bent, 
who  attempted  to  escape,  but  was  shot,  scalped, 
and  his  body  nailed  to  a  board,  and  paraded 
through  the  streets.  Mr.  Leal,  the  district  attor- 
ney, they  treated  in  a  more  brutal  manner, 
scalping  him  alive,  and  shooting  arrows  into  his 
body  a  little  way  at  a  time.  Messengers  were 
then  dispatched  all  over  the  country,  jiroclaim- 
ing  that  a  blow  had  been  struck,  and  inviting 
the  aid  of  the  people  in  prosecuting  the  revolt. 
Several  Americans  were  murdere<l  on  the  same 
day,  at  the  Arroyo  Honda,  and  two  others  on 
the  Kio  Colorado, 

On  the  20th  of  January,  Colonel  Price  heard 
of  these  events,  and  that  the  insurgents  had 
raised  an  army  of  1,500  men,  and  were  advanc- 
ing to  fight  him.  lie  met  them  on  the  24th, 
and  defeated  them,  they  flying  in  all  directions, 
leaving  36  dead  on  the  field.  On  the  29th  he 
was  informed  that  some  60  or  80  of  them  were 
posted  on  the  gorge  leading  to  Embudo,  and 
dispatched  Captain  Burgwin  with  180  men  to 
fight  them. 

He  found  them  600  strong,  and  posted  on  the 
precipitous  sides  of  the  mountains.  Neverthe- 
less he  drove  them  from  their  position,  with  tlie 
loss  of  20  killed  and  60  wounded  on  their  part, 
while  he  had  only  one  man  killed  and  one 
wounded.  He  then  marched  to  Trampas,  where 
he  was  joined  by  Colonel  Price,  and  the  whole 
array  marched  over  the  Taos  Mountains,  break- 
ing a  road  through  the  snow  for  their  artillery. 
It  was  ascertained  that  the  enemy  had  fortified 
Pueblo  de  Taos,  a  place  remarkable  for  its 
strength,  being  surrounded  by  adobe  walls  and 
strong  pickets,  every  part  of  which  was  flanked 
by  some  projecting  building. 

Colonel  Price  ojjened  his  batteries  on  the  town 
on  the  3d  of  February,  but  retired  shortly  after 
to  await  the  concentration  of  his  forces.  On  the 
4th  the  tire  was  again  opened,  but  it  being  found 
impossible  to  make  a  breach  in  the  walls  with 
the  howitzers,  it  was  determined  to  storm  the 
church,  situated  in  the  north-western  angle  of 
the  town.  The  attack  was  led  by  Captain 
Burgwin,  who  established  his  party  under  the 
western  walls  of  the  church,  and  attempted  to 
effect  an  entrance  with  axes,  while  the  roof  was 
fired,  with  the  help  of  a  temporary  ladder. 
Captain  Burgwin  was  fatally  wounded,  while 
endeavoring  to  force  the  door,  and  died  on  the 
7th  of  February. 

It  was  found  to  be  impossible  to  force  the  door, 
and  they  retreated  behind  the  wall ;  while  they 
hud  been  thus  engaged  small  liolos  had  been  cut 
in  the  wall,  and  shells  were  thrown  in  by  hand 
doing  great  execution.  A  breach  was  at  last  ef- 
fected by  Lieutenant  Wilson,  who  i)rocured  a 
Bix-Dounder,  and  fired  ten  rounds  of  grape 
within  60  yards  of  the  wall.  The  gun  was 
then  brought  to  bear  wi»hin  ten  yards'  distance, 
and  three  more  rounds  of  grape,  and  a  shell 
were  fired. 

The  capture  of  the  town  was  speedily  etiected, 
numbers  of  the  enemy  endeavoring  to  escape  to- 
wards the  mountains ;  but  were  intercepted  bv 
Captains  Slack  and  St.  Vrain,  who  killed  51  of 
tl\em.  In  order  to  obtain  terms,  they  gave  up 
to  us  the  Indians  who  had  been  concerned  in 
the  murder  of  Governor  Brent,  and  much  pro- 
perty belonging  to  the  Americans  whom  they 
had  murdered. 

_0u  the  19th  of  January  the  people  of  the  town 
of  Moro,  on  the  side  of  the  mountains,  had  risen 
36 


and  murdered  eight  Americans  residing  there. 
Captain  Henley  being  in  the  vicinity,  attempted 
to  tidvc  the  town,  but  was  repulsed,  and  lost  his 
life.  Captain  Morin  reinforced  the  assailants, 
and  took  and  burned  the  town.  The  Indians 
sued  for  peace,  and  gave  up  those  who  had  ex- 
cited them  to  rebellion.  Many  of  those  who  had 
borne  an  active  part,  were  tried  and  convicted, 
and  promptly  executed.  Colonel  Price  was  pro- 
moted to  the  rank  of  brigadier-general  for  his 
zeal  and  bravery. 

Hostilities  were  kept  up  for  some  time  by  the 
Camanche,  Arapaho,  and  Kiawa  tribes  of  Indians, 
with  others  inhabiting  the  country  from  Mis- 
souri to  Santa  Fe  and  California.  Colonel  Gil- 
pin, with  a  battalion  of  troops,  was  ordered  to 
the  scene  of  these  operations,  and  by  his  skill 
and  bravery  succeeded  in  restoring  quiet,  and 
now  the  Santa  Fe  trader  and  the  government 
trains  pass  unmolested. 

When  the  movements  of  the  Mexicans  against 
General  Taylor  on  the  Rio  Grande  rendered  war 
between  the  United  States  and  Mexico  inevita- 
ble, General  Scott  submitted  a  plan  of  opera- 
tions to  government,  having  for  its  basis  a  vigor- 
ous prosecution  of  hostilities.  This  was  rejected 
by  the  war  department.  The  general  then  re- 
quested permission  to  join  Taylor  with  large 
reinforcements,  and  be  ready  for  an  advance  on 
the  enemy's  capital  at  a  moment's  warning. 
This  was  also  disapproved,  and  Scott  was  obliged 
to  remain  inactive  at  Washington,  until  Novem- 
ber, 1846,  when  ho  received  authority  from 
Secretary  Marcy  to  organize  a  force  independent 
of  that  under  General  Tajlor,  and  proceed  with 
it  to  the  Gulf  coast.  In  obedience  to  this  order, 
he  reached  Eio  Grande  on  the  1st  of  January, 
and  immediately  commenced  preparations  for 
the  siege  of  Vera  Cruz.  On  the  9th,  the  troops, 
numbering  eleven  thousand,  were  landed  on  the 
wide  beach  near  the  city.  "A  more  stirring 
spectacle,"  says  an  eye-witness,  "  has  probably 
never  been  witnessed  in  America.  In  the  first 
line  there  were  no  less  than  seventy  heavy  surf- 
boats,  containing  nearly  four  thousand  regulars, 
all  of  whom  expected  to  meet  the  enemy  before 
they  reached  the  shore.  Yet  every  man  was 
anxious  to  be  first,  and  plunged  into  the  water 
waist-deep.  When  they  reached  the  shore,  the 
stars  and  stripes  were  instantly  floating,  a  rush 
was  made  for  the  sand-hills,  the  troops  pressing 
onward  amid  loud  shouts.  Three  long  and  loud 
cheers  rose  from  their  comrades  still  on  board, 
awaiting  to  be  disembarked,  and  meanwhile  the 
tops  and  every  portion  of  the  foreign  vessels  were 
crowded  with  spectators  of  the  scene. 

On  the  22d,  after  summoning  the  city  to  sur- 
render. General  Scott  opened  his  batteries,  and 
the  bombardment  was  commenced  in  regular 
form.  The  details  present  scenes  of  the  most 
thrilling  interest  of  individual  heroism  and  in- 
tense suffering.  The  enemy  were  superior  in 
number  to  their  assailams,  and  both  city  and 
castle  were  bristling  with  infantry.  Yet  while 
bombs  and  balls  were  falling  around  them  as  thick 
as  a  summer  shower,  the  Americans  labored  at 
their  trenches,  erected  batteries,  and  completed 
their  investment.  All  night,  while  the  terrible 
drama  went  on,  fiery  streams,  carrying  winged 
messengers  of  death,  traversed  the  air,  shattering 
the  flinty  rocks  like  chart",  or  crushing  througli 
walls  and  houses  into  the  streets  of  Vera  Cruz. 
Houses  and  battlements  shook  with  the  explo- 
sions, while  the  heaving  Gulf  tossed  and  lashed 
as  though  participating  in  the  fearful  uproar. 
Sweeping  up  and  down,  between  the  fires  of  both 
armies,  the  tall  form  of  General  Scott  thrilled 
each  soldier  as  it  had  done  a  former  army,  near 
the  roar  of  Niagara :  while  hero  and  there  the 
American  officers  stood  upon  their  guns,  and 
watched  the  flaming  fires,  as  they  drove  into  the 
c-ity.  Rows  of  buildings  were  heard  crashing  in 
the  streets,  while  wailings  of  death  from  thou- 
sands of  voices  told  of  tlie  fearful  consequences. 


Then  the  stem  old  castle  would  vomit  forth  its 
discharges,  the  balls  jilunging  and  hissing  in  the 
water,  or  rattling  like  fallen  meteors  along  the 
shore. 

Such  was  the  scene  during  the  night  of  the 
22d.  On  the  following  day,  one  of  those  ter- 
rific Btorms,  denominated  northers,  set  in,  and  a 
suspension  of  hostilities  became  necessary.  The 
ocean  dashed  and  roared  along  the  shoro,'so  as  to 
render  any  communication  with  the  fleet  imi)os- 
sible;  while  showers  of  sand  filled  the  trencho!? 
of  the  Americans  as  soon  as  opened,  blind 
ing  the  laborers,  and  scattering  their  materi- 
als. This  subsided  during  the  night,  and  on  the 
following  day  the  bombardment  recommenced 
with  increa.sed  sjjirit, — several  new  batteries  hav- 
ing been  opened  in  the  morning.  The  heaviest 
walls  crumbled  before  the  iron  bolts  that  were 
hurled  against  them,  while  scores  of  men,  wo- 
men, and  httle  children  were  engulfed  under 
their  ruins.  The  terrified,  shrieking  masses  flew 
from  station  to  station,  as  one  after  another  be- 
came untenable,  until  at  length  no  place  waf 
secure.  Heavy  bombs,  loaded  with  powder  and 
small  shot,  fell  and  exploded  among  dense  groups, 
crushing  and  mangling  hundreds. 

At  length  the  citizens  crowded  to  General 
Morales,  and  demanded  the  opening  of  a  nego- 
tiation for  the  surrender  of  the  city,  if  not  the 
castle.  This  was  refused,  and  though  clamor 
and  anarchy  were  loud  against  him,  the  general 
kept  his  soldiers  to  their  posts,  and  announced 
his  resolution  to  die  rather  than  surrender. 
Then  despair,  tumult,  discord  ran  wild  through 
the  city.  Morales  was  deposed,  and  General 
Landero  appointed  in  his  place.  Negotiations 
for  cai)itulation  immediately  ensued,  and  on  the 
29th,  the  garrison  marched  from  both  city  and 
castle,  laid  down  their  arms,  and  departed  to  tho 
interior.  The  Mexican  flag  was  hauled  down, 
and  as  the  American  one  ran  up,  it  was  saluted 
by  the  guns  of  San  Juan  de  Ulloa  and  the  fleet. 
The  Mexican  army  was  dismissed  on  condition 
of  not  again  serving  in  the  war,  unless  exchangeiL 
The  otficers  and  soldiers  retained  their  side  aruia 
ud  all  private  eftects.  The  public  stores  and 
military  property,  with  both  city  and  castle, 
were  yielded  to  the  United  States. 

This  siege  will  ever  be  remarkable  for  the 
great  strength  of  the  place  attacked,  the  vigor 
of  the  besiegers,  and  tiieir  comparatively  insig- 
nificant loss.  Two  officers  were  killed,  and  a 
few  soldiers.  The  number  of  killed  and  wound- 
ed among  the  ilexicaus  is  unknown,  but  was  no 
doubt  very  great. 

After  refreshing  his  men  for  about  two  weeks, 
General  Scott  advanced  (8th  April)  towards  tho 
capital.  On  the  19th  he  arrived  at  the  Sierra 
Gordo,  where  General  Santa  Anna  had  stationed 
himself  with  eleven  thousand  men.  The  Sierra 
is  a  strong  pass,  situated  among  lofty  rocks,  and 
entirely  controlling  the  road  toward  the  interior. 
The  Mexican  General  had  fortified  it  so  carefully 
that  it  was  considered  impregnable,  except  in 
front.  Further  along  the  road  was  another  hill 
similarly  fortified,  and  defended  by  General  La 
Vega,  with  three  thous;ind  men.  Besides  these 
princii)al  works,  batteries  were  placed  at  differ- 
ent points  on  the  road,  so  as  to  sweep  directly 
across  it.  In  front  of  these  stations  Wiis  the  Ric 
de  la  Plan,  a  small  stream  between  deej)  rugged 
banks.  The  road  itself  was  broken  nj)  by  gorges, 
hills  and  ravines.  Such  was  the  position  which, 
although  defended  by  eleven  thousand  men, 
General  Scott  was  about  to  storm  with  eight 
thousand. 

One  of  the  most  remarkable  circumstances  of 
this  battle,  wiw  the  scientific  accuracy  with 
which  its  every  vicissitude,  with  one  exception, 
was  foretold  by  the  American  general's  order, 
(No.  Ill),  which,  although  written  on  the  17th 
day  of  April,  is  an  exact  narration  of  every 
part  of  the  action,  except  that  relating  to  Gen- 
eral Pillow. 

Undoubtedly  an  attempt  to  carry  Sierra  Gordo 


640 


niSTORY  OF  THE 


by  an  attack  in  front,  leading  tlie  troops  three 
quarters  of  a  mile  in  the  face  of  the  enemy's 
batteries,  would  have  been  rashness.  The 
American  general,  therefore,  opened  a  new  road 
in  the  rear  of  the  hill,  and  favorable  to  an  im- 
mediate i)assage  to  the  Jalapa  road,  should  the 
fort  be  carried.  This  labor  was  olFocted  on  the 
afternoon  of  the  17th,  during  which  time  some 
of  the  American  troops  became  engaged  in  a 
skirmish  witii  the  ^Mexicans  and  carried  a  small 
advanced  redoubt.  During  the  night  the  troops 
were  engaged  in  lifting  the  cani\on  up  the  steep 
rocks  and  preparing  for  tiie  assault  of  the  follow- 
ing day.  For  eight  hours  they  thus  toiled,  al- 
though previously  worn  down  by  long  marches, 
want  of  rest,  and  heavy  labor. 

At  daylight  on  the  18th,  General  Twiggs 
moved  to  the  attack  upon  Sierra  Gordo.  The 
Btruggle  was  fierce  but  short.  Mexico's  feeble 
sons  shrunk  convulsively  before  American  valor, 
and  Sierra  Gordo  was  won. 

Meanwhile  General  Shields  with  his  volun- 
teers attacked  tlie  redoubt  in  front.  Emulating 
the  example  of  their  comrades  vmder  Twiggs, 
the  troops  rushed  on  under  a  most  galling  tire, 
without  pausing  for  a  moment.  Their  general 
fell  by  a  ball  through  the  lungs,  but  the  fort  was 
carried  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.  The  divi- 
sion then  hastened  to  the  Jalapa  road  to  inter- 
cept the  Higlit  of  the  enemy. 

Pillow  was  unsuccessful ;  but  he  kept  General 
La  Vega  engaged  until  the  fall  of  Sierra  Gordo, 
and  finally  assisted  in  cai)turing  him. 

On  the  enemy's  side  all  was  now  flight  and 
confusion.  That  vast  army  which  in  the  morn- 
ing had  ap])eared  utterly  impregnable,  was  bro- 
ken, scattered,  annihilated.  Generals  Santa  Anna, 
Canalizo,  and  others,  tied  through  a  narrow  pass 
to  Puebla.  Three  thousand  troops,  five  generals, 
forty-three  pieces  of  brass  artillery,  and  an  im- 
mense quantity  of  small  arms  and  military  stores, 
were  the  rewards  of  victory. 

The  total  loss  of  the  Americans  was  abont  two 
hundred  and  fifty,  that  of  the  Mexicans  exclu- 
sive of  prisoners  and  deserters,  about  one  hun- 
dred more. 

AVithin  less  than  a  month  after  this  battle,  the 
towns  of  Jalapa,  Perote,  and  Puebla,  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  Americans.  The  army  remained  at 
the  latter  place  until  the  8th  of  August,  when  it 
resumed  its  advance  toward  the  capital.  After 
passing  round  Lake  Chalco,  by  an  unfrofjuented 
road,  in  order  to  avoid  the  strong  fortress  of  El 
Penon,  the  troops  entered  San  Augustine  (Au- 
gust 18th_),  a  village  twelve  miles  south  of  the 
city. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  following  day,  a  re- 
connoissance  of  the  fortress  of  San  Antonio  took 
place,  during  which  Capt.  Thornton  was  killed, 
but  a  heavy  rain  rendered  an  attack  ujion  it  that 
evening  impracticable.  The  troops  bivouacked 
on  the  open  plain,  without  tents  or  blankets,  and 
exposed  to  a  drenching  rain. 

At  one  o'clock  p.  m.,  on  the  19th,  Generals 
Twiggs  and  Pillow,  assisted  by  Generals  P.  F. 
Smith  and  Cadwalader,  attacked  the  fortification 
of  Contreras,  defended  by  thousan<ls  of  Mexicans 
with  twenty-two  pieces  of  cannon.  The  lussault 
upon  this  place  was  continued  for  six  hours,  du- 
ring which  one  incessant  cannonade  shook  the 

f;round  for  miles  around.  At  the  same  time,  a 
arge  body  of  Mexican  cavalry  appeared  in  the 
rear  of  tlie  fort,  as  though  prei)ariiig  for  a  charge. 
About  this  time  General  Scott  arrived,  and  jier- 
coiving  the  great  force  of  the  enemy,  ordered  up 
General  Shields  to  assist  Cadwalader  and  Colonel 
KLley  in  watching  the  lancers,  and  also  rein- 
forced Generals  Smith  and  Pillow.  But  the 
Mexicans  were  not  <lismayed.  One  wide  peal  of 
artillery  burst  from  their  heavy  guns,  and  the 
fort  was  liid  from  view  by  fire  and  smoke. 
Companies  diminished  fearfully  before  their 
plunging  vollies;  and  n  jxisiiion  which  CJeueral 
Smilli  liad  ansumod  witii  his  artillery  was  before 
flight  abandoned.    Each  ttlort  of  the  assiulauU 


was  met  in  mid  career  and  foiled.  The  troops 
finally  paused,  night  fell  on  the  fearful  struggle, 
and  still  Contreras  was  not  gained.  Weary  and 
disappointed,  they  sank  down  amid  the  rocks 
and  gorges  of  the  battle-field.  The  commander 
retired  to  San  Augustine.  At  Intervals  dtn-ing 
the  whole  night,  rain  fell  in  torrents,  completely 
drenching  the  troops,  and  preventing  them  from 
building  fires. 

Before  daylight  on  the  20th,  the  commander, 
accompanied  by  General  Worth,  set  out  for  Con- 
treras, for  the  i)urpose  of  making  a  combined  at- 
tack upon  the  fortress.  The  roar  of  cannon, 
with  rai)id  discharges  of  musketry  and  rifles  soon 
assured  him  that  the  attack  had  already  begun. 
Still  he  hastened  forward,  until  a  single  horse- 
man was  seen  spurring  along  the  rugged  plain 
with  furious  haste.  It  was  Colonel  Mason,  the 
bearer  of  glorious  tidings.  Contreras  had  been 
taken  by  (Jeneral  Smith.  The  intrepid  Riley 
had  led  the  van  through  a  long  rugged  gorge, 
marched  directly  up  to  the  fort  and  carried  it  at 
the  point  of  the  bayonet.  Several  hundred  of 
the  enemy  were  killed,  thirteen  hundred  taken 
prisoners,  including  Generals  Blanco,  Salas,  Gar- 
cia, and  Mendoza,  and  a  large  amount  of  stores, 
with  twenty-two  field  pieces  captured.  The 
enemy  fled  toward  San  Pablo  and  Churubusco 
rapidly  pursued  by  the  Americans ;  while  at  the 
same  time  Ciencral  Worth  moved  upon  San  An- 
tonio. This  was  speedily  abandoned  by  the  gar- 
rison, who  retired  to  Churubusco. 

The  enemy  now  concentrated  their  troops  in 
the  fortification  of  Churubusco,  which  had  been 
constructed  in  the  short  space  of  thirty-eight 
hours.  The  cathedral  and  other  buildings  near' 
the  fort  were  scaft'olded  for  infantry,  and  every 
roof  was  lined  with  armed  men.  All  the  stores 
and  artillery  saved  from  Contreras,  San  Pablo, 
San  Antonio,  and  San  Augustine,  together  with 
a  large  quantity  fVom  the  city,  were  here  col- 
lected. 

This  place  was  attacked  by  General  Worth, 
with  the  flower  of  the  American  army.  The 
thick  growth  of  vegetation  covering  the  hill  on 
which  the  redoubt  was  built,  embarrassed  lor  a 
short  time  the  operations  of  the  Americans,  and 
exposed  them  to  considerable  loss.  But  this  dii- 
ficulty  being  surmounted,  they  advanced  steadily 
toward  their  object,  and  carried  it  in  a  very 
short  time.  The  enemy  threw  down  their  arms, 
and  fled  by  tliousands  toward  the  city,  while  the 
Americans  led  by  Worth,  drove  on  in  hurried 
])ursuit.  Many  of  the  enemy  were  killed  in  the 
flight,  and  the  whole  road  was  strewn  with  arms 
and  clothing  thrown  away  by  the  fugitives. 
The  pursuit  continued  until  the  Mexicans  were 
within  the  city. 

"  After  so  many  victories,"  says  (rcncral  Scott, 
"  we  nfight,  with  but  little  additional  loss,  have 
occupied  the  capital  the  same  evening.  But  Mr. 
Trist,  commissioner,  etc.,  as  well  as  myself,  had 
been  admonished  b^'  the  best  friends  of  peace — 
intelligent  neutrals,  and  some  American  residents 
— against  precijiitation ;  lest  by  wantotdy  driving 
away  the  government  and  others  dishonored,  we 
might  scatter  the  elements  of  peace,  excite  a 
si)irit  of  national  desjieration,  and  thus  indcti- 
nitely  ])ostpone  the  ho])o  of  accommodation. 
Deejily  impressed  with  tliis  danger,  and  remem- 
bering our  mission — to  concpier  a  i)eace — the 
army  very  cheerfully  sacrificed  to  patriotism, 
to  tlie  great  wish  and  want  of  our  country,  the 
rr/iit  which  would  have  followed  an  enirance 
sword  in  hand  into  a  great  capital.  Willing  to 
leave  somcthiug  to  this  republic  of  no  immeiliate 
value  to  us,  on  which  to  rest  her  pride  and  to 
recover  temjier,  I  halted  our  victorious  corps  at 
the  gates  of  the  city  (at  least  for  a  time),  and 
have  them  now  cantoned  in  the  neigliboiu-iug 
villages,  where  they  are  well  sheltered  and  sup- 
idieil  with  all  necessaries. 

"  On  the  morning  of  the  2 1st,  bemg  about  to 
take  uj)  battering  or  assaulting  positions,  to  au- 
thorize mo  to  Bummou  the  city  to  surrender,  or 


to  sign  an  armistice  with  a  pledge  to  enter  at 
once  into  negotiations  for  a  peace,  a  mission 
came  out  to  propose  a  truce.  Pejecting  its 
terms,  I  despatched  my  contemjilated  note  to 
President  Santa  Anna,  omitting  the  summons. 
The  22d,  commissioners  were  appointed  by  the 
commanders  of  the  armies;  the  armistice  was 
signed  the  23d,  and  ratifications  were  exchanged 
the  2-tth." 

"  The  first  article  of  the  armistice  stipulated 
that  hostilities  shall  instantly  and  absolutely 
cease,  between  the  armies  of  the  United  States 
of  America,  and  the  United  Mexican  States, 
within  thirty  leagues  of  the  capital  of  the  latter 
states,  to  allow  time  to  the  commissioners  ap- 
pointed by  the  United  States,  and  the  commis- 
sioners to  be  apj)ointed  by  the  Mexican  Kei)ublic, 
to  negotiate.  The  armistice  shall  continue  as 
long  as  the  commissioners  of  the  two  govern- 
ments may  be  engaged  on  negotiations,  or  until 
the  commander  of  either  of  the  said  armies  shall 
give  formal  notice  to  the  other  of  the  cessation 
of  the  armistice  for  forty-eight  hours  after  such 
notice." 

Negotiations  then  commenced  between  Mr. 
Trist,  the  American  plenipotentiary,  and  tho 
authorities  of  Mexico,  but  the  hopes  of  the 
friends  of  peace  were  destined  to  be  disap- 
|)ointed.  The  ilexicans  made  demands  which 
were  considered  inadmissible.  All  efl'ort-s  of 
compromise  were  inefl'ectual,  and  on  the  (ith  of 
September,  the  ultimatum  ollered  by  Mr.  Trist 
on  the  2d  was  rejected,  and  the  negotiations 
closed.  On  the  same  day,  General  Scott  wrote 
to  tho  Mexican  commander,  charging  him  with 
the  violation  of  the  armistice,  by  refusing  the 
passage  of  supi)lies  from  the  ca])ital  to  the 
American  army,  and  threatening  the  recom- 
mencement  of  hostilities,  in  c;ise  sjitisfactiou  was 
not  given.  Santa  Anna  replied  in  a  similar 
strain,  expressing  his  astonishment  at  the  recep- 
tion of  such  a  charge,  and  accusing  the  Amer- 
icans of  intercejUing  the  comnnmications  with 
tho  capital,  and  of  committing  outrages  upon 
peaceable  citizens.  Ho  intimated  his  iierfect 
willingness  for  another  appeal  to  arms,  with  a 
determination  to  use  every  elfort  to  repel  in- 
vasion. 

The  armistice  being  terminated.  General  Worth 
was  sent  (Sei>tembcr  8th)  to  attack  the  Molinos 
del  Pey,  a  strongly  fortilied  station  in  front  of 
Cliepultepec.  When  the  Americans  wcr*J  near 
the  worLs,  the  enemy  opened  u])on  them  a 
heavy  fire,  which  mowed  down  whole  compa- 
nies. For  a  moment  the  advance  wavered,  but 
the  reserve  led  by  Cadwalader  swept  to  their 
van,  restored  order,  and  continued  the  march. 
At  this  critical  moment  four  thousand  laucer.s, 
taking  advantage  of  the  temporary  confiisiou, 
came  towering  down,  their  long  jiennants  gleam- 
ing in  the  sun,  and  their  si>ears  set  lor  a  charge. 
Col.  Duncan  opened  two  pieces  of  his  battery 
upon  them,  followed  immediately  after  by  C'apU 
Drum,  while  Major  Sumner  with  two  squadrons 
of  dragoons,  and  Cai)t.  liulf's  company  of  mount- 
ed rifles,  passing  rapidly  down  under  fire  from 
the  enemy "s  works,  charged  the  head  of  their 
column.  Under  the  rapid  discharges  of  artillery 
tiieir  crowded  ranks  melted  powerless  away,  and 
iu  a  few  minutes  the  whole  force  was  flying  in 
confusion.  Twice  tliey  turned  and  rallied,  but 
were  finally  scattered  before  the  superior  prowess 
of  our  artillerists. 

The  Americans  then  united  against  tho  fortifi- 
cation, which,  after  a  vigorous  struggle,  was  CJir- 
ried.  Seven  pieces  of  artillery,  a  large  (piantity 
of  ammunition,  small  arms,  etc.,  with  about  six 
hundred  prisoners,  were  the  rewards  of  victory. 
But  to  win  these,  some  of  the  best  otficersin  the 
army  had  been  sacrificed,  and  but  two  of  their 
whole  number  escjiped,  having  their  Imrses  killed 
uixler  them.  So  terrible  was  ilie  fire  of  tho 
en- my,  that  while  our  cavalry  were  passing  iu 
front  of  the  fort  to  charge  the  column  of  lancers 
— a  space  of  liuio  not  greater  than  ten  second*— 


I 


i 

i 

I 

I 

I 


UNITED  STATES. 


tliey  snstiiinod  a  ]oss  of  six  oflicers  wounded, 
thirty-two  privates  killed  and  wounded,  and  one 
hundred  and  tive  horses.  Tlie  total  loss  in  killed 
and  wounded  was  seven  hundred  and  eighty- 
nine.  On  the  11th  a  colunni  of  cavalry  sallied 
from  the  fort  on  tha  San  Antonia  road,  for  the 
[)uri)ose  of  cai)turing  Capt.  Magruder's  battery, 
which  was  stationed  with  the  ])icket  within 
about  eight  luindred  yards  of  the  enemy.  "When 
witliin  liiir  range,  thecajitain  opened  upon  them 
with  shot  and  sliell,  driving  them  back  to  the 
fort  in  some  confusion.  The  enemy  then  directed 
their  tire  upon  the  battery,  but  with  no  other 
effect  than  killing  one  man. 

About  sundown  General  Twiggs,  with  the  bal- 
ance of  his  division,  arrived  at  Piedad,  and  Gen- 
eral Pillow,  with  his  command,  moved  to  the 
south  of  Tacuhaya,  and  occupied  a  station  west 
of  Chepultepen  ;  Quitman's  troops  were  stationed 
on  the  road  from  Tacubaya  to  the  city  of  Mexico. 
\\\)rth  remained  in  Tacubaya. 

At  dayliglit  on  the  12th  all  the  batteries 
opened  upon  Chopultepec.  When  Ca])t.  Stcptoe, 
of  Twiggs'  division,  commenced  his  lire,  several 
heavy  columns  of  the  enemy  left  their  position 
antl  came  within  cannon  range.  They  were 
driven  back  with  loss.  The  captain  then  turned 
his  attention  to  a  fort  fronting  Chepultepec,  and 
after  an  hour's  cannonading  drove  the  enemy 
from  it,  and  mlenced  their  guns.  All  day  the 
siege  batteries  continued  tlieir  heavy  tire  upon 
the  c;i.°tle,  riddling  its  buildings  and  sweeping  its 
defenders  from  the  heights.  As  they  fell,  the 
tierce  survivors,  forgetting  the  ties  of  humanity 
in  the  uproai  of  battle,  tore  them  from  the  works, 
threw  then  into  wells  and  ditches,  and  went  on 
witfi  their  terrible  work. 

Oil  the  following  day  General  Scott  selected 
the  divisions  of  Worth  and  Twiggs,  the  flower  of 
his  army,  to  storm  tlie  fortress.  When  they  be- 
gan, their  march,  the  heavy  batteries  on  both 
sides  were  opened,  and  the  strongest  companies 
d'^'indled  away  to  a  scattered  remnant.  Hour 
alter  hour  did  three  thousand  troojis  wrestle 
with  four  times  their  number,  stationed  behind 
almost  impregnable  works.  But  they  were  toil- 
ing for  the  City  of  Mexico,  the  far-famed  halls  of 
Montezuma.  The  star  of  victory  still  beamed 
ou  American  valor,  while  the  remembrance  of 
Cerro  Gorda,  Coutreras  and  Churubusco,  brood- 
ing over  the  sons  of  Mexico,  withered  all  hope 
or  fctibrt — Chepultepec  fell. 

"  About  four  o'clock  next  morning,"  says  Gen- 
eral Scott,  "  (September  1-ith),  a  deputation  of 
the  ayuntamiento  (city  council)  waited  on  me 
to  re[)ort  that  the  federal  government  and  the 
army  of  Mexico  had  tied  trom  the  capital  some 
three  hours  before ;  and  to  demand  terms  of  ca- 
pitulation in  favor  of  the  church,  the  citizens  and 
the  municipal  authorities.  I  promptly  replied 
that  1  would  sign  no  capitulation;  that  the  city 
had  been  virtually  in  our  possession  from  the 
time  of  the  lodgments  etlected  by  Worth  and 
Quitman,  the  day  before ;  that  I  regretted  the 
sdent  escape  of  the  Mexican  army,  that  I  should 
levy  upon  the  city  a  moderate  contribution  for 
special  purposes;  and  that  the  American  lU'my 
sliould  come  under  no  terms  not  self-imposed — 
such  only  as  its  honor,  the  dignity  of  the  United 
States,  and  the  spirit  of  the  age,  should,  in  my 
opinion,  imperiously  demand  and  impose." 

About  daylight.  Generals  Worth  and  Quitman 
were  ordered  to  enter  the  city.  Quitman  pro- 
ceeded to  the  grand  plaza,  and  raised  the  United 
States  Hag  on  the  national  palace.  General 
Scott  and  the  whole  army  followed  soon  after, 
taking  possession  of  the  city  with  much  pomp. 

The  Hying  government  bad  released  about  two 
thousand  convicts  from  the  public  prisons,  and 
throughout  that  and  the  following  day,  they 
continued  to  lire  from  the  windows  and  tops  ot 
the  houses  upon  the  American  troops,  killing 
some  and  wounding  many.  At  tirst  the  artillery 
was  tried  on  them,  but  owing  to  their  concealed 
{KJbition  it  was  not  elfective.    The  ritle  regiment 


and  some  of  the  infiintry  were  then  sent  in  pur- 
suit, and  the  evil  was  soon  arrested. 

The  loss  of  the  Americans  in  this  assault  was 
very  severe.  Generals  Pillow  and  Shields  were 
each  wounded,  together  with  other  valuable 
oHicers.  The  total  loss  in  the  valley  of  Mexico 
from  the  19th  of  Ajiril  until  the  time  of  taking 
the  city,  was  two  thousand  seven  hundred  and 
three  men,  of  whom  .three  hundred  and  eighty- 
three  were  otlicers.  Their  achievements  equal 
in  magnitude  any  operations  of  American  history. 
They  utterly  dis[)ersed  an  array  of  thirty  thou- 
sand men,  taking  a  number  of  prisoners  equal  to 
themselves ;  seized  seventy  pieces  of  artillery, 
stormed  San  Antonia,  San  Pueblo,  Contreras, 
Churubusco,  Molino  and  Chepultepec,  and  en- 
tered the  capital  in  triumph. 

General  Scott  proclaimed  martial  law  in  Mex- 
ico, but  permitted  the  people  to  continue  their 
usual  business  avocations.  All  excesses  of  the 
soldiers  were  rigidly  punished,  while  at  the  same 
time  the  citizens  and  their  soldiery  were  taught 
that  they  could  not  insult  the  American  charac- 
ter v,itb  impunity. 

The  city  of  Puebla  was  besieged  by  Santa  Anna. 
The  garrison,  under  the  connnand  of  Colonel 
Childs,  was  small,  and  encumbered  with  1800 
sick.  Childs  was  summoned  to  surrender,  and 
on  his  declining,  the  firing  of  the  Mexicans  was 
renewed  with  increased  energy,  the  garrison  en- 
during the  greatest  privations,  and  being  nearly 
worn  out  with  their  exertions.  But  they  nobly 
maintained  themselves,  and  after  various  in- 
stances of  bravery  and  devotion,  Santa  Anna 
withdrew,  in  order  to  oppose  the  march  of 
General  Lane,  from  Vera  Cruz,  with  reinforce- 
ments. The  bombardment  of  the  town  was  con- 
tinued until  the  worn-out  garrison  were  relieved 
by  General  Lane.  The  siege  lasted  40  days,  and 
was  the  longest  military  operation  of  the  war. 

Eumors  of  the  enemy's  designs  on  Puebla  had 
reached  Vera  Cruz,  in  the  latter  part  of  Septem- 
ber, and  General  Lane  was  dispatched  with  a 
considerable  force,  for  the  interior.  He  had 
some  hard  lighting  on  the  road.  He  came  upon 
a  company  of  guerrillas  at  ti  e  hacienda  of  Santa 
Anna,  near  the  San  Juan  river,  and  sent  Captain 
Lewis's  company  of  mounted  volunteers,  in  pur- 
suit, who,  with  a  portion  under  Lieutenant  Lilly, 
succeeded  in  overtaking  them,  and  after  a  short 
skirmish,  drove  them  from  their  position.  The 
whole  lorce  now  p^-oceeded,  until  it  reached 
Paso  de  Orejas,  where  the  rear  guard  was  lired 
upon  by  a  small  guerrilla  force,  and  Lieutenant 
Cline,  a  gallant  young  olbcer,  killed. 

The  march  was  a  very  fatiguing  one  to  the 
troops,  on  account  of  the  heat  of  the  weather, 
and  the  bad  state  of  the  road.  Great  difficulty 
was  experienced  with  the  artillery,  the  road 
being  obstructed  by  ravines,  passes,  and  other 
obstacles.  In  the  mean  time  rumors  were  con- 
stantly being  received,  concerning  a  largo  Mexi- 
can force  concentrating  between  Perote  and 
Puebla.  On  arriving  at  the  former  place.  Gene- 
ral Lane  learned  that  they  numbered  4,000  men, 
with  six  pieces  of  artillery,  and  were  command- 
ed by  Santa  Anna  in  person.  From  his  .-ipies, 
he  learned  that  the  enemy  were  at  lluamantla, 
a  city  but  a  few  miles  distant.  Thither  he  de- 
ternnned  to  march,  and  if  possible,  give  them 
battle. 

To  execute  this  as  quickly  as  possible,  the 
general  left  his  train  at  the  hacienda  of  San 
Antonio  Tamario  in  charge  of  Colonel  Brough's 
regiment  of  Ohio  volunteers.  Captain  Simmons' 
battalion,  and  a  battery  under  Lieutenant  Pratt, 
and  moved  forward  with  the  rest  of  his  com- 
mand. On  the  9th  of  October  they  came  with- 
in sight  of  the  city,  after  as  rapid  a  march  as  the 
nature  of  the  ground  would  permit.  A  halt  ^va^ 
made,  and  the  advance  guard  of  horsemen,  un- 
der Captain  Walker,  ordered  to  move  forward 
as  far  as  the  entrance  of  the  city,  but  not  to  en- 
ter if  the  enemy  were  in  force  until  the  arrival 
of  the  infantry.    When  within  three  miles  of  the 


city,  j)arties  of  horsemen  were  observed  riding 
over  tlio  fields,  in  the  direction  of  tlio  city,  ami 
Walker,  lest  he  should  bo  anticipated,  jiut  his 
men  to  a  gallop.  General  Lane  anxiously 
watched  his  progress,  until  his  movements  wero 
concealed  by  a  bed  ge  ol  thick  muguay  bushes, 
on  either  side  of  the  road.  In  a  low  minute.'" 
tiring  was  heard  from  the  city,  and  a  body  of 
2,000  lancers  were  seen  hurrying  over  the  neigh 
boring  hills,  and  General  Lane  orilered  Colonel 
Gorman  to  advance  with  his  regiment,  and  enter 
lluamantla  from  the  west,  while  Colonel  Wyn 
koo])  nu)ved  towards  tlie  east. 

On  his  arrival  at  the  entrance  of  the  city, 
Captain  Walker  discovered  500  of  the  enemy 
drawn  up  in  the  plaza.  Dashing  into  their 
midst  with  his  handful  of  men,  he  engaged  them 
hand  to  hand,  and  alter  a  bloody  conliict,  suc- 
ceeded in  driving  them  away,  and  capturing 
three  of  their  guns.  A  vigorous  pursuit  was 
now  commenced,  in  which  Colonel  La  Vega, 
the  brother  of  General  La  Vega,  and  Major 
Iturbide,  a  son  of  the  unfortunate  Emperor  of 
Mexico,  were  captured  by  Lieutenant  Anderson 
of  the  Georgia  volunteers,  be  narrowly  escap- 
ing with  his  life. 

Walker's  men  imprudently  dispersed,  after 
pursuing  the  enemy  some  distance,  and  returned 
to  the  square  in  small  parties.  This  was  in  con- 
sequence of  a  belief  that  the  enemy's  whole  foioxj 
was  routed.  A  company  of  lancers  suddenly 
charged  upon  the  plaza,  and  separated  the  Ame- 
ricans into  bodies.  A  desperate  figiit  now  took 
place,  in  which  the  Mexicans  behaved  with 
unwonted  gallantry  ;  but  Walker,  by  skilful  ma- 
noeuvring, succeeded  in  uniting  his  forces,  and 
dismounted  his  command  in  the  convent  yard. 
Here  another  action  took  jdace,  in  whidi  tlio 
lancers  were  assisted  by  both  artillery  and  in- 
fantry. Captain  Walker,  while  directing  the 
movements  of  his  little  band,  fell  mortally  wound- 
ed, and  soon  after  exjiired.  The  enemy  were 
finally  driven  back.  The  dt;ath  of  Captain  Walk- 
er w£is  sincerely  lamented  all  over  the  Uniied 
S,  tes ;  as  ho  was  widely  known  as  one  of  tho 
best  officers  in  the  service. 

In  the  n^ean  time,  the  main  body  of  the  Ame- 
rican forces  arrived  at  the  city,  and  opened  their 
tire  upon  masses  of  the  enemy.  The  Mexicans 
tied,  leaving  150  dead  upon  the  field,  while  tiio 
loss  of  the  Americans  was  thirteen  killed,  and 
eleven  wounded. 

General  Lane  now  marched  to  tho  relief  of 
Colonel  Childs,  and  remained  with  his  wholo 
force  at  Puebla,  tmtil  the  18th  of  October,  when 
he  received  information  that  the  Mexican  Gen- 
eral, Kea,  was  at  Atlixco,  30  miles  distant.  Lane, 
after  a  forced  march  of  five  hours,  came  in  sight 
of  the  enemy's  advance  guard,  near  Santa  l.sa- 
bella.  A  halt  was  now  nuide  until  tho  cavalry 
could  come  up  from  their  examination  of  a  neigh- 
boring hacienda.  A  straggling  fire  wiis  oi)eucd 
by  snuiU  parties  of  the  enemy,  from  the  foot  of 
a  neighboring  hill,  which,  however,  did  no 
execution.  On  tho  arrival  of  tho  cavalry.  Gene- 
ral Lane  put  his  whole  force  in  motion  ;  bnt  as 
the  Mexicans  appeared  to  be  confused,  tho  cav- 
alry were  ordered  to  ciiarge  tho  enemy,  and 
keep  them  engaged,  until  tiie  infantry  ouuld 
come  u[).  The  action  was  continued,  until  tlio 
infantry  arrived  by  a  forced  march,  when  the 
foo  fied,  pursued  by  the  cavalry.  A  running 
fight  was  kept  up,  until  within  less  than  two 
miles  of  Atlixco,  when  tho  enemy's  main  body 
was  observed  to  be  posted  on  the  side  of  a  hill, 
behind  rows  of  chaporal  hedges.  The  cavalry 
dashed  into  their  midst  without  stopping  to  asr 
certain  their  number.-;,  and  forced  them  within 
the  thickest  part  of  their  shelter.  Then  dis- 
mounting, the  as.siilants  entered  the  chaporal, 
hand  to  lia.id  with  their  foo.  The  struggle, 
which  Wiis  long  and  terrible,  .scores  of  the  ene- 
my tailing  beneath  the  heavy  blows  of  the  Ame- 
ricans, lasted  until  the  infantry  caine  up,  who 
for  tho  last  61.;^  miles  had  been  using  iheir  uv 


548 


niSTORY  OF  THE 


most  endeavours  to  Join  the  cavalry.  It  was  im- 
possible for  the  artillery  to  advnnce  at  a  faster 
pace  than  a  walk,  the  road  beiiif?  intercepted  by 
numerous  gullies;  and  so  worn  out  were  the 
lavalry  by  their  exertions,  and  the  intense  lieat, 
that  they  could  pursue  the  enemy  no  farther. 
The  column  continued,  however,  to  approach 
the  town,  and  reach  a  hill  overlooking  it,  just 
as  night  set  in.  Lane  was  enabled  to  continue 
his  ojierations  with  [)erfect  certainty,  however, 
for  the  moon  shone  brightly,  and  afforded  a  mag- 
nilicent  view  of  the  surrounding  country. 

General  Lane  did  not  deem  it  prudent  to  risk 
a  street  <ight,  at  night  in  au  unknown  town;  he 
therefore  posted  his  artillery  on  a  hill  overlook- 
ing the  town,  and  ordered  tliem  to  open  their 
lire  upon  it.  This  was  speedily  jiut  into  execu- 
tion, and  every  gun  was  fired  with  the  utmost 
rapidity.  This  was  continued  for  upwards  of  an 
hour,  with  great  effect ;  the  gunners  being  en- 
abled, by  the  light  atforded  by  the  moon,  to 
direct  their  shot  into  the  most  populous  parts  of 
the  city. 

Finding  that  the  firing  from  the  town  had 
ceased.  Lane,  wishing  to  obtain  its  surrender, 
ordered  Major  Lilly  and  Colonel  Krongh  to  ad- 
vance cautiously  with  their  commands  into  the 
town.  On  their  entering,  the  general  was  met 
by  the  city  council,  who  desired  that  their  town 
might  be  spared.  Quiet  being  restored,  Lane, 
on  the  following  morning,  commenced  his  return 
to  Puebla. 

lie  leij-ned  that  two  pieces  of  artillery  had 
just  been  finished  at  Guerooingo;  he  resolved  on 
destroying  them,  and  proceeding  to  the  town 
with  450  men,  commenced  a  thorough  search. 
The  pieces  had  been  removed,  but  their  carriages 
were  found,  and  destroyed.  A  party  of  the 
enemy  were  observed  in  the  vicinity;  but  on  the 
api)roaeh  of  the  troops,  they  i)reci[)itately  re 
treated.  The  ne.\t  morning,  Lane  entered  Pue- 
bla, without  further  accident. 

Captain  Lavellette,  with  a  portion  of  the 
American  squadron,  consisting  of  the  frigate 
Congress,  the  sloop  of  war  Portsmouth,  and  the 
brig  Argo,  entered  the  port  of  Guaymas,  a  small 
town  of  the  Gulf  coast,  about  the  same  time  tliat 
the  battle  of  Atlixco  was  fought  (October  15- 
16).-— On  the  18th,  the  Argo  anchored  between 
the  islands  of  Almagre  Grande  and  Almagre 
Chico,  placing  a  mortar  on  each.  The  other 
vessels  had  already  taken  their  stations.  Mr. 
"William  UobiiHon  was  dispatched  with  a  ting  of 
truce  to  the  governor,  and  tlie  object  of  the  Amer 
loans  was  exi)lained,  and  he  (the  governor)  was 
a<lvised  to  surrender.  This  he  refu.sed  to  do,  and 
Mr.  Kobinson  returned  to  the  Argo. 

The  Congress  and  Portsmouth,  arranged  them- 
eolves  in  a  position  for  attack,  on  the  lOtli,  and 
a  summons  was  again  sent  for  the  Mexicans  to 
surrender ;  but  tiiey  declined  answering,  until 
nightfall.  Then,  the  commandant  took  up  a 
po.sition,  three  miles  distant,  having  previously 
placed  there  a  battery  of  fourteen  guns,  to  resist 
the  Americans,  should  they  attemi)t  to  jienetrate 
the  interior.  The  bombardment  of  the  town 
was  commenced  on  the  20th,  at  six  in  the  morn- 
ing, and  was  continued  for  more  tlian  an  hour; 
five  hundred  shells  and  shot  being  thrown  into 
the  town,  killing  one  English  resident,  and  de- 
stroying several  houses.  The  garrison  having 
abandoned  the  town,  the  citizens  announced 
their  entiri  willingness  to  listen  to  terms,  when 
a  party  of  American  sailors  and  marines,  landed 
and  ran  u[)  the  national  flag  on  a  fort,  defend- 
ing the  Ciusa  IManca  hill.  A  i)roclamation  was 
is-siiccl  ai)0ut  the  same  time,  by  Lavellette, 
claiming  tiie  town,  and  ordering  the  surrender 
of  all  the  public  j.roportv  in  the  name  of  tiie 
United  Stales.  A  civil  and  mililarv  [.olico  were 
eslubhshed,  and  the  Mexican  autlioVities  invited 
to  contmue  in  othcc,  the  church  property  being 
placed  under  American  protection,  and  the  cus- 
tomary order  of  busim-.ss  ordered  to  be  resumed. 
Mr.  liobiuson  waa  made  c.ollector  of  the  port. 


The  port  of  Mazatlan  was  captured  about  the 
same  time,  by  another  portion  of  the  squadron. 
General  Lane  followed  up  his  victory  at  Atlixco 
and  Iluamantla,  by  a  successful  attack  upon 
Matanioras,  where  he  defeated  a  party  of  Mexi- 
can lancers  ;  and  measures  were  taken  by  Lane 
to  hinder  his  being  disturbed  by  them  in  future. 

Events,  that  tended  to  cast  a  shade  over  the 
proud  enthusiasm  of  the  officers,  who  had  so 
heroically  followed  thpir  leader  to  the  conquest 
of  the  famed  city  of  the  Montezuma,  occurred  in 
the  month  of  November,  in  Mexico.  By  an  ar- 
ticle in  the  military  code,  "  private  letters  or 
reports,  relative  to  military  marches  and  opera- 
tions," being  "frequently  mischievous  in  design, 
and  always  disgi'aceful  to  the  army,"  are  strictly 
forbidden ;  "  and  any  officer  found  guilty  of  mak- 
ing such  report  fcr  publication,  without  special 
permission,  or  of  placing  the  writing  beyond  his 
control,  so  that  it  finds  its  way  to  the  press, 
within  one  month  after  the  termination  of  the 
campaign  to  which  it  relates,  shall  be  dismissed 
from  the  service."  It  appears  that  some  time 
after  the  victories  of  the  19th  and  20th  of  Au- 
gust, the  Pittsburgh  Post  published  extracts  from' 
private  letters,  dated,  "Tacubaya,  Mexico,  Au- 
gust 24th,  1847,"  purporting  to  give  an  original 
account  of  the  battles  of  Contreras  and  Churu- 
busco.  This  letter  was,  by  some  means,  copied  j 
by  a  Tampico  paper,  and  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  general-in-chief,  who  issued  an  order,  de- 
nouncing the  letters  as  desi);cable  and  scanda- 
lous, and  intimating  the  general's  surmisings  of 
their  authors.  A  card  was  published  the  fol- 
lowing day  in  one  of  the  leading  Mexican  papers, 
by  Lieutenant  Colonel  Duncan,  stating  his  con- 
nection with  the  Pittsburg  letter,  and  using  all 
the  means  in  his  power  to  exculpate  the  Gene- 
rals suspected  by  the  commander,  from  all  blame. 

He  and  General  Worth  were  the  same  day 
l)laced  under  arrest;  and  General  Pillow  was 
subsequently  arrested  for  contempt  of  his  su 
pcrior.  The  general-in-chief  himself  was  ar 
rested  by  order  of  the  government,  on  specified 
oliarges  ])reierred  in  part  as  an  ai)peal  by  Gen- 
eral Worth,  and  a  court-martial  ordered  to  try 
him,  along  with  the  other  officers,  Major-General 
Hutler  being  appointed  to  the  command  of  the 
army. 

General  Towson,  paymaster-general,  was  ap 
pointed  jjresident  of  the  court.  The  other  mem 
hers,  first  named  by  President  Polk,  wore  Briga- 
dier-General Caleb  Cushing,  and  Colonel  E.  G. 
W.  Butler.  Lieutenant  Hammond  was  named 
as  chief  advocate.  Subsequcntl}'  Colonel  Butler 
was  relieved,  and  Brevet  Colonel  Belknap  ap- 
]H)inted  in  his  j)lace. 

Cai)tain  S.  C.  Ridgely  also  succeeded  Lieu- 
tenant Ilanmiond,  as  judge  advocate  and  re- 
corder. The  first  ])lace  of  meeting  was  Perote, 
but  it  was  subsequently  changed  to  Puebla,  where 
they  met  on  the  18th  of  February,  1848;  and 
after  a  lengthy  session,  removed  to  Fredricktown, 
Maryland.  All  the  oflicers  accused  were  i)rosent, 
and  the  case  occupied  the  court  until  tlie  close 
of  tiie  war.  The  proceedings  were  ])ublished 
laily,  both  in  the  rnite<l  .States  and  .Mexico,  and 
excited  a  universal  feeling  of  regret,  that  the 
men  who  had  behaved  themselves  so  nobly 
through  all  the  various  scenes  of  a  two  years' 
war,  should  at  its  close  bo  so  involved  in  dilli- 
culty. 

General  Twiggs  had  been  ordered,  after  the 
fall  of  the  capital,  to  Jalapa,  to  organize  a  train 
for  the  main  army,  and  keep  in  check  the 
neighbouring  guerrillas.  Ho  left  that  city  on  the 
I'.ltli  of  November,  and  marched  for  .Mexico, 
where  ho  was  also  joined  by  (Jcneral  Butler, 
with  a  train  and  supplies. 

During  the  c-ampaign  that  followed  General 
Scott's  march  from  Puebla,  (ieueral  Patterson 
Ii.'mI  been  stationed  at  Vera  Cruz,  using  all  his 
endeavours  to  keej)  the  communication  with  the 
army  oi>en,  and  chastise  the  guerrillas,  who 
swarmed  in  that  viciuily.    These  roving  bands 


were  aided  and  abetted  by  a  priest  named  Padre 
laranta,  who  abandoning  his  sacerdotal  duties, 
or  rather  combining  them  with  tlio.se  of  the  sol- 
dier, had  thrown  the  whole  weight  of  his  influ- 
ence against  tlie  friends  of  peace.  They  were  a 
cause  of  greater  trouble  to  the  Americans  than 
Santa  Anna's  army.  'Iheir  dei)redations  were 
immerous,  and  of  the  most  daring  character. 
To  their  partial  success,  may  be  attributed  tho 
obstinacy  of  the  Mexicans,  in  refusing  to  listen 
to  terms  of  peace. 

In  the  fall  of  1847,  General  Patterson  left  Vera 
Cruz  Cafter  intrusting  the  command  of  that  city 
to  Colonel  Wilson),  with  a  large  train,  and  ad- 
vanced by  ea.sy  marches  to  Jalapa.  He  started 
from  Jalapa  on  the  25th  of  November,  en  route 
for  the  capital ;  but  before  leaving,  hung  two 
American  teamsters  for  the  murder  of  a  Mexi- 
can boy,  and  on  the  following  day  shot  two 
Mexican  officers,  Garcia  and  Alcade,  for  viola- 
tion of  parole.  This  caused  a  great  excitement, 
and  insurrection  seemed  to  be  inevitable,  but 
Avas  suppressed,  and  Patterson  commenced  his 
journey,  and  readied  the  city  of  Mexico,  on  the 
6th  of  December. 

A  number  of  guerrillas,  under  an  officer 
named  Mijare.s,  attacked  a  body  of  Americans 
about  the  miildle  of  December,  and  were  repulsed 
with  considerable  loss,  their  leader  being  among 
the  number.  Another  engagement,  similar  in  its 
character,  further  to  the  north,  also  resulted  in 
victory  to  the  American  arms.  An  expedition 
was  sent  to  Cliolula,  on  the  night  of  the  21st,  to 
apprehend  some  American  officers.  A  fight  took 
place,  in  which  three  of  the  enemy  were  killed 
and  three  Avounded. 

The  ifexican  general,  Valencia,  was  captured 
by  a  party  especially  organized  for  that  ])uri)Oso, 
early  in  January.  The  following  aro  the  par- 
ticulars:— 

"  Colonel  F.  M.  Wynkoop,  of  the  1st  Pennsyl- 
vania  volunteers,  having  learned  by  a  Mexican 
friend,  that  Padre  larauta  and  General  Kea 
were  at  Tlalnepanatla,  about  five  leagues  froir. 
the  city  of  Mexico,  applied  to  General  Scott  for 
permission  to  take  20  men  and  capture  them. 
Permission  being  granted,  the  colonel  set  off  on 
the  1st  January,  with  38  Texan  Rangers  under 
command  of  Lieutenants  Daggcrts,  Burkes,  anJ 
Jones.  Upon  arriving  at,  anil  charging  Tlalne- 
panatla, and  finding  no  one  there,  they  learned 
that  Ilea  and  larauta  had  left  for  Toluco,  a  few 
houi-s  previous  to  our  arrival.  Colonel  Wyn- 
koo])  here  learned  that  (icneral  Valencia  and  liis 
start"  were  at  a  hacienda  some  six  leagues  distant. 
He  immediately  set  oft  with  his  party,  and  ar- 
rived at  the  "hacienda,  which  ho  surrounded. 
Admittance  into  tho  house  was  demanded  by  the 
party,  but  for  a  time  refused,  when  Colonel  Sib.-i, 
a  wounded  Mexican  officer  on  parole,  opened  tho 
door,  and  assured  Colonel  Wynkoop  that  CJcn- 
eral  Valencia  had  dei)arted  that  day  for  Toluco; 
but  this  not  being  credited,  liylits  were  de- 
manded to  search  the  building.  Colonel  Siba 
then  projjosed  to  deliver  (icneral  Valencia  the 
next  day,  if  the  jiarty  would  leave.  To  this  tho 
cohmcrwould  not  assent,  but  proposed  to  send 
an  officer  and  eight  men  with  liim  to  await  their 
return.  This  i)roi)osition  completely  disconcert- 
ed Colonel  Siba,  thus  convincing  Colonel  Wyn 
koop  that  Valencia  was  really  in  tho  house. 
Search  was  accordingly  made,  but  he  could  not 
be  found.  The  colonel  then  declared  that  ho 
would  not  leave  the  hacienda  without  him ;  that 
if  Valencia  would  give  himself  up,  he  would  ba 
perfectly  safe,  but  that  he  could  not  answer  for 
his  life  should  he  attemjit  an  escape.  At  this 
moment  a  jierson  ste])pe<l  up  and  said,  "  I  nm 
Valencia."  He  then  said  that  it  wr.fi  against  the 
usages  of  civilized  warfare  to  attack  a  man  m 
the  peace  and  quiet  of  his  family  iu  the  dead 
hour  of  the  night.  The  colonel  answered  tliat 
it  was  the  only  way  he  (ould  be  captuieiL 
Ci.lonel  Arrera  was  taken  in  uio  fiaino  hacienda 
on  that  night.'' 


UNITED  STATES. 


S!9 


Another  capture  of  officers  took  i)liioc,  about 
a  week  after,  in  the  iieiglibourliood  of  Santa  Fe. 
About  50  guerrillas,  under  Colonel  Zenobia, 
were  charged  and  disi)ersed  by  Colonel  Doniin- 
guei5,  after  which  the  latter  proceeded  to  the 
plains  of  Salva,  where  lie  received  a  comniuni- 
cation  from  the  neighbouring  haciendas,  request- 
ing his  assistance  in  liberating  the  iuliabitants 
from  the  tyranny  of  General  Torrejin.  After  a 
short  skirmish,  on  the  6th  of  December,  Doniin- 
guez  succeeded  in  dispersing  the  Mexican  party, 
capturing  Generals  Torrejin,  Minon,  Guana,  50 
cavalry,  and  two  deserters.  The  Mexican  gen- 
eral had  150  men,  being  on  his  waj'  to, join  some 
forces  at  San  Andres,  and  proceed  thence  to 
Orizaba.  The  force  of  the  Americans  amounted 
to  70  men. 

The  guerrillas  now  became  more  daring  and 
revengeful.  About  the  1st  of  January  a  large 
train  of  wagons,  carrying  a  large  amount  of 
specie,  set  out  for  the  interior  under  the  direction 
of  Colonel  Miles.  Tlie  rear  portion  of  the  train 
was  unable  to  leave  until  the  morning  of  the  4th. 
The  pack  mules  became  very  much  scattered,  in 
moving  over  the  heavy  sand,  and  Lieutenant 
Walker,  with  a  j)arty  of  mounted  riflemen,  were 
thrown  seven  miles  behind  the  main  body  of  the 
wagon-train.  A  party  of  guerrillas  captured 
some  of  the  packs,  and  information  conveyed  to 
Lieutenant  Walker,  moved  towards  Santa  Fe, 
and  found  the  enemy  drawn  up  in  battle  array. 
A  charge  was  ordered,  when  the  guerrillas  .scat- 
tered in  all  directions,  and  ojjened  a  heavy  fire 
upon  the  lieutenant's  little  company.  All  com- 
munication with  the  main  party  being  thus  cut 
off,  'Walker  sent  to  Vera  Cruz  for  assistance 
He  lost  live  men  killed  and  live  wounded.  The 
Mexicans  captured  300  pack  mules,  and  about 
$100,000  in  specie. 

Colonel  Haj's,  with  100  rangers  and  a  few  H 
linois  volunteers,  reached  Teotihuacem,  twelve 
leagues  north-east  of  Mexico,  in  pursuit  of  larau 
ta.  Here  he  was  attacked  by  a  party  of  guer- 
rillas under  the  padre  himself.  A  severe  battle 
ensued,  in  whicli  the  Americans  lost  eight  men. 
The  padre  is  said  to  have  been  slightly  wounded, 
and  one  of  his  men  made  prisoner. 

Serma,  Toluco,  and  Pachuca,  were  occupied 
by  different  portions  of  the  American  army  un- 
der General  Cadwallader,  about  this  time ;  and 
Orizaba  wa.s  also  taken  by  a  detachment  of  500 
cavalry  under  General  Lane. 

A  train  of  2,000  wagons  left  Mexico  on  the 
14th  of  January,  escorted  by  a  detachment  under 
Major  Cadwallader,  and  although  great  efforts 
were  made  to  capture  them  by  the  guerrillas, 
they  arrived  safely  at  Vera  Cruz. 

Colonel  Childs  in  the  same  month  intercepted 
letters,  which  disclosed  a  plot  hatched  by  Gen- 
eral Rea,  at  Puebla,  to  murder  Don  Pwaphael 
Isunzti,  the  Mexican  governor,  and  such  of  the 
inhabitants  a.s  were  in  favor  of  a  peace  with  the 
United  States.  The  object  appeared  to  be  to 
abohsh  the  existing  government,  and  proclaim 
Rea  dictator.  Measures  were  taken  by  Colonel 
Childs  to  prevent  this  plot  from  being  carried 
into  execution,  and  a  proclamation  issued,  warn- 
ing all  spies  to  leave  the  city,  and  making  it  a 
penal  offence  for  any  of  the  inhabitants  to  hold 
communication  with  the  guerrillas.  No  attempt 
was  made  to  carry  tlie  plot  into  execution. 

Two  largo  trains  left  Vera  Cruz,  one  for  Ori- 
zaba, and  the  other  for  the  city  of  Mexico,  on 
the  7th  of  February,  escorted  by  1,600  men  un- 
der Cololfel  Bankhead,  who,  since  the  16th  of 
December,  had  been  civil  and  military  governor 
of  Vera  Cruz.  Although  keenly  watched  by  the 
guerrillas,  they  arrived  safely  at  their  destina- 
tion. General  Scott  had  on  the  12th  of  Decem- 
ber, 1847,  issued  an  order  against  the  guerrillas, 
by  which  every  American  post  established  in 
New  ;Mexico  was  authorized  to  push  daily  de- 
tachments as  far  as  practicable  on  the  roads,  in 
order  to  protect  them  from  the  marauding  par- 
ties.   "  No  quarters,"  says  the  order,  "  will  be 


given  to  known  murderers  or  robbers,  whether  magic  in  the  vicinity  of  the  mines,  and  tljo  pricea 
called  guerrillas  or  rancheros,  and  whether  serv-lof  all  kinds  of  inen  handiKe  rose  to  an  enormous 


ing  under  Mexican  commissions  or  not.  They 
are  eiiually  pests  to  unguarded  Mexican.*,  foreign- 
ers, and  small  parties  of  American.*,  and  ought 
to  be  exterminated.  Offenders  of  the  above 
character,  accidentally  falling  into  the  hands  of 
American  troops,  will  be  momentarily  held  as 
prisoners,  that  is,  not  put  to  death  without  due 
solemnity.  Accordingly  they  will  be  reported 
to  commanding  officers,  who  will,  without  delay, 
order  a  council  of  war  for  the  summary  trial  of 
the  offenders,  under  the  known  laws  of  war  ap- 
plicable to  such  cases. 

"  A  council  of  war  may  consist  of  any  number 
of  officers  not  less  than  three  nor  more  than  thir- 
teen, and  may,  for  any  tiagrant  violation  of  the 
laws  of  war,  condemn  to  death,  or  to  lashes,  not 
exceeding  fifty,  on  satisfactory  proof  that  such 
prisoner,  at  the  time  of  capture,  actually  be- 
longed to  any  party  or  gang  of  known  robbers, 
or  murderers,  or  had  actually  committed  murder 
or  robbery  upon  any  American  officer  or  soldier, 
or  follower  of  the  American  army." 

Several  guerrilla  parties  were  broken  up  by 
the  active  operations  cUled  forth  from  different 
portions  of  General  Scott's  army.  Still  the  roads 
continued  to  be  infested  with  these  marauding 
parties,  and  travellers  or  stragglers  from  the 
American  army,  to  be  murdered.  Arrests  were 
continually  made  and  executions  took  place,  un- 
til the  close  of  the  war. 

The  mission  of  Mr.  Twist  as  negotiator  with 
the  Mexican  government,  did  not  end  his  fruit- 
less attempts  to  obtain  peace  after  the  battles  of 
Contreras  and  Churubusco.  After  repeated  ef- 
forts by  General  Scott  and  himself  to  bring 
about  the  desired  result,  they  at  length  met  with 
success.  General  Scott  in  January,  1848,  laid 
before  the  Mexican  authorities,  the  basis  of  a 
treaty,  similar  to  the  one  which  had  been  re- 
jected. They  appointed  Luis  G.  Ciieras,  Ber- 
nado  Conto  and  Miguel  Atristain,  as  commission- 
ers ;  the  United  States  being  represented  by  Mr. 
Twist.  The  negotiations  were  opened  at  Guada- 
loupe  Hidalgo,  and  after  their  respective  powers 
were  made  known  by  the  commissioners,  the" 
arranged  and  signed  a  "  treaty  of  peace,  friend- 
ship, limits,  and  settlement,  between  the  United 
States  of  America  and  the  Mexican  Repubhc." 
This  treaty  arrived  in  Washington  in  February, 
and  was  laid  before  the  American  Senate.  It 


height,  and  there  seemed  to  be  but  little  prospect 
of  a  diminution.  The  aspect  of  the  whole  terri- 
tory seemed  changed,  and  from  a  poor  grazing 
country,  it  became  a  commercial  i)oint  to  which 
the  eyes  of  all  the  world  were  turned. 

The  Presidential  election  occurred  in  184R 
General  Lewis  Cass  was  nominated  by  the  Do- 
mocnitic  party  for  President,  and  General  Wil- 
liam O.  Butler  for  Vice-President.  The  candi- 
dates of  the  Whig  party  were  General  Zachary 
Taylor,  and  Millard  Fillmore  of  New  York,  for 
the  same  offices.  There  was  another  i)arty 
formed,  pledged  to  the  prohibition  of  the  exten- 
sion of  slavery,  by  congressional  enactment  and 
other  reform  meiisures.  The  candidates  of  this 
party  were  ilartin  Van  Bureii  and  Charles  F. 
Adams.  General  Taylor  and  Millard  Fillmore 
were  successful — each  receiving  160  votes  in  the 
electoral  college. 

CHAPTER  XXATT. 

TATLOIVS  ADMINISTRATION. 

Having  received  the  majority  of  vote.  Gen- 
eral Taylor  entered  upon  the  duties  of  his  high 
office  on  the  4th  of  March,  1849.  His  inaugural 
address  was  remarkable  for  its  brevity,  but  stiU 
lucid  and  eloqueiit.  Jno.  ^I.  Clayton  was  ap- 
pointed Secretary  of  State,  and  Thomas  Ewing, 
of  Ohio,  was  chosen  to  till  the  office  of  a  new 
department  created  during  the  Cougressiouid 
session  of  1848-9,  to  relieve  the  Secretaries  of 
the  State  and  Treasury  dei)artment8  of  a  portion 
of  their  arduous  duties — denominated  the  Homo 
Department.  William  M.  Meredith,  of  Pennsj'l- 
vania,  was  appointed  Secretarj'  of  the  Treasury. 

Congress  assembled  on  the  1st  Monday  iu 
December,  1849.  In  the  Lower  House,  there 
was  an  administration  majority,  but  an  opposition 
majority  in  the  Senate.  The  most  of  the  appoint- 
ments, made  by  the  President,  were,  however, 
api>roved  by  that  bod\'.  The  message  to  Congress 
was  short,  but  characteristic  of  the  Chief  Magis- 
trate, and  sufficiently  indicated  the  moderate 
course  he  intended  pursuing.  The  subject  of 
slavery  was  intrixluced  into  every  debate.  The 
bills  providing  territorial  governments  for  Cali- 
fornia and  New  Mexico  were  defeated. 

John  C.  Calhoun  issued  an  address  to  the  peo- 
ple of  the  Southern  States,  complaining  of  various 


was  agreed  to  with  some  amendments  on  the  acts  of  aggression  upon  the  rights  of  Southern 


10th  of  March.  Mr.  Sevier  was,  on  the  14th, 
appointed  envoy  extraordinary  and  minister 
plenipotentiary  to  present  the  treaty  as  amended, 
to  the  Mexican  Congress,  who,  after  a  strong 
debate,  ratified  it.  The  news  of  peace  was  re 
ceived  by  the  great  body  of  both  nations  with 
every  manifestation  of  satisfaction. 

The  army  left  Vera  Cruz  by  detacliments,  and 
the  greater  part  arrived  at  New  Orleans  by  the 
middle  of  June,  1848. 

Intelligence  of  the  discovery  of  gold  in  Upper 
California,  which,  by  the  treaty  of  peace,  had 
been  ceded  to  the  United  States,  was  received  at 
Washington  in  the  latter  part  of  1848.  Colonel 
Mason,  governor  of  the  territory,  in  his  olhcial 
dispatch  to  the  government,  expressed  the  opinion 
that  there  was  more  gold  in  the  region  of  the 
Sacramento  and  San  Joachim  Rivers,  than  would 
pay  the  cost  of  the  Mexican  War  a  hundred  times 
over.  The  existence  of  the  gold  in  the  beds  of 
the  streams  was  discovered  by  Mr.  Marshall,  in 
May,  1848,  while  digging  a  mill  race  near  Sutter's 
Fort,  on  tlie  American  fork  of  the  Sacramento. 
The  news  spread  rapidly,  although  the  rumors 
were  not  generally  believed,  until  the  reception 
of  Colonel  Mason's  despatch,  resolved  all  doubts. 
Business  and  trades  of  all  kind.s,  received  a  fresh 
impetus,  and  emigrants  crowded  every  road  to 
the  gold  region.  San  Francisco,  the  principal 
port  of  Alto  California,  became  a  large  city,  and 
its  great  harbour  was  filled  with  the  vessels  of  all 
nations.    Cities  and  towns  sprung  up  as  if  by 


slaveholding  people,  and  exhorting  them  to  make 
all  the  resistance  in  their  power ;  and  after  the 
adjournment  of  Congress,  a  caucus  of  the  soulii- 
ern  members  wjis  held  in  Washington.  The 
effect  of  this  was,  an  increased  excitement  upon 
the  subject  of  slavery. 

The  parlies  in  the  House  of  Representatives 
were  equally  balanced,  on  the  assembling  of 
Congress  in  December,  18-30.  A  few  "free 
soilers  "  had  been  elected  in  the  Northern  States, 
men  pledged  to  oppose  the  extension  of  slavery ; 
and  tlie.se  held  the  balance  of  power.  The  eon- 
test  for  tfie  speakership  continued  six  weeks,  and 
Howell  Cobb,  of  Georgia,  was  elected  by  a  small 
majority. 

The  excitement  did  not  end  hero.  The  subject 
of  slavery  w;is  introduced  into  every  debate. 
The  pcoide  of  California,  wishing  to  establish  a 
better  form  of  government,  met  in  convention 
and  adopted  a  Slate  Constiiution ;  and  slavery 
was  for  ever  prohibiteii  by  the  protixed  declara- 
tion of  rights.  Application  was  made  for  admis- 
sion into  the  Union,  but  the  clause  relating  to 
slavery  was  bitterly  oppased  by  the  Souihora 
members  of  Congress.  Other  things  conspired 
to  feed  the  excitement.  The  government  of 
Texas  put  forth  a  claim  to  the  territory  of  New 
Mexico;  the  question  of  the  abolition  of  the 
lave  trade  in  the  District  of  Columbia  was  agi 
tated ;  and  it  soon  bocaiuc  clear,  tiiat  no  busiue-sj 
could  be  done  iu  Congress  until  the  subject  w.is 
settled  by  compromiao. 


HISTORY  OF  TnE 


A  CoiTiproiiiiso  Couimittee  of  thirteen,  of 
wliioli  Henry  Clay  was  chairman,  was,  on  the 
motion  of  ^Ir.  Foote,  elected  by  ballot  on  the 
lOtb  of  April.  On  the  6th  of" May,  this  com- 
mittee, reported  the  "Omnibus  Bill"  to  the 
Senate;  the  object  of  which  was  to  restore  har- 
mony to  the  national  councils,  and  calm  the  ex- 
citement of  the  public.  It  provided  for  the  ad- 
mission of  California ;  giving  territorial  govern- 
ments to  New  Mexico  and  Utah  ;  paying  Texas 
to  relinquish  her  claim  upon  New  Mexico  ;  and 
the  abolition  of  the  slave  trade  in  the  District  of 
Cohimbia.  The  discussion  of  this  great  measure 
drew  forth  a  display  of  talent  and  statesmanship 
unsurpassed  in  the  annals  of  the  Republic.  Able 
men  were  ranged  on  both  sides  of  the  question. 

General  Lopez  with  about  GuO  men,  on  board 
of  the  steamer  Creole,  destined  to  attempt  to 
revolutionize  Cuba,  arrived  ofl'  Yucatan  about 
the  middle  of  May.  On  the  19th  they  reached 
Cardenas,  Cuba,  where  the  men  were  disem- 
barked, and  after  some  skirmishing,  the  town 
surrendered.  The  invaders  maintained  possession 
during  the  day,  and  in  the  evening,  after  another 
Blight  skirmish,  went  on  board  of  the  Creole. 
After  landing  her  men  at  Key  West,  the  Creole 
was  seized  by  the  United  States  revenue  officers. 
The  expedition  was  pretty  generally  condemned 
by  the  people  of  the  United  States,  and  many 
distinguished  persons,  who  were  charged  with 
aiding  and  abetting  it,  were  arrested  and  brought 
to  trial  for  a  violation  of  the  neutrality  laws  of  their 
country,  but  discharged  for  want  of  evidence. 

For  upwards  of  two  months,  the  diccussion  of 
the  "Omnibus  Bill"  was  continued,  and  the 
Senate  seemed  to  be  pretty  generally  divided 
upon  the  merits  of  the  bill.  Some  of  its  provi- 
sions were  generally  acceptable ;  but  tiieir  combi- 
nation with  other  obnoxious  measures  was  con- 
demned. By  successive  amendments,  the  bill 
wa.s  reduced  to  the  provision  of  a  territorial 
government  for  Utah. 

Tlie  8U(ldeu  death  of  the  President,  while  the 
public  mind  was  occupied  with  the  debates  on 
the  compromise  measures,  threw  the  nation  into 
mourning.  General  Taylor  expired  on  the  9th 
of  July,  after  a  short  illness,  at  the  age  of  05 
years.  His  last  words  were  expressive  of  the 
character  of  his  life.  "  I  have  endeavoured  to  do 
my  duly,"  are  words,  which  denote  a  man  of 
tiiat  beautiful  simplicity  of  character,  which 
belongs  only  to  the  best  of  earth. 

CHAPTER  XXVra. 

FILLMOKE'S  ADMLNISTKATION. 

According  to  tlie  requirements  of  the  Constitu- 
tion, Mr.  J'illniore,  the  Vice-l'resident,  became 
President,  and  was  inaugurated  immediately 
alter  ibe  death  of  General  Taylor.  The  mem- 
bers of  tlie  Cabinet  at  once  tendered  their  resig- 
nations, wliicli  were  accei)ted,  and  a  new  Cabi- 
net organized.  Daniel  Webster,  of  Mossachu- 
Betts,  was  ai>pointed  Secretary  of  State,  and  the 
Various  other  olhces  were  tilled  by  men,  who 
were  distinguished  asWliigs,  and  in  favor  of  the 
comi>romise  measures.  Tiiese  measures  having 
lieen  brought  forward  separately,  were  not  so 
Btreniiously  opjjoscd  as  before,  and  at  length 
piussi-d  botli  Houses.  This  act  occasioned  great 
rejoicing  by  the  friends  of  the  Union,  both  Nortli 
and  South. 

The  jtoiicj  of  the  administration  of  the  new 
President  could  not  be  doubted,  as  he  had  long 
been  identified  with  the  Wliig  i)arly.  In  his  lirst 
niinual  message  to  Congress,  the  principles  of 
Union,  comiiromi>e,  domestic  protection,  and 
foreign  neutrality,  were  lucidly  and  forcibly  re- 
commended as  necessary  for  the  maintenance  ot 
the  honor  and  safety  ot  tiie  country. 

'Ihe  foreign  relations  liad,  during  General 
Taylor's  administration,  occupied  a  great  sliar 
ol  llie  alientioii  of  tlie  government.  Dillit-iiltie-- 
bud  occurred  with  Jbluglaud  France,  Spaiu  and 


Portugal,  all  of  which  had  been  satisfactorily  miso  mea.«ures  of  1850;  and  that  they  were  to 


settled.  A  treaty  had  been  negotiated  by  Mr. 
Webster,  with  the  British  minister,  by  which 
a  route  across  Nicaragua,  in  Central  America, 
was  opened  to  both  nations. 

An  agent  had  been  sent  by  the  government  of 
the  United  States,  during  the  Hungarian  struggle 
for  independence,  to  ascertain  the  exact  position 
of  aflairs,  so  that  if  the  independence  of  Hungary 


be  cheerfully  obeyed.  He  nominated  William 
L.  Marcy,  of  New  York,  for  Secretary  of  State, 
James  Guthrie,  of  Kentucky,  for  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  ;  Robert  McClelland,  of  Michigan, 
Secretary  of  the  Interior;  JetFerson  Davis,  of 
Mississii)pi,  Secretary  of  War;  James  C.  Dobbin, 
of  North  Carolina,  Secretary  of  the  Navy ;  James 
Campbell,  of  Pennsylvania,  Postmaster  General; 


could  be  maintained,  its  government  might  bei  and  Caleb  Gushing,  of  Massachusetts,  Attorney 


recognized.  A  rich  correspondence  took  place 
in  December,  1850,  concerning  this  agency,  be 
tween  Secretary  Webster,  and  Chevalier  Hulse- 
niann,  the  Austrian  minister  to  the  United 
States.  The  reply  of  Mr.  Webster,  to  the  letter 
of  the  minister,  was  a  noble  vindication  of  the 
conduct  of  the  government,  and  worthy  the 
character  of  the  age,  and  the  peculiar  position 
of  America 

Another  attempt  was  made  in  the  spring  of 
1851,  to  revolutionize  Cuba.  Men  and  supjilie 
were  collected  in  several  of  the  southern  ports, 
and  the  government  were  soon  informed,  by  the 
bustle  of  preparation,  of  Miiat  was  afoot.  A 
I)roclamation  was  issued  by  the  President,  de- 
claring his  intention  to  uphold  the  neutral  laws 
and  warning  those  who  violated  them,  that  they 
would  place  themselves  beyond  the  protection 
of  the  government.  Nevertheless,  the  steame; 
Pampero,  with  more  than  400  men  on  board 
under  command  of  General  Lopez,  sailed  for 
Cuba,  in  August.  The  troops  were  landed  at 
Bahia  Honda;  but  none  of  the  inhabitants  join- 
ed them,  as  they  had  been  taught  to  expect. 
Colonel  Crittenden,  with  a  small  detachment, 
being  left  in  charge  of  the  baggage,  while  Lopez, 
with  the  main  body,  proceeded  into  the  interior, 
was  attacked  by  a  greatly  superior  force  of 
Sjjaniards,  and  after  a  desperate  resistance,  dis- 
persed. Colonel  Crittenden  and  51  men,  attempt- 
ing to  escape  in  b«ats,  were  captured,  taken  to 
Havana,  and  shot.  General  Lopez  was,  in  the 
mean  time,  attacked  by  Spanish  troojjs;  at  tiist 
he  repulsed  them  with  slaughter,  but  they  were 
reinforced,  and  compelled  tlie  Americans  to  dis- 
perse. Most  of  them  were  killed  or  captured. 
General  Lopez  was  taken,  sent  to  Havana,  and 
put  to  death  by  the  garotte. 

A  national  convention  of  the  Democratic 
party  assembled  in  Baltimore,  in  June,  1852.  A 
series  of  resolutions  were  adoj)ted,  enbodying 
the  principles  of  the  party,  and  Franklin  Pierce, 
of  New  Hampshire,  nominated  for  the  Presi- 
dency, and  William  R.  King,  of  Alabama  for 
Vice-President. 

A  convention  of  the  Whig  party  assembled 
soon  after  in  the  same  city,  and  after  adopting  a 
"  platform"  of  principles  proceeded  to  ballot  for 
candidates  for  tlie  highest  offices  in  the  gift  of 
the  American  i)eoi)le.  General  Winlield  Scott, 
of  New  Jersey,  was  nominated  for  President, 
and  William  A.  Graham,  of  North  Carolina,  for 
Vice-President.  The  "  compromise  measures," 
were  sanctioned  in  express  terms,  by  both  of 
these  conventions. 

A  "  free  soil"  convention  was  held  at  Pitts- 
burgh, in  August,  and  John  P.  Hale,  of  New 
Hampshire,  and  (ieorgo  W.  Julian,  of  Indiana, 
were  nominated  for  the  Presidency  and  \'ice- 
Presidency.  Other  candidates  were  nominated 
in  various  sections  of  the  Union. 

At  the  election,  hold  on  the  '23d  of  November 
Fraiildin  Pierce  and  William  R.  King  were  elect- 
ed to  the  offices  for  which  they  were  uomi' 
nated. 

CIIArTER  XXIX. 

PIEliCK'S  ADMINISTUATION. 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1853,  Franklin  Pierce 
was  inaugurated  President  of  the  United  States. 
His  address  was  a  shorter  one  than  usual,  and 
by  its  I'raMkiicss  attracted  general  attention.  He 


General.  These  appointments  were  confirmed 
by  Congress  in  an  extra  session,  convened  on 
the  7th. 

The  debate  of  Congress  on  the  affairs  of  Cen- 
tral America,  which  engaged  their  attention  at 
the  adjournment  of  their  regular  session,  was 
continued  from  time  to  time  without  any  result. 

Soon  after  the  inauguration  of  President 
Pierce,  the  dijjlomatic  corps  paid  their  respects 
in  a  formal  visit,  and  congratulated  him  on  his 
accession.  The  President  replied  in  a  short 
speech,  reci])rocating  the  expressions  of  national 
amity,  and  said  that  in  the  conduct  of  our  rela- 
tions lie  should  of  course  "  look,  in  the  tirst  in- 
stance, to  what  the  interests  and  honor  of  the 
United  States  may  require." 

Congress  met  on  the  5th  of  December,  and 
the  message  of  the  President  was  submitted  to 
that  bod}'  on  the  6th.  It  touched  principally 
upon  our  relations  with  foreign  countries,  and 
tinancial  matters,  and  concluded  by  announcing 
the  death  of  the  Vice-President,  on  the  18th  of 
April. 

On  the  4th  of  January,  a  bill  providing  for  the 
organization  of  Nebniska  and  Kansjis  territories 
was  introduced  by  Mr.  Douglas,  and  after  con- 
siderable debate,  passed  both  Houses. 

A  vote  of  thanks  was  passed  by  the  Honse, 
to  Cajitain  Duncan  N.  Ingraliam  "for  his  judi- 
cious and  gallant  conduct  on  the  22d  of  July,  in 
extending  the  protection  of  the  American  go- 
vernment to  Martin  Kosta,  by  rescuing  him  from 
forcible  and  illegal  seizure  and  imprisonment  on 
board  the  Austrian  brig  of  war  Hussar." 

Resolutions  were  adopted,  expressing  the  pub- 
lic thanks  to  the  otticers  and  othei-s  engaged  in 
rescuing  the  survivors  of  the  steamship  San 
Francisco,  wrecked  otf  Charleston  on  the  night 
of  the  25tli  of  December.  The  President  w;i3 
requested  to  procure  three  gold  medals  with 
suitable  devices — one  to  bo  presented  to  Captain 
Creighton,  of  the  ship  Three  Bells,  of  Glasgow  ; 
one  to  Cai)tain  Low,  of  the  barque  Kilby,  of 
Boston  ;  and  one  to  Captain  Stoutfer,  of  the  ship 
Antarctic,  as  testimonials  of  national  gratitude 
for  tiieir  gallant  conduct  in  rescuing  about  five 
hundred  Americans  from  the  wreck  of  the  steam- 
ship San  Francisco;  and  $100,000  was  api)ro- 
priated  to  reward  the  officers  and  crews  of  the 
vessels  that  aided  in  the  rescue. 

The  "  G;.d>den  Treaty"  with  Mexico,  as  amend 
ed  in  the  Senate,  was  accepted  by  Santa 
Anna.  Tlie  tirst  article,  relating  to  the  new 
boundary  between  the  United  States  and  Mexi- 
co, is  as  follows : 

"  The  Mexican  Republic  agrees  to  designate 
the  following  as  her  true  limits  with  the  United 
States  for  the  future  :  retaining  the  same  divid- 
ing line  between  the  two  Californias  as  already 
deliiied,  and  established  according  to  the  5th 
article  of  the  treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo,  the 
limits  between  the  two  Repubhcs  shall  be  as  fol- 
lows: Beginning  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  three 
leagues  from  land,  opposite  the  month  of  the 
Kio  Grande,  as  jirovided  in  the  6th  article  of 
the  treaty  of  Ciuadalupe  Hidalgo;  thence,  as 
delined  in  the  said  article,  up  the  middle  of  that 
river,  to  the  jioint  where  the  parallel  of  31^  47' 
north  latitude  crosses  the  same;  thence  duo 
west  one  hundred  miles ;  thence  south  to  the 
parallel  of  31  20'  north  latitude;  thence  along 
the  said  parallel  ol  31^  20'  to  the  111th  mcridiau 
of  longitude  west  of  Greenwich  ;  thence  in  a 
-Iraigiil  line  to  a  imiiit  on  the  Colorado  river. 


declared  hid  iuteutiou  to  carry  out  the  compro-' twenty  English  miles  below  the  juncliou  of  the 


UNITED  STATES. 


Gilas  and  Colorado  rivers  ;  tlieiice  up  tlie  middle 
of  the  said  river  Colorado,  until  it  ititersocts  tlie 
)ire.seiit  lino  between  the  United  States  aud 
Mexico." 

A  commissioner  was  appointed  by  each  go- 
vernment to  survey,  and  lay  down  this  boundary, 
and  their  decision  was  to  be  final,  and  to  be  con- 
Bidered  as  a  part  of  the  treaty.  The  United 
States  were  released  from  the  obligation,  im- 
posed by  the  treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo,  to 
protect  the  Mexican  frontier  against  the  Indians. 
In  consideration  for  this  release,  and  for  the 
territory  ceded  by  Mexico,  the  United  States  to 
pay  $10,000,000,  of  which  $7,000,000  was  to  bo 
paid  on  the  ratification  of  the  treaty,  and  the 
reni.ainder  on  the  establishment  of  the  boundary 
line — vessels  and  citizens  of  the  United  States 
were  to  have  free  passage  through  tlie  Gulf  of 
California,  and  along  the  Colorado  River.  The 
authorization  of  the  construction  of  a  plank 
road  and  railway  across  the  Isthmus  of  Teliuan- 
tepec  was  confirmed,  and  neither  government  to 
tlirow  any  obstacles  in  tho  way  of  tlie  free 
transit  of  persons  and  merchandise  of  both  na-' 
tiuus ;  no  higher  charges  were  to  be  made  upon 
the  transit  of  the  persons  and  property  of  citizens 
of  the  United  States,  than  upon  those  of  other 
foreign  nations  ;  no  interest  in  the  road  or  in  its 
proceeds  to  be  transferred  to  any  foreign  govern- 
ment ;  and  no  passports  or  letters  of  security  to 
bo  required  of  persons  merely  crossing  the  Isth- 
mus. The  United  States  were  to  have  the  right 
of  transporting  their  mails  across  the  Isthmus 
in  closed  bags  free  of  all  Custom-house  or  other 
charges  by  the  Mexican  government.  Arrange- 
ments were  made  by  which  the  United  States 
are  to  transport  troops  and  munitions  of  war  by 
the  road.  When  tho  road  was  completed,  a  port 
of  entry  was  to  be  opened  at  or  near  its  terminus 
in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  The  United  States  may 
extend  to  the  road  such  protection  as  shall  be 
warranted  by  public  or  international  law. 

After  considerable  debate  in  Congress,  the 
hill  making  the  appropriation  of  $10,000,000 
requisite  to  carry  into  etiect  the  stipulations  of 
the  treaty,  was  i)assed,  by  a  vote  of  102  to  G3 
in  the  House,  aud  '3i  to  6  in  the  Senate. 

A  treaty  was  negotiated  between  the  United 
States  and  Great  Britain,  providing  for  commer- 
cial reciprocity,  between  this  country  and  the 
British  provinces.  It  provided  that  tho  fisheries 
of  the  provinces,  with  the  exception  of  those  of 
Newfoundland,  shall  he  open  to  American  citi- 
zens ;  that  disputes  respecting  fisheries  should 
be  settled  by  arbitration  ;  that  the  British  should 
have  a  right  to  participate  in  the  American 
fisheries  as  far  as  the  36th  degree  of  north  lati- 
tude ;  that  there  should  be  free  commerce  be- 
tween the  provinces  and  the  United  States  in 
Hour,  breadstulFs,  fruits,  fish,  animals,  lumber, 
and  a  variety  of  natural  productions  in  their 
unmanufactured  state.  The  St.  Lawrence  and 
the  Canadian  canals  were  to  be  thrown  open  to 
American  vessels ;  and  the  American  govern- 
ment was  to  urge  upon  the  States  to  admit 
British  vessels  into  their  canals  upon  similar 
terms.  The  treaty  was  to  be  submitted  to  the 
provincial  legislatures  of  tho  British  provinces, 
us  well  as  to  the  governments  of  the  two  coun- 
tries. 

The  Japan  expedition  was  attended  with  ex- 
ceedingly favourable  results.  A  treaty  of  amity, 
preparatory  to  a  commercial  treaty,  had  been 
negotiated.  This  treaty  was  ratified  by  Congress. 
It  contained  two  important  stipulations,  that 
two  ports  on  dili'erent  islands  should  be  open  to 
American  vessels ;  that  the  steamers  from  Cali- 
fornia to  China  should  be  furnished  with  supplies 
of  coals ;  and  that  sailors  shipwrecked  on  the 
Japanese  coasts,  should  receive  hospitable  treat- 
ment. The  negotiations  throughout  were  con- 
ducted in  a  very  friendly  spirit.  The  Kussians 
also  endeavoured  to  enter  into  a  treaty-,  but  the 
Japanese  declared  that  their  etibrts  had  been 
UQSJucessful.    A  treaty  wjis  also  negotiated  with 


Russia,  and  ratified  by  tho  Senate,  guaranteeing 
the  neulrality  of  the  Uniteil  States  in  tho  war 
of  the  Allied  Powers  of  Europe  with  that  cotm- 
try,  and  recognizing,  as  a  doctrine  of  interna- 
tional law,  tho  principle  that  free  ships  make 
free  goods,  and  that  tho  i>roporty  of  neutrals, 
unless  contniband  of  war,  shall  bo  respected, 
even  if  found  on  board  enemies'  vessels.  Several 
Indian  treaties  were  also  ratified,  and  Congress 
adjourned  on  the  Yth  of  August. 

Intelligence  was  j-eceived  about  this  time,  of 
the  destruction  of  Greytown,  on  tho  Mnsquito 
Coast,  by  bombardment  from  a  United  States 
sbi[)  of  war,  under  circumstances  which  gave  the 
act  a  good  deal  of  importance.  Some  months 
before,  property  was  alleged  to  have  been  stolen 
from  the  Accessory  Transit  Company,  find  re- 
moved within  the  limits  of  San  Juan,  or  (!rey- 
town.  A  demand  for  its  restoration  was  made 
by  the  agent  of  the  Company  upon  the  .authori- 
ties of  the  town,  who  replied  that  after  a  dili- 
gent inquiry  they  could  obtain  no  trace  of  such 
property,  nor  any  evidence  that  it  had  over 
been  brought  within  their  jurisdiction.  For 
this,  the  Company  claimed  damages  to  the 
amount  of  $16,000.  In  1853,  the  Company 
hired  of  the  authorities  a  site  on  Point  Arenas, 
agreeing  to  vacate  it  when  required  to  do  so. 
The  requisition  was  made  in  March,  1853,  and 
refused  by  the  Company,  upon  which  the  au- 
thorities proceeded  to  remove  the  building, 
which  was  a  mere  shed  for  temporary  purposes. 
For  this  tho  Company  claimed  damages  to  the 
amount  of  $8,000. 

In  May,  of  the  present  year,  a  negro  captain 
of  a  river  boat  was  shot  Ijy  Captain  Smith,  who 
commanded  a  steamer,  plying  on  the  river,  who 
had  previously  had  some  difficulty  with  him. 
The  general  testimony,  both  of  Americans,  and 
others  who  witnessed  the  affair,  was  that  it  was 
a  deliberate  murder.  A  warrant  was  issued  by 
the  Mayor  of  San  Juan,  for  Smith's  arrest;  but 
tho  officer  who  went  on  board  the  steamer  to 
execute  it  was  resisted  by  the  passengers,  headed 
by  Mr.  Borland,  the  Minister  of  the  United  States 
to  Nicaragua,  who  justified  his  conduct,  by  say- 
ing that  he  was  instructed  not  to  recognize  i' 
any  way  the  authority  of  Greytown,  which 
claims  to  derive  its  authority  from  the  Mnsquito 
King,  as  separate  and  distinct  from  Nicaragua. 
Mr.  Borland  afterward  went  on  shore,  and  an 
attempt  was  made  to  arrest  him,  on  charge  of 
obstructing  officers  of  the  law  in  the  discharge 
of  their  duty.  This  was  resisted,  aud  in  tlie 
iiu'lie  that  ensued,  Mr.  Borland  was  struck  on 
the  face  with  a  bottle  thrown  by  some  person 
unknown. 

On  the  10th  June,  the  United  States  ship 
Cyane  was  sent  to  San  Juan,  under  Com- 
mander Hollins,  who  was  instructed  to  consult 
with  Mr.  I.  W.  Fabens,  the  United  States  Com- 
mercial Agent  there,  and  to  take  such  steps  to 
enforce  the  demands  of  the  United  States  go- 
vernment iis  might  be  necessary — on  tho  11th 
of  July,  he  made  a  formal  demand  on  the  autho- 
rities for  the  immediate  payment  of  $24,000,  as 
indemnity  for  the  property  of  tho  Transit  Com- 
pany which  had  been  stolen  and  destroyed,  and 
a  promiit  apology  for  the  insult  ollered  to  Mr. 
Borland,  with  satisfactory  assurances  of  future 
good  behavior  towardsi  the  United  Slates,  and 
her  public  functionaries.  To  this,  no  reply  was 
received  ;  and  on  tho  12th,  Commander  Ilollins 
issued  a  proclamation  declaring  that,  by  virtue 
of  his  instructions  from  the  United  States  go- 
vernment, unless  tho  demands  were  com|)lied 
with  by  nine  o'clock  the  next  morning,  he  should 
bombard  the  town. 

A  copy  of  this  proclamation  was  sent  on  board 
the  British  ship  Jkrmuda,  whose  commander. 
Lieutenant  Jolly,  protested  against  tho  threat- 
ened bombardment,  saying  that  such  an  act 
would  he  without  iirccedeiit  among  civilized  na- 
tions, and  that  a  large  amount  of  property  be- 
longing to  British  subjects,  would  be  destroyed, 


which  it  was  liis  duty  to  protect ;  but  as  the 
force  under  his  command  was  totally  inadequato 
lor  its  pnjtcction  against  the  Cijnnc,  he  could 
only  enter  his  protest.  Commander  Ilollins  re- 
plied to  this  note,  that  he  was  only  fulfilling  the 
orders  of  his  govermnent — that  he  synqmthized 
with  Lieutenant  .lolly  in  tho  risk  of  Knglish  sub- 
jects and  i)roperty,  and  that  he  regretted  ex- 
ceedingly tiiat  the  force  under  his  command  wa« 
not  doubly  e(iual  to  that  of  the  Cynnc" 

On  the  morning  of  the  12th,  a  guard  of 
marines  and  seamen  went  on  shore  to  secure  tho 
iirnis  and  ammunition,  and  to  remove  property 
exposed  to  destruction.  On  tlie  next  morning, 
a  steamer  was  sent  to  the  shore  to  aid  British 
subjects  in  removing  their  persons  and  i)ro])erty 
to  a  i)lace  of  safety  ;  but  only  a  few  availed 
themselves  of  it.  At  nine  o'clock,  tho  batteries 
of  the  Cyane  were  opened  u[)on  tho  town,  and 
firing  was  kept  up  at  intervals,  until  4  o'clock, 
when  a  party  was  sent  on  shore  to  conqilete 
the  destruction  of  the  town,  by  setting  the 
houses  on  fire,  which  was  done.  Lieutenant 
Jolly,  after  tho  town  had  been  destroyed,  de- 
clared it  to  bo  under  his  protection,  and  pro- 
claimed martial  law. 

Congress  met  on  the  4th  of  December,  1854, 
and  the  President's  message  was  communicated 
the  same  day.  It  dwelt  at  some  length  npon 
our  foreign  relations,  and  vindicated  the  destruc- 
tion of  Greytown  by  the  sloop  of  war  Cyane,  on 
the  ground  that  the  inhabitants  had  been  guilty 
of  flagrant  outrages  upon  the  rights  and  property 
of  Americans,  and  that  there  was  no  recognized 
authority,  to  which  we  could  look  for  redresa. 
The  transaction  had  been  the  subject  of  com- 
plaint on  the  part  of  some  foreign  i)Owers,  and 
said  to  have  been  characterized  with  more  of 
harshness  than  of  justice.  The  President  thought 
it  would  not  be  hard  to  find  repeated  instances 
in  the  history  of  other  States,  wliich  would 
fully  justify  the  chastisement  of  Greytown.  The 
financial  condition  of  tho  country  was  then 
dwelt  upon. 

Attention  was  directed,  about  this  time,  to  an 
expedition  in  process  of  preparation,  under  com- 
mand of  Colonel  Kinney,  to  colonize  and  settle 
certain  portions  of  the  territory  on  the  Musquilo 
coast.  The  settlement  was  to  be  made  un<ler  a 
grant  alleged  to  have  been  made  to  two  British 
subjects,  named  Sheppard  ami  llaly,  by  the  pre- 
.decessor  of  the  jiresent  King  of  the  Mnsquito 
country.  The  government  of  Nicaragua  pro- 
tested "against  this  expedition,  as  an  invasion  of 
its  territory,  and  as  in  violation  of  the  Neutrality 
Laws  of  tiio  United  States.  To  these  represen- 
tations Mr.  Marcy,  the  Secretary  of  State,  rei)lied, 
that  there  was  no  evidence  of  any  hostile  intent 
on  the  part  of  the  ex]>edition,  but  that,  on  tho 
contrary,  it  was  merely  a  peaceful  eniigratioi: 
company,  intending  to  settle  upon  lands  to  which 
they  had  a  claim,  not  for  purposes  of  conijuest, 
but  of  cultivation  and  im|)rovement ;  and  that  it 
was  not  in  violation  of  our  Neutrality  Laws,  in- 
asmuch as  the  members  of  the  expedition  would 
be  in  all  respects  subject  to  the  authority  of  the 
country.  To  the,>;e  representations  Mr.  Mar- 
coleta,  the  ilinister  from  Nicaragua,  replied,  uii- 
der  date  of  January  lOth,  setting  forth  the  vari- 
ous attempts  of  Great  Britain  to  establish  a  nro- 
tectorate  over  the  Mus(iuito  coast,  and  to  plant 
ait  English  colony  there,  and  the  declaration  of 
the  government  of  the  United  States  that  they 
would  never  acknowledge  any  such  protectorate, 
nor  permit  the  Euroi)ean  governments  cither  to 
interfere  with  the  domestic  concerns  of  tho 
American  republics,  or  to  establish  new  colonies 
upon  this  continent  which  jeopard  their  inde- 
pendence or  ruin  their  interests.  The  American 
Secretary  of  State,  also,  in  1849,  and  at  other 
times,  informed  the  British  authorities  that  the 
American  government  ot)idd  never  acknowledge 
the  independence  of  the  Mos(iuilo  Indians,  or  ad- 
mit that  they  have  any  right  of  sovereignty  ovot 
the  territory  they  claim.    The  minister  urged 


553 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


that  by  the  declarations,  so  frequently  repeat/- 
rd,  and  so  explicit  and  emphatic  in  tlieir 
terms,  tlio  government  of  the  United  States 
had  denied  the  right  of  the  Mosijuito  King 
to  make  any  grants  of  land,  and  denounced 
the  policy  of  j)lanting  new  colonies  upon  those 
territories.  It  could  hardly  be  supposed, 
therefore,  that  it  would  attempt  to  establish 
such  coloides  itself,  or  permit  the  invasion 
by  its  citizens  of  the  rights  and  territories  of 
the  State  of  Nicaragua. 

Colonel  Kinney,  on  the  28th  of  January, 
wrote  to  Secretary  Marcy,  declaring  that  the 
objects  of  the  exj)edition  were  to  occupy  and 
improve  the  lands  within  the  limits  of  his 
grant,  and  that  ever3-tliing  was  to  be  done 
jieaceably,  and  without  invading  the  rights 
of  either  communities  or  States. 

He  said  it  was  his  intention  to  establish 
municijial  regulations  for  the  govei-nment  of 
the  colonists,  so  that  it  might  be  in  his  power 
to  enforce  order,  and  keep  up  the  forms  of 
civilized  society  from  the  beginning.  The 
Secretary  replied,  under  date  of  the  4th  of 
February,  that  if  the  expedition  was  a  mere 
peaceiul  emigration,  and  if  those  connected 
with  it  chose  to  abandon  all  claim  to  the  jjro- 
tection  of  the  United  States,  and  submit 
themselves  to  the  jurisdiction  of  some  other 
country,  this  government  wovdd  not  interfere 
with  it ;  but  the  ministers  of  the  various  Cen- 
tral American  governments  denied  that  he 
had  any  grants  of  lands  within  their  domin- 
ions, and  our  government  docs  not  acknowl- 
edge the  Mosquito  King. 

Congress  adjourned  on  the  4th  of  March. 
On  the  1 7th  of  February,  the  President  sent 
in  a  message  vetoing  the  bill  providing  for 
tiio  payment  of  claims  of  American  citizens 
for  spoliations  committed  by  the  French  prior 
to  1801.  The  bill  increasing  the  annual  ap- 
jiropriation  from  §38.5,000  to  $850,000  to  the 
proprietors  of  the  Collins  line  of  Liverpool 
Bteamens,  was  also  vetoed.  In  addition  to 
the  laws  enacted,  several  joint  resolutions  of 
considerable  public  interest  and  importance 
were  adopted.  One  of  them,  approved  on  the 
15th  of  February,  authorized  the  President 
to  confer  the  title  of  Lieutenant-general  by 
brevet,  in  a  single  instance,  for  eminent 
Bervices.  The  President,  in  accordance  with 
the  intent  of  Congress,  conferred  the  title 
u2)on  General  Scott. 

On  the  last  day  of  the  session,  the  Presi- 
dent transmitted  to  Congress  a  very  large 
collection  of  correspondence,  relating  to  a 
conference  of  American  Ministers  held  at  Os- 
tend  in  October,  1854.  Tiie  documents  were 
quite  voluminous,  and  advised  the  purchase 
of  the  island  of  Cuba,  or  if  that  failed,  a  re- 
sort to  force  was  recommended.  The  Presi- 
dent did  not  deem  it  advisable  to  follow  the 
course  indicateil  in  this  clespatch  ;  and,  in 
consc(iuence  of  this  hesitation,  ]\Ir.  Sinile,  in 
»i  letter  dated  December  the  17th,  1S,')4,  re- 
signed his  olHce  as  .Minister  at  Madrid,  say- 
ing he  had  no  alternative  but  to  take  that 
Btcp,  or  linger  in  languid  inq>otencn  at  the 
caj)ital.  The  proceedings  of  the  conference 
at  Ontond  caiised  a  lively  feeling  of  indigna- 
tion both  in  tliis  country  and  in  Kurope. 

A  law  proliil)itiug  tlio  sale  of  intoxicating 
liquors  was  jkushihI  both  in  Now  York  and 
PennKvlvanla.  ('olonel  Kinney  had  to  en- 
counter nnexpeeted  obstacles  to  his  Central 
American  colouizatioa  acheiuo.    llo  was  jir- 


rested  both  in  New  Vork  and  Philadelphia, 
on  charges  of  attenqiting  to  violate  the  Neu- 
trality Laws,  but  in  both  cases  he  was  relea.s- 
ed  on  bail  to  await  (he  issue.  The  United 
/States,  chartered  to  convey  himself  and  party, 
was  detained  in  the  port  of  New  York, 
watched  by  government  vessels. 

Another  expedition,  of  a  somewhat  differ- 
ent character,  set  sail  from  New  York  on  the 
31st  of  May.  The  bark  Helease,  and  steam 
propeller  Arctic,  under  the  command  of  Lieu- 
tenant Hartstein,  United  States  Navy,  start- 
ed in  search  of  Dr.  Kane  and  his  associates, 
who,  in  the  Advance,  started  to  search  for 
Sir  John  Franklin,  and  was  supposed  to  be 
ice-bound  in  the  Northern  Seas. 

In  the  spring  of  iSyf),  William  Walker, 
"  the  gray-eyed  man  of  destiny,"  invaded 
Nicaragua,  and  in  1856  had  so  far  succeeded 
in  establishing  himself,  that  having  sent  a 
minister  to  the  United  States,  his  government 
was  recognized  and  diplomatic  I'elations  open- 
ed between  the  two  countries.  In  the  follow- 
ing winter  the  subject  of  enlistments  in  the 
United  States  of  recruits  for  the  British  army 
then  operating  in  the  Crimea,  disturbed  the 
friendly  relations  existing  between  England 
and  America.  Crampton,  the  British  min- 
ister, having  become  involved  in  the  affair, 
President  Pierce  requested  his  recall,  which 
was  refused  by  his  government.  He  was  dis- 
missed, however,  by  tlie  authorities  at  Wash- 
ington, together  with  the  English  consuls  at 
New  York,  Philadelphia,  and  Cincinnati,  who 
had  taken  an  active  ])art  in  the  enlistments. 
England  remained  unrepresented  at  W^ashing- 
ton  for  a  short  time,  but  the  affair  was  finally 
settled  amicably. 

Discord,  dispute  and  bloodshed  mai-ked  the 
latttu-  years  of  Pierce's  administration.  The 
conflict  over  the  government  of  Kansas  drew 
forth,  in  185G,  a  message  to  Congress,  in  which 
the  President  declared  the  creation  of  a  Free- 
State  government  in  Kansas  an  act  of  rebel- 
lion, and  justified  the  ])rinciples  of  the  Doug- 
las Kansas-Nebraskaactof  1854,  by  which  the 
Missouri  compromise  act  was  i-epealed.  Vio- 
lent party  feeling  extended  throughout  the 
country,  and  its  result  was  riot  and  bloodshed 
in  the  territory  of  Kansas,  and  upon  its  bor- 
ders. 

A  large  meeting  of  the  residents  was  held 
in  Leavenworth,  on  the  30th  of  Ajiril,  in  re- 
ference to  the  jiostponement  of  the  time  for  the 
registi-ation  of  lands.  A  portion  of  the  meet- 
ing were  in  favor  of  the  extension,  and  the 
remainder  opposed  to  it.  An  angry  discussion 
ensued ;  from  words  the  opjionents  came  to 
blows,  and  Malcolm  Clark  was  shot  by  a  law- 
yer named  McCrea.  The  peo|)le  became  much 
excited,  and  strove  to  lynch  McCrea,  but  the 
connnanding  ofKcer  at  the  fort  rescued  him. 
In  a  memorial  to  Congress,  the  anti-slavery 
settlers  in  Kansas  complained  that  the  Jlis- 
.sourians  had  entered  tlwir  territory  in  large 
numbers,  "  seized  xqion  their  rights,  and  se- 
lected for  them  tlieir  rulers."  The  other  )>arty 
— asserting  tiiat  slavery  had  been  recognized 
in  tiie  territory — denounced  any  attempt  to 
overthrow  the  institution. 

The  authorities  at  Washington  took  syn- 
eral  grouiul  against  tlie  action  of  the  Free- 
State  j)arty.  In  Axigust  the  lower  house  of 
Congress  amended  the  annual  a])i)ropriation 
bill  for  the  mainteni»nee  of  the  army,  provid- 
ing "  that  uo  part  of  the  military  force  of  the 


United  States,  herein  provided  for,  shall  be 
employed  in  aid  of  the  enforcement  of  the  en- 
actments of  the  alleged  Legislative  Assr  mblv 
of  the  Territory  of  Kansas,  recently  a.'^sei'ibled 
at  Shawnee  Mission,  until  Congiess  shall  have 
enacted  either  that  it  was  or  was  not  a  valid 
legislative  assembly  chosen  in  conformitv  with 
the  organic  law  by  the  people  of  the  said  Ter- 
ritory," and  "  that  until  Congress  shall  have 
passed  on  the  validity  of  the  said  legislative 
assembly,  it  .shall  be  the  duty  of  the  President 
to  use  the  milttary  force  in  said  territory  to 
preserve  the  peace,  suppress  insunectioM,  re- 
pel inva.sion  and  protect  persons  and  projterty 
therein  and  upon  the  national  highways  in 
the  State  of  ilissouri  and  elsewhere,  from  un- 
lawful seizures  and  searches,"  and  "  that  the 
President  is  required  to  disarm  the  ])resent 
organized  militia  of  the  territory  of  Kansa.s, 
to  recall  all  the  United  States  arms  therein 
distributed,  and  to  prevent  armed  men  from 
going  into  said  territory  to  disturb  the  j)ublic 
peace,  or  to  aid  in  the  enforcement  or  resist- 
ance of  real  or  pretended  laws." 

This  amendment  was  amended  in  the  Senate 
and  returned  to  the  lower  house,  which  ad- 
journed sine  f/ie  without  acting  upon  the  bdl, 
and  thus  the  army  was  left  without  any  sup- 
port. An  extra  session  was  called  on  the  day 
of  adjournment,  which  met,  jiassed  the  bill 
without  any  proviso,  and  then  again  adjourn- 
ed. On  the  as.sembling  of  Congress  in  the 
following  December,  the  condition  of  Kansas 
was  again  referred  to  in  the  messiige  of  the 
President,  in  which  he  firmly  adhered  to  the 
principles  laid  down  in  his  former  message, 
and  strife  aiul  contention  continued  in  the 
unfortunate  territory. 

CHArXEK  XXX. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  BUCHANAN. 

In  the  Presidential  contest  of  1S5G  the  Dem- 
ocratic party,  endorsing  the  Kansas  and  Ne- 
bra.ska  bill  as  embodying  the  only  siife  solu- 
tion of  the  slavery  question,  nominated  James 
Buchanan,  of  Pennsylvania,  for  President,  and 
John  C.  Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky,  for  Vice- 
President.  The  dissolution  of  the  Whig  party, 
which  commenced  by  the  imjiosition  of  the 
Southern  j)latform  on  its  national  convention 
of  1852,  was  now  consimimated  by  the  eager 
participation  of  most  of  its  Southern  mem- 
bers of  Congress  in  the  repeal  of  the  Mis- 
souri Conq)romise  by  the  jiassage  of  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  bill.  Tho.se,  of  whatever 
party  in  the  pa.st,  who  condemned  that  rej)eal 
and  who  united  on  that  basis,  W(>i-e  first  known 
sinq)ly  as  "anti-Nebraska," but  had  grailually, 
and  almost  spontaneously  assumed  the  desig- 
nation of  "  Republicans."  As  such  they  had 
carried  most  of  the  Free-Stat*  electiojis  of 
1854,  but  were  less  decidedly  succes.sful  in 
tho.se  of  1855.  Their  first  National  Conven- 
tion wiis  held  at  Pittsburgh,  Pa.,  on  the  22(1 
February,  1856,  but  no  nominations  were 
then  made.  Their  nominating  convention 
nu^t  at  I'hiladelphia  on  the  17th  June,  1656, 
when  John  C.  Fremont,  of  California,  was 
nominated  for  President,  and  Win.  L.  Dayton, 
of  New  Jersey,  for  A^'ice-President.  This  con- 
vention declared  it  both  the  right  and  the 
duty  of  Congress  to  jtrohibil  in  tiic  Territo- 
ries the  "  twin  relics  of  barbarism— poiygnniV 
and  slavery."  A  c(mvention  of  the  American 
].artv  was  iu-ld  at  Philadeli>hia,  the  22d  Feb., 
185(3,  which  nominated  respectively,  Millard 


UNITED  STATES. 


553 


FiIlmor«,  of  New  York,  and  Andrew  J.  Don- 
"Ison,  of  Tennessee,  for  President  and  Vice- 
rresiilcnt.  From  this  convention  tlie  anti- 
Kebraska  delegates  withdrew  upon  the  failure 
of  a  resolution  to  nouiinate  no  men  who  were 
not  in  fa\  or  of  interdicting  slavery  north  of  the 
Mis'^ouri  line.  After  an  animated  canvass,  at 
the  eusiiiiig  t^iection  James  Buchanan  receiv- 
ed 174  electoral  votes  and  1,838,169  of  the 
popular  votes ;  Col.  Fremont,  114  electoral 
ami  1,341,264  popular  votes;  Mr.  Fillmore 
received  the  electoral  vote  of  Maryland  alone, 
but  874,534  of  the  popular  votes. 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1857,  Mr.  Buchanan 
assumed  the  duties  of  the  Presidential  office. 
Tiie  disturbed  and  distracted  condition  of 
Kansas,  resulting  from  the  inmiediate  ertbrts 
of  tiie  South  to  introiluce  slavery  there,  upon 
the  rci)e,d  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  ne- 
c  ssarily  attracted  the  early  attention  of  Mr. 
])iichanau's  administration.  John  W.  Geary, 
tlie  fourth  of  the  Territorial  Governors  of 
Kansas,  having  recently  resigned,  the  Presi- 
dent seh^cted  as  his  s\iccessor  Ilobt.  J.  Walker, 
of  Mississip})i,  with  Fred  P.  Stanton,  of  Ten- 
nessee, as  Secretary.  The  anti-slavei-y  party 
in  Kansas,  comprising  a  large  majority  of 
the  settlers,  though  prevented  by  Federal  force 
from  eB'ecting  such  an  organization  as  they 
desired,  still  refused  to  recognize  the  Legis- 
lature chosen  by  the  i)ro-slavery  men ;  and 
each  party  held  independent  conventions  and 
elections.  A  constitutional  convention,  call- 
ed by  the  pro-slavery  Legislature,  met  at  Le- 
ooinpton  in  September,  1857.  Having  form- 
ed a  pro-slavery  constitution,  they  submitted 
Llie  question  of  slavery  alone  to  the  ])eople, 
this  at  least  being  i-equired  by  the  Kansas 
and  Nebraska  act  of  Congress.  Thus  any  vote 
cast  at  this  election,  even  though  against 
slavery,  wotdd  necessarily  be  in  favor  of  a  con- 
stitution which  contained  slavery  clauses. 
The  adherents  of  the  Topeka  Constitution 
refused  to  vote  at  this  election,  whereat  the 
Constitution  ivith  slavery  was  adopted  by  a 
vote  of  6,266  to  569.  But  at  an  election 
•which  had  been  held  in  October,  1857, 
for  a  Territorial  Legislature,  under  the  pro- 
slavery  organization,  most  of  the  Free-State 
men  had,  nevertheless,  voted,  carrying  the 
Legislature  and  electing  a  delegate  to  Con- 
gress. This  Legislature,  whose  legality  was 
now  unquestioned,  submitted  the  Lecompton 
Constitution  to  the  people  on  the  4th  Jan., 
1858.  At  this  election,  which  the  pro-slavery 
jiarty  in  turn  did  not  choose  to  recognize  as 
valid,  a  majority  of  10,084  was  returned 
against  the  said  constitution  in  any  shape. 
On  April  30,  1858,  Congrass  passed  a  bill 
admitting  Kansas  into  the  Union  nnder  the 
Lecomi)ton  Constitution,  with  a  condition 
piecedent  submitting  to  the  people  of  Kansas 
a  proposition  to  reduce  the  cession  of  public 
lands,  which  had  been  stipulated  in  that  in- 
strument at  six  times  the  usual  amount,  to 
the  number  of  acres  which  had  been  granted  to 
other  States.  On  the  3d  August,  1858,  the 
Jiuople  of  Kansas  voted,  by  an  overwhelming 
majority,  to  reject  the  condition  precedent, 
and  thus,  in  effect,  rejected  the  Lecompton 
Constitution.  The  Territorial  Legislature  had 
now  passed  completely  into  the  hands  of  the 
Free-State  party,  and"  all  etforts  to  make 
Kansas  a  Slave  State  were  abandoned  in 
favor  of  an  effort  to  organize  it  as  a  Derao- 
oratic  Free  State,  which,  however,  also  failed. 


In  March,  1859,  a  new  Constitution  and  Con- 
vention assembled  at  Wyandot,  by  direction 
of  the  people  ;  a  Free-State  Constitution  was 
duly  framed  and  ratified  by  the  people  in 
October,  1859.  The  first  undisputed  State 
election  was  ludd  under  it  on  the  6th  Dec. 
following,  when  Republican  officers  and 
members  of  Congress  were  elected.  Finally, 
on  Jan.  21,  1861,  the  arduous  Kansas  strug- 
gle, opened  by  the  repeal  of  the  IVIissouri 
Restriction,  was  closed  by  her  admission  to 
the  Federal  Union,  as  the  thirty-fourth  State 
thei-eof,  and  with  a  Free  Constitution. 

On  the  6 til  March,  1857,  the  decision  and 
opinions  of  the  United  States  Supreme  Court 
were  made  public  in  the  case  of  Dred  Scott. 
The  intention  of  this  decision  was  to  establish 
the  right  of  the  master  to  take  his  slaves  into 
any  Territory  of  the  United  States,  and  hold 
them  there,  in  des})ite  of  all  conflicting  con- 
gressional or  territorial  legislation,  until  the 
Teriitory  should  be  prepared  to  become  a 
State.  Dred  Scott,  a  slave,  had  sued  for  his 
freedom  ;  having  been  held  as  a  slave  in  Mis- 
souri previous  to  1834,  and  shortly  there- 
after accompanied  his  master  to  Fort  Snel- 
ling,  in  the  Territory  now  kno^vn  as  Minne- 
sota, but  which  was  then  an  unorganized 
Territory  of  the  United  States,  and  covered 
by  the  slavery  prohibition  included  in  the 
Missouri  Compromise  of  1820.  Chief  Justice 
Taney,  pronouncing  the  decision,  affirmed 
that  Dred  Scott  had  no  right  to  sue  in  a 
court  of  the  United  States,  on  the  ground 
that,  previously  to  and  at  the  time  of 
adoj)ting  the  Federal  Constitution,  no  per- 
sons who  had  been,  or  whose  ancestors  had 
been  slaves,  were  regarded  as  citizens,  or  as 
having  any  rights  which  the  white  man  was 
bound  to  respect;  and  fui'ther,  that  no  State 
has,  or  can  haVe,  any  right  to  confer  citizen- 
ship on  such  jjersons.  The  Justice  then  fur- 
ther pronounced  the  Act  of  Congress  (the 
Missouri  Compromise  of  1820),  which  pro- 
hibited a  person  from  holding  pro[)erty  in 
slaves  north  of  the  line  therein  mentioned, 
not  wai-ranted  by  the  Constitution,  and  there- 
fore void. 

Justices  McLean,  of  Ohio,  and  Curtis,  of 
Massachusetts,  dissented  from  both  the  deci- 
sion and  opinions  of  the  court,  and  further 
declared  that  the  court  had  transcended  its 
authority  in  its  nttei'ances  concerning  the 
Missoiu'i  Compromise,  and  in  all  except  that 
which  had  a  direct  bearing  on  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  lower  court  against  which  it  decided. 

Its  bearing  npon  the  slavery  (question  was 
denounced  and  repudiated  by  the  Republican 
party ;  and  the  ]ilatform  subsequently  adopt- 
ed by  that  party  at  Chicago  maintained,  as  a 
cardinal  principle,  that  it  was  not  only  the 
right,  but  the  duty,  of  Congress  to  abolish 
shivery  in  all  the  Territories;  and  on  the  19th 
June,  1862,  by  a  Republican  Congress,  this 
act  was  performed. 

A  large  portion  of  the  Northern  Demo- 
cratic party,  known  as  the  Douglas  Democ- 
racy, also  disregarded  this  decision ;  for  this 
party,  whilst  admitting  that  the  Constitution 
authorized  the  migration  of  slaves  from  the 
States  into  the  Territories,  had  long  main- 
tained that  after  their  arrival  it  was  compe- 
tent for  the  Territorial  Legisiattire  to  protect, 
impair,  or  destroy  the  rights  of  the  master. 
They  claimed  this  power  by  virtue  of  a  sup- 
posed inherent   attribute  of  popular  sove- 


reignty alleged  to  belong  to  the  first  settlers 
of  a  Territory,  just  as  it  exists  in  the  people 
of  one  of  the  States.  The  remainder  of  the 
Democratic  i)ai  ty,  devoted  to  the  pro-slavery 
interest,  ardently  sustained  the  decision. 

On  May  11,  1858,  Minnesota  was  admitted 
to  the  Union,  and  Oregon  on  Febiiiary  14, 
1859.  The  strength  of  the  Jtepublicau  ])arty 
steadily  increased,  though  the  decline  of  the 
American,  or  F'illmore  party,  inured  to  the 
benefit  of  the  still  united  organization  of  the 
Democracy.  In  the  year  1858  Illinois  was  the 
arena  of  the  ])Oi)ular  fornr  of  political  contest 
known  as  stumj)ing  for  the  senatorial  seat 
between  Senator  Douglas  and  Abraham  Lin- 
coln, the  Republican  competitor.  In  this 
campaign,  in  which  he  was  defeated,  the  lat- 
ter pi-ojilietically  enunciated  the  startling,  if 
not  absolutely  novel  doctrine,  that  "  the 
Union  coidd  not  ))ermanently  endure  half- 
slave  and  half-free  ; "  and  shortly  afterwards 
Senator  Seward,  of  New  York,  also  chaiacter- 
ized  the  contest  between  the  Noi  th  and  South 
as  "an  irrejiressible  conflict,"  until  the  United 
States  shoidd  become  entirely  a  slave-holding 
or  free-labor  nation.  During  the  year  1859 
the  Territorial  Legislature  of  New  Mexico, 
assuming  the  legal  existence  of  slavery  in 
that  territory,  in  accordance  Avith  the  Dred 
Scott  decision,  passed  numerous  acts  protect- 
ing and  fostering  slavery. 

Towards  the  close  of  tliis  year  John  Brown, 
a  man  of  remarkable  strength  of  character, 
who  had  already  distinguished  himself  amid 
the  troubles  in  Kansas,  both  by  word  and 
deed,  and  whose  ruling  conviction  was  the 
wickedness  of  slavery,  put  into  execution  a 
design  which  he  had  long  meditated,  to  free 
the  slaves  of  Virginia.  For  this  jjurpose  he 
had  jjurchased  two  hinidred  Shar]>'s  carbines, 
two  hundred  revolver  jiistols,  and  about  one 
thousand  [)ikes,  with  which  to  arm  the  slaves. 
These  arms  he  had  collected  and  dejiosited  in 
the  vicinity  of  Haiper's  Feiry,  and  at  mid- 
night, on  Sunday,  the  16tli  October,  1859, 
with  a  force  comprising  sixteen  whites  and 
five  negroes,  he  rushed  across  the  Potomac 
at  Uai-per's  Ferry,  and  there  seized  the  ar- 
mory, arsenal,  and  rifle  factory  belonging  to 
the  United  States.  On  Tuesday  morning, 
the  18th,  the  whole  band,  excepting  two  who 
had  escaped,  were  either  killed  or  ca])tured, 
the  slaves  of  the  neighborhood  having  failed 
to  respond  to  this  efibrt  in  ^their  behalf. 
Among  the  captured  was  John  l^rown  him- 
self, badly  wounded,  as  were  the  eight  or  ten 
others  who  had  retreated  with  him  to  the 
engine-house,  where  they  were  taken  by  a 
detachment  of  ninety  United  States  marines 
sent  from  Washington  by  the  President,  with 
two  pieces  of  artillery.  Large  numbers  of 
vohmteers  from  Virginia  and  ISlaryland  had 
also  hastened  to  the  scene  of  action.  John 
Brown  and  sevei'al  of  his  jtarty  were  after- 
wards tried  before  the  appropriate  judicial 
authorities  of  Virginia,  and  were  convicted 
and  executed. 

The  36th  Congress,  which  met  Dec.  5,  1859, 
was  stronglv  Democratic  in  the  Senate,  but 
the  House  of  Representatives  being  divided 
between  Rej)ublicans,  Democrats,  Americans 
and  Anti-Lecompton  Democrats,  contained  no 
clear  majority  for  any  party.  In  the  Senate, 
after  most  of  the  session  had  lK>en  consumed 
in  their  discussion,  resolutions  of  the  Le- 
compton Democrats  thereof,  offered  by  Jeffer- 


554 


HISTORY   OF  THE 


601)  Davis,  of  Mississippi,  were  passed  by  an 
iuiposiug  ]):u-ty  vote,  iutended  to  denounce 
tlie  Anti-Locouipton  or  Douglas  Democracy, 
as  well  as  the  llepublicaiis,  as  making  war  on 
the  guaranteed  rights  of  the  South.  In  the 
House,  eight  weeks  were  expended  in  the 
choice  of  a  speaker,  resulting  in  the  choice  of 
\Viiliam  Pennington,  Republican,  of  New  Jer- 
sey. During  this  contest  bitter  denunciation 
was  made  of  the  Republican  members  of  the 
House  who  had  endorsed  "  The  Impending 
Crisis,"  a  book  by  one  Hinton  R.  Helper,  of 
North  Carolina,  which  was  in  substance  a 
vehement  appeal  to  the  poor  whites  of  the 
South  against  further  servility  to  the  slave- 
liolders,  backed  by  ample  statistics,  proving 
slavery  injurious  to  the  South. 

On  the  23d  April,  1860,  the  Democratic 
Convention  met  at  Charleston,  S.  C,  to  nomi- 
nate candidates  for  the  offices  of  President 
and  Vice-President.  The  Douglas  Democi'acy 
having  triumj)hed  in  the  proceedings  for  the 
adoption  of  a  platform,  the  delegates  of  the 
seven  cotton  States  withdrew  from  the 
convention,  and  after  fifty-four  ballotings 
for  a  I'residcntial  candidate,  the  conven- 
tion adjourned  to  meet  at  Baltimore  on 
the  18th  June,  1860,  where,  after  the  with- 
drawal of  numerous  other  delegations,  Stephen 
A.  Douglas,  of  Illinois,  was  nominated  for 
President,  and  Herschel  V.  Johnson  be- 
came the  candidate  for  Vice-President,  On 
the  same  day  the  delegates  seceding  from  the 
oonvention  nominated  John  C.  Breckinridge, 
Df  Kentucky,  for  President,  and  Joseph 
Lane,  of  Oregon,  for  Vice-President.  The 
illustrious  Abraham  Lincoln  was  nominated 
at  Chicago,  by  the  Republican  Convention,  on 
the  19th  Ma}',  for  President,  with  Hannibal 
Ilanilin,  of  Alaine,  for  Vice-President.  Tlie 
candidates  of  the  Constitutional  Union,  late 
American  party,  were  Jolin  Bell,  of  Tennessee, 
and  Edward  Everett,  of  Massachusetts.  The 
position  of  the  respective  parties  in  this  con- 
test was  well  defined.  That  of  the  Republi- 
can party  was  that  Congress  was  bound  to 
prohibit  slavery  in  any  and  every  Federal 
Territory.  The  Douglas  Democracy  main- 
tained that  neither  Congress,  nor  the  people 
of  the  Union,  nor  any  part  of  it,  outside  of 
said  Territory,  had  any  right  to  interfere 
with  the  matter.  While  the  supporters  of 
Mr.  Breckinridge  upheld  the  right  of  the 
citizen  of  any  State  to  migrate  to  any  Teri'i- 
tory,  taking  with  him  anything  which  was 
property  l)y  the  law  of  his  own  State,  and  to 
hold  and  enjoy  such  property,  and  be  pro- 
tected in  its  use  by  Congress,  whether  with  or 
without  the  co-oj)eration  of  the  Territorial 
Legislature.  The  canvass  was  one  of  intense 
inttM'cst.  In  many  of  the  Northern  States 
coalitions  of  the  other  parties  against  the 
Republicans  were  formed,  based  ujjon  their 
united  hostility  to  the  Rejiublican  idea  of  ex- 
cluding slavery  from  the  Territories;  and 
the  mercantile  fears  of  convulsion  and  civil 
war  were  so  vivid  that  the  contest  was  ])ro- 
secuted  by  the  combined  adversaries  of  Mr. 
Lincoln  witli  the  energy  of  desperation, 
the  controlling  aim  being  to  thus  conciliate 
and  Hatisfy  the  South.  At  the  South,  no  such 
coaliti()ns,,on  the  other  hand,  were  formed. 
On  the  Oth  November,  ISdO,  Abraham  Lin- 
coln was  designated  by  the  peo;)le  as  their 
next  President.  Of  the  electoral  vote,  lie  re- 
ceived 180,  Mr.  Breckinridge,  72  ;  Mr.  Bell, 


39;  and  Mr.  Douglas,  12.  Of  the  popular 
vote,  Mr.  Lincoln  received  in  the  Free 
States,  1,831,180 ;  in  the  Slave  States,  26,430. 
Mr.  Douglas  i-eceived  in  the  Free  States, 
1,128,049;  in  the  Slave  States,  163,525. 
Mr.  Breckinridge,  279,211  in  the  Free,  and 
570,871  in  the  Slave  States;  while  Mr.  Bell 
received  130,151  in  the  Free,  and  515,973  in 
the  Slave  States.  Immediately  after  the 
elections  public  meetings  were  held  in  Char- 
leston and  elsewliere  in  South  Carolina,  at 
which  great  joy  was  manifested  at  the  result, 
and  resolutions  enthusiastically  adopted  in 
favor  of  the  secession  of  the  State  from  the 
Union.  Its  legislature  shortly  passed  an  act 
for  the  call  of  a  convention  to  carry  the  State 
out  of  the  Union. 

In  the  midst  of  all  the  elements  of  pros- 
perity every  material  interest  of  the  country 
was  now  depressed  by  the  apprehensions  of 
civil  war.  The  price  of  all  public  securities 
fell,  and  the  credit  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment was  shaken. 

In  his  annual  message  of  the  3d  December, 
1860,  President  Buchanan  appealed  to  Con- 
gress to  propose  an  amendment  to  the  Consti- 
tution, which  should  declare  that  instrument 
on  three  points  :  1,  As  expressly  recognizing 
the  right  of  property  in  slaves  in  the  States 
where  it  then  existed  or  might  thereafter 
exist ;  2,  as  pointing  the  duty  of  pi-otecting 
this  right  in  all  the  common  territories  until 
they  shall  be  admitted  as  States  into  the 
Union,  with  or  without  slavery,  as  their  con- 
stitutions may  prescribe ;  3,  as  recognizing 
the  right  of  the  master  to  have  his  slave,  who 
has  escaped  from  one  State  to  another,  re- 
stored and  delivered  up  to  him,  and  as  attest- 
ing the  validity  of  the  fugitive  slave  law 
enacted  for  this  purpose,  and  as  rendering  all 
State  laws  impairing  or  defeating  this  right 
null  and  void. 

The  message  further  declared,  that  unless 
the  Southern  States  obtained  this  act  of  jus- 
tice from  the  Northern  States,  they  would  be 
justified  in  revolutionary  resistance  to  the 
Government  of  the  Union,  so  characterizing 
secession ;  and  also  expressed  the  opinion 
that  the  Constitution  had  conferred  no  power 
on  the  Federal  Government  to  coerce  a  State 
to  remain  in  the  Union,  but  simply  to  enforce 
the  laws  upon  individuals  within  the  limits 
of  a  State. 

The  message  was  denounced  by  both  the 
anti-slavery  and  pro-slaveiy  members  of  Con- 
gress. By  the  former  it  was  construed  to 
mean  a  denial  by  the  President  to  enforce  the 
laws  against  the  citizens  of  a  State  after 
secession  or  rebellion ;  by  the  latter,  as  deny- 
ing the  right  of  ])eaceful  secession,  and  as 
indicating  the  intention  of  collecting  the 
revenue  in  the  ports  of  South  Carolina  by 
means  of  a  naval  force,  and  to  defend  the 
public  property.  The  0])posing  parties  in 
Congress  now  breathed  nothing  but  mutual 
defiance.  There  was  no  longer  any  social  or 
frit^ndly  intercourse  between  the  jiro-slavery 
and  finti-slavery  members.  South  Carolina 
had  called  a  Convention  to  adopt  a  secession 
ordinance,  and  all  the  fech-ral  olficers  within 
her  limits  had  resigned;  and  the  other  cotton 
States  were  preparing  to  follow  her  example. 

In  the  Senate,  a  eonnnittee  of  thirteen  was 
now  created,  consisting  of  five  Bepublirans, 
five  from  slaveholding  States,  and  three 
Nortlieru  Democrats,  to  report  on  the  dis- 


tracted condition  of  the  country.  The  •om- 
mittee  met  on  the  21st  December,  1860,  and 
on  the  next  day,  Mr.  Crittenden,  one  of  its 
members,  submitted  to  it  a  proposition  to 
amend  the  Constitution  by  prohibiting  slavery 
forever  from  all  territories  north  of  36°  30' 
(or  the  old  Missouri  Compromise  line),  and 
recognizing  and  protecting  it  in  all  temtories 
lying  south  thereof.  It  was  rejected  by  the 
committee,  the  five  Republican  members,  and 
two  from  the  cotton  States,  Messrs.  Davis 
and  Toombs,  voting  against  it ;  and  on  the 
3lst  Dec,  1860,  the  committee  repoi-ted  to 
the  Senate  their  inability  to  agi-ee. 

Ordinances  of  secession  were  now  adopted 
by  the  seven  cotton  States.  On  the  17th 
December,  1860,  a  convention  met  at  Colum- 
bia, South  Carolina,  but  in  consequence  of 
the  prevalence  of  small-pox  in  that  city,  ad- 
journed to  Charleston,  wherp,  on  the  20th 
December,  the  ordinance  of  secession  was 
unanimously  passed,  and  thereupon  the  Fed- 
eral property  within  the  limits  of  the  State, 
where  it  was  feasible,  was  seized.  The  Con- 
vention of  Florida,  on  the  7th  Janxiary,  1861  ; 
Mississippi,  the  9th;  Alabama,  the  11th; 
Georgia,  the  19tli;  Louisiana,  the  25th  ;  and 
Texas,  the  5th  February,  passed  ordinances 
of  secession  by  overwhelming  majorities. 
Many  efforts,  in  the  meanwhile,  were  being 
made  at  the  North,  for  conciliation,  by  ])ublic 
meetings  and  otherwise  ;  and  many  memorials 
in  favor  of  peace,  by  means  of  the  Crittenden 
Compromise,  were  presented  to  Congress  from 
dilierent  portions  of  the  North,  even  from 
New  England,  and  also  from  the  border  slave- 
holding  States,  a  large  number  of  whose 
people,  while  believing  in  the  right  of  peace- 
ful secession,  resisted  the  efforts  of  the  ex- 
treme men  in  their  midst,  and  were  still  de- 
voted to  the  Union. 

A  small  band  of  Federal  soldiers,  under 
Major  Robt.  Anderson,  garrisoned  the  ])orts 
in  Charleston  harbor  at  the  jieriod  of  Soutli 
Carolina's  secession.  On  the  night  of  the 
26th  December,  Major  Anderson  transferred 
his  command  from  Fort  Moultrie,  an  old  and 
weak  fort,  which  had  been  tenanted  for  con- 
venience to  the  city,  to  Fort  Svimtcr,  the 
principal  of  the  defences.  The  remainder 
were  immediately  seized  by  volunteers  acting 
under  the  State  authorities,  and  additional 
fortifications,  defending  the  city  and  com- 
manding the  harbor  approaches,  were  jnislied 
foiward  V)y  them.  On  the  2()th  December, 
commissioners  from  the  State  of  South  Caro- 
lina reached  Washington,  vnuler  instructions 
to  negotiate  with  the  Federal  Isxecutive  a 
partition  of  all  the  j)ro)ierties  and  interests 
of  South  Carolina  in  the  Union  from  which 
she  had  seceded  ;  but  they  were  informed 
that  the  President  could  only  meet  them  as 
citizens  of  the  United  States.  On  the  Ikh 
of  January,  1861,  the  steamer  Sinr  of  the 
Went,  from  New  York,  having  on  board  250 
soldiers  and  amj)le  supplies  for  Fort  Sumter, 
ajipeared  off  the  bar  at  Charleston.  AtK  lupt- 
ing  to  steam  up  the  harbor  to  Fort  Sumter, 
she  was  fired  upon  from  Fort  Jloultrie  and  a 
batterv  on  Morris  Island,  and  being  struck 
by  a  shot,  put  about  and  left  for  New  York, 
without  connnunicating  with  IMajor  Andcr- 
;  son. 

j     About    this    period    most   of  the  forta, 
j  arsenals,  and  other  pro])erty  of  the  United 
States  in  the  cotton  States  were  seized  by 


UNITED  STATES. 


655 


the  res])ective  State  authorities ;  iu  some 
cases,  m  en  before  secession ;  mul  tlie  authori- 
ities  o(  J  Louisiana  thus  robbed  the  Branch 
iMint  and  Sub-Tieasury  at  New  Orhiaus  of  a 
lUirge  amount.  Lieut.  Slemnier  being  coui- 
imanded  by  his  superior  officer,  Commander 
lAriustronsi,  to  surrender  Forts  I'ickens  and 
,McRae,  on  the  Florida  coast,  defied  the  order, 
.and  withdrawing  liis  small  force  from  Fort 
McKae  to  tlie  stronger  anil  less  accessible 
Yort  Pickens,  was  soon  besieged  therein  by  a 
iforniidable  volunteer  force. 
I  On  the  8th  January,  1861,  rresideut  Bu- 
chanan sent  a  special  message  to  Congress, 
ui'i^iiig  tlie  adoption  of  the  comj)romise  mea- 
isiires  propos(?d  by  JNIr.  Critteiulen.  Refer- 
ring to  the  seizure  of  the  federal  property  by 
itlie  Southern  States,  as  a  purely  aggressive 
[act,  and  not  iu  resistance  to  any  attempt  to 
jjcoerce  a  State  or  States  to  remain  iu  the 
[Uniou,  he  further  expressed  the  opinion  that 
the  powers  already  possessed  by  the  Presi- 
i:dent,  to  employ  the  militia  in  suppressing 
!insurrectious,  were  only  iu  cases  of  insurrec- 
'tion  against  a  State  Government,  and  not  i 
against  the  authority  of  the  United  States,  I 
and  consequently  with  Congress  still  rested 
the  responsibility  of  securing  peace  and 
iunion  to  the  distracted  country,  by  declaring 
war  or  authorizing  the  employment  of  mili- 
tary force  at  this  juncture. 

On  the  IGth  January,  on  motion  of  Mr. 
iClark,  a  llepublican  Senator  from  New 
|Hampshire,  the  Senate  resolved,  by  a  vote  of 
[25  to  23,  to  strike  out  the  entire  preamble 
and  resolution  of  Mi-.  Crittenden's  proposi- 
tion and  insert  in  lieu  thereof  those  of  a 
.directly  opposite  character.  Six  senators 
[from  the  secession  States,  Messrs.  Benjamin 
land  Slidell,  of  Louisiana ;  Mr.  Iverson,  of 
Georgia;  Messrs.  Hemphill  and  Wigfall, 
bf  Texas ;  and  Mr.  Johnson,  of  Arkansas, 
refused  to  vote  against  the  Clark  amend- 
baent. 

I  The  hopes  of  avoiding  civil  war  were  now 
;hiefly  fixed  on  the  border  slave  States,  which 
5till  stood  aloof  from  secession  and  manifest- 
kI  an  earnest  desire  not  only  to  remain  in 
jthe  Union  themselves,  but  to  exert  their 
[powerful  influence  to  bring  back  the  seceding 
States.  On  the  I'Jth  Januar}^  18G1,  the  Gen- 
eral Assembly  of  Virginia  adopted  resolu- 
tions, extending  an  invitation  to  call  the 
other  States  to  unite  with  her  in  an  efibrt  to 
adjust  the  unhappy  controversy  in  the  spirit 
jin  which  the  Constitution  was  originally 
[framed,  and  to  appoint  Commissioners  for 
jihis  purpose  to  a  Convention  to  be  held  in 
Washington  on  the  4th  February,  1861. 
This  Peace  Convention  met  on  the  4tli  Feb- 
•uary,  and  selected  Ex-President  Tyler,  of 
{Virginia,  as  its  President.  It  was  composed 
pt  one  hundred  and  thirty -tin ee  commission- 
prs,  of  great  respectability  and  influence,  re- 
presenting twenty-one  States.  Four  days 
thereafter,  deputies  from  six  of  the  cotton 
States  adopted  and  published  at  Montgom- 
ery, Alabama,  a  I'rovisional  Constitution  for 
phe  so-called  Confederate  States.  Amend- 
nents  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
btates  were  reported  in  the  Peace  Conven- 
l  ion.  substantially  the  same  with  the  Critten- 
li'ii  Compromise,  and  after  much  time  con- 
lUraed  in  discussion  and  in  voting  upon 
|)rariou3  propositions  offered,  a  final  vote  was 
*ken  on  tht)  26Lh  February,  and  on  the 


same  day  the  Convention  communicated  to 
Congress  the  aniendnient  they  had  adopted, 
with  a  request  that  it  might  be  submitted, 
under  the  Constitution,  to  the  several  State 
Legislatures.  In  the  Senate  no  direct  vote 
was  ever  taken  upon  it,  and  in  the  House  of 
Representatives  the  Speaker  was  refused 
leave  even  to  present  it.  On  the  2d  March,  the 
day  before  the  final  adjournment  of  C.ongrcss, 
Mr.  Clark's  amendment  to  Mr.  Crittenden's 
])roposition  was  removed  in  the  Senate,  and 
the  proposition  itself  was  defeated  by  a  vote 
of  19  in  the  affirmative  against  20  in  the 
negative.  On  the  9th  of  February,  1861, 
the  convention  of  the  seceded  States  having 
met  at  Montgomery,  Alabama,  adopted  a 
provisional  framework  of  government  for 
"the  Confederate  States  of  America,"  which 
was  subsequently  (March  Ilth)  superseded 
by  a  permanent  Constitution,  substantially  a 
copy  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  but  with 
slavery  as  the  corner-stone  of  the  structure. 
Jetferson  Davis,  of  Mississippi,  was  by  the 
Confederate  Congress  then  unanimously 
elected  President,  and  Alexander  H.  Ste- 
phens, of  Georgia,  Vice-President  of  the  Con- 
federacy for  the  current  year. 

On  the  3d  March,  1861,  the  36th  U.  S. 
Congress  expired,  many  of  the  Southern 
members  thereof  having  already  vacated  theii- 
seats,  and  the  various  measures  of  compro- 
mise which  had  been  proposed  to  heal  the 
existing  difficulties  having  failed. 

Three  new  territories  were  organized  at 
this  session — Kaiusas,  Colorado,  Dakota. 

The  organic  acts  were  in  each  case  silent 
respecting  slavery,  as  a  peace-oftering  and 
concession  to  the  unionists  of  the  South. 
The  measures  deemed  necessary  by  the  Presi- 
dent, and  suggested  by  him  to  Congress,  to 
enable  him  to  execute  the  laws  and  defend 
the  Government  at  the  South,  were  not 
acted  upon.  At  the  close  of  Mr.  Buchan- 
an's administration  most  of  the  defensive 
fortifications  within  the  seceding  States, 
some  thirty  in  number,  mounting  over  three 
thousand  guns,  and  having  cost  at  least 
twenty  millions  of  dollars,  had  been  seized 
and  ajipropriated  by  the  Confederate  authori- 
ties. They  were  also  in  possession  of  the 
navy  yards  and  arsenals  therein,  filled  with 
arms  and  munitions,  together  with  the  entire 
army  of  the  frontier,  with  all  its  equipments, 
the  Southern  revenue  cutters,  mints,  custom- 
houses and  sub-treasuries,  amounting  in 
value  fully  to  twenty  millions  of  dollars 
more. 

CHAPTER  XXXI. 

LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

In  proceeding  fi  om  his  home  to  the  Federal 
capital,  jNIr.  Lincoln  was  everywhere  honored 
as  the  chosen  Executive  of  the  nation.  He 
was  obliged,  however,  to  pass  through  Balti- 
more clandestinely,  an  attem])t  to  assassinate 
him  there,  under  cover  of  mob  violence,  hav- 
ing been  assured.  Api)reheiisions  of  tumult 
at  his  inauguration  had  al.so  been  entertained, 
but  that  ceremony  was  conducted  in  a  tran- 
quil and  imposing  manner.  In  his  address 
thereat,  the  President  having  rejected  the 
doctrine  of  secession,  and  pointed  out  di.s- 
iinion  as  physically  impossible,  declared  that 
he  had  no  purpose,  directly  or  indirectly,  to 


interfere  witli  the  institution  of  slavery  in 
the  States  where  it  existed,  and  announced 
his  intention  of  causing  a  faithful  execution 
of  the  Fedo'al  laws,  including  that  respecting 
fugitive  slaves ;  and  further,  of  using  tiio 
power  confided  to  liim,  to  hold,  occupy,  and 
jios.sess  tlie  pro|)erty  and  j)laces  belonging  to 
the  Government,  and  to  collect  the  duties  and 
imposts  ;  but  beyond  this  declared  that  thero 
would  b(!  no  invasion  of  any  State.  He  fur- 
ther pi'olfered  the  olive  branch  to  the  South,  by 
intimating  t  hat  his  right  to  furnish  the  mails, 
and  to  a])point  Federal  officers  for  parts  of  tlio 
Union  unanimously  hostile  thereto,  would  be 
waived  as  impracticable  until  current  events 
should  show  a  modification  to  be  projier. 
Thesf!  assurances,  however,  were  not  regarded 
by  the  jieople  of  the  South. 

The  National  Cabinet  was  composed  as 
follows : — William  H.  Seward,  of  New 
York,  Secretary  of  State;  Salmon  P.  Chase. 
of  Ohio,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  ;  SiMON 
CAiiEiiON,  of  Pennsylvania,  Secretary  of  War ; 
Gideon  Welles,  of  Connecticut,  Secretary 
of  the  Navy  ;  Caleb  B.  Smith,  of  Indiana, 
Secretary  of  the  Interior ;  Edwaud  Batks, 
of  jNIissouri,  Attorney-General;  Montgom- 
ery Blaik,  of  Maryland,  Postmaster-Gen- 
eral. 

Mr.  .lefi'erson  Davis,  ruling  at  Montgora 
ery,  Alabama,  shortly  completed  his  Cabinet, 
which  consisted  of  Robeut  Toomrs,  of  Geor- 
gia, Secretary  of  State ;  Charles  G.  Mem- 
minger,  of  South  Carolina,  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury ;  Leroy  Pope  Walker,  of  Ala- 
bama, Secretary  of  War  ;  Stephen  R.  JIai.- 
LORY,  of  Florida,  Secretary  of  the  Navy ; 
and  John  H.  Reagan,  of  Te.xas,  Postmaster- 
General. 

Shortly  after  Mr.  Lincoln's  inauguration, 
John  Forsyth  and  JMartin  J.  Crawford,  Com- 
missioners from  the  Confederate  Goverimieni 
to  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  em 
powered  to  adjust  terms  of  amity  as  between 
two  nations,  ariived  at  Washington  and  re- 
quested an  interview  with  President  Lincoln, 
but  were  informed  that  the  Executive  could 
recognize  them  only  as  citizens  of  the  L^nited 
States.  For  some  few  days  the  new  admin- 
istration hesitated  to  discard  the  policy  of 
indecision  and  inaction  inherited  from  its 
])redecessor,  but  on  the  21st  March,  after  a 
long  and  excited  Cabinet  meeting,  it  was  re- 
solved that  Fort  Sumter  should  be  vigorously 
defended.  In  the  meantime,  the  authorities 
of  the  seceded  States,  instead  of  manifesting 
a  desire  for  peace,  were  investing  every  fort 
and  navy  yard  with  rebel  troops  and  fortifica- 
tions, and  busily  preparing  to  make  war  upon 
the  Federal  Government.  A  decided  activ- 
ity of  the  latter  now  took  j)lace.  Ships  of 
war  were  rajjidly  fitted  for  service,  and  .sev- 
eral large  steamers  having  been  loaded  with 
provisions  and  niunitious,  sailetl  southward 
on  the  7th  Aj)ril  from  New  York  and  other 
Northern  ports,  under  sealed  orders.  On 
the  8th,  formal  notice  was  given  to  Gov- 
ernor Pickens,  of  South  Carolina,  by  direc- 
tion of  the  Federal  Government,  that  Fort 
Sumter  would  be  provisioned  at  all  hazards. 
On  the  12th,  (Jen.  Beauregard,  formerly  a 
major  of  the  United  States  army,  command- 
ing the  rebel  forces  around  Charleston,  in  ac- 
cordance with  ordei-s  received  from  the  rebel 
government,  opened  fire  on  the  fort,  the  sur- 
I  render  thereof  having  ))een  duly  demanded  and 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


rcfuseil.  On  the  13th,  after  thirty-four  hours 
of  boinbiinhueut,  during  wliich  the  fire  of  the 
fort  was  proudly  maiiitaiued  against  that  of  a 
vastly  superior  force,  the  fort  becoming  en- 
tirely untenable,  and  no  provisions  but  pork 
remaining,  Major  Anderson  evacuated  it  un- 
der highly  honorable  conditions,  and  was 
<ransferre(l  with  his  command  to  the  Federal 
transport  lialtic,  awaiting  the  result  oft"  the 
port.  The  fleet  from  New  York,  laden 
■with  provisions  for  the  garrison,  had  arrived 
off  the  bar  during  the  bombardment,  but 
])rudently  made  no  effort  to  fulfil  its  er- 
rand. 

The  news  of  the  attack  u))on  Sumter,  and 
its  surrender,  caused  intense  and  universal 
excitement  throughout  both  the  North  and 
the  South,  in  the  latter  characterized  by 
gi-eat  rejoicing.  On  the  15th  A]jril,  the  Fed- 
eral Executive  issued  his  proclamation,  call- 
ing forth  the  militia  of  tlie  several  States  of 
the  Union,  to  the  number  of  75,000,  in  order 
to  suppress  the  further  progress  of  the  re- 
bellion. This  proclamation  was  received 
throughout  the  Free  States  with  hearty  ap- 
proval, and  they  vied  with  each  other  iu  re- 
Bponding  to  its  call.  The  sj)irit  of  the  hour 
indicated  a  now  almost  unbroken  unanimity 
therein  of  Democrats,  as  well  as  Kepublicans, 
in  su[>port  of  the  Government.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  authorities  of  the  Slave  States  not 
yet  seceded,  with  the  exception  of  Maryland, 
refused  to  res})ond  thereto,  and  generally  char- 
acterized ihe  proclamation  as  a  wicked  viola- 
tion of  the  I'lws  of  the  country,  for  the  uncon- 
stitutional purpose  of  coercing  the  Southern 
States.  On  the  Ifith,  several  companies  of 
Pennsylvania  militia  reached  Washington  and 
reportetl  for  duty.  On  the  18th  more  vol- 
unteers from  the  same  State  also  passed 
through  Baltimore  without  hindrance.  But 
on  the  19th,  the  6th  Massachusetts,  a  full  re- 
giment, having  reached  Baltimore,  were  at- 
tacked in  the  streets  thereof  by  a  secession 
mob,  upon  which  several  volleys  were  fired 
by  a  small  ])ortion  of  the  regiment,  whereby 
eleven  of  the  rioters  wove  killed,  and  four  se- 
verely wounded.  Of  the  soldiers,  three  were 
slain  and  eight  severely  wounded.  Ten  un- 
armed companies  of  tlie  Philadelphia  Wash- 
ington Brigade,  who  had  arrived  with  the 
]Massachus(;tts  regiment,  were  also  attacked 
ere  transportation  through  the  city,  and  ulti- 
mately returned  to  Philadeljjhia.  Great  op- 
position was  now  manifested  to  the  further 
transportation  of  Northern  troops  through 
that  city  ;  and  in  rcsj)onse  to  a  rerjucst  of  its 
IMayor,  and  of  the  State  Governor,  I  licks, 
the  President  agreed  to  forbid  the  passage 
through  that  city  of  certain  Pennsylvania 
troops  then  on  their  way  from  Ilarrislnirgh 
to  Washington,  and  selected  the  route  by 
Aiina|)olis,  to  answer  the  military  necessity. 
Whereupon  Governor  Hicks  objected  to  the 
jijissage  of  Northern  troojis  across  any  ])or- 
tion  of  Maryland,  and  the  Young  Mfsn's 
Christian  Association  of  Baltimore  ])eti- 
tioned  the  TVesidcnt  to  end  the  conflict  by 
conceding  tin!  demands  of  the  South.  ]{y 
the  cutting  of  telegraj)h  wii-es  anil  burning 
of  railroad  bridges  connecting  Baltimore 
•with  the  Free  States,  the  communication  of 
the  (Joverinnent  at  Washington  with  the 
North  was  now  intercepted.  On  the  21st  the 
8th  Ma.s.'<;ichus(!tts,  under  Gen.  B.  F.  But- 
ler, arrived,  after  some   obstruction  at  An- 


napolis, where  he  was  reinforced  by  the  7th 
of  New  York,  and  proceeded  on  the  24tli  to 
Washington.  The  7 1st  New  York  and  Gov- 
ernor Sprague's  Rhode  Island  regiment  were 
now  on  their  way  thither;  and  on  the  25th 
the  most  of  these  troops  had  arrived  in  Wash- 
ington, to  tha  gi-eat  satisfaction  of  its  loyal 
citizens  and  the  discomfiture  of  the  secession- 
ists thereof,  both  having  exj)ected  the  .speedy 
ca])ture  of  the  city  by  the  rebels. 

On  the  27th  April  the  Legislature  of  Mary- 
land convened  in  extra  session,  and  decided 
not  to  secede  from  the  Union,  but  created  a 
State  Military  Board,  with  power  to  adopt 
measures  for  the  safety,  peace,  and  defence  of 
the  State.  But  with  the  strength  and  deter- 
mination of  the  Free  States  now  fully  shown, 
the  actual  minority  of  the  secession  element 
of  Maryland  revealed  itself  as  growing  still 
less.  A  large  Union  meeting  was  held  in 
Baltimore  on  May  4th,  and  on  the  13th 
Gen.  Butler  occupied  the  city,  and  commu- 
nications with  the  North  being  shortly  re- 
established, the  safety  of  the  Federal  cap- 
ital was  assured.  By  the  end  of  Ma}-^  fifty 
thousand  men  held  the  line  of  the  Potomac 
and  guarded  Washington,  while  every  loyal 
State  seemed  actively  desirous  of  swelling  the 
ranks  of  the  Union  armies. 

On  April  17th,  18G1,  a  convention  in  Vir- 
ginia voted  that  that  State  should  secede  from 
the  Union ;  and  immediately  expeditions, 
planned  long  previously,  were  set  on  foot  to 
capture  the  Federal  arsenal  at  Harjier's  Ferry, 
and  the  navy  yard  at  Norfolk,  in  that  State. 
On  the  18th,  Lieut.  Jones,  who  was  in  charge 
of  the  arsenal,  learning  that  a  force  of  2,500 
Virginia  militia  was  advancing  upon  that 
post,  after  partially  succeeding  in  destroy- 
ing the  national  pro})erty  there,  evacuated 
the  place  and  retreated  to  Chambersburg, 
Pa. 

On  the  night  of  the  IGth,  obstructions 
were  placed  by  the  rebels  in  the  channel  of 
P^lizabeth  river,  leading  up  from  Hampton 
Roads  to  Norfolk,  and  a  Virginia  military 
force,  vinder  Gen.  Taliaferro,  reached  the  lat- 
ter place  on  the  18th  to  si?ize  the  navy  yard, 
and  Federal  vessels  and  other  ]n-op(?rty  there, 
amounting  in  value  to  fully  ten  millions  of 
dollars,  including  the  powerful  forty-gun 
steam  frigate  J\[errimac,  with  the  Cumber- 
land^ the  Grrmantown,  the  Plymouth,  the 
Itarilaii,  and  many  other  vessels,  with  nearly 
two  thousand  cannon,  some  thousand  stajul 
of  arms,  and  immense  (piantities  of  munitions 
and  naval  stor  ;s.  On  the  evening  of  the  '20th, 
Caj)t.  McCauIcy,  the  commandant,  ordered 
all  the  ships  to  be  scuttled,  excepting  the 
Cumhe.rlaiiAl.  Capt.  I'aulding,  in  the  frigate 
Pawnee,  from  Washington,  with  a  force  on 
board  of  six  hundred  men,  and  with  instruc- 
tions from  the  Government  to  a.ssume  com- 
maiul  at  Norfolk,  arrived  (hiring  the  evening 
at  the  navy  yard  and  found  i\\o.  guns  therein 
rendered  temporaiily  useless  by  McCau ley's 
orders,  and  nearly  all  the  shij)S,  including 
the  j\[errim(ir,  sinking.  He  proce(>ded  at 
once  to  hastily  transfer  jiajters,  money,  and 
othiM-  ])f)rtables  to  the  Patnuee  and  the  Cum- 
hf/lii/iil,  and  then  attem])ted  to  destroy  the  re- 
mainder of  the  ))\iblic  ])roperty.  On  the  next 
morning  he  left  Norfolk,  whcreu|)on  the 
navy  yard  was  immediately  occupied  by  the 
rebel  forces  adjacent,  in  the  name  of  Vir- 
ginia, and  her  Q&g  there  raised.    On  the  24th, 


all  the  public  property  here  and  elsewhere 
acquired  by  the  State  was  by  convention 
turned  over  to  the  Southern  Confederacy. 

Shortly  afterwards,  on  the  24th  May,  the 
peaceful  accession  of  Virginia  to  that  Confed- 
eracy was  ratified  by  an  overawed  ])opular 
vote  of  125,950  for  secession  to  20,373  for 
the  Union,  the  vote  of  several  western  coun- 
ties having  also  been  excluded.  This  ren- 
dered disunion  a  physical  impossibility ;  to 
concede  the  western  portion  of  this  State  to 
the  Southern  Confederacy  would  have  in- 
volved ultimate  disintegration  of  the  Free 
States  themselves  ;  for  a  portion  of  Western 
Virginia,  known  as  "  the  Panhandle," 
stretches  northerly  nearly  to  Lake  Erie,  almost 
dividing  the  old  Free  States  from  the  new, 
and  would  thus  become  an  easy  means  of 
cutting  off  communication  between  them  by 
hostile  powers.  But  the  people  of  West  Vir- 
ginia being  strongly  loj'al,  assembled  in  con- 
vention on  the  13th  May,  at  Wlieeling,  and 
formally  repudiated  the  secession  of  the  State. 
On  the  11th  June,  a  second  convention  of 
Virginia  met,  wherein  it  was  unanimously 
voted  that  West  Virginia  be  set  aj)art  as  a 
new  State,  and  its  government  was  then 
formed.  A  legislature  of  Virguiia  meeting 
shortly  after  at  Wheeling,  assented  to  this  in 
accordance  with  the  Federal  Constitution ;  and 
later,  on  January  26,  1862,  the  Federal  Con- 
gi-ess,  recognizing  the  doctrine  that  the  loyal 
citizens  alone  of  a  State  constitute  the  State, 
admitted  the  new  State  of  West  Virginia  into 
the  L^^nion. 

On  the  27th  April,  18G1,  President  Lin- 
coln issued  a  proclamation  announcing  the 
blockade  of  the  Southern  ])orts,  the  chief  of 
which  were  soon  thereafter  efl'ectually  closed 
by  the  Federal  na^•al  forces.  On  the  3(1  May 
he  made  a  fvirther  re(]uisition  njion  the  States 
for  42,000  additional  volunteers  for  three 
years,  and  ten  regiments  were  added  to  llie 
regular  arlnJ^  Many  millions  were  now  ten- 
dered to  the  Government  by  the  legislatures 
and  citizens  of  the  loyal  States.  A  large 
force  of  Pennsylvanians  was  org-anized  Bt 
Chambersburg,  Pa.,  under  the  command  of 
(Jen.  Robert  I'attei-son,  of  that  State  ;  ami 
Gen.  Butler,  having  been  made  a  major  gen- 
eral, was  placed  in  command  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  Eastern  Virginia  and  North  Caro- 
lina. George  B.  IMcClellan,  John  C.  Fre- 
mont, and  John  A.  Dix  were  now  apjioiiited 
major-generals  in  the  regular  army,  the  lat- 
ter to  command  in  New  York,  (.!en.  ^Icriel- 
lan  in  the  Department  of  the  Ohio,  and  (len. 
Fremont  on  his  return  from  Eurojie  being 
assigned  to  the  Department  of  the  West. 

The  work  of  secession  now  rapidly  pro- 
ceeded in  the  Slave  States  yet  remaining  in 
the  Union.  In  Tennessee,  early  in  .March, 
18lil,  a  vote  of  the  jieople  was  taken  wyon 
calling  a  State  (^invention  to  secede  from  tli(> 
I'nion,  which  was  defeated  by  over  5ll.tU>(> 
Union  majority.  But  shortly  after  the  honi 
bardment  of  Sumter,  the  Legislature  secretly 
authorized  the  (!overn(U-  to  aj'point  coiniuis- 
sioners  to  enter  into  a  military  league  with 
the  tJonfederate  State,-;;  and  on  the  tith  .May. 
the  Legislature  passed  an  ordinance  of  seiTS- 
sion,  and  on  the  7th  ratified  the  convention 
formed  with  the  Confederate  Government  hy 
these  commi.ssioners.  The  ordinance  of  .m  - 
cession  was  nominally  submitted  to  the  pop- 
ular vote  on  the  8th'  June,  with  the  follow- 


UNITED  STATES, 


607 


ing  jjTocUiiiued  result :  for  separation,  104,- 
913;  against  separation,  47,238;  the  people 
of  East  Tennessee,  a  mountainous  region, 
where  slavery  never  could  have  a  firm  foot- 
thokl,  voting  l)y  more  than  two  to  one  against 
iseparation.  They  further,  on  the  17th  May, 
iiri  convention,  protested  against  the  late  elec- 
tion as  ha^'ing  been  in  no  part  of  the  State, 
'  except  East  Tennessee,  a  free  one  ;  as  not  ex- 
jjuessive  of  the  will  of  the  majority  of  Tennes- 
see freemen  ;  and  earnestly  expressed  a  desire 
I  to  remain  in  the  Union,  even  if  the  rest  of 
;  the  State  were  resolved  to  go  out.  In  conse- 
iquence  whereof,  this  part  of  the  State,  being 
(isolated  from  aid  by  the  neutrality  of  Ken- 
i  tucky,  henceforth  and  for  a  considerable  ))0- 
riod  was  subjected  to  the  bitter  proscription 
of  the  Confederacy. 

In  Kentucky,  all  cfibrts  to  carry  the  State 
out  of  the  Union  failed,  a  large  majority  of 
her  people  being  loyal,  and  her  proximity 
to  other  loyal  States  having  its  weight 
against  that  of  the  organized  rebellion  at  op- 
portune moments.  The  Legislature,  however, 
early  declared  that  while  the  State  would 
never  sever  its  connection  with  the  National 
Government,  she  would  not  take  up  arms  for 
either  belligerent  party,  and  for  some  time 
this  policy  was  mainly  acted  uj)on. 

Until  the  bombardment  of  Sumter,  North 
Carolina  seemed  largely  in  favor  of  the  Union ; 
^  but  at  an  extra  session  of  the  Legislature, 
[May  1,  18Gl,the  Governor  was  authorized 
to  tender  aid  to  the  Confederate  authorities, 
and  a  convention  was  called,  which  met  on 
tlie  20th  iNIay ;  and  on  that  day  it  passed  an 
;  ordinance  of  secession  by  a  unanimous  vote. 
I  Upon  the  reception  of  the  news  from  Fort 
[  Sumter  in  Arkansas,  a  convention,  which  had 
I  previously  voted  not  to  secede  from  the  Union, 
was  reconvened,  and  passed  an  ordinance  of 
secession  by  a  vote  of  69  to  1.  In  all  these 
States,  wherever  possible,  the  Federal  prop- 
erty was  now  seized  u))on.  In  Missoiiri,  also, 
on  May  2d,  an  extra  session  of  the  Legislature 
was  conv  ened,  which  speedily  entrusted  to  the 
Governor,  a  sympathizer  with  the  rebellion, 
the  entire  control  of  the  military  and  jjecu- 
niary  resources  of  the  State.  The  Federal 
arsenal  in  Western  Missouri  was  seized  on 
the  20th  April,  and  its  contents  carried  otY 
to  equip  the  rebels ;  but  the  arsenal  at  St 
Louis  was  promj)tly  protected  by  its  com- 
mandant, Capt.  Nath.  Lyon,  and  on  the 
night  of  the  20th  its  contents  safely  trans- 
ferred to  Springfield,  Illinois.  Within  ten 
days  from  the  reception  of  the  President's  call, 
a  regiment  had  been  raised  by  Col.  F.  P. 
Blair,  and  four  others  were  being  raj)idly 
formed  at  St.  Louis,  in  despite  of  the  State 
authorities.  On  May  10th,  at  the  head  of 
six  thousand  armed  Unionists,  Capt.  Lyon 
and  Col.  Blair  surrounded  the  State  Guard, 
organized  at  Camp  Jackson  in  the  interests 
of  the  rebellion,  and  demanded  its  immediate 
surrender,  which  was  at  once  complied  with 
a  considerable  amount  of  munitions  being 
turned  over  to  the  captors.  Shortly  aftci-- 
wards  a  German  Union  regiment  in  St.  Louis 
fired  upon  some  assailants,  killing  twentv- 
two.  On  the  12th  IVlay,  Gen.Wm.  S.  Harney 
took  command  of  the  Union  forces  in  Mis- 
souii,  and  Capt.  Lyon  was  made  Brigadier- 
General  of  the  1st  Missouri  Brigade.  Gen. 
Uai-ney  now  entered  into  a  compact  with 
Gen.  Sterling  Price,  upon  the  part  of  the  State 


government,  the  proposed  object  being  to  re- 
store tranquillity  to  Missouri  ;  but  this  com- 
pact i)i-oving  to  be  a  protection  to  treason 
and  terrorism,  it  was  reinuliated  by  the 
Federal  Government,  and  Gen.  Harney  was 
removed  from  his  command,  being  succeeded 
therein  by  Gen.  Lyon.  Upon  this.  Gov. 
Jackson  and  Gen.  Price,  mustering  the  advo- 
cates of  the  rebellion  .within  the  State,  pro- 
ceeded to  openly  act  in  concord  with  its 
leaders,  and  the  former  shortly  officially  calh^d 
for  50,000  State  militia,  to  repel  what  he 
termed  the  Federal  invasion. 

For  some  weeks  after  the  seizure  of  Har- 
per's Feri-y,  the  rebels  controlled,  at  that 
point,  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Bailroad  ;  on 
May  ICtli,  to  strengthen  their  jjosition,  they 
buined  several  bridges  farther  west  on  that 
road.  On  the  20th,  at  Clarksburg,  in  Harri- 
son County,  two  companies  of  the  Confeder- 
ates, having  entered  that  ])lace,  and  being 
outnumbered  by  the  Unionists  there,  sur- 
rendered their  arms  and  dispersed  without 
a  contest.  The  Union  volunteers  of  West 
Virginia  were  now  organized  at  Camp  Car- 
lisle, in  Ohio,  opposite  Wheeling,  under  the 
command  of  Col.  Kelly,  Geo.  B.  McClellan 
having  been  appointed  a  major-general,  and 
assigned  to  this,  the  Department  of  the  Ohio. 
On  the  27th,  the  1st  Virginia,  1,100  in  num- 
ber, together  with  the  IGth  Ohio,  Col.  Irvine, 
and  the  14th  Ohio,  Col.  Steedman,  crossed 
the  Ohio  and  occupied  Wheeling  and  Park- 
ei'sburg,  the  terminus  of  the  north-west  branch 
of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Bailroad.  On  the 
30th,  the  Unionists  reached  Grafton,  and 
there  a  force  of  7,000  or  8,000  men  was  col- 
lected under  Gen.  Morris.  The  tracks  of  the 
railroads,  which  had  been  damaged  by  a  rebel 
force,  were  now  repaired,  the  latter  having 
retreated  to  Philippi,  fifteen  miles  soiithward, 
and  apart  from  the  railway.  On  the  night 
of  June  2d,  an  attempt  was  made  by  the 
Union  forces  to  surprise  Philippi.  Four 
regiments  approached  it  by  different  roads, 
the  division  under  Col.  Kelly  failing  to  arrive 
at  the  concerted  time,  4  a.m.,  owing  to  the 
state  of  the  roads.  The  rebels,  only  six  or 
seven  hundred  in  number,  under  Col.  G.  A. 
Porterfiekl,  fled,  however,  after  a  short  resist- 
ance, having  been  ojiened  upon  with  ai'tillery 
and  charged  by  the  infantry  of  the  Unionists, 
who  had  arrived  xinder  Cols.  Dumont  and 
Lander.  Col.  Kelly  presently  arriving,  fell 
upon  them  and  dispersed  them  completely. 
Col.  Kelly  was  severely  wounded,  and  two 
Unionists  were  killed.  The  rebels  lost  six- 
teen killed  and  ten  captured.  Porterfiekl 
tlien  hastily  retreated  with  a  few  stragglers 
to  Ilvittonsville,  where  conscription  was 
rapidly  increasing  the  rebel  forces  Gen. 
McClellan  arrived  at  Grafton  on  the  23d 
June,  and  issued  proclamations  condemning 
the  guerilla  warfare  of  tlu^  rebels,  and  exhort- 
ing his  own  soldiers  to  forbear  pillage  and 
outrage  of  every  kind.  The  rebel  main  force, 
several  thousand  in  number,  under  Gen.  Kobt. 
S.  Garnett,  were  now  strongly  intrenched  on 
Laurel  Hill,  near  Beverley,  the  capital  of 
Rando!j)h  County,  commanding  the  road  to 
Philippi;  a  smaller  force  under  Col.  John 
Pegram,  was  on  Kich  Mountain,  command- 
ing the  turnpike  leading  from  Beverley  to 
Buckhannon.  After  a  reconnoissance.  Gen. 
McClellan  resolved  to  attack  Pegram  first,  and 
sent  Col.  Rosecrans  to  gain,  by  a  detour,  the 


turnjjike  two  or  three  milea  in  the  rear  of 
Col.  Pegram.  Col.  Bosecrans  ajiproached  the 
rebel  position  about  )>oon,  having  maiched 
since  daylight  through  a  dense  forest  and 
under  a  drenching  rain.  He  was  then  opened 
upon  by  the  rebel  guns,  and  after  a  half  hour 
of  random  firing,  his  orders  to  cliarge  bay- 
onets were  promi)tly  obeyed  by  his  forces, 
and  the  rebels  tied,  leaving  their  cannon, 
munitions  and  stores,  and  13;")  dead.  I'cgrani 
attempted  to  escape  during  the  night,  but  was 
forced  to  surrender  on  the  following  day,  the 
12th  July,  with  about  GOO  men. 

Gen.  McClellan  entered  Beveiky  the  next 
morning,  flanking  Gen.  Garnett,  and  (hue 
forcing  him  also  to  a  hasty  fiight.  The  latter 
crossed  the  Laurel  Mountains  eastward  to  the 
narrow  valley  of  the  Cheat  Eiver,  along  tho 
sole  road  of  which  he  fled  to  Can  ick's  Foul, 
fcilling  trees  to  obstruct  the  jjursuit  of  tho 
enemy.  Having  crossed  the  river  here,  and 
finding  a  strong  and  sheltered  position,  he 
turned  and  offered  battle,  tw  ice  rejtulsing,  liy  a 
heavy  fire  of  musketrj-  and  artillery,  the  efforts 
of  the  Union  forces  to  cross  the  river.  Col. 
Dumont  with  the  7th  Indiana,  marching 
down  the  bluti'  and  through  the  middle  of  the 
stream,  between  the  two  contesting  armies, 
and  forcing  his  way  through  a  dense  fori'st 
of  laurel,  now  a])peared  on  the  right  flank  of 
the  T'ebels,  who  thereu{)on  fled.  At  a  secoml 
ford,  a  short  distance  below.  Gen.  Garnett 
gallantly,  but  vainly,  attempted  to  rally  hi.'i 
forces,  who  received  and  returned  one  volley 
and  then  retreated,  being  some  3,000  in  num- 
ber at  this  point,  pursued  by  000  Indiana 
troops.  Gen.  Garnett  was  here  shot  througli 
the  body,  falling  dead,  and  his  command  were 
pursued  two  miles,  when  the  Unioii  soldiers 
halted,  leaving  the  rebels  to  cross  the  moun- 
tit-ns  and  join  Gen.  Jackson  at  Monterey. 
Gen.  McClellan,  who,  with  a  large  portion 
of  his  force,  had  not  joined  in  the  pursuit, 
but  had  moved  south  from  Beverley  to  11  ut- 
tonsville,  telegraphed  the  loss  of  the  enemy 
in  this  action  to  have  been  about  200  killed, 
1,000  prisoners,  and  seven  guns;  and  that  of 
the  Urdon  forces,  13  killed  and  40  wounded. 

Simultaneously  with  Gen.  McClellan's  ad- 
vance iipon  Beverley,  Gen.  Cox,  with  a 
large  Union  force,  moved  eastward  from 
Guyandotte  to  the  Kanawha,  and  up  that 
river,  reaching  Charleston,  the  cajiital  of 
Kanawha  County,  on  the  25th  July.  Tiie 
rebels  in  this  section,  comnumdcd  by  Ciov. 
Wise,  continued  to  flee  before  the  approach 
of  Gen.  Cox,  who  reached  Gauley  Bridge  on 
the  29th,  finding  it  b\irned  by  the  retreating 
rebels.  Gen.  Wise  succeeded  in  reaching 
Lewisburg,  the  capital  of  Greenbrier,  a  county 
devoted  to  the  rebcd  cause,  and  here  w  iis  re- 
inforced by  Gen.  John  B.  Floyd,  formerly 
the  U.  S.  Secretary  of  War  under  President 
Buchanan.  Gen.  Floyd  now  a.ssunied  the 
offensive,  and  after  surpri.sing  the  7th  Ohio, 
Col.  Tyler,  near  Summer ville,  and  routing 
that  regiment  with  a  loss  of  200  of  its  men, 
he  moved  southerly  to  Carnifex  Ferry,  w  lu  re, 
endeavoring  to  strike  the  rear  of  Gen.  Cox, 
he  wius  himself  attacked  on  the  10th  Aug\ist 
by  a  strong  force  under  Gen.  Koseci  ans,  in  a 
reconnoissance  in  force,  which  resulted  in  a 
short  but  .severe  action,  and  a  "loss  of  about 
200  of  the  Union  troops — very  much  greater 
j  than  that  of  tin;  intrenched  rebels.  Gen. 
1  Kosecrans  having  directed  his  troops  to  b« 


1 


RR8 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


ready  forassault  early  on  the  following  niorn- 
b\<i,  was  eliulcd  l)y  tlio  cucniy  during  the 
iiis^lit ;  the  latter  rapidly  retreating  some 
thirty  miles  to  15ig  Sewell  IMountain,  and 
thence  to  Meadow  JJlul}',  whither  he  was  not 
j.ursued.  Gen.  Lee  now  assumed  the  com- 
mand of  both  Floyd's  and  Wise's  forces,  num- 
bering, with  recent  reinforcements  from  the 
northern  front,  about  20,000  men  ;  and  Kose- 
crans,  after  remaining  some  days  before  him 
at  Big  yew(rll,  retreated  to  Gauley  iinpursued. 
Gen.  Lee,  being  shortly  recalled  to  take  com- 
mand on  the  coast,  made  a  slight  attack  on 
the  Union  position  held  by  Gen.  Reynolds 
on  Cheat  Mountain,  but  soon  retired  again 
to  his  camp  at  Greenbrier.  On  the  3d  Octo- 
ber, after  Gen.  Lee's  departure.  Gen.  Rey- 
nolds in  turn  unsuccessfully  assaulted  the 
rebels,  now  commanded  by  Gen.  H.  K.  Jack- 
son of  Georgia.  On  the  10th  November, 
Col.  Jenkins,  with  a  I'egiment  of  rebel  cav- 
alry, surprised  the  Union  forces  stationed  at 
Guyandotte,  taking  over  100  prisoners  and 
])lundering  the  loyal  inhabitants;  and  on  the 
following  morning,  the  Union  Col.  Ziegler, 
of  the  5th  Virginia,  arrived,  and  ordered  to 
be  burned  the  houses  of  the  secessionist  in- 
h;ibitauts  who  had  instigated  the  raid.  On 
the  14th,  the  rear-guard  of  Gen.  Floyd,  who 
TTas  then  retreating  southward,  was  attacked 
by  Gen.  lienham,  and  its  colonel,  St.  George 
Oroghan,  was  killed.  Floyd  then  retreated 
.npursued  to  Peterstown,  fifty  miles  south- 
vai-d.  In  the  north-east,  Gen.  Kelly,  by  a 
B})irited  da.sh  fi-om  New  Creek,  October  25th, 
drove  out  of  Uonniey  a  rebel  battalion,  captur- 
ing t  wo  cannons,  sixty  jtrisoners,  and  several 
hundred  stands  of  arni.s.  Gen.  R.  II.  Milroy, 
the  succes.sor  of  Gen.  Reynolds  at  Cheat 
Mountain,  faihxl  on  December  12th,  in  a  sim- 
ilar attempt  on  the  rebels  strongly  j)Osted  at 
Alleghany  Summit ;  but  on  Dec.  31st,  the 
ground  now  being  covered  with  snow,  he  de- 
spatched Major  Wel)ster,  of  the  25th  Ohio, 
with  SOO  men,  to  lluntersville,  from  which 
a  considerable  rebel  force  was  driven  out. 
The  camj)aign  of  180 1  in  Western  Virgijiia 
thus  closed,  with  few  rebels  remaining  there. 

On  the  22d  May,  Gen.  Butler  took  com- 
mand at  Fortress  Monroe  of  some  15,000  raw- 
but  gallant  soldiers,  and  was  soon  tliere  con- 
fronted by  12,000  Confederates  under  Gens. 
Huger  and  Magruder.  Some  fugitive  slaves 
entering  his  camp  about  this  time,  and  being 
demaniled  under  a  flag  of  truce  by  their  mas- 
ter, (Jen.  Butler  decided  that  if,  according  to 
tlu!  latter,  slaves  were  j)roperty,  and  Virginia 
a  foreign  nation  at  war  with  the  United 
States,  sucli  jiroperty  sliouUl  be  held  as  co)i- 
Irahnni/,  and  refused  to  return  the  slaves. 
Having  .seized  and  fortified  Newport  News, 
at  the  moutii  of  .lames  River,  on  the  Dth 
June,  Gen.  iiuthn- ordeii^d  a  reconnoi.ssance 
in  force  towards  the  rebel  ])osition  at  Little 
Bethel,  the  expedition  being  under  connnand 
officii.  K.  W.  Tierce,  a  militia  brigadiirr  of 
Massachusetts.  Just  before  daybreak  two 
Union  reginuMits,  tliose  of  Cols.  Bendix  and 
Townsend,  of  New  York,  at  a  junction  of 
roads,  came  into  colli.sion;  the  former  mistak- 
ing the  latter  for  the  enemy,  and  opening 
fire,  kiilt?d  two  of  that  regiment  a!\d  .seriously 
wounded  (.ijrht  or  t»  n.  The  rebels  at  Little 
Bethel,  lieing  thereupon  alanm^d,  safely  re- 
treated. (J.  M.  Picne  then  pushed  on  to  I'.ig 
Bethel,  where  ho  found  1,800  Confederates, 


under  Gen.  Magruder,  safely  intrenched. 
After  four  hours'  action,  the  Union  forces 
being  exposed  in  an  open  field,  Gen.  Pierce 
ordered  a  retreat,  which  was  made  in  good 
order,  a  lo.ss  of  100  men  having  been  sus- 
tained, including  among  the  dead  Major  The- 
odore Winthrop,  aid  to  Gen.  Butler,  and 
l^ieut.  John  T.  Greblc,  of  the  2d  regular  ar- 
tillery. During  the  night  the  rebels  retreated 
to  Yorktown,  ten  miles  up  the  Peninsula. 
On  the  Itlth  August,  (Jen.  Butler  was  suc- 
ceeded in  his  connnand  by  Gen.  Wool.  Dur- 
ing the  month  of  May,  Maryland  Heights, 
opposite  Harper's  Ferry,  was  held  by  the 
rebels,  under  Gen.  Joseph  E.  Johnston;  and 
on  the  19th,  a  considerable  force  of  rebels 
appeared  opjjosite  Williamsport,  apparently 
contemplating  an  invasion  of  the  North.  On 
the  24th  May,  the  day  of  the  Virginia  .seces- 
sion election,  10,000  Union  troo})s  advanced 
into  Vii-ginia,  from  Washington,  by  order  of 
Lieut. -Gen.  Scott,  conmianding  there.  The 
69th  New  York,  Col.  Corcoran,  seized  the 
junction  of  the  Orange  and  Manassas  Gap 
Railroads,  several  miles  westward  of  Wash- 
ington. The  New  York  Fire  Zouaves,  tnider 
Col.  Ellsworth,  proceeded  to  occupy  Alexan- 
dria. Observing  a  secession  flag  flying  from 
the  Marshall  House,  an  hotel  of  that  city. 
Col.  Ellsworth,  with  four  men,  entered  -and 
took  it  down.  On  his  return  down  the  stairs 
of  the  house,  he  was  shot  d(!ad  by  one  Jack- 
son, the  innkeeper,  who  was  in  turn  at  once 
killed  by  a  private  of  the  regiment,  Frank  E. 
Brownell. 

Gen.  McDowell,  commanding  on  the  right 
bank  of  the  Potomac,  now  occupied  several 
weeks  in  fortifying  his  position  there.  Early 
in  June,  Lieut.  C.  IL  Tompkina,  of  the  2d 
regular  cavalry,  dashed  into  the  village  of 
Fairfax  Court-House,  with  a  portion  of  that 
force,  temporarily  driving  the  enemy  there- 
from, with  a  small  loss  on  bolh  sides.  On 
the  17lh,  near  Vienna,  thirteen  miles  from 
Alexandria,  a  ti-ain  u]ion  the  railway,  con- 
taining 700  of  Col.  ]\IcCook's  1st  Ohio,  under 
Gen.  Robt.  C.  Schenck,  was  raked  by  a 
masked  battery  of  two  guns,  planted  there  by 
Col.  Gregg,  commanding  800  rebels.  South 
(Jarolinians,  who  had  started  that  morning 
from  Dranesville,  destroying  the  track.  The 
Ohio  men  at  once  sprang  from  the  cars  and 
formed  on  the  side  of  the  track,  whereupon 
the  rebels  retreated  to  Fairfax  Court-llouse, 
and  the  Unionists  then  returned  to  the  camj) 
at  Alexandria,  bringing  their  dead  and 
wounded,  twenty  in  number,  in  blankets,  the 
engine(!r  of  the  train  having  at  the  outset  lied 
with  his  locomotive.  i)n  June  7th,  (Jen. 
Patterson,  with  20,000  men,  advanced  from 
( !hand)(!rsburg,  Pa.,  to  llagerstown,  ^Id.,  and 
Col.  liCwis  Wallace  took  possession  of  Cum- 
berland and  Ronniev.  (Jen.  Johnston,  of  the 
rebels,  thereupon  burned  the  bridge  at  Point 
of  Rocks.  On  the  14th  he  evacuated  Har|)er's 
Ferry  and  retreated  to  Leesburg,  Va.,  having 
destroyetl  the  costly  railway  bridge  over  the 
Potomac  iit  the  former  jilace,  and  also  the  ar- 
mory and  shops  thereof,  the  machinery  of 
which  he  )iad  previoiisly  removed  to  Rich- 
mond. On  the  lOth,  Gen.  Thomas,  of  the 
Union  army,  crossed  tlio  Potonuic  at  Wil- 
liamsport, but  recrossed  on  the  18th,  (Jen. 
Patterson  still  remaining  at  llagerstown; 
whereU)>on  the  rebels  retuiiiiiig,  entirely  de- 
stroyed the  remaining  works    at  Harper's 


Ferry,  and  conscripted  all  the  citizens  of  tHe 
neighborhood.  On  July  2d,  Gen.  Patterson, 
crossing  the  Potomac  at  Williamsport,  en- 
countered Gen.  Jackson,  subsequently  known 
as  "  Stonewall,"  who  fell  back  to  Bunker 
Hill,  which  place  was  occupied  on  the  I5th 
July  by  Gen.  Patterson  without  resistance. 
But  on  the  17th,  the  latter,  from  want  of  cour^ 
age,  common  sense,  or  loyalty,  moveil  away 
from  the  enemy  in  his  front,  marching  to 
Charlestown,  twelve  miles  eastward,  and  per- 
mitting Johnston  to  lead  his  entire  connnand 
to  Manassa.s.  At  Charlestown  he  remained 
without  action  until  the  22d  July,  when 
learning  the  di.saster  of  Bidl  Run,  to  be  ))res- 
ently  chronicled,  he  hastily  retreated  to  Har- 
per's Ferry,  where  on  the  25th  he  was  super- 
seded by  (j!cn.  Nath.  P.  Banks. 

On  Tuesday,  July  Kith,  Gen.  Tyler's  col- 
umn, the  advance  of  the  Union  grand  army, 
moved  towards  the  enemy  to  Vienna,  and  on 
Thursday  reached  Centreville,  the  rebels  re- 
tiring quietly  before  it.  At  1  o'clock  I'.m., 
it  moved  three  miles  beyond  that  village  to 
Blackburn's  Ford  on  Bull  Run,  where  the 
rebels  were  found  strongly  posted.  A  vigor- 
ous artillery  conflict  now  took  place,  in  which 
a  Union  loss  of  83  and  a  rebel  loss  of  G8  was 
sustained.  The  Unionists  finally  drew  back, 
having  learned  that  the  main  rebel  army  was 
j)0sted  along  the  wooded  valley  of  Bull  Run, 
lialf-way  between  Centreville  and  ]Slanassas 
Junction,  and  purposed  to  remain  there. 
During  the  18th  and  19th,  the  L'nion  army 
was  concentrated  near  the  ridge  on  which  Cen- 
treville is  situated.  On  Saturday,  the  20th, 
three  days'  rations  were  distributed,  and  ])re- 
parations  made  to  move  on  the  enemy  at  2 
o'clock  on  the  following  morning.  Gen. 
Beauregard,  commanding  the  rebel  forces,  was 
now  Well  informed  by  sympathizers  at  Wash- 
ington, and  within  the  Union  lines,  of  the  de- 
tailed intention  of  the  Unionists,  and  was  re- 
inforced by  the  full  force  of  (Jen.  Johnston's 
Army  of  the  Shenandoah.  The  Union  order 
of  battle  was  to  menace  the  rebel  right  by  an 
advance  of  the  1st  Division  on  the  Manassas 
I'oad  from  Centreville  ;  to  nuike  a  more  seri- 
ous demonstration  on  the  road  ninning  wes- 
terly from  Centreville  to  Grovefon,  which 
crossed  Bull  Run  by  the  Stone  Bridge ;  but 
to  make  the  main  attack  by  a  colunni  of 
15,000,  composed  of  the  2d  Division,  Gen. 
Hunter,  and  3d  Division,  Gen.  lleintzelman, 
which  was  ortlered  to  detour  to  the  right, 
crossing  Cub  Run  and  Bull  Run  at  the  ford 
of  Sucllcy  Spring,  three  miles  above  the 
Stone  Bridge,  thus  turning  the  rebel  left  and 
throwing  it  upon  the  centre,  where  it  was  to 
be  flanked  by  the  1st  Division,  tnuler  (Jen. 
Tyler,  crossing  the  Stone  Bridge  at  the  criti- 
cal moment.  The  5th  Division,  (Jen.  Miles, 
was  held  in  reserve  at  Centreville.  The  4th 
Division,  (Jen.  Runyon,  guarded  the  comnni- 
nication  with  Alexandria,  being  about  seven 
miles  from  Centreville.  Gen.  Tyler,  in  front 
of  Stone  Briilge,  opened  with  his  artillery  at 
t)i  A.M.,  with  rejily  from  the  enemy.  Three 
hours  later,  Hunter's  advance,  under  Col. 
Burnside,  crossed  at  Sudley  Spring,  and  after 
nnirching  a  mile  through  the  woods  down  (he 
road  on  tin-  right  of  Bull  Run,  it  reached 
some  clear  fields,  ami  was  (here  openetl  upon 
by  the  rebel  artillery  and  infantry  from  the 
woods  in  its  front.  It  advanced,  lighting, 
being  foUowci  and  su]iported  by  the  rest  of 


the  division,  which  was  now  joined  on  its  h'it 
by  Heintzelman's.     This  column,  still  ad- 
vancing, crossed  the  Warrenton  road,  where 
it  found  and  aided  Shornian's  brigade  of  Ty- 
ler's division,  and  soon  nearly  cleared  the 
road  of  the  rebel  batteries  and  regiments 
there,  commanded  by  Gen.  J.  E.  Johnston. 
One  of  the  most  effective  Union  batteries, 
.  Griffin's,  was  here  surj)rised  by  a  rebel  regi- 
I  ment,  through   the  mistake  of  the  batte- 
ry's officers,  who  had  supposed  their  assail- 
ants to  be  a  Union  force.      Three  attacks 
thereon  were  repulsed,  however,  with  much 
slaughter  on  both  sides,  and  the  battery  still 
reiuained  luicaptured,  though  all  its  horses 
were  killed.    At  3  p.m.  the  rebels  abandoned 
the  Warrenton  road  to  the  Union  trooj)s. 
Gen.  Tyler  now  pushed  Sherman's  and  Keyes' 
j  brigades  over  Bull  liun,  driving  the  enemy 
1  in  a  severe    struggle,   and    advancing  till 
1  checked  by  a  heavy  artillery  fire  from  their 
i  batteries  on  the  heiglits  above  the  road,  which 
were  ain)ported  by  a  brigade  of  infantry, 
strongly  posted    behind  breastworks.  The 
2d  Maine  and  3d  Connecticut,  by  a  gallant 
charge,  temporarily   carried   the  buildings 
which  sheltered  the  rebel  guns,  but  recoiled 
from  the  severe  fire  from  tlie  breastwoi'ks, 
and  moved  down  the  Run  under  the  shelter 
of  the  bluff,  covering  a  force  who  now  ef- 
fected the  removal  of  the  obstructions  placed 
by  the  rebels  upon  the  road  from  the  iStone 
I  Bridge.    At  this  critical  moment,  at  which 
the  Union  triumph  seemed  inevitable.  Gen. 
l^irby  tSiuith,  with  heavy  rebel  reinforce- 
ments, apjieared  on  the  field,  having  arrived 
from  Piedmont,  fifteen  miles  distant,  and  be- 
ing entirely  unexpected  by  the  rebels  them- 
1  selves.    Smith  being  shortly  wounded,  was 
succeeded  in  command  by  Col.  Arnold  Elzey, 
who  j)ressed  forward,  followed  by  the  entire 
force  of  the  now  confident  enemy.  After 
thirteen  hours  of  severe  action,  not  havinfi 
been  once  remforceil,  and  having  continually 
encountered  fresh  rebel  regiments,  the  Union 
forces  retreated,  and  shortly  a  j)anic  among 
I  them  ensued.    The  fresh  battalions  of  the 
f  onemy  continued  to  fill  the  woods  on  their 
j  right,  extending  rapidly  towards  the  rear, 
firing  from  under  cover,  and  seeming  by  their 
shots  and  cries  to  be  innumerable.    Two  or 
three  of  the  Union  regiments  broke  and 
rushed  down  to  the  Run,  pursued  by  1,500 
rebel  cavalry  under  Lieut.- Col.  Stuart.  At 
I  this  Union  defeat  on  the  right.  Gen.  John- 
j  ston  ordered  Gen.  Ewell  to  attack  the  left. 
Ewell  being  received  by  the  2d  Union  Brig- 
ade, Col.  T.  A.  Davis,  with  a  heavy  fire  of 
grape  and  canister,  precipitately  retreated; 
but  notwithstanding,  the  Union  panic  shortly 
became  general,  though  the  enemy  failed  to 
I  follow  up  their  advantage  by  any  extensive 
|i  pursuit.    Preceded  by  their  cavalry,  they 
crossed  Bull  Run,  and  halted  on  distantly 
observing  the  Union  5tli  Division  drawn  u]i  on 
the  slope  west  of  Centreville,  and  upon  wliich 
they  were  expected  to  advance.    They  short- 
ly returned,  however,  to  the  woods  skirting 
Bull  Run.    Night  soon  afterwards  closed  in, 
and  towards   midnight,    under  peremptory 
orders  from    Gen.   McDowell,  the  Otli  Di- 
vision, which  had  now  become  the  rear-guard 
of  the  Union  army,  commenced  its  retreat 
towards  Washington.     At  7  a.m.   of  Mon- 
day, the  22d,  the  last  of  the  Union  strag- 
glers and  wounded  left  Centreville,  which  a 


UNITED  STATES. 

rebel  force  of  cavalry  shortly  thereafter 
entered. 

Gen.  McDowell  reported  the  Union  losses 
in  this  engagement  at  481  killed  and  1,011 
wounded,  but  made  no  report  of  the  number 
of  his  forces  made  prisoners.  Gen.  Beaure- 
gard reported  the  rebel  loss  at  209  killed  and 
1,.533  wounded,  also  making  no  report  of  his 
losses  by  capture.  He  further  reported  1 ,4()0 
wounded  and  other  prisoners  dispatched  by 
him  to  Richmond.  The  Unionists  also  lost 
17  field-pieces, ^aud  a  large  amount  of  small 
arms,  accoutrements,  and  munitions.  The 
forces  engaged  in  this  conflict  were  about 
25,000  on  each  side  ;  a  large  number  of  the 
troops  of  the  Unionists,  however,  remained 
in  inaction  throughout,  owing  to  the  imbecil- 
ity and  lack  of  jiui-jjose  which,  at  this  period, 
))resided  over  the  military  councils  of  the 
Union. 

In  consequence  of  this  serious  defeat  of  the 
Unionists,  the  rebellion  was  for  the  moment 
greatly  strengthened  and  consolidated,  its 
numbers  in  the  field  were  instantly  doubled, 
while  the  Union  force  was  reduced  by  half, 
for  most  of  the  75,000  three  months'  volun- 
teers quitted  the  service  on  the  expiration  of 
their  terms  of  enlistment,  within  the  follow- 
ing three  weeks.  A  few  weeks,  however, 
sufficed  to  efface  this  disjjarity  ;  the  nation 
rising  from  this  defeat  to  a  true  appreciation 
of  the  contest,  swelled  its  forces  once  more  till 
they  exceeded  those  of  the  enemy,  who  in  the 
ineanAvliile  expended  in  exultation  much 
energy  which  might  have  been  better  used 
in  preparation  for  the  more  serious  conflicts 
yet  to  come. 

On  the  4th  of  July,  the  37th  Congress 
met  in  extra  session  and  continued  until 
August  G.  Various  measures  to  aid  the 
Government  in  its  prosecution  of  the  war  were 
passed,  including  a  bill  to  call  out  500,000 
volunteers ;  one  authorizing  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  to  borrow  $250,000,000 ;  and  a 
bill  confiscating  the  property  used  for  in- 
surrectionary purposes  by  persons  engaged  in 
rebellion,  and  emancipating  all  slaves  whose 
labor  was  employed  in  aid  thereof.  Resolu- 
tions were  also  adopted — expelling  certain 
members  of  Congress  from  the  Slave  States 
who  had  vacated  their  seats  and  fled  to  the 
Confederacy  ;  declaring  it  to  be  no  part  of 
the  duty  of  the  Federal  soldiers  to  capture 
and  return  fugitive  slaves  ;  declaring  the  war 
to  be  maintained  by  the  Union,  to  defend  the 
Constitution  and  preserve  the  Union,  and  not 
to  overthrow  or  interfere  with  the  rights 
or  established  institutions  of  the  Southern 
States ;  and  declaring  it  to  be  the  fixed  de- 
termination of  the  people  and  States  in  Con- 
gress represented,  to  maintain  the  war  for  the 
supremacy  of  the  Government,  until  all  rebels 
thereto  should  submit. 

One  of  the  particular  consequences  of  the 
Bull  Run  defeat,  however,  was  the  strength- 
ening of  the  rebel  army  in  Missouri.  I  laving 
been  early  in  May  invested  with  unlimited 
authority  by  the  Legislature,  Gov.  Jackson 
organized  a  large  army  of  rebels,  as  a  State 
force,  appointing  Sterling  Price  major-general 
thereof.  Fearing  an  attack  from  the  Federal 
force  gathering  at  St.  Louis,  Jackson  and 
Price  started  therefrom  westward  with  their 
followers,  reaching  Booneville  on  the  iSth 
of  June.  The  Union  Gen.  Lyon  and  his 
army  reached  Rockport,  opposite  BoonevillCj 


M9 

shortly  afterwards.  Two  or  three  tlionsand 
raw,  undisciplined  troops  were  ]i<  re  gathiicd 
in  the  rebel  camp,  conimande<l  by  Col.  Mar- 
maduke.  At  Gen.  Lyon's  uncxijected  aj*- 
l)roach,  Jackson  ordered  those  foicts  to  bo 
disbanded,  but  Marmaduke,  determined  to 
fight,  met  Lyon  advancing  from  the  landing, 
and  was  routed  by  him,  losing  two  guns  and 
much  camp  equipage.  Jack.son  now  fled  to 
Warsaw,  80  miles  south-west.  Here  he  was 
reinforced  by  Col.  O'K  anc,  who,  on  the  I8th 
June,  had  surprised  and  routed  a  half-organ- 
ized regiment  of  Unionists,  under  Cajit. 
Cook,  at  Camp  Cole,  15  miles  distant.  On 
the  3d  July,  having  retreated  to  Le.vington, 
he  was  further  joined  by  Gen.  ]'rice,  with  his 
forces,  amounting  in  all  to  3,()0().  Being 
pursued  by  Lyon,  they  at  once  retreated  23 
inil(;s  into  Jasper  County,  whci-e,  on  the 
morning  of  the  4th,  they  were  confronted  by 
a  Union  force  of  1,500  under  Col.  Franz 
Sigel.  The  latter  finding  the  rebels  superior 
in  numbers  and  in  cavalry,  but  inferior  in 
artillery,  by  principally  using  the  latter  on 
his  side,  inflicted  great  damage,  and  received 
very  little.  After  three  or  four  hours,  the 
enemy  flanked  him  right  and  left  with  cavalry, 
and  compelled  him  to  retreat  three  miles  to 
his  unprotected  baggage  train.  At  Dry 
Fork  Creek  he  routed  a  strong  cavalry  force 
which  had  been  mas.sed  in  his  front,  and  tiien 
continued  to  Carthage  and  thence  to  Sar- 
coxie,  fifteen  miles  eastward.  The  Union 
loss  in  this  affair  was  13  killi'd  and  31 
wounded  ;  that  of  the  rebt^ls  10  killed  and 
125  wounded.  The  enemy  being  now  rein- 
forced by  several  thousand  Arkansas  and 
Texas  troops,  under  Gens.  !McCulloch  and 
Pearce,  Gen.  Sigel  continued  his  retreat  to 
Springfield,  where  he  was  joined  on  the  10th 
by  Gen.  Lyon,  who  assumed  command. 

Col.  Smith,  with  a  Union  force,  on  the 
10th,  at  Palmyra,  attacked  and  routed  the 
rebel  Gen.  Harris  of  North-eastern  Missouri, 
who  was  engaged  in  destroying  the  Hannibal 
and  St.  Joseph  Railroail,  and  in  guerilla 
raids  ujjon  the  property  of  the  Unionists. 
On  th(!  20th  July,  the  State  Convention  re- 
assend)led  at  Jefferson  City,  declareil  the 
chief  offices  of  the  State  Government  vacated 
by  the  treasonable  acts  of  their  occupants,  and 
elected  Hamilton  R.  Gamble,  Cioveriior;  W. 
P.  Hall,  Lieutenant-Governor;  and  Mordecai 
Oliver,  Secretary  of  Stat(> ;  which  proceedings 
were  in  the  following  November  ratified  by 
the  people.  On  August  (ith,  the  ejected  Gov. 
Jackson  undertook  to  issue,  by  the  virtue  of  his 
office,  a  Declaration  of  Independence,  as.sert- 
ing  therein  the  political  connection  of  tlio 
State  of  Missouii  with  the  Federal  Union 
to  have  been  dissolved  by  the  recent  acta  of 
the  latter;  and  on  the  31st  October,  he 
further  undertook  to  form  an  alliance  be- 
tween this  State  and  the  Southern  Confed- 
eracy, transferring  all  the  ndlitary  force  and 
material  of  the  former  to  the  executive  of 
the  latter. 

On  the  1st  of  August,  Gen.  Lyon  hearing 
that  the  enemy,  largely  reinforced,  were  ad- 
vancing upon  him  at  Springfield,  in  two  strong 
bodies  from  the  south  and  west,  and  resolv- 
ing to  strike  the  southern  column  before  a 
junction  of  the  two  was    clfected,  set  out 
i  from  Springfield  with  5,500   infantry,  400 
i  cavalry,  and  18  guns.    At  Dry  Springs  be 
I  encountered  and  routed  a  detachn.ent  of  the 


mw 


HISTOKY  OF  THE 


enemy,  under  McCnllocii,  wlio  then  moved 
his  fot  ccs  westward  and  joined  the  other  rebel 
column. 

Lyon  then  returned  to  Springfield.  On 
the  7th,  tlie  enemy,  commanded  by  Pi'icc,  ar- 
rived at  Wilson's  Creek,  ten  miles  soutli  of 
Spriiatjtield.  On  tlie  litii,  Lyon  advanced  from 
the  latter  place  with  his  main  force,  havinj^ 
sent  Si^el,  with  1,200  men,  to  gain  the  rebels' 
rear  by  tlieir  right.  On  the  1 0th,  fire  was  thus 
opened  both  upon  the  rebel  front  and  rear. 
The  enemy  at  first  gave  way  before  the  unex- 
pected charge  of  Sigel,  but  presently,  being 
vastl}'  superior  in  numbers,  attacked  him  with 
two  batteries  and  a  large  force  of  infantry, 
causing  his  command  to  fiy  in  confusion,  and 
fts.sailing  it  with  lai-ge  bodies  of  cavalry,  by 
which  a  loss  of  800,  two-thii-ds  of  the  whole; 
force,  was  sustained.  Gen.  Lyon,  in  the 
meantime,  had  opened  his  batteries  in  front 
with  great  eflect,  and  his  infantry  rejx'atedly 
drove  back  the  rebels  in  disorder,  who  were 
as  often  rallied  by  their  officers,  assured  by 
the  superiority  of  their  numbers.  Gen.  Lyon, 
having  been  twice  wounded,  was  killed  by  a 
third  bullet  as  he  was  hei-oically  leading  a 
bayonet  charge  of  the  2d  Kansas,  whose  com- 
manding officer.  Col.  Mitchell,  had  previously 
fallen,  severely  wounded.  Shortly  after  the 
death  of  Gen.  Lyon,  the  enemy,  who  had  re- 
treated, suddenly  reappeared,  and  a  fierce 
engagement  took  place  along  the  entire  line. 
After  many  repulses,  the  rebels  finally  fled  in 
wild  confusion.  The  annnmiition  of  the 
Union  forces  having  been  exliausted,  and  the 
tidings  of  the  rout  of  Col.  Sigel  having  ar- 
rived, a  i-etreat  of  the  Unionists  to  Spiing- 
field  was  ordered.  In  this  remarkable!  en- 
gagement, in  which  3,700  Unionists  assailed 
for  six  hours  tlie  enemy  numbering  215,000, 
of  whom  14,000  were  well-armed  and  well-dis- 
ciplined tr()oj)s,  the  Union  loss  was  223  killed, 
721  wounded,  and  292  missing;  that  of  the 
enemy  2(35  killed,  800  wounded,  and  30  mi.s.s- 
ing- 

S[)ringfield  being  unfortified  and  otherwise 
untenable,  the  Union  forces,  on  the  I9th 
August,  evacuated  it  and  reached  Holla 
unmolested.  Gen.  Fremont  now  assumed 
command  of  the  Western  Department,  over 
which  a  force  of  55,G93  men  was  scattered, 
confronting  formidable,  and  often  suj)erior, 
numbers  of  rebels,  lie  proceeded  to  fortify 
St.  Louis,  Cajie  Girardeau,  Irouton,  Rolla, 
and  Jelferson  City.  On  the  31st  August  he 
issued  a  general  order,  in  wliich  he  memor- 
ably dechir(!<l  the  slaves  of  the  rebels  to  be 
free.  Gen.  I'rice,  having  se])aratcd  from 
Gen.  Mcthilloch  and  his  forces,  moNcd  north- 
ward from  Springfitdd  and  appeared  before 
Lexington  on  the  11th  Sept(!mber.  Here  he 
wu«  joined  by  Gen.  Harris  fiom  the  nortli 
side  of  the  river,  and  by  reinforcemimts  and 
volunteers  from  ail  directions,  luitil  his  force 
amounted  to  about  2r»,000,  with  13  guns. 

On  a  hill  north-east  of  the  city.  Col.  Mul- 
ligan, at  the  liead  of  2,780  Union  soldiera, 
with  barely  40  rounds  of  annuunition,  luul 
poste<l  himself.  He  was  at  once  cannonaded 
by  tlie  rebels,  but  no  general  assault  was 
inaile  upon  liini.  On  the  17th,  hewa.s  cut 
oil' from  lh<-  river  and  deprived  of  water,  save 
that  of  accidental  rains.  Tht;  rations  and  am- 
munition now  lifcaiiie  short,  while  the  rebels 
made  f  lur  charges,  but  without  success.  On 
Uif  18lh,  Cant.  Gleason,  witii  a  small  band,  in 


a  heroic  sally  retook  a  hosjiital  which  had  been 
shortly  before  captured  by  the  rebels,  and 
from  the  roof  and  balcony  of  which  their 
sharpshooters  had  poui-ed  a  deadly  fire  within 
the  Union  iiitrenchments.  On  the  20th  the 
rebels  rolled  up  a  line  of  hemp  bales,  40  yards 
long,  to  within  ten  I'ods  of  the  garrison.  The 
ilissouri  Home  Guard,  constituting  a  good 
portion  of  Mulligan's  foi-ces,  now  becoming 
dispirited,  their  cokmel  having  been  killed, 
retired  within  the  line  of  the  inner  intrench- 
ments  and  raised  a  white  flag,  at  which  the 
rebels  ceased  firing.  Col.  Mulligan  and  a 
council  of  officers  then  decided  to  surrender. 
The;  Union  lo.ss  in  this  afiair  was  40  killed 
and  1 20  wounded ;  that  of  the  Confederates, 
about  the  same.  The  troops  which  had  been 
dispatched  from  different  quarters  by  Gen. 
Fremont  to  reinforce  Col.  ^luUigan,  failed 
to  reach  him,  having  been  delayed  bj"  rains  or 
bad  roads,  or  the  confrontation  of  superior 
rebel  forces. 

Gen.  Price  now  retreated  to  the  south- 
west, and  on  the  27th  September  Gen.  Fre- 
mont left  St.  Louis  in  pursuit.  Price  skil- 
fully continued  his  flight  to  Neosho,  in  the 
south-west  corner  of  till!  State,  where  he  found 
Governor  Jackson  and  a  part  of  the  old  Leg- 
I  islature,  who  now  formally  passed  an  ordi- 
nance of  secession.  Gen.  Fremont  having 
reached  Tipton,  thei-e  sjient  some  time  in  or- 
ganization. The  I'oads  were  now  excessively 
bad  from  the  autumn  rains,  and  his  army, 
some  30,000  men,  including  5,000  cavalry 
and  80  guns,  was  illy  provided  with  means 
of  transportation ;  but  on  the  1  7th  October 
he  moveil  to  Warsaw.  On  the  21st,  the  rebel 
Gen.  Jetl".  Thomp.son  was  overpowered  at 
Fredericktown  by  superior  Union  forces, 
and  after  two  hours'  fighting,  fled,  hotly  pur- 
sued, and  leaving  GO  dead. 

On  the  24th  \:)ctober,  INIajor  White,  who 
led  the  advance  of  Gen.  Fremont's  army,  and 
who  had  recajitured  Lexington  on  the  Itith, 
without  loss,  taking  70  jirisoners  and  releas- 
ing a  numb(!r  of  Unionists  captured  with  Mul- 
ligan, was  join(!d  near  Springfield  by  Major 
Zagonyi,  of  the  Fremont  Body-Guard,  who 
assumed  command  and  resolved  to  cajiturt! 
that  place  the  next  day.  The  two  commands, 
numbering  about  300  men,  found  1,200  in- 
fantry and  400  horse  posted  and  prepared  for 
them  on  a  hill  on  the  outskirts  of  Siiringfield. 
Upon  these  Zagonyi  at  once  charged,  losing 
seventy  men  ere  he  could  strike  a  blow,  ]Ie 
soon,  however,  caused  the  rebel  force  to  scat- 
ter in  flight  through  the  corn-fields  in  the 
rear,  and  a  greater  part  of  them  having  tak(>n 
refuse  in  the  village,  were  then  driven  tliere- 
from  with  great  slaughter.  Shortly  after- 
wards the  other  Union  forces  arrived  at  this 
place. 

On  November  2d,  Gen.  Fremont  was  \\\\- 
wisely  superseded  in  his  command  by  Gen. 
Hunter,  and  his  body-guanl,  though  enlisted 
for  three  years  and  composed  of  the  very 
best  material,  were  soon  afterwards  mustered 
out  of  service  by  order  of  (Jen.  McClellan, 
who  had  now  succeeded  Gen.  Scott  in  the 
chief  command  at  Washington.  Five  days 
after  (Jen.  Hunter  had  a.ssumed  command, 
liy  ordei-s  also  emanating  from  Washington, 
Springfield  was  xuinecessarily  abandoned  by 
the  Union  army,  which  retreated  to  Holla.  I 
This  niovfuient  disheartened  th(!  Unionists 
and  elaleU  the  rebels  of  all  Southern  Mibbumi.  I 


On  November  12th,  Gen.  Henry  W.  Halleck 
succeeded  to  the  command  of  the  Missouri 
Department. 

The  Legislature  of  Kentucky,  which  met 
on  Se})tember  3,  was  strongly  Union  in  char- 
acter, and  jiroceeded  at  once  to  rejiass  over 
the  Governor's  veto,  a  bill  directing  him  to 
order  by  jiroclamation  the  Confederate  troops 
encamped  in  Kentucky  to  decamp  immedi- 
ately. Gen.  ZollicotTer,  commanding  the 
rebel  forces  in  East  Tennessee,  had  advanced 
through  Cumberland  Gap  into  Kentucky  for 
the  purpose  of  cutting  off  from  that  loyal 
portion  of  Tennessee  all  communication  with 
the  loyal  States ;  and  a  large  rebel  force 
under  Gen.  Bishop  Leonidas  Polk  held  and 
was  fortifying  strong  jiositions  on  the  east 
bank  of  tlie  Mississippi  at  Hickman,  Chalk 
Bluffs,  and  Columbus.  Gen.  Ulysses  S.  Grant, 
commanding  at  Cairo,  111.,  now  occupied 
Paducah,  on  the  south  bank  of  the  Ohio,  there 
being  16  miles  distant  a  Confederate  force  of 
3,800  strong.  Gen.  Robt.  Anderson  assumed 
command  at  Louisville  of  the  Dejiartment  of 
Kentucky,  September  20th,  and  the  organ- 
ization of  Union  volunteers  rapidly  pro- 
ceeded. Strong  bills  and  resolutions  in  aid 
of  the  prosecution  of  the  war  against  the 
rebels  were  now  passed  by  the  State  Legisla- 
ture. On  the  IGth,  ZoUicofier  advanced 
to  Barboursville,  Ky.  A  large  number  of 
prominent  sympathizers  with  the  rebellion, 
natives  of  the  State,  including  ex-Vice-Presi- 
dent John  C.  Breckinridge,  now  escaped  to 
the  Southern  Confederacy,  and  openly  gave 
in  their  adhesion  thereto. 

Gen.  W.  T.  Sherman,  early  in  October, 
succeeded  Gen.  Anderson  in  command  of  this 
district,  and  .shortlj'  infoi-med  the  Fe<leral 
Government  that  200,000  men  were  neces- 
sary to  hold  Kentucky,  being  deceived  as  to 
the  strength  of  the  rebels  there  in  arms,  who 
were  then  not  over  40,000.  On  October 
2 1st,  Zollicofler,  with  a  considerable  force, 
attacked  the  Unionists  organizing  at  Camp 
Wildcat,  under  Gen.  Schoejif.  Though  su- 
perior in  numbers,  the  rebels  were  repulsed 
and  driven  away.  A  j)ortion  of  the  rel>el 
army  under  Gen.  Polk  was  encamped  at 
Belmont,  on  the  IMissouri  side  of  the  31is- 
sissippi,  opjiosite  Columbus.  On  NovenilK!r 
6th,  with  2,850  Hlinoisans,  Gen.  t  J  rant 
moved  down  the  river  in  four  steamboats 
upon  this  force  at  Belmont.  Fighting  with 
great  gallantry,  the  Unionists  carried  and 
fired  the  enemy's  camp,  cajjturiiig  sevti-al 
guns  and  driving  the  rebels  over  the  bluff  to 
the  river.  Gen.  Polk  now  trained  some  of  the 
heavy  guns  of  Columbus  upon  the  vietoii- 
ous  Unionists,  and  sent  5,000  men  to  the  aid 
of  his  routed  fugitives.  Though  largely  out- 
numbered, the  Unionists  successfully  cut  their 
way  back  through  thi-se  fresh  troops  to  the 
boats,  bringing  oft'  all  their  own  guns,  with 
two  captured  from  the  rebels,  losing  two 
caissons,  and  400  men  killed,  wounded,  and 
taken  juisoners.  In  this  action,  Gen. 
(Jrant's  lioise  was  shot  under  him.  The  en- 
tire relu'l  loss  was  about  800. 

On  the  Dth  November,  Gen.  William 
Nelson,  commanding  (he  Union  forces  in 
Kastern  Kentucky,  drove  out  of  Piketon  a 
considerable  rebel  force  under  Col.  John  S. 
Williams,  and  caused  them  to  retreat  as  far 
as  Pound  (Jap,  with  inconsiderable  los.s  how- 
ever, ou  cither  side.    The  hopes  of  the  hcroio 


"CTNITED  STATES. 


SOI 


TTnionists  of  East  Tennessee,  aroused  by  these 
Buccesscs,  were  shortly  dcistroyed  by  the 
course  of  Gen.  Schoepf,  conunanding  the 
Union  army  in  front  of  Zollitoll'cr.  Led 
to  believe  that  an  overwhelming  Confederate 
force  was  ad\aiicing  fi-oni  Bowling  CJreeu  to 
flank  his  right,  he  hastily  Med  to  the  Ohio, 
and  left  East  Tennessee  to  lier  fate. 

On  the  18th  November,  the  Secessionists 
of  the  State  held  a  convention  at  llusselville, 
protected  by  the  Confederate  camp  at  Bowl- 
i  ing  Gi'cen,  and  organized  a  Provisional  Gov- 
ernment, which  included  a  species  of  Legisla- 
tive Council.  Geo.  W.  Johnson  was  desig- 
nated as  Governor  by  them,  and  commis- 
sioners to  negotiate  for  the  admission  of 
Kentucky  into  the  Confederacy  were  also 
appointed ;  and  shortly  afterwards  a  full 
delegation  from  this  State  was  admitted  to 
|i  the  Confederate  Congress,  having  been  chosen 

thereto  by  the  abovesaid  Council. 
1     On  the  1st  June,  a  small  privateer,  the 
I  Savannah,  eluded  the  Federal  blockaders  at 
i  Charleston,  S.  C,  and  falling  in  with  a  North- 
ern merchantman,  captured  her.     On  the 
same  day,  observing  another  vessel,  which  she 
supposed  to  be  another  merchantman,  she 
L  made  all  sail  thereto,  and  discovered,  when 
I  too  lata,  that  she  was  under  the  guns  of  the 
i  TJ.  S.  brig  Perry;  shortly  surrendering,  the 
I  men  and  officers  were  despatched  to  New 
Vork  in  the  vessel  recently  their  own,  and, 
after  some  intention  on  the  part  of  the  Fed- 
eral authorities  to  try  them  as  pirates,  and 
I  threats  of  retaliation  by  President  Davis, 
they  were  ultimately  exchanged  as  ]n-isoners 
.  of  war.    Two  months  later,  the  Petrel,  for- 
■  merly  the  U.  S.  revenue  cutter  Aiken,  be- 
trayed to  South  Carolina  by  her  officers  at 
,  the  commencement  of  the  rebellion,  ran  out 
[i  from  the  same  hai-bor,  and  shortly  encountei-ed 
i  the  gunboat  St.  Lawrence.    Mistaking  the 
latter  for  a  merchantman,  the  privateer  fired 
I  at  her.    The  St.  Lawrence  at  once  answered 
t  with  a  broadside,  which  sunk  the  privateer 
with  five  of  her  crew.    The  remainder,  thirty- 
I  six  in  number,  were  picked  up  and  sent  to 
'Fort  ]Miflin,  on  the  Delaware,  as  prisoners. 
On  June  30th,  the  steam  privateer  Sumter 
ran   the   blockade   of  New   Orleans,  and 
I  shortly  captured  fifteen  merchantmen  in  the 
^  West  India  waters.    At  the  British  port  of 
[Nassau  she  was  promptly  furnished  with  sup- 
\  plies,  and,  after  a  continued  success,  finally 
[entered  the  British   harbor  of  Gibraltar. 
;The   U.  S.    gunboat    Tuscarora,  anchored 
jin  the  Spanish  port  of  Algesiras  opposite, 
iwith  the  Kearsarge  succeeding  her  in  the 
I  watch,  held  the  privateer  there  until  the  Con- 
federate officers  abandoned  her,  and  proceeded 
to  Liverpool  to  take  charge  of  a  better  steamer-, 
the  Alabama,  which  had  there  been  con- 
jstructed  for  the  Confederacy.    The  privateer 
Nashville  also  succeeded  in   running  out 
of  Charleston,  and,  after  burning  an  Ameri- 
can merchantman  in  British  waters,  i-an  into 
,  Southampton,  where  the  Tuscarora  then  was, 
but  the  latter  was  compelled  to  remain  twenty- 
ffour  hours  after  the  departure  of  the  former, 
who  thus  escaped. 

On  August  26th,  1861,  Gen.  B.  F.  But- 
|,ler  sailed  from  Fortress  JNIonroe,  in  command 
[of  a  large  military  force,  accompanied  by  Com. 
jSilas  Stringham,  commanding  a  commen- 
surate naval  force.  Arriving  at  TIatteras 
lalet,  tho  entrance  to  Pamlico  Sound,  on  the 
'  37 


28th,  he  proceeded  to  bombard  the  rebel  forts 
llatteras  and  Clark,  defended  by  700  Con- 
federates, under  Com.  Bai'ron,  late  of  the 
U.  S.  Navy.  On  the  morning  of  the  29th 
the  latter  surrendered,  715  prisoners,  25  can- 
non, and  1,000  stand  of  arms  being  taken. 
For  several  days  thereafter,  blockade-runners 
from  various  quarters,  entering  the  inlet,  were 
also  captured.  Late  .in  September,  the  20th 
Indiana,  Col.  Brown,  of  the  Union  troops  at 
Hatteras,  occupied  Chicamicomico,  some  fif- 
teen miles  north-east  of  the  inlet.  On  Sep- 
tember 29th,  while  proceeding  through  the 
Sound,  the  Union  steamer  Fanny,  loaded  with 
stores,  was  captured  by  three  armed  steamers 
from  the  mainland ;  and  shortly  after.  Col. 
Brown  discovering  five  rebel  steamers  emer- 
ging from  Croatan  Sound  to  attack  him,  de- 
stroyed his  camp  and  made  a  rapid  march  to 
the  Hatteras  Lighthouse,  with  a  loss  of  50 
stragglers  made  prisoners.  In  the  meantime 
his  courier  had  reached  the  forts,  and  the 
Union  steam  frigates  Susquehanna  and  3Iont- 
icello  were  dispatched  on  the  ocean  side  of  the 
island  to  his  relief,  while  Col.  Hawkins  started 
from  the  forts  with  six  companies  of  Zouaves 
for  the  scene  of  action.  The  Jlonticello 
opened  upon  the  rebel  forces  with  shells, 
which  caused  them  to  flee,  panic-stricken. 
The  land  being  less  than  a  mile  wide  between 
the  ocean  and  the  Sound,  afi'orded  them  no 
place  of  safety,  and  the  slaughter  was  im- 
mense. The  firing  was  thus  continued  until 
night  set  in,  when  the  rebels  re-embarked. 
The  amount  of  their  loss  has  never  been  as- 
certained. 

On  the  night  of  September  13th,  an  expe- 
dition from  the  flag-ship  Colorado,  Com. 
Mervine,  of  the  Gulf  blockading  squadron, 
boarded  the  rebel  privateer  Judah  in  Pensa- 
cola  harbor,  fired  and  scuttled  her,  with  a 
loss  of  3  killed  and  12  wounded.  On  the 
night  of  October  9th,  a  Confederate  force 
from  Pensacola  surprised  and  destroyed  the 
camp  of  the  Gth  N.  Y.  (Wilson's  Zouaves), 
about  two  miles  from  Fort  Pickens,  on  Santa 
Kosa  Island  ;  but  in  retreating  to  their  boats, 
were  followed  and  severely  harassed. 

On  the  29th  October,  a  second  military 
and  naval  expedition,  under  Gen.  W.  T.  Sher- 
man and  Com.  Samuel  F.  Du  Pont,  and  con- 
.sisting  of  10,000  men  and  a  fleet  embracing 
the  steam  frigate  IVahash,  14  gunboats,  34 
steamers  and  20  sailing  vessels,  left  Hampton 
Roads,  and  after  a  stormy  passage  arrived  off" 
Port  lloyal,  S.  C,  November  4th,  which 
harbor  was  strongly  fortified  by  the  rebels. 
On  November  7th,  the  war-steamers  of  the 
fleet  in  order  sailed  up  before  the  fortifica- 
tions on  one  side  of  the  entrance  and  down 
before  those  of  the  other  side,  constantly  dis- 
charging their  shot  andsln^U  thei'eupon.  After 
five  hours  of  fearful  carnagt;  and  devastation 
among  the  rebels,  the  latter  took  to  flight, 
and  the  neighborhood  was  at  once  occupied 
I  by  the  Union  forces.  On  December  Gth, 
Beaufort  was  also  occupied  by  them,  and  on 
December  20th,  Tybee  Island,  commanding 
the  approach  to  Savannah.  The  slave-hold- 
ers of  the  region,  having  burned  their  cotton 
and  other  crops,  fled  to  Charleston  with  their 
domestic  animals,  and  as  many  of  their  slaves 
as  they  could  control.  Labor  and  schools 
were  at  once  provided  by  the  Federal  author- 
ities for  the  negroes  remaining. 

Jauics  M.  Masou  and  John  Slidcll,  Con- 


federate envoys  to  Great  Britain  and  Franco, 
evaded  the  blockade  at  Charleston  in  tlie 
steanishi])  2'heodora  and  proceeded  to  JIji- 
vana,  Cuba,  which  port  they  left  on  Nov.  7, 
for  England,  in  the  British  steamer  Trent. 
Capt.  Wilkes,  of  the  United  States  steamship 
San  J'ucinto,  intercepted  the  T'rcnt  in  the 
Bahama  Channel  on  the  8th,  and  firing  a 
shell  across  her  bow  compelled  her  to  stop, 
lie  then  boarded  her  and  brought  away  the 
embassadors  and  their  secretaries,  leaving 
their  families  and  y)apers  undisturbed.  On 
reaching  the  United  States  the  rebel  oflScials 
were  confined,  by  order  of  the  Government, 
in  Fort  Warren,  near  Boston.  Great  excite- 
ment was  caused  throughout  Europe  and 
America  by  this  act.  The  seiziire  wa.s  justi- 
fied by  the  doctrines  and  practices  of  Great 
Britain,  and  especially  by  the  Queen's  proc- 
lamation of  neutrality  between  the  United 
Stat(;s  and  the  Confederates,  of  May  L3,  1861, 
which  forbade  the  carrying  of  officers  and  des- 
patches for  either  party  ;  nevertheless  a  per- 
emj)tory  demand  was  instantly  made  by  Great 
Britain  for  the  unconditional  surrender  of 
the  rebel  envoys  and  their  secretaries. 
France  also  extended  her  moral  aid  to  this 
demand  in  a  considerate  note  to  the  United 
States ;  and  the  Secretary  of  State,  Mr.  Sew- 
ard, complied  with  it,  technically  basing  his 
comjdiance  upon  the  failure  of  Com.  Wilkes 
to  bring  the  Trent  into  port  for  adjudication 
of  the  act. 

On  the  25th  July,  Gen.  Scott,  though  nom- 
inally remaining  in  chief  command  at  Wash- 
ington, was  practically  superseded  by  the 
formation  of  the  new  military  Department 
of  Washington  and  North-eastern  Virginia,  to 
which  Gen.  McClellar  was  then  assigned. 
The  latter  commenced  at  once  the  organization 
Oi  the  forces  of  the  department,  which  now 
began  to  be  increased  by  the  renewed  activity 
of  the  loyal  States,  and  on  the  15th  Oct.  they 
amounted  to  150,000  men,  well  drilled  and 
fitted  for  service.  The  enemy  in  the  mean- 
while failed  to  follow  uj)  their  victory  at  J>ull 
Pun  by  advancing  on  Washington  or  Balti- 
more, which  were  then  clearly  at  their  mercy. 
On  the  17th  October,  the  Union  army  occu- 
pied Fairfax  Court-House,  the  Confederates 
retiring  to  Centreville  and  Mana.ssas.  On 
the  16th,  Gen.  Geary  captured  from  the  rcl)- 
els  Bolivar  Heights,  overlooking  Harjicr's 
Ferry.  On  the  20th,  Brig.-Gen.  Stone, 
guarding  the  line  of  the  Potomac  at  I'ooles- 
ville,  ]Md.,  ordered  Col.  Devens,  16th  Mass., 
and  Col.  Lee,  20th  Mass.,  with  a  portion  of 
their  commands,  to  move  towards  the  enemy, 
discovered  in  the  region  of  Leesburgh,  Va. 
For  this  purpose  they  crossed  the  Potomac, 
and  at  noon,  on  the  21st,  at  Ball's  Blutf,  ou 
the  Virginia  shore,  were  attacked  by  mus- 
ketry from  the  woods,  surrounding  on  three 
sides  the  field  on  which  they  were  formed. 
They  then  fell  back  to  the  edge  of  the  bbilf, 
which  was  about  150  feet  high,  and  between 
1  and  2  p.m.  were  reinforced  by  Col.  E.  D. 
Baker,  who  a.ssumed  command,  with  a  forco 
consisting  of  the  New  York  Tanjmany  regi- 
ment, Col.  ^lilton  Cogswell,  the  Californi* 
regiment,  Lieut. -Col.  Wistar,  con)prising, 
with  the  Massachusetts  men,  1,900  men-. 
The  rebel  assailants  comprised  the  8th  Vir 
ginia,  13th,  17th,  and  18th  Mississipjii,  form- 
ing the  brigade  of  Gen.  Evans.  The  struggle 
coutiuued  for  two  hours,  with  a  great  slatigh* 


063 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


ter  of  tlie  exposed  Union  forces.  Col.  Baker 
having  bravely  fallen,  shot  through  the  head, 
Col.  Cogswell,  who  succeeded  to  the  command, 
attempted  to  charge  the  enemy  on  the  left, 
and  escape  towards  Gen.  Stone,  but  being 
met  by  a  fresh  Mississippi  regiment,  was 
tlirown  in  disorder  down  the  blulf  just  as 
darkness  was  ensuing.  The  pursuing  rebels 
from  the  bluti'  continued  to  fire  upon  the 
struggling,  flying  mass  below  and  in  the  boats, 
which  being  overloaded,  were  shortly  upset. 
Few  of  the  Union  force  escaped  drowning  or 
the  destructive  fire  of  the  enemy;  the  loss 
being  not  less  than  1,000  men,  including  300 
killed,  and  more  than  500,  mostly  wounded, 
taken  prisoners. 

On  December  20th,  Gen.  E.  O.  C.  Ord,  com- 
mandina  3d  Pennsylvania  Brigade,  with  about 
4,000  u  .in,  moved  on  Dranesville,  Loudon 
Co.,  Va.,  to  forage.  Near  Dranesville  the 
Union  forces  were  attacked  by  a  rebel  brig- 
ade under  Gen.  J.  E.  B.  Stuart,  consisting 
of  about  2,500  men.  The  rebels  were  badly 
beaten,  losing  230  men,  including  several 
officers.  The  Federal  loss  was  9  killed  and 
60  wounded. 

The  Army  of  the  Potomac,  comprising 
nearly  200,000,  were  now  eagerly  awaiting 
the  expected  permission  to  move  in  mass  on 
the  enemy,  and  the  loyal  people  of  the  North 
still  hurried  regiments  to  it,  to  be  in  time  for 
the  decided  movement  that  was  suj)posed  to 
be  shortly  inevitable.  The  weather  was  ex- 
tremely propitious,  the  roads  remaining 
hard  and  dry  till  far  into  the  winter.  But 
winter  settled  upon  this  grand  army  without 
a  blow  being  sti'uck  by  it.  The  rebels, 
vastl}'  outnumbered,  wistily  refrained  from 
disturbing  this  virtual  siege  of  Washington, 
by  any  oti'ensive  movement.  This  neglect  of 
a  grand  opportunity  is  attributed  both  to  the 
incapacity  of  Gen.  McClellan  for  the  position 
which  he  held,  and  to  the  influence  of  the 
party  who  hoped  to  restore  the  Union  with 
slavery,  by  means  of  little  fighting  and  a 
•peedy  compromise. 

On  the  withdrawal  of  the  Union  foi'ces 
from  South-western  Alissouri,  Gen.  Price,  the 
rebel  commander,  at  once  returned  from 
the  Arkansas  border,  passing  triumphantly 
through  Springfield  and  occupying  Lexington 
and  other  points  upon  the  Mississippi.  Rebel 
incendiaries  and  guerillas  became  frequent, 
and  small  combats  took  place.  The  village 
of  War.saw  was  burned  by  them  on  Novem- 
ber 19,  IHGl,  and  Platte  City,  December  10, 
18G1  ;  and  on  December  20,  nearly  100  miles 
of  tlie  railroad  crossing  Northern  Missouri 
was  disabled  b}'  them;  whereupon  Gen.  Ilal- 
leck,  commanding  the  department,  threatened 
to  shoot  parties  engaged  in  this  kind  of  work  : 
but  this  threat,  never  executed,  was  of  little 
force.  On  December  15,  the  rebels  occu|>y- 
ing  Lexington  uixler  Gens.  Rains  and  Stein 
were  driven  southward  therefrom  by  (ien. 
P<)|ie,  with  a  loss  of  300  prisoners  and  most 
of  their  baggage,  including  seventy  wagons 
laden  with  clothes  and  supplies  for  Gen. 
J 'rice,  then  i*  Osceola  with  .S,000  men.  On 
the  iJSth,  Col.  JerT.  C.  Davis  cajjturcd,  by 
surprise,  a  rebel  camp  at  Milford,  consisting 
of  3  colo'uels,  17  captains,  1,000  men,  1.000 
Ktanil  of  arms,  1,000  horses,  with  tents,  bag- 
gage, and  supplies.  (Jen.  Price  now  retreats 
ed  rapidly  to  the  south.Tu  line  of  the  State, 
wJiero,  near  Boston  Mouutain,  he  waa  joined 


by  Gen.  INIcCulloch,  with  a  division  of  Texas 
and  Arkansas  Confederates,  and  on  March 
3,  18G2,  by  Gen.  Earl  Van  Dorn,  Confederate 
commander  of  the  Trans-Mississippi  Depart- 
ment ;  and  also  by  Gen.  Albert  Pike,  of  Ar- 
kansas, at  the  head  of  some  5,000  Indians. 
The  number  of  rebels  was  increased  by  these 
accessions  to  20,000.  Most  of  the  Indians, 
Creeks  and  C'hoctaws,  being  slaveliolders 
themselves,  had  entered  into  an  alliance 
with  the  Confederacy  ;  and  on  December  9, 
1861,  the  minority  in  favor  of  the  Union, 
under  Chief  Opothleyolo,  were  beaten  on 
Bushy  Creek,  180  miles  west  of  Fort  Smith, 
and  com])elled  to  flee  into  Kansas.  March 
6,  1862,  Gen.  Van  Dorn  attemjjted  to  isolate 
the  division  of  Gen.  Sigel  at  Bentonville 
from  the  rest  of  the  Union  army  near  Motts- 
ville,  which  was  now  commanded  by  Gen. 
Samuel  R.  Curtis,  of  Iowa.  By  skilful  fight- 
ing and  falling  back  throughout  the  day, 
Gen.  Sigel  batfled  this  attempt,  with  small 
loss,  and  at  4  p. it.  was  joined  by  reinforce- 
ments from  Gen.  Curtis,  when  he  deliberately 
encamped  at  Pea  Ridge,  near  Gen.  Curtis's 
centre.  On  the  7th,  the  enemy,  instead  of 
advancing  upon  Gen.  Curtis  by  way  of  the  di- 
i-ect  road  from  Fayetteville,  succeeded  in 
reaching  and  advancing  on  the  road  from 
Bentonville,  thus  flanking  the  Unionists. 
Gen.  Curtis  promptly  changed  his  line,  mak- 
ing the  first  and  second  divisions,  under  Si- 
gel and  Asboth  his  left ;  the  third,  under  Jefl'. 
C.  Davis,  his  centre ;  and  the  4th,  under  Col. 
Carr,  his  right.  This  line,  about  three  miles 
in  length,  stretching  from  Sugar  Creek  to  Elk- 
horn  Tavern,  was  confronted  by  Gen.  Price 
with  his  Missouri  forces.  Gen.  JNIcIntosh 
commanding  the  centre,  and  Gen.  IMcCul- 
loch  on  the  left.  At  10^  a.m..  Gen.  Oster- 
haus  advanced  on  the  rebels  from  Leetown 
in  the  centre  nearly  to  the  Bentonville  road, 
but  was  driven  back  in  disorder  by  over- 
whelming numbers,  and  with  the  loss  of  his 
battery.  At  the  same  time  McCulloch  at- 
tacked Carr's  forces  with  vastly  superior 
numbers  at  Elkhorn  Tavern.  Col.  Davis  now 
advanced  to  the  aid  of  Osterhaus,  and  al- 
though repeatedly  compelled  to  fall  back, 
held  his  ground  at  the  close  of  the  day,  re- 
capturing during  the  conflict,  by  a  de-sperate 
charge  of  the  18th  Indiana,  two  guns  of 
Davidson's  Battery.  Gen.  Curtis,  with  As- 
both's  division,  finding  his  left  unassailed, 
at  2  P.M.  moved  to  Elkhorn  to  the  suj)port 
of  Carr,  whom  he  reached  at  5  p.m.  The 
latter  had  been  fiercely  fighting  with  an 
innnensely  suj)erior  force  for  seven  hours, 
during  wiiich  one-fourth  of  his  coumiand  had 
fallen.  Gen.  Asboth  now  opened  a  heavy  ar- 
tillery fire  on  the  rebel  forces,  and  the  2d 
Mis.souri  Infantry  also  vigorously  att.-u-kcd 
them.  But  night  shortly  clo.sed  in,  and  both 
armies  rested  on  the  battlefield.  On  the 
morning  of  the  8th  Col.  Davis  renewed  tlie 
battle  in  the  centre,  and  the  rebels  replied 
from  new  batteries  and  lines  formed  d»iring 
the  night,  raking  the  Union  right  wing,  and 
causing  it  to  slightly  fall  back.  Asboth's 
and  SigePs  divisions  were  soon  in  ])osition, 
completing  the  Union  line  of  battle.  Gen. 
Curti.s  now  ordered  his  right  to  advance  to 
the  support  of  the  Dubufpie  Battery,  post(-d 
on  an  elevation  at  the  extreme  right.  He 
then  j)l;icfd  the  1st  Iowa  Battery  in  an  open 
field,  and  other  batteries  with  supporting  in- 


fantry were  speedily  placed  in  such  positions 
as  to  cause  the  rebels  to  recoil.  The  L'nion 
left  wing  was  meanwhile  pushed  forward, 
driving  the  rebels  into  the  deep  ravines  of 
Cross-Timber  Hollow.  At  9^  a.m.  the  rout 
of  the  rebels  was  complete.  After  entering 
the  Hollow  their  main  force  turned  to  the 
right,  following  obscure  valleys  which  led 
into  tlie  Huntsville  road.  On  this  they 
escaped  to  a  point  some  eight  miles  on  the 
Bentonville  road,  whence  Van  Dorn  dis- 
patched a  flag  of  truce  to  Curtis,  soliciting 
an  arrangement  for  burying  the  dead,  which 
was  accorded.  The  command  of  Curtis,  in 
this  battle,  numbered  about  10,500  men,  and 
48  pieces  of  artillery.  The  rebel  force  was 
about  30,000,  including  5,000  Indians,  who 
were  worse  than  useless  in  the  action,  seem- 
ingly terrified  by  the  novelty  of  the  artillery. 
The  Federal  loss,  during  the  three  days,  was 
reported  at  1,351,  of  whom  701  were  of  Col. 
j  Carr's  division.  The  rebel  loss,  unascertain- 
j  ed,  was  probably  much  more,  including  Gens. 
,  McCulloch  and  Mcintosh  killed,  and  Gens. 
Price  and  Slack  wounded. 

The  enemy  having  disappeared.  Gen. 
Curtis  now  proceeded  towards  Batesville, 
on  White  River,  for  suj)plies,  wliich,  how- 
ever, failed  to  arrive,  owing  to  low  wa- 
ter. Compelled  thus  to  rely  for  supj)lies  \ipon 
wagon  trains  from  RoUa,  Mo.,  several  hundred 
miles  distant,  he  gave  up  his  intended  march 
on  Little  Rock,  the  capital  of  Arkansas,  and 
after  waiting  eight  weeks  at  Batesville  he 
moved  in  a  south-western  direction.  In 
making  his  way  across  the  cypre.ss  swamps 
of  the  Cache  River,  he  was  attacked  by  ■ 
rebel  force  of  1,500  Texan  cavalry,  un- 
der Gen.  Albert  Rust.  These  he  routed 
after  an  hour's  conflict  by  an  imjietuous 
charge  of  the  1st  Indiana  Cavalry,  with  a 
loss  to  the  rebels  of  110  killed.  Being  short 
of  provisions  in  an  inhospitable  country, 
Gen.  Curtis  now  proceeded  to  Helena,  on  the 
Mississippi,  which  he  reached  about  July  12, 
bringing  with  him  a  large  number  of  negroes, 
who  had  been  employed  by  the  rebels  in  ob- 
structing the  roads,  and  were  thus  entitled 
to  their  freedom  by  law  of  Congress. 

On  Aug.  6,  1862,  at  Kirksville,  Adair 
County,  Missouri,  Col.  John  ;McNeil,  with 
1,000  cavalry  and  6  guns,  attacked  a  rebel 
band  of  Missouri  partisans,  under  Col.  Por- 
ter, two  or  three  thousand  in  number,  and, 
after  a  severe  fight  of  four  hours,  defeated 
them,  inflicting  a  loss  of  1^0  killed,  500 
wounded,  and  several  wagon-loads  of  arms ; 
the  Federal  loss  being  28  killed  and  60 
wounded.  On  Sejit.  2  another  of  the.se  rebel 
l)artisan  forces  of  1,200,  under  Col.  Poindex- 
ter,  was  attacked  and  routed  while  crossing 
Chariton  River,  by  Col.  Odin  Guitar,  I'th 
Militia  Cavalry  of  Missouri,  with  600  men  and 
2  guns,  many  of  the  rebels  being  driven  in- 
to the  river  and  drowned.  I'oindexter  flee- 
ing northward  to  join  Porter,  was  driven 
back  by  another  Union  force  untler  Gen- 
Benj.  Loan,  and  again  attacked  by  (Juitar, 
who  utterly  annihilated  his  command  ;  and 
Porter,  being  driven  back  upon  McNeil  by 
the  same  movement  of  Gen.  Loan,  was  like- 
wise compelled  to  disj>ersc  his  baud  to  save 
it  from  destruction.  No  rebels  lienceforward 
ajipeared  in  any  force  north  of  the  ^Missouri 
liiver.  On  Aug.  11,  the  Feder.d  garrison  at 
Independence,  in  the  western  part  of  the 


UNITED  STATES 


5C3 


State,  consisting  of  312  men  of  the  7th  Mis- 
souri Cavahy,  under  Lieut. -Col.  Buel,  was 
surrendei-od  after  a  short  resistance  to  a  rebel 
baud  of  800,  under  Col.  Hughes.  The  latter 
being  joined  by  Col.  Coffey  with  1,500  Ar- 
kansas Cavahy,  then  attacked  Major  Foster, 
of  the  7tli  Militia  Cavalry,  800  men,  at  Lone 
Jack,  Jackson  County,  defeating  liim  and 
compelling  hiiu  to  retreat  with  a  loss  of  two 
gnus  to  Lexington.  Coffey  advanced  ujjon 
the  latter  place,  but  finding  Gen.  Blunt  in 
strong  force  there,  tied,  vigorously  pursued 
to  tlie  Arkan.sas  line  by  the  latter,  but  es- 
caj)ed  without  serious  loss. 

Gen.  Schoheld,  commanding  this  depart- 
ment, was  now  superseded  by  Gen.  Curtis, 
and  took  the  field  against  the  rebels  in  the 
south-west  of  the  State,  who  were  meditating 
a  fresh  invasion.  On  Oct.  1  he  left  Spring- 
field. At  Newtonia  his  advance  under  Gen. 
Salomon  was  overwhelmed  and  pressed  back 
by  a  large  body  of  rebel  cavalry.  Being  re- 
inforced shortly  by  Gen.  Blunt,  from  Arkan- 
sas, his  force  was  swelled  to  10,000  men, 
while  that  of  the  enemy  at  Newtonia  was 
estimated  at  15,000.  Being  charged  with 
artillery  and  cavalry,  the  rebels,  who  were 
badly  armed,  now  fled  30  miles  into  Arkansas. 
Scliofield  pressed  on  to  Pea  Ridge,  where  the 
rebel  force  having  been  divided,  he  sent  Gen. 
Bhmt  in  pursuit  of  that  portion  which  had 
moved  westward,  under  Cooper,  towards 
Fort  Scott.  The  latter  being  overtaken  near 
RlaysviUe,  was  compelled  to  flee  in  disorder 
across  the  Arkansas  to  Fort  Gibson,  losing 
four  guns.  Gen.  Schofleld  pursued  the  main 
body  of  tlie  rebels  as  far  as  Huntsville,  and 
finding  them  resolved  to  avoid  fighting  till 
they  were  reinforced,  returned  to  Osage 
Springs,  from  whence  he  dispatched  a  force 
under  Gen.  Herron  to  attack  some  3,000  or 
4,000  rebel  cavalry  on  White  River,  eight 
miles  from  Fayetteville.  These  were  assailed, 
Oct.  28,  so  vigorously,  that,  although  superior 
in  numbers,  they  shortly  fled  into  the  moun- 
tains, losing  their  camp  equipage.  On  Nov. 
20,  Gen.  Scliofield  was  forced  by  sickness 
ito  resign  his  command.  Gen.  Hindman, 
commanding  the  Confederate  forces  in  Ar- 
kansas, having  collected  a  large  force,  eai-ly 
in  December  crossed  the  Arkansas  River, 
near  Van  Buren,  with  9,000  infantry,  2,000 
cavalry  and  extensive  artillery,  and  advanced 
upon  Gen.  Blunt  at  Cave  Hill  with  5,000 
troops.  Gen.  Blunt,  showing  a  bold  front, 
at  once  apprised  Gen.  Herron,  commanding  the 
2d  and  3d  Divisions  of  the  Federal  forces,  who 
was  then  at  Wilson's  Creek,  10  miles  north  of 
Springfield,  and  who  immediately,  by  forced 
pnarclies,  proceeded  to  the  relief  of  Blunt. 
On  Dec.  7th  he  reached  Fayetteville,  and  had 
jproceeded  thence  five  miles,  when  his  cavalry 
tin  the  advance  were  attacked  and  thrown  into 
confusion  by  Marmaduke,  commanding  the 
vanguard  of  Hindman's  army.  The  main  por- 
tion of  his  cavalry  reached  Gen.  Blunt,  and  the 
remainder  returned  to  him.  On  the  Gth  De- 
tconiber,  thus  divested  of  cavalry  and  with 
labout  4,000  men,  he  was  confronted  by  the 
rebel  main  force  at  Prairie  Grove,  on  Illinois 
Creek.  He  at  once  gallantly  attacked  the 
enemy.  The  battle  was  desperately  con- 
tested, the  batteries  of  both  sides  being  re- 
l)oatedly  charged  upon,  often  taken,  and  as 
jften  abaiidoned  under  the  overwhelming  fire 
of  infantry  concentrated  upon  them.    At  2 


P.M.,  however.  Gen.  JJluntcame  up  on  the  right 
of  Gen.  Herron,  confronting  the  i-ebel  left, 
where  a  large  force  had  been  massed  for  the 
purpose  of  flanking  the  latter's  position. 
The  battle  thus  continued  with  great  vigor 
until  evening,  when  the  rebels  retreated  into 
the  woods,  leaving  the  Union  soldiers  in  the 
open  fields  where  it  liad  been  fought.  Dur- 
ing the  night  the  rebel  force  retreated  from 
the  neighborhood.  The  Union  loss  in  this 
battle  of  Prairie  Grove  was  1G7  killed,  798 
wounded  and  183  missing.  Gen.  Hindman's 
oflicial  repoi't  made  his  loss  164  killed, 
among  them  Gen.  Stein,  of  Missouri;  817 
wounded,  and  330  missing. 

After  the  betrayal  of  the  United  States 
frontier  army  to  the  Confederates  by  Gen. 
Twiggs  in  February,  1861,  most  of  the  posts, 
extending  from  Indianola,  Texas,  to  Fort  Bliss, 
oil.  the  route  to  New  Mexico,  a  distance  of 
675  miles,  were  shortly  given  up  to  the  Con- 
federate authorities  by  the  officers  in  com- 
mand, who  were  generally  in  full  sympathy 
with  the  rebel  cause.  A  force  of  700  at  El 
Paso  was  also  betrayed  to  the  rebels  by  their 
commanding  officer,  Major  Lynde;  whereupon 
the  Governor  of  New  Mexico,  Abraham  Ren- 
cher,  at  once  called  out  the  militia  thereof, 
exerting  a  wholesome  countei-acting  influence 
upon  its  Mexican  population  in  behalf  of  the 
Union.  On  Dec.  2,  1861,  a  new  governor, 
Henry  Connolly,  arrived,  and  Col.  E.  R.  S. 
Canby,  a  loyal  officer,  had  also  succeeded  to 
the  military  command  of  the  department. 
The  Territorial  Legislature,  at  the  Governor's 
recommendation,  promptly  repealed  the  act 
protecting  slavery  in  the  Territory.  Col. 
Canby  had  now  organized  his  scanty  forces, 
and  held  the  frontier  posts  as  far  down  as 
Fort  Fillmore,  which  still  remained  in  the 
hands  of  the  Texans. 

Gen.  H.  F.  Sibley,  having  organized  a 
rebel  brigade  in  Texas  for  the  conquest  of 
New  Mexico,  on  Feb.  19,  1862,  confronted 
Col.  Canby  at  Valverde,  about  seven  miles 
from  Fort  Craig,  on  the  east  bank  of  the 
Rio  Grande,  with  a  force  of  2,300  men,  most 
of  them  efficiently  trained  in  previous  fron- 
tier service,  and  famous  as  "  Texan  rangers." 
The  battle  was  opened  in  the  morning,  and 
continued  mainly  with  artillery,  wherein  the 
Unionists  were  superior  both  in  guns  and  in 
service,  until  noon,  M'hen  the  rebel  comman- 
der ordered  a  charge  of  1,000  infantry  upon 
the  Union  battery,  commanded  by  Lieut. 
McRae.  The  battery  was  taken,  and  Lieuts. 
McRae  and  Michler  were  kiHed  at  their 
posts.  The  supporting  Union  infantry, 
though  largely  outnumbering  the  Texans, 
most  shamefully  fled  from  the  field  to  the 
fort.  1'he  losses  of  men  were  about  eqtuil, 
GO  killed  and  140  wounded  on  either  side. 
The  rebels,  deeming  an  assault  on  Fort 
Craig  unadvisable,  then  pushed  on  up  the 
river,  advancing  towards  Santa  F6.  At 
Apache  Pass,  fifteen  miles  from  the  latter 
place,  March  24,  they  encountered  a  raw 
Federal  force  of  1,300,  mostly  Colorado 
volunteers,  under  Col.  John  P.  Slough, 
whom  they  speedily  routed  by  a  charge,  but 
inflicting  small  loss  upon  them.  Sibley  then 
triumphantly  entered  Santa  Fe,  which  place, 
however,  he  was  shortly  compelled  to  evacu- 
ate, retreating  by  forced  marches  to  his  depot 
at  Albuquerqiio,  as  Canby  was  marching 
upon  it  from  Fort  Craig.    He  saved  it,  but 


evacuatetl  it  al.so  on  the  12th  A  [n  il,  and  waa 
pursued  in  his  retreat  down  the  west  bank  of 
the  river,  V)y  Canby  on  the  east.  In  order  to 
avoid  another  general  action  in  his  cripjiled 
condition,  he  shortly  abandoned  the  river  for 
the  mountains,  and  by  an  arduous  inarch 
through  tlie  most  desolate  and  rugged  of 
regions,  succeeded  in  evading  his  enemy,  and 
returning  to  Fort  Bliss  in  Texas. 

Early  in  January,  1862,  Col.  James  A. 
Garfield,  commanding  a  Union  brigade, 
moved  on  Humi)hrey  Marshall,  commanding 
the  Confederate  forces  in  South-<!astern  Ken- 
tucky. Near  Prestonburg,  Floyd  County,  he 
encountered  the  latter,  whom  he  forced  to  re- 
treat into  Virginia.  About  Feb.  22  Cumber- 
land Gap  was  also  abandoned  to  the  Union- 
ists, and  shortly  afterwards  Gen.  Garfield 
surprised  and  captured  a  considerable  rebel 
camp  at  Pound  Gap. 

On  Jan.  17th,  Gen.  George  H.  Thomas, 
ordered  by  Gen.  Buell  to  assume  the  com- 
mand of  the  Union  forces  in  Kentucky, 
operating  against  Gen.  Zollicoft'er's  army, 
reached  Logan's  Cross-Roads,  having  under 
him  a  force  of  about  8,000  men.  Here,  on 
the  19th  Januaiy,  he  was  attacked  by  Major- 
Gen.  George  B.  Crittenden,  who  had  super- 
seded Zollicoffer.  The  charge  of  tlie  rel)el3 
was  desperate,  and  the  battle  lasted  for  nearly 
two  hours,  during  which  the  opposing  infan- 
try often  fired  through  the  same  fence.  In 
the  midst  of  the  battle  (ien.  Zollicoffer  was 
shot  by  Col.  Fry,  of  the  4th  Kentucky,  the 
latter's  horse  being  shot  dead  about  the  same 
time.  A  charge  of  the  9th  Ohio,  with  fixed 
bayonets,  carried  the  day,  the  rebels  flying  to 
their  intrenchmeiits  on  the  Cumberland 
River,  at  Camp  Beech  Grove.  The  rebels 
let  in  this  action  192  killed,  62  wounded, 
and  89  jirisoners.  The  Union  loss  wsis  39 
killed  and  207  wounded.  The  Unionists  at 
once  proceeded  to  shell  the  rebel  intrench- 
ments,  and  shortly  afterwards  niglit  fell. 
Taking  advantage  of  a  small  steamer,  the 
Confederates  silently  escaped  across  the  river 
during  the  night,  leaving  12  guns,  with  cais 
sons  and  many  small  arms,  1,500  horses  and 
mules,  and  all  their  army  material. 

On  Feb.  2,  1862,  Com.  A.  H.  Foote,  with 
seven  gunboats,  and  Gen.  U.  S.  Grant,  with 
15,000  men  on  steamboats,  left  Cairo,  and 
moved  up  the  Ohio  and  the  Tennessee  to 
within  ten  miles  of  Fort  Henry,  a  strong 
rebel  work  commanding  the  latter  i-iver  from 
its  eastern  bank,  mounting  17  large  guns, 
and  defended  by  Gen.  Lloyd  Tilghman,  of 
Ky.,  with  2,600  men.  About  twelve  miles 
distant,  on  the  western  bank  of  the  Cumber- 
land River,  was  situated  Fort  Donelson,  a 
still  more  formiilable  rebel  fort,  the  two  be- 
ing connected  by  a  military  road,  so  that 
reinforcements  could  oa.sily  be  thrown  from 
one  into  the  other.  On  Feb.  4,  C!en.  CJrant 
debarked  his  forces  within  four  miles  of  Fort 
Henry.  On  the  morning  of  the  tUh,  his  main 
body,  under    Gen.  John    A.  McClernand, 

I  moved  to  seize  the  military  road  connecting 

!  the  two  forts,  while  a  brigade  under  (Jen.  C. 

I  F.  Smith  advanced  on  the  west  bank  of  the 
river;  and  Com.  Foote,  with  his  gunboats, 

I  including  the  iron-clads  C'inciiinall,  J\ssex, 
Carondelet,  and  ^V.  Louis,  steiunctl  slowly 

'  up  and  attacked  the  fort  from  the  rivt-r. 

'  After  an  hour's  exchange  of  cannonading  the 

I  Essex  was  pierced  by  a  24  pound  shot  from 


6(V1 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


tho  fort,  wliicli  exploded  one  of  her  boilers, 
by  which  both  of  her  pilots  were  killed,  and 
Capt.  W.  D.  Porter  and  forty  of  his  men 
severely  scalded.  The  Essex  then  drifted 
out  of  the  action,  but  the  remaining  iron- 
clads continued  to  approach  the  fort  until 
■within  GOO  yards  thereof,  gradually  silencing 
its'guns.  At  2  p.m.  Col.  Tilghman,  who 
had  previously  ordered  the  entire  force  with- 
in the  fort,  with  the  exception  of  those 
engaged  in  working  the  guns,  to  retreat  to 
Fort  Donelson,  raised  a  flag  of  truce,  and 
shortly  surrendered.  Gen.  McClernand  failed 
to  intercept  the  main  rebel  force  on  their 
"Way  to  Fort  Donelson.  This  engagement  is 
chiefly  memorable  as  the  first  in  history  in 
which  iron  clad  boats  were  tried. 

Six  days  after  the  fall  of  Fort  Henry, 
Gen.  Floyd  arrived  at  Fort  Donelson  with 
heavy  reinforcements  and  assumed  comnuiud, 
su])erseding  (Jen.  Gideon  J.  Pillow.  The 
fort  covered  a  level  plateau  of  100  acres, 
surmounting  a  steep  bluti"  100  feet  high, 
having  two  strong  water  batteries  on  the 
bank  at  its  base.  The  fort  itself  had  8  heavy 
guns  mounted  in  addition  to  the  field  bat- 
teries of  its  garrison,  which  now  amounted  to 
about  15,000  men.  On  Feb.  13,  Gen.  Grant, 
bringing  Smith's  division  across  the  Tennes- 
see, proceeded  from  Fort  Henry  to  Fort  Don- 
elson, investing  the  latter  by  a  line  3  miles 
long,  and  rods  distant  from  the  rebel  out- 
works. Skirmishing  by  sharpshooters  took 
place  during  tho  day,  and  in  the  evening 
Com.  Foote  arrived  with  his  gunboats,  four 
iron-clad  and  two  wooden.  At  3  p.m.  the 
next  day,  the  latter  had  steadily  advanced  to 
within  400  yards  of  the  gieat  guns  of  the 
fort,  driving  most  of  the  enemy's  gunners 
from  their  posts.  At  tliis  ])oint,  perceiving 
victory  hopeless  from  the  cripj)led  condition 
of  his  fleet,  he  withdrew  down  the  river, 
having  been  himself  painfully  wounded  in  the 
foot.  Elated  with  the  defeat  of  the  gunboats, 
the  rebel  general  Floyd  at  once  assumed  the 
otFensive  against  the  Union  forces.  At  day- 
light on  the  morning  of  the  15th,  Gen.  Pillow 
commanding  the  rebel  left,  which  had  been 
heavily  massed,  vigorously  attacked  the  Union 
right  under  Gen.  McClernand,  and  after  sev- 
eral hours  of  desperate  fighting,  caused  the 
latter  to  slowly  fall  back  on  the  Union  centre. 
About  noon.  Pillow  joined  Huckner,  leading 
the  rebel  centre,  and  iissumed  command  of  the 
united  forces.  A  charge  was  then  made  by 
the  rebel  cavalry  under  Gen.  Forrest  on  the 
Union  infantry  supporting  a  battery  of  si.x 
j)iece8,  which  wa.s  thus  captured.  Col.  Cm  ft 
with  the  1st  and  Col.  Thayer  with  the  3d 
brigade  of  the  Union  centre,  having  been 
sent  by  Gen.  T^ew  Wallace,  its  commander, 
to  the  aid  of  McCKirnand's  overmatched 
forces,  the  rebel  advance  was  checked.  Gen. 
Grant,  who  was  in  conference  with  Com.  Foote 
on  a  gunboat  .some  miles  distant,  not  having 
expected  this  attack,  arrived  on  the  field  at  3 
P.M  ,  and  ordered  a  gen(!ral  advance,  Gen. 
Wallace  leading  against  the  enemy's  left,  and 
Gen.  ('.  K.  Smith  charging  the  rigiit.  At  5 
P.M.  Wallace  had  driven  iJuckner  to  the  in- 
treuchment  from  which  he  had  rallied  in  the 
morning,  and  rested  within  l.')0  yards  thereof. 
Gen.  Smith,  in  a  bloody  charge,  carried  tho 
works  before  him,  and  thus  a  position  was 
gaiiicd  by  tho  Unionists  secure  against  re- 
CiH)turc.    The  weather  during  the  night  be- 


came severely  cold,  and  great  suffering  was 
endured  by  both  sides  in  consequence,  many 
of  the  wounded  being  actually  frozen  to  death. 
The  i-ebels  were  now  greatly  outnumbered, 
and  their  gallant  attempt  to  extricate  them- 
selves from  the  investment,  by  cutting  through 
the  Union  right,  had  failed.  Eighty-four 
hours  of  alternate  watching  and  fighting  had 
completely  exhausted  them,  and  the  positions 
gained  by  Gen.  Smith  rendered  other  of  their 
intrench  ments  untenable.  A  surrender  to  the 
Unionists  was  inevitable.  Gen.  Floyd,  now 
devoting  his  energies  to  his  own  personal 
escape,  turned  over  his  command  to  Gen. 
Pillow,  who,  actuated  by  the  same  motive, 
passed  it  to  Gen.  Buckner.  Floyd  filled  two 
rebel  steamboats  at  hand  with  his  own  bri- 
gade shortly  before  sunrise,  and  steamed  up 
the  river,  leaving  the  rest  of  the  garrison  to 
their  fate,  of  whom,  however.  Col.  Forrest  with 
800  cavalry  escaped  on  a  partially  overflown 
road  by  the  bunk  of  the  river.  The  terms  of 
the  capitulation  having  been  fixed  by  Gen. 
Grant  at  unconditional  and  immediate  sur- 
render, with  the  alternative  of  instant  re- 
newal of  the  attack,  the  rebel  capitulation 
took  placeontlie  moruingof  the  16th  February, 
1862.  The  rebel  loss  in  this  conflict  and  sur- 
render was  fully  10,000  men,  including  2,000 
killed  and  wounded.  The  Union  loss  in 
killed  and  wounded  was  somewhat  larger. 
Thus  of  tho  three  great  avenues  leading  from 
the  Free  States  of  the  North  into  the  South- 
western States,  the  IMississippi,  the  Tennessee, 
and  tiie  Cumberland  rivers,  two  were  freed 
of  their  formidable  rebel  barriers,  and  in  pos- 
.session  of  the  Unionists,  and  the  general  rebel 
line  of  defence  Avas  broken.  Important  union 
successes  now  followed  throughout  Kentucky 
and  Tennessee.  Simultaneously  with  Gen. 
Grant's  movement  on  Donelson,  Gen.  Buell, 
commanding  the  Department  of  the  Ohio, 
had  dispatched  Gen.  O.  ^I.  Mitchel,  with 
about  16,000  men,  against  the  enemy  at  Bowl- 
ing Green,  under  Gen.  A.  S.  Johnston.  At 
Mitchel's  approach.  Gen.  Johnston,  being 
greatly  outnumbered,  dismantled  his  camp  and 
fled  rapidly  to  Nashville,  destroying  a  large 
amount  of  i-ebel  property  in  the  course  of  his 
retreat.  General  consternation  ensued  at 
Nashville  at  the  news  of  the  rebel  disaster, 
which  was  received  by  the  citizens  while  on 
their  way  to  church  on  Sunday,  Feb.  10. 
Every  moment  they  expected  to  see  the 
enemy's  gunboats  ai)proaching  the  city,  and 
before  night  a  panic  of  soldiers  as  well  as 
civilians  took  place,  and  hundreds  of  the  po- 
pulation, gathering  their  transportable  ]n-o- 
j)erty,  fled  from  the  city.  The  military  au- 
thorities seized  every  vehicle  for  the  use  of  the 
hospitals.  On  the  following  day.  Gen.  John- 
ston arrived  in  his  n^treat,  and  after  inform- 
ing tlu^  C!overnor  he  should  nuike  no  attempt 
to  ilefend  tin;  city,  continu(^(l  his  precipitate 
march  to  the  south.  Bank  directors  now 
rushed  to  convey  their  specie  and  other  valu- 
ables to  the  railway  connecting  with  Chatta- 
nooga, Columbia,  and  other  jioints  of  safety 
southward.  (Jov.  Harris  lied  across  the 
country  to  Memjihis,  taking  with  him  the 
State  records  ;  and  the  Legislature,  in  panic- 
stricken  adjournment,  followed  him.  Vast 
public  stores  were  abandoned  to  tlu?  i)opulace 
or  to  the  flames.  Two  gunljoats  in  process 
of  construction  were  burned,  and  two  magni- 
ficent bridges  crossing  the  Cumberland  lliver 


were  also  destroyed.  On  Feb.  23d,  a  small 
advance  of  Gen.  Buell's  column  took  posr-es. 
sion  of  the  village  of  Edgefield,  opposite  Nash- 
ville, and  shortly  afterwards  the  city  was 
formally  surrendered  by  its  Mayor,  Cheatham, 
i  and  was  made  the  headquarters  of  Gen.  Buell, 
while  his  army  was  quartered  around  the 
city. 

These  continued  Union  successes  rendered 
untenable  the  rebel  stronghold  at  Columbus, 
Ky.,  commanding  the  31ississippi.  Though 
strongly  fortified  and  stored,  its  gaiTison,  un- 
der Gen.  Polk,  had  been  reduced  by  succes- 
sive detachments  to  about  3,000  men.  After 
having  taken  Clarksville,  on  the  Cumberland, 
Com.  Foote  returned  to  Cairo  and  collected 
a  fleet  of  six  gunboats,  and  eaily  in 
Mai'ch  tlropped  down  the  Mississipj)i,  fol- 
lowed  by  three  transports,  with  two  or  three 
thousand  soldiers,  under  Gen.  W.  T.  Sher- 
man, while  a  supporting  force  moved  over- 
land from  Paducah.  On  their  ajjproach  to 
Columbus,  the  enemy  retre.ited  45  miles 
down  the  river  to  Island  No.  10,  leaving 
many  camp  stores,  and  rolling  their  heavy 
guns  off  the  bluft'  into  the  river.  On  ^larch 
3,  Gen.  Pope,  with  a  Union  force  of  about 
40,000  men,  invested  New  Madrid,  a  short 
distance  below  Island  No.  10,  on  the  Mis- 
souri bank  of  the  river.  This  place  was 
strongly  defended  by  20  heavy  guns  and 
nine  well-appointed  gunboats  anchored  before 
it.  Its  garrison  consisted  of  0,000  infantry 
Tinder  Major-Gen.  McCown ;  the  gunboats 
being  directed  by  Com.  Hollins.  Oji  the 
13th,  Gen.  Pope  opened  a  heavy  cannonade 
upon  the  place,  which  was  rejilied  to  during 
the  day,  the  Unionists  steadily  pushing  for- 
ward their  trenches.  During  a  violent  thun- 
der-storm on  the  following  night,  the  rebels 
evacuated  the  place,  leaving  behind  them  33 
cannon,  several  thousand  small  arms,  and  a 
large  amount  of  other  war  material.  On  the 
17th  March,  Com.  Foote,  with  five  gun- 
boats and  four  mortar-boats,  made  a  general 
attack  on  the  strong  rebel  fortifications  at 
Island  No.  10,  but  without  material  success. 
On  Ajjril  5,  Gen.  Beaxiregard  left  for  Corinth, 
ceding  his  command  to  Gen.  Makall.  In  the 
meantime  the  engineer  corps  of  Gen.  Pojie 
had  cut  a  canal,  twelve  miles  in  length,  across 
the  Missouri  ))eninsula,  opposite  Island  No, 
10,  through  which  steamboats  and  barges  and 
two  gunboats  succeeded  in  safely  passing  to 
the  river  below  that  stronghold.  April  7, 
Gen.  Po))e  dispatched  a  division  across  the 
river  towards  its  rear,  when  the  rebel  forces 
there,  under  McCown,  sinking  their  gun- 
boats and  transports,  esca])cd  eastward,  leav- 
ing ^lakall,  who  was  soon  com]H'llt(l  to  sur- 
render his  force  :  three  generals,  273  olfi- 
cei-s,  6,700  prisoners,  123  pieces  of  heavy 
artillery,  7,000  staiul  of  small  arms,  and  a 
large  (luantitv  of  anuuunition  and  other  ma- 
terial, were  rejiorted  in  the  capture. 

Ai>ril  12,  Com.  Foote  and  Gen.  Pope 
moved  down  the  river  to  Foii  Pillow,  situ- 
ated on  tho  Chicka.saw  Blufls,  about  70  miles 
above  Memphis.  Com.  Foote  having  plant^xl 
his  mortars  on  the  Arkan.sjis  side  of  tlic  river, 
conmienqi-d,  on  the  17th,  a  bombardment, 
promptly  replied  to,  which  was  kept  up  for 
nearly  two  weeks,  but  with  little  effect,  the 
high  stage  of  the  river  preventing  the  co-op- 
eration of  the  Union  army. 

May  4,  a  powerful  lobel  ram,  the  Jfalhry, 


UNITED  STATES. 


568 


supported  by  three  gunboats,  attacked  the 
Union  gunboat  Cincinnati,  commanded  by 
Com.  Stembel,  who,  at  the  instant  of  col- 
lision, shot  the  retel  pilot,  and  was  in  turn 
severely  wounded  by  tlie  pilot's  mate.  The 
Cincinnati,  whose  rapid  broadsides  made  no 
impression  upon  the  iron  mail  of  her  assail- 
ant, being  crippled  and  sinking,  was  run 
upon  a  shoal,  where  she  sank.  But  the  rebel 
3Iallory  was  in  turn  cut  into  by  the  St. 
Louis  and  sunk,  most  of  her  crew  going  do^vn 
with  her.  One  of  the  rebel  gimboats  was 
also  burned,  and  another  had  her  boiler  ex- 
ploded by  a  shot,  and  ceasing  the  fight,  they 
drifted  down  to  their  batteries,  under  cover 
of  the  smoke.  June  4,  Fort  Pillow,  and  Fort 
Randolph  12  miles  below  it,  were  both  evacu- 
ated by  the  Confederates;  and  on  June  G, 
Com.  Davis,  with  five  gunboats  and  four 
rams,  approached  Memphis.  A  rebel  fleet  of 
eight  gunboats  advanced  in  order  to  meet 
him,  and  an  interesting  engagement  shortly 
took  place,  lasting  over  an  hour,  within  full 
view  of  the  citizens  of  Memphis.  The  prow 
of  the  Union  ram  Queen  of  the  Ties*  struck 
the  rebel  gunboat  Gen.  Price,  damaging  her  to 
such  extent  that  she  was  at  once  headed  for 
the  Arkansas  shore.  The  rebel  gunboat 
Heauregard  then  struck  the  Queen  aft,  and 
disabled  her,  and  thereupon  the  Union  ram 
3fonarch,  striking  the  Heauregard  in  her 
bow,  caused  her  to  fill  and  sink,  while  the 
Monarch  towed  the  Queen  away  from  peril. 
The  rebel  gunboat  Gen.  Jjovell  being  struck 
by  a  50-pound  ball  from  the  Union  flagboat, 
the  Benton,  sank  in  75  feet  of  water,  carry- 
ing down  a  part  of  her  crew.  The  four  re- 
maining rebel  boats  now  headed  for  the 
Arkansas  shore,  where  the  crews  of  the  tTeff. 
Thompson,  Gen.  Hragg,  and  ISumter  es- 
caped into  the  woods,  and  the  Thompson 
being  shortly  struck  by  a  shell,  was  set  on 
fire  and  burned  to  the  water's  edge.  The 
Gen.  Van  Dom  escaped  down  the  river.  No 
one  was  killed  on  the  Union  fleet,  and  the 
city  of  Memphis  was  surrendered  immediately 
after  the  action. 

In  an  exjjedition  up  the  Arkansas  and 
White  rivers,  shortly  afterwards,  the  3Iound 
City,  the  Federal  gunboat  in  advance,  was 
blown  up  at  St.  Charles  by  a  ball,  which 
passed  through  her  steam  drum,  from  a  con- 
cealed battery  on  the  shore.  Of  the  175 
persons  on  board,  scarce  any  escaped 
death  or  injury.  Many  jumped  overboard, 
frantic  with  scalds,  and  were  drowned,  while 
the  boats  sent  to  their  relief  from  the  Cones- 
toga  were  fired  on  with  grape  and  canister, 
by  which  most  of  the  remainder  were  killed. 
But  in  a  few  minutes  the  batteries  were 
taken  by  Col.  Fitch,  of  the  46th  Indiana, 
commanding  the  expedition,  which,  however, 
failed  in  its  purpose  of  opening  communica- 
tion with  Gen.  Curtis,  who  was  approaching 
from  the  West. 

On  June  24  the  Union  fleet  on  the  Miss- 
issippi proceeded  down  to  near  Vicksburg, 
where  it  shortly  communicated  with  Com. 
Farragut's  lleet  from  the  Gulf,  lying  below, 
whei-e  were  also  four  regiments  of  infantry 
under  Gen.  Williams.  The  siege  of  Vicks- 
burg was  now  opened,  and  continued  with- 
out effect  until  the  24th  July,  when  it  was 
abandoned.  During  the  siege  the  rebel  ram 
Arkansas,  from  the  Yazoo,  ran  through  the 
Union  fleet  and  took  refuge  under  the  bat- 


teries of  Vicksburg  unharmed.  Three  other 
rebel  gunboats  on  the  Yazoo  were  destroyed 
by  their  commanders  at  the  approach  of 
Lieut.-Col.  EUet,  with  two  rams  in  pursuit  of 
them. 

Shortly  after  the  capture  of  Fort  Donelson, 
Gen.  Grant,  at  the  head  of  40,000  men,  mov- 
ed up  the  Tennessee,  debarking  at  Pittsburg 
Landing,  a  small '  village  eight  miles  above 
Savannah,  Tcnn.,  twenty  miles  north-east  of 
Corinth,  Miss.,  and  two  or  three  miles  north 
of  Sliiloli  Chui'ch.  Five  divisions  of  the 
Union  army  were  encamped  in  a  semicircle  of 
three  or  four  miles  southward  of  Pittsburg 
Landing.  Previous  to  April  4th,  small  en- 
gagements had  taken  place  with  insignificant 
bands  of  the  enemy  in  the  neighborhood,  who 
made  no  considerable  resistance,  although  it 
\va.B  Avell  known  that  the  enemy  in  great  force 
and  superior  numbers  were  at  Corinth.  The 
Union  army  lay  here  for  three  weeks  without 
erecting  defences  of  any  kind.  Gen.  Albert 
Sidney  Johnston,  the  ablest  of  the  Confeder- 
ate generals,  had  concentrated  at  Corinth  an 
experienced  and  well-drilled  army  of  50,000 
me.:.  During  the  night  of  April  3d,  this 
grand  army  moved  silently  out  of  Corinth, 
and  advanced,  with  caution,  to  within  three 
miles  of  the  Federal  jnckets.  Every  prepa- 
ration was  then  made  for  a  stealthy  and  des- 
perate assault  at  daybreak.  Gen.  Prentiss's 
division,  encamped  across  the  dii'ect  road  to 
Corinth,  was  thus  surprised  while  some  of 
its  men  were  dressing,  others  washing  or 
cooking,  while  many  of  the  oflicers  had  not 
yet  risen.  Countless  forces  of  the  enemy 
rushed  upon  them  with  deadly  volleys,  and 
taking  them  prisoners  ere  they  had  time  to 
form  in  line  of  battle,  or  even  to  seize  their 
weapons.  The  adjacent  Union  division  or 
the  right,  under  Gen.  Sherman,  was  now 
compelled  to  retreat  behind  the  next  ravine, 
leaving  their  camps  and  camp  equipage  to  the 
enemy,  with  one  brigade  completely  routed. 
At  7  A.M.,  McClernand's  division,  in  the  rear 
of  Sherman's,  moved  to  its  sujiport  and  found 
it  practically  destroyed.  Gen.  Prentiss  en- 
deavored to  re-form  his  raen  in  an  open  field, 
but  they  were  thei-e  exposed  to  a  deadly  fire 
from  woody  coverts,  and  speedily  flanked. 
The  commander,  with  2,000  oi'  his  force,  be- 
came separated  from  the  remainder,  and  was 
completely  surrounded,  and  at  4  P.M.  was 
obliged  to  surrender.  By  the  rout  of  Sher- 
man's and  Prentiss's  divisions,  the  enemy  were 
left  free  to  mass  themselves  on  McClernand's 
forces.  APer  repulsing  many  attacks,  and 
losing  many  oflicei-s,  and  half  his  batteries, 
the  latter  save  wav  about  11  A.M.,  and  thus 
three  of  the  Union  divisions  were  routed  ere 
noon.  Gen.  Grant,  who  had  been  at  Savan- 
nah superintending  the  reception  of  supplies, 
where  also  was  his  sixth  division,  under  Cien. 
Lew  Wallace,  arrived  on  the  battle  (ield 
about  8  A.M.  He  at  once  reformed  the  brig- 
ades, re-established  his  batteries  and  new 
lines  of  defence,  the  divisions  of  Gens.  Hurl- 
burt  and  W.  II.  L.  Wallace  being  still  intact. 
He  also  promptly  sent  for  Gen.  Lew  Wal- 
lace's division,  but  that  foi'ce,  consisting  of 
11  i-egiments,  2  batteries,  and  2  battalions  of 
cavalry,  were  prevented,  by  countermarching 
to  avoid  the  enemy,  from  reaching  the  bloody 
field  till  after  nightfall.  For  six  hours  the 
overmatched  Union  forces  stood  the  brunt 
of  battle.     Hurlburt's  division  was  thrice 


i  charged  in  full  force,  and  thrice  they  drove 
!  the  enemy  back  with  great  slaughter.  At 
i  2^  P.M.,  the  rebel  commander,  A.  S.  John- 
ston, in  Hurlburt's  front,  was  struck  in 
the  thigh  by  a  fragment  of  a  shell,  but  con- 
tinued silently  in  his  saddle  for  a  few  nio» 
meats,  when  lie  was  removed  therefrom  dy- 
ing. The  division  of  W.  H.  L.  Wallace  re- 
pulsed four  desperate  charges  during  tiiis 
bloody  Sunday,  and  once  or  twice  i)ursued 
the  enemy,  being  stopped  only  by  the  ex- 
traordinary disparity  of  numbers.  At  5  p.m. 
the  two  divisions  fell  back  nearly  lialf  a 
mile  to  a  position  about  that  distance  from  the 
river,  Gen.  W.  H.  L.  Wallace  ha\*ing  fallen 
mortally  woimded.  This  was  the  last  pos.siblo 
standing-ground  of  the  beaten  Union  army. 
A  deep  and  rapid  river  in  its  rear  could  not 
be  crossed  without  a  hideous  massacre  form- 
ing a  part  of  the  retreat.  The  rebels  liesitated 
for  a  few  moments  to  follow  up  their  extraor- 
dinary advantage.  This  gave  an  opportunity 
to  the  Unionists  to  ])lant  their  remaining 
guns,  22  in  number,  in  a  semicircle  on  the 
bluff,  conmianding  the  ajiproach  of  the  enemy. 
At  6  o'clock  the  enemy's  batteries  were  thus 
promptly  replied  to,  and  shortly  afterwards 
the  gunboats  T'yler  and  Lexington  opened 
with  shell  and  shot  through  an  0{)portune  ra- 
vine in  the  bluff  across  the  new  front  of  the 
rebels,  preventing  any  charge  upon  the  Union 
guns  by  their  infantry,  and  finally  comjK-ll- 
ing  them  to  move  farther  back  for  the  night. 
A  heavy  rain  fell  during  the  night  upon  the 
weary  and  wounded  thousands.  Gen.  Beau- 
regard, who  had  succeeded  Gen.  Johnston, 
despatched  a  messenger  to  Corinth,  from  Shi-  ^ 
loh  Church,  announcing  a  complete  victory, 
after  ten  hours'  severe  battle.  At  daylight, 
on  the  7th,  the  fighting  was  renewed,  but  the 
Union  army  was  now  reinforced  by  Nelson's, 
Crittenden's,  and  McCook's  divisions  of  Gen. 
Buell's  army,  from  Nashville,  which  had  op- 
portunely arrived  at  Savannah,  and  pushed 
on  to  Pittsburg  Landing,  at  the  sound  of 
cannon.  These,  with  Gen.  Lew  Wallace's 
division,  comprised  about  25,000  fresh  Union 
forces,  while  the  rebel  reserve  forces  were 
scarcely  3,000.  The  enemy,  though  wearied 
with  sixteen  hours  of  manrcuvring  and  fight- 
ing, during  the  pi-evious  day,  nevertheless 
stood  firmly  to  their  arms.  Tliey  were  speed- 
ily concentrated  upon  Nelson's  division,  who 
opened  the  battle,  but  the  latter  maintained 
its  position  for  many  hours  against  the  supe- 
rior niunbers  of  its  foes.  Crittenden's  and 
McCook's  divisions  were  engaged  later.  The 
latter  being  attacked  in  force,  caused  their  as- 
sailants to  recoil,  and  drove  them  nearly  a 
mile,  to  the  original  position  held  by  McCler- 
nand,  which  was  also  shortly  retaken.  Gen. 
Lew  Wallace's  division,  on  the  extreme  Un- 
ion right,  oi)ened  fire  at  dawn.  Advancing 
his  right,  under  Gen.  Grant's  personal  direc- 
tion, he  attempted  to  turn  the  enemy's  left, 
which  was  stubbornly  resisted  with  lieavy 
reinforcements.  Sherman's  and  McClernand's 
re-formed  divisions  also  steadily  advanced 
under  a  heavy  fire,  and  at  4  P.M.  the  original 
front  lines  of  the  Union  forces  had  been  re- 
taken, and  the  whole  Confederate  army  was 
retreating  towards  Corinth,  feebly  jmrsued. 
The  victory  was  thus  to  the  Unionists,  who 
possessed  the  field  and  the  dead,  but  the 
losses  were  about  equalized.  Gen.  Beaure- 
gard oflicially  reported  the  Coufederat«  loss 


860 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


nt  1,728  killed,  8,012  wounded,  and  9;") 7  miss- 
ing ;  total,  10,699.  The  official  Federal  loss 
was  rcjportod  at  1,735  killed,  7,882  wounded, 
and  3,9r)r)  jnisoneis ;  total,  13,573. 

Gen.  Ilalleck,  commanding  the  Department 
of  the  Mississippi,  shortly  after  the  Shiloh 
battles,  arrived  and  assumed  command  of  the 
Union  forces,  which  were  i)resently  increased 
to  over  100,000  men  by  reinforcements  fiom 
various  quarters,  including  Gen.  Pope  with 
25,000  men  from  Missouri.  But  no  attempt 
against  the  rebels  at  Corinth  was  made  by 
Gen.  Halleck  for  weeks  following,  during 
which  Gen.  Beaiircgard  strengthened  his 
works.  By  slow  approaches,  the  Union  bat- 
teries were  brought  within  three  miles  of 
Corinth  by  Maj'  21st,  and  on  that  day  a  Un- 
ion force  ])artially  destroyed  the  Charleston 
and  Memphis  liailroad,  at  Glendale,  eight 
miles  north-west  of  Corinth.  The  railroad 
at  Purdy  was  also  broken,  and  on  the  27th, 
a  Union  force,  dispatched  to  cut  the  railroad 
south  of  Corinth,  found  the  rebel  army  there 
in  full  retreat.  The  evacuation  of  Corinth 
was  completed  on  the  29th,  Gen.  Beauregard 
having  fallen  back  to  Tupelo,  pursued  by 
Gen.  Pope  as  far  as  Guntown. 

April  9,  Gen.  O.  M.  Mitchel,  commanding 
a  division  of  Buell's  army  at  Nashville,  ad- 
vanced through  Fayetteville  to  Huntsville, 
Ala.,  which  he  surprised  and  captured,  seiz- 
ing a  large  number  of  locomotives  and  cars, 
with  which  he  pushed  westward  on  the  Mem- 
phis and  Charleston  road  as  far  as  Tuscum- 
bia,  tiius  holding  the  avenue  along  which  rein- 
forcements of  men  and  supplies  and  munitions 
of  war  were  conveyed  from  the  west  to  the 
rebel  armies  in  the  east.  From  Tuscumbia 
lie  dispatched  a  force  as  far  south  as  Russel- 
villo,  capturing  a  largo  amount  of  Confederate 
])roperty  without  loss.  On  April  29  he  took 
J5ridge|)ort,  Ala.,  driving  out  a  force  equal  to 
his  own,  and  inflicting  a  loss  of  72  killed  and 
wounded,  350  prisoners,  and  2  guns.  Btiing 
compelled  to  abandon  Tuscumbia  by  the 
gathering  of  rebel  forces  around  him,  he 
burned  the  railroad  bridges  at  Decatur  and 
Bridgeport,  and  returned  to  the  Tennessee, 
holding  all  Alabama  north  of  that  river.  In 
June  Gen.  Mitchel  was  summoned  to  assume 
command  at  Port  Royal,  S.  C,  where  he  died 
of  a  malignant  fevc^r,  Oct.  23.  On  July  23 
Gen.  Ifallcck  was  designated  as  commander- 
in-chief  at  Washington,  and  Gen.  Grant  suc- 
ceeded him  in  the  command  at  Corinth. 

Ship  Island,  between  the  mouth  of  the 
IMississippi  and  the  Bay  of  Mobile,  about  OP) 
miles  from  New  Orleans,  was  occupicid  in 
Dec,  18G1,  by  Gen.  Ph(d|)S,  with  a  part  of  a 
force  of  volunteers  raised  by  (Jen.  B.  F. 
Butler  in  New  England  for  confidential  .ser- 
vice. Phelps  then  issiied  an  earnest  but  un- 
timely proclamation,  declaring  the  aim  of 
the  Government  to  be  the  overthi'ow  of  sla- 
very. On  March  25,  ]8()2,  after  a  severe  and 
ha/.;trd<>us  paasag(?,  G<'n.  Butler  arrived  at 
Ship  Islan<l  with  tiie  remainder  of  liis  forces, 
vhich  now  numbered  13,700  men,  and  which 
A(!re  il(>stined  to  aid  the  naval  forces  under 
Com.  Farragut  in  the  capture  of  New 
Orli  ans.  The  approacli  to  the  latter  ))lace 
Uy  the  .Mississippi  was  commanded  at  a  bi-nd 
of  the  river,  about  fiO  miles  below,  by  two 
Mroiig  forts— Fort  Jackson  and  Fort  St. 
riiilip.  Th<!  river  itself  at  tliis  )K)ijit  was  j 
bbstructcd  by  a  great,  boom  of  chain  cab'es. 


old  hulks,  and  cypress  trees.  The  Union 
naval  forces  consisted  of  47  heavily  armed 
vessels,  21  of  them  being  mortar-schooners, 
under  Com.  Porter,  each  throwing  a  215- 
pound  shell.  The  rebel  fleet  consisted  of  the 
iron-clad  Louisiana,  the  ram  3/anassas,  and 
13  other  gunboats,  under  Com.  Whittle. 
Gen.  Mansfield  S.  Lovell  commanded  the 
military  forces  of  the  region.  On  April  17, 
the  Union  fleet  reached  the  vicinity  of  the 
forts,  whereupon  a  formidable  fire-ship  was 
sent  down  on  the  strong  current  by  the 
rebels,  which  was  duly  grappled  by  a  boat  of 
the  Union  Iroquois,  and  towed  to  the  river 
bank,  there  to  harmlessly  burn  up.  The 
Union  mortar-boats  were  scarcely  stationed 
within  range  of  Fort  Jackson,  the  lower  fort, 
on  the  19th,  when  it  opened  fire  iijjon  them, 
while  more  harmless  fire-rafts  were  .sent  down 
the  current.  The  bombardment  of  Fort 
Jackson  was  continued  from  the  gunboats 
and  mortars  throughout  the  day,  during 
which  the  wooden  interior  of  the  fort  was 
burned.  The  next  day  one  of  the  Union 
schooners  was  struck  and  sunk,  while  the 
gunboat  Oneida  was  twice  hit,  two  of  her 
gun-carriages  smaslied,  and  nine  men  wound- 
ed. On  the  third  day  of  the  bombardment, 
it  was  resolved  to  force  a  passage  by  the 
forts,  and  the  gunboats  Finola  and  Itasca 
under  Capt.  Bell,  at  10  p.m.,  moved  upward 
to  break  the  chain-boom  stretching  from  fort 
to  fort.  The  Pinola,  under  cover  of  the 
darkness  and  a  heavy  fire  from  all  the  mor- 
tar-schooners, ran  up  the  western  shore  to  the 
chain,  and  directly  under  the  guns  of  Fort 
Jackson.  She  then  threw  upon  the  cable  a 
powerful  petard,  which,  however,  failed  to 
exjilode.  The  Itasca  made  fast  to  a  hulk 
next  eastward,  which  supported  the  chain, 
and  she  shortly  cut  the  latter  in  twain  at  that 
point.  The  cables  of  the  hulk  were  then 
slipped,  and  it  immediately  swung  round, 
drafrgin"  the  Itasca  towards  the  nearest  shore, 
and  both  were  shortly  fast  aground  within 
I'ange  of  both  forts.  The  Piaola  then  res- 
cued the  Itasca  from  her  perilous  ])osition, 
and  both  vessels,  unharmed,  I'eturned  in  the 
darkness  to  their  positions.  On  tlie  24th,  at 
2  A.M.,  the  bombardment  of  Fort  Jackson 
having  steadily  continued,  (Jom.  Farragut, 
with  his  three  largest  shij)S,  the  Hartford , 
Richmond,  and  Ih-ookli/n,  moved  up  the 
river  on  the  western  bank  to  engage  Fort 
Jackson ;  while  Capt.  Bailey,  with  eight  gun- 
boats, proceeded  near  the  eastern  bank  to 
fight  Fort  St.  Philip.    Six  small  steamers 

cni;a£red  the  water  batteries  below  Fort  Jack- 
et o 

son.  Cajjt.  Bell  with  si.K  giuiboats  kept  the 
middle  of  the  river.  Capt.  Bailey's  division 
being  first  observed,  was  fired  upon  by  both 
forts  as  it  reached  the  breach  in  the  boom,  but 
it  succeeded  in  passing  the  forts  nniterially 
uninjured.  Of  Capt.  Bell's  division,  the 
Itasca  was  di.sabled  by  a  ball  from  Fort  St. 
Philip  ]>:ussing  through  her  boiler,  and  she 
drifted  down  the  river.  Tlie  M^inona  was 
drivi'u  back  by  tlio  fire  of  that  fort,  and  the 
Kminvhec  became  entangled  in  the  cable,  and 
finally  returned  to  below  the  forts.  The  rest 
of  the  division  passed  tiio  forts  unharmeil. 
'{'he  Hartford,  bf^aring  Com.  Farragut,  and  j 
the  llirhmoud  following,  poured  heavy  broad- 
sides upon  Fort  Jackson  as  th(>v  passed,  but 
j  the  Ih-oohl >/ii ,  ('apt.  Craven,  running  over  a 
hulk  which  had  );een  connected  with  the 


chain,  was  first  subjected  to  a  heavy  fire  from 
Fort  St.  Philip,  then  attacked  by  the  rebel 
ram  3fanassas,  which,  however,  struck  her 
witliout  injury.  Subsequently,  while  under 
a  raking  fire  from  Fort  Jackson,  she  was 
again  attacked  by  a  large  rebel  steamer,  to 
which  she  administered  a  broadside  that  fin- 
ished the  hitter's  career.  Passing  Fort  St 
Philip,  she  completely  silenced  that  fort  with 
grape  and  canister,  and  above  it  engaged 
several  of  the  rebel  gunboats.  The  Cayuga, 
Cai)t.  Bailey,  having  passed  the  forts,  en- 
countered the  entire  rebel  flotilla  of  18  gini- 
boats,  but  skilfully  avoided  destruction,  and 
forced  three  of  her  smaller  enemies  to  sur- 
render, as  the  Varuna  and  Oneida  came  to 
her  rescue.  Four  of  the  rebel  gunboats 
were  now  driven  ashore  and  blown  up  by 
these  vessels.  At  G  a.m.  the  Morgan,  rebel 
iron-clad.  Com.  Bev.  Kennon,  attacked  the 
J^aruna,  twice  butting  her,  and  assailing  with 
a  raking  fire ;  but  the  Vai-una  now  disabled 
her  foe,  causing  her  to  drift  out  of  the  fight. 
During  this  contest  another  rebel  iron-clad 
twice  struck  the  Varuna  in  the  port  side 
with  a  beak  under  water.  The  last  time,  the 
latter  stuck  fast  in  the  Varuna's  side,  and 
the  rebel  craft  being  drawn  around  close 
thereto,  was  ploughed  by  five  eight-inch  shells 
abaft  her  armor,  and  becoming  disengaged, 
she  shortly  drifted  ashore,  a  burning  wreck. 
The  J'aruna,  now  sinking,  was  run  ashore, 
but  still  firing  upon  the  Jlorgati.  The  Oneida 
coming  to  her  rescue,  was  directed  by  Capt. 
Boggs,  of  the  Varrina,  to  pursue  the  Morgan. 
The  latter  shortly'  surrendered,  having  lost 
over  50  killed  and  wounded,  and  having 
been  fired  by  her  commander,  who  left  his 
wounded  to  the  flames.  The  Yarana  tlien 
sunk,  but  her  crew  gained  the  shore.  The 
loss  of  the  National  force  in  this  engagement 
was  but  30  killed  and  110  wounded. 

On  the  morning  of  the  25th,  the  Cayuga, 
still  leading,  approached  the  Chalmette  bat- 
teries, three  miles  below  the  city,  which  were 
speedily  silenced,  and  about  noon  the  whole 
fleet  w!is  moored  opposite  New  Orleans.  Gen. 
Lovell  had  already  withdrawn  his  force  of 
several  thousand  men  beyond  the  city  limits, 
and  sent  them  to  Camp  Moore,  78  miles 
above,  on  the  Jackson  Railroad.  A  panic 
and  rage  amo\inting  to  insanity  had  taken  ])os- 
session  of  the  rebels  in  the  city.  It  is  esti- 
mated that  i)ro])erty  to  the  amount  of  eight 
or  ten  millions  was  fired  by  them  and  con- 
sumed in  a  few  hours.  The  river  seemed 
covered  with  floating  masses  of  flame,  richly 
freighted  vessels  being  fired  and  cut  adrift 
Two  iron  rams  nearly  finished  were  both  de- 
stroyed. On  the  26th  the  city  was  formally 
surrendered,  after  a  ritliculous  exhibition  of 
spiteful  hesitation  by  its  Mayor,  M\inroe,  it 
being  found  necessary  to  send  a  Union  force 
to  take  down  the  flag  of  Louisiana  from  the 
City  i  lall.  Crowds  of  rebels  followed  t)ie  ma- 
rines, hooting  and  yelling,  but  fearing  to  ortVr 
any  personal  violence,  as  the  whole  city  lay 
exposed  to  the  shells  of  the  fleet.  Eight 
miles  above  the  city,  at  Carrolton,  Com.  Far- 
ragut found  abaniioned  two  forts  mounting 
thirty-five  guns,  which  had  been  disabled ; 
I  and  also  a  second  chain-boom  extended  acro.'^s 
the  river  to  ]>revent  the  descent  of  Com. 
Foote's  flotilla  from  above. 

Gen.  Butler  now  brought  uj)  liis  forcca 
which  had  been  wait  vug  at  the  bar  below, 


UNITED  STATES. 


067 


and  shortly  led  them  to  the  rear  of  Foi-t 
St.  Philip.  On  the  28th  April,  Com. 
Porter  having  steadily  continued  the  bom- 
bardment of  the  forts,  received  the  capitula- 
tion of  Gen.  Duncan  and  Lieut.-Col.  Higgins, 
commanding  them.  During  the  conference 
upon  the  JIarriet  Lane,  the  rebel  ram  Louis- 
iana, perfidiously  set  on  fire  with  all  her  guns 
shotted,  drifted  down  upon  Porter's  fleet,  in 
the  midst  of  which  she  was  expected  to  ex- 
plode. But  the  explosion  did  not  take  place 
until  she  was  abreast  of  Fort  St.  I'hilip,  by 
which  a  rebel  soldier  in  that  fort  only  was 
killed.  The  three  remaining  rebel  steamers 
were  scuttled.  Their  officei's,  with  those  of 
the  Louisiana,  were  sent  north  as  prisoners 
without  parole,  for  this  violation  of  the  pro- 
gi-ess  of  a  capitulation.  The  forts  were  shortly 
turned  over  to  Gen.  Phelps.  The  rebel  forts 
Pike  and  Morgan  on  Lake  Ponchartrain,  and 
Livingston  on  the  Gulf,  were  now  easily 
taken,  and  on  the  1st  of  May  Gen.  Butler 
arrived  at  New  Orleans  and  took  possession, 
marching  on  foot  to  the  air  of  "  Yankee  Doo- 
dle "  through  various  streets  to  the  custom- 
house from  the  levee,  at  the  head  of  his  forces, 
amid  a  crowd  of  50,000  highly  excited  rebels, 
who  pressed  forward  to  get  a  sight  of  him, 
with  mingled  cries  of  curiosity  and  defiance. 

Under  the  vigorous  and  able  rule  of  Gen. 
Butler,  the  city  soon  enjoyed  perfect  order 
and  extraordinary  cleanliness,  while  the  open 
or  insulting  display  of  treason  to  the  na- 
tional allegiance  was  thoroughly  suppressed 
by  rigid  but  effective  measures,  among  which 
an  order  by  him  subjected  women  who  passed 
the  limits  of  a  decent  indulgence  in  their 
exhibition  of  feeling  against  the  Union  sol- 
diers, to  the  punishment  by  imprisonment  to 
which  disorderly  courtesans  are  usually  sub- 
jected in  well-ordered  cities. 

The  Mayor  and  municipal  authorities  having 
proved  incapable  of  understanding  or  admin- 
istering the  affairs  of  the  city,  under  the  ex- 
isting situation,  were  deposed  by  him  and  sent 
to  jail  for  a  short  period.  Several  newspa- 
pers also,  not  being  inclined  to  print  his  offi- 
cial documents,  and  foolishly  continiiing  to 
issue  rebellious  appeals  to  the  people,  were 
promptly  suppressed  by  him.  He  also  hang- 
ed, on  June  7th,  one  Wm.  B.  Mumford,  the 
leader  of  a  rebel  mob  who  had  torn  down 
from  the  Mint  the  National  flag,  where  it  had 
been  hoisted  by  some  sailors  of  the  Pensa- 
cola,  on  27th  April.  About  the  same  time 
he  pardoned  six  misguided  rebel  soldiers  who 
had  violated  their  parole  by  re-enlisting  in 
the  rebel  service.  Shortly  after  the  surrender 
of  New  Orleans,  Baton  Bouge  and  Natchez 
■were  occupied  by  the  Union  forces,  and  the 
advance  of  the  Union  squadron  reached 
Vicksburg.  On  the  night  of  June  26th,  the 
Union  force  before  this  place  having  been 
increased  by  4,000  soldiers  under  Gen. 
Thomas  Williams  and  Com.  Porter's  mortar 
fleet,  a  bombardnient  was  opened.  On  the 
afternoon  of  the  28th,  Com.  Farragut,  with 
six  vessels,  passed  Vittksburg  and  communi- 
catod  with  the  national  fleet  of  mortar  and 
gun  boats  from  Cairo,  under  Capt.  Davis. 
Gen.  Williams,  with  his  soldiers,  and  a  force 
of  1,'JOO  negroes  collected  in  the  region,  at- 
tempted, but  failed  in  making  a  canal  across 
the  peninsula  ojiposite  Vicksburg,  and  the 
bombardment  failed  to  materially  affect  the 
naturally  strong  fortifications  of  the  place. 


Under  instructions  from  Wasliiiigton,  the 
siege  was  abandoned,  and  Com.  Farragut  re- 
turned to  New  Orleans,  which  he  reached  on 
the  28th  July,  and  Gen.  Williams,  with  his 
command,  comprising  a  great  many  sick,  re- 
turned to  Baton  Rouge. 

At  daylight,  on  August  5th,  an  attack  was 
made  on  the  latter  place,  by  a  Confederate 
force  of  13  regiments,  under  Major-Gen. 
John  C.  Breckinridge,  the  National  forces 
amounting  to  9  regiments,  thinned  by  sick- 
ness. A  severe  battle  of  two  hours  ensued, 
during  which  many  officers  on  both  sides  fell, 
including  Gen.  Williams,  who  was  shot  dead 
while  gallantly  leading  the  21st  Indiana,  its 
field-officers  being  all  killed.  At  10  a.m.,  the 
Confedei-ates  withdrew  with  a  loss  of  400, 
Gen.  Clarke,  commanding  one  of  their  brig- 
ades, being  left  on  the  field  mortally  woinided. 

The  powerful  rebel  ram  Arkansas,  which 
had  eluded  the  attempts  of  both  Com.  Farra- 
gut and  Commander  Porter  to  destroy  her 
while  near  Vicksburg,  and  had  come  down 
with  two  tenders  to  aid  Breckinridge  in  his 
attack  on  Baton  Rouge,  was  rendered  tempo- 
rarily useless  by  the  breaking  down  of  her 
engine.  The  day  after  the  battle.  Commander 
Porter,  in  the  gunboats  liJssex,  Cai/uga,  and 
Sumter,  pursued  her  and  her  consorts  up  the 
river.  Shortly  after  being  overtaken,  her 
remaining  engine  became  disabled.  Her  com- 
mander,  Lieut.  Stevens,  then  set  her  on  fii-e 
and  abandoned  her,  escaping  with  his  crew  to 
the  shore.  The  Essex  shoi-tly  fired  her  mag- 
azine with  a  shell,  whereat  she  blew  up.  In 
consequence  of  the  active  and  thorough  prep- 
arations of  Gen.  Butler  at  New  Orleans,  a 
meditated  attack  for  its  recapture  by  the 
rebels  was  abandoned  ;  whereupon  he  sent 
Gen.  Weitzel,  in  October,  to  re-establish  the 
national  authority  in  the  wealthy  regions  of 
the  State  lying  north-west  of  New  Orleans, 
sequestrating  the  whole  district  by  commis- 
sion, liberating  the  slaves,  and  largely  increas- 
ing the  number  of  white  loyalists,  and  insti- 
tuting an  election  of  members  of  Congrees 
from  that  district. 

On  December  14th,  Gen.  N.  P.  Banks 
reached  New  Orleans,  superseding  Gen.  Butler 
in  the  command  of  the  department.  Gen. 
Butler  turned  over  to  his  successor  4,000 
more  soldiei's  than  he  had  received  from  the 
military  authorities  of  the  North,  including  3 
regiments  and  2  batteries  of  negroes.  He 
expended  $525,000  in  feeding  the  poor  of 
New  Orleans,  and  the  remainder  of  an  aggre- 
gate of  $1,088,000,  which  he  had  collected  by 
taxation  and  confiscation,  he  turned  over  to 
the  national  treasury.  His  vigorous  and 
unique  administration  of  aflairs  had  caused 
him,  and  all  his  commissioned  officei-s,  to  be 
proclaimed  by  the  Confederate  E.K.ecutive  as 
felons  and  ovitlaws,  and  a  reward  of  $10,000 
was  also  offered  for  his  body,  dead  or  alive, 
by  a  private  citizen  of  Charleston,  S.  C. 

On  the  13th  January,  1862,  the  advance  of 
a  large  military  and  naval  expedition,  under 
Gen.  A.  E.  Burnside  and  Com.  L.  M.  Golds- 
borough,  reached  llatteras  Inlet.  The  forces 
of  Gen.  Burnside  amounted  to  11,500  men  in 
30  or  40  transports,  organized  in  bi-igades  com- 
manded by  Gens.  Foster,  Reno,  and  Parkes. 
The  navai  force  consisted  of  31  gunboats, 
mounting  94  guns.  The  fleet  was  severely  crip- 
pled by  stress  of  weather,  and  four  or  live  trans- 
ports, with  one  gunboat,  were  lost  off  the  bar. 


After  a  necessary  delay,  on  February  5th,  C) 
vessels  of  the  fleet  moved  up  Pamlico  and 
Croatan  Sounds  at  the  rate  of  four  miles  an 
hour,  until  off  the  southern  point  of  Hoanoko 
Island,  where  they  anchored  for  the  niglit.  At 
10  A.M.  February  5th  the  gimboats  led  tho 
way  into  Croatan  Sound  through  Roanoke  In- 
let, driving  seven  rebel  gunboats  bcsfore  tliem 
At  noon,  tlie  latter,  having  reached  the  rebel 
Fort  Barton,  halted,  and  with  the  latter  ojjened 
fire  upon  the  Union  force.  At  4  p.m.,  covered 
by  the  fire  of  the  Union  gunboats,  7,500  men 
debarked  on  Roanoke  Island  some  two  miles 
from  Fort  Barton,  and  bivouacked  for  the 
night.  The  fort  wa.s  defended  by  aboxit  3,000 
Confederates,  under  (ien.  Shaw.  At  an  early 
hour  on  Feb.  8  the  Unionists  advanced  through 
the  bogs  surrounding  the  fort,  and  then  resolv- 
ed to  charge  the  causeway  which  led  to  it  and 
was  completely  commanded  by  its  fire.  This 
was  shortly  acconi[»lished  in  the  most  gallant 
manner,  by  the  9th  and  51st  New  York,  21st 
and  23d  Massachusetts,  and  10th  Connecticut. 
Lying  down  beneath  a  fire  of  grape,  the  51st 
and  9th  New  York  and  21st  Massachusetts 
suddenly  rose  and  rushed  over  the  rebel 
breastworks,  chasing  the  enemy  therefrom,  and 
speedily  capturing  the  most  of  them.  The 
rebel  loss  in  killed  and  wounded  was  55, 
among  the  former  being  Capt.  O.  J.  Wise,  son 
of  the  rebel  general ;  in  j)risoners,  2,700.  The 
entire  Union  loss  was  about  50  killed  and  250 
wounded.  A  large  amount  of  war  material, 
including  some  forty  guns,  was  thus  captured. 

On  the  following  day,  the  rebel  gunboats, 
seven  in  number,  having  been  hotly  pursued  by 
fourteen  Union  gunboats  under  Com.  Rowan 
up  Albemarle  Sound,  were  set  on  fire  and 
abandoned  by  their  crews  at  Elizabeth  City. 
The  latter  was  also  fired  and  partially  destro}'- 
f'l.  Four  of  the  Union  gunboats  then  pro- 
ceeded to  Edenton,  where  eight  cannon  and 
several  schooners  laden  with  supjjlies  were  de- 
stroyed or  captured.  On  March  12,  the  main 
expedition  arrived  at  a  point  68  miles  below 
Newborn,  N.  C,  on  the  Neuse  River.  Next 
morning  the  ti'oops  landed  and  pushed  up  ou 
the  banks,  following  the  gunboats  on  the 
river,  which  shelled  the  road  for  theUi  to  within 
a  mile  and  a  half  of  the  rebel  defences  of  the 
citj'.  Half  way  up,  the  gunboats  encountered 
heavy  obstructions  of  sunken  vessels,  spars, 
and  torpedoes,  but  these  were  removed.  Tlie 
next  day,  March  14,  one  after  anotiier  of  the 
forts  defending  Newbern  on  the  water  were 
evacuated  at  the  approach  of  the  Union  gun- 
boats, which  advanced  firing  their  shells  even  to 
the  city  wharves.  The  hmd  defences  of  the  city 
were  strong  breastworks  covering  the  railway, 
and  well  mounted  with  heavy  guns  and  field 
batteries,  and  manned  by  about  5,000  men, 
under  Gen.  L.  O'B.  Branch.  At  7  a.m.  CJen. 
Burnside  moved  on  the  rebel  works,  and  after 
an  hour's  vigorous  fighting,  a  general  assault 
was  made  by  the  L^nionists,  and  the  whole  line 
of  fortifications  was  shortly  in  their  hands. 
The  rebels  manning  these  works  then  fletl  into 
the  city,  ])ur.sued  by  Gen.  Foster.  They  then 
ha-stily  fired  this  place  at  numcn'ous  jjoints, 
and  retreated  on  Goldsboro.  by  the  rail- 
load,  which  was  now  subjected  to  severe  shell- 
ing by  the  Union  gunboats.  The  capture  of 
the  intrenchments  and  city  inchuled  69  cannon, 
two  steamboats,  and  large  quantities  of  muni- 
tions, with  500  j)risoners.  The  Union  loss 
was  about  100  killed  and  500  wounded.  The 


S«8 


HISTORY   OF  THE 


rebel  loss  in  killed  and  wounded  was  about 
200. 

Mai-cli  23,  Gen.  Burnside  occupied  Move- 
head  City  without  resistance,  and  also  Beau- 
fort, across  the  Newport  River.  April  25,  the 
strong  and  costly  Federal  fortress,  Fort  IMacon, 
standing  at  tlie  entrance  of  Newport  River, 
and  seized  by  Gov.  Ellis  upon  the  secession  of 
the  State,  was  invested  by  tlie  Union  forces, 
and  heavy  fire  opened  thereon  from  batteries 
and  flanking  mortars  at  1,200  feet  distance, 
while  four  gunboats  circled  before  the  fortress, 
and  discharged  their  shot  and  shell  thereupon 
in  turn.  The  next  day,  most  of  his  guns  hav- 
ing been  dismounted.  Col.  White,  commanding 
the  fort,  surrendered  it,  with  its  garrison  of 
500  men.  In  the  meantime,  the  towns  on  the 
Chowan  Riveras  far  as  Wilton  were  occupied 
by  the  Unionists  with  little  resistance.  A  j>ril 
20,  Gen.  Reno  endeavoring  to  intercept  a 
rebel  force  leaving  Elizabeth  City  for  Norfolk, 
was  confronted  near  Camden  by  another,  which 
was  strongly  posted,  and  wliicli  after  some 
temporaiy  advantage  was  finally  driven  off, 
the  Unionists  having  lost  in  the  engagement 
15  killed  and  98  wounded,  and  the  rebels  about 
the  same  numbers.  On  July  4,  Gen.  Burn- 
eide  was  ordered  to  hasten  to  Fortress  INIonroe 
with  all  his  disposable  troops,  and  left  Gen. 
Foster  in  command  of  the  North  Carolina  De- 
partment, with  a  small  force  to  hold  the  posi- 
tions gained  there.  Late  in  the  j'ear,  Gen. 
Foster,  having  received  reinforcements,  assum- 
ed tlie  offensive,  and  on  Dec.  11  advanced  on 
Goldsboro.  Near  Kingston  he  encountered 
a  considerable  rebel  force,  under  Gen.  Evans, 
whom  he  routed  after  a  short  but  sharp  fight, 
capturing  400  prisoners.  He  next  advanced 
on  Goldsboro  and  destroyed  the  railroad  bridge 
of  the  Wilmington  and  Weldon  road  over 
the  Neuse.  lie  then  returned  to  Newbern, 
a  vastly  superior  force  having  been  gathered 
in  his  front,  under  the  rebel  Gen.  G.  W. 
Smith. 

The  inaction  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the 
Potomac,  under  Gen.  McClcIlan,  continued 
throughout  the  winter  of  18G1-G2.  No  en- 
gagements took  place  of  any  note,  except  at 
Bath  and  Romney,  where,  January  1st,  na- 
tional detacliments  were  dri\en  from  their 
garrisons  by  Gen.  (Stonewall)  Jackson  with 
a  large  force,  and  the  dash,  on  February  15th, 
of  the  Union  Gen.  F.  W.  Lander,  at  Bloom- 
ing (Jap,  in  which  he  inflicted  a  less  of  88 
killed  and  wounded  upon  the  enemy.  On 
January  1.3th,  E.  M.  Stanton  succeeded  Simon 
Cameron  as  Secretary  of  War,  and  shortly 
afterwards  a  war  order  connnanding  a  general 
advance,  on  February  22d,  towards  Rich- 
mond, was  issued  by  the  President.  The 
Army  of  the  Potomac  was  now  organized  in 
four  corps,  under  Gens.  McDowell,  Sunnier, 
Heintzelman,  and  Keyes.  The  President's 
j)lan  of  m()V(!inent  was  dinjctly  southward  to 
u  point  on  the  railroad  south-west  of  Manas- 
8a.s.  That  of  Gen.  Mc(Mcllan  was  by  the 
Chesajjeake,  up  the  Rapjiahannock  to  Foi-t- 
resH  Monroe,  nuiking  a  secondary  base  of 
West  Point.  Tiie  latter  i)lan  involved  a  long 
delay,  and  heavy  expense  in  procuring  naval 
trans|>ortation.  it  al.so  left  the  national 
metnipolis,  with  its  archives  and  enormous 
stores,  <langerously  exposed,  or  else  involved 
a  seiious  dispersion  of  the  national  forces. 
It  W!is  nevertheless  adopt<"d,  the  President 
deferring  the  commou-Bcu.so  of  the  civilian  to 


military  science.  The  Confederates,  about 
60,000  in  number  at  Manassas,  were  now 
commanded  by  Gen.  J.  E.  Johnston,  who 
completed,  on  the  8th  March,  the  evacua- 
tion of  his  winter  camps  and  successful  re- 
tirement southward  to  the  line  of  the  Rai)ija- 
hannock.  The  Union  commander  received  his 
first  information  of  this  important  movement 
of  the  enemy  the  day  after  its  completion. 
The  latter,  awaiting  transpoi-tation  to  Foi-t- 
ress  Monroe  at  this  inoment,  ordered  an  ad- 
vance of  his  gi'and  army  upon  the  enemy's 
deserted  lines,  with  a  view  of  practice,  where- 
upon the  President  relieved  him  of  the  com- 
mand of  all  military  departments  but  that  of 
the  Potomac.  Gen.  Nath.  P.  Banks,  com- 
manding the  national  forces  on  the  upper 
Potomac,  was  now  oi'dered  by  Gen.  McClellan 
to  move  down  from  the  Shenandoah  valley  to 
Manassas,  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  reposses- 
sing himself  of  the  latter  position.  At  10  a.m. 
on  March  2.3d,  a  division  of  Banks's  army,  im- 
der  Gen.  Shields,  comprising  6,000  infantrv', 
750  cavalry,  and  24  guns,  and  well  posted  at 
the  village  of  Kernstown,  was  attacked  by 
Gen.  Jackson,  but  the  latter,  notwithstanding 
a  desperate  stand  behind  a  high  and  solid 
stone  wall,  was  ultimately  Hanked  therefrom 
and  forced  to  retreat  in  disorder,  with  a  loss 
in  killed  and  wounded  of  1,000  to  1,500,  300 
prisoners,  and  2  gims.  The  national  loss  was 
103  killed,  441  wounded,  and  24  missing. 
Jackson  was  then  unsuccessfully  pursued  up 
the  Shenandoah  valley  as  far  as  Woodstock, 
by  Gen.  Banks. 

The  forty -gun  steam  frigate  3ferrimac, 
scuttled  upon  the  evacuation  of  Norfolk  navy 
yard  by  its  commander,  was  raised  by  the 
rebels  and  cut  down  to  her  hull,  over  which 
was  then  constructed  a  sloping  shield  of  lail- 
road  iron,  firmly  plated  and  extending  two  feet 
beneath  the  water,  and  resembling  the  slanting 
roof  of  a  house ;  the  ends  of  the  vessel  ])ro- 
jected  a  few  feet  beyond  this  roof.  On  the 
noon  of  Saturday,  March  8,  1862,  this  formid- 
able craft,  heavily  armed  with  100-pound  Arm- 
strong guns  and  accompanied  by  two  other 
war  vessels,  the  JTamestoicn  and  Yorktoiixn, 
proceeded  from  Norfolk  to  Newport  News, 
where  were  lying  at  anchor  two  national  sail- 
ing frigates,  the  Cuviherland  and  the  Con- 
gress. Passing  the  latter,  she  discharged  a 
single  broadside  at  her,  and  j)roceeded  towards 
the  Cumberland,  receiving  upon  her  sloping 
shield  without  harm  the  heavy  broadsides  of 
both  frigates.  The  formidable  Union  battery 
on  the  shore  also  opened  upon  her  j)oint  blank, 
but  its  shot  and  shell  glanced  harmlessly  away 
from  her  sides.  The  iron  prow  of  the  Jfcrri- 
ntac  twice  sti  uck  and  crushed  in  the  side  of 
the  Cumberland,  AnA  ponderous  mi.ssiles  were 
poured  into  the  latter,  which  scattered  her 
massive  guns  and  the  mutilated  bodies  of  lier 
ciew  in  all  directions.  But  slio  still  nobly 
rei)lied,  until  after  forty-five  minutes  she  sunk 
in  54  fec^t  of  water,  carrying  down  with  her 
the  dead  and  wounded  upon  her  decks,  her 
flag  still  flying  from  the  topmast.  The  Con- 
ffress,  having  endeavored  to  escape,  ran 
aground,  and  was  now  aiij)roached  by  the 
Jlrrrimof  and  her  allies,  who  at  once  dis- 
charged broadside  after  broadsitlc  at  clo.se 
range,  raking  her  from  stem  to  stern.  The 
:  decks  were  in  an  instant  covered  with  dis- 
mounted guns  and  mangled  limbs  and  the 
I  vessel  fired  in  three  separate  places.  The 


flag  was  drawn  down  at  4.30  P.H.  to  pre- 
vent further  suffering.  While  she  had  a  white 
flag  flying  to  intimate  her  surrender.  Union 
soldiers  from  the  shore  fired  upon  the  rebel 
vessels,  whereupon  the  3Ierrimac  poured 
another  broadside  into  the  Congress,  notwith- 
standing the  wliite  flag.  The  officers  of  the 
latter  were  taken  prisoners,  while  the  crew 
were  permitted  to  escape  to  the  shore  in  their 
boats.  The  Congress  burned  until  midnight, 
when  her  magazine  exploded,  completely  de- 
stroying her.  The  3Ierrimac,  after  leaving 
the  Congress,  proceeded  towards  the  Minne- 
sota, which  with  another  splendid  frigate,  the 
St.  iMwrence,  had  run  agroimd  about  a  mile 
from  Newport  News,  in  coming  from  Fortress 
Monroe  to  the  scene  of  action.  For  two  or  three 
hours  the  Mtrrimac  fired  upon  the  Minne- 
sota at  a  mile's  distance,  not  being  able  from 
the  shallowness  of  the  water  to  approach 
nearer,  while  her  consorts,  the  Javiestoxiyn 
and  Yorhtown,  also  kept  up  a  vigorous  fire 
upon  her  at  nearer  range.  At  7  p.m.  they 
desisted,  and  steamed  back  towards  Norfolk. 

At  6  A.M.  of  the  following  day,  they 
again  appeared  and  proceeded  towards  the 
rear  of  the  firmly  grounded  Minnesota.  Dur- 
ing the  night,  two  small  steamers  had  arrived 
from  sea  at  Fortress  Monroe,  towing  a  small 
raft,  surmoimted  by  a  small  round  tower,  a 
few  feet  in  height.  This  was  the  3fonitor, 
devised  by  Capt.  Ericsson  and  built  by  private 
enterprise  as  an  experiment  of  invulnerabil- 
ity. She  mounted  but  two  guns.  The  Mer- 
rimac,  apparently  unconscious  of  the  vicinity 
of  the  antagonist  she  was  shortly  to  en- 
counter, again  leisurely  proceeded  to  open 
fire  upon  the  Minnesota.  The  Monitor  then 
approached  and  intervened  directly  between 
the  \uiequally  matched  antagonists,  and  open- 
ing her  fire  upon  the  astonished  3Iei-rimac, 
.shortly  compelled  her  to  change  her  position, 
in  doing  which  she  grounded.  As  soon  as 
she  got  afloat,  she  stood  down  tlie  bay,  chased 
by  the  Monitor.  Suddenly  she  turned  and 
ran  over  the  latter,  but  without  damaging 
her,  and  seriously  injuring  her  own  prow  and 
her  mail  so  that  a  bad  leak  ensued.  The 
ships  now  closed  and  hurled  shot  and  shell  at 
each  other.  The  rebel  Yorktown  endeavor- 
ing to  intervene,  received  a  170-pound  shot 
from  the  Jfonitor,  which  at  once  disabled  her. 
The  3fo)iitor  now  steamed  around  her  more 
unwieldy  antagonist,  discharging  her  missiles 
at  likely  vulnerable  spots,  and  at  length  three 
holes  were  observed  to  have  been  made  in 
the  Merrimac,  and  she  was  evidently  sinking 
She  now  gave  up  the  fight,  which  she  was* 
destined  never  to  renew,  and  fled  towards 
Norfolk,  pursued  but  a  short  distance  by  the 
3/onitor,  which  had  been  ordered  not  to  leave 
the  innnediate  vicinity  of  the  fleet.  In  this 
1  memorable  contest  the  Monitor  was  entirely 
uninjured,  although  she  was  struck  by  the 
rebel  broailsides  twenty-two  times.  One  of 
the  rebel  bolts,  however,  struck  tlie  grating 
of  the  pilot-house,  through  which  her  gallant 
commander,  Lieut.  Worden,  was  watching  his 
enemy,  knocking  off  some  cement  into  his 
face  with  such  force  as  to  blind  him  for  .some 
davs  and  permanently  destroying  his  left  eye. 

During  the  month  of  April,  1802,  a  por- 
tion of  tiie  (Jrand  Army  of  the  Potomac,  con- 
sisting of  121,.')00  men,"l  4,592  animals,  1,150 
wagons,  44  batteries,  and  an  immense  (pinn- 
tity  of  equipage,  was  transferred  from  ^^  a*b 


UNITED  STATES. 


50» 


ingtou  to  Fortress  Monroe.  Ou  tlio  2d  April 
Gcii.  McCloUan  reached  the  latter  place, 
some  (iO,000  of  his  men  and  100  guns  having 
already  been  trans{)orted  thither,  lie  pro- 
ceeded to  reconnoitre  the  rebel  lines  at 
Yorktown,  which  were  then  defended  by  a 
force  of  about  10,000  men,  under  Gen.  Ma- 
gruder,  and  concluded  to  besiege  instead  of 
making  any  determined  assault  \i\)on  them. 
Ou  the  16th,  a  reconnoissance  in  force  made 
by  the  2d  Division  under  Gen.  W.  F.  Smith, 
ou  the  Warwick,  was  successfully  checked 
by  the  rebels.  May  4th,  the  great  prepara- 
tions for  his  be.siegement  having  been  fully 
comjjleted  by  the  Unionists,  Gen.  Magruder 
abandoned  his  lines  and  retreated  up  the 
peninsula,  and  was  thereupon  pursued  by 
several  divisions  of  the  Union  army.  Con- 
centrated from  various  points  and  in  large 
force,  the  rebels  now  made  a  stand  at  Wil- 
liamsburg. The  various  Union  divisions 
advanced  to  this  place  by  different  roads, 
whicli  were  nearly  impassable  from  a  heavy 
rain  which  had  set  in.  At  daylight.  May 
6,  Gen.  Hooker,  moving  over  the  Ilamjiton 
road,  came  in  sight  of  the  rebel  works, 
which  were  filaced  on  well-chosen  ground,  and 
consisted  of  Fort  Magruder,  at  the  junction 
of  the  Yorktown  and  Hampton  roads,  with 
a  line  e.x.teuding  across  the  peninsula,  of  re- 
doubts, rifle-pits,  and  tangled  abattis.  Hooker 
at  once  attacked  the  enemy,  expecting  the 
speedy  arrival  of  the  remainder  of  the  Union 
troops,  and  was  soon  desperately  engaged 
with  a  vastly  superior  force.  Three  times  he 
repulsed  the  rebel  charges  upon  his  centre, 
each  made  with  fresh  troops  and  increasing 
numbers.  At  1  P.M.  all  his  regiments  were 
engaged,  and  though  still  fighting  gallantly, 
were  fast  being  thinned  without  advancing 
against  the  overmatching  foe.  Shortly  after- 
<vards  Gen.  Longstreet's  division  of  the  rebel 
army,  which  had  been  marching  to  the  de- 
fence of  liichmond  and  recalled  to  the  Wil- 
liamsburg defences,  reached  the  field,  and  a 
fresh  attempt  was  at  once  made  by  the 
enemy  on  both  Gen.  Hooker's  centre  and 
left.  After  a  protracted  struggle  it  was  re- 
pulsed with  great  slaughter  on  both  sides, 
and  with  a  loss  of  four  Union  guns  and  300 
prisoners.  At  4.50  p.m.  Gen.  Hooker's  di- 
vision, which  had  for  nine  hours  gallantly 
stood  against  the  whole  rebel  army,  skilfully 
fortified,  was  relieved  by  Gen.  Kearney's 
division  and  held  as  a  reserve.  The  musket- 
ry tiring  was  now  i-enewed  along  the  whole 
line,  and  our  regiments  began  to  advance. 
A  gallant  charge  of  the  38th  New  York, 
Col.  Hobart  Ward,  which  lost  most  of  its 
officers  therein,  supplemented  by  a  charge  of 
the  40th  New  York,  Col.  Riley,  drove  the 
enemy  from  the  rifle-pits  of  the  centre,  and 
this  ground  was  held.  Gen.  Jameson  brought 
up  his  brigade,  and  a  second  line  was  formed, 
when  darkness  closed  in,  preventing  further 
action.  Gen.  Hancock  had  been  sent  to  flank 
the  enemy's  left,  and  by  a  brilliant  bayonet 
charge  he  routed  and  dispersed  their  whole 
force  there,  killing,  wounding,  and  capturing 
600  or  GOO,  with  a  loss  of  but  31  men,  and 
holding  the  works  which  he  captured.  At  5 
P.M.  (Jen.  McClellan  reached  the  front  at 
Hancock's  position,  and  shoi'tly  before  dark 
several  fresh  divisions  of  his  army  arrived. 
In  his  report  of  this  conflict.  Gen.  Hooker 
oalls  attention  to  the  remarkable  fact  that 


his  division  wasS  permitted  to  carry  on  this 
uno(]ual  struggle  from  morning  till  night  un- 
aided, in  the  presence  of  more  than  30,000 
of  their  comrades  with  arms  in  their  hands. 
During  the  night  the  rebels  hastily  evacu- 
ated Williamsburg,  leaving  800  severely 
wounded  to  become  prisoners.  Gen.  Mc- 
Clellan reported  a  total  loss  in  this  engage- 
ment of  45G  killed,  1,400  wounded,  and  372 
missing.  The  rebel  loss,  not  oflicially  pro- 
claimed, was  probably  equal  to  that  of  the 
Union  forces.  Gen.  Franklin's  division, 
which  had  been  di.spatched  to  McClellan's 
aid  from  Washington,  in  consequence  of  the 
hitter's  delusion  respecting  the  enemy's  force 
before  him,  reached  West  Point,  on  the  York 
Kiver,  the  day  after  the  battle  of  Williams- 
burg, and  the  day  thereafter  found  themselves 
engaged  with  a  large  force,  which  thrice 
drove  them  from  tlie  plains  near  the  village, 
on  which  they  were  encamped ;  but  at  length 
the  Union  batteries  having  been  landed  and 
po.sted,  with  the  aid  of  the  gunboats  on  the 
river,  silenced  the  rebel  batteries  posted  on 
the  hills  near  by,  and  the  Union  infantry 
shortly  pushed  into  the  surrounding  woods 
to  find  the  enemy  retreated.  The  Union 
loss  in  this  aflfair  was  194  men.  On  the  8th 
May,  Gen.  Stoncman,  with  the  advance  of 
the  Union  army,  moved  from  Williamsburg 
to  open  communication  with  Franklin.  The 
rain  still  fell,  and  the  roads  were  so  im- 
perfect in  consequence,  that  slow  progi-ess 
was  made  by  the  main  army  in  advancing 
towards  llichmond.  On  the  22d  May,  Gen. 
McClellan  made  his  headquarters  at  Coal 
Harbor. 

On  the  10th  May,  Gen.  Wool,  commanding 
at  Forti-ess  Monroe,  advanced  from  that  place 
with  a  force  upon  Norfolk,  which  was  surren- 
dered by  its  Mayor,  no  enemy  being  found  there 
to  dispute  possession.  The  Navy  Yard  and 
Portsmouth  were  also  repossessed.  The  rebels 
partially  blew  up  the  Dry  Dock,  and  destroyed 
by  fire  the  celebrated  iron-clad,  the  3Ierrimac., 
and  abandoned  about  200  c:mnon,  mostly  spik- 
ed, but  still  valuable. 

After  his  defeat  by  Gen.  Shields,  the  rebel 
Gen.  Jackson  retreated  up  the  Shenandoah 
valley  and  took  position  at  Elk  Run  valley, 
where  hearing  that  a  junction  of  the  Union 
forces  in  West  Virginia,  under  Gen.  Fremont, 
was  contemplated  with  those  of  Gen.  Banks 
now  in  pursuit  of  him,  he  at  once  advanced 
across  Shenandoah  Moiintain  to  strike  the 
advance  of  Gen.  Fremont,  under  Gen.  ]\IiIroy, 
who  had  concentrated  his  command  at  Mc- 
Dowell. The  division  of  Gen.  Edward  John- 
son led  the  i-ebel  advance,  which  arrived  and 
posted  itself  on  Bull  Pasture  Mountain,  a  mile 
or  two  west  of  McDowell,  on  May  8.  On  the 
same  day  Gen.  Schenck  with  2,000  men  reached 
Gen.  Milroy  from  the  town  of  Franklin,  34 
miles  north.  The  rebels,  including  Jack.son's 
column,  which  had  now  arrived,  were  consider- 
ably superior  in  numbers  and  were  better  post- 
ed. Cannonading  and  skirmishing  continued 
from  10  A.M.  until  3  p.m.,  when  a  charge  up  the 
mountain  was  made  by  2,000  of  the  Union 
forces,  who  were  engaged  at  close  range  for 
an  hour  and  a  half,  during  which  an  attemjit 
was  made  to  turn  the  rebel  right,  but  failed. 
At  8  P.M.  the  fight  ceased.  The  Union  loss 
was  256  ;  Gen.  Jackson's  report  placed  his  loss 
at  4G1.  During  the  night  the  Union  troops 
retreated  to  Franklin  with  their  wounded, 


having  burned  a  part  of  their  storcH.  Jackson 
did  not  follow  up  the  pursuit,  but  presently 
recrossed  the  Shenandoah  iMountain  to  Leb- 
anon, and  on  the  17th  May  proceeded  towards 
Harrisonburg,  by  the  way  of  Front  Royal,  to 
meet  Banks  at  Strasbuig.  At  Front  Royal 
a  small  Union  force,  holding  the  place  under 
Col.  J.  R.  K(!nly,  was  driven  out  by  Ashby's 
cavalry,  the  advance  of  Jackson's  army,  and 
a  few  miles  farther  on  was  overtaken,  his  train 
captured,  and  his  command  of  'JOO  annihilated 
by  the  8,000  pursuing ;  700  Unionists  were 
made  prisoners,  and  a  number  of  guns  were 
taken  in  this  rebel  triumph. 

On  May  24th  Gen.  Banks  at  Strasburg,  with 
hardly  7,000  men,  learning  the  advance  of  15,- 
000  or  20,000  rebels,  started  to  retreat  towards 
Winchester.  At  9  a.m.,  three  miles  beyond 
Strasburg,  his  train,  which  was  in  the  advance, 
was  attacked,  and  much  disorder  ensued,  b>it 
the  column  being  reorganized  with  the  train 
in  the  rear,  the  Unionists  retreated  to  Win- 
chester by  midnight,  Avith  moderate  loss.  On 
the  2r)th,  the  enemy,  who  had  closed  around 
Winchester,  opened  at  daylight  with  their 
artillery.  Facing  a  confident  enemy  of  20,(;00, 
the  7,000  Unionists  held  their  ground  for  five 
hours,  when  tlu;  whole  rebel  army  was  brought 
upon  them.  They  then  retreated  in  three 
columns  throiigh  Winchester,  siifiering  serious 
loss  in  its  streets  from  the  mi.ssiles  of  the  rebel 
residents.  In  the  cour.se  of  the  afternoon 
they  reached  MartLiisbuig,  22  miles  distant, 
sharply  followed,  and  during  the  night  fled 
12  miles  farther  to  the  Potomac,  but  now  im- 
pursued.  Gen.  Banks  re[)orted  his  loss  in  the 
retreat  at  38  killed,  155  wounded,  and  711 
missing  ;  while  a  tenth  of  his  wagons,  together 
with  a  large  amount  of  stores,  were  destroyed. 
The  rebel  loss  was  reported  at  G8  killed  and 
329  wounded. 

Gen.  Shields'  division,  which  had  been  or- 
dered to  Gen.  McDowell  at  FreiJ'ciieksburg, 
now  rajfidly  returned  to  the  Shenandoah,  by 
the  Manassas  Gap  Railway,  to  attack  Jack- 
so;i,  while  Gen.  Fremont  left  Franklin  on 
25th  May  to  cross  the  Alleghanies,  and  de- 
scend into  the  valley  to  co  ojierate  with 
Gens.  ]\IcDowell  and  Shields  by  intercepting 
Jackson,  who  was  now  i-etrcating  raj)idly  up 
the  valley.  On  the  evening  of  June  1st,  Fre- 
mont reached  Strasburg,  to  find  that  Jackson 
had  passed  through  that  place  a  few  hours 
previous,  and  the  next  morning  the  cavalry 
advance  of  Gen.  Shields'  division  reached 
that  point.  The  latter  now  pushed  up  the 
South  Fork  of  the  Shenandoah,  while  Gen. 
Fiemont  followed  the  enemy  down  the  North 
Fork  to  Harrisonburg;  the  advance  of  each 
being  seriously  hindered  by  swollen  streams 
and  burned  bridges.  On  June  5th,  Jackson 
moved  from  Harrisonburg,  south-eastwly 
towards  Port  Republic,  on  the  South  Fork. 
Within  a  few  miles  of  the  latter  place  liis 
rear-guard  under  Ashby  was  attacked  by  the 
Union  cavalry  jjursuing,  an<l  during  tlie  en- 
gagement Ashby  was  killed.  Being  severely 
j)ressed,  Jackson  orderetl  Ewell,  commanding 
ills  rear  division  of  5,000,  to  halt  and  take  a 
strong  position  along  a  ridge  near  Union 
Church.  At  9  A.M.,  June  7th,  Gen.  Fre- 
mont's advance  reached  a  small  village.  Cross 
Keys,  7  miles  from  Harri.sonburg,  and  soon 
his  army  became  engaged  with  the  enemy. 
In  desperate  conflict  he  advanced  steadily, 
constantly  gaining  ground,  until  3  P.M.,  when 


570 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


the  brigiide  of  Gon.  Stahl  recoiled  from  a  ter- 
rible lire,  and  Gca.  Schenck,  of  the  TJnion 
ri^ht,  w;is  forced  to  recede  strategically  a 
mile  distant,  where  he  was  cannonaded  by 
the  rebels,  to  whom  he  vigorously  replied  till 
dark.  The  Union  loss  during  the  day  was 
664.  The  rebel  loss  was  rej)oi"ted  at  329. 
During  the  night  the  rebels  silently  abandon- 
ed tlieir  position,  leaving  their  dead  and  mor- 
tally wounded.  The  cavalry  advance  of  Gen. 
Sliields'  division,  under  Col.  Carroll,  on  June 
8th,  followed  by  Gen.  Tyler's  brigade  of  in- 
fantry, reached  tiie  vicinity  of  Port  Republic, 
and  on  June  9th  were  attacked  by  Gen. 
Jackson,  who  made  an  attempt  to  outflank 
their  left.  Being  some  3,000,  while  their  im- 
mediate a-ssailants  were  8,000  in  number,  the 
Union  forces,  after  a  great  display  of  gallantry 
and  spirit,  retreated,  the  rebels  purs\iing  them 
five  miles,  and  capturing  450  prisoners. 
Jackson's  army  now  safely  crossed  the  river  at 
Port  Republic,  and  by  burning  the  only  bridge 
in  the  neighborhood,  intercepted  the  pursuit 
of  Fremont.  Jackson  having  thus  brilliantly 
beaten  his  enemies,  the  latter  were  shortly  re- 
called to  Washington.  On  the  12th,  Jackson 
leistirely  recrossed  the  So'.ith  Fork,  and  on  the 
17th  June  Wiis  ordered  to  Richmond  with  his 
command.  23d  May,  at  Lewisburg,  in  West 
Virginia,  an  engagement  took  place  between 
three  regiments  of  rebels,  under  Gen.  Heth, 
and  the  36th  and  3-tth  Ohio,  under  Col.  Geo. 
Crook,  in  which  the  rebels  were  routed,  with 
considerable  loss.  May  15th  the  Union  gun- 
boats, under  Com.  J.  Rogers,  proceeded  up 
tlio  James  River  unimpeded  to  within  eight 
miles  of  Richmond,  to  co-operate  with  the 
Union  land  forces  moving  on  the  latter  place. 

Towards  the  latter  end  of  May,  Gen.  Mc- 
Clellan  had  thrown  two  corps,  comprising  his 
left  wing,  across  the  Chickahomiuy  near 
Wliite  Oak  Swamp,  but  liis  right  remained 
on  the  north  side  of  the  now  swollen  and 
almost  impassable  river,  thus  expo.sing  them 
both  to  defeat  in  detail.  On  !May  27th,  Gen. 
Fitz-John  Porter,  who  was  on  the  north  side 
of  the  river  witii  two  divisions,  moved  up 
towards  Hanover  Court-House,  to  aid  the 
expected  junction  of  Gen.  IMcDowell's  forces 
from  Fredericksburg.  At  the  Ashland  fork 
of  the  road,  two  miles  south  of  Hanover  Court- 
Ilouse,  a  portion  of  Jackson's  army,  under 
Gen.  I?ranch,  was  met  and  j)ushed  back  with 
a  loss  of  200  killed,  730  jn-isoners,  and  1  gun; 
the  Union  loss  Ixang  53  killed  and  344 
wounded.  On  May  31,  Casey's  division, 
Keye.s'  (4th)  corps,  the  advance  of  the  Un- 
ion army,  near  Fair  Oaks,  on  the  south  side 
of  the  (-'hickahominy,  was  attacked  by  Gen. 
D.  H.  Hill's  division  of  the  rebel  army.  Af- 
ter desperate  fighting,  the  Union  divi-tiion, 
largely  outnumbered,  was  flanked,  and  driven 
back  in  disorderly  retreat  upon  Couch's  di- 
TLsion  (Keyes'  corps),  between  Fair  Oaks  and 
Seven  Pines,  with  tiie  loss  of  6  ginis.  The 
latter  division  now  stood  the  l)runt.  Being 
pressed  back  upon  Fair  Oaks  by  the  enemy's 
overpowering  advance,  it  held  its  own  there 
until  the  tardy  arrival  of  Gen.  Sumner's  corps 
from  across  tlie  swollen  Chickahomiuy,  where 
tho  fui  tlier  [jrogress  of  the  enemy  was  checked. 
The  otiier  Union  corj.s  (Gen.  1  ieintzelman's), 
qn  till?  soutii  side  of  tlie  river,  had  arrived  at  3 
o'clock  to  support  Couch,  but  the  rebels  soon 
interixmed  between  them,  liaving  turned 
Coucli's  lufL    An  hour  and  a  half  before  sun- 


set, the  division  of  Sedgwick,  of  Sumner's 
corps,  arrived  and  moved  forward  in  line  of 
battle,  sweeping  the  field,  and  recovering 
much  ground  that  had  been  lost,  when  dark- 
ness ended  the  battle  for  the  day.  During 
the  night  Gen.  McClellan  arrived  from  New- 
bridge, but  without  the  corps  either  of  Fitz- 
John  Porter  or  of  Franklin.  The  next  morn- 
ing, June  1st,  Sumner's  left  was  attacked  by 
tho  rebels  under  Gen.  Pickett,  but  after  a 
desultory  conflict  of  two  or  three  hours,  they 
desisted,  and  retreated  unpursued.  During 
the  engagement  of  May  31st,  Gen.  Jo.  John- 
ston, the  rebel  commander-in-chief,  being  with 
his  left,  under  Gen.  G.  W.  Smith,  near  Fair 
Oaks  crossing,  was  struck  in  the  side  by  a 
shell  and  disabled ;  whereupon  Gen.  Smith 
succeeded  him  in  the  command,  who  in  turn 
was  shortly  disaVjled  by  a  i)aralytic  stroke, 
and  removed  from  the  field.  Jeflerson  Da- 
vis, who  was  there  present,  then  temporarily 
assumed  the  command,  leading  in  person  one 
of  the  charges  in  this  part  of  the  field.  On 
June  1st  no  demonstration  was  made  by  the 
Union  foi'ces  to  disturb  the  rebel  possession 
of  Couch's  and  Casey's  camps.  The  olBcial 
report  of  the  Union  loss  in  this  desperate 
battle  placed  it  at  5,739.  That  of  the  enemy 
was  about  7,000.  On  June  2d,  a  reconnois- 
sance  in  force,  under  Gen.  Hooker,  advanced 
unmolested  to  within  four  miles  of  Rich- 
mond, whither  the  enemy  had  fallen  back. 

The  President  now  reinforced  Gen.  McClel- 
lan with  the  disposable  trooj)s  at  Fortress 
Monroe,  and  five  new  regiments  from  Balti- 
more, and  on  the  12th  June,  IMcCall's  division 
of  McDowell's  corps  arrived  })y  water.  On 
the  13th,  the  first  of  the  numerous  notable 
and  unprofitable  cavalry  raids  of  the  war  was 
made  by  Gen.  J.  E.  B.  Stuart,  who  captured 
near  Tunstall  Station  165  prisoners  and  260 
mules,  and  burned  two  schooners  loaded  with 
forage. 

On  the  26th  June,  Fitz-John  Porter's 
corps  rested  behind  defences  at  Mcchan- 
icsville,  on  the  north  side  of  the  Chicka- 
homiuy ;  the  other  corps  of  the  Union  army 
were  on  the  south  side.  The  rebel  ])lan  was 
to  destroy  Porter's  corps,  and  then  proceed 
down  the  river  to  the  Union  rear.  On  tliis 
day,  Jackson  moved  down  the  river  fi-om 
Ashland,  and  was  shortly  supported  by  Gens. 
Branch's  and  A.  P.  Hill's  columns.  The 
three  colunms  now  moved  towards  Mechan- 
icsville,  Jackson  in  the  advance  and  nearest 
the  Pamunkey  River,  Branch  next,  and  Hill 
last,  with  his  right  resting  on  the  Cliicka- 
hominy.  The  Union  troops  were  in  a  posi- 
tion on  Beaver  Dam  Creek,  strengthened  by 
felled  timbers  and  rifle-])its,  their  left  resting 
on  the  Chickahomiuy,  ami  the  right  in  a  for- 
est. The  struggle  was  most  des])erate.  The 
enemy  advanced  towards  the  stream  upon 
the  Union  right,  held  by  CJen.  Reynolds,  but 
were  speedily  forced  back  by  the  steady  fire 
of  the  Union  batteries.  Again  their  troops 
were  ma.ssed  for  another  attack,  and  advanced 
only  to  be  slaughtered  by  the  batteries  of 
Seymour,  who  commanded  the  Union  left. 
For  si.v  hours,  or  until  9  p.m.,  the  battle  con- 
tinued, when  the  dc'feated  enemy  retired. 

At  daylight,  June  27th,  Gen.  INlcClellan 
ordered  Porter  to  fall  back  to  Gaines'  Mills, 
so  as  to  prot<»ct  the  bridges  across  the  Chicka- 
homiuy. At  2  P.M.,  Gen.  A.  P.  Hill  ad- 
vanced and  opened  battle,  and  shortly  there- 


after two-thirds  of  the  force  of  Gen.  Lee, 
now  commander-in-chief  of  the  rebel  army, 
were  brought  into  action  ;  a  general  advance 
of  Jackson's,  D.  H.  Hill's,  Ewell's,  and  Long- 
street's  columns,  comprising  about  60,000 
men,  from  right  to  left,  being  made  under  a 
terrific  fire  of  cannon  and  musketry  from  both 
sides.  The  total  force  of  Porter  was  barely 
35,000,  including  Slocum's  division,  which 
was  sent  over  to  him  ;  while  60,000  Union 
troops  remained  idle  during  the  conflict,  on 
the  other  side  of  the  Chickahomiuy,  to  watch 
and  guard  against  25,000  rebels,  tlie  Union 
commander-in-chief  having  greatly  over-esti- 
mated his  enemy  in  that  quarter.  At  3.30 
P.M.,  Porter  was  so  severely  pressed,  that  the 
second  Union  line  under  Meade  and  Reynolds, 
supporting  McCall's  division  in  the  centre, 
was  ordered  up.  For  hours  the  battle  now 
raged,  with  repeated  and  desjierate  charges  on 
the  overmatched  and  exhausted  Unionists, 
which  were  gallantly  repulsed  by  them.  Fresh 
rebel  brigades  were  promptly  advanced  to  re- 
place those  which  had  been  hurled  back.  At 
5  P.M.,  Porter  telegraphed  again  that  his  po- 
sition was  extremely  critical,  when  French's 
and  IMeagher's  brigades  of  the  2d  Corps  were 
ordered  across  to  his  support.  Before  they 
could  reach  the  field,  however,  the  rebels, 
rallying  all  their  forces,  had  stormed  the 
Union  intrenchments,  on  the  right  and  left, 
in  one  last  desperate  eflbrt,  which  was 
crowned  with  success.  The  L^nion  infantry 
were  driven  from  the  defences,  with  terrible 
slaughter  on  both  sides.  Borne  back  a  mile 
in  spite  of  the  efforts  of  their  officers  to  rally 
them,  they  came  upon  the  fresh  brigades  of 
Meagher  and  French.  Wearied  and  decima- 
ted, they  again  reformed  behind  these,  and 
advanced  in  order,  ready  to  meet  a  fresh  at- 
tack. But  the  enemy  had  halted  for  tho 
night  in  the  field  they  had  thus  far  won. 
Twenty-three  guns  were  left  in  the  rebel 
hands  as  tiophies,  and  many  j)risoners ; 
among  the  latter  the  gallant  Gen.  Reynolds, 
who  rode  by  mistake  into  a  rebel  regiment 
shortly  after  dark.  The  Union  losses  in  this 
desperate  action  wci'e  hardly  less  than  8,000 
men,  while  those  of  the  rebels  were  probably 
about  two-thirds  as  many. 

During  that  night,  the  Union  forces  were 
by  order  withdrawn,  unmolested,  across  the 
Cluckahomiuy,  jncjiaratory  to  a  flank  move- 
ment of  the  whole  force  to  the  James  River, 
through  the  White  Oak  Swamp.  Gen. 
Keyes  was  at  once  despatched  with  his  corps 
on  the  road  across  the  latter  to  seize  strong 
positions  on  the  James  River  side  of  the 
swamp,  so  as  to  protect  the  passage  of  the 
trains  and  the  army.  During  the  night  tho 
Union  couimaiuler  removed  his  head(iuartere 
to  Savage's  Station,  to  sujiorintend  the  move- 
ment. The  Union  base  of  supplies  at  West 
Point  was  now  cut  off  by  the  retreat  of  Por- 
ter, and  the  rebel  cavalry  under  J.  E.  B. 
Stuart,  the  next  day,  June  28,  pushed  for- 
ward towards  White  House,  but  rested  at 
Tunstall's  Station  for  the  night,  during  which 
the  Union  force  devoted  itself  to  the  destruc. 
tion  of  the  va.st  stores  of  the  former  place. 
Innnense  amounts  of  provisions,  munitions, 
aTul  sup])lies  were  necessarily  consigned  to 
destruction,  while  2,500  woiinded  were  left 
in  hospital,  with  surgeons  and  attendaula,  to 
fall  into  the  enemy's  hands. 

No  serious  attack  or  forward  movement 


UNITED  STATES, 


•B71 


KAH  luado  by  the  latter  during  June  28tli,  the  artiUery,  composed  of  300  guns,  which  wius 


puzzled  rebel  commander  not  believing  it 
^possible  that  his  antagonist  could  thus  aban- 
idou  the  position  without  a  battle.  On  the  L'yth, 
jthe  retreat  having  been  fully  discovei-ed  by 
the  enemy,  Gen.  Magrudcr  pursued  on  the 
Williamsburg  road,  and  coming  up  with  the 
Union  i-ear  near  Savage's  Station,  attacked  it 
in  full  force.    He  was  gallantly  repelled  by 
.Gen.  Burn's  brigade,  supfjorted  by  those  of 
Bi'ooks  and  Hancock.     At  9  p.m.  he  recoiled, 
without  gaining  any  advantage,  and  tlie  Union 
forces  fell  back,  by  order,  upon  White  Oak 
Swamp,  the  rear-guai'd  tinder  Gen.  French 
crossing  and  destroying  White  Oak  Swamp 
bridge  at  5  A.M.,  June  30th.    Here  Franklin 
with  iiis  division  was  left  to  defend  the  cross- 
ing, and  every  attempt  of  the  rebels  to  cross 
the  marsh  and  creek  was  defeated.     In  the 
'  meantime,  farther  on  towards  the  James  River, 
I  rebel  forces  under  A.  P.  Hill,  Jackson,  and 
j,  Longstreet,  the  latter  accompanied  by  Gen. 
I  Lee  and  Jefferson  Davis  in  person,  had  moved 
down  from  Richmond  between  the  swamp  and 
the  river,  on  the  Charles  City  road,  which  was 
guarded  by  Slocum,  and  also  on  the  New 
Market  road,  \i\)on  which  INIcCall  was  posted 
^vith   his    gallant    Pennsylvania  Reserves, 
whom  liard  lighting  had  now  i-educed  from 
10,000  to  G,000.    At  3  p.m.,  June  30th,  the 
enemy  arrived  near  Glendale  and  Nelson's 
Farm,  and  a  succession  of  desperate  struggles 
ensued  at  both  positions.    Being  checked  by 
artillery  in  the  attack  iipon  Slociim,  they 
fell  with  fury  upon  llcCall.    The  latter  held 
his  position  without  a  gun  lost,  after  a  series 
of  charges  and  counterch;vrges  of  the  most 
deadly  character  had  taken  place,  in  the 
midst  of  constant  volleys  of  gi  ape  and  can- 
ister.   Between  sunset  and  dark  he  was  re- 
inforced on  his  left  by  a  portion  of  Hooker's 
division,  who,  charging  desj^erately  across  an 
,  open  tield,  drove  the  rebels  back  again  into 
I,  the  woods.    Coojier's  and  Randall's  batteries 
were  both  captured  by  the  rebels  and  recap- 
tured by  the  Union  forces. 

While  the  rebel  artillery  was  thus  this  day 
attacking  the  Union  rear-guard  at  White 
Oak  Swamp  bridge,  and  the  battle  was  rag- 
ing at  Nelson's  Farm  and  Glendale,  the  ene- 
I  my  also  came  down  on  Porter,  upon  the 
I  James,  and  braved  the  ponderous  fire  of  his 
gunboats.  Infuriated  by  the  prospective  es- 
cape of  the  Union  army,  they  thus  unsuccess- 
fully endeavored  at  all  points  to  break  through 
the  long  Union  line  which  stretched  from  the 
middle  of  the  swamp  to  James  River.  During 
the  struggle,  McCall  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  enemy.  Ileintzelman,  who  was  in  chief 
command  of  the  troo])s  on  the  field,  with 
Franklin,  fell  back  to  the  James,  on  the 
banks  of  which  the  Union  trains  were  now 
rapidly  gathering.  On  the  forenoon  of  July 
1st,  the  rear  of  the  wasted,  wayworn  Union 
irmy  reached  the  position  assigned  it,  upon 
and  around  Alalvern  Hill,  on  the  James, 
closely  pursued  by  the  converging  columns  of 
the  rebels  ;  thus  ending  a  reti  eat  as  memora- 
able,  from  the  suffering  endured  and  courage 
shown,  as  the  most  pitiful  or  admirable  j^arts 
of  Napoleon's  retreat  from  Russia. 

The  jjlateau  of  Malvern  Hill,  with  James 
River  at  its  back,  and  about  a  mile  and  a 
half  long,  was  protected  from  the  approach- 
ing enemy  by  several  ravines,  while  its  sloping 


the  highest  point  of  all 
crown(;d  by  ten  heavy  siege 


massed  upon  it 
thereon  being 

guns,  which  Col.  Tyler  had  succeeded  in 
bringing  through  the  swamp.  Here  were 
posted  the  Union  forces,  in  division  after 
division,  reaching  back  to  the  river.  To  at- 
tack such  a  position  seemed  madness.  But 
about  2  o'clock  a  rebel  column  emerged  from 
the  woods  skirting  the  plain,  below  the  i)la- 
teau,  and  moved  steadily  forward  on  Couch's 
division  in  the  centre  of  the  Union  front, 
while  a  heavy  fire  of  artillery  opened  on  both 
sides.  The  Union  division  remained  motion- 
less until  the  enemy  came  within  close  mus- 
ket range,  when  it  poured  its  deadly  volle3-s 
upon  its  assailants,  who  were  shortly  driven 
in  shattered  fragments  back  over  the  field  to 
the  adjacent  woods.  For  two  hours  there- 
after, the  conflict  was  confined  to  the  artil- 
lery, and  then  a  silence  of  two  hours  more 
ensued.  At  6  p.m.,  a  fierce  fire  of  all  the 
rebel  artillery  stiddenly  was  opened,  and  un- 
der its  cover,  column  on  column  of  their  infan- 
try advanced  in  another  and  grander  attempt 
to  dislodge  the  Union  forces,  and  drive  them 
into  the  James.  Braving  the  tempest  of  shot 
and  shell  from  300  cannon,  they  came  on  the 
double-quick  with  the  hope  of  carrying  the 
position  in  one  impetuous  charge,  but  only  to 
x-eel,  break,  and  disappear  before  the  volleys 
of  musketry.  Again  and  again  the  rebel 
leaders  thus  re-formed  their  battalions,  or 
brought  forth  fresh  troops  beneath  the  cloud 
of  smoke  that  canopied  the  field,  to  be  sub- 
jected to  the  same  vain  sacrifice.  Darkness 
at  length  closed  this  one-sided  carnage,  and 
they  retired  into  the  fields  and  woods  out  of 
close  range,  although  the  gunboats  contin- 
xied  to  throw  their  great  missiles  clear  over 
the  Union  left  upoix  them. 

A  most  extraordinary  order  was  now  issued 
by  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  Union  army 
to  his  victorious  forces,  to  retreat  from  the 
strong  position  where  they  had  achieved  so 
decided  and  bloody  a  success,  and  the  evactia- 
iion  of  Malvern  Hill  was  badly  conducted,  in  a 
hurried  and  disorderly  night  march  over  crowd- 
ed and  poor  roads,  the  Union  dead  being 
left  unburied,  and  many  of  the  wounded  to  fall 
into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  The  movement, 
however,  was  not  molested  by  the  latter, 
not  having  been  comprehended  by  them,  and 
having  been  skilfully  covei-ed  by  Keyes'  corps, 
with  the  cavalry,  which  did  not  leave  till  after 
daylight  of  the  2d.  On  the  evening  of  the 
3d,  the  rear-guard  went  into  camp,  and  the 
whole  army  rested  under  the  cover  of  its  bat- 
teries, and  the  gunboats  in  the  position  se- 
lected by  the  commander,  at  Harrison's  Bar, 
seven  miles  down  the  James. 

Gen.  McClellau  reports  the  Union  loss  in 
the  seven  days'  fighting  and  retreating  from 
Mechanicsville  to  Harrison's  Bar,  at  l,r)82 
killed,  7,709  wounded,  and  5,9r)8  missing ; 
total,  15,249.  The  losses  of  the  rebels  the 
Confederate  authorities  did  not  rej)ort,  but 
they  probably  suffered  as  heavily,  the  rebel 
capital  being  crowded  at  the  time  with  the 
wounded  and  dying. 

On  July  8,  Gen.  Lee  withdrew  his  forces  to 
Richmond,  not  caring  to  renew  the  costly  ex- 
periment of  Malvern  Hill  at  Harrison's  Bar. 

The  failure  of  Gen.  McClellan  to  accom- 
plish the  capture  of  Richmond  was  attributed 


ground  gave  a  clean  sweep  for  the  Union  j  by  him,  in  a  spirited  correspondence,  to  the 


wilful  neglect  of  the  national  authorities  to 
send  him  sufficient  and  o]>portune  reinforce- 
ments ;  and  on  Aug.  4,  Gen.  llKllcck,  now 
commander-in-chief  at  Washington,  assuming 
Gen.  3IcClellan's  estimate  of  his  own  strength 
and  that  of  his  rebel  antagonists  to  be  correct, 
directed  him  to  withdraw  his  forces  by  water 
to  Accpiia  Creek,  to  support  a  fresh  demonstra- 
tion on  Richmond  in  accordance  with  the  I'res- 
idcnt's  original  jilaii,  front  a  base  on  the  Rap- 
pahannock. ^McClellan  protested  against  tliis 
order,  and  asked  for  more  reinforcements,  but 
his  wishes  were  not  complied  with.  On  the 
24th  August  he  reported  at  Accpiia  Creek,  his 
forces  having  been  previously  transferred  to 
that  place,  without  molestation  by  the  enemy. 

The  corps  of  jMcDowell,  Banks,  and  Fre- 
mont, with  all  the  troops  in  garrison  around 
Washington,  had  beeix  organized  into  a  com- 
mand, to  be  called  the  Army  of  Virginia,  an<l 
Gen.  John  Pope  was  called  from  the  West  to 
take  commani],  entering  upon  his  duties  on  the 
2Gth  June.  The  entire  strength  of  this  army 
was  aboitt  50,000  men,  who  were  intended  to 
protect  Washington  and  co-operate  in  some 
way  with  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  Gen.  Poj>e 
at  once  concentrated  it  at  Sjiei  ry  ville,  with  the 
purpose  of  operating  on  the  enemy  towards 
Gordonsville  and  Charlottesville,  so  as  to 
draw  off  a  part  of  the  army  in  front  of  McClel- 
lan. But  Richmond  being  now  relieved  from 
all  danger,  CJen.  Lee  determined  to  move  his 
army  rapidly  across  the  country,  and  crush 
Pope  before  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  could 
reach  him,  and  then  move  on  Washitigton. 
On  the  9tli  August,  Gen.  Po|)e,  who  had  or- 
dered forward  his  second  corps,  about  8j000 
strong,  under  Banks,  to  Culpepper  Court- 
House,  directed  the  latter  to  proceed  to  Cedar 
Mountain  and  take  up  a  strong  jjosition,  to 
r  ^ist  the  advance  of  Jackson.  But  ere  this 
Jackson  himself  had  crossed  the  Rapidan, 
and  occupied  the  sides  and  neighboihood  of 
Cedar  Mountain  with  25,000  men.  At  4  p.m. 
Banks  approached  the  mountain,  whence  a 
destructive  fire  of  artillery  was  yt  once  poured 
on  his  advancing coltimns.  Underestimating 
the  numbers  of  his  enemy,  he  ventured  U 
charge  the  rebel  batteries  thereon.  The  un- 
expected fire  of  the  large  masses  of  infantry 
concealed  by  the  foliage  and  ravines  of  tlie 
mountain,  compelled  him  to  fall  back,  thotigh 
not  till,  in  the  short  space  of  an  half  hour,  he 
had  left  a  third  of  his  entire  command  on  the 
field.  Gens.  Geary,  Augur,  and  Carroll,  of  tlie 
Union  army,  were  severely  wounded,  and  (Jen. 
Prince  was  taken  prisoner  after  dark.  The 
rebel  loss  was  reported  at  223  killed,  includ- 
ing Gen.  Winder,  and  l.OtiO  wf)utided. 

Gen.  Pope  at  Culpepper,  hearing  the  can- 
nonade, hastened  forward  with  ^IcDowcll's 
corps,  commanding  Sigel  to  follow,  but  before 
he  could  organize  his  forces  for  battle,  Jack- 
son had  rajiidly  retreated  across  the  Rapi(hin, 
having  accomplished  his  purpose  of  decoying 
Banks  into  complete  disiister.  On  the  18th 
and  UUh  Augu.st,  Gen.  Poi)e,  who  had  ad- 
vanced his  infantry  to  Robertson's  River  and 
Raccoon  Ford,  and  had  begun  again  to  oi>e- 
rate  with  his  cavalry  on  the  enemy's  commu- 
nications, having  learned  that  the  whole  rebel 
army  of  Yiiginia  was  rapidly  assembling  to 
overwhelm  him,  safely  retreated  across  the 
j  Rajjpahannock,  and  though  pursued  by  tlio 
I  enemy,  succeetled  in  holding  the  fortls  for 
several  days.    On  the  24tli,  the  enemy  com- 


S7S 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


menced  a  movement  up  the  stream  to  turu 
the  Union  riglit.  Pope  being  ordered  to  pro- 
tect Fredericksburg,  could  not  extend  his 
lines  to  the  riglit  to  keep  pace  with  the  rebel 
movements  without  weakening  his  centre,  and 
telegraphed  repeatedly  to  Washington  that 
he  must  be  reinforced  or  retreat.  A  sudden 
freshet  of  the  river  temporarily  relieved  him 
from  danger.  On  the  25th,  an  inconsidera- 
ble reinforcement  of  7,000  reached  him,  but 
in  turn  his  resolution  to  fall  on  the  flank  and 
rear  of  the  long  rebel  column  passing  up  the 
river  was  defeated  by  the  freshet.  On  the 
night  of  the  25th,  Gen.  J.  E.  B.  Stuart,  with 
1,500  rebel  cavalry,  who  had  succeeded  in 
crossing  the  river  at  Waterloo  Bridge  during 
the  day,  pushed  on  to  Warrenton,  and  sur- 
prised Gen.  Pope's  head-quarters'  train  near 
Catlett's  Station,  capturing  his  dispatch-book 
and  the  personal  baggage  of  his  military  fami- 
ly. Receiving  word  that  30,000  of  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac  were  on  their  way  to  join 
him.  Pope  now  determined  to  concentrate  his 
forces  on  the  turnpike  between  Warrenton 
and  Gainesville,  and  give  the  enemy  battle. 
On  the  2Gth,  Jackson  passed  around  his  right, 
to  cut  off  his  communication  with  Washing- 
t.on,  and  moved  swiftly  through  Thorough- 
fare Gap  and  south-easterly  by  Gainesville. 
Before  dark  on  that  day,  Jackson  struck 
the  Alexandria  Railroad  at  Bristow  Station, 
and  thus  placed  himself  without  resistance 
between  Pope's  superior  army  and  its  base 
at  Washington,  having  made  the  march  of 
fifty  miles  in  forty-eight  hours  with  the  ce- 
lerity of  cavalry,  his  men  subsisting  on  com 
standing  by  the  way.  Burning  railway  trains 
at  Bristow,  he  moved  up  to  ]\Ianassas  Junc- 
tion, followed  by  Ewell,  and  destroyed  there 
an  immense  amount  of  quartermasters'  and 
commissary  stores,  and  sutlers'  depots,  and 
also  captured  8  guns  and  300  prisoners. 
His  success  was  thus  far  perfect,  but  his 
position  was  extremely  critical.  He  now 
moved  off  to  Centreville,  and  crossed  the 
Bull  Run,  pursued  by  Pope,  who  ordered 
I'orter  to  come  up  at  once  to  Manassas. 
At  6  P.M.,  Jackson's  advance,  now  moving  to- 
wards Thoroughfare  Gap,  encountered  King's 
division  of  McDowell's  corps,  and  a  .san- 
guinary combat  ensued,  which  terminated  at 
dark  with  the  rebel  success.  At  10  p.m.. 
Gen.  Pope  at  Centreville  ordered  McDowell 
and  King  to  hold  their  ground,  obstructing 
Jackson's  retreat  by  the  Gap,  and  dii-ected 
Kearney  at  1  A.M.  to  push  forward  from 
Centreville,  on  the  Warrenton  turnpike,  to 
prevent  Jackson's  only  other  way  of  escape 
northward  to  Leesburgh.  Supposing  Porter 
now  at  Mana.ssas  J  unction,  he  confidently  ex- 
pected to  capture  Jackson  before  Longstreet 
could  arrive  through  the  Gap  to  the  lattcr's 
rescue.  At  3  p..m.,  August  28,  Longstreet's 
divLsion,  dispatched  by  Gen.  Lee  to  Jackson's 
aid,  passed  through  the  Gap,  driving  off  Rick- 
ett's  division  j)osted  on  the  eiustern  side,  and 
early  on  the  2;)th  reached  (Jainesville,  Mc- 
Dowell and  King  having  left  the  way  clear 
by  retreating  on  Manassas  Jimction  during 
the  night.  At  nooti,  Longstreet  came  rapid- 
ly intt)  action  on  the  right  of  Jackson,  who 
had  bwn  liotly  lussailcd  since  daylight  by  Sigel 
from  Groveton,  .su|)i)ortod  by  Reynolds.  The 
rebel  Ktrcngth,  now  constantly  increa.sing,  as- 
Bumod  tlx-  olfensive  against  the  Union  right, 
•which  held  its  ground,  though  with  heavy  loss. 


But  Kearney's  division  of  Ileintzelman's 
corps  shortly  arrived  on  the  field  to  support 
Sigel's  right,  while  Reno  coming  up  by  the 
Gainesville  turnpike  supported  the  Union 
centre.  About  2  p.m..  Hooker's  division  of 
Heintzelman's  corps  came  down  the  Sudley 
Springs  road  on  the  extreme  right,  and  at  5 
P.M.  the  two  divisions  of  Heintzelman  and 
Reno  made  a  furious  charge  on  the  enemy's 
left,  which  forced  it  back,  leaving  the  Union 
forces  masters  of  the  field,  when  darkness 
ensued.  The  losses  on  either  side  were  about 
7,000  men. 

The  next  morning.  Pope  again  gave  battle 
with  the  desperate  hope  of  breaking  the 
enemy's  left,  and  ordered  Porter,  who  had 
failed  to  participate  in  the  battle  of  the  day 
before,  to  advance  down  the  Warrenton 
turnpike,  supported  by  King,  and  attack ; 
while  Heintzelman  and  Reno,  supported  by 
Rickett's  division,  were  to  assail  the  enemy's 
left  under  Jackson.  Porter's  attack  was 
feeble,  and  being  shortly  overpowered  he  was 
thrown  back  in  confusion.  The  Confeder- 
ates now  eagerly  pursued  and  joined  battle 
along  the  entire  front.  The  Union  forces 
were,  however,  shortly  rallied,  and  the  battle 
raged  with  varying  success.  The  Union  at- 
tack on  the  rebel  left  was  met  by  a  cross  fire 
of  four  batteries  from  Longstreet's  left,  which 
decimated  the  assailants  and  drove  them  back 
in  confusion ;  whereupon  the  whole  rebel 
front  was  pressed  forward,  the  rebel  artillery 
doing  fearful  execution  on  the  disordered 
and  recoiling  Union  infantry.  At  dark,  the 
left  of  the  Union  forces,  though  standing 
firm,  and  covering  the  turnpike,  theii  only 
safe  line  of  retreat,  had  been  forced  back  a 
considerable  distance.  At  8  p.m.  Gen.  Pope 
instructed  his  corps  commanders  to  withdraw 
deliberately  to  Centreville,  and  Gen.  Reno 
was  ordered  to  protect  the  retreat,  which 
was  made  in  good  order,  no  pursuit  across 
Bull  Run  being  attemjjted.  At  10  p.m.  Pope 
reached  Centreville,  where  he  prepared  for  a 
rebel  attack,  having  been  joined  by  Sumner's 
and  Franklin's  corps  from  McClellan's  army, 
raising  his  total  force  to  60,000  men.  No 
direct  attack  was  made,  but  the  next  morn- 
ing, Jackson,  by  direction  of  Gen.  Lee, 
crossed  Bull  Run  at  Sudley  Ford,  and  moved 
down  to  Fairfax  Court-Housc,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  assailing  the  Union  right.  Kear 
Chantilly,  at  5  p.m.,  Sept.  1,  Jackson  was  at- 
tacked by  Reno's  inferior  force.  Gen.  Isaac 
J.  Stevens,  commanding  the  L^nion  left  divi- 
sion, was  shot  dead  while  leading  it,  wheie- 
upon  both  divisions  fell  back  in  disorder. 
Gen.  Phil.  Kearney,  with  his  division  of 
Heintzelman's  corps,  now  advanced  and  re- 
newed the  action,  in  the  midst  of  a  thunder- 
storm furious  enough  to  seriously  atl'oct  the 
amnuuiition.  Gen.  Kearney,  riding  reckless- 
ly almost  within  the  rebel  lines,  was  shot 
dead  about  sunset,  his  command  devolving  on 
Gen.  Birney.  The  latter  promptly  ordered 
a  bayonet  ch.argc  of  liis  own  brigade,  which 
wius  gallantly  executed,  driving  back  the 
enemy's  advance,  by  which  Gen.  Bii-ncy  held 
the  field  of  conflict  through  the  night.  The 
Union  loss  in  this  battle  was  about  500. 
Pope's  retreat  continued  on  the  following 
day  and  thereafter  without  fui'ther  annoyance 
fiom  th(^  enemy,  until  his  wliole  army  hatl 
fallen  l)ack  within  the  intrenchments  along 
the  south  bauk  of  the  Potomac,  covering  the 


approaches  to  Washington.  Pope  shortly 
thereafter  resigned  his  command  to  Gen. 
McClellan,  and  was  sent  by  the  Administra- 
tion to  the  North-west  to  conduct  a  campaign 
agiiinst  the  Sioux  Indians,  who  had  recently 
massacred  several  hundred  of  the  inhabitant 
of  Minnesota.  The  entire  rebel  losses  in 
Pope's  brief  campaign  from  Cedar  Jlountain 
to  Chantilly  was  about  15,000  men,  while 
those  of  the  Unionists  were  fully  double  that 
number,  a  large  number  of  officers  of  distinc- 
tion being  included  among  the  killed.  The 
failure  of  Pope's  campaign  was  partially  due 
to  the  superior  knowledge  of  the  field  of  cop- 
flict  which  his  antagonist.  Gen.  Lee,  possess- 
ed ;  but  the  jealousy  manifested  in  constant 
disobedience  of  his  orders,  of  ofllicers  of  his 
own  army,  who  had  lately  served  under  Gen. 
McClellan,  undoubtedly  had  its  weight  iij 
turning  more  than  one  prospective  victory 
into  defeat.  On  this  charge  of  culpable  dis- 
obedience to  Pope,  Major-Gen.  Fitz-John 
Porter  was  siibsequently  tried  and  found 
guilty  by  a  court-martial. 

Upon  full  advices  of  Pope's  disasters.  Sept, 
2,  the  Government  .invested  Gen.  McClellan 
with  the  entire  control  of  all  the  forces  for 
the  defence  of  the  capital,  and  the  latter  at 
once  concentrated  his  command  within  the  de- 
fences of  Washington.  On  the  Gth  Gen.  Lee, 
with  his  entire  army,  being  reinforced  by 
D.  H.  Hill's  fresh  division  from  Richmond, 
aiTived  without  resistance  at  Frederick,  Md., 
crossing  the  Potomac  in  the  vicinity  of 
Hagerstown.  On  the  8th  he  issued  an  ad- 
dress to  the  people  of  Maryland,  announcing 
that  he  had  come  among  them  to  aid  them  in 
throwing  off  the  foreign  yoke  of  the  United 
States,  and  a  recruiting  office  was  promptly 
opened,  at  which  the  numbers  won  by  him  to 
the  rebel  standai  d  about  equalled  his  loss  in 
deserters.  On  the  7th  Gen.  McClellan,  ap- 
prised of  the  disap))earance  of  Lee  from  Ida 
front,  commenced  to  move  slowly  and  cau- 
tiously \ip  the  river  from  Washington,  on  the 
Maryland  sitle,  by  five  different  parallel 
roads,  with  his  left  wing  resting  on  the  river. 
On  the  13th  he  entered  Fredericksburg,  which 
the  rebels,  moving  westward,  had  two  days 
previously  evacuated.  During  the  day  an 
order  of  Gen.  Lee  fell  into  his  hands,  which 
fully  disclosed  the  rebel  commander's  object 
to  be  the  capture  of  Harper's  Ferry  ;  and,  fur- 
ther, that  Jackson's  corps  and  Walker's  divi- 
sion were  already  across  the  Potomac  in 
quest  of  it,  and  that  only  ^McLaws'  rebel 
corps  of  20,000  was  now  between  the  Union 
army  and  Harper's  Ferry.  Franklin's  corps 
of  the  Union  army  was  some  miles  south  of 
Frederick  at  this  time,  and  in  front  of  Mo- 
Laws.  The  easy  task  of  precii)itating  Frank- 
lin upon  the  latter  would  have  relieved 
Harper's  Ferry.  This  was  not  done,  and, 
instead  of  advancing  his  main  body  on  the 
roads  le.iding  thro\igh  Crampton's  (iap  to  the 
Potomac,  McClellan  moved  to  the  north-west 
towards  Hagerstown,  through  Turner's  CJap, 
of  the  South  ^Mountain  range  of  hills.  Here 
a  portion  of  the  rebel  army,  under  D.  H. 
Hill,  was  strongly  jiosted  on  both  sides  of 
the  national  road  leading  through  the  Gap, 
while  Longstreet  and  Jackson  had  pushed  on 
to  Hager.stown  to  co-operate  with  McLaws 
against  Harper's  Ferry  and  ^Main  land  Hei;;ht.s. 

"At  7  a.m.,  Sei)t.  "ll,the  battle  was  here 
commenced  by  the  advance  of  Cox's  division 


UNITED  STATES. 


678 


of  iJono's  iorps.  The  superior  numbers  of 
the  Unionists  enabled  tliem  to  steadily  gain 
ground,  though  constantly  subjected  to  a 
heavy  tire.  At  noon  the  musketry  tiring 
ceased,  aiul  for  two  hours  cannonading  only 
continued,  both  sides  awaiting  reinforcements. 
At  2  P.M.  Hooker's  eorjis  came  \i\>  and  took 
position  on  the  old  Hagerstovvn  road  leading 
awav  from  the  tui'npike,  with  intent  to  flank 
the  rebel  left.  An  hour  later  the  line  of  bat- 
tle was  formed  at  the  base  of  the  ridge  and  a 
general  advance  commenced  up  the  turnpike 
in  the  pass,  and  the  rocky  wooded  steeps  on 
either  side,  the  ground  being  stubbornly  con- 
tested foot  by  foot.  The  enemy  was  re- 
inforced by  Longstreet,  about  4  p.m.,  who 
then  assumed  command.  At  sunset  the  vic- 
toi'ious  flag  of  the  Unionists  was  planted  upon 
the  crest  of  the  ridge,  the  enemy  fleeing  down 
the  other  side.  By  dark  Gen.  McOlellan 
had  most  of  his  army  in  hand  at  the  base  of 
the  mountain,  ready  to  renew  the  action  next 
morning,  but  Gen.  Lee,  having  gained  time 
for  his  operations  against  Harper's  Ferry, 
withdrew  his  forces  during  the  night.  The 
Union  loss  in  killed  and  wounded  was  1,5G8. 
That  of  the  enemy  was  unknown,  except  in 
prisoners,  of  whom  McClellan  reported  a 
total  of  1,500.  Among  the  Union  dead  was 
Major-Gen.  Jesse  L.  Reno,  killed  by  a  mus- 
ket ball  at  the  head  of  his  division. 

On  the  1 4th  Franklin's  corps  of  the  Union 
army  reached  the  pass  thi'ough  Crampton's 
Gap,  at  which  he  overtook  two  or  three  bri- 
gades of  McLaws'  division,  whereof  the 
larger  portion  was  some  miles  farther  on 
towards  Harper's  Ferry.  After  a  contest  of 
live  hours  the  rebels  were  driven  out,  badly 
cut  up  ;  but  Franklin,  uninformed  of  the  criti- 
cal situation  of  Harper's  Ferry,  failed  to  vig- 
)rously  follow  up  his  advantage.  On  the  13th 
Gen.  Jackson  arrived  by  way  of  Williams- 
port  and  j\[artinsburg  before  Harper's  Ferry, 
while  McLaws  advanced  to  Sandy  Hook,  ])re- 
venting  all  egress  from  Harper's  Ferry  down 
the  Potomac.  The  garrison  at  the  latter 
place  was  11,58.3  men,  with  about  50  pieces 
of  artillery,  under  Col.  Miles,  appointed  by 
McClelUn,  and  an  unfit  commander,  iis  had 
been  shown  by  his  conduct  at  the  first  battle 
of  Bull  Run.  Harper's  Ferry  is  situated  in 
a  gorge  commanded  by  steep  mountains  on 
three  sides,  on  one  of  which  he  should  have 
concentrated  his  command,  and  held  out  till 
relieved.  Some  of  his  forces  he  had  posted 
on  Maryland  Heights,  under  Col.  Ford,  32d 
Ohio,  but  refused  to  supply  the  latter  with 
axes  and  spades  to  fortify  his  position  upon 
the  apjiroach  of  McLaws  thereto.  The  lat- 
ter made  an  attack  thereupon  in  force  on  the 
morning  of  Sept.  13,  but  was  repulsed;  but 
on  the  morning  of  Sept.  1 1,  Col.  Ford,  with- 
out being  further  assailed,  abandoned  the 
Heights  entirely  to  McLaws,  who  commenced 
shelling  therefrom  the  Union  forces  at  the 
Ferry,  and  at  Bolivar  Heights  beyond  it. 
Walker's  guns  also  opened  from  Loudon 
Heights,  and  Jackson's  batteries  were  play- 
ing from  several  points,  some  of  them  enfi- 
lading the  Union  position  on  Bolivar  Heights. 
At  9  P.M.,  Sept.  14,  the  Union  cavalry,  2,000 
men,  under  Col.  Davis,  12th  Illinois,  escaped 
to  the  Maryland  bank,  and  thence  to  Green- 
oastlc.  Pa.,  capturing  by  the  way  the  ammu- 
nition train  of  Gen.  Longstreet,  consisting  of 
fifty  or  sixty  wagons.    Next  day  at  daybreak 


the  rebel  batteries  ojicned  fi'om  seven  com- 1 
manding  points.  At  7  A.M.  Miles  caused  a 
white  flag  to  be  raised,  but  the  rebels,  not 
l)erceiving  it,  continued  their  fire  an  half 
hour  thereafter,  during  which  jMiles  was  mor- 
tally wounded.  Gen.  Jackson,  leaving  the 
reception  of  the  surrender  to  Hill,  hastened 
at  once  with  his  forces  to  rejoin  Gen.  Lee, 
and  reached  the  Antietara  on  the  following 
morning,  Sept.  16.  Harper's  Ferry  had  no 
important  bearing  on  the  campaign,  the  rebel 
army  having  already  passed  it  on  their  way 
into  Maryland,  and  its  retention  after  that 
event  was  a  military  error  of  the  general-iii- 
chief,  Halleck  ;  but  the  loss  of  so  many  troops 
at  this  juncture  was  serious. 

Gen.  McClellan  now  pushed  forwai-d  his 
army  towards  Antietam,  having  ascertained 
that  the  main  body  of  the  enemy  were  con- 
centrated there,  and  on  the  15th  he  found 
them  drawn  up  in  line  of  battle  on  a  rolling 
country  that  stretched  along  the  west  side  of 
Antietam  Creek,  near  Sharpsburg.  .  McClel- 
lan did  not  attack,  however,  until  the  after- 
noon of  the  16th,  thus  enabling  Jackson, 
Walker,  and  ]SIcLav/s  to  arrive  from  Harjjer's 
Ferry  and  pai'ticipate  in  the  battle  ;  and  on 
the  morning  of  the  17th,  when  the  battle  be- 
gan in  earnest,  Gen.  Lee  had  his  whole  army 
at  hand,  with  the  exception  of  A.  P.  Hill's 
division,  left  at  the  Feriy.  Having  resolved 
to  turn  the  enemy's  left,  McClellan  despatch- 
ed Hooker,  at  4  p.m.,  September  16th,  by  a 
long  detour,  to  cross  the  Antietam  out  of  sight 
and  range  of  the  rebel  batteries.  The  passage 
of  the  stream  being  eflected,  Hooker  mo\ed 
cautiously  down  on  the  enemy's  flank,  and 
found  himself,  at  dark,  in  an  open  field, 
bounded  by  woods,  breast  to  breast  with  the 
enemy's  lines.  Here,  within  half-musket 
shot  of  each  other,  the  two  armies,  after  some 
desultory  firing,  lay  down  for  the  night; 
Rickett's  division  of  the  Union  force  being 
on  the  left,  Meade  with  the  Pennsylvania 
Reserves  in  the  centre,  while  Doubleday  had 
planted  his  guns  on  a  hill  to  the  right.  At 
daylight,  September  17th,  the  left  of  Meade's 
and  right  of  Rickett's  divisions  became  en- 
gaged, and  soon  the  whole  of  Hooker's  corps 
hurled  itself  against  Ewell's  and  Jackson's 
divisions  of  the  enemy.  The  main  contest 
was  in  an  open  space,  composed  of  a  ploughed 
field  and  a  cornfield.  The  rebels  shortly  gave 
way,  at  first  retreating  slowly  and  then  pre- 
cipitately over  the  field  and  across  the  road 
beyond  into  a  piece  of  thick  woods,  pursued 
by  Gen.  Meade  with  the  Pennsylvania  Re- 
serves. Here,  reinforced  by  Hood's  division, 
the  rebels  in  turn  hurled  themselves  upon  the 
Unionists  with  terrible  volleys,  and  in  over- 
^\■helmiug  force  charged  them  back  across  the 
cornfield.  Gen.  Hooker,  at  this  critical  mo- 
ment, ordered  Doubleday  to  despatch  him  his 
best  brigade,  which  immediately  came  down 
the  hill,  led  by  Hartsuff",  moving  to  the  crest 
of  the  rise  that  commanded  the  cornfield. 
This  they  held  for  an  half  hour  unsiipportcd, 
and  then  they  dashed  down,  driving  out  the 
rebels  for  a  second  time  from  the  cornfield  into 
the  woods;  among  the  fallen  here  being  the 
Union  leader.  Gen.  Hartsuff,  severely  wo>ind- 
ed.  Rickett's  division,  holding  the  left  of  the 
line,  and  attempting  to  advance  had  fallen  back, 
and  Mansfield  was  ordered  to  its  relief  with 
a  part  of  his  corps.  They  too  were  driven 
back,  with  their  general  mortally  wounded. 


Hooker  now  advanced,  with  Crawfonl's  and 
Gordon's  fresh  brigades  of  Munsfieid's  coi-jis, 
to  Rickett's  su]iport,  determin<!tl  to  carry  the 
woods  on  the  right  and  beyond  the  corn- 
field, and  amid  a  shower  of  rebel  bullets,  was 
j)ainfully  womided,  by  a  musket-ball  through 
his  foot,  which  comjjelled  him  at  9  A.M.  to  re- 
linquish the  command  to  Sumner.  'J'he  latter 
now  sent  forward  Sedgwick's  division  of  his 
own  corps  to  su])j)ort  Crawford  and  Gordon. 
At  this  moment  the  fresh  rebel  forces  of 
\Valker  and  McLaws,  seconded  l)y  Early  on 
their  left,  were  luuried  from  their  yet  una.s- 
sailed  right,  and  poured  upon  the  advancing 
Unionists.  And  again  the  centre  of  the  hit- 
ter's right  gave  way.  Sedgwick,  vainly  striv- 
ing to  rally  his  forces  under  the  terrible  fire, 
was  three  times  wounded.  Gen.  Howard, 
who  took  his  conmiand,  was  unable  to  re-form 
it,  and  the  eflbrts  of  Sumner  I'.imself  were 
equally  unavailing.  Thus  the  bloody  corn- 
field was  again  retaken  by  the  enemy.  The 
attempt  of  the  latter  to  advance  beyond  it  wa.s 
repelled  by  the  heavy  fire  of  the  Union  bat- 
teries, while  Doubleday  on  the  farther  L^nion 
right  still  maintained  his  original  ground. 
Franklin  now  came  up  with  his  fresh  corps, 
and  at  once  ordered  Slocum  and  Smitli,  com- 
manding his  two  divisions,  to  retake  the  field. 
So  suddenly  and  unexpectedly  did  they  exe- 
cute this  order,  that  it  was  with  compara- 
tively small  loss  that  they  swejit  over  tho 
cornfield  and  tlu-ough  the  woods,  clearing 
them  of  the  foe.  The  ground  thus  retaken 
was  not  again  lost.  Nearer  the  centre  the 
Union  lines  successfully  withstood  numerous 
assaults  of  the  enemy,  and  Avhen  night  closed 
the  battle,  held  advanced  positions. 

Burnside's  corps  held  the  extreme  Union 
left,  opposite  the  lowest  of  the  three  bridges 
crossing  the  Antietam.  At  8  a.m.  he  was 
ordered  to  cross  this  bridge,  but  his  feeble 
attempts  to  execute  this  order  were  succes- 
sively repulsed.  At  1  p.m.,  being  perenii)to- 
rily  ordered  to  carry  it  at  the  point  of  the  bay- 
onet, it  was  successfully  charged  by  the  51st 
New  York  and  51st  Pennsylvania,  the  enemy 
retreating  therefrom  to  the  heights.  Again 
Burn.side  halted,  and  it  was  not  until  3  P..M. 
that  renewed  orders,  of  a  ]>eremptory  nat\ire, 
caused  him  to  charge  up  the  heights,  which 
were  now  gallantly  cariied,  some  of  the  Un- 
ion troops  reaching  even  the  out.skirts  of 
Sharpsburg  beyoiid.  But  this  advantage 
came  too  late.  A.  P.  Hill's  division  now  ar- 
rived on  the  field  and  charged  this  ])ortion 
of  the  Union  lines,  and  covered  by  a  heav  y 
fire  of  artillery,  drove  it  back  in  confusion 
down  the  hill  towards  Antietam,  pursuing 
until  checked  by  tlie  fire  of  the  Union  l)atte- 
ries  across  the  river.  They  refrained,  how- 
ever, from  attempting  to  carry  the  bridge, 
and  retired  to  their  lines  on  the  heights,  as 
darkness  en.sued.  Among  their  killed  in  this 
charge  was  Gen.  L.  O'B.  Branch,  of  North 
Carolina. 

The  Union  and  rebel  forces  engaged  in  this 
bloody  and  indecisi\  e  battle  were  about  eqiial, 
being  between  80,000  and  90,000  each.  (ien. 
]\IcClellan  reported  his  entire  loss  at  2,010 
killed,  9,416  wounded,  and  1,043  missing; 
total,  12,469.  The  aggregate  lo.sses  rejiorted 
bvthe  rebel  division  commanders  were,  1,842 
killed,  9,399  wounded,  2,292  missing;  total, 
13,533  :  but  they  were  probably  much  larger, 
as  2,700  alone  of  their  dead  were  buiied  by 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


tho  Unionists,  while  six  tlioiisand  prisoners, 
witli  1.'?  guns,  were  taken  by  the  hvtter. 

During  the  niglit  following  the  battle,  Gen. 
Leo  quietly  moved  olF  across  the  Potoniiic, 
d  'cliniiig  to  renew  the  combat.  On  the  night 
of  the  I'Jth,  Gen.  Griffin,  with  two  Union 
brigades,  crossed  the  river  and  carried  eight 
rebel  batteries  posted  on  the  Virginia  blutis. 
But  on  the  morning  of  the  20th,  a  recon- 
nuis.s:iiicein  force,  under  l*orter,  was  ambushed 
by  A.  V.  Hill  a  mile  from  the  river,  and 
driven  back  to  the  stream  with  great  slaugh- 
ter and  loss  of  200  prisoners.  On  Sept.  22d, 
Gen.  Sumner  reoccupied,  without  opposition, 
l£arper's  Ferry  and  its  neighborhood.  Lee 
shortly  retii'ed  to  Winchester,  unpui'sued  by 
McClellan,  and  more  than  a  mouth  was  now 
consumed  by  tlie  latter  in  resting,  in  bringing 
up  8ui)plios  and  ammunition,  and  in  at- 
tem[)ts  to  procure  reinforcements  of  men. 
At  length,  at  the  close  of  October,  he  crossed 
the  I'otoniac,  and  moved  down  to  Llanassas. 
He  i)roceeded  thence  to  Warrenton,  but  on 
Nov.  4th  he  was  directed  to  turn  over  his 
coninumd  to  Buriiside,  Avhicli  order  ended  his 
active  services  in  the  war. 

During  the  month  of  July,  18G2,  Gen. 
Buell,  commanding  at  Corinth,  moved  east- 
•wartl  with  a  force  of  about  25,000  men 
towards  Chattanooga,  leaving  Gen.  Mitchell 
to  rej)iiir  and  hold  the  railroad  running  to 
Nashville,  as  a  base  for  liis  supplies.  Gen. 
Bragg,  the  commander  of  the  rebels  confront- 
ing Jiini,  movcul  on  parallel  roads  from  Tu- 
j)eln,  Miss.,  and  reached  Chattanooga  in  ad- 
vance of  the  Union  army.  On  July  5th, 
Gen.  Forrest,  rebel  guerilla  chieftain,  cap- 
tured ^lurfreesboro,  Tenn.  ;  and  about  the 
same  time,  and  with  the  .same  general  object 
of  horse-stealing,  G<;n.  Morgan  made  a  raid 
on  Cynlliiana,  Ky.,  but  was  j)resently  chased 
away  by  a  cavalry  force  under  Green  Clay 
Smith. 

The  army  of  Gen.  Bragg  was  now  swelled 
by  conscription  to  some  45,000  men,  in  thnie 
corps,  under  Gens.  Hardee,  Bishop  I'olk,  and 
Kirby  Smith.  With  this  force  he  proposed 
an  invasion  of  Sliddlc  Tennessee  and  Ken- 
tucky, Louisville,  with  its  immense  resources, 
being  his  imuiediate  oVyect.  On  Aug.  24th, 
lie  crossiid  the  Tennessee  with  'My  regiments 
and  40  guns,  and  passing  through  Dunlap  and 
Crossville,  cnt(!red  Kentucky  on  the  5th 
September.  Kirby  Smith,  with  liis  divi- 
sion, advanced  by  the  way  of  Big  Creek 
Gap,  through  tiie  Cumberland  Mountain, 
llankihg  the  L^nion  Gen.  Geo.  W.  IMorgan, 
coiiuuandiiig  at  Cmnbcrland  Gap,  and  cutting 
liiin  i)ir  from  his  supplies ;  wluireupon,  on 
Aug.  17lh,  th(!  latter  blew  uj)  his  works  and 
n^treatccl  to  th<!  Ohio,  over  a  sterile  region 
most  difficult  to  traverse,  which  was  his  only 
way  of  escape?.  Jle  arrived  at  the  Ohio 
liivcr,  however,  without  material  loss,  tliough 
liarassed  llu;  most  of  the  way  by  the  rebel 
guci'ilia,  John  Morgan,  with  700  cavalry. 

On  A>ig.  2ytii,  Kirby  Smith  reached  Bich- 
mond,  Ky.,  where  he  was  met  by  a  raw 
Union  force,  about  ciiual  in  numbers  to  his 
own,  under  Gen.  M.  D.  Man.son,  who,  on  the 
morning  of  A"g-  b'^th,  attacked  him  at  Kog- 
ersville,  but  was  shortly  defeated,  his  whole 
line  giving  way  and  retreating  beyond  liogers- 
ville,  where  he  stood,  maintaining  the  tight 
three  hours,  fill  (!en.  Nelson  reached  the 
ground  uud  ussume<l   command.  Another 


stand  waa  then  made,  but  in  less  than  half  an 
hour  the  Unionists  wore  totally  routed  and 
dispersed,  Gen.  Manson  becoming  a  prisoner. 
Sept.  4th,  Smith  entered  Lexington,  Ky., 
and  then  moved  on  as  far  as  Cynthiana, 
within  striking  distance  of  both  Cincinnati 
and  Louisville,  liy  this  time  Gen.  Bragg, 
Hanking  Buelfs  left,  had  entered  Kentucky 
at  Glasgow.  Buell,  who  had  concentrated 
his  foi'ces  at  Murfreesboro,  now  marched  on 
the  enemy,  who  retired  as  he  advanced,  first 
from  Glasgow,  and  then  from  Munfordsville, 
and  continxied  northward  to  Frankfort,  the 
State  capital.  Buell  then  marched  directly 
to  Louisville,  which  w^as  seriously  threatened 
by  Kirby  Smith,  and  arrived  there  on  the 
25th  September,  to  the  great  i-elief  of  the 
citizens.  Here,  while  reorganizing  his  forces, 
he  was  ordered  to  turn  over  his  conmiand  to 
Thomas,  in  consequence  of  his  delay  in  find- 
ing the  enemy,  but  the  execution  of  the 
order  being  suspended,  he  jjroceeded  on  Oct. 
l.st  to  move  in  five  columns  towards  Bards- 
town,  where  the  main  rebel  force,  under 
Bragg,  were.  With  his  trains  laden  with 
the  sjjoils  of  Kentucky,  Bi-agg  now  slowly 
retreated  before  Buell's  advance  to  Spring- 
field, 02  miles  from  Louisville.  Thence  he 
})roceeded  towards  Perry ville  to  form  a  junc- 
tion with  Kirby  Smith,  who  was  now  retiring 
from  his  designs  on  Cincinnati,  having  carried 
the  rebel  flag  within  .seven  miles  of  that  cit}\ 
On  the  7th,  Buell  overtook  the  enemy  near 
Perryville,  and  pi-essed  back  a  considerable 
body  of  them  whom  he  found  drawn  up  in 
order  of  battle.  The  next  morning,  the  ene- 
my attacked  and  was  repidsed  by  Gen.  Mc- 
Cook,  who  had  pushed  forward  for  water  to 
Doctor's  Creek.  About  noon,  McCook  hav- 
ing advanced  his  division  between  two  and 
three  miles  from  Gen.  Buell's  headquarters, 
proceeded  further  to  make  a  personal  recon- 
noissance.  While  thus  absent  from  his  com- 
mand, it  was  suddenly  and  overwhelmingly 
assailed  in  front  and  flank  by  swift  charges 
of  masses  of  rebel  infantry  and  by  the 
heavy  cannonading  of  their  artillery,  which 
had  been  skilfully  concealed  in  the  adjacent 
woods  and  ravines.  The  whole  left  corps  of 
the  Union  army  was  thus  desperately  pressed. 
Gen.  Terrill's  brigade  was  shortly  driven 
back  in  a  com})lete  rout,  and  he  was  killed, 
as  well  as  Gen.  James  S.  Jackson,  who  com- 
manded the  division.  The  rebels  then  charged 
upon  Rousseau,  commanding  the  3d  Division 
in  the  centre,  which  for  two  or  three  hours 
bore  the  chief  weight  of  the  battle,  fighting 
bravely,  but  losing  ground.  The  rebels  then 
struck  the  left  flank  of  Gilbert's  corps,  held 
by  Gens.  R.  B.  Mitchell  and  1'.  H.  Sheridan. 
But  Sheridan  shortly  charged  at  double-quick, 
driving  the  enemy  into  and  through  Perryville, 
up  to  the  protection  of  two  batteries  on  the 
bluffs  bi'vond,  capturing  fifteen  annnunition 
wagons  and  a  train  guard  of  140,  and  then 
retiring  to  the  Union  batteries  as  darkness 
came  on.  For  two  hours,  the  30th  Union 
brigade,  Col.  Gooding,  .sent  by  Gilbert  to  the 
aid  of  McCook,  fought  on  tho  extreme  left 
against  sujierior  nundx'rs,  losing  549  men  out 
of  1,42;5.  (Jen.  Buell  did  not  learn  until 
4  r.M.  that  any  serious  conflict  was  in  i)ro- 
gres.s,  when  ho  sent  reinforcements  from  the 
centre,  and  ordennl  Crittenden,  connnanding 
tlif  right,  1()  ailvance;  but  night  fell  ere  these 
I  forces  arrived.    During  the  night  Bragg  do- " 


camped  to  Harrodsburg,  where  he  was  joined 
by  Kirby  Smith.  The  Union  loss  in  this 
engagement  was  about  4,000  and  10  guns; 
that  of  the  enemy  about  2,500.  Bragg  now 
retreated  precipitately  to  East  Tennessee, 
through  Crab  Orchard  and  Cumberland  Gap, 
destroying  on  the  way  a  lai-ge  amount  of 
valuable  stores  and  spoils  for  want  of  trans- 
portation across  the  mountainous  coimtry. 
He  was  jjursued  as  far  as  Crab  Orchard  by 
Buell's  forces.  The  Government,  deeply  dis- 
satisfied at  the  failure  of  Buell  to  destroy  the 
rebel  army,  now  relieved  him  from  couuuand, 
and  appointed  Maj.-Gen.  Rosecrans  to  suc- 
ceed him. 

On  the  elevation  of  Gen.  Halleck  to  the  chief 
command  of  the  Union  forces.  Gen.  Rosecrans 
had  been  placed  in  command  under  Grant  in 
Northern  ilississippi  and  Alabama,  During 
the  summer  he  was  active  in  his  department, 
but  no  event  of  importance  occurred  there. 
About  Sept.  1,  having  left  luka  in  charge 
of  Col.  R.  C.  Murphy,  8th  Wisconsin,  he 
moved  eastward  to  watch  the  enemy's  move- 
ments about  Corinth.  Murphy  disgracefully 
abandoned  his  post,  ])ermitting  a  large  amount 
of  stores  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy, 
and  the  rebel  Gen.  Price  shortly  occui)iedth6 
place.  Gen.  Grant  being  advised  of  this, 
sent  Gen.  Ord  with  5,000  men  to  Burnsville 
to  move  on  luka  from  the  north,  while  Rose- 
crans, having  concentrated  his  two  divisions 
and  advanced  on  the  south,  reaehed  Jacinto 
on  Sept.  18.  On  the  morning  of  the  19tb, 
the  latter  being  duly  advised.  Gen.  Grant 
proceeded  to  the  attack  of  luka,  and  after  a 
march  of  nineteen  miles,  came  within  two  miles 
of  that  place  at  4  P..M. ;  one  division,  Hamil- 
ton's, of  about  3,000  men  and  one  battery 
being  pushed  thus  far  in  advance.  The  ixbels 
held  a  strong  position  along  a  deep  ravine, 
crossing  the  main  road,  and  behinil  the  crest 
of  a  hill,  while  the  nature  of  the  ground  pre- 
vented the  formation  of  any  extended  line. 
The  battle  was  thus  maintained  by  a  single 
Union  brigade  against  more  than  three  times 
its  numbers.  Tlie  single  Union  battery,  the 
11th  Ohio,  was  cajjtured  by  the  rebels  after 
every  gunner  and  horse  thereof  had  fallen. 
While  it  was  in  their  ])ossession,  and  theii 
dense  masses  were  swcei)ing  down  on  tho  small 
L'^nion  force  engaged,  threatening  it  with  en- 
tire destruction,  Stanley's  division  came  up, 
and,  though  no  more  troops  could  be  sent  to 
the  front,  prevented  Hamilton  from  being 
outflanked.  Gen.  Sullivan,  connnanding  the 
front  brigade  of  Hamilton,  in  a  desperate 
struggle  now  recaptured  the  battery.  The 
rebels  innnediately  rallied,  and  piecipitating 
themselves  upon  his  diminisheil  force,  again 
took  it.  P]very  flank  movement  of  the  enemy 
was  promptly  stopped,  and  the  battle  thus 
kept  at  the  front  »q>on  the  road.  For  three 
hours  it  was  nuiinfained  by  the  5th  Iowa, 
and  11th  and  2lith  ^Missouri,  when  darkness 
closed.  The  Union  forces  then  laid  down  ou 
their  arms,  expecting  to  renew  the  struggle 
the  next  morning.  tJen.  Ord  failed  to  arrive 
and  attack  on  the  other  roati,  as  had  been 
confidently  expected,  but  arrived  within  4 
miles  of  luka,  whore  he  awaited  the  soinul  of 
Rosecrans'  guns,  which  he  did  imt  hear.  Tho 
next  morning  he  moved  rajiidly  towaid  and 
into  luka,  to  find  the  enemy  fled  (herefrom. 
Rosecrans  pursued  the  rebels  for  25  miles, 
1  but  they  had  too  much  the  stirt  to  be  over- 


UNITED  STATES. 


575 


tiikeri.  Tlie  total  Union  loss  in  this  affair 
^vas  782—144  killed,  598  wounded  and  40 
iiussins;.  Tlic  rebel  loss  was  1,438,  about 
800  being  killed  and  wounded. 

I'rice,  Van  Dorn,  and  Lovell  now  united 
tlieir  entire  forces,  and  concentrated  on  Rose- 
craus  at  Corinth  before  he  could  receive  re- 
inforcements. The  latter,  though  conscious 
of  being  outnumbered,  relied  upon  the  charac- 
ter of  his  troops  and  upon  the  strengtii  of 
his  ])osition,  having  erected  works  within  the 
old  and  too  extensive  fortifications  of  Beaure- 
gard. Hamilton  commanded  his  I'ight,  Davies 
tiie  centre,  and  McKean  the  left,  while  three 
regiments  under  Col.  Oliver  proceeded  to  meet 
the  rebels  advancing  on  the  Chewalla  road. 
On  the  3d  October,  at  7  a.m.,  the  right  of  the 
enemy  under  Lovell  was  encountered  thereon, 
and  during  the  day  was  engaged  with  a  por- 
tion of  McKean's  and  Davies'  divisions,  wlio 
after  considerable  fighting  gave  ground,  when 
night  compelled  a  pause  in  the  engagement, 
and  the  Union  army  was  drawn  back  within 
the  town.  At  daylight  the  fight  was  re- 
opened by  the  fire  of  a  rebel  battery  planted 
during  the  night  200  yards  from  the  Union 
works  covering  the  Chewalla  road.  Shells 
were  thrown  into  Corinth,  causing  a  general 
consternation  of  the  non-combatants  therein. 
Batteries  on  both  sides  now  opened,  but  no 
rebel  infantry  were  visible  till  9  a.m.,  when 
heavy  columns  suddenly  poured  out  from  the 
woods  east  of  the  railroad,  moving  up  the 
Bolivar  road  by  divisions,  and  opened  out  in 
thesiiape  of  a  monstrous  wedge.  Price  being  on 
the  left  and  Van  Dorn  on  the  right.  The  ad- 
vancing masses  were  torn  by  the  shot  and  shell 
of  the  whole  line  of  Union  batteiies,  but  they 
still  pressed  forward  within  musket  range, 
with  faces  averted  like  men  advancing  against 
a  driving  storm  of  hail.  They  reached  the 
hill  in  front  and  right  of  the  battery,  called 
Fort  Richardson,  where  Gen.  Davies'  Union 
division  gave  way  before  them.  Gen.  Rose- 
crans  at  once  rallied  it  by  his  gallant  exainple, 
but  his  headquarters  were  seized  by  the  ad- 
vancing foe,  who  poured  their  fire  from  it 
upon  the  Union  troops  on  the  opposite  side 
of  the  public  square.  Hamilton's  veterans 
now  fell  back,  and  the  rebels  seized  Fort 
Richardson,  killing  its  commander.  Sudden- 
ly, the  56th  Illinois,  concealed  in  a  ravine  near 
it,  rose  and  charged,  driving  the  foe  in  wild 
confusion  back  and  out  of  the  works.  The 
whole  Union  line  now  rallied  and  advanced, 
and  shortly  the  rebel  legions  of  Price,  witii 
broken  lines,  demoralized  and  fugitive,  were 
pursued  down  the  hill,  into  the  marsh  and 
forests  adjacent.  Van  Dorn,  who  had  failed 
in  the  all-important  work  of  attacking  simul- 
taneously with  Price,  now  desperately  at- 
tempted to  carry  Fort  Robinett.  Two  of  his 
brigades,  led  by  a  brave  Te.xan,  Col.  Rogers, 
advanced  through  a  terrible  fire  from  both 
that  batteiy  and  Fort  Williams,  a  hundred  and 
fifty  yards  distant,  and  then  pressed  onward 
within  range  of  a  devastating  musketry,  till 
they  reached  the  ditch.  Rogers,  with  the 
rebel  flag  in  his  hand,  leaped  this  and  planted 
his  .standai'd  on  the  i-amparts,  and  then  fell 
dead  into  the  ditch,  with  his  banner.  The 
five  Texans  who  accompanied  iiim  fell  corp.ses 
into  the  fort.  The  Ohio  brigade.  Col.  Fuller, 
then  rose  and  delivei-ed  six  volleys  in  succes- 
sion and  cleared  the  front  of  the  enemy.  The 
supporting  rebel  brigade  now  advanced  as  the 


first  had  done,  and  made  a  rush  u])on  the  G3d 
Ohio,  who  were  rcadj'  to  receive  them.  A 
terrific  hand-to-hand  combat  ensued  of  scarce- 
ly a  minute,  during  which  the  \i])roar  was 
iiideous  and  tlie  carnage  dreadful  of  the  mad- 
dened combatants,  who  used  bayomsts,  clubbed 
muskets,  and  even  their  fists,  in  their  rage. 
This  was  the  final  struggle.  The  rebels 
then  flung  away  their  arms  and  fled,  pursued 
to  the  woods  by  the  11th  Missouri  and  27th 
Ohio. 

The  Union  forces  engaged  in  this  fight 
numbered  1 5,700  ;  those  of  the  rebels,  38,000. 
Gen.  McPhersoTi,  arriving  at  Corintli  with  five 
fresh  regiments  from  Gen.  Grant,  now  pressed 
after  the  retreating  enemy,  who  was  struck 
by  another  division  from  Gen.  Grant,  under 
Ord,  at  the  Hatchie  River,  and  narrowly  es- 
caped destruction.  Gen.  Rosecrans  now  fol- 
lowed McPherson  to  Rij)ley  with  most  of  his 
army,  eager  to  pursue  and  capture  the  demor- 
alized enemy  ;  but  he  was  directed  by  Gen. 
Grant  to  desist  and  return  to  Corinth,  where 
he  remained  until  the  25th  October,  when 
he  was  directed  to  report  at  Cincinnati,  to 
take  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Ohio  and 
Department  of  the  Cumberland,  superseding 
Buell.  Gen.  Rosecrans  reported  his  total  loss 
at  Corinth  and  in  the  subsequent  pursuit  at 
2,359—315  killed,  1,812  wounded,  and  232 
missing.  The  rebel  loss  was  1,423  killed, 
5,692  wounded,  and  2,248  prisoners.  14  flags, 
2  guns,  and  a  large  number  of  small  arms 
were  among  tiie  Union  trophies. 

On  the  22d  September  a  proclamation  from 
the  President  of  the  United  States  appeared, 
abolishing  slavery  in  all  the  States  that  should 
be  in  rebellion  on  the  1st  January,  1863. 
Hitherto  the  war  had  been  prosecuted,  on  the 
part  of  the  Union,  witli  the  desire  and  ex- 
pectation that  it  would  be  closed  without 
.seriously  disturbing  the  institution  of  slaveiy ; 
and  most  of  the  commanding  army  ofiicers, 
especially  those  educated  at  West  Point,  be- 
lieving that  slavery  should  be  protected  under 
the  Federal  Constitution,  imbued  their  orders 
with  this  spirit. 

Gen.  Butler  early  declared  the  slaves  to  be 
contraband  of  war — a  most  wholesome  posi- 
tion ;  and  sliortly  aft(!rwards  Gen.  Fremont  is- 
sued his  memorable  General  Order,  confiscat- 
ing the  pro}>erty  of  the  enemy,  real  and  person- 
al, to  the  public  use,  and  declaring  "  their  slaves, 
if  any  they  have,  free  men,"  which  was  order- 
ed by  the  President  to  be  modified  to  accord 
with  the  act  of  Congress  of  Aug.  0,  1861, 
whereby  only  slaves  used  for  nulitary  purposes 
were  so  freed.  On  May  9,  Gen.  Hunter,  com- 
manding at  Hilton  Head,  in  a  general  order 
declared  free  the  .slaves  of  the  three  States  of 
Georgia,  Florida,  and  South  Carolina,  em- 
braced within  his  Department,  which  order 
was  shortly  rescinded  by  the  President.  Gens. 
Halleck,  Buell,  and  JNIcClellan  were  especially 
imbued  with  a  pro-slavery  feeling,  and  many 
instances  of  cruel  slave-hunting  were  tolerat- 
ed by  tliem  within  their  lines,  even  after  the 
time  when  the  anti-negro  prejudice  of  a  por- 
tion of  the  Union  rank  and  file  had  been  con- 
verted by  experience  near  the  fields  of  slav- 
ery into  a  hearty  desire  for  its  abolition.  On 
July  7,  1862,  directly  after  his  retreat  from 
the  Chickahoniiny,  Gen.  McClellan  indited 
a  letter  to  the  President,  recommending  a 
policy  which  he  thought  should  be  adoi)ted,  tlie 
chief  featuies  of  wliich  were,  no  cor.llscutiou  of  i 


the  property  of  the  enemy,  and  no  emancipa- 
tion of  their  slaves.  But  tlu;  j)ublic  mind  was 
now  .slowly  and  steadily  gravitating  towards 
the  conclusion  that  the  Rebellion  wa.s  vulner- 
able chiefly  tlirough  slavery,  and  that  the  latter 
was  destined  to  fall  with  the  qiu-lling  of  tho 
foi  nier.  President  Lincoln,  anxious  that  tho 
Union  should  r(;tain  its  hold  on  tiie  border 
Slave  States,  in  his  first  annual  message  had 
pro])osed,  and  Congress  liad  appiopriated 
$100,000  towards  asystem  of  colonization,  and 
a  few  wretched  blacks  were  taken  to  Cow  Ls- 
land,  a  sandspit  near  Hayti,  in  consequence. 

On  June  19,  1862,  the  President  approved 
the  act,  which  had  passed  Congress,  by  which 
slavery  "was  abolished  and  prohibited  in  every 
territory  of  the  Union.  This  Congress,  the 
37th,  also  passed  a  bill  to  punish  offic(n-s  and 
privates  of  the  army  for  arresting,  detaining, 
or  delivering  persons  claimed  as  fugitive 
slaves.  It  also  aboli.shed  slavery  in  the  Di.s- 
trict  of  Columbia,  and  enacted  a  bill  confis- 
cating the  slaves  of  tlie  rebels;  and  in  accord- 
ance with  the  suggestion  of  President  Lincoln, 
jiroposed  to  co-operate,  by  pecuniary  compen- 
sation, with  any  State  which  might  adojit  the 
gradual  aV)olishinent  of  slavery.  Further  im- 
jiortant  bills,  all  tending  towards  the  destnic- 
tion  of  slavery,  and  stubbornly  contested,  were 
pas.sed.  One  establishing  diplomatic  inter- 
course with  Liberia  and  Hayti;  one  reipiir- 
ing  equality  in  education  and  punislimeut 
between  whit(«  and  blacks  in  the  schools  of 
the  District  of  Columbia ;  one  conceding  the 
right  of  search  on  the  African  coast.  The  fugi- 
tive slave  act  was  ahso  repealed  ;  confinement 
of  suspected  slaves  in  Federal  jails,  (he  hold- 
ing of  slaves  on  national  vessels,  and  tlie  coast- 
wise slave  trade,  were  forbidden,  and  color 
wa.s  declai-ed  no  impediment  to  giving  testi- 
uony. 

On  the  day  a])pointed,  Jan.  1,  18(33,  when  at 
length  he  saw  tliat  the  time  liad  arrived  for 
him,  both  as  commander  of  the  armies,  and  a.s 
a  civil  magistrate,  lo  strike  slavery.  President 
Lincoln  consummated  the  great  event  of  tho 
nineteenth  century,  and  issued  his  uiemorable 
Pi-oclamation  of  Freedom. 

During  November,  1862,  Morgan,  Wheeler, 
and  otlier  rebel  leaders  of  cavalry,  made  sev- 
eral small  raids  upon  the  Union  rear  and  sup- 
ply trains  in  Rosecrans'  department,  at  ^Mitch- 
elfsville,  Lavergne,  Nolensville,  and  other 
places,  being  sj)eedily  driven  aw.iy,  in  most 
cases,  by  Union  forces.  On  Dec.  7,  Col.  A.  B. 
Moore,  104th  Illinois,  was  surprised  and  cap- 
tured at  Hartsville  by  Morgan,  at  the  head 
of  1,500  cavalry,  his  own  force,  carelessly 
disposed,  being  about  that  n»imber.  Dec.  1 1, 
Wlieeler  attacked  a  Union  brignde  uiuier 
Col.  Stanley  Matthews,  which  was  foraging 
between  Nashville  and  ^lurfi  eesboro,  but  was 
gallantly  driven  off. 

At  the  close  of  December,  Gen.  Rosecrans, 
having  reorganized  at  Nasliville  the  army  to 
whose  command  he  succeeded,  and  secured  his 
communications,  proceeded  to  move  against 
the  enemy  under  Bragg,  wlio  had  now  rea))- 
peared  in  liis  front  at  Murfreesboro.  On 
Dec.  20,  his  three  grand  divisions,  the  riglit 
under  Gen.  McCook,  the  centre  under  Gen. 
Thomas,  and  the  left  commanded  by  Gen. 
Crittenden,  moved  on  the  roads  leading  soutli 
and  south-west  from  Nashville.  On  the  29tii 
the  enemy  was  discovered  in  position  along 
the  blufls  across  Stone  River,  near  Murfreos- 


676 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


boro.  Marker's  brigade  of  Crittenden's  di- 
vision crossed  the  river  under  the  erroneous 
information  tliat  the  foe  was  retreating,  and 
making  a  g.iUant  dash,  drove  back  a  rebel 
regiment,  but  discovering  that  Breckinridge's 
entire  corps  was  in  that  neighborhood,  IJar- 
ker  withdrew  without  loss. 

On  Dec.  30,  the  Union  army,  amounting 
to  about  40,000,  took  j)osition  near  Stone 
Kiver,  a  little  west  of  Murfreesboro,  along  a 
line  of  three  or  four  miles  and  about  half 
a  mile  from  the  rebel  lines.  The  right  of 
tlie  latter  rested  on  and  across  the  river, 
wiiich  was  fordable  at  all  points,  although 
heavy  rains  were  now  falling.  Gen.  John- 
son commanded  the  right  of  jMcCook's  divi- 
sion. Gen.  Davis  tlie  centre,  and  Gen.  She- 
ridan the  left.  Ujion  this  divi.sion,  at  7  a.m., 
Dec.  31,  the  enemy  under  Hardee,  seconded 
by  Bishop  Polk  and  ^IcCown's  division,  bvn-st 
from  the  thickets.  They  instantly  crushed  its 
extreme  right,  capturing  its  guns,  and  a  large 
portion  of  the  men.  Davis's  command  was 
then  struck  by  them,  and  pressed  back  in 
confusion  over  the  field.  A  concentrated 
assault  was  tlien  made  upon  the  lines  -of 
Sheiidan  and  Davis,  who  at  this  point  re- 
pulsed several  determined  attacks  on  their 
front,  during  one  of  which,  while  leading  a 
successful  charge.  Gen.  J.  W.  Sill  was  killed. 
The  rebel  columns  then  bore  down  heavily 
ou  Sheridan's  flank,  coMipelling  him  to  move 
towards  Negley  on  the  centre.  Halting,  he 
placed  his  batteries  and  troops  at  a  strong 
jioint  facing  south  and  west.  Dense  masses 
of  the  enemy  now  assailed  his  position  and 
three  times  were  thoy  compelled  to  fall  back, 
when  his  ammunition  was  exhausted.  The 
rebels  tiiumphantly  piessed  on,  reaching  a 
position  which  gave  them  an  advantageous 
tire  on  Tliomas's  corps.  At  11  a.m.  the 
greater  portion  of  McCook's  command  had 
been  routed,  and  several  batteries  of  the 
enemy  were  conc(!ntrated  on  Negley's  divi- 
sion of  Thomas's  corps,  compelling  him  to 
recoil.  At  this  juncture,  Gen.  Kosecraus, 
apprised  of  his  disaster,  pushed  up  Gen. 
liousseau  with  the  reserves  and  Van  Cleve's 
division  from  the  left  to  withstand  the  tri- 
umphant i)rogress  of  the  enemy  at  this  point. 
Van  Cleve  having  fallen,  he  led  in  person  a 
charge  of  the  latter's  troops,  which  repelled  the 
rebel  advance.  Rousseau  then  desperately 
charged  the  enemy  in  his  front  and  pressed 
them  back  into  the  cedar  woods,  taking  many 
l)risoner8.  The  ground  here  taken  was  lield, 
and  the  concentration  of  the  Union  batteries 
at  fliis  point  of  the  line  repelled  every  rebel 
advance  with  great  slaughter.  On  the  recoil- 
ing of  Neghiy,  Palmer's  division,  the  i-ight 
of  the  Union  left  wing,  retireil  for  a  space 
to  avoid  a  rel»el  flank  advance,  wliih?  Ilazen, 
comniunding  the  left  extremity,  fell  buck  to  a 
low  wooded  hill  b<-tween  th(!  Nashville  road 
and  the  railroad,  which  he  held  till  the  battle 
cndi'd.  Gen.  Wood,  conuiiaiuling  tli(^  division 
of  the  left  in  front  of  Breckinridge,  nobly 
held  his  ground  through  the  day,  command- 
ing in  person  till  evening,  though  severely 
wounded  in  the  foot  early  in  the  day. 
While  the  rebel  attack  was  being  concen- 
trated on  Palmer's  and  Wood's  divisions, 
Oen,  Rosecrana  visited  that  portion  of  the 
line,  and  by  his  directions  and  encourage- 
ment created  great  (>ntliusiusm  here,  as  i>lse- 
whero   duriny   tho  day,  among   the  Uniou 


troops.  And  here  his  chief  of  staff,  Garesch6, 
was  struck  and  decapitated  while  riding  at 
his  side,  by  a  shell  from  the  enemy. 

The  day  closed,  leaving  the  Unionists  mas- 
tors  of  the  original  ground,  but  with  a  heavy 
loss  in  killed  and  wounded,  and  28  pieces 
of  artillery  in  the  liands  of  the  enemy. 
Throixghout  the  following  day.  New  Year's 
day,  both  armies  maintained  their  respective 
positions,  with  some  artillery  firing,  while 
both  were  engaged  in  constrvicting  new  de- 
fences. The  rebel  cavalry  had  already  at- 
tacked the  Union  line  of  commiuiication, 
cutting  oft"  his  supplies  and  ammunition,  but 
Gen.  Rosecrans  determined  to  stay  and  give 
battle  in  the  same  spot  with  what  ammuni- 
tion he  had.  At  8  a.m.,  Jan.  2,  the  rebel 
batteries  opened  fire  in  front  of  the  Union 
centre  and  left,  under  which  Hascall's  divi- 
sion suflered  severely,  but  being  spiritedly 
replied  to,  after  an  half  hour  the  enemy 
ceased  to  fire.  At  3  P.M.,  three  grand 
columns  of  assault,  comprising  the  entire 
rebel  right  wing,  under  Breckinridge,  bore 
down  upon  that  poi'tion  of  Van  Cleve's  divi- 
sion which  had  been  sent  across  the  stream 
during  the  morning.  In  a  few  moments, 
both  the  first  and  second  Union  lines  were 
swept  back  by  the  overwhelming  advance, 
until  Avithin  cover  of  fifty-eight  cannon 
massed  by  Rosecrans  on  an  eminence.  With 
this  terrible  battery  he  enfiladed  the  rebel 
columns  as  they  approached,  while  the  divi- 
sions of  Negley  and  JetT.  C.  Davis  pressed 
forwai'd  to  the  rescue.  In  turn,  the  enemy 
was  now  hurled  back,  the  Union  forces 
charging  them  with  loud  cheers  for  half  a 
mile,  capturing  four  of  their  guns  and  a 
large  number  of  prisoners.  Darkness  and 
rain  prevented  extensive  pursuit,  but  Crit- 
tenden's entire  corps  passed  over  the  stream, 
and  with  Davis's  division  occupied  the 
ground  which  was  thus  won.  The  next  day 
was  passed  in  quiet,  beneath  a  pouring  rain. 
At  11  P.M.  thereof,  Bragg  stealthily  ev.tcuated 
Murfreesboro,  his  retreat  not  being  discovered 
till  too  late  for  effective  pursuit.  During  the 
battle,  the  rebel  cavalry  under  W^heeler  passed 
around  the  Union  army,  destroying  a  large 
amount  of  its  supplies  at  Lavergne,  and  re- 
turning to  cover  Bragg's  retreat  on  the  4th 
and  5th  January.  About  the  same  period, 
Forrest,  who  had  been  sent  by  Bragg  to  cut  the 
Union  comnninications  in  West  Tennessee, 
was  routed  at  Parkers  Cro.ss-roads  by  Col.  C. 
L.  Dunham  and  Gen.  J.  C.  Sullivan.  Gen.  J. 
II.  ]\Iorgan  also  made  a  simultaneous  raid 
into  the  heart  of  Kentucky,  capturing  Eliz- 
abetlitown,  inflicting  considerable  other 
damage,  and  returning  with  little  loss.  On 
the  other  hand,  and  also  about  the  same 
period,  the  Union  Gen.  H.  Carter  made  a 
successful  raid  from  Winchester,  Ky.,  into 
East  Tennessee. 

The  Union  forces  engaged  in  the  battle  of 
ilurfreesboro  were  about  40,000.  Those 
of  the  enemy,  about  G0,000.  The  Union 
loss  was  l,r)33  killed,  7,245  wounded,  with 
about  2,800  missing.  The  killed  and 
wounded  of  tho  enemy  amounted  to  14,5G0 
men. 

During  the  early  months  of  1863,  numer- 
ous raids  and  small  engagements  took  ])lace 
in    this    department.      In   February,  (Jen. 
Wheeli'r  proceeded,  with  4,500  rebel  cavalry 
j  from  Franklin,  as  far  us  Dover,  near  Fort  | 


Donelson,  where  he  was  successfully  resisted 
by  Col.  A.  C.  Harding,  with  only  GOO  men, 
who  held  his  ground  till  some  gunboats  ar- 
rived on  the  river  and  rescued  him.  Wheeler 
then  returned  to  Franklin.  On  ]\Iarch  5, 
1,300  Unionists  under  Col.  John  Coburu, 
being  assailed  by  six  brigades  of  rebel  cav- 
alry under  Gen.  Van  Dorn,  after  a  stout  re- 
sistance were  compelled  to  surrender  to  the 
latter.  March  20,  Col.  A.  S.  Hall  with 
1,323  men  was  assailed  at  ]\lilton  by  the  rebel 
Gen.  Morgan  with  a  vastly  superior  force, 
but  being  skilfully  posted,  defeated  the  latter. 
On  April  10,  Van  Dorn  attacking  Gordon 
Granger  at  Franklin,  was  also  successfully 
resisted.  On  April  29,  Col.  A.  D.  Streight 
was  despatched  by  Gen.  Rosecrans  to  the 
rear  of  Gen.  Bragg.  He  proceeded  into 
North-western  Georgia,  inflicting  considera- 
ble loss  on  the  rebels.  Near  Rome,  after  a  run- 
ning fight  with  Forrest  for  nearly  100  miles, 
he  was  captured  with  his  force,  amount- 
ing to  1,305  men.  Having  been  sent  Avith 
his  officers  to  Libby  prison,  Richnumd,  he 
escaped  therefi'om  to  the  Union  lines  about  a 
year  afterwards. 

The  capture  of  the  important  post  of  Vicks- 
burg,  commanding  the  navigation  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi, was  the  object  of  a  jdan  initLited 
by  Gen.  Grant  at  the  close  of  November, 
1862.  Gen.  Sherman  was  to  move  his  army 
from  ^lemphis  upon  Vicksburg,  while  Gen. 
Grant  himself  was  to  prevent  the  enemy  at 
Jackson  City  from  reinforcing  the  j)lace.  Ou 
November  2Sth,  Gen.  Gi-ant  moved  through 
Holly  Springs  to  Oxford,  making  the  former 
place  his  temporary  depot  of  supplies,  and 
leaving  it  in  charge  of  Col.  R.  C.  ]\lurphy,  8th 
Wisconsin,  with  1,000  men.  On  December 
20th,  this  commander  unnecessarily  surren- 
dered the  place,  with  some  2,000  nu'U,  includ- 
ing a  large  hospital  full  of  sick  and  wounded, 
and  $4,000,000  worth  of  property,  to  the 
rebel  Gen.  Van  Dorn,  who  shortly*  burned 
the  latter.  By  this  disaster  the  co-oj>eration 
of  Gen.  Grant  in  the  exj)edition  against  Vicks- 
burg became  impossible.  He  was  compelled 
to  fall  back  to  Grand  Junction  and  thence  to 
Memphis,  while  the  rebel  Gen.  I'endleton  at 
Granada  was  left  free  to  i-einforce  Vicks- 
burg, where  he  shortly'  took  the  conunand. 
Gen.  Sherman  left  Memphis  on  the  20th  De- 
cember with  30,000  men,  and  on  the  2Gtb  en- 
tered the  Yazoo,  and  ascended  it  to  Johnston's 
Landing,  near  Ilxiues'  Bluff.  Here  he  disem- 
barked his  army,  and  moved  down  on  Vicks- 
burg. On  the  2Gth,  the  gunboats  of  Com. 
Porter  opened  fire  upon  the  batteries  on  the 
Bluff,  and  during  the  27th  and  28th  the  army 
pressed  forward  towards  the  city,  notwith- 
standing the  ground  and  obstacles  to  traverse 
were  of  a  nu>st  difiicidt  nature.  Gen.  Blair's 
brigade  was  debarked  between  Gen.  MorgiUi's 
and  Gen.  M.  L.  Smith's  division,  and  accompa- 
nied by  two  ngiments  of  Morgan,  crossed,  be- 
neath a  heavy  fire  of  artillery,  the  Ciiickasiiw 
bayou,  where  an  intricate  abattis  covered  l)oth 
banks,  between  wliich  was  a  quicksand  bed  of 
300  feet  in  width,  with  15  feet  of  water,  3  feet 
dcej)  in  its  middle.  He  then  carried  two  lines 
of  rifle-juts  at  the  base  of  the  centre  hill,  on 
which  tlie  city  lay ;  Tliayer's  and  De  Courccy's 
brigades  also  shared  in  this  jierilous  a.ssault. 
But  the  city  was  imi)regnable,  and  the  .storm- 
ing ]>arfy  was  forced  to  retire,  Blair's  bi  igado 
losiiig  636  men,  Thayer's  1 1 1,  Morg;ai's  di- 


i 


TINTTED  STATES. 


577 


vision  875,  and  Stuart's  brigade  55  ;  a  total 
of  1,734:.  Gen.  Fembertou  re})orted  bis  total 
loss  at  207.  Gen.  Slieriiian  now  saw  tbat  the 
task  of  nnhiRing  tlie  city  was  hopeless,  and 
having  buried  his  dead  under  a  flag  of  truce, 
he  re-euibarked  his  army  and  was  about  start- 
ing for  Milliken's  Bend,  when  he  was  super- 
seded by  Gen.  McC'lernand. 

Tlu!  latter  sliortly  proceeded  with  his  forces, 
accoiiifjanied  by  Admiral  Porter  with  his  gun- 
boats, up  White  liivei-,  and  thence  to  the  Ai-- 
kaiisiis,  towards  Fort  lliiidman,  or  Arkansas 
I'ost,  wliieh  was  the  kf!y  to  the  extensive  coun- 
try whence  rebel  forces  were  constantly  sent  to 
ojK.'raie  on  the  ilississijjpi  River,  and  was  com- 
manded by  Col.  Churchill.  On  the  9th  Janu- 
ary, McClernand  arrived  at  a  bend  of  the 
Arkansas,  three  miles  from  the  fort,  where, 
tliough  furiously  bombarded,  he  sliortly  laud- 
ed, and  expended  the  remainder  of  the  day  in 
investing  the  rebel  works,  the  forces  at  night 
lying  on  their  arms,  without  fires  or  tents,  in 
position  for  a  general  assault  the  next  morn- 
ing. At  daylight  the  Union  gunboats  moved 
up  to  within  four  hundred  yards  of  the  fort 
and  opened  fire,  to  which  the  latter  replied. 
But  the  united  fire  of  the  land  and  river  bat- 
tel ies  gradually  overwhelmed  that  of  the  fort, 
and  at  3  p.ji.  had  entirely  silenced  it.  In  the 
meanwhile,  several  partial  attempts  were  made 
by  the  Union  forces  to  scale  and  carry  it  by 
assault,  which  failed,  the  division  of  A.  J. 
Smith  bearing  the  brunt  of  the  conflict  there- 
in. Gen.  McClernand  now  ordered  a  general 
assaiilt,  but  befoi-e  it  was  effected,  a  white  flag 
was  raised  from  the  ramparts.  Seven  stand 
of  colors,  5,000  prisoners,  17  cannons,  3,000 
small  arms,  and  lai-ge  quantities  of  mimitions 
Were  the  fruits  of  this  victoiy.  The  total 
Union  loss  was  977.  Having  destroyed  the 
works.  Gen.  IVIcClernand  retui-ned  to  Milli- 
ken's Bend.  About  tliis  time  the  Union  rams 
(2>ie€ii  of  the  'West  and  Indianola  were  cap- 
tured by  the  rebels,  but  the  latter  being  de- 
ceived by  a  counterfeit  ram,  made  of  a  flat- 
boat,  with  smoke-stacks  of  pork-barrels  and 
furnaces  of  mud,  sent  floating  down  the  river 
by  Com.  Porter  from  above  Vicksburg,  they 
blew  up  the  Indianola  and  hurried  the  Queen 
up  tlie  lied  River. 

Gen.  Grant  now  assumed  the  immediate 
command  of  all  the  forces  of  his  department, 
concentrating  them  towards  the  last  of  the 
month  at  Milliken's  Bend  and  Young's  Point, 
with  the  purpose  of  proceeding  below  Vicks- 
burg and  advancing  upon  it  from  the  south. 
For  six  weeks  he  employed  his  army  in  en- 
deavoring to  comj)lete  the  canal  which  Gen. 
Williams  had  failed  in  cutting  the  year  befoi-e 
across  the  bend  of  the  Mississippi  at  Young's 
Point,  and  by  which  he  pro]iosed  to  pass  be- 
low Vicksburg.  Failing  in  this  project,  he  at- 
temjjted  to  o\^q\\  another  route,  through  Lake 
Providence,  Swan  Lake,  the  Tensas,  Black 
and  Red  rivers,  which  latter  effects  a  junction 
with  the  Mississippi  below  Natchez.  The 
Mississijjpi  floods  ojiened  this  route  for  a  short 
period,  when  they  fell,  and  it  also  had  to  be 
abandoned.  Gen.  Grant  now  made  a  third 
trial  to  flank  the  Vicksburg  defences  on  the 
eastern  side  of  the  Mississippi,  150  miles  north 
of  Vicksburg,  through  Moon  Lake,  by  the  Cold- 
water  and  Tallahatchie  rivers,  thence  by  the 
Yazoo  to  the  Mississijipi.  5,000  of  his  forces 
under  Gen.  Ross,  in  transports,  accompanied 
by  seven  gunboats,  attempted  this  passage, 


encountering  snags  and  fallen  trees,  and  the 
boughs  of  standing  ones,  and  making  a  pro- 
gress of  less  than  a  quarter  of  a  mile  an  hour. 
At  the  village  of  Greenwood,  near  the  junc- 
tion of  the  Tallahatchie  with  the  Yallabuslia, 
the  rebels,  already  informed  of  the  expedi- 
tion, had  erected  works,  commanding  the  Tal- 
lahatchie's channel.  During  March  13th  and 
14th  the  Union  gimboats  endeavored  to  si- 
lence these  batteries,  but  without  success, 
whereupon  this  expintition  returned,  and  this 
route  was  also  abandoned.  Gen.  Grant  then 
made  an  attempt  to  reach  the  rear  of  the  bat- 
teries on  Haines'  Blufl',  by  the  Sunflower  Riv- 
er, Steele's  Bayou,  and  the  Yazoo.  Similar 
difiiculties  to  tliose  of  the  former  routes  were 
experienced  in  this  one,  and  it  was  also  given 
up. 

It  was  now  determined  to  run  the  gun- 
boats and  transports  past  the  rebel  batteries, 
which  extended  for  eight  rniles  along  the 
Mississippi,  and  to  march  the  ai-my  by  an 
inland  route  to  New  Carthage,  below  Vicks- 
burg. On  March  25,  Gen.  McClernand 
started  from  Milliken's  Bend  with  the  13th 
Army  Corps,  directly  followed  by  Gen. 
McPherson  with  the  17th.  The  roads  were 
extremely  bad,  mostly  covered  with  water, 
or  mere  beds  of  deep  mud,  and  the  advance 
was  very  slow  and  laborious.  On  approach- 
ing New  Carthage,  it  was  found  that  a  break 
in  the  levee  uniting  the  Mississippi  with  the 
Bayou  Vidal,  had  transformed  the  village  site 
into  an  island.  Gen.  Grant  then  decided  to 
strike  the  river  at  Perkins,  twelve  miles 
farther ;  and,  upon  arriving  at  the  latter 
place  and  finding  a  want  of  transportation, 
the  army  marched  to  Hard  Times,  seventy 
miles  from  Milliken's  Bend.  On  the  night 
of  April  16,  eight  gunboats,  under  Com. 
Porter,  moved  down  the  river  in  single  file. 
When  fairly  opposite  the  city  they  were 
Ilea  vily  fired  upon.  They  promptly  responded, 
and  finally  effected  a  passage  unliarmed. 
Three  transports  then  followed  the  gunboats, 
two  being  destroyed  by  the  fire  of  the  enemy, 
and  one,  the  /Silver  Wave,  passing  unscathed. 
On  the  night  of  Aj)ril  22,  six  more  transports 
were  sent  down,  shielded  by  twelve  forage 
barges.  The  whole  fleet,  with  the  exception 
of  the  transport  Tigress,  and  half  of  the 
barges,  passed  in  safety. 

On  the  29th  April,  Com.  Porter  made  a 
naval  attack  on  t'le  rebel  batteries  of  Grand 
Gulf;  but  after  five  hours'  bombardment, 
seeing  that  the  works  could  not  be  reduced 
from  the  water.  Gen.  Grant  decided  to  dis- 
continue the  assault.  The  gunboats  and 
transports  then  ran  the  Grand  Gulf  batteries 
without  injury,  while  the  army  marched 
down  tlie  Louisiana  bank  to  a  jioint  opposite 
Bruinsburgh.  On  April  30,  Gen.  McClei- 
nand's  corps  was  j)ushed  forward  towai-ds 
Port  Gibson,  in  the  rear  of  Grand  Gulf,  and 
found  the  enemy  posted  on  two  roads,  about 
four  miles  from  the  former  place.  While 
Grand  Gulf  was  being  thus  invested.  Gen. 
Sherman  execut(!d  a  feint  against  the  rebel 
works  at  Haines'  BlulT,  by  landing  his  troops 
as  if  to  storm,  and  thus  prevented  Peniberton, 
commanding  at  V'icksburg,  from  reinforcing 
Grand  Gulf-  Having  accomj)lished  this, 
Sli(!rman  sent  Blair's  division  to  jMilliken's 
Bend  as  a  garrison,  and  hurried  the  remainder 
of  his  army  down  tlie  west  bank  of  the  ilis- 
sissippi  to  join  Gen.  Grant.    On  Maj  1st, 


McClernand  advancing  on  tlie  right,  and 
Osterhaus  on  the  left,  engaged  the  enemy 
before  I'ort  Gibson.  Tlie  rebels  were  de- 
feated with  heavy  loss,  and  jmrsued  towards 
the  latter  place.  As  the  Union  army  ad- 
vanced, Port  Gibson  and  Grand  Gulf  were  in 
turn  evacuated  by  the  enemy. 

Gen.  Grant  had  expected  to  remain  some 
time  at  Grand  (Julf,  to  co-operate  with  Gen. 
Banks  in  the  reduction  of  Port  Hudson,  but 
the  latter  had  not  yet  invested  that  jilacc. 
Gen.  Grant  accordingly  changed  his  plans,  and 
boldly  resolved  to  march  rapidly  against  tho 
superior  forces  of  the  enemy  and  beat  them 
in  detail.  He  accordingly  at  once  dispatched 
McPherson's  corps  to  the  north-east,  while 
Sherman  and  McClernand  followed  tlie  Black 
River,  the  tliree  divisions  being  within  sup- 
porting distance  of  each  otlier.  On  May  12, 
McPherson  encountered  a  force  of  the  enemy 
near  Raymond,  shortly  driving  them  through 
the  latter  place  after  a  spirited  battle ;  the 
Union  loss  being  442,  and  that  of  the  rebels 
103  killed,  with  720  wounded  and  prisoner.s. 
The  enemy  tlien  retreated  towards  Jackson, 
the  capital  of  Mississippi,  losing  heavily  in 
prisoners.  On  May  14,  after  a  heavy  rain, 
McPherson  came  up  with  a  strong  force  of 
them  under  Gen.  W.  II.  T.  Walker,  who 
made  a  stand  before  Jackson.  The  wliole 
Union  line  then  swept  forward  in  perfect 
array,  and  drove  the  enemy  within  range  of 
the  guns  which  formed  the  defences  of  Jackson, 
wliile  the  Union  batteries  poured  a  deadly 
fire  into  the  routed  masses.  Thus  pressed 
by  McPherson,  and  threatened  in  the  flank 
by  the  other  Union  commanders,  the  enemy 
abandoned  the  State  capital.  Leaving  Gen. 
Sherman  here  to  destroy  the  railroads  and 
military  factories  of  the  enemy,  Gen.  Grant 
moved  the  rest  of  his  troops  westward  to- 
wards Edwards'  Station,  as  Gen.  Jo.  Johnston, 
now  commanding  tlie  rebel  d<'paitment.  had 
ordered  Peniberton  to  march  out  from  Vicks- 
burg and  assail  the  Union  rear.  Learning 
that  the  force  of  the  enemy  tlius  threatening 
him  was  near  Champion  Hills,  and  25,000 
strong.  Gen.  Grant  concentrated  his  army 
with  great  rapidity  near  Edwards'  Station, 
and  ordered  Sherman  to  leave  Jackson  at 
once  and  hasten  forward  to  that  rendezvous. 
On  the  Kith  May,  Hovey's  division  of 
McClernand's  corps,  and  McPherson's  corps, 
with  the  exception  of  Rar.som's  divi.^ion, 
were  drawn  uj)  before  the  enemy  ;  but  Gen. 
Grant  delayed  the  order  of  attack  till  be 
could  liear  fiom  JlcClernand,  who  had  not 
yet  arrived  witli  the  rest  of  his  di\  isions.  At 
11  A.M.  the  battle  was  j)recij>itated  by  tlie 
enemy  upon  Hovey,  who  for  liouis  gallantly 
resisted  suj)erior  numbers.  Wliile  lie  was 
thus  contesting  tlie  grounil,  Logan's  division 
worked  around  to  the  left  and  rear  of  the 
rebels,  and  so  weakened  their  elforts  against 
Hovey,  that  he  finally  ordered  a  charge, 
under  which  tliey  gave  way  and  disai)peared 
over  the  lidge.  The  ])ursuit  was  continued 
till  after  dark.  In  this  victory  1,000  pris- 
oners and  two  batteries  were  captured  by 
the  L^nionists.  The  L'nion  loss  was  about 
2,500,  that  of  Hovey's  division  alone  being 
1,202 — one-third  of  its  force:  At  dayliglit 
on  the  17th,  the  j)ursuit  of  the  enemy  was 
renewed,  and  McClernnnd,  in  the  advance, 
soon  overtook  them  strongly  posted  on  both 
sides  of  the  Black  River.    On  the  west  thcf 


678 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


rested  \\\>oii  a  wooded  blutl',  and  on  the  east 
upon  an  open  bottom,  Avliich  was  protected 
by  a  .shallow,  muddy  bayou.  Across  this 
bayou,  amidst  shot  and  shell,  Lawler's  brigade 
of  Carr's  division  charged  so  suddenly  upon 
the  enemy,  with  fixed  bayonets,  that  the 
whole  force  there  were  routed,  and  fled  across 
the  railroad  bridge  and  temporary  army 
bridge  over  the  Biack,  leaving  18  guns  and 
1,.^00  prisoners.  The  rebels  on  the  western 
side  then  burned  these  bridges,  and  retreated 
towards  Yieksburg.  Sherman  now  reached 
15ridge])ort,  and  crossed  the  river  by  pontoons, 
while  Mc(Jlei-nand  and  McPherson  built  float- 
ing bridges  during  the  night. 

On  the  18th  the  wiiole  army  was  closing 
in  on  Vicksburg.  On  the  I'Jth  Sherman's 
right  reached  the  Mississij>pi,  within  vi(!w  of 
the  Union  gunboats,  and  Haines'  Blufl"  was 
hastily  evacuated  by  the  enemy.  On  the 
same  day,  at  2  p.m.,  the  army  moved  to  the 
assault  of  the  place  under  a  terrible  fire,  but 
only  a  portion  of  Sherman's  corps,  Blair's 
division,  gained  any  advantage,  and  at  night 
the  troops  were  recalled.  The  two  following 
days  -were  devoted  to  bringing  up  the  sup- 
plies, and  at  10  a.m.  on  the  22d  another 
grand  assault  was  attempted,  which,  though 
gallantly  and  d(;speratcly  essayed  for  hours, 
resulted  mainly  in  the  slaugliter  of  the  Union 
foi'ces  at  all  points.  The  Union  loss  was  aggra- 
vated by  a  continuance  of  the  assault,  result- 
ing from  Gen.  McClernand's  overestimating 
the  successes  of  the  Union  troops  at  his  por- 
tion of  the  line. 

Vicksburg  was  now  completely  invested  ; 
on  the  Mississip[)i  by  Porter's  fleet  of  gun- 
boats, of  which,  liowever,  one,  the  Ciaciiutati, 
was  sunk  on  the  27th  by  the  rebel  batteries; 
and  on  the  east  by  Gen.  Grant,  whose  rear 
was  protected  from  anv  attack  of  Jolmston's 
forces  by  the  Big  Black  liiver,  and  by  a  large 
force  und(U-  Gen.  Siierman  detailed  to  watch 
that  rebel  ](!ader.  Day  by  day,  the  Union- 
ists dug  their  way  towards  Vicksburg,  and 
soon  reached  positions  whence  siiells  could 
be  thrown  into  the  city.  On  the  25th  a 
mine  was  sprung,  shattering  one  of  tlie  rebel 
forts  opposite  the  Union  centre  and -a  bloody 
struggle  ensued  for  its  possession,  which  re- 
sulted in  a  Union  victory.  Thenceforward 
fort  after  fort  of  the  outer  works  was  mined, 
while  counter-mines  were  run  by  the  enemy, 
the  opposing  forces  often  hearing  the  sound 
of  each  otiier's  picks.  At  length,  on  the  3d 
July,  after  4.')  days  of  besiegement,  having 
been  pres.sed  by  extreme  famine  and  without 
liope  of  relief,  Gen.  Pemberton  projxjsed  a 
surrender,  wiiicli  was  efTcct^'d  on  tiie  Ith  ;  hi.s 
troops,  some  27,000,  being  duly  paroled  and 
marched  out  of  ilie  Hues,  and  tlie  national 
ensign  hoisted  over  the  citv. 

Immediately  upon  the  surrender  of  V'icks- 
burg,  Gen.  (3 rant  pressed  his  army  forward 
to  the  Big  Black  uj)on  Johnston,  who  was 
shortly  driven  into  Jackson,  and  thence  dur- 
ing tiie  night  of  July  10  across  Pearl  River, 
through  Brandon  to  Morton,  |)ursueil  by 
Sherman  as  far  a.s  Brandon.  During  the 
fiiege  of  Vick.sburg,  a  Union  force  of  1,000 
nvMi,  mostly  negroes,  left  in  charge  of  Mil- 
iiken's  IJend,  under  Gen.  K.  S.  Dennis,  w:us 
attacked  by  .'1,000  n^behs  from  Richmond, 
IjJi.,  und((r  (Jen.  II(!nry  Mc( 'nllocli,  with 
lii-avy  and  about  ciiual  loss  to  each  side. 
Jlclena,  Ark.,  well  fortified,  and  under  the 


command  of  Gen.  B.  Prentiss,  also  was  at- 
tacked on  the  3d  July  by  Lieut. -(!en.  Holmes 
with  a  force  of  about  8,000  rebels,  and  with 
Gens.  Price,  Parsons,  and  3Iavmaduke  as  sub- 
ordinates. The  rebels  were  defeated  with  the 
heavy  loss  of  1,636. 

On  the  24th  December,  Gen.  Banks,  com- 
manding the  Department  of  the  Gulf,  de- 
spatched the  42d  Massachusetts,  Col.  Burrill, 
to  Galveston,  Texas,  Commander  R<'nshaw 
having  held  that  place  since  Oct.  8,  with 
four  steam  gunboats.  On  Jan.  1 ,  the  rebel 
General  ^lagruder,  commanding  in  this  re- 
gion, made  an  assault  \ipon  the  Massachu- 
setts troo{)s  encamped  on  the  wharf,  and 
recaptured  the  place,  Col.  Burrill  aiul  his 
20.5  men  being  killed  or  taken  prisoners.  In 
co-operation  with  Magruder,  three  powerful 
rebel  rams  attacked  the  Union  fleet  blockad- 
ing the  bay,  and  after  a  short  but  fierce  fight 
captured  the  Harriet  Xiune^  and  forced  the 
commander  of  the  flag-shij)  'Wextjield,  Ren- 
sluiw,  to  blow  her  uj),  in  doing  which  he  lost 
liis  own  life.  On  Jan.  21,  18()3,  the  two 
gunboats  blockading  the  mouth  of  the  Sabine 
were  attacked  and  caj)tured,  after  a  feeble 
resistance,  by  two  rebel  gunboats  fitted  out 
in  the  river  above  for  that  pur|)ose.  On  Jan. 
12,  the  blockade  of  Galveston  being  re-estab- 
lished under  Com.  Bell  of  the  JirooMi/n,  he 
despatched  the  gunboat  Ilatteras,  Lieut.-Com. 
Blake,  to  overhaul  a  stranger  in  the  ofEng. 
A])proaching  the  latter,  Blake  discovered  her 
to  be  the  Confederate  privateer  Alabama,  and 
at  once  attempted  to  close  with  and  board 
her,  but  the  Ilatteras  was  sunk  in  the  at- 
tempt, the  crew  being  rescued  by  the  victors. 

On  the  11th  of  January,  Gen.  Banks  de- 
spatched (Jen.  Weitzel  with  a  land  force  of 
4,-500  men  to  Bayou  Teclie,  the  artillery  and 
cavalry  moving  up  the  bayou  by  land,  and 
the  infantry  carried  on  four  gunboats  untler 
Com.  McKean  Buchanan.  At  (-arney's 
Bridge,  the  eiunny,  about  1,100  strong,  was 
attacked  and  beaten  on  the  14th,  and  the 
rebel  gunboat  Cotton  near  that  place  was  so 
disabled,  that  she  was  fired  and  destroyed  by 
her  commander.  The  Union  loss  was  about 
30,  among  the  killed  being  the  gallant  Bu- 
chanan. 

The  next  month  was  occupied  by  Gen. 
Banks  in  attempting  to  open  the  Atchafalaya, 
but  eai'ly  in  jMarch  he  concentrated  his  troops 
at  Baton  Rouge,  to  co-o})erate  with  Admiral 
Farragut  in  an  attack  u])on  Port  Hudson. 
On  tlie  night  of  March  14tli,  Farragut  pro- 
ci-eded  to  run  the  rebel  batteries  at  the  latter 
jilace  for  the  purjio.se  of  attacking  above.  At 
11  P.M.  his  fleet  was  di.scovenjd,  and  each  of 
liis  vessels  as  it  came  within  range  of  the  ex- 
tensive batteries  received  the  fire  thereof  and 
s]>irite(Ily  replied  thereto.  At  1  A.M.,  the  flag- 
ship IFarlford  and  her  consort,  the  Alh'itrosx, 
in  the  advance;  had  safely  ])assed,  but  the  re- 
maining gunboats  failed.  The  frigate  Jfi^s- 
is.iij>j)i^  armed  with  21  guns  and  2  howitzers, 
ran  aground  abr(>ast  of  the  heaviest  rebel  bat- 
tery, and  after  remaining  a  target  thereof  for 
an  half  hour,  was  fired  and  abandoned  by  her 
commander  and  crew.  (!en.  Banks,  <leeming 
the  force  holding  J'ort  IIuds(Ui  too  striuig  for 
him,  made  no  attack  and  shortly  returned  to 
th<;  Atchafalaya.  On  tin;  lltli  April,  his 
main  column,  commanded  by  him  in  ]ierson, 
moved  from  Berwick  City,  while  (Sen.  (!ro- 
ver's  division  moved  up  the  Atchafalaya  in  ; 


transports,  passing  into  Grand  Lake  to  cut  i 
oft'  the  retreat  of  the  enemy  under  Taylor,  j 
Here  the  rebel  ram  Queen  of  the  West  wan  I 
destroyed  by  the  Union  gunboats.  Gen.  Gro-  ; 
ver  then  moved  up  Giand  Lake  to  Irish 
Bend,  above  Fort  Bisland.  Landing,  he  was 
attacked  by  the  enemy,  whom  he  beat  off. 
The  i-ebels  then  evacuated  Fort  Bisland  and 
retreated  on  Oj)elousas,  losing  heavily  in  pris- 
oners, and  burning  the  bridges  of  the  region. 
On  May  2d,  Banks  entered  Opelousas,  the 
Union  gunboats  having  in  the  meanwhile 
opened  the  Atchafalaya  to  Red  Biver,  and 
established  communication  with  Admiral  Far- 
ragut at  the  mouth  of  that  stream.  Ta\lor 
now  retreated  on  Shrevcport,  and  was  thence 
pursued  by  a  portion  of  Banks's  force,  under 
Gen.  AVeitzel,  as  far  as  Grand  Ecore,  where 
further  pursuit  of  the  virtually  dispersed 
enemy  was  deemed  useless.  On  the  8th  of 
May,  Banks  reached  Alexandria,  an  important 
and  strongly  fortified  ])lace,  which  had  sur- 
rendered to  Admiral  I'orter's  gunboats.  Gen. 
Banks  reported  his  captures  in  this  campaigo 
at  2,000  i)risonirs  and  22  guns.  He  also 
seized  or  destroyed  10  rebel  steamers  and  3 
gunboats. 

On  the  10th  of  May,  Gen.  Banks  was  ap- 
prised by  Gen.  Grant  of  the  latter's  entrance 
upon  the  camjiaign  against  Vicksburg  and 
invited  to  co-operate,  but  was  obliged  to  de- 
cline from  the  lack  of  transportation,  and  the 
demands  of  his  department.    On  the  1 4th,  he 
proceeded  to  move  down  from  Alexandria  on 
Port  Hudson,  by  waj'  of   Sinimsj)ort,  to 
invest  it  on  the  north,  while  (Jen.  C.  C. 
Augur,  with  3,500  men  from  Baton  Rouge, 
invested  it  on  the  south.    On  the  25tli,  after 
some  resistance  of  the  enemy,  the  junction  of 
the  two  forces  was  eflectcd  in  the  rear  of  the 
rebel  works,  and  on  the  27th  an  assault  Wiis 
made  thereon  by  the  land  forces,  while  the 
TTjiion  gunboats  under  Admiral  Farragut, 
from  below  the  rebid  river  batteries,  tinew 
shot  and  shell  within  the  fortification.s.  'J'lie 
fighting  was  of  the  most  desjierate  and  heroic 
character  upon  the  part  of  the  besiegers,  and  , 
the  colored  troo])S  engaged  therein  were  es- 
jiecially  commended  for  their  noble  bearing,  i 
The  Union  loss  in  this  unsuccessful  attempt  ; 
was  293  killed  and  1,549  wounded,  while  the 
rebel  loss  was    scarcely    300.    Banks  now 
pushed  his  batteries  nearer  and  nearer  to  the 
rebel  works,  ar.d  on  Sunday  morning,  June 
10th,  a  second  general  assault  was  made  there- 
on, Farragut  again  co-ojiei  atiiig  with  his  gun- 
boats.   This  attack  was  also  fruitless,  and 
accompanied  with  severe  loss  to  the  besiegers. 
It  was  continued  until  11  A.M.,  when  such  as 
coulil  retire  fell  back.    A  third  assault  was  j 
being  j)lanned  by  (!en.  Banks,  when  the  news 
of  tlie  surrender  of  Vicksburg  caused  (!en. 
Gardner,  the  commander  of  Port  Hudson,  I 
which  was  already  severely  ju-essed  by  famine,  | 
to  surrender  on"  July  8.     About  0,000  pri- 
soners,   fifty-one    jtieces   of  artillery,   two  j 
steamers,  and  a  large  quantity  of  ammunition  | 
here  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Tnioiiists. 
The  Mississippi  was  now  opened  in  its  entire  i 
length,  and  the  Southern  Confederacy  cut  off  | 
from  its  large  supplies  of  men  and  animals, 
which  it  ha<l  constantly  received  from  the 
country  w(>st  of  the  ^iississippi. 

I'poii  the  withdrawal  of  (Jen.  Banks  from  i 
the   Red   Biver,  (Jen.  Bichard   Taylor  col- 
lected a  new  force  of  several  thousand  men,  | 


I 


UNITED  STATES. 


S79 


and  reoccupied  Alexandria  and  Opeloiisas. 
lie  then  proceeded  against  IJrashear  City, 
which  lie  captured  on  June  23,  it  having  been 
sliainetully  defended.  The  Unionists  here 
lost  1,000  prisoners,  10  heavy  guns,  and  §2,- 
000,000  of  supplies ;  while  many  thousands 
of  blacks,  wlio  had  been  liberated  by  Banks's 
ailvaU'  0,  were  forced  back  into  slavery. 
On  J ane  2(S  Taylor's  van,  under  Green,  as- 
saulted Donaldsonville,  but  three  gunboats, 
sent  thither  by  Farragut,  soon  put  the  rebels 
to  flight  with  severe  loss.  Uj)on  the  fall  of 
I'ort  Hudson,  Taylor  abandoned  the  country 
east  of  the  Atchafalaya. 

On  Sept.  5,  Gen.  Banks,  in  accordance 
with  the  views  of  the  a\ithorities  at  Wash- 
ington, despatched  Gen.  Franklin  with  -1,000 
men,  and  four  gunboats,  under  Lieut. -Com. 
Crocker,  to  seize  Sabine  City,  situated  on 
the  Sabine  River.  Q'he  forces  were  not  land- 
ed from  the  transports,  and  two  of  the  gun- 
boats, the  Clifton  and  iSachevi,  which  were 
of  inferior  strength,  were  disabled  and  caji- 
tured,  with  all  on  board,  in  the  naval  engage- 
ment which  ensued,  and  the  expedition  short- 
ly returned  to  New  Orleans.  On  Sept.  30 
the  Union  force  of  Gen.  Dana  at  Morganzia, 
some  GOO,  were  surprised  by  the  I'ebel  Gen. 
Green,  and  about  400  captuied.  On  Nov. 
3,  a  portion  of  Gen.  C.  C.  Washburne's  force, 
who  had  been  ordered  to  the  Teche  from 
Opelousas,  was  surprised  by  TaN'lor  and 
Green  near  Bayou  Bourbeaux,  and  a  loss 
of  710  sustained,  the  rebel  loss  being  about 
one-half  of  that  number.  At  the  commence- 
ment of  November  an  important  expedition 
was  made  by  Gen.  Banks  into  Texas.  The 
rebel  garrison  at  Fort  Esperanza,  in  Mata- 
gorda Bay,  abandoned  their  woi'ks  at  the  ap- 
proach of  the  Union  forces,  and  by  the  0th 
of  Nov(!inber  Brazos  Island,  Point  Isabel, 
and  Brownsville  wei'e  captured.  The  army 
til  en  proceeded  north-east  to  Aranzas,  captur- 
ing 3  guns  and  100  prisoners.  All  Texas 
west  of  the  Colorado  was  thus  virtually  aban- 
doned by  the  rebels,  none  being  found  by 
expeditions  sent  in  various  directions  from 
Brownsville.  Gen.  Banks  now  proi)Osed  to 
move  inland  and  contest  the  mastery  of  the 
State,  but  he  w-as  overruled.  The  expedition 
was  abandoned,  and  Banks  shortly  I'eturned 
to  New  Orleans,  followed  by  Gen.  A.  J. 
Hamilton,  who  had  been  appointed  Militarj' 
Governor  of  Texas,  and  had  accompanied  the 
array  there.  Shortly  thereafter  Banks  was 
relieved  from  command. 

On  Nov.  8,  1862,  Gen.  Burnside  reluc- 
tantly assumed  command  of  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac,  and  immediately  commenced  a  rapid 
march  to  Fredericksburg,  to  capture  it  and 
cut  oft'  Lee's  retreat  towards  Richmond,  thus 
compelling  the  latter  to  a  battle  in  the  field. 
Owing  to  a  misunderstanding  between  Gens. 
Ualleck  and  Burnside,  the  pontoon  trains  did 
not  arrive  from  Washington,  and  the  army 
was  unable  to  cross  the  I'iver  at  the  expected 
time.  This  enabled  Gen.  Lee  to  penetrate 
Burnside's  design,  and  furnished  him  with 
ample  time  to  counteract  it.  Most  of  the 
rebel  army  was  concentrated  on  the  heights 
of  Fredericksburg,  when  the  Union  amiy 
was  ready  to  cross  the  river  there.  These 
heights  rise  in  successive  terraces,  and  some 
three  miles  below  the  city,  where  they  are 
heavily  wooded,  curve  towards  the  river. 
At  this  latter  point  the  right  of  Lee's  army, 


under  Stonewall  Jackson,  was  placed,  and  [ 
there  confronted  by  the  Union  left  wing, ' 
under  Gen.  Franklin.  The  city  was  now 
subjected  to  a  severe  bombardment,  which, 
while  it  nearly  destroyed  the  place,  failed  to 
completely  drive  out  the  rebel  sharj)shooters 
there,  who  hindered  the  laying  of  the  pon- 
toons. Volunteers  from  the  7tli  Michigan 
and  19th  and  20tlf  Massachusetts  thereupon 
crossed  in  boats  and  accomplished  that  work. 
The  pontoons  being  laid,  the  Union  army, 
including  Franklin's  corjis,  crossed  over  the 
river  on  Dec.  11  and  12,  unmolested,  Lee 
being  unable  to  reach  the  pontoons  with  his 
batteries,  owing  to  the  height  of  the  banks 
of  the  river.  Although  heavy  and  random  ar- 
tillery firing  took  place  in  the  morning,  the 
battle  did  not  commence  until  about  11  a.m., 
when  the  fog  cleared  away.  Cotich's  divi- 
sion of  the  right  of  the  Union  army  then 
emerged  from  among  the  ruins  of  Fredericks- 
burg,  and  moved  swiftly  to  the  assault  across 
the  plain  and  up  Marye's  Hill,  in  three  mas- 
sive columns,  their  ranks  ploughed  and  torn 
by  the  rebel  batteries  from  sixteen  direct  and 
enfilading  points,  tier  above  tier  rising  to  the 
crest  of  the  hill.  At  the  foot  of  the  hill  they 
were  stopped  by  a  stone  wall,  four  feet  in 
height,  behiml  which  the  Confederate  infantry 
securely  poured  upon  them  the  fiery  sleet  of 
their  musketry.  Still  the  line  undulated 
along  the  slope,  and  the  slaughtered  brigades 
were  succeeded  by  others,  to  be  mowed  down 
in  turn.  Two-thirds  of  Meagher's  Irish  bri- 
gade fell  on  the  way  up  these  impregnable 
heights,  and  other  brigades  of  Sumner's  and 
Hooker's  gi-and  divisions  successively  moved 
up,  only  to  be  strewn  upon  the  bloody  ground. 
And  thus  the  slaughter  was  maintained  on  the 
right,  with  vain  sacrifice  and  heroic  valor,  till 
after  dark,  when  the  terraces  and  slopes  upon 
the  hill  wei'e  piled  with  the  Union  dead.  On 
the  left  but  a  portion  of  Franklin's  command, 
which  comprised  one-half  of  the  Union  army, 
was  engaged  during  the  day,  Smith's  corps, 
21,000  strong,  not  having  been  sent  iit.  The 
two  corps  of  Reynolds,  some  10,000  men, 
with  Sickles'  division  of  Hooker's  command, 
kept  tip  the  contest  against  Jackson  till  night- 
fall. Here  the  loss  was  also  severe,  Gen. 
Meade  alone  losing  1,760  out  of  6,000  of  his 
command. 

The  Union  losses  during  this  bloody  day 
were  1,652  killed,  9,101  wounded,  and  3,234 
missing — total,  13,771.  Among  the  killed 
was  ]\Iajor-Gen.  Geo.  D.  Bayard,  commanding 
Franklin's  cavalry,  and  many  brigadiers  and 
other  ofiicers  of  liigh  rank.  The  loss  of  the 
enemy,  though  at  first  reported  by  Gen.  Lee 
at  1,800,  was  subsequently  ascertained  to 
have  been  over  5,000.  The  Union  army  en- 
gaged in  this  conflict  numbered  about  100,- 
000,  that  of  the  enemy  80,000.  Gen.  Burn- 
side proposed  the  next  morning  to  renew  the 
attack,  but  was  prevented  by  the  remon- 
strances of  Gen.  Sumner  and  other  officers. 
Some  skirmishing  and  cannonading  followed 
on  the  14th  and  15th,  and  on  the  night  of 
the  latter  day  the  entiie  army  was  with- 
drawn across  the  river,  the  pontoons  removed,  ] 
and  the  campaign  against  Fredericksburg 
ended.  Gen.  Burnside  soon  planned  another 
advance  movinnent,  and  actually  commenced 
it  on  Jan.  20,  186.3,  but  abandoned  it  in  con- 
sequence of  severe  storms  which  then  set  in, 
and  the  campaign  in  Virginia  was  practically 


closed  for  the  »ea.son.  Having  prepared  a 
general  order  dismissing  some  of  his  officers 
from  the  army  for  fomenting  disccnitent  liicre- 
in,  he  submitted  it  to  the  President  for  his 
approval.  Instead  of  giving  this,  the  latter 
decided,  on  Jan.  28,  to  relieve  (Jen.  Burn.sido 
from  his  command. 

During  this  winter  and  spring  numerous 
raids  were  made  in  Virginia  by  (iens.  Stiiai't, 
Fitzhugh  Ix!e,  Sloseby,  and  others,  in  which 
small  and  isolated  bands  of  Unionists  or 
poorly-guarded  supply-traiiis  weie  often  cap- 
tured. 

Gen.  Hooker,  who  .succeeded  Gen.  ]jt.rn- 
side,  at  once  devottid  himself  to  reorganizing 
and  improving  the  discipline  of  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac,  and  by  the  opening  of  spring 
it  numbered  about  100,000  effective  infantry, 
with  1 3,000  cavalry,  and  10,000  artillery,  in  all 
respects  well  aj)pointed.  On  April  27,  18G3, 
Gen.  Hooker  dispatched  Gen.  Stoneman,  with 
most  of  the  Union  cavalry,  to  cut  the  railroads 
in  the  rear  of  Gen.  Lee  and  of  Fredericksburg. 
He  also  directed  Gen.  Sedgwick,  with  some 
20,000  men,  to  cross  in  front  of  Frederick.s- 
burg  and  carry  the  intrenched  heights,  while, 
by  throwing  his  army  suddenly  over  the  river 
above  that  place,  Ik;  should  c()m])el  f/'e  either 
to  attack  him  or  retreat  towards  Richmond 
to  save  his  commtmicat  ions. 

On  Saturd;iy,  ]\Iay  2d,  Gen.  Hooker  estab- 
lished his  headquarters  at  a  house  named 
Chancellorsville,  at  the  intersection  of  the 
Gordonsville  and  Orange  County  roads,  and 
was  there  surroxnided  by  about  70,000  of  liis 
army,  while  Sedgw^ick  had  also  succeeded  in 
crossing  the  Iiai)pahannock  three  miles  below 
Fredericksburg.  Upon  learning  the  passage 
of  the  main  Union  army  above  him  instead 
of  below  him,  as  he  had  expected,  Gen.  Lee 
left  a  small  bod}^  in  his  works  on  Fi  edericks- 
burg  Heights,  and  hastened  his  main  body, 
some  50,000  men,  about  half-way  down  the 
Gordonsville  road  towards  Chancellorsville. 
On  Saturday  afternoon.  May  2,  he  despatched 
Stonewall  Jackson  to  execute  a  flank  move- 
ment on  the  L'nion  extreme  right,  which  was 
commanded  I'y  Howard.  Just  at  evening 
Gen.  Jackson,  with  25,000  men,  burst  from 
some  thick  woods  upon  the  exposed  flank  of 
that  corps,  and  drove  it  back,  ]):iiiic-stncken, 
uj)ou  Sickles  in  the  centre  of  the  army,  in 
s\nte  of  Gen.  Howard's  frantic  exertions  to 
rally  and  reform  it.  In  this  crisis,  Gen. 
Hooker  moved  up  Berry's  division.  Sickles 
and  Howard  then  rallied  a  portion  of  their 
commands,  and  the  progress  of  the  enemy 
was  arrested.  Thirty  pieces  of  artillery  were 
now  massed  in  front  of  Berry's  j>osition. 
Upon  these,  while  darkness  was  falling,  three 
charges  were  made  by  the  rebels.  Each 
time  the  latter  were  icpelled  with  great 
slaughter,  the  constant  dLscliarg<  s  of  canister 
sweeping  whole  ranks  of  them  away.  Towards 
midnight  a  cessation  of  the  conflict  took  jilace. 
In  front  of  these  batteries,  between  9  and  10 
P.M.,  fell  the  great  rebel  general  T.  J.  Jack- 
son (Stonewall),  mortally  wounded  by  the 
mistaken  fire  of  his  own  men,  which  was 
;  delivered  in  accordance  with  his  general  or- 
dei-s  respecting  the  aj>proach  of  svisj)icious 
bodies  of  horse.  This  disaster  to  the  enemy 
was  almost  equivalent  to  a  victory  for  the 
Unionists. 

At  5  A.M.,  May  3d,  the  enemy  renewed  the 
attack,  and  were  met  by  Berry's  and  Biruey's 


BSD 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


divisions,  suj)ji<)rted  by  Wliipple  and  Williams, 
the  artillery  of  the  latter  coninianding  all  the 
ajtl)roaches  by  the  plank  road,  on  which  the 
enemy  mainly  advanced.  The  latter  were 
luowed  down  by  hundreds,  but  fresh  rcgi- 
nients  constantly  succeeded  the  shattered 
ones,  until  Geu.  Sickles  was  forced  to  send 
tr)  iiooker  for  assistance.  The  messenger 
found  the  latter  at  Chancellorsville,  btuuued 
and  insensible.  A  cannon  ball  had  but  just 
struck  a  pillar  against  which  he  was  leaning, 
and  an  hour  passed  ere  he  was  able  to  give 
an  order,  and  Sickles  was  again  comjjclled  to 
recoil,  after  repelling  five  fierce  charges  and 
capturing  eight  Hags.  The  battle  thus  raged 
in  fearful  earnestness  until  about  noon,  when 
the  rebels  withdi-ew.  During  this  day  Gen. 
Sedgwick  had  stormed  and  carried  the  heights 
of  Fredericksbui'g.  He  then  moved  out  on 
the  Chancellorsville  road,  in  the  rear  of  the 
rebel  army.  At  5  p.m.  Gen.  Lee  turned  his 
attention  to  the  advance  of  Sedgwick,  and 
sent  Gen.  McLaws,  with  a  constantly  aug- 
menting force,  to  stop  the  former's  progi-ess, 
the  fighting  continuing  till  dai'k.  The  next 
morning,  May  4,  the  rebels  concentrated 
a  still  heavier  force  upon  him,  and  striking 
him  in  Hank,  drove  him  down  to  the  river, 
and  during  the  night  across  it,  ut  Banks's 
Ford,  with  the  heavy  loss  of  5,000  men.  The 
rebels  also  reoccupicd  the  heights  of  Fred- 
ericksburg. On  the  same  night  Hooker 
recrossed  the  Rappahannock  unmolested,  and 
returned  to  his  old  camp  at  Falmouth. 
The  Union  lo.ss  in  this  tremendous  conflict 
■was  17,197  men.  It  is  significant  that  no 
official  statement  of  the  rebel  losses  was 
ever  made,  but  it  is  estimated  that  they  were 
fully  equal  to  those  of  the  Unionists.  The 
raid  of  Gen.  Stoncman  to  the  rear  of  Gen. 
Lee's  army  was  rendered  ineffective  by  the 
scattering  of  his  forces.  Though  these  vari- 
ous detachments  succeeded  in  cutting  the 
railroads  at  various  points,  the  injuries  were 
easily  and  (juickly  repaired. 

In  April  the  rebel  General  Longstroet,  with 
a  force  of  40,000  men,  had  advanced  on  Suflolk, 
an  important  railroad  junction  covering  the 
approaches  to  Norfolk,  and  held  by  Gen.  Peck 
witii  15,000  men.  After  some  serious  en- 
gagements, Longstreet  sat  down  before  it  in 
a  regular  siege,  which  he  jjrosecuted  with  no 
decided  success  until  May  3d,  when  he  raised 
the  siege,  and  proceeded  to  join  Lee  at  Fred- 
ericksburg. 

On  June  3  a  portion  of  Gen.  Ih'(>'s  army 
moved  up  the  northern  bank  of  the  Rappa- 
hannock to  Culpepper  Court-House,  and 
shortly  afterwards  Geu.  Hooker  dispatched 
Gen,  IMea.santon,  witli  cavalry  and  infantry, 
to  ob.serve  this  movement  of  the  enemy  on 
his  rigiit.  The  latter  soon  discovered  that 
the  most  of  tlie  rebel  army  was  in  this  re- 
gion, and  on  the  march  westward.  At  lU-v- 
erley  Ford,  on  June  9,  he  engaged  the  rebel 
cavalry  under  J.  E.  R,  Stuart,  and  after  a 
spirited  contest  fell  back  to  avoid  ovoi  whelm- 
ing  numbers,  the  losses  on  each  side  being 
about  e(|ual.  On  the  Uth  Gen.  R.  \l.  M\\- 
roy,  commanding  a  force  of  7,000  men  at 
W'inchi'Ktcr,  receiveil  orders  from  tht;  depart- 
m(Mit  connnander,  Siln  nck,  to  withdraw  to 
Harper's  Ferry.  Failing  to  obey,  lie  ro- 
nmiiied,  only  to  shoHly  juscerlain,  on  Juno  \  '^, 
that  Kwcll's  anti  1  .ongst reel's  entire  armies 
were  advancing  rapidly  ujion  him.    He  nov-  i 


ertheless  still  remained,  and  the  next  day  | 
four  batteries  opened  ujion  him,  and  10,000 
of  Ewell's  infitntry  swej)t  over  his  outer 
breastworks  a  mile  from  the  town.  Attempt-  j 
ing  to  storm  the  main  fort  the  assailants  were 
repulsed  and  desisted  for  a  time  ;  but  at  1 
A.yi.,  June  15,  Milroy  called  a  council  and 
decided  to  evacuate  the  town  and  fall  back 
on  Harper's  Ferry.  Spiking  his  guns,  his 
troops  marched  forth  on  the  Martinsburg 
road,  and  found  a  rebel  division  four  miles 
out,  who  shortly  routed  and  dispersed  them. 
One  part  of  the  fugitives  under  Milroy 
reached  Harper's  Ferry  in  safety,  and  an- 
other, some  2,700,  fled  as  far  as  Bloody  Run, 
Pa.  But  many  hundreds  were  made  prison- 
ers, and  the  loss  of  artillery  and  wagons  was 
extensive. 

On  June  13  Gen.  Hooker  began  to  move 
his  army  northward,  passing  through  Dum- 
fries to  Centre ville.  On  June  15  the  rebel 
advance  of  Ewell  entered  Chambersburg,  Pa., 
and  shortly  afterwards  the  whole  rebel  army 
forded  the  Potomac,  Hill's  and  Longstreet's 
corps  uniting  at  Hagerstown,  and  following 
Ewell,  on  June  27,  towai-ds  Chambersburg. 
The  latter  still  piished  forward  his  advance 
to  Kingston,  which  is  but  13  miles  from 
Harrisburg.  The  most  intense  excitement 
now  existed  throughout  the  North.  The 
President  called  on  the  nearest  States  for 
militia,  and  was  j)romptly  resj)onded  to  by 
New  York  and  Pennsylvania  chiefly.  On 
the  27th  Hooker  occujned  Frederick  City. 
Cavalry  engagements  had  taken  place  all  along 
the  march  of  the  rebel  army,  at  Beverley's 
Ford,  Brandy  Station,  Uj)perville,  and  other 
places,  which,  however,  did  not  impede  its 
advance. 

On  the  28th  Hooker  was  superseded  in  the 
command  of  the  army  by  Gen.  Geo.  S.  INIeade, 
though  such  a  change  of  commanders  was  an 
extraordinary  measure  to  take  on  the  brink 
of  a  great  battle.  Lee  was  now  well  ad- 
vanced into  Pennsylvania.  On  the  28th  a 
portion  of  Ewell's  army,  under  Early,  reached 
York,  on  which  borough  he  levied  a  large 
sum  of  money.  On  the  29th  JSIeade  had  ad- 
vanced as  far  as  South  ]\Iountain,  threaten- 
ing the  coninuinications  of  Lee,  who  thereupon 
directed  L(jii:^street  and  Hill  to  march  from 
Chambersburg  to  Gettysburg,  and  Ewell,  who 
was  at  Carlisle,  to  hasten  towartl  that  rendez- 
vouj^.  Gen.  Meade,  hearing  of  these  move- 1 
nients,  at  once  ordered  Gen.  Reynolds,  with 
the  1st  and  11th  corj>s,  to  occujiy  Gettysburg. 
On  arriving  at  the  latter  jjlace,  July  1st,  with 
the  advance  of  his  command,  lie  found  that 
(Jen.  Buford,  with  a  division  of  the  l^nion 
cavalry,  had  there  encountered  the  van  of  the 
rebel  army,  under  Gen.  Heth,  of  Hill's  corps, 
marching  in  on  the  Cashtown  road.  Rey- 
nolds' 1st  corps,  under  Gen.  J.  S.  Wads- 
worth,  at  once  ru.shed  through  the  village, 
aiul,  driving  back  the  enemy,  occupied  the 
ridge  overloi>king  the  place;  from  the  north- 
west. At  the  conunencenuMit  of  this  action 
Gen.  Beynolds  fell,  nun-tally  wounded,  and 
the  conuiiand  of  the  1st  corjis  devolved 
on  G(>n.  I)oul)leday.  Wadswcn-th,  .severely 
pressed,  now  fell  back,  and  during  the  nuive- 
nient  the  rebel  advance,  some  800,  uj-.dcr 
Archer,  were  enveloped  by  the  right  of  the 
Union  division  and  made  ])i-isoners.  At  11 
A.M.  Gen.  Howard  arrived  with  the  11th 
corps  and  a.s.sunicd  command,  whereupon  the 


[  struggle  was  renewed  with  spirit,  the  Union- 
ists  having  the  best  of  the  fight,  until  at 

1  P.M.  Ewell's  army  from  York  came  rapidly 
j  into  the  battle,  outflanking  Howard's  line. 

The  two  corps,  the  1st  and  11th,  now  fell 
back  through  the  streets  of  the  village,  losing 
many  ])risoners,  and  were  rallied  on  Ceme- 
tery Hill,  just  south  of  the  j)lace.  Sickles, 
with  the  3d  corps,  arrived  shortly  afterwards 
and  came  into  position  on  Howard's  left,  but 
was  shortly  pres.sed  back  with  severe  loss. 
Gen.  Meade,  who  was  at  Taney  town,  10  miles 
distant,  hearing  of  the  events  at  Gettysburg, 
at  once  ordered  Hancock  to  proceed  there 
and  take  command.  At  3  p.m.  the  latter 
reached  Cemetery  Hill,  to  fuul  Howard  rally- 
ing his  forces  behind  it.  The  enemy  now 
approached  the  ridge,  but  were  met  by  a 
fierce  ai-tillery  fire,  against  which  they  vainly 
struggled  to  advance,  until  night  coming  on 
the  conflict  ended.  Hancock  now  reported 
the  state  of  affairs  to  Gen.  Meade,  and  the 
latter  deterndned  to  fight  a  defensive  battle 
on  the  morrow  at  this  })lace.  At  11  p.m.  he 
arrived  on  the  field  to  direct  the  imjiortaut 
events  to  ensue,  having  dispatched  orders  to 
all  the  difl'erent  corj)s  to  march  with  the  ut- 
most speed  thereto.    On  the  morning  of  July 

2  the  Union  line  of  battle  extended  nearly 
five  miles,  from  Cemetery  Hill  in  its  middle, 
along  a  row  of  heights  in  the  .shape  of  a  horse- 
shoe, Howard  holding  the  centre,  with  the  1st 
and  12th  corps  on  his  right  under  Slocum, 
and  Hancock's  2d  corps  and  the  3d  corps  of 
Sickles  on  his  left.  Gen.  Sedgwick's  Oth 
corps,  on  its  way  from  3Ianchestcr,  30  miles 
distant,  did  not  arrive  till  2  p.m.  of  tiiis 
eventful  day.  Ewell  commanded  the  left, 
Hill  the  centre,  and  Longstreet  the  right  of 
Gen.  Lee's  army.  It  was  not  until  evening 
that  the  latter  directed  Longstreet  to  advance 
against  the  Union  left,  luuler  Sickles,  for  the 
purpose  of  flanking  Cemetery  Hill.  A  ndle 
and  a  half  of  battle  liii-es  then  sudtlenly  swept 
up  on  Sickles,  who  had  advanced  beyond  the 
general  line,  and  hurled  him  back  with  severe 
loss.  A  bloody  struggle  now  ensued  for  the 
possession  of  Round  Top,  an  eminence  on  his 
left  Sickles  was  here  struck  in  the  leg  by  a 
cannon  ball  and  carried  off  the  field  ;  but  the 
enemy  was  repelled  by  Syke.s'  5th  corps, 
while  Hancock  closed  in  from  the  right  with 
portions  of  the  1st,  and  Sedgwick's  (ith  corps, 

I  and  was  driven  to  the  ridge  from  which  thoy 
had  expelled  Sickles,  thus  leaving  the  Union 
line  where  Meade  had  intended  to  jdace  it 
On  the  L^nion  right  Slocum  had  been  crowded 
back  during  the  day  by  lOwell,  who  .seized 
some  of  his  rifle-pits.  Early  next  morning, 
July  3,  Slocum  ])ushed  forward  to  retake 
these,  and  for  six  hours  the  struggle  was  most 
desperate.  At  11  A.M.  the  enemy  receded, 
Slocum  re-oslablishing  liis  line  and  resting 
upon  it.  A  pause  in  the  conflict  now  took 
place.  Lee,  who  had  fried  to  break  both  of 
the  Union  wings  aiul  failed,  now  brought  for- 
ward 125  heavy  guns  to  Hill's  and  Long- 
street's  fronts,  an(l  concentrated  their  fire  on 
Cemetery  Hill,  the  I'nion  centre,  a  little  be- 
hind the  crest  of  which  was  Meade's  lund- 
(juarters.  At  2  P.M.  this  terrible  battery 
oiioned,  and  for  two  hours  shot  and  shell  fell 
ami  burst  upon  this  hill,  while  100  I'nion 
guns  made  constant  reply.  About  1  P.M.  a 
gi-.md  charge  wa.s  ord(Meil  by  (Jen-  Lee  upon 
Cemetery  Hill,  and  more  especia'ly  an  HiUi 


UNITED  STATES. 


581 


cock's  (2d)  corps.  Hancock  was  now  wound- 
ed, and  Gibbon  succeeded  to  his  command. 
The  rebel  lines  advanced  three  deej)  till  within 
point-blank  range.  Before  the  fire  of  18,000 
muskets  the  first  i-ebel  line  litei-ally  melted 
awav.  But  the  second  line  swept  onward 
and  over  the  Union  rifle-pits  to  the  guns, 
Imvoneting  the  gunners  and  waving  the  rebel 
flags  in  victory.  Then  a  storm  of  grape  and 
canister  from  the  Union  guns  on  the  west- 
ern slope  of  Cemetery  Hill,  which  enfiladed 
tiie  spot,  fell  vipon  this  line.  It  reeled  back, 
and  in  a  moment  the  Unionists  leaped  forth 
upon  what  was  now  hut  a  disordered  mass. 
Whole  regiments  surrendered,  and  the  battle 
was  over,  thus  ending  in  a  bitter,  crushing 
defeat  of  the  rebels. 

Gen.  jNIeade  reported  the  Union  losses  in 
the  battles  of  Gettysburg  at  2,834  killed, 
13,709  wounded,  and  6,0-13  missing ;  total, 
23,186.  41  flags  and  13,621  prisoners  were 
captiired  by  him.  Gen.  Lee  gave  no  return 
of  his  losses,  which  were  probably  18,000 
killed  and  wounded,  with  10,000  imwounded 
prisoners. 

During  the  2d  and  3d  July,  the  cavalry  of 
both  armies  were  not  seriously  engaged,  but 
in  a  dash  of  the  Union  cavalry  under  Merritt, 
to  strike  the  rebel  right  flank,  Gen.  Farns- 
wortli,  commanding  the  supporting  brigade, 
was  killed.  No  immediate  eft'ective  pursuit 
of  the  rebel  army,  who  at  first  retired  slowly 
and  cautiously,  was  attemi)ted,  Gen.  Meade 
having  no  reserves  and  scarcely  any  ammuni- 
tion left.  Lee  then  recrossed  the  Cumber- 
land Mountains  and  pressed  rapidly  towards 
the  Potomac.  Sedgwick,  with  the  6th  corps, 
moved  towards  that  river  on  the  east  side  of 
tho  mountains,  to  intercept  the  rebel  march, 
■while  the  Union  cavalry  continually  harassed 
the  enemy's  rear,  capturing  trains  and  pris- 
oners. Arriving  at  the  Potomac,  Lee  found 
the  river  so  swollen  by  recent  rains  that  all 
the  fords  were  impassable.  For  four  days 
Lee  remained  at  Williamsport  strengthening 
his  position,  but  before  he  had  completed  his 
preparations  to  cross  the  river.  Gen.  Jleade's 
army,  strengthened  by  French's  divisions  and 
Couch's  militia,  arrived  there,  July  13,  ready 
to  assail  him.  But,  unfortunately.  Gen. 
Meade  deferred  his  own  judgment  to  the  ad- 
vice of  a  majority  of  his  corps  commanders, 
and  refrained  from  ordering  an  assault,  and 
Lee  was  thus  permitted  to  withdraw  across 
the  Potomac  during  the  night,  without  a  blow 
being  dealt  him,  to  the  intense  disappoint- 
ment of  the  nation.  The  cavalry  under  Kil- 
patrick  took  a  few  prisoners  at  Falling  "Wa- 
ters, and  Gregg's  cavalry  was  involved  in  a 
spirited  contest  at  Sheperdstown  with  Fitz- 
hugli  Lee's  force.  On  the  18th  3Ieade  cross- 
ed the  Potomac  and  moved  down  the  Loudon 
valley  on  Lee's  flank,  with  the  purpose  of 
striking  his  line  at  some  point.  Two  days 
were  lost  by  the  Union  army  in  passing 
through  Manassas  Gap,  where  a  brigade  of 
Ewell's  meiijliolding  the  pass,  engaged  a  por- 
tion of  the  Union  forces  under  Gen.  F.  B. 
Spinola.  During  this  time  Lee  moved  rapidly 
soutliward,  jjassing  around  the  right  flank  of 
the  L'l'nion  army  towards  the  Eapidan.  At 
the  close  of  July,  the  latter  again  took  up  its 
old  position  on  the  Rappahannock. 

During  Lee's  movement  towards  the  North, 
Piichmond  was  left  a  portion  of  the  time  de- 
feuded  by  but  a  single  brigade  under  Gen. 


Wise.  On  July  1,  Gen.  Keyes  was  sent  by 
Gen.  Dix,  commanding  at  Fortress  Monroe, 
to  make  a  demonstration  on  the  rebel  capital, 
but  he  shortly  returned  therefrom  without 
having  accomplished  anything.  Various  de- 
tachments of  the  Union  cavalry  under  Bu- 
ford,  Kil])atrick,  and  Pleasanton,  during  the 
months  of  August  ai\d  Sej)tember,  made  raids 
and  reconnoissances  into  the  enemy's  country 
across  the  Rappahannock.  Dtiring  the  lat- 
ter month,  Lee  sent  considerable  reinforce- 
ments to  Bragg  in  Tennessee,  and  the  1 1th  and 
12tli  corps,  under  Hooker,  were  sent  to  the 
aid  of  the  Union  army  at  Chattanooga,  Oct. 
12,  Meade  crossed  the  Rappahannock  in  force, 
but  shortly  reci-ossed,  having  been  completely 
outflanked  by  Lee.  During  the  retreat  a 
fierce  cavalry  conflict  between  the  opposing 
forces  took  place  at  Brandy  Station,  in  which 
the  Unionists  proved  decidedly  superior. 

Meade  retreated  as  far  as  Ceutreville,  close- 
ly followed  by  the  enemy's  cavalry  under 
Stuart.  The  latter,  on  the  night  of  Oct.  13, 
got  ahead  of  the  Union  2d  corjis.  Gen.  War- 
ren, acting  as  rear-guard,  but  adroitly  escaped 
from  his  perilous  position.  The  next  day, 
A.  P.  Hill's  corps  found  itself  in  a  similar 
position,  and  giving  battle  to  the  2d  corps, 
was  defeated,  and  retreated,  leaving  6  guns 
and  losing  many  prisoners.  Lee  now  de- 
stroyed the  Orange  and  Alexandria  Railroad 
from  the  Raj)idan  to  Manassas,  and  returned 
to  his  former  position.  On  the  7th  Novem- 
ber, Gens.  French  and  Sedgwick  attacked 
the  enemy  at  Kelly's  Ford,  taking  .500  pris- 
oners, and  then  moved  against  the  enemy's 
works  at  Rappahannock  Station,  where,  after 
a  short  and  desperate  close  combat.  Gen. 
David  A.  Russell  leading  the  charge,  the 
Unionists  took  1,600  men,  four  guns,  and 
eight  battle  flags. 

On  the  26th  November,  Gen.  Wan-en, 
with  the  2d  corps,  crossed  the  Rapiilan  at 
Germania  Ford,  and  moved  against  tlie  ene- 
my, but  Gens.  French  and  Sykes,  who  were 
to  co-operate,  failed  to  arrive  at  the  con- 
certed time.  On  the  evening  of  the  27th, 
Newton  with  the  1st  corps,  and  Sedg^vick  with 
the  6th,  came  up,  but  the  enemy  had  retreat- 
ed as  far  as  Mine  Run,  where  they  were  next 
found  in  strong  position.  After  one  or  two  days 
expended  in  reconnoissance  and  manccuvring, 
it  was  resolved  that  a  grand  assault  on  the 
rebel  fortifications  should  take  })lace  at  8  A.M., 
Nov.  30  ;  but  the  force  and  position  of  the 
enemy  wei'e  found  ere  that  time  to  be  such  as 
to  make  the  attempt  too  hazai-dous,  the  op- 
portunity for  flanking  him  having  been  lost. 
Gen.  Meade  then  decided  to  abandon  the  ex- 
pedition, and  on  the  night  of  Dec.  1  brought 
his  troops  back  across  the  Rapidan,  and  now 
retired  to  winter  quarters. 

Diiring  the  year  1863  several  minor  mili- 
tary operations  took  place  in  West  Virginia. 
July  13,  a  profitless  raid  was  made  by  Col. 
John   Toland  with    1,000  Unionists  from 
Browntown  on  Wytheville.    Aug.  26,  Gen. 
W.  W.  Averill  engaged  a  rebel  force  at 
Lewisburg,  under  Col.  Geo.  S.  Patton,  the 
Union  loss  being  207,  that  of  the  rebels  156  ; 
and  on  Nov.  6,  Gen.  Averill  with  5,000  men 
met  a  I'ebel  force  under  Gen.  Echols,  and 
1  drove  the  latter  with  heavy  loss  from  Droop 
I  Mountain,  in  Grecuibrier  County,  into  Monroe 
j  County.   In  the  month  of  December,  Averill 
1  destroyed  a  portion  of  the  Virginia  and  Ten- 


nessee Railroad  at  Salem,  and  a  large  amount 
of  other  rebel  prci[)erty  found  there  and  in 
the  vicinity. 

July  3,  1863,  the  successful  rebel  raider, 
Morgan,  with  2,000  men,  ci-ossed  the  CundxAr- 
land  River  near  Burkesville,  and  on  tliat  day 
partially  sacked  Columbia,  having  puslied 
back  Col.  Wolford's  cavalry,  wliich  had  ad- 
vanced to  impede  him.  Jidy  4,  he  attacked 
200  of  the  25th  Micliigan,  und^-r  Col.  O.  H. 
Moore,  and  after  a  desperate  fight  of  some 
hours,  drew  ofl',  badly  worsted.  July  5,  ho 
captured  Lebanon,  after  a  sharp  fight  in  which 
his  brother  Thomas  was  killed  ;  whereupon  in 
revenge  he  burned  some  twenty  houses.  Ho 
then  proceeded  to  Springfield,  compelling  his 
prisoners  captured  at  Lebanon  to  run  (he 
whole  distance  of  ten  miles  in  ninety  nunutes, 
and  knocking  out  the  brains  of  a  sergeant 
who  gave  out  on  the  way.  At  Sjjringfield  he 
robbed  and  paroled  his  prisoners.  July  7, 
i\Iorgan  readied  Brandenburg,  on  the  Ohio, 
which  he  plundered.  He  there  .seized  the 
steamers  Alice  Deem  and  jilcConib,  in  which 
he  ci'ossed  the  river,  and  then  burnt  the  for- 
mer vessel.  The  pui-suing  force  of  Union- 
ists, under  Gen.  Hobson,  arrived  at  Brauden- 
biirg  just  as  he  left.  He  then  passed  through 
Corydon,  to  Salem,  Ind.,  where  he  captured 
300  Home  Guards  of  Corydon,  wlio  had  fal- 
len back  before  him.  At  Corydon,  he  broke 
up  the  railroad,  burnt  the  depot,  and  levied  a 
ransom  of  the  mills  and  factories.  He  then 
proceeded  to  Old  Vernon,  and  deniandeil  its 
surrender,  but  being  0])posed,  decamped.  He 
then  passed  through  Versailles  and  sweeping 
around  Cincinnati  at  a  short  distance  there- 
from, struck  the  Ohio  below  Parkersburg. 
Along  the  route  he  levied  on  pioperty,  eveii 
f  the  meanest  kind,  but  the  sharp  pursuit  of 
50  miles  a  day  gave  him  no  time  to  do  exten- 
sive miscliief,  though  the  line  of  his  march 
and  retreat  was  strewn  with  an  e.vtraordinary 
assortment  of  domestic  goods.  At  Miami- 
ville  he  overturned  a  railroad  train  and  burned 
50  Government  wagons.  On  the  15th,  reach- 
ing Winchester,  he  robbed  the  mail,  and  stole 
§35,000  worth  of  projierty  and  fifty  horses, 
driving  with  shouts  and  laughter,  tlnough  the 
streets,  caj)tured  mules,  whose  tails  were  tied 
up  in  fragments  of  the  Union  flags  found  in 
the  place. 

Gen.  Judah  with  a  strong  force  was  now 
moving  up  the  Ohio  from  Portsmouth,  wliile 
gunboats  patrolled  the  stream  to  intercept 
the  raiders.  Opposite  Buffinton  Island,  be- 
low Parkersburg,  Judah  came  uj)un  them, 
and  at  the  same  time  Ilobson  attacked  them 
from  the  rear,  and  the  gunboats  from  the  river. 
In  desperation,  Morgan  divided  his  forces,  one 
part  of  which  rushed  for  the  river,  but  were 
driven  back  b}'  the  fire  of  the  gunV)oats.  A  run- 
ning fight  now  ensued,  the  main  body  of  tlie 
raiders  fleeing  up  the  river.  At  Belleville 
and  Hawkinsville  they  again  \insuccessfully 
attempted  to  cross,  anil  scattered  into  wan- 
dering detachments.  Some  200  escaped  into 
South-western  Virginia.  ^lorgun  himself, 
with  another  portion,  struck  into  Columbiana 
County,  where  he  surrendered  to  Col.  Shackle- 
ford.  0\er  2,000  were  captured  or  kiIIcjI. 
Morgan  and  .several  of  his  otlicers  were  then 
confined  in  the  jienitentiary  at  Ci)lnnibu.s, 
whence,  on  Nov.  26,  seven  of  them,  including 
Morgan,  escaj)ed  and  ultimately  reached 
Richmond,   Va.     Returning  to  service  in 


683 


HISTORY   OF  THE 


East  Tennessee,  Morgan  was  killed  the  next 
year. 

On  June  '.'  Uli,  1803,  having  comi)l('te(l  his 
prejtiirations  at  Murfrcesboro,  Gen.  llosccrans 
advancud  towards  Shelby  ville,  Tullahonia, 
and  Chattanooga,  where  divisions  of  Bragg's 
powerful  army,  of  some  40,000  men,  were 
strongly  forlitied.  He  crossed  the  Cumber- 
liuid  Mountauis  by  four  different  routes,  and 
on  June  27th  a  portion  of  his  forces,  \inder 
Gordon  Granger,  advanced  on  Shelby  ville, 
which  was  evacuated  by  the  enemy,  after  a 
short  resistance.  June  30th,  Tullahoina  was 
also  evacuated  by  the  enemy  then;,  who  I'ap- 
idly  fled  before  tlie  advance  of  llosccrans' 
light  trooi)S.  The  main  Union  arm\^  moved 
directly  on  Chattanooga,  the  remaining  rebel 
stronghold  in  Tennessee,  and  on  Aug.  21st  its 
columns  drew  up  on  the  banks  of  the  Tennes- 
see, in  front  of  the  place.  3d  September,  leav- 
ing 7,000  men  with  Gen.  Hazeu  to  deceive 
Bragg  with  feints  in  the  front.  Gen.  llose- 
crans  took  his  main  army  over  the  river,  a  few 
miles  below  Chattanooga,  and  marched  up 
the  Lookout  valley,  west  of  Ijookotit  Moun- 
tain. In  danger  of  being  cut  off  from  his 
base  of  supplies,  Gen.  Bragg  hastily  evacuat- 
ed C'hattanooga  by  the  valley  traversed  by 
Chickamauga  Creek.  Gen.  llosccrans  suppos- 
ing that  Bragg  was  in  full  retreat  to  Rome, 
at  once  ordered  Gen.  Crittenden,  who  had 
taken  possession  of  Chattanooga,  to  pursue 
the  enemy.  Ci  ittendeu  fortunately  d(;layed, 
and  llosccrans,  to  his  astonisliment,  ascertain- 
ed that  the  fue  had  faced  about  and  was  rap- 
idly concent lating  around  Lafayette  the  most 
effective  rebel  army  which  had  ever  appeared 
in  this  region,  with  the  plain  i)urpose  of 
marching  back  on  Chattanooga,  llosccrans 
now  hastened  to  concentrate  his  scattered 
forces,  of  whom  Crittenden  was  in  the  Chick- 
amatiga  valley,  Thomas  was  crossing  the 
mountains  by  way  of  Steven's  Gap  to  sup- 
])ort  the  former,  while  ISIcC'ook  was  over  tJie 
Lookout  Mountain  flanking  Bragg's  jiosition 
far  to  the  south.  Bragg  now  ordi'red  Gen. 
I'olk  to  attack  Critt(niden  in  his  isolated 
position,  and  Gen.  Ilindman  to  occuj)y  the 
Gap,  and  resist  the  ad%ance  of  Thomas,  lie 
also  instituted  measures  to  intercept  McCook 
on  his  way  to  Tliomas.  Iseither  Polk  nor 
Hindiiian  succeeded  in  executing  tlu^ir  ])art 
of  the  n-bel  plan,  while  McCook  evadc^d  the 
trap  by  recrossing  Lookout  Mountain,  and 
hastening  down  the  Lookout  valley,  and 
thence  by  Steven's  Gap,  reaching  Thomas. 
A  race  now  took  i)lace  between  the  two  op- 
posing armies  in  the  Chickamauga  vulley, 
moving  in  j)arall(?l  lines  back  to  Cliattanooga, 
tli(!  enemy  endeavoring  to  outflank  Rosecraiis 
and  force  him  to  battle.  On  the  IStli,  tlie 
Union  lines  were  still  ten  miles  from  Chatta- 
Jiooga,  and  some  twelve  miles  in  length.  On 
that  day  all  tiie  fords  on  the  Union  left  were 
fiercely  assaulted  and  captured  by  the  rebels. 
On  the  morning  of  the  10th  Sej)tember, 
Thomas  lield  (ln^  Union  left,  Crittenden  the 
centre,  an-i  .McOook  the  riglit  of  the  Union 
lines,  which  exten.li-d,  .').'^,000  strong,  from 
Gordon's  Mills  along  tlie  creek  towards  Chat- 
tano«>ga.  Tlie  entire  re))el  army  was  also 
iinnly  established  on  the  .same  side  of  tlio 
creek,  having  rendered  it  u.scless  as  a  li'nion 
line  of  defence  by  crossing  during  the  night 
lit  the  fords  which  they  held, 

About    10    A.M.   the   battle  conuuenced. 


Croxton's  brigade  on  the  left,  which  had  been 
sent  towards  the  river  to  reconnoitre,  was  fu- 
riously assailed,  and  Branuan  and  Baird,  com- 
manding the  left  and  centre  of  Thomas'  wing, 
moved  to  its  succor.  Soon  the  engagement 
rolled  down  the  line  to  Reynolds,  holding  the 
right  of  Thomas,  and  the  whole  Union  left 
wing  was  thus  engaged  with  the  rebel  right  i 
under  Polk.  The  rebels  in  front  of  Baird  i 
were  shortly  hurled  liack,  badly  cut  up,  but  be-  j 
ing  reinforced,  again  advanced,  two  for  one,  | 
and  Baird  in  turn  was  driven  before  them. 
Johnson's  division  of  McCook's  corps,  and 
Palmer's  division  of  Crittenden'.s,  then  came 
in  on  Baird's  right,  giving  a  clear  superiority 
to  the  Union  lines,  which  now  outflanked 
the  enemy  and  drove  him  back  in  disortler, 
and  with  fearful  loss,  upon  his  reserves,  post- 
ed near  the  creek,  and  enabling  the  broken 
divisions  of  Brannan  and  Baird  to  rally  and 
refoi-m.  A  lull  in  the  conflict  now  ensued 
from  4  to  5  P.M.,  when  the  enemy  once  more 
charged  Thomas'  right  and  the  Uiuon  left 
centre,  with  such  impetuosity  as  to  tln'ow 
them  into  disorder.  But  Gen.  W.  Hazen,  of 
Crittenden's  corps,  massing  twenty  guns  on  a 
ridge  commanding  the  Rossville  road,  poured 
a  cross  fire  into  the  charging  columns  of  the 
enemy  till  they  turned  and  retreated  in  con- 
fusion. At  sunset  Johnson's  front  was  again 
assailed  with  a  division  of  Hill's  corps,  under 
(Jen.  Pat  Cleburne,  but  night  closed  the  con- 
flict without  the  rebels  gaining  any  advantage 
thereby. 

On  the  Union  riglit,  during  the  morning, 
cannonading  chiefly  took  jjlace.  About  3 
P.M.  Stuart  attemj)ted  to  advance,  without 
success ;  and  Hood  jmshed  forward  two  of  his 
divisions  upon  Jeff.  C.  Davis,  of  McCook's 
corjts,  but  Davis  maintained  a  stout  resist- 
ance, and  being  reinforced,  di'ove  the  ene- 
my back  as  the  day  closed.  The  two  armies 
now  stood  ccmfronting  each  other  on  ground 
which  gave  no  advantage  to  either,  (he  entire 
force  of  the  rebels  being  about  70,000,  while 
that  of  llosccrans  was  not  over  r)r),()00.  Both 
armies  passed  the  cold  night  without  fires, 
the  Union  arnw  in  addition  suffering  from 
the  want  of  water.  During  the  night  llosc- 
crans shortened  his  lines  nearly  a  mile,  with- 
drawing his  right  from  Gordon's  ^lills  and 
resting  it  on  IMissionary  Ridge ;  and  Bragg 
moved  Breckinridge's  division  of  Hill's 
corps  from  his  left  to  his  right.  At  8  a.m. 
on  the  following  morning,  the  2()th  Sep- 
tember, the  fog  lifted  and  Brcckim-idge  atl- 
vanced  his  fresh  troops  across  the  Rossville 
road,  covered  by  a  terrific  fire  of  the  rebel 
artillei-y,  in  a  resolute  charge  upon  the  bn>ast- 
works  of  logs  and  rails  which  Thomas  had 
thrown  up  during  the  night.  Line  upon  line 
of  gallant  men  crund)led  to  fragments  before 
the  fire  of  the  latter,  and  still  fresh  troops 
were  advanced  by  the  rebel  leaders.  While 
the  tide  of  battlt;  before  Thomas  eltbeu  j>nd 
flowed  with  frightful  carnage,  the  Union  left 
ci-ntre  was  also  desp(;rately  and  indi; jisively 
a.ssailed,  but  Bragg's  attempt  to  turn  the  Un- 
ion flank  was  battled  by  Tlu.ma.s's  firnniess. 
Abo\it  noon  llosccrans  t)rdered  Wood,  of  the 
Union  centre,  to  leave  liis  position  and  sup- 
port Reynolds,  who  was  severeU'  jire.ssed  on 
the  left.  This  order  h)st  the  battle  to  the 
Unionists.  Wood  attcmi)ted  to  execute  the 
order  by  jmssing  in  tin;  nar  of  Brannan  and 
between  him  and  Reynolds.    Into  the  gap 


thus  opened  in  the  Union  front  Longstreet 
at  once  threw  Hood's  command,  supi)orted 
by  an  advance  of  Bucknerl  on  the  Union  riglJ 
flank.  The  charge  was  tei  ribly  decisive.  D» 
vis,  from  the  right,  attempted  to  close  tht 
fatal  opening,  but  he  was  torn  in  pieces  bj 
the  rebel  shock.  Brannan  on  the  left,  and 
Sheridan,  of  Crittenden's  corps,  were  struck, 
and,  cut  off  from  the  Union  army,  were  push- 
etl  to  the  right  and  rear,  with  a  loss  of  one- 
half  their  numbers.  Like  the  centre,  the 
whole  right  wing  now  crumbled  into  a  dis- 
ordered Jiiass,  Hying  towards  Rossville  and 
Chattanooga.  Gens.  Rosecrans,  McCook,  and 
Crittenden  were  bonie  backwards  in  the  wild 
rout.  At  Rossville,  McCook,  with  Sheri- 
dan and  Davis,  attempted  to  rally  and  re- 
form the  wrecked  divisions,  while  Rosecrans, 
cut  off  from  Thomas,  who  was  still  stoutly 
fighting  and  holding  his  own  on  the  left,  hast- 
ened to  Chattanooga  to  make  preparations  to 
save  it  from  jjrospective  cajiture.  It  was 
now  that  the  few  divisions  of  Gen.  Thomas 
were  compelled  to  withstand  the  assault  of 
the  whole  rebel  army  of  70,000  men.  Bat- 
talion after  battalion  swept  up  on  his  front,  to 
be  melted  and  scatteretl  by  his  steady  fire. 
Unable  to  force  his  front,  the  enemy,  at  3 
P.M.,  gained  a  low  ridge  i-unning  at  right  an- 
gles to  the  right  extremity  of  his  line,  and 
poured  into  a  gorge  directly  in  his  rear.  The 
moment  was  critical,  but  Gen.  Gordon  Gran- 
ger, commanding  a  small  reserve  corjis  at 
Rossville,  who  had  been  in.sjjired  iluring 
the  morning,  though  without  direct  infor- 
mation or  orders,  to  start  his  cohnnns  tow- 
ards the  .scene  of  conflict,  arrived  at  this 
very  moment  at  Thomas's  position.  Gen. 
Steednian,  commanding  Whitaker's  and 
Mitchell's  brigi^des,  seizing  the  flag  of  a  regi- 
ment, headed  the  charge,  and  in  twenty  min- 
utes the  rebel  Hindman's  forces  had  disap- 
peared, and  the  Union  forces  held  both  the 
gorge  and  the  ridge.  At  4  p.m.  the  storm 
burst  again  with  gieater  fury.  Longstreet's 
veterans  were  now  sent  to  retake  the  position 
from  which  Ilindman  had  been  driven,  and 
shortly  all  but  a  fraction  of  the  entii-e  rebel 
army  invested  the  ridge  whereon  Thomas, 
with  but  three  divisions  of  the  Union  army, 
rested.  Again  and  again  the  rebels  charged 
the  front,  but  Stci'dman's  two  immortal  brig- 
ades stood  in  their  i»osition  like  towers.  The 
baffled  enemy  now  advanced  on  the  left,  and 
as  the  heavy  column  aj>proached,  Reynolds 
charged  upon  it  with  such  vigor  as  to  rout 
it,  capturing  200  jirisoners,  who  were  taken 
off  the  field  in  the  Union  retreat.  Kight  was 
iu)w  a}iproacliing,  and  the  amnnniition  of 
Thomas  was  nigh  exhausted,  but  the  latter 
again  ordered  a  bayonet  charge  ujton  the  reb- 
els, who  were  lallying  for  a  final  assaidt.  It 
was  successful,  and  the  struggle  was  over. 
The  fiehl  was  sh(u  tly  covered  with  darkness. 
Thomas  fell  back,  unpursued  and  in  good 
order,  on  Rossville.  where  a  ni'W  line  of  battle 
was  formed  of  McCook's  and  Critt<'ndcn's 
rallied  corjis.  The  enemy,  however,  ilid  r-ot 
advance,  and  on  the  night  of  Monthly,  Septem- 
ber 21st,  the  Thiion  arn:y  was  witlidrawn  in 
order  and  uinnolested,  to  the  jiosition  a.ssigued 
it  by  Rosecrans  in  fiont  of  Chattanooga. 

The  Union  losses  in  the  battle  of  Chicka- 
matiga  were  1,(14 4  killed,  9,2G2  wounded, 
4,;M5  missing,  exclusive  of  a  cavalry  loss  of 
about  500;  total,  10,351.    30  ginis,  20  cais- 


a 


1^ 


1 


UNITED  STATES. 


583 


Bons,  and  8,4.50  small  arras  fell  into  the  hands 
cf  tlie  enemy.  Gen.  B'.agg  reported  a  loss 
o:  18,000;  1(5,000  killed  and  wonnded,  and 
2,000  prisoners.  Though  15ragg,  on  Septem- 
ber 23d,  appeared  in  force  and  sat  down  be- 
fore Chattanooga,  he  wisely  did  not  attempt 
to  take  it  by  assault.  On  October  19  th, 
while  thus  invested  here.  Gen.  Rosecrans  re- 
ceived an  order  relieving  him  from  command. 

March  30,  18G3,  in  the  Department  of  the 
Ohio,  at  Somerset,  Ky.,  a  force  of  2,500 
mounted  rebels,  under  Gen.  Pegrani,  was 
routed  and  driven  thence  aci'oss  the  Cumber- 
land into  Tennessee,  by  Gen.  Q.  A.  Gil  more, 
with  1,200  men.  In  June,  Gen.  IJurnside, 
commanding  the  De))artment,  despatched  a 
cavalry  force,  under  Col.  11.  S.  Saunders,  into 
East  Tennessee,  which  burnetl  ini[)ortant  rebel 
bridges,  captured  500  prisoners,  and  also  de- 
stroyed a  large  ipiantity  of  Confederate  stores. 
Aug.  16,  Burnside  advanced  with  20,000 
men  from  Camp  Nelson,  near  Richmond,  Ky., 
against  Knoxville,  Tenn.,  which  was  held  by 
Buckner  with  a  small  force.  Rapidly  ap- 
proaching the  place  he  met  no  oj)position. 
On  Sept.  1  his  cavalry  advance,  and  on  the 
3d  his  main  body,  entered  the  town  and  were 
received  by  the  loyal  East  Tennesseeans  with 
enthusiastic  expi'essions  of  intense  joy  at  this 
deliverance  tVom  the  snflerings  of  rebel  rule. 
Buckner  left  behind  a  large  quantity  of  quar- 
termaster's stores  in  evacuating  the  place. 
Burnside  also  pressed  on  to  Kingston,  where 
he  met  the  pickets  of  Rosecrans,  and  he  also 
visited  Loudon.  The  rebel  garrison  at  Cum- 
berland Gap,  of  2,000  men,  was  cut  off,  and 
on  the  9tli  surrendered  to  Bui'nside's  forces. 
The  Union  cavalry  then  moved  rapidly  east- 
ward, pursuing  a  small  rebel  force  under  Gen. 
Sam  Jones,  into  Virginia.  Nov.  6,  Col. 
Shackleford's  force  was  attacked  at  Rogers- 
ville,  by  1,200  mounted  rebels  iinder  Gen.  W. 
E.  Jones,  who  routed  it,  taking  750  prison- 
ers ;  but  a  singular  panic  then  took  j)lace  on 
both  sides,  the  Unionists  Heeing  to  Bull's 
Gap,  18  miles  distant,  while  Gen.  Jones' 
force  moved  as  rapidly  in  the  opposite  direc- 
tion. Bragg  now  dispatched  a  large  force 
under  Gen.  Longstreet  to  strike  Burnside  and 
recover  Knoxville.  At  riuladelphia.  Col. 
Wolford  with  2,000  Unionists  was  assailed 
by  an  overwhelming  force  of  about  7,000  of 
Longstreet's  men,  and  after  a  severe  tight  of 
several  hours,  was  forced  to  cut  his  way  out, 
leaving  his  battery  and  32  wagons,  but  sav- 
ing the  most  of  his  command.  Gen.  Burnside 
now  concentrated  liis  forces  at  Campbell's  Sta- 
tion before  the  advance  of  the  enemy,  and 
was  joined  by  his  own  corps,  the  9th,  from 
Vicksburg.  At  Cainpbell's  Station  he  was 
closely  pursued  by  the  enemy,  but  slowly  fell 
back  to  Knoxville,  with  an  exhibition  of  cre- 
ditable generalship.  Nov.  1 7,  ]^ongstreet  be- 
sieged him  at  Knoxville,  and  on  the  28th  as- 
saulted Fort  Sanders,  a  part  of  the  Union 
works,  but  was  i-epulsed  with  a  loss  of  800, 
that  of  the  Unionists  being  about  100.  Dec. 
5,  Longstreet  rai.sed  the  siege  and  moved  east- 
ward to  Russell ville,  Virginia,  unmolested. 

On  the  defeat  of  Ro.seci-ans  at  Chickamau- 
ga,  the  1 1th  and  12th  Army  Corps,  under  Gen. 
Hooker,  were  ordered  from  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac  to  the  Tennes.see,  and  Oct.  23d 
concentrated  at  Bridgeport.  Meanwhile,  a 
large  cavalry  force,  under  Wheeler,  was  de- 
spatched by  Bragg  across  the  Tennessee  to 


destroy  the  Union  comnumicalions.  Oct.  2, 
at  Anderson's  Cross-roads,  W'lieeler  burned  a 
train  of  800  wagons,  destined  for  Gen.  Thomas 
at  Chattanooga.  He  next  burned  a  large 
quantity  of  supplies  at  McMinnville,  and 
then  swept  down  to  Warren,  destroying  Union 
stores  and  conunnnications.  l[e  was  s{)irit- 
edly  attacked  at  ^lurfreesboro  and  Farming- 
ton  by  inferior  Union  forces,  and  finally  re- 
crossed  the  Tennessee  River  near  the  mouth 
of  the  Elk,  1  laving  lost  about  2,000  men  in 
the  raid,  but  having  destroyed  a  million  of 
dollars'  worth  of  government  property. 

Oct.  18,  Gen.  Grant  assumed  command  of 
the  Departments  of  the  Ohio,  of  the  Cumber- 
land, and  of  the  Tennessee,  and  shortly  there- 
after arrived  in  Chattanooga.  In  the  mean- 
while. Gen.  Sherman  with  his  whole  army 
had  moved  from  the  neighborhood  of  Vicks- 
burg to  AIemi>his,  and  thence  to  Athens, 
Ala.,  repairing  the  railroads  as  he  moved, 
and  depending  on  the  adjacent  country  for  sup- 
plies. On  the  27th  October,  Brown's  Feri-y, 
thi-ee  miles  below  Lookout  Mountain,  was  se- 
cretly occupied  by  4,000  Union  troops,  under 
Gen.  Hazen,  and  the  next  day  the  whole  of 
Hooker's  11th  coi'ps  crossed  the  Tennessee 
and  encamped  in  Lookout  Valley.  Geary's 
division  of  the  12th  corps  bivouacked  at 
Wauliatchie,  and  at  1  p.m.,  Oct.  29th,  was 
suddenly  attacked  in  the  moonlight  by  over- 
whelming numbers,  under  Laws,  of  Long- 
street  rebel  corps,  holding  Lookout  Mountain. 
Schurz's  division  of  Howard's  corps,  near 
Brown's  Ferry,  was  at  once  ordered  to  his 
relief.  Tyndale's  brigade  charged  and  carried 
a  hill  on  the  enemy's  left,  from  whence  they 
were  suddenly  enfiladed  ;  while  Orlan  Smith's 
thin  brigade,  the  73d  Ohio  and  33d  Massachu- 
setts, made  a  bayonet  charge  up  the  side  of  p, 
difficult  hill  200  feet  high,  completely  rout- 
ing over  2,000  of  the  enemy  from  their  bar- 
ricades on  the  top.  The  fighting  before 
Geary  continued  to  be  desperate,  but  at 
length,  4  P.M.,  the  enemy  were  comjjletely 
pushed  back,  and  com})elled  to  take  refuge 
on  Lookout  IMountain.  Tlie  Union  forces  be- 
ing now  firmly  established  at  Brown's  Ferry, 
tlie  army  in  Chattanooga  was  relieved  from 
the  fear  of  starvation,  and  Grant  resolved  to 
wait  until  Sherman  arrived  ere  assuming  the 
ofiensive.  Nov.  15,  the  latter  reported  in 
person,  and  by  the  24th  his  command  had 
arrived  and  encamped  on  both  sides  of  Chick- 
amauga  Creek,  near  the  extremity  of  Mis- 
sionary Ridge,  the  extreme  north  point  of 
which,  unoccupied  by  the  enemy,  was  at  once 
seized  by  him.  Gen.  Grant  now  had  Slier- 
man's  army  above  and  Hooker's  army  below 
him,  and  both  on  the  same  side  of  the  Ten- 
nessee, while  Thomas  lay  in  front  of  Chatta- 
nooga. On  the  24th,  Hooker  moved  against 
Lookout  Mountain,  building  bridges  to  cross 
the  creek.  He  then  swept  irresistibly  down 
the  valley,  and  climbed  the  steep  sides  of  the 
mountain  with  marvellous  celerity  and  skill, 
driving  th(!  enemy  before  him.  About  noon, 
Geary's  advance  rounded  the  peak  of  the 
mountain,  and  still  pressed  on.  Just  as  the 
Union  forces  i-eached  the  summit,  whenc(> 
they  wei-e  still  moving  forward,  making  hun- 
dreds of  prisoners  and  pressing  the  rest  of 
the  rebels  dowTi  the  precipitous  eastern  de- 
clivity of  the  mountain,  the  thick  fog  which 
had  rested  thereupon  rose  and  disclosed  the 
victory  to  the  rest  of  the  Union  army  on  the 


plains  below.  At  2  p.m.,  a  thick  and  black 
cloud  lowered  u\Hm  the  mountain,  rendering 
further  movement  j>erilous ;  and  at  4  P..M. 
Hooker  had  firmly  established  and  fortified 
hislinealong  the  eastern  brink  of  tlie  |)recij)icc. 
On  the  morning  of  the  25th,  the  Union  army 
was  stretched  in  an  unbroken  line  from  the 
north  end  of  Lookout  Mountain  to  the 
north  end  of  Missionary  Ridge.  Gen.  Hooker 
now  moved  down  from  Lookout  Mountain, 
and  crossed  Chattanooga  Valley  towanls 
IVHssionary  Ridge,  where  the  entire  rebel 
army  was  now  concentrated,  Osterhaus  mov- 
ing ui)on  it  eastward,  Geary  on  tlie  west,  and 
Cruft  directly  u])on  it.  At  the  same  time, 
Sherman  attacked  the  rebel  j)osition  in  his 
front,  Gen.  Case  leading  the  advance  acioss 
a  deep  valley  covered  witli  a  forest  and 
bristling  with  bi-eastworks  and  abattis.  'J  ho 
battle  was  thus  fairly  ojjened  and  swayed 
backward  and  forward,  but  with  the  gradual 
advance  of  the  L'liion  lines.  Though  Sher- 
man was  checked  at  one  time  by  a  sudden  and 
heavy  artillery  fire,  stUl  he  lost  no  ground. 
'J'lie  battle  raged  most  furiously  before  him, 
for  this  northern  position  of  the  rebels  was  a 
vital  one  to  them,  by  losing  which  their  rear 
and  base  of  supplies  at  Chickauiauga  would 
be  threatened.  At  2  P.M.,  Gen.  Grant,  still 
awaiting  advices  of  Hooker's  advance,  found 
that  Bragg  was  weakening  his  centre  to  sup- 
port his  right.  Thomas,  of  the  Union  centre, 
was  at  once  ordered  to  advance  straight  to- 
wards the  steep  face  of  the  mountain  in  front. 
All  along  the  crest  of  the  ridge  tlie  enemy's 
artillery  opened,  but  the  gallant  line  still 
charged  steadily  and  in  order  over  the  ene- 
my's rifle-pits  at  the  base,  and  up  tliedifiicult 
ascent.  Their  prog-ess  was  onward  without 
wavering  until  at  about  dark  the  summit  of 
the  ridge  was  carried.  The  resistance  on 
Thomas'  left  being  overcome,  the  eiiomy  by 
midnight  were  in  full  retreat,  and  the  v  hole 
of  their  sti'ong  position  on  Lookout  Mountain, 
Chattanooga  Valley,  and  Missionaiy  Ridge 
fell  into  the  possession  of  the  Union  aiiny, 
with  si.x  thousand  prisoners,  40  pieces  of  ar- 
tillery, and  7,000  stand  of  small  arms. 

The  next  day  Sherman  and  Hooker  pursued 
the  enemy.  At  Ringgold  a  stand  was  nmde 
by  Gen.  Pat  Cleburne,  commanding  the  icbel 
rear,  but,  after  a  spirited  contest  on  both 
sides,  he  was  comjiclled  to  continue  his  re- 
treat. Granger's  and  Sherman's  corps  were 
shortly  despatched  from  Chattanooga  to  tlie 
relief  of  Burnside,  who  was  now  severely 
pressed  by  Longstreet  at  Knoxville.  By  ex- 
traordinary marches,  these  reinforcements 
reached  the  latter  place  on  Dec.  0,  compelling 
Longstreet  to  at  once  raise  the  siege  and  de- 
camp. 

The  Union  losses  in  tliese  st niggles  were 
reported  at  757  killed,  4,529  wounded,  and 
330  mis.sing;  total,  5,(31(5.  The  rebel  kiMed 
and  wound(!d  was  not  reported. 

Jan.  8,  18()3,  Springfield,  in  Missouri,  was 
attacked  by  (he  rebel  Alarma.iuke,  witli  4.(100 
men,  but  they  were  successfully  resisted  by 
(!eii.  E.  B.  Brown,  of  (he  Mis.sonii  niili(ia, 
with  a  foi'ce  of  1,2(K)  men.  losing  some  200 
men,  to  a  Union  loss  of  1('>3.  On  Jan.  10th 
a  spirited  fight  took  ])lace  between  Marma- 
duko's  forces  and  a  Union  force  under  OoL 
Merrill,  21st  Iowa,  at  Hartsville,  where  the 
former  were  repulsed.  At  Batesville  Mar- 
maduke  was  attacked  and  routed,  Feb.  4,  "by 


584 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


the  4th  Missouri  Cavalry,  Col.  G.  E.  Waring. 
]\Iarch  0,  Gen.  Curtis  was  relieved  from  tlie 
coiiuiiaml  of  the  Department  of  Mi.ssouri, 
anil,  .Mav  13.  was  succeeded  by  Geu.  Sclio- 
arch  lii^,  the  steamboat  A^aiti  (xaty 
was  attacked  by  a  party  of  guerillas,  who 
robbed  and  uiurdcred  a  number  of  white  and 
black  persons  on  board.    Such  of  the  latter  as 
were  tiiken  in  attempting  to  escape  were  drawn 
Vj)  in  line  by  the  side  of  the  boat,  and  shot,  one 
by  one,  through  the  liead.    Ajiril  IS,  Fayette- 
ville  was  attacked  by  L',000  mountwl  rebels 
under  Gen.  Cabell,  who  Mas  shortly  com- 
pelled to  retreat  across  the  Boston  Mountains 
to  Ozark.    April  26,  Marmaduke  attacked 
Cape  (iirardeau,  a  largo  depot  of  Union 
army  stores,  but  was  driven  off  by  a  force  of 
1,200  men  with  six  guns,  under  Gen.  John 
3lcNcil.    May  20,  Fort  Blunt,  in  the  Cher- 
okee Nation,  was  struck  at  by  3,000  rebels  un- 
der Col.  Cofley.    Col.  Wm.  A.  PhilUps,  com- 
manding there,  with  800  men  and  a  regiment 
of  Creek  Indians,  drove  them  across  the  Ar- 
kansas.   July  1,  Standwatie,  the  Cherokee 
rebel  chief,  with  a  force  of  700  Texans  and 
many  Indians,  on  Cabin  Creek,  met  the  1st 
Kansas  colored,  800  strong,  and  aOO  Indian.s, 
Standwatie  was  defeated,  the  rebel  Indians 
I)roving  worthless. 

July  17,  Gen.  Blunt,  with  3,000  men  and 
12  light  guns,  attacked  (1,000  rebels  under 
(^■n.  Cooper,  near  Fort  Blunt,  and  routed 
them  with  a  loss  of  400.  CoHey  attacking 
rineville,  Aug.  13,  was  beaten  off  by  Col.  Ca- 
therwood,  Gth  Missouri  Cavalry,  with  a  loss 
of  200. 

On  the  morning  of  Aug.  21,  a  band  of  300 
rebel  guerillas,  under  one  Quantrell,  sur- 
pi-ised  the  inhabitants  of  Lawrence,  Kansas, 
wliile  the  latter  were  still  in  their  bisds.  Ke&ist- 
ance  was  useless.  Banks,  stores,  and  i)rivate 
dwellings  were  robbed.  The  coui  t-house  and 
many  of  the  best  residences  were  fired.  Every 
n"j;ro  and  German,  as  well  as  many  other 
citizens,  were  killed  wherever  found.  At 
]()  A.M.,  I  K)  men  liaving  been  murdered  and 
180  buildings  burned,  the  miscreants  fled. 
About  100  of  them  were  overtaken  and 
killed  in  tlie  subsequent  pursuit;  the  rest, 
including  Quantrell,  finally  escaping.  In 
August,  Gen.  F.  Steele,  with  0,000  men  of 
Gen.  Grant's  army,  and  Gen.  Davidson,  with 
about  the  .same  number  from  Missouri,  ad 
vanced  on  Little  Bock,  the  cai)ital  of  Arkan- 
Kiis,  and  at  7  p.m.,  Sept.  10,  having  driven 
the  enemy  uud(!r  Marmaduke  and  Tapi.sin  be- 
fore them,  and  taken  about  1,000  pri.soners, 
occupied  the  i)lace.  Numeious  other  minor 
engag.  luents  took  jdace  in  .^lis.souri  and  Ar- 
kansas. Oct.  2.'),  Bine  I'.luli;  Ark.,  was  suc- 
ce.ssfully  dcf.-ndcd  by  Col.  Bowrll  ( 'hiyton  with 
.'{;")0^  men  for  live  hours  against  Marmaduke 
w;t!i  2,r>()0  men.  At  Arrow  Hock,  Oct.  12, 
(ii  n.  v..  B.  r.rown  attjuked  a  united  rebel  force 
midcr  Shelby  and  CoH'ey,  and  put  them  (o 
lliglit,  infli.-linga|/,.ssof  300.  Dec.  lS,Stand- 
watie  an.l  Quantrell  were  repulsed  by  Col. 
JMiillips  at  Fort  Gibson.  Indian  Territory. 

During  the  year  lS(i2  several  l)ands  of  the 
Sioux  of  Miiuu-sota  had  openly  made  war 
upon  th<«  whites;  the  chief  of  th.se  attacks 
at  Yellow  .Mt-dicine,  New  Ulm,  Cedar  City, 
Fort  Bidgely,  an.l  Fort  Abererombi.-,  were 
made  by  Little  Crow's  band,  who  butchered 
home  .-.00  perBons,  mainly  .ief.  ncele.sa  w.)men 
am)  childreu.    At  Wood  Lake,  Little  Crow 


was  routed,  Sept.  22,  1802,  by  Gen.  H.  II. 
Sibley  :  500  of  the  savages  were  captured 
and  300  convicted  of  murder.  Their  sen- 
tence was  deferred  by  President  Lincoln, 
and  the  most  of  them  ultimately  escaped  pun- 
ishment. In  the  summer  of  18G3,  Gen.  Pope 
assumed  the  command  of  this  department ; 
and  in  July,  Gen.  Sibley,  at  Dead  Buffalo 
Lake  and  other  places,  overtook  the  hostile 
.savages,  killing  many,  and  dispersing  the 
others.  Gen.  Conner,  commanding  in  Utah, 
attacked  some  300  ho.stile  and  dejjredating 
Shoshouees  on  Bear  Kiver,  Idaho,  on  Jam 
29,  1863,  and  killed  224. 

Soon  after  the  capture  of  Port  Royal  by 
the  Unionists,  Gen.  Q.  A.  Gillmore  proceeded, 
by  sharp  fighting  and  hard  work,  to  plant 
batteries  of  mortars  and  rifled  guns  on  tin? 
Big  Tybee  Island,  south-east  of  Fort  Pulaski, 
for  the  purpose  of  reducing  this  important 
rebel  fort  of  40  heavy  guns,  which  was  some 
two  miles  distant.  He  also  succeeded  in  placin" 
a  battery  at  Venus  Point,  on  the  north-east" 
On  the  morning  of  April  10,  1862,  Major- 
Gen.  Hunter,  commanding  the  department, 
opened  fire  on  the  fort  from  these  works,  and 
at  2  p.jr.,  it  being  evident  that  the  fort  was 
fiist  becoming  a  ruin  beneath  the  steady  fire 
therefrom,  it  was  surrendered  by  its  com- 
mander, C.  H.  Olmstead,  with  385  men. 

Jan.  23,  1802,  a  large  number  of  old  hulks 
collected  at  the  North  and  loaded  with  stone, 
were  sunk  in  Charleston  Harbor,  to  impede 
the  navigation  thereof  by  blockade-runners, 
a  proceeding  which  was  designated  as  bar- 
barous by  the  British  owners  of  the  latter. 
Feb.  28,  Com.  Dupont,  with  an  extensive 
I  naval  force,  together  with  a  land  force  under 
Gen.  Wright,  moved  down  from  Port  Royal 
and  took  possession  of  the  whole  coast  as  far  as 
St.  Andrews  and  Cumberland  Sound.  May 
9,  Pcnsacola,  Fla.,  was  evacuated  by  Gen.  T. 
N.  Jones,  who  burnt  all  the  combustible 
works  there,  and  retreated  inland.  Success- 
ful Union  expeditions  now  took  place  from 
I'ort  Royal  under  Capt.  Steedman  and  Gen. 
Brannan,  to  St.  John's  and  Jack.sonville. 
Two  negro  regiments,  on  I\larch  10,  proceed- 
ed, under  Col.  T.  W.  Higginson,  to  the  latter 
place,  and  being  reinforced  bv  two  white 
regiment.s,  held  it  for  a  short  while.  When 
l(!ft,  the  place  was  wantonly  fiied  and  de- 
stroyed by  some  soldiers  of  tin;  8th  Maine. 

On  February  11,  Gen.  T.  W.  Sherman  took 
po.sse.ssion  of  Edisto  Island,  and  the  Union 
gunboats  shortly  advanced  to  a  ])oint  on  the 
Stono  River,  three  miles  from  Charleston. 
On  June  16,  1862,  Gen.  H.  S.  Wright  ad- 
vanced with  6,000  men  against  the  rebel 
works  at  Secessionville,  on  the  cast  side  of 
James  Island,  commanded  by  Col.  J.  S. 
Lamar.  Nothing  was  accomplished,  and 
after  a  bloody  engagement  of  a  ha'f  hovn- 
the  Union  forces  fell  back,  with  the  hea' y 
loss  of  574,  leaving  their  dead  in  the  hands 
of  the  enemy,  who.se  loss  was  about  half  that 
number.  On  October  21,  1862,  Gen.  J. 
Brannan,  with  4,448  men,  pursued  the  enomv 
as  far  as  Poeolaligo,  wheru-e,  after  a  consider- 
able artillery  fight,  Brannan  returned  at 
night  to  Hilton  Head.  About  this  time 
Col.  liates,  with  400  men,  advanced  to  Coos- 
awhatchie,  and  engiigeil  the  enemy,  dispersing 
a  Irainfid  of  relu-1  reinforcements  from 
Savannah.  January  31,  1863,  some  rebel  | 
ii-on-clad.s,  under  Capt.  D.  N.  Tngrahani,  stole 


upon  the  blockading  fleet  off  Charleston,  dis- 
abling two,  the  J/ercedita  and  Keijstone, 
whereuj.ou  the  rebel  authorities  undertook  to 
declare  the  blockade  of  that  port  to  be  duly 
raised. 

February  27,  1863,  the  rebel  steamer 
Xashville  was  discovered  aground  off  the 
Ogeechee,  and  destroyed  bv  Com.  Worden,  in 
the  iron-clad  Montauk.  March  3,  the  rebel 
Fort  :McAllister,  on  the  Ogeechee,  was  unsuc- 
cessfully attacked  at  long  range  by  the  Union 
iron-clads;  and  on  June  7,  the  rebel  steamer 
Isaac  Hiaith  Wiis  sunk  by  the  gunboat  Wi^sa- 
hickon,  while  attempting'  to  escape  from  Char- 
leston Harbor.  A].ril  7,  1863,  Com.  Dupont 
l)roceeded  to  as.sail  Fort  Sumter  with  a  flc^et 
of  nine  iron-clads.  Full  300  rebel  cannons 
hned  the  channel  to  be  traversed  thereto,  on 
Morris  and  Sullivan  Islands,  Cumming's  Point, 
and  other  ].laces.  At  noon,  April  7,  the  fleet 
moved  steadily  up,  passing  Morris  Island 
and  reaching  a  jioint  opposite  Battery  Bee, 
on  Cumming's  Point,  before  a  gun  of  the 
enemy  was  fired.  As  the  Weehawken,  Com. 
John  Rodgers,  in  the  advance,  with  a  torpedo 
machine  attached  to  her  Lows,  was  sounding 
to  pass  into  the  harbor,  a  general  fire  opened 
from  the  batteries,  and  from  FoHs  Sumter 
and  Moultrie.  Suddenly  the  Weehawken's 
advance  was  stopped  by  an  immense  hawser 
stretching  from  Sumter  to  Moultrie,  which 
was    buoved   by  empty  casks  and  attached 


by  nets,  cables,  etc.,  to  tori)edoes  below.  This 
at  once  entangled  her  propeller,  and  rendered 
her  unmanageable.  An  attempt  was  then  made 
by  other  v  essels  of  the  fleet  to  pass  westward 
of  Fort  Sumter,  but  here  they  were  met  with 
row  \ipon  row  of  j)iles  rising  ten  feet  above 
the  surface  of  the  water,  and  by  the  constant 
fire  of  three  rebel  iron-clads.     The  flagship 
Ironsides  now  refused  to  obey  her  rudder, 
and  drifting  towards  Fort  3Ioultrie,  got  foul 
of  the   Cdtxkill  and  Xanhuket,  wheicupon 
Com.  Duj)ont  signalled  the  rest  of  the  fleet  to 
act  as  they  deemed  best.    The  Keokuk,  Lieut. 
Rhind,  then  ran  within  500  yards  of  Sumter, 
and  there  remaiiu-d,  pouring  a  constant  fire 
upon  the  fort  for  a  half  "hour,  when-  she 
withdrew,  fast  settling  in  the  water.    Six  of 
the  fleet  were  thus  .severely  injvned.  The 
Kdhant  was  struck  thirteen  times,  the  turret 
of  the  J'fissiiic  was  knocked  to  pieces,  that 
of  the  Xantuvket  so  deranged  that  her  \wTt 
could  not  be  opened,  the  C<iL'<kill  was  jiierced 
with  lifled  shot,  and  the  Ironsides  had  one 
of  her  port-shutters  shot  away.    The  Keohik 
w;is  struck  ninety  times,  both  of  her  turrets 
being   riddled,    and    nineteen   holes  nuulo 
through  her  hull.     At  8  p.m.  she  reached 
Lighthou.se  Inlet,  where  she  sank.  Com.  Du- 
pont having  three  hours  previously  given  the 
signal  for  a  general  withdrawal  from  the  cou- 

ti'st. 

On  June  17,  1863,  Ca|.t.  John  Rodgers,  in 
the  Weehavkeu,  attacked  the  jHiweiful  rebel 
iron-chuLD/fnv/f/,  in  Wilmington  River,  at  ."iOu 
yards  range,  and  after  five  destructive  .shots 
at  her  with  a  15-inch  gun,  in  fifteen  minutes 
caused  her  to  surrender,  with  four  guns  and 
165  men.  J une  1  2,  ( len.  Gillmore  relieved 
(i'en.  Hunter  in  comnuuul  of  the  land  forces 
of  the  dei>artment,  and  on  July  6,  Com. 
Dahlgren  .succeeded  to  Com.  D\ipont,  the 
naval  commander.  On  the  lOth  July,  Gill- 
more surprised  the  rebels  in  the  fortifications 
on  the  south  end  of  ^Morris  Island,  and  cap- 


UNITED  STATES. 


585 


tured  200  j)risoners,  eiglit  batteries,  and 
three  mortars.  The  next  day,  Gen.  Strong, 
with  a  force  of  2,000  men,  attem[)ted  to  carry 
Fort  Wagner  by  assault,  withdrawing  after 
a  s})irited  effort  without  success,  but  with 
moderate  loss.  July  18,  another  more  for- 
midable assaiilt  was  attempted  by  Gen. 
Strong's  brigade.  Gen.  Gillmore  liad  now 
placeil  a  semicircle  of  batteries  about  1,800 
yai'ds  from  tlie  fort,  and  the  laiul  attack  was 
assisted  by  the  iron-clads  under  Dahlgren. 
About  noon  the  bombardment  opened,  and  was 
kept  uj)  till  8  P.M.,  when  the  grand  assault 
was  undertaken.  Tlie  6-ith  Massachusetts, 
colored.  Col.  Shaw,  led.  Every  foot  of  the  ad- 
vance was  swept  by  the  guns  of  the  fort,  and 
after  half  an  hour's  bloody  combat  before 
and  upon  the  latter,  the  remains  of  the  as- 
saulting brigade  fell  back.  Gen.  Strong  being 
mortally  wounded  and  every  commanding 
officer  being  wounded  or  killed.  Col.  Shaw 
fell  on  the  parapet  of  the  fort,  and  in  a  short 
time  Cols.  Chatfield,  Barton,  Green,  Jackson, 
and  many  other  noble  officers  fell,  killed  or 
wounded.  In  this  fearful  assault  the  Union 
loss  was  fully  1,500  men,  while  that  of  the 
rebels  did  not  exceed  100. 

Gen.  Gillmore  now  resolved  to  reduce  the 
fort  by  a  regular  siege,  and  for  that  i-'urpose 
steadily  pushed  his  works  towards  it,  opening 
parallels  and  constructing  trenches  under  a 
constant  fire  of  the  enemy.  In  a  marsh 
westward  of  Morris  Island,  five  miles  from 
Charleston,  he  established  a  battery  of  .37  guns, 
including  one  monster  300-j)ounder,  called  the 
Swamp  Angel,  and  intended  to  reach  Charles- 
ton with  its  fire,  while  the  range  of  the  rest 
of  the  batteiy  i-eached  Fort  Sumter,  2^  miles 
distant. 

On  the  17th  August,  fire  was  opened  from 
the  battery  on  Sumter,  while  the  fire  of  Wag- 
ner was  diverted  by  the  fleet  under  Dahlgren. 
Com.  G.  W.  Rodgcrs,  of  the  Catgkill,  was 
killed  during  the  day,  and  his  vessel  with- 
drew from  the  fight.  For  seven  days  the 
bombardment  of  Sumter  was  kept  iij),  until 
the  fort  was  reduced  to  ruins,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  the  casemates,  where  a  small  gar- 
rison kept  the  rebel  flag  still  flying.  Gen. 
Gillmore  having  duly  demanded  the  sur- 
render of  Charleston,  now  threw  shells  from 
the  Swamp  Angel  into  the  middle  of  the  city. 
On  Sept.  1  another  unsuccessful  engagement 
took  place  between  the  Union  iroii-clads  and 
the  fort,  but  day  by  day  Gillmore  was  slowly 
approaching  Fort  Wagner  by  sap  and  mine, 
until  on  Sept.  G  he  was  within  a  short  dis- 
tance of  the  ramparts.  At  9  a.m.,  Sept.  7, 
Gen.  Terry  advanced  in  three  columns  to  the 
assault,  when  the  garrison  evacuated,  leaving 
18  guns  in  Wagner  and  7  in  Battery  Gregg 
near  by.  On  the  night  of  the  8th,  a  party 
in  boats  from  Admiral  Dahlgren's  fleet,  under 
Com.  Stephens,  attempted  to  carry  Fort 
Sumter  by  assault,  but  failed,  most  of  the 
storming  party  being  killed  or  foi-ced  to  sur- 
render. Forts  Wagner  and  Gregg  were  now 
strengthened,  and  other  works  erected  on  this 
end  (if  the  island,  which  was  a  mile  nearer  to 
Charleston  than  the  mar.sh  battery,  whose 
Swamp  Angel  had  burst  at  its  thirty-sixth 
discharge.  Under  the  renewed  bombardment, 
Charleston  was  abandoned  b}'  most  of  its  in- 
habitants, and  a  larga  ])ortion  of  the  buildings 
suftert'd  severely.  Dec.  (>,  the  Wee/iaicken 
foundered  in  a  gale,  as  she  lay  oH"  Morris  Island. 


The  military  events  in  North  Carolina 
during  18G3  were  confined  chiefly  to  an  un- 
.succcssful  attempt  of  Gen.  D.  II.  Hill  to  re- 
take Newborn,  on  March  14,  and  to  his  siege 
of  Washington,  in  that  State,  from  whicli  he 
was  driven  away  by  Gen.  Foster  on  April  1 7th. 
On  May  21,  a  Union  force  captured  some 
rebel  works  at  Gum  Swamp,  taking  l(jb 
prisoners  ;  and  a  Union  cavalry  raid  on  July 
3  to  AVarsaw,  and  another  soon  after  to 
Ixocky  ]\Iount,  on  the  Weldon  and  Wilming- 
ton Jiaihoad,  proved  (juite  successful. 

.]au.  9,  1803,  the  French  Emi)eror  made  a 
formal  ofler  of  his  services  as  mediator.  Dur- 
ing this  winter  the  national  cause  was  in  its 
greatest  ]>eril,  and  the  separation  of  the  North 
and  South  seemed  almost  inevitable.  The 
reduced  Republican  majorities  in  the  State 
elections  of  1863  seemed  to  indicate  an  oppo- 
sition on  the  part  of  a  majority  of  the  voters 
of  the  North  to  the  Administration,  and  to  the 
prosecution  of  the  war  on  the  anti-slavery 
basis  of  the  President's  recent  proclamations. 

Aj)ril  1  (],  18(32,  the  I'ebel  Congress  had  passed 
a  sweeping  Conscription  Act ;  and  on  Alarch 
3,  18G3,  the  37th  Federal  Congress  passed  a 
similar  one,  which  intensified  the  oppo.sition 
to  the  aduunistration,  certain  State  Judges 
even  assuming  to  declare  the  act  unconsti- 
tutional. On  Sept.  15,  Pres.  Lincoln  issued 
a  proclamation  suspending  the  writ  of  habeas 
corpus,  the  opposition  to  the  national  cause 
having  become  alarmingly  overt  on  the  part  of 
many  persons  of  the  North.  May  4,  C.  L. 
Vallandigham,  a  prominent  peace  Democrat 
of  Ohio  and  rebel  sympathizer,  was  arrested 
by  order  of  Gen.  Eurnside  for  resistance  to 
the  Government,  tried  by  court-martial,  and 
sentenced  to  close  confinement  during  the  war. 
The  President  modified  the  sentence  to  banish- 
ment beyond  the  Southern  lines,  and  this 
sentence  was  duly  executed  by  Gen.  Eose- 
crans.  This  case  excited  the  most  vehement 
denunciation  of  the  Government  by  the  Demo- 
cratic press.  Vallandigham  was  nominated 
for  the  Governorship  of  Oliio  by  the  Democ- 
racy of  that  State,  and  demands  were  made 
iipon  the  President  for  a  revocation  of  his 
banishment.  Meetings  of  the  Democracy  were 
held  in  various  parts  of  the  Union,  at  which 
Vallaudigham's  arrest  was  denounced  as  a 
lawless  outrage,  and  a  purpose  to  resist  the 
Federal  Government  in  its  execution  of  war 
measures,  especially  that  of  conscription,  was 
clearly  indicated  thereat.  Notwithstanding 
the  victories  of  Vicksburg  and  Gettysburg, 
the  prospect  during  the  summer  of  1803  was 
gloomy  indeed.  The  pressure  of  a  mighty 
war  indebtedness  was  now  beginning  to  be 
severely  felt.  On  July  13th,  riots  broke 
out  in  the  city  of  New  York,  ostensibly 
in  resistance  to  the  inequality  of  the  draft. 
The  offices  of  the  provost-marshals  charged 
with  the  enrolment  were  burned,  telegraph 
wires  cut,  railroads  torn  up,  the  mayor's  house 
sacked,  the  Colored  Orphan  Asylum  burned, 
and  many  most  atrocioxts  and  fiendish  outrages 
of  murder  and  lingering  torture  ])erpetrated 
upon  the  colored  race  by  the  rioters,  who 
w^ere  mostly  ignorant  Irish  laborers  and 
thieves.  For  three  days,  the  organized  militia 
of  the  city  being  at  the  front  defending  the 
nation,  these  riots  were  kejjt  up.  All  busi- 
ness was  stopped,  and  a  revolution  at  tlie 
North  seemed  in  successful  progress,  for  sim- 
ultaneoas  and  subsidiary  riots  iu  Boston, 


•Jersey  City,  Troy,  and  Jamaica,  N.  Y.,  took 
])lace.  The  news  of  tlu;  Union  successes  at 
Vicksburg,  Port  Hudson,  and  otlier  places, 
together  with  a  return  to  the  city  of  a  j>or- 
tion  of  the  militia,  finally  restored  order  in 
New  York  and  other  jjlaces,  but  not  until 
hundreds  of  lives  had  been  lost,  both  of 
rioters  and  their  victims,  and  some  §2,000,000 
of  property  destroyed  in  New  York  alone. 
Altho\igh  the  Democratic  press  still  continued 
to  fulminate  against  the  draft  and  the  otiier 
war  measures  of  the  Administration,  the 
logic  of  the  military  successes  of  the  Korth 
was  of  more  power.  The  draft  was  generally 
adjudged  valid,  and  a  great  reacti(m  took 
])lace  in  the  fall  elections,  in  which  the  He- 
publicans  and  friends  of  the  Administration 
generally  triumphed  by  overwhelming  ma- 
jorities, plainly  indicating  the  fixed  resolve 
of  the  people  to  end  the  rebellion  and  slavery 
together. 

Various  measures  were  passed  during 
1863  by  the  37th  Congi-ess,  having  reference 
to  the  employment  of  negroes  as  soldiers ; 
among  others,  one  ordering  a  general  enrol- 
ment regardless  of  color.  The  arming  of  the 
blacks  was  generally  denounced  by  the  Demo- 
cratic press,  and  the  Confinlerate  Congress 
passed  an  act  decreeing  death  to  any  Fe<lei-al 
officer  ca])turcd  in  command  of  negroes,  and 
Union  commanders  authorizing  the  use  of 
negro  soldiery  had  been  in  many  cases  de- 
clared outlaws  by  the  Confederate  authori- 
ties, although  since  the  commencement  of 
the  war  the  latter  had  made  use  of  negroes 
in  aid  of  the  rebellion.  In  the  exchange  of 
prisoners  the  Confederates  refused  to  recog- 
nize negroes  as  priso'iers  of  war,  which  neces- 
sitated an  order  from  I'resident  Lincoln, 
dated  July  30,  1863,  declaring  that  a  rebel 
soldier  would  be  executed  for  every  United 
States  soldier  killed  in  violation  of  the  laws 
of  war,  and  a  rebel  soldier  placed  at  hard 
labor  on  the  public  works  for  every  one  en- 
slaved by  the  enemy.  The  organized  work 
of  arming  the  blacks  went  on  in  spite  of  all 
o])position.  ]May  22d,  a  bureau  was  estab- 
lished having  especial  reference  to  this  matter, 
and  shortly  recruiting  stations  for  black  sol- 
diers were  opened  in  various  States  South  as 
well  as  North.  In  December,  1863,  over 
50,000  were  enlisted  and  iu  actual  service, 
and  this  number  was  largely  increased  during 
the  subsequent  year.  Though  in  the  average 
they  were  found  during  the  war  inferior  to 
the  wdiite  soldierj',  yet  in  numerous  nulitary 
qualifications  they  were  equal,  and  in  some 
superior.  Their  fighting  was  noticed  by  their 
connnanders  in  many  instances  with  well- 
deserved  commendation.  During  the  month 
of  November,  1863,  the  National  Cenicteiy 
at  Gettysburg,  for  the  burial  of  the  soldiers 
who  fell  there,  was  consecrated  with  great 
ceremony.  In  December,  the  38th  Congress 
met,  Schuyler  Colfax  being  elected  Sjjeaker 
of  the  House.  To  his  annual  me.s.sage  trans- 
mitted thereto.  President  Lincoln  appended 
a  proclamation  of  amnesty,  offering  a  free 
pardon  to  all  rebels  except  former  Federal 
Congressmen,  judges,  or  army  and  navy 
officers  and  certain  others,  on  condition  of 
taking  an  oath  to  support  the  Federal  Con- 
stitution and  Union.  A  second  proclama- 
tion was  also  published  at  the  same  time, 
j)roposing  to  re-admit  any  one  of  tlie  rebel 
States  into  the  Union,  upon  ouc-teuth  of  the 


686 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


citizens  thereof  liaving  declared  for  the  Union 
anil  tiiken  the  oath  of  amnesty.  ■ 
Jiarly  in  February,  18G4,  an  (expedition 
under  Uen.  Truman  Seymour  left  I'ort  Royal 
for  Jacksonville,  Florida.  It  was  composed 
of  5,000  troops,  on  20  steamers  and  8  schoon- 
ers. On  the  7th,  it  arrived  at  and  took  pos- 
session of  Jacksonville.  Col.  Henry,  leading 
the  cavalry,  then  pushed  on,  pressing  back 
the  rebel  force  under  Gen.  Finnegan,  through 
Baldwin  and  Sanderson,  to  Lake  City,  where 
Finnegan  took  a  strong  position  ;  whereupon 
Henry  waited  for  Gen.  Seymour  with  the 
infantry  then  at  Sanderson.  Gen.  Gillmore, 
who  had  accompanied  the  expedition,  having 
returned  to  Hilton  Head,  had  left  Gen.  Sey- 
mour in  command,  and  the  latter  now  under- 
took to  advance  inland,  without  suj)plies,  to 
cut  the  enemy's  railroads.  Three  niiltes  from 
Olustee  he  came  in  close  proximity  to  Fin- 
negan's  force.  Hamilton's  battery  was  placed 
barely  150  yards  from  the  rebel  front,  and  its 
gunners  were  thus  at  the  mercy  of  the  latter's 
sharpshooters.  In  twenty  minutes,  half  of 
the  men,  horses,  and  two  of  Hamilton's  four 
guns  were  lost.  The  conflict  raged  with  great 
ferocity;  Gen.  Seymour,  with  reckless  gal- 
lantry, was  in  the  thickest  of  the  fight,  urg- 
ing his  men  to  what  was  but  a  vain  self- 
slaughter.  From  2  o'clock  till  dusk,  the 
dilierent  regiments  that  came  into  ])osition 
were  met  by  a  murderous  fire.  Seymour 
then  retreated  to  Jacksonville,  leaving  his 
dead  in  the  enemy's  hands  and  bringing  otf 
his  wounded.  The  Union  loss  was  fully  1,000 
men,  that  of  the  rebels  about  700.  Soon 
after  the  battle,  the  reb(d  Gen.  Patton  An- 
derson most  honorably  sent  in  a  complete  list 
of  Union  prisoners  in  his  hands,  with  a  de- 
Bcri[)tion  of  the  injuries  of  each  of  the 
wounded. 

During  the  winter  of  1863-04,  extensive 
salt-works,  valued  at  $.3,000,000,  belonging 
to  the  Confederates,  were  destroyed  in 
Florida  by  the  Unionists,  but  no'  other 
event  of  any  injj)ortance  occurred  in  that 
State  during  the  ycear.  In  South  Carolina,  a 
useli!ss,  wasteful  fight  took  place  near  IjO 
gai'eville,  on  John's  Island,  in  which  the  2Gth 
U.  S.  Colored  made  five  spirited  but  unsuc- 
cessful charges  upou  a  well -placed  rebel  bat- 
tery. Long-range  firing  took  ])lace  irregu- 
larly during  most  of  the  year  around 
Charleston.  In  North  Carolina,  Feb.  1st, 
Gen.  Pickett  tlireatened  Newborn,  after 
capturing  an  outpost  at  Bachelor's  Creek, 
tiiking  100  prisoners.  A  part  of  liis  force 
boardi;d  the  gunboat  Underwriter,  lying  near 
tl)e  wharves  of  Newbern,  and  destroyed  her 
by  fire.  On  April  17th,  Gen.  Hoke  with 
7,000  men,  assisted  by  the  rebel  ram  Alhe- 
tnarle,  made;  an  attack  u]iou  Plymouth,  held 
by  Gen.  \Ve.ssels  with  2,400  men.  The 
rebel  ram  soon. disabled  tlie  thre(!  Union  gun- 
boats stationed  there,  and  after  throe  days, 
occui)i(?il  iu  Kpii'it(Ml  lighting  at  tin;  outposts 
of  the  town,  tiie  latter  was  surrendered  by 
Wiissels  on  April  20tli,  with  1,<100  prisoiu'rs, 
2.')  guns,  and  some  valuable  stores.  April 
2i"<lli,  Washifigtrm  was  evacuated  by  the 
Union  (ten.  Palmer,  and  on  >Liy  5th  tin; 
Alhei/i'irle^  accompanied  i)y  two  rel)el  gun- 
boats, «'ngaged  the  three  remaining  Union  gun- 
boats in  tliesci  waters.  After  a  fierce  camiou- 
nde  at  short  range,  in  which  most  of  the  ves- 
Bols  engaged  were  severely  injured,  the  ram 


was  beaten  oH",  and  up  the  Roanoke,  by  the 
Union  boats,  leaving  one  of  the  rebel  gun- 
boais  as  a  trophy.  Oct.  27th,  Lieut.  Gushing 
approached  the  ^Llbemarle,  barricaded  at  a  dock 
eight  miles  up  the  Roanoke,  and  atfixed  to  her 
a  torpedo  which  comjiletely  destroyed  her.  He 
then  succeeded,  by  swimming  beneath  a  heavy 
fire,  in  escaping  to  the  Union  vessels  in  the  off- 
ing. Oct.  31st,  Plymouth  was  retaken  by  a 
fleet  under  Com.  Macomb.  During  the  sum- 
mer several  unimportant  raids  were  made  by 
the  Unionists,  by  which,  however,  numerous 
slaves  were  liberated. 

On  the  4  th  March,  a  free  State  govern- 
ment for  Louisiana  was  inaugurated,  with 
Gov.  Halm  at  its  head,  before  an  immense 
and  enthusiastic  multitude  in  Lafayette 
S()uare,  New  Orleans.  Early  in  the  same 
month,  Admiral  Porter,  with  a  large  fleet  of 
gunboats  and  transports,  carrying  10,000  of 
Sherman's  troops  under  Gen.  A.  J.  Smith, 
j)roceeded  up  the  Red  River  as  far  as 
Sinunsport,  on  the  way  to  Alexandria,  where 
Gen.  Banks'  army  of  some  15,000  men  was 
to  join  -them  in  an  expedition  to  capture 
Shi'eveport,  and  attack  the  rebel  army  of  Gen. 
Kirby  Smith,  stationed  in  this  region.  On 
the  way  \ip  the  river.  Fort  De  Russy  was  cap- 
tured, with  10  guns  and  283  prisoners,  by  Gen. 
Suiith,  the  main  rebel  force  there  of  5,000  men, 
under  Gen.  Walker,  retreating  up  the  river. 
Alexandria  was  surrendered  to  Porter  with- 
out a  struggle  on  March  IGth,  and  the  army 
of  Banks  shortly  joined  the  Union  forces 
there.  The  army  and  gunboats  then  moved 
u])  the  river  towards  Shrevej)ort.  At  Sabi'ie 
Cross-roads,  near  ]\Iansfield  and  about  40  miles 
from  Shreveport,  the  rebels  made  a  stand,  the 
Union  cavalry  coming  tip  with  them  on  the 
8th  April.  The  advance  of  the  Union  army, 
the  rest  of  which  was  scattered  over  the 
country  far  to  the  rear,  was  here  suddenly 
confronted  by  a  force  of  20,000  men  under 
Kirby  Smith.  Lee's  cavalry,  and  Ransom's 
infantry,  were  first  engaged,  and  soon  out- 
flanked by  an  overwhelming  force.  Ten  of 
Ransom's  guns  and  1,000  prisoners  were  short- 
ly lost,  and  by  5  p.m.  a  disorderly  rout  of  the 
Union  forces  engag(;d  took  place,  the  ranks  be- 
ing broken  by  the  fleeing  supply-train  of  Lee's 
division.  At  this  moment  Franklin's  divi- 
sion arrived,  and  by  the  great  gallantry  of 
both  commander  and  men,  the  victorious  [)ro- 
gi-ess  of  the  enemy  was  for  a  moment  checked, 
but  his  forces  were  soon  borne  back  with 
the  rest  in  complete  disorder.  Gen.  Emory, 
who  was  advancing  behind  Franklin  and  was 
advised  of  the  rout,  drew  up  his  forces  in  line 
of  battle,  and  allowing  the  flying  columns  to 
pass  to  his  rear,  to  niform  if  they  would, 
breasted  the  hostile  wave,  till  night  put  an 
eiul  to  the  conflict.  During  tlie  night  J?anks 
fell  back  fifteen  miles  to  Pleasant  Hill, 
where  Smith  had  arrived  with  his  veterans 
and  posted  himself.  The  next  day  the  con- 
fident rel)els  here  renewed  the  attack  upon 
Emory,  who  was  j)osted  in  frcmt  of  Smith. 
After  some  heavy  fighting,  the  fornter  gave 
way,  and  was  slowly  ptished  back  on  Smith's 
resiu'ves.  Sudth^dy  volleys  of  the  hitter's  ar- 
tillery and  iiiu.sketry  swept  the  crowding  re- 
bels, and  before  they  could  recover  fron>  their 
surprise,  they  wei-c  clnirgcil  by  Smith's  West- 
ern veterans,  headed  by  Gen.  Mow^er,  and 
were  driven  back  with  great  slaughter,  leaving 
two  batteries  and  many  prisoners.  Notwith- 


standing this  victory.  Banks  thought  it  best, 
from  the  want  of  water,  to  resume  the  retreat, 
which  was  continued  to  Grand  Ecore  and 
Alexandria  without  further  serious  molesta- 
tion. Banks  reported  his  losses  in  these  en- 
gagements at  289  killed,  1,541  wounded, 
and  2,150  missing.  No  rejjort  was  ever 
made  of  the  lebel  losses.  The  forces  engaged 
at  Pleasant  Hill,  were  15,000  Unionists 
against  22,000  rebels.  LTpon  being  inform- 
ed of  the  retreat  of  Banks,  Porter,  who  had 
advanced  his  gunboats  with  great  ditiiculty 
up  the  river  as  far  as  Springfield  Landing,  at 
once  turned  back,  and  from  the  unustial  low- 
ness  of  the  river  and  the  presence  of  the  enemy 
in  great  numbers  all  along  its  banks,  danger 
of  destruction  to  his  fleet  seemed  imminent. 
Many  determined  attacks  were  made  upon 
it  above  Alexandria  by  large  forces  of  the 
enemy,  but  they  were  invariably  beaten  off 
with  great  slaughter  by  the  raking  fire  of  the 
boats.  One  or  twt)  of  the  latter,  which  bad 
run  fast  aground,  were  destroyed  by  Porter, 
but  after  much  annoyance  from  the  obstructed 
navigation  and  the  enem}',  the  greater  portion 
of  the  fleet  shortly  reached  Alexandria.  On 
April  23d  Gen.  Banks  marched  rapidly  from 
Grand  Ecore  against  Gen.  Bee,  who  had  taken 
a  strong  position  at  the  crossing  of  Ciuie 
River,  40  miles  below,  with  8,000  men  and  16 
guns.  Striking  the  enemy  suddenh'.  Banks 
caused  them  to  abandon  their  works  and  re- 
treat in  disorder  soutliwestward  toward.s 
Texas. 

The  river  was  now  so  low  that  the  gun- 
boats could  not  ))ass  the  falls  near  Alexan- 
dria, and  unless  the  ai'my  remained  to  protect 
them,  their  destruction  seemed  inevitable. 
At  this  juncture  Lieut. -Col.  Joseph  Bailey, 
engineer  of  the  19th  corps,  obtained  leave  to 
build  a  dam  across  the  river,  of  timber  and 
sunken  coal-boats  filled  with  stone,  whereby 
the  depth  of  water  in  the  chaimel  on  the  rap- 
ids might  be  sufticiently  increased  for  the 
passage  of  the  gunboats.  After  eight  or  nine 
days'  labor,  on  the  9th  May  the  woi-k  was 
near  completion,  and  the  water  was  rapidly 
rising,  when  a  portion  of  the  dam  gave  way. 
The  gunboats  Lexin</ton  and  J\'Voa7(0  were 
hastened  down  the  chute,  and  succeeded  in 
passing  with  one  hole  only  knocked  in  the 
bottom  of  the  latter,  caused  by  her  friglifened 
pilot  stojiping  her  engines  as  he  apjiroached 
the  abyss.  Encouraged  by  this  partial  suc- 
cess. Bailey  renewed  his  eflbrts,  with  the 
whole  army  assisting  liim,  and  by  constnicting 
wing  dams  to  relieve  the  j)ressure  of  the  water 
on  the  main  dam,  his  exertions  were  crowned 
with  comjilete  success,  and  by  the  13th  ^Iny 
the  entire  fleet  had  jiassed  into  the  navigable 
waters  below  the  falls.  Bailey  was  rewarded 
for  this  work  with  a  generalship.  At  Dunn's 
Bayou,  30  miles  below  Alexandria,  the  g\m- 
boats  Su/nnl  and  ( 'oruir/toii,  ^'onvoying  the 
trans])ort  Uar/ff r,  were  attacked  by  a  largo 
rebel  force  on  May  5.  The  Sii/tial  and  War- 
nr.r  were  forced  to  surrender,  with  most  of 
400  soldiers  on  board,  and  the  VoriiKjton  was 
burned.  Most  of  the  I'nion  ])osts  on  tin 
coast  of  Texas  were  now  evacuated  and  their 
gairisons  came  around  to  reinforce  (ien. 
Banks.  On  tlm  departure  of  IIk;  fleet  from 
Alexandria,  Banks  moved  to  Sinnnsport,  on 
the  Atchafalaya,  having  a  cavalry  skirmish  at 
]SIansura  on  the  way.  I'orter's  fleet  moved 
down  the  Red  1-livcr  parallel  ^vith  the  army, 


UNITED  STATES. 


and  shortly  resumed  its  patrol  of  the  Missis- 
sij)))i. 

This  expedition,  which  was  most  disastrous 
to  tlie  military  rojnitation  of  its  commander, 
also  broxight  much  odium  upou  the  Govern- 
ment, who  pernutted  cotton  speculations  to 
take  place  under  its  protection ;  and  in  these 
speculations  Admiral  Porter  was  to  a  certain 
extent  implicated. 

Gen.  Steele,  coinmanding  in  Arkansas,  who 
was  to  co-operate  in  the  movement  on  Shreve- 
port,  taking  it  in  the  rear,  and  keeping  Price 
in  Arkansas  from  joining  the  rebel  forces  in 
Louisiana,  moved  southward  with  somp  12,000 
men  simultaneously  with  Banks'  advance 
from  Alexandria.  At  Prairie  d'Anne,  April 
12,  he  was  attacked  by  Piice  with  a  consid- 
erable force,  whom  he  beat  off.  Receiving 
news  of  Banks'  defeat,  on  April  15,  he  turned 
to  the  left  and  entered  Camden.  Shortly 
thereafter  his  wagon-train  was  cut  otf  and 
destroyed  at  Mark's  Mill,  and  on  the  27th 
he  was  in  full  retreat,  with  the  whole  rebel 
force  of  Louisiana  and  Arkansas  left  free  to 
operate  against  him.  At  Jenkins'  Ferry,  on 
the  Sabine,  he  was  assailed  by  the  enemy  in 
great  force,  led  by  Kirby  Smith.  But  turn- 
ing upon  them,  he  gave  battle  with  such  fury, 
that  they  were  completely  and  brilliantly  re- 
pulsed, the  Union  loss  being  750  killed  and 
woimded,  that  of  the  enemy  2,300,  including 
three  generals.  During  the  rest  of  his  retreat 
he  was  unmolested,  and  though  nearly  overcome 
by  fatigue  and  hunger,  his  forces  reached  Lit- 
tle Hock  on  May  2. 

During  the  year  18G4,  numerous  minor  con- 
flicts, partisan  encounters,  and  raids  took  place 
in  Arkansas.  June  27,  Gen.  Carr  worsted 
the  rebel  Shelby.  About  the  same  time  Gen. 
Dobbins,  with  a  superior  rebel  force,  attacked 
Col.  Brooks,  with  400  blacks,  on  Big  Creek, 
but  gained  no  advantage.  Aug.  23,  Shelby, 
with  2,000  men,  captured  the  most  of  the 
64th  Illinois,  between  Duvall's  Bluff  and  Lit- 
tle Rock.  Early  in  18ij4  a  Union  State  gov- 
ernment was  formed  in  Arkansas ;  and  iii 
March  a  Union  Constitution,  prohibiting  sla- 
very, was  ratified  by  a  vote  of  the  people. 
Members  of  Congress  and  permanent  State  of- 
ficers were  at  the  same  time  elected.  At  the 
close  of  the  year  after  Steele's  reverses,  most 
of  the  State,  however,  was  again  under  rebel 
rule. 

On  Jan.  28,  1864,  Gen.  Rosecrans  assumed 
command  of  the  Department  of  Missouri,  and 
shortly  afterwards  discovered  an  extensive 
treasonable  organization,  called  the  Order  of 
the  Sons  of  Liberty,  whereof  the  grand  com- 
manders were  Gen.  Sterling  Price  in  the  South 
and  C.  L.  Vallandigham  in  the  North.  The 
officers  and  leading  members  of  the  organiza- 
tion within  his  department  he  promptly  ar- 
rested and  lodged  in  prison,  where  they  were 
kept  for  some  time.  In  July,  a  rebel  out- 
break took  place  in  Platte  County,  and  numer- 
ous guerilla  outrages  also  occurred  in  the 
west  of  the  State.  At  the  close  of  September, 
Gen.  Price  advanced  from  Arkansas  into  Mis- 
souri with  10,000  men.  On  the  27th,  he  was 
resisted  at  Pilot  Knob  by  Gen.  Hugh  S. 
Ewing,  with  about  1,200  men.  The  latter 
blew  up  his  works,  and  escaped  during  the 
night  to  Rolla.  Price  then  moved  north  to 
the  Missoui-i  River,  threatening  St.  Louis  and 
Jeflerson  City.  Gen.  A.  J.  Smith,  with  4,500 
infantry  and  1,500  cavalry,  vigilantly  followed 


him.  About  this  time  a  rebel  detachment 
under  Shelby,  after  a  prolonged  fight,  capturt;d 
Glasgow.  On  Oct.  18  Price  reached  Lexing- 
ton, driving  before  liim  Gen.  Bluut  with  a 
force  from  Kansas,  who  retreated  on  Indepen- 
dence. On  the  Little  Blue,  Price  flanked  the 
Kansas  men,  now  commanded  by  Curtis,  com- 
pelling them  to  fall  back  to  the  Big  Blue. 
On  the  latter,  Oct.  23,  a  fight  was  maintained 
between  him  and  the  forces  of  Curtis  and 
Pleasanton,  until  at  1  p.m.  the  rebels  were 
routed  and  fled  southward,  pursued  beyond 
Little  Santa  Fe.  In  the  meanwhile.  Smith, 
with  9,000  infantry  and  5  batteries,  by  a  false 
move  to  Lexington  and  Independence,  had 
opened  a  door  of  escape  to  Price.  Pleasan- 
ton's  cavalry,  however,  overtook  the  latter  on 
the  Little  Osage,  Oct.  25,  and  in  a  s]>irited 
conflict  there,  captured  8  guns  and  1,000  pris- 
oners, including  Gens.  Mai-maduke,  Cabell,  and 
other  oflicers.  At  Newtonia,  Price  was  again 
struck  by  Blunt  with  some  Kansas  forces  and 
Sanborn's  brigade,  and  was  there  routed.  He 
was  then  chased  by  Curtis  to  Fayetteville, 
Ark.,  and  this  ended  the  last  rebel  invasion 
of  Missouri.  Though  Price  obtained  about 
6,000  recruits  from  rebel  sympathizers  in  the 
latter  State,  still  the  rising  was  not  so  exten- 
sive as  he  had  expected. 

Congress  having  revived  the  military  grade 
of  Lieutenant-General,  previously  held  by 
Cren.  Washington  alone,  on  ]\Iarch  2,  1864, 
Gen.  Grant  was  confirmed  by  the  Senate  as 
the  President's  nominee  for  the  place,  the 
popular  judgment  having  decided  that  he  was 
the  fittest  person  to  grasp  and  carry  out  a 
successful  plan  of  the  war,  and  to  command 
all  the  forces  of  the  Union.  Gen.  Grant 
fixed  his  headquarters  with  the  Army  of  th^ 
Potomac,  which  was  still  commanded  by  Gen. 
Meade,  and  Gen.  Sherman  took  command  of 
the  Department  of  the  Mississippi,  with  the 
experienced  jVIcPherson,  Hooker,  Thomas, 
Howard,  Hurlbei-t,  Lyon,  and  Schofield  as 
his  subordinates.  The  Army  of  the  Potomac 
was  reorganised  into  three  corps,  commanded 
by  Warren,  Hancock,  and  Sedgwick,  and  Gen. 
Burnside  was  ordered  to  unite  his  9th  corps 
to  that  army,  raising  its  strength  to  over 
100,000  men.  Gen.  Gi-ant's  plan  was  to  mo\e 
these  two  grand  armies  simultaneously,  the 
one  east  and  the  other  west  of  the  AUeghanies, 
Richmond  and  Atlanta  being  the  objective 
points.  Thus  the  field  of  his  designs  stretched 
5,000  miles,  over  which  his  forces  were  scat- 
tered, while  600  vessels  of  war  with  4,000 
guns  lay  on  the  rivers  and  coasts  for  2,500 
miles. 

Early  in  February,  Gen.  Butler,  command- 
ing at  Fortress  Monroe,  having  heard  that 
Richmond  was  weakly  garrisoned,  started  an 
expedition  to  capture  it  and  liberate  the  pris- 
onei-s  there,  but  it  failed,  from  the  enemy 
being  apjirised  thereof. 

Feb.  27  Gen.  Carter,  with  1,500  cavalry, 
made  a  raid,  flanking  the  rebel  army  in  A^ir- 
ginia,  ])ushing  nearly  to  Charlottesville,  and 
returning  March  2.  He  thus  masked  a  simul- 
taneous raid  of  greater  im])ortancc  by  Kil- 
patrick,  who  passed  across  the  Rajiidan  and 
rapidly  to  the  rear  of  Lee's  army,  and  pushed 
on,  cutting  the  enetny's  communications  to 
within  3^  miles  of  Richmond,  inflicting  on 
the  rebels  serious  losses.  He  then  |)roceeded 
across  the  White  House  Railroad,  and  thence 
down  the  peninsula  until  near  New  Kent, 


where  he  met  a  force  sent  up  to  his  aid  from 
Fortress  Slonroe  by  Gen.  Butler.  A  jiortinn 
of  his  command,  some  400,  uiuUu-  Col.  Uliic 
Dahlgren,  mistook  their  way,  hut  ultimately 
reached  and  charged  the  outer  works  of  llicii- 
mond.  They  then  made  the  circuit  of  that 
city,  but  in  striking  for  King  and  Queen  C. 
IL  they  were  sto[)jjed  at  Dabney,  and  Dald- 
gren  was  killed  by  the  militia  of  tiiat  place, 
while  his  force  was  scattered,  100  being  made 
prisoi;crs.  His  body  was  treated  with  igno- 
miny by  the  enemy. 

On  May  4,  the  preparations  being  com- 
pleted, Gen.  Meade's  army  crossed  the  Jia|)i- 
dan  at  Germania  and  Ely's  Fords,  and  j)ro- 
ceeded  to  a  tract  of  broken  table-land  near 
Sijottsylvania  Court-House,  called  i]w.  Wil- 
derness, which  stretched  from  Chancellors- 
ville  to  INIine  Run,  where  Lee  lay  intrenched. 
On  Thursday,  ^lay  5,  advancing  through  this 
imperfectly  known  country.  Warren's  corps, 
with  whom  Gens.  Grant  and  3Icade  made 
their  headquarters,  moved  as  far  as  the.Olil 
Wilderness  Tavern,  Sedgwick  being  on  tlieir 
right  towards  the  ford.  Hancock  was  di- 
rected to  move  forward  from  Chancellorsville 
to  Shady  Grove  Church,  further  down  the; 
river,  while  Sheridan's  cavalry  swept  still 
further  south-west  in  a  reconnoissance.  I're- 
sently,  finding  an  unlooked-for  battle  immi- 
nent, Grant  ordered  Hancock  to  close  up 
with  Warren  and  form  the  left  wing.  At 
3  P.M.  Lee  attempted  to  get  between  Hancock 
and  Warren,  whereuj>on  Grant  ordered  Mott  s 
division  of  Hancock's  corps,  with  Getty's  on 
Warren's  left,  to  charge  into  tlie  dense  woods 
and  underbrush  and  hold  tlu;  enemy  in  check. 
Two  hours  of  stulborn  and  bloody  conflict 
with  musketry  alone,  the  nature  of  the  ground 
entirely  forbidding  the  use  of  cavalry  or  ar- 
tillery, now  ensued,  resulting  in  great  loss  to 
both  sides,  and  without  advantage  to  either, 
though  the  rebels  claimed  1,000  j)risoners  to 
the  Unionists'  300  for  this  dny.  During  the 
night  Burnside's  corps  arrived  by  a  forced 
march,  and  at  early  dawn  on  Friday,  May  6, 
the  whole  Union  front  advanced.  At  5  .\.M. 
Sedgwick  attacked  on  the  right,  gallantly 
moving  on  Ewell,  while  Hancock  on  tin?  left 
pu.shed  forward,  crowding  back  Hill  and  tak- 
ing many  prisoners,  until  he  had  moved 
nearly  two  miles  on  the  Brock  road.  Hero 
Longstreet  arrived,  and  threw  the  I'nion 
front  into  confusion  ;  but  some  of  Burnside's 
corps  sustaining  it,  Longstreet  was  in  turn 
pressed  back,  lie  himself  falling  .severely 
wounded.  A  second  desperate  attack  at  1 1 
A.M.  pressed  the  2d  corps  back  to  its  in- 
trenched line,  the  Brock  road,  near  wliich 
Gen.  James  S.  Wadsworth  fell,  shot  through 
the  head.  A  lull  now  took  ])lace,  during 
which  13urnside's  coq^s  was  jilaced  between 
Hancock  and  Warren.  Suddenly  the  united 
forces  of  Hill  and  Long.street  fell  on  tho 
Union  left  and  left  centre.  For  three-quar- 
ters of  an  hour  the  battle  here  raged  with 
terrible  ferocity,  the  rebels  gaining  ground, 
when  Hancock  despatched  Carroll's  brigade 
to  strike  the  foe  in  flank,  a  movement  which 
succeeded,  and  drove  the  enemy  back  with 
heavy  loss,  and  enabled  Hancock  to  gain  his 
former  j)osition. 

Just  after  dark  the  enemy,  under  Gordon, 
struck  swiftly  and  heavily  the  Union  riyht, 
surprising  ami  routing  the  brigades  of  Tru- 
man Seymour,  and  Shaler,  and  taking  Sey- 


688 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


moil  -  and  some  4,(JO0  otiicr  prisoners.  Gen 
Sedgwick  succcc-dtnl,  liowever,  in  restoring 
Lis  lines,  and  the  second  day's  fighting  of  this 
series  of  bloody  struggles  closed.  The  next 
day,  Saturday,  Alay  7,  the  attack  of  Lee  was 
not  renewed,  and  the  day  was  spent  in  recon- 
uoissances  and  skirmishes.  Being  now  con- 
vinced that  the  enemy  was  preparing  to  re- 
treat. Grant  determined  to  move  in  a  night 
march  towards  Spottsylvania,  to  cut  him  otf 
from  Richmond.  Lee  was  soon  made  aware 
of  this  movement,  and  at  once  desjiatched 
Longstieet  by  a  parallel  road,  who  reached 
the  goal  before  the  Union  army,  having  the 
shortest  distance  to  go.  At  8  a  m.  on  Sunday, 
]\Iay  8,  Warren's  corps  came  full  upon  the 
forces  of  Longstreet,  whoso,  guns  were  posted 
on  the  ridge  across  the  rivulet  Ny,  before 
Spottsylvania  Court-House,  and  swept  the 
Union  columns  as  they  advanced.  Robinson's 
division  on  the  left,  confronted  by  an  over- 
whelming forC3,  gave  way  in  disorder.  Gen. 
Warren,  however,  seized  a  division  flag,  and 
rallied  the  troops  by  his  gallant  bearing. 
After  four  hours'  severe  contest  the  enemy 
was  driven  back  with  great  loss.  Towards 
ev(,'ning,  a  part  of  the  Union  Gth  corps  coming 
up,  the  assault  on  the  enemy's  position  was 
renewed,  ami  after  an  hour  and  a  half  of  se- 
vere fighting,  the  first  line  of  their  breast- 
works was  carried,  with  heavy  loss  on  botli 
Bides. 

The  next  day,  Monday,  ^lay  9th,  the  Un- 
ion lines  were  entirely  clear  of  the  Wilder- 
ness, and  advanced  to  within  three  miles  of 
Spottsylvania  Court-House,  and  well  in- 
trenched. During  the  day,  while  placing  a 
battery  and  pleasantly  bantering  .a  soldier  for 
his  nervousness  at  the  whistle  of  a  passing 
bullet.  Gen.  Sedgwick  was  struck  in  the 
face  by  the  ball  of  a  sharp-shooter,  and  in- 
shmtly  fell  dead.  The  next  day  Gen.  H.  G. 
Wright  succeeded  to  the  command  of  the  Gth 
corps.  No  general  engagement  took  place 
during  the  day,  both  armies  being  fearfully 
exhausted.  On  Tuesday,  the  lUth,  at 
P.M.,  Gen.  Grant  again  assaiilted  the  enemy's 
wui  ks  aft(?r  a  day's  cannonading,  and  after  j 
iSarlow's  division  had  been  fiercely  attacked  , 
and  had  rescued  itself,  wliile  recros.sing  the 
]*o  fiom  an  isolated  position.  Wright's  1st 
division,  Col.  Upton,  and  3d  division,  Gen, 
1).  A.  Kusseil,  rushed  over  the  first  line  of 
rebel  defences,  in  the  face  of  three  rebel  bat- 
teries, Cowan's,  McCartney's,  and  Rhodes', 
and  took  900  pri.soners  and  12  guns.  But 
the  a.s.sault  on  the  rest  of  the  front  resulted 
in  a  tc;rrible  and  useless  slaughter  of  the  as- 
Kailunts.  The  Union  losses  of  the  day  were 
fearful.  The  next  day,  May  11th,  was  e,\- 
j)ended  in  skirmishing  an(l  reconnoitring, 
the  afternoon  b(;ing  rainy.  At  nightfall 
Hancock  clianged  his  ])osition,  and  moved  si- 
h'utly  to  the  left,  between  Wright  and  Burn- 
Bide.  Between  4  and  5  A.M.,  May  ll'th,  in 
tlie  midst  of  a  pouring  rain,  Barlow's  and  Bir- 
iK-y's  divisions  advanced  against  a  salient  an- 
gle of  tlic  enemy's  works,  held  by  Kd.  John- 
Boii's  division  of  Ewell's  corjis,  Miles'  brigade 
li-adiiiL'.  The  enemy  were  overwhelmed  in  their 
trcm  hi-s,  ami  (iens.  Johnson  and  (1.  W.  Stew- 
art un<l  M.OOO  other  i)risoni'rs  and  .'50  guns,  wen^ 
r.iptiirfd.  1  laneock  now  juii-sued  the  t'uemv 
ill  his  front  iirurly  a  mile,  when  they  rallied, 
iind  a  long  and  bloody  fight  ensued.  Cliarge 
followed  cliargc  in  fjuick  succession,  and  the 


mutual  carnage  was  fearful.  W^ right's  corj)S 
was  sent  to  aid  Hancock,  who  was  now  press- 
ed with  the  savage  determination  of  the  en- 
emy to  recover  the  jjosition  which  they  had 
lost  to  him,  and  before  his  position  the  strug- 
gle and  slaughter  were  awful.  The  rain  set  in 
again  at  noon,  but  the  fighting  continued  till 
midnight,  when  it  ceased,  and  Hancock  still 
held  his  prize.  Lee  now  fortified  and  held  a 
line  immediately  iii  Hancock's  front,  and 
several  days  of  manceuvring  ensued  without 
much  lighting.  On  the  18th,  an  assault  on 
the  enemy's  lines  by  Gibbon's  and  Bai-low's 
divisions  was  repulsed  with  heavy  loss  ;  and 
on  the  19th,  Ewell  as.saulting  Tyler's  force  on 
the  Union  right,  was  gallantly  repulsed.  On 
the  21st  Gen.  Grant  advanced  by  a  flank 
movement  from  Spottsylvania  to  the  North 
Anna,  towards  Richmond.  Gen.  Meade  re- 
ported his  losses  up  to  this  time  at  39,791, 
including  many  oflicers  of  high  rank.  The 
rebels,  fighting  on  the  defensive,  suffered  less, 
but  still  heavily.  Among  their  killed  were 
Gens.  Sam.  Jones,  Jenkins,  Daniels,  Perrin, 
and  J.  ]\L  Jones. 

Notwithstanding  the  heavy  depletion  of 
the  Union  ranks.  Gen.  Grant  announced  his 
intention  "of  fighting  it  out  on  this  line,  if 
it  took  all  suunner."  Heavy  reinforcements 
were  hurried  to  him  from  Washington,  and 
the  base  of  .sup])lies  was  changed  to  Freder- 
icksburg from  the  original  one  north  of  the 
Rapidan.  To  the  former  jilace  the  Union 
wounded  and  sick  were  transported  from  the 
front,  and  were  tenderly  cared  for  by  the 
Government,  aided  by  the  Sanitary  and  Chris- 
tian associations. 

On  May  9th  Sheridan  was  despatched  from 
the  Wilderness  on  a  raid  to  sever  Gen.  Lee's 
communications  with  Richmond.  He  soon 
reached  the  enemy's  rear,  destroying  ten  miles 
of  the  Virginia  Central  Railroad,  and  a  large 
quantity  of  supplies,  and  liberating  400  Union 
])risoncrs.  He  then  moved  on  until  he  ac- 
tually entered  the  first  line  of  works  around 
Richmond,  near  Avhich  he  encountered  Gen.  J. 
K.  B.  Stuart,  who  was  mortally  wounded  in 
the  ensuing  conflict,  as  was  also  the  rebel  Gen. 
Gordon.  He  then  proceeded  to  Haxall,  and 
thence,  by  White  House  and  Hanover  Court- 
Hou.se,  returned  to  the  Army  of  the  Potomac. ' 

fn  co-operation  with  Gen.  Grant,  Gen. 
Butler,  on  4th  ilay,  liaving  been  reinforced 
by  Gen.  W.  F.  Smith's  (18th)  corps,  and 
Gen.  Gillmore's  (10th)  corps,  from  South 
Carolina,  with  25,000  of  his  command,  in 
transports,  accompanied  by  iron-clads  under 
Admiral  Lee,  moved  up  the  James  River  to 
City  Point  and  Bermuda  Hundred,  which  he 
occupied  and  commenced  to  intrench  on  the 
Gth.  The  gunboats  moved  slowly  and  cau- 
tiously, removing  the  torpedoes  in  the  liver, 
l)Ut  on  the  Gth,  one  of  the  latter,  containing 
2,000  pounds  of  powder,  exploded  xuider  the 
Com.  iToncs,  destroying  the  vessel  and  half 
of  her  crew.  Col.  R.  West,  with  l,r)00  cav- 
alry, moved  simulta«eously  Butler  up 
tiie  north  bank  of  the  James,  while  Gen. 
Kautz,  from  Suffolk,  ojierated  against  the 
roads  soutii  of  Petersburg  and  Jtichmond. 
On  the  7th  lUitler  made  a  reconnoissance 
against  the  Petersburg  and  Richmoml  Jiail- 
road,  destroying  a  ))ortion  of  it  after  some 
fighting.  ()n  the  RUh  and  14th  he  carried  a 
portion  of  the  enemy's  front  line  of  defences 
at  Drury's  Ulutf,  with  small  loss.    In  the 


meantime  Beauregard  had  collected  his  forces 
in  North  and  South  Carolina,  and  brought 
them  to  the  defence  of  Petersburg  and  Rich- 
mond. On  the  IGth  the  enemy,  under  Beau- 
regard, attacked  Butler  in  front  of  Drury'a 
Blutf,  and  forced  him  back  to  his  intrench- 
ments  between  the  forks  of  the  James  and 
the  Appomattox  rivers.  In  this  as.sault, 
made  before  daylight,  in  a  heavy  fog,  Butler 
lost  about  4,000  men,  Heckman's  brigade 
being  overwhelmed.  A  quantity  of  telegraph 
wire  jjlaced  in  front  of  Gen.  Smith's  line, 
held  by  Brooks'  and  Weitzel's  divisions,  and 
intertwisted  among  the  ti-ees,  threw  the  a.ssail- 
ants  to  the  ground,  where  hundreds  of  them 
were  killed,  and  the  rest  made  to  recoil  from 
th(!  attack.  Beauregard  now  erected  a  line 
of  works  across  the  peninsula  in  front  of  But- 
ler, by  which  a  small  force  of  the  enemy  could 
impede  any  advance  by  the  latter  northward 
except  by  transports,  or  by  crossing  the  riv- 
ers. 

On  May  25,  approaching  the  North  Anna, 
Gen.  Grant  found  Gen.  Lee  planted  acro.ss 
that  stream,  in  a  fine  position,  covering  the 
Virginia  Central  Railroad.  The  enemy  hav- 
ing divined  Grant's  intention,  had  moved 
with  silence  and  celerity  from  Spottsylvania 
on  a  shorter  line.  Warren,  on  the  Union 
right,  cros.sfid  Jericho  Ford  at  5  p.m.  on  May 
2.'i,  and  soon  an  attack  was  made  on  (triftin's 
division  by  a  jjortion  of  Hill's  corjisof  rebels. 
Griflin  held  his  position,  when,  being  rejmlsed 
in  his  front,  the  rebel  leader  attempted  to 
flank  him.  Griflin  then  hurried  Bartlett's 
bi  igade  to  the  rescue  of  his  right.  Tlie  83d 
Pennsylvania,  Lieut. -Col.  McCoy,  ran  upon  the 
rebel  brigade,  and  one  of  the  Pennsylvanians 
seized  Brown,  the  rebel  leader,  by  the  collar 
and  dragged  him  from  his  horse  a  prisoner, 
while  nearly  a  thousand  of  his  command 
shared  a  similar  fate,  and  the  rest  were 
routed.  Hancock,  on  the  left,  was  mean- 
while desjjerately  engaged  on  the  north  side 
of  the  stream.  A  strong  fortification  here, 
protecting  a  bridge,  held  by  McLaws'  division 
of  Longstreet's  corps,  at  6  p.m.  was  stormed 
and  cai  ried  by  Pierce's  and  Egan's  brigades 
of  Birney's  division,  with  a  loss  of  but  100 
men.  The  bridge  was  secured,  on  which 
Hancock's  corps  immediately  crossed,  while 
Wright's  corps  crossed  at  Jericho  Ford  and 
took  j)osition  in  the  rear  of  Warren.  On  the 
night  of  the  2Gth,  Gen.  Grant  being  satisfied 
that  the  position  of  the  enemy  was  impreg- 
nable, recros.sed  the  North  Anna,  and  moving 
around  Lee's  right  flank,  crossed  the  Pamun- 
key  at  Hanovertown.  Siiarp  fighting  oc- 
curred before  a  lodgment  was  effected  on  the 
oi)posite  bsink,  antl  on  the  28th  Sheridan 
had  a  severe  cavalry  engagement  with  Fitz- 
Inigh  Lee,  whom  he  routed,  the  L'nion  lo.ss 
being  400,  while  that  of  the  rebels  was  800. 
The  whole  army  now  rapidly  advanced  to  the 
Cliickahominy,  and  Gen.  Grant  transferred 
his  base  from  the  Rappahannock  to  the  White 
House.  Here  (Sen.  W.  F.  Smith,  with  the 
18tl»  corps,  who  had  been  orderetl  by  Gen. 
Grant  to  leave  liutler  at  Bermuda  Hundred 
and  join  him,  arrived  on  June  1,  having  been 
brought  ai-ound  in  transport.s.  Eiu-rgetic  re- 
connois.sances  made  by  (Jen.  Grant  now  re- 
vealed the  enemy  in  front  in  full  force  and 
strong  jiosition,  and  an  attempt  of  Warren  to 
possess  the  Mechanicsville  pike  failed.  (Jen. 
Grant  next  determined  to  flank  the  enemy 


J 


UNITED  STATES. 


S80 


and  seize  Cold  Harbor,  for  the  purpose  of 
forcing  the  Chickahoniiny  at  that  point. 
Cold  Harbor  was  an  important  focus  of  nu- 
merous roads  leading  to  llicliiuond.  On  May 
31,  Sheridan  seized  it,  and  the  next  day  the 
6th  corps  and  Gen.  W.  F.  Smith's  force 
came  up,  and  on  June  2  a  sharp  conflict  en- 
sued in  an  advance  at  4  p.m.  from  this  point, 
towards  the  Chickahominy.  The  advance 
was  held,  the  Union  forces  bivouacking  on 
the  ground  they  had  gained  at  a  cost  of  2,000 
killed  and  wounded.  Grant  resolved  that  the 
rebel  lines  on  the  Chickahominy  should  be 
foi'ced  at  sunrise  on  the  next  day,  June  3, 
and  he  rearranged  his  lines  during  the  night. 

At  early  dawn,  which  was  clouded  and 
rainy,  the  assault  was  swiftly  made  by  the 
whole  Union  front,  and  as  swiftly  repulsed 
with  terrible  slaughter.  Hancock,  on  the 
left,  first  came  uj)  to  the  enemy's  works. 
Barlow's  division  dislodged  the  enemy  in  his 
fi-ont  from  their  position,  taking  three  guns  and , 
several  hundred  prisoners  ;  but  it  was  shortly 
driven  back  by  a  heavy  force  under  Hill. 
Gibbons,  on  Bai'low's  right,  gained  the  rebel 
works,  but  was  imable  to  hold  them  ;  a  i)or- 
tionof  his  men — some  800 — however,  retained 
a  position  for  hours  within  fifteen  yards  of 
the  enemy's  lines,  and  resisted  every  attempt 
to  dislodge  them  until  they  were  rescued  by 
a  zigzag  sap.  Wright's  and  Smith's  assaults 
were  less  bloody  than  Hancock's,  while  War- 
ren and  Burnside  were  content  to  hold  their 
long  lines  with  a  heavy  artillery  fire.  The 
assault  was  scarcely  twenty  minutes  in  dura- 
tion, but  in  that  short  period  10,000  Unionists 
lay  before  the  rebel  works  killed  and  wounded. 

During  the  day  artillery  firing  contimied, 
and  occasional  firing  was  heard  along  the 
lines,  especially  on  the  left,  where  the  two 
armies  were  in  close  proximity.  Barlow  being 
on  one  side  of  a  ridge,  and  the  enemy  on  the 
other,  not  more  than  fifty  yards  apart.  Just 
after  dark,  the  enemy,  in  turn,  charged  the 
Union  intreuchments,  but  were  repulsed 
with  terrible  slaughter,  and  the  next  day  and 
next  night  made  partial  assaults,  which  also 
failed.  ' 

The  total  Union  loss  at  Cold  Harbor  was 
13,153;  l,70o  killed,  9,042  wounded,  and 
2,406  missing,  including  many  generals  and 
other  officers  among  the  killed  and  wounded. 
The  rebel  loss  was  not  reported. 

On  J une  7th,  Sheridan's  cavalry  proceeded 
around  Lee's  left,  sti-iking  and  destroying  the 
Virginia  Centi-al  Railroad  at  Trevilian's. 
They  then  returned  by  way  of  Spottsylvania 
to  Wiiite  House  with  370  prisoners,  having 
routed  a  body  of  rebel  cavalry  under  Wade 
Hampton.  On  the  12th  Grant  silently  with- 
drew from  the  enemy's  front,  crossing  the 
Chickahominy  far  to  Lee's  right.  Smith's 
corps  was  embarked  and  returned  to  Butler 
at  Bermuda  Hundred.  The  rest  of  the  Un- 
ion forces  crossed  the  Chickahominy  at  Long 
Bridge  and  Jones'  bridge,  and  by  different 
roads  stretched  forward  to  the  James,  without 
serious  molestation.  By  pontoons  and  ferry- 
boats the  passage  of  this  river  was  made  on 
June  1 4th .  Grant  now  hastened  to  Bermuda 
Hundred  to  impel  the  forces  under  Butler  to 
tlie  immediate  capture  of  Petersburg.  On 
J  une  8th  Gen.  Butler  had  despatched  Gens. 
Gilhnore  and  Kautz  against  Petersburg,  the 
former  to  attack  by  the  north,  the  latter  by 
the  south-westj  but  the  combination  fiuled. 


Gilmore  concluded  to  recoil  when  within  two 
miles  of  the  city.  On  June  15th,  Gen.  W. 
F.  Smith's  corps  advanced  to  within  three 
miles  south  of  Peter.sburg.  He  did  not  com- 
mence the  assault  till  near  sundown,  when  he 
cleared  the  enemy's  rifle  trenches  in  front  of 
the  main  defences  by  mere  skirmish  lines, 
and  captured  ]6_  guns  and  300  jjrisoners. 
But  though  the  night  was  one  of  clear  moon- 
light, Smith  fatally  rested  till  morning,  and 
during  the  night  Petersburg  was  reinforced 
with  Lee's  veterans.  Hancock  also  came  up 
during  the  night,  and  Warren  and  Burnside 
on  the  next  day,  June  IGth,  when  at  G  P.M. 
a  general  assault  was  made,  Lee  having  by 
this  time  ar-rived  with  the  most  of  his  army. 
Birney,  of  Hancock's  corps,  carried  a  ridge  in 
his  front  during  the  night,  and  at  daylight 
Burnside  captured  the  outworks  hi  his  front, 
taking  4  guns  and  400  prisoners.  The  rest 
of  the  forces,  though  struggling  nobly,  gain- 
ed no  advantage,  and  at  night  of  the  17th 
the  Unionists  were  driven  out  with  heavy 
loss  from  the  advanced  position  gained  in 
Burnside's  front.  During  the  attack  on  Pe- 
tersburg, on  the  16th,  Butler  dispatched 
Terry  to  Walthall  Junction  from  Bermiula 
Hundred  to  seize  and  hold  the  railroad  there, 
but  Ten-y  was  overpowered  by  Pickett's  div- 
ision of  Longstreet's  corps  and  was  hurled 
back. 

On  the  18th  Gen.  Grant  ordered  another 
general  assault  on  Petersburg,  and  at  3  p.m.  it 
was  made,  and  three  times  the  Union  troops 
moved  steadily  up  in  the  face  of  a  deadly 
fire,  to  be  swept  down  by  thousands,  without 
gaining  any  advantage.  Gen.  Grant  now  in- 
trenched in  front  of  Petersbiirg,  and  sent 
Meade  with  the  2d  and  6th  corps  to  seize  and 
hold  the  Weldon  Railroad  on  the  enem>  : 
right.  This  movement  was  baffled  by  A.  P. 
Hill,  and  on  the  23d,  after  a  loss  of  4,000, 
mainly  prisoners,  it  was  given  up.  About 
this  time  Gens.  Wilson  and  Kautz,  with 
8,000  Union  cavaliy,  made  a  raid  on  the  en- 
emy's railroads,  striking  the  Weldon  at 
Ream's  Station  and  tearing  it  up,  and  the 
Danville  at  Burkesville;  but  they  were 
shortly  surrounded  by  large  forces  of  the  en- 
emy, and  returned  with  difficulty  to  the  line 
before  Petersburg,  by  a  long  circuit,  aft(;r 
having  been  attacked  and  severely  defeated 
at  Stony  Creek.  Gen.  Butler  now  occupied 
Deep  Bottom,  ten  miles  from  Richmond,  and 
threw  a  pontoon  bridge  over  the  James  at 
that  poLiit.  On  Jime  25th  Sheridan  had  a 
successful  cavalry  fight  on  the  peninsula,  and 
about  this  period  several  minor  engagements 
took  place  along  the  lines  in  front  of  Peters- 
burg. But  now,  after  eight  weeks  of  inces- 
sant fighting,  in  which  fully  70,000  of  the 
Union  army  had  been  lost,  a  quiet  ensued. 
These  enormous  losses,  however,  were  quickly 
made  up  by  reinforcements  from  various 
quarters,  and  the  army  still  maintained  its  in- 
tegrity and  morale. 

On  July  26th,  Hancock  crossed  the  James, 
and  Miles'  brigade,  of  Barlow's  division,  car- 
ried a  rebel  outpost  at  Deep  Bottom,  captur- 
ing four  guns.  On  the  morning  of  J uly  30th 
a  "mine  which  had  been  run  from  Burnside's 
lines  under  a  fort  in  his  front  was  sprung,  an- 
nihilating its  garrison  of  300  men,  and  leav- 
ing an  inunense  hollow,  while  the  Union  guns 
opened  all  along  the  front.  The  ensuing  as- 
sault, indispensable  to  success,  resulted  in 


a  disaster  to  the  Union  forces,  the  assailant!? 
failing  to  advance  promptly  from  the  crater 
to  the  ridge  beyond,  and  thus  enabling  the 
enemy  to  rally  from  his  suri)rise  and  mow 
down  the  negro  division  of  Burnside,  which 
subse<juently  attempted  to  charge  through 
the  crater.  The  Union  loss  in  killed,  wound- 
ed, and  prisoners  was  4,400,  while  that  of 
the  enemy  was  not  1,000. 

Aug.  12th,  Hancock  again  attacked  the 
rebel  left  at  Deep  Bottom,  but  without  ma- 
terial success;  and  Gen.  Gregg's  cavalry  with 
Miles'  infantry  advanced  on  the  Charles  City 
road  about  the  same  time,  but  without  gain- 
ing any  advantage,  and  the  movement  was 
shortly  abandoned,  with  heavy  losses  on  both 
sides.  Aug.  18,  Warren  reached  the  Weldou 
Railroad,  three  miles  distant  from  the  Union 
flank.  Here  he  was  .severely  assailed,  but  stood 
his  ground  and  fortified  it.  Both  his  own 
and  other  Union  forces  near  him  were  at- 
tacked at  various  times  during  the  next  three 
days,  but  he  still  held  his  ]josition,  though 
with  the  total  loss  of  4,455  men,  while  the 
enemy's  was  scarcely  half  that  number.  On 
Aug.  21,  Hancock  struck  the  Weldon  road  at 
Ream's  Station,  four  miles  in  the  rear  of  War- 
ren. Here  he  was  attacked  by  Hill  and 
forced  to  retreat,  with  the  heavy  loss  of 
2,400  out  of  8,000  men,  and  five  guns,  Hill's 
loss  being  nearly  as  heavy.  Se])t.  29,  Butler, 
advancing  on  the  right  towards  Richmond, 
assaulted  and  cajitured  the  enemy's  outpost, 
Fort  Harrison,  with  15  guns.  The  rebels 
under  Gen.  Field  attempted  to  retake  it,  but 
failed.  Oct.  1,  Warren  on  the  left  advanced 
as  far  as  Squirrel  Level  road,  intrenching  his 
newly  gained  ground.  On  Oct.  27,  a  further 
advance  of  the  Union  forces  was  made  to- 
ward Richmond  and  upon  the  enemy's  works 
at  Hatcher's  Run  and  the  Boydton  jilank- 
road,  but  after  considerable  jjrotracted  fight- 
ing and  heavy  loss,  Egan  successfully  con- 
tending with  the  rebel  Heth  and  Hancock  re- 
])elling  Wade  Hampton,  though  with  barren 
results,  the  whole  army  was  shortly  back  in 
its  intreuchments  before  Petersbuig,  cowv- 
ing  the  Weldon  Railroad,  and  Yaughan  and 
Squirrel  Level  Highways. 

The  campaign  of  1864  against  Gen.  Lee 
was  now  practically  ended,  the  net  losses 
therein  of  the  Unionists  being  over  70,000, 
while  that  of  the  rebels  was  not  over  40,000. 
With  all  the  desperate  fighting  during  this 
campaign,  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  took 
but  32  guns  and  lost  but  25.  The  campaign 
ended  without  aj)pareut  advantage,  but  it 
eminently  contributed  to  break  the  power  of 
the  rebellion.  The  losses  sustained  by  the 
rebels  during  it  they  never  recovered  from. 

There  were  several  minor  engagements  in 
Western  and  Northern  Virginia  during  the 
earlv  part  of  1864.  Among  others,  on  Jan. 
2,  the  rebel  Gen.  Sam.  Jones  caj)tured  ^lajor 
Beer  and  300  lllinoisans  and  three  guns  at 
Jonesville,  after  a  smart  contest.  At  the 
close  of  the  month,  Rosser  made  a  raid  into 
West  Virginia  from  Early's  position,  doing 
some  damage,  but  was  shortly  chased  away 
by  Gen.  Averill;  and  in  February  Col.  Gallup 
surprised  Ferguson, a  rebel  guerilla,  in  Wayno 
County,  and  captured  him  witli  a  portion  of 
his  force.  On  May  1,  1864,  Gen.  Sigel  with 
10,000  men  moved  uj)  the  Shenandoah  A"al- 
ley  to  New-Market,  where  he  was  encoiuitered 
on  May  15  by  Gen.  Breckinridge  with  a 


593 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


larj^e  force  of  rebels.  The  latter,  by  a  reso- 
lute cliarge,  routed  Sigel,  driving  him  to 
Cedar  Creek,  and  capturing  700  men,  G  guns, 
and  i)!irt  of  his  train.  On  May  10,  Gen. 
Ay.-rill,  dispatched  with  L',000  cavah-y  by 
CJen.  Crook  on  the  Kanawha,  to  destroy  the 
lead  mines  at  WytheviUe,  was  there  beaten 
by  a  lieavy  cavalry  force  under  John  ISFor- 
gau.  About  this  period,  near  Dublin  Sta- 
tion, (Jen.  Crook  witli  6,000  men  beat  oti'  an 
inferior  force  under  Gen.  3IcCausland. 

At  Piedmont,  June  5,  Gen.  Hunter,  who 
Lad  succeeded  Sigel,  met  Gen.  AV.  E.  Jones, 
with  most  of  the  rebel  force  of  this  ilepart- 
ment.  The  rebels  were  routed,  leaving  1,.")00 
prisoners,  3  guns,  and  3,000  small  arms,  after 
losing  many  in  killed  and  wounded,  among 
the  former  being  their  leader.  Gen.  Jones. 
Hunter,  joined  by  Crook  and  Averill  at 
Staunton,  which  he  had  taken,  then  advanced 
on  Lynchburg,  attacking  it  on  June  18;  but 
it  had  been  heavily  reinforced  by  Lee,  and 
Hunter  was  forced  to  retreat  across  the  AUc- 
glianies  to  Meadow  Bluff,  in  West  Virginia, 
sharply  ])ursued  and  sufieriug  severely. 

On  July  2d,  Gen.  Early,  commanding  the 
corps  sent  from  lliclimond  to  the  relief  of 
Lynchburg,  ap[)eared  northward  on  the  Poto- 
mac, causing  Sigel  to  retreat  with  heavy  loss 
of  stores  from  JLirtinsburg  to  Maryland 
Heights.  The  rebels  then  destroyed  a  por- 
tion of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad,  oc- 
cupied Hagerstown,  and  raided  into  the  border 
of  Pennsylvania,  creating  great  e.\.citement  at 
the  North.  Gen.  Wallace,  confronting  the 
invaders  on  the  ]\Ionocacy,  with  a  force  of 
3,000  Maryland  Home  (Juards  and  a  brigade 
of  the  l!)th  corps  under  Gen.  Rickctts,  was 
attacked  near  Frederick,  July  9.  He  was 
repeatedly  charged,  and  eacii  charge  was  re- 
jtelletl  by  a  fiin-ce  and  bloody  struggle,  until  at 
4  P.M.  iie  was  forced  to  retreat.  The  Union 
loss  in  this  action  was  1,959;  that  of  the 
rebels  somewiiat  less.  Early's  cavalry  ad- 
vance under  Gen.  Bradley  T.  Johnson  now 
approached  Baltimore,  and  robbed  a  Phila- 
delphia mail  train  and  jiassengers  at  a  short 
distance  therefrom.  On  the  12th,  Early's  en- 
tire army  was  within  si.K  or  seven  miles  of 
Washington,  at  which  point  he  lost  280  killed 
and  wounded  in  a  skirmish.  But  his  force, 
now  reduced  to  l.'),000,  being  confronted  by 
0!ie  of  40,000,  he  precipitately  retreated  across 
the  Potomac  nt^ar  Poolesville,  with  vast  herds 
of  cattle  and  other  jdunder.  Gen.  Wright 
followed  in  pursuit  to  the  Shenandoah,  where, 
near  Island  Ford,  on  Jidy  10,  Early  drove 
back  tiie  Union  advance,  inflicting  a  loss  of 
r)0(l  men.  Near  Winchester,  Averill  had  an 
engagement,  July  20,  with  a  division  of  the 
rebels,  defeating  it  with  heavy  loss  and  cap- 
turing four  guns.  On  the  2  Uh,  Early,  con- 
centrating a  large  force,  fell  on  the  troops  of 
Crook  and  Averill,  driving  them  into  ]\iary- 
land  with  a  loss  of  1,200,  incluiiing  among 
the  killed  (Jen.  Midligan,  the  defender  of 
Ti<'xiiigton,  Mo.,  and  thus  became  master  of 
the  Houlhern  siiore  of  the  Potomac  from 
Williamsport  lo  Shepardstown.  On  the  30th, 
JlcCauslau'l  recrossed  the  Potomac,  and 
inovfd  ujxMi  ('hambcrsl)urg,  P:i.,  fleinanding 
thereof  a  ransom  of  ^.^OO.OdO,  which  ix-ing 
fft'used,  hi-  fin-d  llm  town,  destroying  two- 
tliirds  of  it.  'I'he  rebel  raidi-r  John  S.  .\l(>sel)y 
now  appealed  in  an  insignificant  raid  on 
Adumstown.     Retreating  towards  Cuml»er- 


land,  McCausland's  and  Johnson's  forces  de- 1 
feated  Col.  Stough  at  Ohltown,  but  were  in  j 
turn  routed  near  Mooreficld  by  Averill,  on 
Aug.  4.  Early  now  ])roposed  to  hold  the 
Shenandoah  till  after  the  harvest,  and  made 
a  huge  requisition  for  grain  on  tiie  inhabi- 
tants. 

On  Aug.  7,  the  Middle  Department,  com- 
posed of  those  of  West  Virginia,  Wasliing- 
ton,  and  Susquehanna,  was  created,  and  Gen. 
Slu-ridan  assumed  the  command.  On  the 
10th  the  latter  moved  his  forces  up  the  val- 
ley, when  the  enemy  retired  to  Strasburg. 
Moseby  now  attacked  and  burned  Sheridan's 
supply-train  at  Borryville,  whereupon  Sheri- 
dan fell  back  to  Chai-lestown.  Tliere  Early 
engaged  him  in  an  indecisive  conflict,  which 
lasted  six  houi's.  Sheridan  then  fell  back  to 
Bolivar  Heights,  where  he  was  confronted 
for  several  days  by  Early.  At  the  close  of 
August,  Early  again  moved  up  the  valley, 
followed  by  Sheridan,  but  no  important  en- 
gagement took  place  till  Sept.  19;  when 
Early,  strongly  posted  on  the  Opequan  Creek, 
near  Winchester,  was  assailed  by  the  pursu- 
ing army.  Gen.  Grant  having  finally  permit- 
ted Gen.  Sheridan  to  risk  a  general  engage- 
ment. At  10  A.M.,  Sheridan  having  arrived 
at  a  desired  point  on  the  rebel  right,  ordered 
a  general  advance,  and  the  artillery  opened 
along  the  whole  line.  Grover's  and  Rickett's 
division  carried  the  enemy's  first  line;  where- 
upon, being  assailed  by  two  fresh  divisions 
of  the  latter,  they  were  pushed  back  in  dis- 
order, and  with  great  loss.  But  Capt.  Rig- 
by,  24th  Iowa,  followed  by  a  sergeant  and 
twelve  men,  formed  a  rallying  nucleus,  with 
face  to  the  front,  and  a  new  line  was  speedily 
formed.  Torbert's  cavalry  shortly  struck 
the  enemy's  left  in  flank,  and  the  whole 
Union  centre  charged.  The  rebel  lines  crum- 
bleil  into  fi'agments,  and  their  whole  army 
precipitately  retreated  through  Winchester 
to  Fisher's  Ilill,  eight  miles  south  thereof. 
Early  left  behind  his  dead  and  wounded,  and 
nearly  3,000  prisoners,  together  with  five 
pi(>ces  of  artillery  and  nine  battle-flags.  The 
Union  loss  was  about  3,000,  including  Gen. 
David  A.  Russell  among  the  killed.  The 
total  rebel  loss  was  undoubtedly  much  greater. 
Among  their  killed  were  Gens.  Rhodes  and 
Godwin. 

Sheridan  sharjjly  followed  the  enemy,  and 
again  attackml  them  at  Fisher's  Hill  on  the 
19th  with  such  vigor  that  they  again  broke, 
and  now  fled  towards  Wooilstock,  leaving 
1,100  prisoners  and  16  guns.  Sheridan 
closely  followed  the  retreating  mass,  devas- 
tating the  valley  as  he  moved.  The  South- 
ern press  ju'oposed  retaliation  for  this  by 
burning  one  of  the  large  cities  of  the  North, 
and  an  uiisucce;.ssful  attempt  was  actually 
made  by  rebel  cmissa."ies  a  few  weeks 
theiiuifter  in  New  York,  in  various  hotels, 
with  ])etroleiun.  Sheridan  jiursued  as  far  as 
Brown's  (!ap,  in  the  Blue  l\idge,  eight  miles 
south-(>ast  of  Port  Republic,  where  Early 
assumed  a  formidable  position.  Sheridan 
then  returne(l  down  tlu;  valley,  and  was  at- 
tacked! on  the  9th  October  by  the  rebel  (Jen. 
Uosser,  with  a  Iarg<r  body  of  cavalry,  but  de-  ' 
feated  him,  taking  300  |)risoners  and  11 
guns,  and  causing  him,  in  his  retreat,  to 
"  jump  for  2()  miles."  Sheridan  now  left 
his  army  for  a  short  visit  to  Wiisliing- 
ton.    Early,  who  had  been  reinforced  by  12,- 


000  men,  hearing  of  Sheridan's  absence,  re- 
solved to  attack  his  army  before  his  return. 
On  the  night  of  the  18th,  leaving  Fisher's 
Hill,  and  knowing  the  ground  thoroughly,  ho 
crossed  the  mountains  and  forded  tin;  north 
fork  of  the  Shenandoah.  ^larching  with  the 
utmost  secrecy  and  celerity,  he  stole  down 
upon  the  flank  of  the  L^nion  position  on  Ci;- 
dar  Creek,  near  Middletown.  There  his 
forces  arrived  and  stood  for  an  hour,  shiver- 
ing with  cold,  within  GOO  yards  of  the  Union 
camj)S.  At  daybreak  a  deafening  yell,  and 
the  blaze  and  crash  of  10,000  muskets,  took 
place,  and  charging  through  the  fog,  the 
rebels  were  ui)on  the  surprised  and  panic- 
stricken  army  before  any  line  of  battle  could 
be  formed,  and  in  fifteen  minutes  the  Army 
of  West  Virginia,  commanded  by  Crook,  be- 
came a  flying  mob,  pressing  back  to  a  second 
hill,  a  half  mile  distant,  where  lay  the  10th 
corps,  under  Emory.  This  corps  in  turn 
was  flanked,  and  fled  with  the  rest  towards  a 
third  hill,  on  which  lay  the  Gth  cor])s,  under 
Gen.  Wright,  with  Torbei-t's  cavalry  sup- 
porting its  right  flank.  The  24  gxins  which 
had  been  captured  by  the  rebels  they  now 
turned  upon  the  Unioiii.sts,  enfilading  the 
entire  line  of  the  latter.  Xkcpulsing  a  tre- 
mendous charge  of  the  enemy,  Wright  was 
enabled  to  cover  the  fugitive  crowd,  and 
while  the  enemy  were  hesitating,  a  jiart  being 
engaged  in  plundering  the  captured  camps, 
he  retreated  in  good  order  towards  Middle- 
town.  But  he  was  soon  terribly  assailed  on 
the  left  flank,  in  the  wooded  fields  near  that 
[)lace ;  and  from  the  adjacent  heights  Early's 
batteries  poured  a  terrible  fire  on  the  un- 
covered army  as  it  pas.sed  within  range. 

Gen.  Sheridan,  returning  from  \\'ashiiig- 
ton,  was  leisurely  proceeding  on  his  way  to 
the  front  from  Winchester,  where  he  had 
slept  the  night  before.  He  heard  the  thun- 
der of  the  artillery,  and  met  the  frightened 
fugitives  of  the  Union  army.  Past  these  ami 
the  cheering  wounded  lying  along  the  road 
side,  he  now  fled  himself,  but  it  was  towards 
instead  of  from  the  front,  which  he  reached 
at  10  A.M.,  just  as  Wright  had  halted  and 
the  enemy  ceased  to  pursue.  l?y  the  inspi- 
ration of  his  presence  and  the  homely  assur- 
ances of  his  .sanguine  nature  that  his  forces 
were  now  going  "  to  lick  the  enemy  out  of 
their  boots,  and  get  the  tightest  twist  on 
them  ever  seen,"  the  retreat  was  stopped, 
and  in  a  short  time  a  new  line  of  battle  was 
formed,  and  the  crestfallen,  shattered  batta- 
lions were  converted  into  fresh  men,  excited 
and  eager  for  victory.  At  I  i-.M.  I-hnory's 
new  line  was  again  attacked,  but  the  enemy 
were  shortly  rejiulsed.  At  3  r.M.  the  order 
was  given  for  the  entire  Union  line  to  ad- 
vance, and  in  an  instant  it  moved  swiftly 
and  solidly  on  the  enemy's  position,  before  a 
tremendous  fire  of  artillery  and  musketry, 
the  Unionists  having  but  few  cannon  to  re- 
spond to  the  former.  The  assailing  lines 
were  thus  torn  and  fell  liack ;  but  again 
roused  by  (he  gallant  eflbrts  of  their  com- 
mander, one  grand  overwhelming  charge  was 
made,  and  the  rebel  front  gave  way,  and  the 
whole  late  victorious  army  of  the  eiu-my  was 
now  in  turn  pursued,  a  disordered,  panic- 
stricken  mob.  uj)  to  and  through  Strasburg, 
by  infantry  and  c.ivalry;  and  thence  to  Wood- 
stock, 15  miles  beyond,  by  the  latter.  Tlio 
Union   army  slept   that  night,  as  it  tad 


UNITED  STATES, 


691 


fought  that  day,  without  food.  In  this 
Union  defeat  tr.insmuted  to  victoiy  by  the 
reinforcement  of  a  single  man,  tlie  Union 
loss  was  nearly  ;?,00(),  including  among  the 
killed  Gen.  D.  1).  Bid  well  and  many  otlusr 
officei-s.  The  rebel  loss  was  heavier,  includ- 
ing Gen.  llanis(!ur  among  the  killed,  1,500 
prisoners,  and  23  guns,  besides  the  24  guns 
lost  and  recovered  by  the  Unionists.  After 
this  notable  atfair  there  was  no  engagement 
of  any  moment  in  the  Shenandoah  Valley. 

During  the  latter  part  of  18tj3  and  the 
early  part  of  18G4,  numerous  raids  and  de- 
sultory conflicts  took  place  between  Virginia 
and  the  Mississij)pi,  which  contributed  very 
little,  however,  to  a  settlement  of  the  grand 
issue.  Aug.  IG,  18G3,  1,600  cavalry,  a  por- 
tion of  the  Union  army  in  West  Tennessee, 
under  Col.  J.  J.  Phillips,  raided  to  Grenada, 
Miss.,  where  they  destroyed  50  locomotives 
and  500  cars.  In  December,  1863,  the  rebel 
Forrest,  with  4,000  cavalry,  operated  upon 
West  Tennessee,  horse-stealing  being  his 
main  object.  Dec.  24,  a  small  Union  force, 
under  Col.  Prince,  7th  Illinois,  was  routed  at 
Somerville  by  the  rebel  Richardson's  cav- 
alry. In  February,  1864,  Gen.  Sherman, 
with  a  portion  of  the  Union  forces  at  Vicks- 
burg,  advanced  to  Meridian,  destroying  a 
great  amount  of  i-ailroad  property,  and  re- 
turning with  400  prisoners,  1,000  white  and 
5,000  negro  refugees.  Feb.  22,  Gen.  W. 
S.  Smith  with  7,000  men  was  attacked  at 
Okolona  by  a  larger  force  of  rebel  cavalry, 
and  beaten  back  to  jMemphis  with  a  loss  of 
200  men  and  5  guns,  having  however  destroy- 
ed a  large  amount  of  rebel  property.  March 
5th,  Col.  Osband  witli  a  Union  force  was  at- 
tacked at  ¥azoo  City  by  a  far  suj)erior  rebel 
foi-ce  under  Ilichai'dson  and  floss,  which 
nearly  carried  the  town,  but  was  finally 
driven  off  by  Union  reinforcements.  Shortly 
afterward  Yazoo  City  was  ordered  to  be  evac- 
uated by  the  Unionists.  In  March,  Gen. 
Palmer  witli  the  14th  corps  operated  against 
a  portion  of  Hardee's  corps  of  the  rebel  arm}', 
and  had  inconsiderable  collisions  therewith 
at  Tunnel  Hill  and  liocky  Face  Ridge. 

March  16,  Forrest  with  5,000  cavalry 
raitled  rapidly  from  Mississippi,  through 
West  Tennessee,  cajjturing  Union  City  from 
Col.  Hawkins,  who  tamely  surrendered.  He 
also  captured  Hickman,  but  was  driven  off 
from  Paducali,  Ky.,  with  heavy  loss,  and  fell 
back  into  Tennessee.  In  his  operations  be- 
fore Paducah,  Forrest  was  guilty  of  numer- 
ous dastard  and  cowardly  acts,  such  as  violat- 
ing a  truce  and  using  women  and  children  as 
shields.  Api-il  12,  at  sunrise  he  attacked 
Fort  Pillow,  on  the  Mississippi,  garrisoned 
by  557  men,  including  262  blacks,  under 
Major  L.  F.  Booth.  The  gunboat  Reio  Era 
aided  in  the  defence.  A  .sharp  conflict  ensued 
until  9  A.M.,  when  Major  Booth  was  killed. 
Major  Bradford,  13th  Tennessee  cavalry,  then 
assumed  the  command,  and  withdrew  his  men 
into  the  inner  works.  Shortly  after  noon  the 
fight  slacked,  and  Forrest  sent  to  Major  Brad- 
ford a  summons  to  surrender  within  twenty 
minutes,  which  the  latter  declined.  During  this 
negotiation  many  of  the  rebels  stole  unperceiv- 
ed  towards  the  fort,  and  the  moment  Major 
Bradford's  answer  was  received,  a  rush  was 
made,  with  cries  of  "No  quarter."  The  fort 
was  taken  and  the  garrison  were  driven  down 
the  bank  to  and  into  the  river.  An  indiscrimi- 


nate slaughter  then  ensued,  in  which  was  sjiar- 
ed  neither  age  nor  sex,  white  nor  black,  soldier 
nor  civilian.  Women  and  children  were 
hacked  to  death  or  coolly  shot  down.  Some 
of  the  sick  and  the  wounded  were  made  to 
stand  up  and  be  shot.  Others  were  burned 
with  the  tents  wherein  they  had  been  fast- 
ened to  the  fioor.  ,  The  scene  of  bloody  atro- 
city continued  till  dark,  and  was  even  renewed 
the  next  morning.  Major  Bradford  was  mur- 
dered in  cold  blood  aftesr  having  been  cap- 
tured several  miles  from  the  fort.  The  wliites 
were  here  massacred  because  th(;y  were  loyal 
Southerners  or  "  home-made  Yankees,"  and 
the  negroes  because  they  were  "  niggers."  The 
miscreants  then  tied  from  the  scene  of  this 
achievement  into  ISIississippi,  ineflfectively 
pursued  by  Gen.  S.  D.  Sturgis. 

At  Guntovvn  on  the  Mobile  Railroad,  on 
June  10,  Sturgis  found  Forrest's  force,  and 
an  engagement  ensued,  in  which  the  former 
was  disgracefully  beaten  and  driven  back  to 
Ripley,  where  on  the  next  day  a  second  fight 
ensued,  by  which  Forrest's  pursuit  was 
checked.  Stui'gis  then  returned  to  Memphis, 
having  lost  a  third  of  his  force  of  12,000. 
At  Tupelo,  July  14,  a  Union  force  of  about 
the  same  number,  under  Gen.  A.  J.  Smith,  ad- 
vancing on  Forrest  was  thrice  assailed  by  the 
latter,  who  had  there  concentrated  and  forti- 
fied his  command.  He  was  each  time  repulsed, 
and  finally  fled  with  heavy  loss,  leaving  his 
killed  and  wounded  on  the  field ;  but  Smith 
made  no  further  advance,  leaving  the  mis- 
creant to  escape.  On  Aug.  18,  flanking  the 
Union  army  by  night,  Forrest  appeared  with 
3,000  men  in  the  streets  of  Memphis,  but 
shortly  fled  therefrom  without  having  time 
to  do  any  damage.  Various  insignificant 
contests  took  place  towards  the  close  of  thi, 
year  at  Bean's  Station,  Charleston,  ]\Iossy 
Creek,  Dandridge,  and  Maryville,  in  East 
Tennessee.  June  1,  1864,  the  rebel  raider 
Morgan  started  with  2,500  men  for  East 
Tennessee,  on  another  raid  by  the  way  of 
Pound  Gap  into  Kentucky.  He  shortly 
captured  Mount  Sterling,  Paris,  Cynthiana, 
and  Williamstown,  doing  much  damage.  At 
a  bend  in  the  Licking,  300  of  his  force  en- 
trapped and  captured  Gen.  Ilobson,  with  1,600 
well-armed  Unionists.  June  12,  Gen.  Bur- 
bridge,  with  a  Union  foT-ce  in  pursuit  of  Mor- 
gan, found  him  near  Cynthiana,  killed  and 
wounded  300  of  his  command,  captured  400 
men  and  1,000  horses,  and  liberated  some  of 
Hobson's  men.  Morgan  succeeded  in  escap- 
ing with  the  rest  of  his  followers  to  South- 
western Virginia  ;  but  on  Sept.  3  he  was  sur- 
prised with  a  small  band  at  Greenville,  East 
Tennessee,  and  killed  by  Gen.  Gillem.  Sept. 
19,  an  attempt  was  made  on  the  Union  prison 
camp  on  Johnson's  Island,  Lake  Erie,  by  cer- 
tain rebel  agents  and  refugees  from  Canada. 
They  seized  a  steamboat  in  which  they  had 
taken  passage  at  Maiden,  Canada,  but  were 
shortly  compelled  to  run  it  ashore  near 
Sandwich,  Canada,  where  they  escaped.  Oct. 
2,  Burbridge  advancing  on  the  rebel  salt-works 
at  Saltville,  was  beaten  oif  by  Breckinridge, 
with  considerable  loss.  Oct.  28,  Gen.  Gillem 
routed  a  rebel  force  at  Morristown,  but  on 
Nov.  13  was  in  turn  surprised  and  utteily 
beaten  there,  in  a  night  attack  by  Breckin 
ridge. 

Eaily  in  May,  1864,  simultaneously  with 
the  advance  of  Gen.  Grant  upon  Richmond, 


Gen.  Slierman  commenced  his  parallel  cam- 
paign against  Atlanta.  His  army  amouiiU-d 
to  about  100,000  men,  with  554  j)ieces  of  ar- 
tillery, being  con)j)osed  of  the  Army  of  tho 
Cumberland,  (ien.  Tiiomas,  00,773  ;  the  Army 
of  the  Tennessee,  Gen.  McPhcrson,  24,465  ; 
and  the  Army  of  tho  Oliio^  (!eii.  Schoilcdd, 
13,559.  The  rebel  army  ojiposing  him,  under 
Gen.  J.  Johnston,  anujunted  to  about  60,0()0 
men,  and  was  divided  into  three  corps,  led  by 
Hardee,  Hood,  and  Polk.  Joimston  lay  in 
and  about  Dalton,  strongly  fortilic<i.  Daltou 
was  covered  by  a  mountain  called  Rocky 
Face  Ridge,  but  this  was  traversed  V>y  Buz- 
zard-Roost Gap,  through  which  ran  tlie  rail- 
load.  May  7,  Thomas  made  a  feint  against 
Dalton,  and  shortly  a  vigorous  attack,  in 
which  Newton's  division  of  Howard's  corps, 
and  Geary's  division  of  Hooker's,  carried  a 
portion  of  the  ridge.  McPherson,  in  tlie 
meantime,  had  advanced  through  Snake  Cre(;k 
Gap  to  strike  the  rebel  fl.ank.  May  10, 
Sherman  moved  over  the  most  of  Ids  forces 
to  McPherson,  which  compelled  Johnston  to 
evacuate  Dalton  and  retreat  to  liesaca,  18 
miles  south  of  that  stronghold.  Howard, 
who  had  been  left  at  Dalton,  now  followed 
on  the  enemy's  track,  ilay  15,  Johnston 
attacked  Hooker  and  Schofield  in  his  front, 
and  on  his  left,  at  Resaca,  but  was  bloodily 
rt^])ulsed,  losing  four  guns  and  many  prisoners. 
During  the  night  he  abandoned  Resaca,  and 
retreated  across  the  Oostenaula  River,  par- 
tially destroying  the  bridge.  The  whole 
Union  army  at  once  pressed  rapidly  in  j)ur- 
suit  over  the  rough  coimtry,  the  army  di- 
visions often  being  nece.ssarily  wide  ajiart. 
On  the  17th,  Newtcn's  divisicui  had  a  sharp 
artillery  contest  at  Adairville ;  and  on  the 
18th,  after  some  vigorous  skirmishing,  Clinton 
was  caj)tured.  Rome  was  also  taken  by  Ji'lf. 
C.  Davis'  division  of  Tlu)mas'  corps,  wliich 
destroyed  there  mills,  warehouses,  and  foun- 
dries of  great  importance  to  the  cnejiiy. 
Johnston  now  took  up  a  strong  and  fortified 
position  covering  tlie  Allatooiia  Pass,  near 
Dallas.  On  the  23d,  Slierman  ha^  ing  rested 
a  few  days  to  bring  up  his  suj)plies,  atlvanced 
towards  the  latter  place,  more  or  less  fighting 
taking  place  on  the  way.  Near  New  Hope 
Church,  Hooker  came  upon  the  enemy  in 
strong  force,  and  attacked  liim  on  j\Iay  25th, 
caininu  some  ground.  On  the  28th,  John- 
ston  suddenly  attacked  McPhcrson  at  Dalla.s. 
Two  unsuccessful  assaults  were  repulsed  by 
the  latter,  tho  rebels  losing  3,000  men 
and  the  Unionists  about  1,000.  On  the  1st 
June,  Sherman  sent  McPherson  around  to 
the;  left  on  another  flank  movement,  com- 
pelling the  enemy  to  evacuate  Allatoona 
Pass  and  his  neighboring  fortifications,  and 
fall  back  to  Kenesaw  INIountain.  Allatoona 
Pass  was  now  made  a  secondary  base  and 
garrisoned  by  Sherman,  and  the  railroads 
were  repaired  up  to  that  point.  On  the  11th 
June,  the  army  again  advanced  on  the  enemy's 
lines,  which  now  covered  Kenesaw,  Pine,  and 
Lost  Mountains,  and  were  actively  being 
strengthened  each  houi".  Sherman  now  at- 
tempted to  force  a  passage  between  Kenesaw 
and  Pine  Mountsiins.  On  the  14th,  during 
a  sharp  cannonade.  Gen.  Polk  was  struck  by 
a  threcvinch  sliot  and  killed.  The  next  morn- 
ing Pine  Mountain  was  discovered  to  be 
j  abandoned.  On  the  Nth,  Lost  Mountain 
1  was  also  abandoned  by  the  enemy,  who  con- 


niSTORY  OF  THE 


centriited  his  position  on  Keuesjiw.  A  lew 
days  now  elii])setl  witii  constant  cannonading 
and  lieavy  rains,  the  Union  forces  advancing 
steadily  but  slowly  on  the  enemy's  position. 
Oa  tlie  22(1,  Hood  made  a  sudden  and  fierce 
attack  on  Hooker's  corps,  but  failed,  with  a 
loss  of  800  men.  yiiernian  now  unwisely  de- 
termined to  assault  in  turn,  and  on  the  27th 
the  two  armies  of  Thomas  and  McPherson 
attacked  at  two  different  points,  but  were 
fearfully  repulsed,  witli  the  severe  loss  of 
3,000,  Gens.  Harker  and  Dan.  IMcCook,  and 
many  otlier  valuable  officers,  being  included 
among  the  Union  killed.  After  having  buried 
his  dead  under  a  flag  of  truce,  yherman  sent 
McPherson  towards  the  Chattahoochee  liiver, 
far  in  the  rear  of  Kenesaw  Mountain.  By 
this  simple  movement  Johnston  was  at  once 
comjjelled  to  evacuate  his  strong  position  on 
Kenesaw,  and  Sherman  rode  into  INIarietta 
on  July  2.  On  the  -Ith  and  5th  July,  the 
enemy  succeeded  in  crossing  the  Chattahoo- 
chee in  safety  ;  but  by  the  9th  Sherman  had 
skilfully  managed  to  secure  three  available 
points  for  crossing  the  river,  when  the  enemy 
i-eluctantly  abandoned  again  his  line  of  de- 
fence and  fell  back  to  Atlanta.  The  Union 
army  now  rested  for  a  few  days  within  sight 
of  the  steeples  of  Atlanta.  In  the  mean- 
while. Gen.  Kousseaii,  with  2,000  cavalry,  had 
proceeded  around  Atlanta  and  destroyed  the 
railroad  at  Opelika,  Ala.,  cutting  off  John- 
ston's supplies.  Johnston  was  now  removed 
from  his  command,  and  Hood  i)ut  in  his 
place,  and  the  latter  at  once  adoj)ted  the 
I>olicy  of  an  impetuous  offensive.  On  the 
20th  July  he  suddcMily  assailed  witli  his  en- 
tire army  the  yet  unformed  lines  of  Sherman, 
in  a  new  position  about  five  miles  from  At- 
lanta. Newton's  division  of  Howard's  corps, 
and  Johnson's  of  I'almer's  corps,  and  Hooker's 
corps,  the  latter  being  entirely  uncovered, 
received  and  gallantly  withstood  the  shock. 
Hood  failed  to  break  through  the  Union  lines 
and  fell  back  to  liis  intrenchments,  after  a  brief 
an<I  fierce  engagement,  in  which  he  lost  full 
5,000  men,  including  among  the  killed  several 
generals,  while  the  Union  loss  was  about  one- 
half  that  number.  On  the  22d,  Shei  •man  ad- 
vanced to  within  two  miles  of  the  city,  when 
ho  was  stopped  by  an  extensive  and  strong 
line  of  works.  Ilood  now  massed  his  entire 
army  against  INIcl'lierson  on  the  left,  who  had 
advaiieiid  on  the  city  from  Decatur.  Blair 
was  first  struck,  but  soon  the  whole  line  of 
the  Arinv  of  the  Tennessee  became  eniraacid. 
A  lieavy  lorco  pressed  to  the  Union  rear  and 
caj)lured  12  guns,  -while  in  the  front  the 
rebi'ls  dashed  up  to  the  Union  bieast  works, 
and  for  a  half  hour  lh((  two  armies  fouglit  face 
to  face  with  their  l)attle  colors  flying  from  the 
same  works.  Logan,  of  the  centre,  soon 
•nassed  liis  troops  and  charged.  Wood's  di- 
vision iwiding,  by  which  all  but  two  of  the 
lost  guns  were  retaken.  In  this  stubborn 
Contest  the  Union  loss  wjus  .",722,  including 
among  the  killed  Gen.  McPherson,  who  "sva-s  j 
Hhot  dead  while  riding  through  a  piece  of 
woods.  Gen.  liOgan  reported  tin;  rebel  dead 
nt  over  3,/)00,  ami  the.  total  rebel  loss  was 
estimated  at  1 2,000,  including  1,700  prisoners. 
IR  stand  of  colors  and  5,000  small  arms  were 
also  cajitured.  The  next  day,  Garrard  r(>- 
tnrned  from  a  snrcessful  raili-nad-dest roving 
laid  to  ("ovingloM,  in  tlie  rebel  rear;  and 
Stouemau  with  5,000  cavalry,  supported  by 


A.  D.  McCook  with  4,000  infantry,  was 
shortly  despatched  to  cai)ture  Macon  and  cut 
the  railroad  there.  This  ex})editiou  failed ; 
McCook  was  hemmed  in  by  a  superior  force, 
but  succeeded  in  cutting  his  way  out,  while 
Stoiieman,  appearing  before  Macon,  was 
obliged  to  hastily  withdraw  therefrom.  He 
was  then  shortly  surrounded  by  Iverson,  who 
commanded  an  inferior  force,  and  was  de- 
ceived into  a  siirrender. 

July  27th,  Howard  succeeded  McPherson, 
and  Hooker  i-esigned  his  position  in  conse- 
quence. Ou  the  28th  Hood  again  desper- 
ately flung  his  army  \ipon  the  Army  of  the 
Tennessee,  which  had  been  shifted  from  the 
extreme  left  of  the  Decatur  road  to  Proctor's 
Creek,  on  the  extreme  right,  and  was  protect- 
ed by  rail  breastworks.  Six  times  the  rebels 
advanced  against  this,  only  to  be  cut  down, 
to  break  and  flee.  The  conflict  continued 
from  noon  till  4  p.m.,  when  the  assailants 
gave  it  uj)  and  retreated.  The  enemy's  loss, 
in  this  brave  attack,  was  estimated  at  G,000, 
wliile  the  Union  loss  was  scarcely  one-tenth 
of  that  number.  Five  stand  of  colors  and 
2,000  muskets  were  captured.  Hood  now 
permitted  Sherman  to  advance  withoiit  inter- 
ruption, but  sent  Wheeler's  cavalry  to  break 
up  the  railroad,  whereon  Sherman  depended 
for  subsistence.  Learning  the  absence  of 
Wheeler,  Sherman  at  once  dispatched  Kil- 
patrick's  cavalry  to  break  up  the  West  Point 
and  Macon  railroads  in  Hood's  rear  ;  and  on 
Aug.  2Gth  the  whole  Union  army,  save  the 
20th  corjjs,  was  behind  Atlanta,  co-operating 
in  the  work  of  destruction,  before  Hood  knew 
what  Sherman  was  doing.  Hood  was  now 
completely  cut  off  north  and  east,  and  his  al- 
ternative was  either  a  succe.ssful  assault  or 
the  abandonment  of  Atlanta.  On  Aiigust  3 1  st 
S.  D.  Lee  and  Hardee  fell  on  Howard  near 
Jonesborough,  and  a  fierce  battle  followed. 
At  4  P.M.,  Davis's  corps,  on  Thomas's  right, 
closetl  up  with  Howard,  and  charged  the  en- 
emy's lines,  capturing  an  entire  brigade,  with 
its  general  and  eight  guns.  Again  the  rebels 
were  defeated,  losing  5,000  men.  During  the 
night  of  August  31st  Hood  hastily  evacuated 
Atlanta,  blowing  up  magixzines  and  stores, 
and  destroying  seven  locomotives  and  eighty- 
one  cars,  and  a  large  amount  of  cotton.  On 
September  1st,  Slocum,  who  was  seven  miles 
north,  on  the  Chattahoochee,  with  the  20th 
corps,  moved  into  the  city.  Hood  was  now 
pursued  for  thirty  miles  to  Lovejoy's,  where 
he  was  found  strongly  fortified.  B\it  on  the 
5th  Sherman  returned  to  Atlanta,  to  permit 
his  army  to  rest  awhile  at  this  impoitant 
point,  which  it  liad  so  nobly  won.  Establish- 
ing his  hendcpiartcrs  here,  Sherman  ordered 
the  removal  of  tlie  citizens  to  the  North  or 
the  South,  as  they  should  prefer.  This  meas- 
ure was  denounced  by  Hood  and  other  Soxith- 
erners  as  an  act  of  the  most  studieil  and  in- 
genious cruelty,  wliile  it  was  defended  by 
Sherman  as  a  military  necessity.  During  the 
campaign.  Pillow,  Wheeler,  and  others,  with 
forces  of  rebel  cavalry,  operated  \ipon  the 
Union  rear  at  Lafayette,  Dalton,  and  in 
Southern  Tennessee,  doing  considerable  dam- 
age, but  influencing  little  the  issue  of  the 
eampaisjii.  At  tlie  close  of  September,  Hood 
Hanked  Slierman's  right,  and  his  cavalry  ]>ro- 
ceedril  as  far  as  I'ig  Shanty,  where  they  de- 
stroyed the  railroad  ;  while  Kreneh's  division  1 
of  rebel  infantry,  on  September  28th,  invested  i 


and  assaulted  the  Union  depot  of  sup])lies 
at  Allatoona,  held  by  Gen.  Corse  with  1,944 
men.  Corse  held  out  against  this  vastly  su- 
perior force  until  he  lost  one-third  of  his 
men,  refusing  to  leave  his  post  of  duty  though 
seriously  wounded  himself.  Gen.  J.  D.  Cox 
with  the  23d  corps  then  came  to  his  res- 
cue, when  the  enemy  drew  off,  leaving  231 
dead  and  411  prisoners.  Hood  now  endeav- 
ored to  draw  Sherman  out  of  Georgia  by  cross- 
ing Sand  Mountain  and  marching  towards  the 
Tennessee.  In  this  he  failed.  Tlie  latter  at 
once  entrusted  Gen.  Thomas,  reinforced  by 
A.  J.  Smith's  forces  from  Missouri,  with  the 
defence  of  Tennessee.  He  then  concentrated 
all  his  remaining  forces  near  Atlanta,  and 
destroying  the  foundries,  mills,  and  other 
works  at  that  place  and  Rome,  and  dismant- 
ling the  railroads,  he  detached  himself  from 
his  communications,  and  prepared  to  march 
to  the  sea. 

When  the  rebel  commander  found  liimself 
north  of  the  Tennes.see,  and  that  Sherman 
had  left  him  there,  he  determined  to  advance 
north  and  attack  Nashville.  September  23d, 
Forrest's  cavalry  captured  Athens,  Ala.,  held 
by  Col.  Campbell  with  (iOO  men.  He  then  pro- 
ceeded north  to  Pulaski,  but  was  driven  off 
eastward  by  a  Union  force  tinder  Gen.  Pous- 
seau.  He  shortly  afterwards  divided  his 
forces,  sending  Buford  with  4,000  men  to 
capture  Huntsville  and  Athens,  Ala.,  again, 
vhile  he  with  3,000  proceeded  north-west  to 
Columbia.  His  plans  in  both  cases  failed,  as 
large  Union  forces  were  gi-adiially  concen- 
trating mion  both  him  and  Buford.  Thi'V 
both,  however,  succeeded  in  withdrawing 
across  the  Tennessee.  October  20th,  Hood 
made  a  feint  against  Decatur,  Ala.,  where  he 
had  a  slight  conflict  with  Gordon  (!  ranger. 
During  this  his  vanguard  crossed  the  river 
near  Florence.  Forrest  now  advanced  upon 
John.sonville,  Tenn.,  an  important  supply  de- 
pot for  Nashville,  and  defended  by  1,000  men 
under  Col.  C.  E,.  Thompson,  with  the  aid  of 
three  gunboats.  Several  days'  fighting  en- 
sued here,  but  the  enemy  finally  withdrew  at 
the  approach  of  Gen.  Schofield  with  the  23d 
corps  from  Nashville.  The  Union  vessels  here 
were  fired  by  their  commanders,  to  jucvent 
their  capture  by  the  enemy,  and  the  flames 
extended  to  the  depots  of  su])plies,  involving 
a  loss  of  $1,500,000.  About  Novenib.-r  17th 
the  entire  army  of  Hood  crossed  the  Tennes- 
see. 24th,  Gen.  Schofield  fell  back  and  con- 
centrated at  Columbia,  while  Gen.  CJ ranger 
retii-ed  on  Stevenson.  Hood  now  ]>resseJ 
Schofield  severely  at  Duck  l?iver,  and  the 
latter  marched  swiftly  for  Franklin,  situated 
on  a  bend  of  the  Hai|)eth  Ixiver,  eighteen 
miles  from  Nashville,  to  avoiil  lu  ing  disas- 
trously cut  otr  by  Hood  from  crossing  tliat 
river.  Hood  raced  and  fought  with  him  the 
whole  way.  Schofield,  though  crippled  by 
his  immense  train,  won  this  race  and  got  into 
position  at  Franklin  on  the  30th.  Hood  ar- 
rived later  on  the  same  day,  and  was  not  ready 
for  battle  till  4  P.M.  He  then  tli'-ew  himself 
impetuously  upon  Schofield's  centre,  under 
Wagner,  forcing  it  back  with  the  loss  of  two 
guns,  and  obtaining  the  jiossession  of  the  first 
line  of  Uni(Ui  works  at  a  teriible  sacrifice  of 
life.  By  the  efforts  of  Cox,  Stanley,  Wag- 
ner, and  Opdyke,  the  lines  were  reformed, 
and  at  sunset  a  .sa\age  struggle,  m  which 
bayonets   and  clubbed  muskets  were  u^ed, 


UNITED  STATES. 


took  place  for  the  mastery  of  the  ground 
wliich  had  been  lost.  It  was  retaken  by  tiie 
Uiiionists,  together  with  tlie  lost  guus,  10 
rebel  battle-flags,  and  300  prisoners.  At  10 
I'.M.  the  battle  ceased,  the  rebel  loss  having 
been  over  (),000  men,  inckiding  fovir  general 
oflicers  killed,  six  wounded,  and  one  captured. 
The  Union  loss  was  2,300.  During  the  night 
Schotield  fell  back  to  Nashville. 

Gen.  Thomas  at  Nashville  w;us  now,  Dec. 
1,  reinforced  by  the  command  of  A.  J.  Smith 
from  Missouri,  and  by  5,000  troops  and  a 
negro  brigade  from  Chattanooga.  Eight 
Union  gunboats,  with  the  iron-clad  JVeosho, 
came  up  the  Cumberland,  and  protected  the 
city  on  the  river  side,  but  Hood  advanced  his 
lines  around  the  city,  and  effectually  cut  off 
all  communications  south.  Forrest  in  the 
meanwhile  had  been  sent  to  operate  against 
Murfreesboro,  co-operating  with  Bates'  divi- 
sion of  Cheatham's  corps.  These  were  re- 
pulsed in  their  attack,  Dec.  4,  on  the  block- 
hou.se  at  Overall's  Creek,  five  miles  north  of 

i  Murfreesboro,  and  shortly  afterwards  were 
driven  with  considerable   loss   from  before 

j  Fort  Rosecrans,  held  by  Gen.  Kousseau. 

j  From  want  of  a  cavalry  force  Gen.  Thomas 
delayed  in  assuming  the  oflensive,  thereby 
causing  some  solicitude  to  Gen.  Grant,  but 
the  latter's  confidence  in  the  man  was  shortly 
restored.  On  the  15th  December,  the  tem- 
perature having  moderated,  though  a  glaze  of 
ice  covered  the  country,  three  corps — A.  J. 
Smith's,  the  IGth,  on  the  right;  Wood's,  the 
4th,  next  on  his  left;  with  Schofield's  23d  corps 
on  Wood's  left  as  a  reserve — were  concen- 
trated on  the  rebel  left.  At  daylight,  while 
Steedman,  with  a  mixed  body  of  troops, 
threatened  the  rebel  right,  the  two  corps  of 

[  Smith  and  Wood  made  the  onset  ui)on  the 
enemy's  left.    This  disappeared  before  them 

;  and  was  thrown  in  confusion  uj)on  the  rebel 
centre.    Wilson's  cavalry  now  swept  round 

I  the  right  and  attacked  the  rear  and  flank  of 
the  rebels,  thus  heaped  on  their  centi-e.  With 
his  left  gone  and  his  centre  thus  imperilled, 

;  Hood  threw  over  troops  from  his  right,  and 
succeeded  in  holding   through  the  day  his 

1  strong  position ;  but  when  night  closed,  the 
day's  work  had  given  to  the  Unionists  16  guns, 

!  1,200  prisoners,  and  40  wagons,  while  their 

!  losses  were  trivial.  During  the  night  Hood 
took  up  a  new  position  two  miles  in  his  rear, 

j  shortening  his  lines  from  six  to  three  miles. 
On  the  following  morning,  Wood  advanced 

!  over  the  enemy's  deserted  works  \ipon  his  cen- 
tre, while  Steedman  again  attacked  his  right, 
and  Smith  and  Scliofield  engaged  his  reformed 
left.    But  the  main  attack  was  delayed  until 

f  Wilson's  cavalry,  which  had  been  sent  to  his 
rear  by  a  wide  circuit,  could  be  heard  from. 
This  news  came  about  4  p.m.,  when  the  wliole 
Union  line  had  advanced  to  within  GOO  yards 
of  the  enemy.  The  latter,  duly  prepared, 
received  the  assault  of  Wood  with  volleys  of 

j  musketry  and  artillery,  and  the  assailing  col- 
umns were  repulsed  with  fearful  slaughter  in 
their  attempts  to  overcome  the  abattis  strewed 
upon  Overton's  Hill,  which  was  the  enemy's 

\  centre.  But  Wood  speedily  reformed  his  line, 
■while  Smith  and  Schofield's  men  swept  over 

i  the  enemy's  work  on  the  left.    A  second  time 

I  Wood  and  Steedman  advanced  tip  Overton's 

1  Hill,  sweeping  all  before  them,  capturing  the 
commanding  forts  and  nine  i)ieces  of  artillery. 
The  rebels  now  abandoned  their  batteries  at 
39 


all  points,  and  fled  in  dismay  through  the 
Brentwood  Pass.  A  portion  of  Wilson's 
cavalry  pursued,  but  night  put  an  end  to 
the  conflict.  Wliile  the  Union  army  rested 
upon  the  field,  the  remnant  of  the  enemy 
retreated  through  the  darkness  to  Harpeth 
River.  The  next  day  the  pursuit  was  re- 
newed, and  was  kept  up  for  several  days ; 
but  the  country  was  n'ow  flooded  by  incessant 
rains,  and  in  the  absence  of  pontoons  the 
roads  were  scarcely  passable  in  the  rear  of 
the  fleeing  enemy.  After  being  severely 
pressed  at  Fraidilin,  Hood  succeeded  in 
crossing  the  Hai-peth,  Rutherford's  Creek, 
and  Duck  River.  At  Columbia  Forrest's 
cavalry  rejoined  his  army,  and  formed  a 
strong  rear-guard  for  it.  On  the  last  of  the 
month  Hood  crossed  the  Tennessee  with 
what  remained  of  his  forces,  and  Jan.  23, 
1865,  was  relieved  from  command  at  his  own 
request. 

While  Hood  was  before  Nashville,  a  por- 
tion of  his  cavalry  under  Gen.  Lyons  made 
a  feeble  raid  upon  the  Louisville  Railroad  in 
Thomas's  rear.  They  were  chased  out  of 
Tennessee,  all  but  Lyons  and  about  100  men 
being  killed  or  ca])tured.  On  Dec.  6  Stone- 
man  started  from  Knoxville  after  a  rebel 
force  under  Duke,  who  was  retreating  to  Vir- 
ginia. At  Kingsport  he  dispersed  this  com- 
mand, capturing  300  prisoners.  At  Wythe- 
ville,  about  Dec.  16,  some  rebel  cavalry  un- 
der Vaughan  were  routed,  and  the  lead-works, 
railroad,  and  other  valuable  rebel  property 
in  the  neighborhood  destroyed.  Breckin- 
ridge, commanding  in  this  region,  now  re- 
treated across  the  mountains  into  North 
Carolina,  abandoning  the  important  salt-works 
at  Saltville  to  Stoneman,  who  xitterly  de- 
stroyed them. 

Gen.  Thomas  reports  the  captures  of  his 
campaign  from  Sept.  7,  1864,  to  Jan.  20, 1865, 
at  11,857  men,  including  one  major-general,  V 
brigadiers,  and  many  other  ofBcers,  together 
with  72  pieces  of  artillery  and  3,079  small 
arms.  The  total  Union  loss  in  killed,  wounded, 
and  missing  was  about  10,000,  while  that  of 
the  rebels  was  over  20,000, 

The  State  elections  and  the  Presidential 
canvass  of  1864  reflected  the  aspects  of  the 
war.  The  Democratic  party  nominated  Gen. 
G.  B.  McClellan  as  its  candidate  for  the 
Presidency,  and  Geo.  II.  Pendleton,  of  Ohio, 
for  Vice-President.  The  Republicans  nomi- 
nated President  Lincoln  for  a  second  term, 
with  Andrew  Johnson,  of  Tenn.,  for  Vice- 
President.  A  small  party  of  discontented 
Republicans  nonunated  Gen.  Fremont  for 
President,  and  John  Cochrane  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent, but  they  soon  declined.  The  policy 
signified  by  the  Democratic  ])latform  was  sepa- 
ration, or  re-establishment  with  slavery.  The 
letter  of  accei)tance  of  Gen.  McClellan  was  for 
the  latter  only,  while  the  Republican  candi- 
date was  pledged  to  the  re-establishnicnt  of 
the  Union  without  slavery.  The  political 
blunder  of  the  Democrats,  and  the  Union 
successes  of  Sherman  and  Farragut,  assured  the 
success  of  Pres.  Lincoln.  The  October  elec- 
tions were  overwhelmingly  Republican,  and 
Maryland  now  adoj)ted  a  Constitution  abol- 
ishing slavery.  In  the  November  elections 
the  electoral  votes  of  but  three  States — New 
Jersey,  Delaware,  and  Kentucky — 21  in  all, 
were  cast  for  McCJlellan  and  Pendleton  ;  the 
remainder,  212,  being  for  Lincoln  and  John- 


son. The  vote  of  the  soldiers  was  nearly  4 
to  1  in  favor  of  the  latter.  Kentucky,  though 
thoroughly  Union,  was  erpially  pro-slavery  ; 
and  the  Act  of  Congress  providing  for  tlie  en- 
rolment of  slaves  as  soldiers  caused  great  dis- 
satisfaction there,  and  ensured  the  State  vote 
in  favor  of  McClellan. 

June  30,  1864,  Salmon  P.  Chase,  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  resigned  liis  post,  after 
having  discharged  its  duties  with  great 
ability.  Upon  his  entrance  thereupon,  tho 
Federal  credit  was  in  a  most  depres.sed  con- 
dition. In  Dec,  1861,  the  banks  of  the  loyal 
States  and  the  Federal  Treasury  suspended 
specie  payment,  and  acts  were  shortly  passed 
by  Congress  making  Treasury  notes  a  legal  ten- 
der. A  depreciation  of  the  currency  at  once 
took  place,  and  continued  throughout  tlio 
war,  the  price,  in  cui-rency,  of  gold  reflecting 
to  a  certain  extent  the  various  phases  of  the 
war.  At  one  time,  in  July,  1864,  immeili- 
ately  following  the  Union  failures  in  Virginia, 
it  stood  at  290.  Various  acts  were  promptly 
passed,  from  time  to  time,  by  Congress,  in 
conformity  with  the  Secretary's  plans,  to  raise 
the  immense  sums  necessary  for  the  prosecu- 
tion of  the  war,  and  to  induce  the  peo])le  to 
become  lenders.  A  comprehensive  system  of 
internal  taxation  was  reluctantly  resorted  to, 
and  a  National  Banking  law  was  passed, 
which  forced  the  State  banks  to  become 
National  banks,  and  thus  required  tliem  to  ab- 
sorb a  large  amount  of  Government  securities. 
Various  means  were  also  taken  to  prevent 
speculators  from  forcing  up  the  price  of  gold, 
and  a  system  was  inaugurated  of  selling  the 
Government  surplus  gold  derived  from  the 
Customs,  and  applying  it  to  tin;  piu-chasc  of 
the  Government  paper.  The  following  is  an 
evhibit  of  the  growth  of  the  national  debt 
u  uring  the  war : 

1860   164,769,703 

1861    90,867,828 

1862   514,211,371 

1863  1,097,274,360 

1864  1,740,036,689 

1865   2,423,437,001 

1866   2,749,491,745 

This  sum,  together  with  the  State  and 
local  debts,  made  the  total  expenditure  in 
prosecuting  the  war  over  four  billions — an  in- 
credible sum — the  most  of  which  was  raised 
from  the  loyal  people  themselves.  The  rebels 
also  were  obliged  to  issue  irredeemable  paj)er, 
but  it  shortly  became  worthless,  and  they 
then  maintained  their  army  chiefly  by  requi- 
sitions. 

During  the  year  1864  two  attempts  were 
made  to  negotiate  a  peace,  by  unauthorized 
parties  from  each  side,  one  by  Horace  Greeley, 
who  met  at  Niagara  Messrs.  Clay,  Ilolcombe, 
and  Sanders,  rebel  refugees  in  Canada.  The 
following  missive  from  Pres.  l^incoln  termi- 
nated this  negotiation : 

"  ExECFTivE  Mansion. 
"  Wasuington,  July  18,  1864. 

"  To  whom  it  may  concern  : 

"  Any  proposition  which  embraces  the 
restoration  of  peace,  the  integrity  of  the 
whole  Union,  and  the  abandonment  of  slav- 
ery, and  which  comes  by  and  with  an  autho- 
rity that  can  control  the  armies  now  at  war 
againsv  the  United  States,  will  be  received  an<l 
considered  by  tlie  Executive  Government  of 
the  United  States,  and  ^\  ill  be  met  by  liberal 


604 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


terms  on  substantiivl  and  collateral  i)oiiits; 
aud  the  bearer  or  bearers  thereof  shall  have 
safe  conduct  both  ways. 

(Signed)    "  Abraham  Lincoln." 

Another  attempt  was  made  by  Col.  Jacques 
and  Mi:  Giliiiore,  who  were  permitted  to 
approach  President  Davis,  at  llichmond,  but 
this  effort  also  terminated  in  complete  fail- 
ure. 

Dec.  G,  18G4,  the  38th  Congress  reas- 
sembled, and  during  the  evening  session, 
passed,  by  the  required  two-thii  ds  vote,  the 
13th  amendment  of  the  Federal  Constitution, 
abolishing  and  forever  prohibiting  slavery 
throughout  the  United  States,  and  by  the 
subsequent  ratification  of  more  than  two- 
thirds  of  the  States,  it  became  a  part  of  the 
Constitution. 

In  Feb.,  1865,  rebel  commissioners,  condi- 
tionally authorized  by  the  Confederate  au- 
thorities, met  Pres.  Lincoln  and  Sec.  Sew- 
ard at  Fortress  Monroe,  to  negotiate  a  peace, 
but  not  being  authorized  to  concede  the  re- 
establishment  of  the  Union,  they  shortly  de- 
parted as  they  had  come. 

March  4,  1864,  the  second  inauguration  of 
Pres.  Lincoln  took  place,  when  he  delivered 
an  address,  memorable  for  its  grandeur  of 
thought  and  tenderness  of  feeling ;  a  fitting 
memory-piece  for  the  rising  youth  of  this 
country,  as  were  also  the  remarkable  im- 
promptu words  which,  shortly  before,  Nov. 
19th,  1863,  fell  from  his  lips  at  the  dedica- 
tion of  the  national  cemetery  at  Gettysburg. 

On  the  nth  August,  1864,  Adm.  Farragut, 
with  a  fleet  of  four  iron-clads  and  fourteen 
AvooJen  ships  of  war,  moved  uj)  the  entrance  to 
the  si)acious  Mobile  Bay,  which  was  defended 
by  the  strong  forts,  Morgan  and  Gaines  and 
Powell,  by  a  channel  lined  with  tori)edoes,  and 
by  a  considerable  rebel  fleet,  under  Franklin 
Ptichanan,  including  a  powerful  ram,  the 
Tennessee.  A  land  force  of  5,000  men  under 
Gen.  Gordon  Granger  co-operated  with  Ad- 
miral Farragut,  and  was  landed  on  Dauphin 
Island  in  rear  of  Fort  Gaines ;  the  wooden 
ships  were  lashed  two  and  two.  The  J3rook- 
lijn  with  her  port  con.sort,  the  Oclorara,  lead- 
ing, much  against  the  inclinations  of  the 
Admiral,  who,  however,  followed  next, 
lashed  in  the  maintop  of  the  flagship  Hart- 
ford. The  monitors  advanced  between  the 
wooden  fleet  and  Fort  iMorgan.  The  iron-clad 
Tecumseh  led,  and  at  a  quarter  to  seven  fired 
tiie  first  gun,  and  Fort  Morgan  presently 
replied.  The  lirookhjn,  being  th(!n  directly 
under  the  guns  of  the  fort,  opened  on  tlie 
fort  with  grape.  Presently  the  Tecumseh, 
which  was  a  short  distance  ahead  of  the 
Jirooldi/n^  was  blown  up  by  a  torpedo,  and 
instantly  sunk,  carrying  down  Com.  Craven 
and  most  all  of  the  others  on  board.  But 
17  out  of  130  were  saved  by  one  of  her  own 
boats  and  a  boat  sent  from  the  Metacomet,  in 
the  midst  of  the  terrible  fire.  The  Jlrookii/n, 
fearing  more  torpf!do(?H,  now  recoiled,  and 
awaited  the  rest  of  the  fltset,  whereupon  Farra- 
gut, seeing  the  delay,  took  the  lead,  followed 
by  the  oilier  ships,  "  their  ofliocrs  believing 
they  were  going  to  a  noblo  death  with  their 
commander  in  cliicf."  At  ten  miuiitcs  i>ast 
eight  he  was  past  the  fort,  when  suddenly 
the  re))cl  ram  Tennessee  <lashed  out  to  run 
liim  down,  but  he  simjily  retnrniMl  its  fire 
ttud  kept  on,  receiving  the  fires  of  the  three 


rebel    gunboats    ahead,    the    Morgan,  the 
Gaines  and  the  ISelnia.    The  llartford  now  f 
cast  off  her  consort,  the  Metacomet,  with  1 
orders  to  go  after  these  boats,  whereupon,  1 
after  an  hour's  fight,  the  Gaines  fatally  in-  i 
jured,  was  run  ashore  and  burned,  the  Morgan 
escaped  up  the  bay,  while  the  iSelma  was  cap- 
tured.   The  admiral,  su})posing  the  fight  to  ; 
be  over,  now  signalled  Ids  fleet  to  come  to 
anchor,  but  suddenly  the  rebel  ram  liravely  ^ 
stood  out   from   under   the   guns   of  the 
fort  to  attack  the  whole  fleet.    The  stronger 
Union  vessels  immediately  closed  upon  her. 
The  Monongahela  struck  her  first,  carrying 
away  her  iron  prow  and  cut- water.  The 
Lackawanna  came  next,  crashing  in  her  own 
stem,  but  only  effecting  a  heavy  list  of  the 
rebel  monster.    The  ram  then  avoided  the 
blow  of  the  llartford,  and  riddled  the  sides 
of  the  latter  with  shot  and  shell.  Presently 
the  second  blow  of  the  Lackawanna,  intended 
for  the  ram,  was  received  by  the  Hartford, 
doing  much  damage  to  both  vessels,  but  the 
Chickasaw  kept  battering  the  stem  of  the 
ram,    while   the    Manhattan   sent  a  shell 
through  her  plating.     Her  smokestack,  steer- 
ing gear,  and  port  shutters  were  now  de- 
stroyed, and  as  the    Ossipee  was  about  to 
strike  her,  she  hoisted  the  white  flag.  The 
fight  was  over,  and  at  10  A.M.  Farragut  an- 
chored the  fleet  within  four  miles  of  Fort 
Morgan.    During  the  night  Fort  Powell  was 
evacuated  and  blown  u)),  and  the  next  day. 
Fort  Gaines  was  severely   shelled   by  the 
Chickasaw,  and  on  the  following  morning  it 
was  sxirrendered  by  its  commander,  Coi.  An- 
derson, in  a  highly  honorable  manner,  though 
he  was  strongly  censured  by  his  supeiior. 
Gen.  Page,  who  commanded  Fort  Morgan.  But 
when  the  latter  was  invested  and  fired  ui)ou, 
by  Granger  from  the  landward  and  the  fleet 
in  front,  Piige  held  out  no  longer  than  An- 
derson, did,  and  his  surrender  was  accom- 
paiued  by  several  dishonorable  acts  of  spite, 
such  as  the  spiking  of  guns,  aud  the  hiding  of 
swords  to  avoid  their  surrender.  The  defences 
of  ]Mobile  Bay  thus  cajjtured,  closed  that  jtort 
against  blockade-runners    henceforth.  The 
shallosvncss  of  the  water  prevented  the  ap- 
])roach  of  the  fleet  to  within  shelling  distance 
of  the  city,  and  it  was  not  attacked.  The 
Union  losses  in  this  conflict  were  165  killed, 
and  170  wounded.    104  guns  and  1,464  men 
wo»'e  captured. 

Great  skill  was  evinced  during  the  war 
in  the  construction  of  iron-clads,  and  in 
torpedo  opcn-ations,  by  the  rebel  naval  com- 
manders, who  were  mostly  recreant  U.  S. 
otlicers  ;  but  their  chief  notoriety,  or  rather 
that  of  British  sympathizers,  lay  in  the  career 
of  several  ])rivatcers,  which  preyed  most  dis- 
astrously on  the  Northern  commerce,  espe- 
cially the  British  blockade-runner  Oreto, 
imder  the  name  of  the  J^Yorida,  and  com- 
manded by  John  N.  Maffit,  and  the  Alabama, 
built  in  England,  ami  oommandetl  by  llaphael 
Semmes,  subseqtient  to  his  adventures  with 
the  Sumter.  These  vessels  were  manned  by 
British  sailors,  and  did  a  vast  amount  of 
damage  to  the  Union  commerce,  in  tlie  form 
of  cai)tin'0,  robbery,  and  «lest ruction  by  fire 
of  scores  of  unarmed  vessels,  great  and  small, 
amounting,  with  tlieir  cargoes,  fo  many  mil- 
lions of  dollars  in  value.  Another  British 
steamer,  calleil  .fapan,  l)coam(>  tlri>  priva- 
I  tcor  Georgia,  but  after  a  brief  career,  in 


which  she  destroyed  a  number  of  valuable 
ships,  she  was  stopped,  Aug.  15,  1863,  by 
the  jS^iagara,  Capt.  Craven,  who  made  her 
his  prize.    Three  other  British  corsairs,  dur- 
ing the  year  1864,  were  added  to  the  list,  the 
Tallahassee,  Olustee,  and  Chickumauga.  Oct 
7,  1864,  the  Llorida  was  captured  in  the  Bra- 
zilian i)ort  of  Bahia  by  Capt.  Collins,  in  the 
M'achusett,  and  was  afterwards  sunk,  in  a 
collision,  while  being  brought  into  Hampton 
lloads.    The  United  States  Government  sub- 
sequently disavowed  the  act.    During  1863, 
a  i)rivateer,  under  one  C.  W.  Read,  did  much 
damage  along  the  coast,  and  June  24,  he 
entered  the  harbor  of  Portland  in  the  cap- 
tvired  schooner  Archer,  to  which  he  had 
transferred  himself,  and  stole  the  revenue 
cutter,   Gushing.     Volunteers  shortly  pro- 
ceeded to  sea  in  pursuit  of  him,  and  presently 
captured  him  and  his  companions,  who  were 
placed  in  prison.     Dec.  6,  1863,  the  steamer 
Chesajjeake,  runidng  between  New  York  and 
Portland,  was  seized  by  sixteen  rebels,  dis- 
guised as  passengers,  who  killed  one  of  the 
engineers  for  scalding  them.    They  then  rau 
into  Sanibro  harbor.  Nova  Scotia,  and  the 
civil  authorities  at  Halifax  shortly  restored 
the  steamboat  to  her  owners.    On  Sunday 
morning,  June  19,  1864,  the  Alabama,  under 
Capt.  Semmes,  after  due  ])re])aration,  steamed 
out  of  the  French  port  of  Cherbourg  to  fight 
the  U.  S.  giniboat  Kearsarge,  under  Caj)t 
Winslow,  who  was  watching  the  exit  of  the 
former.    The  vessels  were  well  matched  in 
size  aud  equipment,  but  a  British  tender, 
the  steamer  Deerhound,  Capt.  Lancaster,  lent 
the  moral  aid  of  its  i)rcsence  to  the  i>irate. 
At  \'2\  P.M.,  after  about  an  hoar's  conflict, 
seven  miles  from  the  shore,  the  firing  of  the 
British  gunners  of  the  Alabama  being  far  in- 
ferior to  that  of  the  Americans,  the  Alabama^ 
with  her  engines  disabled,  and  large  holes 
torn  in  her  sides,  attempted  to  flee  to  the 
neutral  shore,  but  presently  sank.   Boats  were 
then  sent  from  the  Kearsarge  to  rescue  her 
crew   from   drowning,    but   the  Deerhound 
picked  up  a  large  number,  among  them  ('apt. 
Semmes  and  his  officers,  and  ran  olf  with  them. 

On  Nov.  11,  1864,  having  sent  his  final 
messages  by  the  telegraph  connecting  with 
the  North,  (Jen.  Sherman  cut  that  also,  and, 
living  on  the  country,  moved  forward  from 
Atlanta  in  four  columns,  two  of  the  right 
wing,  consisting  of  the  15th  and  17th  corps, 
under  Howard^and  the  two  of  the  left  wing, 
composed  of  the  14th  and  20th  corjjs,  under 
Slocum.  The  hitter's  forces  moved  on  diflcr- 
ent  roads,  destroying  the  rail-track  as  they 
advanced  through  Decatur,  Covington,  3Iadi- 
son,  and  Eatonton,  while  Howard  advanced 
by  McDonough,  Monticello,  Clinton,  and 
(iordon,  the  chief  obstacle  to  the  progress  oi 
both  being  the  bailn(>ss  of  the  roads.  On  the 
21st,  Slocum  reached  Milledgeville,  the  capi- 
tal of  the  State,  and  Howard  arrived  there 
on  the  following  day.  In  the  meanwhile, 
Kili)atrick,  with  liis"  cavalry,  swarmed  the 
country  in  the  vicinity  of  "the  march.  At 
'  Lovejoy's,  he  charged  and  scattered  3,000 
militia,"  and  at  Bear  Creek  encountered 
Wheeler's  cavaliy,  whom  he  forced  back  to 
Macon,  where  ((uite  a  rebel  ainuy  was  concen- 
trated, and  strongly  fortified.  This  place 
Kilpatrick  fhreatened,  while  Howard  crossed 
the  Ocmulgee  at  Griswoldville,  ten  miles  be- 
,  youd.    At  this  place  a  part  of  the  15  th  corps 


UNITED  STATES. 


505 


was  left  to  protect  the  Unioa  rear,  which  was 
shortly  attacked  by  three  brigades  of  militia, 
from  Macon.  These  assailants  were  repelled, 
with  a  loss  of  a  thousand  men.  The  Georgia 
Legislature,  sitting  in  Milledgeville,  hastily 
adjourned  at  the  apjj roach  of  the  Union  army. 
The  latter  had  thus  far  lived  on  the  plenty  of 
the  country  through  which  it  had  moved,  and 
accumulated  much  more.  At  IMilledgeville 
the  trains  were  stored  with  forty  days'  ra- 
tions, and  after  a  brief  rest  Sherman  again 
moved  on  towards  the  sea.  On  the  2Gth 
November,  the  rebel  Wheeler  was  found  at 
Sandersville,  and  driven  away  to  Wayneston 
by  Kilpatrick,  where,  attacking  in  turn,  he 
was  repulsed  with  a  loss  of  200  men.  Nov. 
30,  Millen  was  reached,  a  place  on  the 
Central  Railroad,  from  whence  both  Au- 
gusta and  Savannah  were  threatened.  Up 
to  this  point  the  railway  tracks  were  de- 
stroyed as  the  army  moved.  After  a  short 
halt  at  Millen,  Sherman  moved  down  towards 
Savannah  on  six  different  roads,  jtrotected  on 
his  flanks  by  the  Ogeechee  and  Savannah 
rivers,  and  passing  through  a  wild  country  of 
forests  and  swamps.  On  December  9,  about 
ten  miles  from  Savannah,  the  left  wing  struck 
the  Charleston  Railroad,  coming  upon  the 
skirmishers  of  Hardee,  who  commanded  the 
rebel  forces  at  Savannah. 

Oil  the  10th,  Savannah  was  completely  be- 
leaguered, while  the  signal  guns  from  the 
Uniou  fleet  in  Ossabaw  Sound  had  been 
heard,  and  Capt.  Duncan  sent  by  IIoNvard  in 
a  canoe  ])ast  Fort  McAllister  to  commuui- 
sate  with  Admiral  Dahlgren.  Dec.  12,  Sher- 
man despatched  Gen.  Hazen  to  capture  Fort 
McAllister,  which  had  twice  repulsed  an  at- 
tack of  the  Uniou  iron-clads,  and  commanded 
th')  entrance  of  the  Ogeechee  River,  eftectu- 
ally  preventing  the  co-operation  of  the  Union 
vessels  in  the  capture  of  Savannah.  On  the 
13th,  while  Gens.  Sherman  and  Howard 
watobe  1  the  operations  from  the  top  of  a  rice- 
mill,  three  miles  distant,  and  a  Uniou  gun- 
boat entered  the  mouth  of  the  Ogeechee,  Ha- 
zeu's  division  marched  over  torpedoes  and 
abattis,  in  the  face  of  a  volley  of  grape,  and 
after  a  brief  but  desperate  struggle  before  and 
upon  the  parapet,  captured  the  fort.  Sher- 
mnu  met  Dahlgren  on  board  the  flagship, 
Harvest  3f()on,  the  next  day,  and  arranged 
with  Gen.  Foster  to  send  some  siege  ordnance 
from  Hilton  Head.  On  the  17th,  the  guns 
having  arrived  and  been  placed,  he  summoned 
the  surrender  of  Savannah,  which  was  re- 
fused by  Hardee.  He  then  proceeded  to 
complete  the  investment  of  the  city,  during 
which,  on  Dec.  20,  he  started  to  pay  a  flying 
visit  to  Hilton  Head.  On  his  way  he  was  met 
by  an  army  tug,  with  a  message  from  his  ad- 
1  jutant,  Capt.  Dayton,  stating  that  Hardee, 
I  with  his  force  of  15,000  men,  had  succeeded 
in  evacuating  the  city  on  the  night  of  the 
20th,  and  had  retreated  towards  Charleston. 

I He  immediately  turned  back,   and  on  the 
22d  he  rode  into  Savannah,  where  he  found 
InO  rebel  pieces  of  ordnance,  a  large  amount 
of  ammunition,  and  38,000  bales  of  cotton. 
Thus  his  march  to  the  sea  ended  in  complete 
success,  though  failure  had  been  generally 
predicted  for  it  by  military  men,  as  being 
i     contrary  to  all  precedent  in  thus  cutting  an 
1    army  loose  from  its  base,  and  depending  for 
'    supplies  on  forage  alone  for  weeks  iu  a  hostile 
country. 


On  November  2.0th,  Gen.  Dana,  who  had 
been  despatched  upon  a  railway-destroying 
expedition  from  Vicksburg,  after  doing  much 
damage,  encountered  a  large  rebel  force  on 
the  Big  Black,  which  he  defeated.  About 
the  same  time  Gen.  Davidson  moved  out 
from  Baton  Rouge  to  Tangipahoa  and  de- 
stroyeil  much  rebel  cailroad  property.  Decem- 
ber 21st  Gen.  Grierson,  with  3,500  cavalry, 
made  a  most  destructive  raid  to  the  rear  of 
Hood's  army,  destroying  at  Verona  32  cars 
and  8  warehouses  flUed  with  ordnance  and 
supplies.  At  Egypt  he  routed  a  large  force, 
taking  500  prisoners.  He  finally  returned  to 
Vicksburg,  bringing  in  many  ])risoners  and 
much  property,  after  having  destroyed  an  im- 
mense amount  of  the  latter.  December  1st 
Gen.  Hatch,  with  5,000  men,  who  had  been 
dispatched  by  Gen.  Foster  to  seize  the  Charles- 
ton and  Savannah  Railroad,  near  Grahams- 
ville,  was  defeated  with  a  loss  of  746.  De- 
cember 6th  Foster  seized  the  rebel  works  at 
Pocotaligo  and  the  railway  crossing  of  the 
Coosawhatchie  and  Tullifinny. 

Gen.  Sherman,  having  rested  his  army  at 
Savannah,  on  the  15th  January,  1865,  dis- 
patched the  17th  corps.  Gen.  Blair,  in  trans- 
ports, to  Pocotaligo,  where  it  threatened 
Charleston.  But  tJie  rest  of  his  army  did  not 
move,  owing  to  incessant  rains,  tiU  February 
1st,  when  it  started  forward  in  four  corps,  on 
as  many  different  roads,  Columbia,  S.  C,  being 
its  objective  point.  Gen.  Slocum,  with  the  left 
wing,  and  with  Kilpatrick's  cavalry,  moved 
up  the  Savannah  to  Sister's  Ferry,  threaten- 
ing Augusta.  By  this  strategy  Sherman  kept 
the  rebel  armies  at  Charleston  and  Augusta 
from  uniting  to  resist  him  on  the  line  of  the 
marshy  Salkehatchie.  Slocum  and  Kilpaf>- 
rick  were  detained  a  fortnight  at  Sister's 
Feri-y  by  the  extraordina.^y  floods,  which  wi- 
dened the  Savannah  at  this  point  three  miles. 
When  the  water  had  subsided  to  waist  deep, 
the  columns  moved  i-apidly  over  the  inun- 
dated fields,  and  thence,  about  February 
7th,  northward.  Kilpatrick  in  the  meantime 
pushed  towards  Augusta,  diverting  from  Slo- 
cum the  attention  of  the  enemy's  forces  in 
the  vicinity. 

Howard  moved  from  Pocotaligo  on  J anu- 
ary  31st,  crossing  the  Salkehatchie  at  Riv- 
ers's  bridge.  Wading  a  swamp  of  three  miles, 
at  Rivers's  bridge,  from  one  to  four  feet  deep. 
Gens.  Mower  and  Giles  A.  Smith  led  their 
divisions  of  Blair's  corps,  and  drove  the  rebel 
brigade  guarding  the  bridge  behind  the  Edisto 
at  Branchville,  with  the  small  Union  loss  of 
90.  On  the  7th  this  portion  of  Sherman's 
army  reached  the  South  Carolina  Railroad, 
and  at  once  commenced  to  destroy  the  track, 
and  by  the  11th  Slocum  had  also  reached 
and  commenced  to  tear  up  this  railroad  fur- 
ther towards  Augusta.  Thus  the  enemy's 
communication  between  Charleston  and  Au- 
gusta was  completely  severed.  Sherman 
now  rapidly  moved  his  right  wing  upon  Or- 
angeburgh,  crossing  the  South  Edisto  River 
at  various  points  for  15  miles,  and  driving 
the  scattered  enemy  before  him  into  Colum- 
bia. The  whole  17th  corps  shortly  reached 
Orangeburgli,  flanking  the  main  rebel  forces 
at  Branchville  on  the  right,  and  thus  render- 
ing the  abandonment  of  Charleston  by  the 
enemy  a  military  necessity.  All  the  Union 
columns  were  now  aiming  for  Columbia.  The 
15  th  corps  was  feebly  resisted  at  the  Conga- 


ree,  but  the  army  met  with  scarcely  any 
obstacle  except  the  innumerable  swan)pa 
which  were  to  be  traversed.  On  the  IGth, 
Slocum  reached  the  Saluda,  a  few  miles  above 
Columbia,  only  an  hour  or  two  after  the  arri- 
val of  Howard  further  to  the  west,  and  at  1  I 
A.M.,  on  the  17tli,  the  capital  of  South  C'aro- 
lina  was  surrendered,  by  its  mayor,  to  Col. 
Stone,  of  Logan's  corps,  who  was  soon  posted 
in  the  city.  A  high  wiiul  was  prevalent  dur- 
ing the  day,  and  a  conflagration  of  the  city 
took  place,  which,  in  spite  of  the  labors  of  tho 
Uniou  soldiers,  reduced  a  great  part  of  it  to 
ashes.  Gen.  Wade  Hampton,  tho  rebel  com- 
mander, had  ordered  the  destruction,  by  fire, 
of  the  cotton  in  the  place,  ere  he  fled  from  it. 
The  smouldering  fires  were  rekindled  by 
the  rising  wind  and  communicated  to  tho 
buildings.  Hampton,  however,  accused  Slier- 
man  with  having  ordered  the  conflagration. 
Though  the  main  jjortion  of  the  Union  army 
did  not  enter  Columbia,  ])illaging  gangs  of 
blacks  and  whites,  sti-agglers  and  ritfrafT,  soon 
spread  throughout  tlie  city,  and  these  no 
doubt  assisted  in  spreading  the  fire,  to  aid 
the  work  of  plunder  and  cruelty,  which  they 
were  permitted  to  indulge  in.  The  extensive 
work  of  foraging  which  had  been  a  necessary 
part  of  the  plan  of  Sherman's  march,  necessa- 
rily involved  devastation.  The  jiractice  of 
this  was  also  heightened  in  South  Carolina 
by  the  general  desire  of  visiting  retributive 
justice  upon  the  origiHators  of  the  rebellion. 

The  fall  of  Columbia  involved  that  of 
Charleston,  and  all  its  harbor  defences.  On 
the  16th,  Hardee  fired  the  cotton  and  stores 
accumulated  there  and  marched  out  to  ef- 
fect a  junction  with  Beauregard's  remain- 
ing forces,  and  with  Cheatham,  who,  with 
flood's  shattered  forces  from  North  Missis- 
sippi, was  endeavoring  to  reach  the  front  of 
Sherman.  A  great  portion  of  Charleston, 
also,  was  destroyed  by  fire,  and  the  horror  of 
the  conflagration  was  heightened  by  the  igni- 
tion and  explosion  of  a  large  amount  of  pow- 
der stored  in  the  North-western  Railroad  de- 
pot, caused  by  boys  accidentally  laying  a 
train  therefrom  to  the  burning  cotton  in  tho 
street,  by  carrying  handfuls  to  tlirow  u]>on  tho 
latter.  200  lives  were  lost  by  this  explosion. 
On  the  18th,  after  nearly  two  yeai-s  of  bc- 
siegement  and  bombardment,  the  mayor  sur- 
rendered the  city  to  Gillmore,  with  all  the 
surrounding  forts.  A  colored  regiment, 
wearing  the  national  luiiform,  and  bearing 
the  national  flag,  first  marched  into  its 
streets.  450  pieces  of  ordnance  were  cap- 
tured in  Charleston  and  its  defences.  George- 
town was  also  hastily  evacuated,  and  Beaure- 
gard fell  back  on  Charlotte,  towards  which 
Sherman  ])ushed  on  in  a  heavy  rainstorm. 
On  the  23d  he  suddenly  faced  eastward,  and 
leaving  Charlotte  far  in  the  rear  marched 
rapidly  towards  Fayetteville,  N.  C,  crossing 
the  Catawba  unjnolested,  and  the  Pedee,  at 
Cheraw,  where  he  captured  25  guns  from  a 
feeble  force  of  the  enemy. 

IIamj)ton's  and  Wheeler's  cavalry,  of  Har- 
dee's advance,  had  already  had  engagements 
with  Kilpatrick  on  the  region  lying  towards 
Charlotte,  at  Williston's  Station  and  Aiken, 
and  they  now  attemj>ted  to  reach  Fayette- 
ville iu  advance  of  the  Unionists.  Kilpa- 
trick endeavored  to  intercept  them  by  liohV 
ing  three  roads  near  Solemn  Grove.  On  one 
of  these  he  was  surprised,  March  8,  bj  Hamp- 


m 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


toil  and  roxited,  leaving  most  of  liis  guns. 
Whilo  the  enemy  were  plundering  his  camp, 
be  siukknly  emerged  from  the  swamp  into 
whicli  he  had  been  driven  -with  the  most  of 
his  men,  and  retook  his  headquarters,  guns, 
and  captured  men,  and  caxised  the  enemy  to 
Hoe  in  panic  from  the  [dace. 

At  C'heraw,  the  right  and  left  wings  of  the 
Union  army  met  and  marclied  together  on 
Fayette ville,  which  they  reached  on  the  12th. 
At  the  same  time  a  steam  tug  reached  the 
place,  announcing  that  Wilmington  had  been 
captured  about  a  fortnight  previous,  and  that 
(Jen.  Schotield,  who  had  been  brought  around 
from  Tennessee  to  Newbern,  in  conjunction 
with  Com.  Porter,  was  preparing  to  join  the 
Union  army  at  Goldsboro.  The  forces  of  Beau- 
regard, Hardee,  Cheatham,  and  others  were 
now  united  in  North  Carolina,  under  Gen. 
Jo.  Johnston,  comprising  40,000  veterans. 
On  March  15,  Sherman  made  a  feint  on 
Averysboro,  threatening  Raleigh,  with  a  por- 
tion of  his  left  wing  under  Slocum,  while  he 
moved  the  rest  of  his  army  towards  Golds- 
boro. Near  Averysboro,  Kili)atrick  discovered 
Hardee  with  20,000  men  occupying  an  in- 
trenched position.  On  the  IGth  Ward's  divi- 
sion of  the  20th  corps,  with  Slocum,  advanced 
to  the  attack  amid  torrents  of  rain,  and  drove 
the  enemy  from  their  works.  The  rebt^ls  re- 
treated, leaving  108  dead  on  the  field,  217 
prisoners  and  3  guns.  Kilpatrick,  wJio  had 
advanced  to  the  Goldsboro  road,  was  thei-e 
vehemently  assailed  by  INIcLaws'  rebel  divi- 
sion, but  the  whole  Union  line  finally  ad- 
vanced, and  during  the  night  the  enemy  re- 
treated on  the  road  to  Suiithfield.  The 
Union  loss  in  the  engagement  was  about 
600.  The  next  day  Slocum  crossed  South 
River  and  took  the  road  to  Goldsboro.  On 
the  18th  both  wings  were  within  a  few  miles 
of  this  jdace. 

Near  Bentonville  Slocum  was  suddenly 
confronted  by  the  whole  of  Johnston's  army. 
Couriers  now  arrived  from  Schofield  and 
Terry,  who  were  on  their  way  to  (ioldsboro, 
and  several  divisions  of  the  right  wing  wei"e 
hurried  to  the  relief  of  the  outnumbered  left, 
under  Slocum,  who  was  ordered  to  .stand  in 
tlie  meanwhile  on  the  defensive.  At  the 
first  onset  Carlin's  division  was  hurled  back 
on  the  main  body  with  the  loss  of  three  guns. 
A  i)ortion  of  Davis's  corjis,  the  14th,  and 
Williams's  corps,  the  20th,  behind  frail  barri- 
cades, then  stopped  the  rebel  advance.  Six 
a.s.ssiults  of  Johnston's  army  were  received  by 
the  Unionists  in  less  than  an  hour,  but  with- 
out less  of  ground,  and  with  heavy  loss  of 
men  to  the  assailants,  when  niglit  fell.  Dur- 
ing the  niglit  the  wagon-train  witli  its  guard 
of  two  divisions,  and  Jlazi-n's  division  of  the 
15th  corps,  came  up  on  Slocum's  right,  ren- 
dering his  position  secure.  The  next  day 
Howard  came  up  and  coiuieoted  with  his  left. 
IMarch  21  Schofield  entered  Goldsboro,  and 
Terry  advanced  to  tlie  Neuse  at  Cox's  bridge, 
in  Johnston's  rear,  while  Mower  in  a  noisy 
battle  worked  around  his  flank  to  the  right, 
and  nearly  reached  Mill  Creek  bridge,  the 
only  lino  Of  liis  retreat.  During  the  night 
•  Johnston  hastily  decamped  towards  Smith- 
field.  The  total  Union  loss  in  this  engage- 
ment was  1,G4.3.  2i'>7  rebel  ih-ad  were  buried, 
and  1,0l'5  prisoners  were  taken  by  the 
Unioni.stH. 

Gen.  Sherman,  after  visiting  Terry  at  Cox'b 


bridge  and  Schotield  at  Goldsboro,  teuijio- 
rarily  timied  over  his  army  to  the  latter,  and 
hastened,  on  March  27,  to  City  Point  to 
consult  with  the  President  and  Gen.  Grant. 
Thus  in  complete  success  ended  his  great 
march  of  nearly  800  miles  across  the  State 
of  Georgia,  and  thence  from  Savannah  to  the 
middle  of  North  Carolina. 

During  the  month  of  December,  1864,  an 
expedition  proceeded  from  Hampton  Roads 
against  Fort  Fisher,  the  seaward  defence 
of  Wilmington,  N.  C.,  which  was  the  last 
port  of  the  Confederacy  remaining  accessible 
to  blockade-runners.  The  land  force  of 
some  0,000  men  was  commanded  by  Gen.  B. 
F.  Butler,  and  the  fleet  of  73  vessels,  carrying 
650  guns,  by  Admiral  Porter.  Gen.  Butler, 
having  read  of  the  explosive  effects  of  a  large 
amount  of  powder  at  a  village  in  England, 
had  devised  the  plan  of  loading  a  boat  ■\\"ith 
250  tons  of  powder,  which  should  be  explod- 
ed near  the  fort,  and  thus  blow  it  and  its  gar- 
rison into  the  air.  After  some  delay,  on  ac- 
count of  the  weather,  the  place  of  rendezvous 
at  New  Inlet,  near  Fort  Fisher,  was  finally 
reached  on  the  24th,  and  on  the  morning  of 
that  day  Com.  A.  C.  Rhind,  having  during 
the  night  towed  the  powder-boat  to  an  an- 
chorage within  400  yards  of  the  fort,  explod- 
ed it,  but  it  proved  to  be  quite  harmless  in 
its  effects,  and  Col.  Lamb,  the  commander  of 
the  fort,  supposed  it  to  have  been  merelj'  the 
bursting  of  one  of  the  great  guns  of  the  fleet. 
On  the  25th  a  lauding  was  effected  of  the 
troops,  who  pushed  up  towards  the  fort, 
headed  by  Gen.  Weitzel,  but  Gen.  Butler 
shortly  oi'dered  their  re-embarkation,  and 
after  two  da3's  of  heavy  bombardment  from 
the  fleet  he  further  ordered  the  return  of  the 
expedition.  Gen.  Butler  was  soon  afterwards 
superseded  in  the  command  of  his  department 
by  Gen.  Ord. 

January  Gth,  a  second  expedition  against 
Fort  Fisher,  composed  of  some  8,000  men, 
under  Gen.  A.  II.  Terry,  left  Fortress  ]\Ion- 
roe,  and  arrived  off  Wilmington  on  the  12th. 
The  trooi)S  were  disembarked  the  next  day, 
and  on  the  da)'  thereafter  a  reconnoissance 
was  made  to  within  500  yards  of  the  fort. 
On  Sunday  the  15tli,  after  a  terrible  fire  of 
three  days  from  the  400  guns  of  the  fleet,  the 
assault  was  made  upon  the  works,  which  v.'ere 
already  badly  damaged.  A  force  of  marines 
and  sailors,  some  2,000  in  number,  assaulted 
from  the  sea  side,  while  Gen.  Ames  ailvanced 
on  the  land  side.  At  3  o'clock  the  three  brig- 
ades of  the  latter,  led  by  Curtis,  Penny- 
])acker,  and  Bell,  rushed  forward  \\]>on  tlie 
fort,  while  the  guns  of  the  fleet  were  diverted 
to  the  batteries  on  its  left  and  above  it. 
The  enemy  were  shortly  driven  from  the 
heavy  palisading  on  the  land  face.  Eleven 
traverses  were  carried,  and  at  0^  p.m.  a  lodg- 
ment was  effticted  on  the  jiarapet,  and  the  fort 
was  soon  won.  On  tlie  seaside  the  marines 
had  simultaneously  dashed  forward,  but  had 
been  repulsed  wi(li  great  c^irnage,  thougli  a 
large  number  of  them  had  gained  the  ditch, 
and  some  even  climbed  the  para]>et.  Aboiit 
miilniglit  (Jen.  Whiting  and  Col.  Lamb,  (he 
commanders,  with  the  garrison,  some  2,000 
men,  surrendered.  109  giins  fell  into  the 
Union  hands,  besides  ecpiipage  and  stores. 
'J'ho  Union  loss,  in  killed  and  woinided,  was 
61(5,  among  the  killed  being  Cols.  Bell  and 
Moore,  while  Cols.  Curtis  and  l*enny}>ackcr 


were  severely  wounded.  On  the  next  morn- 
ing the  magazine  blew  uj),  killing  200  of  the 
victors  and  wounding  100. 

Thomas's  army  in  Tennessee  was  now  bro- 
ken uj),  A.  J.  Smith's  command  being  sent  to 
Gen.  Canby  at  New  Orleans,  and  Schofield's 
corps  brought  East  and  sent  to  Fort  Fisher 
and  Newbern.  North  Carolina  was  created  a 
dejiartment,  and  ])laced  iinder  Schofield.  On 
February  1 1th,  the  latter  pushed  forward,  with 
about  2(),000  men,  on  Fort  Anderson,  on  tlie 
west  bank  of  Cape  Fear  River,  and  by  a  flank 
movement  compelled  the  enemy,  under  Gen. 
Hoke,  defending  it  and  the  lines  adjacent,  to 
hastily  abandon  their  works  on  the  10th,  and 
fall  back  behind  Tower  Creek ;  here  they 
were  assailed  the  next  day  by  Gen.  Terry, 
while  Gen.  Cox  struck  them  in  flank  and 
rear,  capturing  375  men  and  29  guns.  Cox 
then  moved  on,  threatening  to  cross  the  Cape 
Fear  above  Wilmington.  Hoke  then  ha.stily 
burned  the  cotton  stores  and  steamers,  in- 
cluding the  privateers  Chickanumr/a  iind  Tal- 
Inhasse,  at  the  latter  ])lace,  and  evacuated  it. 
The  next  morning,  February  22d,  the  Union 
army  had  possession  of  the  place,  having  sus- 
tained a  loss  of  about  200  men  in  gaining  it, 
while  the  enemy  lost  about  1,000  men  and  Co 
guns.  Cox's  and  Couch's  divisions  shortly 
afterwards  advanced  towanls  Kinston.  Two 
regiments  sent  by  Cox,  under  Col.  Upliam, 
15th  Connecticut,  to  seize  and  hold  the  cross- 
ing of  South-west  Creek,  were  .surprised  by 
Hoke  and  700  were  captured.  IMarch  lOth 
Hoke  attacked  Roger's  division  of  Cox's  left, 
biit  was  repulsed  with  heavy  loss.  Hoke 
then  hastened  to  Sinithfield  to  join  Johnston, 
and  on  the  14th  Schofield  crossed  the  Neuse 
and  entered  Kinston.  On  the  21st  he  reach- 
ed Goldsboro,  simultaneously  with  the  arrival 
there  of  Sherman. 

During  the  winter  of  1804-5,  demonstra- 
tions were  made  both  from  the  north  and 
south  upon  Alabama.  From  the  north,  on 
March  22d,  Gen.  James  H.  Wilson,  with 
13,000  cavalry  and  0  batteries,  was  sent  by 
Gen.  Thomas  from  the  Tennessee  to  raid  into 
Northern  Alabama.  On  the  31st  he  encoun- 
tered the  enemy  in  force  at  ]\Iontevallo,  uu- 
iler  Roddy,  whom  he  routed.  Proceeding  in 
the  work  of  destroying  rebel  property  in  va- 
rious directions,  Long's  and  Upton^  divi.s- 
ions,  6,000  in  number,  came  \ipon  Forrest, 
with  5,000  men  well  barricaded,  at  Boyle's 
Creek.  Di-smounting,  tliej'  charged  the  latter 
with  such  vigor  as  to  \n\t  them  to  headlong 
flight,  and  took  2  guns  and  200  jni-sonei-s. 
April  5th,  Wilson,  with  9,000  of  his  force,- 
reaclicd  Selma.  Its  outer  d«'fences  were  as- 
saulted and  soon  taken  by  CJen.  Long,  wlio 
was  killed  while  leading  the  attack.  The 
irbels  then  rallied  on  a  new  line,  but  were 
shortly  driven  from  that  by  I'j)tou.  and  the 
city  soon  taken,  with  32  guns.  2,7tlO  jirison- 
ers,  and  vast  stores  of  all  kinds.  Forrest 
anil  Roildy,  with  3,000  followei-s,  escaped  in 
the  night.  Wilson  then  destroyed  the  exten- 
sive rebel  arsenal,  foundries,  cotton,  etc., 
here,  and  th(>  town  was  sacked  by  his  troopers. 
On  (lie  12th  he  reached  Montgomery,  which 
was  promjitly  surrendered.  A  rebel  force 
under  Buforil  was  then  ro\ited  by  a  jwrtion 
of  his  command  under  Lagrange,  and  Colum- 
bus, with  1,200  prisoners  and  52  guns,  was 
taken  by  Wilson  on  the  night  of  (he  10th. 
Here  the  rebel  ram  tTackson,  and  a  larg* 


UNITED  STATES. 


:597 


amount  of  railroad  and  otlier  property,  were 
destroyed.  On  this  same  day  Lagi-ange 
reached  West  Point,  defended  by  Fort  Tyler, 
which  he  shortly  assaulted  and  captured  with 
its  garrison  of  2G5,  having  killed  Gen.  Tyler, 
its  commander.  On  the  21st  Wilson  entered 
Macon,  where  on  the  30th  he  was  joined  by 
Croxton,  who  had  surprised  Tuscaloosa  on 
the  5th,  and  had  moved  during  30  days  650 
miles  in  an  irregular  route,  destroying  much 
rebel  property.  At  Macon  1,200  militia  and 
5  generals  were  surrendered  by  Gen.  Howell 
Cobb. 

On  the  20th  March  Gen.  Canby  commenced 
his  movements  against  Mobile,  now  held, 
under  Gen.  Richard  Taylor,  by  Gen.  Maury, 
with  15,000  men.    The  16th  corps.  Gen.  A. 
J.  Smith,  proceeded  from  Fort  Gaines,  by 
water,  to  Fish  River  ;  the  13th  corps,  under 
Gen.  Gordon  Gi-anger,  moved  from  Fort  Mor- 
gan and  joined  the   16th  on  Fish  River. 
Both  moved  thence  on  Spanish  Fort,  one  of 
the  main  defences  of  Mobile,  and  invested  it 
on  the  27th.    In  the  meanwhile  Gen.  Steele's 
command  advanced  from  Pensacola  and  cut 
the  railroad  leading  from  Tensas  to  Mont- 
gomery.    Steele  then  effected  a  junction  with 
the  forces  before  Spanish  Fort,  and  partially 
invested  Fort  Blakely,  the  other  strong  de- 
fence of  Mobile.    On  Aj)ril  8,  after  a  severe 
bombardment  of  Spanish  Fort,  a  jjart  of  its 
line  was  carried,  and  during  the  night  the 
fort  itself  was  evacuated  by  the  enemy.  On 
the  9th  Fort  Blakely  was  carried  by  assault, 
under  a  furious  fire  of  grape  and  canister, 
the  Union  right,  under  Gen.  Hawkins,  be- 
ing composed  mostly  of  blacks,  who  fought 
nobly.    At  7  p.m.  Fort  Blakely  was  taken, 
with    3,000   prisoners  and  32  guns.  The 
Union  loss  here  was  1,000  killed  and  wounded  ; 
that  of  the  rebels,  in  killed  and  wounded. 
Was  about  500.    Mobile  was  thus  won,  for 
on  the  11th  Maury  fled  therefrom  with  9,000 
men  up  the  Alabama,  leaving  5,000  prisoners 
to  the  Unionists,  who  entei-ed  the  city  on  the 
12th.    Four  gunboats,  including  two  iron- 
clads and  one  transport  of  Admiral  That- 
cher's fleet,  who  assisted  in  the  investment  of 
Mobile,  were  destroyed  by  torpedoes.  The 
powerful  rebel  rams  Iluntsville  and  Tusca- 
loosa were  scuttled  by  Maury  before  he  evacu- 
ated the  place,  and  on  April  24  the  rebel  ram 
W.  II.  Webb,  in  attempting  to  escape  down 
the  Mississippi  into  the  Gulf,  was  blown  up 
by  her  commander  to  avoid  capture. 

The  campaign  in  Virginia  during  the  winter 
of  186-1-65  was  chiefly  characterized  by  quiet. 
Dec.  7,  1864,  Warren,  from  Meade's  left, 
moved  down  the  Weldon  Railroad  as  far  as 
the  Meherrin,  destroying  about  20  miles  of 
the  track.  Jan.  23,  three  rebel  iron-clads, 
the  Virginia,  Fredericksh}irg,  and  RichmonJ, 
accompanied  by  five  wooden  steamers  and 
three  torpedo  boats,  attempted  to  move  down 
from  Richmond,  past  the  Union  works  on  the 
James.  The  Drewry,  one  of  the  wooden 
steamers,  was  destroyed,  and  the  Virginia 
disabled,  at  the  lower  end  of  Dutch  Gap,  and 
after  a  day's  contest  the  fleet  returned  to 
Richmond.  Feb.  5,  an  attack  was  made  on 
the  rebel  lines  at  Dabney's  Mill  by  the  5th 
and  2d  corps,  the  former  attempting  to  flank 
the  enemy's  right,  while  the  2d  assailed  his 
front.  A  portion  of  the  Union  forces  were 
repulsed,  but  considerable  ground  was  won 
and  held  by  the  2d  corps,  under  Humphreys, 


by  which  the  Union  left  was  permanently  ex- 
tended to  Hatcher's  Run. 

In  Northern  Virginia,  Jan.  11,  the  rebel 
Rosser  surprised  the  garrison  of  Beverley 
and  took  400  prisoners,  besides  securing  much 
spoil.  Feb.  21,  Lieut.  McNeil  captured  Gens. 
Kelley  and  Cook  in  their  beds  at  Cumber- 
land, Md.,  and  carried  them  to  Richmond. 

Gen.  Sheridan  left  Winchester  on  Feb.  27th 
with  two  divisions  of  cavalry  numbering 
about  10,000  men.  March  1,  he  secured  the 
bridge,  which  the  enemy  attempted  to  destroy, 
across  the  middle  fork  of  the  Shenandoah,  at 
Mount  Crawford,  and  entered  Staunton  on  the 
2d.  He  then  drove  the  enemy  before  him  to 
Waynesboro,  where  he  found  them  in  force 
and  intrenched,  \inder  Gen.  Early.  Ho  made 
an  immediate  attack  and  carried  their  po- 
sition, and  1,600  prisoners,  11  pieces  of  ord- 
nance, 200  loaded  subsistence  wagons,  and 
17  battle-flags  were  caj)tured.  He  then  pro- 
ceeded to  Charlotteville  and  destroyed  the 
railroads  and  bridges  in  the  neighborhood 
thereof  while  awaiting  his  trains.  On  the 
6th  he  divided  his  force  into  two  columns, 
one  of  which  proceeded  to  destroy  the  James 
River  canal  from  Scotsville  to  Newmarket, 
and  caused  the  enemy  to  burn  the  bridges 
at  Duiguidsville  and  Hard  wicks  ville.  The 
second  column  moved  towards  Lynchburg, 
destroying  the  railroad  as  far  as  Amherst 
Court-House,  16  miles  therefrom,  and  then 
united  with  the  other  column  at  Newmarket. 
The  river  being  too  high  for  the  pontoons, 
and  the  bridges  having  been  here  destroyed 
hy  the  enemy,  Sheridan  now  concluded  to 
strike  a  base  at  White  House.  Following 
and  destroying  the  canal  from  Newmarket 
towards  Richmond,  to  within  eight  miles  of 
Goochland,  he  I'ested  one  day  at  Columbia 
and  communicated  by  scouts  with  Gen.  Grant 
He  next  moved  eastward  and  crossed  the 
Annas,  destroying  the  railroads  and  bridges 
within  reach,  and  then  proceeded  down  the 
Pamunkey,  reaching  White  House  on  the 
19th.  After  four  days'  rest  he  moved  to  the 
James,  which  he  crossed  at  Jones'  Landing, 
and  joined  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  in  front 
of  Petersburg,  on  the  27th. 

Gen.  Grant  had  ordered  a  forward  move- 
ment of  his  army  to  take  jjlace  on  the  29th, 
but  on  the  morning  of  the  25th  the  enemy 
assaulted  the  9th  corps,  holding  the  Appo- 
mattox River  on  the  Union  left,  and  carried 
Fort  Steadnian  and  a  part  of  the  lines  ad- 
joining. They  then  turned  the  guns  of  the 
fort  upon  the  Unionists,  but  the  latter  stood 
firm  on  both  flanks  until  reserves  were  brought 
up,  when  the  enemy  was  driven  back  with 
heavy  loss  in  killed  and  wounded,  and  1,900 
prisoners.  The  Union  loss  was  only  68 
killed.  The  2d  and  6th  corps  wei-e  then 
ordered  to  advance,  who  shortly  captured  the 
enemy's  picket  line  in  their  front  and  834 
prisoners.  Gen.  Grant  had  agreed  with  Gen. 
Sherman  that  the  latter  should  feign  to  move 
up  the  Neuse  towards  Raleigh,  and  then 
hasten  north  to  the  Roanoke.  Grant  now 
feared  that  Lee  would  evacuate  Petersburg 
and  Richmond  by  the  Danville  road  and 
eflect  a  junction  with  Johnston.  lie  there- 
fore determined  to  carry  out,  on  the  29th, 
his  original  plan  of  proceeding  around 
the  enemy's  right  flank,  and  destroying  the 
Danville  road.  On  the  night  of  the  27th 
he  despatched  Gen.  Gibbons,  with  two  di- 


visions of  Ord's  corps.  Gen.  Birncy,  witli 
one  division  of  the  25th  corps,  and  McKen- 
zie's  cavalry,  to  take  up  a  position  at  Hatch- 
er's R\m.  On  the  29th,  Sheridan  reached 
Dinwiddle  Court-House,  and  the  left  of  the 
Union  infantry  line  extended  to  the  Quaker 
road,  near  its  intersection  with  the  Boydton 
plank-road.  The  general  position  from  right 
to  left  was  as  follows:  Sheridan,  Warren, 
Humplireys,  Ord,  Wright,  and  Parke.  From 
the  29th  to  the  31st  the  rain  fell  in  torrents. 
During  the  30th,  Sheridan  advanced  from 
Dinvviddie  Court-llouse  towards  Five  Fork.s, 
where  he  found  the  enemy  in  force.  Tho 
latter  was  now  found  confronting  the  Union 
lines  at  every  point  from  Richmond  to  tho 
extreme  Union  left.  Conceiving  the  rebel 
lines  to  be  thus  weakly  held,  Gen.  Grant  now 
resolved  to  reinforce  Sheridan  with  a  corj)S, 
to  enable  him  to  turn  the  enemy's  right  flank, 
while  the  other  corps  advanced  to  the  direct 
assault.  On  the  31st,  Sheridan  obtained  pos- 
session of  the  Five  Forks,  and  Warren  ad- 
vanced to  seize  the  White  Oak  road.  The 
latter  moved  with  but  one  (Ayers)  division, 
instead  of  his  whole  corps,  and  was  driven 
back  on  his  second  division  (Crawford's)  by 
superior  numbers,  ere  he  had  time  to  form. 
This  was  in  turn  borne  back  on  the  third  di- 
vision, under  Bell,  when  the  enemy's  advance 
was  checked.  A  division  of  the  2d  corps 
was  immediately  sent  to  his  support,  tho 
enemy  driven  back  with  heavy  loss,  and  the 
White  Oak  road  seized.  The  enemy,  at  Five 
Forks,  reinforced  with  cavalry,  now  forced 
Sheridan  back  towards  Dinwiddle  Court- 
House.  The  latter  here  displayed  great  gene- 
ralship by  deploying  his  cavalry  on  foot,  com- 
pelling the  enemy  to  scatter  over  a  vast 
extent  of  broken  and  wooded  country,  and 
making  their  progress  slow.  McKenzie's 
cavalry  and  three  divisions  of  tlie  5th  corjis 
(Warren's)  were  now  ordered  to  Sheridan's 
assistance.  On  the  morning  of  tlie  Ist  April 
Sheridan,  thus  reinforced,  drove  the  enemy 
back  on  Five  Forks,  where,  later  in  the  even- 
ing, he  assaulted  and  carried  the  rebel  posi- 
tion, capturing  all  the  artillery  thereof,  and 
betw{>on  5,000  ami  6,000  prisoners.  During 
the  conflict.  Gen.  Sheridan,  being  impatient 
at  Gen.  Warren's  slowness  of  movement,  re- 
moved the  latter  from  his  command  and  gave 
it  to  Gen.  Griffin.  Fearing  that  the  enemy 
would  concentrate  on  Sheridan,  to  open  a 
way  of  retreat,  Gen.  Grant  de.^patched  Miles' 
division  of  Humphreys'  cor])s  to  him,  and 
ordered  a  bombardment  to  be  kept  up  on  tho 
enemy's  lines  during  the  night. 

At  4  A.M.  the  next  day,  Sunday,  April  2d, 
Grant  ordered  a  general  assault.  Wright 
swept  eveiy thing  before  him,  and  to  his  loft, 
towards  Hatcher's  Run,  capturiiig  many  guns 
and  several  thousand  prisoners.     He  then 
joined  the  corps  of  Ord,  and  the  two  corps 
swung  to  the  riglit,  closing  the  enemy  there 
in    Petersburg.      Humphreys   then  joined 
!  Wright  on  the  left  with  two  divisions.  Parke 
I  carried  the  enemy's  main  line  in  his  front, 
but  fiiiled  to  ])enetratc  the  inner  line.  A 
portion  of  Gibbons'    corps   most  gallantly 
j  charged  and   captured  two  strong  inclosed 
works,  the  most  salient  south  of  Petersburg, 
and  thus  materially  shortened  the  line  of  its 
investment.    The  enemy  south  of  Hatcher's 
,  Run  retreated  westward  to  Sutherland's  Sta- 
tion.   There  Miles'  division  engaged  them  in 


HISTORY   OF  THE 


a  severe  contest,  wlien,  at  the  approacli  of 
Slici  iiliin  and  a  division  sent  from  tlin  front 
of  I'etoi-sburg  \>y  (Jen.  Meade,  they  broke  in 
tlie  utmost  confusion,  leaving  their  ordnance 
and  many  ])risoners.  The  rebel  general,  A. 
P.  ilill,  on  Lee's  left,  during  this  day,  ordered 
Gen.  Ileth  to  recover  some  of  the  works  car- 
ried by  Parke.  Ileth  was  repulsed,  and 
Hill  was  killed  while  reconnoitring.  At  11 
A.M.  a  telegram  from  Gen.  Lee  reached  Jeffer- 
son Davis,  while  in  church  at  liichmond, 
containing  these  words  :  "  My  lines  are  bro- 
ken in  three  places.  Richmond  must  be 
evacuated  this  evening."  During  the  night 
both  Petersburg  and  Richmond  were  evacu- 
ated, and  the  enemy  retreated  towards  Dan- 
ville. On  the  morning  of  the  3d  the  pursuit 
was  commenced.  .Sheridan  pushed  for  the 
Danville  i-oad,  followed  by  Meade  with  the 
2d  and  Gth  corj)s,  while  Ord  raj)idly  moved 
along  the  South-Side  Railroad,  towards 
Burkesvillo,  the  intersection  of  the  Danville 
and  South-Side  railroads.  Towards  the  same 
point,  Lee,  north  of  the  Appomattox,  with  a 
shattered  force  of  scarcely  20,000  men,  was 
moving,  sti-aining  every  nerve  to  reach  it 
first.  On  this  morning,  Weitzel,  with  a  por- 
tion of  the  Army  of  the  James  left  under  his 
command,  north  of  the  James  River,  com- 
])i-ising  many  colored  troo])s,  marched  into 
Riehiiiond.  The  enemy  had  fired  and  plun- 
dered a  part  of  the  city,  destroyed  the  bridges 
over  the  river,  and  left  1,000  prisoners,  and 
500  pieces  of  ordnance. 

On  the  4th,  Gen.  Sheridan  struck  the  Dan- 
ville road,  near  Jettersville,  where  he  learned 
that  G(,'n.  Loe  was  at  Amelia  Court-House, 
(icn.  Ord  reached  Burkesville  on  the  evening 
of  the  5th.  On  the  morning  of  tlie  Gth  it 
was  found  that  Gen.  Lee  was  movine:  west  of 
Jettersville,  towards  Danville.  Gen.  Sheri- 
dan moved  with  his  cavalry  to  strike  Lee's 
flank,  followed  by  the  Gth  coips,  while  the 
2d  and  Sth  corps  pressed  after,  forcing  him 
to  abandon  several  hundred  wagons  and  seve- 
ral pieces  of  ai-tillery.  Gen.  Ord  advanced 
from  Jiiirkesville  towards  Farmville,  sending 
two  infantry  reginuiiits,  and  a  cavaliy  squad- 
ron, under  Gtn.  Theodore  Read,  to  reach  and 
destroy  the  bridg(;s.  This  advance  met  the 
head  of  Lee's  column  near  Farmville,  which 
it  attacked  and  detained,  until  Gen.  Read 
was  killcul  and  his  small  force  overpowered. 
In  tli(!  meantime  Ord,  with  the  rest  of  his 
corps,  arriv(!d,  on  meeting  which  the  enemy 
])egan  to  intrench  himself.  In  the  afternoon 
Sheridan  struck  the  enemy  south  of  Sailor's 
Creek,  capturing  IG  pieces  of  artillery  and 
about  400  wagons,  and  detained  liim  until 
the  Gtli  corj)s  arrived,  when  a  general  attack 
of  infantry  and  cavalry  was  made,  which  re- 
Bidted  in  the  capture  of  G,000  or  7,000  pris- 
onerH,  among  whom  were  Gens.  Jewell,  Ciistis, 
und  other  officers  of  high  rank.  I^eo  now 
moved  to  tho  west,  but  the  jjursuit  was  so 
Bharply  k(rpt  up,  that  it  was  evident  his  cs- 
cajx!  was  liopeldsH,  On  the  7tli,  having 
rea(h(!d  Farmville,  (Jen,  Grant  addres.sed  a 
note  to  him,  asking  liis  surrender,  to  avoid 
the  further  useless  elfusij)!!  of  blood,  On  tlie 
Stli,  tlie  piirsiiit  was  continued,  (ien,  JNIi'ude's 
advance  liaving  considerable  fighting  with 
the  enemy's  rear-guard.  ImU^  in  the  evening 
<!en.  Sheridan  struck  the  railroad  at  Appo- 
mattox Station,  drove  the  enemy  from  there, 
and  cupturetl  twcuty-five  pieces  of  artillery,  a 


hospital  train,  and  four  trains  of  cars,  loaded 
with  supplies  for  Lee's  army.  lie  thus  in- 
tercepted Lee's  flight.  On  the  morning  of 
the  9th,  Gea.  Ord's  command,  and  the  5th 
corps,  reached  Appomattox  Station  just  as 
the  rebel  army  of  Virginia  was  making  its 
last  charge — a  desperate  effort  to  break 
through  the  Union  cavahy.  The  Union 
infantry  was  at  once  thrown  in.  Soon  after 
a  white  flag  was  received,  requesting  a  sus- 
pension of  hostilities,  pending  negotiations 
for  a  surrender.  A  correspondence,  initiated 
by  Gen.  Grant's  note,  had  in  the  meanwhile 
ensued  between  him  and  Gen.  Lee,  in  which 
the  latter  at  first  offered  to  treat  on  the  sub- 
ject of  peace,  and  not  upon  the  surrender  of 
his  army.  The  acceptance  of  this  offer  Gen. 
Grant  declined  as  beyond  his  authoritj'.  The 
two  commanders  now  met  in  the  parlor  of  Mr. 
W.  McLean's  farm-house,  near  the  Appomat- 
tox Court-Hoiise,  and  the  I'esult  of  the  inter- 
view is  set  forth  in  the  following  final  notes  : 

"Appomattox  Court-IIouse,  Va., 
April  dtfi,  1805. 

"  General  : — In  accordance  with  the  sub- 
stance of  my  letter  to  you,  of  the  8tli  instant, 
I  propose  to  receive  the  surrender  of  the  army 
of  Northei-n  Virginia  on  the  following  terms, 
to  wit :  x'olls  of  all  the  officers  and  men  to  be 
made  in  duplicate ;  one  copy  to  be  given  to 
an  officer  to  be  designated  by  me,  the  other 
to  be  retained  by  such  officer  or  officers  as 
you  may  designate.  The  officers  to  give  their 
individual  paroles  not  to  take  up  arms  against 
the  Government  of  the  United  States  \mtil 
properly  exchanged ;  and  each  company  or 
regimental  connnander  sign  a  like  parole 
for  the  men  of  their  commands.  The  arms, 
artillery,  and  public  property  to  be  parked, 
stacked,  and  turned  over  to  the  officers  ap- 
pointed by  me  to  receive  them.  This  will 
not  embrace  the  side-arms  of  the  officers,  nor 
their  private  hoi-ses  or  baggage.  This  done, 
each  officer  and  man  will  be  allowed  to  re- 
turn to  his  home,  not  to  be  disturbed  by 
United  States  aiithority  so  long  as  they  ob- 
serve their  paroles,  and  the  laws  in  force 
where  they  may  reside. 

"  U.  S.  Grant,  Lieut.-General. 
"  General  R.  E.  Lee." 

"  Head  Quarters,  Army  op  Northern  Va., 
''April  9,  18(io. 

"  General  : — I  received  your  letter  of  this 
date,  containing  the  terms  of  the  surrender 
of  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia,  as  ])ro- 
j)Osed  by  you.  As  they  are  substantially  the 
same  as  those  expressed  in  your  letter  of  the 
Sth  instant,  they  are  accej)ted.  I  will  ])ro- 
ceed  to  designate  the  proper  officers  to  carry 
the  stiptilations  into  effect. 

"  a.  E.  Lee,  General. 

"  Licut.-Gen.  U.  S.  Grant." 

Gen.  Gibbons'  command,  tlie  5th  corps 
under  Gen.  (Jriffin,  and  McKenzie's  cavalry 
remained  at  A|)i)omattox  Com-t-IIouse  until 
the  paroling  of  the  surrendered  army  was  com- 
pleted. The  remainder  of  the  army  returned 
to  Burkesville,  and  .shortly  afterwards  to  Pe- 
tersburg and  Riclimond. 

The  surremler  of  CJen.  Lee  was  soon  fol- 
lowed by  that  of  most  of  the  forces  in  the  She- 
nandoah Valley,  to  (!en.  Hancock,  who  com- 
nianded  there.  On  the  17th,  Jloseby  sur- 
rendered his  command. 

On  rec<'iving  fidv^ces  from  Gen.  Grant, dated 
April  5th,  Gen.  Sherman  had  moved  dii-ectly 


against  Joe  Johnston,  who  retreated  raj)- 
idly  on  and  through  Raleigh,  which  place 
Gen.  Sherman  occupied  on  the  morning  of 
the  IGth.  The  day  pi-eceding,  news  of  Lee's 
surrender  i-eached  him  at  Smithfield.  On 
the  14th,  a  correspondence  was  opened  be- 
tween Sherman  and  Johnston,  which  resulted, 
on  the  18th,  in  an  agreement  for  a  suspension 
of  hostilities,  with  a  memorandum  or  basis 
for  peace,  subject  to  the  approval  of  the  Presi- 
dent. This  ridiculous  memorandum,  which 
looked  to  an  inmiediate  rehabilitation  of  the 
States  in  rebellion  under  rebel  rule,  to  a 
genei'al  amnesty,  and  to  the  protection  of 
slavery,  was  promptly  rejected  by  the  Presi- 
dent, and  his  instructions  to  Sherman  to  re- 
sume hostilities  at  once  were  communicated 
to  the  latter  by  Gen.  Grant  in  ])erson,  on  the 
24th,  at  Raleigh.  Gen.  Johnston  was  then 
notified  of  the  termination  of  the  truce. 
Gen.  Stoneman,  who,  in  accordance  with  the 
compi'ehensive  jilans  of  Gen.  Grant,  had  been 
sent  east  from  Knoxville,  Tenn.,  on  the  20th 
March,  and  had  succeeded  in  destroying  rail- 
roads and  supplies,  and  in  capturing  many 
])ieces  of  artillery  and  prisoners,  defeating 
Gren.  Gardiner  near  Salisbury,  was  now  but  a 
little  over  one  hundred  miles  west  of  Raleigh, 
and  on  the  line  by  which  Johnston  received 
his  supplies,  and  by  which  he  must  retreat. 
On  the  25th,  another  meeting  between  Sher- 
man and  Johnston  was  agreed  upon,  which 
took  place  on  the  2Gth,  and  terminated  in  the 
surrender  and  disbandment  of  Johnston's 
army,  together  with  all  the  rebel  forces  be- 
tween him  and  the  Chattahoochee,  xqion  sub- 
stantially the  same  terms  as  wei-e  given  to 
Gen.  Lee. 

Jefferson  Da^is,  who  had  fled  with  his  cabi- 
net and  the  archives  of  his  government,  on 
the  night  of  the  2d,  from  Richmond  to  Dan- 
ville, proceeded  thence,  by  way  of  Greens- 
boro, N.  C,  Abbeville,  S.  'C,  towards  Geor- 
gia, lie  finally  reached  the  neighborhood  of 
Irwinsville,  in  that  State,  after  a  difficult 
jotirney,  accompanied  by  scarcely  any  one 
but  his  P.  M.,  Gen.  Reagan,  and  the  mem- 
bers of  his  own  family.  Gen.  Wilson,  com- 
manding at  Macon,  hearing  of  his  flight,  liad 
sent  out  forces  to  pursue  him.  At  early 
dawn,  May  11,  Davis's  camp  near  Irwins- 
ville was  surprised  by  the  conmiand  of 
Lieut.-Col.  Pritchard  and  Lieut.-Col.  Har- 
den, who  fired  into  each  other  through  mis- 
take, killing  two  and  wounding  several  Un- 
ion soldiers.  Davis  was  then  taken,  ])ar- 
tially  clothed  in  woman's  attire,  and  was 
subsequently  sent  to  Fortress  Monroe,  whei-e 
he  was  long  and  rigorously  confined.  Rea- 
gan and  Vice-l*resident  Stephens,  who  were 
captured  about  the  same  time,  were  sent  to 
Fort  Warren. 

On  the  4th  May  Gen.  Dick  Taylor  sur- 
rendered to  Gen.  Canby  all  the  remaining 
rebel  forces  east  of  the  Mississippi.  Gen. 
Sheridan,  with  a  force  sufficient  to  insure  an 
easy  triumph  over  the  enemy  under  Kirby 
Smith  west  of  the  ISIississippi,  was  ]>ro)nptly 
sent  to  Texas,  but,  on  the  2Gth  ]\Iay,  and  bo- 
fore  Sheridan  reached  his  destination.  Gen. 
Smith  siirrendered  his  entire  command  to 
Gen.  Canby,  after  some  foolish  efforts  to  in- 
duce it  to'sacrifice  itself  by  resistance,  and 
after  exhibiting  some  bad  faith,  by  first  dis- 
banding his  army  and  jiermitting  an  iudis- 
criminatc  plunder  of  public  property. 


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UNITED  STATES, 


9&9 


The  hist  actual  conflict  of  the  war  on  laud 
took  place  3Iay  27,  on  the  Rio  Grande,  where 
Col.  -Barrett  was  driven  with  a  loss  of  80 
men  into  Brazos,  by  Gen.  Slaughter,  who 
coiiuuauded  a  superior  force.  On  the  sea, 
the  pii'ate  Shejiandoah  cruised  in  the  Pacific 
Ocean,  capturing  numerous  Union  merchant- 
men and  whalers,  until  November,  when  she 
proceeded  to  the  Mersey  and  there  surren- 
dered to  an  English  man-of-war. 

On  the  day  of  Lee's  surrender,  President 
Lincoln,  who  had  been  at  City  Point  since 
March  24th,  in  constant  communication  with 
Gen.  Grant,  and  more  recently  in  Richmond, 
returned  to  Washington,  and  there  made  a 
considerate  address  on  the  reconstruction  of 
the  late  rebellious  States,  before  a  vast  con- 
course, at  the  Executive  Mansion.  On  the 
13th,  anxious  to  take  the  first  step  for 
peace,  he  caused  the  Secretary  of  War  to 
issue  an  order  stopping  further  drafting, 
recruiting,  and  purchase  of  war  material,  and 
announcing  the  speedy  removal  of  restric- 
tions on  trade  and  commerce.  On  the  14th, 
the  anniversary  of  the  surrender  to  the 
rebels  of  Fort  Sumter,  its  old  flag  was 
carried  to  and  raised  over  that  fortress,  and 
the  whole  country  was  at  this  moment  en- 
gaged in  loyal  rejoicing.  At  8  p.m.  the  Pi-es- 
ident,  his  wife,  and  two  others  proceeded  to 
Ford's  Theatre,  to  which  he  and  Gen.  Grant 
had  been  publicly  announced  as  visitors. 
At  half-past  ten  p.m.  an  actor,  John  Wilkes 
Booth  by  name,  entered  the  vestibule  of  the 
President's  private  box,  fastened  the  door 
thereof  behind  him  with  a  short  plank,  and 
then  stole  behind  the  President,  who  was  at 
that  moment  intent  upon  the  play,  and  shot 
him.  The  ball  2)ierced  his  skull,  behind  the 
left  ear,  and  after  traversing  the  brain  lodged 
behind  the  right  eye.  At  7.22  the  next  morn- 
ing the  President  expired,  having  until 
tlieu  from  the  moment  of  his  assassination 
given  no  signs  of  intelligence.  The  assassin, 
in  accordance  with  well-laid  plans,  leaped 
upon  the  stage,  and  brandishing  a  dagger, 
sliouted  "  Ate  semper  ti/rannis.^'  He  then 
fled  through  a  stage-door  into  the  street,  and 
mounting  a  horse  brought  there  for  his  use, 
sought  refuge  in  southern  ^Maryland.  But 
in  jumping  from  the  President's  box,  his 
spur  iiad  caught  in  the  American  flag,  with 
which  the  box  was  adorned.  This  flung  him 
heavily  on  the  stage  and  so  crippled  his 
fliglit,  that  a  clue  was  afforded  to  the  detec- 
tives, who  were  soon  on  his  trail.  On  the  same 
night,  Mr.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State,  was 
attacked  in  his  sick-bed  by  Louis  Payne,  a 
fellow-conspirator  of  Booth,  and  dangerously 
wounded.  Booth  was  captured  in  a  barn 
lu  Maryland,  where  he  was  so  severely 
wounded  that  he  died  a  few  hours  after- 
wards. His  fellow-conspirators  were  also 
shortly  ca{)tured,  arraigned  and  convicted 
before  a  military  court,  when  the  existence 
of  a  plot  to  murder  the  most  prominent  of 
the  Union  authorities  was  developed.  Har- 
I'old,  Payne,  Atzeroth,  and  Mrs.  Surratt  were 
hanged  therefor  on  the  7th  July.  Others 
were  imprisoned  for  life  or  a  term  of  years. 
Under  the  belief  that  Jefferson  Davis  and 
other  prominent  men  of  the  South  were  im- 
plicated in  the  plot,  large  rewards  were  offered 
for  tiieir  apjirehension. 

The  obse(juies  of  Mr.  Lincoln  were  cele- 
brated with  befitting  grandeur  and  s6lemnity, 


and  while  the  entire  nation  mourned  witli 
dcsej)  and  genuine  grief  it  fain  would  not  blame 
the  muse  of  history  for  perfecting  such  a  grand 
life  with  the  glory  of  martyrdom. 

During  the  war,  the  whole  number  of  men 
called  into  the  national  service  from  time  to 
time  was  2,688,.i23.  Of  these  about  1,.')00,- 
000  were  in  effective  service,  and  about  300,- 
000  were  killed  or  died  from  disease.  The 
numbers  of  the  rebel  forces  were  fully  as 
many,  and  their  losses  by  death  were  no 
doubt  greater,  from  their  inferior  hospital 
service.  The  Union  cause  was  gi-eatly  as- 
sisted in  this  service  by  the  organized  San- 
itary and  Christian  Commissions,  which 
disbursed  millions  in  mitigation  of  the  hard- 
shi])s  and  horrors  of  the  strife,  often  for  both 
friend  and  foe.  While  the  brothers  and 
sons  on  both  sides  heroically  endured  death 
and  the  privations  of  the  field,  the  mothers 
and  sisters  were  as  generally  prompted  to 
ministering  efforts  and  sacrifices.  Proof  of 
a  sincere  patriotism  among  those  who  espoused 
both  the  rightful  and  the  mistaken  cause  are 
not  wanting  in  the  war's  records,  and  the 
finer  virtues  so  often  displayed  on  both  sides 
will  perchance  ultimately  cast  into  oblivion 
the  rarer  instances  of  wrong-doing  and  bar- 
barity, and  in  particular  the  horror  of  An- 
dersonville  prison. 

On  M^y  23d  and  24th  an  imposing  review 
of  the  two  main  Union  armies  took  place  at 
Washington,  when  some  200,000  bronzed 
veterans,  the  voluntary  defenders  of  their 
nation,  j'assed  before  the  j^resence  of  the 
President,  Cabinet,  and  Foreign  Ministers. 
On  June  2d  Gen.  Gi'ant  issued  an  order, 
thanking  the  soldiers  for  their  services,  and 
by  October  15,  785,000  men  were  mustered 
out  of  service.  Though  with  the  proud  con- 
sciousness of  having  done  a  glorious  duty, 
they  gladly  became  simple  citizens  again. 

CHAPTEK  XSXn. 

JOHNSON'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

Andrew  Johnson,  Vice-President  of  the 
United  States,  took  the  oath  of  office  as  the 
constitutional  successor  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  on 
the  morning  of  the  15th  of  April,  18G5.  The 
ceremony  was  very  private,  aud  was  carried 
out  at  the  Kirkwood  House,  in  Washington, 
then  the  residence  of  Mr.  Johnson. 

The  President  ilid  not  change  anything  in 
the  constitution  of  the  Cabinet ;  for  the  whole 
year,  the  secretaries  of  the  divers  Depart- 
ments, who  had  worked  so  patriotically  with 
Abraham  Lincoln,  were  maintained  in  their 
offices.  To  many  delegations  from  white  and 
colored  citizens  who  called  upon  him,  An- 
drew Johnson  reiterated  his  views,  which 
were  then  nearly  alike  to  those  of  his  prede- 
cessor, as  to  the  manner  of  reconstructing 
the  Union.  As  Lincoln  had  done  himself, 
when  he  consented  to  have  at  Hanii)ton 
Roads  a  conference  with  some  Southern 
chiefs,  in  the  hope  of  terminating  tlie  war, 
Andrew  Johnson  indicated  from  the  begin- 
ning his  conciliatory  tendencies,  in  saying 
that  he  did  not  believe  every  man  down 
South  to  be  a  rebel  at  heart,  and  that  many  of 
the  Confederates  had  been  forced  to  take  arms 
in  the  war  against  the  Union.  He  expressed 
that  idea  to  a  colored  delegation,  when  he 
said  :  "  I  fear  that  leading  colored  men  do 
not  understand  aud  appreciate  the  fact  that 


they  have  friends  on  the  soutli  side  of  tlio 
line.  They  liave ;  and  they  are  as  faithful 
and  stanch  as  any  north  of  tlie  line." 

This  tlie  majority  of  Congress  did  not  be- 
lieve,  and  lience  can  be  traced,  from  the  very 
beginning  of  Andrew  Johnson's  administra- 
tion, the  j)rincipal  cause  of  disagreement 
between  him  and  Congres.s — a  disagi  eemeufc 
which  was  to  culminate  in  the  impeachment 
proposition  two  years  after.  On  one  side 
stood  tlie  President,  animated  with,  per- 
haps, a  too  conciliatory  spirit  toward  the 
ex  rebels  ;  on  the  other  side  stood  the  Con- 
gress, which  went,  perliaps,  to  tlie  other  ex- 
treme, by  keeping  a  spirit  of  hatred  and  of 
mistrust  towards  the  guilty  but  now  repent- 
ing sons  of  the  country.  This  problem  of 
reconstruction  gave  rise  to  the  fiercest  con- 
flict between  the  executive  and  the  legislative 
powers ;  many  nations  older  than  the  Uni- 
ted States  would  have  gone  down  under  the 
weight  of  such  a  deadly  fight ;  but  America 
weathered  that  constitutional  storm  without 
imj)erilling  the  existence  of  the  country  aud 
its  republican  institutions. 

By  a  proclamation  of  President  Johnson, 
the  1st  of  June,  1865,  was  ordered  to  be  ob- 
served as  a  day  of  humiliation  on  account  of 
the  death  of  Lincoln ;  and  a  few  days  after 
the  above  proclamation,  another  one  was  is- 
sued for  the  arrest  of  Jefferson  Davis,  Jacob 
Thompson,  George  N.  Saunders,  Tucker,  Clay, 
and  Cleary,  as  being  the  i)ronioters  and  sup- 
porters of  Booth  and  his  confedc.'rates ;  one 
hundred  thousand  dollars  were  offered  for  tlio 
arrest  of  Jeff.  Davis,  and  only  ^25,000  and 
$10,000  for  others  of  the  party.  At  the  same 
time,  foreign  nations  were  notified  tliat  the 
United  States  would  refuse  hospitality  to  any 
one  of  them  which  would  give  }iosi)itality  to  tlie 
rebel  cruisers.  These  measures  once  adopted, 
it  was  thought  no  more  necessary  to  exact  a 
passport  from  travellers  entering  the  Uni- 
ted States,  and  the  previous  order  to  that 
effect  was  rescinded. 

By  his  proclamation  of  3Iay  29th,  the 
President  states  the  terms  on  whieii  the 
Southerners  could  be  restored  to  their  civil 
rights,  and  he  determines  the  form  of  the 
oath  of  fidelity  to  be  taken.  The  proclania- 
tiou  indicates  also  the  officers  and  diplomat- 
ists of  the  rebellion  who  were  excepted  from 
the  benefits  of  his  proclamation.  Provisional 
Governors  were  immediately  appointed  for 
the  Southern  States,  with  the  jiower  of  call- 
ing State  conventions.  A'irginia,  Teiines.see, 
Louisiana,  and  Arkansas  having  been  already 
Sufliciently  reorganized  by  J'resident  Lincoln, 
did  not  receive  any  Provisional  Governor. 
Some  dissatisfaction  was  shown  by  a  portion 
of  the  people  at  the  coui-se  of  atl'airs,  wliidi 
they  thought  too  lenient.  Comi)laints  were 
made  that  ex-rebels  had  freely  returned  to 
their  homes  in  the  North,  and  paraded  in 
the  streets  with  their  Confederate  uniform. 
Secretary  Stanton  ai)i)lied  to  Attorney-Gen- 
eral Speed  for  his  opinion  as  to  the  iuterjire- 
tation  to  be  given  to  the  terms  of  the  cajiitu- 
lation  signed  between  Gens.  Grant  and  Lee. 
The  Attorney-General  answered  that  the  ex- 
rebels  had  no  right  to  come  up  North  and 
reside  there,  under  the  pretence  that  they 
had  a  home  there,  and  that  the  capitulation 
had  allowed  them  to  return  to  their  homes. 
It  was  decided  by  Mr.  Speed  that,  "  a.s  a 
matter  of  course,  residents  of  the  territory 


eoo 


HISTORY   OF  THE 


ill  rebellion  cannot  bo  regarded  as  having  | 
homes  in  the  loyal  States  ;  for  a  man's  home  [ 
and  his  residence  cannot  be  distuict  the  one 
from  the  other." 

For  the  first  time  there  was  a  decisive  at^ 
tempt  to  secure  to  the  emancii)ated  negi-oes 
an  equality  of  civil  and  political  rights  with 
the  whites.  Political  rights  have  been  grant- 
ed since,  but  the  question  of  civil  rights  has 
not  yet  been  fully  settled.  The  first  step 
taken  systematically  to  secure  that  double 
kind  of  rights  for  the  former  slav(;s,  was  at  a 
public  meeting  held  in  Faneuil  Hall,  Bos- 
ton, in  June,  18G5  ;  the  resolutions  adopted 
conveyed  most  of  the  ideas  which  Mr.  Phil- 
li|)s  had  expressed  at  the  Annual  Convention 
of  the  New  England  Anti-Slavery  Society  ; 
that  is,  immediate  suffrage  for  the  negro,  and 
civil  equality  with  the  white  man.  President 
Johnson  was  not  a  warm  partisan  of  those 
])latis,  and  he  said  so  in  his  address,  on  the 
10th  of  October,  to  the  First  Colored  Regi- 
ment of  the  District  of  Columbia,  whilst  a 
few  days  before  he  had  exjiressed  his  kindly 
sentiments  toward  the  South  to  a  Virginia 
delegation  which  had  called  on  him. 

In  18G2,  the  Congress  had  voted  the  fe- 
nious  Test  Oath  bill,  by  which  all  persons  in 
tlio  Southern  States,  who  had  directly  or  in- 
dirtrctly  been  engaged  in  the  rebellion,  were 
excluded  from  holding  any  office  under  the 
Federal  Government ;  and  almo.st  immediate- 
ly after  the  opening  of  the  December  session, 
the  Senate  rcq\iested  Andrew  Johnson  to 
communicate  information  res])octing  the  con- 
dition of  affairs  in  the  South — an  indirect  way 
to  ascertain  how  the  President  was  execut- 
ing the  law  relative  to  the  Test  Oath.  Mr. 
Johnson,  in  his  answer,  made  a  rose-colored 
picture  of  the  condition  of  things  at  the 
South,  asserting  that  "  sectional  animosity 
was  suroly  and  rapidly  merging  itself  into  a 
spirit  of  nationality."  He  transmitted  a  re- 
port from  Gen.  Grant,  who  also  wrote  that 
"  the  mass  of  thinking  men  of  the  South  ac- 
cejited  the  present  situation  of  affairs  in  good 
faitii."  Congress  took  another  view  of  the 
question,  inasmuch  as  the  reports  of  Carl 
Scliurz  and  others  were  at  variance  with  the 
assertions  of  Grant  and  Johnson. 

The  amendment  of  the  Federal  Constitu- 
tion abolishing  slavery,  having  been  ratified 
by  27  States,  Secretary  Seward  officially  an- 
nounced the  fact,  in  his  j)roclamation  of  the 
18th  of  December,  18G5.  The  colored  people 
held  many  conventions  during  the  latter  part 
of  the  ytfar,  in  order  to  discuss  the  important 
])roblenis  relative  to  the  new  situation  in 
which  the  abolition  of  slavery  had  i)lacod 
thenj.  For  the  first  time  began  the  regular 
and  public  movement  to  r(!duce  the  hours  of 
manual  labor  for  a  day's  work.  Meetings 
were  held  in  many  parts  of  the  country,  and 
the  principle  of  the  eight  h()\ii-s  was  at  first  fa- 
vorably accepted  by  the  public.  It  could  not 
be  ('xpticted  that  the  financial  system  of  the 
nation  could  bo  of  a  fixed  cliaracter,  amidst 
the  warlike  troubles  which  had  threatened 
the  very  existcsnco  of  the  country.  Congress 
was  only  f»!cling  its  financial  ways,  and  modi- 
fying at  its'sossioii  tho  rough  and  hiusty  finan- 
cial measures  which  over-ciianging  circum- 
stances compelled  tho  rei)resentatives  to  take, 
with  tho  view  of  providing  funds  for  the 
Treasury. 

While  the  wccli  of  reconstruction  proceeded 


slowly  at  home,  in  spite  of  the  differences  of 
opinion  between  the  President  and  the  Con- 
gress, tho  work  of  reaffirming  abroad  American 
nationality  was  successfully  pursued  by  Presi- 
dent Johnson,  and  the  Secretary  of  State, 
Mr.  Seward.  On  the  2d  of  June,  18G5,  Earl 
John  Russell  recognized  officially  that  the 
war  of  secession  was  at  an  end,  and  the  Brit- 
ish Admiralty  received  orders  not  to  treat 
the  rebel  cruisers  as  belligerents.  But  as  the 
withdrawal  of  the  24  hours'  rule,  formerly 
granted  by  England  to  rebel  craft  before  she 
could  be  chased  by  Union  vessels,  was  not 
being  made  absolute  by  Lord  Russell's  note, 
Mr.  Seward  directed  that  the  customary  cour- 
tesies should  not  be  exchanged  between 
American  and  English  men-of-war.  The 
stern  attitude  taken  by  the  Washington  cabi- 
net brought  the  British  cabinet  to  terms,  and 
a  quick  restoration  of  intercourse  was  effected 
on  the  American  basis.  On  the  6th  of  No- 
vember, the  real  feelings  of  the  English  For- 
eign  Office  came  to  a  test,  for  the  ex-Con- 
federate cruiser,  Shftnandoah^  arrived  at  Liv- 
erpool. She  was  given  up,  on  the  10th,  to 
the  American  consul  at  that  jiort. 

As  soon  as  the  rebellion  had  collapsed,  a 
notorious  Southerner,  Dr.  W.  M.  Gwin,  es- 
tablished in  Mexico,  and  favored  by  Emperor 
Maximilian,  extended  his  former  plans,  and 
invited  a  large  emigration  of  the  ex-Confed- 
erate soldiers  to  Mexico,  where  they  would 
fight  against  Mexican  independence,  under 
the  flag  of  the  Austrian  emperor,  and  of  his 
best  ally,  France.  Mr.  Romero,  the  Mexican 
iNIinister  of  Juarez  at  Washington,  ento'-ed  a 
protest  against  such  a  scheme,  and  Mr.  Sew- 
ard, in  his  disj)atchcs  of  July,  September, 
November,  and  December,  notified  the  French 
Government  not  to  favor  the  plan  of  Dr. 
Gwin.  On  the  18th  of  July,  Seward  denied 
to  receive  a  letter  from  the  Emj)eror  Maximil- 
ian, though  this  letter  was  given  to  him 
through  tlin  Marquis  de  I\Iontholon,  Ambas- 
sador of  France  at  Washington.  In  his  dis- 
patch of  tie  Gth  of  December,  addressed  to 
Mr.  Bigelow,  American  IMinister  at  Paris, 
the  S(!cretai-y  of  State  advises  him  that  the 
American  Government  refuses  to  listen  to 
the  proj)ositi()n  made  by  Napoleon  III.,  that 
he  would  withdraw  his  troops  from  Mexico 
provided  the  United  States  should  promise 
not  to  inteifere  with  the  consolidation  of 
^^aximilian's  throne.  On  the  IGth  of  Decem- 
ber, Mr.  Seward  reverts  to  the  same  subject; 
he  says  that  the  United  States  do  not  recog- 
nize any  other  government  but  that  of  Juarez 
in  Mexico  ;  and  he  declares  that  the  mainte- 
r.ance  of  French  ti-oops  in  that  country  is  lia- 
ble to  endanger  the  peaceful  relations  then 
existing  between  France  and  America. 

In  Canada,  3Ir.  Seward  was  unsuccessful 
in  his  demand  for  tin;  extradition  of  Young 
and  his  confederates,  who  had  perpetrated,  in 
18G4,  tho  St.  Albans  raid.  The  court  at 
Montreal  refused  to  allow  tho  extradition  of 
the  guilty  parties. 

When  Congress  reassembled  in  December, 
ISGT),  the  popular  disapprobation  of  the  con- 
ciliatory measxires  advocated  by  President 
John.son  took  a  tangible  form.  The  latter 
felt  boun<l,  in  the  beginning  of  18GG,  to  refuse 
his  a])])robation  to  the  act  known  as  the 
"  Civil  Rights  Act,"  and  to  another  one  for 
tho  oxtonsion  of  the  "  F reedmen's  Bureau." 
But  thuso  two  bills  were  passed  over  the 


Presidential  veto.  j\Ir.  Johnson  declared 
afterwards,  in  a  conversation  with  Senator 
Dixon,  of  Connecticut,  that  an  amendment 
having  already  been  added  to  the  Constitu- 
tion, and  abolishing  slavery,  he  considered  it 
quite  useless  to  make  similar  acts  tending  to 
an  analogous  pui-pose.  He  reiterated  his 
declarations,  in  a  speech  delivered  as  an  an- 
swer to  colored  deputations  which,  being  led 
by  Frederick  Douglass,  Mr.  Downing,  and 
other  prominent  men,  had  called  on  him.  It 
was  on  this  occasion  that  he  made  his  famous 
declaration,  that  "  he  would  be  the  Moses  of 
the  black,  to  lead  him  from  bondage  to  free- 
dom, even  through  the  Red  Sea," — an  allu- 
sion to  the  red  sea  of  blood  shed  during  the 
late  war,  but  that  "  he  was  not  willing  to 
adopt  a  jiolicy  which  will  result  in  great  in- 
jury to  the  white  as  well  as  to  the  colored 
man."  He  refused,  therefore,  to  acknowledge 
that  the  negi-oes  should  not  be  "  satisfied 
with  an  amendment  abolishing  slavery,  and 
that  they  wished  it  enforced  with  appropriate 
legislation."  On  the  10th  of  February,  he 
repeated  again  the  same  declaration,  to  a 
committee  of  the  Virginia  Legislature,  which 
had  come  to  congi'atulate  him  relative  to  his 
formerly  expressed  sentiments. 

The  i)ersonal  policy  of  the  President,  as  to 
the  civil  and  political  status  of  the  negro,  was 
therefore  very  i)lain.  He  took  care  to  ex- 
press his  ideas  relative  to  the  reconstruction 
of  the  South,  in  a  speech  delivered  on  the 
22d  of  February,  as  an  answer  to  a  com- 
mittee delegated  to  the  \\'hite  House,  by  a 
public  meeting  held  at  Washington,  and  at 
which  the  course  of  the  Pi-esident  had  been 
endorsed  by  a  series  of  resolutions.  Mr. 
Johnson,  in  his  rei)ly  to  the  delegation,  con- 
demned in  severe  terms  the  political  measures 
of  Congi-ess,  and  the  creation  of  the  famous 
Committee  of  Fifteen.  "  They  assume,"  he 
said, "  that  a  State  is  out  of  the  Union,  and  to 
have  its  practical  relations  restored  before  the 
House  can  judge  of  the  qualifications  of  its 
own  members.  What  position  is  that  ?  You 
have  been  struggling  four  years  to  pvit  down 
a  rebellion.  You  contended  at  the  begin- 
ning of  that  struggle  that  a  State  had  not  a 
right  to  go  out.  You  said  it  had  neither  the 
right  noi  the  power,  and  it  has  been  settled 
that  the  States  had  neither  the  right  nor  the 
power  to  go  out  of  the  LTnion.  And  wheu 
you  determine  by  the  executive,  by  the  mili- 
tary, and  by  the  public  judgment  that  these 
States  cannot  have  any  right  to  go  out,  this 
Committee  turns  round  and  assumes  that  they 
are  out,  and  that  they  shall  not  come  in.  I 
am  free  to  say  to  you  as  your  Executive  that 
I  am  not  projiared  to  take  any  such  jiosition." 
It  is  in  the  course  of  the  same  speech,  that, 
alluding  to  the  leaders  of  the  anti-l'rrsiden- 
tial  jiaity  in  Congress  and  in  the  country,  ho 
uttered  his  famous  sentence:  "  Su]>pose  I 
should  name  to  you  those  whom  I  look  \q)oii 
as  being  opposed  to  the  fundamental  ])rinci- 
ples  of  this  government,  and  as  now  laboring 
to  destroy  them.  I  say  Thaddeus  Stevens, 
of  Pennsylvania ;  I  say  Charles  Sumner,  of 
Massachusetts ;  I  say  Wendell  Phillij)s,  of 
Massachusetts."  And  as,  amidst  the  cheer- 
ing, a  voice  cried  aloud,  "  Forney,"  the  Pres- 
ident retorted  coutempttiously  the  celebrated 
"  1  do  not  waste  my  fire  on  dead  ducks ! " 

After  the  delivery  of  such  sentiments, 
which  were  met  on  the  otlicr  side  with  no 


UNITED  STATES. 


less  shiirj)  invectives,  the  chasm  was  fairly 
opened  between  the  President  and  Congress, 
a  chasm  which  was  not  to  be  bridged  over  un- 
til the  Republican  party  and  the  legislative 
power  could  have  accouiplislied  their  designs 
in  spite  of  the  opposition  of  the  Executive. 
The  SupiTine  Court  decided  with  Johnson, 
and  decided  against  the  constitutionality  of 
the  test  oath  ;  so  that  Wendell  Phillips  could 
say,  a  little  afterward,  in  the  name  of  the 
whole  Eadical  party,  that  "  Congress  was 
alone  to  fight  for  the  nation  against  tlie  Su- 
preme Court  and  the  President,  leagued  in 
the  service  of  rebeldom." 

It  required  but  a  spark  to  set  on  firo  all 
this  combustible  material ;  first,  in  Illinois, 
where,  at  ])ublic  meetings,  resolutions  were 
adopted  asking  the  House  of  Representatives 
to  take  measures  to  cause  the  impeachment 
of  the  Pi-esident.  His  friends  wei-e  not  slow 
at  placing  themselves  on  the  defensive.  The 
first  National  Union  Club  was  formed  at 
Washington,  with  the  view  of  resisting  the 
majority  of  Congress,  and  their  adherents  in 
the  country,  at  whose  heads  was  hurled,  for 
the  first  time,  the  name  of  Radicals. 

Soon  after  a  general  convention  of  the  Na- 
tional Union  Club  was  pi-oposed  to  be  held 
at  Philadelphia ;  but  this  call  having  been 
supported  by  all  the  Democi-atic  members  of 
Congress,  and  by  prominent  Southerners,  and 
being  indirectly  approved  of  by  President 
Johnson,  led  to  the  resignation  of  Messrs. 
Hai'lan,  Denison,  and  Speed,  members  of  the 
Cabinet.  On  the  14th  of  August  the  Na- 
tional Union  Convention  assembled  at  Phila- 
delphia. Gen.  Jolin  A.  Dix  was  chosen 
temporaiy  president,  and  Senator  Doolittle, 
of  Wisconsin,  the  President  of  the  Conven- 
tion. One  of  the  striking  features  of  the  first 
day's  doings  was  the  entrance  of  the  dele- 
gates from  Massachusetts  and  South  Carolina 
arm  in  arm.  Henry  J.  Raymond,  of  the 
New  York  Times,  read,  on  the  third  day,  the 
address  prepared  by  the  committee,  which 
having  been  approved  by  the  convention,  was 
followed  by  a  series  of  resolutions.  The  cop- 
ies of  both  were  presented  to  the  President, 
at  Washington,  by  Reverdy  Jolmson,  of  Ma- 
ryland. 

It  was  not  to  be  expected  that  the  original 
Union  League  would  remain  inactive,  in  pres- 
ence of  the  efforts  made  by  its  enemies.  On 
the  22d  of  August  the  Union  League  of  Phil- 
adelj)liia  adopted  a  series  of  counter-resolu- 
tions embodying  the  sentiments  then  enter- 
tained by  Radicals  with  reference  to  the 
Presidential  policy. 

Soon  after,  Andrew  Johnson  left  Wash- 
ington, on  the  28th  of  August,  on  his  trip  to 
Chicago,  where  he  went  to  attend,  on  the  Gth 
of  September,  the  inauguration  of  the  Ste- 
phen Douglass  monument.  He  was  called 
at  many  places,  on  his  route,  to  deliver 
si)eeches  ;  and  in  every  one  of  them  he  main- 
tained his  former  views,  and  assailed  the  ma- 
jority of  Congress.  Then  the  conflict  de- 
scended from  the  official  regions  to  more  pop- 
ular ones.  The  stanch  Unionists  of  the 
South,  who  had  kept  fast  by  their  principles 
during  the  war,  held  a  convention  at  Phila- 
delphia. This  was  soon  followed  by  conven- 
tions of  Northern  soldiers,  and  of  Southern 
soldiers.  A  convention  of  a  more  quiet  char- 
acter was  held  at  Baltimore,  by  workingmen, 
asking,  as  they  did  last  year,  that  a  law 


should  be  ])assed  for  limiting  to  eight  hours 
a  day's  work. 

In  spite  of  these  political  quarrels  the  vi- 
tality of  tlie  American  nation  showed  itself 
strong  in  financial  matters.  In  December, 
18G5,  Mr.  McCulloch,  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury, had  foreseen  in  his  estimate  a  deficiency 
of  112  millions  of  dollars.  Instead  of  that, 
there  was,  from  the  1st  of  October,  1865,  to 
the  end  of  the  fiscal  year,  in  1866,  a  surplus 
of  nearly  133  millions  of  dollars.  In  the  face 
of  such  a  prosperous  situation  the  Secretary 
recommended  the  return  to  specie  payment. 
The  items  which  had  given,  comparatively, 
the  best  results  to  the  Union  exchecjuer  were 
the  stamps  for  bank-check  receipts,  and  the 
one-cent  stamps  for  snatch-boxes.  Still,  the 
conse(|uences  of  the  war  were  too  near  at  hand 
not  to  have  an  effect  upon  the  general  situa- 
tion of  the  country,  and  it  was  not  surprising 
that  there  was  a  decrease  of  prosperity  in  the 
various  bi'anches  of  industry,  which  decrease 
was  especially  felt  by  the  shipbuilding  inter- 
ests. 

In  foreign  affairs  the  Mexican  question 
took  the  lead,  as  in  the  previous  year.  On 
the  5th  of  April,  1866,  M.  Drouyn  de 
L'Huys,  the  French  Minister  of  Foreign  Af- 
fairs, declared  that  France  intended  soon  to 
evacxiate  Mexican  territory.  Soon  after,  Mr. 
Seward  caused  the  President  to  issue  a  ])roc- 
lamation  denying  to  Maximilian  the  right  of 
declaring  in  a  state  of  blockade  the  port  of 
Matamoras,  and  the  power  of  enforcing  de 
facto  such  a  blockade.  At  the  same  time, 
Mr.  Campbell,  American  Minister  at  Mexico, 
received  peremptory  orders  not  to  recognize 
the  government  of  the  Austrian  Archduke, 
ilr.  Seward  ordered  also  Mr.  Motley,  Amer- 
ican INIinister  at  Vienna,  to  protest  agair  t 
the  intended  forwarding  of  Austrian  recruits 
to  Mexico. 

A  party  of  Irish-Americans,  under  the 
command  of  Spear,  effected  a  raid  in  Canada. 
But  the  diplomatic  difficulties  which  resulted 
from  this  raid  were  soon  pacified,  for  it  was 
easily  shown,  by  American  diplomacy,  that 
the  intent  and  practical  results  of  the  raid 
had  not  been  fairly  reported,  and  were  gross- 
ly exaggerated. 

The  struggle  for  the  interpretation  of  the 
14th  Amendment,  in  a  sense  favorable  to  the 
forcible  admission  to  citizenship  and  the  bal- 
lot of  the  negroes  in  the  Southern  States, 
kept  up  and  was  manifested  in  the  beginning 
of  1867.  On  January  11th,  a  national 
Equal  Rights  League  Convention  of  colored 
men  assembled  at  Washington,  and  ado))ted 
an  address  to  Congress,  which  referred  it  to 
the  Reconstruction  Committee.  Congi-ess  did 
not  need,  however,  to  be  urged  on  its  work, 
for  it  had  voted  many  acts  requiring  the  elec- 
tive franchise  for  the  negi-oes,  and  passed 
those  acts  over  the  veto  of  tJie  President. 
The  bills  for  the  admission  of  Colorado  and 
Nebraska  specified  that  these  Territories 
could  not  be  received  as  States  if  they  did  re- 
fuse "  the  elective  franchise,  and  any  other 
right,  to  any  person  by  reason  of  race  or 
color,  excepting  Indians  not  taxed."  The 
President  vetoed  these  bills  because  they 
were,  according  to  his  views,  "  in  clear  vio- 
lation of  the  Federal  Constitution,  under  the 
provisions  of  which,  from  the  very  founda- 
tion of  the  government,  each  State  has  been 
left  free  to  determine  for  itself  the  qualifica- 


tions necessary  for  the  exercise  of  Buffrage 
within  its  limits."  Congress,  notwithstand- 
ing the  veto,  pa.ssed  the  bills,  and  moreover 
extended  their  provisions  to  all  Tenitories 
by  the  Territorial  Bill. 

But  Congress  could  not  reach  the  inter- 
nal laws  of  States  a.s  easily  as  it  could  with 
Territories,  for  an  amendment  to  the  Consti- 
tution would  have  been  necessary.  To  over- 
come the  difficulty,  Congress,  on  tlie  2d  of 
March,  iussimilated  ten  Southern  States  to  so 
many  military  Territories,  under  tlic  pretext 
that  "  no  legal  State  government,  or  adequate 
j)rotection  for  life  or  ]>roperty,  were  existing 
in  those  States."  Andrew  Johnson  declined 
to  sign  the  bill ;  still  it  was  piv-ssed  over  his 
veto. 

Moreover,  and  in  order  to  keep  the  Exec- 
utive under  the  unsleeping  watch  of  the  leg- 
islative power,  it  was  decreed  that  the  Forti- 
eth Congress  should  assemble  and  commence 
its  session  at  the  same  day  and  hour  at  which 
the  session  of  the  Thirty-ninth  closed. 

That  Congress  was  still  more  ojiposed  than 
the  prec(!(ling  one  to  the  conciliatory  policy 
of  Andrew  Johnson,  and  still  more  determin- 
ed to  give  all  the  jiolitical  privileges  to  the 
negroes.  On  the  23d  of  March,  an  act  was 
passed  to  the  effect  that  "  all  j)ersons  bom  in 
the  United  States,  and  not  subject  to  any 
foreign  power,  excluding  Indians  not  taxed, 
are  hereby  declared  to  be  citizens  of  the 
United  States."  The  same  act  refu.sed  the 
electoral  franchise  to  many  categories  of  men 
among  those  who  had  upheld  the  late  rebel- 
lion. The  President  vetoed  the  bill,  which 
was,  nevertlieless,  passed  by  Congress ;  and 
Andrew  Johnson  complied  with  the  requisites 
of  the  act,  by  ai>i)ointing  military  command- 
ers to  the  ten  Southei  n  States  declared  to  be 
still  under  martial  law.  Ajjplications  to  the 
Supreme  Court  were  soon  made  by  some  of 
the  Southern  States  in  order  to  bring  to  a 
test  the  constitutionality  of  the  reconstruc- 
tion laws.  The  Supreme  Court  denied  the 
motion  on  the  ground  that  it  would  be  power- 
less to  enforce  its  decision. 

Congress  adjourned  from  the  30th  of 
March,  1867,  until  the  3d  of  July,  and  it 
found  that  the  President  was  about  to  exer- 
cise the  only  privilege  left  to  him  as  consti- 
tutional connnander-in-chief  of  the  army ; 
that  was  to  remove  the  military  chie-fs  of  the 
five  Southern  di.stricts,  and  to  a))point  in 
their  places  men  whom  he  thought  would 
work  more  in  accordance  with  his  own  view.s. 
The  first  dismissal  was  that  of  CJeneral  Sher- 
idan, conunander  of  the  Fifth  Military  Dis- 
trict. All  the  otlier  conunandt-rs  of  the  four 
remaining  districts  were  changed  ])revious  to 
the  close  of  the  year.  On  the  12th  of  Au- 
gust the  Secretary  of  War,  ]\Ir.  Stanton,  was 
himself  suspended  from  his  office  by  order 
of  the  President,  and  Gen.  Grant  authorized 
to  act  as  Secretary  of  War  ad  interim. 

On  the  20th  of  August  Andrew  John.son 
declared,  by  a  proclamation,  that  i)eace, 
order,  tranquillity,  and  civil  authority  existed 
throughout  the  whole  State  of  Texas,  which 
could  not,  therefore,  be  kept  under  military 
rule.  Another  proclamation  issued  on  Sep- 
tember 1 7th,  relieved  nearly  all  the  whites 
of  the  Southern  States  from  the  political 
bondage  in  which  they  were  held. 

The  financial  problem  continued  to  be 
agitated  throughout  the  year,  and  to  be  dis- 


633 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


omified  in  many  conventions  called  for  ex- 
aiuining  tliC  subject  of  returning  to  specie 
payments  or  of  enlarging  the  federal  cur- 
rency. No  di'cisive  action  was  taken  by 
Congress  upon  that  all-important  subject ; 
still,  the  reduction  of  the  debt  was  on  an 
average  of  ten  millions  of  dollars  per  month. 
The  aggregate  business  of  the  country,  as 
compared  with  that  of  the  previous  year,  did 
not  show  any  falling  off,  as  compared  with 
18GG  ;  on  the  contrary,  there  was  a  slight 
increase.  Gold  fluctuated  little  during  the 
year;  it  was  quoted  in  average  at  141,  with 
a  few  variations  from  132  to  146. 

As  to  foreign  matters,  the  year  1867  wit- 
nessed the  opening  of  negotiations  for  the 
settlement  of  the  Alabama  Claims.  On 
January  12th,  Secretary  Seward  sent  to  Mr. 
Adams,  American  Minister  in  England,  a 
dis|)atch  covering  and  explaining  fully  the 
American  side  of  the  question.  In  his  an- 
swer, dated  March  9th,  Lord  Stanley  declined 
to  continue  in  a  discussion  of  the  case,  and 
seemed  to  abide  by  the  idea  of  arbitration,  as 
suggested  by  Mr.  Seward.  But,  after  the  ex- 
change of  a  few  more  despatches,  the  proposal 
to  arbitrate  failed. 

The  proposal  of  a  friendly  arbitration,  on 
the  part  of  the  United  States,  between  Spain 
and  the  South  American  States,  was  re- 
spectfully declined  on  the  ground  that  the 
parties  themselves  de.sired  to  choose  their 
arbitrator,  instead  of  leaving  that  choice  ex- 
clusively to  the  President  of  the  United 
States. 

Negotiations  were  concluded  so  far  for  the 
purchase  of  the  islands  of  St.  Thomas  and  St. 
John  from  the  Danish  Government,  that 
King  Christian  IX.  issued  his  j)roclainati()n, 
on  the  25th  of  October,  calling  the  islanders 
to  the  jjolls,  where  they  woidd  have  to  vote 
in  favor  of,  or  against,  annexation  to  the 
United  States. 

The  Mexican  imbroglio  was  definitely  set- 
tled by  the  declaration  of  Napoleon  III., 
forwarded  through  Gen.  Dix,  American 
IMinister  at  Paris,  on  February  19th,  that 
French  troops  were  actually  leaving  Mexico, 
the  territory  of  which  would  be  entirely  evac- 
uated in  March. 

The  year  1868  was  not  remarkable  as  re- 
garded finances  and  foreign  politics,  but  it 
witnessed  the  impeachment  ti  ial  of  the  Pres- 
ident and  the  ratification  of  the  14th  Amend- 
ment to  the  Constitution  of  the  country.  The 
amendment  removed  all  distinction  of  color 
in  citizenship;  it  wasadojjted  by  three-fourths 
of  the  States. 

In  the  first  days  of  January,  new  difli- 
c\dtics  arose  from  the  removal  of  Mr.  Stanton, 
Secretary  of  War.  The  Senate,  after  having 
reipiired  from  the  President,  according  to  the 
T<Mmre  of  Ofhcc  Act,  a  statement  of  the 
motives  for  which  he  dismissed  Mr.  Stanton, 
refused  to  ap])rove  of  the  siisponsion.  On 
bearing  this,  Gen.  Grant,  who  was  War 
Secretary  n<l  tiit>'ri>n,  resigniul  liis  duties, 
through  a  letter  he  aildressed  to  tlie  Presi- 
dent, on  the  14th  of  January,  Mr.  Andrew 
Jolmson  appointed  Major-Gen.  Loienzo 
Thomas  to  the  vacant  ])laco  still  claimed 
by  Secretary  Stanton.  The  Senate,  on  being 
apprised  of  the  fact  by  a  Presidential  mes- 
Bago,  laid  aside  its  routine  business,  and  w(>nt 
imnKMliately  into  executive  session.  After 
an  exciting  debate,  the  Senate  adopted  a  res- 


olution to  the  efl'ect  that  the  President  had 
legally  and  constitutionally  no  power  to  re- 
move the  Secretary  of  War. 

The  President  attempted  in  vain  to  ex- 
plain his  conduct,  through  a  communication 
sent  to  the  Senate  on  the  next  day  ;  he  and 
Congi-ess  were  too  much  at  loggerheads  to  at- 
tempt conciliation,  especially  when  there  ex- 
isted a  fact  and  a  tangible  question  over  which 
both  parties  could  tight  it  out.  Secretary 
Stanton  refused  bluntly  to  vacate  the  War 
Office ;  and,  moreover,  he  applied  to  the 
courts  for  the  issue  of  a  writ  ordering  the 
arrest  of  Gen.  Thomas,  who  was,  in  fact,  ar- 
rested on  the  22d  of  February,  but  imme- 
diately released  even  without  giving  bail. 
Gen.  Thomas  was  not  the  man  aimed  at  by 
Congress ;  that  man  was  Andrew  Johnson, 
and  the  last  measure  was  taken  against 
him,  on  the  same  day  on  which  had  been 
arrested  his  Secretary  of  War,  Gen.  Thomas, 
whom  the  President  was  accused  of  making 
his  military  leader  against  Congress. 

Throughout  the  country  an  intense  excite- 
ment prevailed,  when  it  was  known  that  the 
House  of  Re[)resentatives  had  adopted  ai-eso- 
lution  impeaching  Andrew  Johnson  for  high 
crimes  and  misdemeanors.  It  was  the  anni- 
versary day  of  the  birth  of  the  Father  of  the 
country.  The  Governors  of  Illinois  and  Penn- 
sylvania telegraphed  their  approbation  to  Con- 
gress, whilst  meetings  were  hold  in  New  York 
and  Philadelphia  to  support  the  President.  On 
the  26th  March  the  President  was  acquitted. 
The  Attorney-General,  Mr.  Stanberry,  re- 
signed, and  Mr.  W^illiam  M.  Evarts  was  ap- 
pointed his  successor. 

The  work  of  reconstructing  the  Southcra 
States  dill  not  proceed  rapidly  ;  the  majorities 
favorable  to  the  reconstructing  laws  of  those 
States  could  not  be  obtained.  Congress  de- 
cided, tlierefore,  that  the  constitutions  to  be 
submitted  to  the  people  of  the  unrecon- 
structed States  should  not  be  adoj)ted  by  a 
majority  of  the  voters  as  registered,  but  that 
a  majority  of  the  votes  cast  should  be  suffi- 
ci(!nt  for  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution. 
Virginia,  Mississij)j)i,  and  Texas  having 
failed,  notwithstanding  those  facilities,  to 
complete  their  reorganization,  were  considered 
as  not  being  in  the  Union,  and  were  excluded 
from  taking  part  in  the  Presidential  election. 

As  early  as  Februarj',  the  different  polit- 
ical organizations  of  the  country  issued  their 
calls  for  conventions  to  nominate  the  Piesi- 
dential  candidates.  On  i\ldy  19th  the  name 
of  U.  S.  Grant  was  for  the  first  time  officially 
mentioned  for  the  Presidency,  in  the  resolu- 
tions adopted,  on  May  19th,  by  the  Soldiers' 
and  Sailor.s'  Convention  hehl  at  t-'hicago. 
The  National  Kepublican  Conv(;ntion,  which 
assembled  the  day  after,  with  Josej)h  P. 
ll-iwley,  of  Connecticut,  as  chairman,  unani- 
mously nominateil  Gen.  Grant,  who  ])olled 
the  6r»0  votes  of  the  convention.  Tiie  ballot 
for  the  nomination  of  the  Vic(^-President  was 
not  so  easy-going,  neither  unanimous,  though 
it  resulted  in  quite  large  figures — 522  votes 
for  Schuyler  Colfax.  On  the  29th  of  May, 
Gen.  Grant  addressed  to  Mr.  llawley  a  letter, 
by  ■which  he  accepted  formally  the  nomina- 
tion, and  approved  of  the  rest>lutions  passed 
by  the  National  Union  Itepublican  Conven- 
tion. Mr.  Schuyler  Colfax  wrote  his  letter 
of  arceptatiun  the  day  after  the  candidate  for 
I'resideut  had  written  his. 


The  Democrats,  being  in  cognizance  of  the 
game  of  their  adversaries,  commenced  their 
own  campaign  in  earnest.  In  June,  a  few 
prominent  gentlemen  from  New  York  asked 
Andrew  Johnson  whether  he  would  agiee  to 
run  as  a  candidate.  He  answered  affirma- 
tively, and,  at  the  same  time,  Frank  P.  Blair 
became  very  prominent  as  the  probable 
Democratic  candidate  for  the  nomination  to 
the  Vice-Presidency.  But  the  National 
Democratic  Convention  which  assembled  in 
New  York  on  July  4th,  was  to  decide  the 
(juestion.  Just  as  the  Republicans  had  done 
at  Chicago,  the  Democrats  wanted  to  do  at 
New  York.  They  also  had  their  Soldiers' 
and  Sailors'  Convention,  sitting  at  the  same 
time,  and  in  the  same  city,  as  the  purely 
political  body  of  the  party.  Major-Gen, 
Franklin  piesided  over  the  Democratic 
Soldiers'  and  Sailors'  Convention,  just  as  Gen. 
Logan  (and  after  him  Fairchild)  had  presided 
over  the  Republican  Convention  of  Soldiers 
and  Sailors.  The  entire  vote  of  the  National 
Democratic  Convention,  317  in  number,  was 
ca.st,  after  much  balloting,  for  Horatio  Sey- 
mour, of  New  York,  for  President,  and  Frank 
P.  Blair,  of  INlissouri,  as  Vice-President, 
The  candidature  of  Mr.  Cha.se  for  the  nomina- 
tion was  tossed  about,  among  affirmations  and 
contradictions. 

The  final  result  of  the  Presidential  election 
was  not  much  to  be  doubted  when  the  residt 
itself  of  the  September  and  October  State 
elections  was  known.  In  nearly  every  State 
those  elections  were  so  unfavorable  to  the 
Democratic  party,  that  one  of  their  ])apers  in 
New  York  demanded  the  withdrawal  of  Mr. 
Seymour's  name  at  the  head  of  the  ticket. 
But  this  proposition  was  rejected  by  the  par- 
ty, inasmuch  as  President  Johnson  had  just 
written  a  letter  indorsing  the  candidature  of 
Horatio  Seymour,  All  this  was  of  no  avail 
against  the  pojudar  tide,  which  rolled  5,71(5,- 
082  votes  for  V.  S.  Grant—  that  is,  a  major- 
ity of  309,684. 

1     During  the  year  the  financial  condition  le- 
'  mained  about  the  same  as  the  year  before; 
but  the  evil  effects  of  the  war  kept  continu- 
ally decreasing,  and  the  material  prosjierity 
of  the  countr\'  was  much  improved.  This 
was  due  also  to  a  large  reduction  of  internal 
taxes,  especially  on  manufactures.    The  debt 
of  the  Governiueut  on  the  1st  November  of 
this  year  amounted  to  §2,527,129,552.  The 
discussions  in  the  pri>ss  and  in  Congress,  as 
to  the  best  way  of  funding  and  jiaying  that 
d<'bt,  either  by  returning  to  specie  payment 
or  by  authorizing  further  issues  of  bonds  or 
notes,  continued  as  usual,  but  without  com- 
i)ig  to  a  definite  financial  policy.    On  July  25, 
1868,  the  Funding  Bill  was  pa.s.sed,  which 
!  ilid  a  great  deal  of  good,  but  was  not  of  a 
i  sutfu  iently  general  character.     Section  2  of 
1  that  bill  appropriated  annually  the  sum  of 
i  J;135,(K)0,()Ot)  (mt  of  the  duties  derived  from 
!  inqiorted  goods,  these  to  be  aj>]>lietl  to  the 
j)ayment  of  the  interest  and  a  pioportionate 
reduction  of  the  j)ublic  debt. 

The  diplomatic  relations  of  the  United 
Stat«"s  with  other  nations  did  not  offer  nmch 
interest  during  the  year.  No  new  (pie.stion 
arose ;  and  the  discussions  relative  to  former 
difficulties  were  within  the  l)ounds  of  junely 
diplomatic  notes.  On  the  7th  of  March  the 
question  of  the  Alabama  Claims  was  agitated 
in  the  House  of  Commons ;  and  every  orator, 


UNITED  STATES. 


808 


from  Mr.  Shaw  Lefevre  to  JVIcssrs.  Forster, 
Stuart  Mill,  Stanley,  and  Gladstone,  acknowl- 
eilf^ed  that  the  American  Minister,  Mr.  Adams, 
had  pressed  his  claim  in  a  very  skilful  and 
difrnitied  manner.  But  the  general  sentiment 
expres.sed  on  the  part  of  the  British  Govern- 
ment and  orators  was,  that  the  Queen  was 
ready  to  arbitrate,  and  submit  all  questions 
but  the  great  point  of  recognizing  the  belli- 
gerent rights  of  the  South.  Mr.  Reverdy 
Johnson,  who  replaced  Mr.  Adams  as  Amer- 
ican Minister  in  England,  did  not  succeed  in 
reaching  a  solution  of  that  vexed  question. 

An  Extradition  Treaty  was  signed  with 
China,  through  the  able  intervention  of 
Anson  Bui  lingame,  formerly  American  Min- 
ister at  I'ekin,  and  who  had  been  appointed 
by  the  Chinese  Government  as  Envoy  Extra- 
ordinary to  America  and  Europe.  The  Berlin 
Govermnent  agreed  to  the  principle  that  all 
German  naturalized  Americans  could  not  be 
prosecuted  or  punLshed,  on  their  return  to 
Germany,  for  having  not  complied  with  the 
military  laws  before  their  emigration  to  Amer- 
ica. In  Paraguay,  Mr.  Washburn,  United 
States  Minister,  having  harbored  in  the  lega- 
tion at  Asuncion  certain  persons  implicated 
in  a  plot  to  help  the  cause  of  the  enemies  of 
Paraguay,  some  of  these  persons  were  forci- 
bly seized ;  and  Mr.  Seward  wrote,  under 
the  date  of  November  11,  that  an  apology 
and  a  promise  of  reparation  were  to  be  ex- 
acted. The  Paraguayan  Government  was  al- 
ready half  destroyed  by  the  Allies,  and  it  com- 
plied with  the  request  of  the  United  States. 

The  Fifteenth  Amendment,  passed  on  the 
25th  of  February,  18G9,  j)roclaimed — ■ 

"  Sec.  1.  The  right  of  citizens  of  the  United 
States  to  vote  shall  not  be  denied  or  abridged 
by  the  United  States,  or  by  any  State,  on  ac- 
count of  color  or  previous  condition  of  servi- 
tude. 

"  Sec.  2.  The  Congi-es-s,  by  appropriate 
legislation,  may  enforce  the  provisions  of  this 
article." 

This  amendment  was  duly  ratified  in  the 
course  of  the  year  by  the  required  majority 
of  States. 

On  the  10th  of  February  the  Congress  pro- 
ceeded to  the  official  counting  of  the  Presi- 
dential vote.  Gen.  Grant  was  declared  to  be 
the  President  elect,  and  a  committee,  com- 
posed of  Senator  Morton  and  Representatives 
Pruyn  and  Wilson,  was  instinicted  to  call 
on  Gem  Grant  to  apprise  him  of  his  elec- 
tion. 

Of  course,  no  change  in  the  financial  sys- 
tem of  the  country  could  be  expected  to  take 
place  at  the  end  of  an  administration  which 
never  had  enjoyed  the  confidence  of  the  legis- 
lative power.  The  great  financial  measures 
destined  to  tlie  clearing  off  of  the  national 
debt,  and  to  the  fostering  of  the  economical 
interests  of  the  United  States,  were  purposely 
delayed  by  Congress  until  the  completion  of 
Andrew  Jolinson's  administration.  The  only 
progress  which  the  legislative  power  was  will- 
ing to  make  was  that  a  more  rigid  respon- 
sibility was  exacted  from  the  oflicers  of  the 
Treasury,  and  that  a  large  portion  of  the  re- 
ceipts was  applied  to  a  reduction  of  the  na- 
tional debt. 

Tiie  Alabama  Claims  question  continued 
to  follow  its  normal  course.  No  foi'eign  com- 
plication was  raised  before  the  4th  of  March, 
except,  perhaps,  that,  for  the  first  lime,  a 


strong  pressure  was  brought  to  bear  on  the 
American  Government  in  favor  of  a  recogni- 
zance of  the  independence  of  Cuba. 

CHAPTER  XXXm. 

GRANT'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

Ulyssks  S.  Grai^t  was  inaugurated  on  the 
4th  of  March,  1869.  His  inaugural  address  was 
all  that  could  be  expected  from  one  who  had 
never  any  pretension  to  speech-making,  and 
who  was  anxious  to  please.  His  first  sen- 
tences were  calculated  to  define  his  political 
standing.  He  took  care  to  say  that  he  had 
tiUien  the  constitutional  oath  "  without  men- 
tal reservation,"  and  added  :  "  The  office 
has  come  to  me  unsought.  I  commence  its 
duties  untrammelled.  I  bring  to  it  a  consci- 
entious desire  and  determination  to  fill  it  to 
the  best  of  my  ability  to  the  satisfaction  of 
the  people.  On  all  leading  questions  agi- 
tating the  public  mind,  I  will  always  express 
my  views  to  Congress,  and  urge  them  accord- 
ing to  my  judgment.  .  .  .  I  shall,  on  all  sub- 
jects, have  a  policy  to  recommend,  but  none  to 
enforce  against  the  wishes  of  the  people.  .  .  ." 
He  then  recommended,  but  not  in  a  very 
clear  or  very  strong  manner,  the  necessity 
of  paying  the  national  debt  in  gold,  "  unless 
otherwise  expressly  stipulated  in  the  con- 
tract." This  did  not  commit  him  to  a  defi- 
nite policy  on  the  financial  question.  "  How," 
added  he,  "the  public  debt  is  to  be  paid, 
or  sjjecie  payments  resumed,  is  not  so  im- 
portant as  that  a  plan  should  be  adopted  and 
acquiesced  in."  In  regard  to  foreign  policy, 
his  declarations  were  unimportant,  but  he 
was  more  explicit  in  reference  to  the  great 
question  of  the  day — home  politics.  He  rallied 
emphatically  to  the  jjolicy  adopted  by  Con- 
gress in  regard  to  the  status  of  the  colored 
people.  "  The  question  of  sufiVage,"  said  he, 
"  is  one  which  is  likely  to  agitate  the  public 
so  long  as  a  portion  of  the  citizens  of  the 
nation  are  excluded  from  its  privileges  in 
any  State.  It  seems  to  me  very  desirable 
that  this  question  should  be  settled  now,  and 
I  entertain  the  hope,  and  express  the  desire, 
that  it  may  be  by  the  ratification  of  the 
Fifteenth  article  of  Amendment  to  the  Con- 
stitution." 

On  the  5th  of  March,  President  Grant 
submitted,  for  the  approval  of  the  Senate, 
the  following  names  of  the  members  of  the 
cabinet :  E.  B.  Washburne,  of  Illinois,  Secre- 
tary of  State ;  A.  T.  Stewart,  of  New  York, 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury;  I.  D.  Cox,  of 
Ohio,  Secretary  of  the  Interior;  Adolph  E. 
Borie,  of  Pennsylvania,  Secretary  of  the  Navy  ; 
John  M.  Schofield,  of  Illinois,  Secretary  of 
War ;  J.  A.  J.  Cresswell,  of  Maryland,  I'ost- 
master-General ;  E.  Rockwood  Hoar,  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, Attorney  -  General.  Objections 
were  raised  as  to  the  coustitutionality  of  the 
appointment  of  A.  T.  Stewart.  It  was  argued 
that  an  act  of  Congress  passed  in  1789  for- 
bade any  person  already  engagetl  in  business 
pui-suits  to  hold  the  office  of  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury.  The  President  forwarded  to  Con- 
gress a  message  in  which  he  asked  that  an 
exception  should  be  made  in  favor  of  tlie 
lai'gest  merchant  of  the  United  States,  and 
even  of  the  world  itself.  Mr.  Sherman,  of 
Ohio,  supported  the  demand  of  Gen.  Grant, 
and  Sunnier  opposed  it.  The  Senate  delayed 
the  discussion  of  the  motion  j  and  in  the  in- 


terval, Mr.  Stewart  declined  to  accept  the 
office  tendered  to  him  W  the  President. 

The  Secretaryship  of  the  Treasury  waa 
then  offered  to  and  accepted  by  George  S. 
B(mtwcll,  of  Massachusetts.  At  the  same 
time  Mr.  Washburne  waa  appointed  Minis- 
ter to  France,  and  his  place  was  taken  by 
Hamilton  Fish,  of  New  York.  General  Scho- 
fkdd  was  also  replaced  at  the  War  Oflii  e  by 
John  A.  Rawlins,  of  Illinois,  wiio  died  on 
September  6,  and  had  for  successor  William 
B.  Belknap,  of  Iowa.  Mr.  Borie,  having 
also  retired  from  the  ofiice  of  Secretarv  uf 
the  Nifvy,  was  succeeded  by  George  31.  Robe- 
son, of  New  Jersey. 

The  President  put  himself  at  the  work  of 
settling  the  affairs  of  the  three  States,  Vir- 
ginia, Mississippi,  and  Texas,  which  had  jiot 
yet  been  reconstructed,  and  which  had  been, 
consequently,  forbidden  to  take  part  in  the 
Presidential  election.  Congress,  acting  on  his 
message  of  the  7th  of  April,  j)asBed  an  act, 
providing  that  the  President  might,  at  such 
time  as  he  deemed  best  for  public  interest,  sub- 
mit the  constitution  of  either  of  the  three  non- 
reconstructed  States  to  the  registered  votei-s 
of  such  States  for  their  ratification  or  rejec- 
tion. The  conditions  under  which  those  three 
States  were  to  be  readmitted  into  the  Union 
were  made  vei-y  stringent,  and  Congress  re- 
served for  itself  the  right  of  deciding  upon  the 
final  admisrsion,  even  after  the  States  should 
have  voted  the  adojition  of  the  Fifteenth 
Amendment,  and  gone  through  any  other 
formality  imposed  on  them  by  Congress.  Dur- 
ing the  vear  Virginia  alone  underwent  all 
these  formalities,  and  in  December  a  bill  was 
introduced  in  the  House  of  Representatives 
providing  for  the  admission  of  the  State ; 
but  as  considerable  debate  ensued,  the  bill 
could  not  be  voted  that  year,  and  Virginia 
was  not  admitted  \uitil  the  2Cth  of  January, 
1870. 

The  Fifteenth  Amendment,  wliich  gives 
practically  the  uncontrolled  right  of  suflVage 
to  the  negroes,  was  not  ratified  during  the 
year  by  28  States,  as  required  by  the  Consti- 
tution, and  it  was  only  in  the  beginning  of 
1870,  after  Mississippi  and  Texas  had  ratified 
it,  that  the  constitutional  number  of  ratifica- 
tions having  been  obtained,  the  Amendment 
became  a  part  of  the  Constitution.  Not 
satisfied  with  that  jirogrcss,  a  sixteenth 
amendment,  providing  for  the  woman  suf- 
frage, was  brought  before  Congress  by  Mr. 
Julian,  of  Indiana.  It  failed  to  be  taken  in- 
to consideration  by  the  Hou.se,  though  the 
discussion  of  ib  and  its  merits  were  much 
agitated  in  the  press  and  in  conveuticns 
tiiroughout  the  country.  In  this  session 
Congress  refused  to  alter  the  preamble  of  tlie 
Constitution  so  as  to  contain  a  recognition  of 
a  Suj>reme  Being. 

The  movement  for  the  reduction  of  the 
daily  hours  of  labor,  which  hatl  commenced 
two  years  before,  gaim-d  a  practical  result. 
On  the  19th  of  May  the  I'residcnt  issued  a 
proclamation,  ordering  that  woiknien  em- 
ployed in  Government  works  should  receive 
the  same  wages  for  an  cight-liours'  day's 
work  as  they  did  formerly  for  a  ten-hours'. 
The  President  joined,  in  that  case,  with  the 
laboring  masses  against  the  inter])retation 
put,  by  a  former  attorney-general,  uj)on  tho 
act  of  Congress.  The  year  before,  indeed. 
Congress  liad  yielded   to  the  eightrhoun' 


«04 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


movement,  and  fixed,  at  eight  hours,  the  day's 
•work  in  tlie  United  States'  workshops.  But 
wages  liad  been  diminished  proportionally,  so 
that  the  workmen  had  gained  nothing  in 
reAlity.  The  President  interfered  actively 
iu  the  battle  raging  between  tlie  partisans 
and  tlie  ojipontmts  of  the  eight-hours'  law, 
by  directing  that  there  ahould  be  no  reduc- 
tion in  the  wages  paid  by  the  Government 
by  the  day,  on  account  of  a  reduction  of  the 
hours  of  labor,  ordered  by  an  act  of  Con- 
gress. 

Many  questions  of  general  importance, 
though  resting  only  on  personal  cases  and 
lawsuits,  were  brought  before  the  Supreme 
Court,  which,  in  its  judgment,  decided  great 
political  questions.  Thus,  the  majority  of 
the  Supreme  Court  again  arrayed  itself 
against  the  policy  of  exclusion  pursued  by 
Congress,  and  declared  that  Texas,  though 
not  yet  readmitted  by  Congress,  was  still  a 
State  in  the  Union.  Mr.  Justice  Grier  was 
tlie  only  one  to  hold  the  dissenting  opinion 
which  supported  the  Radical  doctrine,  accord- 
ing to  which.  States  had  gone  really  out  of 
the  Union,  and  that  they  could  re-enter  the 
Union  only  on  the  conditions  imposed  by 
Congress.  Other  judicial  cases,  relative  to 
private  monetary  transactions  concluded  dur- 
ing the  war,  were  brought  before  the  Supreme 
Court,  whose  judgment  in  such  cases  had  of 
course  a  political  bearing  on  the  more  import- 
ant and  broader  questions  debated  iu  Congress 
and  in  the  Cabinet.  Thus,  the  Court  ruled 
that,  the  Confederacy  having  been  a  de  facto 
government  of  the  second  degree,  the  Con- 
federates were  substantially  in  the  same  con- 
dition as  inhabitants  of  a  country  occupied 
and  controlled  by  an  invading  belligererit. 
All  contracts  were  therefore  to  be  settled, 
now  and  hereafter,  in  conformity  with  the 
princij)le  that  all  moneys  due  were  to  be 
paid  in  lawful  money  of  the  United  States, 
at  the  rate  of  the  value  of  the  Confederate 
notes  when  those  moneys  fell  due,  or  the 
transaction  was  entered  upon.  The  Court 
decided  also  that  the  States  had  no  right 
either  to  tax  the  obligations  of  the  United 
States,  known  as  certificates  of  indebtedness, 
or  the  United  States  notes. 

,  The  more  important  question,  in  a  nation- 
al i)oint  of  view,  whether  the  law  making 
United  States  notes  a  legal  tender  liad  refer- 
ence to  State  taxes,  was  settled  in  the  nega- 
tive by  the  Supreme  Court.  Chief  Ju.stice 
yha.se  said  expressly,  on  delivering  the  opin- 
ion of  the  Court,  "  that  the  clau.se  making 
Unit<;d  States  notes  a  legal  tender  for  debts, 
has  no  reference  to  taxes  impo.scd  by  State 
Hiithority,  but  relates  only  to  debts,  in  the 
ordinary  sense  of  the  word." 

As  it  might  have  been  expected,  the  ))res- 
8uro  of  j)ersonal  ambitions  and  of  j)olitieal 
or  social  organizations,  was  brought  to  bear, 
as  it  is  usual  at  the  beginning  of  a  Tresidcin- 
tial  year,  on  the  Executive  and  I^egi.slative 
jiowers,  to  press  upon  them,  by  way  of  so- 
called  national  conventions,  the  adoption  of 
file  principles  anil  personal  ideiis  eiit«'rtained 
by  indivifluals  or  by  organized  bodies  of  citi- 
zens. 'I'lie  eolori'd  population  held  a  conven- 
tion at  Washington,  presided  over  by  Fred- 
crick  Dongliiss,  in  which,  after  having  refused 
to  aci  i  pt  I'lesident  Robert^!,  of  J.ibei  ia,  as  an 
honorary  member  of  the  convtintion,  the 
colored  people  endorsed  Grant  as  their  future 


Moses,  more  reliable  than  Andrew  Johnson, 
and  jtronounced  against  emigration  to  Libe- 
ria. The  Irish  National  Republican  Conven- 
tion, held  at  Chicago,  in  July,  attempted  to 
enlist  for  the  new  Government  the  sympa- 
thies of  the  Irishmen.  A  resolution  was 
adopted  requesting  Congress  to  pass  a  law 
for  the  naturalization  of  foreigners,  after  one 
year  of  residence  in  the  United  State.s.  In 
August,  the  National  Labor  Convention  met 
at  Philadelphia,  and  reafBrraed  the  princijjle 
of  the  eight-hour  system  for  a  day's  work,  at 
the  same  time  attacking,  in  the  final  resolu- 
tions, the  rate  of  interest  and  several  financial 
measures  which  had  been  adopted  by  the 
Government  and  Congress.  A  Temperance 
convention  was  held  at  Chicago,  looking  to  a 
political  organization  ;  but  it  fiiiled  to  organize 
a  national  political  party  having  the  prohibi- 
tion of  li<juor-selling  for  its  distinct  object. 
Even  local  interests  and  local  jealousies  had 
their  conventions,  as  for  instance,  the  "  Na- 
tional Capital  Convention,"  which  assemMed 
in  October,  at  St.  Louis,  with  the  view  of 
agitating  the  country  to  eflect  a  removal  of 
the  national  capital  from  Washington,  and 
to  transfer  it  to  some  Westein  city.  At 
this  time,  Rev.  Henry  Ward  Beecher  was 
chosen  President  of  the  "National  Woman 
Suffrage  Convention,"  an  organization  having 
in  view  the  elevation  of  woman  to  the  rank 
of  a  political  eloctoi-.  The  Coolie  labor  was  sub- 
mitted to  the  learned  discussion  of  a  con- 
vention which  met  at  Memphis  for  that 
purpose.  This  long  array  of  conventions 
closed  on  December  10,  by  the  meeting  at 
Washington  of  a  National  Colored  Labor 
Convention,  the  real  and  practical  aim  of 
which  was  to  counterbalance,  in  some  way, 
the  indifference  which  had  bt^en  evidenced  by 
the  National  Labor  Convention  of  Philadel- 
j)hia.  The  negroes  of  the  Washington  Labor 
Convention  sent  a  delegation  to  congratulate 
President  Grant,  and  to  offer  him  the  sup- 
port of  all  colored  laborers,  because  he  had 
ojiened  to  them  the  gates  of  the  navy  yard 
and"  of  other  departments  where  skilled  labor 
was  enijiloyed.  The  colored  deputation  also, 
through  Mr.  Stella  Martin,  asked  the  Presi- 
dent to  see  to  the  securing  of  land  for  the 
laborers  of  the  South,  so  that  they  might 
become  permanent  settlers  and  indepeiulent 
citizens.  The  orator  pointed  especially  to 
eight  millions  of  acres  of  land  which,  accord- 
ing to  him,  could  be  used  by  Congi'ess  to  se- 
cure the.se  results.  The  President  i)romised 
to  bestow  his  gi'eatest  attention  on  the  sub- 
ject. 

It  was  in  the  course  of  the  year  that  the 
first  oflicial  action  was  taken  by  the  Govern- 
ment, in  the  matter  of  a  ship  canal  to  con- 
nect the  Atlantic  with  the  Pacific.  L^p  to 
that  time,  many  jirojects  had  been  put  for- 
ward, among  which  the  most  juomineut,  with 
their  distances,  are  the  following  : — 

UOl'TE.  MILES. 

Isthmus  of  Tehuanteiiec   198 

Nicaragua,  from  San  Juan  del  Norte  to 

Brito   194 

Cliagres  to  Panama  (Columbia.)   b\ 

Chepo  to  San  Bias   30 

San  ]\Iig\iel  to  Port  Eacoccs  (Caledonia 

Bay).   39 

Atrato  Valley,  by  Napipi  and  Cuj)ica.  .  172 

A  treaty,  having  in  view  the  cutting  of  a 
canal  across  tho  Isthmus  of  Darieu,  was 


made  with  the  Columbian  authorities.  Thia 
was  rejected  by  the  Senate  of  Bogota.  Iu 
the  mean  time,  however,  an  expedition,  under 
the  general  superintendence  of  Rear-Admiral 
Davis,  was  allowed  to  proceed  with  its  survey 
and  scientific  work. 

The  financial  condition  of  the  country  was 
a  favorable  one  for  the  fiscal  year  ending 
June  30,  1869 ;  there  was  an  excess  of  receipts 
over  expenditures,  including  interest  on  the 
public  debt,  of  $49,453,149.46.  Out  of  that 
sum  only  about  $  1 2,000,000  had  been  received 
prior  to  the  first  of  March  ;  the  balance,  $30,- 
000,000,  were  received  after  the  inauguration 
of  the  President,  and  the  funds  were  used 
from  time  to  time  to  purchase  five-twenty 
bonds.  The  direct  taxes  and  the  duties  on 
imports,  the  latter  being  paid  in  gold,  carried 
a  large  quantity  of  coin  into  the  National 
Treasury;  it  was  comparatively  easy  for  the 
Government  to  purchase  five-twenty  bonds 
to  the  amount  of  §75,476,800,  till  the  end  of 
the  year,  at  an  average  price  in  coin  of  88^-?,  J^j- 
per  cent.  In  spite  of  this  real  ])rosperity, 
since  the  receipts  of  the  Government  contin- 
ued on  the  increa.se,  and  the  debt  was  a  little 
reduced  during  the  year,  the  currency  kept 
on  its  downward  course.  In  this  condition 
of  affairs,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  ad- 
vanced the  opinion  that  he  ought  to  be  al- 
lowed to  reduce  the  circulation  of  Unit^-d 
States  notes  about  $2,000,000  per  month. 
He  also  recommended  the  funding  of  the 
whole  amount  of  the  five-twenty  bonds,  ex- 
cept about  $250,000,000,  out  of  the  $1,450,- 
000,000,  which  were  to  remain  in  the  hands  of 
the  public  creditors  on  July  1,  1870.  He  then 
started  the  project  of  a  loan  for  an  amount 
not  exceeding  $1,200,000,000,  to  be  oH'ered  in 
three  classes  of  $400,000,000  each,  the  fii-st 
class  should  be  paid  in  twenty  years,  the  second 
in  twenty-five,  and  the  third  in  thirty  yeai-s. 
The  princii>al  and  interest  to  be  paid  in  coin ; 
European  subscribers  to  receive  their  interest 
in  European  money  markets  ;  the  five-twenty 
bonds  to  be  received  in  exchange  for  new 
bonds  ;  the  rate  of  interest  not  to  exceed  four 
and  a  half  per  cent,  per  annum  ;  and  bonds, 
both  i)rincijial  and  interest,  to  be  free  from 
any  State  or  Federal  taxation.  This  plan  was 
based  on  the  re-established  j)rospcrity  of  the 
country,  in  which  the  minimum  annual  rate 
of  increase  in  population  was  estimated  at 
1,100,000.  The  puiilic  debt,  on  December  1, 
1869,  less  cash  in  the  Trea.sury,  was  $2,4.')3,- 
559,735.23,  making  a  total  leduction,  since 
18(;5,  of  $304,129,836.20. 

The  diplomatic  history  of  the  first  months 
following  Chant's  inauguration  is  quite  void  of 
interest.  The  Senate  had  rejected  the  Claren- 
don-Johnson Trt'aty  relative  to  the  AhdHima 
claims,  and  the  exchange  of  corresiionilt  nco 
to  settle  (he  (jue.stion  upon  another  basis  had 
not  yet  fairly  begun.  Tho  Administration 
sympathized  with  the  Cubans,  but  did  not 
yielil  to  the  entreaties  of  Cuban  leaders  in 
committing  itself  to  any  overt  act.  It  was 
wrongly  stated  that  Milliliter  Sickles  had  of- 
fereirihe  mediation  of  the  United  Slates; 
he  had  hardly  spoken  of  the  "good  oflices" 
of  the  I'nited  States,  as  able  to  bring  ft 
.settlement  between  the  contending  parlies 
in  Cuba.  Still,  that  oiler  was  declined  by 
the  lveg(Mit  of  S])ain.  The  diplomatic  note 
was  withdrawn  by  the  American  Govern- 
ment, whose  attention  was  called  soon  after 


UNITED  STATES. 


605 


to  tlie  case  of  two  American  citizens,  wlio, 
having  miintentionally  embaikcd  in  a  Cu- 
ban vessel,  tlio  Orapeshot,  were  executed  by 
the  Spanish  authorities.  The  Madrid  autho- 
rities promised  a  prompt  reparation,  reserv- 
ing to  themselves  the  choice  of  the  opportn- 

One  of  the  first  and  most  important  political 
events  which  occurred  in  the  year  1870  was 
the  ratification,  by  twenty-nine  States,  of  the 
Fifteenth  Amendment,  and  the  wording  of  the 
message  of  President  Grant  notifying  the  pro- 
mulgation of  the  Amendment.  This  notitica- 
tion  was  an  unusual  formality,  b\it,  says  the 
President  in  his  Message,  "  I  deem  a  depar- 
ture from  the  usual  custom  justifiable.  A 
measure  which  makes  at  once  four  million 
])eople  voters,  who  were  heretofore  declared  by 
the  highest  tribunal  in  the  land  not  citizens  of 
the  United  States,  nor  eligible  to  become  so, 

 is  indeed  a  measure  of  grander 

importance  than  any  other  one  act  of  the  kind, 
from  the  foundation  of  our  free  government 
to  the  present  day."  For  some  time  there 
were  many  discussions  in  Congress  relative  to 
amendments  which  were  proj)osed  to  enforce 
the  Fifteenth  Amendment  itself,  and  to 
secure  the  freedom  of  suffrage  to  the  male 
colored  population  of  each  State.  A  bill  to 
that  elfect  was  passed  by  Congress,  and  many 
elections  were  held  during  the  year,  under 
the  working  of  the  new  law ;  the  negro  vote 
was  strongly — though  not  universally — Re- 
publican in  all  of  these  elections.  Still,  thei-e 
wei'e  some  who  were  not  satisfied  with  the 
progress  made  in  favor  of  the  colored  race, 
and  in  answer  to  a  serenade  given  to  him  by 
some  negroes  at  Washington,  Charles  Sum- 
ner declared  that  equality  of  rights  should  be 
secured  to  the  colored  race  in  the  conmion- 
school  system,  and  that  tlie  word  "  white  " 
should  be  struck  from  the  naturalization  laws 
of  tlie  United  States. 

Some  changes  occurred,  in  June,  in  the 
composition  of  the  cabinet.  Mr.  Columbus 
Delano,  of  Ohio,  succeeded  to  J.  D.  Cox, 
who  resigned  his  office  of  Secretary  of  the 
Interior ;  and  Mr.  E.  Rockwood  Hoar,  having 
also  resigned  his  position,  was  succeeded  by 
Amos  T.  Akerman,  of  Georgia,  in  the  office 
of  Attorney-General. 

The  reconstruction  of  the  Southern  States 
was  finally  accom|)lished  by  the  admission  in 
Congress  of  the  Representatives  from  Vir- 
ginia, Mississippi,  and  Texas. 

A  very  important  constitutional  case,  of 
interest  to  all  the  commercial  and  banking 
community,  came  up  before  the  Supreme 
Court.  It  was  to  determine  whether  the  act 
of  February  25,  1862,  so  far  as  it  makes 
United  States  notes  a  legal  tender  in  pay- 
ment of  debts  contracted  ]irior  to  its  passage, 
is  constitutional  and  valid.  The  Chief-Jus- 
tice, in  delivering  the  opinion  of  the  Court, 
decided  in  the  negative,  asserting  that  "  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  is  one  of 
limited  powers,  and  that  no  d^^partment  pos- 
sesses any  authority  not  granted  by  the  Con- 
stitution," which  is  opposed  to  such  retro- 
active equalization  between  coin  and  United 
States  notes.  Three  Justices,  Messrs.  Mil- 
ler, Swayne,  and  Davis,  entertained  the  dis- 
senting opinion. 

Next  to  this  important  decision  came  up  : 
the  question  whether  Congress  had  authority  1 
to  tax  the  circulation  of  State  banks.    That  [ 


was  decided  in  the  affirmative,  by  the  major- 
ity of  the  Supreme  Cpurt,  with  the  dissent- 
ing votes  of  Justices  Nelson  and  Davis.  The 
investments  of  administrators  in  Confederate 
bonds  were  considered  as  having  been  made 
improj)erly,  and  as  being  inoperative  as  a 
discharge  from  responsibility;  the  Court  or- 
dered new  settlements  to  be  made. 

The  work  of  reorganizing  the  country,  and 
especially  the  South,  so  deeply  distracted 
commercially  and  industrially,  progressed 
during  the  year.  The  second  annual  Southern 
Commercial  Convention  assembled  at  Cincin- 
nati on  the  4  th  October,  and  debated  all 
questions  relative  to  the  best  means  of  reviv- 
ing trade  and  industry  in  the  southern  and 
western  sections  of  the  United  States.  The 
Convention  advocated  direct  trade  with  Eu- 
rope from  Southern  cities,  the  adoption  of  a 
homestead  law,  and  a  fair  and  equitable  sched- 
ule of  rates  for  freight  and  passenger  trans- 
portation. 

The  labor  movement  was  agitated,  and  the 
National  Labor  Congress,  held  in  August  at 
Cincinnati,  voted  the  immediate  formation  of 
an  independent  political  organization,  to  be 
known  as  the  "  National  Labor  Reform 
I'arty."  The  North-western  movement  against 
the  maintenance  of  the  national  capital  at 
Washington  was  continued  by  the  assembling 
at  Cincinnati  of  a  convention,  in  which  were 
reaffirmed  the  anti -Washington  resolutions 
adopted  at  the  National  Cajjital  Convention, 
held  in  St.  Louis  the  year  before.  Cincinnati 
also  had  the  honor  of  giving  hospitality  to  an 
"  Irish  National  Congress,"  which,  without 
eliciting  openly  any  Fenian  proclivities,  had 
for  its  object  the  union  of  the  various  Irish 
organizations  of  the  United  States. 

Ivu  Kluxism  was  taken  in  hand  by  the 
Senate  after  the  reception  of  a  Presidential 
message  calling  the  attention  of  Congress  to 
the  case  of  North  Carolina.  The  majority 
report  of  the  Senate  committee  admitted  that 
the  Ku  Klux  organization  did  exist,  had  a 
political  purpose,  and  was  composed  of  mem- 
bers of  the  Democratic  or  Conservative  party  ; 
that  it  had  sought  to  carry  out  its  purpose  by 
murders,  whipjiing,  intimidations,  and  vio- 
lence against  its  opponents.  Senators  Blair 
and  Bayard  submitted  to  the  Senate  a  mi- 
nority report. 

The  message  of  President  Grant  at  the 
commencement  of  the  third  session  of  the 
Forty-first  Congress,  December  5,  1870,  was  a 
longer  document  than  was  expected.  It  was 
filled  more  especially  with  a  lengthened  re- 
view of  foreign  questions,  and  contained  a 
sti'ong  recommendation  for  the  annexation  of 
San  Domingo. 

The  financial  progress  of  the  country  dur- 
ing this  year  was  not  so  great  as  it  was 
natural  to  expect  from  the  continued  increase 
in  its  receipts.    The  breaking  out  of  the 
Franco-German  war  prevented  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  from  putting  on  the  money- 
markets  his  intended  loan,  the  proceeds  of 
which  were  to  realize  the  equalization  and  the 
funding  of  the  public  debt.    By  an  act  of 
Congi-ess,  approved  July  14,  1870,  the  views  , 
of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  were  en- ! 
dorsed  by  Congress,  which  authorized  him  to 
issue,  in  sums  not  exceeding  $200,000,000,  ' 
coupon  or  registered  bonds  of  the  United  | 
States,  redeemable  in  coin,  at  the  pleasure  of 
the  United  States,  after  ten  years,  and  bear-  i 


ing  5  per  cent,  interest,  also  payable  in  coin, 
also  to  issue  §300,000,000  l)oiuls,  payalilc  after 
fifteen  years,  and  bearing  4.^  per  cent,  inter- 
est; also  S  1,000,000,000  of"  like  boud.s,  j/ay- 
able  after  thirty  years,  and  bearing  4  per  cent, 
interest.  The  proceeds  of  the  sale  of  those 
bonds,  at  not  less  than  their  i>ar  value  for 
coin,  was  to  be  apj)lied  exclusively  to  the  re- 
demption of  any  outstanding  fivo-tWf;nty 
bonds  of  the  United  States,  at  their  par 
value  ;  or  the  new  bojids  might  bo  exchanged 
for  five-twenty  bonds  par  for  \)a.r.  Eveiy 
preparation  was  made — even  a  jjortion  of  the 
paper  was  manufactured— in  order  to  be  pre- 
pared to  throw  that  gigantic  loan  on  the 
market  as  soon  as  the  Franco-German  war, 
which  was  declared  two  days  after  the  ap- 
proval of  the  act  of  Congress,  should  cease. 
But  the  war  lasted  longer  than  expected,  and 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  was  compelled 
to  ask  authority  to  issue  8300,000,000  addi- 
tional of  bonds,  bearing  5  per  cent,  interest, 
and  payable  quarterly.  On  tlie  hist  day  of 
November,  1870,  the  principal  of  the  public 
debt,  not  deducting  moneys  on  liand,  was 
82,418,073,044.43,  showing  a  still  larger  re- 
duction than  at  the  end  of  the  fiscal  year, 
when  on  July  1st,  1870,  the  reduction  of  the 
public  debt  for  the  fiscal  year  had  been 
officially  figured  at  §107,779,780.13.  The 
difference  between  gold  and  currency  declined 
from  32.9  premium  in  1809,  to  15.2  in  1870, 
which  was  an  improvement  of  about  17  per 
cent,  in  the  United  States  ])a])er  currency. 
The  sin-j)lus  of  receipts  over  exixuulitures,  for 
the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1870,  was 
6101,001,910.88,  which  were  applied,  as 
usual,  to  the  pajTnrnt  of  the  ])ublic  debt. 
Some  measures  were  adopted  by  Congress 
to  increase  somewhat  the  circidation  of  the 
National  Banks,  and  for  a  reduction  of 
$77,000,000  of  internal  taxes,  as  compared 
with  those  of  the  pi-evious  year.  The  decline 
of  ship-building  and  the  American  carrying- 
trade  were  so  significant,  that  a  special  com- 
mittee was  appointed  by  Congress  to  visit 
New  York,  Boston,  I'hiladeli.hin,  and  I'ort- 
land,  to  ascertain  what  remedy  could  be 
brought  about  to  stay  the  decline  of  so  im- 
portant an  item  of  national  prosperity.  The 
report  showed  that,  in  1850,  75  per  cent,  .of 
the  total  exports  and  imports  were  shipped 
in  American  vessels.  In  1855,  the  situation 
had  remained  the  same;  but  in  1809,  34  per 
cent,  only  were  shi])ped  in  American  ve.s.sels, 
to  00  per  cent,  in  foreign  bottoms.  Nearly 
70  per  cent,  of  the  imjiorts  at  New  York 
were  in  foreign  steamers.  The  committee 
suggested  many  remedies,  but  they  were  not 
tried. 

One  of  the  most  important  diplomatic  ques- 
tions raised  during  the  year,  was  that  relating 
to  the  war  which  broke  out  in  Euroi>e  in  the 
middle  of  July,  1870.  On  August  22d,  the 
President  issued  a  jiroclamatiou  of  neutrality, 
enjoining  American  citizens  not  to  take  any 
part  in  the  Franco-German  conflict.  On  tlie 
8th  of  October,  some  French  men-of-war  hav- 
ing appeared  off  New  Yoi  k,  as  with  the  inten- 
tion of  practically  blockading  tliat  port  against 
German  merchantmen,  the  President  i.ssucd 
another  proclamation  declaring  that  such  frc 
quenting  and  use  of  American  waters  would 
not  be  tolerated  from  either  of  the  belliger- 
ents. The  making  of  Amciican  ports  depots 
for  materials  of  war  was  also  prohibited  ;  atd 


006 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


7*1  r.  Fish  thought  necessary  to  thank  I'russia, 
Ix'cause,  wliilt-  her  navy  was  tlieii  yet  iu 
its  infancy  and  quite  useless,  she  had  declared 
to  adhere  to  the  principle  formerly  advocated 
by  the  United  States,  that  private  property 
on  the  hi,<;h  seas  should  be  exempt  from 
seizure.  No  discussion  arose  between  tlie 
United  States  and  France  in  the  first  half 
of  the  year ;  on  the  contrary,  very  cordial 
and  familiar  relations  had  been  established 
between  the  Imperial  family  and  the  American 
Minister  at  Paris,  Mr.  E.  B.  Washburne. 
Nevertheless,  he  hastened  to  recognize,  accord- 
ing to  American  diplomatic  tradition,  the 
establishment  de  facto  of  a  Kepublican  gov- 
ernment. Mr.  Washburne  had  frequent  and 
friendly  interviews  with  Jules  Favre,  French 
JMinister  of  Foreign  Aflairs ;  but  the  United 
States  Government  declined  the  prayer  made 
by  Jules  Favre  to  bring  about  the  end  of  the 
war  through  the  good  offices  of  the  A  merican 
Government.  Immediately  after  the  declara- 
tion of  war,  and  during  tlie  siege  of  Paris,  Mr. 
Washburne  took  charge  of  the  interests  of 
the  Germans  in  the  French  caj)ital,  and, 
though  authorized  to  do  so  by  the  State  De- 
partment, he  was  accxised  by  the  Frenchmen 
— wrongly,  of  course — of  entertaining  Ger- 
man sympathies.  On  one  day,  a  battalion  of 
the  National  Guard  called  on  Mr.  E.  B. 
Wa-sliburne,  to  thank  him  for  his  hasty  recog- 
nizing of  the  Republic ;  and  later,  another 
manifestation  was  directed  against  him,  on 
account  of  his  pretended  Prussian  sympathies. 
Some  Americans,  among  whom  the  benevo- 
lent and  j)hilanthroi)ic  L)r.  Thomas  W.  Evans 
was  a  chief  laborer,  established  an  ambulance 
in  Paris,  and  the  American  name  went  out 
gloriously  from  all  the  wrecks  and  ruins  of 
the  siege  of  that  unfortunate  city. 

In  China  and  Corea,  the  American  influ- 
ence was  greatly  increased  through  ener- 
getic action  against  the  Coreans  and  the 
pirates  of  tlie  southern  Chinese  sea-s.  Mr. 
I^ow,  Minister  of  the  United  States,  took  in 
liand  the  cause  of  the  French  and  Russians 
murdered  at  Tien-tsin,  and  exacted  the  pun- 
ishment of  the  murderers.  A  few  more  notes 
were  cxeiianged  relative  to  the  Alabama 
Claims  question,  just  before  the  death  of  Loid 
Clarendon.  The  Canadian  authorities  having 
revoked  the  system  of  fishing-licenses,  and 
authoi  izcd  British  officers  to  seize  any  vessel 
actually  fishing  within  three  miles  of  Cana- 
dian waters,  some  American  vessels  were  thus 
seized,  which  fact  led  to  an  active  diplomatic 
correspondence  between  the  State  Dejjart- 
ment  and  the  liritish  Government.  The 
Northwest  Boundary  question  was  raised  for 
the  fii'st  time,  and  a  joint  commission  was 
formed,  with  English  and  American  commis- 
sioners, to  arrive  at  a  definit<?  settlemeTit  of 
the  frontier  near  Pembiiui.  In  Japan,  Air. 
Dc  Long,  United  States  Minister,  was  in- 
Ktruct<Ml  to  i)rotest  against  a  decree  of  de])or- 
tation  issued  against  .'?,0()()  native  Christians  ; 
the  Ja|)an('so  (JovernuK'nt  complied  with  the 
request.  Tlie  question  of  the  indemnity  of 
United  Stat«.s  citizens  against  Spain,  claims 
Arising  freih  the  Cuban  war,  caused  a  frecpient 
interchange  of  di])lomatic  notes  between 
Secn-tary  Fish  and  D(m  M.  \.u\wz  Roberts, 
Minister  of  Spain  at  Washington.  The 
American  (Jovernnient  succeeded  in  asserting 
the  claims  of  its  citizens,  as  well  as  in  obtain- 
ing the  releuae  of  tho  LXvyd  AxjjinwaU,  a 


vessel  which  wa.s  seized  by  Spanish  authori-  ' 
ties,  on  the  ground  she  was  engaged  for  the 
Cuban  cause. 

The  year  1871  opened  with  other  changes 
in  the  President's  Cabinet.  Attorney-Gen- 
eral Akerman  resigned  his  office,  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by  ex-Senator  George  II.  Williams,  of 
Oregon.  President  Grant  dismissed  Gen. 
Pleasanton,  who  had  decliiied,  upon  the  re- 
qtiest  of  the  President,  to  tender  his  resigna- 
tion as  Commissioner  of  Internal  Revenue. 
In  April,  the  Sujjreme  Court  decided  that  the 
Federal  Government  had  not  the  riglit  to  tax 
the  salary  of  a  judicial  officer  of  a  State. 
Soon  after,  the  same  Court  reversed  the  de- 
cision at  which  it  had  arrived,  in  1870,  rela- 
tive to  the  bearing  of  the  Legal  Tender  Act 
of  Congress.  The  court  had  judged  that 
United  States  notes  were  not  a  legal  tender 
for  debts  contracted  before  the  passage  of  the 
bill.  But  only  seven  judges  sat  on  the  bench 
on  that  occasion,  and  two  vacancies  having 
been  filled  in  the  interval,  a  rehearing  of  the 
case  was  demanded  by  the  Attorney-General ; 
and  by  five  voices  against  four,  the  court  decid- 
ed that  United  States  notes  were  a  legal  tender, 
even  with  retroactive  effect,  and  that  they 
could  pay  any  debts  contracted  previous  to 
the  passage  of  the  act.  Chief  Justice  Chase 
maintained  the  opinion  held  by  him  on  the 
first  hearing  of  the  case,  and  voted  with  the 
minority  of  the  court. 

The  Ku  Klux  bill  was  passed  by  Congress, 
after  a  lengthened  and  strong  discussion,  dur- 
ing which  some  Senators — Mr.  Trumbull 
and  others — declared  that  the  adoption  of 
such  a  bill  amounted  to  putting  an  end  to 
State  Government,  and  introducing  an  unwise 
change  in  our  government  system.  Senator 
Scliurz  was  still  more  explicit,  and  he  said 
that  "  the  passage  of  this  measure  marks 
the  cnlarg(;ment  of  the  national  jurisdiction 
at  the  expense  of  local  governments,  and  sets 
up  a  constructive  rebellion,  in  order  to  invest 
the  President  with  discretionary  power  to 
suspend  the  habeas  corj'tus  laws."  At  any 
rate,  the  measure  was  such  a  sweeping  and 
an  extraordinary  one,  that  President  Grant 
thought  necessary  to  issue  first,  on  the  4th 
of  May,  a  proclamation  intended  to  enlighten 
the  pt^ople  of  the  United  States  as  to  the 
constitutionality,  the  necessity,  and  the  in- 
nocuous character  of  the  bill.  Later,  in  Oc- 
tober, he  ])ut  in  practice  the  aforesaid  bill, 
and  proclaimed  the  suspension  of  the  habeas 
ciirpus  laws  in  some  districts  of  North  Caro- 
lina said  to  bo  infested  with  Ku  Kluxism. 
In  November,  a  proclamation  to  the  same 
effect  was  issued,  as  applicable  to  Union 
County,  iu  South  Carolina. 

Tho  Civil  Service  Reform  question  com- 
menced to  be  agitated  ;  on  the  ^kl  of  INIarch, 
Congress  voU-d  an  appropriation  to  defray  tlu- 
expenses  of  a  newly  constituted  Board,  called 
the  Civil  Service  Commissioners,  the  mem- 
bers appointed  by  the  I'resident  being  Mes.srs. 
George  William  Curtis,  Alexander  G.  Cattell, 
Joseph  Medill,  Davidson  II.  Walker,  E.  B. 
Ellicott,  Josej)li  11.  Blackfan,  and  David  C. 
Cox.  Soon  after,  these  gentlemen  jiroposed 
the  new  rules  to  be  apjilied  to  candidates  for 
the  civil  .service  of  the  I'nited  States. 

Early  in  April,  1872,  the  Democratic  mem- 
bers of  Congress  issued  an  address  to  the 
people  of  the  United  States,  in  which  they 
protebttid  agiiiubt  tho  mamicr  Lu  which  the 


Adminstration  had  dischai-ged  its  duties,  At 
the  end  of  the  same  month,  President  Grant 
made  a  visit  to  IndianapoUs,  and,  at  the 
public  reception  which  was  tendered  to  him. 
Senator  Morton  answered  indirectly  the  ad- 
dress of  the  Democratic  Congressmen,  reas- 
serted the  Republican  principles,  and  bi  oach- 
ed  the  idea  of  the  re-election  of  (Jrant.  Al- 
most immediately  after,  in  a  jirivate  meeting 
held  at  Cincinnati  by  some  jirominent  Repub- 
licans, the  idea  of  the  Liberal  Rej)ublican  pro- 
gramme was  launched,  on  the  basis  of  general 
amnesty,  civil  service  reform  honestly  carried 
on,  specie  payments,  and  a  revenue  tariff.  It 
was  decided  afterwards,  in  a  meeting  of  more 
than  100  very  prominent  Republicans,  that  a 
split  was  necessary  in  the  party,  and  a  call  is- 
sued from  Missouri  for  a  Republican  National 
Convention  to  be  held  at  Cincinnati,  on  ilay 
I,  1872,  in  opposition  to  the  nomination  of 
General  Grant. 

At  the  same  time,  the  Democratic  party, 
under  the  initiative  of  Vallandigliam  himself, 
supported  by  John  Quiucy  Adams,  of  Massa- 
chusetts, and  even  by  Salmon  P.  Chase,  took 
what  was  called  a  "  new  dej)artu)  e"  from  its 
former  doctrines.  Jefferson  Davis  attcnq)ted, 
in  a  speech  at  Atlanta,  Ga.,  to  maintain  the 
Democratic  phalanxes  in  the  old  path,  but 
his  efforts  were  of  no  avail.  The  end  of  the 
year  found  the  two  great  parties  of  the  coun- 
try. Republican  and  Democratic,  divided 
among  themselves,  and  the  victory  was  left 
for  the  strong  Administration  party  to  acce])t. 

IVIeantime,  many  other  conventions  were 
held  by  the  National  Labor  organization,  by 
the  negroes,  by  the  Female  Suffrage  partis;\n.s, 
and  by  the  heads  of  ))olice  departments  and 
chiefs  of  police  of  the  cities  of  the  United 
States.  Most  of  these  conventions  made  their 
headquarters  at  St.  Louis,  just  as  in  the  year 
previous  Cincinnati  had  enjoyed  the  honor 
and  ])rofit  of  harboring  them.  The  resolu- 
tions adopted  by  these  conventions  of  1871, 
were  nearly  the  same  as  those  voted  iu  tho 
meetings  of  the  ])revious  year. 

The  figures  and  .statistics  of  the  I'nited 
States  census  of  1870  were  published  in  this 
year  ;  the  jiopulation  of  the  country  was  38,- 
113,253,  showing  an  increase,  during  the  de- 
cade, of  22.22  per  cent.,  that  is,  of  6,929,509 
inhabitants. 

Tlie  financial  .situation  of  the  United  States 
was  good  in  1871,  though  not  so  ajipreciated 
in  Euroi)e,  where  the  funding  loan  could  not 
be  placed.  The  best  evidence  of  the  pros- 
perity of  the  country  was  in  the  fact  that  the 
receipts  were  in  excess  of  expenditures  to  the 
figure  of  ^;91,I4l),75f).G4  ;  that  the  public  debt 
was  kept  decreasing  as  announced  in  former 
estimates,  and  that  the  ]>reniium  on  gold  kept 
equally  and  steadily  falling. 

Th(!  average  premium  on  gold  for  the  year 

18(;8,  was  39.54  i)er  cent. 

1809,  32.5(5    "  " 

1870,  14.83    "  " 

1871,  12.1      "  " 

This  steady  decrease  in  the  jireniiimi  on 
gold,  and  conse(juent  appreciation  of  tlie  na- 
tional jiaper  money,  -was  due  esj)ecially  to  the 
re-estal)lishmentof  confidence  in  the  credit  of 
the  t  Jovernment,  which  confidence  led  to  an  iii- 
creascvl  demand  for  jtaper  money  in  the  busi- 
ness affairs  of  the  country.  The  revnuio 
from  customs  for  the  fiscal  year  1871  was 
I  greatly   iu   excess   of   the   cstiiuates,  and 


UNITED  STATES. 


Cf7 


amounted  to  ^20G, 270,408. 05.  The  receipts 
from  internal  revenue  were  about  §4,000,000 
less  tlum  the  estimates,  and  reached  the  total 
of  ^il-l3,09S,153.G3.  In  January,  Congress 
passed  an  act  increasing  to  $000,000,000  the 
$200,000,000  bonds,  bearing  five  per  cent., 
])reviously  auiliorized  to  bo  issueiL  The  loan 
was  offered  both  in  Europe  and  in  this  coun- 
try ;  here,  a  large  portion  of  it  was  taken, 
but  it  failed  in  Europe,  and  that  was  the 
cause  of  some  complaints  which  were  made 
in  Congi'ess  against  the  financial  policy  of  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

The  correspondence  and  relations  with  Great 
Britain,  form,  during  the  year  1871,  the  most 
important  and  about  the  only  point  of  interest 
in  the  diplomatic  affairs  of  the  United  States. 
The  joint  commission  was  proposed  in  Janu- 
ary by  Sir  Edward  Thornton,  the  British 
Minister  at  Washington.  After  the  exchange 
of  a  few  notes,  tlie  project  of  a  joint  commis- 
sion which  would  examine  all  cases  in  dispiite 
between  the  two  countries,  was  adopted. 
The  Commissioners  assembled  at  Washington 
on  February  27t]i,  under  the  presidency  of 
Secretary  Fish.  On  the  4th  of  May  was  read 
tlie  statement  prepared  by  Lord  Tenterden 
and  J.  C.  Bancroft  Davis,  who  had  been  ap- 
pointed joint  protocolists,  and,  after  an  earnest 
discussion,  the  Washington  Treaty  was  signed. 
At  the  end  of  May,  the  arbitrators  who  were 
to  be  appointed,  according  to  the  Treaty,  were 
designated.  Mr.  Charles  Francis  Adams,  of 
Massachusetts,  was  appointed  arbitrator  on 
behalf  of  the  United  States,  witli  Mr.  James 
S.  Frazer  as  Commissioner  of  Claims.  Sir 
Alexander  Cockburn  was  appointed  by  Eng- 
land ;  M.  Staempfli,  for  Switzerland  ;  Count 
Sclopis,  for  Italy;  and  Baron  Itajuba,  for 
Brazil.  The  first  meeting  of  the  interna- 
tional tribunal,  thus  composed,  was  held  at 
Geneva,  in  December,  1871 ;  Mr.  Bancroft 
Davis  prepared  the  American  case  and  he  hiid 
it  before  the  Tribunal. 

The  year  1872  witnessed,  in  its  beginning, 
another  change  among  the  members  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States :  Justice 
Nelson  retired  on  account  of  his  age  ;  and  ex- 
Governor  Ward  Hunt,  from  New  York,  suc- 
ceeded him.  The  most  important  decision 
rendered  by  the  Court  was  the  oiy)  establish- 
ing the  princijde,  that  citizens  in  the  Terri- 
tories have  rights  of  self-government  cognate 
to  those  enjoyed  by  citizens  in  the  States. 

A  scheme  of  great  national  interest,  intend- 
ing to  place  the  telegraph  system  of  the  coun- 
try in  the  hands  of  the  Government,  was 
broiight  before  Congress,  but  failed  to  be  en- 
dorsed by  the  representatives  of  the  nation  ; 
yet  Congress  passed  an  act  creating  an  im- 
mense public  park,  near  the  headwaters  of  the 
Yellowstone  River. 

On  the  2d  of  February,  the  number  of 
Representatives  in  Congress  had  increased  to 
283,  and  by  an  Act  approved  on  May  30th, 
New  Hampshire,  Vermont,  New  York,  Penn- 
sylvania, Indiana,  Tennessee,  Louisiana,  Ala- 
bama, and  Florida,  were  authorized  to  send 
one  representative  to  Congress,  in  addition 
to  tlie  number  apportioned  by  the  previous 
act. 

The  Presidential  campaign  commenced  early 
in  the  year.  The  first  convention  held  for  the 
purpose  of  nominating  candidates  was  that 
of  tlio  Labor  Reform  Party,  which  met  at 
Columbuii,  Ohio,  in   February,  and  which 


nominated  David  Davis,  of  Illinois,  one  of  the 
J udges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  for  President, 
and  Joel  Parker,  of  New  Jersey,  for  Vice- 
President.  But,  both  of  them  liaving  de- 
clined the  nomination,  a  convention  of  work- 
ingmen  was  held  at  Philadelphia,  and  nomi- 
dated  Charles  O'Conor,  of  New  York,  for 
President ;  no  Vice-President  was  nomi- 
nated. The  National  Colored  Convention, 
which  assembled  in  New  Orleans,  did  not 
nominate  any  candidate,  but  it  strongly  en- 
dor.sed  Grant's  administration,  and  at  the 
same  time,  tendered  its  thanks  to  Charles 
Sumner  for  his  continued  efforts  in  favor  of 
tlie  colored  race.  The  Liberal  Republican 
party  began  in  earnest  its  own  canvass,  un- 
der the  direction  of  Carl  Schurz,  of  ilissouri. 
On  May  1st,  a  convention  was  held  in  Cin- 
cinnati, which  nominated  Horace  Greeley  for 
President,  and  B.  Gratz  Brown,  of  Missouri, 
for  Vice-President.  Some  leaders  of  the 
movement,  like  Carl  Schurz  and  Jacob  D. 
Cox,  being  dissatisfied  with  those  nominations, 
attempted,  in  a  conference  held  at  the  Fifth 
Avenue  Hotel  in  New  York,  to  split  the  Lib- 
eral party  by  nominating  Mr.  Groesbeck  for 
President  and  Frederick  L.  Olmsted  for 
Vice-President,  but  this  movement  failed  com- 
pletely. The  regular  Democratic  Convention 
assembled  at  Baltimore  on  July  9  th,  endorsed 
the  nominations  made  at  Cincinnati  by  the 
Liberal  Republicans ;  and  thus  Horace  Gree- 
ley and  Gratz  BroAvn  were  the  candidates  both 
for  the  Democrats  and  the  Liberal  Republi- 
cans. Some  dissatisfied  Democrats  attempt- 
ed in  vain,  in  a  convention  held  at  Louisville, 
to  place  before  the  people  of  their  party  the 
names  of  O'Conor  and  of  John  Quiney  Adams, 
as  candidates  for  the  Presidency  and  Vice- 
Presidency.  This  movement  had  no  import- 
ance. Some  dissenting  negroes  led  by  W.  N. 
Saunders,  of  Maryland,  attempted  also  to  se- 
cure the  negro  vote,  by  endorsing  at  their 
convention  assembled  at  Louisville  the  nom- 
ination of  Greeley  and  Gratz  Bro'vvn.  This 
action  of  the  colored  minority  was  not  at- 
tended with  success. 

The  regular  Republican  Convention  was 
held  at  Pluladelphia,  on  June  5th,  under  the 
Presidency  of  Thomas  Settle,  of  North  Caro- 
lina. With  acclamation,  it  renominated 
Grant  for  President,  and  chose  Henry  Wil- 
son, of  Massachusetts,  for  Vice-President. 
These  two  gentlemen  were  duly  elected  by 
the  popular  suffrage  in  November,  and  the 
majority  of  Grant  over  Greeley  was  of  762,- 
991  votes. 

This  year  witnessed  the  act  by  which  the 
last  restriction  placed  upon  the  liberties  of 
the  Southern  people  were  taken  off.  Congress 
voted,  on  May  22,  the  abolition  of  all  politi- 
cal disabilities  imposed  by  the  third  section 
of  the  Fourteenth  Amendment.  Still  these 
disabilities  were  maintained  as  to  some  wlio 
had  been  the  leaders  in  the  rebellion. 

Financially,  the  year  1872  proved  a  suc- 
cessful one.  The  national  debt  was  reduced 
by  $99,060,253.54,  although  there  was  a  re- 
duction in  the  rate  of  taxation.  The  decline 
of  the  American  carrying  trade  continued, 
and  nearly  three-fourths  of  the  foreign  trade 
with  the  United  States  was  carried  under 
foreign  flags.  The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
again  called  the  attention  of  the  people  to  the 
future  financial  policy  of  the  country,  and  as- 
serted the  good  results  of  the  protective  sys- 


tem, which  had  brought  about  tlie  steady  re- 
duction of  the  national  debt. 

Two  great  diplomatic  successes  for  the 
United  States  are  to  be  registered  during  the 
year  1872.  The  Emperor  of  Gei-niany,  ac- 
cepted as  arbitrator,  in  order  to  deterhiine 
the  true  bo\indary  line  of  the  N(jrtli wi.sterD 
frontier  between  the  United  States  Territory 
and  the  British  possessions  adjoining  Van 
couver's  Island,  confirmed  and  establLshcd  th< 
claim  of  the  American  Government. 

The  Alabama  Claims  question  was  also 
settled  by  the  Geneva  Tribunal  of  arbitration, 
in  a  manner  satisfactory  for  the  Uniti-d  States. 
Mr.  Bancroft  Davis,  on  the  21st  September, 
transmitted  to  Secretary  Fish  the  award  of 
the  Tribunal  in  favor  of  the  United  States, 
which  award  was  paid  afterwards  without 
any  discussion  by  the  British  Government. 
In  the  settlement  of  tliis  great  cpiestion  the 
Govei-nment  of  the  United  States  retained  the 
services  of  William  M.  Evarts,  Caleb  dish- 
ing, and  Mr.  Waite,  afterwards  apjiointed 
Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States  to  succeed 
Mr.  Chase. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  year  1873,  Congress 
increased  salai-ies  of  the  officers  of  the  gov- 
ernment as  follows : 

OW  Salftry.  Now  S.'jiiury, 

President  of  the  United  States   ^-iS.Otlu"  iW.im 

Vice-President   b,<«0  ]0,iKiO 

Chief  Justice  of  Supreme  Coort   S.olKJ  lU.OiiO 

Justices  of  Supreme  Court   H.C  O  10,100 

Circuit  Judges   G.O  0  fi.ilOil 

Speaker  of  the  House  of  Ueprcscntativcs.  8,1  KW  1(1.000 
Members  of  the  Cabinet   P,OUO  10,001/ 

The  salaries  of  Members  of  Congress  were 
also  increased  by  the  same  Act,  but  such  ob- 
jection was  raised  throughout  tlie  country, 
that  the  members  began  by  refusing,  individ- 
ually, to  draw  their  increased  [)ay,  and  after- 
wards the  portion  of  the  bill  lelative  to  tlic 
salaries  of  Congressmen  was  repealed.  On  tho 
4th  of  March,  1873,  President  Grant  and  Vico- 
President  Wilson  were  inaugurateil.  It  was 
the  coldest  day  which  had  been  experienced 
in  Washington  since  its  foundation  ;  some  ca- 
dets of  the  Naval  School  went  on  the  sick  list 
on  returning  to  Annapolis.  The  general  ob- 
servations made  by  the  President,  in  his  in- 
augural, were  few,  and  rather  too  precise  on 
certain  topics.  "  When  my  first  term  of  tho 
office  of  Chief  Executive  began,"  he  said, 
"  the  land  had  not  recovereil  from  the  effect  of 
an  internal  revolution,  and  three  of  the  for- 
mer States  of  the  Union  had  not  been  restored 
to  their  Federal  relations.  It  seemed  to  nie 
wise  that  no  new  questions  should  be  raised 
so  long  as  that  condition  of  affairs  existed  ; 
therefore,  the  past  four  years,  so  far  as  I  could 
control  events,  have  been  consumed  in  tho 
effort  to  restore  harmony,  jiublic  credit,  com- 
merce, and  all  the  arts  of  peace  and  progress. 
It  is  my  firm  conviction,  that  the  civilized 
world  is  tending  towards  republicanism,  or 
government  of  the  people  through  llieir  cliosen 
representatives,  and  that  our  own  great  ri'}iub- 
lic  is  destined  to  be  the  guiding  star  to  all 
others."  The  President  then  reviewed  rajiidly 
the  different  questions  of  immediate  interest 
to  the  United  States,  saying  that  "  the  effect 
of  the  late  civil  war  has  been  to  free  the  slave 
and  make  him  a  citizen.  Yet,  he  is  not  po-sses- 
sed  of  the  civil  rights  which  citizenshi|)  should 
carry  with  it.  This  is  wrong,  and  should  bo 
corrected.  To  this  coiTcction  I  stand  com- 
mitted, so  far  as  Executive  influence  can 
avail."  President  Grant  continues  his  Mes- 
sage, by  making  an  apologj',  for  having  worked 


608 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


so  earnestly  as  lie  did  for  tho  j)urcliaso  of  San 
Domingo,  whicli  purchase  had  been  con- 
demned by  Congress.  He  said,  "  In  the 
future,  while  I  hold  my  jjresent  office,  the 
subject  of  acquisition  of  territory  must  have 
the  support  of  the  people  before  I  will  recom- 
mend any  ])roj)osition  looking  to  such  accjui- 
sitiou."  After  having  "  acknowledged  the  obli- 
gations he  is  under  to  his  countrymen,"  for 
his  re  election,  the  President  recalls  that  "  he 
had  scarcely  a  respite  in  his  labors  since  the 
eventful  firing  on  Fort  Sumter,  in  April,  lt<Gl, 
to  the  present  day  ;  "  and  he  ends  his  Message 
by  those  words  of  personal  interest :  "  Not- 
withstanding this  [the  roll-call  of  his  services], 
throughout  the  war,  and  from  my  candidacy 
for  my  present  office,  in  18G8,  to  the  close  of 
tlie  last  presidential  campaign,  I  have  been 
the  subject  of  abuse  and  slander  scarcely  ever 
equalled  in  j)olitical  history,  which  to-day  I 
feel  I  can  affin-d  to  disregard,  in  view  of  your 
verdict,  which  I  gratefully  accept  as  my  vin- 
dication." 

The  changes  immediately  made  in  the  Cabi- 
net were  limited  to  the  appointment  of  Wil- 
liam A.  llichardson  as  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury, vice  George  S.  Boutwell,  who  i-esigned 
liis  office.  The  internal  postal  system  of  the 
United  States  was  improved  by  the  adoption 
of  the  free-delivery  system  in  all  cities  contain- 
ing 20,000  inhabitants,  and  by  the  introduc- 
tion of  the  postal  cards. 

Among  the  many  conventions  wliich  assem- 
bled during  the  year,  the  most  imjioi-tant  ones 
were  that  of  the  "Patrons  of  Husbandry," 
who  arc  .so  familar  to  every  American  under 
their  popular  name,  the  Grangers;  and  the 
National  Cheap  Transportation,  which  orga- 
nized in  New  York  m  3Iay,  1874.  Both  of 
these  organizations  had  nearly  the  same  view  ; 
that  is,  to  bring  Congress  to  legislate  for  the 
better  government  of  railroad  corporations. 
Early  in  January,  1874,  a  report  was  made 
to  Congress  on  the  question,  by  its  Committee 
on  llailroads  and  Canals.  The  people  asked 
\hat  a  law  should  be  enacted,  regulating 
commerce  by  railroads  between  the  several 
States.  No  action  was  taken  on  that  point, 
which  had  been  thoroughly  examined  by 
George  W.  McCrary,  of  Iowa,  Chairman  of 
the  Committee  on  Kailroads  and  Canals. 

This  year,  except  1872,  when  449,483  im- 
migi-ants  landed  in  America,  witnes.scd  a  larg- 
er exodus  from  Europe  to  this  country,  than 
any  one  previous.  In  1873  there  were  437,004 
immigrants  who  arrived  in  the  United  States, 
making  a  whole  total  of  8  808,141  since 
1820. 

Financially,  the  year  1873  would  have 
been  as  pr<)si)erous  as  the  j)r(!vious  ones,  but 
for  the  incredible  panic  which  seized  the 
country  in  September.  Never  has  been  more 
strongly  illustrated  the  special  character  of 
a  |)anic,  especially  of  a  financial  one ;  rumors 
tnd  fi-arf.  caused  all  the  trouble.  It  began  at 
the  national  capital,  and  at  the  First  National 
Bank,  managed  by  Jay  ('ooke  &  Co.,  who  en- 
joyed th(!  confidence  of  the  Government.  It 
wius  immediately  rumored  that  the  United 
States  Treiusury  it.self  was  concerned  in  the 
Jay  Cooke  failures,  though  there  was  not 
an  a.U,n\  of  truth  in  the  saying.  The  fiscal 
year  en<ling  .June  30,  1873,  produceil  in  the 
lliape  of  excess  of  recei|)t.s  over  expenditures. 
Almost  exactly  what  had  been  estimated  by 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  in  his  finan- 


cial report  of  the  previous  year.  The  sur- 
plus, which  amounted  to  $43,392,959.34,  was 
devoted  as  usual  to  the  payment  of  the  na- 
tional debt.  But  the  panic  having  settled 
deep  into  all  comn»ercial,  industrial,  and  finan- 
cial enterprises  of  the  country,  having  broken 
down  many  of  the  moneyed  institutions,  and 
closed  up  the  majority  of  workshops,  the  na- 
tional financial  status  of  the  second  part  of 
1873  was  not  so  satisfactory  as  that  of  the 
first  half  of  the  year.  The  be.st  evidence  that 
the  financial  panic  did  not  rest  upon  any  real, 
sountl  motives,  is  that  the  shijjbuilding  trade, 
which  had  been  dejjressed  for  so  long  a  time, 
began  to  revive.  Still,  the  panic  exercised  a 
tremendous  influence  over  ordinary  mercan- 
tile and  industrial  transactions,  and  the  suffer- 
ings of  the  people  were  so  acute,  that  they  are 
now  (August,  1874)  not  yet  healed. 

No  diplomatic  (jucstion  of  importance,  ex- 
cept that  jiertaining  to  Cuba,  arose  during 
the  year  1873.  Foreign  nations,  as  the  Ar- 
gentine Republic  and  Austria,  admit,  or  de- 
clare their  intention  to  admit,  in  order  to  set- 
tle their  qtiarrels  with  other  countries,  the 
principle  of  arbitration  recognized  and  prac- 
tised by  the  United  States."  The  Chinese 
Emperor  agreed  to  relinquish  the  old  system 
of  the  Court  of  Pekin,  and  to  receive  Foreign 
Ministers  in  his  celestial  presence. 

The  J^irffinius,  an  American  schooner,  hav- 
ing becm  seized  on  the  high  seas  by  a  Spanish 
man-of-war,  and  brought  into  the  port  of  San- 
tiago, as  guilty  of  being  an  insui-gent  Cuban 
vessel,  many  of  the  passengers  and  crew  were 
shot  by  the  Spaniards.  The  State  Depart- 
ment at  Washington  insisted  that  an  apology 
should  be  made,  that  the  Virginms  should  be 
remitted  to  the  United  States  Government, 
and  that  an  indemnity  should  be  paid  to  the 
families  of  the  victims.  The  first  two  con- 
ditions were  soon  complied  with  ;  and  the 
third  one  is  now  (August,  1874)  tho  subject  of 
diplomatic  communications. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  year  1874  Gov- 
ernors of  several  States  were  inaugurated : 
among  them  Governor  Kemper,  of  Virginia ; 
Dix,  of  New  York  ;  William  Allen,  of  Ohio. 
The  President  withdrew  the  nomination  he 
had  made  of  Mr.  Cushing  as  Chief  Justice, 
and  Mr.  Morrison  li.  Waite's  nomination  to 
that  office  was  afterwards  confirmed  by  the 
Senate.  In  February,  the  President  sent  a 
message  to  Congress,  asking  in  general  terms 
a  handsome  support  of  the  centennial  enter- 
prise. His  nomination  of  Mr.  Cushing  as 
Mini.ster  at  Madrid  having  been  confirmed 
by  the  Senate,  ]Mr.  Cushing  .sailed  for  Spain 
in  March.  On  the  8th  of  the  same  month 
ex-Piesident  Fillmore  was  carried  to  the 
grave ;  and  three  days  after,  Charles  Sumner 
died  at  Washington,  after  having  seen  his 
former  censure  by  the  ISIassachusetts  Legisla- 
ture rescinded  by  that  body.  In  May  the 
President  determined  to  suppress  the  warfare 
which  was  carricul  on  in  Arkansas  by  Brooks 
and  Baxter,  both  of  whom  ])retended  to  be  the 
legal  Governors  of  the  State.  Fighting  con- 
tinued for  weeks,  at  Little  Bock  especially,  and 
also  in  the  neighboring  counties,  while  power- 
ful incu  al  lussistanci!  was  given  to  each  of  the 
^  contestants  by  ditferent  Members  of  Con- 
gi-e.ss.  The  President,  acting  on  tlie  advice 
I  of  tho  Attorney-CJeneral,  recngiiized  Ba.xter 
I  as  Governor  of  Arkansas,  and  warned  Brooks 
I  and  Ills  felluw-insurgeuts  to  disperse.  On 


May  23d  the  Senate  passed  the  Civil  Rights 
Bill.  General  Biistow  was  unanimously  con- 
firmed by  the  Senate,  on  June  1st,  as  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury.  Mr.  Richardson,  the 
then  incumbent,  was  also,  on  the  same  daj', 
confirmed  as  Judge  of  the  Court  of  Claims. 
Another  change  was  rendered  necessary  in 
the  Cabinet,  by  the  resignation  of  Postmaster- 
General  Cresswell  on  the  24th  of  June.  Af- 
ter having  oflfered  the  situation  to  several  who 
declined  to  accept  it,  the  President  nominated 
Mr.  Jewell,  then  Minister  of  the  United  States 
at  St.  Petersburg ;  this  choice  was  confirmed 
by  the  Senate. 

During  the  first  half  of  1874  there  were 
labor  riots  in  diflerent  places  in  the  country ; 
near  New  York,  at  the  Bergen  Tunnel,  but 
especially  in  Pennsylvania.  In  the  month  of 
IMarch,  the  workmen  of  the  Erie  Railway 
took  forcible  possession  of  the  comjiauy's 
works  at  Susquehanna ;  they  were  diiven 
away,  however,  without  bloodshed,  by  the 
State  troops  forwarded  there  by  the  Governor 
of  Pennsylvania.  The  famous  French  exile, 
Rochefort,  arrived  in  New  York  on  May 
30th,  and  delivered  a  lecture  at  the  New 
York  Academy  of  Music,  but  without  ex- 
citing any  trouble,  and  but  little  curio.sity 
on  the  part  of  the  people.  Early  in  the  year, 
the  temperance  movement,  characterized  by 
bar-room  pra^'er-meetings,  began  in  the  West. 
In  June  and  July,  the  country  was  visited 
by  various  disasters.  In  Minnesota,  the  lo- 
cu.sts  caused  considerable  damage  to  the  crops. 
A  reservoir  burst  at  Middlefield,  !Massachu- 
setts,  destroying  a  great  amount  of  life  and 
pifoperty  ;  and  a  terrible  rainfall  occasioned 
a  flood,  on  the  27th  July,  at  I'ittsburg,  Pa., 
where  many  lives  were  lost.  A  fire  raged  in 
Chicago  on  the  14th  of  July,  and  destroyed  a 
large  part  of  the  city. 

Early  in  Augtist  the  steamer  JPat  JRoger$ 
was  destroyed  by  fire  on  the  Ohio  river,  and 
twenty-five  lives  were  lost.  On  the  night  of 
the  7th  of  the  same  month  the  steamer  Henry 
Ames  sank  near  Waterproof,  Miss.  A  heavy 
frost  j)revailed  throughout  northern  Now 
England  on  the  same  night,  and  a  snow- 
storm occuiTcd  in  New  Hampshire. 

Congress  debated  for  many  months  the  fi- 
nancial measures  proposed  by  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury.  The  Conference  Currency 
Bill  was  at  first  defeated  in  the  House,  on 
June  13th  ;  then  it  ])a.ssed  on  the  20th,  and 
the  President  signed  it  two  days  after.  The 
new  five  jter  cent,  loan  was  placed  on  the 
market  July  25th  ;  and  on  the  27th  Secretary 
Bristow  accepted  the  bids  tendered  by  foreign 
bankers. 

The  pa.ssport  system  was  abolished  in 
France,  for  American  travellei-s;  but  it 
amounted  to  little,  for  travellers  were  still 
obliged  to  prove  their  identity  when  requested 

I  to  do  so.  A  new  Postal  Ti-eaty  was  signed 
with  France,  an<l  went  into  ojieratiou  the  1st 

I  of  August,  1874.  By  this  c<mvention  tho 
jiostage  on  single  letters  of  half  an  ounce 
transmitted  between  France  and  the  United 
States  was  nine  cents,  jnejiaid. 

Adelbert  Ames,  Governor  of  ^lississippi, 
called  u\wi\  the  President  of  the  United 
States  for  National  troops  to  suppress  a 
threatened  juilitical  outbreak  in  that  State  be- 
tween the  Republicans  and  Democrats.  The 
I'resiilent  refused  the  a]i))eal  of  the  govemor, 
and  did  not  scud  the  troops. 


UNITED  STATES. 


COO 


CHAPTER  xxxrr. 
GENERAL  SUMMARY. 

It  is  easy  to  understand  that  the  United 
States,  with  such  a  well-irngated  territory, 
can  j)iodiice  in  tlie  valkjys  of  the  Hudson, 
the  ilissouri,  the  Ohio,  etc.,  splendid  agricul- 
tural crops,  besides  the  cotton  crop,  which  is 
mentioned  elsewhere.  It  can  be  said  of  the 
whole  country  what  has  been  said  about  a 
small  part  of  it — California.  That  State  was, 
at  first,  considered  as  being  only  able  to  give 
a  gold  crop,  while  it  is  evident  now  that 
wheat  and  corn  are  the  true  wealth  of  the 
still  called  Golden  State.  People  were  not 
waiit.ng,  either,  to  proclaim  that  the  United 
States  was  but  a  cotton-producing  country, 
and  that  its  fountain  of  v/ealth  had  been 
ruined  by  the  disorganization  of  the  Cotton 
Stales.  The  prophecy  has  proved  to  be  a 
wrong  one,  even  with  regard  to  cotton  itself, 
which,  plenty  as  before,  brings  very  nearly 
the  same  amount  of  money  as  the  full  crops 
of  1858,  '59,  'GO  produced  themselves.  And 
it  will  be  seen  by  the  statistics  given  below, 
that  the  true  wealth  of  the  United  States  is 
to  be  found  in  their  wheat,  corn,  barley,  rye, 
aud  other  cereals. 

The  number  of  farms  in  America,  in  1850, 
was  1,449,075,  comprising  113,032,014  acres 
of  improved  land,  and  180,528,000  acres  of 
unimproved  land.  In  1860  these  figures 
run  up  to  103,201,389  farms,  comprising 
240,508,244  acres.  During  the  same  period, 
the  moneyed  value  of  the  farms  increased  by 
more  than  100  per  cent.,  and  it  was  rated  in 
1860  at  §0,6.50,872,507. 

In  1849  the  whole  production  of  wheat 
•was  100,495,744  bushels;  in  1859,  171,183,- 
381  bushels,  or  an  increase  of  71  per  cent. 
The  States  of  Illinois  and  Wisconsin  were 
the  most  prominent  in  this  increase.  From 
September  1,  1801,  to  September  1,  1802, 
2,672,515  barrels  of  flour,  and  25,754,709 
bushels  of  grain,  were  exported  to  Great 
Biitain.  During  the  same  period,  theexpor- 
tations  to  other  European  countries  amounted 
to  2,112,047  barrels  of  flour  and  17,180,976 
bushels  of  wheat. 

Corn  production  increased  between  1849 
and  1859  by  more  than  40  per  cent.,  and  it 
was  830,451,707  bushels  in  the  latter  year. 
As  to  the  expoi  tation  of  corn,  it  was  not  de- 
veloped as  extensively  as  that  of  other  agri- 
cultural ])roducts,  because  the  voyage  across 
the  Atlantic  produces  a  damaging  effect  upon 
the  flavor  of  that  article,  and  because  the 
more  corn  America  exported,  the  less  wheat 
— which  pays  better — would  have  to  be  sent 
to  Euroj)e.  Besides,  the  oorn  which  might 
otherwise  be  exported  is  consumed  at  home 
in  feeding  cattle,  and  especially  pork,  which 
is  itself  sold  in  Euroi)e  in  larger  quantity. 
This  pork,  which  enters  into  the  trade  of 
America,  was  reckoned  in  1800  at  about 
325,000,000  pounds. 

The  produce  of  dairies,  including  milk, 
butter  and  cheese,  in  1800,  amounted  to  more 
than  $200,000,000,  of  which  two-thirds  was 
developed  in  the  States  of  New  York  and 
Pennsylvania. 

Tobacco  is  one  of  the  most  important  agri- 
cultural products  of  the  United  States.  In 
1840,  219,103,319  pounds  were  produced, 
against  199,752,055  in  1850,  and  428,121,000 
40  ' 


in  1860.  Exportation  was  carried  on  upon  a 
large  scale,  inasmuch  as  the  tobacco  consumed 
in  Europe  is  composed  of  the  American  pro- 
duction in  the  jiroportion  of  two-fifths. 
France  alone  consumes  three-fourths  or  four- 
fifths  of  United  States  tobacco.  The  value 
of  the  exportation  of  American  tobacco  to 
Europe  was  as  follows : 


$14,712,468  in 

12,221,843  " 

20,052,772  " 

17,009,707  « 

21,074,038  " 

15,906,547  " 


1855. 
1856. 
1857. 
1858. 
1859. 
1860. 


The  study  of  tobacco  statistics,  and  of  Cus- 
tom-House  entries  and  clearances  relative  to 
it,  would  teach  cigar-smokers  in  what  (juan- 
tity  the  Connecticut  tobacco  enters  into  the 
fabrication  of  "real  imported  Havana  cigars." 
A  large  quantity  of  the  "  Connecticut  seed  " 
is  sent  to  Cuba,  where  it  is  manufactured  into 
cigars  or  re-exported  to  the  States  as  genuine 
Cuba  tobacco.  Generally,  the  outside  envel- 
ope, or  leaf  of  a  real  Havana  cigar  is  of 
Connecticut  origin. 

Maple  sugar,  sorghs,  and  honey,  though  not 
forming  an  important  branch  of  United  States 
exports,  constitute  a  good  trade  at  home. 
Lately,  strong  eflbrts  have  been  made  in  Ohio 
and  California  to  introduce  wine  culture. 
M.  Longworth  has  succeeded  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Cincinnati,  and  the  Catawba  and 
California  wines  have  become  rather  popular. 
Still,  the  special  flavor  of  American  wine  pre- 
vents its  exportation  to  foreign  countries, 
especially  to  Europe;  and,  on  another  hand, 
skilled  wine-growers  are  not  yet  numerous 
enough  in  the  country  to  encourage  capital 
in  undertaking  vine-culture  in  greater  pro- 
portions than  is  already  carried  on,  inasmuch 
as  those  proportions  are  already  greater  than 
would  have  been  expected  in  the  early  days 
of  the  countr}'.  Quite  recent  statistics 
demonstrate  that,  in  California  especially, 
the  culture  of  the  native  grape  and  the  in- 
dustry of  wine-growing  have  been  developed 
on  a  largo  scale  within  the  past  few  years. 
The  State  is  reported  to  have  some  30,000,000 
of  vines,  covering  45,000  acres  of  land,  valued 
in  the  aggregate  at  about  §4,500,000.  At 
least  one-fourth  of  the  land  in  some  parts  of 
California  is  better  adapted  to  wine-growing 
than  to  other  purposes,  and  every  year  the 
lanil  planted  in  vines  grows  more  and  more 
valuable.  That  which  is  worth  at  the  pres- 
ent market  price  two  dollars  aud  a  lialf  per 
acre,  is  valued  at  one  huiulred  dollars  per 
acre  when  covered  with  vines.  The  sunny 
slopes  of  the  Californiau  hills  must  bo  well 
adapted  to  the  culture  of  the  grape,  which 
grows  wild  and  in  great  abundance,  and  every 
year  of  cultivation  will  be  likely  to  improve 
"the  quality  of  the  wine.  Good  California 
wine  is  now  worth  about  one  dollar  ]ier 
bottle,  or  five  dollars  per  gallon,  and  many  i 
wine-growers  can  get  one-half  that  sum  per 
gallon  by  selling  it  in  casks.  We  have  here 
an  enormous  industry  for  the  future,  and  it 
is  probably  the  beginning  of  the  solution  of 
the  temperance  jirobleni.  With  good  and  ] 
cheap  wine  at  hand  people  would  cease  drink-  ^ 
ing  alcoholic  liquors.  | 

Agricultural  iun,)lements  are  mentioned 
under  the  head  of  manufactures.    As  to  the  , 


living  agricultural  implements  and  products, 
horses  and  other  animals,  the  United  States 
is  one  of  the  wealthiest  countries  in  the 
globe;  the  increase  is  100  per  cent,  at 
least,  every  tenth  year.  In  1849  the  num- 
ber of  meat-producing  animals  killed  was 
111,703,142,  against  212,871,053  in  1859. 
A  special  feature  of  agriculture  in  America 
is,  that  the  number  of  animals  employed  in 
agricultural  j)iu-poses  is  larger  than  the  num- 
ber of  the  laborers.  In  1860  there  were  in 
the  United  States : 

Horses   7,300,972 

Mules  and  donkeys  .. .  1,290,349 

Milk  cows   8,728,862 

Oxen   2,240,07.5 

Other  cattle   18,018,409 

Sheep   24,823,560 

Pigs   39,023,172 

The  whole  represented  a  total  value  of 
about  $2,000,000,000.  The  increase  in  pork 
only,  for  one  year,  amounted  to  37  per  cent., 
and  in  the  single  winter  of  1861-62,  the 
number  of  hogs  killed  for  the  market  rose  to 
2,872,600. 

One  of  the  articles  of  Anu  rican  commerce, 
which  would  have  been  hardly  ))rophcsied 
fifty  years  ago,  is  the  ice  trade.  The  United 
States  can  be  considered  as  the  sole  purvey- 
ors of  the  world  for  that  article,  for  every 
country  except  Europe  and  its  innncdiato 
vicinity.  The  success  in  this  branch  of  in- 
dustry is  pi'incipally  due,  not  so  much  to  the 
cold  winters  of  the  north  of  the  United 
States,  or  to  their  ])roxiniity  to  the  alniost- 
ever  ice-bound  Canad-is  and  Northern  Lakes, 
as  to  the  spirit  of  enterprise  in  Americans, 
^he  swiftness  of  their  clippers,  which  carry 
so  rapidly  and  so  cheaply  their  ice  cargoes  to 
South  America  or  the  East  Indies,  and  to 
the  almost  scientific  manner  by  which  ice  is 
gathered,  stored,  and  shipped.  The  ice  trade 
was  inaugurated  as  early  lus  1805,  for  tlio 
West  Indies  consumption,  by  a  Bostonian, 
Mr.  Fredei  ic  Tudor.  In  1833  he  shipped  his 
first  cargo  for  the  East  Indies,  and  the  year 
after  he  sent  another  ice-laden  ship  to  iirazil. 
In  1846  the  exportation  of  that  article  from 
Boston  amounted  to  65,000  tons,  and  in 
1856  to  146,000  tons.  The  increase  in  this 
kind  of  exportation  has  kept  steadily  ahead, 
and  it  brings  a  good  source  of  revenue 
to  the  agricultural  po]>ulation,  which  can  so 
much  more  easily  attend  to  it,  as  ice  is 
gathered  in  a  .season  during  which  agricul- 
tural labor  is  almost  at  a  standstill. 

Though  produced  only  in  very  few  Sotith- 
ern  Slates,  and  especially  in  Nortli  Carolina, 
turpentine  shows  a  fair  record  in  the  agricul- 
tural statistics  of  America.  The  cxporta- 
tions,  in  1800,  were  4,072,023  gallons, valued 
at  §1,910,289,  for  turpentine  essence  alone. 
The  crude  article  was  ex|)ort''d,  in  tlie  same 
year,  to  the  amount  of  770,()52  barrels,  val- 
ued at  §  1 ,818,238.  To  Knglaiul  the  expor- 
tations  amounted  to  12,323  tons  in  1858,  and 
1 2,833  tons  in  1 859.  The  civil  war  put  a  check 
to  that  commerce,  which  now  (August,  1874) 
is  beginuing  again  to  revive. 

The  census  of  1870  shows  that  there  are 
in  the  United  States  5,922,471  persons  en- 
gaged in  agricultural  pui-suit.s.  Of  these, 
2,885,990  are  agricultural  laborers;  3,550 
dairymen  and  dairy  women ;  2,977,771  ar« 


eio 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


farmers  and  planters;  1,085  are  florists  ; 
31,485  are  <;ardeiiers  and  nurserymen  ;  0,588 
are  stock-raisers;  9,771,  stock-drovers  and 
stock-herders;  13G  are  apiarists;  3G1  are 
tiH-peutine  farmers;  2,117  are  turpentine  la- 
borers ;  1,112  wine-growers. 

The  census  of  1870  gives  the  following  fig- 
nres,  showing  tlie  most  recent  particulars  re- 
lative to  all  branches  of  agriculture  : 

Number  of  farms  :  improved  . . .  188,921,099 
"    unimproved  I     159  310,177 
woodland )  '  ' 

"  [  59,503,765 

improved   )  '  ' 

Cash  value  of  farms  $9,262,803,861 

"         farming  implements  336,878,429 

Wages  paid  during'  the  year   310,286,285 

Total  value  of  all  farm  products.  2,447,538,658 

Orchard  products   47,335,189 

Produce  of  market  gardens   20,719,229 

Forest  products     36,808,277 

Value  of  home  manufactures.. . .  23,423,332 

Value  of  animals  slaughtered,  }  398,956,376 

or  sold  for  slaughter  )  '  ' 

Value  of  all  live  stock  1,525,276,457 

Number  of  horses   7,145,370 

"        mules  and  asses   1,125,415 

"        milch  cows   8,935,332 

"        working  oxen   1,319.271 

"        other  cattle   13,566,005 

"        sheep   28,477,951 

'»        swme   25.134,569 

Wheat  (spring)  bushels  112,549,733 

"     (winter)                     "  175,195,893 

.  Rye                                    "  16,918,795 

Indian  corn                          "  760,944,549 

Oats                                    "  282,107,157 

liarley                                 "  29,761,305 

}5uckwheat                           "  9,821,721 

Rice                                     lbs.  73,635,021 

Tobacco                                 "  262,735,341 

Cotton.                              bales  3,011,996 

Wool                                   lbs.  100,102,387 

Peasand  beans  bushels  5,746,027 

Potatoes  (Irish)                    "  143,337,473 

(sweet)                   "  21,709,824 

Wine  gaUons  3,092,330 

Rutter                                 lbs.  514,092,683 

Cheese                                   "  .53,492,153 

Milk  gallons  235,500,599 

Hay                                    tons  27,316,048 

Clover.  bushels  639,657 

(Jra.ss                                  "  583,188 

Hops                                   lbs.  25,456,669 

Hemp                                 tons  12,746 

Flax                                    lbs.  27,133,034 

Flax.sced  bushels  1,730,444 

Silk  (cocoons)                       lbs.  3,937 

Sugar  (cane)                      hhda.  87,043 

(sorghum)                    "  24 

"     (maple)                     lbs.  28,443.045 

Molas.ses  (cane)  gallons  6,593,323 

"      (sorghum)               "  16,050,0S9 

(maple)                   "  921,057 

R«»e8  (wax)                          lbs.  631,129 

"    (honey)                         "  14,702,815 


COTTON, 

If  cotton  is  no  more  a  "  king,"  it  is  still  a 
powerful  ])rince,  wlio  liolps  considerably  in 
tlic  j)rogn'ss  and  woaltli  of  the  United  States, 
and  keeps  a  goodly  part  of  the  world  under 
tiicir  domination.  It  is  imj)0ssible  tiiat  it 
should  be  otherwise,  for  the  soil  of  America 
is,  through  a  special  gift  (>f  Providence, 
tlic  best  adapted  to  cotton  cultivation.  It 
profluces,  at  the  same  time,  the  liiglicst 
<piality  of  long  silky  Sea  Island  cotton,  and 
the  largest  (juantity  on  a  given  area  of 
ground.  TIh;  most  conclusive  evidence  of 
the  8iii)eriority  of  the  United  States  in  the 
niatt<'r  of  cotton  production  over  Egypt, 
Chinu,  l^razil,  and  East  Indies,  is  to  be  found 
im  tins  fact  that,  during  the  late  war,  lottou, 


thougli  smuggled  at  the  rate  of  a  few  bales 
on  every  blockade-runner,  was  still  sufficient 
to  provide  the  Confederacy  with  money,  the 
nerve  of  war,  and  that,  at  pi-esent,  the  whole 
country,  though  producing  yet  less  cotton 
than  before  18G1,  sells  it  for  nearly  the  same 
amount  of  money  as  it  did  previously. 

The  clima.x  of  cotton  production  was 
reached  in  1859,  but/  in  the  early  days  of  the 
colonization,  American  cotton  had  asserted 
its  superiority.  As  early  as  in  the  year 
1748,  an  inferior  quality  of  cotton  shipped 
from  Charleston,  realized  upon  the  English 
market,  £3  lis.  5d.  per  bag.  But  the 
British  could  not  believe  that  America  would 
ever  become  a  cotton-producing  country ;  in 
1784,  seven  bales  having  been  sent  to  Eng- 
land, were  seized  by  the  Custom-House  au- 
thorities, who  declared  ex  cathedrd  that 
the  invoice  was  not  ho7id  fide,  for  America 
could  not  produce  such  a  quantity  of  the 
white  crop.  Still,  they  had  to  be  reconciled 
to  the  idea  that  such  a  fact  was  possible; 
and  the  English  importations  ran  to  14,109,- 
389  pounds  and  even  842  bales,  at  the  time 
when  the  war  for  Independence  broke  out. 
About  at  the  same  time  the  Sea  Island  cot- 
ton, the  pride  of  American  production,  was 
first  raised  on  the  Georgia  coast,  especially  at 
Hilton  Head,  along  the  swampy  shox-es  of 
South  Carolina.  It  was  sold  at  ])rices  which 
forebode  the  cotton  famine  prices  between 
18G1  and  18G5,  that  is  to  say,  47  cents  a 
pound,  whilst  other  cotton  brought  only  27 
cents.  The  fibre  was  even  so  long,  that  the 
English  manufacturers,  whose  machinery  was 
entirely  adapted  to  short  Surat  cotton,  took  to 
cutting  in  two  the  newly  imported  Sea  Island, 
before  spinning  it.  Soon  after  the  success 
won  by  the  Hilton  Head  cotton,  the  Edisto 
cotton  was  sold,  in  1805,  at  more  tlian  one 
dollar  a  poimd  ;  and  it  reached,  in  1828,  two 
dollars  a  pound,  the  highest  2)rice  ever  paid 
for  cotton. 

In  1857,  one  bale  sent  from  the  same 
county  of  Edisto,  was  sold  at  the  rate  of 
$1.35  a  pound,  for  that  staple  was  considered 
quite  superior  to  the  cotton  ^vhich  had  given 
the  famous  thread  No.  900,  so  much  admired 
attho  London  Universal  E.xhibition  of  1851. 

Between  1849  and  1859,  the  cotton  pro- 
duction was  nearly  doubled  ;  2,445,793  bales 
of  400  pounds  each,  in  1849,  and  4,075,770 
bales  in  1859.  The  rumors  of  war  had  al- 
ready exercised  their  influence  upon  tbc 
cro])  of  I8GO-'01,  which  reached  only  to 
3,050,080  bales. 

The  area  occupied  by  the  cotton  lands  in 
America  might  be  called  the  slavery  area,  for 
it  occupies  just  the  same  ground  a.s  that  in- 
stitution occupied.  The  northern  belt  of 
the  cotton-])r()ducing  country  is  marked  by 
the  jiarallel  3(i°,  the  one  so  famous  un- 
der the  nanu!  of  ]\lason  and  Dixon's  line, 
which  had  been  stretched  out  as  a  limit  be- 
yond which  slavery  was  told  :  "  Thou  shalt 
not  go  farther !  "  Thirteen  States  ])roduce 
cotton,  but  only  eight  of  them,  bordering  the 
Atlantic  Ocean  and  the  Mexican  CJnlf,  are 
engaged  in  the  culture  of  the  seed  on  a  large 
scale.  In  taking  all  of  the  thirteen  States 
together,  the  average  jiroductive  capacity  of 
the  soil  amounts  to  one-half  bale  i)er  acre, 
as  shown  by  the  statistics  of  1872. 

The  princi|>al  jwrlsof  exportations,  nccord- 
iujf  to  the  statements  of  1872-'73,  arc  : 


Bales  for  Bales  for 

foreign  porta.         domeEtic  port* 

Charleston,  S.  C. .  100,109  225,010 
Galveston,  Texas.     210,438  133,304 

Mobile,  Ala   132,130  197,131 

New  Orleans   1,177,058  228,908 

Savannah,  Ga   375,895  248,752 

Added  to  these  figures  must  be  cotton 
shipped  at  smaller  ports,  and  also  the  interior 
movement  of  cotton  to  northern  mills  and 
markets,  through  the  rivers  and  over  the 
railroads,  up  the  valley  of  the  MississippL 
This  movement  amounted,  in  1873,  to  402,296 
bales. 

The  following  table  will  show  the  progress 
of  cotton  cultivation  and  exportation  during 
the  few  years  previous  to  the  war,  which  put 
a  momentary  check  to  that  branch  of  national 
wealth : 

The  crops  were  in 

1851-  52   of   3,015,029  bales. 

1852-  53    "    3,202,882  " 

1853-  54    «    2,930,027  " 

1854-  55    "    2,847,339  « 

1855-  56  3,527,845  « 
1850-57    "    2,939,519  " 

1857-  58    "    3,113,902  " 

1858-  59    "    3,851,481  " 

1859-  60    "    4,075,770  " 

1860-  61    "    3,650,086  " 

The  home  consumption  during  the  same 
years  varied  between  700,000  bales  and 
900,000.  In  1857-58,  only  595,502  bales 
were  for  home  consumption,  and  in  1859-00, 
American  manufacturers  employed  978,043 
bales.  The  lowest  and  higliest  figures  of  ex- 
portation for  the  same  period  were  the  fol- 
lowing: 987,833,100  pounds  in  1853-54, 
against  1,707,080,338  pounds  in  1859-60. 
The  average  price  of  cotton  jumped  suddenly 
from  its  highest  fig\ire  of  9.85  cents  in  former 
years  to  12.55  per  pound  in  1850-57  ;  11.72 
in  1857-58  ;  12.72,  in  1858-59  ;  10.8.5,  in 
1859-00;  12.50,  in  1860-61.  After  the 
opening  of  the  civil  war,  cotton  increased  in 
value  in  proportion  witb  the  decrease  in  pro- 
duction, so  that,  on  the  1st  of  January,  1803, 
the  extent  of  the  crop  being  e.stimated  at  the 
fourth  of  what  it  amounted  formerly,  the 
value  of  it  was  nearly  equal  to  the  value 
given  precedent ly  for  a  full  crop. 

It  is  impossible  to  get  at  any  reliable  sta- 
tistics of  the  production  of  cotton  during  the 
civil  war,  which  distift'bed  the  administrative 
machinery  of  the  United  States.  In  the 
year  which  followed  the  termination  of  the 
war,  the  cotton  crop  was  in — 

1805-06  of  2,209,310  bales. 
1800-07  "  2,097,254  " 
1867-68  "  2,519,554  " 
180)8-79  "  2,306,407  " 
1809-70  "  3,122,551  " 

1870-  71  "  4,302,317  " 

1871-  72  "  3,014,351  " 

1872-  73  "  3,9.30,508  " 

The  liome  consumjition  during  these  yeari 
increasetl  steadily,  as  the  following  figui-e« 
will  show,  commencing  at  18G5-()0  inclusive* 

1806   600,100  bales. 

1807   770,0.30 

1808   906,6.36  " 

1809   920,374  " 

1870   805,160  " 

1871   1,110,196  « 

1872   1,237,330  " 

1873   1,201,127  •* 


i 


UNITED  STATES. 


Oil 


A  siuKleii  increase  in  home  consumption  is 
thus  shown  within  tlie  hist  tliree  years.  It 
uuisl  he  noticed  also  that  the  bales  mentioned 
in  the  statistics  of  recent  y(;ars  are  larger 
thun  the  bales  were  before  the  year  1840, 
when  they  wenghed  no  more  than  395  or  397 
pounds,  whilst  they  are  reckoned  now  at  4iO 
and  even  at  4G4r  jjounds  per  bale.  Foreign 
exportations  kept  about  in  the  same  ratio  as 
formerly,  being  larger  when  the  cotton  crop 
was  large  itself  and  prices  proportionately 
low,  and  being  smaller  when  the  crop  de- 
creased ;  the  foreign  manufacturers  ado])ted 
Amei  ican  cotton  in  prefei-ence  to  any  other, 
and  their  wants  were  the  same  after  the 
American  civil  war  as  previous  to  it.  It  is  a 
fact  worth  while  to  be  borne  in  mind,  that 
the  su]>eriority  of  the  cotton  of  the  United 
States  has  been  demonsti-ated  precisely  by  the 
eclipse  through  which  the  American  staple 
passed  during  the  war.  All  the  energy  and 
the  whole  moneyed  power  of  England  was 
brought  to  bear  on  the  production  of  the 
Indian  cotton,  with  the  hope  of  finding  in 
the  East  Indies  a  siibstitute  for  the  American 
staple.  These  efforts  were  of  no  avail  ;  no 
other  article  could  take  the  place  of  the 
cotton  of  the  United  States,  and  immediately 
after  the  war  foreign  manufacturers  called 
again  at  their  former  source  of  supply.  The 
exportation  following  the  close  of  the  war 
would  have  been  still  larger  if  the  home  con- 
sumption had  not  increaseil  at  the  same  time, 
and  thus  enhanced  the  market  price  of  cotton 
while  it  diminished  the  available  exporting 
matter. 

The  prices  paid  for  cotton  since  the  war 
Bland  as  follows : 

Per  pound  in  New 
York  market. 

1865-66   43.20  cents. 

liS6G-G7   31.59  " 

1807-68   24.85  " 

1868-  69   29.01  " 

1869-  70   23.98  " 

1870-  71    16.95  " 

1871-  72   20.48  " 

1872-  73   18.15  « 

The  nine  Southern  States  which,  before  the 
war,  were  the  most  prominent  for  their  cot- 
ton crops,  have  kept  their  position  amongst 
the  thirteen  cotton-gro-^ing  States  since  the 
war.  In  closing  this  subject  of  cotton-pro- 
ducing it  may  be  important  to  state  that  sta- 
tistics cannot  be  obtained  of  mathematical 
accuracy,  for  the  small  ])lanters  do  not  always 
report  the  state  of  their  crops  with  a  rigorous 
exactitude,  and  because  a  small  portion  of 
the  cotton  is  consumed  njjon  the  plantation 
itself,  without  any  record  being  made  after 
the  picking  season  to  the  county  statistician. 
That  explains  to  a  certain  degree  why  some 
authors  put  4,861,292  bales  as  the  largest 
crop  acknowledged  to  have  been  gathered  in 
the  United  States,  that  is,  in  1859-60,  whilst 
others  put  it  at  4,300,000  bales ;  and  a  third 
author,  the  one  we  have  adojned,  puts  the 
whole  crop  between  the  two  former  figures, 
that  is,  at  4,675,770  bales  for  1859-60. 

COMMERCE  AND  NAVIGATION. 

The  climax  of  navigation  and  shipbuilding 
was  reached,  in  the  United  States,  in  June, 
1861,  when  the  American  tonnage  was  5,539- 


812  tons.  That  was  tlio  natural  conscfiuenco 
of  the  development  of  American  crops,  and 
esj)ecially  of  the  cotton  crop,  which  had  to 
be  transported  to  Europe  and  otlier  countries. 
The  wheat  and  corn  crops  had  been  very 
good  for  some  years,  and  cotton  2)roduction 
attained  in  1859-60  its  highest  figure,  4,675,- 
770  bales;  all  this  formed  an  immense 
amount  of  freight,  which  gave  employment 
to  any  vessels  wliich  the  American  shipyards 
could  send  to  sea.  War  and  depression  of 
trade  came  afterwards,  and  caused  the  Ameri- 
can flag  almost  to  disappear  from  the  ocean. 
It  is  only  within  the  last  few  months  that 
shipbuilding  has  recovered  some  of  its  former 
activity,  and  the  present  embarrassment 
caused  in  England  to  that  branch  of  industry 
by  tiie  demands  of  the  workmen  for  increased 
wages  tends  to  diminish  English  competi- 
tion. America  built  more  ships  and  steamers 
in  the  beginning  of  1874  than  she  had  done 
for  the  ten  corresponding  periods  of  previous 
years,  and  never  was  American  superiority 
in  shipbuilding  shown  better  than  in  the 
magnificent  steamers  City  of  Pehin  and 
City  of  Tioko,  constructed  by  Roach  &  Sons, 
and  launched  from  the  Chester  shipyards  on 
the  Delaware.  These  steamers,  the  largest 
afloat  after  the  Great  Eastern^  belong  to  the 
Pacific  Mail  Steamshi|)  line. 

It  is  quite  natural  that  the  mercantile  ma- 
rine of  the  United  States  should  have  pro- 
gressed so  remarkably,  and  should  be  called  to 
a  splendid  prosperity  in  the  future,  for  not 
only  is  America  stretched  along  more  than 
6,000  miles  of  ocean  shores,  but  its  internal 
system  of  rivers  is  the  most  extensive  and  the 
best  naturally-arranged  of  all  countries,  to- 
gether with  immense  treasures  in  her  forests 
and  in  her  mines,to  help  the  building  of  wooden 
and  iron  ships.  As  early  as  1670  the  North 
American  Colonies  wei'e  already  so  much  de- 
veloped, as  to  industry,  that  Sir  Joshua 
Childs  wrote :  "  Our  American  plantations 
employ  nearly  two-thirds  of  our  English  ship- 
ping, and  thereby  give  constant  subsistence 
to,  it  may  be,  200,000  persons  here  at  home." 
The  American  tonnage  of  that  time  was 
nearly  40,000  tons.  One  hundred  years  later, 
just  on  the  eve  of  the  Independence  War,  the 
vessels  built  in  the  Colonies  averaged  20,000 
tons.  In  1820  the  tonnage  had  not  increased, 
as  it  did  after  the  American  crops  enlarged 
through  the  agency  of  machinery  and  by  a 
steady  clearing  of  the  West  by  an  iinceasing 
flow  of  immigration. 

In  1830,  there  were   47,780  tons. 


]8:!0, 
1840, 
1850, 
1855, 
1850, 
1857, 
1858, 
1859, 
18G0, 
1861, 


«:}7  vessels,  and  58  0!)4 


873 
l.lUiO 
S,0:54 
1.70.1 
1,:W4 
1,325 

870 
1.701 
1,143 


118,309 
273,218 
58:?.450 
4(!9.;503 
;<7K,S04 
243.286 
13(>.(i01 
212  893 
233' 194 


The  war  in  the  South  put  a  momentary 
stop  to  this  great  industry  of  the  United 
States.  The  amount  of  registered  and  en- 
rolled tonnage  .sold  to  foreigners  in  1861  is 
stated  to  be  26,649  tons.  Amount  condemned 
as  un.seaworthy,  7,964  tons.  The  amount 
lost  at  sea,  59,567  tons.  The  net  increase  of 
tonnage  for  the  year  1861  was  185,944  tons. 

In  forty-seven  j-ears,  ending  in  1861,  the 
decrease  of  sliipbuilding,  and  of  ships  and 


tonnage  belonging  to  the  United  States,  was 
42.75  per  cent.  During  the  ten  years  pre- 
ceding 1861,  the  same  decrease  went  dowr 
toonly  25  percent,  on  tlic  whole,  orabout 
per  cent,  yearly,  covering  a  loss  of  1,821,8:^7 
tons.  This  is  an  insignificant  loss  when  coni 
pared  with  the  3,589,300  tons  built  between 
1852  and  1862;  the  yearly  increase  from 
1854,  until  the  war,  amounted  to  340,571 
tons,  not  less  than  264  steamers  were  con- 
structed in  the  only  year  1859-60.  Ship- 
building was  confined,  at  that  time,  almost 
exclusively  to  New  York  and  New  England  ; 
a  few  vessels  were  built  at  Baltimore,  who.so 
industry  in  that  line  received  a  w;vere  blow 
from  the  war  and  from  the  competition  of  tho 
Delaware  shij)yards.  In  1855,  the  value  of 
the  tonnage  built  in  New  England  was  ^;2(),- 
000,000,  whilst  the  South  built  only  $1,160, 
000,  and  the  West  not  even  one  million  dol- 
lars. There  were  in  the  North  nearly  11,000 
workmen  exclusively  employed  iu  tiiis  branch 
of  industry,  on  an  average  of  1^500  each  for 
annual  wages.  In  1856,  the  North  built 
1,205  vessels  with  a  tonnage  of  376,647  tons; 
in  1857,  983  vessels  with  294,472  tons  ;  in 
1858, 739  vessels  with  170,570  tons.  The  busi- 
ness was  fostered  by  the  bounties  of  the  Fede- 
ral Government  paid  to  the  fishermen  for 
every  ton  on  the  vessels  engaged  in  the  fish- 
eries. The  amount  of  bounty  i)aid  iu  the 
twelve  years  ending  in  1859, was  of  more  than 
four  millions  of  dollars,  of  which  ilassachu- 
setts  received  two-thirds.  New  York  State, 
being  engaged  more  especially  in  the  con- 
struction of  other  vessels  larger  than  the  fish- 
ing smacks,  hardly  n^ceived  any  bouniy,  but 
took  the  lead  in  shipbuilding. 

On  the  5,539;812  tons  which  formed  in 
June,  1861,  the  entire  tonnage  of  the  United 
States,  New  York  could  claim  1,740,940 
tons,  that  is,  nearly  30  per  cent,  of  the  general 
total.  And,  as  to  shipbuilding  alone,  the 
State  of  New  Y^'ork  constructed  46,359  tons, 
that  is,  nearly  20  per  cent,  of  the  wliole  ton- 
nage, for  the  same  year,  ending  J  une  30,  186]. 
In  the  three  years,  1859,  1860,  I80I,  the 
State  of  Maine  built  156,115  tons;  3Iassa- 
chusett-s,  101,937;  Pennsylvania,  60,845,  and 
the  balance  of  the  States  built  189,183  tons. 
If  each  ton  is  reckoned  at  a  valuation  of  i?40, 
the  tonnage  of  the  State  of  New  York  was  in 
June,  1861,  1,740,940  tons,  valued  at  $59,- 
637,600  ;  and  the  tonnage  of  all  the  other 
States  was  3,798,872  tons,  valued  at  §151,- 
954,880. 

If  we  compare  the  figures  of  American 
vessels,  before  the  war,  that  is,  5,539,812 
tons,  in  June,  1861,  with  the  figures  of  the 
last  three  years,  a  very  large  dilference  is  to 
be  found,  showing  to  what  extent  the  Re- 
bellion crii)pled  the  industry  and  commerce 
of  the  United  States. 

In  1870,  there  were  7,825  vessels  and 
2,400,407  tons  entered  in  the  mcrcontiie  ser- 
vice belonging  to  America.  In  the  same 
year,  that  which  belonged  to  English  trade 
with  the  United  Stat<'s  was  represented  by 
23,165  vessels  and  5,993,153  tons. 

But,  in  1872,  those  figures  were  altered, 
and  American  commerce  begins  to  recover. 
It  numbers  7,092  vessels  and  2,279,120  tons, 
whilst  England  decreases  and  is  rejnesented 
by  19,182\essels  and  5,468,327  tons. 

Tliere  are  motives,  therefore,  to  expect 
i  that  the  United  States  will  soou  recover  thcit 


<13 


HISTORY   OF  THE 


lost  iiiei  oautile  jn-estigc  on  the  seas.  Nobody 
will  (U  iiy  that,  at  U-a.st  in  American  waters, 
Americau  sliips  were  j)retloniinant,  just  be- 
fore the  war,  when  the  following  figures  are 
remembered : 

In  18G1,  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  June 
30.  the  whole  number  of  American 
vessels  entered  from  foreign  countries 
was   11,251 

■Whole  number  of  foreign  vessels  entered 

from  foreign  countries  was   10,709 

Whole  number  of  American  vessels  clear- 
ed for  foreign  countries  was.   11,079 

Whole  number  of  foreign  vessels  cleared 

for  foreign  countries  was   10,58G 

Tonnage  of  American  vessels  entered 

from  foreign  countries  was   5,023,917 

Tonnage  of  foreign  vessels  entered  from 

foreign  countries  was   2,217,554 

Tonnage  of  American  vessels  cleared  for 

foreign  countries  was   4,889,313 

Tonnage  of  foreign  vessels  cleared  for 
foreign  countries  was.   2,202,042 

Such  figures  demonstrate  sufficiently  the 
strong  vitality  which  shipbuilding  and  for- 
eign commerce  possessed  in  America,  and 
they  showed  that  if  such  a  trade  was  tem- 
porarily j)rostrated  by  a  five  years'  war,  and 
by  financial  embarrassments  likely  to  follow 
as  a  consequence,  it  would  soon  come  again 
to  life  and  prosperity.  So  has  it  been.  No- 
body could  take  from  Americans  tlieir 
peculiar  and  superior  science  of  shipbuikl 
ing,  which  has  been  evidenced  to  the  world 
by  the  superior  sailing  qualities  of  the  clip- 
pers, an  exclusively  American  invention,  and 
by  the  victories  won  by  tlie  American  yachts 
in  the  Cowes  races  in  18G9,  and  by  the  En- 
chantress, a  New  York  yacht,  which,  in  July, 
1874,  arrived  first  in  the  English  Channel 
race.  As  to  steamships,  the  glorious  memory 
of  the  Collins  line,  which  made  such  fast 
trips  between  New  York  and  Liverpool,  be- 
tween 1855  and  18G0,  has  not  yet  been 
eclipsed  in  the  mind  of  the  nautical  world 
by  the  splendid  j)assages  of  the  White  Star 
or  Jnman  lines  of  transatlantic  steamers. 
In  1801,  there  were  but  six  dillerent  steam- 
ship lines ;  th'jy  carried  f)y,.'l(J7  passengers, 
and  78,823  in  18G2.  At  present,  there  is 
more  than  a  .score  of  these  lines,  and  the 
United  States,  which  did  not  own  a  single 
one,  can  boast  of  possessing  the  American 
line  from  I*hiladelpliia  to  Liverpool,  while 
they  almost  monoj>olizc  the  carrying  tiade 
of  the  I'acific,  between  California  and  the 
coasts  of  Japan  and  China. 

As  to  the  Navy,  Hie  United  States  keep 
the  lead,  if  not  as  to  the  quantity,  at  least  as 
to  the  .seagoing  qualities  of  tlicir  ships.  The 
art  of  building  men-of-war  wius  entirely 
changed  in  the  making  of  the  Monitor,  No. 
L  American  iron-clads  were  the  first  to  go 
to  sea,  and  to  suj)])()rt  successfully  the  wear 
and  tear  and  the  dangers  of  Ions'  vovatrcs. 
Just  as  I'ulton  was  the  first  to  navigate 
))ractically  a  steamboat  on  the  Hudson,  so 
now  an  American   hius  demonstated  to  the 


down  to  our  own  time,  as  is  shown  below  by 
the  statistics  of  the  year  ending  April  3t), 
1874.  Exportations  from  the  country  have 
nearly  always  been  equal  to  the  importations 
from  abroad.  In  1700  the  exportations  from 
New  England  and  the  North  Atlantic  colo- 
nies were  of  £395,000  against  £344,000  of 
importations. 

In  1800   the  exportations  amounted  to 
$400,122,296,  and  the  importations  to  §362,- 
102,941.    The  principal  articles  of  ex2)0ita- 
tion  for  1861  were  as  follows  : 
Maritime  products :  whalebone, 

salt  fish,  oil,  etc   $4,451,515 

Forest  products  :  bark,  timber.  10,200,809 
Agricultural  products :  tobacco, 

raw  sugar,  cotton,  pork   149,492,026 

Specie  and  bullion   23,799,870 

The  exportations  of  home  manufactures 
were  valued  at  $228,699,486  ;  of  foreign  ar- 
ticles at  §20,045,427. 

During  the  same  year,  1860,  the  principal 
importations  were  colfee,  tea,  copper,  raw 
silk,  silk  goods. 

A  question  which  is  of  the  utmost  import- 
ance to  American  commerce  was  temporarily 
solved  in  1854  by  the  Reciprocity  Treaty 
concluded  with  England.  This  ti-eaty  pro- 
vided that  certain  specified  articles  were  to 
be  exchanged  free  between  the  United  States 
and  the  Canadas,  New  Brunswick,  and  Nova 
Scotia.  The  gi-eat  West  found  thus,  for  its 
products,  an  easy  outflow  into  the  British 
Provinces,  as  shown  by  the  following  figures  : 
For  the  year  ending  June  30,  1801,  Ameri- 
can merchandise  exported  to  those  Provinces 
was  valued  at  $208,825,783,  while  the  im- 
portations from  the  same  localities  only  reach- 
ed $150,347,355.  This  was,  as  com])ared 
with  1853,  an  increase  of  $103,735,603  for 
exportations,  and  of  $80,194,540  for  impor- 
tations. 

The  figures  given  below  will  sliow  that 
American  commerce  and  navigation  begins, 
tiiough  slowly,  to  retrace  their  stops.  This  is 
due,  in  a  great  ])art,  to  what  may  be  called 
the  personnel,  or  the  personal  agencies  which 
are  at  work  to  develop  the  resources  of  the 
United  States  under  the  head  of  Commerce, 
Navigation,  and  Transportation.  The  census 
of  1870  shows  a  population  of  28,228,945  over 
the  age  of  ten  years,  of  which  number  13,- 
970,079  are  females.  Out  of  this  number  we 
can  enumerate,  under  the  head  of  Commerce, 
Trade,  and  Navigation :  10,199  agents  ;  10,031 
bankers  and  brokers  (15  fem*les)  ;  11, 3(12 
barkeepers  (70  females)  ;  21,332  boatmen 
and  watermen  (30  females)  ;  31,177  book- 
keejiers  and  accountants  in  stores  (293  fe- 
males);  7,338  canalmen  (10  females)  ;  222,- 
504  clerks  in  stores  ((;,194  females)  ;  120,750 
draymen,  hacknien,  teamsters,  etc.  ;  154,027 
employes  of  railroad  companies  (not  clei'ks) ; 
5,103  employes  of  street  railroads  (not 
clerks)  ;  8,310  employes  of  telegraph  compa- 
nies (not  clerks)  ;  17,362  hucksters;  14,882 

and  niilkwomen: 


astonished  world,  in  the  waters  of  Hamjiton  laborers ;   3,728  milkmen 
Ivoads,  that  an  iron-clad  could  navigate,  and  I  473  nnile-jtackers  ;  2,002  new.spajier  criers 

staunch  and  and  carriers  (7  females)  ;  2,738  oflicials  of 
banks  ;  1,902  oflicials  of  railroad  conijianies  ; 


bir,  at  the  same  time,  a  good, 
redoubtable  man-of-war. 

A  country  endowed,  like  the  Unit^'d 
St)it<'8,  with  an  immense  territory,  and  with 
nearly  every  natural  product  of  northern  and 
Bouthern  climates,  could  hardly  help  being 
Buccessful  in  general  commerce.  So  it  has 
been,  from  the  very  days  of  the  colonization 


72  officials  of  telegraph  companies;  384 
pawnbrokers;  16,975  jiedlars ;  .3,049  ]iilots; 
10,031  porters  in  stores  and  warehouses; 
56,0()3  sailors  ;  14,203  sjilesmen  and  saleswo- 
men (2,775  females)  ;  3,507  shipjieis  and 
freighters  J  7,975  steamboatmenand  M  omeu 


(40  females)  ;  100,406  traders  and  dealers 
(not  specified,  of  which  2,833  are  females) ; 
1,939  dealers  in  agricultural  implements; 
3,392  in  books  and  stationery;  7,019  in 
boots  and  shoes ;  4,087  in  cabinet-ware ; 
8,234  in  cigars  and  tobacco  ;  7,595  in  cloth- 
ing; 4,143  in  coal ;  2,493  in  coal  and  wood ; 
1,701  in  cotton;  1,705  in  crockery,  china, 
and  stoneware  ;  17,309  in  drugs  and  medi- 
cines;  39,790  in  dry  goods  (601  females); 
6,402  gold  and  silver-ware  and  jewelry  ;  74,- 
410  groceries  (1,197  females)  ;  3,375  in  hats 
and  caps;  1,464  in  ice;  9,003  in  iron,  tin, 
and  copper  wares ;  2,261  in  leather,  hides, 
and  skins;  11,718  in  liquors  (106  females); 
7,723  in  live  stock  (5  females) ;  9,440  in  lum- 
ber (4  females)  ;  1,455  in  newspapers  and 
periodicals;  11,809  in  produce  (63  females); 
7,528  in  provisions;  8,933  in  real  estate; 
3,152  in  sewing  machines  ;  1,996  underta- 
kers (20  females)  ;  926  weighers,  gangers,  and 
measurers ;  93  wreckers. 

The  latest  report  on  hand,  published  by' 
the  Bureau  of  Statistics,  and  which  gives  fig- 
ures and  data  as  recent  as  the  30th  Septem- 
ber, 1873,  presents  some  interesting  particu- 
lars relative  to  the  trade  of  the  United  States 
with  different  countries  in  Asia  and  in  Eu- 
rope. A  report  from  the  Consul-General  in 
London  indicates  that  the  exportation  from 
that  port  to  the  r'nited  States,  for  the  year 
ending  September  30,  1873,  was  £1,092,911, 
or  twelve  and  one-half  per  centum  less  in 
value  than  that  of  the  jjreceding  year.  The 
total  value  of  the  imj)orts  entered  for  con- 
sumption into  the  Dominion  of  Canada  for 
the  fiscal  year  ending  June,  1872,  amo\mted 
to  $107,709,116,  being  an  increase  of  $20,- 
761,634,  or  nearly  twenty-four  per  centuiu 
over  the  imports  of  the  previo\is  year. 
The  ex])orts  for  the  same  jieriod  amounted 
to  $82,()39,063,  being  an  increase  over  the 
year  1871  of  $8,400,045,  or  nearly  eleven 
and  one-half  j;er  centum.  The  imports  info 
Canada  from  the  United  States,  entered 
for  home  consvnnption,  amounted,  anring 
the  above  period,  to  $34,217,909,  being  an 
increase  over  1870  and  1871  of  $5,195,582. 
The  exports  to  the  United  States  for  the 
same  period  amounted  to  $31,896,810 — 
$921,174  more  than  the  previous  year,  while 
during  the  year  ending  June  30,  1871,  the 
exports  from  Canada  ^o  the  United  Stiites  ex- 
ceeded the  inqiorts  from  this  country  by 
$1,953,255  ;  during  the  correspon<ling  period 
of  1871  and  1872  the  reverse  was  the  case  by 
$2,321,153. 

The  Consul  at  IMaVseilles  has  fnniislied 
statements  of  the  imports  and  cxjiorts  of 
France  for  the  first  eight  months  of  1873  in 
advance  of  the  annual  oflicial  roj)ort.  Those 
statements  jtroniise  an  increa.se  for  the  ]>ii»t 
year  of  over  $130,000,000  as  conqmred  with 
the  inqiorts  and  exjiorts  of  1870.  The  aggre- 
gate value  of  the  declared  exjiorts  to  the 
United  States  from  the  Consular  districts  of 
this  (iovernment  in  France  is  reported  as 
amounting  to  $<>9,077,5(')2  in  1872.  This  is 
an  increase  of  18,752,888  over  the  year  1871. 

The  declared  value  of  the  exjiorts  to  the 
United  States  from  the  Consular  districts  of 
this  CJovernnient  in  Gemiany,  for  the  year 
1872,  is  esfiniated  at  $37,177,000,  this  anuuuit 
exceeding  that  for  1871  by  more  than  $4,000,- 
000. 

The  political  disturbances  in  Spain  do  not 


UNITED  STATES. 


Appear  to  liavo  produced  a  decline  in  tlie  com- 
merce of  that  Kepublic.  Indeed,  the  official 
statement  shows  an  increase  of  more  than 
$40,000,000  in  the  value  of  the  imjjorts  for 
the  first  six  months  of  1873,  as  compared 
with  the  imports  for  the  corresponding  period 
of  1S72.  'J"he  Minister  at  ]\ladrid  reports 
that  he  believes  the  returns  of  the  exports 
will  afford  even  a  more  favorable  exhibit. 

During  the  five  years  ending  with  1872, 
tlie  commerce  between  the  United  States  and 
Switzerland  has  doubled.  The  value  of 
watches  exported  to  this  country  in  1872  is 
i-eported  as  having  amounted  to  $3,600,000. 

The  direct  import  and  export  trade  of 
China  with  the  United  States  aj)pears  to  be 
very  small,  but  the  American  inland  and 
coast  trade  is  rej)orted  to  exceed  that  of  any 
other  nation.  The  entii-e  Ameiican  trade, 
foreign  and  coasting,  forms  nearly  thirty- 
seven  per  centum  of  the  whole  foreign  trade 
of  China,  and  contributes  more  than  twenty- 
three  and  a  half  per  centum  of  the  revenue 
collected  by  the  foreign  customs  departments. 

We  will  end  this  chapter  with  a  general 
view  of  the  state  of  Trade  and  Shipi)ing  of 
the  country,  taken  from  a  recent  point  of 
view.  The  latest  report,  issued  by  the  Bu- 
reau of  Statistics  of  the  Treasury  Depart- 
ment, includes  the  ten  months  ending  April 
30th,  1S74,  and  it  shows  that  for  the  period 
indicated  above  the  United  States  im|)orted 
8495,304,376  in  1874,  against  $556,567,409 
in  the  corresponding  period  of  1873  : 

Dom.  Exports.        For.  Exports. 

1874  $518,951,386  $18,702,172 

1873   485,457,353  22,105,593 

The  specie  movement  included  in  the  above 
statistics  is,  i-elatively,  of  an  inconsiderable 
value;  for  in  1874  the  United  States  import- 
ed a  little  over  $25,000,000,  and  they  export- 
ed $39,175,676  of  specie  and  bullion. 

In  making  allowance  for  the  ditlei-ences  in 
the  warehouse  amount,  the  exj^orts  in  the 
same  period  are  in  excess  for  1874  of  the  im- 
ports to  the  extent  of  nearly  $30,000,000, 
while  for  1873  the  impoi-ts  exceeded  the  ex- 
ports by  $68,411,617. 

The  carrying  trade  stands  as  follows  : 

For  1874— In  American  vessels,  about.  $290,000, 000 
In  Foreign  vessels   780,000,000 

For  1873— In  American  vessels   284.000,000 

In  Foreign  vessels   811,000,000 

That  shows  that,  of  the  total  trade  by  water, 
74  per  cent,  was  carried  by  foreign  ve.ssels  in 
1873,  and  73  per  cent,  in  1874. 

For  the  twelve  months  ending  April  30,  the 
tonnage  and  number  of  vessels  stood  as  follows : 

Tonnafjc. 

1S73— American  vessels  ent'd . .  1 1 ,073  3, 609, 420 

Foreign  vessels  ent'd .. .  19, 055  7,831,577 

American  vesselscl'd  11,227  3,743,497 

Foreign  vessels  cl'd  19,875  7,875,011 

1874— American  vessels  ent'd  .11,808  3,877.(!34 

Foreign  vessels  ent'd  21,023  9, 147,504 

American  vessels  cl'd  12,032  3,984,001 

Foreign  vessels  cl'd  20,989  9,071,310 

IMMIGRATION. 

There  is,  in  the  first  half  of  the  year  1874,  a 
slight  decrease  in  immigration  figures,  as  com- 
pared with  those  of  former  years,  but  this  is 
due  especially  to  the  financial  crisis  which  burst 
over  the  country  in  September,  1873,  and  pre 
vented  many  immigrants  already  settled  in 
America  from  forwarding  suflicient  funds  to 
their  friends  and  relatives  to  enable  them  to 


emigrate.  This  momentary  decrease  was  also 
due  to  the  stringent  measures  taken  by  Ger- 
many against  emigration,  and  by  disheartening 
advices  circulated  by  other  European  govern- 
ments relative  to  the  business  situation  of  the 
United  States. 

Some  two  or  three  thousand  emigrants 
landed  in  the  North  >  American  Colonies,  be- 
foio  the  arrival  of  the  I'ilgrims,  but  they 
perished  mistn'ably,  except  60  of  them ;  they 
had  neither  the  faith  nor  the  courage;  and  per- 
severing sjiirit  of  the  Puritans.  When  the 
exam])le  of  the  latter  had  shown  that  coloni- 
zation and  emigration  could  be  successful  in 
America,  a  number  of  Germans  came  over, 
and  settled  in  Pennsylvania,  at  the  end  of  the 
17th  and  in  the  beginning  of  the  18th  centiiry. 
The  Dutch  settled  in  New  York,  the  Swedes 
in  Delaware,  and  the  French  in  Louisiana  and 
Canada.  But  the  tide  of  emigration  began 
in  earnest  in  1820,  and  especially  in  1849. 
An  Act  of  Congress,  passed  March  2,  1819, 
ordered  that  statistics  of  emigration  should 
be  kept.  The  total  of  emigrants  landed  from 
1790  to  1817  was  estimated  at  about  6,000  ; 
and,  in  1817  alone,  more  than  20,000  emi- 
grants arrived  in  the  United  States ;  but  it 
was  an  exceptional  year,  and  no  reliable 
statistics  were  kept  for  the  21  months  which 
elapsed  from  Januaiy  1,  1818,  to  September 
30,  1819.  From  this  latter  date  to  the  pres- 
ent time,  the  following  table  will  give  all  in- 
formation relative  to  emigration. 

From  the  commencement  of  the  Govern- 
ment to  December  30,  1870,  7,803,865  immi- 
grants have  arrived  in  the  United  States 
from  foreign  countries.  The  following  table, 
compiled  from  the  special  report  of  the  Sta- 
tistical Bureau,  Treasury  Depai'tment,  on 
immigration,  will  show  the  increase  during 
each  decade  since  1820  : 
Prior  to  1820    250,000 


From  1820  to  1830,  inclusive. 
"     1831  to  1840,  " 
"     1841  to  1850,  " 
"     1851  to  1860,  « 
"     1861  to  1870,  " 


151,824 
599,125 
1,713,251 
2,598,214 
2.491,451 


Total   7,803,865 

From  the  above  it  will  be  seen  that  the 
tide  of  immigration  has  steadily  increased 
during  each  decade,  with  the  single  excep- 
tion of  the  one  beginning  1861  and  ending 
1870.  During  the  War  of  the  Rebellion 
immigration  to  this  country  was  j)artially 
checked.  The  following  table  will  show  the 
number  of  immigrants  arrived  during  each 
year  of  the  decade.  .  It  will  be  seen  that 
during  1862,  probably  the  darkest  period  of 
the  war,  the  tide  of  immigration  reached  its 
lowest  point: 

June  30,  1861   140,528 

"      1862   69,449 

"      1863   130,060  . 

"      1864   193,754 

"      1863   180,667 

'<      1866   330,704 

«      1867   298,967 

"      1868   282,189 

"      1869   352,768 

"      1870   387,203 

Total  2,366,289 

The  above  statement  shows  the  number  of 
immigrants  that  arrived  during  each  fiscal 


year,  wherea.s  the  first  statement  given  of  tha 
total  arrivals  since  the  formation  of  tho 
Government  shows  the  number  during  tlie 
decade  by  calendar  years.  Thi.s  will  account 
for  the  apparent  difierencc  in  the  totals  for 
the  same  decade  in  the  two  statements. 

The  British  Isles  have  furnished  nearly 
one-half  of  all  the  inmiigrants.  Englaud, 
since  the  formation  of  the  Government,  inm 
sent  516,192;  Ireland,  2,900,493 ;  Scotland, 
84,623;  Wales,  12,435  ;  Great  Britain,  not 
specified,  544,107 ;  or  a  total  of  3,857,850 
from  the  British  Isles.  Germany  has  sent  2,- 
267,500;  Prussia,  100,983;  omitting  those 
that  became  paupers  or  criminals,  or  through 
idleness  have  turned  out  non-producers,  wo 
may  safely  estimate  the  capital  value  of  our 
foreign  immigration  during  1870,  at  $200,- 
000,000.  As  a  subject  of  peculiar  interest, 
and  in  order  to  remove  the  impression  enter 
tained  by  many  that  the  large  majority  of 
immigrants  arriving  in  this  country  are  with- 
out a  trade  or  profession,  we  apj)end  a  care- 
fully prepared  statement  of  the  occupations 
of  those  who  arrived  in  the  United  States 
during  the  fiscal  year  ended  June  30,  1870  : 


Professional  Callings. 


Actors   4 

Chemists   43 

Clei^'jinen   2ti5 

Dentiist.s   3 

Kngineers   651 

Farriers   7 

Lawyers   77 

Musicians   2*4* 

Naturalists   3 


Physicians  

l*riefitfi  

Ueportcrs  

Surgeon  

Survcy3c  

Teachers  

rrofessions  not  Btatetl . , 


2.'a 
111 
3 
1 
1 

m 
y.A 


Total   2,l:.8 


Artists. 


Architects  

Carver  

Enpraver  . . . 
Image-maker. 
Lithographer  . 


SI 


-takers  

IJarbers  

Blacksmiths  

Blot^k-makers  

Boiler-makers  

Bookbinders  .-. 

Braziers  

Brewers  

Brick-makers  

Butchers  

(Cabinet-makers  

Carjienters  

Caulkers  

Chandler  

Cigar-makers  

Confectioners  

Coopers  

Curriers  

Cutlers  

Distillers  

Divers  

Dres.-smakors  

Dyers  

File  makers  

Fuller  

Furrier  

Gilders  

Glaziers  

Gunsmiths  

Hatters  

Hoc-maker  

InBtrumcnt-maker. 

Iron-workers  

Jewellers  

Joiners  

Locksmiths  


1 
1 
1 
1 

illed  1) 
900 
21 
2,378 
3 
8 
1« 
3 
862 
3 
727 
G 

4,431 
(> 
1 

228 

101 
10 
5 

2 
2 

21 
114 
2 
1 
1 
3 
2 
2 

58 
1 

V 

40!t 
343 
13 


Photographers  

Artists  not  stated. 


Total. 


8 

ino 


200 


'orlmen. 

Masons   2,l!l0 

Millers   X-.)S 

Milliners   17 

Millwrights   4 

Miners   4,7H3 

Moulders   2 

Nail-mnkers.   Vi 

Painters   75-'{ 

Pilot   1 

Plumbers   7 

Potttrs   8 

Printers   180 

Puddlers   2 

Rope-makers   3 

Saddlers    ir,7 

Sail-nmkers   I'J 

Sawyer   1 

Seamstresses   005 

Shipw  rights   9 

.'^hoe- binder   1 

Shoeninkers   1,557 

Soap-makers..,,,    3 

Spinners   10 

Stone-cutters   Iv2 

Tailors   1.703 

Tanners   102 

Telegraph  operator   1 

Tinners   2<i 

Turners   8 

Weavers   1,  KS 

Wheelwrights   SU 

Wo<il-M>rtcr   1 

Mechanics  not  stated . . .  8,0<>1 

Total  ai.imi 


Agents. . 
Broker! . 
CaU-rer  . 
Clerks  . . 


Consuls  

Contractors. . . 

Cooks   

Dniggists  

EdiUirs  

Fanners  

Firemen  

Fishennen  

Gardeners  

Grocers  

Hot^l-keepcre  . 

Hunter  

Interpreters... 

Jugglers  

Labtirers  

LHUndresses  . . 
Lambcruicu . . , 


MibceltaneoHS  Occupations, 

  37  !  Manufacturers  

  2  ]  Merchants  

  II  Nuns  

  1,611  i  NurM's  

  4  i  Onicers  

  4  '  Oix-rativcs  

.    ...       73  '  Overseer  

  51  Pe<tdlers  

,   3  1  Hetupecs  

 35,fir>«  Bentier  

  22  1  Sailors  

  Sil  '  Servant.-.  

  61  I  Shcphenls  

  2  ,  Soldiers  

  25  ;  Stc«  artless  

Students  

Teamsters  

Travellers  


1 
4 

%i 
1,577 
7 
6 


073 
36 

6 
18 
83 

1 

0 
49 

1 

,  lau 
,2»;i 
-.8 
117 
1 

188 
R 
IS 


Total. 


145.781 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


JlecapUulVlon. 

rrofpiisl>iial  callings   2,132 

ArtiHU   2UU 

Bkilifd  workmen   81,!l<i4 

Mi^<x'llaneous  uccupations   1  t5.T''>2 

O  riiiiatiiins  licit  riutt-d   VM.5'M 

Wjthuut  occupation   1(),529 

Total   387,203 


The  above  statement  covers  a  single  year. 
AVhen  we  consider  tliat  tliis  stream  of  immi- 
gration lias  been  going  on  for  years  and  is 
still  increasing  in  volnme,  and  that  the  accjni- 
sitions  to  our  industrial  interests,  as  shown 
by  tlie  table  given,  are  not  exceptional,  but 
the  rule,  as  proven  by  the  experience  of 
yeai-s,  we  can  form  a  faint  idea  of  the  im- 
mense ■wealth  that  this  living  tide  of  hu- 
manity brings  to  our  nation. 

A  subject  of  such  vast  impoi-tance  may 
well  command  the  attention  of  our  leading 
statesmen.  Each  year  has  seen  some  im- 
provement in  the  system  of  transportation 
between  this  country  and  Europe.  Old 
abuses  are  gradually  wearing  away.  Swift- 
sailing  steamers  are  taking  the  place  of  the 
old  immigrant  ships,  reducing  the  trials  of 
the  steerage  from  weeks  to  days.  Better  pro- 
visions, better  ventilation,  purer  water,  bet- 
ter accommodations,  more  humane  treatment, 
are  being  exacted  by  the  enlightened  senti- 
ment of  the  age.  Yet  the  field  for  improve- 
ment is  large.  Abuses  still  exist.  Vessels 
are  overcrowded,  provisions  ai-e  not  what 
they  should  be,  ventilation  is  imperfect,  the 
immigrant  is  still  subject  to  deprivations  and 
abuses  that  tend  to  injure  his  character  and 
undermine  his  health.  We  have  made  ])ro- 
gress  in  ocean  reform,  but  the  work  is  far 
from  completed.  The  stranger  who  comes 
to  our  shores,  bringing  his  nmscle  or  talents 
to  odd  to  our  country,  has  a  right  to  be  j)ro- 
tccted  on  his  way  here,  to  tlie  best  of  the 
ability  of  the  Government.  This  is  what  has 
been  understood  by  Congress,  which  has  imi- 
tated the  conduct  of  the  British  Parliament, 
and  voted  laws  to  protect  the  immigrants, 
especially  on  their  landing  in  America. 
Anotiier  law  gave  to  every  one  of  them,  -will- 
ing to  stay  at  least  five  years,  a  grant  of 
laud  of  I'JO  acres.  Another  advance  was 
made  by  the  extinction  of  the  Know-Noth- 
ing  spirit,  which,  a  few  years  ago,  had  taken 
liold  of  the  minds  of  .some  Americans,  who 
dreaded  the  Hooding  of  the  country  by  the 
foicigners. 

In  1871,  321, .350  immigrants  arrived,  and 
in  1872,  204,800. 

EDUCATION. 

In  18f)0,  there  were  about  ."), 000,000  schol- 
ars in  the  private  and  jjublic  schools  of  the 
Unit<-d  States.  This  figure  is  sufllcient  to 
stipport  the  opinion,  generally  entertaintid 
throughout  the  world,  that  the  United  States 
jH-oplc  are  one  of  the  best,  if  not  tlu;  best 
echieated  peo|)les  among  all  nations.  There 
are  very  few  persons  now  li\  ing  in  the  New 
England,  Middle,  and  Western  States  who  do 
not  know  liow  to  read  and  write;  ami  since 
the  termination  of  the  civil  war,  the  Soiithern 
States  have  fairly  entered  into  competition 
with  tlieir  more  learned  brttliren  of  the 
Northern  secticm  of  the  country.  IntheWest, 
before  laying  the  f(nindation  of  any  township, 
two  sections  of  public  laiuls  (each  containing 
640  acres)  arc  luiil  aside  for  the  exclusive 


support  of  {)tiblic  schools.  Beside  that,  the 
Federal  Government  comes  itself  often,  by 
other  donations  of  public  land,  to  the  helj) 
of  the  States,  in  view  of  increasing  their 
facilities  for  the  extension  of  the  public 
school  system.  INIore  than  fifty  millions  of 
acres  had  thus  been  distributed,  for  that 
purpose,  by  the  Federal  Govex'nment,  before 
the  cemsus  of  1800.' 

The  regulation  of  all  matters  pertaining  to 
education  is  left  in  America  to  the  initiative 
of  each  State,  but  all  of  them  have  that 
general  feature,  so  that  instruction  is  j)ro- 
vided  hy  law  for  all  persons  of  the  school  age, 
without  any  charge  for  tuition.  Though 
attendance  has  not  yet  been  made  obligatory, 
there  is  a  strong  tendency  toward  such  a 
regulation ;  and  some  States  have  already 
passed  laws  requiring  parents  to  send  their 
children  to  school  duiang  a  specified  period. 
Public  schools  are  supj)orted  j)artly  by  funds 
derived  from  the  sale  of  government  lands, 
partly  by  voluntary  taxation,  and  also  by 
gifts  of  individuals.  The  whole  area  of  the 
United  States  is  divided  into  school  districts, 
which  nimiber  ll,3.'jO  in  the  single  State  of 
New  York,  and  107,800  for  the  whole  coun- 
try. A  Board  of  Education  and  a  Superin- 
tendefit  are  appointed  in  the  larger  cities, 
for  the  purpose  of  diiecting  and  controlling 
the  system  of  education,  and  in  smaller  cities 
a  Board  of  Trustees,  elected  by  the  inhabitants, 
fulfil  the  same  duty. 

The  school  age  varies  in  diflTtji-ent  States, 
ranging  from  four  to  twenty-one  years,  and 
every  branch  of  instruction  is  taught.  In 
the  grammar  schools,  French,  German,  and 
vocal  music  ai-e  added  to  the  ordinary  cour.se 
of  studies.  The  piipils  who  enter  tlie  high 
schools  are  taught  ancient  languages,  higher 
mathematics,  philosophy,  etc.  In  1872,  vocal 
music  was  taught  in  schools  of  all  grades  ; 
German  in  schools  of  70  cities,  and  French 
in  those  of  73  cities.  In  the  rural  districts 
and  smaller  cities,  llie  same  schools  are  at- 
tended by  both  se,\es ;  but  in  larger  cities 
boys  and  girls  have  different  departments. 
Law  does  not  provide  for  the  establishment 
of  sejjaratc  schools  for  colored  i)Ui)ils  ;  but 
usage  has  done  it.  Nearly  every  State  is 
I)rovid(!d  with  a  normal  school,  for  the  train- 
ing of  future  teachers ;  these  schools  num- 
bered 101  in  America,  in  1872,  with  773  in- 
structors and  11,778  students;  still  that  is 
not  sufficient  to  supply  the  demand  for  teach- 
ers, for  120,897  new  ones  are  annually 
wanted  in  the  United  St.ates,  inasmuch  as 
teachers  do  not  continue  in  service  on  the 
average;  more  than  three  years.  There  are 
annual  conventions  of  teachers  held  in  every 
Stale,  and  also  an  annual  meeting  of  the 
National  Educational  Association,  which  is 
compos<!d  of  the  foremost  teachers  in  every 
branch.  I'he  13th  annual  session  of  that 
body  was  held  in  1873  ;  it  comprises  four  de- 
partments :  elementary,  normal,  superintend- 
ence, and  higher  education. 

There  are  many  evening  schools  for  the  ac- 
commodalion  of  those  who  cannot  attend  the 
day  schools.  Of  141  cities  having  more  than 
1(»",()0()  iidiabitants,  f)l  had,  in  1872,  218 
evening  .schools,  with  1,350  teachei-s  and  00,- 
21)7  juipil.s.  Of  82  cities  with  a  jjopulation 
of  between  five  and  ten  thousand  inhabitants, 
7  hail  14  evening  schools,  with  20  teachers 
and  555  atudcuthj  of  103  cities  with  a  pop- 


ulation below  5,000  inhabitants,  7  reported 
9  evening  schools,  with  312  pupils. 

Besides  the  public  schools,  there  are  many 
pi^ivate  institutions  of  learning,  among  which 
the  "  Seminaires,"  or  Roman  Catholic  schools 
kept  by  priests,  are  very  numerous.  There 
are  also,  in  the  United  States,  about  100 
collegiate  institutions  called  Universities, 
but  they  have  no  feature  in  common  with 
the  TJniversitis  of  Continental  Europe, — 
they  are  not  under  the  direction  or  patronage 
of  the  government,  and  many  of  them  are 
purely  higher  denominational  colleges,  belong- 
ing to  some  sect.  Harvard,  Yale,  Brown 
University,  Columbia  College,  Cornell,  and 
two  or  three  others,  are  the  only  ones  hav- 
ing some  similarity  to  Universities,  in  the 
European  meaning  of  the  word.  The  only 
schools  directly  under  the  management  or 
supervision  of  the  United  States  Govern- 
ment are  the  Military  Academy  at  West 
Point,  and  the  Naval  Academy  at  Annaj)olis, 
with  the  Artillery  School  of  Fortress  Mon- 
roe, Virginia. 

The  establishment  by  Congress  of  a  Bureau 
of  Educajtion  dates  only  from  1807.  The 
commissioner  at  the  head  of  this  bureau  has 
nothing  to  do  with  the  management  of 
schools.  He  is  appointed  only  for  "  the 
purpose  of  collecting  such  statistics  and  facta 
as  shall  show  the  condition  and  progress  of 
education  in  the  several  States  and  Territo- 
ries, and  of  diffusing  such  information  respect- 
ing the  organization  and  management  of 
school  systems  and  methods  of  teaching  as 
shall  aid  the  people  of  the  United  States  in 
the  establishment  and  maintenance  of  efficient 
school  systems,  and  otherwise  promote  the 
cause  of  education  throughout  the  countiy." 

The  Annual  Report  of  the  Commissioner 
of  Education  shows  that  in  1872  the  total 
school  population  of  America  was  12,828,867, 
and  the  enrolment  7,379,650.  The  average 
attendance  was  4,110,525,  for  28  States  and 
4  Territories ;  the  number  not  registered  in  34 
States  and  6  Territories  reporting  was  4,608,- 
803.  For  1 8  States  and  5  Territories,  there 
were  304,283  pupils  in  private  schools.  Tlie 
number  of  teachers  for  33  States  and  7  Ter- 
ritories was  217,239;  and  the  total  expend- 
iture for  educational  purposes  was  $70,891,- 
981.  295  cities  reported  their  school  pop- 
ulation at  2,123,889  ;  292  reported  the  num- 
ber of  schools  at  7,917  ;  and  in  315,  the  num- 
ber of  teachers  was  23,194. 

The  census  of  1870  shows  that  7,209,938 
persons  of  from  5  to  24  years  of  age,  that  is, 
more  than  one  third  of  the  jiopulation  of 
school  age,  were  receiving  instruction.  The 
total  number  of  instructoi-s  was  221,042,  of 
whom  93,329  were  males,  and  127,713  fe- 
males. The  total  ex]>endit»ire  of  schools  was 
S;95,402,720.  of  which  |!3,G03,785  was  from 
endowment,  ^lO  1,746,039  from  taxation  and 
public  funds,  and  ^;2,992,902  from  other 
sources  including  tuition. 

INIore  than  17  i)er  cent,  of  the  adult  males, 
and  23  per  cent,  of  the  adult  females,  are 
illiterate.  But  this  is  due  to  the  ever-in- 
creasing flood  of  European  immigrants,  and 
to  the  ignorance  of  the  emancipated  slaves ; 
for  in  those  figures,  the  illiterate  pei-sons  of 
foreign  birth  are  numbered  at  nearly  800,- 
000, "and  the  colored  jieople  at  nearly  thi-e© 
millions.  But  the  following  table,  comialed 
by  the  Bureau  of  Education  from  the  ceusu» 


UNITED  STATES. 


619 


of  1870,  will  throw  more  light  on  that  im- 
])ortaiit  subject,  which  touches  the  national 
jirido  of  the  ^''^uited  States : 

Aggregate  population   38,558,371 

Total  population,  10  years  old  |  gg  ggg  g^g 

and  over  f  ~  ^"  ' 

lUiterate  population,  10  years  old  )  g 

and  over  )  '  ' 

Male  popidation,  10  years  old  and  /  g-g  ggg 

over  f  '  ' 

Illiterate  males,  10  years  old  and  )  g  g^.j  g^g 

over  )  '  ' 

.Female  population,  10  years  old  )  q~q 

and  over  ^  '  ' 

Illiterate  females,  10  years  old  /  g  ojq 

and  over  \  ' 

Percentage  of  total  illiterates  to  )  gQ 

total  population  of  same  age. .  f 

Percentage  of  male  illiterates  to  )  ^g  og 

male  population  of  same  age  .  .  j| 
Percentage  of  female  illiterates  ) 

to  female  population  of  same  ^  21.87 

age  ) 

Total  population  in  1870,  10-21  /  g  ^qo  g^g 

years  old  f  '  ~' 

Illiterate  population,  10-21  years  )  ^  g^i,  g^g 

old  )  ' 

Male  population,  10-21  years  old..  4,815,865 

Illiterate  males,  10-21  years  old. . .  984,741 
Female  population,  10-21  years  old  4,877,080 

Illiterate  females,  10-21  years  old.  958,207 
Percentage  of  illiterates,  10-21  ) 

years  old,  to  population  of  same  >  20.05 

age  ) 

Percentage  of  male  illiterates  to 

male  population,   both  10-21  \-  20.05 

years  old  

Percentage  of  female  illiterates 

to  female  population,  both  10-  V  19.65 

21  years  old  ) 

Total  male  adults,  1870   9,443,001 

Male  adult  illiterates   1,619,147 

Total  female  adults   9,092.999 

Female  adult  Uliterates   2,096,049 

Percentage  of  male  illiterate  ad-  /  .^^  ^~ 

ults  to  total  adults  > 

Percentage  of  female  illiterate  )  23  05 

adults  to  total  females  f 

One  of  tlie  important  features  in  all  ques- 
tions of  public  education  is  the  one  which 
more  especially  relates  to  liberal  professions, 
or  instruction  given  outside,  and  above  the 
ordinary  course  of  grammar  and  high  schools. 
The  following  summary  of  educational  insti- 
tutions in  the  United  States  is  reported  by 
the  Bureau  of  Education  for  1872  : 


Institntioiu. 


Normal  schools  

Business  colleges  

Academies  

Collesjes   

lastitutions  for  6uperior  instruction  of  fe- 
males  

Schools  of  science  endowed  by  national 
grant  of  lands   . . 

Schools  of  science  (including  collegiate 
departments)  not  so  endowed  

Theokisrical  schools  

Law  s>  hooN  

Medical  schools,  ropxilar  

**  '*  eclectic  

"         "  hoinaopathic  

Dental  " 

Pharmaceutical  schools  ] . . . 

Institutions  for  the  blind  

"      deaf  mutes  

Reform  schooli  

Orphan  asylums  "  ' ' 


101 

r>« 

811 
2US 

175 

38 

32 
108 
42 

ei 

3 
fi 
.59 
13 
2 
3fi 
2K 
77 


Teach- 


773 

3,m 

1.617 
411 

313 

'm 

151 
607 

25 
72 
58 
.36 
513 
2li7 

852 


ru- 

pilB. 


11.778 
8,451 
HS.82>) 
45,617 

11,288 

2,971 

2,443 
3,3.51 
1,976 
4.8*17 
2,59 
585 
ISW 
H50 
1,856 
4.337 
4,2.30 
10,324 


There  are  medical  and  law  departments  in 
the  larger  part  of  American  Universities  ; 
but  it  is  generally  admitted  that  on  this 
ground  the  United  States  are  inferior  to  Con- 
tinental Europe,  where,  at  any  rate,  most  of 
tlie  young  Americans  who  intend  to  be  doc- 
tors or  lawyers,  go  in  order  to  become  effi- 
cient  in    their    avocations.  Agricultural 


scliools  were  founded  in  the  United  States  in 
1857,  when  the  State  Agricultural  College 
of  INIichigan  was  opened  with  seven  profes- 
sors and  a  farm  of  G7l)  acres.  In  18G2  Con- 
gress passed  an  act  providing  for  the  establish- 
ment of  colleges  of  agriculture  and  the  me- 
chiuiic  arts  iu  all  the  States  and  Territories, 
endowing  them  with  about  eiglit  million 
acres  of  public  lands ;  and  nearly  all  tlie 
States  have  organized  agricultural  colleges, 
pursuant  to  the  act  of  Congress.  Commercial 
schools  are  yet  left  entirely  to  individual  in- 
itiative, and  commercial  education,  in  a  prac- 
tical way,  is  given  only  in  the  private  busi- 
ness colleges,  so  numero\is  in  every  city  of 
the  United  States.  There  are  polytechnic 
schools  at  Boston,  Troy,  Philadelphia,  and 
Hoboken,  in  which  technology  and  some  in- 
dustrial sciences  are  taught  especially.  There 
is  not  yet  in  the  country  a  single  veterinary 
school.  Every  countiy  of  Europe  is  provided 
with  one  at  least.  But  the  deficiency  will 
soon  be  supplied  in  America,  where  there  are 
more  horses  and  cattle  than  in  any  other 
country  in  the  world. 

MINING. 

Gold  mining  was,  of  course,  the  most  im- 
portant item  in  that  branch  of  national 
wealth,  a  few  years  ago,  after  the  discovery 
of  the  California  golden  fields.  But  Califor- 
nia herself  is  at  present  richer  with  lier  agri- 
cultural than  witli  her  golden  liarvest;  and 
the  discovery  of  iron  ore,  of  copper,  and  of 
petroleum  in  man}'  regions  of  the  United 
States  has  considerabl  y  diminished  the  former 
pre-eminence  of  gold-mining.  Still  this  branch 
of  industry  was  carried  to  the  highest  limits 
of  prospei'ity  immediately  after  it  opened,  for 
at  that  time  the  stock  of  gold  was  veiylow  for 
the  whole  world,  amounting  only  to  about 
$175,000,000,  and  the  yearly  production 
hardly  replaced  the  wear  and  tear. 

The  gold  ])lacers  of  North  Carolina  were 
discovered  before  those  of  the  Pacific  State. 
In  1825  a  gold  vein  was  worked  in  Mont- 
gomery County  (North  Carolina),  and  some 
other  discoveries  were  made  in  Virginia,  Geor- 
gia, and  South  Carolina  ;  but  the  entire  pro- 
duct of  those  States  never  amounted  to  more 
than  about  one  million  dollars  annually.  It 
decreased  still  more  after  the  discovery  of  the 
California  placers ;  and,  at  pi-esent,  it  is  only 
in  some  out-of-the-way  places  in  the  North 
Carolina  mountains  that  gold  mining  is  still 
going  on  at  a  slow  rate. 

Everybody  in  the  United  States  is  familiar 
with  the  history  of  gold  discovery  and  gold 
mining  at  the  beginning  of  the  California  set- 
tlement. The  names  of  Captain  Sutter  and 
of  Marshall  recall  to  American  memories  the 
most  dazzling  remembrances.  In  18G2  the 
Report  of  the  Land  Office  Commis.sioner  en- 
larged theoretically  the  area  of  the  golden  re- 
gion of  the  United  States,  by  stating  that  it 
covei-s  17  degrees  of  latitude,  or  a  breadth  of 
more  than  1,000  miles  by  a  length  nearly  tlie 
same.  Still  the  gold  district  is  practically 
large  enough  to  have  produced,  in  1853, 
$70,000,000,  that  is  four  times  as  much  as 
the  total  production  of  gold  throughout  tlie 
balance  of  the  other  countries  of  the  earth. 
In  18G2  it  was  estimated  that  Washington 
Territorv  alone  would  jiroduce  from  the  mines 
of  Sahuon  River  nearly  $20,000,000.  In 


Colorado  the  quartz  gives  $12  per  ton,  on  the 
average,  though  some  veins  recently  worked 
have  given  as  much  as  from  $20  to  $500.  In 
almost  every  Western  State  or  Territory  of 
the  United  States,  discoveries  are  made  as  to 
mining  j)ros[)ects,  antl  the  golden  cro])  has 
been  valued  at  nearly  $100,000,000,  on  which 
a  primage  of  10  per  cent,  is  raised  by  the 
United  States  Government. 

Silver  mining  was  of  very  little  account  in 
America  before  the  discovery  of  the  Washoo 
mines  in  the  Western  States.  Tliis  is  carried 
on  with  great  success. 

Copper  mining  is  more  important,  though 
almost  exclusively  concentrated  in  the  Lake 
Superior  region.  As  early  as  1844  explorers 
went  to  ascertain  whether  there  was  really 
native  co[)per  to  be  found  in  the  vicinity  of 
the  lake.  The  exj)loration  was  successful, 
but  it  was  not  until  1854  that  the  work- 
ing of  those  copper  mines  fairly  began. 
From  $1,603,915,  the  product,  of  these 
mines  reached  $2,679,218  in  1856.  In  the 
year  following  a  magnificent  block  of  native 
copper,  weighing  500  tons,  was  discovered. 
There  are  some  other  copper  mines  in  differ- 
ent parts  of  the  United  Stattjs,  but  their 
products  are  very  small,  except  in  Tennessee, 
when  compared  to  the  products  of  the  Lake 
Superior  district.  In  1860  there  were  14,- 
432  tons  of  copper  extracted,  of  a  value  of 
$3,316,516. 

Iron  is  found  in  every  State  and  Territory 
of  the  United  States.  In  1856  the  iron  fur- 
naces produced  841,550  tons,  valued  at  $23,- 
148,845.  In  1860  the  production  of  j)ig-iron 
was  888,474  tons,  valued  at  nearly  $20,000,- 
000.  The  rolled  and  otherwise  manufactured 
iron  was  estimated  at  406,293  tons,  valued  at 
$22,248,796,  that  is,  an  increase  of  39  per 
cent,  over  tlie  statistics  of  1850;  which  in- 
crease was  rai.sed  to  44  per  cent,  for  the  pro- 
duction of  pig-iron.  Pennsylvania  is  the 
State  which  took  the  lead  iu  the  iron  manu- 
facture. 

Pennsylvania  also  produces  the  largest 
quantity  of  coal,  though  that  article  is  to  be 
found  in  nearly  every  State  of  the  Union. 
In  1860  the  increase  in  value  of  coal  was 
169  per  cent,  more  than  ten  years  before  ;  in 
1850  Pennsylvania  produced  coal  valued  at 
$5,268,351;  and  in  1860  it  produced  bitu- 
minous and  anthracite  coal  of  a  total  value 
of  $14,703,43.3. 

The  same  State  again  is  the  most  ])romi- 
nent  for  petroleum  production.  Thougli  its 
existence  was  known  to  the  first  colonists  of 
Pennsylvania,  petroleum  began  to  be  gener- 
ally used  in  1858,  when  the  oil  was  consid- 
ered as  good  for  something  else  than  medi- 
cine.   Titusville,  Venango,  Oil  Creek,  Petro- 

I  lia  are  at  present  names  familiar  to  every 
American.  The  cxportations,  in  1862,  were 
for  seven  months  of  9,f)07,924  gallons,  wliich 

'  compensate  sufticiently  for  the  decrease  of 

j  whaleships,  whose  trade  was  cripj)h  d  by  the 
discovery  of  the  so-called,  at  first,  ><loue-oil, 

,  from  the  now  ado[)tcd  Greek  word  of  the  same 

'  meaning,  "  Petroleum." 

Lead  mining  is  progressing  in  many  States 

i  of  the  Rej)ublic,  but  on  a  relatively  small 

I  scale,  and  tlie  article  produced  is  not  ex])oi't- 

I  ed,  but  almost  entirely  consumed  at  home. 

i  The  total  production  of  native  salt  in  the 
United  States  was  of  12,376,000  busliels  in 

11857,  and  of  13,386,447  in  1860.    Still  th« 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


importation  of  that  article  reached  14,000,- 
000  bushels,  so  great  were  the  necessities  of 
agriculture. 

According  to  the  census  of  1870  the  min- 
ing iudustries  stood  as  follows  in  the  United 
States : 

Establishments   7,974 

Steam  engines   4,133 

Horsepower   109,111 

Water- wheels   134 

Horse  power   2,247 

Hands  emi)loyed   154,328 

Of  these  there  were : 

Men  above  ground   6G,178 

INleu  under  ground   77,221 

Boys  above  ground   6,91G 

Boys  tinder  ground   4,0 1 3 

Capital  1222,384,834 

Wages   74,404,044 

jNlaterials   14,275,091 

Troducts   152,598,994 

NEWSPAPERS, 

The  first  printing  press  in  the  American 
Colonies  was  established  at  Cambridge,  Mass., 
ill  1029  ;  and  the  second  was  started  at 
Pliilade]|)hia,  in  1086  In  New  York,  it  was 
not  until  1092,  that  Mr.  Bradford  estab- 
lished a  press.  The  first  journalist  who  lias 
left  a  name  was  Benjamin  Franklin,  who 
bought,  at  Philadelphia,  the  Univcrndl  In- 
strur.tor  in  all  A  i  ts  and  /Sclmres^  and  clianqed 
the  title  to  the  l^enmyivunia  Gazelle,  which 
he  continued  until  1705,  when  it  jia.ssed  into 
other  hands.  In  1810,  Pennsylvania  had 
seventy-one  papers;  in  1828,  one  hundred 
and  twenty-eight;  in  1840,  one  hundred  and 
eighty -.seven;  in  1850,  four  hundred  and 
forty-eight,  of  which  thirty  were  daily. 

A  comparison  of  the  newspaper  press  of 
the  country,  from  an  early  day  to  the  census 
year  of  1870,  will  develop  many  interesting 
facts.  The  number  of  newspajjers  published 
in  the  United  States  in  1725  was  5  ;  in 
1775,  34  ;  in  1801,  200;  in  1810,  359  ;  in 
1720,  G.30;  in  1828,  852  ;  in  1830,  1,000; 
in  1834,  1,205;  in  1840,  1,401;  in  1850, 
2,302.  It  will  be  seen  by  the  foregoing  that 
the  increas(i  in  thirty  years — from  I.SIO  to 
1840 — was  1,042,  while  the  increase  in  the 
last  thirty  years — from  1840  to  1870 — was 
4,470  ;  the  total  number  of  publications  re- 
ported in  the  census  of  1870  being  5,871,  or 
one  for  every  6,56 1  of  the  population. 

The  first  attempt  to  establish  a  newspaper 
in  the  Colonies,  as  near  as  can  be  ascei-tained, 
was  made  in  Boston,  in  1090.  It  was  sup- 
pressied  by  tlie  Colonial  Legislature  u]>on  its 
first  appearance.  In  \~0\,t\\(i  Boston  Xfws- 
Jji'tUr  was  established  by  John  Campbell. 
This  paper  was  more  .successful,  and  its  pub- 
lication wiis  continued  for  a  number  of  years, 
lis  size  was  8  by  12  inches,  and  printed  in 
pica  type.  In  1719  The,  Boston  iiazeHe 
made  its  appearance,  and  the  Anien'ran 
Werklif  Merciirie  wius  started  in  Philadcl|>liia 
the  same  year.  In  1721  .lames  Franklin 
(brother  to  Ben)  started  the  fourth  Ameri- 
can newspaper  at  Boston,  The  Xeir  Enijhtnd 
Courant.  The  Xew  York  (ruzette  appeared 
in  1725.  In  1705  the  British  Parliann-nt 
imposed  a  stamp  duty  of  one  half  penny  on 
Uw  Colonial  uows])apei-s,  which,  meeting  with 


great  opposition,  was  removed  after  two 
years. 

The  first  semi-weekly  newspaper  in  the 
United  States  wag,  stai-ted  in  Boston  in  1788, 
and  the  first  daily  was  started  in  Phila- 
delphia in  1784.  It  will  be  seen  by  the  fore- 
going that  immediately  after  the  Revolu- 
tionary war,  which  secured  our  independence 
as  a  nation,  newspapers  sprung  up  in  differ- 
ent pai'ts  of  the  Union. 

King  James  instructed  the  Governor  of 
the  Province  of  New  York,  in  1086,  not  to 
allow  a  printing  press  within  his  jurisdiction  ; 
consequently  the  Knickerbockers  were  de- 
p(uident  upon  Massachusetts  and  Philadel- 
phia until  1693.  Previous  to  1705  eight 
papers  were  started  in  the  city  of  New  York. 
No  daily  paper  was  issued  \mtil  1788.  The 
first  paper  in  the  Province  of  New  York 
outside  the  city  was  started  in  Albany  in 
1772.  In  1810  New  York  State  had  sixty- 
six  journals,  of  which  fourteen  were  pub- 
lished in  the  city  ;  in  1832  there  were  sixty- 
four  in  the  city,  and  two  hundred  and  fifty- 
eiglit  in  the  State.  In  1851  the  press  of  New 
York  State  was  :  daily,  fifty-six  ;  other  than 
daily,  four  hundred  and  two ;  total,  four 
hundred  and  fifty-eight. 

The  fii-st  paper  in  New  England,  outside 
of  Massachusetts,  was  started  in  Rhode 
Island  in  1732.  No  newspaper  was  printed 
in  Connecticut  until  1755.  In  1775  there 
were  four;  in  1810,  eleven,  all  weekly; 
1840,  two  daily  and  twenty-seven  weekly  ; 
in  1850,  eight  daily,  six  tri-  and  semi-weekly, 
and  thirty-two  weekly. 

The  first  newspaper  was  started  in  New 
Hampshire  in  1756.  In  1856  it  had  a  total 
of  forty-eight ;  three  daily,  two  monthly, 
and  forty-three  weekly. 

In  1810  there  were  fourteen  ])apers  in  Ver- 
mont. In  1850  it  had  three  daily  and  thirty- 
three  other  than  daily. 

In  1801  there  were  five  papers  published 
within  the  limits  of  Maine.  In  1810,  while 
the  State  of  Maine  was  part  of  Massachu- 
setts, it  had  eight  papers.  In  1856  it  had 
seven  daily  and  seventy  otluu-  than  daily. 

The  first  ])a])er  in  the  IMiddle  States,  after 
New  York  and  Pennsylvania,  was  started  at 
Annapolis,  Md.,  1727.  The  first  paper  was 
started  in  Baltimore  in  1773.  In  1810 
Maryland  had  twenty-one  papers;  in  1828, 
thirty-.seven  ;  in  1856,  eighty-five,  of  which 
nine  were  daily. 

In  1761  Delaware  had  one  jiaper ;  in  1810, 
two;  in  1828,  four;  in  1856  it  had  three 
semi-weekly  and  nine  weekly. 

The  first  regular  paper  in  New  Jersey  was 
started  in  Burlington  in  1777.  In  1856  the 
State  had  a  total  of  seventy-seven ;  seven 
daily  and  seventy  other  than  daily. 

The  Covernor  of  the  Colony  of  Virginia, 
sixty-four  years  after  its  settlement,  thanked 
CJod  that  it  had  no  free  schools  or  jiriiiting 
pres.ses.  His  predecessor,  in  1683,  had  been 
t^xpressly  ordered  not  to  allow  a  printing 
press  within  his  jurisdiction.  In  17.36  a 
news|)aper  was  starttul  at  Williamsburg,  called 
the  Vii-f/iiila  Gazette,  and  was  j)rinted  on  a 
I  half  sheet  of  foolscaj).  This  jjaper  was  anti- 
I  republican,  and  in  170f),  Thomas  Jell'erson 
and  others  issued  an  "  independent  i)aper, 
o|)en  to  all  parties,  but  inflm'uced  by  none." 
This  perioil  wjus,  as  Mr.  Jefl'erson  said,  "at 
Uio  bi'ginuing  of  Revolutionary  disputes." 


In  1705  Virginia  had  but  one  newspaper; 
in  1775,  two  ;  in  1810,  twenty-three  ;  in  1840, 
four  dailies,  thirty-five  weeklies  and  twelve 
semi-weeklies.  It  had,  in  1850,  sixteen  daily 
and  one  hundred  and  forty-seven  other  than 
daily. 

Two  papers  were  printed  in  North  Carolina 
when  the  Revolutionary  war  commenced.  In 
1810,  ten;  in  1828,  twenty;  in  1850,  four 
dailies,  and  ninety-one  other  than  daily. 

In  1765  there  were  three  papei-s  in  South 
Carolina;  in  1775,  two;  in  1801,  ten;  in 
1828,  twenty;  in  1856,  eight  daily,  and  fifty- 
seven  other  than  daily. 

In  1775  Georgia  had  one  journal;  in  1810, 
thirteen;  in  1828,  eighteen;  in  1840,  five 
daily,  forty-four  weekly,  five  semi-weekly. 
In  1856,  seven  daily,  and  sixty-six  other  than 
daily. 

The  fii-st  newspaper  in  Tennessee  was 
printed  at  Knoxville  in  1793.  In  1810 
Tennessee  had  six  journals;  in  1828,  eight; 
in  1850,  nine  daily  and  ninety-two  other  than 
daily. 

At  Natchez,  in  1809,  the  first  paper  waa 
pi'iuted  in  Mississippi.  In  1810  Mississip])i 
had  four  journals  ;  in  1856,  .seventy  weekly, 
and  six  semi-  and  tri-weekly. 

The  first  paper  published  in  Louisiana  was 
in  1704.  In  1810,  there  were  ten;  in  1840, 
eleven  daily,  twenty-one  weekly  and  two  semi- 
weekly  ;  in  1856,  twelve  daily,  and  ninety 
other  than  daily. 

In  1828  Alabama  had  ten  papers  ;  in  1840, 
twenty -eight,  and  in  1855,  daily  six,  weekly 
eighty,  and  semi-  and  tri-weekly  five. 

ArkaiLsas  had  two  papers  in  1828;  nine  in 
1840;  in  1856,  one  daily,  twenty  weekly, 
three  semi-  and  tri-weekly. 

In  1828  Florida  had  two  jouiTials ;  in  1840, 
ten ;  in  1850,  eighteen  weekly,  and  three  semi- 
and  tri-weekly. 

In  1830  Texas  had  but  one  newspaper;  in 
1841,  eleven;  in  1850,  fifty-six. 

The  District  of  Columbia  had,  in  1810,  one 
daily,  three  tri-weekly,  one  semi-weekly,  and 
one  weekly.  In  1850,  six  daily,  and  nineteen 
other  than  daily. 

The  first  published  in  the  Northwest  Ter- 
ritory was  issued  at  Cincinnati  in  1793.  In 
1810  Ohio  had  fourteen  papers;  in  1828,  sixty- 
six  ;  in  1850,  thirty-one  daily,  and  three  hun- 
dred and  seventy-two  other  than  daily. 

In  1787  the  first  j)apcr  was  printed  in 
Kentucky.  In  1810  Kentucky  liad  seven- 
teen journals  ;  1828,  twenty-three ;  1840,  five 
daily,  seventy-six  weekly,  and  seven  semi- 
weekly  ;  in  1850,  nine  daily ;  other  than  daily, 
one  hundred. 

The  first  newspaper  was  printed  in  Indiana 
about  the  year  1800;  in  1828,  Indiana  had 
seventeen  jwpers  ;  in  1840,  seventy  three  ;  in 
1850,  three  daily,  and  one  hundred  and  seven- 
ty-eight other  than  daily. 

The  first  pajier  in  Michigan  was  published 
at  Detroit  in  1810;  in  1828  ^lichigan  hadtwo 
journals;  in  1840,  six  daily  and  twenty-six 
weekly  ;  in  185(),  seven  daily,  and  ninety- 
eight  other  than  daily. 

In  1840  Wisconsin  had  six  pajiers;  in  1854, 
eighty-six  pajiers,  ten  of  which  were  daily. 

In  1854  Illinois  had  one  hunditid  and  fifty- 
four  ])apers.  In  1828  it  had  four;  in  1856, 
i  seventeen  daily  and  two  hundred  and  twenty 
1  other  than  daily. 

I     in  1828  Missouri  had  five  journals  J  in 


\ 


UNITED  STATES, 


017 


lc40,  six  daily,  tweuty-foiir  weekly,  and  five 
semi- weekly  ;  in  1856  it  had  five  daily,  and 
one  hundred  and  five  other  than  daily. 

Iowa  had  four  weekly  papers  in  1840.  In 
1856  it  had  four  daily,  and  sixty-eight  other 
than  diiily. 

According  to  the  census  of  1850,  Min- 
nesota had  no  newspaper.  In  185G,  she  had 
four  daily,  and  twenty-two  other  than  daily. 

In  1850  California  had  seven  i)apers,  ac- 
cording to  the  census  ;  in  1856  there  were 
eighteen  daily  and  seventy-seven  other  than 
daily. 

The  first  paper  was  started  in  Nebraska  in 
1851,  and  in  Kansas  about  the  same  time  or 
'shortly  after. 

We  have  thus  briefly  given,  so  far  as  we 
have  been  able  to  gather  facts,  the  introduc- 
tion and  progress  of  newspaper  printing  in 
the  several  States.  To  show  the  actual  pro- 
gress made  uj)  to  1780,  we  subjoin  the  fol- 
lowina;  table  from  the  census  : 


states  and  Territories. 


Alabama  '. . . 

Arizona  

Arkansas  

California  

Colorado  

Connecticut  

Dakota  

Delaware  

District  ot  Columbia. 

Florida  

Georgia  

Idaho  

Illinois  

Indiana  

Iowa  

Kansas  

Kentucky  

Louisiana  

Maine  

Maryland  

Massachusetts  

Michigan  

Minnesota  

Mississippi  

.Missouri  

Montana.  

Nebraska  

Nevada  

New  Hampshire  

New  Jersey  

New  Mexico  

New  York  

North  Carolina  

Ohio  

Oregon  

Pennsylvania.,  

Rhode  Island  

South  Carolina  

Tennessee  

Texas  

Utah  

Vermont  

Virginia  

Washington  

West  Virf,'inia  

Wisconsin  

Wyoming  

Total  


0-2 

Circula- 

Copies is- 

c 

=3 
el 
Q 

tion. 

sued  anna- 
ally. 



89 

9 

91,105 

9,19S,9S0 

1 

2SU 

14.5'W 

5() 

3 

29,^30 

l,S34,MiO 

201 

33 

491.903 

47,472,750 

I-l 

4 

12,7511 

1, 190.600 

71 

16 

203,725 

17,454,740 

3 

1,0.52 

85.904 

17 

"i 

20,W)0 

1,007,840 

22 

3 

81.4U0 

10.093  800 

23 

10,545 

049,230 

110 

"is 

150,987 

15,539,734 

6 

9.750 

200,200 

505 

"'39 

1,722..541 

113,140.492 

2!)3 

20 

303,542 

20,964,984 

2:33 

22 

219.090 

16,403,380 

iff 

12 

90,803 

9,518.  n(> 

89 

6 

197,130 

18.270,160 

92 

7 

84,165 

13.755.690 

f.5 

7 

170,690 

9,807.080 

88 

8 

2;v5.450 

33,497,778 

259 

21 

1,092,124 

129.691,200 

211 

10 

253,774 

19,086,978 

95 

0 

110,778 

9.543,8.50 

111 

3 

71,868 

4,703,330 
47,980,422 

279 

21 

522,806 

10 

3 

l!l,580 

2,860.600 

42 

7 

31,600 

3,388,500 

12 

5 

11,300 

2..572.000 

61 

7 

17.3,!)19 

7.2:37.588 

122 

20 

205..5II0 

18.025.740 

5 

1 

1.535 

1.37,  S,50 

&35 

87 

7,561.497 

471,741,744 

64 

8 

04.820 

6.6S4.950 

395 

SO 

1.3(-8.:!07 

98,548,814 

35 

4 

45,750 

.•i.0-,7.300 

5-10 

55 

3,419,705 

241,170.540 

32 

ti 

82.050 

9,781  ,.500 

55 

5 

80,900 

8.901,400 

91 

13 

225,952 

18,300.844 

112 

12 

55,250 

.  4,214.800 

10 

3 

14,250 

1,578,400 

47 

3 

71,g90 

4,055.300 

114 

It) 

143,840 

13,319..578 

14 

1 

6,785 

39(;,,500 

59 

4 

64,432 

4,012, 100 

190 

14 

343,385 

28,762,930 

6 

2 

1.950 

243,300 

5,871 

674 

20,842,475 

1,508,548,350 

Of  the  5,871  periodicals,  with  an  annual 
issue  of  1,508,548,250  copies,  574  are  daily; 
107  three  times  a  week;  115  semi-weekly; 
4,295  weekly  ;  96  semi-monthly  ;  622  month- 
ly ;  13  bi  monthly  ;  and  49  quarterly. 

They  are  devoted  to :  Advertising,  79 ; 
agriculture  and  horticulture,  93  ;  benevo- 
lent and  secret  societies,  81  ;  commercial 
and  financial,  142  ;  illustrated,  literary,  and 
miscellaneous,  503 ;  nationality,  20  ;  poli- 
tics, 4,333  ;  religion,  407  ;  sporting,  6  ;  tech- 
nical and  professional,  207. 

The  foregoing  table  includes  nothing  but 
.regularly  issued  periodicals,  and  when  we 
add  to  this  the  immense  number  of  books 
annually  put  out  by  the  press  of  this  coun- 
try, the  mass  of  reading  matter  becomes 
truly  prodigious. 


THE  PUBLIC  DEBT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 
Statement  of  November  30,  1873. 

DEBT  BEARINO  INTEREST  IN  COIN. 


Title  of  Loan. 


Loan  of  18)8  ^  

Loan  of  February,  1861  ('81"s)  

Oregon  War  Debt   

Loan  of  .luly  and  August,  1861  ('Si's)... 

Five-twenties  of  1802  

Loan  ot  186;i  ('81's)  

Ten-forties  of  m'A   '. 

Five-twenties  of  March,  1864  

Five  twenties  of  June,  1864  

Five-twenties  of  1865  

Consols  of  18()5  

Consols  of  1867  

Consols  of  1868  

Funded  Loan  of  isSl  


Authorizing  Act. 


Rate  of 
Interest. 


June  14,  1858  

February  8,  1861    

March  2,  IWil  

July  17  and  Angnst  5,  1861  

February  25,  1862  

March  3,  18rk3  

March  3,  18t)-l  

March  ,3,  1864  

June  .30,  1804  

March  3,  1865   

March  3,  18ti5  

March  .3,  1805  

March  3,  1805  

July  14,  1870,  and  January  20,  1871 


5  per  cent. 

6  per  cent. 
6  per  cent. 
6  pcT  cent. 
|fi  per  cent. 
.  6  per  cent. 

6  per  cent. 

16  per  cent. 
,  0  per  cent. 

jfi  per  cent. 
,  6  i)cr  cent. 
.  jo  |)ercent, 
,  6  per  cent. 
,  I5  per  cent. 


When  Redeemable.  I  When  I'oyabla. 


After  Jan.  1,  1874. 


After 
After 
After 
After 
After 
After 
After 
After 
After 
After 
After 


June  30,  1881  . 
May  1,  1867... 
June  ;;0,  1881  . 
March  1.  1.S74. 
Nov.  1,  1869. . . 
Nov.  1,  18()9. . . 
Nov.  1,  1870. . . 
July  1,  1870. .. 
July  1,  1872... 
July  1,  18"73... 
May  1,  1881... 


Dec.  .31,  1880. 
July  1,  1881. 

iiay  i,'i882."  ' 

March  l.'iiwi! 
Nov.  1,  ISfM. 
Nov.  1,  1884. 
Nov.  1,  1885. 
July  1,  1885. 
July  ),  1N87. 
:  July  1,  1888. 


Title  of  Loan. 


Interest  Payable.  • 


Lo.in  of  18.58  

Loan  of  Fel>runry,  1661  ('81's)  

Oregon  War  Debt  

Loan  of  July  and  August,  1861  ('81's)  . 

Five- twenties  of  1862  

Loan  ot  1863  {'Si's)  

Ten-forties  of  1S64  

Five-twenties  of  March,  1864   

Five-twenties  of  June,  1864  

Five-twenties  of  1865  

Consols  of  1805  

Consols  of  1867  

Consols  of  1868  

Funded  Loan  of  1881  


January  and  July  

January  and  July  

January  and  July  

January  and  July. .  . 
May  and  November. . 

January  and  July  

March  and  September 
May  and  November. . 
May  and  November. . 
Miiy  and  November. . 
.January  and  July  . . . 
January  .and  July... 

January  and  July  

February,  May,  etc  . . 


Total . 


Amount  Outstand- 
ing. 


$20,000,000 

18,41.5,000 
945,000 
189,321,.'i50 
172,058,350 

7.5,000,000 
194,567.300 
!M6,600 

58. 0.S  1,300 
152.711,3,50 
202.(V«,1(IO 
310,651,200 

37,474,000 
28:3,234.100 


$1,716.641.550 


Interest  due  and 
unpaid. 


596,!^  60 
37.479  00 
6,731  75 
463,011  29 
?,S.19..526  78 
].^5,316  06 
270.8.52  71 
2,473  33 
314.(1S1  94 
2,231. MI5  ::5 
1.070.S73  41 
2,076.M)4  02 
147,S74  00 
l,234.6-!0  8.3 


$10,940,419  46 


Accrued  Interest  to 
date. 


HV\m>  67 
46().:i75  00 
2.3,625  00 

4,7:t:i,(i:3:i  75 
8<;!.2!ll  75 

1,875.(K)0  00 

2,4:3:3.091  25 
4.7.i3  00 
2!i0.4l'6  00 
7tH..\5ti  76 

B.0(..5.S37  .50 

7,7r^l.:!.-,5  00 
Orif^.^Cid  00 

1.1K),142  08 


$20,811,96.3  76 


DEBT  ON  WHICH  INTEREST  HAS  CEASED  SINCE  MATURITY. 


Title  of  Loan. 


Old  Debt  

]\lexican  Indemnity  Stock  

Loan  of  1817  

Biiunty  Land  Scrip  

Texan  Indemnity  Stock  

Loan  of  1800  

Five-twenties,  1862  (called)  

Treasury  Notes  prior  to  1846  

Treasury  Notes  of  1846  

Treasury  Notes  ot  1847  

Treasury  Notes  of  18,57  

Treasurv  Notes  of  1801  

Seven-thirties  of  1861  r.  

One-year  Notes  of  1863   

Two-ye.tr  Notes  of  1863  

Compound-interest  Notes  

Seven-thirties  of  1864  and  1S65  

Certificates  of  Indebtedness  

Temporary  Loan  

Three  per  cent,  certificates  (called)  


Wheu  Matured. 


At  viirious  dates  prior  to  January  1,  1837. . 

At  various  dates  in  1851  and  1852   

December  31,  1867  

July  1.  1849    

December  31,  1864    

January  1.  1871  

December  1,  1871,  and  at  snbseqnent  dates 

At  various  dates  from  18:38  to  1844   

At  various  dates  in  1817  and  18-18  

At  various  dates  in  1848  and  1849  

At  various  dates  in  1858  and  1859   

March  1,  1863  

August  19  and  October  1,  1864   

At  various  dates  in  1865  

At  various  dates  in  1866  

June  10.  1867,  and  Mav  IS,  1868  

August  15,  1867,  June  15  and  July  15, 1868. 

At  various  dates  in  1866.  

October  15,  1866  

February  28, 1873  


Aggregate  of  debt  on  which  interest  has  ceased . 


Amount  Outstandi'g. 


$57,665  00 
1,104  91 
1,6.50  00 
3.500  00 
174.000  00 
10.000  00 
19,645.600  00 
82.  .575  :!5 
6.000  00 
950  00 
2,000  00 
.3.1.50  00 
19,2.50  00 
80,  195  00 
55,li00  00 
451.170  00 
26:i.::00  00 
5,000  00 
7H..560  00 
5.000  00 


$20.".>46,570  26 


Intcrent  Accmcd. 


$64,174  81 
85  74 
22  00 
226  60 
9,4.50  00 
625  00 
174.(150  62 
2.670  76 
206  00 
57  00 
lOM  00 
378  00 
1, 1'W  2:3 
4.0:!6  ,S5 
3.7.55  92 

!K).o;i5  :S3 

21,>'94  97 
.313  48 
7,:3-13  80 
394  31 


$381,867  42 


DEBT  BEARING  INTEREST  IN  LAWFUL  MONEY. 


Title  of  Loan. 


Navy  Pension  Fund  

Cert!  of  Indebtedness  of  1S70. 


Rate. 


3  per  ct, 

4  per  ct, 


When  Payable. 


[Interest  Pay'blc. I  Amount. 


Past  due  Int.  1  Accr'd  Int. 


Interest  applied  to  pensions.  Jan.  and  Jul.v . .  . 
Payable  September  1,  1875.  March  and  Sept. 


Aggregate  ot  debt  bearing  interest  in  lawful  money  . 


$14,000,000 
678,000 


$40  00 


$175,000 
6,780 


$11,678,000 


$40  00 


$181,780 


DEBT  BEARING  NO  INTEREST. 


Title  of  Loan. 


Old  Demand  Notes   

Leeal  Tender  Notes   

Cortiricatcs  of  Deposit  

Fractional  Currency  

Coin  CcrtiHCiites  

Unclaimed  Interest  


Authorizing  Acts. 


July  17,  1861,  and  February  12.  1862  

February  25.  1862,  July  11,  1862,  and  March  3,  186-3. 

June  8,  1872  fClearing-Housc  Certificates)  

July  17,  18li2,  March  3,  186:3,  ond  June  .30,  1864  

March  3,  186-3  


Aggregate  of  debt  bearing  110  interest. 


Amount. 


S79.667  50 
36«'i.922,01S  00 
20.1.'-.0.000  00 
4.'<.04I.-349  95 
30,220.600  00 
22,6G4  M 


$465,4.'m..300  29 


RECAPITULATION. 


Description  of  Debt. 


Debt  bearing  interest  in  coin  

Debt  bearing  currency  interest  


D<'bt  on  which  interest  has  ceased. 
Debt  bearing  no  interest  


Total  principal  of  debt  

A  id  interest  unpaid  and  accrued 
Total  debt 


Bonds  at  6  per  cent  

Bonds  at  6  per  cent  

Cenificates  of  indebtedness  at  4  i>er  cent . 
Navy  Pension  Fund  at  3  per  cent  


Old  Demand  and  Legal  Tender  Notes  . 

Certificates  of  Deposit   

Fractional  Currency  

Coin  CertiflcatcB.  


Cash  in  the  Treasury-'Coin /^'.  V^'.  '.V^'.'^'.  '.'^'..'.  ^^  IIS-Mn  ^\ 

Currency    l.ir.wt.-iiu  £^ 

Special  deposit  for  redemption  of  certificates  of  deposit   20.150,000  00 


Debt,  less  cash  in  the  Trea-sury,  December  1,  1S73. , 
Debt,  less  cash  in  the  Trea-sury,  November  1,  1873. 

Increase  of  debt  during  the  past  month  

Decrease  of  debt  since  Di'cemher  1,  1875  


Amnimt 


$1,218.840.1.50  00 
49T.801.400  00 
678  000  00 
14.000.000  00 
2fl,tMfi.570  2« 
S67.001.6-S5  50 
20,1-')0.000  00 
4.'^.0I1.:M9  '.ft 
30.220.600  03 


$2,217.67^.755  71 

 .38.838.725  47_ 

■$27256,018,481  18 


$2.1.50. 8fi2.fM  VT 
2.141  .s--a.176  K2  ^ 
$9,02S.ri7R  84 
»«  7U0,WI 


818 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


This  final  settlement  is  very  little  altered 
hy  the  last  five  per  cent,  loan  issued  in  July, 
187-t,  by  Secretary  Bristow,  and  taken  by  the 
foreign  bankers. 

The  statement  of  the  Public  Debt  would 
not  be  complete  without  a  parallel  statement 
of  the  gold  i)reniium,  whidi  had  such  a  great 
influence  in  the  financial  affairs  of  the  country. 

PUBLIC  DEBT. 

In  order  to  form  a  right  idea  of  the  extent 
of  the  Public  Debt  of  the  United  States,  and 
liow  it  was  formed,  during  the  past  few  years, 
it  is  necessary  to  compare  the  figures  of  1873 
with  those  of  the  Debt  under  the  different 
ad  ministrations. 

The  Public  Debt,  at  the  close  of  each  ad- 
ministration, was : 
Washington  (first  term)  end- 
ing 1793   $80,352,034  04 

 (second  term)   82,064,479  33 

John  Adams   83,038,050  80 

Jeflerson  (first  term)   82,312,150  50 

 (second  term)   57,023,192  09 

Madison  (first  term)   55,902,827  57 

 (second  term)   123,491,905  10 

Monroe  (first  term)   89,987,427  00 

 (second  term)   83,788,432  71 

John  Quincy  Adams   58,421,413  07 

Jackson  (first  term)   7,001,098  83 

 (second  term)   3,308,124  07 

Van  Buren   13,594,480  73 

Tyler   15,925,303  01 

Polk   03,001,858  09 

Fillmore   59,803,117  70 

Pierce   28,099,831  85 

Buchanan   90,580,873  72 

Lincoln  2,080,047,809  74 

Johnson   2,588,452,213  94 

Debt,  less  cash  in  Treasury, 

March  1,  1873   2,157,380,700.53 

The  outstanding  of  the  public  debt  of  the 
United  States,  since  the  end  of  the  civil  war, 
on  the  1st  of  July  of  each  year,  is  sliown  as 
follows  by  the  report  of  the  Secretary  of  tlie 
Treasury,  December  4,  1871,  and  public  debt 
statement  of  same,  July  1,  1872  : 

1865  $2,080,047,809  74 

1866   2,773,230,173  09 

1867   2,078,120,103  87 

1808   2,611,087,841  19 

1809   2,588,451,213  94 

1870   2,480,072,427  81 

1871   2,35.3,211,332  32 

1872   2,253,251,328  78 

The  preceding  tables,  which  are  a  correct 

statement  of  the  Public  Debt,  as  appears  from 
the  books  and  Treasurer's  returns  in  the  Dc- 
I)artment  of  Treasury,  November  30,  1873, 
will  show  the  details  of  the  Debt,  and  how  it 
was  and  will  be  i>aid. 

The  following  table  shows  the  lowest  and 
highest  prices  of  gold  at  New  York  for  each 
month  in  the  last  twelve  years.  The  left- 
hand  column  in  each  year  shows  the  lowe.st 
price,  and  the  right-hand  column  the  highest : 


Bate. 


1&C6. 


1867. 


18fi8. 


18C9. 


Rate. 

1  1862. 

105 

Ki'bnmry .... 

..  ma  h;  10 IV 

Mnri-h  

..  lOl  Si  102?^ 

M»y  

..  Ilt2', 

ll'4i^ 

Jnno  

..  W'.)t 

I'H'M 

July  

..  IflQ 

I  •.>»■. 

Ail|{l»t  

..  1I2« 

IIHV 

8<i)t<'mt«'r. . . 

..  IIOX 

VU 

OijtniiCT  

..  V.'i 

i:n 

NovciiiliCT. . . 

..  IM 

va<4 

. .  I.« 

1.^1 

18f>3. 


1«H. 


13-1  llfiOV 


1127  ll-M>; 


n7  |iM«i 


im. 


ino 

i.'.7;4 

ir.i 

I'.MP, 

21(i'4' 

l.V.t 

ll.Si, 

2<11 

KlCiV 

m 

1 II 

IIUI 

IIW 

i<«i 

12S», 

\\f>\( 

ISit 

ar>i 

i;if,'. 

117'. 

222 

2>^ 

I. 'IS 

1  mv 

2.11V 

2<12 

iir.s 

HXH 

iir> 

ISf> 

2.'vr> 

1  12 

IM.I 

22*.  1 

1  It 

1  r.i 

2»m 

•Hi) 

11.-.  V 

311 

241 

1  Itv, 

l*iV 

January  . . . 
Ft  bruary . . . 

March  

April  

May  

June  

July  

August  

September. . 
October .  . . 
November . . 
December . . 


125 
125 

147 

,'i-i;i"< 
.  vr,)4 

,|131K 


144';)i:S 
140'„|i:j7'i 
i:;fiX  VVi', 
12<j;<ii:!2\ 


lt)7?i 

1523^ 
147,',' 
154?. 
148>i 


134 
130?«' 
13ti'. 

141 
140  !i 


141Ji'133 


rJ7!,' 
\W'A 
140^ 
141'» 

i:j,s', 

14U^,; 

142'„ 

IKl'i 

145 

141 

137K 


;133\l  142"^ 
l-i!)',,  144 
l.!7%  14Pi 
137','  14(1', 
;13!t'„  140  >^ 

illOV  143 
143)^  1 150 
141)i|M5'< 

!l:«34  l  lll>4 
132-,  137 

'l34;!4|l36% 


I'M'i  13li?f 

i:;0>:;  132',' 
131, J,  l.i4-i 
134}.  14  Pi 
137  il3'.l>4 

v>A  i-njs 

131  \  137  >, 
13lHi  l(i2!< 
lis;.  131 'i 
121 Vis% 

119X1124 


Date. 


January  . . , 
February . . , 
March  ...  . 

April  , 

May  , 

June  

July  

Autruft  

September, 
October, . . . 
November. . 
December,. 


1S70. 


1871. 


1S7-2. 


1873. 


119?. 

115 

110,i< 

n\x 

113?( 
lltl?. 

nwi 

114',' 
112- 

ni>i 

110 

110A4' 


123  VI 
121'., 
W\ 
115'i 
115^S 
11 4'^ 
122?i| 
122  I 

iii>;^ 

114"^ 
113X 
111?. 


110!<:111V 

nil;. 'Ill  \ 
iiu;.  lu'Y 


111 
iii'r 
iii't 
111'. 

112'.,' 

in>4 


ii'i;. 

113»„ 
llS-i 
115\ 
115 


110,\.112\ 

108,'.  ,110,'. 


108  V 

109)^ 

109'.< 

109K 

112,'»' 

113 

113% 

112'.. 

112', 

112-^ 

111,'. 

111,'. 


IIO-^ 
111 

llOX 
113>^ 
114'. 
114'( 

115!^ 
115'. 
115', 
115',- 

113> 


IIH^  114,-^ 
112%  115>i 
iUV>  118X 
llK5i  119X 
IIB?;  118?i 
115  IllSif 
115  llfi,'-i 
114?i|llt>,ii 
1107^  lie, i,' 
107?jll!l';^ 
106'.;110X 
lUS?.ill2;i 


In  August,  1874,  the  price  of  gold  fluctu- 
ated between  109  and  110^. 

RAILROADS. 

There  is  not  a  country  in  the  whole  world 
which  has  made  such  progress  in  building 
railroads  as  the  United  States.  Long  ago 
the  iron  horse  was  heard  snorting  from  every 
city  to  the  smallest  village,  in  New  England, 
in  the  Middle  States,  and  on  the  We.stern 
prairies ;  but  the  Southern  States  were  sys- 
tematically opposed  to  building  railroads  in 
their  midst.  At  present,  although,  the  more 
Southern  States  are  notj'et  as  much  interwoven 
with  railways  as  the  North  and  West,  it  can 
be  safely  asserted  that  the  network  of  the 
railroad  system  in  the  whole  country  has 
reached  perfection,  as  to  the  princii)al  lines. 
The  prediction,  uttered  years  ago,  that  New 
York  would  be  connected  with  San  Francisco 
by  a  railroad,  which  would  become  the  great 
route  from  Europe  to  China  and  Japan,  is 
fulfilled,  and  the  Pacific  Railroad  already 
looks  as  a  thing  of  the  past,  and  other 
similar  lines  are  thought  of.  Tea  comes  now 
from  Shanghai,  and  silk  from  Yokohama, 
and  they  reach  London  or  Paris  by  way  of 
the  iron  belt,  which  has  scaled  the  Rocky 
Mountains.  At  the  time  we  are  writing, 
August,  1874,  the  Italian  Minister  Plenipo- 
tentiary and  Envoy  E.vtraordinary  acredited 
to  Jajjan  has  arrived  from  France,  on  his 
way  to  the  Far  East,  from  Italy,  via  New 
York  and  San  Francisco,  instead  of  via 
Suez,  or  the  I'eninsular  Oriental  Company 
steamships. 

Still,  it  must  not  be  thought  that  the  in- 
fancy of  railroad  building  was  too  rapid,  or 
without  difiiculties,  even  in  America,  where  so 
many  advantages  j)aved  for  them  the  way  to 
success.  Railroads  for  the  transjjort  of  stone 
and  coal  came  into  ojicration  in  3Iassachu- 
.setts,  Rhode  Island,  and  Penn.sylvania  in 
1826  and  1827,  and  increiUiod  in  number  for 
general  traffic  uj)  to  1848,  when  6,000  miles 
of  railroad  weie  completed  throughout  the 
State.H.  Since  that  stage  in  their  history, 
they  have  considerably  increased,  and  been 
pushed  to  great  distances  towards  the  in- 
terior. In  1853  the  length  of  railways  in 
actual  operation  in  the  United  States  was 
14,494  miles,  nearly  one-half  of  which  was  in 
the  N(!W  England  States,  and  in  the  State  of 
New  York.  The  number  of  railroads  in 
these  States,  and  also  in  I'ennsylvania,  sur- 
pri.sed  every  traveller  from  Europe.  They 


were  seen  radiating  in  several  directions  from 
every  city,  interlining  and  crossing  and  s<?Bd. 
ing  out  branches,  so  as  to  bring  every  seat 
of  population  of  any  importance  into  ready 
communication  with  the  chief  marts  of  com- 
merce. In  Massachusetts  alone,  in  the  early 
part  of  1853,  there  were  about  1,200  miles 
of  railway.  At  the  same  period.  New  York 
had  2,123  miles;  Pennsylvania,  1,244  miles; 
and  Ohio,  which  was  by  comparison  a  newly 
settled  State,  1,385  miles.  Large  extensions 
were  made  in  all ;  and  the  entire  railway 
system  of  the  United  States  two  years  after- 
ward comprehended  nearly  18,000  miles,  with 
several  thousand  miles  in  course  of  construc- 
tion. The  principle  pursued  in  organizing 
this  marvellous  system  of  transportation  has 
been,  in  the  first  place,  to  rest  .satisfied  with 
single  lines  until  the  resources  of  a  district 
were  so  far  opened  up,  and  capital  thereby 
created,  as  to  warrant  the  construction  of 
double  tracks.  Only  a  few  had  attained 
tlie  dignity  of  double  Unes.  Therefore 
American  railways  were  almost  all  only 
single  tracks,  and  did  not  admit  of  trains 
]»assing  each  other,  except  at  appointed 
stations. 

Of  the  considerable  railway  enterprises  of 
the  country,  the  first  which  aj^pears  to  have 
been  commenced  was  a  portion  of  the  now 
Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad,  the  first  stone 
of  which  was  laid  on  the  4th  of  July,  1828. 
This  road,  was  originally  planned  for  a  horse 
track  only  ;  but  the  introduction  of  steam 
locomotives  from  England  encouraged  the 
attempt  to  run  them  on  the  line ;  and  in 
1830  a  small  engine,  constructed  at  Balti- 
more, was  put  upon  the  road.  Although 
the  traffic  was  great,  the  engine  ai)pears  to 
hare  been  only  partially  worked,  the  trains 
having  also  been  moved  by  horses. 

Tliis  road  was  constructed  of  longitudinal 
rails  pinned  down  to  wooden  or  cross-stone 
ties,  imbedded  in  the  ground  ;  and  upon  the 
rails  were  fastened  flat  bai-s  of  iron,  ^  inch 
and  ^  inch  thick,  and  2^  to  A\  inches  wide, 
by  spikes,  lieads  countei-sunk  in  the  iron. 
This  method,  which  was  generally  adoj)ted 
ui)oii  the  early  American  railroads,  from  con- 
siderations of  economy,  and  with  a  view  of 
extending  the  lines  to  the  utmost  limit  of 
the  capital  provided,  was  soon  found  to  in- 
volve great  danger  and  consequent  expense. 
The  ends  of  the  rails  became  loose ;  and, 
starting  up,  were  occasionally  caught  by  the 
wheels,  and  thrust  up  through  the  bottoms 
of  the  cars.  It  was  found  necessary  to  run 
the  trains  with  great  caution  \\\to\\  the  roads 
thus  constructed,  and  the  j)assenger  traffic 
was  seriously  diverted  from  those  lines  that 
acquired  a  notoriety  for  snake-heads. 

In  1830  the  "Hudson  and  ISIohawk  Rail- 
road," from  Albany  to  Schenectady,  was  com- 
menced. In  October,  1831,  the  number  of 
passengei-s  on  it  was  stated  at  387  a  d;»y,and 
in  1832  a  locomotive  "  with  a  load  of  eiijht 
toius,  travelled  on  it  at  tlu;  rate  of  thirty 
mile.*  an  hour."  "  In  1831,  twelve  liitf.  rei.t 
railroad  companies  were  incorporateil ; "  and 
"  from  this  time  railroad  enterprises  wer* 
multiplied  with  great  rajiidity." 

In  IVnn.sylvania,  it  is  stated,  sixty-seven 
railroads  were  in  operation  in  1833;  and  in 
that  year  were  commenced  the  most  iin]>ort' 
ant  lines  of  Massaclni.setts  and  New  Jersey. 

The  outlay  upon  tJic  American  Unes  haf 


been  from  £8,700  up  to  £15,000  per  mile, 
whilst  the  average  cost  in  Great  Britain  has 
been  nearly  £40,000  per  mile. 

In  1838  there  were  only  1,843  miles  of 
railroad  in  the  United  States  ;  in  1848,  G,491, 
and  in  18G0,  31,185  miles.  Most  of  those 
railways  were  originally  single  track  lines. 
But  soon  the  necessities  of  traffic  compel- 
led the  companies  to  lay  double  tracks ;  in 
18G()  the  relation  of  every  State,  as  to  rail- 
roads, was  as  follows : 

Nl'VBER  OF  MILES  OPEN  IN  EACH  STATE. 


State.  Miles  Open. 

Ohio   3057 

Pennsylvania   2943 

Illinois   2925 

New  York   2809 

Indiana   2058 

Virginia   1805 

Georgia   1401 

Massachusetts   1314 

Tennessee   1283 

South  Carolina   978 

Wisconsin   937 

North  Carolina   887 

Missouri   813 

Michigan   807 

Mississippi   798 

New  Jersey   627 

New  Hampshire   658 

Alabama   G43 

Connecticut   G08 

Vermont   575 

Iowa   549 

Kentucky   531 

Maine  ,  47G 

Maryland   40G 

Louisiana   328 

Florida   32G 

Texas   294 

Delaware   137 

Rhode  Island   104 

California   70 

Arkansas   38 


This  table  will  illustrate  the  extent  to 
which  railway  enterprise  has  been  developed 
in  the  North-Western  States,  especially  in 
Ohio,  Illinois,  and  Indiana.  The  Illinois 
Central  Railroad,  which  passes  through  706 
miles  of  that  State,  was  endowed  with  alter- 
nate sections  of  land  for  a  width  of  three 
miles  on  each  side  of  its  track,  the  State  re- 
serving each  other  section  It  thus  acquired 
2,595,000  acres  in  an  excellent  farming  re- 
gion ;  and  from  the  sale  of  these  lands  the 
expenses  of  construction,  etc.,  have  been  or 
will  be  met.  The  effect  of  this  policy  in  the 
development  of  the  State  has  already  been  re- 
ferred to. 

liemarkable  as  has  been  the  rapidity  with 
which  the  American  railroads  have  been  con- 
structed, and  great  as  is  the  total  mileage  al- 
ready made,  the  railroad  accommodation  of 
the  United  States  is  not  to  be  regarded  as 
by  any  means  meeting  the  requirements  of 
the  country.  The  rapid  growth  of  the  sys- 
tem has  only  been  co-equal  with  the  rapid 
growth  of  the  population  ;  the  extent  of  mile- 
age is  attributable  to  the  vast  extent  of  terri- 
tory settled,  and  the  great  distances  between 
the  seats  of  population. 

In  many  parts  of  the  States,  indeed,  the 
existing  railways  are  quite  insufficient.  In 


UNITED  STATES. 

the  South,  the  system  is  very  imperfectly  de- 
veloped. Whilst  slaves  existed,  there  was  a 
determined  hostility  in  the  Southern  States 
to  the  expansion  of  any  general  raihvaj'  sys- 
tem, arising  from  the  ai>prehension  that"  it 
would  be  used  for  tlie  escape  of  slaves.  Any 
one  who  glances  at  a  railroad  map  of  the 
United  States  will  observe,  that  whilst  the 
Northern  States  are  covered  with  lines,  the 
Southern  have  only  a  few  main  trunk  roads, 
ami  that  the  greatest  care  has  been  taken  to 
prevent  those  lines  from  communicating  with 
the  Free  States.  It  will  be  necessary  to  cor- 
rect all  this,  and  to  bring  the  South  into 
much  more  intimate  communication  with  the 
North  than  she  stands  at  present. 

From  West  to  East,  also,  the  present  rail- 
ways are  quite  insufficient  for  the  growing 
traffic.  The  lines  of  communication  from  the 
West  by  canal,  etc.,  which  existed  previously 
to  railways,  have  not  been  affected  by  their 
construction.  The  produce  of  the  Western 
States  has,  in  fact,  increased  faster  than  the 
means  of  transport,  and  additional  facilities 
for  the  conveyance  of  goods  were  early  and 


m 

urgently  required.  It  was  of  the  utmost  im- 
portance to  tlie  development  of  the  West, 
that  no  time  should  be  lost  in  making  thia 
additional  provision. 

Anotlier  extension  of  the  railway  system 
was  felt  by  all  the  peojjlo  of  the  United 
States  to  be  most  essential.  Every  one  ap- 
preciated the  importance  of  establishing  rail- 
way intercourse  across  the  continent  from 
the  shores  of  tlie  Atlantic  to  those  of  the 
Pacific.  Four  different  routes  had  been  j)ro- 
jected  in  different  parts  of  the  Continent,  and 
eventually,  there  can  bo  little  doubt  they 
will  all  be  made  ;  only  one  is  at  present  con- 
structed. The  great  object,  of  course,  was 
to  connect  San  Francisco  with  New  York. 

The  construction  of  that  stupendous  road 
progressed  with  a  rapidity  which  astonished 
the  world,  and  the  through  connection  by 
rail,  between  New  York  and  San  Francisco, 
was  established,  at  the  time  aj)pointed,  1869. 
The  Federal  Government  came  to  the  help  of 
the  States  and  of  private  enterprise.  The 
amount  of  this  help  is  shown  in  the  following 
table  ; 


CURRENCY  BONDS  ISSUED  TO  THE  P.iCIFIC  RAILROADS, 
{Not  Included  in  the  Public  Debt  an  above  ttated.) 


Name  of  Railroad. 


Ceutral  Pacific  

Kansas  Pacific  

Union  Pacific  

Central  Branch,  U.  Pacific. 

Western  Pacific  

Sioux  City  and  Pacific  


Authorizing  Acts. 


July  1,  '62  &  July  2,  '64 
Inly  1,  '62  &  July  2,  '64 
July  1,  '62  &  July  2,  '64 
July  1,  '62  &  July  2,  '64 
fulv  1,  '62  &  July  2,  '64 
July  1.  '62  &  July  2,  '64 


R  ;tp  of  Int. 


6  percent. 
6  per  cent. 
6  percent. 
6  per  cent. 
6  per  cent. 
6  percent. 


When  Payable. 


Interest  Payable. 


30  yrs.  fm.  date.  January  &  July 
30  yrs.  fm.  date. 'January  &  July 
30  yrs.  fm.  date. 'January  &  July 
30  yrs.  fm.  date. 'January  A;  July 
30  yrs.  fm.  date.] January  &  July 
30  yrs.  fm.  date. ! January  &  July 


Name  of  Railrojid. 

Principal 
Outstanding. 

Interest-  --.ocrued 
h  not  .  it  paid. 

Interest   paid  by 
United  States.  ' 

Int.    repaid  by 
trans,  ma. Is,  &o. 

Bal.  of  Int.  P4H 
by  U.  States. 

Central  Branch,  U.  Pacific. . . . 

$25,885,120 
6,303,000 
27.236,512 
1,600  OX 
1.970  5(i0 
1,628  330 

$647,128  00 
157,575  00 
080,912  80 
40,000  00 
49,264  00 
40,708  00 

$7,921,483  27 
2.347,533  09 
8,615,943  21 
589,808  26 
485,912  94 
487,305  49 

$732,295  40 
1,173.683  45 
2,601.483  02 
21.893  27 
9.367  00 
6,731  89 

$7,189,187  87 
1.173,8.50  64 
6,014.460  1  9 
567,914  99 
476.545  94 
480,573  60 

$04,623,512  $1,615,587  80 

$20,447,986  26 

$4,545,453  03j$15, 902,533  23 

The  foregoing  is  a  correct  statement  of  the  Public  Debt,  as  appears  from  the  books  and  Treasurer's 
Returns  in  the  Department  at  the  close  of  business,  November  30,  1873. 


In  January,  18G1,  the  capital  invested  for 
the  "  cost  and  eq^i  ipnien  ts''^  of  the  31,168  miles 
of  railroads  constructed  in  America  amounted 
to  §1,177,994,828.  The  cost  of  maintenance. 
of  American  railroads  is  much  higher  than  in 
England.  This  explains  the  fact  that  while 
the  English  roads  exhibit  an  extraordinary 
amount  of  first  cost,  on  account  of  damages 
])aid  to  landowners,  it  does  not  appear 
that  the  general  expenditures  have  been  in 
much  larger  proportion  than  in  the  United 
States. 

To  end  with  this  imj)ortant  subject  of  rail- 
roads, and  to  sum  up,  in  a  few  lines,  all  the 
ex])lanations  and  ob.servations  given  above, 
as  w{!ll  as  in  order  to  give  the  latest  data,  it 
is  only  necessary  to  add  that,  commencing  no 
longer  ago  than  1830  with  23  miles,  the 
number  of  miles  constructed  up  to  January, 
1872,  was  60,852.  During  1869,  the  mileage 
constructed  was  4,999  ;  in  1870,  6,145 ;  and 
in  1871,  7,453;  making  in  the  three  years  a 
total  of  18,597  miles.  The  largest  mileage 
in  any  previous  year  was  in  1856,  when  it 


reached  3,643.  During  the  four  years  of  our 
civil  war  but  3,273  miles  were  built.  The 
State  of  Massachusetts  has  one  mile  of  rail- 
way to  4.86  square  miles  of  territory.  A 
similar  ratio  would  give  to  the  States  of  New 
York  and  Pennsylvania  10,000  miles  of  lino 
respectively,  and  to  Illinois  11,000  miles,  or 
more  than  twice  its  present  mileage.  The; 
cost  of  railroads  in  this  country  will  averago 
$50,000  per  mile— the  total  for  the  60,852 
miles  being,  in  round  numbers,  $3,000,000,- 
000.  The  cost  of  mileage  constructed  in 
1871,  at  $30,000  per  mile,  was  about  $225,- 
000,000,  while  at  least  $50,000,000  were  ex- 
pended in  new  works  and  equipments  on  old 
roads,  making  a  total  expenditure  for  tho 
year  of  $275,000,000.  The  rapidity  of  the 
increase  of  business  of  the  railroads  of  the 
United  States,  and  the  quantity  and  value  of 
their  gross  tonnage  traffic  is  still  more  re- 
markable than  the  rapid  progress  of  these 
works.  In  1851  the  total  earnings  from  pas- 
sengers were,  for  8,838  miles,  $19, 274, '254, 
and  from  freights  $20,192,100 — an  ajjgrcijate 


820 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


of  $39,400,358.  In  1801  the  total  earnings 
were  §130,000,000;  and  in  1871,  8454,90'J,- 
000.  The  tonnage  of  all  the  railroads  in 
1861  Ih  p.stiniated  at  39,000,000  net  tons  for 
31,250  niilos;  wliile,  iu  1871,  the  net  ton- 
nage was  100,000,000  tons  on  60,852  miles. 
The  net  tonnage  reduced  to  pounds  of  all  the 
railroads  of  the  country,  in  1851,  etjualled  404 
lbs.  to  the  head  of  population;  in  1801,  1,912 
lh.s. ;  and  in  1871,  5,000  lbs.  per  head.  The 
value  of  this  tonnage  per  head,  in  1851, 
equalled  $35.34  ;  in  1801,  $110.92;  and  in 
1871,  §375  per  head.  The  increase  of  mile- 
age of  railways  constructed  from  1851  to 
1801  was  at  the  rate  of  about  20  per  cent, 
per  annum.  From  1801  to  1871  the  rate  of 
annual  increase  was  aVjout  10  per  cent.  The 
increase  of  tonnage  from  '51  to  '01  was  50 
per  cent,  per  annum;  from  '01  to  '71,  at  the 
rate  of  23  per  cent,  per  annum.  The  increase 
of  poi>ulation  from  '51  to  '01  was  at  the  rate 
of  3.5  j)er  cent,  per  annum.  From  '01  to  '71, 
at  the  rate  of  2.3 — 10  per  cent,  per  annum. 

The  cost  of  transporting  Indian  corn  and 
wheat  over  ordinary  highways  is  about  20 
cents  per  ton  per  mile.    At  such  i-ate  the 


former  will  bear  transportation  only  125 
miles  to  market,  while  its  value  is  equal  to 
75  cents  per  bushel ;  the  latter  only  250 
miles,  while  its  value  is  $1.50  per  bushel. 
With  such  highways  only  our  most  valuable 
cereals  will  have  no  commercial  value  outside 
of  circles  having  radii  of  125  miles  and  250 
miles  respectively.  ,  Upon  a  railroad  the 
transportation  equals  1^  cents  per  ton  per 
mile,  thus  increasing  the  circle  within  wliich 
corn  and  wheat,  at  the  pi-ices  named,  will 
have  a  marketable  value  to  radii  of  1,000 
and  3,200  miles  respectively.  The  area  of  a 
circle  having  a  radius  of  125  miles  is  49,987 
square  miles,  while  that  of  a  circle  drawn 
ui)ou  a  I'adius  of  1,000  miles  is  about  100 
times  greater,  or  8,042,400  square  miles. 
Such  a  difference,  enormous  as  it  is,  only 
measures  the  value  of  the  agencies  at  present 
employed  in  transpoi'tation,  and  the  results 
lachieved  compared  with  the  old. 

The  following  table  shows  the  mileage  of 
railroads  in  the  several  States  at  the  various 
periods  noted,  from  Jaiiuary  1,  1842,  to  Jan- 
uary 1,  1872 : 


18-12. 

1845. 

184S. 

1851. 

1854. 

1857. 

1860. 

1863. 

1S06. 

1S09. 

1872. 

Alabnma  

46 

46 

46 

183 

304 

454 

628 

805 

805 

953 

1.671 

ArkansoD  

;;8 

38 

86 

258 

Ca.ifomia  

""2.3" 

'"2.3" 

23 

214 

463 

1,013 

Connecticut  

■"ioa" 

"iih" 

■■■402" 

■■■49fi' 

590 

601 

6.30 

(l.-i7 

m7 

820 

39 

39 

39 

39 

39 

79 

127 

127 

134 

165 

227 

S8 

21 

(i.l3  • 

21 
9ti2 

56 

290 

402 

41(1 

4.37 

4tir) 

271 

45a 

C09 

1,1 t>5 

1,371 

1.420 

1.420 

1,,575 

2.108 

22 

22 

22 

111 

7.59 

2.->:i5 

2.7,S1 

2,998 

3,1.57 

;!.4I0 

5.904 

42 

228 

1,209 

1,1-07 

2,014 

2,175 

2,217 

2,600 

3.,529 

254 

5:« 

731 

891 

l,.52:l 

3,1(1(1 

1.. 

40 

618 

1,760 

28 

28 

28 

78 

107 

268 

5!4 

567 

Bli7 

813 

1,12.3 

40 

40 

40 

80 

89 

219 

295 

;«5 

3;s 

3iv5 

539 

11 

fi2 

(.2 

245 

.334 

429 

472 

,505 

521 

5(10 

871 

2,59 

2,59 

259 

2.'>9 

327 

.327 

277 

408 

446 

.5.35 

820 

373 

718 

1,0?.5 

1,105 

1,2114 

1,2(14 

1,2,\5 

1,297 

1,425 

1.(101) 

133 

200 

270 

312 

431 

501 

737 

853 

941 

1,199 

2,2.!5 

213 

572 

1,012 

14 

26 

CO 

75 

96 

413 

698 

862 

89S 

8!t8 

990 

38 

144 

724 

s;j8 

925 

1,-354 

2.580 

122 

920 

2,113 

402 

593 

New  Hampitiirc  

^3 

92 

175 

4C.7 

644 

657 

661 

661 

(167 

(1117 

7!K) 

l!S(! 

IMi 

185 

206 

347 

•I.--5 

.5.-!fi 

(i:W 

.S(14 

97,S 

1,2(15 

(>i8 

715 

7(jl 

l,:;(il 

2,:i,s7 

2,1129 

2.(179 

2.728 

.3,002 

3.  .329 

4.470 

87 

87 

87 

2Ki 

42(1 

(194 

9.17 

9:)7 

98-1 

1,097 

1,190 

Ohio  

86 

84 

274 

575 

1,200  . 

1,807 

2,812 

3,101 

3,-i,''l 

3,398 

3,740 

Oregon  

4 

19 

19 

159 

I'ennRvlvanttt  

"754" 

"■7!)8" 

'  i'.ooo' ' 

1,246" 

1,46-1" 

"1,92.5" 

2,  'l  (2' ' 

.3,00(1 

3,728 

4.398 

5,113 

Rhode  Island  

50 

50 

(18 

68 

(■>8 

lOH 

lOS 

108 

125 

125 

1.36 

Routh  Carolina  

204 

204 

204 

289 

6.52 

818 

'.173 

973 

1,01)7 

1.076 

1,201 

Tenne8Hec  

291 

541 

9(1.3 

l,2.'->-3 

1,29(1 

1.43(1 

1,520 

71 

2.M 

4.51 

4(15 

513 

865 

Vermont  

290 

506 

,529 

54(1 

.5(12 

587 

(105 

675 

Virginia  

■223  ■ 

"'243' 

■363' ■ 

38-1 

752 

<I51 

i,:;oi 

1,379 

1.101 

1.4(;4 

1,490 

Wcwt  Virginia  

61 

97 

97 

97 

2-11 

241 

a52 

361 

365 

.365 

485 

20 

71 

276 

8i'6 

961 

1,010 

l.2:;5 

1,725 

3,535 

4,477 

5,598 

9,021 

1.5,360 

28,020 

28,789 

.32,120 

.35.085 

42,245 

(;0,^5S 

CANALS. 

At  the  moment  we  are  about  to  srivo  a  .sv- 
nopsis  of  the  ])r(jgress  of  canals  in  the  United 
States,  the  former  system  of  canal  boating  is 
revolutionized  by  the  introduction  of  steam 
canal  boats.  This  amelioration,  like  every 
other  introduced  hertsto,  in  America,  will 
work  marvels,  and  soon  supersede  entirely 
the  old  Kystem. 

The  first  canals  constructctl  in  (he  United 
States  were  those  of  Soiitii  Iladlcyaiid  the 
"MontaigiK!  Fall.s,  built  in  1792,  built  by  a 
Miussachusctts  company.  They  were,  th(!  first 
two  miles  and  the  second  three  niih-s  long, 
lu  1825  tlie  Krie  Canal  was  comi.lcted.  It 
in  303  miles  in  leiiglhj  and  cost  $7,002,000. 
ita  width  was  increased  to  70  feet  at  the 


level,  and  42  feet  at  the  bottom,  with  7  feet 
depth  of  water,  and  14  feet  hauling  way. 
During  the  season  of  1804  the  Erie  Canal 
transported  2,300,000  tons  of  corn,  valued  at 
$70,000,000;  the  average  cargo  was  163  tons 
by  each  trip. 

There  were,  in  1858,  in  the  United  States, 
3,188  miles  of  canals,  the  cost  of  which 
amounted  to  $90,000,000.  Tliat  value  reach- 
ed $  100,000,000  in  1802  on  account  of  the  wi- 
dening of  the  Erie  and  Chainplain  canals,  and 
also  of  the  extension  of  the  Virginia  and  Illi- 
nois canals. 

The  fdllowing  tables  give  the  latest  data 
and  infnrination  relative  to  the  carrying 
trade,  and  to  the  working  seiuson,  of  the 
most  important  canals  of  the  United  States : 


TAni.ii  V. — Tons  of  Lumber,  Agriculliiral  Pro- 
diictn,  Manvfacturex,  Merchandiie  and  Mixed- 
hincoiix  Arliden  coming  to  the  Hudson  JticerJ'rort 
the  CliAMPLAIN  Carutl,  for  thiHy-four  Year*. 


T'R.    I.CMBhB.      AGK  L.   I  MAS'F.     MD'SE     MISCZI_  I  TOTAL. 


188!l 
1840 
1841 
1842 
1843 
1844 
184.') 
1840 
1847 
184S 
18-1!) 
IS-TO 
18.51 
18.^2 
18.5.3 


191,902 
181,125 
211,.57.') 
194,7.39 
176,.588 
188,:528 
187,740 
195,102 
220.  i;!& 
190,290 
22:5,441 
.'549,8  1  2 
;500,923 
437.211 
.504,957 


18.54  301,0.51 


1,879 
2,010 
5,113 
5,009 
5,951 
3,902 
0,028 


]  8.5.5 
18,50 
1857 


308,725 
349,300: 
295,558! 


18.58  278,903 
18.59!S40.7.52 
1800'323.481 
18(51  j201, 202 
1802|201.470 

1803  307, 314 

1804  390,131 
1805[444.527 
1800.521,834 
l8(i7i521,70G 
1 808  j. 547. 705 
!S(7!r579.988 
1870  ,509.378 

530.  .330 
577.725 


187! 
H72 


8.703! 
7.933 
4,320 
5,249 
7,172 
7,388 
17,173 

I. 5,809lll,515 
22,3,52  25,777 

II,  702  20,3.53 
33,.591 1 19,948 
50,479,10,004 
.35.29322,430 
73,901' 11,  G38 
30,517,15,719 
20,422  13,002 
29,327:21,085 
49,10030,247 
4.5,139  31,780 
72,439  38.050 

105,313  39,501 
70,100  40,020 
02,524118,008 
04,812:25,913 
88,342  30,324 
77,495  23,257 
70,020  24,315 


54,907 


43,729  27,230 
42,043  20,393 


31,173 
25,128 
32,510 
9.008 


15,240 


17,350 
18,821 
10,734 
19,94:5 


04  1:^.193  215,801 
78  10,.551  201,097 
13  20.70:5  241,814 
42  10.7.-8  210,477 
67  11,7:58  201,515 
9  19.051  219,278 
47  33,705  245,353 
1,575  30.928  2,55,049 
4.141   40,023  313,031 
0,047  29,170  2()3..508 
5,068  80,574  313.223 
6,904  55,389  479,188 
4.333'  45,495  408,474 
5,714'  01,0.59  590,123 
6,331 1  90,8.35  6.54, :559 
8,497  114,478  521,0.50 
6,1,59  108.9.'<2  474.878 
0,704  100,910  5:}0,;599 
8,872  118,0.33  499,988 
9,100l  89,834  488,455 
10,028108,085  670.3:^9 
8,070  125,072  .578,810 
7,047  181. 0;M  5:50.5:55 
3..522  129.898  485.015 
2.439  138,579  027,0:38 
1,643  100,097  0.58.023 
3.121  |l23.237  051,820 
4,2.80  ia5,013  781.94;? 
3.203  207,0.50.803,5.83 
2,070  24:5,353  ,^02,234 
3.175  200,701  9:59.4.53 
9,280:502,991  805.004 
4,850, 201, (!40;840,070 
4,210':J05,9,87,977,539 


It  thus  appears  that  lumber  constitutea 
over  one-half  of  the  jjioduce  brought  to  tide- 
water by  the  Chainplain  canal,  and  one-third 
of  that  from  the  Erie. 


Table  VI.— ^r<r(7^(!  Cargo  of  Boats,  Time  neees- 
cnry  to  make  a  Pasnnge.  and  Cost  of  bringing  a 
Barrel  of  Flour  from  Buffalo  to  Albany  ;  Ijiek- 
nge^  nt  Akxanllefs  Lock,  and  total  Tons  l)e~ 
liver ed  at  Tidewater  f  rom  the  Erie  Canal 


YEAH. 

Average 
Carpo 
of  Boat& 

c  < 

. 

Tona  de- 
livered at 
!  tidewater 
1  from  Krie 
1  Canal. 

1.841  

41 

9 

71c. 

:30.320 

532.520 

1844.... 

49 

00 

28,319 

799.816 

1847. . . . 

07 

77 

43.9,57  1,4:?1,2.52 

1,848  

71 

9 

58 

:54,911 

1.1 84.  .3:57 

08 

8J 

56 

30.918  1.200,724 

1,850  

70 

9 

58 

;38,444  1.. 5.54. 075 

1851. . . . 

78 

8i 

49 

40,:«»0  1,50.8.077 

18.52.  .  .  . 

80 

9 

53 

41, .572 

I,(i44.0!l9 

18,53.... 

84 

9 

50 

42,907 

1,.'^5 1.4418 

18.54. . .  . 

94 

8J 

52 

:55,981  1.702.093 

18.55  

92 

8^ 

53 

;?0,873  1.420.715 

18.5(i  

100 

8* 

00 

31.223 

1.. 587. 1:50 

1857  

100 

8it 

46 

22, 1 82 

1,117.199 

ia58  

120 

8i 

34 

33,47:5  1.490,(i,-7 

143 

8i 

31 

20.274  1.4.51,:5:53 

1800, . . . 

140 

8i 

43 

32,4:59 

2.2:0,001 

1801 . . . . 

157 

8i 

46 

31,179 

2,449,609 

1802  

107 

8i 

48 

34.977 

2.917.094 

180:5  ... 

177 

9 

45 

:?0,071 

2,047,(>.'*9 

lS(i4  

1.50 

10 

57i 

28,742 

2.140,0:54 

I8(i5  ... 

100 

10 

51 

20,0:57 

2.078.:50l 

1800  

170 

10 

53 

29  8.82  2,.523.0()4 

1,S07  

1.50 

10 

48 

28,054 

2.220,112 

1,8(18  

148 

10 

48 

32.107 

2,378..573 

1.S09  

ia3 

10 

51 

24,625 

2  2.57,0,89 

1870  

161 

10 

33 

2,5.124  2, 290,09» 

1,871.  . .  . 

178 

11 

40 

29.725 

2  048,877 

1872.... 

100 

11 

42 

28,035 

2,070,405 

UNITED  STATES. 


«21 


Table  VII. — Dates  of  the  Opening  and  Chnimj  of 
the  Erie  Canal  for  Twenty-eight  Years. 


Yeab.  Opknki).  Closed. 

1 846  April  1 G  November  25 

1847  May    1  November  30 

1848  May    1  December  9 

1849  May    1  December  5 

1850  April  22  December  11 

1851  April  15  December  5 

1852  April  20  December  10 

1853  April  20.  December  20 

1854  April   1  December  3 

1855  April  1  December  10 

1856  April  5   December  4 

1857  April  6  December  15 

1858  April  28  November  30 

1859  April  15  December  12 

ISfiO  April  23  December  12 

1861  May    1  December  10 

18()2  May    1  December  1  0 

1863  May  10  December  8 

1864  April  30  December  8 

1863  May    1  December  12 

1866  May    1  December  12 

1867  May    4  December  9 

1868  April  23  December  8 

1869  May    6  December  10 

1870  May  10  December  8 

1871  April  24  November  29 

1872  May  13  December  4 

1873  May  15  November  20 


MANUFACTURES. 

The  progress  of  manufactures  in  the  United 
States  has  been  more  than  100  per  cent, 
greater  than  the  increase  of  population,  espe- 
cially for  the  last  twenty  years.  Thus,  the 
total  value  of  home-manufactured  products, 
including  the  fisheries  and  the  mining,  was 
$1,019,206,616  in  1850.  Ten  years  after,  in 
1860,itwas  figured  at  $1,900,000,000;  thatis 
an  increase  of  about  86  per  cent,  in  ten  years, 
and  an  augmentation  of  123  per  cent,  as  com- 
pared witlx  the  increase  of  the  white  popula- 
tion. So  every  man,  woman,  and  child  in  the 
United  States  produced,  on  an  average,  sixty 
dollars  and  sixty-one  cents ;  and  to  this  should 
bo  added  the  product  of  machinery,  of  an 
annual  value  below  $500,  for  wliich  no  offi- 
cial statistics  can  be  obtained. 

The  cotton  manufacture  was,  and  is  still, 
one  of  the  most,  if  not  the  most  important, 
in  the  United  States.  It  began  as  early 
as  1786  and  1788,  in  Massachusetts  and 
Rhode  Island.  In  1800  hardly  300  bales  of 
cotton  were  used,  against  10,000  in  1810, 
and  90,000  in  1815.  Nearly  100,000  opera- 
tives were  emi)loyed,  and  §24,000,000,  repre- 
senting the  value  of  81,000,000  yards  of  cot- 
ton cloth,  went  into  the  cotfers  of  .the  New 
England  manufacturers.  Still,  the  American 
market  was  glutted  with  foreign  imported 
goods,  and  the  tariff  acts  of  1826,  1828,  and 
1832,  which  imposed  an  ad  valorem  duty  of 
25  per  cent,  upon  imported  cotton  goods, 
cleared  the  way  for  an  astonishing  progress  in 
New  England  manufactures.  The  first  cot- 
ton-mill wag  erected  in  1822,  at  Lowell,  and 
soon  the  Lawrence  mills  were  built ;  and  in- 
stead of  the  240  cotton  factories  in  the  Uni- 
ted States  in  1810,  there  were  1,240  mills  in 
1840,  with  2,284,631  spindles,  and  129  dye- 
ing and  printing  establishments.  All  these 
employed  72, 119  hands,  and  produced  goods 
valued  at  $4i),350,430,  with  an  invested  cap- 
ital of  §5 1 ,102,359.  The  protective  tariff  of 
1842  contributed  again  to  the  increase  of  cot- 
ton manufacture  in  America,  and  then  the 
Southern  States  began  to  build  the  fii'st  reg- 


\ilar  mill  south  of  the  Delaware  lliver.  Tliis 
.So\ithern  manufacture  j)rogressed  well  until 
the  beginning  of  the  civil  war,  though  its 
strid(!s  could  not  bear  comparison  with  the 
advance  of  the  Northern  maniifacturers.  Be- 
tween the  years  1840  and  1850  the  product 
in  the  South  was  about  $1  ])er  head  of  the 
population,  a  larger  ratio  than  that  of  the 
North  in  1820,  at  a  time,  though,  when  cot- 
ton machinery  was  qviite  in  its  infancy.  In 

1859  the  Southern  s})inncrs  consumed  98,000 
bales  of  cotton,  that  is  an  increase  of  50  per 
cent,  over  the  quantity  used  in  1850.  But 
in  that  year,  1859,  the  Saluda  Mills,  and  the 
other  factories  erected  afterwards  in  the  real 
Southern  States,  were  not  in  operation,  so 
that  the  principal  part  of  the  manufacturing 
was  done  in  Maryland,  at  EUicott's  Mills,  or 
in  some  other  northward  Southern  State. 

In  1850  there  were  1,074  cotton  mills  in 
America.  These  mills  were  larger,  had  a 
more  improved  machinery,  and  consumed 
641,240  bales,  of  400  pounds,  of  cotton  each, 
and  manufactured  goods  amounting  in  value 
to  865,501,687.  Out  of  the  1,074  foctories, 
213  belonged  to  the  South  and  West.  In 

1860  the  number  of  mills  had  declined  still 
moi-e,  but  the  production  kept  increasing,  and 
reached  a  value  of  §115,237,926.  Then,  out 
of  the  915  factories  remaining  in.  America, 
and  every  one  of  them  in  a  high  state  of  pros- 
perity, and  on  a  high  scale  of  efficiency,  194 
belonged  to  the  Southern  and  Western 
States,  and  the  balance  to  Northern  States. 
From  1860  to  1870  the  same  decrease  in  the 
number  of  factories,  and  the  .same  increase  in 
manufacturing,  was  noticeable ;  the  falling 
off  in  the  number  of  establishments  during 
the  decade  was  of  12| ;  but  the  number  o*^ 
looms  was  24^  per  cent.,  and  the  number  of 
spindles  more  than  28  per  cent,  greater  in 
1870  than  in  1860.  The  capital  employed 
increased  also  30  per  cent.,  and  the  increase 
amounted  to  about  43  per  cent. 

From  1860  to  1870  there  was  also  a  de- 
crease in  the  quantity  of  raw  cotton  consum- 
ed, amounting  to  nearly  25,000,000  pounds, 
or  6  per  cent.  ;  still  higher  prices  increased 
the  value  of  manufactured  goods  to  nearly 
855,000,000,  or  more  than  94  per  cent.  The 
same  increase  was  to  be  observed  in  the  total 
cost  of  labor  and  raw  material,  amounting  to 
about  $70,000,000,  or  85  per  cent.  The 
value  of  the  goods  was  increased  also,  to  the 
figure  of  §62,000,000,  about  53  per  cent, 
more  in  1870  than  in  1860.  Through  re- 
cently adopted  iuijjrovements  in  machinery,  a 
greater  quantity  of  goods  has  been  pi-oduccd 
from  a  suialler  amount  of  raw  material. 
There  was  also  not  only  a  great  saving  in  the 
improvement  of  machinery,  but  an  increase 
of  operatives,  amounting  to  13,000  hands. 
The  annual  wages  went  uj)  also,  from  $196  in 
1860  to  §288  per  head  in  1870,  an  increa.se  of 
$92  or  47  per  cent.  Each  hand  produced, 
of  course,  more  in  1870,  that  is,  §1,341 
against  §948  in  1860,  an  increase  in  value  of 
§363  per  head,  or  38|^  per  cent. 

The  woollen  manufactories  were  of  small 
account  in  the  L^nited  States  until  the  year 
1820,  when  they  produced  a  value  of  §4,418.- 
068.  In  1830,  §14,528,166  ;  in  1840,  §20,- 
696,699,  and  more  than  21,000  workmen 
were  employed.  In  1850  the  carpet  industry 
was  introduced,  and  American  weavers  pro- 
duced as  good  articles  as  foreign.    The  wool- 


len manufacture  rose  in  value  to  §41,588,033, 
which  figure  does  not  include  goods  in  which 
cotton  was  mixed  with  wool.  Jn  1800  the 
number  of  woollen  mills  decrea-sed  under  tho 
operation  of  the  same  economical  laws  wliich 
had  caused  a  decrease  in  the  cotton  factoi  ies. 
There  were  in  that  year  638  woollen  milLs 
less  than  ten  years  before,  but  the  value  of 
the  products  reached  §08,865,903.  In  1870 
the  increa.se  was  enormous,  and  reached 
§155,405,058  as  the  value  of  the  woollen 
products  of  the  United  States. 

The  iron  manufacture  continually  increased 
in  the  United  States,  and  kept  j)ace  with  the 
newly  discovered  ore  mines  of  the  West,  and 
the  coal  mines  also.  There  is  hardly  a  single 
country  in  the  world  wliich  can  produce  ore 
of  as  good  quality  as  the  American  ;  and 
there  are  no  countries,  even  without  excepting 
England,  in  which  industrial  fabrication  has 
been  more  improved  than  the  United  States. 
With  ore  at  discretion,  as  at  Pilot  Knob 
Mountain,  in  IMissouri,  with  the  unexhausted 
coal-beds  of  Pennsylvania,  and  with  the  in- 
ventive genius  of  American  workmen  applied 
to  ]>uddling  and  blasting  furnaces,  it  was  next 
to  impossible  that  the  manufacture  of  irou 
should  not  become  one  of  the  most  prosper- 
ous industries  of  the  land.  In  1830  there 
were  239  furnaces  in  operation,  making  191,- 
536  tons,  valued  at  §13,326,769,  and  employ- 
ing 29,254  workmen.  Seven  years  later  the 
number  of  tons  had  risen  to  250,000.  In 
1850  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  alone  pro- 
duced 504,575  tons  of  pig-iron.  In  1856  the 
whole  iron  production  was  841,550  tons,  of 
which  812,917  was  jug-irou  ;  more  than  60,- 

000  people  were  employed  in  that  industry, 
the  value  of  which  was  more  than  §50,000,- 
000.  The  importation  into  the  United  States 
of  crude  iron  was  nearly  half  a  million  tons,  so 
that  the  native  amount  of  iron  produced  in 
the  furnaces  of  the  United  States  was  1,950,- 
548  tons. 

In  1860,  the  production  of  pig  iron  reached 
902,316  ton-s,  valued  at  §46,117,550,  besides 
this  395,536  tons  of  rolled  iron  were  pro- 
duced, having  a  value  of  §21,710,681 ;  wluch 
gives  a  grand  total  for  pig  and  rolled  or 
manufactured  ii'on  of  §67,828,231. 

Leather  manufactories  numbered  6,528,  in 
1850,  throxighout  the  United  States,  and  gave 
employment  to  22,575  workmen;  the  value 
of  such  products  was  nearly  38  millions  of 
dollars.  For  the  year  ending  June  30,  1860, 
the  leather  manufacture  had  increa.sed  nearly 
one  hundred  per  cent.,  but  in  1850  the  fabri- 
cation alone  of  boots  and  shoes  amounted  to 
nearly  §54,000,000,  and  the  saddlery  to  nearly 
10  millions.  Tho  Northern  States,  and  es- 
pecially Massachusetts,  were  the  largest 
manufacturers  of  shoes  and  boots ;  for  the 
Lvnn  and  Boston  manufactories  were  the  al- 
most exclusive  marts  for  the  sale  of  these 
articles  to  the  Southern  States.  Tlie  intro- 
duction of  Coolie  labor,  the  incre.ise  exacted 
by  white  workmen,  the  rules  imposed  on 
bosses  by  the  Crispin  a.ssociation,  drove  from 
Massachusetts  and  New  England,  a  snmll 
part  of  their  monopoly  in  this  trade.  Still, 
in  1859,  the  port  of  Boston  alone  exported 
shoes  to  the  amount  shown  by  tlie  table  be- 
low, which  gives  an  interesting  view  of  the 

1  trade  carried  on  between  New  England 
and    the    South   before   tho   abolition  of 

!  glaver^  ; 


623 


HISTORY   OF  THE 


C.V8K3  O?  SHOES  EXPORTED  FUOit  BOSTON,  1859. 

First     Second     Third     Fourth  Total 
qu.irUT.  qiianer.  quarler.  quarter,  yctir. 


To  Baltimore   14,2;«  9,585  21.707  13,!t44  02,401 

•'  chitriwtoD   a.aaj  i,4!vi  '.),:j79  i.ssi  17,177 

••  LoniBvillc-   7.S70  il:-m  S,f<--i  2,004  21,119 

"  U'xiutrton   7tJ8  2B9  903  100  2,ltW 

'■  Mouii.liis   1.515  553  1.011  220  3.:m 

Mol.ik-   HOT  279  018  l,2<il  2.940 

•'  Nmnhvillc   4,302  921  7,207  1,291  18,7S1 

"  Natchez   2  9  41  45  97 

••  Pmiueah   184  96  689  177  1,146 

IVterslmrgh...  2:1  72  3:J1  101  029 

••  I'inelllulT.Ark.  S.'iS  77  190  41  mi 

"  Hiehnion.l  .  ...  Ohl  ...  219  522  1,402 

S»n  .\iiU.nio  ...  1B7  1S6  4M  2.)  7tKI 

"  Saviiiinah,  Geo.  010  408  1,32.1  135  2..->20 

"  St.  Louis   24,240  4.347  28,9ti6  8,215  65,774 

*•  ViclcKbunt.SIiss.  70  82  227  37  .371 

New  Orlcaos. ..  9,4'.l0  6,290  12,470  9.  m  37,<>86 

Total            

"Other  south-,  ee-^s  ="•'"0  ^''"^  ^^''^'^V^l 

ern  towns      f  ' 

Total  dirwt  South.  261,358 

••     l-hiladelphia .  17,242  9.68S  2.3,635  4,604  50,119 

"     New  York.  ..  29,238  46,469  55,208  22,237  182.207 

"     All  others....  22.S.307 


Total  caims   216,836   136,612   260,329   106,714  717,991 


The  decline  in  the  quantities  shipped  in 
the  fourth  quarter  i.s  very  marked.  The  total 
Talue  sent  South  directly  in  that  year  was 
about  $12,000,000;  but  a  large  portion  of 
those  ca-ses  that  were  sent  to  New  York  and 
Philadelphia  were  to  supply  the  Southern 
market ;  at  least  half  the  whole  quantity 
■was  taken  South,  and  the  returns  of  the  last 
quarter  of  the  year  show  a  decline  of  154,- 
615  .oases ;  and  the  depression  in  the  shoe 
trade,  leading  to  the  great  strike,  resulted 
from  the  diminished  business. 

Agricultural  implements  were  manufac- 
tured, in  1850,  on  a  large  scale  in  the  United 
States,  which  have,  at  present,  almost  the 
monopoly  of  that  article  for  the  world.  In 
1800,  the  value  of  agricultural  tools  and  ma- 
chinery manufactured  in  the  United  States 
was  nearly  three  times  as  great  as  their  value 
in  1850,  when  they  amounted  to  nearly  7 
million  dollars,  wliile,  ten  years  after,  they 
were  valued  at  nearly  19  millions.  The 
States  of  New  York,  Ohio,  and  Indiana  took 
the  lead  in  that  kind  of  manufacture.  In 
18G0,  agricultural  steam  implements  alone 
in  the  United  States,  reached  more  than  $40,- 
000,000  in  value. 

In  1850,  the  production  of  flour  was  rated 
in  value  at  Jl 30,056,730,  and  it  employed 
nearly  24,000  people.  In  1800,  another 
advance  was  made;,  Jiiid  the  flour  manu- 
factured in  the  United  States  realized  |221,- 
000,000. 

Tlie  same  increase  was  ol  servable  from 
1850  to  1800,  in  the  timber  trade  and  sawing 
mill  iiiilustry.  Tlic  products  of  this  nature 
were  valued  at  nearly  $59,000,000  in  1850, 
at  $93,051,000  in  1800. 

Of  a  grand  total  of  2,707,421  individuals 
engaged  in  manufactures,  mechanical  and 
mining  industries,  we  copy  from  the  cen.sus 
of  1870  the  numbers  of  tho.sc  engaged  in 
the  most  8f)ecial  and  important  branches : 
3,811  agricultural  iin|)l(Mii(!nt-inakers,  includ- 
ing 25  females;  1,109  artificial  flower- 
makers  (951  f(!males) ;  15,302  ajjprentices, 
not  specifled  (200  femaleb);  27,080  haters; 


3,297  basket-makers;  141,774  blacksmiths; 
9,104  bookbinders  and  finishers;  171,127 
boot  and  shoe-makers  (9,042  females) ;  11,240 
brewers  ;  20,070  brick  and  tile-makers ;  7,511 
builders  and  contractors ;  42,835  cabinet- 
makers; 344,596  carpenters  and  joiners; 
15,009  carpet-makers;  42,404  carriage  and 
wagon-makers  (32  females) ;  3,834  charcoal 
and  lime-burners  (5  females) ;  3,534  cheese- 
makers;  28,280  cigar-makers  (1,844  female); 
1,779  clock-makers  ;  693  comb-makers  ; 
41,789  coopers ;  111,000  cotton  mill  opera- 
tives (04,398  females);  28,702  curriers, 
tanners  and  finishers  (00  females) ;  7,558 
daguerreotypists  and  j)hotographists ;  2,874 
distillers  and  rectifiers;  20,242  employes  in 
manufacturing  establishments  (not  s])ecified) ; 
34,233  engineers  and  firemen;  4,200  engra- 
vers; 27,100  fishermen  and  oystermen  (35 
females) ;  9,518  glass-works  operators;  18,508 
gold  and  silver  workers ;  8,184  gun  and 
locksmiths ;  33,817  harness  and  saddle-makers 
(50  females) ;  12,025  hat  and  cap  makers; 
902  hoop-skirt  makers;  22,141  iron  and 
steelworks  ojjeratives  (not  specified) ;  34,245 
iron  foundry  operatives;  17,249  iron  and 
steel  rolling  mill  operatives ;  17,752  lumber- 
men and  raftsmen;  54,755  machinists;  42,877 
manufacturers  ;  25,831  marble  cutters ;  89,710 
masons,  brick  and  stone;  41,582  millers  (239 
females) ;  92,084  milliners,  dress  and  man- 
tua  makers  (1,004  male);  152,107  miners 
(46  females) ;  104  needle-makers;  3,803  oil 
well  operators;  85,123  painters  and  varnish- 
ers;  12,409  paper-mill  operatives;  2,535 
piano-forte  makers  ;  23,577  plasterers ;  11,143 
plumbers  and  gas-fitters  ;  5,000  potters  ;  575 
powder-makers;  39,800  printers  (1,495  fe- 
males) ;  47,298  saw-mill  operatives  (35  fe- 
males) ;  3,881  sewing-machine  factory  opera- 
tives; 15,900  ship-carpenters;  161,820  tail- 
ors, tailores.ses  and  seamstresses  (97,207 
females) ;  30,524  tinners  (17  fcmale-s) ;  20,942 
wheelwrights;  8,388  wood-chopjjers ;  7,947 
wood-turners  and  carvers  (44  females)  ;  and 
58,836  woollen-mill  operatives  (22,776  fe- 
males). 

The  following  figures  give  the  latest  and 
most  complete  information  as  to  the  actual 
status  of  manufactures  in  the  United  States : 


Manufacturing  establishments, 

number   252.148 

Steam-engines,  horse-power   1,215,711 

number.,   40,191 

Water-wheels,   horse-power   l,i;!0,4:U 

number   SI, 018 

Hands  employed,  total  number. . .  2,0r);!,9!)() 

Males  above  10   1,(!1.'),,-)!)S 

Females  above  15   i!2;},770 

Youth   114,028 

Capital   $2,118,288,70!) 

Wages   775.5S-J,:5-ia 

Materials   2,488,427,242 

Products   4,232,325,442 


In  the  grand  totals,  the  most  important 
mechanical  and  mamij'acturing  ituiueli-ies 
figure  as  follows : 


Establishments   for   agricultural  imple- 
ments number   2,076 

Blacksmithing   20.304 

Boots  and  shoes   23.428 

Bread,  crackers,  etc   3,550 

Brick   3,114 

Carpentering  and  building   17,142 

Carriages  and  sleds,  children's  wagons  11,S47 

Cheese   1,313 

Clothing,  children's   20 

"        men's   7,833 

"        women's   1,847 

Cooperage   4,961 

Dentistry,  mechanical   650 

Drugs  and  chemicals   293 

Flouring  and  grist-miU  products   22,573 

Furniture  (not  specified)   5,423 

"       chairs   529 

Gas   390 

Gimsmithing   610 

Hardware   585 

"        saddlery   155 

Hats  and  caps   483 

Hosiery   248 

Iron,  pigs   386 

"     ca.stings   2,328 

"    stoves,  etc   326 

"     forged  and  rolled  

Leather,  tanned   4,237 

curried   3,083 

Lime   1,001 

Liquors,  distilled   719 

malt   1,973 

"       vinous   398 

Lumber,  planed   1.113 

"        sawed   25,817 

Machinery  (not  specified)   1.739 

Monuments  and  tombstones   1,044 

Ma.sonry,  brick  and  stone   2. 263 

Millinery   1,067 

Painting   3.040 

Patent  medicines   319 

Photograplis   1 ,090 

Plasteruig   091 

Plumbing  and  gusfitting   705 

Fruiting  and  publishing  (not  specified)  31 1 

"                  "        book   40 

"                  "        newspaper...  1,199 

"                  "        job   609 

Pumps   465 

Saddlery  and  harness   7.007 

Salt   283 

Sash  doors  and  blinds   1,605 

Shipbuilding   763 

Soap  and  candles.   614 

Starch   1 95 

Stone  and  earthenware   777 

Sugar  and  molasses.   713 

Tin,  copper,  and  sheet-iron  ware   C,646 

Tobacco  and  cigars   01 

"      chewing,  smoking,  and  snuff .  513 

"      cigars   4,631 

Trunks,  valises   223 

Upholstery   009 

Vinegar   181 

Washing-machines  &  clothes-wringers  04 

Watch  and  clock  repairing   1,103 

"          "        ca.sc8   40 

"          •»       materials   10 

Whoelwrighting   3,613 

AVillowware   103 

WooLseywitre   269 

Wood  pulp   8 

"     turned  and  OArvcd   733 

"     mi.scollancous  articles,   117 

Wool-carding  and  cloth-dressing   1.0<ll 

WooKsov  goods   1  938 

Worst <  d  goods   102 

Zinc,  snu'ltod  and  rolled   H 

' '    statuary  and  building  om&menta  ^ 


A  NARRATIVE 

OF   THE   INDIAN  WARS 

BY  WILLIAM  HUBBARD,  A.  M. 


PREFACE. 


The  gracious  hand  of  divine  Providence  in 
the  preservation  of  the  New  England  colonies 
in  their  infmt  state,  gloriously  appears  from 
the  facts,  briefly,  but  faithfully  transmitted 
down  to  us,  by  one  of  our  venerable  forefath- 
ci's  in  the  following  narrative  of  the  troubles 
with  the  Indians  in  New  England,  a  very 
numerous  and  barbarous  people,  dispersed 
through  the  wilderness  in  every  part  of  the 
land. 

These  savages  began  a  war  with  the  first 
English  adventurers,  while  they  were  few  in 
number,  yea  very  few,  and  strangers  in  the 
land.  This  rendered  their  deliverance  an 
event  truly  great  and  memorable. 

They  were  saved  Indeed  as  by  fire  :  Their 
loss  of  men  and  substance,  compared  with  their 
numbers  and  ability,  was  very  great,  and  long 
severely  felt. 

Heavy  as  the  public  expenses  were  to  sup- 
port the  war,  these  were  but  a  very  inconsid- 
erable part  of  the  burdens  and  charges  to 
which  particular  towns,  families  and  individu- 
als were  necessarily  subjected,  in  guards, 
garrisons,  and  watchings  in  their  own  defence. 

The  whole  country  was  the  seat  of  war, 
and  every  man  procured  his  bread  in  jeopardy 
of  his  life. 

Like  Nehemiah's  builders,  each  one  toiled 
with  his  weapon  of  war  in  one  hand,  and  his 
mstrument  of  labour  in  the  other;  exposed 
every  moment  to  death,  from  a  watchful  unseen 
foe. 

In  the  frequent  alarms  which  spread  from 
town  to  town,  some  escaping  from  danger, 
ran  into  greater :  others  met  their  own  fate 
in  their  attempts  to  relieve  their  neighbours, 
in  the  same,  or  different  scattered  settlements. 

This  was  the  deplorable  state  of  the  New 
England  colonies,  a  very  few  towns  excepted  ; 
a  distress,  more  easily  conceived  than  express- 
ed, and  indeed  scarcely  conceivable  by  the 


greater  part  of  the  present  generation,  since 
the  then  hideous  wilderness  is  become  a  fruit- 
ful field,  and  well  settled  towns  overspread  the 
land. 

The  reader  unacquainted  with  this  country 
in  its  uncultivated  state,  may  here  inquire, 
Why  the  first  settlers  thus  exposed  them- 
selves, by  making  disjoined  and  very  distant 
settlements?  Necessity  led  to  this:  The 
lands  near  the  sea  coasts  were  generally  less 
fertile  and  found  hard  to  subdue  :  therefore, 
forpresentsubsistencelntheir  feeble  conditio 
they  were  obliged  to  seek  the  borders  of  rivers 
and  streams,  for  the  sake  of  intervals  and  mea- 
dows, both  on  account  of  their  fertility,  and  of 
their  being  open  and  prepared  for  immediate 
improvement. 

They  were  also  encouraged  in  making 
these  scattered  settlements  by  the  general 
friendly  disposition  ot  the  natives,  who  freely 
sold  their  lands,  for  which  a  valuable  consid- 
eration was  paid,  without  exception,  where  a 
claim  was  made. 

The  Indians  perceived  their  interest  in  ad- 
mitting their  English  neighbours,  as  they  fur- 
nished them  with  means  of  much  easier  sub- 
sistence ;  and  the  utmost  care  was  taken  by 
tlie  several  governments  of  the  united  colonies, 
to  prevent  any  occasion  of  distrust. 

The  Pequod  war  was  confined  to  the  west- 
erly parts  of  Connecticut.* 

Philip's  war,  as  it  is  called,  began  in  Ply- 
mouth colonv.t  but  spread  through  Miissa- 
chusetts,  New  Hampshire,  and  Province  of 
Maine,  in  extentabove  300  miles.  And  with- 
in the  compass  of  one  year,  the  numerous 
tribes  of  savages  within  the  limits  of  New 
England,  were  drawn  into  this  war  against  us, 
a  very  few  e.xcepted. 

Surelv  we  may  say,  had  not  the  Lord  been 
on  our  si<le,  when  men  thus  rose  up  against 
us,  thev  had  quickly  swallowed  us  up. 

Our  fathers  indeed  had  come  out  of  great 
tribulation.  Into  this  wilderness,  which,  under 
providence,  was  a  means  of  improving  them 


*  Not  far  from  New  London, 
t  His  Head  Quarters  were  m  Mount  Hope,  now  Uristu]. 


in  faith,  fortitude  and  patience,  to  endure 
hardships  beyond  a  parallel,  until  they  obtain- 
ed deliverance  :  And  some  of  the  first  adven- 
turers lived  to  see  the  wilderness  become  a 
fruitful  field. 

But  this  was  not  their  intended  rest:  Thev 
had  subllmer  views ;  They  looked  for  another 
and  better  country,  that  is  an  heavenly.  And 
however  they  may  have  been  misrepresented, 
by  ignorant  or  ill  designing  persons,  they  were 
men  of  whom  the  world  was  not  worthy. 

The  cruel  charges  of  peculiar  bigotry,  and 
a  persecuting  spirit,  wantonly  alleged  against 
them,  are  founded  on  facts  not  truly  stnted. 

Accordinsf  to  the  natural  course  of  thinEfs 
In  this  depraved  and  mutable  state  their  de- 
scendents  at  this  day,  as  might  be  expected, 
have  in  a  measure,  departed  from  that  sim- 
plicity of  manners,  by  which  their  renowned 
ancestors  were  justly  distinguished  ;  But  not- 
withstanding it  may  with  truth  be  asserted, 
that  no  instance  can  be  prodiicinl,  in  the  pre- 
sent or  any  past  age,  among  like  numbers, 
where  good  order  has  so  universally  prevailed, 
as  in  the  New  England  colonies,  even  in  pop- 
ulous and  opulent  towns,  especially  our  capital. 

We  of  this  province,  with  inconsiderablfe 
intermissions,  from  that  early  period,  at  un 
known  expense  and  loss,  have  been  called  to 
defend  our  lives  and  properties  against  iho 
incursions  of  more  distant  savages.  Our  trust 
hath  been  in  the  name  of  the  Lord  our  fathers" 
God  and  Deliverer;  and  hitherto  he  hath  de 
livered  us.  May  we  never  be  utmiindl'ul  of 
of  his  signal  benefits! 

We  are  now  under  the  smiles  of  divine 
Providence  increased  to  a  multitude  of  people. 

Our  many  frontier  settlements  are  contino- 
ally  exposed  to  savage  invasion  :  And  though 
we  trust  not  to  our  own  bow  ;  yet  as  prudence 
directs,  we  are  all  armed  and  prepared  for  a 
defensive  war.  And  yet  having  the  worm 
wood  and  the  gall  still  in  remembrance,  no 
people  more  ardent,  \\  ish  and  prHV,  that  wars 
muv  forever  cease,  and  peace  on  earth,  and 
good  will  among  men  universally  prevuil. 

Boston,  May  20,  1775. 


624 

CHAPTEE  I. 

A  NARRRATIVE 

nr  TDE  INDIAN  WARS  IN  NEW  ENGLAND,  &C 

Known  unto  God  are  all  his  works  from 
the  foundation  of  the  world,  though  manifest 
to  us,  only  by  the  events  of  time,  that  fruitful 
mother  of  all  things,  which  in  the  former  age 
did  bring  forth,  at  least  did  bring  to  light  the 
knowledge  of  this  western  world,  called 
America,  that  in  all  foregoing  times  and  ages, 
lay  hid  in  this  obscure  and  remote  region  cov- 
ered with  a  veil  of  ignorance,  and  locked  up 
from  the  knowledsje  of  all  the  rest  of  the  in- 
liahitaiit:5  of  the  earth.  To  whom  the  honour 
of  its  investigation  doth  of  right  more  properly 
belong,  is  sufficiently  declared  by  the  history 
and  reports  of  such  as  were  eye  witnesses 
thereof  and  not  intended  to  be  any  part  of  the 
present  disquisition.  The  most  considerable 
part  of  all  the  north  side  of  America,  is  caliel, 
New  England.  In  the  feitility  of  the  said 
salubriousness  of  the  air,  and  many  other 
commodious  advantages,  most  resembling  the 
country  from  whence  it  borrowed  its  appella- 
tion. For  the  knowledge  thereof  the  world 
is  most  beholding  to  the  discoveries  of  the 
Enoflish,  under  the  conduct  of  Sebastian  Cabot, 
a  famous  Portuguese,  sent  out  under  the  com- 
mission of  Henry  the  Vllth,  about  the  year, 
1497,  though  since  much  perfected  by  the 
industry  and  travels  of  Capt.  Gosnold,  Capt. 
Hudson,  Ca()t.  Smith,  and  others  of  the  En- 
elish  nation.  North  America,  thisposthumous 
birth  of  time,  is  as  to  its  nativity,  of  the  same 
standing'  with  her  two  elder  sisters,  Peru  and 

o  ... 

Mexico,  yet  was  suffered  to  lie  in  its  swadling 
clothes,  one  whole  century  of  years,  nature 
having  promised  no  such  dowry  of  rich  mines 
of  silver  and  gold  to  them  that  would  espouse 
her  for  their  own,  as  she  did  unto  the  other 
two,  which  possibly  was  the  reason  why  slie 
was  not  so  hastily  courted  by  her  first  discov- 
erers, nor  yet  so  early  secured  by  any  of  the 
princes  f)f  Europe,  lying  wholly  neglected  as 
It  were  until  a  small  company  of  planters, 
under  the  command  of  Cayitain  George  Pop- 
ham,  and  Captain  Gilbert,  were  sent  over  at 
the  charge  of  Sir  John  Popham  in  the  year 
1607,  to  begin  a  colony  upon  a  tract  of  land 
about  Sagadehock,  situate  on  the  south  side 
of  the  river  Kenneber.k  and  about  that  called 
Shipscot  river  and  about  twenty  miles  south 
west  from  Pemmaquid,  the  most  northerly 
bound  of  all  New  England.  But  that  design 
within  twoyiMrs  expiring  with  its  first  founder, 
»oon  after  some  honourable  persons  of  the 
wnst  of  England,  commonly  called  the  Coun- 
cil of  Plymouth,  being  more  certainly  inform- 
ed of  several  navigable  rivers  and  c  mmodious 
havens,  with  other  [)lace8  fit  either  for  tnillic 
or  planting,  newly  dincovered  by  many  skilful 
navigators,  obtairunl  a  grant  by  patcMit,  under 
the  great  seal,  from  King  ,Iame«,  of  all  that 

Ftart  of  North  Anu-rica,  called  New  England, 
rorn  the  40  to  the  48  deg.  of  north  latitude. 
From  which  grant  and  original  patent,  all 
other  charters  and  grants  of  land  from  Pem- 
(naqui<l  to  Delaware  bay,  along  the  sea  coast, 
derive  their  lineau;o  and  [lediirreo.  Thus  was 
ihut  vast  tract  of  land,  after  the  year  1G13, 
c«iitouud  and  parcelled  out  into  many  lessor 


A      l\  A  it  li       JL  t  »  1^ 

divisions  and  parcels, accordingas  adventurers 
presented,  wiiich  said  grants  being  founded 
upon  uncertain,  or  false  descriptions,  and 
re|)ortsi)f  them  that  travelled  thither,did  many 
of  them  interfere  one  upon  another,  to  the 
great  disturbance  of  the  first  planters,  and 
prejudice  of  the  proprietors  themselves,  as  is 
too  well  known  by  any  that  have  had  occasion 
to  stay  ever  so  little  among  them,  many  of 
whom  are  vet  survivingr.  For  notwithstandinor 
the  great  charge  and  vast  expenses  the  first 
adventureres  were  at,  the  first  proprietors  of 
the  whole  Province  of  Maine  and  others, 
(reaching  from  the  headofCasco  Bay  north 
east,  to  the  mouth  of  Piscataqua  river  about 
sixty  miles  westward)  and  the  hopes  they  might 
have  conceived  of  being  the  first  founders  of 
new  colonies,  and  of  enlarsintj  their  estates 
and  inheritances  by  those  new  acquired  pos- 
sessions and  lordships,  there  was  little  yjrofit 
reaped  from  thence  after  the  rich  fleeces  of  bea- 
ver were  gleaned  away,  nor  any  great  improve- 
ment made  of  those  large  portions  of  lands, 
save  the  erecting  of  some  few  cottages  for 
fishermen,  and  a  few  inconsiderable  buildinjrs 
■for  the  planters  which  were  on  those  occasions 
drawn  over  the  sea,  to  settle  upon  the  most 
northerly  part  of  New  England. 

But  whether  it  were  by  the  imprudence  of 
the  first  adventurers,  or  the  dissoluteness  of 
the  persons  they  sent  over  to  manage  tlieir 
affairs,  or  whether  for  want  of  faithfulness  or 
skill  to  manage  their  trust,  they  were  by  de- 
grees in  a  manner  quite  deserted  almost  of  law 
and  government,  and  left  to  shift  for  them- 
selves ;  by  which  means  at  last  they  fell  under 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  Massachusetts  colony, 
not  by  usurpation,  as  is  by  great  mistake  sug- 
gested to  his  majesty,  but  by  necessity,  and 
the  earnest  desire  of  the  phiiiters  themselves  ; 
to  accept  of  whom,  those  of  the  Massachusetts 
colony  were  the  more  easily  induced  ;  in  that 
they  apprehended  the  bounds  of  their  own 
patent,  l^y  a  favourable  interpretation  of  the 
words  describing  the  northern  line  (tliree 
miles  beyond  the  most  northerly  branch  of 
Merimac  river)  do  reach  somewhat  l)eyond 
Pemmaquid,  the  most  northerly  jilace  of  all 
New  England. 

This  was  the  first  beginning  of  things  in 
New  England,  at  which  timi!  they  were  not 
unlike  the  times  of  old,  wh(>n  the  peoj)le  of 
.ludah  were  said  to  be  without  a  teaching 
priest,  and  without  law;  and  no  wonder 
things  were  no  more  successfully  carried  on. 

In  the  year  1G20,  a  cotnpany  belongins'  to 
.Mr.  Robinson's  clmrch  at  Leyden,  in  Holland, 
altl-.ough  they  had  been  court(H»usly  entertain- 
ed by  the  Dutch,  as  strangers  sojourning 
amongst  them,  yet  forseeing  many  inconve- 
niences like  to  increase,  and  that  they  could 
not  so  well  provide  for  the  goo<l  of  their  pos- 
t(!rity,  under  the  government  of  a  foreign  na- 
tion, they  resolved  to  intreat  so  much  fiivom- 
from  their  own  sov(!reign  prince  King  .Tames, 
as  to  grant  them  liberty  under  the  shelter  of 
of  his  royal  authority,  to  plaro  themseU  es  in 
some  part  of  New  England,  then  newly  dis- 
covered ;  wherefore  having  obtained  some 
kind  of  patent  or  grant,  for  some  place  about 
Hudson's  river,  they  set  sail  from  Plymouth 
in  September,  for  the  southern  ])arts  of  New 
England  but  as  they  intend(>d  to  bend  tlieir 
course  thitherward,  j>rr  rarioi/.i  caxi/s,  per  tot 
lUsrrim  'ma  rerum,  they  were  at  last  cast  upon 
a  bosom  of  iho  Massachusetts  bay,  called] 


capo  Cod,  about  the  lltli  ol"  November,  from 
whence  the  wii.ter  so  fast  approaching,  they 
had  no  opportunity  to  remove  ;  and  finding 
some  encouragement  from  the  hopefulness  of 
the  soil,  and  courtesy  of  the  heathen,  they 
resolved  there  to  make  dieir  abode  for  the 
future  which  they  did,  laying  the  foundation 
of  a  new  colony,  which  from  the  remembrance 
of  the  last  town  in  England,  they  sailed  from, 
they  called  New  Plymouth;  containing  no 
very  considerable  tract  of  land  scarce  extend, 
ing  an  liundred  miles  in  length  through  the 
whole  cape,  and  scarce  half  so  much  in 
breadth  where  it  is  the  broadest.  The  first 
founders  of  that  colony  aiming  more  at  religion 
than  earthly  possessions,  aspiring  not  to  any 
large  dimension  of  land  in  their  settling  upon 
those  coasts. 

At  Weymouth  also  was  a  plantation  begun 
by  3Ir.  Weston  in  the  year  1622,  but  it  came 
to  little. 

The  north  and  south  border  of  Massachu- 
setts bay  being  thus  planted,  the  middle  part 
was  the  more  easy  to  be  filled  up,  which  was 
thus  brought  about.  Some  gentlemen  and 
others,  ot)serving  how  it  fared  with  those  of 
New  Plymouth,  were  desirous  upon  the  like 
ground  to  make  the  same  attempt  for  them- 
selves, wherefore  having  by  a  considerable 
sum  of  money  purchased  of  some  gentlemen 
that  liad  a  grant  for  the  council  of  Plymouth 
all  their  right  and  interest  in  a  plantation  be- 
gun in  the  Massacliusetts  bay,  and  having:  at- 
tained a  confirmation  thereof  by  patent  fron'. 
King  Charles,  in  the  year  1628,  tliey  sent 
over  a  governor  with  several  other  persons 
to  lay  some  foundation  of  another  colony  in 
the  INIassacluisetts  bay :  And  in  the  year  1030 
more  of  the  j>ersons  interested  in  the  said  pii- 
tent  (thence  commonly  called  ]>atentees)  v\'it!i 
several  (jtlier  jiersons,  intended  to  venture 
tlieir  lives  and  all  with  them,  transported 
themselves  and  their  families  into  the  said 
INIassachuselts,  who  did  in  a  short  S()ace  of 
time  by  the  accession  of  many  hundreds,  who 
every  year  flocked  after  them,  make  such  an 
increase,  that  in  the  space  of  five  or  six  years, 
there  were  twenty  considerable  towns  i)uilt 
and  peopled  ;  and  many  of  the  towns  firs' 
planted  became  so  filled  with  inhabitants,  that 
th;it  like  swarms  of  bees  they  were  ready  to 
swarm,  not  only  into  new  plantations,  but  into 
new  colotiies,  insomuch  that  in  the  year  IG.'^/), 
a  new  colony  besjan  to  be  planted  upon  Con- 
necticut river,  partly  by  combination  amongst 
themselves,  removing  from  some  towns  about 
the  Massachusetts  bay,  and  j>arty  by  the  in- 
terest of  a  patent  ])urchased  of  that  honourable 
gfentleman,  Mr.  Fenwick,  agent  for  tjie  lord 
Say,  and  lord  Brook,  the  lords  proprietors 
of  the  said  river  Connecticut,  at  the  mouth  of 
which  river  they  built  afort,  (called  after  their 
own  titles.  Say  Brook  fort)  commanding  the 
passage  of  the  said  river.  Yea,  such  was  the 
confluence  of  people  making  over  into  those 
parts,  that  in  the  year  1637,  a  fourth  colony 
I)egan  to  be  planted,  bear  the  name  of  New 
Haven',  from  the  first  town  erected  therein, 
seated  near  the  midw«y  betwixt  Hudson's 
river  and  that  of  (\)imecticut.  The  sea  coast 
from  the  pitch  of  cape  Cod,  to  the  mouth  of 
Connecticut  river,  inhabited  by  several  nations 
of  Indians,  Wampanoogs  (the  first  authors  (>f 
the  j)resent  rebellion)  Narragan«!ets  Pequo<I«, 
Mohegiiis,  as  the  more  inland  part  of  the  coini 
I  try  by  the  Nipnets  (a  general  name  for  all  in 


THE  INDIAN  WATlfl. 


land  Indians  belwixt  the  IMassaclni.si-lts  ami 
Connecticut  river.)  Tlie  sea  coast  south  west 
from  I'lyinoulli  was  first  possessed  hy  some 
discontented  with  the  government  of  iMassa- 
cluisetts  coK)ny,  from  wliicli  some  being 
exiled,  others  of  tlicir  friends  accompanying 
them,  settled  themselves  upon  a  fair  Island  to 
the  south  west  of  cape  Cod,  now  called 
Rhode  Island  ;  others  settled  upon  the  main 
at  a  place  called  Providence,  and  so  by  de- 
grees planting  towards  Narraganset  bay, 
made  another  plantation  called  Warwich, 
which  places  are  since  I  jy  patent  conferred 
upon  the  inhabitants  /  K  node  Island  ;  the  rest 
of  the  country  from  Pequod  river  to  the  river 
Connecticut,  falling  within  the  bounds  of 
Connecticut  colony  have  since  by  patent  also, 
been  confirmed  to  the  said  colony.  Things 
had  been  very  prosperously  and  successfully 
carried  on  in  all  the  aforesaid  colonies  and 
jurisdiction,  from  the  year  1620,  to  the  year 
1636,  at  which  time  the  war  with  the  Pe- 
quods  began.  The  following  account  was 
either  left  under  the  hands  of  such  as  com- 
manded in  chief,  or  is  taken  from  the  mouths 
of  faithful  witnesses,  that  were  not  only  then 
present  but  personally  concerned  and  enga- 
ged in  the  service. 

There  was  a  nation  of  the  Indians  in  the 
southern  parts  of  New  England,  called  Pe- 
quods,  seated  on  a  fair  navigable  river,  twelve 
miles  to  the  eastward  of  the  mouth  of  the  great 
and  famous  river  of  Connecticut ;  who  (as 
was  commonly  reported  about  the  time  \\'hen 
NewEngland  was  firstplanted  by  theEnglish) 
oeing  a  more  tierce,  cruel,  and  warlike  people 
lhan  the  rest  of  the  Indians,  came  down  out 
of  the  more  inland  parts  of  the  continent,  and 
by  force  seized  upon  one  of  the  goodliest 
olaces  near  the  sea.  and  became  a  terror  to  all 
iheir  neighbours,  on  whom  they  had  exercised 
several  acts  of  inhuman  cruelty  ;  insomuch 
that  being  flushed  with  victories  over  their 
fellow  Indians,  they  began  to  thirst  after  the 
blood  of  any  foreigners,  English  or  Dutch, 
that  accidentally  came  amongst  them,  in  a 
way  of  trade,  or  upon  other  accoimts. 

In  the  year  1634,  they  treacherously  and 
cruelly  murdered  Capt.  Stone,  and  Capt. 
Norton,  who  came  occasionally,  with  a  bark 
into  the  river  to  trade  with  them.  Not  long 
after,  within  the  compass  of  the  next  year, 
they  in  a  like  treacherous  manner,  slew  one 
Mr.  Oldham  (formerly  belonging  to  new  Ply- 
mouth, but  at  that  time  an  inhabitant  of  Mas- 
sachusetts) at  Block  Island,  a  place  not  far 
from  the  mouth  of  their  harbour,  as  lie  was 
fairly  trading  with  thetn  :  Besides  some  other 
such  like  acts  of  perfidious  cruelty  towards 
some  of  the  Dutch  that  had  formerly  been 
trading  up  Connecticut  river  ;  by  which  prac- 
tices perceiving  that  they  began  to  stink  in  the 
nostrils  of  their  neighbours  whose  revenge 
they  now  began  to  fear,  and  not  willing  to 
to  have  to  deal  with  too  many  enemies  at 
once,  they  imitated  the  subtlety  of  the  chil- 
dren of  Amrnon,  when  they  began  to  stink 
before  David ;  endeavouring  to  strengthen 
hemselves  with  alliance  of  some  of  those  they 
had  formerly  provoked,  that  by  their  assistance 
they  might  defend  themselves  against  the  rest, 
not  doubting  but  to  make  their  part  good  with 
their  foreign  enemies,  if  they  could  be  recon- 
ciled to  their  Indian  neighbours,  the  Narra- 
ganseits  or  other  home-bred  enemies,  and 
k)uld  but  fortify  themselves  by  a  league  of 
41 


f'riendshl|)  with  any  of  their  I'oreigi:  iieigli- 
bours  that  were  newly  come  to  plant  in  these 
parts.  To  ihis  end  they  sent  messengers 
with  gifts  to  the  Massachusetts  in  the  latter 
end  of  the  same  year  1634  ;  the  first  messen- 
gers were  dismissed  without  an  answer:  But 
they  being  sensible  of  their  own  danger,  and 
and  of  the  great  importance  a  peace  with  the 
English  of  the  Massachusetts  might  be,  pur- 
sued the  business  very  earnestly,  sending  mes- 
sengers a  second  time,  who  offered  much 
Warnpam  (Indian's  money)  and  beaver,  with 
these  second  messengers  :  The  governor  and 
council  of  the  Massachusetts  had  much  con- 
ference many  days  ;  and  at  last  after  the  best 
advice  they  could  take  among  themselves,  con- 
cluded a  peace  and  friendship  with  them,  upon 
these  conditions. 

1.  That  they  should  deliver  up  to  the  En- 
glisli  those  persons  amongst  them  that  were 
guilty  of  Capt.  Stone's  death,  and  the  rest  that 
were  with  him. 

2.  That  if  the  English  desired  to  plant  in 
Connecticut  they  should  give  up  their  right  to 
them. 

3.  That  if  the  English  should  henceforward 
trade  with  them  as  their  friends,  which  was  a 
chief  thing  aimed  at;  the  said  Pequods  being 
at  that  time  at  war  with  the  Dutch,  and  the 
rest  of  their  neighbours,  on  the  reasons  fore- 
mentioned.  To  these  conditions  they  readily 
agreed,  and  also  cunningly  insinuated  their 
desire  that  their  new  confederates,  the  Mas- 
sachusetts, should  mediate  a  peace  for  them 
with  the  Narragatisetts  ;  intimating  likewise 
their  willingness  that  a  part  of  the  present 
which  they  promised  to  send  should  be  given 
to  them,  standing  so  much  upon  their  honour, 
that  they  would  not  be  seen  to  give  any  thing 
themselves;  such  wasthe  pride  and  height  of 
spirit  lodged  in  this  company  of  treacherous 
villians,  the  dregs  and  lees  of  the  earth,  and 
the  dross  of  mankind. 

As  for  Capt.  Stone's  death  they  slily  evaded 
the  guilt  of  it,  falsely  adding  that  there  were 
but  two  left  that  had  any  hand  therein,  and 
that  it  was  a  just  quarrel  wherein  he  was 
slain :  For,  said  they,  he  surprised  some  of 
our  men,  and  would  by  force  have  compelled 
them  to  shew  him  the  way  up  the  riv(!r, 
whereopon  the  said  Stone  coming  ashon?, 
with  two  more,  was  watched  by  nine  of  oiir 
men  (say  they)  who  finding  them  asleep  in  the 
night,  slew  them  to  deli  ver  our  own  men,  one  of 
whom  going  afterward  to  the  bark,  it  was  sud- 
denly blown  up  :  Whereas  the  truth  of  the 
matter  was  thus. 

The  said  Capt.  Stone  formerly  belonging 
to  St.  Christophers  in  the  West  Indies,  occa- 
sionally coming  to  these  parts  as  he  passed 
between  this  place  and  Virginia  put  in  at  that 
river,  where  the  Indians  after  they  had  often 
been  on  board  his  vessel  to  trade  with  him,  at 
the  last  came  friendly  on  board  as  they  used 
to  do,  but  finding  the  capt.  asleep  in  his  cabin, 
took  the  opportunity  to  murder  him  as  he  lay, 
casting  a  covering  over  him  that  he  might  not 
be  discerned  by  the  rest  whom  they  presently 
after  dispatched  one  after  another,  all  but 
Captain  Norton  who  made  stout  resistance, 
for  along  time  defending  himself  in  the  cook 
room  of  the  bark  till  the  gunpowder  which 
he  had  set  in  an  open  vessel,  to  be  more 
ready  for  his  use,  accidentally  took  fire,  by 
which  fatal  accident  he  was  so  burned,  and  his 
eyes  so  blinded  that  he  could  not  make  any  | 


longer  resistance,  but  forthwith  fell  into  thf 
hands  of  these  cruel  and  blood  thirsty  wn  tcii- 
es,  who  after  they  had  taken  away  his  life 
made  a  prey  of  all  that  was  in  the  \  cssel. 

As  for  Mr.  Uldham,  he  was  murdered  at  an 
Island  called  by  ilu;  liidiaihS,  Manisses  (since 
known  by  the  nanic  of  I)lo(  k  IsLmd)  but  those 
that  murdered  him  (probably  inliahiiaiits  of 
said  Island)  fled  presently  to  the  Pc(]uods,  by 
whom  they  w  ere  sheltcM  i-d,  and  so  became 
also  guilty  themselves  of  his  blood. 

In  the  year  1636,  tfie  death  of  this  Mr 
Oldl  lam*  was  so  manifest  that  it  could  nei- 
ther be  concealed  nor  excused,  the  discovery 
whereof  being  remarkable,  is  here  inserted. 

One  John  Gallop,  with  one  man  niore,  and 
two  boys,  coming  from  Connecticut,  and  in- 
tending to  put  ill  at  Long  Island,  as  he  camo 
from  thence,  being  at  the  mouth  of  the  harbor 
was  forced  by  a  suddtm  change  of  the  wind  to 
to  bear  up  for  Block  Island,  or  Fisher's  Island, 
where,  as  they  were  sailing  along,  thev  rnel 
with  a  f)iniiace  which  they  ftnind  to  Jo!.;i  Old- 
ham's, who  had  been  sent  to  trade  with  the  P»r- 
()uods,  (to  make  trial  oflhe  realty  oftlieirjirelen- 
ded  friendship  after  the  murderofCa  plain  Stone 
they  hailed  the  vessel,  but  had  no  answer, 
although  they  saw  the  deck  full  of  Indians 
(14  in  all)  and  a  little  before  that  had  sei-n  a 
canoe  go  from  the  vessel  full  of  Indians  like- 
wise, and  goods,  whereupon  they  suspected 
they  had  killed  John  Oldham,  who  had  onlv 
only  two  boys  and  two  Narragai;set  Indiiins 
in  his  vessel  besides  himself,  and  the  rather 
because  they  let  slip,  and  set  up  sail  (being  two 
miles  from  the  shore,  the  wind  and  tide  com- 
ing off  the  shore  of  the  Island,  whereby  thev 
drove  toward  the  ma.n  land  of  Narraganset) 
'herefore  they  went  ahead  of  them,  and  having 
nothing  but  two  pieces,  and  two  pistols,  they 
bore  up  near  the  Indians,  who  stood  or.  the 
deck  of  the  vessel  ready  armed  with  guns, 
swords  and  pikes;  but  John  flallop,  a  man 
of  stout  courage,  let  fly  among  them,  and  so 
galled  them,  that  they  got  all  down  under  the 
hatches,  and  then  ihey  stood  oH'again.and  re- 
turning with  a  good  gale,  they  stemmed  her 
upon  the  quarter,  and  almost  overset  her, 
which  so  affrightened  the  Indians,  as  six  fif 
them  leaped  overboard,  and  were  drow  r:ed, 
yet  they  durst  not  board  her,  but  stood  ofT 
again,  and  fitted  their  anchor,  so  as  stemming 
her  the  second  time,  they  bored  her  bow 
through  with  their  anchor;  arid  slicking  fii-l 
to  her,  they  madediversshot  tlironghthe  sides 
of  her,  and  so  raked  her  fore  and  aft  (being 
but  inch  board)  as  they  must  needs  kill  or 
hurt  some  of  the  Indians;  but  seeing  none  of 
them  come  forth,  they  got  loose  from  her,  and 
then  four  or  five  more  of  the  Indians  leaped 
into  the  sea,  and  were  likewise  drowntvl  ; 
whereupon  there  being  but  four  left  in  her, 
thev  boarded  her;  when  an  Indian  came  up 
and  yielded;  him  they  bound  and  put  into 
the  hold  :  then  anotheryielded  ;  him  they  also 
bound,  but  Gallop,  being  well  acquainted  with 
their  skill  to  unloose  one  another,  if  they  lay 
near  together,  and  having  no  place  to  keep 
them  asunder,  flung  him  bound  into  the  sea  ; 
then  looking  about,  they  found  .John  OUiham 
under  an  old  sail,  start  naked,  having  his  head 
cleft  to  the  brains  ;  his  hands  and  legs  cut  aa 
if  they  had  been  cutting  them  off;  yetwnnn: 

*  The  account  of  Mr.  Oldlinm's  denth  in  adileil  to  thsi 
odilioii  from  .Mr.  Hiilibiiril's  Mass.  History  of  New  Rd 
^laiid,  from  iu  beginning  lo  lt)o9 


026^  

St)  they  |>ut.  lilin  into  the  sea ;  but  coulJ  not 
well  tell  how  to  come  at  the  other  ts\  o  Indians 
who  were  in  a  litile  room  unJerneath  wiih 
their  swords)  so  thej  took  the  floods  whicli 
were  left,  and  llie  sa.ls,  and  towed  the  boat 
away,  but  night  coming  on,  and  the  wind  ris- 
ing, they  were  forced  to  turn  her  off,  and  the 
wind  carried  her  to  the  Narraganse:  shore, 
where  they  li^lt  her. 

On  the  2Gth  of  the  said  July,  the  two  Indians 
which  were  with  John  Oldliam,  and  one  oiher 
Indian, came  from  Canonicus  (tlie  chief  sacliem 
of  tiie  Narragansets)  Willi  a  letter  from  Mr. 
Williams,  to  signify  what  had  befallen  John 
Oldham,  and  how  grievously  they  were 
offended  :  and  that  Miantonimo  (tlie  second 
sacliem  of  the  Narragansets)  was  gone  with 
17  canoes  and  200  men  to  take  revenge.  But 
upon  examination  of  the  other  Indian,  who  was 
brought  prisoner  to  them,  they  found  that  all 
:he  sachems  of  the  Narragansets,  except 
Cf.nonicus  and  Miantonimo,  were  contrivers 
of  John  Oldham's  death,  and  the  occasion  was 
because  he  went  to  make  peace,  and  trade 
with  the  Pequods  last  year  ;  the  prisoner  said 
also  tliat  Oldliam's  two  Indians  were  acquaint- 
ed witii  it ;  but  because  they  were  sent  as 
messengers  from  Canonicus,  they  would  not 
imprison  them  :  but  the  governor  wrote  back 
to  Mr.  Williams,  to  1  l  the  Narragansf'ts  know, 
they  expected  they  should  Fend  home  John  Old- 
Lam's  two  boys,  and  take  revenge  upon  the 
Islanders,  and  withal  gave  Mr.  Williams  cau- 
tion to  look  to  himself,  if  there  should  be 
occasion  to  make  war  with  the  Narragansets 
^for  Block  Island  was  under  them)  and  the 
next  day  he  wrote  to  Canonicus,  by  one  of 
those  Indians  lliat  he  had  suspicion  of  him 
that  was  sent,  ond  yet  he  had  sent  him  back, 
t)ecau3e  he  wps  a  messenger  ;  but  did  expect, 
if  he  should  .send  for  the  two  Indians,  he 
should  send  them  to  him. 

Four  days  after  John  Oldham's  two  boys 
were  sent  home  by  one  of  Mlaiitonimo's  men, 
with  a  letter  from  Mr.  Williams,  that  ftlianto- 
nimo  had  caused  the  sachem  of  Niantic  to 
send  to  Block  Island  for  them,  and  that  he  had 
near  100  faihom  of  j)eak,  and  much  other 
goods  of  Oldham's  wliich  should  be  reserved 
for  thiMii.  And  three  of  the  seven  that  weie 
drowned  were  sachems,  and  that  one  of  the 
two  which  was  hired  by  the  Niantic  sachem, 
was  dead  also.  So  they  wrote  back  to  have 
the  rest  of  those  which  were  necessary  to  be 
sent,  and  the  rest  of  the  goods,  and  that  he 
should  tell  Canonicus  and  Miantonimo  that 
they  held  them  innocent,  but  the  six  other 
sachems  were  guilty. 

Lieul.  Gibbons  and  Mr.  Higginson  were 
sent  after,  with  Cnshmakin  the  sachem  of  the 
Massachusetts,  to  Canonicus,  to  treat  with  him 
about  the  murder  of  Jolm  Oldham.  They 
returiu'd  with  acceptance  and  good  success 
of  their  business  ;  observing  in  the  sachem 
much  slate,  great  command  of  his  men,  and 
marvellous  wisdom  in  his  answers;  and  In  tin 
carriage  of  the  wlioU;  treaty,  clearing  liimself 
and  his  nci^ihliours  of  the  murtler,  and  oHeriii"- 
revenge  of  it,  yet  upon  very  safe  and  wary 
conditions. 

The  Kiiglisli  of  Massachusetts,  after  the 
peace  concluded  with  tin;  Pequods,  sent  n 
l)ark  thither  for  trade,  that  trial  might  be  made 
of  ihc  ri-ality  of  their  friendship,  but  ihcy 
found  them  treacherous  and  f  ilse,  and  that  no 
advantage  was  to  Ijc  had  by  any  commerce 


A  NAKRATrV'E  OF 


with  them,  itisomiich  as  they  took  up  a  reso- 
lution never  i  »ore  to  have  to  do  with  them; 
which  the  .-iaid  Indians  perceiving,  made  no 
account  of  the  foi-iner  peace,  but  took  all 
advantage  to  do  us  miscliief,  not  only  by  liar- 
bourintr  liiose  who  had  murdered  !Mr.  Oldham, 
but  surprising  many  of  the  English  in  the  year 
1636,  when  Connecticut  river  began  first  to 
planted,  divers  of  whom  were  killed  (nine  at 
one  time  in  A[)ril,  1637)  by  them  about  Weth- 
ersfield,  when  the  plantation  there  first  began, 
so  as  they  could  not  pass  up  and  down  the 
river  without  a  guard,  but  they  would  be  in 
danger  of  being  cut  off  or  carried  away,  as 
two  maids  were  said  to  be  ;  thirty  men  have 
been  killed  by  them  in  all ;  those  who  fell  into 
their  hands  alive,  were  cruelly  tortured,  after 
a  most  barbarous  manner,  by  insulting  over 
their  prisoners  in  a  blaspliemous  wise,  when 
ill  their  ilymg  agonies  under  the  extremity  of 
their  [)aiiis  (their  flesh  being  first  slashed  with 
knives,  and  then  filled  with  burning  embers) 
they  called  upon  God  and  Christ  with  gasping 
groans,  resigning  up  their  souls  into  their 
hands  ;  with  which  words  these  wretched 
caltltls  used  to  mock  the  English  afterwards, 
when  they  came  witliin  their  hearing  and  view. 

About  tlie  same  time,  some  agents  sent  over 
hy  the  lord  Say  and  the  lord  Brook,  built  a 
fortat  the  mouth  of  Connecticut  river,  wherein 
was  placed  one  Lieutenant  Gardiner,  and  a 
convenient  number  of  soldiers  to  secure  the 
place,  intended  soon  after  to  be  planted,  but 
all  the  winter  followiner,  beingr  the  end  of 
the  year  1636,  they  were  little  better  than 
besieged  by  the  said  savages,  not  daring  to 
stir  out  of  the  command  of  the  fort,  but  they 
were  ready  to  be  seized  by  these  barbarous 
enemies  :  at  one  time  the  lieutenant  himself", 
with  ten  or  twelve  of  the  soldiers,  marching 
out  of  the  fort  with  intent  to  pass  over  a  neck 
of  land,  to  burn  the  marshes;  as  soon  as  they 
had  passed  over  the  streight  of  the  neck,  they 
espied  a  company  of  Indians  making  towards 
the  said  isthmus,  which  if  they  could  not 
recover,  they  saw  they  must  all  perisli 
whereupon  returning  back  with  all  speed, 
they  narrowly  escaped,  and  were  two  or  three 
of  them  killed  notwithstanding,  before  they 
could  get  back  to  the  fort,  which  was  pre 
sently  surrounded  with  multitudes  of  them; 
but  the  discharging  of  a  piece  of  ordnance 
gave  them  warning  to  keep  further  from  the 
walls.  Sometimes  they  came  with  their 
canoes  into  the  river  in  view  of  the  soldiers 
within  the  fort,  and  when  they  apprehended 
themselves  out  of  the  reach  of  their  guns,  they 
would  Imitate  the  dying  groansand invocations 
of  the  poor  captive,  which  English  soldiers 
were  forced  with  silent  patience  to  bear,  not 
being  then  in  a  capacity  to  re(]uite  their  inso- 
lent blasphemies.  But  they  l>eing  by  these 
horrible  outrages  justly  provoked  to  indigna- 
tion, unanimously  agreed  to  join  their  forces 
together,  to  root  them  out  of  the  earth,  with 
God's  assistance. 

The  governorand  council  having  soon  after 
assembled  the  rest  of  the  magistrates,  and  the 
ministers,  to  advise  with  them  about  doing 
justice  for  Oldham's  death,  they  nil  agreed 
It  should  be  tione  with  nil  expedition;  and 
accordingly  on  llie  25th  of  August  following, 
SO  or  90  men  were  sent  out  under  the  com- 
mand of  Capt.  Endicot  of  Salem,  who  went 
to  the  Pequod  country  by  water,  with  com- 
mission to  treat  with  the  said  Pequods,  first 


offering  terms  of  peace,  if  they  would  surren 
der  the  murderers  of  the  English,  and  forbear 
further  acts  of  hostility,  or  t;lse  fi<'ht  them. 

The  captain  aforesaid  C'•^ling  ashore  with 
his  company,  by  a  message  sent  them  by  nr. 
interpreter,  obtained  little  speech  with  a  greav 
number  of  them  at  a  distance;  but  after  they 
understood  what  was  propounded  to  them, 
first  cunningly  getting  behind  a  hill,  they  pre- 
sently ran  away  into  the  woods  and  ewainps, 
where  there  was  no  pursuing  of  them  :  how 
ever,  one  dlscharginir  a  crun  amonj;  them  as 
they  were  taking  their  Hight,  stayed  the  course 
of  tuie,  which  was  all  that  could  be  done  against 
them  at  that  time. 

Winter  aj)proachlng,  and  no  encouragement 
presenting  furtlier  to  pursue  them  at  tiiattime. 
It  was  resolved  better  to  return  back  for  the 
present,  and  wail  a  further  season,  when  more 
f()rces  could  be  gathered  together  to  pursue 
the  (]uarrel  to  the  utmost. 

Miantonimo  soon  after  sent  a  message  to 
them  with  a  letter  from  Mr.  Williams,  to  sig- 
nify tliat  they  had  taken  one  of  the  Indians, 
who  had  broken  prison,  and  had  him  safe  for 
them,  w  h(»n  they  should  send  for  him  (as they 
had  before  sent  to  liim  for  that  end)  aiid  that 
the  other  had  stolen  away  (not  kno\\ing  it 
seems  that  he  was  their  prisoner)  and  that 
according  to  their  promise  they  would  not 
entertain  any  of  that  Island,  which  should 
come  to  them  ;  but  they  conceived  it  was 
rather  in  love  to  him  whcm  they  concealed, 
for  he  had  been  his  servant  formerly,  but 
when  they  sent  for  those  two  Indians,  one 
was  sent  them,  but  the  other  was  said  to  be 
dead  before  the  messenger  came :  but  the 
Pe(]uods  harooured  those  of  Block-Island,  and 
therefore  justly  brought  the  revenge  of  the 
English  upon  them. 

Amongst  those  soldiers  that  were  sent  under 
Capt.  Endicot,  were  twenty  that  belonged  to 
Saybrook-fort,  land  were  appointed  to  stay 
there,  to  defend  the  place  against  the  Pecjiioils  : 
afterihe  said  capt  and  the  rest  were  departed, 
those  twenty  lay  wind  bound  in  the  Pequod 
harbour,  and  in  the  meanwhile  went  all  of 
them  ashore,  with  sacks  to  fetch  some  of  the 
Pequods'  corn  ;  and  having  felclied  each  man 
one  sack  full  to  their  boat,  they  returned  fiir 
more,  and  having  loaded  themselves  the 
Indians  set  upon  them,  so  they  set  down  tli<-ir 
corn,  and  gave  fire  upon  the  Indians,  and  the 
Indians  shot  their  arrows  against  them  ;  the 
place  was  open  about  the  distance  of  a  mus- 
ket shot;  the  Indians  kept  tiie  covert,  saxe 
when  they  came  forth  at  a  lime  and  discharged 
their  arrows  :  the  Engli.sh  put  themselves  in 
a  single  file,  and  ten  only  that  had  pieces  that 
could  reach  them,  shot,  the  others  stood  ready 
to  keep  them  from  breaking  in.  So  they  con- 
tinued most  part  of  the  afternoon  ;  the  En- 
glish, as  they  supposed,  killed  divers  of  lliem, 
and  hurt  others;  and  the  liulians  wonntknl 
Init  one  of  the  English,  who  was  armed,  nil 
the  rest  being  without  :  for  tliey  shot  their 
arrows  compass-wise,  so  as  they  could  easily 
see  anil  avoid  them  standing  single,  lljen 
always  gatlieretl  up  their  arrows:  at  the  last 
the  Indians  being  weary  of  the  sport,  gave  the 
En<rlish  leave  to  retire  to  their  boat. —  I  Iu9 
was  in  October,  1636. 

About  twodays  after,  five  men  of  Saylirook 
went  up  the  river  abotit  four  miles  to  fetrh 
hay  out  of  a  meadow  on  the  Pequod  side  :  the 
grass  was  so  high  as  some  Peijuods  hiding 


THE   INDIAN  WARS. 


themselves  in  it,  set  upon  the  English  befbre 
thev  were  aware,  and  took  one  that  had  hay  on 
his  back,  the  rest  fled  to  their  boat,  one  of  I  hern 
had  five  arrows  in  him,  yet  recovered  :  he 
that  was  taken  was  a  goodly  young  man, 
whose  name  was  Butterfield  :  whereupon  the 
meadow  was  ever  after  called  Butterfield's 
meadow. 

Icarus  Icariis  noinina  dedit  nquis. 

About  fourteen  days  after,  six  of  the  sol- 
diers were  sent  out  of  the  fort  to  keep  an 
house  wiiicli  they  had  set  up  in  a  corn-field, 
about  two  miles  from  the  fort.  Three  of 
them  went  forth  a  fowling,  which  the  lieu- 
tenant had  strictly  forbidden,  two  had  pieces, 
and  the  third  only  a  sv/ord,  when  suddenly 
about  an  hundred  Indians  came  out  of  the 
covert  and  set  upon  them,  he  who  had  the 
jword  brake  through,  and  received  only  two 
shot,  and  those  not  dangerous,  and  so  escaped 
fo  the  house  wliich  was  not  above  a  bow  shot 
off,  and  persuaded  the  other  two  to  follow, 
but  they  stayed  still,  till  the  Indians  came  and 
look  them,  and  carried  them  away  with  their 
pieces. 

Soon  after  they  beat  down  the  said  house, 
and  out  houses,  and  hay  stacks,  and  within  a 
jow  shot  of  tlie  fort,  killed  a  cow,  and  shot 
diverse  others,  which  came  with  arrows  stick- 
ng  in  them. 

After  Mr.Endicot'sdeparture,  thePequods 
perceiving  that  they  had  by  several  late  inju- 
ries and  outrages,  drawing  upon  themselves 
the  hatred  of  all  the  English,  as  well  as  of 
their  own  people  by  former  wrongs,  and  dis- 
trusting their  own  ability  to  deal  with  them 
all  at  once,  did  at  the  last  by  all  subtle  insinu- 
alinns  and  persuasions,  try  to  make  theirpeace 
with  the  Narragansets,  using  such  arguments 
a«  to  right  reason  seemed  not  only  pregnant 
to  the  purpose  but  also  (if  revenge,  that  be- 
witching and  pleasing  passion  of  man's  mind 
had  not  blinded  their  eyes)  most  cogent  and 
invincible  :  but  they  were,  by  the  good  pro- 
vidence of  God,  withheld  from  embracing 
those  counsels,  which  might  otherwise  have 
proved  most  pernicious  to  the  design  of  the 
Enu'lish,  viz.  That  the  Eno^lish  were  stran- 
gers,  and  began  to  overspread  the  country^ 
which  would  soon  be  possessed  by  them  to 
the  depriving  the  ancient  inhabitants  of  their 
right,  if  they  were  not  timely  prevented  ;  and 
that  the  Narragansets  woula  but  make  way 
for  their  own  ruin,  by  helping  to  destroy  the 
Pequods  ;  for  after  themselves  were  subdued, 
it  would  not  be  long;  ere  the  Narragansets 
themselves,  would  in  the  next  place  be  rooted 
out  likewise  :  whereas  if  they  would  but  join 
together  against  the  English  they  could  de- 
monstrate how  the  Engliah  might  easily  either 
be  destroyed  or  forced  to  leave  the  country, 
and  that  without  any  danger  to  themselves: 
telling  them  also  that  they  never  need  come 
to  any  open  battles,  they  might  destroy  them 
only  by  firing  their  houses,  and  killing  their 
cattle,  and  lying  in  wait  for  them  as  they  went 
about  their  ordinary  occasions  ;  which  course, 
if  it  were  pursued,  they  said  their  new  and 
unwelcome  neighbours  could  not  long  subsist ; 
but  would  either  be  starved  with  hunger  and 
cold,  or  forced  to  forsake  their  country. 

Machiavel  himself  if  he  had  sat  in  council 
with  them  could  not  have  insinuated  stronger 
tL'asons  to  have  persuaded  them  to  a  peace. 
U  is  said  that  so  much  reason  was  appre- 


hended in  these  motives,  that  the  Naragari- 
sets  were  once  wavering,  and  were  almost 
persuaded  to  have  granted  an  ear  to  their  ad- 
vice and  persuasion  and  joined  all  against  the 
English  ;  but  when  they  considered  wh;it  an 
advantage  they  had  put  into  their  hands  by 
the  strength  and  favour  of  the  Eiiglisli,  to 
take  a  full  revenge  of  all  their  former  injii- 
ries,  upon  their  inveterate  enemies,  th<! 
thought  of  that  was  so  sweet,  that  it  turned 
the  scale  against  all  other  considerations 
whatsoever. 

Soon  after  this,  IVliantonimo,  sachem  of  the 
Narragansets,  came  to  Boston,  (being  sent  for 
by  the  governor)  with  two  of  Canonicus's 
sons,  and  another  sachem,  and  near  20  of 
their  men,  whom  they  call  Sannaps.  The 
governor,  having  notice  by  Cushamakin,  the 
Alassachusetts  sachem,  sent  twenty  musket- 
eers to  Roxbury  to  meet  them.  They  came 
to  Boston  about  noon,  where  the  governor 
had  called  togfether  all  mag;istrates  and  min- 
isters  to  give  countenance  to  their  proceed- 
ings, and  to  advise  about  the  terms  of  peace. 
After  dinner,  JMiantonimo  declared  wliat  he 
had  to  say  to  them  in  several  propositions, 
which  were  to  this  effect,  that  they  h  id  al- 
ways loved  the  English,  and  now  desired  a 
firm  peace  with  them,  and  that  they  would 
continue  war  with  the  Pequods,  and  their 
confederates,  till  they  were  subdued,  and 
desirea  the  English  would  do  so  to  :  Pro- 
mising to  deliver  their  enemies  to  them,  or 
kill  them,  and  two  months  after  to  send  them 
a  present.  The  governor  told  them  that  they 
should  have  an  answer  the  next  morning, 
which  was  done,  upon  articles  subscribed  by 
him,  and  they  also  subscribed  with  him, 
wherein  a  firm  peace  was  concluded,  but  be- 
cause they  could  not  make  them  well  under- 
stand the  articles,  they  told  them  they  would 
send  a  copy  to  Mr.  Williams,  who  could  best 
interpret  the  same  to  them.  So  after  dinner 
they  took  leave,  and  were  conveyed  out  of 
town  by  some  musketeers,  and  dismissed 
with  a  volley  of  shot. 

The  Articles  here  follow. 

I.  A  firm  peace  betwixt  them  and  their 
friends  on  either  part  (if  they  consent)  and 
their  confederates  (if  they  will  obser\e  the 
articles)  and  their  posterity. 

II.  Neither  part  to  make  peace  with  the 
Pequods  without  the  other's  consent. 

III.  Not  to  harbour  any  of  the  Pequods. 

IV.  To  put  to  death,  or  deliver  up  any  of 
the  murderers  of  the  English. 

V.  To  return  fugitive  servants. 

VI.  The  English  to  give  them  notice 
when  they  got  out  against  the  Pequods,  and 
the  other  to  send  them  guides. 

VII.  None  of  them  to  come  near  the  En- 
glish plantations  during  the  war  with  the  Pe- 
quods witljout  some  Englishman  or  known 
Indian. 

IX.  To  continue  to  the  posterity  of  both 
parties. 

These  Articles  were  indifferently  well  ob- 
served by  the  Narragansets,  till  the  Pe(]uods, 
their  mortal  enemies,  were  totally  suV)dued  ; 
but  then  they  began  to  grow  insolent  and 
treacherous,  especially  this  Miantonimo  him- 
self ;  as  will  appear  in  the  sequel. 

Cushmakin    also,  the  sachem  of  Massa 
chusetts,  subscribed  these  articles  with  the 
English. 

The  report  of  the  unheard  of  cruelties 


  827 

forenientioned,  which  lind  '.M-tn  ji«rpetrR»i»<l 

by  the  Pequods  fillitig  the  ra:s  <>f  the  ICi!;;l»*h 
throughout  the  country:  it  v  as  ugn  cd  by 
the  joint  consent  of"  the  English  throu^t.oiil 
the  three  colonics  to  unite  all  their  fnrci'S  to- 
gether for  suppressing  the  common  enemy, 
early  in  the  spring,  A.  1).  lGo7,  who  wero 
also  moved  thereunto  by  their  own  necessi- 
ties as  well  as  by  the  earnest  retjuest  of  their 
friends  at  Connecticut. 

Those  of  I'lvinoulh  being  written  unto  by 
the  governor  of  tln^  Massacliuselts,  jippeiirt'd 
\ery  cordially  willing  thereunto,  to  which 
end  they  agreed  to  send  fifty  men  at  ilieir 
own  chargt,',  v\  iih  as  much  speed  as  the  niiii- 
ter  required,  with  sufficient  holders  appoint- 
ed, and  a  bark  provided  to  carry  them  pro- 
visions, and  tend  upf)n  them  on  iill  occasions  ; 
but  before  they  could  be  dispatched  away  the 
next  spring, news  wasbrought  thiit  the  enemy 
was  wholly  routed,  so  as  their  journey  was 
stopped,  and  their  good  will  accepted  for  the 
deed  ;  as  if  they  really  had  been  then;  to 
have  Ijorne  their  part  in  the  service;  their 
non-appearance  in  time  and  place  being  not 
to  l)(!  imputed  to  any  backwardness  in  their 
minds,  but  to  their  too  late  invitation  to  th»i 
service  ;  the  inotion  fetching  a  large  coni])as4 
from  the  Connecticut  down  to  the  Massa- 
chusetts; from  whom  in  tlie  last  place  they 
were  solicited  thereunto.  And  for  the  other 
two  colonies,  tliose  of  Connecticut  being 
(]uickened  by  th(!  spur  of  necessity,  and  pre- 
sent sense  of  the  insolence  daily  aited  ot 
their  very  doors,  were  soonest  upon  their 
march,  and  by  the  good  hand  of  God  ujion 
them,  they  had  ciiven  the  main  stroke  lelore 
the  friends  of  the  Massachusetts  could  come 
■ip  with  them,  yet  there  was  no  repinir.g  for 
the  want  of  the  glory  of  the  victory,  nor  waj 
there  any  cause,  those  that  were  the  chiet 
actors  therein  being  forward  to  give  God  the 
glory  of  the  whole,  and  not  willing  to  pocket 
up  any  thing  thereof  themselves,  acknow- 
ledging that  they  never  saw  more  of  (rod, 
or  less  of  man  in  any  business  of  that  nature, 
as  may  more  fully  be  understood  by  particu- 
lars ensuing. 

The  colony  of  the  Massachusetts  deter- 
mined to  send  an  luindred  and  sixty,  of  whom 
an  hundred  and  twenty  were  ordained  under 
the  conduct  of  Capt.  Patrick  of  Watertown, 
and  Capt.  Trask  of  Salem,  Capt.  Stoughton 
of  Dorchester  being  to  command  in  chiei ; 
with  whom  was  sent  that  holy  man  of  (lod, 
.Mr.  John  Wilson,  (pastor  of  the  church  of 
Boston)  the  chariots  and  horsemen  of  our 
Israel,  by  whose  faith  and  prayer,  as  some- 
times was  said  of  Luther,  (in  reference  to 
Germany)  the  country  was  preserved,  so  as 
it  was  confidently  believed  that  no  enemy 
should  break  in  upon  a  place  whilst  he  sur- 
vived, which  as  some  have  observed  accord- 
ingly came  to  pass. 

The  matter  requiring  good  expedition,  and 
it  bein?  long  before  tlie  whole  company  could 
bo  dispatched  away,  Cai)t.  Patrick  with  forty 
men  were  .sent  bef()rehand,  lobe  sure  to  meet 
w  ith  those  of  Connecticut  in  case  they  should 
be  in  action,  before  the  rest  of  our  forces 
could  get  into  a  readiness,  which  accordmgry 
came  to  pass  ;  for  the  main  business  in  taking 
the  fort  was  over,  oven  before  the  said  Pa 
trick  could  get  tliither.  Capt.  Underbill  w  ai 
sent  by  .Mr.  Vane  the  governor  to  Saybrook 
the  wiiiter  before  to  strengthen  the  gaitisoa 


628 


A  narhative  of 


tlieri;.  The  assaulting  and  surprising  of  this 
Indian  fort  oeinij  tliie  most  remarkable  piece 
of  service  in  that  whole  expedition;  take  it 
Hs  it  was  delivered  in  writing  by  that  valiant, 
faithful  and  prudent  commander,  Capt.  Ma- 
»o*,  chit'f  in  the  action,  who  lived  long  after 
to  reap  the  fruit  of  liis  labour,  and  enjoy  the 
benefit  of  that  day's  service,  having  an  inhe- 
ritance given  liim  in  that  part  of  the  country, 
as  a  just  reward  of  his  faithful  service  on  that 
day  as  W(!ll  as  at  other  times.  Wequash,  a 
Pecpiod  by  nation,  but  disgusted  by  the  sa- 
chem, proved  a  good  guide  to  the  English, 
by  whose  direction  they  were  led  to  a  fort 
near  Mystic  river,  some  miles  nearer  than 
Sassacoui's  fort,  which  they  first  intended  to 
ass.'iult. 

On  the  second  Wednesday  of  May,  being 
the  tenth  day  of  that  month,  we  set  sail  with 
ninety  men  of  the  English  in  one  pink,  one 
pinnace,  and  two  boats,  towards  the  Pequods, 
with  seventy  river  Indians  ;  having  some- 
what a  long  passage  to  Saylirook  fort,  about 
forty  f)f  our  Indians  desired  to  go  down  by 
iand  on  Saturday,  but  on  Monday  they  went 
ionh  from  the  fort,  and  meeting  seven  Pe- 
quods and  Nianticks  tliey  slew  five  outright, 
took  one  prisoner,  and  brought  him  into  Say- 
brook  fort,  where  he  was  executed  by  Capt. 
IJniit-rhiil,  tlie  other  escaped. 

On  Monday  we  landed  at  Saybrook  fort, 
arid  stayed  there  until  Tuesday;  Capt.  Un- 
jerliill  joining  nineteen  men  with  hunself  to 
us  :  Whereupon  we  sent  back  twenty  of  ou.-s 
,o  strengthen  our  plant;itions ;  and  so  set  sail 
i)n  Thursday  towards  Narraganset,  and  ar- 
rived there  on  Friday. 

On  Saturday,  myself,  with  Capt.  Underhili, 
and  Lieut.  Seaiy,  with  our  guard  marched  to 
C'anonicus  by  land,  being  about  five  miles 
distant,  where  we  were  kindly  entertained 
after  their  mariner  :  Having  had  party  with 
him,  we  sent  to  Miantonimo,  who  would  give 
no  present  answer ;  and  so  our  sabbath  being 
on  the  morrow,  we  adjournod  our  meeting 
until  Monday,  at  which  time  there  assembled 
Miantonimo  with  the  chiefest  of  them  about 
two  hundred  men  ;  and  being  solemnly  set 
for  consultation  after  their  manner,  told  them 
we  were  now  going,  God  assisting,  to  re- 
venge the  wrong  committed  and  bloodshed 
by  their  and  our  enemies,  upcm  our  native 
countrymen,  not  any  way  desiring  their  aid, 
unless  they  would  voluntarily  send,  which 
they  did  exceedingly  approve  of:  Moreover 
we  told  them  that  the  English  and  they  had 
always  been  friends  for  aught  we  knew,  and 
so  were  we  with  the  Indians  that  had  not 
wronged  Englishmim,  which  tlu'y  acknow- 
l<;dg<'d,  and  so  made  a  large  description  of 
the  Pequod's  country,  and  told  us  they  would 
send  men  with  us;  so  we  resolved  thereto 
ketip  our  rendezvous  atCanonicus's  f)lantation, 
on  the  morrow  night,  being  Tuesday  ;  but 
the  wind  being  stiff,  we  could  not 'land  our 
men  until  five  or  six  of  the  clock  in  the  after- 
noon, at  which  time  I  landed  on  Narraganset 
shore  with  thirty-two  men,  and  so  marched 
to  the  ])lace  of  rendezvous  formerly  a|>{i()int- 
ed  :  Capt.  Underhili  and  my  lieut.  landed 
the  rest,  and  came  up  to  me  that  nii:ht. 
About  t\v7)  h.T,:r3  b<;fore  day,  came  an  Indian 
with  a  letter  from  Capt.  I'utrick,  being  then 
at  Robert  Williams's  plantation  with  forty 
men,  who  desired  us  to  slay  for  his  coming 
wd  joining   us,  not   intimating  when  that 


would  be  :  which  being  considered  and  de- 
bated, we  thought  it  could  not  be  our  safest 
course  to  wait  for  him,  (though  his  present  as- 
sistance was  much  di.'sired)  for  these  reasons. 

1.  "  Because  the  day  before  when  he  had 
absolutely  resolved  to  go,  the  Indians  plainly 
told  us  they  tlio't  we  were  but  in  jest,  and 
also  that  Englishm^jn  did  talk  much,  but  not 
fight;  nay,  they  concluded  they  would  not  go 
on  ;  and  besides,  if  we  should  defer,  we  fear- 
ed we  should  be  discovered  by  reason  of  the 
frequent  recourse  between  them  by  certain 
squaws  (who  have  mutual  intercourse) 
whereupon  we  were  constrained  to  set  for- 
ward towards  the  Pecjuods,  with  seventy- 
seven  English,  and  about  sixty  river  Indians, 
and  as  I  suppose  near  two  hundred  Narra- 
gansets,  and  marched  that  night  to  the  east- 
ern Nianticks,  where  we  kept  our  rendezvous 
that  night :  the  sachem  of  the  place  adding 
about  an  hundred  of  his  men  unto  us. 

We  set  forward  and  marched  about  ten 
miles,  where  making  an  alta  (or  halt)  there 
we  held  a  consultation  with  the  Indians,  who 
desired  to  know  what  we  intended  1  We 
told  them  that  we  resolved  to  assault  Sassa- 
cous's  fort,  at  which  they  were  all  stricken 
and  as  it  were  amazed  with  fear,  as  they 
[)lainly  confessed  ;  after  a  long  debate  and 
pressing  o''  thern,  taxing  tliem  with  coward- 
ice, some  of  thern  resolved  to  go  along  with 
us,  though  I  sup[)osed  they  had  no  such  in- 
tention, as  appeared  afterward ;  some  of  them 
left  us  to  the  number,  as  I  suppose  of  an  hun- 
dred or  less;  and  mai-cliing  on  five  miles  fur- 
ther, we  made  another  alta,  where  they  told 
us  we  had  near  a  dozen  miles  to  Saccacous's 
fort,  as  we  gathered  by  their  relation ;  we 
were  constrained  to  alter  our  resolution,  and 
resolved  to  attempt  that  fort,  which  they  had 
formerly  described  to  be  three  or  four  miles 
nearer ;  and  also  one  of  Capt.  Underbill's 
men  failing  put  it  out  of  doubt.  But  who- 
soever saith  that  Capt.  Underbill  had  any  fall- 
ing out  about  that  or  any  thing  else,  doth 
speak  an  untruth  ;  for  we  both  resolved  to  at- 
tack Saccacous's  fort,  as  we  C(Hicluded  in  our 
consultation  at  Narraganset,  and  so  continued 
our  resolution  till  we  received  the  former  rea- 
sons as  grounds  sufficient  to  persuade  us  to 
the  contrary,  and  to  prosecute  that  which  was 
most  likely  to  be  accomplished. 

They  drew  a  plot  of  the  situation  of  the 
Pequods,  and  described  Saccacous's  fort  to 
be  the  nearest,  which  was  the  chief  cause  we 
determined  to  assault  that  first,  and  had  no 
reason  leaning  till  our  last  alta,  where,  upon 
the  reasons  formerly  m^'ntloned,  we  <;hanged 
our  resolution  :  This  greatly  ]>leased  the  In- 
dians tiiat  were  with  us,  as  it  was  wliat  they 
much  desired;  for  it  was  dreadful  to  them  to 
hear  the  name  of  Sassacous. 

From  thence  we  marched  two  or  three 
miles  where  we  kept  our  rendezvous,  sup- 
posing we  had  been  within  one  mile  of  the 
fort:  an  Indian  having  been  sent  beforehand, 
brought  us  news  that  they  were  secure,  hav- 
ing been  fishing  with  many  canoes  at  sea,  and 
divers  of  them  walking  hen;  and  there. 

About  two  liotirs  before  day  W(?  marched 
toward  the  tort,  being  wi>ary  and  much  spent  ; 
many  of  us  having  slept  none  at  all. 

And  as  we  bei^an  to  niiirch  towards  the  fort, 
the  Lord  being  pleased  wonderfully  to  assist 
and  encourage  us,  after  a  ti-dious  march  of 
three  or  four  miles  :  about  break  of  day  w« 


came  In  fair  view  of  the  fort,  standing  on  the 
top  of  an  hill  not  steep  ;  the  Indians  all  fall 
ing  back,  were  suddenly  vanished  out  of  sig^ht, 
so  we  made  an  alta,  and  sent  back  for  our 
guide  who  had  promised  to  go  with  us  to  the 
fort,  but  his  heart  we  saw  much  fiiiled  hit.i ; 
we  asked  him  what  they  intended  who  pro- 
mised to  wing  us,  and  to  surround  the  fort; 
he  told  us  they  were  much  afraid  ;  but  he, 
seeing  our  resolution,  went  to  them  and  pre- 
vailed with  divers  of  them  to  come  up  to  us; 
we  told  them  their  best  course  would  be  to 
flank  the  fort  on  both  side.",  and  having  no 
time  longer  to  confer,  we  proceeded  ;  Capt. 
Underhili  to  the  western  entrance  with  one 
division,  myself  to  the  eastern  as  silent  as  pos- 
sibly we  could  :  so  it  pleased  God  we  came 
up  within  two  rods  of  the  palisado,  before  we 
were  dicovered,  at  which  time  a  dog  beganto 
bark,  and  an  Indian  cried  out,  but  not  being 
myself  rightly  informed  by  the  Indian  guide, 
of  the  right  entrance,  though  there  was  a  lit- 
tle postern  door,  which  I  had  thought  to  have 
alternpted  to  break  down  with  my  foot;  but 
the  Lord  dlivcted  me  otherwise  for  the  better; 
for  I  then  feared  we  could  not  there  enter 
with  our  arms,  which  proved  true.  So  I  sud- 
denly hasted  to  the  palisado,  and  putting  in 
the  muzzle  of  my  piece,  and  discharged  upon 
them,  and  so  did  the  rest  with  all  celerity; 
we  then  suddenly  hastened  on  toward  that 
side  which  stood  toward  the  water  ;  where  I 
concluded  there  was  an  entrance,  and  instantly 
fell  upon  it,  being  only  barred  with  two  foric- 
ed  boughs,  or  branches  of  some  trees,  and 
hastening  over  them,  1  drew  one  after  me  : 
my  lieutenant  drawing  the  other  outward. 
We  suddenly  fell  upoVi  the  wigwams;  the 
Indians  cried  out  on  a  most  hideous  manner, 
some  issuing  out  of  their  wigwams,  shooting 
at  us  desperately,  and  so  creeping  under  beds 
that  they  had.  We  had  resolved  awhile  not 
to  have  burned  it,  but  seeing  we  could  not 
come  at  them,  I  resolved  to  set  it  on  fire,  after 
divers  of  them  were  slain,  and  some  of  our 
men  sore  wounded  ;  so  etitering  one  of  their 
wigwams,  I  took  a  fire  brand  [at  which  time 
an  Indian  drawing  an  arrow  had  killed  him, 
but  (me  Davis,  his  sergeant  cut  the  bowstring 
with  his  cuiliiss] and  suddenly  kindled  a  fire  in 
the  matts  w  herewith  they  were  covered,  and  fell 
to  a  retreat  and  surrounded  the  fort ;  tlie  fire 
increasing  vlolciuly,  insomuch  that  they  were 
constrained  to  climb  to  the  top  of  the  pal'sado; 
from  whence  they  were  soon  fetched  down  I 
suppose  to  the  number  of  an  hundred  and  forty. 
Many  of  them  issuing  forth  were  suddenly 
slain  by  the  English  or  Indians,  wlio  were  in 
a  ring  without  us ;  all  being  dispatched  atjd 
ended  in  the  space  of  an  hour,  having  two  of 
our  men  slain,  and  sixteen  wounded. 

Being  very  hot  and  dry,  we  could  very 
hardly  procure  any  water,  we  continued  thei-e 
(me  hour  not  knowing  what  course  to  take  or 
which  way  to  go,  our  pinnaces  not  being 
come  in,  neither  did  we  know  how  far  or 
which  way  t()  go  them,  our  interpreter,  being 
an  Indian,  we  could  hardly  come  to  .speak 
with  him:  when  we  did,  he  know  nothing  of 
what  his  coiinirvmen  intended,  who  were  all 
hurried  and  distracted  with  a  f<!Vk  hurt  men, 
but  chiefly  as  I  cimceive  with  fear  of  tlieeneiny 

"  The  enemy  approacliin?,  they  began  trt 
cleave  unto  us,  and  I  verily  think  durst  not 
leave  us. 

"  Our  pinnaces  then  cor  jig  in  view  with  a 


THE   INDIAN  WARS. 


fall-  gale,  beinj;  guided  as  it  were  to  serve  our 
necessity  ljy  the  good  hand  of  Crotl,  wliich  1 
diink  was  n(;ver  more  einineutly  seen  in  a 
matter  of  like  moment,  and  less  of"  man  in 
several  passages.  Then  we  set  onr  men  in 
or('er,  and  prepared  lor  fight,  and  began  to 
march  toward  the  harbour  where  the  pinnaces 
\\  ere  to  ride  :  the  enemy  ajiproaching,  Capt. 
LInderhlil,  with  divers  Indians  and  certain 
Englisli,  issued  out  to  encounter  them,  but 
they  would  not  stand  to  it,  for  the  most  part 
they  lay  behind  rocks,  trees  and  bushes.  We 
marched  on,  they  still  dodging  of  us  ;  some- 
times hazarding  themselves  in  open  field, 
where  some  of  them  were  slain  in  open  view, 
and  as  we  hear,  many  wounded.  I  was 
somewhat  cautious  in  bestowing  many  shot 
upon  them  heedlessly,  because  1  expected  a 
strong  opposition  ;  and  tlms  they  continued 
to  follow  us  till  we  came  within  two  miles  of 
our  pinnaces,  where  they  wholly  left  us,  which 
was  nearly  six  miles  as  I  conceive,  it  being 
then  about  two  miles  more  to  the  river. 

"  Four  of  our  wounded  men  we  were 
forced  to  carry  ourselves,  while  at  length  we 
hired  the  Indians  to  bear  them  both  in  this 
i.nd  all  the  following  enterprises  against  the 
Peqiiods." 

'i'his  service  being  ihushappily  accomplish- 
ed by  these  few  hands  that  came  from  Cim- 
necticut ;  within  a  while  after,  the  forces  sent 
from  the  Massachusetts  under  the  conduct  of 
Capt.  Stoughton  as  commander  in  chief,  arriv- 
ed there  also,  who  found  a  great  part  of  the 
work  done  to  their  hands,  in  the  surprisal  of" 
the  J'equods'  fort  as  aforesaid,  which  was  yet 
but  (he  breaking  of  the  nest,  and  unkennelling 
those  savage  wolves  ;  for  the  body  of  them, 
with  Sassacous  the  chief  sachem  (whose  very 
name  was  a  terror  to  all  the  Narragansets) 
were  dispersed  abroad  all  over  their  dispersed 
abroad  and  scattered  all  over  their  country, 
yet  so  far  were  the  rest  dismayed,  that  they 
never  durst  make  any  assault  upon  the  Eng- 
lish, who  in  several  parties  were  scattered 
about  in  pursuit  of  them. 

It  was  not  long  after  Capt.  Stoughton's  sol- 
diers came  up,  before  news  was  brought  of 
a  great  number  of  the  enemy,  that  were  dis- 
covered by  the  side  of  a  river  up  the  country, 
being  first  trappanned  by  the  Narragansets, 
under  pretence  of  securing  them,  but  were 
truly  hemmed  in  by  them,  though  at  a  dis- 
tance, yet  so  as  they  could  not,  or  diirstnotstir, 
from  the  place,  by  which  means  our  forces  of 
the  Massachusetts  made  an  easy  conquest  of 
some  hundreds  of  them,  who  were  there 
cooped  up  as  in  a  pound  ;  not  daring  to  fight, 
nor  able  to  fly  away,  and  so  were  all  taken 
without  any  opposition.  The  men  among 
them  to  the  numljer  of  30,  were  turned  pre- 
sently into  Charon's  ferryboat  under  the  com- 
mand of  skipperGallop,  who  dispatched  them 
a  httle  without  the  harbour  ;  the  females  and 
clnhlren  were  disposed  of  according  to  the 
will  of  the  conquerors,  some  being  given  to 
the  Narragansets,  and  other  Indians  that  assist- 
ed in  the  service. 

'J  he  rest  of  the  enemy  being  first  fired  out 
of  tteir  strong  hold,  were  taken  anddestroyed, 
a  great  number  of  'hem  being  seized  in  the 
places  where  they  intended  to  have  hid  them- 
selves, the  rest  fled  out  of  their  own  country 
over  Connecticut  river,  up  towards  the  Dutch 
plantation  Our  soldiers  being  resolved  by 
God's  assistance  to  make  a  final  destruction 


of  them,  were  minded  to  pursue  them  which 
way  soever  they  should  think  to  make  their 
escape,  to  which  end  in  the  next  place,  our 
soldiers  went  by  water  towards  New  Hav(!n, 
whither  they  heard,  and  which  in  reason  was 
most  likely,  they  bent  their  course  :  soon  after 
they  were  infoniu'd  of  a  great  number  of 
them,  that  had  betaken  themselves  to  a  neigh- 
bouring ])lace  not  far  off,  whither  they  might 
hope  it  was  not  likely  they  should  be  pursued  ; 
but  upon  search,  they  found  fifty  or  sixty 
wigwams,  but  without  an  Indian  in  any  of 
them,  but  heard  that  they  had  passed  toward 
the  Dutch  plantation  ;  whereupon  our  sol- 
diers that  were  before,  all  embarked  for 
Quillepiack,  afterwards  called  New  Haven, 
and  being  landed  there,  they  had  not  far  to 
march  unto  the  place  where  it  was  most  pro- 
bable they  should  either  find  or  hear  of  them  ; 
accordingly  in  their  march  they  met  here  anc) 
there  with  sundry  of  them,  whom  they  slew 
or  took  prisoners,  amongst  whom  were  two 
sachems,  whom  they  presently  bclujaded  ;  to 
a  third  that  was  either  a  sachem  or  near  akin 
to  one,  they  gave  his  life  upon  condition  that 
he  should  go  and  encjuire  where  Sassacous 
was,  and  accordingly  bring  them  word:  this 
Indian,  overlooking  all  other  national  or  natu- 
ral obligations,  in  consideration  of  his  life  ',ha,* 
was  received  on  that  condition,  proved  very 
true  and  faithful  to  those  that  sent  him;  his 
order  was  to  have  returned  in  three  days,  but 
not  being:  able  within  so  short  a  time  to  make 
a  full  discovery  of  the  business,  and  also  to 
find  a  handsome  way  to  escape,  he  made  it 
eight  days  bei"ore  he  returned,  in  which  some- 
thing fell  out  not  a  little  remarkable ;  for 
those  he  was  sent  to  discover,  suspecting  at 
the  last  by  his  withdrawing  himself,  that  h( 
came  for  a  spy,  pursued  after  him,  so  he  was 
forced  to  fly  for  iiis  life,  and  getting  down  to 
the  sea  side,  he  accidentally  met  with  a  canoe 
a  little  before  turned  adrift,  by  which  means 
he  paddled  by  some  shift  or  other  so  far  out 
of  the  harbour,  tliat  making  a  sign  he  was  dis- 
cerned by  some  on  board  one  of  the  vessels 
that  attended  on  our  soldiers,  by  whom  being 
taken  up,  he  made  known  what  he  had  discov- 
ered. But  af"ter  he  was  gone,  Sassacous  sus- 
pecting (and  not  without  just  cause)  what  the 
matter  was,  made  his  escape  from  the  rest, 
with  20  or  30  of  his  men  to  the  Mohawks,  l)y 
whom  himself  and  they  that  were  with  him, 
were  all  murdered  afterward,  being  hired 
thereunto  by  the  Narrragansets,  as  was  confi- 
dently atFirmed  and  believed.* 

Thus  this  treacherous  and  cruel  villian  with 
his  companions,  having  against  his  f"aith  and 
promise,  as  well  as  contrary  to  the  laws  of 
nature  and  nations,  murdered  several  others, 
both  of  the  Dutch  and  English  nation,  is  in  the 
same  manner  himself,  against  the  laws  of  hos- 
pitality murdered  by  those  to  whom  he  fled 
f"i  )r  ref"uge.  Yengeance  is  mine,  saith  the  Liord, 
I  will  repay  it. 

It  is  worthy  our  observation,  this  that  Sassa- 
cous, the  chief  sacliem  of  the  Pequods,  as 
afterwards  Philip  of  Mount  Hope  (both  of 
them  in  their  several  times  and  places  the  con- 
trivers of  many  bloody  and  cruel  mischiefs, 
yet)  escaped  the  hands  of  those  whom  they 
had  so  many  ways  provoked  to  the  utmost 
degree  of  indignation,  that  so  they  might  not 
too  much  gratify  their  own  spirit  in  taking 

*  Sas.sacous's  scalp  was  sent  down  to  Jhe  £Dgli«h. — 
Hubbard's  MatsachusetU  HUtory.  \ 


revenge  ;  but  it  must  be  brought  aliout  bv 
those  means  by  wiiich  the  glorv  of  divine 
vengeance  and  justice  shall  more  emimwitiv 
shine  fiirlh,  that  it  might  be  tridy  said  of  tliem, 
as  Adoiiibezek  confessed  of  himself"  As  I  ha\e 
done,  so  (jod  hath  re(juitted  tne. 

But  to  return  :  The  rest  of  the  Pequods 
from  wliom  Sassacous  had  made  an  estnpj', 
shif"ted  every  one  for  himself,  leaving  but  tlii»-e 
or  f()ur  behind  them  (when  a  parly  ofsoldlejs 
according  to  the  direction  of  him  that  was  .seui 
as  a  spy  came  upon  the  place)  who  would  not 
or  could  not  tell  them  whither  their  company 
were  fled  ;  but  our  soldiers  ran^jing  up  arj 
down  as  ProvidfMice  guided  them,  at  ilie  hist, 
July  13,  1637,  they  light  upon  a  great  num- 
ber of  them,  they  pursued  tliem  to  a  small 
Indian  town  seated  by  the  side  of  an  hideous 
swamp  (near  the  place  where  Fairfield  or 
Stratford  now  stands)  into  which  they  all  slipt, 
as  well  Pequods  as  natives  of  the  place,  be 
fore  our  men  could  make  any  shot  upon  them, 
having  placed  a  sentinel  to  give  warning,  Mr. 
Ludlow  and  Capt.  Mason  with  half  a  score 
of  their  men  happened  to  discover  this  crew 
Capt.  Patrick  and  Capt.  Trask  with  about  an 
hundred  of  the  Massachusetts  forces  came  in 
upon  them  presently  after  the  alarm  was  given ; 
such  commanders  as  first  happened  to  be  there 
gave  sp.jcial  orders  that  the  swam|)  .should  l)e 
surrounded  (being  about  a  mile  in  compass) 
but  Lieut.  Davenport  belonging  to  Capt. 
Trask's  comp.iny,  not  h(!aring  the  word  of 
command,  w  ith  a  dozen  more  of  his  cornpanv, 
in  an  over  eager  pursuit  of  the  enemy,  rushed 
immediately  into  the  swamp,  where  they  we.-e 
very  rudely  entertained  by  those  evening 
wolves  thatnewly  kennelled  therein,  for  Liem. 
Davenport  was  sorely  wounded  in  the  body, 
John  Wedwood  of  Ipswich  in  the  belly,  and 
laid  hold  on  by  some  of  the  Indians  ;  Thomas 
Sherman  of  said  Ipswich  in  the  neck  ;  some 
of  their  neighbours  that  ventured  in  witli  them 
were  in  danger  of  the  enemy's  arrows  that 
flew  very  thick  about  them,  others  were  in  as 
much  hazard  of  being  swallowed  by  tlie  mirv 
boggs  of  the  swamp,  wherein  they  stuck  so 
fast,  that  if  Sergeant  Riggs,  of  Roxbury,  had 
not  rescued  two  or  three  of  them,  they  had 
fallen  into  the  hands  of  tlie  enemy  :  but  such 
was  the  strensrth  and  couragfe  of  tiu)^e  liia: 
came  to  their  rescue,  that  some  of  the  Indians 
being  slain  with  tlieir  swords,  their  friends 
were  tpiickly  relieved  and  drawn  out  of  the 
mire  and  danger. 

But  the  Indians  of  the  place,  who  had  for 
company  sake  run  with  their  guests  the  Pe- 
quods into  the  swamp  did  not  love  their 
friendship  so  well  as  to  be  killed  with  tliem 
also  for  company  sake,  wherefore  they  be- 
gan to  bethink  themselves  they  had  done  no 
wrong  to  the  English,  and  desired  a  parley, 
which  was  granted,  and  they  presently  un- 
derstood one  another  by  ilie  means  of  Tliomas 
Stanton,  an  e.xact  interjireter  then  at  hand. 
Upon  which  the  sachem  of  the  place  with 
several  others  and  their  wives  and  children, 
that  liked  better  to  live  (juietly  in  their  wig 
wams  than  to  be  l)uried  in  the  swamp,  came 
forth  and  had  their  lives  granted  them  :  Afiei 
some  time  of  further  parley  witn  tliese,  ilio 
interpreter  was  sent  in  to  offer  the  like  terms 
to  the  rest,  but  they  were  possessed  with 
such  a  spirit  of  stupidity  and  sullennesj  that 
they  resolved  rather  to  sell  their  lives  for  what 
they  could  get  there  ;  and  to  that  c«d  began 


630 


A  N ARRATIV  E  OF 


to  let  fly  their  arrows  thick  against  him  as  in- 
tending: to  make  his  l»loo(l  some  part  of  the 
price  of  their  own  ;  but  through  tlie  goodness 
of  God  toward  him,  liis  life  was  not  to  be  sold 
on  that  account,  he  being  presently  fetch- 
ed off. 

By  this  time  night  drawing  on,  ou'-  com- 
manders perceiving  on  which  side  of  the 
ewamp  the  enemies  were  lodged,  gave  orders 
lo  cut  through  the  swamp  with  their  swords, 
that  they  might  the  better  hem  them  round  in 
one  corner  which  was  presently  done,  and  so 
tliey  were  begirt  in  all  night,  the  English  in 
the  circumference  }>lying  them  with  shot  all 
the  time,  by  which  means  many  of  them 
were  killed  and  buried  in  the  mire,  as  they 
(ound  the  next  day.  The  swamp  by  the  fore- 
mentioned  device  being  reduced  to  so  narrow 
1  compass,  that  our  soldiers  standing  at 
twelve  feet  distance  could  surround  it,  the 
enemy  kept  in  all  the  night ;  but  a  little  be- 
fore day-iireak  (by  reason  of  the  fog  that 
useth  to  arise  about  that  time,  observed  to  be 
the  darkest  time  of  the  night)  twenty  or 
thirty  of  the  lustiest  of  the  enemy  broke 
through  the  besiegers,  and  escaped  away  into 
the  woods,  some  by  violence  and  some  by 
stealth  cropping  away,  some  of  whom  not- 
withstanding were  killed  in  the  pursuit ;  tlie 
rest  were  left  to  the  mercy  of  the  conquerors, 
of  which  many  were  killed  in  the  swamp  like 
■ullen  dogs,  that  would  rather  in  their  self- 
willedness  and  madness  sit  still  to  be  shot  or 
cut  in  pieces,  than  receive  their  lives  for  ask- 
ing at  the  hand  of  those  into  whose  power 
they  were  now  fallen.  Some  that  are  yet 
living  and  worthy  of  credit  do  affirm,  that  in 
the  morning  entering  into  flie  swamp,  they 
saw  several  liea|>s  of  them  silting  close  to- 
gether, upon  whom  they  discharged  their 
pieces  laden  with  ten  or  twelve  pistol  bullets 
at  a  time,  putting  the  muzzles  of  their  pieces 
nnderthe  boughs  within  a  few  yards  of  them; 
6(),  besides  tliose  that  were  found  dead  (near 
twenty  it  was  judged)  many  more  were  kill- 
ed and  sunk  itito  the  mire  arul  never  were 
minded  more  by  friend  or  foe  ;  of  those  who 
were  not  so  desperate  or  sullen  as  to  sell  their 
lives  for  nothing,  but  yielded  in  time,  the 
male  ciiildren  were  sen',  to  the  Bermudas,  of 
the  females  some  were  distributed  to  the  Eng- 
lish towns,  some  were  dis[)osed  of  among  the 
other  Indians,  to  whom  they  were  deadly 
enemies  as  well  as  to  ourselves. 

'I'his  overthrow  given  to  the  Pequods 
struck  such  a  terror  into  all  tlie  Indians  in 
those  parts  (some  of  wliom  had  been  ill  affect- 
ed to  the  English  before)  that  they  sought 
our  friendship,  and  rendered  themselves  to  be 
un(l(!r  our  protection,  which  they  then  obtain- 
ed, and  have  never  since  forfeited  it  any  of 
them,  till  the  lute  rebellion  of  Philip,  the 
subject  of  the  following  discourse.  Amongst 
the  rest  of  the  prisoners  special  notice  was 
given  of  the  wife  of  a  tioted  Inilian  called 
Moiicincitio,  who  with  her  children  submitted 
herself,  or  by  the  chance  of  tlie  war  fell  into 
thi;  hands  of  the  Mnglish  :  it  was  known  to 
1hi  by  her  niediittioii  that  two  English  maids 
(that  were  '  taken  from  WeathersKeld,  upon 
C(inne<-lirut  river)  were  saved  from  death, 
in  reqiiittal  of  whosr;  pity  and  humaiiitv,  the 
life  of  herself  and  hi-r  ciiildren  was  not  only 
praiitt'd  h«ir,  but  she  was  in  special  recorn- 
mendrd  to  the  Care  t>f  tliut  honorable  gentle- 
DUJ)  M."   '  Ain  Winthrop    at  that  time  being 


the  worthy  governor  of  Massachusetts  ;  who 
taking  notice  of  her  modest  countenance  and 
behavior,  as  well  as  of  her  only  request  (not 
to  suffer  wrong  either  as  to  the  honor  of  her 
body  or  fruit  of  her  womb)  gave  special 
charge  concerning  her,  according  to  his  noble 
and  christian  disposition. 

After  this  slaughter  at  the  swamp,  the  Pe- 
quods being  upon  every  turn  exposed  to  the 
revenge  of  the  Mohegins  on  one  side,  and  the 
Narragansets  on  the  English,*  by  whom  they 
were  put,  some  under  the  Mohegins  and 
some  under  the  Narragansets,  which  at  last 
proved  the  occasion  of  the  present  quarrel  as 
is  conceived,  throuefh  the  ambition  of  Mian- 
tonimo,  as  will  be  hereafter  related. 

On  the  12th  of  July,  1637,  one  Aganemo,  a 
sachem  of  the  Niantick  Indians  (who  were  a 
branch  of  the  Narragansets)  came  to  Boston 
with  seventy  of  his  own  men :  he  made 
divers  propositions  to  the  English,  which  they 
took  into  consideration,  and  promised  to  give 
him  an  answer  the  next  day  :  but  finding  that 
he  had  rescued  divers  of  the  Pequods,  sub- 
mitted to  him  since  the  last  defeat,  they  first 
demanded  the  delivery  of  them,  which  he 
sticking  at,  they  refused  further  conference 
with  him  :  But  the  next  morning  he  came 
and  offered  what  they  desired.  So  the  go- 
vernor referred  him  to  the  captains  at  the 
Pequod  country,  and  writ  instructions  to  them 
how  to  deal  with  him.  So  receiving  his  ten 
fathoms  of  wampum,  they  friendly  dismissed 
him. 

In  July  1638,  Uncas  the  sachem  of  'he 
Mohegins,  havingf  entertained  some  of  tlie 
Pequods,  came  to  the  governor  at  Boston 
with  a  present,  and  was  much  dejected  be- 
cause it  was  not  first  accepted :  But  afterward.* 
the  governor  and  council  being  satisfied 
about  his  innocency  they  accepted  it,  where- 
upon lie  promised  to  the  order  of  the  Eng- 
lish, both  touching  the  Pequods  he  had  re- 
ceived, and  as  concerning  the  differences 
betwixt  the  Narragansets  and  himself,  and 
confirmed  all  with  this  compliment;  this 
heart,  said  he,  (laying  his  hand  U[)on  his 
heart)  is  not  mine  but  your's,  command  me 
any  difficult  service  and  I  will  do  it,  I  have 
no  men  but  they  are  all  your's,  1  will  never 
believe  any  Indian  against  the  Engli.sh  any 
more  ;  and  so  he  continued  for  ever  after,  as 
may  be  seen  in  the  following  transactions  be- 
tween the  Indians  and  the  English  :  where- 
upon he  was  dismissed  with  some  small  re- 
ward, and  went  home  very  joyful,  carrying  a 
letter  of  approbation  for  himself  and  his  men, 
through  the  English  plantations. 

This  was  the  issue  of  the  Pequod  war, 
which  in  the  day  of  it  here  in  New  England 
was  as  formidable  to  the  country  in  general  as 
the  present  war  with  Philip  ;  tin;  experience 
of  which,  because  it  may  administer  much 
comfort  and  encouragement  to  the  surviving 
generation  as  well  as  of  praise  and  thanks- 
giving to  Almighty  fiod,  from  all  those  who 
have  thus  long  (juietly  enjoyed  the  benefit 
and  reai)od  the  fruit  of  their  labour  and 
courage  who  engaged  therein,  the  more  pains 
hath  been  taken  lo  seanh  out  the  broken 
pieces  of  that  story  and  thus  put  them  to- 
gether, before  tht;  memory  thereof  was  buried 
in  the  ruins  of  time,  iind  jiast  the  recovery 
and  knowledge  of  the  present  age. 


'  Sevan  humlred  orUiem  were  lhoa(hllo  be  dratroyed- 


After  subduing  the  Pequods  in  the  year 
1637,  the  Narragansets,  the  most  numerou* 
of  the  other  Indians,  either  out  of  discontent, 
that  the  whole  sovereignty  over  the  rest  of  the 
Indians  was  not  adjudged  to  belong  to  them, 
or  out  of  envy,  that  Uncas  the  chief  sachem 
of  the  Mohegin  Indians,  had  insinuated  fur- 
ther than  themselves  into  the  favour  of  the 
English,  were  observed  to  be  always  con- 
triving mischief  against  them,  notwithstand- 
ing a  firm  agreement  was  made  between  the 
English  and  the  sa;d  Narra2;unsets  in  the 
year  1637,  when  they  had  helped  to  destroy 
the  Pequods,  and  also  notwithstanding  the 
triple  league  between  the  said  Narragan- 
sets, the  Mohegins,  and  the  English  at  Hart- 
ford (the  chief  town  of  Connecticut)  made  in 
the  year  1638,  wherein  the  said  Indians  were 
solemnly  engaged  not  to  quarrel  with  the 
Mohegins  or  any  other  Indians,  until  they  first 
asked  the  advice  of  the  English,  to  whose  de- 
termination, they  had  likewise  obliged  them- 
selves to  stand  in  all  following  differences 
among  them.  They  carried  it  subtilely  and 
underhand  for  some  years,  and  were  pretend- 
ing quarrels  with  the  said  Uncas,  against 
whom  they  had  always  an  inveterate  malice, 
ever  since  the  agreement  made  about  dis- 
tributing the  Pequods,  after  the  war  with 
them  had  ended,  expecting  in  all  probability 
that  all  should  have  been  left  to  their  sole 
arbitrament.  The  Mohegins  on  the  other 
side,  though  not  so  numerous,  yet  a  more 
warlike  people  and  more  politic,  always  made 
their  recourse  to  the  Enijiisli,  complaining  of 
the  insolence  of  the  Narragansets,  contrary 
to  their  league,  so  as  they  would  hardly  be 
kept  from  mating  open  war  against  them, 
when  they  saw  all  other  attempts  to  kill  and 
destroy  Uncas  the  Mohegin  sachem,  bv  trea- 
chery, poison  and  sorcery  prove  ineffectual. 
Inasmuch  that  at  last  the  malice  of  Miarito- 
nimo  and  his  Narragansets  grew  to  that 
height,  that  they  began  to  plot  against  the 
Eni'lish  themselv«'S,  for  defendini;  Uncas. 

The  Narragansets  were  animated  by  the 
haughty  sjiint  and  aspiring  mind  of  Minnto- 
n;mo,  the  heir  apparent  of  all  the  Nariaganset 
people,  after  the  decease  of  the  old  SMchem, 
Canonicus,  w  ho  w  as  his  uncle.  This  Mian- 
tonimo  was  a  very  goodly  personage,  of  tall 
stature,  subtle  and  cunning  in  his  contrive- 
ments,  as  well  as  haughty  in  his  designs.  It 
was  strongly  suspected  that  in  the  year  164"2. 
he  had  contrived  to  draw  all  the  Indiarj 
throughout  the  country  into  a  general  cr n- 
spiracy  against  the  English  :  For,  the  f  rst 
of  September,  1642,  letters  came  to  the 
court  of  Connecticut,  and  from  two  cf  the 
magistrates  there,  that  the  Indians  had  con- 
spired to  cut  off  the  English  all  over  the 
country:  Mr.  Ludlow  certified  as  much  fnim 
the  place  wlierc  he  lived  near  the  Dutch. 
The  time  appointed  for  the  assault,  was  said 
to  be  after  harvest  ;  the  manner  to  be  by 
several  companies,  entering  into  the  chief 
men's  houses,  by  way  of  trade,  and  then  to 
kill  them  in  iheir  houses,  and  seize  their  arms, 
iind  others  should  be  at  hand  to  prosecute  the 
massacre  :  This  was  iilso  confirmed  by  three 
Indians  that  were  said  to  re\e«l  it  in  the 
same  mnnncr,  and  at  the  same  time,  to 
.Mr.  Ludlow  and  lo  the  governor  of  New 
Haven.  It  was  added  also  thatanother  Indian 
should  discover  the  same  plot  lo  Mr  Hamet 
of  Connecticut   by  some    special  circum' 


stances,  viz.  that  being  mucli  hurt  by  a  cart 
[wliich  usually  tliere  are  drawn  with  oxen) 
he  slioulJ  send  for  Mr.  Haines  and  tell  him, 
that  K nglishmau's  God  was  angry  witli  him, 
and  sent  Englishman's  cow  (meaning  the 
oxen  in  the  cart,  or  wayne)  to  kill  him  be- 
cause he  had  concealed  a  plot  against  the 
English,  and  so  told  him  all  as  the  other  In- 
dians had  done. 

Upon  this,  their  advice  from  Connecticut 
was,  that  we  sliould  begin  with  them  and  enter 
upon  a  war  [)rescntly,  and  that  if  Massachu- 
setts would  send  120  men  to  Saybrook,  at  the 
river's  mouth,  they  would  meet  them  with  a 
proportionable  number.  This  was  a  very 
probable  story,  and  very  likely  it  was,  that  the 
Indians  had  been  discoursing  of  some  such  bu- 
siness among  themselves.  But  the  genera! 
court  of  .Massachusetts  when  called  together, 
did  not  think  those  informations  to  be  a  suffi- 
cient ground  whereon  to  begin  a  war.  Although 
the  governor  and  magistrates  as  many  as 
could  convene  togetlier  before  the  court  or- 
dered that  all  the  Indians  within  their  jurisdic- 
tion should  be  disarmed,  which  they  willingly 
yielded  unto  :  and  upon  all  the  enquiries  and 
examinations  which  were  made  by  the  court 
when  assembled  together,  they  could  not 
find  any  such  violent  presumption  of  a  con- 
spiracy, as  to  the  ground  of  a  war.  Besides, 
it  was  considered,  th;itthe  reportsof  all  lndians 
wore  found  by  experience  to  be  very  uncer- 
tain, especially  when  it  may  be  raised  and 
carried  by  such  as  are  at  variance  one  with 
another  ;  who  may  be  very  ready  to  accuse 
one  another  to  ingratiate  themselves  witli  the 
English.  Miantonimo,  sachem  of  Narragan- 
Bet,  was  sent  unto,  and  by  his  readiness  to 
appear,  satisfied  the  English  that  he  was  inno- 
cent as  to  any  present  conspiracy  ;  though  his 
quarrel  with  the  Mohegins  (who  bordered 
upon  Connecticut  colony)  might  very  proba- 
bly, as  was  judged,  render  him  the  subject  of 
such  a  report,  or  an  occasion  of  it. 

The  said  Miantonimo  when  he  came  before 
the  court  peremptorily  demanded  that  his 
accusers  might  be  brouglit  before  him  face  to 
face,  and  if  they  could  not  prove  it,  then  to  be 
made  to  suffer,  what  himself,  if  he  had  been 
found  guilty,  had  deserved,  i.  e.  death,  his 
reasons  for  which  were  very  plausible.  He 
urged  very  much  the  prosecuting  such  a  law 
against  his  accusers  ;  alleging,  that  if  the  En- 
glish did  not  believe  it,  why  did  they  disarm 
the  Indians  round  about:  and  if  they  did  be- 
heve  it,  equity  required,  thatthey  who  accused 
him  should  be  punished  according  to  the 
offence  charged  upon  himself.  He  offered 
also  to  make  it  good  against  Uncas,  sachem 
of  the  Mohegins,  that  the  report  was  raised 
either  by  him  or  some  of  his  people.  The 
English  answered,  that  divers  Indians  had 
robbed  some  of  the  Englishmen's  houses, 
which  might  be  a  sufficient  ground  todisarm  ; 
and  with  thathe  wys  something  satisfied.  The 
Connecticut  men  were  hardly  prevailed  with 
to  forbear  the  war  against  them,  but  at  last 
they  were  overcome  with  the  allegatjons  of 
the  Massachusetts  to  lay  it  aside. 

AJiantonimo  when  he  was  at  Boston  was 
Very  deliberate  in  his  answers,  shewing  a  good 
Understanding  in  the  principli's  of  justice  and 
equity,  as  well  as  a  seeming  ingenuity  withal ; 
but  though  his  words  were  smoother  than  oil, 
yet,  as  many  conceived,  in  his  heart  were 
irawii  swords.    It  was  observed  also,  that 


THE  INDIAN  WARS. 

he  would  never  speak  but  when  some  of  his 
counsellors  were  present,  [hat  they  might,  as 
he  said,  bear  witness  of  all  his  spee'chesat  their 
return  home. 

They  spent  two  days  in  the  treaty,  wherein 
at  last  he  gave  them  satisfaction  in  ail  things, 
though  he  held  off  long  about  the  Nianticks, 
of  whom  he  said  they  were  as  his  own  flesh, 
engaging  on  their  behalf,  that  if  they  should 
do  a;!y  wrong,  so  as  neither  he  nor  they  could 
satisfy  without  blood,  then  he  would  leave 
them  to  the  mercy  of  the  English.  At  his 
departure  he  gave  his  hand  to  the  governor, 
telling  him,  that  was  for  the  magistrates  that 
were  absent. 

While  he  was  at  Boston  one  of  his  own  fol- 
lowers had  been  a  principal  evidence  against 
him  ;  he  however  promised  to  deliver  him  to 
the  Mohegin  sachem  whose  subject  he  was  ; 
notwithstanding  which  promise,  going  home- 
ward he  cut  ofi'  his  head  to  prevent  his  telling 
more  tales.  And  with  great  discontetit,  as  he 
was  going  home  said,  he  would  come  no  more 
to  Boston,  wherein  he  proved  a  truer  prophet 
than  he  himself  believed  when  he  uttered  the 
words,  for  in  the  end  of  the  same  year,  1643, 
making  war  upon  Uncas,  he  was  taken  pris- 
oner by  him,  and  soon  after  by  the  advice  of 
the  commissioners  of  the  four  colonies  (at  that 
time  firmly  united  into  a  league  offensive 
and  defensive,  on  which  account  they  were 
after  that  time  called  tlie  united  colonies  of 
New-England  ;  though  since  that  time  they 
are  reduced  to  but  three  colonies;  that  of 
New  Haven  and  Connecticut  by  the  last 
patent  being  united  in  one)  his  head  was  cut 
off  by  Uncas,  it  being  justly  feared,  thatther'e 
would  never  be  a  firm  peace,  either  betwi.\t 
the  English  and  the  Narragansets,  or  betwix' 
the  Narragansets  and  the  Mohegins,  while 
Miantonimo  was  left  alive  :  However,  the 
Narragansets  have  ever  since  that  time  bore 
an  implacable  malice  agairst  Uncas,  and  all 
the  Mohegins,  and  for  thf.r  sakes  secretly 
against  the  English,  so  far  as  they  durst  dis- 
cover it. 

In  the  year  1645,  and  1646,  they  grew  so 
insolent,  that  the  commissioners  of  the  united 
colonies  were  compelled  to  raise  forces  to  go 
against  them,  but  when  they  perceived  that 
the  English  were  in  good  earnest,  they  began 
to  be  afraid,  and  sued  for  piece,  submitted  to 
pay  tribute  to  satisfy  the  charges  of  prepara- 
tion for  the  war,  but  were  always  very  back- 
ward to  make  payment  untd  the  English  were 
forced  to  demand  it  by  new  forces,  so  that  it 
appeared  they  were  unwilling  to  hold  any 
friendly  correspondence  with  the  English,  yet 
durst  never  make  any  open  attempt  upon  them,  j 
until  the  present  rebellion,  wherein  they  had 
no  small  hand,  is  too  evident,  notwithstanding 
all  their  pretences  to  the  contrary,  as  will  ap- 
pear in  the  sequel  of  this  history. 

Thus  it  is  apparent  uj)on  what  terms  the 
English  stood  with  the  Narragansets,  ever 
since  the  cutting  off  Miantonimo,  their  chief 
sachem's  head  by  Uncas,  it  being  done  with 
the  advice  and  counsel  of  the  English,  Anno 
1643.  As  for  the  rest  of  the  Indians,  ever 
since  the  suppression  of  the  Pequods,  in  the 
year  1637,  utitii  the  year  1675,  there  was  al- 
ways in  appearance  amity  and  good  corres- 
pondence on  all  sides,  scarce  an  Englishman 
was  ever  known  to  be  assaulted  or  hurt  by 
any  of  them,  until  after  the  year  1674,  when 
the  son  of  one  Matoonas,  who,  a,&  was  sup. 


  m 

posed  being  ve.\ed  in  his  mind  tliat  the  do 
sign  against  the  English,  intended  to  l«-{ric 
;  1671,  did  not  take  place,  out  of  mere  rnalict; 
j  and  spite  against  them,  slew  un  Knglishtnan 
travelling  along  the  road,  and  the  said  .Ma- 
toonas being  a  Nlpnct  Indian,  which  Nipneis 
were  under  the  command  of  tlie  .sacheiii  of 
Mount  Hope,  the  author  of  ail  the  present 
mirichierr*. 

Upon  a  due  enquiry  into  all  the  preceding 
transactions  between  the  Indians  and  the  En- 
glish, from  their  first  settling  in  these  coasts, 
there  will  appear  no  ground  of  quarrel  that 
any  of  them  had  against  the  English,  nor  any 
[)rovocation  upon  one  account  or  another;  (or 
when  Plymouth  colony  was  first  planted,  with- 
in three  months  aftertheir  first  landing,  March 
16,  1620,  .Massasoit,  the  chief  sachem  of  all 
that  side  of  the  country,  repaired  to  the  En- 
glish at  Plymouth,  and  entered  into  a  solemn 
league  upon  sundry  articles,  (printed  in  New- 
England's  Memorial,  1689)  which  are  as  fol- 
lows,  viz, 

1.  That  neither  he  nor  any  of  his  should 
injure  or  do  hurt  to  any  of  their  people. 

2.  That  if  any  of  his  did  any  hurt  to  any  of 
theirs,  he  should  send  the  offender  that  they 
might  punish  him. 

3.  That  if  any  thing  were  taken  away  from 
any  ofthcirs,  he  should  cause  it  to  be  restoied  ; 
and  th<!y  should  do  the  like  to  his. 

4.  Thatifany  did  unjustly  war  against  him, 
iheyshoulil  aid  him,  and  if  any  did  war  against 
them,  he  should  aid  them. 

5.  That  he  should  send  to  his  neighbour 
confederates,  to  certify  them  of  this,  that  they 
might  not  wrong  them,  but  might  likewise  be 
cornprise<l  in  these  co.iditions  of  peace. 

6.  That  when  his  men  came  to  them  upon 
any  occasion,  they  should  leave  their  arms 
(which  were  then  bows  and  arrows)  behind 
them. 

7.  That  in  so  doing,  their  sovereign  lord. 
King  James,  would  esteem  him  as  their  friend 
and  ally. 

This  league  the  same  sachem,  September 
26,  1630,  a  little  before  his  death,  coming  with 
his  eldest  son,  afterwards  called  Alexander, 
did  renew  with  the  English  at  the  court  of 
Plymouth,  for  himself  and  his  son,  and  iheir 
heirs  and  successors:  And  alter  that  he  came 
to  Mr.  Brown's,  who  lived  not  fiir  from  Mount 
Hope,  bringing  his  two  sons,  Alexander  and 
Philip  with  him,  desiring  tlicre  might  be  love 
and  amity  after  his  death,  between  his  sons 
and  them,  as  there  had  been  betwixt  himself 
and  them  in  former  times  :  yet  it  is  very  re- 
markable that  this  Massasoit,  called  also 
Woosametjuen,  (how  much  soever  he  affected 
the  English)  was  never  in  the  least  degree 
well  affected  to  the  religion  of  the  English,  but 
would  in  his  last  treaty  with  his  iieii;hbonr8 
at  Plymouth,  when  they  were  with  him  about 
purchasing  some  land  at  Swanzey,  have  had 
them  engaged  never  to  attempt  to  draw  aw  ay 
any  of  his  people  from  their  old  pagan  sujicr- 
stition,  and  devilish  idolatry,  to  the  christian 
religion,  and  did  mucli  insist  upon  it  till  lie  saw 
the  Englisli  were  resolved  ne\ er  to  make  axiy 
treaty  with  )iim  more  upon  that  account,  w  liich 
when  he  discerned,  he  did  not  further  urije 
it:  but  that  was  a  bad  omen,  that,  notwith- 
standing whatever  his  humanity  was  to  the 
English,  as  they  were  strangers,  (for  indeed 
they  had  repa  'ed  his  former  kindness  to  them, 
by  protecting  lim  afterwards  against  the  inso 


6S3 


A  NARRATIVE  OF 


Icnces  of  the  Narragansets)  he  manifested  no 
Biiiall  (J isplacency  ot' spirit  against  them,  as 
tliev  were  ciinslians  ;  wiiich  strain  was  evi- 
dent more  in  liis  son  that  succeeded  him,  and 
all  liis  [)ooiile,  insomuch  that  some  discerning 
persons  of  that  jurisdiction  have  feared  that 
naiioii  of  Indians  would  all  be  rooted  out,  as 
has  since  come  to  pass.  The  like  may  be 
obsiTVfd  concerning  the  Narragansetts,  who 
were  always  more  civil  and  courteous  to  the 
English  than  any  of  tiie  other  Indians,  thougli 
nevur  hdV(!  as  yet  received  the  least  tincture 
of  the  christian  religion,  but  have  in  a  manner 
run  the  same  fate  with  tlieir  neighbours  of 
I^Iount  Hope,  there  being  very  few  of  them 
lell  standing.  Noris  it  unworthy  therelation, 
wiiiit  a  person  of  (juality  amongst  ushath  lately 
alKiniL'd,  viz.  One  nmcii  conversant  with 
the  Indians  about  .Mernmac  river,  being  An- 
no 1600,  in%  ited  by  some  Sagamores  or  sach- 
ems to  a  great  dance,  (which  solemnities  are 
tlje  times  they  make  use  of  to  tell  their  stories, 
and  convey  tiie  knowledge  of  some  past  and 
most  memorable  thmgs  to  posterity)  Passacon- 
away,  the  great  sacliem  of  that  part  of  the 
country,  intending  at  that  time  to  make  his  last 
and  iiirewell  speech  to  his  children  and  [)eo- 
ple,  that  were  then  all  gathered  together,  ad- 
dressed himself  to  them  in  this  manner  : 

"  1  am  now  going  the  way  of  all  fiesli,  or 
ready  to  die,  and  not  likely  to  see  you  ever 
mot  together  any  more  :  I  will  now  leave  this 
word  of  counsel  with  you,  tliat  you  may  take 
heud  how  you  (jnarrel  with  the  English,  lor 
'.hough  you  may  do  them  much  mischief,  yet  as- 
sured ly  you  will  all  be  destroyed,  and  rooted 
iff  the  earth  if  you  do  ;  for  I  was  as  much  an 
■3nemy  to  the  English,  at  their  first  coming  into 
■hese  parts,  as  any  one  whatsoever,  and  did 
try  all  ways  and  mean?  possible  to  have  des- 
troyed them,  at  least  to  have  prevented  them 
diiiitig  down  here,  but  I  could  no  way  effect 
it,  therefore  1  advise  you  never  to  contend 
\\  ::h  the  English,  nor  make  war  with  them  :" 
And  acccidingly  liis  eldest  son  Wanalancet 
liy  name,  as  soon  as  he  perceived  tliat  tiie  In- 
dians were  up  in  arms,  withdrew  himself  into 
some  remote  place,  that  he  might  not  be  hurt 
by  the  English,  orthe  enemies,  or  be  in  danger 
by  ihem. 

Tills  passage  was  tliought  fit  to  be  inserted 
here,  it  having  so  near  an  agreement  with  the 
formt-r,  intimating  some  secret  awe  of  God 
upon  the  hearts  of  some  of  the  principal 
amongst  them,  that  they  durst  not  hurt  the 
English,  although  they  bear  no  good  affec- 
tion to  their  religion,  wherein  they  seem  not  a 
little  to  imitate  l3alaam,  who,  wliatever  lie 
littered,  when  he  was  under  the  awful  power 
ol  divine  illuminaticjn,  yet  when  left  to  him- 
self, was  as  bad  an  enemy  to  tlie  Israel  of 
(lod  as  ever  before. 

Jiut  to  return. 

AftiM-  the  /Jeath  of  tills  Woosamecjuen,  or 
Massasoli,  his  eldest  son  succeeded  him  about 
20  years  since,  Alexander  by  name,  who  not- 
withstanding the  league  he  liad  entered  into 
with  the  English,  together  with  his  father,  in 
the  y<""r  l(j:J9,  had  neither  nfl'ection  to  the 
Eiiglishineii's  persons,  nor  yet  to  their  re- 
ligion, lint  hiul  been  plotting  with  the  Narru- 
■gansctit,  U}  riiie  against  tin;  English  ;  of  which 
the  governor  and  council  of  IMymouih  l)eing 
informed,  they  presently  sent  for  him  to  bring 
bim  to  the  court;  the  perKon  to  whom  that 
fcir'ice  WB8  committed,  was  a  prudent  and 


resolute  gentleman,  the  present  governor  of 
the  said  colony,  who  was  neither  afraid  of" 
danger,  nor  yet  willing  to  delay  in  a  matter 
of  thaj  moment,  he  forthwith  taking  eight  or 
ten  stout  men  with  him  well  armed,  intended 
to  have  gone  to  the  said  Alexander's  dwell- 
ing, distant  at  least  forty  miles  from  the  go- 
vernor's house,  but  by  a  good  providence,  he 
found  him  whom  he  went  to  seek  at  a  hunt- 
ing-liouse,  within  six  miles  of  the  English 
towns,  where  the  said  Alexander,  with  about 
eighty  men,  were  newly  come  in  from  limit- 
ing, and  had  left  their  guns  without  doors, 
which  Major  Winslow  with  his  small  com- 
pany wisely  seized  and  conveyed  away,  and 
then  went  into  the  wigrwam,  and  detnanded 
Alexander  to  go  along  with  him  before  the 
governor,  at  which  message  he  was  much  ap- 
j)alled,  but  being  told  by  the  undaunted  mes- 
senger, that  if  he  stirred  or  refused  to  go  he 
was  a  dead  man;  he  was  by  one  of  his  chief 
counsellors,  in  whose  advice  he  most  con- 
fided, persuaded  to  go  along  to  the  go- 
vernor's house,  but  such  was  the  pride  and 
height  of  his  spirit,  that  the  very  surprisal  of 
him,  so  raised  his  choler  and  indignation,  that 
it  put  him  into  a  fever,  which  notwithstand- 
ing all  possible  means  that  could  be  used, 
seemed  mortal ;  whereupon  entreating  those 
that  held  him  prisoner,  that  he  might  have 
liberty  to  return  home,  promising  to  return 
again  if  he  recovered,  and  to  send  liis  son  as 
hostage  till  he  could  do  so  ;  on  that  considera- 
tion he  was  fairly  dismissed,  but  died  before 
he  got  half  way  home.  Here  let  it  be  ob- 
served, that,  although  some  have  taken  up 
false  reports  as  if  the  English  had  compelled 
him  to  go  further  and  faster  than  he  was  able, 
and  so  he  fell  into  a  fever,  or  as  if  he  was  not 
well  used  by  the  piiysician  that  looked  to 
him,  while  he  was  with  the  Englisn  ;  all  which 
are  notoriously  false;  nor  is  it  to  be  imagined 
that  a  person  of  so  noble  a  disposition  as  is 
this  gentleman  (at  that  time  employed  to  bring 
him)  should  himself,  or  suffer  any  one  else  to 
be  uncivil  to  a  person  allied  to  them,  by  his 
own,  as  well  as  his  father's  league,  as  the  said 
Alexander  also  was;  nor  was  any  thing  of 
tliat  nature  ever  objected  to  by  the  English 
of  Plymouth,  by  the  said  Alexander's  brother, 
by  name  Philip,  commonly  for  his  ambitious 
and  haughty  spirit  nicknamed  King  Philip, 
when  he  came  in  the  year  1GG2,  in  his  own 
person  with  Sausaman  and  secretary  and 
chief  counsellor,  to  renew  the  former  league 
that  had  been  between  his  predecessors  and 
the  English  of  I'lymouth  ;  but  there  was  as 
much  correspondence  betwixt  them  for  the 
next  seven  years  as  ever  had  been  in  any 
f<)rmer  times.  AVliat  can  be  imagined,  there- 
fore, besides  the  instigation  of  Satan,  that  en- 
vied at  the  prosperity  of  the  cluircli  of  God 
here  seated,  or  else  fearing  lest  tlie  power  of 
the  Lord  Jesus,  tliat  had  overthrown  hie  king- 
dom in  other  parts  of  the  world,  sliould  do 
the  like  here,  and  so  the;  stone  taken  out  of  the 
mountain  without  hands,  should  become  a 
great  mountain  itself,  and  fill  the  whole  earth  ; 
IK)  cause  for  provocation  being  given  by  the 
English!  For  onre  before  tills,  in  tin;  year 
1(371,  tin-  devil,  who  was  a  murderer  from 
tlie  beginning,  hud  so  filled  th<;  heart  of  this 
savage  miscreant  with  envy  aiul  malice 
agaii:8t  the  English,  that  lie  was  reoily  to 
break  out  in  open  war  against  the  inha- 
bitants of  Plymouth,  pretending  some  trifling 


injuries  done  him  in  his  planting  land,  but 
when  the  matter  of  controversy  canie  to 
be  heard  by  divers  of  the  Massachusetts  co- 
lony, yea,  w  hen  lie  himself  came  to  Jjoston, 
as  it  were  referring  his  case  to  the  judgment 
of  that  colony,  nothing  of  that  nature  could  be 
made  to  appear,  wliereupon  in  way  of  sub- 
mission, he  \\  as  of  necessity  by  that  evident 
con\  iction  forced  to  acknow  ledge  that  it  \\  as 
the  naughtiness  of  his  own  heart,  that  put 
him  upon  that  rebellion,  and  nothing  of  any 
provocation  from  the  English;  and  to  a  con- 
fession of  tills  nature  with  a  solemn  renewal 
of  this  covenant,  declaring  his  desire,  that 
this  covenant  might  testify  to  the  world 
against  him,  if  ever  he  should  prove  un- 
faithful to  those  of  Plymouth,  or  any  other 
of  the  Enerlish  colonies  therein,  himself  with 
his  chief  counsellors  subscribed  in  the  pre- 
sence of  some  messengers  sent  on  purpose  to 
hear  the  dlfierence  between  Plymouth  and 
the  said  Philip.  But  for  further  satisfaction  of 
thereader,  the  said  agreement  and  submission 
shall  here  be  published. 

Taunton,  Jlpril  10,  1671. 
''  Whereas  my  father,  my  brother,  and 
myself  have  formerly  submitted  ourselves 
and  our  people  unto  the  king's  majesty  of 
England,  and  to  this  colony  of  New  Ply- 
mouth, by  some  solemn  covenant  under  our 
hand  ;  but  1  having  of  late  through  my  in- 
discretion, and  the  naughtiness  of  my  heart 
violated  and  broken  this  my  covenant  with 
my  friends,  by  taking  up  arms,  \\  ith  evil  in- 
tent against  them,  and  that  groundlessly  ;  I 
being  now  dee|)ly  sensible  of  my  unfaithful- 
ness and  folly,  do  desire  at  this  time  so- 
lemnly to  renew  my  covenant  with  my  an- 
cient Iriends,  and  my  father's  friends  above- 
mentioned,  and  do  desire  this  may  testify  to 
the  world  against  me  if  ever  I  shall  again 
fail  in  my  fnithfulness  towards  them  (whom 
I  have  now  and  at  all  times  found  kind  to 
me)  or  any  other  of  tlie  Englisli  colonies  ; 
and  as  a  real  pledge  of  my  true  intentions,  I 
do  freely  engage  to  resign  up  unto  the  go- 
vernment of  New  Plymouth,  all  my  English 
arms,  to  be  kept  by  them  for  their  security, 
so  long  as  they  shall  see  reason.  For  true 
performance  of  these  |)remises,  I  have  here- 
unto set  my  hand  togeilier  with  the  rest  of 
my  council. 

The  mark  P.  of  Fliilip, 

cliief  sachem  of  PakanoJcct, 
The  mark  V.  of  Tavoser, 
The  mark  M.  of  ('apt.  IVisjiohe, 
The  mark  T.  of  Wooktiponchunt^ 
The  mark  S  of  Nimrod  " 
In  presence  of 
WILLI. AM  DAVIS. 
WILLIAM  HUD.^^ON, 
THOMAS  URATTLE. 

Philip  also  in  the  same  year  signed  the  fol- 
lowing Articles  : 

1.  "  We  Philip  and  my  council  and  my 
subjects,  do  acknowledge  ourselves  subji'ct 
to  his  viajesty  the  king  of  England,  and  the 
government  of  New  Plymouth,  and  to  their 
laws, 

2.  "  I  am  willing  and  do  promite  to  pay 
unto  the  govenior  of  Plymouth,  one  hundred 
pounds  in  such  things  as  1  have  :  Hut  I  would 
intieat  the  favour  that  I  might  have  thrt>« 
years  to  j>ay  it  in,  forasmuch  as  1  cannot  do  U 
at  present. 


THE  INDIAN  WARS. 


3.  "  I  do  promise  to  send  unto  the  go- 
vernor, or  whom  he  shrill  ap[>oint,  five  wolves 
heads,  if  1  can  get  them  :  Or,  as  many  as  1 
can  procure,  until  they  come  to  five  wolves 
yearly. 

4.  "  If    any  difference  fall  between  the 
English  and  myself,  and  people,  then  I  do 
promise  to  repair  to  I  he  governor  of  Ply 
mouth,  to  rectify  the  difference  amongst  us. 

5.  "  I  do  promise  not  to  make  war  with 
any,  but  with  the  governor's  approbation  of 
Plymouth. 

6.  "  I  promise  not  to  dispose  of  any  of  the 
lands  that  I  have  at  present,  but  by  the  ap- 
probation of  the  governor  of  Plymouth. 

"  For  the  true  performance  of  the  said 
sachem,  Philip  of  Paukamakett,  do  hereby 
bind  myself  and  such  of  my  council,  as  are 
present,  ourselves,  our  heirs,  our  successors, 
f'aitlifully,  do  promise,  in  witness  thereof,  we 
have  hereunto  subscribed  our  hands,  the  day 
and  year  above  written." 

The  mark  P.  of  Philip, 

the  sachem  of  Pokano/cct, 
The  mark  [of  Uncomdaen, 
The  mark  \  of  Wocokom, 
The  mark  7  of  Samkama." 
In  the  presence  of  the  court  and  divers  oj 
the  magistrates  and  other  gentlemen 
of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut. 
To  which,  for  the  further  clearing  the  justice 
of  the  present  war  the  result  of  the  debate  of 
the  cointnissloners  of  the  urnted  colonies  about 
the  matter  of  the  war  shall  be  here  inserted. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  commissioners  of  the 
united  colonies  held  at  Boston,  September  9th, 
1G75. 

"  We  having  received  from  the  commis- 
eioners  of  Plymouth,  a  narrative,  shewing 
the  rise  and  several  steps  of  that  colony,  as  to 
tlie  pr(?sent  war  with  the  Indians,  which  had 
its  beginning  there,  and  its  progress  into 
Massachusetts,  by  their  insoiencies  and  out- 
rages, murdering  many  persons,  and  burning 
their  iiouses  m  sundry  piantacions  in  botii  colo- 
nies. And  having  duly  considered  the  same, 
do  declare  that  the  said  war  be  both  just  and 
necessary,  and  its  first  rise  only  a  defensive 
war.  And  therefore  we  do  agree  and  con- 
clude that  It  ought  to  be  jointly  prosecuted  by 
all  the  united  colonies,  and  the  charges  thereof 
to  be  borne  and  paid  as  is  agreed  in  the  arti- 
cles of  confederation. 

JOHN  WINTHROP, 
JAMES  RICHARDS, 
THOMAS  DANFORTH, 
WILLIAM  STOUGHTON, 
JOSIAH  WINS  LOW, 
THOMAS  HINCKLEY." 
But  whatever  his  submission  was  before, 
or  his  subjecting  himself  and  his  people  to 
our  king,  or  his  engagement  to  pay  a  sum  of 
money  in  part  of  the  charges  then  occasioned 
by  him  (and  notwithstanding  the  English  in 
or  about  Plymouth,  since,  or  before  that  time 
Were  never  any  ways  injurious  to  him,  or  any 
if  his  people)  all  which  are  fully  declared  in 
a  narrative  given  by  the  commissioners  of  the 
the  colony  of  Plymouth,  wherein  they  also 
8  o'lltied  that  the  settlement  and  issue  of  the 
former  controversy  between  Philip  and  them, 
was  obtained  and  made  (principally)  by  the 
mediation,  and  inposed  advice  and  counsel  of 
the  other  two  confederate  colonies,  and  also 
in  a  letter  under  the  governor's  hand,  in  the 
following  VI  orda : 


"  I  think  I  can  clearly  say,  that  before  these 
present  troubles  broke  out,  the  English  did 
not  possess  one  foot  of  land  In  this  colony,  but 
what  was  fiiirly  obtained  by  honest  purchase 
of  the  Indian  proprietors  :  nay,  because  some 
of  our  people  are  of  a  covetous  disposi- 
tion, and  the  Indii^ns  are  in  their  straits  easily 
prevailed  with  to  ()art  with  their  lands,  we 
first  made  a  law  that  none  sliould  purchase  or 
receive  by  gift,  any  land  of  tlie  Indians  with- 
out the  knowledge  and  allowance  of  our 
court,  and  penalty  of  a  fine,  five  pounds  per 
acre,  for  all  that  should  be  so  bought  or  ob- 
tained. And  lest  yet  they  should  be  straight- 
ened, we  ordered  that  Mount  Hope,  Pocasset, 
and  several  other  necks  of  the  best  land  in 
the  colony,  because  most  suitable  and  conve- 
nient for  them,  should  never  be  bought  out 
of  their  hands,  or  else  they  would  have  sold 
them  long  since.  And  our  neighbours  ut 
Rehoboth  and  Swanzy,  although  they  bought 
their  lands  fairly  of  this  Philip  and  his  father 
and  brother,  yet  because  of  their  vicinity,  that 
they  might  not  trespass  upon  the  Indians,  did 
at  their  own  cost  set  up  a  very  substantial 
fence  quite  across  that  great  neck  between 
the  English  and  the  Indians,  and  payed  due 
damage  if  at  any  time  an  unruly  horse  or 
other  beast  broke  in  and  trespassed. 

"  And  for  divers  years  last  past  (that  all 
occasion  of  offence  in  that  respect  might  be 
prevented)  the  English  agreed  with  Philip  and 
his,  for  a  certain  sum  yearly  to  maintain  the 
said  fence,  and  secure  themselves.  And  if  at 
any  time  they  have  brought  complaints  before 
us,  they  have  had  justice  impartial  and  speedi- 
ly, so  that  our  own  people  have  frequently 
complained,  that  we  erred  on  the  other  hand 
in  shewing  them  over  much  favour. 

JOS.  WINSLOW." 

Marshfield,  May  1,  ]  676. 

Yet  did  this  treacherous  and  perfidious  cai- 
tiff still  harbour  the  same  or  more  mischievous 
thoughts  against  the  English  than  ever  before, 
and  hath  been  since  that  time  plotting  with 
all  the  Indians  round  about,  to  make  a  general 
insurrection  against  the  English  in  all  the  co- 
lonies which,  as  some  prisoners  lately  brought 
in  have  confessed,  should  have  been  put  In 
execution  at  once,  by  all  the  Indians  rising  as 
one  man,  against  all  those  plantations  of  the 
English,  which  were  next  to  them.  The 
Narracransets  having  promised,  as  was  con- 
fessed,  to  rise  with  four  thousand  fightmg  men 
in  the  spring  of  1676.  But  by  the  occasion 
hereafter  to  be  mentioned  about  Sausaman, 
Philip  was  necessitated  for  the  safety  of  his 
own  life  to  begin  the  rebellion  the  year  before, 
when  the  design  was  not  fully  ripe.  Yet 
some  are  ready  to  think,  that  if  his  own  life 
had  not  now  been  in  jeopardy  by  the  guilt  of 
the  murder  of  the  aforesaid  Sausaman,  his 
heart  mierht  have  failed  him  :  when  it  should 
have  come  to  be  put  into  execution,  as  it  dul 
before  in  the  year  1671,  which  made  one  of 
captains,  of  far  better  courage  and  resolution 
than  himself,  when  he  saw  hiscowardly  temper 
and  disposition,  fhngdownhis  arms  calling  him 
a  white  livered  cur,  or  to  that  purpose,  and 
saving  that  he  would  never  own  him  again, 
or  fight  under  him  ;  and  from  that  time  hath 
turned  to  the  English,  and  hath  continued  to 
this  day  a  faithful  and  resolute  soldier  in  their 
quarrels. 

That  the  Indians  had  a  conspiracy  amongst 


firmed l)y  someof  the  IndiansaboutHadley,  al 
though  the  plot  was  not  come  to  maturity  w  hen 
Philip  began,  the  special  provlilonce  of  Ciod 
therein  overruling  the  contrivers  :  for  when 
the  beginning  of  tiic  troubles  first  was  report- 
ed from  JMount  Hope,  many  of  tlii;  Indians 
were  in  a  kind  of  amaze,  not  knowing  well 
what  to  do,  sometimes  ready  to  stand  lor  the 
English,  as  formerly  they  had  been  w  ont  to 
do;  sometimes  ready  to  strike  in  with  Pinlip, 
(which  at  the  last  they  generally  did)  which 
if  it  had  been  foreseen,  much  of  that  mischief 
might  have  been  prevented  that  fell  out  in 
several  places,  more  by  perfidious  and  treach- 
erous dealing  than  any  other  ways;  the  En- 
fjlish  never  imagining  that  after  so  many  oblig- 
ing kindnesses  received  from  them  by  the  In- 
dians, besides  their  many  engagt-ments  and 
protestations  of  friendship  as  Ibrmeily,  they 
would  have  been  so  ungrateful,  perfidiously 
false  and  cruel,  as  they  have  since  proved. 

The  occasion  of  Philip's  so  sudden  taking 
up  arms  the  last  year  was  this — there  was  one 
John  Sausaman  a  very  cunning  and  plausible 
Indian  well  skilled  in  Englisli  language,  and 
bred  up  in  a  profession  of  the  christian  reli- 
gion, employed  as  a  schoolmaster  at  Natick, 
the  Indian  town,  who  upon  some  misdemeanor 
fled  from  his  j)lace  to  Philip,  by  w  hom  Ik; 
was  entertained  in  the  room  and  olUce  of  a 
secretary,  and  his  chief  counst'llors  whom 
he  trusted  with  all  his  affairs  and  secret  coun- 
sels :  but  afterwanis,  w  hether  upon  sling  of 
his  own  conscience,  or  by  tlie  frequent  solici- 
tations of  Mr.  Elliot,  that  had  known  him  from 
a  child  and  instructed  him  in  the  princlpli's 
of  our  religion,  who  was  often  laying  bfflire 
him  the  heinous  sin  of  his  apostacy,  unJ  retnrti- 
'ing  back  to  his  old  vomit  he  was  at  last  pre- 
vailed with  to  forsake  I'hilip,  and  return  back 
to  the  christian  Indians  at  Natick,  where  he 
was  baptized,  manifesting  public  repentance 
for  all  his  former  offences,  and  made  a  serious 
profession  of  the  christian  religion  ;  and  did 
apply  himself  to  preacli  to  the  Indians,  where- 
in he  was  better  gifted  than  any  other  of  the 
Indian  nation,  as  he  was  observed  to  conform 
more  to  the  English  manner  than  any  other 
Indian  ;  yet  having  occasion  to  go  up  with 
some  others  (if  his  countrymen  to  Nainasket  ; 
(now  MIddleborough)  whether  the  advantaijo 
of  fishing,  or  some  such  occasion,  it  matters 
not  ;  lieing  there  not  far  from  Philip's  coiintrv 
he  had  occasion  of  being  in  the  comjirtiiy  of 
Philip's  Indians,  and  Philip  himself ;  b^ 
which  means  he  discerned  by  several  circiim 
stances,  tliat  the  Indians  were  plotting  anew 
against  us  ;  which  out  of  faithfulness  to  the 
English,  the  said  Sausaman  informed  tha 
governor  of,  adding  also,  that  if  it  were  knowi. 
that  he  revealed  it,  he  knew  they  would  pre- 
sentlv  kill  him.  There  appearing  so  nianv 
concurrent  testimonies  from  others  making  it 
the  more  probable,  that  there  was  a  certain 
truth  in  the  information,  some  inquiry  was 
made  into  the  business,  by  examining  Philip 
himself,  and  several  of  his  Indians,  who  al- 
though they  woidd  own  nothing,  yet  could 
not  free  themselves  from  just  suspicion. — 
Philip  therefore  soon  after  contrived  the  said 
Sausaman's  death,  which  was  strangely  dis- 
covered notwithstanding  it  was  so  cutiningly 
effected,  fiir  they  that  murdered  him  met  him 
upon  the  ice  on  a  great  pond,  and  ])resenilv 
after  they  had  knocked  him  down,  put  liim 


themselves  to  rise  against  the  English,  is  con- i  under  the  ice,  yet  leaving  his  gun  and  hat  upou 


034 


A  NARRATIVE  OF 


the  ice,  that  it  might  be  thought  he  fell  in 
acciJeiitully  thioiigL  iWeico  and  was  drowned; 
but  being  missed  by  his  friends,  who  finding 
his  liat  and  gun,  tliey  were  thereby  led  to  tlie 
place,  where  his  body  was  found  under  the 
ice. — When  they  took  liiui  up  to  bury  him, 
Bome  of  his  friends,  parllcuiarly  one  David, 
observed  some  bruises  about  his  head,  which 
tr.ade  them  suspect  tiiat  he  was  first  knocked 
d'jwn  before  he  was  put  into  the  water,  how- 
ever tiiey  buried  him  near  the  place  where  lie 
wasfouiid,  witliout  making  any  further  iiKjuiry 
tt  [)resent:  nevertheless  David  his  friend, 
reported  these  things  to  some  English  at 
Taunton  (a  town  not  far  from  Namasket) 
which  occasioned  the  governor  to  inquire  fur- 
ther into  the  business,  wisely  considering  that 
E-s  Sausaman  had  told  him  tfiat  if  it  were 
known  that  he  related  any  of  their  plots,  they 
would  murder  him  for  his  pains:  wherefore, 
by  special  warrant  the  body  of  Sausaman  being 
digged  again  out  of  his  grave,  it  was  very 
ap[)arent  that  he  had  been  killed  and  not 
drowned.  And  by  a  strange  providence,  an 
Indian  was  found,  that  by  accident  standing 
unseen  upon  a  hill,  had  seen  them  murdering 
the  said  Sausaman,  but  durst  never  reveal  it, 
for  fear  of  losing  his  own  life  likewise,  until 
he  was  called  to  the  court  at  Plymouth,  or 
before  the  governor  where  he  plainly  con- 
fessed what  he  had  seen.  The  murderers 
being  apprehended,  were  convicted  by  his 
undeniable  testimony,  and  other  remarkable 
circumstances,  and  so  were  all  put  to  death, 
being  three  in  number;  the  last  of  them  con- 
fessed immediately  before  his  death,  that  his 
father  (one  of  the  counsellors  .and  special  friends 
of  Philip)  was  one  of  the  two  that  murdered 
Sausaman,  himself  only  looking  on.  This 
tvas  done  at  Plymouth  court,  held  in  June, 
1G75,  insomuch  that  Philip  apprehending  the 
daii.ger  his  own  head  was  in  next,  never  used 
any  further  mi^ans  to  clear  himself  from  what 
was  like  to  be  laid  to  his  charge,  either  about 
his  plotting  against  the  English,  nor  yet  about 
J^dusaman's  death  ;  but  by  keeping  his  men 
continually  about  him  in  arms,  and  gathering 
what  strangers  he  could  to  join  with  him, 
inarciiiiig  up  and  down  constantly  in  arms, 
both  while  the  court  sat  as  well  as  afterwards. 
The  English  of  Plymouth,  hearing  of  all  this, 
yet  took  no  further  notice  than  to  order  a 
military  watch  in  all  the  adjacent  towns  hop- 
ing that  Philip,  finding  himself  not  likely  to 
be  arraigned  t)y  order  of  the  said  court,  the 
present  cloud  unght  blow  over  as  some  others 
of  like  nature  had  done  before  :  but  in  conclii- 
flion,  the  matter  proved  otherwise,  for  Philip 
fitiding  his  strength  daily  Increasing  by  tlu; 
flocking  of  iieiglibouriiig  Indians  unto  him, 
and  sending  over  their  wives  and  children  to 
the  Narragansets  for  security  (as  they  used  to 
tio  when  they  intend(!d  war  with  any  of  their 
enemies)  they  immediat('ly  began  to  alarm 
the  Knglish  at  Swanzey  (the  next  town  to 
Philip's  country)  as  it  were  daring  the  English 
to  begin  ;  at  last  their  insolenciea  grew  to 
ouch  an  height,  that  they  b(^gan  not  only  to 
use  threatening  words  to  the  English,  but  also 
to  kill  ihi-ir  cattle  and  rifle  their  houses; 
whereat  an  Englishman  was  so  jjrovoked, 
that  he  let  fly  a  gun  at  an  Indian,  but  did  only 
wound  licit  kill  him;  whereupon  the  Indians 
immediately  begun  to  kill  all  the  English  they' 
could,  so  that  on  the  24lh  of.Inne,  1G75,  wa's 
the  alarm  uf  war  first  sounded  in  Plymouth  | 


colony,  when  eight  or  nine  of  the  English 
were  slain  in  or  about  Swanzey;  they  first 
making  a  shot  at  a  company  of  English  as 
they  returned  from  the  assembly  where  they 
were  met  in  a  way  of  humiliation  on  that  day, 
whereby  they  killed  one  and  wounded  others, 
and  then  likewise  they  slew  two  men  on  the 
highway,  sent  to  c^ll  a  surgeon  ;  and  the 
same  day  barbarously  murdered  six  men  in 
and  about  a  dwelling-house  in  another  part 
of  the  town  ;  all  which  outrages  were  com- 
mitted so  suddenly,  that  the  English  had  no 
time  to  make  any  resistance  :  for  on  the  1-ith 
day  of  the  same  month,  besides  endeavours 
used  by  Mr.  Brown,  of  Swanzey,  one  of  the 
magistrates  of  Plymouth  jurisdiction,  an  ami- 
cable letter  was  sent  from  the  council  of 
Plymouth  shewing  their  dislike  of  his  prac- 
tices, and  advising  him  to  dismiss  his  strange 
Indians,  and  not  to  suffer  himself  to  be  abused 
by  false  reports,  concerning  them  that  intend 
him  no  hurt ;  but  no  answer  could  be  obtained, 
otherwise  than  threatening  of  war,  which  it 
was  hoped  might  have  been  prevented,  as 
heretofore  it  had  been,  when  things  seemed 
too  look  with  as  bad  a  face  as  they  then  did. 

However,  the  governor  and  council  of 
Plymouth,  understanding  that  Philip  con- 
tinued in  his  resolution,  and  manifested  no  in- 
clination to  peace,  they  immediately  sent  up 
what  forces  they  could  to  secure  the  towns 
thereabouts,  and  make  resistance  as  occasion 
might  be;  and  also  dispatched  away  messen- 
■rers  to  the  Massachusetts  sfoverncr  and  coun- 
cil,  letting  them  know  the  state  of  things 
about  Mount  IIo{)e,  and  desiring  their  speedy 
assistance;  upon  which  care  was  immediately 
taken  with  all  expedition  to  send  such  su])- 
plies  as  were  desired  :  But  in  the  meantime 
two  messengers  were  dispatched  to  Philip, 
to  try  whether  he  could  no!  be  diverted  from 
his  bloody  enterprize,  so  as  to  have  prevent- 
ed the  mischief  since  fallen  out,  hoping,  that 
as  once  before,  viz.  in  the  year  1671,  by  their 
mediation  a  stop  was  put  to  the  like  tragedy, 
so  the  present  war  might  by  the  same  means 
have  been  now  turned  aside  :  For  in  the  said 
year  Philip  had  firmly  engaged  himself,  when 
he  was  at  Boston,  not  to  quarrel  with  Ply- 
month  until  he  had  first  addressed  himself  to 
Massachusetts  for  advice  and  approbation  : 
lJut  the  two  messengers  aforesaid,  findinof  the 
in;>n  slain  in  the  road,  June  24,  as  they  were 
going  for  the  surgeon,  ap()rehended  it  not  safe 
to  proceed  any  further,  considering  also,  that 
a  peace  now  could  not  honourably  be  conclud- 
ed after  such  barbarous  outrages  committed 
upon  some  of  the  neighbour  colony  :  Where- 
fi)re,  returning  with  all  speed  to  Boston,  the 
Massachusetts  forces  were  dispatched  away 
with  all  imaginable  haste,  as  the  exigence  of 
the  matter  did  require,  some  of  them  being 
lhc>n  ii|)on,  or  ready  for  their  march,  the  rest 
were  orilered  to  follow  after,  as  they  could  be 
raised.  The  sending  forth  of  which,  because 
it  was  the  first  engagt^mcnt  in  any  warlike 
j>rpparations  against  the  Indians,  shall  be 
more  particularly  related. 

On  the  2flth  of  tlune,  a  fool  company  un- 
der Caj)t.  Daniel  Henchman,  with  a  troop 
under  ('apt.  Thomas  Prentice,  were  sent  out 
of  Boston  towards  Mount  Hope:  It  being 
late  ill  the  afternoon  before  they  began  to 
I  march,  the  central  eclipse  of  the  moon  in 
Capricorn  happened  in  the  evening  before 
I  they  came  up  to  the  Nepouset  river,  about 


twenty  miles  from  Boston,  which  occasioned 
them  to  make  a  halt,  for  a  little  repast,  till 
the  moon  recovered  her  hght  again.  Somo 
melancholy  fancies  would  not  be  persuaded, 
but  that  the  eclipse  falling  out  at  that  in&tnnt 
of  time  was  ominous,  conceiving  also  that  in 
the  centre  of  the  moon  they  discerned  an  un- 
usual black  spot,  not  a  little  resembling  tho 
scalp  of  an  Indian  :  As  others  not  long  be- 
fore, imagined  they  saw  the  form  of  an  In- 
dian bow,  accountinsf  that  likewise  ominous 
(although  the  mischief  following  were  done 
by  guns,  and  not  by  bows)  both  the  one  and 
the  other,  might  rather  have  thought  of  what 
Marcus  Crassus  the  Roman  general,  going 
forth  with  an  army  against  the  Parthians, 
once  wisely  replied  to  a  private  soldier,  that 
would  have  dissuaded  him  from  marching 
that  time,  because  of  an  eclipse  of  the  moon 
in  Capricorn,  that  he  was  more  afraid  of  Sa- 
gitarius  than  of  Capricorntis,  meaning  tho 
arrows  of  the  Parthians  (accounted  very 
good  archers)  from  whom  as  things  then  fell 
out,  was  his  greatest  danger.  But  after  the 
moon  had  waded  through  the  dark  shadow  of 
the  earth,  and  borrowed  her  light  again,  by 
the  help  thereof,  the  two  companies  marched 
on  towards  Woodcock's  house,  tViirty  miles 
from  Boston,  where  they  arrived  next  morn- 
ing ;  and  there  retarded  their  motion  till  after- 
noon, in  hope  of  being  overtaken  by  a  com- 
pany of  volunteers,  under  the  command  of 
Capt.  Samuel  Moseley,  which  accordingly 
came  to  pass,  so  that  on  June  20,  they  all  ar- 
rived at  Swanzy,  where,  by  the  advice  of 
Capt.  Cudworth  the  commander  in  chief  of 
Plymouth  forces,  they  were  removed  to  the 
head  quarters,  which  for  that  time  was  ap- 
pointed at  Mr.  Miles's  house,  the  minister  of 
Swanzey,  within  a  quarter  of  a  mile  of  the 
bridge,  leadmg  into  Philip's  lands.  They 
arriving  there  some  little  time  before  night, 
twelve  of  the  troops,  unwilling  to  lose  time 
passed  over  the  bridge,  for  discovery,  into 
the  enemies  territories,  w  here  they  found  the 
rude  welcome  of  eight  or  ten  Indians  firing  [ 
upon  them  out  of  the  bushes,  killing  one 
William  Hammond,  wounding  Corporal  Bel- 
cher, his  horse  being  also  shot  down  under 
him;  the  rest  of  the  troopers  having  dischar- 
ged upon  those  Indians,  who  run  away  after 
the  first  shot,  carried  off  their  two  dead  and 
wounded  companions,  and  so  retired  to  their 
main  guard,  for  that  night  pitching  in  a  barri- 
cade about  Mr.  Miles's  house.  The  enemy 
thought  to  have  braved  it  out  by  a  bold  as- 
sault or  tw^o  at  first ;  but  their  hearts  soon  be- 
gan to  fail  them  when  they  perceived  the 
Massachusetts  and  Plymouth  forces  both  en 
gaging  them :  for  the  next  morning  they 
shouted  twice  or  thrice,  at  half  a  mile's  His 
tance,  and  nine  or  ten  of  them  showing  them 
selves  on  this  side  of  the  bridge,  our  horse 
men,  with  the  w  hole  body  of  the  volunteers 
under  Capt.  Mosely,  not  at  a. I  daunted  by 
such  kind  of  alarms,  and  not  w  illing  to  lose 
the  bridge,  ran  down  upon  them  over  tlio 
said  bridge,  pursuing  them  a  m/le  and  a  tjuar- 
ter  on  the  other  side  :  Ensign  Savage,  that 
young  martial  spark,  scarce  twenty  years  of 
age,  had  at  that  time  one  bullet  lodged  in  his 
thinh,  another  shot  through  the  brim  of  his 
hat,  by  ten  or  twelve  of  the  enemy  discharg- 
ing upon  him  together,  while  he  boldly  held 
up  his  colours  in  front  of  his  company  :  But 
the  weather  not  suffering  anv  further  action  ai 


I 


THE    INDIAN  WARS. 


ihat  time,  those  that  were  thus  far  advanced 
\v('ri>  c()mpoll<!(l  to  retreat  back  to  the  main 
guard,  having  first  inaile  a  shot  upon  the  In- 
didiis,  as  they  run  away  into  the  swarnj)  near 
hy,  whereby  they  killed  five  or  six  oi"  them, 
as  \\"ds  understood  soon  after  at  Narrag'anset  : 
This  resolute  charge  of  the  Englisli  forces 
upon  the  enemy  made  them  (juit  their  olace 
on  Mount  Hone  that  very  night,  where  I'.huip 
was  never  seen  after;  till  the  next  year,  when 
he  was  by  a  divine  mandate  sent  back  ;  tliere 
to  receive  the  reward  of  his  wickedness 
where  he  first  began  Ins  mischief:  The  next 
day  IMajor  Savage  that  was  to  command  in 
chief  over  the  Massachusetts  forces  being 
come  up  with  other  sup|)lies,  about  six 
o'clock  over  night  the  whole  V)ody  intended 
to  marcii  into  Mount  Hope,  and  there  beat  up 
the  enemy's  quarters,  or  give  him  battle,  if  he 
durst  abide  it:  But  the  weather  being  doubt, 
ful,  our  forces  did  not  march  till  near  noon, 
about  which  time  they  set  out,  with  a  troop 
of  horse  in  each  wing,  to  prevent  the  danger 
of  the  enemy's  ambuscadoes;  after  they  liad 
marched  about  a  mile  and  a  half,  they  passed 
by  some  houses  newly  burned  :  Not  far  off 
one  of  tliem  found  a  bible  newly  torn,  and  tlio 
leaves  scattered  about,  the  enemy,  in  hatred 
of  our  religion  therein  revealed  ;  two  or  three 
miles  further  they  came  up  with  some  heads, 
scalps,  and  hands  cut  off  from  the  bodies  of 
some  of  the  English,  and  stuck  upon  poles 
near  the  highway,  in  that  barbarous  and  in- 
human manner  bidding  us  defiance;  the  com- 
mander in  chief  g-iving  order  that  those 
monuments  of  the  enemy's  cruelty  should  be 
taken  down  and  buried  ;  The  whole  body  of 
the  forces  still  marched  on  two  miles  further, 
where  they  found  divers  wigwams  of  the 
enemy,  among  which  were  many  things  scat- 
tered up  and  down,  arguing  the  hasty  flight 
cf  the  owners;  half  a  mile  furtlier,  as  they 
passed  on  through  many  fields  of  stately  corn, 
they  found  Philip's  own  wigwam ;  every 
place  giving  them  to  perceive  the  enemy's 
hasty  departure  from  thence  ;  after  they  had 
marched  two  miles  further  they  came  to  the 
seaside,  yet  in  all  this  time  meeting  with  no 
Indians,  nor  any  signs  of  them,  unless  of 
their  flight  to  some  other  places.  The  sea- 
son being  likely  to  prove  very  tempestuous 
and  rainy,  Capt.  Cud  worth  with  some  of  the 
men  of  Plymouth  passed  over  to  Rhode- 
Island.  The  forces  under  Major  Savage 
were  forced  to  abide  all  night  in  the  open 
held,  without  any  shelter,  notwithstanding 
the  abundance  of  rain  that  fell,  and  in  the 
morning  despairing  to  meet  with  an  enemy 
on  Mount  Hope,  tliey  retreated  back  to  their 
head  quarters  at  Swanzy,  in  their  way  meet- 
ing with  many  [ndian  Jogs  that  seemed  to 
have  lost  their  masters.  That  night  Capt. 
Prentice's  troops  for  conveniency  of  quarters 
as  also  for  discovery,  were  dismissed  to  lodge 
at  Seaconk  or  Rehoboth,  a  town  within  six 
miles  of  Swanzy.  As  they  returned  back 
in  the  morning,  Capt.  Prentice  divided  his 
troips,  delivering  one  half  to  Lieut.  Oakes,  and 
ke.  piiig  the  other  himself,  who  as  they  rode 
along,  espied  a  company  of  Indians  burning 
a  lioiise  :  but  could  not  p'lrsue  them  by  rea 
son  of  several  fences,  that  they  could  not  go 
over  till  the  Indians  had  escaped  into  a 
svviunp.  Those  with  Lieut.  Oakes  fiad  the 
like  discovery  but  with  better  success,  as  to 
Jie  adv!"itagc  of  the  ground,  so  as  pursuing 


of  them  upon  a  plain,  they  slew  four  or  five 
of  them  in  the  chase,  whereof  one  was  known 
to  be  Thebe,  a  sachem  of  Mount  Hope,  ano- 
ther of  them  was  a  chief  counsellor  of 
Philip's;  yet  in  this  attempt  the  lieutenant 
lost  one  of  his  company,  Jolin  Druce  by 
name,  who  was  mortally  wounded  in  his 
bowels,  whereof  he  soon  afterward  died,  to 
the  great  grief  of  his  companions.  After  the 
said  troops  came  to  liead  <)uarters  at  Swanzy, 
they  understood  from  Ca[)t.  Cudworth  that 
th<;  en(!my  were  discovered  upon  Pocnsnet,* 
another  neck  of  land  lying  over  an  ami  of  the 
sea  more  towards  Cape  Cod :  However  it 
was  resolved  that  a  more  narrow  search 
should  be  made  after  them,  both  upon  Mount 
Hope  and  upon  the  ground  between  Swanzy 
and  Rehoboth  to  scout  the  swamps  and  as- 
sault them  if  they  could  find  where  they 
were  entrenched.  Capt.  Henchman  and 
Capt.  Prentice  were  ordered  to  search  the 
swamps,  while  Capt.  Mosely  and  Capt.  Paige 
with  their  dragoons  attended  on  Major  Sa- 
vage, should  return  bark  inco  Mount  Hope, 
that  they  should  be  sure  to  leave  none  of  the 
enemy  behind  them,  when  they  should  re- 
move to  pursue  them  elsewhere. 

About  ten  o'clock  the  next  morning,  July 
4th,  Capt  Henchman,  after  a  long  and  tedi- 
ous march,  came  to  the  head  quarters,  and 
informed  that  he  came  upon  a  place  where 
the  enemy  had  newly  been  that  night,  but 
were  escaped  out  of  the  reach :  But  the  fol- 
lowing night  before  they  were  determined 
on  any  other  motion,  Capt.  Hutchinson  came 
up  from  Boston  with  new  orders  for  them  to 
pass  into  Narraganset,  to  treat  with  the 
sachems  there  that  if  it  might  be  so  to  pre- 
vent their  joining  with  Philip.  Capt.  Cud- 
worth  by  this  time  was  come  up  to  the  head 
quarters,  having  left  a  garrison  of  40  men 
upon  Mount  Hope  neck.  The  next  morning 
was  spent  in  consultation  liow  to  carry  on 
the  treaty ;  it  was  then  resolved,  that  they 
should  go  to  make  a  peace  with  a  sword  in 
their  haiuls,  having  no  small  ground  of  sus- 
picion that  the  said  Narragansets  might  join 
with  the  enemy,  wherefore  they  thought  it 
necessary.,  '.o  carry  all  the  Massachusetts 
forces  over  to  the  Narraganset  country,  to 
fight  them  if  they  should  be  needed;  Capt. 
iMosely  passed  over  by  water  to  attend  Capt. 
[lutchinson  in  his  dispatch  ;  the  other  com- 
panies with  the  troopers  riding  round  about. 
As  they  passed  they  found  the  Indians  in 
Pomham's  country  (next  ailjoinlng  to  Philip's 
Ixji-ders)  all  fled,  and  their  wigwams  without 
any  people  in  them. 

After  they  came  to  the  Narraganset  sa- 
chems, three  or  four  days  were  spent  in  a 
treaty,  after  which  a  peace  was  concluded 
with  them  by  the  messengers  of  Connecticut 
colony  (who  were  ordered  to  meet  with  those 
of  Massachusetts  (and  the  command(M-s  of 
the  forces  sent  against  Philip  :  Hostag>?s 
were  also  given  by  the  said  Naragansets  for| 
the  performance  of  the  agreement.  A  copy' 
of  the  said  agreement,  and  the  articles  on 
which  a  peace  was  concluded,  here  follow. 
It  being  always  understood,  that  Plymouth 
colony  was  included  in  the  said  agreement, 
although  their  forces  were  not  then  present, 
but  remained  at  home  near  the  enemy's 
borders,  to  secure  their  towns,  and  oppose 


*  'I'lie  maiiil.uul  over  :ir:iinst  tliP  oaslcrly  end  of  Rlic.de 
Island,  whoro  now  Tivfiislon  isi,  was  called  Ptvassot. 


Philip  as  there  might  be  occasion,  if  he  otTer- 
ed  to  make  any  new  attemut  in  the  mean- 
time. 

Articles,  covenant  and  agreements  had, 
made  and  concluded  by,  and  between  Major 
Thomas  Savage,  Capt.  Edwaid  Hutchiniion, 
and  Mr.  Josej)h  Dudli-y,  in  behalf  of"  the 
government  of  Massaciiusetts  ccrUmy,  and 
JNIajor  Wait  Winlhrop  and  .Mr.  luchard 
Smith,  on  behalf  of  C(inn«'cticut  coloiiv  the 
one  party  ;  and  Agamaug,  W  ampash  a/iaa 
Cormaii,  Taitson  Tawaiieson,  counsellors  and 
attornc^ys  to  Canonicns,  Ninigret  Maliitaog, 
old  queen  Quiapen,  Quananshit  and  Pom- 
ham,  the 'six  present  sachems  of  the  wliole 
Narraganset  country  on  the  other  party,  re- 
ferring to  several  differences  and  troubles 
lately  risen  lietween  them ;  and  for  a  final 
conclusion  of  settled  ])eace  and  amiiv  \>e- 
tween  the  said  sachems,  their  lieirs  and  suc- 
cessors forever,  and  the  governors  of  the 
said  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut,  and 
their  successors  in  the  said  governments 
forever. 

I.  That  all  and  every  of  ifie  sachems  shall 
from  time  to  time  cartduUy  seize,  and  living 
or  dead  deliver  unto  one  or  other  of  the 
above  said  governments,  all  and  every  cf 
sachem  I'hilip's  subjects  whatsoever,  that 
shall  come,  or  be  found  within  the  j)reciiicl 
of  any  otlu^r  lands,  and  that  with  gieat  dili- 
genc(!  and  faithfulness. 

II.  That  tliey  shall  with  their  utmost  abil- 
ity use  all  acts  of  hostility  against  the  said  Phi- 
lip and  his  subjects,  entering  his  lands  or  any 
other  lands  of  the  English,  lo  kill  atid  de- 
stroy the  said  enemy,  until  a  cessation  from 
war  with  the  said  e!>erny  be  concluded  by 
both  the  abovesaid  colonies. 

in.  That  the  said  sachems,  by  themselves 
and  their  agents,  shall  carefully  search  «u;t 
and  deliver  all  stolen  goods  whatsoever  taken 
by  any  of  their  subjects  from  any  of  the  En- 
glish, whether  formerly  or  lately,  and  shall 
make  full  satisfaction  for  all  wrongs  or  itiju 
ries  done  to  the  estate  of  any  of  the  subjects 
of  the  several  colonies,  according  to  the  judg- 
ment of  indifferent  men,  in  case  of  dissatisfac- 
tion between  the  ofl^enders  and  the  oflVnded 
parlies,  or  deliver  the  offenders. 

IV.  That  all  preparations  for  war  or  a<-ts 
of  hostility  against  any  of  the  English  sub- 
jecil,  shall  fiirever  for  the  future  cease  ;  to- 
gether with  all  manner  of  thefts,  pilferings, 
killing  of  cattle,  or  any  manner  of  breach  of 
peace  whatsoever  shall  with  the  utmost  care 
l)e  prevented,  and  instead  thereof,  their 
strength  to  be  used  as  a  guard  round  about  the 
Narraganset  country,  for  the  English  inhabi- 
tants safety  and  security. 

V.  In  token  of  the  abovesaid  sachems' 
reality  in  this  treaty  and  conclusion,  and  for 
the  security  of  the  several  Englisli  govern- 
ments and  subjects,  they  do  freely  deliver 
unto  the  abovesaid  gentlemen,  in  the  behalf 
of  the  abovesaid  colonies,  .lohn  Wobec^nod, 
Weowthim,  Pewkes,  Weencw,  four  of  their 
nearest  kinsmeu  and  choice  frieiids,  to  be  and 
remain  as  hostages  in  several  places  of  the 
English  jurisdictions,  at  the  appointment  of 
the  honourable  governors  of  the  abovesaid 
colonics,  there  to  be  civilly  treated,  not  m 
prisoners,  but  otherwise  at  their  honour's  dis- 
cretion, imtil  the  abovesaid  articles  are  fully 
accomplished  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  several 
ijovernments,  the  departure  of  any  of  I'lcro 


038 


A  NARRATIVE  OF 


in  the  meantime  to  be  accounted  a  breach  of 
tlie  poa'-e,  iuid  of  these  present  articles. 

VI.  The  said  gentleman  in  the  behalf  of 
the  governments  to  which  they  belong,  do 
engage  to  every  the  said  sachems  and  their 
subjects,  that  if  they  or  any  of  them  shall 
seiz'.'  and  bring  into  either  of  the  abovesaid 
English  governments,  or  to  Mr.  Smith  in- 
habitant of  Narraganset,  Philip  Sachem 
alive,  he  or  they  so  delivering,  shall  receive 
for  their  pains,  forty  trucking  cloth  coats,  in 
case  they  bring  his  head,  they  shall  have 
twenty  like  good  coats  paid  them  :  For  every 
living  subject  of  said  Pliili[)'s  so  delivered, 
the  deliverer  shall  receive  two  coats,  and  for 
every  head  one  coat,  as  a  gratuity  for  their 
service  herein,  making  it  appear  to  satisfaction, 
that  the  heads  or  persons  are  belonging  to  the 
enemy,  and  that  they  are  of  their  seizure. 

VII.  The  said  saciiems  do  renew  and  con- 
firm unto  the  English  inhabitants  or  others,  all 
former  grants,  sales,  bargains  or  conveyances 
of  lands,  meadows,  timber,  grass,  stones,  or 
whatever  else  the  English  have  heretofore 
bought  or  quietly  possessed  and  enjoyed,  to 
be  unto  them,  and  their  heirs,  and  assigns  for- 
ever ;  as  also  all  ibrmer  articles  made  with 
the  confederate  colonies. 

Lastly,  'i'he  said  counsellors  and  attornies 
do  premeditately,  seriously,  and  upon  good 
advice  covenant,  and  conclude  and  agree  all 
abovesaid  solemnly,  and  call  Uod  to  witness 
they  are,  and  shall  remain  true  friends  to  the 
English  governments,  and  perform  the.  above 
eaid  articles  puritually,  using  their  utmost 
endeavour,  care  and  faithfulness  iheniin  :  In 
witness  whereof  they  have  set  their  hands  and 
Bcals. 

Pctafjua7nscot,  July,  15,  1675. 
Tawageson,  his  C  mark 
Tayston,  his  D  mark. 
Againoug,  his  T  mark. 
Wampsk  alias  Connan,  his  X  mark. 
Signed,  sealed  and,  delivered  in  t?ie  j'resencc 
of  us  underwritten,  hcing  carefully  inter- 
preted to  the  said  Indians  Injure  sealing. 

DANIKI.  IIK.VCIIMAN, 
THOMAS  PRKNTICE, 
NICHOLAS  I'AIUE, 

JOSEPH  .STA.VTON,  Intcrj). 

HENKY  HAWI.AWS, 
PEUOE  UUKOW, 
JOB  NEKF. 

During  this  treaty  of  peace  with  the  Nar- 
wigansetts,  Capt.  Cudworlh  with  the  forces 
from  Plymouth,  under  his  command,  found 
eomething  to  do  nearer  home,  thougli  of  an- 
other nature  as  it  proved,  viz.  to  make  war 
whilst  the  others  were  (as  they  thought)  mak- 
ing peace:  in  the  first  place  therefore  he  dis- 
patched Capt.  Fuller  (joining  Lieut.  Church 
together  with  him  in  commission)  witli  fifty 
ill  his  company  to  Pocasset,  on  the  same  ac- 
count, as  the  other  went  to  NarragJinset ; 
either  to  conclude  a  peace  with  them,  if  they 
would  continue  friends,  and  give  hostages  for 
the  confirmation  thereof,  or  fight  them  if  they 
bIiouIcI  declare  thcmselv(?s  enemies,  and  join 
with  Philip  ;  himself  intending  to  draw  down 
his  forces  to  R<di()bolh,  to  be  ready  for  a 
«|)eedy  march  to  Taunton,  and  so  down  into 
the  other  side  of  th<!  country,  upon  the  news 
ihiit  some  of  the  enemy  were  burning  and 
Hpollmg  Middl.'liorough  and  I );irtmoiilh,  two 
■  mall  villa^'cs  lying  in  iIk;  Wiiy  betwixt  Pocas- 
•ot  o'^d  Pl\nnniih.  I 'poll  Thursday,  July  7lh, 


Capt.  Fuller  and  Lieutenant  Church  went  into 
Pocasset  to  seek  after  the  enemy,  or  else  as 
occasion  might  serve  to  treat  with  those  Indians 
at  Pocasse.,,  with  whom  Mr.  Church  vi'as  very 
well  acquainted,  always  holding  good  corres- 
pondence with  them.  After  they  had  spent 
that  day  and  most  of  the  night,  in  traversing 
the  said  Pocasset  neck,  and  watching  all  night 
in  a  house  which  they  found  there,  they  could 
hear  no  tidings  of  any  Indians  ;  insomuch  that 
Capt.  Fuller  began  to  be  weary  of  his  design  : 
Mr.  Church  in  the  meanwhile  assuring  him 
that  they  should  find  Indians  before  it  were 
long,  yet  for  greater  expedition  they  divided 
their  company,  Capt.  Fuller  taking  down  to- 
ward the  sea  side,  where  it  seems,  after  a  little 
skirmishing  with  them  wherein  one  man  only 
received  a  small  wound,  he  either  saw  or 
heard  too  many  Indians  for  himself  and  his 
company  to  deal  with,  which  made  him  and 
them  betake  themselves  to  a  house  near  the 
water  side,  from  whence  they  were  fetched 
off  by  a  sloop  before  night,  to  Rhode  Island. 
Capt.  Church  (for  so  he  may  well  be  styled 
after  this  time)  marched  further  into  the  neck, 
imagining  that  if  there  were  Indians  in  the 
neck,  they  should  find  them  about  a  pease  field 
not  far  off.  As  soon  as  they  came  near  tlie 
said  field  he  espied  two  Indians  among  the 
pease,  who  also  at  the  same  time  espied  him  ; 
and  presently  making  some  kind  of  shout,  a 
great  number  of  Indians  came  about  the  fitdd, 
pursuing  the  said  Capt.  Church  and  his  men 
in  great  numbers  to  the  sea  side  :  there  being 
not  above  fifteen  with  Church,  yet  seven  or 
eight  score  of  Indians  pursuing  after  them. 
Now  was  fit  time  for  this  young  captain  and 
his  small  company  to  handsel  their  valour 
upon  this  great  rout  of  Indians,  just  ready  to 
devour  them  :  but  victory  stands  no  more  in 
tlie  number  of  soldiers,  than  verity  in  the  plu- 
rality of  voices  :  and  although  some  of  these 
fifteen  had  scarce  courage  enoutjh  for  them- 
selves,  yet  their  captain  had  enough  for  him- 
self, and  some  to  spare  for  his  friends,  which 
he  there  had  an  opportunity  of  improving  to 
the  full.  When  he  saw  the  hearts  of  any  of 
his  followers  to  fail,  he  would  bid  them  be  of 
good  courage  and  fight  stoutly,  and  (possibly 
by  some  divine  impression  upon  his  heart) 
assur<;d  them  not  a  bullet  of  the  enemy  should 
hurt  any  one  of  them  :  which  one  of  the  com- 
pany more  dismayed  tlian  the  rest  cotild 
hardly  believe,  till  he  saw  the  proof  of  it  in 
his  own  person,  for  the  captain  jierceiving  the 
man  was  not  able  to  fight,  made  him  gather 
rocks  together  for  a  kind  of  shelter  and  barri- 
cado  for  the  rest,  that  must  either  of  necessity 
fight  or  fall  by  the  enemies.  It  chanced  as  this 
fiiint  hearted  soldier  had  aflat  stone  in  his  arms, 
and  was  carrying  to  the  shelter  that  he  was 
making  upon  the  bank,  a  bullet  of  the  enemy 
was  thus  warded  from  his  body  by  which  he 
must  else  have  perished,  which  experience 
put  lunv  life  into  him,  so  as  he  followed  his 
l)usiness  very  manfully  af"ierward,  insomuch 
that  they  tlefended  ihemsidves  under  a  small 
shelter  hastily  made  up,  all  that  afternoon,  not 
one  being  either  slain  or  wounded,  yet  it  was 
certainly  known  that  thoy  killed  at  least  fiif- 
lecui  of  their  enemies  :  and  at  the  last  when 
they  had  spent  all  their  ammunition,  and  made 
t!:«.''r  guns  unserviceable  by  often  firing,  they 
W(!re  fetched  all  off  by  (^apt.  (toldings  sloo]> 
and  carried  safe  *x)  Rhode  Island  in  spite  of 
all  their  cnm-ifis  :  yea,  such  was  the  bold  and 


undaunted  courage  of  this  champion,  Capt* 
Church,  not  willing  to  leave  any  token  behind 
of  their  flying  for  want  of  courage,  he  went 
back  in  the  face  of  his  enemies  to  fl'tch  his  hat, 
which  he  had  left  at  a  spring,  whither  the  ex 
treme  heat  of  tVie  weather,  and  his  labour  in 
fighting  had  caused  him  to  repair  for  the 
quenching  of  his  thirst  an  hour  or  two  before. 
It  seems  in  the  former  jiart  of  the  same  day. 
five  men  coming  from  Rhode  Island,  to  look 
up  their  cattle  upon  Pocasset  neck,  were  as- 
saulted by  the  same  Indians;  one  of  the  five 
was  Capt.  Church's  servant,  who  had  his  leg 
broke  in  the  skirmish,  the  rest  hardly  escaping 
with  their  lives  :  this  was  the  first  time  that 
ever  any  mischief  was  done  by  the  Indians 
upon  Pocasset  neck.  Those  of  Rhode  Island 
were  hereby  alarmed  to  look  to  tiiemselves, 
as  w^ell  as  the  restof  the  English  of  Plymouth, 
or  the  Massachusetts  colony. 

This  assault  rather  lieightened  and  increas- 
ed than  daunted  the  courage  of  Capt.  Church  ; 
for  not  making  a  cowardly  flight,  but  a  fair 
retreat,  which  providence  offered  him  by  the 
sloop  aforesaid,  after  his  ammunition  was  spent, 
he  did  not  stay  long  at  Rhode  Island,  but  has- 
tened over  to  the  Massachusetts  forces,  and 
borrowing  three  files  of  men  of  Capt.  Hench- 
man with  his  lieutenant;  Mr.  Church  and  he 
returned  again  to  Pocasset,  where  they  had 
another  skirmisli  with  the  enemy,  wherein 
some  few  of  them  (fourteen  or  fifteen)  w  vre 
slain,  which  struck  such  a  terror  into  I'hilip, 
that  he  betook  himself  to  the  swamps  about 
P(;casset,  where  he  lay  hid  till  the  return  of 
the  rest  of  the  forces  from  the  Narragansets, 
like  a  wild  boar  kept  at  bay  by  this  small 
party  till  more  hands  came  up. 

Thus  were  the  Plymouth  forces  busied, 
during  the  time  of  the  treaty  with  the  Narra- 
gansetts,  which  being  issued  as  it  was  : 

On  Friday  July  15, our  forces  marclicd  for 
and  arrived  at  Rehoboth,  where  having  no 
intelligence  of  the  enemy  nearer  than  a  great 
swamp  on  Pocasset,  eighteen  miles  from 
Taunton ;  they  marched  next  day  twelve 
miles  to  a  house  at  Metapoiset  (a  small  neck 
of"  land  in  the  bottom  of  Taunton  Bay,  in  the 
midway  between  Mount  Hope  and  Pocasset 
Neck)  from  whence  they  marched  for  Taun- 
ton, July  17,  whither  after  a  tedious  march 
of  20  miles,  they  came  in  the  evening,  and 
found  the  peoj)le  generally  gathered  into  eight 
garrison  houses. 

On  Monday,  July  IS,  they  marched  18 
miles  before  they  could  reach  the  swamp 
where  the  enemy  was  lodged  :  as  soon  as  they 
came  to  the  place,  Plymouth  forces  being  now 
joined  with  them,  our  soldiers  resolutely  en- 
tered i;i  amongst  the  enemies,  who  took  the 
advantage  of  the  thick  under-wood,  to  make 
a  shot  at  them  that  first  entered,  whereby  five 
were  killed  outright,  seven  more  wounded, 
some  of  whose  wounds  proved  mortal  :  after 
the  first  shot,  the  enemy  retired  deeper  into 
the  swamp,  deserting  their  wigwams  (about 
100  in  all)  newly  made  of  green  bark,  so  as 
they  would  not  burn  :  in  one  of  them  ihey 
finind  an  old  man,  who  confessed  that  Philip 
had  been  lal"ly  there.  Having  sjient  some 
lime  in  searching  the  swamp,  and  tired  them- 
selves to  no  purpose,  (yet  it  was  said  that  one 
half  hour  more  would  have  at  that  time  utterly 
subdued  Philip  and  all  his  power)  the  com- 
mander in  chief,  night  drawing  on  apnco,  not 
thinking  it  •  afe  to  tarry  longer  in  oo  daiigerouf 


THE  I  NM)I  AN   W  A  R  a 


C37 


a  p'.iice,  \vl  ;re  everv  «ne  was  in  as  much 
daiigi.T  of  his  felU'^^'s  as  his  foes,  being  ready 
lo  Krc  upon  every  hush  they  saw  move,  sup- 
posing' Indians  wore  tiiere,  ordered  a  retreat 
to  be  sounded,  that  they  riiiglit  have  time  to 
dispose  of  their  dead  and  wounded  men, 
which  accordingly  was  attended  to  ;*  Ply- 
moucl:  forces  who  had  entered  in  the  rear, 
returning  in  the  front,  it  was  judged  that  the 
enemy  being  by  this  means  brought  into  a 
pound,  it  would  be  no  hard  matter  to  deal 
with  them,  and  that  it  would  be  needless 
charge  to  keep  so  many  companies  of  soldiers 
together  to  wait  upon  such  an  inconsiderable 
enemy,  now  almost  as  good  as  taken;  where- 
upon most  of  the  companies  belonging  to 
JNIassachusetts  were  drawn  off,  only  Capt. 
Henchman  with  100  foot  being  left  there  to- 
gether with  the  Plymouth  forces,  to  attend 
the  enemy's  motion,  being  judged  sufficient 
for  that  end.  Major  Savage,  Capt.  Paige, 
with  Capt.  Mosely  and  their  companies  return- 
ed to  Boston  :  Capt.  Prentice  with  his  troop 
were  ordered  towards  Mcndham,  where  it 
seems,  about  the  middle  of  July,  some  In- 
dians, wishing  well  to  Philip's  design,  had 
made  an  assault  upon  some  of  the  inhabitants, 
as  they  were  at  labour  in  the  field,  killing  five 
or  six  of  them;  as  soon  as  they  had  done, 
flying  away  into  the  woods,  so  as  they  could 
not  easily  be  pursued.  Tlie  inhabitants  of 
the  same  village,  lying  in  the  heart  of  the  ene- 
my's country,  began  to  be  discouraged,  so  as 
within  a  little  time  after,  they  forsook  the  place, 
al)andoning  their  houses  to  the  fury  of  the 
enemy,  which  by  them  were  soon  after  turned 
into  ashes.  But  to  return  to  King  Philip,  who 
was  now  lodged  in  the  great  swamp  upon 
Pocasset  neck,  of  seven  miles  long  :  Capt. 
Henchman  and  the  Plymouth  forces  kept  a 
diligent  eye  upon  the  enemy,  but  were  not 
wining  to  run  into  the  mire  and  dirt  after  them 
in  a  dark  swamp,  being  taught  by  late  expe- 
rience how  dangerous  it  is  to  fight  in  such  dis- 
mal woods,  when  their  eyes  were  muffled 
with  the  leaves,  and  their  arms  pinioned  with 
the  thick  boughs  of  the  trees,  as  their  feet 
were  continually  shackled  with  the  roots 
spreading  every  way  in  those  boggy  woods. 
Tt  is  ill  fighting  with  a  wild  beast  in  his  own 
den. — They  resolved  therefore  to  starve  them 
out  of  the  swamp,  where  they  knew  full  well 
they  could  not  long  subsist :  to  that  end  they 
began  to  build  a  fort,  as  it  were  to  beleaguer 
the  enemy,  and  prevent  his  escape  out  of  the 
place,  where  they  thought  they  had  him  fast 
enough.  Philip  in  the  meantime  was  not  ig- 
norant of  what  was  doing  without,  and  was 
ready  therein  to  read  his  own  doom,  if  he 
tarried  much  longer  there,  he  knew  he  should 
fall  into  their  hands,  from  whom  he  could  ex- 
pect no  mercy  :  the  case  therefore  being  des- 
perate, he  resolved  with  an  hundred  or  two 
of  his  best  fighting  men  to  make  an  escape  by 
the  water,  all  passages  by  the  land  being 
sufficiently  guarded  by  the  English  forces. 
The  swamp  where  they  were  lodged  being 
not  far  from  an  arm  of  the  sea,  coming  up  to 
Taunton,  they  taking  the  advantage  of  a  low 
tide,  either  waded  over  one  night  in  the  end 
of  July,  or  else  wafted  themselves  over  upon 
small  rafts  of  timber,  very  early  before  break 
of  day,  by  which  means  the  greatest  part  of 
his  company  escaped  away  into  the  woods, 

'  The  Er.glisli  lost  fifteen  men  in  this  expedition— 
I!  U:hinson. 


I  leading  into  the  Nipniuck  country,  akogether 
unknown  to  the  English  forces  that  lay  en- 
camped on  the  otiier  side  of  the  swamp.  About 
one  hundred  more  of  the  women  and  children 
which  were  likely  to  be  rather  burdensome 
than  serviceable,  were  left  behind,  who  soon 
after  resigned  U|). themselves  to  tlie  mercy  of 
the  English.  Philip's  escape  thus  from  Pocas- 
set could  not  long  be  concealed  after  the  day 
appeared,  there  being  much  champaign  land 
through  which  he  was  to  pass,  and  being  dis- 
covered by  the  inhabitants  of  llehoboth,  they 
presently  lc_)llowed  him,  together  with  a  party 
of  the  Mohegins,  that  a  little  before  came  to 
Boston,  offering  their  services  against  Philip, 
and  were  sent  into  those  parts  to  be  ordered 
by  Capt.  Henchman,  but  before  they  came  to 
him  were  easily  persuaded  to  go  along  with 
any  of  the  English  that  were  engaged  in  the 
pursuit  of  Philip.  News  also  thereof  was 
carried  to  Capt.  Henchman,  who  as  soon  as 
he  could  get  over  with  six  files  of  men  (row- 
ing hard  all  or  most  part  of  the  day  to  get  to 
Providence)  followed  after  the  enemy.  The 
Mohegins  with  the  men  of  Rehoboth,  and 
some  of  Providence  came  vipon  their  rear 
over  night  slew  about  30  of  them,  took  much 
plunder  from  them,  without  any  considerable 
loss  to  the  English.  Capt.  Henchman  came 
not  up  to  them  (pursuing  them  only  by  the 
track)  till  the  skirmish  was  over,  and  having 
marched  22  miles  that  day,  was  not  well  able 
to  go  any  further  that  night ;  on  the  other 
hand,  the  forces  that  came  from  Rehoboth  and 
those  belonging  to  Plymouth,  having  left  their 
horses  three  miles  off,  could  not  go  back  to 
fetch  them  without  much  loss  of  time,  and 
therefore  looking  at  it  altogether  bootless  to 
go  after  them  in  the  morning,  returned  bac' 
the  next  day,  leaving  Captain  Henchman  with 
his  six  files,  and  the  Mc»hegins  to  pursue  the 
chase  to  Nipsachet,  which  he  did  the  next 
morning.  Capt.  Henchman,  that  he  might 
the  belter  engage  the  Mohegins  to  march  with 
him  30  miles,  gave  them  half  his  provision, 
and  was  himself  recruited  again  by  the  care  of 
Capt  Edmunds  of  Providence,  Lieut.  Brown 
who  brought  provision  after  him  to  the  Nip- 
muck  forts.  Mr.  Newman  the  minister  of 
Rehoboth,  deserved  not  a  little  commendation 
for  exciting  his  neighbours  and  friends  to  pur- 
sue thus  far  after  Philip  animating  of  them  by 
by  his  own  example  and  presence  :  but  why 
Philip  was  followed  no  further,  it  is  better  to 
suspend  than  too  critically  inquire.  This  is 
now  a  third  time  when  a  good  opportunity  of 
suppressing  the  rebellion  of  the  Indians,  was 
put  into  the  hands  of  the  English  ;  but  time 
and  chance  happeneth  to  all  men,  so  that  the 
most  likely  means  are  often  frustrated  of  their 
desired  end.  All  human  endeavours  shall 
arrive  at  no  other  success,  than  the  counsel  of 
God  hath  pre-ordained,  that  no  flesh  might 
glory  in  their  own  wisdom,  but  give  unto  God 
the  praise  of  all  their  successes,  and  quietly 
bear  whatever  miscarriages  he  hath  ordered 
to  befal  them.  It  appears  by  the  issue  of  these 
things,  that  although  this  wound  was  not  incura- 
ble, yet  m.uchmore  blood  must  be  taken  away 
before  it  could  be  healed.  But  by  this  means 
Philip  escaped  away  to  the  westward,  kind- 
ling the  flame  of  war  in  all  the  western  plan- 
tations of  the  Massachusetts  colony  wherever 
he  came,  so  that  by  this  fatal  accident  the  fire 
that  was  in  a  likely  way  to  be  cxiinguised,  as 
soon  almost  as  it  began,  did  on  a  sudden  break 


out  through  the  wliole  jurisdiction  of  Mass* 
chusetts  colony,  both  eastward  and  wcstv.'ard, 
endangering  also  iIk;  neighbouring  colony  of 
Connecticut,  which  hath  also  siiHi.Tcd  some- 
what by  the  fury  of  this  fiame,  llioiigh  not 
considerable  to  what  the  other  colonies  Lave 
undergone. 

While  things  after  this  manner  proceeded 
in  and  about  the  colony  of  Plymouth,  the 
commissioners  of  the  rest  of  the  colonies  were 
consulting  and  advising  what  was  to  be  done 
to  prevent  the  mischief  threatened  from 
spreading  any  further,  fearing,  (as  indeed 
there  was  too  much  cause)  that  although 
Philip  only  appeared  to  make  the  first  at- 
tempt, yet  more  either  already  were,  or  soon 
might  be  persuaded  tojoin  with  liim  in  acting 
tJiis  bloody  tragedy. 

It  hath  been  already  declared  what  hath 
been  done  for  the  securing  of  the  Narrngari 
sets,  those  that  were  setit  as  messengers  on 
that  errand,  always  reported  that  the  elder 
people  were  in  appearance,  not  only  inclinable 
to  peace,  but  seemed  very  desirable  thereof, 
insomuch  as  their  two  elder  sachems  express- 
ed much  joy  when  it  was  concluded  ;  but  at 
since  hath  appeared,  all  was  but  to  gain  time, 
and  cover  their  treaclierous  intents  and  pur- 
poses, that  they  might  in  the  next  spring  fall 
upon  the  English  plantations  all  at  once,  as 
some  prisoners  lately  brought  in  have  owned 
and  confessed  ;  nor  have  any  of  those  Indians 
with  whom  the  present  war  hath  been,  ever 
regarded  any  agreements  of  peace  made  with 
the  English,  further  than  necessity  and  slavish 
fear  compelled  thereunto,  as  may  be  seen  by 
the  records  of  the  united  colonies  from  the 
year  1643  to  the  present  time,  notwithstand- 
ing all  their  fair  pretences  ;  for  Ninlgret,  the 
old  sachem  of  the  Narragansetts,  who  alor.e 
of  all  the  rest  of  that  country  sachems  dis- 
owned the  present  war,  and  refused  to  liavo 
any  hand  therein,  had  threatened,  as  was 
proved  to  his  face  before  the  commissioners, 
in  the  years  1646  and  1647,  that  they  would 
carry  on  the  war  against  the  Mohegins,  what- 
ever were  the  mind  of  the  commissioners, 
and  tliat  they  would  kill  the  English  cattle,  and 
heap  them  up  as  high  as  their  wigwams,  and 
that  an  Englishman  should  not  stir  out  of  his 
door  but  they  should  kill  him  ;  all  which  ho 
could  not  deny,  yet  this  old  fox  made  them 
promises  of  peace,  when  the  dread  of  the 
English  ever  since  the  Pequod  war  moved 
him  thereunto  ;  forseeing  as  he  is  said  to  have 
told  his  neighbours,  that  they  would  all  be 
ruined  if  they  made  war  with  the  English, 
as  is  since  come  to  pass.  However,  the  good 
hand  of  God  was  seen  in  so  ordering  things, 
that  the  Narragansets  were  for  the  present 
restrained  from  breaking  out  into  open  hosti- 
lity against  the  English,  at  the  time  when 
Philip  began  ;  which  if  they  had  then  done, 
according  to  the  eye  of  reason,  it  would  have 
been  very  difficult,  if  possible,  for  the  English 
to  have  saved  any  of  their  inland  plantations 
from  being  destroyed.  Thus,  although  God 
hath  in  his  wisdom  suffered  so  much  of  the 
ra<je  of  the  heathen  to  be  let  loose  agalns; 
this  people  liere,  as  sorely  to  scourge  them, 
that  by  the  wrath  of  men  praise  might  be 
vieided  lo  his  holy  name,  vet  hath  he  m  hij 
abundant  goodness  restrained  the  remainder 
that  it  should  not  ronsnme. 

The  next  thing  in  order  to  be  related  .sthe 
calamity  that  befel  the  village  of  Brockf'jcW!, 


A   NARRATIVE  OF 


whicli,  111)1  witKslanding  all  iht;  care  lliat  was; 
InktM!,  f<'ll  into  the  hands  of"  tlie  perKdious 
Ninj)e*.  liKiimis,  as  sliall  here  in  tlie  next 
pUice  ho  declared  ;  only  as  \vc  pass  along,  to 
remind  the  reader  in  a  few  words,  wiiat  was 
the  issue  of  Capt.  Henchman's  pursuit  of" 
Philip.  Tlie  Plymouth  forces  being  return- 
ed borne,  as  was  said  before,  Capt.  Hencli- 
tnun  with  bis  six  file  of  men,  and  the  Moliegin 
Indians,  having  continued  in  tlie  pursuit  of 
Philip  till  they  had  spent  all  their  provision, 
and  tired  themselves,  yet  never  coming  within 
siffht  of  him,  the  Mohegin  Indians  in  their 
company  directed  them  to  3Iendhatn,  and 
then  leaving  them,  returned  also  to  their  own 
country.  Capt.  Henchman  in  his  march  to- 
wards Mendham,  or  at  Mendham,  met  with 
(\ipt.  Mosely  coming  to  bring  liim  provision, 
and  advertising  liim  of  what  success  he  liad 
met  with  in  his  pursuit,  they  altered  their 
course,  for  Capt.  Henchman  was  sent  down  to 
the  governor  and  council,  to  know  what  tliey 
should  do  :  They  presently  remanded  him  to 
PocJisset,  and  ordered  liim  to  stay  there  if 
there  was  need,  or  else  to  draw  off,  sur- 
renderinar  the  fort  he  had  been  buildinpf  to 
the  Plymouth  forces,  which  last  was  chosen 
l)V  those  of  Plymouth,  whereupon  Captain 
Henchman  returning  to  Boston,  was  ordered 
to  disliand  his  men.  Captain  Mosely  was  or- 
dered to  march  to  Quabaog  or  Jirookfield, 
where  he  continued  awhile,  with  the  other 
captains  sent  up  for  the  relief  of  tlie  people 
tlicie,  and  to  seek  after  the  enemy  in  those 
Woods;  but  after  some  time  spent  in  ranging 
the  country  thereabouts,  not  meeting  with  any 
of  the  intidels,  he  with  his  company  c.ime 
downwards,  searching  the  woods  betwixt 
Lancaster  (where  a  man  and  his  wife  with  two 
cliililren  were  slain  on  the  Lord's  day,  Aug. 
22)  and  Marlboro',  where  also  a  lad  keeping 
sheep  w:is  shot  at  by  a.ti  Indian  that  wore  a 
sign,  as  if  he  had  been  a  friend  :  the  Indian 
was  suppostul  to  belong  to  the  Hassiinemcsil 
Indians,  at  that  titne  confined  in  Marlljorough, 
where  they  had  liberty  to  dw(!ll  in  a  kind  of 
fort.  riie  next  day  the  inhabitants  sent  to 
demand  their  guns;  Capt.  INIosely  acquainted 
therewith,  marcheil  to  the  fort  and  found 
much  suspicion  against  eleven  of  tliem,  for 
siiiuui'i  and  daiicintr,  and  havinj;  bullets  and 
slugs,  and  much  [)owder  hid  in  their  baskets  ; 
insomuch  that  eleven  of  them  were  sent  down 
prisoners  to  Boston,  upon  suspicion  that  they 
liad  had  a  hand  in  kiUing  the  four  at  Lancas- 
ter, and  shooting  at  the  Marlborough  shep- 
hard  :  liutupoii  trial,  the  said  prisoners  were 
all  r)f  them  ac<]iiitted  of  the  fact,  and  were 
either  released,  or  else  were,  with  others  of 
that  fort,  sent  for  better  security,  and  for  pre- 
venting furtlier  trouble  of  the  like  kinii,  to 
some  of  the  islands  below  Boston  toward 
Nantasket. 

About  this  time  Capt.  Mosely  was  sent 
with  a  eomjiany  of  soldiers  to  some  Indian 
plaritaticms  upon  Merrim.ic  river,  as  liigh  as 
Pennycook,  but  they  found  no  Indians  there; 
ihosi!  th;a  beloniTeil  to  tlie  place  havinjr  witli- 
drawn  themselves  from  their  native  jilace, 
that  they  might  not  meddle  in  the  pres»'iit 
quarrel,  ILS  is  confidimtly  believed  that  Wooii- 
alonset  the  sachem  of  that  company  liad  so  ro- 
•olved.  That  coast  being  clear  of  the  eiie- 
mii's.  Capt.  Mosely  soon  after  was  sent  up 
w  ith  his  m«'ii  to  the  towns  westward  about 
Hudley,  if  it  might  be,  to  subdue  the  enemy, 


who  a  little  l>ei(>re,  and  at  that  lime,  was 
doing  all  tlie  mischief  he  could  in  those  west- 
ern plantations,  both  by  fire  and  sword. 

But  to  return  and  pursue  the  reliellious  In- 
dians, and  keep  pace  with  them  in  our  his- 
tory, though  our  forces  as  yet  could  never 
overtake  them  in  the  woods.  The  governor 
and  council  of  Massachusetts  were  sensible 
of  as  much  danger  from  the  Nipnet  Indians, 
as  from  the  former ;  they  being  the  inland 
part  of  the  country  betwixt  the  sea  coast  and 
Connecticut  river  westward,  and  the  towns 
about  the  Massachusetts  bay  eastward,  where- 
upon some  persons  that  used  to  trade  with  the 
said  Nipnets,  were  sent  to  sound  them,  and 
find  how  they  stood  affected,  for  which  also 
there  was  the  more  reason,  because  they 
were  always  in  subjection  to  the  sachem  of 
Mount  Hope,  and  so  were  the  more  like  to 
engage  in  the  present  quarrel ;  of  which  there 
had  been  sufficient  proof  already  ;  when  14th 
of  July,  some  of  the  Nipnet  Indians  next 
bordering  on  Philip's  country  set  upon  some 
of  tli(!  inhabitants  of  Mendham,*  where  they 
killed  four  or  five  persons,  which  was  the  first 
mischief  done  upon  any  of  the  inhabitants 
within  tiie  jurisdiction  of  Massachusetts,  ac- 
ted as  was  said  by  one  Matooiias,  who  was 
father  to  him  that  had  committed  a  murder 
soon  after  Philip's  first  rebellion,  Anno.  1671. 
The  mcssentjer  that  was  sent  thither,  brought 
word  back  that  they  found  the  said  Indians 
wavering:  the  young  men  very  surly  and 
insolent,  the  ehler  ones  shewing  some  incli- 
nation to  maintain  the  wonted  peace.  Scon 
after,  July  28,  1675,  Capt.  Wheeler  was  sent 
to  assist  Cajit.  Hutchinson  with  a  party  of  20 
horse  to  treat  further  about  the  peace,  who 
going  first  to  Quabaog,  or  Brookfield,  (a  town 
situate  about  60  or  70  miles  from  Boston,  in 
the  road  of  Connecticut,  lying  about  25  miles 
from  the  said  river,  and  not  far  distant  from 
the  cliief  seat  of  the  Nipnet  Indians)  the  in- 
habitants of  the  said  Brookfield  had  been  so 
deluded  by  those  treacherous  villains,  that 
fearing  no  danger,  they  obtained  of  those 
Ni[)iiets,  the  promise  of  a  treaty  upon  the  2d 
of  August;  whereupon  some  of  the  chief  of 
the  town  rode  ahnig  unarmed  with  the  said 
Wheeler  and  Hutchinson,  with  their  party  of 
horse,  until  they  came  to  the  place  appointed  ; 
but  finding  no  Indians,  so  secure  were  they, 
that  they  ventured  along  further,  to  find  the 
infidels  at  their  chief  town,  never  suspecting 
th(!  least  danger,  but  when  they  had  rode  four 
or  five  miles  that  way,  they  fell  into  an  am- 
bush of  two  or  three  hundred  Indians,  laid  in 
such  a  narrow  passage,  betwixt  a  steep  hill  on 
the  one  liand,  and  an  hideous  swamp  on  the 
other,  that  it  was  scarce  possible  for  any  of 
them  to  escape,  eight  of  them  being  shot 
down  upon  the  phuH^  (whereof  three  were;  of 
Brookfielii)  and  three  mortally  wounded, 
whereof  Capt.  Hutchinson  was  one;  Capt. 
Wheeler  was  also  near  losing  his  life,  whose 
hors(>  was  .shot  down  under  him  aiul  himself 
shot  through  the  body,  so  that  all  manner  of 
hopes  to  escapi?  had  been  removed  from  him, 
had  It  not  been  for  his  son,  who  was,  by  (ioiKs 
good  providence,  near  or  next  unto  him,  this 
son  being  of  undaunted  courage,  (notwith- 
standing his  own  arm  was  broken  with  a  bul- 
let) with  great  nimb'eness  and  agility  of  body 
dismountad  himself,   and  speedily  mounted 

•  A  town  siinnlc  norfliward  fniin  Mount  Hopo,  wiiliin 
36  iiiilua  of  RoBlon. 


Ills  falluM'  upon  his  own  horse,  Inmseil  getting 
upon  another,  whose  master  was  killed,  by 
winch  means  they  both  escaped,  ai.d  were 
afterwards  cured.  Much  ado  had  those  that 
were  left  alive  to  recover  Brookfic  .1.  Vi  hicb 
in  all  prolwbilty  they  would  never  have  done 
(the  common  road  being  waylaid  with  In- 
dians on  every  side  as  was  afterwards  known) 
had  It  not  been  for  one  well  acquainted  with 
those  woods,  who  led  them  in  a  bv  path,  by 
which  means  they  got  thither  a  little  before 
the  Indians,  who  quickly  came  flocking  into 
the  town,  with  full  intent  to  dt^stroy  it  with 
fire  and  sword.  But  by  sjiecial  providence 
the  inhabitants  were  all  gathered  to  the  prin- 
cipal house  of  the  village  (there  being  scarce 
20  in  the  town)  before  the  barbarous  mis. 
creants  came  upon  them,  immediately  setting 
fire  upon  all  the  dwelling  houses  with  most 
of  the  other  buildings  in  the  town,  save  that 
one  into  which  the  inhabitants  were  retired 
which  they  several  times  attempted  to  burn, 
but  were  almost  miraculously  defeated  of 
their  purpose  by  the  immediate  hand  of  God 
In  the  mount  of  the  Lord  it  shall  be  seen. 
For  when  they  had  for  two  days  assaiilteo 
that  poor  handful  of  helpless  people,  both 
night  and  day  pouring  in  shot  upon  them  in 
C(!ssaiitly  with  guns,  and  also  thrusting  poles 
with  fir(;  brands,  and  rags  dipt  in  brimstone 
tied  to  the  ends  of  them  to  fire  the  house;  at 
last  they  used  this  devilish  stratagem,  to  fill 
a  cart  with  hemp,  fiax  and  other  combustible 
matter,  and  so  thrusting  it  backward  with 
poles  spliced  together  a  great  length,  after 
they  had  kindled  it;  but  as  soon  as  it  had  be- 
gun to  take  fire,  a  storm  of  rain  unexpectedly 
fliHing,  or  else  all  the  poor  people,  about  70 
souls,  would  either  have  beiMi  consumed  by 
merciless  flames,  or  else  have  fallen  into  the 
hands  of  their  cruel  enemies,  like  wolves 
continually  yelling  and  gaping  for  their  prey. 

Thus  was  that  distressed  company  strangely 
delivered,  who  liavi!  forever  cause  to  say  with 
the  Psalmist,  blessed  be  the  Loid,  who  hath 
not  given  us  a  Jirey  to  their  teeth,  our  soul  is 
escapt!d  as  a  bird  out  of  the  snare  of  the  fow- 
lers, the  snare  is  broken  and  we  are  escaped. 
For  the  next  night  Major  Willard.by  accident, 
hearing  of  the  danger  the  people  were  in, 
came  with  forty-eight  dragoons  to  their  relief. 
The  occasion  which  brought  Major  Willard, 
and  Capt.  Parker  tif  Groton  with  forty-six 
more,  so  timely  to  their  relief,  was  tliis  ;  Major 
Willard  in  pursuance  of  his  commission  from 
the  governor  and  council,  was  upon  Wednes- 
day, August  4th,  in  the  morning,  marc-hing  out 
after  some  Indians  to  the  westward,  to  secure 
them  :  just  as  they  were  setting  forth,  some 
of  the  people  of  Alarlboroiigli,  who  had  intel- 
ligence (by  those  that  w  ere  going  to  Connec- 
ticut, and  forced  to  return)  what  distress 
Brookfield  was  in,  and  knowing  of  Major 
Willard's  purpose  to  go  out  that  morning  from 
Lancaster,  sent  a  post  to  accjuaint  liim  there- 
with, which,  though  it  did  not  find  him  ii.  the 
town,  yet  overtook  him  before  he  had  gone 
four  or  five  miles  from  the  place  :  w  hereupon, 
;  conceiving  it  more  needful  to  succour  l>rook- 
geld  in  so  imminent  danger,  lhan  to  proceed 
further  upon  his  intended  design,  he  alteret 
his  course  and  marched  directly  thither,  being 
about  30  miles  distant  when  the  tidings  were 
brought  hitn  ;  so  he  arrived  there  that  night 
very  seasonably,  about  ati  hour  after  it  was 
dark,  or  else  in  all  proliability  tlioy  hail  ail 


T  H  E  I  N  D  1  A  N    VV  A  R  6. 


C39 


oi!rished  before  the  relief  sent  up  from  Boston 
I'.ouid  have  reached  them,  which  was  not  till 
three  days  after.  The  providence  of  God 
likewise  in  bringing  in  the  said  majorso  safely, 
as  well  as  seasonably  to  their  relief  was  very 
remarkable  :  for  the  Indians  had  subtly  con- 
trived to  cut  off  all  relief  sent  before  it  could 
come  at  them,  by  laying  ambushes,  and  pla- 
cing their  scouts  at  two  or  three  miles  distance 
round  the  town  :  about  an  hundred  of  them 
were  lodged  at  an  house  not  far  off  in  the  way 
toward  Boston,  to  cut  off  any  succour  that 
might  come  from  thence  ;  but  it  is  supposed 
they  were  so  intense  upon  the  project  they 
were  about  for  firing  the  house,  concluding  it 
would  without  fail  take  place,  that  either  they 
did  not  mind  their  business  of  watching,  or 
made  such  a  noise  for  joy  thereof,  that  they 
did  not  hear  their  centinels  when  they  shot  off 
their  guns,  at  two  miles  distance.  It  is  said 
that  another  party  of  the  Indians  let  the  major 
and  his  company  purposely  pass  by  them, 
without  any  opposition,  waiting  for  the  blow 
to  be  given  at  their  first  approach  near  the 
house,  purposing  themselves  to  have  fallen 
upon  their  rear,  and  so  to  have  cut  them  all 
off,  before  the  besieged  understood  any  thing 
thereof  But  it  pleased  God  so  to  order 
:hings  in  providence,  that  no  notice  was  taken 
of  them  by  the  besiegers,  nor  were  they  at 
all  discerned  by  them,  till  they  had  made 
themselves  known  to  their  friends  ;  and  were 
admitted  within  the  court  of  Grod.  When  the 
enemy  had  notice  of  it  they  poured  in  their 
shot  abundantly  upon  them ;  but  they  were 
now  sheltered  from  the  danger  thereof ;  only 
it  seems  their  horses  were  exposed  to  their 
fury,  as  many  of  them  were  maimed  and  kil- 
led, as  were  most  of  the  cattle  belonging  to 
the  inhabitants  of  the  place  soon  after.  This 
honoured  person,  Major  Willard,  continued 
it  Brookfield,  after  this  famous  exploit  for  the 
preservation  of  the  poor  besieged  there,  divers 
weeks,  to  order  such  companies  as  were  sent 
up  that  way  for  the  securing  the  plantations 
on  that  side  of  the  country  ;  and  not  long  after 
he  went  himself  also  to  Hadley  upon  the  like  ser- 
vice of  the  country  in  the  present  war ;  but 
after  sometime  spent  in  those  parts,  he  return- 
ed back  to  his  own  place,  to  order  the  affairs 
of  his  own  regiment,  much  needing  his  pre- 
sence, and  leaving  the  forces  about  Hadley 
ander  the  command  of  the  major  of  that  regi- 
ment. 

But  to  return  to  what  was  in  hand  before  : 
after  the  Indians  understood  that  succours 
were  come  in  to  the  besieged,  they  fired  all  that 
they  had  left  standing  for  their  own  shel- 
ter, while  they  had  besieged  the  place  before 
mentioned,  and  ran  all  away  into  their  own 
dens,  in  the  neighbouring  woods  :  however. 
It  was  confessed  by  one  of  themselves,  that 
the  enemy  had  80  of  their  men  killed  and 
wounded  in  this  business.  But  ere  we  pass 
any  further  in  pursuit  of  the  history  of  these 
matters,  it  will  not  be  amiss  to  let  the  reader 
anderstand  the  horrible,  perfidious  and  treach- 
erous dealings  of  those  Nipnet  Indians,  who 
although  of  all  other  they  had  the  least  reason 
as  to  any  pretence  of  injury,  yet  did  most 
deceitfully  and  barbarously  join  with  Philip 
and  his  Indians,  after  they  had  been  several 
times  sent  unto  by  the  governor  and  council 
of  Massachusetts,  by  the  advice  of  Plymoutli, 
to  have  prevented  their  rising,  as  well  as  the 
rsing  cf  the  Narragansets,  and  also  had  faitli- 


fully  promised  not  to  meddle  in  the  quarrel,  ( 
as  may  more  fully  appear  by  the  engagement  i 
under  the  iiands  of  then-  sacliems,  somotiini!  ( 
hefore  Capt.  Hutchinson  and  Capt.  Wheeler  i 
were  sent  up  to  them,  which  by  reason  of  the  i 
haste  and  unskilfulness  of  the  messengers  on  i 
that  behalf  sent,  ia  not  so  fit  for  public  view:  I 
but  the  account  of  it  from  their  return,  was  i 
under  their  hand  and  oath,  July  24,  1675,  < 
when  Lieut.  Ephraim  Curtice  spake  with  five  i 
of  the  Nipnet  sachems,  four  too  many  to  gov- 
ern so  small  a  people,  but  lying  upon  the  head  ( 
of  the  principal  Indian  territories  they  were, 
divided  into  so  many  small  parties,  two  of 
whom,  viz.  Sam,  sachem  of  Weshacum,  and  i 
Netaump,  were  executed  together  afterwards 
at  Boston.    All  of  them  did  at  that  time 
solemnly  renew  their  covenant  and  promise 
under    their  hands  to  come  to  Boston  to 
speak  further  with  the  governor;  instead  of 
which,  v/-hat  they  perfidiously  did  against 
Captain  Hutchinson  and  others,  hath  already 
been  declared. 

Upon  the  report  of  this  sad  disaster  that 
befel  the  inhabitants  of  Brookfield,  forces 
were  sent  up  under  the  command  of  Capt. 
Lathrop  and  others,  to  pursue  after  those 
Indians  harbouring  about  those  places,  and  if 
it  might  be  to  prevent  them  from  joining  with 
the  Indians  upon  Connecticut  river,  who  as 
yet  had  not  discovered  themselves  as  willing 
to  espouse  Philip's  interest,  but  rather  made 
some  semblance  to  the  contrary.  There  was 
much  time  spent  by  Major  Willard,  and  seve- 
ral companies  of  soldiers  left  under  his  com- 
mand, about  the  Nipnet  country,  but  all  to  no 
purpose,  for  partly  by  the  treachery  of  some 
of  the  Indians  that  came  to  their  assistance, 
that  seemed  to  favour  the  English,  but  rather 
acted  hi  behalf  of  the  enemy,  partly  by  the 
subtleties  of  the  enemies  themselves,  who 
could  easily  by  their  scouts  discern  the  approach 
of  our  soldiers,  and  by  the  nimbleness  of  their 
feet  escape  them,  our  soldiers  could  never 
meet  with  any  of  them,  but  only  by  that 
means  driving  them  further  westward,  they 
o-athered  all  the  Indians  they  could  to  their 
party  about  Pecomptuck,  alias  Deersfield, 
vSwanscot,  and  Squeakeag,  where  some  plan- 
tations of  the  English  newly  began,  whom 
they  assaulted  in  the  next  place,  and  did  what 
mischief  they  could  upon  them. 

It  is  here  to  be  noted,  that  although  that 
worthy  patriot  and  experienced  soldier,  Major 
Willard,  hearing  of  the  distress  of  Brookfield 
by  some  that  were  travelling  to  Connecticut, 
was  the  first  that  relieved  the  distressed  peo- 
ple of  Quabaog  or  Brookfield,  yet  Major 
Pynchon  of  Springfield  also  by  accident  hear- 
ing of  their  calamity,  had  not  only  sent  word 
thereof  to  Hartford,  (from  whom  he  received 
a  supply  of  25  or  30  soldiers  under  Capt. 
Watts,  but  did  also  send  a  band  of  men  under 
Lieut.  Cooper  (afterwards  vdlainously  slain 
by  the  Springfield  Indians)  who,  with  those 
sent  from  Hartford,  and  some  Indians  belong- 
ing to  Springfield)  seemingly  forward  to  help 
the  English)  made  up  four  score  or  there- 
abouts: these  marched  down  to  Brookfield 
the  same  day  that  Capt.  Lothrop  and  Capt. 
Beers  came  up  from  Massachusetts  who  having 
spent  sometime  in  searching  the  woods  about 
Springfield,  and  finding  none  of  the  Indians 
did  the  next  d;iy  march  up  to  a  place  called 
.Meminimisset  by  the  Indians,  wliere  Capt. 
Hutchinson  and'Capt.  Wliecler  were  assault- 


ed, and  finding  no  sign  of  any  Indians  amongsl 
those  woods  and  swamps,  the  company  that 
came  I'rom  Sj)rlngfield,  Iti'i  the  soldiers  (uho 
returned  to  their  quarters  at  BrcjokfiLld )  and 
and  we  it  up  themselves  further  northward, 
at  least  20  miles  from  the  said  Brookfield,  and 
finding  no  track  of  Indians  in  all  those  woods, 
they  returned  back  to  Springfield,  leaving 
enough  to  defend  the  people  of  Brookfield, 
and  the  garrison  there. 

By  this  it  appears,  that  the  Indians  by  this 
occasion  were  driven  more  westward  into  the 
woods  between  Hadley   and  S(|uakhead,* 
where  they  soon  effected  tlieir  design,  viz. 
to  leaven  the  Indians  on  that  side  the  country 
with  the  same  prejudice  and  malice  against 
the  English,  with   which  they  themi^elves 
were  (though  without  cause)  embittered  ;  for 
in  a  few  days  the  device  took  place  amonst 
the  Hadley  and  Deerfield  Indians,  and  was 
presently  put  in  execution  by  the  said  Indians 
withdrawing'  form  the  Engrlish  and  assisting 
Philip  and  the  Nipnets  to  spoil  and  destroy 
all  the  towns  westward,  as  soon  after  catne  to 
pass:  yet  at  the  first  some  of  the  Hadley  In- 
dians pretended  real  friendship  to  the  English, 
and  offered  themselves  to  fight  against  Philip, 
but  the  Mohegin  Indians  that  came  afterward 
from  Hartford  began  to  suspect  the  treachery 
of  the  other,  and  told  the  English  plainly, 
that  no  good  would  be  done,  while  any  of 
that  company  went  along  with  tliem  in  pur- 
suit of  the  enemy,  foras  was  said,  they  would 
always  give  some  shout  when  they  came  near 
the  enemy,  as  if  they  should  thereby  wish 
them  to  look  to  themselves  :  insomuch  tliat 
the  said  Hadley  Indians  fell  into  great  suspi- 
cion with  the  English,  and  for  a  proof  of  their 
idelitv.  they  were  required  to  bring  in  theii 
arms  to  the  English,  but  tliat  very  night  tliey 
fled  away  from  their  dwellings  which  was  in 
a  wooden  fortification,  within  a  mile  of  Hat- 
field, whereby  they  plainly  discovered  th?» 
they  had  secretly  plotted  to  join  with  Philip  a 
party,  as  far  as  they  had  secretly  plotted  to 
join  with  Philip's  party,  as  far  as  they  had 
an  opportunity  to  do  them  any  eminent  ser- 
vice.   Some  think  the  English  failed  in  point 
of  prudence,  not  managing  that  business  so 
warily  as  they  might,  which  if  they  had  done, 
their  defection  had  been  prevented,  l)iit  it  is 
most  probable  that  Philip  had  hired  them  to 
his  own  quarrel,  by  sending  them  gifts  in  the 
spring;  and  that  the  body  of  the  said  Imlians 
were  mostreadily  inclined  thereunto  :  but  the 
sachems  and  the  elder  ones  of  them,  seemed 
loth  at  first  to  engage  against  the  English.  In 
the  conclusion,  when  tliey  had  so  falsely  left 
their  dwellings,  and  were  running  after  Philip 
and  the  Nipnet  Indians  (at  tliat  time  harboured 
in  those  wood.s)  the  Englisli  were  so  jirovpked 
that  were  under  Capts.  Lothrop  and  Beers, 
that  they  pursued  after  them  very  early  the 
next  morning,  and  overtook  tlu'm  about  ten 
m.iles  above  Hatfield,  at  a  place  called  Sugar- 
loaf  hill,  !ind  had  a  small  skirmish  with  them, 
'  wherein  there  were  nine  orten  of  the  English 
slain,  and  about  26  Indians  :  yet  the  rest  es- 
caped, and  so  joined  with  Philip  and  liis  com- 
.  presently  after  which  accident,  they  were  so 
'  en-.l)oldencd,  that  upon  the  first  of  Sept.  about 
seven  days  after,  they  set  upon  Deerfield,  kil- 
1  led  one  man,  and  laid  most  of  the  houses  in 
I  aslies.     About  two  or  tliree  days  after  they 
.  fell  upon  Squnkeasr,  another  new  plantation, 
•  Norllifield,  lifly  miles  up  llie  river  from  HaJloy. 


G40 


A   NARRATIVE  OF 


;iiiffii  miles  lii'^luT  ui)  tlie  nvcr,  above  Dcer- 
fielil,  whtrrclhey  killccl  iiineortciiol'tho  people, 
the  rest  liiirjly  escapej  iiitotiie  garrison  liouse. 
.  Tlie  next  day,  tliis  disaster  not  being  known, 
Caj)t.  Beers,  for  fear  of  the  worst,  witli  3G 
men,  was  sent  up  to  the  said  Squakeag,  with 
BU|>plies  both  of  men  and  provisions  to  secure 
the  small  garrison  there,  but  before  they  came 
very  near  the  town,  they  were  set  upon  by 
many  hundreds  of  Indians  out  of  the  busiies 
by  a  swamp  side.  13y  this  sudden  surprisal, 
Capt.  Beers  (who  was  known  to  fight  valiantly 
to  the  very  last)  with  about  20  of  his  men, 
were  slain,  the  rest  Hying  back  to  Hadley. 
Here  the  barbarous  villams  showed  their  inso- 
lent rage  and  cruelty,  more  than  ever  before, 
cutting  olF  the  heads  of  some  of  the  slain,  and 
and  fixing  them  up'-'n  poles  near  the  highway, 
and  not  only  so,  but  one  (if  not  more)  was 
found  witli  a  chain  hooked  into  his  under  jaw, 
and  so  liuiig  up  on  the  bough  of  a  tree,  (it  is 
feared  he  was  hung  up  alive)  by  which  means 
they  thought  to  daunt  and  discourage  any  that 
•night  come  to  their  relief,  and  also  to  terrify 
.hose  that  should  be  the  spectators  of  so  sad 
III  olyect ;  insomuch  that  Major  Treat,  with 
lis  company,  going  up  two  days  after  to  fetch 
ifi'tlie  residue  of  the  garrison,  were  solemnly 
lU'ected  with  tliat  doleful  sight,  which  made 
them  make  the  intjre  haste  to  bring  down  the 
garrison,  not  waiting  for  any  op[)ortunity  to 
take  revenge  upon  the  enemy,  having  but  100 
with  him,  too  few  for  such  a  purpose.  Capt. 
Appleton  going  up  aft»;rliim,  met  him  coining 
(iown,  and  would  willingly  have  persuaded 
them  to  have  turned  back,  to  see  if  they  could 
have  made  any  spoil  upon  the  enemy,  but  the 
greater  part  advised  to  the  contrary,  so  that 
they  were  all  forced  to  return  with  what  they 
could  carry  away,  leaving  the  rest  for  a  booty 
t./  the  enemy,  who  shiill  ere  long,  pay  a  sad 
reckoning  for  their  robberies  and  cruelties,  in 
tti  J  i.irne  ajipointed  :  but  the  sufierings  of  the 
Ji  "iglisli  were  not  as  yet  come  to  their  height, 
for  after  they  were  come  to  Hadley,  the  com- 
mander in  chief  takingcounsel  with  the  officers 
ot  the  soldiers,  ordered  them  that  were  then 
present,  to  garrison  thii  towns  almut;  some  to 
be  at  Northampton,  Hatfield  and  Deerfiidd, 
and  some  to  remain  at  Hadley,  where  were 
the  head  (juarters  of  the  English.  But  per- 
ceiving that  little  good  was  to  be  done  upon 
I  lie  enemy  in  those  parts,  it  was  agreed  that 
what  corn  was  leftat  Deerfield,  beingthreshed 
out  as  wi'U  as  they  could  in  those  tumults 
(above  3001.)  bushels  was  supposed  to  be  there 
standing  in  stack)  should  be  brought  to  Had- 
ley, and  to  wait  further  time  to  fight  t!ie  ene- 
my. It  came  to  Capt.  Lothrop's  turn,  or 
ratlier  it  was  his  choice  with  about  80  men  to 
guard  several  carts  laden  with  corn  and  other 
gooiJs.  The  company  under  Capt.  Mosely 
then  quartering  at  Deerfield,  intend«,"d  that 
day  to  pursue  after  the  enemy,  lint  upon 
Jlcjit.  18,  that  most  fatal  day,  the  saddest  Inal 
over  befel  New  England,  as  llie  compnny 
under  Capt.  Lothrop  wer<!  marching  along 
wi'h  tilt!  carts,  (it  may  be  too  securely)  never 
appr<'hending  danger  so  near,  tiiey  were 
suddenly  set  upon  and  almost  all  cut  off, 
(!*0  killed,  leamsti-rs  included)  not  above  7  or 
8  escaping  :  which  great  defeat  Crime  to  pass 
by  the  unadvised  proceedings  of  the  captain 
who  was  himself  slain  in  tlio  first  assault)  al- 
though he  wanted  neither  courage  nor  skill  to 
Ivadhii  lujldicrs  ;  butliaving;  taken  up  a  wrong 


notion  about  the  best  and  manner  of  fight- 
ing with  tiie  Indians  (which  he  was  always 
wont  to  argue  for)  viz.  that  it  were  best  to 
deal  with  the  Indians  in  their  own  way,  i.  c. 
by  skulking  behind  trees,  and  taking  their 
aim  at  single  persons,  which  is  the  usual 
mannerof  the  Indians  fightingone  with  another; 
but  lierein  was  his  great  mistake,  in  not  con- 
sicJering  the-  great  disadvantage  a  smaller  com- 
pany would  have  in  dealing  that  way  with  a 
greater  multitude:  for  if  five  have  to  deal  with 
one,  they  may  surround  him,  and  every  one 
take  his  aim  at  him,  while  he  can  level  at  but 
one  of  his  enemies  at  a  time  :  which  gross 
mistake  of  his,  was  the  ruin  of  a  choice  com- 
pany of  young  men,  the  very  flower  of  the 
county  of  Essex,  all  culled  out  of  the  towns 
belonging  to  that  county,  none  of  which  were 
ashamed  to  speak  with  the  enemy  in  the  gate  : 
th(!ir  dear  relationsathome  mourning  for  tliem, 
like  Rachel  for  her  children,  and  would  not 
be  comforted,  not  only  because  they  were 
not,  but  bi!cause  they  were  so  miserably  lost. 
The  like  mistake  was  conceived  to  be  the 
reason  of  the  loss  of  the  former  persons  slain 
with  the  said  Lothrop,  pursuing  the  Indians 
that  ran  away  from  Hadley,  and  of  the  20  slain 
with  Capt.  lieers,  iiiien,  who  betook  themsel- 
ves, at  first  to  the  trees,  and  at  the  last  a  few 
got  to  their  horses  soon  after  the  captain  was 
shot  down.  F'or  had  he  onlered  his  men  to 
march  in  a  body,  as  some  of  his  fellow  com- 
manders, advised,  either  backward  or  for- 
ward, in  reason  they  had  not  lost  a  quarter  of 
the  number  of  them  that  fell  that  day  by  the 
edge  of  the  sword.  For  the  Indians,  notwith- 
standing their  subtlety  and  cruelty,  durst  not 
look  an  Englishman  in  the  face  in  the  open 
field  nor  were  they  ever  yet  known  to  kill 
any  man  with  their  guns,  unless  when  they 
could  lie  in  wait  for  him  in  ambush,  or  behind 
some  shelter,  taking  aim  undiscovered ;  so 
that  it  was  judged  by  those  that  escaped,  that 
there  were  7  or  800  Indians  at  least  that 
encountered  the  company  of  80  English,  yet 
if  they  had  kept  together  in  a  body,  and 
fought  marching,  tliey  might  have  escaped  the 
numbers  of  the  enemy,  with  little  loss  in  com- 
parison of  what  ttiey  sustained.  For  the 
valiant  and  successful  Capt.  Mosely,  and  his 
lieut.  coming  (though  too  late)  to  their  rescue, 
marched  through  and  through  that  great  body 
of  Indians,  and  yet  came  off  with  little  o*"  no 
loss  in  comparison  of  the  other.  And  having 
fought  all  those  Indians  for  five  or  six  liours 
upon  a  march,  lost  not  above  two  men  all  that 
while,  nor  received  other  damage  except  that 
8  or  9  were  wounded,  who  were  carried  to 
their  quarters  at  night  at  Hadley,  whereas  if 
these  had  pro(!eeded  in  the  same  way  of  fight- 
ing as  Capt.  Lothrop  did  in  the  morning,  they 
might  have  been  surrounded,  and  so  have 
been  served  as  the  former  were  :  but  God 
had  otherwise  determined  in  his  secret  coun- 
sel, and  tli(?refore  that  was  hid  from  the  one, 
which  was  a  means  to  preserve  the  other  com- 
pany. 

Other  relief  was  also  seasonably  sent  in, 
viz.  a  company  of  English  and  Mohegin  or 
Pt!(ju<)d  Indians  under  the  command  of  Major 
Treat,  who  was  in  the  morning  marching 
anolh<!r  way,  viz.  up  toward  Sqiiakeag  to 
seek  after  the  enemy  that  way,  with  about 
100  soldiers,  Indiansand  English,  upon  whose 
approach,  the  enemy,  pretty  well  acquainted 
by  this  last  encounter  with  the  valour  of  the 


English,  immediately  \\  ent  clear  away,  giv 
ing  Majcr  Treat  and  Capt.  .Mosely,  \\  ho  r« 
turned  to  Deerfield  that  night,  an  upporiuiiitj 
to  bury  the  slain  the  next  iJay.  As  Capt 
Mosely  came  upon  the  Indians  iii  the  morn- 
ing, he  found  them  strip])ing  Wie  slain,  ainoiigsl 
whom  was  one  Robert  Dutch,  of'  Ipswich, 
having  been  sorely  wouniled  bv  a  bullet  that 
raised  to  his  skull,  and  then  mauled  by  the 
Indian  hatchets,  was  left  for  dead  bv  iln;  sav- 
ages, and  stript  by  them  of  all  bi.t  his  skin; 
yet  when  Capt.  Alosely  came  near,  he  almo.st 
miraculously,  as  one  raised  from  the  dead, 
came  towards  the  English,  to  their  no  small 
amazement;  by  whom  being  received  and 
clothed,  he  was  carried  ofi'  to  the  next  garri- 
son, and  is  living  and  in  perfect  health  at  thia 
day.  May  he  be  to  the  friends  and  relations 
of  the  rest  of  the  slain  an  emblem  of  theit 
more  perfect  resurrection  at  the  last  day  to 
receive  their  crowns  among;  the  rest  of  the 
martyrs  that  have  laid  down  and  ventured 
their  lives,  as  a  testimony  to  the  truth  of  their 
religion,  as  well  as  love  to  their  country. 

This  sore  defeat  of  Capt.  Lotliroj)  and  his 
men,  was  tlie  more  to  be  lamented,  in  that 
(falling  out  so  soon  after  two  other  of  the  like 
nature)  it  so  emboldened  tlie  enemy,  that  they 
durst  soon  after  adventure  iijjon  considerable 
towns,  though  well  garris<uied  with  soldiers, 
and  gave  them  occasion  of  most  insolently 
bravintr  the  tfarrison  at  Deerfield  the  next  tlav, 
hanging  up  the  garments  of  tlie  lOiiglish  in 
sight  of  the  soldiers,  yet  on  the  other  side  of 
tne  river.  However,  it  pleased  God,  who  is 
always  wont  to  remember  his  people  in  their 
low  estate,  to  put  such  a  restraint  u|)on  them, 
that  when  they  pas.'^ed  very  near  the  garrison 
house  at  Deerfield,  wherein  were  not  left 
above  27  soldiers)  tlutir  captain  using  iliis 
stratagem,  to  cause  his  trumpet  to  sound,  as 
if  he  had  another  troop  near  by  to  be;  called 
together,  they  turned  another  way  and  made 
no  attempt  upon  the  house  where  that  small 
number  was,  which  if  they  had  done  with  any 
ordinary  resolution,  so  small  a  handful  of  men 
could  hardly  have  withstood  the  force  ol'  so 
many  hundreds  as  were  then  gathered  together. 

What  loss  the  (Uiemy  sustained  by  the  resis- 
tance of  Capt.  Lothrop  and  his  men,  (who 
no  doubt  bcinsi  all  resolute  young  men,  ami 
seeing  they  should  be  forced  by  the  liard  law 
of  the  sword  to  foregft  their  lives,  held  therr 
at  as  high  a  rate  as  they  could)  is  not  certaml)' 
known.  It  hath  since  been  confessed  iiy  some 
of  the  Indians  themselves,  that  they  lost  96 
of  their  men  that  day.  Capt.  Mosely's  men 
coming  suddenly  upon  them  when  they  were 
])illaging  of  the  dead,  fell  upon  them  with 
such  a  smart  assault,  that  they  drove  them 
presently  iirto  a  swamp,  following  them  sc 
close,  that  for  seven  miles  together,  they  fougiil 
them  upon  a  march,  charging  them  through 
and  through.  Perez  Savage,  and  Mr.  Pic  ker- 
iiiiT,  his  lieutenants,  deserve  no  little  part  of 
the  honour  of  that  day's  SJ-rvice,  being  .some- 
times called  to  lead  the  company  in  the  front, 
while  Capt.  Mosely  took  a  little  bioaih,  w  ho 
was  almost  mc-lted  with  lab-mring,  command- 
ing, and  leading  his  men  through  llie  midst  of 
the  etiemy. 

The  Indians  gathered  together  in  those 
parts,  a|)pearing  so  numerous,  and,  as  might 
justly  be  supposed,  growing  more  ronHder.l 
by  some  of  their  late  successes,  and  the  num- 
ber of  our  men  being  after  tliis  sad  rale  diiniiv 


THE  INDIAN  WARS. 


ished,  recruits  also  not  being  suddenly  expect- 
ed, at  so  great  a  distance  as  an  hundred  miles 
from  all  supplies,  the  commander  in  chief  with 
the  officers,  saw  a  necessity  of  figliting  tliat 
garrison  at  Deerfield,  employing  the  forces 
they  had  to  secure  and  strengthen  the  three 
next  towns  below  upon  Connecticut  river. 
And  it  was  well  that  counsel  was  thought 
upon;  for  now  those  wretched  caitiffs  begin 
to  talk  of  great  matters,  lioping  that  by  de- 
grees they  might  destroy  all  tlie  towns  there- 
abouts, as  they  had  already  begun :  their 
hopes,  no  doubt,  were  not  a  little  heigthencd 
by  the  accession  of  the  Springfield  Indians  to 
their  party,  who  had  in  appearance  all  this 
time  stood  the  firmest  to  the  interest  of  the 
Enijlish  of  all  the  rest  in  those  parts  :  but  they 
all  hanging  together, like  serpent's  eggs,  were 
easily  persuaded  to  join  with  those  of  Hadley 
(there  being  so  near  alliance  between  them, 
for  the  sachem  of  the  Springfield  Indians  was 
father  of  Hadley  sachem)  not  only  by  the  suc- 
cess of  their  treacherous  and  blood  thirsty 
companions,  but  by  the  same  inbred  malice 
and  antipathy  against  the  English  manners  and 
religion. 

The  inhabitants  of  Springfield  were  not  in- 
sensible of  their  danger,  and  therefore  had 
upon  the  first  breaking  forth  of  those  troubles 
been  treating  with  their  Indians,  and  had  recei  v- 
eil  from  them  the  firmest  assurance  and  pledges 
of  their  faithfvdness  and  friendship  that  could 
be  imagined  or  desired,  both  by  covenant,  pro- 
mises, and  hostages  given  for  security,  so  as 
no  douV;t  was  left  in  any  of  their  minds:  yet 
did  these  faithless  and  ungrateful  monsters  plot 
with  Philip's  Indians  to  burn  and  destroy  all 
Springfield,  as  they  had  done  Brookfield  be- 
fore. To  that  end  they  sent  cunningly  and 
triticed  away  the  hostages  from  Hartford, 
vrhere  they  were  perhaps  too  securely  watched 
C'er,  a  day  or  two  before  :  then  receiving 
about  three  hundred  of  Philip's  Indians  into 
their  fort,  privately  in  the  niglit  time,  so  as 
they  were  neither  discerned  or  suspected. 
Yea  so  confident  were  such  of  the  iiihal)itants 
as  were  most  conversant  with  the  Indians  at 
their  fort,  that  they  would  not  believe  there 
v/as  any  such  plot  in  hand,  when  it  was 
strangely  revealed  by  one  Toto,  an  Indian  at 
Windsor,  (about  18  or  20  miles  below  Spring- 
field, upon  the  same  river)  better  alleoted  t« 
the  English,  and  so  by  post  tidings  brouglit  to 
Springfield  the  night  before,  insomuch  that 
the  lieutenant  of  the  town.  Cooper  by  name, 
was  so  far  from  believing  the  stratagem,  that 
in  the  morning  himself  with  atiother  would 
venture  to  ride  up  to  the  fort,  to  see  whether 
things  were  so  or  not.  The  fort  was  about  a 
mile  from  the  town  ;  when  he  came  within  a 
little  thereof,  he  met  these  bloody  and  deceit- 
ful monsters,  newly  issued  out  of  their  Eqiius 
Trnjanm  to  act  their  intended  mischief;  they 
presently  fired  upon  him,  divers  of  them,  and 
shot  hiin  in  several  places  through  the  body, 
yet  being  a  man  of  stout  courage,  he  kept  his 
horse  till  he  recovered  the  next  garrison  house, 
his  companion  they  shot  dead  upon  the  place  ; 
by  this  means  giving  a  sad  alarm  to  the  town 
of  their  intended  mischief,  which  was  instantly 
fired  in  all  places  where  there  no  garrisons. 
The  poor  people  having  not  an  officer  to  lead 
them  being  like  sheep  ready  for  the  slaughter, 
and  iic  doubt  the  whole  town  had  been  totally 
destroyed,  liut  that  a  report  of  tlie  plot  being 
carried  about  over  night,  Major  Treat  came 
42 


from  VV^estfield  time  enough  for  their  rescue, 
but  wanting  boats  to  transport  his  men,  could 
not  do  so  much  as  he  desired.  Major  Pyn- 
chon  coming  from  Iladley  with  Capt.  Apple- 
ton  and  what  forces  they  could  bring  along 
with  them,  32  houses  being  first  consumed, 
pres(!rved  the  rest  ^)f  the  town  from  bein 
turned  to  ashes,  in  which  the  over  credulous 
inhabitants  might  now  see  (what  before  they 
would  not  now  believe  at  the  burning  Major 
Pynchon's  barns  and  stables  a  few  days  be- 
fore, to  the  very  great  damage  of  the  owner) 
the  faithless  and  deceitful  friendship  among 
these  perfidious,  cruel  and  hellish  monsters. 

Among  the  ruins  of  the  said  dwellings,  the 
saddest  to  behold  was  the  house  of  Mr.  Pela- 
tiah  Clover,  minis'ter  of  the  town,  furnished 
with  a  brave  library,  which  he  had  but  newly 
brought  back  from  a  garrison  wherein  it  had 
been  for  some  time  before  secured,  but  as  if 
the  danger  had  been  over  with  them,  the  said 
minister,  a  great  student,  and  an  hilluo  libro- 
rum,  being  impatient  for  want  of  his  books, 
brought  them  back  to  his  great  sorrow,  fit  fi)r 
a  bonfire  for  the  proud  insulting  enemy.  Of 
all  the  mischiefs  done  by  the  said  enemy  be- 
fore that  day  the  burning  of  this  town  of 
S[)ringfield  did  more  than  any  other  discover 
the  said  actors  to  be  the  children  of  the  devil, 
full  of  all  subtlety  and  malioe,  there  having 
been  for  about  40  years  so  good  correspon- 
dence betwixt  the  English  of  that  town  and 
the  neighbouring  Indians.  But  in  them  is 
made  good  what  is  said  in  the  Psalm,  That 
though  their  words  were  smoother  than  oil, 
yet  were  they  drawn  swords. 

After  some  little  time  spent  in  garrisoning 
the  place,  and  helping  the  inhabitants  to  secure 
what  they  had  left,  the  English  soldiers  most 
of  them  returned  back  to  Hadley,  their  head 
(]uarters,  and  Major  Pynchon  being  so  full  of 
incumbrances,  by  reason  of  the  late  spoils  done 
to  himself,  and  his  neighbours  at  Springfield, 
could  not  any  longer  attend  the  service  of  com- 


  8JI 

bullet  passing  through  his  own  hair,  by  thai 
whisper  telling  him  that  lealh  was  very  jienr, 
but  did  him  no  other  harm.  Night  coining 
on,  it  could  not  be  discerned  what  loss  tht  ene 
my  sustained,  divers  were  seen  to  fall,  soiim 
run  tlirougha  small  river,  otliers  cast  their  guns 
into  the  water,  it  being  their  manner  to  ven- 
ture as  much  to  recover  the  dead  bodies  of 
their  friends,  as  to  defend  them  when  alive. 

At  last  after  burning  of  some  few  barns 
with  some  other  buildings,  the  enemy  haste-d 
away  as  fast  as  they  came  on,  leavintj  fhfa 
English  to  bless  God  who  had  so  mercifully 
delivered  them  from  the  fury  of  their  mer- 
ciless foes,  who  had  in  conceit  without  doubt, 
devoured  them  all  :  But  this  resolute  and 
valiant  repulse,  put  such  a  check  u[)on  the 
pride  of  the  enemy,  that  they  made  no  further 
attempt  upon  any  of  those  towns  for  the  pro- 
sent,  l)ut  winter  drawing  on,  they  retired  all 
of  them  to  their  general  rendezvous  at  Nar- 
raganset,  plotting  their  general  design  of  ac- 
complishing their  intended  mischief  against 
the  English  the  next  spring. 

Our  western  plantations  upon  Connecticut 
river,  the  stage  whereon  were  acted  the  most 
remarkable  passages  of  this  barbarous  war 
hitherto,  was  soon  after  removed  into  many 
other  places  of  the  country  in  the  winter  and 
spring  ft)llowing,  whither  our  discourse  must 
in  the  next  place  jiursue  it.  There  was  not 
any  great  matter  acted  by  the  enemy  amongst 
the  plantations  upon  the  great  rive  d  aring 
the  winter,  after  the  assault  made  upo.-j  Hst- 
field,  October  19th.  It  is  evident  that  t'r.s 
body  of  them  returned  to  Narraganset  upon 
the  approach  of  the  wmter,  which  set  m  nior<» 
early  than  it  used  in  other  years.  Where 
^lillip  'oestowed  himself  in  the  winter  season 
is  not  so  certain  ;  some  say  that  lie  repaired 
further  westward,  to  try  his  fortune  with 
those  Indians  that  lie  towards  Albany  near 
the  Dutch  river:  Others  more  probably  con- 
ceive that  he  lav  hid  in    some  part  of  the 


idinsr  in  chief  as  he  had  done  before,  1  Narraganset  country  ;  lortnougn  he  was  not 


wherefore  being  according  to  his  earnest  re- 
ijuest  of  the  council  eased  of  that  burden  ; 
Capt.  Samuel  Appleton  was  ordered  to  suc- 
ceed in  taking  the  charge  of  the  soldiers  left 
in  those  upper  towns,  by  whose  industry, 
skill  and  courage,  those  towns  werepreserved 
from  running  the  same  fate  with  the  rest, 
whol'.v  or  in  part  so  lately  turned  into  ashes. 
For  the  enemy  growing  very  confident  by  the 
late  successes,  came  with  all  their  fury  the 
19th  of  October  following  upon  Hatfield,  hop- 
ino-  no  less  than  to  do  the  like  mischief  to  them, 
they  had  done  to  Springfield.  But  according 
to  the  good  Providence  of  Almighty  God, 
Major  Treat  was  newly  returned  to  North- 
amjjton,  Capt.  Mosely  and  Capt.  Poole  were 
then  garrisoning  the  said  Hatfield,  and  Capt. 
Appleton  for  the  like  end  quartering  at  Had- 
ley, when  on  a  sudden  7  or  800  of  the  enemy 
came  upon  the  town  in  all  quarters,  having 
first  killed  or  taken  two  or  three  scouts  belong- 
ing to  Capt.  INIosely's  company  :  but  they 
were  so  well  entertained  on  all  hands  whore 
they  attempted  to  break  in  upon  the  town, 
that  they  found  it  too  hot  for  them.  _  Major 
Appleton  with  great  courage  defending  one 
end  of  the  town,  and  Capt.  Poole  the  other 
end  ;  that  they  were  by  the  resolution  of  the 
English  instantly  beaten  off,  without  doing 


certainly  known  to  be  about  the  fort  at  Nar- 
raganset, when  it  was  taken  by  our  forces  in 
the  winter,  yet  as  soon  as  ever  they  were 
driven  out  of  the  country  in  February,  he  was 
found  amongst  them  tliat  did  the  mischief  at 
Lancaster  in  that  month. 

Some  stragnfling  parties  of  them  remained 
about  Northampton,  Westfield  and  Springfield 
sometimeafter  their  defeat  at  Hatfield  :  Sev  en 
or  eit^ht  of  the  inhabitants  of  Northampton  in 
the  end  of  October,  venturing  to  fetch  in  some 
of  their  harvest,  that  was  left  somewhere  out 
of  town,  were  in  danger  of  being  surprised, 
having  laid  their  arms  under  their  cart,  so 
that  being  destitute  of  means  to  make  their 
defence,  they  were  glad  to  fly  away  with  tho 
horses  out  lyf  their  carts,  leaving  what  they 
were  about  to  the  pleasure  of  the  Indians 
that  assaulted  them.  Major  Trent  upon  hear 
ins;  the  alarm,  presently  repaired  thither,  but 
coiilil  not  come  time  enough  to  destroy  any 
of  the  enemy,  nor  yet  to  prevent  their  burn- 
ing of  f<)ur  or  five  houses,  with  two  or  three 
barns  that  stood  somewhat  out  of  tlie  town. 
Within  a  little  time  after  they  kllleil  thn  e  of 
the  same  town,  as  they  were  at  work  in  a 
meadow  not  far  from  the  town  :  They  intend- 
ed also  to  have  burned  the  mill,  but  it  wastoo 
well  sruarded   bv   two  files  of  musketeers 


much  harm.  Capt.  Appleton's  serjeant  was  lodged  there  for  the  purfose,  who  put  '.liein 
mortally  wounded  just  by  his  side,  another!  beside  their  intent     Six  or  seven  f.c  Bona 


613 


A  NARRATIVE  OF 


Irom  Spring'fielJ  soon  after  going  to  the  mill 
at  Westfield  (ttiat  which  belonged  to  tlieir 
owii  being  biirneJ  October  5th)  and  venturing 

"thou.t  arms,  three  of  them  were  killed  by 
some  of  the  enemy  ;  who  took  the  advantage 
also  to  burn  four  or  five  houses  that  belonged 
to  the  said  Westfield  :  But  by  the  end  of 
November  the  coast  was  pretty  clear  of  them, 
except  some  few  of  them  that  lay  lurking  in  the 
swamps  thereabouts  all  the  winter,  doing 
some  small  mischief  upon  some  out  dwell- 
ings of  Springfield. 

The  expedition  into  the  Narragansct  coun- 
try following  in  order  m  tlie  next  place  to  be 
related  ;  but  before  we  come  tliitlier,  a  little 
notice  must  be  taken  by  the  vvay,  of  an  unsuc- 
cessful attempt  upon  the  Indians  about  Has- 
sanemesit*  and  Popachuog,  whither  Cant. 
Henchman  was  sent  in  the  beginning  of  No- 
vember; where  also  Capt.  Still  was  ordered 
Jo  meet  him  with  another  company  from 
Cambridge,  with  intent  to  have  beat  up  the 
Indian  quarters  in  those  parts:  They  being 
known  to  have  had  an  hand  in  the  outrasres 
committed  upon  those  that  belonged  to  Marl- 
borough and  Mendham,  cutting  off  the  scalp 
of  a  miller's  boy,  who  is  yet  alive. 

Nmicinhcr  \st,  1675. — Capt.  Henchman 
marched  out  of  Boston,  intending  to  visit  the 
Indians  about  Ilassanemesit  :  The  third  day 
lh(!y  saw  some  fires  of  the  Indians,  yet  could 
not  meet  with  those  that  made  them:  The 
4th  dav  they  marched  to  some  part  of  the  Indian 
plantations  called  Hassanemesit :  The  captain 
would  have  taken  up  his  quarters  a  mile  on 
this  side  but  some  of  his  officers  overruled 
him,  to  whos(;  importunity  he  gave  way,  and 
marched  a  mile  further  towards  tlic  enemy, 
and  by  that  means  saved  the  miller's  youth, 
taken  the  wi-ek  before  from  Marlborough; 
for  ill  the  mornuig,  very  early,  as  the  scouts 
were  looking  out  they  spied  a  wigwam,  wliere 
sotne  Indians  that  had  carried  away  the  youth, 
had  lodged  all  night,  or  in  some  wigwam  near 
by.  When  the  Indians  saw  our  solduM's, 
they  hasted  away  and  left  the  Marlborough 
youth  behind  them,  who  by  that  means  es- 
caped their  hands.  Our  men  under  ca[)t. 
Henchman  marched  on  to  Poppachuog,  and 
finding  the  Indian/!  all  fled,  (although  they 
perceived  by  a  messenger,  accidentally  sent 
back,  that  the  Indians  i'olloweil  them  all  the 
way  they  marched)  they  came  back  to  Mt-nd- 
ham  to  settle  things  in  tliat  town.  Some  of 
the  inhabitants  informed  them  of  some  wig- 
wams about  ten  miles  off :  The  captain  with 
Pliilip  Curtice,  his  lieut.  resolved  to  give 
ihctn  a  catnisado  in  their  wigwams  that  night : 
To  that  end  they  mounted  22  upon  horses, 
riding  up  ten  miltrs  int{>  tlie  woods,  and  wlien 
they  came  n(!ar  the  wigwams,  they  dismount- 
ed, and  intended  presently  to  march  up,  and 
give  an  assault  upon  them,  after  they  had  first 
euve  a  shciut  to  fright  the  enemy  :  They  or- 
dered on<!  half  to  follow  the  lieutenant,  the 
other  to  follow  the  captain,  when  they  came 
within  a  quarter  of  a  mile  of  the  place,  their 
dogs  began  to  bark,  at  which,  they  stopped, 
and  by  marching  again,  intended  presently 
ti'  fire  it  ii|)on  them,  but  tlie  captain's  fool 
slipping,  he  c(  uld  hardly  recover  himself, 
when  fiuddenly  looking  benind  him,  ho  saw 
no  man  lollowins  him  :  The  lieutenant  had 
five  behind  him,  who  with  ihoso  five  reso- 
lutely fired  on  that  side  h<"  was  npfviinted  to 
*  iLjiaolinioi  caflnd  ilusananiitico,  iionr  Grai'tun. 


make  the  assault  upon ;  but  they  were  re- 
pulsed by  the  Indians,  who  firing  out  of  their 
dens,  shot  down  the  lieutenant  and  ano- 
ther, the  rest  presently  ran  away  to  a  fence  : 
The  captain  with  all  vehemency  urged  them 
to  stay  ;  they  replied,  they  went  back  only  to 
charge,  yet  went  clear  away  by  which  means, 
together  with  the  cowardice  of  the  former,  so 
sad  a  loss  befel  the  company,  as  could  not 
easily  be  repaired:  However  the  enemy  pre- 
sently deserted  the  wigwam  and  gave  our  men 
the  next  day  an  opportunity  to  fetch  off  their 
two  dead  men,  and  bury  them,  and  so  with 
grief  and  shame  they  were  constrained  to  re- 
turn to  their  quarters  at  Mendham,  to  whose 
inliabitants  they  gave  notice  of  200  bushels 
of  corn  belongfing'  to  the  Indians,  that  mi^ht 

no.  '  o 

have  been  preserved,  which  for  want  of  hands 
was  lost  by  the  fire,  that  the  enemy  might  not 
be  benefitted  thereby.  It  appears  by  the  fore- 
going passage  that  the  time  of  our  deliverance 
was  not  yet  come,  and  that  God  had  further 
trialsto  acquaint  us  with  before  he  would  turn 
his  hand  upon  our  enemies.  But  it  pleased 
the  Lord  so  to  order  things  that  they  them- 
selves fell  into  that  pit  they  were  digging  for 
others,  as  shall  appear  more  fully  in  what 
follows. 

The  English  plantations  about  JIadley  be- 
ing for  the  present  set  a  little  at  liberty  by 
the  Indians  drawing  off,  like  seamen  after  a 
storm,  counted  it  their  best  course  to  repair 
their  tackling  asfainst  another  that  may  be 
next  coming,  wherefore  the  inhabitants  con- 
cluded it  the  safer  way  to  make  a  kind  of 
barricado  about  their  towns,  by  setting  up  pal- 
lisadoes  or  cleft  wood,  about  eight  feet  long, 
as  it  were  to  break  tlie  force  of  any  sudden 
assault  which  the  Indians  might  make  upon 
them  ;  which  counsel  proved  very  successful  ; 
for  although  it  be  an  inconsiderable  defence 
against  a  warlike  enemy,  that  hath  strength 
enough  and  confidence  to  besiege  a  place,  yet 
it  is  sufficient  to  prevent  any  sudden  assault 
of  such  a  timorous  and  barbarous  enemy  as 
these  were,  for  although  they  did  afterwards 
in  the  spring  break  through  these  pallisadoes 
at  Northampton,  yet  as  soon  as  ever  they  be- 
gan to  be  repulsed,  they  saw  themselves  like 
wolves  in  a  pound,  that  they  could  not  fly 
away  at  their  pleasure,  so  they  never  ven- 
tured to  break  through  afterwards  upon  any 
of  the  towns  so  secured. 

As  for  those  of  Springfield  they  were  now 
and  then  alarmed  with  a  ft;w  skulking  Indians 
lurking  about  in  the  adjacent  woods  ;  as  once 
at  the  Long  Meadow,  where  half  a  score  of 
iiicm  were  seen  about  an  house  remote  from 
the  town,  who  were  pursued  by  a  parly  of 
the  EiiLilish  towards  Windsor,  and  so  es- 
caped, after  the  English  had  made  one  shot 
upon  them,  not  knowing  certainly  how  many 
lliey  killed.  So  at  another  time,  a  few  of 
those  barbarous  wretches  killed  a  poor  man 
belonging  to  Springfield,  as  he  was  going  to 
his  house  to  look  after  his  corn,  on  the  other 
side  of  the  river,  and  after  they  had  killed 
the  man  they  burnt  down  his  house  ;  yet  at- 
t<!m[)fed  no  further  mischief  on  that  part  of 
I  he  town  that  had  oscapeil  the  fury  of  the 
flames,  October  5.  By  which  it  is  evident, 
that  all  the  number  of  Indians  that  had  as- 
saulted them  before,  had  withdrawn  them- 
selves now  to  their  winter  (]uarters,  some  to 
the  Dutch  rivi.-r,  but  ihe  ijrealest  number  of 
ih(!m  to  be  sure  were  found  in  tlie  winter  at 


the  Narraganset  fort,  where  we  shall  leave 
them  for  the  present  till  the  forces  of  the 
united  colonies  shall  fire  them  out  of  their 
nests. 

The  soldiers  continuing  some  time  at  Hat- 
field after  this  victory,  as  we  may  well  call  it, 
(for  it  seems  to  have  given  the  first  check  to 
the  rage  of  the  heathen  within  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  united  colonies,  they  have  been  ob- 
served ever  since  to  have  been  on  the  losing 
hand,  seldom  or  ever  daring  to  meet  our 
soldiers  in  the  open  field,  unless  when  they 
had  very  great  advantage  as  to  their  numbers 
or  covert  of  the  woods  and  bushes  :  Although 
like  some  raging  beasts  they  have  done 
much  mischief  several  times  since,  when  they 
were  ready  to  expire,  or  when  the  pangs  of 
death  were  coming  upon  them)  our  forces 
were  all  called  home,  save  some  left  for  gar- 
risoning the  towns  thereabouts. 

The  commissioners  of  the  united  colonies 
taking  into  serious  consideration  the  present 
state  of  things,  viz.  that  there  were  before 
this  time  so  many  hundreds  gathered  together 
into  one  body,  and  that  there  was  great  rea- 
son to  fear,  if  they  were  let  alone  till  the 
next  spring  they  might  all  rise  together  as  ono 
man  round  about  us  and  that  one  after  another 
might  easily  be  destroyed,  before  any  help 
could  be  despatched  to  them.  On  the  one 
hand,  the  sharpness  of  the  winter  in  tliese 
parts  was  well  weighed,  so  extreme  that  it 
might  hazard  the  loss  of  a  thousand  men  in 
one  night,  if  they  were  forced  to  lodge  abroad 
in  the  open  field  ;  as  also  the  difficulty,  if  not 
impossiijility  of  sending  any  relief  to  them  at 
any  distance,  the  depth  of  snow  usually  mak- 
ing the  ways  impassable  for  divers  months 
together. 

On  the  other  hand  It  was  considered,  that 
if  the  enemy  were  let  alone  till  the  next  sum- 
mer, it  would  be  impossible  to  deal  with  them 
or  find  them  any  where,  but  they  might  wa-ie 
one  company  of  soldiers  after  another,  as  was 
seen  by  the  experience  of  the  former  year 
Considering  also  that  tlie  Narraganset^,  thd 
most  numerous  of  all  the  rest,  and  the  best 
provided  for  provisi(m  of  all  the  other  Indian.^, 
had  now  declared  themselves  our  enemies, 
who  if  they  were  let  alone  till  the  winter  was 
over,  we  should  be  unable  to  <ieal  with  so 
many  enemies  at  once,  that  could  on  any  oc- 
casion spread  themselves  like  grasshoppers 
all  over  the  country. 

It  was  therefore  finally  agreed  upon  by  the 
general  consent  of  all,  to  fall  upon  the  winter 
quarters  of  our  enemies,  by  a  more  consid- 
erable army  (if  I  may  so  call  it)  gathered  out 
of  all  the  three  colonies,  and  that  with  all 
expedition,  at  farthest  not  to  exceed  the  10th 
of  December,  before  they  shoiilil  have  a 
thousand  men  in  arms,  ready  for  the  design. 

As  for  the  late  league  made  or  rather  renew- 
ed with  the  Narragansets,  it  wassufficieiitly  evi- 
dent and  known,  that  they  had  all  along  from 
the  first  day  when  it  was  confirmed,  broken 
every  article  of  it,  especially  in  not  delivering 
up  the  enemies,  which  had  sheltered  them- 
selves with  them  all  this  while,  which  though 
they  did  not  positively  deny,  yet  did  nothing 
but  find  excuses,  to  defer  it  one  week  after 
another,  till  at  last  they  would  be  excuseil  till 
the  next  spring  upon  pretence  that  they  could 
not  before  that  time  get  them  together.  And 
besides  the  favouring  of  those  that  fled  t(i 
them,  and  supplying  the  w'.iole  body  of  the 


THE   INDIAN  WARS. 


B43 


siiomy  with  victuals,  upon  all  occasions.  It 
was  likewise  strongly  suspected  that  in  all  the 
late  pi'oceedings  of  the  enemy,  many  of  their 
young  men  were  known  to  be  actually  in 
arms  against  us,  many  of  whom  were  found 
either  wounded  amongst  them  in  their  wig- 
warns,  or  elsewhere  occasionally  seen  return- 
ing hack,  after  exploits  abroad,  to  bo  healed 
of  their  wounds  at  home.  Also  some  of  our 
men's  guns  that  were  lost  at  Ueerfield,  were 
found  in  the  fort  when  it  was  fired.  There- 
fore all  scruples  as  to  the  justness  and  neces- 
sity of  the  war  being  removed,  the  only  ques- 
tion was,  whether  it  were  feasible  and  expe- 
dierit  in  the  winter.  The  exigence  was  very- 
great,  atid  the  ciioice  very  hard  :  But  as  David 
when  he  was  straitened  with  many  diffi- 
culties at  once,  chose  rather  to  fall  into  tlie 
hands  of  God  whose  mercies  were  great, 
though  lie  mightbe  provoked  to  cause  his  jeal- 
ousy to  smoke  against  those  of  his  own  heri- 
tage for  a  time;  so  in  this  exigence  it  was 
generally  conceived  to  be  most  expedient  fur 
the  country  to  cast  themselves  upon  the  pro- 
vidence of  a  merciful  and  gracious  God,  rather 
than  by  delays  to  expose  themselves  to  the 
treachery  and  cruelty  of  a  perfidious  enemy. 

A  war,  therefore,  speedily  to  be  carried  on 
in  the  very  depth  of  winter,  being  agreed 
upon,  care  was  taken  for  supplies,  as  the  diffi- 
culty of  such  an  affair  so  circumstanced  did 
require,  though  possibly  not  with  so  much  ne- 
cessary care  and  so  suitable  provisions,  as  had 
been  desired,  if  what  came  afterwards  to  pass 
could  have  been  forseen  (which  peradventure 
might  be  the  reason  things  went  on  so  heavily 
for  wantof  well  oiling  the  wheels)  in  the  mean- 
time a  small  army  of  a  thousand  fighting  men, 
well  appointed,  were  ordered  by  the  commis- 
sioners to  be  gathered  by  proportion  out  of 
all  the  colonies,  of  which  number  the  share 
cf  Massachusetts  was  to  be  527,  the  rest  wore 
to  be  supplied  out  of  Plymoutli  and  Connec- 
ticut colonies  :  All  other  supplies  were  taken 
care  for,  as  well  as  the  suddenness  of  the  ex- 
pedition, and  difficulty  of  the  season  would 
allow.  The  said  thousand  men  besides  some 
volunteers  of  Indian  friends,  were  by  the 
time  and  place  appointed  as  near  as  could  be 
had,  called  together,  and  a  commission  grant- 
ed to  the  honourable  Josiah  Winslow,  Esq. 
the  present  governor  of  Plymouth  colony,  a 
man  of  known  aVjility  and  integrity,  every 
way  so  well  qualified  with  courage  and  reso- 
lution, as  well  as  prudence  and  discretion,  as 
might  have  preferred  him  to  the  conduct  of  a 
far  greater  army  than  ever  is  like  to  be  gather- 
ed together  in  this  part  of  the  world,  in  this 
or  the  following  generations.  And  indeed, 
as  he  was  the  first  governor  over  any  of  the 
united  colonies  in  New  England,  of  them  that 
were  born  in  the  place,  so  may  be,  he  will 
pass  for  a  pattern  to  the  succeeding  race,  that 
may  come  after. 

Under  him  as  commander  in  chief,  were 
ordered  six  companies  from  AIass;K;husetts, 
under  the  command  of  Blajor  Appleton, 
Captains  Mosely,  Gardiner,  Davenport,  Oli- 
ver, and  Johnson  ;  five  companies  from  Con- 
necticut under  Major  Treat,  Captains  Siely, 
Oallop,  Mason,  Watts,  and  Marshall;  two 
cor.-.panies  from  Plymouth  under  Major  Brad- 
ford, and  Captain  Gorum. 

Under  the  governor -of  Plvmoiith,  as  com- 
mander in  chief  in  this  expedition,  were  sent 
is  m^or  of  the  forces  belonging  to  each  co- 


lony ;  Major  Robert  Treat  for  the  fi)rces  l)e- 
ioiiging  to  Connecticut,  and  Major  Bradford 
for  tliose  of  the  colony  of  Plymouth,  and 
Major  Samuel  Appleton,  for  those  of  Massa- 
chusetts, to  whom  by  the  honourable  major- 
general  of  the  colony,  were  six  companies  of 
toot;  Delivered  at  Dedliam,  December  the 
9th,  1675,  containing  in  number  4G5  fighting 
men,  besides  a  troop  of  horse,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Capt.  Thomas  Prentice,  attending 
upon  them.  That  night  they  marched  to 
VVoodcock's,  about  27  miles  from  Dedham. 
The  next  night  they  arrived  at  Seaconk  ; 
Capt.  Mosely  and  his  company  went  from 
tlience  with  Mr.  Smith  by  water;  the  rest 
ferried  over  the  water  to  Providence. 

The  next  day,  December  12th,  they  passed 
overPatuxet  river,  and  then  marching  through 
Pomham's  country,  at  night  they  met  with 
Capt.  Moseiy  and  his  company,  at  Mr.  Smith's 
in  Wickford,  the  place  intended  for  their 
head  quarters.  Capt.  Mosely  in  his  way 
thither  had  happily  surprised  36  Indians,  one 
of  whom  he  took  along  with  him  as  a  guide, 
Peter  by  name,  that  was  at  that  time  under 
some  disgust  with  his  countrymen,  or  liis  sa- 
chem, which  made  him  prove  the  more  real 
friend  to  our  forces  in  that  service,  wherein 
he  faithfully  performed  what  he  promised, 
and  without  his  assistance  our  men  would 
have  been  much  at  a  loss  to  have  found  the 
enemy,  until  it  had  been  too  late  to  have 
fought  them. 

Two  days  after,  December  14th,  five  files 
of  men  sent  out  under  Serjeant  Bennet,  and 
another  upon  the  scout  killed  one  man  and 
one  woman,  and  brought  in  four  more  by 
one  o'clock  :  The  whole  company  marched 
after  into  some  of  the  country,  where  they 
burnt  150  wigwams,  killed  7  of  the  enemy, 
and  brought  in  8  prisoners  when  they  return- 
ed at  night. 

The  next  day  an  Indian  called  Stone-wall 
John,  pretended  to  come  from  the  sachems, 
intimating  their  willingness  to  have  peace 
witli  the  English,  yet  could  the  messenger 
hardly  forbear  threatening,  boasting  of  their 
numbers  and  their  strength,  adding  withal 
tliat  the  English  durst  not  figlit  them  :  What- 
ever were  pretended  by  this  treacherous  fel- 
low, some  of  his  crew  as  he  went  home  met 
with  some  of  Gapt.  Gardiner's  men,  that  were 
straggling  about  their  own  business,  contrary 
to  order,  and  slew  his  sergeant  with  one  or 
two  more.  Two  also  of  Capt.  Oliver's  men 
were  killed  in  like  manner  ;  a  solemn  warn- 
ing for  soldiers  not  to  be  too  venturous  in  an 
enemy's  country.  For  preventing  the  like 
mischief  upon  other  companies,  more  care 
was  taken  as  they  passed  to  the  head  quarters, 
some  of  the  com|:)anies  being  lodged  three 
miles  therefrom.  Capt.  Mosely's,  Capt.  Da- 
venport's, and  Capt.  Oliver's  companies  being 
also  sent  about  that  time  to  bring  Major  i\  p- 
pleton's  to  the  general  quarters,  a  few  despe- 
rate Indians  creeping  under  a  stonewall  near 
the  place,  fired  twenty  or  thirty  guns  at 
Mosely  in  particular,  a  commander  well 
known  amongst  them,  but  the  rest  of  the  com- 
pany running  down  upon  them,  killed  one 
and  scattered  the  rest. 

The  next  day  Capt.  Prentice  witli  his  troop, 
being  sent  to  Pettyquamscot,  returned  with 
the  sad  news  of  burning  Jerry  Bull's  garrison- 
house  and  killing  10  Englishmen  and  5  wo- 
men and  children,  but  two  escaoed  in  all. 


This  is  the  chance  of  war  which  they  who 
undertook  must  prepare  to  undergo. 

The  next  day  brouglit  from  the  same  place 
a  little  better  nev/s,  ihou'rh  not  enouiih  to 
balance  the  sorrow  of  their  former,  viz.  llial 
Connecticut  fiirces  were  come  tliilher  witli 
three  hundred  English,  and  an  hundred  and 
fifty  Mohegiiis,  ready  fi.xed  for  war  on  iho 
behalf  of  the  Englisii  against  the  Narragan- 
sets,  their  mortal  enemies  ;  and  by  the  way 
meeting  a  party  of  the  enemy,  they  slew  five 
or  six  of  them  and  look  as  many  prisoners. 
The  whole  number  of  all  our  forces  lieing  now 
come,  the  want  of  provision  with  the  sharpness 
of  the  cold,  minded  t}i(;m  of  expedition,  w  here- 
fore, the  very  next  day,  the  whole  body  of  tfjo 
Massacliusetts  and  Plymouth  forces  marched 
away  to  Pettyquamscot,  intending  to  engage 
the  enemy  upon  the  firstoppor.'unity  that  next 
offered  itself:  to  which  resolition  tlioge  of 
Connecticut  presently  consented,  as  soon  as 
they  met  together,  which  was  about  five 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  Bull's  house,  intend- 
ed for  their  general  rendezvous,  l)eing  unhap 
pily  burnt  down  tv/6  or  three  days  befitre, 
there  was  no  shelter  left  eitlier  for  officers  or 
private  soldiers,  so  as  they  were  necessitated 
to  march  on  toward  ihe  enemy  througli  the  snow 
in  a  cold  stormy  evening,  finding  no  other  de- 
fence all  that  night,  save  the  open  air,  nor  any 
other  co\ering  then  a  cold  and  moist  fleece 
of  snow.  Throuffh  all  these  difficulties  thev 
marched  from  the  break  of  the  next  day, 
December  19th,  till  one  of  the  clock  in  the 
afternoon,  without  even  fire  to  warm  tliem, 
or  respite  to  take  any  fi)od,  save  what  they 
could  chew  in  their  n.arch.  Thus  liaving 
waded  fourteen  or  fifteen  miles  through  (he 
country  of  the  old  Queen  or  Snake  Squaw  of 
Narraganset,  they  came  at  one  o'clock  upon 
the  edge  of  the  swamp,  where  their  guide  as- 
sured them  they  should  find  Indians  enougli 
before  night. 

Our  forces  chopping  thus  upon  the  seat  of 
the  enemy,  upon  a  sudden,  they  liad  no  time 
either  to  draw  up  in  any  order  or  form  of  bat- 
tle, nor  yet  opportunity  to  consult  where  or 
how  to  assault.  As  they  marched,  Capt. 
.Mosely  and  Capt.  Davenport  led  the  plan, 
Major  Appleton  and  Capt.  Oliver  brought  up 
the  rear  of  Massacliusetts  fi)rces  :  Gen.  Wins- 
low  witli  the  Plymouth  forces  marched  in  the 
centre;  those  of  Connecticut  came  up  in  the 
rear  of  the  whole  body  :  but  liie  frontiers  dis- 
cerning Indians  in  the  swamp,  fired  imme- 
diately upon  them,  who  answering  our  men 
in  the  same  language,  retired  presently  into 
the  swamp,  our  men  fi)llowing  them  in  amain, 
without  staying  fiir  the  word  of  command,  as 
if  every  one  were  ambitious  who  should  g(» 
first,  never  making  any  stand  till  they  camo 
to  the  sides  of  liie  fi)rt,  into  which  the  Indians 
that  first  fired  upon  them  betook  themselves. 

It  seems  that  there  was  but  one  entrance  into 
the  fort,  though  the  enemy  found  many  w  ays 
to  come  out,  but  neitluir  the  English  or  their 
guide  well  knew  on  which  side  tlie  entrance 
iay  :  nor  was  it  easy  to  have  made  another; 
wherefore  the  g'.-od  providence  ofAlmiglity 
God  is  the  more  to  be  acknowledged,  who  as 
he  led  Israel  sometimes  by  the  pillar  of  fire 
and  the  cloud  of  his  presence,  a  right  way 
through  the  wilderness,  so  did  he  now  direct 
our  forces  upon  that  side  of  the  fiirt,  wliero 
thev  might  only  enter  through,  not  wiihout 
the  utmost  danger  and  hazard.    The  fort  wa.i 


644 


A  NARRATIVE  OF 


raised  U[>on  a  kind  of  island  of  five  or  six  acres 
of  rising  land  in  the  midst  of  a  swamp  ;  the 
sides  of  it  were  made  of  pallisadoes,  set  up- 
right, wiiich  was  compassed  about  with  an 
inedge  of  almost  a  rod  thickness,  through 
which  there  was  no  passing,  unless  ihpy  could 
have  fired  a  way  through,  which  then  they 
had  no  time  to  do.  The  place  where  the  In- 
dians used  ordinarily  to  enter  themselves,  was 
upon  a  long  tree  over  a  place  of  water,  where 
hut  one  man  could  enter  at  a  time,  and  which 
was  so  waylaid  that  they  would  have  been 
cut  off  that  had  ventured  there:  but  at  one 
corner  there  was  a  gap  made  up  only  with  a 
long  tree,  about  four  or  five  feet  from  the 
ground,  over  which  men  might  easily  pass  : 
but  they  had  placed  a  kind  of  block-house 
1-ight  over  against  the  said  tree,  from  whence 
they  sorely  galled  our  men  that  first  entered, 
s,ome  being  shot  dead  upon  the  tree,  as  was 
Capt.  Johnson  ;  and  some  as  soon  as  they  en- 
tered, as  was  Capt.  Uavenjjort;  so  as  they 
that  first  entered  were  forced  presently  to  re- 
tire, and  fall  upon  their  bellies,  the  fury  of  the 
enemy's  sliot  was  pretty  well  spent,  which 
some  companies  that  did  not  discern  the  dan- 
ger, not  observing,  lost  sundry  of  their  men, 
but  at  the  last  two  companies  being  brought 
up,  besides  the  four  that  first  marched  up,  they 
animated  one  another,  to  make  another  assault, 
one  of  the  commanders  crying  out,  they  run, 
they  run,  which  did  so  encourage  the  soldiers 
tliat  tlu!y  presently  entered  amain.  After  a 
considerable  number  were  well  entered,  they 
presently  beat  the  enemy  out  of  a  flanker  oti 
the  left  hand,  which  iid  a  little  shelter  our 
men  from  the  enemy's  shot,  till  more  came  up, 
and  so  by  degrees  made  up  higher,  first  into 
the  middle,  and  then  into  the  uj)per  end  of  the 
fort,  till  at  last  they  made  the  enemy  all  retire 
from  their  sconses,  and  fortified  places,  leav- 
ing multitudes  of  their  dead  bodies  upon  the 
place.  Connecticut  soldiers  marching  up  in 
the  rear,  being  not  aware  of  the  dangerous 
passage  over  the  tree,  in  command  of  the  ene- 
my's block-house,  were  at  their  first  entrance 
many  of  them  shot  down,  although  they  came 
on  with  as  gallant  resolution  as  any  of  therest, 
under  tli(!  conduct  of  their  wise  and  \  aliant 
leader,  IVIajor  Treat. 

The  brunt  of  the  battle,  or  clanger  that  day, 
lay  most  upon  the  commanders  whose  part 
it  was  to  lead  on  their  several  companies  in 
the  very  face  of  death,  or  else  all  had  been 
lost;  all  of  them  with  great  valour  and  r(;solu- 
lion  of  mind,  not  at  all  afraid  to  die  in  so  good 
a  cause,  bravely  led  on  their  men  in  that  des- 
perate assault ;  leaving  their  lives  in  the  [)lace 
as  the  best  testimony  of  their  valour,  and  of 
love  to  the  cause  of  God  and  their  country. 
No  less  than  six  brave  captains  fell  that  day 
in  the  assault,  viz.  Capt.  Davenport,  Capt. 
Gardiner,  Capt.  Johnson,  of  Massachusetts, 
besides  Lieut<-nant  Upham,  who  died  some 
months  after  of  his  wounds  received  at  that 
time.  Capt.  Gallop  also,  and  Capt.  Sieley, 
and  Capt.  Marshall  were  slain,  of  those  Ixdong- 
ing  to  Coimecticut  colony.  It  is  usually  seen 
that  the  valour  of  the  soldiers  is  much  wrap- 
ped up  in  the  lives  of  their  commanders,  yet 
It  was  found  here,  that  th(!  soldiers  wore  rather 
enragcil  than  discouraged  by  the  loss  of  their 
commanders,  which  made  them  redouble  their 
courage,  and  not  giv(?  back  after  they  were 
entered  a  sccoml  time,  till  they  hiid  di  ivcn  out 
Uieir  citemi<;9  :  so  after  nmch  blood  and  many 


wounds  dealt  on  both  sides,  the  English  seeing  ' 
their  advantage,  began  to  fire  the  wigwams 
where  was  sujiposed  to  be  many  of  the  ene- 1 
my's  women  and  children  destroyed,  by  the  I 
firing  of  at  least  five  or  six  hundred  of  their  1 
smoky  cells. 

It  is  reported  by  {hem  that  first  entered  the 
Indians'  fort,  that  our  soldiers  came  upon  them 
when  they  were  ready  to  dress  their  dinner, 
but  our  sudden  and  unexpected  assault  put 
them  beside  that  work,  making  their  cook 
rooms  too  hot  for  them  at  tliat  time,  when  they 
and  their  mitchin  fried  together :  and  proba- 
bly some  of  tliem  eat  their  suppers  in  a  colder 
place  that  night :  most  of  their  provisions  as 
well  as  their  huts  being  then  consumed  with 
fire,  and  those  that  were  left  alive  forced  to 
hide  themselves  in  a  cedar  swamp,  not  far  off, 
where  they  had  nothing  to  defend  themselves 
from  the  cold  but  boughs  of  spruce  and  pine 
trees  :  for  after  two  or  three  hours  fight,  the 
English  became  masters  of  the  place,  but  not 
judging  it  tenable,  after  they  had  burned  all 
they  could  set  fire  upon,  they  were  forced  to 
retreat,  after  the  daylight  was  almost  quite 
spent,  and  were  necessitated  to  retire  to  their 
quarters,  full  fifteen  or  sixteen  miles  oflT,  some 
ay  more,  whither  with  their  dead  and  wound- 
ed men  they  were  forced  to  march,  a  difficulty 
scarce  to  be  believed  and  not  paralleled  in  any 
former  age. 

It  is  hard  to  say  who  acquitted  themselves 
best  in  that  day's  service,  either  the  soldiers, 
for  their  manlike  valour  in  figlitiiig,  or  the 
commanders  for  their  wisdom  and  cciuragc, 
leading  on  in  the  very  face  of  death. — There 
might  one  have  seen  the  whole  body  of  that 
little  regimental  army,  as  busy  as  bees  in  a 
hive,  some  bravely  fighting  with  the  enemy, 
others  hauling  off  and  carrying  away  the  dead 
and  wounded  men  (which  I  rather  note)  that 
none  may  want  the  due  testimony  of  their 
valourand  faithfulness,  though  all  ought  to  say, 
not  unto  us,  but  unto  thy  natne,  O  Lord,  &c. 

For  though  there  might  not  be  above  three 
our  four  hundred  at  any  time  within  the  fort 
at  once,  yet  the  rest  in  their  turns  came  up  to 
do  what  the  exigence  of  the  service  requireil 
in  bringing  off  the  dead  and  wounded  men  : 
tlie  Massachusetts  regiment,  together  with 
Capt.  Mosely,  was  very  serviceable,  forln' that 
means  the  fort  being  clear  of  the  dead  bodies,  it 
struck  a  greater  terror  into  tlie  enemy,  to  see 
but  eight  or  ten  dead  bodies  of  tUo  English 
left,  than  to  meet  with  so  many  hundreds  of 
their  own  slain  and  wounded  carcasses.  The 
number  of  the  slain  was  not  th»^n  known  on 
the  enemy's  side,  because  our  men  were  for- 
ced to  leave  them  on  the  ground  :  but  our  vic- 
tory was  found  afterwards  to  be  much  more 
considerable  than  at  first  was  apprehended  ; 
for  although  our  loss  was  very  great  not  only 
because  of  the  desperateness  of  the  attempt 
itself  (in  such  a  season  of  the  year,  and  at 
such  a  distance  from  our  quarters,  wlicri>by 
many  of  our  wotmded  men  perijihed,  w  hich 
might  otherwise  have  been  preserved,  if  they 
had  not  been  forced  to  march  so  many  miles 
in  a  cold  snowy  night,  before  they  could  be 
tlresseil)  yet  the  enemy  lost  so  many  of  tlieir 
principal  fighting  intMi,  their  provision  also  was 
Ity  the  btiriiiiig  of  their  wigwams,  so  much  of 
it  spoiled  at  the  facing  of  their  fort,  and  by 
sur|)risiiig  so  much  of  their  corn  about  that 
lime  also;  that  it  was  tlie  occasion  of  their 
total  ruin  afterwards  :  they  being  at  that  time 


driven  away  from  their  habitations,  and  put 
by  from  planting  for  the  next  year,  as  well  us 
deprived  of  what  they  had  in  store  for  the 
present  winter.  What  numbers  of  the  enemy 
were  slain  is  uncertain,  it  was  confessed  by  one 
Potock,  a  great  counsellor  amongst  them, 
afterwards  taken  at  Rhodn  Island,  and  put  to 
death  at  Boston,  that  the  Indians  lost  700 
fighting  men  that  day,  besides  three  hundred 
that  died  of  their  wounds.  The  number  of 
old  men,  women  and  children,  that  perished 
either  by  fire,  or  that  were  starved  with  hun- 
ger and  cold,  none  of  them  could  tell.  There 
was  above  80  of  the  English  slain,  and  150 
wounded,  that  recovered  afterwardo. 

There  were  several  circumstances  in  this 
victory  very  remarkable. 

First,  The  meeting  with  one  Peter  a  fusi- 
tlve  Indian,  that  upon  some  discontent,  flying 
from  the  Narragansets,  olFered  himself  to  the 
service  of  the  English,  and  did  faithfully  per- 
form what  he  promised,  viz.  to  lead  them  to 
the  swamp  where  the  Indians  had  sealed 
themselves  within  a  fort  raised  upon  an  Is- 
land of  firm  earth,  in  the  midst  of  a  swamp, 
whither  none  of  the  English  could  have  piloted 
them  without  his  assistance,  the  place  being 
very  near  eighteen  miles  from  the  place  where 
they  were  quartered. 

Secondly,  Their  being  by  a  special  provi- 
dence directed  just  to  a  place  wliere  they 
found  so  easy  an  entrance,  which  if  they  had 
missed,  they  could  never  have  made  a  way 
through  the  hedge,  with  which  they  had  sur- 
rounded the  palisadoes  of  the  fort,  in  Imlf  a 
day's  time. 

And  Thirdly,  If  they  had  entered  the  way 
left  by  the  Indians  fiir  a  passage,  tliey  might 
have  been  cut  ofl^,  before  they  could  have  come 
near  tluur  fortification. 

Lastly,  In  directing  their  motion  to  begin 
the  assault  just  at  the  day  they  did,  for  if  they 
had  deferred  but  a  day  longer,  there  fell  such 
a  storm  of  snow  the  next  day  that  they  could 
not  have  passed  through  it  in  divers  weeks 
after  ;  and  on  a  sudden,  there  fell  such  a  thaw, 
that  melted  away  both  ice  and  snow,  so  that 
if  they  had  deferred  till  that  time,  they  could 
have  found  no  passage  into  their  fortified  place. 

All  which  considerations  puttogether,  make 
it  a  signal  favour  of  God  to  carry  them 
through  so  many  difficulties  to  accompli.xli  tl;oif 
desired  end.  For  after  they  had  retired  to 
their  qtiarters,  but  sixteen  miles  from  that 
place,  there  was  so  great  a  wantof  provision, 
the  vessels  lieing  frozen  in  at  the  harbour 
about  cape  Cod,  that  should  have  brought 
them  relief,  and  the  frost  and  snow  sot  in  so 
violently,  that  it  was  not  possible  for  them, 
with  all  the  force  they  could  make  (so  many 
of  their  ablest  soldiers  being  slain.and  wound- 
ed) to  have  made  another  onset:  But  the 
goodness  of  the  Almighty  God  was  most  of 
all  to  be  admired,  that  notwithstanding  all  the 
iiardships  they  endured  that  winter,  in  very 
cold  lodgings,  hard  marches,  scarcity  t)f  |>r'>- 
vision,  yet  not  not  one  man  whs  known  to  die 
by  any  ilisease  or  bodily  distemper,  save 
them  that  perished  of  their  wounds. 

Our  forces  being  compelled  by  the  afore- 
saiil  occasions,  to  lie  still  some  weeks  after 
hojiing  also  that  the  enemy  so  sorely  broken, 
would  gladlv  have  sued  for  peace  :  butns  was 
said  of  old,  (lod  hardened  their  hearts  to  their 
own  ruin  and  destruction  afterwards:  for  iis 
soon  as  our  soldivrs  were  able  to  march,  fiuU* 


T  H  E  I  N  D  I  A  N   WAR  S. 


045 


ing  that  all  the  enemy's  overtures  of  peace, 
iind  prolonging  of  treaties,  was  only  to  gain 
lime,  that  they  might  get  away  into  the 
woods  ;  they  pursued  after  them,  and  some- 
times came  upon  their  rear,  Init  then  they 
would  immediately  fly  an  hundred  ways  at 
once  into  swamps,  so  as  our  men  could  not 
follow  them,  or  if  tliey  did,  could  not  see  two 
of  them  together  ;  so  that  now  there  was  little 
good  like  to  be  done,  unless  they  could  take 
them  at  some  advantage.  At  length  having 
spent  all  their  provision,  and  tired  themselves 
in  pursuing  of  them  sixty  or  seventy  miles,  up 
througli  the  woods  towards  Marlborough  and 
Lancaster,  towns  that  he  on  the  road  to  Con- 
necticut, having  killed  and  taken  near  70  of 
them,  our  soldiers  were  ordered  to  return 
towards  Boston,  to  recruitthemselves suppos- 
ing that  the  Narragansets,  and  those  with 
them,  were  so  enfeebled  that  they  would  have 
no  mind  suddenly  to  assault  any  of  the  Englisli 
towns. 

If  any  desire  a  more  particular  account  of 
the  loss  which  we  sustained  at  the  taking-  of 
the  Narraganset  fort,  December  l-9th,  1675, 
they  may  take  It  as  here  follows  : 

Besides  the  six  captains  mentioned  before, 
that  either  were  slam  in  the  assault,  or  died 
afterwards  of  their  wounds,  to  whom  may  be 
reckoned  Lieut.  Upham,  that  died  lately  at 
Boston  of  the  wounds  he  then  received. 

There  were  outof  thecompany  belongingto 

killed.  wounded. 
Major  Appleton,  3  22 

Capt.  Mosely,  9  10 

Capt.  Oliver^  5  10 

Capt.  Gardiner,  7  11 

Capt.  Johnson,  3  11 

Capt.  Davenport,  4  15 

in  all,      31  in  all,  79 

Tliere  were  slain  and  wounded  of 

New  Haven  company,  20 

Capt.  Seiley's  company,  20 

Capt.  Watts's  company,  17 

Capt.  Marshall's  company,  14 
Plymouth  company  under  Major 

Bradford  and  Capt.  Gorham,  20 

in  all,  91 

If  there  had  not  been  so  great  a  distance 
between  the  place  of  the  fight  and  their  quar- 
ters, and  so  much  cold  attending  them  in  their 
retirement  thereunto,  some  better  account 
might  have  been  given  of  that  expedition,  than 
now  they  were  able  to  do.  For  a  march  of 
sixteen  oreighteen  miles  is  too  much  to  breathe 
afresh  soldier,  unless  he  were  well  mounted; 
but  enough  to  kill  the  heart  of  them  that  have 
been  wearied  with  a  long  and  tedious  fight. 
As  f(n- the  coldness  of  the  weather  althougli 
It  be  a  good  besorr  to  sweep  the  chamber  of 
the  air  (which  might  be  the  reason  there  was 
no  more  diseases  amongst  them)  yet  it  is  an 
unwelcome  companion  to  wearied,  and  espe- 
cially to  Wounded  men,  in  so  long  a  retreat. 

Bi;t  the  want  of  provision  failing,  in  con- 
;nnction  with  the  unseasonableiiess  of  the 
weather,  and  length  of  the  way,  our  forces 
were  hindered  from  any  new  attempt  upon 
the  enemy,  which  if  they  would  have  attend- 
ed, it  was  thought  it  might  have  put  an  end 
to  our  troubles  :  but  he  that  holdelh  the 
Bcalcs  of  the  victory  in  his  hand  turneth  them 


to  which  side,  and  by  what  degrees  pleaseth 
him  best. 

The  rest  of  the  winter  was  spent  in  fruitless 
treaties  about  a  peace  :  both  sides  being  well 
wearied  with  the  late  desperate  fight,  were 
willini;  to  refresh  themselves  the  remaining 
part  of  the  winter,  xyith  the  short  slumber  of 
a  pretended  peace,  at  least  with  a  talk  or  dream 
thereof  ;  our  commanders  aim  therein  was 
christian  and  if  it  had  proceeded,  i.  e.  to  have 
prevented  the  shfulding  of  more  blood  :  and 
possibly  some  of  the  elder  and  wiser  of  the 
enemy,  did  really  desire  what  was  pretended 
by  them  all  (for  they  had  now  full  proof  of 
the  valour  and  resolution  of  the  English,  which 
some  of  them  upon  former  successes  might  be 
ready  to  question)  and  they  could  not  but  see 
their  destruction  already  begun,  in  the  loss  of 
our  dwellings,  and  all  their  provisions,  as  well 
as  the  slaughter  of  the  best  part  of  their  fight- 
ing men;  but  through  consciousness  of  their 
barbarous  treachery  and  fiilsehood,  they  could 
not  trust  others,  and  so  were  willing  to  run 
the  utmost  hazard,  as  people  hardened  to 
their  own  destruction.  The  particular  pas- 
sages of  the  treaty  being  carried  on  by  the 
enemy  only  in  pretence,  (and  by  our  men 
that  soon  discerned  their  fraud)  rather  out  of 
necessity,  to  conceal  their  incapacity  of  en- 
gaging them  anew,  than  any  real  expectation 
of  a  good  effect,  are  not  worthy  the  relating. 
However,  though  the  foot  were  unable  to  do 
any  service  in  the  depth  of  the  snow,  and 
sharpness  of  the  cold,  the  troop  was  sent  out 
upon  all  occasions  to  scout  about  the  country, 
who  brought  in  daily  much  of  the  enemy's 
corn  and  beans,  which  they  had  hid  in  the 
ground  under  barns,  or  at  least  kept  them 
from  making  use  of  their  own  provision,  or 
spoiling  the  English  cattle;  now  and  then 
bringing  in  prisoners  from  their  quarters,  as 
they  were  straggling  about  to  get  victuals. 

On  the  27th  of  December,  Capt.  Prentice 
was  sent  into  Bomham's  country,  where  he 
burnt  near  an  hundred  wigwams,  but  found 
not  an  Indian  in  any  of  them. 

On  the  2Sth  of  December,  a  squaw  was  sent 
to  them,  who  had  been  taken  in  the  fight,  with 
a  proffer  of  peace,  if  they  would  submit  to 
such  terms  as  were  propounded  ;  the  principal 
of  which  was,  to  deliver  up  all  Philip's  In- 
dians, that  were  with  them  ;  the  squaw  re- 
turned, pretending  that  she  was  iame  and  un- 
able to  come  again  ;  but  the  30th  of  Decem- 
ber, an  Indian  came  from  the  sachems,  with 
with  seeming  thanks  for  the  peace  proffered, 
yet  complained  we  made  war  upon  them,  and 
gave  them  no  notice;  but  his  mouth  was  soon 
stopped,  by  the  answer  they  made  him :  he 
owned,  as  the  squaw  had  said  before,  that  they 
lost  300  of  their  best  fighting  men,  and  so  did 
two  prisoners  of  theirs,  taken  January  I4th, 
whereof  one  being  of  Philip's  company,  was 
put  to  death.  The  messenger  that  W'as  sent 
was  fairly  dismissed,  with  the  express  men- 
tion of  what  terms  they  must  expect,  if  ihey 
desired  a  peace. 

January  4th,  there  came  two  messengers 
from  them,  as  they  said  to  make  way  lor  a 
treaty  of  peace  ;  who  laid  the  blame  upon 
Canonchet,  who  came  to  Boston  in  October 
last,  to  confirm  the  peace  with  the  commis- 
sioners of  the  united  colonies,  as  if  he  had 
misinformed  them,  viz.  that  they  were  not  by 
bv  the  former  treaty  to  have  dehvered  up  the 
Wampanoogs,  or  Philip's  Indians,  until  the 


aid  Canotichet's  brother,  one  of  the  hostages  a( 
Hartford,  was  released.  This  was  bi't  a  mere 
j)retence,  for  heand  they  too, better  understood 
the  particulars  of  the  agreement  :  for  b^ 
chance  the  articles  which  they  had  of  the  peace 
concluded  with  them,  were  found  open  (wheth- 
er purposely  or  accidentally  was  not  known) 
in  a  wigwam  in  the  f()rt  when  it  was  tal<en,  so 
they  could  not  be  ignorant  of  the  articles  of  the 
agreement. 

January  5th,  an  English  child  of  about  tlir<?e 
or  four  years  old,  taken  from  Warwick,  was 
sent  in  to  put  the  better  pretence  upon  th« 
treaty  mentioned. 

January  8tli,  the  messengers  were  sent 
back,  and  told  what  ihey  must  trust  to.  In 
the  afternoon  a  messenger  came  from  Nini- 
gret,  the  old  sachem  of  Narraganset,  who 
brought  a  letter  from  Mr.  Stanton,  the  inter- 
preter, signifying  the  reality  of  the  said  Nini- 
gret,  in  his  friendship  to  the  English,  and  the 
straits  of  the  enemy,  that  corn  was  two  shillings 
a  pint  with  them.  Yet  notwithstanding  all 
tlieir  dilRculties,  they  rather  delayed  the  lime 
till  they  could  getaway,  than  really  endeavour 
to  make  a  ]ieace,  as  was  soon  manifest:  for 
that  young  and  insolent  sachem,  Canonchet, 
and  Panoqiiin,  said  they  would  fight  it  out  to 
the  last  man,  rather  than  become  servants  to 
the  English. 

January  10th,  a  fresh  supply  of  soldiers 
came  up  from  Boston,  wadisg  through  a  sliarp 
storm  of  snow,  that  bit  some  of  them  by  the 
heels  with  the  frost.  The  next  day  one  that 
came  with  them,  going  outwith  the  scouts,  fell 
amongst  the  Indians'  barns,  in  one  of  which, 
as  he  was  groping  to  find  corn  for  the  relief 
of  his  horse,  he  catcheo  hold  of  an  Indian's 
\  ir,  under  the  leaves,  who  presently  hehi  up 
his  hands,  (when  the  soldier  was  drawing  liif. 
sword,)  to  spare  his  life,  which  was  gi-anted, 
but  after  he  was  brought  to  the  liead-quarters, 
he  would  own  nothing  but  what  was  forced 
out  of  his  mouth,  by  the  woolding  of  his  head 
with  a  cord,  wherefore  he  was  presently 
judged  to  die  as  a  Wampanoog. 

January  12ih,  another  messengercame  from 
Cononicus,  desiring  the  space  of  a  month  long- 
er, wherein  to  issue  the  treaty,  whicli  so  pro- 
voked the  commander  of  our  forces,  that  they 
resolved  to  have  no  more  treaties  with  the 
enemy,  but  prepare  to  assault  them,  with 
God's  assistance,  as  soon  as  ever  the  season 
would  permit,  and  it  was  high  time  to  take  up 
for  within  a  few  days  after  they  understood  by 
some  that  were  taken  prisoners,  that  the  ene- 
my were  gone,  or  going  into  the  Nipmuch 
country. 

Wiihin  a  few  days  after,  about  the  16ih  of 
January,  the  scouts  brought  in  one  Joshua 
Tift,  a  renegado  Englishman,  of  Providenc-, 
that  upon  some  discontent  among  his  neigh- 
bours, had  turned  Indian,  married  one  of  the 
Indian  squaws,  renounced  his  religion,  nation, 
and  natural  parents,  allat  once  fighting  against 
them.  He  was  taken  by  Capt.  Feniier,  of 
Providence,  who  with  some  of  liis  neighbours 
were  pursuing  some  Indians  that  had  driven 
away  their  cattle.  This  Tift  being  one  of  the 
com|)any  was  wounded  in  the  knee,  and  so 
was  siezed  by  tlie  English;  he  had  in  his  habit 
conformed  himself  to  them  amongst  whom  lie 
lived.  After  examination  he  was  condemned 
to  die  the  death  of  a  traitor.  As  to  his  reli- 
gion he  was  found  as  ignorant  as  an  heathen, 
which  n )  doubt  caused  the  fewer  tears  to  Ui 


646 


A   NARRATIVE  OF 


sVu-il  at  iiid  funeral,  by  being  unwilling  to  lav- 
ish |)it_v  upon  him  that  had  divested  himself 
of  n;iture  itself,  as  well  as  religion,  in  a  time 
when  so  much  pity  was  needed  elsewhere,  and 
nothing  loft  besides  wherewith  to  relieve  the 
BuH'erers. 

January  2l3t,  Capt.  Prentice's  troops  being 
abroad,  met  with  a  party  of  the  enemy,  of 
whom  they  took  two  prisoners,  and  killed 
nine;  in  which  exploit,  something  happer.ed 
very  remarkable,  forone  \V.  Dodge,  of  Salem, 
riding  in  company  with  another  friend,  they 
happened  to  meet  with  two  Indians,  the  said 
Dodge  being  better  horsed  tlian  his  friend, 
made  after  the  foremost,  leaving  his  friend  to 
deal  with  the  hindmost,  but  his  pistol  missed 
firing,  whereupon  the  Indian  taking  him  by 
the  leg,  turned  him  off  his  horse,  and  getting 
upon  liim,  was  about  killing  him  with  his 
kinii',  which  Mr.  Dodge  by  chance  espied,  and 
came  time  enough  to  rescue  his  friend,  and 
dispatch  the  Indian  lying  upon  him,  and  yet 
overtook  the  first  Indian  lie  was  pursuing, 
time  enough  to  do  his  business  also  :  by  that 
means  he  did  three  good  offices  at  once,  saved 
the  life  of  one  friend,  and  slew  two  of  his 
enemies.  I3ut  within  two  or  three  days  after, 
the  weatlier  much  altering  from  what  It  was, 
induced  our  forces  to  take  the  first  opportu- 
nity to  pursue  the  enemy,  who,  as  they  under- 
felood  by  messengers  from  Providence,  were 
now  upon  their  flight  into  the  Nipmuc  coun- 
try :  But  so  many  difficulties  were  cast  in 
their  way,  that  they  could  not  be  ready  time 
enough  to  prevent  the  mischief  they  did  at 
Warwick,  as  they  took  their  farewell  of  their 
country  :  For, 

January  27th,  they  despoiled  Mr.  Carpen- 
ter of  two  hundred  sheep,  and  fifty  head  of 
neat  cattle,  and  fifteen  horses  ;  all  wlilch  they 
drove  along  with  them,  and  were  gone  too 
far  to  be  rescued  before  our  forces  set  out. 
Two  that  belonged  to  the  said  Carpenter 
W(!re  wounded  and  one  of  the  enemy  slain. 
As  they  marched  after  the  enemy,  they  found 
a  good  house  burned,  with  a  barn  belonging  to 
it.  They  perceived  also  that  the  enemy  dealt 
much  in  horse  flesh,  meeting  with  no  less  than 
sixty  horses  heads  in  one  place,  which  they  had 
left  behind  them.  Our  soldiers  in  their  pursuit 
came  upon  the  rear,  killed  and  took  about 
seventy  of  them,  yet  never  could  come  to 
charge  them,  for  they  would  presently  betake 
themselves  into  swamps,  and  not  two  of  them 
running  together,  they  saw  it  was  an  endless 
■work  to  proceed  further  in  the  chace  of  such 
an  enemy;  but  our  f(jrces  having  pursued 
Ovin  into  the  woods,  between  Marlborough 
and  Hrookheld,  in  the  road  toward  Connecti- 
cut, were  constrained  to  turn  down  to  ]5oston, 
ni  the  beginning  of  February,  for  want  of  pro- 
vision, both  for  themselves  and  their  liorses, 
which  gave  an  occasion  to  the  loss  of  those  les- 
ser town«  that  were  destroyed  by  the  Nipnet 
Indians,  wlio  presently  joined  with  the  Narra- 
gaiisetts,  upon  their  first  approach,  as  shall  be 
related  afierw  anls. 

Alx>ut  th(?  lOtli  .if  Ffbiiiary  after,  s^omc 
hundreds  of  the  Indians,  whether  Ni|)riet3  or 
Nasliaway  men  is  uru;ertain,  l)elongInp  to  liim 
they  call  Sagamore  Sam,  and  possibly  some 
of  the  stoule.sl  of  the  Narragunsels  that  had 
escaped  llie  winter  brunt,  !<■  1!  upon  Lancaster, 
u  .Htnall  village  of  about  fiiiy  or  sixty  families, 
and  <]iil  much  mischief,  burning  most  of  the 
houses  that  were  not  garrisoned  ■  and  wlilch  is 


most  sad  and  awful  to  consider,  the  house  of 
Mr.  Rowlandson,  minister  of  said  Lancaster, 
which  was  garrisoned  with  a  competent  num- 
ber of  the  inhabitants;  yet  the  fortification  of 
the  house  being  on  the  back  side,  closed  up 
with  fire  wood,  the  Indians  got  so  near  as  to 
fire  a  leanter,  which  Vjurning'  the  iiouse  imme- 
dlately  to  the  ground,  all  the  persons  therein 
were  put  to  the  hard  choice,  either  to  perish 
by  the  flames,  or  to  yield  themselves  into  the 
hands  of  those  cruel  savages,  which  last  (con- 
sidering that  a  living  dos  Is  better  than  a  dead 

o  DO 

lion)  they  chose,  and  so  were  42  persons  sur- 
prised by  the  Indians,  above  twenty  of  the 
women  and  children  they  carried  away  cap- 
tive, a  rueful  spectacle  to  behold  ;  the  rest 
being  men,  they  killed  in  the  place  or  reserved 
for  further  misery:  and  many  that  were  not 
slain  in  fighting,  were  killed  in  attempting  to 
escape.  The  minister  himself  was  occassion- 
ally  absent,  to  seek  help  from  the  governor 
and  council  to  defend  tliat  place,  who  return- 
insf,  was  entertained  with  the  tragical  news 
of  hi*  wife  and  cliildren  surprised,  and  beinij 
carried  away  by  tlie  enemy,  and  his  house 
turned  to  ashes,  yet  it  pleased  God  so  to  up- 
hold his  heart,  comforting  himself  in  his  God 
as  David  at  Zlklag,  that  he  would  always  say, 
he  believed  he  should  see  his  wife  and  children 
again,  which  did  in  like  manner  soon  come 
to  pass  within  five  or  six  months  after;  all 
all  save  the  youngest,  which  being  wounded 
at  the  first  died  soon  after,  among  the  Indians. 

And  such  was  the  goodness  of  God  to 
those  poor  captive  women  and  children,  that 
they  found  so  much  favour  in  the  sight  of  their 
enemies,  that  they  offered  no  wrong  to  any  of 
their  persons  save  what  they  could  not  help, 
being  in  many  wants  themselves.  Neither 
did  they  offer  any  uncivil  carriage  to  any  of 
the  females,  nor  ever  attempted  the  chastity 
of  any  of  them,  either  being  restrained  of  God 
as  was  Al/imeleck  of  old,  or  by  some  other 
accidental  cause  which  withheld  them  from 
doing  any  wrong  in  that  kind. 

Upon  the  report  of  this  disaster,  Capt. 
Wadsworth,  then  at  Marlborough,  w^ith  about 
forty  resolute  men,  adventured  the  rescuing 
of  the  town  that  was  remaining  :  And  having 
recovered  a  bridge,  they  got  over  safe,  though 
the  planks  were  pulled  off  by  the  enemy,  and 
being  led  up  in  a  way,  not  discovered  by 
them,  they  forced  the  Indians  for  the  present 
to  (juit  the  place,  after  they  had  burnt  and  de- 
stroyed the  better  half  of  it.  Yet  afterwards 
it  not  beinw  judiied  tenable,  it  was  abandoned 
to  the  pleasure  of  the  insulting  foe. 

Ten  days  after  they  were  so  flushed  with 
this  succ(!ss,  that  two  or  three  hundred  of  them 
came  wheeling  down  to  Medfield,  a  town 
twenty  miles  from  Boston,  westward  from 
Dedham,  which  they  surprised  very  early  in 
the  morning  (and  tliough  there  were  one  hun- 
dred and  sixtv  sohllers  in  it,  or  more,  besiiles 
the  inhabitants)  they  burnt  near  one  half  of 
the  town,  killing  about  twenty  persons,  but  by 
the  resistance  of  the  soldiers,  as  soon  as  they 
could  be  rallied  together  (it  being  at  or  before 
break  of  day,  none  in  the  least  suspecting 
such  an  assault  so  early)  they  were  quickly 
forced  to  forsake  the  place,  and  so  (not  with 
out  some  loss)  took  their  way  to  I'lymouth 
colony. 

The  western  towns  above  Connecticut  were 
the  cliief  seat  of  the  war,  and  felt  most  of  the 
mischief  thereof,  in  the  end  of  the  year  1675  ; 


but  the  scene  is  now  to  be  changed  ;  and  the 
other  towns  and  villages  that  lie  eastward, 
nearer  Boston,  must  iiear  their  [lart  in  ttie  like 
tragedies  :  For  as  was  said  before,  the  Nar- 
ragansets  having  been  driven  out  of  the  conn- 
try,  fled  through  the  Nipnet  plantations,  to- 
w-ards  Watcluiset  hills,  meeting  with  all  the 
Indians  that  had  harboured  all  winter  in  those 
woods  about  Nashaway,  they  all  combined 
against  the  English,  yet  divided  their  num- 
bers, and  one  of  them  were  observed  to  bend 
their  course  towards  Plymouth,  taking  Med- 
field in  their  way,  which  tliey  endeavoured  to 
burn  and  spoil,  February  21,  1075,  as  their 
fellows  had  done  Lancaster  ten  days  before. 

The  surprisal  of  this  Medfield,  in  regard 
of  some  remarkable  circumstances  it  was  at- 
tended with,  is  not  unworthy  a  more  particu- 
lar relating  as  to  the  manner  thereof :  The  loss 
of  Lancaster  had  sufficiently  awakened  and 
alarmed  tlie  neighbouring  villages,  all  to  stand 
upon  guard  ;  and  some  had  obtained  garris- 
oned soldiers  for  their  greater  securltv,  as  was 
the  case  with  them  in  the  town  of  ^ledfield, 
within  twenty-two  miles  of  Boston.  And  at 
that  time  were  lodged  therein  several  gar- 
rison soldiers,  besides  the  inhabitants;  yet 
being  billetted  up  and  down  in  all  quarters  of 
the  town,  could  not  be  gathered  together  till  a 
great  part  of  the  town  was  set  on  fire  and 
many  of  the  inhabitants  slain,  which,  how  it 
could  be  effected  is  strange  to  believe  :  But 
most  of  those  inland  plant;itions  being  over- 
run with  young  wood  (the  inhabitants  being 
vtry  apt  to  engross  more  lands  into  their  hands 
than  they  were  able  to  subdue)  as  if  they 
were  seated  in  the  midst  of  a  heap  of  bushes  : 
Their  enemies  took  the  advantage  thereof, 
and  secretly  over  night,  conveyed  themselves 
round  about  the  town,  some  getting  under  the 
sides  of  their  barns,  and  fences  of  their  or- 
chards, as  is  supposed,  where  they  lay  hid  un- 
der that  covert,  till  break  of  day,  when  they 
suddenly  set  upon  sundry  houses,  shooting 
tliem  that  came  first  out  of  their  doors,  and 
then  fired  their  houses  ;  Some  were  killed  as 
they  attempted  to  fly  to  their  neighbours  for 
shelter.  Some  were  only  wounded,  and  some 
taken  alive  and  carried  off  captives  :  In  some 
houses  the  husband  running  away  with  one 
child,  the  wife  with  another,  of  whom  the  one 
was  killed,  the  other  escaped.  They  began 
at  the  east  end  of  the  town,  where  they  fired 
the  house  of  one  Samuel  Morse,  that  seems 
to  have  been  a  sisrnal  to  the  rest  to  fall  in  on 
other  parts  :  Most  of  the  houses  in  the  west, 
or  southwest  end  of  the  town  were  soon  burnt 
down  :  And  generally  when  they  burnt  any 
out  houses,  the  cattle  in  them  were  burnt  also. 
Two  mills  belonging  to  tlie  town  were  burnt 
also:  A  poor  old  man  of  near  an  hundred 
years  old,  was  burnt  in  one  of  the  houses  that 
were  consumed  bv  fire.  Tlie  lieutenant  of 
the  town,  Adams  bv  name,  was  shot  down  by 
his  door  and  his  wife  mortally  wounded  by  a 
gun  fired  afterwards  accidentally  into  the 
house.  After  the  burning  of  forty  or  fifty 
houses  and  barns,  the  cannibals  were  frighted 
away  out  of  the  town,  over  a  bridge  that  lies 
upon  Charles  river,  by  the  shooting  of  a  piece 
of  ordnance  two  or  three  times  :  hen  they 
passed  over  the  bridge  they  fired  one  end 
thereof,  to  hinder  our  men  from  pursuing 
them  ;  there  were  thought  to  be  above  fix  e 
himdretl ;  tliere  were  slain  and  niort«lly 
wounded  seventeen  or  eighteen  peroon.-i,  l>w 


THE   INDIAN  WARS. 


847 


bides  otl»>;rs  dangerously  hutt.  The  loss  sus- 
tained by  tlie  inhnbitaMts  amounted  to  above 
two  'iiousand  pounds.  This  mercy  was  ob- 
served in  this  sad  providence,  that  never  a 
garrison  house  was  lost  in  this  surprisal ;  nor 
any  of  the  principal  dwellings,  so  as  tlie  chief- 
est  and  best  of  their  buildings  escaped  the 
fury  of  the  enemy,  who  as  they  passed  the 
bridge,  left  a  writing  behind  them,  ex|)i-essing 
something  to  this  purpose,  that  we  had  pro- 
voked tliern  to  wrath,  and  that  they  would 
fight  with  us  these  twenty  years,  (but  they  fell 
short  of  their  expectation  by  nineteen)  adding 
also,  that  they  had  nothing  to  lose,  whereas 
we  had  houses,  barns,  and  corn  :  These  were 
some  ol"  the  bold  tiireats  used  by  the  barbarous 
crew,  but  their  rage  shall  proceed  no  further 
than  the  counsel  of  God  hath  determmed. 
The  week  before  was  heard  a  very  hideous 
cry  of  a  kennel  of  wolves  round  the  town, 
which  raised  some  of  the  inhabitants,  and 
was  looked  upon  by  divers  persons,  as  an 
ominous  presaging  of  the  following  calamity. 
Another  assault  was  feared,  but  as  soon  as 
tbe  soKiiers  could  be  gathered  together,  they 
turned  their  backs,  as  if  they  never  intended 
to  visit  them  more  :  whither  these  Indians 
went  when  they  left  Medfield,  is  not  certainly 
known  ;  tlie  soldiers  in  the  town  not  having 
opportunity  to  pursue  them  over  the  river,  by 
reason  that  the  bridge  was  part  of  it  burned  : 
But  it  is  most  probable  that  they  took  their 
way  toward  Plymouth,  and  continued  about 
that  side  of  the  country  for  the  future,  wait- 
ing opportunities  to  do  what  mischief  they 
could  to  the  English  in  those  parts  ;  for  within 
a  month  after  the  assault  at  Medfield,  there 
Were  si.x  hundred  of  them  seen  about  Patuxet 
and  Providence,  were  Capt.  Pierce,  with 
about  fifty  of  his  men  were  lost,  though  with 
no  great  advantage  to  the  enemy,  who  at  that 
time  lost  above  double  that  numlier :  Our 
worthy  captains  in  this  and  other  exploits, 
being  called  to  imitate  Sampson,  who  was 
content  to  die  with  his  enemies,  that  he  might 
overthrow  them  thereby  :  It  having  so  fallen 
out  with  many  of  our  choice  commanders  and 
soldiers  at  Deerfield,  Narraganset,  Patuxet, 
and  likewise  not  long  after  at  Sudbury. 

The  governor  and  council  of  Plymouth 
perceiving  by  the  report  of  these  outrages 
committed  upon  the  towns  in  Massachusetts, 
that  they  were  like  to  be  visited  this  spring 
by  their  old  neighbours,  sent  out  Capt.  Pierce, 
of  Situate,  about  the  latter  end  of  March 
with  about  fifty  English  and  twenty  christian 
Indians,  about  Cape  Cod,  who  proved  none 
of  his  worst  soldiers,  as  the  sequel  of  this  his 
last  expedition  will  declare. 

Capt.  Pierce,  as  is  said  before,  being  sent 
out  to  pursue  the  enemy,  marched  towards 
Patuxet,  where  he  understood  the  Indians 
were  many  of  them  gathered  together  :  He 
being  a  man  of  resolute  courage,  was  willing 
to  engage  them,  though  upon  never  so  great 
a  disadvantage.  Some  say  the  Indians  by 
counterfeiting,  drilled  him  into  a  kind  of  am- 
bush ;  possibly  more  of  them  discovered 
thetnsei.ves  after  he  began  to  enfrajre  them 
than  he  was  aware  of;  and  being  got  over 
the  river  ia  pursuit  of  them,  where  he  dis- 
covered so  great  a  number  of  them,  he  drew 
down  towards  the  side  of  the  river,  hoping 
tl.j  better  by  that  means  to  prevent  their  sur- 
rounding him;  but  that  proved  his  overtlirow 
Vvnicti  he  intended  as  his  greatest  advantage: 


For  the  Indians  getting  over  the  river  so 
gidled  him  from  thence,  that  he  was  not  able 
to  d(;feiid  himself;  tiius  assaulted  on  all  sides, 
and  himself  not  being  able  to  travel  much  on 
foot,  was  thereby  hindred  from  retiring  to  any 
better  place  in  time,  so  that  he  saw  himself 
constrained  to  fight  it  out  to  the  last,  which  he 
did  with  most  undaunted  courage  ;  and,  as  is 
said,  to  the  slaughter  of  an  hundred  and  forty 
of  his  enemies,  before  himself  and  his  com- 
pany were  cut  off.  It  is  said  also,  that  being 
apprehensive  of  the  danger  he  was  in  from 
tiie  great  numbers  of  the  enemy,  he  sent  a 
messenger  timely  enough  to  Providence,  for 
relief,  but  as  Solomon  saith,  a  faithful  mes- 
senger is  as  snow  in  harvest,  another  is  as 
smoke  to  the  eyes,  and  vinegar  to  the  teeth. 
(Whether  through  sloth  or  cowardice,  is  not 
material,)  this  message  was  not  delivered  to 
thein  to  whom  it  was  immediately  sent  ;  by 
accident  only  some  of  Rehoboth  understand- 
ing the  danger,  after  the  evening  exercise  (it 
being  on  the  Lord's  day,  March  27th,  1676) 
repaired  to  the  place,  but  then  it  was  too  late 
to  bring  help,  unless  it  were  to  be  spectators 
of  the  dead  carcasses  of  their  friends,  and  to 
perform  the  last  office  of  love  to  thern. 

It  is  worth  the  noting,  what  faithfulness  and 
courage  some  of  the  christian  Indians,  with 
the  said  Captain  Pierce,  sliewed  in  the  fight. 
One  of  them,  whose  name  was  Amos,  after 
the  captain  was  shot  In  his  leg  or  thigh,  so  as 
he  was  not  able  to  stand  any  longer,  would 
not  leave  him,  but  charging  his  gun  several 
times,  fired  stoutly  upon  the  enemy,  till  he 
saw  that  there  was  no  possibility  for  him  to 
do  any  further  good  to  Capt.  Pierce,  nor  yet 
to  save  himself,  if  he  stayed  any  longer ; 
therefore  he  used  this  policy,  perceiving  that 
the  enemy  had  all  blackened  their  faces,  he 
also  stooping  down  pulled  out  some  blacking 
out  of  a  pouch  he  carried  with  him,  discolor- 
ed his  face  therewith,  and  so  making  himself 
look  as  much  like  Hobamackco,  as  any  of  his 
enemies,  he  ran  amongst  them  a  little  while, 
and  was  taken  for  one  of  them,  as  if  he  had 
been  searching  for  the  English,  until  he  had 
an  opportunity  to  escape  away  among  the 
bushes;  therein  imitating  the  cuttle  fish,  which, 
when,  it  is  pursued,  or  in  danger,  casteth  out 
of  its  body  a  thick  humour,  as  black  as  ink, 
through  which  it  passes  away  unseen  by  the 
pursuer. 

It  is  reported  of  another  of  these  cape  In- 
dians, (friends  to  the  English  of  Plymouth) 
that  being  pursued  by  one  of  the  enemy,  he 
betook  himself  to  a  great  rock  where  he  shel- 
tered himself  for  a  while;  at  last  perceiving 
that  his  enemy  lay  ready  with  his  gun  on  the 
other  side  to  discharge  upon  him,  as  soon  as 
he  stirred  away  from  the  place  where  he  stood  : 
In  the  issue  bethought  of  diis  politic  stratagem 
to  save  himself,  and  destroy  his  enemy,  (for 
as  Solomon  sa.d  of  old,  wisdom  is  better  than 
weapons  of  war)  he  look  a  stick,  and  hung  his 
hat  upon  it,  and  then  by  degrees  gently  lifted 
it  up,  till  he  thought  it  would  be  seen,  and  so 
become  a  fit  mark  for  the  other  that  watched 
to  take  aim  at.  The  other  taking  it  to  be  his 
head,  fired  a  gun  and  shot  through  the  liat ; 
which  our  christian  Indian  perceiving,  boldly 
held  up  his  head  and  discharged  his  own  gu-i 
upon  the  real  head,  not  the  hat  of  his  adve. 
sary,  whereby  he  shot  him  dead  upon  the 
place,  and  so  had  liberty  to  march  away  with 
the  spoils  of  his  enemy. 


The  like  subtle  device  was  used  by  another 
of  thecape  Indiansatlliesaid  time?,  being  one  of 
them  that  went  out  with  Capt.  Pierce;  f()r  be- 
ing in  like  manner  pursued  by  one  of  Philip's 
Indians  as  the  former  was,  he  nimbly  got  be- 
hind the  but  end  of  a  tree  newly  turned  jp 
by  the  roots,  which  carried  a  considerable 
breadth  of  the  surface  of  the  earth  along  with 
it  (as  is  very  usual  in  tiiose  parts  where  the 
roots  of  the  trees  lie  deep  in  the  ground)  which 
stood  above  the  Indian's  height,  in  form  of  a 
large  shield,  only  it  was  somewhat  too  lieavy 
too  be  easily  removed;  the  enemy  Indian  lay 
with  his  gun  ready  to  shoot  him  down  upon 
his  first  deserting  his  station;  but  the  subtle 
wit  taught  ourclinstian  Netop  a  better  device 
for  boring  a  little  hole  through  this  his  broad 
shield,  he  discerned  his  enemy  who  could  not 
easily  discern  liim  ;  agood  musketernoed  never 
desire  a  fairer  mark  to  shoot  at,  wherenjion 
discharginghis  gun,  he  shot  him  down.  What 
can  be  more  just  than  that  he  should  be  killed, 
who  lay  in  wait  to  kill  another  man?  ncque 
enim  lex  jusfior  alia  est,  quam  nccis  artifices 
arse  ferirc  sua. 

Instances  of  this  nature  show  the  subtlety 
and  dexterousness  of  these  natives,  if  they 
were  improved  in  feats  of  arms  ;  and  possibly 
if  some  of  the  English  had  not  been  too 
shy  In  making  use  of  such  of  them  as  were 
well  affected  to  their  interest,  they  need  never 
have  suffered  so  much  from  their  enemies;  it 
having  been  found  upon  late  experience,  that 
many  of  them  have  proved  not  only  faithful, 
but  very  serviceable  and  helpful  to  the  En 
glish  ;  they  usually  proving  good  seconds 
though  they  have  not  ordinarily  C(mridence 
enough  to  make  the  first  onset.  But  to  return 
1  the  proceedings  of  thelndians towards  Ply- 
mouth. 

February  25th,  they  assaulted  Weymouth, 
and  burnt  seven  or  eight  houses  and  barns 
there,  which  Weymouth  is  a  town  lying  to- 
wards Plymouth  colony. 

March  12th  following,  they  assaulted  tin* 
house  of  one  .Mr.  Clarke,  in  Plymouth,  cruelly 
murdering  eleven  persons  that  belonged  to 
two  families  that  lodged  therein, and  then  fired 
the  house.  The  cruelty  towards  these  per- 
sons was  the  more  remarkable,  in  that  they 
had  often  received  much  kindness  from  the 
said  Clarke.  It  Is  the  custom  of  such  debtors, 
to  use  them  worst,  of  whom  they  have  taken 
up  much  kindness  upon  trust  befcirehand. 

March  17th,  another  party  of  them  fell  upon 
Warwick,  a  place  beyond  Philip's  land,  to- 
ward the  Narraganset  country,  where  they 
burnt  down  to  the  ground  all  but  a  few 
houses,  which  thoy  left  standing  as  a  monu- 
ment of  their  barbarous  fury.  The  like  mis- 
chief was  acted  by  them  ujion  the  houses  of 
the  English  remaining  in  the  Narragahsel 
cotintry. 

This  26th  day  of  March,  being  the  first  day 
of  the  week,  as" the  first  of  the  year  after  our 
Julian  account,  seemed  ominous  at  the  first, 
on  sundry  accounts,  threatening  a  gloomy 
time,  vet  proved  in  the  issue,  but  as  a  lower- 
ing morn'.iis  before  a  lightsome  day. 

For  besides  the  burning  of  Marlborough,  at 
least  a  great  part  of  it,  on  the  same  day,  a  very 
sad  accident  fell  out  the  same  time  at  Springfield 
shall  be  specified  hereafter;  besides  that  which 
befel  Capt.  Piorce,  which  is  already  related, 
with  whom  fell  so  many  of  hi*  soldiers  on  tho 
same  day  also;  yet  had  the  enomy  no  cmica 


648 


A  NARRATIVE  OP 


to  boast,  being  forced  by  the  valour  of  the  En- 
glish, to  p;ive  so  many  of  their  own  lives  in 
excliiHige  ;  Some  few  made  their  escape,  as 
13  said,  by  subtle  devices  ;  besides  the  three 
loreineiitioiied,  another  by  a  like  shift,  not 
oaly  saved  iilinself,  but  helped  an  Englishman 
Ui  ijscape  also,  whom  he  ran  after  with  his 
hatchet  in  his  hand,  as  if  he  were  about  to  kill 
hii'  whereby  both  cf  them  made  a  shift  to 
?et  away;  the  rest  were  all  lost  (the  unfaith- 
fulness of  the  messenger  being  as  was  intima- 
ted before,  the  cause  of  their  slaughter)  save  a 
few  that  hardly  escaped  by  the  advantage  of 
the  bushes  giving  thera  opportunity  to  pass 
unseen,  yel  it  was  confessed  by  a  prisoner  of 
the  enemy,  taken  afterwards  by  the  English, 
lli;it  they  lost  an  hundred  and  forty  in  that  en- 
counter :  and  liad  not  the  said  English  by 
wading  afier  the  enemy  over  a  river  made 
their  ainmutiition  useless,  there  had  not  half 
so  many  of  them  been  cut  off.  From  thence 
they  turned  back  towards  Reholjotli,  near 
Swanzey,  when  on  March  28th,  they  burnt 
tliirty  barns  and  near  forty  dwelling  houses, 
thereby  as  it  were  threatening  the  utter  deso- 
lation of  that  poor  town  ;  and  so  proceeding  on 
tliat  side  the  country,  they  burnt  the  very  next 
day  about  thirty  houses  in  Providence,  in  their 
Way  toward  Narraganset. 

But  it  was  now  full  sea  with  Pliilip's  affairs, 
for  soon  after  the  tide  of  his  successes  besfan 
to  turn  aboiit  the  sea  coast,  which  made  way 
for  the  falling  of  the  water  up  higher  in  the 
country. 

For  about  this  time  news  came  to  Boston 
that  our  neighbours  and  friends  of  Connecticut 
colony,  hearing  ()f  the  attempts  of  the  enemy 
on  that  side  of  tlie  countr}',  senta  party  of  their 
soldiers,  under  the  command  of  Capt.  George 
Denison,  with  some  friendly  Indians,  part 
.Mohcgins  and  Pequods,  partNiantics,  belong- 
ing to  Ninigret,  a  Narraganset  sachem,  who 
n(!ver  engaged  in  this  quarrel  against  the  En- 
glish ;  who  in  pursuit  of  the  enemy,  meeting 
with  a  considerable  part  of  them  about  the 
Narraganset  country,  killed  and  took  forty- 
fiveof  them,  without  the  loss  of  theirown  men. 
This  victory  was  the  more  considerable,  in 
that  several  of  the  chief  captains  of  the  enemy 
were  at  this  time  killed  or  taken;  amongst 
whom  was  Canonchct  (who  came  down  to 
get  seed  corn  to  plant  at  Squakheag;)  he  was 
the  chief  sachem  of  all  the  Narragansets,  the 
son  of  Miantonimo,  and  the  heir  of  all  his 
father's  pride  and  insolence,  as  well  as  of  his 
rn;ilice  against  the  English,  a  most  perfidious 
villain,  who  had  the  last  October  been  at  Bos- 
ton, pretending  to  make  a  firm  peace  with  the 
English,  but  never  intending  to  keep  one  arti- 
cle thereof:  Therefore,  as  a  just  reward  of 
Ins  wick»'dn<!ss  he  was  adjudged  by  those  that 
took  liirn  to  die,  which  was  accordingly  put 
in  execution  at  Sonington,  whither  he  was 
ciirried  ;  there  his  head  being  cut  off,  was 
curried  to  Hartford  ;  the  Mohegins  and  Pe- 
quods that  hill]  the  honour  to  take  him  prisoner 
having  the  honour  likewise  of  doing  justice 
upr)n  liitn,  and  that  by  tht;  prudent  advice  of 
the  Knglish  commanders,  thereby  the  more 
firmly  to  engage  the  said  Indians  against  the 
treacherous  Narragansets.  There  are  differ- 
intr  reports  about  the  manncrofhisbeingtaken, 
niid  by  whom,  whether  the  Indians  or  the 
Eni^lish  first  took  him  ;  however,  it  was  sufli- 
eifint  matter  of  rejoicing  to  all  the  colonies,  of 
iImj  Engllih,  that  the  ringleader  of  almost  all 


this  mischief,  and  great  incendiary  betwixt 
the  Narragansets  and  us,  died  himself  by  that 
sword  of  war  which  he  had  drawn  against 
others. 

Concerning  the  Narragansets,  this  is  fur- 
ther to  be  added  here,  that  Mr.  Thomas  Staun- 
ton and  his  son  Robert,  who  have  a  long  time 
lived  amongst  them,  and  beat  ac(juainted  with 
their  language  and  manners  of  any  in  New 
England  do  affirm,  that  to  their  knowledge, 
the  Narraganset  sachems,  before  the  late 
troubles,  had  two  thousand  fighting  men  under 
them,  and  nine  hundred  arms,  yet  they  are  at 
this  day  so  broken  and  scattered,  that  there 
is  none  of  them  left  on  that  side  of  the  country, 
unless  some  few,  not  exceeding  seventy  in 
number,  that  have  sheltered  themselves  under 
the  inhabitants  of  Rhode  Island,  as  a  merchant 
of  that  place,  worthy  of  credit,  lately  affirmed 
to  the  writer  hereof.  It  is  considered  by  what 
degrees  tliey  have  been  consumed  and  des- 
stroyed. 

The  first  week  in  April,  1676,  Canonchet, 
their  chief  sachem,  having  with  this  people 
been  driven  out  of  his  own  country,  by  the 
sword  of  the  English,  the  winter  before, 
breathed  still  nothing  but  rage  and  cruelty 
against  them  :  yet  as  appeared  in  the  issue, 
himself  and  they  that  escaped  with  him  were 
not  much  preserved  from  the  present  calamity 
that  befel  those  in  the  fort,  being  reserved  to 
another  and  more  ignominious  death.  For  the 
whole  body  of  the  I  ndians  to  the  westward,  trus- 
ting under  the  shadow  of  that  aspiring  bramble, 
he  took  a  kind  of  care  of  them  upon  himself: 
Wherefore  foreseeing  so  many  hundreds  could 
not  well  subsist  without  planting,  he  propound- 
ed it  in  his  council,  that  all  the  west  planta- 
tions upon  Connecticut  river,  taken  from  the 
English,should  this  last  summerbe  planted  with 
Indian  corn  ;  which  was  indeed  in  itself  a  very 
prudent  consideration  :  to  that  end  he  resolv- 
ed to  venture  himself  with  but  thirty  men 
(the  rest  declining  it)  to  fetch  seed  corn  from 
Seaconk,  the  next  town  to  Mount  Hope, 
leaving  a  body  of  men,  not  less  than  fifteen 
hundred  to  follow  him  or  meet  him  about  Sea- 
conk the  week  after.  The  adventure  brought 
him  into  a  snare,  from  whence  he  could  not 
escape  :  for  Capt.  George  Denison,  of  Ston- 
ington,  and  Capt.  Avery  of  New  London, 
having  raised  forty  seven  English,  the  most 
part  volunteers,  with  eighty  Indians,  twenty 
of  which  were  Narragansetts  belonging  to 
Ninigret, commaniled  byonecalled  Catapazet, 
the  rest  Pequods,  under  Cassasinamon  and 
Mohegins,  under  Oneco,  son  of  Uncas,  being 
now  abroad  on  their  third  expedition,  which 
they  began  March  27th,  1676,  and  ended  on 
the  lOtli  of  April  following:  they  met  with  a 
stout  Indian  of  the  enemy's  whom  they  pre- 
sently slew,  and  two  old  squaws,  who  con- 
fessed Nanunttenoo,  alias  Canonchet  (these 
chief  sachems  usually  changing  their  names 
at  every  great  dance,  and  by  the  name  of 
Nanunttenoo  was  he  then  known)  was  not  far 
off,  which  welcome  news  put  new  life  into 
the  wearied  soldiers,  that  had  travelled  hard 
many  days,  and  met  with  no  booty  till  now  ; 
especially  when  it  was  confirmed  by  intelli- 
gence the  same  instant,  brought  in  by  their 
scouts,  that  they  met  with  new  tracks,  which 
brouglit  them  in  view  of  what  is  called  Black- 
stone's  river,  the  said  sachem  was  at  that 
moment  diverting  himself  willi  the  recital  of 
Capt.  Pierce's  slaughter,  surprised  by  his 


men  a  few  days  before,  but  the  alarm  of  the 
English  at  that  time  heard  by  himself,  put  by 
that  discourse,  appalled  by  the  suddenness 
thereof,  as  if  he  had  been  informed  by  secret 
item  from  Heaven,  that  now  his  own  turn  was 
come  ;  for  havinsr  but  7  men  about  him,  he 
sent  up  two  of  them  to  the  top  of  the  hill,  to 
see  what  the  matter  was,  but  they  affrighted 
with  the  near  approach  of  the  English,  at  that 
time  with  great  speed  mounting  over  a  fair 
champagna  on  the  other  side  of  the  hill,  ran 
by,  as  if  they  wanted  time  to  tell  what  they 
saw ;  presently  he  sent  a  third,  who  did  the 
like  ;  tl^en  sending  two  more  on  the  same 
errand,  one  of  these  last,  endowed  with  more 
courage,  or  a  better  sense  of  his  duty,  informed 
him  in  great  haste  that  all  tlie  English  army 
was  upon  him;  whereupon  having  no  time  to 
consult,  and  but  little  to  attempt  an  escape, 
and  no  means  to  defend  himself;  he  began  to 
dodge  with  his  pursuers;  running  round  the 
hill  on  the  contrary  side  ;  but  as  he  was  run- 
ning so  hastily  by,  Catapazet,  with  twenty  of 
his  followers,  and  a  few  of  the  English,  light 
est  of  loot,  guessed  by  the  swiftness  of  his 
motion,  that  he  fled  as  if  an  enemy,  which 
made  them  immediately  take  the  chace  after 
him,  as  for  their  lives  ;  he  that  was  the  swifter 
pursuer  put  him  so  hard  to  it  that  he  cast  off 
first  liis  blanket  then  his  silver  laced  coat  (given 
him  at  Boston,  as  a  pledge  of  their  friendship, 
upon  the  renewal  of  his  league  in  October  be- 
fore) and  belt  of  peag,  which  made  them  pur- 
sue as  eagerly  as  the  other  fled  ;  so  that  they 
fo:ced  him  to  take  to  the  water,  through  which 
as  he  over  hastily  plunged,  his  foot  slipping 
upon  a  stone,  it  made  him  fall  into  the  water 
so  deep  that  it  wet  his  gun,  upon  which  acci- 
dent he  confessed  soon  after,  that  his  heart 
turned  within  him,  so  as  he  became  as  a  rotten 
stick  ;  void  of  strength,  insomuch  as  one 
Monopoide,  a  Peqnod,  swiftest  of  foot,  laid 
hold  of  him  within  thirty  rods  of  the  river 
side,  without  his  making  any  resistance;  though 
he  was  a  very  proper  man,  of  goodly  stature, 
and  great  courage  of  mind,  as  well  as  strength 
of  body;  one  of  the  first  English  that  came 
up  with  him  was  Robert  Stanton,  a  young 
man  that  scarce  had  reached  the  22d  year  of 
his  age,  yet  adventuring  to  ask  him  a  question 
or  two,  to  whom  this  manly  sachem,  looking 
with  a  little  neglect  upon  his  youthful  face, 
replied  in  broken  English,  you  much  child, 
no  understand  matters  of  war :  let  your 
brother  or  your  chief  come,  him  I  will  an- 
swer ;  and  was  as  good  as  his  word  ;  acting 
herein,  as  if  by  a  Pithiigorcan  metempsycho- 
sis, some  old  Roman  ghost  had  possessed  the 
body  of  this  western  Pagan;  and  like  Attiiius 
Regulus  he  would  not  accept  of  his  own  life, 
when  it  was  tendered  him,  upon  that  (in  his 
account)  low  condition  of  compliance  with  the 
English,  refusing  to  send  an  old  counsellor  of 
his  to  make  any  inotion  that  way,  saying  he 
knew  the  Indians  would  not  yield  ;  but  n.ore 
probably  he  was  not  willing  they  should, 
choosing  rather  to  sacrifice  his  own,  and  Ins 
people's  lives,  to  his  private  humour  of  re- 
venge, than  timely  to  provide  for  his  own,  and 
their  safety,  by  entertaining  the  counsels  of  a 
peace,  so  necessary  for  the  general  good  of  all : 
he  continuing  in  the  same  obstinate  resolution, 
was  soon  after  carried  to  Stonington,  where  he 
was  shot  to  death  by  some  of  his  quality,  sc. 
the  young  sachem  of  the  Mohegins,  and  two 
of  tlie  Pequods  of  like  quality.    This  was  ih* 


THE  INDIAN  WARS. 


949 


confusion  of  a  damned  wretch,  that  had  often 
oj)eneJ  his  mouth  to  bhis])h<!ine  the  name  of 
the  HvmgGoJ,  and  those  that  make  profession 
thereof.  He  was  told  at  large  of  his  breach 
of  fiilth,  ynd  liovv  he  boasted  he  would  not 
deliver  up  a  Wamparioog,  or  the  paring  of  a 
Wampaiioog's  nail,  that  he  would  burn  the 
English  in  their  houses  ;  to  which  he  replied, 
others  were  as  forward  for  the  war  as  him- 
self: and  that  he  desired  to  hear  no  more 
thereof.  Arul  when  he  was  told  his  sentence 
was  to  die,  he  said,  he  liked  it  well,  that  he 
should  die  before  his  heart  was  soft,  or  had 
spoken  any  thing  unworthy  of  himself.  He 
told  the  English  before  they  put  him  to  death, 
that  the  killing  him  would  not  end  the  war; 
but  it  was  a  considerable  step  thereunto,  nor 
did  it  live  much  longer  after  his  death,  at  least 
not  in  those  parts  ;  for  after  Sudijui-y  fight, 
when  the  sun  of  their  hopes  was  at  its  high- 
est; April  the  18th  following,  it  visibly  de- 
clined, till  it  set  in  a  nightof  obscure  and  utter 
darkness  upon  them  all,  as  is  to  be  feared. 

The  inhabitants  of  New  London,  Norwich 
and  Stonington,  apprehensive  of  their  danger, 
by  reason  of  tlie  near  bordering  of  the  enemy, 
and  upon  otlier  prudent  consideration,  volun- 
tarily listed  themselves  under  some  able  gen- 
tlemen, and  resolute  soldiers,  amongst  them- 
selves. Major  Palmes,  Capt.  George  Denison, 
Capt.  Avery,  with  whom,  or  under  whom, 
within  the  compass  of  the  year  1676,  they 
made  ten  or  more  several  expeditions,  in  all 
which,  at  those  several  times,  they  killed  and 
took  two  hundred  and  thirty-nine  of  the  ene- 
my, by  the  help  and  assistance  of  the  Pequods, 
Mohegitis,  and  a  few  friendly  Narragansets; 
besides  thirty  taken  in  their  long  march  home- 
ward, after  the  fort  fight,  December  19th, 
1675  ;  and  besides  16  captivated  in  the  second 
expedition,  not  reckoned  wuhin  the  compass 
of  the  said  number;  together  with  fifty  guns, 
and  spoiling  llie  enemy  of  an  hundred  bushels 
of  corn. 

In  January  they  went  again  in  pursuit,  and 
took  five  men  and  a  boy.  Certain  Nipnets 
intended  to  have  sheltered  themselves  under 
Uncas  ;  but  he  perceiving  it  would  be  distaste- 
ful to  the  English,  soon  shabbed  them  off,  so 
as  they  were  in  the  beginning  of  the  winter 
Drought  into  Boston,  many  of  them  by  Peter 
Ephraim,  and  Andrew  Pity  me,  with  their 
fellows. 

In  all  wlilch  exploits,  neither  they  nor  any 
of  their  followers  sustained  any  loss  by  the 
sword  of  the  enemy,  or  sickness;  as  is  ex- 
pressly declared  by  the  reverend  minister  of 
iStonlngton,  Mr.  James  Noyce,  which  is  a  mat- 
ter very  admirable  to  consider,  engaging  all 
that  were  any  way  concerned  in  such  signal 
testimonies  of  divine  favour,  to  be  ready  to  pay 
their  vows  to  the  Most  High,  who  alone  teach- 
eth  the  hands  of  his  people  to  war,  and  their 
fint'ers  to  fioht. 

o  o 

Not  long  after  Capt.  George  Denison,  of 
Stonington,  with  sixty-six  \olunteers,  and  a 
hundred  and  twelve  Pequods,  killed  and  took 
seventy-six  of  the  enemy,  amongst  whom 
weie  two  Narraganset  sachems,  one  of  whom 
was  the  grand-child  ot'  Pomham  (who  is  ac- 
counted the  most  warlike,  and  the  best  soldier 
of  all  the  Narraganset  sachems)  taking  at  the 
came  time  160  bushels  of  the  enemy's  corn, 
no  small  damage  to  our  enemies  at  that  time, 
and  all  tliis  without  the  loss  of  one  man  of  the 
Raid  captain's  followers. 


The  greater  mischief  which  after  this  time 
was  doni!  by  the  enemy  in  Plymouth  colony, 
was  by  burning  of  houses  and  barns,  which 
they  might  easily  do,  the  inhabitants  in  most 
of  those  towns  being  repaired  to  gariison 
liouses  for  their  greater  security  :  for  about  the 
20th  of  April,  hfiy^of  the  enemy  burnt  about 
ninetet;n  houses  and  barns  in  Situate,  but  were 
so  resolutely  encountered  by  a  few  of  the  in- 
habitants, that  they  were  driven  away,  and 
thereby  prevented  from  doing  further  mis- 
chief. 

Not  long  after,  May  8th,  they  burnt  about 
seventeen  houses  and  barns  in  Bridgewater, 
a  small  town  in  Plymouth  colony,  twelve 
miles  on  this  side  Taunton ;  but  it  pleased 
God  just  at  the  time  to  send  a  thunder-shower, 
which  put  out  the  fire,  or  else  it  might  have 
prevailed  much  further. 

It  is  very  remarkable,  that  the  inhabitants  of 
the  said  Bridgewater,  never  yet  lost  one  per- 
son by  the  sword  of  the  enemy,  though  the 
town  is  situate  within  Plymouth  colony,  yet 
they  have  helped  to  destroy  many  of  the  ene- 
my. None  knows  either  love  or  hatred  by 
all  tliatis  before  them  in  things  of  this  nature; 
nor  ought  standers  by  that  may  escape,  think 
themselves  less  sinners  than  those  that  pensh 
by  the  sword  of  the  enemy  :  yet  about  this 
time  four  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Taunton  were 
killed  as  they  were  at  their  work  in  the  field, 
whereby  it  is  said  that  thirty  children  were 
made  fatherless :  So  unsearchable  are  the 
judgments  of  the  Almighty  and  his  ways  past 
finding  out. 

During  these  calamities,  God's  dispensations 
have  been  various,  as  well  in  references  unto 
towns  and  villages,  as  unto  persons  :  as  if 
some  places  have  been  by  special  providence 
marked  out  to  preservation,  as  others  unto 
destruction  ;  of  which  no  other  reason  can  be 
rendered,  than  the  good  pleasure  of  God  so 
to  order  and  dispose  of  events,  which  some- 
times, as  Solomon  says,  are  all  one  to  the  good, 
and  to  the  clean  and  to  the  unclean. 

And  because  special  notice  is  taken  of  the 
town  of  Bridgewater,  which  although  it  is 
feared,  as  it  were  in  the  midst  of  danger,  and 
hath  often  been  assaulted  by  considerable 
numbers  of  the  enemy,  yet  never  lost  any  one 
of  their  inhabitants,  young  or  old  ;  a  particu- 
lar account  shall  here  be  given  of  the  most 
remarkable  passages  of  divine  providence  re- 
lating to  that  plantation  since  the  war  began. 
June  26th,  L675,  when  Pliilip's  malice  against 
the  English,  mixed  with  a  particular  prejudice 
against  Governor  Winslow,  began  to  boil  up 
to  the  height  of  an  open  rebellion  ;  the  pe<)[)le 
of  Swanzey  being  likely  to  be  distressed  by 
the  Indians,  a  post  Wiis  instantly  sent  to  the 
governor  of  Plymouth,  the  way  l^Ning  through 
Bridgewater;  the  said  post  returned  the  next 
day,  and  about  nine  or  ten  o'clock,  as  he  pass- 
ed through  the  town,  left  an  order  from  the 
governor  for  the  raising  of  twenty  men,  well 
armed,  and  furnished  with  horses,  to  be  forth- 
with dispatched  away  for  the  reliefofSwanzey ; 
seventeen  were  all  that  could  be  raised  on  the 
sudden,  who  were  sent  thither  that  night,  and 
were  the  first  that  were  upon  their  march  in 
all  the  country  ;  and  possibly  they  fared  not 
the  worse  for  their  forwardness  :  as  Deborah, 
the  prophetess,  blessed  God  for  them  that 
offered  tliemselves  willingly  among  the  peo- 
ple :  these  seventeen  of  Bridgewater,  were, 
June  2l6t,  ordered  by  Caj)t,  Bradford  of 


IVletapoiset,  a  place  at  twelve  miles  distance 
from  Swanzey,  to  strengthen  the  garrison  at 
one  Bourn's  iiouse,  wlieiein  were  seveiiiy 
persons,  amongst  wiiom  were  only  fiiiind  six- 
teen men.  After  they  had  marched  five 
miles  of  their  way,  liavirig  Mr.  Brown's  son 
for  their  pilot,  they  met  with  some  Swunzey 
peoplf!,  new  ly  turned  out  of"  their  houses  (by 
which  they  were  to  pass)  who  having  not 
yet  resisted  unto  blood,  yet  m-ide  doleful 
lamentations,  w  ringing  of  iheir  ha'jd.'',  and  be- 
wailing iheir  losses,  very  much  also  persuad- 
ing the  Bridgewater  men  to  turn  back,  because 
of  the  danger,  but  they  having  so  clear  a  call, 
had  also  more  courage  than  Cf)wardice  to  de- 
sert the  cause  of  God  and  his  people,  lest  they 
should  thereby  betray  the  lives  of  so  many  of 
their  friends  into  the  enemy's  l.nnds  ;  and  so 
by  the  good  hand  of  God  towards  them,  carne 
safe  to  .Metapolset  that  night. 

The  next  day  In  the  morning,  a  part  of  them 
went  to  guard  Mr.  Brown,  their  pilot,  back 
to  his  cpjarters  ;  in  their  return  ihev  came  siid 
deiily  upon  a  j)arty  of  Indians,  about  thirty  in 
all  ;  they  were  within  shot  of  one  anntlirr, 
but  the  English  having  no  commission  to  fiyht 
till  they  were  assaulted,  and  not  being  imped- 
ed in  their  passage  tVioy  returned  safe  to  their 
garrison  at  Metapoiset  :  the  Indians  presently 
drawing  off  and  firing  three  guns  (though  not 
with  intent  to  do  them  any  hurt,  as  was  con- 
ceived) gave  asliout,  and  so  left  them.  When 
this  party  of  the  English  drew  near  to  their 
garrison,  they  met  with  a  company  of  carts 
going  tf)  fetch  corn  from  an  house  deserted 
near  by,  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from  Mr. 
Bourn's  house,  the  soldiers  i^ave  tliem  notice 
of  the  Indians  which  they  discovered,  and 
withal  advised  them  by  no  means  to  ventun 
any  more,  because  of  the  danger;  they  were 
resolved  notwithstanding  these  earnest  ))er- 
suasions  of  the  soldiers  to  have  anothf-r  turn, 
which  they  soon  found  to  be  at  the  peril  of 
tiieir  own  lives,  six  of  them  being  ])resenily 
after  killed  right  out,  or  mortally  wounded, 
as  soon  as  they  came  to  the  barn  where  was 
the  corn  ;  these  six  are  said  to  be  tin.'  first 
that  were  slam  in  this  quarrel.  The  soldi*  rs 
at  the  garrison  liearlng  the  guns,  matle  what 
haste  they  could  to  the  place,  but  bemir  most 
of  them  in  that  Interim  "fone  to  look  for  their 
horses,  they  could  not  come  time  enough  Ibr 
the  relief  of  their  friends,  yet  upon  tlieir  up- 
approach,  they  who  had  done  the  mischief  pre- 
sently fled  away  :  one  Jones,  hard  pui-siied 
by  two  Indians,  was  by  their  comingdeli ven-d 
from  the  extent  of  the  enemy's  cruelty,  but 
having  his  mortal  wound,  had  only  the  (avimr 
dierebv,  to  die  in  the  arms  of  his  friends, 
though  by  wounds  received  from  his  eiienircs 

Tire  next  week  fifteen  of  those  sohli<Ts 
looking  after  their  horses,  fell  into  an  arribii>}i 
of  twenty  of  the  Indians,  but  being  prepai-ed 
for  the  encounter,  they  discharged  their  gnus 
upon  each  other;  but  our  men  received  no 
hurt,  some  of  them  felt  the  wind  of  the  bullets 
passing  by  their  faces  ;  what  damage  the  cue- 
mv  received  is  uncertain,  yet  some  of  the 
English  repo.-t  they  found  some  of  their  ene- 
my's dead  bodies  in  the  place  afterward. 

Thus  were  they  not  only  preserved  m  niiinv 
perils  themselves,  but  became  insirninenia) 
also  for  the  preservation  of  most  of  that  garri 
son,  who  with  their  goods,  by  their  nuanv 
with  the  hel|)  of  a  small  ])arty  of  Plyinoiitb 
forces,  sent  thither  after  the  six  were  kilicJ 


850 


A   NARRATIVE  OF 


(as  is  mentioned  before)  were  soon  after  trans- 
portfJ  safely  to  Rr-ad  Island. 

Mariv  outrages  wore  that  summer  commit- 
ted upon  their  neiglibours  at  Taunton  and  Na- 
ihasket,  yet  it  pleased  God  to  protect  the  poor 
town  of  Bridgewater  from  any  other  hurt,  till 
the  hesfinning  of  April  following,  wlien  them- 
selves with  their  neighbours  of  Taunton  and 
Rehohoth  were  strongly  solicited  to  desert 
their  dwellings,  and  rejiair  down  to  the  towns 
hy  the  sea  side,  but  (jod  encouraged  them  to 
keep  their  stations,  notwithstanding  the  ex- 
treme danger  then  presented.  It  is  reported 
t'nat  Philip  gave  orders  that  Taunton  and 
Bridgewater  sliould  not  be  destroyed  till  the 
last,  which  is  all  the  favour  to  be  expected 
from  an  enemy,  but  these  thmgs  are  only  in  the 
hands  of  God,  and  not  to  be  determined  by 
man. 

Apiil  9lh,  being  Lord's  day,  a  small  party 
of  liie  enemy  came  down  upon  the  said 
Bridgewater,  burnt  an  outhouse  and  barn, 
broke  up  and  rifled  several  other  houses  in 
the  same  quarter  of  the  town,  which  are  not- 
willistatid ing  yet  remaining;  they  sent  out  a 
party  of  their  men  to  pursue  them  that  night 
and  many  days  after,  but  could  not  hear  of 
them. 

May  7ih,  the  Lord's  day  cilso  (no  doubt  but 
the  betterness  of  the  day  will  increase  the  bad- 
ness of  their  deed  attempted  thereon)  they 
had  intelligence  of  a  great  body  of  Indians 
dis[)ers(?d  that  way,  with  intent  to  have  fallen 
upon  the  town  that  very  day,  but  were  casu- 
ally prevented  by  a  great  deal  of  rain  thatft'll 
the  night  before  ;  however,  they  were  resol- 
ved not  to  miss  the  opportunity,  wherefore  on 
the  next  day  (May  8tli)  about  three  hundred 
of  ihem,  one  Tisguogen  being  their  chief 
leader,  at  8  or  9  in  the  morning  made  an  as- 
eault  upon  the  east  end  of  tlie  town,  on  the 
south  side  of  tlie  river :  many  of  the  inhabi- 
tants stayed  at  home  that  morning,  because 
of  the  intelligence  the  day  b»;fore,  and  so  were 
the  more  ready  to  entertain  them  ;  some  not 
taking  that  warning,  ventured  into  the  field 
al)out  their  occasions,  were  in  danger  of  sur- 
prisal,  but  by  the  special  favour  of  God  escap- 
ed, and  came  tune  enough  to  help  defend  their 
own  and  their  neighboursdwellings.beingshot 
at,  and  hiird  pursued  a  considerable  way. 

The  Indians  ])resently  began  to  fire  the 
town,  but  It  pleased  God  so  to  spirit  and  en- 
couratre  several  of  the  inhabitants,  issuina:  out 

...  '  o 

oftlieir  garrison  houses,  that  they  fiill  upon 
tliem  with  great  resolution,  and  beat  them  off"; 
at  the  same  instant  of  time,  the  Lord  of  Hosts 
also  fighting  for  them  from  Heaven,  by  send- 
ing a  storm  of  thunder  and  rain,  very  season- 
ably which  prevented  the  burning  of  the  houses 
which  were  fired  :  The  soldiers  also  fighting 
under  the  banners  of  God's  special  protection, 
weie  so  successful  in  repelling  the  enemy, 
that  noni!  of  the  inha))ilanls  were  killed  or 
taken,  and  but  one  wounded.  The  Indians 
l)y  this  Hlout  resistance,  being  beaten  off' to  the 
skirts  of  tlie  town,  made  a  fresh  onset  upon  an- 
other (juarler  thereof,  on  the  north  side  of  the 
river,  where  they  had  done  much  more  mischief 
liui  that  (i((d  stirred  up  sundry  of  the  people 
.  to  venture  out  of  their  fortified  houses,  who 
fired  upon  the  enemy,  and  bi-at  them  from 
their  dwelliii>^«i,  so  as  in  the  evening  thev  drew 
olVto  an  outhouse,  threj;  miles  distant  from  the 
town  :  The  next  day  tin!  inhaliitants  expected 
Uttother  ajsault,  but  the  enemy  having  burnt 


the  house  and  barn  where  they  kept  their 
rendezvous  over  night,  and  one  house  more 
not  far  distant,  they  marched  all  clear  away 
for  that  time.  Thus  it  pleased  God  so  to 
order  his  dispensations  toward  this  small  town, 
as  a  brand  plucked  out  of  the  fire,  they  did 
but  just  taste  of  this  bitter  cup,  which  others 
drank  deeper  of;  yet  had  they  not  such  mer- 
cy, as  these  had,  mixed  therewith:  under 
God,  the  courage  of  the  inhabitants  was  a 
great  means  of  their  preservation,  for  they 
fired  so  stoutly  upon  the  enemy,  that  they 
durst  not  come  very  near  some  of  the  garri- 
soned houses,  saluting  them  only  at  a  distance. 
God  was  eminently  seen  upholding  the  spirit 
of  all  sorts,  men  and  women,  so  as  no  conster- 
nation of  mind  was  seen  upon  any  of  them, 
during  the  w  hole  time  of  tlie  dispute. 

In  this  assault  they  lost  but  thirteen  dwell- 
ing houses,  whereof  five  only  were  in  the 
town  (the  rest  being  outhouses,  and  deserted 
for  the  present)  with  some  few  barns,  and 
some  of  their  cattle;  all  which  was  a  very  in- 
considerable loss,  in  comparison  of  what  befel 
others,  and  themselves  might  endured,  if  God 
had  not  by  his  special  favour  prevented. 

July  14th  and  15th,  another  party  of  In- 
dians came  down  upon  the  nortliwest  side  of 
the  town,  but  with  no  better  success;  for  they 
had  no  commission  from  the  Lord  of  Hosts  to 
touch  any  of  the  persons  of  the  inhabitants, 
their  power  reaching  only  to  the  slaying  of 
their  cattle  at  this  time. 

July  18lh,  19th,  and  20th,  they  sent  our 
parties  after  the  enemy  to  pursue  them  by 
their  track,  who  fell  upon  some  of  them.  On 
the  20ih  they  took  si.xteen,  whereof  two  were 
men:  On  this  day  they  had  to  assist  them,  it 
seems,  some  of  the  bay  Indians,  sent  them 
from  Capt.  Brattle ;  some  of  the  captives  in- 
formed that  there  were  but  seventy  or  eiglity 
in  the  company,  and  but  ten  or  twelve  men 
amongst  them  :  But  within  a  few  days  these 
Bridgewater  men  shall  find  better  success  in 
pursuit  of  their  enemies,  when  Philip  himself 
shall  hardly  escape  their  hands, as  shall  be  seen 
afterwards. 

While  one  party  of  the  enemy  thus  acted 
their  part  about  Plymouth  colony  and  towards 
the  sea  coasts,  other  parlies  of  them  were  not 
idle  in  the  Massachusetts  colony,  where  they 
assaulted  many  places,  doing  what  mischief 
they  could  by  firing  of  houses,  and  killing  sev- 
eral persons  in  the  inland  plantations. 

March  2d,  they  assaulted  Groton  ;  the  next 
day  over  night  ^lajor  Willard,  with  seventy 
horse  came  into  the  town  ;  40  foot  also  came 
up  to  their  relief  from  Watertown,  but  the 
Indians  were  all  fled,  having  first  burnt  all  the 
houses  in  the  town,  save  four  tliat  were  gar- 
risoned, the  meeting  house  being  the  second 
\\n'y  fired  ;  soon  after  Capt.  Still  was  sent 
with  a  small  party  of  dragoons,  of  eight  files, 
to  fetch  off  the  inhabitants  of  G  roton,  and  what 
was  left  from  the  spoil  of  the  enemy,  having 
under  his  care  about  sixty  carts,  being  in  depth 
iVom  front  to  rear  about  two  miles,  when  a 
parly  of  Indians  lying  in  ambush,  at  a  ])lace 
ol"  eminent  advantarje,  fired  upon  the  front 
and  mortally  wounded  two  of  the  first  car- 
riers, who  both  died  the  next  night.  Had 
Goil  permitted,  they  woidd  have  done  eminent 
<laniage  to  the  whole  body,  it  being  full  an 
hour  before  tlujy  could  be  drawn  up,  which 
was  done  with  care  and  courasre  ;  but  the  In- 
dians  after  a  few  more  shot  made,  without 


doing  harm,  retired,  and  made  no  flirther 
assault  upon  them,  being  the  same  party  of 
Indians  wlucli  the  day  before  had  burnt  some 
[jart  of  Chelmsford.  Soon  after  this  vil.age 
was  deserted  and  destroyed  by  the  enemy  ; 
yet  it  was  a  special  providence,  that  though 
the  carts  were  guarded  with  so  slender  a  con- 
voy, yet  there  was  not  any  considerable  loss 
sustained. 

The  surprisal  of  Groton  was  after  this  man- 
ner: On  March  2d,  the  Indians  came  in  the 
night  and  rifled  eight  or  nine  houses,  carried 
away  some  cattle,  and  alarmed  the  town. 

On  March  9th,  about  ten  in  the  mornins:,  a 
parcel  of  Indians  having  two  days  lurked  in 
the  town,  and  taken  possession  of  three  out- 
houses, and  feasted  themselves  with  corn,  and 
divers  swine  and  poultry,  which  they  there 
seized,  lay  in  ambush  for  two  carts,  which 
went  from  their  garrison  to  fetch  in  some  hay, 
attended  with  four  men,  two  of  which  espy- 
ing the  enemy,  made  a  diflicult  escape,  the 
other  two  were  set  upon,  and  one  of  them 
slain,  stript  naked,  his  body  mangled,  and 
dragged  into  the  highway,  and  laid  on  his 
back  in  a  most  shameful  manner:  the  other 
taken  captive  and  afterwards  sentenced  to 
death  ;  but  the  enemy  not  conci  rring  in  the 
manner  of  it,  execution  was  deferred,  and  lie 
bv  the  providence  of  God  escaped  by  a  bold 
attempt  the  night  before  he  was  designed  to 
have  been  slaughtered,  and  fled  to  the  gar- 
rison at  Lancaster,  the  cattle  in  both  towns 
wounded,  and  five  of  them  slain. 

March  13th  was  the  day  when  the  enemy 
came  in  a  full  body,  by  their  own  account 
four  hundred,  and  thousiht  bv  the  inhabitants 
to  be  not  many  less.  The  town  was  at  this 
time,  (having  l)een  put  into  a  l"right  by  the  sad 
catastrophe  of  Lancaster,  the  next  bordering 
town)  gathered  into  five  garrisons,  four  of 
which  were  so  near  together,  as  to  be  able  to 
command  from  one  to  the  other,  between 
which  were  the  cattle  belonging  to  those  fa- 
milies, driven  into  pastures,  which  afierwards 
proved  their  preservation  ;  the  other  was 
near  a  mWi  distant  from  the  rest. 

This  morniii":  the  Indians  (having  in  the 
night  placed  themselves  in  several  j)arts  of 
the  town)  made  their  onset;  which  began 
near  the  fiuir  garrisons,  for  a  body  of  them 
having  placed  themselves  in  ambuscade,  be- 
hind a  hill,  near  one  of  the  garrisons  two  of 
them  mad(!  discovery  of  tliems(!lves,  as  if  they 
had  stood  upon  discovery.  At  this  time, 
divers  of  the  people,  not  suspectitig  that  any 
such  matter  (for  the  day  before,  many  had 
been  upon  discovery  many  miles,  and  found 
no  signs  of  an  en»'my  being  so  near)  were  at 
tending  their  occasions,  some  foddering  their 
cattle,  some  milking  their  cows,  of  whom  the 
enemy  might  easily  have  made  a  seizure,  but 
God  prevented;  thev  having  another  tiesign 
in  hand,  n»  scum  after  appeared  :  These  two 
Indians  were  at  length  es])ied,  and  the  alarm 
given  :  whereupon  the  most  of  the  men  in 
the  next  garrison,  and  some  also  in  the  sec«>nd 
(w  hich  was  about  eight  or  nine  poles  distant) 
drew  out  and  went  to  surprize  those  twf>  In- 
dians, who  kept  their  station  till  our  men 
reached  the  brow  of  the  hill,  then  arose 
in  the  ambush  and  dischartred  a  volley  upon 
them,  which  caused  a  disorderly  retreat  or 
rather  a  rout,  in  which  one  was  slain,  and 
three  others  wounded  :  Meanwhile  another 
ambush  had  risen,  and  cotre  U'ton  tlie  back 


THE   INDIAN  WARS. 


851 


s'uie  of  the  garrison  so  deserted  of  men,  and 
pulleci  down  the  pallisadoes  :  The  soldiers  in 
ih  s  rout,  retreated  not  to  theirovvn,  but  pass- 
ed by  the  m^xt  garrison,  the  women  and  chil- 
dren nieanwliile  exposed  to  hazard,  but  by 
the  goodness  of  God  made  a  safe  escape  to 
tiie  other  fortified  house,  without  any  harm, 
leaving  their  substance  to  the  enemy,  who 
made  a  [)rey  of  it,  and  spent  the  residue  of 
the  day  in  removing  the  corn  and  household 
stuff,  (in  which  loss  five  families  were  impo- 
verished) and  firing  upon  the  other  garrison  : 
Here  also  they  took  some  cattle.  No  sooner 
was  the  signal  given  by  the  first  volley  of 
sliot,  but  immediately  in  several  parts  of  the 
town  at  once,  did  the  smoke  arise,  they  firing 
the  liouses. 

In  the  afternoon  they  used  a  stratagem  not 
urdike  the  other,  to  have  surprised  the  single 
garrisofi,  but  God  prevented.  An  old  Indian 
passed  along  the  street  with  a  black  sheep  on 
his  back  with  a  sh)W  pace,  as  one  decrepid  ; 
they  made  several  shot  at  him,  at  which  se- 
veral issued  out  to  have  taken  him  alive,  but 
the  watchman  seasonably  espying  an  ambtish, 
behind  the  house,  gave  the  signal,  whereby 
they  were  prevented. 

The  niglit  following,  the  enemy  lodged  in 
the  town,  some  of  them  in  the  garrison  they 
had  surprised,  but  the  body  of  them  in  an  ad- 
jacent valley  where  they  made  themselves 
merry  after  their  savage  manner.  The  next 
morning  they  gave  two  or  three  vollies  at 
Capt.  Parker's  garrison,  and  so  marched  off, 
fearing  as  was  thought,  that  supply  might  be 
near  at  hand. 

This  assault  of  theirs  was  managed  with 
their  wanted  subtlety  and  barbarous  cruelty  ; 
for  they  stript  the  body  of  him  whom  they 
had  slain  in  the  first  onset,  and  then  cutting 
off  his  head,  fixed  it  upon  a  pole,  looking  to- 
wards his  own  land.  The  corpse  of  the  man 
llain  tiie  week  before,  they  dug  out  of  his 
grave,  atid  cut  off  his  head  and  one  leg,  and 
set  them  upon  poles,  and  stript  off  his  wind- 
ing she(H.  Ati  infant  which  they  finmd  dead, 
in  the  house  they  first  surprised,  they  cut  in 
pieces,  which  afterward  they  cast  to  the 
swine.  There  were  about  forty  dwelling 
houses  burnt  at  that  time,  besides  other  build- 
ings. This  desolation  was  followed  with  the 
breaking  up  of  the  town,  and  scattering  of 
the  inhabitants,  and  removal  of  the  candle- 
stick after  it*  had  been  there  seated  above 
twelve  years. 

Concerningthe  surprising  of  Groton,  March 
13,  there  was  not  any  thing  much  more  mate- 
rial than  what  is  already  mentioned,  save  only 
the  insolence  of  John  Monoco,  or  one  eyed 
John,  the  chief  capt.  of  the  Indians  in  that 
design;  who  having  by  a  sudden  surprisal 
early  in  the  morning,  seized  upon  a  garrison 
house  in  one  end  of  the  town,  continued  to  it, 
plundering  what  was  there  ready  at  hand,  all 
that  day  ;  and  at  night  did  very  familiarly  in 
appearance,  call  out  to  Capt.  Parker,  that  was 
lodged  in  another  garrison  house,  and  enter- 
tained a  great  deal  of  discourse  witli  him, 
whom  he  called  his  old  neighbour;  dilating 
upon  the  cause  of  the  war,  and  putting  an 
end  to  it  by  a  friendly  peace  ;  yet  oft  mixing 
bitter  sarcasms,  with  several  blasphemous 
scoffs  and  taunts,  at  their  praying  and  wor- 
shipping God  in  the  meeting  house,  which  he 
deridingly  said  he  had  burnt.  Among  other 
liinge  which  he  boastingly  uttered  that  night, 


he  said  he  burnt  Medfield,  (though  it  be  notj 
known  whether  he  was  there  personally  pre-! 
sent  or  not)  Lancaster,  and  that  now  he  would  j 
burn  the  town  of  Crroton,  and  the  next  time 
he  would  burn  Chelmsford,  Concord,  Water- 
town,  Cambridge,  Charlestoun,  Roxbiiry, 
Boston,  adding  at.  last  in  their  dialect,  w/iai 
me  will,  me  do  :  Not  much  unlike  the  j)roud 
Assyrian  (if  his  power  had  been  equal  to  his 
pride)  sometimes  threatened  against  Jerusa- 
lem, but  was  by  the  remarkable  providence 
of  God,  so  confounded  within  a  few  months 
after,  that  he  was  bereft  of  his  four  hundred 
and  four  score  (of  which  he  now  boasted)and 
only  with  a  few  more  braggadocios  like  him- 
self, Sagamore  Sam,  old  Jethro,  and  the  Saga- 
more of  Quabaog,  were  taken  by  the  ICnglisli, 
and  was  seen  (not  long  before  the  writing  of 
this)  marching  towards  the  gallows  (through 
Boston  streets,  which  he  threatened  to  burn  at 
his  pleasure)  with  a  halter  about  his  n<!ck, 
with  which  he  was  hanged  at  the  town's  end, 
Sept.  2Gth,  in  this  present  year,  167G.  So 
let  thine  enemies  perish,  O  Lord,  and  such 
contempt  be  povred  on  all  them  that  open 
their  mouths  to  blas[)heme  thy  holy  name. 

Things  looked  with  a  disagreeable  face 
about  those  parts  at  this  time,  yet  though  the 
righteous  fall  seven  times,  let  not  their  ene- 
mies rejoice,  for  the  righteous  shall  rise  again, 
but  their  wicked  enemies  shall  fall  into  mis- 
chief, and  rise  no  more.  It  was  ebbing  water 
with  New  England  at  this  time,  and  a  while 
after;  but  God  shall  turn  the  stream  beft)re  it 
be  long,  and  bring  down  their  enemies  to 
lick  the  dust  before  them. 

After  this,  April  17th,  Capt.  Still  being  ap- 
pointed to  keep  garrison  at  Groton,  some  In- 
dians coming  to  hunt  for  swine,  three  Indian.' 
drew  near  the  garrison  house,  supposing  it 
to  have  been  deserted,  two  of  them  were  slam 
by  one  single  shot,  made  by  the  captain's  own 
hands,  and  the  third,  by  another  shot  made 
from  the  garrison. 

The  danger  which  these  inland  towns  were 
like  to  be  e.xposed  to  from  the  enemy,  after 
they  were  driven  out  of  the  Narraganset 
country,  was  foreseen  by  the  council  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, yea,  they  had  some  intimation 
thereof  from  the  enemy  themselves;  but  they 
were  not  well  able  to  prevent  it  in  that  un- 
seasonable time  of  the  year ;  no  way  fit  for 
marching  of  soldiers,  and  transporting  of  pro- 
visions (the  winter  then  beginning  to  break 
up  in  this  country)  for  while  our  forces  were 
up  in  the  Narraganset  country  in  the  winter, 
a  couple  of  christian  Indians  were  sent  as 
spies  into  the  Nipnet  and  Narraganset  conn- 
try  through  the  woods,  in  the  depth  of  winter, 
when  the  ways  were  impassable  for  any  other 
sort  of  people  :  These  two,  James  and  .Tob, 
ordered  their  business  so  prudently,  as  that 
they  were  admitted  into  those  Indian  habita- 
tions as  friends,  and  had  free  liberty  of  dis- 
course with  them;  they  were  at  first  a  little 
jealous  of  tliem;  but  by  the  means  of  one 
eyed  John  (a  great  captain  of  the  Indians, 
that  afterwards  led  them  that  spoiled  Groton, 
who  having  been  a  companion  of  one  of  the 
said  spies,  both  in  hunting,  and  in  fighting 
against  the  Mohawks  formerly,  so  esteemed 
of  him,  that  he  would  not  suffer  any  of  the 
rest  to  touch  him)  they  passed  through  all 
the  Indian  towns  lying  thirty  miles  distant 
from  Quabaog,  and  twenty  miles  northward 
of  the  road  to  Connecticut. — One  of  the  said  i 


I  spies  returned  about  the  24ih  of  January,  in 
forming  them  that  sent  him  w  hat  he  luul  Ol 
served,  both  the  number  of  the  Iii(iians(,d)<iu 
three  hundred  in  all)  also  ilieir  several  luwns, 
and  what  provisions  they  had;  plenty  of  ve- 
nison, much  pork  from  the  Englishmen'.-i  ho^;* 
which  they  hud  taken;  they  confesseii  hIso 
that  he  and  some  of  his  party  had  killed  the 
peo|)le  at  Nasaway,  the  last  year,  suspected 
to  have  been  dorie  by  the  Indians  nf  Marl- 
borough :  He  told  them  also  they  intended 
to  burn  Lancaster  within  three  week.s  after 
that  time,  which  accordingly  they  did  ;  adding; 
moreover,  that  some  Frenchmen  were  w  ith 
them  at  Pocomptuck,  encouraging  of  tliem  to 
go  on  with  their  designs,  proniisirg  them  as- 
sistance, which  made  some  ready  to  think  ilio 
Imlians  were  stirred  up  by  the  Fr'  nch  to  do 
all  this  mischief — but  more  of  this  alier- 
wards. — What  miirlit  be  gathered  froni  tlie 
foresaid  promises  is  easy  to  conceive:  where- 
upon new  forces,  with  as  much  speed  as  ihe 
season  would  allow,  were  raised  and  sent  into 
those  parts,  under  the  command  of  Major 
Savage  in  chief:  They  were  dispatched  away 
the  beginning  of  March,  and  appointed  to 
meet  with  such  as  should  be  sent  from  Con- 
necticut colony,  which  they  did  about  Qua- 
baog, and  so  intended  to  march  direcilv  up  to 
those  Indian  towns  about  Watchuset  Hill,  to 
the  northwest;  but  the  Indians  were  gone, 
and  our  forces  in  pursuit  of  them  taking  the 
wrong  path,  missed  of  them,  yet  ranging 
through  those  w^oods,  they  were  at  one  time 
suddenly  assaulted  by  a  small  parly  of  In- 
dians firing  upon  them,  wounded  Mr.  Gor- 
shom  Bulkly,  by  a  sliot  in  his  tliiirh,  and  kill- 
ing one  of  tfieir  soldiers  ;  after  which  as  thi'V 
marched  along  they  accidentally  fell  upon 
another  small  party  of  the  enemy,  c)f  whom 
they  slew  some  and  took  others  to  the  num- 
ber of  sixteen,  yet  could  not  meet  with  the 
main  body  of  the  enemy,  who  it  seems  iiad 
passed  over  a  great  river  by  rafts,  so  that  our 
men  could  follow  them  no  further,  w  herefore 
turning  down  towards  Hadley  and  Norihiimp- 
ton,  whither  it  was  supposed  the  Indians  in- 
tended to  pass,  they  c.ime  very  seasoiiiibly 
to  the  relief  of  the  said  tow^ns,  which  else  had 
been  in  danger  of  being  lost.  For, 

March  lith,  the  enemy  fell  upon  Nor- 
thampton, and  in  three  places  broke  tliroiigb 
the  fortification  of  pallisadoes,  set  up  round 
about  the  town  a  little  before,  for  ihrir  l)eltiT 
security  ;  but  the  town  being  at  that  tiiiK?  full 
of  soldiers,  they  were  quickly  repulsed,  after 
they  had  killed  four  men  and  two  women,  and 
fired  four  or  five  dwelling  houses,  and  as 
many  barns,  w  ith  the  loss  of  many  of  I  heir 
lives,  as  was  supjiosed. 

While  our  forces  under  .Major  Savnge  con- 
tinued on  that  side  of  the  country,  a  sad  ac- 
cident fell  out  at  Sprinfield,  the  certainty  of 
which  it  is  judged  meet  here  to  rehiieto  pre- 
vent mistakes  ;  tlie  matter  having  through  a 
great  oversight  been  otherwise  represented 
than  indeed  it  was,  not  only  to  the  prejudice 
of  truth,  but  to  the  disadvantage  of  some 
persons  concerned  tlierein.  While  the  sol- 
diers  were  quartered  at  a  place  belonging  ta 
Springfield,  called  the  long  meadow,  ihre« 
miles  from  the  town  below,  toward  Windsor, 
several  of  the  inhabitants  having  most  ol  the 
winter  kept  from  the  public  meeting  on  Ine 
Lord's  day  for  fear  of  the  enemy,  were  en- 
coura^jed  to  adventure  to  iho  oseenibly  Pti 


603 


A  NARRATIVE  OF 


the  26th  of  March,  riding  in  the  company  of 
the  troopers;  but  bavins^  heard  of  no  Indians 
thereabouts  a  ^ood  wliile,  were  more  secure 
than  they  had  cause;  fur  riding  some  of 
them  with  womon  behind  them,  and  some 
with  children  in  their  arms,  yet  not  so  care- 
:  i  as  to  keep  in  the  middle,  but  rather  in  the 
-chT,  ami  at  some  distance  straggling  from  the 
rest  of  the  company,  a  party  of  Indians  lying 
in  the  bushes,  as  they  rode  along,  fired  upon 
the  hindmost,  and  killed  two,  and  wounded 
others:  Those  in  the  front  having  also  women 
and  maids  behind  some  of  them,  were  at  a 
stand  to  know  what  to  do,  fearing  they  might 
ex-pose  those  women  they  had  in  their  com- 
pany, if  they  should  ride  back  (in  that  wind- 
in?  road  through  a  woody  place  for  near  a  mile 
or  two  together)  to  look  after  them  that  were 
behind  ;  at  the  last,  one  that  came  riding  up, 
told  the  foremost  company  there  was  no  hurt, 
and  that  they  were  all  coming  :  They  that 
were  before  rode  away  with  all  speed  to  the 
end  of  the  town,  where  setting  down  the  wo 
men,  the  troopers  returned  back,  but  too  late 
to  recover  two  poor  women,  and  two  children, 
who  upon  the  first  assault  were  thrown  off 
their  horses,  and  immediately  hauled  into  the 
bushes,  and  through  a  swamp  on  the  other 
side  of  a  steep  bank,  so  as  they  could  not  be 
heard  of  all  that  afternoon,  nor  the  next  day 
till  toward  night,  although  they  were  diligent- 
ly searched  after  by  all  the  troopers  in  and 
about  the  town;  at  last  when  they  were  des- 
cried just  by  a  swamp  side,  the  cruel  wretches 
endeavoured  to  kill  them  all,  but  in  haste  only 
wounded  them  with  their  hatchets,  yet  so  as 
one  of  the  poor  creatures  recovered  ;  the 
(ither,  with  the  children,  died  of  their  wounds 
before  they  were  brought  home,  or  within  a 
little  time  after.  They  did  not  complain  of 
anv  incivility  toward  them  while  they  were 
in  their  power;  but  by  the  farewell  given 
them  at  their  parting,  they  found  it  true  by 
tlieir  own  experience,  that  the  tender  mercies 
0':'  the  wicked  are  cruelty. 

There  happened  no  other  matter  of  moment 
worthy  the  reporting  while  our  forces  tarried 
in  those  parts,  and  the  commanders  observing 
that  the  enemy  was  turned  back  again  through 
the  woods,  towards  Massachusetts  bay,  after 
a  month's  time  retired  back,  yet  could  never 
meet  with  the  enemy  in  their  return  through 
the  woods,  although  wliile  they  were  at  the 
towns  aforesaid,  they  understood  of  several 
attempts  made  upon  Sudbury  and  Marl- 
borough, the  most  part  of  the  latter  they  de- 
stroyed March  26lh,  which  made  the  inhabi- 
tants forsake  their  dwellings,  leaving  only  a 
few  houses  garrisoned  with  soldiers,  the  bet- 
ter to  secure  a  passage  to  the  towns  westward 
upon  Connecticut  river. 

The  inhabitants  of  Sudbury,  with  the  sold- 
iers under  lieutenant  .lacobs,  of  Marlborough, 
Bufficienlly  alarmed  by  the  late  mischief  done 
about  these  towns,  resolved  to  try  what  work 
they  could  with  the  enemy  in  the  night  : 
whereupon  going  forth,  March  27th,  toward 
morning,  they  discerned  where  the  enemy 
'ay  by  their  fire,  (near  three  hundred  of  them) 
iiiid  within  half  a  mile  of  a  garrison  house, 
iieiir  the  place  where  they  had  done  so  much 
mischief  the  day  before.  Such  was  the  coiir- 
Bl'"'  and  resolution  of  the;  English,  though  but 
forty  in  number,  townsmen  and  soldiers,  that 
they  adventuretl  to  discharge  iipen  them  as 
ihey  lay  by  their  fires,  when  it  was  so  dark 


that  an  Indian  could  hardly  be  discerned  from 
a  better  man  ;  yet  God  so  directing,  they  dis- 
charged several  times  upon  them ;  wound- 
ed thirty,  fourteen  of  whom  either  died  of 
their  wounds  the  same  day,  or  soon  after, 
which  had  been  chief  agents  in  this  present 
mischief  against  the  English.  Such  was  the 
success  of  this  skirmish  that  the  assailanto 
came  off  without  the  loss  of  a  man. 

After  this  time  the  enemy  began  to  scatter 
about  in  small  parties,  doing  what  mischief 
they  could,  about  Massachusetts,  killing  a  man 
at  Weymouth,  another  at  Hingham,  as  they 
lay  skulking  up  and  down  in  swamps  and  holes, 
to  assault  any  that  occasionally  looked  never 
so  little  into  the  woods  :  sometimes  alarming 
the  towns  about  Boston,  by  discharging  the 
guns  upon  particular  persons  at  Billerica, 
Braintree,  and  at  Wrentham,  near  to  which 
place,  in  the  road  to  Rehoboth,  they  assaulted 
one  Woodcock's  house,  killed  one  man  and 
one  of  his  sons,  wounded  another,  and  burnt 
his  son's  house. 

Notwithstanding  the  little  success  of  former 
attempts  Philip  and  his  men  have  one  piece 
more  to  play  in  Massachusetts  colony,  before 
they  go  off  the  stage,  and  then  we  shall  see 
their  power  visibly  declining  every  where, 
until  their  final  overthrow  come  upon  them. 
There  were  several  small  parties  of  them  scat- 
tered up  and  down  all  over  the  country,  yet 
the  main  body  of  them  was  still  lurking  up 
and  down  in  those  woods  that  lie  between 
Jirookfield,  Marlborough,  and  Connecticut 
river.  Possibly  they  had  some  hopes  of  driv- 
ing all  the  country  before  them  to  the  towns 
upon  the  sea  coast;  for  having  burnt  the  de- 
serted houses  at  Marlborough,  April  17th,  the 
next  day  they  set  upon  Sudbury  with  all  their 
might  (hoping,  'tis  probable,)  to  do  there  as 
they  had  done  at  the  towns  next  beyond  it. 
They  did  at  the  first  prevail  so  far  as  to  con- 
sume several  houses  and  barns,  and  kill  seve- 
ral persons  ten  or  twelve  of  the  English,  that 
came  from  Concord  to  assist  their  neighbours 
at  Sudbury,  a  town  five  miles  distant  from 
them,  at  the  first  hearing  of  the  alarm,  who 
unawares  were  surprised  near  a  garrison,  in 
hopes  of  getting  some  advantage  upon  asmall 
|)arty  of  the  enemy  that  presented  themselves 
in  a  meadow  ;  a  great  number  of  the  Indians 
that  lay  unseen  in  the  bushes,  suddenly  rose 
up,  and  intercepting  the  passage  to  the  garri- 
son house,  killed  and  took  them  all. 

But  our  sorrows  and  losses  that  day  are 
not  yet  come  to  their  height ;  for  on  the  same 
day,  that  resolute  stout  hearted  soldier,  Capt. 
Wadsworth  (who  not  long  before,  with  not 
above  forty  men,  rescued  Lancaster,  when  it 
was  in  danger  to  have  been  all  lost  at  once) 
being  sent  from  Boston  with  fifty  soldiers  to 
relieve  Marlborough,  having  marched  twenty- 
five  miles  and  then  understanding  the  enemy 
was  gone  through  the  woods  towards  Sud- 
bury :  This  wearied  company,  before  ever 
they  had  taken  any  considerable  rest,  marched 
immediately  back  toward  Sudbury  (that  lies 
ten  miles  nearer  Boston)  and  being  come 
within  a  mile  of  the  town,  they  espied  a  party 
of  Indians  not  far  from  them,  about  an  hun- 
dred, not  more — as  they  conceived,  these  they 
might  easily  deni  with  ;  who  retiring  a  while, 
drew  Capt.  Wadsworth  an<l  his  company 
above  a  mile  into  the  woods,  when  on  a  sud- 
den a  great  body  of  the  enemy  appeared, 
about  five  hundred  as  was  thought,  who  com- 


passing them  around,  forced  them  to  the  top  of 
a  hill,  where  they  made  very  stout  resistance  a 
considerable  while  ;  but  the  night  drawing  on, 
and  some  of  the  company  beginning  to  scatter 
from  the  rest,  their  fellows  were  forced  to 
follow  them,  so  as  the  enemy  taking  the  chase, 
pursued  them  on  every  side,  as  they  made  too 
hasty  a  retreat,  by  which  accident,  being  so 
much  overpowered  by  the  enemy's  numbers, 
they  were  most  of  them  lost :  The  captain 
himself,  with  one  Capt.  Brocklebank  (a  choice 
spirited  young  man  much  lamented  by  the 
town  of  Rowley  to  which  he  belonged)  and 
some  others  that  fell  into  his  company  as  he 
marched  along,  scarce  twenty  escaping  in  all 
so  that  another  captain  and  his. fifty  men  per- 
ished at  that  time,  as  brave  soldiers  as  any 
ever  employed  in  the  present  service. 

Thus  as  in  former  attempts  of  the  like  na- 
ture, too  much  courage  and  eagerness  in  pur- 
suit of  the  enemy,  hath  added  another  fatal 
blow  to  this  poor  country. 

The  same  day  another  party  of  the  English 
coming  from  Broofield,  whither  they  were 
sent  as  convoy  with  provisions  for  the  garri- 
son, were  in  danger  likewise  of  falling  into  the 
hands  of  the  same  Indians;  yetriding  upon  a 
good  speed,  and  keeping  their  guns  always 
ready  presented  against  them  they  met,  they 
never  durst  fire  st  them  ;  only  three  or  four 
having  unadvisedly  first  discharged  their  guns 
against  the  enemy,  and  falling  too  much  in 
the  rear  of  their  company,  were  cut  off  and 
lost.  It  is  reported  by  some  that  afterwards 
escaped,  how  they  cruelly  tortured  five  or  six 
of  the  English  that  night :  Yet  whatever  their 
success  was  this  day,  it  was  observed  by  some 
(at  that  time  their  prisoners,  and  since  releas- 
ed) that  they  seemed  very  pensive  after  they 
came  to  their  quarters,  showing  no  such  sigrs 
of  rejoicing  as  they  were  wont  to  do  in  like 
cases;  whether  for  the  loss  of  some  of  their 
own  company  in  that  day's  enterprise  (said 
tote  an  hundred  and  twenty)  or  whether  it 
was  the  devil  in  whom  they  trusted  that  de- 
ceived them,  and  to  whom  they  made  their 
address  the  dav  before,  by  sundry  conjurations 
of  their  powaws?  Or  whether  it  were  by 
any  dread  that  the  Almighty  sent  tipon  their 
execrable  blasphemies,  which  it  is  said  they 
used  in  torturing  some  of  their  poor  captives 
(bidding  Jesus  come  and  deliver  them  out  of 
their  hands  from  death,  if  he  could)  we  leave 
as  uncertain,  though  some  have  so  re|)orted, 
yet  sure  it  is  that  after  this  day  they  never 
prospered  in  any  attempt  they  made  against 
the  English,  but  were  continually  scattered 
and  broken,  till  they  were  in  a  maimerall  con- 
sumed. After  this  time,  however  they  had 
braved  it  before,  they  seemed  to  apprehend 
that  it  was  scarce  feasible  with  them  to  with- 
stand the  power  of  the  English,  and  therefore 
seemed  more  incJinable  to  a  peace  by  several 
overtures  made  by  them,  if  they  knew  how 
to  liave  brought  it  about.  For  during  these 
encounters  they  were  willing  to  admit  ofsotne 
kind  of  treaty  with  the  English,  abo  it  the  re- 
leasing of  sundry  of  their  captives,  v  iiich  they 
took  at  Lancaster  and  elsewhere  :  to  this  end 
sundry  altem|)ts  were  made  by  help  of  several 
of  the  praying  Indians  (as  they  were  railed) 
about  tiie  redemption  of  some  of  the  wonier 
and  children,  which  were  at  that  time  in  their 
possession,  antl  by  degrees  something  Wiii 
effected  that  way  ;  possibly  their  own  present 
sufferings  and  wants  that  were  upon  them. 


J 


THE  INDIAN  WARS. 


6.53 


might  induce  them  thereunto  :  For  by  this 
litne  tlie  spring  of  tlie  year  came  on,  their  pro- 
vision was  all  spent,  and  they  were  forced  to 
live  wholly  upon  ground  nuts,  and  upon  flesh 
of  the  English  creatures,  both  horse  and  neat 
cattle,  which  they  daily  plundered.  The 
ground  nuts  running  up  to  seed  in  the  sum- 
mer, begin  to  grow  so  sticky,  as  they  were 
scarce  eatable  ;  the  flesh  also  of  the  English 
(•atlle  proving  unwholesome  for  their  bodies, 
filling  them  with  sundry  diseases  :  one  of  them 
liaving  eaten  much  horse  flesh,  complained 
that  he  had  eaten  much  horse  and  now  horse 
l)ei'an  to  eat  him,  meaningsome  deadly  disease 
growing  upon  his  eating  such  rank  flesh,  un- 
wholesome for  their  bodies,  especially  without 
salt,  as  their  usual  marmer  is.  The  fishing 
season  also  began  to  come  in,  wherein  they 
used  to  take  abundance  of  all  sorts,  with 
which  those  great  rivers  up  the  country  are 
abundantly  stored  ;  they  used  to  take  thereof, 
and  drying  it  in  the  smoke,  make  provision 
thereof  for  the  greatest  part  of  the  year;  and 
if  the  war  continued,  they  could  not  but  see 
they  should  utterly  be  cut  off  therefrom  ;  and 
that  if  the  planting  season  also  were  lost,  they 
.should  be  in  great  want  of  summer  fruits,  sc. 
beans  and  stjuash  (besides  their  corn)  with 
which  they  were  wont  to  live  all  the  latter 
part  of  the  summer.  Upon  all  considerations 
ihey  seemed  pretty  inclinable  to  hearken  to  a 
peace,  though  some  were  apt  to  think  they 
would  never  have  kept  it  further  than  would 
stand  with  their  own  advantage,  and  their  pre- 
sent desire  thereof  were  only  to  gain  time. 

A  person  formerly  acquainted  with  the  In- 
dians about  Lancaster,  did  adventure  upon 
the  forementioned  overtures,  to  go  amongst 
them  to  try  if  he  could  not  prevail  with  them 
for  the  redemption  of  the  minister's  wife,  taken 
captive  in  February  last,  from  Lancaster,  and 
throuirh  the  favour  of  him  who  has  the  hearts 
of  all  in  his  hand,  inclines  them  as  he  pleases, 
obtained  the  desired  end  upon  an  inconsider- 
able sum,  which  gave  encouragement  to  the 
council  to  send  two  messengers  on  the  like 
errand  the  same  week  to  procure  the  redemp- 
tion of  others,  not  without  success  :  The  for- 
mer, viz.  .Mrs.  Rowlandson  being  brought  to 
Boston  upon  the  election  day.  May  3d,  it  was 
generally  looked  at  as  a  smile  of  providence, 
and  doubtless  was  a  return  of  prayer,  and  an- 
swer of  faith  with  which  her  husband  had 
been  upheld,  and  supported  from  the  day  of 
her  ca[>tivlty  ;  his  two  children  also  were 
returned  back  not  long  after,  more  by  the 
overruling  hand  of  God  (that  turns  the  cap- 
tivity of  his  people  as  the  streams  of  the  south; 
and  something  inclining  them  to  pity  his  ser- 
vants, that  are  of  themselves  more  cruel  than 
the  sea  monsters)  than  by  any  contrivance  of 
man's  policy. 

And  yet  notwithstanding  motions  of  this 
nature  about  the  redemption  of  some  of  our 
prisoners  still  in  their  hands,  there  was  no  ces- 
sation of  arms  between  us. 

About  this  time  letters  were  sent  down 
from  Connecticut  colony,  informmg  the  gen- 
eral court  then  assembled  at  Boston,  that  some 
oi  the  Mohawks  (a  sort  of  fierce  and  savage  In- 
dians, yet  mortal  enemies  to  those  we  were 
at  v/arwith)  had  fillen  upon  some  of  Phir![)'3 
party,  and  destroyed  many  of  them  :  Likewise 
that  manv  of  '.hem  were  destroyed  bv  fevers 
anil  riiixes.and  ather  distempers  fallingamongst 
tlirm,  which  v»  as  some  reviving  to  our  hopes, 


that  the  foot  of  our  enemy  should  slide  in  due 
time,  and  that  destruction  was  hastening  upon 
them  though  still  they  were  permitted  to  do 
mischief  in  sundry  particular  places  of  the 
country,  which  must  be  minded  as  we  pass 
along. 

Those  Indians  t;hat  were  our  professed  ene- 
mies, after  they  had  been  beaten  out  of  the 
Narraganset  country,  February  1st,  tarried  a 
while  at  Winimazeag,  a  place  two  days  jour- 
ney north  of  Quaboag,  where  they  divided 
themselves  into  two  companies,  one  of  ihern 
tarried  on  that  side  of  the  country,  the  otli(;r 
made  toward  Plymouth  colony,  taking  Med- 
field  in  their  way,  from  whence  as  they  march- 
ed along  they  met  with  a  notable  repulse  at 
Boggiston,  a  small  hamlet, or  comj)anyof  farms 
not  far  from  the  said  Medfield,  where  they 
attempted  a  garrison,  but  meeting  with  stout 
resistance  they  left  the  enterprise,  and  kept 
on  their  way  towards  Plymouth  colony,  where 
they  scattered  themselves  up  and  down,  wait- 
ing for  opportunities  to  spoil  and  destroy  the 
English  plantations  on  that  side  of  the  country. 

Besides  what  is  already  mentioned,  on 
May,  11th,  a  party  of  them  assaulted  the  town 
of  Plymouth,  burnt  eleven  houses,  and  five 
barns  belongfin?  thereunto  :  On  the  other  side 
a  small  party  of  the  English  scouting  about  in 
pursuit  of  the  Indians,  fell  upon  a  party  of  them 
that  lay  waitingin  ambush,  but  being  discerned 
by  an  Indian  in  the  company  of  our  men  that 
gave  timely  notice,  our  soldiers  had  an  oppor- 
tunity thereby  to  make  the  first  shot,  and 
thereby  not  only  prevented  a  mischief  to  them- 
selves, but  killed  also  some  of  the  enemy  (one 
of  whom  was  observed  to  be  of  more  note 
tlian  his  fellows,  by  his  attire)  the  rest  fled 
away  from  them  that  pursued,  though  but  c 
small  company  ;  so  that  there  was  daily  re- 
ciprocal acts  of  hostility  in  those  parts. 

Within  a  few  days  after  this,  seven  houses 
and  two  barns  more  wore  burnt  by  the  enemy 
In  and  about  Plymouth ;  who  did  the  like 
mischief  about  the  same  time  to  the  remain- 
ing of  Namasket  or  Middleborough. 

About  this  time  another  sort  of  Indians  that 
belonged  to  Wamesit,  a  place  near  Chelms- 
ford, bordering  upon  Merrimack,  (who  had 
been  provoked  by  the  rash,  unadvised,  cruel 
acts  of  some  of  the  English,  about  Oct.  27th, 
and  Nov.  4th,  had  fired  upon  tliem  several 
guns,  both  at  Chelmsford  and  VVoburn,  killing 
some,  and  wounding  others,  upon  suspicion 
that  the  said  Indians  were  guilty  of  burning  a 
barn  and  hay  stack  not  far  off)  suddenly  turn- 
ed our  enemies,  after  the  winter  was  over; 
having  first  withdrawn  themselves  from  the 
place  assigned  them,  and  where  tliey  had 
been  relieved  all  the  winter  (some  of  them 
after  a  former  revolt)  and  took  their  opportu- 
ty  to  fire  Mr.  Falconer's  house  in  Andover 
town,  early  that  spring,  and  wounded  one 
Roger  Marks,  and  killed  his  horse.  Two 
more  houses  about  Shawskin,  beyond  the  said 
Andover,  were  burnt  about  March  lOtli : 
Also  they  killed  a  young  man  of  the  said 
town,  April  Slh,  the  son  of  George  Abbot; 
and  another  son  of  his  also  was  carried  away 
the  same  day,  who,  notwithstanding,  was  re- 
turned some  few  months  after,  almost  pined 
to  death  with  hunger. 

At  the  same  time  they  killed  some  of  their 
cattle,  cutting  out  only  the  tongues  of  some 
of  them  for  haste,  being  shot  at  by  several  of 
the  inhabitants  from  their  garrison. 


March  10th,  at  ConconJ,  two  men  goirig  fm 
hay,  one  of  them  was  killed.  At  Cli<  lii:n- 
ford,  the  said  Wamesit  Indians,  about  MH»-ch 
18th  before,  fell  upon  some  tiouses  on  the 
north  side  of  the  river;  burnt  down  tlireu  or 
four  that  belonged  to  the  family  of  EdwHrd 
Colburn :  the  said  Colburii,  with  Samuel 
Var»ham,  liis  neighbour,  Ifeing  pursued,  as 
they  passed  over  the  river  lo  look  after  their 
cattle  on  that  side  of  the  river  ;  and  niaklng 
several  s'nots  against  them,  who  reiiirnci) 
the  like  again  upo';  the  said  I  iidians,  judt""' 
to  be  about  Ibrty  ;  what  success  they  had  npo<. 
the  enemy,  was  best  known  to  themselves; 
but  two  of  Varnliam's  sons  were  .slain  by  the 
enemy,  shot  before  they  could  recover  the 
other  side  of  the  river.  A[)ril  IGlh,  also, 
were  fourteen  or  fifteen  houses  were  burnt 
there. 

Not  long  before  this,  February  1st,  1G76, 
Thomas  Eamcs,  that  kept  a  farm  at  Sudbury, 
whose  dwelling  was  three  or  four  miles  out 
of  town,  had  his  house  assaulted  and  fired, 
his  wife  killed,  and  his  children  carried  cap- 
tive among  the  Indians. 

Also  two  men  were  killed  at  a  farm  aliout 
Concord,  Isaac  and  Jacob,  about  the  middle 
of  February  and  a  young  maid  that  was  set 
to  watch  upon  a  hill,  of  about  fifteen  years 
of  age,  was  carried  away  captive,  who 
strangely  escaped  away  upon  a  horse  that  the 
Indians  had  taken  from  Lancaster  a  little  be- 
fore. In  the  like  strange  manner  did  one  of 
Eames'  children  escape  away  about  May  3<1 
last,  travelling  thirty  miles  alone  in  the  woods 
without  any  relief  till  he  came  to  an  English 
town.  Eames'  house  was  assaulted  when  l:o 
was  from  home,  by  an  Irvdian  called  Ncins, 
not  long  after  slain  at  ]\larlborougli,  w  hich 
had  been  very  familiar  with  the  English,  uiih 
nine  or  ten  more  of  his  company,  as  |>erfidious 
and  barbarous  as  himself  They  biirni'd  all 
the  dwellings  that  belonged  to  the  fiirm,  corn 
hay  and  cattle,  besides  the  dwelling  hopises 
with  what  was  therein  ;  j*  is  possible  those 
at  Concord  were  killed  by  the  same  hands 
about  a  forniglit  after. 

Many  such  like  remarkable  instances  of 
special  providences  might  be  mentir)iied,  if  it 
were  convenient  to  insert  such  particular  pas- 
sages into  the  general  narrative  of  tlie  late 
troubles  with  our  barbarous  enemu-s. 

On  May  3d  a  party  of  them  killeil  a  man  at 
Haverhill,  upon  the  edge  of  Merrimack  riviT, 
and  passing  over  the  said  river  to  Uradford, 
spoiled  another  family,  killing  one  Thomas 
Kimball,  and  carrying  his  wife  and  fi\e  chil- 
dren captive,  forty  miles  up  Into  the  woods; 
although  It  was  questioned  \\  lielher  this  last 
mischief  was  done  by  any  of  Philip's  party 
bnt  rather  by  some  that  belonged  to  the  east- 
ward Indians,  of  which  there  may  be  occasion 
God  willing,  to  speak  more  of  afterward. 

For  the  suppressing  these  insolencies,  sev- 
eral companies  of  fresh  soldiers,  both  Imrsc 
and  foot,  were  raised  in  Massachusetts  by  the 
governor  and  council  of  that  colony,  and  sent 
out  to  suppress  the  common  enemy  ;  the  foot 
under  the  command  of  Captains  SliU,  Cutler 
and  Holbrook  ;  the  horse  under  the  command 
of  Captains  Brattle,  Prentice  and  Henchman; 
the  last  of  whom  was  commander  in  chief. 
These  several  companies  modelled  as  afore- 
said, were  sent  out  AprllQGth,  1G76,  to  range 
I  the  woods  towards  Hassanamesit. 
I     The  6th  of  .May  they  met  with  a  considcra- 


654 


A  NARRATIVE  OF 


ble  party  of  the  enemy  ;  they  were  first  dis- 
covered by  the  Natick  scouts  pursuinjr  a 
near,  and  at  first  not  discovering  that  the  Na- 
t-ick  Indian  scouts  belonged  to  our  men,  it 
gave  some  advantage  to  our  forces;  our 
horsemen  falling  upon  them  before  they  were 
aw.ire,  killed  and  took  of  the  enemy  about  16, 
which  thi-y  took  no  notice  of  at  the  present, 
although  it  was  confessed  by  themselves  that 
ihey  lost  twenty  in  that  encounter.  It  was 
reported  that  the  sounding  of  a  trumpet  with- 
out order  did  much  hurt,  but  the  commander 
<n  cliiof  alfirmeth  that  it  was  no  disadvantage 
10  the  service  in  iiand,  it  neithei  being  heard 
by  our  own  foot,  nor  yet  by  the  enemy.  If 
any  error  was  committed  by  the  English  com- 
panies, it  was  that  the  horse  did  not  timely 
enough  draw  down  from  the  top  of  the  hill, 
whereby  they  came  to  be  discovered  by  the 
enemy,  who  thereupon  made  tlie  more  haste 
to  escape  ;  however,  it  was  no  small  loss  to 
the  enemy,  some  of  the  slain  being  known  to 
be  considerable  persons  ;  and  it  struck  such 
a  terror  itito  them  thai  they  never  durst  face 
our  men  aftewards  ;  for  although  after  our  men 
returni;d  to  their  (piarters  at  Medfield,  they 
saw  tvvo  hundred  fires  in  tlie  night,  yet  they 
could  never  come  near  them  again  to  fight  any 
company  of  them  ;  but  the  season  proving 
rainy  hindered  any  further  pursuit  of  them  at 
that  lime?.  And  soon  after  this  the  soldiers 
being  visited  with  sickly  distemper  by  rea- 
son of  an  epidemical  cold  at  that  time  prevail- 
ii'.g  through  the  country,  they  were  for  the 

f)roseiit  released  for  the  recovery  of  their 
lealih  with  intent  to  be  called  together  again 
at  a  more  convenient  time  ;  this  was  done  the 
10th  of  May. 

During  this  Interval  of  time,  upon  a  report 
that  a  party  of  the  enemy  were  discovered 
al^out  Rehoboth,  busy  in  fishing  in  a  river 
thereabouts,  Capt.  Brattle  was  sent  up  about 
the  23  of  May,  who  with  the  help  of  some' of 
ttie  itihabitants,  killed  11  or  12  of  them,  with- 
out ttie  loss  of  but  one  of  our  men.  Had  ilK!y 
not  discovered  some  of  ours  on  the  opposite 
shore,  it  was  conceived  a  greater  spoil  might 
have  been  made  amongst  them. 

But  in  the  next  place  we  must  take  notice 
of  the  proceedings  of  the  enemy  about  Con- 
necticut. The  greatest  body  of  them  made  to- 
wards Plymouth  colony  early  in  the  spring, 
as  was  said  before,  where  we  shall  leave  them 
for  the  present,  and  observe  what  the  remain- 
ing part  of  ihem  did  westward. 

Some  scatteiing  parlies  were  skulking 
aboulSpringfield  and  those  lower  towns,  upon 
a  small  number  of  whom  Capl.  Holyoke 
(newly  chosen  captain  of  Springfield,  in  the 
room  of  his  fathtjr  lately  deceased)  handselled 
his  office  (!arly  in  the  spring  ;  for  having  no- 
tire  (>fsotn(M)f  them  in  those  woods,  hemarclKul 
ufter  ihem  with  ten  or  twelve  young  men,  and 
waitnig  his  opportunity,  surprised  them  near 
the  iireaf  river  so  that  two  or  three  or  th(>m 
were  left  dead  upon  ihe  place;  anothermortally 
wouixled  trot  on  an  island  in  the  river,  wh(M-e 
it  is  conclud(.'d  he  look  his  last  nierhl's  lodjrintr. 
The  oiher  being  sorely  wounded  was  taken 
(ilive  and  brought  home  to  Springfi(dd,  where? 
lie  confessed  many  things  to  one  of  the  inlia- 
liilanfs  that  \iiiderstood  their  language,  own- 
ing tlie  truth  in  n>any  things  against  his  own 
ci>in)iany,  and  died  soon  aftiir  of  his  wounds. 

Th  s  was  but  a  preparative  to  an  higher 
pieco  of  service  wliich  Capt.  Holyoke  was 


soon  after  engaged  in  and  wherein  he  acquit- 
ted himself  beyond  expectation,  and  taking 
more  pains  than  ordinary  in  making  his  re- 
treat, he  got  a  surfeit,  which  ended  his  days 
the  September  following,  near  Boston. 

About  the  beginning  of  Afiril  likewise, 
some  of  the  inhabitants  about  Hadley,  attend- 
incr  their  tillage  at'Hockanum,  within  three 
miles  of  the  town,  and  having  a  guard  of 
soldiers  with  them,  yet  three  of  the  company 
were  casually  slain  by  a  party  of  the  enemy 
that  lay  in  wait  for  such  an  opportunity.  One 
of  them  was  Mr.  Goodman,  a  deacon  of  the 
church,  that  went  a  little  beyond  the  com- 
mand of  the  soldiers  tbatcame  to  guard  them, 
to  view  the  fence  of  his  own  land,  and  two 
others,  that  contrary  to  express  orders  would 
venture  upon  the  top  of  an  high  hill  near  by, 
to  take  a  needless  and  unseasonable  view  of 
the  country,  were  shot  down  by  the  enemy 
before  they  could  recover  their  corps  du 
guard. 

But  the  great  company  of  the  enemy  that 
stayed  on  that  side  of  the  country,  and  about 
Walchiiset  hills,  when  the  rest  went  towards 
Plymouth,  though  they  had  been  disappointed 
in  their  planting  b)  the  death  of  Cationchet, 
were  loth  to  lose  the  advantage  of  the  fishing 
season  then  coming  in;  wherefore,  having 
seated  themselves  near  the  upper  falls  of 
Connecticut  river,  not  far  from  Deerfield,  and 
perceiving  that  the  English  forces  were  now 
drawn  off  from  the  lower  towns  of  Hadley 
and  Northampton,  now  and  then  took  advan- 
tage to  plunder  them  of  their  cattle,  and  not 
fearing  any  assault  from  our  soldiers,  grew  a 
little  secure,  while  they  were  upon  their  fish- 
ing design,  insomuch  that  a  couple  of  Eng- 
lish lads  lately  taken  captive  by  the  enemy, 
and  making  their  escape,  acquainted  tlieir 
friends  at  home  how  secure  they  lay  in  those 
places,  which  so  animated  the  inhabitants  of 
Hadley,  Hatfield  and  Northampton,  that  they 
being  willing  to  be  revenged  for  the  loss  of 
their  cattle,  besides  other  preceding  mischiefs, 
took  up  a  resolution  with  what  strength  they 
could  raise  among  themselves  (partly  out  of 
garrison  soldiers,  and  partly  of  the  inhabitants) 
to  make  an  assault  upon  them,  which  if  it  had 
been  done  with  a  little  more  deliberation, 
waiting  for  the  coming  of  supplies,  expected 
from  Hartford,  might  have  proved  a  fatal 
business  to  all  the  sad  Indians:  yet  was  the 
victory  obtained  more  considerably  than  at 
first  was  apprehended  ;  for  not  having  much 
above  an  liundred  and  filty  fighting  men  in 
tlieir  company,  they  marched  above  twenty 
miles  silently  in  the  dead  of  the  night,  !\lay 
18th,  and  came  upon  the  said  Indians  a  little 
before  break  of  day,  whom  they  found  almost 
in  a  deep  sleep,  without  any  scouts  abroad, or 
watching  about  their  wiiiwams  at  home;  for 
in  the  evening  they  had  made  themselves 
merry  with  new  milk  and  roast  beef  having 
lately  driven  away  many  of  their  milk  cows, 
as  an  English  woman  confessed  that  was  made 
to  milk  them. 

When  they  came  near  the  Indians'  rendez- 
vous, they  alighted  off  their  horses,  and  tied 
them  to  some  young  trees  at  a  quarti!r  of  a 
mile  distance,  so  marching  up,  they  fired  brlsk- 
Iv  into  their  wik^wains,  killing  many  upon  the 
place,  and  frii;hling  oihers  with  the  sudilen 
al.inn  of  their  guns,  and  made  them  rim  into 
the  river  where  the  swiftness  of  the  stream 
cariying  them  down  a  sleep  fall,  ihey  perish- 


;ed  in  the  waters,  some  getting  inta  canoes 
(small  boats  made  of  the  bark  of  birch  trees) 
which  proved  to  them  a  Charon's  boat,  })eing 
sunk,  or  overset  by  the  shootinof  of  our  men, 
delivered  them  into  the  like  danger,  the 
waters  giving  them  thereby  a  passport  into 
the  other  world  :  Oihers  of  them  creeping  for 
shelter  under  the  banks  of  the  great  river, 
were  espied  by  our  men  and  killed  with  their 
swords  :  Capt.  Holyoke  killing  five  young 
and  old,  with  his  own  hands,  from  under  a 
bank.  When  the  Indians  were  first  awaken- 
ed with  the  thunder  of  their  guns,  they  cried 
out  Mohawks,  Mohawks,  as  if  their  own  ra- 
tlve  enemies  had  been  upon  them  ;  but  the 
dawning  of  the  light  soon  notified  them  of  their 
error,  though  it  could  not  prevent  their  danger. 

Such  as  came  back  spake  spariiiirly  of  the 
number  slain  ;  some  said  they  could  not  in 
reason  be  less  than  two  or  three  hundred  of 
them  that  must  necessarily  perish  in  tlie  midst 
of  so  many  instruments  of  destruction  ma- 
naged against  them  with  such  disad vantasjes 
to  themselves.  Some  of  their  prisoners  after- 
wards owned  that  they  lost  above  300  in  that 
camisado,  some  whereof  were  principal  men, 
sachems,  and  some  of  their  best  fiijhting  men 
that  were  left,  which  made  the  victory  more 
considerable  than  otherwise  it  would  have 
been  ;  nor  did  they  seem  ever  to  recover  them- 
selves after  this  defeat,  but  their  ruin  imme- 
diately followed  npon  it.*  Yet  such  was  the 
awful  hand  of  providence  in  the  close  of  the 
victory,  mixing  much  bitter  with  the  sweet 
that  it  might  well  be  called  a  costly  victory 
to  the  conquerors,  that  so  no  flesh  should  glory 
in  itself 

The  Indians  that  lay  scattered  on  both  sides 
of  the  river,  after  they  recovered  themselves 
and  discovered  the  small  number  of  them  that 
assailed  them,  turned  head  upon  the  English, 
who  in  their  retreat  were  much  disordered 
for  want  of  the  help  of  the  eldest  captain  that 
was  so  enfeebled  by  sickness  before  he  set 
out,  that  he  was  no  way  able  for  want  of  bo- 
dily strength  (not  any  way  defective  for  want 
of  skill  or  courage)  to  assist  or  direct  in  mak- 
ing the  retreat :  For  some  of  the  enemy  fell 
upon  the  guards  that  kept  the  horses,  others 
pursued  them  in  the  rear,  so  that  our  men  sus- 
tained very  mr.ch  damage  as  they  retired, 
missing  after  their  returns  thirty  eight  of  their 
men  ;  and  if  Capt.  Holyoke  had  not  j»layed 
the  man  at  a  more  than  ordinary  rate,  some- 
times in  the  front,  soinetimes  in  the  flank  and 
rear,  at  a  fatal  business  to  the  assailants,  our 
loss  woidd  have  been  still  greater.  'J'lie  said 
Captain  Holyoke's  horse  was  shot  down  under 
him,  and  himself  ready  to  be  assaulted  by 
many  of  the  Iiuimns,  just  coming  upon  him, 
but  discharging  his  pistols  upon  one  or  two 
of  them,  whom  he  presently  dispatched,  and 
a  friend  coming  to  his  rescue,  he  was  saved, 
and  so  carried  off  the  soldiers  without  any  fur- 
ther loss.  It  is  confidently  reported  iiy  some 
that  were  there  present  at  this  engagement, 
that  one  told  above  an  hundred  Indians  left 
dead  upon  the  place  ;  and  another  allirrned 
that  he  told  near  an  hundred  and  forty  swim- 
ming down  the  falls,  none  of  which  were  ob- 
served to  get  alive  to  the  shore  save  one. 


*  TliiTO  wn*  liiil  one  of  our  mon  killed  in  llir  rni«zo 
inciil  :  itioir  loss  follovviii!;  wns  owinc  lo  tin'  n  port  ol  ■ 
('it|)lniii  liikrii,  who  ^nill  I'liilip  wns  ncir  w  illi  I  fH"  iiu'b: 
word  »ns  ilu'n  given  for  ovrrv  iimii  lo  sliifl  lor  li.ms<-lt  i 
panic  sei7.C(l  the  men,  who  in'-lunt'y  floil  iu  cuiilusiuu. 


THE   INDIAN  WARS. 


The  loss  that  befel  our  men  in  the  retreat  was 
iiccasionoj  principally  by  the  bodily  weak- 
ness of  Capt.  Turner,  unable  to  manage  his 
charge  auy  longer,  yet  some  say  they  wanted 
powder  wliicli  forced  them  to  retire  as  fast  as 
they  C')uld  by  Capt.  Turner's  order.  It  is  also 
said  by  one  |)reaent  at  the  fight,  that  seven  or 
eight  in  the  rear  of  the  English  through  haste, 
missed  their  way,  it  being  a  cloudy  dark 
morning,  and  were  never  heard  of  ajjain  : 
and  without  doubt  fell  into  the  Indians'  hands, 
and  it  is  feared  some  of  them  were  tortured. 
About  seven  days  after  this  they  had  a  mind 
to  try  the  chance  of  war  again,  and  see  if  they 
could  not  recover  their  loss  by  returning  the 
like  upon  the  English  :  For, 

May  30th,  a  great  number  of  them  (suppo- 
sed to  be  six  or  seven  hundred)  appeareil  be- 
fore Hatfield,  fired  about  12  houses  and  barns 
without  the  fortification  of  the  town ;  a  num- 
ber of  houses  in  the  centre  of  the  town  were 
surrounded  with  palisadoes  ;  these  were  at- 
tacked in  the  daytime,  when  the  men  were 
all  out  In  the  fields,  except  one  aged  man  ; 
they  drove  away  multitudes  of  their  cattle 
and  sheep,  spreading  themselves  in  the  mea- 
dow near  the  town  ;  which  bravado  so  raised 
the  courage  of  their  neighbours  at  Hadley 
that  twenty-five  resolute  young  men  ventured 
over  the  river  to  relieve  Hatfield  in  this  dis- 
tress, who  charged  the  enemy  with  such  un- 
daunted courage  and  resolution  [Audaces for- 
tunajuvat)  that  they  beat  down  five  or  six  at 
the  first  shot  they  made  ;  so  making  way 
through  the  thickest  of  their  enemies,  that  lay 
ready  to  take  aim  at  them  behind  every  tree 
as  they  oassed  by  ;  yet  they  escaped  all  tlieir 
shot  till  they  came  within  a  little  of  the  town, 
where  they  lost  five  of  their  numVjer. 

The  enemy  beincr  amazed  at  the  resolution 
of  our  men,  being  but  so  small  a  handful,  that 
they  fled  immediately  from  the  town;  having 
lost  twenty-five  of  their  men  in  the  enterprise. 
The  council  of  Massachusetts  gathering  by 
these  proceedings  of  the  Indians,  that  their 
desire  of  peace  was  only  to  gain  time,  ordered 
•.hat  the  forces  raised  before  April  27th,  and 
for  a  time  released,  should  be  hastened  out 
again  to  range  the  woods  towards  Hadley, 
and  those  parts,  made  an  agreement  with 
Hartford  colony  to  send  forces  from  thence 
to  meet  them  about  Brookfield,  and  so  to 
scout  along  on  both  sides  Connecticut,  to  dis- 
rest  the  enemy  what  they  could,  and  keep 
them  from  fishmg  in  those  waters,  their  hope 
of  planting  being  now  almost  over.  To  this 
end,  atiout  May  SOtli,  1676,  the  forces  under 
Cai)t.  Henchman  were  called  togfether  a^ain, 
and  sent  to  Brf)okfield,  to  meet  with  those  ex- 
pected from  Hartford  colony  ;  in  the  way, 
ours  by  direction  of  Tom  Doublet  (a  Natic 
Indian,  who  was  a  little  before  employed  in 
the  redemption  of  captives)  following  tracks 
ot  Indians,  came  upon  a  party  of  the  enemy 
fishing  in  Weshacom  ponds,  towards  Lancas- 
ter, of  whom  they  killed  seven,  and  took 
twenty-nine,  mostly  women  and  children  ;  yet 
belonging  to  considerable  persons,  it  made  the 
success  the  more  to  be  valued.  Our  forces 
being  by  this  means  retarded,  could  not  meet 
with  those  of  Connecticut  at  Brookfield,  but 
followed  tliem  the  week  after  ;  having  first  re- 
turned from  Weshacom,  to  Marlborough  to 
supply  tliemselves  with  ammunition,  and  so 
marched  directly  towards  Hadley,  where  they 
met  with  Connecticut  forces:  and  from  thenco 


according  to  mutual  agreement,  ours  marched 
on  the  east  side  of  the  river,  and  Connecticut 
forces  to  the  west  up  towards  Squakeag  (now 
Northfield,)  coming  to  Deerfield,  and  the 
great  falls  thereabouts,  they  sent  up  their 
scouts,  but  not  hearing  of  the  enemy,  they 
marched  up  no  liigher,  being  in  no  good  ca- 
pacity to  have  gone  further  if  there  had  been 
occasion,  by  reascm  of  a  tedious  storm  of  rain 
which  occasioned  much  damage  in  their  am- 
munition and  provision.  While  our  forces  lay 
about  Deerfield,  some  of  our  soldiers  ranging, 
lighted  upon  the  body  of  Capt.  Turner,  about 
Green's  river,  in  passing  of  which  stream  he 
was  supposed  to  have  received  his  mortal 
wounds. 

While  our  forces  continued  thereabouts, 
they  did  the  enemy  some  little  spoil,  in  sei- 
zing much  of  their  fish  and  goods  stolen  from 
the  English,  and  hid  in  their  barns  under 
ground;  conjecturing  also  that  they  found  four 
or  five  places  where  some  of  the  English  had 
been  tortured  to  death  by  cruel  burning  after 
they  had  been  fastened  between  stakes  set  In 
the  ground  ;  but  not  meeting  with  any  of  the 
enemy,  they  all  returned  home,  conceiving  that 
having  been  forced  from  their  quarters  in 
those  parts,  they  were  drawn  down  lower  to- 
wards the  English  plantations  eastward  viz. 
Plymouth  and  Massachusetts.  What  success 
Capt.  Henchman's  forces  had  in  their  retiring 
homeward,  and  what  they  observed  of  the 
motion  of  the  Indians,  rnay  be  seen  in  a  letter 
of  his  dated  June  30th  :  "  Our  scouts  brought 
intelligence  that  all  the  Indians  were  in  a  con- 
tinual motion,  some  toward  Narraganset,  oth- 
ers toward  Watchuset  shifting  gradually,  and 
taking  up  each  others  quarters,  and  lay  not 
above  a  night  in  a  place.  The  twenty-seven 
scouts  brought  in  two  squaws,  a  boy,  and  a 
girl,  giving  account  of  five  slain.  Yesterday 
they  brought  in  an  old  fellow,  brother  to  a  sa- 
chem, six  squaws  and  children,  having  killed 
five  men,  and  wounded  others,  if  not  killed 
them,  as  they  supposed,  by  the  blood  found 
In  the  way,  and  a  hat  shot  through.  These 
and  the  others,  inform  that  Philip  and  the 
Narragansets  were  gone  several  days  before 
to  their  own  places,  Philip's  purpose  being 
to  do  what  mischief  he  could  to  the  English. 
By  advice  I  drew  out  a  commanded  party 
uiider  the  conduct  of  Capt.  Sill,  viz.  sixteen 
files  of  English,  all  my  troops,  and  the  Indians, 
excepting  one  file,  being  all  we  could  make 
provision  for,  for  wh;it  with  the  falling  short 
of  the  bread  promised  us,  and  a  great  deal  of 
that  we  had,  proving  mouldy,  the  rest  of  the 
fi)rces  had  but  one  biscuit  a  man  to  bring 
them  to  this  place  :  This  party  was  ordered 
towards  Watchuset,  and  so  to  Nashaway  and 
Washakem  ponds,  where  we  have  notice  In- 
dians were,  and  so  to  return  unto  this  place  : 
whereby  your  honour's  letters  that  came  to  me 
yesterday  morning,  I  undestood  that  provision 
was  ordered  for  us  and  which  we  found  to  our 
great  relief,  which  we  met  with  last  night  com- 
in?  hither,  weary  and  hungry.  The  com- 
manded party  we  left  at  Quonslquomon 
where  they  intended  to  stay  a  while  for  the 
last  scouts  we  sent  out:  Eleven  prisoners  we 
had  in  all,  two  of  the  eldest  by  council  we  put 
to  death,  the  other  nine  the  commissary  is  or- 
dered to  convey  to  Boston,  with  tlic  baggage, 
horses,  and  some  of  their  attendants  not  fit 
for  the  servict;. 

DANIEL  UENX'HMAN." 


It  plainly  appears  by  the  contents  of  the 
said  letter,  as  by  many  other  testimonies,  that 
ubout  this  tirr.e  the  ! ndians,  our  enemies,  who 
hitherto  had  been  linked  together  as  brethren 
in  iniquity  and  criuJty  were  now  strangely 
divided  and  se[)arated  the  one  from  the  other  ; 
some  Impute  it  to  an  assault  made  upon  iliein 
by  the  Mohawks,  who  falling  ujion  Philip 
with  the  inland  Indians,  sl(;w  about  fifty  of 
them  ;  whereupon  those  of  Philip's  com])any 
resolved  to  return  to  their  own  country  and 
do  what  mischief  they  could  to  the  English 
thereabouts;  this  was  reported  by  an  Indian 
brought  to  Seaconk,  June  29,  1776,  taken  at 
Providence. 

Others  are  ready  to  tliiiik  that  it  was  upon 
some  quarrel  amongst  thtnnselves,  occasioned 
by  an  evil  spirit  sent  from  Ciod  upon  them, 
that  thereby  they  might,  being  scattered,  the 
more  easily  be  taken  and  ruined  by  the  Eng- 
lish, now  that  the  time  of  vengeance  was 
come  when  they  shall  be  called  to  an  account 
for  all  their  former  outrages  and  cruelties; 
for  now  is  the  snare  hastening  upon  them 
wherein  they  shall  be  hampered  in  tlieir 
own  devices  so  to  be  taken  and  destroyed. 
It  cannot  but  be  acknowledged  as  a  very  re- 
markable providence,  that  Capt.  Henclimau 
in  his  late  expedition  to  Hadley,  killed  and 
took  about  84  of  the  enemy,  without  the  loss 
of  any  one  of  his  own  men;  the  like  favour- 
able success  hajipened  to  Major  Talcot  in  his 
passage  from  Norwich  to  Quabaog,  as  wa? 
said  before,  and  soon  after  his  return. 

But  by  the  time  our  foices  were  returned 
home  as  far  as  Sudbury,  they  were  ordercii, 
upon  the  solicitation  of  the  governor  of  Ply- 
mouth, two  companies  of  them  at  least,  to 
larch  away  Immediately  to  Dedham,  and  s  > 
to  Seaconk,  or  Rehoboth,  to  join  Ma  jor  Ji^rad- 
ford  in  the  |)ursuit  of  Phili[),  who  was  it  seems 
with  many  hundreds  of  his  barbarous  followers 
fallen  upon  the  English  plantations  there- 
abouts, and  whither  also  a  little  bef  )re,  Capt. 
Brattle  with  a  troop  of  horse,  and  Capt.  Mosely 
with  a  company  of  foot,  were  sent  up  from 
Boston  to  pursue  after  them,  now  flocking  in 
great  numbers  to  those  woods.  There  warf 
at  this  time  no  small  ho|)es  of  surprising  IMul- 
ip  ;  several  reports  being  brought  that  lie  was 
seen  in  this  and  that  place,  not  havin;^  above 
twenty  or  thirty  men  attending  on  him  ;  but 
his  time  was  not  yet  fully  come,  nor  hail  he  as 
vet  fully  accomplished  all  that  mischief  lie  was 
like  to  be  suffered  to  do  :  For  on  the  1st  of 
July,  1676,  a  party  of  his  Lulians  comniitieJ 
a  horrid  and  barbarous  murder  upon  Mr. 
Hezekiah  Willet  of  Swanzy  ,  a  hopeful  young 
gentleman  as  any  in  those  parts.  They  used 
frequently  to  keep  a  sentinel  on  the  top  of 
their  house  from  a  watch-house  built  thereon, 
whence  they  could  discover  any  Indians  be- 
fore they  came  near  the  house,  but  not  hear- 
ing of  the  enemy  in  those  parts  for  a  coiTsIder- 
al)le  time,  that  necessary  piece  of  circumspec- 
tion was  omitted  tliat  day,  whereby  that  de- 
serving person  was  betrayed  into  their  cruel 
hands;  for  within  a  quarter  of  an  hntir  after 
he  went  out  of  his  own  door,  within  sight  of 
his  house,  he  was  shot  at  by  three  of  them  at 
once,  from  every  one  of  whom  he  received  a 
mortal  wound  ;  they  after  their  i  arbarous 
manner  took  off  his  head,  and  carried  it  away 
with  lliem  (which  however  was  soon  after  re- 
covered) leaving  the  trunk  of  his  body  l»e 
hind,  as  a  sud  monument  of  their  iuhumaa 


m   

cruplty.  The  same  Indians,  not  being  above 
thirty  in  number,  took,  away  a  negro  belonging 
to  tli'e  same  family,  who  being  faithful  to  his 
master's  and  the  country's  interest,  ventured 
his  life  to  make  his  escape,  which  was  the 
preservation  of  many  others;  for  the  said  ne- 
gro being  a  little  acquainted  with  their  lan- 
guas^e  discovered  to  the  English  after  his  es- 
cape Philip's  purpose  to  seize  such  and  such 
places  :  in  the  first  place  to  assault  Taunton, 
which  in  all  probability  had  been  in  great 
danger,  if  their  treacherous  plots  and  purposes 
liad  not  so  wonderfully  been  made  known  be- 
forehand. The  said  negro  aflirmeu.thatthere 
was  near  a  thousand  of  tnem  ;  for  he  observed 
tnai  although  they  killed  twenty  head  of  neat 
cattle  over  nigtit,  yet  there  was  not  any  part 
of  them  left  the  next  day  at  eight  o'  clock  in 
the  morning.  By  this  special  providence  the 
enemy  was  defeated  of  their  purpose,  and 
never  after  liad  an  opportunity  of  doing  any 
considerable  damage  to  the  English  in  that 
part  of  the  country.  So,  after  this  day,  we 
may  truly  date  the  time  of  our  deliverance, 
and  beginning  of  revenges  upon  the  enemy  ; 
now  is  their  own  turn  come,  when  it  shall  be 
done  unto  them  as  they  have  done  unto  us  : 
thcv  that  before  led  others  into  ca[)tivity  must, 
henceforth  go  into  captivity  themselves  :  and 
they  tliat  killed  with  the  sword  must  them- 
selves be  killed  vvith  the  sword,  as  in  the  se- 
quel of  this  narrative  will  abundantly  be  man- 
ifest :  the  history  of  which  before  we  shall 
any  further  pursue,  we  must  a  little  while  wait 
upon  ourfriends(those  forces  sent  from  Connec- 
ticut) in  their  return  back  into  their  own  colo- 
ny :  bef'ore  it  be  done,  some  things  should  be 
Dremised  concerning  the  occasion  of  their 
coming,  and  the  success  that  did  attend  them 
in  their  march  thither. 

Our  friends  and  brethren  of  that  colony,  al- 
though they  had  r.ever  actually  felt  half  of 
tliose  miseries tliat  befel  the  people  ofthe  other 
two,  yet  never  detiied  their  assistance  to  the 
Buppress.ng  of  the  common  enemy,  yea,  sorne- 
tftnes  they  did  offer  it,  before  it  was  express- 
ly desired,  according  to  the  tenor  ofthe  articles 
of  confederation  and  rules  of  common  pru- 
dence ;  considering  that  if  the  fire  of  this  war 
was  not  timely  extinguished  it  would  endan- 
ger their  own  fabric;  therc/ore  according  to 
agreement,  the  couricil  of  that  colon  v  ordered 
their  sucessful  comrnandt;r.  Major  Talcot,  to 
meet  our  forces  at  Quabaog,  or  Brookfield, 
ji  order  to  the  pursuing  of  the  enemy  in  those 
parts.  In  the  way  as  they  were  marching' 
from  Norwich  thither,  divine  Providence  so 
far  smiled  upon  tlie  enterprise,  as  to  give 
ihem  an  opportunity  to  surprize  51  of  the 
etmmy,  of  whom  19  were  slain,  without  tlie 
loss  of  any  one  of  their  own  company,  which 
could  not  but  much  enhance  the  price  of  the 
victory  to  .the  con(]ueror3.  The  like  success 
had  their  friends  which  they  left  behind  (the 
Volunteers  gathered  out  of  three  towns  by  the 
seaside,  New-London,  Stonington  and  Nor- 
wich) and  who  were  some  oi'  them  releas- 
ed by  Major  Talcot,  wlien  he  first  began  his 
march,  that  they  might  better  in  the  absence  of 
the  army  guard  their  own  towns  ;  for  before 
the  return  of  their  forces  under  Major  Tal- 
cot to  that  si<lc  ofthe  country,  they  had  made 
Jwo  expeditions  aijninst  their  enemies,  the 
Narra<;Bns<'ls,  that  were  skulkinij  u  p  a  ml  tlown 
on  Ihnt  side  of  tlic  country,  in  oik;  of  which 
th»f  killed  and  took  above  30,  the  most  of 


A  NARRATIVE  OF 

whom  being  men,  are  said  to  have  been  slain 
by  them.  In  the  other  45,  the  most  of  whom 
probably  were  women  and  children,  but 
being  all  young  serpents  of  the  same  brood, 
the  subduing  or  taking  so  many,  ought  to  be 
acknowledged  as  another  signal  victory  and 
pledge  of  divine  favour  to  the  English.  But 
to  return,  it  was  not-without  the  special  direc- 
tion of  Providence  that  those  Hartford  forces 
were  sent  to  those  western  towns  a  week  be- 
fore those  of  Massachusetts  could  get  thither; 
for  otherwise  one  or  more  of  those  towns 
might  have  been  lost ;  seeing  that  on  the  12ih 
of  June,  soon  after,  if  not  the  next  day  after 
they  arri\^d  there,  the  enemy,  as  if  resolved 
to  try  the  utmost  of  tlieir  power,  violently  as- 
saulted the  town  of  Hadley,  with  a  body  of 
about  700  men,  at  five  or  six  o'  clock  in 
the  morning  laying  in  ambush  at  one  end 
of  the  town,  while  the  greater  part  of  them 
were  alarming  the  other;  but  the  Connecticut 
forces  being  at  that  time  quartered  in  the 
towns  thereabouts,  (who  were  English,  and 
friendly  Indians,  Pequods  and  Mohegins, 
about  500  in  all)  that  were  ready  at  hand, 
besides  those  that  had  been  quartered  there 
ever  since  March,  who  had  been  left  by  Ma- 
jor Savage  when  he  left  those  parts  under  the 
command  and  charge  of  Captain  Turner  slain 
at  the  efreat  falls,  as  is  noted  before,  but  since 
commanded  by  Captain  Swain.  These  by 
their  joint  and  ready  assistance,  wherein  the 
fence  of  palisadoes  surrounding  the  town  was 
no  little  advantage,  gave  the  Indians  such  a 
smart  repulse,  that  they  found  the|)lacetoo  hot 
for  them  to  abide  it ;  for  the  soldiers  or  towns- 
men within  firing  a  piece  of  ordnance, so  af- 
frighted thesavages,  or  a  J)arty  of  them  against 
whom  it  was  discharged, that  although  they  had 
just  before  surprised  a  house  on  the  north  part 
of  the  town,  yet  they  instantly  fled  leaving  some 
of  their  dead  upon  the  place;  nordid  they  any 
considerable  mischief  with  all  their  numbers, 
save  firing  abarn  about  that  end  ofthe  town  and 
killing  twoortliree  of  our  soldiers,  or  two  da- 
ring inhabitants,  who  wM)\ild  against  express 
order,  venture  to  go  without  tlie  fortification. 

It  was  accounted  by  some  that  were  pres- 
ent near  the  tinie  of  that  assault,  a  great  over- 
sight that  having  so  fair  an  opportunity  to 
cliace  the  enemy  upon  so  considerable  ad  van- 
tage, it  was  let  slip,  and  not  improved,  for 
Connecticut  soldiers  being  all,  or  mostof  them 
furnislied  with  horses,  they  might  have  been 
soon  overtaken,  and  many  of  them  destroyed, 
but  God  hid  it  from  their  eyes.  The  com 
mander  in  chief,  it  is  said,  quartered  at  one 
end  of  tlie  town,  (Hatfield  was  then  within 
the  limits  of  Hadley)  on  the  west  side  ofthe 
river,  and  did  not  apprehend  the  advantage 
till  the  season  was  over  ;  nor  was  any  such 
assault  expected  from  the  enemy  so  early  in 
the  morning  ;  it  being  a  general  observation 
heretofore,  that  they  seldom  or  ever  used  to 
make  any  attempts  in  the  night ;  part  of  which 
could  not  but  be  improved  in  way  of  jiropa- 
ration  for  such  a  design.  But  the  Lord  of 
Hosts  who  is  wise  in  council,  and  wonderful 
in  working  will  find  some  other  way  to  des- 
troy our  enemies,  wherein  the  hand  of  his 
providence  should  more  remarkably  be  seen, 
that  so  no  flesh  should  glory  in  its  own  wis- 
dom or  strensxth,  but  tha  salvation  might  ap- 
|)enr  to  be  from  tli(!  Lord  alone.  The  rest  of 
lliis  month  was  spent  without  any  other  mat- 
ter of  moment  happening  therein. 


The  governor  and  council  of  Massachusetts, 
taking  into  serious  consideration  the  many 
merciful  occurrences  that  had  returned  upon 
us,  notwithstanding  the  mixture  of  many  dis- 
pensations of  a  contrary  nature,  thought  them- 
selves bound  to  make  some  public  acknow- 
ledgment thereof,  to  him  whose  name  alone  is 
worthy  to  be  praised.  The  29th  of  June  was 
set  apart  as  a  day  of  public  thanksgiving  to  God, 
who  liad  thus  remembered  his  people  in  their 
low  estate.  And  that  matter  of  thanksgiving 
might  not  be  wanting  at  the  day  appointed, 
the  very  day  before  were  most  of  our  English 
captives  brought  back  from  the  Indians,  and 
many  more  soon  after  to  the  number  of  16, 
whose  mouths  might  then  well  be  filled  with 
laughterand  theirtongues  w  ith  singing,  both  of 
themselves  and  all  that  were  any  way  concern- 
ed in  their  welfare. 

And  as  this  day  appointed  for  solemn  and 
public  thanksgiving  was  ushered  in  by  several 
special  mercies,  so  also  was  it  fi)llowed  with 
many  remarkable  benefits.  For  besides  the 
preserving  the  town  of  Northampton,  March 
the  14th,  and  Hadley  June  the  12th,  by  the 
timely  sending  our  forces  the  very  night  be- 
fore they  were  assaulted  ;  the  saving  of  the 
people  of  Marlborough  from  being  cut  off, 
was  very  observable,  when  Mr.  Graves  by 
occasionally  going  from  the  sermon  with  the 
extremity  of  the  toothache,  March  26ih,  dis- 
covered the  Indians  ready  to  assault  the  town, 
and  the  peo[>le  might  have  been  cut  ofT  had 
not  the  accident  happened.  It  is  certain  that 
after  the  end  of  this  month  the  power  of  the 
enemy  began  everywhere  to  fail  ;  for  the 
body  of  the  enemy  that  lurked  about  Connec- 
ticut river  all  this  spring,  being  visited  with 
sundry  diseases,  disapi)ointed  of  the  fishing, 
and  put  by  their  planting,  began  to  be  at  va- 
riance among  themselves ;  the  Hadley  and 
Pocumtuck  (now  Deerfield)  Indians  quar- 
relling with  Philip  for  bringing  all  this  mis- 
chief about,  and  occasioning  the  English  and 
them  to  fall  out,  with  whom  they  had  always 
gotid  correspondence,  and  lived  lovingly  to- 
gether, but  now  they  were  like  to  be  ruined 
by  the  war.  This  quarrel  proceeded  to  that 
height,  that  from  that  time  forward,  those  se- 
veral Indians  that  had  for  so  long  a  time  been 
combined  together,  resolved  now  to  part,  and 
every  one  to  shift  for  themselves,  and  return 
to  tlieir  own  homes  ;  Philip  to  Mount  Hope, 
and  the  Narragansets  to  their  own  country 
again  :  the  Nipnets  and  the  river  Indians  ben- 
ding their  course  westward,  others  north- 
ward, towards  Pcnnicook,  upon  Merrimack, 
intending  to  shift  forthemselves  as  well  as  they 
could  for  the  future;  all  which  is  like  to  be 
the  real  and  true  state  ofthe  case  with  the 
Indians  which  were  our  enemies;  for  the 
next  news  we  heard  of  Philip,  was  that  he 
had  returned  bark  to  IMount  Hope  now  like  to 
become  Mount  Misery  unto  him  and  his  vaga- 
bond crew,  and  that  liis  friends  and  allies  that 
had  hitherto  stood  as  neuters,  waiting  only 
which  way  tlie  scale  of  success  antl  victory 
would  turn,  began  now  to  sue  for  mercy  at 
the  hands  of  the  Englisii  :  The  Massachu- 
setts' government  having  understood  some- 
thing of  this  nature,  put  forth  a  declaration, 
that  whatsoever  Indians  should  within  four- 
teen days  next  ensuintj,  come  in  to  the  English 
init;hthope  for  mercy.  Amongst  sundry  lhal 
came  in,  there  was  one  that  was  one  named 
James,  the  printer,  the  superadded  title  di> 


THE   INDIAN  WARS. 


657 


linffuishin?  him  from  others  of  that  name  :  1 
who  being  a  notorious  a})ostate,  that  had 
learned  so  mucli  of  the  English  as  not  only  to 
read  and  vrite,  but  had  attained  likewise  some 
skill  in  printing,  (and  might  have  attained  more 
had  he  not  like  a  false  villain  ran  away  from 
his  master  before  his  time  was  out)  he  having 
seen  and  read  the  said  declaration  of  the  En- 
glish, did  venture  himself  upon  the  faith 
thereof,  and  came  to  sue  for  his  life  ;  he  atfinn- 
ed  with  others  that  came  along  with  him,  that 
more  Indians  had  died  since  this  war  began, 
of  diseases  (such  as  other  times  they  used  not 
not  to  be  acquainted  with,  than  by  the  sword 
of  the  English. 

Not  long  after  many  of  thetn  came  and  of- 
fered themselves,  to  the  number  of  near  two 
hundred,  men,  women  and  children ;  and 
many  more  would  have  done  the  like ;  but 
their  consciousness  of  guilt  made  them  con- 
clude that  their  cruelties  and  barbarous  mur- 
ders could  never  be  forgotten  by  the  English. 
But  what  occurrences  happened  next  shall 
appear  in  their  order.  About  the  end  of  June 
news  was  brought  to  Boston  that  Philip  with 
a  small  party  of  his  men  lurked  about  Swansy 
orRehoboth,  and  tliat  he  might  easily  betaken ; 
an  Indian  offering  to  bring  them  to  the  place 
where  they  mi^ht  find  him  ;  whereupon  sol- 
diers were  instantly  sent  away  from  Boston, 
who  spent  some  time  in  searching  all  the  woods 
on  that  side  of  the  country,  but  at  last  were  for- 
ced to  return,  having  missed  our  soldiers  upon 
the  same  account,  under  Major  Bradford,  wlio 
by  the  help  of  some  Indians  of  Cape  Cod, 
always  true  to  the  interest  of  the  English, 
not  only  escaped  an  ambush  laid  for  them, 
whereby  most  of  them  mi^ht  have  been  cut 
off,  but  slew  many  those  of  that  laid  in  wait  for 
them,  without  any  loss  to  themselves ;  yea 
further,  a  squaw  sachem  of  Seaconet,  one  of 
Philip's  allies,  having  first  sent  three  messen- 
gers to  the  governor  of  Plymouth,  to  sue  for 
life  and  liberty,  promising  submission  to  their 
goverment  on  that  condition  ;  but  understand- 
ing that  Plymouth  forces  were  abroad  before 
her  messengers  returned,  she  with  her  people 
about  ninety  in  number,  rendered  themselves 
unto  Major  Bradford,  so  that  above  one  hun- 
dred and  ten,  on  a  moderate  computation, 
were  killed  that  day. 

The  Connecticut  forces  had  the  like  suc- 
cess when  sent  into  the  Narraganset  country 
under  the  command  of  the  wonderfully  suc- 
cessful Major  Talcot,  Capt.  George  ])enni- 
son,  and  Capt.  Newbury,  with  other  worthy 
commanders  of  the  same  forces;  For,  on  the 
2d  of  July,  1676,  as  the  said  commanders 
with  the  forces  under  them  were  pursuing  the 
enemy  in  and  about  the  Narraganset  country 
towards  Mount  Hope,  hearing  that  Philip  with 
his  regiment  of  Wampanoogs  was  thereabouts 
their  Indian  scouts  from  tlie  top  of  a  hill  dis- 
covered a  great  number  of  the  enemy  that  had 
newly  pitched  their  station  v/ithin  the  semi- 
circle of  a  swamp.  The  English  soldiers 
were  all  mounted  on  horseback,  to  the  imm- 
ber  of  three  hundred  ;  wherefore  the  com- 
manders ordered  th<^  Indians  to  be  ready  at 
the  top  of  a  hill,  upon  a  signal  given  to  run 
down  rapidly  upon  the  enemy  who  were  se- 
C"jrely  lodged  in  the  hollow  of  a  swamp  just 
opposite  them,  while  the  horsemen  beintr 
divided  into  two  squadrons  to  ride  round  the 
hill,  so  that  at  the  same  instant  both  the  horse- 
men upon  the  two  win^s,  and  the  Indians 
■13 


afoot  rushing  down  suddenly  upon  the  enemy, 
put  them  into  a  terrible  fright,  making  a  la- 
mentable outcry,  some  getting  into  the  swamji, 
the  rest  that  were  prevented  by  the  horsemen 
anJ  friendly  Indians  coming  so  suddenly 
upon  them,  were  all  taken  prisoners;  Capt. 
Newbury  with  his>troop  alighied  from  their 
horses  ran  into  the  swamp  after  them,  where 
they  killed  at  least  an  hundred,  as  was  judged 
by  some  then  present,  taking  also  many  pris- 
oners out  of  those  haljitations  of  darkness,  the 
enemy  scarce  daring  to  make  any  resistance; 
for  none  of  the  English,  and  but  one  or  two 
of  the  Mohegins  and  Pequods  were  hurt  in 
the  assault;  yet  it  was  affirmed  by  a  captain 
present  on  the  place  that  with  those  they  killed 
and  took  at  Warwick  neck  on  their  return 
home,  (which  were  not  above  sixty)  that  they 
killed  and  took  ofthe  enemy  at  that  time  above 
3000  young  and  old.  At  the  same  time  was 
taken  the  old  squaw  of  Narraganset  colony, 
called  the  old  Queen. 

They  were  necessitated  with  this  booty  to 
return  homewards  to  gratify  the  Mohegin  and 
Pequod  Indians  that  accompanied  them,  who 
had  done  them  very  good  service  in  the  pur- 
suit, having  lost  one  or  two  of  their  men  in  the 
chase  ;  but  their  return  home  was  as  it  proved 
in  the  issue,  more  beneficial  than  their  longer 
stay  might  have  been,  to  have  made  a  fruit- 
less pursuit  after  Philip,  (whose  time  was 
not  yet  come  although  hastening  apace)  for 
in  their  return  they  met  60  ofthe  enemy,  all 
of  whom  they  slew  and  took,  so  as  their  sword 
returned  not  empty. 

Among  the  prisoners  then  taken  was  a 
sprightly  young  fellow,  seized  by  the  Mohe- 
gins, who  desired  of  the  English  commanders 
that  he  might  be  delivered  into  their  hands, 
that  they  might  put  him  to  death  in  their  own 
v.-ay,  and  sacrifice  him  to  their  cruel  genius 
of  revenge,  in  w'hich  brutish  and  devilish  pas- 
sion they  most  of  all  delight  in.  The  Eng- 
lish, though  not  delighted  in  blood,  yet  at  this 
time  were  not  unwilling  to  gratify  their  hu- 
mour, lest  by  a  denial  they  might  disoblige 
their  Indian  friends,  of  whom  they  lately  made 
so  much  use — partly  also  that  they  might 
have  occular  demonstration  of  the  savage, 
barbarous  cruelty  of  the  heathen.  And  in- 
deed, of  all  the  enemies  that  have  been  the 
preceding  narrative,  this  villain  does  most  de- 
serve to  become  an  object  of  justice  and  sever- 
ity ;  for  he  boldly  told  that  he  had  with  his 
gun  dispatched  19  of  the  English,  and  that 
he  had  charged  it  for  the  20th,  but  not  meet- 
ing wiih  another,  and  unwilling  to  lose  a  fair 
shot,  he  let  fly  at  a  Mohegin,  and  killed  him  ; 
with  which  having  completed  his  number  he 
was  fully  satisfied.  But  as  is  usually  said, 
justice  vindictive  hath  iron  hands,  though 
leaden  feet — this  monster  is  fallen  into  the 
hands  of  those  that  will  repay  him  seven-fold. 
In  the  first  place  therefore,  making  a  great 
circle  they  placed  him  in  the  middle  that  all  their 
eves  might  at  same  time  be  pleased  with  the 
utmost  revenge  upon  him  ;  they  first  cut  one 
of  his  fingers  round  in  the  joint,  at  the  trunk  of 
his  handwith  a  sharp  knife,  and  then  broke  it 
off,  as  was  formerly  the  custom  to  do  with  a 
slaughtered  beast  before  he  isuncased;  and  then 
they  cutoff  another  and  anotlier  after  that  till 
thev  had  finallv  dismembered  one  hand  ofall  its 
dio'its.the  blood  sometimes  spirting  out  in 
streams  a  yard  from  his  hand;  which  barbarous 
and  unheard  ofcruclty  the  English  were  not  able 


to  bear,  it  forcing  tears  from  their  eyca,  yot 
did  not  the  unhappy  victim  ever  relent  or 
show  any  signs  of  anguish  ;  for,  being  asked 
by  his  tormentors  how  he  liked  the  war?  he 
liked  it  very  well,  and  found  it  as  sweet  as 
Englishmen  do  their  sugar.  In  tliis  frame  lie 
continued  till  his  executioners  had  dealt  with 
the  toes  of  his  feet  as  they  had  done  with  the 
fingers  of  his  hands  before  ;  all  the  lime  ma- 
king him  dance  round  the  circle,  and  sing  (ill 
he  had  wearied  both  liimself  and  them.  At 
last  they  broke  the  bones  of  his  legs,  aflor 
which  he  was  forced  to  sit  down,  which  it  is 
said  he  silently  did,  till  they  knocked  out  his 
brains. 

Within  a  few  days  after,  200  of  the  enemy 
within  Plymouth  jurisdiction  being  distressed 
with  famine  'and  fear  of  danger,  came  and 
submitted  themselves  to  the  goverment  there  , 
but  three  ofthe  company  were  presently  de- 
tected of  a  cruel  murder,  and  villanous  as- 
sault upon  one  Mr.  Clark's  house  of  PI  vmouth 
by  a  well  minded  squaw  that  was  among 
them  (hoping  that  such  a  discovery  would  he 
pleasing:  to  the  English)  and  accordingly  ad- 
judged forthwith  to  undergo  condign  punish- 
ment, which  the  rest  that  surrendered  tliem- 
selves,  did  not  in  the  least  resent ;  such  kind 
of  villains  being  always  exempted  'roni  acts  of 
favour  and  mercy.  Those  200  that  had  new- 
ly surrendered  themselves,  that  they  might 
give  full  proof  of  their  fidelity,  offered  tolead  a 
party  of  the  English  to  a  place  not  far  off, 
where  twenty  more  of  the  enemy  mightbe  sur- 
prised, amongst  whom  also  was  one  known  to 
be  a  bloody  murderer  of  an  Enghshman  the 
year  before  ;  accordingly  8  Englishman  took 
14  of  the  said  Indians,  and  the  next  day 
irought  in  all  the  aforesaid  20  of  the  enemy 
together  with  ;  the  said  murderer,  who  was 
presently  after  executed,  and  the  rest  taken 
into  favour. 

It  is  affirmed  also  that  five  orsix  sachems  of 
Cape  Cod,  towards  the  eastern  part  of  it, 
came  with  300  Indians  to  make  peace  with 
the  English,  on  the  6th  July,  one  ofihesaid  sa- 
chems earnestly  desiring  the  English  that  none 
of  them  might  be  suffered  to  sell  any  strong 
liquors  to  the  Indians,  the  trading  of  wliich, 
possibly  both  in  a  measure  contributed  to  the 
present  mischief 

The  next  day,  July  7th,  a  small  party  of 
ours,  with  a  few  friendly  or  christian  Indians 
with  them,  killed  and  took  seven  of  the 
enemy  in  the  woods  not  far  from  Dedham, 
one  of  which  was  a  Narraganset  sachem, 
who  either  himself  informed,  orby  someother 
at  that  time  certain  intelligence  was  brought 
to  Boston,  that  some  of  our  enemy  Indians 
had  got  to  Albany,  informing  people  there, 
that  they  might  the  more  easily  get  powder 
and  ammunition,  that  the  English  and  they 
were  now  at  peace. 

One  of  the  said  Indians  was  the  sachern  ot 
Springfield,  a  bloody  and  deceitful  villain  ; 
it  is  hoped  that  he  is  now  taken  in  the  fnare 
from  whence  he  shall  not  be  suflered  to  escape. 

Philip  by  this  time  could  not  but  think  his 
ruin  was  near  at  hand  ;  yet  that  he  might,  in 
imitation  of  him  that  stirred  up  all  this  mischief 
express  the  more  wrath,  because  he  knew  liis 
time  was  but  short,  intended  if  possible  to  des- 
troy one  more  town  before  his  overthrow 
came;  wherefore  on  the  11th  of  July,  with  all 
the  force  he  could  get,  or  that  he  had  left,  he 
intended  to  set  upon  Taunton,  having  as  \\  a» 


058 


A  NARRATIVE  OP 


conceived,  many  hundreds  in  his  company  ; 
but  liis  design  being  strangely  discovered  by  a 
negro  whom  they  had  taken  captive  a  little 
before,  that  having  lived  near  the  Indians 
before,  understood  much  of  their  language, 
vviio  making  his  escape  from  them,  acquainted 
the  inhabitants  with  the  plot  who  having  time- 
ly notice,  furnished  themselves  with  soldiers 
whereby  they  were  able  to  repulse  the  enemy 
upon  his  first  approach;  so  that  he  only  fired 
two  houses,  and  then  fled  away  :  Except  the 
Lord  keepeth  the  city  the  watchman  watcheth 
in  vain. 

The  22(1  of  this  month  of  July,  as  is  hinted 
l)efore,  the  companies  sent  from  Concord,  May 
30th,  up  toward  Hadley,  having  spent  much 
time  and  pains  in  pursuit  of  Philip  ail  the  coun- 
try over  (whom  they  could  not  overtake)  hav- 
ing tired  themselves  with  many  long  and  tedi- 
ous marches  through  the  desert  woods  before 
they  returned  home,  some  of  them  were  sent 
towards  Mount  Hope,  yet  their  labour  was 
well  improved,  and  followed  with  good  suc- 
cess at  the  last :  For  in  ranging  those  woods 
in  Plymouth  colony,  ihey  killed  and  took  (Vjy 
the  help  of  Capt.  Mosely's  company  of  Ply- 
mouth colony)  an  hundred  and  fifty  Indians, 
without  the  loss  of  a  man. 

It  was  feared  that  Philip  and  his  company 
would  have  returned  into  the  Nipnet  country, 
to  prevent  which  several  horsemen  were  sent 
to  guard  the  passage  ;  but  he  lurked  about 
iiis  own  country  in  swamps  and  other  secret 
places,  where  he  was  as  yet  hid  from  the 
sight  of  the  enemy,  although  many  times  they 
happened  to  lodge  very  near  him,  insomuch 
as  an  Indian  captive  promised  in  two  hours 
time  to  bring  our  soldiers  to  the  very  place 
where  he  was  ;  but  they  not  being  able  to 
pass  the  nearest  way,  came  a  little  too  late  ; 
for  they  being  so  closely  pursued,  hasted  away 
leavina:  much  of  their  treasure  behind  them  : 
their  kettles  iioilingover  the  fire,  their  dead  un- 
buried,  and  20  of  their  party  were  overtaken, 
that  fell  into  the  Englisli  hands:  Philip  him- 
self, and  some  few  of  liis  straggling  followers 
making  their  escape  by  a  raft  over  an  arm  of 
the  sea,  into  another  neck  of  land,  on  Pocasset 
side,  not  daring  to  trust  himself  any  longer  in 
Metapoiset  woods,  so  full  of  our  English  sol- 
diers, as  those  of  Plymouth,  as  of  Massachu- 
chusetts  colony,  who  almost  every  day  meet- 
ing with  some  of  liis  party,  much  lessened  his 
number.  Capt.  Church,  that  active  and  un- 
wearied commander  of  Plymouth  colony, 
was  at  this  as  well  as  long  before,  out  upon 
the  chase  with  but  18  English,  and  22  Indians 
that  were  friends,  had  four  several  eno'usfe- 
mcnts  with  Pliilip's  party,  wherein  he  spoiled 
7G  of  the  enemy,  without  the  loss  of  one  of 
his  own  men.  In  several  of  thcst?  skirmishes 
those  Indians  that  upon  submission  had  their 
lives  given  them,  liave  done  notable  service  in 
hunting  out  the  enemy  in  all  their  lurking 
places. 

At  another  time  they  took  Philip's  squaw, 
and  one  of  his  chief  counsellors  ;  and  about 
the  same  time  another  sachem  about  Pocas- 
set with  forty  Indians  submitted  himself  to 
the  government  of  Plymouth,  on  promise  of 
life  and  lil)crty.  It  seemed  that  now  the  time 
(if  our  deliverance  was  come,  and  the  time 
also  for  iln!  <lestructioti  of  our  enemies  :  For 
the  last  week  in  .Inly,  Massachusetts  uiider- 
»taiidlng  that  .sonjc  Indians  were  si^en  rovini; 
up  and  down  the  woods  about  Dodham,  al- 


most starved  for  want  of  victuals,  sent  a  small 
company  of  26,  with  about  9  or  10  chnstian 
Indians,  who  pursued  and  took  50  of  the 
enemy,  without  any  loss  to  the  English  ;  at 
which  time  also  a  great  quantity  of  wampam- 
peag  and  powder  were  taken  from  the  enemy. 
That  which  increased  this  victory  was  the 
slaughter  of  Pomham,  who  was  one  of  the 
mostvallant  sachems  that  belonged  to  the  Nar- 
ragansets,  whose  courage  and  strength  was  so 
great,  that  after  he  had  been  mortally  woun- 
ded In  the  fight  so  as  he  could  not  stand,  yet 
catching  hold  of  an  Englishman  that  by  acci- 
dent came  near  him,  had  done  him  an  injury 
if  had  not  been  presently  rescued  by  one  of  his 
neighbours.  Amongst  the  rest  of  the  captives 
at  that  time  was  one  of  the  said  Pomham's 
sons,  a  very  likely  youth,  and  one  whose 
countenance  would  have  bespoke  favour  for 
him,  had  he  not  belonged  to  so  bloody  and 
barbarous  an  Indian  as  his  father  was. 

These  successes  being  daily  spread  abroad 
amongthe  Indians, put  many  of  them  in  a  trem- 
bling condition,  not  knowing  well  how  to  dis- 
pose of  themselves.  Some  that  had  been  less 
active  in  these  tragedies,  and  were  rather  led 
by  others  than  any  wise  inclined  to  mischief 
themselves,  of  which  number  was  one  of  the 
Nipnet  sachems,  called  Sagamore  John,  who, 
July  27,  came  to  surrender  himself  to  the 
governor  and  council  of  Massachusets  at  Bos- 
ton, bringing  along  with  him  180  of  the  enemy 
Indians.  This  John,  that  he  migfht  the  more 
ingratiate  himself  with  the  English,  whose  fa- 
vour lie  was  now  willing  to  seek  after,  did  by 
a  wile  get  into  his  hands  one  Matoonas,  an 
old  malicious  villain  who  was  the  first  that  did 
any  mischief  within  Massachusetts  colony, 
July,  14th,  1675 ;  bearing  an  old  grudge 
against  them  as  is  thought,  for  justice  that  was 
done  upon  one  of  his  sons,  1671,  whose  head 
ever  since  hangs  upon  a  pole  near  the  gibbet 
were  he  was  hanged  up  :  The  bringing  in  of 
this  malicious  catifF  was  an  hopeful  presage 
that  it  would  not  be  long  before  Philip  him- 
self, the  grand  villain,  w'ould  in  like  manner 
receive  a  just  reward  of  his  wickedness  and 
murders. 

Sagamore  John,  who  came  in  the  27th  of 
July,  aflirmed  that  he  had  never  intended  any 
mischief  to  the  English  at  Brookfield  the  last 
year  (near  which  village  it  seems  his  place 
was)  but  that  Philip  coming  over  night 
amongst  them  was  forced,  for  fear  of  his  own 
life,  to  join  with  them  against  the  English. 
Matoonas  also  when  he  was  brought  before 
the  council,  and  asked  what  he  had  to  say  for 
himself,  confessed  tliat  he  had  rightly  deser- 
ved death,  and  could  expect  no  other,  adding 
withal,  that  if  he  had  followed  their  counsel, 
he  had  not  come  to  this  ;  for  he  had  seemed 
to  favour  the  praying  Indians  and  the  chris- 
tian religion,  afterwards  discovered  quickly 
that  he  no  had  part  or  portion  in  that  matter. 

About  this  tune  several  parties  of  English 
within  Plymouth  jurisdiction,  were  willing  to 
have  a  hand  in  so  good  a  matter  as  catching 
of  Philip  would  be,  who  perceiving  that  he 
was  now  going  down  the  wind,  were  willing 
to  hasten  his  fall.  Amongst  olliers,  a  small 
party  went  out  of  Bridgewater,  July  31st, 
upon  a  discovery,  and  by  providence  were 
directed  to  fall  upon  a  company  of  Indians 
where  Philip  was;  th(>y  came  up  with  them 
and  killed  some  of  his  piirticulur  frleiuls  : 
Philip  himself  was  next  to  his  uncle  that  was 


shot  down,  and  had  the  soldier  that  had  choice 
which  to  shoot  at,  known  which  had  been  the 
right  bird,  he  might  as  well  have  taken  him, 
as  his  uncle;  but  it  is  said  that  he  had  not 
long  before  cut  off  his  hair,  that  lie  might  not 
be  known  :  The  party  that  did  this  exploit 
were  few  in  number,  and  therefore  not  being 
able  to  keep  close  in  the  rear,  that  cunning 
fox  escaped  away  through  bushes  undiscern- 
ed  in  the  rear  of  the  English  :  That  which 
was  most  remarkable  in  this  design,  was  that 
trembling  fear  appeared  to  be  upon  the  In- 
dians at  this  time,  insomuch  that  one  of  them 
having  a  gun  in  his  hand  well  loaded,  yet  was 
not  able  to  fire  it  off,  but  suffered  an  English 
soldier  to  come  close  up  to  his  breast,  and  so 
shot  him  down,  the  other  not  being  able  to 
make  any  resistance ;  nor  were  any  of  the 
English  hurt  at  that  time. 

The  like  terror  was  seen  in  others  at  that 
time  ;  for  within  two  days  after,  Capt.  Church, 
the  terror  of  the  Indians  in  Plymouth  colony, 
marching  In  pursuit  of  Philip  with  about  30 
Englishmen  and  20  reconciled  Indians,  took 
23  of  the  enemy,  and  the  next  day  following 
them  by  their  tracks,  fell  upon  theirhead-quar- 
ters,  and  killed  and  took  about  130  of  them  ; 
losing  only  one  man.  In  this  engagement  God 
did  appearin  a  more  than  ordinary  manner  to 
fight  for  the  English,  for  the  Indians  by  their 
number,  and  other  advantages  of  the  place 
were  so  conveniently  provided,  thatthey  might 
have  made  the  first  shot  at  the  English  and 
done  them  much  damage,  but  one  of  their  own 
countrymen  in  Capt.  Church's  company  espy- 
ing them,  called  aloud  unto  them  in  their  own 
language,  telling  them  that  if  they  shot  a  gun 
they  were  all  dead  men;  with  which  they  were 
so  amazed,  that  they  durst  not  once  offer  to  fire 
at  the  English,  which  made  the  victory  the 
more  remarkable.  Philip  made  a  very  narrow 
escape  at  that  time,  being  forced  to  leave  his 
treasures,  his  beloved  wife,  and  only  son  to 
the  mercy  of  the  English.  Skin  for  skin,  all 
that  a  man  hath  will  he  give  for  his  life.  His 
ruin  being  thus  grad  ually  carried  on,  his  misery- 
was  not  prevented  but  augmented  thereby ; 
being  himself  acquainted  with  the  sense  and  ex- 
perimental feelingofthe  captivity  of  his  child- 
ren, lOss  of  friends,  slaughter  of  hissubjects  be- 
reavement of  all  family  relations,  and  being 
stripped  ofall  outward  comforts,  before  his  own 
life  should  be  taken  away. — Such  a  sentence 
passed  upon  Cain,  made  him  cry  out,  that  his 
punishment  was  greater  than  he  could  bear. 
This  bloody  wretch  hath  one  week  more  to  livt 
an  object  of  pity,  but  a  spectacle  of  divine  ven- 
geance, his  own  followers  beginning  now  to 
plot  against  his  life,  that  they  might  make  the 
i)etter  teims  for  their  own  ;  as  they  did  also 
seek  to  betray  squaw  Sachem  of  Pocasset, 
Philip's  near  kinswimian  and  confederate. 
For, 

August  Gth,  an  Indian  willing  to  shift  for 
himself,  fled  to  Taunton,  offering  to  lead  any 
of  the  English  that  would  follow  him,  to  a 
party  of  Indians,  which  they  might  easily  ap- 
prehend, which  20  persons  attempted  and  ac- 
cordingly seized  the  w  hole  company,  20  in 
number,  all  but  the  S()uaw  Sachem  herself,  w  ho 
intending  to  make  an  escajie  from  the  d'anger, 
attempted  to  get  over  the  river,  or  arm  of  the 
seanear  by,  upon  a  raft  or  some  pieces  ofhroken 
wood;  but  whether  tired  and  spent  with  sw  im 
ming  or  starved  w  ith  cold  and  hunger,  she  was 
stark  naked  in  Metapoiset,  not  far  from  th» 


THE  INDIAN  WARS. 


69ft 


water  side,  wliicli  made  some  think  she  was 
first  half  drowned,  and  so  ended  lier  wretched 
lite  just  in  tliat  place  where  the  year  before 
she  liad  helped  Philip  to  make  his  escape;  her 
head  being  cut  off  and  set  upon  a  pole  in  Taun- 
ton, was  known  by  some  Indians  then  prison- 
ers, which  set  them  into  a  liorrihle  lamentation  ; 
but  such  was  the  righteous  hand  of  God  it) 
bringing  at  last  that  mischief  upon  themselves, 
which  tliey  bad  wihout  cause longacted  against 
others. 

Philip,  like  a  savage  wild  beast,  having 
neen  hunted  by  the  Englsh  forces  through 
the  woods  above  an  humlred  miles  backward 
and  forward,  at  lastwas  driven  to  his  own  den 
upon  Mount  Hope,  where  he  retired  with  a 
few  of  his  best  friends  into  a  swamp,  which 
proved  but  a  prison  to  keep  him  fast  till  the 
messenger  of  death  came  by  divine  permission 
to  execute  vengeance  upon  him,  which  was 
thus  accomplished. 

Such  had  been  his  inveterate  malice  and 
wickedness  against  the  English,  that  despair- 
ing of  mercy  from  them,  he  could  not  bear  that 
any  thing  should  be  suggested  to  him  about 
a  peace,  insomuch  that  he  caused  one  of  his 
confederates  to  be  killed  for  propounding  an 
expedient  of  peace  ;  which  so  provoked  some 
of  his  company,  not  altogether  so  desperate 
as  himself,  that  one  of  them  fled  to  Rhode- 
Island,  whither  the  brave  Captain  Church  was 
newly  retired  to  recruit  his  for  a  little  time, 
being  much  tired  with  marches  all  that  week, 
mforming  them  that  Philip  was  fled  to  a  swamp 
swamp  in  MountHope,  whither  he  would  un- 
dertake to  lead  them  that  would  pursue  liim. 
This  was  welcome  news,  and  the  best  cordial 
for  such  martial  spirits;  whereupon  he  imme- 
diately, with  a  small  company  of  men,  part 
English  and  part  Indian,  began  another  march 
which  shall  prove  fatal  to  Philip,  and  end  that 
controversy  between  the  English  and  him  : 
For  coming  very  early  to  the  side  of  the 
swamp,  his  soldiers  began  to  surround  it,  and 
(whether  the  devil  appeared  to  him  in  a  dream 
that  night  as  he  did  unto  Saul,  forebodmghis 
tragical  end,  it  matters  not)  as  he  was  endea- 
voring to  make  his  escape  out  of  a  swamp, 
he  was  shot  through  the  heart  Vjy  an  Indian 
of  his  own  nation,  as  it  is  said,  that  had  all  this 
while  preserved  a  neutrality  until  this  time, 
but  now  had  the  casting  vote  in  his  power, 
by  which  he  determined  the  quarrel  that  had 
lieen  so  long  in  suspense.  In  him  is  fulfilled 
what  was  said  in  the  prophet,  Wo  to  thee  that 
spoilnst  and  thou  was  not  spoiled,  and  dealest 
treacherously,  and  they  dealt  not  treacherous- 
ly with  thee;  when  thou  shall  cease  to  spoil 
thou  shalt  be  spoiled,  and  when  thou  shalt 
make  an  end  to  deal  treacherously,  they  shall 
deal  treacherously,  with  thee. 

With  Philip  at  this  time  fell  five  of  his  trus- 
tiest followers,  of  whom  one  was  said  to  be 
the  son  of  his  chief  captain,  that  had  shot  the 
first  gun  at  the  Enelish  the  year  before.  This 
was  done  the  12th  day  of  AusT'ist,  1676,  a  re- 
markable testimony  of  divine  favour  to  the  co- 
lony of  Plymouth,  who  had  for  the  former 
success,  appointed  the  17th  day  of  August  fol- 
lowing, to  be  kept  as  a  day  of  solemn  Thanks- 
giving to  Almigiity  God.  There  having  been 
so  strange  a  turn  of  Providence  observed  in 
the  late  successes  obtained  in  and  about  Ply- 
niouth  colony,  it  may  not  be  amiss  here  to  en- 
quire into  the  j)rogress  and  continuance  thereof 
after  the  slaughter  of  Philip  that  grand  rebel 


In  the  preceding  narration  mention  hath 
been  made  of  one  Capt.  Church,  whom  God 
hath  made  an  instrument  of  signal  victories 
over  the  Indians  in  that  colony,  and  of  great 
advantage  in  that  respect  to  tiiat  whole  juris- 
diction. It  happened  that  the  said  Capt. 
Church  some  time  i"n  June,  of  this  present 
year  1676,  passing  over  in  a  canoe  from  Po- 
casset  to  Rhode-Island,  as  he  used  frequently 
to  do,  (having  had  much  employment  upon 
the  said  neck  of  land  so  called)  several  Indi- 
ans whom  he  had  known  before  at  Lacken- 
ham,  a  village  near  Plymouth,  beckoned  to 
him  as  if  they  had  a  mind  to  speak  with  him ; 
he  having  had  so  much  experience  as  well  as 
others  of  their  treachery,  was  not  willing  to 
adventure  too  hastily  to  come  near  them;  but 
when  they  seemed  to  urge  very  much,  and 
made  signs  to  him,  and  at  last  laid  down  their 
sans  in  his  sight,  he  began  to  think  with  him- 
self  there  might  be  something  in  the  matter 
more  than  ordinary,  therefore  he  resolved  to 
cro  a  little  nearer  to  the  shore,  and  then  he 
perceived  they  had  a  great  mind  to  speak  with 
him,  using  much  importunity  for  that  end,  in- 
somuch that  he  ventured  to  go  ashore  amongst 
tliem,  having  but  one  Englishman  and  two 
Indians  with  him;  he  directed  them  to  keep 
off  the  canoe  while  he  discoursed  with  the  In- 
dians on  shore.  As  soon  as  he  came  among 
them,  they  told  him  they  were  weary  of  fight- 
ing, and  that  they  had  fought  so  long  by  Phil- 
ip's instigation ;  but  they  could  not  tell  for  what 
end,  and  therefore  resolved  they  would  fight 
no  longer,  and  all  they  desired  of  him  was,  that 
he  would  make  way  for  them  to  the  gover- 
nor, that  they  might  live  quietly  amongst  the 
English  as  they  had  done  before,  and  that 
they  would  deliver  up  their  arms,  or  would 
go  out  with  them  if  he  pleased  to  accept  of 
them,  and  fight  for  him  ;  to  that  end  they  de- 
sired a  time  to  parley  with  him  further  about 
that  business  at  what  time  and  place  he  would 
appoint:  He  told  them  he  would  meet  them 
two  days  after  at  Seaconet,  a  place  up  higher 
on  the  said  neck,  about  12  o'clock  ;  accordingly 
he  came  to  the  said  place,  found  the  same  In- 
dians withsome  others,  and  their  Snake  squaw, 
or  chief  woman  of  that  plantation,  there  ready 
to  meet  him. 

After  they  had  fallen  into  discourse  about 
the  beginning  of  the  war,  as  well  as  the  suc- 
cess and  mischief  of  it,  they  would  have  put 
the  blame  off  from  themselves,  and  laid  it 
upon  the  English  :  But  he  presently  convinced 
them  by.an  undeniable  evidence,  that  they  first 
began  the  war  :  For,  said  he,  upon  this  Pocas 
set  July  7th,  1675,  you  first  fought  with  som<- 
of  Rhode-Island, \yhereof  one  wasmy  own  ser- 
vant, whose  leg  you  broke,and  the  same  day  you 
shot  at  myself  and  company,  before  we  med- 
dled with  you.  They  were  so  fully  convinced 
herewith,' that  they  found  nothing  to  reply, 
but  fell  into  other  discourseabouta  peace  which 
they  were  very  desirous  to  obtain  upon  any 
equal  terms,  as  was  said  before.  There  were 
about  fifteen  of  the  Indians  present,  besides 
their  Snake  squaw  (which  is  with  us  their 
governess  or  lady)  in  conclusion  they  engaged 
forever  after  to  leave  Philip,  and  to  go  out 
with  him;  which  they  did  forthwith,  as  soon 
as  he  had  obtained  a  peace  for  them  with  the 
governor. 

It  is  here  to  bo  observed,  that  these  were 
jnot  properly  Philip's  Indians,  but  belonged  to 
the  Seaconet  squaw,  who  was  nearly  related 


to  Philip,  and  her  subjects  had  hihcrto  fought 
in  Philip's  quarrel  till  they  saw  nothing  bi:t 
misery  and  michieflike  to  be  the  issue  of  it  to 
themselves,  as  well  as  their  neighbours.  About 
20  or  30  of  these  Seaconet  Indians  have  con- 
stantly gone  out  with  Capt.  Church  ever  since, 
and  not  only  been  faithful  and  serviceable  to 
him,  but  very  successful  in  every  enterprize 
they  have  gone  about,  nor  hath  he  lost  any  of 
them  in  any  skirmish  with  the  other  Indians  : 
And  it  is  said  that  this  act  of  tliese  Indians 
broke  Philip's  heart  as  soon  as  ever  he  under- 
stood It,  so  that  he  never  rejoiced  ifter,  or  had 
any  success  in  any  of  his  designs,  but  lost  his 
men  one  time  after  another,  till  himself  at  last 
fell  into  thehands  of  those  under  Capt. Church's 
command:  Foratthe  swamp,  when  Philip  was 
slain,  Capt.  Church  appointed  an  Englishman 
and  an  Indian  to  stand  at  such  a  place  of  the 
swamp,  where  it  happened  Philip  was  break- 
ing away  ;  the  morning  being  wet  and  rainy, 
the  Englishman's  gun  would  not  fire  ;  the  In- 
dian having  an  old  musket  with  a  large  touch- 

D  ..... 

hole, it  took  the  more  readily,  with  which  Philip 
was  dispatched,  the  bullet  passing  directly 
through  his  heart,  where  Joab  thrust  his  darts 
into  rebellious  Absalom. 

Thus  did  divine  vengeance  retaliate  on  this 
notorious  traitor,  that  had  against  his  league 
and  covenant  risen  up  against  the  government 
ofPlymouth,  to  raise  up  against  him  one  of  his 
own  people,  or  one  that  v.'as  in  league  with 
him.  as  he  was  with  the  English  :  The  Indian 
that  did  this  executloti  was  called  Alderman 
of  Seaconet, that  had  never  done  any  act  of  hos- 
tility against  the  English.  By  these  passages 
It  is  manifest,  that  as  the  hearts  of  all  are  in 
the  hand  of  God,  so  he  turns  them  els  he  plea- 
ses, either  to  favour  his  people,  or  to  hate  and 
deal  subtly  with  his  servants,  as  seems  good 
to  him.  Since  this  engagement  with  the  Sea- 
conet Indians  (to  leave  Philip,  and  to  go  with 
Capt.  Church)  It  Is  credibly  aflnrmed,  that  such 
hath  been  their  success  that  since  .Tune  afore- 
said, to  the  end  of  October  following,  there 
have  been  700  Indians  subdued,  either  by  kil- 
ling or  taking  captive  by  means  of  Capt. 
Church  and  his  company,  (part  Indians  and 
English)  besides  300  that  have  come  In  vo- 
luntarily to  submit  themselves  to  the  govern- 
ment of  Plymouth.  It  appears  thus  by  tho 
sequel  of  things,  that  after  tie  Lord  had  ac- 
complished his  work  upon  his  people,  that  he 
is  beginning  to  call  his  enemies  loan  account, 
and  punish  them  for  the  pride  of  iheir  hearts, 
and  for  all  their  treachery  and  cruelty  against 
his  servants.  Philip's  captains  have  run  the 
same  fate  with  himself,  some  before  and  some 
since  his  own  fall. 

In  June  last  one  Tiashq.  a  great  Capt.iin 
of  his,  his  wife  and  child,  or  children  being  ta- 
ken though  he  escaped  himself  at  first,  yet 
came  since  and  surrendered  himself  The 
next  noted  captain  of  Philip's  Indians  that 
was  brought  in  after  Philip's  death,  was  called 
Tesplquin,  a  notorious  villain,  next  to  Philip, 
he  was  called  the  black  sachem's  son;  It  was 
this  Tesplquin  that  burnt  so  many  houses  ii. 
Plymouth  lately.  Capt.  Church  with  his  com- 
pany were  in  pursuit  of  him  in  September 
last,  two  days  before  they  could  get  near 
him;  at  the  last,  on  the  third  day,  they  foiir.'d 
the  track  made  by  the  English  orchards  :  This 
was  something  of  a  blind  track,  therefiire  lliey 
were  forced  to  take  up  their  quarters  that  night 
without  discovering  any  place  of  their  ren- 


wo 

Hozvous.  The  next  morning  about  9  o'clock 
they  came  to  thoir  first  rendezvous,  from 
wliich  they  were  just  gone  :  At  1  o'  clock  they 
came  to  the  second,  and  missing  them  there, 
they  soon  after  came  to  the  third  track,  where- 
in, after  they  had  marched  a  while,  they  per- 
ceived tliey  grew  very  near  them,  by  the  cry- 
ing of  a  child  which  they  heard  :  The  place 
was  near  Lackenham  upon  Pocasset  neck,  so 
full  of  bj.3hcs  that  a  man  could  not  see  a  rod 
before  him  :  Capt.  Church  ordered  his  men  to 
march  up  together  in  one  rank,  because  lie 
discovered  the  Indians  were  laid  in  one  range 
by  several  fires,  so  that  by  that  time  they  all 
came  up  into  an  even  rank  very  near  together, 
within  a  few  yards  of  them  as  he  had  ap- 
pointed ;  they  all  suddenly  rushed  together 
upon  them,  and  catched  hold  of  them,  not 
suffering  any  to  escape,  there  being  about 
50  of  them  in  all  :  Tespiquin's  wife  and  chil- 
dren were  tliere,  but  he  was  absent,  as  also 
one  Jacob,  and  a  girl  that  belonged  to  that  com- 

Cany.  The  captain's  haste  would  not  admit  of 
is  tarrying  till  they  came  in,  (though  the  In- 
dians said  they  might  come  that  night)  where- 
fore he  thought  upon  this  project,  to  leave  two 
old  squaws  upon  the  place  with  victuals,  and 
bid  them  tell  Tespiquin  that  he  should  be  his 
captain  over  his  Indians  if  he  was  found  to 
be  so  stout  a  man  as  they  reported  him  to  bo  ; 
for  the  Indians  had  said  that  Tespiquin  could 
not  be  pierced  by  a  bullet,  for,  said  they, 
he  was  shot  twice  but  the  bullets  glanced  by 
liim  and  could  not  hurt  him.  Thus  the  cap- 
tain marched  away  with  his  booty,  leaving  this 
trap  behind  him  to  take  the  rest :  The  next 
morning  he  came  to  see  what  his  trap  liad 
catched,  there  he  found  Jacob  aforesaid  (a 
notorious  wretch)  and  the  girl  he  missed,  be- 
fore, but  not  Tespiquin  :  But  within  a  day  or 
two  after  the  said  Tespiquin  upon  the  hopes  of 
being  made  captain  under  Capt.  Churcli, 
came  after  some  of  the  company,  and  submit- 
ted himself  in  the  captain's  absence,  and  was 
•ent  to  Plymouth,  but  upon  trial  (which  was 
the  condition  on  which  his  being  promised  a 
captain's  commission  under  Capt.  Church  did 
depend)  lie  was  found  penetrable  by  the  En- 
glish gun^,  for  he  fell  down  at  the  finst  shot 
and  thereby  received  the  just  revvai-d  of  liis 
former  wickedness.  About  a  fortnight  after 
the  surprising  of  Tespiquin,  was  one  Toto- 
son's  company  taken,  wherein  were  above  50 
persons  ;  l)ut  Totoson  escaped,  and  is  still 
out  in  rebellion,  unless  vengeance  hath  over- 
taken him. 

The  next  that  was  seized  was  one  Annawan, 
a  very  sulitle,  politic  fellow,  and  one  of  Phi- 
lip's cliief  counsellors  ;  lie  had  about  twelve 
men,  and  as  many  wtimen  and  children  in  his 
company,  who  were  discovered  by  their  shoo- 
ting at  the  Knglisli  horses,  and  cattle  ;  some 
of  whom  bewig  taken  made  know  the  re.st. 
Church  at  that  time  had  but  five  Englishmini 
and  twenty  Indians.  The  pbice  where  this 
Annawan  had  betaken,  was  a  ledge  of  rocks 
inaccessible  but  at  one  place,  which  by  a  few 
hands  might  easily  liave  betni  di^fendcd 
ugaiuit  a  great  numiier  of  assailants :  Hut  Capt. 
Church  l>y  direction  got  up  to  their  wigwams 
befon;  th<?y  w<?re  aware  of  it  ;  and  presently 
told  .'Vnnawiin  that  he  came  to  sup  with  him  ; 
whereupon  Annawan  (who  had  f.illen  (hit  up- 
on the  earth, fxp-ctingto  have  liis  head  cutoff) 
looked  up  and  rried  tauhut,  in  their  iantruage, 
thank  yoj,  as  one  being  much  affected  with 


A  NARRATIVE  OF 

the  generosiiy  of  our  English  c.aptain  ;  they 
found  some  of  the  English  beef  boiling  in  the 
kettle:  After  supper  he  had  much  discourse 
with  the  said  Annawan,  and  they  lay  down  to 
sleep  together  in  the  wigwam;  Capt.  Church 
laying  one  of  his  legs  upon  Annawan  and  the 
other  upon  his  son,  that  he  might  have  notice 
if  any  of  them  should  offer  to  stir  :  After  mid- 
night Annawan  rose  up,  and  Capt.  Church 
was  presently  awake,  and  intended  to  watch 
after  his  prisoner :  He  thought  at  first  he  might 
have  gone  forth  upon  some  necessary  occa- 
sion ;  but  not  long  after  he  returned  again, 
having  fetched  out  of  the  swamp  liard  by, 
two  horns  of  powder,  and  a  large  belt  of  peag, 
supposed  to  be  Philp's  belt,  all  which  he  deliv- 
ered to  Capt.  Church,  in  a  way  of  thankful 
acknowledgment  of  his  courtesy.  Amongst 
other  discourses  that  passed  betwen  them  con- 
cerning the  occasion  of  the  war,  carrying  it  on, 
the  Indian  would  fain  have  excused  Philip, 
and  laid  the  blame  upon  the  praying  Indians 
(as  they  are  distinguished  from  others  by  that 
character)  and  others  of  the  youngest  sortof  liis 
followers,  who  coming  with  their  several  tales 
(which  he  likened  to  sticks  laid  on  a  heap)  till 
!)y  a  multitude  of  them  a  great  fire  came  to 
bo  kindled  :  They  make  much  use  of  parabo- 
lical expressions:  for  so  said  Solomon,  where 
no  wood  is  tliere  the  fire  goeth  out;  so  where 
there  is  no  tale-bearers,  there  the  strife  cea- 
seth,  Prov.  26,  20.  But  Philip  had  had  large 
and  long  experience  of  the  gentleness  and 
kindness  of  the  English  both  to  himself  and  to 
his  people,  so  that  unless  he  hadborne  an  evil 
and  malicious  mind  against  the  English,  he 
would  never  have  hearkened  to  those  stories, 
contrary  to  his  faithful  promises  of  allegiance. 

The  said  Annawan  confessed  also  that  he 
did  believe  by  all  those  late  occurrences  that 
there  was  a  great  God  that  overruled  all ;  and 
that  he  had  found  that  whatever  he  had  done 
to  any  of  those,  whether  Indians  or  English, 
the  same  was  brought  upon  himself  in  after 
time.  He  confessed  also  that  he  had  put  to 
death  several  of  the  English  which  they  had 
taken  alive,  ten  in  one  day,  and  could  not  de- 
ny but  that  some  of  them  had  been  tortured, 
and  now  he  could  not  but  see  the  justice  of 
the  great  God  upon  himself,  with  many  other 
things  of  a  like  nature.  But  whatever  his 
confessions  of  this  nature  were,  beiiie:  forced 
from  him  by  the  power  of  C(niscience,  after 
he  was  delivered  up  to  authority,  he  was  put 
to  death,  as  he  justly  had  deserved. 

It  is  said  that  Philip  when  he  first  began 
his  r<?beiri()n,  had  about  300  fighting  men  un- 
der him,  besides  those  that  belonged  to  his 
kinswoman,  Wetamoe  drowned  about  Taun- 
ton, that  had  almost  as  many  under  her ;  and 
one  (4,ueno(]uin,  a  Narragatiset  sachem  that 
lived  near  him,  and  joined  with  him  in  liis 
(piarnd  with  the  English  :  But  it  is  certain 
that  there  are  scarce  any  that  are  now  left, 
that  belongini  to  either  of  them  :  So  although 
the  Almighty  hath  made  use  of  them  to  be  a 
scourge  to  his  people,  he  hath  now  turned  his 
hand  against  th<'m  to  utter  destruction  and  ex- 
tirpation from  off  the  face  of  the  earth,  perad- 
venture  to  make  room  for  others  of  his  peo- 
ple to  cinne  in  his  stead. 

.\s  for  the  rest  of  the  Narragansets  that  joi- 
ned in  Philip's  quarrel,  it  is  already  declun'd 
what  end  they  win-e  come  unto.  As  for  the 
rest  of  the  Indians,  wht;(her  Nipnet,  Nasha- 
way,  Pacomptuck,  Hadley,  or  Springfield  In- 


dians, it  is  not  so  certain  what  has  become  ol 
them ;  but  after  their  separation  one  from 
the  other  about  July  last,  it  was  observed  by 
all  the  tracks  in  those  woods  they  went  stilj 
westward;  and  about  the  middle  of  August 
last,  a  great  party  of  them  were  observed  to 
pass  by  VVestfield,  a  small  town  to  the  west  of 
Springfield,  and  were  judged  to  be  about  200; 
News  thereof  being  brought  to  iNlajor  Talcot, 
he  with  soldiers  ofConnecticut  colony  under  his 
command,  both  Indians  and  English,  pursued 
after  them  as  far  as  Ausotunnoog  river  (in  the 
middle  way  betwixt  Westfield  and  the  Dutch 
river,  and  Fort  Albany)  where  he  overtook 
them,  aud  fought  with  them  ;*  killing  and  ta- 
king  45  prisoners,  25  of  whom  were  fighting 
men,  without  the  loss  of  any  one  of  his  com- 
pany save  a  Mohegin  Indian:  Many  of  the 
rest  were  badly  wounded,  as  appeared  by 
the  bushes  being  much  besmeared  with  blood, 
as  was  observed  by  those  that  followed  them 
further. 

It  is  written  since  from  Albany,  that  there 
were  sundry  lost  besides  the  45  aforemen- 
tioned, to  the  number  of  three  score  in  all; 
and  also  that  an  hundred  and  twenty  of  them 
are  since  dead  of  sickness  ;  so  that  vengeance 
seems  to  be  pursuing  of  them  as  well  as  the 
rest.  Several  of  their  friends  that  belonged 
to  Nashaway,  and  the  places  adjoining,  re- 
paired to  Piscataqua,  hoping  to  shroud  them- 
selves under  the  wings  of  some  honester  In- 
dians about  Quechecho,  under  pretence  of  a 
declaration  sent  out  by  the  governor  and 
Council  of  Massachusetts  in  the  beginning  of 
July  last:  But  some  of  our  forces  under  Capt. 
Hathorne  and  Capt.  Sill,  with  the  help  of 
Major  Walden,  Capt.  Frost,  and  others  resi- 
ding in  those  parts  being  in  readiness,  sepa- 
rated the  vile  and  wicked  from  the  rest,  and 
sent  them  down  to  the  governor  at  Boston, 
where  S  or  9  of  the  ringleaders,  such  as  one 
eyed  John,  Sagamore  Sam.  of  Nashaway, 
chief  actors  of  the  late  outrages  and  bloody 
mischief,  had  justice  done  upon  them  soon  af 
ter.  As  for  the  massacres  and  calamities  that 
befel  the  English  further  eastward,  they  shall 
in  the  second  partof  this  narrative  be  declared 

The  Indians  being  thus  dispersed  several 
ways,  were  strangely  confounded  and  destroy- 
ed one  parcel  after  a  iiother,  until  there  was 
none  left  in  the  western  or  southern  parts  that 
durst  make  any  opposition  all  the  following 
part  of  the  year.  As  for  those  that  fled  west- 
ward toward  Albany,  we  shall  there  leave 
them  for  the  present,  wishing,  we  may  never 
hear  any  more  of  them  :  A  person  of  qualliy 
informs,  that  at  Hartford  in  September  last, 
he  was  present  at  the  examination  of  one 
Choos,  an  Indian,  formely  ofConnecticut,  but 
of  the  Narraganset  for  the  last  winter,  who 
confessetl  that  he  was  one  of  that  company  of 
Indians  iliat  wont  westward  tlie  month  before, 
toward  Hudson's  river;  but  after  the  fight  at 
Ausotunnoog,  he  returned  back  to  Connecti- 
cut for  fear  of  the  Mohawks  ;  and  that  he  lay 
hid  about  Farmiiigton,  till  he  was  almost  slar- 
veil,  and  then  he  went  to  the  seaside  to  make 
use  of  the  oyster  bank  at  Strafford  for  his  re- 
lief, where  he  was  espied  by  the  Indians,  and 
so  bnnight  to  Hartford. 

He  affirmed  that  there  W(!re  about  250  figh- 
ting men  amongst  those  Indians  that  fled  west- 
ward, besides  women  and  children  ;  and  thai 

♦  [Tills  bHUlo  wns  prolmlily  foiislil  in  t^lockbidgr,  ncif 
wlicm  ihs  uieiMing  Uuusc  now  siniule.] 


TflE   INDIAN  WARS. 


m 


near  200  of  them  passed  the  great  river  be- 
low Albany,  and  were  sheltered  hv  the  Indi- 
ans of  that  place,  called  Mohegaiuiera ;  hut 
about  SO  of  them  tamed  on  tlie  liither  side  of 
that  river,  near  a  Dutch  village  (but  lie  beiiisf 
convicted  of  fighting  against  tlie  English,  was 
condemned  to  die,  and  executed)  about  the 
Narragansct  country  the  last  fall,  lioping  to 
fihelter  themselves  under  Uncas,  but  lie  not 
willing  to  give  them  countenance  against  the 
mind  of  his  friends  at  Connecticut,  hath  since 
abandoned  them  to  shift  for  themselves,  who 
liave  been  most  of  them  taken  and  brought  in 
prisoners  to  the  English  this  winter. 

About  the  month  of  October  last,  Mr.  Stan- 
ton chanced  to  come  from  Seaconet  with  3 
Indians  in  his  company,  Pequods  or  Mohe- 
gins,  they  hearing  by  a  captive  at  one  of  the 
next  towns,  that  there  was  a  number  of  the 
enemy  not  far  off,  presently  left  Mr.  Stanton 
and  pursued  after  them,  whom  they  soon  af- 
ter overtook,  and  made  them  all  prisoners  : 
Amongst  them  was  an  old  man,  not  able  to  go 
their  pace  but  promising  to  come  after  them, 
they  spared  his  life :  But  as  soon  as  the  men 
returned  at  night  from  hunting,  the  old  man 
told  what  had  befel  their  women  and  children, 
whereupon  the  next  morning  they  presently 
following  after  them,  overtook  them,  and  so 
recovered  the  prisoners,  and  slew  one  of  the 
three  that  carried  them  away  ;  the  other  two 
hardly  escaped;  one  of  them  is  called  Major 
Symon,  being  part  a  Pequod  and  part  a  Nar- 
raganset,  but  of  extraordinary  strengtli  and 
courage  ;  he  perceiving  the  danger  they  were 
in,  challenged  to  fight  hand  to  hand  with  any 
five  of  them  with  their  hatchets  :  but  they  un- 
willing to  hang  their  success  upon  the  hazard 
of  a  single  combat,  came  all  towards  him  at 
once,  whereupon  first  discharging  his  gun 
amongst  the  whole  company,  he  broke  through 
them  all  by  force,  and  so  escaped  their  hands, 
with  one  of  his  companions.  This  Symon  hath 
been  very  active  in  killing  and  taking  many  of 
the  enemy  ;  some  say  that  he  with  his  own 
hands  hath  taken  and  killed  above  threescore, 
and  either  out  of  hatred  to  the  enemy,  or  love 
to  the  English,  is  this  last  week  gone  with  the 
soldiers  to  the  eastward,  in  pursuit  of  our  quar- 
rel against  them  in  those  parts. 

At  another  time  not  long  before,  when  he 
was  out  against  the  enemy,  he  came  suddenly 
upon  a  great  number  of  them  as  they  were 
spread  under  a  steep  bank,  from  whence  leap- 
ing down  into  the  midst  of  them  he  killed  some 
and  took  others.  Fighting  it  seems  isa  recrea- 
tion to  him,  for  he  is  seldom  at  home  above  four 
or  five  days  together.  Some  say  that  in  one 
of  his  former  expeditions,  being  much  wea- 
ried and  spent  he  laid  himself  down  to  sleep, 
but  towards  morning  he  fell  into  a  dream, 
wherein  he  apprehended  the  Indians  were 
upon  him,  when  suddenly  rising  up  he  espied 
the  Indians  coming  toward  him,  but  suddenly 
presentinghis  guns  against  them  he  so  frighten- 
ed tliem,  that  they  gave  him  an  opportunity  to 
make  an  escape  from  a  multitude  of  them. 

Since  the  beginning  of  December  last, 
news  comingdownto  Boston  that  mischief  was 
done  about  Seaconk  and  Relioboth,  by  some 
remaining  Indians  thereabouts,  killing  their 
swine  and  horsej,  several  persons  of  Medfield 
went  out  after  them,  and  pursuing  them  by 
their  tracks,  came  upon  a  small  party,  of  whom 
they  took  three,  one  of  which  escaped  while 
•ome  of  the  company  were  going  afte*  the  rest. 


Those  that  were  taken  confessed  there  was 
about  GO  that  were  lurking  up  and  down  in 
those  woods.  The  said  two  Indians  were 
brought  into  Boston  the  Sth  of  .lanuary. 

A  commission  was  formerly  granted  to  Peter 
Ephraim,  an  Indian. of  Natick,  to  go  out  in 
pursuit  of  them,  with  29  of  his  company;  a 
few  of  tlie  English  from  Medfield  went  with 
him,  who  being  soon  tired  with  marching  in 
the  snow,  returned.  The  Indians  kept  on  in 
their  design,  and  came  across  a  considerable 
party  of  the  enemy  having  traced  them  till  they 
found  where  they  lodged  overnight ;  tliey  sur- 
rounded them  early  in  the  morning,  as  their 
manner  is,  and  then  offered  them  quarter  if 
they  would  yield  ;  eight  resolute  fellows  re- 
fused who  were  instantly  shot,  the  rest  were  all 
seized,  the  whole  number  was  42.  This  was 
doneabout  the  middle  of  January,  smce  which 
several  such  exploits  have  been  done  by  them. 
January  23d,  the  same  company  of  Indians 
took  22  of  the  enemy,  among  whom  were  five 
able  men,  and  five  arms ;  they  sent  the  prisoners 
homo  by  five  of  their  company,  the  rest  went 
further  in  the  chace. 

January  26th,  another  parcel  of  the  enemy 
were  brought  in,  eight  in  number,  of  whom 
five  were  men,  amongst  whom  was  the  Indian 
called  Cornelius,  who  three  years  since  was 
indicted  for  killing  an  Englishman's  cow  ;  upon 
which  he  was  said  to  have  uttered  several 
threatning  speeches,  that  he  would  kill  En- 
glishmen and  their  cows  too  ;  which  was  now 
remembered  against  him  when  he  was  in  par- 
ticular called  to  account  or  having  a  hand  in 
killing  some  of  the  English  and  Indiansalso  in 
league  with  us,  for  which  he  was  sentenced 
to  die,  and  was  accordingly  executed  the  16th 
of  Fel)ruary  following. 

Concerning  the  rest  of  the  Indians  either  in 
the  colony  ofPlymouth,  Connecticut,  or  Massa- 
chusetts, there  is  no  occurrence  more  of  mo- 
ment come  to  light  since  the  end  of  August 
last,  save  what  is  last  mentioned  before  ;  yet 
it  is  very  remarkable,  that  although  terms  of 
peace  were  offered  to  all  that  would  come  in 
and  surrender  themseves  (as  appears  by  a  de- 
claration put  out  in  July  last)and  that  a  Nipnet 
Sachem  called  John,  did  thereupon  with  a 
numberof  his  company  come  in  and  offer  them- 
selves, and  were  accordingly  secured  of  their 
lives  and  other  concernments  ;  yet  did  that 
treacherous  villain  make  an  escape  this  winter 
from  Capt.  Prentice's  Louse  (under  whose 
charge  he  was  put,  about  Cambridge  village) 
and  with  about  20  more  fled  away  into  the 
woods  to  shift  for  himself  amongst  the  rest  of 
his  bloody  companions  ;  they  were  soon  after 
pursued,  but  had  gone  too  {"ast  and  too  far  to 
be  overtaken.  Whether  it  were  consciousness 
of  their  own  guilt,  that  had  a  hand  in  the  blood 
of  the  English,  or  whether  not  liking  their 
manners  so  well  as  to  be  confined  thereunto  ; 
wild  creatures  ordinarily  love  the  liberty  of  the 
woods  better  than  the  restraint  of  a  cage. 
They  made  none  acuqainted  with  their  design 
before  they  went  away,  and  as  yet  little  ac- 
count can  be  given  of  them,  only  it  is  known 
that  one  or  two  of  their  families  are  enter- 
tained by  Uncas,  but  what  is  become  of  the 
rest  is  uncertain  ,  there  were  but  seven  of  the 


company  men,  so  they  are  not  capable  of  doing  broke  in  at  once,  this  laot  as  well  as  to  th 


any  mischief.  Some  of  late  have  travelled 
throuefh  the  woods  to  Connecticut,  but  have 
met  with  no  Indians,  nor  ditl  they  hear  of  any 
in  their  passing  between  this  place  and  that. 


And  because  in  the  present  narrative  there 
hath  bf^en  fr(.'quent  mention  mudt;  (if  Uncas, 
the  Molicgin  sachem,  and  of  his  f.iithfulnesa 
to  the  interest  of  the  Englisii,  1  add  in  this 
place,  that  it  is  suspected  by  them  that  knew 
him  best,  that  in  his  heart  he  is  no  belter  affec- 
ted to  the  English  or  their  religion,  than  tlie 
rest  of  his  countrymen,  and  that  it  hath  been 
his  own  advantage  that  hath  led  him  to  be  thus 
true  to  them  who  have  upheld  him  as  formerly 
against  the  Pequods,  so  of  late  against  the 
Narraganscts  ;  yet  hath  he  not  long  since  been 
convinced  of  the  truth  ofour  r<!ligion,  and  vani- 
ty of  his  own,  as  himself  hath  solemnly  confes- 
sed ;  which  will  evidently  appear  by  the  pas- 
sage that  follows,  whicli  I  shall  here  represent 
just  as  it  was  from  under  tlu;  hand  of  that  ev- 
rend  person  it  relates  unto,  namely,  Mr. Fitch, 
pastor  of  the  church  of  Norwich,  near  unto 
Uncas's  place.  There  was  a  great  drought 
the  last  summer  ;  but  as  it  seems,  it  was  more 
extreme  in  those  parts  than  with  usabout  Mas- 
sachusetts ;  and  although  probably  the  Englisli 
might  have  prayed  for  rain  themselves  without 
any  motion  from  the  Indians,  yet  their  address 
to  the  said  Mr.  Fitch  on  such  an  account,  with 
the  consequences  thereof,  is  very  remarkable, 
wliich  take  in  his  own  words  : 

"Concerning  the  drought, &c. true  narrative 
of  that  providence  is  this  :  In  August  last  sucli 
was  the  want  of  rain,  that  the  Indian  corn  was 
not  only  dried  and  jiarched  up,  but  the  apple- 
trees  withered,  the  fruit  and  leaves  fell  off  as 
in  autumn,  and  some  trees  seeming  to  be  dead 
with  that  drought ;  the  Indians  came  into  town 
and  lamented  their  want  of  rain,  and  that  their 
powaws  could  get  none  In  their  way  of  wor- 
li]),  desiring  me  that  I  would  seek  to  God  fo.' 
rain:  I  appointed  a  fast  day  for  the  purpose; 
the  day  being  come  it  proved  clear  without 
any  clouds  until  sunsetting  when  we  came 
from  the  meeting,  and  then  some  clouds 
arose  ;  the  next  day  remained  cloudy  ;  then 
Uncas  with  many  Indians  came  to  my  house, 
Lrncas  lamented  there  was  such  a  want  of  rain  : 
I  asked  whether  if  God  should  .send  us  rain 
he  would  not  attribute  it  to  their  powaws ; 
he  answered  no,  for  they  had  done  their  ut- 
most and  all  in  vain  ;  I  replied,  if  you  will  de- 
clare it  before  ail  these  Indians  you  shall  see 
what  God  will  do  forus,  for  although  this  year 
he  hath  shewn  his  anger  against  the  English 
and  not  only  against  the  Indians,  yet  hath  be- 
gun to  save  us,  and  I  have  found  by  experi- 
ence twice  in  the  like  case,  when  we  sought 
by  fasting  and  prayer  he  hath  given  us  rain, 
and  never  denied  us.  Then  Uncas  made  a 
great  speech  to  the  Indians  (which  were  ma- 
nv)  confessing  that  if  God  should  then  send 
rain,  it  could  not  be  ascribed  to  their  powaw- 
ing,  but  must  be  acknowledged  to  be  an  an- 
swer to  our  prayers.  This  day  they  spread 
more  and  more,  and  the  next  day  llierc  was 
such  plenty  of  rain  that  our  river  rose  more 
than  two  feet  in  height." 

By  all  recorded  in  the  foregoing  narra- 
tive, there  are  none  into  whose  hands  it  shall 
come,  but  will  be  sensible  that  the  present 
time  hath  been  a  day  of  great  rebuke  and  trou 
ble  to  the  poor  people  sojourning  in  this  wil 
lerness,  upon  wliom  sundry  calamities  liave 


former  years  :  In  many  places  they  have  been 
visited  with  sickness  and  mortality,  more  than 
in  many  years  before,  depriving  them  of  many 
useful  persons ;  amongst  others  the  lost  of 


«03 


A  NARRATIVE  OF 


Mr.  Joliii  Winthrop,  the  late  worthy  gover- 
nor of  the  colony  of'Connecticut,  is  as  it  ought 
to  he,  much  lamented  hy  all,  who  died  atBos- 
ton,  the  5th  of  A|)ril,  1G7G,  in  the  73d  year  of 
hisage,  whither  lie  was  occasionally  called  the 
last  winter,  to  sit  with  the  rest  of  the  commis- 
sidiH-rs  of  the  united  colonies  to  consult  aVjout 
the  great  affairs  of  them,  now  newly  engaged 
in  these  troubles  from  the  heathen.  He  was 
the  eldest  son  of  the  famous  governor  of  the 
Massaciujsetts,  deceased  March  26,  1649, 
Proles  sim  ilima  purcntii.  The  memory  of  the 
father,  though  he  died  so  long  time  ago,  yet 
still  lives  in  the  minds  of  the  surviving  gene- 
ration, and  is  like  to  continue  much  longer  by 
the  remembrance  of  the  many  eminent  virtues 
found  in  this  the  eldest  of  his  off'spring,  who 
beiriir  not  long  after,  or  about  that  time  called 
to  take  up  his  residence  in  that  colony,  was 
bv  the  importunity  of  the  people  there,  pre- 
vailed with  to  accept  of  the  governor's  place, 
which  for  a  long  time  after  he  sustained  in 
that  colony,  though  annually  chosen  thereunto; 
being  so  well  furnished  with  many  excellent 
endowments,  as  well  moral  as  political  and 
philosophical,  which  rendered  him  most  fit  to 
to  be  an  healer  of  that  people.  Though  we 
are  dealing  in  another  subject,  yet  shall  not 
we  pass  by  his  tomb  as  we  go  along,  without 
paying  the  homage  due  to  the  memory  of  so 
lioMoraljlo  a  gentleman. 

After  all  the  forementioned  calamities  and 
Iroubles,  it  pleased  God  to  alarm  the  town  of 
Iioston,  and  in  that  the  whole  country,  by  a 
sad  fire  accidentally  kindled  by  the  careless- 
ness of  an  appnMitice  that  set  up  too  late  over 
jiight,  as  was  conceived  ;  which  began  an  hour 
l)ef()re  day,  continuing  three  or  four  days,  in 
which  time  it  burned  to  the  groimd  forty-six 
dwelling  houses,  besides  other  buildings,  to- 
gether with  a  large  meeting  house.  Some 
mercy  was  observed  mixed  with  the  judgment 
for  if  a  great  rain  had  not  continued  all  the 
time  (the  roofs  and  walls  of  the  ordinary  buil- 
dings consistint!:  of  such  combustible  matter) 
that  whole  end  of  the  town  had  at  that  time 
been  consumed.  Whereby  we  see  that  God 
in  his  providence  can  turn  our  dwellings  into 
ashes,  without  the  help  of  either  foreign  or 
domestic  enemies.  Which,  consideration  niay 
awaken  all  irorn  security  and  confidence  in 
these  unceriain  and  unstable  possessions, 
that  have  no  firmer  foundation  that  may  so 
Boon  after  tlicii-  first  erection  eaten  up  by  the 
flames  of  till!  fire,  before  the  iron  teeth  of  time 
have  had  leisure  to  devour  and  feed  upon 
them. 

God  grant  that  by  the  fin;  of  all  these  judg- 
ments, we  may  be  purged  from  cmr  dross  and 
become  a  more  refined  people,  as  vessels  fit- 
ted for  "lur  master's  use. 

CHAPTER  n. 

A  NAURATrVF.  OKTIIK  INDIAN  WARS  IN  NF.W-F,NG- 

i.AM),  rnoM  i'i8(;ATAQrA  to  i-hmmaqi'il). 

I  UK  or<'asi(in,  rise  and  progress  of  the  war 
w»«i  tiK!  Indians  in  tin-  south(>rn  and  western 
parts  of  New-England,  togi'tlier  with  the  is- 
sue and  su<:ci'S3  thereof,  lialh  in  tlui  former 

iiart  of  this  nuirative  been  already  declared. 
Jefore  an  entrance  be  made;  into  a  relation  of 
those  troubles  that  bcfi-l  the  eastern  and  nor- 
thern parti,  it  will  be  reipiisite  to  give  some 
general  description  of  the  place,  as  being  less 


frequented,  and  so  more  unknown  than  the 
other,  like  heralds  that  used  to  blazon  the  field 
before  they  meddled  with  the  charge,  as  an 
historian  once  said,  that  so  the  reader  may 
not  miss  the  truth  in  a  story,  by  being  un- 
acquainted with  the  places  connected  with 
the  discourse.  Briefly  therefore,  that  more 
cost  and  pains  be  not  spent  in  the  survey- 
ing a  barren  and  rocky  country,  tVian  will 
quit  cost  (the  list  or  border  here  being  known 
to  be  worth  more  than  the  whole  cloth)  that 
whole  tract  of  land  being  of  little  worth,  un- 
less it  were  for  the  borders  thereof  upon  the 
sea-coast,  and  some  spots  and  skirts  of  more 
desirable  land  upon  the  banks  of  some  rivers, 
how  much  soever  it  be  valued  by  them  that 
know  nothing  thereof,  by  the  uncertain  and 
fallible  reports  of  such  as  only  sailed  by  the 
country  or  viewed  some  of  the  rivers  and  ha- 
vens, but  never  passed  through  the  heart  of 
the  continent.  The  whole  being  worth  scarce 
those  means  that  have  been  lost  these  two 
last  years  in  hopes  to  save  it. 

This  north  part  of  New  England,  did  first, 
like  Zarah  put  forth  his  hand,  thereby  inviting 
the  adventurers  to  twist  the  scarlet  thread  of 
their  hopes  about  the  same  auspicious  begin- 
ning tliey  were  ready  to  promise  themselves 
prosperity  in  having  that  advantage  before 
others  to  plant  and  people  that  part  of  the 
country.  But  that  fair  opportunity  was  al- 
most quite  lost  by  some  fatal  and  mischievous 
accidents  happening  soon  after  that  noble  en- 
terprise was  first  set  on  foot,  as  hath  been  al- 
ready in  part  and  may  hereafter  be  more  ful- 
ly declared. 

The  first  place  that  ever  was  possessed  by 
the  English,  in  hopes  of  making  a  plantation 
in  those  parts  was  a  tract  of  land  on  the  west 
side  of  the  river  Kennebeck,  then  called  Sa- 
gatawock,  since  Sagadanock.  Other  places 
adjoining  were  soon  after  seized  and  impro- 
ved for  trading  and  fishing.  The  more  re- 
mote and  farthest  northward  at  this  time  be- 
longing to  the  English  (Penobscot  forty  years 
since  being  surprised  by  the  French,  and  by 
them  held  to  this  day)  is  called  Pemmaqiild, 
distant  seven  or  eight  leagues  from  Kennebeck 
and  is  the  utmost  boundary  of  New  England, 
being  about  forty  leagues  distant  from  the 
mouth  of  Piscataqua  river  ;  Pemmaquid  is  a 
commodious  haven  for  ships,  and  hath  been 
found  very  advantageous  to  such  as  used  to 
come  upon  these  coasts  to  make  fishing  voya- 
ges ;  south  west  or  south  east  from  thence 
al)Out  six  or  seven  leagues,  lies  an  island  calhrd 
Monhiggon,  of  much  use  on  the  same  account 
for  fishing,  it  lying  three  or  four  leagues  into 
the  sea  from  Damarils's  cove,  a  place  of  like 
advantage  for  stages  of  fishermen  in  former 
times.  There  have  been  for  a  long  timi;  sev- 
en or  eight  considerable  dwellings  about  Pem- 
maquid which  are  well  accommodated  with 
pasture  land  about  the  haven  for  feeding  cat- 
tle, and  some  fields  also  for  tillage  ;  all  the  land 
improvable  (or  such  uses  being  already  taken 
up  by  such  a  number  of  inhabitants  as  is  al- 
ready mentioned. 

In  the  mouth  of  the  river  Kennebeck  lies  a 
considerable  island  called  Arowsick,  some 
years  since  purchased  by  Major  Clarke  and 
Capt.  Lake,  two  merchants  of  Moslon,  on 
which  they  built  several  large  dwellings,  with 
a  ware-house  and  many  other  edifices  near 
tlie  water  side,  it  being  inteniied  by  the  ow- 
ners for  a  place  of  trading  as  well  as  planting  : 


there  being  many  of  late  seated  there  fit  to  car 
ry  on  such  design  ;  where  also  was  built  a  fort 
which  if  it  had  been  carefully  defended,  might 
have  proved  the  defence  and  security  of  all 
that  side  of  the  country,  as  it  used  to  be  iheir 
magazine.  Up  higher  beyond  the  river  Ken- 
nebeck, four  leagues  eastward  towards  Pem- 
maquid, is  another  considerable  river  called 
Sbeepscot,  upon  the  banks  of  which  were  ma 
n)'  scattered  planters,  who  lately  flying  from 
their  dwellings  for  fear  of  Indians,  left  as  was 
judged,  a  thousand  head  of  neat  cattle  for  the 
use  of  the  Indians  that  made  the  late  insurrec- 
tion against  the  inhabitants  of  those  parts,  be- 
sides their  fields  and  barns  full  of  corn.  There 
is  a  another  river  that  issues  into  Kennebeck  a 
little  higher  up  inthe  country,  called  Pegvps- 
cot,  that  comes  down  from  behind  Casco  bay. 
This  Pegypscot  is  the  seat  of  the  Amoscoggin 
Indians,  who  have  had  a  great,  if  not  a  prin- 
cipal hand  in  the  late  mischief. 

Some  few  leagues  to  the  south  of  Kenne- 
beck lies  the  famous  and  spacious  haven  called 
Casco  bay,  the  northeast  cape  of  which  is  made 
by  an  Island  called  Saguin  ;  the  southern  and 
opposite  point  of  land  is  called  cape  Elizabeth. 
Within  the  bosom  of  this  bay,  being  about 
eight  or  nine  leagues  over  at  the  mouth  of  it, 
are  a  great  number  of  small  islands,  many  of 
them  l)elng  inhabited  by  fishermen  and  others  ; 
one  of  the  principal  of  those  is  called  Jewel's 
island.  There  are  many  places  about  the  bay 
fit  to  make  commodious  habitations,  and  on 
the  south  side  of  it  is  a  small  village  called 
Falmouth  ;  all  or  most  of  it  lately  destroyed 
by  tlie  Indians. 

Not  far  from  Casco,  to  the  southward  or 
south  west  still  is  a  river  called  Spurwick, 
over  against  which  lies  Richmond  island,  not 
far  from  the  main  land,  being  divided  there- 
from by  a  small  channel,  fordable  at  low 
water  ;  it  hath  for  a  long  time  been  the  seat 
of  Mr.  Jordan,  in  right  of  Mr.  Winter,  the 
former  if  not  the  first  proprietor  thereof, 
whose  daughter  he  married. 

The  next  plantation  southward  is  called 
Scarborough,  a  small  village  seated  upon 
Black  point,  over  against  which  is  another 
point,  lor  distinction  from  the  former,  called 
Blue  point.  This  Black  point  was  lately  the 
seal  of  Mr.  Josselin,  being  a  parcel  of  the 
province  of  Maine,  on  falling  within  the  pre- 
cinct thereof,  and  formerly  by  paterit  granted 
to  the  said  Josselin  or  his  predecessors, 
since  purchased  by  Mr.  Scolto,  of  Boston. 

Saco  river  lies  next  in  order  to  the  Piscata- 
(jua,  a  navigable  river,  where  Major  Philips 
had  a  commodious  situation  lately  ;  at  the 
mouth  of  which  river  lies  Winter  harbour, 
encompassed  on  one  side  by  a  neck  of  land, 
formely  the  property  of  one  Mr.  Winter, 
whose  name  it  still  retains,  but  lately  pur- 
chased by  Major  Pendleton,  where  he  en- 
joyed a  very  comfortable  seat  and  habitation. 

There  isanother  harbour  lying  a  little  south- 
ward of  Saco,  made  by  that  which  is  csllcd 
cape  Porpoise;  a  convenient  seat  for  fisher- 
man, as  are  most  of  the  other  places  above- 
named.  Between  cape  Porpoise  and  Pisca- 
ta(piay  there  are  but  two  small  towns  more, 
(though  ambiliou>»  of  great  names)  the  one 
called  Wells  and  the  other  York.  Wells  is 
seated  upon  a  small  river  orcreek,  iifl^ordinga 
small  harbour  fit  only  for  tiarks  and  smaller 
vessels  ;  on  each  side  of  which  town  lies  a 
small  river,  the  one  is  called  Kenncbunk,  t!ie 


THE  INDIAN  WARS. 


868 


other  Maguncuck.  The  other  town,  York, 
forinelv  known  by  the  name  of  Agmentlcus, 
from  ahif^li  hill  of  that  name  not  far  therefrom. 
The  pouit  of  land  whicli  hes  between  the  said 
towns,  is  called  cape  Nadduck,  making  a 
small  harbour  likewise,  into  whicli  issues  an- 
other pretty  river  on  the  banks  of  which  is 
■ituate  the  town  of  York.  All  or  most  of  the 
forementioned  towns  and  plantations  are  seat- 
ed upon  and  near  some  greater  or  less  river 
whose  streams  are  principally  improved  for 
driving  of  saw  mills,  those  late  inventions  so 
useful  for  the  destruction  of  wood  and  timber, 
especially  of  fir  trees  which  do  so  abound  in 
those  coasts,  that  there  is  scarce  a  river  or 
creek  in  those  parts  that  hath  not  some  of  those 
engines  erected  upon  them. 

The  upper  brandies  of  tlie  famous  river  of 
Piscataquabeingalsoemployed  all  of  them  that 
way,  namely.  Sturgeon  creek,  Salmon  falls, 
Newechewannick,  Quecheco,  Oyster  river, 
Swamscot,  Greenland,  Lamprey  Eel  river, 
together  with  the  towns  of  Esther  and  Dover, 
seated  upon  or  near  some  ofthe  main  branches 
thereof,  whose  principal  trade  is  in  deal  boards 
cut  by  those  saw  mills,  since  their  nft  timber 
is  near  all  consumed.  On  each  side  of  that 
fine  navigable  river  of  Piscataqua,  doiwn  to- 
wards the  mouth  of  it  are  seated  on  the  north 
side,  the  town  of  Kittery,  (a  long  scattering 
plantation  made  up  of  several  hamlets)  on  the 
south  side  ofthe  town  of  Portsmouth,  to  which 
belongs  the  great  island  lying  in  the  mouth  of 
the  said  river,  a  place  of  considerable  trade  of 
ate  years,  which  together  with  Strawberry 
Dank,  the  upper  part  of  the  said  town  of 
Portsmouth,  are  the  magazine  and  chief  or 
3nly  place  of  trade  and  commerce  for  all  the 
plantations  betwixt  it  and  the  Casco  bay. 
All  the  said  plantations  have  in  these  two  last 
years  1675  and  1676,  feltmore  or  less  ofthe  bar- 
barous and  perfidious  Indians  belonging  to 
that  side  of  the  country,  as  shall  more  particu- 
larly be  declared  in  what  follows,  after  a  short 
discourse  of  the  first  planting  of  the  country, 
which  may  serve  as  a  kind  of  prologue  to 
the  following  tragedy. 

This  part  of  New  England  began  first  to 
be  planted  about  the  same  time  with  Vir- 
ginia, viz.  in  the  year  1606.  There  the  first 
letter  patent  granted  by  the  king,  for  the 
limitation  of  Virginia,  did  extend  from  3'1  to 
44  degrees  of  north  latitude,  and  was  divided 
into  two  parts,  namely  the  first  and  the  se- 
cond colony  ;  the  former  was  appropiated  to 
the  city  of  London,  the  other  to  the  cities  of 
Bristol,  Exeter  and  the  town  of  Plymouth, 
each  of  which  had  laws,  privileges,  and  au- 
thority for  the  government,  and  advancing 
their  several  plantations  alike  as  saith  Capt. 
Smith  in  his  history  of  Virginia  and  New 
England.  This  second  colony  of  New  Eng- 
land, promising  but  little  advantage  to  the 
undertakers,  by  reason  of  its  mountainous 
and  rocky  situation,  found  but  few  adventu- 
rers forward  to  promote  the  planting  thereof 
after  the  death  of  Sir  John  Popliam,  who  was 
ih*  first  that  ever  procured  men  or  means  to 
possess  it  ;  for  when  the  main  pillars  are  re- 
moved, what  can  be  suspected  but  that  the 
whole  buildinof  should  fall  to  the  grround. 
Yet  notwithstanding  the  discouragements 
the  first  planters  met  with  in  their  first  winter 
seasoning  in  that  cold  and  rocky  desert 
(which  made  them  all  return  home  in  the 
year  1608)  Sir  Francis  Popham  his  son,  hav- 


ing the  ships  and  provisions  which  remained  | 
of  the  C()in[)aiiy,  and  supplying  what  was 
necessary  for  his  purpose,  sent  divers  times 
to  the  coast  for  trade  and  fishing,  of  whose 
loss  or  gain,  as  saith  my  author,  himself  was 
best  able  to  give  i^n  account  ;  and  some  of 
the  ships  sent  by  him,  and  the  Earl  of  South- 
hampton, with  other  noble  adventurers,  did 
bring  home  some  of  the  natives  of  the  place 
in  one  of  tlie  following  years,  by  whose  in- 
formation some  ofthe  first  undertakers  were 
encouraged  once  more  to  try  the  verity  of 
their  hopes,  and  see  if  ])ossibly  they  might 
find  something  that  could  induce  a  fresh  re- 
solution to  prosecute  so  pious  and  honorable 
a  work. 

But  in  the  mean  time  before  there  was  yet 
any  speech  or  endeavour  to  settle  any  other 
plantations  in  those  parts,  that  about  Sagada- 
hock  being  thus  abandoned  for  the  present, 
by  the  first  undertakers,  the  Frenchmen  im- 
mediately took  the  opportunity  to  settle  them- 
selves within  our  limits,  being  understood  by 
those  of  Virginia,  they  discreetly  taking  into 
their  consideration  the  Inconveniences  that 
might  arise  by  suffering  them  to  harbor  there. 
Sir  Samuel  Argal  was  sent  with  a  commis- 
sion to  displace  them  which  he  with  great  dis- 
cretion, dexterity,  and  judgment,  performed 
about  the  year  1613,  which  made  way  for  the 
plantation  at  Nova-Scotia,  granted  afterwards 
by  King  James  to  Sir  William  Alexander, 
one  of  his  majesty's  most  honorable  council  of 
Scotland.  The  said  Argal  seized  the  forts 
which  the  Frenchmen  had  built  at  Mount 
Mansel,  St.  Croix  and  Port  Real,  and  carried 
away  their  ordnance  and  provisions  to  the 
colony  of  Virginia,  to  their  great  benefit.  Th 
said  places  were  held  by  the  English  many 
years  after,  till  about  the  year  1695  by  com- 
mission from  the  Scotch  lord  aforesaid  ;  but 
how  his  right  came  afterwards  to  be  alienated 
to  any  of  the  French  nation,  doth  not  concern 
us  with  reference  to  the  business  in  hand,  fur- 
ther to  enquire. 

Things  remaining  in  this  posture  for  the 
space  of  near  seven  years,  some  ofthe  first  ad- 
venturers apprehensive  of  betterhopes  of  good 
that  might  ensue  by  a  fresh  attempt,  resolved 
to  set  the  design  a  foot  a  second  time,  to  which 
end  several  ships  were  sent  on  that  account  in 
the  year  1615,  but  with  as  bad  success  as  the 
former  ;  for  in  the  year  before,  viz.  1614, 
Capt.  Smith,  desirous  to  promoie  the  colony 
of  New  England,  as  well  as  that  of  Virginia, 
came  thither  with  two  vessels,  and  returned 
back  to  England  in  the  least  of  them,  with  in- 
tent to  be  there  again  the  next  year  to  pro- 
mote the  said  plantation ;  but  after  he  was  gone, 
one  Thomas  Hunt,  master  of  the  ship  he  left 
behind,  like  a  dishonest  man,  to  prevent  the 
carrying  on  the  plantation,  that  he  and  ?- few 
merchants  might  wholly  enjoy  the  benefit  of 
the  trade  of  the  country,  after  he  had  made 
his  voyage,  seized  upon  24  of  the  poor  innocent 
natives,  that  in  confidence  of  his  honesty,  had 
put  themselves  into  his  hands,  then  clapping 
them  under  hatches,  carried  them  away  to  Ma- 
laga, whither  he  was  bound  with  the  fish  he  had 
made  upon  the  coast, for  that  market ;  but  this 
vile  act,  although  it  deprived  him  forever  after 
of  any  more  employment  in  those  parts,  yet 
that  was  the  least  part  ofthe  mischief  that  at- 
tended this  wicked  practice;  for  upon  the  ar- 
rival of  the  adventurers  ships  the  next  year, 
two  natives  of  the  place  that  had  been  some 


years  in  England,  and  corning  back  unto  th» 
said  ships,  as  soon  as  th(!y  understood  ilic  in- 
jury so  treacherously  done  to  their  countrymen 
they  contracted  such  a  hatred  against  our 
whole  nation,  that  although  one  of  the  said  na- 
tives died  soon  after,yet  the  otluir  called  Kpe- 
now,  studied  how  to  be  revengtrd,  \\  liich  he 
so  far  found  means  to  eflect  that  he  frustrateii 
this  second  attempt  of  settling  a  plantation  in 
these  parts. 

Yet  did  not  tlie  adventurers  cast  off  all 
hopes  of  carrying  on  their  design.  Wherein 
Providence  within  a  few  years  so  favoured 
them  that  one  or  more  of  the  savages  called 
Tisquantom  and  Samoset,  carried  away  by 
Hunt,  was  brought  back  to  Newfonndhimi. 
from  whence  he  was  soon  after  ccmveyed  by 
the  prudent  endeavour  of  Capt.  Mason  (then 
governor  of  the  plantation  began  upon  New- 
foundland) into  the  hands  of  some  of  the  ad- 
venturers, by  whose  means  they  hoped 
work  a  peace  betwixt  the  said  natives  on 
that  coast  where  the  fire  had  been  kindleo 
before;  for  the  adventurers  employed  Capt 
Thomas  Darmer,  a  prudent  and  industrious 
gentleman,  to  settle  the  affair  ofthe  plantation 
now  a  third  time  revived  again  about  Ken- 
tucky, aboutthe  year  1619.  By  his  prudenc'g 
and  care  a  lasting  peace  was  made  betwixt 
the  natives  ofthe  place  and  the  English,  who 
were  but  a  little  before  so  abhorred  by  them 
for  the  wrong  formerly  received,  so  that  llu 
plantation  began  at  last  to  prosper,  and  con- 
tinue in  good  liking,  and  assurances  of  thf 
fritvidship  of  their  neighbours  that  had  beeu 
lately  exasperated  against  them.  This  Ti^ 
qauntum  before  mentioned,  was  most  instrii 
mental  and  helpful  to  the  plantation  begun  at 
New  Plymouth  about  the  following  years, 
1620,  in  their  weak  beginnings,  there  being 
frequent  mention  of  his  natne.asalso  of  one  Sa 
moset,  a  native  of  the  same  filace,  by  the  like 
providence  brought  back  to  Kennebeck,  and 
from  thence  with  Tisquantum  came  to  the  new 
planters  at  Patuxet,  or  Plymouth,  and  brought 
them  into  acquaintance  with  .Massasoit,  the 
sachem  about  those  parts,  without  whose 
friendship  that  new  plantation  would  hardly 
have  subsisted  long. 

This  story  premised,  is  the  more  to  be  ob- 
served in  this  place  because  the  friendship 
upon  the  means  and  occasions  aforesaid,  con- 
firmed between  the  Indians  in  these  eastern 
parts  and  the  English,  had  corrtinued  stodfast 
and  constant  to  this  year,  when  it  was  broken 
by  another  treacherous  and  wicked  practice 
of  a  like  nature,  and  parallel  to  that  ofthe 
aforesaid  Hunt,  as  may  more  fully  be  decla- 
red afterwards. 

Possibly  the  like  satisfaction  may  prove  the 
more  probable  means  to  procure  a  settled 
peace.  But  to  return  whence  this  digression 
hath  been  made.    Some  years  were  spent  to 

brinf  things  to  this  issue  :  The  adventurers 

1-1-1 
were  put  to  much  care  and  pains  belore  they 

could  get  their  patent  confirmed  and  renewed 

again  :  .Many  obstructions  they  met  with  from 

some  interlopers  who  began  to  look  into  th'» 

trade  of  this  country,  and  would  irregularly 

have  had  a  share  therein,  or  grade  it  common 

to  ail  traders,  to  which  end  they  petitioned  to 

a  parliament  then  called  to  bring  about  theit 

ends,  but  at  the  last  it  was  settled  firmly  in  the 

hands  of  sundry  noble  and  worthy  patentees, 

lords,  knights,  gentlemen,    and  merchants 

commonly  known  by  the  name  of  the  council 


664 


A  NARRATIVE  OF 


of  Plymouth,  who  had  the  absolute  power 
under  the  king  for  making  all  grants,  and  dis- 
posing of  all  lands  from  the  40th  to  the  48th 
degrees  north  latitude;  all  which  was  accom- 
plished about  the  year  1621.  Some  printed 
relations  tliat  speak  of  these  transactions,  write 
much  of  the  flourishing  state,  and  hopeful 
prosperity  of  tliis  plantation,  published  about 
fifty  years  since,  yet  did  it  never  appear  by 
what  followed,  that  any  considerable  advan- 
tage did  ever  accrue  to  the  first  undertakers, 
from  this  their  new  plantation  of  the  eastern 
parts,  unless  by  tlie  trade  offish  and  firs,  which 
latter  continued  not  long  ;  that  managed  it  by 
their  own  particular  flocks  and  personal  en- 
deavours; and  if  without  offence  it  may  be 
spoken,  the  multitude  of  patents  soon  after 
granted  to  gentlemen  of  broken  fortunes,  have 
provided  but  places  of  unhonorable  exile  or 
confinement,  whither  many  deserving  persons 
of  better  education  than  fortune,  were  sent  to 
shift  for  themselves  in  a  foreign  land,  without 
being  further  troublesome  to  those  nearer 
home,  on  whom  they  had  their  hopes  and  de- 
pendance ;  yet  it  must  not  be  denied  but  that 
Bome  of  the  undertakers  were  at  vast  ex- 
pence,  casting  their  bread  upon  these  waters, 
where  none  of  their  friends  and  relations  have 
as  yet  had  an  opportunity  to  find  it ;  The 
reason  of  which  is  not  hard  to  give,  in  refe- 
rence to  all  those  lands  and  territories  that  lie 
to  the  eastward  of  Piscataqua  river.  One 
main  cause  had  been  the  multiplicity  of  grants 
and  patents  for  the  dividing  of  the  said  tract 
of  land  for  besides  the  strife  that  hath  been 
occasioned  by  the  intricacy  and  indistinctness 
of  their  liberties  and  bounds,  (enough  to  ha\  e 
maintained  a  greater  number  of  lawyers  than 
ever  were  the  inhabitants)  if  the  grantees  had 
been  supplied  with  monies  proportionable  to 
iheir  suits  and  controversies  about  their  bounds 
and  jurisdictions,  which  sometimes  they  have 
been  ready  to  decide  with  tlieir  swords,  wit- 
ness those  fatal  names  imposed  on  such  ac- 
counts upon  some  places  belonging  to  those 

farts,  as  Bloody  Point,  Black  Point,  Blue 
'oint,  and  every  considerable  parcel  of  land 
being  by  patent  granted  to  several  partic- 
ular persons  hindered  the  erection  of  town- 
sliips  and  villages,  which  if  it  had  been  other- 
wise disposed  of,  might  have  been  full  of 
towns,  and  well  peopled,  and  thereby  tlie  in- 
habitants had  been  able  to  have  stood  upon 
their  guard,  and  defended  themselves  against 
the  common  enemy,  whereas  now  they  were; 
but  llkt}  scnpne  disohitoe,  or  like  his  arrows 
that  being  Ixiund  up  in  one  bundle  could  not 
be  broken  by  an  ordinary  force,  but  being 
loose,  w»!re  easily  snapped  asunder  by  any 
single  hand.  Another  nmson  miglit  be,  the 
employing  of  such  agents  and  instruments  as 
f'ilher  wanted  skill  or  fidelity  to  manage  what 
they  wore  entrusted  with,  'which  made  many 
of  the  a<lventur<;r3  long  ago  complain,  that  in- 
stead of  bills  of  exchange  and  otiier  returns 
which  lluiy  expected,  tlioy  received  nothing 
Init  large  inventories  of  the  wants  of  their  sev- 
eral plantations,  and  the  servants  sent  over  to 
improve  the;n,  which  were  all  the  returns  that 
many  of  them  ever  r(;c(MVC(]  for  the  Inrgo  sums 
of  money  many  disbursed  for  the  carrying  on 
their  affairs.  A  third  reason  may  bo  the  sev- 
eral changes  of  government  tlie  inhabitants 
liavi!  passed  undiir,  which  hiivo  occasioned  not 
only  much  vexailon  and  oxpence  to  such  as 
were  upon  the  place,  but  much  discourage- 


ment to  several  others  who  by  the  commo- 
diousness  of  the  place  would  willingly  have 
chosen  stations  in  those  parts,  had  they  seen 
any  hope  of  a  settled  government  ever  like  to 
be  obtained;  which  is  not  hard  to  demonstrate 
by  giving  a  little  touch  as  we  pass  along,  on 
the  several  changes  of  government  the  places 
aforementioned  have  been  moulded  into,  and 
the  several  proprietor?  that  of  late  have  clai- 
med interest  in  the  land.  In  the  year  1624,  a 
patent  was  granted  by  the  council  of  Plymouth, 
thegrand  proprietors, to  Capt.  Mason,foralarge 
tract  of  land  aljout  Piscataqua,  but  it  not  being 
distinctly  bounded,  himself  with  Sir  Ferdinan- 
do  Gorges,  obtained  a  joint  patent  in  the  year 
1539,  for  the  land  betwixt  the  east  of  Sagada- 
hock,  and  west  of  Namukeag,  but  that  also 
interfering  with  the  bounds  granted  before  that 
time  to  sundry  gentlemen  merchants  that  had 
obtained  a  patent  from  the  south  of  Charles 
river,  to  the  northward  of  Merrimack,  Capt. 
Mason's  bounds  were  afterwards  by  consent 
(as  is  said)  of  his  agent  or  agents,  reduced  to 
some  branches  about  Piscataqua  river  (who 
yet  could  not  agree  with  those  that  acted  in 
the  name  of  Shrewsbury  men)  but  being  whol- 
ly neglected  by  the  pretended  proprietor  or  his 
successor  (till  of  late  days)  was  by  the  desire 
of  the  inhabitants  yielded  up  to  the  Massachu- 
setts government  near  twenty  years  since. 

In  the  year  1630  a  patent  was  granted  by 
said  council  of  Plymouth  (signed  by  the  Earl 
of  Warwick,  and  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  and 
sealed  with  the  common  seal  of  the  council 
aforesaid)  to  .lohn  Dy,  Thomas  Lupe,  Grace 
Harding,  and  John  Roach,  of  London,  for 
a  large  tract  of  land  on  the  south  side  of  Sa- 
gadahock,  forty  miles  square  by  the  sea-side, 
and  so  up  Into  the  country:  John  Dy,  afore- 
said, and  his  partners  took  in  another  as  part- 
ner and  associate  w-ith  them,  Mr.  Richard 
Duminer, of  Newbury,  in  England,  In  the  year 
1633,  to  whom  they  delivered  the  original 
patent,  with  an  order  from  them,  and  In  their 
name  to  take  up  the  land  described  in  the 
patent,  but  he  being  denied  opportunity  to 
efl^ect  it,  as  also  a  ship  formerly  sent  by  the 
patentees  for  tliat  end,  not  accomplishing  their 
desire,  they  not  long  after  sold  all  their  interest 
in  tlie  said  patent,  to  one  Mr.  RIgby,  a  Lan- 
cashire gentleman,  who  made  Mr,  Cleaves 
his  agent  to  manage  the  business  of  his  purcha- 
sed Interest  in  tlie  said  patent :  to  whom  31  r. 
Dummer  was  ordered  to  deliver  the  original 
patent,  which  accordingly  he  did  :  What  trou- 
ble was  occasioned  soon  after  between  the  said 
Mr.  Cleaves  and  Mr.  Umes,  agent  for  Sir  Fer- 
dinando Gorges,  is  well  known  to  the  Inhabi- 
tants of  the  place  and  need  not  here  be  men- 
tioned ;  nor  yet  how  the  said  Mr.  Rigby  came 
forward  to  lose  his  interest,  at  least  with  the 
Inhabitants  in  the  patent. 

In  the  year  1632,  Sir  Ferdinado  Gorges  not 
trusting  in  the  joint  ])alent  for  himself  and 
Capt.  Mason,  obtained  a  distinct  j)atent  for 
himself  and  got  confirmed  by  King  Charles 
the  first,  of  blessed  memory,  for  all  that  large 
tract  of  land  from  Sagudahock  to  Piscatacjua 
river,  and  so  about  an  hundred  miles  uj)  Into 
the  country,  by  the  name  of  the  Province  of 
Maine.  What  benefit  aiul  improvement  was 
ever  made  thereof  by  his  agent  or  successors, 
is  best  known  to  themselves  ;  but  for  the  in- 
habitants, who  upon  one  acco\mt  or  another 
liad  iietui  induced,  cither  by  any  precedaneous 
grant  or  liberty  from  himself  or  his  agents,  to 


take  up  any  land  within  the  bounds  of  the  said 
province  ;  they  finding  much  inconvenlencie? 
and  tremble  for  want  of  an  orderly  and  settled 
government,  did  at  the  last,  petition  the  gen- 
eral court  of  Massachusetts  to  be  taken  under 
their  jurisdiction  and  government  (reserving 
the  liberties  and  privileges  of  their  fonner  pur- 
chases and  grants,  as  to  the  title,  possession, 
and  property  of  themselves)  which  was  gran- 
ted them,  though  not  only  and  altogethei  upon 
the  grounds  on  which  it  was  desired  by  the 
petitioners.  Yet  notwithstanding  all  this, 
things  were  not  settled  either  to  the  comfort 
or  content  of  tiie  inhabitants  :  For  sometimes 
some  demanded  right  of  jurisdiction  over 
them,  by  virtue  of  Sir  Ferdinando's  patent, 
sometimes  commissioners  employed  by  his 
Highness  the  dukeofYork,  attempted  to  set- 
tle a  government  amongst  the  people  ;  some- 
times they  tried  what  might  be  done  by  agree- 
ment amongst  themselves,  but  after  their  re- 
turn for  England,  by  one  mean  or  other  the 
government  relapsed  a^aln  into  the  hands  of 
Massachusetts,  although  a  supersedas  there- 
unto seems  to  have  been  put  by  an  order  from 
his  majesty  this  last  year. 

By  tlie  several  vicissitudes  and  changes  of 
government, the  flourishing oi" the  said  province 
hath  been  much  obstructed,  which  else  might 
have  been  advanced,  and  the  inhabitants  beea 
put  into  a  capacity  to  have  secured  themselves 
against  the  late  barbarous  incursions  of  the  In- 
dians,might  thereby  have  been  prevented,  and 
so  the  mischief  also  which  hath  ensued  might 
thereby  have  been  averted:  For  a  well  ordered 
goverment  would  never  have  suffered  those 
that  now  were  connived  at,  which  if  they  had 
been  timely  looked  into  by  such  as  had  abso- 
lute or  positive  and  unquestioned  power  of  rule 
In  their  hands,  would  have  been  otherwise  or- 
dered, the  present  iiilschief  that  is  come  upon 
those  places,  might  thereby  have  been,  if  not 
prevented,  yet  more  easily  redressed,  than 
now  it  is  like  to  be. 

As  for  the  tract  iif  land  that  lies  eastward  be- 
yond Kennelieck  betwixt  that  and  Pemriiii- 
(juld,  it  is  said  to  have  belonged  toone  Mr.  Aid- 
worth  and  his  successors,  who  was  alderman 
of  Bristol,  and  on  that  had  a  patent  thereof, 
and  emploj^ed  some  as  his  agents,  that  did 
sometimes  reside  upon  the  place,  and  was  late 
ly  settled  in  some  order  or  goverment  by  hif 
highness  the  duke  of  York's  commissioners, 
by  whom  also  was  an  agreement  made  betwixt 
the  sagamores  of  the  Indians  In  those  parts 
and  the  English,  at  a  court  kept  by  their  ap- 
pointment in  Kennebeck  w  hich  if  It  had  been 
observed,  niight  in  all  probability  have  pre- 
ventetl  in  great  measure  the  quarrel  which  is 
now  fallen  out  between  the  English  and  In- 
dians :  For  upon  some  jealousies  of  tlie  rising 
of  those  Indians  about  twelve  or  thirteen 
years  since,  it  was  agreed  that  If  any  mis- 
chief should  happen  to  bo  done  by  the  En- 
glish or  1  ndians  one  against  another,  though  it 
were  to  the  killing  any  person,  neither  side 
should  right  themselves,  but  complaint  should 
be  made  to  the  sagamores  if  tiie  Indians  did 
the  wrong  and  to  the  court  if  It  was  done  by 
the  English  :  both  which  did  promise  tliAl 
satisfaction  should  be  made  for  the  j)rev  enting 
any  quarrel  :  The  names  of  the  sachems,  as 
likewise  of  them  that  were  in  power  at  the 
court,  do  still  remain  upon  public  record. 
But  matters  of  government  In  tho.=c  parts  be- 
ing since  collapsed,  no  authc  rity  more  that 


THE   INDIAN  WARS. 


608 


was  merely  voluntary,  and  [ifrsuasivc  being 
owned,  things  are  now  brought  to  that  rnis- 
eraifle  state  which  follows  next  to  bo  declared. 

Ever  since  tlie  first  settling  of  any  English 
plantation  iii  those  parts  about  Kennebcck,  lor 
the  space  of  about  fifty  years,  the  Indians  al- 
ways carried  it  fair  and  held  good  corres- 
pondence with  the  English,  until  the  news 
came  of  Philip's  rebelling,  and  rising  against 
the  inhabitants  of  Plymouth  colony  in  the  end 
of  June,  1G75  ;  after  which  time  it  was  ap- 
prehended by  such  as  had  the  examination  of 
the  Indians  about  Kennebeck,  that  there  was 
a  general  surmise  amongst  them,  that  they 
should  be  required  to  assist  the  said  Philip  al- 
though they  would  not  own  that  they  were  at 
all  engaged  in  the  quarrel.  The  like  jealou. 
sies  did  appear  in  all  the  Indians  that  iiihabi- 
ted  to  the  eastward  of  Piscataqua,  which  plain- 
ly show  that  there  was  a  design  of  general  ri- 
sing of  the  Indians  a<rainst  the  Ensrlish  all 

o  p  ~  .     .  . 

over  the  country  (possibly  as  far  as  Virginia, 

the  Indians  there  making  insurrections  the 
same  year)  and  that  many  if  not  most  of  them 
were  willing  it  should  succeed,  although  tlie 
oldest  and  wisest  of  them,  did  not  like  it,  fear- 
ing the  issue  as  they  had  cause  :  But  many 
of  the  young  men  about  Casco  bay,  and  Am- 
oscoggin,  were  certalidy  known  to  flock  thith- 
er the  last  year,  and  did  sundry  of  them  come 
short  home  :  For  herein  they  acted  but  like 
savages,  as  those  of  Virginia  did  but  fifty 
years  before,  shewing  themselves  friendly  and 
courteous  to  their  new  neighbours  till  they  had 
op[)ortunity  to  do  them  mischief.  So  that 
notwithstanding  many  of  the  inhabitants  in  the 
eastern,  as  in  the  western  parts  of  the  country, 
that  were  wont  to  trade  with  the  Indians, 
were  not  willing  to  l)elieve  any  such  purpose 
among  them,  but  were  ready  to  think  some  of 
the  ruder  sort  of  the  English,  by  their  impru- 
dent and  irregular  actions,  have  driven  them 
into  this  rebellion;  yet  is  it  too  evident  that 
the  said  Indians  (who  naturally  delight  in 
bloody  and  deceitful  actions)  did  lay  hold  of 
any  opportunity  that  might  serve  as  a  pretence 
for  their  barbarous  practices.  Indians  about 
VVammeset  and  Piscataqua,  that  had  joined 
with  their  countrymen  in  their  rising  against 
the  English  the  last  winter,  \vhen  they  were 
pinched  with  hunger,  in  the  cold  winter  fol- 
lowing returned  back  to  the  English,  and  de- 
sired to  make  peace,  and  firmly  engaged  to 
continue  their  wonted  friendship;  yea,  some 
of  them,  as  if  they  were  really  sorry  for  the 
murders  and  cruelties,  of  their  own  voluntary 
motion  came  with  the  prisoners  they  had  ta- 
ken, and  resigned  them  up  to  the  English,  yet 
when  their  own  ends  were  answered  and  an- 
other opportunity  was  offered  of  doing  fur- 
ther mischief  of  a  like  nature,  they  presently 
returned  to  their  former  practice,  as  is  well 
known  of  Simon  and  Andrew,  that  had  killed 
some,  and  led  others  captive  the  last  spring 
from  Bradford  and  Haverhill,  who  came  in  the 
end  of  June  to  Major  Walden's,  bringing  home 
English  prisoners  with  them,  yet  did  the  ve- 
ry same  Indians  within  less  than  two  months 
after  join  with  Amoscoggin  and  Kennebeck 
Indians  in  committing  the  said  tragedies  that 
were  last  acted  in  those  parts,  yet  was  he 
and  his  partner  suffered  to  escape  for  want 
of  sufficient  guarding  t  ie  prison  where  tliey 
were  put  in  ordi-r  for  further  trial.  But  srro 
tapriant  phyrgee ;  it  is  hoped  that  we  shall 
after  some  few  more  experiences  of  this  na- 


ture, learn  to  beware  of  this  subtle  brood  and 
generation  of  vipers.  Ever  since  enmity  was 
put  between  the  seed  of  the  woman  and  the 
seed  of  the  serpent,  it  hath  been  the  portion 
of  her  seed  in  every  generation,  and  in  every 
nation  to  meet  with  the  sad  efiects  of  that  en- 
mity; nor  can  they  ever  expect  to  find  better 
dealing  from  any  of  the  other  sort,  further 
than  either  of  their  power  or  hope  of  benefit 
by  their  favour  may  induce  them  to  another 
disposition,  as  we  the  inhabitants  of  New  En- 
gland have  found  by  their  late  and  sad  expe- 
rience in  reference  to  these  pagans  in  the  west 
whom  amogst  whom  our  lot  is  cast,  they  pro- 
ving, is  one  says  of  the  Mahometans  in  the 
east,  like  a  nest  of  hornets,  that  if  any  one  of 
them  chance  to  be  provoked  they  will  bo  all 
about  his  ears  that  comes  near  tnem.  But  it 
is  time  to  begin  with  the  particulars  of  the 
tragedy  itself,  that  the  reader  account  not 
I  the  prologue  too  long.  It  was  on  the  24th 
of  June  1675,  when  the  first  mischief  was 
done  by  the  Indians  about  Mount  Hope, 
before  20  days  were  over,  the  first  fire  be- 
gan to  kindle  in  these  more  remote  and  nor- 
therly bounds  of  the  said  country,  or  two  hun- 
dred and  fifty  miles  distance,  and  upon  this 
occasion,  the  11th  of  July,  1675,  a  letter  was 
brought  to  Kennebeck  from  one  Henry  Saw- 
yer, an  inhabitant  of  York,  signifying  the 
news  of  the  Indians  rising  about  Plymouth, 
and  that  a  course  was  taken  to  disarm  them 
along  the  shore.  This  rumour  did  so  far 
awaken  the  inhabitants,  that  the  very  ne.xt 
day,  at  a  general  meeting  of  the  Eng- 
lish, at  one  Capt.  Pattishal's  house,  several 
offered  themselves  as  volunteers  to  go  up  the 
said  river  of  Kennebeck,  to  make  discovery 
of  the  Indians  fidelity,  oc  else  to  fight  them  if 
there  was  occasion.  The  third  day  after  mar- 
ching up  the  river,  to  Quegebeck,  they  met 
with  the  inhabitants  of  Sheepscot  river,  which 
is  a  river  lying  about  twelve  or  fijurteeii  miles 
to  the  northeast  of  Kennebeck.  Divers  of 
the  Indians  thereabouts  by  the  persuasion  of 
one  Mr.  Walker,  that  used  to  trade  with  them, 
brought  down  an  inconsiderable  part  of  their 
ammunition,  as  a  few  guns,  a  little  powder 
and  shot,  with  a  few  knives.  About  7  of  the 
Kennebeck  Indians,  and  five  of  tliose  called 
Amoscoggin  Indians,  about  Pegypscot  (a  ri- 
ver more  southward  towards  Casco)  made 
ihis  pretence  of  bringing  their  arms,  Capt. 
Lake,  Capt.  Pattishall,  with  Mr.  Wiswal  in 
whose  hands  was  settled  a  kind  of  military 
power  for  those  parts,  were  sent  for  further 
to  examine  the  said  Indians,  of  whom  upon 
examination  they  saw  reason  to  suspect  some 
if  not  all  ;  whereupon  they  sent  messengers  a 
second  time  to  the  Amoscoggin  Indians,  and 
also  a  letter  to  Mr.  Walker,  to  send  down 
their  arms  and  ammunition  to  them  for  their 
greater  security.  After  Mr.  Wiswal  was  re- 
turned home,  the  5  Amoscoggin  Indians  afore- 
said, brought  in  their  guns,  but  probably  with 
no  good  intent;  for  an  Indian  called  Sowcn, 
having  an  axe  in  his  hand,  struck  at  oneHosea 
Hallet,  a  Frenchman,  but  was  prevented  from 
doing  him  mischief ;  however,  the  said  Intlian 
was  presently  bound  and  put  up  into  a  cellar. 
Some  of  the  English  that  used  to  trade  with 
those  Indians  w  ere  ready  to  excuse  the  Indian, 
sayinsf  he  was  drunk,  or  that  he  was  a  distrac- 
ted fellow.  Mr.  Wiswal  with  the  other  two 
examinents,  looked  u[)on  those  as  mere  excu- 
ses, and  altogether  groundless,  for  one  of  them 


to  this  day  affirms  that  he  was  as  ratlon(tl  and 
sensible  as  any  of  the  rest. 

The  ancient  Indians  being  asked  what  they 
thought  was  meet  to  be  done  in  the  said  case, 
said  he  was  worthy  to  die  for  such  an  affront, 
yet  they  would  be  glad  if  his  life  might  be 
spared,  offering  to  be  jointly  bound  in  his  be- 
half, to  pay  forty  beaver  skins  at  next  fall  \oy- 
age,  giving  their  hands  in  token  of  ihrir  fidel- 
ity, and  also  leaving  their  arms  in  the  liat.iia 
of  the  English  as  a  pledge  of  their  faithful  kee- 
ping those  articles  of  peace  concluded  on  be- 
twixt them.  ]f  they  pro\e<l  themselves  hon- 
est men  they  were  to  have  their  arms  again, 
which  was  accordingly  performed  the  last  of 
.lune,  1676;  they  having  in  the  mean  lime  car- 
ri(Hl  themselves  j)eaceably  towards  the  Eng- 
lish. The  day  aiter,  an  Indian  called  Robin- 
Hood,  with  gre->t  applause  of  the  rest,  made  a 
dance,  and  sang  a  song  to  declare  their  content 
in  w  hat  was  transacted  ;  and  so  they  parted 
setting  the  Indians  at  liberty  that  had  thus  en 
gaged  for  their  friend  Sowen,  the  Indian  ;  but 
yet  to  this  day  not  one  skin  of  beaver  was 
ever  paid  to  the  English,  as  was  promised,  the 
Indians  all  this  while  were  well  provided  f()i 
victuals  by  Capt.  Lake,  with  other  supplies 
of  rum  and  tobacco,  even  to  the  digustmg  of 
some  English  tlicn  present. 

But  the  Indians  left  as  hostages  upon  Sow 
en's  account,  however  civilly  they  were  treat 
ed,  ran  all  away  at  the  last,  trusting  more  lo 
the  celerity  of  their  own  feet,  than  to  the 
civility  of  their  English  friends,  w  ho  after 
they  were  escaped,  joined  with  a  parcel  of 
their  fellows  soon  after,  about  20  in  all,  in  rob- 
bing the  house  of  one  Mr.  Purchase,  an  an- 
■ient  planter  about  Pegy[)scot  river,  and  a 
known  trader  with  the  Indians,  whatever 
wrong  may  be  jiretended  by  the  said  Indians, 
as  done  them  in  their  trading,  (of  which  mort; 
may  be  spoken  afterwards)  that  will  in  no- 
W'ise  excuse  their  perfidious  treachery  and 
falsehood,  in  breaking  covenant  with  the  En- 
glish, dissembling  and  seeking  all  advanla- 
tages  of  cruelty  against  their  English  neigh- 
bours, of  which  in  the  followina:  winter  and 
summer,  1676,  there  will  be  a  more  full  and 
undeniable  discovery.  This  w  as  done  in  the 
beginning  of  September,  1675.  Those  Inili- 
ans  that  first  assaulted  Mr.  Purchase's  house, 
did  no  other  mischief  than  plundering  it  of 
strong  liquor  and  ammunition,  also  killing  a 
calf  or  two,  with  a  few  sheep,  but  no  more 
than  what  they  ate,  and  spoiling  a  feather  betl 
by  ripping  it  open  to  tiirn  out  the  feathers, 
contenting  themselves  with  the  case,  which 
they  might  more  easily  carry  away.  They 
offered  no  incivility  to  the  mistress  of  the  house 
(her  husband  and  sons  being  at  that  time 
from  home)  yet  one  of  her  sons  approaching 
near  the  house  and  finding  it  possessed  bv 
those  new  inhabitants,  he  rode  away  with  all 
speed,  and  yet  no  faster  than  there  was  need, 
for  an  Indian  followed  him  with  a  gun  under 
his  coat  to  have  got  within  the  reach  of 
piece. 

It  is  said  that  at  the  first  they  used  fair 
words  and  spoke  of  tradinsr,  but  as  they  went 
away,  told  those  of  the  house,  that  there  were 
others  comins;  tifterthat  would  deal  far  worse 
with  them:  wliich  within  a  short  time  after 
came  to  pass,  for  these  were  but  tlie  messen- 
gers of  death  which  was  soon  after  inflicted, 
and  that  in  a  most  barbarous  mannerupon  sun- 
dry inhabitants  of  the  neigboring  plantation* 


m 


A  NARRATIVE  OF 


The  English  in  those  parts  being  much  in- 
censed hereat,  25  of  ihetn  soon  after  going  up 
Casco  bay  m  a  sloup  and  two  hoati  to  gatiier 
Indian  corn  atid  to  look  to  what  they  l;ad  u[)- 
on  the  said  bay,  near  Amoscoggin  river; 
.vhen  they  came  near  the  houses  they  heard 
a  knocltii'g,  and  a  noise  about  the  houses,  and 
presently  espied  two  or  three  Indians,  who 
as  yet  did  not  see  them.  The  English  being 
come  a  good  way  from  their  vessel,  endea- 
voured to  get  between  the  Indians  and  the 
woods,  which  when  they  perceived  tliey  ran 
towards  the  water  side,  but  the  English  in 
pursuit  killed  one  of  them  and  wounded  an- 
other, who  however  escaped  away  in  a  ca- 
noe across  the  river,  a  third  running  back  to- 
wards tlie  woods  fled  to  the  other  Indians  and 
acipjainted  them  with  what  was  done,  who 
presently  came  down  and  lay  in  wait  to  in- 
tercept the  English,  that  thought  of  no  dan- 
ger, but  scattered  themselves  all  about  the 
place  to  gather  their  corn  and  lade  their  boats 
therewith,  but  before  they  were  ready  to  go 
away  the  Indians  coming  down  fired  upon 
them  and  forced  them  all  into  tlie  sloop  ;  had 
not  some  of  them  been  better  prepared  than 
the  rest,  they  might  all  have  been  cut  off; 
for  some  little  resistance  being  made  by  them 
that  were  ready  with  their  guns,  it  gave  the 
rest  an  opportunity  to  get  all  into  the  sloop, 
yet  not  without  many  wounds.  So  with  much 
ado,  they  all  escaped  with  their  lives,  leaving 
the  two  boats  almost  laden  with  corn,  a  j)rey 
to  the  Indians,  who  presently  burnt  one,  and 
plundered  the  other  of  all  that  was  therein; 
some  are  ready  to  think  that  the  English  did 
imprudently  begin  the  quarrel,  and  not  first 
enquire  into  what  tin;  Indians  were  about  in 
the  house,  and  seek  redress  accordin£f  to  the 
aforementioned  agreement,  made  at  the  court 
at  Bennebeek.  Jiut  if  this  happened  after 
wl.'Qt  follows  next  to  be  related,  viz.  that 
whicii  was  done  to  old  Mr.  Wakely  and  his 
family,  the  English  can  be  Idamed  for  noth- 
ing but  their  negligence  and  security,  in  that 
iiaving  alarmed  their  enemi<;s,  they  stood  not 
bett(!r  upon  their  guarvl,  which  is  not  very 
certain;  for  it  is  thought  that  wifhin  a  few 
days  after,  or  the  next  week,  a  more  horrible 
outrage  was  committed  upon  the  family  of  an 
ancient  man,  whose  name  was  Wakely,  an  in- 
Iiabitant  of  Casco  bay,  who  had  some  discon- 
tent which  afterwards  he  often  bewailed,  re- 
solving either  to  have  returned  back,  or  else 
to  have  removed  to  some  securer  place,  but 
ho  was  arrested  by  the  sons  of  violence  be- 
fore he  could  effect  his  purpose. 

This  old  man,  together  with  liis  wife,  his 
Kon,  and  his  daughter  in  law, (then  far  advan- 
ced ill  pregancy)witluhree  grand  childrenwere 
cruelly  murdered  by  those  barbarbous  savages 
iit  one  time  ;  another  of  his  grandchildren  was 
taken  alive  and  led  into  captivity,  a  daughter 
iif  his  was  said  to  be  carried  to  Narraganset, 
which  shows  that  they  joined  with  tlie  south- 
ern India.is  in  tin?  rebellion.  When  on(>  these 
Indians  had  embrucd  their  hands  in  English 
blood,  they  were  emboldened  to  the  like  l)loo- 
dy  attempts  in  the  adjacent  places. 

This  Wakely  lived  so  far  from  his  neigh- 
bours, or  else  was  encompassed  with  creeks 
or  rivirs,  that  no  relii-f  could  presently  be 
■lent  to  hirn  ;  however,  Lieut  IngersoU,  of 
Casco,  die  next  day  with  a  file  of  men,  re- 
pnireil  to  the  place  where  his  hoii«e  stood  to 
•ue  what  was  tlie  reason  of  Uie  firo  they  dis- 


cerned the  day  before,  where  they  found  the 
house  burnt  to  ashes,  the  body  of  the  old  man 
half  consumed  with  the  fire,  the  young  wo- 
man killed  and  three  of  the  grandchildren  ha- 
ving their  brains  beat  out  and  their  bodies 
laid  under  some  oaken  planks  not  far  from 
the  house  ;  one  girl  of  about  11  years  old,  was 
carried  ca{)tive  by  them,  and  having  been  car- 
ried up  and  down  the  country  some  hundreds 
of  miles,  as  far  as  Narraganset  fort,  was  this 
last  June  returned  back  to  Major  Waldern's 
by  one  Squando,  the  sagamore  of  Saco ;  a 
strange  mixture  of  mercy  and  cruelty. 

Soon  after  Capt.  Bonithon's  and  Major 
Philips'  dwellings  were  assaulted,  one  on  the 
east,  the  otlier  on  the  west  side  of  Saco  river. 
It  is  said  they  had  seasonable  notice  of  what 
was  intended  against  them  by  their  barbarous 
enemies,  those  Amoscoggin  Indians,  bv  the 
Indian  of  Saco,  their  neighbour,  better  mind- 
ed than  the  rest  of  his  countrymen,  who  ob- 
serving a  strange  Indian  coming  to  his  wig- 
wam in  company  with  some  of  his  acquain- 
tance, one  of  whom  informed  him  of  the  rest 
with  the  stranger  were  gone,  that  the  said 
stranger  came  from  the  westward,  and  that 
his  business  was  to  persuade  the  eastern  In- 
dians to  fall  upon  the  English  in  their  dwell- 
ings here,  as  the  rest  had  done  to  the  west- 
ward. Capt.  Bonithon,  either  upon  this  in- 
formation, or  upon  the  knowledge  of  what 
was  done  a  little  before  at  Casco,  had  left  his 
house,  and  was  retired  over  the  river  witii 
his  family  to  Major  Philips'  garrison.  Thus 
two  are  better  than  one,  for  otherwise  both 
might  have  been  destroyed  ;  for  upon  the 
eighteenth  of  September  following,  being  the 
seventh  day  of  the  week,  about  11  o'clock 
those  at  Major  Philips'  garrison  saw  Capt. 
Bonithon's  house  on  fire,  which  by  the  good 
providence  of  God  was  to  them  as  the  firing 
a  beacon  giving  them  notice  to  look  to  them- 
selves, their  eneniies  beinj;  now  come  :  for 
otherwise  they  might,  to  their  great  disadvan- 
tage, have  been  too  suddenly  surprised,  for 
within  half  an  hour  after  they  were  upon 
them,  when  a  sentinel  placed  in  a  chamber 
gave  notice  that  he  saw  an  Indian  by  the 
fence  side  near  a  cornfield;  Major  Philips, 
not  willing  to  believe  till  he  might  see  with 
his  own  eyes,  ran  hastily  up,  another  of  his 
men  coming  after  cried,  major  what  do  you 
mean  ?  do  you  intend  to  be  killed  1  at  which 
words  he  turned  from  the  window  out  of 
wliich  he  wiis  looking,  when  presently  a  bul- 
let struck  him  on  the  shoulder,  grazing  only 
upon  it  without  breaking  the  bone.  The  In- 
dians upon  the  shot,  thinking  he  had  been 
slain  thereby  (as  they  had  heard  afterwards) 
gave  a  great  shout,  upon  which  they  discern- 
ed that  they  were  surrounded  by  them,  where- 
upon they  instantlv  fired  on  the  enemy  from 
all  (piarters,  and  from  the  flankers  of  the  for- 
tification, so  as  they  wounded  the  captain  of 
the  Indians,  who  presently  leaving  the  assault, 
retired  three  or  four  miles  from  the  place, 
where  he  soon  after  died,  as  they  were  infor- 
med :  He  counselled  them  to  leave  the  siege, 
but  they  were  resolved  not  so  to  quit  the 
place ;  nor  were  those  witliin  less  resolute  to 
defend  it :  one  of  the  best  men  was  soon  after 
disabled  from  any  further  service,  by  a  wound 
he  received  iu  one  of  the  volliee,  made  by  the 
assailants  ;  Init  that  did  not  in  the  least  daunt 
the  rest  of  the  tlefendants,  who  continued  still 
to  fire  upon  the  enemy  :  Tiiis  dispute  lasted 


about  an  liour,  after  which  the  enemy  de.«pair- 
ing  to  take  the  house  by  assault,  thongiit  up- 
on a  device  how  to  burn  it. 

First,  firing  the  house  of  one  of  his  tcnanis, 
then  his  saw-mill,  iioping  by  that  means  to 
draw  them  out  of  the  garrison  to  put  out  the 
fire,  but  missing  of  their  purpose  in  that,  they 
called  out,  you  English  cowardly  dogs,  come 
out  and  quench  the  fire.  They  continued  this 
sport  all  the  afternoon  continually  fi.-ing  upon 
them.  The  besieged  hoped  for  relief  fr<)in 
the  towns  but  none  came,  the  major  still  en- 
couraging his  men  to  hold  it  out  which  they 
manfully  did  all  that  night,  when  they  were 
alarmed  almost  every  half  hour ;  and  be- 
tween whiles  they  could  hear  their  axes  and 
other  instruments,  knocking  about  the  mills  till 
the  next  day.  Those  within  the  house  con- 
ceived they  were  preparing  some  engine 
wherewith  to  burn  the  house,  which  really 
was  the  case,  for  about  four  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  at  the  sitting  of  the  moon  when  he 
saw  a  cart  with  four  wheels,  having  a  barri- 
cade built  in  the  forepart  to  keep  off  shot,  and 
filled  with  combustible  matter,  birch  rinds, 
straw,  powder,  and  poles  20  feet  long  ready 
to  fire  the  house  ;  he  bid  them  let  them  drive 
it  within  pistol  shot,  before  they  made  any 
shot  against  them  ;  his  men  were  a  little  dis- 
couraged at  the  sight  of  this  engine  ;  but  he 
bid  them  be  of  good  courage,  and  use  means, 
putting  their  trust  in  God.  who,  he  was  con- 
fident would  relieve  them.  The  cart  when 
br  iught  a  little  nearer  became  unwieldy  by 
reason  of  the  barricado  planted  in  it,  and  be- 
ing to  pass  through  a  small  gutter,  one  wheel 
stuck  fast  in  the  slough,  which  brought  the 
cart  suddenly  to  the  left  whereby  the  drivers 
lay  all  open  to  their  right  flanker,  when  they 
fired  upon  them  out  of  the  said  flanker,  and 
having  so  fair  a  shot  upon  them,  and  not  be- 
ing above  pistol  shot  from  the  place,  they  kil- 
led 6  of  the  enemy,  and  wounded  15,  as  they 
found  afterwards,  which  no  doubt  made  them 
too  late  to  repent  of  their  resolution,  not  to 
follow  their  ca|)tain's  coimsel  and  example 
in  leaving  the  siege  ;  for  now  they  presently 
parted  :  so  as  at  sunrise  those  within  thehouse 
40  of  them  marching  away,  but  how  many 
more  were  in  the  company  they  could  not  tell. 

The  Indians  it  seems  went  towards  Blue 
Point  where  it  is  said  they  killed  several  per- 
sons, but  those  In  the  house  feared,  the  major 
was  called  by  the  men  to  look  out  for  more  lielp, 
as  they  expected  their  return ;  but  it  seems  their 
courage  failed  tlicmas  to  another  attempt  upon 
an  house  so  well  garrisoned  and  manfully  de- 
fended. Major  Phillips  sent  to  the  town  for 
help  acquainting  them  with  what  had  passed, 
but  none  was  sent  them  either  that  day  or  the 
next,  so  having  spent  almost  all  their  ammu- 
nitions, the  people  that  were  with  him  would 
not  be  perusaded  totarry  longer  than  Tuesday 
morning,  which  constrained  him  and  his  fiimily 
to  remove  to  the  town.  About  a  fortnight 
after,  the  Indians  hearing  thereof,  came  and 
burnt  down  the  empty  house.  There  were 
50  persons  In  the  said  house  during  the  time  of 
the  siege,  and  but  10  able  hands,  they  had  fi\  e 
more  that  could  do  something,  but  through 
age  or  minority  not  able  to  make  any  great 
aisistatice  ;  yet  it  pleased  God,  in  whose  hands 
are  all  men's  lives  and  limbs,  who  is  never 
wont  to  fail  them,  who  in  time  of  danger  are 
ready  to  confide  in  his  power  and  goodness, 
as  not  to  neglect  the  use  of  due  means  foi 


THE   INDIAN  WARS. 


607 


there  own  preservation,  s)  to  order  things, 
that  not  one  person  of  all  those  ,50  was  either 
kilh'il  or  mortally  wounded.  Major  Philips 
nirn-;elf  was  wounded  hut  not  dangerously, 
at  the  beginning  of  the  assault,  his  mills  with 
other  edilices  were  the  first  day  burnt  by  the 
enemy,  and  so  were  all  the  houses  at  Saco, 
or  most  of  them  soon  after,  that  were  above 
the  fishermen  stages.  One  Mr.  Hitchcock 
being  carried  captive  by  the  enemy  from  the 
same  place,  died  in  the  winter  following  by 
eating  some  poisonous  root  instead  of  ground 
nuts,  as  was  reported  by  the  Indians  after- 
wards. 

Much  about  the  same  time,  five  persons 
going  up  the  river  of  Saco,  were  all  killed  by 
the  same  Indians. 

Tliese  trasredies  being  tlius  acted  at  Casco 
bay  and  Saco,  those  barbarous  enemies  dis- 
])ersed  themselves  in  parties  ;  intending  to  do 
all  the  mischief  they  could  to  the  English  in- 
habiting about  that  side  of  the  country.  In 
the  same  inonthof  September  they  came  down 
towards  Piscataqua,  doing  the  like  spoil  upon 
the  inhabitants  of  the  several  branches  of  that 
river  which  they  had  been  doing  elsewhere. 
In  the  first  place  they  burnt  the  two  Chestyes 
iiouses  about  Oyster  river,  and  killed  two  men 
that  were  passing  along  the  river  in  a  canoe, 
and  carried  away  an  old  Irishman,  with  a 
Voun^  man  taken  from  about  Exeter,  who 
both  of  them  soon  after  made  an  escape  to  a 
garrison  at  Salmon  Falls  in  Kittery,  by  tlx; 
iielp  of  an  Indian  better  disposed  than  the  rest, 
the  first  after  seven  weeks,  the  other  after  a 
month's  captivity. 

About  the  same  time  one  Goodman  Robin- 
son, of  Exeter,  with  his  son,  where  travellmg 
towards  Hampton,  where  as  they  passed 
along,  they  were  waylaid  by  three  Indians, 
viz.  John  Sampson,  Cromwell,  and  John 
Linde,  who  shot  the  old  man,  and  left  him 
Jctid  upon  the  place  ;  his  son,  hearing  the 
guns,  escaped  their  hands  by  running  into  a 
swamp,  whither  the  Indians  pursued  him,  but 
could  not  overtake  him,  so  he  got  safe  into 
Hamptcm  about  midnight,  where  he  related 
what  had  befel  him  by  the  way,  and  how  nar- 
rowly he  avoided  the  danger,  intimating  like- 
wise that  he  feared  his  father  was  killed, 
whicli  was  found  too  true  by  Lieut.  Sweet, 
who  the  next  day  with  12  Sf)ldi(,>rs  of  the  town 
went  to  search  these  woods,  where  they  f  )und 
the  poor  old  man  shot  through  his  back,  the 
bullet  having  passed  through  his  body,  and 
was  stopped  by  the  skin  on  the  other  side. 
Another  person  of  Exter,  whose  name  was 
Foulsam,  was  at  the  same  time  driving  a  pair 
of  oxen  in  the  same  nad,  where  soon  after  he 
beared  the  report  of  the  guns  when  Robinson 
was  killed,  he  espied  the  three  Indians  creep- 
ing upon  their  bellies  towards  him,  to  do  as 
much  for  him  as  they  had  done  for  Robinson, 
but  leaving  his  oxen.heput  on  his  horse  with  all 
speed,  and  so  was  dellver'^d  from  the  danger 
that  the  other  fell  into  ;  it  is  reported  that  one 
of  the  Indians  made  a  shot  at  him  :  but  he  was 
eitlier  gfot  out  of  their  reach,  or  else  they  mis- 
sed their  aim  at  that  time.  The  same  Indians 
had  a  little  before  met  with  another  English- 
man in  those  woods,  one  Charles  Randlet, 
whom  they  carried  captive,  although  he  soon 
after  escaped  out  of  tiieir  hands,  by  the  help 
of  another  Indian  called  James.  It  is  said 
there  were  four  Indians  out  of  that  compa- 
ny, and  that  the  fourth  was.  sent  away  with 


Randlet,  so  thatthere  were  but  three  seen  to-' 
gether  at  the  killing  and  pursuing  the  other  ^ 
aforementioned.  One  of  the  said  Indians, 
viz.  .lohn  Sampson,  was  killed  by  some  of 
Capt.  Hathborn's  soldiers  at  Casco  bay,  in 
September  following,  1676,  when  the  scouts 
of  our  forces  came  upon  the  Indians  on  a  sud- 
den, and  had  a  small  brush  with  them,  but  all 
the  rest  made  a  shift  to  get  away  :  As  for  the 
other  two,  viz.  Cromwell  and  John  Linde,  one 
of  them  it  is  said,  is  since  killed,  or  taken  and 
sold  away,  the  other  is  at  Kennebeck,  whom 
vengeance  may  also  in  due  time  overtake,  us 
it  hath  done  the  other. 

Within  a  few  days  after  that  barbarous  act 
at  Oyster  river,  two  Indians  viz.  one  named 
Andrew,  and  the  other  Hopehood,  the  son  of 
him  called  Robinhood,  assaulted  the  house  of 
one  Tozer,  at  Newechewannick,  wherein 
were  fifteen  persons,  all  women  and  children, 
who  without  doubt  had  all  of  them  falhm  into 
the  merciless  hands  of  the  two  cruel  and  bar- 
barous caitiffs,  had  not  a  young  maid  of  about 
18  years  of  age,  first  espied  them,  who  being 
endued  with  more  courage  than  ordinarily  the 
rest  of  the  sex  use  to  be  (the  blessings  of  Jael 
light  upon  her)  first  shut  too  the  door,  where- 
by they  were  denied  entrance  till  the  rest, 
within  escaped  to  the  next  house,  that  was 
better  fortified  ;  that  young  heroess  kept  the 
door  fast  against  them  so  long,  till  the  Indians 
had  chopped  it  into  pieces  with  their  hatchets, 
when  entering  the  house  they  knocked  the 
poor  maid  down  with  their  hatchets,  and  gave 
her  many  other  wounds,  leaving  her  for  dead 
upon  the  place  ;  after  which  they  passed  on 
toward  the  next  dwelling,  in  their  way  meet- 
ing with  two  cliildren  that  had  escaped  l  e 
house  first  broken  open  by  them,  they  killed 
one  of  them,  of  three  years  old,  which  could 
not  follow  fast  enough  or  else  they  that  carri- 
ed it  could  not  convey  it  over  a  fence  soon 
enough  to  save  themselves  and  it ;  and  carried 
away  the  other  of  seven  years  old,  which  how- 
ever was  returned  safe  within  half  a  year  after. 
The  poor  maid  that  had  ventured  her  life  so 
far  to  save  many  others,  was  by  a  Strang*; 
Providence  enabled  to  recover  so  much 
strength  after  they  were  gone,  as  to  repair  to 
the  next  garrison,  where  she  was  soon  aft(!r 
healed  of  Iter  wounds  and  restored  to  perfect 
health  again. 

The  next  day  toward  night  more  of  the  bar- 
barous enemies  being  gathered  together,  they 
made  an  assault  upon  the  neighljourinsjd  well- 
ings.  The  English  as  many  as  could  be  spa- 
red out  of  the  garrison  (not  above  8  in  num- 
ber) pursued  after  them  about  half  a  mile,  but 
night  coming  on,  it  was  judged  best  to  retreat, 
lest  otherwise  they  might  have  been  intercep- 
ted in  their  return  home,  by  any  of  them  lying 
In  ambush,  which  is  their  usual  way  of  doing 
mischief  After  divers  shots  made  on  both 
sides,  but  5  of  the  enemy  appeared  ;  who  yet 
took  the  advantage  of  Capt.  Wincol's  absence 
(whose  dwelling  was  not  far  off)  to  burn  his 
house  and  two  barns  more,  wherein  was  much 
English  corn,  sujiposed  to  be  above  an  Inm- 
dred  bushels  in  one  of  them.  After  they  had 
done  this  mischief  they  fled  away.  The  next 
day  after,  the  same  Indians  or  others  of  their 
fellows,  came  upon  the  other  side  of  the  river, 
from  whence  they  shot  over  several  times  to 
some  that  were  grinding  in  the  mill,  but  after 
exchanging  of  many  shot  on  both  sides,  the 
river  betwixt  them,  six  of  the  enemy  showed  I 


'themselves  in  the  twilight,  uttering  several 
i  insolent  and  barbarous  S[)eecl]e«,  calling  our 
men  English  dogs,  &c.  yet  all  this  while  out 
of  reach  of  their  shot,  and  then  they  runaway 
like  dogs  after  they  had  done  barking. 

After  this  those  very  Indians,  as  was  sup- 
posed, burned  five  or  six  houses  about  Oyoter 
river,  and  killed  two  men,  viz.  one  W'illia.ii 
Roberts  and  his  son-in-law.  'J'he  inhiibiianis 
of  Dover,  with  some  olherr(!Solnte  yo  mg  men, 
being  much  provoked  l)y  these  many  insolen- 
ces and  injuries  done  by  the  enemy,  obtained 
liberty  from  the  major  of  the  regiment  to  try 
whether  they  could  not  meet  with  some  of  tiio 
Indians,  by  secret  ambushes  and  skulking 
amongst  the  bushes  and  trees  as  the  Indians 
used  to  do  with  them  ;  to  which  end  about 
twenty  divided  themselves  into  small  parlies: 
Soon  after  as  they  were  looking  lor  theeneniv, 
a  party  of  ours  espied  five  of  the  Indians, 
some  gathering  corn  in  tlie  field,  while  the 
lest  of  them  were  busied  in  healing  an  oven 
to  bake  some  of  the  fruit  which  they  also 
gathered  in  the  same  field.  The  English  were 
at  such  a  distance  that  they  could  not  make 
any  sign  to  their  comrades,  without  being  dis- 
covered by  the  Indians  in  the  field  ;  where- 
fore two  of  them  crept  as  near  as  they  could 
to  the  house,  at  one  end  of  the  field  where 
they  suddenly  rushed  upon  two  of  ihe 
wretches,  and  knocked  them  down  with  the 
butt  end  of  their  muskets,  which  was  not  done 
so  silently  but  the  other  three  in  the  field  took 
the  alarm  and  fleil  away,  who  might  elsi?  as 
easily  as  the  other  two  have  been  surprised. 

Thesi!  outrages  thus  daily  committed  filled 
all  the  jilantations  about  Piscataqua  \\  ith  fear 
and  confusion  ;  scarce  any  place  wlier<'  there 
was  not  reason  for  some  to  com  plain  eilh-'rof  the 
lossof  their  friends  or  burningof  their  houses  ; 
which  caused  most  of  them  that  lived  scatter- 
ingly,  at  any  distance  from  neighbours,  either 
to  garrison  their  houses  or  else  to  desert  their 
own  dwellings,  and  to  repair  to  their  next 
neighbours  that  were  better  fiirtified  than  them 
selves;  butall  the  inhabitants  in  general  were 
alarmed  to  stand  upon  their  guard. 

On  the  7th  of  ()ctober  following,  teing  a 
day  of  public  humiliation,  a  man  w«3  ohotdown 
as  he  was  riding  between  two  garrison  hou- 
ses about  Newechewannick,  and  died  of  iiis 
wounds  two  months  after  ;  the  same  instant 
of  time  two  young  men  were  shot  dentl  about 
a  mile  from  that  place  ;  these  two  hod  their 
arms  or  guns  with  them,  which  were  carried 
away  by  those  who  killed  them,  to^etlier  with 
their  upper  garments  :  It  is  not  said  that  these 
three  last  (though  killed  upon  a  day  of  hu- 
miliation) were  surprised  in  their  repairin?  to, 
or  returning  from  llie  place  of  public  worship, 
which  would  in  a  great  measure  have  abated 
the  sorrow  of  their  sad  funerals,  if  wher,  they 
were  suddenly  arrested  by  the  harliingers  of 
death,  they  bad  been  so  doing.  Soon  after 
this  they  assaulted  another  house  at  Oyster  ri- 
ver, notwithstanding  it  was  garrisoned,  and 
meeting  with  a  good  old  man,  whose  name 
was  Beard,  without  the  garrison,  they  killed 
him  upon  the  place,  and  in  a  barbarous  man- 
ner cut  off  his  head,  and  set  it  upon  a  pole  in 
derision.  Not  far  off  about  the  same  time 
they  burnt  another  house  and  barn. 

Upon  the  IGth  of  October,  being  Saturday 
about  an  hundred  of  the  Indians  were  gather, 
ed  together  to  assault  Newech  nvannick ; 
they  began  with  one  named  Tozer,  h»lf  a  mil* 


668 


A  NARRATIVE  OF 


from  tlio  ui)per  garrison,  at  Salmon  fulls: 
Tlio  said  To/.er  was  presently  killed,  his  son 
tuk.cn  captive  (but  returned  after  some  months 
restraint)  several  guns  Ix'ing  shot  at  this  as- 
sault, alarmed  Lieut.  Plaisted,  at  the  next 
garrison,  who  like  a  man  of  public  s[)irit,  im- 
mediately sent  out  seven  men  from  the  garri- 
son under  his  command,  to  see  what  the  mat- 
ter was,  but  being  met  by  an  atnbush  laid  in 
the  way  as  they  wctit,  lost  2  or  3  of  the  com- 
pany, thereat  hardly  escaping  back  to  the 
place  from  whence  they  came;  whereupon 
the  said  Lieutenant  Plaisted  immediately  des- 
patched away  a  messenger  to  Major  Wald- 
ern,  at  Quechecho,  which,  because  it  seems 
to  be  the  last  time  that  ever  that  good  and 
useful  man  set  pen  to  paper,  the  letter  shall 
be  here  inserted. 

Salmon  falls,  Oct.  16,  1G75. 
Mi».  Richard  Waldern  and  Lieut.  Coffin, 
these  are  to  inform  you  that  just  now  the  Li- 
dians  are  engaging  us  with  at  least  an  hun- 
dred men,  and  have  slain  four  of  our  men  al- 
ready, Ricliard  Tozer,  James  Barney,  Isaac 
Bottes,  and  Tozer's  son,  and  burnt  Benoni 
Hodsdan's  house  :  Sirs,  if  ever  you  have  any 
love  for  us  and  the  country,  now  shew  your- 
selves with  men  to  help  us,  or  else  we  are 
all  in  great  danger  of  being  slain,  unless  our 
God  wonderfully  appears  for  our  deliverance;. 
They  that  cannot  fight  let  them  pray:  notliiiig 
else,  but  I  rest. 

Yours  to  serve  you. 

ROGER  PLAISTED. 
GEORGE  BROUGHTON. 

What  answer  was  returned  to  the  importu- 
nate and  pathetical  letter  is  not  fully  known 
at  present;  most  probably  he  that  wasmostcon- 
cerned  in  the  contents  of  it  was  either  absent 
from  home  or  in  no  capacity  to  send  the  relief 
desired,  which  if  it  could  have  been  had,  might 
have  prevented  the  sadmischief  that  fell  outthe 
ne.Kt  day;  when  Lietitenant  Plaisted  being 
more  earnestly  bent  to  perform  that  last  office 
of  love  to  his  deceased  friends,  whom  he  could 
not  by  all  his  endeavours  save  from  the  danger 
of  death,  while  they  were  in  land  of  the  living, 
would  needs  venture  himself  with  20  soldiers 
out  of  his  garrison,  to  fetch  off  the  dead  bodies. 

To  that  end  he  ordered  a  pair  of  oxen  to  be 
yoked  to  bring  them  to  his  garrison,  in  order 
to  their  christian  burial,  not  considering  that 
the  Indians  lay  skulking  thereabouts,  waiting 
for  such  opportunities.  They  went  first  to 
the  farthest  place,  where  they  found  R. 
Tozer's  body,  and  put  it  in  a  cart,  but  coming 
Lack  to  take  up  the  other  two  bodies  which 
were  fallen  in  a  little  swamp  near  to  the  gar- 
rison, they  were  set  upon  by  1,')0  of  the  ene- 
my, who  had  hid  lhemselv(!S  in  the  bushes,  and 
under  a  stone  wall,  and  logs  in  the  way  as 
tl;(!y  were  to  pass;  by  the  sudden  noise  of 
the  guns  the  cattle  being  frighted,  ran  away 
to  the  garrison  with  such  of  the  dead  as  were 
first  laid  thereon  (and  jiosslbly  with  one  of 
lliem  wounded  at  that  instant)  leaving  their 
owners  to  fight  it  out  with  the  eiuMuy.  Lieut. 
Phiistcil  being  thus  desperately  assaulted,  he 
with  his  twenty  men  were  forced  to  retreat 
to  a  plac<!  of  belter  advantage;  but  being 
iheri!  so  warmly  pursued,  they  were  not  able 
to  ui«ide  it  long,  although  they  killed  and 
nmrlolly  wounded  several  of  the  Indians,  as 
Uteinsoivci  liavc  Bincc  confessed;  but  they 


most  of  them  being  so  much  overmatched,  took 
the  opportunity  of  a  fair  retreat  and  so  got  safe 
to  their  garrisons,  while  Lieut.  Plaisted  out  of 
the  height  of  his  couratre,  disdaining  either  to 
fly  from  or  yield  himself  (for,  'tis  said  the  In- 
dians were  loth  to  kill  him,  but  desirous  rather 
to  take  liim  prisoner)  into  the  hands  of  such 
cursed  caitiffs,  did  fight  it  out  desperately,  till 
he  was  slain  upon  the  place  ;  his  eldest  son 
and  another  man  were  slain  in  their  too  late 
retreat,  and  his  other  son  was  sorely  wound- 
ed, so  that  he  died  in  a  few  weeks  after. 

The  Indians  were  contented  with  the  mis- 
chief for  the  present  and  slunk  away  into  the 
woods  before  the  next  day,  when  Capt.  Frost 
came  from  Sturgeon  creek,  a  few  miles  below 
the  river,  with  a  party  of  his  friends  and 
buried  the  dead.  During  these  onsets  the 
enemy  also  took  the  advantage  to  burn  three 
houses  and  two  barns  before  they  left  the 
place. 

The  latter  end  of  the  same  month  the}' 
burnt  a  mill  near  the  same  place  belonging 
to  Mr.  Hutchinson,  a  merchant  of  Boston ; 
from  whence  they  came  down  towards  Stur- 
geon creek,  where  they  burnt  one  liouse  and 
killed  two  men  not  far  from  Capt.  Frost's 
dwelling,  he  escaping  hi  in  self  very  narrowly, 
being  shot  at  by  the  enemy,  about  ten  m 
number,  who  might  easily  have  burnt  his 
house  and  taken  all  that  was  in  it,  being  D'..t 
three  boys  besides  himself,  had  he  not  used 
this  policy,  to  call  out  to  some  to  march  this, 
and  the  other  way,  to  look  after  the  Indians, 
as  if  he  had  many  at  hand  to  command,  which 
under  God  was  the  means  of  his  esrape  ;  for 
his  house  was  neither  fortified,  nor  well  man- 
ned, although  far  from  neighbours. 

The  next  day  the  said  Indians  passed  down 
the  river  on  Kittery  side,  killed  one  man, 
whose  house  they  first  plundered,  and  then 
set  it  on  fire;  all  this  was  done  just  .over 
against  Portsmouth,  from  whence  out  of  a 
small  battery  was  discharged  a  piece  of  ordi- 
nance, which  by  a  good  Providence  was  direct- 
ed so  to  fling  its  shot,  as  it  fell  very  near  a 
party  ofth<;  Indians,  fi)r  they  were  so  affrighted 
therewith  (if  none  of  them  were  killed)  that 
they  left  a  good  part  of  their  plunder  near  the 
place.  They  were  pursued  by  some  of  the 
English  before  they  could  recover  their  home, 
and  by  the  help  of  the  snow  that  fell  about 
that  time,  were  traced  till  they  were  overta- 
ken, but  being  near  a  swamp  escaped,  through 
haste  leaving  two  of  their  packs  behind. 

Soon  after  they  went  up  the  river  again  to 
Quechecho,  where  they  burnt  a  liouso  and 
two  or  thn.'e  barns.  Another  party  of  them 
got  over  or  beyond  the  other  branches  of  Pis- 
catacjua  river,  towards  Exeter,  and  Lamprey 
Eel  river,  wh(!re  they  killed  one  man.  Many 
of  them  were  in  the  woods  about  Exeter,  and 
between  Hamptonand  Exeter,  where  they  kil- 
led one  or  two  men  as  they  wen;  travelling 
homewards,  occasioning  the  p(!ople  of  those 
towns  to  stand  continually  upon  their  guard, 
which  proved  a  great  annoyance  to  the  inhab- 
itants. 

But  let  us  look  a  little  back  to  tlie  planta- 
tions more  eastward  from  Piscalaqua  river, 
where  these  outrages  of  the  Indians  first  began. 

At  Casco  bay,  Lieut.  Ingersoll's  son  with 
another  man,  going  out  a  fowling  about  this 
time,  were  both  kilhid  before  they  return(>d 
home,  his  father's  house  being  burnt,  with 
many  others  also  thereabouts. 


At  Black  point,  Lieut.  Augur  with  twc 
more  were  assaulted  by  the  Indians,  where 
after  many  shot  exchanged  betwixt  them, 
himself  was  so  wounded,  that  he  d  ed  soon 
after,  and  his  brother  also  was  killed  within  a 
few  days  after,  not  far  fro.n  the  same  place. 

When  the  rising  of  the  Indians  first  began 
in  those  eastern  parts  (with  us  called  tho 
county  of  Yorkshire)  Capt.  Wincol  of  Newu- 
chewannick,  with  some  others,  having  a  sym- 
pathy for  some  of  his  neighbours,  marched  up 
that  way  with  a  small  party  of  men.  In  his 
first  skirmish  with  the  enemy  he  chanced  to 
lose  two  or  three  of  his  companv ;  the  rest  not 
being  above  11  in  all,  as  they  were  marching 
along  by  the  sea-side  were  assaulted  by  a 
great  number  of  the  Indians,  judged  to  be 
150;  being  hard  beset  with  so  great  a  num- 
ber, they  retreated  to  an  heap  of  bolts  that 
lay  near  the  water  side,  by  the  shelter  of 
which  they  lay  safe  from  the  enemy's  guns, 
and  so  well  played  their  few  guns,  that  they 
slew  many  of  the  Indians,  and  put  them  all 
to  a  kind  of  rout  at  last ;  after  which,  by  the 
help  of  an  old  canoe  they  recovered  safe  to 
the  other  side  of  the  bank.  But  nine  Sacomen 
had  worse  success  who  came  with  a  good  intent 
to  help  their  friends,  upon  the  hearing  of  their 
guns;  but  as  they  came  to  rescue  Capt.  Win- 
col with  his  small  party,  they  themselves  fell 
into  an  ambush  of  the  enemy  and  so  were  all 
cut  off,  with  two  other  men  also,  near  the 
place  where  the  first  skirmish  was,  for  the 
Indians  from  the  shore  side  could  discern  any 
that  were  coming  towards  them  when  they 
were  at  a  great  distance,  and  so  might  easily 
way-lay  them  before  they  could  come  up  to 
them.  Near  upon  seven  houses  were  burnt 
about  this  time,  and  some  persons  killed  at 
Black  point. 

Two  persons  were  killed  at  Wells  in  the 
beginning  of  winter,  one  of  them  was  a  ser- 
vant to  Mr.  William  Symmonds  (one  of  the 
principal  men  in  the  town  afi)resaid)  the  gen- 
tleman himself  with  his  family  were  removed 
to  a  garrison  house  in  the  middle  of  the  town. 
His  servant  going  early  in  the  morning  to  look 
after  some  business  there,  tarried  longer  than 
was  needful  to  provide  something  for  himself, 
tlie  Indians  invited  themselves  to  breakfast 
with  him  making  the  poor  fellow  pay  the  shot 
when  they  had  done  with  the  loss  of  his  life. 

A  week  after  one  Cross  was  slain  at  Wells 
likewise,  who  was  a  kind  of  a  distracted  fel- 
low. Also  one  Isaac  Cousins  was  there  kil- 
led in  the  beginning  of  winter,  after  there  had 
been  some  overtures  of  peace  between  Major 
Waldern  and  the  Indians. 

With  such  kind  of  mutual  encounters  was 
the  latter  part  of  the  year  spent  betwixt  the 
Indians  and  the  English  from  Piscatacjua  ri- 
ver to  Kennebeck,  from  the  beginning  of  Au- 
gust to  the  end  of  November,  wherein  many 
were  slain  on  both  sides  ;  of  the  English  in 
those  parts  were  slain  upwards  of  fifty;  the 
enemy  lost,  as  appeared  afterwards  by  their 
own  confession,  above  00  partly  in  the  afore- 
said skirmishes,  and  Jinrtly  in  their  joining 
with  the  Indians  to  the  westward,  whither  it 
is  said  manv  were  invited  to  repair,  to  help 
destroy  the  English,  in  hopes  to  enjoy  their 
possessions  afterwanls  ;  but  God  had  other- 
wise determined,  who  did  arise  at  last  to  save 
the  meek  ones  of  the  earth,  and  plead  tho 
cause  of  his  people. 

The  Governor  and  council  of  Massack" 


T  HE   INDIAN  WARS. 


6G9 


setts  had  at  this  time  their  hands  full  with  the 
like  attempts  of  Philip  and  his  accomplices  at 
th«  westward,  yet  were  not  uiiinindi'ul  of  the 
de[)lorahle  condition  of  these  eastern  plaiita- 
liui.3  ;  having  committed  the  care  tliereof  to 
the  majors  of  the  respective  regiments  of  the 
several  counties  on  that  side  of  the  country 
but  more  especially  to  the  care  and  prudence 
of'tlie  honourable  Major  D.  Dennison,  major 
general  of  tlie  colony,  a  gentleman  who  by 
his  great  Insight  in,  and  long  experience  of 
all  martial  affairs,  was  every  way  accomplish- 
ed for  the  managing  that  wliole  affair  ;  he  had 
to  ease  the  other  side  of  the  country,  drawn 
out  a  sufficient  number  of  soldiers  from  the 
next  counties,  to  have  reduced  all  the  Indians 
eastward  to  their  obedience  ;  but  just  as  they 
were  intended  to  march  up  to  the  head-quarters 
of  the  Indians,  to  fall  upon  them  there,  viz. 
at  Ossapy  and  Pigwauchet,  about  an  hundred 
miles  up  into  the  country  northward,  the  winter 
setting  in  so  sharp  and  severe  in  the  beginning 
of  December,  and  latter  end  of  November,  it 
was  not  possible  to  have  marched  a  day's  jour- 
ney into  the  woods  without  hazarding  all  their 
lives  that  should  venture  up,  the  snow  being 
found  generally  in  those  woods  four  feet  thick 
3n  the  tenth  of  December,  so  as  it  was  not 
possible  for  any  to  have  travelled  that  way 
unless  they  carried  rackets  under  their  feet, 
wherewith  to  walk  upon  the  snow  :  This  only 
consideration  forced  them  to  lay  aside  the 
design  for  the  present,  but  soon  after  it  was 
done  to  their  hands  ;  for  the  depth  of  the 
snow,  and  sharpness  of  the  cold,  were  so  ex- 
treme, that  the  Indians  in  those  part  were 
8o  pinched  therewith,  that  being  starved  they 
iued  for  peace,  making  their  address  first  to 
Major  Waldern,  on  that  account  by  whose 
mediations  that  whole  body  of  Indians  east- 
ward were  brought  to  an  hopeful  conclusion 
of  peace,  which  was  mutually  agreed  upon 
and  possibly  might  have  remained  firm  enough 
to  this  day,  had  there  not  been  too  just  an  occa- 
sion given  for  the  breaking  of  the  same,  by 
the  wicked  pactice  of  some  lewd  persons 
which  opened  the  door,  and  made  way  for  the 
bringing  in  all  those  sad  calamities  and  mis- 
chiefs that  have  since  fallen  upon  those  parts 
of  the  country  as  shall  hereafter  be  declared. 

In  the  latter  end  of  June,  1676,  the  Indians 
that  had  made  a  general  conspiracy  against 
the  English,  were  strangely  dispersed  and 
dispirited,  so  that  from  that  time  they  began 
to  separate  one  from  another,  and  every  nation 
of  them  to  shift  for  themselves,  as  hath  already 
been  mentioned  in  the  former  part  of  this  nar- 
rative. Canonicus,  the  great  sachem  of  the 
Narragansets,  distrusting  the  proffers  of  the 
English,  was  slain  in  the  woods  by  the  Mo- 
hawks, his  squaw  surrendering  herself,  by 
this  ineans  her  life  was  spared. 

Many  of  those  about  Lancaster,  and  the 
places  adjoining  thereto,  did  cunningly  en- 
deavour to  hide  themselves  among  those  In- 
dians about  Piscataqua,  that  by  Major  Wal- 
dern's  means  had  concluded  a  peace,  yet  could 
neither  dissemble  their  nature  and  disposition 
from  suspicion  of  mischief,  nor  yet  so  artificially 
conceal  their  passions,  but  they  were  easily 
discerned  by  such  as  in  former  times  had  any 
acquaintance  with  the  eastern  Indians  by  way 
of  trade,  or  other  converse  :  Whereupon  the 
forces  newly  raised  in  Massachusetts  under 
the  command  of  Capt.  William  Hathorne  and 
Capi.  Joseph  Still,  designed  for  the  subduing 


those  Indians  about  the  river  of  Merrimack 
and  Piscataijua,  that  still  stood  out  in  hostility 
against  the  English,  meeting  witli  those  un- 
der the  command  of  Major  Waldern  afore- 
said and  Capt.  Frost  of  Kiitery  ;  it  was  mu- 
tually agreed  betwixt  those  several  comman- 
ders to  sieze  up6n  all  those  Indians  which  at 
that  time  were  met  together  about  Major 
Waldern's  dwelling  at  Q,uechecho  ;  the  de- 
sign succeeded  according  to  expectation,  and 
all  the  Indians  were  handsomely  surprised  the 
6th  of  September  1676,  wiihout  the  loss  of 
any  person's  life,  either  Indian  or  English,  to 
the  number  of  near  400  ;  by  which  device, 
after  our  forces  had  them  all  in  their  hands, 
they  separated  the  peaceable  from  the  per- 
fidious, that  had  been  our  enemies  during 
the  late  troubles  ;  finding  about  200  involved 
in  the  former  rebellion  more  or  less,  they  ac- 
cordingly were  sent  down  to  the  governor 
and  council  at  Boston,  who  adjudged  7  or  8 
of  them  immediately  to  die;  such  as  were 
known  to  have  had  their  hands  in  the  blood 
of  the  English,  or  that  had  been  shed  by  their 
means;  the  rest  that  were  found  only  acces- 
sories to  the  late  mischiefs,  had  their  lives 
spared,  but  were  sent  into  different  parts  of 
the  world  to  try  the  difference  between  the 
friendship  of  their  neighbours  here,  and  their 
service  with  other  masters  elsewhere. 

Those  who  had  been  always  peaceable 
and  true  to  the  En<rlish,  never  intermeddlinof 
in  the  quarrel,  as  Wanalancet,  the  sagamore 
of  Pennicook,  and  some  others,  were  quietly 
dismissed  to  their  own  places.  Besides  those 
that  were  surprised  at  the  time  aforesaid, 
there  were  several  others  who  had  been  the 
chief  actors,  that  were  taken  up  and  down  in 
those  woods  beyond  Merrimack,  and  so  were 
delivered  up  to  justice;  as  John  Monoco,  Sa- 
gamore Sam,  old  Jethro  with  some  others,  as 
hath  been  already  mentioned,  yet  young  Jeth- 
ro brought  in  40  at  one  time.  It  was  a  s[)e- 
cial  favour  from  God  so  to  order  it,  that  the 
Indians  aforesaid,  were  so  surprised;  for  had 
they  continued  their  former  rebellion,  and  had 
taken  the  opportunity  to  have  joined  with  ihe 
eastern  Indians,  as  some  of  them  did  a  few 
months  before,  they  would  in  all  likelihood 
have  utterly  destroyed  all  the  plantations  of 
the  English  beyond  Piscatatjua  river,  as  ap- 
pears by  the  mischief  ttiat  was  lately  done  by 
means  of  a  few,  from  too  much  connivance 
of  some  in  those  parts  that  entertained  a  bet- 
ter opinion  of  them  than  it  seems  they  deser- 
ved. For  whereas  mention  was  formerly 
made  of  a  small  party  of  Indians,  that  on  the 
3rd  day  of  May,  in  this  present  year,  had 
murdered  one  Thomas  Kembel,  of  Bradford, 
and  carried  away  his  wife  and  five  children 
captive;  yet  two  or  three  of  the  actors  did, 
upon  what  consideration  is  not  known,  return 
the  woman  and  children  again  within  six 
weeks,  and  because  of  their  voluntarily  re- 
turning of  them  were  dealt  more  favourably 
with  ;  being  only  ytut  into  prison  at  Dover, 
for  a  time;  yet  possibly  conceiving  that  a 
prison  was  but  a  preparation  fi>r  a  worse  evil, 
they  took  an  opportunity  (two  of  the  chief  ac- 
tors in  the  aforesaid  mischief,  one  called  Si- 
mon the  other  Andrew)  to  convey  themselves 
out  of  the  place  f)f  restraint,  and  afterwards 
goingamongstthe  Amoscogginand  Kennebeck 
Indians,  have  joined  with  them  in  those  bloody 
and  cruel  depredations  lately  made  in  those 
parts,  which  follow  in  order  next  to  be  related. 


Some  little  colour  or  pretence  of  injury  wa« 
alleged  belbro  those  easti.'rii  Indians  l>etran 
their  outrage,  both  in  the  former,  as  well  as  in 
the  present  year;  the  chief  acior  or  rather  the 
beginner  of  all  the  aforesaid  mischiefs  east- 
ward, is  one  S(juando,  the  sagamore  of  Saco 
Indians,  whose  squaw,  as  is  said  was  abused 
by  a  rude  and  indiscreet  act  of" some  English 
seaman,  the  last  summer,  167.'i,  who  eiher 
overset  tluj  canoe  wherein  the  said  squaw  with 
her  child  were  sailing  in  a  river  thereabouts, or 
else  to  try  whether  the  children  of  the  Indians, 
as  they  had  heard,  could  swim  as  iiuturallv  as 
any  other  creatures,  wittingly  cast  her  child 
into  the  water;  but  the  squaw  immediately 
diving  into  the  water  after  it,  fetched  it  up  from 
the  bottom  of  the  river,  yet  it  Hilling  out 
within  a  while  after  the  said  child  liied  (which 
it  might  have  done  if  no  affront  had  been  of- 
fered) the  said  Squando,  father  of  tlie  child, 
hath  been  so  provoked  thereat  that  he  lialh 
ever  since  set  himself  to  do  all  the  mischief 
he  can  to  the  English  in  those  parts,  and  was 
never  as  yet,  since  that  time,  truly  wiling  to 
be  reconciled,  although  he  is  said  to  have 
sent  home  some  that  were  taken  captive  tlio 
last  year.  Surely  if  their  hearts  had  not  been 
secretly  filled  with  malice  and  revcmge  before 
they  might  have  {)l)tained  satisfaction  for  the 
wrong  done  at  an  easier  rate;  more  probah'y 
it  is  that  this  was  only  an  occasion  to  vent  this 
mischief  they  had  formerly  conceived  in  their 
hearts. 

There  is  an  injury  of  an  higher  nature  men- 
tioned as  the  ground  of  their  quarrel  with  us 
who  live  about  Pemmacpiid,  which  happened 
the  last  spring,  vir.  one  Laughton,  with  an- 
other person  or  more,  who  having  obtained 
under  the  hand  of  Major  Waldern,  a  war- 
rant to  seize  any  Indians  eastward  that  had 
been  guilty  of  any  murder  or  spoil  done  to  the 
English  in  those  parts,  did  most  perfidiously 
and  wickedly  entice  some  of  the  Indians  about 
cape  Sables  (who  never  l;ad  been  in  the  least 
manner  guilty  of  any  injury  done  to  the  En- 
glish) on  board  their  vessel,  or  else  some  other 
wav,  and  then  carried  them  away  to  sell  them 
for  slaves  ;  which  the  Indians  in  those  parts 
look  upon  as  injury  done  to  themselves,  have 
alleged  it  to  the  inhabitants  of  Pemtnaquid, 
as  one  of  the  principal  grounds  of  their  pres- 
ent quarrel :  The  thing  alleged  is  too  true 
as  to  matter  of  fact,  and  the  persons  that  dio 
it  were  lately  coirimitted  to  prison  in  order  to 
their  further  trial.  Yet  all  those  Indians  do, 
or  may  know  full  well,  that  they  who  did 
them  that  wrong,  were  liable  to  due  punish- 
ment (or  else  their  quarrel  might  be  account- 
ed just,  and  they  considered  as  Indians,  must 
have  the  more  allowance)  if  they  could  be 
found,  nor  ever  were  any  countenanced 
atnongst  us,  that  had  done  them  any  kind  of 
injury,  nor  did  those  that  take  upon  them 
the  revenging  of  the  injury,  know  that  they 
were  inhabitants  of  this  country  that  did  the 
wrong  ;  nor  was  there  ever  any  orderly  com- 
plaint made  thereof;  but  this  cannot  excuse 
their  perfidiousness  and  cruelty.  Some  other 
pretenses  alleged  by  the  said  Indians  they 
yet  do  bear  no  proportion  to  the  mention  of 
a  wrong,  or  injury,  viz.  because  our  traders 
were  forbidden  to  sell  any  ammunition  to 
any  Indians  whatsoever  ;  which  those  Indians 
say  they  cannot  live  wiihout  ;  yet  seeing 
ihey  themselves,  as  the  westward  Indians 
have  so  ill  improved  that  which  they  had  be- 


670 


A  NARRATIVE  OF 


fcipi',  liifie  was  little  reason  why  they  should 
TUiirri-1  Willi  us  for  selliiifj  no  more. 

i''ur'.her  also,  it  is  anirmed  by  some  per- 
suns  worthy  of  credit,  that  for  divers  years 
[)ast  have  lived  ii  those  parts,  that  the  Indians 
th'ireal)i)Ut3  need  not  have  wanted  powder 
ai  d  shot,  only  tliey  wanted  something  where- 
with to  cloak  their  malicious  and  barbarons 
practices  of  late  committed  against  us;  hut 
thi-re  being  different  opinions  about  tliis 
poii.t,  we  shall  leave  it  for  the  present.  But 
this  beingpremised  in  reference  to  the  pre- 
tended ground  or  occasion  of  the  quarrel,  it 
remains  that  the  effects  therefore  be  now 
rt  lated. 

Hefore  the  war  with  Philip  was  well  ended 
to  the  southward,  there  was  a  fresh  alarm 
sounded  again  to  the  eastward;  for  on  the  11th 
of  August,  167G,  the  very  day  before  Philip's 
heart  that  had  harboured  so  many  mischievous 
and  treacherous  devices  against  the  English, 
was  by  one  of  his  own  company  shot  through, 
a  party  of  Indians  began  their  outrages  at 
Casco  in  a  most  perfidious  and  treacherous 
manner,  killing  and  carrying  away  captive, 
to  the  number  of  30  persons,  and  burning 
their  houses  ;  amongst  whom  was  the  family 
of  one  Anthony  Bracket,  an  inhabitant  of 
Casco  who  was  thought  to  have  been  killed, 
but  he  himself,  with  his  wife,  and  one  of  his 
five  children  carried  away  captive,  with  a  ne- 
gro did  happily  make  an  escape  from  their 
bloody  and  deceitful  hands,  in  November  next 
cnsuin  <£■. 

o 

The  manner  how  Anthony  Bracket  and 
his  wife  made  their  escape  was  very  re- 
markable and  therefore  judged  worthy  to  he 
here  inserted,  although  out  of  due  place.  The 
Indians  that  had  led  them  captive  having 
brought  them  to  the  north  side  of  Casco  bay, 
Dews  was  brought  to  the  said  Indians  of  the 
surprizal  of  Arowsic's  house  in  Kennebeck, 
with  all  the  stores  therein,  which  did  so  re- 
joice them,  that  they  made  all  haste  to  share  in 
the  good  tilings  there  to  be  had  :  Thus  eager 
to  be  gone,  they  promised  Bracket  and  his 
wife  that  they  also  should  have  a  share  there- 
in if  they  would  haste  after  them:  The  wo- 
men having  a  little  before  observed  an  old 
birch  canoe  lying  at  the  water  side,  hoped  it 
was  an  opportunity  Providence  offered  for 
their  escape  ;  whereupon  she  first  prudently 
a',ked  the  Indians  to  let  the  negro,  their  own 
servant  (at  the  same  time  carried  captive  by 
them)  help  them  to  carry  their  burthens,  which 
was  granted  :  then  she  begged  for  them  a 
piece  or  two  of  meat,  whicli  was  not  denied 
them.  Thus  being  furnished  with  help  and  pro- 
vision, the  Indians  leaving  them  b(!hind  to 
some  after  with  their  several  burthens,  and 
a  young  child,  they  could  not  but  look  upon  it 
as  a  nuf/u.i  Divlnus,  to  bid  them  shift  for 
themselves:.  The  woman  also  found  a  nee- 
dle and  thread  in  the  house,  with  which  she 
mended  the  canoe,  while  they  tarried  at  that 
side  of  the  bay,  in  which  they  soon  ventured 
to  get  away,  which  prosperously  succeeded  ; 
for  in  that  old  canoe  they  crossed  a  water 
eight  or  nine  miles  broad,  and  when  they 
came  on  the  south  aide  of  the  bay,  they  might 
have  been  in  ns  much  danger  of  other  Indians, 
that  had  lately  been  about  Hlack  point,  and 
had  taken  it.  ;  but  they  w(!re  newly  gone.  So 
things  on  all  sides  thus  concurring  to  help  for- 
ward their  deliverance,  they  came  safely  to 
Ui6  seal  at  Black  point,  where  also  by  spe- 


cial providence  they  met  with  a  vessel  bound  1 
for  Piscataqua,  that  came  into  that  harbour  t 
but  few  hours  before  they  came  thither,  by  u 
which  means  they  arived  safe  in  Piscataqua  ^ 
river  soon  after  ;  all  which  circumstances  are  I 
very  worthy  to  be  noted.  1 

Amongst  those  Indians  that  siezed  this  1 
Bracket's  family,  the 'chief  was  one  Simon,  1 
who  had  but  a  little  before  escaped  out  of  s 
Dover  prison,  where  he  was  not  carefully  l 
overlooked  ;  he  had  had  his  hand  in  the  mur-  t 
der  of  sundry  English,  as  he  had  confessed;  t 
not  missing  any,  save  one,  on  whom  he  had  ( 
discharged  his  gun ;  but  because  he  came  in  s 
voluntarily,  bringing  in  a  woman  and  five  t 
children  of  the  English,  who  had  been  carri-  ' 
ed  captive  a  little  before,  it  was  questioned  t 
whether  his  last  act  of  submi«sion  miofht  not  < 
balance  his  former  transgression,  and  there-  ; 
fore  he  was  committed  to  that,  not  so  secure  ( 
a  prison,  till  his  cause  might  be  further  consi-  ' 
dered  of.  It  is  said  that  coming  to  Brack-  ' 
et's  house  over  night,  he  pulled  forth  a  coun-  ' 
terfeiled  pass  under  the  hands  of  some  public  1 
officers,  or  men  entrusted  with  that  services  ( 
making  shew  of  all  friendship;  but  in  the  ; 
morning,  or  soon  after,  he  pulled  off  the  visor 
of  a  friend,  and  discovered  what  he  was  ;  yet  i 
granting  life  to  this  person  and  his  family,  i 
that  did  not  or  could  not  resist,  which  he  de- 
nied to  some  of  the  neighbours  not  far  off,  i 
who  were  many  of  them  killed  by  this  bloody 
villain  and  his  partners. 

There  are  some  circumstances  in  the  as- 
sault of  Anthony  Bracket's  house  very  con- 
siderable, which,  because  it  was  the  first  out- 
rage committed  by  the  Indians  in  the  second 
insurrection,  1676,  are  worthy  of  a  more  par- 
ticular remembering. 

This  Indian  before  mentioned  called  Simon, 
after  he  had  escaped  out  of  the  prison  of  Do- 
ver came  to  Casco,  and  either  in  the  end  of 
July  or  beginning  of  August,  acquainted  him- 
self of  this  Anthony  Bracket,  and  oft  frequen- 
ted his  house.  Upon  the  9th  of  Augustsome 
of  the  Indians  having  killed  a  cow  of  his,  the 
Indian  Simon  coming  to  his  house  promised 
to  bring  the  Indians  to  him  that  had  killed 
his  cow.  In  the  meantime  they  of  the  place 
sent  two  men  to  Major  Waldern's  at  Dover, 
to  complain  of  this  injury  done  by  the  Indi- 
ans, but  before  their  return,  very  early  in  the 
mornin":  on  the  11th  of  August,  Simon  with 
a  party  of  Indians  came  to  Anthony  Brack- 
et's house,  and  told  him  there  were  the  Indi- 
ans that  had  killed  his  cow;  but  as  soon  as 
they  had  said  that,  the  Indians  went  further 
into  his  house  and  took  hold  of  all  the  guns 
they  could  see:  Bracket  asked  what  was  the 
meaning  of  that,  Simon  replied,  that  so  it 
must  be,  askins;  him  withal,  whether  he  had 
rather  serve  the  Indians,  or  be  slam  by  them; 
which  he  answered,  that  if  the  case  were  so, 
he  would  rather  choose  to  serve  tliem  than  be 
killed  by  them:  Simon  replied,  that  then 
they  must  be  bound  which  was  presently 
done.  The  said  Bracket,  his  wife  and  a  ne- 
gro were  all  bound  by  the  Indians;  liis  wife 
had  a  brother,  who  offering  to  resist  was  kil- 
led forthwith  ;  the  rest,  with  five  children 
were  li;d  away  prisoners. 

Two  hours  after  one  Pike,  that  livcil  not 
far  off,  but  knowing  nothing  of  all  this,  went 
up  in  a  canoe,  toward  one  Robert  Corban's 
house  where  he  found  one  Humphrey  Dur- 
Iham  and  Benjamin  Atwel  at  work  about  their 


hay  ;  after  a  little  stay  he  left  them,  intending 
to  go  up  higher  with  his  canoe,  but  as  soon 
as  he  was  a  little  past,  he  heard  the  report  of 
guns  which  made  him  with  another  man  he 
had  with  him,  presently  return  back;  before 
he  came  beyond  Corban's  house  he  saw  an 
English  boy  running  with  all  haste  whicli  made 
him  fear  some  mischief  was  at  hand,  and  |)re- 
sently  a  volley  of  shot  came  against  them,  but 
the  bullets  frying  over  their  heads,  did  them 
no  hurt;  presently  Simon  appeared,  and  called 
them  to  come  on  shore;  but  they  liked  not  his 
courtesy,  and  turning  their  canoe  into  the 
stream,  got  out  of  the  reachof  their  guns,  has- 
ting down  to  his  own  house  with  all  sj)eed  ; 
when  he  came  near  to  his  house,  he  called  to 
the  people  to  make  haste  away  towards  the 
Sfarrison  house,  and  bid  the  rest  look  to  them- 
seh'es,  and  fire  upon  the  Indians  that  were 
coming  against  them  :  Lithe  meanwhile  tlie 
Indians  jiassing  from  Anthony  Bracket's  to 
Corban's,  killed  Corban  himself,  together 
with  HumphreyDurham  and  Benjamin  Atwel. 
before  mentioned;  then  passingon  to  the  oth- 
er houses,  killed  some,  and  carried  others 
away  captive.  At  one  of  the  next  houses  the 
women  and  children  got  off  into  the  water  by 
a  canoe;  but  one  James  Ross,  his  wife  and 
children  were  carried  away.  Corban's  wife, 
with  one  of  the  other  men's  wives,  and  the 
children  of  another,  they  carried  away  like- 
wise. 

In  another  side  of  the  town  as  three  jier- 
son3  were  going  to  reap  at  Anthony  Bracket's, 
passing  from  an  house  where  they  left  their 
canoe  met  with  John  Moiintjoy  and  one  Wake- 
Iv,  to  whom  they  told  what  had  hapjiened, 
soon  after  thev  heard  two  guns  fired,  whereby 
it  seems  two  men  were  killed  ;  wherefore  co- 
inin":  [)ack  towards  T.  Bracket's,  where  ihey 
left  their  canoe,  they  saw  liim  shot  down  by 
the  Indians  ;  one  of  the  thiee  not  so  well  able 
to  run,  hid  himself  in  the  bushes  in  hopes  to 
escape  more  conveniently  afterwards,  which 
accordingly  he  did;  but  in  the  mean  lime  he 
saw  the  Indians  carry  away  Thomas  Brack- 
et's wife  and  children.  Soon  after  the  three 
men  aforesaid  got  safe  to  Mr.  Moiintjoy's  gar- 
rison, but  not  trusting  to  the  security  of  that 
garrison,  they  soon  after  repaired  to  an  island 
in  the  bay,  called  James  Andrew's  island. 
One  George  Lewis  and  his  wife  tarried  all 
this  time  in  their  house  till  the  next  day,  when 
they  had  opportunity  to  get  safe  to  the  island 
aforesaid,  together  with  the  two  men  that  were 
now  returned  from  Major  Waldern  s  ;  whither 
thev  had  been  sent  but  too  late,  to  make  com- 
plaint of  the  Indians  that  had  counterfeited  his 
pass  to  travel  into  those  parts,  and  had  done 
this  mischief 

The  day  after,  one  George  Felt,  suspecting 
the  worst  by  reason  of  asmoke  he  saw  on  the 
opposite  side  of  town,  took  his  wife  and  rhil- 
ren  in  a  canoe  to  see  what  the  matter  was, 
but  when  he  came  near  a  point  of  land  not  far 
off' he  found  several  of  his  neighbour's  goods, 
which  made  him  conclude  their  owners  w  ere 
killed,  which  was  a  sufficient  warning  to  him 
likewise  to  fly  for  his  life,  which  he  did  to  the 
same  island.  After  a  number  of  them  had  es- 
caped thither,  they  recollected  that  they  had 
lef^L  powder  behind  them  in  one  or  two  pla- 
ces :  whereupon  they  determined  to  venture 
1  a  party  of  them  in  the  nighl,  to  prevent  the 
Indians  from  having  any  advantage  thereby, 
and  for  their  own  defence  if  occasion  should 


« 


require  ;  accordingly  tlioir  attempt  succeeded 
well,  for  they  brouglit  away  a  barrel  of  pow- 
der iVoui  one  WelU's  house,  and  hkewise  a 
Ciinsidei-able  (jiiantity  out  of  a  chest  in  a 
store  house,  which  the  Indians  had  been 
ransacking,  and  had  taken  things  or.t  of  the 
other  end  of  the  cln>st,  yet  overlooked  tlie 
liowiler.  In  this  surprisal  of  tiie  plantation  in 
Casco  biiy,  called  Falmoutli,  there  were  34 
persons  killed  and  carried  into  captivity. 

That  this  was  not  a  casual  attempt,  but  a 
designed  plot,  will  appear  in  that,  just  about 
the  same  time,  the  Indians  at  Kennebeck 
made  the  like  insurrection  whereby  it  is  con- 
cluded, either  tliat  the  Indians  which  escaped 
fVoni  Dover  stirred  them  up  thereunto;  orthat 
the  said  Indians  Knding  them  in  a  disposition 
tending  that  way,  by  reason  of  some  injuiies 
done  those  that  dwell  farther  northward,  they 
offered  their  service  to  help  forward  the 
design. 

It  is  to  be  noted  here  that  the  Indians 
about  Keimebeck  were  persuaded  to  continue 
their  former  amity  with  the  English,  not- 
withstanding the  report  of  Philip's  rising  that 
year  before,  and  the  outrages  committed  the 
last  autumn  and  winter  following  ;  yet  which 
is  more,  they  had  lately  renewed  their  league 
with  the  English  in  those  parts, although  they 
had  often  complained  to  those  of  Pemmaquid, 
of  the  injury  they  suffered  in  the  withhold- 
ng  from  them  the  trade  of  powder  and  shot, 
without  which  they  said  they  could  not  sub- 
sist, and  for  want  of  which,  it  is  alleged  by 
themselves,  that  some  of  them  perished  the 
last  winter. 

But  the  quarrel  of  late  fallen  out  betwixt 
the  English  and  the  Indians  about  Kennebeck 
and  eastward  thereof,  being  a  matter  of  great 
importance,  it  snail,  for  the  satisfaction  of  the 
reader,  in  what  foUows  be  more  particularly 
described,  it  being  the  duty  of  every  one  that 
publish  things  of  this  nature,  to  do  the  right 
of  an  historian  to  all  who  are  any  ways  con- 
cerned in  what  is  made  public.  The  infor- 
mation was  received  from  a  prudent  person, 
an  eye  and  ear  witness  of  all  that  happened 
amongst  the  said  Indians  both  the  former  and 
nresent  year,  and  one  that  was  more  publicly 
concerned  in  those  transactions  than  some 
others,  therefore  the  more  credit  may  be 
given  thereto. 

Mention  is  already  made  of  what  happened 
in  September,  1675,  to  the  company  belong- 
ing to  a  sloop  and  two  boats  that  went  up 
Casco  bay  to  gather  corn,  upon  that  accident 
it  is  said  divers  Indians  on  the  east  side  of 
Kennebeck  river  repaired  to  their  fort  at  To- 
tonnock,  (a  place  higher  up  in  the  country  be- 
yond Kennebeck  and  Sheepscot  river)  where 
was  an  English  trading  house  :  and  the  In- 
dians  eastward  ofsaid  river,  had  as  yet  done  no 
harm  to  any  of  the  English,  yet  did  Capt. 
Sylvanus  Davis,  agent  for  Major  Clarke  and 
(.'apt.  Lake  of  Boston  upon  these  overtures 
think  fit  to  fetch  down  the  powder  and  shot, 
with  other  goods  from  the  said  trading  house, 
telling  the  Indians  l)y  the  messcngersent  up, 
he  would  have  them  come  down  and  live  be- 
low in  that  river  to  take  off  jealousies,  and 
that  he  would  then  supply  them  with  what 
Wis  needful. — But  the  messenger  told  them 
in  case  they  would  not  come  down  and  de- 
liver up  their  arms  the  English  woidd  kill 
them.  He  that  sendcth  a  message  hy  the 
hand  of  a  fool,  saith  Solomon,  cuttcth  off  the 


THE  INDIAN  WARS. 

feet,  and  drinketh  damage.  Tiiis  message 
delivered  by  him  as  he  afterwards  confessed, 
but  who  [)ut  it  into  his  mouth,  or  whether  it 
was  the  device  of  his  own  heart  does  not  at 
present  concern  us  to  inquire,  but  the  damage 
that  side  of  the  country  had  sustained  thereiiy 
is  not  easy  to  recount ;  for  u|)on  this  threaten- 
ing message  the  Indians  forsook  their  fort  and 
went  further  eastward  and  sent  to  John's 
river,  and  to  the  sea  side,  to  get  all  the  In- 
dians they  could  together  to  come  up  Penob- 
scot river. 

A  gentleman  who  at  that  time  lived  at  Pem- 
maquid, a  kind  of  superintendant  over  the  af- 
fairs of  that  place,  considering  the  sad  state 
things  were  running  into,  laboured  to  obtain  a 
parley  with  the  said  Indians,  or  with  some  of 
them,  which  after  much  trouble  and  cost  he 
did  accomplish.  But  in  the  meantime,  such 
was  the  violence  used  by  some  refractory  En- 
glish m  those  parts,  that  they  could  scarce  hv. 
restrained  from  offering  violence  to  the  per- 
sons he  sent  iip  as  messengers,  and  others 
that  lived  quietly  amongst  them,  and  did  also 
as  violently  set  themselves  up  to  oppose  him  or 
any  others  that  acted  with  more  moderation 
than  the  rest ;  protesting  against  them  as  those 
who,  for  gain,  supplied  the  Indians  with  pow- 
der and  shot,  and  said  they  would  kill  any  In- 
dian they  met;  others  at  Monhiggon  offered 
five  pounds  for  every  Indian  that  should  be 
brought,  yet  would  not  these  persons  that 
were  so  violent  against  the  Indians  in  theirdis- 
course,  be  persuaded  then  or  afterwards  to 
fight  the  Indians  in  an  orderly  way,  as  ap- 
peared both  by  their  security  in  not  acting 
better  upon  their  guard,  and  by  their  sudden 
flight  afterwards,  running  away,  like  a  flock 
of  sheep  at  the  barking  of  any  little  dog. 
Things  being  in  this  posture,  what  could  be 
expected  but  a  present  war  with  the  Indians, 
altliough  as  it  seems  there  were  f(;w  or  none  to 
be  found  willing  to  manage  it  in  those  parts. 
However,  the  person  aforesaid  understand- 
ing the  general  court  at  Boston  had  appointed 
a  council  of  war  at  Kennebeck,  applied  hun- 
self  to  them,  laying  before  them  the  desperate 
state  things  were  fallen  into  ;  whereupon  they 
issued  out  warrants  to  restrain  all  manner  of 
persons  meddling  with  the  Indians  without 
further  orders,  which  within  a  few  days 
should  be  had.  In  the  meantime  the  sa- 
chems of  the  Indians  met  at  Pemmaquid, 
where  after  many  complaints  made  of  the 
hard  dealing  of  the  English  in  Kennebeck  ri- 
ver,  they  came  to  terms  of  peace,  promising 
to  keep  true  friendship  with  tlie  English,  and 
to  hinder  the  Amoscoggin  Indians  from  med- 
dling with  the  English,  if  t)y  any  means  they 
could,  and  also  to  return  peaceably  in  the 
spring  of  the  year.  This  gentleman  afore- 
said, having  a  longtime  wanted  to  go  to  Bos- 
ton, was  willing  to  take  the  opportunity  of 
the  present  winter,  hoping  things  were  now 
pretty  well  settled  in  those  parts  between  the 
Indians  and  the  English,  found  soon  after  that 
he  was  cited  thither  to  answer  some  com- 
plaints, though  ill  grounded,  for  selling  pow- 
der and  shot  to  the  Indians  contrary  to  or- 
der. But  those  false  ojjinions  being  easily 
blown  away  by  his  appearance  at  Boston,  and 
having  d«!spatched  his  business  there,  lie  re- 
turned before  the  winter  was  over  to  Pem- 
maquid, where  hearing  of  a  vessel  that  inten- 
ded to  take  Indians  in  those  parts  and  carry 
them  to  market,  which  he  had  many  strong 


6:1 

reasons  to  believe,  (it  being  no  hard  matter 
to  surprise  many  such,  that  sii'<pecling  no 
fraud,  would  easily  be  enticecj  aixiard  a  ves- 
sel to  trade,  or  may  be  to  drink  li(juor)  sent 
to  both  the  masttir  and  the  compaiiy,  iflliey 
had  any  such  intent,  to  forbear,  .seeing  thrise 
Indians  were  at  peace  with  ua  ;  an<]  likowice 
to  the  Indians,  to  inform  them  of  such  a  ves- 
sel, and  to  beware  thereof;  but  yet  it  seem^ 
the  master  and  company  took  several  Indians 
eastward,  who  were  also  at  peace  with  us, 
and  to  our  great  sorrow  shipped  them  on 
board  for  a  market. 

The  winter  biung  now  over,  the  aforcnu^n- 
tioned  agent  of  Pemmaquid  went  to  a  meeting 
of  the  Indians  eastward,  to  persuade  theni  of 
the  country's  willingness  to  continue  a  pe.ice 
with  them.  They  seemed  very  joyful  thereat, 
and  in  the  spring  brought  some  prese.rits  to 
confirm  the  peace,  and  to  that  end  also  del.v 
ered  tip  an  English  captive  boy  to  those  u\ 
Kennebeck. —  But  when  the  summer  came  on, 
the  .said  Indians  having  liberty  to  visit  their 
fi  iends  as  they  used  to  do,  they  missed  many 
of  them  who  had  in  the  winter  been  j)erfid- 
iou.sly  carried  away,  and  as  is  related,  iSey 
fell  into  a  rage  against  the  English,  making 
cotnplaintthereof  tothesaid  agent,  .Mr.  Earthy 
Mr.  Richard  01  ver,  atid  others.  Tliey  w»;re 
told  means  should  be  usee  for  bringing  those 
back  again  which  had  been  so  transporteo. 
Those  to  whom  the  compla.nt  was  made  did 
scarce  believe  it  to  be  true,  not  having  heard 
thereof  from  any  other  hanu  and  probably 
hoping  none,  esjiecially  after  such  solemn  war- 
ning, would  deal  so  perfidiously  with  hea»hens, 
to  lay  such  a  stumbTng  block  before  them. 

The  Indians  being  certain  of  the  thing  dore, 
could  not  be  easily  pacified,  being  likewise  in- 
censed against  the  English  for  withhoid'ng 
the  trade  of  powder  and  shot  the  last  winter, 
saying  ihey  were  frighted  from  their  corn  tlio 
last  winter,  by  the  people  about  Kennebeck, 
insomuch  tliat  many  of  them  <)ied  in  thefollovx- 
ing  winter  for  want  of  powder,  and  where- 
with to  kill  venison  and  fowl  ;  adding  witlial 
that  if  the  English  were  t'neir  friends,  tliey 
would  not  suffer  them  to  die  for  want  thereot'. 
However,  the  said  agent  making  llie  best  ho 
could  of  a  bad  cause,  used  all  means  to  pacify 
the  complainants,  and  to  that  end  promised 
them  tliat  if  they  would  meet  with  any  of  the 
Amoscoggln  Indians  (who  had  all  along  the 
bitterest  enmity  against  the  English)  he  would 
give  them  a  meeting  to  treat  m  order  to  a 
peace,  Major  Waldern  having  already  conclu- 
ded a  peace  with  the  Piscatatpia  and  Casco 
Indians,  and  by  that  means,  iftliey  could  con- 
clude the  like  peace  with  the  Amoscoggin 
men  (that  could  not  yet  be  found)  there  would 
be  a  general  peace  with  all  the  Indians  east- 
ward of  Piscafatjua,  which  tlie  Indians  that 
were  present  at  this  discourse  seemed  very 
Joyful  at.  Yet  still  by  one  fatal  accident  or 
another,  jealousies  still  seemed  to  increase 
in  their  minds,  or  else  the  former  injuries  be- 
gan to  boil  afresh  in  their  spirits,  and  not  being 
easily  digested,  whatever  had  l)een  said  or 
done  to  allay  the  offensiveness  thereof.  Soor 
after  comes  a  post  from  Totonnock,  to  desire 
him  to  repair  thither  according  to  his  promise, 
where  ihey  told  him  he  slioiild  meet  Sqiian- 
do,  and  divers  Amoscoggin  sachems,  ar.d 
the  .Mug  was  sent  post  to  fi-tch  the  said  Sqan- 
ilo.  This  gentleman  mindful  of  his  promise, 
went  with  the  post  to  Keimebeck,  finding 


era 

Capt.  Like  at  his  house  in  Arowsick.  It 
was  jiiilg<!(J  tnoet  tlmt  Capt.  Sylvaiuis  Davis 
should  go  with  him,  with  instructions  from 
ihecouticil  then  silting  in  Kennebeck,  iiow  to 
carry  im  their  treaty.  After  they  had  gone 
part  of  the  way  towards  Totonnock,  they 
came  to  an  Englisli  house,  where  they  were 
told  that  great  jeahiusies  of  deceit  in  tlio  In- 
dians were  upon  their  spirits,  from  what  they 
had  lieard  of  Mu?,  and  Tarumkin,  an  Amos- 
coggin  sachem.  Going  further,  to  a  place 
called  Kedonucook,  they  met  with  Indians, 
who  were  very  shy  of  telling  them  any  tiling  ; 
which  added  to  their  former  intimation  greatly 
increased  tlieir  fears  ;  but  being  resolved  on 
their  voyage,  they  proceeded  in  their  way 
thither,  yet  falling  short  of  the  place  on  pur- 
pose, that  they  might  finish  their  l)usiness  with 
them  the  next  day.  When  they  came  to  their 
fort,  they  were  saluted  with  a  volley  of  shot, 
then  brought  into  a  wigvvam  where  their  sa- 
chems were  :  Madockawando  sat  as  a  chief, 
who  now  stiles  himself  their  minister.  Being 
set  in  council,  they  made  Assiinin!iS(jua  their 
speaker,  whose  adopted  son  was  the  said  Ma- 
dockawando :  He  t(jld  them  it  was  not  their 
custom,  if  any  came  as  messengers  to  treat 
with  them,  to  seize  upon  their  persons,  as  some- 
times the  Mohawks  did  with  such  as  had  been 
sent  to  them  :  C:i])tain  Davis  and  llie  other 
gerithiman,  told  tlunn  ther(!iii  they  dealt  like 
man  :  answer  was  presently  made  tht-m,  you 
did  iVi'.'wise  by  our  men,  when  fourteen 
came  to  t.-esi.  f.V.h.  you,  you  set  a  guard  over 
them,  and  tooKcT.vi/  ;l,eir  guns;  and  not  only 
so,  hut  a  second  lime  yJi  re(|iiired  our  guns, 
and  demanded  us  to  come  down  unto  you,  or 
else  you  would  kill  us,  which  was  the  cause 
of  our  leaving  both  our  fort  and  our  corn  to 
our  great  loss. 

It  was  withaut  doubt  iiosrnall  troiibii!  to  llieir 
minds,  in  a  treaty  with  those  pagans,  here  did 
jiotiiisae,  avd  non  pnfiii.ssc  rrfclli  :  Yet  to  put 
the  best  eonstruciioiis  that  might  be  on  such 
(rr»'giilar  actiens,  which  could  not  well  be  jus- 
•ified,  they  told  them  the  persons  who  hail  so 
done,  were  nut  within  the  government,  and 
tlierefore,  tht.ugh  they  could  not  call  them  to 
an  account  for  so  acting,  yet  tliey  did  iitterlv 
disallow  thereof :  we  sent  for  you  to  Pemma- 
()uid,  and  treatfid  you  kindly,  and  kept  you, 
i»3  you  know,  from  the  violence  of  tlie  Eng- 
lish; the  Indians  replied,  we  do  but  inform 
you,  and  will  treat  further  in  the  afternoon  ; 
but  when  the  afternoon  came,  our  two  mes- 
sengers told  them  their  business  was  to  treat' 
with  th(!  Arnoscoggin  sachems,  and  that  they 
were  sorry  .S(|iianiio  was  not  (here  ;  then  hav- 
ing cr)nfirmed  peace  with  tiiose  eastward  In- 
dians they  entreatiHi  the  Amoscoggin  men  to 
speak,  who  likewis(!  iirgi.'d  Tarumkin,  the 
chief  Amoscoggin  sacluMn  to  speak,  who  after 
some  pause  fiaid  he  had  been  to  the  westward, 
where  hi;  had  found  tnany  Indians  unwilliiiij 
for  peace  ;  but  says  I  found  three  sachems 
(v.'hom  he  nametl  though  th<is«!  he  spake  to 
knew  them  not)  willing  to  havi;  peace;  ;  and 
for  niy  own  part  I  am  willing  for  peac(!,  and 
gave  them  Ins  hand  with  prot(?stalion  of  his 
continuing  in  friendship  ;  so  did  seven  oreight 
more  of  the  Amoscoggin  men  ;  whose  names 
they  look,  of  whom  Mug  and  Ilobinhood's  son 
were  two.  After  this  Mailockawando  asked 
ihern  what  lh<'y  should  do  for  powder  anil 
shot,  when  they  had  «!at  up  their  Indian  corn, 
w'nal  they  a'lould  do  for  the  winter,  for  their 


A  iN  ARRATl  VE  OF 

hunting  voyages?  asking  withal,  whether  they 
would  have  tfiem  die,  or  leave  their  country, 
and  go  all  over  to  the  Frgnch  ?  Our  messen- 
gers told  him  they  would  do  what  they  could 
witii  the  governor ;  some  might  be  allowed 
them  £i)r  necessity  :  He  said  ihey  had  waited 
long  already,  and  therefore  would  have  them 
now,  say  yea  or  nay,  whether  they  should 
have  powder,  as  formerly  or  not  1  Our  mes- 
sengers then  replied,  you  yourselves  say 
many  of  the  western  Indians  would  not  have 
peace,  and  therefore  if  we  sell  you  powder, 
and  give  it  to  the  western  men,  what  do  we 
but  cut  our  own  throats  1  Adding  further,  it 
is  not  in  our  power  without  leave,  if  you  should 
wait  ten  years  more,  to  let  you  have  powder; 
at  which  words  they  seemed  much  to  be  offen- 
ded. 

But  yet  the  next  day  they  resolved  to  go 
down  with  them  and  speak  with  the  western 
men,  thereby,  if  it  miglit  be,  to  stop  tlieir  fur- 
tlier  ])r()ceedings. 

So  going  down  with  them  the  next  day, 
they  met  with  some  Indians  who  had  got 
strong  liquor,  with  whom  they  fell  a  drink- 
ing; our  messengers  stayed  at  two  places 
for  tiiem,  and  finding  that  still  they  tarried 
behind,  not  knowing  what  further  to  do,  they 
went  iiome,  it  being  the  sixth  day  of  the 
week  ;  but  the  next  night  save  <uie,  news 
came  to  Kennebeck,  that  the  Indians  had  kil- 
led divers  English  in  Casco,  althougfi  it  was 
not  yet  known  at  Pemma(juid  :  U[)on  this 
news  Capt.  Davis  sent  out  one  sentinel  the 
next  night;  the  rest  (such  was  their  security) 
went  all  to  bed,  and  in  the  morning  were  all 
like  Laish  surprised  :  Thus  might  it  be  said 
Invadaunt  JEvdea  aomino  (sino)  vinoq ;  se- 
pullaiii.  The  particulars  of  the  surprising  of 
Kennebeck,  and  Arowsick  house,  are  thus  re- 
lated by  sucli  as  were  acquainted  therewith. 

Upon  the  13lh  of  August,  IG7G,  several 
Indians  repaired  in  the  evening  to  the  house 
of  Mr.  Hammond,  an  ancient  inhabitant,  and 
trailer  with  the  Indians  upon  Kennebeck  river, 
his  daughter,  or  a  maid  that  was  servant  in 
the  house,  either  naturally  afraid  of  the  na- 
tives, or  else  from  something  slie  observed  in 
the  countenance  or  carriage,  manifested  so 
much  fear,  as  made  her  run  out  of  the  house 
to  hide  herself  in  some  ])lace  abroad  ;  the  In- 
dians perceiving  it,  the  more  to  dissemble 
their  treachery,  ran  after  her  and  brought  her 
into  the  house,  telling  her,  (although  they 
could  not  persuade  her  to  believe)  that  there 
was  no  reason  to  be,afraid  of  them  ;  presently 
after  more  of  the  barbarous  villains  coming 
into  the  house,  she  grew  more  afraid  than  be- 
fore, being  now  more  strongly  persiiadeil  that 
they  came  on  purpose  to  kill  or  sur|)rise  those 
in  the  family,  whiu'eupon  she  suddenly  made 
an  escape  out  of  the  house,  and  presently 
pass<Hl  into  a  field  of  Indian  ciu-n,  whereby 
she  might  the  better  avoid  the  danger  of  any 
pursuer,  and  so  run  across  over  the  land  that 
night,  ten  or  twelve  milt!S,  to  give  them  no- 
tice that  lixed  at  Slieepscot  river;  it  is  said 
that  after  she  got  out,  she  heard  a  noise  in 
the  house  as  if  they  were  fighting  or  scufflng 
within  tloors;  but  she  did  not  count  it  wis- 
dom to  go  back  and  see  what  the  matt»;r  was, 
knowing  before  enough  of  their  villainies, 
how  well  soever  her  mistress  (that  was  more 
versed  in  the  trade  of  the  Indians)  might 
tliink  of  them.  Those  of  Slieepscot  taking 
this  warning,  e?<aped  away  as  soon  as  they 


could,  leaving  their  cattle  and  dwellings  as  a 
prey  to  the  Indians.  What  befel  master 
Hammond  and  his  family,  is  not  yet  certain- 
ly known:  Reports  |)ass  u|)  and  down,  that 
some  who  came  down  the  river  afterwards, 
saw  some  of  the  dead  sti  ijyped  upon  the  bank 
of  the  river,  which  make  us  fear  the  worst 
concerning  all  the  rest ;  for  certainly  the 
whole  family,  16  in  number,  were  all  at  that 
time  either  killed  or  carried  away  captive, 
none  save  the  niuid  aforesaid  beii.g  known 
to  make  an  esca|)e  to  inform  their  friends, 
like  Job's  messengers,  what  befel  the  rest  of 
the  family. 

The  Indians  having  in  this  manner  surpri- 
sed Mr.  Hammond's  house,  they  pased  down 
the  river  the  same  night,  but  going  by  anoth- 
er house,  they  meddled  not  with  the  people, 
only  turned  their  canoes  adrift,  that  they 
might  not  find  means  afterwards  to  escape 
themselves,  or  helj)  others  so  to  do:  Possibly 
their  chief  aiming  at  Arowsick  house,  they 
would  not  for  fear  of  being  discovered  make 
any  attemitt  upon  a  place  near  by  ;  where- 
fore the  14th  of  August,  very  early  in  the 
morning,  having  in  the  night,  or  before  break 
of  day,  passed  over  on  the  island  called  Arow- 
sick; several  of  them  undiscovered  lay  hid 
under  the  walls  of  the  fort,  and  behind  a  great 
rock  near  adjoining,  till  the  sentinel  was  gone 
from  his  place  (who  wiuit  off  it  seems  sooner 
than  he  should,  considering  the  danger)  when 
presently  some  Indians  followed  him  in  at 
the  fort  gate  (as  some  report)  while  others  of 
them  immediately  seized  the  port-holes  there- 
of and  shot  down  all  they  saw  passing  up  and 
down  within  the  walls,  and  so  in  a  little  tinte 
became  masters  of  the  fort,  and  all  that  was 
within  it:  Capt.  Lake,  joint  owner  with  Ma- 
jor Clark  of  the  whole  island,  hearing  the 
bustle  that  was  below  betwixt  the  Indians  and 
those  that  belonged  to  the  place,  was  strange- 
ly surprised,  yet  himself  with  Cnpt.  Sylvanus 
Davis  and  two  more?,  understanding  that  the 
Indians  had  seized  the  fiirt,  and  killed  divers 
of  the  English,  apprehending  it  bootless,  or 
rather  heartless  to  stay,  as  not  being  able  to 
stand  upon  tlieir  guard  or  make  any  resist- 
ance, made  a  shift  to  find  a  passage  out  of 
the  back  door,  whereby  they  escaped  to  the 
water  side,  where  they  fiuuid  a  canoe,  in 
which  they  all  entered,  and  made  away  'oward 
another  island  near  by  :  This  was  not  done 
so  secretly  but  the  Indians  iliscerned  them  1^- 
forc  they  were  gone  far:  four  of  them  there- 
fore hasted  after  those  that  had  escaped  in  an 
other  canoe,  iind  coming  within  shot  dischar- 
ged their  guns  upon  them,  whereby  said  Da- 
vis was  badly  wounded  ;  yet  making  hs':^, 
as  they  generally  use  to  do  that  fly  fc;  their 
lives,  tintor  addldif  alas,  they  got  ashore  ba 
fiire  the  Iiulians  overtook  them  ;  it  is  said  tliej 
were  strangely  dispirited,  or  else  ihey  might 
easily  have  defended  themselves  against  theit 
pursuers  :  but  when  once  num's  liearts  are 
sunk  with  fear  and  discouragement  upon  t 
sudilen  sur[)risal,  it  is  hard  to  buoy  them  up, 
to  make  any  resistance.  Capt.  Davis  being 
badly  wounded,  could  neither  trust  to  his  legs 
to  fly,  nor  yet  make  use  of  his  hands  to  fight, 
yet  was  strangely  preserved:  Providence  di- 
recting him  to  go  into  the  cleft  of  a  rock  near 
by  the  place  where  he  first  landed  ;  the  Indi- 
ans by  the  glittering  of  the  sunbeams  in  tlie:r 
eyes  as  they  came  ashore,  did  notdiscern  him; 
so  that  lying  hid  under  the  covert  of  the  hand 


THE  INDIAN  WARS. 


678 


of  Providence  for  two  days,  he  at  last  crawled 
a  little  above  the  waterside,  till  he  found  a  ca- 
noe, whereby  he  escaped  with  his  life.  The 
otiier  two  were  better  footmen,  and  parting 
with  Capt.  Lake,  made  their  escape  ten  or 
twelve  miles  to  the  farther  end  of  the  island, 
and  so  escaped  from  the  Indians,  till  they  found 
means  to  get  off.  Poor  Capt.  Lake,  who  a 
few  hours  before  slept  quietly  in  his  mansion 
house,  surrounded  with  a  strong  fortification, 
defended  with  many  soldiers,  is  now  forced 
to  fly  away  with  none  to  attend  him;  and  as 
ihe  awful  hand  of  Providence  ordered  things, 
was  as  some  say,  pursued  by  such  Indians  as 
were  more  strangers  to  the  place,  that  knew 
not  the  master  from  the  man,  but  by  one  of 
whom  he  was  shot  down,  as  is  supposed  soon 
after  he  came  ashore :  Lieut.  Davis  heard  two 
guns,  by  which  it  was  thought  and  soon  after 
was  known  to  be  by  an  Indian,  who  hath  since 
confessed  to  Capt.  Davis  that  he  shot  him  that 
day  Arowsick  was  taken,  which  he  intended 
not  to  have  done,  but  that  he  held  up  his  pis- 
tol against  him,  whereas  if  he  had  but  asked 
quarter,  he  should  have  had  his  life.  Capt. 
Lake  was  slain  at  that  time,  although  many 
hopes  were  for  some  time  entertained  that  he 
was  taken  alive,  and  kept  with  other  captives 
amongst  the  Indians  ;  and  it  is  said  the  In- 
dians of  those  parts  did  not  intend  to  kill  him 
if  they  could  have  helped  it :  but  it  was 
known  his  hat  was  seen  upon  an  Indian's  head 
not  long  after,  which  made  his  friends  con- 
clude what  had  befallen  that  good  man,  who 
might  emphatically  be  so  termed,  in  distinc- 
tion from  them  that  may  truly  be  called  just 
men  and  no  more  :  For  it  seems  according  to 
the  just  agreement  betwixt  himselfandhis  part 
owner  of  Arowsick  Island,  it  was  not  his  turn 
this  year  to  have  been  upon  the  place,  but  such 
was  his  goodness,  that  he  yielded  to  the  desire 
of  his  friend  and  partner,  as  in  his  room  and 
stead  to  take  upon  himself  that  service  in  this 
time  of  danger  ;  it  is  hoped  his  goodness  in 
future  time  will  not  be  forgotten  by  such  as 
were  any  way  concerned  therein,  or  had  ad- 
vantage thereby. 

This  island  (called  Arowsick,  from  an  In- 
dian so  named  that  formerly  possessed  it,  and 
of  whom  it  was  purchased  by  one  Mr.  Rich- 
ards, who  sold  it  to  Capt.  Lake  and  Major 
Clarke)  lies  up  ten  miles  within  the  mouth  of 
Keunebeck  river;  it  is  some  miles  in  length 
and  contains  many  thousand  acres  of  very 
good  land  ;  where  meadow  and  arable  ground 
are  in  a  good  proportion  well  suited  togeth- 
er. Within  the  fort  aforesaid,  were  many 
convenient  buildmgs  for  several  officers,  as 
Well  for  wares  and  trading,  as  habitations  :  six 
several  edifices  are  said  to  have  been  there 
erected.  The  warehouse  at  that  time  was 
well  furnished  with  all  sorts  of  goods  ;  be- 
sides a  mill  and  other  accomodations  and 
dwellings,  within  a  mile  of  the  fort  and  man- 
iion  house  ;  some  inhabitants  of  which  hard- 
ly made  their  escape  upon  the  first  surprisal 
of  the  fort. 

All  which  considered,  the  loss  that  befel 
the  proprietors  at  the  surprisal  of  this  island, 
s'f!erns  to  be  very  great,  valued  at  many  thou- 
sands; but  those  that  were  the  owners,  with 
otiiers  of  late  times,  have  found  from  their 
own  experience,  what  Solomon  said  of  old, 
there  is  a  time  to  get,  and  a  time  to  lose,  a 
tune  to  keep  and  a  time  to  cast  away  ;  a  time 
lo  break  down  as  well  us  a  time  to  build  up. 
44 


The  persons  killed  and  taken  at  Kennebeck, 
at  Mr.  Hammond's  and  at  Arowsick,  are  said 
to  be  53. 

Upon  the  report  of  the  sad  disaster,  all  the 
plantations  of  the  English  in  those  parts  were 
soon  after  left,  and  (brsaken  by  degrees.  All 
the  rest  of  the  inhabitants  of  Kennebeck  ri- 
ver, Sheepscot  river,  Sagadahock,  and  Da- 
manlcottee,  fearing  to  be  served  in  the  same 
way,  fled  lo  the  islands  of  cape  Bonawagon 
and  Damaril's  cove. 

On  the  second  day  at  night  a  post  was 
sent  to  Pemmaquld  to  inform  them  of  what 
had  happened,  who  being  but  eight  or  ten 
men,  had  a  mind  to  go  on  the  island  called 
Monhiggon,  having  secured  the  best  of  their 
goods,  but  the  wind  taking  them  short,  they 
were  forced  to  turn  into  Damaril's  cove 
where  they  found  Mr.  Wiswall,  and  Mr.  Col- 
licot;  there  they  laboured  two  days  to  settle 
a  garrison;  but  through  the  mutinous  dispo- 
sition of  the  people,  and  the  want  of  provi- 
sion nothing  could  l)e  done  to  secure  the  Is- 
land, so  that  it  was  soon  deserted.  From 
thence  they  went  to  Monhiggon,  resolving 
there  to  tarry  till  they  heard  from  Boston, 
from  whence  Mr.  CoUicott  and  Mr  Wiswall 
promised  to  do  their  utmost  endeavour  to 
send  help.  There  they  settled  three  guards 
and  appointed  25  to  watch  every  night  not 
knowino;  but  that  the  Indians  might  come 
every  hour.  But  continuing  there  a  fortnight, 
and  finding  no  relief  like  to  come,  and  seeing 
all  the  country  burnt  round  about,  (for  after 
they  had  got  all  that  could  be  saved  from 
Pemmaquld,  they  saw  all  the  other  islands, 
Windgin's,  Corbin's  sound,  New-Harbour, 
and  Pemmaquld,  all  on  fire  in  two  hours 
time)  then  considering  what  was  best  to  be 
done,  they  found  no  boats  could  be  sent  to 
sea  for  fear  of  weakening  the  island,  and  that 
most  of  those  who  were  on  it  were  strangers, 
coasters,  and  such  as  came  from  the  main  and 
ready  to  be  gone  upon  every  occasion,  they 
laid  an  embargo  for  one  week;  after  which  a 
letter-was  received  from  Major  Clarke,  desi- 
ring their  assistance  in  inquiring  after  Capt. 
Lake,  if  alive,  saying,  what  could  be  had  at 
Ivennebeck,  &c.  but  intimating  nothing  of 
any  help  like  to  come  ;  besides,  those  that 
brought  the  letter  told  them  it  was  in  vain  to 
expect  any  help  from  Boston,  it  being  ques- 
tioned there  what  they  had  to  do  with  those 
parts.  Upon  which  the  inhabitants  consid- 
ered, that  if  they  should  tarry  there  and  spend 
all  their  provision  and  neither  be  able  to  go 
to  sea,  nor  yet  to  live  or  be  safe  ashore  for 
want  of  help,  it  were  better  for  them  to  re- 
move while  they  had  something  to  live  upon, 
and  seek  employment  elsewhere  ;  so  by  con- 
sent they  resolved  forthwith  to  transport  them- 
selves and  what  they  had  saved  of  their  goods, 
to  some  place  of  security,  so  they  sailed  the 
first  opportunity,  some  for  Piscataqua,  some 
for  Boston,  and  some  for  Salem,  at  one  of 
which  places  they  all  safely  arrived. 

Having  thus  escaped  at  first,  as  Lot  out  of 
Sodom,  but  not  counting  themselves  safe  in 
that  Zoar,  where  for  a  little  while  they  made 
out  to  hide  their  heads,  till  they  might  escape 
to  some  sure  place,  there  waiting  for  better 
times,  when  they  may  with  peace  and  quiet- 
ness return  to  their  former  habitations,  or  seek 
some  other  elsewhere. 

When  the  aforesaid  exploits  were  done  Iiy 
the  Indians  about  Casco  bay,  several  of  the 


English  removed  to  Jewell's  island,  where 
they  hoped  to  be  more  secure  from  the  In- 
dians, but  the  barbarous  enemy  finding  so  little 
resistance  made  against  them  on  the  main- 
land, a  considerable  party  of  them  came  with 
their  canoes  to  destroy  the  island,  also,  about 
three  weeks  after  the  aforementioned  mischicfH. 

There  was  a  fortified  house  upon  the  said 
island,  wliere  the  English  that  either  kept 
upon  the  island,  or  repaired  thither,  hoped  to 
secure  themselves.  But  at  that  time  the  In- 
dians assaulted  the  place  many  of  the  English 
were  absent,  and  few  left  in  the  garrison  but 
women  and  children.  Some  were  gone  to 
other  places  to  fetch  Indian  corn,  others  were 
in  a  boat  employed  about  fish,  amongst 
whom  was  one  Richard  Pots  with  two  more. 
The  wife  of  said  Pots  was  washing  by  the 
water  side  where  she  was  surprised  with  her 
children;  and  carried  away  in  sight  of  her  hus- 
band, wlio  was  not  a  little  distressed  at  that 
sad  spectacle,  but  was  incapable  of  affording 
any  relief  either  to  his  wife  or  children.  One 
of  the  little  innocents  espying  his  father  in  the 
boat,  ran  into  the  water,  calling  out  for 
help  ;  but  an  Indian  was  running  after  him  to 
catch  him  up ;  the  poor  man  in  great  agony, 
being  within  gun  shot,  was  about  to  fire  upon 
the  Indian,  but  fearing  he  might  wound  or  |)er- 
haps  kill  his  child,  which  the  \'lllain  had  sei- 
zed and  was  carrying  off,  he  forbore,  choosing 
rather  to  have  him  carried  away  alive,  than 
expose  liim  to  the  loss  of  his  life  or  limbs,  by 
shooting  at  the  Indian. 

It  is  said  some  of  the  Indians  were  killed 
by  those  in  the  garrison ;  it  is  mentioned  that  a 
lad  at  one  shot  killed  two  or  three  of  them ; 

■me  guns  were  found  afterwards  under  the 
fort,  which  were  supposed  to  have  belonged 
to  some  of  the  Indians  that  were  killed.  Some 
that  were  abroad  when  the  fort  was  assaulted, 
desperately  broke  in  through  the  Indians, 
whereby  at  the  last  many  people  were  pre- 
served.— Some  flying  away  to  Jewell's  is- 
land, in  a  canoe  toward  Richmond's  island, 
met  with  a  ketch,  to  which  they  made  knowr, 
the  distress  the  people  were  in,  thereupon 
went  to  the  place  and  took  all  the  people  tliey 
found  there,  and  carried  them  off  to  a  place 
of  more  safety.  Yet  there  were  several  per- 
sons said  to  be  killed  and  carried  away  at 
that  time,  viz.  three  men,  who  were  known 
to  be  killed,  two  woman  and  two  chili! ren  that 
are  supposed  to  be  yet  alive,  though  in  the 
enemy's  power. 

From  thence  they  went  to  Spurwlnks, 
where  they  assaulted  one  place,  or  more,  and 
carried  another  away  captive.  Amongst  those 
that  were  in  danger  of  surprisal,  one  that 
could  not  run  hid  himself  in  a  garden  of  cab- 
bages, so  that  he  was  not  found,  yet  was  very 
near  them,  for  he  overheard  several  questions 
they  asked  him  they  to<ik  ;  by  wliich  means 
he  was  the  better  enabled  afterwartl  lo  pre- 
vent the  danger  two  more  were  coming  into, 
for  the  poor  fellow  they  had  taken,  told  thenj 
that  one  Gendal  and  another  man,  wore  lo  come 
that  way  byand  by  ;  whereupon  this  man  that 
hid  himself,  meetingGendal  and  the  other  man, 
gave  them  notice  of  the  danger,  whereby  iliey 
were  delivered  out  of  the  snare  for  that  time. 
Xot  h)ng  after  Mr.  Gendal  fell  into  their 
hands  as  shall  hereafter  be  related.  Within  a 
wlille  after  the  same  time,  another  fatal  acci- 
dent befel  six  or  seven  persons  belonging  lo 
Casco:  For  upon  the  2.'id  of  September,  sucie 


B74 


A  NARRATIVE  OF 


persons  that  belonged  to  a  sloop  and  a  shal- 
lop, that  were  pressed  into  the  service  (one 
reason  of  whicli  was  to  prevent  their  strag- 
gling, they  being  persons  that  belonged  to 
those  parts  about  Casco)  were  over  desirous 
to  save  some  of  their  provision,  to  which  end 
they  first  made  their  address  to  Capt.  Ha- 
thorne,  (under  whom  they  were  ordered  to 
serve)  desiring  tlicy  might  be  released  ;  the 
captain  told  them  he  could  not  do  it,  but  desi- 
red tiiem  to  have  patience  for  a  while ; 
they  told  him  they  must  and  would  go,  else 
their  families  would  starve  at  home  ;  the  cap- 
tain told  them  furtlier  of  tlie  danger,  and  bid 
them  not  stir  at  their  peril.  However,  go 
they  would,  and  soon  after  went  to  IMount- 
joy's  island  to  fetch  sheep  where  they  landed 
seven  men  ;  but  the  Indians  fell  upon  them, 
when  they  betook  themselves  to  the  ruins  of 
a  stone  house,  where  they  defended  them- 
selves as  long  as  tliey  could ;  but  at  last 
they  were  all  destroyed  either  with  stones 
cast  in  upon  them  or  with  the  enemies'  shot, 
except  one  who,  though  at  the  first  it  was  ho- 
ped his  wounds  were  not  mortal,  yet  soon  after 
died  thereof.  Amongst  these  was  one  George 
Felt,  much  lamented,  who  had  been  more 
active  than  any  man  in  those  parts  against  tlie 
Indians,  b>U.  at  last  he  lost  his  own  life  amonsst 
them,  in  this  too  desperate  adventure. 

The  Indians  growing  more  bold  by  these 
attempts  in  those  remote  places,  drew  down 
nearer  towards  Piscataqua,  for  not  long  aftnr 
a  party  of  them  came  upon  cape  Nidduck, 
where  they  killed  and  carried  away  all  the  in- 
habitants of  a  few  scattering  houses,  to  the 
number  of  seven  in  all  ;  and  such  was  their 
savage  cruelty  exercised  in  this  place,  as  is 
not  usual  to  be  heard  of,  for  having:  dashed 
out  the  brains  of  a  poor  woman  that  gave  suck, 
they  nailed  the  young  child  to  the  dead  body 
of  his  mother,  which  was  found  sucking  in 
that  awful  manner,  when  the  people  came  to 
the  |)lace.  The  day  oefore  a  man  and  his 
wife  were  kilhjd  at  Wells,  and  two  more  soon 
aff«r.  On  the  12th  of  October  following  near 
100  of  the  Indians  made  an  cssault  upon  Black 
j)()int,  all  the  iiiiiabilants  binng  gathered  into 
one  f()rt'.fi(!d  [)lace  upon  that  point,  wliich  a 
few  hands  miglit  have  defended  ;  but  as  it 
seems  one  called  MuL'-g,  was  the  leader  of  the 
Indians,  one  that  had  from  a  child  been  well 
ac(piainted  witii  the  English,  and  had  lived 
some  years  in  English  families,  who  though 
a  cunning  fellow,  and  had  succeeded  much  in 
his  attempts,  but  as  this  time  shewed  more 
courtesy  to  the  English,  than  according  to  for- 
mer outrages  could  be  expected  from  any  of 
those  barbarous  miscreants,  and  was  willin? 
to  make  otTer  of  a  treaty  to  Mr.  Josselin,  chiof 
of  the  garrison,  to  whom  the  said  Mugg  prom- 
ised liber'y  for  all  that  were  th(!ro  to  depart 
with  their  !><iods  upon  the  surrender  of  the 
|)lace  :  The  said  Josselin  re|)ort3  that  when 
he  came  back  from  his  treating  with  Mugt;, 
that  all  the  people  wen?  fled  away  out  of  the 
garrison,  having  carried  away  tlieir  goods  bv 
water  ben>re  his  return,  insomuch  that  having 
none  but  his  houschohl  si-rvants  to  stand  by 
him,  he  was  capable  of  making  no  resistance, 
and  so  surreiuhired. 

When  p(!nple  have  once  been  frighted  with 
reports  ami  s(>n><e  of  daniicrr,  ihev  are  ready  to 
fly  away  like  a  hare  before  the  hunter  or  his 
hounds;  one  of  tlie  inhiiljitants  of  the  place 
a/firmed  he  »aw  2/>0  Indians,  wliich  was  more 


by  an  hundred  than  any  body  else  ever  saw 
near  the  fort.  But  when  a  place  is  consigned 
to  ruin,  every  thing  they  take  in  hand  shall 
tend  that  way. 

The  loss  of  Black  point  was  accompanied 
with  another  sad  accident  that  happened  about 
thesame  time  at  Richmond's  island:  Foryoung 
Mr.  Fryer,  with  some  others  at  Piscataqua,  to 
whom  it  seemed  grievous  that  the  Indians 
should  make  all  that  spoil  in  every  place  in 
those  plantations,  ventured,  upon  the  great 
importunity  of  Mr.  Gendal,  with  a  ketch,  to 
try  what  they  could  save  of  such  things  as  the 
Indians  had  left;  but  things  were  so  ordered, 
that  before  they  had  loaded  their  ketch,  com- 
ing too  near  the  stage  head,  they  presently 
found  themselves  in  danger  of  a  surprisal ;  for 
part  of  their  company  being  ashore,  seized  by 
the  Indians,  or  in  danger  thereof,  whom  they 
were  not  willing  to  leave  behind;  and  besides 
the  wind  blowing  in  hard  upon  them  they 
could  not  get  out  of  the  harbour,  but  were  for- 
ced to  abide  the  danger  of  an  assault,  the 
Indians  getting  many  of  them  into  the  stage 
head,  annoyed  them  so  fast  with  their  shot 
that  not  a  man  of  them  was  able  to  look  above 
deck,  but  he  was  in  dangerof  beingshotdown ; 
amonijst  the  rest  Mr.  James  Frver  venturing 
too  much  m  view  of  the  enemy,  received  a 
wound  in  his  knee,  which  appeared  not  dan- 
gerous at  first,  but  for  watit  of  better  looking 
to  than  could  be  found  amongst  that  black 
regiment,  into  whose  hands  he  soon  aft(!r  t'ell, 
It  proved  mortal  unto  him  within  a  few  days 
after  ;  he  being  by  a  strange  accident  brought 
home  to  his  father's  house  at  the  great  island 
in  Piscataqua.  Mr.  Fryer  being  thus  woun- 
ded the  rest  of  the  company  defended  them- 
selves for  a  while  with  much  courage  and 
resolution  till  they  were  brought  to  the  sad 
choice  of  falling  into  the  hands  of  one  of  these 
three  bad  masters,  the  fire,  the  water,  or  the 
barbarous  heathen,  to  whom  at  last  they 
thought  it  best  to  yield  in  hopes  of  liberty 
afterwards,  at  least  of  lengthening  out  their 
lives  a  little  longer  for  the  Indians  had  man- 
ned out  a  canoe  with  several  hands  to  cut 
their  cable,  and  others  stood  ready  within  the 
defence  of  the  stage  head,  by  which  means 
the  vessel  after  the  cable  was  cut,  soon  drove 
ashore ;  and  then  it  was  threatened  to  be 
presently  burnt,  if  they  did  not  all  yield,  to 
which  they  all  at  last  consented. 

The  Indians,  ho,w  barbarous  soever  in  their 
own  nature,  yet  civilly  treated  their  prisoiuirs, 
and  upon  farther  discourse  sent  two  of  them 
to  Piscataqua,  to  give  them  there  an  opportu- 
nity to  ransom  their  friends.  The  persons 
sent  home  to  procure  a  ransom,  were  to  re- 
turn with  such  quantity  of  goods  as  the  In- 
dians had  desired,  by  such  a  precise  time;  but 
they  that  brought  the  things  for  their  ransom, 
coining  a  day  or  two  before  the  time,  when 
those  that  sent  them  was  gone  up  the  river  at 
Black  point,  and  not  returned:  Some  other 
Indians  waiting  for  such  an  opportunity,  sei- 
zed the  goods,  at  least  that  part  which  they 
most  desired,  and  through  mistake,  killing  one 
of  the  three  men  that  brought  them,  dismisstid 
the  other  two,  without  return  of  the  prisoners 
as  was  expi  cted. 

As  to  what  happonod  afterwards  we  are 
yet  much  in  the  dark,  and  for  the  present  can 
write  but  by  guess  :  Fur  within  a  few  days 
after  the  return  of  Mr.  Gendal,  and  the  other 
man  that  went  to  carry  the  ransom,  before 


the  1st  of  November,  Mugg  himself  came  to 
P)scata(]ua,  bringing  Mr.  James  Fryer,  wnc 
soon  after  died  of  his  wound  ;  one  of  the  pris- 
oners along  with  hirn  complaining  that  with- 
out his  knowledge  some  of  the  Indians  had 
seized  what  was  sent  for  the  ransom  of  the 
rest,  promising  upon  his  faith,  that  he  wouic? 
make  good  liis  word  for  the  sending  home  all 
the  prisoners,  and  offered  also  in  the  name  of 
the  other  Indians  to  confirm  a  new  peace  with 
the  English  for  the  future.  The  major  gen- 
eral of  the  Massachusetts  colony  was  then  at 
Piscataqua,  but  not  willing  to  transact  a  mat- 
ter of  that  nature  and  moment  by  his  sole  au- 
thority, ordered  the  said  Mugg  (supposed  to 
be  the  chief  leader  of  the  Indians)  to  be  car 
ried  down  to  Boston  to  the  governor  and 
council  there,  to  conclude  the  business,  with 
whom  he  soon  after  agreed  upon  a  firm  peace 
with  the  English  of  Massachusetts,  in  the 
name  of  Madockawando  the  chief  of  all  the 
Indians  in  the  eastern  parts  about  Penobscot, 
engaging  also  to  remain  himself  as  hostage, 
aboard  the  vessel  (in  which  he  was  sent  home 
from  Boston,  the  21st  November  following) 
until  the  prisoners  (which  are  said  to  be  fifty 
or  sixty)  that  they  have  still  in  their  hands  be 
sent  home,  and  the  rest  of  the  articles  per- 
formed; the  issue  of  which  we  as  yet  wail  to 
hear  in  God's  good  lime,  this  12th  day  of 
December  following,  1676,  when  they  there 
liave  made  an  end  of  the  reckoning,  it  is  ho- 
ped we  may  have  our  rights  again. 

There  are  two  principal  actors  amongst 
the  Indians  that  have  all  a'or.g  promoted  these 
designs  amongst  ihem,  one  named  Sipiando, 
sagamore  of  Saco,  and  the  aforementioned 
Madockawando,  the  chief  commander  of  the 
Indians  eastward  about  Penobscot,  who  are 
said  to  be  by  them  that  know  them,  a  strange 
kind  of  moralized  savages;  graveand  serious 
in  their  speech  and  carriage  and  not  w  ithout 
some  show  of  a  kind  of  religion,  which  no 
doubt  but  they  have  learned  from  the  prince 
of  darkness  (by  help  of  some  papist  in  lltose 
parts)  that  can  transform  himself  into  an  an- 
gel of  light,  under  that  shape  the  better  to 
carry  on  the  designs  of  his  kingdom.  It  is 
said  also,  they  protend  to  have  some  visions 
and  revelations,  by  which  they  have  been 
commanded  to  worship  the  great  (iod,  and 
not  to  work  on  thi?  Lord's  day.  We  know 
wh(!re  that  fountain  hath  its  rise,  that  sendeth 
forth  at  the  same  place  sweet  and  bitter  wa- 
ters; and  from  whence  their  hearts  are  inspi- 
red, that  join  blessing  of  God  with  cursing 
and  killing  his  servants. 

It  is  reported  by  some  that  came  lately 
from  those  parts,  that  the  Indians  there  as  yet 
refuse  to  have  any  peace  with  the  English, 
and  will  not  as  yet  return  any  of  our  captive 
friends  till  God  speak  to  the  aforesaid  enthii 
siasts,  that  are  their  leaders,  that  they  should 
no  longer  make  war  with  us,  and  the  like. 

But  not  to  trouble  ourselves  farther  with 
those  ministers  of  Satan,  or  those  that  are  ac- 
tuated by  the  angel  of  the  bottomless  pit,  who 
possibly  since  their  delusions  are  but  twofold 
more  the  children  of  hell  than  they  were  Iv 
fore.  We  know  better  how  to  under!.can<l 
the  mind  of  the  great  Lord  nf  heaven  and 
earth,  than  to  depend  on  such  i\ing  oracles. 

That  God  who  hath  at  presi.iit  turned  their 
hearts  to  hate  his  peojile,  and  deal  si;liil> 
with  his  servants,  we  hope  in  time,  will  either 
turi3  Uio  stream,  and  cause  them  to  deal 


TflE   INDIAN  WARS. 


675 


frieiiilly  and  sincerely  with  iiis  people  as 
heretofore,  or  give  us  an  opportunity  to  de- 
stroy tiiem. 

In  tlie  next  place  it  remains,  that  some  ac- 
countbo  given  of  our  forces,  under  Capt.  Ha- 
thoriie,  and  of  their  several  expeditions  into 
the  eastern  parts,  since  the  middle  of  Septem- 
ber Jast;  first  up  towards  Casco,  by  the  sea 
Bide,  then  afterwards  through  the  woods,  di- 
rectly northward,  toward  Ossapy  and  I'ig- 
wauchet,  in  hopes  to  have  found  the  enemy  at 
tlieir  head  tpiarters. 

Upon  the  first  report  of  those  devastations 
and  spoils  that  had  been  made  by  fire  and 
sword  in  those  eastern  plantations  it  was  jud- 
ged necessary  to  send  some  forces  that  way 
to  put  a  stop  to  the  current  o    those  outra- 
ges, before  the  remainder  of  the  southern  In- 
dians could  have  an  opportunity  to  join  with 
lliem:    To  that  end  about  130  English,  with 
forty   Indians,  were  despatched  away  into 
those  parts,  under  the   command  of  Capt. 
William   Halhorne,   Capt.   Still,  and  Capt. 
Huntinsr,  who  v.  ere  to  join  with  such  as  could 
be  raised  in  those  parts,  under  Major  Wald- 
ern  and  Capt.  Frost.     After  they  had  surpri- 
sed the  Indians  that  flocked  into  those  parts, 
(as  was  related  before)  which  was  done  upon 
the  6th  of  September,  1676,  Capt.  Hathonie, 
who  was  commander  in  chief,  marched  the 
forces  by  the  sea  side,  towards  Casco  :  For 
at  that  time  they  were  upon  some  demur 
whether  to  march  directly  toward  Ossapy  and 
PIgwauchet,  where  the  head  quarters  of  the 
enemy  was  supposed  to  be,  or  else  to  march 
directly  toward  Casco  bay  where  they  heard 
parties  of  the  enemy  were  daily  spoiling  the 
plantations  of  the  English;  the  last  it  w^as 
judged  the  most  expedient  to  try  if  they  could 
not  meet  with  some  parties  of  the  enemy 
amongst  those  plantations  near  the  sea  side, 
by  tiiat  means  at  least  to  prevent  them  from 
doing  more  mischief,  if  they  could  not  find  an 
opportunity  to  fall  upon  some  of  them  and 
destroy  them ;  but  their  time   was  not  yet 
come,  nor  were  all  the  desolations  as  yet  ac- 
complished,  which  God  had  a  purpose  to 
bring  about  by  their  means:  For  iiotwithstan- 
ding  there  was  a  sufficient  force  to  have  sup- 
[)ressed  all  the  numbers  of  the  enemy,  if  they 
had  been  many  more  than  they  were,  yet  be- 
inar  emboldened  and  grown  subtle  bv  their  for- 
mer  successes,  they  had  so  dispersed  them- 
se.'ves  all  about  the  woods  in  those  parts,  that 
when  our  fi)rces  were  in  one  place,  they 
would  be  in  another,  and  so  did  much  mis- 
chief thereabouts,  while  oar  soldiers  were  out 
after  them:  For  after  they  had  by  several 
steps  m  ten  days  time  got  to  Casco  from  Ne- 
wechewaiinick  (about  the  9th  of  September) 
they  marched  to  Wells  and  from  Wells  to 
Winter  harbour,  and  so  from  thence  to  Black 
point  they  passed  by  water,  and  then  arrived 
at  Casco  bay,  about  the  20th  of  September, 
vet  about  that  very  time  were  several  of  the 
English  cut  ofF  at  Mountjoy's  island,  and  that 
in  sight  of  our  forces,  when  they  were  not 
able  to  come  at  them  for  want  of  boats  the 
island  lying  two  leagues  off  in  the  bay;  this 
happened  the  23rd  of  tlie  same  month  as  was 
said  before,  and  within  two  days  after  anoth- 
er party  of  the  enemy  were  doing  mi.'^chief 
at  Wells  and  cape  Nic-duck,  and  yet  esca- 
ped away  when  they  had  done. 

Nor  could  our  forceps  in  all  the  expedition 
meet  w'th  any  of  them  but  two  ;  one  of  which 


was  let  go  by  the 


soon  after  he  was  taken 
treachery  or  carelessness  of  them  that  held 
him.    For  when  our  fi)rces  were  come  with- 
in a  few  miles  of  the  hither  side  of  Casco  bay, 
some  of  our  Natick  Indians  under  Blind  Will 
(a  Sagamore  of  Piscataqiia,  who  went  in  com- 
pany with  S  of  his  men,  supposed  to  be  good 
pilots  for  the  places  more  eastward)  met  with 
some  of  the  enemy,  and  laid  hold  of  a  couple 
of  them ;  justice  was  done  to  one  of  them  ; 
the  other,  although  he  was  led  by  two  of 
J31ind  Will's  Indians,  they  made  shift  to  let 
go,  who  escaping,  got  over  a  river  and  gave 
notice  to  the  Indians  who  were  on  tlie  other 
side,  and  were    heard  but  a   little  before 
threshing  in  a  barn  that  belonged  to  Anthony 
Bracket,  whom  they  had  lately  surprised. 
Another  disappointment  our  forces  met  with 
about  the  same  time :  for  when  Capt.  Ha- 
thorne  was  up  at  Casco  bay  with  his  soldiers, 
he  never  could  come  up  with  the  Indians, 
either  through  want  of  skill  in  them  that  were 
his  scouts,  or  rather  want  of  faithfulness  in 
one  that  should  have  been  his  guide,  who  had 
got  his  living  by  trading  with  the  Indians, 
therefore  seemed  unwilling  to  have  the  brood 
of  them  destroyed,  as  was  known  afterwards  ; 
and  by  that  means  a  party  of  the  enemy  es- 
caped the  hands  of  our  soldiers.    Yet  itpleas- 
ed  God  at  one  time  to  bring  the  forlorn  of 
our  forces  upon  a  party  of  the  enemy,  who 
espying  the  English  presently  fled  away  into 
the  woods  like  so  many  wild  deers;  yet  one 
of  them,  viz.  J.  Sampson,  who  had  been  of 
the  company  that  killed  Robinson  the  year 
before,  was  by  the  special  hand  of  divine  jus- 
tice, suffered  to  fall  by  some  of  our  forces; 
he  was  a  very  lusty,  stout  man,  and  one  that 
was  armed  with  several  sorts  of  weapons,  but 
there  is  no  weapon  shall  defend  them  whom 
death  liath  a  commission  to  destroy  ;  there  is 
no  ransom  in  that  war.    The  rest  of  the  In- 
dians that  were  scattered  about  Casco  bay 
having  discovered  our  forces  made  their  es- 
cape; but  we  hope  their  time  is  short,  and 
that  God  will  find  some  way  to  cut  off  the 
bloody  and  deceitful  enemies  of  his  people, 
and  not  suffer  them  to  live  out  half  their  days. 

But  by  one  such  accident  or  other,  our  sol- 
diers could  not  meet  with  any  of  them  that  had 
done  the  mischief  in  those  parts.  While  our 
forces  lay  about  Casco  bay,  a  small  party  of 
the  enemy  came  down  upon  the  borders  of  the 
town  of  Wells,  where  :hey  lay  in  ambush 
near  a  garrison  house  at  one  end  of  the  town, 
and  shot  Mr.  James  Gouge  from  his  horse, 
on  Lord's  day.  Sept  24th,  as  he  was  going 
home  from  meeting,  and  then  knocked  down 
his  wife,  giving  her  several  wounds  with  their 
hatchets  about  the  head,  of  which  she  died 
in  three  days  after. 

The  next  day,  Sept.  25th,  the  same  party, 
being  not  more  than  seven  in  number,  went 
toward  York,  and  surprised  Capt.  Nidduck 
in  a  most  barbarous  manner,  killing  most  of 
the  poor  people  belonging  thereunto.  Some 
of  their  neighbours  hearing  the  guns,  came  to 
their  rescue;  the  Indians  being  on  the  further 
side  of  the  river,  dared  them  to  come  over  and 
fight  with  them  man  to  man,  using  many  re- 
proachful expressions,  and  making  a  shot  at 
them,  which  some  of  the  company  not  being 
able  to  bear,  did  very  resolutely  adventure 
through  the  river  after  them;  but  they  were 
not  willing  to  try  the  valour  of  the  English, 
when  they  perceived  they  found  a  way  to 


{)ass  over  the  river  tipon  them,  but  returned 
back  toward  Wells,  where  they  killed  one 
George  Farrow,  September  27th,  as  he  was 
too  carelessly  venturing  to  his  house  without 
any  company.    These  things  happened  while 
our  forces  were  at  Casco,  where  they  tarried 
seven  or  eight  days;   and  hearing  of  tl.ese 
outrages  committed  in  some  of  those  places 
which  they  left  behind  them,  and  not  ijeiiig 
able  to  meet  with  any  of  them  in  the  place 
where  they  were,  they  returned  back  toward 
Wells  and  York;  but  the  Indians  were  esca- 
ped away  into  the  woods  after  their  compan- 
ions before  they  came  there.    Our  solcliera 
having  thus  spent  much  time  and  pains  in  a 
fruitless  expedition  toward  Casco,  resolved  to 
venture  another  march  after  them  up  towards 
Ossapy,  supposing  they  might  by  that  time  lie 
drawn  homewards  towards  their  winter  quar- 
ters; or  else  that  they  might  destroy  what  they 
had  left  behind  them,  to  prevent  their  harbour- 
ing there  for  the  future :  But  it  seemed  good  to 
him,  who  by  his  sovereign  power  and  infinite 
wisdom  ordereth  all  events  and  purposes 
(wherein  his  people  or  otlvers  are  concerned) 
to  disappoint  all  endeavours  used  at  that  time 
for  the  suppressing  of  the  enemy,  or  putting 
any  stop  to  their  wonted  successes  ;  for  aoon 
after  our  forces  were  returned  back  from 
Casco,  news  was  brought  of  the  surprisal  of 
Black  point,  on  the  12th  of  October,  as  was 
mentioned  before;  which  notwithstanding  it 
was  judged  more  advisable  to  venture  and 
proceed  on  with  the  eyp*>diti<-n  towards  Os- 
sapy, (whither  it  was  supposed  by  this  time 
the  greatest  number  of  them  were  retired) 
rather  than  to  return  back  again  to  recover 
-  lack  point,  where  was  nothing  to  be  expec- 
ted but  an  empty  fort,  and  some  deserted 
houses,  which  it  seems  the  Indians  had  forsa- 
ken by  that  time.    And  besides,  that  other 
forces  were  about  the  same  time  ordered  lo 
repair  thither,  sufficient  for  the  repairing  and 
securing  the  place,  with  what  else  was  left 
remaining  from  the  hands  of  the  enemy  :  And 
likewise  several  soldiers  were  ordered  to 
garrison  the  towns  thereabouts,  to  prevent 
them  from  making  any  further  assault  upon 
them.    However,  they  were  so  far  embol- 
dened by  the  taking  of  Black  point,  and  the 
ketch  at  Richmond  island  that  a  party  of  them 
came  the  very  next  week  after  tovvanls 
Wells,  hoping  to  attain  that,  and  all  the  tv)wns 
and  places  between  Casco  bay  and  Pisoata- 
qua,  as  they  had  done  Black  point:   For  a 
party  of  them  under  Mugg  their  chieflcader, 
brought   Mr.  Gendal  along  with  them  lo 
Wells,  where  they  summoned  the  first  gar- 
rison at  the  town's  end.    To  facilitate  the 
business,  they  sent  the  said  Gendal  as  their 
agent  or  messenger  to  move  them  to  surren- 
der without  hazarding  an  onset;   but  ine 
peo[)le  were  not  so  despondent  as  to  \ield 
up  the  place  upon  so  slight  an  occasion; 
which  when  the  enemy  discerned,  they  soon 
drew  off,  after  they  had  done  some  little 
mischief  to  the  inhabitants;   for  first  they 
killed  Isaac  Littlefield  not  far  from  tlie  gar- 
rison; it  is  said  they  would  willingly  liav 
had  him  yield   himself  prisoner,  but  he  re- 
fusing, they  shot  him  down,  yet  they  were 
so  civil  as  to  suffer  his  friends  to  fetch  away 
his  body  without  offering  any  further  act  oi 
inhumanity  to  it,  or  hostility  towards  those 
that  carried  it  ofl'. 

An  old  man  called  Cross,  washkeu  isv  kil 


070 


A  NARRATIVE  OF 


led  by  iliom  ubout  tlie  same  time  ;  and  anoth- 
er whose  name  was  Jacob  Bigford,  belong- 
ing to  tlie  garrison,  was  so  badly  wounded 
that  he  died  soon  after.  Thirteen  head  of 
neat  cattle  were  also  killed  by  them,  out  of 
which  (through  haste)  they  only  took  the 
tdiiEues  leavinsr  the  bodies  whole  to  the  own- 
ers.  unless  it  was  the  leg  of  one  of  them, 
which  was  also  taken  away. 

This  was  all  the  mischief  done  by  them 
after  the  taking  of  Black  point.  The  inhabi- 
tants of  Winter  harbour,  near  adjoining 
thereto,  being  alarmed  with  the  surjirisal  of 
the  other  place,  fled  away  with  their  goods 
for  a  time  until  they  heard  the  enemy  were 
moved  firther  eastward,  and  then  it  is  said 
they  returned  to  their  place  again.  In  this 
posture  have  things  remained  ever  since  in 
those  eastern  plantations  between  Piscataqua 
and  Casco  bay. 

But  our  forces  under  the  command  of  Capt. 
Ilalhorne  and  Capt.  Still,  liaving  at  last  ob- 
tained all  things  necessary  for  a  winter  march 
mto  the  woods,  did  upon  the  first  of  Novem- 
ber following,  set  out  towards  Ossapy,  where, 
after  four  days  marcii  of  a  very  difficult  way, 
over  many  rivers,  not  easy  to  pass  at  that 
time  of  the  year,  they  arrived;  but  found  not 
an  Indian  either  there  or  in  the  way  as  they 
marched  along.  The  Indians  belonging  to 
ihosi;  parts  had  not  many  years  before,  hired 
some  English  trad(!rs  to  build  them  a  fort  for 
their  security  against  the  Mohawks,  which 
was  budt  very  strong  for  that  purpose,  four- 
teen feet  high,  with  flankers  at  each  corner; 
but  this  time  the  soldiers  intending  to  disap- 
[»oint  (iiem  of  their  refuge,  made  fuel  thereof, 
which  at  that  time  was  very  needful  for  our 
people  who  had  marched  many  miles  through 
a  deep  snow  in  a  very  cold  season,  when  they 
could  hardly  keep  from  freezing  as  they  passed 
along,  so  early  in  the  winter.  None  of  the 
enemy  being  to  be  found  there  in  the  strongest 
fort,  it  was  not  counted  worth  while  for  all 
the  company  to  march  any  farther ;  where- 
fore a  small  party  being  sent  up  eighteen  or 
twenty  miles  farther  northward  amongst  the 
woods,  where  as  they  passed  along  they  met 
with  many  vast  lakes,  (supposed  to  be  the 
cause  of  the  sharpness  of  the  cold  in  that  side 
of  the  country)  making  the  place  scarce  habi- 
table for  any  besides  those  savages  that  used 
to  hunt  thereabouts  for  moose  in  the  winter, 
and  beaver  in  the  summer;  but  at  this  time 
It  is  supposed  they  were  all  gone  lower,  to- 
wards the  sea  side,  to  share  the  spoils  of  the 
English  plantations  lately  surprised  by  them, 
which  is  all  the  reward  they  have  met  with, 
who  in  former  years  for  the  sake  of  a  little  lucre 
*>y  traffic  with  them,  have  run  themselves 
there  into  the  very  jaws  of  destruction,  either 
l)y  irregular  dealing  with  them  or  by  their 
too  much  confidence  in  their  deceitful  friend- 
tihi  p. 

The  0th  of  November,  our  forces  having 
«(>ent  nine  days  in  this  service,  retiirned  safe 
to  Ne wechewannick  from  whence  they  set 
li>rth  !it  first,  having  run  more  hazard  of  their 
limbs  by  the  sharpness  of  the  frost,  than  of 
their  lives  by  any  assault  from  their  enemies. 

There  was  a  great  probability  that  tin;  de- 
•ign  might  have  had  some  good  efTect  if  Mugg 
did  nf)t  much  abuse  those  he  fled  unto,  with  prof- 
fer f)f  peace  ;  for  he  told  tliein  that  there  were 
aIiihu  an  hundred  about  Ossapy  not  many 
days  before.    Bui  il  becomes  ua  to  look  be- 


yond second  cause  in  events  of  this  nature 
and  conclude  that  God  had  raised  up  their  bar- 
barous enemies  to  bring  a  like  chastisement 
upon  the  English  in  this  side  of  tlie  country, 
with  that  which  others  had  endured  elsewhere 
in  the  end  of  the  former  and  beginning  of  the 
present  year. 

Things  were  so  ordered  by  the  providence 
of  God,  that  the  vessels  before  mentioned, 
arrived  safely  at  Penobscot  in  the  beginning 
of  the  month,  where  they  found  the  said 
Madockawando,  who  was  ready  to  confirm 
and  make  good  the  articles  of  the  peace  con- 
cluded at  Boston  by  his  agent  in  his  name; 
and  was  willing  also  to  deliver  all  the  prison- 
ers that  were  then  in  his  power,  or  under  his 
command,  which  were  but  eleven,  who  were 
taken  in  the  vessel  at  Richmond's  island,  the 
12th  of  October  last.  The  said  Mugg  like- 
wise being  sensible  of  the  obligation  he  lay 
under  to  make  his  word  good,  did  venture  to 
go  uj)  himself  to  another  plantation  of  the  In- 
dians, where  we  supposed  some  more  of  the 
English  prisoners  were,  to  see  whether  he 
could  obtain  a  release,  as  also  to  persuade  the 
rest  of  the  Indians  thereabouts  to  join  in  the 
confirmation  of  the  peace  :  It  appeared  to 
the  persons  belonging  to  the  vessel  that  the 
said  Mugg  went  with  reluctancy,  and  fearing 
the  Indians  he  was  going  amongst,  would 
either  kill  him  or  keep  him  in  prison  ;  to 
which  end,  heordered  the  command  belonging 
to  the  vessels,  to  tarry  for  him  about  three 
days,  or  four  at  the  most,  assuring  them  that 
if  he  did  not  return  by  that  time,  they  might 
certainly  conclude  that  either  his  life  or  liber- 
ty was  taken  from  him  ;  however,  the  vessels 
tarried  about  or  near  a  week  beyond  the 
time  limited  in  expectation  of  his  coming ; 
but  after  so  long  a  stay,  they  neither  seeing 
nor  hearing  for  him,  were  ready  to  fear  the 
worst,  viz.  that  his  countrymen  had  made 
him  sure,  from  having  more  to  do  with  the 
English,  whereupon  for  fear  of  being  shut  up 
by  the  sharpness  of  the  winter  from  returning 
themselves,  they  took  the  opportunity  of  the 
next  fair  wind,  of  settino;  sail  for  Boston 
(only  turning  into  Pemmaquid,  to  see  if  they 
could  hear  any  further  news  there)  where 
they  arrived  with  such  prisoners  as  were 
freely  delivered  by  Madockawando,  the 
25th  of  December  following,  anno.  1G76 ; 
amongst  which  prisoners,  besides  the  two 
aforementioned,  who  were  found  at  Penob- 
scot, there  was  a  third,  by  a  more  remarkable 
providence  than  ordinary,  added  unto  them, 
Mr.  Thomas  Gobbet,  son  of  that  reverend  and 
worthy  minister  of  the  gospel,  Mr.  Thomas 
Gobbet,  pastor  of  the  church  at  Ipswich,  a 
town  within  Massachusetts  jurisdiction,  who 
had  all  tin;  time  of  his  son's  captivity,  together 
with  his  friends,  wrestled  with  God  in  their 
daily  prayers  for  his  release,  and  accordingly 
he  was  with  tlu;  more  joy  received  by  his 
friends,  as  an  answer  and  return  of  their 
prayers.  The  said  young  man  has  lived  with 
Mr.  Fryer,  merchant,  of  Portsmouth,  for  some 
years  befor(>,  and  had  been  often  at  sea  with 
Mr.  James  Fryer  the  eldest  son  of  the  said 
merchant,  and  who  had  after  much  experience 
of  his  faitfulncss,  dexterity  and  courage  on  all 
such  accounts,  borne  him  so  much  respect,  that 
when  he  was  urged  by  his  father  to  go  along 
with  Mr.  Gendal  as  was  said  before,  he  would 
not  venture  unless  his  friend  Thomas  Gobbet 
would  go  along  with  him  ;  which  service  ho 


only  for  his  friend's  suke  acce|)ted,  which 
proved  a  fatal  adventure  to  Mr.  James  Fryer 
and  might  have  b«;en  to  the  other  also  has  not 
God  otherwise  disposed  of  him,  having  as  is 
hoped,  more  serving  in  the  land  of  the  livinir. 
Amongst  all  the  prisoners  at  that  time  taken, 
the  said  Thomas  Gobbet  seemed  to  have  had 
the  hardest  portion  ;  for  besides  the  despwrate 
danger  that  he  escaped  before  he  was  taken, 
first  by  a  bullet  shot  through  liis  waistcoat, 
secondly  by  a  drunken  Indian  ;  who  had  a 
knife  at  his  throat,  to  cut  it,  when  his  hands 
were  bound,  when  the  Indians  came  to  share 
the  prisoners  amongst  them  he  fell  into  the 
hands  of  one  of  the  ruggedest  fellows,  by 
whom  within  a  few  days  after  his  suprisal, 
he  was  carried  first  from  Black  point  to 
Sheepscot  river,  in  the  ketch,  which  the  In- 
dians made  to  sail  in,  in  the  said  river,  from 
whence  he  was  forced  to  travel  with  his  pa- 
teroon,  four  or  five  miles  over,  and  to  Dama- 
rlscottoe,  where  he  was  compelled  to  row 
or  paddle  in  a  canoe,  about  fifty  miles  far- 
ther to  Penobscot,  and  there  taking  leave  oi' 
all^his  English friendsand acquaintance,  atleast 
for  the  winter,  he  was  put  to  paddle  a  canoe 
up  fifty  or  sixty  miles  farther  eastward,  to  an 
island  called  Mount  Desert,  where  liis  pate- 
roon  used  to  keep  his  winter  station,  and  to 
appoint  his  hunting  voyages  :  and  in  that  de- 
sert like  condition  was  the  poor  young  man 
forced  to  continue  nine  weeks  in  the  service 
of  a  savage  miscreant,  who  sometimes  would 
tyrannize  over  him,  because  he  could  not  un 
derstand  the  languaafe  and  for  want  therefore, 
might  occasion  him  to  miss  of  his  game,  or  the 
like.  Whatever  sickness  he  was  subject  to,  'oy 
change  of  diet,  or  on  any  other  account,  he 
could  expect  no  other  allowance  than  the 
wigwam  will  afford  :  If  Jose{)h  be  in  the 
prison,  so  long  as  God  is  with  him  there,  he 
shall  be  preserved,  and  in  due  time  remem- 
bered. 

After  tlie  end  of  the  nine  weeks,  the  Indian 
whotn  he  was  to  serve,  had  spent  all  his  pow- 
der, whereupon  on  a  sudden  he  took  up  a  re- 
Sfilution  to  send  this  young  man  down  to  Pe- 
nobscot to  Mr.  Casteen  to  procure  more  pow 
der  to  kill  moose  and  deer,  which  it  seems  is 
all  their  way  of  living  at  Mount  Desert;  the 
Iiulian  was  certainly  overruled  by  Divine  Pro- 
vidence in  sending  his  captive  down  thither 
for  a  few  days  before,  as  it  seems,  after  the 
Indians  in  that  place  had  been  powawing  to- 
gether, he  told  him  that  there  were  two  En- 
iriish  vessels  then  come  into  Pemma()uid,  of 
Penobscot,  which  indeed  proved  so;  yet  was 
it  not  minded  by  him  surely  when  he  sent  his 
captive  thither  for  powder,  for  it  proved  the 
means  of  his  escape,  which  his  pateroon 
might  easily  have  conjectured,  if  it  had  not 
been  hid  from  liim.  As  soon  is  he  arrived  at 
Penobscot,  he  met  with  Mugg  who  presently 
saluted  him  by  the  name  of  Mr.  Gobbet,  and 
taking  him  by  the  hand,  told  him  he  had  been 
at  his  father's  house  (which  was  the  1st  or  2d 
of  November  before,  as  he  passed  through  I|>s- 
wich  to  Boston)  and  had  promised  to  send 
him  home,  as  soon  as  he  returned.  Madocka- 
wando taking  notice  of  what  Mugg  was  speak- 
ing that  way,  although  he  was  willincj  lie 
should  be  released  according  to  agreement 
(his  pateroon  being  one  of  this  sagamore's 
subjects,  though  during  the  hunting  voyage 
of  tlie  winter,  he  lived  at  such  a  distance  from 
him)  began  to  demand  something  for  saf.sfac- 


THE  INDIAN  WARS. 


977 


tiDii,  in  a  way  of  ransom,  not  umJorstaiiding 
before  tliat  hu  father  was  a  groat  prt;a(;liman, 
as  tliey  used  to  call  it;  Reply  was  made  liiin 
that  he  should  have  something  in  lieu  of  a  ran- 
som, viz.  a  fine  coat,  which  they  had  for  him 
on  hoard  the  vessel;  which  tlie  sagamore  de- 
sired to  see  before  he  w-ould  absolutely  grant 
a  release;  but  upon  sight  of  the  said  coat 
seemed  very  well  satisfied,  and  gave  him  free 
liberty  to  return  home.  Whilst  this  Mr, 
Thomas  Cobbet  was  a  prisoner  at  Mount  De- 
sert, going  along  with  the  Indians  to  hunt  on 
an  extreme  cold  day,  he  was  so  overcome 
with  the  sharpness  tliereof,  that  all  his  senses 
were  suddenly  benumbed,  so  that  he  fell  down 
upon  the  snow,  not  being  able  to  stir  hand  or 
foot,  and  had  without  doubt  there  perished  in 
alittle  time, but  the  Indians  he  was  going  alon? 
with,  missing  him  presently,  ran  about  the 
woods  to  seek  him,  and  when  they  found  him, 
ihey  were  so  pitiful  to  him,  or  so  careful  of 
their  own  good,  as  not  to  cast  away  a  likely 
younp^  man,  from  whom  they  expected  either 
mu^h  service,  or  a  good  ransom,  for  want  of 
a  little  care  and  pains  to  preserve  liis  life  ; 
wherefore  taking  him  upon  their  shoulders, 
they  carried  him  into  the  next  wigwam,  so 
that  he  soon  after  revived,  and  came  to  him- 
self again,  without  any  farther  mischief. 

At  another  time,  the  savage  villain,  whose 
prisoner  he  was,  so  long  as  he  had  strong  li- 
quor, for  five  days  together  was  so  drunk 
ho  was  like  a  mad  furious  beast,  so  that  none 
durst  come  near  him,  his  squaw  he  almost  kil- 
od  ai  one  of  those  drunken  fits. 

The  said  Thomas  to  get  out  of  his  sight 
went  into  the  woods  for  fear  of  being  injured 
by  him;  where  making  a  nre,  he  kept  himself 
alive;  the  squaws  being  by  God's  special  pro- 
vidence so  inclined  to  pity,  that  they  came  to 
him  daily  with  victuals,  by  which  means  he 
was  at  that  time  also  preserved  ;  all  which  put 
together,  makes  his  deliverance  the  more  re- 
markable, as  an  answer  of  prayer. 

As  I'or  the  rest  of  the  prisoners  (which  are 
said  to  be  50  or  60)  they  were  left  with  those 
who  first  suprised  them  at  Kennebeck  and 
Sheepscot  river  :  The  women  were  employ- 
ed it  seems  to  sew,  and  make  garments  for 
them  ;  they  having  plundered  many  Engish 
goods  at  Arowsick.  They  are  so  much  ela- 
ted with  their  late  successes,  in  spoiling  so 
many  English  habitations,  that  they  seemed 
not  very  ready  to  hearken  to  terms  of  peace, 
as  their  sagamore  Madockawando  doth  de- 
sire: Nor  are  the  English  able  to  come  near 
them  with  any  of  their  forces  this  winter  sea- 
son, in  regard  both  of  the  remoteness  of  the 
place,  and  sharpness  of  the  cold,  which  used 
to  be  extreme  in  those  parts.  How  their 
hearts  may  be  inclined  in  the  following  year, 
or  what  the  English  may  be  enabled  to  do 
against  them,  is  known  unto  God  only,  on 
whom  we  desire  to  wait  for  a  confortable 
issue  of  these  our  troubles.  But  until  they 
have  spent  all  the  plunder  that  is  taken,  it  is 
no  doubt,  but  they  will  seem  averse  from  hav- 
ing peace  ;  as  others  to  the  westward  did, 
whose  hearts  were  hardened  against  all  prof- 
fers of  that  nature,  till  they  were  destroyed  ; 
pos.->ibly  some  remnants  of  them  that  esca- 
ped in  those  other  parts,  are  got  hither 
amongst  these  and  do  animate  them  all  they 
can  to  hostility  against  us,  till  they  make 
these  as  miserable  as  themselves,  and  so  forced 
at  last  to  fly  from  their  country     Many  have 


been  the  troubles  we  have  met  with  from 
these  barbarous  neighbours  round  about  us, 
but  God  we  trust  will  deliver  us  out  of  them 
all  as  he  hath  promised  to  do  for  the  righteous, 
who  may  in  the  darkest  night  of  afHiction  say 
light  is  sown  for  theui,  which  shall  spring  up 
in  the  appointed  time  thereof. 

No  further  news  came  to  hand  concerning 
the  English  prisoners  at  Kennebeck,  after 
the  return  of  Capt.  Moore,  from  Penobscot, 
till  the  5th  of  .January;  when  one  Francis 
Card,  with  another  young  man,  formely  an 
inhabitant  of  some  place  about  Kenebeck,  or 
of  Arowsick  (but  then  the  prisoner  with  the 
Indians)  made  an  escape  from  them,  and  got 
over  to  Casco  bay,  and  then  to  Black  point, 
from  thence  he  was  conveyed  to  Piscataqua 
soon  after,  and  then  to  Boston. 

The  manner  of  his  escape,  as  he  reports, 
was  this  :  He  was  employed  by  the  Indians 
to  thresh  corn  at  a  barn  a  little  lower  in  the 
river,  tlian  the  place  where  the  Indians  com- 
monly kept ;  being  trusted  alone,  to  go  and 
come  of  himself,  because  there  was  no  sus- 
picion of  any  coming  to  carry  him  away,  or 
seeming  possibility  to  get  away  without  being 
discovered,  he  found  means  to  plot  with  an- 
other young  man,  who  was  sent  to  look  for 
horses,  whose  flesh  it  seems  is  by  those  wild 
savages  preferred  before  the  best  beef,  so  that 
having  their  choice  of  both,  they  took  what 
they  liked  best.  This  being  the  employment 
of  the  young  man,  he  had  the  better  opportu- 
nity when  he  was  in  the  woods  to  make  a 
contrivance  to  get  away.  Thus  being  resol- 
ved upon  their  design,  they  provided  neces- 
saries accordingly,  and  sent  such  a  message 
home  to  their  masters,  as  might  occasion  them 
not  to  expect  them  very  scon  that  night.  Thus 
resolved,  they  marched  away  as  soon  as  they 
perceived  the  coast  was  clear;  and  having 
provided  a  canoe  accordmgly  fit  for  the  de- 
sign, by  the  help  of  which  they  got  over  the 
water  by  which  they  were  to  pass,  which  was 
not  frozen;  and  in  the  night  time  turned  into 
a  swamp,  where  they  might  make  a  fire  to 
keep  them  from  suflfering  with  the  cold  with- 
out being  discerned;  so  that  within  two  or 
three  days  they  recovered  the  fort  and  garri- 
son at  Black  point,  from  whence  they  were 
soon  conveyed  to  Boston. 

This  Francis  Card  made  his  relation  of 
matters  when  he  came  to  Boston,  viz.  that  the 
prisoners  which  he  left  behind  were  well,  and 
not  much  ill  used,  only  put  to  do  the  servile 
work  about  the  Indians.  Woe  must  it  needs 
be  with  Christians,  when  put  not  only  to  so- 
journ, but  to  serve  in  those  tents  of  Kedar. 
Such  of  the  women  as  were  skilled  in  knit- 
ting and  sewing  were  employed  to  make 
stockings  and  garments  for  their  pateroons: 
so  it  seems  the  ware-house  at  Arowsick  fur- 
nished them  with  cloth,  stuff  and  linen,  and 
the  inhal)itants  served  for  artificers  to  cut  it 
out  and  make  it  up. 

He  reported  also  that  the  Indians  spake 
nothing  of  any  peace;  but  rather  being  heigh- 
tened with  their  late  and  great  successes, 
were  contriving  how  to  get  possession  of  the 
other  places  in  the  hands  of  the  English  on 
that  side  of  the  country, .  which  God  forbid 
should  ever  come  to  pass;  but  finding  so 
easy  work  of  their  former  exploits,  they  hope 
to  accomplish  their  purposes,  with  the  like 
facility  in  all  other  places  \»here  they  come. 

It  seems  Squando  is  their  chief  leader,  that 


enthusiastical  or  rather  diabolical  miscreant ; 
who  hath  put  on  a  garb  of  religion,  p.nd  order 
ed  his  people  to  do  the  like;  performing  re- 
ligious worship  amongst  the  Indians  in  his 
way,  yet  is  supposed  to  have  very  familiar 
converse  with  the  devil,  that  appears  to  him 
as  an  angel  of  light  in  some  shape  or  other 
very  frequently.  'I'liis  Francis  Card  also  af- 
firmeth,  that  there  is  not  so  great  a  number 
of  Indians  as  is  herein  reported  ;  for  he  saitli, 
when  they  were  going  out  upon  some  design 
while  he  was  in  their  hands,  he  had  opportu- 
nity to  count  them  all  and  could  find  but  98 
of  them  that  were  men  ;  neither  could  he  dis- 
cern that  there  were  any  of  the  western  In- 
dians unless  Simon  and  Andrew,  that  form- 
erly escaped  out  of  Dover  prison  :  although 
it  was  before  apprehended  there  were  multi- 
tudes of  them  nocked  thither. 

Francis  Card's  declaration  of  their  be 
ginning,  August,  \ith.. 

The  Ind  ians  come  to  Richard  Hammond's 
and  there  killed  Richard  Hammond,  Samuel 
Smith,  and  Joshua  Grant,  there  parting  tlicir 
company,  eleven  men  came  up  Kennebeck 
river  to  my  house,  and  there  took  me,  and  mv 
family.  Therefore  the  rest  of  their  company 
went  to  Arowsick  and  there  took  the  garri 
son  :  About  a  fortnight  after,  they  came  down 
Kennebeck  river,  and  so  went  down  to  Da- 
maril's  cove,  and  there  burnt  houses  and  kil- 
led cattle;  then  coming  back  parted  their 
company;  one  party  went  to  Jewel's  island, 
and  the  other  party  went  to  Sagadahock,  be- 
ing in  number  81.  Those  that  went  to  Saga- 
diock  took  a  shallop;  from  thence  came  to 
Kennebeck  river,  and  then  went  to  killing  and 
destroying  of  cattle  and  houses  ;  for  they  had 
intelligence  of  a  ketch  and  a  shallop  at  Darna- 
ril's  cove,  and  going  there  they  took  the  shal- 
lop, and  killed  two  men,  being  in  the  number 
about  80.  The  next  day  made  up  their  forces 
went  about  to  Black  point  being  about  120 
fiirhtins;  men,  and  are  now  in  two  forts  about 
GO  at  a  place,  with  six  or  eight  wigwams  be- 
tween the  two  forts. 

Now  the  best  place  to  land  men  is  in  Casco 
bay,  and  in  Kennebeck  river;  the  one  place 
being  eight,  the  other  about  fourteen  miles 
from  the  fort  where  I  was  kept  ;  and  if  the 
army  do  not  go  with  speed,  they  will  be  gone 
forty  miles  farther  up  in  the  country.  At  the 
first  taking  of  me  tliey  carried  me  up  to  Ta- 
connet,  and  the  men  coming  down,  they 
brought  me  and  two  more  men  down  for  fear 
of  our  killing  their  women  and  children  ;  for 
they  kept  tlieir  women  and  children  at  Ta- 
connet  all  the  summer.  As  soon  as  the  warm 
weather  doth  set  in  they  do  intend  to  go  away 
to  Taconnet,  and  there  to  build  two  forts, 
for  there  is  their  fishing  places  and  planting 
Uround.  Squando  doth  inform  them  that  God 
doth  speak  to  him,  and  doth  tell  hmi  that 
God  hath  left  our  nation  to  them  to  destroy, 
and  the  Indians  take  for  truth  all  that  he  tells 
them;  because  they  have  met  with  no  affront. 
Now  Mug?  the  rogue,  being  come  again  to 
the  fort,  doth  make  his  brags,  and  laughs  at 
the  English,  and  saith,  that  he  hath  found  the 
way  to  burn  Boston,  and  doth  make  laughter 
'at  your  kind  entertainment;  tliey  make  their 
brags  how  they  do  intend  to  take  vessels,  and 
I  to  go  to  all  the  fishing  islands,  and  so  drive  all 
I  the  country  before  them;  reckoned  to  be  a 


C78 


A  NARRATIVE  OF 


gri?»t  niiinlMT  in  the  spring.  There  are  a 
«;n;at  many  Indians  at  Canada  that  have  not 
been  out  tliis  suinincr,  both  of  Keiinebeck  and 
Damarascoggin,  tlierefore  a  great  many  of 
these  Indians  at  Kennebeck  do  intend  to  go 
to  Canada  in  the  spring  to  them,  and  they  do 
give  gifis  Ijoth  of  captives,  and  ol  goods  to  the 
fasten!  Indians,  to  have  tiiem  go  with  them; 
but  as  yet  I  do  not  know  what  they  will  do, 
for  Madockawando  and  Scjiiando  are  of  seve- 
ral judgments,  and  so  have  parted  and  Ma- 
dockawando doth  pretend  love  to  the  English 
captives  as  civilly  as  we  can  expect  by  such 
a  people.  That  this  is  a  truth,  is  declared 
by  me  Francis  Card,  the  22nd  of  Jan- 
uary 1G79. 

By  the  report  which  he  brings  it  does  not 
appear  so  didicult  a  matter  to  make  an  at- 
tc'in[)t  to  recover  the  place  and  destroy  them 
that  hold  it,  as  was  before  ajiprehended  :  In- 
somuch as  that  design  that  was  under  debate 
before  the  governor  and  council  a  little  be- 
fore and  was  let  fall  for  the  present,  as  a  matter 
not-feasible,  hath  since  been  sot  on  foot  with 
a  fresii  resolution  :  And  another  thing  also 
occurred  about  the  same  time  which  put  new 
life  into  the  said  design,  viz.  an  apprehension 
that  there  were  several  of  the  Naragansetts 
scattered  about  in  these  woods  near  Piscata- 
qua,  who  it  was  feared  might  join  with  those 
of  Kennebeck  in  the  spring,  and  so  come 
down  upon  the  Enfi;ilsh  plantations,  and  spoil 
them  all  that  were  thereabouts.  For  soon  af- 
ter Francis  Card  came  to  Boston,  some  of 
Major  Waldern's  Indians  at  Quechecho,  as 
they  were  hunting  in  the  woods,  chanced  to 
meet  with  three  strange  Indians,  two  of  which 
had  guns,  but  those  (jf  Quechecho  were  with- 
out. The  other  Indians  began  to  have  a  talk 
with  them,  to  see  if  they  could  make  way  for 
iht'ir  acceptance  with  the  English;  Those  In- 
dians that  this  motion  wi'^  made  unto,  in  a 
most  perfidious  manner  gave  them  encourage- 
ment in  the  business,  and  appointed  a  place 
where  to  meet  them  the  next  day,  saying  they 
could  not  have  them  go  home  with  them  to 
tlu'ir  wigwams  lest  their  women  and  childrtwi 
would  be  frighted  with  the  sight  of  their 
guns;  all  which  spoken  u|)oij  a  treacherous 
account,  by  that  means  to  betray  them,  for 
they  had  neither  women  nor  cliildren  at  their 
wigwams;  but  not  having  guns  themselves, 
as  the  others  had,  they  durst  not  then  seize 
upon  them.  The  next  day  therefore,  accor- 
ding to  appointtnent,  their  guests  expecting  a 
treaty  and  a  friendly  compliance  (yet  coming 
apart  as  was  ordert!d  the  day  before  to  be  the 
more  easily  surprised)  arrived  at  the  place 
appointed  and  there  presently  the  first,  being 
thus  treuuherously  brought  into  the  snare, 
was  despatclu^d  out  of  hand.  The  like  was 
also  done  to  the  scrcond.  The  third  was  at  a 
distance,  }uit  he  cither  discerned  or  suspected 
tvhat  became  of  his  fellows,  and  therefore 
made  the  more  liaste  to  escape,  but  his  de- 
ciMtful  friends  were  too  (juick  for  him,  who 
sliot  him  down  before  he  could  get  out  of 
their  reach;  so  that  they  took  him  alive,  as  is 
•aid;  l)ut  he  could  not  live  miuh  longer  by 
reason  of  liis  wounds.  The  Quechecho  Indians 
cut  off  the  .scalps  of  their  poor  countrymen 
(which  3  their  usual  manner  when  it  is  too 
<ar  to  carry  their  heads)  which  being  brought 
lo  Major  Wuldern,  they  were  presently  dis- 
crrned  to  be  Narragansetts  by  the  cut  of  their 
L»ir.    Tills  Instance  is  a  sufHcicnt  evidence 


of  the  subtlety,  guilo  and  I'alsehood,  natural 
to  all  tliese  Indians,  and  may  satisfy  any  ra- 
tional person,  what  little  trust  there  is  to  be 
put  in  their  words,  promises  or  engagements, 
though  ever  so  solemnly  made,  farther  than 
they  that  make  them,  for  advantage  in  the 
keeping  and  performing.  Subtlety,  malice 
and  revenge,  seems  to  be  as  inseparable  from 
them,  as  if  it  were  a  part  of  their  essence. 

Whatever  ho[)es  may  be  of  their  conver- 
sion to  Christianity  in  after  time,  there  is  but 
little*  appearance  of  any  truth  in  their  hearts 
at  {)resent,  where  so  much  of  the  contrary  is 
so  ordinarily  breathed  out  of  tlieir  mouths. 

These  manners  of  the  Gentiles  in  former 
times,  while  they  remained  children  of  disobe- 
dience, until  they  were  renewed  after  another 
image  :  Nor  are  those  incapable  subjects  for 
divine  grace  to  work  upon;  yet  are  there 
some  natural  vices  proper  to  every  nation  in 
the  world,  as  Paul  speaks  of  the  Grecians, 
from  the  testimony  of  one  of  their  own 
poets. 

But  to  return.  These  things  so  concurring 
and  several  gentlemen  from  about  Plscataqua 
repairing  to  Boston,  so  represented  the  slate 
of  things  eastward  before  the  governor  and 
council,  that  it  is  apjirehended  not  only  neces- 
sary, but  feasible  also  to  suppress  the  aforesaid 
Indians  in  those  parts  :  Whereupon  it  was 
forthwith  concluded  that  an  expedition  should 
be  made  against  them  ;  to  which  end  250  sol- 
diers, whereof  about  60  were  of  Natick  In- 
dians, who  had  given  good  proof  of  their  value 
and  faitlifulness  to  tlie  English  ;  all  which 
were  immediately  despatched  away  the  first 
week  in  February,  by  water  under  the  con- 
duct of  Major  Waldern,  as  commander  in 
chief;  a  person  well  approved  for  his  activity, 
as  well  as  fidelity  and  courage  in  matters  of 
this  nature.  They  had  to  encounter  with 
rough  and  contrary  winds,  and  much  cold 
weather  the  first  week  ailer  their  setting  out ; 
but  having  so  much  experience  of  the  favour 
and  goodness  of  Almighty  God,  who  is  always 
wont  to  be  present  with  his  servants  in  like 
cases,  though  he  hath  often  for  a  time  deferred, 
for  the  trial  of  their  faith  and  exercise  of  their 
patience,  yet  useth  not  to  fall  his  people,  that 
put  their  trust  ih  him,  being  a])polntcd  for 
that  end,  to  which  we  expect  a  comfortable 
answer.  We  that  have  sent  forth  our  friends 
on  the  public  service,  being  thus  engaged  to 
follow  them  with  prayers,  at  present  in  silence 
wait  upon  the  Lord  of  Hosts  to  give  a  blessing 
to  the  design  ;  hoping  our  friends  in  this  ne- 
cessary, though  dithciilt  service,  thus  called 
forth,  have  gone  out  with  the  like  encourage- 
ment and  resolution  that  sometimes  Joab  did. 
Let  us  be  of  good  courage,  and  play  the  men 
of  our  people,  and  for  the  cause  of  our  God. 
And  let  the  Lord  do  that  which  seemeth  him 
good. 

Upon  the  11th  of  February,  two  Indian 
squaws  that  had  run  away  from  Major  Wal- 
dern's in  the  beginning  of  winter,  out  of  dis- 
content, because  the  husband  of  one  of  them, 
and  some  of  the  relations  of  the  other  were 
sent  away,  came  back  with  more  wit  than 
they  carried  away  with  them,  though  with 
less  flesh  ujion  their  backs  ;  having  wandered 
up  towards  Pigwaurhet,  till  they  wore  almost 
starved  there.  They  say  some  of  the  Indians 
were  seen  by  them,  pretending  they  were  go- 
ing to  the  liead  ^f  Connecticut  river,  with 
hostile  intents  against  the  English;  but  they 


going  away  in  the  manner  before  described, 
little  lieed  is  to  be  given  to  the  stories  they 
tell  on  their  return. 

The  19th  of  February  following,  John  Ab- 
bot, the  master  of  Mr.  Fryer's  ketch  taken 
October  12th  at  Black  point,  came  into  the 
isle  of  Shoales,  having  made  a  desperate  ad- 
venture to  escape.  He  gave  a  more  probable 
account  of  things  in  those  parts. 

He  salth  they  first  carried  toSeecpscot  river, 
where  the  vessel  in  which  they  were  taken 
was  moored  all  the  winter  ;  in  which  time 
the  Indians  have  spent  all  their  ammunition 
and  most  of  their  provision,  thought  it  high 
time  to  be  looking  out  for  more  ;  to  which 
end  they  caused  the  said  Albot  to  fit  up  the 
vessel  (being  a  pinnace  of  about  DO  tons)  as 
well  as  he  could,  with  sucli  assistance  as  they 
could  afford  him  ;  and  ten  of  them  shipped 
themselves  in  the  same,  intending  for  Penob- 
scot ;  from  thence  to  sail  up  that  river  as  far 
as  they  could  ;  and  then  leaving  their  vessel 
to  proceed  on  with  their  canoes  as  high  up 
the  river  as  the  stream  would  permit,  and  so 
to  pass  on  to  Canada,  to  buy  powder  of  the 
French  there  ;  it  being  at  this  time  thirty  two 
shillings  a  pound  amongst  the  Indians  at  Ken- 
nebeck. But  as  Providence  ordered  it,  after 
these  mariners  launched  into  the  deep  a  small 
storm  with  a  contrary  wind  began  to  rise;  of 
which  the  English  skipper  found  ways  in  his 
steering  to  make  the  danger  seem  more  than 
really  it  was,  insomuch  that  they  resolved  to 
put  in  at  cape  Bonawaggon,  three  leagues  to 
the  eastward  of  Sheepscot,  where  eight  of 
them  went  on  shore,  leaving  two  Indians  on 
board  with  the  English  skipper.  After  he  had 
sot  so  well  iIq  of  them  he  contrived  how  to 
get  clear  of  the  others  also  ;  therefore  he  per- 
suaded them  that  the  vessel  would  not  ride 
sal"ely  in  that  |)lace,  so  that  he  prevailed  with 
them  to  let  hiin  go  to  another  harbour  called 
Damarll's  cove,  two  or  three  leagues  more 
eastward.  In  the  way  as  he  sailed  he  so  or- 
dered his  steering  that  eoinetlmes  tlie  waves 
were  ready  to  overtake  the  vessel,  which  jiut 
his  two  Indians  into  a  fright,  so  that  they 
made  all  the  haste  they  could  to  get  ashore, 
as  soon  as  they  come  within  the  harbour,  urging 
him  to  go  along  with  them;  but  he  jiretended 
a  r.ccessarv  excuse  to  stay  behind  to  look  after 
the  ■>  essel  but  with  intent  as  soon  as  he  should 
see  them  ashore,  to  hoist  sail  for  some  English 
harbour,  having  no  body  on  board  with  him, 
but  a  small  English  child  about  three  years 
old.  It  seems  the  Indians  had  a  child  or  two 
ofthelr  own  dead  in  the  vessel,  who  died  after 
they  began  their  voyage,  they  were  the  for- 
warder to  go  on  shore  with  them  for  burial. 
The  said  Abbot  now  perceiving  he  had  ob- 
tained his  purpose  (for  he  resolved  on  this 
project  before)  first  greasing  the  mast  with  a 
piece  of  fat  pork  left  by  the  Indians,  as  high 
lie  could  reach,  that  he  with  his  own  hands 
might  the  more  easily  hoist  the  sail,  so  choos- 
ing rather  to  cast  himself  upon  the  Providence 
of  God  on  the  waters,  than  to  trust  himself 
any  longer  with  the  perfidious  savages  on  the 
drv  land;  he  came  safe  to  the  isle  of  Shoales 
Ix  fore  the  evening  of  the  next  day,  the  19th 
of  I'^ebruary. 

Within  a  few  days  after  John  Abbot  afore- 
said made  his  escape  in  the  vessel,  there  came 
an  express  from  Major  Waldern  (the  com- 
mander in  chief  over  our  forces  sent  to  Ken- 
nebeck to  subdue  '.he  Indians  in  these  j)aru, 


THE  INDIAN  WARS. 


and  deliver  the  English  captives  tliat  have 
been  detained  in  their  hands  since  August 
last)  which  givetli  thisaccountof  their  poceed- 

Feb.  17th.  This  morning  the  wind  north- 
east, soon  after  south  and  south-west,  we  set 
sail  with  our  vessels  from  Black  point,  for 
Portland,  but  on  the  east  side  of  cape  Eliza- 
betii,  we  espied  John  Paine  (who  was  sent 
out  a  scout)  who  brought  word  the  way  was 
clear  of  ice  and  Indians  ;  whereupon  we  steer- 
ed for  Mary  point  at  the  head  of  Casco  bay, 
and  got  there  this  night,  but  too  late  to  get  to 
the  fort  before  morning. 

Feb.  18th.  We  sent  this  morning  our  scouts 
out  by  land,  who  returning  about  8  o'clock, 
brought  word  they  saw  the  tracks  of  three  In- 
dians, and  found  a  birch  canoe  at  Muckquit, 
about  four  n.iles  off,  by  which  we  feared  we 
were  discovered  ;  the  companies  about  four  o' 
clock  were  drawn  forth,  and  just  beginning 
rheir  march  when  we  espied  five  of  the  ene- 
my about  half  a  mile  off;  they  landed  over 
against  us  on  an  island,  and  hollaed  to  us, 
whereby  we  perceived  they  desired  a  treaty  ; 
hoping  to  gain  the  captives,  we  sent  John 
Paine  to  them,  they  promised  him  to  bring  the 
captives  by  morning  and  desired  peace.  Af- 
ter this  John  Paine  was  sent  again,  and 
stayed  among  the  Indians  in  the  room  of  Si- 
mon, who  came  to  the  major.  He  was  ques- 
tioned, and  answered  as  follows. 

Quest.  How  came  you  to  know  w^e  were 
her.'  ? 

Ans.  We  continually  kept  out  our  scouts, 
and  yesterday  our  Indians  left  a  canoe  at 
Muckquit,  which  this  day  we  missed,  and 
perceived  the  English  had  taken  it,  and  our 
men  that  left  the  canoe  espied  you  a  great 
way  off  at  Portland. 

Quest.  Why  did  you  break  your  covenant 
with  me  I 

Ans,  Blind  Will  stirred  us  up  to  war  here, 
and  said  he  would  kill  you  at  Quechecho. 
Simon  having  said  this,  asked  the  ma.jor  what 
his  business  was  here,  to  whom  it  was  an- 
swered, we  came  to  fetch  off  the  captives  and 
make  war  as  we  see  good.  Simon  also  told 
us  that  the  captives  were  all  well,  that  we 
should  have  them  by  morning,  that  Squando 
Was  tliere,  and  would  give  the  captives  to 
Major  Waldern  ;  that  they  intended  peace, 
and  had  sent  to  Boston  before  now,  but  that 
Mugg  told  them  that  the  English  would  be 
here  shortly. 

The  major  upon  this  dismissed  Simon,  and 
sent  for  Squando,  to  which  Squando  answered 
he  would  meet  him  half  way  if  he  would 
come  alone  in  a  birch  canoe.  To  this  the 
major  answered,  he  would  not  venture  him- 
self in  one  of  their  leaky  canoes,  and  that  if 
he  had  no  more  to  say,  the  treaty  was  ended  : 
To  this  Squando  answered,  he  would  be  with 
us  again  at  ten  o'clock,  and  bring  the  captives. 

Feb.  9lh.  Wind  north-east,  the  weather 
thick  :  About  noon  we  discovered  a  party  of 
Indians  in  f)urteen  canoes  about  three  miles 
above  us  in  the  bay;  they  landed  on  a  point 
of  land,  and  burnt  one  English  house  and 
shouted  to  some  of  our  men  that  were  scouts, 
challenging  them  to  fight :  Immediately  on 
the  return  of  our  scouts  we  marched  aga'nst 
them  as  secretly  as  we  could  ;  upon  sight  of 
us  they  fled  ;  but  Capt.  Frost  came  upon 
them  with  his  whole  body  before  they  were 
halJ  out  of  gun  shot.    In  this  skirmisH  we 


ju(]ged  we  killed  and  wounded  several  of 
them  without  any  damage,  yet  some  of  their 
bullets  hit  some  of  our  men.  For  the  captain's 
sake  immediately  after  this  we  hung  out  a 
flag  of  truce  and  the  enemy  did  thr.  like.  John 
Paine  was  sent  to  them  to  demanj  the  reason 
why  they  fired  the  houses,  and  broke  their 
promise. 

Simon  methimhalf  way,  and  answered,  the 
house  was  fired  accidentally  without  order 
fom  Squando  ;  that  they  had  sent  for  the  cap- 
tives who  were  a  great  way  oft",  and  the  foul 
weather  hindered  their  coming  :  He  question- 
ed John  Paine  also  why  we  fought  them  while 
we  were  in  a  treaty. 

Paine  answered,  they  broke  it  themselves 
in  not  performing  their  promises,  challenging 
our  soldiers  to  fight ;  the  latter  Simon  denied, 
and  answered  the  other  as  before  :  Simon  told 
him  they  had  two  men  wounded,  and  expect- 
ed satisfaction,  but  also  promised  the  captives 
the  next  day  and  so  left  us. 

Feb.  20th.  The  wind  north-east,  and  snow, 
it  was  resolved  to  sail  for  Kennebeckthe  first 
fair  wind,  whither  we  had  immediately  gone 
upon  our  knowledge  that  we  were  discover- 
ed by  the  enemy,  but  that  the  wind  and  weather 
hindered  us  hitherto. 

Feb.  21.  This  morningthe  wmd  north-west, 
we  set  sail  for  Kennebeck,  and  arrived  at  the 
harbour's  mouth  at  four  o'clock.  About  sun 
set  we  set  sail  up  the  river,  and  got  to  the 
lower  end  of  Arowsick. 

Feb.  22d.  We  set  sail  this  morning  but 
could  not  get  to  the  head  of  the  river  for  ice, 
whereupon  we  landed  our  soldiers  at  two 
o'clock  about  twelve  miles  off  Aboundessit 
fort,  and  immediately  began  our  march  ;  at 
8  o'clock  at  night  came  to  the  fort ;  we  found 
no  Indians,  there  we  took  up  oar  quarters 
this  night. 

Feb.  23d.  We  sent  out  scouts  to  discover 
the  march  of  the  enemy,  but  found  so  many 
tracks  every  way,  that  we  knew  not  what 
way  to  follow  them.  At  a  council  of  war  it 
was  resolved  that  Major  Waldern  should  sail 
for  Penobscot,  with  two  ketches,  and  part  of 
the  soldiers  to  seek  after  the  captives,  and 
fight  the  enemy  if  he  had  opportunity  ;  the 
rest  to  build  a  garrison.  In  the  absence  of 
our  forces,  the  vessels  espied  several  fires  be- 
low the  river,  and  one  English  house  was 
burnt;  about  sunset  the  soldiers  returned  to 
the  vessels. 

Feb.  24th.  This  morning  the  major  with 
two  boats  and  a  shallop,  went  to  spy  out  a 
place  to  settle  a  garrison,  and  found  one  against 
the  lower  end  of  Arowsick  island  and  the  ves- 
sels are  brought  to  it. 

Feb.  25th.    We  rested  here  this  sabbath. 

John  Baker's  house  opposite  the  lower  end 
of  Arowsick  being  judged  the  most  conve- 
nient place  for  their  purpose,  as  well  for  the 
convetiiencv  of  water  for  the  soldiers,  as  for 
a  cove  wherein  ships  might  ride,  within  com- 
mand thereof,  the  vessels  therefore  were  im- 
mediately anchored  there,  where  they  rested 
on  the  Lord's  day,  February  25th. 

Next  day  according  to  the  advice  of  the 
commanders.  Major  Waldern  embarked  60 
men  in  two  vessels,  with  which  he  set  sail 
immediately  for  Penobscot,  leaving  the  rest 
to  be  employed  in  making  preparation  for  set- 
tling a  garrison  In  the  saiti  place. 

In  their  way  off  from  Gyobscut  point  they 
espied  two  Indians  in  a  canoe,  that  waved 


their  caps  as  if  they  desired  to  speak  v/iti. 
them.  John  Paine  and  Walter  Gendal  were 
presently  sent  ;  they  gave  them  inrelligence 
that  many  Indians  were  at  Pcmmaquid  with 
the  English  ca[)tives,  upon  which  they  bent 
their  course  thither ;  when  arriving,  they 
anchored  at  four  o'clock  the  same  day  ;  soon 
after  two  Indians  halloed  to  them  from  Mr. 
Gardner's  fort.  John  Paine  was  sent  ashore 
to  enquire  who  they  w  ere,  and  what  was  I>e- 
come  of  the  captives.  Sundry  sorts  of  Indians 
were  found  about  the  j)lace  with  several  sa- 
gamores, the  chief  of  whom  was  Mattahando, 
who  told  them  he  was  glad  to  see  Englishmen 
there  and  that  he  desired  peace,  and  pronnsod 
to  deliver  such  captives  as  were  at  Penobscot, 
the  next  morning;  adding  also,  that  he  de- 
sired to  speak  withCapt.  Davis.  After  .John 
Paine  returned  to  the  major,  he  was  sent 
back  with  the  said  Davis  and  stayed  ashore 
till  three  sagamores  went  on  board,  ai.d  sig- 
nified as  much  to  .Major  Waldern,  as  they  had 
before  to  John  Paine.  While  they  were  in 
discourse,  an  English  captive  was  espied  in 
a  canoe  with  his  pateroon,  with  whom  they 
desired  to  speak,  but  it  was  not  granted  at 
that  time  he  being  carried  farther  up  the  river 
out  of  si>rht. 

o 

Soun  after  the  major  went  on  shore  with  six 
men,  yet  carrying  no  arms  with  them.  He 
found  their  words  smoother  than  oil,  yet 
were  there  drawn  swords  in  their  hearts,' of 
which  some  of  their  actions  gave  no  small 
ground  of  suspicion  ;  for  they  deferred  ail 
till  the  next  morning ;  nor  were  they  willing 
to  let  the  man  that  was  espied  before  in  the 
canoe  come  on  board  to  see  his  friends  with- 
f  It  leaving  an  hostage  in  his  room,  of  which 
the  major  was  very  glad,  that  he  might  have 
opportunity  of  a  little  discourse  with  one 
whom  they  might  trust.  When  they  return- 
ed from  the  shoie  the  sign  was  promised  ic 
be  given  for  the  appearance  of  the  Indians 
by  the  firing  of  three  guns. 

The  next  morning,  Febuary  27th,  the 
major  with  the  same  number  as  before,  went 
to  treat  with  them,  they,  with  ,Tohn  Paine, 
first  hollaing  to  them  :  Upon  their  coming 
on  shore  their  persons  were  searched  on  both 
sides,  and  all  arms  laid  aside.  The  wliole 
forenoon  was  spent  in  a  treaty,  wliereat  they 
seemed  much  to  rejoice  in  expectation  of  a 
peace  with  the  English ;  yet  when  Major 
Waldern  desired  a  present  delivery  of  cap- 
tives, with  assistance  of  men  and  canoes  to 
fight  the  Monoscoggan  Indians,  enemies  to 
them  both,  it  was  denied,  though  they  could  not 
have  had  a  better  testimony  of  their  fidelity. 

They  alleged  that  the  captives  were  giver, 
them  by  the  Kennebeck ,  Indians,  and  they 
must  have  something  for  keeping  them  for  a 
winter,  and  therefore  were  nf)t  willing  to  let 
them  go  without  a  ransom  ;  and  as  for  their 
canoes,  they  said  they  had  them  in  prestMit 
service,  being  then  bound  for  Penobscot, 
The  price  demanded,  twelve  skins  a  person, 
was  yielded  to  ;  upon  which  they  delivered 
William  Chadburn,  John  Wannick.and  .Inhn 
Warwood,  which  were  all  that  they  would 
own,  or  could  be  proved  that  they  liad. 

The  part  of  pay  which  was  to  Ik;  in  li(|Uor, 
was  persently  laid  down,  the  rest  was  pro- 
misecl  to  be  sent  in  the  al'ternoon.  The  com- 
manders debated  what  was  further  to  be  done; 
one  or  two  of  the  old  sagamores  (who  were 
1  believed)  seemed  sincere  about  the  peace, 


380 


THE   INDIAN  WARS 


professed  that  none  of  them  had  any  hand  in 
the  war,  hut  only  some  of  their  young  men, 
whom  they  could  not  rule  ;  but  several  of 
the  company  affirming  tliey  saw  some  of  the 
said  Indian*  at  Casco  engaged  in  hostility 
a'minst  the  English,  it  was  resolved  not  to 
enter  into  any  league  of  peace  with  them,  but 
rather  fight  or  suprize  them  after  they  had 
dispatclied  the  business  about  the  captives. 

This  being  determined,  the  major  with  five 
of  his  men  went  on  shore,  with  part  of  the 
ransom,  the  bettor  to  beget  a  confidence  in 
them,  and  then  to  return  on  board  again,  and 
fit  his  men  for  furUier  service;  but  if  he  had 
nut  wisely  provided  against  all  exigencies  be- 
forehand, he  might  have  been  prevented 
from  going  on  board  any  more,  for  stepping 
aside  a  rod  or  two  from  the  place  for  better 
circumspection,  he  espied  the  point  of  a  lance 
from  under  a  board,  hid  there,  as  were  other 
arms  near  by,  for  a  treacherous  design  that 
was  in  their  minds,  soon  after,  upon  the  re- 
ceiving the  rest  of  the  pay,  to  have  been  put 
into  execution.  Whereupon  Major  Waldern 
took  up  the  lance  and  came  towards  them, 
charging  them  with  falsehood  and  treachery, 
for  hiding  weapons  just  by,  wherewith  to  de- 
stroy them  as  soon  as  they  had  delivered  the 
goods.  The  Indians  discovered  their  guilt 
by  their  countenances,  some  of  them  making 
towards  him,  thinking  to  get  the  weapon  out 
of  his  hands ;  but  he  bid  them  stand  off 
threatening  to  kill  every  one  that  offered  to 
touch  him  ;  and  immediately  waved  his  cap 
over  his  head  (which  was  the  sign  agreed 
upon  for  all  the  soldiers  to  come  on  shore  in 
case  of  need)  upon  which  token  the  soldiers 
all  hasted  away.  In  the  meantime  the  En- 
glish that  went  on  shore  to  wait  upon  the 
major,  were  forced  to  bestir  themselves,  both 
to  secure  the  goods  from  being  carried  away, 
and  to  defend  Major  Waldern.  Some  of  the 
equaws,  with  others  of  the  enemy  ran  away  ; 
one  of  them  catched  up  a  bundle  of  guns  that 
were  hid  near  by,  and  then  ran  off  with  them. 

Captain  Frost  seized  an  Indian  called 
Megunnaway,  a  notorious  rogue,  (that  had 
been  in  arms  at  Connecticut  last  .Tune  at  the 
falls,  and  saw  the  brave  and  resolute  Capt. 
Turner,  when  he  was  slain  about  Green- 
river,  (and  he  helped  to  kill  Thomas  Bracket 
at  Casco  in  August  last)  and  with  the  help  of 
Lieut.  Nutter,  according  to  the  major's  order, 
carried  him  on  board,  while  himself  searching 
kbout  farther,  found  three  guns  in  a  cow- 


house just  at  hand,  wherewith  he  armed  the 
other  three  men  that  were  with  him.  By 
this  time  some  of  the  soldiers  were  got  ashore, 
and,  instantly,  according  to  their  major's 
command,  pursued  the  enemy  towards  their 
canoes  ;  in  the  chase  several  of  the  enemy 
were  slain  whose  bodies  were  found  at  their 
return  to  the  number  of  seven,  amongst 
whom  was  Mattahando,  the  sagamore,  with 
an  old  Powaw,  to  whom  the  devil  had  reveal- 
ed, as  sometimes  he  did  to  Saul,  that  on  the 
same  day  he  should  be  with  him;  for  he  had 
a  little  before  told  the  Indians  that  within 
two  days  the  English  would  come  and  kill 
them  all,  which  was  at  the  very  same  time 
verified  upon  himself.  The  body  of  our  men 
overtook  them  before  they  all  recovered  their 
canoes  so  that  without  doubt,  divers  others 
of  them  were  slain  likewise,  for  they  sunk 
a  canoe  wherein  were  five  drovi^ned  before 
their  eyes,  and  many  others  were  not  able  to 
paddle;  four  they  took  prisoners,  whom 
they  brought  away  with  them.  There  were 
about  25  Indians  present  at  this  encounter. 

Much  more  damage  might  have  been  done 
by  our  men  upon  the  enemy,  if  they  had 
known  the  moot  direct  way  to  their  canoes  ; 
but  the  Indians  having  prepared  all  things 
ready  for  flight,  as  well  as  for  fight,  the  more 
easily  made  their  escape.  One  of  the  cap- 
tives was  sister  to  Madockawando,  who  was 
entertained  very  courteously  by  the  comman- 
der in  chief,  and  would  have  been  carried 
forthwith  to  her  brother  in  hopes  by  her 
means  to  have  gained  the  better  terms  for  our 
remaining  English  captives,  liad  it  not  been 
certainly  known  that  he  was  gone  from  home 
upon  a  hunting  design,  and  not  to  return  in 
two  months. 

The  English  took  much  plunder  from  the 
Indians,  about  a  thousand  weight  of  dry  beef, 
with  other  things.  Megunnaw?i.y  was  shot 
to  death  the  same  day  or  next ;  so  that  justice 
is  by  degrees  pursuing  those  perfidious  vil- 
lains, and  they,  one  after  another  brought  un- 
der the  wheel  of  destruction.  Simon,  the 
arch-traitor,  seems  as  it  is  said,  by  his  con- 
sumptive looks,  to  have  received  the  sentence 
of  death,  which  may  bring  him  into  the  same 
place  or  state  with  the  rest. 

Feb.  28,  they  set  sail  for  Sheepscot,  but 
the  wind  failing,  they  put  in  at  Kennebeck, 
from  whence  Captain  Fisk  with  40  men, 
were  sent  to  the  same  place  to  seek  after 
plunder,  were  they  found  between  30  and  40 


bushels  of  good  wheat,  which  they  brought 
away  with  them  several  other  tlnngs  tliey 
lighted  upon  here  and  there,  some  of  wliitli 
were  brouglit  away,  such  as  one  or  two  grea 
guns,  from  Sagadahock,  and  boards  fron. 
Arowsick,  where  they  found  an  hundred 
thousand  foot,  of  which  they  brought  home 
enough  for  the  lading  of  their  vessels,  leaving 
the  rest  to  be  transported  in  a  more  conveni- 
ent season. 

While  our  soldiers  were  upon  Arowsick, 
two  of  the  enemy  chanced  to  come  upon  the 
place,  and  one  of  them  instantly  received  his 
reward,  the  other  received  his  payment  in 
part,  which  however  is  supposed  to  amount 
to  the  whole,  the  canoe  wherein  he  was  es- 
caping, being  found  die  next  day  all  bloody, 
and  split  asunder. 

March  1st,  one  of  the  Indian  squaws,  a 
captive,  was  sent  to  Taconnet  fort,  with  a 
message  to  the  Sagamores  treat  for  the  rest 
of  the  captives.  Five  days  were  given  her 
to  return,  which  were  not  expired,  when  Ma- 
jor Waldern  with  most  of  the  soldiers  were 
called  to  return  home  towards  Boston,  where 
they  arrived  on  the  16th  of  March,  1676 — 7, 
having  first  put  in  at  Portsmouth  ;  bri)igiiig 
along  with  them  the  bones,  or  rather  body  of 
Captain  Lake,  preserved  entire  and  whole, 
and  free  from  putrefaction  by  the  coldness  of 
the  long  winter,  so  as  it  was  found  by  the  one 
that  was  near  him  when  he  was  slain,  easily 
discerned  to  be  his,  by  such  as  had  known 
hiin  before. 

It  is  supposed  by  those  that  returned,  that 
the  enemy  are  by  this  encounter  of  the  En- 
glish so  scattered  and  broken  that  they  will 
not  be  able  to  rally  again  suddenly,  or  make 
any  attempt  hereafter,  if  the  present  advan- 
tage be  seriously  pursued.  Thus  have  our  ene- 
mies, many  of  them  t"alien  into  the  pit  them- 
selves which  they  have  been  diggingfor  others. 

This  day  also  letters  were  received  from 
Major  Pynchon  of  Springfield,  but  without 
mention  of  any  appearance  of  the  enemy  in 
that  quarter  :  whereby  we  are  encouraged  to 
believe,  that  they  have  stumbled  and  fallen 
down  backward,  so  that  they  shall  never  rise 
any  more  to  make  farther  disturbance.  That 
which  crowned  the  present  service  was  the 
performing  it  without  loss  of  blood  ;  all  safely 
returning.  Let  them  accordingly  remember 
to  pay  a  suitable  tribute  of  thankfulness  to 
Him  whose  banner  they  went  forth  under  and 
returned  m  safety. 


THE 


ENTERTAINING  HISTORY  OF 

KING  PHILIP'S  WAR, 

WHICH  BEGAN  IN  THE  MONTH  OF  JUNE,  1675, 
AS  ALSO  OF  EXPEDITIONS 

MORE  tATKLY  MADE  AGAINST  THE  COMMON  ENEMY,  AND  INDIAN  REBELS,  IN  THE  EASl'ERN 

PARTS  OF  NEW  ENGLAND  I 

t 

WITH  SOME  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  DIVINE  PROVIDENCE  TOWARDS 

COL..  BEXJAMOT  CHURCH: 

BY  THOMAS   CHURCH,   £8^.   HIS  SON. 


AS  ORiaiNALLT  PRINTED  AND  PUBLISHED  DI 
BOSTON:  PRINTED,  1716.   NEWPORT,  RHODE  ISLAND:  REPRINTED  AND  SOLD  BY 
SOLOMON  SOUTIIWICK,  IN  QUEEN  STREET,  1772. 


TO  THE  READER. 


The  subject  of  this  following  narrative  of- 
fering itself  to  your  friendly  perusal,  relates 
to  the  former  and  later  wars  of  New  England, 
M'hich  I  myself  was  not  a  little  concerned  in: 
Form  the  vear  1675,  that  unhappy  and  bloody 
Ind  ian  war  broke  out  in  Plymouth  colony, 
where  1  was  then  building,  and  beginning  a 


plantation  at  a  place  called  by  the  Indians 
Sogkonate,  and  since  by  the  English  Little- 
Compton.  I  was  the  first  Englishman  that 
built  upon  that  neck,  which  was  full  of  In- 
dians. My  head  and  hands  were  fullaboutset- 
tling  a  new  plantation  where  nothing  was 
brought  to  ;  no  preparation  ofdwelling-house, 
or  out-houses,  or  fencing  made.  Horses  and 
cattle  were  to  be  provided,  ground  to  be 
cleared  and  broken  up;  and  the  utmost  cau- 
tion to  be  used,  to  keep  myself  free  from  of- 
fending my  Indian   neighbours  all  round  ^ 


about  me.  While  I  was  thus  busily  em 
ployed,  and  all  my  time  and  strength  laid  out 
in  this  laborious  undertaking,  I  received  a 
commission  from  the  government  to  engage 
in  their  defence  :  And  with  my  commission  I 
received  another  heart,  inclmmg  me  to  put 
forth  my  strength  in  military  service:  And 
through  the  grace  of  God  1  was  spirited  for 
that  work,  and  direction  in  it  was  renewed  to 
me  day  by  day.  And  althou2;li  many  of  the 
actions  that  I  was  concerned  in  were  very 
difficult  and  dangerous,  yet  myself,  and  those 


683 


KING  PHILIP'S  WAR. 


wln>  went  with  me  vi)luntarily  in  the  service, 
hail  our  lives,  for  the  most  part,  wonderfully 
nrcscrved,  hv  the  over-rulirij;^  liand  of  the  Al- 
niiiihty,  from  first  to  last;  which  doth  iiloud 
()es|>eak  our  praises  :  And  to  declare  his  won- 
derful works  is  our  indispensable  duty-  I 
was  ever  very  sensible  of  my  own  littleness, 
and  unfitness  to  be  employed  in  such  great 
services,  but  calling  to  my  mind  that  God  is 
strong,  I  endeavoured  to  put  all  my  confi- 
dence in  him,  and  by  liis  almighty  power  was 
.■carried  through  every  difficult  action  :  And 
my  desire  is  that  his  name  may  have  the 
praise. 

It  was  ever  my  intent,  having  laid  myself 
under  a  solemn  promise,  tliat  the  many  and 
repeated  favours  of  God  to  myself,  and  those 
.vitli  me  in  the  service,  might  be  puljlished 
for  generations  to  come.  And  now  n.y  great 
au;e  reijuiringmy  dismission  from  service  mthe 
miliiia,  and  to  put  off  my  armour,  I  am  wil- 
ling that  tlie  great  and  glorious  works  of  Al- 
mi<riitv  God,  to  us  children  of  men,  should 
appear  to  the  world;  and  having  my  minutes 
by  me,  my  son  has  taken  the  care  and  pains 
to  collect  from  thimi  the  ensuing  narrative  of 
many  passages  relating  to  the  former  and  lat- 
ter wars  ;  which  I  have  had  the  perusal  of,  and 
find  nothing  amiss  as  to  the  truth  of  it ;  and 
with  as  little  reflection  upon  any  particular 
pers(>n  as  might  be,  either  alive  or  dead. 

And  seeing  every  particle  of  historical 
truth  is  precious  ;  I  hope  the  reader  will 
pass  a  favourable  censure  upon  an  old  soldier, 
telling  of  the  many  rencounters  he  has  had, 
and  yet  is  come  ofT  alive.  It  is  a  pleasure  to 
remember  what  a  great  number  of  families,  in 
this  and  the  neighbouring  provinces  in  New 
England,  dii],  during  the  war,  enjoy  a  great 
measure  of  liberty  and  peace  by  the  liazardous 
stations  and  marches  of  th^s'i  engaired  in  mil- 
itary  exercises,  who  were  a  wall  unto  them 
311  this  side  and  on  tbat  side. 

I  desire  yirayers,  that  I  may  be  enabled  well 
to  accomplish  my  spiritual  warfare,  and  that 
1  may  be  more  than  con(jueror  through  Jesus 
C'arist  loving  of  me. 

BENJAMIN  CHURCH. 

CHAPTER  I. 

THE  ENTERTAININO  HISTORY  OP  KINO  Pllll.ip's 
WAR,  WHICH  nEC;AlV  IV  THE  YEAR  1G75. 
WITH  THE  rUOCEEDINUS  OF  UEN.'AMIN 
CHURCH,  ESQ. 

T\  the  year  1C74  Mr.  Benjamin  Church,  of 
I)uxt)ury,  being  providentially  at  I'lymouth, 
in  the  time  of  the  court,  fell  into  ac(|uaintance 
with  Ca[)t.  John  Almy,  of  Rhode  Island. 
Capt.  Almy,  with  great  importunity,  invited 
liim  to  ridt!  with  him,  and  vii  w  that  jiart  of 
Plymouth  colony,  that  lay  next  to  Rhode  Is- 
land, known  then  by  their  Indian  names  of 
Pociisset  and  Sogkonate.  Amotig  other  ar- 
guments to  pergiiade  him,  he  told  him  the  soil 
was  very  rich,  and  the  situation  pleasant;  and 
persuades  him  by  nil  means  to  purchase  of  the 
conipaiiy  some  of  the  court  grant  rights.  He 
nrri'picd  of  tin;  invitation,  views  the  country, 
and  was  pleased  with  it ;  made  ii  purchase,  set- 
tle<l  a  fartn,  foun<l  the  genth-men  of  the  island 
VtTV  civil  and  obliuing.  And  beiiiL^  himself  a 
persrm  of  U!iromrnoti  iirtivity  and  indusirv,  he 
Mon  erected  two  buildings  upon  his  farm,  and  I 
gained  a  good  act|uaintance  with  tho  natives  ; 


got  much  into  their  fiivour,  and  was  in  a  little 
time  in  great  esteem  among  them. 

The  next  spring  advancing,  wliile  Mr. 
Church  was  diligently  sctiling  his  new  farm, 
stocking,  leasing  and  disposing  of  his  affairs, 
and  had  a  fine  prospect  of  doing  no  small 
things  ;  and  hoping  that  his  good  success 
would  be  inviting  unto'othcr  good  men  to  be- 
come his  neighbours  :  Behold  !  the  rumour 
of  war  between  the  English  and  the  natives 
gave  check  to  his  projects.  People  began  to 
be  very  jealous  of  the  Indians,  and  indeed 
they  had  no  small  reason  to  suspect  that  they 
had  formed  a  design  of  war  upon  the  En- 
glish. Mr.  Church  had  it  daily  suggested  to 
him  tiiat  the  Indians  were  plotting  a  bloody 
design.  That  Philip,  the  great  Mount  Hope 
sachem,  was  leader  therein  ;  and  so  it  proved, 
he  was  sending  his  messengers  to  all  the 
neighbouring  sachems  to  enijage  them  into 
a  confederacy  with  him  in  the  war. 

Amonsr  the  rest  he  sent  six  men  to  Awa- 
shonks,  stjuaw  sachem  of  the  Sogkonate  Indi- 
ans, to  engage  her  in  his  interest:  Awa- 
shonks  so  far  listened  unto  them,  as  to  call 
her  subjects  together,  to  make  a  great  dance, 
which  is  the  custom  of  that  nation  when  they 
advise  about  momentous  affairs.  But  what 
does  Awashonks  do,  but  sends  away  two  of 
her  men  that  well  understood  the  English 
lanojuage,  (Sassamon  and  George  by  name) 
to  invite  Mr.  Church  to  the  dance.  Mr. 
Church  upon  the  invitation,  immediately 
takes  with  him  Charles  Hazelton,  his  tenant's 
son,  who  well  understood  the  Indian  lan- 
guage, and  rode  down  to  the  place  appointed ; 
where  they  found  hundreds  of  Indians  gath- 
ered together  from  all  parts  of  her  dominion. 
Awashonks  herself,  in  a  foaming  sweat,  was 
lesdinor  tl,(}  dance  ;  but  she  was  no  sooner 
sensible  of  Mr.  Church's  arrival,  but  she  broke 
oft',  sat  down,  calls  her  nobles  round  her,  or- 
ders Mr.  Church  to  be  invited  into  her  pre- 
sence ;  compliments  being  passed,  and  each 
one  taking  seats,  she  told  him.  King  Philip 
had  sent  si.x  men  of  his,  with  two  of  her  peo- 
ple, that  had  been  over  at  Mount  Hope,  to 
draw  her  into  a  confederacy  with  him,  in  a 
war  with  the  English,  desiring  him  to  gi\o 
her  his  advice  in  the  case,  and  to  tell  her  the 
truth,  whether  the  Umpane  men  (as  Philip 
had  told  her)  were  gathering  a  great  army  to 
invade  Philip's  country?  He  assured  her  he 
would  tell  the  truth,  and  give  her  his  best  ad- 
vice :  then  he  told  her  it  was  but  a  few  days 
since  he  came  from  Plvmouth,  and  the  En- 
glish were  then  making  no  preparations  for 
war;  that  he  was  in  company  with  the  prin- 
ci|)al  gentlemen  of  the  government,  who  had 
no  discourse  at  all  about  war;  and  lie  belie- 
ved no  thoughts  about  it.  He  asked  her, 
whether  she  thought  he  would  have  brought 
up  his  goods  to  settle  in  that  place,  if  he  ap- 
prehended an  entering  into  war  with  so  near 
aneijjhbour?  She  seenjed  to  be  somewhat 
convince'!  by  his  talk,  and  said  she  believed 
he  spoke  the  truth. 

Then  she  called  for  the  Mount  Hope  men, 
who  made  a  formidable  appearance,  with 
their  faces  painted,  and  their  hair  trimmed  up 
in  comb  fashion,  with  their  powiler  horns  and 
shot  bags  nt  thi-ir  backs;  which  among  that 
nation  is  the  posture  and  figure  of  prepared- 
ness for  war.  She  told  .Mr.  Church  these 
I  were  the  persons  that  had  brought  her  the  re- 
Iport  of  tho  English  preparations  for  war. 


and  then  told  them  what  Mr.  Church  had 
said  in  answer  to  it. 

Upon  this  began  a  warm  talk  among  the 
Indians,  but  it  was  soon  (juashed,  and  Awa- 
shonks proceeded  to  tell  Mr.  Church,  that 
Phili[)'s  message  to  her  was  that  unless  she 
would  forthwith  enter  into  a  confederacy 
with  him,  in  a  war  against  the  English,  he 
would  send  his  men  over  privatelv,  1 1  kill  the 
English  cattle,  and  burn  their  houses  on  that 
side  the  river,  which  would  provoke  the  En- 
glish to  fall  upon  her,  whom  they  would 
without  doubt  suppose  the  author  of  tlie  mis- 
chief. Mr.  Church  told  her  he  was  sorry  to 
see  so  threatening  an  aspect  of  affairs;  and 
stepping  to  the  Mount  Hopes,  he  felt  of  their 
bags,  and  finding  them  filled  with  bullets, 
asked  them  what  those  were  for]  They  scof- 
fingly  replied,  to  shoot  pigeons  with. 

Then  Mr.  Church  turned  to  Awashonks, 
and  told  her  if  Philip  was  resolved  to  make 
war,  her  best  way  would  be  to  knock  those 
six  Mount  Hopes  on  the  head,  and  shelter 
herself  under  the  protection  of  the  Engtisli: 
Upon  which  tlie  Mount  Hopes  were  for  the 
present  dumb.  But  those  two  of  Awa- 
shonk's  men,  who  had  been  atMount  Hope, 
expressed  themselves  in  a  furious  manner 
against  his  advice.  And  Little-eyes,  one  of  the 
queen's  council,  joined  with  them,  and  urged 
Mr.  Church  to  go  aside  with  him  among  the 
bushes,  that  he  might  have  some  private  dis- 
course with  him  which  other  Indians  imme- 
diat<;ly  forbid,  being  sensible  of  his  ill  design: 
But  the  Indians  began  to  side  and  grow  very 
warm.  Mr.  Church,  with  undaunted  cou- 
rage, told  the  Mount  Hopes  they  were  bloody 
Wretches,  and  thirsted  after  the  blood  of 
their  English  neighbours,  who  had  never  in- 
jured them,  but  had  always  abounded  in 
their  kindness  to  them.  That  for  his  own 
part,  though  he  desired  nothing  more  than 
peace,  yet,  if  nothing  but  war  would  satisfy 
them,  he  behoved  he  should  prove  a  sharp 
thorn  in  their  sides ;  Bid  the  company  ob- 
serve those  men  that  were  of  sucli  bloody 
dispositions,  whether  Providence  would  suffer 
them  to  live  to  see  the  event  of  the  war, 
which  others,  more  peaceably  disposed, 
might  do. 

Then  he  told  Awashonks  he  thought  it 
might  be  most  adviseable  for  her  to  send  to 
the  governor  of  Plymouth,  and  shelter  her- 
self and  j)eople  under  his  protection.  She 
liked  his  advice,  and  desired  him  to  go  on  her 
behalf  to  the  Plymouth  government,  which 
he  cons(>nted  to,  and  at  parting  advised  her, 
whatever  she  did,  not  to  tiesert  the  English 

_  D 

interest,  to  join  with  her  neighbours  in  a  re- 
bellion which  would  certainly  prove  fatal  to 
her.  [He  moved  none  of  his  goods  from  his 
house,  that  there  might  not  be  the  least  um- 
brage from  such  an  action.]  She  thanked 
him  for  his  advice,  and  sent  two  of  lier  men 
to  guard  him  to  his  house  ;  which  when  they 
came  there,  urged  him  to  take  care  to  secure 
his  goods,  which  he  refused  for  the  rensont 
before  mentioned  :  But  desired  the  Indians, 
that  if  what  they  feari'd  should  hajipen,  they 
would  take  care  of  what  he  left,  and  directed 
them  to  a  place  in  the  woods  where  they 
shouM  dispose  of  them ;  which  they  faith- 
fully observed. 

He  took  his  l(>ave  of  his  guard  and  bid 
them  tell  their  mistress,  if  she  CDntiiiued 
steady  in  her  dependance  on  the  English,  ai:ti 


KING  PHILIP'S  WAR. 


633 


kept  within  her  own  limits  of  Sogkonate,  he 
would  si-e  her  again  quickly  ;  and  then  1ms- 
toned  away  to  Pocasset,*  where  ho  met  with 
Peter  Nuiiimlt,  the  husband  of  the  queen  of 
Pocasset,  who  was  just  nhen  come  over  in  a 
canoe  from  Mount  Hope.  Peter  told  him 
that  there  would  certainly  be  war;  for  Philip 
had  held  a  dance  of  se\ eral  w  eeks  continu- 
ance, and  had  entertained  the  young  men 
from  all  parts  of  the  country.  And  added, 
tha*  Phdip  expected  to  be  sent  for  to  Ply- 
mouth, to  be  examined  about  Sassamon's 
death,  who  was  murdered  at  Assawomset 
ponds  ;t  knowing  himself  jruilty  of  contriving 
that  murder.  The  same  Peter  told  him  that 
he  saw  Mr.  James  Brown,  of  Swaiizey,  and 
Mr.  Samuel  Gorton,  who  was  an  interpreter, 
and  two  other  men,  who  brought  a  letter 
from  tlie  governor  of  Plymouth  to  Philip. 
He  observed  to  him  further,  that  the  young 
men  were  very  eager  to  begin  the  war,  and 
would  fain  have  killed  Mr.  Brown,  but  Philip 
prevented  it  ;  telling  them  that  liis  father 
had  charged  him  to  sliow  kindness  to  Mr. 
Brown.  In  short,  Philip  was  forced  to  pro- 
mise them  that,  on  the  next  Lord's  day,  when 
the  English  were  gone  to  meeting  they  should 
rifle  their  houses  and  from  that  time  forward 
kill  their  cattle. 

Peter  desired  Mr.  Church  to  go  and  see 
his  wife,  who  was  hut  up  the  hill He  went 
and  found  but  few  of  her  people  with  her. 
She  said  they  were  all  gone,  against  her  will, 
to  the  dances  ;  and  she  much  feared  there 
would  be  a  war.  Mr.  Church  advised  her 
to  go  to  the  island  and  secure  herself,  and 
those  that  were  with  her  ;  and  send  to  the 
governor  of  Plymouth,  who  she  knew  was 
her  friend  ;  and  so  left  her,  resolving  to  has- 
ten to  Plymouth,  and  wait  on  the  governor  : 
And  he  was  so  expeditious  that  he  was  with 
the  ijovernor  early  next  morning,  though  he 
waited  on  some  of  the  magistrates  by  the 
way,  who  were  of  the  council  of  war,  and 
also  r.TT!t  h.\n\  at  the  governor's.  He  gave 
them  an  acocunt  of  his  observations  and  dis- 
coveries, which  confirmed  their  former  intel- 
ligences, and  hastened  their  preparation  for 
defence. 

Philip,  according  to  his  promise  to  his  peo- 
ple, permitted  them  to  march  out  of  the  neck 
on  the  next  Lord's  day  when  they  plundered 
the  nearest  houses  that  the  inhabitants  had 
deserted :  But  as  yet  offered  no  violence  to 
the  people,  at  least  none  were  killed.  How- 
ever tlie  alarm  was  given  by  their  numbers  and 
hostile  equipage,  and  by  the  prey  they  made 
of  svhat  they  could  find  in  the  forsaken  houses. 

An  express  came  the  same  day  to  the  gov- 
ernor, who  immediately  gave  orders  to  the 
captains  of  the  towns  to  march  the  greatest 
part  of  the'ir  conipaiues,  and  to  rendezvous 
at  Taunton,  on  Monday  night,  where  Major 
Bradford  was  to  receive  them,  and  dispose 
them  under  Capt.  (now  made  Major)  Cut- 
worth,  of  Scituate.  The  governor  desired 
Mr.  Church  to  give  them  his  company,  and 
to  use  liis  interest  in  their  behalf,  with  the 
gentlemen  of  Rhode  Island.  He  complied 
with  it,  and  they  marched  the  next  day. — 
Major  Bradford  desired  Mr.  Church,  with  a 
commanded  party  ,  consisting  of  English  and 
Bom»'  fiiendlv  Indians,  to  march  in  the  front, 

*  Tiverton  shore  over  against  the  noilli  end  of  Rhode 

1  Middleboi;  igh. 


at  some  distance  from  the  main  body.  Their 
orders  were  to  keep  so  far  before  as  not  to 
bo  in  sight  of  the  army.  And  so  they  did, 
for  by  the  way  they  killed  a  deer,  liaycd, 
roasted,  and  eat  the  most  of  him,  before  the 
army  came  up  with  them  ;  but  the  Plymouth 
forces  soon  arrived  at  Swanzey,  and  were 
chiefly  posted  at  Major  Brown's  and  Mr. 
iNIile's  garrisons;  and  were  there  soon  joined 
with  those  that  came  from  Massachusetts, 
who  had  entered  into  a  confederacy  with 
their  Plymouth  brethren,  against  the  perfidi- 
ous heathens. 

The  enemy  who  began  their  hostilities 
with  plundering,  and  destroying  cattle,  did 
not  long  content  themselves  with  that  game; 
they  thirsted  for  English  blood,  and  they 
soon  broached  it  ;  killing  two  men  in  the  way 
not  far  from  Mr.  Mile's  garrison  ;  and  soon  af- 
ter, eight  more  at  Mattapoiset  :*  Upon  whose 
bodies  they  exercised  more  than  brutish  bar- 
barities ;  beheadinaf,  dismembcniiof  and  man- 
gling  them,  and  e.xposing  them  in  the  most 
inhuman  matmer;  which  gashed  and  ghostly 
objects  struck  a  damp  on  all  beholders. 

The  enemy,  flushed  with  these  exploits, 
grew  yet  bolder,  and  skulking  every  where 
in  the  bushes,  shot  at  all  passengers,  and  kil- 
led many  that  ventured  abroad.  Thoy  came 
so  near  as  to  shoot  down  two  sentinels  at 
Mr.  Mile's  garrison,  under  the  very  noses  of 
most  of  our  forces.  These  provocations 
drew  out  the  resentment  of  some  of  Captain 
Prentice's  troops,  who  desired  they  might 
have  liberty  to  go  out  and  seek  the  enemy  in 
their  own  quarter,  quarter-masters  Gill  and 
Belcher  commanded  the  parties  drawn  out, 
who  earnestly  desired  ^Ir.  Cliurch's  com- 
pany: They  provided  him  ahorse  and  fu  - 
niture  (his  own  being  out  of  the  way;)  he 
readily  com[)lied  with  their  desires  and  was 
soon  mounted. 

This  party  was  no  sooner  over  Mile's 
bridge,  but  were  fired  upon  by  an  ambuscade 
of  about  a  dozen  Indians,  as  they  were  after- 
wards discovered  to  be.  When  they  drew 
oft',  the  pilot  was  mortally  wounded,  Mr. 
Belcher  received  a  shot  in  his  knee,  and  his 
horse  was  killed  under  him,  3Ir.  Gill  was 
struck  with  a  musket  ball  on  the  side  of  his 
belly  ;  but  being  clad  with  a  bufl"  coat,  and 
some  thickness  of  paper  under  it,  it  never 
broke  his  skin.  The  troopers  were  susprised 
to  see  both  their  commanders  wounded  and 
wheeled  off:  but  INIr.  Church  persuaded,  at 
length  stormed  and  stamped,  and  told  them  it 
was  a  shame  to  run,  and  leave  a  wounded 
man  there  to  liecome  a  prey  to  the  barbarous 
enemy:  For  the  pilot  yet  sat  on  his  horse, 
though  so  mazed  \v\th  the  shot,  as  not  to  have 
sense  to  guide  him;  Mr.  Gill  seconded  him, 
and  offered,  Though  much  disabled,  to  assist 
in  brinsfintr  him  off.     Mr.  Church  asked  a 

DO 

stranger  who  gave  him  hiscompany  in  that  ac- 
tion, if  he  would  go  with  him  and  fetch  off  the 
wounded  man  :  He  readily  consented,  and 
they,  with  Mr.  Gill,  went  but  the  wounded 
man  fainted  and  fell  off  his  horse  before  they 
came  to  him  ;  but  Mr.  Church  and  the  stran- 
ger dismounted,  took  up  the  man  dead,  and 
laid  him  l)efore  Mr.  Gill  on  his  horse.  Mr. 
Church  told  the  other  two,  if  they  would  take 
care  of  the  dead  man,  he  would  go  and  fetch 
his  horse  back,  which  was  going  off  the  cau- 

*  In  Swaozey.  . 


sey  toward  the  enemy;  but  hefoie  he  goi 
over  the  causey  he  saw  the  enemy  run  to  th»> 
right  into  the  neck.  He  brought  back  the 
horse,  and  called  earnestly  and  repeatedly  tr 
the  army  to  come  ov<!r  and  figlit  the  enetny  ; 
and  while  he  stood  calliii;/  and  persuadlii'r, 
the  skulking  enemy  returned  to  their  old 
stand,  and  all  discharged  their  gutis  at  him  at 
one  clap,  though  every  shot  missed  him;  yet 
one  of  the  army,  on  the  other  side  of  the  river, 
received  one  of  the  balls  in  his  foot.  Mr. 
Church  now  began  (no  succour  coming  to 
him)  to  think  it  time  to  retreat :  Sayiiii,',  the 
Lord  have  mercy  on  us,  if  such  a  handful  o*" 
Indians  sliall  thus  dare  such  an  army  ! 

Upon  this  it  was  immediately  resolved,  and 
orders  were  given  to  march  down  into  the 
neck,  and  having  passed  the  bridge  and  cau- 
sey, the  direction  was  to  extend  both  wings, 
which  being  not  well  heeded,  by  those  that 
remained  in  the  centre,  some  of  them  mistook 
their  friends  for  their  enemies,  and  made  a 
fire  upon  them  in  the  right  wing,  and  woun- 
ded that  noi)Ie  heroic  youth,  Ensign  iSavase, 
in  the  thigh,  but  it  lia|)pily  proved  but  a  flesh 
wound.  They  marched  until  they  rame  to 
the  narrow  of  the  neck,  at  a  place  called  Kee- 
kamuit,*  where  they  took  down  the  heads  of 
eight  Englishmen  that  were  killed  at  the 
head  of  Mattapoiset  neck,  and  set  upon  poles, 
after  the  barbarous  manner  of  those  savages. 
There  Philip  had  slaved  all  his  drums,  and 
conveyed  all  his  canoes  to  the  east  side  of 
Mattapoiset  river;  hence  it  was  concluded, 
by  those  that  were  acquainted  with  the  mo- 
tions of  those  people,  that  they  had  quilted 
the  neck.  Mr.  Church  told  them  that  Philip 
was  doubtless  gone  over  to  Pocasset  side,  to 
engage  those  Indians  in  rebellion  with  him: 
which  they  soon  found  to  be  true.  The  ene- 
my were  not  really  beaten  out  of  Mount 
Hope  neck,  though  it  was  true  they  fled  from 
thence;  yet  it  was  before  any  pursued  them. 
It  was  but  to  strengthen  themselves,  and  to 
gain  a  more  advantageous  post.  However, 
some,  and  not  a  few  pleased  themselves  w  ith 
the  fancy  of  a  mighty  conquest. 

A  grand  council  was  held,  and  a  resoUe 
past,  to  build  a  fort  there,  to  maintain  ihe 
first  ground  they  had  gained,  by  the  Indians 
leaving  it  to  them  ;  and  to  speak  the  truth, 
it  must  be  said,  that  as  they  gained  not  that 
field  by  their  sword,  nor  their  bow ;  so  it  was 
rather  their  fear  than  their  courage,  that  obli- 
ged them  to  set  up  the  marks  of  their  con- 
quest. Mr.  Church  looked  upon  it,  and 
talked  of  it  with  contempt,  ami  urged  hard 
the  pursuing  the  enemy. on  Pocasset  side, 
and  with  the  greater  earnestness,  because  of 
his  promise  made  to  Awashonks,  before  men- 
tioned. The  council  adjourneil  themselves 
from  Mount  Hope  to  Kehobolh,  where  .Mr. 
Treasurer  Soutliworlli,  being  weary  of  his 
charge  of  commissary  general,  provision  be- 
ing scarce  and  diliicult  to  be  obtained,  for 
the  army,  that  now  lay  still  to  cover  the  peo- 
ple from  no  body,  while  they  were  building 
a  fort  for  nothint;)  retired,  and  the  power  and 
trouble  of  that  post  was  left  with  Mr.  Church, 
who  still  urged  the  commanding  ofiicers  to 
move  over  to  Pocasset  side,  to  pursue  the 
enemy,  and  kill  Philip,  which  would,  in  his 
opinion,  be  more  probable  to  keep  possessioii 
of  the  neck,  than  to  tarry  to  build  a  fort.  He 

'  Upper  part  of  Brii^lol. 


684 


KING  PHILIP'S  WAR. 


was  still  rcstlees  cn  that  side  of  the  river,  and 
the  rutherljpcaiisc  (^f  his  promise  to  the  squaw 
sachem  nf  Sogkonate,  and  Captain  Fuller  al- 
so ursfed  the  same,  until  at  length  there  came 
turther  orders  concerning  the  fort;  and  wiih- 
ai  an  order  for  Captain  Fuller  with  six  files 
to  cross  the  river  to  the  side  so  much  insisted 
on,  and  to  try  if  he  could  get  speech  with  any 
of  the  Pocasset  or  Sogkonate  Indians,  and 
that  Mr.  Church  should  go  his  second.  Upon 
the  captain  receiving  his  orders,  he  asked 
Mr.  Church  whether  he  was  willing  to  en- 
gage in  this  enterprise:  To  wliom  it  was  in- 
deed too  agreeable  to  be  declined  ;  though  he 
thought  the  enterprise  was  hazardous  enough 
for  them  to  have  more  men  assigned  them. 
Captain  Fuller  told  him,  that  for  his  own 
part  he  was  grown  ancient  and  heavy,  he 
feared  the  travel  and  fatigue  would  be  too 
much  for  him  :  but  Mr.  Church  urged  him, 
and  told  him,  he  would  cheerfully  excuse 
liiin  his  hardship  and  travel,  and  take  that 
part  to  himself,  if  he  might  but  go;  for  he  had 
rather  do  any  thing  in  the  world  than  to  stay 
there  to  build  the  fort. 

Then  they  drew  out  the  number  assigned 
tliem,  and  marched  the  same  niglit  to  tlie  fer- 
ry, and  were  transported  to  Rhode  Island, 
from  whence,  the  next  night,  they  got  pas- 
sage over  to  Pocasset  side,  in  Rhode  Island 
boats,  and  concluded  there  to  dispose  them- 
eelves  in  two  ambuscades  before  day,  hoping 
to  surprise  some  of  the  enemy  by  their  falling 
into  one  or  other  of  their  ambushments.  But 
Capt.  Fuller's  party,  being  troubled  with  the 
epidemical  plague  of  lust  after  tobacco,  must 
needs  strike  fire  to  smoke  it;  and  thereby 
discovered  themselves  to  a  party  of  the  ene- 
my coming  up  to  them,  wlio  immediately  fled 
with  great  precipitation.   

This  ambuscade  drew  off  about  break  of 
day,  perceiving  they  were  discovered,  the 
other  continued  in  their  post  until  the  time 
assigned  them,  and  the  light  and  heat  of  the 
sun  rendered  their  station  both  insijjnificant 
and  troublesome,  and  then  returned  unto  the 
place  of  rendezvous,  where  they  were  ac- 
quainted with  the  other  party's  disappoint- 
m(?nt,  and  the  occasion  of  it.  Mr.  Churcli 
calls  for  the  breakfast  he  had  ordered  to  be 
brought  over  in  the  boat;  but  the  man  that 
had  the  charge  of  it  confessed  that  he  was 
asleep  when  the  boatmen  called  him,  and  in 
liaste  came  away,  and  never  thought  of  it. 
It  happened  that  Mr.  Church  had  afewcakes 
of  rusk  in  his  pocket  that  Madam  Cranston 
(the  governor  of  Rhode  Island's  Lady)  gave 
him  when  he  came  off  the  island  ;  which  he  di- 
vided among  the  company,  which  was  all 
tlie  provisions  they  had. 

Mr.  Church,  after  their  slender  breakfast, 
proposed  to  Capt.  F'uller,  that  he  would 
march  in  quest  of  the  enemy,  witli  such  of  the 
c<impany  as  would  lie  willing  to  march  with 
liirn,  which  ho  complieil  with,  though  with  a 
great  deal  of  scruple,  because  of  his  small 
number,  and  the  extreme  hazard  he  foresaw 
must  attend  them. 

Hut  some  of  the  company  reflected  upon 
Mr.  lyhurch,  that  notwithstanding  his  talk  on 
the  other  side  of  ilie  river,  he  had  not  sh(!wn 
lliein  any  Indians  since  they  came  over. 
Whirl  now  moved  him  to  tell  them,  that  if 
It  was  tlirir  desire  to  see  Indians,  lie  believed 
he  Hhduld  now  soon  shew  them  what  they 
•hould  My  wai  enough. 


The  number  allowed  him  soon  drew  ofl'to 
him,  wliich  could  not  be  many,  because  their 
whole  company  consisted  of  no  more  than 
thirty-six.  They  moved  towards  Sogkonate, 
until  they  came  to  the  brook  tliat  runs  into 
Nunnaquahqat  neck,  where  they  discovered 
a  fresh  and  plain  track,  which  they  concluded 
to  be  from  the  great  pine  swamp,  about  a  mile 
from  the  road  that  leads  to  Sogkonate.  Now, 
says  Mr.  Church,  to  his  men,  if  we  follow 
this  track,  no  doubt  but  we  shall  soon  see  In- 
dians enough;  they  expressed  their  willing- 
ness to  follow  the  track,  and  moved  in  it,  but 
had  not  gone  far  before  one  of  them  narrowly 
escaped  being  bit  with  a  rattlesnake:  And 
the  woods  that  the  track  led  them  through 
was  haunted  mucli  with  those  snakes,  which 
the  little  company  seemed  to  be  more  afraid 
of  than  the  black  serpents  they  were  in  quest 
of,  and  therefore  bent  their  course  another 
way,  to  a  place  where  they  thought  it  proba- 
ble to  find  some  of  the  enemy.  Had  they 
kept  the  track  to  the  pine  swamp,  they  had 
been  certain  of  meeting  Indians  enough;  but 
not  so  certain  that  any  of  them  should  have 
returned  to  give  account  how  many. 

Now  they  passed  down  into  Punkatees 
neck  ;  and  in  their  march  discovered  a  large 
wigwam  full  of  Indian  truck,  which  the  sol- 
diers were  for  loading  themselves  with,  until 
Mr.  Church  forbid  it,  telling  them  they  might 
expect  soon  to  have  their  hands  full,  and  bu- 
siness without  caring  for  plunder.  Then 
crossing  the  head  of  the  creek,  into  the  neck, 
they  again  discovered  fresh  Indian  tracks 
very  lately  passed  before  them  into  the  neck. 
They  then  got  privately  and  undiscovered  un- 
to the  fence  of  Capt.  Almy's  pease  field,  and 
divided  into  two  parties,  Mr.  Church  keeping 
tlie  one  party  with  himself,  sent  the  other 
with  Lake,  who  was  acquainted  with  the 
ground,  on  the  other  side.  Two  Indians 
were  soon  discovered  coming  out  of  the 
[)ease  field  towards  them  ;  when  Mr.  Church, 
and  those  that  were  with  him,  concealed 
themselves  from  them,  by  falling  flat  on  the 
ground  ;  but  the  other  division  not  using  the 
same  caution,  were  seen  by  the  enemy,  which 
occasioned  them  to  run;  which  when  Mr. 
Church  perceived,  he  showed  himself  to  them 
and  told  them  he  would  not  hurt  them  :  But 
they  ran,  and  Church  pursued.  The  Indians 
climbed  over  a  fence,  and  one  of  them  facing 
about  discharged  his  piece,  but  without  effect, 
on  the  English  :  One  of  the  English  soldiers 
ran  up  to  the  fence  and  fired  upon  him  that 
had  discharged  his  piece;  and  they  conclu- 
ded, by  the  yelling  they  heard,  that  the  In- 
dian was  wounded;  but  the  Indians  soon  got 
into  the  thickets,  whence  they  saw  them  no 
more  for  the  present. 

Mr.  Church  then  inarching  over  a  plain 
j)iece  of  ground,  where  the  woods  were  very 
thick  on  one  side  ;  ordered  his  little  company 
to  march  at  a  doutile  distance,  to  make  as  big 
a  show  (if  they  should  be  discovered)  as 
might  be;  but  before  tliey  saw  any  body, 
they  were  saluted  with  a  volley  of  fifty  or 
sixty  guns;  some  bullets  came  very  surpri- 
singly near  Mr.  Church,  who  starting  looked 
behind  him,  to  see  what  was  becfune  of  his 
men,  expecting  to  have  seen  half  of  them 
dead,  l)iit  seeing  tlu^m  all  upon  their  legs, 
and  briskly  firing  at  the  smoke  of  their  ene- 
mies' guns  (for  that  was  all  that  was  then  to 
be  scon,)  lie  blessed  Gud,  and  called  to  nia 


men  not  to  discharge  all  their  guns  at  onco 
lest  the  enemy  should  take  the  advantage  of 
such  an  opportunity  to  run  upon  theni  with 
their  hatchets. 

Their  next  motion  was  immediately  into 
the  pease  field.*  When  they  came  to  the 
fence,  Mr.  Church  bid  as  many  as  had  not 
discharged  their  guns,  to  clap  under  the 
fimce,  and  lie  close,  while  the  other,  at  some 
distance  in  the  field,  stood  to  charge;  hopii:g 
that  if  the  enemy  should  creep  to  the  fence, 
to  gain  a  shot  at  those  that  were  charging 
their  guns,  they  might  be  surprised  by  thoso 
tliat  lay  under  the  fence ;  but  casting  his 
eyes  to  the  side  of  the  hill  above  them,  the 
hill  seemed  to  move,  being  covered  over  with 
Indians,  with  their  bright  guns  glittering  in 
the  sun,  and  running  in  a  circumference  with 
a  design  to  surround  them. 

Seeing  such  multitudes  surrounding  him 
and  his  little  company,  it  put  him  upon  think- 
ing what  was  beci:me  of  the  boats  that  were 
ordered  to  attend  him ;  and  looking  up  he 
espied  them  ashore  at  Sandy  point,  on  the  is- 
land side  of  the  river,  with  a  number  of  horse 
and  foot  by  them,  and  wondered  what  should 
be  the  occasion,  until  he  was  afterwards  in- 
formed, that  the  boats  had  been  over  that  mor- 
ning from  the  island,  and  had  landed  a  party 
of  men  at  Fogland,  that  were  designed  in 
Punkatees  neck,  to  fetch  off"  some  cattle  and 
horses,  but  were  ambuscaded,  and  many  of 
them  wounded  by  the  enemy. 

Now  our  gentleman's  courasc  and  conduct 
were  both  put  to  the  test,  he  encourages  his 
men,  and  orders  some  to  run  and  take  a 
wall  for  shelter  before  the  enemy  gained  it. 
It  was  time  for  them  now  to  think  of  escaping 
if  they  knew  which  way.  Mr.  Church  or- 
ders liis  men  to  strip  to  their  white  shirts,  that 
the  islanders  might  discover  them  to  be  En- 
glishmen; and  then  orders  three  guns  to  be 
fired  distinct,  hoping  it  might  be  observed  by 
their  friends  on  the  opposite  shore.  The  men 
that  were  ordered  to  take  the  wall,  being 
very  hungry,  stopped  a  while  among  the 
pease  to  gather  a  few,  being  about  four  rods 
from  the  wall ;  the  enemy  from  behind  hailed 
them  with  a  shower  of  bullets;  but  soon  all 
but  one  came  tumbling  over  an  old  hedge 
down  the  bank,  where  Mr.  Church  and  the 
rest  were,  and  told  him  that  his  brother  B. 
Southworth,  who  was  the  man  that  was  mis- 
sing, was  killed,  that  they  saw  him  fall;  and 
so  they  did  indeed  see  him  fall,  but  it  was 
without  a  shot,  and  lay  no  longer  than  till  he 
had  an  opportunity  to  clap  a  bullet  into  one 
of  the  enemy's  forehead,  and  then  came  run- 
ning to  liis  company.  The  meanness  of  the 
English  powder  was  now  their  greatest  mis- 
fortune ;  when  they  were  immediately  up<in 
this  beset  with  multitudes  of  Indians,  who 
possessed  them.selves  of  every  rock,  slump, 
tree  or  fence  that  was  in  sight  firing  upon  them 
without  ceasing;  while  tliey  had  no  other  shel- 
ter but  a  small  l)ank  and  bit  of  a  water  fence. 
And  yet,  to  add  to  the  disadvantage  of  this 
little  handful  of  distressed  men,  the  Indians 
also  possessed  themselves  of  the  ruins  of  a 
stone  house  that  overlooked  them;  so  that 
now  they  had  no  way  to  pr(!vent  lying  quite 
open  to  some  or  other  of  the  enemy,  but  to 
heap  up  stones  before  them,  as  they  did,  and 
still  bravely  and  wonderfully  defended  them 

♦  Tiitnon,  about  half  a  mile  above  Foglaii'i  fcn  y 


KING  PHILIP'S  WAR. 


sflves  against  all  llic  numbers  of  ihe  enemy. 
Ai  loii!i;ili  came  over  one  of  the  boats  from  the 
island  shore,  but  the  enemy  plied  their  shot 
so  warmly  to  her  as  made  her  keep  at  some 
distance;  Mr.  Church  desired  tliem  to  send 
their  canoe  ashore  to  fetch  them  on  Ijoard ; 
but  no  persuasions  nor  arguments  could  pre- 
vail with  them  to  bring  their  canoe  to  shore; 
whicli  some  of  Mr.  Church's  men  perceiving, 
began  to  cry  out,  For  God's  sake  to  take 
ihem  off,  for  their  ammunition  was  spent,  &c. 
Mr.  Cimrch  heingsensible  of  the  dangerof  the 
enemy's  hearing  their  complaints,  and  being 
made  acquainted  with  tlie  weakness  and  scan- 
tiness of  their  ammunition,  fiercely  called  to 
the  boat's  master,  and  bid  him  either  send  his 
canoe  ashore,  or  else  be  gone  presently  or  he 
would  fire  upon  him. 

Away  goes  the  boat,and  leaves  them  still  to 
shift  for  themselves;  but  then  another  diffi- 
culty arose,  the  enemy  seeing  the  boat  leave 
them,  were  reanimated,  and  fired  thicker  and 
faster  than  ever;  upon  which  some  of  the 
men  that  were  lightest  of  foot,  began  to  talk 
of  attempting  an  escape  by  flight,  until  Mr. 
Church  solidly  convinced  them  of  the  imprac- 
ticableness  of  it ;  and  encouraged  them  yet, 
told  them,  that  he  had  observed  so  mucfi  of 
the  remarkable  and  wonderful  providence  of 
God  hitherto  preserving  them,  that  it  encou- 
raged him  to  believe,  with  much  confidence, 
that  God  uould  yet  preserve  them;  that  not 
a  hair  of  their  head  should  fall  to  the  ground; 
bid  tliem  be  patient,  courageous  and  prudent- 
ly sparing  of  tlieir  ammunition,  and  he  made 
no  doubt  but  they  should  come  well  oft"  yet, 
&c.  until  liis  little  army  again  resolved,  one 
and  all,  to  stay  wiih,  and  stick  by  him.  One 
of  them,  by  INIr.  Churcli's  order,  was  pitcfiing 
a  flat  stone  up  an  end  before  him  in  the  sand, 
when  a  bullet  from  the  enemy,  with  a  full 
force,  struck  the  stone  while  he  was  pitching 
it  an  end  ;  which  put  the  poor  fellow  to  a 
miserable  start,  till  Mr.  Cliurch  called  upon 
liim  to  observe,  how  God  directed  the  bullets, 
that  the  enemy  could  not  hit  him  when  in  the 
same  place,  yet  could  hit  the  stone  as  it  was 
erected. 

While  they  were  thus  making  the  best  de- 
fence tliey  could  asrainst  their  numerous  ene- 
mies, that  made  the  woods  ring  with  their 
constant  yelling  and  shouting:  And  night 
coming  on,  somebody  told  Mr.  Church  they, 
espied  a  sloop  up  the  river  as  far  as  Gold  is- 
land, that  seemed  to  be  coming  down  towards 
iIh'iii;  He  looked  up  and  told  them,  succour 
was  now  coming,  for  he  believed  it  was 
CMpiiiin  Ciolding,  whom  he  knew  to  be  a 
man  for  business,  and  would  certainly  fetch 
them  off,  if  he  came.  The  wind  being  fair, 
the  vessel  was  soon  with  them;  and  Captain 
Golding  it  was.  Mr.  Church  (as  soon  as  they 
Ciiim.'  to  speak  with  one  another)  desired  him 
lo  Come  to  anchor  at  such  a  distance  from  the 
sliore,  that  he  miglit  veer  out  his  cable  and 
ride  afloat,  and  let  slip  his  canoe,  that  it  might 
drive  asliore;  which  direction  Captain  Gold- 
iiig  observed  ;  l)Ut  the  enemy  gave  him  such 
a  warm  salute,  that  his  sails,  colour,  and 
stern,  were  full  of  bullet  holes. 

The  canoe  came  ashore,  but  was  so  small 
that  slie  would  not  bear  above  two  men  at  a 
time;  and  when  two  were  got  aboard,  they 
turned  her  loose  to  drive  ashore  for  two  more, 
V.ii  the  sloop's  company  kept  the  Indians  in 
pia^  the  while;  but  wiien  at  last  it  came  lo| 


Mr.  Church's  turn  to  go  aboard,  he  had  left 
his  hat  and  cutlass  at  the  well  where  he  wont 
to  drink,  when  he  first  came  down;  he  told 
his  company,  he  would  never  go  ofl'and  leave 
his  hat  and  cutlass  for  the  Indians;  they 
should  never  have  that  to  reflect  upon  him  : 
Though  he  was-much  dissuaded  from  it,  yet 
he  would  go  and  fetch  them.  He  put  all  the 
powder  he  had  left  into  his  gun  (and  a  poor 
charge  it  was)  and  went  presenting  his  gun 
at  the  enemy,  until  he  took  up  what  he  went 
for;  at  his  return  he  discharged  his  gun  at  the 
enemy,  to  bid  them  farewell  for  that  time; 
but  had  not  powder  enough  to  carry  the  bul- 
let half  way  to  them. 

Two  bullets  from  the  enemy  struck  the  ca- 
noe as  he  went  on  board,  one  grazed  the  hair 
of  his  head  a  little  before;  another  stuck  in  a 
small  stake  that  stood  rifiht  against  the  middle 
of  his  breast. 

Now  this  gentleman  with  his  army,  ma- 
king in  all  twenty  men,  himself  and  his  pilot 
being  numbered  with  them,  got  all  safe  on 
board  after  six  hours  eno-agement  with  three 
hundred  Indians;  whose  number  we  were 
told  afterwards  by  some  of  themselves.  A 
deliverance  which  that  good  gentleman  often 
mentions  to  the  glory  of  God,  and  his  protec- 
ting providence.  The  next  day  meeting  with 
the  rest  of  his  little  company,  whom  he  had 
left  at  Pocasset  (that  had  also  a  small  skir- 
mish with  the  Indians,  and  had  two  men 
wounded)  they  returned  to  the  Mount  Hope 
garrison;  which  Mr.  Church  used  to  call  the 
loosing  fort.  Mr.  Church  then  returning  to 
the  island,  to  seek  provision  for  the  army, 
meets  with  Alderman,  a  noted  Indian,  that 
was  just  come  over  from  the  squaw  sachem's 
cape  of  Pocasset,  having  deserted  from  hi 
and  brought  over  his  family;  who  gave  him 
an  account  of  the  state  of  the  Indians,  and 
where  each  of  the  sagamore's  head  quarters 
were.  Mr.  Church  then  discoursed  with 
some  who  knew  the  spot  well  where  the  In- 
dians said  VVeetamore's*  head  (juarters  were, 
and  offered  their  service  to  pilot  him.  With 
this  news  he  hastened  to  the  Mount  Hope 
garrison.  The  army  expressed  their  readi- 
ness to  embrace  such  an  opportunity. 

All  the  ablest  soldiers  were  now  immedi- 
ately drawn  off,  equipped  and  despatched 
upon  this  design,  under  the  command  of  a 
certain  officer ;  and  having  marched  about 
two  miles,  viz.  until  they  canie  to  the  cove  that 
lies  south  west  from  the  Mount,  where  or- 
ders were  given  for  an  halt:  The  comman- 
der in  chief  told  them  he  thought  it  proper  to 
take  advice  before  he  went  any  further;  cal- 
led Mr.  Church  and  the  pilot,  and  asked 
them,  how  they  knew  that  Philip  and  all  his 
men  were  not  by  that  time  got  to  Weeta- 
more's  camp;  or  that  all  her  own  men  were 
not  by  that  time  returned  to  her  again?  With 
many  more  frightful  questions.  Mr.  Church 
told  him,  they  had  acquainted  him  with  as 
much  as  they  knew,  and  that  for  his  part,  he 
could  discover  nothing  that  need  to  discou- 
rage them  from  proceeding;  that  he  thought 
it  so  practicable,  that  he,  with  thei)ilot,  would 
willingly  lead  the  way  to  the  spot,  and  hazard 
the  brunt.  JJut  the  chief  commander  insis- 
ted on  this,  that  the  enemies,  number  were  so 
great,  and  he  did  not  know  what  numbers 
more  might  be  added  unto  them  by  that  time 

I  "  Squaw  sachem  of  Pocasset. 


time:  And  liis  compiiny  so  small,  that  lie 
could  not  think  it  practicable  to  attack  tlnTi)  ; 
Added  moreover,  that  if  he  was  sure  ol' kil- 
ling all  the  enemy,  and  knew  that  he  nris 
lose  the  life  of  one  of  liis  men  in  the  aciion, 
he  would  not  attempt  it.  Pray  Sir,  then  (:-e- 
plied  Mr.  Church)  please  to  lead  your  com- 
pany to  yonder  windmill,  on  Rhode  Island, 
and  there  they  will  be  out  of  danger  of  being 
killed  by  the  enemy,  and  we  shall  have  less 
trouble  to  supply  them  with  provisions.  JJut 
return  he  would,  and  did,  unto  the;  garrison, 
until  more  strength  came  to  ihem,  and  a  sloop 
to  transport  them  to  the  Fall  river,*  in  order 
to  visit  Weetamorc's  camp.  Mr.  Cliurch, 
one  Baxter,  and  Captain  Hunter  an  Indian, 
[)roflered  to  go  out  on  the  discovery  on  the 
left  wing,  which  was  accepted;  they  had  not 
marched  above  a  quarter  of  a  mile  l.efon: 
they  started  three  of  the  enemy.  Captain 
Hunter  wounded  one  of  them  in  his  knee, 
whom,  when  he  came  up,  he  discovered  to 
be  his  near  knsman  ;  the  captive  desired  fa- 
vour for  his  s(|uaw,  if  she  should  fall  into 
their  hands,  but  asked  none  for  himself,  ex- 
cepting the  liberty  of  taking  a  whiff  of  tobac- 
co, and  while  he  was  taking  his  whiff,  his 
kinsman  with  one  blow  of  his  hatchet  d(!- 
spatched  liim.  Proceeding  to  Weetamorc's 
camp,  they  were  discovered  by  one  of  the 
enemy,  who  ran  in  and  gave  informatiem, 
upon  which  a  lusty  young  fellow  left  his  meat 
upon  his  spit,t  running  hastily  out,  told  his 
companions,  he  would  kill  an  Knglishman  be- 
fore he  eat  his  dinner;  but  fiiiled  of  his  de- 
siirn.beinsf  no  sooner  outbut  shotdown.  1  he 
enemies'  fires,  and  what  shelter  they  had  w  as 
by  the  edge  of  a  thick  cedar  swamp,  into 
which,  on  this  alarm,  they  betook  themselves, 
and  the  English  as  nimbly  pursued  ;  but 
were  soon  commanded  back  by  their  cliief- 
tain,  after  they  were  come  within  hearing  of 
the  cries  of  their  women  and  children,  and  so 
ended  that  exploit;  but  returning  to  their 
sloop  the  enemy  pursued  them,  and  wounded 
two  of  their  men.  The  next  day  they  re- 
turned to  the  Mount  Hope  garrison. 

Soon  after  this,  was  Phili|)'s  head  quarters 
visited  by  some  other  English  forct!s;  but 
Philip  and  his  gang  had  the  very  fortune  to 
esca|)e,  that  Weetamore  and  her's  (but  now 
mentioned)  had;  they  took  into  a  swamp, 
and  tJuMr  pursuers  were  commanded  back. 
After  this  Dartmouth's  distresses  recjiiired 
succour,  great  part  of  the  town  being  laid 
desolate,  and  many  of  the  inhabitants  killed; 
the  most  of  Plymouth  forces  were  ordc'ied 
thither;  and  coming  to  Russel's  garrison  at 
Ponaganset,!  they  met  with  a  number  of  iho 
enemy  that  had  surrendered  themselves  pris- 
oners on  terms  ])romised  by  Capt.  Eels  of 
the  garrison,  and  Ralph  Earl,  v\  ho  persuaded 
them  (by  a  friend  Indian  he  had  employed)  to 
come  in.  And  had  their  promises  to  the  In- 
dians been  kept,  and  the  Indians  fairly  treat- 
ed, it  is  probaljle  that  most  if"  not  all  the  Indi- 
ans in  those  parts  had  soon  followed  the  ex- 
ample of  those  who  had  now  surrendereu 
themselves;  which  would  have  been  a  gooa 
step  towards  finishing  the  war.  But  in  spite 
of  all  that  Capt.  Eels,  Church  or  Earl  couh. 
sav,  argue,  plead,  or  beg,  somebody  else  tliat 
had  more  power  in  their  hands  improved  it; 


*  South  part  of  I'rcciown.   t  Probaby  a  wooil^n  ?,>ii 
t  In  Darlinoiuh 


680 


KING  PHILIP'S  WAR. 


ami  u  ilLoiJt  any  regard  to  the  promises  inade 
tlioiri  1)11  fiieir  surrendering  tliemselves,  they 
were  carrif.'d  away  to  I'lyinoutli,  there  sold, 
and  transported  out  of  the  country,  being 
Hi»out  eight  score  persons.  An  action  so 
iMti'TuI  lo  Mr.  Church,  that  he  opposed  it  to 
liie  loss  of  the  good  will  and  respects  of  some 
that  b;-fore  were  his  good  friends.  But  while 
these  things  were  acting  at  Dartmouth,  Phil- 
ip made  his  escape,  leaving  his  country,  fled 
over  Taunton  river,  and  Rehoboth  plain  and 
Patuxet  river,  where  Capt.  Edmunds,  of 
Providence,  made  some  spoil  upon  him,  and 
had  probaldy  done  more,  but  was  prevented 
by  the  coming  of  a  superior  oificcr,  that  put 
l.im  by.  And  now  another  fort  was  built  at  Po- 
casset,  that  proved  as  troublesome  and  charge- 
able as  that  at  Mount  Hope;  and  the  remain- 
der of  the  summer  was  improved,  in  provi- 
ding for  the  forts  and  forces  there  maintained, 
while  our  enemies  were  fled  some  hundred 
of  miles  into  the  country,  near  as  far  as  Alba- 
ny. And  now  strong  suspicions  began  to 
arise  of  the  Narraganset  Indians,  that  they 
were  lUalfected,  and  designed  mischief;  and 
6o  the  event  soon  discovered.  The  next 
winter  they  began  their  hostilities  upon  tlie 
English.  The  united  colonies  then  agreed 
to  send  an  army  to  suppress  them  :  Gover- 
nor Winslow  to  command  the  army.  He 
undertaking  the  expedition,  invited  Mr. 
Church  to  command  a  comjjany  in  the  expe- 
dition, which  he  declined,  cravin"'  e.Kcuse 
from  taking  commission,  he  promised  to  wait 
upon  him  as  a  Reforrnado  tiirougli  the  expe- 
dition. Having  rode  with  the  general  to 
Boston,  anil  from  thence  to  Rehoboth;  -upon 
the  general's  request  he  went  tlience  the 
nearest  way  over  the  ferries,  witii  Major 
.Smith,  io  his  garrison  in  the  Narraganset 
ccuiilry,  to  prepare  and  provide  for  the  com- 
ing of  General  Winslow;  who  marched 
round  through  the  country  with  his  army, 
jiroposing  by  night  to  surprise  Pumham*  (a 
certain  Narraganset  sachem)  and  his  town; 
but  b(;irig  aware  of  the  approach  of  our  ar- 
my, made  iheir  escape  into  the  deserts;  but 
Mr.  Church  meeting  with  fair  winds  arrived 
salt?  at  the  major's  garrison  in  the  evening 
and  soon  l)egan  to  inquire  after  the  enemies' 
resorts,  wigwams,  or  sleeping  places,  and 
having  gained  some  intelligence,  he  proposed 
to  the  Eldriges,  and  some  other  brisk  hands 
that  he  met  with,  to  attempt  the  surprising  of 
some  of  the  enemy,  to  make  a  present  of  to 
the  general,  when  he  should  arrive,  which 
miirhi  a<lvantage  his  di;sign  :  Being  brisk 
l)lades,  they  readily  complied  with  the  motion, 
anil  were  soon  upon  their  march.  The  night 
was  very  cold,  but  blessed  with  the  moon; 
before  the  day  broke  they  eftected  their  ex- 
[)loit,  and  by  the  rising  of  the  sun  arrived  at 
the  major's  garrison,  where  they  met  the 
gi'iierai,  and  i)r,esenteil  him  with  eighteen  of 
tht!  eni-rny  they  iiad  captured.  The  general, 
pleased  with  the  exploit,  gave  them  iliaiiks, 
piirtiruhirly  to  M--.  ('hurch,  the  mover  and 
rhief  actor  of  the  business  ;  and  seniliii!;  two 
of  ihetii,  (hkely  boys)  a  present  to  Hoslon  ; 
smiling  on  Mr.  Church,  told  him,  that  he 
'uadi?  no  doulit  but  his  faculty  would  supply 
thein  with  Indian  boys  enough  before  the 
WHT  was  ended. 

Their  next  move  was  to  a  swanp,  w'nich 

•  SuIkid  oi  Shnwomcr,  or  Warwick. 


the  Indians  hid  fortiKed  with  a  fort.  Mr. 
Church  rid  in  the  general's  guard  when  the 
hloody  engagement  began  ;  but  being  imj)a- 
tietit  of  iieiiig  out  of  the  heat  ofthe  action,  im- 
portunately begged  leave  ofthe  general  that  lie 
might  rundown  to  the  assistance  of  hisfriends: 
the  general  yielded -to  his  request  provided 
he  could  rally  some  hands  to  go  with  him. 
Thirty  men  immediately  drew  out  and  fol- 
lowed him  :  They  entered  the  swamp,  and 
passed  over  the  log,  that  was  the  passage  into 
the  fort,  where  they  saw  many  men  and  se- 
veral valiant  captains  lie  slain  :  Mr.  Church 
spying  Captain  Gardner  of  Salem,  amidst  the 
wigwams  in  the  east  end  of  the  fort,  made 
towards  him,  but  on  a  sudden,  while  they 
were  looking  each  other  in  the  face,  Captain 
Gardner  settled  down  Mr.  Church  stepped  to 
him,  and  seeing:  the  blood  run  down  his  cheek, 
lifted  up  his  cap,  and  calling  to  him  by  his 
name ;  he  looked  up  in  his  face,  but  spoke  not 
a  word,  being  mortally  shot  through  the  head  ; 
and  observing  his  wound,  Mr.  Cliurch  found 
the  ball  entered  his  head  on  the  side  that  was 
next  the  upland,  where  the  English  entered 
the  swamp,  upon  which,  having  ordered  some 
care  to  be  taken  of  the  captain,  he  despatch- 
ed information  to  the  general,  that  the  best 
and  forwardest  of  his  army,  that  hazarded 
their  lives  to  enter  the  fort,  upon  the  muzzle 
ofthe  enemies'  guns,  were  shot  in  their  backs, 
and  killed  by  thetn  that  lay  behind.  Mr. 
Church  with  his  small  company  hastened  out 
ofthe  fort  that  the  English  were  now  posses- 
sed of,  to  get  a  shot  at  the  Indians  that  were 
in  the  swamp,  and  kept  tiring  upon  them. 
He  soon  met  w'ith  a  broad  and  bloody  track, 
where  the  enemy  had  fled  with  their  wound- 
ed men  ;  following  hard  in  the  tract,  he  soon 
spied  one  of  the  en'^iny  who  clapped  his 
gun  across  his  breast,  made  towards  Mr. 
Churcii,  anil  beckoneil  to  him  witli  his  hand  ; 
.Mr.  Church  immediately  commanded  no  man 
to  hurt  him,  hoping  by  him  to  have  gained 
some  intelligence  of  the  enemy,  that  might 
be  of  advantage  ;  but  it  unhappily  fell  out 
that  a  fellow  that  la^Ked  behind  cominsj 
up,  shot  down  the  Indian,  to  Mr.  Church's 
great  grief  and  disappointment ;  but  imme- 
diately they  heard  a  great  shout  ofthe  enemy, 
which  seemed  to  be  behind  thcin,  or  between 
them  and  the  fort ;  and  discovered  them  run- 
ning from  tree  to  tree  to  gain  advantages  of 
firing  upon  the  English  that  were  in  the  fort. 
Mr.  Church's  great  difficulty  now  was  how 
to  discover  himself  to  his  friends  in  the  fort, 
usiner  several  inventions, 'till  at  lengfth  he  gain- 
ed  an  opportunity  to  call  to,  and  inform  a  Ser- 
jeant in  the  fort,  that  he  was  there,  and 
might  be  exposed  to  their  shots,  unless  they 
observeil  it.  Hy  this  time  he  discovered  a 
number  of  tlic  enemy  almost  within  shot  of 
him,  making  towarJs  the  fort.  .Mr.  Church 
and  Ins  conqiany  were  favoured  by  a  heap  of 
brush  that  w.is  between  them  and  the  <'n(!tny, 
and  prevented  their  being  discovered  to 
them.  Mr.  Church  had  given  his  men  their 
particular  orders  for  firing  upon  the  enemy, 
and  as  they  were  rising  up  to  make  their  shot; 
the  fore-mentioned  sergeant  in  the  fort  called 
out  to  th<-m,  for  Ctod's  sake  not  to  fire,  for  he 
believed  they  worn  some  of  their  friend  In- 
dians; they  clapped  down  again,  but  were 
soon  sensible  of  their  Serjeant's  mistake.  The 
enemy  got  to  the  to|)  «if  the  tree,  the  body 
whereof  the  serjeaiil  stood  upon,  und  there 


jclapped  down  out  of  sight  of  the  fort,  but 
all  this  while  never  discovered  Mr.  Church, 
who  observed  them  to  keep  gathering  ui't'* 
that  place,  until  there  seemed  to  lie  a  formi- 
dable black  heap  of  them.  Now  brave  boys 
(said  Mr.  Church  to  his  miui)  if  we  mind 
our  hits,  we  may  have  a  brave  shot,  and  l»'l 
(mr-sign  for  firing  on  them,  be  their  rising  to 
fire  into  the  fort.  It  was  not  long  iiefore  tiio 
Indians  rising  up  as  one  body,  desi;riiitiir  to 
pour  a  volley  into  the  fort ;  when  our  Church 
nimbly  started  up  and  gave  them  such  a 
round  voile}',  and  unexpected  clap  on  their 
backs,  that  they,  who  escaped  with  their  lives, 
were  so  surprised,  that  they  scam|K"rcd,  they 
knew  not  whither  themselves,  about  a  dozen 
of  them  ran  r\"ht  over  the  lo<i  info  the  fort, 

,  D  fS  ^  - 

and  took  into  a  sort  of  hovel  that  was  ftuilt 
with  poles,  after  the  manner  of  a  corn  crib. 
Mr.  Church's  men  bavins'  their  cartridsres 
fixed,  were  soon  able  to  obey  Jiis  order, 
which  was  immediately  to  charge,  and  run 
on  upon  the  hovel,  and  overset  it,  calling,  as 
be  ran  on,  to  some  that  were  in  l\n'.  fort,  to 
assist  him  in  oversetting  it ;  they  no  sooner 
came  to  face  the  enemies'  shelter,  but  Mr. 
Church  discovered  that  one  of  them  had 
found  a  hole  to  point  his  gun  throuirh,  right 
at  him  ;  but  however  encouraged  Ins  compa- 
ny and  ran  right  on,  till  he  wa-s  struck  with 
three  bullets,  one  in  his  thigh,  which  was 
near  half  cut  off  as  it  glanced  on  the  joint  of 
his  hip-bone  ;  another  through  the  gathering 
of  his  breeches  and  drawers,  with  a  small  liesh 
wound  ;  a  third  pierced  his  pocket,  and 
wounded  a  pair  of  mittens,  that  he  hail  bor- 
rowed of  Captain  Prentice;  being  wrapped 
up  together  had  the  misfortune  of  having 
many  holes  cut  through  them  with  one  bul- 
let ;  but  however,  he  made  a  shift  to  keep  im 
his  legs,  and  nimbly  discharged  his  gun  at 
them  that  had  woinuled  him  ;  being  disabled 
now  to  go  a  step,  his  men  would  have  carried 
him  off,  but  he  forbid  their  touching  of  him, 
until  they  had  perfected  their  project  of  over- 
setting the  enemies,  shelter  ;  bid  them  run, 
for  now  the  Indians  had  no  guns  charged. 
While  he  was  urging  them  to  run  on,  the  In- 
dians began  to  shoot  arrows,  and  with  one 
pierced  through  the  arm  of  the  Englishman 
tliat  had  hold  of  Mr.  Church's  arm  to  support 
him.  The  English,  in  short,  were  discouraged, 
and  drew  back  ;  and  by  this  time  the  English 
people  in  the  fort  had  began  to  set  fire  to  the 
wisrwams  and  houses  in  the  fort,  which  Mr. 
Church  laboured  hard  to  prevent;  they  tohl 
hirn,  They  had  orders  from  the  general  to 
burn  them  ;  lie  begged  them  to  forl)ear  until  he 
had  discoursed  with  the  general ;  and  hasten- 
ing to  him,  he  begged  to  spare  the  wigwams, 
ifcc.  in  the  fort  from  fire,  told  him,  the  wig- 
wams were  musket-proof,  bein;;:  all  lined  with 
baskets  tubs  of  grain,  and  other  ju-ovisions. 
sutficient  to  supply  the  whole  army,  until 
the  spring  of  the  year;  and  every  wounded 
man  might  have  a  good  warm  house  to 
Iodide  in,  who  otherways  would  necessnrily 
perish  with  the  storms  and  cold  :  And  more- 
over, that  the  army  had  no  other  provisituis 
to  trust  unto,  and  depend  upon  ;  that  lie 
knew  that  the  Plymouth  forces  had  not  so 
much  as  one  biscuit  left,  for  he  hud  seen 
their  last  d«-alt  out,  &'c.  The  general  advis- 
ing a  few  words  with  the  gei.tlemen  lliat 
w«'re  about  him,  moving  •.ovvaras  the  lort.  di'- 
siEniii'jr  lo  ride  in  himself,  and  bring  in  tho 

DO  '  * 


KING  PHILIP'S  AVAR. 


6^7 


yiiole  armv  ;  but  just  as  lie  was  eiilerliig'  the 
swHinp,  one  of'tlie  captains  met  liiin,  and  ask- 
ed liirn,  wliither  lie  was  going  1  he  told  him 
into  the  fort ;  the  ca[)taiii  laid  hold  of  his 
horse,  and  told  him,  his  life  was  worth  an 
hundred  of  theirs,  and  lie  should  not  expose 
himself.  The  general  told  hirn,  that  the  Ijrnnt 
was  over,  and  that  Mr.  Church  had  informed 
him  that  the  fort  was  taken,  &c.  and  as  the 
case  was  circumstanced  he  was  of  the  mind, 
that  it  was  most  practicable  for  him,  and  his 
army  to  shelter  themselves  in  the  fort.  The 
captain  in  a  great  heat  replied,  that  Church 
lied  ;  and  told  the  general,  that  if  he  moved 
another  step  towards  the  fort  he  would  shoot 
his  horse  under  him.  Then  brushed  up  an- 
f)ther  gentleman,  a  certain  doctor,  and  opposed 
Mr.  Church's  advice,  and  said,  if  it  were  com- 
plied with,  it  would  kill  more  men  than  the 
enemy  had  killed;  for  (said  he)  hy  to-morrow 
the  wounded  men  will  be  so  stiff  that  there 
will  be  no  moving  of  them  :  And  lookmg 
upon  Mr.  Church,  and  seeing  the  blood  How 
apace  from  his  wounds,  told  hun,  That  if  he 
gave  such  advice  as  that  was,  he  should  bleed 
to  death  like  a  dog  before  he  would  endea- 
vour to  staunch  his  blood  :  though  after  they 
had  prevailed  against  his  advice  they  were 
sufficiently  kind  to  him.  And  burning  up  all 
the  houses  and  provisions  in  the  fort  ;  the 
army  returned  the  same  night  in  the  storm 
and  cold  ;  and  I  suppose  that  every  one  who 
was  acquainted  with  that  night's  march 
deeply  laments  the  miseries  that  attended 
them,  especially  the  wounded  and  dying 
men.  But  it  mercifully  came  to  pass  that 
Captain  Andrew  Belcher  arrived  at  Mr. 
Smith's  that  very  night  from  Boston,  with  a 
vessel  loaded  with  provisions  for  the  army 
who  must  otiierwlse  have  perished  for  want. 

Some  of  the  enemy  t'lat  were  then  in  the 
fort  have  since  informed  us,  that  near  a  tliird 
of  the  Indians  belonging  to  all  the  Narragan- 
set  country  were  killed  by  the  English  and 
by  the  cold  of  that  night,  that  t'ley  fled  out  of 
their  fort  so  hastily  that  they  carried  nothing 
with  them  :  That  if  the  English  had  kept  in 
the  fort,  the  Indians  would  certainly  have 
been  necessitated,  either  to  surrender  them- 
Bolves  to  them,  or  to  have  perished  by  hunger, 
and  the  severity  of  tlie  season.*  Sometime 
after  this  fort-fight  a  certain  Sogkonate  In- 
dian hearing  Mr.  Church  relate  the  manner 
01  his  being  wounded,  told  him,  that  he  did 
not  know  but  ho  himself  was  the  Indian  that 
wounded  him  oi  he  was  one  of  that  compa- 
ny of  Inaians  ihat  Mr.  Church  made  a  shot 
upon,  when  they  were  rising  to  make  a  shot 
into  the  fort.  Tlioy  were  in  number  about  six- 
ty or  seventy,  th-it  just  then  came  down  from 
Pumham's  towi.  and  never  before  then  fired 
a  gun  against  tba  English;  that  when  Mr. 
Church  fired  upon  them  he  killed  fourteen 
dead  upon  the  spot,  and  wounded  a  greater 
number  than  he  killed,  many  of  whom  died 
af(erwai  is  of  their  wounds,  in  the  cold  and 
Btorm  th;  foUowini;  ni^ht. 


The  swamp  fi<xht  hnpppned  on  DecRmber  29,  IG~5 
lb  which  about  Hlty  Eiii;lish  Wfre  killfij  in  the  action 
and  iJieil  of  their  wounds  ;  anil  ahoiit  tliroe  hundred  or 
three  liuniired  and  fiftv  Indiriiis,  ni>>]i,  women,  and  chil- 
dien,  were  kiUed,  and  as  many  more  captiireil.  It  is 
Rim  five  hnmlred  wigwams  were  hnrnt  wiih  '.he  fori; 
an  1  two  hiindren  more  in  other  parts  of  Narrasansel. 
•  lie  place  of  the  fort  was  an  elevateil  ^ronnd  or  pi.'ce  of 
apland,  of  perhaps  ihree  or  four  acres,  in  llie  iiiiddle  of  a 
hMeons  swamp;  about  seven  luilea  near  due  west  from 
Niirraeiiasel  south  ferry. 


Mr.  Church  was  moved  with  other  wound- 
ed men,  over  to  Rhode  Island,  where,  in 
about  three  months  time,  he  was  in  some  good 
measure  recovered  of  his  wounds,  and  the  fe- 
ver that  attended  them  :  And  then  wentoverto 
the  general  to  tjike  his  leave  of  him,  with  a  de- 
sign to  return  home. 

But  the  general's  great  importunity  again 
persuaded  him  to  accompany  liim  in  a  long 
inarch  into  the  Nipmuck*  country,  though  he 
had  then  tents  in  his  wounds,  and  so  lame  as 
not  to  be  able  to  mount  his  horse  without 
two  men's  assistance. 

In  this  march,  the  first  thing  remarkable 
was,  they  came  to  an  Indian  town,  where 
there  were  many  wigwams  in  sight,  but  an 
icy  swamp,  lying  between  them  and  the  wig- 
wams, prevented  their  running  at  once  upon 
it  as  they  Intended  :  There  was  much  firing 
upon  each  sldeliefore  they  passed  the  swamf). 
But  at  length  the  enemy  all  fled,  and  a  cer- 
tain Mohegan,  that  was  a  friend  Indian,  pur- 
sued and  seized  one  of  the  enemy  that  had  a 
small  wound  In  his  leg,  and  brought  him  be- 
fore the  general,  where  he  was  examined. 
Some  were  for  torturing  him  to  bring  him  to 
a  more  ample  confession  of  what  he  knew 
concerning  his  countrymen.  Mr.  Church, 
verily  believing  he  had  been  ingenuous  in 
his  confession,  interceded  and  prevailed  for 
his  escaping  torture.  But  the  army  being 
bound  forward  in  their  march,  and  the  Indi- 
an's wound  somewhat  disenabling  him  for 
travelling,  it  was  concluded  he  should  be 
knocked  on  the  head:  Accordingly  he  v/as 
brought  before  a  great  fire  and  the  Mohegan 
that  took  him  was  allowed,  as  he  desired,  to 
be  his  executioner.  Mr.  Church  takinof  o 
delight  in  the  sport,  framed  an  errand  at  some 
distance  among  the  baggage-horses,  and  when 
he  got  ten  rods,  or  thereabouts,  from  the  fire, 
the  execiitloner  fetching  a  blow  with  a  hatchet 
at  the  head  of  the  prisoner,  he  being  aware  of 
the  blow,  dodged  his  head  aside,  and  the 
executioner  missing  his  stroke,  the  hatchet 
flow  out  of  his  hand,  and  had  like  to  have  done 
execution  where  It  was  not  designed.  The 
prisoner,  upon  his  narrow  escape,  broke  from 
them  that  held  him,  and,  notwithstanding  his 
wound,  made  use  of  his  legs,  and  happened  to 
run  right  upon  Mr.  Church,  who  laid  hold  on 
him,  and  a  close  sciilHe  they  had,  but  the  In- 
dian having  no  clothes  on  slipped  from  him, 
iind  ran  again,  and  Mr.  Church  pursued  the 
Indian,  although  being  lame,  there  was  no 
great  odds  in  the  race,  until  the  Indian  stum- 
bled and  fell,  and  they  closed  again,  scuffled 
and  fought  jiretty  smartly,  until  the  Indian 
by  the  ad  vantage  of  his  nakedness,  slipped  from 
hrs  hold  again,  and  set  out  on  his  third  race, 
with  Mr.Church  close  at  his  heels,  endeavour- 
ing to  lay  hold  on  the  hair  of  his  head,  which 
was  all  the  hold  could  be  taken  of  him  :  and 
running  through  a  swamp  that  was  covered 
with  hollow  ice,  it  made  so  loud  a  noise  that 
Mr.  Church  expected  (but  in  vain)  that  some 
of  his  English  friends  would  f  illow  the  noise, 
and  come  to  his  assistance.  But  the  Indian  hap- 
pened to  run  athwart  a  large  tree,  that  lay  fal- 
len near  breast  high,  where  he  stof)ped  and  cried 
out  aloud  for  help;  but  .Mr.  Church  being  soon 
upon  him  again,  the  Imlian  seized  him  fast  by 
the  hair  of  his  head,  and  endeavouring  hy  twist- 
ing to  break  his  neck,  but  though  Mr.  Church's 

•  Country  about  \Vorce<ilcr,  Oxford,  Craston,  ifc. 


[wounds  had  somewhat  weukimed  him,  and 
the  Indian  a  stout  fellow,  yet  he  held  liiin  ii. 
play,  and  twisted  the  Indian's  neck  as  v\ell, 
and  took  the  advantage  of  many  opportii.'ii- 
ties,  while  they  hung  by  each  other's  hair, 
gave  him  notorious  bumps  in  the  face  with  his 
head.  But  in  the  heat  of  this  scuffle  they 
heard  the  ice  break  with  somebody  coming 
apace  to  them,  which  when  they  heard, 
Church  concluded  there  was  help  for  one 
or  other  of  them,  but  was  doubtful  which  of 
them  must  now  receive  the  fatal  stroke  ;  anon 
somebody  comes  up  to  them,  who  proved  to 
be  the  Indian  that  had  first  taken  the  prisoner. 
Without  speaking  a  word,  he  ft-it  them  out 
(for  It  was  so  dark  he  could  not  distinguish 
them  by  sight)  the  one  being  clothed,  and  the 
other  naked,  he  felt  where  Mr. Church's  hands 
were  fastened  in  the  Nctop's  hair,  and  with 
one  blow  settled  his  hatchet  in  betwe(Mi  theni 
and  ended  the  strife.  He  then  spoke  to  Mr. 
Church,  and  hugged  him  in  his  arms,  a:<.d 
thanked  him  abundantly  for  catching  his  pris- 
oner, and  cut  off  the  head  of  his  victim,  and 
carried  it  to  the  camp;  and  giving  an  account 
to  the  rest  of  the  friend  Indians  In  the  canip, 
how  Mr.  Church  had  seized  his  prisom  r, 
&c.  they  all  joined  a  mighty  shout. 

Proceeding  in  this  march,  they  had  the  suc- 
cess of  killing  many  of  the  enemy;  until  a' 
length  their  provisions  failing,  they  returnea 
home. 

King  Philip  (as  was  before  hinted)  was  fled 
to  a  place  called  Scattacook,  between  York  and 
Albany,  where  the  Moohags*  made  a  descent 
upon  him  and  killed  many  of  his  men,  which 
moved  lilm  from  thence. 

His  next  kennelling  place  was  at  the  falls  of 
Connecticut  river,  t  where,  sometime  after, 
Capt.  Turner  found  him,  came  upon  him  by 
night,  killed  him  a  great  many  men,  and  fright- 
ened many  more  into  the  river,  that  were 
hurled  down  the  falls  and  drowned. 

Phillpgotover  the  river,  andon  thebackside 
of  Wetuset  hills  meets  with  all  the  remnants 
of  the  Narraganset  and  Nipinuckf  Indians  that 
were  there  gathered  together,  and  became 
very  numerous,  and  made  their  descent  on 
Sudbury  and  the  adjacent  parts  of  the  ceuntry, 
where  they  met  with  and  swallowed  up  valiant 
Capt.  Wadsworth  and  his  company,  and  made 
many  other  doleful  desolations  in  those  parts. 
The  news  whereof  coming  to  Plymouth,  and 
they  expecting  probably  the  enerny  would 
soon  return  again  into  their  colony  ;  the  coun- 
cil of  war  was  called  together,  and  Mr. 
Church  was  sent  for  to  them,  being  observed 
by  the  whole  colony  to  be  a  person  extraor- 
dinarily qualified  for,  and  adajited  to,  the 
affairs  of  war.  It  was  ])roposed  in  council, 
that  lest  the  enemy,  in  their  return,  should 
fall  on  Rehoboth,  or  some  other  of  their  out- 
towns,  a  cotnpany,  consisting  of  GO  or  70 
men,  should  be  sent  into  those  parts;  and  Mr. 
Church  invited  to  take  the  command  of  them. 
He  told  them,  that  if  the  enemy  returned 
Into  that  colony  again,  they  might  reasonably 
expect  that  they  would  come  very  iiumerou.-, 
and  if  he  should  take  the  command  of  men,  he 
should  not  lie  in  any  town  or  garrison  with 
them,  but  would  lie  in  the  woods  as  the 
enemy  did  :  And  that  to  send  out  such  smaf. 
companies  against  such  mullitiides  of  theene. 
my  that  were  now  mustered  to  gether,  would 


•  Moiiawks.    t  Abo*c  Deerfield.    J  About  RutUi.il. 


688 


KING  PHILIP'S  WAR. 


ne  ljut  to  di'livor  so  rniiny  men  into  their 
riunds,  to  l)c  destroyed,  as  the  worthy  Captain 
\V»ds\vorth  and  his  company  were.  His  ad- 
vice upon  tlie  whole  was,  that  if  they  sent 
out  any  forces,  to  send  out  no  less  than  300 
soldiers  ;  and  tliat  the  other  colonies  shoiih] 
be  asked  to  send  out  their  quotas  also  ;  ad- 
ding, that  if  they  intended  to  make  an  end 
of  the  war  by  subduing  the  enemy,  tliey 
must  make  a  business  of  the  war,  as  the  ene- 
my did  ;  and  that  of  his  own  part,  he  had 
wholly  laid  aside  all  his  own  private  business 
concerns,  ever  since  the  war  broke  out.  He 
told  them,  that  if  they  would  send  forth  such 
forces  as  he  should  direct,  he  would  go 
with  them  for  a  six  weeks*  march,  which  was 
long  enough  for  men  to  be  kept  in  the  woods 
at  once  ;  and  if  they  might  be  sure  of  liberty 
to  return  in  such  a  space,  men  would  go  out 
cheerfully  ;  and  he  would  engage  150  of  the 
best  soldiers  should  list  voluntarily  to  go  with 
him,  if  they  would  please  to  add  50  more  ; 
and  100  of  the  friend  Indians  ;  and  with  such 
an  army,  he  made  do  doubt,  but  he  might  do 
good  service  :  but  on  other  terms  he  did  not 
incline  to  be  concerned. 

Their  reply  was  that  they  were  already  in 
debt,  and  so  big  an  army  would  bring  such 
charge  upon  them,  that  they  should  never 
be  able  to  pay  ;  and  as  for  sending  out  In- 
dians, thf^y  thought  it  no  ways  adviseable, 
and  in  short  none  of  his  advice  practicable. 

N'liw  Mr.  ('liurch's  consort,  and  his  then  only 
."iin  wt?re  till  this  time  remaining  at  Duxbury, 
and  lie  f'aring  fortheir  safety  there  (unless the 
war  was  more  \  igorously  engaged  in,  resolv- 
eii  to  move  to  Rhode  Island,  though  it  was 
iiuicli  ()p|)osed  both  by  government  arfd  rela 
t'li'is  ;  but  at  length,  the  governor  considering 
fliai  he  might  be  no  less  serviceable  by  being 
oil  that  side  of  the  colony,  gave  his  permit, 
and  wished  he  had  twenty  more  as  good  men 
to  .send  with  him. 

Tlien  preparing  for  his  removal,  lie  went 
with  his  small  family  to  Plymouth,  to  take 
leave  of  their  friends,  where  they  met  with 
his  wife's  parents,  who  much  persuaded  that 
she  might  be  left  at  Mr.  Clark's  garrison, 
(which  they  supposed  to  be  a  mighty  safi 
place)  or  at  least  that  slie  might  be  there  until 
her  soon  expected  lying-in  was  over,  (being 
near  her  lime.)  Mr.  Church  no  ways  inclin 
ing  to  venture  her  any  longer  in  those  parts, 
and  no  nrgnmiMits  prevailing  with  him,  he  n 
solved  to  set  out  for  Taunton,  and  many  of  their 
friends  accompanied  th»;m.  There  they  found 
C!i[)tain  Pierci!  with  a  commanded  party,  who 
offered  Mr.  Church  to  send  a  relation  of  his 
with  some  others  to  guard  him  to  Rhode 
Island  ;  but  Mr.  Church  thanked  him  for  his 
reipeeifiil  ofTt.'r,  but  for  some  good  reasons 
refised  to  accept  it.  In  short,  they  got  safe 
to  ('aptain  John  Alrny's  house  upon  Rhode 
Uhind,  where  they  met  with  friends  and  good 
enterliiintnent.  But,  by  the  way,  let  mr 
tiot  forgf't  this  remarkable  Providence,  viz. 
That  within  twi;nty  four  hours,  or  there- 
aliontH,  after  their  arrival  at  l{hode  Island, 
Mr.  Chirk's  garrison  that  Mr.  Cfiurch  was  so 
much  importuned  to  leave  hi.j  wife  and  child- 
ren at,  wai  destroyed  by  the  enemy. 

.Mr.  Church  being  at  present  disenabled 
fi  oiTi  ,uiy  particular  service  in  the  war,  beg.ii 
I  I  ihink  of  some  other  employ;  but  he  m 
dooner  toiik  a  tool  to  cut  a  stnall  slick,  l.n 
OC  cut  otf  the  tup  ,,f  his  fure-lln^er,  and  ih 


next  to  it  half  off;  upon  which  he  smilingly 
said,  that  he  thought  he  was  out  of  his  way, 
to  leave  the  war,  and  resolved  he  would  go 
to  war  again.  Accordingly  his  second  son 
l)eing  born  on  the  12lh  of  May,  and  his  wife 
and  son  like  to  do  well,  Mr.  Church  embraces 
the  opportunity  of  pas:^age  in  a  sloop  bound  to 
Barnstable  :  whicli  landed  him  at  Sogkonesset, 
from  whence  he  rid  to  Plymouth  ;  and  arrived 
there  on  tlie  first  Tuesday  in  June  ;  The 
general  court  then  silting  welcomed  him, 
and  told  him  they  were  glad  to  see  him  alive. 
He  replied,  he  was  glad  to  see  them  alive, 
for  he  iiad  seen  so  many  fires  and  smokes 
towards  their  side  of  the  country,  since  he 
left  them,  that  he  could  scarce  eat  or  sleep 
with  any  comfort,  for  fear  they  had  all  been 
destroyed.  For  all  travelling  was  stopped, 
and  no  news  had  passed  for  a  long  time 
together.  He  gave  them  an  account  that 
the  Indians  had  made  horrid  desolations  at 
Providence,  Warwick,  Pawtuxet,  and  all 
over  the  Narraganset  country,  and  that  they 
prevailed  daily  against  the  English  on  that 
side  of  the  country  :  Told  them,  he  longed  to 
hear  what  methods  tliey  designed  in  the  war. 
They  told  him,  they  were  particularly  glad 
that  Providence  had  brought  him  there  at  that 
juncture  ;  for  they  had  concluded  the  very 
next  day  to  send  out  an  army  of  200  men  two 
thirds  English,  and  one  tliird  Indians,  in  some 
measure  agreeable  to  his  former  proposal ; 
expecting  Boston  and  Connecticut  to  join 
with  their  quotas.  In  short,  it  was  so  con- 
cluded, and  that  Mr.  Church  should  return  to 
the  Island,  and  see  what  he  could  muster 
there,  of  those  that  liad  moved  from  Swanzey, 
Dartmouth,  &c.  So  returning  the  same  way 
he  came  ;  when  he  came  to  Sogkonesset,  he 
had  a  sham  put  upon  him  about  a  boat  he 
had  brought  to  go  home  in,  and  was  forced 
to  hire  two  of  the  friend  Indians  to  paddle 
him  in  a  canoe  from  Elisabeth's  to  Rhode 
Island. 

It  fell  out,  that  as  they  were  in  their  voyage 
passing  by  Sogkonate-point,  some  of  the  ene- 
my were  upon  the  rocks  a  fishing;  he  bid  the 
Indians  that  managed  the  canoe  to  paddle  so 
near  the  rocks  as  that  he  might  call  to  those 
Indians  ;  told  them,  that  he  had  a  great  mind 
ever  since  the  war  broke  out  to  speak  with 
some  of  the  Sogkonate  Indians,  and  thatthev 
were  their  relations,  iind  therefore  they  need 
not  fear  their  hurting  of  them.  And  he  added 
that  he  had  a  mighty  conceit,  that  if  he  could 
get  a  fair  opportunity  to  discotirse  with  them, 
that  he  could  draw  them  off  from  Philip,  for 
he  knew  they  never  heartily  loved  him.  The 
enemy  halloed  and  made  signs  for  the  canoe 
to  come  to  them  ;  but  when  they  approached 
them  they  skulked  and  hid  in  the  clefts  of  the 
rocks;  then  Mr.  Church  ordered  the  canoe 
lobe  paddled  off  again,  lest  if  he  came  too 
ne.'ir  they  should  fir<!  upon  liiin.  Then  the 
Indians  appearing  again,  beckoned  and  called 
in  the  Indian  language,  and  bid  them  come 
ashore,  for  they  wanted  to  speak  with  him. 
The  Intlians  in  the  canoe  answered  them 
again  ;  but  they  on  the  rocks  told  them,  that 
the  surf  made  such  a  noise  against  the  rocks, 
they  could  not  lu'arany  thing  they  said.  Then 
Mr.  Church,  by  signs  with  his  hands,  gave 
them  to  understand  that  he  would  have  two 
of  ihein  go  down  upon  the  point  of  the  beach 
(u  place  where  a  man  miizlit  see  who  was 
near  him)  accordingly  two  of  tlioin  ran  along 


thebea  n,  and  met  lum  they  not  having  any', 
arms,  excepting  that  one  of  ti.sm  had  a  lanco 
in  his  hand  ;  they  urged  Mr.  Church  to  come 
ashore,  for  they  had  a  great  desire  to  have 
some  discourse  with  him.  He  told  them,  if 
he  that  had  his  weapon  in  his  hand  would 
carry  it  up  some  distance  upon  the  beach,  and 
leave  it,  he  would  come  ashore  and  discourse 
with  them.  He  did  so,  and  Mr.  Church  went 
ashore,  hauled  up  his  canoe,  ordered  one  of  the 
Indians  to  stay  by  it,  and  the  other  to  walk 
above  on  the  beach,  as  a  sentinel,  and  to  s^e 
that  the  coasts  were  clear;  and  when  .M» 
Church  came  up  to  the  Indians,  one  of  them 
happened  to  be  honest  George,  one  of  the 
two  that  Awashonks  formerly  sent  to  call  him 
to  her  dance,  and  was  so  careful  to  suard  hiiii 
back  to  his  house  again,  the  last  Sogkonate  In- 
dian he  spoke  with  before  the  war  broke  out  ; 
he  spoke  English  very  well.  Mr.  Church  asked 
him  where  Awashonks  was  ]  He  told  him 
in  a  swamp  about  three  miles  ofl*.  Mr.  Churcth 
asked  him,  what  it  was  he  wanted  that  he 
halloed  and  called  him  ashore  ?  He  answer- 
ed, that  he  took  him  for  Church  as  soon  as 
he  heard  his  voice  in  the  canoe,  and  that  he 
was  very  glad  to  see  him  alive,  and  he  belun  ed 
his  mistress  would  be  glad  to  see  him,  and  speak 
with  him  ;  he  told  him  further,  that  he  belie  veil 
she  was  not  fond  of  maintainin?  a  war  with 
the  English,  and  that  she  had  left  Philip,  ami 
did  not  intend  to  return  to  him  any  more  ;  he 
was  mighty  earnest  with  Mr.  Church  to  t.irry 
there  while  he  would  run  and  call  her;  hut 
he  told  him  no,  for  he  did  not  know  but  the 
Indians  would  come  down  and  kill  him  befc^itJ 
he  could  get  back  again  ;  he  said,  if  Mount- 
Hope,  or  Pocasset  Indians  could  catch  him, 
he  believed  they  w  ould  knock  him  on  the 
head,  but  all  Sogkonate  Indians  knew  him 
very  well,  and  he  believed  none  of  them 
would  hurt  him.  In  short,  Mr.  Chuich  refus 
ed  to  tarry,  but  promised  he  would  come  over 
again,  and  speak  with  Awashonks,  and  some 
other  Indians  that  he  had  a  mind  to  talk  with. 

Accordingly  he  appointed  him  to  notify 
Awashonks,  her  son  Peter,  their  chief  Cap 
tain,  and  one  Nompash  (an  Indian  tliat  Mr. 
Church  had  formerly  a  particular  respect  for, 
to  meet  him  two  days  after,  at  a  rock  at  the 
lower  end  of  Captain  Richmoixl's  farm,  which 
was  a  very  noted  place  ;  and  if  that  day  should 
jirove  st<irmy,  or  wiiuiy.  they  were  loexpec'. 
tiim  the  next  moderate  day,  Mr.  Church  tell- 
ing George  that  he  would  have  him  come 
with  the  persons  mentioned,  and  no  more. 

They  giving  each  other  their  hand  upon  it 
parted,  and  Mr.  Church  went  home,  and  the 
next  morning  to  Newport,  and  informed  the 
government  of  what  liad  passed  between  him 
and  the  Sogkonate  Indians,  and  desired  their 
|)ermit  for  him  and  Daniel  Wilcox  (a  man  that 
well  understood  the  Indian  language)  to  go 
over  to  them.  They  told  him,  that  thev 
thought  he  was  mad,  after  such  service  as 
he  had  done,  an<l  such  dangers  a<  he  escaped, 
now  to  throw  nwav  his  life,  for  the  rogues 
would  as  certainly  kill  him,  as  ever  he  went 
over  ;  and  utterly  refused  to  gnmt  his  permit, 
or  to  be  willing  to  run  the  risk. 

Mr.  Church  told  them,  that  it  ever  had 
been  in  his  thouirht  since  the  war  broke  out, 
that  if  he  could  discourse  with  the  Sogkonate 
Indians,  he  could  draw  them  off  from  Philip 
and  employ  tliem  nijainst  him  ;  but  could  r^ot, 
till  now,  ever  have  an  oppi>riuniiy  to  spuair 


KING  PHILir'S  WAR, 


C3« 


with  any  of  them,  ami  was  very  loth  to  lose 
it,  &c.  At  length  they  told  him,  if  he  would 
^o.  it  should  be  only  with  the  two  Indians 
Miat  came  with  hiui ;  but  they  would  give  hirn 
no  permit  under  their  iiands.  He  tooii  liis 
leave  of  them,  resolving  to  prosecute  his  de- 
si"-n  ;  they  told  him  they  were  sorry  to  see 
him  so  resolute,  nor  if  he  went  did  they  ever 
expect  to  see  his  face  again. 

He  bought  a  bottle  of  rum,  and  a  small  roll 
of  tobacco,  to  carry  with  him,  and  returned 
to  his  family.  The  next  day,  being  the  day 
ap|)oinled  for  the  meeting,  he  prepared  two 
ll^ht  canoes  for  the  design,  and  liis  own  man, 
with  the  two  Indians  for  his  company.  He 
used  such  arguments  with  his  tender,  and  now 
almost  broken  hearted  wife,  from  the  expe- 
rience of  former  preservations  and  the  pros- 
pect of  the  great  service  he  might  do,  might 
it  please  God  to  succeed  his  design,  &c.,  that 
he  obtained  her  consent  to  his  attempt ;  and 
committing  her,  the  babes  and  himself  to 
Heaven's  protection,  he  set  out.  They  had 
from  the  shore  about  a  league  to  paddle  ; 
drawing  near  the  place,  they  saw  the  Indians 
setting  on  the  bank,  waiting  for  their  coming. 
Mr.  Church  sent  one  of  his  Indians  ashore  in 
one  of  the  canoes  to  see  whether  they  were 
the  same  Indians  whom  he  had  appointed  to 
meet  him,  and  no  more ;  and  if  so  to  stay  ashore 
and  send  George  to  fetch  hirn  ;  accordingly 
George  came  and  fetched  Mr.  Church  ashore, 
while  the  other  canoe  played  off  to  see  the 
event,  and  to  carry  tidings  if  the  Indians  should 
prove  false. 

Mr.  Church  asked  George  whether  Awa- 
shonks  and  the  other  Iiulians  he  ap])ointed  to 
to  meet  him  were  there  1    He  answered  they 
were  ;  he  then  asked  him  if  there  were  no 
more  than  they  whom  lie  appolnt'jd  to  be  there  ] 
To  which  he  woukl  give  \v<n  no  direct  an- 
swer.   However,  he  wer.t  ashore,  wliere  he 
was  no  sooner  landed,  biit  Awashonks  and 
the  rest  that  he  had  appointed  to  meet  him 
there,  rose  up  and  came  down  to  meet  him  ; 
and  each  of  them  successively  gave  him  their 
liands,  and  expressed  themsiilves  glad  to  see 
him,  and  gave  him  thanks  for  exposing  liim- 
self  to  visit  them.   They  walked  togelherabout 
a  gunshot  from  tlic  water,  to  a  convenient 
place  to  sit  down.    Where  at  once  rose  up  a 
great  body  of  Indians,  who  had  lain  hid  in  the 
grass,  (that  was  high  as  a  man's  waist)  and 
gathered  round  them,  till  they  liad  closed  them 
in ;  being  all  armed  witli  guns,  spears,  hachets, 
&c.  witli  their  hair  trimmed  and  faces  [)ainted, 
in  their  warlike  appearance.    It  was  doubtless 
Boinewlial  surprising  to  our  gentleman  at  first, 
but  without  any  visible  discovery  of  it,  after 
a  small  silent  pause  on  each  side  he  spoke  to 
Awashonks,  and  told  her,  that  George  had 
informed  him  that  she  liad  a  desire  to  see  him, 
and  discourse  about  makinof  peace  willi  the 
English.    She  answered  yes  ;  then  said  Mr. 
Church,  it  is  customary  whim  people  meet  to 
treat  of  peace,  to  lay  aside  their  arms,  and  not 
to  appear  in  such  hostile  form  as  your  people 
do  ;  and  desired  of  lier,  that  if  they  might  talk 
al  oul  peace,  winch  he  desired  they  might,  her 
men  might  lay  aside  their  arms,  and  appear 
more  tractable.     Upon  which  there  began  a 
conside~able  noise  and  murmur  amonor  them 
in  their  own  language,  till  Awashonlis  asked 
him,  what  arms  thev  should  lay  down,  and 


plied,  only  their  guns  at  some  small  distance, 
for  formality's  sake  ;  upon  which,  with  one 
consent,  they  laid  aside  their  guns,  and  came 
and  sat  down. 

Mr.  Church  pulled  out  his  calabash  and 
asked  Awashonks,  whether  she  had  lived  so 
long  at  Wetuset,"  as  to  forget  to  drink  Occa- 
peches  ;  and  drinking  to  her,  he  perceived 
that  she  watched  him  very  diligently,  to  see 
(as  he  thought)  whether  he  swallowed  any  of 
the  rum;  he  offered  her  the  shell,  but  she 
desired  liim  to  drink  again  first,  lie  then  told 
her,  there  was  no  poison  in  it,  and  pouring 
some  info  the  palm  of  his  hand,  sipped  it  up, 
and  took  tin?  shell  and  drank  to  her  again,  and 
drank  a  good  swig,  which  indeed  was  no  more 
than  he  needed.  Then  they  all  standing  up,  he 
said  to  Awaslionks,  you  won't  drink  for  fear 
there  should  be  poison  in  it ;  and  then  handed 
it  to  a  little  ill-looking-  fellow,  who  catched  it 
readily  enough,  and  as  greedily  "vould  have 
swallowed  the  liquor  when  he  had  it  at  his 
mouth  ;  but  Mr.  Church  catched  him  by  the 
throat  and  took  it  from  him,  asking  him, 
whether  lie  intended  to  swallow  shell  and  all  1 
and  then  handed  it  to  Awashonks,  s'ne  ven- 
tured to  take  a  good  hearty  dram,  and  jiassed 
it  among  her  attendants. 

The  sliell  being  emptied,  he  pulled  out  his 
tobacco,  and  ha\  ir.g  distributed  it,  they  began 
to  talk 

Awashcnks  detranded  of  him  the  reason 
why  he  iiad  not  (agreeable  t  l.is  promise 
when  she  saw  him  last)  bee.i  a^wn  at  Sog 
konate  before  now,  sayi.ig  t!iai  probably  if 
he  had  come  then,  accord  ng  to  his  promise, 
they  liad  never  joined  lip  against  the 

English 

He  told  her  he  was  prevented  by  the  war 
breaking  out  so  suddenly,  and  yet  he  was 
afterwards  coming  down,  and  came  as  far  as 
Purikatcese,  where  a  great  many  Indians  set 
upon  him,  and  fought  him  a  whole  afternoon, 
though  lie  did  not  come  prepared  to  fight,  and 
had  but  nineteen  men  with  him,  whose  chief 
design  was  to  gain  an  opportunity  to  discourse 
with  some  Sogkonate  Indians.  Upon  tliisthere 
at  once  arose  a  mighty  murmur,  confused  noise, 
and  talk  among  the  fierce  looking  creatures, 
and  all  rising  up  in  a  hubbub;  and  a  great 
surly  looking  fellow  took  up  his  tomhog,  or 
wooden  cutlass,  to  kill  Mr.  Church,  but  some 
others  prevented  him 

The  interpreter  asked  Mr.  Church,  if  he 
understood  what  it  was  that  the  great  fellow 
(they  had  hold  of)  said  1  He  answered  him 
no.  Why,  said  the  interpreter,  he  says,  you 
killed  his  brother  at  Punkateese,  and  therefore 
he  thirsts  for  your  blood.  Mr.  Church  bid  tiie 
interpreter  tell  him  that  his  brother  began 
first ;  that  if  he  had  kept  at  Sogkonate,  accord 
in£r  to  his  desire  and  order,  he  should  not  have 
hurt  him. 

Then  the  chief  captain  commanded  silence 
and  told  them,  that  they  should  talk  no  more 
about  old  things,  &c.  and  quelleil  the  tumult 
so  that  they  sat  down  again,  and  began  upon  a 
discourse  of  making  peace  with  the  English 
Mr.  Church  asked  them,  what  proposals  they 
would  make,  and  on  what  terms  they  would 
break  their  league  with  Philip)  ?  Desiring 
them  to  make  some  proposals  that  lie  might 
carry  to  his  masters,  telling  them  that  it  was 
not  in  his  power  to  conclude  a  peace  with 


where]    He  (perceiving  that  the  Indians  i  them,  but  tliat  he  knew  that  il' their  proposals 
locked  very  surly,  and  much  displeased)  re-lwere  reasonable,  the  goverment  would  not  be 
45  . 


unreasonable  ;  and  that  he  would  use  his  in- 
terest with  the  government  for  them;  and  to 
encourage  them  to  proceed,  put  them  in  mind 
that  the  Pequots  once  made  war  with  the  En- 
glish, and  that  after  they  subjected  themselves 
to  the  linglish,  the  English  became  their  pro- 
tectors, and  defeiidt'd  them  against  other  nations 
that  would  otherwise  have  destroyed  iheni, 
&c.  After  some  fiirtherdiscoiirse  and  debate, 
10  brought  them  at  length  to  consfuit,  that  if 
the  government  of  Plymouth  would  firmly 
engage  to  them,  that  tliey,  and  all  of  tiiem, 
and  their  wives  and  cliildr(!n,  should  have 
their  lives  spared,  and  none  of  them  traiispi)rted 
out  of  the  country,  they  woukl  subject  them- 
selves to  them,  and  serve  them  in  what  they 
were  able. 

Then  Mr.  Church  told  them,  that  he  was 

well  satisfied  the  goviirnment  of  Plymoutli 

would  readily  concur  with  what  was  proposed, 

and  would  sign  theirarticles:  and  cornplin.ent- 

ing  them  upon  it,  how  pleased  ho  was  with 

the  thoughts  of  their  return,  and  of  the  former 

friendship  iliat  had  between  them,  &c. 

The  chief  captain  rose  up,  and  expressed 

the  great  value  and  respect  he  had  for  Mr. 

Church  ;  and  bowing  to  him  said,  Sir,  if  you'll 

please  to  except  of  me  and  my  men,  and  will 

head  us,  we'll  fight  for  you,  and  will  help  you 

to  Philip's  head  before  the  Indian  corn  b(!  ripe; 

and  when  he  had  ended,  they  all  expressed 

their  consent  to  what  he  said,  and  told  Mr 

Church  they  loved  him,  and  were  willing  to 

go  with  him  and  fight  for  him,  as  long  as  the 

English  had  one  enemy  left  in  the  country. 

Mr.  Church  assured  them, thatiftliey  proved 

as  good  as  their  word,  they  should  find  liim 

their's  and  their  children's  fast  friend.  And 

(by  the  way)  the  friendship  is  still  maintained 

between  them  to  this  day. 

Then  he  proposed  unto  them,  that  they 

should  choose  five  men  to  go  straight  with  him 

to  Plymouth  :  they  told  him  no  ;  they  would 

not  choose,  but  he  should  take  which  five  he 

pleased  ;  some  compliments  passed  about  it, 

at  length  it  was  agreed,  they  should  choose 

,  *  111 
three,  and  he  two.     Then  he  agreed,  that  he 

would  go  back  to  the  island  that  night,  and 
would  come  to  them  the  next  morning,  and 
go  through  the  woods  to  Plymouth  ;  but  they 
afterwards  objected,  that  his  travelling  through 
the  woods  would  not  be  safe  for  him  ;  theene- 
my  might  meet  with  him,  and  kill  him,  and 
then  they  should  lo-se  tlieir  friend,  and  the 
whole  design  ruined  beside.  And  therefore 
proposed,  that  he  should  come  in  an  English 
vessel,  and  th(5y  would  meet  him,  and  come 
on  boaidat  Sogkonate  point,  and  sail  from 
thence  to  Sandwich,  which,  in  fine,  was  con- 
cluded upon. 

So  Mr.  Church  promising  to  come  as  soon 
as  he  could  possibly  obtain  a  vessel,  and  then 
they  parted.  He  returned  to  the  island,  and 
was  at  great  pains  and  charge  to  get  a  vessel 
but  with  unaccountable  disappointments,  some- 
times by  the  falseness,  and  sometimes  by  the 
faintheartedness  of  men  that  he  bargained 
w  itli,  and  sometimes  by  wind  and  weather, 
&c.  until  at  length  Mr.  Anthony  Low  put  into 
the  harbour  wit'n  a  laden  vessel  bound  to  the 
westward,  and  being  made  acquainted  with 
Mr.  Church's  case,  told  him,  that  he  had  so 
much  kindness  for  him,  and  was  so  pleased 
\\  ilh  the  business  he  was  engaged  in.  that  he 
would  run  the  venture  of  his  vessel  ana  cargo, 
to  wait  upon  him,     Accordingly,  next  morn 


890  

ir.g  tli'JV  set  sail  with  a  wind  that  soon 
broiii^lii  tl>em  to  Sogltonate  point;  but  coming 
Ihfi-c  lln'V  met  witli  a  contrary  wind  and  a 
great  swelling  sea. 

The  Indians  were  there  waiting  upon  t!ie 
rocks,  bnt  had  nothing  but  a  miserable  broken 
canoe  to  get  aboard  in  ;  yet  Peter  Awaahonk:* 
ventured  ofT  in  it,  and  with  a  great  deal  of 
difficulty  and  danger  got  aboard  :  and  by  this 
time  it  begiin  lo  rain  and  i)low  exceedingly,  and 
forced  them  up  the  sound ;  and  then  they  went 
away  through  Bristol  ferry,  round  the  island 
to  Newport,  carrying  Peter  with  them. 

Then  Mr.  Church  dismissed  Mr.  Low,  and 
told  him,  that  inasmuch  as  Providence  opposed 
his  going  by  water,  and  he  expected  that  the 
army  would  be  up  in  a  few  days,  and  prob- 
ably if  he  should  he  gone  at  tiiat  juncture,  it 
might  ruin  the  whole  design  ;  would  therefore 
yield  his  voyage. 

Then  he  writ  the  account  -jf  his  transactions 
with  the  Indians,  and  drew  up  the  proposals 
and  articles  of  peace,  and  despatched  Petc?r 
with  them  to  Plymouth,  that  his  honour  the 
governor,  if  he  saw  cause,  might  sign  them. 

Peter  was  sent  over  to  Sogkonate  on  the 
Lord's  day  morning,  with  orders  to  take  those 
men  that  were  chosen  to  go  down,  or  some 
of  them  at  least  with  him.  The  time  being 
expired  that  was  appointed  for  tlie  English 
army  to  come,  there  was  great  looking  for 
them.  Mr.  Church  on  the  .Monday  morning 
(partly  to  divert  himself  after  his  fatigue,  and 
partly  to  listen  for  the  army)  rid  out  with  his 
wife,  and  some  of  his  friends  to  Portsmouth, 
undera  pretenceof  cherrying;  but  came  home 
without  any  news  from  the  army  :  but  by 
midnight  or  sooner,  he  was  roused  with  an 
express  from  Major  Bradford,  who  was 
arrived  with  the  army  at  Pocasset;  to  whom 
he  forthwith  repaired,  and  informed  him  of 
the  whole  of  his  proceedings  with  the  Sogkonate 
Indians.  With  the  major's  consent  and  ad- 
vice, he  returned  a"ain  next  mornintj  to  the 
island,  in  order  to  go  over  that  way  to  Awa- 
shonks,  to  inform  her  that  the  army  was  ar- 
rived, &c.  Accordingly  from  Sachueeset 
neck*  he  went  in  a  canoe  to  Socjkonate  ;  told 
her  that  Major  Bradford  was  arrived  at  Pocas- 
set, with  a  great  army,  whom  he  had  informed 
of  all  his  proceedings  with  hi^r  ;  that  if  she 
would  b(!  advised  and  observe  order  she  nor 
her  people  need  not  to  fear  being  hurt  by 
them  ;  told  her,  she  should  call  all  her  people 
down  into  the  neck,  lest  if  they  should  be  found 
straLTglingabout,  mischief  might  light  on  them  ; 
that  on  the  morrow  they  would  come  down 
and  receive  her,  and  give  her  further  orders. 
She  promised  to  get  as  many  of  hor  people 
togetlier  ns  possibly  she  could  ;  desiring  !Mr. 
Church  to  consider  that  it  would  be  dilficult 
for  to  pet  them  together  at  such  short  warn- 
ing. Mr.  Church  returned  to  the  island  and 
tf)  the  army  the  same  night.  The  next  morn- 
ing the  wlioie  army  marcheil  towards  Sogko- 
nate, a«  far  as  Punkatceso  ;  and  Mr.  Church 
Willi  !i  few  men  went  down  to  Sogkonate  to 
call  Awashonks,  and  her  people  to  come  up 
to  the  lOnglish  camp.  As  h(!  was  going  down, 
they  met  with  a  Pocasset  Indian;  who  had 
killed  a  cow  and  got  a  (piarter  of  her  on  his 
biick,  and  hertfuigue  i»i  his  pocket ;  who  gave 
'hem  an  account,  thnt  he  ciime  from  Pocasset 
twii  days  since  in  company  with  his  mother, 
and  several  other   Indian-i,  now  liid  in  the 


KING  PHILIP'S  WAR, 


'I'ho  ioutb-«iut  cornel  of  RIkkJo  tiland. 


swamp  above  Nom(]uid;*  disarming  of  him, 
he  sent  him  by  two  men  to  Major  liradford, 
and  proceeded  to  Sogkonate.  They  saw  sev- 
eral Indians  by  tlie  way  skulking  about,  but 
let  them  pass:  arriving  at  Awashonks  camp, 
told  her,  he  was  come  to  invite  her  and  her 
peo[)le  up  to  Punkateese,  where  Major  Brad- 
ford, now  was  with  the  Plymouth  armv,  ex- 
[)ecting  h(;r  and  her  subjects  to  receive  orders, 
until  further  order  could  be  had  from  the  gov- 
ernment. Sh(!  complied,  and  soon  sent  out 
orders  for  such  of  her  subjects  as  wero  not 
with  her,  immediately  to  come  in  ;  and  by 
twelve  o'clock  of  the  next  day,  she  with  nmst 
of  hor  number  appeared  before  the  English 
camp  at  Punkateese.  Mr.  Church  tendered  tin; 
major  to  serve  under  his  commission,  proviiled 
the  Indians  mi^ht  be  accepted  with  him,  to  fight 
the  enemy.  The  major  told  him,  his  orders 
were  to  improve  him,  if  he  pleased,  but  as  for 
the  Indians  he  would  not  be  concerned  with 
them.  And  presently  gave  forth  orders  for 
Awashonks,  and  all  her  subjects,  both  men, 
women  and  children,  to  repair  to  Sandwich, 
and  to  be  there  upon  peril,  in  six  days.  Awa- 
shonks and  lier  chiefs  gathered  round  iMr. 
Church,  (where  he  was  walked  off  from  the 
rest)  expressed  themselves  concerned  that 
they  could  not  be  confided  in,  nor  improved. 
He  told  them,  it  was  best  to  obey  orders,  and 
that  if  he  could  not  accompany  them  to  Sand- 
wich, it  should  not  be  above  a  week  before 
he  would  mei!t  them  there  ;  that  he  was  con- 
fident the  governor  would  commission  him  to 
improve  them.  The  major  hastened  to  send 
them  away  with  .Tack  Havens,  (an  'ndian  who 
had  never  been  in  the  wars)  in  th-  front  with 
a  flag  of  truc(.' ill  his  hand,  'i'liey  being  gone, 
Mr.  Cliufch,  by  the  help  of  his  man  Toi)v  (the 
Indian  whom  lie  had  taken  pri.-ioner  as  he 
was  going  to  Sogkonate)  took  said  'I'oby's 
mother,  and  those  that  were  with  inv,  pris- 
oners. Next  niorniiiiT  the  whole  army  moved 
back  to  Pocasset.  This  Toby  informed  tliein 
that  there  were  a  jrreat  many  Iiidiuns  gone 
to  Wespoiset  to  eat  (/lams,  other  provisions 
being  very  scarce  with  them,  that  IMiilip 
himself  was  expected  within  three  or  four 
days  at  the  same  place;  IxMng  asked  what 
Indians  they  were  1  he  answered  some  Woc- 
temores  Indians,  sorix;  Mount  Hope  In- 
dians, some  Narraganset  Indians,  and  scmie 
other  Upland  Indians  in  all  about  three  hun- 
dred. 

The  Rhode  Island  boats  by  the  major's 
order,  meetino;  them  at  Pocasset,  they  were 
soon  embarked,  it  being  just  in  the  dusk  of 
the  evening,  they  could  plainly  discover  the 
enemies  fires  at  the  place  the  Indian  directed 
to  ;  and  the  army  concluded  no  other  but  they 
were  bound  directly  thither,  until  they  came 
to  the  north  end  of  the  island,  and  heard  the 
word  of  command  for  the  boats  to  bear  away. 
Mr.  Church  was  very  fond  of  having  this 
probable  opportunity  of  surprising  that  whole 
company  of  Inilians  embraced  ;  tmt  orders,  it 
was  said,  must  be  obeyed,  which  was  to  go  to 
Mount  Hop(?,  Riid  there  to  fight  Philip.  This 
with  some  otlinr  good  opportunities  of  doinsj 
ypoil  upon  th(?  enemy,  being  unhappily  miss- 
ed, Mr.  ('Iiurch  obtained  the  major's  consent 
to  meet  the  Sogkonate  Indians,  accordini;  to 
his  promise.  He  was  offered  a  guard  to  Ply- 
Mioiuh,  but  cliose  to  go  with  (me  man  only, 
who  was  a  good  pilot.     About  sunset  he, 


*  In  Tiverton.      t  Adjoining  Fogland  fcrrj. 


with  Sabin  his  pilot,  mounted  their  horses  at 
Rehoboth,  where  the  army  now  was,  and  by 
two  hours  by  sun  next  morning  arrived  safe 
at  Plymouth ;  and  by  that  time  they  had 
refreshed  themselves,  the  governor  and  treas- 
urer came  to  town.  Mr.  Church  giving  them 
a  short  account  of  the  affairs  of  the  army.  Sec. 
His  honour  was  pleased  to  give  him  thanks 
for  the  good  and  great  service  he  had  done 
at  Sogkonate,  told  him,  he  had  confirmed  all 
that  he  had  promised  Awashonks,  and  had 
sent  the  Indian  back  again  that  brought  his 
Ifttiir  from  Awashonks  He  asked  his  hon- 
our whether  he  had  any  thing  later  from 
.•\  washonks  ?  He  told  him  he  had  not. 
Whereupon  he  gave  his  honour  an  account 
of  the  major's  orders  relating  10  her  and 
hers,  and  what  discourse  passed  pro  and  con, 
about  them  ;  and  that  he  had  promised  to 
meet  them,  and  that  lie  had  encouraged  them, 
that  he  thought  he  might  obtain  of  his  honour 
a  commission  to  lead  them  forth  to  figbt  Philip. 
His  honour  smilingly  told  him,  that  he  should 
not  want  commission  if  he  would  accept  it, 
nor  vet  jrood  Enfrlishmen  enough  to  make 
up  a  good  army.  But  in  short,  he  told  his 
honour  the  time  was  expired  that  he  had  ap- 
pointed to  meet  the  Sogkonates  at  Sandwich. 
The  govenor  asked  liim,  when  he  would  go? 
He  told  him  that  afternoim,  by  his  honour's 
leave.  The  governor  asked  him  how  many 
men  he  wouid  have  with  him  ?  He  answered 
not  above  halt  p  dozen,  with  an  order  to  take 
more  ai  Sandwich,  if  he  saw  cause,  and  horses 
provided.  He  no  sooner  moved  it,  but  had 
h'.R  numfjer  '>f  men  tendering  to  go  with  him, 
amons^  which  were  .Mr.  Jabez  Howland,  and 
Nathaniel  South  wortii ;  they  went  to  Sand  wich 
that  night,  where  Mr.  Church  (with  n^ed 
enoug.'  )  took  a  nap  of  sleep.  The  next  morn- 
ing, with  about  sixteen  or  eighteen  men,  he 
f  roceeded  as  far  as  Agaworn,  where  they  had 
great  expectation  of  meeting  the  Indians,  but 
met  them  not;  his  men  being  discouraged 
atjout  half  oftliern  returned  :  only  half  a  dozen 
stuck  by  him,  and  promised  so  to  do  until 
they  should  meet  with  the  Indians.  When 
they  came  to  Sippican  river,*  Mr.  Howland 
began  to  lire,  upon  which  .Mr.  Church  left 
him,  and  two  more,  for  a  reserve  at  the  river, 
that  if  he  should  meet  with  enemies  and  iio 
forced  back,  they  might  be  ready  to  assist  them 
in  sretting  over  the  river.  Proceeding  in  their 
march,  they  crossed  another  river,  and  opened 
a  great  bay,  where  they  might  see  many  miles 
along  shore,  where  were  sands  and  fl  its  ;  ami 
hearing  a  great  noise  below  them  towards  the 
sea,  they  dismounted  their  horses,  left  them 
and  crept  among  the  bushes,  until  they 
came  near  the  bank,  and  saw  a  vast  cmnpary 
of  Indians  of  all  ages  and  sexes,  some  on 
horseback  running  races,  some  at  foot-ball, 
some  catching  eels  and  flat-fish  in  the  water, 
some  clamming,  Sec...  but  which  way  with 
safety  to  find  out  what  Indians  they  wore, 
they  wero  at  a  loss.  But  at  length  retiring 
into  a  thicket,  Mr.  Church  hallooed  to  them; 
they  soon  answered  him,  and  a  couple  of 
smart  young  fellows,  well  mounted,  came  upon 
a  full  career  to  see  who  it  might  be  that  called, 
and  came  just  upon  Mr.  (Church  befort!  they 
discovered  him  ;  but  w  lu-n  they  perceived 
themselves  so  n(>ar  ICnclishmen,  and  armed, 
were  iniirli  surprised,  and  tacked  short  aoout 
to  run  as  fast  back  as  they  came  forward,  until 

*  Rochester. 


* 


KING   PH  I  M  P'S  WAR. 


O'Jl 


one  of  the  men  in  tlie  hushes  c  ille.l  to  them, 
and  toKl  them  his  name  was  riuiich,  and 
need  not  fear  his  liurling  of  iheai.  I'pon 
which,  after  a  small  jjause,  tiiey  turned  ahont 
their  liorses,  and  came  up  to  liim  ;  one  of 
them  tliat  could  speak  Enirlish  ,Mr.  CImreh 
took  asi<ie  and  e.vaniincii,  who  informcMl  him, 
that  the  Indians  itelow  were  Awashonks  and 
her  company,  and  that  Jack  Havens  was 
among  tliem  ;  whom  Mr.  Church  imme- 
diately sent  for  to  come  to  him,  and  ordered 
the  messenger  to  inform  Awashonks  tiiat  he 
was  come  to  meet  her;  Jack  Havens  soon 
came,  and  by  that  time  Mr.  ('hnrch  had  ask- 
ed him  a  few  questions,  and  had  been  satis- 
fied by  him,  that  it  was  Awashonks  and  her 
company  that  were  below,  and  tliat  Jack  had 
been  kindly  treated  by  them.  A  company  of 
Indians  all  mounted  on  horseback,  and 
well  armed,  came  riding  u|)  to  IMr.  Church, 
but  treated  him  with  all  due  respects.  He 
then  ordered  Jack  to  go  tell  Awashonks,  that 
he  designed  to  sup  with  her  in  the  evening, 
and  to  lodge  in  her  camp  that  night.  Then 
taking  some  of  the  Indians  v.  ilhhim,  he  went 
back  to  the  river  to  take  care  of  Mr.  How- 
land.  Mr.  Church  having  a  mind  to  try 
what  metal  he  was  made  of,  imparted  his 
imtion  to  the  Indians  that  were  with  him, 
and  gave  them  directions  how  to  act  their 
parts  ;  when  he  came  pretty  near  the  i)lace, 
he  and  his  Englishmen  pretendedly  fled, 
firing  on  their  retreat  towards  the  Indi'.ns 
that  pursued  them,  and  tlu^y  firing  a?  fast 
after  them.  Mr.  Howland  being  npr.n  his 
euard,  hearing  the  guns,  and  by  and  r»y  see- 
inir  the  motion  both  of  the  Eiiirlisii  and  In- 
dians,  concluded  his  friends  were  distressed, 
was  soon  on  the  full  career  on  horseback  to 
tneet  them,  uiUil  lie  perceiving  their  laugh- 
in^^,  mistrusted  tiie  truth.  As  soon  ;»s  Mr. 
Church  had  given  him  the  news,  they  hasten- 
ed away  to  Awashonks  Upon  their  arrival, 
they  were  immediately  conducted  to  a  shel- 
ter, open  on  one  side,  whither  Awasiioidts 
and  her  chiefs  soon  camo  and  paid  their  re- 
spects ;  and  the  multitude  gave  shouts  as 
made  tlie  heavens  to  ting. 

It  being  now  about  sun-setting,  or  near 
the  dusk  of  the  evening,  the  Netops  came 
running  from  ail  ([narters  loaden  with  the 
tops  of  dry  pines  and  the  like  condiiistihie 
matter,  making  -i  huge  pile  thereof,  near 
Mr.  Church's  sin  Iter,  on  the  open  side  there- 
of;  but  by  this  time  supper  was  bronirht  in, 
in  three  dishes,  viz.,  a  curious  youn^'  bass  in 
one  dish,  eels  and  fiat  fish  in  a  second,  and 
shell-fish  in  a  third,  but  neither  bread  nor 
salt  to  be  seen  at  table  ;  but  by  that  time 
supper  was  over,  the  mighty  pile  of  pine 
kimts  and  tops,  «fec.,  was  fired,  and  all  the 
Indian*,  grvat  and  small  gathered  in  a  ring 
round  it.  Awashonks  with  the  oldest  of  her 
people,  men  and  women  mixed,  kneelinir 
down  made  the  first  ring  next  the  fire,  and 
all  the  lusty  stout  men  standing  up  made  the 
next,  ind  then  all  the  rabble  in  a  confused 
crew  surrounded  on  the  outside.  Then  the 
chief  captain  stepped  in  between  the  rin<rs 
and  the  lire,  with  a  spear  in  one  hand,  aijd 
a  hatchet  in  the  other,  danced  round  the  fire, 
and  began  to  fight  with  it,  making  mei.lion 
of  all  the  several  nations  and  companies  cf 
Indians  in  the  country  lliiU  were  enerr.i.,'e  io  i 
ihc  En!:lish  ;  and  at  niiming  of  every  net- 1 


ticnlar  tribe  of  Indians,  he  would  draw  out 
and  fiifht  a  new  fire-brand,  and  at  finishine 
his  figlit  with  each  particular  fire-br^  nd, 
would  bow  to  him  and  thank  him  and 
when  he  had  named  all  the  several  nations 
and  tribes,  and  fought  them  all  he  stuck 
down  his  spear  and  hatchet,  and  came  out  ; 
and  antither  stepped  in  and  acted  over  the 
same  dance,  with  more  fury  if  possible,  than 
the  first  ;  and  when  about  half  a  dozen  of 
their  chiefs  had  thus  acted  their  parts,  the 
captain  of  the  guard  stepped  up  to  Mr. 
Church  and  told  }iim,  they  were  making 
soldiers  fjr  him,  and  what  they  had  been 
doing  was  all  one  swearing  of  them,  and 
having  in  that  manner  engaged  all  the  stout 
lusty  men  ;  Awashoidts  and  her  chiefs  came 
to  Mr.  Church,  and  told  him,  that  now  they 
were  all  en<ra<;ed  to  fiffht  for  the  En<rlish, 
and  he  might  call  forth  all,  or  any  of  them 
at  atiy  time  as  he  saw  occasion  to  fight  the 
enemy  ;  and  presented  him  with  a  very  fine 
firelock.  Mr.  Church  accepts  their  offer, 
drew  oat  a  number  of  them,  and  set  out  next 
morning  before  day  for  Plymouth,  where 
they  arrived  the  same  day. 

The  governor  being  informed  of  it,  came 
early  to  town  next  morning,  and  by  that 
time  he  had  Englishmen  enough  to  make  up 
a  good  company,  when  joined  with  Mr. 
Church's  Indians,  that  offered  their  volun- 
tary service,  to  go  under  his  command  in 
quest  of  the  enemy.  The  governor  then 
gave  him  a  commission,  which  is  as  follov/s  : 

"  Caj^tain  Benjamin  Church,  you  are 
hereby  nominated,  ordered,  commissioned, 
and  empowered  to  raise  a  company  of  vo 
nnteers  of  about  two  hundred  men,  English 
and  Indians  ;  the  English  not  exceeding  the 
number  of  sixty,  of  which  company,  or  so 
many  of  them  as  you  can  obtain,  or  shall  see 
cause  at  jiresent  to  improve,  you  are  to  take 
the  command  and  conduct,  and  to  lead  them 
forth  now  and  hereafter,  at  such  time,  and 
unto  such  places  within  this  colony,  or  else- 
where, within  the  confederate  colonies,  as 
you  shall  think  fit;  to  discover,  pursue, 
fight,  surprise,  destroy,  or  subdue  our  Indian 
enemies,  or  any  jiart  or  parties  of  them  that 
by  the  providence  of  (iod  yon  may  meet 
with  ;  or  them,  or  any  of  them,  by  treaty  and 
comjiosilion  to  receive  to  mercy,  if  you  see 
reason  (jirovided  they  be  not  murderous 
rogues,  or  such  as  have  been  principal  actors 
in  those  vdlanies  :)  and  forasmuch  as  your 
company  may  be  uncertain,  and  the  persons 
often  changed,  you  are  also  hereby  em- 
powered, with  the  advice  of  your  company, 
to  choose  and  commissionate  a  lieutenant, 
and  to  establish  sergeants,  and  corporals  as 
you  see  cause:  And  you  herein  improving 
your  best  judgment  and  discretion  and  ut- 
most abiliiv,  faiilifnlly  to  serve  the  interest 
of  (^od,  his  majesty's  interest,  and  the  in- 
terest of  the  colony  ;  and  carefully  govern- 
ing your  said  company  at  home  and  abroad. 
These  shall  be  unto  you  full  and  ample  com- 
mission, warnint  and  discharge.  Given  un- 
der the  public  seal,  this  •24th  day  of  July, 
l()7G. 

Per  JOS.  WINSLOW,  Gov. 

Receiving  commission,  he  marched  the 
irr.e  ni<;ht  into  the  woods,  "ot  to  Middle- 


[borough  befi)re  day,  and  as  soon  as  the  ligli- 
I  appeared,  took  into  the  woods  and  swampy 
thickets,  towards  a  place  where  tlr-y  had 
some  reason  to  expect  to  meet  with  a  p.ircel 
of  Narraganset  Indians,  with  soioe  oihers 
that  belonged  to  Mount-Hopi'.  Coiiiin:j 
near  to  where  they  expected  them,  Captair 
Church's  Indian  scout  tliscovcred  the  enemy, 
and  well  observing  their  fires,  and  postnrrs 
returned  with  the  inti  llii^ence  to  their  eaiv 
tain,  who  gave  such  directions  fi)r  the  siw- 
rounding  of  them,  as  had  the  desired  efieel  ; 
surprising  them  from  every  side  so  unex- 
pectedly, that  they  were  all  taken,  not  so 
much  as  one  escaped.  And  upon  a  strict 
<'xainination,  they  gave  intelligence  of 
anotluT  parcel  of  the  enemy,  at  a  phice 
called  Munponset-Pond.  Captain  Church 
hastened  with  his  j)risoners  through  the 
woods  to  Plymouth,  disposed  of  them  all, 
excepting  only  one  Jeffery,  who  proving 
very  ingenuous  and  fiiithful  to  him,  in  in- 
forming where  oilier  parcels  of  Indians  har- 
boured ;  Captain  Church  promised  him,  that 
if  he  continued  to  be  faithful  to  him,  lie 
should  not  be  sold  out  of  the  country,  but 
should  be  his  waiting  man,  to  take  care  of 
his  horse,  &c.  and  accordingly  he  ser\ed 
him  faithfully  as  loniias  he  lived. 

But  Captain  Church  was  finthwith  sent 
out  again,  and  the  terms  for  his  encourage- 
ment being  concluded  on,  viz..  That  the 
country  should  find  them  ammunition  and 
provision,  and  have  half  the  prisoners  and 
arms  they  took  :  the  captain  and  his  I'.ng- 
lish  soldiers  to  have  the  other  half  of  the 
prisoners  and  arms,  and  the  Iiulian  soldiers 
the  loose  plunder.  Poor  enconragtJinent  ! 
But  after  some  time  it  was  mended. 

They  soon  captured  the  Munjionsets, 
and  brought  them  in,  not  one  escaping. 
This  stroke  he  held  several  weeks,  never  re- 
turning empty  handed.  ^^  hen  be  wanted 
intelligence  of  their  kennelling  places,  he 
would  march  to  some  ph'ce  likely  to  meet 
with  some  travellers  or  ramblers,  and  scat- 
tering his  company,  would  lie  close ;  and 
seldom  lay  above  a  day,  or  two,  at  the  most, 
before  some  of  them  would  fall  into  their 
hands,  whom  lie  would  compel  to  inform 
where  their  company  was  ;  and  so  by  his 
method  of  secret  and  sudden  surprises  took 
great  numbers  of  them  jirisoners. 

The  government  observing  his  extraordi- 
nary courage  and  ccmduct,  and  the  success 
from  heaven  added  to  it,  saw  cause  to  en- 
large his  commission  ;  gave  him  power  ti? 
raise  and  dismiss  his  forces,  as  he  should 
see  occasion  ;  to  commissionate  officers  un- 
der him,  and  to  march  as  far  as  he  should 
see  cause,  within  the  limits  of  the  three  uni- 
ted colonies  :  To  receive  to  mercy,  give  lar- 
ter,  or  not  ;  excepting  some  particular  and 
noted  murderers:  viz.  Philip  and  all  that 
were  at  the  destroying  of  Mr.  Clark's  garri 
son,  and  some  few  others. 

iMajor  Bradfiird  being  now  at  Taunton 
with  his  army,  and  wanting  provisions, 
some  carts  were  ordered  from  Plymouth  for 
their  supply,  and  Captain  Church  to  guard 
them  ;  but  he  ol)tain<'d  other  <rnards  for  the 
carts,  as  fiir  as  Middleborougli,  ran  before 
with  a  small  company,  hoping  to  meet  wir'n 
some  of  the  enemy,  appointing  the  carts  and 
their  guards  to  meet  with  them  at  Neniaa 


092 


KING  PHILIP'S  WAR. 


cut,*  about  an  Iiour  after  sum's  risins:  next 
morniiii;;  lie  arrived  llit-re  ahoul  tlie  brealt- 
iDg  of  the  daylight,  discov  ert'd  a  coiiipaiiy  of 
ilie  enemy  ;  but  liis  lime  was  too  sliort  to 
wait  for  gaiiiiiiij;  advaiitap-,  and  therefore 
ran  rij^lit  in  upon  them,  surprised  and  capti- 
vated about  IG  of  lliem,  \rho,  upon  examina- 
tion, informed,  tliat  Tispaquin,  a  very  famous 
captain  amonj(  the  enemy  was  at  Assawomp- 
set,t  witli  a  numerous  company. 

IJut  the  carts  must  now  be  guarded,  and 
the  opportunity  of  visiting  Tispaquin  must 
now  be  laid  aside :  Tlie  carts  are  to  be  faith- 
fully guarded,  lest  Tispaquin  should  attack 
tliem. 

Coming  towards  Taunton,  Captain  Church 
taking  two  men  with  him,  made  all  speed  to 
the  town  ;  and  coming  to  the  river  side,  he 
hallooed,  and  inquiring  of  them  that  came  to 
the  river,  for  Major  Bradford,  or  his  cap- 
tains ;  he  was  informed  ihey  were  in  the  town, 
at  the  tavern. — He  told  them  of  the  carts  tli.it 
were  coming,  that  he  had  the  cumber  of  guard- 
ing them,  which  already  prevented  his  im- 
proving opportunities  of  doing  service. — 
Prayed  therefore  that  a  ijiiard  might  be  sent 
over  to  receive  the  carts,  that  he  might  be  at 
liberty  ;  refusing  all  invitations  and  persua- 
sions to  go  over  to  the  tavern  to  visit  the 
major:  ho  at  length  obtained  a  guard  to  re- 
ceive the  carts ;  by  whom  also  he  sent  his 
prisoners,  to  be  conveyed  with  the  carts,  to 
Plymouth,  directing  them  not  to  return  by  the 
Way  they  came,  but  by  Bridgwater. 

Ilastening  l)ack,  he  proposed  to  camp  that 
iiiwht  at  Assawom|)set  neck.  But  as  soon 
as  they  came  to  the  river  that  runs  into  the 
great  pond  through  the  thick  swamp,  at  the 
entering  of  the  neck,  the  enemy  fired  upon 
them,  but  hurt  not  a  man.  Captain  Church's 
Indians  ran  right  into  the  .swamp,  and  fired 
upon  them,  but  it  being  in  the  dusk  of  the 
evening,  the  enemy  made  their  escape  in 
the  thickets:  the  ca[)tain  then  moving  about 
a  mile  into  the  neck,  took  the  advantage  of  a 
small  valley  to  fi^ed  his  horses  ;  some  held 
the  horses  by  the  bridles,  the  rest  on  the 
guard  looked  sharp  out  for  the  enemy,  with- 
in hearing  on  every  side,  and  some  very  near; 
but  in  the  dead  of  the  niiilit,  the  enemy  be- 
ing out  of  hearing,  or  still,  (^a|)tain  Church 
moved  out  of  the  neck,  (not  the  same  way 
he  came  in,  lest  he  should  be  ambuscadoed) 
towards  ('iislmct,;{  where  all  the  houses  were 
l)urnt ;  and  crossing  ('nshnet  river,  being 
extrenu'ly  fatiijurd  with  two  nights  and  one- 
day's  ramble  without  rest  or  sleep;  and  ob- 
serving irood  forai^e  for  tlwnr  horses,  the  cap- 
tain c<Miclud(;d  n|ion  baiting,  and  taking  a 
imp:  setting  six  mim  to  watch  the  p;issage 
of  the  river,  two  to  watch  at  a  time,  whde 
the  others  sh-pt,  and  so  to  takt  their  turns, 
while  the  rest  of  tlie  coin|»anv  went  into  n 
tlii<-kel,  to  sleep  uniier  the  guard  of  two  sen- 
tinels more.  But  the  whole  conipanv  being 
very  drow.->v,  soon  forgot  their  danirer,  and 
were  fast  asle<'p,  sentinels  and  all.  The 
captain  first  awakes,  looks  up,  and  juil-ies 
lie  had  slept  four  hours,  which  bi-in^  lonjer 
than  he  designed,  immediatrlv  rouses  his 
company,  and  sends  awav  a  file  to  see  what 
was  become  of  the  watch  at  tin?  passajie  of 
the  liver,  bui  tiiey  no  sooner  opened  the  riv- 

*  NoCT  nnyiihoiK  '  In  Miilillcburuiigh  (  lii  U.irtmonih. 


er  in  sight,  but  they  discovered  a  company 
of  the  enemy  viewing  of  tlieir  tracks,  where 
they  came  into  the  neck;  Captain  Church,  and 
those  with  him,  soon  dispersed  into  the  brush 
on  each  side  of  the  way,  while  the  file  sent 
got  undiscovered  to  the  passage  of  the  river, 
and  found  their  watch  all  fast  asleep  :  but 
these  tidings  thoroughly  awakened  the  whole 
company.  But  the  enemy  giving  them  no 
present  disturbance,  they  examined  their 
knapsacks,  and  taking  a  little  refreshment, 
the  captain  orders  one  party  to  guard  the 
horses,  and  the  other  to  scout,  who  soon 
met  with  a  track,  and  following  of  it,  they 
were  brought  to  a  small  company  of  In- 
diatis  who  proved  to  be  Little  Eyes,  and 
family,  and  near  relations,  who  were  of  Sog- 
konate,  but  had  forsaken  their  countrymen, 
upon  their  making  peace  with  the  English. 
Some  of  Cajjtain  Church's  Indians  asked  him, 
If  he  did  not  know  this  ftdlow  ?  Told  him, 
this  is  the  rogue  that  would  have  killed  yon  at 
A  waslioidi's  dance  ;  and  signified  to  him  that 
now  he  had  an  opportunity  to  be  revenged 
on  him.  But  the  captain  told  them,  it  was 
not  Englishmen's  fashion  to  seek  revenge ; 
and  that  he  should  nave  the  same  quarter 
the  rest  had.  Moving  to  the  river  side,  they 
found  an  old  canoe,  with  which  the  captain 
ordered  Little  Eyes  and  his  company  to  be 
carried  over  to  an  island ;  telling  him,  he 
would  leave  him  on  that  island  until  he  re- 
turned ;  and  lest  the  English  should  light  on 
them,  anil  kill  them,  he  would  leave  his  cou- 
sin Light-fi)ot  (whom  the  English  knew  to  be 
their  friend)  to  be  his  guard.  Little  Eyes 
expressed  himself  very  thankful  to  the  cap- 
tain. He  leaving  his  orders  with  Light-fi)ot, 
returns  to  the  river  side,  towards  Ponegan- 
set,  to  Russell's  orchard;  coming  near  the 
orchard,  they  clapped  into  a  thicket,  and 
there  lodged  the  rest  of  the  night  without 
any  fire  ;  and  upon  the  morning  light  appear- 
ing, moves  towards  the  orchard,  discovers 
some  of  the  enemy,  who  had  been  there  the 
day  before,  and  had  beat  down  all  the  ap|)les, 
and  carried  them  away  ;  discovered  also 
where  they  had  lodged  that  night,  and  saw 
the  ground  where  they  set  their  baskets 
bloody,  being,  as  thev  sti|)posed,  and  as  it 
was  afterwards  discovered  to  be,  with  the 
Ih-sli  of  swine,  &.c.  which  they  had  killed 
that  day.  They  had  lain  uiuhT  the  fences 
without  any  fires,  a^J  seemed,  by  the  marks 
they  left  b«diind  them,  to  be  very  numerous  ; 
perceived  also  by  the  dew  on  the  grass,  that 
they  had  not  been  long  gone  ;  and  therefore 
moved  apace  in  pursuit  of  them.  Travelling 
three  miles,  or  more,  they  came  into  the 
ccmiury  road,  where  the  track  jiarted,  one 
parcid  steered  towards  the  west  end  of  the 
gr»!at  cellar  swamp,  and  the  other  to  the  east 
end.  The  captain  halted,  and  told  his  In- 
<lian  soldiers,  that  they  had  heard,  as  well 
as  he,  what  some  men  had  said  at  Plymouth, 
about  them,  «fcc.  That  now  was  a  rrnnd  oi)|ior- 
tunity  fi)r  each  parlv  to  |)rove  themselves  : 
the  track  bein<r  divided,  thev  should  follow 
one,  and  the  En!;lish  the  other,  bein;r  eipial 
in  nund)er.  The  Indians  declined  the  mo- 
tion, and  were  not  willing  to  move  an\  whfre 
without  him  ;  said,  they  shoidd  not  think 
themselves  safe  without  him.  But  the  cn|)- 
taiii  insistinir  upon  it,  they  submitted  ;  he 
f^nvr  :hc  Indians  their  choice  to  follow  which 


track  they  pleased  ;  they  rejilied,  they  weio 
light,  and  able  to  travel ;  therefore,  if  :ie 
|)!eased,  they  would  take  the  west  track. 
And  appointing  the  ruii.s  of  John  Cook's 
house  at  Cusbnet,  for  the  place  to  meet  at, 
each  company  set  out  briskly  to  try  their  for- 
tunes. Captain  Church,  with  his  English 
soldiers,  followed  their  track  until  they  came 
near  entering  a  miry  swamp,  when  the 
captain  heard  a  whistle  in  the  rear,  (which 
Wiis  a  note  for  a  halt)  looking  behind  him, 
he  saw  William  Fobes  start  out  of  the  com- 
pany and  make  towards  him,  who  hastened 
to  meet  him  as  fast  as  he  could  :  Fobes  told 
him  they  had  discovered  abundance  of  In- 
dians, and  if  he  |)leased  to  go  a  few  steps 
back  he  might  see  them  himself:  he  did  so, 
and  saw  them  across  the  swamp,  observing 
them,  he  perceived  they  were  gathering  wlior- 
tle-berries,  and  tluU  they  had  no  apprehen 
sioiis  of  tlieir  being  so  near  them  ;  the  cap- 
tain supposed  them  to  be  chiefly  women,  and 
therefore  calling  out  Mr.  Dillano,  who  was 
ac(juaiiiteil  with  the  ground,  and  the  Indian 
language,  and  another  named  Mr.  Barns; 
with  these  two  men  he  takes  right  tlirough 
the  swamp  as  fast  as  he  could,  and  orders  the 
rest  to  hasten  after  tliem.  Captain  Church, 
with  Dillano  and  Barns,  having  good  horses, 
spurred  on,  and  were  soon  amongst  the  thick- 
est of  the  Indians,  and  out  of  sight  of  their 
own  men.  Among  the  enemy  was  an  Indian 
woman,  who  with  her  husband  had  been 
drove  ofFfrom  Rhode  Island,  notwithstanding 
they  had  an  house  U])on  Mr.  Sanford's  land, 
and  had  planted  an  orchard  before  the  war ; 
yet  the  inhabitants  would  not  be  satisfied  till 
they  were  sent  off;  and  Captain  Church,  with 
his  family,  living  then  at  the  said  J*anford's, 
came  accpiainted  with  them,  who  thought  it 
very  hard  to  turn  off  such  old  cpiiet  people  : 
but  in  the  end  it  proved  a  providence  and  an 
advantage  to  him  and  his  family,  as  you  may 
sec  afterwards.  This  Indian  woman  knew 
Captain  Church,  and  as  soon  as  she  knew  him, 
held  up  both  her  hands,  and  came  nmiiing 
towards  him,  crying  aloud.  Church,  Church, 
(Jhurch.  Captain  Church  bid  her  stoptlie  rest 
of  the  Indians,  and  tell  them,  the  way  to  save 
their  lives  was  not  to  run,  but  yield  them 
selves  prisoners,  and  he  would  not  kill  them  ; 
so  with  her  help  and  Dillano's,  who  could 
call  to  them  in  their  own  language,  many  of 
them  stoppe<l  and  surrendereil  themselves, 
others  scampering  and  casting  away  their 
baskets,  &.C.,  betook  themselves  to  the 
thickets,  but  Captian  (^linrcli  being  on  horse 
back,  soon  came  up  with  them,  and  laid  hold 
of  a  gun  that  was  in  the  hand  of  one  of  tiie 
foremost  of  the  conipanv,  pulled  it  from  him, 
and  told  him  he  must  go  back.  And  when 
he  had  turned  them,  he  began  to  look  about 
him  to  see  where  lie  was,  and  what  was  be- 
come of  his  company,  hoping  they  might  be 
all  as  well  employed  as  himself,  but  eonld 
find  none  but  Dillano,  who  was  busy  gatlier- 
iiiir  up  prisoners.  The  captain  drove  his 
that  he  had  stopped  to  the  rest,  in(plirill^'  of 
Dillano  fiir  iheir  company,  but  could  have 
iK^  news  of  them  ;  but  moviiiii  back  picked 
u|)  now  and  ilieii  a  sknikin:,'  prisoner  by  the 
wav.  \\'hi'ii  thev  came  near  the  jdace  where 
they  first  started  the  Indians,  they  discovered 
their  companv  staiidiiis  in  a  body  together, 
and  hail  taken  »oine  few  prisoners;  *hen 


KING    PHILIP'S  WAR. 


C93 


they  saw  their  captain  they  hastened  to  meet 
hitu  :  they  toUl  hitnthey  found  it  diflicult get- 
ting through  the  swamp,  and  neither  seeing 
nor  hearing  any  thing  of  liim,  they  conchid- 
ed  the  enemy  had  i\illed  him,  and  were  at  a 
great  loss  what  to  do. 

Having  brought  their  prisoners  together 
they  found  they  had  taken  and  Ivilied  sixty- 
six  of  the  enemy.  Captain  Chureiithen  asked 
the  old  squaw,  what  company  they  belonged 
unto  ?  She  said,  they  belonged  part  to  Philip, 
and  part  to  Quiniappin  and  the  Narraganset 
Sachem,  discovered  also,  upon  her  declara- 
tion, that  both  Philip  and  Qunnappin  were 
about  two  miles  ofT,  in  the  great  cedar 
swamp;  he  inquired  of  her,  what  company 
they  had  with  them  ]  She  answered,  abun- 
dance of  Indians.  The  swamp,  she  said, 
was  full  of  Indians  from  one  end  unto  the 
other,  that  were  settled  there,  that  there  were 
near  a  hundred  men  came  from  the  swamp 
with  them,  and  left  them  upon  that  plain  to 
gather  whortle-berries,  and  promised  to  call 
them  as  they  came  back  out  of  Sconticut- 
Neck  ;  whither  they  went  to  kill  cattle  and 
horses  for  provisions  for  the  company.  She, 
perceiving  Captain  Church  move  towards  the 
neck,  told  him,  if  they  went  that  way  they 
would  all  be  killed.  He  asked  her,  where- 
about they  crossed  the  river?  She  pointed  to 
the  upper  passing  place.  Upon  which  Cap- 
tain Church  passed  over  so  low  down  as  he 
thought  it  not  probable  they  should  meet  with 
his  track  in  their  return ;  and  hastened  to- 
wards the  island,  where  he  left  Little  Eyes 
with  Light-foot.  Finding  a  convenient  place 
by  the  river  side  for  securing  his  prisoners, 
Captain  Church  and  Mr.  Diliano  went  down 
to  see  what  was  become  of  Captain  Light-foot, 
and  the  prisoners  left  in  his  charge.  Light-foot 
seeing  and  knowing  them,  soon  came  over 
with  his  broken  canoe,  and  informed  them, 
that  he  had  seen  that  day  about  one  hundred 
men  of  the  enemy  go  down  into  Sconticut- 
Neck,  and  that  they  were  now  returning 
again  :  upon  which  they  three  ran  down  im- 
mediately to  a  meadow  where  Light-foot  said 
the  Indians  had  passed,  where  they  not  only 
saw  their  tracks,  but  also  them  :  whereupon 
they  lay  close  until  the  enemy  came  into  the 
said  meadow,  and  the  foremost  set  down  his 
load  and  halted,  until  all  the  company  came 
up,  and  then  took  up  their  loads  and  marched 
again  the  same  way  that  they  came  down  in- 
to the  neck,  which  was  the  nearest  way  unto 
their  camp ;  had  they  gone  the  other  way 
along  the  river,  they  could  not  have  missed 
Captiiin  Church's  tracks,  which  would  doubt- 
less have  exposed  them  to  the  loss  of  their  pri- 
soners, if  not  of  their  lives.  But  as  soon  as 
the  coast  was  clear  of  them,  the  captain  sends 
his  Light-foot  to  fetch  his  prisoners  from  the 
island,  while  he  and  Mr.  Diliano  returns  to 
the  company,  sent  part  of  them  to  conduct 
Light-foot  and  his  company  to  the  aforesaid 
meadow,  where  Captain  Church  and  his 
company  met  them.  Crossing  the  enemies' 
track  they  made  all  haste  until  they  got 
over  Matt-apoiset  river,*  near  about  four 
miles  beyond  the  ruins  of  Cook's  house, 
where  he  appointed  to  meet  his  Indian  com- 
pany, whither  he  sent  Diliano  with  two 
more  to  meet  them  ;  ordering  them,  that  if 


*  la  Rochester. 


the  Indians  were  not  arrived  to  wait  for  them. 
Accordingly,  finding  no  Indians  there,  they 
waited  until  late  in  the  night,  when  they  ar- 
rived with  their  booty.  They  dispatched  a 
post  to  their  captain,  to  give  him  an  account 
of  their  succes;j ;  but  the  day  broke  before 
they  came  to  him  ;  and  when  they  had  com- 
pared successes,  they  very  remarkably  found 
that  the  number  that  each  company  had 
taken  and  slain,  was  equal.  The  Indians 
had  killed  three  of  tho  enemy,  and  taken  six- 
ty-three prisoners,as  the  English  had  done  be- 
fore them.  Both  English  and  Indians  were 
surprised  at  this  remarkable  providence,  and 
were  both  parties  rejoicing  at  it ;  being  both 
before  afraid  of  what  might  have  been  the 
unequal  success  of  the  parties ;  but  the  In- 
dians had  the  fortune  to  take  more  arms 
than  the  English.  They  told  the  captain, 
that  they  had  missed  a  brave  opportunity  by 
parting ;  they  came  upon  a  great  town  of 
the  enemy,  viz.  Captain  Tyasks'  company, 
(Tyasks  was  the  next  man  to  Philip.)  They 
fired  upon  the  enemy  before  they  were  dis- 
covered, and  ran  upon  them  with  a  shout ; 
the  men  ran  and  left  their  wives  and  child- 
ren, and  many  of  them  their  guns.  They 
took  Tyasks'  wife  and  son,  and  thought  that 
if  their  captain  and  the  English  company 
had  been  with  them  they  might  have  taken 
some  hundreds  of  them  ;  and  now  they  de- 
termined not  to  part  any  more. 

That  night  Philip  sent  (as  afterwards  they 
found  out)  a  great  army  to  waylay  Captain 
Church  at  the  entering  of  Assawompset- 
Neck,  expecting  he  would  have  returned  the 
same  way  he  went  in  ;  but  that  was  never  his 
method  to  return  the  same  way  that  he  can  -i ; 
and  at  this  time  going  another  way,  he  escap- 
ed falling  into  the  hands  of  his  enemies.  The 
next  day  they  went  home  by  Scipican,  and 
got  well  with  their  prisoners  to  Plymouth. 

He  soon  went  out  again,  and  this  stroke  he 
drove  many  weeks ;  and  when  he  took  any 
number  of  prisoners,  he  would  pick  out  some 
he  took  a  fancy  to,  and  would  tell  them,  he 
took  a  particular  fancy  to  them,  and  had 
chose  them  for  himself  to  make  soldiers  of ; 
and  if  any  would  behave  themselves  well,  he 
would  do  well  by  them,  and  they  should  be 
his  men,  and  not  sold  out  of  the  countrj.  If 
he  perceived  they  looked  surly,  and  his  Indian 
soldiers  called  them  treacherous  dogs,  as 
some  of  them  would  sometimes  do,  all  the  no- 
tice he  would  take  of  it,  would  only  be  to 
clap  them  on  the  back,  and  tell  them,  come, 
come,  you  look  wild  and  surly,  and  mutter, 
but  that  signifies  nothing,  these  my  best  sol- 
diers were  a  little  while  ago  as  wild  and  surly 
as  you  are  now  ;  by  that  time  you  have  been 
but  one  day  along  with  me,  you'll  love  me 
too,  and  be  as  brisk  as  any  of  them  And  it 
proved  so  ;  for  there  was  none  of  them  but 
(after  they  had  been  a  little  while  with  him, 
and  seen  his  behaviour,  and  how  cheerful 
and  successful  his  men  were)  would  be  as 
ready  to  pilot  him  to  any  place  where  the  In- 
dians dwelt,  or  haunted  (though  their  own 
fathers  or  nearest  relations  should  be  among 
them)  or  to  fight  for  him,  as  any  of  his  own 
men. 

Captain  Church  was  in  two  particulars 
much  advantaged  by  the  great  English  army 
that  was  now  abroad.  One  was,  that  they 
drove  the  enemy  down  to  that  part  of  the 


country,  viz.  to  tho  eastward  of  Taunton  ri- 
ver, by  which  his  business  was  nearer  home. 
The  other  was,  that  when  he  fell  on  wiih  a 
push  upon  any  body  of  the  enemy  (were  they 
never  so  many)  they  fled,  expecting  the  great 
army.  And  his  manner  of  marching  tliruugli 
the  woods  was  such,  as  if  he  were  discovernl, 
they  appeared  to  be  more  than  they  were  ;  l'<  r 
he  always  marched  at  a  wide  distance  one 
from  another,  partly  for  their  safety  :  An<l 
this  was  an  Indian  custom  to  march  thin  and 
scattered.  Captain  Church  inquired  of  some 
of  the  Indians  that  were  become  his  soldiers, 
how  they  got  such  advantage  often  of  the  En- 
glish in  their  marches  through  the  woods  ? 
They  told  him,  that  the  Indians  gained  great 
advantage  of  the  Engli>h  by  two  things;  the 
Indians  always  took  care  in  their  marchea 
and  fights,  not  to  conje  too  thick  together  ; 
but  the  English  always  kept  in  a  heap  toge- 
ther, that  it  was  as  easy  to  hit  them  as  to 
hit  a  house.  The  other  was,  that  if  at  aiiy 
time  they  discovered  a  company  of  Eugli>li 
soldiers  in  the  woods,  they  knew  that  there 
was  all,  for  the  English  never  scattered  ;  but 
the  Indians  always  divided  and  scattered. 

Captain  Church  now  at  Plymouth,  some- 
thing or  other  happened  that  kept  hitn  at 
home  a  few  days,  until  a  post  came  to  Marsh- 
field  on  the  Lord's  day  morning,  infoi-tuing 
the  governor  that  a  great  army  of  Indians 
were  discovered,  who  it  was  supposed  were 
designing  to  get  over  the  river  towards  Taun- 
ton or  Bridgwater,  to  attack  those  towns  tliMt 
lay  on  that  side  of  the  river.  The  governor 
hastened  to  Plymouth,  raised  what  men  Ik; 
could  by  the  way,  came  to  Plymouth  in  i in- 
beginning  of  the  forenoon  exercise  ;  sent  lor 
Captain  Church  out  of  the  meeting-house, 
gave  him  the  news,  and  desired  him  immodi- 
ately  to  rally  what  of  his  company  he  could  ; 
and  what  men  he  had  raised  should  join  them. 
The  captain  bestirs  himself,  but  found  no 
bread  in  the  store-house,  and  so  was  forced 
to  run  from  house  to  house  to  get  household 
bread  for  their  march  ;  but  this  nor  any  thing 
else  prevented  his  marching  by  the  beginning 
of  the  afternoon  exercise.  Marching  with 
what  men  were  ready,  he  took  with  him  the 
post  that  came  from  Bridgwater  to  pilot  him 
to  the  place,  where  he  thought  he  might  meet 
with  the  enemy.  In  the  evening  they  heard 
a  smart  firing  at  a  distance  from  them  ;  l)Ut 
it  being  near  night,  and  the  tiring  but  of  short 
continuance, they  missed  the  place,  and  went 
into  Bridgwater  town.  It  seems  the  occa- 
sion of  the  firing  was,  that  Philip  finding 
that  Captain  Church  made  that  side  of  the 
country  too  hot  for  him,  designed  to  return 
to  the  other  side  of  the  country  that  he  came 
last  from.  And  coming  to  Taunton  river 
with  his  company,  they  felled  a  great  tree 
across  the  river,  for  a  bridge  to  pass  over  on  ; 
and  just  as  Philip's  old  uncle  Akkompoin, 
and  some  other  of  his  chiefs  were  passing 
over  the  tree,  some  brisk  Bridgwater  lads 
had  ambushed  them,  fired  upon  them,  and 
killed  the  old  man,  and  seA'crai  others,  which 
put  a  stop  to  their  coming  over  the  river  that 
night. 

Next  morning  Captain  Church  moved 
very  early  with  his  company,  which  was  in- 
creased by  many  of  Bridgwater,  that  eidisted 
under  him  for  that  expedition,  and,  by  their 
piloting,  soon  came  very  still  to  tho  top  ol 


691 


KING  PHILIP'S  WAR. 


tlie  e^eut  tr«*e  wliicli  tli<;  riu-my  liad  rilli-ii 
across  tlio  river;  and  tlie  cii|)t:iiii  spiciJ  iiii 
Indian  sitlinii  on  tlie  stunip  of  it  on  tin- 
other  side  ol"  the  river,  and  he  cl.ipijed  hi* 
pun  up,  anci  had  (hxihtioss  despatched  him, 
but  that  one  of  his  own  Indians  called  hastily 
to  liini,  not  to  fire,  for  he  believed  it  was  one 
of  their  own  men  ;  upon  which  the  Indian 
upon  the  stump  looked  about,  and  Captain 
Church's  Indian  seein<5  his  face  percciivcd 
liis  njistake,  for  he  knew  iiini  to  be  Philip, 
clap|>ed  up  liis  <;un  and  fired,  but  it  was  too 
late,  for  Philip  immediately  threw  himself  oIT 
the  stump,  leaped  down  a  bank  on  the  side 
of  the  river,  and  made  his  escape.  Captain 
Church,  as  soon  as  possible,  got  over  tiie  ri- 
ver, and  scattered  in  quest  r)f  Philip  and  his 
company;  but  the  enemy  scattered  and  fled 
every  way;  but  he  jiicked  up  a  considerable 
many  of  their  women  and  children,  amonj; 
which  was  Phili|)'s  wife,  and  son  of  about 
nine  years  old.  Discovering  a  considera- 
ble new  track  along  the  river,  and  examin- 
ing the  prisoners,  found  it  was  Qunnappin 
and  the  Narragansets,  that  were  drawing  off" 
from  those  parts  towards  the  Narragan- 
set  country  ;  he  inquired  of  the  prisoners, 
whether  Philip  was  gone  in  the  same  track  ? 
They  told  him  they  did  not  know,  for  he  fled 
in  a  great  fright  when  the  first  English  gun 
was  fired,  and  they  had  none  of  them  seen 
or  heard  anything  of  him  since.  Captain 
Church  left  part  of  his  company  there  to  se- 
cure till!  prisoners  they  got,  and  to  pick  up 
what  more  they  coidd  find  ;  and  with  the 
rest  of  his  company  hastened  in  the  track  f)f 
the  enemy,  to  overtake  them,  if  it  might  he, 
before  they  got  over  the  river,  and  ran  some 
miles  along  the  river,  until  he  came  to  a  place 
whore  the  Indians  had  waded  over  ;  and  he 
witii  his  company  waded  over  after  them  up 
to  the  artu-|iits  ;  being  almost  as  wet  before 
with  sweat  as  the  river  could  make  them. 
Following  about  a  n;ile  further,  and  not 
overtakini;  them,  and  the  captain  heiiii;  un- 
der necessity  to  return  that  night  to  the  ar- 
my, CJimc  to  a  halt,  t()ld  his  company,  h(! 
must  return  to  his  other  men.  His  Indian 
soldiers  moved  for  leave  to  pursue  the  ene- 
my (though  he  returned  ;)  said,  the  Narra- 
gnns(!ts  were  great  rogues,  and  tliev  wanted 
to  be  revenged  on  them  for  killing  some  of 
their  relations;  named  Tockamona,  (Awa- 
siionk's  brother)  and  some  others.  Captain 
(/hnreh  hid  them  150  and  |>rosper,  and  made 
Ijiljhtfoot  their  chi(!f,  and  gave  him  the  title 
of  captain  :  Bid  th(?m  go  and  (piit  themselves 
like  men.  And  away  they  scampered  lik<; 
so  many  horses.  IVext  morning  early  th(!y 
returned  to  their  captain,  and  informed  him, 
ihnt  they  had  come  up  with  the  enemy,  and 
killed  sevortd  of  them,  and  hrou<rht  him  thir- 
teen of  them  prisoners  ;  were  miifhty  proud  of 
fheir  exploit,  and  rejr)ice(l  much  at  the  op- 
portunity of  avenging  thems»'lve?.  Captain 
(-litircii  sent  the  prisoners  to  Hridffwatt'r, 
J^nd  sent  out  his  scouts  to  see  what  enemies 
or  tracks  they  could,  discoverinir  some  small 
tracks,  he  follows  them,  found  where  ihr  ene- 
my had  kindled  aitrnv.  tires,  and  roasted  some 
flesh,  Slc,  but  had  put  out  their  fires  and  | 
>»'ere  gone.  The  captain  fidlowed  them 
by  tiiu  track,  piiiiin:r  liis  Indians  in  tlie  j 
front ;  some  of  which  were  such  as  he  had 
newly  taken  frotn  the  eneniv,  und  added  I 


to  his  com|)any.  (Jave  them  orders  to  marcli 
s(»l'ilv,  and  upon  hearing  a  whistle  in  the  rear, 
to  sit  down,  till  further  order :  or,  upon  disco- 
very of  any  of  the  enemy,  to  stop,  for  his  de- 
siiju  was,  if  he  could  discover  where  the  ene- 
my were,  not  to  fall  upon  them  (unless  ne- 
cessitated to  it)  until  next  morning.  The 
Indians  in  the  front  came  up  with  many  wo- 
men and  children,  and  others  that  were  faint 
and  tired,  and  so  not  able  to  keep  up  with 
the  company;  these  gave  them  an  account 
that  Philip  with  a  great  number  of  the  ene- 
niv, were  a  little  before.  Captain  Church's 
Indians  told  the  others,  they  were  their  pri- 
soners, but  if  they  would  submit  to  order, 
and  he  still,  no  one  should  hurt  them  :  they 
being  their  old  acquaintance,  were  easily 
persuaded  to  conform.  A  little  before  sun- 
set there  was  a  halt  in  the  front,  until  the  cap- 
tain came  up,  they  told  him,  they  discovered 
the  enemy.  He  ordered  them  to  dog  them, 
ami  watch  their  motion  till  it  was  dark. 
I5ut  Philip  soon  came  to  a  stop,  and  fell  to 
breaking  and  chopping  wood,  to  make  fires  ; 
and  a  great  noise  they  made.  Captain 
Church  draws  his  company  up  in  a  ring,  and 
sat  down  in  the  swamp  without  any  noise  or 
fire.  The  Indian  prisoners  were  much  sur- 
prised to  see  the  English  soldiers  ;  but  the 
captain  told  them,  if  they  would  be  quiet  and 
not  make  any  disturbance  or  noise,  they 
should  meet  with  civil  treatment ;  but  if  they 
made  any  disturbance,  or  ofi'ered  to  run,  or 
make  their  escape,  he  would  immediately 
kill  them  all ;  so  they  were  very  submissive 
and  obsequious.  When  the  day  broke.  Cap- 
tain Chure.h  told  his  prisoners,  that  his  expe- 
dition was  such  at  this  time  that  he  could  not 
afford  iheni  any  guard  :  told  them,  they 
would  find  it  to  he  their  interest  to  attend 
the  orders  he  was  now  about  to  give  them  ; 
which  was,  that  when  the  fiirht  was  over, 
which  they  now  ex|)(;cted,  or  as  soon  as  the 
firing  ceased,  they  must  fi)llow  the  track  of 
his  comi)any,  and  ccnne  to  them.  (An  In- 
dian is  next  to  a  blood-liound  to  follow  a 
track.)  He  said  to  them,  it  would  be  in  vain 
for  them  to  think  of  disobedience,  or  to  gain 
any  thing  by  it,  for  he  had  taken  and  killed  a 
great  many  of  the  Indian  rebels,  and  should 
in  a  little  time  kill  and  take  all  the  rest,  &(•.. 
I'y  this  time  it  bejjan  to  be  so  light,  as  the 
liiiK!  that  he  usually  chose  to  make  his  onset. 
He  moved,  sending  two  soldiers  before,  to  trv 
if  they  could  privately  discover  the  enemies' 
postures.  lJut  very  unhappily  it  fi  ll  out, 
that  the  very  same  time  Pliili])  had  sent  two 
of  his  as  a  scout  u|)ou  his  own  track,  to  see 
if  none  dogged  them  ;  who  spied  the  two  In- 
diiin  men,  and  turned  short  about,  and  fl<'d 
with  all  speed  to  their  camp,  and  Captain 
Church  pursued  as  fast  as  he  could.  The 
two  Indians  set  a  yelling  and  howling,  and 
made  the  most  hideous  noise  tlx'y  could  in- 
vent, soon  gave  the  alarm  to  Philip  and  his 
camp  ;  who  all  fled  at  the  first  tiihngs,  h-ft 
their  kettles  l)oiling,  and  meat  roasting  u|)on 
their  wooden  spits,  and  ran  into  a  swamp 
with  no  other  breakfast  than  what  Captain 
Chureh  alu-rwards  tn-ated  ihein  w  ith.  Cap- 
lain  Church  pursuing,  sent  INlr.  Isaac  Ih)w- 
land  with  a  jiarly  on  one  side  of  the  swamp, 
while  himself  with  the  rest  ran  on  the  other 
side,  agreeinir  to  run  on  each  side,  until  thev 
met  on  the  further  end,  placing  some  men  in 


secure  stands  at  that  end  of  the  swamp  wnt  rc 
Philip  entered,  concluding  that  if  they  headed 
him  and  beat  him  back,  that  li<>  wtjuld  take 
hack  in  his  own  track,  r'ajitain  Church  and 
Mi:  Holland  soon  met  at  the  further  end  ol 
the  swamp,  (it  not  hei."jf  a  jfreat  one)  where 
they  met  with  a  great  nunil)er  of  the  enemy, 
well  armed,  cominiiout  of  the  swamp ;  but,  o'l 
sight  of  the  English,  they  seemed  very  mucn 
surprised  and  tacked  short.  Captain  Church 
called  hastily  to  them,  and  said,  if  t\ny  fired 
one  gun  they  were  all  dead  men  ;  for  he 
would  have  them  to  know  that  he  had  them 
hemmed  in,  with  afijrce  sufficient  to  command 
them ;  hut  if  they  peaceably  surrendered 
they  should  have  good  (piarter,  &c.  They, 
seeing  both  Indians  and  I^nglish  come  so 
thick  uj)on  them,  were  so  surprised  that  ma- 
ny of  them  stood  still  and  let  the  Enirhsh 
come  and  take  the  guns  out  f)f  their  hands, 
when  they  were  both  chaigcd  and  cocked. 

Many,  both  men,  women,  and  children  of 
the  enemy,  were  imprisoned  at  this  time, 
while  Philip,  Tispaquin,  Totoson,  &c.,  con- 
cluded that  the  English  would  pursue  them 
upon  their  tracks,  so  were  waylaying  tlieir 
tracks  at  the  first  end  of  the  swamj),  hoping 
thereby  to  gain  a  shot  upon  Captain  Church 
who  was  now  better  employed  in  taking  pris- 
oners, and  running  them  into  a  v.-illev,  in 
form  shaped  something  like  a  i)unch-bo\\l 
and  ap|)()intiny^  a  guard  of  two  files,  treble 
ar:ned  with  guns  taken  from  the  enenix. 
15ut  Philip  having  waited  all  this  while  in 
vain,  now  moves  on  after  the  rest  of  his  com- 
pany, to  see  what  was  become  of  llieui. 
.And  by  this  time  Captain  Church  was  get 
ijito  tlie  swuinp  re.idy  to  meet  him  ;  and  as 
it  happened  ni.-idetde  first  discovery,  clapped 
behind  a  tree  until  Philip's  companv  canie 
jirctty  near,  and  then  fired  n|)(m  them,  kilit  il 
many  of  them,  and  a  close  skirmish  fidlnu- 
ed.  I'pon  this  Philip,  having  grounds  snlli- 
cieiit  to  susptct  the  event  of  his  com|)ativ 
that  went  befi)re  them,  fled  back  upon  his 
own  track  ;  and  coming  to  tlie  place  where 
the  ambush  lay,  they  fired  on  each  other,  and 
one  Lucus,  of  PIvmoutli,  not  being  so  care- 
ful as  he  might  have  been  about  his  stand, 
was  killed  by  the  Indians.  In  this  swaiiip- 
skirmi>li  Captain  Church  with  his  two  men, 
who  always  run  by  liis  side  as  his  guard, 
met  with  three  of  tlie  enemy,  two  of  \»hieli 
surrendered  themselves,  and  the  captain's 
guard  seized  them  ;  but  the  oilier,  being  a 
grt!at,  stout,  surly  tellow,  with  his  two  locks 
tied  up  with  red,  and  a  great  rattle-snake  skin 
hanging  to  the  back  jiart  of  his  la  ad,  (whom 
Ca|)tain  Church  concluded  to  be  Totoson) 
ran  from  them  into  tin;  swamp  ;  Captain 
Church  in  person,  jiursiied  him  close,  till 
coming  jiretty  near  up  with  hiin,  presented 
his  gun  between  his  shoulders,  but  it  missing 
fire,  the  Indian  perceiving  it,  turnul  and 
preseiite<l  at  Captain  Church,  ami  missing 
fire  also,  (tlieir  guns  taking  wet  with  the  fog 
and  <lew  of  the  morning  ;)  but  the  Ir,  iiiin 
turning  short  for  another  run,  his  fi)ot  tripped 
in  a  small  grape-vini*  and  he  f<-ll  flat  on  his 
fiice  ;  Captain  (^hnrcli  was  by  this  lime  up 
with  him,  and  struck  the  inir/.zle  of  liis  <;un 
an  inch  and  a  half  into  the  hack  part  o( 
his  head,  which  despatched  him  wilhclil  an- 
other blow.  Hut  Captain  C!nii<  li  lonkiiii; 
behind  him,  .saw  Totoson,  the  Imlian  m  In. 111 


KING    PHILIP'S  WAR. 


Hb  thought  he  had  killed,  come  flying  at  him 
like  a  drajj-ou  ;  but  this  happened  to  be  ftiir 
in  isight  of  the  guard  that  were  set  to  keep 
the  prisoners,  who,  spying  Totoson  and 
others  that  were  following  him,  in  the  very 
seasonable  juncture  made  a  shot  upon  them, 
and  rescued  their  captain ;  though  he  was  in 
no  small  danger  from  his  friends'  bullets,  for 
some  of  them  came  so  near  him  that  he 
thought  he  felt  the  wind  of  them.  The  skir- 
mish being  over,  they  gathered  their  prison- 
ers together,  and  found  the  number  they  had 
killed  and  taken  was  one  hundred  and  seven- 
ty-three, (the  prisoners  which  they  took  over 
night  included)  who  after  the  skirmish,  came 
to  them  as  they  were  ordered. 

Now  having  no  provisions  but  what  they 
took  from  the  enemy,  they  hastened  to 
Bridgwater,  sending  an  express  before  to  pro- 
vide for  them,  their  company  being  now  very 
numerous.  The  gentlemen  of  Bridgwater 
met  Captain  Church  with  great  expressions  of 
honor  and  thanks,  and  received  him  and  his 
army  with  all  due  respect  and  kind  treatment. 

Captain  Church  drove  his  prisoners  that 
night  into  Bridgwater  pound,  and  set  his  In- 
dian soldiers  to  guard  them.  They  being 
well  treated  with  victuals  and  drink,  they  had 
a  merry  night;  and  the  prisoners  laughed  as 
loud  as  the  soldiers,  not  being  so  treated  a 
long  time  before. 

Some  of  the  Indians  now  said  to  Captain 
Church,  Sir,  you  have  now  made  Philip  ready 
to  die,  for  you  have  made  him  as  poor  and 
miserable  as  he  used  to  make  the  English  ; 
for  you  have  now  killed  or  taken  all  his  re- 
lations. That  they  believed  he  would  now 
soon  have  his  head,  and  that  this  bout  had  al- 
most broke  his  heart. 

The  next  day  Captain  Church  moved  and 
arrived  with  all  his  prisoners  safe  at  Ply- 
mouth. The  great  English  army  was  now 
at  Taunton,  and  Major  Talcot,  with  the 
Connecticut  forces,  being  in  these  parts  of 
the  country,  did  considerable  spoil  upon  the 
enemy. 

Now  Captain  Church  being  arrived  at  Ply- 
mouth received  thanks  from  the  government 
for  his  good  service,  &c.;  many  of  his  soldiers 
were  disbanded  ;  .and  he  thought  to  rest  him- 
self awhile,  being  much  fatigued,  and  his 
health  impaired  by  excessive  heats  and  colds, 
and  wading  through  rivers,  &c.  But  it  was 
not  long  beft)re  he  was  called  upon  to  rally, 
upon  advice  that  some  of  the  enemy  were 
discovered  in  Dartmouth  woods.  He  took 
his  Indians,  and  as  many  English  volunteers 
as  presented,  to  go  with  him  ;  and  scatter- 
ing into  small  paicels,  Mr.  Jabez  Howland 
(who  was  now,  and  often,  his  lieutenant,  and 
a  worthy  good  soldier)  had  the  fortune  to  dis- 
cover and  imprison  a  parcel  of  the  enemy. 
In  the  evening  they  met  together  at  an  ap- 
pointed place,  and  by  examining  the  prison- 
ers, they  gained  intelligence  of  Totoson's 
haunt ;  and  being  brisk  in  the  morning,  they 
soon  cained  an  advantage  of  Totoson's  com- 
pany,  though  he  himself  with  his  son  of  about 
eight  years  old  made  their  escape,  and  one 
(.Id  sijuaw  with  them,  to  Agawom,  his  own 
country  ;  but  Sam  Barrow,  as  noted  a  rogue 
as  any  among  the  enemy,  fell  into  the  hands 
cf  the  English  at  this  time.  Captain  Church 
told  him,  that  because  of  his  inhuman  mur- 
ders and  barbarities,  the  court  had  allowed 


him  no  quarter,  but  was  to  be  forthwith  put 
to  death,  and  therefore  he  was  to  prepare  for 
it.  Barrow  replied,  that  the  sentence  of 
death  against  him  was  just,  and  that  indeed 
he  was  ashamed  to  live  any  longer,  and  de- 
sired no  more  favour  than  to  smoke  a  whiff  of 
tobacco  before  his  execution.  When  he  had 
taken  a  few  whiffs,  he  said  he  was  ready  ; 
upon  which  one  of  Captain  Church's  Indians 
sunk  his  hatchet  into  his  brains.  The  fa- 
mous Totoson  arriving  at  Agawom,*  his  son, 
which  was  the  last  that  was  left  of  the  family, 
(Captain  Church  having  destroyed  all  the 
rest)  fell  sick ;  the  wretch,  reflecting  upon 
the  miserable  condition  he  had  brought  him- 
self into, his  heart  became  a  stone  within  him, 
and  died.  The  old  squaw  flung  a  few  leaves 
and  brush  over  him,  and  came  into  Sand- 
wich, and  gave  this  account  of  his  death,  and 
ofTered  to  show  them  where  she  left  his  body  ; 
but  never  had  the  opportunity,  for  she  imme- 
diately fell  sick  and  died  also. 

Captain  Church  being  now  at  Plymouth 
again,weary  and  worn, would  have  gone  home 
to  his  wife  and  family,  but  the  government 
being  solicitous  to  engage  him  in  the  service 
until  Philip  was  slain,  and  promising  satis- 
fiiction  and  redress  for  some  mistreatment 
that  he  had  met  with  ;  he  fixes  for  another 
expedition.  He  had  soon  volunteers  enough 
to  make  up  the  company  he  desired,  and 
marched  through  the  woods  until  he  came  to 
Pocasset ;  and  not  seeing  or  hearing  of  any  of 
the  enemy  they  went  over  the  ferry  to  Rhode- 
Island,  to  refresh  themselves.  The  captain 
with  about  half  a  dozen  in  his  company,  took 
horse  and  rid  about  eight  miles  down  the 
island,  to  Mr.  Sanford's,  where  he  had  ^eft 
his  wife ;  who  no  sooner  saw  him  but  fainted 
with  surprise ;  and  by  that  time  she  was  a 
little  revived,  they  spied  two  horsemen  com- 
ing a  great  pace.  Captain  Church  told  his 
company  that  those  men  (by  their  riding) 
came  with  tidings.  When  they  came  up 
they  proved  to  be  Major  Sandford  and  Cap- 
tain Golding  ;  who  immediately  asked  Cap- 
tain Church,  what  he  would  give  to  h»ar 
some  news  of  Philip  1  He  replied,  that  was 
what  he  wanted.  They  told  him,  they  had 
rid  hard  with  some  hopes  of  overtaking  him, 
and  were  now  come  on  purpose  to  inform 
him,  that  there  was  just  now  tidings  from 
Mount- Hope ;  an  Indian  came  down  from 
thence  (where  Philip's  camp  now  was)  on 
to  Sand-point,  over  against  Trip's  and  hal- 
looed, and  made  signs  to  be  fetched  over;  and 
being  fetched  over,  he  reported  that  he  was 
fled  from  Philip,  who  (said  he)  has  killed 
my  brother  just  before  I  came  away,  for  giv- 
ing some  advice  that  displeased  him.  And 
said,  he  was  fled  for  fear  of  meeting  with  the 
same  his  brother  had  met  with.  Told  them 
also,  that  Philip  was  now  in  Mount-Hope 
neck.  Captain  Church  thanked  them  for 
their  good  news,  and  said,  he  hoped  by  to- 
morrow morning  to  have  the  rogue's  head. 
The  horses  that  he  and  his  company  came 
on,  standing  at  the  door,  (for  they  had  not 
been  unsaddled)  his  wife  must  content  her- 
self with  a  short  visit,  when  such  game  was 
ahead  ;  they  immediately  mounted,  set  spurs 
to  their  horses,  and  away. 

°  Several  places  were  called  Agawom  ;  as  at  Ips- 
wich, and  Springfield.  Tliis  Agawom  lies  in  Ware- 
bam. 


The  two  gentlemen  that  brought  him  tht 
tidings,  told  him,  they  would  gladly  wait  up- 
on liim  to  sec  the  event  of  the  expedition  ;  lie 
thanked  them,  and  told  them,  he  should  he 
us  fond  of  their  company  as  any  men's;  and 
(in  short)  they  went  with  him.  And  lli^y 
were  soon  at  Trip's  ferry  (with  Captaiu 
Church's  company)  where  the  deserter  was  , 
who  was  a  fellow  of  good  sense,  and  told 
his  story  handsomely.  He  offered  Captain 
Church  to  pilot  him  to  Philip,  and  to  help 
to  kill  him,  that  he  might  revenge  his  bro- 
ther's death.  Told  him,  that  Philip  was 
now  upon  a  little  spot  of  upland,  that  was 
in  the  south  end  of  the  miry  swamp,  just  at 
the  foot  of  the  Mount,  which  was  a  spoiy 
of  ground  that  Captain  Church  was  well 
acquainted  with.  By  that  time  they  wer-i 
got  over  the  ferry,  and  came  near  tlu;  ground, 
half  the  night  was  spent.  The  captain  com- 
mands a  halt,  and  bringing  the  company  toge- 
ther, he  asked  Major  Sandford's  and  Ca[i- 
tain  Golding's  advice,  what  method  was  best 
to  take  in  making  the  onset,  but  they  declin- 
ed giving  him  any  advice,  telling  him,  that 
his  great  experience  and  success  forbid  their 
taking  upon  them  to  give  advice.  Then 
Captain  Church  offered  Captain  Golding  that 
he  should  have  the  honour  (if  he  w-ould  please 
to  accept  of  it)  to  beat  up  Philip's  head  quar- 
ters. He  accepted  the  offer,  and  had  his 
allotted  number  drawn  out  to  him,  and  ilie 
pilot.  Captain  Church's  instructions  to  him 
were,  to  be  very  careful  in  his  approach  to 
the  enemy,  and  be  sure  not  to  show  liiii'.sdf 
until  by  daylight  they  might  see  and  disc,  i  n 
their  own  men  from  the  enemy  ;  told  Jiini 
also,  that  his  custom  in  like  cases  was,  lo 
creep  with  his  company  on  their  bellies,  un- 
til they  came  as  near  as  thi-y  could  ;  .'.nd 
that  as  soon  as  the  enemy  discovered  thfn 
they  would  cry  out ;  and  that  w  as  the  word 
for  his  men  to  fire  and  fall  on.  Directed  him 
when  the  enemy  should  start  and  take  into 
the  swamp,  they  should  pursue  with  spei-d, 
every  man  shouting  and  making  what  noise, 
they  could  ;  for  he  would  give  ordt-rs  to  his 
ambuscade  to  fire  on  any  that  should  come 
silently. 

Captain  Church  knowing  that  it  was  Phi- 
lip's custom  to  be  foremo>t  in  the  flight,  w  ent 
down  to  the  swamp,  and  gave  Captain  Wil- 
liams of  Scituate  the  command  of  the  right 
wing  of  the  ambush,  and  placed  an  English- 
man and  an  Indian  together  behind  such 
shelters  of  trees,  &c.,  that  he  could  find,  and 
took  care  to  place  them  at  such  distance 
that  none  might  pass  undiscovered  between 
them,  charged  them  to  be  careful  of  them- 
selves, and  of  hurting  their  friends,  and  to 
fire  at  any  that  .should  come  silently  through 
the  swamp;  but  being  somewhat  furtliir 
through  the  swamp  than  he  was  aware  of,  he 
wanted  men  to  make  up  his  ambuscade. 
Having  placed  what  men  he  had,  he  took 
Major  Sandford  by  the  hand,  said,  Sir,  I 
have  so  placed  them  that  it  is  scarce  pos- 
sible Philip  should  escape  them.  The  same 
moment  a  shot  whistled  over  their  heads,  and 
then  the  noise  of  a  gun  towards  Philip's 
camp.  Captain  Church  at  first  thought  it 
might  be  some  gun  fired  by  accident  ;  but 
before  he  could  speal',  a  whole  volley  foll»)w- 
ed,  w  hich  was  ear''er  than  he  expected.  One 
of  Philip's  gang  going  forth  to  ease  himself^ 


690 


KING  PHILIP'S  WAR. 


when  he  had  dune,  looked  round  him,  iiiid 
Captiiin  (loKliiig  tliouijfnt  the  Inthaii  looked 
rinlit  at  liiin,  (thoiijrh  prohahlv  it  \v;is  Iml  his 
eoiiceit)  so  fired  ;(t  him,  and  upon  lii>  tiring  tli(' 
whole  company  tlial  were  with  him  fired  upon 
the  enemies'  shelter,  hefore  tiie  IndiaiiS  had 
lime  to  rise  from  their  sleep,  and  so  overshot 
lliem.  But  their  shelter  was  open  on  that 
side  next  theswansp,  built  soon  purposi>  for 
the  coiivfeniencc  of" flight  on  oceasion.  'I'hev 
were  soon  in  liic  swamp,  and  I'liilip  the  fore- 
most, vvho  starting  ai  the  first  gun,  threw  his 
petiiuk,  and  powde;-horii  over  his  head, 
eatidied  up  his  gun,  and  ran  as  fast  as  he 
could  scamper,  without  any  more  clothes 
than  his  snuill  breeches  and  stockings,  and 
ran  directly  on  two  of  Captain  Church's 
:ind)ush  ;  they  let  him  come  fair  within  shot, 
and  the  Englishman's  gun  missing  fire,  he 
'jid  the  Indian  fire  away,  and  he  did  so  to 
purpose,  sent  one  musket  bullet  through  his 
heart,  andiinother  not  above  two  inches  from 
•t ;  he  fell  upon  his  face  in  the  mud  and  water 
with  his  gun  under  him.  By  this  time  the  ene- 
my perceived  they  were  waylaid  on  the  east 
side  of  the  swamp,  tacked  short  about.  One 
of  thee  neniy,  who  seemed  to  he  a  great,  surly 
old  fellow,  hallooed  with  a  loud  voice,  and  of- 
ten called  out,  lootash,  lootash.  Captain 
Church  called  to  his  Indian,  Peter,  and  asked 
liim  who  that  was  that  called  so  ?  lie  answer- 
ed, it  was  old  Annawon,  Philip's  great  captain, 
calling  on  his  soldiers  to  stand  to  it,  and  fight 
etoutiy.  Now  the  enemy  finding  that  place 
of  the  swamp  which  was  not  andtushed,  ma- 
ny of  them  made  their  eseap»!  in  the  English 
tracks.  The  man  that  had  shot  down  Philip, 
ran  witii  all  speed  to  Captain  Ciiinch,  and  in- 
formed him  of  his  exploit,  who  eonimanded 
Inm  to  he  silent  about  it,  and  let  no  man  more 
know  it,  until  they  had  drov(!  the  swani|) 
clean  ;  l)ut  when  they  had  drove  the  swamp 
through,  and  found  the  enemy  had  escap 
ed,  or  at  least  the  most  of  them,  and  the  sun 
now  up,  and  so  tlie  dew  gone,  timt  they  could 
not  easily  track  them,  the  whole  coin])any 
met  together  at  the  jilace  where  the  enemies 
jiight-bhelter  was  ;  and  then  Captain  Church 
gave  them  the  news  of  Philip's  death  ; 
U|)on  which  the  whole  army  gave  three  loud 
liu/,7,ns.  Captain  Church  ordered  his  body  to 
be  pulled  out  of  the  mire  on  to  the  n|)laiid,  so 
ficnne  of  Captain  Church's  Indians  look  hold 
of  him  by  his  stockings,  and  some  by  his 
small  breeches,  (being  otherwise  naked)  and 
drew  him  through  tin;  mud  to  the  upland, 
and  Ji  dolefid,  grcsat,  naked,  dirty  beast  he 
looked  hke.  ("aptain  Church  then  said, 
that  forasmuch  as  he  had  caused  many  an 
I^nglishman's  body  to  be  unburied,  and  to 
n»t  aliove  ground,  that  not  one  of"  his  bones 
should  l)e  buried.  And  calling  his  old  In- 
dian executioner,  bid  him  behead  and  (juar- 
ter  liim  ;  nccordingly  he  came  with  Wis 
liatuliet  and  stood  over  him,  but  before  he 
struck  he  njade  a  small  speech,  directing  it 
to  Philip,  and  said,  he  had  been  a  \  ery  ureal 
man,  and  had  made  many  a  man  afraidof  him, 
but  !>o  nig  as  he  was  he  would  now  chop  his 
arse  for  him  ;  und  so  he  wonl  to  Wdik,  and 
did  an  he  was  ordnrd,  i'liilip  having  one 
very  remnrkablr  hand,  Ik  in;;  mneli  searr«'il, 
(leeaMonrd  l>y  the  ^llllttillg  of  a  pi.-tol  in  it 
formerly  ;  Captain  ('(lureli  yave  the  h<  ad  and 
that  liiind  tu  Aldemmn,  the  Indian  who  shut 


I  him,  to  show  to  buch  gentlemen  as  would  be- 
stow gratuities  upon  him  ;  and  accordingly 
he  got  many  a  penny  bv  it. 

This  being  on  the  last  dav  of  the  week, 
,  the  captain  with  his  compaiiv  returned  to  the 
island,  tarried  there  until  Tnesday  ;  and  then 
weiitofFand  ranged  through  all  the  woods  to 
Plymouth,  and  received  their  premium,  which 
was  thirty  shillings  ])erliead,  for  the  enemies 
which  they  had  killed  or  taken,  instead  of  all 
wages  ;  and  l'hijii)'s  head  went  at  the  same 
price.  IVlethinks  it  is  scanty  reward  and 
poor  encouragement ;  though  it  was  better 
than  what  had  been  for  some  time  before. 
Eor  this  miircli  they  received  four  shillings 
and  sixpence  a  man,  which  was  all  the  re- 
ward they  bad,  except  the  honour  of  killing 
Philip.  This  was  in  the  latter  end  of  Au- 
gust, 1676. 

Captain  Church  had  been  but  a  little  while 
at  Plymouth,  before  a  post  from  Rehoboth 
came  to  inform  the  government,  Vliat  old  An- 
nawon, Philip's  chief  captain,  was  witli  Iris 
company  ranging  about  their  woods,  and 
was  very  offensive  and  pernicious  to  Reho- 
both and  Swansey.  Captain  Church  was 
immediately  sent  for  again,  and  treated  with 
to  engage  in  one  expedition  more  ;  he  told 
them,  their  encouragement  was  so  poor,  he 
feared  his  soldiers  would  be  dull  about  going 
again  ;  but  being  a  hearty  friend  to  the  cause, 
he  rallies  again,  goes  to  Mr.  Jabez  Ilowland, 
his  old  lieutenant,  and  some  of  his  soldiers 
that  used  to  go  out  with  him  ;  told  them  how 
the  case  was  circumstanced,  and  that  he  had 
intelligence  of  old  Aiinawon's  walk  and 
haunt,  and  wanted  hands  to  hunt  him;  they 
did  not  want  much  entreating,  but  told  him, 
th 'y  would  go  with  him,  as  long  as  there  was 
an  Indian  Uit\  in  the  woods,  lie  moved  and 
ranged  thro'igb  the  woods  to  Pocasstt. 

It  being  the  latter  end  of  the  week,  he  pro- 
posed to  go  on  to  Rhoch'  Island,  and  rest 
until  Monnay  ;  but  on  the  Lord's  day  morn- 
ing, there  came  a  post  to  inform  the  captain, 
that  early  the  same  Jnortiing  a  canoe  with 
several  Indians  in  it  jjassed  from  Prudence  Is- 
land toPoppas(piash-lVeck.*  CajUain  Church 
thought,  if  he  could  possibly  surprise  them, 
he  might  ])rol)al)ly  gain  some  intelligence  of 
more  game;  therefore  he  made  all  jiossible 
speed  after  them.  The  ferry- boat  b(  ing  out 
of  the  way,  he  made  use  of  canoes;  by  that 
time  they  had  made  two  freights,  and  had 
got  over  the  captain,  and  about  fifteen  or  six- 
teen of  his  Indians,  tin;  wind  sprung  up  with 
such  violence  that  canoes  could  no  more  pass. 
The  CaptJiin  seeing  it  was  imjiossible  for 
any  more  of  his  soldiers  to  come  to  him, 
be  told  his  Indians,  if  they  were  willing  to 
go  with  him,  he  would  go  to  Poppastpwisb, 
and  see  if  they  could  catch  sf)me  of  the  ene- 
my Indians.  I'hey  were  willing  to  go,  but 
were  sorry  they  had  no  l-iiiirlisb  soldiers;  so 
they  marched  through  the  thickets  that  they 
might  not  be  <lis(-overed,  until  they  came  un- 
to the  salt  ineadou',  to  the  northward  of  Bris- 
tol town,  that  now  is.  Then  they  heard  a 
gun,  the  captain  looked  about,  not  knowing 
but  it  might  be  some  of  his  own  company  in 
the  rear;  so  hailing  till  they  all  came  up,  he 
found  it  was  none  of  his  own  company 
that   fired.    .Ndw  though  he  had  but  ii  few 

*  On  the  wcst-sido  or  Drintol 


men,  was  minded  to  send  some  of  tin m  out 
on  a  scout.  He  moved  it  to  Ca|)tain  Lii;ii!. 
foot  to  go  with  three  more  on  a  ^c(lUl  ;  ht 
said  he  was  willing,  provided  the  captain's 
man  IVatlianiel,  (which  was  an  Indian  ihey 
had  lately  taken)  might  be  one  of  ihem,  be- 
cause he  was  well  acipiaiiited  with  the  lu  ek, 
and  coming  lately  from  ainoii<r  tin  in,  knew 
how  to  call  them.  The  captain  bid  him 
choose  his  three  companions,  and  ir<i  ;  and 
ifllieyeame  across  any  of  the  enemy,  not 
to  kill  them  if  they  could  possibly  lake  ilitm 
alive  ;  that  they  might  gain  intelligence  con- 
cerning Annav.on.  The  captain  with  the 
rest  of  his  coni|iany  moved  but  a  little  w.w 
further  toward  Poppasqiiash,  hi  fori;  ihe'v 
heard  another  gun,  which  seemed  to  In:  the 
same  way  with  the  other,  but  further  ( IV; 
but  they  made  no  halt  until  tlay  came  on  to 
the  narrow  of  Po|)j)as(|nash  INeck  ;  \ilure 
Captain  Church  left  three  men  more,  to 
watch  if  any  should  come  out  of  the  in  ek, 
and  to  inform  the  scout  when  they  returiKil 
which  way  he  was  ifoiie. 

lie  parted  the  remainder  of  his  coinpaiiv, 
half  on  one  side  of  the  neck,  and  the  otli!  r 
with  himself  went  on  the  other  side  of  ilie 
neck,  until  they  met;  and  meeting  neiiher 
with  Indians  nor  canoes,  returned  bi<r  with  ex- 
pectations of  tidings  by  their  scout ;  but  h  Ik  k 
they  came  back  to  the  three  men  at  the  nar- 
row of  the  neck,  they  told  their  captain  the 
scout  was  not  returned,  had  heard  nor  seen 
anything  of  them:  this  filled  them  with 
thoughts  of  w  hat  should  become  of  tlx  in  ; 
by  the  time  they  had  sat  and  waited  an  hour 
longer,  it  was  very  dark,  and  they  despaired 
of  their  returning  to  them.  Some  of  tlie  In- 
dians told  their  captain,  they  feared  his  nt  w 
man  iSathaniel  had  met  wilh  his  old  Mount- 
Hope  friends,  and  was  turned  rogue.  'J'liev 
coiu  liided  to  make  no  (ires  that  night  (and 
iiuleed  they  had  no  great  need  of  any)  for 
they  had  no  victuals  to  cook,  had  not  so  mjch 
as  a  morsel  of  bread  w  ith  them. 

They  look  up  their  lodging  scattering, 
that  if  possibly  their  scoiilshould  come  in  the 
night,  and  whistle  (which  was  their  sign) 
some  or  other  of  them  miglit  hear  ihein 
They  had  a  very  solitary,  hungry  night  ;  and 
as  soon  as  the  day  broke  lliev  drew  off 
through  the  brush  to  a  hill  wiihout  the  neck, 
and  looking  about  them  they  espied  one  In- 
dian man  come  running  somewhat  towards 
them  ;  the  captain  ordered  one  man  to  step 
out  and  shew  himself.  I'pon  this  the  In- 
dian ran  right  to  him,  and  v\  ho  should  it  bo 
but  Captain  Liuhl-I'oot,  to  their  great  jo\-. 
Captain  Church  asked  him,  what  news? 
He  answered,  (iood  news,  they  were  all  well, 
and  had  catehed  ten  Indians,  and  that  they 
guarded  them  all  night  to  (Uieof  the  flanker? 
of  the  old  Eniilish  garrison  ;  that  their  pris- 
oners were  (larl  of"  Aniniwoii's  company,  and 
that  tiiey  had  left  their  families  in  a  swamp 
above  Mattapoisel  IN'eck.*  And  as  they  were 
mai'cliing  towards  the  old  <rarrison.  Light- 
loot  gave  Captain  Church  a  particular  a<-- 
coiint  of  iheir  ex|)loil,  viz.  that  presenti}  af- 
ter they  left  him,  they  heard  another  gun, 
which  seemed  towards  the  Indian  burying 
place,  and  mo\ing  that  wav,  thev  tliscovered 
two  of  the  i-iiemv  f1eein<r  on  a  horse.  The 

*  III  S\vaii/.e}'.  'I'liLru  is  uiiollier  AlatUpoistrt  in 
Ilociiestcr. 


K I N  G  P  H  I  L I  P '  S  W  A  R 


697 


scout  clapping  into  the  brush,  Niithaiiiol  bid 
them  sit  down,  and  lie  would  ])restMitly 
call  all  the  Indians  thereabout  unto  liiui. 
They  hid,  and  he  went  a  little  distance  back 
from  them,  and  set  up  his  note,  and  howled 
like  a  wolf.  One  of  the  two  itnmedi  itely 
left  his  horse  and  came  runnin<j  to  see  who 
was  tiiere  ;  but  Nathaniel  howling  lower  and 
lower  drew  him  in  between  those  that  lay  in 
wait  for  him,  who  seized  him ;  Nathaniel 
continuing  the  same  note,  the  other  left  the 
horse  also,  following  his  mate,  and  met  with 
the  same.  When  they  caught  these  two  they 
examined  thenj  apart,  and  found  them  to 
agree  in  their  story,  that  there  were  eight 
more  of  them  come  down  into  the  neck  to 
get  provisions,  and  had  agreed  to  meet  at 
tlie  burying  place  that  evening.  These  two 
being  some  of  Nathaniel's  old  acquaintance, 
he  had  great  induence  u|)on  them,  and  with 
his  enticing  story,  (telling  what  a  brave  cap- 
tain he  had,  how  bravely  he  lived  since 
lie  had  been  with  him,  and  how  much  they 
miiiht  better  their  condition  by  turning  to 
him,  »fec.)  persuaded  and  engaged  them  to 
be  on  his  side,  which  indeed  now  began  to 
be  the  better  side  of  the  hedge.  They  waited 
but  a  little  while  before  they  espied  the  rest 
of  theirs  coming  up  to  the  burying  place,  and 
Nathaniel  soon  howled  them  in  as  he  had 
done  their  mates  before 

Wlicn  Captain  Chin-ch  came  to  the  garri- 
son he  met  his  lieutenant  and  the  rest  of 
liis  company ;  and  then  making  uq  good  fires 
they  fell  to  roastuig  their  horse-beef,  enough 
to  last  tlieni  the  whole  day,  but  had  not  a 
morsel  of  bread;  though  salt  they  had,  which 
they  always  carried  in  their  pockets,  which, 
at  this  time  was  very  acceptable  to  them. 
Their  next  motion  was  towards  the  place 
where  the  prisoners  told  them  they  had  left 
their  women  and  children,  and  surprised  them 
all,  and  some  others  tliat  were  newly  come 
to  them.  And  upon  examination  they  held 
to  one  story,  that  it  was  hard  to  tell  where  to 
find  Annawon,  for  he  never  roosted  twice  in 
a  place.  Now  a  certain  Indian  soldier  that 
Captain  Church  had  gained  over  to  be  on  his 
side,  prayed  that  he  might  have  liberty  to  go 
and  fetch  in  his  father,  who,  he  said,  was 
about  four  miles  fron-.  that  place,  in  a  swamp, 
with  no  otiier  than  a  young  squaw.  Cap- 
tain Clim-ch  inclined  to  go  with  him,  think- 
ing it  might  be  in  his  way  to  gain  some  intel- 
ligence of  Annawon;  and  sotakin<rone  En- 
glishman and  a  few  Indians  with  him,  leav- 
ing the  rest  there,  he  went  with  his  new  sol- 
dier to  look  for  his  father.  When  he  came  to 
the  swamp  he  bid  the  Indian  go  to  sec  if  he 
could  find  his  father;  he  was  no  sooner  gone 
but  Cajitain  Church  discovered  a  track  com- 
ing down  out  of  the  woods,  upon  which  he 
and  his  little  company  lay  close,  some  on  one 
side  of  the  track,  and  some  on  the  other. 
Tll^y  heard  the  Indian  soldier  make  a  howl- 
ing for  his  father;  and  at  length  some- 
body answered  him,  but  while  they  were 
listening,  they  thought  they  heard  some- 
body cominir  towards  them,  presently  saw 
•m  old  man  comin<r  up  with  a  gun  on 
his  shoulder,  and  a  young  woman  following, 
m  the  track  which  they  lay  by.  They  let 
them  come  up  betwecMi  them,  and  then  started 
up  and  laid  hold  of  them  both.  Captain 
Church  immediately  examined  them  apart. 


telling  them,  what  they  must  trust  to  if  they  ( 
told  false  stories.  lie  asked  the  young  wo- 
man, what  company  they  came  iVom  last? 
She  said,  from  Captain  Annawon's.  He 
asked  her,  how  many  were  in  company  with 
him  when  she  left  him  ?  She  said  fifty  or 
sixty.  He  asked  her,  how  many  miles  it  was 
to  the  place  where  she  left  liim?  She  said, 
she  did  not  understand  miles,  but  he  was  up 
in  Sijuannaconk  swamp.*  The  old  man 
who  had  been  one  of  Phili|)'s  council,  u|)on 
examination,  gave  exactly  the  same  account. 
Captain  Church  asked  him,  if  they  could  get 
there  that  nightt  He  said,  if  they  went  pre- 
sently, and  travelled  stoutly,  they  might  get 
there  by  sunset.  He  asked,  whither  he  was 
going?  He  answered,  that  Annawon  had 
sent  him  down  to  look  for  some  Indians,  that 
were  gone  down  into  Mount-Hope  neck  to 
kill  some  provisions.  Captain  Church  let 
him  know  that  those  Indians  were  all  his 
prisoners.  By  this  time  came  the  Indian 
soldier  and  brought  his  father  and  one  In- 
dian more.  The  captain  was  now  in  great 
strait  of  mind  what  to  do  next,  he  had  a 
mind  to  give  Annawon  a  visit,  now  he  knew 
where  to  find  him  ;  but  his  company  was 
very  small,  but  half  a  dozen  men  beside  him- 
self, and  was  under  a  necessity  to  send  some- 
body back  and  acquaint  his  lieutenant  and 
company  with  his  proceedings.  However, 
he  asked  his  small  company  that  were  with 
him,  whether  they  would  willingly  go  with 
liim,  and  give  Annawon  a  visit  !  They  lold 
him,  they  w(>re  always  ready  to  obey  his 
commands,  &-c.,  but  withal  told  him,  that 
they  knewthis  Captain  Annawon  was  agrt  it 
soldier;  that  he  had  been  a  valiant  captain 
under  Asuhmequin,  Philip's  father,  and  that 
he  had  been  Philip's  chieftain  all  this  war  ;  a 
very  subtle  man,  and  of  great  resolution,  and 
had  often  said,  that  lie  would  never  betaken 
alive  by  the  Englisli ;  and  moreover  they  knew 
that  the  men  that  were  with  him  were  reso- 
lute fellows,  some  of  Philip's  chief  soldiers  ; 
and  therefore  feared  whether  it  was  practica- 
ble to  make  an  attempt  upon  him  with  so 
small  a  handful  of  assistants  as  were  now 
with  him  :  told  him  further,  that  it  would  be  a 
pity  that  after  all  the  great  things  he  had  done, 
lie  should  throw  away  his  life  at  last.  Up- 
on which  he  replied,  that  he  doubted  not  An- 
nawon was  a  subtle  and  valiant  man  :  that  he 
had  a  long  time  but  in  vain  sought  for  him, 
and  never  till  now  could  find  his  quarters ;  and 
lie  was  very  loath  to  miss  of  the  opportunity  ; 
and  doubted  not  but  if  they  would  cheerfully 
go  with  him,  the  same  Almighty  Providence 
that  had  hitherto  protected  and  befriended 
them  would  do  so  still,  «fcc.  Upon  this  with 
with  one  consent  they  said,  they  would  go. 
Captain  Church  then  turned  to  one  Cook,  of 
Plymouth,  (the  (mly  Englishman  then  with 
him)  and  asked  him,  what  he  thought  of  it? 
Who  replied,  Sir,  I  am  never  afraid  of  going 
any  where  when  you  are  with  me.  Then 
Captain  Church  asked  the  old  Indian,  if  lie 
could  carry  his  horse  with  him  ?  (For  he  con- 
veyed a  horse  thus  far  with  him.)  He  replied, 
that  it  was  impossible  for  a  horse  to  pass  the 
swamps:  therefore  he  sent  away  his  new  In- 
dian soldier  with  his  father  and  the  captain's 
horse  to  his  lieutenant,  and  orders  for  him 
to  move  to  Taunton  with  the  prisoners  to  sc- 

*  Southeasterly  part  oCKelioboth 


cure  them  tlierc,  and  to  come  out  in  ibo 
morning  in  the  Reliobotli  rojid,  in  which  he 
might  exi)ect  to  meet  him,  if  he  were  ali*e 
and  had  success. 

The  captain  then  asked  the  old  fellow,  il 
he  would  pilot  him  unto  Annawon?  lie 
answered,  that  he  having  given  him  his  life, 
he  was  obliged  to  serve  him.  He  bid  him 
move  on  then,  and  they  followed.  The  old 
man  would  out-travel  them  so  far  somelimes 
that  they  were  almost  out  of  sight  ;  looking 
over  his  shoulder,  and  seeing  them  behind,  he 
would  halt.  .Inst  as  the  sun  was  setting,  the 
old  man  made  a  full  sto|)  and  sat  down,  the 
company  comin<i  up  also  sat  down,  being  all 
weary.  Cajitain  Church  asked,  what  news  1 
He  answered,  that  about  that  time  in  the 
evening  Captain  Annawon  sent  out  his  scouts 
to  see  if  the  coast  was  clear,  and  as  soon  as 
it  began  to  grow  dark  the  scouts  returned 
And  then  (said  he)  we  may  move  again  se- 
curely. When  it  began  to  grow  dark  the  old 
man  stood  up  again,  Cajitain  Church  asked 
him,  if  he  would  take  a  gun  and  fight  for 
him  ?  He  bowed  very  low  and  prayed  him 
not  to  impose  such  a  thing  u|)on  him,  as  to 
fight  against  Captain  Annawon  his  <dd  friend 
But  says  he,  I  will  go  along  with  you  and  be 
helpful  to  yon,  and  will  lay  hands  on  any 
man  that  shall  offer  to  hurt  you.  It  being 
now  pretty  dark  they  moved  close  together  ; 
anon  they  heard  a  noise  ;  the  captain  stayed 
the  old  man  with  his  hand,  and  asked  his 
own  men  what  noise  they  thought  it  mi-rhl 
be  ?  They  concluded  it  to  he  the  pounding 
of  a  mortar.  The  old  man  had  given  ('ap- 
tain  Churcl)  a  description  of  the  place  where 
Annawon  now  lay,  and  of  the  difficulty  ol 
getting  at  him.  Being  sensible  that  ln(  v 
were  pretty  near  them,  with  two  of  his  In 
dians  he  creeps  to  tlie  edge  of  the  rocks, 
from  whence  he  could  see  their  camps.  He 
saw  three  companies  of  Indians  at  a  little 
distance  from  each  other,  being  easy  to  be 
discovered  by  the  light  of  their  fires.  He 
saw  also  the  great  Annawon  and  his  compa- 
ny, who  had  formed  his  camp  or  kennellmg- 
|)lace,  by  falling  a  tree  under  the  side  of  the 
great  clefts  of  rocks,  and  setting  a  row  of 
birch  bushes  up  against  it,  where  I  e  himself, 
his  son,  and  some  of  his  chiefs  had  taken  up 
their  lodging  and  made  great  fires  without 
them,  and  had  their  pots  and  kettles  t)oiling, 
and  spits  roasting ;  their  arms  also  he  disco- 
vered, all  set  together  in  a  place  fitted  for  the 
purpose,  standing  up  an  end  against  a  stick 
lodged  in  two  crotches,  and  a  mat  jtlaced 
over  them,  to  keep  them  from  the  wet  or  dew. 
The  old  Annawon's  feet  and  his  son's  head, 
were  so  near  the  arms  as  almost  to  touch 
them  ;  but  the  rocks  were  so  steep  that  it 
was  impossible  to  get  down,  but  as  they 
lowered  themselves  by  the  boughs  and  the 
bushes  that  grew  in  the  cracks  of  the  rocks. 
Captain  Church  creeping  back  again  to  tUe 
old  man,  asked  him  if  there  was  no  possibili- 
ty of  getting  at  them  some  other  way  ?  lie 
annwered,  no:  that  he  and  all  tliat  b<  longe<J 
to  Annawon  were  ordered  to  come  that  way, 
and  none  could  come  any  other  way  without 
difficulty  or  danger  of  being  shot. 

Captain  Church  then  orth-red  the  old  man 
and  liis  danuhtcr  to  <ro  down  foremost  with 
ilieir  baskets  at  their  barks,  that  when  Anna- 
••von  saw  ilii  ni  w  iiii  tlit  ir  liask'  ls  he  slionld 


693 


KING  PHILIP'S  WAR. 


not  mistrust  the  intriirue.    Captain  Cliuieli 
and  his  haiiiiriil  of  sioldiers  crept  down  also 
'iinder  the  shadow  ol'tliese  two  and  tlieir  bas- 
kets, and  the  captain  iiiniseif  crept  close  be- 
hind the  old  man,  witli  his  l:atchet  in  liis 
lianil,  and  stepped  over  the  young  man's  head 
to  the  arms  ;  tlie  young  Annawon  discover- 
ing of  him,  wiiipped  iiis  blanket  over  his  head 
and  shrunk  up  in  a  heap.    The  old  Captain 
Annawon  started    up    on  ids  breech,  and 
cried  out  liowoh,  and  despairing  of  escape, 
threw  himself  back  again,  and  lay  silent  un- 
til Captain  Church  had  secured  all  the  arms, 
&c.    And  having  secured  that  company,  he 
sent  liis  Indian  soldiers  to  the  other  lin;s  and 
companies,  giving  them  instructions,  what  to 
do  and  ?ay.    Accordingly,  they  went  into 
the  midst  of  them.     When  they  discovered 
themselves  who  tliey  were,  told  them  that 
their  Captain  Annawon  was  taken,  and  it 
would  be  best  for  them  (juietly  and  peacea- 
bly to  surrender  themselves,  which  woulil 
procure  good  (juarter  for  them:  otherwise,  if 
they  should  pretetid  to  resist  or  make  their 
escape,  it  would  he  in  vain,  and  they  could 
expect  no  other  but  that  Captain  Church 
with  his  great  army,  who  had  now  entra|)- 
ped  them,  would  cut  them  to  pieces  ;  told 
them  also  if  they  would  sul)mit  themselves, 
and  deliver  all  tlieir  arms  tinto  them,  and 
keep  every  man  his  place  until  it  was  day, 
they  wouhl  assure  them  that  (Captain  Church, 
wlio  had  been  so  kind  to  tliemsidves  when 
they  surrendered  to  him,  should  be  as  kind 
unto  them.    IVow  they   being  old  aci|Ufiint- 
aiice,  and  many  of  them  relations,  did  much 
the  readier  give  lieeil  to  what  they  said,  coiii- 
jilied  and  surrendered  up  tli(;ir  arms  iiiUo 
ihiMii,  both  tlieir  iiuiis  and  hatchets,  tfcc,  and 
were  forthwith  carried  to  Captain  Church. 

Things  being  so  far  settled.  Captain 
Church  asked  Annawon,  What  lie  had  for 
supper?  For  (said  he)  I  am  come  to  sup 
with  you.  Taubut  (said  Annawon)  with  a 
Iiig  voice  ;  and  looking  about  upon  his  wo- 
men, i)id  them  hasten  and  g(.'t  ('aptain 
Church  and  his  conijiaiiy  somesiip|)cr  ;  then 
turned  to  (Japtain  (Jlinrcli  and  asked  him, 
whether  he  would  eat  cow-l)eef  or  liorse- 
l)oef ;  the  captain  told  him  c<iw-beef  would  be 
most  acceptable.  It  was  soon  got  ready,  and 
pulling  his  little  bag  of  salt  out  of  his  pocket, 
which  was  all  the  provision  In;  brought  with 
him;  this  seasoned  his  cow-i)eef  so  that  «itli 
it  and  the  dried  green  corn,  which  tin;  ohi 
sijuaw  was  pounding  in  the  mortar,  while 
they  were  sliding  tlown  the  rocks,  he  made 
n  very  hearty  su|)per.  And  this  pounding 
in  the  mortar  proved  lucky  for  (^aiitain 
Church's  getting  down  th<!  rocks  ;  for  when 
the  old  squaw  pounded,  they  moved,  and 
when  she  ceased  to  turn  the  corn,  tliev 
ceased  creeping,  the  noise  of  the  mortar 
prevented  the  enemy's  hearing  their  cree|)- 
iiig.  And  the  corn  being  now  dressed 
supplied  the  want  of  bread,  and  irave  a  line 
relish  with  the  cow-beef.  Supper  i)ein;r  over, 
Cajitain  ('hiireli  sent  two  of  his  men  to  in- 
forin  the  oilier  companies,  that  he  had  killed 
I'hilip,  and  had  taken  their  friends  in  .Moiinl- 
Ilojie  tu  cM,  but  had  spared  their  lives,  anil 
lli.it  he  had  stilnliied  now  all  the  enemv  (he 
.«U|»piis(Ml)  exccpiinir  this  coinpaiiv  of  .Vnna- 
won's,  and  now  if  ihey  would  lie  orderly  and 
keep  their  placivs  uniil  morning,  they  sliould 


have  good  quarter,  and  that  he  would  carry 
them  to  Taunton,  where  they  might  see  their 
friends  again,  «!tc. 

The  messenger  returned,  that  the  Indians 
yielded  to  his  projiosals.    Ca])taiii  Church 
thought  it  was  now  time  for  him  to  take  a 
nap,  having  had  no  sleep  in  two  days  and  one 
night  before  ;  told  his  men  that  if  they  would 
let  him  sleep  two  hours,  they  should  sleep  all 
the  rest  of  the  night.    He  laid  himself  down 
and  endeavoured  to  sleep,  hut  all  disposition 
to  sleep  departed  from  him.    After  he  had 
lain  a  little  while  he  looked  up  to  see  how 
his  watch  inanaired,  but  found  them  all  fast 
asle(?p.    Now  Captain  Church  had  told  Cap- 
tain Annawon's  company,  as  he  had  order- 
ed his  Jiidians  to  tell  the  others,  that  their 
lives  should  all  be  spared,  excej)ting  Captain 
Annawon'?,  and  it  was  not  in  his  power  to 
l^romise  liim  liis  life,  but  he  must  carry  him 
to  Ins  masters  at  Plymouth,  and  he  would  eii- 
tii^at  them  for  his  life.    Now  when  Captain 
Church  found  not  only  his  own  men,  but  all 
the  Indiansfast  asleep,  Annawon  only  except- 
ed, whom  he  perceived  was  as  broad  awake  as 
himself;  and  so  they  lay  looking  one  ujioii 
the  other  perhaps  an  hour.    Captain  Church 
said  nothing  to  him,  for  he  could  not  speak 
Indian,   and  thought  Annawon  could  not 
speak  English  ;  at  length  Annawon  raised 
himsidf  U|),  cast  off  his  blanket,  and  with  no 
more  clothes  than  his  small  breeches,  walked 
a  little  way  back  from  the  company  ;  Cap- 
tain Church  thouiiht  no  other  hut  that  I.e 
\»as  tired    with    lying   still  so    long,  and 
wished  to  walk  a  little  to  stretch  his  limbs 
hut  hv  and  by  he  was  gone  out  of  sight  and 
hearing,  and  then  Captain  Church  began  to 
siis|)ect  some  i'l  design  in  him,  and  got  all 
the  guns  close  to  him,  and  crowded  himself 
close    under  young  Annawon,  that  if  he 
should  any  wliere  get  a  gun  he  should  not 
make  a  shot  at  him  without  eiidange 
his  son  ;  lying  very  still  a  while,  waiting 
the  event ;  at  length,  heard  somebody  com- 
iii;:  the  same  way  that  Annawon  went.  The 
moon   now  shining  bright,  he  saw  him  at  a 
distance  coming  with  something  in  his  hands, 
and  coming  up  to  Ca|)tain  Church,  he  fell 
upon  his  knees  before  him,  and   offered  him 
what  he  had  brought,  and  speaking  in  plain 
Kiiiflisli,  said,(ireat  captain,  you  have  killed 
Philip,  and   conquered  his  country;  for  I 
believe  that  I  and  my  company  are  the  last 
that  war  against  the  English,  so  suppose  tin- 
war  is  ended  by  your  means  ;   and  there- 
fore these  things  belong  unto  you.  Then 
opening  his  p;iek,  he  pulled  out  Philip's  belt 
curiously  wrought  with  wampum,  being  nine 
inches  broad,  wrought  with  black  and  while 
wampum,  in  various  figures  and  flowers,  and 
pictures  of  many  birds  and  beasts.  'J'liis, 
when  lniii>r  iiponCaptain  Church's  shoulders, 
reached  his  ancles  ;  and  another  belt  of  wam- 
pnni  he   presented  him  with,  wrought  after 
the  former  manner,  whieli  Philip  was  wont 
lo  put   U|)oii  his   head  ;  it  had  two  Hags  on 
the  back  part,  which  hung  down  on  his  liack, 
and  another  small  belt  with  a  star  upon  the 
end  of  It,  which  he  used  to  liang  on  his  breast  ; 
and  ihev  were  all  edged  with  red  hair,  which 
Annawon  said  tlii'V  got  in  the  Mohoir's  conii- 
iry.     Then  he  pulled  out  two  horns  of  gla/,- 
ed   jiowder,  and  a  red  elolh  blanket  lie 
told  Captain  Church  these  were  Philip's  royal- 


ties, which  he  was  wont  to  adorn  himself  with 
when  he  sat  in  state.  That  bethought  hini 
self  happy  that  he  had  an  opportunity  to  p<  r 
sent  them  to  Captain  Church,  who  had  won 
them,  &c  ,  spent  the  remainder  of  the  niglii 
in  discourse;  and  gave  an  account  of  what 
mighty  success  he  had  formerly  in  wars 
against  many  nations  of  Indians,  when  he 
served  Asuhmecpiin,  Philip's  father,  «Sl,c.  In 
the  morning,  as  soon  as  it  was  light,  the  cap- 
tain marched  with  his  prisoners  out  of  that 
swampy  country,  towards  Taunton,  met  his 
lieutenant  and  coin|)any  about  four  miles  out 
of  town,  who  expressed  a  great  deal  of  joy 
to  see  him  again,  and  said,  it  was  more 
than  ever  he  cxfiected.  They  went  into 
Taunton,  were  civilly  and  kindly  treat- 
ed by  the  inhabitants,  refr<'shed  and  rested 
themselves  that  night.  Early  next  morning, 
the  captain  took  old  -Vniiawon,  and  half  a 
dozen  of  his  Indian  soldiers,  and  his  own 
man,  and  went  to  Rhode  Island,  sending  the 
rest  of  his  company  and  his  prisoners  by  liia 
lieuteiiaiil  to  Plymouth.  Tarrying  two  or 
three  days  upon  the  island,  he  then  went  to 
Plymouth,  and  carried  his  wife  and  his  two 
children  with  him. 

Captain  Church  had  been  hut  u  little  while 
at  Plymouth,  when  he  was  informed  of  a 
parcel  of  Indians  who  had  haunted  the 
woods  between  IMymoiitli  and  yi|)picaii,  that 
ilid  great  damage  to  the  I'ngiish,  in  killing 
tlieir  cattle,  horses,  and  swine  ;  the  captain 
was  soon  in  jxirsnit  of  them  :  went  out 
from  Plymouth  the  next  Moiulay  in  the  af 
teriioon  ;  next  morning  early  they  discover- 
ed a  track;  the  ca|)tain  sent  two  Indians  on 
the  track  to  see  what  they  coiiM  discover, 
whilst  he  and  his  company  followed  gently 
after,  but  the  two  Indians  soon  returned  w  itii 
tidings  that  they  discovered  the  enemy  sitting 
round  their  lires,  in  a  thick  place  of  brush. 
When  they  came  pretty  near  the  place,  the 
captain  ordered  every  man  to  cre<  p  as  he  did 
and  surround  them  by  creeping  as  near  as  they 
could,  till  they  should  be  discoveretl,  and  lli<-ii 
to  run  on  upon  them  and  lake  them  alive, 
if  possible,  (tor  their  prisoners  were  their 
pay  :)  they  did  so,  took  every  one  that  was 
at  the  fires,  not  one  escaping.  Upon  ex 
ainiiiation  they  agreed  in  their  story,  that  they 
belonged  to  Tispaquin,  who  was  gone  with 
.lohii  Rump,  and  one  more,  to  Agawom* 
and  Sip|)icaii,f  to  kill  horses,  and  were  not 
expected  back  in  two  or  three  days. 

This  same  Tispaquin  had  been  a  great 
captain,  and  the  Indians  reported  that  he 
was  such  a  great  Pauwau,  that  no  bullet 
could  enter  him,  &c.  Captain  (^liuicli  said, 
he  would  not  have  him  killed,  for  there  was 
a  war  broke  out  in  the  eastern  part  of  the 
country,  and  he  would  have  him  saved  to 
go  with  him  lo  fight  the  eastern  Indians. 
Agreeably  he  left  two  cdd  sipiaw  s  of  the  pris- 
oners, and  bid  them  tarry  there  until  their 
Captain  Tispacpiin  rc'Iiiriied,  and  to  n  il  him, 
that  (  hurch  had  been  there,  and  had  taken 
his  w  ife  and  children,  and  company,  and  car- 
ried them  down  to  Plymouth;  and  wouhl  spare 
all  their  lives  and  his  too,  if  he  would  eome 
down  to  them,  and  bring  the  other  two  thai 
were  w  ith  him,  and  they  should  be  his  sol- 
diers, &r.,  Captain  Church  then  returned  to 


Wareliuiu.    t  Kocheiter. 


Plymouth,  loavinw  the  old  squaws  well  pro- 
vided for,  and  biscuit  for  Tis|)a(]uiii  when  lie 
returned  :  Telling'  liis  soldiers  that  lie  donht- 
ed  not  but  he  had  laid  a  trap  that  woidd  lake 
iiini.  Captain  Church,  two  days  after,  went 
to  Boston,  (the  commissioners  then  sitting) 
and  waited  upon  the  honourable  Governor 
Leverett,  who  then  lay  sick  ;  who  requested 
Captain  Church  to  give  him  some  account 
of  the  war ;  who  readily  obliged  his  honour 
therein,  to  his  great  satisfaction,  as  he  was 
pleased  to  express  himself;  taking  him  by 
the  hand,  and  telling  him,  if  it  pleased  God 
he  livfd,  he  would  make  it  a  brace  of  a  hun- 
dred pounds  advantage  to  him  out  of  the  Mas- 
sachusetts colony,  and  would  endeavour  that 
the  rest  of  the  colonies  should  do  proportion- 
ably  ;  hut  he  died  within  a  fortnight  after,  and 
so  nothing  was  done  of  that  nature.  The 
same  day  Tispaquin  came  in,  and  those  that 
were  with  him  ;  but  when  Captain  Church 
returned  from  Boston,  he  found  to  his  grief, 
the  heads  of  Annowaii,  Tispaquin,  &c.  cut 
off,  which  was  the  last  of  Philip's  friends. 
The  general  court  of  Plymouth,  then  sitting, 
sent  for  Captain  Church,  who  waited  upon 
them  accordingly,  and  received  their  thanks 
for  his  good  service,  which  they  unanimously 
voted,  which  were  all  that  Captain  Church 
had  for  his  aforesaid  service. 

Afterwards,  in  the  year  1676,  in  the  month 
of  January,  Ca|)tain  Church  received  a  com- 
mission from  (rovernor  Winslow,  to  scour  the 
woods  of  some  of  the  lurking  enemy,  which 
they  were  well  inforined  were  there.  Which 
sommission  is  as  follows  : — 

Being  well  inff)rmed  that  there  are  certain 
ptirties  of  our  Indian  enemies  (remains  of  the 
people  or  allies  of  Philip,  late  Sachem  of 
Mount  Hope,  our  mortal  enemy)  that  are 
still  lurking  in  the  woods,  near  some  of  our 
plantations,  that  go  on  to  disturb  the  peace 
of  his  majesty's  subjects  in  this  and  the 
neighbouring  colonies,  by  their  frequent  rob- 
beri(;s,  and  other  insoh-nces:  Captain  Benja- 
min Church  is  therefore  hereby  nominated, 
ordered,  commissioned,  and  empowered  to 
raise  a  company  of  volunteers,  consisting  of 
English  and  Indians,  so  many  as  he  shall 
judge  necessary  to  improve  in  the  present  ex- 
pedition, and  can  obtain  :  And  of  them  to 
take  the  command  and  conduct,  and  to  lead 
them  forth  unto  such  place  or  places,  within 
this  or  the  neighbouring  coloni(;s,  as  he  shall 
think  fit,  and  as  the  providence  of  God,  and 
his  intelligence,  may  lead  him  ;  to  discover, 
pursue,  fight,  surprise,  destroy,  and  subdue 
our  said  Indian  enesny,  or  any  party  or  par- 
ties of  them,  that,  by  the  providence  of  (:;od, 
they  may  meet  with  :  Or  them,  or  any  of 
them,  to  receive  to  mercy,  if  he  sec  cause  ; 
(provided  they  be  not  murderous  rogues,  or 
such  as  have  been  principal  actors  in  those 
villanies.)  And  for  the  prosecution  of  this 
design,  liberty  is  hereby  granted  to  the  said 
Captain  Church,  and  others,  to  arm  and  set 
out  such  of  our  friendly  Indians  as  he  is  wil- 
ling to  entertain. — And  forasmuch  as  all  these 
our  enemies  that  have  been  taken,  or  at  any 
tune  may  be  taken  by  our  forces,  have,  by 
our  courts  and  councils,  been  rendered  law- 
ful captives  of  war,  and  coiulemned  to  per- 
petual servitude;  tliis  council  do  also  deter- 
mine, and  hereby  declare,  That  all  such  pris- 


RING  PIIILrP'S  WAR. 

oiu;rs  as,  by  the  blessing  of  God,  the  said 
captain  and  eomiiany,  or  any  of  them,  shall 
tai^e,  toifclher  with  their  arms  and  other  pliin  ■ 
iler,  shall  be  their  own,  and  to  be  distributed 
amongst  themselves,  according  to  such  agree- 
ment as  they  may  be  at  one  with  another:  And 
it  shall  be  lawful,  and  is  hereby  warrantable, 
for  liiin  and  them  to  make  sale  of  such  pris- 
oners as  their  perpetual  slaves;  or  otherwise 
to  retain  and  keep  them  as  they  think 
meet,  (they  being  such  as  the  law  allows  to 
be  kept.)  Finally,  the  said  Captain  Church 
herein  improving  his  best  judgment  and  dis- 
cretion, and  utmost  ability,  faithfully  to  serve 
the  interest  of  God,  his  majesty's  interest, 
and  the  interest  of  the  colony  ;  and  carefully 
governing  his  said  company  at  home  and 
abroad  :  These  shall  be  unto  him  full  and  am- 
ple commission,  warrant,  and  disciiarge.  (liv- 
en  under  the  public  seal,  January  loth,  1076. 
Per  JOSIAH  WINSLOW,  Gov. 

Accordingly,  Captain  Church,  accom|)a- 
nied  with  several  gentlemen  and  others,  went 
out,  and  took  divers  parties  of  Indians  ;  and 
in  one  of  which  parties  there  was  o  certain 
old  man  whom  Captain  Church  seemed  to 
take  particular  notice  of,  and  asking  him 
where  he  belonged,  he  told  him  to  Swanzey  ; 
the  captain  asked  his  name,  who  rc^plied  his 
name  was  Conscience  ;  Conscience,  said  the 
captain,  smiling,  tlien  the  war  is  over,  for  that 
was  what  they  were  searching  for,  it  being 
much  wanted  ;  and  then  returned  the  said 
Conscience  to  his  post  again  at  Swanzey,  to  a 
certain  person  the  said  Indian  desired  to  be 
sold  to,  and  so  returned  home. 

CHAPTER  IL 

A  FURTHER  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  ACTIONS  IN  TIIK 
MORE  LATE  WARS  AOAINST  THE  COMMON 
ENEMY  AND  INDIAN  REBELS,  IN  THE  EAST- 
EKN  PARTS,  UNDER  THE  COMMAND  OF  THE 
AFORESAID  CAPTAIN  BENJAMIN  CHURCH. 

In  the  time  of  Sir  Edmund  Andross's 
government,  began  that  bloody  war  iti  the 
eastern  parts  of  New  England  ;  so  that  im- 
mediately Sir  Edmund  sent  an  express  for 
Captain  Church  ;  who,  then  being  at  Little- 
Compton,  received  it  on  a  Lord's  day,  in  the 
afternoon  meeting  ;  going  home  after  meet- 
ing, took  his  horse  and  set  out  for  Boston, 
as  ordered  ;  and  by  sunrise  next  morning  got 
to  Braintree,  where  he  met  witli  Colonel 
Page  on  horseback,  going  to  Weymouth  and 
Ilingham  to  raise  forces  to  go  east ;  who 
said  he  was  glad  to  see  him,  and  that  his  ex- 
cellency woidd  be  as  glad  to  see  him  in  Bos- 
ton so  early  :  So  parting  he  soon  got  to  Bos- 
ton, and  waited  upon  his  excellency  ;  who 
informed  him  of  an  utdiappy  war  broke  out 
in  the  eastern  parts  ;  and  said  he  \vas  goin<; 
himself  in  person,  and  that  he  wanted  his 
company  with  him  :  But  Captain  (^liurch 
not  finding  himself  in  the  same  spirit  he  used 
to  have,  said  he  hoped  his  excellency  would 
give  him  time  to  consider  of  it.  He'  told  him 
he  might;  a-ul  also  said  that  he  must  come 
and  dine  with  him.  Cajitain  Church  having 
m.any  acquaintance  in  Boston,  who  made  it 
their  business  some  to  encourage  and  others 
to  discourage  him  from  goingwith  his  excel- 
lency :    So  after  dinner  his  excellency  took 


m 

him  into  his  room  and  discoursed  freely  ; 
saving,  that  he  having  knowledge  of  his  for- 
mer actions  atid  succes.«es  ;  and  that  he  nHi>t 
go  with  him,  and  be  his  second,  with  otli<  r 
encoinagements.  But  in  short,  the  said  Cap- 
tain Church  did  not  accept,  so  was  dismis.-i-d 
and  went  home. 

Soon  after  this  was  the  revolution,  and  the 
other  government  reassumed  ;  and  iIk  h 
Governor  Bradstreet  sent  for  Captain  Chureli 
to  come  to  Boston  as  soon  as  Iris  business 
would  permit ;  whereu|ion  he  went  to  Bos- 
ton, and  waited  upon  his  honour;  who  told 
him  he  was  requested  by  the  council  to  send 
for  him,  to  see  if  he  could  be  prevailed  w  ith 
to  raise  volunteers,  both  Eiiiilish  ;iiid  Indians, 
to  go  east  ;  for  the  eastward  Indians  had  dene 
gri'at  spoil  upon  the  En<rlisli  in  those  parts  ; 
giving  him  an  account  of  the  miseries  arul 
sufferings  of  the  people  there.  Captain 
Church's  spirits  being  affected,  said  if  he  coidd 
do  any  service  for  his  honour,  the  couniry  and 
their  relief  he  was  ready  and  willing.  He 
was  asked  how  he  would  act  ?  He  said,  lie 
would  take  with  him  as  many  of  his  old  sol- 
diers as  he  could  get,  both  English  and 
Indians.  The  gentlemen  of  Boston  re- 
(piested  him  to  go  to  Rhode  Island  i:o\ern- 
tnent  to  ask  their  assistance  :  So  gi\  ing  him 
their  letter  and  about  forty  shillings  in  uionev, 
he  took  leave,  and  went  home  to  Bristcl  on  a 
Saturday,  and  the  next  IMcniday  mornniir  he 
went  over  to  Rhode  Isl  md,  and  waited  upon 
their  governor,  delivering  the  letter  as  f)rder- 
ed  ;  prayed  his  hoeour  for  a  speedy  answer  : 
Who  said  they  coidd  not  give  an  answer  pre- 
sently ;  so  he  waited  on  them  till  he  had  their 
atiswer;  and  when  he  had  obtained  it,  lit; 
carried  it  to  the  Boston  gentlemen  ;  who  de- 
sired him  to  raise  what  vjdunteers  he  couLl 
in  Plymouth  colony,  and  It  bode  Island  irov- 
ernment,  and  what  was  wanting  they  w<udd 
makf^  up  out  of  theirs  that  \\;is  alreadv  out 
in  the  eastern  parts.  The  s  inimer  being  far 
s|)ent.  Captain  Church  made  what  despatch 
he  coidd,  and  raised  about  t\v  t  hundred  and 
fiflv  men,  volunteers,  and  received  his  com- 
mission from  (Jovernor  Ilinckli  y,  which  is 
as  followeth,  viz  : — 

"  T/ie  Council  nf  war  of  (heir  Majiafi/s'' 
colony  of  New  Pli/mouth,  in  A'rw  Enj^ 
land,  to  Major  lienjamin  Churcli,  Com 
mancler-in- Ch  iff. 

"  Whereas  the  Kennebeck  atid  easfeia  In- 
dians, with  their  confederates,  have  openly 
made  war  upon  their  majestys'  subjects 
of  the  provinces  of  Maine,  New  Hampshire, 
and  the  Massachusetts  colony,  haviii<r  com- 
mitted many  barbarous  murdt  rs,  s|)oils  and 
rajiines  upon  their  jiersons  and  estates  :  And 
whereas  there  are  some  forces  of  soldiers, 
l''nirlish  and  Indians,  now  raised  ;uid  detached 
out  of  the  several  regiments  and  places  within 
this  colony  of  .\(,'W  Plymouth,  to  go  forth  to  the 
assistance ofoiir  neighbours  and  friendsofthe 
aforesaid  provinces  and  colony  of  the  ."Massa- 
chusetts, subjects  of  one  and  the  same  crown, 
and  to  join  with  their  forces  for  the  repelling 
aiul  destruction  of  the  common  encmv : 
And  whereas  you,  Benjamin  (  hn-eb,  are  ap- 
pointed to  be  major  and  conniiander-in-chief 
of  all  the  forces.  I''nglisli  and   Indian.-:,  <le- 


7C0 


KING  PHILIP'S  WAR. 


tnchcil  witliin  this  cjlony  for  the  service  of 
tiii-ir  in.iji'si'u'ri  afort'.'^aiJ  :  tlie?e  an;  in  llifir 
inujestie^  iiaine  t(j  authorize  and  rciiuire  you 
•o  tike  into  your  care  and  conduct  all  the 
f.'iid  forces,  Cngli^^h  and  Indians,  and  dili- 
i;ently  to  attend  that  service,  hy  leading;  and 
exerci^iiiij  of  your  inferior  officers  and  sol- 
(Jii-rs,  coinniantling  them  to  obey  you  as  their 
ciiii.'f  cominan(h;r;  and  to  jjursue,  figlit,  take, 
kdl,  or  destroy  the  said  enemies,  tiieir  aiders 
and  abettors,  hy  all  the  ways  and  means  you 
can,  as  you  shall  have  opportunity.  And 
you  are  to  observe  and  obey  all  such  orders 
and  instructions  as  from  time  to  time  you 
shall  receive  from  the  commissioners  of  tlie 
colonies,  the  council  of  war  of  this  colony,  or 
the  jroveiiior  and  council  of  the  Massachu- 
setts' colony.  In  testimony  whereof  the  i)uh- 
lic  seal  of  the  said  colon)'  of  New  Plymouth 
is  hereunto  affixed.  Dated  in  Plymouth,  the 
«ixtli  day  of  September,  Anno  I)nm.  1089. 
Annoque  regni  Regis  et  Jiegincc  Willielmi  et 
Mariae  Anglia,  &,c.  Prima. 

THOMAS  IIINKLEY,  FrcsU. 

And  now  niarching  them  all  down  to  Bos- 
ton, then  receiv(!d  his  further  orders  and  in- 
structions, which  are  as  followeth: 

Boston,  Sept.  IGth,  1089. 
•  To  all  sheriff's,  mnrs/ials,  constnh/es,  and 
other  officers  military  and  civil,  in  their  ma- 
jesties province  of  Maine. 

"  Whereas,  pursuant  to  an  agreement  of 
the  commissioners  of  the  united  colonies, 
Major  Henjarnin  Church  is  commissioned 
commander  in  chief  over  that  part  of  their 
Majesties  forces  (levied  for  the  present  expe- 
dition against  the  common  enemy)  whose 
nead-quarters  are  appointed  to  be  at  Fal- 
mouth, in  Casco  Bay:  In  their  Majesties 
n  imcs,  you,  and  every  one  of  yon  are  re- 
<|iiir<-d  to  he  aidiiitr  and  assisting  to  the  said 
Miijor  (  Inirch  in  his  pursuit  of  the  enemy, 
as  any  emergency  shall  re(|uire;  and  so  im- 
press l)(>ats,  or  other  vessels,  carls,  carriages, 
hurses,  oxen,  jirovision,  and  ammunition,  and 
men  for  irnides,  &c.,  as  you  shall  receive 
\varranls  from  the  said  chief  commander,  or 
his  lieutenant  so  tf>  do:  vou  may  not  fail  to 
dii  the  same  speedily  and  effectuallv,  as  vou 
will  answer  your  negl(!ct  and  contempt  of  tlieir 
Majesties  authority  and  service  at  your  utter- 
most peril.  (liven  under  my  hand  and  seal 
the  day  and  year  above  written.  Annoque 
Regni  Regis  et  Reginm  Willielmi  and  Maria-, 
I'rimo. 

By  Thomas  Danforth,  President 
of  the  province  of  Maine. 

Ill/  the  governor  and  council  of  the  Massachu- 
setts colony  :  to  Major  Jienjamin  Church. 

Whereas,  you  are  appointed  and  commis- 
iioned  by  the  council  of  war,  of  the  eolonv  of 
Ni  w  I'lynimith,  rommander  in  chief  of  the 
fiirees  raisrd  wiiliin  the  said  colony,  against 
the  commiin  Indian  enemy,  now  ordered 
into  the  eastern  parts,  to  join  with  some  of 
ihe  forces  of  ihis  colony  ;  for  tin-  prosecution, 
n'pelliiiir,  and  siiliduitig  of  the  said  enemv  : 
It  in  therefore  ordered  that  Captain  Simon 


Willard,  and  Captain  Nathaniel  Hall,  with' 
the  two  companies  of  soldiers  under  their 
several  command,  belonging  to  this  colony, 
now  in  or  ;diout  Casco  Bay,  be,  and  are 
hereby  put  under  you,  i!s  their  commander  in 
chief  for  this  jiresent  expedition.  And  in 
pursuance  of  the  commissions  severally  given 
to  either  of  them,  they  are  ordered  to  observe 
and  obey  your  orders  and  directions  as  their 
commander  in  chief  until  further  order  from 
the  governor  and  council,  or  the  commission- 
ers of  the  colonies.  Dated  in  Boston,  the  17tli 
day  of  September,  yl«7J0  Z)o»j.  1689.  Annoque 
Regni  Regis  et  RcgincB  Guillielmi  et  Mariae, 
AnglicB  Sfc.  Prima. 

S.  Bradstreet,  Gov. 
Past  in  Council, 
Attest.  Isaac  Addiiigton,  Seer. 

Hy  the  Commissioners  of  the  colonies  of  the 
Massachusetts,  Plymouth  and  Connecticut, 
for  managing  the  present  war  against  the 
common  enemy. 

"  Instructions  for  Majf)r  Benjamin  Church, 
commander  in  chief  of  the  Plymouth  forces, 
with  others  of  the  Massachusetts,  put  un- 
der his  command. 

"  In  pursnanceoflhecommission  givenyou, 
for  their  Majesties  servic<!  in  tin;  present  ei- 
pedition  against  the  coMimon  Indian  eiieiiy, 
their  aiders  and  abettors;  reposing  confidence 
in  your  wisdom,  prudence  and  fidelity  in  the 
trust  committed  to  you,  for  the  honour  of 
God,  good  of  his  people,  and  the  security  of 
the  interest  of  Christ  in  his  churches,  ex- 
pecting and  praying  that  in  your  dependence 
upon  him,  you  may  be  helped  and  assisted 
with  all  that  grace  and  wisdom  which  is  re- 
quisite fi>r  carrying  you  on  with  success  in 
this  difficult  service;  and  though  much  is 
and  must  be  left  to  your  discretion,  as  Provi- 
dence and  opportunity  may  present  from  time 
to  time  in  places  of  attendance  :  yet  the  fol- 
lowing instructions  are  commended  unto 
vour  observation,  and  to  be  attended  to  so 
far  as  the  state  of  matters  with  you  in  such 
a  transaction  will  admit.  You  are  with  all 
possible  speed  to  take  care  that  the  Plymouth 
forces,  both  Enijlish  and  Indians,  under  your 
command,  be  fix»(l  and  ready,  and  the  first 
opportunity  of  wind  and  weather,  to  go  on 
hoard  such  vessels  as  are  ])rovided  to  trans- 
port you  and  them  to  Casco,  where,  if  it  shall 
please  God  you  arrive,  you  are  to  take  under 
your  care  and  command  the  companies  of 
Capt.  Nathaniel  Hall,  and  ('apt.  Simon  Wil- 
lard, who  are  ordered  to  attend  your  command, 
whom,  together  with  the  Plymouth  forces, 
and  such  as  from  time  to  time  may  be  added 
unto  you,  you  are  to  improve  in  such  a  way 
as  you  shall  see  meet,  for  the  discovering, 
pursuing,  subduing,  and  destroying  the  said 
common  enemy,  by  all  o|)portiiiiities  you  are 
capable  of;  alwiiys  iiitemliiig  the  |)reserving 
of  any  of  the  near  towns  from  incursions,  and 
destruction  of  the  enemy,  y»'l  ehielly  improv- 
ing your  men,  for  the  finding  and  followini;  the 
saiil  enemy  abroad,  and  if  jiossible  to  find 
out  and  attack  tln'ir  lu-ad  cpi.-irters  and  prin- 
cipal rendezvous,  if  you  tiiid  you  are  in  a 
rational  capacity  for  so  doing.  The  better  to 
enable  vou  thereto,  wc  have  ordered  two  men- 


of-war  sloops,  and  other  small  vessela  for 
transportation  to  attend  you,  t'or  some  con- 
siderable time.  You  are  to  see  that  your 
soldiers  arms  be  always  fixed,  and  that  they 
be  furnished  with  ammunition,  provisions 
anil  other  necessaries,  that  so  they  may  be  in 
a  readiness  to  repel  and  attack  the  enemy. 
In  your  i)iirsuit  you  are  to  take  special  care 
to  avoid  danger  by  ambtifhmeiits,  or  being 
drawn  under  any  disadvantage  by  the  enemy 
in  your  marches,  kee|)ii]g  out  scouts  and  a 
forlorn  hope  before  your  main  body,  and  by 
all  possible  means  endeavouring  to  surprise 
some  of  the  enemy,  that  so  you  may  gain 
intelligence.  You  are  to  suppress  all  mutinies 
and  disorders  among  your  soldiers,  as  much 
as  in  you  lies,  and  to  punish  such  as  disobey 
your  officers,  according  to  the  rules  of  wai 
herewith  given  you. 

"  You  are,  according  to  your  opportunity, 
or  any  occasion  more  than  ordinary  occur- 
ing,  to  hold  correspondence  with  Major 
Swaine,  and  to  yield  mutual  assistance  \\  hen 
and  as  you  are  capable  of  it,  and  you  may 
have  reason  to  judge  it  will  be  of  most  public 
service  ;  and  it  will  be  meet  yon  and  he  should 
aiiree  of  some  sijinal  whereby  vour  Indiana 
may  be  known  from  the  enemy.  You  are  to 
encourage  your  soldiers  to  be  industrious, 
vigorous,  and  venturous  in  their  service,  to 
search  out  and  destroy  the  enemy,  acquaint- 
iniT  them,  it  is  agreed  by  the  several  colonies, 
that  they  shall  have  the  benefit  of  the  captives, 
and  all  lawful  |)hinder,  and  the  reward  of 
Eight  Pounds  per  head,  for  every  fighting 
Indian  man  slain  by  them,  over  and  above 
their  stated  wa^es  ;  the  same  being  made  ap- 
pear to  the  commander  in  chief,  or  such  as 
shall  be  ai)poiiited  to  take  care  therein.  If 
your  commission  officers,  or  any  of  them 
should  be  slain,  or  otherwise  uncapable  of 
service,  and  for  such  reason  dismissed,  you 
are  to  appoint  others  in  their  room,  who  shall 
have  the  like  wages,  and  a  commission  sent 
upon  notice  given,  you  to  give  them  commis- 
sions ill  the  mean  time.  You  iire  to  take  ef 
fectual  care  that  the  worship  of  (Jod  be  keji' 
up  in  the  army,  morning  and  evening  prayei 
attended  as  far  as  may  be,  and  as  the  emer 
gencies  of  your  affairs  will  admit,  to  see  that 
the  holy  sabbath  be  duly  sanctified.  You  are 
to  take  care  as  much  as  may  be,  to  prevent 
or  punish  drunkenness,  swearing,  cursing,  oi 
such  other  sins,  as  do  provoke  the  anger  oi 
God.  You  are  to  advise  with  your  chief  of- 
ficers in  any  matters  of  moment,  as  you  shall 
have  opportunity.  You  are  from  time  to  time 
to  irive  intelligence  and  advice  to  the  governor 
and  council  of  the  Massachusetts,  or  commis- 
sioners of  the  colonies,  of  your  i)roceediiigs 
and  occurences  that  may  happen,  and  how  it 
shall  please  the  Lord  to  deal  with  you  in  this 
present  expedition. 

"  If  you  find  the  vessels  are  not  likely  to 
to  be  serviceable  to  you,  dismiss  them  as  soon 
as  you  may. 

"  Captain  Sylvanus  Davis  is  a  prudent 
man,  and  well  acquainted  with  the  affairs 
of  those  jiarts,  and  is  writ  uiitr)  to  advise  and 
inform  you  all  he  can. 

"  Such  further  instructions  as  wc  shall  see 
reason  to  send  unto  you,  you  are  carefully  to 
attend  and  observe,  and  in  the  absence  of  the 
commissioners,  you  shall  observe  the  orders 


1 


KING  P  II  1  L  I  r '  S  WAR. 


70i 


and  instructions  directed  unto  you  from  the  |  answered, tliat  there  were  several  Frenchmen 
governor  and  council  of  i lie  MiiHsachusttts. 
Givei.  under  our  iiands  in  Boston,  Sept, 
18,  iti.S!). 

Thomas  Danforlh,  Pres. 
Kllslia  Cooke, 
William  Pitkin, 


Tkos.  Iliiiklci/, 
J  oh  II  JValli'i/, 
Samuel  JIason, 


TIFE   FIRST  EXPEDITION  EAST. 

Being  ready,  Major  Churcii  embarked 
'vith  his  forces  on  hoard  the  vessels  provided 
to  transport  tiiem  for  Casco,  liaving  a  brave 
gale  at  S.  W.,  and  on  Friday  about  three 
o'clock,  they  got  in  sight  of  Casco  harbour  ; 
find  discovering  two  or  three  small  ships 
there,  not  knowing  whether  they  were  friends 
or  enemies  ;  whereupon  the  said  comman- 
der. Major  Church,  gave  orilers  that  every 
man  that  was  able  should  make  ready,  and 
all  he  close,  giving  orders  how  they  slioidd 
act  in  case  they  were  enemies.  He  going 
in  the  Mary  sloop,  together  with  the  Reso- 
lution, went  i-n  first,  being  both  well  fitted 
with  guns  and  men  ;  coming  to  the  first,  hail- 
ed them,  who  said  they  were  friends,  present- 
ly manned  their  boat,  brought  to,  and  so 
came  along  side  of  them ;  who  gave  the  said 
Church  an  account,  that  yesterday  there  was 
a  very  great  army  of  Indians  and  French 
with  them  upon  the  island,  at  the  going  out 
of  the  harbour,  and  that  they  were  come  on 
puri>osi!  to  take  Casco  fort  and  town  ;  like- 
wise informed  him  that  they  had  got  a  cap- 
tive woman  al)oard  (Major  Walden's  daugh- 
ter of  Piscataqua)  that  could  give  him  a  full 
account  of  their  number  and  intentions:  He 
bid  them  give  his  service  to  their  captain, 
and  tell  him,  he  would  wait  upon  him  after 
he  had  been  on  shore  and  given  some  orders 
and  (Iir(*c.tions.  Being  come  pretty  near,  he 
ordered  all  the  men  stdl  to  keep  close,  giving 
an  account  of  the  news  he  had  received,  and 
then  went  ashore,  where  were  several  of  the 
chief  men  of  the  town  who  met  him,  being 
ulad  that  he  came  so  happily  to  their  relief; 
told  him  the  news  Mrs.  L(;e  had  given  them, 
l)cinir  the  woman  aforesaid.  He,  £roinjr  to 
Cajitain  Davis's  to  get  some  refreshment, 
having  not  eat  a  morsel  since  he  came  by 
Boston  castle  ;  and  now  having  inquired  in- 
to the  state  of  the  town,  found  them  in  a 
poor  condition  to  defend  themselves  against 
such  a  number  of  enemies:  He  gave  them 
an  account  of  his  orders  and  instructions, 
and  told  them  what  forces  he  had  brought, 
Jind  that  when  it  was  dark  they  should  all  land, 
and  not  before,  lest  the  enemy  should  dis- 
cover them.  And  then  he  went  on  board  the 
privateer,  who  were  Dutchmen  ;  but  as  he 
went,  called  aboard  every  vessel,  and  order- 
ed the  officers  to  take  care  that  their  men 
might  be  all  fitted  and  provided  to  fight,  for 
the  people  of  the  town  expected  the  enemv 
to  fdl  upon  them  every  minute,  but  withal 
charging  them  to  keep  undiscovered  ;  and 
coming  on  board  said  privateer  was  kindly 
treated,  discoursed  with  Mrs.  Lee,  who  in- 
formed him  that  the  company  she  came  with 
had  fourscore  canoes,  and  that  there  were 
more  of  them  whom  she  had  not  s<!en,  which 
came  from  other  places,  and  that  tiicy  told 
her  wnen  they  came  all  together,  they  should 
make  up  seven  hundred  men.  He  asked 
her  whether  Cast^en  was  with  them  ?  She 


with  them,  but  did  not  know  whether  Cas- 
teen  was  there  or  not.  He  then  having 
got  what  intellig(!nce  slu;  could  give  him, 
went  ashore  and  viewed  the  fort  and  town, 
discoursing  with  the  gentlemen  there  accor- 
ding to  his  instructions;  and  when  it  began 
to  grow  dark,  he  ordered  the  vessels  to  come 
as  near  the  fort  as  might  be,  and  land  the 
soldiers  with  as  little  noise  as  possible  ;  or- 
dering them  as  they  landed  to  go  into  the  fort 
and  houses  that  stood  near,  that  so  they 
might  be  ready  upon  occasion  ;  having  or- 
dered provisions  for  them,  went  to  every 
company  and  ordering  them  to  get  every 
thing  ready  ;  they  that  had  no  powder-horns 
or  shot-bags,  should  immediately  make  them; 
ordering  the  officers  to  take  special  care 
that  they  were  ready  to  march  into  the 
woods  an  hour  before  day:  And  also  direct- 
ing the  watch  to  call  him  two  hours  before 
day  ;  so  he  hastened  to  bed  to  get  some  rest. 

At  the  time  prefixed  he  was  called,  and 
presently  ordering  the  companies  to  make 
ready ;  and  about  half  an  hour  before  day 
they  moved.  Several  of  the  towns  people 
went  with  them  into  a  thick  place  of  brush, 
about  half  a  mile  from  the  town ;  now 
ordering  them  to  send  out  their  scouts,  as 
they  used  to  do,  and  seeing  them  all  settled 
at  their  work,  he  went  into  town  by  sunrise 
again,  and  desired  the  inhabitants  to  take 
care  of  themselves,  till  his  men  had  fitted 
themselves  with  some  necessaries  :  For  his 
Indians  most  of  them  wanted  both  bags  and 
horns  ;  so  he  ordered  them  to  make  bags  like 
wallets,  to  put  powder  in  one  end,  and  shot 
ill  the  other.  So  most  of  them  were  ready 
for  action,  (viz.)  the  Scconet  Indians,  but 
the  Cape  Indians  were  very  bare,  lying  so 
long  at  Boston  before  they  embarked,  that 
they  had  sold  everything  they  could  make 
a  penny  of ;  some  tying  shot  and  powder  in 
the  corners  of  their  blankets.  He  being  in 
town,  just  going  to  breakfast,  there  was  an 
alarm,  so  he  ordered  all  the  soldiers  in  town 
to  move  away  as  fast  as  they  could,  where 
the  firing  was;  and  he,  with  what  men  more 
were  with  him  of  his  soldiers,  moved  imme- 
diately, and  meeting  with  Captain  Bracket's 
sons,  who  told  him  their  father  was  taken, 
and  that  they  saw  a  great  army  of  the  In- 
(lian;(  in  their  father's  orchard.  By  this  time 
our  Indians  that  wanted  bags  and  horns 
were  fitted,  but  wanted  more  ammunition. 
Presently  came  a  messenger  to  him  from  the 
town  and  informed  him,  that  they  had  knock- 
ed out  the  heads  of  several  casks  of  bullets, 
and  they  were  all  too  big,  being  musket  bul- 
lets, and  would  not  fit  their  guns,  and  that 
if  he  did  not  go  back  himself  a  great  part  of 
the  army  woidd  be  kc|)t  back  from  service 
for  want  of  suitable  bullets. 

He  ran  back  and  ordered  every  vessel  to 
send  ashore  all  their  casks  of  bullets;  being 
brought,  knocked  out  their  heads,  and  turned 
them  all  out  upon  the  green  by  the  fort,  and 
set  all  the  people  in  the  town,  that  were  able, 
to  make  slugs  ;  being  most  of  them  too  large 
for  their  use,  which  had  like  to  have  been  the 
overthrow  of  their  whole  army  :  he  finding 
some  small  bidlets,  and  what  sluirs  were 
made,  and  three  knapsacks  of  powder,  went 
immediitely  to  the  army,  who  were  very 
hotly  a -gaged  ;  but  coming  to  the  river  the 


tide  was  up ;  lie  called  to  his  men  that  were 
cni>:a<red,  eiicourajfiiii'  them,  and  told  thenj 
he  had  brou<>lil  mure  anininnition  tor  tlicin. 
An  Indian  called  Captain  l.iglitfoot,  laid 
down  his  gun,  and  cameover  llu:  rivi-r,  taking 
the  powder  upon  his  head,  and  a  kettle  o< 
bullets  in  e;ich  hand,  and  got  safe  to  his  fel 
low  soldiers.  He  perceiving  great  firing 
upon  that  side  he  was  of.  Went  to  see  who 
they  were,  and  fiiund  them  to  be  two  of 
Major  Church's  companies,  one  of  English 
and  the  other  of  Indians,  being  in  all  about 
fourscore  men,  that  had  not  not  over  the  river, 
but  lay  firing  over  our  men's  heads  at  the 
enemy  ;  he  presently  ordered  them  to  rally, 
and  come  all  together;  and  gave  the  word 
for  a  Casco  man  ;  so  one  Swarton,  a  Jersey- 
man,  appearing,  who  he  could  hardly  under- 
stand ;  he  asked  him  how  far  it  was  to  the 
head  of  the  riv(!r,  or  whether  there  was  any 
place  to  get  over?  he  said  there  was  a  bridge 
about  three  quarters  of  a  mile  up,  where  they 
might  get  over:  So  he,  calling  to  his  soldiers 
engaged  on  the  other  side,  told  them  that  he 
would  soon  be  with  them  over  the  bridge,  and 
come  upon  the  backs  of  the  enemy ;  which  |)ut 
new  courage  into  them  ;  so  they  immediately 
moved  up  towards  the  bridge,  marching  wry 
thin,  being  willing  to  make  what  sliow  they 
could,  shouting  as  they  marched  :  they  saw 
the  enemy  running  from  the  river-side,  where 
they  had  made  stands  with  wood  to  prevent 
anybody  from  coming  over  the  river;  and 
coming  to  the  bridge,  they  saw  on  the  other 
side  that  the  enemy  had  laid  logs  and  stuck 
birch  brush  along  to  hide  themselves  from 
our  view. 

He  ordered  the  company  to  come  alto- 
gether, bidding  them  all  to  run  after  him, 
who  would  go  first,  and  that  as  soon  as  they 
got  over  the  bridge  to  scatter,  that  so  they 
might  not  be  all  shot  down  together,  expect- 
ing the  enemy  to  be  at  their  stands  ;  so  run- 
ningup  tolliestands,  found  none  there, for  they 
were  just  gone,  the  ground  being  such  they 
tumbled  with  th(;m  behind  the  said  stands. 
He  ordered  the  Captain  with  his  company  of 
English  to  march  down  to  our  men  engaged, 
and  that  they  should  keep  along  u|)(m  the 
ediie  of  the  marsh,  and  himself  with  his  In- 
dian soldiers  would  march  down  through  the 
brush  :  ami  coming  to  a  parcel  of  low  ground, 
which  had  been  formerly  burnt,  theolil  brush 
being  fallen  down  lay  very  thick,  and  the 
young  brush  being  grown  up  made  it  bad 
travelling;  but  coming  near  the  back  of  the 
enemy,  one  of  his  men  called  unto  him  their 
commander  and  said,  that  the  enemy  ran 
westward  to  net  between  ns  and  the  bridge, 
and  he,  looking  that  way,  saw  men  running, 
and  making  a  small  stop,  heard  no  firing, 
but  a  great  choppin;:  with  hatchets  ;  so  con- 
cluding that  the  fight  was  over,  made  the  best 
of  their  way  to  the  bridge  again,  lest  the 
enemy  should  get  over  the  bridge  into  the 
town,  the  men  being  piost  of  tnem  out 
(our  ammunition  lay  exjused)  coming  to  the 
bridge  wht-re  he  left  six  Indians  tor  an  am- 
buscade on  the  otlu  r  side  of  the  river,  that  if 
any  enemy  offered  'o  come  over,  they  should 
fire  at  them,  which  would  give  him  notice, 
so  would  coi  le  to  their  assistance  ;  (but  in  the 
wav  havinir  hearil  no  firin<i  nor  shouting,  con- 
cluded the  enemy  were  drawn  oil  )  be  a^ked 
the  ambuscade,  whether  they  saw  any  In. 


70? 


KING   PHILIP'S  WAR. 


dians?  Tliey  said  yes,  abundance.  He 
ai'kod  tlifui  wluTL-  ?  Tlicy  answered,  tlint 
lln;y  ran  over  llie  head  (if  tlie  river  by  liic 
cedar  swamp,  and  were  running  into  the 
neck  towards  the  town. 

Then;  hiin<f  hut  one  Englishman  with 
him,  he  bid  his  Indian  soldiers  scatter,  run 
very  thir.  to  preserve  tliemselves,  and  be 
the  better  able  to  make  a  discovery  of  th.- 
eiii.my;  and  soon  coming  to  Lieutenant 
Clark's  field,  on  the  south  s^ide  of  the  neck, 
and  seeing  the  cattle  feeding  quietly,  and 
perceiving  no  track,  concluded  the  ambus- 
cade had  told  them  a  fals(diood  ;  they  hastily 
returnecJ  back  to  tiie  said  bridge,  perceiving 
there  was  no  noise  of  the  enemy.  He  hearing 
several  great  guns  fire  at  the  town,  concluded 
lhat  they  were  either  assaulted,  or  tliat  they 
had  discovered  the  enemy:  he  having  orden^d 
that  in  case  such  sliould  be,  that  they  shoidd 
fire  some  of  their  great  guns  to  give  him 
notice  ;  he  being  a  stranger  to  the  country, 
concluded  the  enemy  had  by  some  other  way 
got  to  the  town  ;  whereu|)on  he  sent  hi.-,  men 
to  the  town,  and  iiitnself  going  to  tiie  river, 
near  where  tlie  fight  had  been,  ask(;d  them 
iiow  they  did,  and  what  was  become  of  the 
rn(!my  ?  Who  informed  him  that  the  en(^my 
drew  off  in  less  than  an  hour  after  he  left 
them,  and  had  not  fired  a  gun  at  them  since. 
He  told  th(!in  lie  had  been  within  little  mort; 
than  a  irun  shot  of  the  back  of  the  enemy,  and 
had  been  n[)on  them  had  it  not  been  for  thick 
brushy  ground,  &c.  Now  some  of  his  men 
returning  from  the  town  gave  him  the  ac- 
count, that  they  went  while  they  saw  the 
colours  standing  and  men  walking  about  as 
not  r.H/iestcd  He  |)rt'sently  ordered  lhat  all 
his  army  shoidd  pursue  the  enemy  ;  but  they 
(old  him  that  most  of  tli(>m  had  s|)ent  their 
ammicnition,  and  that  if  the  enemy  had  en- 
ga;;eil  them  a  little  lonirer  they  might  have 
come  and  knocked  ihem  on  the  head  ;  and 
that  some  of  tlieir  bullets  were  so  unsizeable 
that  some  of  them  were  forci'd  to  make;  sings 
while  they  were  engaged.  He  then  orilered 
them  to  get  over  all  the  wounded  and  dead 
men,  and  to  leave  none  Ixdnnd  ;  which  was 
done  by  some  canoes  they  had  got.  Captain 
Hall  and  his  men  bein<;  first  en<raged,  did 
great  service,  and  sufrer(;d  tin;  greatest  loss  in 
iiis  men;  hut  ('aptain  Sontliworih  with  his 
conjpany,  and  Captain  Nnniposh  wilh  the 
Seeonet  Indian^,  and  the  most  of  the  men 
l)elonirin^'  to  the  town,  all  comin<r  snddeidv 
to  his  relii-f,  prevent(>d  him  and  his  whoh; 
company  from  beinii  cut  off. 

Hy  (his  time  tin;  dav  was  far  sp(;nt,  and 
marehin!;  into  town  about  sunset,  carving  in 
all  ilieir  woundi'il  and  dead  men,  being  all 
sensible  cd'  (iod's  grxidness  to  them,  in  giving 
tln-m  tin;  victory,  and  causini;  the  en«;my  to 
fly  wilh  shanu',  whc  ni'verga\e  ont;  shout  at 
their  drawinir  off.  The  poor  inhabilants 
wondi-rfull v  rejoiced  liiat  the  AIniiglilv  had 
fivinired  them  st)  much  ;  saying,  (hat  if  Major 
Church,  widi  his  forces,  had  not  come  at  that 
jnneture,  tliev  had  been  all  cut  ofi*;  an<l  said 
furdier,  (hat  i(  wa-*  the  first  time  tiiat  ever  the 
eastward  Indians  had  lir(Mi  put  to  tli::lit,  ami 
the  .laid  CiMirrh  with  his  volnnliers  were 
wonderfnllv  |ireservcd,  bavini;  never  a  man 
killed  oniriixht,  and  itut  one  Indian  mordillv 
wounded,  who  dird,  several  mor<;  being  badly 
Wuunded,  but  reeovere<l. 


After  this  engagement  Major  Church,  witli 
his  forces,  ranging  all  the  country  thereabout, 
in  pursuit  of  the  enemy  ;  ami  visiting  all  (Ik 
garrisons  at  Black  Point,  Spnrwink,  and 
I5lue  Point,  and  went  up  Kennebeck  river, 
but  to  little  effect.  And  now  winter  drawing 
near,  he  received  orders  from  the  government 
of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  to  settle  all  the 
garrisons,  and  ])ut  in  suitable  officers  accord- 
ing to  his  best  discretion,  and  to  send  home 
all  his  soldiers,  volunteers  and  transports; 
which  orders  he  presently  obeyed.  Being 
obliged  to  buy  him  a  horse  to  go  home  by 
land,  that  so  he  might  the  better  comply  with 
his  orders.  The  [)oor  people,  the  inhabitants 
of  Casco,  and  places  adjacent,  when  they 
saw  he  was  going  away  from  them,  lamented 
sadly,  and  begged  earnestly  that  he  would 
suffer  them  to  come  away  in  the  transports  ; 
saying,  that  if  he  left  tliem  there,  that  in  the 
spring  of  tiie  year  the  enemy  would  come 
and  destroy  them  and  tlieir  fiimilies.  So  by 
tlieir  earnest  request  the  said  j'NLijor  Church 
promised  them,  that  if  the  governments  that 
had  now  sent  him,  would  send  him  the  ne.\t 
spring,  he  would  certainly  come  with  his 
volunteers  and  Indians  to  (heir  relief:  and 
that  as  soon  as  he  had  been  home,  and  taken 
a  little  care  of  his  own  business,  he  would 
certainly  wait  upon  the  gentlemen  of  Boston, 
and  inform  them  of  the  promise  he  had  made 
to  them  ;  and  if  th(;y  did  not  see  cause  to 
send  them  rclii:f,  to  entreat  their  honors 
seasonably  to  draw  them  off,  that  they  might 
not  be  a  pr(;y  to  the  barbarous  enemy. 

Taking  his  leave  of  those  poor  inhabitants, 
sonn;  of  the  chief  men  there  waited  upon  him 
to  iJlack  Point,  to  Captain  Scottaway's  gar- 
rison ;  coming  there,  they  prevailed  with  the 
said  ('a|)taiii  Sscottaway  to  go  with  him  to 
Bosttm,  which  he  readily  compli(;d  with, 
provided  the  said  Church  would  put  another 
in  to  command  the  garrison  ;  which  being 
done,  and  taking  their  leave  one  of  another, 
they  set  out  and  travelled  ihroiigli  all  the 
country,  homo  to  Boston;  having  employed 
himsidf  to  the  utmost  to  fulfii  his  instructions 
last  received  from  lioston  gentlemen,  which 
cost  him  about  a  month's  service  over  and 
ab()ve  what  he  had  pay  fur  from  the  PIvmoutli 
gentlemen  :  and  in  his  travel  homeward  sev- 
eral g(;ntleiiien  waited  upon  the  said  Major 
Church,  who  was  obli^red  to  bear  their  ex- 
pellees. When  he  came  to  Boston  g(;ntle- 
in(;ii,  he  iid"orined  (hem  r)f  the  miseries  those 
poor  j)eo|)le  Were  in  by  liaviiiir  their  provi- 
sions taken  from  them  by  order  of  tin;  Pre- 
sident— then  went  home;  stayed  not  long 
there  before;  In;  returned  to  Bo.>-toii,  w  here 
'  aptain  Scottaway  waited  for  his  coining, 
lhat  Ik;  might  have  the  determination  of  the 
government  of  Boston  to  carry  home  wilh 
him  ;  and  it  being  the  time  of  (he  small-pox 
(here,  and  Major  Church  not  having  had  it, 
taking  up  his  lodifimr  near  the  Court-house, 
took  the  first  opportiinitv  to  inform  those 
gentlemen  of  the  Court  his  business;  who 
said  they  were  very  busy  in  sending  home 
Sir  Kdinuiid,  the  slii|)  bein<;  readv  to  sail. 
Tin;  said  ."Major  Church  still  waiting  upon 
them,  and  at  every  o|)|)oriuni(v  entreating 
those  <;<'ntlemen  in  behalf  (d' (he  poor  peopii- 
of  Casco,  informing  the  necessity  of  taking: 
care  of  (hem,  either  iiy  sendin;;  them  relad' 
early  in  the  spring,  or  sufFering  (hem  (o  draw 


ofl",  otherwise  they  would  ci  rtaiidy  be  de- 
stroyed. Their  answer  was,  thev  could  do 
nothing  till  Sir  Eiliniind  was  gone.  Waiting 
liiere  three  weeks  ui)on  jireat  expenses,  l.i 
concluded  to  draw  up  some  of  the  circnm- 
stances  of  Casco,  and  places  adjacent,  and 
to  leave  it  upon  the  Cimneil  I'oard,  before 
liie  Governor  and  Council  ;  liavin<:  got  it 
<lone,  obtained  liberty  to  go  up  where  the 
Governor  and  Council  were  sitting,  he  in- 
fiirmcd  their  honors,  that  he  had  waited  (ill 
his  patience  was  worn  out,  so  had  drawn  up 
the  matter  to  leave  upon  the  Board  belore 
them,  which  is  as  fi)ilows : 

To  the  honored  Governor  and  Council  of  the 
Slaasachusetts. 

Gentlemen, 
Whereas,  by  virtue  of  yours,  witli  Ply- 
mouth's desires  and  cftmmands,  I  went  east- 
ward in  the  late  expedition  against  tlie  com- 
mon Indian  enemy,  wliere  Providence  so 
ordered  that  we  attacked  their  <rreatest  body 
of  forces,  comin<r  th(;!i  for  (he  des(rueli(in 
of  Falmouth,  which  we  know  marcdied  off, 
repulsed  with  considerable  d.ima<re,  leaving 
tlie  ground,  and  never  since  seen  there,  or 
in  any  place  adjacent:  the  time  t>f  the  year 
being  then  too  late  to  prosecute  aiiv  furtlirr 
design,  and  other  accidents  filling  contrary 
to  my  expectation,  impedinir  'he  desired 
success.  Upon  my  then  removal  from  tin. 
province  of  Maine,  the  inhabitants  were  very 
solicitous  that  this  enemy  mifflit  be  further 
prosecuted;  willing  to  venture  their  lives 
and  fortunes  in  tlu;  said  eiiler|)rise,  wherein 
they  miijlit  serve  God,  (heir  king  and  coun- 
try, and  enjoy  (piiet  and  peaeeahle  liabila- 
tions;  upon  which  I  promised  (o  siunifv  (he 
same  (o  yourselves,  and  willing  to  veiiVire 
that  little  wliieli  Providence  hath  eiitrie^ted 
me  with,  on  the  said  aceoiinl.  The  season 
of  the  year  being  such,  if  some  speedy  actiiMi 
be  not  performed  in  attacking  them,  they 
will  certainly  be  upon  us  in  our  out  towns, 
(lod  knows  where,  and  the  inhabitants  tln're 
not  bein^  able  to  defend  themselves,  widiont 
doubt  many  souls  may  be  cut  (df,  as  our 
last  year's  experience  wofully  hath  declared. 
The  inhabitants  there  trust  to  your  jirolec- 
tion,  having  undertaken  government  and 
your  |)ro|)rietv;  if  nothing  be  jierforined  on 
the  said  account,  the  best  way  (under  cor- 
rection) is  to  demolish  the  <:ariison,  and 
draw  olT  the  inhabitants,  that  they  may  not 
be  left  to  a  merciless  enemy  ;  and  that  the 
arms  and  ammunition  may  not  be  there  fiir 
the  streiiirdieiiing  of  the  eneinv  ;  who  with- 
out doubt  have  need  enough,  Inning  ex- 
hausted their  greatest  s(ore  in  this  winter 
season.  I  have  performed  my  prennise  (o 
them,  and  aeqiiiited  myself  in  speeilying  (he 
same  to  yourselves :  not  that  I  desire  to  be 
ill  any  nc(ion,  nidiough  willing  to  serve  my 
king  and  country,  .■iiid  may  pass  uikNt  the 
censure  of  scandalous  tongues  in  (he  last 
expedition,  w  liicli  i  hope  they  will  amend  on 
the  first  opportunity  of  service.  I  leave  to 
mature;  consideration,  the  loss  of  trade  and 
fisherv  ;  the  war  brought  to  the  doors  ;  what 
a  triiiinph  it  will  be  to  the  eneinv,  derision 
to  our  neighbors,  besides  dishonor  to  (Joil 
and  our  nation,  and  grounds  of  frowns  from 
our  prince,  the  frustralion  ,>f  thosi-  wlr^sO 
eyes  are  upon  you  for  help,  w  ho  might  have 


KING    PHILIP'S  WAR 


nliuTwiao  ii;>|>licd  tiK-nis*-lves  to  tSii'ir  kiii;if. 
(JeiitlcJiieii,  tiiiL'!  I  tlioiiiflit  humbly  to  projiose 
unto  vou,  timt  I  luijiht  disch;iri;e  myself  in 
:iiv  trust  fniiii  yoiir-selves,  and  promise  to  the 
iiiiialillaiits  of  tlie  province,  but  especially 
uiv  (liity  to  God,  iier  majesty,  and  my  nation, 
:)iii\ing  fur  your  honors'  prosperity,  sub- 
scribe, Your  servant, 

BENJ.  CHURCir. 
A  true  copy  given  in  at  Boston,  this  Glh  of 
February,  IGSD,  at  the  Council  Board. 
Attest.    T.  S. 

Major  Church  said,  moreover, 'hat  in  thus 
Jning  lie  had  complied  witli  his  promise  to 
lliose  poor  people  of  Casco,  and  sho'ild  bt; 
quit  from  the  guilt  of  their  blood.  The 
governor  was  pleased  to  thank  him  for  iiis 
care  and  p;iins  taken  ;  then  caking  his  leave 
of  them  went  home,  and  left  Captain  Scotta- 
way  in  a  very  sorrowful  condition,  who  re- 
Mirned  home  some  time  after  with  oidy  a 
copy  of  what  was  left  on  the  board  by  the 
said  Church.  Major  Church  not  hearing 
any  thing  fill  May  following,  and  then  was 
informed,  \hat  those  poor  people  of  Casco 
were  cut  off  l)y  the  barbarous  enemy  ;  and 
that  although  they  made  their  terms  with 
Monsieur  Casteen,  who  was  commander  of 
those  enemies,  yet  he  suffered  those  merci- 
less savages  to  massacre  and  destroy  the 
most  of  them.  To  conclude  this  first  expe- 
dition east ;  I  shall  just  give  you  a  hint  how 
Major  Church  was  treated,  although  he  was 
commander-in-chief  of  all  the  forces  out  of 
Plymouth  and  IJoston  government,  after  he 
tume  home,  for  Plymoutli  gentlemen  paid 
liim  but  forty-two  pounds  ;  telling  him,  he 
must  go  to  Boston  gentlemen  for  the  rest, 
who  were  \\\s  employers  as  well  as  tiiey. 
O:'  whom  he  never  liad  one  penny  for  all 
travel  and  expenses  in  raising  volunteers, 
and  services  done  ;  except  forty  shillings  or 
thereabout,  for  going  from  Boston  to  Rliode 
Island  on  their  business,  and  back  to  Boston 
again  ;  also,  for  sending  a  man  to  Provi- 
dence for  Captain  Edmunds,  who  raised  a 
company  in  those  parts,  and  w«i>t  east  with 
them. 


THE   SECOND  EXPEDITION  EAST. 

In  the  year  1690,  was  the  expedition  to 
Canada,  and  Major  Walley  often  requested 
Major  Church,  that  if  he  would  not  go  him- 
self in  that  expedition,  that  he  would  not 
hinder  others  :  he  answered  the  said  Walley, 
that  he  should  hinder  none  but  his  old  sol- 
diers, that  used  to  go  along  with  him.  And 
the  said  Church  going  down  to  Charlestown, 
to  take  his  leave  of  some  of  his  relations 
and  friends,  who  were  going  into  that  expe- 
dition, promised  his  wife  and  family  not  to 
go  into  Boston,  the  small-pox  being  very  rife 
there.  Coming  to  Charlestown,  several  of 
his  friends  in  Boston  came  over  to  see  him  ; 
and  the  next  day  after  the  said  Church  came 
there.  Major  Walley  came  to  him,  and  in- 
f<)rnied  him,  that  the  governor  and  council 
»vanted  to  speak  with  him :  he  answered 
him,  that  he  had  promised  his  wife  and 
family  not  to  go  into  Boston  ;  saying,  if  they 
liad  any  business,  they  could  write  to  him, 
and  that  he  would  send  them  his  answer. 
Loou  afier  came  over  two  other  gentlemen 


\fith  a  message,  that  the  governor  and  coun- 
cil wanted  to  have  some  discourse  with  him. 
The  answer  returned  was,  that  he  intended 
to  lodge  that  night  at  the  Griiyhonnd,  in 
Roxbury,  and   that  in  tho  niorninu^  would 
come  to  Pollard's  at  the  soi;th  end  of  Bos- 
ton;  which  accordingly  he  did.    Soon  after 
he  came  thither  received  a  letter  from  the 
honorable  Captain  Sewall,  to  i-^quest  him  to 
the  council  ;  the  answer  he  returned  by  the 
bearer  was,  that  he  thought  tiierc  w^is  no 
need  of  his  hazarding  liimsell'so  much  tis  to 
como  and  speak  witli  them  ;  not  that  be  was 
afraid  of  his  life,  but  because  be  had  no  Tiiind 
to  be  concerned  ;  and  further  by  reason  tliey 
would  not  hearken  to  him  about  the  poor 
people  of  Casco.    But  immediately  came 
Mr.  Maxfield  to  him,  saying,  that  the  coun- 
cil bid  him  tell  the  said  Church,  that  if  he 
would  take  his  horse  and  ride  along  the 
middle  of  the  street,  there  might  be  no  dan- 
ger, they  were  then  sitting  In  council :  he 
bid  them  go  and  tell  his  masters,  not  to 
trouble  themselves,  whether  he  came  upon 
his  head  or  feet,  he  was  coming:  iiowever, 
thinking   the  return  was  something  rude, 
flailed  him  back  to  drink  a  glass  of  wine,  and 
then  he  would  go  with  him.    So  coming  to 
the  council,  they  were  very  thankfid  to  him, 
and  told  him  that  the  occasion  of  their  send- 
ing for  him  was,  that  there  was  a  captive 
come  in  who  gave  them  an  account,  that  the 
Indians  were  come  down,  and  had  taken 
possession  of  the  stone  fort  at.  Pt-jepscoi:,  so 
that  they  wanted  his  advice  and  thoughts 
about  the  matter;  wliether  they  would  tarry 
and  keep  in  the  fort  or  not ;  and  whetiier  it 
was  not  expedient  to  send  i^ome  force  to  'o 
some  spoil  upon  them  ;  and  further  tr  know 
v/hether  he  could  not  be  prevailed  with  to 
raise  some  volunteers  and  go,  to  do  some 
spoil  upon  them  ?    He  answered  them,  he 
was  unwilling  to  be  concerned  any  more;  it 
being  very  difficult  and  chargeable  to  raise 
volunteers,  as  he  found  by  experience  in  the 
last  expedition.    But  they  using  many  argu 
ments  prevailed  so  far  with  him,  that  if  the 
government  of  Plymouth  saw  cause  to  senil 
him,  he  would  go,  thinking  the  expedition 
would  be  short;  took  his  leave  of  them  iind 
went  home.   And  in  a  short  time  after,  there 
came  an  express  from  Governor  Hinkley,  to 
request  Major  Church  to  come  to  Barnstable 
to  him — he  liaving  received  a  letter  from  the 
government  of  Boston  to  raise  some  forces 
to   go   east :    whereupon    the    said  Major 
Church  went  the  next  day  to  Barnstable,  as 
ordered;  finding  the  governor  and  some  of 
the  council  of  war  there,  discoursed  him, 
concluding  that  he  should  take  his  Indian 
soldiers,  and  tw»)  English  captains,  with  what 
volunteers  could   be  raised  ;  and  that  one 
captain  should  go  out  of  Plymouth  and 
Barnstable  county,  and  the  other  out  of  Bris- 
tol count}',  with  what  forces  he  could  raise, 
concluding  to  have  but  few  officers,  to  save 
charge.    The   said    Church  was  at  great 
charge  and  expense  in  raising  of  forces. 
Governor  Hinkley  promised  that  he  would 
take  care  to  provide  vessels  to  transport  the 
said  army  with  ammunition  and  provisions, 
by  the  time  prefixed  by  himsidf,  for  the  go- 
vernment of  Boston  had  obliired  themselves 
by  tlieir  letter,  to  provide  anv  thina-  that  was 
wanting;   so  at  the  time,  Major  Church 


marched  <lown  all  his  soldiers  out  of  Bristo) 
rounly  to  Plymouth,  as  onlered  ;  and  being 
come,  found  it  not  as  he  expected,  for  there 
wi;re  iieilher  provisions,  ammunition,  nor 
trans|)orts;  so  be  immediately  sent  au  (.'X 
|)ress  to  the  governor  w  lio  was  at  Barn>"ai)le, 
to  give  h'ln  an  account  that  he  with  the  men 
were  come  to  Plymouth,  and  found  nothing 
ready;  in  his  return  to  the  said  (/hnrcb, 
gave  him  an  account  of  his  disap|)oinf- 
mcr.ts  ;  and  sent  John  Lathrop  of  Barnsta- 
ble in  a  vessel  with  seme  ammunition  and 
prevision  on  board,  to  liim  at  Plymouth  ; 
also  sent  him  word  that  there;  was  more  on 
board  of  Samuel  Ailing  of  Barnstable,  who 
was  to  go  for  a  transport,  and  that  he  himself 
would  be  at  Plymouth  next  day  ;  but  Ailing 
never  came  near  him,  but  went  to  Billings- 
gate, at  Cape  Cod,  as  he  was  informed 
The  governor  being  come,  said  to  Major 
Church  that  he  must  take  some  of  the  open 
sloo|)s,  and  make  spar  decks  to  them,  anJ 
lay  platforms  for  the  soldiers  to  lie  upon  ; 
wiiich  delays  were  very  expensive  to  the  said 
Church  ;  his  soldiers  beinsr  all  volunteers, 
daily  expected  to  be  treated  by  him,  and  the 
Indians  always  begging  for  money  to  get 
drink  ;  but  he,  using  his  utmost  diligence, 
made  what  dispatch  lie  could  to  be  gone, 
being  ready  to  embark,  received  his  commis- 
sion and  instructions  from  Governor  Hiid<- 
ley,  which  are  as  folio wetli,  viz. 

The  Council  of  War  of  thcii  Majestits^  co- 
lorn/ of  New-Plymouth,  in  New-EnaUnul : 
To  Major  Benjamin  Church,  Commando - 
in-Chief,  ^c. 

Whereas,  the  Kennebeck  and  Eastward 
Indians,  with  the  French,  their  confederates 
have  ojjenly  made  war  upon  their  majesties' 
subjects  of  tlie  provinces  of  Maine,  IS'ew 
Hampshire,  and  of  the  Massachusetts  colo- 
ny, having  committed  many  barbarous  imii- 
ders,  spoils,  and  raj)ines  upon  their  perscms 
and  estates  :  and  whereas,  there  are  some 
forces  of  soldiers,  English  ;ind  Indians,  now 
raised  and  dcjtached  out  of  the  several  regi 
mentn  and  places  within  this  colony  of  IN'ew- 
Plymf)Uth,  to  go  forth  to  the  assistance  of 
our  neighbors  and  friends  of  the  aforesaid 
prf)vinces  and  colony  of  the  Massachusetts, 
subjects  of  one  and  tlie  same  crown  :  anc 
whereas  you,  Benjamin  Chureli,  are  ap 
pointed  major  and  commander-in-chief  of  al 
the  forces,  English  and  Indians,  delaclnd 
within  this  colony,  together  with  such  other 
of  their  majesties' subjects  as  elsewhere  shall 
enlist  themselves,  or  shall  be  orderly  put 
under  your  command  for  the  service  of  tlieir 
majesties,  as  aforesaid.  These  are  in  their 
majesties'  name  to  authorize  and  require  yf)U 
to  take  into  your  care  and  conduct  all  the 
said  forces,  English  and  Indians,  and  dili- 
gently to  intend  that  service,  by  leading  and 
exercising  your  inferior  officers  and  soldiers, 
comnuinding  them  to  obey  you  as  their  chi«'f 
commander:  and  to  pursue,  fight,  take,  kill 
or  destroy  the  said  enemies,  their  aiders  and 
abettors  by  all  the  ways  and  means  you  can, 
as  you  shall  have  ( jiportunit v,  and  to  accept 
to  mercy,  or  iirant  piarterand  favor  to  sucli 
or  so  many  of  said  enemies  as  vou  shall  find 
needful  for  promofinir  the  desi<rn  aforesaid: 
and  you  ari;  to  observe  and  obey  all  Sdch 
orders  and  instrir,  tions,  as  from  time  to  time 


KIN(j   PHILIP'S  WAR. 


you  simll  receive  from  the  coinrnissioncrs  of 
tlie  colonies,  or  llie  council  of  war  of  tlie 
Sttid  colony  of  iNew-Piv  immtli,  or  from  the 
povenior  arul  council  of  the  Massaciiusetts. 
In  tcsliniony  whereof  is  atfixed  the  puhlic 
seal  of  this  colony.  Dateil  in  IMynioiitii,  the 
second  day  of  SLplember,  Anno  Doni.  IG'JO. 
Aiinoqne  nirni  Ilejiis  et  Ucginui  NVillieimi  el 
Mari;n,  etc.  Sccundo. 

THO.  niNKLEY,  President. 

Iiistruclions  for  Major  Benjamin  Church, 
Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Plymouth 
forces,  with  other  of  the  Massachusetts  put 
under  his  command. 

In  pursuance  of  tiie  commission  given  you 
for  their  Ma  jcstii;?'  service,  in  the  present  ex- 
pedition a:;ainst  the  common  enemy,  Indian 
and  French,  their  aiders  and  abettors,  on  the 
request  of  our  brethren  and  friends  of  the 
Rlassachusetts  colony,  subjects  of  one  and 
the  same  crown  of  England  ;  for  our  assis- 
tance of  thenj  liiereiu  :  reposing  confidence 
in  your  wisdom,  prudence,  proneness  and 
faitiifulncss  in  the  trust  under  God  commit- 
ted to  you  for  the  honor  of  his  name,  the 
interest  of  (^hrisl  in  these  churches,  and  the 
good  of  the  whole  pi.-opje  ;  praying  and  ex- 
pectiii!;  that  in  your  dependence  on  hiui,  you 
may  be  helped  and  assisted  with  all  that 
grace,  wisdom  and  courage  necessary  for  the 
carrying  of  vou  on  with  success  in  thi?  diffi- 
cult service;  and  though  niuch  is  and  musi. 
be  left  to  your  discretion,  with  your  co  incil 
of  officers,  as  Providence  and  opportunity 
in;iv  present  from  time  to  time  in  places  of 
action  :  yet  the  following  instructions  are 
commended  to  you  to  be  observed  and  ai- 
teiided  to  by  you,  so  far  as  the  state  and  cir- 
cumstances of  that  affair  will  admit. 

"  Yon  are  with  all  possilth;  speed  to  take 
care  that  the  Plymouth  forces,  both  English 
and  Indians,  under  your  couiinand,  be  fixed 
and  ready  on  the  first  opportunity  of  wind 
and  weather,  to  a^o  on  boaril  such  vessels,  as 
are  |irovid(!d  to  transjiort  you  to  Piscatatpia  ; 
and  tliere  to  take  under  your  care  and  com- 
mnnd  such  companies  of  th:;  Massachusetts 
colon/,  iLs  sh;dl  by  ihcni  be  orderi'd  and  ad- 
tied  t(i  you  there,  or  elsewhere  from  time  to 
time;  all  which  you  are  to  iin|)rove  in  such 
way,  and  from  |»la(te  to  place,  as  w  iih  the  ad- 
vice of  your  council,  consisting  of  the  com- 
mission ollici'rs  of  the  iMassachusetts  colony, 
and  I'lvmoutb,  under  your  coiuluct,  shall 
seem  miei,  for  the  finding  out,  pursuing, 
taklnir  or  destroying  of  said  common  enemy, 
on  all  opportunltn.-s,  according  to  commis- 
sion, ami  such  further  tu'ders  and  instriic- 
ti(nis  as  you  have  or  may  rt'ceive  fnun  the 
(lovernor  and  Council  of  the  Massachusetts, 
ihe  (Jomnils>loners  for  the  United  colonies, 
or  lilt-  (Governor  and  ("ouncil  of  Plynioulb; 
So  fir  as  yiiu  mav  he  capable,  intending;  what 
you  i;an  the  |H-eservlng  of  the  uv.wx  towns  fiom 
the  incursi«ms  and  destruclirms  (d*  the  I'li- 
cniv  ;  liiit  clilefiy  to  intend  the-  finding  out, 
pnrsuliiif, .takinir,  and  destroying  the  enemy 
altroad,  anil  If  possible  to  attack  them  in 
their  head  i|iiarters  and  priii(!i|ial  rendezvous, 
if  yon  are  in  a  rational  capacity  of  so  doing  ; 
and  for  the  iietier  enabling  you  thereunto, 
We  iiave  appointed  the  ves-'cls  that  transport 
yon,  nnd  the  proviitlons,  «.Vc.  to  attend  your 
motion  and  order,  until  vou  shall  see  cause 


to  dismiss  them,  or  any  one  of  them,  which 
is  desired  to  be  done  the  first  opportunity 
that  the  service  will  admit.  You  are  to  see 
that  your  soldiers'  arms  be  always  fixed,  and 
they  provided  with  ammunition,  and  other 
necessaries,  that  they  may  be  always  ready 
to  repel  or  attack  the  enemy.  You  are  to 
take  special  care  to  avoid  danger  in  the  pur- 
suit of  the  enemy  by  keeping  out  scouts,  and 
a  forlorn,  to  prevent  the  ambushments  of  the 
enemy  on  your  main  body  in  their  niarciies. 
Anil  by  all  possible  means  to  sur|)rise  some 
of  the  enemy,  that  so  you  may  gain  Detter 
intelligence. 

"  You  are  to  take  effectual  care  that  the 
worship  of  God  be  kept  up  in  the  army,  that 
morning  and  evening  prayer  be  atteiuled, 
and  the  holy  sabbath  duly  sanctified,  as  the 
emergency  of  your  affairs  w  ill  admit. 

"  You  are  to  take  strict  care  to  prevent  o, 
punish  drunkenness,  cursing,  swearing,  and 
ail  other  vices,  lest  t!>e  anger  of  God  be  tiiere- 
by  provoked  to  ngiit  against  you.  You  are, 
from  time  to  time  to  give  intelligence  and 
advice  to  the  Governor  of  tiie  Massachusetts, 
and  to  us,  of  your  proceedings  and  occur- 
rences that  may  attend  you.  And  in  case  of 
a  failure  of  any  commission  officers,  you  are 
to  appoint  others  in  tiieir  stead.  And  when, 
with  the  advice  of  your  council  aforesait'i, 
you  shall  after  some  trial,  see  your  senice 
not  like  to  be  advantageous  to  the  accom- 
plishment of  the  public  end  aforesaid  ;  that 
then  you  return  home  with  the  forces  ;  es- 
pecially if  you  shall  receive  atiy  orders  or 
directions  so  to  do  from  the  Massachusetts,  or 
from  us.  Given  under  my  band,  at  Ply- 
mouth, the  second  day  of  September,  Anno 
Doin.  'GOO. 

THO.  IIINKLEY,  Gov.  &  President. 

Now  having  a  fair  wind  Major  Church 
soon  got  to  Piscataoiia,  who  was  to  apply 
himself  to  Major  Piive,  a  worthy  gentleman, 
who  sail!  he  liad  advice  of  his  coming  from 
Boston  gentlemei'  ;  also  he  had  received  di- 
rections that  what  men  the  said  ('hiircli 
should  want  must  be  raised  out  of  nani|>- 
shlre,  out  of  the  several  towns  and  garrisons  ; 
Major  Pike  asked  him  how  many  men  he 
should  want  ?  He  said  enough  to  make  nj) 
his  forces  that  lie  brought  with  him,  300  at 
least,  and  not  more  than  350.  And  so  in 
about  nine  days'  time  he  was  siijiplied  with 
two  compaiii«'S  of  soldiers.  He  havln<^  bej-n 
at  about  twenty  slilllings  a  day  charge  in  ex- 
penses whilst  there.  iNow  he  received  Major 
I'ike's  instructions  ;  which  are  as  fiillowetii  : 

Porstmouth,  New  JIampsihirc,  Sept.  9,  1G90. 

To  Major  lienjamin  Church,  Commander -in- 
Chief  of  their  Majesties''  forces  now  de- 
sif^ned  upon  the  present  erpedition  east- 
ward, and  nolo  resident  at  Portsmouth. 

The  (lOvernor  and  Council  of  the  Mas- 
sachusetts Colony  reposinir  great  trust  and 
confiilence  in  your  loyally  and  valor,  fron) 
experience  of  your  former  actions,  and  of 
(tod's  presence  with  you  in  the  same;  in 
pursuance  of  an  order  received  from  them, 
comniandlni;  it :  these  are  in  their  maj<  sties' 
names  to  empower  and  require  vom,  ns  cmn- 
itiander-in-cliief,  to  take  into  yonr  care  and 
conduct  these  forces  now   here  present  at 


their  rendezvous  at  Portsmouth  ;  and  they 
are  alike  required  to  (diey  you  :  and  with 
them  to  sail  eastward  by  the  first  o|)portunity 
to  Casco,  or  jdaces  adjacent,  tho'  mav  bp 
most  commodious  for  landing  witn  safety 
and  secresy  ;  and  to  visit  the  French  iuid  In 
dians  at  their  head-quarters  at  Ameras-couen, 
Pejepscot,  or  any  otlier  place,  aceorilinit  ai 
yon  may  have  hope  or  Intelligence  of  the 
residence  of  the  enemy  ;  using  alwavs  your 
utmost  endeavour  tor  tiie  |)reservatloii  of 
your  own  men,  and  the  killing,  destroying, 
and  utterly  rootliiir  out  of  the  enemy,  where- 
soever they  may  be  found  ;  and  also  as  mucli 
as  may  possibly  be  done  I'or  the  redeeming  or 
recovering  of  our  captives  in  any  places. 

You  being  there  arrived,  and  understand- 
ing your  way,  to  take  yonr  journey  back 
again  either  by  land  or  water,  as  you  shall 
judge  most  convenient  for  the  accoiiiplisli- 
ing  of  the  end  intended  ;  and  to  give  intei- 
llirence  always  of  yonr  motion  wheiisoevei 
you  can  with  safety  and  convenience. 

Lastly,  In  all  to  consult  your  council,  the 
commanders  or  commission  officers  of  yoni 
several  com{)anies,  when  It  may  be  obtained, 
the  greater  part  of  w  Inmi  to  determine:  and 
so  the  Lord  of  Hosts,  the  God  of  armies,  go 
along  w  ith  you,  and  be  your  conduct.  Given 
under  my  band  the  dav  ami  year  above- 
said.  Per  Ilbni:iit  PIKE. 

Being  ready,  they  toidi  the  first  opport'i- 
nicy,  and  made  the  best  of  their  way  to  Pe- 
jepscot fi>rt,  where  tliev  found  no'liiiiff. — 
Frtim  thence  they  marched  to  Ameras-coi;eii, 
and  when  they  came  near  the  fort,  Major 
Church  made  a  halt,  ordering  the  captains  to 
draw  out  of  their  several  companies  sixty 
of  their  meanest  men,  to  be  a  guard  to  tht 
doctor  and  kna|)sacks,  being  not  a  mile  from 
said  fort;  and  then  moving  towards  the  fort, 
they  saw  young  Doney  and  his  wifi-,  with 
two  Kngllsh  captives.  The  said  Doney 
made  his  escape  to  the  fort,  his  wile  was  shot 
down,  and  so  the  two  poor  captives  were  re- 
leased out  of  their  bondage.  The  said  .Major 
Church  and  Captain  Walton  ma<le  no  slop, 
making  the  best  of  their  way  to  the  fort,  m  ith 
some  of  tin;  army,  in  lio|)es  of  getting  to  the 
fi)rt  before  young  Doney;  but  the  rl\er. 
through  w  hich  tlii-y  must  pass,  beliii:  as  deep 
as  their  nrm|)its  ;  however,  Maj.  Church,  as 
soon  as  he  was  got  over,  stri|)ped  to  his  shirt 
and  jacket,  leaving  his  breeches  behind,  ran 
directly  to  the  fi)rt,  having  an  eye  to  see  ii 
young  Doney,  who  ran  on  the  oilier  side  of 
the  river,  sliouhl  get  there  before  lilin.  'I'lie 
wind  now  blowin>;  verv  hard  in  their  faces  as 
tliev  ran,  was  some  help  to  them  ;  fiirs«'veral 
of  our  men  fired  guns,  w  Inch  they  In  the  fori 
<lld  not  hear,  so  that  we  had  taken  all  In  the 
fort  hail  it  not  been  for  young  Dom  y,  w  ho 
jTot  to  the  fort  just  before  we  did,  who  ran 
into  the  south  gate,  and  out  of  the  norlli,  all 
of  the  men  following  him,  except  one,  «  ho  al 
ran  directly  dow  n  to  the  great  river  ami  falls. 
The  said  Church  and  Ills  forces,  being  eonii! 
pretty  near,  he  ordered  the  said  )Valloii  to  run 
directly,  w  lib  some  forces,  into  the  fort,  and 
himself,  with  the  rest,  ran  down  to  llie  river 
after  the  enemy,  w  hrt  ran  some  of  them  Into 
the  river,  and  the  rest  under  t!ie  great  falls; 
those  who  ran  into  the  river  were  killed  ;  for 
he  saw  hut  one  man  get  over,  and  he  onlf 


KING    PHILIP'S  WAR. 


705 


cri  jit  U[)  llie  bank,  and  tlicre  lay  in  open 
si^lit  ;  and  llio.se  tliat  ran  under  tlie  falls 
tlii-y  made  no  discovery  of,  notwiilit^tandinj; 
several  of  liis  nieii  went  in  under  the  said 
fall.>,  and  were  gone  some  coiisideraljle  time, 
could  not  find  tliem  ;  so,  leaving  a  watcii 
there,  returned  up  to  the  fort,  where  he  funnd 
but  one  man  taken,  and  several  women  and 
cinidren,  among  whom  was  Captain  Making's 
wife  and  W'orumbos's  wife,  the  Sachem  of 
that  fort,  with  their  children  ;  the  said  Ila- 
kins  was  Sachem  of  Pennacook,  who  de- 
stroyed Major  Walden  and  his  family,  some 
time  before.  The  said  two  women,  viz.  lla- 
kins's  and  Worumbos's  wives,  requested  the 
said  Church  tliat  he  would  spare  them  and 
llieir  children's  lives,  promising,  upon  that 
condition,  he  should  have  ail  the  captives 
that  were  taken,  and  in  the  Indians'  hands. 
He  asked  them  how  many.  They  said  about 
f()ui-score  :  so  upon  that  condition,  he  pro- 
iiiiseil  lliein  liieir  lives.  And  in  the  said  fort 
there  were  several  English  captives,  who 
Were  in  a  miserable  condition  ;  among  them 
Avas  Captain  Huckings's  wife,  of  Oyster-river. 
maj(»r  (Church  proceeded  to  examine  tiie  man 
taken,  who  gave  him  an  account  that  most 
:>{'  the  fighting  men  were  gone  to  Winter- 
h  irbor,  to  provide  provisions  for  the  Bay  of 
l''nndy  Indians,  who  were  to  come  and  join 
Willi  tliein  to  fight  the  English.  The  soldiers 
l)ein^  very  rude,  would  hardly  spare  the  In- 
dian's life,  while  in  examination,  intending 
u  hen  he  Ijad  done  tliat  he  should  be  executed ; 
but  Captain  Huckings's  wife,  and  anotiier 
Woman  went  down  on  their  knees  and  begged 
for  him,  saying,  "  He  had  been  a  means  to 
save  their  lives  and  a  great  many  more,  a!id 
iiad  helped  several  to  opportunities  to  run 
away  and  make  their  escape  ;  and  that  never, 
since  he  came  among  them,  had  fought 
against  the  English,  but  being  related  to  Ha- 
kiiis's  wife,  kept  at  the  fort  with  them,  he 
liaviiig  been  there  two  years  ;  bnt  his  living 
was  to  the  westward  of  Boston."  So,  upon 
their  requ(?st,  his  life  was  spared.  Next  day 
the  said  Church  ordered  tliat  all  their  corn 
Hhould  be  destroyed,  being  a  great  quantity, 
saving  a  little  for  the  two  old  Squaws  which 
he  designed  to  leave  at  the  fort,  to  give  an 
account  who  he  was,  and  from  whence  he 
came;  the  rest  being  knocked  on  tiie  head, 
tfxcej)!  the  aforementioned,  for  an  example, 
ordering  them  all  to  be  buried.  Having 
inquired  where  all  their  best  beaver  was,  they 
said  it  was  carried  away  to  make  a  present  to 
the  Bay  of  Fundy  Indians,  who  were  com- 
ing to  their  assistance. 

Now  bein>r  ready  to  diaw  off  from  thence, 
he  called  the  two  old  Squaws  to  iiim,  and 
gave  each  of  them  a  kettle  and  some  biscuits, 
bidding  them  to  tell  the  Indians  when  they 
came  home,  that  he  was  known  by  the  name 
of  Captain  Church,  and  lived  in  the  westerly 
part  of  Plymouth  governiiient ;  and  that 
those  Indians  that  came  with  him  were  for- 
merly King  Philip's  men,  and  that  he  had 
met  with  them  in  Philip's  war,  and  drew 
them  off  from  him  to  fight  for  the  Englisii, 
against  the  said  Philip  and  his  associates, 
who  then  jiromised  hm  to  fight  for  the  En- 
gUsh  as  long  as  they  had  one  enemy  left  ; 
and  said  that  they  did  nax  question  but  be- 
fore Indian  corn  was  ripe  to  have  Philijj's 
heuJ^  notwithstanding  he  had  twice  as  manv 
4G 


men  as  were  in  their  coimtry ;  and  that  they 
had  killed  and  taken  one  thousand  lliree 
hundred  and  odd  of  Philip's  men,  women 
and  children,  and  Philip  himself,  with  several 
other  Sachems,  and  that  they  should  tell 
Hakins  and  Worumbos,  that  if  they  had  a 
mind  to  see  their  wives  and  children  they 
should  come  to  Wells'  garrison,  and  that 
there  they  might  hear  of  them.  Major 
Church  having  done,  moved  with  all  liis 
fi)rces  down  to  Meqiiait,  where  the  transports 
were  (but  in  the  way  some  of  liis  soldiers 
threatened  the  Indian  man  prisoner  very 
much,  so  that  in  a  thick  swamp  he  gave  them 
the  slip  and  got  away),  and  when  they  all  got 
on  hoard  the  transport,  the  wind  being  fair, 
made  the  best  of  their  way  for  Winter-har- 
bor, ami  the  next  morning  before  day,  and 
as  soon  as  the  day  appeared,  they  discovered 
some  smoke  rising  towards  Skamaii's  gar- 
rison. He  immediately  sent  away  a  scout  ofl 
sixty  men,  and  followed  presently  with  the 
whole  body  ;  the  scout  coming  near  a  river 
discovered  the  enemy  to  be  on  the  other  side 
of  the  river.  But  three  of  the  enemy  were 
come  over  the  river,  to  the  same  side  of  the 
l  iver  which  the  scout  was  of ;  ran  hastily 
down  to  their  canoe,  one  of  which  lay  at 
each  end  of  the  canoe,  and  the  third  stood 
up  to  paddle  over.  The  scout  fired  at  them, 
and  he  that  paddled  fell  down  upon  the 
canoe,  and  broke  it  to  pieces,  so  that  all 
three  perished.  The  firing  put  the  enemyi 
to  the  run  who  left  their  canoes  and  pro- 
visions to  ours;  and  old  Doney,  and  onei 
Thomas  Baker,  an  Englishman,  who  was  a| 
prisoner  amongst  them,  were  up  at  the  falls,! 
and  heard  the  guns  fire,  expected  the  othei, 
Indians  were  come  to  their  assistance,  so 
came  down  the  river  in  a  canoe  ;  but  when 
they  perceived  that  there  were  English  as 
well  as  Indians,  old  Doney  ran  the  canoe 
ashore,  and  ran  over  Baker's  head,  and  fol- 
lowed the  rest,  and  then  Baker  came  to  ours 
and  gave  an  account  of  the  beaver  iiid  at 
Pejepscot  plain,  and  coming  to  the  place 
where  the  plunder  was,  the  major  sent  a 
scout  to  Pejepscot  fort,  to  see  if  they  could 
make  any  discovery  of  the  enemy's  tracks, 
or  could  discover  any  coming  up  the  river  ; 
who  returned  and  said  they  saw  nothing  but 
old  tracks  at  the  said  fort. 

Now  having  got  some  ])lunder,  one  of  the 
captains  said  it  was  time  to  go  home,  and 
several  others  were  of  the  same  mind  ;  and 
the  major  being  much  disturbed  at  the  mo- 
tion of  theirs,  expecting  the  enemy  would 
come  in  a  very  short  time,  where  they  might 
have  a  great  advantage  of  them.  Notwith- 
standing all  he  could  say  or  do,  he  was 
obliged  to  call  a  council,  according  to  his  in- 
structions, wherein  he  was  out-voted.  The 
said  commander  seeing  he  was  put  by  of  his 
intentions,  proffered  if  sixty  men  would  stay 
with  him,  he  would  not  embark  as  yet;  but 
all  he  could  say  or  do  could  not  prevail  ; 
then  they  moved  to  the  vessels  and  embarked, 
and  as  tliey  were  going  in  the  vessels,  on  the 
back  side  of  Mayr-point,  they  discovered 
eight  or  nine  canoes,  who  turned  short  about 
and  went  up  the  river  ;  being  the  same  In- 
dians that  the  major  expected,  and  would 
have  waited  for  ;  and  the  aforesaid  captain 
being  much  disturbed  at  what  the  major  had 
said  to  him,  drew  off  from  the  fleet,  and  in 


tlic  night  ran  aground.  I  n  the  morning  An* 
tliony  Bracket,  having  been  advised  and 
directed  by  the  Indian  that  had  made  his 
escape  from  our  finces,  came  down  near* 
where  the  aforesaid  vessel  lay  aaround,  and 
got  aboard,  who  has  proved  a  good  pilot  and 
captain  fiir  his  country.  The  next  day  be- 
ing very  calm  and  misty,  so  that  tlu-y  were 
all  day  getting  down  from  Maqnait  to  Per- 
podack  ;  and  the  masters  of  t'.ie  vesselsthiiik- 
ing  it  not  safe  putting  out  in  the  night,  so 
late  in  the  year,  anchored  there  at  Perpo- 
dack.  The  vessels  being  much  crowded, 
the  major  ordered  that  three  companies 
should  goon  shore,  and  no  more,  himself  with 
Captain  Converse  went  with  them  to  order 
their  lodging,  and  finding  just  houses  con- 
venient for  them,  viz.  two  barns  and  one 
house  ;  so  seeing  them  all  settled  and  their 
watches  out,  the  major  and  Captain  Converse 
returned  to  go  on  board,  and  coining  near 
where  the  boat  was  (it  was  prettv  dark)  they 
discovered  some  men,  but  did  not  know 
what  or  who  they  were.  The  major  ordered 
those  that  were  with  him  all  to  clap  down 
and  cock  their  guns,  and  he  called  (nit  and 
asked  them  who  they  were.  And  they  said, 
Indians.  He  asked  them  whose  men  they 
were?  They  said.  Captain  Sonthworih'.-. — 
He  asked  them  where  they  intended  to  lodge. 
They  said,  in  those  little  huts  that  the  enemy 
made  when  they  took  that  garrison.  The 
major  told  ihein  they  must  not  make  any 
fires,  for  if  they  did,  the  enemy  would  be 
down  upon  them  belnreday.  They  laughed, 
and  said,  our  majm-  is  afraid.  Having  giv- 
en them  their  directicnis,  he,  with  Capt.  Con- 
verse went  on  board  the  Mary  sloop;  de- 
signing to  write  home,  and  send  away  in  the 
morning  the  two  sloops  which  had  the  small- 
pox on  board.  But  before  day  our  Indiana 
began  to  make  fires,  and  to  sing  and  dance  ; 
so  the  major  called  to  Captain  Sonthworih 
to  go  ashore  and  look  after  his  men,  for  the 
enemy  would  be  upon  them  by  and  by.  lis 
ordered  the  boat  to  be  hauled  up  to  carry 
him  ashore,  and  called  Captain  Converse  to 
go  with  him,  and  just  as  the  day  began  to 
appear,  as  the  major  was  getting  into  the  boai 
to  go  ashore,  the  enemy  fired  upon  our  men; 
the  Indians,  notwithstanding  that  one  Philip, 
an  Indian  of  ours,  who  w!is  out  upon  the 
watch,  heard  a  man  cough,  and  the  slicks 
crack;  who  gave  the  rest  an  account,  that 
he  saw  Indians;  which  they  would  not  be- 
lieve, but  said  to  him,  "You  are  afraid." — 
His  answer  was,  that  they  might  see  them 
come  creeping.  They  laughed,  and  said, 
they  were  hogs.  "  Aye,"  said  he,  "  and 
they  will  bite  you  by  and  by."  So  presently 
they  did  fire  upon  our  men,  but  the  morning 
being  misty  their  guns  did  not  go  off  quick, 
so  that  our  men  had  all  time  to  fall  down  lie- 
fore  their  guns  w  ent  off,  and  saved  I  hem- 
selves  from  that  volley,  except  one  man,  who 
was  killed. 

This  sudden  firing  upon  our  Indian  sol- 
diers surprised  them  so  that  they  K  fi  llu  ir 
arms,  but  soon  recovered  ihem  a<:ain,  and 
i;ot  down  the  bank  which  was  but  low.  The 
major,  with  all  the  forces  on  board,  lamb  il 
as  fast  as  they  could,  the  enemy  firing  smart- 
ly at  them  ;  however  all  got  safe  a.-liore. — 
The  enemy  had  a  great  udvaniage  of  dur 
forces,  who  were  betweer  Uie  eniiri--iiig  ami 


KING   PHILIP'S  WAR. 


(lie  eiiL'iny,  iliat  if  a  man  put  up  his  head  ur, 
hand  ti'icy  conhJ  sec  it,  and  u  ould  iiie  at  it. 
4Io\V('V«T  some,  with  tlie  major,  ^ot  up  tlie 
hauk  behind  stumps  and  rocks,  to  have  tlic 
advantage  of  lirin;:  at  the  enemy  ;  hut  w  hen 
the  sun  was  risen  the  major  sh|>ped  down  liie 
l)ank  a^ain,  where  all  tlie  forces  were  ordered 
to  ohserve  his  moti  »u,  viz.  that  he  would  jrive 
three  sliouts,  and  then  all  of  them  should 
run  with  him  up  the  hank.  So,  when  he 
had  <;iven  the  third  shout,  ran  up  the  bank, 
and  Captain  Converse  with  him,  but  when  the 
gaid  Converse  perceived  that  the  forces  did 
not  follow  as  commanded,  called  to  the  ma- 
jor and  told  him  the  forces  did  not  follow; 
who,  notwithstaridiuii  the  enemy  fired  smartly 
at  him,  jfot  safe  down  the  bank  again,  and 
rallvinji;  the  forces  u|)  the  bank,  soon  f)Ut  the 
em-my  to  fliijlit,  and  foll()win<;  so  close,  that 
thcv  took  thirteen  canoes, and  one  lust\' man, 
who  had  Joseph  Ramsdel's  scalp  by  his  side, 
who  was  taken  by  two  of  our  Indians,  and 
h  ivin;;  his  deserts  was  himself  scal|)ed. — 
'I'liis  beinji  a  short  and  smart  dgUt,  some  of 
our  men  were  killed  and  several  wounded. 
Some  time  after  an  Enjriisliman,  who  was 
prisoner  amonirst  them,  ^jave  an  account  that 
(iM.-  forces  had  killed  and  wounded  si^veral  of 
the  en<Mny,  for  they  killed  several  prisoners 
according  tc  custom. 

After  this  action  was  over,  our  forces  em- 
bai  ked  for  Tiscataqua,  and  the  major  went 
to  Wells,  and  removed  the  captain  there, 
and  |)ut  in  Captain  Andros,  who  had  been 
with  him  and  knew  the  discourse  left  with 
the  two  old  squaws  at  Arneras-cojrt'n,  for 
llakins  and  Worumbos  to  come  there  in 
fiiiirlei  n  days,  if  they  had  a  mind  to  hear  of 
llieir  wives  and  children.  Who  did  then,  or 
soon  aft(,'r,  come  with  a  flag  of  truce  to  said 
NVcIIh's  garrison,  and  had  leave  to  coine  in, 
and  more  appearing  came  in,  to  the  num- 
ber of  eight,  without  any  terms,  being 
all  chief  sachems,  and  were  very  pleneed 
to  hear  of  the  women  and  children,  viz.  Ila- 
kins's  and  NVoriimbos's  wives  and  childrfMi ; 
y\\\n  all  said  three  several  times  that  they 
w<mld  never  fiirht  against  the  English  any 
mo'e,  for  the  French  inad(;  fools  of  them. — 
'i'ncy  saying  as  they  iliil,  the  said  Andros  let 
tb  mi  go.  Major  Church  being  come  to  Pis 
eata(|ua,  and  two  of  his  transports  having 
the  small-pox  on  borjd,  and  several  of  the 
men  having  not  great  colds  by  their  hard  ser- 
vice, i)ret(Midi'd  iln-y  were  going  to  have  the 
small-pox,  thinkinir  by  that  means  to  !)e  sent 
home  speedily.  The  major  being  willing  to 
try  them,  went  to  the  gentlemen  there,  and 
desired  tlicin  to  ])rovidc  a  house,  for  some 
of  his  men  expected  they  should  have  the 
small-pox;  who  readily  did,  and  told  him 
iliiii  the  pi'ople  belonging  to  it  were  just  re- 
riivered  of  the  sm:ill-pox,  and  had  been  all 
ai  meeting.  The  major,  returning  to  his  offi- 
errs,  ordered  them  to  draw  out  all  their  men 
ih  it  Were  going  to  hav(!  the?  small-pox,  for  be 
li  id  provid(;d  an  hospital  for  tluMii.  Sj>  they 
ilri'W  out  seventeen  men,  (hat  had,  as  they 
■I. lid,  all  th<!  symptoms  of  the  small-pox. — 
lie  order<'d  them  all  to  follow  him,  and  coin- 
in,.'  (o  the  house  lie  asked  them  how  tliev 
li'.fd  ii  ?  They  said  very  well.  Then  he 
('•I  1  ihi-m  (hat  (he  jieople  in  the  said  house 
ii  id  all  had  vlie  small-pox,  and  were  reco- 
7t'rt'd  :  jiid  that  if  they  wvnt  in  they  must 


not  conic  out  till  they  all  had  it  ;  whereupon 
they  all  presently  began  to  grow  better,  and 
to  make  exci'.ses,  except  one  man  who  de- 
sireil  to  stay  out  till  night  before  he  went  in. 
The  major  going  to  the  gentlemen  told  them, 
that  one  thing  more  would  work  a  perfect 
cure  upon  his  men,  which  was  to  let  them  go 
home  ;  which  did  work  a  cure  ujion  all,  ex- 
cept one,  and  he  had  not  the  small-|)ox.  So 
he  ordered  the  plunder  should  be  divided 
forthwith,  and  sent  away  all  the  Plymouth 
forces.  But  the  gentlemen  there  desired 
him  to  stay,  and  they  would  be  assisting  to 
him  in  raising  new  forces,  to  the  number  of 
what  was  sent  away  ;  and  that  they  would 
send  to  lioston  for  provisions,  which  they 
did,  and  sent  Captain  Phiisted  to  the  Gover- 
nor and  Council  at  Boston.  And  in  the 
mean  time  the  major  with  those  gentlemen 
went  into  all  these  parts  and  raised  a  suffi- 
cient number  of  men,  both  officers  and  sol- 
diers; who  all  met  at  the  bank  on  the  same 
day  that  Captain  Plaisted  returned  from  Bos- 
ton ;  whose  return  from  the  Boston  gentle- 
men was,  that  the  Canada  expedition  had 
Irained  them  so  that  they  could  do  no  more  : 
so  that  INIajor  Church,  notwithstanding  he 
had  been  at  considerable  expenses  in  raising 
said  forces  to  serve  his  king  and  country, 
was  obliged  to  give  tliein  a  treat  and  dismiss 
them.  Taking  his  leave  of  them  came  home 
to  Boston,  in  the  Mary,  sloop,  Mr.  Alden 
master,  and  Captain  Converse  with  him,  on 
a  Saturday  ;  and  waiting  n])on  the  (Gover- 
nor and  some  of  the  gentlemen  in  Boston, 
they  looked  very  strange  upon  them,  which 
not  only  troubled  them,  but  put  them  in  some 
consternation  what  the  matter  should  be,  that 
after  so  much  toil  and  hard  service  could  not 
have  so  much  as  one  pleasant  word,  nor  any 
money  in  their  pockets  ;  for  Major  Church 
had  but  eight  jience  left,  and  Captain  Con- 
verse none,  as  he  said  afterwards.  Rlajor 
Church  seeing  two  gentlemen  who  lie  knew 
had  money,  asked  them  to  lend  him  forty 
shillings,  telling  theia  his  necessity :  yet 
they  lefiised.  So  being  bare  of  money  was 
obliged  to  lodge  at  Mr.  Alden's  three  nights, 
and  the  next  Tuesday  morning  Captain  Con- 
verse came  to  him,  not  knowing  each  others 
circumstances  as  yet,  and  said  he  would 
walk  with  him  out  of  town  ;  so  coining  near 
Pollard's  at  the  south  end,  they  had  some 
discourse ;  that  it  was  very  iiard  tiiat  they 
should  p:irt  with  dry  lips.  Major  Church 
told  Cajitain  Converse  that  he  iiad  but  eight 
pence  left,  and  could  not  borrow  any  money 
to  carry  him  home.  And  the  said  Converse 
said,  that  he  had  not  a  penny  left,  so  they 
were  obliged  to  )>arl  without  going  to  Pol- 
lard's. The  said  Cajjlain  Converse  returne<l 
back  into  town,  .and  the  said  Church  went 
over  to  Boxbiirv  ;  and  at  the  tavern  he  met 
with  Stephen  Braton,  of  Uhode-lslaiid,  a 
drover  ;  who  was  glad  to  see  him,  the  said 
Church,  and  he  as  ghul  to  see  bis  neighbour  ; 
whereupon  Major  Church  called  for  an  eiglit- 
peiiny  tankard  of  drink,  and  let  (he  said 
Braton  know  his  circumstances,  asked  him 
wlielher  he  would  lend  him  fori  v  shillings  ? 
III?  answered,  VI  S,  forty  pounds,  if  he  want- 
ed it.  So  be  thanked  him,  and  said  he  would 
have  but  forty  shillings,  w  hich  he  freely  lent 
him.  And  presently  after  Mr.  Cliurcli  w.is 
toll!  (hat  Jiis  brollier,  Caleb  ('lurch,  of  W  u- 


terlowii  was  coining  with  a  si)are  horse  lirif 
him,  having  heard  the  night  before  (hat  Ins 
brother  was  come  in  ;  by  which  means  the 
said  Major  Church  got  home.  And  for  all 
his  travel  and  exjieiises  in  raisipir  soldiers, 
aiid  service  done,  never  had  but  £\A  of 
Plymouth  gentlemen,  and  not  a  iieiiny  of 
Boston,  notwithstanding  he  had  worn  out  all 
his  clothes,  and  run  himself  in  dclit,  so  that 
he  was  obliged  to  sell  half  a  share  of  land 
in  Tiverton,  for  about  £00,  w  hich  is  now 
worth  £300  more  and  above  wha(  he  had. 

Having  not  been  at  home  long,  before  he 
found  out  the  reason  why  BostiMi  gentlemcii 
looked  so  disaffected  on  him,  as  you  may  see 
by  the  sequel  of  two  letters  INlajor  (.'hurch 
sent  to  the  gentlemen  in  the  eastward  parts  ; 
which  are  as  followeth  : — 

Bristol,  T\ovcmhcr  27,  UiOO. 
Worthy  Gentlemkn: 

According  to  niv  promise  when  with  you 
last,  I  waited  upon  the  (lovcrnor  at  Boston, 
upon  the  Siilurdav,  Captain  Converse  being 
with  me.  The  (Joveriior  informed  iis  that 
the  Council  was  to  meet  on  the  Monday  fol- 
lowing in  the  afternoim,  at  which  time  we 
both  there  waited  upon  them,  and  gave  them 
ill!  account  of  the  state  of  your  country,  and 
great  necessities.  They  informed  us,  that 
their  General  Court  was  to  convoiie  the 
Wednesday  following,  at  whicli  time  they 
would  debate  and  consider  of  tlie  matti-r  ; 
myself  being  bound  home.  Captain  Collvcr^e 
was  ordered  to  \yait  n|)on  them,  and  bring 
von  their  resolves.  I  then  took  notice  of  (lie 
Council  that  they  looked  upon  me  wiili  an  ill 
aspect,  not  judging  me  worthy  to  receive 
thanks  for  the  service  I  had  done  in  your 
parts,  nor  as  much  as  asked  me  w  lieihcr  I 
wanted  money  to  bear  my  expenses,  or  a 
horse  to  carry  nic  home.  But  I  was  forceil, 
for  want  of  money,  being  far  from  friends, 
to  go  to  Roxbury  on  foot,  hut  ineeling  llicrc 
with  a  Rhode  Island  gentleman,  acipiainted  \ 
him  of  my  wants,  who  tendered  me  ten 
pounds,  whereby  I  was  acconimodaK-d  \\.t 
my  journev  home.  And  being  come  home, 
I  went  to  the  minister  of  our  town,  and  g  ivc 
him  an  account  of  the  transactions  of  the 
ureat  affairs  1  had  been  employed  in,  ami  of 
the  great  favour  God  was  pleased  to  ^ho\» 
me,  and  mv  company,  and  the  benefit  I 
hoped  woiiM  accrue  to  youisclves,  and  de 
sired  him  to  retuiii  public  thanks  ;  but  at  iIk 
same  interim  of  time  a  jiajier  was  presented 
unto  him  from  a  Court  of  Plymouth,  wliicli 
was  holden  before  I  came  home,  to  coinmaiid 
a  day  of  humiliation  through  the  whole  •;o 
verniiient,  because  of  tlie  ("row  n  ol  GikI  upon 
those  forces  sent  under  my  command,  and 
(he  ill-success  we  had,  for  want  of  nood  con- 
duct. All  which  was  caused  by  (hose  false 
reports  w  hich  were  posted  homi'  by  those  ill- 
affec(ed  ollleers  (hat  were  under  my  eoi:- 
duct,  especially  one  which  yourselves  very 
w  ell  know,  w  ho  had  the  advantage  of  briiiii 
at  home  a  week  before  me,  being  sick  ol  ac- 
tion, and  wanting  the  advanta«:e  (o  be  a(  (lie 
bank,  which  he  every  day  was  mindful  of, 
more  than  fighdng  the  enemy  in  (heir  own 
country. 

Af(er  I  came  home,  being  informed  ol  r 
General  Coiir(  at  Plynioudi,  and  m  l  fi  rire. 
tinjt  my  faidifiil  promise  to  you,  and  ihc  da  ' 


KING   PIIILir'S  WAR 


737 


{  Jay  under,  I  went  tliitlier,  where,  wiiiting 
jpon  tlieiii,  I  gave  them  an  account  of  my 
eastward  transactions,  .'ind  made  tliem  sen- 
iihle  of  tlie  falseness  of  those  reports  that 
were  posted  to  tliem  hy  ill  hands,  and  found 
some  small  favorable  accej)tance  with  them, 
so  far  that  1  was  credited.  I  presented  your 
'.hanks  to  tliem  for  their  seasonahly  sending- 
those  forces  to  relieve  you,  with  that  exjiense 
and  charj^e  they  had  been  at;  which  thanUs 
they  gratefully  received,  and  said  a  few  lines 
from  yourself  would  have  been  well  accept- 
ed. I  then  gave  tiieni  an  account  of  your 
great  necessities,  by  being  imprisoned  in 
your  garrisons,  and  the  great  mischief  that 
would  attend  the  public  concerns  of  this 
country  by  the  loss  of  their  3Iajesti<^s'  inte- 
rest, and  so  much  good  estate  of  yours  and 
your  neighbours,  as  doubtless  would  be  on 
the  deserting  of  your  town.  I  then  moved 
for  a  frei.'  contribution  for  your  relief,  which 
they  with  irreat  forwardness  promoted,  and 
then  ordered  a  day  of  thanksgiving  through 
the  government,  upon  the  'ZGi\i  day  of  this 
instant — upon  which  day  a  collection  was 
ordered  for  your  relief  (and  the  places  near 
adjacent)  in  every  respective  town  in  this 
government  ;  and  for  the  good  management 
•jf  it,  that  it  ndght  be  safely  conveyed  unto 
your  hands,  iliey  appointed  a  man  in  each 
county  for  the  receipt  ami  conveyance  there- 
uf.  The  persons  nominated  and  accepted 
tliereof,  are  :  for  the  county  of  Plymouth, 
Captain  Nathaniel  Thomas  of  iMarshfield  ; 
ior  the  county  of  IJarnstable,  Captain  .loseph 
Lathrop  of  JJarnstable  ;  and  for  the  county 
of  Bristol,  myself.  Which,  when  gathered 
you  will  have  a  particular  account  from  each 
person,  with  orders  of  advice  how  it  may  he 
disposed  of  for  your  best  advantage,  with  a 
copy  of  the  Court's  order.  The  gentlemen 
the  efVects  are  to  be  sent  to,  are  yourselves 
that  I  now  write  to,  viz.  John  Wheelwright, 
Esq.,  Captain  John  Littlefield,  and  Lieutenant 
Joseph  Story.  I  deferred  writing,  expecting 
every  day  to  hear  from  you  concerning  tlie 
Iiulians  coming  to  treat  about  their  prison- 
ers that  we  had  taken.  The  discourse  I  made 
with  thenj  at  Ameras-cogen,  I  knew  would 
have  that  effect  as  to  bring  them  to  a  treaty, 
which  I  would  have  thought  myself  happy 
to  have  been  improved  in,  knowing  that  it 
would  have  made  much  for  your  good.  But 
no  intelligence  coming  to  me  from  any  gen- 
tlemen in  your  parts,  and  hearing  nothing 
but  by  accident,  and  that  in  the  latter  end  of 
the  week,  by  some  of  ours  coming  from  Bos- 
ton, informed  me  tliat  the  Indians  were  come 
into  your  town  to  seek  for  peace,  and  that 
there  was  to  be  a  treaty  speedily,  but  the  time 
tiiey  knew  not.  I  took  my  horse,  and  upon 
the  Monday  set  out  for  Boston,  expecting  the 
treaty  had  been  at  your  town,  as  rationally  it 
should  ;  but  on  Tuesday  night  coming  to 
Boston,  there  met  with  Cajitain  Elisha  An- 
dros,  who  informed  me  that  the  place  of 
treaty  was  Sacaty  hock,  and  that  Captain  Al- 
den  was  gone  from  Boston  four  days  before  I 
came  tlure,  and  had  carried  all  the  Indian 
prisoners  with  him,  and  that  all  the  forces 
were  drawn  out  of  your  parts,  except  twelve 
men  in  your  town,  and  twelve  in  Piscataqua, 
which  news  did  so  amuse  me,  to  see  that 
wisdom  was  taken  from  the  wise,  and  such 
impiudeacc  in  their  actions  as  to  be  deluded 


l)y  Indians,  and  to  liave  a  treaty  so  far  from 
any  English  town,  and  to  draw  ofF  the 
forces  upon  what  pretenc(!  soever,  to  me  looks 
very  ill.  My  fear  is  that  they  will  deliver 
those  that  we  have  taken,  which,  if  ke|)t, 
would  have  bcQU  greatly  for  your  security, 
in  keeping  them  in  awe,  and  preventing  them 
troni  doing  any  hostile  action  or  mischief,  I 
knowing  that  the  En<rlish  being  abroad  are 
very  earnest  to  go  home,  and  the  Indians  are 
very  tedious  in  tlieir  discourses,  and  by  that 
means  wi!l  have  an  advantage  to  have  their 
captives  at  very  low  rates,  to  your  great 
damage.  Gentlemen,  as  to  Rhode  Island,  I 
have  not  concerned  myself  as  to  any  relief 
for  you,  having  nothing  in  writing  to  show 
to  them  ;  yet  upon  discourse  with  some  gen- 
tlemen there,  they  have  signified  a  great  for- 
wardness to  promote  such  a  thing.  I  lying 
under  great  reflections  from  some  of  yours 
in  the  eastward  parts,  that  I  was  a  very 
covetous  person  and  came  there  to  enrich 
myself,  and  that  I  killed  their  cattle  and  bar- 
relled them  up  and  sent  them  to  Boston,  and 
sold  them  for  plunder,  and  made  money  to 
put  into  my  own  pocket ;  and  the  owners  of 
them,  being  poor  people,  begged  for  the  hides 
and  tallow  with  tears  in  their  eyes,  and  that 
1  was  so  cruel  as  to  deny  them,  which  makes 
me  judge  myself  incapable  to  serve  you  in 
that  matter.  Yet  I  do  assure  you,  that  the 
people  are  very  charitable  at  the  island,  and 
forward  in  such  good  actions,  and  therefore 
advise  you  to  desire  some  good  substantial 
persnn  to  take  the  management  of  it,  and 
write  to  the  govermnent  there,  which  I  know 
will  riot  be  labor  lost.  As  for  what  I  am  ac- 
cused of,  you  all  can  witness  to  the  contrary  , 
and  I  should  take  it  very  kindly  from  you  to 
do  me  that  just  right,  as  to  vindicate  my 
reputation  ;  for  the  wise  man  says,  "A  good 
name  is  as  precious  ointment."  VVlien  I 
hear  of  the  effects  of  the  treaty,  and  Lave  an 
account  of  this  contribution,  1  intend  again 
to  write  to  you,  being  very  desirous,  and 
should  think  myself  very  happy  to  be  fa- 
vored wiih  a  few  lines  from  yourselves,  or 
any  gentlemen  in  the  eastward  parts.  Thus, 
leaving  you  to  the  protection  and  guidance 
of  tlie  great  God  of  heaven  and  earth,  who 
is  able  to  protect  and  supply  you  in  your 
great  difficulties,  and  to  give  you  deliverance 
in  his  own  due  time. 
I  remain,  gentlemen. 

Your  most  assured  friend, 

To  serve  you  to  my  utmost  power, 

BENJAMIN  CHURCH. 

Postscript.  Esquire  Wheelwright,  Sir,  I 
entr'iat  you,  after  the  perusal  of  these  lines, 
to  communicate  the  same  to  Captain  John 
Littlefield,  Lieutenant  Joseph  Story,  and  to 
any  other  gentleman  as  in  your  judgment 
you  see  fit, — with  the  tenders  of  my  respects 
to  you,  and  to  Major  Vaughan,  and  his  good 
lady  and  family.  To  Captain  Fryer  and 
good  Mrs.  Fryer,  with  hearty  thanks  for  their 
kindness  whilst  in  those  parts,  and  good  en- 
tertainment from  them.  My  kind  respects 
to  Major  Frost,  Captain  Walton,  Lieutenant 
Honeywell,  and  my  very  good  friend,  little 
Lieutenant  Piaisted.  With  due  respects  to 
all  gentlemen  my  friends  in  the  eastward 
parts,  as  if  particularly  named.  Farewell. 

R.  C. 


To  Major  Fi/cc. 

Bristol,  Nov.  27,  1G90. 
Honored  Sir  : 

These  come  to  wait  upon  you,  to  bring 
you  the  tenders  of  my  hearty  service  to  yunr- 
self  and  lady,  with  due  acknowledgement  ol 
thankfulness  for  all  the  kindness  and  favor  I 
received  from  you  in  the  eastward  parts, 
when  with  you.  Since  I  came  from  those 
parts,  I  am  informed  by  Captain  Ainlros, 
that  yourself  and  all  the  forces,  are  drawn 
off  from  the  eastward  parts.  I  admire  at  il» 
considering  that  they  had  so  low  esteem  of 
what  was  done,  that  they  can  apprehend  the 
eastward  parts  so  safe  before  the  enemy  were 
brought  into  subjection.  T  was  in  hopes, 
when  I  came  from  thence,  that  those  who 
were  so  desirous  to  have  my  room,  would 
have  been  very  brisk  in  my  absence,  to  have 
got  themsdves  some  honor,  which  they  very 
mucli  gaped  after,  or  else  they  would  not 
have  spread  so  many  false  reports  to  defame 
me — which  had  I  known  before  I  left  the 
bank,  I  would  have  had  satisfaction  of  them. 
Your  Inmor  was  pleased  to  give  me  some 
snmll  account,  before  I  left  the  bank,  of  some 
things  that  were  ill  represented  to  you,  con- 
cerning the  eastward  expedition,  which  being 
rolled  home  like  a  snow-ball  through  botii 
colonies,  was  got  to  such  a  bigness  that  it 
overshadowed  me  from  the  influence  of  all 
comfort,  or  good  acceptance  among  my 
friends  in  my  journey  homeward.  But  il. rough 
God's  goodness  am  come  home,  findini^  all 
well,  and  myself  in  good  health,  hoping  thai 
these  reports  will  do  me  the  favor  to  quit  me 
from  all  other  public  actions,  that  so  I  may 
the  more  peaceal)ly  and  quietly  wait  ii|)()n 
God,  and  be  a  comfort  to  my  own  f;imily,  in 
this  dark  time  of  trouble  ;  being  as  one  hid, 
till  his  indignation  is  overpast.  I  shall  take 
it  as  a  great  favor  to  hear  of  your  welfare. 

Subscribing  myself,  as  I  am,  sir, 

Your  most  assured  friend  and  servant, 
BENJAMIN  CHUIM  II 

Major  Church  did  receive,  after  this,  an 
swers  to  his  letters,  but  has  lost  them,  ex 
cept  it  be  a  letter  from  several  of  the  gi  ntle 
men  in  those  parts,  in  June  followir.g,  wlucl; 
is  as  follows : 

Portsmouth,  June  29,  1091 . 
Major  Benjamin  Church, 
Sir:— 

Your  former  rc.idiness  to  expose  yourself 
in  the  service  of  the  country,  against  the 
common  enemy,  and  particularly  the  late 
obligations  you  have  laid  upon  us,  in  these 
eastern  parts,  leaves  us  under  a  deep  and 
grateful  sense  of  your  favor  therein  :  anil, 
forasmuch,  as  you  was  pleased,  when  last 
here,  to  signify  your  ready  inclination  to  fur- 
ther service  of  this  kind,  if  occasion  should 
call  for  it,  we  therefore  presume  confidently 
to  promise  ourselves  com[)liance  accordingly, 
and  have  sent  this  messenger  on  purpose  to 
you,  to  let  you  know  that,  notwiihstanding 
the  late  overture  of  peace,  the  enemy  have 
proved  themselves  as  perfidious  as  ever,  and 
are  almost  daily  killing  and  destroying  iijivin 
all  our  frontiers.  The  goveriuir  and  cnnn- 
cil  of  the  Massachusetts  have  been  pl-'ased 
to  order  the  raising  of  mie  humlred  .ind  fifiy 
men,  to  be  forthwith  dispatched  into  tlmso 


708 


KING    PHILIP'S  AVAR. 


parts;  mid,  as  we  uiulerstaml,  have  written 
to  your  jrovt^rtior  and  council  of  i'lyiiiuulli 
for  fiirtlier  assistance,  wliicli  we  pray  you  to 
|»roinole,  lio|)ini:if  you  can  obtain  about  two 
iiundreil  men,  Enirlisli  and  Indians,  to  vit^it 
ihein  at  some  of  tlieir  liead  quarters  up 
Kenuebeck  river,  or  elsewliere,  wliicli,  for 
want  of  nec(!ssaries,  was  omitted  last  year.,  it 
may  be  of  j^reat  advantage  to  us.  We  offer 
nothing  of  adrice  as  to  what  metiiods  are 
most  proper  to  be  taken  in  tliis  affair,  your 
acquaintance  willi  our  circumstances  as  well 
Hs  ilie  enemies',  will  direct  you  tliereiii.  We 
leave  liie  conduct  thereof  to  your  own  dis- 
cretion, but  that  the  want  of  provision,  &.c. 
may  be  no  reinora  to  your  motion,  you  may 
please  to  know  Mr.  Geafford,  one  of  our 
principal  inhabitants,  now  residing  in  Bos- 
ton, both  promised  to  take  care  to  supply  to 


To  lieujamin  Church,  Gent.  Greeting. 
Reposing  special  trust  and  confidence  in 
your  loyalty,  courage,  and  good  conduct,  I 
do  by  thes(!  presents  constitute  and  appoint 
Vf)u  to  be  Major  of  the  several  companies  of 
militia,  detaciied  for  their  Majesties'  service 
against  their  French  and  Indian  enemies. — 
You  are  therefore  authorized  and  required  \ii 
their  Majesties'  names,  to  discharge  the  duty 
of  a  major,  by  leading,  ordering,  and  exer- 
cising the  said  several  companies  in  arms, 
both  inferior  officers  and  soldiers,  keeping 
them  in  good  order  and  discipline,  com- 
manding them  to  obey  you  as  their  major  ; 
and  diligently  to  intend  the  said  service,  for 
the  prosecuting,  pursuing,  killing,  and  de- 
stroying of  the  said  common  enemy  ;  and 
yourself  to  observe  and  follow  such  orders 
and  directions  as  you  shall  from  time  to  time 


the  value  of  two  or  three  hundred  pounds,  if  receive  from  myself,  according  to  the  rules 


occasion  require.  We  pray  a  few  lines  by 
the  bearer  to  give  us  a  prospect  of  what  we 
n>ay  expect  for  our  further  encouragement, 
and  remain,  sir. 

Your  obliged  friends  and  servants, 
TVilliam  Vaugkan,      Richard  Martyn, 
Nathaniel  Fryer,        William  Fernald, 
Francis  Ifooke,  Charles  Frost, 

John  Wincol,  Robert  Elliott. 

A  true  copy  of  the  original  letter — whicii 
letter  was  presented  to  me  by  Captain  Hatch, 
who  came  express. 

Major  Church  sent  them  liis  answer,  the 
eontents  whereof  was,  that  he  had  gone  often 
enough  for  nothing,  and  especially  to  be  ill- 
treated  with  scandals  and  false  reports,  when 
last  out,  which  he  could  not  forget;  and  sig- 
nifieil  to  them,  that  doubtless  some  among 
them  thought  they  could  do  without  him. — 
And  to  make  short  of  it,  they  did  go  out,  and 
meeting  with  the  enemy  at  Maquait,  were 
most  shamefully  beaten,  as  I  have  been  in- 
formed. 


and  discipline  of  war,  pursuant  to  the  trust 
reposed  in  you  for  their  3Iajesties'  service. — 
Given  under  my  hand  and  seal  at  Boston, 
the  25th  day  of  July,  1692,  in  the  fourth  year 
of  the  reign  of  our  sovereign  lord  and  lady 
William  and  Mary,  by  the  grace  of  God, 
King  and  Queen  of  England,  Scotland, 
France  and  Ireland,  defenders  of  the  faith. 

WILLIAM  PHIPS. 
By  his  Excellency's  command, 

Isaac  Addington,  Secretary. 

Returning  home  to  the  county  aforesaid, 
he  soon  raised  a  sufficient  number  of  volun- 
teers, both  English  and  Indians,  and  officers 
suitable  to  command  them,  marched  them 
down  to  Boston.    But  there  was  one  thing  I 
would  just  mention,  which  was,  that  Major 
Church,  being  short  of  money,  was  forced  to 
borrow  six  pounds  in  money  of  Lieutenant 
W^oodinan,  in  Little-Compton,  to  distribute 
by  a  shilling  and  a  bit  at  a  time  to  the  In- 
dian soldiers,  who,  without  such  allurements, 
would  not  have  marched  to  Boston.  This 
money  Major  Church  put  into  the  hands  of 
Mr.  William  Fobes,  wlio  was  going  out  their 
commissary  in  that  service,  who  was  ordered 
to  keep  a  just  account  of  what  each  Indian 
had,  so  that  it  might  be  deducted  out  of  their 
wages  at  their  return  iiome.     Coining  to 
Bostf)!!,  his  excellency  having  got  things  in 
a  readiness,  they  embarked  on  hoard  their 
transports,  his  excellency  going  in  person 
with  them,  being  bound  to  Pemeqiiid,  but  in 
their  way  stopped  at  Casco,  and  buried  the 
bones  of  the  dead  people  there,  and  took  off 
the  great  guns  that  were  there  ;  then  went  to 
Pemeqtiid — coming    there,   his  excellency 
asked  Major  Church  to  go  ashore  nnd  give 
his  judgment  about  erecting  a  fort  there. — 
He  answereil,  that  his  genius  did  not  incline 
that  way,  for  he  never  had  any  value  for 
them,  being  only  nests  for  destructions. — 
His  excellency  said,  he  had  a  special  order 
from  their   Majesties    King    M'illiain  and 
(iueeii  Mary,  to  erect  a  fort  there.  Then 
they  went  ashore  uiid  s|)ent  some  time  in  the 
projection  thereof.    Then  his  excellency  told 
Major  Church  that  he  might  take  all  the 
forces  with  him  except  one  company  to  stay 
with   him  and  work  about  the  fort.  The 
6'»r  ]Villi(im  Pliips,  Knight,  Captain  Gen-  Major    answered,    iliut    if  his  excellency 
eral  anil   Govcrnnr-in-Chirf  in  and  <n'cr  j  pltasediie  might  keep  two  companies  « itii 
hit  Mnjrslifs  province,  of  the  Afoasac/m- 1  iiini,  and  he  would  go  with  the  n  sl  to  Vv- 
n  tCs  bay  in  New  England,  I  iiubscot,  and  places  adjucent.    Which  his 


rilE  THIRD    EXPEDITION  EAST. 

This  was  in  the  year  1G92,  In  tiietime  of 
Sir  William  Phi|)s's  government.  Major  Wal- 
ley  being  at  Boston,  was  ri'quest(!d  by  his 
excellency  to  treat  with  JNIajor  Church  about 
going  east  with  him.  Major  Walh^y  coming 
home,  did  as  desired  ;  and  to  encourage  the 
said  Major  Church,  told  him  that  now  was 
the  time  to  have  recompense  for  his  former 
great  expenses,  saying  also,  that  the  country 
could  not  give  him  less  than  two  or  three 
hundred  pounds.  So  upon  his  excellency's 
request  Major  (/hurcli  went  down  to  Hostoii, 
und  waited  U|>()ii  him,  who  said  he  was  glad 
to  see  him,  and  aftrr  some  discourse  told  the 
saiil  (ylinrcb  that  lie  was  going  east  himself, 
iind  that  be  slionld  be  bis  second,  and  in  his 
iibseiice  comiiiaiid  all  the;  forces.  And  beini; 
rccpiesiiul  by  his  exeellcney  to  raise  wliai 
volunteers  hi;  could  of  his  old  soldiers  in  the 
county  of  Bristol,  both  English  and  Indians, 
received  his  commission,  wliicli  is  as  fol 
lows : 


excellency  did,  and  gave  Major  Church  hit 
orilers,  which  are  as  followeth  : 

By  his  excellency  Sir  William  Phips,  Knight, 
Captain  General  and  Govcrnor-in- Chief, 
in  and  over  their  Majesties''  j^rovinct  of  the 
MassachusetVs  Bay,  in  New  Fn{^  '.and. 

Instructions  for  Major  Benjamin  Churclu 

Whereas  you  are  Major,  and  so  chief  offi- 
cer of  a  body  of  men  detached  out  of  the 
militia  ap|)ointed  for  an  exjiedition  against 
the  Frencli  and  Indian  enemy,  you  are  duly 
to  observe  the  following  instructions  : 

Imprimis.  You  are  to  take  care  that  the 
worship  of  God  be  duly  and  constantiv  main- 
tained and  kept  up  among  you,  and  to  suffer 
no  swearing,  cursing,  or  other  profanation  ol 
the  holy  name  of  God  ;  and  as  much  as  in 
you  lies,  to  deter  and  hinder  all  other  vices 
amongst  your  soldiers. 

2dly.  You  are  to  proceed  « ith  the  sol- 
diers under  your  command,  to  Penobsc(jt, 
and  with  what  privacy  and  tindiseoverable 
methods  you  can,  there  to  land  your  men, 
and  take  the  best  measures  to  surprise  the 
enemy. 

3dly.  You  are,  by  killing,  destroymg,  and 
all  other  means  possible,  to  eiidea\or  the 
destruction  of  the  enemy ;  in  ])ursuaiice 
whereof,  being  satisfied  of  your  courage 
and  conduct,  I  leave  the  same  to  your  dis- 
cretion. 

4thly.  Y'^ou  are  to  endeavor  the  taking 
what  ca|)tives  you  can,  either  men,  women, 
or  children,  and  the  same  safely  to  keep  and 
convey  them  unto  me. 

othly.  Since  it  is  not  possible  to  judire 
how  affairs  may  be  circumstanced  with  you 
there,  I  shall  therefore  not  limit  your  return, 
but  leave  it  to  your  prudence,  only  that  you 
make  no  longer  stay  than  you  can  improve 
for  advantage  against  the  enemy,  or  may 
reasonably  hope  for  the  same. 

Gihly.  Y'ou  are  also  to  tiike  care  and  be 
very  industrious  by  all  possible  means  to  find 
out  and  destroy  all  the  enemies'  corn,  and 
other  provisions  in  ail  places  where  you  can 
come  at  the  same. 

7thly.  Y'ou  are  to  return  from  Penobscot 
and  those  eastern  parts,  to  make  all  dispatch 
hence  for  Keiinebeck  river,  and  the  places 
adjacent,  a'nd  there  prosecute  all  advantages 
against  the  enemy  as  afiiresaid. 

Stilly.  If  any  soldier,  officer,  or  othei 
shall  be  disobedient  to  you  as  their  eomiiiaii- 
dcr-iii-cliief,  or  other  tlieir  superior  oflicer, 
or  make  or  cause  any  inntinv,  coinniit  other 
offence  or  disorders,  you  shall  call  a  council 
of  \>  ar  ainongstyonr  officers, and  having  tried 
him  or  them  so  ofiViiding,  intlict  such  pun- 
ishment as  the  merit  of  the  oflVnce  recjuires, 
death  only  excepted,  which,  if  any  shall  de- 
serve, you  are  to  secure  the  person,  and  sijf- 
nily  the  crime  unto  me  by  the  first  oj)por- 
tuiiiiy. 

(liven  under  my  hand  this  llih  day  of 
August,  11)1)2. 

WILLIAM  PHIPS- 

T'len  the  major  niid  his  forces  einbarkf  d 
and  made  the  best  of  their  >vay  to  Peiiol>- 
scot  ;  and  coining  tt  an  i>land  in  these  parts 
in  the  evening,  landed  his  forces  at  tnie  end 
of  the  i>aid   island.    Then  the  iiiujor  took 


KING    P  11  I  T.  I      S    W  A  Pw . 


703 


part  of  his  forces  and  moved  toward  day  to 
the  other  end  of  the  said  island,  where  the\ 
found  two  Frenchmen  and  their  families  in 
tlieir  houses,  and  that  one  or  both  of  them 
lia(i  Indian  women  to  their  wives,  and  had 
c!;ildnMi  by  thein.    The  maior  presently  ex- 
»i;ijliiin<;  tiie  Frenchmen  wliere  the  Indians 
were,  they  told  him  tliat  there  was  a  great 
company  of  them  upon  an  island  just  by, 
and  showinji  him  the  island,  presently  dis- 
covered several  of  them.    Major  Church  and 
liis  forces  still  keeping  undiscovered  to  them, 
asked  the  Frenchmen  where  tiieir  passing 
place  was,  which  they  readily  showed  them, 
so  presently  they  placed  an  ambuscade  to 
take  any  that  should  come  ovt;r,  then  sent 
orders  for  all  the  rest  of  the  forces  to  come, 
sending  them  an  account  of  what  he  had 
seen  and  met  withal,  strictly  chargitig  them 
to    keep  themselves    undiscovered  by  the 
enemy.    The  ambuscade  did  not  lie  long 
before  an  Indian  man  and  woman  came  over 
in  a  canoe,  to  the  place  for  landing,  where 
the  ambuscade  was  laid,  who  hauled  up  their 
canoe,  and  came  right  into  the  hands  of  our 
ambuscade,  who  so  suddenly  surprised  them 
that  they  could  not  give  any  notice  to  the 
others  from  whence  they  came  ;  the  major 
ordering  that  none  of  his  should  offer  to 
meddle  with  the  canoe,  lest  tiiey  should  be 
discovered,  hoping  to  take  the  most  of  them, 
if  his  forces  came  as  ordered,  he  expectiTig 
them  to  come  as  directed  ;  but  the  first  news 
he  had  of  them  was,  that  they  were  all  com- 
ing, though  not  privately,  as  ordered  ;  but 
the  vessels  fair  in  sight  of  the  enemy,  which 
soon  put  them  all  to  flight;  and  our  forces 
W.t  fiaving  boats  suitable  to  pursue  them, 
tijey  got  all  away  in  their  canoes,  which 
caused    Major  Church  to  say,  he  would 
never  go  out  again  without  a  sufficient  num- 
l)er  of  whale-boats,  which  tor  want  of,  was 
tiie  ruin  of  that  action.  Then  Major  Church, 
according  to  his  instruction,  ranged  all  those 
parts,  to  tinil  all  tlieir  corn,  and  carried  a- 
board  their  vessels  what  he  thought  conve- 
nient, and  destroyed  the  rest.    Also,  finding 
considerable  quantities  of  plunder,  viz.  bea- 
ver, moose-skins,  &c.    Having  done  what 
service  they  could  in  those  parts,  he  returned 
back  to  his  excellency  at  Pemequid  ;  where 
being  coLue,  staid  not  long,  they  being  short 
of  bread,  his  excellency  intended  home  for 
Boston,  for  more  provisions;  but  before  go- 
ing with  Major  Church  and  his  forces  to  Ken- 
nebeck  river,  and  coming  there,  gave  him 
further  orders,  which  are  as  follows  : 

By  his  Excellency  the  Governor, 
To  Major  Benjamin  Church. 

You  having  already  received  former  in- 
structions, are  now  further  to  ])roceed  with 
the  soldiers  under  your  command  for  Ren- 
nebeck  river,  and  the  places  adjacent,  and 
use  your  utmost  endeavors  to  kill,  destroy, and 
take  CH)  live  the  French  and  Indian  enemy 
wheresoever  you  siiall  find  any  of  them;  and 
nl  your  return  to  Pemecjuid  (which  you  are  to 
do  as  soon  as  you  can  conveniently,  after 
your  Iiest  endeavor  done  against  the  enemy, 
and  having  destroyed  their  corn  and  other 
provisions,)  you  are  to  stay  with  all  your  sol- 
diers and  officers,  and  set  them  to  work  on 
Ihe  fon  ;  and  make  what  dispatch  you  can 


in  that  business,  staying  there  until  my  fur 
iher  order. 

WILLIAM  PHIPS. 

Then  his  excellency  taking  leave  went  for 
Boston,  and  sopn  after  Major  Church  and 
his  force  had  a  smart  fight  with  the  enemy 
in  Kennebeck  river,  pursued  them  so  liard 
that  tiiey  left  their  canoes,  and  ran  up  into 
the  woods,  still  pursued  them  up  to  their  fort, 
at  Taconock,  which  the  enemy  perceiving 
set  fire  to  their  houses  in  the  fort,  and  ran 
away  by  the  light  of  them  ;  and  when  Major 
Church  came  to  the  said  fort  found  about  half 
their  houses  standing  and  the  rest  burnt ; 
also  found  great  quantities  of  corn,  put  up 
into  Indian  cribs,  which  he  and  his  forces 
destroyed  as  ordered. 

Having  done  what  service  he  could  in 
those  parts,  returned  to  Pemequid,  and  com- 
ing there  employed  his  forces  according  to 
his  instructions.  Being  out  of  bread,  his  ex 
cellency  not  coming,  Major  Church  was 
obliged  to  borrow  bread  of  the  captain  of 
the  man-of-war  that  was  then  there,  for  all 
the  forces  under  his  command,  his  excellency 
not  coming  as  expected  ;  but  at  length  his 
excellency  came  and  brought  very  little  bread 
more  than  would  pay  what  was  borrowed  of 
the  man-of-war ;  so  that  in  a  short  time 
after  Major  Church,  with  his  forces,  returned 
iiome  to  Boston,  and  had  their  wages  for 
their  good  service  done.  Only  one  thing  by 
the  way  I  will  just  mention,  that  is,  about 
the  six  pounds  Major  Church  borrowed  as 
aforementioned,  and  put  into  the  hands  of 
Mr.  Fobes,  who  distributed  the  said  mone'  , 
all  but  thirty  shillings,  to  the  Indian  soldiers, 
as  directed,  which  was  deducted  out  of  their 
wages,  and  the  country  had  credit  for  the 
same  ;  and  the  said  Fobes  kept  the  thirty 
shillings  to  himself,  which  was  deducted  out 
of  his  wages;  whereupon  Major  Walley  and 
said  Fobes  had  some  words.  In  short.  Major 
Clmrcli  was  obliged  to  expend  about  six 
p.ounds  of  his  own  money  in  marching  down 
the  forces  both  English  and  Indians,  to  Bos- 
ton, having  no  drink  allowed  them  upon  the 
road  ;  so  that  instead  of  Major  Church's 
having  the  allowances  aforementioned  by 
Major  Walley,  he  was  out  of  pocket  about 
twelve  pouinis  over  and  above  what  he  had  ; 
all  which  had  notbeen,  had  not  his  excellency 
been  gone  out  of  the  country. 


THE  FOURTH  EXPEDITION  EAST. 

In  169G,  Major  Church  being  at  Boston, 
and  belonging  to  the  house  of  representa- 
tives, several  gentlemen  recjuested  him  to  go 
east  atjain,  and  tiie  general  court  having 
made  acts  of  encouragement,  he  told  them, 
if  they  would  provide  whale-boats,  and  other 
necessaries  convenient,  he  would.  Being 
also  requested  by  the  said  general  court,  he 
proceeded  to  raise  volunteers,  and  made  it 
bis  whole  business,  riding  both  east  and 
west  in  our  province  and  Connecticut,  at 
greiit  charge  and  expenses  ;  and  in  about  a 
month's  time  raised  a  sufficient  number  out 
of  those  parts,  and  marched  them  down  to 
Boston  ;  where  he  had  the  promise  that 
every  thing  should  be  ready  in  three  weeks 
or  a  month's  time,  but  was  obliged  to  stay 


considerably  longer.  Being  now  at  Boston 
he  received  his  commission  and  instructions; 
which  are  as  follows  : 

William  Stoughton,  Esquire,  Lieutenant  Go- 
vernor,  ami  Comnniulcr-in-C/iiff,  iw  arid 
over  his  Majesty'' s  province  of  the  Mas- 
sachusetts Bay,  in  New  England, 

To  Major  Dcnjamin  Church,  Greeting: 

Whereas,  there  are  several  companies 
raised,  consisting  of  Englislunen  aiid  In- 
dians, for  his  majesty's  service,  to  go  forth 
upon  the  encouragement  given  by  the  great 
and  gener;d  court,  or  assembly  of  this,  his 
majesty's  province,  cotivened  at  Boston,  tin; 
the  27th  day  of  May,  169(5,  to  prosecute  the 
French  and  Indian  enemy,  &c.  And  you, 
having  oft'ered  yourself  to  take  the  om- 
mand  and  conduct  of  the  said  several  com- 
panies; by  virtue  therefore  of  the  power 
and  authority  in  and  by  his  majesty's  royal 
commisssion  to  me  granted,  reposing  s[)ecial 
trust  and  confidence  in  your  loyalty,  pru- 
dence, courage,  and  good  conduct,  I  do  by 
these  presents  constitute  and  appoint  you  to 
be  major  of  the  said  several  companies,  both 
Englishmen  and  Indians,  raised  for  his 
majesty's  service  upon  the  encourairement 
aforesaid.  You  are  therefi)re  carefullv  and 
diligently  to  perform  the  duty  of  your  place, 
by  leading,  ordwing,  and  exercising  the  said 
several  com])anies  in  arms,  l)oth  inferior  of- 
ficers and  soldiers,  keeping  them  in  good  or- 
der and  discipline,  commanding  them  to 
obey  you  as  their  major :  and  yourself  dil- 
igently to  intend  his  majesty's  service  for  the 
prosecuting,  taking,  killing,  or  destroying  the 
said  enemy  by  sea  or  land  ;  and  to  observe 
all  such  orders  and  instructions  as  you  shall 
from  time  to  time  receive  from  myself,  or 
conmiander-in-cliief  for  the  time  being,  ac- 
cording to  the  rules  and  discipline  of  war, 
pursuant  to  the  trust  rejjosed  in  you.  Given 
under  my  hand  and  seal  at  arms,  at  Boston, 
the  third  day  of  August,  1(590,  in  the  eighth 
year  of  the  reign  of  our  sovereign  lord  Wil- 
liam the  Tbiiil,  by  the  grace  of  (iod,  of 
England,  Scotland,  France,  and  Irelainl, 
kiu'r,  defender  of  the  faith,  &c. 

W  I LLI A M  STOUG  HTON. 

By  command  of  the  Lieut.  Gov.  &c. 

Isaac  Addington,  Secretary. 

Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Hay. 

By  the  Right  Honorable  the  Lieutenant  Go- 
vernor  and  Commander-in-Chief. 

Insti'uctions  for  Major  Benjamin  Church, 
Commander  of  the  forces  raised  for  his 
Majesty^  service,  against  the  French  and 
Indian  enemy  and  rebels  : 
Pursuant  to  the  commissi<m  given  you,  vou 
are  to  iMubark  the  forces  now  fm-nished  and 
equipped  for  his  majesty's  services  on  the 
present  expedition,  to  the  eastern  parts  of 
this  province,  and   with  them,   and    sur  h 
t)thers  as  shall  offi-r  themselves  to  go  forth  on 
the  said  service,  to  sail  milo  PiscatiU|ua,  to 
join  those  lately  dispatched  thither  for  tin: 
same  expedition  to  await  your  coming ;  and 
with  all  care  and  diligence  to  improve  the 
vessels,  boats,  and  men  under  your  com- 
mand, in  search  for,  prosecution  and  pursuit 
of,  the  said  enemy,  at  siich  places  where  you 


710 


KING   PHILIP'S  WAR. 


may  lie  iiiforuifd  (if  their  abode  or  resort,  or 
where  yo"  ni;>y  probably  ex|)cct  to  find,  or 
meet  wiih  ibein,  ami  lake  all  ailvaiitages 
•.igainst  tli(.in  wiiicli  providence  shall  favor 
you  witii. 

Y'oii  arc  not  to  list  or  accept  any  soldiers 
that  are  already  in  his  n)ajesty's  jiay,  and 
post  d  at  any  town  or  frarrison  within  this 
province,  wiiliout  special  order  from  my- 
self. 

You  are  to  require  and  give  strict  orders 
that  the  duties  of  religion  be  attended  on 
board  the  several  vessels,  and  in  the  several 
companies  under  your  command,  by  daily 
prayers  unto  (iod,  and  reiKling  his  holy  word, 
und  observance  of  the  Lord's  day,  to  the  ut- 
most you  can. 

You  are  to  see  that  your  soldiers  have  their 
due  allowance  of  provisions  and  other  ne- 
cessaries, and  that  the  sick  or  wounded  be 
nccommodated  in  the  best  manner  your  cir- 
cumstances will  admit.  And  that  good  or- 
d*'r  and  connnand  may  be  k<'pt  up  and  main- 
tained in  till'  several  comjianies,  and  all  dis- 
orders, drunkenness,  profane  curbing,  swear- 
ing, disobedience  to  officers,  mutinies,  omis- 
sions, or  neglect  of  duly,  be  duly  punished 
according  to  ilit.'  laws  martial.  And  you  are 
to  re(piire  the  captain  or  chief  officer  of  each 
company,  with  the  clerk  of  the  same,  to  keep 
an  exact  journal  of  all  their  proceedings  frotn 
time  to  lime. 

In  case  any  of  the  Lidian  enemy  and 
rebels  ofi'er  to  submit  themselves,  you  are  to 
receive  them  only  at  discretion  ;  but  if  you 
think  fit  to  imi)rove  any  of  them,  or  any 
others  which  you  may  happen  to  take  pri- 
soners, you  may  encourage  them  to  be  faith- 
ful by  the  promise  of  their  lives,  which  shall 
be  granted  u|)oii  approbation  of  their  fi- 
delity. 

You  are  carefully  to  look  after  the  Indians 
which  you  have  out  of  the  |)rison,  so  that 
they  may  not  have  op|)ortunity  to  escape, 
but  otherwise  improve  them  to  what  advan- 
tage you  can,  and  return  them  back  again  to 
this  |>lace. 

You  are  to  advise,  as  yon  can  have  occa- 
sion, with  Caplain  John  (lorham,  who  ac- 
companies yon  in  this  expedition,  and  is  to 
take  your  command  in  case  of  your  death. 
A  copy  of  these  instructions  ymi  are  to  leave 
with  him,  and  to  i;iv(;  me  an  account  from 
limi;  to  tune  of  vom"  pr(>(;cc(lintrs. 

WILLIAM  s  roUCJIITON. 

Boston,  August  12ih,  1696. 

Ill  the  time  INIajor  Church  lay  at  Boston, 
the  news  came  of  I'cniecpiid  f(»rt  being  taken  ; 
it  came  by  n  shallop  that  brouirbt  some  pri- 
soners to  Boston,  who  gave  an  account  also, 
timt  there  was  a  French  sliip  at  iMount- 
Desart,  who  had  taken  a  ship  of  ours  ;  so 
the  discourse  was  that  they  would  seml  the 
man-of-war,  willi  other  forces  to  take  tin;  said 
French  ship,  and  n'lakc;  ours.  Itiit  in  the 
mean-time  aMiijor  Church  and  his  forces  be- 
iiii;  ready,  emliarked,  and  on  the  L")ih  day 
of  Auirust  set  sail  for  Piscatacpia,  where 
more  men  were  to  join  ihi-in,  but  before  they 
!rf(  IJo<toii,  Major  Cliurcdi  discoursed  with 
the  captain  of  the  man-of-war,  who  promised 
liiin,  if  he  went  to  .Moniii-Dcsart,  in  ))iirsi|it 
of  the  I'n  iich  shij),  that  he  would  call  for  bim 
and  U\i  force*  at  Piscatntjim,  expecting  that 


the  French  and  Indians  m|ght  not  be  far 
from  the  said  French  ship,  so  that  he  might 
have  an  opportunity  to  light  ihem  while  he 
was  engaged  with  the  J-'rencli  ship.  So(m 
after  tlie  forces  arrived  at  Piscataqua,  the 
major  sent  his  Indian  soldiers  to  Colonel 
Gidney,  at  York,  to  be  assisting  for  the  de- 
fence of  those  places  ;  who  gave  them  a 
good  commend  t"or  their  ready  and  willing 
services  done,  in  scouting,  and  the  like. — 
Lying  at  Piscatacjua  witli  the  rest  of  our 
forces  near  a  week,  waiting  for  more  forces 
who  were  to  join  them,  to  make  u|)  their 
complement,  in  all  wliich  time  heard  never 
a  word  of  the  man-of-war.  On  the  22d  of 
August  they  ail  embarked  for  Piscataqna, 
and  when  they  came  against  York,  the 
major  went  ashore,  sending  Captain  Gorham 
with  some  forces,  in  two  brigantines  and  a 
sloop  to  Winter-Harbour,  ordering  him  to 
send  out  scouts,  to  see  if  they  could  make 
any  discovery  of  the  e'leniy,  and  to  wait 
there  till  he  came  to  them.  Major  Church 
coming  to  York,  Colonel  Gidney  told  him 
his  opinion  was,  thai  the  enemy  was  drawn 
off  from  those  parts,  for  that  the  scouts 
could  not  iliscover  any  of  them,  nor  their 
tracks.  So  having  doiu;  his  business  there, 
went,  with  what  forces  he  had  there,  to  AViii- 
ter-llarbonr,  where  he  had  the  same  account 
from  Captain  Gorham,  that  they  had  not  dis- 
covered any  of  the  enemy,  nor  any  new 
tracks  ;  so,  concluding  they  were  gone  from 
those  parts  towards  Penobscot,  the  major  or- 
dered all  the  vesst  ls  to  sail  and  make  the  best 
of  their  way  to  Monbegiii,  which  b(,'iiig  not 
far  from  Penobscot,  where  the  main  body  of 
our  enemies  was  living  ;  being  in  great  hopes 
to  come  up  with  the  army  of  French  and  In- 
dians, before  they  had  scattered  and  were 
gone  past  Penobscot,  or  Moiint-Dosart, 
which  is  the  chief  placi;  of  their  departure 
from  each  other  after  such  actions;  and  hav- 
ing a  fair  wind,  made  the  best  of  their  wav, 
and  early  next  morning  they  got  into  Moii- 
hegin,  and  there  lay  all  day  fitting  their  boats 
and  other  necessaries  to  embark  in  the  night 
at  Mussel-neck  with  their  boats  ;  lying  there 
all  day  to  keep  undiscovered  from  the 
enemy  ;  at  night  the  .major  ordered  the  ves- 
sels all  to  come  to  sail,  and  carrv  the  forces 
over  the  bay,  near  Penobscot,  but  having  lit- 
tle wind  he  ordered  all  tlu;  soldiers  to  embark 
on  board  the  boats  with  eight  days'  provision, 
and  sent  the  vessels  back  to  i\loiiliegiii,  that 
they  might  not  hi;  discovered  by  the  eneinv  ; 
giving  them  orders  when  and  where  they 
should  come  to  him.  The  forces  being  all 
ready  in  their  boats,  rowing  very  hard,  got 
ashore  at  a  point  near  Penobscot,  just  as  the 
day  broke  and  hid  their  boats,  and  keeping 
a  good  look  out  iiy  sea,  and  sent  scouts  out 
by  land  ;  but  could  not  discover  either  ca- 
noes or  Indians  ;  what  tracks  and  fire  places 
they  saw  were  judged  to  be  seven  or  ei<:ht 
days  before  they  came.  As  soon  as  ninht 
came,  that  they  minht  be  undiscovered,  got 
into  their  boats,  and  went  bv  .Mussel-neck, 
and  so  amongst  Penobscot  Islands,  lookiiiir 
very  sharp  as  they  went  for  fin  s  on  the  shore, 
and  for  canoes,  bn<  found  neither  ;  sicttin^  n|) 
to  .Matliebeslneks  hills,  da  v  com i  111:011,  landed, 
and  hid  their  boats,  looking  out  for  the  en- 
emy, as  the  day  before,  but  to  little  purpose. 
Night  coming  on,  to  their  ours  ngain,  working 


very  hard,  turned  the  night  into  day  ;  made 
several  of  their  new  soldiers  grumble,  but 
telling  them  they  liojied  to  come  up  quickly 
with  the  enemy,  put  new  life  iiito  them,  and 
by  day-light  they  got  into  the  mouth  of  the 
l  iver,  where  landing,  found  many  rendezvous 
and  fire  places  where  the  Indians  had  been, 
but  at  the  same  sjiace  of  time  as  before  men- 
tioned ;  and  no  canoes  passed  up  the  river 
that  day.  Their  pilot,  Joseph  York,  in- 
formed the  major  that  50  or  GO  miles  up  tli;it 
river,  at  the  great  falls,  the  enemy  had  a  great 
rendezvous,  and  planted  a  great  quantity  of 
corn,  when  he  was  a  prisoner  with  them, 
four  years  ago,  and  that  he  was  very  well  ac- 
quainted there;  this  gave  great  encourage- 
ment to  have  some  considerable  advan- 
tage of  the  enemy  at  that  jilace  ;  so  using 
their  utmost  endeavours  to  get  up  there  un- 
discovered, and  coming  there  found  no  en- 
emy, nor  corn  jilaiited,  they  having  deserted 
the  pluce.  And  ranging  about  the  falls  oh 
both  sides  of  the  river,  leaving  men  on  the 
east  side  of  the  said  river,  and  the  boats  just 
below  the  falls,  «ith  a  good  guard  to  secure 
them,  and  to  take  the  enemy  if  they  came 
down  the  river  in  their  canoes.  The  west 
side  beini;  lUo.  place  where  the  enemy  lived, 
and  best  to  travel  on,  they  resolved  to  range 
as  privately  as  they  could  ;  a  mile  or  two 
above  the  falls  discovered  a  birch  canoe  com- 
ing down  wiih  two  Indians  in  it,  the  major 
sent  word  immediately  back  to  those  at  the 
falls,  to  lie  very  close,  and  let  them  pass 
down  the  fdls,  and  to  take  them  iilive,  that 
he  might  have  intelligence  where  the  enemy 
was,  «hicli  would  have  been  a  great  advan- 
tage to  ihcm,  but  a  foolish  soldier  seeing  them 
passing  by  him,  shot  at  them, contrary  to  orders 
liiven,  which  prevented  them  going  into  the 
ambuscade  that  was  laid  for  them  ;  where- 
U|)oii  several  more  of  our  men  being  near, 
shot  at  them  ;  so  that  one  of  them  could  not 
stand  when  he  got  ashore,  but  crept  away 
into  the  brush,  the  other  stepped  out  of  the 
canoe  with  his  paddle  in  his  hand,  and  ran 
about  a  rod,  and  then  threw  down  his  |iadille, 
and  turned  back  and  took  up  his  gun,  so  es- 
caped. One  of  f>nr  Indians  swam  over  the 
river,  and  fetched  the  canoe,  wherein  was  a 
considerable  quantitv  of  blood  on  the  seals, 
that  tin;  Indians  sat  on  ;  the  canoe  having 
several  holes  shot  in  her.  They  slopped  ihe 
holes,  and  then  Captain  Pracket,  w  iili  an  In- 
dian soldier,  went  over  the  river,  who  tracked 
them  bv  the  blood  abont  half  a  mile,  found 
his  iruii,  took  it  ii|),  and  seeing  the  i)lood  no 
farther,  cimcluded  that  he  slopped  his  blo()d, 
and  so  got  aw.iy.  In  the  mean-time  another 
canoe  with  lliiee  men  were  coming  down  the 
river,  were  fired  at  by  some  of  our  fiMc<'s,  ran 
ashore,  and  left  two  of  their  guns  in  the  ca- 
noe, which  were  taken,  and  also  a  letter  from 
a  priest  to  (^asteen,  that  gave  him  an  account 
of  the  French  and  Indians  returning  over  the 
lake  to  Monnt-Poyal,  and  of  their  little  ser- 
vice done  upon  the  Marpias  Indians  west 
ward,  only  demolishing  one  fort,  and  cut- 
linir  down  some  corn.  He  desiring  to  hear 
of  the  jiroceedings  of  D<  borabuel,  and  the 
French  man-of-war;  and  informed  him  ihiil 
tlier<r  «  ere  several  canoes  coming  with  work- 
men from  (inebec,  to  St.  .lolin's,  wlieresinco 
we  concluiled,  it  was  to  build  a  fort  nt  the 
-iver's  mouth,  where  the  great  guns  wero 


KING    PHILIP'S  WAR. 


711 


t(ikf!ii.  It  beiii<;  jusUiiglit,  tilt;  oHicert*  wtTe  i 
tailed  to;xetli(;rt()  advise,  and  their  pilot,  Yoi  lc, 
iiiruniied  tliem  of  a  tuft  up  tiiat  river,  and 
it  was  l)iidt  on  a  little  island  in  tliat  river, 
and  tliere  was  no  getting  to  it  but  in  canoes, 
or  on  the  ice  in  the  winter  time.  This,  with 
the  certain  knowledge  that  we  were  dis- 
covered by  the  enemy  that  escaped  out  of 
the  upper  canoe,  concluded  it  not  proper,  at 
that  time,  to  proceed  any  further  up,  and  that 
tiiere  was  no  getting  any  further  with  our 
boats;  and  the  enemy  being  alarmed  would 
ccrtaiidy  fly  from  thctn,  and  do  as  they  did 
four  years  ago  at  their  fort  at  TaconocU  ; 
having  sought  them  in  Kennebeck  river,  atid 
pursued  them  ab(/ut  thirty  miles  to  Taco- 
nock  ;  for  tliey  then  set  their  fort  on  fire, 
and  run  away  by  the  light  of  it,  our  forces 
not  being  able  to  come  up  with  them  at  that 
place.  Major  Church  then  encouraging  !iis 
soldiers,  told  them,  he  hoped  they  should 
meet  with  part  of  the  enemy  in  Penobscot 
Bay,  or  at  Mouut-Desart,  where  the  French 
ships  were.  So,  notwithstanding  they  bad 
been  rowing  several  nights  before,  with  much 
toil,  besi(]es  were  short  of  provisions,  they 
cheerfully  embarked  on  board  their  boats, 
and  went  down  the  river,  both  with  and 
against  the  tide  ;  and  next  morning  came  to 
their  vessels,  where  the  major  had  ordered 
them  to  meet  him,  who  could  give  him  no  in- 
telligence of  any  enemy.  Where  being  come, 
they  refreshed  themselves  ;  meeting  then 
with  another  disappointment,  for  their  pilot, 
York,  not  being  acquaint(?d  any  further,  be- 
gan to  lament  the  loss  of  one  Robert  Caw- 
ley,  who  they  chiefly  depended  on  for  all  the 
service  to  be  done  now  eastward  ;  he  having 
been  taken  away  from  them  the  night  befure 
they  set  sail  from  Boston  (and  was  on  board 
Mr.  Thorp's  sloop)  and  put  on  board  the  man- 
of-war,  unknown  to  Major  Church  ;  notwith- 
.staitding  he  had  been  at  the  charge  and  trou- 
ble of  procuring  him.  Then  the  major  was 
obliged  to  one  Bord,  procured  by  Mr.  Wil- 
liam Alden,  who  being  acquainted  in  those 
parts,  to  leave  his  vessel,  and  go  with  him  in 
the  boiits,  which  he  readily  complied  with, 
and  so  went  to  Nasket-puint ;  where  biMiig 
informed  was  a  likely  place  to  meet  with  the 
enemy  ;  coming  there  found  several  houses 
and  small  fields  of  corn,  the  fires  having 
been  out  several  days,  and  no  new  tracks. — 
But  upon  Penobscot  island  they  found  several 
Indian  houses,  corn  and  turnips,  though  the 
enemy  still  being  all  gone,  as  before  men- 
tioned. 'I'hen  they  divided  and  sent  their 
boats  some  one  way,  and  some  another, 
thinking  that  if  any  straggling  Indians,  or 
Casteen  himself,  shoidd  be  thereabout,  they 
might  find  them,  but  it  proved  all  in  vain. — 
Himself  and  several  boats  went  to  Mount- 
Desart,  to  see  if  the  French  ships  were  goni;, 
and  whether  any  of  the  enemy  might  be 
tliere,  but  to  no  purpose,  the  shij)s  being  gone, 
and  the  enemy  also.  They  being  now  got 
several  leagues  to  the  westward  of  their  ves- 
sels, and  seeing  that  the  way  was  clear  for 
their  vessels  to  pass,  and  all  their  extreme 
rowing,  and  travelling  by  land  and  water, 
night  and  day,  to  be  aM  in  vain,  the  enemy 
Having  Ittt  those  parts,  as  they  judged,  about 
eiirlitorten  days  before.  And  then  returning 
lo  tiieir  vessels,  the  cotnmander  calling  his 
DlBcers  together,  to  consult  a-id  resolve  what 


to  do,  concluding  tliat  the  enemy,  by  some 
means  or  other  had  received  some  intel- 
ligence of  their  being  come  out  against  tiicin, 
and  that  they  were  in  no  necessity  to  come 
down  to  the  sea  side  as  yet,  moose  and  beaver 
now  beingfat.  They  then  agreed  to  ^o  far  east 
and  employ  themselves,  that  the  enemy  be- 
longing to  those  parts  might  think  that 
they  were  gone  home.  Having  some  dis- 
course about  going  over  to  St.  .lohn's  ;  but 
♦.he  masters  of  the  vessels  said,  he  had  as 
good  carry  them  to  old  France,  which  ])ut  olT 
that  design,  they  concluding  that  the  French 
ships  were  there.  Then  the  major  moved 
for  going  over  the  bay,  towards  Labane,  and 
towards  the  gut  of  Cancer,  where  was  anoth- 
er considerable  fort  of  Indians,  who  often 
came  to  the  assistance  of  our  enemy,  the 
barbarous  Indians;  saying  that  by  the  time 
they  should  return  again,  the  enemy  belong- 
ing to  these  parts  would  come  down  again, 
expecting  that  we  are  gone  home.  But  in 
short,  could  not  prevail  with  the  masters  of 
the  open  sloops  to  ventme  across  the  bay  ; 
who  said  it  was  very  dangerous  so  late  in  the 
year,  and  as  much  as  their  lives  were  worth. 
Then  they  concluded  and  resolved  to  go  to 
Senactaca,  wherein  there  was  a  ready  com- 
pliance, bnt  the  want  of  their  pilot,  Robert 
Cawley,  was  a  great  damage  to  them,  who 
knew  all  those  parts:  however,  Mr.  John 
Alden,  master  of  the  brigantine  Endeavor, 
piloted  them  up  the  bay  to  Senactaca;  and 
coming  to  Grindstone-point,  being  not  far 
from  Senectaca  ;  then  came  to  with  all  the 
vessels,  and  early  next  morning  came  to  sail, 
and  about  sun-rise  got  into  town  ;  but  it  be- 
ing so  late  before  we  landed,  that  the  ener  v, 
most  of  them,  made  their  escape,  and  as  it 
happened  landed  where  the  Frinich  and  In- 
dians had  some  time  before  killed  Lieutenant 
John  Paine,  and  several  of  Captain  Smith- 
son's  men,  that  were  with  said  Paine.  Tliey, 
seeing  our  forces  coming,  took  the  oppor- 
tunity, fired  several  guns,  and  so  ran  all  into 
the  woods,  carrying  all  or  most  part  of  their 
goods  with  them.  One  Jarinan  Bridgway 
came  running  towards  our  forces,  with  a  gun 
in  one  hand,  and  his  cartridge-box  in  the 
the  other,  calling  to  our  forces  to  stop,  that  he 
might  speak  with  them  ;  but  Major  Church 
thinking  it  was  that  they  might  have  some 
advantaire,  ordered  them  to  run  on  ;  when 
the  said  Bridgway  saw  they  would  not  stop, 
turned  and  ran,  Init  the  major  called  nnio 
him,  and  bid  him  stop,  or  he  would  be  shot 
down  ;  some  of  our  forces  being  near  to  the 
said  Bridgway,  said  it  was  the  General  that 
called  to  him.  He  hearing  that,  stopi)ed  and 
turned  about,  laying  down  his  gun,  stood,  till 
the  major  came  up  to  him  ;  his  desire  was 
tiiat  the  commander  would  make  haste  with 
him  to  his  nonse,  lest  the  savages  should  kill 
his  father  and  mother,  who  were  upward  of 
fourscore  y»  ars  of  nge  and  could  not  go. — 
The  major  asked  llie  said  Bridgway  whether 
there  were  any  Indians  among  them,  and 
where  they  lived  ;  be  shook  his  head,  and 
said,  he  durst  not  tell,  for  if  he  did  they 
woidd  take  an  opportunity  and  kill  him  and 
his;  so  all  that  could  be  got  out  of  him  was, 
that  they  were  run  into  the  woods  with  the 
rest.  Then  orders  were  given  to  pursue  the 
enemy,  and  to  kill  what  Indians  they  could 
Ifind,  luid  take  the  French  alive,  and  give 


them  quarter  it"  they  asked  it.  Our  force! 
soon  took  three  Frenchmen,  who,  upon  ex- 
amination, said,  that  the  Indians  were  aH 
run  into  the  woods.  The  French  fired  sev- 
eral guns  at  our  forces,  and  ours  at  llicm  ; 
but  tliey  being  betti^r  acquainted  with  the 
woods  than  ours,  got  away.  The  major  took 
the  aforesaid  Jarman  Bridgway  for  a  pilot, 
and  with  some  of  his  l"orces  went  over  a 
river,  to  several  of  their  houses,  but  the  |)eo- 
ple  were  gone  and  carried  their  goods  witli 
them;  in  ranging  the  woods  fouud  several 
Indian  liouscs,  their  tires  being  just  out,  bnt 
no  Indiuns.  Spt,'ndin>r  tiiat  day  in  ranging  to 
and  fro,  found  coiisideralile  of  their  uoods, 
and  i)Ut  few  |)eople;  at  night  the  major  writ 
a  letter,  and  sent  out  two  French  prisoners, 
wherein  was  signified,  that  if  they  would 
come  in,  they  should  have  good  quarters. — 
The  next  day  several  came  in,  which  did 
belong  to  that  \n\vt  of  the  town  where  our 
forces  first  landed,  who  had  eiicouragemenis 
given  them  by  our  commander,  that  if  they 
would  assist  him  in  taking  those  Indians 
which  belonged  to  those  parts,  they  should 
have  their  goods  returned  to  them  again,  and 
their  estates  should  not  be  damnified  ;  m  Inch 
lliey  refused.  Then  the  major  and  liis  forces 
pursued  their  design,  and  went  further,  rang- 
ing their  country,  found  several  more  houses, 
but  the  people  fled,  and  carried  what  they 
hadawuy;  but  in  a  creek  found  a  prize  bark, 
that  was  brought  in  thereby  a  French  priva- 
teer. In  ranging  the  wooiis  took  some  pri- 
soners, who  upon  examination  gave  onr 
commander  an  account,  that  there  were  some 
Indians  upon  a  neck  of  land,  towards  Me- 
nis  ;  so  a  t)arty  of  men  was  sent  into  those 
woods,  and  in  their  ranging  abfiut  the  said 
neck  found  some  plunder,  and  a  consideralde 
quantity  of  whortleberries,  both  green  and 
drv,  which  were  gathered  by  tin;  Indians, 
and  bad  like  to  have  taken  two  Indians,  who, 
by  t!ie  help  of  a  birch  canoe,  got  over  the 
river,  and  made  their  escape.  Also  they 
found  two  liarrels  of  powder,  and  near  half 
a  bushel  of  bullets  ;  the  French  denying  it 
to  be  theirs,  said  they  were  the  savages',  but 
sure  it  was  a  supply  for  our  enemies;  also 
they  took  from  Jarman  Bridgway  several  bar- 
rels of  powder,  with  bullets,  shot,  spears,  and 
knives,  and  other  sup|)lies  to  relieve  our 
enemies;  he  owning  that  he  had  been  trad- 
ing with  those  Indians  along  Cape-Sable 
shore,  with  Peter  Assnow,  in  sloop  our 
forces  took  from  him  ;  and  that  there  he  met 
with  the  Fi  ench  ships,  and  went  along  witii 
them  to  St.  John's,  and  helped  them  to  un- 
load the  said  ships,  and  carried  up  the  river 
provisions,  ammunition,  and  other  goods  to 
Vilboon's  fort. 

The  major  having  ranged  all  places  that 
were  thought  jiroper,  returned  back  lo  the 
place  where  they  first  landed,  and  findieg 
several  prisoners  come  in,  who  were  trouliled 
to  see  their  cattle,  sheep,  hogs,  and  tlogs  ly- 
inir  dead  abmit  their  houses,  eliop|i('d  and 
hacked  with  hatchets  ;  which  was  thnie  with- 
out order  from  the  majr)r,  however  he  told 
them  it  was  nolhinjr  to  wliat  our  poor  English, 
in  our  frontier  towns,  wen;  forced  to  look 
upon;  for  men,  women,  and  children  were 
eliop|K'd  and  hacked  so,  and  left  half  dead, 
\yi\h  all  tlieir  scaljis  taken  off,  anil  that  tli(  y 
and  their  Indian;  served  ours  so  ;  un({  o(tr 


713 


KING    PHILIP'S  WAR. 


savairi  s  would  be  glad  to  serve  tliein  so  too, 
it'  III-  woiilij  [n  ium  tliem  !    wliicli  caused 
Ihem  to  lie  iiiij;lity  submissive,  and  bcg<;ed 
llie  iiiMjdr  that  be  would  not  let  liie  savages 
serve  tlieni  so.    Our  Indians  being  soaiewiiat 
sensible  of  the  discourse,  desired  to  liavc 
some  of  lliem  to  roast,  and  so  make  a  dance  ; 
and  dancing  in  a  hideous  manner,  to  terrify 
them,  said,  tliat  they  could  eat  any  sort  of 
I'.esli,  ai.'d  that  some  of  theirs  would  make 
then- hearts  strong;  stepping  up  to  some  of 
the  prisoners,  said,  they  must  have  their 
bcalps,  which  much  terrified  the  poor  pri- 
6t)ners,  who  begged  for  liieir  lives.  Tlie 
major  told  tiiem  lie  did  not  design  the  sav- 
ages should  hurt  them  ;  but  it  was  ti)  let  them 
see  a  little  what  the  poor  English  felt,  saying, 
it  was  not  their  scalps  he  wanted,  but  the 
savaufs,  for  he  should  get  nothing  by  them  ; 
lind  told  them,  that  their  fathers,  the  friars 
and  governors,  encouraged  their  savages,  and 
gave  them  money  to  scalp  our  English,  not- 
wilhslanding  they  were  with  them  ;  which 
Eeveral  of  our  English,  there  present,  did  '.es- 
lify  to  their  faces,  that  their  fathers  and 
mothers  were  served  so  in  their  sight.  But 
the  major  bid  them  tell  their  fathers,  the  fri- 
ars and  governors,  that  if  tiiey  still  persisted, 
and  let  their  wretched  savages  kill  and  de- 
stroy the  poor  English  at  that  rate,  he  would 
come  with  some  hundreds  of  savages,  and 
et  them  loose  among  them,  who  would  kill, 
scalp,  and  carry  away  every  Fnuich  person 
III  all  those  parts,  for  they  were  the  root  from 
whence  all  the  branches  came  tiiat  hurt  us  ; 
for  the  Indians  could  not  do  us  any  harm, 
if  they  did  not  relieve  and  sup|)Iy  them. — 
The  Erench  being  sensible  of  the  major's 
kindness  to  tiiem,  kissed  his  hand,  and  were 
very  thankful  to  him  for  his  favour  to  them 
in  saving  their  lives  ;  owned  that  their  priests 
were  at  the  taking  of  Pcmequid  fort,  and 
were  now  gone  to  Laybone,  with  some  of  the 
Indians,  to  meet  the  French  ships,  but  for 
Avhal  they  would  not  tell.    The  commander 
with  his  forces,  having  done  all  they  could  in 
those  parts,  concluded  to  go  to  St.  John's 
riv(;r,  to  do  further  service  for  their  king  and 
country,  embarked  all  on  board  their  trans- 
ports ;  and  having  a  fair  wind,  soon  got  to 
Monogenest  which  lies  a  little  distance  froi» 
the  inoiiih  of  St.  John's  river.  Next  morning 
early,  the  major,  with  his  forces  landed  to 
see   what  discovery  they  could  make,  tra- 
vellc^d  across  the  woodsto  the  old  fort  or  falls 
at  the  mouth  of  >St.  John's  river,  keeping 
lliemselves  undiscovered  from  the  enemy  ; 
finding  tiiat  there  were  several  men  nt  work, 
nnd  having  informed  themselves  as  much  as 
they  could,  the  enemy  being  on  the  other  side 
of  the  river,  could  not  come  at  them,  return- 
ed back,  b>ir  ni<;lit  coming  on,  and  dark  wet 
wealln  r,  with  bad  travelling,  was  obliged  to 
stop  in  the   woods  until  towards  day  next 
morning,  and  then  went  on  board  ;  soon  af- 
ter the  iirijor  firdrred  all  tluf  vessels  to  come 
to  sail,  and  go  into  tin;  month  of  tiic  river  ; 
being  done,- It  was  not  loii<;  before  the  major 
.iiinl  liH  forces  landed  (hi  iheeastside  of  the 
river,  the  I'rciieli  firing  bn.^kly  at  ihcni,  but 
did  ihoiii  no  harm  ;  and  riiiming  fiercely  up- 
on the  t  liriiiy,  they  soon  [\n\  into  (he  woods. 
Tin;  major  ordereil  a  brisk  party  to  run  across 
a  neck  to  cut  them  off  from  their  canoes, 
which  Uie  day  bcfo/o  ihey  hud  uiade  a  dis- 


covery of;  so  llie  commander,  with  the  rest, 
Tiin  directly  towards  the  new  lort  they  we're 
building,  not  knowing  but  they  had  some 
ordnance  mounted.  The  enemy  running 
directly  to  their  canoes,  were  met  by  our 
forces,  who  fired  at  them,  and  killed  one,  and 
wounded  Corporal  Cniiton,  who  was  taken, 
the  rest  threw  down  what  they  had  and  ran 
into  the  woods.  The  said  prisoner.  Canton, 
being  brought  to  the  major,  told  him,  if  he 
would  let  his  surgeon  dress  his  wound  and 
cure  him,  lie  would  be  serviceable  to  him  as 
long  as  he  lived  ;  so,  being  dressed,  he  was 
examined,  who  gave  the  major  an  account  of 
the  twelve  great  guns  which  were  hid  in  the 
beach,  below  high  water  mark  ;  the  car- 
riages, shot,  and  wIieell)aiTows,  some  flour 
and  pork,  all  hid  in  the  woods.  And  the 
next  morning  the  officers  being  all  ordered 
to  meet  together  to  coi'.sult  about  going  to 
Vilboon's  fort,  and  none  anjongstthem  being 
acquainted  but  the  Aldens,  who  said  the  wa- 
ter in  the  river  was  very  low,  so  that  they 
could  not  get  up  to  the  fort,  and  tiie  prisoner; 
Ciinton,  told  the  cominander,  that  what  the 
Aldens  said  was  true  ;  so  not  being  willing 
to  make  a  Canada  expedition,  concluded  it 
was  not  practicable  to  proceed.  Then  or- 
dered some  of  the;  forces  to  get  the  great 
guns  on  board  the  open  sloops,  and  the  rest 
to  ran^e  the  woods  for  the  enemy,  who  took 
one  prisoner,  and  brought  in  ;  who  in  their 
ranging  found  there  a  shallop  haled  in  a 
creek,  and  a  day  or  two  after  there  cane  in 
a  young  soldier  to  our  forces,  who,  upon  ex- 
amination, gave  an  account  of  two  more 
which  he  left  in  the  woods  at  some  distance  ; 
so  immediately  the  ni;«.jor  witii  souie  cf  his 
forces  went  in  pursuit  of  tl;c:n,  ta!;i:ig  tlie 
said  priso'ier  with  them,  who  conveyed  tiieiii 
to  tlie  place  where  he  left  thera,  bn*.  they 
were  gone.  Then  asked  the  prieoner,  wheth- 
er there  were  any  Indians  in  those  parts. — 
Said  no,  it  was  as  hard  for  Vilhoon,  their 
governor,  to  get  an  Indian  down  to  the  wa- 
ter side,  as  it  was  for  hini  to  carry  one  of 
those  great  guns  upon  his  back  to  his  fort ; 
for  they  having  had  intelligi'iice  by  a  prisoner 
out  of  Boston  gaol,  that  gave  them  an  ac- 
count of  M.ijor  Church  and  his  forces  com- 
ing out  against  them.  Now  having  with  a 
great  deal  of  pains  and  trouble  ^•ot  all  the 
guns,  shot,  and  other  stores  aboard,  intended 
on  our  design  which  we  came  out  first  fo*-,  but 
the  wind  not  serving,  the  commander  sent  out 
his  scouts  into  the  woods,  to  seek  for  the 
enemy,  and  four  of  our  Indians  came  upon 
three  Frenchmen  undiscovered,  who  con- 
cluded that  if  the  French  should  discover 
them,  would  fire  at  them,  and  might  kill  one 
or  more  of  them,  which  to  jirevelit,  fired  at 
the  French,  killed  one,  and  took  the  other 
two  prisoners;  and  it  liapjiened  that  he  who 
was  killed  was  Slianelere,  the  chief  man 
there.  The  same  day  they  mended  their 
wliale-i)oats,  and  the  shallop  which  tli<  y  took, 
fitting  her  to  row  wiili  eight  oars,  that  she 
might  be  liel|)ful  to  their  |)roseculing  their  in- 
teiiih'd  design  against  tin;  enemy  in  their  re- 
turning hoinewanl.  Then  tin;  commander 
rirderiiig  all  the  ofiicers  to  come  together,  in- 
formed them  of  his  intentions,  and  ordered 
that  no  vessels  should  depart  from  the  fleet, 
I  but  to  attend  the  motions  of  their  cr)ni- 
j  modorc,  as  formerly,  except  they  were  part- 


ed by  storms,  or  thick  fogs,  and  if  so  i( 
should  liap|ien  that  any  did  part,  when  they 
came  to  Passamequady,  should  stop  there  a 
while,  for  there  they  intended  to  stop,  and 
do  business  with  the  help  of  their  boats 
against  the  enemy,  and  if  they  niissen  tliar, 
to  stop  at  Macliias  ;  which  was  the  next 
place  be  intended  to  stop  at,  having  an  ac- 
count by  the  prisoners  taken,  that  Mr.  La- 
teril  was  there  trading  with  the  Indians  in 
that  river.  Encouraging  them  said,  he  did 
not  doubt  but  to  have  a  good  booty  there  ; 
and  if  they  should  pass  those  two  places,  be 
sure  not  to  go  past  Naskege-point,  but  to 
stop  there  till  lie  came,  and  not  to  depart 
thence  in  a  fortnight  without  his  orders,  hav- 
ing great  service  to  do  in  and  about  Pe- 
nobscot. Then  the  major  discoursed  with 
Captain  Brackit,  Captain  Hunewell,  and 
Captain  Larking,  witii  their  lieutenants,  com- 
manders of  the  forces  belonging  to  the  east- 
ward parts,  w  ho  were  to  discourse  their  sfil- 
diers  about  their  proceeding,  when  tliey  came 
to  Penobscot  ;  and  the  major  himself  was  to 
discourse  his  Indian  soldiers,  and  their  ca|)- 
tains  :  who  with  all  the  rest  readily  complied. 
The  i)rojection  being  such,  that  wliiui  they 
came  to  Penobscot,  the  commander  designed 
to  take  what  provisions  could  be  spared  out 
of  all  the  sloo|)s,  and  put  on  board  the  two 
briirantines,  and  to  send  all  ihc  sloops  home 
witii  some  of  the  officers  and  men  th.at  want- 
ed to  be  at  home  ;  and  then  with  those  forces 
aforementioned  to  wit.  the  eastvi'ard  men 
and  all  the  Indians  ;  and  to  take  what  pro- 
visions and  ammunition  was  needful,  and 
to  march  with  himself  up  into  tlie  Penobscot 
country,  in  search  for  the  enemy,  and  if 
possible  to  take  that  fort  in  Penobscot  river. 
Captain  Brackit,  iidorining  the  major,  that 
when  the  water  was  low  they  could  wade 
over,  which  was  (at  that  time)  the  lowest  that 
had  been  known  in  a  long  time.  And  being 
there,  to  range  through  that  country  dowi; 
to  Pemeqiiid  ;  where  he  intended  the  two 
brigantines  should  meet  them  ;  and  iVoiii 
tlieiice  takiiiir  more  provisions,  viz.  bread 
salt,  and  aminiiiiition  suitable  (to  send  tiiosc 
two  vessels  home  also)  to  travel  thronjjh  the 
country  to  Nerigiwack,  and  from  thence  to 
Aiiieriis-coircii  fort,  and  so  down  w  hen;  tne 
eiiemv  used  to  plant,  not  doubtiii<r  but  that 
ill  all  this  travel  to  meet  with  many  of  the 
eiieniv  before  they  should  get  to  Piscalaqna. 
All  which  intenlioiis  were  very  acceptable  to 
the  forces  that  were  to  undertake  it,  who  re- 
joicinsr,  said,  they  had  rather  go  home  by 
land  than  by  water,  provided  their  coinnum- 
der  would  go  with  them  ;  who,  to  try  their 
fidelity,  said,  he  was  grown  ancient  and 
niiulit  fail  them  ;  they  all  said  tiiey  would 
not  leave  him,  and  when  he  could  not  tra\ei 
anv  further,  they  would  carry  him.  Having 
doiii'  what  service  they  could  at  and  aiioiit 
the  mouth  of  St.  .Tohii's  river,  resolveil  on 
their  intended  de>igii  ;  and  the  next  morning 
having  but  little  wind,  came  all  to  sail,  the 
wind  coniiiiir  against  them,  they  |)iit  into 
INI nsh(piasli-Cove,  and  the  next  day,  the  wiiai 
still  being  against  them,  the  major  w  illi  part 
of  his  forces  landed,  and  eiii|)loyed  them- 
selves in  ranging  the  country  for  the  eiieniy, 
but  to  no  (iiirpose  ;  and  in  the  night,  the 
wind  came  jiretty  fair,  and  at  12  o'clock 
they  came  to  sail,  nnd  had  not  been  louj^  bo 


KING    IMIILIP'S  WAR. 


713 


fore  iliey  spyed  tliree  saH  of  vessels  ;  expect- 
ing tlieiii  to  be  Frencli,  fitted  to  dcl'ciid  lliein- 
selves,  -so  couiiiij^  iicar,  liniled  tlieiii  ;  wlio 
found  tlieiii  to  be  a  man-of-war,  tlie  l^rovinee- 
(xalley,  and  old  Mr.  Allien  in  a  slooj),  with 
more  forces,  Colonel  Hatliorne  coniuiander. 
Major  (  liarcli  went  ;il)()ard  tlie  coinniodt)re, 
uliere  Colonel  Hatliorne  was,  wlio  jfaveliiiu 
an  account  of  Ms  coniniission  and  Oiders. 
and  reaiJ  tliem  to  !iini.  Then  his  honor  told 
Major  Church,  thai  there  was  a  particular 
order  on  board  Captai;'  Soutliback  for  him, 
wiiich  is  as  follows:  — 


back  to  St.  John's.  Then  discoursing  with  [though  it  proved  to  tiie  contrary;  so  shall 
Colonel  Hatliorne,  gave  him  an  account  of  wind  up  with  a  just  hint  of  what  happened 
what  they  had  done  at  St.  John's,  vi/..  that  as  at  their  coming  home  to  liu^ton.    Aficr  all 


Boston,  September  9tli,  1690. 


Silt ; 


His  Majesty's  ship  Orford  liaving  lately 
surprised  a  French  shalloit,  with  tweiity-tiiree 
of  the  soldiers  heh.ngiiig  to  the  fort  upon 
fdhn's  river,  in  Nova-Scotia,  together  with 
Villeau,  their  captain.  Providence  seems  to 
encourage  the  forming  of  an  expedition  to 
attack  that  fort,  ami  to  disrest  and  remove 
the  enemy  from  that  poyt,  wiiich  is  the  chief 
source  from  whence  the  most  of  our  disas- 
ters do  issue,  and  also  to  favour  with  an  op- 
portunity for  gaining  out  of  their  hands  the 
nnl nance,  artillery,  and  other  warlike  stores, 
and  provisions,  lately  supplied  to  them  from 
France,  for  erecting  a  new  fort  near  the 
river's  ntoutli,  whereby  they  will  be  greatly 
strengthened,  and  the  reducing  of  them  ren- 
dered more  difficult.  I  have  therefore  or- 
dered a  detachment  of  two  new  companies, 
consisting  of  about  an  iiundred  men  to  join 
the  forces  now  with  you  for  that  expedition, 
and  have  coni missioned  Lieutenant  Colonel 
John  Hatliorne,  one  of  the  members  of  his 
Majesty's  council,  who  is  acquainted  with 
that  river,  and  in  whose  courage  and  con- 
duct I  repose  special  tru=t,  to  take  the  cliief 
coinniiind  of  the  whole  during  that  service, 
being  well  assured  that  you/  good  affections 
and  zeal  for  his  Majesty's  s(;rvice  will  induce 
your  ready  compliance  and  assistance  there- 
in, which,  I  hope,  will  take  up  no  long  time, 
and  be  of  great  benefit  and  advantage  to 
these  his  Majesty's  territories,  if  it  please 
God  to  succeed  tiie  same.  Besides,  it  is  very 
probable  to  be  the  fairest  opportunity  that 
can  be  offered  unto  yourself  and  men,  of 
doing  execution  upon  the  Indian  enemy  and 
rebels,  who  may  reason al)ly  be  expected  to 
be  drawn  to  the  defence  of  tliat  fort.  I  have 
also  ordered  his  Majesty's  ship  Arundel,  and 
the  Province-Galley,  to  attend  this  service. 

Colonel  Hatliorne  will  communicate  unto 
you  the  contents  of  his  commission  and  in 
Btructions  receiveu  from  myself  for  this  ex 
pediti(tn,  which  I  ex[)ectaiid  order  that  your 
self,  officers,  and  soldiers,  now  under  you, 
yield  obedience  unto.  He  is  to  advise  with 
yourself  and  others  in  all  weighty  attempts. 
Praying  for  a  blessing  from  Heaven  upon 
tlie  said  enterprise,  and  that  all  engaged  in 
the  same  may  be  under  the  special  protec- 
lion  of  the  Almighty, 

I  am  your  loviuij  friend, 

WILLIAM  STOUGHTON. 

The  Major  h'lving  read  his  last  orders, 
and  considering  his  commission,  found  that 
he  wos  obliffed  to  attend  all  orders,  was 
much  concerned  that  he  and  his  were  pre- 
vented in  their  intended  projection,  if  carried 


to  demolishing  the  new  fort  they  had  done  it, 
and  got  all  their  great  guns  and  stores  al)oard 
their  vessels  ;  and  th;it  if  it  had  not  been  tliat 
[the  waters  were  so  low  would  have  taken  the 
ifort  up  the  river  also  before  he  came  away  ; 
Itold  him  also  tliat  one  of  the  prisoners  which 
he  had  taken  at  St.  John's,  upon  examina- 
tion, concerning  the  Indians  in  those  parts, 
told  him  it  was  as  hard  for  Vilboon,  their 
governor,  to  get  one  of  their  Indians  down 
to  the  water  side,  as  to  carry  one  of  those 
great  guns  upon  his  back  ;  and  that  they 
had  an  account  of  him  and  his  forces  cominir 
to  those  parts  by  a  prisoner  out  of  Boston 
gaol  ;  also  told  his  honor,  that  if  they  went 
back  it  would  wholly  disappoint  them  of  their 
tloiiig  any  further  service,  which  was  that 
they  came  for  to  Penobscot,  and  jilaces  ad- 
jacent;  but  all  was  to  no  purpose,  his  honor 
telling  the  major  that  he  must  attend  his  or- 
ders then  received.  And  to  encourage  the 
officers  and  soldiers  told  them,  they  should 
be  wholly  at  the  major's  ordering  and  com- 
mand in  the  whole  action  ;  and  to  be  short 
did  go  back,  and  the  event  may  be  seen  in 
Colonel  Hatliorne's  Journal  of  the  said  ac- 
tion. Only  I  must  observe  one  thing  by  the 
way  which  was,  that  when  they  drew  off  to 
come  down  tiie  river  again.  Colonel  Hatli- 
orne came  off  and  left  the  major  beliind  to 
see  that  all  the  forces  were  drawn  off ;  and 
coming  down  the  river,  in  or  near  the  rear, 
in  the  night  heard  a  person  hallow,  not  know- 
ing at  first  but  it  might  be  a  snare  to  draw 
them  into;  but  upon  consideration,  suit 
to  see  who  or  what  he  was,  found  him  to  b(! 
a  negro  man  belonging  to  Marblehead,  that 
had  been  taken,  and  kept  a  prisoner  among 
them  for  souse  time.  The  major  asked  him 
whether  he  could  give  any  account  of  the 
Indians  in  those  parts.  He  said,  yes,  they 
were  or  had  been  all  drawn  off  from  the  sea 
coast,  up  into  the  woods,  near  an  hundred 
miles,  having  had  an  account  by  a  prisoner 
out  of  Boston  gaol,  tiiat  Major  Church  and 
his  forces  v/ere  coming  out  against  them  in 
four  brigantines,  and  four  sloops,  v/ith 
twenty-four  pettiaugers,  meaning  whale- 
i>oats,  which  put  them  into  a  fright,  that  not- 
withstanding they  were  so  far  up  in  the 
woods,  were  afraid  to  make  fires  by  day,  lest 
he  and  his  forces  should  discover  the  smokes, 
and  in  the  night  lest  they  should  see  the  light. 
One  thing  more  I  would  just  give  a  hint  of", 
that  is,  how  tlie  French  in  the  eastward  parts 
were  much  surprised  at  the  motion  of  the 
whale-boats  ;  said,  there  was  no  abiding  for 
lliem  in  that  country  ;  and  I  have  l)een  in- 
formed since,  that  soon  after  'his  expedition, 
they  drew  off  from  St.  John's  fort  and  river. 
But  to  return  :  then  going  all  down  the  river, 
embarked  and  went  homeward  ;  only  liy  tlit: 


their  hard  service  both  iiiiiht  and  day,  the 
government  took  away  all  the  great  guns, 
and  warlike  stores,  and  gave  them  not  a 
peiinv  for  them,  except  it  was  some  powder, 
and  that  they  gave  what  they  pleased  ;  and 
besides  the  assembly  passfd  a  vote  that  they 
should  have  but  half  pay  ;  but  his  honor  the 
lieutenant  governor  being  much  disturbed  at 
their  so  doing,  went  into  the  town-house, 
where  the  representatives  were  sitting,  and 
told  them,  except  tliey  did  re-assume  that 
vote, which  was  tocnt  Major  Church  and  his 
forces  off  tlieir  lialf-pav,  they  should  sit  there 
till  the  next  sprini^.  M  hereupon  it  was  re- 
assumed  ;  so  that  they  ha<l  just  their  bare 
wages.  But  as  yet  never  had  any  allowance 
for  the  great  guns  and  stores;  neither  haa 
Major  Church  had  any  ailowatice  for  all  hi? 
travel  and  grciit  expenses  in  raising  the  said 
forces  volunteers. 


THE  FIFTH   AND  LAST  EXPEDITIOM  EAST. 

In  the  year  1703-4,  Major  Church  had  an 
account  of  the  miserable  devastations  made 
on  Deerfield,  a  town  in  the  westward  parts  of 
this  province,  and  the  Iiorril)le  barbarities  and 
cruelties  exercised  on  those  poor  innocent 
people,  by  the  French  and  Indians,  especially 
of  their  cruellies  towards  tnai  ivorLii_>  ^.  auc 
woman  Mrs.  Williams,  and  several  others 
whom  they  marciied  in  that  extreme  scasiai  ; 
forcing  them  to  carry  great  loads,  and  when 
uny  of  them  by  their  hard  usage  cciild  not 
bear  with  it,  were  knocked  on  the  heail,  and 
so  killed  in  cool  l)lood.  All  which,  with  some 
other  horrible  instances  done  by  those  bur- 
barons  savages,  which  Major  Church  him- 
self was  an  eye-witness  to  in  his  former  tra- 
vel in  the  eastward  jiarfs,  did  inncli  astonish 
him.  To  see  a  woman  that  those  barbarous 
siivages  had  taken  and  killed,  exposed  in  a 
most  brutish  manner  (as  can  l>e  expressed) 
with  a  young  child  seized  fast  witli  strings  tii 
her  breast ;  which  infant  had  no  apparent 
wfiiind,  which  doubtless  was  left  alive  to  Mick 
its  dead  mother's  breast,  and  so  miserably  to 
perish  and  die.  Also  to  sec  other  poor  eliil- 
dreii  haiiiriiig  upon  fences  deail,  of  either 
sex,  in  iheir  own  poor  rags,  not  wurlli  tlicii 
sirippinir  them  off,  in  scorn  and  derision. 
AiHiiher  ill-lance  was,  of  a  stiagirling  sid- 
dier  who  was  found  at  Casco,  exposed  in  a 
shameful  ami  barbarous  manner;  his  liody 
being  staked  U)),  his  head  cut  lAY,  and  a 
lioir's  head  set  in  \\h'  room,  his  body  ripped 
up,  and  his  heart  :iiid  inwards  taken  out,  and 
linng  with  belts  of  tln  ir  own,  the  inwards  at 
the  side  of  his  liody,  in  scorn  and  derision  of 
the  KiiLdisli  scddiers.     These  and  such  like 


liarbarities  caused  Major  Chiireh  to  express 
way,  candid  reader,  I  would  let  you  know  of  j  himself  to  this  purpose,  that  if  he  were  com- 
two  thin-rs  that  proved  very  p'r< jn<iicial  to  j  iii,inder-in-chief  of  these  iirovinees,  he  would 
Major  Church  and  hia  forces.  The  first  |  sooi.  put  an  end  to  those  liarbariiii  s  dtuie  by 
was,  that  the  government  should  miss  it  so  .the  barbarous  enemy,  by  making  it  his  wiir.lo 
much  as  to  send  any  prisoner  away  from  | business  to  fight  and  destroy  tliose  savages, 
Boston  before  the  exfiedition  was  over.  Se- :  as  they  did  our  poor  neighbors  ;  which  douiit- 
coiidly,  that  they  should  send  Colonel  Ila-  less  might  have  been  (hme  if  rigliily  ma 
tliorne  to  take  them  from  the  service  and  naged,  ;uiii  that  in  a  short  time.  So  that 
business  they  went  to  do;  who,  with  submi.s-  these,  with  ;be  late  inhmuanities  dune  iipoa 
sion,  doubtless  thought  they  did  for  the  beet,  the  inhabiian'.s  of  Deerfield,  mmlc  such  all 


714 


KING   PHILIP'S  WAR. 


iin|>rt'ssi(ni  on  liis  lirart  as  cannot  well  be  ex- 
prcs-ictl  ;  lii  It  ills  l)l()(»il  boili-d  within  liini, 
itrtiUing  such  ini|iuUe8  on  liis  niinii,  that  lit- 
I'oriri.t  all  lorniLT  treatments,  which  were 
enouirfi  to  hinder  any  man,  especially  the 
hi»id  Alajor  C  hurch,  from  doing  any  further 
service.  Notwithstanding  all  which,  having 
a  mind  to  take  »ume  satisfaction  on  the 
en.  iny,  liis  heart  being  full,  took  his  horse 
and  went  Iroiii  ids  own  habitation,  near 
seventy  miles,  to  wait  upon  his  excellency, 
nnd  offered  his  service  to  the  queen,  his  ex- 
cellencv,  and  the  country  ;  which  his  ex- 
cellency readily  accepted  of,  and  desired 
31ajor  Church  to  ilraw  a  scheme  for  the  ensu- 
ing action,  or  actions;  so  laking  leave  went 
home,  and  drew  it;  which  is  as  follows  : 

TivRrton,  February  5,  1703-4. 
Maij  it  please  xjour  Etccllcncy, 

According  to  your  request,  when  I  was  last 
with  yourself,  and  in  obedience  thereunto,  I 
present  you  with  these  following  lines,  that 
concern  the  preparation  for  next  spring's 
expedition  to  attack  tlie  enemy.  According 
to  my  former  direction,  for  it  is  good  to  have 
a  fidl  stroke  at  them  first,  before  they  have 
op|)ortuniiy  to  run  for  it  ;  for  the  first  of  our 
nciiou  will  be  our  opportunity  to  destroy  tiiem, 
nnd  to  prevent  their  running  away,  in  way- 
aying  e*ery  passage  ;  and  make  them  know 
we  are  in  good  earnest,  and  so  we  being  in 
diligent  use  of  means,  we  may  hope  for  a 
niessing  from  tlie  Ahnighty,  and  that  He  will 
oe  pleased  to  put  a  dread  in  their  hearts,  that 
they  may  fall  before  :is  and  perish.  Tor  niy 
advice  is, 

1st.  'i'liat  ten  or  twelve  hundred  good  able 
sohliers  well  (-(juipped,  i)e  in  a  readiness  fit 
for  action,  by  the  first  of  April  at  farthest,  for 
llien  wdl  be  the  time  to  be  upon  action. 

"iillv.  That  five  and  fi)rly,  or  fifty  good 
wli  lie-boats  be  had  ready,  well  fitted,  with 
five  irood  oars,  and  twelve  or  fill(;en  gorxl 
paddles  to  every  boat;  and  upon  the  wale  of 
ruch  bout  five  yncces  of  strong  leather  be 
fastened  on  each  side,  to  slip  five  sninll  ash 
Lars  ihroiigii,  that  so,  whenever  they  land, 
the  men  may  step  overboard,  and  slip  in  said 
bars  across,  and  take-  n|)  said  boat,  that  she 
may  not  be  hurt  against  the  rocks  ;  and  that 
l^vo  suitable  brass  kettles  be  provided  to  lie- 
long  to  each  boat,  to  dress  the  men's  victuals 
in,  to  make  their  lives  comfortable. 

IMIy.  That  fi)ur  or  fivt;  hundred  pair  of 
good  Indian  shoes  lie  made;  ready,  fit  fiir  the 
hernce,  for  the  Kiiglish  and  Indians,  that 
must  inijirove  the  whale-boats,  and  birch  ca- 
noes, for  they  will  bi;  very  proper  and  safe 
for  that  service  ;  'in<l  let  there  be  a  good  store 
of  cow-hides,  well  tanned,  for  a  supjily  of 
r-iii-li  shoes  ;  and  hemp  to  make  thread,  and 
wav,  Id  mend  and  make  more  such  shoes 
whi'ii  wanted,  aixl  a  good  store  of  awls. 

•liliU'.  That  there  hi;  an  hundred  larife 
ba'clieis.,  or  lii;lit  axes,  n»ade  jirelty  broad, 
iiiid  Mteel*,-d  with  tin;  best  steel  that  can  be 
irot,  and  made  by  good  workmen,  that  may 
Jill  well  and  liold,  that  the  hemlock  knots 
.11  iv  not  bn  .Ji  or  turn  them,  to  widen  the 
i:indiii<;  place  up  the  falls,  for  it  may  happen 
ib  ii  we  may  gel  i.p  with  some  of  our  wliale- 
bivals  to  iheir  falls  or  beaifipiarlers. 

.'whly.  That  there  lie  a  suilable  quantity 
of  t:iuall  ba{;s,  or  wallets  provided,  lliut  every 


man  that  wants  may  have  one,  to  put  up 
his  bullets  in,  of  such  a  size  as  will  fit  his 
gun,  and  not  be  served  as  at  Casco.  That 
every  man's  bag  be  so  marked  that  he  may 
not  change  it :  for  if  so,  it  will  make  a  great 
confusion  in  action  ;  that  every  man's  store 
of  ball  be  weighed  to  him,  that  so  he  may  be 
accountable,  and  may  not  squander  it  away  : 
and  also  his  store  of  powder,  that  so  he  may 
try  his  powder  and  gun  before  action.  And 
that  every  particular  company  may  have  a 
oarrel  of  powder  to  themselves,  and  so 
marked  that  it  may  by  no  means  be  changed  ; 
that  men  may  know  beforehand,  and  may 
not  be  cheated  out  of  their  lives,  by  having 
bad  powder,  or  not  knowing  how  to  use  it : 
and  this  will  pnove  a  great  advantage  to  the 
action. 

(ithly.  That  Colonel  Jolin  Gorham,  if  he 
may  be  prevailed  with,  may  be  concerned  in 
the  management  of  the  whale-boats,  he  hav- 
ing been  formerly  concerned  in  the  eastern 
[larts,  and  experienced  in  that  aflfair.  And 
whale-meii  then  will  be  very  serviceable  in 
this  ex|)edition,  which  having  a  promise  made 
to  them,  that  they  shall  be  released  in  good 
season,  to  go  home  a  whaling  in  the  fall, 
your  eicelh.'ncy  will  have  men  enough. 

7th]y.  That  there  may  be  raised  for  this 
service  three  hundred  Indians  at  least,  and 
more  if  they  may  be  had;  fori  know  cer- 
tainly of  my  own  knowledge,  that  they  ex- 
ceed most  of  our  English  in  hunting  and 
skulking  in  the  woods,  being  always  used  to 
it ;  and  it  must  be  ])ractised  if  ever  we  intend 
to  destroy  those  Indian  enemies. 

8thly.  That  the  soldiers  already  out  east- 
ward in  the  service,  men  of  known  judgment, 
may  take  a  survey  of  them  and  their  arms  ; 
and  see  if  their  arms  be  good,  and  that  they 
know  how  to  use  thein,  in  shooting  riirlit  at 
a  mark  ;  and  that  they  be  men  of  good  rea- 
son and  sense,  to  know  how  to  manage  them- 
selves in  so  difiiciilt  a  piece  of  service,  as 
this  Indian  hunting  is;  for  bad  men  are  but 
a  dug  and  hindrance  to  an  army,  being  a 
trouble  an(  vexation  to  good  commanders, 
and  so  many  mouths  to  devour  the  countrv's 
provision,  and  a  hindrance  to  ail  good  ac- 
tion. 

Otiily.  That  special  care  be  had  in  taking 
up  the  whale-boats,  that  they  be  good  and  fit 
for  that  service  ;  so  that  the  country  be  not 
cheated,  as  formerly,  in  having  rotten  lioats  ; 
and  as  much  care  that  the  owners  may  have 
good  satisfaction  fiir  them. 

lOtliiy.  That  tin?  tenders  or  transports, 
vessels  to  be  imjiroved  in  this  action,  be  good 
decked  vessels,  not  loo  big,  because  of  goiiiir 
up  several  rivers  ;  having  four  or  six  small 
iTuns  a  piece  for  defence,  and  the  fewer  men 
will  defend  them.  And  there  are  enough 
such  vessels  to  be  had. 

llthly.  To  conclude  all,  if  your  ejccel- 
liMKty  will  be  |)leased  to  make  yourself  great, 
and  us  a  happy  people,  as  to  the  d<?stroying 
of  our  enemies,  and  easing  of  our  taxes.  Sic. 
be  pleased  to  draw  finth  all  those  forces  now 
in  pay  in  all  the  eastward  parts,  both  at  Saco 
and  (.'aHco-Hav  ;  fi»r  those  two  tradinir  houses 
never  did  anv  good,  nor  ever  will,  and  are 
not  worthy  the  name  of  (Queen's  forts;  and 
liie  first  liiiilding  of  them  had  no  other  elVeet, 
but  to  lay  us  under  trilnte  to  that  wretched 
pagan  crew  ;  and  I  hope  never  w  ill  be  wanted 


for  that  they  were  first  built  for:  but  sure  it 
is,  tliev  are  very  serviceable  to  them,  furl  hey 
get  many  a  good  advantage  of  us  to  deftroy 
our  men,  and  laugh  at  us  for  our  folly,  that 
we  should  be  at  so  much  cost  and  trouble  lo 
do  a  thing  that  does  us  so  much  harm,  :iiid 
no  manner  of  good,  lint  to  the  contrary, 
when  they  see  all  our  forces  drawn  fiirtli,  and 
in  the  pursuit  of  them,  they  will  think  ihat 
we  begin  to  be  roused  up,  and  to  be  awake, 
and  will  not  be  satisfied  with  what  they  have 
pleased  'o  leave  us,  but  are  resolved  lo  retake 
from  them,  that  they  took  fiirmerly  from  us, 
and  drive  thc-m  out  of  their  country  also. 
The  v/hich  being  done,  then  to  build  a  fort 
at  a  suitable  time,  and  in  a  convenient  place  ; 
and  it  will  be  very  honorable  to  your  ex- 
celh.'iicy,  and  of  great  service  to  her  majesty, 
and  to  the  enlargement  of  her  majesty's 
government ;  (the  place  meant  bein<;  at  I'ori- 
Koyal.) 

12tlily.  That  the  objection  made  against 
drawing  oft'  the  forces  in  the  eastward  parts 
will  be  no  damage  to  the  iiilialiitants ;  for 
fi)rmer  experience  teachetli  us,  that  so  soon 
as  drawn  into  their  country,  they  will  pre- 
sently forsake  ours  to  take  care  of  their  own. 
And  that  there  be  no  failure  in  making  pre- 
paration of  these  thinirs  afiirementioned,  for 
many  times  the  want  of  small  things  pre- 
vents the  completing  of  great  actions  ;  and 
that  every  thing  be  in  readiness  befiire  the 
f  rces  be  raised,  to  prevent  charges,  and  the 
enemv  having  intelligence.  And  lhat  the 
general  court  be  moved  to  make  suitable  acts, 
for  the  encouraging  both  English  and  In- 
dians ;  that  so  men  of  business  may  freely 
offer  estates  and  concerns  to  serve  the  public. 

Thus  hoping  what  I  have  taken  the  pain> 
to  write  in  the  sincerity  of  my  heart  and 
good  all"e(;tion,  will  be  well  acce|)t»(l,  I 
malie  bold  to  subscribe,  as  I  am,  ymir  ex- 
cellency's most  devoted  bnnible  serv;int, 
liEiNJAIMlN  CillllCII. 

Tiien  returning  to  his  excellency  presentcil 
the  said  Fclieme,  which  his  excellency  ap- 
jnoved  of,  and  returned  it  again  to  Major 
Church,  and  desired  him  to  see  that  every 
thing  was  provided,  telling  him  that  he  should 
have  an  order  from  the  commissary  general 
to  proceed.  Then  returned  home  nnd  made 
it  his  \>  hole  business  to  provide  oars  and  pad- 
dles, and  a  vessel  to  carry  them  roui.xl ;  and 
then  returned  aiiain  to  his  excellency,  w  ho 
nave  him  a  coinminission.  ^^  hicli  is  as 
follows : 

Joseph  DiiJlfi/,  Ksq.,  C(i]>tain  Grtirril  and 
(i<irrriior-lii-(^/iief  in  and  over  lur  Mnjis 
ty^s  Proviticis  of  the  ^fasiar/iiisrlts- I'n i/ 
and  ]S'fW- 1 lanipsliirf,  in  Knr-  iln^lantl ,  in 
America,  and  Vice- Admiral  of  llir  sainr. 

To  llenjamin  Church,  Esq.,  (Un  rlinf; : 

By  virtue  of  the  power  and  anihoiiiy,  in 
and  by  her  majesty's  royal  commission,  lo 
me  granted,  I  (lo  by  these  presents,  reposing 
spt'cial  trust  and  confidence  in  your  lo\ ally, 
coiira;;e,  and  good  condiici,  consiilule  and 
a|)poiiit  \'ou  to  be  colonel  of  all  (be  forces 
raised,  and  lo  be  raised  fiirhiT  majesty's  si  r- 
vice,  against  the  I'reiich  and  liidiiiii  enemy 
and  rebels,  that  shall  lie  improved  in  l  ie  ser- 
vice to  the  eastward  of  Cusco-l?ay  ;  and  Co 


KING   PHILIP'S  WAR. 


716 


be  Ci«j)t.iiii  (if  tlie  first  ctmipany  of  the  said 
for-J' £1.  Yoii  lire  llicrffine  carcfiiilv  iirul  dlli- 
treiiily  to  |tei  loi-iii  llie  duty  of  a  colonel  ami 
••M[;:i;!ii,  l)y  k-adiiig,  orderiiijr,  and  fxcr<;isin<;- 
t'.;:'  said  comjiuiiy  and  reginient  in  arms,  both 
iiifjrior  otiiccrs  and  soldiers;  and  to  keep 
[iu-ni  in  <ii)od  order  and  disci|jiine.  Hereby 
coniinandini>-  tln'ni  to  obey  you  as  their  col- 
onel and  captain  ;  and  with  them  to  do  and 
execute  all  acts  of  hostility  against  the  said 
enemy  and  rebels.  And  you  are  to  observe 
and  follow  such  orders  and  directions  as  you 
shall  receive  from  myself,  or  other  your  su- 
perior olScer,  accor<linii  to  tiie  rules  and  dis- 
cipline of  war,  pursuant  to  tiie  trust  reposed 
in  you.  Given  under  my  hand  and  seal  at 
arms,  at  Boston,  the  ISlh  day  of  March,  in 
the  third  year  of  lier  majesty's  reign.  Anno 
Doni.  1703-4. 

J.  DUDLEY. 

\\y  his  Excellency  s  command, 

Isaac  Audington,  Secretary. 

Colonel  rhiirch  no  sooner  received  his 
commission,  but  proceeded  to  the  raising 
t*f  volunteers,  by    going    into  every  town 
within  the  three  counties,  which  were  for- 
viierly  PIvmouth  government ;  advising  with 
ihe  chief  officer  of  each  company,  to  call 
his  company  together,  that  so  lie  might  have 
t!ic  better  oi>portunity  to  discourse  and  en- 
courage tliem  to  serve  their  queen  and  coun- 
try ;  treating  them  with  drink  convenient, 
told  them  he  did  not  doubt  but  with  God's 
blessing  to  bring  them  all  home  again.  All 
which,  with  many  other  arguments,  animated 
their  hearts  to  do  service,  so  that  Colonel 
Church  enlisted  out  of  some  companies  near 
twenty  men,  and  others  fifteen.    He  having 
raised  a  sulficient  number  of  Englisii  soldiers, 
proceeded  to  the  enlisting  of  Indians  in  all 
those  parts  where  they  dwelt,  which  was  a 
gteiV.  fatigue  and  expense  ;  being  a  people 
that  need   much   treatiug,  especially  with 
drink.    Having  enlisted  the  most  of  his  sol- 
diers in  those  |)arts,  who  daily  lay  upon  him, 
was  not  less  than  5/.  per  day  expenses,  some 
days,  in  victuals  and  drink  ;  who  doubtless 
thought,    especially  the    English,   that  tlie 
country  would  have  reimbursed  it  again,  other- 
wise they  would  hardly  have  accejjted  it  of 
him.    Colonel  Church's  soldiers  both  Eng- 
lish and  Indians  in  those  parts  being  raised, 
marched   them  all  down  to  Nautasket,  ac- 
cordiiiiT  to  his  excellency's  directions  ;  where 
being  c(nne,  tiie  following  gentlemen  were 
commissioned  to   be   commanders  of  each 
particular  company,  viz.  Lieutenant  Colonel 
(Jorhain,  ("aptains  John   15|-own,  Constant 
Church,  .Fames  Cole,  John  Dyer,  John  Cook, 
Caleb  Williamson,  and  Edwanl  Church,  of 
the  forces  raiseil  by   Colonel  Church,  each 
con)|iany  being  filled  up  with  English  and 
Indians  as  they  agreed  among  theniselves, 
anil  by  the  colonel's  directions ;  Captain 
Lamb,  and  Captaiii  Mirick's  company,  who 
were  raised  by   his  excellency's  direction. 
Were  ordered  to  join  those  aforesaid,  under 
the  coiniiiand  of  Colonel  Church.  Matters 
beiiiiT  brought  thus  far  on.  Colonel  Church 
wailed  upon   his  excellency  at  Boston  to 
ki  ow   his  pleasure,  what  further  measures 
Were  to  be  taken  ;  and  did  humlily  move 
that  they  might  nave  liberty  in  their  instruc- 
tions to  make  an  attack  upoa  Port-Royal ; 


being  very  well  satisfied  in  liis  opinion,  that 
with  the  blessing  of  (iod,  with  what  fi)rces 
they  had  or  should  have  ;  and  wliah^-boats 
so  well  fitted  with  oars  and  paddles,  as  they 
liad  with  them  might  be  suflicient  to  have 
taken  it.  His  excellency,  looking  upon 
Colonel  Church,  replied,  he  could  not  admit 
of  that,  by  reason  he  had  by  the  advice  of 
her  majesty's  council,  writ  to  her  majesty 
about  the  taking  of  Port-Royal  fort,  and  how 
it  should  be  disposed  of  when  taken.  How- 
ever Colonel  Church  proceeding  to  get  every 
thing  ready  forthe  forces  down  at  IVantasket, 
which  was  the  place  of  parade.  He  hap- 
pening one  day  to  be  at  Captain  Belcher's, 
where  his  excellency  hapjiened  to  come ; 
who  was  pleased  to  order  Colonel  Churfjli  to 
put  on  his  sword,  and  walk  with  him  up  the 
common,  which  he  readily  con)|)iied  with. 
Where  l)eing  come  he  saw  two  mortar  pieces 
with  shells,  and  an  engineer  trying  with 
them  to  throw  a  shell  from  them  to  any  spot 
of  ground  where  he  said  it  should  fall. 
Which,  when  Colonel  Church  had  seen  done, 
gave  him  great  encouragement  and  hopes 
tiiat  it  would  promote  their  going  to  Port- 
Royal,  which  he  had  solicited  for  ;  and  re- 
turning from  thence,  after  tlicy  had  seen 
them  tried  by  the  said  engineer,  and  per- 
forming what  was  proposed,  coming  tiear  to 
Cajitain  William  Clark's  house,  over  against 
the  horse-shoe,  his  excellency  was  invited  by 
Captain  Clark  to  walk  over  and  take  a  glass 
of  wine  ;  which  he  was  pleased  to  accept  of, 
and  took  Colonel  Church  with  iilni  ;  and  in 
the  time  they  were  taking  a  glass  of  wine. 
Colonel  Church  once  more  presumed  to  su 
to  his  excellency,  "  Sir,  I  hope  that  now  we 
shall  go  to  Port-Royal  in  order  to  take  it ; 
those  mortars  being  very  suitjible  for  such  an 
enterprise."  His  excellency  was  pleased  to 
reply:  "Colonel  Church  yon  must  say  no 
more  of  that  matter,  for  the  letter  I  told  you 
of  I  writ  by  the  advice  of  her  majesty's 
council,  now  lies  at  home  on  the  board  be- 
fore the  lords  commissioners  of  her  majesty's 
fcreign  pluntations."  After  some  days  every 
thing  being  ready  to  embark.  Colonel  Church 
received  his  instructions,  which  are  as  fol- 
lows : — 

By  his  Excellency  Joseph  Dudley,  Esq., 
Captain-General  and  Governor-in-Chirf 
in  and  over  her  Majesty''s  Province  of  the 
Ulassachusetts-Bay,  Sfc.,  in  New  England, 
and  Vice-Admiral  of  the  same. 

Instructions  for  Colonel  lienjamin  Church, 
in  the  present  Expedition. 

In  pursuance  of  the  commission  given  you 
to  take  the  chief  conjmand  of  the  land  and 
sea  forces  by  \no.  raised,  equipped,  and  set 
forth  on  lier  majesty's  service,  :>;rjiinst  her 
open  declared  enemies  the  French  and  In- 
dian rebels,  yim  are  to  observe  the  fi)llowing 
i.'istructions  : 

First,  you  are  to  take  care,  that  the  duties 
of  religion  be  attended  on  board  tlu;  several 
vessels,  and  in  the  several  companies  under 
your  command,  by  daily  [irayers  unto  Cod, 
and  reading  his  holy  word  ;  and  that  the 
Lord's  day  be  observed  and  duly  sanctified 
to  the  utmost  of  your  power,  as  far  as  the 
circumstances  and  necessity  of  the  service 
can  admit,  that  so  you  may  have  the  presence 


of  God  with,  and  obtain  his  blessing  on  youl 
undertaking. 

You  are  to  take  care  tliat  your  .-^ildier^ 
have  their  due  allowance  of  |)rovisions  and 
other  necessaries;  that  their  arms  b(i  well 
fixed,  and  kept  fit  for  service,  and  that  they 
be  furnished  w  ith  a  suilable  (|nanlily  <d'  pow- 
der and  ball,  and  be  always  in  readines:-  tn 
pass  upon  duty. 

That  good  order  and  diseiplim?  be  main- 
tained ;  and  all  disordeis,  drunkenness,  pro- 
fane swearinir,  cursing,  omission  or  neglect 
of  duty,  disobedience  to  officers,  mutiny, 
desertion  and  sedition  be  duly  punished  ac- 
cording to  the  rules  and  articles  of  war  ;  the 
which  you  are  once  a  month,  or  ofieiier,  to 
cause  to  be  published  and  made  known  to 
your  officers  and  soldiers  for  their  observance 
and  direction  in  their  duty.  Let  notoriou."? 
and  capital  offi'iiders  be  sent  away  to  the 
next  garrisons,  there  to  be  imprisoned  until 
they  can  be  proceeded  with. 

Let  the  sick  and  wounded  be  carefully 
looked  af"ter,  and  accommodated  after  the 
best  manner  your  circumstances  will  admit 
of,  and  be  sent  either  to  Cas(!o-l''ort,  or  tc 
Mr.  Peperel's  at  Kittery,  which  may  be 
easiest,  so  soon  ns  you  can. 

You  are  fiirthwith  to  send  away  the  forces 
and  stores  by  the  transports,  with  the  whale- 
boats  to  Piscataqua,  on  Kittery  side,  there  to 
attend  your  cominir  ;  whither  you  are  to  fid- 
low  them  with  all  expedition. 

You  are  to  emb.irk  in  the  Province-Galley, 
Captain  Soiithback,  commander,  and  let 
Lietentint  Colonel  Gorham  go  on  hoard  Cai>- 
tain  Gallop  ;  w  lioare  both  directed  to  attend 
your  motion  on  the  French  side,  after  w  hich 
they  are  to  return.  Let  tin;  o'limaiiders  of 
all  the  store  sloops  and  trans|inrts  know  that 
they  sail,  anchor,  and  serve  at  your  direc 
tion. 

When  von  sail  from  Piscatacpia,  keeji  at 
such  distance  ofV  the  shore,  that  you  be  not 
observed  by  the  enemy  to  alarm  iheni.  Stop  at 
Montinicus,  and  iher  embark  t  he  fi>rces  in  the 
whale-boats  for  the  main,  to  range  that  partoi 
the  country,  in  search  of  the  enemy,  to  Mount- 
Desart,  sending  tile  vessels  to  meet  vou  there  ; 
and  after  having  refreshed  and  recruited  voiir 
soldiers,  jiroeeed  to  Maeliias,and  from  llu-nce 
to  Passanie(piado  ;  and  having  eirected  what 
spoils  you  possibly  may  upon  ihe  eneinv  in 
those  parts,  embark  on  your  vess{-ls  for  .Me- 
nis  and  J^ignecto,  to  Port-Woval  Gut  ;  and 
use  all  [lossible  methods  for  the  burning  and 
destroying  of  the  enemy's  houses,  and  break- 
ing the  dams  of  their  corn  grounds  in  the 
said  several  places,  and  inak<"  what  oilier 
spoils  you  can  upon  them,  and  briiiif  awav 
the  prisoners.  In  your  return  call  a!  Peiiob 
scot,  and  do  what  yitu  can  iliere,  and  >o  pro- 
ceed westward. 

This  will  probably  employ  \nu  a  iiionth 
or  six  weeks,  when  you  will  draw  toijeilu'r 
again,  and  by  the  latter  end  of  .luiie  ct'ii- 
sider  w  hether  yon  can  march  to  .\orri<fwael<, 
or  other  parts  of  their  plaiitinir,  to  destrov 
their  corn  and  settlements,  and  keep  the  ex 
jiedition  on  foot  until  the  middle  of  .\in;nst 
next. 

iVt  twithstandinir  the  parlienlarity  of  ti  n 
aforegoing  ii.striictioiis,  1  lay  you  under  no 
restraint,  because  I  am  well  assur<'d  of  year 
courage,  care,  caution^  and  industry  ;  bm 


716 

ivfcr  you  to  your  own  res(»lve»,  by  tlie  ad- 
vice «)t\)<)iir  c  Mninis.-ioii  officerti,  not  under 
tbc  dt  ^i  e«!  of  captaiiis,  and  the  sea  coiii- 
inis.-^ioii  captains  (wiioin  you  will,  as  often  a:; 
you  can,  advise  willi)  accoidini;  to  the  iiitel- 
iijit  ncc  vou  may  receive,  or  as  you  may  find 
needful  upon  llie  spot. 

You  are  hy  every  opportunity,  and  once  a 
week  certainly,  liy  some  means,  either  hy 
Casco,  I'iseataqua,  or  otherwise  to  acquaint 
iiie  of  your  |)roceedin<i:s  and  all  occurrences, 
and  whai  may  he  further  necessary  for  the 
service.  And  to  observe  sucli  further  and 
other  instructions  as  you  shall  receive  froni 
myself. 

As  often  as  you  may,  advise  with  Captain 
Smith  and  Captain  Rogers,  commanders  of 
her  majesty's  ships. 

liet  your  minister,  comissiuy,  and  sur- 
geons be  treated  with  just  respects.  1  pray 
to  (jJod  to  preaervc,  prosper,  and  succeed 
you. 

Given  under  my  hand  at  Boston,  llie  fourtii 
dav  of  xMay,  1704. 

J.  DUDLEY. 

Pursuant  to  Ids  instructions  he  sent  away 
his  transports  and  forces  to  Piscataqua,  but 
was  ohli<;ed  himself  to  wait  upon  his  excel- 
lency hv  land  to  I'iscatacjua,  in  order  to  raise 
more  forces  in  the  way  thither;  and  did  raise 
a  company  under  the  command  of  Captaii; 
llarri(lon  ;  lakinif  care  also  to  provide  a 
pdot  for  tiiem  in  the  bay  of  Fundy  ;  Colo- 
nel Church  bein^  directed  to  one  i'ellows, 
whom  he  met  witli  at  Ipswich.  And  going 
from  thence  to  Piscataqua  with  his  excel- 
lency, was  there  met  by  that  worthy  gentle- 
man Major  Wiiithrop  llilton,  wh(»  was  very 
lielpfid  to  him  in  the  wlnde  expedition  whose 
name  and  memory  ought  not  to  be  totgol. 
Deing  ready  to  embark  from  Piscataqua, 
(/olotn-l  (,'tiurcii  recpiested  the  commanders 
of  her  majesty's  shijis.  Captain  Smith  and 
Captain  Rogers  to  tarry  at  I'iscataqua  a  fort- 
night, that  so  they  mi<;ht  not  be  discovered 
by  the  enemy  before  he  had  done  some  spod 
u|)on  them.  'I'lien  moving  in  their  trans- 
ports, as  directetl,  got  safe  into  Montinicus, 
undiscovered  by  the  enemy.  Next  morning 
early,  fitted  out  two  whale-boats  with  men, 
Captiiin  John  Cooke  in  one,  and  Captain 
Constant  (church  in  the  other ;  and  sent 
iheni  to  (»reen-Island,  upon  a  discovery ; 
ami  coming  there  they  parted,  one  went  to 
one  part,  and  the  other  to  the  other  part, 
that  so  they  might  not  miss  of  what  could  be 
discovere<l ;  w  here  they  nn;t  with  old  Lafaure 
with  Ins  two  sons  Thonjas  and  Tiinothy,  and 
a  Canada  linlian.  'I'he  eneniv  seeinjr  that 
they  were  discovered,  threw  down  their  ducks 
and  eggs,  having  a  considerable  quantity  of 
each,  ami  ran  to  their  canoes,  getting  into 
them,  stood  directly  for  the  Main;  looking 
behind  them,  perceived  the  whale-boats  to 
gain  so  fast  upon  them,  clapt  side  by  side, 
an<l  all  fiiijr  not  into  one  canoe,  w  liieh  proved 
oflillli!  udvantaire  to  them,  for  the  w  hale-i)oats 
gained  so  mneh  upon  them,  and  got  so  near 
ill  It  C'iplain  Cook,  lirini;  at  tin;  steer's-man, 
the  Indian,  and  happened  to  i;ra/.e  his  skull, 
and  quite  t.pinled  his  paddling:  upon  which 
^ld  Lafaiire  and  sons,  seeing  their  compa- 
nion's condition,  soon  beggeii  for  (piarter, 
»i|d  had  It  grnnlul.    The  two  cnptams  with 


KING    PHILIP'S  WAR. 


their  success  presently  returned  to  their  com- 
mander, taking  care  that  their  captives  should 
not  discourse  together  before  they  were  ex- 
amined ;  when  brought  to  Colonel  Church, 
he  ordered  thenj  to  be  af)art,  and  first  pro- 
ceeded to  examine  old  Lafanre,  whom  he 
found  to  be  very  surly  and  cross,  so  that  he 
could  gain  no  manner  of  intelligence  by 
him  ;  upon  which  the  coinniander  was  re- 
solved to  put  in  practice  what  he  had  for- 
merly done  at  Senecto  ;  ordering  the  Indians 
to  make  two  large  heaps  of  dry  wood,  at  some 
distance  one  from  the  other,  and  to  set  a  large 
stake  in  the  ground,  close  to  each  heap  ;  then 
ordered  the  two  sons,  Thomas  and  Timothy, 
to  be  brought,  and  to  be  bound  to  the  stakes; 
also  ordering  his  Indians  to  paint  themselves 
with  colours,  w  liich  they  had  brought  for  that 
use.  'I'hen  the  colonel  proceeded  to  exam- 
ine first  Timothy  ;  and  told  him,  he  had  ex- 
amined his  father  already  ;  and  that  if  he 
told  him  the  truth  he  would  save  his  life,  and 
liike  Iiim  inlo  his  service  ;  and  tiiat  he  should 
have  good  pay  and  live  well.  He  answered, 
that  he  would  tell  him  the  truth ;  and  gave 
hin«  an  account  of  every  thing  he  knew  ; 
which  was  all  minuted  down  :  he  being  asked 
whether  his  brother  Thomas  did  not  know 
more  than  he?  His  answer  was,  yes,  for  his 
brother  'i'homas  had  a  commission  sent  him 
from  the  governor  of  Canada,  to  comand  a 
company  of  Indians,  who  were  gathered 
togetiier  at  a  place  where  some  French  gen- 
tlemen lately  arrived  from  Canada,  who  were 
officers  to  com:nand  the  rest  that  were  to  go 
westward  to  figiit  the  English,  and  that  there 
was  sent  to  his  father  atid  brother  Tom,  a 
conriderable  quantity  of  Piour,  fruit,  a::iniu- 
nition  and  stwres,  for  tlie  supply  of  the  said 
army.  He  being  asked,  whether  he  could 
piiOt  our  forces  tc  :!:em?  Said  no;  but  his 
brother  Tom  could,  for  he  had  hid  it,  and 
that  h«;  was  not  then  with  him.  The  colonel 
asked  him,  what  gentlemen  those  were  that 
came  from  Canada]  He  answered  Monsieur 
Gourdan,  and  Mr.  Sharkee.  Being  asked 
wiiere  they  were?  Answered  at  Passanie- 
quado,  building  a  fort  there,  lieiiig  also 
asked,  what  number  of  Indians  and  French 
there  were  at  Penobscot?  He  answered, 
there  were  several  families,  but  tliey  lived 
scattering.  Asked  him  further,  if  he  would 
pilot  our  forces  thither?  answered,  he  would 
if  the  commander  would  not  let  the  sa\ages 
roast  him.  U|>on  which  the  colonel  ordered 
him  to  be  loosed  from  the  stake,  a'ld  took 
him  by  the  hand,  told  him,  he  would  be  as 
kind  to  him  as  his  own  father;  at  wliieh  he 
seemed  to  be  very  thankful.  And  then  the 
colonel  proceeded  to  examine  his  brother 
Tom,  and  told  him  that  he  had  cxainiiied  his 
father  and  brother,  and  that  his  brother  had 
told  him  «very  tittle  he  knew,  and  that  he 
knew  more  than  his  brother  Timothy  did  ; 
and  that  if  he  would  be  in<;cM)uous  and  con- 
fess all  he  kn(>w,  he  slioidd  fare  as  well  as 
his  brother  ;  l>ut  if  not,  the  sava<res  should 
roast  him.  W  hereupon  he  soleiiudy  ])ro- 
mised  tliat  he  would,  and  that  he  would  pilot 
him  to  t!Very  thiiii;  he  knew,  to  the  value  of 
a  knife  and  sheath  (whi(-li  with  doulit  he 
did.)  Then  the  colonel  immediately  gave 
orders  for  the  whale-boats  to  be  ready,  ami 
went  ilirectly  over  where  the  said  goods  and 
stores  were,  and  found  them  as  informed, 


took  them  on  board  the  boats,  and  returned 
to  their  transports  ;  anil  ordering  provisiona 
to  be  |)ut  into  every  man's  knapsack  for  six 
or  eight  days  ;  so  in  the  du.-k  of  the  evening 
left  their  transports,  w  ith  orders  how  they 
should  act;  and  went  directly  for  tiie  maiii 
land  of  Penobscot,  and  iiiouth  of  that  river, 
with  their  pilots  Tom  and  Timothy,  who 
carried  them  directly  to  every  place  and  ha- 
bitation, both  of  French  and  Indian  therea- 
bouts, with  the  assistance  of  one  De  Young, 
whom  they  carried  out  of  Boston  gaol  for  the 
same  purpose,  who  was  very  serviceable  to 
them.  Being  there  we  killed  and  look  every 
one,  both  French  and  Indians,  not  knowing 
that  any  one  did  escape  in  all  Penobscot; 
among  those  that  were  taken  was  ^t.  Cas- 
teen's  daughter,  who  said  that  her  husband 
was  gone  to  France,  to  her  father  Monsieur 
Casteen.  She  having  herchiidren  with  her, the 
commander  was  very  kind  to  her  and  them 
All  the  prisoners  that  were  then  takes;,  held 
to  one  story  in  general,  w  hich  they  had  from 
Lafaure's  sons  ;  that  there  were  no  more 
Indians  thereabouts,  but  enough  of  them  at 
Passainequado  ;  upon  w  liicli  they  soon  re- 
turned to  their  transjiorts  w  ith  their  prisoners 
and  plunder.  The  commander  giving  order 
immediately  for  the  soldiers  in  the  whale- 
boats  to  have  a  recruit  of  provisions  for  a 
further  pursuit  of  the  enemy,  giving  orders 
to  the  transports  to  stay  a  few  days  more 
ti.ere,  and  then  go  to  Mount-Desart  (and 
there  to  stay  for  her  majesty's  ships,  who 
were  directed  to  come  thither)  and  there  to 
wait  his  further  order.  Then  Colonel  Church 
with  his  forces  immediately  embarked  on 
board  their  whale-boats,  and  proceeded  to 
scour  the  coast,  and  to  try  if  they  could  dis- 
cover any  of  the  enemy  coming  from  I'assa- 
niequado;  making  their  stops  in  the  day- 
time at  all  the  points  and  where  they  were 
certain  the  enemy  would  land,  or  come  by 
w  ith  their  canoes,  anil  at  night  to  their  jiad- 
illes.  Then  coming  near  where  the  vessels 
were  ordered  to  come,  having  made  no  dis- 
covery of  the  enemy,  went  directly  to  Mount 
Desart,w  here  the  transports  wen-  just  come; 
and  taking  some  jirovisions  for  his  soldiers, 
gave  direction  fiir  the  sliips  and  transports  in 
six  days  to  come  directly  to  Passainecjundo, 
w  here  they  should  find  him  and  his  forced. 
Then  immediately  moved  away  in  the  whale 
boats,  and  made  diligent  search  along  shore 
as  formerly,  inspeeling  all  places  where  tht 
enemy  was  likely  to  lin  k  :  pariieiilarly  al 
Macliias  ;  but  found  neither  lires  norirackii 
Cmniiig  afterwards  to  the  wist  haibonr  at 
Passaine(|iiailo,  where  ihey  entered  upon 
action  ;  an  aeeoiinl  \\  hereof  Colniiel  Church 
did  coniniunicale  to  his  excellency,  being  as 
follow  eth  : 

May  it  please  if  our  Ezcellctiri/, 

I  received  voiirs  of  this  instant,  Oclobc 
9ili,  w  ith  the  two  enclosed  ii-.fornialioiis,  that 
ccnieern  my  actions  at  I'assnmeqiiado.  w  Inch 
I  will  i;ive  a  just  and  true  aeconnt  ol  as  near 
as  |)ossililv  I  can,  viz.  on  the 7th  of  .luiie  Inst, 
1701.  In  the  evening  we  entered  in  al  the 
westward  harbour  al  said  l'as>ameipiado ; 
eoinini;  up  said  harbour  to  an  island,  w  Ihtp 
landinir,  we  came  to  a  French  house,  and 
took  a  French  woman  and  children  ;  the  wo- 
niun  ui)on  her  examination  said,  her  hiis- 


KING   PHILIP'S  WAR. 


band  »vas  abroad  fisliin<r.  I  asked  lier  wlietlur 
there  were  any  Indians  tlierealtonts.  ISlie 
said  yes,  there  were  a  j^reat  many,  and  sev- 
eral on  tliat  island.  I  asUed  her  whether 
she  could  pilot  me  to  them.  Said  no,  they 
iiid  in  the  woods.  I  asked  her  when  she  saw 
tluMn.  Answered,  just  now,  or  a  little  while 
since.  I  asked  her  whether  she  knew  where 
they  had  laid  the  canoes.  She  answered,  no, 
tiiey  carried  their  canoes  in  the  woods  with 
them.  We  then  liasterie<l  away  alonji  shore, 
seizing  what  prisoners  we  could,  taking  old 
Lotrici  and  his  family. 

Tliis  intelligence  cau-sed  me  to  leave  Col- 
onel (Jorham,  and  a  considerable  part  of  my 
men  and  boats  with  him,  at  that  island,  partly 
to  i>  uard  and  secure  those  prisoners,  being  sen- 
sible it  wiiuld  be  a  great  trouble  to  have  them 
to  secure  and  guard  at  our  next  landing, 
where  I  did  really  expect,  and  hoped  to  Imve 
tin  opportunity  to  fight  our  Indian  enemies; 
for  all  our  French  prisoners  that  we  iiad 
taken  at  Penobscot,  and  alongshore,  had  in- 
formed us,  that  when  we  came  to  tiie  |)iace 
where  these  Canada  gentlemen  lived,  we 
{should  certaitdy  meet  with  the  savages  to 
tight  us,  those  being  the  only  men  that  set 
the  Indians  against  us,  or  upon  us,  and  were 
newly  come  from  Canada,  to  manage  the 
war  against  us,  (^pleading  in  this  account  and 
information  their  own  inuocency)  and  partly 
in  hopes  that  he,  the  said  Colonel  Gorliam, 
would  have  a  good  opportunity  in  the  morn- 
ing to  destroy  some  of  those  our  enemies, 
(we  were  informed  by  the  said  French  woman 
as  above,)  with  the  use  of  his  boats,  as  I  had 
given  dirtxtion.  Ordering  also  jMsijor  Hilton 
to  pass  over  to  the  next  island,  that  lay  east 
of  us,  with  a  small  party  of  men  and  boats, 
to  surprise  and  destroy  any  of  the  enemy 
that  in  their  canoes  might  go  here  and  there, 
from  any  place,  to  make  their  flight  from  us, 
and,  as  he  had  opportunity,  to  take  any 
French  prisoners.  We  then  immediately 
moved  up  the  river,  in  the  dark  night,  through 
great  difficulties,  by  reason  of  the  eddies  and 
whirlpools,  made  with  the  fierceness  of  the 
current.  And  here  it  may  be  hinted,  that 
we  had  inforuiatioti  that  Lotriel  had  lost  part 
of  his  family  passing  over  to  the  ne.xt  island, 
Cilling  into  one  of  those  eddies  were  drowned, 
which  the  two  pilots  told  to  discourage  me. 
But  I  said  nothing  of  that  nature  shall  do  it ; 
for  I  was  resolved  to  venture  up,  and  there- 
fore, fortiiwith  paddling  our  boats  as  pri- 
vately as  we  could,  and  with  as  much  ex- 
pedition as  we  could  make  with  our  paddles, 
and  the  help  of  a  strong  tide,  we  came  up 
to  Monsieur  (Jourdan's  a  little  before  day  ; 
wiiere  taking  notice  of  the  shore,  and  finding 
it  somfMvhat  o|>en  and  clear,  I  ordered  Cap- 
tain Mirick  and  Captain  Cole,  having  Eng- 
lisii  companies,  to  tarry  with  several  of  the 
boats  to  be  ready,  that  if  any  of  the  enemy 
should  come  down  out  of  the  brush  into  the 
k)ay,  (it  being  very  broad  in  that  place)  with 
tiieir  canoes,  they  might  take  and  destroy 
them  ;  ordering  the  remainder  of  the  army 
b;'ing  landed,  with  myself  and  the  other 
officers,  to  march  up  into  the  woods,  with  a 
wide  front,  and  to  keep  at  a  considerable 
distance,  for  that  if  they  should  run  in  heaps 
the  enemy  would  have  the  greater  advan- 
tage ;  and  furth.er  directing  them  that,  if 
pOJsiLle,  the/  should  destroy  the  enemy  with 


their  hatchets,  and  not  fire  a  gun.  Tliis  or-, 
der  I  always  gave  at  landing,  telling  them  | 
the  inconveniency  of  firing,  in  that  it  might 
be,  first,  dang<;rous  to  themselves,  they  being 
many  of  them  young  soldiers,  as  I  had 
some  time  observed  that  one  or  two  guns 
being  fired,  many  others  would  fire,  at 
they  knew  not  what,  as  ha{)pened  presently 
after,  and  it  would  alarm  the  enemy,  and 
give  then>  opportunity  to  make  their  es- 
cape ;  and  it  might  alarm  the  whole  country, 
and  also  prevent  all  further  action  from 
taking  effect.  Orders  being  thus  passed,  we 
moved  directly  towards  the  woods,  Le  Faver's 
son  directing  us  to  a  little  hut  or  wigwam, 
which  we  immediately  surrounded  with  a 
few  men,  the  rest  marching  directly  tip  into 
the  woods,  to  see  what  wigwams  or  huts 
they  could  discover ;  myself  made  a  little 
stop,  ordering  the  pilot  to  tell  them  in  the 
hut  that  they  were  surrounded  with  an  army, 
and  that  if  they  would  come  forth  and  sur- 
render themselves,  they  should  have  ffood 
quarter,  but  if  not,  they  should  all  be  knocked 
on  tli«  head  and  die.  One  of  them  showed 
himself;  I  asked  who  he  was.  He  saiil, 
Gourdan,  and  begged  for  quarter.  I  told 
him  he  should  have  good  quarter;  adding 
further,  that  if  there  were  any  more  in  the 
house,  they  should  come  out.  Then  came 
out  two  men  ;  Gourdan  said  they  were  his 
sons,  and  asked  quarter  for  them,  which  was 
also  granted.  Then  came  out  a  woman  and 
a  little  boy  ;  she  fell  upon  her  knees,  begged 
quarter  for  herself  and  children,  and  that  I 
would  not  suffer  the  Indians  to  kill  them.  I 
told  them  they  should  have  good  quarter 
and  not  be  hurt.  After  which  I  ordered  a 
small  guard  over  them,  and  so  moved  pre- 
sently up  with  the  rest  of  my  company,  after 
them  that  were  gone  before  ;  but  looking  on 
my  right  hand,  over  a  little  run,  I  saw  sonie- 
thing  look  black  just  by  me,  stopped,  and 
heard  a  talking,  stepped  over,  and  saw  a  lit- 
tle hut  or  wigwam,  with  a  crowd  of  people 
round  about  it,  which  was  contrary  to  my 
former  directions.  Asked  them  wliat  they 
were  doing.  They  replied,  there  were  some 
of  the  enemy  in  a  house,  and  would  not 
come  out.  I  asked,  what  house.  They  said 
a  bark  house.  I  hastily  bid  them  pull  it 
down,  and  knock  them  on  the  head,  never 
asking  whether  they  were  F'rench  or  Indians, 
they  being  all  enemies  alike  to  me.  And 
passiuir  then  to  them,  and  seeing  them  in 
great  disorder,  so  many  of  the  army  in  a 
crowd  together,  acting  so  contrary  to  my 
command  and  direction,  ex|)osing  them- 
selves and  the  whole  army  to  utter  ruin,  by 
their  so  disorderly  crowding  thick  together; 
(had  an  t:nemy  come  upon' them  in  that  in- 
terim, and  fired  a  volley  amongst  them,  they 
could  not  have  missed  a  shot ;)  and  wholly 
neglecting  their  duty,  in  not  attending  my 
orders,  in  searching  diligently  for  our  lurk- 
ing enemies  in  their  wigwams,  or  by  their 
fires  where  I  had  great  liopes,  and  real  ex- 
pectations to  meet  with  them. 

I  most  certainly  know  that  I  was  in  an  ex- 
ceeding great  passion,  but  not  with  those 
pf)or  misiMable  enemies  ;  for  I  took  nr)  no- 
lice  of  half  a  dozen  of  the  enemy,  when  at 
tiie  same  time,  I  expected  to  be  eii:r;iged  with 
son<e  hundreds  of  them,  of  whom  we  had  a 
continued  account,  who  were  expected  from 


Port-Iloyal  side.  In  this  heat  of  action,  t  very 
word  that  I  then  spoke,  I  cannot  give  an  ac- 
count of,  and  I  presume  it  is  imp  )S.sible.  i 
st(V})j)ed  but  little  here,  but  went  din ctly  n[i 
into  tiie  woods,  hoping  to  be  better  emploved, 
with  the  rest  of  the  army.  I  listen*^]  to  iiear, 
and  looked  earnestly  to  see  what  mii:ht  be 
the  next  action  ;  but  meeting  with  many  of 
the  soldiers,  they  told  me  they  had  discovered 
nothing,  we  ft.'tching  a  small  coaipass  round, 
came  down  again.  It  being  pretty  dark,  I 
took  iiotici?,  I  saw  two  men  l;;y  dead,  as  1 
thought,  at  the  end  of  the  house  w  here  the 
door  was,  and  immediately  the  guns  went 
off,  and  they  fired  every  man,  as  I  thoiiMlii, 
and  most  towards  that  place  where  I  It  It  the 
guard  with  Monsieur  Gourdan.  I  had  innch 
ado  to  stop  their  firing,  and  told  them  I 
thought  they  were  mad,  and  I  believed  they 
had  not  killed  and  wounded  less  than  forty 
or  fifty  of  our  own  men.  And  I  asked 
them  what  they  shot  at.  They  ansv%ered, 
at  a  Frenchman  tliat  ran  away.  But  to  ad- 
miration no  man  was  killed,  but  he,  and  one 
of  our  men  wounded  in  the  leg;  and  I  turn- 
ing about,  a  FrencliMian  spoke  to  me,  and  1 
gave  him  quarter.  Daylight  coming  on,  and 
no  discovery  made  of  the  enetiry,  I  went  lo 
the  jilace  where  1  had  left  Monsii^ur  Gourdan, 
to  examine  him  and  his  sons,  who  agreed  in 
their  examinations  ;  told  me  two  of  their 
men  were  abroad.  It  provetl  a  damage  ; 
and  further  told  me,  that  3Ionsieur  Shariu'o 
lived  several  leagues  up  at  the  head  of  the 
river,  at  the  falls,  and  all  the  Indians  were 
fishing,  and  tending  their  corn  there  ;  and 
that  Monsieur  Sharkee  h;ul  sent  tlown  to 
him  to  come  up  to  him,  to  advise  about  the 
Indian  army  that  was  to  go  westward  ;  but 
he  had  returned  him  answer,  his  business 
was  urgent,  and  he  conid  not  come  u|)  ;  and 
that  Sharkee  and  the  Indians  would  ceilainly 
be  down  tli;it  day,  or  the  next  at  the  furthest, 
to  come  to  conclude  of  that  matter.  'J'hia 
was  a  short  night's  action,  :ind  all  sensible 
men  do  well  know,  that  actions  done  in  the 
dark  (being  in  the  night  as  aforesaid)  under 
so  many  difficulties,  as  we  then  labored  un- 
der, as  before  related,  was  a  very  hard  task 
for  one  man,  matters  being  circumstanced  as 
in  this  action  ;  which  would  not  admit  of 
calling  a  council,  and  at  that  time  could  no', 
be  confined  thereunto;  at  uhicli  time  I  was 
transported  above  fear,  or  any  sort  of  dread  ; 
yet  being  sensible  of  the  danger  in  iiiv  ar- 
mies crowdinjj  so  thick  together,  and  ol'  ihc 
great  duty  incumbent  on  me  to  picserve  lliem 
from  all  the  danger  I  |)ossil)ly  coiiid,  fur  f-i- 
tlier  improvement  in  the  deslriiclioii  oi  our 
imjilacable  enemies  ;  am  ready  to  conclude, 
that  I  was  very  (piick  and  absolute  in  giving 
such  commands  and  orders,  as  I  then  aj)pr(;- 
heiided  most  [)roper  and  a(l\ aniageoiis.  An<' 
had  it  not  been  for  the  intelligence  I  had  re- 
ceived from  the  French  we  look  at  Penob- 
scot, ;is  before  hinted,  and  the  false  report 
the  French  woman  first  took  gave  me,  I  lia<l 
not  been  in  such  haste.  I  qiieslion  not  liiit 
those  Frenelimen  that  were  slain,  had  ihe 
same  good  quarter  of  other  prisoners.  But 
I  ever  looked  on  it  a  good  providence  of 
Almighty  (lod,  that  S(»nie  few  of  our  cr!!)  I 
and  bloody  enemies  were  made  sensible  of 
their  bloody  cruelties,  per|  etraled  on  my  dear 
and  loving^  friends  and  countrymen  ;  ai'd  th  *' 


718 


KING    PHILIP'S  WAR. 


the  h  line  nieai.<uri',  in  piirt,  iiielt-d  to  thcin, 
us  lli.  v  liail  Im  iii  jjiiilty  of  in  a  biiibarou? 
p.Mmicr  at  Oeci  fn  kl,  and  I  liope  justly,  i 
liojie  Alniigliiy  will  acct^|)t  liereof,  al- 

ihouuli  it  may  not  be  elijrible  to  our  Frcncii 
iniolacable  cnfiiiiesi,  and  siicli  otiiers  as  are 
lun  our  friends.  Tlie  foregoing  journal,  and 
this  short  aiincxiiient  1  tlioiigiit  it  my  duty  to 
exliiliit,  fi.r  the  satisfaction  of  my  friends  and 
riniiitrvineii,  whom  I  very  faithfully  and 
williiii;lv'  served  in  the  late  expedition  ;  and 
I  lio|)e  will  find  acceptance  with  your  excel- 
lency, the  hoinmrable  council  and  represen- 
tatives now  assemhieil,  as  being  iloiie  from 
the  7.eal  1  had  in  the  said  service  of  h 
niiij(  sty,  and  her  good  subjects  here. 
I  remain  your  most  humble, 
And  obedient  servant, 

BENJAMIN  CHURCH. 

This  night's  service  being  over,  imnie- 
fliatflv  Colonel  Church  leaves  a  sufficient 
giianl  wiih  (ioiirdan  and  the  other  prisoners, 
moved  ill  some  whale-boats  ^villl  the  rest, 
and  as  they  were  going  spied  a  small  thing 
upon  the  water,  at  a  great  distance,  which 
proved  to  b(!  a  birch  canoe  with  two  Indians 
in  her.  The  colonel  presently  ordered  the 
lightest  boat  he  had  to  make  the  best  of  her 
>viiy  and  cut  them  olV  from  the  shore  ;  but 
tiie  Indians  perceiving  their  design,  run  their 
canoe  ashore  and  fled.  Colonel  (Jhiirch  fear- 
ing they  Vr  cmid  run  directly  to  SharUi.'c,  made 
nil  the  expedition  imaginable  ;  but  it  being 
ebb  and  the  water  low,  was  obliged  to  land, 
and  make  the  best  of  their  w:iy  through  the 
Woods,  hoping  to  intercept  the  Indians,  and 
pet  to  Sharkee's  house  before  them  ;  which 
wiis  two  mile?  from  where  our  forces  landed. 
'I'lie  cohmel  being  ancient  and  unwieldy,  de- 
firt'd  Serjeant  Edee  to  run  with  him,  and 
cmni^ig  to  sev(!ral  trees  fallen,  which  he  cisidd 
not  creep  under  or  readily  gt't  over,  would  lav 
his  breast  against  the  tree,  the  said  Ed(;e 
turning  him  over,  generally  had  cat-luck, 
fallin<r  on  his  feet,  by  which  means  kept  in 
the  front  ;  and  coming  near  to  Sharkee's 
house,  discovered  some  French  and  Indians 
iiiMkiii<:  a  wear  in  the  river,  and  presently 
discovered  the  two  I  iidians  aforeiiHMitioned, 
who  called  to  them  at  work  in  the  river  ;  told 
them  there  was  an  army  of  Engli>h  ami  Iii- 
ilians  just  by  ;  who  immediately  left  their 
work  and  ran,  endeavoring  to  get  to  Shar- 
kee's house,  who,  heariiii;  the  noise,  took  his 
lady  and  child,  and  ran  into  tlx;  woods. 
Our  men  running  briskly  lired  and  killed  one 
id'  the  Indians,  and  toidi  the  rest  prisoners. 
Then  going  to  Sharkee's  house  found  a 
Woman  and  child,  to  whom  they  gave  good 
'piiirtiT  ;  and  fnuling  that  iMadame  Sharkee 
:iad  left  her  silk  clothes  and  line  linen  behind 
Iier,  our  forces  were  desirous  lo  h;ive  |)ursued 
and  taken  her;  hut  (/olnml  Chnri-h  forbade 
them,  sayinir  he  would  have  lier  run  and  suf- 
r«-.r,  that  she  might  be  made  sensible  what 
iiiirilships  our  poor  people  had  sulVi're<l  bv 
ihem.  Then  procc-ded  to  examine  the  pri- 
ftoniTi*  newly  taken,  who  gave  him  the  same 
uccount  he  had  liefori'  <d'  ihe  Indians  beiiii.' 
'ip  at  th(r  I'ldlK.  Il  bi  inir  just  iiiirhl  prevented 
our  atlnckin;  of  ihem  tbiit  ni^hl  ;  but  next 
mMrning  e  irly  they  moved  up  lo  the  falls, 
which  W  IS  about  a  mile  liighi  r.  Itut  doiibt- 
lisbh  tlic  enemy  hiul  auiiie  iiilclli{^'>  ncc  by  llii- 


two  aforesaid  Indians,  before  our  forces  came, 
so  that  they  all  got  oji  the  other  side  of  the 
river,  and  left  some  of  their  goods  by  the 
water-side  to  decoy  our  men,  that  so  they 
might  Urc  iijion  them,  which  indeed  they 
eiiected  ;  but  through  the  jirovideiice  of  Cod 
never  ;i  man  of  our*  was  killed,  and  but  one 
sligluly  wounded.  After  a  short  dispute. 
Colonel  Church  ordered  that  every  man 
might  take  what  they  pleased  of  the  fish 
which  lay  bundled  uj),  and  to  burn  the  rest, 
which  was  a  great  quantity.  'I'he  enemy 
seeing  what  our  forces  were  about,  and  that 
their  stock  of  fish  was  destroyed,  and  the 
season  being  over  for  getting  any  more,  set 
lij)  a  hideous  cry,  and  so  ran  all  away  into 
the  woods  ;  who  being  all  on  the  other  side 
of  the  river,  ours  could  not  follow  them. 
Having  done,  our  forces  marched  down  to 
their  boats  at  Sharkee's,  and  took  their  pri- 
soners, beaver,  and  other  plunder  which  tliey 
had  got,  and  put  it  into  their  boats,  and  went 
down  to  (jourdan's  house,  wherethey  had  left 
Lieutenant  Colonel  Corham  and  Major  Hil- 
ton, with  part  of  the  forces  to  guard  the  pri- 
soners, and  kept  a  good  look-out  for  more 
of  the  enemy,  who,  u|)on  the  Colonel's  re- 
turn, gave  him  an  account  that  they  had 
made  no  discovery  of  the  enemy  since  he 
left  them.    Just  then  her  majesty's  ships  and 


Aboard  Her  Majestijs  Ship  Adventure,  ntar 
the  Gut  of  Jlinis.  June  20,  1704. 

An  agreement  made  by  tnc  Field  Officen 
commanding  lltr  Jliiji  sti/^s  forces  Jor  the 
present  expedition  against  the  French  cue- 
wtics,  end  Indian  rebels  : 

Agreed, 

That  a  declaration  or  suinmoiis  be  sent  on 
shore  at  Menis  and  I'ort-lloyal,  under  a  flag 
of  truce. 

Particularly, 

A\'e  do  declare  to  you  tlie  many  cruelties 
and  barbarities  that  vou  and  iIk'  Indians  have 
been  guilty  of  towards  us,  in  laying  waste 
our  country  here  in  the  east,  at  Casco,  and 
the  places  adjacent;  parlieularly ,  the  horrid 
action  at  Ueerfield,  this  last  winter,  in  killing, 
niassacreing,  murdering,  and  scalping,  with- 
out giving  any  notice  at  all,  or  opportunity 
to  ask  quarter  at  your  hands  ;  and,  after  a'!, 
carryinjr  the  remainder  into  captiN  iiy  in  the 
height  of  winter,  of  w  hich  they  killed  many 
in  the  journey,  and  exposed  tlie  rest  to  the 
liard.-hips  of  cold  and  famine,  worse  than 
death  itself.  NVhich  cruellies  we  are  yel 
evi'ry  day  e.xjiosed  unto,  and  exercised  with. 

W  e  do  also  declare,  lint  we  have  rilready 
made  some  beginnings  (d  killing  and  scalp- 
ing some  Canada  men,  (which  we  have  not 


lrans|)()rts  arriving,  the  commandei  s  of  her  been  wont  to  do  or  allow  )  and  are  now  come 


majesty's  ships  told  Colonel  Church  that 
they  had  orders  to  go  directly  for  I'ort-Royal 
(iut,  and  wait  the  coming  of  some  store- 
ships,  which  were  expected  at  Port-Royal 
from  France  ;  and  Colonel  Church  advising 
with  them,  proposeil  that  it  was  very  ex- 
jiedient  and  serviceable  to  the  Crown,  that 
(^iptain  Southback  in  the  Province  (jidiey 
should  acconi|)any  them,  which  they  did 
readily  ncquiesce  with  him  in.  Upor.  which 
the  colonel  immediately  embarked  his  forces 
on  board  the  transports,  and  himself  on 
lioai  d  Ca|)tain  Jarvis ;  ordering  the  com- 
missary (d"  the  stores,  the  minister,  surgeons, 
and  pilots  all  to  embark  on  hoard  the  same 
vessel  with  him  ;  ordering  all  the  whale- 
boats  to  be  put  on  board  the  transports,  and 
then  to  come  to  sail,  'i  he  ships  standing 
away  for  Port-Royal  (Jut,  and  Colonel 
Church  with  the  transports  for  Menis.  In 
their  way  the  colonel  inquired  of  their  pilot 
Fellows,  what  depth  of  water  there  was  in 
ihe  creek,  near  the  town  of  Menis.  He 
answered  him  that  there  was  water  enough 
near  the  tt)M  n  to  float  that  vessel  they  were 
ill  at  low  water.  So  when  coming  near, 
('oloml  Church  observed  a  woody  island 
between  them  and  the  town,  that  they  run 
up  on  the  back  side  of  the  said  island,  with 
all  their  transports  undiscovered  to  the  enemy, 
and  came  to  anchor.  'J'hen  the  colonel  and 
all  his  forces  embarked  in  the  whale-boals, 
it  being  \:\lv  in  tin;  day,  moved  ilireetly  for 
the  town,  and  in  the  way  asked  for  the  jiilot, 
whom  he  expected  was  in  one  of  the  boats  ; 
iiiit  he  had  given  him  the  slip,  ami  tarried 
ixliind.  The  colonel  not  knowing  the 
diflleulties  that  might  attend  their  going  up 
lo  the  town,  iniinedialely  sent  Lieutenant 
(liles)  who  could  speak  French,  with  a 
flag  of  truce  up  to  the  town,  with  a  sum- 
mons, wliicdi  was  wrote;  before  they  landed, 
ex|)ecting  tlieir  surrender;  which  is  as  fol- 
lows : 


w  ith  a  great  nuinlier  of  English  and  Indians, 
all  volunteers,  with  resolutions  to  siiltdne you, 
and  make  you  sensible  of  your  cruellies  lo 
us,  by  treating  you  after  tlie  .same  manner 
At  this  time  we  expect  our  nu  ii-cd-war 
and  transport  ships  to  he  at  Port-Roy,d 
We  having  but  lately  parted  with  them. 

In  the  last  jilace,  we  do  declare  to  you, 
that  inasmuch  as  some  of  you  have  shew  u 
kindness  to  our  captives,  and  expressed  a 
love  to,  and  a  desire  of  bi  ing  uiuli  r  the 
Eiiitlish  <rovernn)ent,  we  do  therefore,  i  ot- 
wiihstamling  all  this,  give  you  timely  notice, 
and  do  demand  a  surrender  immediately,  by 
the  hiying  down  your  arms,  upon  w  hich  we 
promise  very  go«d  quarter;  if  .lol,  \v\>  must 
expect  the  utmost  severity. 

IJenjami.n  Chlkch,  Colnnel. 
John  Cokiiam,  Lieutenant  Colonel. 
"\>'iNTimor  Hilton,  Major. 
To  the  Chief  Commander  of  the  town  of 
Menis,  and  the  inhabilanis  thereof,  and  wc 
expect  your  answer  po.-itively,  within  tin 
hour. 

Then  moving  to  the  crei  k,  expei:tiiig  to 
have  had  water  eiioimh  for  the  boats,  as  the 
jiilot  hiid  informed  llieiii,  but  fnuiid  ne  t  watet 
enough  for  a  canoe  ;  so  were  oliliged  lo  land, 
intending  to  have  been  up  at  the  town  before 
the  hourwasout,that  the  suiiimonsexpresscd.. 
(for  their  return  was,  that  if  our  forces 
would  not  hurl  their  «-slales,  thi  n  they  would 
surrender,  if  otiierw  ise  intended,  they  should 
fight  fi)r  lliem,)but  meetingw  itii  sexcral  cp-eks 
near  twenty  or  thirty  feet  deep,  which  were 
very  muddy  and  dirty,  so  that  the  army  could 
not  !;et  over  them,  was  obliged  to  return  to 
their  boats  again,  and  wail  till  within  night 
before  the  tide  served  them  to  go  u|i  to  the 
town,  and  then  intended  logo  up,  and  not  io 
fall  to  till  mmning,  hein^  in  liopislliat  ill* 
banks  of  the  creeks  woiihl  shelter  them  fr-'Bi 
the  enemy  ;  but  the  tides  ri-^ing  m'  high,  el 


KING   PHILIP'S  WAR. 


719 


nt  our  torct^s  ;  but  (Joloiu.'l  Cluircli  beiiijr  in 
,1  piiiniicc  tliiit  liiul  ;i  small  caiiiioii  plact-d 
111  the  iicad,  orilered  it  to  be  ciiargcd  several 
.iiiies,  with  bullets  in  small  bags,  and  lired  at 
the  enemy,  which  made  such  a  rattling- 
amongst  the  trees,  that  caused  the  enemy  to 
draw  off;  and  by  the  great  providence  of 
Almighty  (lod,  not  one  of  our  forces  was 
hurt  that  night  ;  but,  as  I  liave  been  informed, 
they  had  one  Indian  killed,  and  some  others 
wuiinded,  which  was  s(Miie  discourageineni 
to  the  enemy.  Next  nn)rning,  by  l)reak  of 
(lay,  Colonel  Church  ordered  all  his  forces, 
and  pi. iced  iM'ijor  Hilton  on  the  right  wing, 
lO  run  all  np,  ilrivingtlie  enemy  before  them, 
who  leavinir  their  town  to  our  forces,  but  had 
carried  away  the  best  of  their  goods,  which 
were  soon  found  by  our  soldiers.  The  built 
of  theenemy  happening  to  lieagainst  our  right 
wintf,  caused  the  hottest  dispute  there,  who 
lay  behind  logs  and  trees,  till  our  forces,  and 
Major  Hilton  who  led  them,  came  on  upon 
them,  and  forced  them  to  run  ;  and  notwith- 
standing the  sharp  tiring  of  the  enemy,  by 
ihc  repeated  providence  of  (iod,  there  was 
never  a  man  of  ours  killeii  or  wounded. 

Our  soldiers  not  having  been  long  in  town 
befiM'e  they  found  considerable  quantities  of 
strong  drink,  both  brandy  and  claret,  and 
being  very  greedy  after  it,  especially  the  In- 
dians, were  very  disorderly,  firing  at  every 
pig,  turkey,  or  fowl  tiiey  saw,  of  which  there 
were  very  plenty  in  the  town,  which  endan 
gered  our  own  men.  Colonel  Church  per- 
ceiviiig  the  disorder,  and  firing  of  his  own 
men,  ran  to  put  a  stop  to  it,  ban  several  shot 
come  very  near  him  ;  ami  finding  what  bad 
()Ccasioiu;tl  this  disorder,  commanded  his 
officers  to  knock  out  the  heads  of  every  cask 
of  strong  litjiior  ibey  could  fnid  in  the  town,  to 
prevent  aiiv  further  disturbance  amongst  bis 
army  ;  know  iiig  it  was  impossible  to  have  kept 
itfroni  them,  especially  the  Indians,  if  it  was 
saved.  Then  some  of  the  army,  who  wert 
desirous  to  pursue  the  enemy,  liaving  heard 
tiiem  driving  away  their  cattle,  requested  the 
colonel  to  let  them  go  ;  who  did  and  gave 
them  their  orders. — Ca|)tain  Cook(!  and  (]a()- 
taiii  Church  to  lead  the  two  wings,  am 
Lieutenant  Uarker,  who  hid  the  colonel's 
company,  in  the  centre  ;  and  the  said  Cap- 
tain Cooke  and  (Japtain  Church  desired 
lieutenant  Uarker  not  to  move  too  fast,  so 
that  he  might  have  the  beneiit  of  their  assis- 
tance, if  be  had  occasion  ;  but  the  said 
lieutenant  not  being  so  careful  as  he  should 
have  been,  or  at  least  was  too  eager,  was  shot 
down,  and  another  man  ;  which  were  all  tlie 
men  that  were  killed  in  the  whole  expedition. 
Towards  night  Colonel  Church  ordered  some 
of  his  forces  to  pull  down  some  of  the  houses, 
and  others  to  get  logs  and  make  a  fortifica- 
tion for  his  w'tfole  army  to  lodge  in  that  night, 
that  so  they  might  l)e  together:  and  just 
before  night  ordered  some  of  his  men  to  go 
'Old  see  if  there  were  any  men  in  any  of  the 
iiouscs  in  the  town  ;  if  not,  to  set  tlieni  all  on 
fire,  which  was  done,  and  the  whole  town 
<;ee!!'.ed  to  be  on  fire  all  at  once.  The  next 
uiornini;  the  colonel  jjave  orders  to  his  men 


{>ot<vci  llii'in  all  to  theenemy,  who  had  the 'was  good,  according  to  his  instructions,  ami 
trees  and  woods  to  bofiicnd  ihem.  And  so|lo  burn  the  foitifitxitir)!!  which  they  had  built 
;aine  down  in  the  night  and  lired  smartly  |  tin;  day  before,  and  when  the  tidi'  sei  ved  to 

put  all  their  plunder  which  they  had  ^ot  into 
the  boats.  Then  ordering  bis  soldiers  to 
march  at  a  good  .distance  one  from  another; 
which  caused  the  enemy  to  think  that  there 
were  no  less  than  a  thousand  men,  as  lluy 
said  afterwards,  and  that  their  burning  of 
the  fortification,  and  doing  as  they  did, caused 
the  enemy  to  think  that  they  were  gone  clear 
off,  and  not  to  retmn  again.  But  it  proved 
to  the  contr.-iry,  for  Colonel  Church  and  his 
forces  only  went  aboard  their  transi)()rts,  and 
there  staid  till  the  tide  served  ;  in  the  night 
embarked  on  board  their  whale-boats,  landed 
some  of  his  men,  expecting  they  might  meet 
\\  illi  some  of  tlie  enemy  mending  tlieirdains  ; 
which  they  did,  and  with  their  boats  went 
up  another  branch  of  the  river,  to  another 
town  or  village  ;  upon  such  a  surprise  took 
as  many  |)riKoners  as  they  could  desire.  And 
it  happened  that  Colonel  Church  was  at  the 
French  captain's  house  when  two  gentlemen 
came  post  from  the  governor  of  Port-Royal 
to  him,  who  was  the  chief  connnander  at 
iMenis,  with  an  express  to  send  away  two 
companies  of  men  to  defend  the  king's  fort 
there,  anil  to  give  him  an  account,  that  tiiere 
were  three  English  men-of-war  come  into 
Port-Royal  Gut  or  harbor  ;  and  that  the 
men  sent  for  must  be  posted  away  with  ail 
speed.  Colonel  Church,  as  was  said  before, 
being  there,  tre.'ited  the  two  gentlemen  very 
handsomely,  .ind  told  then!,  he  would  send 
tliern  back  iijjain  post  to  their  master  on  his 
business  ;  and  bid  them  give  him  his  hear  y 
thanks  for  sending  him  such  good  news,  that 
part  of  !iis  fleet  was  in  so  good  a  harbor. 
Then  reading  the  summons  to  them  that  he 
had  sent  to  Menis,  further  added,  that  their 
master,  the  governor  of  Port-Royal,  must 
immediately  send  away  a  post  to  the  gover- 
inn-  of  Canada,  at  Quebec,  to  prevent  his 
further  sending  any  of  his  cruel  and  bloody 
Prench  and  savages,  as  he  had  done  lately 
upcni  Deerfield,  wliere  they  had  conjmiited 
such  hori  il)le  and  bloody  outrages  u|!on  those 
poor  people  that  never  did  them  any  harm,  as 
is  intolerable  to  think  of ;  and  that  for  the  fu- 
ture, if  any  such  hostilities  were  made  upon 
our  frontier  towns,  or  any  of  them,  he  would 
come  out  with  a  iliousand  savages  and 
whale-boats  conveiii(Mit,  and  turn  his  back 
upon  them,  and  let  his  savages  seal])  and 
roast  the  French  ;  or  at  least  treat  them  as 
their  savages  had  treated  ours.  Also  gave 
them  .'in  account  of  part  of  that  action  at 
I'assamequado,  and  that  his  soldiers  had 
killed  ami  scalped  some  Canada  men  there, 
and  would  be  glad  to  serve  them  so  too,  if 
he  would  permit  them,  which  terrified  them 
very  much.  The  two  French  gentlemen 
that  came  post,  made  solemn  promises  that 
they  would  pnnctualiy  do  the  colonel's  mes- 
sa<re  to  their  governor.  So  with  lh(;  desire 
(}!'  the  French  people  there  that  the  governor 
miirht  have  this  intelligence.  Colonel  Church 
dismissed  them,  and  sent  them  away  ;  telling 
the  same  story  to  several  of  the  prisoners, 
and  what  they  must  expc^ct  if  sonn;  speedy 
course  was  not  taken  to  prevent  further  ont- 
rau:es  upon  the  Eiiiilish.    The  number  of 


!<i  iU<^  down  the  dams,  and  let  the  tide  in  to |  prisoners  then  ]M"esent,  which  were  considiT- 
dr?',rby  all  tl-.eir  corn,  aisd  every  thii'g  tl:.\tJablo,  Jid  unanimously  eutriul  of  Colonel 


Church  that  he  \voul(l  take  them  under  tho 
protection  of  the  crown  of  Enulami ;  a-  ik- 
ing great  promises  of  their  fidelilv  to  the 
same,  begging  wiiii  ;;reat  agony  of  spirit  to 
save  their  lives,  and  U)  jjrolect  them  from  his 
savages,  w  hom  they  extremely  dreaded.  As 
to  the  matter  of  the  savages,  he  told  tiieni,  it 
would  be  just  retaliation  for  him  to  permit 
his  savages  to  treat  the  Freneb  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  French  witii  ibt  ir  savages 
treated  our  friends  in  our  frontier  low  iis  ;  but 
as  to  his  taking  them  under  the  protection  of 
the  crown  of  England,  be  utterly  refus( d  it, 
urging  to  them  their  former  jierfitliouMie^s  ; 
they  also  urging  to  him  that  it  would  be  im- 
possible for  any  French  to  live  any  where  in 
the  Bay  of  Fundy,  if  iliey  were  not  taken 
under  the  English  government  ;  fi)r  w  ilh  the 
benefit  of  whale-boats,  as  the  Engli.-li  e.ill 
them,  they  could  take  and  <!estroy  all  ibcir 
jieople  in  the  town  of  Menis,  in  one  night. 
But  he  replied  to  them,  it  siioiild  never  be  ; 
alleging  to  them  that  when  tiny  were  so 
before,  when  Port-Koyal  was  taken  by  ilie 
English,  that  it  proved  of  very  ill  cihim'- 
queiice  to  the  crown  of  England,  ami  ibc 
subjects  thereof  in  our  frontiers  ;  lor  lliat 
our  English  traders  snpplyin<f  them,  enabled 
them  (which  opporliinity  they  iinprov  ed)  to 
supply  the  Indians,  our  blootly  ein-niies  ;  and 
therefore  he  could  in.ike  rn)  oiln-r  terms  of 
peace  with  them  than  that,  if  the  French  :i 
Menis,  Signecto,  and  Canada,  would  keejt  at 
Innne  wilh  their  bloody  savages,  and  not 
co;:in:it  any  hostilities  upon  any  of  our  Iron- 
tiers,  we  would  return  home  and  leave  them  ; 
for  that  we  lived  at  a  great  distance  off,  and 
had  not  come  near  them  to  hurt  them  now, 
had  not  the  blood  of  onr  poor  friemls  and 
brethren  in  idl  the  frontiers  of  onr  provinee 
cried  I'or  vengeiince  ;  espt  cially  ihat  iaie  nn- 
heard-ol"  barl)arity  eoinmitted  ii|)on  ibe  town 
of  Deerfield  ;  « bieb  wrought  so  generally 
on  the  hearts  of  onr  pco[)le,  that  onr  forces 
came  out  with  that  nnaiiiinily  of  spirit,  liuili 
among  the  English  and  onr  savages,  thai  we 
had  not,  nor  needed  a  pressed  man  auienij 
them.  The  colonel  also  telliny^  tb(  in,  iliat 
if  ever  hereafter  any  of  onr  li  omii  i>,  ( .ist 
or  west  were  mol<;sted  by  them,  as  loriiit  ilv, 
that  he  would,  if  God  spared  his  life,  ih  ihiii 
upon  them  with  a  thoiu-:inil  of  bis  sava::es, 
if  he  wanted  them,  ail  volunteers,  wilh  our 
whale-boats,  and  would  pursue  them  lo  ilie 
lust  extremity.  The  e<d(niel's  w.iriii  dis- 
course with  them  wrought  such  a  consiern;i- 
tion  in  them,  which  they  discovered  liy  their 
feiirs,  their  hearts  sensibly  be.iiiiig,  and  rising 
np  as  it  were  ready  to  choke  them  ;  confessed 
they  were  all  his  prisoners,  and  Ix  irgt d  i.f 
!iim,  for  Jesus'  s.-ike,  to  save  their  lives,  and 
the  lives  of  their  poor  fiimilies,  w  ith  sin  b 
melting  terms,  as  wrought  releiitiiiL's  in  the 
colonel's  breast  towards  them  ;  Imi  bow  ev  er, 
he  told  them,  that  liis  intent  was  to  carry 
as  many  prisoners  i;ome  n.?  .le  tonid,  b'.:t 
that  he  had  taken  so  maiiy  iney  were  more 
than  he  bad  occasion  for,  noi  desired  any 
mor(!,  and  therefiire  he  woulil  leave  tlicm. 
'I'lu;  colonel  resohing  the  next  day  to  com- 
plete all  bis  action  at  Menis  and  t<i  draw  off, 
acc((rdinirly,  sent  bis  in-ders  lo  Colont  I  Gor- 
h:ini  and  Major  Milton,  with  all  the  En::lish 
.?r::np:ii)ies,  bulb  officers  and  soMiers,  except 
some  few,  which  he  thought  he  miglit  ImTO 


720 


KING   PHILIP'S  WAR. 


Kceasioii   lor,  to  <ro  with  the  Iiuliaiis  iiitlieihcr  iH:ijest}''s  subjects  to  act  as  ahove  iiieii- 


tioiH'd. 

George  Rogers, 


Tlioinas  Smitli, 
Cyprian  Soulhack. 


wliali-lioats  the  eastvvard  rivtr,  w  here  a 
ihirtl  part  of  the  iiihahitaiits  hved  ;  that  so 
he  mi::lit  prevent  any  reflection  made  on 
tliein,  III  leaving  any  part  of  the  service  un- 
done. And  therefore  in  the  evenimj  ordered 
all  the  whale-lioats  to  be  laid  ready  for  the 
night's  service  ;  and  accordingly,  when  the 
tide  served,  he  went  with  liis  Jiidiaiis  u|)  the 
river,  where  they  did  some  sjioil  u|mmi  the 
enemy  going  up.  In  the  morning  several  of 
their  traiis|>orls  came  to  meet  them,  to  their 
great  r<joiciii!i,  whom  tiiey  went  on  board, 
tiiid  soon  came  up  with  the  whole  fleet,  with 
whom  they  joined,  bending  their  course 
diiecllv  towards  l'<)rt-Uoyal,  w  here  they  were 
ordered.  Coming  to  Port-Royal  (jUt,  where 
llieir  ships  were,  and  calling  a  council  ac- 
coniiiig  to  his  instructions,  drew  up  their  re- 
sult, which  is  as  follows: — 

Present  all  the  Field  Officers,  and  Captains 
of  the  land  forces. 

Aboard  the  Province  Galley,  Ath  July,  1704, 
in  Port-Royal  harbour. 

AVe  whose  names  are  hereunto  subscribed, 
iiavini;  deliberately  considered  the  cause  in 
hand,  whelht-r  it  be  proper  to  i  ind  all  our 
forces,  to  olV'  iid  and  destroy  as  much  as  we 
can  at  I'ort-iloyal,  all  or  any  part  of  the  iii- 

hiibitants  thereof,  and  their  estates,  we  are  it,  having  had  timely  notice  of  our  forces, 
ofojiinion,  that  it  is  not  h)r  our  interest  and 
lioiKH",  and  the  countrv's  whom  we  serve,  to 


After  this,  they  concluded  what  should  be 
next  done;  which  was,  that  the  ships  should 
stay  some  days  longer  at  Port-Royal  Gut, 
and  then  go  over  to  Monnt-Desart  harbour, 
and  there  stay  till  Colonel  Church  witli  his 
trans|)orts  came  to  them.  Being  all  ready, 
the  colonel  with  his  transports  and  forces 
went  up  the  bay  to  Signecto,  where  they 
iHH'ded  not  a  pilot,  being  several  of  them  well 
ac(piaiiited  there;  and  had  not  met  with  so 
many  difficulties  at  Rlenis,  had  it  not  been 
that  their  pilot  deceived  them  ;  who  knew 
nothing  of  the  matter,  kept  out  of  the  way 
and  landed  not  with  them.  And  coining  to 
Si<rnecto,  the  enemy  were  all  in  arms  ready 
to  receive  them.  Colonel  Church  landing 
his  men,  the  comniaiiuer  of  the  enemv  wav- 
ing his  sword  over  his  head,  bid  a  clialleiige 
to  the>n.  The  colonel  ordering  his  two  wings 
to  march  up  a  pace,  and  come  upon  the 
backs  of  the  enemy,  himself  being  iti  the 
centre,  and  the  enemy  knowing  him,  having 
been  there  before,  shot  chiefly  at  him  ;  but 
through  God's  goodness  received  no  harm, 
neither  had  he  one  man  killed,  nor  but  two 
slightly  wounded,  and  then  all  ran  into  the 
woods,  and  left  their  town  with  notliin<r  in 


land  or  expose  ourselves;  but  cpiit  it  wholly, 
and  go  on  iiliout  our  other  lnisiin!ss  we  have 
to  do,  fortius  reason,  that  we  judge  ourselves 
inferior  to  the  strength  of  he  enemy  ;  and 
thei  t  fore  the  danger  and  risk  we  run,  is 
preater  ih  in  the  ad  vantage  we  can,  or  are 
liki  ly  to  obtain,  seeing  the  enemy  !iath  such 
timelv  nolice,  and  loiiif  opportunity  to  pro- 
vide tliemsflv<:s  against  us,  by  our  ships  lying 
here  in  the  road  about  twelve  days,  before 
we  could  join  iIkmii  from  Meiiis,  where  we 
Were  during  that  time,  and  being  so  very 
meanly  provided  with  iiec('?sarifs  convenient 
for  such  an  undertaking  with  so  small  a  num- 
ber of  men,  not  being  above  four  hundred 
capable  and  (it  for  service  to  land  ;  and  un- 
derstanding by  all  the  intelligence  we  can 
get  from  both  lilnglish  and  French  prisoner^, 
that  tin;  fort  is  exceedingly  strmig. 
John  (Mirliam,  lAeul.  Col. 

>\  iiilliro|)  Hilton,  Major. 


Constant  Church, 
•lohn  l)v<'r, 
•liishna  Ijanib, 
Caleb  Williamson, 
Ijdward  ('hurch. 


Jos.  Itrowii, 

James  Cole, 

John  Cook, 

Is,  Mc  Myriek, 

.loliii  llarradoii. 

Having,  pursuant  to  my  instrnctions, 
taken  till-  advice  of  the  gentlemen  aliove  snl>- 
tcnbed,  and  considering  the  weight  of  their 
reasons,  I  do  concur  tln  rewith. 

Hi:.\.I.  CHURCH. 

Whereas  Colonel  Church  liaih  desired  our 
opinions,  as  to  the  landini;  tin;  forces  at  Port- 
Koyal,  they  bein:;  Uiit  four  hundred  i  ffectivo 
men  to  land,  iiad  by  all  the  information  i)oth 
ol  I'VeLcli  and  l'in;;lish  prisiniers,  the  eiieinv 


had  carried  all  away  out  of  the  reach  of  our 
army  ;  for  Colonel  Cnnrch  while  there  with 
part  of  his  forces  ranged  the  woods,  but  to  no 
purpose.  Then  returning  to  the  town,  did 
ihein  what  spoil  he  could,  according  to  his 
instructions,  and  so  drew  off,  and  made  the 
best  of  their  way  for  Passameijuado,  and 
jrfiing  in,  in  a  great  fog,  one  of  their  trans- 
ports ran  upon  a  rock,  but  was  soon  got  olT 
again.  Then  Colonel  Churcli  with  some  of 
his  forces  embarked  in  their  whale-boats,  and 
went  ain(Migst  the  islands,  with  an  intent  to 
Ijo  to  Sharkee's,  wliert;  they  had  destroyed 
the  fish  ;  but  observing  a  springy  |)lace  in  a 
cove,  went  on  shore  to  ir(!t  some  water  to 
drink  ;  it  being  a  sandy  beach,  they  espied 
tracks,  the  colonel  presently  ordered  his  men 
to  scatter,  and  make  search ;  soon  found 
De  Boisse's  wife,  who  had  formerly  been 
Colonel  Church's  ])risoner,  and  carried  to 
Boston  ;  hut  returned,  w  ho  seemed  glad  to 
see  him.  8lie  had  with  her  two  sons  that 
were  near  men  grown.  The  colonel  ordering 
them  apart,  examined  the  woman  first,  who 
gave  him  this  account  following,  that  she 
had  lived  thereabouts  ever  since  tin;  fleet 
went  bv,  and  that  sin;  had  never  seen  but 
two  Indians  since,  who  came  in  a  canoi;  from 
Norrigwock  ;  who  asked  her,  w  hat  made  her 
to  lie  there  alone  ?  She  told  them,  she  had 
not  ocen  a  Frenchman  nor  an  I iidian,  except 
those  two  sinc«?  the  I'^.nglisli  ships  went  by. 
Then  the  Indians  told  her  there  was  not 
oiu!  Indian  left  except  those  two,  who  belong 
to  the  (Jut  of  Canso,  on  this  side  of  Canada ; 
for  those  friars  coming  down  with  the  In- 
dians to  INI.  Gonrdans,  and  finding  the 
Frenchmen  slain,  and  their  hair  spoiled, 
beiii'T  scalped,  put  them  into  a  great  con- 


having  a  greater  number  of  men,  and  mneli  Kteriiaiioii  ;  and  the  friars  told  them  it  was 
b.  l'er  provided  to  receive,  than  they  are  to  impossible  for  them  to  live  ihereaboiits,  for 
attack  them.  We  tlo  Ijelieve  i^  is  for  the  ser-  the  Fnglisli  with  their  whale-boats  would 
ViC!  of  the  crown,  and  the  prescrvatiou  of;bcrvu  ihciu  all  so  ;  upon  winch  ihcy  all  went 


to  INorrigwock  :  alsr)  told  her  that  w  hen  the 
Eii<rlish  came  alone  through  Penobscot,  they 
had  swept  it  of  the  inhabitants,  as  if  it  had 
been  swejjt  with  a  broom,  neither  I'rench 
nor  Indians  escapin;;  them  :  further  t(Jd  her, 
that  when  liieir  fathers,  the  friars,  and  the 
Indians  met  together  at  l\oiri>iwock  they 
called  a  council,  and  the  friars  told  fhe  In. 
dians,  that  they  must  look  out  for  some  other 
countrv,  for  that  it  was  impossible  lor  them 
to  live  there  ;  also  told  them  there  was  a  river 
called  Mossippee,  where  they  might  live 
quietly,  and  no  Eiiirlish  come  near  them — it 
being  as  far  beyond  Canada,  as  it  was  to  it, 
and  if  they  would  go  and  live  there,  they 
woulcf  live  and  die  with  them,  but  if  not  they 
would  leave  them,  and  never  come  near  tbein 
again.  Whereupon  they  all  agreed  to  go 
away  ;  wfiich  they  did,  and  left  their  roui;li 
household  stuff,  and  c(n°ii  behind  them,  and 
went  all,  except  those  two  (or  Canada,  Also 
her  sons  givinir  the  same  intelliireiice,  so  v.c 
had  no  reason  to  think  but  that  it  was  true. 

Colonel  Church  having  done  what  he 
could  there,  enibaiked  on  board  the  trans- 
ports, and  went  to  Mc  itnt-Desart,  found  no 
ships  there,  but  a  ruiidleL  )id  ofl'  by  a  line  in 
the  harbour,  which  he  ordered  to  be  tak^n 
up,  and  opening  of  it  found  a  'etier,  whu  li 
gave  him  an  account  that  the  fhips  wi-re 
gone  home  for  Hoston.  Then  he  f  t  iceeded 
and  went  to  Penobscot;  where  beihi.-  C'cnie, 
made  diligent  search  in  those  |)arts  krlhij 
enemy,  but  could  not  fiiid  or  make  any  dis- 
covery of  them,  or  that  any  had  befi  lliere 
since  he  left  those  parts,  which  cav,)"ed  hint 
to  believe  w  li;it  De  Hoisse's  w  ifj  had  told 
him  was  true. 

I  will  only  by  the  way  just  gi\  e  a  bint  of 
what  we  heard  since  of  tli»;  effects  of  this  ex- 
pedition, and  then  proceed:  First,  that  the 
Eiiulisli  forces  that  v.eiit  to  IS'orriirw ock, 
(ound  that  the  eiieroy  was  gone,  and  had 
left  their  rinigli  boiisehold  stii(f  and  corn  i)e- 
hind  them;  also  not  loii<r  afier  this  expedi- 
tion, there  w*;;e  several  gentlemen  sent  down 
from  Canada,  to  concert  with  our  goverimr 
alxait  the  settling  of  a  cariile  for  the  cx- 
chanire,  of  pristmers  ;  and  that  the  goveinor 
of  Canada  has  never  since  sent  down  an 
army  upon  our  frontiers,  except  sometimes  n 
scout  of  Indians  to  take  some  pristmers,  that 
he  mi<r|it  be  informed  of  our  slate,  and  what 
we  were  acting;  and  alwavs  look  care  that 
the  prisoners  so  taken  should  be  civ  illy  treat- 
ed, and  safely  returned,  as  I  have  been  in- 
formed ;  that  some  of  the  prisoners  that  were 
taken  gave  an  account  ;  so  that  w<'  have 
ureat  cause  to  lielieve  that  the  iiiesstige  Colo- 
nel Church  sent  liy  tin-  two  Freiieh  gt  nilemen 
(Voin  Menis,  to  the  iiovt  riior  of  INu't-Koyal, 
look  effect,  aii<!  was  a  means  to  bring  peace 
in  our  borders.  Then  Coloin  I  Church  with 
his  forcj's  emiinrked  on  board  the  transports, 
and  went  to  Casco-Bay,  where  they  met  w  ith 
Captain  (Jallop,  in  a  vessel  from  Poston. 
who  had  bnnight  Colonel  Church  further 
orders  ;  which  was  to  send  some  of  his  fcrccs 
lip  to  !\orrri>;wock,  in  pursuit  of  the  eiu'iny; 
but  he  being  sensible  that  the  <  neiny  were 
out,  iiiid  fatigued  in  the  hard  service  they 
had  alri-adv  thme,  and  wanted  to  lionie, 
called  a  council,  and  agreed  all  to  go,  whicfi 
accordingly  they  d'/l,  tliiis  ciuling  this  c.x- 
p«djtion. 


APPENDIX. 


CONTINUATION  OF  HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


CHAPTER  XXXV. 

..DMINISTRATIONS  OF  GRANT  AND  HATES. 

The  very  important  work  of  revising  the 
United  State  Statutes  was  completed,  and 
finally  adopted  in  the  latter  part  of  Presi- 
dent Grant's  administration.  Decisions 
were  rendered  by  the  United  States  Su- 
preme Court,  putting  at  rest  disputed 
points  as  to  the  meaning  of  the  13th,  14th, 
and  15 til  Amendments  to  the  Constitution. 
A  convention  of  delegates  assembled  at 
Chattanooga,  on  the  13th  of  October,  1874, 
and  issued  an  important  manifesto  upon 
the  condition  and  needs  of  the  Southern 
States.  Many  conventions  of  the  National 
Grangers  met,  and  their  proceedings  have 
had  a  large  measure  of  influence  on  agri- 
cultvu'al  and  transit  measures.  Sixteen 
States  sent  delegates  to  a  Woman's  Na- 
tional Temperance  Convention  that  assem- 
bled in  Cleveland,  in  November.  A  liberal 
appropriation  was  granted  by  Congress  to 
aid  in  the  introduction  of  food-yielding  fish 
in  the  principal  rivers  of  the  countrj'.  The 
financial  condition  of  the  countiy  continued 
greatly  depressed.  Opposite  parties  urged 
contraction  or  expansion  as  the  proper 
solution  of  the  diflficulty.  The  Government 
took  sides  with  neither,  but. kept  on  in  its 
usual  course.  Nearly  $6,000,000  of  the 
pubUc  debt  was  cancelled  this  fiscal  year. 
The  grand  total  of  the  United  States  debt 
amounted  to  $2,251,690,458.43.  An  emi- 
nent authority  gives  the  number  of  failures 
during  1874  as  5,830  ;  total  indebtedness 
$155,239,000.  Many  events  of  an  exciting 
natm-e  happened  in  Louisiana,  arising  from 
contests  between  the  poUtical  parties. 

During  the  year  1875,  George  H.  "Wil- 
liams resigned  as  Attorney-General  and 
was  succeeded  by  Edwards  Pierrepont. 
Both  of  these  gentlemen  were  favorably 
known  as  lawyers  and  political  writers  and 
speakers.  In  July,  Columbus  Delano  re- 
signed as  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  to  be  suc- 
ceeded in  September  by  Zachariali  Chandler. 
Francis  E.  Spinner,  who  had  long  filled 
the  office  of  Treasui-cr,  resigned,  and  the 
place  was  filled  by  John  C.  New.  In  Apiil 
Daniel  D.  Pratt  succeeded  J.  W.  Douglas 
as  Commissioner  of  Internal  Revenue.  The 
country  sustained  a  great  loss  by  the  death 


of  Vice-President  Henry  Wilson.  Exten- 
sive fi'auds  were  discovered  in  the  whisky 
returns  of  revenue,  and  the  nefarious  sys- 
tem broken  up.  It  was  decided  by  the 
Chief  Justice  that  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  does  not  confer  suffrage 
upon  any  one  ;  it  can  be  done  by  the  States 
alone.  Trade  continued  paralyzed,  and  the 
subject  of  gold  and  gi-eenbacks,  and  their 
relation  to  the  prostration  of  business,  was 
fiercely  agitated,  but  no  legislative  action 
was  taken.  During  the  fiscal  year  ending 
June  30,  1875,  the  public  debt  was  reduced 
$14,344,514.84.  The  contract  for  refundmg 
the  debt  was  renewed.  The  total  amount 
of  debt  was  $2,232,284,581.25.  The  high- 
est price  of  gold  was  on  October  5th,  H7| ; 
the  lowest,  on  Januaiy  15th,  11  If.  Im- 
migration becoming  less  and  less,  had  some- 
what stayed  the  decline  in  wages. 

William  W.  Belknap  resigned  the  situa- 
tion of  Secretary  of   War  in  President 
Grant's  Cabinet,  in  187(>,  and  his  successor 
was  Alphonso  Taft ;  this  occurred  in  March. 
In  June,  Lot  M.  Morrill,  of  Maine,  suc- 
ceeded Benjamin  H.  Rristow  as  Secretaiy 
of  the  Treasmy.    In  July,  Marshall  Jewell, 
resigning  the  Postmaster-Generalship,  was 
succeeded  by  James  N.  Tyner  ;  J.  Donald  ■ 
Cameron  took  the  place  of  Mr.  Taft  as  Sec- ' 
retary  of  War,  i\Ir.  T.  becoming  Attor- 
ney-General.    This  being  the  Centennial 
year  of  American  Independence,  a  noble  Ex- 
hibition took  place  in  Philadelphia,  which 
in  size  and  success  was  not  surpassed  by  | 
any  of  a  Uke  kind.    Every  foreign  nation 
sent  exhibits  and  congratulatory  messages,  | 
and  our  whole  people  took  a  wann  inter- , 
est  in  the  auspicious  aftair.     The  Main 
building  was  very  spacious,  covering  no 
less  than  twenty  acres,  and  costing  upwards 
of  one  and  a  half  millions  of  dollars.  The 
horticultural  grounds  occupied  a  space  of 
about  forty  acres.    The  Women's  Pavilion 
was  well  filled  by  the  productions  of  female  ; 
ingenuity,  skill,  and  genius,  and  exhibited 
productions  from  almost  every  civiUzed  and 
semi-civilized  people.    The  total  sum  used 
in  building  and  getting  the  exhibition  into  , 
order,  was  six  and  a  half  millions  of  dol-  \ 
lars.    The  total  receipts  more  than  doubled 
those  of  any  other  World's  Fair.    The  re- 
ceipts  for   admissions  were    83,813.749 ; 
other  sources  of  income,  $4,30S,GG0.  Peter 
Cooper  was  nominated  for  President  by  the 
National  Greenback  Convention.    At  Cin- 


cinnati R.  B.  Hayes  received  the  National 
ReirabUcan  nomination  for  President.  At 
St.  Louis  Samuel  J.  Tilden  received  the 
National  Democratic  nomination  for  Pres- 
ident. As  the  election  returns  were  dis- 
puted, an  an-angement  was  entered  into  by 
Congress  ;  the  result  was  that  Rutherford 
B.  Hayes  was  declared  to  be  elected  Presi- 
dent  and  William  A.  Wheeler,  Vice-Presi- 
dent. Continued  depression  marked  almost 
every  interest,  and  there  was  a  general  lack 
of  anything  like  enterprise,  capitalists 
seeming  to  distrust  any  new  investment.  In 
the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1876,  the 
debt  was  lessened  $29,249,381.33.  In 
August,  1876,  an  arrangement  was  made 
for  negotiating  §40,000.000  of  4^  per  cent, 
bonds.  The  debt,  on  the  30th  of  June, 
1876,  amounted  to  $2,180,.395,0t)7.15.  The 
total  coinage  in  all  the  mints  this  year 
amounted  to  $57,565,815.00.  The  total 
exports  amounted  to  8540,384,671.  Im- 
ports, 8400,741,190.  During  this  year 
there  was  a  decKne  of  nearly  600,000  tons 
of  shipping.  There  was  a  small  decline  in 
the  price  of  nearly  all  the  leading  stocks 
and  bonds. 

Previous  to  the  inauguration  of  Ruther- 
ford B.  Hayes,  there  was  the  most  intense 
excitement  throughout  the  country,  on  the 
question  of  the  rightfulness  of  the  decision 
which  declared  him  the  President  elect. 
There  was,  at  the  same  time,  a  vast  differ- 
ence of  opinion  as  to  the  propriety  of  his 
"new  depai'ture"  upon  what  has  been 
generally  called  the  Southern  Question. 
While  a  majority  of  Republicans  may  have 
coincided  in  his  \aews,  a  very  large  minority 
of  his  own  party  decidedly  diflered  from  his 
opinion,  and  foreboded  disastrous  results  to 
the  country  likely  to  follow  from  his,,  as 
they  expressed  it,  "  hasty  and  ill-considered 
change  of  base  in  the  presence  of  the  ene- 
my." The  Democratic  party,  on  the  con- 
trary, gave  Mr.  Hayes  and  his  measures  a 
mild  support.  They  did  not  mind  receiving 
gifts  even  from  "the  Greeks."  On  the  5th 
of  ]March,  1877,  Rutherford  B.  Hayes  was 
inaugurated  with  the  usual  formalities,  hav- 
ing privately  tiikeu  the  oath  of  otHce  on  the 
IJreceding  day,  Sunday,  to  prevent  the 
possibility  of  a  technical  objection  to  his 
right  to  the  office.  In  his  inaugural  address 
he  alluded  to  most  of  the  leading  topics  of 
the  times,  in  substance  as  follows  : 

"  Many  calamitous  effects  of  the  tremend- 


722 


APPENDIX  TO  THE 


ons  revolution  of  the  Southern  States  still 
reinain.  Tho  iiumeasurable  benefits  which 
will  surely  follow,  have  not  yet  been  realized. 
Difficult  questions  meet  us  at  the  threshold. 
The  people  of  those  States  are  still  impov- 
erished, and  peaceful  self-government  is  not 
fully  enjoyed,  lint  it  must  not  bo  forgotten 
that  only  a  local  government  Avhich  main- 
tains inviolate  the  rights  of  all,  is  a  true  self- 
government. 

"  With  respect  to  the  two  distinct  races, 
whose  peculiar  relations  to  each  other  have 
brought  upon  us  the  deplorable  complica- 
tions and  perplexities  which  exist  in  th  )se 
States,  it  must  be  a  government  which 
guards  the  interests  of  both  races  carefully 
and  equally. 

'•  It  is  a  question  in  which  every  citizen 
of  the  nation  is  deeply  interested,  and  with 
respect  to  which  we  ought  not  to  be,  in  a 
partisan  sense,  either  Kepublicans  or  Demo- 
crats, but  fellow-citizens  and  fellow-men,  to 
whom  the  interests  of  a  common  country 
and  a  common  humanity  are  dear. 

'•  The  sweeping  revolution  of  the  entire 
labor  system  of  a  large  portion  of  our 
country,  and  the  advance  of  four  millions 
of  people  from  a  condition  of  servitude  to 
that  of  citizenship,  upon  an  equal  footing 
with  their  former  master.s,  could  not  occur 
without  presenting  problems  of  the  gravest 
moment,  to  be  dealt  with  by  the  emanci- 
pated race,  by  their  former  masters,  and  by 
the  General  Government,  the  author  of  the 
act  of  emancipation. 

"The  evils  which  afflict  the  Southern 
States  can  only  be  removed  or  remedied  by 
the  united  and  harmonious  efforts  of  both 
races,  actuated  by  motives  of  mutual  sym- 
pathy and  regard.  And  while  in  duty 
boimd  and  fully  determined  to  ])rotect  the 
rights  of  all  by  every  Constitutional  means 
at  the  disposal  of  my  administration,  I  am 
sincerely  anxious  to  use  every  legitimate  in- 
fluence in  favor  of  honest  and  eflicient  local 
self-government  as  the  true  resource  of 
those  States  for  the  promotion  of  the  con- 
tentment and  prosjierity  of  their  citizens. 

"  lint  at  the  basLs  of  all  prosperity,  for 
that  as  well  as  for  every  other  part  of  the 
country,  lies  the  improvement  of  the  intel- 
lectual and  moral  condition  of  the  people. 
Univers.'d  suffriige  should  rest  upon  uni- 
versal educ;ition. 

"  Let  me  a.ssure  my  comiti*ymen  of  the 
Southeni  States,  that  it  is  my  earnest  desire 
to  forever  wij)e  out  in  our  political  affairs 
the  color  lin(!,  and  the  distincticm  between 
North  and  South,  to  the  end  that  we  may 
have  not  merely  a  united  North  or  a  united 
South,  but  a  united  country. 

"  I  ask  the  attention  of  the  public  to  the 
paramount  necessity  of  reform  in  our  civil 
KiM  vice,  a  reform  not  merely  a.s  to  certain 
abuses  and  practices  of  so-called  official  i 
patronage,  which  have  come  to  have  the  ' 
Kaiiction  of  u-sagcin  the  several  departments 
«)f  our  (Jovernnient,  but  a  chiuige  in  the 
Hvslem  of  appointment  itself. 

"  In  furtherance  of  reform,  I  recommend 
«n  ani('ndm(!nt  to  the  Constitution  prescrib- 
ing a  t<  rni  of  six  years  for  the  Presideulial 
office,  and  forbiddiug  a  re-election.  I 


"  ITie  depression  in  all  our  varied  commer- 
cial and  manufacturing  interests  throughout 
the  country,  which  began  in  September, 
1873,  still  continues. 

"  The  only  safe  paper  currency  is  one 
which  rests  upon  a  coin  basis,  and  is  at  all 
times  and  promptly  convertible  into  coin. 
I  adhere  to  the  views  expressed  by  me 
in  favor  of  an  early '  resumption  of  specie 
payment. 

"  For  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  the 
country,  it  has  been  deemed  best,  in  view 
of  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  case, 
that  the  objections  and  questions  in  dispute 
with  reference  to  the  counting  of  the  elec- 
toral votes  should  be  referred  to  the  decision 
of  a  tribunal  apjwinted  for  this  purpose. 

"That  tribunal — established  by  law  for 
this  sole  pur])ose  ;  its  members,  all  of 
them  men  of  long  established  reputation 
for  their  integrity  and  intelligence,  and, 
with  the  exception  of  those  who  are  also 
members  of  the  Supreme  Judiciary,  chosen 
equally  from  both  political  parties;  its  delib- 
erations enlightened  by  the  research  and 
the  arguments  of  able  counsel — was  entitled 
to  the  fullest  confidence  of  the  American 
people. 

"  It  has  been  reserved  for  a  government 
of  the  people,  where  the  right  of  suffrage 
is  universal,  to  give  to  the  world  the  fii-st 
example  in  history  of  a  great  nation,  in  the 
midst  of  a  struggle  of  opposing  parties  f(n' 
power,  hushing  its  party  tumults,  to  yield 
the  issue  of  the  contest  to  adjustment  ac- 
cording to  the  forms  of  law." 

The  following  were  selected  as  the  prin- 
cipiil  executive  and  diplomatic  officers  of  the 
United  States  : 

The  Executive — Rutherford  J>.  Hayes,  of 
Ohio,  President  of  the  United  iStales,  salary 
?;5(),000;  William  A.  Wheeler,  of  New 
York,  Vice-President,  salary  §8,000. 

The  Cabinet — William  M.  Evarts,  of  New 
York,  Secretary  of  State,  salary  $8,000; 
John  Sherman,  of  Ohio,  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  salary  $«,000;  George  W.  Mc- 
Crarj',  of  Iowa,  Secretanj  of  War,  salary 
$«,060  ;  Kichard  W.  Thompson,  of  Indiana, 
Secretary  of  the  Xavy,  salary  §8,000  ;  Carl 
Schurz,  of  Missouri,  Secretary  o/'  the  Interior, 
salary  §8,000  ;  David  M.  Key,  of  Tennes- 
see, J'oslmader-General,  salary  §8,000  ; 
Charlea  Devens,  of  jNIassachusetts,  Attorney- 
General,  salary  §8  000. 

In  the  session  of  the  44th  Congress,  1877, 
many  important  acts  were  passed.  Among 
them  worthy  of  special  notice,  was  an  act 
making  considerable  reduction  in  the  num- 
ber of  reve/.  ue  ilistricts;  an  act  to  allow  a 
pension  of  thirty-six  dollars  ]ier  month  to 
soldiers  who  had  lost  both  an  arm  and  a  leg ; 
an  act  equalizing  the  pensions  of  certain 
officers  of  the  navy ;  an  act  respecting  the 
limits  of  reservation  for  town  sites  upon  the 
public  domain  ;  an  act  for  the  relief  of  set- 
tlers on  the  public  domain  under  the  pre- 
emption law  ;  an  act  in  relation  to  ])r()of 
rcquiri'd  in  homestead  entries  ;  an  act  ap- 
|)roj)riating  three  hundred  thousand  dol- 
lars for  survey  of  the  i)ublic  lands  and 
j)rivate  land  claims  ;  an  act  to  encourage 
and  promote    telegraphic  communication 


between  America  and  Europe ;  an  act  to 
provide  for  and  regulate  the  count  of  votes 
for  President  and  Vice-President,  and  the 
decision  of  questions  arising  therefrom, 
from  the  term  commencing  -March  4,  1877. 

State  Constitutional  amendments  deserv- 
ing of  notice  were  made  dming  1877,  in 
Connecticut,  forbidding  any  city  or  other 
local  government  subscribing  to  the  capital 
stock  of  any  railroad  corporation  or  j)ur- 
chasing  its  stocks  ;  making  "  U)bbying  "  a 
crime;  making  the  non-payment  of  taxes 
for  two  years,  and  being  engaged  in  duel- 
ling, disqualifications  for  voting  or  holding 
any  public  office.  In  New  Hampshire,  for 
biennial  electi(nis  and  biennial  sessions  of 
the  Legislature  ;  for  abolishing  the  religious 
test  as  a  qualification  for  office  ;  to  prevent 
any  public  money  being  applied  to  aid  de- 
nominational schools  ;  to  prohibit  any  city 
or  county  using  money  or  credit  to  aid  any 
individual  or  coiporation. 

In  New  York,  providing  that  free  com- 
mon schools  shall  be  maintained  through- 
out the  State  forever ;  that  neither  the 
money,  property,  nor  credit  of  the  State, 
or  any  portion  of  it,  shall  be  in  any  way 
given  to  aid  any  schools,  etc.,  under  control 
of  any  religions  society ;  prohibiting  anjf 
county  or  other  division  of  the  State  from 
giving  money  or  property  in  aid  of  any  in- 
dividual, association,  or  corporation ;  an 
important  article,  17,  was  added  to  the 
Constitution,  making  great  changes  in  city 
goveniments,  etc. 

Our  Common  School  system  has  been 
largely  extended  and  greatly  improved 
notwithstanding  the  lack  of  employmeuS 
and  the  scarcity  of  money  for  so  many 
months.  Indeed,  our  wealthier  people  have 
been  taught  by  that  stern  monitor,  Adver- 
sity, how  deep  an  interest  every  father  and 
mother  in  om-  land  should  take  in  preserv- 
ing, and  if  possible,  bettering  these  foun- 
tain-heads of  morality  and  virtue.  How 
many  tliotisands  of  families,  who  had  good 
reason  for  thinlcing  that  their  cliildren  would 
be  sure  of  a  good  education  if  money  could 
procure  it,  are  now  tiiankful  that  our  couu- 
try  is  blessed  with  such  a  beneficent  system 
of  education,  where  the  poorest  is  on  a  par 
with  the  richest.  The  Peahidy  Fund  is 
managed  discreetly  and  honestly,  and  is 
well  carrying  out  the  noble  design  of  its 
benevolent  foiuider  :  cultivating  the  Africm 
brain,  that  has  for  so  many  centuries  lain 
fallow.  Already  many  color(>d  chihb'en 
have  shown  that  they  had  latent  ability 
which  only  needed  instruction  to  rer.der 
them  fully  equal  to  their  pale  Caucasian 
compeei-s  in  scholarshij).  In  tho  older 
States  many  improvements  in  books,  furni- 
ture, and  systems  of  tuition  have  been 
made  in  the  ])  tst  few  years  ;  while  the  new 
States  and  Territories  have  in  many  in- 
stances, even  improved  upon  their  able 
mentors.  C'olorado  was  admitted  as  a  sister 
to  the  bevy  of  States  already  in  the  Union, 
in  March,  1S7.").  As  soon  as  settlers  really 
began  to  find  themselves  at  home  in  the 
bracing  air  of  this  mountain  State,  they 
began  to  establish  a  large  and  liberal  school 
system,  embracing  many  of  the  l)cst  iiu- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


723 


provenients  of  the  older  orf^i'anizations.  This 
youthful,  but  aspiring  State,  has  already 
nearly  130  school-houses,  within  whose 
walls  assemble  over  1(1,000  chilch-en,  taught 
by  2(')0  able  instructors.  In  New  Mexico 
the  Catholics  and  Protestants  appear  to 
vie  with  each  other  in  extending  education  ; 
even  Utah  appears  determined  that  her 
children  shall  not  be  backward  in  educa- 
tional matters.  They  have  numerous  com- 
mon schools,  and  a  higher  grade  of  learning 
is  furnished  by  several  seminaries. 

Most  of  oiu'  higher  educational  semina- 
ries have  been  successful  in  maintaining 
the  lofty  standard  they  had  long  since 
reached.  Their  professors  are  men  of 
great  erudition,  happily  tempered  with  a 
more  liberal  spirit  and  a  more  extensive 
knowledge  of  the  world  outside  their  aca- 
demic walls,  than  was  the  case  with  their 
Avorthy  predecessors.  The  old  Greek  idea 
that  to  make  perfect  men,  it  was  necessary 
that  the  body  should  be  trained  and  cared 
for,  as  well  as  the  mind,  has  taken  a  firm 
hold  on  both  teachers  and  pupils.  So  that 
now  in  every  university  great  pains  are 
taken  to  develop  the  muscular  powers,  by 
leaping,  running,  rowing,  and  sunilar  exer- 
cises. We  regret  to  see,  meanwhile,  a 
somewhat  turbulent  spirit  cropping  out  in  a 
few  of  our  colleges,  showing  itself  in  rough 
"  hazing,"  and  similar  sports.  This  ungentle- 
manly  conduct  should  be  frowned  down 
by  their  associates,  as  a  few  mildewed  ears 
may  in  time  spoil  a  whole  field  of  promising 
wheat.  Our  astronomers  have  recently 
swept  the  horizon  with  their  "  vast  tubes  " 
to  some  purpose.  They  have  fairly  eclipsed 
their  European  brethren ;  having  clearly 
pointed  out  many  hitherto  obscure  or  in- 
visible planets  on  the  vast  astral  field.  | 
Nor  have  our  savants  allowed  their  celes- 
tial to  pi-event  their  terrestrial  observations. 
Extensive  explorations  have  bean  cirried  on 
by  our  Government  in  the  almost  unknown 
heart  of  our  extensive  territory.  Much 
exceedingly  valuable  infonnation  has  been 
thus  obtained:  geographical,  mineralogical, 
and  climatic;  all  of  which  will  be  duly 
given  to  the  world  in  official  publications. 
In  poetry  no  new  master-spirit  has  touched 
the  lyre  in  our  hemisphere.  Still  we  have 
little  cause  of  complaint,  while  our  Bryant 
has  not  yet,  thank  heaven,  "wrapped  the 
drapery  of  his  couch  about  him  to  lie  down 
to  dreamless  sleep."  Longfellow  is  among 
us,  "  With  a  heart  for  any  fate  ;  still 
achieving,  still  pursuing ; "  Wallace  re- 
minls  us  that  "  forty  millions  bless  the  sire 
and  Sword  of  Bunker  Hill ; "  Lowell  is 
left  us,  and  Stedman,  and  Taylor,  and 
Aldrich,  and  a  host  of  others ;  among 
whom  shines  "  though  last,  not  least," 
Oliver  Wendell  Holmes,  the  Anacreon  of 
the  New  World.  One  bright  star  has  been 
quenched — one  noble  heart  has  been  stilled 
— the  venerable  Muhlenburgh  has  had  his 
song-prayer  answered,  "  Nearer,  my  God,  to 
Thee,"  and  now  rests  in  the  midst  of  that 
peaceful  St  Johnland,  which  his  unselfish 
labors  founded  as  a  refuge  for  honest 
poverty.  Our  living  prose  writers  are  so 
numerous  that  it  would  take  much  space 


even  to  name  them.  Many  of  our  best 
authors  are  engaged  upon  the  daily  and 
weekly  ])ress ;  and  even  their  names  are 
hardly  known  to  the  outside  world.  Jour- 
nalism, like  a  vast  maelstrom,  sucks  into  its 
vortex  much  of  the  intellectual  ability  of 
the  country  ;  the  press  retains  the  same 
strong  power  as  drew  to  it  a  Franklin  and 
a  Greeley.  The  enormous  trade  in  books 
and  periodicals  has  led  to  the  formation  of 
large  "News  Companies"  in  New  York 
and  various  other  sections  of  the  Union. 
These  companies  act  as  intermediaries  be- 
tween the  publisher  and  the  newsdealer. 
The  managers  have  thus  far  manifested 
great  ability  and  strict  honesty  in  all  the 
ramifications  of  the  extensive  business. 
During  all  the  suspensions  and  failures  of 
the  last  few  years,  they  have  preserved 
their  financial  honor  unsullied.  Many 
important  works  have  been  issued  by  our 
leading  pubhshers,  with  a  measurable  degree 
of  success.  The  Appletons  have  completed 
that  really  "  National "  work,  their  Cyclo- 
pedia. Almost  all  of  our  great  historians 
are  resting  on  their  laurels ;  though  Ben- 
son J.  Lossing.  who  has  done  for  America 
what  Charles  Knight  did  for  England,  con- 
tinues to  illustrate  by  his  pencil  the  scenes 
and  events  so  happily  described  by  his  pen. 
C.  Edwards  Lester,  too,  has  enriched  our 
literatui-e  by  his  succinct,  impartial,  and 
eloquent  history  of  "  Oui-  First  Hundred 
Years." 

Our  Indian  affairs  have  been  in  a  most 
deplorable  condition  during  the  last  four 
years.  General  Custer,  who  had  been  a 
leading  and  very  popular  officer  during  tVe 
rebellion,  was  dispatched  by  his  superiors 
to  find  and  attack  a  large  force  of  Indians, 
mostly  Sioux.  The  whereabouts  and  num- 
ber of  the  Sioux  were  not  at  all  well-known. 
The  fatal  result  is  all  that  has  ever  be(n 
accurately  ascertained.  The  brave  Custer, 
instead  of  surprising,  seems  to  have  been 
surprised  ;  for  he  rode  with  his  five  hun- 
dred gallant  troopers  right  into  what 
proved  to  be  a  valley  of  death.  They  were 
surrounded,  shot,  or  cut  down  by  a  very 
superior  array  of  savages.  Not  a  single 
soldier  survived  to  enlighten  us  as  to  the 
particulars  of  this  disastrous  event.  All 
we  know  certain,  is  that  officers  and  men 
met  their  fate  heroically,  fighting  to  the 
last  gasp.  A  wily  Sioux  chief,  usually 
called  Sitting  Bull,  is  ])resumed  to  have 
been  the  leader  of  the  Sioux.  Under  his 
skillful  leadership  the  Indians  managed  to 
elude  all  plans  laid  for  their  capture,  and 
siicceeded,  with  but  little  loss  of  strength, 
in  crossing  into  the  British  Possessions, 
where  they  have  since  remained.  So  far, 
they  have  been  peaceable,  but  scornfully 
rejected  ad  offers  made  by  our  Government 
for  their  return  within  our  jurisdiction.  It 
is  but  justice  to  say,  that  the  Canadians 
have  in  no  way  encouraged  them  in  this  re- 
fusal. Another  very  unsatisfactory  colli- 
sion occurred  between  our  forces  and  the 
Nez  Perces.  These  latter  are  the  scant  i 
remnant  of  a  once  powerful  tribe,  who 
roamed  over  a  vast  country  on  the  Pacific 
side  of  the  Rocky  ]\Iountaina.    They  have 


for  years  teen  at  peace  with  the  whites 
and  have  been,  gradually  becoming  a  pas- 
toral people ;  depending  more  on  their 
fields  and  their  herds  for  support,  than  oa 
the  uncertain  chances  of  the  chase.  It  is 
hard  to  amve  at  a  satisfactory  reason  for 
this  outbreak.  Both  sides  lay  the  blame 
upon  each  other.  As  we  have  the  advan- 
tage of  telling  the  story,  the  Indians  are 
made  to  appear  at  fault.  Certain  it  is  that 
when  the  head  of  the  tribe,  Chief  Joseph, 
was  ordered  to  give  up  some  lands,  which 
he  had  held  from  a  long  line  of  fore- 
fathers, he  stoutly  refused.  General 
Howard  sought  to  take  them  by  force.  A 
brave  resistance  was  made  ;  but  the  In- 
dian chief  finchng  himself  outnumbered, 
and  learning  that  large  reinforcements 
would  soon  reach  his  antagonist,  formed 
the  bold  resolution  of  reti-eating  almost 
across  the  continent,  in  hopes  of  fonning  a 
coalition  with  the  Sioux  and  other  Indian 
enemies  at  war  with  the  United  States. 
This  resolution  was  as  bold  as  that  of  Cor- 
tez  when  he  burned  his  ships  on  the  coast  of 
Mexico.  Chief  Joseph  thus  retreated  in 
the  presence  of  superior  numbers,  led  by 
an  educated  mihtary  officer.  He  success- 
fully baffled  all  efforts  to  outflank  him  or 
bring  him  to  an  engagement,  only  turn- 
in^  upon  the  enemy  when  it  suited  him 
(Joseph)  to  fight.  This  was  not  conducted 
like  a  wild  race  for  life  ;  but  he  carried 
nearly  all  his  stock  of  cattle  and  horses 
with  him ;  this,  too,  through  hundi-eds  of 
miles  of  the  roughest  country  upon  earth. 
Finally  he  only  sarrendered  to  very  supe- 
rior numbers,  and  not  to  his  pursuer,  but 
to  the  gallant  General  Miles,  who  had  been 
apprised  by  telegraph  where  to  station  his 
troops  to  intercept  the  swarthy  Xenophon. 
What  adds  greatly  to  the  fame  of  Ciiief 
Joseph,  is  the  fact  that  he  treated  prisoners 
human3ly,  and  never  mutilated  or  scalped 
the  dead. 

General  Grant,  as  soon  as  he  had  sur- 
rendered his  seat  to  his  successor,  took 
a  few  months  to  settle  his  private  aff.urs, 
and  then  embarked  for  Europe.  In  every 
country  which  he  has  visited  he  has  been 
received  with  unbounded  hospitahty,  and 
in  many  almost  royal  honors  have  been  ac- 
corded to  him. 

Labor  strikes  and  consequent  riots, 
which  a  few  years  ago  we  deemed  exotics 
never  likely  to  take  root  in  the  United 
States,  have  become  frequent.  In  the  fa]7. 
of  1877  a  strike  of  vast  magnitude  occiur- 
red  in  Pennsylvania,  and  extended  thence 
to  the  neighboring  States.  In  its  inception 
it  was  confined  to  the  railway  employees, 
but  soon  thousands  of  others,  some  with 
real  and  others  with  imaginary  grievances, 
joined  the  strikers.  The  traffic  on  all 
the  main  lines  was  stopped.  The  mili- 
tia of  Maryland,  Pennsylvania,  New 
Jersey,  and  New  York  were  placed  un- 
der arms,  and,  in  some  instances, 
marched,  with  the  United  States  ti'oops,  to 
stop  the  disorders.  There  was  not  much 
of  a  sanguinary  disposition  displayed  by 
the  strikers,  but  the  destruction  of  proper- 
ty and  the  less  occasioned  by  interruption 


724 


APPENDIX  TO  THE 


of  travel  and  traffic  was  terrible.  Event- 
ually the  riots  were  suppressed,  partly  by 
force,  partly  by  wise  concessions  on  the 
pai  t  of  employers.  While  the  result  was 
satisfactory,' in  so  far  as  it  proved  the  fact 
that  there  is  an  inherent  power  in  our 
form  of  government,  strong  enough  to  put 
down  rebellion  and  to  suppress  riot — no 
matttT  on  how  gigantic  a  scale  they  may  ex- 
ist—there still  remained  the  painful  thought 
that  there  is,  to  a  certain  extent,  a  feeling 
of  antagonism  between  capital  and  labor  : 
a  feeling  which  is  not  a  little  aggravated 
hy  the  injudicious  and  scornful  utterances 
of  many  of  the  rich  as  well  as  by  the 
agrarian  rantings  of  many  of  the  poor.  To 
remove  the  causes  of  this  feeling  of  antag- 
onism, requires  the  greatest  efforts  of  the 
ablest  and  best  minds  in  our  midst. 

\Vliile  immigration  from  Europe  has 
largely  diminished,  as  we  no  longer  offer 
steady  employment  and  larger  wages  to 
foreign  mechanics,  the  present  residents  of 
all  our  States  find  employment  difficult  to 
get,  and  when  obtained,  it  is  only  at  wages 
greatly  reduced  from  former  rates.  In 
some  instances  ships  have  even  sailed  from 
New  York  for  AustraUa,  taking  passengers, 
partly  assisted  to  pay  their  expenses  fi'om 
the  coffers  of  that  pro.sperous  colony. 
Some  skilled  labor  has  even  gone  to  En- 
gland— a  veiification  of  "carrying  coals  to 
Newcastle."  The  subject  of  Chinese  im- 
migration is  being  fiercely  fought  out,  both 
in  the  halls  of  Congress  and  in  the  news- 
papers. Both  sides  adduce  strong  argu- 
ments, and  give  plenty  of  statistics,  pro 
and  con  ;  but  it  is  a  subject  that  has  so 
many  local  phases,  that  it  will  require  a 
new  Solomon  to  pronounce  an  equitable 
decision  on  the  matter.  It  is  not  only  by 
the  departure  from  our  shores  of  working 
p(0])le  that  our  strength  is  being  depleted; 
it  has  been  asserted  by  a  leading  member 
of  Congress  that  Americans  traveling  in 
Europe  spend  at  least  7r),r00,000  of  dol- 
lars in  gold  every  year.  This  vast  sum, 
bear  in  mind,  rc])resents  just  so  much 
talent  and  labor  heavUy  tasked  to  make  it 
here. 

The  years  1876  and  1877  will  be  long 
looked  back  to  with  feelings  of  grief  by 
great  numbers  of  our  most  worthy  citizens. 
In  those  yeai-s,  almost  every  day  saw  the 
ollapso  of  some  Insurance  Company,  Sav- 
ings IJauk,  or  Trust  Companies,  The  sums 
lost  thi'ough  their  faiku'es  are  so  inunense 
lus  to  api)ear  almost  fabuhnis.  Unfortu- 
nately we  can  not  say  with  the  gallant 
Francis, "  All  is  lost,  excej)t  honor."  Huge  as 
have  been  the  other  losses,  very  little  honor 
existed  to  be  saved.  In  part  these  titanic 
failures  were  caused  by  the  fall  in  the 
value  of  H.'curities,  both  stocks  and  proper- 
ty ;  but  in  the  majority  of  in.stanees ciii»idity 
and  financial  ignorance  were  the  preventa- 
])le  causes.  lUit  1870  was  marked  in 
mourning  by  even  a  sadder  cient  than 
tiscil  ruin.  The  Jirooklyn  Theatre,  filled 
with  human  beings,  was  destroyed  by  fire, 
and  hundreds  of  children,  women,  and  men 
were  wht  inicd  in  one  llaming  l  urial.  The 
unlortuuate  victims  were  from  every  strata 


of  social  life,  and  repose  in  Greenwood  be- 
neath one  vast  hallowed  mound. 

Daring  the  Congi-essional  session  of  1878, 
the  Silver  Hill — so  called — passed  both 
Houses  of  Congress,  by  more  than  a  two- 
thu'ds  vote.  It  was  vetoed  by  President 
Hayes,  but  immediately  passed  again  over 
his  veto.  Under  this  law  the  United 
States  Mint  immediately  proceeded  to  coin  ' 
the  new  silver  dollar.  Tliis  measiu-e  has 
l^roduced  little  of  the  effect,  either  for  good 
or  ill,  so  boldly  predicted  for  it  by  its 
friends  and  opponents.  Stocks,  produce, 
and  gold  hardly  changed  a  quotable  per- 
centage in  value. 

The  convention  agreed  to  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  United  States,  to 
settle  pending  disputes  on  the  Fishei-y 
Question,  met  at  Ilalifax,  N.  S.,  and  ren- 
dered a  decision,  awarding  five  millions  of 
dollars  to  the  Canadians,  to  be  paid  by  our 
Government.  Some  fierce  attacks  were 
made  in  Congress,  by  leading  members, 
upon  the  character  of  the  foreign  member 
of  the  convention.  But  subsequent  in- 
vestigation of  documents  proved  that  the 
gentleman  denounced  acted  in  perfect 
faith,  and  had  taken  the  office  unwillingly. 
Quite  an  agitation  has  been  caused,  since 
the  recent  lamentable  failures  of  Savings 
Banks  and  similar  institutions,  on  the  sub- 
ject of  Postal  Savings  Institutions  by  the 
General  Government.  On  one  side  it  is  al- 
leged that  such  banks  would  be  a  certain 
and  safe  means  of  ])reserving  the  savings 
of  the  people,  yielding  them  a  moderate 
intei'est.  The  opponents  of  the  idea  argue, 
on  the  other  hand,  that  no  such  power  is 
conferred  on  the  General  Government.  The 
present  Secretary  of  the  Treasiuy,  in  his 
annual  report  of  December,  hs77,  recom- 
mended the  plan  only  in  a  modified  form, 
authorizing  the  depo  it  of  .small  sums  with 
any  postal  money-order  office,  and  the  issue 
thei'efor  of  Government  certifi'^ates  convert- 
ible into  the  4  per  cent,  bonds  of  the 
United  States. 


CHAPTER  XXXVI. 

Qcricrnl  Summary,  and  Valuable  Statistical  Ta- 
bles lllustratinfj  the  Slate  of  Manufactures, 
Ajfriculture,  etc. 

A  VERv  determined  effort  is  now  being 
made  in  the  I'^nited  States  to  iucrea.se  our 
foreign  trade,  and  thus  give  large  and 
])rofital)le  outlets  to  the  vast  surplus  of  our 
productions — jtroductions  which  have  been 
enormously  increased  by  improvements 
and  inventions  of  all  kuuls  of  labor-saving 
machinery.  The  daily  press  is  working 
intelligently  and  ii.dustriously  to  effect  this 
purpose.  The  various  Chambers  of  Com- 
merce in  om-  leading  cities  are  also  working 
with  a  like  jmrpose.  Nearly  every  country 
on  this  continent  is  naturally  our  custtuuer. 
I  Jut  so  negligent  have  we  been,  so  little 
have  we  utilized  our  great  advantag(>s,  that 
nations  in  the  other  hemisphere  jiass  our 
ports,  deeply  laden  with  tl'eir  own  goods  in 
excliangc  fur  the  rich  products  of  our 


neighbors.  A  very  intelligent  Mexican, 
speaking  to  the  New  York  Chamber  of 
Commerce,  concluded  his  interesting  ad- 
dress by  s.iying  :  "  No  country  could  furnish 
the  United  States  with  sugar  and  coffee  so 
well  as  Mexico.  Mexican  marbles  ex- 
cited universal  admiration  at  the  Centen- 
nial Exhibition,  yet  it  would  be  difficult  to 
find  a  specimen  in  New  York  to-day.  Mexi- 
co has  unlimited  quames  to  draw  upon. 
Its  sulphur  mines  are  inexhaustible  also, 
and  it  has  been  pronounced  by  Americans 
the  best  in  quality  they  ever  saw.  Ameri- 
cans have  said  that  the  fibers  of  the  agave 
plant  would  create  a  revolution  in  paper- 
malung,  and  there  is  no  end  to  these  in 
Mexico.  The  §.=5,000,000  of  imports  into 
-Mexico  from  the  United  States  of  1825, 
have  been  stationary  since.  The  only  rea- 
sonable cause  for  this  phenomenon  is  the 
mistrust  that  exists  in  this  country  of 
Mexican  mai-kets,  and  the  lack  of  cheap 
and  easy  commimication.  Most  of  the 
articles  the  speaker  had  mentioned  are  in- 
cluded in  the  Mexican  free  tariff.  Mexico 
desires  to  foster  trade  with  the  United 
States.  American  merchants  should  send 
exploring  agents  thither  to  examine  for 
themselves.  At  present,  trade  is  in  the 
hands  of  intermediate  persons,  who  keep 
prices  high  and  contract  the  markets. 

'•In  conclusion,  the  speaker  advised  the 
organization  of  more  lines  of  steamers  be- 
tween Mexican  and  United  States  ports, 
and  the  construction  of  an  international 
railway  between  the  two  countries."  His 
remarks  were  greeted  with  applause,  and 
the  thanks  of  the  Chamber  were  tendered 
to  him. 

The  treaty  which  has  been  made  by  the 
Samoau  Islands  with  the  United  States  will 
be  an  event  in  our  history  in  more  respects 
than  one.  It  is  the  first  treat}'  ever  made 
by  the  Samoans  with  any  nation.  It  is  the 
first  stej)  in  a  policy  which  recognizes  the 
future  greatness  of  our  commerce  in  the 
I'acific  Ocean,  and  makes  wise  and  states- 
manlike provision  for  that  greatness. 
For  it  is  not  to  be  doubted  that,  vast 
as  has  been  our  commerce  on  the  At- 
lantic Ocean,  it  will  be  livalled  by  that 
on  the  Pacific  to  exchange  the  varied  prod- 
i  nets  of  California  and  its  sister  States,  on 
j  the  western  side  of  the  Kocky  Moimtains, 
for  what  Asia  and  Atistralia  have  to  ofler 
us  in  return.  I'specially  for  trade  with  the 
1  latter  may  we  expect  to  have  use  for  a  great 
commercial  navy.  But  to  reach  .\ustralia, 
by  the  fastest  steamers  which  can  yet  be 
built,  still  takes  thirty  days.  And  for  so 
long  a  voyage  it  is  of  the  highest  uupor- 
tance  we  should  have  for  our  ships,  some 
stoi>iiing-]>lace  which  shall  be  under  (uir 
I  own  control,  and  where  we  shall  run  no 
'  risk  of  being  interfered  with  by  any  Euro- 
pean ))ower.  That  stopping-place  we  have 
secured  by  the  treaty  with  Samoa,  which 
the  United  States  Senate  confirmed  with- 
out a  di\nsion. 

A  very  exti  nsive  trade  has  spruTig  up  in 
fresh  nu>ats  and  .shell-fish  with  (Jreat  Brit- 
ain. Live  stock  of  all  kinds  have  been 
,  found  to  beai-  the  sea  voyage  quite  well, 


IITSTORT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


725 


thanks  to  the  scientific  and  mechanical  im- 
provements which  have  been  made  on 
board  ocean  steamers.  IjMusually  hirge 
quantities  of  flour,  moal,  and  dairy  products 
have  found  good  markets  in  Eiu'ope  during 
the  years  1877  and  1878. 

Import!^. — In  187G,  the  total  imports  of 
articles,  free  of  duty,  iuto  the  United  States, 
amounted  to  $l5G,-.>!)8,594. 

In  1877  (in  each  year  ending  June  30), 
$181,5G2,8(i6. 

In  1870,  the  total  of  imports  liable  to 
duty  was  $320,379,277. 

In  1877,  |!310,527,.540. 

Total  in  1876,  $476,077,871. 

Total  in  1877,  $492,090,400. 

Total  value  of  gold  and  bullion  imported 
in  1876,  $1.5,936,081. 

Total  in  1877,  $4.51,315,992. 

Brought  in  American  vessels  in  1870, 
$143,389,704;  in  1877,  $151,820,933. 

Brought  in  foreign  vessels  in  1876, 
$321,139,500;  in  1877,  $329,50.3,833. 

Exports. — Twelve  months  ending  June 
30,  1»76,  $044,950,406. 

Twelve  months  ending  JunQ  30,  1877, 
«i770,115,818. 


CO 
00 


00 


0} 

H 
CQ 

a 

H 

M 


x/i 

o 
o 

n 
< 

CQ 


09 

> 
M 


Si 


■2  S 

S  53 

i  ^ 

"a  ^ 


1876. 

roo  ^ 

*fl  GO 
TO 

1875. 

U7  m  55 

CO  ii^y? 

1874. 

54 

CO 
CO  1.- ^ 
co"o" 

lO 

j  1873.  J 

323 
3,106 
52,053 

1878. 

ceo  t- 

C4  o 

1871. 

o  r- 
cr.  ;c 

1870. 

CO  0?  f5 
CC  M  O 

.2  3 


1^1 


SCHOOL  STATISTICS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  IN  1876, 

{From  t/ie  Atmual  Bcport  of  the  Commissioner  of  Education  for  1870.] 


States  and  Territories. 


Alabama  

Arkansas  

Calir'oniia  

ColDHidc).  

('oiiiiecticut  

Di'laware  

Florida  

Georgia  

Illinois  

Indiana  

Iowa  

Kansas  

Kentucky  

Louisiana  

Maine  

Maryland   

Massachusetts  

Michigan  

Minnesota  

Mississippi  

Missouri  

Nebraska  

Nevada  

New  Hampshire  ., 

New  Jerrey  

New  York  

North  Carolina  

Ohio  

Oregon  

Pennsylvania  

Khode  Island  .  ... 

South  Carolina  

Tennessee  

Texas  

Vermont  

Virginia  

West  Virginia  . . . 
Wisconsin  


Total. 


Arizona  

Dakota  

District  of  Columbia., 

Idalio   

Montana  

New  Mexico  

Utah  

Washington  

Wyoming  

Indian  : 

Cherokees  

Creeks  

ChoctawB   

Seminoles  


Total  . 


Grand  Total  . 


6-21 
.5-17 
6-21 

4-  16 

5-  21 
4-21 

6-  18 
B-21 
6-21 
.5-21 
.5-21 
6-20 
6-21 

4-  21 

5-  20 
5-15 
5-20 
5-21 

5-  21 

6-  20 

5-  21 

6-  18 

4-  21 

5-  18 

5-  21 
f;-21 
B-21 
4-20 

6-  21 
.5-15 
6-lB 
6-1 S 
6-18 
.5-20 
.5-21 
6-21 
4-20 


!3  5^ 


6-21 
.5-21 

6-  17 

5-  18 
4-21 

7-  18 

6-  10 

4-  20 

5-  20 

7-  21 
10-18 

0-20 


405.236 
18!l.;30 
184,787 

21.962 
135,189 
ao'<I.S07 

74.828 
3'H.r37 
9:3,5^9 
679,2.S(). 
5.5:l9Jf 
212.977 
498,744 
274,688 
21K,490 
2-6.120' 

3no,8:^4 

459,817, 
228.362 
3.55.9191 
725  728 
86,191 
8,175 
74,747 
314,826 
1,. 585,601 
348,603 
1,025,635 
48,473 
1,200. 001 1 
.'>3,316 
237,971 
434.131 
313,061 
92,.577 
482,789 
184,760 
474,811 


14,169..3S1 


2.955 
0,396 
31.671 
2,77' 
4,2.38 
029,312 
30,900 
11,(K)0 
*U,0CO 

4,041 
716 

2,3<i0 
471 


136,777 


•283,659 
*141,818 
»166,.309 
*1 6,472 
6112,6.57 
*33.8;i6 
*48,639 
*.351,633 
*T30,1'I2 
*.509,423 
M54.424 
127.  .502 
♦.398,995 
*206,016 
♦142.019 
♦2117, ('90 
♦300.8.34 
*344,S8.5 
*1.59,8,').3 
*249,I4:i 
*5<0,582 
*60,33;! 
*7,628 
55,555 
*267,i;02 
*1,109.9.'l 
» 26 1,4  2 
7('.3,9-;6 
*33,931 
*9;i0.0  10 
ft48,321 
2.37.971 
*.390,718 
*281.75ll 
*l!9,432: 
3n7.V30 
*138,.570 
*332.3()8 


5  t  a-* 


a 


lfl,73\773 


*2.216 
*7.277 
29, 133 1 
*2,3(0 
*2,7.55| 
*24.0l6 
80,91  n 
*7,700: 
*4,500 

*3,2n3 
*787 
*l,840i 


126,89.3 

15,890 
140,468 

14,364 
119,106 

21,587 

26,0.52 
179,405| 
667,4461 
516,270 
398,825 
147,224 
228.1KI0 

74,307 
l.'-B.HS 
146,198 
805,776 
314.956 
151,866 
166,204 
394,818 

59,966 
.5.'-21 

66,599: 
196,252, 
1,067,199 
146,737 
752,ni;8 

27,426 
9(I2,?45 

39.328 
123. 1 '85 
194.180 
6lN4.7n5 

71,325 
199.856 
123,504 
282.186 


88,391 
8,043 
70,495 

'16.720! 
115,1211 

.314,168 
229,315 

89.896 
l.-)6.000 

.52,315 
102.451 

73.069 
218.903 
200,000 


6182,000 


3,832 

48,857 
ia3,520 
541,610 

97.8.50 
447,139 

15,,5a5 
578,718 

27,021 


117,617 


14,306,158  10,853,390 


8,755,010 

1,213 
5,410 

19,629 
2.Ti4 
2,734 
.5,1.-)1 

l!l.8^« 
7..5l>fl 
1,222 

2,800 
616 

1,13! 
157 


70,175 


8,825,185 


12.5.908 
6125,224 


11.5,243 
72,278 


4,214,630 


900 
14,9(17 
'  2,666 
1.3.608 


80 

i4i!8 

100 
178.1 


129 
1-36  5 
103.5 
110 
97 
118 
182 

r.6 

156 
100 
1(0 

60 

95  8 
142.8 

93.7 
192 
176 

50 
1.55 

82.4 
150 
180 

90 

71.9 


113 
95.04 
152.5 


l,.5n0 

200 

418 

715 

16.S 

108 

180 

34,216 

4,248,848 

191 

ioo 
m 

143 
104 


*  Estimated  by  the  Bureau. 


(0)  United  States  Censns  of  1870. 


(6)  Estimate  of  State  SnpcriDtendJiit. 


STATISTICS  OF  THEOLOGICAL  SEMINARIES  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

[From.  Vw  Report  of  the  Commissioner  of  Education  for  1876.] 


Denomination, 


Roman  Catholic  

Protestant  Episcopal  

Presbyterian  

baptist   

Lutheran.   

CongrcL'ational   

Methodist  Episcopal  

Christian   

Reformed  

United  Presbyterian  

Cumberland  fresbyterian. . . 

Free  Will  Baptist  

Methodist  Episcopal  (South) 


"S.s 


18 
17 
16 
15 
14 
S 
7 


112 
62 
78 
6S 
46 
59 
62 
6 
8 
11 
7 
9 
6 


879 
267 
624 
702 
354 
841 
370 
82 
67 
79 
48 
44 
74 


Denomintttion: 


Unsectarian  

Reformed  (Dutch)  

Univcrsalist  

African  Methodist  Episcopal 

Mennonite  

Methodist  

Moravian  

New  .lerusalem  

Union  Evangelical  

Unitarian   

United  Brethren  

Total  


121 


10 

!M 

8^ 

49 

66 

3 

G 

6 

26 

3 

34 

2 

5 

80 

7 

17 

3 

25 

580 

4,268 

720 


APPim^lX  TO  THE 


00 


to 


.      -7^  — 

■  too*  %2 


0»  «  T< 
^  t* 


t- O  S&  »n  — ^00                    »-HOC;j.iN_  l-^;  C«3. 

o5  ir:  o  »-i     f-H  T<  o  T-i     t— »7*  IQ 

«r                                            ■  - 

i  I  3 


O  00  -41    •  »Q  ift 

c*  »—  32   -qi  -r  'S4 

03  iC         •  O  >-t 


o  c:  oo 

t-  C  O 

C:  5^  O  IN 


"  ■»  ?  =^  <^ 
o  o  1)  «~r5:r; 


'.2  * 

•  S  • 

:a  : 

•  "o  • 


Eh  O 


<e  eo  o>    ^  iri  o 


<o  'jr  in  00  o »-  00 

(-  O  iri  1  - 

O  »-<  rH  M  c; 

r-4  I-  I-  CO  X>  th  t- 
CO      C:  ^  O  1-1 


1       CO -t       w'cTt-  I'T  '     .       ^  G  ^  If^CC'S 

.  c;  o  t-;^i-    o  00        o^x  .   .    1-t  rr  >r:  Ci^i-i  qd 


03 

<^ 
H 

CQ 

n 

H 

H 
P 

EH 

M 

CQ 

tA 
O 
O 

H 
o 

CO 
Hi 


111  J/  J  i  /svi 


•spun  J 
3/itf:)npoAj 
uiou/  ifiOUJ 


•spunj 

9flZ}7npOAJ 

/o  fittioiay 


sptinoxQ 


ui  siuinjo/l 


9^81  /o  jusiii 
-9:>iisiuiuoj 


■Sfuspnjs 
/o  xnquin^ 


-11/ /o  s^uoj 


o  c:  o  o  o 


8i  IS 


•o  o 

•o   


o*  o 

l-H  CO 


o  o  o 

«  --;  cc  O 
CC  «C  T  CO 


ift»f5r-i;MOi-'t-TOC:t-C:cC»-<OC'?»00*^riXSi   |  ^ 


•.g  :  :  :  ;>.:,-5^  -.-if  2  :  =  2§  ,=  -3 


.2.  "3 

I  « 

o 

o 


UNIVERSITIES  AND  COLLEGES  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

\Vrom  the  liepwl  of  the  Uommissimier  of  Education  for  187G.] 


Siaies  and  Territories. 


Alahnma  

Arkansas  

California  

Colorado   

roniiecticnt  

Delaware  

Gcorpia  

Illinois  

Indiana  

Iowa  

Kannas  

Kentucky  

Louisiana  

Maine  

Maryland    

MasHaelnieettB  

Michigan  

M  IniieHota  

Mis>isHi|)pI  

MiHsonri  

Nebraska  

Nevada  

New  Ilamp!<hirc ...  . 

New  Jersey  

New  York  

North  Carolina  

Ohio  

Oregon  

I'lMinsylvanin  

Hhode  Island  

Poutli  Carolina   . 

Tennessee  

Texas  

Vermont  

Virginia  

W'ost  Vtretoia  

Wisconsin  

PIslrlct  of  Columbia. 
Vlab  


4 
4 

12 
1 
3 
1 
7 

28 

17 

18 
8 

15 
6 
8 
8 
7 
9 
6 
4 

18 
2 
1 
1 
4 

SA 
8 

S2 
fi 

29 
1 
6 

23 
9 
8 
8 
8 

10 
4 
1 


Total     8M 


Preparafy 
DeparC  etit. 


II 


2 
4 
IS 


0 

7 
62 
42 
85 

6 
18 

9 

12 
10 
17 

(! 

82 


71 
7 

47 
9 
40 

'4 

a) 

17 

'3 
6 
2S 
IS 


V  s 
1^ 


71 
l(i!) 


0 
268 
3,905 

1,  '«4 

2,  :«8 
8tfl 
930 
387 

'i9f) 
20(1 

l,2.i9 
412 
200 

1,279 

ano 

81 

"is 

2.644 
TM 

2,5(i8 
807 

2,061 

'2ii 

1,723 
939 

169 

ne 

1,041 
2.'.4 
320 


Collegiate 
Department. 


41 
20 
163 

■57 
7 
GO 
244 
181 
144 
4H 
94 
84 
80 
(W 
113 
111 
48 
21 
171 
18 

"ie 

58 


231 
21 


316 
IfM 
881 

856 
40 
48« 
1,.5:«) 
1,307 
954 
167 
902 
6-t 
360 
644 
1,668 
811 
1.54 
189 

!tai 


249 

712 


College 
s. 

1 

'^■^ 

<s  . 

5,S 

II 

>| 

ft  \j 

a 

449  8,015 
54  3S3 
39 


2,220 
210 


345  2,212 
16  219 
88  .S-M 

1.^7,  1,029 


65 
28! 
80, 
25 
89 
36 


4.'i7 
169 
998 
164 
689 
152 


$25,f,0fl 
2,(i(X) 
15,100 

'37,2118 
5.1100 

.S3.0S5  ' 
116,3.^8 

M.-'-WO 

5(l,7i2 
.V-i13 

20,170 

36,045 
180.  IKK) 
82,896 
81.818 
2.S.I121 
7,125 
I13.!in7| 
2,000 

2V,n6n 

82,718 
47^,1 2Sl 
8.000 
164.3901 
17,49i> 
143,H.'5 
4(1,094 
.30,.500 
56,468 
1,600 
IS,:."* 
23,R">0 
9,800 
55.776 
10,00ti 


563    28,128   8,352  25,047  $2,060,182  |1,984,S11    1,879,103  $40,956.24 


»■« 
5  a 

a 

1^0, 


I 

$55,,'ifi0 

3,  (100 
11(\050| 

'68,116.8, 

1,  (H)0 
7,T,50 

87,552 
2ti.S-  2 
39,2.;2 
17.200 
67,168 
25,931 
22,(175 
9,115 
131,915 
6,:{.r>l 
r).f>4S 
(i,2'.J0 
112,105 
700 

\'\imo: 

89..W1 
87«,^<94 
!M,9"<5 
161.487 
7.18!) 
245,6li8l 
27,K20| 
3.640 
63.171 
41.4(HI 
3,S57: 
4!,2.''i5 

4.  VMK) 
107.(..« 

1,21  HI 

2,  f  .'■,(> 


12,100 
66  ' 
31,054 

"12.5,060! 

6,000 
25,.5.50| 
86,0.521 
72,785 
34,7.>« 
19,700 
25,4!I7 
21,65>ll 
.35.278' 
4:!,6.")0 
24S,455 
40,s9S 
14,440 

7.610 
71,2(.0 

2,250 

48,('l66 

47,(KK) 
219,4(12 

26.21  l(li 
112,4.59 
,5,M2 
130,795 

4(i,00ilj 

39,404 
7,2.'iOj 
.31.8271 
8!t.5,80 
7.074; 
4i>.6(K»| 
47.100 


$410,000 
130.(K10 
1,429,000 

570,666 
75.0(X) 
MO.OOO 
2,905,900 
1,23.1,300 
981,000 
560,000 
W6,000 
810,0.55 
&30.0(V) 
2.V3,O00 
1 ,400.000 
l,l.-);j,2,50 
472.U8 
.S75,'m5 
1,2'.I2,(KK) 
180,00J 

16(1,666 
1,;!70,(H1(» 
7, 31. •1,443 

422,000 
2.908,073 

137,O('0 
5.314..500 
1,.'>00,000 

T60,tHX) 
1,327,(H)0 

2^5,000 

38<l,100 
1,26.^,(IOO 

2',H»,000 

9«.5,0f« 
1,020,000 
1,500 


HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


727 


THE   PUBLIC   DEBT   OF   THE   UNITED  STATES. 

SlatemeiU  of  November  30,  1877. 


DEBT   BEARING   INTEREST   IN  COIN. 


Title  of  Loan. 


Loan  of  1S58   

Loan  of  February,  1861  (1881s)  

Oregon  War  I)cl)t  

Loan  of  July  and  Aiigust,  1861  (18Sls) . 

Loan  of  lb63  (I8SI9)  

Ten-forties  of  1864  

Consols  of  1865  

Consols  of  1867  

Consols  of  1K68  

Funded  Loan  of  1S81  

Funded  Loan  of  1891  

Funded  Loan  of  l'J07  


Authorizing  Act. 


June  14,  I'^SS  

February  8,  1861  

March  2,  1861  

Jiilv  17  and  August  5,  1861  . . . 

March  3,  IstK  

Marrli  :{,  1S;;4  

March  186"j  

March  3,  lS6j  

March  3,  1865    

July  14,  1870,  and  Jan.  20,  '71. 
July  14,  1870,  and  Jan.  20,  '71. 
July  14,  1S70,  and  Jan.  20,  '71. 


Rate  0/  u^/,,„  RedeemahU  ^''«»  P'^y- 
Interest.  Keaeemaiie.  ^^^^ 


5  per  cent. 

6  per  cent. 
6  per  cent. 
6  per  cent. 
6  per  cent. 

5  per  cent. 

6  per  cent. 
6  per  cent. 
6  per  cent. 
5  per  cent. 

4i  per  cent. 
4  per  cent. 


After  January  1, 1874 


After  Jnly  .30,  1881  . , 
Afier  July  30,  1881  . 
Alter  March  1,  1874. 
After  July  1,  1S70  .. 
Alter  July  1,  1S72..., 
After  July  1,  1S73  . . 
Alter  May  1, 1S81... 
After  Sept.  1,  1891.. 
After  July  1,  1907  .. 


nee.  31, 1884 
July  1, 1881 


March  1.  1904 
July  1,  1885 
July  1,  1887 
Jnly  1,  188S 


Title  0/  Loan. 


Loan  of  1858   

Loan  of  February,  1861  (lS81s)  

Oregon  War  Debt  

Loan  of  Jnly  and  August,  1861  (1881s). 

Loan  of  1863  (1881s)  

Ten-forties  of  1864  

Consols  of  1865  

Consols  of  18'i7  

Consols  of  1868  

Funded  Loan  of  1881  

Funded  Loan  of  1891  

Funded  Loan  of  1907    


Interest  Payable. 


January  and  July  

January  and  July  

January  and  .July  

January  and  July  

January  and  July  

March  and  September  

January  and  July  

January  and  July  

January  and  July  

February,  March,  April,  and  Nov.. 
March,  July,  September,  and  Dec. 
!june,  August,  July,  and  October.. 


Aggregate. 


A  mount  Out- 
standing. 


Interest  due 
and  Unjfaid. 


$260. 
18,415, 
945, 
189,321, 
75,110(1, 

vn.rm. 

116,9(13. 
310,617. 

37,165, 
5(18,440, 
200,0(10, 

70.000 


000  on 

,(K)0  00 

1  00  00 

,35  0  00 
,000  00 

,:i(in  no 
,3"n  no 

,800  00 
,300  00 
,350  00 
,000  00 
000  00 


$1,721,934,450  00 


Accrued  In- 
terest to  Date. 


$22,110  00 
5,061  35 
260,204  79 
79,;521  60 
281,588  61 
36,014  12 
1. 101.039  3 

154,805  42 
2,355,432  55 
63,969  08 
198,145  92 


$4,557,692  81 


$5,416  07 

460,.S75  00 
23,625  05 
4,7.33,033  75 
1.875,000  00 
2,432,078  75 
2,922,583  75 
7,765,445  00 

936,632  50 
2,118,.=j01  46 
2,2.50,000  00 

616,666  66 

$26,139,358  54 


DEBT   BEARING  INTEREST   IN   LAWFUL  MONEY. 


Navy  Pension  Fund. 


A  uthorized. 


July  23,  186S  . 


Interest. 


3  per  cent. 


Total. 


$14,000,000 


Plus  Int^est 


$175  000 


GOLD  COIN  AND  BULLION  IN  UNITED  STATES  TREASURY. 

Statement  by  the  United  States  Treamrer  of  the  amount  of  actual  Coin  and  Bullion  in  the  Treasury  at  the  close 
of  busi7iess  on  October  31,  1877,  t/ie  date  at  which  the  last  Debt-statement  balance  was  struck. 


ASSETS. 

Gold  coin  in  the  Treasury,  subtreasuries,  and  mints  .. 
Gold  bars  in  the  Trea-uiy,  subtreasuries,  and  mints  .. 

Golil  bullion  (estimatixl)  in  mints  

Silver  bullion  (estimated)  iu  mints  

t^ilver  coin  in  the  Treasury,  subtreasuries,  and  mints. 


Total  coin  and  bullion  in  the  Treasury  

On  hand,  counted  as  coin  : 

Frational  currency  redeemed  in  silver  

Coin  certificates  in  Treasury  offices  

Coin-interest  coupons  and  checks  paid  

Notes  of  national  gold  banks  reducing  circulation  

Memorandum  ol  May  and  VS'hitaker,  deficit,  New  Orleans,  1867   

1  Silver  coin,  coin  certificates,  fractional  currency  redeemed,  and  other 
obligations  paid — in  transit  from  one  office  to  another  or  to  the  Treas- 
ury—not received  by  offices  to  which  forwarded  


Total . 


LIABILITIES. 

Coin  balance.  Treasurer's  general  account,  as  per  October  debt  statement 
Due  for  specific  purposes  not  included  in  the  debt  statement,  as  follows  : 

Comptroller  of  the  Cu'  rency  

l;edemptinn  of  gold  notes  of  national  banks  

Payment  of  interest  on  public  debt  

Disbursing  Officers  

Late  Treasurer  Assay-office  

Secretary  of  Treasury,  special  account  No.  3  

Out-tanding  silver  checks  of  Treasurer  of  the  ITnitod  States  

Outstanding  gold  checks  of  Treasurer  of  the  I'nited  States  

Outstanding  gold  drafts  of  Treasurer  of  the  United  States  


2  Gold  coin,  silver  coin,  and  coi  ^  items  received  nt  certain  offices,  but  not 
charged  out  of  account  of  offices  making  remittance  


Total. 


$53,175  38 
1,720  00 
435,786  25 
833,2:36  70 
8  78 
25  25 
14,n02  no 
1,710,195  82 
61,445  06 


$117,2.51,181  48 


$49,625  20 
17,436,420  00 
370,696  69 
1,720  00 
6,708  36 


$131,022,845  94 


3,109,685  20 
1,433,051  35 


$101,486,964  49 
3,586,692  25 
3,700,000  00 
5,998.387  34 
2,479,137  40 


17,865,165  25 

449,233  82 
$135,565,5^0  55 


NEWSPAPERS  AND  PERIODICALS  IN 
THE  UNITED  STATES,  1870-1877. 

[From  JioweWs  Newspaper  Directory.} 


$135,565,580  55 


Stales  and  Territories. 


1870. 


1877 


Circula-  ,p"-l}:l 
ber.  I  tim. 


Al.abama  

Arizona  

Arkansas  

California  

Colorado  

Connecticut  

Dakota  

Delaware  

District  of  Columbia  . 

Florida  

Georgia  

Idaho   

Illinois  

Indiana   

Iowa  

Kansas  

Kentucky  

Louisiana  

Maine  

Maryland  

Massachusetts  

Michigan  

Minnesota  

Mississippi  

Missouri  

Montana  

Nebraska  

Nevada  , 

New  Hampshire  

New  Jersey  

New  Mexico  

New  York  

North  Carolina  . 

Ohio  

Oregon  

Pennsylvania  

Rhode  Island  

South  Carolina  

Tennessee  

Texas  

Utah  

Vermont  

Virginia  (a)  

Washington  

West  Virginia  (a).... 

Wisconsin  

W'yoming  


89 

91,165 

86 

1 

280 

4 

56 

29,830 

65 

201 

491,!i03 

250 

14 

12,7.'-,0 

49 

Tl 

203,725 

111 

3 

1,652 

17 

n 

20,860 

23 

22 

81,400 

26 

23 

10,545 

30 

110 

150,987 

137 

6 

2,751" 

9 

505 

1,722,541 

709 

293 

363..542 

857 

233 

219,090 

401 

97 

96.803 

170 

89 

1!»7,130 

134 

92 

84,165 

8G 

65 

170,690 

86 

8S 

2.35,4.50 

110 

259 

1,692,124 

329 

211 

2.53,774 

.306 

95 

110,778 

140 

111 

71,8(>8 

92 

279 

522,866 

370 

10 

19.580 

10 

42 

31,600 

109 

12 

11. .300 

2*4 

51 

373,919 

66 

122 

205,500, 

173 

5 

1,525 

7 

&35 

7,.561,497 

1,043 

Oil  64,820! 

89 

395 

1,388.367' 

584 

35 

45,750l 

44 

540 

3,419,765 

704 

32 

82,050 

29 

55 

80,!tOO 

72 

91 

225,952 

134 

112 

55,2.".0 

181 

10 

14.250 

9 

47 

71.390 

6.1 

114 

143,840 

12.1 

14 

6,785 

18 

59 

54,432 

81 

190 

348,:»;5 

268 

6 

1.950 

5 

5,871 

20,842,475 

1 

7,941 

DAIRY  PRODUCTS. 

EXPORTS  OP  BUTTER  AND  CHEESE. 


Tear. 

Value. 

Tear. 

Value. 

1870  

$9,474,163  00 
9,606,086  00 
9,251,730  00 

11,450,929  00 

1874  

$12,991 ,376  PO 
15,166,599  00 
13,379,579  00 
17,l-i5,243  OU 

1871  

1872  

1873  

1^75..  

1876  

1877  

The  Present  Average  Annual  Production 
of  Gold  and  Silver  from  the  Mines  of  the 
United  States. 


state  or  Territory. 


California  

Nevada  

Montana  

Idaho  

Utah  

Colorado  

Aiizona  

New  Mexico  

Oreg(m  

Washington  

Dakota  

Lake  Superior. . 

Virginia  

North  Carolina . 

Georgia  

Other  sources  . . 


Gold. 


$15,000,000 
18,0«0,n0<l 
3,200  (XX, 
1,. 500,001 1 

850,000 
3.00n,0iKl 

300,0"0 

175,00( 
1,000,(K)I 

.300,0tX) 
2,000,000 


50,000 
100,000 
lOflOdO 

25,0(K1 


Total   $45,100,000  $38,950,000  $84,050,000 


Silver. 


Total. 


$1,000,000 
2G,0OO,"O0 
7.50,000 
2.50,0' Kl 
5,075,000 
4.. 500,000 
500,000 
500.000 
100.000 
50,000 


200,000 


25,000 


$16,000,000 
44,O0O,"O*) 
3,9.-0,0(W 
1 ,7.''0,000 
5,42.5,000 
7,.50O,000 
800,000 
675,000 
1.100,000 
350,000 
2,000,(00 
20O,(KI0 
.50,000 
100,000 
IOOjOOO 
50,000 


728 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


INCREASE  OF  RAILROADS  AND  POPULATION,  1867-1876. 


STA  TES. 

Miles  of  Railroad. 

Iiicrease. 

Population, 

/  n  crease. 

1876. 

1867. 

Miles. 

Per  Cent. 

1876. 

1867. 

Number, 

Per  Cent. 

Western  States  

S'lUllierii  Stales  

Total  

5,6!U 
15,085 
37,055 
lli.()7fi 

2,960 

3.938 
H..5.55 
15,226 
10,126 
431 

l,7.-j6 
5,.530 
21,829 
6.5j0 
2,529 

44.. 59 
.57.87 

143.37 
64.68 

586.78 

3,806,8.50 
11.405,000 
15,835  000 
12.41(1,000 

1,280,000 

3,348,000 
!S,0.-jO,Ol'O 
11,085,0110 
10,410,000 
650,000 

4.58,S50 
1,475,000 
3,s.50.000 
1,070,0110 

630,000 

13.70 
14.83 
32.12 
18.87 
96.92 

2:3.06 

77,470 

89,276 

38,194 

44,736,850 

36,353,000 

8,383,850 

Inhabitants  to  a  mile  of  railroad  in  1867,  925 ;  in  1876,  577. 
irorkins  of  railroads. 


Experience  shows  850  necessary  to  the  profitable 


PENSIONS  PAID  BY  THE  UNITED  STATES   IN  1877. 

\From  the  Annual  Report  of  the  Commisaioncr  of  Pensions,  1877.] 


Armt  : 

Invalid  

Widows,  etc. 
Navy  : 

Invalid  

Widows,  etc. 
Waii  of  Ihl2 : 

Survivors  

Widows  


Total. 


Total  Beduction  in  Roll. 


IVhole  Amount 
Paid  /or  Pen- 
sions during 
Year. 


$12,955,544  15 

13,:34S,383  57 

199,619  40 

322,929  63 

931,6.57  82 

361,448  91 

$28,122,683  4S 


Whole 
N Timber  of 
Pensioners. 


114,199 
97,055 

1,722 
1,717 

12.802 
4,609 

232,104 


Yearly  Value 
o/  Pensions. 


$11,801, 
11,328, 

19n 
2S;3 

1,228, 
442 


849  36 

,251  74 

,74S  U 
,910  00 

902  00 
,464  00 


$2.5,:371,215  43 


A  dded  to 
Roll  since 
June  30, 
1876. 


5,800 
79 


5,8.S8 


Reductions 
in  Roll 

since  June 
30,  1876. 


4,112 


1,401 

378 


5.921 

33 


UNITED   STATES  PUBLIC  LANDS. 

OjflHal  Statement  Showing  the  dumber  of  Arivs  of 
Public  Lands  Surveyed  in  the  Land  Stales  and  Ter- 
ritories tip  to  June  30,  1877/  also  the  Total  Area  of 
the  Public  Domain  remaxniug  Unsurveyed. 


Land  States  and 
Territories. 


1  Alabama  

2  Alaska  

3  Arizona  

4  Arkansas   

5  California  

6  Colorado  

7  Dakota  

8  Florida  

9  Idaho  

10  Illinois  

11  Indian  Territory. 

12  Indiana  

13  Iowa  

14  Kansas  

15  Louisiana  

16  Michigan  

17  Minnesota  

18  Mississippi  

19  Missouri  

20  Montana  

21  Nebraska  

22  Nevada  

23  New  Mexico  

24  Ohio  

25  ()rei;on   . 

26  rtah  

27  M'ashinffton  

28  Wisconsin  

29  Wyoming  


«■«•«!  s 

ft  ^  t-  5*  «o 


e  s 
iiKj  a 
t  is 


32.462.080 
360,.529,600i 
72.90fi,:304! 
.33,4tI6,720| 
100,9!I2,640' 
66,880,000 
9li,.595,M0 
.37,931. .520 
5.5,228.  KM 
35,462,400 
44,154.240 
21.6:37,760 
35.228,800 
51,769.976 
26.461,440 
36,128,640 
53.459,840 
;30,n9,840 
41, 824.0(H) 
92,016, lilO 
48,636,8(10 
71,7:37,741 
77,568,610 
25.5T6,0(M 
60.975,.360 
54,065.075 
44,706,160 
;34.511..360 
62.61.5,120 


32,462,080 


«  5  « 

■i  5  a 

'':.«  . 


4,666,883 
.3:3.406,720 
44,972,249i 
20,9r9,922l 
20,520,214! 
30,103.7(Hil 

6,103,013, 
35,462, 400 
27,(03,9ilO, 
21,6:37,76;) 
3.^,228.800 
51,770,240 
25,2;32.r44 
36,128,610 
38.765,710 
.30.170,810 
41.824,(K10 

9,01S,0s6 
.30,234. 4(r2 
]I,251,0:-7 

7.920,7.->O 
25,.576,960 
19,!i2:3.'~16 

8,:i74..'^J3l 
12,.568,.5(« 
34,51 1,3'10 

7,731,061 


68,239,421 

56.'0->b'..3!li 
45,880.0<ie 
76.(175,626 
7,827,514 
49,(«5,117 

17,150,256 


1.22'.i,396 
14,604,i.3b 


82,0'.)7.65l 
9,4(i2,:3'.l8 
60.4s3,654 
eo,ti47,;-90 

4I,a5U554 
4.5.690,.541 
32,227,.-.92 

51,914,929 


Total   1,814,769,656    003,572.7So  *731.687,3S5 


CONTINUATION  OF  HISTORY  OF  SOUTH  AMERICA. 


[In  resuming'  the  liistory  of  the  various  States 
usually,  but  somewliat  loosely,  desitrnated  as 
"  South  American,"  it  will  not  be  unnecessary 
here  to  remark,  that  the  author  has  paid  more  at- 
tention to  fitly  recording-  circumstances  and  statis- 
tics which  evidence  the  present  condition  and  fu- 
ture prospects  of  the  great  masses  of  the  popula- 
tion, than  in  striving  to  make  his  pages  attractive, 
to  the  mere  reader  for  pleasure,  by  giving  glowing 
descriptions  of  the  different  insurrections  which 
have  greatly  retarded  improvements  of  all  kinds. 
Happily,  these  outbreaks  have  mostly  been  more 
conspicuous  for  "  sound  and  fury,"  than  for  any 
serious  effusion  of  blood.  Many  of  the  military 
upstarts  who  so  often  recklessly  sought  to  rise 
through  the  ruin  of  their  countries,  paid  the  for- 
feit of  their  senseless  temerity  by  themselves  sleep- 
ing in  bloody  shrouds.] 

Br.\zil,  after  the  successful  termination  of 
the  harassing  and  exhaustive  war  with  the 
rulers  of  Paraguay,  did  not  sink  into  a  self- 
satisfied  indolence.  The  reverse  took  place. 
Whatever  difference  of  opinion  may  prevail 
among  political  casuists  as  to  the  rights  and 
wrongs  of  the  Brazilians  in  this  matter, 
there  can  be  no  diversity  of  opinion  as  to  the 
conduct  of  these  energetic  people  since  the 
peace.  Full  of  that  restless  enterprise  that 
made  the  Portuguese  the  most  daiing  and 
successful  navigators  of  the  world,  they  have 
in  the  last  few  years  bent  all  their  energies 
to  promoting  the  prosperity  of  the  Empire. 
The  mighty  rivers  that  take  their  rise 
among  the  ice-brooks  of  the  Cordilleras, 
and  after  coursing  through  ra\dnes  and 
pampas,  augmenting  with  every  mile  of  theu- 
flow,  till  they  expand  as  they  finish  their 
travel  of  thousands  of  miles  by  adding  seas 
to  the  great  ocean  which  they  join  in  the 
territories  of  Brazil.  This  vast  country,  in 
which  the  area  of  the  German  Empire  might 
be  placed  without  visibly  increasing  its  di- 
mensions, has  enough  of  wealth  in  its  natural 
productions  to  fill  the  coffers  of  an  ordinary 
State.  It  is  the  home  of  the  diamond ;  its 
rich  and  exquisitely  varied  woods  are 
adapted  to  every  description  of  elegant  fur- 
niture; the  india-rubber  gum,  now  one  of 
the  most  useful  and,  indeed,  necessaiy  of 
products,  fairly  streams  from  the  vast  forests 
of  this  blessed  land.  Coffee,  the  hand- 
maid of  temperance,  could  be  furnished  in 
abundance  to  all  the  nations  of  the  globe, 
if  production  was  stimulated  by  demand. 
Cotton,  if  not  king  of  Brazil,  is  certainly  a 
powerful  potentate.  In  quality  and  quantity 
it  is  only  second  to  the  United  States  in  its 
production.  There  are  millions  of  acres  of 
the_  finest  sugar  lands,  which  are  being 
rapidly  utilized.  The  river  navigation,  al- 
though but  in  its  comparative  infancy,  em- 
ploys large  numbers  of  well-built  and  well- 
managed  steamers,  which  find  abundant 
freights  in  bearing  toward  the  ocean  the 


rich  freiglitage  to  and  from  the  interior,  not 
only  of  Brazil,  but  of  the  neighboring  States, 
who  find  their  easiest  access  to  and  from  the 
ocean  on  the  broad  bosom  of  her  magnifi- 
cent rivers.  To  give  any  jtist  conception  of 
the  flowers  and  trees,  the  birds  and  the 
butterflies  which  animate  and  enliven  every 
foot  of  Brazilian  territory,  would  require  the 
knowledge  of  a  naturalist  and  the  language 
of  a  poet.  For  once  a  great  country  has 
not  been  dominated  by  a  fool  or  a  tyrant. 
Dom  Pedro,  the  Republican  Emperor  of  this 
vast  domain,  seems  equal  to  his  lofty 
position.  He  does  not  cultiv.ate  cabbages 
like  Dioclotian,  the  Roman  Emperor,  nor 
regulate  clocks  like  Charles  V.,  though 
his  practical  mind,  no  doubt,  rightly  esti- 
mates the  necessity  of  having  good  cabbages 
and  reliable  time-keepers.  No ;  he  has  set 
out  on  a  pilgrimage  of  utility.  He  has  de- 
termined to  brush  away  all  the  intermedi- 
aries which  usually  come  between  a  mon- 
arch and  the  rest  of  mankind.  He  has  seen 
and  scrutinized  everything  worthy  of  atten- 
tion in  both  hemispheres,  and  takes  with 
him,  on  his  welcome  return  to  his  intelligent 
subjects,  an  amount  of  valuable  informatior 
such  as  probably  never  before  was  stored  in 
a  brain  encii'cled  by  a  crown.  Here  is  an 
instance  in  which  the  most  ardent  Repub- 
lican can  truthfully  exclaim,  "  Long  live  this 
king ! "  and  when  in  the  fullness  of  time 
Dom  Pedro  rests  in  the  vaults  of  the  later 
Braganzas  may  he  find  as  great  a  poet  as 
his  friend  "  Longfellow  "  to  enumerate  his 
virtues  and  chronicle  his  many  noble  deeds. 

We  now  proceed  to  summarize  the  prin- 
cipal incidents  and  facts  more  particularly 
worth  noting,  some  of  which  we  have 
glanced  at  in  the  preceding  passages. 

In  the  year  1874  there  was  considerable 
increase  reported  in  the  population.  The 
provinces  are  governed  by  presidents  and 
legislatures.  The  whole  of  the  Brazilian 
troops  had  not  been  taken  from  Paraguay. 
The  national  revenue  had  prodigiously  in- 
creased. It  amounted  to  $64:,586,326  ;  being 
a  surplus  over  expenses  of  more  than  $1"^,- 
000,000.  All  kinds  of  machinery  and  every- 
thing for  the  use  of  agriculture  goes  in  duty 
free.  Tbo  bishop  of  Olinda  had  been 
sentenced  to  four  years'  imprisonment  for 
usiu-pation  of  imperial  authority.  There 
was  much  sickness  in  parts  of  the  Emp're. 

No  settlement  was  effected  of  the  trouble- 
some boundary  questions  during  1875. 
There  remained  but  httle  over  1,000,000 
slaves  unmaiuimitted.  Immigrants  annually 
arrive  from  Portugal  to  the  number  of  about 
5,000.  Several  improvements  have  been 
made  in  the  discipline  of  the  aiTuy.  A  large 
quantity  of  public  land  has  been  given  to 


volunteers  who  served  in  the  late  war.  In 
1873-4  there  was  some  falling  off  in  the 
exports.  The  possibilities  of  Brazil  for 
coffee  cultivation  are  unbounded,  as  every 
pai-t  of  the  country  seems  favorable  to  its 
growth,  and  it  needs  but  little  labor.  The 
revenue,  as  before  stated,  was  ]arg«!ly  in- 
creased. The  general  health  was  good. 
The  Emperor  asked,  and  obtained  of  the 
Government,  leave  to  take  an  eighteen 
months'  torn'. 

This  is  the  only  independent  country  in 
South  America  that  has  a  monarchical  fonn 
of  government,  and  thus  far,  it  must  be 
owned,  it  has  been  one  of  the  most  power- 
ful and  progressive.  Russia  alone  has 
an  undivided  territory  so  vast.  It  occupies 
at  least  two-fifths  of  the  South  American 
continent.  It  includes  more  than  ;5,00;t,Ono 
square  miles.  Its  population  is  nearly  l'J,000,- 
OUO.  Something  hke  two-thirds  of  the  popu- 
lation is  composed  of  mixed  races,  of  Indians, 
Negroes,  and  Eiu-opeaus ;  the  balance  be- 
ing pure  whites.  The  government  is  a 
limited  monarchy,  of  which  Dom  Pedro  is 
Emperor.  He  was  born  on  Dec.  2,  182.5; 
was  crowned  July  18,  1S4I,  and  was  mar- 
ried to  the  daughter  of  the  King  of  Sicily 
in  1843. 

In  1875  Brazil  had  an  army  of  some  20,000 
men,  officers  included,  and  a  police  force, 
national  and  reserve  guard,  of  moi'e  than 
600,000  men.  The  navy  is  quite  large,  in- 
cluding many  fine,  powerful  iron-clads,  and  is 
manned  by  between  8,000  and  9,000  sailors 
and  marines.  While  Brazil  exports  large 
quantities  of  tobacco,  hides,  diamoncLs,  india- 
rubber,  horns,  etc.,  its  principal  product  is 
coffee,  of  which  it  exports  a  larger  quantity 
than  any  other  country.  It  imports  large 
quantities  of  provisions,  clothing,  dry-goods, 
hardware,  petroleum,  and  similar  goods 
from  the  United  States,  Englaml,  Italy, 
Spain,  and  France.  We  take  ne;u-ly  two- 
fifths  of  all  the  coffee  ex^jorted,  and  our 
commerce,  carried  on  mostly  by  our  own 
vessels,  is  daily  augmenting,  and  must  con- 
tinue to  increase.  We  have,  or  can  make, 
nearly  every  article  that  the  Brazilians 
want,  and  they  have  a  great  variety  of  prod- 
ucts, many  of  which  are  indispensable  to  us. 
Great  Britain  has,  thus  far,  had  the  lion's 
share  of  the  trade  of  Ikazil,  although  our 
country  is  so  situated  that  it  ought  to  com- 
mand it.  About  one-fourth  of  tlie  exports 
go  to  England,  while  less  than  one-fifth 
reach  us.  So  far  back  as  1870  the  Custom- 
House  clearances  throughout  the  Empire 
reached  an  aggregate  of  1,108,000  tons. 
Slavery  is  to  entirely  cease  in  1902.  when 
the  remaining  indemnity  of  §8,000,000  will 
be  paid  to  the  owners.    While  slavery  has 


730 


APPENDIX  TO  THE 


been  pfraclnally  and  peaceably  abolished,  the 
pnxliiction  lias  kept  constantly  increasing, 
and  no  dis(jrders  of  any  nia;7nitude  have 
occnrred.  The  total  national  debt  of  Hrazil 
in  187:2  amounted  to  $r).>8,442,79t>,  of  which 
|i:iOO,0(tO,0()0  was  owing  to  Great  Britain. 
The  banking  capital  of  Brazil  is  very  large, 
and  among  the  jiriucipal  banks  are  many 
very  old  and  very  reliable  houses,  both 
native  and  foreign.  The  Government  is 
now  exerting  itself  with  much  energy  to 
establish  schools  and  ditl'use  information. 
Until  lately  education  was  too  generally 
neglected.  Music,  arts,  agi  iciilture,  and  as- 
tront)my  have  now  special  institutes,  and  the 
enlightt-'ued  example  of  the  Emperor  is  bear- 
ing rich  fruit.  Railroads  are  ah'eady  built 
on  many  of  the  main  lines  of"  travel,  and  new 
ones  are  being  continually  built  to  facilitate 
ti-avel  and  freight.  Telegi-aph  facilities  ex- 
ist between  all  the  leading  points  of  the 
country.  Street-cars  have  been  successfully 
introduced  in  the  capital  and  other  cities, 
and  are  well-supported.  A  large  British  com- 
pany have  numerous  steamers  on  the  River 
Amazon,  Avhile  our  own  countrymen  are  lay- 
ing 'm>n  tracks  in  many  directions  to  con- 
nect water  communications  where  they  are 
impeded  by  shoals  or  rapids.  A  good  ar- 
ticle of  coal  has  been  discovered  on  the 
Amazon,  which  must  prove  of  great  utility 
to  steamers. 

■  In  I«76  the  statistics  of  trade  and  govem- 
raent  show  very  slight  variation  from  those 
of  187;').  The  population,  including  In- 
dians, was  lt2,7(Ht,18().  Tresident  of  Senate, 
Viscount  de  Jaquaiy,  8  members,  chosen 
lor  life,  compose  that  body;  122  members, 
elected  lor  4  years,  compose  the  Chamber  of 
Deputies,  of  which  M.  F.  Correa  is  presid- 
ing officer.  The  regidar  army  amounts  to 
over  •-*t),()00  men.  Tlie  police  Ibrce  through- 
out the  Empire  is  over  J  0,000.  The  navy  is 
quit«  powerful,  being  composed  of  a  num- 
ber of  powerful,  modern  iron-ciads  and  other 
steam  vessels,  manned  by  o\er  7,0U0  men. 
Every  citizen  is  liable  to  be  cjillcd  out  in 
case  of  actuid  necessity.  IJapid  increase  of 
re\i;nue  continued  chronic  in  Brazil.  In 
)h7G  there  was  a  surplus,  overall  exjienses, 
of  more  than  $  i,0U(t,(.0J.  Nearly  (500,000.000 
pounds  of  Cijllee  were  produced  throughout 
the  Empire  in  tiie  last  year.  I'otton  is  also 
nu  aiumally  increasing  crop.  Over  100,000,- 
0  )0  cattle  are  known  to  be  at  present  in 
Brazil,  and  the  export  of  hides  continues  to 
be  very  large.  Tiie  various  lines  of  rail  in 
operation  e  lend  over  4,n()0  miles. 

Brazil  has  twenty  ])rovinces.  each  with  its 
local  government.  The  State  Church  (Ro- 
man Catholic)  is  managtsd  by  eleven  bishops, 
subject  to  the  control  of  a  I'rimate. 

\\  hile  in  n.iost  parts  of  the  I'jupire  intense 
brat  prevails,  the  agi-iculturali.sts  evince 
none  of  the  slothfulness  usually  foimd  in 
the  inhabitants  of  such  climates.  On  the 
contrary,  they  have  ]>roved  themselves  full 
of  energy,  and  the  rich  productions  of  the 
soil  are  cultivated  in  un  ever-increasing 
(piantity.  Evfry  other  interest  seems  stim- 
ulated by  the  same  honorable  ambition  to 
iilace  their  country  in  the  van  of  cinliztitiou. 
\Vhether  the  adniuaVile  qualities  of  Dom 


I  Pedro  have  stimulated  the  best  energies  of 
his  people,  or  that  his  qualities  are  a  reflex  of 
theirs,  can  not  be  told.  But  certainly  they  are 
most  excellently  in  accord.    Millions  upon 

I  millions  of  dollars  worth  of  sugar,  coffee,  cot- 
ton, gold.  Brazil-nuts,  hair,  wool,  timber, 
hides,  india-rubber,  tobacco,  diamonds,  rum, 
and  malt  are  exported  to  all  parts  of  the 
world  ;  our  own  country,  by  some  strange 
lack  of  enterprise  on  our  part,  getting  noth- 
ing like  our  just  share.  The  tarifl'  is  some- 
what burdensome  on  some  of  the  princii)al  ar- 

j  tides  with  which  we  might  supply  Brazilian 

i  markets.  But  a  little  effort  on  the  part  of 
our  treaty-making  people  might,  doubtless, 
get  a  modification.  Turjientiue  has  to  pay 
94  cents  per  gallon  ;  rosiu,  $1.15  per  barrel; 
flour,  54  cents  per  barrel. 

Brazil  pays  but  about  5  per  cent,  interest 
on  her  debt. 

Chili. — Chili  proper  contains  an  extent 
of  1 32,223  square  miles,  exclusive  of  some 
1 1 5,000  square  miles  claimed  as  belonging 
to  it;  formerly  a  part  of  Patagonia.  In 
1870  the  population  was  computed  at  nearly 
2,000,000.  It  has  a  regular  army  of  about 
5,000,  including  ofl&cers,  while  the  National 
Guard  amounts  to  more  than  55,000,  of 
which  more  than  20,000  are  cavalry.  The 
navy  is  small,  but  effective.  The  greater 
portion  of  the  trade  of  Chili  is  with  Great 
l>ritain.  The  exports  in  1870  amounted  to 
$28,000,000,  and  consisted  mainly  of  grain, 
hides,  wool,  silver  and  copper  ores;  receiv- 
ing in  return  all  kinds  of  manufactured 
goods.  Our  trade  is  very  limited.  In  1872 
the  national  revenue  of  Chili  amounted  to 
$^7,500,000,  showing  a  rapid  increase.  In 
1870,  5,091  vessels  entered  Chilian  pcu'ts,  in 
all,  2,510,00L)  tons.  j\Iany  very  important 
lines  of" railway  are  in  course  of  construction, 
and  a  number  of  otliers  are  projected.  Don 
Manuel  Garcia  died  in  1872,  after  serving  his 
country  in  various  important  offices  for  nearly 
half  a  century.  Chili  is  still  very  nch  in  the 
precious  metals,  one  steamer  having  taken 
from  a  single  port  no  less  than  -?;!',000,000 
in  co]iper,  gold,  and  silver.  Chili  has  made 
several  liberal  arrangements  to  promote  set- 
tlement by  foreigners.  Vei-y  many  improve- 
ments have  been  made  in  the  laws  relating 
to  ix'ligion,  mining,  marriage,  and  several 
monopolies  have  been  abolished.  Laws  seem 
to  be  executed  very  impartially.  One  Itei 
having  died  from  the  effects  of  a  flogging,  the 
Court  of  A])i)eals  coiulenined  Zonteno,  the 
chief  of  police  who  inflicted  it,  to  death,  and 
the  surgeon,  Favres,  who  witnessed  it,  to 
ten  years'  imprisonment.  Flogging  is  now 
abolished. 

In  1874  there  was  much  feeling  about  an 
attempt  to  take  possession  of  a  large  section 
of  Pat;xgonia  claimed  by  the  Argentine  Re- 
public. The  President  of  the  rei)ublic  is  F. 
Errazuriez,  elected  in  1871.  Both  imports 
and  expoi'ts  had  largely  increased,  still  busi- 
ness was  not  brisk,  owing  partly  to  the  fact 
that  the  depression  in  this  country  had 
reached  the  Chilian  markets.  Large  quan- 
tities of  coals  still  come  Irom  England.  With 
the  exception  of  some  little  pertiu'batiou 
caused  by  acts  of  the  clerical  reactionists, 


tranquillity  reigned  and  everything  was  pros- 
perous.  Interior  ti"ide  had  increased  20  per 
cent.    Total  piibhc  debt  in  1873  was  $')3,- 
897,022.    A  new  penal  code  was  submitted 
to  Congress.  Mining  was  being  neglected  for 
the  more  sure  returns  of  agiiculture.  Arbi- 
tration was  to  be  resorted  to  to  settle  dis- 
putes with  neighboring  States.     The  city 
,  of  Concepcion  had  gi^eatly  improved. 
;     During  1875  discussions  were  going  on 
about  boundanes.    Tlie  population  of  Chili 
had  increased  24!t,224  in  ten  years.  The 
army  counted    3,500   men.     Two  iron- 
clads built  in  England  were  addeil  to  the 
I  navy.    Both  exports  and  imports  show  a 
j  falling  off.    The  coal  fields  are  proving  of 
great  utility.    February,  187">,  direct  tele- 
graph messages  passed  to  and  from  Valpa- 
raiso and  London.    Total  national  debt  in 
1874  was  $48,149,850.    A  money  dispute 
between  Chili  and  Peru  was  left  to  the  de- 
cision of  an  umpu-e,  whose  award  gave 
satisfaction  to  both  ])arties.    The  Interna- 
tional Exhibition,  in  this  year,  was  a  suc- 
cess.   The  pi  esidintial  election  was  occupy- 
ing public  attention.  President  Anibal  Pinto 
j  took  office  September,  187(5.    Ten  leading 
representative  men  com]);)se  the  Council  of 
I  State.    The  population  has  increased  250,- 
000  in  the  last  decade.    The  total  strength 
of  the  ai-my  is  given  at  3,500  men.  The 
Naticmal  Guard  was  21,000  men.  The  navy 
j  had  18  vessels,  mostly  powerful  iron-clads. 
Tlieir  crews  1  1,000  men.   The  revenue  fi'om 
\  customs  is  annually  increasing.    The  au- 
:  thorities  were  carrying  a  system  of  rigid 
j  economy  into  every  department,  both  civil 
I  and  militaiy.    The  total  natituial  debt  was 
:  some  §51,000,000.  There  is,  also,  a  railroad 
debt  of  $35,000,000.    Pubhc  education  is 
i  fostered   by  the  Government.    The  total 
ex|5orts  were  nearlv  $00,000,000  ;  imports, 
$(51,000,000.    In  1875  nearly  0,000  vess-ola 
cleared,  and  about  the  same  number  entered 
j  Cliilian  ports.    In  1870  there  were  more 
I  than  tiOO  miles  of  railway  in  operation.  It 
!  is  thought  that  the  export  of  borax  will 
greatly  em-ich  the  coimtry. 

Ecuador.  —  This  republican  State  is 
bounded  by  the  Pacific  Ocean,  the  United 
Stales  of  Colombia,  Bi-azil,  and  Peru.  The 
population,  estimated  at  over  1,000,000,  is 
spread  over  a  ten-itory  of  some  2,000,000 
scpiare  miles.  It  has  several  hundred 
thousand  Indians  in  a  state  of  nature. 
Quito,  the  capitol,  has  neiu-ly  100,000  in- 
habitants. S.  (iarcia  Moreno  was  elected 
President  in  1809.  The  exports  in  1871 
amoimted  to  slightly  more  than  $:{,O0O,00O, 
composed  mostly  of  Panama  hats,  cacao, 
india-rubber,  quinine,  and  cotton.  Petunia 
iU'e  not  made  pubhc  of  the  value  or  nature 
of  the  imp(n-ts.  The  army  consisted  of 
1,500  men.  Much  attention  is  being  paid 
to  the  cultivation  of  indigo,  and  for  this 
purpose  four  youths  were  sent  from  each 
prt)viiice  to  Quito  to  att«>ud  a  thorough 
course  of  instruction  in  the  growing  and 
manij)ul:ition  of  that  important  article, 
(heat  improvements  have  been  made  in  the 
harbor  of  Guayaquil,  one  of  the  best  on  the 
Pacific  coast.    Ibara,  which  was  dcstioycd 


HISTORY  OF  SOUTH  AMERICA. 


731 


by  an  earthquake  in  1808,  has  been  re- 
built. 

President  Antonio  Bororero  was  inau<>u- 
ratod  December,  1875.  As  the  population 
in  187t5  was  less  than  1,000,000,  the  army 
and  navy  are  very  small.  Schools  are  fast 
increasing.  Tiie  up])t'r  regions  are  in- 
habited by  a  population  different  in  habits 
and  thouglits  from  those  of  tlie  littoral  sec- 
tion, and  tliese  adverse  opinions  often  break 
oat  in  revolts  which  greatly  retard  the  im- 
provements of  the  country. 

Peru. — This  rejniblic  is  bounded  by  the 
Pacific  Ocean,  Bolivia,  Brazil,  and  Eciiador. 
The  territory  is  fully  500,000  square  miles. 
In  1871  its  population  approached  4,000,000. 
The  native  and  mixed  ])eople  are  raoi'e  than 
one-half  the  population.  In  1872  Manuel 
Pardo  was  President.  The  army  numbered 
13,000  men,  and  the  navy,  including  some 
iron  clads,  mounted  nearly  100  guns — some 
very  formidable.  Nitre  and  guano  are  the 
principal  articles  of  export,  much  of  which 
goes  to  England.  Some  sugar,  Peruvian 
bark,  and  wool  are  also  exported.  Little  at- 
tention is  paid  to  manufactures,  and  nearly 
every  fabric  for  dress,  and  hardware  and 
machinery  is  brought  from  abroad.  In  1871 
the  imports  were  estimated  at  $42,000,000, 
and  the  exports  exceeded  that  amount  by 
over  a  million. 

The  jirincipal  revenue  is  from  the  sale  of 
guano.  Many  important  railroad  hues  were 
constructed  by  an  enterprising  American 
(Henry  Meigs)  about  this  time.  Large  sums 
were  at  the  same  period  laid  out  in  irrigation 
and  pubhc  roads.  In  February,  1872,  died 
Archbishop  Goyeueche,  at  the  age  of  eighty- 
eight  years — a  very  able  and  good  man.  A 
very  fine  national  exposition  was  opened  in 
this  year.  A  revolution,  headed  by  one 
Gutierrez,  made  some  way  for  a  few  days, 
but  ended  in  the  overthrow  and  death  of 
the  usurper.  The  people  presei-ved  admir- 
able tranquillity. 

Kevenue  in  1873,  about  $23,500,000  ; 
expenditures,  1 1 7,380,400  ;  foreign  debt, 
$  •  ,901,000.  In  1874  there  seems  to  be  a 
deficit  of  $1 1,000,0(10  between  receipts  and 
expeiuhtures.  Much  depression  in  busi- 
ness and  financial  distress  was  caused  by 
the  fact  that  the  country  had  expended 
large  sums  of  money  received  in  advance 
for  guano.  The  Government  had  been 
m.'iintained  by  these  advances,  and  the  con- 
sequent check,  by  the  stoppage  of  custom- 
ary supphes,  left  the  revenue  far  short  of 
the  sums  demanded.  As  there  are  no  di- 
rect taxes  in  Peru,  and  customs  duties  are 
relatively  small,  the  ruling  powers  were 
placed  in  an  awkward  predicament.  The 
President  wisely  and  temperately  urged  the 
people  to  face  the  difficulty  and  jjoiuted  out 
some  remedies.  In  October  the  town  of 
Iqaique  was  totally  destroyed  by  a  confla- 
gration. A  Cotigress  of  the  South  Ameri- 
can States  had  been  called  to  assemble  in 
!  amato  consider  and  act  upon  various  mat- 
ers of  great  consequence  to  the  dififerent 
'ivisions  of  the  country. 

President  Ignacio  Prado,  August,  187G, 
isited  England  and  made  satisfactory  ar- 


rangements with  bondholders.  Some  rev- 
olutionary movements  liad  been  frustrated. 
More  confidence  had  prevailed. 

Uruguay. — President,  L.  Latorr.  The 
revenue  had  increased  to  $9,000,000  ;  leav- 
ing a  large  surplus  to  a]i]ily  to  paying  the 
national  debt.  The  commercial  statistics 
for  1875-76  are  not  yet  made  public. 
Horse-cars  had  been  successfully  intro- 
duced into  Montevideo. 

Bolivia. — This  republic  has  continued, 
since  the  days  of  its  great  hbcrator,  Bolivar, 
the  form  of  republican  government.  It  has 
a  congi'ess  of  two  chambers,  elected  by 
universal  suffrage.  The  President  appoints 
a  Vice-President.  In  the  year  1872  Alfonso 
Bailivian  was  elected  President,  and  was 
inaugurated  at  Oniro,  the  present  capital. 
The  standing  army  numbers  about  5,000 
men,  including  officers  of  all  grades ;  and 
it  is  supported  at  an  annual  cost  of  a  little 
over  §2,000,000.  The  principal  ])ort,  Co- 
bija,  is  free.  In  1871  the  total  imports — 
mostly  hardwai'e,  silks,  cotton  fabrics,  and 
jeweh-y — reached  $0,000,000  ;  while  the  ex- 
port of  ores,  Peruvian  bark,  borax,  furs, 
hides,  and  guano  exceeded  $  1,00 '',000. 
While  Bolivia  is  a  very  large  State,  both  as 
regards  territory  and  population,  she  has 
been  very  backward  in  enterprises  of  all 
kinds.  Of  late  years,  however,  she  has 
awakened  from  her  lethargy.  Arrange- 
ments have  been  made  with  the  IMadeira 
and  Mamore  Railroad  Company  and  the 
Bolivian  Navigation  Company  fo)'  extend- 
ing transit  facilities  to  various  parts  of  the 
territory.  These  and  other  improvements 
will  open  up  to  trade  and  civilization  great 
tracts  of  country  now  inhabited  by  savage 
or  semi-savage  Indians,  where  natural  pro- 
ductions of  great  value  abound. 

When  I^resident  l^oruas  Frias  was  elect- 
ed, in  1874,  the  army  was  abotit  3,000,  in- 
cluding officers.  The  annual  income  from 
all  sources  is  less  than  the  expenditure. 

The  Madeu-a  and  M  adore  liailroad  was 
still  progi-essing.  When  this  road  is  com- 
pleted, it  will  open  a  shoi-t  route  from  Bo- 
livia to  the  littoral  region  of  the  Pacific. 
She  is  now  dependent  on  a  Peiniviau  port 
on  that  ocean.  Several  short,  but  important 
railroads  are  in  course  of  construction. 
There  were  several  abortive  risings,  but 
Frias  retained  his  place.  At  Cochabamba 
an  industrial  exhibition  was  held  in  Feb- 
ruary. 

The  Bolivian  Government  failed  to  make 
any  satisfactory  settlement  of  their  bound- 
ary lines  with  their  neighbors.  The  anny 
costs  over  $2,000,000,  although  it  counts 
only  about  3,000,  all  told.  The  accounts 
of  the  national  revenue  are  too  unsatisfac- 
tory to  note.  No  official  figures  are  given 
of  exports  and  imjiorts,  but  there  must 
have  been  a  falling  off  in  consequence  of  a 
serious  rebellion.  INIauy  rich  silver  lodes 
have  been  discovered.  Henry  Meigs  and 
others  were  constructing  railroads,  which 
promised  well.  A  revolt  against  the  (gov- 
ernment was  crushed  in  April.  The  lead- 
ing rebels  wei'e  banished  only. 


Violent  depositions  of  Presidents  have 
been  the  rule  in  Bohvia  rather  than  the  ex- 
ception;  and  on  one  sanguinary  occa- 
sion, IMorales  became  so  violent  through 
passion  and  wine,  that  he  was  assassinated 
by  his  own  nephew.  La  Faye,  in  the  same 
apartment  in  which  Melgarejo  had  slaugh- 
tered Belzu.  Of  late  years  things  look 
more  promising  for  peace  and  ])ros])erity, 
through  treaties  negotiated  witii  Brazil,  for 
their  mutual  improvement  and  advance- 
ment. 

Argentine  Republic. — In  1875  the  popu- 
lation, as  nearly  as  can  be  ascertained,  was 
1,708,681  ;  of  which  Buenos  Ayres,  the 
capital,  contained  about  one-quarter  of  a 
million.  The  boundary  unpleasantness 
still  continued  with  Chili,  but  it  was  hojied 
a  settlement  by  compromise  would  soon  be 
made.  The  President  is  Don  Nicolas  Avel- 
laneda,  elected  in  1874.  There  are  fouileen 
provinces,  each  having  a  governor.  In  1875 
the  revenue  amounted  to  $17,200,746.  The 
expenditures  were  much  more,  being  $28,- 
570,506.  The  military  and  naval  expenses 
had  been  unusually  large.  While  there 
has  been  mismanagement  and  lack  of  pru- 
dence, there  has  been  no  dishonesty.  Finan- 
cial affiiirs  wei'e  improving.  The  expoi  ts 
amounted  to  more  than  $.')0,0!)0,00'>,  wiiile 
the  imports  were  some  $5,00;),0n0  greater. 
Much  attention  is  being  given  to  raising 
breadstuffs,  which  find  a  ready  sale  in  the 
adjacent  States.  A  veiy  extensive  trade 
has  been  opened  up  with  France.  A  gi"eat 
deal  of  fresh  meat,  preserved  by  a  peculiar 
jjrocess,  has  been  exported  to  France.  'I'his 
;rade  will  doubtless  largely  increase  ;  they 
have  the  material  in  boundle.ss  quantities, 
and  P^rance  has  the  demand.  The  French 
are  paying  good  jjrices  for  horses  to  mount 
theu"  cavalry.  Some  important  interna- 
tional treaties  have  been  concluded  with 
foreign  governments.  The  railroad  enter- 
jirises  are  ju'oving  successful — greatly  in- 
creasing trade,  both  internal  and  foreign. 

Guatemala.  —  The  President  is  Rufino 
Barrios,  elected  May,  1873.  The  revenue 
largely  exceeded  the  expenses.  The  amount 
received  for  duties  was  nearly  double  that 
of  1873.  The  most  perfect  peace  liad 
reigned  for  two  years.  The  largest  imports 
were  from  Great  Britain — the  largest  ex- 
ports to  the  United  States.  Steamers  ply- 
ing between  Panama  and  California  touch 
at  Guatemalan  j^orts.  Good  roads  and 
needed  aqueducts  were  rapidly  being  con- 
structed. Beer  brewed  in  the  English 
style  is  an  industry  of  consequence,  (ireat 
improvement  has  been  made  in  the  breed 
of  horses.  In  the  celebration  of  the  Fifty- 
fourth  Anniversary  of  Independence  of 
Central  America,  one-fourth  of  the  time  of 
all  convicted  prisoners  was  remitted. 

Costa  Rica. — The  temporary  Pi-e.sident 
is  Vicente  Herrera,  the  eiected  President 
being  overthrown  by  a  revolution.  '1  he 
revenue  had  uicreased  e  wh  year  for  the 
last  five  years.  Nearly  t  lo  whole  amour, t 
of  exports  was  in  coffee,  which  amounted 


^32 


APPENDIX  TO  THE 


to  over  $4,000,000.  There  was  a  great 
deal  of  iiiicortaintj  attending  railway  and 
telcp;raph  affairs  in  consequeuce  of  the 
military  distuibauces: 

This  ytate  —  bounded  by  the  Pacific 
Ocean,  the  Caribbean  Sea,  Nicaragua,  and 
tlie  United  Stales  of  Colombia — has  a  jjopu- 
lation  of  some  1G7,()00,  of  which  more 
than  one-half  are  whites,  the  rest  of  vari- 
ous mixed  races.  The  extent  of  countiy  is 
about  ••2'2,Ono  square  miles.  In  1872,  J.  ^I. 
Guardia  was  re-elected  President  for  four 
yeai-s.    Great  JJritain  takes  the  jirincipal 

firoduct,  coffee — in  addition  to  which  hides, 
ndia  rubber,  pearl-shell,  and  deer-skins  are 
exported,  principally  to  the  United  States. 
For  so  small  a  country,  its  trade  is  large ; 
its  exports  amounting  in  1871  to  $2,288.4;50 
and  its  imports  to  $2.2'25,000 — nearly  three- 
fourths  of  which  is  on  British  account.  The 
foreign  debt  is  very  small  and  mostly  due 
in  I^ondon.  Costa  Rica  has  refu.sed  an 
asylum  to  the  Jesuits  banished  from 
neighboring  republics.  In  October,  1871, 
a  conspiracy  against  the  Government  was 
discovered  and  defeated.  There  is  a  great 
scarcity  of  Avilliug  laborers  for  public  works, 
and  attempts  have  been  made  to  invite  im- 
migration. 

The  national  congress  is  composed  of  a 
single  chamber,  elected  for  four  years. 
The  revenue  is  far  short  of  expenditures, 
though  great  efforts  are  making  to  reform 
customs  matters.  Education  is  being  dif- 
fused. Commerce  continues  to  increase 
from  3'ear  to  year.  ITie  mass  of  the  peo- 
ple have  sujiported  the  authorities  in  putting 
down  some  attempts  at  in-surrection.  Li- 
TOon  was  becoming  quite  a  flourishing 
town. 

The  President  is  Thomas  Guardia.  The 
returns  show  exports  to  the  value  of  §4,900,- 
000,  of  wiiich  coffee  was  about  two-thirds. 
The  Costa  Rica  Railroad  was  soon  to  be  com- 
pleted. A  rebellion  of  no  great  magnitude 
was  easily  suppressed.  The  British  Consul 
was  ordei'ed  to  leave  the  country,  charged 
with  grossly  libeling  its  institutions. 

Central  Amkkica. — After  many  confer- 
ences and  a  good  deal  of  informal  discussion, 
representatives  ajjpointed  by  Nicaragua, 
San  Salvador,  Costa  Rica,  Honduras,  and 
Guatamela,  met  at  La  Union,  San  Salvador, 
in  IHT'J,  in  order  to  settle  the  basis  of  a  con- 
federacy for  mutual  succor  and  assistance. 
Tlicy  linally  settled  upon  articles,  the  general 
scope  of  whicii  wen-:  tliat  they  would  all 
unite  to  prevent  any  threatened  injury  to 
oik;  or  more  of  the  republics ;  that  they 
would  assist  in  opening  highway.s,  and  es- 
tablishiiig  telegraph  lines  between  the  dif- 
ferent capitals;  that  tlu?y  would  endeavor 
to  promote  the  construction  of  the  great 
intci-oceanic  canal  to  cross  Nicaragua; 
that  like  criminal  and  civil  laws  should  pre- 
vail in  all  tlie  States;  that  slavery  should 
never  exist  in  any  of  the  States ;  weights, 
mea.sures,  and  currency  were  to  l>e  etiual ; 
and  various  stiinihitions  were  made  for  carrv- 
inir  out  the.-<o  do.signs,  while  each  State  still 
prfs<'rved  its  own  separate?  autonomy. 

The  project  of  a  imion  between  the  five 


'  States  interested,  did  not  come  to  a  success- 
ful issue. 

Nicaragua. — The  boundaries  of  this  State 
in  1870,  were  Honduras,  the  Pacific  Ocean, ' 
Costa  Rica,  and  the  Pacific  Ocean.  Its  ex- 
tent of  territory  was  nearly  50,000  square 
miles.  Population  slightly  over  40,000.  Vin- 
cent Quadra  was  President  in  1871.  ThpJ 
leading  articles  of  export  were  woods,  coffee, 
cotton,  sugar,  cedar,  gold  dust,  indigo,  deer- 
skins, and  hides;  altogether,  amounting  to 
§1)15,048.  This  was  an  improvement  upon 
,  pi-evious  years.  The  imports  at  the  same  time  ^ 
amounted  to  §1,18G,G98,  but  the  particular  ' 
items  are  not  ofiicially  given.  A  foreign 
j  comj^any  liad  a  right  to  navigate  San  Juan 
j  River  and  Lake  Nicaragua  for  twenty  years, 
and  the  concession  was  proving  profitable, 
r^ittle  was  certainly  known  of  the  expenses, 
debts,  or  receipts  of  the  Government.  In 
March,  1872,  an  expedition  from  New 
York  successfully  surveyed  a  route  fi^r  a 
ship  canal  across  the  Isthmus.  Some  angi-y 
feelings  existed  between  Costa  Rica  and 
Nicaragua,  partly  excited  by  the  project  of 
the  canal. 

The  President  is  Don  Juan  Baptista  Gil, 
elected  November,  1872.  The  army  is  re- 
duced to  400  men.  The  revenue  shows  a 
large  deficiencj'.  Trade  was  gi'owing  prosper- 
ous again,  after  its  long  inaction,  owing  to 
the  war.  I'araguayan  tea  {i/n-ba  male)  was 
one  of  the  piincipal  articles  of  export  To- 
bacco yields  three  crops  a  yeai*. 

Venezuela — President,  Guzman  Blanco, 
elected  February,  187;3.  The  i)opulation 
approaches  2,000,000.  National  revenue, 
§5,324, (;70;  expenditure,  about  §200,000 
less.  Regular  army,  10,000  men.  Public 
education  is  extending.  Students  have  been 
sent  to  the  United  States  to  learn  the  art 
of  teaching.  §12,000,000  is  an  approximate 
estimate  of  the  value  of  imports  in  1874-7.'), 
while  over  §17,000,000  were  exported.  Tele- 
graph and  postal  service  ai*e  well  organized. 

CoLOMiuA. — Touching,  as  this  State  does, 
tlie  Caribbean  Sea,  the  Pacific,  the  Empire 
of  Brazil,  and  the  States  of  Veneziiela,  Costa 
Rica,  and  Equador,  nmch  interest  is  felt  in 
her  fortunes.  In  1870  the  population  was 
computed  at  nearly  .'i,0()0,000,  of  which  num- 
ber about  one-third  were  pure  whites,  the 
ivst  being  various  degrees  of  European, 
Negi'o,  and  Indian.  In  1872,  Manuel  Murillo 
Toro  was  elected  President.  The  army  is 
ve»ry  small,  not  over  2,000.  In  1870  the 
whole  exports  were  set  down  as  §S,284,000, 
and  the  imports  at  $(),0."):5,772.  In  1872  the 
National  del)t,  home  and  foreign,  was  calcu- 
lated at  §4:5,2(;i,OGO.  The  short,  but  im- 
I)()rtant  railway  of  I'anama  crosses  the 
Isthmus  of  that  name,  and  is  still  of  great 
inq)nrtance  to  us  on  account  of  our  Cali- 
fornia trade.  There  is  much  dissatisfaction 
felt  at  the  imposts  placed  upon  trade  by 
Venezuela,  which  State  dominates  the  best 
route  to  the  ocean.  A  submarine  cable  has 
for  yeai's  l)een  laid  between  the  Island  of 
Jamaica  and  Aspiiiwall.  There  is  a  good 
deal  of  bitter  feeiiui;  manifested  between 


two  parties:  one  desiinng  entire  freedom  of 
religion,  the  other  beuig  averse  to  changing 
any  of  the  present  restiictive  laws.  Con- 
sidei'able  anarchical  difficulties  occuiTed  in 
1871  and  1872  between  the  Liberals,  headed 
by  Gen.  'Mosquera,  and  the  Conservatives, 
led  by  Bishop  Pasto.  The  troul)les  destroy 
trade  and  retai'd  progress  of  all  kinds. 

The  river  -Magdalena  is  the  water-way  for 
the  commerce  of  five  different  States,  and  a 
good  number  of  steamers  navigate  its  waters. 
§-1,000.0(10  was  the  revenue  for  1872-73. 
The  tariff  is  the  most  sim])le  of  any  countiy, 
having  only  five  classes.  For  ten  years  peace 
has  prevailed.  The  c  'untry  has  consequently 
so  prospered  that  the  revenue  had  doubled 
in  that  time,  (ireat  promjjtness  is  shown 
in  paying  the  interest  on  the  public  debt. 
Transportation  of  heavy  goods  is  enormous, 
and  much  attention  is  given  to  extending 
railroads.  Chili  had  imporled  §-'300,000  in 
silver  bars  and  coin  from  Eiu'ojie.  The 
lease  of  the  great  emerald  mines  of  Muzo 
and  Cascuez  would  expire  in  1875,  and  pro- 
posals for  a  new  contract  were  issued.  Two 
years  is  the  Presidential  term,  and  Santa 
Perez  was  inaugurated  in  April,  1874.  For- 
eiguers  are  in  all  rights  on  a  j)ar  with  na- 
tives. No  impri.sonment  for  debt,  and  all 
professions  are  fi'ce.  About  one-half  the 
revenue  of  each  department  of  Colombia  is 
devoted  to  educational  purposes. 

President  Santiago  Perez  was  inaugu- 
rated in  Aiiril,  1874,  for  two  years.  The 
amount  received  for  customs  is  continually 
increasing.  Total  national  debt,  §15,712,174. 
Improvements  were  projected  between  dit- 
ferent  pai'ts  of  the  republic  calculati'd  to  be 
of  much  benefit.  An  ex[)loratiou  was  de- 
.sigued  of  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  to  locate 
a  suit'ble  inter-oceanic  route.  There  was 
considerable  trouble  threatened  by  insur- 
gents, but  by  October  order  was  restored. 

The  President  is  Aquileo  Para,  inaugu- 
rated in  April,  187(5.  Total  exports  during 
1874-75  was  nearly  $G,000,000;  total  value 
of  imports  for  the  same  jwriod  was  nearly 
§  1 5,01  )0.000.  Quite  a  hberal  sum  is  expendeil 
for  public  instruction.  A  contract  was  exe- 
cuted in  1875  with  responsible  p;uiies  to 
survey  and  form  a  company  to  cut  a  canal 
across  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  from  ocean 
to  ocean.  Liberal  land  and  other  grants  were 
made  to  capittilists,  but  as  yet  no  actual 
work  has  been  begun. 

Paraguay,  1870. — Nothing  new;  peace 
and  mild  prosperity.  Efforts  on  the  part  of 
Brazil  to  settle  the  Paraguayan  difficulty  with 
the  Argentine  Republic  failed,  and  the  same 
remark  applies  to  the  misunderstanding  with 
Chili.  The  improved  coiuhtion  of  the  work- 
ing classes  in  Europe  is  given  as  a  reason 
for  the  falling  oiY  in  immigration.  Congivss 
exerted  itself  to  promote  the  increase  of  for- 
eign populations.  Many  of  the  colonies  in 
ditYerent  parts  of  the  country  were  thriving. 
The  ['resident,  Nicoliis  Avellaneda,  suc- 
ceeded Sarniiento  in  1874.  There  seems  an 
uiiaccoun table  fiuctuation  in  the  revenue 
from  year  to  year;  but,  on  the  whole,  the 
Re|)ublic  is  increasing  in  industry  and 
wealth.    A  good  deal  of  money  is  charged 


HISTORY  OF  SOUTH  AMERICA. 


733 


to  putting  down  rebellions.  The  whole  debt 
is  $7],0()(),()()().    The  whole  luivj,  iueluding 
two  ii"on-clads,   cost   $l,S4:"i,0G0.  Signor 
Legiiisamou  deserves  much  praise  for  his 
exertions  in  forwarding  the  cause  of  educa- 
tion.   The  trade  returns  show  a  falling  off 
in  exports  and  a  vast  increase  in  imports 
fi-oui  the  previous  year.  200,000,000  pounds 
of  wool  left  the  country  in  1874.  There  were 
nearly  1,000  miles  of  railroad  corai^Ieted,  j 
and  many  important  ones  projected,  vv'ith  a  | 
likelihood  of  being  finished.    The  tonnage 
entered  and  cleared  was  aljout  the  same  as 
in  the  preceding  year.  Money  was  easity  got 
in  London  to  further  these  enterprises  at  a 
low  rate  of  interest.    Telegraph  lines  have  ' 
proved  profitable.  Their  marble,  equal  to  the 
finest  Carara,  has  been  quarried.  The  Presi- 
dent declares  their  great  rivers  open  as  the 
seas  to  the  common  domain  of  all  nations.  I 
In  1870,  the  rivers  are  being  deepened,' 
and  subsidies  granted  to  navigation  com- 
panies. 

]\r  E  X I  c  o  . — This  federative  republic  of 
North  America  is  bounded  by  the  United 
States,  Gulf  of  Mexico,  liritish  Honduras,  i 
the  Guatamela,  and  the  Pacific  Ocean.  Its  [ 
estimated  extent  is  over  1,000,000  square 
miles,  and  its  population  is  close  upon  10,- 
000,000.  It  has  quite  a  large  army,  but  the 
strength  of  it  is  not  known,  officially.  The 
bulk  of  the  trade  is  carried  on  with  the 
United  States ;  the  articles  exported  being 
in  great  part  silver,  dye-stuffs,  hide,  furni- 
ture, woods,  etc.  In  return  she  receives  cot- 
ton and  other  fabrics,  machinery  and  iron  to 
the  amount,  in  1871,  of  $5,381,959.  The  ex- 
ports to  the  United  States  in  the  same 
period  were  $8,530,812.  The  imports  from 
Great  I  Jritain  only  reached  half  that  amount. 
Half  the  tonnage  entering  Mexican  poi'ts 
belonged  to  the  United  States,  and  in  18(19 
and  1870  aggregated  370,675  tons.  The 
formation  of  the  country  is  not  favorable  to 
the  construction  of  raikoads,  still  there  are 
several  short  lines  in  successful  operation. 
The  piincipal  cities  are  connected  hj  tele- 
graph. The  debt  due  to  England  was  com- 
puted to  be  about  $300,000,000,  but  both 
this  and  the  debt  due,  or  claimed  by  France, 
is  in  abeyance.  Since  the  death  of  Max- 
imiUan  several  revolutions  of  more  or  less 
magnitude  have  torn  this  magnificent  coun- 
try with  intestine  commotions.  Pands  of 
robbers,  taking  advantage  of  this  disorderly 
state  of  affah's,  have  raided  in  all  directions, 
frequently  even  entering  towns  and  bearing 
away  citizens  of  presumed  wealth,  in  order 
to  hold  them  as  hostages  for  a  ransom.  In 
1872  Diaz  Brothers  were  defeated  and 
Oajaca  taken.  Juarez  assumed  dictatorial 
powers.  Many  of  the  governors  of  States 
opposed  the  General  Government.  The  fight- 
ing was  so  desultory  that  little  real  gains 
were  made  by  either  l  evolutionists  or  federal- 
ists. In  July,  1871,  President  Benito  Juarez 
died  of  appolexy.  He  left  the  republic  in  a 
very  unsettled  s:  ate.  The  rebels,  against  his 
authority,  kept  up  a  formidable  armed  oppo- 
sition, and  many  causes  of  offense  were  given 
by  leaders  of  both  Government  and  revolu- 
tionary leaders.    Lerdo  de  Tejada  assumed 


the  Presidency  on  the  death  of  Juarez.  The 
new  President  pardoned  all  insurgents  be- 
low the  rank  of  lieutenant-general.  About 
this  time  Florez,  the  Governor  of  Sinalo,  was 
kidnapped  and  carried  away  for  ransom, 
and  at  Guanajuato  some  federal  troops  re- 
volted, killed  the  commander,  and  stole 
$50,000.  On  the  1st  of  November,  Lerdo 
was  almost  unanimously  elected  President, 
and  ^\'as  able  to  efiect  a  loan. 

In  1875  the  President  was  Lerdo  de 
Tejada.  Revenue,  $18,405,038;  expendi- 
tures, $23,950,421.  Exports  were  $31,091- 
000;  imports,  $20,062,000.  Estimated  ton- 
nage 1,000,000.  The  subject  of  suppressing 
the  Sisters  of  Charity  was  being  warmly  de- 
bated. Several  railroads  were  in  active 
progress.  Much  attention  was  being  given 
to  general  education. 

in  1870  Porfirio  Diaz  was  President.  The 
population  is  estimated  at  about  9,000.000. 
Liberal  offers  are  made  to  induce  immigra- 
tion. Smuggling  is  carried  to  such  an  ex- 
tent that  no  dependence  can  be  placed  upon 
the  customs  or  financial  statements.  Puljlie 
schools  are  numerous,  and  a  good  deal  of 
attention  is  paid  to  art  education.  It  is  one 
of  the  most  productive  regions  of  the  world ; 
wheat  and  siigar-cane  are  both  staple  pro- 
ductions. Tobacco  is  very  tine.  Coffee  is 
beginning  to  be  largely  cultivated.  Hene- 
quin,  yielding  fibers  which  make  the  very 
best  cables,  is  being  extensively  and  profita- 
bly cultivated. 

It  would  be  tedious  as  well  as  useless  to 
record  all  the  "  plans "  and  "  pronuucia- 
mentos  "  that  have  distracted  this  fine  coun- 
try. Men,  not  measures,  have  been  the  in- 
citing causes. 


EDITORIAL  ARTICLES. 

Durinsf  tbe  last  eiffht,  yoars  tlie  total  trade  of 
the  United  States  with  South  America  lias  in- 
creased to  a  cnnsiderable  desrree.  In  the  fiscal 
year  1870,  our  imports  from  that  region  were  0.41 
per  cent  of  our  total  imports  :  in  1877  they  had 
risen  to  13.78  per  cent.,  or  by  nearly  one-half. 
Durinsr  the  firs'-named  year  we  imported  $48,- 
rmM^  ;  last  year,  .S(>7,835,8")9.  But  while  this 
increase  was  gointj  on,  the  export  trade,  thonoh 
it  increased  sliffhtly,  became  relatively  smnller. 
In  1870  the  exports  were,  in  round  numbers,  $30,- 
OOn.OOO.  or  4.18  per  cent.  :  in  1877  they  were 
$22,000,000,  which  was  but  3.26  per  cent. 

If  we  look  at  the  distribution  of  the  business, 
we  find  that  about  two-thirds  of  the  imports  came 
from  Brazil,  amountinfj,  last  year,  to  .S-l:!,498,041. 
while  we  had  from  the  United  Slates  of  Colombia 
$5,445,o93,  from  Venezuela  $7,42!),r),')9.  from  the 
more  distant  States  of  the  Argentine  Republic 
$3,449,.5o9,  and  from  other  countries,  chiefly  from 
the  Pacific  coast,  $7,994, :i07.  Ajrainst  tliese  con- 
siderable imports  we  have  but  a  l)e!Ta'arly  show 
of  exports,  as  follows  :  To  the  Colombian  Rejiub- 
lic,  S;4,032,2.32  ;  to  Venezuela,  .«3  006,202  :  to  Bra- 
zil, $7,499,118;  to  the  Ariz:entine  i<.  i  ublic,  $1,- 
129,168,  and  to  the  other  countries,  -S0,340,4r).'). 

These  facts  are  sufficient  to  show  that  tlie  ele- 
ments of  a  larjrer  trade  exist,  but  that,  for  various 
reasons,  thoutrh  we  buy  in  quite  larjie  amounts 
from  our  neighbors  on  the  Southern  Conti- 
nent, we  sell  them  very  little.  If  we  ask  for  the 
reason  of  this,  we  shall  be  told  that  it  is  because 
we  have  no  direct  communication  with  South 
America,  and  doubtless  our  truie  would  be  very 
greatly  benefited  by  such  communication,  thoufjli 
it  does  not  follow  that  it  is  necessary,  or  tliat 
it  would  be  wise  for  the  Government  to  sub- 
sidize steamship  lines  for  the  ])urpose  of  obtaining 


it.  If  our  merchants  can  show  that  the  main  thinjr 
which  is  lacking  to  a  ])rosperous  South  .Vmericin 
trade  is  steam  communication,  there  will  be  no 
difficulty  about  securing  tluit. 

It  would  not  seem  that  such  a  denu)nstration 
ouiiht  to  be  difficult.  The  geographical  relations 
oF  the  South  American  States  to  those  of  our 
Union  are  adapted  to  ])romote  commerce  with  n» 
greater  than  that  with  the  distant  nations  of  Eu- 
rope. Their  ]>opulation  numbers  at  the  jire.sent 
moment  not  less  than  25,000.000.  All  of  tho 
States,  though  within  the  ])ast  half  century  torn 
by  repeated  wars,  are  now  at  peace,  and  provided 
for  the  most  part  with  slable  governments,  and 
reasonable  security  for  ])erson  and  pro|)erty.  In 
Brazil,  Venezuela,  and  tlie  United  States  of  Co- 
lombia, lying  most  advantagiH)nsly  for  our  trade, 
and  possessins:  three-filths  of  the  population  and  a 
much  larger  proportion  of  tlu^  cajirtal,  trade,  and 
developed  resources  of  the  continent,  tliere  is  a  dis- 
tinct sjiirit  of  enterprise  and  a  genuiiu;  commer- 
cial energy.  The  needs  of  the  pf)pulation8  are, 
moreover,  precisely  such  as  we  ouixht  to  fe  best 
able  to  supply.  They  include  certain  articles  of 
food  not  produced  in  the  country,  tools,  machine- 
ry, cheap  clothing,  contrivances  of  all  kinds  for 
convenience  and  diri])atch  in  ihe  daily  life  of  labo- 
rious })eoi)le.  fviddlery,  fire-arms,  hardware,  furni- 
ture, and  the  cheapc-r  textile  and  leatlier  goods. 
These  classes  of  goods  the  United  States  can  pro- 
duce of  greater  variety  and  better  (jualiry  than 
any  European  nation,  and  ought  to  be  able  to  fur- 
nish them  at  lower  prices.  Certainly,  the  efiort 
is  worth  making.  Our  country  never  was  in  a 
better  situation  to  push  this  particular  branch  of 
foreign  trade.  Prices  are  low  ;  labor  is  compara- 
tively cheap  and  jilentiiul  ;  the  currency  ap- 
proaches stability  and  convertibility;  there  is  a 
general  anxiety  "to  find  outlets  for  the  products, 
crude  and  manufactured,  of  the  country,  and  no 
field  is  more  promising  than  that  of  South  Amer- 
ica. We  start  with  the  obvious  advantage  of  be- 
ing ourselves  exceedingly  good  customers.  It 
would  appear  to  be  a  question  which  .American  in- 
genuity ought  to  be  able  to  solve,  how  to  com- 
plete the  circle  of  trade,  and  sell  to  those  of  whom 
we  already  buy  liberally. 

Unquestionably  a  present  advantage  which  tlie 
merchants  and  manufacturers  of  (Jreat  Biitain  en- 
joy over  those  of  the  United  States  in  carrying  on 
a  trade  with  South  America,  jarlicidarly  with 
Brazil,  is  the  establishment  of  regular  lines  of 
steamsliips,  which  furnish  frequent,  re_ular,  and 
reliable  communication  between  those  trans  con 
linental  countries.  Between  European  ports  and 
the  Argentine  Republic  —  more  remote  than 
Brazil,  and  furnishing  probably  about  one-fourth  as 
much  trade — there  are  reported  to  be  no  less  tl.au 
13  lines  of  steamships.  I'robably  even  more  i)ly 
between  Europe  and  Brazil.  Between  the  United 
States  and  Brazil  we  have  not  a  single  line,  and 
ihe  commerce  is  transacted  wholly  with  sailing 
craft,  or  such  casual  intervention  of  steam  vessels 
as  a  chance  of  unusual  freights  may  summon  to 
its  aid.  With  all  these  di.-advantag(?s  the  trade 
of  Gnat  Britain  exceeded  that  of  the  United 
States  with  Brazil  in  1876  by  less  than  .■s;j,OI)0,(.0;), 
beinir  for  the  f  )rmer  .^55,500.000  and  for  the  latter 
$■■52,700.0(10.  In  1877  the  commerce  of  the  United 
States  with  Brazil  was  some  $2,01)0,000  less  than 
in  1876  ;  from  (ireat  Britain  we  have  no  figures 
for  the  last  year.  But  the  figures  as  presented 
convev  their  own  suggestive  lesson.  If  a  trade  of 
$55,000,01)0  will  support  several  steamship  lines, 
ought  not  a  trade  of  >;52,0l)0,O00  to  support  at  least 
one?  Or,  again,  if,  without  regular  steam  com- 
munication, a  trade  amounting  to  §52.0(0,000  can 
be  maintained,  what  might  we  not  liope  for  if  reg- 
ular and  reliable  steam  comniuuication  were  es- 
tablished? These  inquiries  are  alike  ])ertinent 
and  sugirestivo  and  hopeful.  It  is  evident  that 
our  merchants,  manulacturers,  and  ship  owners 
have  this  whole  matter  of  enlarging  the  South 
American  market  for  United  States  ])roduct3  en 
tirely  in  their  own  hands,  and  are  as  independent 
oi  C(>n.gress  or  of  Congressional  aid  in  the  form  of 
subsidies  in  promoting  this  olject  as  tbe\  are  of 
the  British  Parliament.    The  trade,  properly  or- 


734 


APPENDIX  TO  THE 


panized,  conducted,  and  concentrated,  is  suflHcient 
now  to  justity  the  estiiblisliment  at  least  of  a 
niontlily  line  of  sieanisliips  riinniiio:  between  New 
York  and  tin-  principal  Atlantic  ports  of  South 
America,  as  far  a-i  I^uenos  Ayrcs.  And  the  iinpe- 
tus  that  would  be  given  to  trade  if  such  a  line 
were  es'ablished  it  is  impossible  to  conceive. 
Everytliinij  is  in  our  favor  if  only  we  will  improve 
the  advantaijes  before  ua.  We  have  the  favora- 
ble consideration  of  those  foreign  peoples  as  being 
already  profitable  customers.  Their  Governments 
are  desirous  of  ])romoting  commercial  intercourse 
with  the  United  States,  and  will  extend  unusual 
facilities  and  all  rea30ual)le  concessions  to  this 
end.  Regular  communication  by  steam  once  es- 
tablished, the  time  between  New  York  aud  the 
principal  South  American  ports  is  about  four  days 
less  than  from  Liverpool  to  those  ])orls.  Without 
anj'  subsidy,  hut  in  the  discharge  of  its  legitimate 
functions  in  the  promotion  of  postal  facilities,  we 
may  anticipate  from  Congress  early  action  in  pro- 
viding for  a  mail  service  between  one  or  more  of 
our  i)orts  and  the  South  American  States. 

The  only  unsolved  question  relates  to  the  intel- 
ligence and  enterprise  with  which  these  existing 
and  rapidly  culminating  advantages  will  be  dis- 
cerned and  emi)loyed  by  our  merchants  and  man- 
ufacturers. No  one  with  faith  in  the  character  of 
our  peoi)le  will  doubt  as  to  the  ultimate  solution 
of  this  question  in  a  way  gratifying  to  our  nation- 
al pride  and  promotive  of  national  prosperity. 
The  market  is  open,  our  products  are  ready,  we 
have  only  to  find  the  way,  and  make  known  in 
the  formi'r  the  abundance,  and  tlie  variety,  and 
the  quality  of  the  latter,  to  establish  a  line  of 
trade  that  shall  bo  alike  profitable  and  enduring. 
— ^'ew  York  Daily  'limes. 


Bl'exos  Ayup:s,  OH.  9,  1877.  —  Attention  has 
been  very  generally  directed  to  the  steps  taken  by 
the  Government  of  the  United  States  indicative  of 
a  growing  interest  in  the  countries  of  this  conti- 
nent. No  American,  conversant  with  its  com- 
merce and  resources,  can  fail  to  "  wonder"  how  it 
lias  come  about,  that  all  these  years,  since  the  con- 
clusion of  the  war,  American  merchants  and  manu- 
facturers have  been  so  oblivious  to  the  market 
here  oi)ened  to  them,  if  they  should  enter  it  with 
their  reputed  enterprise  and  good  judgment.  And 
BO  when  it  was  published  that  the  Government  at 
AVashington  had  so  far  become  aware  of  these 
facts  as  to  form  a  definite  policy  of  encouragement 
to  the  cotiiinercial  relations  between  the  countries 
ot  South  Aiiuirica  and  its  own  country,  there  was 
an  evident  rubbini;  open  of  eyes  among  commer- 
cial circles  here  as  to  what  it  all  foreshadowed. 
'I'hi.t  interest  manifested  in  this  and  other  ways 
has  come  none  too  soon.  In  fact,  the  indifference 
fdiown  in  the  past  will  make  the  work  of  assum- 
ing our  legitimate  trade  relations  more  diiBcnlt 
than  an  earlier  movement.  It  is  not  pleasant  to 
be  made  to  confess  ourselves  distanced  in  enter- 
prise of  which  We  are  so  fond  of  boasting  as  Amer- 
icans, but  in  this  case  we  must. 

Old  Eu  ope  has  stolen  a  march  on  Young  Amer- 
ica, and  Dann!  Britain  has  caught  Brother  Jon-  i 
athan  asleep  during  working  hours.  Even  Italy 
Comes  out  of  the  dingy  past,  and  gets  ahead  of  the 
new  empire  of  ilie  VV'estern  World.  At  the  ])res- 
enl  ni  'inent  then'  are  twelve  regular  trunsutlantic 
Ht^'umsliii)  lines,  Kngland  sending  six.  France  two,  ] 
Italy  two,  Gi'rmuny  two  ;  but  never  do  we  see  th<! 
stars  and  siri|)es  floating  from  a  merchant  steamer 
in  tiiese  waters.  In  a  diplomatic  circular  note. 
Secretary  Evarts  wants  to  know  what  will  brin^ 
^\\^•M'.  couiiiri.'s  into  closer  commercial  relations. 
There  <  aii  be  but  one  answer  as  to  the  i>riniary 
re<iuisile,  and  we  venture  the  opinion  that  the  ol- 
ficiul  replies  of  all  .Ministers  and  Consuls  will  so 
stattt— it  is  in  the  establishment  of  a  regular  per- 
manent steamship  line  b  !twi  en  the  United  States 
and  till  fee  countries.  This  city  is  not  more  than 
IwiMity-lour  modernie  steaming  from  New 

York,  and  yi'i  ii  is  practically  the  most  remote  of 
any  im|H)ri!tni  seaport  in  the  world,  incluiling  Chi- 
na. Japan,  or  Australia.  Evi;ry  letter  must  twice 
croKf.  tin-  Atlantic  in  its  journey  between  the  two 
Countries.    Every  merchant  in  visiting  the  mar  ' 


kets  of  the  world  must  brush  past  all  those  of 
Kurope,  anil  cross  the  Atlantic  if  he  would  reach 
those  of  the  States.  Time  is  an  important  element 
in  competition,  and  trade  betwei-n  the  United 
States  and  this  country  is  shut  up  to  the  delays 
and  uncertainties  of  sailing  vessels,  or  is  made  to 
send  its  goods  around  a  good  part  of  the  world  to 
get  tlieni  here,  a  burden  too  heavy  for  a  general 
competition,  and  it  is  evident  as  possible  that 
commerce  can  not  be  largely  increased  without  di- 
rect steam  communication.  The  facilities  must 
I)recede  trade,  and  not  follow.  The  United  States 
ranks  No.  1  among  the  nations  from  which  this 
country  made  purchases  in  187G.  And  the  amount, 
according  to  the  official  valuation  here,  which  is 
of  course  greater  than  when  the  ])urchases  were 
started  from  the  United  States,  was  ?^1.880,110. 
while  England  sent  $8,<i77,8(;6.  In  1873,  the 
amount  purchased  from  the  United  States  was 
more  than  five  millions.  This  falling  off  is  in  part 
attributable  to  the  general  business  dey)ression, 
but  the  trade  with  other  countries  does  not  show 
anything  like  so  great  a  decline  ;  showing  tliat 
the  United  States  is  unable  to  compete  with  Eu- 
rope in  these  markets  on  account  of  the  greater 
cost  of  production,  or  because  of  some  disadvan- 
tages to  trade.  That  it  is  not  the  first  is  soon  dis- 
covered. In  I'ay.sander,  a  port  of  Uruguay,  acro.ss 
the  river,  or  rather  a  short  distance  up  the  Uru- 
guay, is  an  American  House  which  runs  a  line  of 
vessels  to  Baltimore,  Messrs.  Hufna^jel,  I'lottier  & 
Co.,  and  does  the  largest  business  of  any  house  in 
these  rivers,  outside  of  Buenos  Ayres,  and  almost 
exclusively  in  American  goods,  including  cotton 
and  woolen  fabrics,  furniture,  hardware,  agricul- 
tural imi)lements,  aud  of  course  does  this  because 
it  can  make  it  to  its  advantage  to  introduce  Amer- 
ican goods.  If,  under  such  circumstances,  this  can 
be  done,  how  evident  it  becomes  that  with  proper 
communications  and  a  better  knowledge  of  this  j 
market,  a  much  greater  variety  aud  extent  of 
commerce  could  be  carried  on  with  the  United 
States  In  produce  of  this  country  exported  the  ; 
United  States  stands  No.  5  in  the  amount  of  busi-  j 
ness  done;  England,  third  ;  Belgium  first.  The 
amount  sent  to  tlie  United  States  in  187G,  accord- 
ing to  the  official  valuiflion  here,  was  i 
l(!aving  a  balance  against  the  United  States  of 
over  ^1,200,0U0,  and  when  it  is  remembered  that 
this  is  upon  the  increased  valuation  of  imports 
from  the  United  States  made  here  from  freight  ^ 
charges  and  higher  valuation,  and  of  the  lower 
valuation  put  on  exports  from  this  country,  as 
compared  with  that  of  the  United  States,  it  will 
be  seen  that  this  balance  is  r(>ally  understati  d  in 
the  above  amount.  England  in  the  same  year  re- 
ceived from  here  goods  to  the  amount  ot  over 
seven  million  dollars,  leaving  a  balance  in  her  fa- 
vor of  about  a  million  and  a  half  dollars.  As  late 
as  1873-74  there  was  a  balance  of  trade  in  favor 
of  the  United  States.  In  1875  it  was  about  even, 
and  against  them  since  that  time. 

We  are  aware  that  attempts  have  recently  been 
made,  and  formerly  too,  for  the  opening  of  Amer- 
ican houses  and  branches  of  business  whicii  have 
come  to  grief  or  have  amounted  to  nothing,  for 
reasons  which  are  not  of  difficult  discovery.  In 
some  cases  it  has  been  done  with  a  flourish  of 
truniiH'ts,  and  on  a  scale  so  grand  as  to  make  suc- 
cess impossible.  In  other  cases,  the  work  has  been 
entrusti'd  to  those  who  were  eitlnr  ignorant  or 
entirely  misconceived  the  demands  of  tliis  market. 
In  still  other  cases  it  has  been  thought  that  a  jiro- 
miscuous  lot  of  samples,  a  tew  odd  cases,  or  a  siit- 
gle  visit  of  a  selling  agent  would  result  in  the  es- 
tablishment of  business.  This  method  is  still 
being  ])ursued,  and  amounts  only  to  the  giving 
some  one  a  voyage  and  the  sale  of  a  few  lots  at 
unsatisfactory  prices.  American  trade  can  be 
opened  here  only  by  a  careful  study  of  the  market, 
tilt?  sending  to  experienced  business  men  a  proju-r 
classified  assortment  of  goods,  ])rocured  from  manu- 
facturers without  numerous  intervening  commis- 
sions and  profits.  In  short,  in  a  systematic  and 
well  planned  arrangement,  such  as  woulil  be 
thought  neci-ssary  at  honn-  in  thi?  introduction  of 
a  new  business.  The  ini])re.s>iou  too  often  formed 
that  anything  will  do  for  this  market,  and  anv 
price  will  be  paid,  is  a  great  mistake.  Margins 


for  profits  are  not  large,  and  wants  and  tastes  are 
well-defined.  We  know  of  hou.'^es  well  "  lumbered 
up"  with  all  conceivable  samples  and  circulars 
from  saw-mills  to  silverware,  saw-mills,  too.  for  a 
country  that  is  treeless,  until  one  gets  beyond 
civilization,  and  about  which  the  merchant  knows 
little  and  cares  less.  In  another  case,  iroodi^  in 
sample  were  ofiFei-ed  in  this  market  which  had  six 
profits  or  commissions  before  they  reached  the  re- 
tail shoi)keeper,  and  some  one  may  wonder  why 
the  business  so  attempted  has  not  been  successful. 
In  cottons,  printing-])ap<'r,  machinery,  and  agricul- 
tural implements,  American  manufacturers  can 
unquestionably  compete  with  those  of  Europe  in 
this  market,  and  so  also  is  the  case  with  many  va- 
rieties of  American  produce.  It  only  requires  en- 
ter|)rise,  good  judgment,  and  fair  means  of  com- 
munication. We  shall  become  wearisome  with 
this  long  discussion  of  business,  and  will  postpone 
further  remarks  and  im])ortant  facts  until  another 
time. — Ncm  York  Eceidng  Mail. 

Gener.^l  Ilm.vRKs. — Before  taking  leave 
of  this  interesting  branch  of  our  imj^orttmt 
history,  it  will  not  be  amiss  to  make  a  few 
observations  upon  the  reasons  why  the 
South  American  States  have  not  made  as 
rapid  a  progress  in  material  wealth  and 
stability  of  political  institutions  as  have  the 
people  of  the  northern  portion  of  the  same 
groat  continent.  In  the  first  jilacc,  North- 
ern America  was  peopled  from  diflferent  na- 
tions or  parts  of  nations,  ha^dng  divergent 
ideas  upon  forms  of  government  and  re- 
ligion. No  one  settlement  was  sufllcieutly 
IDOwcrful  to  bend  the  others  to  a  Procrus- 
tean conformity.  Even  in  the  Euglish- 
f:pe.aking  portion,  the  fierj'  cavalier  had  to 
tolerate  the  hardy  Puritan.  They  chffered 
as  much  upon  sacred  as  upon  civil  tenets. 
The  indoniitable  republican  who  voted  to 
behead  the  first  Charles  quite  possibly 
dwelt  in  the  same  township  as  the-  fierce 
monarchist  who  assisted  in  gibbeting  the 
remains  of  Cromwell  The  Catholics  of 
jrarylaiul  knew  and  esteemed  the  Hugo- 
nots  of  Carolina  ;  while  the  honest  Knick- 
erbocker on  the  banks  of  the  Hudson  made 
thcni  all  welcome  at  his  hospitable  board. 
So  it  happened  that  the  wide  divergence  of 
belief  in  what  ai'c  now  the  United  States 
made  any  attempts  at  succes.<! fully  produc- 
ing religious  or  political  uniformity  an  im- 
po.ssibility.  If  one  sect  infringed  upon  the 
rights  of  another,  aU  the  remaining  sects 
had  a  fellow-feeling  with  the  injured  jiarty. 
So  that  persecution — in  the  phrase  of  our 
times — "didn't  pay."  Very  many,  too,  of 
the  men  who  engineered  and  fought  through 
the  Kevolution  were  practictil  republicans 
long  before  an  Americiin  republic  existed  in 
form  upon  these  shores,  'i'hey  or  their  fa- 
thers had  not  only  drank  of  the  pure  wa- 
ters of  liberty  from  the  works  of  Milton  and 
his  illustrious  confreres — they  had  not  only 
fought  with  the  invincible  "Ironsides"  of 
Cromwell— but,  in  the  new  world,  those 
I'ouutaui-heads  of  Freedom  —  the  public 
school  aud  the  town  meeting — were  jier- 
inanent  institutitms  ;  and  the  yeomanry  of 
the  country  had  learned  the  all-important 
lesscm  that  no  man  is  fit  to  be  a  freeintm 
till  he  is  not  only  willing,  l)iit  anxious  that 
his  fellow-citi/en  shall  have  in  heaped  meas- 
ure the  same  amount  of  freedom  which  lio 
demands  for  himself. 

The  Spaniai'ds,  on  the  contrary,  who  dia- 


HISTORY  OF  SOUTH  AIMERICA.. 


735 


covered  and  settled  the  southern  portion  of 
this  hemisphere,  weie  CathoHcs  to  a  man. 
They  never  entered  a  battle-field  but  their 
eyes  first  turned  to  the  standard  on  which 
the  cross  was  emblazoned,  and  their  con- 
quests were  legalized  and  blessed  by  the 
uplifted  hands  of  the  Roman  Pontiff.  Any- 
one that  disbelieved  the  faith  of  their  fa- 
thers was  considered  to  be  not  merely  a 
dissenter,  but  an  atheist,  with  whom  it  was 
almost  sinful  to  hold  intercourse.  The 
Church  w  as  not  only  a  part  of  the  Govern- 
ment, but  it  could  truthfully  say  with  the  ; 
French  monarch,  "  I  am  the  State ! " 
Here,  consequently,  was  no  cliance  for  tol- 
eration to  exist,  and  consequently,  the  idea 
of  a  rei)ublican  form  of  government  was 
present — if  at  all — only  in  the  mind  of  some 
few  educated  men,  and  with  them  it  existed 
but  as  a  glittering  theory,  imj^ossible  of 
being  put  in  practice.  I 


Still  another  thing  must  be  remembered. 
While  Nortli  Ameiica  was  in  frequent,  if 
not  very  rapid,  communication  with  the 
Old  World — receiving  not  only  all  material 
improvements,  but  fiesh  m.ental  inspiration 
— the  people  of  South  America  might  al- 
most as  well  liave  dwelt  in  the  moons  of 
Mercury,  so  difficult  was  it  to  know  what 
was  passing  in  the  land  of  their  forefathers. 
But  it  happened  that  when  the  Fi-ench  rev- 
olution tore  to  shreds  the  mouldy  docu- 
ments that  taught  the  divine  rights  of  kings, 
and  electiified  the  people  by  the  cries  of 
"  Liberty,  Fraternity,  Equality,"  even  the 
sleepy  waters  of  Acapulco  and  the  icy 
peaks  of  Chimborazo  reverberated  with  the 
grand  outburst.  The  patriotic  hearts  of 
Bolivar,  Paez,  and  their  bi'ave  fellow-sol- 
diers, rose  to  "  the  height  of  the  great  ai-- 
gument,"  and  after  many  sanguinary  bat- 
tles, won  the  fi-eedom  of  their  country. 


Still,  as  we  have  said,  the  peoples  were  com- 
parative! y  unfit  for  the  libei  ty  which  they 
had  so  ghjriously  won  ;  and  it  has  been  a 
long  and  laborious  and  painful  s^tru'  g'e  to 
gather  in  the  fruits  of  the  great  haivesl 
reaped  by  the  sword  sickles  of  the  libera- 
tors of  South  America. 


We  can  not  bring  this  historical  record 
of  South  American  affjirs  to  a  better  closo 
than  by  quoting  the  preceding  editorial 
articles  which  have  lately  appeared  in  some 
of  our  leading  journals.  The  important 
facts  which  they  body  forth  should  aroase 
our  inventors,  manufacturers,  and  mer- 
chants to  the  importance  of  studying  the 
wants  of  our  immediate  neighbors,  and 
seeking  to  extend  the  sale  of  our  products 
for  the  valuable  ones  which  they  stand 
ready  to  furnish  to  us. 


A 

COMPLETE  CYCLOPEDIA 

OR 

CHRONOLOGY 

OF 

AMERICAN  HISTORY 

AND 

FROM  THE  EARLIEST  DATES  TO  THE  PRESENT  TIME. 

COMPILED  FROM  STANDARD  AUTIIORS, 

By  L.   M.  STEPHENSON. 

THIS   IS   NOT   SIMPLY    A    CHRONOLOGICAL    TABLE,  BUT 

A  FULL  COMPENDIUM 

OF 

THE  HISTORY  OF  NORTH  AND  SOUTH  AMRRICA, 
Civil,  Politidkl,  >iilitkfy, 

CONTAINING 

EVERY   EVENT  OF   IMPORTANCE  AND  INTEREST. 


Chronologically  Arranged  and  i'nin|naled  fur  KelVri'ncc 


X  H  E    ^  I  M 


OF 


THE  CHRONOLOGY 

Is  to  present  the  Events  in  the  Order  in  which  they  Transpired, 
thereby  preventing   any   Confusion   in   the   Mind  of 

ENABLING  HIM  TO  FIX  THE  EXACT  DATE 


OF 


THIS  IS  TUB  ONLY  CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE  WHICH  ATTEMPTS  MORE 


THAN  THE 


SIMPLEST  AND  BRIEFEST  RECORD  OF  EVENTS, 

BRING  SUFFICIENTLY  FULL   TO  EXPLAIN  ALL  IMPORTANT  FACTS  AND 
OCCURRENCES  IN  A   CONCISE  AND  INTERESTING  MANNER; 

ALSO,  INDEXING 

THE   TWO  AMERICAS. 


TIIK  LARGE  NUMBKK  OF 


lilOORAI'H  H'lS   CONTAI  NKl)   IN   Till':  (T 1  RON( )LOG V.  IN   ADDITION   TO  THOSE 

IN    OTlIh:K    PORTIONS   OF   THE  WORK. 


VaJws  a  Puj-frcl  Librdrv  /'or  ^^eadiiiy  and  ffeference. 


A.    1..   COHTJRN    &   C  O.,  CHIC^OO. 


CHRONOLOGY. 


CHRONOLOGY. 


PEE-niSTORIO  BACE9. 

Authentic  American  history  dates  back  only 
abmit  four  centuries.  Previous  to  that  period, 
through  an  ahnost  unlimited  age,  the  existence 
of  a  vastly  numerous  and  pre-historic  race  may 
be  traced  through  the  ruins  of  tlieir  cities,  their 
wonderful  caves,  and  subterranean  habitations, 
in  which  skeletons  of  some  of  their  ancient  in- 
liabitants,  stone  implements  of  warfare  and  hus- 
bandry, and  pieces  of  pottery  and  earthen  ves- 
Bcld  of  rare  and  peculiar  workmanship  and  color- 
incf.  a.rt'.  found.  In  some  of  these  more  perfectly 
constructed  mounds,  tools  of  copper,  nrass,  ann 
silver,  and  vases  of  pottery,  ornaments,  and 
precious  stones,  have  been  found.  These  ancient 
iiiliabitants  also  worked  the  copper  mines  of 
bake  Superior,  and  their  old  pits  are  still  called 
the  "  ancient  diggings."  In  one  of  these  mines 
a  mass  of  cojjper  was  found  which  weighed  over 
forty  tons,  and  which  had  been  separated  from 
the  oriiiinal  vein  by  removing  the  earth  and 
ore,  and  the  surface  made  smooth  by  pounding. 
About  this  huge  piece  of  copper  were  found  the 
very  toi'ils  those  ancient  miners  had  used — stone 
hajumers,  copper  chisels  and  wedges,  as  if  the 
Wf)rkmen  had  departed,  intending  soon  to  re- 
turn. Upon  some  of  these  deserted  mines,  the 
largest  forest  trees  are  found  growing,  and  upon 
a  mound  near  Marietta,  Ohio,  -were  found  trees 
vviiich,  at  least,  must  have  seen  eight  centuries. 
Tile  most  marvelous  and  peculiar  of  all  the  relics 
of  these  ancient  inhabitants,  are  found  in  the 
valleys  of  Arizona.  Here  almost  every  hill-top 
within  a  range  of  10,000  square  miles  is  cov- 
cTed  with  broken  pottery,  so  ])crfectly  glazed, 
that  its  bright  and  varied  coloring  is  well  pre- 
served. JK  re,  also,  are  ruins  of  buildings  four 
Btoiies  in  height,  and  with  walls  two  feet  thick, 
reservoirs,  irrigating  canals,  and  fortifications, 
where  nniltitudes  of  caves  are  cut  in  the  solid 
rock,  and  closed  by  mason-work  of  stone  and 
cenuMit,  which  is  well  preserved.  The.se  caves 
aro  only  aeecssible  by  means  of  lacblers,  and 
the  larger  ones  are  bastioneil  and  loop-holed; 
and  an  entrance,  birge  enough  to  admit  one 
])erson  only,  was  made  at  the  top,  which  con- 
nectid  with  a  series  of  chambers  that  himey- 
combed  the  whole  mountain,  w  hile  their  wails 
are  still  black  with  tlic  smoke  from  the  tires  of 
tlieir  ancient  dwellers.  These  subterranean 
caverns  were  evidently  jmpind  with  a  vast 
amount  of  labor  as  asylums  against  a  tierce  and 
iiiva(bng  foi;;  and  long  and  cruel  must  have 
been  the  warfare  whicli  forced  them  to  fors.ake 
Ihcir  villages  and  cultivated  fields  and  make 
their  homes  in  the  rocky  depths  of  the  mount- 
ains. Wlicr-  and  how  the  last  of  this  numerous 
and  wondctful  racu  were  blotted  out  of  existence, 
leaving  lu'hind  no  tr.idi  ion  of  its  origin,  will 
forcvt  r  remain  a  mystery. 

The  ruins  of  Spanish  cathedrals  and  towns 
•ohich  were  in  iill  their  glory,  when  a  few  half- 
starved  Knglish  refugees  from  oppression  were 
itruggling  for  existence  on  the  shores  of  the 
J.'otomac  Uivor  and  Plymouth  IJay,  aro  still  scat- 


tered over  the  wilds  of  New  Mexico  and  Arizona, 
but  their  earliest  records  give  no  accoimt  of 
these  wonrlerful  ancient  inhabitants.  Neither 
did  the  intelligent  and  semi-civilized  Montezu- 
mas,  nor  the  vast  tribes  of  Indians  subject  to 
them,  have  any  knowledge,  or  dim  tradition 
even,  concerning  these  monuments  of  a  long- 
forgotteu  age  and  people. 

AMERICAJf  INDIANS. 

The  earliest  explorers  of  the  American  Con- 
finr>nt.  found  here  a  numerous  race  of  inhal)itants, 
which  they  called  Indians,  because  Columbus 
and  the  early  adventurers  supposed  they  had 
discovered  the  long-sought  eastern  shores  of 
India.  Various  theories  have  been  advanced  in 
regard  to  their  origin,  the  truthfulness  of  which 
can  not  be  determined,  as  none  of  them  could 
possibly  be  demonstrated.  The  time  of  their 
occupancy  of  the  country  or  the  date  of  their 
origin  can  not  be  known. 

TEXB. 

458.  Chinese  tradition  alleges  the  discovery 
of  Fu  Sang  (Mexico)  by  the  Buddh- 
ists. 

8(51.  The  Normans  discover  Iceland. . .  page  2 

889.  The  Normans  discover  Greenland  2 

985.  Greenland  peopled  by  the  Danes  under 
Eric  Rand,  or  Ited  Head  2 

1002.  Newfoundland,  Nova  Scotia,  "Winland 
dat  Gode "  (the  good  wine  country), 
supposed  to  be  the  coast  of  New  En- 
gland, discovered  by  Biron,  an  Ice- 
lander, and  afterward  visited  by  Lief, 
a  Greenlander,  according  to  Icelandic 
Sagas  2 

1004.  Natives  were  first  discovered  in  New- 
foundland  2 

1002-1000.  Icelandic  adventurers  repeatedly 
visited  the  New  World,  exploring  the 
country  and  bartering  with  the  na- 
tives  2 

lOOC.  A  rich  Icelander,  named  Thorfin  Karl- 
sefni,  spent  three  winters  on  the  coast 
of  Massachusetts,  where  his  wife  bore 
him  a  soq,  whom  he  named  Snorri, 
said  to  be  the  first  child  born  of  Eu- 
ropean parents  on  the  continent  of 
America  page  i.  Introduction. 

1170.  Madoc,  a  Welsh  prince,  su[)po.-ed  to  have 
discovered  America   2 

1380.  Zcno,  a  Venetian,  began  voyages  of  dis- 
covery 3 

COI.TTMBUS. 

1447.  Christo])her  Columbus  supposed  to  have 
been  born  at  G(nt)a — exact  date  dis- 
puted 5.  70 

1401.  Columbus  went  to  sea  at  the  age  of  four- 
teen— his  first  voyages  were  confined 
to  the  Jlediterranean  5,  7(1 

1407.  At  the  age  of  twenty  Columbus  visited 
Iceland  uud  the  Northern  seas,  ad- 


TKAR. 

vancing  several  degrees  •within  the 

polar  circle  5,  76 

Columbus  next  entered  the  service  of  a 
famous  sea  captain  of  his  own  name 

and  family  5,  70 

1470-1474.  Columbus  conceived  the  idea  that 
by  sailing  west  he  could  reach  the 
East  Indies  by  a  shorter  route — also 
that  another  continent  must  lie  in  that 

direction   5,  70 

1474.  Columbus  began  applying  for  aid,  suc- 
cessively to  the  Senate  of  Genoa  and 
tiie  courts  oi  Portugal,  niitiiu.  and 
England.  He  was  repeatedly  refused, 
spending  several  years  in  negotia- 
tions  5,  77 

1492.  Apr.  17.  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  of 
Spain  grant  Columbus  a  commission 
to  go  on  a  voyage  of  discovery,  consti- 
tuting him  High  Admiral  in  all  seas 
and  continents  discovered  by  him, 
Isabella  fitting  out  the  expedition  at 
her  own  expense  6,  78,  79 

"  Aug.  3.  Columbus  sailed  from  the  port 
of  Palos  with  three  small  vessels  and 
ninety  men,  to  venture  upon  strange 
seas  and  to  discover  an  unknown 
world  6,  79 

"  Aug.  13.  Columbus  arriving  at  the  Ca- 
nary Islands,  repaired  his  ships  and 
procured  supplies  6,  79 

"  Sept.  6.  Columbus  left  the  Canaries, 
and  when  out  of  sight  of  land  his  crew 
became  dejected,  and  importuned  him 
to  return.  He  encourages  them,  and 
restores  their  confidence  6,79 

"  Oct.  1.  Not  yet  discovering  land,  his 
officers  and  crew  threaten  mutiny. 
With  extraordinary  efibrts  he  quiets 
them  6,  80 

"  Oct.  12.  Columbus  discovers  land.  In 
the  sudden  revulsion  of  feeling  his 
men  prostrate  themselves  at  his  feet 
and  imjilore  his  forgiveness  6.  hO 

"  lie  proceeds  to  land  with  great  pomp 
and  martial  display.    The  shores  are 

lined  with  naked  inhabitants  80 

Columbus  plants  the  cross  and  pro- 
ceeds to  take  ])Ossession  of  the  island 
in  the  name  of  the  crowns  of  Castilo 

and  Leon  6,  80 

Columbus  named  this  island  San 
Salvador.  He  continued  his  voyage  in 
search  of  gold  6,  80 

"  Oct.  2H.  Ho  discovers  Cuba,  and  soon 
afterward  numerous  islands,  all  of 
which  are  inhabited,  and  finds  gold  in 

small  quantities  G,  81 

He  exchanged  beads  and  trinkets 
for  gold  with  the  natives,  who  are  ex- 
tremely docile  and  kind  6.  81 

"  Dec.  C.  Columbus  sailed  eastward.  D(!C. 
24th  he  eneoimtered  a  storm  and  lost 
one  of  his  vessels  off  an  island  (llayti, 
or  Uispaniola).   1  he  natives  aid  him 


CHRONOLOGY. 


737 


to  land  and  treat  him  with  great  kind- 
ness  T),  81 

lie  makes  a  stand  here  and  erects 
a  fort,  planting  the  guns  from  the 
Avreck. 

1493.  Jan.  4.    From  here  he  returns  to  Spain, 

and  leaves  a  colony  of  thirty-eight 
men  G,  81 

"  Mar.  15.  Columbus  arrived  in  Spain 
after  a  tempestuous  voyage.  He  was 
received  with  every  mark  of  distine- 
tion  and  gratitude  at  court,  and  with 
general  rejoicing  by  the  people. .  6,  82 

"  May  25.  The  King  and  Queen  of  Spain 
confirm  their  former  treaty,  and  make 
the  oflice  of  Viceroy  of  the  West  Indies 
hereditary  in  his  family  6,  82 

"  Sept.  25.  Columbus  returns  on  his 
second  voyage  to  the  West  Indies  M'ith 
a  fleet  of  seventeen  ships  and  fifteen 
huntlred  persons,  with  everything  req- 
uisite for  conquest  or  settlement.  6,  8;5 

"  Nov.  22.  He  arrives  in  Hayti  and  finds 
his  colony  and  fort  destroyed.  Ho 
plants  another  colony  on  the  oppo- 
site side  of  Ilayti,  naming  it  Isa- 
bella 0,  8:i 

1494.  Columbus  while  at  Hayti  suppressed  a 

conspiracy,  and  sent  the  leaders  to 
Spain  in  vessels  sent  for  fresh  supplies 
and  reinforcements.  He  discovers 
l.irge  quantities  of  gold.  He  builds  a 
fort,  and  calls  the  place  St.  Thomas.  83 

"  Apr.  24.  He  continues  his  voyage 
among  the  West  India  Islands,  dis- 
covering Jamaica  and  Porto  Rico.  He 
becomes  very  ill  and  nearly  loses  his 
lite   0,  83 

"  Sept.  27.  He  returned  to  Hayti  and 
there  found  liis  brother  Bartholomew, 
whom  he  had  sent  to  the  court  of  En- 
gland in  1481.  He  had  returned  to 
Spain  in  time  to  talie  charge  of  three 
ships  which  were  ready  to  sail  with 
provisions  for  Hayti  0,  84 

1495.  Mar.  24.    Columbus  was  compelled  to 

subdue  the  natives  by  force  of  arms. 
He  levied  a  tax  upon  them,  thereby 
procuring  gold  in  larger  quantities.  84 
149G.  June  11.  Columbus  learning  of  enemies 
in  Spain,  who  were  working  his  over- 
throw, repaired  to  court;  with  the  tro- 
phies of  his  adventure  in  gold  and  the 
products  of  the  New  World,  convinc- 
ing his  patrons  of  his  success  and  the 
importance  of  his  enterprise  7,  85 

1497.  June  24.     John  and  Sebastian  Cabot, 

Italians,  in  the  service  of  Henry  VII., 
King  of  England,  discover  Labrador 
and  Newfoundland  10 

1498.  May.    Sebastian  Cabot  sailed  upon  a 

second  voyage  to  the  New  World.  He 
was  but  a  little  more  than  twenty-one 
years  of  age,  and  during  this  voyage 
he  explored  the  coast  from  the  extreme 
north  to  Florida,  and  finding  do  break 
in  the  shore  which  promised  the  pas- 
sage to  India,  he  returned  to  En- 
gland  11 

"  May  30.  Columbus  sailed  from  Spain  on 
his  third  voyage  to  the  New  World 
with  ten  ships,  after  a  delay  of  nearly 
two  years  7,  86 

"  July  31.  He  discovers  Trinidad  and  the 
river  Oronoco  7,  86 

"  Aug.  Columbus  discovers  the  continent 
of  South  America,  and  lands  on  the 
coast  of  Paria.  He  proceeds  to  His- 
paniola,  and  on  his  way  discovers  Ca- 
bagua  and  Margarita  7,  8G 

"  Colunibua  superseded  as  Governor  of  the 
West  Indies  by  Francis  Bovadilla,  who 


takes  command  of  the  colony  in  his 

absence  7,  88 

1499.  M.iy  16.    Americus  Vespucius,  a  Flor- 

entine, sailcil  with  Alonzo  de  Ojeda 
from  Spain  to  explore  the  New  World. 
He  follows  the  course  of  Columbus, 
aided  by  his  charts,  and  lands  upon 
the  coast'of  Paria.  He  proceeds  as  far 
as  Cape  de  Verde,  and  returns  to 
Spain  10,  87 

1500.  ColumI)us  was  sent  to  Spain  in  irons  by 

Bovadilla   7,  88 

"  Pinzini,  a  companion  of  Columbus  on 
his  first  voyage,  visited  the  coast  of 
Brazil  and  fliscovered  tlie  Amazon. 

"  Apr.  23.  Caliral  w.is  shijiwrecked  on  the 
coast  of  Brazil,  and  took  possession 
for  the  crown  of  Portugal  87 

"  Nov.  5.  Columlnis  arrives  in  Cadiz. 
Isabella  and  Ferdinand,  beroming 
ashamed  of  their  course  toward  him, 
invite  him  to  court  and  openly  apol- 
ogize for  the  conduct  of  the  new  Gov- 
ernor 7,  88 

"  Dec.  Ovando  appointed  successor  to 
Bovadilla. 

1502.  May  4.    The  Government  of  Spain  send 

Columbus  upon  his  fourth  and  last  voy- 
age, eiiuipped  with  four  vessels  and 
one  hundred  and  twenty  men,  to  dis- 
cover a  passage  to  the  East  Indies  by 

the  M-est  7,  89 

"  Aug.  14.  Columbus  discovers  Honduras, 
soon  afterward  the  Gulf  of  Darien  and 
the  adjoining  coast  7,  89 

1503.  Negro  slavery  first  introduced  into  the 

West  Indies  by  tlie  Spaniards  96 

"  Columbus  attempted  to  found  a  colony 
at  Vcragua  under  command  of  his 
brother,  but  was  prevented  by  the  hos- 
tility of  the  natives.  This  was  the 
first  attempt  to  found  a  colony  on  the 

continent  of  America  

"  June  24.  His  ships  being  disabled,  he 
run  them  aground  upon  Jamaica.  8,  90 

1504.  Basque,  Norman,  and  Breton,  fishermen, 

then,  and  for  some  time  previous,  had 
taken  cod  on  the  great  bank  of  New- 
foundland, and  on  the  shores  of  the 
island  and  neighboring  continent,  and 
also  of  the  whole  Gulf  of  St.  Law- 
rence. It  is  not  known  at  what  pre- 
cise time  they  began  to  frequent  these 
shores,  nor  when  the  great  bank  was 
discovered. 

"  Aug.  13.  Columbus  again  arrives  in  St. 
Domingo  8,  90 

"      December.     Columbus  arrives  at  San 

Lucca,  SpHn  8,  90 

1506.  John,  of  Honfleur,  published  a  map  of 
the  coast  of  Newfoundland  and  vi- 
cinity. 

"  May  20.  Columbus  died  at  Valodolid, 
in  hi.s  fifty-ninth  year  8,  90 

"  The  gold  mines  of  Hayti  yield  immense 
wealth  to  Spain  91 

1505.  Solis  and  Pinzon  discover  Yucatan. . .  91 
"      A  Canadian  Indian  was  seen  in  France, 

taken  to  that  country  by  Thomas 
Aubcrt,  a  Dieppe  pilot. 
1509,  De  Solis  and  Piuzcm  cross  the  equator  and 
coast  along  Brazil,  erecting  marks  of 
their  taking  possession  for  the  crown 
of  Castile  87 

"  John  de  Esquebel,  a  Spaniard,  made  a 
settlement  in  Jamaica. 

"  Don  Diego,  son  of  Columbus,  succeeds 
Ovando  as  Governor  of  Hispaniola  (or 
Hayti)  92 

"  Ponce  (le  Leon,  a  Spaniard,  conquered 
the  Island  of  Porto  llico  by  order  of 
Don  Diego  Columbus  93 


1509.  Nicues'a  began  a  settlement  at  N'iml)rt 
de  Dios,  which  proved  unsuccessful.  !i2 

"  Enciso,  one  of  Ojeda's  ca|it;iin---,  founded 
the  old  city  of  Santa  Maria  on  the 
lianks  of  the  Darit  n.  This  was  the  first 
Ep'scopal  city  on  the  continent,  and 
existed  but  nini^  years,  when  the  in- 
haliitants  and  Kpiscopacy  were  trans- 
ferred to  Panama  !'2 

"  Bi'.lboa  ap()oint('d  (iovernor  of  tin;  settle- 
ment of  Santa  IMaria  by  the  voluntary 
suffrages  of  his  associates  92 

1511.  Ferdinand  permitted  the  hnportation  of 

negro  slaves  in  greater  numbers. 
Velasquez  conquered  Cuba  by  order  of 
Don  Diego  Columbus,  Governor  of 
Hispaniola   93 

1512.  April  2.    Juan  Ponce  de  Leon  discovers 

Florida  in  searcii  of  tlie  f'at)k'd  '"Fount- 
ain of  Perpetual  Youth  "  94 

1513.  Se])t.  26.    Balboa,  after  exphn-ing  Tentral 

America,  crosses  the  Isthmus  of  Darien, 
and  discovers  the  great  (Pacific)  ocean 
on  the  west  94 

1514.  Don  Pedrarias,  Governor  of  Darien,  be- 

gan settlements  in  the  provinces  of 
Santa  Maria  and  Carta'_'enia. 

1515.  Alonzo  de  la  Hua,  a  S])aniard,  began  the 

discovery  of  Peril 
"      A  Spaniard,  named  Diego  de  Albitez, 
discovered  Chagres  Uiver  in  Panama. 

1516.  Espinoza  founded  Nata,  the  first  Spanish 

city  on  the  Pacific  coast. 
"      Jan.    Juan  Diaz  de  Solis  discovers  the 
Rio  de  la  Plata,  and  was  destroyed, 
witli  several  of  his  crew,  by  canni- 
bals  94 

1517.  Charles  V.  legalized  negro  slavery  in  the 

West  Indies  by  granting  a  patent  for 
•an  annual  import  of  4,000  negroes  from 

Africa   96 

"  Frances  Hernandez  Cordova  explores 
Yucatan   97 

1518.  June  9.    Grijaha  discovers  Mexico,  and 

olitains  considerable  quantiiies  of 
gold  93 

MONTEZUMA  XST)  CORTEZ. 

1519.  March  4.  Hernando  Cortez,  commissioned 

by  Velasquez,  arrived  at  the  river  To- 
basco,  in  Mexico,  with  600  men,  to  ex- 
plore and  conquer  the  territory. . .  119 

"  April  2.  Cortez  receives  messengers 
from  the  ofhcers  of  Montezuma,  tlic 
nionarcli  of  Mc.\ico,  inquiring  the  ob- 
ject of  his  visit  I'-O 

"  Cortez  assures  ]\lontezunia  of  his  friendly 
intentions,  and  sends  him  presents  of 
trinkets  and  curiosities.  Montezuma 
dispatches  100  natives,  laden  with  rich 
presents  of  gold,  jx'arls,  and  precious 
stones,  commanding  Cortez  to  instantly 
leave  his  dominions  120 

"  Aug.  30.  Cortez  plants  a  colony  at  Vera 
Cruz.  He  renounces  his  allegiance  to 
Cuba,  and  his  followers  elect  him  chief 
justice  of  the  colony  and  comuiander- 
in-ehief  of  the  army  121 

"  Nov.  8.  Cortez,  with  all  his  army,  enters 
the  City  of  Mexico  by  invitation  of 
Jlontezuma,  and  is  hospitably  enter- 
tained-  124 

"  Dec.  4.  Cortez  betrays  the  confidence  of 
Montezinna  and  makes  him  prisoner  in 
his  own  capital,  burning  his  son  and 
five  principal  otlieers  u])on  a  pile  of 
weapons  taken  from  the  city  ar- 
mory  125 

1520.  Montezuma,  through  fear  of  Cortez,  sur- 

renders his  supremacy  to  the  King  of 

Spain   126 

"     Montezuma  accompituies  his  submission 


738 


CHRONOLOGY. 


with  a  magnificent  present  to  the  King 
of  Spain  126 

1520.  March  31.    Fernando  Afagalhaons  (Ma- 

gcihin)  discovered  Patagonia,  and 
wintered  in  a  liarbor  on  its  coast,  re- 
suming liis  journt  y  in  Aug.  (which  is 
spring  in  (hat  hititude). 

"  De  .\l\()n  disrovcrs  Carolina.  A  con- 
si<leral>Ie  l)0<ly  of  the  natives  were  kid- 
napped and  carried  into  bondage.  286 

*'  Apri!.  Velasquez,  Governor  of  Cuija, 
sends  an  armed  fleet,  under  command 
of  Narvaez,  to  arrest  Cortez  and  his 
l)rincipal  otiicers,  and  send  them 
prisoners  to  Cuba  127 

*'  May.  Cortez  leaves  the  capital  with  150 
soldiers  under  Alvarado,  and  with  his 
army  marches  to  meet  Narvaez. .  .  12S 

•*  Cortez  surprises  Narvaez  and  his  camp 
by  night,  capturing  him  and  his  entire 
force,  with  the  loss  of  but  two  sol- 
diers  128 

"  June  24.  Cortez,  with  his  additional 
force,  returns  to  Mexico  in  time  to  save 
his  general  and  meet  the  Mexicans, 
who  are  determined  to  rescue  their 
monarch  and  drive  the  enemy  from  the 
capital  129 

"  Cortez  compels  Montezuma  to  appear  on 
the  battlements  and  exhoit  his  people 
to  cease  from  hostilities  129 

"  Montezuma  is  wounded,  and,  refusing  aid 
or  nourishment,  dies  of  grief  and  ex- 
haustion  129 

"  July  8.  The  ^Mexicans  make  a  general 
onslaught  upon  the  Spaniards,  and 
drive  ti)em  from  the  city.  With  but  a 
handful  of  his  forces,  Cortez  escapes  to 
the  territory  of  the  TIascalans. . . .  130 

"  Nov.  7.  Magellan  entered  the  straits 
which  have  since  been  calK-d  by  his 
name.  One  of  his  vessels  was  wrecked, 
another  turned  back  when  half  way 
through,  and  returned  to  Spain,  leaving 
liim  with  three  vessels.  The  straits 
arc  300  miles  long,  and  vary  in  width 
from  one  and  a  half  to  thirty  miles. 
Tlie  shores  are  precipitous,  rising  in 
some  places  to  a  height  of  3,000  feet, 
and  the  water  apparently  unfathomable. 
The  navigation  is  dangerous,  owing  to 
current.s,  reefs,  and  abrujit  turns. .  134 

"  Nov.  27.  He  entered  the  Pacific  Ocean, 
and  sailed  over  three  months,  most  of 
the  time  becalmed,  'i'hey  sulfered  in- 
credibly for  want  of  fresh  water  and 
provisions   131 

1521.  March  G.  .  Magellan  discovers  the  La- 

dronne  Islands.  March  16.  He  dis- 
covers the  Philippines  134 

"  April  20.  Magellan  was  killed  in  a  quar- 
rel with  the  natives  of  the  Island  of 
Mactan   134 

"  Magellan's  expedition  was  continued 
under  other  commanders.  Nov.  8. 
The  Isle  of  Borneo  discovered,  also  the 
MoUuccas   1.34 

"  April  2S.  Cortez,  reinforced  with  ships 
from  Ilispaniola,  again  attacks  the 
ca|)ital  of  .Mexico.  July  3.  Cortez 
di-stroys  tiu;  greater  part  of  tlie  city, 
but  the  frantic  .Mexicans  again  rei)ulse 
him   KJ2 

"  July  27.  Cortez  renews  the  attack,  and 
l)esieges  the  city  132 

"  Aug.  13.  The  Mexicans  surrender,  and 
(iuatiniozin,  their  monarch,  successor 
to •  Montezuma,  attempting  flight,  was 
captured   131 

1522.  Sept.  7.   Sebastian  del  Cano,  commander 

of  the  Vidori/,  one  of  the  ships  of  Ma- 
gellan's expedition,  returns  to  Spain, 


having  sailed  round  the  world  in  three 
years  and  twenty-eight  days,  being  the 
first  vessel  which  circumnavigated  the 
globe  134 

1522.  Oct.  15.    Cortez  was  appointed^'aptain- 

(4eneral  and  Governor  of  New  Spain 
(Mexico)  by  the  Government  of 
Spain.  135 

"  Cortez  proceeds  to  rebuild  the  capital 
and  open  the  mines.  He  enslaves  the 
Indians  and  compels  them  to  work  in 
the  mines  135 

"  Bermuda  Islands  discovered  by  Juan 
Bormudez,  a  Spaniard,  who  was 
wrecked  upon  them  on  his  way  to 
Vir. 

"  Coast  of  Peru  exjilored  by  Pascual  de 
Andagoya. 

1523.  Padro  Alvarado,  sent  by  Cortez  to  con- 

quer Central  America,  and  within  two 
years  had  subdued  the  whole  country. 

1524.  Yerazzani  ex])lores  the  coast  of  North 

America,  c;dling  it  New  France.  .  .  11 
"      Guatimozin  was  l)arbarously  executed  by 

Cortez  without  tri:d  135 

"  By  command  of  Cortez,  Sandoval,  an 
officer  second  in  rank,  burned  at  the 
stake  sixty  Cuziques  and  four  hundred 
nobles,  at  one  time  135 


PIZAKRO  AND  C0NQT7EST  OF  PEEU. 

"  Francisco  Pizarro  sailed  from  Panama  to 
attempt  the  conquest  of  Peru. . . .  136 

1525.  Diego  de  Almagro  sailed  from  Panama 

to  join  Pizarro  in  the  conquest  rf 
Peru   136 

"  Ponce  de  Leon,  commissioned  by  Charles 
v.,  proceeds  to  Mexico  to  incpiire  into 
Cortex's  conduct,  and  if  guilty  of 
treason,  to  arrest  and  bring  him  to 
Spain  135 

"  Ponce  de  Leon  dies  without  executing 
the  commission  136 

1526.  Sebastian  Cabot  sails  alon_!^  the  coast  of 

Brazil,  enters  the  Kio  de  la  Plata,  and 
follows  it  up  120  leagues,  finding  nu- 
merous inhabitants  11 

"  Pizarro  explores  Peru;  the  inhabitants 
were  decently  clad  and  cultivated  the 
soil ;  gold  and  silver  were  abundant, 
and  were  used  by  the  natives  as  ma- 
terials for  vessels  of  commonest  use. 

1527.  He  returned  to  Panama  after  suft'ering 

incredible  hardships,  bringing  two 
young  natives,  some  llamas,  and  various 
articles  of  gold  and  sih'crware,  as 
trophies  of  his  enterprise  137 

1528.  Pizarro  repairs  to  Spain,  and  receives  a 

commission  from  Charles  V.  to  explore 
and  conquer  the  territory  of  Peru,  and 
was  invested  with  military  and  civil 
authority  over  2uO  leagues  along  the 
coast   137 

1529.  He  meets  Cortez  in  Spain,  who  gives  him 

friendly  counsel  and  aid.  He  returns 
to  Panama  accompanied  by  throe  of  his 

brothers   137 

1531.  Feb.  Pizarro,  with  three  small  vessels 
and  180  soldiers,  sails  up(m  an  expe- 
dition to  concjuer  Peru.  He  lands  in 
the  bay  of  St.  Matthew,  marches  south- 
ward, attacking  and  driving  the  natives 

befiire  him  l;!7 

^Vhcn  Pizarro  invaded  Peru,  Huascar 
an<l  Atahualpa,  the  sons  of  Huana 
C'apac,  the  tbrmer  Kmpcror,  were  at 
War  with  each  other  for  the  supremacy, 
and  he  wius  lelt  undisturbed  in  his 

march   13S 

"      April  11.   He  conquers  the  province  of 


Coaquc,  and  seizes  gold  and  valuable 
booty.  Ho  sends  a  vessel  to  Panama 
with  some  of  his  spoils  to  allure  ad- 
venturers to  his  aid  138 

1531.  Colonies  planted  in  Brazil  by  Portugal. 

1532.  Pizarro  is  joined  by  adventurers  from 

Nicaragua  133 

"  May  10.  Pizarro  founds  the  first  colony 
in  Peru  on  the  river  Piura,  naming  it 
St.  iMichael  13S 

Pizarro  received  overtures  from  both 
Atahualpa  and  Huascar;  l)ut,  preferring 
to  remain  neutral  till  he  should  learn  the 
strength  of  each,  he  marched  to  Caxa- 
raalca,  the  seat  of  Atahualpa,  under 
l^rofessions  of  friendship  139 

Atahualpa  receives  Pizarro  with  groat 
conJescension  and  much  display,  olTer- 
ing  him  many  valuable  presents  and 
the  hospitalities  of  the  city   139 

Pizarro  and  his  soldiers,  inflamed  by 
the  sight  of  so  much  gold,  resolved  to 
betray  and  imprison  Atahualpa  and  his 
attendants  in  his  own  capital,  and  take 
violent  jjossession  of  the  country. .  139 
"  Nov.  10.  At  the  approach  of  the  Inca, 
the  Spanish  priest.  Father  Vincent  Val- 
verde,  with  a  crucifix  in  his  hand,  de- 
manded submission  to  the  Catholic 
religion  and  the  King  of  Spain. . .  139 

Upon  the  refusal  of  Atahualpa  to  ac- 
cept the  Spanish  religion  upon  such, 
authority,  Pizarro  and  his  soldiers 
rush  upon  him  and  his  unsuspecting 
attendants,  taking  him  prisoner  and 
destroying  thousands  of  his  subjects 
■without  the  loss  of  a  single  Spaniard 

139 

Pizarro  proceeds  to  plunder  the  citj", 
the  l)ooty  exceeding  his  greatest  ex- 
pectation. The  Spaniards  pass  the 
night  in  the  wildest  revels  139 

The  captive  monarch,  percei\'ing 
their  thirst  for  gold,  offered  Pizarro  an 
incredible  ransom  for  his  liberty. .  139 

He  proposed  to  fill  the  room  in  which 
he  was  imprisoned  (which  was  22  feet 
long  and  16  feet  wide)  with  golden 
vessels  as  high  as  he  could  reach. 

Pizarro  agrees  to  the  Inca's  terms, 
and  messengers  are  sent  to  every  part 
of  Atahualpa's  realm,  and  the  golden 
treasures  are  poured  in  for  the  ransom 

of  their  king   i:'9 

"  Dec.  Almagro  arrived  at  St.  ^lichael's 
with  reinforcements  from  Panama.  189 

1533.  Ilua'^car,  brother  of  the  captive  king,  him- 

self a  captive  of  Atahualpi,  olTered  the 
Spaniards  a  still  greater  sum  if  they 
would  aid  him  in  the  subjugation  of 
his  brother's  realm  139 

Atahualpa,  learning  of  this,  secretly 
sent  messengers  and  had  his  brother 
executed  139 

Pizarro's  soldiers,  impatient  of  delay, 
clamor  fi>r  their  share  of  the  Inca's 
ransom.  Bef  )re  the  vast  sum  could  be 
collected,  Pizarro  melted  tlown  the 
treasure  and  divideil  it  among  them 
according  to  their  rank  M" 

So  vast  was  the  qmniily  that,  after 
reserving  one-fifth  for  the  ( rown,  there 
remained  over  $1,50 ',000  to  be  divi- 
ded between  Pizarro  and  his  soldiers. 

Pizarro  refused  to  release  Atahualp.a. 
He  concocts  a  scries  of  charg'-s  against 
him,  and  jjroceeds  to  try  him  beldre  a 
court  composeil  of  Spanish  officers.  140 

'i'hey  condemn  him  to  the  stake, 
but  Father  Valverde  offers  to  niiiigato 
his  piinishmei.t  if  he  will  embrace  the 
Catholic  religion  


1 


CHRONOLOGY. 


739 


The  Inca  submits  to  baptism,  and  is 
kindly  condemned  to  be  strangled.  140 

Upon  the  death  of  the  Inca,  Pizarro 
formally  bestows  the  government  up- 
on one  of  his  sous,  thinking  to  gradu- 
ally supplant  the  youth-,  and  assume 
the  rulership  himself  140 

1533.  Pizarrii's  success  inflames  the  mind  of  the 

Spaniards  in  Panama  and  Kicaragua, 
and  they  rush  in  great  numbers  to  the 
field  of  conquest  14o 

Pizarro,  being  largely  reinforced 
thereby,  marches  to  the  conquest  of 
Cuzco,  the  dominion  of  Iluascar.  .  140 

AVhile  on  this  expedition  the  young 
Ir.ca  installed  by  Pizarro  dies. . .  .  141 

The  Peruvians  oppose  him  with  a 
strong  force,  but  he  puis  them  to  flight 
■with  gi  eat  slaughter  to  their  ranks,  and 
takes  jDOssession  of  their  c;ipital. .  141 

The  S|)aniard3  plunder  the  citv,  and 
the  spoils  exceed  the  amount  paid  for 
Atahualpa's  ransom,  and  the  rich  booty 
seized  at  the  capture  of  Caxamalca.  141 

Bcnalcaznr,  one  of  Pizarro's  officers, 
whom  he  left  over  the  colony  of  St. 
Michael,  marches  to  Quito,  and,  with 
little  opposition,  takes  the  city.  . .  141 

The  inhaiiitants  at  his  approach  seize 
and  hide  the  treasure  141 

Pedro  de  Alvarado,  an  officer  under 
Cortcz,  arrives  about  this  time  to  cap- 
ture Quito.  Finding  it  in  possession 
of  Pizarro's  officers,  he  agrees  to  leave 
the  country  if  Bcnalcazar  will  pay  the 
cost  of  the  expedition  141 

1534.  Ferdinand,  lirother  of  Pizarro,  arrives  in 

Spain  with  the  treasure  sent  by  Pizarro 
as  the  king's  tribute.  He  was  received 
with  distinction.  King  Charles  ex- 
tended the  dominion  of  Pizarro's  con- 
quest, and  confers  greater  powers  upon 

him  141 

Almagro  received  the  tiie  of  gov- 
ernor over  200  leagues  of  territory 
south  of  Pizarro's  dominion,  and  Fer- 
dinand was  also  rewarded  with  a  title 
of  distinction  141 

"  Apr.  20.  James  Cartier  sailed  from  St. 
Malo,  France,  with  two  ships  of  sixty 
tons  and  one  hundred  and  twenty-two 
men,  on  a  voyage  of  discovery  11 

*'  May  10.  He  came  in  sight  of  New  Found- 
hind.  Soon  after  visited  seveial  har- 
bors on  the  opposite  coast  of  Labrador. 
He  circumnavigated  the  island  of  New 
Foundland,  and  after  crossing  the  gulf 
to  the  continent,  visited  a  harbor  which 
he  called  Baye  de  Chaleur  11 

"  July.  He  took  possession  of  the  conti- 
nent for  the  King  of  France.  Soon 
afterward  he  sailed  into  the  river  St. 
Lawrence  11 

*'      Sept.  5.    He  returned  to  France  11 

"      Havana  destroyed  by  the  French. 

1535.  Jan.  8.    Pizarro  founds  the  city  of  Lima, 

and  establishes  his  palace  and  the  capi- 
tal of  his  empire  there. 

Pizarro  invests  Manco  Capac, brother 
of  Atahualpa,  with  the  government  of 
Cuzco,  and  appoints  his  two  brpthers 
in  charge  of  the  troops  141 

"     Almagro,  with  570  men,  attempts  the 

conquest  of  Chili  141 

May  19.  Cartier  sailed  on  his  second 
voyage  with  three  ships,  one  of  12", 
one  of  60,  one  of  40  tons.  He  pursued 
the  same  course  as  the  i)ieceding  sum- 
mer, and  sailed  up  the  St.  Lawrence.  11 

"  Sept.  2o.  They  pusscd  the  rapids  in  the 
ujiper  p  irt  of  the  Lake  Angoleme,  now 
called  St.  Peter's  12 


1535.  Oct.  2.  They  arrived  at  the  Indian  town 
ofllochclaga.  To  the  hill  under  which 
the  town  was  built  he  gave  the  name 

of  Montreal  12 

"  Mendoza,  a  Spaniard,  built  the  city  of 
Buenos  Ayres. 

1535-1550.  Money  coined  in  IMexico,  and  a 
printing-press  introduced:  a  university 
and  several  colleges  founded. 

153G.  The  Peruvians  revolt.  !Manco  Capac,  the 
Inca,  escapes,  and  gathers  the  Peruvi- 
ans in  great  numbers.  They  surprise 
every  Spanish  settlement,  and  destroy 
them  indiscriniinatcly.  and  attack  Cuz- 
co w  ith  a  force  of  200.000  men ...  142 
They  attack  Lima,  and  surround  it 
with  another  large  force  at  the  same 
time.  All  communication  being  cut 
ofl"  between  them,  the  whole  Spanish 
army  are  shut  in  at  these  two  points, 
and  are  besieged  for  nine  months.  142 
"  A  fort  and  trading  post  was  estaljlished 
on  the  site  of  the  present  town  of  Asun- 
cion, S.  A.,  whicli  gave  it  73  years  tlie 
]irecedence  of  Jamestown,  the  first 
European  settlement  in  the  United 
States,  This  colony  greatly  pros])erf  d 
under  the  hand.s  of  Martinez  de  Irala, 
a  man  of  great  energy  and  courage, 
who  dealt  justly  with  the  Indians,  en- 
couraging his  men  to  take  native  wom- 
en for  wives,  and  to  respect  both  the 
marital  and  parental  relations. 

1537.  Almagro  returns  from  Chili,  his  expedi- 
ti(m  proving  a  failure.  He  marches 
toward  Cuzco,  The  Inca  jjroflfers  him 
terms  of  peace,  if  he  will  join  his  forces. 
Almagro  rejects  his  proposals,  and  the 
Peruvians  attack  him.  He  repidses 
them  with  great  slaughter,  and  ap- 
proaches the  city  unmolested. .  . .  142 
The  Pizarros,  suspicious  of  his  mo- 
tives, receive  him  as  an  enemy.  A' 
magro  surprises  the  sentinels,  and  en- 
ters the  city  by  night,  captures  them 
both,  and  compels  them  to  surren- 
der 142 

"  Cortez  discovered  the  peninsula  of  Cali- 
fornia, and  explored  the  greater  part 
of  the  gulf. 

"  Pizarro  sends  a  large  force  under  Alonzo 
de  Alvurado  to  relieve  his  brothers  at 
Cuzco.  Almagro  endeavored  to  bribe 
him,  but  failing  in  this,  he  surprised 
him  l\v night,  taking  him  and  his  prin- 
cipal oflicers  ])risoners  142 

"  Alvarado  and  Gonzalo  Pizarro  escape 
with  sixty  soldiers  of  the  guard.  .  142 
Pizarro  induces  Almagro  to  release 
his  brother  Ferdinand  and  send  him  to 
Spain,  w'here  their  respective  claims 
should  be  settled  by  the  crown,  the  two 
factions  agreeing  meanwhile  to  keep 

the  ])eacc  142 

Upon  the  release  of  his  brother,  Piz- 
arro ignores  his  treaty,  and  declar(>8 
W"ar  upon  Almagro   143 

"  April  20.  ^\'ith  a  force  of  700  men,  Gon- 
zalo and  Ferdinand  Pizarro  attack 
Almagro  upon  the  open  plain  before 

Cuzco  143 

Alma  is  defeated,  and,  attempting 
flight,  is  captured,  and  after  several 
months'  imprisonment,  is  tried  and 
convicted  of  treason,  and  strangled  in 
prison  143 

"  Pizarro  continues  his  discoveries  and  con- 
quests in  the  remaining  provinces  of 

Peru   143 

1539.  Almagro's  ollicers  endeavor  to  influence 
the  Court  of  Spain  against  Pizarro.  143 

"      Ferdinand  Pizarro  also  appeared  before 


the  Court,  presenting  the  claims  of  big 
brother  and  himself  143 

1539.  Cliristoval  Vaca  de  (  astro  was  commis- 

sioned by  Spain  to  visit  Peru  and 
establish  order,  but  Ferdinand  Pizarro 
was  detained  and  kept  in  prison.  .  143 
"  May  30.  Ferdinando  de  Soto  arrives 
upon  the  western  coast  of  Florida 
with  9  vessels,  GdO  men,  213  horses, 
and  a  herd  of  swine,  to  explore  the 
country  and  search  for  gold  13 

1540.  Pizarro,  liaving  assumed  the  office  of  Dic- 

tator upon  the  death  of  .Mmagro,  di- 
vitled  the  territory  among  Iiis  compan- 
ions. His  ])artiality  arouses  jeaV-jusy 
and  a  thirst  for  revenge  among  the  ad- 
venturers. 

"  Pedro  de  Valdivia,  upon  the  death  of  Al- 
magro, attempts  the  invasion  of  Chili, 
and  founds  the  city  of  St.  Jago.  .  .  143 

"  Pizarro  removes  Bcnalcazar,  the  con- 
queror of  Quito,  from  his  couimanil 
over  the  province,  and  ajjpoints  his 

brother  Gonzalo  in  his  place  144 

Gonzalo  Pizairo,  with  a  force  of  340 
soldiers,  150  horses,  and  4,000  Lidians, 
cross  the  Andes  to  explore  the  great 
unknown  worltl  beyond.  Enduring 
ineredilde  hardships  from  cold  and 
fitigue,  they  reach  the  river  Napo,  a 
branch  of  the  Amazon   144 

"  Aug,  23,  Cartier  arrived  at  the  port  of 
St.  Croix,  upon  his  third  voyage,  with 

five  shi{)s  14 

He  anchors  three  of  his  ships  in  the 
mouth  of  a  sma'l  river  on  the  St.  Law- 
rence, where  he  builds  a  fort.  He 
sends  the  other  two  vessels  back  to 
France  fir  supplies  14 

1541.  In  the  spring  Cartier  visits  New  Found- 

land  en  route  for  France,  where  he 
finds  three  ships  with  200  persons  of 
both  sexes,  on  the  ir  way  to  Canada  to 
found  a  colony  under  command  of  Lord 
Bob'Tval  14 

"  July.  The  colony  arrives  at  St.  Croix, 
and  proceed  to  establ  sli  themselvi  s  at 
the  fiirt  left  by  Cartier.  They  pa.ssed 
a  tedious  winter,  suffering  from  sick- 
ness and  ])rivation,  and  the  following 
sunuuer  they  abandon  the  enterprise 
and  return  to  Fiance  14 

"  De  Soto  discovers  tlic  ^rs3issii)])i  Kivtr, 
and  explores  the  country  a  di.^tancc  of 
80  leagues  north  of -Mobile  14 

"  Fel).  (jonzalo  Pizarro  builds  a  boat.  an<l 
places  it  under  Orellana,  with  50  sol- 
diers, to  sail  to  the  nioutli  of  the  Xapo, 
there  to  await  the  atr.val  of  Gonzalo 
and  the  rest  of  his  conunand  144 

"  Upon  reaching  the  IMaraguon  (or  Ama- 
zon) he  finck  that  Orellana  had  dese  t- 
cd  him  with  his  vessel;  he  followed 
the  Amazon  for  fifty  lea:.ues,  and,  be- 
coming disheartened  and  dnstitute  of 
provisions,  they  re  trace  their  steps  and 
return  to  I'eru,  a  distance  of  l,2o(» 
miles   144 

"  Gonzalo  Pizarro  arrived  in  Quito,  af  er  au 
absence  of  netirly  two  years,  witli  a 
handful  of  his  men,  fand^heil,  naked, 

and  utterly  forlorn  144 

Francisco  Pizarro  was  assassinated  in 
his  ])alace  in  Lima,  by  a  band  of  con- 
spirators, the  friends  and  adherents  of 
the  son  of  Almagro,  whom  they  (Ic- 
eland his  lawful  successor  and  heir  to 

his  titU'sand  authoriiy   144 

Almagro,  junior,  is  openly  received 
by  the  numerous  enemies  of  Pizarro, 
and  is  io  iKd  by  800  vacrans  cf  Peru 

144 


740 


CHRONOLOGY. 


1541.  Vaca  de  Castro  arrives  in  Quito,  and  de- 

clares himself  Governor  of  Teru.  The 
loyalists  raliy  around  him,  and  ho  pro- 
ceeds to  march  toward  the  capital.  Jle 
is  reinforced  on  liis  way,  and  appoints 
Francisco  de  Carvajal  commander-in- 
chief.  145 

"  From  this  period  to  1821,  Peru  was  gov- 
erned by  a  viceroyalty. 

1542.  Almagro,  hearing  of  Castro's  arrival  and 

the  numbers  who  had  joined  him,  in'- 
iiiediately  si't  out  tor  Cuzco.  He  meets 
the  enemy  at  Cliupaz  145 

"  Sci)t.  10.  They  immediately  engan;c  in 
battle.  After  a  de.si)erate  strufjgle,  vic- 
tory is  declared  in  favor  of  De  Castr  >. 
Of  1,400  combatants,  500  lay  dead  upon 
the  tield,  and  a  greater  number  were 
wounded  145 

"  Aliiiagro,  with  40  of  his  follower,  were 
executed  for  treason,  and  the  remain- 
der banijhcd  145 

"  King  Chal  ks  resolves  tn  change  the  form 
of  governmetit  in  the  American  prov- 
inces, !d)olishing  slavery  of  the  natives 
and  military  despotism  145 

1543.  lie  framed  a  new  code  of  laws  which 

■were  very  repulsive  to  the  rulers  of 
Peru,  and  appointed  Blasco  Nu;.;nez 
Vela  Governor  and  Viceroy  over  all 
Peru,  with  a  court  of  royal  audience  in 
Lima. 

"  Alvarailo,  successor  to  De  Soto,  desccnd- 
ctl  the  Mississippi  from  the  mouth  of 
]{ed  River,  where  De  Solo  died,  to  the 
sea. 

"  Mar.  4.  The  new  Viceroy  arrives  and 
proceeds  to  prosecute  the  new  adminis- 
tration with  great  rigor,  lie  declares 
liberty  to  all  slaves,  and  deprives  all 
otJicers  of  their  lands  and  servants.  14(5 

Nugnez  Vela  continues  to  enforce 
the  huvs,  and  to  level  all  distinctions, 
and  without  regard  to  rank  punishes 
all  offenders  against  the  Government 
wiihout  mercy   146 

Vasca  de  Castro  was  loaded  with 
chains  and  thrown  into  the  common 
jail  146 

The  people  clamor  for  redress,  and 
appeal  to  (ionzalo  Pizarro  to  lead  them 
in  throwing  off  the  yoke  of  this  new 
tyrant,  ])le(lg;ng  their  property  and 
their  lives  to  ;iiii  him  146 

Pizarro,  after  long  hesitation,  at 
length  raised  the  stamlard  of  revolt. 
The  inhabitants  of  Cuzco  received  him 
with  open  arms.  They  elected  him 
Procurator-general  of  the  Sjianisli  na- 
tion in  Peru,  and  empowered  him  to 
lay  their  remonstranciN  1)  fore  the  royal 
Court  of  Audience  in  Lima. 

1544.  Upon  this  j)rete.\t,  and  the  fear  of  the  In- 

dians, he  Tuarches  with  an  army  toward 
Lima,  seizing  all  the  arms  and  Govern- 
ment artillery  anil  public  treasure  on 
the  way   147 

"  Pizarro  is  constantly  reinforced  by  the 
outraged  S|ianiar<is  on  his  route.  Ar- 
riving in  Lima,  he  (iiid-i  the  judges  in 
open. revolt  agninst  the  Viceroy.  ,  .  147 

"  8e|)t.  H.  They  sei/c  the  Viceroy  and 
place  him  in  confinement  upon  a  desert 
island,  to  be  sent  to  Spain  the  first  op- 
l)orl  unity  147 

"  Pizairo,  with  1,200  men,  appro  lehos 
w  ithin  a  mile  of  Lima,  and  dcm  inds 
the  ji]ipointmeiil  of  (tovertior  and  Cap- 
tain  t  icneral  of  all  the  pr.)vin('cs  of 
Peru  147 

"  The  judges  hesitate,  and  he  takes  pos- 
He.ssion  of  the  cilv   bv   niirlit,  and 


seizes  the  officers  of  court  obnoxious  to 
his  designs,  and  hangs  them  without 
trial. 

The  following  day  the  Court  of  Au- 
dience granted  Pizarro  his  commission, 
and  he  immediately  assumed  the  dig- 
nity of  his  otiice  with  extraordinary 
pomp  147 

1544.  Oct.  28.    The  judges,  having  placed  the 

captive  Viceroy  in  irons  on  board  a 
ship  under  command  of  .Juan  Alvarez, 
to  be  sent  to  Spain,  Alvarez,  as  soon  as 
they  were  at  sea,  released  hi-;  prisoner, 
and  declared  him  the  rightful  sovereign 
of  Peru  147 

Nugnez  Vela  ordered  the  pilot  to  steer 
toward  Tumbez.  Upon  landing,  he 
raised  the  royid  standard,  and  his  ad- 
herents quickly  rallied  around  him.  147 

Diego  Centeno,  a  bold  officer  under 
Pizarro's  Lieutenant-Governor  in  Cha- 
reas,  enraged  at  his  cruelty,  assassina- 
ted him  (the  Lieutenant),  and  declared 
for  Nu.uinez  Veia  147 

1545.  The  Silver  mines  of  Potosi  were  dis- 

covered. 

"  Pizarro,  with  a  large  force  under  the  brave 
Carvajal,  marches  against  Nugnez  Vela, 

who  retreats  toward  Quito  147 

Pizarro  follows  him  to  Quito,  from 
whence  Nugm  z  tied  to  I'opavan. . .  147 
Pizarro  dispatches  Carvajal  to  sup- 
press the  rebellion  under  Centeno  in 
the  southern  provinces,  while  he  re- 
mained to  protect  Quito  147 

154G.  Nugnez  Vela  l)eing  reinforced  in  Popayan 
by  Benalcazar  with  4<i0  men,  he  nuirch- 
cd  back  t)  Qtiito  to  attack  Pizarro.  147 

"  Jan.  18.  Piz  irro  hastened  to  meet  him, 
and  after  a  fierce  encounter  Nugnez 
Vela  fell  pierced  with  many  wounds. 
His  troops  fled,  bearing  their  wounded 
leader. 

Pizarro  captured  Xugnc.  Vela  and 
cut  off  his  head,  pl.u  ing  it  upon  the 
public  gibbet  in  Quito,  while  he  en- 
tered the  city  in  triumph  147 

Carvajal  soon  suppressed  the  rebel- 
lion under  Centeno,  dispersing  his 
troojjs  and  compelling  him  to  flee  to 
the  mountains  for  refuge,  where  he 
remained  hid  in  a  cave  for  several 
months  147 

Pizarro  had  unlimited  control  of  all 
Peru,  as  well  as  the  entire  fleet  in  the 
South  Sea,  which  he  placed  under  com- 
mand of  Pedro  de  Ilinojosa. 

Pizarro  also  took  possession  of  the 
Isthmus  of  Panama,  and  planted  a 
garrison  opposite  Panaiua,  thereby 
commanding  the  only  direct  passage 

from  Spain  to  Peru  147 

"  Spain  sends  a  new  Governor  or  President 
in  the  person  of  Pedro  de  la  Ga-^ca,  a 
])ricst  of  great  learning  and  ability,  to 

supersede  Pizarro  in  Peru   148 

"  July  27.  The  new  President  arrives  in 
Nombre  de  Dios,  invested  with  full 
civil  and  military  authority.  He  finds 
an  oflicer  of  Pizarro  in  charge  of  the 
port,  but  being  a  i)riest,  he  is  allowed 
to  land  and  proceeil  to  Panama.  .  .  148 

The  new  Pie^iident  is  hospitably  re- 
ceived at  P mama,  and  by  his  courteous 
address  and  jiriestly  office,  he  soon 
wins  the  officers  and  people  over  to  his 
cause   148 

Pizarro  i)repares  to  resist  the  new 
President  with  arms.  He  sends  a  new 
deputation  to  Sj);iin,  demanding  a  con- 
firmation of  his  exclusive  authority  as 
CJove  norof  Peiu  for  life  148 


He  also  dispatches  commis-icmers  to 
Panama  ordering  La  Gasca  to  depart 
immediately  for  Sp  iin   148 

Ilinojosa,  the  officer  in  command  nt 
Panama,  offers  Gasca,  by  authority  of 
Pizarro,  a  large  sum  of  money,  if  he 
will  voluntarilv  retire  and  leave  Piz- 
arro in  peaceful  possession  of  Peru.  148 

Gasca  immediately  erects  the  stand- 
ard of  Sj-ain,  and  all  tlie  ollicers  and 
soldiers  in  Panama  join  him.  The 
sympathies  of  the  people  are  also  with 
him   148 

1547.  Pizarro  prepares  for  war.    The  Court  of 

Audience  in  Lima  proceed  to  try  (iasca 
for  treason,  and  he  is  condemned  to 
death   148 

Pizarro,  at  the  head  of  1,000  men, 
the  best  equipped  army  ever  marshaled 
in  Peru,  declares  war  against  the  new 
invader  148 

Gasca,  meanwhile,  had  collected  a 
large  force  from  Nicaragua  and  Car- 
thagena,  and  with  the  troops  an<l  fleet 
at  Panama,  he  was  well  prepared  to 

meet  Pizarro  148 

"  Apr.  Gasca  sends  a  squadron  with  a 
body  of  soldiers  in  advance  to  Peru, 
and  messengers  are  sent  to  all  the  col- 
onies declaring  his  peaceful  intentions 
toward  the  ])eople   148 

All  who  were  dissatisfied  with  Piz- 
arro's administration  rallied  around 
Gasca    143 

Centeno  leaves  his  cave  in  the  moun- 
tains, and  with  fifty  adherents  attacks 
Cuzco  at  night,  and  captures  the  capi- 
ital  with  500  soldiers,  who  quietly  sub- 
mit to  him   148 

Pizarro,  feeling  the  danger  from 
Centeno  most  imminent,  niarchcs  to 
Cuzco,  and  prepares  to  attack  the 
enemy.  His  soldiers  were  all  motmted, 
and  as  he  a|ip-oache(l,  all  but  400  de- 
serted him  and  joined  Centeno.  .  .  148 
"  Oct.  20.  But  nothing  daunted,  he  bohlly 
advanced,  and  attacked  the  enemy  with 
double  his  numbers,  aud  after  a  bloody 
onslaught  Pizarro  obtained  complete 

victory  148 

"  The  booty  was  immense,  and  the  punish- 
ment of  the  vanijuished  cruel.  Piz- 
arro's army  increased  tlaily  in  numbers, 
but  in  his  al)sent  c  the  cilizei.s  of  Lima 
revolt,  and  erect  the  royal  standard 

under  Aldana   14S 

"  Gasca  landed  at  Tumbez  with  500  men. 
At  his  approach  all  the  settlements 
south  declare  for  the  King,  and  rally 
around  him  148 

(iasca  marches  toward  the  interior. 
His  kindness  ami  just  treatment  rapid- 
ly win  all  i)ai  ties  to  his  cause  148 

1548.  Pizarro   stubliornly  refuses    all  efforts 

toward  reconciliation,  <letermined  to 
settle    the    contest    by    the  sword 

alone   149 

Gasca  marches  with  1,600  men  to 
meet  Pizarro,  having  tried  every  expe- 
dient to  reconcile  him  to  terms  of 
peace  149 

"  Tizarro  and  his  troojjs,  blazing  with  the 
silk  and  golden  tro|)hies  of  his  victory, 
came  out  with  great  military  pomp  to 
meet  the  enemy  149 

"  Just  as  they  were  ready  to  engage  in  ac- 
tion, Cepe<la,  one  of  Pizarro's  first 
officers  in  rank,  rode  over  and  sur- 
rendered to  the  enemy.  The  e.xamp'o 
was  contagious,  and  the  greater  i)art 
of  his  army  surrendered  luul  the  re- 
mainiler  dispersed  14'J 


CHRONOLOGY. 


1548.  In  sudden  consternation  Pizarro  also  sur- 

rendered to  one  of  Casea's  officers, 
and,  together  witli  his   most  noted 

officers,  was  publicly  executed  149 

"  Chavez  founds  the  first  city  of  Santa 
Cruz  (le  la  Sierra,  which  was  afterward 
moved  northward. 

1549.  "Upon  the  death  of  Pizarro  peace  was  re- 

stored to  Peru,  and  the  new  President 
endeavored  to  satisfy  all  parties,  receiv- 
ing no  compensation  for  his  labors.  149 
lie  continued  the  exploration  and 
conquest  of  new  territories,  suitably  re- 
warding the  bold  adventurers,  thereby 
quelling  the  mutinous  spirit  which  had 

so  h'ng  reigned  unchecked  149 

"  Ccnteno  was  commissioned  to  discover 
and  explore  the  v.ist  regions  bordering 
on  the  Rio  do  la  Plata  149 

1550.  Feb.  1.   Gasca  returned  to  Spain,  leaving 

the  administration  of  government  in 
the  hands  of  the  Court  of  Audience, 
bearing  with  him  the  royal  revenue  of 
four  years,  amounting  to  1,300,000 
pesos   150 

1553.  The  entire  Indian  population  in  Cuba 

became  extinct  through  the  cruelty  of 
the  Spaniards. 

1554.  Francis  de  Ybarra,  a  Spaniard,  discovered 

the  mines  of  Santa  Barbary,  and  San 
Juan. 

"  Havana  again  destroyed  l)y  the  French, 
but  was  speedily  rebuilt. 

1555.  Nov.  10.  A  colony  of  Huguenots  founded 

on  an  island  in  the  bay  of  liio  Janeiro, 
in  Brazil,  by  Villegagnon,  a  Knight  of 
]\Ialta. 

1562.  Admiral  Coligni  attempted  to  found  a 
co'ony  of  French  Protestants,  or  Hu- 
guenots, on  the  coast  of  Florida — the 
territory  now  embraced  in  the  Caro- 
linas  28G 

1503.  Negro  slavery  first  introduced  in'o  the 
West  Indies  by  the  English.  Sir  John 
Hawkins,  who  decoyed  300  unsuspect- 
ing negroes  from  the  coast  of  Guinea 
on  board  his  vessel,  carried  them  cap- 
tive to  Hispaniola,  and  sold  them  to 
the  Spaniards  with  great  profit  to  him- 
self. 213 

15G5.  The  Hugueno's'  colony  expelled  from 
Brazil. 

"  Sept.  St.  Augustine  founded  by  the 
Spaniards  and  the  Huguenots  mas- 
sacred. 

1567.  The  Huguenots  avenged  throufrh  the 
massacre  of  two  Spanish  garrisons  in 
Florida  under  De  Gourges. 
"      Rio  de  Janeiro  built  by  the  Portuguese. 

1572.  Sir  Francis  Drake,  conunissioned  by 
Queen  Elizabeth,  with  three  small  ves- 
sels, descended  upon  the  coast  of  New 
Granada,  and  plundered  the  settle- 
ments, burnt  the  shipping,  and  held 
the  whole  region  at  his  mercy.  He 
returned  to  England  with  enough 
wealth  to  make  him  one  of  the  richest 
private  persons  in  the  kingdom,  and 
Queen  Elizabeth  received  him  with  dis- 
tinguished favor. 

frobisher's  expeditions. 

1576.  June.  Martin  Frobisher  sailed  from  En- 
gland with  three  sma!l  ships,  one  30, 
one  20,  and  the  smallest  of  only  10  tons 
burden,  to  find  a  shorter  route  to  Asia. 
Encountering  a  fearful  storm,  one  of 
his  vessels  was  lost  and  the  other  re- 
turned to  England,  but  no'hing  daunt- 
ed, he  kept  on  his  course  until  he 
reached  Labrador,    Skirting  the  coast 


he  entered  the  strait  which  bears  his 
name  and  took  possession  in  the  name 
of  Queen  Elizabeth.  He  broup;ht  away 
some  soil  and  stones,  among  which  was 
found  a  stone  containing  gold.  This 
created  great  excitement,  and  at  once 
three  ships  were  fitted  out,  and  in  May, 
1577,  Frobisher  sailed  again  for  La- 
brador. "He  filled  his  ships  with  the 
ore  and  returned  212 

1577.  Enough  gold  was  smelted  out  of  the  ore 

to  pay  the  expenses  of  the  voyage. 

AN  IMMENSE  ACHIEVEMENT. 

1577-80.  Drake,  with  six  ships  and  161  men, 
made  another  exi)editi(ra  to  South 
America.  In  sailing  thrnugh  the 
Straits  of  Magellan,  three  of  the  ves- 
sels left  him  and  returned  to  England, 
while  two  others  he  had  emptied  and 
turned  adrift,  leaving  him  but  one  ves- 
sel to  undertake  the  hazarclous  enter- 
prise. He  had  but  53  men  and  three 
casks  of  water  when  he  entered  the 
Pacific,  but  he  safely  reached  Peru,  and 
again  plundered  the  Spanish  settle- 
ments, and  captured  a  Spanish  ship 
laden  with  gold  and  silver.  He  then 
soiled  along  the  coast  to  California, 
which  he  took  formal  possession  of  in 
the  name  of  the  Queen  of  England. 
Thinking  to  find  a  northern  passage 
back  into  the  .Atlantic,  he  sailed  north 
till  he  reached  the  region  of  eternal 
cold,  but  found  no  gap  in  the  ice- 
bound coast.  Fearing  to  meet  the 
Spanish  cruisers,  he  resolved  to  sail 
westward,  and  reach  England  by  cir- 
cumnavigating the  globe.  He  accom- 
plished liis  purpose,  and  reached  En- 
gland in  1580,  after  an  absence  of  nearly 
three  years.  This  was  regarded  as 
an  immense  achievement,  and  hewf. - 
knighted  l)y  the  Queen,  who  came  on 
board  his  ship,  and  partook  of  a  ban- 
quet. When  the  Spanish  kiug  demand- 
ed his  surrendtr,  as  a  ))uccaneer,  she 
refused  to  give  him  up. 

1578.  Frobisher   sailed  upon  a  third  voyage 

to  Labrador,  with  a  fleet  of  15  ships,  a 
great  part  of  the  expense  being  borne 
by  the  Queen.  It  j)roved  a  terrible  and 
disastrous  voyage,  and  the  fleet  drifted 
into  the  straits,  since  named  Hudson's. 
With  difliculty  he  reached  the  islands 
containing  the  gold,  and  loading  his 
vessels  returned  to  Enghind,  and  found 
the  ore  to  be  of  little  value. 
"  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  obtains  a  patent 
from  Que.n  Elizabeth  to  di-cover  .and 
appropriate  all  lands  unoccupied  by 
Christian  powers  in  North  America,  in 
the  name  of  the  crown  of  England.  213 
Gilbert  approached  the  continent  too 
far  to  the  north,  and  attempting  to 
land  near  Cape  Breton,  lost  his  largest 

vessel  214 

1580.  Don  Juan  de  Gasca  appointed  Governor 
of  Buenos  Ayres,  and  much  progress 
was  made  in  the  civilization  of  the 
Indians. 

1583.  Gilbert  attempts  the  settlement  of  New- 

foundland, taking  possession  in  the 
name  of  the  Queen,  and  established  the 
cod-fisheiics,  from  which  England  has 
derived  more  profit  than  she  would  if 
the  island  had  been  tilled  with  gold- 
mines. 

1584.  Havana  strongly  fortified. 

"      The  territory  fro'u  Canaila  to  Florida 
granted  by  Elizabeth,  the  virgin  queen 


(whence  its  name,  Virginia),  to  Sif 
Waller  Kaleigh  213 

1584.  Sir  Walter  l{aleigh  fitted  out  U\o  v(  ss.  Is 

for  American  exploration,  commanded 
by  Amados  and  Barlow.  They  anchored 
in  Hoanoko  Bay.  The  natives  were 
very  hospitable,  and  these  worthy  En- 
glishmen did  not  betray  their  trust .  214 

1585.  Bichard  Grenville,  with  seven  vessids, 

authoiizcd  and  equippc^d  by  Sir  Walter 
Kaleigli,  landed  108  men  at  Boanoke, 
under  charge  of  Capt.  Lane,  to  found 
a  colony  211 

1586.  The  colony  was  abandoned,  and  the  ad- 

venturers returned  to  England  on  board 
Sir  Francis  Drake's  vessel  214 

"  Davis'  Straits  discovered  Ijy  John  Davis, 
an  Englishman. 

"  Sir  Bicliard  (irenville  arrived  at  Roanoke, 
and  brought  fifty  more  nun  with  pro- 
visions. He  left  tluin  to  hold  the 
position,  and  dejjarted  for  England.  214 

''  Tobacco  first  introduced  into  England  by 
Mr.  Lane   16 

1587.  Virginia  Dare,  the  first  child  born  of 

English  |)arentage  in  North  America. 
"  Raleigh  sent  tliree  shi])s  under  Caj)t. 
WHiite.  to  join  the  small  colony  left  hy 
Grenville.  Arriving  at  the  post,  they 
find  nothing  but  the  charred  ruins  of 
their  houses  and  the  bones  of  their 
murdered  countrymen  214 

1588.  Cai)t.  White  attempted  to  found  another 

colony.  He  rebuilt  their  houses,  and 
left  a  larger  number  of  men  and  more 
provisions.  They  attempt  friendly 
relations  with  the  Indians.  White  re- 
turns to  England  to  bring  them  aid  and 

supplies  215 

"  White,  upon  his  return  to  the  colony,  in 
an  engagement  with  the  Spaniards,  had 
his  vessel  disabled,  and  returned  to 
England   215 

1589.  Wiiite  returns  and  finds  the  colony  again 

destroyed,  and,  as  no  tidings  could  be 
heard  from  them,  he  abandoned  the 
enterprise   215 

1598.  Attempts  nuvde  to  colonize  Nova  Scotia, 
and  some  authors  declare  that  it  was 
attemjited  as  early  as  1515,  and  at 
various  periods  since. 

1602.  Bartholomew  Gosnold,  an  Englishman, 
in  a  small  ve-^sel  and  with  but  thirty 
men,  sailed  directly  west,  and  reached 
the  shores  of  America  upon  .Massachu- 
setts I'ay,  naming  the  point  where  they 
caught  many  codfish  Cape  Cod.  He 
discoveretl  JIartha's  Vineyard.  17,  215 

1G03.  Two  vessels  were  fitted  out,  and  sailed 
upon  Gosnold's  track.     They  re. urn 

CO  .firming  his  discoveries  215 

"  June.  JIartin  Pring  visits  the  coast  of 
New  England  40 

EXPEDITIONS  OF  CIIAMPI-AJN. 

"  Champlain,  with  two  sm.all  vessels,  one  of 
twelve  tons  and  the  other  fifteen,  sailed 
from  France  and  entered  the  St.  Law- 
rence River.  He  jiassed  the  i)romon- 
tory,  upon  which  (Ju<,d)ec  now  stands, 
to  the  island  upon  which   has  been 

built  the  city  of  Montreal  24 

1604.  With  a  motley  crew,  Champlain  again 
visited  Canada  and  attempted  a  settle- 
ment on  an  island  in  Pass.imaquoddy 
Bay.  'J'he  ships  returned  to  France, 
lca^^ng  seventy-nine  men,  who  exjjeri- 
enced  the  horrors  of  a  t  ana'li  >n  winter, 
thirty-nine  of  thini  dying  of  scurvy 
before  spiing.  'I'heir  wine  froze  >olid 
in  the  barrels,  and  was  served  out  to 


742 


CHRONOLOGY. 


til  cm  by  the  pound.  They  were  ro- 
lievcd  in  the  sprin<j  by  a  vessel  from 
France,  and  Champlain  explored  the 
coast  of  New  England  as  far  as  Cape 
Cod.  Returning  to  the  settlement, 
theypa.ssed  another  winter,  which  was 
much  mililer,  and  in  the  spring  of  16(i5 
he  returned  to  France  24 

1604.  Guiana  settled  by  the  French. 

"  Settlement  established  at  Port  Royal, 
N.  S.,   by  the  lluguenots  under  De 

Montz   24 

"     New  Hrunswick  first  colonized. 

lt)06.  April  20.  Nortii  America,  between  the 
34th  and  ;58th  degrees  of  latitude, 
granted  by  charter  of  King  James  I.  of 
England,  to  the  Plymoutli  Company, 
and  from  the  41st  to  the  45tli  to  the 
London  Company. 

1607.  Sir  John  I'opham  "attempts  to  found  a 
colony  on  the  Kennebec  Kiver  at  Saga- 
dahock,  Maine. 
"  May  13.  Colony  at  Jamestown,  Va., 
planted  uniler  Christopher  New- 
port 21G 

1605.  Jamestown  colony  reinforced  by  120  men 

and  a  hirge  stock  of  provisions  and 
implements  of  husbandry  217 

"  Champlain  returns  to  America  and  founds 
the  City  of  Quebec  20 

"  Sept.  10.  Capt.  Smith  chosen  President 
of  the  Council  of  the  colony  at  James- 
town  218 

Pocahontas  saved  the  life  of  Capt. 
Smith   217 

1609.  Champlain  discovered  the  lake  which 

bears  his  name,  and  defeated  the 
Iroquois  in  a  battle.  For  2(5  years, 
Champlain  presided  over  his  colony, 
and  died  at  tiuebec,  Dec,  1035. 

DISCOVERY  OF  THE  HUDSON. 

"  Sept.  21.  Henry  Hudson,  an  English- 
man, in  the  enii)loyment  of  the  Dutch, 
discovered  the  river  which  bears  his 
name,  and  sailed  up  the  stream  as  far 
as  the  head  of  naviga  ion,  and  (■xi)!<;red 
it  in  a  boat  to  a  point  as  high,  probably, 
as  Troy  !'00 

"  May  2:?.  '  England  grants  a  new  charter 
to  the  Viri;inia  colonies,  and  sends 
over  a  set  of  outlaws  and  imposes  them 
upon  the  colonics  218 

"  Smith  nearly  loses  his  life  through  an 
e.\plo-ii(»n  of  jiowder.  He  returns  to 
England,  leaving  500  persons  in  the 
colony,  which  were  reduced  in  six 
niontiis,  by  famine  and  disease,  to  00 

persons   210 

Eord  Delaware  arriveii  with  three 
fillips  iind  a  number  of  settlers,  with  a 
l.irge  store  of  provisions,  lie  is  made 
Caplain-tienenil  of  the  colony,.  .  .  219 

1610.  Lord    De  aware   visits    Delaware  I5ay, 

giving  it  its  name,  lie  returns  to  En- 
gland on  account  of  sickness,  and  Sir 

Thomas  Dale  takes  his  jilace  219 

"  Lord  liaeon's  company  attempt  to  settle 
Newfoundland. 

Hudson's  last  votaoe. 

"  Hudson  sailed  on  his  last  voyage,  and 
liefore  In;  had  t>een  a  month  at  sea  he 
tliscovcred  mutiny  among  his  crew, 
which,  with  great  ditliculty.  he  sup- 
pressed. At"ier  sailing  two  months  he 
entered  the  gnat  bay  wliit  h  has  since 
Ix'cn  ralleil  by  his  name,  and  which  he 
supposed  was  the  long-ought  jjassage 
to  the  l*ii(i(ic.  Here  In-  soon  fuund 
himself  hemmed  in,  and  d  seoveriiig 


1610.  the  fact  too  late  to  return  to  tlie  At- 
lantic, he  saw  he  must  winter  in  that 
desolate  region,  with  little  provision 
and  a  mutinous  crew. 

lie  remained  there  eight  months  be- 
fore the  ice  broke  up  around  his  sliip 
so  that  he  could  leave.  Utterly  forlorn, 
and  ap))ri  hending  the  worst  results,  he 
prep:ired  for  them  as  best  he  could, 
lie  gave  each  of  his  men  a  ccTtificate 
of  his  services  and  a  statement  of 
wages  due  him,  and  divided  the  re- 
maining provisions  equally  among  the 
crew.  During  these  preparations  he 
was  often  aftected  to  tears.  The  leader 
of  the  mutiny  was  a  man  named  Henry 
Green,  a  protege  of  Hudson,  who  owed 
all  lie  had  to  the  captain's  bounty,  and 
whose  life  he  had  saved.  This  man 
ins'igated  a  majority  of  the  crew  to  aid 
him  in  seizing  Hudson  and  his  friends, 
and  the  son  of  Hudson,  a  mere  boy ; 
and  thrusting  them  into  a  boat,  tiiey 
threw  in  some  ammunition,  a  fowling- 
piece,  an  iron  pot,  and  a  b;ig  of  meal. 
'J'hey  then  cast  off  the  rope,  made  sail, 
and  left  them  to  their  fate.  Nothing 
more  was  ever  heard  from  them,  and 
they  must  have  all  miserably  perish- 
ed in  a  few  days,  as  it  was  too  early 
for  birds  to  be  seen  in  that  frozen 
region. 

Green  and  his  chief  abettor  were,  a 
few  days  after,  killed  in  a  tight  with 
some  Indians,  and  another  died  from 
hunger,  and  the  miserable  remnant, 
emaciated  to  the  last  deg;ee.  reached 
England  in  September,  where  two  of 
their  number  revealed  what  had  been 
done   31 

IGIO.  The  Jesuits  decided  upon  Paraguay  as  a 
tield  for  their  labors. 

1612.  The    Frencli  Government  founded  the 
city  of  San  Luiz  do  iMaranliao,  Brazil. 
"      The  \"irginia  charter  was  enlargeil,  ex- 
teiidin:4  liOO  leagues  from  the  coast, 
tiking  in  all  the  islands  included.  219 
"      The  nefarious  lottery  scheme  was  enacted 
and  put  into  i)ractice  in  the  Virginia 
colony,   bringing    .£2!),<i00    into  the 
treasury  of  the  London  Comi)any.  220 
"      Pocahontas  was  taken  prisoner  by  Capt. 
Argyl  220 

1013-1755.  During  this  period  Nova  Scotia 
was  three  times  depopulated  through 
the  nearly  complete  <'X])atriation  of 
the  l'reneli-siie:ikii'g  colonists,  by  the 
English  during  their  wars  with  the 
French. 

"      April.    Pocahontas  was  married  to  John 

Kolfe    220 

1614.  New  York  settled  by  the  Dutch  on  Man- 
hattan Island  (now  New  York),  and  at 
Orange  (now  Albanv)  3(i0 

"  Tw  o  English  vessels,  under  command  of 
('apt  John  Smith  and  Thos.  Hunt, 
])rospected  the  sliores  of  New  England 
iVom  ('a|)e  Cod  to  Penobscot.  They 
drew  a  map  of  the  coast  and  presented 
it  to  Prince  Cliarli's.  who  gave  the 
country  the  name  of  New  Eiig'and.  300 

"  Cajit.  Argyl,  of  the  \'irginia  colony,  m;ikes 
a  raid  upon  the  settlement  of  New 
York,  and  demands  their  surrender  to 
English  authority.  The  colony  were 
not  able  to  resist,  and  for  one  year  they 
were  tribute  to  the  colony  of  Vir- 
ginia  301 

1015.  Chanqilain  explores  the  country  of  the 
Hurons. 

"  Javob  Elkin  became  Govenu>r  of  the 
coliuiy  of  New  York,  and  he  defied. 


and  successfully  rcsis'ed,  the  claims  of 
the  Virgiii;;i  colony. 

The  Dutch  erect  another  fort  on  Long 
Island   301 

1615.  The  Portuguese  drive  the  French  from 

their  colony  in  Brazil. 

"  The  cultivation  of  tobacco  first  intro- 
duced into  Virginia  220 

"      Baffin's  Hay  discovered  by  Baffin. 

1616.  Sir  Thomas  Dale  returns  to  England,  and 

the  government  of  the  colonies  com- 
mitted to  Mr.  Geo.  Yeardley  221 

1617.  Capt.  Argyl  succeeds  Yeardley  in  the  ad- 

ministration  221 

"  Pocahontas  died  in  England,  leaving  a 
son,  who  w;is  educated  there  34 

1618.  Lord  Delaware  died  on  his  passage  to 

Virginia  to  accept  the  office  of  Gov- 
ernor, the  |)ei)ple  becoming  weary  of 

Capt.  Argyl's  tyranny  221 

"  Mr.  Yeardley  again  accepts  the  office  of 
Governor  of  the  Virginia  colony. .  221 

1619.  June  19.     First  Colonial  Assembly  in 

Virginia   221 

1620.  Nov.  10.     The  Mnyflotcer  anchored  in 

Cape  Cod  harbor.  Tiie  first  white 
child  born  of  Emilish  parentnge  in 
New  England,  and  named  Peregrine 
"White   40 

LANDING  OF  THE  PIT.GRrMS. 

''  Dec.  Landing  of  the  Pilgrims  at 
Plymouth,  Mass  46 

"  England  transported  100  felons  to  the 
Virginia  colony  to  be  used  as  serv- 
ants  221 

"  Aug.  A  C'lrgo  of  negroes  brought  from 
the  coast  of  Guinea  by  the  Dutch,  and 
sold  to  the  ^■irginia  planters  221 

"      Paraguay  became  independent. 

GIRLS  SOLD  AS  -WIVES. 
"      Cargo  of  girls  sent  to  the  Virginia  colony 
and  sold  as  wives. 

Many  of  the  first  settlers  who  came  to 
Virginia  were  adventurers,  and  single 
men,  and  came  to  these  distant  shores 
expecting  to  amass  enough  wealth  in  a 
few  years  to  return  to  their  native 
country  and  live  at  ease;  but  finding 
that  if  fortunes  were  made,  they  must 
be  developed  by  cultivating  the  soil. 
Therefore,  in  order  to  successfully  es- 
tablish themselves  and  build  up  homes 
they  must  procure  the  "  iKmie-keeper.-,'' 
and  a>;  there  were  none  here,  they  must 
be  "imporled,"'  and  to  pay  the  expense 
of  their  pa.-sage,  they  were  sold. 

Ninety  young  and  respectable  women 
were  brought  over  in  the  first  com[)any, 
and  were  quickly  disposed  of  and  the 
enterprise  jjroved  so  successful  that  a 
second  company  were  ordered,  and 
sixty  more  came  over. 

The  price  of  a  wife  was  at  first  esti- 
mated at  120  pounds  of  tol)acco.  which 
sold  for  three  shillings  per  jwund,  and 
afierward  they  brought  150  jxnmds. 
This  was  considered  a  very  honoriible 
tninsuction,  and  the  wives  were  received 
with  so  uuieh  fondiu-^s.  and  were  so 
comfortably  established,  that  the  pro- 
ceiding  added  much  happiness  iind 

dignity  to  the  colony  221 

"  May  12.  First  marriage  at  Plymouth, 
Ma.ss. 

"  Plymouth  Company  changed  to  Council 
of  Plymouth,  aiui  a  new  charter  grant- 
ed. 

"  The  Dutch  make  a  grant  of  New  Nether- 
lands to  their  W.  I.  Company.  The 
\\  .  I.  Company  build  New  Amsterdam 


CHRONOLOGY. 


743 


(New  York),  and  found  the  city  of 

Albany   300 

1G20.  Scliools  for  Indians  established  in  Vir- 
ginia. 

1621-5.  IJiisuccessfal  attempt  by  Lord  Balti- 
more to  settle  Newfoundland. 

1632.  The   Indian    massacre    at  Jamestown. 

Three  hundred  and  forty-seven  of  the 
colonists  were  killed  in  open  day  by 

tlie  savages  222 

"      Uruguay  settled  by  Jesuits. 
"      Grant  of  Laconia,  i)arts  of  JIaino  and 
New  Ilampsliire,  obtained  l»y  Gorges 
and  Mason  from  the  Council  at  Plym- 
outh. 

"  Settlement  of  Newfoundland  attempted 
by  Calvert. 

1C23.  Maine  and  New  Hampshire  settled  by  the 

English  200 

"  A  Dutch  fleet  captured  the  city  of  Bahia 
in  Brazil. 

"  New  Jersey  settled  by  the  Swedes  and 
Dutch,  and  Fort  Nassau  built  on  the 
Delaware  Paver. 

"      First  white  child  born  of  Dutch  parent- 
age at  New  Amsterdam. 
1C24.  King  James  dissolved  the  Virginia  Com- 
pany of  London,  and  assumed  control 
of  the  colonies  in  Virginia  233 

"  Havana  taken  by  the  Dutch,  but  soon 
after  restored. 
1625.  King  James  discontinued  the  House  of 
Representatives  in  Virginia,  and  sup- 
plied a  new  form  of  government  to  the 
colimies  224 

"      Death  of  King  Jame^. 
•  "      March.    Charles  I.  ascends  (he  throne  of 
England.     He   appoints   Sir  George 
Yeardley  over  the  colonies,  at  the  head 
of  a  Council  of  12  men  224 

PURCHASE  OF  MANIIATTAX  irLAND. 


1626. 
1627. 
1628. 
1629. 


1630. 


1631. 


York,  or  ]\Ianliattan  Island,  bought  of 

the  Indians. 
Partnership  of  London  merchants  and 

American  settlers  dissolved. 
Salem,  Mass.,  settled   by  a   colony  of 

Puritans  under  John  Endicot. 
Massachusetts'  charter  surrendered  to  the 

settlers. 

First  settlement  in  New  Ilami^shire. 

Charlcstown  founded  by  the  Massachu- 
setts Bay  cohmy  244 

The  Dutch  took  Pernambuco,  and  ex- 
tended their  conquest  from  Para  to  the 
north  coast  of  Brazil. 

Wouter  Van  Twiller  appointed  Governor 
of  the  Dutch  colonies  by  the  W.  I. 
Company   301 

Sir  John  Harvey  succeeds  Gov.  Yeardley 
over  the  Virginia  colony  224 

The  French  attempt  to  conquer  New- 
foundland, -which  they  had  long 
claimed. 

Quebec  taken  by  the  English,  \^h6  were 
led  by  three  refugee  French  Calvinists. 

Boston,  Cambridge,  Koxbury,  and  Dor- 
chester founded  244 

John  Winthrop,  first  Governor  of  Mass. 
Bay  Ciilony   59 

First  General  Court  held  at  Boston. 

Fifteen  hundred  Puritans,  with  a  fleet  of 
17  ships,  ariive  in  New  England.  .  244 

French  settle  in  the  islands  of  Tortuga 
and  Hayti. 

The  Puritans  pass  a  law  restricting  all 
participation  in  public  affairs,  and  all 
citizenship  to  church  members. .  .  244 

FIEST  IRON  WOEKS. 


1635. 


1036. 


First  iron  works 
Lynn,  Ma  s. 


in  the  U.  S.  built  at 


1631.  Captain  .Tamos,  an  Englishman,  explored 
the  country  north  of  Hudson's  Bay. 

"  First  vessel  built  in  the  U.  S.,  and  called 
the  BJcHsing  of  the  Bay. 

"  Patent  issued  for  the  settlement  of  Con- 
necticut. 

1633.  June.    James  I.  granted  a  charter  of 
land  to  Lord  Baltimore,  which,  in  honor 
of  the  Queen,  he  named  Maryland.  277 
"      Canada  resloi-ed  to  the  French. 

1633.  Maryland  settled  by  a  Roman  Catholic 

colony  under  Loi'd  Baltimore,  whose 
kind  treatment  of  the  Indians  wins 
their  confidence.  He  purchased  their 
binds,  and  dealt  justly  by  them,  and 
established  religious  toleration...  277 

"  Elliott  Mayhew  and  John  Cotton,  emi- 
nent Puritan  preachers,  emigrate  to  New 
England  on  account  of  persecution  in 
England   244 

"  First  house  erected  in  Connecticut  at 
Windsor. 

"  Dutch  church  found  a  school  in  New 
Amsterdam. 

1634.  March.     Maryland  settled  by  Leonard 

Calvert   60 

"  Roger  Williams  banished  from  Ma8«a- 
ciiusetts  for  preaching  dissenting  doc- 
trines 245 

"      Representative  government  established 

in  Massachusetts  373 

The  French  make  another  settlement  in 
Guiana. 

March  8.    First  Assembly  of  Maryland 
convened,  composed  of  the  whole  body 

of  freemen  278 

Hartford,  Conn.,  settled. 
"      The  Virginia  colonists  send  Gov.  Harvey 
a  prisoner  to  England,  and  appeal  for 
redress  to  the  King  through  a  deputa- 
tion of  rheir  own  choosing  224 

"      July  4.    Providence,  R.  I.,  founded  by 

Roger  Williams. 
"      Massachusetts'  colony  makes  a  treaty  of 
peace  with  the  Narraganset  Indians. 
1037.  King    Charles    refuses     the  Virginia 
deputies  a  hearing,  and  returns  Gov. 

Harvey  to  the  colonies  225 

"      First  Synod  convened  at  Newton  (Cam- 
bridge), Mass. 
"      Destruction  of  the  Pcquot  Indians  in 
Connecticut   246 

EELIGIOUS  PEESECTJTION. 

"  Mrs.  Arnie  Hutchinson  was  banished 
from  Massachusetts  for  contending  for 
freedom  of  debate  in  religious  meet- 
ings. She  l:)ecame  a  leader  of  a  schism, 
and  John  Cotton,  Gov.  Vane,  and  a 
number  of  prominent  ministers  were 
among  her  followers.  In  consequence 
of  her  banishment.  Gov.  Vane  quitted 
the  colonies  and  returned  to  En- 
gland 248 

"  Harvard  College  founded  with  an  appro- 
priation of  £400. 

"  First  Congregational  Synod  in  Massa- 
chusetts. 

1638.  A  fleet  of  20  ships  arrives  in  Jfassachu- 
setts  from  England  with  3,000  emi- 
grants  248 

"  Another  massacre  of  the  colonists  of 
Jamestown  occurs,  instigated  by  Opech- 
anauough,    successor   to  Fowhattan, 

and  500  colonists  are  killed  233 

"  New  Haven  founded  by  Katon  and 
Davenport. 

"      June  1.    Earthquake  in  New  England. 
"      Massachusetts   colony   makes   a  treaty 

with  the  Mohegans. 
"      April.     First   settlement   in  Delaware 

ma  le  by  the  Swedes  301 


1638.  Kiei't  was  Governor  of  New  Netherlands. 
"      Harvard  college  endowed  by  Rev.  John 

Harvard,  for  whom  it  was  named. 

1639.  Gov.  Harvey  removed  from  the  Virginia 

colony,  and  Sir  Wm.  Berkeley  appoint- 
ed in  his  place.  He  estalilishcd  a 
Colonial  Assembly,  and  founded  a  sys- 
tem of  English  jurisprudence  on 
American  soil  226 

FIRST  PEINTING-PEESS  IN  NOETH  AMEEICA. 

1639.  First  printing-press  in  North  America, 

set  up  at  Cambridge,  Mass.,  by  Stephen 
Day. 

"      Corn-planting  was  enforced  by  law  in 

Jiaryland,  and  a  grist-mill  erected. 
"      First  public  hosjjital  in  America,  founded 

at  Quebec. 

"      A  written  Constitution  framed  and  adopt- 

cil  by  the  people  of  Connecticut. 
''      Newport,  lUiode  Island,  founded. 

1640.  Montreal  founded. 

"  First  powder  mills  erected  in  the  United 
States. 

"  New  England  numbered  2,100  inhabit- 
ants, with  100  ministers  ;  .£200,000  had 
been  expended  in  transportation  of 
emigrants  250 

1641.  Opechananough  shot,  and  the  Indian  war 

in  Virginia  soon  after  terminated,  225 

(see  loot-note.) 
"      Beginning  of  representative  government 

in  New  Netherlands. 
"      New  Hampshire  settlers  submitted  to 

jurisdiction  of  Massachusetts. 

1642.  The  English  House  of  Commons,  by  vote, 

exempt  the  New  England  colonies 
from  duties  upon  goods,  either  im- 
ported or  exported  251 

"  Oct.  9.  The  first  commencement  at 
Harvard  College. 

1642-45.  Indian  war  in  Maryland. 

1G43.  Way  19.  Union  of  the  New  England  col- 
onies with  the  Dutch  settlements  of 
New  York  for  mutual  protection. .  251 
"  The  Dutch  become  involved  in  a  war 
with  the  Indians,  and  the  N.  E.  colonies 
give  them  aid  and  sustenance. .' . .  251 
"  First  Union  foruied  by  the  colonies  of 
Plymouth,  ^lassachusetts,  Connecticut, 
and  Now  Haven,  under  the  name  of 
the  United  Colonies  of  New  England. 

1644.  Treaty  of  peace  between  the  N.  E. 
colonies  and  the  French  settlements  of 
jNcadia  251 

1644-45.  Rebellion  in  ]\Iaryland  and  war  with 
the  Indians  in  Virginia. 

1644.  Rhotle  Island  obtained  a  charter. 

THE  NEW  ENGLAND 

1644-46.  "Blue  Laws"  passed,  among  which 
are  to  be  found  these  peculiar  enact- 
ments : 

Pdasphcmy,  idolatry,  adultery,  and 
witchcraft  were  punished  l)y  death, 
and  for  any  crime  committed  on  Sun- 
day, the  additional  punishment  of 
cutting  off  an  car  was  added.  Kissing 
a  womnn  ()n  the  street  was  punished 
by  flogging,  which  penalty  was  actually 
inflicted  about  a  century  later  upon  an 
English  sea-captain,  who  saluted  his 
wife  on  a  street  in  Boston,  after  a  long 
separation.  Intemperance  and  all  im- 
morality were  ])unished  with  great 
rigor,  and  keepers  of  inns  and  public- 
ho i;ses  were  lequired  to  be  i)ersons  of 
approved  chaiacter,  and  possessed  of 
a  comi)eten(  y,  as  they  were  held  re- 
sponsible for  the  ct)nduct  of  tluirguests 


CHKONOLOGY. 


and  the  morality  of  their  houses — a 
"  l)hie-h\w,"  which  it  would  be  well  for 
the  counlry  were  it  now  in  vogue. 

TRIALS  A^•D  EXECUTIONS  FOR  ■\VITCHCRAJFT. 

1C45.  First  ti-ials  and  executions  for  witchcraft 
in  New  England  occurred  this  year, 
when  four  persons  were  put  to  death 
in  Mas>achu3etti  for  the  "crime  of 
witchcraft."  Although  tiie  bidief  in 
■witchcraft  had  prevailed  almost  uni- 
versally in  Christian  countries,  yet  the 
pecidiar  malady,  which  was  attriljuted 
to  "  wit '  hcrafi,"  did  not  appear  until 

near  a  h;df  century  later  271 

"      Cleyborne's  rebellion  in  Maryland. . .  278 

1646.  Mas'^acliusetts  passes  an  act  for  the  spread 

of  tha  (iosp(d  amonj;  the  Indians,  and 
John  Elliot  preaches  to  tbem  in  their 
own  tongue. 
"  The  Assembly  of  Maryland  (Roman 
Catholic)  pass  laws  tolerating  liberty 
of  conscience  in  religious  belief.  The 
first  colony  of  America  to  grant  toler- 
ance 279 

1647.  Massachusetts    made    the    support  of 

schools  compulsory,  and  education  uni- 
versal and  free. 

"  Thomas  Mayhew  establishes  a  mission 
among  the  Indians  of  Martha's  Vine- 
yard, Nantucket,  and  Elizabeth  Isles, 
and  was  eminently  successful  253 

"  Arrival  at  New  Amsterdam  of  Stuy vesant, 
Dutch  director-general  of  New  Nether- 
lands. 

New  London,  Conn.,  settled. 
English  Parliament  formed  a  missionary 
society  for  the  conversion  of  Indians  in 
America. 
Harvard  College  chartered. 
Maryland  extends  toleration  to  political 

principles   278 

Constitution  of  Maryland  settled. .  . .  279 
Navigation  Act  passed  by  England,  re- 
stricting the  commerce  of  the  col- 
onies  264 

"  The  English  Parliament  attempts  to  sub- 
•  ject  tiie  colonies  of  Virginia.  They 
dispatch  an  armament  under  Sir  Geo. 
Ayscue.  Berkeley  hires  some  Dutch 
ships,  and  aided  by  the  colonists,  resists 
them,  and  compels  the  English  Govern- 
ment to  grant  the  colonies  the  same 
privileges  enjoyed  by  the  free  people  of 
England,  and  a  right  to  free  trade  with 

all  nations  226 

"  Thirty  lashes  were  inflicted  upon  Obadiah 
Holmes  for  preaching  Hai)tist  doctrines 
in  Ma.ssachusetts  ;  and  pi  rsons  who  dis- 
ajjproved  of  infant  baptism,  or  taught 
otherwise,  were  banished  from  the  col- 
ony 2.'55 

1C52.  The  province  of  Maine  appealed  to  the 
colony  of  Massachusetts  for  protection. 

Their  petition  was  granted  30 

The  first  regular  book-seller  in  America 
wa,s  Ilezekiah  Usher,  of  Boston. 
"      First  mint  established  in  New  England, 
in  .Massachusetts. 
lOoG.  Cromwcl!   subverted   the   English  Par- 
liament and  maintained  peace  in  the 

colonies  till  his  death  226 

1654.  Yale  College  first  projected  by  Mr.  Daven- 
port. 

*'      (!uiana  seized  by  the  English. 

"  Cleytiorne  institutes  a  religious  war  upnn 
tlie  ('atholic  colonies  of  Maryland,  and 
j)roceetl8  to  i educe  thenj  to  subjec- 
tion 279 

1035.  Stuy  vesant  captures  the  Swedish  settle- 
ment in  Delaware  2:!0 


1648. 
1049. 


1650. 


1651. 


1655. 


1656. 


Jamaica  taken  by  the  English,  who  retain  '  1665. 
it  by  the  treaty  of  Madrid. 


1058, 

1659. 
1660. 


1662. 
(( 

1663. 


1664. 


160J 


rERSECCTIOX  OF  THE  QTJAKFltS. 

Qunkers  first  arrive  in  Massachusetts. 
Their  persecution  by  the  Puritans.  255 

Heligious  intolerance  was  carried  to  such 
an  extent  Ijy  these  misguided  zealots, 
tluit  they  actually  tormented  and  put 
to  death  by  scores  the  only  Christian 
sect  in  America  who  advocated  the 
doctrine  of  peace,  and  who  denied  the 
right  of  man  to  take  life  under  any 
circumstances. 

The  people  of  Virginia  erect  the  standard 
of  Charles  II.,  and  elect  Sir  VVm.  Berke- 
ley to  the  Presidency  226 

Four  Quakers  executed  on  Boston  Com- 
mon 257 

Charles  II.  restored  to  the  throne  of  En- 
gland, and  Berkeley  sent  by  the  col- 
onies to  congratulate  him.  He  is  re- 
ceived at  the  C>iurt  of  England  with 
royal  favor,  226  (foot-note). 

The  Dutch  renounced  all  claims  to  Bra- 
zilian territor\'. 

Elliot  founds  an  Indian  church  in  Massa- 
chusetts 253 

Trial  by  jury  restored  by  Charles  If..  220 

Church  of  England  established  by  Charles 
11.,  and  no  preachers  Init  those  regularly 
ordained  by  the  Bishops  of  England 
•were  allowed  to  preach  in  the  colo- 
nies 226 

Quakers  prohibited  from  emigrating  to 
Virginia  under  severe  penalties,  ex- 
cepting, however,  such  as  were  trans- 
ported for  violation  of  English  law.  226 

A  duty  of  5  per  cent,  w  as  levied  by  the 
English  Government  upon  all  merchan- 
flise  of  import  or  export  in  the 
American  colonies  227 

Great  English  Navigation  Act  estab- 
lished 227 

Supreme  authority  of  the  j'^ople  de- 
clared in  Maryland. 

Three  persons  lumg  for  witchcraft  in 
Hartford,  Conn  271 

Connecticut  colony  obtain  a  royal  charter. 

New  charter  granted  to  Khode  Island. 

Popular  assembly  in  New  Amsterdam. 

KEMARKAJJLE  EARTHQUAKE. 

Feb.  5.  Remarkable  earthquake  lasting 
with  short  intervals  for  six  months, 
and  extending  over  the  greater  part  of 
North  America.  The  face  of  the  coun- 
try in  some  localities  entirely  changed. 

New  Netherlands  conquered  by  the  En- 
glish, and  the  colonies  of  New  York 
and  Nevv  Jersey  founded,  with  Eliza- 
Ijethtown  as  the  capital  of  the  latter. 

Carolina  granted  to  Lord  Clarendon  by 
Charles  II.,  and  a  liberal  form  of  gov- 
ernment e.»<tablished  287 

First  settlement  in  North  Carolina. 

Guiana  again  taken  by  the  French. 

Aug.  27.  New  Amsterdam  surrendered 
to  tho  English,  and  Colonel  Nichols 
api)ointeil  British  Governor  304 

Elliot  translated  and  j)rinted  the  Bible 
in  tho  language  of  the  American  In- 
dians 253 

A  royal  ch.irt(r  granted  the  colony  at 
Albemarie,  and  Drummond  appointed 
Governor  with  a  Council. 

First  pcnnaneut  settlement  in  New 
Jersey. 

Every  town  in  Maeoachusctts  had  a  free 
school. 

June  12.    New  York  City  incorporated. 


1605- 
1666- 

1606. 


1070. 


1071, 


1072. 


1073. 


1074. 
a 

1675, 
(1 

1676. 


1677, 


1679 


Representative   government  established 

in  New  Jersey. 
Union  of  New  Haven  and  Connecticut' 

colonies. 

•79.    Jesuit  missions  founded  on  Lake 

Superior  by  Pire  Allouez. 
•75.   Marquette,  a  Jesuit  mis-^ionary  to  the 
Indians  of  the  Northwest,  explored  the 
Mississippi  River  and  adjacent  country 
to  Arkansas. 

The  \  irginia  colony  convened  an  As- 
sembly 287 

Negro  slaves  introduced  into  Carolina 
from  the  Barbadoes  by  Yeamans. .  283 

Deatli  of  Lord  Baltimore  281 

The  Assembly  of  Jliryland  pass  an  act 
for  the  naturalization  of  aliens. .  . .  281 

Act  of  1049  coutirn\ed,  estaljlishing  ab- 
solute political  equality  among  all 
Christian  denominations  2S2 

Nova  Scotia  ceded  to  the  French  by  the 
Treaty  of  Br eil  a  306 

Samuel  Stevens  succeeded  Drummond  aa 
Governor  of  .•\ll)emarle.  A  more  demo- 
cratic form  of  government  was  estab- 
lished 287 

A  colony  of  loyalists  and  noblemen  at- 
tempt to  establi-h  an  aristocracy  and 
a  town  at  Port  Royal,  under  patronage 
of  the  Duke  of  Albemarle,  calling  it 
Charleston,  in  honor  of  the  King. .  287 

First  settlement  in  South  Carolina. 

Old  Charlestown  founded  on  Ashley  River. 

Massachusetts  col  .ny  make  a  treaty  of 
peace  with  King  Philip,  an  Indian 
warrior  of  great  renown  633 

Fi  rst  copyri  g  h  t  gran  ted  by  JIassachusetts. 

A  mail  route  established  between  New 
York  and  Boston  by  way  of  Hart- 
ford. 

The  Dutch  found  a  colony  on  Ashley 
River,  and  call  it  Jamestown  290 

Mississippi  River  explored  by  Marquette 
and  Joliet. 

New  England  contained  120,000  inhabit- 
ants. Boston  had  15,000,  and  beggary 
was  unknown  in  the  colonies  262 

New  York  retaken  hj  the  Dutch  300 

George  Fox,  founder  of  tho  Quakers, 
visits  America. 

First  Legislative  Assembly  meets  in  South 
Carolina. 

New  York  restored  to  the  English. 

June  2t.  Commencement  of  King 
Phili])'s  war.   Attack  on  Swanzey.  202 

Indians  were  sold  by  New  England  to 
the  West  Indies  263 

EACON's  REBELLION'. 

Bacon's  rebellion  in  Virginia.  Berkeley 
attempts  to  suppress  it,  and  a  civil  war 
was  (leclared  227 

Guiana  taken  by  the  Dutch. 

Jamestown  burned  and  the  houses  of  the 
loyalists  pillaged,  and  their  property 
destroyed  229 

Aug.  12.  King  Philip  killed  and  his 
tribe  scattered,  and  the  greater  part 
destroyed  chiefly  through  the  great 
valor  and  per.->everance  of  Capt.  Benja- 
min Church   659,  696 

New  Jersey  divided  into  East  and  West 
Jersey  317 

Maryland  established  a  mint  281 

The  colony  of  JIassachnsetts  purchase 
the  territory  of  JIaine  from  Ferdi- 
nando  Gorges,  grandson  of  Ferdinand 
Gorges,  the  founder  of  JIainc  263 

Guiana  restored  to  the  French. 

Quakers  settle  West  Jersey  820 

.laniestown.  \'si,  destroyed. 
-16^7.   La  Salle,  the  French  explorer,  trav- 


CHRONOLOGY. 


745 


cised  the  great  lakes,  descended  the 
Ohio  River  to  the  falls,  and  the  Missis- 
sippi to  its  mouth. 

1680.  Foundation  of  modern  Charleston  laid, 

■which  soon  became  the  port  of  trade 
and  the  capital  of  Carolina  2!)3 

"      Portugal  establishes  colonies  in  Uruguaj'. 

"  A  war  broke  out  Ijetween  the  Carolina 
colonies  and  the  Indians,  which  was 
speedily  tcnninated  by  the  Governor 
olfering  a  bounty  ujion  every  captive 
Indian  293 

"  Indians  were  sold  to  the  West  Indies  as 
slaves  in  exchange  for  rum  21)3 

WILLIAM  PENN. 

1681.  March  14.  Pennsylvania  granted  to  Wm. 

Penn,  -who  colonized  it  o2\> 

"  Penn  starts  a  colony  on  the  Delaware 
River  320 

"     First  Legislative  Assembly  of  Quakers. 

"  First  Legi  dature  of  New  Jersey  convened. 
1C82.  Oct.  24.    Penn  arrivLS  in  America.  .  328 

"  Penn  makes  a  treaty  with  the  Indians, 
and  pavs  them  for  their  hinds. . . .  329 

"  The  city  "of  Philadelphia  founded . .  330 
De  La  Salle  takes  po  session  of  the  coun- 
try on  both  sides  the  Mississij^pi  River, 
calling  it  Louisiana. 

"  Gov.  West,  of  Carolina,  holds  a  par'ia- 
ment  in  Charltstonto  pass  laws  for  the 
general  protection  of  the  colonies.  293 

"      East  Jersey  bought  by  the  Quakers.  .318 

"      Fir.-t  Legislature  of  Pennsylvania. 

1083.  Lord  Craven   appointed   Governor  of 

Carolina  in  place  of  West  293 

"      First  Legislative  Assembly  held  in  New 

York  308 

"      Second  Assembly  held  in  Philadelphia, 

and  a  new  Constitution  adopted  and 

new  laws  passed  330 

"      Roger  Williams  dies  in  his  S4th  year. 

1084.  Carolina  encourages  the  tratfic  in  Indians. 
1685.  Piracy  in  the  West  Indies  was  encouraged 

by  Gov.  Quarry,  of  Carolina. 

"  King  James,  through  Governor  Arnold, 
cancels  the  charter  of  Rhode  I.'^land, 
and  extends  the  royal  government  of 
New  England  to  that  dependency.  2(i7 

"  Arnold  proceeds  to  Hartford  with  a  body 
of  troops  and  demands  the  surrender 
of  their  charter.  The  Assembly  were 
in  session.  They  artfully  conceal  the 
charter,  and  refuse  to  give  it  up. .  207 
1080.  First  Episcopal  parish  formed  in  Boston. 

"  Massachusetts  deprived  of  her  char- 
ter 200 

"  The  Spaniards  invade  South  Carolina, 
and  destroy  the  settlement  at  Port 

Royal  294 

1687.  First  printing-press  established  near 
Philadelphia  by  William  Bndford. 

"     Eevnlution  in  England,  and  King  James 
driven  away. 
1628.  New  York   and  New  Jersey  colonies 
united  to  New  England. 

A  WOMAlf  EXECUTED  FOR  AVITCIICKAFT. 

1088.  A  woman  executed  in  Boston  for  witch- 
crafr,  after  a  long  and  solemn  investi- 
gation, and  a  book  was  publ  slied  with 
a  fall  account  of  the  proceedings,  to 
which  was  added  a  preface,  by  the  Rev. 
Richard  Baxter,  in  which  he  declared, 
"  that  any  one  who  dis))elieved  the 
truthfulness  of  the  account  was  a 
Sadducee"  271 

1689.  William  III.  accedes  to  the  English 
throne. 

"  Sir  Edmund  Andros  sc'zed  and  im- 
prisoned in  Boston,  and  sent  li  me  to 


England.  The  people  rise  in  mass  and 
resort  to  arms  208 

1689-97.  King  William's  war  between  the 
French,  with  their  Indian  allies,  and 
New  England  269 

1090.  Feb.  8.     Schenectady  burned  by  the 
French  and  Indians. 
"      The    colonies    attack   Quebec,  under 
Phip])s ;  reinforcements   failing  him, 
he  retreats  with  a  loss  of  1,000  men.  209 

FIKST  PAPEK  MONEY. 

"  First  paper  money  issued  in  Massachu- 
setts. 

"  Exp(Hlition  against  Port  Poyal,  Nova 
Scotia,  by  Sir  \Vm.  Pliipps,  of  Massa- 
chusetts 209 

1691.  Trial  and  execution  of  Leisler  and  Mil- 

bourne,  at  Jsew  York,  on  a  charge  of 
treasi>n. 

"  New  England  contained  150,000  inhabit- 
ants. 

"      Acadia  seized  and  plundered. 
"      Maryland  made  a  royal  province. 

1692.  Massachusetts  Bay  colony  and  Plymouth 

colony  united  under  a  new  charter; 

Pliipp-i  appointed  Governor  270 

"      Sir  Edmund  Andros  appointed  Governor 

of  New  England  by  James  II  231 

"      William    an(l   Mary  College,  Virginia, 

chartered. 

"  Massachusetts  made  a  royal  province, 
and  Pennsylvania  taken  Irom  William 
Penn. 

A  PLAGUE  ASCRIBED  TO  "WITCHCRAFT. 


1699. 
it 

l( 

1700. 

(C 

1701. 
u 

(( 

t( 

1702. 
(( 

u 

1703. 


1704. 


1692.  Witchcraft  in  Salem,  and  many  people 
put  to  death.  A  strange  and  epidem- 
ical distemper,  resembling  epilepsy,  ap- 
peared in  Salem,  which  baffled  the  skill 
of  the  phyjicians,  who,  failing  to  • 
count  for  it,  or  produce  a  cure,  persuad- 
ed the  poor  victims  to  ascribe  it  to 
"Witchcraft."  Impelled  by  a  dark 
and  cruel  superstition,  the  "  Christian 
people "  declared  these  unfortunate 
creatures  to  be  "  possessed  of  the 
devil."  Accordingly,  solemn  fasts  and 
assemblies  for  extraordinary  prayer 
were  held  by  the  clergy.  Inflamed  by 
a  fanatical  zeal,  and  ins[;ired  by  a  spirit 
which  was  a  relic  of  the  dark  and  bar- 
barous ages  they  were  just  emerging 
from,  these  deluded  yet  truly  conscien- 
tious and  pioas  people,  resorted  to  the  1700. 
most  cruel  jjunishments  and  death,  to  1709. 
exterminate  a  ])lague  which  their  sol- 
enm  fasts  and  long-continued  prayers  1710. 
and  protestations  had  failed  to  cure.  271  j  " 

1093.  Episcr;j)al  Church  established  at  New 

York.  i  « 

"      First  printinu-press  established  at  New 

York  by  William  Bradford.  1711. 

1094.  Penn's  rights  in  Pennsylvania  restored.  1712. 
1695.  Rice  first  introduced  into  Carolina  from 

Africa. 

"  John  Archdale  appointed  Governor  of 
Scnith  Carolina.  His  wise  administra- 
tion established  peace  in  the  colo- 
nies 297 

1690.  Archdale  resigns  and  returns  to  England. 

The  grateful  acknowledgments  of  the 
colonies  accompany  him.  Joseph  Blake 
appointed  his  successor  297 

"      Indian  attack  on  Haverhill.  1713. 

1097.  Close  of  King  William's  war. 

1098.  French  coIo:iy  arrive  at  the  mouth  of 

the  Mississii)p!. 
"      Earl  of  Belmont  ajjpoin'ed  Governor  of 
New  York. 


CAPTAIK  KIDD. 
Capt.  Kidd,  the  pirate,  apprehended  at 

Boston. 

The  capital  of  Maryland  removed  from 
St.  Mary's  to  Annapolis  285 

Louisiana  settled  by  the  French  at  what 
is  now  Biloxi,  Mississippi. 

Lead  mines  discovered  by  Le  Sucr,  a 
French  explorer,  at  Dubuque,  Iowa. 

Death  of  Gov.  Blake,  of  South  Carolina. 

Fort  Rosalie  built  near  the  present  site 
of  the  city  of  Natchez. 

Detroit  founded  by  the  French. 

Commencement  of  Queen  Anne's  war. 

Yale  College  founded. 

New  frame  of  government  given  to  Penn- 
sylvania. 

Mobile  settled  by  the  French  and  became 

the  capital  of  Louisiana. 
Episcopal  Church  founded  in  New  Jersey 

and  Rhode  Island. 
The  Jerseys  united  in  a  royal  province. 
Culture  of  silk  introduced  into  Carol. na. 
Duty  of  £4  steriing  laid  on  imported 

negroes  in  5Iassacliuse!ts. 
Gov.  Moore  succeeded  Blake  in  South 

Carolina. 

An  Indian  war,  instigated  by  the  Span- 
iards, was  prosecuted  with  great 
violence  in  South  Carolina.  But  Gov. 
Moore  speedily  suppressed  it,  and  the 
enemy  surrendered  and  submitted  to 
English  rule.  The  colonies  lost  800 
men. 

Fourteen  hundred  Indians  were  colo- 
nized in  Georgia. 

Tonnage  duty  laid  by  Rhode  Island  on 
foreign  vessels. 

Maryland  passed  an  act  to  "prevent  the 
growth  of  Popery." 

First  newsp'iper  (Boston  Neits-Letter) 
published  at  Boston  by  Bartholomew 
Green. 

Catholics  persecuted  by  Protestants  in 
Maryland  285 

MASSACRE  IX  MASSACnUSETTS. 

French  and  Indian  massacre  at  Deerfield, 
Mass.  They  burned  the  village  and 
killed  47  persons,  taking  112  captive, 
among  them  many  women  and  young 
children,  who  were  compelled  to  march 
through  dense  forests  and  over  deep 
snows  to  Canada,  many  perishing  by 
the  way  646 

Bills  of  credit  issued  by  Carolina. 

First  i)rinting-press  iji  Connecticut  set 
up  at  New  Limdon  by  Thos.  Short. 

First  colonial  i)ost-ofllce  at  New  York. 

Germans  plant  a  colony  in  North  Caro- 
lina. 

Nova  Scotia  permanentl}'  annexed  to  the 

British  crown. 
South  Sea  Company  incorporated. 
Free  schools  founded  in  Charlestown, 

Mass. 

MASSACRE  IN  NORTH  CAROLINA. 

Indian  massacre  in  North  Carolina.  One 
hundred  and  thirty-seven  of  the  colo- 
nis's  killed  at  first  attack.  .\ss'sted  by 
South  Cari)lina,  the  colonists  mako  a 
general  attack  upon  the  Indians  and 
defeat  them  with  great  slaughter,  and 
drive  them  from  the  province. .  . .  299 

Close  of  Queen  Anne's  war. 

Final  cession  of  Nova  Scotia  to  Great 
Britain. 

Slaves  are  transjjorted  to  South  Carolina, 
by  I'riiish  ships,  in  great  numbers,  to 
cultivate  liec. 


746 


CHRONOLOGY. 


1714.  First  schooner  built  at  ('a])c  Ann. 

1715.  New  Orleans  and  Natchez  founded  by  the 

French. 

1717.  Spanish  Qovemmcnt  monopolize  the  to- 

liacco  trade. 
"      Yale  Collei^e  removed  from  Saybrook  to 
New  Haven. 

1718.  Impost  duties  laid  by  Massachusetts  on 

English  manufactures  and  English 
ships. 

1719.  Firs',  Presbyterian  church  founded  in  New 

York. 

1720.  Tea  first  introduced  info  New  England. 
"      Lead  mines  first  worked  in  Missouri  by 

Heynoult  and  La  Motte. 

1721.  Inociilation  for  small-po-x  introduced  into 

N.  E  405 

1722.  Paper  money  first  used  in  Pennsylvania. 
1725.  First  newspaper  in  New  Yoik  (N.  Y. 

Gaze/te)  published  by  Wm.  Bradford. 
1727.  Earthquake  in  New  England. 
1730.  Printing-press  and  newsjiaper  established 

at  Charlcstown,  SouUi  Carolina. 

1732.  Tobacco  and  corn  made  legal  tender  in 

Maryland. 

BIETII  OF  WASHmaTON. 

*'  Birth  of  Geo.  Washington  in  Washington 
parish,  Virginia. 

"  First  printing-press  and  newspaper  es- 
tablished at  NeW[)ort.  K.  I. 

"  Carolina  divided  into  North  and  South 
Carolina  352 

"  June.  Georgia  founded  by  Oglcthorp, 
and  a  charter  granted. 

1733.  Feb.    Savannah,  Ga.,  founded. 

FIRST  MASONIC  GEAXD  LODGE  IK  AMERICA. 


1740. 
1748. 


1751. 


1752. 


1733. 


1734. 

1735. 

I7.'ir,- 

1737. 
173S. 
17:39. 

1740. 


1741 


1742, 
1744, 
1745, 


1746, 


July  30.  First  Grand  Lodge  of  Free- 
masons on  the  American  continent, 
constituted  in  New  England,  and  called 
St.  John's  Gr.ind  Lodge,  by  Henry 
Price,  a  successful  merchant  of  Boston, 
who  received  his  appointment  from 
Anthony,  Lord  Viscount  ^lontaguc, 
Grand  Mastor  of  England.  Mr.  I'rice 
is  consiilered  the  father  of  Masonry  in 
the  United  States. 

First  Freemasons'  lodge  held  at  Boston. 

England  colonized  paupers  in  Geor- 
gia  352 

Revival  of  religion  in  New  England  under 
Jonathan  Edwards. 

"Vincennes,  Ind  ,  founded  by  the  French. 
7.  Preaching  of  the  Wesleys  in  Georgia. 

Karth<|uake  in  New  Jersey. 

College  at  PrincLton,  N.  .1.,  founded. 

Attack  upon  the  Spaniards  in  Florida  by 
Admiral  Vernon  352 

First  stove  Caca^t-iron  fireplace)  invented 
by  Dr.  Franklin,  upon  which  he  re- 
fused to  accept  letters  jjatent  offered 
him  by  the  Gov.  of  Pa.,  wishing  to  give 
the  benefit  of  his  discovery  to  the 
people. 

•'  General  Mairazine  and  Ilislorical  Chron- 
icle "  published  by  Franklin. 

New  Hampshire  separated  from  Massa- 
chusetts. 

July  iH.  Vitus  Bel) ring,  a  celebrated 
UuBsian  ex])lnrer,  discovered  Alaska. 

Fanenil  Hall  built  by  Peter  FaneuiL 

King  (ieorgc's  war  began. 

Louisbourg,  on  Cape  Breton  Island,  ta- 
ken t)y  the  P-ng'i.sh  under  Col.  Pep- 
P'Tcl  353 

England  and  France  determined  to  wage 
a  war  of  cxternrination  upon  cacli 
other  in  their  .Xnicricjin  colonies.  .  3")3 

Gov.  Shirley  attempted  to  drive  the 
French  and  Indians  from  Nova  Scotia ; 


was  defeated.    He  attacked  the  enemy 

at  Crown  Point  353 

French  fleet  under  D'Anville  destroyed. 
New  England  froo])s  compelled  to  re- 
linquish l^ouisbourg  353 

"      New  England  issues  I)ills  of  credit. .  353 
1749.  Moravian  Seminary,  first  ctninent  school 
for  gills,  organized  at  Bethlehem,  Pa. 
"      Ohio  Company  chartered. 

Sugar-cane  first  cultivated  in  the  U.*S. 
by  the  Jesuits,  on  tiie  banks  of  the 
Mississippi  Kivcr,  above  X.  O.  The 
plants  were  brought  from  San  Do- 
mingo. 

Georgia  becomes  a  royal  province. 

WASniXCTOx's  TEEILOrS  MISSION. 

1753.  Geo.  Washington,  at  the  age  of  21  years, 

was  sent  by  Gov.  Uinwiddie,  of  Vir- 
ginia, to  the  French  commandtr,  on 
the  banks  of  the  Ohio,  to  ccmfer  in  re- 
gard to  a  settlement  of  rights  of  terri- 
tory. Unsuccessful  in  his  mission  he 
returned  on  foot,  a  distance  of  over 
5o0  miles,  tlirough  a  wild  and  dan- 
gerous country,  with  but  one  compan- 
ion. The  Indians  followed  him  and 
attempted  his  life  by  shooting  at  him 
from  an  anihush  354 

1754.  Columbia  College  founded  in  New  York. 
King's  (Columbia)  College  chattered. 
Tennessee  first  settled. 


"  April  2.  Col.  Frye  was  sent  with  a 
regiment  of  Virginia  troops,  aided  by 
Geo.  Washington,  who  was  second  in 
command,  to  occupy  the  fort  of  tiie 
Allegheny  and  Monongahela  Rivers. 
Finding  the  Frenc'i  had  already  erected 
a  fort,  calling  it  '' Du  Quesne,"  they 
hastened  to  attack  the  French,  sur- 
prising and  defeating  them. 

Col.  Frye  dying,  Washington  took 
command  of  the  regiment,  and,  collect- 
ing his  troops  at  the  Great  Meadows, 
he  erected  a  stockade,  calling  it  "  Fort 
Necessity." 

"  July  4.  Washington,  attacked  here  by  a 
large  body  of  French  and  Indians,  was 

forced  to  capitulate  354 

1755.  First  newspaper  (Conn.  Qazette)  pub- 
lished in  New  Haven. 

"  Col.  Monckton  destroyed  French  settle- 
ment on  Bay  of  Fundy. 

"  April  14.  Gen.  Braddock  arrived  from 
England  in  Vir^^inia  with  a  large 
force. 

"  June.  The  Entrlish  take  Nova  Scotia 
under  Lieut. -Col.  Winslow  354 

"  July  11.  The  English  troops  under  Gen. 
Braddock  j)ut  to  flight  by  the  Indians 
near  Fort  l)u  (Juesne,  and  over  half 
the  army,  otlicers  ami  men,  together 
with  (ten.  Braddock,  were  lost  .  .  ;i54 

"  Gen.  Shirley  became  Commander-in- 
chief,  and  called  a  council  of  war  at 

New  York  355 

Sept.  8.  Americans  defeated  by  the 
French  near  Lake  George. 

"  French  defeated  by  the  Americans  same 
day. 

1750.  May  19.    War  declared  with  France  by 
Great  Britain. 
"      First  newspaper  in  Portsmouth. 
"      Aug.  14      Tlie  French  under  Montcalm 
captured  Fort  Oswego,  with  valuable 

stores   355 

1757.  Fort  Wm.  Henry  taken  by  tlie  French. 

The  Indians  fall  upon  the  retreating 
garrison  and  massacre  the  siek  and 


wounded.  Fifteen  hundred  were  killed 
or  carried  captive  into  the  wilder- 
ness 335 

1758.  The  British  forces   under  Gm.  Aber- 

crombie  numbered  50,000  men — the 
largest  army  that  had  ever  been  mar- 
shaled in  America. 

"  June  2.  Louisbourg,  on  Cape  Breton 
Island,  taken  by  the  Ensrlisli,  together 
with  Island  Royal  and  St.  .Johns,  under 
Gen.  Amlier.-t.  Two  hundred  and 
twenty-one  pieces  of  cannon,  18  mor- 
tars, and  large  stores  of  .-imnumirion 
fill  into  the  hands  of  the  Enulish. 
Six  thousand  f  risoners  were  taken  and 
sent  to  England  35(5 

"  July.  Lord  Howe  killed  near  Ticonde- 
roga. 

"  Aug.  27.  Fort  Frontignac  taken  by  the 
English  imder  Col.  Bradstreet.  The 
booty  consisted  of  GO  pieces  of  cannon 
and  a  great  number  of  small  arms, 
military  stores,  provisions,  and  a  largo 
amount  of  goods.  Nine  armed  vessels 
and  the  fort  were  destroyed  357 

"  Nov.  25.  Fort  Du  Quesne  evacuated  by 
the  French  and  taken  possession  of  by 
the  English  under  Gen.  Forbes  and 
Col.  Washington   357 

"  Peace  with  tlie  Indians  was  secured  be- 
tween the  Ohio  River  and  the  lakes.  357 

"  Gen.  AVasliington  elected  to  the  Virginia 
House  of  Burgesses. 

1759.  July.   Niauara,  Ticonderoga,  and  Crown 

Point  taken  by  the  English  under 
Gens.  Amherst  and  Johnson  357 

DEATH  OF  GENS.  WOLFE  AND  MONTCALM. 

1759.  Sept.  13.    Battle  before  Quebec,  on  the 

Plains  of  Abraham.  Gen.  Wolfe,  com- 
manding the  American  forces,  sur- 
prised and  attacked  the  French  army, 
under  i\Iontcalm.  at  break  of  day.  A. 
desperate  battle  was  fought,  during 
which,   Wolfe    and    Montcalm  were 

slain  358 

"      Sept.  18.    Surrender  of  Quebec  300 

1760.  A]>r.  28.    The  French  attempt  to  take 

Quebec,  without  success  358 

"  Slontreal  ca])itulates,  and  the  French  sur- 
render Canada  359 

17C1.  March  12.   Earthquake  in  New  England. 
"      George  III.  ascenils  the  throne  of  En- 
gland. 

1702.  Louisiana  ceded  to  Spain  by  France. 
"      Havana  taken  by  the  English. 

1703.  Feb.  10.    France  surrenders  all  her  pos- 

sessions in  North  .\nierica,  east  of  the 
Mississi))pi  River,  to  Great  Britain.  350 
"      First  ne\vs])ai)er  jirintetl  in  Georj^ia. 
"      Canada  ceded  to  England  by  France. 
"      Havana  restored  to  the  Freuc  i  in  ex- 
change for  Florida. 
"      Feb.  10.    Peace  concluded  between  the 

English  and  French  at  Paris  488 

"  Free  commercial  intercourse  Ijetween 
Cuba  and  Spain  granted  by  the 
Spanish  Government. 

CHIEF  PONTIAc's  WAR. 

A  sagacious  Ottawa  Chief  and  a  former 
ally  of  the  French,  secretly  i  ffecteil  a 
confederation  of  several  north-western 
tribes  of  Indians,  for  the  purpose  of 
expelling  the  Enulish.  Within  two 
weeks  he  sei/.ed  nearly  all  the  English 
posts  west  of  Oswego,  but  he  was  soon 
subdued  and  his  war  brought  to  an  end. 
"  Cape  Breton,  thrice  attacked  an  I  thrice 
taken  from  the  French  and  annexed  to 
Nova  Scotia. 


CHRONOLOGY. 


747 


17C4.  Mar.  Right  to  tax  American  colonies 
voted  by  tlie  House  of  Commons. 

"  Apr.  5.  First  act  lor  levying  revenue 
passed  by  Parliament. 

"      Patagonia  visited  by  Byron. 

"      Sugar-making  from  cane,  perfected. 

THE  STAMP  ACT. 

17C5.  Mar.  22.    Passage  of  the  Stamp  Act. 

This  act  required  the  people  to  pur- 
chase for  specified  sums,  and  upon  all 
w  ritten  documents,  Government  stamps 
must  be  placed.  This  act  caused  tlie 
most  intense  excitement  and  indigna- 
tion in  America. 

"  First  Medical  College  established  in 
Philadelphia. 

"  May  29.  Virginia  resolutions  against 
the  right  of  taxation. 

"  June  36.  JIassachusetts  proposes  a  Con- 
gress of  deputies  from  the  colonies. 

"  Oct.  7.  A  Congress  of  27  delegates  con- 
venes at  New  York,  and  publishes  a 
declaration  of  rights  and  rules  against 
the  Stamp  Act. 
1766.  Feb.  Dr.  Fianklin  examined  before  the 
House  of  Commons. 

"      Mar.  18.    Stamp  Act  repealed. 

"  First  stage  route  established  between 
Providence  and  Boston. 

"  Methodism  first  introduced  into  America 
by  Philip  Embury  and  Capt.  Webb,  a 
British  ofBcer  wliom  Wesley  had  or- 
dained as  a  local  preacher. 

1707.  June.    Taxation  laid  on  paper,  glass,  tea, 

and  i^aintei-s'  colors  3(i:j 

"  Non-importation  agreements  adopted  by 
the  colonies  305 

MASON  AND  DIXOn's  LINE. 

"  Mason  and  Dixon's  Line,  run  by  sur- 
veyors of  that  name,  sent  out  by  the 
heirs  of  William  Penn  and  Lord  Balti- 
more, to  define  the  boundaries  of  their 
possessions.  It  afterward  became  the 
acknowledged  line  between  the  tree 
and  slave  States. 

1708.  Feb.    Convention  of  deput"es  called  by 

Massachusetts  at  Faneuil  Hall,  Bos- 
ton  304 

*♦  The  British  Government  stationed  a  mil- 
itary force  in  Boston.  This  was  the 
beginning  of  hostilities,  •which  rapidly 
engendered  a  spirit  of  resistance  in  the 
American  colonies  toward  the  mother 
country   304 

1769.  House  of  Burgesses  (Assembly)  of  Vir- 
^  ginia  dissolved  by  the  Governor,  with 

as  little  ceremony  as  a  teacher  would 

dismiss  a  class  of  boys  '  3()4 

*'      Assembly  of  North  Carolina  dissolved  by 

the  Governor  305 

Boston  refused  to  receive  goods  from 

Great  Britain,  and  sent  them  back. 
"      Paper-mill  erected  at  IMilton. 

1770.  Prince  Edward's  Island  separated  from 

Nova  Scotia. 
"  March  5.  Boston  massacre.  A  mob  com- 
posed of  citizens  of  Hoston  attacks  the 
British  soldiers,  and  during  the  fray 
three  citizens  are  killed  and  five 
wounded  306 

THE  NOKTH  CAKOLINA  KEBELLTON. 

1771.  Rebellion  in  North  Carolina  against  the 

Government  oflScers  by  t^e  licgulators, 
a  band  of  citizens  who  determined  to 
resist  the  oppression  of  the  English 
Government,  and  redress  the  people. 
"     May  16.    The  rebellion  suppressed  by 


Governor  Tryon,  and  six  Kogulators 
hanged,  which  created  intense  hatred 
against  the  Bi  itish  (iovernment. 

1772,  June  !).  A  IJritish  man-of-war,  the  Gaspee, 

burned  in  Narra^anset  Bay,  by  a  party 
of  American.s  irom  Providence. 

1773.  First  Methodist  Conference,  consisting  of 

ten  prejKrhers,  all  of  foreign  birth. 
"      First  asylum  ibr  the  blind  was  at  Wil- 
liamsburg, Virginia. 

DESTRUCTION  OF  TEA  EST  BOSXON  nARBOR. 

1773.  Dec.  10.    The  citizens  of  Boston  throw  a 

cargo  of  tea  into  the  ocean,  which  was 
sent  liy  Great  ]?ritain  in  open  disregard 
and  violation  of  the  act  of  the  colonies 
against  receiving  any  mcrciiandise  sub- 
ject to  tariff  308 

1774.  Shakers  founded  by  Ann  Lee,  an  English 

woman. 

"  May  l:].  General  Gage  arrived  in  Boston 
harbor  as  commander  of  the  royal 
forces  of  North  America.  He  was  also 
empowered  to  act  as  Governor  of  Mas- 
sachusetts 371 

''  June  G.  Boston  harbor  was  blockaded  by 
the  Englisli,  and  all  commerce  inter- 
dicted 308 

"  The  executive  power  was  taken  from  the 
colonies,  and  their  charter  altered  with- 
out consultation  of  the  people. . . .  369 

"      Gen.  Gage  fortifies  Boston  Neck. 

"  The  members  of  the  Massachusetts  As- 
sembly resolve  themselves  into  a  Pro- 
vincial Congress  371 

"  The  colonics  all  unite  in  approving  the 
spirit  of  resentment  shown  by  Massa- 
chusetts against  the  ojiprcssive  taxa- 
tion of  Great  Britain  371 

"  Gen.  Gage  was  reinforced  by  two  regi- 
ments of  soldiers  and  a  detachment  of 
artillery  and  some  cannon,  and  reinforce- 
ments from  Ireland,  Halifax,  Quel  c, 
and  New  York,  arrived  soon  after.  371 

"  The  colonies  proceed  to  enlist  and  drill  a 
l^ortion  of  the  citizens  as  minute-men, 
and  appoint  committees  of  safety  and 
supplies  373 

"  Mas  achusetts  calls  for  12,000  men  to  be 
equipped  for  service  373 

"  Gen.  Gage  orders  barracks  to  be  built  to 
protect  his  soldiers,  but  he  can  not 
find  workmen  who  will  build  them, 
lie  applies  to  New  York  for  mechanics, 
and  is  peremptorily  refused;  the  mer- 
chants of  New  York  also  refuse  to  sell 
him  clothing  for  his  soldiers  373 

"  Great  Britain  prohibits  the  exportation 
of  military  stores,  upon  which  the  peo- 
ple of  Rhode  Island  seized  40  pieces  of 
cannon  from  the  public  battery,  and 
proceed  to  arm  the  inhabitants. 

FIRST  CONTINENTAL  CONGRESS. 

"  Sept.  14.  Representatives  from  twelve 
colonies  met  in  Philadelphia  as  a  Con- 
tinental Congress,  to  enact  measures 
for  the  regulation  of  order,  and  for  the 

protection  of  the  people  373 

They  prepared  an  address  to  tlie 
King,  declaring  their  loyalty,  but  de- 
manding redress  for  their  grievances. 

374 

"      Oct.  26.   Congress  adjourned,  to  convene 

the  10th  of  .May,  1775   375 

All  the  colonics,  except  New  York, 
heartily  concurred  in  the  proceedings 
of  the  Continental  Congress  375 

"  Great  Britain  ]jr()liil)itcd  all  the  colonies, 
except  New  York,  Delaware,  and  North 
Carolina,  from  fishing  upon  the  coast 


of  New  Foundland,  and  from  trading 
witli  the  West  Indies  373 

1774.  These  colonies  si)urned  the  favor,  dC' 

signed  only  to  arouse  a  s])irit  of 
jealousy  and  disunion  among  the  other 
colonies,  and  submitted  to  the  restric- 
tion, much  to  their  pecuniary  disad- 
vantage 373 

"  Dec.  13.  A  company  of  volunteers  at- 
tacked the  fort  at  Portsmouth,  N.  H., 
confined  the  garrison,  and  seized  the 

powder  S73 

All  law  was  abolished,  except  what 
was  vested  in  the  military  officers,  but 
the  most  perfect  order  and  unanimity 
existed  among  the  people  373 

"      Cape  Hreton  detached  from  Nova  Scotia. 

"  Parliament  passed  an  act  to  ])rovide  for 
the  government  of  the  ijrovincc  of 
Quebec. 

PEYTON  EANDOLPir. 

"  When  the  first  Continental  Congress  mot 
in  Philadelphia,  they  chose  Peyt(m 
Randolph,  of  Virginia,  to  preside  over 
them.  He  was  descended  from  one  of 
the  oldest  families  of  that  Common- 
wealth. The  law  was  his  profession, 
and,  in  1750,  he  was  Attorney-General 
of  that  colony.  lie  was  chosen  Presi- 
dent of  the  Second  Continental  Con- 
gress in  May,  1775,  and  died  in  Oc- 
tober. 

1775.  Apr.  14.    First  Society  for  the  Abolition 

of  Slavery  was  formed  in  Philadelphia, 
with  Benjamin  Franklin  as  President. 

BATTLE  OF  LEXINGTON. 

Apr.  19.  Battle  of  Lexington  was  fought. 
This  was  the  beginning  of  ojjcn  hostil- 
ities. The  British,  with  80o  soldiers 
under  Lieut.-Col.  Smith,  marched  from 
Boston  on  the  night  of  the  18th  to  de- 
stroy the  stores  of  the  colonists  at 
Concord  381 

The  people  were  warned  of  their  in- 
tentions, and  at  5  o'clock  in  the  morn- 
ing a  small  company  of  militia  met  at 
Lexington  to  resist  them.  3Iajor  Pit- 
cairn,  a  Biitish  officer,  rode  up  to  them, 
ordering  them  to  disperse,  discliarging 
his  pistol  at  them,  and  ordering  hia 
soldiers  to  fire  at  the  "  rebels  " . .  .  .  381 

The  militia  dispei"sed,  but  the  British 
soldiers  continued  to  fire  upon  thcjn, 
and  they  returned  the  fire;  a  few 
Americans  were  killed   381 

'Jhe  royal  forces  marched  to  Con- 
cord, destroyed  the  stores,  and  spiked 
the  guns,  throwing  500  pounds  of  balls 
into  the  wells.  John  Butterick,  Major 
of  a  minute  regiment,  approached  the 
British  with  a  company,  when  they 
fired,  killing  Capt.  Isaac  Davis. . .  .  381 

A  skirmish  ensued,  and  the  British 
began  a  hasty  retreat  toward  Boston. 
But  the  2^cople,  aroused  by  this  bold 
act  of*  the  British,  had  assembled  in 
arms,  and  pursued  them,  attacking 

them  from  every  direction  381 

"  The  British  were  reinforced  at  Lexing- 
ton by  a  dttachment  of  900  soldier.^ 
under  Lord  Piercy.  Having  two  pieces 
of  cannon,  the  colonists  were  kept  at 
a  greater  distance,  but  they  kept  up  a 
continual,  but  irregular  fire,  which  did 

great  execution  381 

The  British  reached  Bunker's  Hill  at 
nightfall,  and  the  next  morning  crossed 
Charlestown  Ferry  and  returned  to 
Bcton,  with  a  loss  of  93  men  killed 


748 


CHRONOLOGY. 


and  taken  prisoners,  and  185  wound- 
ed 381 

1775.  The  colonists  had  50  killed  and  28 
wounded  and  niissini^.  There  ware 
never  more  than  400  of  the  Amei  icans 
engaged  at  one  time,  and  no  discipline 
was  observed  among  them  381 

"  The  Congress  of  Mas-achusetts  calls  upon 
the  N.  E.  colonies  for  an  army  of 
30,000  men,  Jlassachusetts  pledging 
13,000  of  the  number  381 

"  May.  Gen.  Gage  is  reinforced  from 
Great  Britain  by  a  large  body  of  sol- 
diers under  Gens.  Howe,  Burgoync, 
and  Clinton  "383 

"  Way  10.  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point 
were  taken  by  Ethan  Allen,  aided  by 
Col.  Benedict  Arnold  and  Col.  Selii 
Warner  388 

"  Col.  Benedict  xVrnold  captured  a  Briush 
sloop  of  war,  and  gained  command  of 
Lake  Champlain  388 

"  June  15.  George  Washington  was  ap- 
pointed commander-in-chief  of  the 
American  army  88G 

BATTLE  OF  BUNKER  HILL. 

June  17.  Battle  of  Bunker's  Hill  fought. 
The  American  Commanders  order  1,000 
men  to  intrench  on  Bunker's  Hill  the 
night  of  the  lOth.  By  mistake  Breed's 
Hill  was  sekcteil,  and  before  morning 
a  redoubt  of  eight  rods  square  was 
thrown  up  383 

The  British  began  firing  upon  them 
at  daylight  from  their  vessels.  At 
noon  tiiey  landed  a  force  of  3,000 
men  under  Gen.  Howe,  and  marched 
toward  Breed's  Hill.  They  kept  up  a 
constant  artillery'  fire,  under  which  the 
Americans  continued  work  on  the  in- 
truncliments  383 

The  British  set  fire  to  C'harlestown  on 
their  way,  and  the  citizens  of  Boston 
and  the  surrounding  country  view  the 
awful  scene  from  every  ]iinnaclo  and 
height,  and  the  hill-topg  arc  covered 
with  thousands  of  anxious  inhabit- 
ants  383 

The  American  Ibrccs  cngageil  num- 
bered but  1,500.  They  reserved  their 
fire  till  the  enemy  were  within  a  few 
rods,  when  they  jjoured  such  a  fierce 
and  incessant  volley  upon  them,  that 
they  were  forced  to  retreat  in  dis- 
order 383 

The  British  officers  urged  their  sol- 
diers at  the  point  of  tiie  sword,  and 
as  they  approached  the  Americans 
again  reserved  fire,  and  when  near 
sent  a  second  volley  witii  such  terrible 
crt'eet,  that  they  again  retreated. . .  383 

Tiie  liritish  made  a  third  attack, 
bringing  their  cannon  to  bear  ui)on 
the  intrcnchment-:.  The  lire  from  the 
Hhii)s,  batterii's,  and  artillery  were  re- 
doubled, and  the  intrenchments  at- 
tacked U|)()n  three  sides. 

The  Americans,  finding  their  powder 
nearly  exixnded,  ordered  a  retreat. 
The  soldiers  rchictantlv  obeyed,  fight- 
ing with  their  guns'.oeks  until  the 
encMny  had  taken  possession  of  the 
trenches  383 

'I  he  British  atteni|)ted  to  flank  them, 
but  were  met  with  so  much  resistance 
that  they  desisted,  and  the  ,\nicricans 
retreate  1  to  I'rospcet  Hill,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  fort'fy  thcnis(d>(  S. 

'Ihe  British  niirrd  to  Bunker's  Ili'l 
and  prepared  for  defense.  Their  loss 
in  this  battle  an^ouotcd  to  1,054,  ainong 


whom  were  19  commissioned  oflicers, 
and  70  more  wounded. 

The  loss  on  the  American  side  was 
159  killed,  among  them  the  brave  Gen. 
Warren.  The  wounded  and  missing 
numbered  314.  The  Americans  lost 
five  pieces  of  cannon. 
1775.  July  12.  Gen.  Washington  took  com- 
mand of  the  American  Army  at  Cam- 
bridge. The  combined  forces  num- 
bered but  14,000  men,  unacquainted 
with  military  diseiphne.  and  destitute 
of  everything  which  renders  an  army 
formidable  383 

GEX.  MONTGOMERY. 

"  Gen.  Montgomery,  with  a  command  of 
1,000  men,  attacks  St.  Johns,  Canada, 
capturing  the  town  and  a  large  num- 
ber of  cannon,  field  pieces,  and  small 
arms,  taking  Ooo  prisoners  388 

At  the  same  time  Col.  Ethan  Allen 
was  taken  prisoner  near  Montreal.  He 
was  loaded  with  irons,  and  sent  in  that 
condition  to  England  388 

Montgomery  maiched  fiom  St.  Johns 
to  ISIontreal.  The  British  fled  at  his 
approach,  but  they  were  taki  n  ijrison- 
ers,  with  Gen.  Prescott,  their  com- 
mander. Eleven  vessels  laden  with 
provisions,  ammunition,  and  intrench- 
ing tools  were  also  captured,  together 
with  large  supplies  of  clothing. .  . .  389 

Col.  Benedict  Arnold,  with  1,000 
men,  succeeded  in  reaching  Quebec  by 
traversing  the  wilderness  of  Northern 
IMaine  and  Canada,  and  sailing  down 
the  St.  Lawrence  390 

He  was  reinforced  by  Jlontgomery, 
and  they  began  a  bombarduicnt  of  the 
town.  But  their  forces  were  too  small, 
and  the  enemy  were  strongly  forti- 
fied  391 

"  Gen.  Montgomery  was  killed  in  the  sec- 
ond attack,  and  Col.  Arnold  wounded 
and  borne  olT  the  field.  After  a  des- 
perate resistance  his  detachment  sur- 
rendered 391 

HENRY  MroDLETON. 

"  Henry  IMiddleton  temporarily  succeeded 
Peyton  Kimdolph  as  President  of  the 
Coiitinental  Congress.  He  was  son  of 
the  lirst  royal  Governor  of  South  Caro- 
lina, and  fii'her  of  Arthur  Middleton, 
one  of  the  signers  of  the  l)eclar;it;on 
of  Independence.  He  was  a  man  of 
great  wealth,  but  did  not  eng.ige  much 
in  public  afi'airs.  He  remained  a  mem- 
ber of  Congress  \nitil  1776,  when  he 
retired  from  public  life. 

JOHN  HANCOCK. 

"  May.  John  Hancock  succeeded  Peyton 
Itandolph  as  President  of  Congress. 
Ho  was  the  son  of  a  Massarhusetts 
clergyman,  and  was  born  in  that  jjrov- 
ince  in  1737.  Ho  was  educated  at 
Harvard  College,  trained  to  mercantile 
business,  anil  became  a  leading  mer- 
chant of  Boston.  He  was  chosen  to 
the  seat  of  a  representative  in  the  As- 
sembly of  Massachusetts  in  17(Ji!,  and 
became  one  of  the  popular  leaders  at 
the  beginning  of  the  Kevidulion.  He 
was  a  delegate  in  the  First  Continental 
Congress,  and  remained  a  member  of 
that  body  mitil  November,  1777,  win  n 
ill  he;ilth  compi,lled  him  to  leave  it. 
He  was  President  of  Congress  from 
May,  1775,  until  that  time,  and,  as  such, 


was  the  first  to  sign  the  Declaration  of 
Independence.  He  was  the  first  Gov- 
ernor of  Massachusetts,  when  it  be- 
came a  State.  Mr.  Hancock  died  on 
the  8th  of  October,  1793. 

1775.  A  navy  of  13  vessels  ordered  by  Con- 

gress. 

"  Congress  ordered  the  issuing  of  $5,000,- 
001).  paper  money. 

"  Benjamin  Franklin  appointed  first  Post- 
master-General. 

1776.  Jan.  1.    Lord  Dunmore  bums  Norfolk, 

Va  3114 

Col.  St.  Clair  marched,  with  a  regi- 
ment of  soldiers,  from  Pennsylvania  to 
Canada  during  the  extreme  cold  of  a 
northern  winter  391 

"  Marc!).  Silas  Deane,  of  Conn.,  sent  to 
France  as  Ambassador,  and  obtained 
arms,  money,  and  cordial  sympathy 
for  his  country  437 

"  March  4.  Washington  fortifies  and  takes 
posses>ion  of  Dorchester  Heights. 

"  March  17.  The  British  evacuated  Bos- 
ton with  7,000  men,  leaving  their 
barracks  standing,  and  stores  to  the 
amount  of  .£30.000.  They  shortly 
sailed  for  Halifax,  leaving  several 
ships  behind  laden  with  arms  and 
camp  stores,  which  the  Americans 
captured  and  appropriated  390 

"  April.  Washington  removed  his  army  to 
New  York  398 

"  June.  The  Americans  retreat  from  Que- 
bec. The}'  make  a  stand  at  Three 
Kivers,  and  attack  the  2->lace,  and  are 
defeated   392 

"  June  7.  Richard  Henry  Lee  made  the 
first  motion  in  Congress  for  declaring 

the  colonies  free  407 

June  28.  The  British  were  defeated  at 
Charleston,  S.  C,  and  their  fleet  de- 
stroyed  398 

Jidy  1.  The  British  vessels  under  Gen. 
Howe  return  from  Halifax  and  anchor 
oft"  Sandy  Hook.  They  are  reinforced 
by  ships  from  Great  Britain  398 

INDEPENDENCE  DECLARED. 

"  July  4.  The  American  colonies  openly 
declare  their  independence  and  freedom 

from  British  sovereignty  407 

Eleven  of  the  thirteen  States  es'ab- 
lish  a  second  branch  of  Legislature, 

calling  it  a  Senate  409 

The  States  unitedly  agree  in  appoint- 
ing for  each  a  Governor,  or  head  of 
each  State  409 

"  The  States  agreed  in  deriving  their  powers 
of  government  from  the  ))eople;  and 
in  no  case  was  the  smallest  title  or 
power  to  be  exercised  from  hereditary 
right  409 

"  All  iieroditary  privileges  and  religious 
establishments  were  declared  abolished, 
thereby  destroying  the  alliance  be- 
tween Church  and  State,  and  leveling 
all  social  distinctions  409 

BAITLE  OF  LONG  ISLAND. 

"      Aug.  27.    The  battle  of  Long  Island  was 

fought  4u9 

The  British  forces  were  commanded 
by  Gen.  Clinton,  assisted  by  Gens. 
Grant  and  l)e  Heister,  the  latter  com- 
manding a  regiment  of  Hessians. .  400 

"  Gen.  Washington,  aided  by  Gen.  Sullivan 
and  Lord  ."sterling,  had  com  n;ind  of 
the  American  troo])s.  The  first  attack 
was  made  very  early  in  the  moruiug 
by  the  Hessians. 


CHRONOLOGY. 


749 


1776.  The  action  was  wcll-supported  on 
both  sides  for  several  hours,  but  the 
superior  numbers  and  discipline  of  the 
English,  together  with  a  large  force 
whieli  cut  ofl'  the  rear  of  the  Americans, 
intercepted  a  retreat  401 

The  Americans  fled  precipitately, 
and  many  of  them  were  lost  in  the 
marshes.  Their  total  loss  amounted  to 
over  1,000  men,  including  the  wounded 
and  prisoners ;  among  the  latter  were 
82  officers,  including  Gen.  Sullivan  and 
Lord  Sterling  40l 

Gen.  Washington  called  a  council  of 
war,  and  it  was  determined  to  remove 
the  army,  the  greater  part  of  which  he 
had  placed  upon  Long  Islatid,  to  the 
city  of  New  York, 

The  wind  being  favorable,  and  a 
dense  fog  coming  on,  the  troops  were 
all  removed  during  the  night,  before 
the  enemy  were  aware  of  the  move- 
ment  401 

trNSUCCESSFUL  MISSION. 

1776.  Lord  Howe  sends  General  Sullivan  on 
parole  with  a  message  to  Congress, 
requesting  an  interview  with  a  com- 
mittee of  their  members  as  "private 
citizens,"  he  not  having  authority  to 
recognize  the  American  Congress,  but 
declared  that  he  was,  with  his  brother. 
Gen.  Howe,  empowered  to  compromise 
the  dispute  between  them  401 

Congress  declined  to  send  a  commit- 
tee in  a  private  capacity,  but  delegated 
Dr.  Franklin,  John  Adams,  and  Ed- 
ward Rutledge,  to  confer  with  Lord 
Howe  in  an  official  capacity  401 

They  were  received  with  great  polite- 
ness, but  Lord  Howe  failed  ta  satisfy 
them  that  his  authority  extended 
fartlier  than  the  power  to  "  grant 
pardons"  upon  submission  to  English 
rule.  But  the  colonies  were  not  suing 
for  pardon,  nor  were  they  willing  to 
relinquish  their  independence. .  .  .  401 

The  British,  prejjaratory  to  an  attack 
on  New  York,  landed  their  forces  un- 
der cover  of  their  ships  of  war.  The 
American  troops  stationed  near  their 
landing  became  demoralized,  and  re- 
treat in  confusion  403 

A  skirmish  between  the  Highlanders 
under  Brigadier  Leslie,  and  a  detach- 
ment of  American  soldiers  under  Col. 
Knowlton  and  Maj.  Leitch,  occurred 
the  next  day,  in  which  the  most  of  the 
men  who  had  disgraced  themselves 
were  engaged,  and  through  their 
bravery  the  enemy  were  repulsed,  and 

a  complete  victory  gained  402 

*'  Sept.  15.  The  Americans  evacuated  the 
city  of  New  York  and  retired  to  the 

north  eud  of  the  island  403 

«      Sept.  10.    Battle  of  Harlem  Plains,  N.  Y. 

The  British  take  immediate  posses- 
sion of  tlie  city,  and  a  few  chiys  after  a 
disastrous  lire  consumed  near  1,000 

houses  403 

"  Oct.  38.  The  battle  of  White  Plains  was 
fought. 

"  Nov.  16,  18.  Frirt"  Washington  and  Lee 
taken  by  the  British.  The  garrison  at 
Fort  Lee  was  saved  by  evacuation, 
leaving  their  artillery  and  stores  be- 
hind ;  but  at  Fort  Washington  they 
surrendered  with  3,700  men.  The 
British  lo-s  amounted  to  1,200. . .  403 

"  Nov.  and  Dec.  Gen.  Washington  and 
the  Amoric.in  forces  retreated  through 


New  .Jersey,  closely  pursued  by  Gen. 
Cornwallis  402 

1776.  Dec.  26.    Battle  of  Trenton,  N.  .J. . . .  40.5 

The  soldiers,  becoming  disheartened, 
clamored  for  a  discharge,  and  those 
whose  time  had  expired  atiandoned 
the  army.  Some  of  the  leading  men  of 
New  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania  ally 
themselves  to  the  British  cause, 
"  Dec.  Gen.  Lee  was  taken  prisoner  at 
Baskenbridge  by  Col.  llarcourt. .  .  40:5 

Congress  convened  in  Baltimore,  and 
resolved  upon  prosecuting  the  war,  re- 
doubling their  energies.  Volunteers 
began  to  flock  to  the  army  from  all 

departments  of  life  403 

"      Jesuits  expelled  from  Paraguay,  and  com- 
pelled to  leave  their  fine  residences 
and  splendid  churches. 
Vice-royalty  of  Buenos  Ayres  created. 

1777.  During  this  year  Great  Britain  established 

the  infamous  prison-ship  system.  .  484 

"  Inhuman  treatment  of  American  prison- 
ers by  the  British,  both  in  England  and 
America  484 

"  Great  Britain  attempts  to  create  discord 
among  the  colonies. 

"  Wool-carding  machinery  first  made  by 
Oliver  Evans,  of  Boston. 

"  Jan.  Wasliington  encamjjs  at  Morris- 
town     411 

"      Jan.  3.    Battle  of  Princeton. 

"      March  15.  Vermont  organized  as  a  State. 

"  Marcli  23.  Destruction  of  stores  at 
Peekskill. 

"      Apr.  36.    Tryon  destroys Danbury,  Conn. 

A  large  amount  of  military  stores  were 

lost  to  tMe  Americans  411 

"      May  23.    Meig's  expedition  against  Sag 

Harbor,  Long  Island. 
"      June.    Burgoyne  invades  New  York. 
"        "       Burgoyne  holds  a  council  with 

the  Indians. 
"      July  6.    Evacua^^ion  of  Ticonderoga  by 

Gen.  St.  Clair  427 

"      July  7.    Battle  of  Hubbardton ;  White 

liall  taken. 
"      July  8.    Battle  of  Fort  Anne. 

ARRIVAL  OF  LAFAYETTE. 

"  July  31.  Lafayette  arrived  from  France 
with  troops  and  supplies,  and  oflered 
his  services  to  the  colonies  414 

"  July  10.  Cap'ure  of  General  Prescott  by 
the  Americans. 

"  Aug.  10.  Battle  of  Bennington  fought  by 
Gen.  Starke  429 

"  Sept.  11.  Battle  of  Brandy  wine  under 
Gen.  Washington.  Gens.  Lafayette  and 
Woodford  were  wounded  413 

"      Sept.  19.    Battle  of  Stillwater  430 

"  "  36.  British  troops  under  Sir  Wm. 
Howe  enter  Philadelphia  427 

"  Oct.  6.  Capture  of  Forts  Clinton  and 
Montgomery  on  the  Hudson. 

"      Oct.  14.    Battle  of  Germantown  424 

"        "     7.    Battle  of  Saratoga  4  :3 

"  "  17.  Surrender  of  Burgoyne  to  Maj.- 
Gcn.  Gates  at  Saratoga  433 

HENRY  LAURENS. 

"  Not.  Henry  Laurens  succeeded  Han- 
cock as  President  of  the  Continental 
Congress.  He  was  a  delegate  from 
South  Carolina;  was  an  active  patriot, 
»nd  had  been  prominent  in  public 
aflairs  in  his  province  and  State  for 
some  time.  He  occupied  the  Presiden- 
tial chair  for  little  more  than  a  year. 
In  17b'0  he  was  sent  to  negotiate  a 
treaty  with  Holland.   He  was  captured 


on  the  sea,  taken  to  England,  and  im- 
prisoned until  the  close  of  1781.  He 
was  one  of  the  signers  of  the  prelimi- 
naries of  peace  in  1782.  Mr.  Laurens 
died  at  Charleston,  S.  C,  on  the  8th  of 
December,  1793,  at  the  age  of  09  years. 

1777.  Nov.   15.     Articles  of  Confederation 

adojjted  by  Congress  and  ratified  by 
all  the  States. 
"      Nov.  16,  18.  British  capture  Forts  Mifflin 
and  ]^Iercer  on  the  Delaware. 

SUFFERING  AT  VALLEY  FORGE. 

"  Dec.  8.  Washington  and  his  army  en- 
camped on  the  Valley  Forge.  Desti- 
tute of  sufficient  clothing  and  food,  the 
army  suffered  incredible  hardships  in 
the  midst  of  a  rigorous  winter. . . .  420 

JOHN  JAY. 

1778.  John  .Jay  succeeded  Mr.  Laurens  as  Presi- 

dent of  Congress.  At  that  time  he  was 
Chief  Justice  of  the  State  of  New  York, 
which  was  his  native  State.  He  was 
born  in  Dec,  1745,  educated  at  King's 
(now  Columbia)  College,  and  at  an 
early  age  became  distinguished  as  a 
lawyer.  He  was  a  member  of  the  First 
Continental  Congress,  and  was  author 
of  one  of  the  able  State  papers  put  forth 
by  that  body.  In  succeeding  Con- 
gresses, his  pen  was  ever  busy.  He 
was  sent  as  Minister  to  Spain  in  1779, 
and  was  one  of  the  commissioners  for 
negotiating  peace  with  Great  Britain. 
In  1784  he  was  appointed  Secretary  of 
State  for  Foreign  Affairs,  and  three 
years  later,  assisted  in  the  formation  of 
the  National  Constitution.  Washing- 
ton appointed  him  Chief  Justice  of  the 
United  States.  He  became  Governor 
of  New  York  after  returning  from  an 
embassy  to  England  in  1791.  He  with- 
drew from  public  life  in  1801,  and 
died  in  Maj',  1829,  at  the  age  of  84 
years. 

"  Jan.  5.  Capt.  Cook  explored  the  coast 
of  Alaska. 

A  YANKEE  DEVICE. 

"  Battle  of  the  Kegs.''  A  contrivani-e  of 
the  Americans  to  destroy  the  British 
fleet.  It  was  composed  of  a  large 
number  of  little  machines  resembling 
kegs,  containing  explosive  materials 
which  they  thought  would  set  the  Brit- 
ish shipping  on  fire.  The  British  were 
very  much  astonished  at  their  appear- 
ance, and  called  out  their  forces  to 
meet  their  new  anrl  mysterious  enemy. 
It  resulted  in  little  harm  to  the  fleet, 
but  much  consternation  to  the  ISritish, 
which  caused  great  merriment  to  the 
Ameiicans. 

"  Bills  were  passed  by  the  British  Parlia- 
ment granting  all  that  the  colonies  had 
asked,  but  Coagrci^s  rejected  their 
offers. 

"  Franklin,  Dean,  and  Lee.  sent  as  Com- 
missioners to  the  Court  of  France.  435 

"  The  British  lo.-s,  up  to  this  date,  amount- 
ed to  20,000  men  and  550  vessels. 

"  Treaty  of  commerce  and  alliance  with 
France  434 

"  Felj.  0.  France  acknowledges  the  inde- 
I)endence  of  the  United  States. . . .  434 

"  Waich.  Lord  North  s  conciliatory  bill 
passed  by  Parliament. 

"     March  1.    $1  in  epecie  exchanged  for 


750 


CEEONOLOGY. 


$1.75  in  paper  money  ;  Sept.  1,  for  ft; 
177i),  March  1,  or^lO;  Sept.  1, for §18; 
17S(),  Miircli  IS,  for  $4:0;  Dec.  1,  for 
$100  ;  and  17«1,  -May  1,  for  from  $.200 
to  $.)U0. 

1773.  Marcli  7.  Peatli  of  Nicholas  Biddle— 
killed  ill  naval  action — Biography  on 
page  444. 

A  EIDICULOUS  AFFAIR. 

"  May  7.  "The  Jlischianza,"  a  magnifi- 
cent fete,  given  in  Philad(lj)hia  by  tlie 
British  field  otliccrs  and  the  Tories,  in 
honor  of  LorJ  Howe,  upon  his  depart- 
ure for  England.  It  was  a  very  extrav- 
agant, and,  considering  the  circum- 
stance of  war  and  its  terrible  concomi- 
tants, witli  the  American  army  siiIT^^ring 
every  hardshi|)  possibU',  a  very  ridicu- 
lous affair,  and  which  brought  great 
and  lasting  rci)ioach  upon  the  Ameri- 
cans who  participated. 

"  June  18.  British  evacuated  Philadel- 
phia 4+1 

"      June  28.    Battle  of  Monmouth  440 

"  July  3,  4.  Massacre  at  "Wyoming.  Over 
1,000  Indians  and  Tories  fell  upon  the 
inhabitants,  and  cruelly  [)ut  to  death 
the.  greater  part  of  them,  destroying 
everytliiag  in  their  savage  fury. . .  4.j5 

"     July  li.    Arrival  of  a  French  fleet  under 

Count  D'Estaing  441 

Aug.  30.  General  Sullivan  retreats  from 
Rhode  Island  443 

"  Nov.  10.  Massacre  at  Cherry  Valley, 
N,  Y.,  by  the  Indians  45G 

"     Dec.  29.      Savannah    taken    by  the 

British   451 

1779.  Jan.  it.  Capture  of  Sunbury,  Ga.,  by  the 
British. 

"      Feb.  14.    Battle  of  Kettle  Creek,  Ga. 
"      Mar.  3.    Battle  of  Briar  Creek,  Ga. .  4.'!1 
"      Mar.  3.  Norfolk  taken  by  the  British.  447 
"      May  81.    Cajiture  of  Stony  Point,  N.  Y., 

by  the  British. 
"     June  1.    Capture  of  Vcrplanck's  Point, 

N.  Y.,  by  the  British. 
"     June  10.     War  between  England  and 

Spain. 

"      June  20.    Battle  of  Ptono  Ferry  451 

"  July  5,  7,  8.  Fairfield  and  Norwalk, 
Conn.,  burned  by  the  British  411 

"      July  5-12.  Tryoii'.H  raid  into  Connecticut. 

"  July  IC.  Storming  of  Stimy  Point  by 
Americans  under  Gen.  Wayne. . . .  449 

"  July  10.  Recapture  of  Stony  Point  by 
the  Americans. 

"  July  and  August.  Sullivan's  expedition 
against  the  Indians  on  the  Susquehan- 
na 459 

"  Aug.  13.  Castine,  Me.,  captured  by  the 
British. 

"      Aug.    19.    Capture  of  British  garrison 

at  Paulus'  Hook,  N.  J. 
"      Aug.  and  Sept.    SuUivan's  chastisement 

of  the  Indians  in  Western  N.  Y. 
"     Sept.    Siege  of  Savannah,  Ga.,  by  the 

Americana  and  French. 

JONEs'  NAVAL  VICTORY. 

"  Sept.  3.  Paul  Jones'  great  naval  victory 
off  the  coast  of  Yorkshire,  Kngland. 
This  was  the  first  American  naval  vic- 
tory, and  was  the  most  sanguinary 
battle  ever  fought  between  two  ships. 
Paul  Jonos  was  conuiiander  of  a  squad- 
ron of  5  ships.  Tlie  Bon  Ihinmc. 
Jlii'hitnl,  his  own  shij) — an  old  and 
clumsy  vessel  of  42  guns — engaged  a 
'  British  man-of-war,  the  Scrtipin,  a 
new  ship  of  50  guns,  commanded  by 


1779.  Commodore  Richard  Pearson,  and 
manned  by  •'520  pic  ked  men.  A  des- 
perate fight  ensued.  The  :aj)is 
swung  around,  by  the  force  of  the 
■wind,  square  alongside  of  the  I>on 
Ilomme  Riclutrd,  and  their  yards  being 
entangled,  .Jones  laslied  the  two  ships 
together.  Then  began  the  most  fear- 
ful encounter  -recorded  in  naval  his- 
tory. The  cannon  of  each  ship  toucli- 
ing,  and  amid  their  incessant  war  and 
crashing  of  falling  masts,  both  vessels 
took  fire.  At  this  terrible  crisis,  tlie 
Captain  of  the  Alliance,  one  of  Jones' 
squadron,  began  firing  broadsides 
into  the  .stern  of  the  J>on  Ilomme 
Jtichard,  causing  her  to  leak  at  a  fear- 
ful rate.  This  dastardly  and  traitorous 
act  was  caused  by  jjersonal  hatred  fo- 
ward  his  sujicrior  commander.  The 
fire  increasing  in  the  ship,  Jones'  offi- 
cers persuaded  him  to  strike  his  colors, 
but  he  refused  to  yield,  and  soon  the 
Scrapis  surrendered. 

SAMUEL  nrNTIXaTON. 

1779.  Sept.  28.   Samuel  Huntington  succeeded 

Mr.  Jay,  as  Presiilent  of  Congress.  lie 
■was  born  in  Connecticut,  in  17-'52.  He 
■was  a  lawyer  by  profession,  and  repre- 
sented his  district  in  the  Colonial 
Legislature  in  1704,  and  became  the 
King's  attorney  the  following  year. 
He  was  chosen  a  delegate  of  the  Sec- 
ond Continental  Congress  in  1775,  and 
remained  a  member  of  that  body  until 
1781.  In  1784  he  was  appointed  Chief 
Justice  of  Connecticut,  and  two  years 
later  was  elected  Governor  of  that 
State.  He  continued  in  that  oflice 
until  his  death,  in  Jan.,  179G,  ■when  he 
was  C3  years  of  age. 

"  Oct.  9.  Siege  of  Savannah  ab.mdon- 
ed  451 

"  Dec.  Coal  first  used  in  America  by  some 
Pennsylvania  blacksmiths. 

"  General  war  upon  the  Indians  prosecuted 
under  Gens.  Sullivan  and  Clinton,  and 
Cols.  Butler,  Clark,  and  Van  Shaick.  4.jO 

"      Death  of  Patrick  Henry,  aged  G3. 

THOMAS  MCKEAX. 

1780.  Thomas  McKenn  represented  the  little 

State  of  Delaware  in  the  first  Conti- 
nental Congress,  and  became  President 
of  its  sui-cessor  on  the  retirement  of 
filr.  Huntington.  lie  was  born  in 
March,  1734,  and  was  educated  for  the 
l)raclice  of  the  law.  He  repre-sented 
the  New  Castle  district  in  the  Legis- 
lature of  Delaware,  in  17G2,  and  in 
17()5  he  was  a  delegate  in  the  Stamp 
Act  Congress  in  New  York,  lie  en- 
tered the  Continental  Congress  as 
delegate  in  1774,  and  served  in  that 
cai)acity  until  1783,  holding  much  of 
that  time  the  oflice  of  Chief  .iusticc 
of  Delaware.  He  was  elected  (Joveriior 
or  Delaware  in  1799,  and  held  that 
office  until  1S08,  wheu  be  retired  from 
l)ublic  life. 

"      Feb.  r..  Congress  calls  for  35,000  men.  404 
"      April  14.    Battle  of  Monk's  Corner. .  458 
"      May  0.    Battle  on  S.intee  River. 
"      April-Mav.     Charleston,  S.  C,  besieged 

by  the  Hritish. 
"      May  12.    Surreiulcr  of  Gen.  Lincoln  and 
American  army  at  Charleston,  S.  C,  to 
Gun.  Clinton  458 


NOTABLE  DARK  DAY. 

1780.  May  19.  Notable  dark  day  in  New  En- 
gland. A  dense  and  mysterious  dark- 
ness covered  the  land,  continuing  from 
twelve  to  fifteen  hours,  filling  all 
hearts  with  wonder,  and  multitudes 
with  fear  and  consternation, — the 
superstitious  regarding  it  as  the  "d:iy 
of  doom,"  and  the  learned  and  scien- 
tific wholly  unprepared  to  account  for 
the  wonderful  phenomenon.  The  dark- 
ness at  midday  was  so  dense  that 
people  were  unable  to  read  common 
print,  or  determine  the  time  of  day  by 
clocks  or  watches,  and  at  night,  al- 
though at  the  full  of  the  moon,  the 
darkness  was  so  impenetrably  thick 
that  traveling  was  impracticable  with- 
out lights,  and  a  sheet  of  white  paper 
■was  equally  invisible  with  the  black- 
est velvet.  The  atmosphere  seemed 
charged  with  a  thick,  oily,  sulphurous 
vapor,  and  streams  of  water  were 
covered  with  a  thick  scum,  and  paper 
dipped  in  it,  and  dried,  appeared  of 
a  dark  color,  and  felt  as  if  it  had  been 
rubbed  with  oil. 

"      June  23.    Battle  at  Springfield,  N.  J. 

"  July  12.  Arrival  at  Rhode  Island  of  the 
French  fleet  and  army,  under  Admiral 
de  Ternay  and  Count  de  Rocham- 
beau  405 

"      July  30.    Battle  at  Rocky  Mount,  S.  C. 

"     Aug.  G.    Battle  at  Hanging  Rock,  S.  C. 

"  Aug.  IG.  Battle  of  Sanders'  Creek,  near 
Camden.     Gates  defeated  4G0 

"  Aug.  18.  Defeat  of  Sumpter  at  Fishing 
Creek. 

TREASON  OF  ARNOLD. 

"  Sept.  23.  Treason  of  Benedict  Arnold, 
and  arrest  of  Maj.  Andre. 

!Maj. -General  Benedict  Arnold  w.ns 
an  otlicer  of  high  rank,  and  had  been 
greatly  admired  for  his  bravery  and 
uncomplaining  fortitude  and  endur- 
ance during  the  first  years  of  the  war. 
He  had  been  promoted  froai  the  office 
of  Captain  to  that  of  Maj. -General,  but, 
being  of  a  proud  and  haughty  nature, 
and  exceedingly  ambitious,  his  envy  at 
seeing  others  rank  above  him,  laid  the 
foundation  of  his  treachery  and  treason, 
which  finally  culminated  in  the  betrayal 
of  his  country  to  its  enemies.  He  had 
been  stationed  in  Philadelphia  while 
unfitted  lor  service  from  wounds  re- 
ceived in  a  battle  near  Stillwater,  and 
while  tlierc  his  reckless  extravagance 
caused  his  censure  by  Congress,  and 
a  trial  by  court-martial  and  reprimand 
frimi  the  Commander-in-chief  of  the 
army,  wliicli  was  ai)i)roved  by  Congress. 
This  di.sgraee  was  more  than  his  proud, 
imperative  nature  could  brook,  and  he 
immeiliately  began  plotting  to  betray 
his  country.  His  corresiwndence  with 
the  British  commander.  Sir  Henry 
Clinton,  was  conducted  through  Maj. 
Andre,  an  officer,  of  great  distinction 
and  merit,  in  the  British  army.  Ho 
was  captured  upon  liis  return  from  an 
interview  with  Arnold,  within  the 
American  lines,  by  three  privates,  who 
searched  his  person  and  discovered  the 
treasonable  documents  in  his  boots. 
Arnold  learned  of  the  capture  of  Andrf, 
and  succeeded  in  making  his  escape 
Imt  a  short  lime  before  tlic  arrival  of 
Gen.  Washington,  who  had  ajJiwiutcd 
to  breakfast  Mith  him. 


CHRONOLOGY. 


751 


IIjVNGING  of  major  ANDRE. 

1780.  Oct.  2.    Maj.  Andre  was  hung  after  a 

trial  by  court-martial,  upon  the  un- 
questioned evidence  of  his  guilt.  Great 
sympathy  was  manifested  l)y  both 
friends  and  enemies  for  Maj.  Andro, 
but  the  inexorable  demauds  and  usage 
of  war,  and  the  safety  of  the  country, 
necessitated  his  execution  as  a  spy. 

For  full  biography  of  Maj.  Andr6, 
see  page  465. 
Oct.  7.    Battle  of  King's  Mountain. .  462 

"      Nov.  20.    Battle  of  Blackstock  462 

"  Dec.  3.  Greene  takes  command  of  the 
Southern  army   473 

"  Dec.  20.  War  between  England  and 
Holland  469 

"      Dec.  30.    National  Thanksgiving.. .  482 

1781.  Jan.  1.    IJevolt  of  Pennsylvania  troops 

at  Morristovvn  470 

"      Bank  of  Nortli  America  established  at 

Philiidel[ihia. 
"      Expedition  of  the  British  into  Virginia 

under  Benedict  Arnold  473 

"      Jan.  17.    Battle  of  the  Cowpens  473 

"        "    19.    Cornwallis  joined  by  Leslie  at 

Charleston   474 

"      Feb.  3.    Battle  of  McGowan's  Ford .  474 
"        "  16.    Battle    of    Guilford's  Court- 
house 473 

"  Jan.  and  Feb.  Remarkable  re  treat  of 
Gen.    Greene  through   South  Caio- 

Hiia  474 

"      April  22.    Surrender  of  Fort  \\^atson  to 

Gens.  Marion  and  Lee  476 

"  April  35.  Battle  of  Ilobkirk's  Hill.  476 
"      May  9.    Surrender  of  Pensacola. 

"        "  10.    Camden  evacuated  476 

"  "  13.  Fort  Schuyler  (Utica)  destroyed 
by  lire. 

"      May  13.    Fort  Mott  taken  470 

"  "  15.  Briiish  abandon  Nelson's  Fer- 
ry 477 

"  June  6.  Augusta,  Ga,  capitulates..  477 
"18-19.    Siege  of  Ninety-Six,  S.C. 

"      July  6.   Battle  of  Green  Spring. 

"  Aug.  3.  Arrival  of  the  French  fleet  under 
De  Grasse  476 

"  Aug.  14.  American  and  French  allied 
army  march  from  the  Hudson,  near 
New  York,  to  Virginia.  Cornwallis 
hemmed  in  at  Yorktown  481 

"  Sept.  6.  Burning  of  JSew  London  by 
Benedict  Arnold  482 

"      Massacre  at  Fort  Griswold,  C(>nn. 

"  bept.  8.  Battle  of  Eiitaw  Springs;  a 
splendid  victory  under  Gen.  Greene.  477 

"      Oct.  0.    Bombardment  of  Y'orktown.  481 

"  "  19.  Surrender  of  Cornwallis  at  Y'ork- 
town. Gen.  Lincoln  appointed  by 
Washington  to  receive  his  sword.  481 

"      Oct.  34.   Indian  battle  at  Johnstown. 

"     National  thanksgiving  proclaimed. 

JOHN  HANSON. 

Nov.  5.  John  Hanson  was  chosen  suc- 
cessor to  Mr.  McKean.  This  gentle- 
man does  not  appear  conspicuously  in 
public  records  until  his  election  to 
Congress  in  1781,  as  a  representative 
of  Maryland.  He  entered  tiiat  body  in 
the  summer,  and  became  an  active  and 
able  member.  He  held  that  office 
precisely  one  year,  when  he  left  Con- 
gress. Mr.  Hanson  died  in  Prince 
George's  County,  Aid.,  in  Nov.,  1783. 

1782.  Walts  invented  tlie  rotative  engine. 

FIRST  STEAMBOAT. 

"      First  boat  propelled  by  steam  was  jilaced 
upon  the  Potomac  liiver,  by  James 


Rutnsey.  a  Bohemian,  which  was  seen 
and  certified  to  by  Washin;.;ton. 

1782.  Feb.  6.    Kesolutions  passed  in  the  House 

of  Commons  in  favor  of  peace. 
"  April  17.  Ibilland  acknowledges  the  in- 
dependence of  the  United  States, 
and  a  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce 
secured  through  negotiations  of  John 
Adams. . . '.  488 

LAST  BATTLE  OK  THE  REVOLUTION. 

1783.  June  24.   Last  battle  of  the  Revolution- 

ary War — a  skirmish  near  Savannah, 
and  some  slight  skirmishes  in  South 
Caiolina,  in  one  of  which  the  gallant 
young  Col.  John  Laurens  lost  his 
life. 

"     July  11.   Savannah,  Ga.,  evacuated  by 

the  British. 
"      Aug.    War  closed  between  the  United 

states  and  Great  Britain. 
"      Nov.  30.   Preliminaries  of  peace  between 

the  United  Sta'es  and  Great  Britain 

signed  at  Paris  489 

ELIAS  BOCDINOT. 

"  Nov.  4.  Elias  Boudinot  succeeded  Mr. 
Hanson  as  President  of  Congress.  He 
was  a  descendant  of  the  Huguenots, 
and  a  native  of  New  Jersey,  and  was  a 
lawyer  by  profession.  He  took  an 
active  part  as  a  patriot  in  the  Revolu- 
tion. 

In  1777,  the  Congress  appointed  him 
commissary-general  of  prisoners,  and 
he  was  elected  to  a  seat  .sn  that  body 
the  same  year,  where  he  remained  until 
1783.  He  was  for  six  years  [1789-1795J 
a  representative  of  New  Jersey  in  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States,  and  was 
appointed  Chief  Director  of  the  Mint  in 
1796.  He  was  one  of  the  founders  of 
the  American  Bible  Society  in  1816 
and  was  ever  upefuUy  employed.  Mr. 
Boudinot  died  in  Oct.,  Is21,  aged  81 
years. 

"  Dec.  14.  Chark'ston,  S.  C,  evacuated  by 
the  British. 

LOSS  DURING  THE  REVOLTJTION. 

1783.  Seventy  thousand  men  estimated  to  have 
been  lost  during  the  Revolutionary 
War. 

"  Oliver  Evans  introduced  first  improved 
grain  mill. 

"     Fur-trading  esta1)lished  in  Alaska. 

"  Jan.  20.  Preliminary  treaties  between 
France,  Spain,  and  Great  Britain, 
signed  at  Versailles. 

"  Feb.  5.  Independence  of  United  States 
acknowledged  by  Sweden. 

"  Feb.  25.  Independence  of  United  States 
recognized  by  Denmark. 

"  March  24.  Independence  of  United 
States  acknowledged  by  Spain. 

"      April  11.  Peace  proclaimed  by  Congress. 

"  "  19.  Peace  announced  by  Washing- 
ton to  the  army  494 

"  July.  Independence  of  United  States 
recognized  by  Russia. 

"  Sept.  3.  Defensive  treaties  of  peace  be- 
tween England  and  the  United  Stales, 
France,  Spain,  and  Holland. 

"  Oct.  18.  Proclamation  for  disbanding 
the  army. 

"     Nov.  2.  Washington's  farewell  orders.  494 
THOMAS  MIFFLIN. 

"  Nov.  3.  Thomas  IMifflin  succeeded  Mr. 
Boudinot.   He  was  a  native  of  Pennsyl- 


1783.  vania,  Avhere  he  was  born,  of  Quaker 
parents,  in  1744.  He  was  an  active 
patriot,  and  entered  the  Continental 
army  at  the  close  of  the  First  Congress, 
of  whici)  he  was  a  member.  He  arose 
to  the  rank  of  General,  and  served  his 
country  well  during  the  war.  As  the 
l*resi(lent  of  Congress,  he  received 
W^ashington's  commission,  when  he  re- 
signed it,  in  Dec,  1783.  Gen.  Mifflin 
assisted  in  the  construction  of  the 
National  Constitution.  In  1790  he  was 
chosen  Governor  of  Pennsylvania,  and 
held  the  office  nine  years.  He  died  iu 
.lanuary,  1800,  at  tiie  age  of  56  years. 

1783.  Nov.  25.    New  Y^ork  evacuated  by  the 

British  494 

"  Dec.  23.  Washington  resigns  his  com- 
mission 495 

1784.  Great  distress  prevailed  in  the  United 

States  owing  to  scarcity  of  money. 
"      Treaty  of  peace  with  the  Six  Nations  at 

Fort  Schuyler. 
"      First  agricultural  society  in  the  United 

States  at  Philadelphia. 
"      Methodist  Church  organized  by  Bishop 

Coke. 

"  Feb.  First  voyage  made  from  China  to 
New  York. 

RICHARD  HENRY  LEE. 

"  Nov.  30.  Richard  Henry  Lee  was  chosen 
President  of  Congress,  as  .successor  to 
Gen.  Mifflin.  He  first  appeared  con- 
spicuously in  public  life  during  the 
Stamp  Act  excitement.  In  the  First 
Continental  Congress  he  was  an  active 
member;  and,  in  1776,  he  submitted 
the  immortal  resolution  which  declared 
the  colonies  to  be  "free  and  independ- 
ent States."  He  witiidrew  from  Con- 
giess  in  1778,  but  was  re-elected  in 
1784.  He  was  the  first  representative 
of  Virginia  in  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States  under  the  National  Constitution. 
He  died  in  June,  1794,  at  the  age  of  62 
years. 

1785.  Commercial    treaties    between  United 

States  and  Prussia,  Denmark,  and 
Portugal. 

"  Thomas  Jefferson  sent  as  Minister  to 
France. 

"  John  Adams  Minister  to  London.  He 
was  the  first  ambassador  from  the 
United  States  to  Great  Britain. 

"  Copper  cents  first  issued  from  a  mint  at 
Rupert,  Y't. 

1786.  Financial  embarrassment  threatens  the 

peace  of  the  country. 

"  Death  of  Gen.  Greene.  For  f\ill  biogra- 
phy see  page  472. 

"  First  cotton  mill  in  the  United  States 
built  at  Beverly,  3Iass. 

NATHANIEL  GORHAM. 

"  June  0.  Nathaniel  Gorhara  succeeded 
Mr.  Lee.  He  was  born  in  Massachusi  tta 
in  1738,  antl  was  often  a  member  of  the 
Legislature  of  that  Commonwealth. 
During  the  Revolution  he  was  an 
active,  though  not  very  prominent, 
patriot.  He  was  elected  to  Congress 
in  1784;  and,  after  he  left  that  body, 
became  a  Judge,  and  was  a  delegate  in 
the  convention  that  framed  the  National 
Constitution.  He  died  in  June,  1796, 
at  the  age  of  58  years. 

shay's  REBELLION. 

"  Dec.  Shay's  rebellion  in  Massachusetts. 
After  the  war  there  occurred  a*  series 


752 


CHRONOLOGY. 


INVENTION  OF  lEOX  BRIDGES. 


DEATH  OF  rUTNAM. 


1786.  of  outbreaks  against  the  Government, 
wliicli  were  caused  by  the  impoverished 
condition  of  the  country,  and  tlie  feel- 
ing of  discontent  and  dissatisfaction 
of  the  soldiers,  wlio  as  yet  liad  received 
little  toward  satisfying  their  claims, 
and  also,  as  a  consequent  result  of  war, 
by  a  demoralizing  influence  which  was 
ready  to  be  kindled  into  a  finme  by 
every  appeal  to  passion  or  selfishness. 

A  rebellion  was  organized  under 
the  command  of  Daniel  Shay,  Luke 
Day,  and  Eli  Parsons,  which  attempted 
t'lc  overthrow  of  law  and  order,  and 
the  establishment  of  mob  force.  They 
proceeded  to  march  upon  Springfield, 
and  prevent  the  sitting  of  court,  and, 
if  possible,  seize  the  arsenal.  But 
Governor  Bowdoin  summoned  the 
militia,  numbering  over  four  thousand, 
under  command  of  Gen.  Lincoln,  and 
by  prompt  and  decisive  measures  it 
was  quickly  suppressed. 

AKTHUR  ST.  CLAIR. 

1787.  Feb.  22.    Arthur  St.  Clair  was  chosen 

President  of  Congress  as  successor  of 
Mr.  Gorham.  This  soldier  of  the  Revo- 
lution was  born  in  Edinburg,  Scotland, 
in  1734,  came  to  America  with  Admiral 
Boscawen,  in  1755.  He  served  under 
AVolfe  in  Canada,  and  after  the  peace 
of  1703,  was  appointed  to  the  command 
of  a  fort  in  Pennsylvania.  He  entered 
the  Continental  army  as  Colonel  in  1776, 
and  in  August  of  that  year  he  was  ap- 
pointed a  Brigadier-General.  He  was  a 
faithful  officer,  with  the  rank  of  Major- 
General  throughout  the  war.  lie  was 
elected  to  represent  a  district  of  Penn- 
sylvania, in  Congress,  in  178G.  In  1788 
he  was  appointed  Governor  of  the 
Northwestern  Territory,  and  held  the 
office  till  1802.  lie  died  in  August, 
1818,  at  the  age  of  84  years. 

"  May  to  Sept.  Convention  held  in  Phila- 
delphia of  the  States  to  form  a  Federal 
Constitution  446 

"  Organization  of  the  Northwestern  Terri- 
tory. 

"  Sept.  28.  The  Constitution  as  it  now 
stands,  minus  the  amendments  since 
added,  was  laid  before  the  Continental 
Congress,  which  sent  it  to  the  several 
States  for  approval. 

CYRC8  GRIFFIN. 

1788.  Cyrus  Griffin  was  chosen  President,  and, 

under  the  provisions  of  the  National 
Constitution,  he  was  appointed  a  .Judge 
of  the  U.  S.  District  Court  in  Virginia. 
He  was  the  last  of  tlic  Presidents  of 
the  Continental  Congress.  He  was  a 
native  of  England,  but,  for  many  years 
previous  to  the  lievolution,  a  resident 
of  Virginia.  lie  was  a  firm  patriot 
during  that  struggle.  In  1778  he  was 
elected  a  delegate  to  the  Continental 
Congre-s;  and  nine  years  afterward, 
he  was  again  honored  with  a  seat  in 
that  body.  Mr.  (iriffin  died  at  York- 
town,  Va.,  in  December,  1810.  at  the 
age  of  62  years.  The  Continental  Con- 
gress ceased  to  exist  in  the  spring  of 
178'.),  when  the  Nation.'d  Government, 
under  the  new  Con.stitution,  com- 
nit'nced  its  career. 
"  Firtit  mining  done  in  the  lead  mines  of 
Iowa,  by  .Julius  Dulmque,  on  the  site 
of  the  present  city  of  that  name. 


1788.  Iron  bridges  invented  by  Thomas  Paine, 
the  author  of  "Common  Sense"  and 
"  Age  of  Reason."  lie  made  a  model 
for  an  iron  bridge  to  be  built  over  the 
Schuylkill,  wiih  a  single  arch  of  iron 
of  400  feet  span.  The  idea  was  sug- 
gested to  his  mind  by  observing  tlie 
construction  of  a  spider's  web. 


1790.  May  29.  Death  of  :\IaJ.-Gen.  Israel 
Putnam,  at  Brookline,  Conn.,  aged  72 
years.  Gen.  Putnam,  although  an  il- 
literate man  and  a  backwoodsman,  was 
one  of  the  bravest  and  most  truly  pa- 
triotic Generals  in  the  American  army. 
For  a  full  biography  of  Gen.  Putnam, 
see  i^agc  448  of  this  book. 


FIRST  CONSTITCTIOXAL  CONGRESS. 

1789.  Mar.  4.    First  Congress  under  the  Na- 

tional Constitution  assembled  at  New 
York. 

"  Mackenzie,  in  the  employment  of  the 
Northwestern  Fur  Company,  made 
an  overland  journey  to  the  great  polar 
river  named  for  him,  whicli  empties 
into  the  A  rctic  Sea. 

"  Aug.  22.  John  Fitch  exhibited  a  loot 
on  the  Scliuylkill,  at  Phihtdelphia,  pro- 
pelled hy  steam,  and  afterward  a  Stock 
Company  was  formed,  which  built  a 
steam  packet  that  ran  till  the  company 
failed  in  1790. 

THE  ORIGINAL  THIRTEEN  STATES. 

*'  When  the  National  Government  was  es- 
tablished, the  number  of  the  States 
were  thirteen,  viz.:  New  Hampshire, 
Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Connec- 
ticut, New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsyl- 
vania, Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia, 
North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  and 
Georgia. 

"  Congress  passed  first  tariff  bill.  The  de- 
partments of  State,  War,  and  Treasury 
created. 

THE  FIRST  PRESIDENT. 

"  Apr.  30.  Inauguration  of  Geo.  Wasliing- 
ton  as  President,  and  John  Adams  as 
Vice-President  496 

"  Nov.  North  Carolina  adopted  the  Con- 
stitution. Ten  amendments  were  add- 
ed to  the  Constituti(m  l)y  Congress. 
The  Judicial  system  established. 

"  John  Carroll  the  lirst  Catholic  Bishop  in 
the  United  States. 

"  First  Temjierance  Society  formed  in  the 
United  States  by  200  "farmers  in  Litch- 
field County,  Connecticut. 

1790.  District  of  Columbia  ceded  to  Maryland 

by  Virginia. 

"  Laws  passed — ordering  a  census  to  be 
taken  ;  to  provide  for  ])ayment  of  for- 
eign debts;  naturalis^ation  law;  patent 
law;  copyright  law;  law  defining  trea- 
son and  piracy :  penalty  for  both,  hang- 
ing; 8t;itus  of  the  slavery  question 
settled;  State  debts,  etc. 

"      Congress  removed  to  Philadelphia. 

"  District  of  Columbia  ceded  to  the  United 
States  by  Maryland,  for  the  location  of 
the  National  Government. 

"      Rhode  Island  accepted  the  Constitution. 

"  Oct.  17-22.  Harmer  defeated  by  the  In- 
dians on  the  Jilaumee  in  Indiana,  near 
Fort  AV.aync.  Gen.  Harmer,  with  a 
force  of  1453  men,  at  tucked  the  In- 
dians with  small  detachments  of  his 
force,  and  was  twice  defeated  with 
great  loss. 

"  First  rolling  mill  introduced  into  the 
U.  S. 

DEATir  OK  FR.VNKLIN. 

"  Ai)r.  17.  Death  of  Bcnj.iiniu  Franklin. 
Biography  on  page  435. 


FIRST  CENSUS. 

"      First  census  taken — population  4,000,000. 

"  Samuel  Slater,  the  father  of  cotton  manu- 
facturing in  the  United  States,  set  up 
first  machinery  for  spinning  cotton. 

1791.  United  States  liank  chartered  by  Con- 

gress with  a  capital  of  flO,060,0u0; 
stock  all  taken  the  first  day. 
Congress  laid  a  tax  on  whisky — the  first 
internal  taxation  to  raise  money  in  the 
United  Stares. 
"  First  patent  issued  for  threshing-ma- 
chines. 

"  March  4.  Vermont  admitted  into  the 
Union. 

"  Gen.  Wayne  appointed  Commander  in- 
chief  of  the  American  forces   498  ^ 

"      Vermont  adopted  the  Constitution. 

"  Canada  divided  into  Upper  and  Lower, 
or  afterward,  East  and  West  Canada. 

"  Civil  war  raged  in  Hayti,  during  which 
England  conquered  the  Western  Coast 
districts. 

ST.  CLAIr's  DEFEAT. 

"  Nov.  4.  St.  Clair's  defeat  by  the  Indians. 
While  encamped  with  his  whole  army, 
2,000  strong,  upon  a  stream  tributary 
to  the  Wabash,  he  was  surprised  early 
in  the  morning  by  a  large  force  of  In- 
dians, under  the  chief  "  Little  Turtle." 
The  surprise  was  so  complete,  the 
troops  having  just  been  dismissed  from 
liarade.  and  General  St.  Clair  not  being 
able  to  mount  his  horse,  that  the  militia, 
who  were  first  attacked,  fled  in  utter 
onfusion,  and  rushed  into  camp, 
throwing  the  regular  troops  into  dis- 
order. Col.  Darke,  who  commanded 
the  left  wing,  made  an  impetuous 
charge  upon  tlie  enemy,  and  forced 
them  from  their  grountl  with  some 
loss,  but  the  want  of  a  sufficient  num- 
ber of  riflemen  deprived  him  of  its 
benefit.  The  Indians,  renewing  the 
attack,  broke  the  right  wing,  and  killed 
the  artillerists  almost  to  a  man,  and 
jienetrated  the  camp.  Another  bayonet 
charge  was  made.  <lriving  the  Indians 
from  tiie  camp,  and  a  retreat  was  then 
ordered,  to  save  the  remnant  of  the 
army,  and  a  i)anic  ensued,  the  soldiers 
fleeing  in  dismay  to  Fort  Jefferson, 
some  thirty  miles  away.  The  Indians 
pursued  them  about  four  miles  witii 
great  fury,  scalping  and  massacring 
the  captured  and  wounded  witiiout 
mercy,  and  their  eagerness  for  plunder 
prevented  the  destruction  of  the  com- 
mand. Nearly  one-half  of  the  army 
were  slaughtered,  being  the  greatest 
defeat  of  American  arms  by  the  In- 
dians  489 

1792.  Kentucky  admitted  into  the  Union. 
"      Law  passed  for  establishing  a  mint. 

"  Congress  passed  an  act  apportioning  rep- 
resentatives under  the  new  census, 
which  gave  Congress  105  members. 

"      fireat  opposition  to  the  lax  on  whisky. 

"      May  7.    Capt.  Gray,  commander  of  the 


CHRONOLOGY. 


753 


American  sliip  Columiia,  discovered 
the  Columbia  River,  naming  it  after 
liis  ship. 

1793.  Academy  lor  the  education  of  girls  open- 
ed at  Litchfield,  Conn.,  by  Miss  Prime. 

"      First  daily  paper  established. 

"  Insurance  Company  of  North  America 
established  in  Philadelphia. 

"  Oldest  canals  in  the  United  States  dug 
around  the  r.ipids  in  the  Connecticut 
River,  at  South  Hadley  and  JMontague 
Falls. 

1793.  Washington  inaugurated  the  second  time 

as  President,  with  John  Adams  again 

as  Vice-President. 
"     Fugitive  Slave  Law  passed. 
"      John  Hancock;  and  Koger  Sherman  die. 

INVENTION  OF  THE  COTTON  GIN. 

"  Cotton  gin  invented  by  Whitney.  A 
machine  for  separating  seeds  from  cot- 
ton ;  an  invention  which  revolution- 
ized the  cotton  trade,  and  which  added 
more  to  the  wealth  and  commercial 
imjiortance  of  the  United  States  than 
any  other  invention  or  enterprise  could 
have  done  at  that  time. 

YELLOW  FEVEK. 

"  Yellow  Fever  first  visited  the  United 
States  at  Philadelphia. 

"  France  declared  all  the  inhabitants  of 
Hayti  free  and  equal,  and  appointed 
Touissant  I'Overture,  a  colored  man, 
commander  of  the  army,  which  was 
composed  of  blacks.  He  succeeded  in 
expelling  the  Spaniards  and  English, 
and  order  was  once  more  restored. 

''  Automatic  signal  telegraph  introduced 
and  applied  in  New  York. 

"  Steam  first  applied  to  sawmills  in  Penn- 
sylvania, by  Gen.  Bentham. 

"     President's  salary  fixed  at  $35,000. 

"WHISKY  KEBELLION. 

1794.  Great    whisky    rebellion    in  Western 

Pennsylvania,  caused  by  the  tax  levied 
upon  whisky.  A  large  district  in 
Pennsylvania,  where  the  crops  of  grain 
were  over-abundant,  and  no  d equate 
market  except  the  great  Monongahela 
distillers,  openly  resisted  the  tax  by 
resorting  to  mob  law.  Officials  and 
loyal  citizens  were  whiijped,  branded, 
tarred  and  feathered,  and  great  excite- 
ment prevailed  in  all  the  Northern 
States.  The  Union  was  imperiled, 
and  Washington  headed  an  army  to 
meet  the  crisis.  The  rebellion  was 
soon  suppressed,  and  law  and  order 

established  498 

"  First  woolen  factories  and  carding-ma- 
cbiues  established  in  Massachusetts. 

Wayne's  great  tictory. 

"  Aug.  Wayne's  great  victory  over  the 
Indians,  under  ''Little  Turtle."  Gen. 
Anthony  Wayne,  or  "Mad  Anthony," 
as  he  was  called,  on  account  of  his  reck- 
less courage,  attacked  the  Indians  upon 
the  Maumee,  in  Ohio,  and  through 
his  determined  and  impetuous  charge, 
he  routed  the  whole  Indian  force 
from  their  favorite  fighting  ground, 
and  drove  them  more  than  two 
miles  through  thick  woods  and  fallen 
timber  in  the  course  of  one  hour,  caus- 
ing them  to  sue  for  peace  on  the  con- 
queror's own  terms.  Their  confederacy 
was  completely  annihilated  498 


1794.  Act  passed  for  building  shi])s  of  war, 

which  laid  the  foundation  for  the  pres- 
ent navy  system. 
"     Eleventh  amendment  to  the  Constitution 
passed. 

*'  American  vessels  were  prohibited  from 
supplying  slaves  to  any  other  nation. 

"  First  sewing  thread  ever  made  from  cot- 
ton produced  at  Pawtucket,  Rhode 
Island. 

"  Treaty  of  navigation  and  commerce  with 
Great  Britain. 

1795.  Spain  ceded  her  part  of  Hayti  to  France. 
"      Treaty  of  peace  with  Algiers. 

"  Treaty  of  peace  secured  with  the  Indians 
at  Greenville  408 

"  Great  opposition  to  the  treaty  with 
Great  Bntain.  War  imminent,  but  the 
great  firmness  and  decision  of  Wash- 
ington averts  it   499 

"  First  lar^e  American  glass  foctory  built 
at  Pittsburg. 

1796.  Tennessee  admitted  into  the  Union .  504 
"      John  Adams  and  Thos.  Jefierson  elected 

President  and  Vice-President  500 

"      Orphan  Asylum  chartered  in  Charles- 
ton, South  Carolina. 
"      Dec.  7.    Washington's   last   speech  to 
Congress,  declining  further  office..  500 

1797.  Mar.  4.    Inauguration  of  John  Adams  as 

President  500 

"      Congress  enacted  stringent  laws  against 

privateering. 
"      No  peaceful  nations  were  to  be  inter- 
rupted by  privateering,  under  penalty 
of  110,000  fine  and  10  years  imprison- 
ment. 

UNITED  states  AND  FRANCE. 

"  France,  incensed  at  the  neutrality  of  the 
United  States  in  their  war  with  En- 


gland, banished  their  minister  (M- 
Pinckney)  from  Paris  502 

The  treaty  of  alliance  with  France  re- 
voked by  Congress,  and  authority 
given  for  caijturing  armed  French  ves- 
sels 503 

Provisions  made  for  raising  a  small  regu- 
lar army  503 


first  cast-iron  PLOW. 

"  First  cast-iron  plow  patented  by  New- 
bold  of  New  Jersey.  The  patentee 
expended  $30,000  in  perfecting  and 
introducing  the  plow,  and  the  formers 
refused  to  use  it,  alleging  that  it  poi- 
soned the  land  and  promoted  the 
growth  of  rocks  I 

"  First  American  cutlery  works  at  Green- 
field, Mass. 

"  Commercial  Adcertiser  established  in 
New  York. 

1798.  A  direct  tax   and   additional  internal 

revenues  were  laid   503 

"  Navy  department  created  and  a  number 
of  war  vessels  ordered  to  sea,  in  ex- 
pectation of  war  with  France  5(>3 

"  Wa-ihington  apj^ointtd  Commander-in- 
Chief  of  tlie  army,  by  President 
Adams  503 

THE  "  state's  eights  theory." 

"  Conpress  j^assed  alien  and  sedition  laws, 
which  called  out  the  first  expression 
of  the  "  State's  Rights  Theory." 

1799.  Naval   engagement   between  American 

and  French  ships  of  war.  America 
victorious,  and  terms  of  peace  are  se- 
cured 503 


1799.  First  teachers'  association,  called  the 
Midlesex  Co.  Association,  for  the  im- 
provement of  common  schools,  com- 
posed mostly  of  teachers. 
"  Russian-American  Fur  Company  organ- 
ized. 

GEORGE  WASniNGTON. 

"  Dec.  14.  George  Washington,  the  first 
President  of  tlie  United  States,  died 
at  Mt.  Vernon,  Va.  He  was  born  in 
the  colony  of  Virginia  in  1733.  When 
a  little  more  than  ten  years  of  age,  his 
fiither  died,  and  his  education  and 
care  devolved  upon  his  mother,  who 
was  a  very  su2)crior  woman.  At  the 
age  of  16  he  was  a  good  surveyor,  and 
was  employed  by  Lord  Fairfax  to  sur- 
vey a  large  tract  of  country  in  the 
wilds  of  Virginia.  Here  he  became 
inured  to  hardships  and  familiar  with 
the  Indians,  their  customs  and  charac- 
ter, which  prepared  him  for  the  active 
and  prominent  part  he  was  destined  to 
act  in  the  subsequent  wars  with  them. 
At  the  age  of  19  he  was  a  Major  in  the 
Colonial  Army  which  was  raised  to  sub- 
due the  hostile  Indians.  At  the  age  of 
30  he  was  sent  by  the  Governor  of  Vir- 
ginia as  commissioner  to  the  French 
Commander,  stationed  upon  the  banks 
of  the  Ohio,  a  distance  of  560  miles 
from  the  settlements,  which  lay  through 
an  unbroken  and  dense  forest,  trav- 
ersed by  roaming  bands  of  savages, 
Httle  superior  to  the  wild  beasts  in 
native  ferocity.  Upon  his  return  from 
this  expedition,  his  life  was  attempted 
by  an  Indian  who  was  sent  upon  his 
trail  by  the  treacherous  French,  who 
were  jjlotting  the  usurpation  of  the 
country,  and  who  had  enlisted  the  sav- 
ages in  their  terrible  warfare  against 
tile  colonies.  At  33  years  of  age  he 
was  appointed  a  Colonel,  and  placed  in 
command  of  a  regiment  of  400  men, 
to  march  against  tlie  French,  and  drive 
them  from  the  State  of  Ohio.  This 
was  the  beginning  of  a  terrible  and 
bloody  carnage,  lasting  three  years,  the 
details  of  which  the  faithful  historians 
of  our  country  have  given  us.  Upon  the 
close  of  these  terrible  scenes,  Washing- 
t(m  settled  down  upon  the  "  Mt.  Ver- 
non "  estate,  which  had  descended  to 
him — a  splendid  tract  of  8,000  acres, 
4,000  of  which  were  under  cultivation. 
His  wife  brought  with  her  a  dower  of 
$100,000.  and  Washington  was  one  of 
the  wealthiest  men  of  the  Virginia 
colonies.  His  life  and  habits  were 
singularly  pure  and  simple,  and  his 
character  was  unmarred  by  a  single 
stain.  At  the  beginning  of  the  Revo- 
lution, Washington  was  chosen  Com- 
mander-in-Chief of  the  American  army, 
and  the  noble  part  he  bore,  and  tlie 
great  military  genius  he  displayed  is 
abundantly  lecoreled  in  the  annals  of 
American  History,  and  also  through 
the  tables  of  his  battles  and  victories 
given  in  the  pages  of  this  work.  Suf- 
fice it  to  say.  that  he  accepted  the  com- 
mand of  a  little  handful  of  colonists, 
unacquainted  with  the  educational  dis- 
cipline of  military  schools,  and  desti- 
tute of  military  accouirements  and  sup- 
lilies,  and  without  a  navy  to  guard 
their  coasts.  He  was  to  meet  the  armc  d 
battalions  of  the  strongest  military 
and  naval  power  upon  the  globe.  Fur 


754 


CHRONOLOGY. 


1799.  Washington,  defeat  meant  not  only 
disgrace  and  ruin,  but  an  ignominioiif? 
death  upon  the  scall'old.  He  accepted 
the  position  vfith  cheerfuhiess  and  rare 
courage,  refusing  any  promise  of  re- 
muneration. His  letter  of  acceptance 
addressed  to  the  Continental  Congress, 
contains  these  words :  "  I  beg  leave  to 
assure  Congress  that,  as  no  pecuniary 
consideration  could  have  tempted  mc 
to  accept  this  arduous  employment  at 
the  expense  of  my  domestic  ease  and 
hapi)iness,  I  do  not  wish  to  make  any 
profit  from  it.  I  will  keep  an  exact 
account  of  my  expenses.  These,  I 
doubt  not,  they  will  discharge.  That 
is  all  I  desire."  He  continued  in  com- 
mand of  the  whole  army  during  the 
seven  years'  struggle,  and  when  peace 
was  declared,  he  retired  from  the  army 
leaving  not  an  enemy  in  its  ranks,  and 
the  whole  population,  civilians  and 
soldiers,  regarded  him  as  the  "  Saviour 
of  their  country."  His  farewell  to  his 
officers  in  arms  is  replete  with  charac- 
ter. "  ^yith  a  heart  full  of  love  and 
gratitude  I  now  take  leave  of  you.  I 
most  devoutly  wish  that  your  latter 
years  may  be  as  prosperous  and  happy 
as  your  former  ones  have  been  glorious 
and  honorable.  I  can  not  come  to 
each  of  you  to  take  my  leave,  but  shall 
be  obliged  if  each  of  you  will  come  and 
take  me  by  the  hand."  Tears  blinded 
liis  eyes,  and  he  could  say  no  more. 


1799.  Not  a  word  was  spoken  as  each  officer 
grasped  his  hand  with  a  silent  and 
sad  pressure  of  farewell. 

In  the  year  1 78^,  a  general  convention 
was  called  to  deliberate  upon  the  mo- 
mentous question  of  a  form  of  govern- 
ment, adapted  to  rule  the  United  Colo- 
nies. Washington  was  sent  as  a  dele- 
gate from  Virginia,  and  was  called  to 
preside  over  the  convention.  The  pres- 
ent Constitution  of  the  United  States 
was  the  result  of  this  meeting.  For  the 
office  of  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  Na- 
tion, Washington  was  the  choice  of  the 
people,  and  lie  was  inaugurate  1  April 
30,  1789,  remaining  in  the  chair  two 
terms  of  four  years  each.  When  he 
again  retired  to  private  life,  the  grate- 
ful acknowledgments  of  a  united  and 
happy  people  followed  him  to  his  rural 
home.  Washington  was,  by  inherit- 
ance, a  slaveholder,  but  the  system  met 
his  strong  disapproval,  and  in  his  own 
language  let  him  express  his  feelings. 
In  a  letter  to  Robert  Mori  is,  he  says: 
"There  is  no  man  living  who  wishes 
more  sincerely  than  I  <lo  to  see  a  plan 
adopted  for  the  abolition  of  slavery." 
And  in  his  last  will  and  testament,  he 
arranged  for  the  emancipation  of  all 
his  slaves  ujwn  the  death  of  his  wife  ; 
she  holding,  by  right  of  dower,  con- 
trol of  them.  But  upon  his  death,  his 
wife  relinquished  her  right,  and  the 
slaves  were  at  once  emancipated.    It  is 


1799.  gratifying  to  know  the  esteem  in  which 
Washington  was  held  by  illustrious 
men  of  the  "  Old  World."  Napoleon, 
in  speaking  of  him  to  an  American,  of 
whom  he  had  inquired  concerning  his 
health,  said:  ''  Washington  can  never 
be  otherwise  thaT  well.  The  measure 
of  his  f;ime  is  full.  Posterity  will  talk 
of  him  with  reverence  as  the  founder 
of  a  great  empire,  when  my  name  shall 
be  lost  in  the  vortex  of  revolutions.'' 
Frederic  the  Great,  King  of  Prussia, 
presented  his  picture  to  Gen.  Washing- 
ton, and  beneath  it  on  the  canvas  were 
inscribed  these  words  :  '•  From  the 
oldest  General  in  Europe  to  the  great- 
est General  on  earth."  Charles  James 
Fox,  tiie  renowned  British  Premier, 
said  of  him  :  "  I  can  not  indeed  help 
admiring  the  wisdom  and  fortune  of 
this  great  man  ;  a  character  of  virtues 
so  happily  tempered  by  one  another, 
and  so  wholly  unalli>yed  by  any  vices, 
is  hardly  to  be  found  on  the  pages  of 
history.  For  him  it  has  been  reserved 
to  run  the  race  of  glory  without  ex- 
periencing the  smallest  interruption  to 
the  brilliancy  of  his  career." 

VON  HUMBOLDT. 
1799.  Humboldt  visited  South  America,  and  ex- 
plored the  mountain  regions,  and 
giithered  new  collections  to  his  vast 
stores  of  scientific  facts  and  natural 
curiosities. 


18  0  0. 


1800.  Removal  of  the  seat  of  Government  to 

Wa.shington  503 

"      Temporary  treaty  with  France  502 

"      General  bankruptcy  law  passed. 

"     May  13.    Disbanding  of  the  provisional 

army   503 

Nov.    The  Democratic,  or  old  Republican, 

party  elected  its  first  candidate  for 

President. 

1801.  New  York  Evening  Post  established. 

"  March  4.  Inmtgnration  of  Thomas 
Jefferwn  as  President  of  the  United 
States,  with  Aaron  Burr  for  Vice- 
President  503 

"  June  10.  War  with  Tripoli  com- 
menced 504 

"  June  14.  Death  of  Benedict  Arnold. 
Sec  biography  431 

"  Najiolenn  attemjited  to  restore  slavery  in 
Ilayti. 

"  Touissant  de  VOverture  was  treacherously 
captured  and  taken  to  France,  where 
lie  shortly  after  died.  Dessalincs  be- 
came his  successor. 

1802.  Port  of  New   Orleans   closed   by  the 

Spanish  Government,  and  United  States 

vessels  were  forbidden  to  pass  down 

the  Mississippi  Kiver. 
"      First  public  library  founded. 
"      Academy  of  Fine  Arts  c,stal)lishcd  in  New 

York. 

"      First  piitent.s  issued  for  making  starch 

fnini  corn  and  potatoes. 
"      Santee  Canal,  in  South  Candina,  liuishei]. 
"      Ohio  admitted  into  the  Union  604 


1802.  June.    Humboldt  ascended  Chimborazo, 

S.  A.,  to  the  height  of  19,280  feet. 

1803.  The  French  army  in  Hayti  capitulated 

to  the  commander  of  an  English  squad- 
ron. 

"  American  fleet  sent  to  punish  pirates  in 
the  Barbary  States  and  North  Africa.  504 

"  First  undenominational  tract  society 
formed,  and  called  '•  Society  for  Pro- 
moting Christian  Knowledge." 

"  Adam  and  Wm.  Brent  began  the  manu- 
facture of  pianos  in  Boston. 

"      Firtt  effort  made  toward  teaching  mutes. 

Louisiana  Purchase. 

"  April  30.  The  territory  Iving  between 
the  Gulf  of  jMexico  "and  the  British 
possessions,  the  Mississippi  River  and 
the  Pacific  Ocean— over  1,000,000 
square  miles — purchased  of  France  for 
$15,000,000.  This  vast  territory  con- 
stituted the  original  State  of  Louisi- 
ana 504 

1804.  Jan.  1.    St.  Domingne  declared  itself  an 

independent  H>  i)ublic,  with  Dessalincs 
Governor  for  life. 
"      Feb.  4.    Frigate  President  destroyed  at 

Tripoli  by  Decatur  505 

Fort  Dearborn  built — the  present  site  of 
Chicago. 

"      Lewis  and  CL»rk  exploring  expedition 

starts  across  the  plains. 
"      The  Delaware  Indians  cede  to  the  United 

States  an  extensive  tract  of  land  lying 


east  of  the  Mississippi  River,  and  be- 
tween the  Ohio  and  Wabash  Rivers.  505 

Duel  Between  Alexander  Hamilton 
and  Aaron  Burr. 

1804.  July  11.    Alexander  Hamilton,  ex-Sec- 

retary of  the  Treasury,  shot  and  killed 
in  a  duel  with  Aaron  Burr,  Vice-Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States. 

"  Auff.  Bombardment  of  Tripoli  by  Com. 
Preble   505 

"  Oct.  8.  Dessalincs,  Governor  of  St. 
Doraingue.  broke  the  Constitution  and 
assumed  the  title  of  "  Emperor  of 
Hayti,"  and  plunged  the  island  into  a 
series  of  civil  wars  by  his  fantastic  at- 
tempt at  royalty. 

1805.  Sitka,  Alaska,  founded  by  the  Russian- 

American  Fur  Company. 
"      Ice  first  became  an  article  of  commerce 

in  the  United  States. 
"      EiKjlaud  st  iscd  sercral  armed  American 

TtKSth  and  insulted  the  national  fag. 
"      June  4.  Peace  concluded  with  Tripoli.  505 
"      March  4.     Thomas  Jefferson  re-inaiigu- 

rate^l  as  Pnsid<  nt,  with  George  Clinton 

for  Vice-President  503 

Columbia  Hivcr  and  Oregon  Ex- 
plored. 

"  Nov.  15.  Clark  and  Lewis  arrived  at  the 
Columbia  River  on  their  exploring 
voyage. 


CHRONOLOGY. 


755 


1806.  Buenos  Ayrea  and  Montevideo  captured 

by  the  English. 

*'  Scoresby,  in  command  of  a  whaling  ves- 
sel, reached  the  latitude  of  81° — within 
500  miles  of  the  North  Pole. 

"  May  16.  '■'■British  Orders  iti  Council," 
which  declared  the  whole  coast  of 
Europe  in  a  state  of  blockade  506 

*'      Slave  trade  abolished  in  Jamaica. 

Spotted  Fever. 

"  The  spotted  fever  appeared  in  Massachu- 
setts, spreading  over  the  other  States, 
and  continuing  until  the  year  1815, 
and  proved  very  fatal. 

"  First  Relief  Society  for  widows  and 
children,  founded  in  New  York  by 
Joanna  Bethune. 
Total  eclipse  of  the  sun  at  midday. 
Oct.  11.  Dessalines  assassinated,  and 
Eastern  Hayti  returned  to  Spanish  rule. 
Western  Hayti  was  divided  between 
several  rival  chiefs. 

"  Nov.  21.  Bonaparte's  '■'■Berlin  Decree,''^ 
which  forbade  the  introduction  of  En- 
glish goods  into  any  port  of  Europe, 
even  by  the  vessels  of  neutral  pow- 
ers  506 

1807.  Biitish  vessels  ordered  to  leave  United 

States  waters  507 

"  June  22.  Attack  on  the  American 
frigate  Chesapeake  by  the  British  ship 
Leopard   506 

Aaron  Burr  Tried  for  Treason. 

"  Aaron  Burr  was  tried  for  high  treason, 
and  was  also  charged  with  a  conspiracy 
against  the  Government,  and  with 
being  ambitious  for  dominion,  and 
with  contemplating  founding  a  new 
empire,  with  himself  for  sovereign. 
But  the  prosecution  failed  in  its  legal 
proofs,  and  he  was  acquitted. 

"      Congress  ordered  the  first  coast  survey. 

"  Great  Britain  lays  a  tribute  upon  all 
neutral  nations  trading  with  France  or 
her  allies  506 

Slave  Trade  Declared  to  be  Piracy. 

"  Importation  of  slaves  forJdilden  by  Con- 
gress, and  the  trafBc  declared  to  be 
piracy. 

"  Wooden  clocks  first  manufactured  by 
machinery  in  Connecticut,  by  Eli 
Terry. 

"  Dec.  17.  Bonaparte's  '^  Milan  Decree.'''' 
He  decrees  the  confiscation  of  all  ves- 
sels and  cargoes  violating  the  "  Berlin 
Decree,"  or  submitting  to  search  by 
Great  Britain,  or  paying  her  unlawful 
tribute  50(5 

"  Dec.  22.  Embargo  laid  by  the  United 
States  upon  all  commerce  preventing 
American  vessels  from  sailing  for 
foreign  ports,  and  all  foreign  vessels 
from  taking  out  cargoes,  and  all  coast- 
ing vessels  were  required  to  give  bonds 
to  land  their  cargoes  in  the  United 
States  506 

Fulton  s  Steamboat. 

"  First  successful  steamlont  built  by  Robt. 
Fulton,  a  native  of  Pennsylvania,  and 
called  the  Clermont.  Mr.  Fulton  made 
his  trial  trip  on  the  Hudson  River, 
from  New  York  to  Albanj',  and  thou- 
sands of  curious  spectators  thronged  the 
shores  to  witness  the  failure  of  "  Fulton 


1807.  the  Fanatic."  None  believed,  few 
hoped,  and  everybody  jeered.  An  olil 
Quaker  accosted  a  joun^  mau  who  had 
taken  passage,  in  this  manner:  "John, 
vyill  thee  risk  thy  life  in  mch  a  concern  ? 
I  tell  thee  she  is  the  most  fearf  ul  mid- 
fowl  licinr),  and  thy  father  ought  to 
restrain  {hce."  But,  on  Friday  morn- 
ing, the  4th  of  August,  the  Clermont 
left  the  wharf,  and  went  ])uffing  up  tiie 
Hudson  with  every  berth,  twelve  in 
number,  engaged  to  Albany.  The  fare 
Was  seven  dollars.  Fulton  stood  upon 
the  deck  and  viewed  the  motley  and 
jeering  crowd  upon  the  shore,  with 
Silent  satisfaction.  As  she  got  fairly 
under  way  and  moved  majestically  up 
the  stream,  there  arose  a  deafening 
hurrah  from  ten  thousand  throats.  The 
])assengers  returned  the  cheer,  hut  Ful 
ton,  with  flashing  eye  and  manly  bear- 
ing, remained  speechless.  He  felt  tiiis 
to  be  his  long-sought  hour  of  triumph. 
They  were  cheered  all  along  the  pas- 
sage from  every  hamlet  and  town,  and 
at  West  Point  the  whole  garrison  were 
out  and  cheered  most  lustily.  At  New- 
burg,  the  whole  surrounding  country 
had  gathered,  and  the  side-hill  city 
swarmed  with  curious  and  excited 
multitudes.  The  boat  reached  Albany 
safely — 150  miles  in  33  hours,  and  re- 
turned in  30.  The  Clermont  was  a 
success,  and  Robert  Fulton  was  famous. 

1808.  Jan.  1.    Slave-trade  in  the  United  States 

abolished. 

"  Bonaparte  ordered  the  seizure  and  con- 
fiscation of  all  American  vessels  arriv- 
ing in  France  506 

"  First  prin  ting  office  west  of  the  Mississipjn 
Biver  established  at  St.  Louis,  by  John 
Henkle. 

"  First  Bible  Society  founded  in  Philadel- 
phia. 

1809.  Guiana  taken  from  the  French  by  the  En- 

glish. 

"     First  woolen  mills  set  up  in  New  York. 

"      March  1.    The  Embargo  repealed. .  . .  507 

"  "  4.  James  Madison  and  George 
Clinton  inaugurated  President  and 
Vice-President  507 

"  All  commercial  intercourse  forbidden 
between  France  and  England. . . .  507 

Bonaparte' s  Orders. 

1810.  Napoleon  Bonaparte  ordered  the  sale  of 

]33  confiscated  American  vessels  and 
cargoes,  valued  at  $-^,000,000. 

"  ]\Iarch.  Ramhouillet  Decree  issued  by 
Napoleon,  ordering  all  Ameiican  ves- 
sels to  be  seized  and  condemned.  .  507 

"  Manufacture  of  steel  pens  began  in  Balti- 
more. 

"  First  agricultural  fair  in  the  United 
States  held  at  Georgetown,  D.  C. 

"  Insurrection  in  Mexico  under  Don  Miguel 
Hidalgo. 

"  Independence  of  Colombia,  S.  A.,  pro- 
claimed. 

"  Bolivar  sent  to  London  to  buy  arms  for 
Venezuela. 

"      Revolution  began  in  Chili. 

"      Poicelain  clay  discovered  in  Vermont. 

"  Hartford  Fire  Insurance  Comi)any  incor- 
porated. 

1811.  May  16.    Engagement  between  the  U.  S. 

frigate  President  and  the  British  sloop 

of  war  Little  Belt  508 

Dei^redations  upon  American  vessels  by 
England  and  France  continued. .  .  50S 
"      Plan  for  plating  vessels  with  iron,  as  a  de- 


fense against  shot  and  shell,  devised  by 
\\.  L.  Stevens. 

1811.  2'he  first  steamboat  for  Western  tcaters, 

the  New  Orleans,  built  by  Robert  Ful- 
ton. 

"  Screws  were  made  by  machinery  for  the 
first  time  at  Philadelphia. 

"  Nov.  7.  Battle  of  Tippecanoe.  Tc- 
cumseh  defeated  by  Gen.  Harrison.  510 

"  Dec.  Burning  of  a  theatre  in  Richmond. 
The  Governor  of  Virginia  and  family, 
and  a  large  number  of  persons,  perished 
in  the  flames. 

"      Colombia  declared  independent. 

"  Chili  victorious  and  independence  pro- 
claimed, with  Carrera  as  President. 

"      Uruguay  attached  to  Montevideo. 

"  Buenos  Ayres  begins  a  struggle  for  inde- 
pendence. 

"      Mexican  insurgents  shot. 

'*  Union  of  Venezuela,  Ecuador,  and  New 
Granada  in  the  Republic  of  Colombia. 

Jiule  of  a  Tyrant. 

"  Independence  of  Paraguay  achieved ; 
but  the  power  of  the  Government  fell 
into  the  hands  of  Dr.  Francia,  m  Iio  be- 
came absolute  dictator.  He  ruled  the 
country  for  29  years  with  merciless 
rigor.  He  stopped  all  ingress  and 
egress  of  foreigners,  and  the  shipping 
rotted  in  the  rivers,  and  all  enterprise 
ceased.  Liberty  of  speech  was  sup- 
pressed, and  the  better  class  of  people 
were  generally  destroyed. 

"      Uruguay  attached  to  Montevideo. 

Great  Earthquake. 

"  Great  and  extensive  earthquake  at  New 
Madrid,  Mo.,  extending  nearly  300  miles 
along  the  Mississippi,  and  doing  great 
damage  to  the  country,  changing  the 
currents  of  the  rivers  and  swallowing 
up  large  sections  of  land. 

"  John  Jacob  Astor's  Pacific  Fur  Compan y 
established  their  post  at  Astoria,  Ore- 
gon. 

"  Breech-loading  rifles  were  invented  by 
John  Hall. 

"  The  number  of  American  vessels  captured 
by  England  in  the  preceding  five  yean 
■was  917,  by  France  558,  and  10,000 
seamen  were  impressed. 

1812.  April  3.    Embargo  laid  for  90  days. 

"  "  8.  Louisiana  adantted  into  the 
Union. 

"  May.  Congress  levied  a  tax  of  $3,000,- 
000. 

War  of  Eighteen  Hundred  and- 
Tiuelve. 

"  June  18.  War  declared  with  Great 
Britain  508 

"  June  23.  British  Orders  in  Council  re- 
pealed. 

"      July  12.    Hull  invaded  Canada  508 

"        "    17.    Surrender  of  Mackinaw. ..  508 

"      Aug.  5.    Van  Homo  defeated. 

"         "  8.    Miller  defeated. 

"  "  13.  The  Essex  silenced  the  British 
ship  of  war  Alert. 

"  Aug.  15.  Surrender  of  Gen.  Hull  at 
Detroit  before  the  first  blow  was 
struck  508 

"  Aug.  19.  Capture  of  the  British  frigate 
Guerriere  by  the  Constitution  ("Old 
Ironsides")  508 

"  Oct.  13.  Defeat  of  the  Americans  at 
Queenstown. 


756 


CHRONOLOGY. 


1813.  Oct.  18.  Capture  of  the  British  brig 
Frolic  by  the  U.  S.  sloop  of  war 
^^a*|)  5U8 

"  Oct.  2.5.  Capture  of  the  British  frigate 
MaceJoniau  by  tlic  frigate  United  Slates, 
Capt.  Decatur  509 

"      Dec.  29.      Destruction  of  the  IJritish 
frigate  Java,  off  the  coast  of  Brazil,  by 
the  Constitution,  Capt.  Bainbridge.  509 
Venezuela  reduced  to  Sp;inish  rule. 

"      Buenos  Ayres  victorious  over  Sjjain. 

"      Gen.  Miranda  sent  as  prisoner  to  Spain. 
1813.  Masmcre  by  the  Indians  at  Frenchtoicn  of 
American  prisoners  in  care  of  Gen. 
Proctor,  who  left   them  unprotect- 
ed 509 

"  March  4.  James  Madison  re-iiiangurated 
as  President,  with  Elbridge  Gerry  for 
Vice-President   705 

"  The  Creek  Indians  subdued  by  Gen. 
Jackson  511 

"  The  British  llocTcaded  the  American 
coast  506 

"  Duel  between  General  Jaclsoa  and  Col. 
Benton. 

"      The  power-loom  iutroduced  into  the  Uni- 
ted States. 
Chili   invaded  by  Paroja,   a  Spanish 
officer,  and  reduced  to  subjection. 

"  Bolivar  marches  to  the  conquest  of  Vene- 
zuela.   Carraccas  capitulates. 

"  Mexico  declared  independent,  and  a 
National  Congress  called  under  Morales. 

"      First  rolling-mills  built  at  Pittsburg,  Pa. 

"  Stereotyping  first  introduced  into  the 
United  States. 

"  Feb.  25.  The  Hornet,  Capt.  Lawrence, 
captures  the  British  sloop  Peacock.  509 

"  April  27.  Capture  of  York  (Toronto), 
Upper  Canada,  by  Brig.-Gen.  Pike,  who 
lost  his  life  by  the  explosion  of  the 
magazin*  during  the  action  509 

"      May  27.    B.ittle  of  Fort  George  509 

"  "  28.  Brit'sh  attack  Sackett's  Harbor 
and  are  repulsed   509 

"  June  1.  Capture  of  the  frigate  Chesapeake, 
Capt.  Lawrence,  by  the  Hritish  frigate 
Shannon.  The  captain  of  the  Chesapeake 
■was  killed  in  the  action  510 

"  July.  Attack  of  Biitisli  and  Indians 
upon  Fort  Meigs  and  Fort  Stephenson. 

*'  Aug.  14.  American  ship  Argus  taken  by 
the  British  sloop  Pelican. ....  . .  510 

"  Aug.  30.  Massacre  of  Fort  Mimms,  Ala. 
'ihree  hundred  persons  killed  by  the 
Indians   510-11 

"      Sept.  5.    Enterprise  captures  the  Boxer. 
"  10.   Commodore  Pcrri/s  great  victory 
on  Lake  Erie  510 

Tecumseh  Killed. 

"  Oct.  5.  Battle  of  the  Thames.  Canada, 
between  Gen.  Harrison  and  Gen.  Proc- 
tor, with  his  Indian  allies  under  Tecum- 
seh, who  was  killed  in  the  action.  510 

"      Nov.  11.    Battle  of  Williamsburg. 

"      Dec.  13.    Burning  of  Newark,  Canada. 

"      Dec.  i:}.    Buffalo  burned  by  tlic  British. 

"  "  29.  Capture  of  Fort  Niagara,  N.  Y., 
by  the  Biitisl). 

"  Dec.  ;!0.  Desolation  of  the  Niagara 
frontier  by  the  British. 
18U.  Marcii  27.  Buttle  of  Horsc-shoc  Bend, 
by  Gen.  Jackson,  in  the  Creek  war. 
The  Indians  were  entirely  subdued, 
and  t'lOO  warriors  were  slain.  Peace 
was  soon  secured  511 

"  Marcli  S8.  Capture  of  tlie  Kssvx  at  Val- 
paraiso, S.  A.,  by  the  British  frigate 
I'lneU  512 

"      April  29.  Peacock  captures  the  Epervier 


1814.  May  5.    Oswego  bombarded  and  taken 

by  the  British  511 

"  June  25.  TIjc  Jieindeer  captured  by  the 
Wus/i. 

"  July  3.  Fort  Erie  captured  from  the 
British   511 

"  July  5.  Battle  of  Chippewa  fought  by 
(iens.  Brown  and  Scott  511 

"  July  25.  Battle  of  Jj'ridgeirater,  or  iMndy^s 
Lane,  fought  under  Gen.  Scott,  who 
was  wounded  511 

"  Aug.  9  and  11.  Stonington,  Conn.,  bom- 
barded by  the  British. 

"      Aug.  15.    Battle  of  Fort  Erie. 

"        "    24.    Battle  of  Bladensburg. 

Washington  Burned. 

"  Aug.  2j.  British  occupy  Washington, 
and  burn  the  caiiitol  and  public  build- 
ings  512 

"  Aug.  29.  Alexandria,  D.  C,  taken  by 
the  British  512 

"      Sept.  1.    Tlie  Wasp  captures  the  Avon. 

"  "  5.  Attack  on  Fort  Bower  (now 
Jlorgan),  Ala.  The  American  loss  was 
219  511 

"  Sept.  11.  McDonougVs  victory  on  Lake 
Champlain,  near  Plattsburg.  The 
British  lost  in  this  engagement  over 
2,000  men. 

"  Sept.  12.  Battle  near  Baltimore.  Bom- 
bardment of  Fort  Henry. 

"  Nov.  7.  British  expelled  from  Pensacola, 
Fla.,  by  Jaci<son. 

"      Dec.  14.    Battle  on  LakeBorgue,  La.  513 

"  "  22.  Battle  below  New  Orleans, 
La  513 

"  Dec.  24.  Treaty  of  Peace  signed  at 
Ghent,  Belgium  514 

"  Jethro  Wood  patented  his  iron  mold- 
board  ploic. 

"  First  steel  plates  for  engraving  made  by 
Jacob  Perkins,  of  Massachusetts. 

"      First  Mexican  Constitution  promulgated. 

"  Jiidinn  massacre  at  Fort  Ikarhorn  {now 
Chicago),  111.,  and  the  fort  burned. 

"  Bolivar  proclaimed  Dictator  of  the  west- 
ern provinces  of  Venezuela. 

"      Guiana  retaken  by  the  French. 

"  John  Gilroy,  first  Anglo-Saxon  settler  in 
California,  settled  in  the  Santa  Clara 
Valley. 

"  The  Spanish  General  Boves  defeated 
Bolivar,  with  a  loss  to  the  patriots  of 
15,000  men. 

"      The  Spaniards  take  Carraccas. 

Jackson  s  Great  Victory  at  A^cw 
Orleans. 

1815.  Jan.  8.     Battle  of  Ne-v  Orleans.  Gen. 

Jackson  commanded  the  American 
forces,  and  Gen.  Packentiam  the  Brit- 
ish. Jackson  ot)tained  a  great  victory, 
the  British  loss  amounting  to  nearly 
2,000,  while  the  Americans  lost  but  13 
men   512 

"  Jan.  15.  The  President  captured  by  a 
British  squadion. 

''  Feb.  17.  Treaty  of  Ohent  ratified  by  the 
President  514 

"  Feb.  2<1.  Constitution  captures  the  Cyane 
and  Lccanf. 

"  Feb.  24.  Pohcrt  Fulton,  the  first  suc- 
cessful inventor  and  builder  of  a  steam- 
boat, died  in  New  York.  His  first 
boat  built  in  America  was  the  Cler- 
inont,  which  started  ujion  its  trial  trip 
from  New  York  to  Albany,  Hcpt.  10, 
1807.    Mr.  Ful;ou  was  not  the  inventor 


of  steam-navigation,  but  by  uniting 
diligence  and  great  genius,  he  de- 
veloped the  conception  of  other  minds 
into  a  practical  and  beautiful  reality. 

1815.  JIarch.    War  declared  with  Algiers ... 

"      JIarch  23.    U<>rnct  captures  the  Penguin. 
"      Brazil  raised  to  the  rank  of  a  Kingdom  by 
I'ortug^l. 

"     Slay.    Decatur  sent  against  Algiers. 
"      Cartagena  taken  by  Morillo,  a  Spanish 
officer. 

"      June  17.    Algerine  frigate  captured. 

"  First  axes  manufactured  in  the  United 
States  by  Oliver  Hunt,  in  Ea.st  Doug- 
lass, Mass. 

Great  Gale  in  New  England. 

"  Sept.  23.  Great  gale  and  flood  in  New 
England.  Immense  damage  was  done 
to  ijroperty,  and  much  shipping  de- 
stroyed in  the  harbr)rs,  and  the  loss  of 
life  was  great.  In  Providence,  Rhode 
Island,  vessels  were  actually  driven 
over  the  wharves  and  through  the 
streets.  The  rain  descended  in  torrents, 
and  in  many  places  families  were 
rescued  in  boats  from  the  upper  stoiies 
of  their  houses.  Majestic  oaks,  a 
lumdred  years  old,  were  torn  up  by 
their  roots,  and  twisted  into  shreds. 
In  Stonington,  Conn.,  the  tide  rose  17 
feet  h'ghcr  than  usual.  There  is  no 
account  of  a  storm  or  gale,  in  all  rc- 
spi'cts,  so  remarkable  as  was  this  in  the 
history  of  the  United  States.  In  33 
hours  the  fall  of  rain  reached  8.05 
inches.  The  damage  done  by  the  flood 
almost  equaled  that  of  the  hurricane. 
Millions  of  dollars  of  property  and 
very  many  lives  were  lost. 

"      Dec.  22.    SForaics  executed  as  a  rebel. 

1816.  "    11.    Indiana    admitted    into  the 
Union. 

"  Second  United  States  Bank  chartered 
with  a  capital  of  $35,000,000. 

"  Steam  first  applied  to  paper-making  at 
Pittsburg. 

"  The  Portuguese  take  possession  of  Monte- 
video. 

"      The  united  provinces  of  La  Plata  declared 

independent. 
"      James  Monroe  was  elected  President  and 

Diniel  C.  Tomkins  Vice-President..  515 
"      Bolivar  proclaimed  Commander-in-chief 

of  the  forces  in  Venezuela  and  New 

Granada. 

"      Conquest  of  Guiana  by  the  patriots. 

"  Urs.  Emma  M  il  ard  opened  her  famous 
school  for  girls  in  Troy,  N.  Y. 

"  This  iras  known  as  the  year  tcithout  a  sum- 
mer. 

1817.  Pensions  granted  to  Ri  tolutionary  solJiers. 
"      Indians    in    Georgia     and  Alabama 

subdued  by  Generals  Jackson  and 
Gaines  511 

"      Eric  Canal  commenced. 

"  Dec.  10.  Alississippi  admitted  into  the 
Union   517 

"  Chili  invaded  by  (Jen.  San  Martin.  He 
(It  feats  the  Houili-ts. 

"  Bolivar  defeated  Morillo  after  a  dcsijerate 
batile  of  three  days. 

"  The  Spanish  forces  evacuate  the  provinces 
of  New  Granada  and  Venezuehi. 

"  Publishing  house  of  Harper  «t  Brother 
founded  in  New  York. 

"  The  Columb'an  Printing-press,  invented 
by  (ieo.  Clymer,  was  the  first  impor- 
tant improvement  in  printing  presses  iu 
this  country. 

"     New  England  Asylum  for  the  Deaf  and 


CHRONOLOGY. 


757 


Dumb  founded  by  Dr.  M.  F.  Cogswell 
and  T.  II.  Gallaway. 

1818.  Corner-Htone  of  the  jiresent  United  States 

Capitol  laid.  United  States  flag  per- 
manently remodeled. 

"  May  24.  Pensacola,  Florida,  captured 
from  the  Spanish  by  Gen.  Jackson  .517 

"  Dec.  3.  Illinois  admitted  into  the 
Union  517 

"     Chili  secured  her  independence. 

First  Steamboat  Crossed  the  Atlantic. 

1819.  The  American  steamship  Savannah  made 

the  first  steam  voyage  across  the  At- 
lantic. 

Odd  Fellowship  in  the  United  States. 

"  April  26.  The  first  permanent  Lodge  was 
formed  in  Baltimore,  Md.,  by  Thomas 
"Wildey,  an  Englishman,  with  a  mem- 
bership of  five  persons,  and  called 
Washington  Lodge,  No.  1.  To-day  the 
membership  of  the  Order  is  numbered 
by  scores  of  thousands. 
Bolivar  called  a  National  Convention,  and 
an  army  of  14,000  men  was  raised, 
together  with  powerful  aid  from  En- 
gland in  vessels  and  munitions  of  war, 
with  ofiicers  from  Germany,  France, 
and  Poland. 

**  Independence  of  Colombia  secured  by 
Bolivar,  and  a  union  formed  with  Vene- 
zuela and  Quito,  under  name  of  Ee- 
public  of  Colombia. 

"      Cape  Breton  re-annexed  to  Nova  Scotia. 

"  Dec.  14.  Alabama  admitted  into  the 
Union  517 

Missouri  Compromise. 

J820.  Missouri  Compromise  agreed  to  ly  Con~ 
gress. 

In  1818  a  petition  was  presented  to  Con- 
gress from  the  Territory  of  Missouri, 
asking  authoritv  to  form  a  Constitution 
for  a  State.  In  Feb.,  1819,  Mr.  Talmage, 
a  New  York  Republican,  moved  an 
amendment  prohibiting  the  introduc- 
tion of  slavery  into  any  new  State.  A 
stormy  debate  of  three  days  followed, 
during  which  Mr.  Cobb,  of  Georgia, 
said,  "  A  fire  has  been  kindled  which 
all  the  waters  nf  the  ocean  can  not  put 
out,  and  which  only  seas  of  blood  can 
extinguish."  To  which  Mr.  Talmage 
replied:  "If  civil  war,  which  gentle- 
men so  much  threaten,  must  come,  I  can 
only  say,  let  it  come  !  ....  If  blood  is 
necessary  to  extinguish  any  fire  which 
I  have  assisted  to  kindle,  while  I  regret 
the  necessity,  I  shall  not  hesitate  to 
contiibute  my  own."  The  Senate  struck 
out  the  amendment,  and  the  measure 
was  lost.  In  1820  a  bill  was  passed 
authorizing  Missouri  to  form  a  Consti- 
tution without  restrictions,  but  to  which 
was  attached  a  section  prohibiting 
slavery  in  all  territories  north  of  latitude 
36°  30'.  This  clause  is  what  is  known 
as  the  "  Missouri  Compromise,"  and 
was  warmly  advocated  by  Henry  Clay, 
and  which  was  called  "Henry  Clay's 
Comprfraise  Measure." 

**  March  lo.  Maine  admitted  into  the 
Union  517 

"  Oct.  Cession  of  Florida  to  the  United 
States  for  $5,000,000,  and  ratified  by 
Spain  517 

"  Heated  discussions  in  Congress  on  the 
Slavery  Question. 


1820.  Percussion  caps  for  guns  first  came  into 

use. 

"  Monroe  elected  President  the  second  time, 
with  Daniel  C.  Tompkins  again  as 
Vice-President. 

"  A  Democratic  Government  declared  in 
the  provinces  of  La  Plata. 

Petroleum  Discovered. 

Tetroleum  springs  were  first  struck  in 
Ohio,  although  their  existence  was 
known  to  the  earliest  settlers  around 
the  headwaters  of  the  Alleghany  River, 
and  oil-creeks  were  found  in  Pennsyl- 
vania and  New  York  from  which  the 
inhabitants  gathered  oil  by  spreading 
woolen  blankets  on  the  surface  and 
ringing  them  out. 

"  Macadamized  roads  first  introduced  into 
the  United  States. 

"  Death  of  Daniel  Boone,  of  Kentucky,  an 
American  pioneer,  explorer,  and  hunts- 
man of  much  renown. 

1821.  July  21.     Jaclson   takes  possession  of 

Florida  517 

"  Lithography  first  introduced  by  Burnett 
and  Doolittle. 

"  Straw  hats  first  made  from  American 
straw  or  grass,  in  imitation  of  the  Leg- 
horn, by  Miss  Sophia  Woodhouse. 

"  Guatemala  threw  off  the  yoke  of  Spain 
and  was  annexed  to  Mexico. 

"  Independence  of  Peru  proclaimed  under 
San  Martin,  liberator  of  Chili,  who  was 
made  Protector,  but  soon  resigned  and 
was  replaced  by  Simon  Bolivar  as 
Dictator. 

'*  Aug.  10.  Missouri  admitted  into  the 
Union  517 

"     First  settlement  of  Liberia. 

"  Chili  and  the  Argentine  Republic  carried 
their  combined  arms  into  Peru. 

"      Revolution  in  Brazil. 

''  Uruguay  annexed  to  Brazil  the  second 
time. 

"      April.  Mexico  declared  independent  undeT 

Don  Augustine. 
"      Iturbide  was  proclaimed  Emperor  by  the 

army  and  mob  of  Mexico  under  the 

name  of  Augustine  the  First. 
"      Dec.  Santa  Anna  proclaimed  the  Republic 

at  Vera  Cruz. 
"      Revolution  in  Brazil. 

1822.  Boyer  united  the  two  provinces  of  Hayti 

in  one  Government  with  himself  as 
Chief 

"  The  first  mercantile  bouse  opened  in 
California  by  an  Engli-h  firm  from 
Peru  and  established  at  Monterey. 

"  Death  of  Ma j  -  Gen.  Starke.  See  biog- 
raphy, p.  429. 

"      First  cotton-mill  Ituilt  in  Loicell,  Mass. 

"  Gas  successfully  introduced  into  Boston. 
First  platform-scale  made  by  Thomas 
Ellicott,  who  became  the  founder  of  the 
Philadelphia  Scale- Works. 

Dom  Pedro  II.  Crowned. 

"  Oct.  12.  Brazil  proclaimed  an  Independ- 
ent Empire^  with  Dom  Pedro  crowned 
Emperor. 

''  War  hy  Commodore  Porter  on  iJie  Cuban 
pirates. 

"  Af  onroe  Doctrine. " 

1823.  June  18.     The    Monroe  Doctrine."''  The 

message  of  Pres.  Monroe,  for  this  year, 
contained  the  following  declarations : 
"That  we  should  consider  any  attempt, 


1828.  on  the  part  of  the  allied  powers,  to  ex- 
tend their  system  to  any  portion  of 
this  hemisphere  as  dangerous  to  our 
peace  and  safety,"  and  "  that  wc  could 
not  view  any  interposition  for  tho 
purpose  of  ojipiessing  governments  on 
this  side  of  the  water,  whoso  independ- 
ence we  had  acknowledged,  or  con- 
trolling, in  any  manner,  their  destiny 
by  any  European  power,  in  any  other 
light  than  as  a  manifestation  of  an 
unfriendly  disiJosition  toward  the 
United  States.  See  biography  o*' 
James  Monroe. 

1823.  Central  America  formed  into  a  Federal 

Republic,  and  became  independent. 
"      Guatemala  became  a  part  of  the  Central 

American  Republic. 
''      First  gas  company  formed  in  New  York 

city,  with  a  capital  of  $1,000,000. 
First  teachers'  seminary  opened  in  Con 

cord,  Vermont,  by  Rev.  S.  R,  Hill. 

Pise  of  the  Owen  Communities. 

1824,  The  principles  and  doctrines  of  Robert 

Owen  were  quite  extensively  preached 
and  several  communities  were  formed. 
But  the  only  one  which  merits  atten- 
tion is  that  of  New  Harmony,  Ind.,  but 
which  proved  a  failure  after  a  short  and 
interesting  career.  Over  900  people 
gathered  under  the  direction  of  Robert 
Owen  to  inaugurate  the  Millennium. 
But  when  the  finances  of  Mr.  Owen 
were  exhausted,  the  enterprise  fell 
through.  Mr.  Owen  declared  himself 
disappointed  in  mankind,  and  to  the 
general  depravity  of  the  people  ho 
ascribed  the  failure  of  his  enterprise. 

"  Pins  first  made  hy  machinery  and  patented 
by  L.  W.  AYright,  of  Connecticut. 

"  First  reform-itory-school  founded  for  the 
prevention  of  pauperism  and  crime,  and 
called  the  "  New  York  House  of  Refuge 
for  Juvenile  Delinquents." 

"  Congress  passed  a  tariff  to  protect  and 
encourage  cotton  manufacturers. 

"  Abdication  of  Iturbide,  Emperor  of  Mex- 
ico. He  was  banished,  and  sailed  for 
London. 

"  March  13.  Convention  with  Great  Britain 
for  the  suppression  of  the  slave 
trade   518 

"  April  5.  Convention  with  Russia  in  re- 
lation to  the  north-west  bouniarj  .  518 
Bolivar  defeated  tho  Spaniards  at  Gunia 
Aycucho. 

"  July  10.  Execution  of  Iturbide,  Emperor 
of  Mexico,  through  the  machinations 
of  Santa  .Anna. 

Aug.  13.  Arrival  of  Gen.  Lafayette  on  a 
-visit  to  the  United  States.  For  sketch 
of  his  life  see  page  413. 

Nov.  John  Quincy  Adams  elecf&l  Prai- 
dent,  and  John  C.  Calhoun  Vice-Presi- 
dent. 

"      Bolivar  became  Dictator  of  Peru. 

"  Buenos  Ayres  organized  into  a  Republic 
under  Las  Heras. 

"      Brazil  adopts  a  Constitution. 

Mexican  Congress  proclaimed  a  new 
Constitution  similar  to  that  of  the 
United  States,  and  a  Repul)lic  of  19 
States  and  5  Te  ritories  formed  with 
Guadalupe  Victoria  as  President,  and 
Gen.  Bravo  as  Vice-President. 
1825.  Tlte  Capitol  at  Was  hington  completed. 

"  First  edge  tool  manufactory,  established 
by  Sauil.  W.  Collins,  at  Collinsville, 
Connecticut . 

"     I  ol  via  made  an  independent  State,  and 


758 


CHTIONOLOGY. 


named  in  honor  of  Simon  Bolivar,  and 
a  republican  form  of  government  adopt- 
ed, with  Oeii.  Sucre  as  President. 

1825.  Bolivar  returned  to  Colombia  and  a  re- 

publican government  formed. 

First  Overland  Journey  to  Cali- 
fornia. 

"  Jedcdiah  Smith,  a  trapper,  performed  the 
first  overland  journey  to  California,  and 
established  a  post  near  the  town  of 
Folsom. 

"  Sept.  7.  Departure  of  Lafayette  for 
France.  For  full  description  of  the 
imposing  ceremonies,  and  touching 
tribute  of  a  grateful  nation  to  a  beloved 
and  honored  benefactor,  see  p.  530. 
For  biography,  see  p.  412. 

1826.  July  4.    'The  56th  Annieej-gary  of  Ameri- 

can Independence.  A  grand  jubilee  was 
universally  observed  throughout  the 
United  States. 

Jo/m  Adams. 

"  July  4.  Death  of  John  Adams,  first  Vice- 
President  and  second  President  of  the 
United  States.  Mr.  Adams  was  born 
in  the  town  of  Hraintree,  the  present 
town  of  Quincy,  on  the  30th  of  Octo- 
ber, 1735.  lie  was  the  son  of  a  farmer 
of  limited  means,  who  toiled  early  and 
late  for  a  very  frugal  support  for  his 
family.  lie  was  anxious  to  give  his 
son  a  collegiate  education,  that  he 
might  become  a  minister  of  the  Gospel. 
John  entered  Harvard  College  at  the  age 
of  sixteen,  and  graduated  at  twenty. 
He  had  received  all  the  aid  from  his 
father  he  could  expect,  and  he  there- 
fore obtained  a  situation  as  teacher 
in  Worcester,  and  at  the  same  time  he 
began  the  study  of  law.  At  twenty- 
two  he  opened  a  law  olliee  in  his  native 
town  and  continued  to  study.  He 
rapidly  rose  in  the  esteem  of  the  pub- 
lic and  in  his  profession.  At  the  pas- 
sage of  the  Stamp  Act,  Mr.  Adams  en- 
tered the  political  arena,  and  his  first 
act  was  to  draw  up  a  scries  of  resolu- 
tions in  remonstrance,  ■which  were 
adopted  by  the  citizens  of  Braintree, 
and  subsequently,  word  for  word,  by 
more  than  forty  towns  in  the  State. 
Mr.  Adams  now  entered  upon  a  distin- 
guished political  career.  His  able  de- 
fense of  a  sailor  who  tlirust  a  harpoon 
through  the  heart  of  an  English  Lieut., 
who  with  his  press-gang  from  a  British 
ship  were  atteni])ting  to  cajjture  him, 
gained  Mr.  Adams  great  pojjularity, 
and  established  the  jjrinciple  that  the 
infamous  law  of  impressment  could 
have  no  recognition  on  American  soil. 

Mr.  Adams  wa-;  one  of  the  tive  dele- 
gates from  J\Iassachuseits  to  the  Conti- 
nental Congress.  It  became  the  imper- 
ative duty  of  this  Congress  to  make  a 
decision  which  should  tell  uj)on  all  fu- 
ture time.  Mr.  Adams  was  placed  upon 
the  most  iui])orlant  committees.  'J'hese 
demanded  a  rediess  of  their  grievances. 
This  Congress  received  the  following 
eulogy  from  Lord  Cliiithain  : 

"1  have  studied  and  admired  the 
free  States  of  anti(|uity,  the  master- 
sj)irits  of  the  world;  but  for  solidity 
of  ri'ason,  force  of  sag;ieity,  and  wis- 
dom  'of  eonclu-ion,  no  body  of  men  can 
take  the  precedence  ol' tliis  Continental 
Congress." 


1826.  The  following  April  the  Revolution 
bep;an.  The  battle  of  Bunker  Hill  was 
fought.  Mr.  Adams  was  in  Congress, 
but  his  wife  ki-pt  him  informed  of 
events  occurring  at  Boston.  The  day 
following  the  opening  of  the  battle, 
Mrs.  Adams  wrote  these  words  to  her 
husband  : 

"  The  day,  perhaps  the  deci.sive  day, 
is  come,  on  which  the  fate  of  America 

depends  Charlestown  is  laid  in 

ashes  The  constant  roar  of  can- 
non is  so  distressing  that  we  can 
neither  eat,  drink,  nor  sleep." 

John  Adams  and  Thomas  Jefferson 
were  a]ipointed  by  the  committee  to 
draft  a  Declaration  of  Independence. 

Mr.  Adams  was  the  Colossus  of  debate 
in  the  halls  of  ("ongress.  I\Ir.  .Jefferson 
liarl  little  skill  in  debate,  but  wielded 
a  powerful  jjcn.  When  they  met  to 
perform  their  task,  each  urged  the 
other  to  make  the  draft.  Jlr.  Adams 
finally  said  :  "  I  will  not  do  it.  There 
are  three  good  reasons  why  you  should. 
First,  you  are  a  Virginian,  and  Vir- 
ginia should  take  the  lead  in  this  busi- 
-  ness.  Second,  I  am  obnoxious,  sus- 
pected, unpopular ;  you  are  the  reverse. 
Third,  you  can  write  ten  times  better 
than  I  can."  Jefferson  replied :  "  Well, 
if  you  insist  upon  it,  I  will  do  as  well 
as  I  can."  The  result  of  this  conference 
we  need  not  dwell  upon,  save  that  the 
prosperity  and  hajipiness  of  this  great 
nation  dates  back  to  that  hour  and  that 
action.  Mr.  Adams  was  appointed  on 
a  committee  with  Franklin  and  Hut- 
ledge  to  confer  with  Lord  Ht)wc  with 
reference  to  terms  of  peace,  by  request 
of  that  dignitary.  When  his  lordship 
informed  them  that  he  could  only 
confer  with  them  in  tlic  character  of 
private  citizens,  Mr.  Adams  replied : 
"  We  came,  sir,  but  to  listen  to  your 
])roi)ositions.  You  may  view  us  in  any 
light  you  please  except  that  of  British 
subjects,  ^^'e  shall  consider  ourselves 
in  no  other  character  than  that  in 
which  we  were  placed  by  order  of 
Congress." 

Dr.  Gordon  said  of  Mr.  Adams :  "In 
a  word,  I  deliver  to  you  the  opinion  of 
every  man  in  the  House  when  I  a<ld, 
that  he  possesses  the  clearest  head  and 
firmest  heart  of  any  man  in  Congriss." 

In  1777  he  was  appointed  a  delegate 
to  France,  to  take  the  i)lace  of  Silas 
Deanc,  who  hiid  been  recalled,  and  to 
cooperate  with  Dr.  Franklin  and  Arthur 
Lee,  in  the  endeavor  to  obtain  assi>t- 
anee  in  arms  and  money  from  the 
French  (Jovernment.  In  177!)  I^Ir. 
Adams  was  sent  to  I'aris  to  be  in  readi- 
ness to  negotiate  a  treaty  of  peace  and 
commerce  with  Great  Britain. 

WHiile  waiting  the  motion  of  the 
English  Parliament,  he  visited  Holland 
and  negotiated  important  loans,  and 
formed  important  commercial  treaties. 

In  178;i,  after  a  great  amount  of  dijv 
lomatic  maneuvering,  a  definite  treaty 
was  eficcted  through  the  agency  of 
Adams,  Franklin,  Laurens,  Jay,  and 
Jefferson.  The  constant  anxiety,  toil, 
and  excitement  through  which  Mr. 
Adams  had  ))assed,  threw  him  into  a 
fever  and  his  life  was  for  a  time  in 
danger.  I'pon  his  recovery  he  re- 
paired to  Kniihmd,  where  he  remained 
a  short  time,  when  he  was  again  or- 
i  dcrcd  to  visit  Holland  and  obtain  an- 


1&,  6.  other  loan.  In  1785  Mr.  Adams  was 
appointed  Envoy  to  the  Court  of  St. 
James.  He  was  now  to  meet,  face  to 
f  lee,  ihe  King  of  England,  as  the  first 
Minister  to  that  court,  from  the  power 
which  had  so  recently  humbled  them. 
It  was  a  very  trying  as  well  as  a  tri- 
innphant  po.^ition.  But  Mr.  Adams 
was  sufficient  for  the  occasion,  and 
in  the  interview  with  his  August 
Jtlajesty,  showed  less  embarrassment 
and  full  as  much  dignity  as  the  king 
himself.  This  was  a  day  of  proud 
victory  for  America,  and  for  her  noble 
and  patriotic  ^linister;  and  we'l  did 
he  discharge  his  duty,  and  gallantly 
and  modestly  did  he  wear  his  honors. 
In  1789  Mr.  Adams  was  chosen  for 
Vice-President,  with  George  Washing- 
ton, which  office  he  held  for  two  terms, 
and  upon  the  close  <if  the  second  term 
he  was  placed  in  the  Presidential  chair. 
Upon  his  retirement  from  this  high 
office,  which  he  had  filled  with  a  con- 
scientious regard  for  duty,  but  which 
had  been  a  stormy  and  difficult  admin- 
istration, he  repaireil  to  his  farm  at 
Quincy.  Party  politics  had  run  high, 
and  the  Vice-President,  Jetleison,  his 
staunch  friend,  was  called  to  side  with 
the  opposition.  This  was  a  severe  trial 
for  Mr.  Adams,  and  caused  a  breach  in 
their  remarkable  friendship  of  thirteen 
years  duration. 

Mr.  Adams  never  again  entered  pub- 
lic life,  except  to  draw  up  an  able  pa- 
per exposing  the  atrocities  committed 
by  the  English  Government  uptm 
American  ships,  in  searching  them  and 
dragging  from  them  all  sailors  who 
might  be  designated  by  any  irresjjon- 
sible  agent  as  British  subjects.  Mt. 
Adams  lived  to  see  his  cherished  son, 
John  Quincey,  in  the  Presidential  chair, 
lie  was  now  ninety  years  of  age.  The 
year  following  upon  the  anniversary  of 
the  national  independence  he  departed 
thisiil'e.  His  last  act  was  to  send  a 
toast  to  be  presented  to  the  cehdiration 
at  Quincy  on  the  following  fourth  of 
July.  When  appealed  to,  he  said  :  "  I 
give  you  Independence  forever."  His 
last  words  were,  "Jefferson  stdl  lives," 
but  .Jefferson  had  departed  this  life  an 
Lour  before. 

Thomas  Jefferson. 

182G.  July  4.  Death  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  third 
President  of  the  United  States.  Mr. 
JcflVrson  was  born  in  Albemarle  Coun- 
ty, Virginia,  on  the  2d  of  Ai)ril,  174:5. 
His  father  was  a  man  of  wealth  and 
culture,  and  his  mother  an  intelligent 
and  accomplishe  I  woman,  reared  ia 
London  ami  accustomed  to  the  society 
of  the  refi  ied,  and  the  luxuries  derived 
from  wealth  and  ]>  sltion.  Thomas 
was  the  eldest  of  a  family  of  eight 
children.  His  father  died  when  ho 
was  but  fourteen  years  of  age.  At  the 
age  of  seventeen  he  entered  William 
and  Mary  College,  iu  an  advanced 
class. 

Upon  leaving  college  he  entered  the 
law  office  of  Mr.  Wythe,  one  of  the 
nlo^t  distinguished  lawyers  in  the 
State.  He  was  then  not  twenty-one 
years  of  age,  and  continueil  his  intense 
*api)lieali<m  to  study.  As  a  young 
man,  Mr.  Jefferson  wsis  pos.sessed  of  a 
singularly  pure  and  exemplary  cliaj- 


CHRONOLOGY. 


1826.  acter.  Gambling  he  tlioioughly  de- 
tested. Ardent  spirits  lie  never  tasteiJ, 
and  tobacco  he  never  used  iti  an3'  form, 
and  he  was  never  heard  to  utter  an 
oath. 

Mr.  Jefferson  rapidly  rose  in  dis- 
tinction at  the  liar,  not  as  a  public 
speaker,  but  as  a  profouud  and  deep 
thinker,  and  an  accurate  reasoner.  In 
1709  Mr.  Jefferson  was  chosen  to  fill  a 
seat  in  the  Legislature  of  Virginia, 
lie  was  the  largest  slave-holder  in  the 
House,  yet  he  introduced  a  bill  em- 
powering slave-holders  to  manumit 
their  slaves,  which  was  rejected  by  an 
overwhelming  vote.  At  this  time  Mr. 
Jefferson  was  possessed  of  an  estate  of 
nearly  5,000  acres,  tilled  by  about  fifty 
slaves,  and,  together  with  his  practice 
at  the  bar,  his  income  amounted  to 
$5,000  a  year.  In  1772  he  married 
a  wealthy  and  accomplished  young 
widow,  who  brought  him  40,000  acres 
of  lanil  and  135  slaves,  thus  making 
him  one  of  the  largest  slave-holders  in 
Virginia;  yet  he  labored  with  all  his 
energies  for  the  abolition  of  slavery. 
He  declared  that  institution  to  be  a 
curse  to  the  master,  a  curse  to  the 
slave,  and  an  offense  in  the  sight  of 
God. 

In  1774  Mr.  Jefferson  became  an 
active  agent,  together  with  Patrick 
Henry  and  tlie  two  Lees,  in  calling  a 
General  Annual  Congress,  in  consider- 
ation of  the  encroachments  of  Great 
Britain  upon  the  rights  of  the  colonies. 
He  also  wrote  a  pamphlet  entitled  "A 
Summary  View  of  the  Rights  of  British 
America,"  which  had  a  large  circula- 
tion in  this  country,  and  was  exten- 
sively published  in  England.  At  the 
first  outbreak  of  hostilities,  Jefferson 
was  in  favor  of  decisive  measures. 
His  i)en  was  active  and  powerful  in 
stimulating  the  colonies  to  a  defense 
of  their  liberties  and  rights.  In  1775 
Mr.  Jefl'eison  took  his  seat  in  the 
Colonial  Congress  at  Philadelphia. 
His  reputation  as  a  writer  had  pre- 
ceded him,  but  his  ever  prompt,  frank, 
explicit  decisions,  and  his  native 
modesty  and  suavity  of  manner  capti- 
vated his  opponents,  and  it  was  said 
he  had  not  an  enemy  in  Congress.  In 
five  days  after  he  had  taken  his  scat  he 
was  appointed  to  prepare  an  address 
upon  the  causes  of  taking  up  arms.  It 
was  one  of  the  most  popuhir  documents 
ever  written,  and  was  greeted  with  en- 
thusiasm by  all  classes.  It  was  read  at 
the  head  of  the  armies  amid  the  roar  of 
cannon  and  the  wild  huzzas  of  the 
soldiery.  Yet  Thomas  Jefferson  suf- 
fered the  reputation  of  the  authorship 
to  rest  with  one  of  his  fellow-committee- 
men,  Dickinson,  all  his  life,  and  not 
until  after  his  death  was  it  publicly 
known  that  Jeffeison  was  the  real 
author.  Such  traits  of  character  de- 
veloped the  real  heroism  and  nobility 
of  the  man. 

The  pen  of  Thomas  Jefferson  drafted 
the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
which  was  presented  to  Congress  on 
the  28th  of  June,  1776,  and  which 
l)assed  a  fiery  ordeal  of  criticism  of 
three  days'  debate,  during  which  Jeffer- 
Bon  opened  not  his  mouth.  But  his 
champion  was  his  co-worker  and  ear- 
nest sympathizer,  John  Adams,  who 
fought  fearlessly  for  every  word  of  it, 


1826.  with  a  masterly  power  and  an  eloquence 
that  was  irrcsistilde.  Ujion  the  4lh  of 
July  it  was  adopted,  and  signed,  amid 
the  hush  and  sili'iico  of  tlie  most  mo- 
mentous and  thrillingly  sublime  occa- 
si(m  it  was  ever  permitted  a  citizen  of 
any  nation  tipon  earth  to  witness  or  to 
participate  in.  lI])on  that  d;iy  a  nation 
w  as  borri,  whose  glory  and  magnificent 
lirogress  has  excelled  every  jieople  and 
nation  of  the  earth. 

In  1779  Mr.  Jefferson  was  chosen 
Governor  of  Virginia.  He  was  then 
thirty-six  years  of  age.  During  the 
War  of  the  Revolution,  he  earnestly 
and  zealously  sustained  General  Wash- 
ington. In  1781  a  party  rose  in  Vir- 
ginia which  opposed  Mr.  Jetlerson  and 
attempted  to  drive  him  from  his  office 
and  tlie  State.  At  the  same  time  his 
wife,  to  whom  he  was  devotedly  at- 
tached, was  dying  of  a  lingering  dis- 
ease. He  resolved  to  retire  from  pub- 
lic life  and  devote  himself  to  her.  But 
in  the  confinement  of  a  sick-room  and 
at  the  bedside  of  a  dying  wife,  his 
enemies  still  })ursued  him,  reproaching 
him  with  weakness  and  a  neglect  of 
his  duties  as  a  citizen  and  patriot. 
Upon  her  death  he  was  so  overwhelmed 
with  sorrow  that  he  became  entirely 
insensible,  and  for  three  weeks  he  kept 
his  room,  seeing  no  one  but  his  faithful 
daughter,  who  was  his  sole  companion. 
He  never  again  married,  and  forty-four 
years  after  the  death  of  his  wife  there 
were  found  in  a  secret  drawer  in  his 
private  cabinet  locks  of  her  hair  and 
various  little  souvenirs  of  his  wife, 
upon  the  envelopes  of  which  were 
written  words  of  endearing  remem- 
brance. In  1782  Mr.  Jefferson  was  ap- 
pointed Minister  Plenipotentiary,  to 
negotiate  a  treaty  of  peace  with  E"- 
gland,  but  the  treaty  being  secured 
before  his  preparations  were  completed, 
it  became  unnecessary  for  him  to  go 
upon  that  mission.  In  1784  he  was 
appointed,  with  Mr.  Adams  and  Dr. 
Franklin,  to  act  as  Minister  Plenipoten- 
tiary in  negotiating  treaties  of  com- 
merce with  foreign  nations.  Upon  his 
arrival  in  Paris,  Dr.  Franklin  resigned, 
from  age  and  infirmity,  and  returned 
to  America,  leaving  Jefferson  his  suc- 
cessor. 

He  became  very  popular  in  Paris, 
whither  his  great  reputation  had  pre- 
ceded him.  No  foreign  minister  ex- 
cept Franklin  had  ever  before  been  so 
caressed.  Yet  all  the  honors  which  he 
received  from  the  gayest  and  most  flat- 
tering of  eartlily  courts  produced  no 
change  in  the  simplicity  of  his  republi- 
can tastes.  Invited  by  the  National 
Assembly  of  France  to  attend  and  par- 
ticipate in  their  deliberations,  he 
wisely  though  delicately  declined 
the  honor,  as  inconsistent  with  his 
position  as  a  recognized  ambassador 
to  the  French  Court.  In  September, 
1789,  Mr.  Jefferson  returned  to  America. 
In  1790  he  accepted  the  appointment 
of  Secretary  of  State  from  NVashington. 
Upon  the  election  of  John  Adams  to 
the  Presidency,  Mr.  Jefferson  became 
Vice-President.  His  administration' 
was  anything  but  a  smooth  and  tran- 
qni\  path.  I'arty  jealousy  and  strife 
ran  high.  3Ir.  Jell'eison  was  a  thorough 
and  staunch  Republican,  and  opposed 
everything  which  tended  toward  the 


1820.  growth  of  an  aristocracy  in  the  heart 
of  the  young  and  free  Government.  In 
1801  Tliom.ts  Jeffersoa  was  made 
President  of  the  United  States.  His 
election  was  hailed  with  great  deinou- 
strations  of  joy  by  fhe  masses,  for  he 
was  truly  ''the  j)eople'9  choice."  In 
1801  he  was  re-elected  with  great 
unanimity,  with  George  Clinton  a.s 
Viee-l'resident.  At  the  close  of  his 
second  term  of  office  his  feelings  can 
only  be  expressed  in  his  own  words: 
"  Never  did  a  prison(?r,  released  from 
his  chains,  feel  such  relief  as  I  shall  on 
shaking  off  the  shackles  of  ])ower. 
....  I  thank  God  for  the  opportunity 
of  retirinp:  from  them  without  censure, 
and  carrying  with  me  the  most  con- 
soling proofs  of  public  approbation." 
In  private  life  Mr.  .JeH'ersoii's  ho.-ipitality 
was  unbounded,  often  entertaining 
fifty  persons  as  guests  at  one  time.  In 
his  family  he  was  greatly  beloved — al- 
most adored.  His  eldest  daughter, 
the  accorapli.shed  .Mrs.  Randolph,  thus 
writes  of  her  adored  father:  "Never, 
never  did  I  witness  a  particle  of  in- 
justice in  my  father;  never  speaking  a 
harsh  word,  never  manifesting  sullen- 
ness,  or  anger,  or  irritation.  AVo 
venerated  him  as  somtthing  better  and 
wiser  than  other  men.  He  seemed  to 
know  everything — even  the  thoughts 
of  our  minds,  and  our  untokl  wishes. 
We  wondered  that  we  did  not  fear 
him  ;  and  yet  we  did  not,  any  more 
than  we  did  companions  of  our  own 
age."  Never  was  there  a  more  beauti- 
ful exhibition  of  panntal  love  than 
that  exhibited  by  Thomas  Jefferson. 

No  man  ever  lived  who  was  more 
greatly  beloved  by  those  who  inti- 
mately kne\i-  him.  His  slaves  regarded 
him  more  as  a  father  than  a  master. 
He  was  a  member  of  no  church  society, 
and  hated  shams  and  hypocrisy,  es- 
pecially in  religious  proi'cs-ion,  with 
great  intensity ;  yet  his  admiration  of 
Christ  and  His  character,  as  jionrayed 
by  the  evangelists,  was  boundless  ;  and 
he  had  great  respect  for  the  Bible  as  a 
book  of  great  truth  and  wisdom,  and 
spent  much  time  in  reading  and  copy- 
ing from  its  pnges.  His  moral  ch:irac- 
ter  was  tritJiout  reproach  ;  and  yet,  be- 
cause he  made  no  public  profession  of 
religion,  he  was  denounced  as  an  "  in- 
fidel." In  reading  carefully  the  history 
of  his  life,  the  reader  will  see  th.it  it 
was  less  from  unbelief  in  the  doctrines 
of  Christianity  than  from  the  corrupt 
and  hypocritical  conduct  of  the  masses 
who  professed  the  name,  and  especially 
of  those  who  stood  in  "high  places," 
wearing  their  religion  as  a  cloak  to 
cover  their  moral  deformity. 

Great  Anti-Mason  Excitement. — 

Abduction  of  Win.  Morgan. 

1826.  ThvrloiD  Weed's  llcminiscenees  of  the  af- 
fair, as  a  Member  of  the  Incesti'jatiiiff 
Committee  at  the  time  of  the  trauxac- 
tion.  Mr.  Weed  gave  the  following 
account  of  the  iNIorgan  affair  in  a  letter 
to  the  N.  Y.  Herald  of  Aug.  0,  1875, 
and  which  was  copied  by  tlie  Chicago 
Trihiine  the  s:ime  month  : 

"I  did  not  persaially  know  Win. 
Morgan,  who  was  for  more  than  two 
months  writing  his  book  in  a  house 
adjoiuiug  my  residence  in  Rochester, 


760 


CHRONOLOGY. 


1826.  N.  Y.  When  applied  to  by  Mr.  Dyer — 
my  next-door  neifihhor,  wliorc  Morgan 
bo.irdcd — to  p;  int  the  l)ook,  purportin>j 
to  disclose  the  secrets  of  Masonry,  I 
declined  to  do  so,  believing  that  a  man 
who  had  taken  an  oatii  t')  keep  a  se- 
cret had  no  riglit  to  disclose  it.  Al- 
though not  a  Freemason,  I  had  fiivor- 
aliU;  o])inions  of  an  institution  to  which 
Washington,  Franklin,  and  Lafayette 
belonged.  On  my  refusal  to  print  the 
boiik,  Morgan  removctl  to  Hatavia, 
wiiere  he  made  the  acquaintance  of 
David  C.  Miller,  editor  of  the  Ad- 
v:)riite,  also  a  Mason,  who  became  liis 
pnl)lisher.  I  pass  briefly  over  a  series 
of  facts  which  were  judicially  esfab- 
lished,  embracing  the  arrest  of  Mor- 
gan, his  conveyance  to  and  confinement 
in  the  county  jail  at  C'anandaigua,  from 
which  he  was  released  and  conveyed 
by  night,  in  close  carriages,  througli 
Rochester,  Clarkson,  and  along  the 
lUdge  Koad  to  Fort  Niagara,  in  the 
magazine  of  which  he  was  confined. 
While  thus  confined  a  Knight  Teoi- 
])Iar  Encampment  was  installed  at 
i.ewistou;  when  at  supptT,  the  zeal 
and  enthusiasm  of  the  Templars  hav- 
ing been  aroused  by  the  speeclies  and 
wine.  Col.  AVm.  King,  of  Lockport,  in- 
vited four  men  (Whitney,  Howard, 
C'hubl)uck,  and  Garside)  from  the  seats 
at  the  banqueting  tal)le,  into  an  ad- 
joining room,  where  he  informed  them 
that  he  had  an  order  from  the  Grand 
IMaster  (De  Witt  Clinton),  the  execu- 
tion of  which  rcciuired  their  assistance. 
This  party  was  then  driven  to  Niagara, 
reaching  tlie  Fort  a  little  before  1'2 
o'clock.  Upon  entering  the  magazine, 
Col.  King  informed  IMorgan  that  his 
friends  had  completed  their  arrange- 
ments for  his  removal  to,  and  residence 
upon,  a  farm  in  Canada.  Morgan 
walked  wiiii  them  to  the  wharf,  where 
a  boat  was  held  in  readiness  for  them 
by  Elisha  Adams,  an  invalid  soldier, 
into  whicii  the  party  passed  and  rowed 
away,  Adams  remaining  to  warn  the 
boat  off  by  signal,  if,  on  its  return,  any 
alarm  ha(l  been  given.  It  was  nearly 
2  o'clock  in  the  morning  when  the  boat 
returned,  having,  as  Adams  expressed 
it,  lost  one  man,  only  five  of  the  si.x 
l)eing  on  board  when  tlie  boat  returned. 
AVhcn  the  boat  reached  the  point  where 
the  Niagara  Uiver  emjjties  into  Lake 
Ontario,  a  rope  being  wound  around 
Morgan's  body,  to  citlier  end  of  which 
a  sinker  was  attached,  he  was  thrown 
overboard.  It  is  due  to  the  memory 
of  Gov.  Clinton  to  say  that  Col.  King 
had  no  such  order,  and  no  authority 
to  make  use  of  his  name.  It  is  ])roper, 
also,  to  add,  that  none  of  these  men 
survive.  .lohn  Wliitney,  of  Rochester, 
whom  I  knew  so  well,  related  all  the 
circumstances  connected  with  the  last 
act  in  the  tragedy,  to  me  at  Albany  in 
luin.  in  tlie  presence  of  Simeon  B. 
Jewi  tt,  of  Clarkson,  nncl  Samuel  Bar- 
ton, of  Lewiston."  W'c  glean  the  fol- 
lowing not(!S  from  Jlr.  Weed's  letter : 
"In  October,  1827,  more  than  a  year 
alter  tlie  abduction  of  Morgan,  a  liody 
drifted  on  shore  near  a  small  crci  k 
which  emptied  intt)  Lake  Ontario. 
An  inquest  was  held,  and  it  was  i)ro- 
liouneed  'the  body  of  an  unknown  j)er- 
Bon.'  Morgan's  friends  demanded  an- 
other iuqucat.     Mrs.  Morgan  and  a 


1826.  friend  of  her  husband  gave  a  complete 
description  of  his  person,  and  also  of 
some  marks  upon  it,  which  was  fully 
corroborated  by  the  body  found,  and 
the  second  inquest  resulted  in  the 
decision  that  it  was  the  body  of  Wm. 
Morgan,  who  had  so  mysteriously  dis- 
appeared more  than  a  year  before.  Hut 
now  the  most  singular  part  of  the  story 
remains.  A  Caniulian,  l)y  the  name  of 
Timothy  Monroe,  had  been  swept  over 
the  Niagara  Falls  eleven  days  before 
the  discovery  of  the  body.  Ilis  wife 
appeared,  and  demanded  another  in- 
quest upon  it.  She  ^ave  a  very  minute 
description  of  his  clothing,  which  fully 
identified  that  found  upon  the  body, 
but  her  description  of  his  person  was 
very  inaccurate,  yet,  the  result  of  the 
inquest  wa-;,  that  it  was  the  body  of 
Timothy  Monroe."'  Thus  ended  the 
mysterious  ''Morgan  aflair." 

Hutnboldt. 

182C.  Visit  of  Baron  Alexander  von  ITumboldt, 
the  great  (Jerman  naturalist,  geologist, 
and  distinguished  scientist,  to  the 
United  States.  This  great  and  learned 
man  was  born  in  Berlin  September  14, 
1709,  and  was  educated  witli  great  care 
at  an  early  age  in  the  natur;il  sciences. 
He  was  also  a  student  of  the  University 
of  Frankfort-on-the-Oder.  He  traveled 
over  the  Continent,  and  his  researches 
among  the  Alps  and  Pyrenees  weie 
extensive.  The  King  of  Spain  granted 
him  a  passport  to  all  his  dominions 
with  free  use  of  all  astronomical  and 
other  instruments  which  would  aid  the 
advancement  of  science.  Such  exten- 
sive privileges  had  never  before  been 
granted  a  traveler. 

He  proceeded  to  South  America  and 
explored  all  the  mountainous  regions, 
volcanoes,  great  rivers,  and  natural 
scenery  and  botany.  He  ascended  the 
highest  peaks  of  the  Andes,  and  stood 
upon  the  cloud-ea]iped  heights  where 
the  foot  of  man  luul  never  before  ven- 
tured, lie  measured  their  vast  pro- 
portions, and  sounded  the  depths  of 
burning  volcanoes,  weighing  them  in 
tl'.e  balance  of  his  mighty  mind,  giving 
to  the  world  a  new  revelation. 

After  his  visit  to  America,  he  pub- 
lished a  scries  of  volumes  under  the  title 
of  Kosmos,  and  several  other  works. 
Agassiz  says  of  him:  "The  personal 
influence  he  exerted  upon  science  is  in- 
calculable. With  him  ends  a  great 
period  in  the  history  of  science,  a 
))eriod  to  which  Cuvier,  Laplace,  Arago. 
Gay,  Lussac,  De  ('andolle,  and  Kobert 
Brown  beUmgeil." 
"      Oct.  20.    OpeniiKj  of  the  Erie  Canal  with 

a  grand  celebration. 
"      First  pianos  manufactured  in  the  United 
States. 

"  I>ucl  hctwcen  Henry  Clay  and  John  Ban- 
do/]di,  caused  by  personal  insults  flung 
o[)enly  in  the  Senate  Chamber  at  Air. 
Clay,  as  Secretary  of  State.  Both  of 
these  illustrious  juen  lived  in  times 
when,  and  were  educated  untler  a  code 
of  morals  which  recognized  no  other 
means  of  satisfying  insulted  honor.  It 
was  nuuh  practiced  in  the  early  days 
of  "Southern  chivalry,"  but  which  was 
ever  regarded  by  the  cool  and  more 
philosophical  statesmen  of  the  North 
as  a  pernicious,   dishonorable,  and 


1826.  brutal  custom.  Mr.  Randolph  refused 
to  retract,  and  also  refused  to  take  the 
lii'e  of  his  anfcigonist,  and  resolved  not 
to  return  the  fire  of  Mr.  Clay,  yet  he 
made  every  preparation  for  death,  as  far 
as  his  worldly  affairs  were  concerned. 
Upon  the  ground,  the  pistol  of  Mr. 
Randolph  accidentally  went  off  while 
repeating  the  words  of  signal  after  his 
second,  but  which  was  admitted  to  be 
purely  accidental.  Two  shots  were 
exchanged,  Randolph's  first  lodging  in 
a  stump  in  the  rear  of  Mr.  Clay,  and 
the  latter's  ball  striking  the  earth 
several  feet  behind  Mr.  Randolph. 
The  second  firing  resulted  the  same, 
except  that  5Ir.  Kandolph  discharged 
his  pisti)l  in  the  air.  He  remarkc(l  to 
Col.  Benton,  just  after  the  first  fire  :  "  I 
would  not  have  seen  him  fall  mortally, 
or  even  doubtfully  wounded  for  all  the 
land  that  is  watered  by  the  king  of 
floods  and  all  his  tributary  streams." 

jMr.  Clay,  u|)on  seeing  .Mr.  Randolph's 
pistol  discharged  in  the  air,  approached 
him,  and  witli  deep  emotion  said:  "I 
trust  in  God,  my  (lear  sir,  you  are  un- 
touched ;  after  what  has  occurred,  I 
would  not  have  harmed  you  for  a 
thousand  worlds."  The  antagonists 
formally  exchanged  cards,  and  their 
relations  of  courtesy  were  restored. 
Thus  ended  an  "affair  of  honor," 
wliich  in  the  progress  of  civilization 
has  become  in  the  eyes  of  all  honorable 
men  a  barbarous  and  inhuman  prac- 
tice. 

1820.  Brazilian  independence  acknowledged 
by  Spain. 

*'  Constitution  for  confederation  of  Buenos 
Ayres  framed. 

"      Spanish  forces  driven  from  Peru. 

''      Uruguay  declared  for  independence. 

"  Brazil  declared  war  against  the  Argen- 
tine Rej)ublic. 

"  City  of  Buenos  Ayres  blockaded  ])y 
Brazil. 

I^trsf  Fire-proQf  Safes. 

Jesse  Delano  patented  an  improvement 
on  fire-proof  safes  of  French  invention. 

1827.  Feb.    Treaty  with  the  Creek  Indians  con- 

cluded 5'23 

"      Treaty  with  the  Kansas  Indians  523 

"      Treaty    with    the    Great    and  Little 

Osages  523 

"  May.  A  general  treaty  of  peace,  naviga- 
tion, and  commerce  between  United 
States  and  the  Republic  of  Colom- 
bia  5'23 

"  Qrcat  excitement  oter  the  ^'Morgan  affair,^^ 
and  great  o])])osition  to  Freemasonry. 
Political  ca])ital  made  out  of  the  alleged 
murdtr  of  Morgan. 
"  Firitt  roil  road  in  titc  United  States  huWt 
at  Quiney,  Mass.,  and  operated  by 
borse-power. 

1828.  Congress  passed  a  protective  tariff,  which 

caused  much  ojiposition  at  the  South. 
"      Sand-pajHT  and  emery-paper  first  made 

at  Philadelphia. 
"      First  locojiiotire  introduced  from  England 

by  the  Delaware  and  Hudson  Canal 

Company,  being  the  first  steam-engine 

used  in  the  Uniteil  States. 
"      Baltimore  and  Ohio  R.  11.  begun. 
"      Con'jress  made  provision  to  pay  tlie  officers 

of' the  lit  point ion'iry  War  523 

"      Names   of  "Democrat"   and  "  Hepiib- 

lican ''  chosen  this  year  for  the  parties 

still  beaiing  that  name. 


CHRONOLOGY. 


7G1 


182S.  Oen.  Andre^c  Jackson  and  John  G.  Calhoun 
chosen  to  Jill  the  offices  of  President  and 
Vice-Presidmt. 

"      Chili  adopts  a  Constitution  527 

"      Internal  war  in  iMexico. 

"      Treaty   of  i^eacc    between   Brazil  and 

'         Buenos  Ayres. 

"      Gen.  Sucre  assassinated. 

"  Brazil  declares  war  against  tlie  Argentine 
Bepublic. 

"  Planing-mill  patented  by  Wm.  Wood- 
worth,  of  New  York. 
1829.  S[>ain  attempts  to  regain  Mexico.  She 
sends  a  force  of  4,000  troops  under 
Gen.  Barradas.  He  was  forced  to 
capitulate,  and  his  tioops  were  sent  to 
Havana. 

"     Mexican  independence  recognized  hy  the 

United  States. 
"     Mexico  expelled  all  the  natives  of  Spain 

from  her  territory. 
"      First  coffee  plantations  started  in  Costa 

Kica. 

"  Marisctil  Santa  Cruz  elected  President  of 
Bolivia;  and  a  revolution  began,  last- 
ing ten  years. 

"  Jan.  26.  Daniel  Wchster^s  great  speech 
defending  the  Constitution  528 

"      Feb.  20.    Resolutions  passed  by  the  Vir- 
ginia House  of  Delegates  against  the 
United  States  TariflF  Bill. 
May  2.    Hail  falls  in  Tuscaloosa,  Ala- 
bama, to  the  depth  of  tirelve  inches. 

"  May  17.  Death  of  John  Jag,  at  Bedford, 
New  York. 

"      Sej)t.  15.    Slavery  abolished  in  Mexico. 

"  Nov.  9.  Separation  of  Yucatan  from 
]\Iexico,  and  union  with  Central  Amer- 
ica. 

"     Dec.  4.  Revolution  commenced  in  Mexico. 


First  Asylum  for  the  Blind. 

"  Perkins  Institute  and  Massachusetts  Asy- 
lum for  the  Blind  established  through 
the  eflbrts  of  Dr.  John  D.  Fisher,  with 
Dr.  Samuel  G.  Howe  as  Director,  who 
held  the  position  forty-three  years. 

"  First  Ilortimltural  Society  founded  in 
this  country. 

"  President  Jackson  removed  700  officehold- 
ers, which  established  the  jirecedent 
sinee  so  closely  followed.  He  is 
credited  with  tlie  saying :  "  To  the 
victor  belong  the  sjmHs." 
1830.  Jan.  20.  Bolivar  n signs  his  military  and 
civil  commissions. 

"  Jan.  27.  City  of  Guatemala  nearly  de- 
stroyed by  earthquake. 

'*  April  4.  Yucatan  declares  its  independ- 
ence. 

'*     Uruguay  adopted  a  Constitution. 
"      Death  of  Bolivar  at  San  Pedro. 

"      South  Carolina  asserts  "  State's  Mights.''^ 

Jiise  of  Mortnonism. 

'*  April  G.  Mormon  Church  founded  upon 
the  supernatural  pretensions  of  Joseph 
Smith,  an  ignorant,  dissolute,  but  pre- 
tentious young  man,  who  had  no  repu- 
tation for  good  in  tlie  community  where 
he  lived,  iu  Palmyra,  N.  Y.  Smith 
was  the  pretended  auUior  of  a  new  rev- 
elation, which  he  called  the  "  Book  of 
^Mormon ; "  or,  ''Ciolden  Bible."  He 
dictated  the  contents  to  Oliver  Cow- 
dcry,  while  seated  behind  a  blanket 
hung  acrojs  the  room,  to  keep  profane 
eyes  from  beholding  the  "  sacred  rec- 
ords," or  metallic  plates  which  he 


1830.  claimed  to  have  exhumed  by  direction 
of  the  Holy  Spirit !  These  he  professed 
to  be  reading,  with  the  aid  of  the 
Urim  and  Thummim  —  the  ancient 
stones  revived  —  by  looking  through 
which,  the  strange  characters  were 
converted  into  English  !  The  true  ori- 
gin of  this  book  is  claimed  to  be  tlie 
manuscript  of  an  eccentric  i)reaeher,  by 
the  name  of  Spauldin^-,  who  became 
involved  iu  debt,  and  undertook  the 
composition  of  a  historical  novel,  en- 
titled ''Manuscript  Found;''  liy  which 
means  he  hoped  to  li(iuidate  his  debts. 
The  MSS.  were  written  iu  1812,  and 
left  in  a  printing  office  where  Sydney 
Rigdon  was  a  workman.  In  1816  Mr. 
Spaulding  died.  When  the  new  Bible 
appeareil,  ISIr.  Miller,  a  ]iartner  of 
Spaulding,  also  Mr.  Spauldinii's  wife, 
recognized  the  plagiarism,  and  testified 
to  a  great  portion  of  the  book  as  being 
the  production  of  Spaulding's  pen. 
The  characters,  names,  etc  ,  were  ver- 
batim from  Spaulding,  but  mixed  up 
with  Scripture  quotations,  together 
with  Bible  doctrines,  and  altogether 
forming  a  book  of  several  hundred 
pages.  The  main  features  of  Mor- 
mon religion  were  the  pretended  "gifts 
of  the  Church,"  by  which  the  same 
miracles  wdiich  were  wrouglit  by  Christ 
■were  claimed  to  be  wrouglit  by  Smith 
and  his  apostles,  even  to  the  raising  of 
the  dead.  Kirtland,  Ohio,  became  the 
headquarters  of  the  Mormons  in  18ol, 
and  they  began  rapidly  to  increase. 
A  body  of  them  started  a  church  in 
Jackson  Co.,  Mo.,  where  their  num- 
bers increased  so  rapidly  that  the  old 
settlers  becoming  alarmed,  held  pub- 
lic meetings,  protesting  against  the 
invasion  of  the  new  sect.  The  citi- 
zens demanded  the  suppression  . 
their  paper,  which  being  refused,  it 
■was  destroyed  by  a  mob.  The  excite- 
ment i^revailed  to  such  an  extent,  that 
some  of  their  houses  were  destroyed 
and  their  leaders  whipped,  and  during 
a  fray  several  lives  were  lost  on  both 
sides.  Persecutions  but  strengthened 
the  zeal  of  the  fanatics.  They  moved 
about  from  place  to  place,  and  finally 
settled  down  in  Nauvoo,  111.,  where 
they  began  the  erection  of  a  Temple. 
They  now  took  the  name  of  "  Latter- 
Day  Saints."  In  1833  Brigham  Young 
■was  converted  to  the  new  faith.  In 
1837  the  INIormons  carried  their  new 
religion  to  the  Old  World,  ■svhere  super- 
stition and  ignorance  abounded.  There 
it  flourished  and  took  deep  root  among 
the  lower  classes,  who  have  ever  been 
the  dupes  of  designing  religious  pre- 
tenders. The  light  of  reason  and  edu- 
cation always  dispels  the  dark  clouds 
of  superstition  and  bigotry,  and  no 
sect,  founded  upon  superstition  and 
pretended  wonders  and  miraculous 
demonstrations,  can  longer  hope  to 
flourish  where  an  open  Bible,  free 
schools,  and  a  free  press  abound.  In 
1839  the  Latter-Day  Saints,"  under  the 
leadership  of  Smith,  united  their  forces 
and  beuan  a  settlement  and  the  build- 
ing of  their  Temple  in  Nauvoo.  Polyg- 
amy was  now  introduced  by  ''revela- 
tion to  Smith,"  as  a  special  privilege 
to  the  head  of  the  Cliurch.  Duiing 
184'3-3— t  .Smith  was  repeatedly  arrest- 
ed on  charges  of  murder,  treason,  and 
adultery,  but  managed  to  avert  puuish- 


1830.  ment,  until  the  summer  of  1844.  when, 
with  his  brother  Hiram,  he  was  .sent 
a  prisoner  ]>y  the  Governor  of  Illinois 
to  Carthage,  where  they  were  arrested 
for  treason,  and  placed  In  prison  under 
guiird.  On  the  27tii  of  June  a  moU  of 
outraged  citizens,  disguised,  broke 
into  the  jail  and  summarily  killed 
them  lioth.  Great  mourning  and  1  nn- 
entations  went  up  from  the  afflicted 
Mormons.  They  sent  word  to  all  the 
faithful  far  and  near,  that  the  ''  Lord's 
Prophet"  was  killed.  Brigliam  Young 
was  appointed  successor  to  Jo  ejih 
Sniiili,  much  to  the  chagrin  of  Sydney 
Rigilon. 

•  The  Mormons  were  now  compelled 
to  abandon  their  ci'y  and  Temple. 
They  i)roceeded  at  once  to  establish 
themselves  beyond  the  Ijounds  of  civil- 
ization, wliere  they  could  carry  out 
their  dark  and  cUvili.sh  designs,  and 
lay  the  foundation  of  thiir  unholy 
schemes,  unmolested  by  law,  order,  or 
even  decency.  A  desolate  region  near 
the  shores  of  the  Great  Salt  Lake  was 
chosen  for  the  seat  of  their  cUy  and 
government,  for  they  as])ired  to  no  less 
l)retensions  than  the  "  Veritable  King- 
dom of  God,"  and  Brigham  Young  His 
chosen  Prophet,  Priest,  and  King, 
temporal,  or  rukr  of  the  "  Saints  of 
God" — could  mortal  man  aspire  to 
greater  dignity  or  power  ?  Hut — 
^- Mirabile  dictuf^' — this  chief  of  im- 
postors actually  succeeded  in  establisli- 
ing  a  form  of  government  in  the  very 
center  of  the  United  States,  with  him- 
self as  govevnor,  with  laws  to  suit  him- 
self, defying  the  Government  and  all 
law  and  interference  upon  the  pretended 
authority  of  ''Divine  E'vclalion"  and 
'■■appointment !  Here  in  the  heart  of 
the  great  wilderness  they  began  to 
build  the  ''New  Jerusalem'' — since 
called  Salt  Lake  City.  Here  they 
flourished  like  ''a  green  bay  tree"  and 
imported  their  devotees  from  the  igno- 
rant and  oppressed  classes  of  Europe 
by  thousands,  under  pretense  of  bring- 
ing them  to  the  "land  of  promise." 
Th(;y  rapidly  increased  until  they  num- 
bered many  thousands,  and  berame  a 
teiTor  to  emigration  and  civilization. 
Under  the  disgui.se  of  Indians,  du-y 
waylaid  whole' emigrant  trains,  rob- 
bing, plundering,  and  murdering  the 
helpless  victims  at  their  will.  The 
great  "Mountain  Meadow  ISIa-sacre," 
designed  and  prosecuted  by  the  Jlor- 
mon  leaders,  was,  after  twenty  years' 
successful  evasion,  brought  to  light, 
and  one  of  its  leaders  executed  by 
United  States  authority.  But  it  is 
pretty  generally  believed  that  Hrigham 
Young  and  his  apostles  were  instru- 
mental ill  nearly  all  the  depredations 
committed  throuijhout  the  grent  plains 
of  the  West,  which  were  attributed  to 
the  Indians.  One  great  secret  of  the 
indifler^nce  of  the  Government  to  the 
alarming  growth  of  this  monstrosity 
in  the  heart  of  her  territory,  was  its 
remoteness  from  the  very  borders  of 
civilization,  and  the  astounding  success 
of  its  leaders  in  founding  a  city  and  a 
government,  populated  :.nd  improved 
by  dint  of  systematic  industry  and 
perseverance  which  challenged  the  ad- 
miration of  all  who  visited  that  o.asis 
of  the  Great  Desert— the  far-famed  Salt 
Lake  City.    The  Govcrnmcut  and  mili- 


7G2 


CHRONOLOGY. 


1830.  tary  officials,  newspaper  correspond- 
ents, and  prominent  men  of  tlie  nation 
■\vlio  visited  Utah  were  feted  and  flat- 
tered, and  sometimes  lought  up  l)y 
that  great  dignitary,  Brigham  Young, 
who  held  unlimited  sway  over  a  vast 
territory  of  willing  subjects,  and  who 
controlled,  not  only  the  press,  the 
schools,  and  the  religion,  but  the 
Jinanccs  of  a  large  territory  representing 
immense  resources  and  wealth.  But 
the  onward  march  of  civilization  is 
fast  accomplisliing  to-day  what  a  tardy 
Government  should  have  done  at  the 
start;  for  no  great  oppressive  power 
can  long  exist  surrounded  by  the  ele- 
ments of  freedom. 

"  Dec.  0.  Building  of  the  South  Carolina 
Kailroad. 

"  American  Institute  of  Learning  founded 
in  Boston. 

Battle  of  the  Giants. 

"  Great  debate  in  the  United  States  Senate 
between  Webster  and  IIa\ne,  called 
the  "  Battle  of  the  Giants".'  528 

"  Charter  granted  by  the  Legislature  of 
Penns_\  Ivania  to  Col.  Stephen  Long  for 
the  American  Steam  Carriage  Com- 
pany. 

*'  Firiit  locomotive  'built  in  the  United  States 
by  Peter  Cooper,  the  philanthropist, 
after  his  own  design. 

1831.  O rent  political  excitement  over  Tariff  and 

Free  Trade. 
"      "  T/ie  Lihn-ator,"  an  anti-slavery  paper, 
started  in  Boston  by  Wm.  Lloyd  Gar- 
rison. 

•*      Jan.  12.    JlemitrJcalile  eclipse  of  the  sun. 
*'      April  7.    Dom  Pedro  abdicated  in  favor 
of  his  son,  Pedro  II. 

James  Monroe. 

"  July  4.  Death  of  James  Monroe,  fifth 
President  of  the  United  States.  Mr. 
Jlonroe  was  born  in  Westmoreland  Co., 
Virginia,  Ajjril  28.  1758.  At  the  age 
of  1(5  he  entered  William  and  Mary 
College,  and  in  177(i,  when  hut  two 
yea  s  in  college,  and  upon  the  adoption 
of  the  Deelanition  of  Independence,  he 
reliuquisheil  his  studies  and  hastened 
to  Gen.  Washington's  headtjuarters  in 
Kew  York,  ;ind  enrolled  his  name  as  a 
cadet  in  the  army.  In  the  battle  of 
Trenton,  during  wliich  he  was  wound- 
ed, he  distinguished  himself  for  his 
bravery,  and  was  promoted  to  the  rank 
of  Captain.  Soon  after  he  received  a 
commission  as  Colonel,  but  the  army 
.  was  so  depleted  that  no  command  could 
be  furnished  him,  and  he  returricd  to 
Virginia,  and  entered  the  law  office  of 
'J'homas  Jeflerson.  In  1782  he  was 
elected  to  the  Virginia  Assembly,  and 
iipljointed  a  member  of  tlu?  Ivxeeutive 
(  ouncil.  In  1783  Mr.  Monroe  was 
cho>en  a  delegate  to  the  Continental 
Congress  lor  a  term  of  three  years, 
where  he  i)r()ved  himself  an  eflieient 
member,  and  was  instrumental  in  bring- 
ing about  the  General  Convention  at 
I'liiladelphiii,  which  developed  the 
jiresent  Constitution.  He  married  a 
Miss  Korlright,  of  Nr  w  York,  an  intel- 
ligent anil  accomplished  l,.dy,  who,  in 
bis  subseciuent  high  career,  was  every 
way  fitted  for  the  (ompanidU  of  so  dis- 
tinguished a  man.  Air.  .Monroe  was 
a  nienilier  of  tiie  Virginia  Convention 


1831.  which  ratified  the  Constitution,  and 
opposed  it,  as  he  thought  it  gave  too 
much  power  to  the  Central  Government. 
As  a  Republican,  Mr.  Monroe  opposed 
every  measure  which  tended  to  central- 
ize the  Government  and  give  it  too 
much  controlling  power  over  the  States. 
He  feared  the  tendencies  of  the  people 
toward  an  aristocracy.  In  t!ie  war  be- 
tween France  and  England  ^Ir.  Mimroc 
deeply  sympathized  with  France,  and 
bitterly  opposed  the  neutrality  proc- 
lamation, alleging  thnt  it  was  base  in- 
gratitude in  the  United  States  to  refuse 
her  aid  to  France  in  her  struggle  with 
the  despotic  powers  of  Europe.  Presi- 
dent Washington  magnanimously  ap- 
pointed James  Jlonroe  as  Minister  to 
that  Government.  He  was  received 
with  the  most  enthusiastic  demonstra- 
tions of  joyous  welcome.  The  Presi- 
dent of  the  National  Convention  ad- 
dressed him  in  a  congratulatory  speech, 
and  publicly  embraced  liim  at  its  close. 
The  flags  of  the  two  republics  were 
intertwined  in  the  Assembly  Hall. 
]\Ir.  Monroe's  frank  and  cordial  manner, 
and  his  open  sympathy  with  France 
was  so  extremely  annoying  to  England 
and  to  the  friends  of  England  in 
America,  tl;at  he  was  recalled  near  the 
close  of  Washington's  administration. 
Shortly  after  his  return  he  was  elected 
Governor  of  Virginia.  Mr.  Monroe 
was  sent  to  France  to  negotiate  for  the 
pnrcliase  of  the  Louisiana  Territory  in 
connection  with  Mr.  Livingston,  the 
IVIinister  to  France.  Their  efforts  were 
successful.  He  next  visited  England 
to  remonstrate,  in  the  name  of  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States,  against 
the  impressment  of  our  seamen.  En- 
gland refused  to  make  any  cflbrt  toward 
satisfying  their  just  complaints.  From 
England  he  went  to  Spain  by  way  of 
Paris,  and  witnessed  the  crowning  of 
Napoleon  Bonajiarle.  In  Spain  he  en- 
deavored to  settle  a  boundaiy  question 
relating  to  the  Louisiana  Territory, 
which  Spain  had  ceded  to  France,  and 
France  to  the  United  States,  but  failed 
to  ellect  what  he  desired.  Mr.  Monroe 
was  again  sent  to  the  Court  of  England 
to  sue  for  redress.  But  she  remained 
inexorable,  and  the  treaty  which  they 
tendered  through  him  to  the  (Jovern- 
ment  of  the  Ignited  States  was  so  un- 
satisfactory that  the  President  de- 
clined to  submit  it  to  the  Senate.  Mr. 
Jlonroc  now  retired  to  his  home  in 
Virginia,  where  he  remained  until 
called  to  the  Secretaryship  of  State  un- 
der President  Madison. 

Upon  the  burning  and  sacking  of 
Washington  by  the  British,  Mr.  Mon- 
roe assumed  tlie  additional  duties  of 
Secretary  of  ^\'ar,  that  olhcer  having 
resigned  his  position,  and  most  elii- 
ciently  and  nobly  he  discharged  the 
duties  of  each.  The  country  was  in  a 
deplorable  condition — her  treasury  ex- 
hausted and  credit  gone,  and  in  the 
midst  of  a  war  with  the  strongest  n.i- 
tion  u])on  earth.  Yit  in  this  terrible 
crisis  Janu!s  ■Monroe  jiledgcd  his  own 
individual  credit  as  subsidiary  to  that 
of  his  coimtry,  thereby  enabling  her 
to  make  a  successful  defenso  against 
the  invading  foe.  His  energies  were 
all  directed  to  the  .salvation  and  wel- 
fare of  his  country,  and  his  faithful 
and  prompt    measures  enabled  the 


1831.  army  to  triumph  gloriously  over  their 
cruel  and  inveterate  enemy.  Upon  the 
close  of  the  war  i\Ir.  Monroe  resigned 
the  Secretaryship  of  War,  and  continued 
the  discharge  of  the  duties  of  Secretary 
of  State  till  the  end  of  President  Madi- 
son's administration,  when  he  was 
elected  to  that  impi  rtant  office  by  a 
large  majority.  A  better  choice  at 
that  time  could  not  well  have  been 
made.  He  continued  iu  the  Presiden- 
tial chair  eight  years,  his  administra- 
tion giving  general  satisfaction.  He 
made  great  exertion  to  secure  a  pen- 
sion law  to  reward  the  veteran  soldiers. 
Mr.  Monroe  was  the  author  of  the  pa- 
per called  "  The  Monroe  Doctrine,"  the 
object  of  which  was  to  introduce  and 
establish  the  American  system  of  keep- 
ing out  of  our  land  all  foreign  powers; 
of  never  permitting  those  of  Europe  to 
intermeddle  with  the  affairs  of  our  na- 
tion. It  is  to  maintain  our  own  princi- 
ple, nottodei^artfrom  it,"  and  "  that  any 
attemjjt  on  the  part  of  the  European 
powers  to  extend  their  system  to  any 
portion  of  this  hemisjjhere  would  be 
regarded  by  the  United  States  as  dan- 
gerous to  our  peace  and  safety.''  Mr. 
Monroe  died  a  poor  man.  He  gave  his 
time  so  exclusively  to  his  country  that 
his  private  interests  were  neglected, 
and  he  became  involved  in  debts  which 
reduced  him  to  the  estate  of  a  "p<ior 
man "  in  worldly  possessions,  but  his 
■wealth  of  character  and  reputation  far 
outweighed  the  miser's  hoarded  gains. 
He  diecl  at  the  residence  of  his  son-in- 
law  in  New  York,  at  the  age  of  seventy- 
three,  honored  and  beloved  by  a  grate- 
ful nation. 

"  Oct.  1.  FVee  Trade  Convention  at  Phila- 
delphia. 

"  Oct.  2tJ.  Tariflf  Conventicm  at  New 
York. 

"  Manning  mouing-machine  patented  (the 
frst  useful  moiring-maehiiie  made). 

"  Chloroform  discovered  by  Samuel  Guthrie, 
of  Sackctl's  Harbor,  N.  Y. 

"  Steam  Initting-machine  first  used,  at 
Albany,  N.  Y.,  by  Timothy  Bailey. 

"  Dr.  Howe,  of  New  York,  invented  the 
first  practical  machine  for  making  pins. 

"  Confederation  of  Buenos  Ay  res,  Corri- 
cnles,  Entre-Kio,  and  Santa  Fe. 

''      Uruguay  became  an  independent  State. 

"      Limitation  of  slave  trade  in  HraziL 

"      Ecuador  becomes  independent. 

"      Beiaiblic  of  ("olomhia  dissolved. 

"  Buttons  first  made  by  machinery  in  the 
United  States  by  Joel  Ilayden,  of  Con- 
necticut. 


Gil'l's,  the  Pirate^  E.xccuted. 

"  Capture  and  execution  of  Gilhs,  the  most 
iii'tid  jdrate  of  the  ventunj.  He  w.as 
called  the  "Scourge  of  the  Ocean."  In 
his  confession  he  stated  that  he  had 
been  concerned  in  robbing  over  forty 
vessels,  and  he  gave  the  names  of  near 
a  score  of  vessels  taken  by  the  pirates 
under  his  command,  the  crews  of 
Avhich  were  murdered. 

"  We--tern  College  of  Teachers  established 
in  Ohio  by  .Mbcit  and  Join  I  icket 
and  Samuel  Lewis. 
1833.  Congress  i)a.s.--ed  a  new  jirotective  tariff 
bill,  (ireat  opposition  iu  the  South. 
South  Carolina  threatened  secession.  5:i3 


CHRONOLOGY. 


Gen.  Jackson  Vetoes  Secession. 

1832.  President  Jackson  ordered  the  naval  and 

military  forces  to  Charleston  to  enforce 
the  laws,  which  an  end  to  the  se- 
cession  528 

"  Feb.  6.  Attack  on  Qualla  Eatoo,  in 
Sumatra,  by  the  United  States  frigate 
Putomac. 

First  Appearance  of  Cholera. 

"  June  8.  Cholera  at  Quebec;  the  first 
case  in  America. 

"  June  31.  First  case  of  Asiatic  Cholera  in 
the  United  Stites,  which  scourge  swept 
over  the  entire  land,  hurrying  thou- 
sands into  a  sudden  and  terrible 
death  528 

"  Aug.  27.  Blnch  Hawk  War,  and  capture 
ofBlach  ITawJc  5U 

"  Sept.  26.  University  of  New  York  organ- 
ized. 

"  Andrew  Jachson  chosen  for  Prenident  and 
Martin  Van  Biiren  Vice-President. 

"  Death  of  Charles  Carroll  of  CarroUton, 
the  last  surviving  signer  of  the  Decla- 
ration of  Independence. 

"  President  Jackson  vetoed  the  United  States 
Bank  hill. 

"  Dec.  28.  John  C.  Calhoun  resigned  his 
office  as  Vice-President. 

"  Electro-Magnetic  Telegraph  invented  hy 
Professor  3Iorse.    (See  biography.) 

"  Asiatic  Cholera  appeared  again  in  New 
York  City,  lasting  two  months,  and  re- 
sulting in  3,400  deaths. 

Chloroform  Invented. 

"      Dr.  Samuel  Guthrie  first  published  his 

discovery  of  chloroform. 
"      Patent  granted  to  E.  &  T.  Fairbanks  for 

their  "  Hay  Scales,"  or  a  balance  for 

weighing  heavy  bodies. 
"      Yellow  fever  again  appeared  in  New 

York  and  vicinity,  producing  a  great 

panic. 

1833.  Mar.  4.    Andrew  Jackson  inaugurated 

President  for  a  second  term. 


Jackson  Closes  the  United  States 
Bank. 

"  President  Jackson  being  informed  that 
the  United  States  Bank  was  using 
large  sums  for  political  purposes,  re- 
moved the  deposits  and  closed  all 
operations,  contrary  to  the  advice  of 
his  Cabinet,  and  in  direct  opposition 
to  Congress.  Great  excitement  was 
caused  by  this  act,  and  two  attempts 
were  made  to  take  his  life.  Thomas 
H.  Benton  and  John  Forsyth  supported 
the  President  in  tlie  Senate,  but  Clay, 
Calhoun,  and  Webster  uniied  in  the 
oppositicm.  The  name  "  Whig  "  was 
adopted  by  the  opposition  party. .  533 

"  The  Southern  States  held  a  "  State's 
Rights"  Convention. 

"  May  3.  Congress  passed  Henry  Clay's 
compromise  tariff  law. 

"  Santa  Anna  inaugurated  President  of 
Mexico. 

"  Cholera  broke  out  among  the  United 
States  troops  who  were  engaged 
against  the  Indians  in  the  West,  nearly 
destroying  several  ompanies. 

"  Yellow  fever  again  visits  the  United 
States  in  a  more  virulent  form. 

"  First  practical  safe  invented  by  J.  C. 
Gayler,  and  called  the  "  Salamander." 


John  Randolph. 

1833.  May  24.  Death  of  John  Randolph,  a  dis- 
tinguished United  States  Senator  from 
Virginia.  He  was  born  in  Virginia, 
June  2, 1773,  and  was  a  direct  descend- 
ant of,  and  the  seventh  generation 
from,  Pocahontas,  daughter  of  the  In- 
dian Chit'f  Powhattan,  and  deliverer  of 
Capt.  John  Smith.  Jlr.  Uandolph  was 
an  elociiiciit  and  eccentric  man,  and 
was  much  feared  in  Congress  and  also 
in  the  Senate,  for  his  sarcastic  and 
scathing  rebukes  and  expositions  of  all 
that  he  considered  trickery  and  secret 
combinations.  He  was  regarded  as 
an  ujiright  and  straightforward  repre- 
sentative, and  advocated  only  what  he 
believed  to  be  riglit. 

"  Removal  of  several  Indian  tribes  beyond 
the  Mississijjpi. 

"  First  double  cylinder  printing-press  con- 
structed by  lioe  &  Newton. 

"      First  useful  reapers  patented. 

"      Caloric  engine  invented  by  John  Ericsson. 

First  Newsboy. 

"  First  copy  of  New  York  Run  printed  by 
Benj.  H.  Day,  and  sold  for  one  cent  per 
copy.  Its  sale  on  the  streets  created 
the  first  "  newsboy  "  that  ever  cried  in 
the  streets  of  an  American  city. 

"  Nov.  18.  Great  meteoric  shower  known  as 
the  '■^falling  stars."  which  created  a 
great  sensation  all  over  the  country. 
Much  fear  and  consternation  were  ex- 
cited among  the  superstitious,  many 
supposing  the  "end  of  the  world"  had 
come. 

"      Chili  revised  her  Constitution. 

"  Slaves  emancipated  in  Jamaica^.  The 
planter'5  immediately  combined  to  put 
wages  down  to  the  lowest  possible  rate, 
and  increased  the  rents  of  the  In;  \ 
which  the  n^^groes  occupied.  The 
negroes  deseited  the  plantations  anil 
settled  in  the  mountains.  The  agita- 
tion resulting  therefiom  threatened  a 
revolt  against  the  Government.  Chinese 
laborers  were  imported,  but  without 
success. 

Flying- AI achine. 

"  A  model  flying-machine  was  constructed 
by  Rufus  Poiter,  of  New  Britain,  Conn., 
who  kept  experimenting,  until  about 
fourteen  years  later  he  produced  a 
model  propelled  by  steam,  which  he 
exhibited  at  Washington  and  in  the 
Merchants'  Exchange,  New  York,  and 
a  journal  of  the  day  declared  "it  made 
tiie  circuit  of  the  rotunda  eleven  times 
like  a  thing  animated  with  life."  Still 
later  he  constructed  a  full  working 
machine,  but  which  he  never  completeti 
because  it  was  found  impo.ssible  to 
procure  a  varnish  or  coating  for  the 
canvas  covering  which  v  ould  prevent 
the  leakage  of  the  gases  to  an  extent 
that  wholly  destroyed  the  lifting  power 
of  the  liailoon.  Tlie  balloon  was  cigar- 
shaped,  and  a  little  below  was  suspended 
a  ear,  confirming  on  a  small  scale  to 
the  shape  of  the  balloon,  which  carried 
the  motive  power  for  propelling  the 
whole,  and  was  provided  with  a  pair 
of  screw  ])ropelkrs  and  a  four-leaved 
rudder.  In  1800  j\Ir.  Porter's  i  rineiple 
was  revived,  with  certain  additions,  at 
Siiell  Mound  Lake,  Cal ,  by  Frederick 
Marriot,    and   operated   by   a  small 


1833.  Btcam-cngine.  The  apparatus  worked 
well  in  a  slili  atmosplieie,  bLitpro\e(l 
a  failure  in  brisk  winds. 

1834.  3Iar.    Vote  of  censure   by  tlie  Senate 

against  the  President  for  removing  the 
Bank  deposits,  but  was  soon  after  ex- 
punged  533 

"      TIte  whole  United  States  dcht  jia id  off. 

"     Lucifer  matches  first  made  in  America. 

First  Sealing- Machine. 

"  Sewinn-mnchine  invented  by  Walter  Hunt, 
of  New  York,  with  a  ciu-ved  eye- 
pointed  needle  and  shuttle,  making  a 
1  )ck-stitch;  but  he  failetl  to  perfect  it 
or  to  get  a  patent  for  it. 

"  Raised  alphal/ct  invented  by  Dr.  Howe 
for  the  use  of  the  blind. 
1834-5.  Remarkable  cold  icintcr  all  over  the 
United  States  —  snow  falling  in  the 
Southern  States  one  foot  deep;  orange 
and  fig  trees  100  years  old  were  killed. 

1835.  Congress  established   branch   mints  in 

Georgia,  North  Carolina,  aiid  Louisiv 
ana. 

"  The  Cherokees  sold  their  land  to  Gov- 
ernment for  $5,200,000. 

"  April  18.  French  indemnity  bill  passed 
the  Chamber  of  Deputies. 

"  May.  New  York  Herald  established  by 
James  Gordon  Bennett.  See  biog- 
raphy. 

"  July  0.  Death  o  f  Cliief  Justice  Marshall, 
who  had  filled  this  high  ottice  nearly 
35  years. 

"  Roger  Brooke  Taney,  of  Maryland,  ap- 
pointed to  fill  his  place. 

"  Renewal  of  war  with  the  Seminole  In- 
dians, which  lasted  seven  years  longer, 
and  cost  the  Government  $15,000,- 
000   533 

Great  Fire  in  New  York. 

"  Dec.  16.  Great  fire  in  New  York  citv; 
$22,000,000  worth  of  property  burned. 

"  Mexican  Constitution  abrogated,  and  the 
Confederation  of  States  consolidated 
into  a  rei)ublic,  with  Santa  Anna  Presi- 
dent and  Dictator. 

"  Republic  of  Central  America  dissolved, 
and  the  separate  Republics  of  Guate- 
mala, Honduras,  San  Salvador,  and 
Co-t  i  Rica  formed. 

"  Illuminating  gas  first  introduced  into  the 
city  of  Pliiladelpliia. 

"  First  gold  pens,  with  diamond  points, 
made  by  Levi  Brown,  a  Detroit  watch- 
maker. 

"  Guano  first  became  an  article  of  com- 
merce in  the  United  States. 

"  Dec.  28.  Maj.  I)a<le  and  his  command 
massacred  in  Florida. 

"      Gen.  Thomi)snn  and  his  companions  were 
also  murdered. 
183G.  Arkansas  ailmitted  into  the  Union. 

"  April  21.  Battle  of  San  Jacinto,  in  Tex- 
as. Santa  Anna  defeated  and  taken 
prisoner. 

"  Be(iuest  of  James  Smith-on  to  the  United 
States,  of  $')15,1«!)  for  the  ''geneial 
dilfusion  of  knowledge  among  men." 
Tfic  Smithsonian  Jn.sfir'ite  at  Wa-hiug- 
ton  was  founded  with  the  pioceeds  of 
this  bequest. 

James  Madison. 

"  June  28.  Death  of  James  Madison,  foerth 
l*re>ident  of  the  United  States.  .Mr. 
Sladison  was  born  in  Orange  County, 


764 


CHKONOLOGY. 


183C.  YirRinia.  lie  graduated  at  Princeton 
College  at  the  age  of  twenty,  with 
a  constitution  enfeebled  with  con- 
stant study,  but  with  a  clinraeter  of 
unl)len)ished  purity,  and  a  mind  richly 
stored  with  all  tliat  makes  youth  at- 
+r:\ctive  and  honorable.  Being  natu- 
rally of  a  liberty-loving  nature,  and 
also  hii:hly  endowed  with  religious 
sentiments,  he  early  gave  his  mind  to 
theological  study.  He  soon,  however, 
became  strongly  impressed  with  the  in- 
tolerance of  Church  power  in  this 
country.  He  saw  the  injustice  of  in- 
discriminate taxation  to  ^upjjort  the 
Estalilished  Church  of  England.  His 
first  public  efforts  were  directed  against 
this  oppression.  With  Thomas  Jeffer- 
son lie  fought  for  religious  liberty. 
The  battle  was  fierce,  and  the  oppo- 
nents of  religious  intolerance  were 
denounced  as  the  enemies  of  Christi- 
anity. But  liberty  triumphed,  and  re- 
ligious freedom  was  established  in  Vir- 
ginia. 

In  1770  lie  became  a  member  of  the 
Virginia  Convention  to  frame  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  State.  He  lost  the 
election  to  the  General  Assembly  the 
ne.\t  year  because  lie  refused  to  treat 
the  whisky-loving  voters.  In  1780  he 
was  elected  a  member  of  the  Conti- 
nental Congress,  and  was  immediately 
assigned  to  a  conspicuous  place.  In 
17«7  he  was  an  eminent  member  of 
the  great  National  Convention.  Mr. 
JIadison  was  one  of  the  leading  spirits 
in  calling  this  convention,  and  also  in 
bringing  about  the  great  and  all-im- 
I  ortant  result  —  tlie  "Constitution  of 
the  United  States."  "When  this  inval- 
uable document  was  to  be  submitted 
to  the  people  of  the  United  States,  Mr. 
Madison  was  selected  to  write  the  ad- 
dress, expounding  its  principles  and 
urging  its  adojjtion. 

In  1700  Jlr.  i\ladison  found  himself 
fast  drifting  to  the  side  of  the  licpub- 
lican  party.  Yet  he  was  so  courteous 
ancl  conscientious  in  all  his  manners 
and  measures  that  he  retained  the  con- 
fidence of  his  former  pirty  friends. 
In  1702  he  was  the  avowed  leader  of 
tlic  Republican  jiarty  in  Congress.  In 
1797  it  was  the  wish  of  many  that  Mr. 
]\Iadison  should  become  the  candidate 
for  President,  but  he  declined  the  hon- 
or. Mr.  .Telleison  wrote,  concerning 
his  fjualifications  for  the  ])osition, 
"There  is  not  another  person  in  the 
United  States  wiili  whom,  being  jjlac^ed 
at  the  iielni  of  our  affairs,  my  mind 
Mould  be  so  com])lrtely  at  rest  for  the 
fortune  of  our  ])olitical  bark." 

At  the  age  of  4.'i  he  married  the  ac- 
complished Mrs.  Todd,  who  was  the 
belle  of  New  York.  She  juoved  to  be 
a  worthy  coinpani>in  of  so  distingiiished 
a  man,  and  was  a  great  attraction  and 
social  power  at  the  "White  Mouse," 
and  i.n  the  soci(!ty  at  Washington,  as 
the  wife  of  the  Picsident. 

Upon  the  election  of  Thomas  JefTer- 
Kon  to  the  Presidency  he  appointed 
"Mr.  Madison  Secretary  of  State.  He 
(lischarged  the  duties  of  this  resjwnsi- 
blc  olliro  during  the  eight  years  of 
Mr. .  JefTorson's  a<lmiiiistr  d'on.  Mr. 
JetTersiin  being  a  widower,  Mrs,  Madi- 
son was  called  u]ioii  to  discharge  the 
duties  and  honors  required  of  the 
mistress  of  the  Presidential  mansion. 


1836.  This  position  she  filled  with  the  dig- 
nity and  grace  of  a  queen,  maintaining 
at  the  same  time  those  true  womanly 
instincts  and  that  freedom  of  manner 
which  drew  all  hearts  to  her  with  a 
truly  magnetic  attraction.  She  never 
forgot  a  face  or  a  name,  and  every  vis- 
itor was  treated  with  apparently  special 
attention.  The  most  bitter  foes  of  her 
husband  and  of  the  administration 
were  received  with  a  welcome  and  cor- 
diality that  made  them  forget  the  bit- 
terness of  ])arty  strife  in  the  presence 
of  this  noble  and  truly  accomplished 
woman.  Upon  the  close  of  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son's second  term,  Mr.  Madison  was 
elected  to  fill  his  jjlace.  He  was  also 
elected  fur  a  second  term  in  the  midst 
of  the  war  with  England,  during  which 
the  city  of  Washington  was  invaded 
by  British  troops,  and  the  President 
and  his  family  were  com[ielled  to  flee. 
The  Capitol  and  all  the  public  buiM- 
ings  wi  re  burned.  In  1817  Mr.  Madi- 
son retired  from  the  Presidential  chair, 
and  repaired  to  his  beautiful  home 
at  Montpelier,  where  he  sjjent  the  re- 
mainder of  his  days  in  the  quietude 
and  peace  of  a  rural  home.  He  died 
at  the  age  of  85  years,  and  his  memory 
was  treasured  with  love  and  gratitude 
by  the  nation  lie  had  so  long  served. 

"      Oct.    Gov.  Call,  of  Georgia,  invades  the 

Seminole  country. 
"     Oct.  23.    Sam.  Houston  elected  President 

of  Texas. 

''  Nov.  Martin  Van  Buren  elected  Presi- 
dent, and  Kichard  M.  Johnson  Vice- 
President. 

"  Dec.  1.5.  Burning  of  the  general  Post- 
office  and  Patent  office  at  Washington. 

"      Texas  declared  independent. 

"  Peru  -  Bolivian  confederation  formed 
under  the  Presidency  of  Santa  Cruz,  a 
Bolivian. 

"  Trial  of  Itiahnrd  P.  Rohinson  for  the  mur- 
der of  MisK  Helen  Jeicett,  a  beautiful 
courtesan  of  New  York. 

"  Samuel  Colt  invented  his  famous  re- 
volver. 

"  First  National  Temperance  Convention, 
held  at  Saratoga,  N.  Y. 

y.  Q.  Adams'  Great  Debate. 

"  John  Quinrnj  Adnimt  eleven  days'  conflict 
for  the  right  of  j)etition,  in  Congress. 
Single-handed  and  alone  Mr.  Adams 
fought  this  great  battle,  and  achieved 
for  the  American  pco|)le  a  victory 
w  hich  should  bo  commemorated  while 
the  nation  lias  an  existence. 

"      Death  of  Aaron  Burr. 

"  Sioux  and  Winnebago  Indians  sold  their 
lands  and  wont  beyond  the  Mississippi 
River. 

"  Gen.  Scott  subdued  the  Crock  Indians  in 
(i  corgi  a. 

"  Wm.  Crompton,  of  Worcester,  Mass.,  in- 
vented the  "  fmcy  loom,"  which  pro- 
duced figures  in  weaving. 

1837.  Jan.  2(5.    Michigan   admitted  into  the 

Union. 

"  Mat/nificnit  di.tjilai/  of  aurora  l/oreah'n. 
The  whole  arch  of  the  heavens  was 
covered  with  a  canopy  of  brilliant  and 
various  hued  rays,  converging  in  the 
zenith  in  a  deep  red  color.  'J  his  phe- 
no'neiion  wa-;  w  itnessed  in  nearly  every 
])art  of  the  United  States. 

'*        GllKAT    KINAMl.M,    CUASIt    AND  PANIC. 

'2')0  houses  in  New  York  stopped  pay- 


1837.  ment  during  the  first  three  weeks  in 
April.  Failures  in  New  Orleans  in  two 
chiys  reached  .tST.OoO.dOf".  Eight  States 
failed,  and  the  United  States  could  not 
pay  its  debts. 

"  Peru  declared  war  against  Chili,  and  also 
became  involved  in  civil  war. 

"  Santa  Anna  became  revolutionary  pro- 
visional President  of  Mexico. 

"  Mar.  4.  Inauguration  of  Martin  Van 
Buren. 

Origin  of  the  Express  Business. 

"  The  express  hu.tiness  originated  in  the 
United  States  with  Wm.  T.  Harnden, 
a  young  man  who  carried  parcels  from 
New  York  to  Boston  in  a  satchel.  He 
soon  procured  a  trunk,  and  in  a  short 
time  an  ''Express  Office"  was  estab- 
lished in  both  cities,  with  mersengcrs 
employed  upon  each  steanier,  which 
soon  grew  into  an  extensive  and  well- 
organized  business.  In  the  course  of 
three  years  Mr.  Harnden  had  also  been 
instrumental  in  establishing  an  emigra- 
tion system,  which  added  to  tho  wealth 
of  the'nati<m  §--0.0()0,000. 

"  Commencement  of  the  Cauadiau  rebel- 
lion. 

1838.  First  zinc  produced  in  the  United  States, 

at  the  United  States  Arsenal  at  Wash- 
ington, and  found  in  large  quantities 
in  New  York  and  Pennsylvania. 

"  By  el  hctirfcn  W.  J.  Grnreg  and  Junothnn 
alley,  both  Members  of  Congress. 
Cilley  killed  at  third  fire. 

"  Exploring  exjiedition  to  the  South  Pole 
under  the  command  of  (^i])t.  Charles 
Wilkc^.  of  the  United  States  Navy. 

"  Oct.  5.  United  States  Bank  susjjendcd 
specie  payment,  followed  l^y  tlie  s-us- 
))ension  of  the  niMjority  of  the  banks  in 
the  United  States,  causing  a  great 
panic. 

Peace  restored  between  Chili  and  Peru, 
and  Gamara  chosen  President  of  Peru. 
"      Mormon  war  in  Missouri. 


Log-Cabin  Campaign. 

1839.  Great  political  excitement.  The  AVhigs 
nominate  Wm.  Henry  Harrison  for 
President,  which  introduced  the'  Log- 
Cal>in  Cam|)aign." 
"  Charles  Goodyear  invented  vulcanized 
rubber. 

"      Siege  of  Montevideo  began,  lasting  nine 
years. 

"      Honduras  became  an  independent  Rc- 
])ublie. 

"      Continued  revolution   in  Mexico ;  the 

Constitution  sus|)ended. 
"      Peru-Bolivian  confederation  overthrown. 

First  Steam  Fire-Engine. 

1810.  John  Ericsson,  a  Swedish  engineer,  jier- 
feeted  the  first  steam  fire-engine  in  the 
United  State*!,  for  which  he  received 
the  great  gold  medal  from  the  Me- 
chanics' Institute.  He  had  been  in 
this  country  but  one  year  at  the  time. 
Mr.  Ericsson  planni<l  and  superin- 
tended the  building  .if  the  fir»t  "J/</;i!- 
for,"  at  Gnenpoint.  N.  Y.,  which  at 
it»  first  trial  disabled  the  iron-clad  ram 
"Merrimac.'" 
"  Juno  30.  Sub-Trca.sury  bill  became  a 
law. 

"      ]''irst   Washiiif/tonian   Society,  founded 


CHRONOLOGY. 


7C5 


1840,  upon  "  total  abstinence,"  established  in 
Baltimore  by  six  men  of  intemperate 
habits,  and  at  its  first  anniversary  100 
reformed  drunkards  marched  in  pro- 
cession. 

"      Adami  Expre&s  Company  founded. 

"      Nov.    Gen.  Harrison  elected  President, 

and  John  Tyler  Vice-President. 
"      Death  of  Francia,  Dictator  of  Paraguay. 
"      Dom  Pedro  II.   cronned  Emperor  of 

Brazil,  at  the  age  of  tourteen  years. 
"     Antarctic  Continent  discovered  by  Capt. 

Wilkes. 

1841.  Mar.  4.    Inauguration  of  Gen.  Harrison 

as  President. 

Wm.  Henry  Harrison. 

April  4.  Death  of  Wm.  Henry  Harrison, 
the  ninth  President  of  tlie  United 
States.  Mr.  Harrison  was  born  in  Vir- 
ginia, on  the  banks  of  the  James  River, 
the  9th  of  February,  1773.  His  father 
was  one  of  the  distinguished  men  of 
his  day,  and  an  intimate  friend  of 
George  Washington.  He  was  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Continental  Congress,  a  true 
patriot,  and  one  of  the  signers  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  and  sub- 
sequently Governor  of  Virginia.  Wil- 
liam Henry  was  a  graduate  of  Hamp- 
den Sidney  College,  and  upon  leaving 
college  he  began  the  study  of  medicine 
with  Dr.  Rush,  in  Phihidelpliia,  but 
upon  the  outbreak  of  the  Indian  depre- 
dations on  the  Western  frontier  lie 
abandoned  his  studies  and  repaired  to 
the  scene  of  action,  and  offered  his 
services,  having  previously  received  a 
commission  of  ensign  from  President 
Washington.  He  was  then  but  nine- 
teen years  of  age.  This  was  soon  after 
the  disastrous  defeat  of  Gen.  St.  Clair, 
which  spread  consternation  over  the 
whole  frontier.  He  was  soon  promoted 
for  his  valor  to  the  rank  of  Lieutenant 
under  Gen.  Wayne,  and  was  with  him 
when  he  fought  the  Indians  at  Maumee 
and  utterly  routed  them,  driving  them 
from  their  old  fighting  ground  and 
causing  them  to  sue  for  peace.  The 
young  Lieutenant  was  soon  after  pro- 
moted to  the  rank  of  Cai^tain,  and 
placed  in  command  at  Fort  Washing- 
ton. In  1797  Mr.  Harrison  resigned 
his  commission  in  the  army,  and  was 
appointed  Secretary  of  the  North- 
western Territory,  and  ex.  officio  Lieu- 
tenant-Governor, under  Gen.  St.  Clair, 
who  was  then  Governor  of  the  Terri- 
tory. He  was  sent  as  a  Delegate  to 
Congress  from  the  Northwestern  Terri- 
tory, and  in  the  spring  of  1800  he  was 
appointed  Governor  of  the  Indian  Terri- 
tory, and  immediately  after  also  Gov- 
ernor of  Upper  Louisiana.  He  was  tlius 
Governor  of  almost  as  extensive  a  realm 
as  any  sovereign  upon  the  globe,  besides 
being  Superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs. 
His  faithful  an'l  able  discharge  of  these 
responsible  duties  caused  him  to  be 
four  times  elected  to  this  office.  While 
Superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs  he 
was  sole  Commissioner,  and  effected 
thirteen  treaties  with  the  Indians,  by 
which  the  United  States  acquired  sixty 
millions  of  acres  of  land.  He  had 
ample  opportunities  to  enrich  himself, 
but  he  never  held  a  single  acre  of  land 
except  through  a  legitimate  and  legal 
title ,  and  it  was  said  of  him  "  that  no 
man  ever  disbursed  so  large  an  amount 


1841,  of  public  treasure  with  so  little  diffi- 
culty in  adjusting  his  accounts."  In 
October,  1812,  Indian  hostilities  be- 
came so  open  tliat  Governor  Harrison 
•made  every  preparation  for  defense 
and  marched  to  the  Indian  encamp- 
ment on  the  Tippecanoe  River,  to 
bring  about  if  possil)lc  a  peaceable  set- 
tlement with  them.  Tecumseh  and 
his  brother,  the  Prophet,  were  at  the 
hetid  of  all  the  hostile  tribes.  Governor 
Harrison  arrived  within  three  miles  of 
their  encamjjiucnt,  when  three  Indians 
made  their  appearance,  demanding  his 
intentions.  After  a  short  conference, 
arrangements  were  made  for  a  Council 
with  the  Chief  the  following  day. 
Before  day  the  Indians  in  full  fon  e, 
led  by  the  "Prophet,"  attacked  the 
troops.  But  Gen.  Harrison,  knowing 
the  treachery  of  their  character,  was 
fully  prepared  for  the  attack,  and  the 
victory  over  the  savages  was  complete. 
He  was  himself  twice  hit,  but  not 
severely  wounded,  and  one  horse  was 
disabled  under  him.  This  achieve- 
ment greatly  added  to  his  reputation. 
After  the  war  with  England  was  fully 
inaugurated,  Governor  Harrison  was 
appointed  by  President  Madison  Com- 
mander-in-CI)ief  of  the  Northwestern 
At  my.  His  campaign  was  a  difficult  and 
hazardous  one,  and  involved  a  vast 
amount  of  suffering  among  his  troops, 
and  required  the  greatest  energy  and 
valor  of  tlieir  commander.  Tlie  British 
ti-oops  were  allied  with  tlie  Indians,  and 
wliat  cruel  and  treacherous  devices  their 
savage  natures  were  incapal)le  of  in- 
venting, their  more  civilized  and  Chris- 
tian allies  supplied,  to  torture  and 
bring  to  a  lingerini;'  and  terrible  deatli 
the  victims  of  tlirir  (  ruelty.  The  last 
great  vii  tory,  the  battle  of  the  Tliam  -, 
which  gave  peace  to  tiie  fr^  iitier,  and 
in  which  Tecum 'eh,  tlie  acknowl- 
edged Cliief  and  warrior  of  all  the 
hostile  tribes,  was  killed,  was  fought 
under  Gen.  Harrison's  immediate  com- 
mand. Upon  the  close  of  the  war  he 
was  ajipointcd  to  treat  with  the  Indian 
tribes,  which  negotiations  he  conducted 
so  skillfully  as  to  secure  the  approba- 
tion of  both  the  Government  and  the 
Indians.  In  1816  Gen.  Harrison  was 
chosen  a  Member  of  the  National 
House  of  Representatives  for  the  Dis- 
trict of  Ohio.  In  1819  he  was  elected 
to  the  Senate  of  Ohio,  and  in  1834  to 
the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  In 
the  latter  part  of  1828  John  Quincey 
Adams  appointed  Gen.  Harrison  Minis- 
ter Plenipotentiary  to  the  Republic  of 
Colombia,  but  through  personal  ani- 
mosity Gen.  Jackson,  upon  his  inaugu- 
ration, recalled  him.  Upon  his  return 
he  retired  to  his  farm  in  North  Bend, 
Ind.,  where  he  remained  until  again 
asked  to  serve  his  country  in  the  office 
of  their  Chief  JIagistrate.  in  1830  he 
was  made  a  candidate  for  the  Presi- 
dency, but  the  opposition  ])arty  elected 
their  candidate,  Martin  Van  Buren. 
In  1840  Gen.  Ilarjison  was  elected 
President  by  an  overwliehning  majority. 
Never  was  there  a  more  popular  candi- 
date witli"the  people."  His  Cabinet 
was  a  most  able  and  brilliant  one,  with 
Diiniel  Webster  at  its  head  as  Secretary 
of  State.  His  prospects  were  most 
flattering  and  the  hopes  of  the  country 
unbounded.    But  in  the  midst  of  all 


1841,  these  prospects.  Death,  the  great  enemy 
of  all  liuman  kind,  and  the  great  levi  ler 
of  all  distinct Ons,  witli  one  fell  IjIow 
blasted  the  nation's  hope,  and  sent  to 
an  untimely  grave  one  of  lur  noisiest 
and  most  illustrious  heroes.  President 
Harrison  died  the  4tli  day  of  Ajiril, 
just  one  month  after  his  triumjihant 
and  mo~t  hajipy  inauguration.  His 
last  words,  though  uttered  in  delirium 
as  though  specially  addiessed  to  his 
successor,  aie  wdl  betitt  ng  the  man, 
and  could  have  been  no  more  Jrl^'^'^y 
chosen  if  uttered  in  the  full  posse.ssioa 
of  his  mind  : 

"Sir,  I  wish  you  to  understand  the 
principles  of  the  Government:  I  wish 
them  carried  out.  I  ask  nothing 
more"  530 

"  Aprils.  Inauguration  of  John  Tyler  as 
President  530 

"      Wehder's  Dictionary  apprared. 

"      Aug.  9.    Sub-Treasury  bill  re]icaled. 

"      Aug.  18.    Bankruptcy  act  beranie  a  law. 

"  Upper  and  Lower  Canada  united  in  one 
Government. 

"  Servile  insurrection  in  Brazil,  and  war 
with  Buenos  Ayres. 

"  Cold-blooded  murder  of  Samuel  Adams 
liy  John  C.  Colt,  in  New  York. 

"  Imprisonnient  for  debts  due  the  United 
States  abolished. 

"      New  York  "  Thibune  "  established  by 

HoH.\€K  GkEELEY. 

1842.  Bunler  Hill  Monument  completed;  great 

celebration. 

"      War  with  the  Seminoles  terminated. 

"      Lucifer  matches  first  made  l)y  maclrnery. 

"  Attempts  to  re-establish  a  National  Bank 
vetoed  by  the  President   537 

"  Dorr's  Bchellion  in  Rhode  Island  in  sup- 
port of  a  new  Constitution  and  the 
rights  of  suffiage.  It  was  soon  put 
down. 

"  Mormonism  became  prominent  and  re- 
ceived large  accessions  to  its  numbera. 

"      Mar.  3.    ISankrupt  Act  repealed. 

"  Aug.  9.  Treaty  of  Waslnngton  negoti- 
ated by  Daniel  VVebster  and  Lord  Ash- 
burton,  defining  our  north-eastern 
boundary,  and  for  suppressing  the 
slave  trade  and  giving  up  fugitive 
criminals.  This  closed  the  Aroostook 
war. 

"      Oct.  2.    Death  of  Dr.  Channinfj. 

"  Boyer  was  expelled  from  Ilayti,  and  it 
was  formed  into  an  independent  re- 
public under  the  name  of  Santo  Do- 
mingo. 

Fremont's  Expedition. 

"  Fremont  made  his  first  expedition  to  the 
Rocky  Mountains.  He  explores  the 
Great  West,  and  discovers  the  South 
Pass,  that  wonderful  gateway  to  the 
golden  shores  of  the  I'aeitic. 

"  Tliomas  KiiiQj'ord  produced  his  (ir.-t  sam- 
ple of  pure  corn  starch.  His  great 
starch  factory  at  Oswego  now  produ'  es 
21,500. Out)  lbs.  a  nually,  or  3-")  tons  a 
day.  Average  number  of  workmen 
700. 

Mutiny  in  the  Navy. 

"  First  mutiny  in  the  United  States  Navy 
instigated  by  Midshipman  Spencer,  son 
of  a  L'i)ite<r  States  t  abinet  officer,  on 
board  the  United  States  brig-ofwar 
Somers.  Capt.  A.  S  McKenzie.  Spen- 
cer and  his  comrades  were  hung  to  the 
yard  arm. 


CHRONOLOGY. 


Fourier  Excitement. 

1843.  Tbc  community  idea  was  again  revived 
uiiiloi-  the  Fourier  oxciteiiient,  -wbich 
W  IS  initiated  by  Horace  Gieeley  and 
AlLert  Hrisl'anc.  Tlie  leaders  and 
movers  in  tlie  enterprise  displayed  tlie 
usual  amount  of  enthusiasm,  but  it  was 
sb'irti  of  many  of  its  fanatical  and  ri- 
diculous features,  and  numbered  among 
its  advocates  many  intelligent  and  en- 
terprising citizens.  Communities  were 
established  in  dilTerent  States,  wbich, 
for  a  time,  thrived  rapidly,  but  which 
soon  fell  into  di-repute.  The  most  ex- 
ten.-ive  of  these  was  in  Genesee  Co., 
New  York,  and  among  its  meml)ersbip 
were  some  of  tbc  leading  literary  char- 
acters of  the  day.  ]5ut  perhaps  the 
most  successful  one  in  point  of  har- 
mony and  age  was  that  established  at 
Ceresco,  Wis.  One  was  estaljlisbed  in 
Micliigan,  called  the  AcUlphi  Phalanx, 
to  wliicb  over  3,000  members  belonged, 
but  it  soon  fell  under  its  own  weight. 
The  North  American  Phalanx,  of  New 
Jersey,  was  for  a  short  time  considered 
the  "  Star  Community."  Horace  Gree- 
ley and  several  other  prominent  New 
Yorkers  were  stockholders.  But  this 
also  suffered  the  fate  of  all  the  others, 
and  died  a  'premature  death. 

The  End  of  the  World. 

18-i3.  Great  and  extensive  excitement,  caused 
by  the  preaching  of  William  Miller, 
that  the  speedy  coming  of  Christ  was 
at  hand.  This  plain,  simple  New  En- 
gland farmer  bscame  impressed  from 
reading  the  Scriptures  and  the  history 
of  nations  that  the  propliecies  which 
foretoM  the  second  coming  of  Christ 
were  speedily  to  be  fultilled.  The 
manner  of  his  preaching  was  simple  in 
the  extreme,  lie  read  from  the  pro- 
phetic writings,  and  compared  the  de- 
scriptions with  events  in  tlie  world's 
history,  and  made  his  applic.itions  in 
a  cool  and  candid  manner.  But  the 
topic  was  so  intensely  interesting,  and 
the  occasion,  manner,  and  earnestness 
of  the  speaker  aroused  such  a  spirit  of 
solemnity,  that  the  great  majority  of 
candid  listeners  were  deeply  impressed 
with  the  trutlifulness  of  the  speaker 
and  bis  subject.  I  lis  great  error  con- 
sisted in  setting  the  time  for  the  com- 
ing of  Christ,  und  as  many  of  bis  fol- 
lowers were  fanatics,  they  Ijrought  dis- 
rejiute  upon  their  leader  and  the  doc- 
trines be  advocated  by  their  extrava- 
gant conduct.  Alter  the  passage  of 
tlic  '  time,"  ^Ir.  ISIiller  was  tiic  subject 
of  extensive  ridicule  and  j  ersecution. 
But  those  i)ersonally  acquainted  with 
liim  and  bis  teaching,  held  him  in 
great  respect  for  his  consistent  and 
Chrislian character.  This  Bible-reader 
was  advertised  (rom  one  end  of  the 
Wiirlil  to  the  otliei;,  as  "setting  tlie  day 
for  the  Lord  to  come  and  burn  up  the 
WO!  Id!''  an<l  his  followers  were  <le- 
81  ril>ed  as  ii  "band  of  lunatics, wearing 
Inn;;  while  robes,  r  ady  to  ascend  at  the 
sight  of  every  white  cloud  lloating  in 
the  heavens."  That  there  were  many 
fanatics  among  these  sincere  and 
worthy  ])eo|ile  no  one  would  deny, 
an<r  perhaps  a  few  became  really  in- 
sane, but  that  oiie-tentii  part  of  the 
mischiefand  ul'surd  tlienrics  altrii>uted 
to  them  WU.S  true,  no  inlelligenl  per- 


1843.  eon  acquainted  with  the  teachings  of 
Mr.  ^liller  will  claim.  Mr.  sillier  pub- 
lished a  book  of  k'Ctur(!S  upon  tlie 
prophecies  of  Daniel,  which  were  then 
believed  in  the  main  by  all  tiu)se  who 
accepted  the  literal  interpretation  of  the 
projihet  ic  Scriptures. 

Congress  voted  ^;:50,000  to  Samuel  F.  B. 
Morse  to  establish  his  telegraph  lines — 
first  in  the  world. 
"  Frfmont  extended  his  expedition  to  the 
Columbia  River,  Oregon,  and  from  that 
point  up  the  Wallanict  Valley  to  Kla- 
math Lake,  pushing  on  through  snow 
and  cold,  over  granite  peaks  and 
through  dee]i  ravines,  without  trail, 
and  March  6,  184-t,  he  readied  the 
south()rn  slope  of  the  Sierras. 

Great  Comet  of  1843. 

"  Mar.  Sudden  appearance  of  a  great 
comet,  probably  the  most  marvelous  of 
the  present  age.  It  was  seen  in  the 
daytime,  before  it  was  visible  at  night, 
and  startled  the  country  by  its  sudden 
and  brilliant  advent.  Many  regarded 
it  as  a  sign  of  the  coming  end  of  the 
world,  and  others  of  revolution  or  war. 
It  was  visible  to  the  naked  eye  for 
weeks,  when  it  suddenly  disappeared. 

"  Death  of  Noah  Wchater,  author  of  the  Dic- 
tionary. 

"  First  patent  for  fire-proof  fafe  (Wilder's). 
Patent  granted  to  Daniel  Fitzgerald. 

"  Chili  established  a  colony  at  Port  Fam- 
ine, Patagonia. 

1844.  Feb.  28.    Explosion  of  the  'Teacemal-er,'" 

a  large  gun  on  board  the  Princeton, 
killing  the  Secretary  of  State,  Abel  P. 
Usher,  and  Secretary  of  the  Navy 
Thomas  W.  Gillman  537 

First  Treaty  iciih  China. 

"  Commercial  treaty  with  China,  negotiated 
by  Caleb  Cusliman,  being  the  first  treaty 
made  by  China  with  any  Christian  na- 
tion 538 

First  Telegraph  Line. 

"  Fird  telegraph  line,  stretched  from  Wash- 
ington to  Baltimore.  The  first  message 
sent,    Behold  what  Ood  hath  vrovght.^^ 

"  Fird  anti-slarery  candidate  nominated 
for  President,  James  G.  Birnej',  of 
Jlicliigan,  who  received  170  votes. 

"  Mexico  resumes  her  Constitutional  Gov- 
ernment, with  Santa  Anna  President. 

"      LoiJez  becomes  Dictator  of  Paraguay. 

Bishops  Onderdonk. 

"      Trials  and  suspension  of  the  Bishops 
Onderdonk,  of  the  Episcopal  Church, 
for  immoral  conduct  and  drunkenness. 
"      The  Miilitu,  a  small  topsail  schooner,  jjro- 
jielled  by  steam-working  screws,  was 
the  first  .\mcrican  steamboat  that  went 
round  the  Cajie  of  Gcod  Hope. 
1844-8.  Insurrections  of  the  negroes  suppressed 
in  Cuba,  and  during  the  latter  year 
l(l,OiiO  negroes  jicrislied. 
1844.  Annexation  of  Texas  was  the  campaign 

question  of  this  year  538 

"  James  K.  Polk  elected  President  and 
George  M.  Dallas  Vice-President..  538 

Aformon  Jl'ar. 

"  Jlormon  war  in  Illinois.  !Murder  of 
Joseph  Smith,  the  Mormon  Pro]>het, 


1844.  and  selection  of  Brigham  Young  to  fill 
bis  place. 

"      Copper  excitement  in  Michigan. 

"      Ehction  of  I'vlk  annouucd  hy  telegraph, 

the  first  news  item  ccmveyed  over  the 

wires. 

1845.  Lake  Superior  copper  mines  opened,  one 

of  which — the  Calumet  and  llccia — 
yielded  in  1872,  8,000  tons  of  pure 
copper,  worth  ^oOO  per  ton. 

"      Texas  admitted  into  the  I'u'on  530 

Mar.    3.     Fl.ridu    admitted   into  the 
Union. 

"  Mar.  4.  Inauguration  of  James  K.  Polk 
as  Prexident. 

"  July  4.  Texas  framed  a  new  Constitu- 
tion, preijaratory  to  admission  as  a 
State. 

Naval  School  at  Annapolis  opened. 

Howe's  Sewing-Machine. 

Elias  Ilowe  produced  his  first  sewing- 
machine.    (See  biography). 
"      Texas  admitted  as  a  Slate.    Mexico  takes 
offense. 

"      Oreat  fire  in  Pittsburg.  Pa. 

"      Fire  in  New  York.    300  buildings  hirne  I. 

"      Death  of  Joscjdi  Story,  the  great  jurist. 

"      Files  first  made  in  the  United  States. 

"      Ecuador  received  a  Constitution. 

"      Castilla  made  President  of  Peru. 

"     Aug.    Gen.   Zachiry  Taylor  advanced 

with  4,000  soldiers  to  Corpus  Christi, 

the  western  boundary  of  Texas. . . .  539 
"      Great  Hritain  and  Fr.mce  united  with 

lirazil  in  an  attack  upon  Buenos  Ayres. 
1845-7.  Slave  trade  in  Cuba  almost  entirely 

suppressed. 

Santo  Domingo. 

1845.  First  negotiation  relating  to  (he  annex- 
ation of  Santo  Domingo,  a  D(!mocratic 
measure  which  had  in  view  the  accjui- 
sition  of  slave  territory  in  the  A\  est 
Indies  to  bal.-mce  the  increiise  of  free 
States  in  the  North  ;  but  they  were  de- 
terred from  pushint  this  measure 
through  fear  of  the  disastrous  results  of 
adding  a  Repul)lic  in  which  the  negroes 
were  f'ree  ami  their  cqmdity  recognized 
by  law  to  a  Republic  where  they  were 
held  as  slaves,  and  having  no  social  or 
political  rights  as  citizens.  The  first  at- 
tempt was  made  by  President  Polk, 
through  Mr.  Hogan  as  Commissioner  to 
the  Islands,  and  result etl  favorably  as  to 
its  importance  as  a  financial  measure; 
but  the  freedom  and  social  equality  of 
the  negro  threw  a  damper  u])on  the  zeal 
of  its  slave-holding  and  Democratic 
friends.  In  1S54  Capt.  George  H.  Mc- 
Clellan  was  commissioned  to  visit  the 
Island,  but  with  a  similar  though  more 
favorable  result.  The  necessity  ot  an 
Ameiican  naval  station  in  the  West 
Indies  brought  up  the  question  in  a 
more  important  light ;  and  therefore, 
in  18G7,  .Mr.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State, 
and  a  number  of  otheirs  virited  the 
Dominican  c.ipital,  and  had  an  inter- 
view with  the  authorities,  but  any 
further  action  was  postponed  in  view 
of  more  important  projects  of  an  lexa- 
tion  by  the  Johnson  Administration. 
Under  the  Administration  of  Gen. 
Grant  the  subject  was  again  liroughtto 
notice  by  overtures  fiom  the  Baez  Gov- 
ernment, which  had  control  of  the  Re- 
public; but  the  unfortunate  purchivsc 
of  .Alaska,  together  with  the  recent 
disastrous  earthquake  in  Santo  Do- 


CHRONOLOGY. 


7G7 


1845.  mingo,  caused  a  reaction  against  the 
acquisition  of  territoiy.  Another  effort 
was  made  by  Presideat  Grant,  through 
Gen.  E.  0.  Babcock,  and  the  project  of 
a  treaty  signed  by  tlie  Dominican  Gov- 
ernment, and  ra'ified  by  the  I)ominicau 
people,  signed  also  by  the  Washington 
Administration,  awaited  ratification 
by  the  Senate,  but  a  stormy  opposition 
was  developed,  and  it  lingered  until  it 
expired  by  its  own  limitation.  While 
the  measure  was  pending,  a  very  im- 
portant and  responsible  Commi-sion 
was  appointed  and  committed  to  Benj. 
F.  Wade  of  Ohio,  Andrew  J).  White 
of  New  York,  and  Samuel  J.  Howe  of 
Massachusetts,  aided  by  Judge  Burton, 
ex-Minister  to  Bogota,  with  Frederick 
Douglas  and  Gratz  Brown  as  Secre- 
taries, to  visit  and  make  a  thorough 
survey  and  examination  of  the  Island 
and  make  out  a  report.  This  company 
sailed  Jan.  17,  1871,  and  their  work 
was  prosecuted  with  great  c:ire,  and 
accomplished  within  ninety  days,  and 
their  report  was  published  in  Congress, 
but  for  various  reasons  the  enterprise 
was  abandoned. 

Andrew  Jackson. 

*'  June  8.  Death  of  Andrew  Jackson, 
seventh  President  of  the  United  States. 
Born  in  the  wilderness  of  Soutli  Caro- 
lina in  1765,  in  the  midst  of  the  most 
abject  poverty,  and  under  circum- 
stances of  peculiar  sadness — ^just  three 
weeks  after  the  death  of  his  father. 
'Jhere  is  nothing  but  hardship  and 
privation  of  the  keenest  character  to 
record  of  the  early  life  of  this  great 
man  —  great  in  deeds  and  character 
alone — for  earth's  blessings  and  boun- 
ties were  most  scrupulously  denied 
him.  He  was  fourteen  years  of  age 
when  Cornwallis  with  his  army  rushed 
upon  the  little  settlement  of  \Vaxhard, 
where  he  was  born,  and  where  he  lived 
with  his  mother,  and  where  but  a  short 
time  before  his  eldest  brother  had 
died  in  the  heat  and  exhaustion  of 
battle,  when  Tarleton  invaded  the 
Carolinas.  The  settlers  fled  for  their 
lives,  but  returned  to  their  ravaged 
homes  a  few  months  after,  when  a 
band  of  Tories  attacked  at  midnight 
the  house  of  a  Whig.  Andrew  and  his 
brother  were  there  among  the  guard, 
where  he  displayed  great  bravery  for 
a  boy  of  his  years.  This  was  his  first 
experience  in  military  service,  but  for 
which  he  paid  very  dearly,  as  Corn- 
wallis sent  a  detachment  to  aid  the 
Tories,  which  captured  the  band,  and 
Andrew  and  his  brother  were  taken  pris- 
oners, and  carried  to  Camden,  South 
Carolina.  They  were  brutally  treated, 
and  exposed  to  every  indignity.  The 
small-pox  broke  out  in  their  c mtracted 
camp,  and  Andrew  and  his  brother 
fell  victims  to  it.  His  mother  hastened 
to  their  aid,  and  succeeded  in  deliver- 
ing them  from  danger,  and  had  just 
reached  home  with  her  sick  boys,  after 
a  journey  through  forty  miles  of  wil- 
derness upon  horseback,  when  the  elder 
one  died.  As  Andrew  was  recovering, 
the  sons  of  her  sister,  prisoners  at 
Charleston,  were  also  sick  with  the 
dreadful  scourge,  and  she  hastened  to 
their  relief.  She  soon  fell  sick  find 
was  buried  in  an  unknown  grave,  and 


1845.  a  little  bundle  of  her  clothing  was  all 
that  remained  to  the  poor  orphan  boy. 
Homeless,  without  father  or  mother, 
brother  or  sister,  and  without  a  dollar 
he  could  call  his  own,  this  boy  of  four- 
teen years  was  thrown  upon  the  world 
to  battle  with  its  inhospitable  elements. 
But  as  weeds  thrive  more  rai)idly  than 
the  cultured  plant,  so  this  neglected 
and  friendless  boy,  destitute  of  a 
mother's  love  and  everything  needful 
for  his  physical  and  moral  comfort  and 
culture,  grew  up  amid  poverty,  igno- 
rance, and  vice;  an  adept  in  all  that 
constitutes  the  "rough"  and  the  "bul- 
ly ; "  and  was  considered  the  most  rol- 
licking, reckless  rowdy  in  the  cf  untry. 
At  the  age  of  eighteen  he  resolved  to 
study  law.  He  could  barely  read  and 
wr  te,  and  knew  a  little  of  arithmetic, 
but  was  thoroughly  versed  in  card- 
playing,  horse-racing,  and  j'rofanity. 
He  remained  in  the  law-office  of  Mr. 
]\IcCoy,  of  Salisbury,  N.  C,  two  years, 
but  he  did  not  trouble  the  law-books 
much.  He  spent  the  most  of  his  time 
with  horses,  and  among  his  rude  com- 
panions. But  notwithstanding  his 
vices  and  recklessness,  he  displayed 
some  rare  traits  of  character.  He  spent 
a  year  after  leaving  the  law  office  in  a 
country  store  as  clerk,  waiting  for  an 
opening  to  practice  his  profession.  At 
this  time  the  Indians  were  becoming 
very  hostile,  and  the  ren\ote  settlements 
beyond  the  Alleghauies  were  exposed  to 
their  savage  fury.  Nashville  was  then 
a  distiict  of  Washington  County,  the 
present  State  of  Tennessee.  Andrew 
Jackson  was  appointed  public  prose- 
cutor for  that  district.  It  was  an  office 
of  little  honor  and  great  peril,  and  few 
could  be  found  brave  enough  to  acce|i'. 
it.  Jackson,  wiih  a  band  of  emigrauu 
numbering  nea/ly  one  hundred,  includ- 
ing women  and  children,  all  mounted 
on  horseback,  with  baggage  carried 
on  pack-horsi  s,  started  uj)on  the  jour- 
ney to  Nashville.  Following  an  Indian 
trail,  they  began  their  march  into  the 
wilderness.  One  night,  while  Jackson 
was  standing  sentinel,  he  detected  the 
Indians  in  ambush  near  the  camp.  He 
silently  aroused  the  sleeping  emigrants 
and  they  stole  softly  away,  and  es- 
caped. An  hour  after  they  left  the 
camp,  a  party  of  hunters  came  and 
halted  for  the  night  in  the  same  spot. 
Before  dawn  the  Indians  tiurprised 
and  killed  all  but  one. 

Reaching  Nashville,  young  Jackson 
began  the  practice  of  law.  It  was 
the  c'lief  p  irt  of  his  duty  as  a  prose- 
cutor to  collect  debts.  This  exposed 
liiui  to  bad  and  dangerous  men.  The 
country  swarmed  with  hostile  Indians, 
and  Jackson's  travels  through  the  wikls 
of  Tennessee,  between  the  places  where 
the  courts  were  held,  a  distance  of  200 
miles,  were  amid  pathless  forests  where 
he  WaS  liable  to  be  shot  at  any  moment. 

But  Andrew  Jackson  knew  no  fear. 
He  was  a  rough  and  daring  adventu- 
rer, and  inured  from  earliest  infancy 
to  danger  and  to  hardship.  When 
Tennessee  became  a  State,  she  was  en- 
titled to  but  one  member  in  Congress, 
and  Andrew  Jackson  was  chosen  to 
fill  that  seat.  His  rougli  manners  and 
dress  and  i)eculiar  personal  ajipearance 
attracted  much  attention  in  PhilaiUl- 
pliia,  the  scat  of  American  cullure  and 


1845.  aristocracy.  Jackson  was  a  bold  and 
earnest  advocate  of  tlic  Democratic 
jiarty,  and  a  resolution  was  passed  by 
Congress,  which  was  warmly  advocated 
by  Jackson,  that  the  National  Ciovcrn- 
nient  should  ])ay  the  expenses  of  an 
expedition  which  Tennessee  had  fitted 
out  against  the  Luli.-ms,  contrary  to 
the  policy  of  the  (iovernment.  The 
passage  of  this  ri solution  made  him 
popular  in  Tennessee,  and  ho  was 
elected  a  member  of  the  United  States 
Senate.  But  his  rashness  and  irasci- 
ble ten)pcr  made  him  unpopular  in 
Congress.  In  1798  he  resigned  his 
seat  and  returned  to  Tennessee.  He 
was  soon  after  chosen  Judge  of  the  Su- 
preme Court  of  that  State,  and  filled  the 
ollice  satisfactorily  as  far  as  his  judi- 
cial decisions  were  concerned,  l)Ut  be- 
coming entangled  in  a  quarrel  with  the 
Governor  he  resigned,  and  soon  after 
was  chosen  Major-General  of  militia. 
About  this  time  an  unfortunate  alTair 
took  place,  wiiich  blighted  the  fame 
of  (ieneral  Jackson,  and  for  a  time 
greatly  injured  his  popularity.  In  a 
quarrel  with  a  young  lawyer  by  the 
name  of  Uickerson,  Jackson  challenged 
him  to  a  duel,  and  insisted  upon  an 
imme^Hate  fight.  Dickerson  had  the 
first  fire,  but  which  only  broke  one  of 
Jackson's  ribs.  Then  Jackson,  taking 
ckli';erale  aim,  was  about  to  fire,  when 
appalled  by  the  sure  fate  awaiting  him, 
Dickerson  fell  l>ack  a  step,  when  Jack- 
sun's  second  shouted,  "Back  to  the 
mark,  sir."  The  doomed  man  stepped 
to  his  place;  Jackson  again  taking  cool 
and  deliberate  aim,  pulled  the  trigger, 
but  tlie  pistol  did  not  so  off.  He  exam- 
ined and  rc-adjusted  it,  and  the  tliird 
time,  with  unrelenting  coolness  and  de- 
liberation, shot  him  through  the  body. 

The  unfortunate  victim  of  this  cruel 
and  barbarous  act  lingered  in  excruci- 
ating sgony  till  n'ght,  when  he  died. 
W'ord  had  been  sent  to  his  young  wife, 
who  was  frantically  hastening  to  his 
side,  when  slic  was  met  the  following 
day  by  the  wagon  containing  his  corpse. 

But  in  faithfully  recording  the  faults 
of  Andrew  Jackson,  let  us  here  pause  to 
give  him  the  meed  of  praise  of  which 
he  is  well  worthy.  In  his  domestic  re- 
la'ions  he  was  the  kindest  and  most 
gentle  and  afiectionate  of  men.  His 
^^ife  was  his  idol,  and  his  servants  re- 
ceived his  kind  consideration  and 
care,  and  it  is  said  of  him  that  he 
never  was  impatient,  even,  with  a  single 
member  of  his  family.  NVhen  the  war 
of  181"2  began,  Jackson  offered  his 
services  witli  those  of  twenty-five 
hundred  volunteers.  His  offer  was  ac- 
cepted, and  he  assembled  his  troo])s  at 
Nashville,  but  not  being  called  into 
ai  tlun,  the  men  were  dispersed.  In  the 
fall  of  181o  Jackson  again  raised  a  large 
body  of  troops,  and  entered  into  a 
vigorous  war  with  the  Indians.  His 
desperate  encounters,  his  sufferings  and 
wonderful  jwwers  of  endurance,  and 
his  tenderness  toward  the  helpless  and 
depentlent,  w  ould  fill  a  volume  in  his 
praise ;  and  yet  there  are  acts  con- 
nected with  his  military  career,  the 
heartless  and  unreknting  rigor  of 
which  would  blacken  all  the  glory  of 
its  pages.  His  military  career  is  well 
represented  in  the  war  record  of  both 
the  '-History  of  The  Two  .\mcricas" 


768 


CHRONOLOGY. 


1845.  and  the  Clironoiofry.*'  Suffice  it  to 
sfiy  that  liis  successful  termination  of 
the  Creek  war  made  him  famous  and 
established  his  popularity  in  the  hearts 
of  the  grateful  pioneers,  who  were  de- 
livered from  the  constant  terror  of  the 
Indians.  He  was  immediately  made 
Jlajor-General  in  the  United  States 
Army.  His  bold  invasion  of  Florida 
imd  defeat  of  the  Britisli,  and  his  bril- 
liant and  unprecedented  victory  at  New 
Orleans,  have  been  also  detailed.  After 
the  war  he  was  appointefl  Governor  of 
Florida,  and  in  J  823  United  States 
Senator.  In  1828  Andrew  -Jackson  was 
elected  President  of  the  United  States. 
Just  before  his  inauguration  he  met 
with  the  most  terrible  affliction  of  his 
lile  in  the  death  of  bis  wife,  to  whom 
he  was  attached  with  almost  singular 
devotion,  and  from  the  shock  of  which 
he  never  recovered.  With  the  masses 
Andrew  Jackson  was  extremely  popu- 
lar. He  filled  two  terms  in  the  Presi- 
dential chair,  and  retired  to  the  quiet 
of  his  hermitage  and  the  grave  of  his 
beloved  wife,  where  in  retirement  he 
sought  that  peace  of  mind  and  quietude 
from  the  stormy  labors  of  his  life  which 
bis  feeble  health  and  declining  years 
demanded.  IIn  last  days  were  full  of 
sufierings,  which  so  softened  his  harsh 
nature  that  he  sought  refuge  from  the 
ills  of  body  and  mind  in  the  consola- 
tions of  religion,  and  died  a  devout 
member  of  the  Church.  The  character 
of  General  Jackson  presents  the  most 
marked  and  contrasting  extremes. 
Early  education  and  culture  might 
have  softened  these,  and  produced  a 
more  harmonious  blending  of  the  op- 
posing forces  of  his  nature.  But 
Andrew  Jackson  was  bom  a  gifted 
man,  and  the  peculiarly  sad  and  un- 
fortunate circuir.stauces  of  his  child- 
hood and  youth  would  have  entirely 
crushed  a  nature  of  less  fortitude  and 
heroism  than  his. 

Free  Soil  party  originated.  Watchword, 
^"■Free  soil  for  a  free  people." 

M cxican  W ar. 

1846.  Mar.  28.    Gen.  Taylor  marched  with  3,500 

men  to  the  Rio  Grande.  He  built  a 
fort  directly  opposite  Matamoras,  the 
headquarters  of  the  Mexicans. 

"  The  Mexicans  ordered  him  to  retire  to 
the  river  Nueces  within  twenty-four 
hours,  or  "  arms  and  men  alone  must 
decide  the  question"  5:59 

"  Fremont,  Kearney,  and  S'ockton,  with  a 
handful  of  men,  took  possession  of 
California,  holding  it  till  the  close  of 
the  Mexican  war. 

"  The  Mexicans  captured  Col.  Cross,  who 
was  riding  outside  the  American  lines, 
and  murdered  him,  beating  out  his 
brains  with  the  butt  of  a  pistol. 
Cnpt.  Thornton,  with  a  small  body  of 
dragoons,  went  in  seirch  of  him,  and 
were  attacked  and  the  whole  ])arty 
kilUd.  This  was  the  first  blood  shed 
in  the  Jlcxican  war. 

*'  May  8.  Hattle  of  Palo  Alto,  on  the  Rio 
(irande.  The  American  forces  num- 
luTid  but  3,0n0  men,  who  fought 
against  C,0()0  Mexicans  and  forced 
tlieni  to  retreat.  American  loss  forty- 
seven  wounded  and  nine  killed.  Major 
Samuel  Ringgold  among  the  number. 

"      May  'J.    Another  battle  fought  at  Resaca 


184G.  de  la  Palma.  The  Mexicans  again  out- 
numbered the  Americans  three  to  one, 
and  the  Americans  tzainiug  the  victory, 
which  was  due  to  the  bold  and  daring 
charge  of  Capt.  May,  who  took  their 
battery  and  captured  their  command- 
ing officer.  Gen.  La  Vep;a  540 

"      July  28.    New  tai iff  bill  passed. 

"  Aug.  3.  President  Polk  vetoed  the  river 
and  harbor  bill. 

"  Aug.  6.  Revolution  in  Mexico  in  favor 
of  Santv  Anna. 

"  Congress  authorized  the  President  to  ac- 
cept of  50,000  volunteers,  300,000  oflTer- 
ing  their  services. 

"      May  13.  Proclamation  of  rear  trilh  Mexico. 

"  Aug.  8.  The  President  called  upon 
Congress  for  §3.000,000  to  negotiate  a 
treaty  with  Mexico. 

"  The  '•  Wilmot  proviso"  against  the  ex- 
tension of  slavery  passed  the  House, 
but  not  the  Senate. 

"  Boundary  between  Oregon  and  British 
possessions  settled. 

"  President  Polk  vetoes  the  French  spolia- 
tion bill. 

"      Onn-cottim  inrented. 

"  Three  hundred  buddings  and  other 
property  burned  in  Louisville,  Ky. 

"  Ether  first  used  as  an  anaesthetic  by  Dr. 
Charles  Jackson,  of  Boston. 

"  Aug.  18.  Gen.  Kearney  took  possession 
of  Santa  Fe,  New  Mcxio,  without  a 
blow,  having  marched  from  Fort 
Leavenworth,  a  distance  of  900  miles. 

"  Aujr.  19.  Commodore  Stockton  block- 
ades the  Jlexican  ports  on  the  Pacific. 

"  Sept.  Gen.  Taylor  advanced  to  Monterey 
with  6,000  troops.  The  city  was 
strongly  fortified  and  garrisoned  with 
10,000  men. 

Surrender  of  Monterey. 

"  Gen.  Worth  crossed  the  mountains  in  the 
rear  of  Monterey,  took  the  fortified 
heights,  and  reached  the  walls  of  the 
city,  cutting  off  its  supplies. 

"  Sept.  23.  Gen.  Taylor  made  the  grand 
attack,  and  the  city  soon  surrendered, 
under  Gen.  Ainpudia. 

"  Gen.  Taylor  granted  an  armistice  of  eight 
days,  expecting  the  Mexicans  to  pro- 
pose peace. 

"  Sept.  20.  California  expedition,  with 
Col.  Stevenson's  regiment  of  780  officers 
and  men,  sails  from  New  York ....  540 

"  Oct.  25.  Tobasco,  ^^Icxico,  bombarded 
by  Commodore  Perry. 

"  Oct.  30.  Gen.  Wool  arrived  in  Mexico 
with  3,000  troops  of  volunteers,  whom 
he  trained  on  the  march  over  deserts 
and  mountains. 

"  Nov.  14.  Commodore  Conner  takes 
Tanipico. 

"      Dec.  6.    Gen.  Kearney  defeats  the  l^Iexi- 

cans  at  San  Pasqual  541 

Dec.  25.   Col.  Doniphan  defeats  the  Mex- 
icans at  Hrazito,  near  El  Paso. 

"      Dec.  28.    Iowa  admitted  into  the  Union. 

"  Gen.  Taylor  advanced  to  Victoria,  where 
he  learned  that  Santa  Anna  was  ap- 
])roaching  with  2ii,0ti0  men.  Just  oil 
the  eve  of  a  battle.  Gen.  Taylor  received 
the  word  that  he  was  superseded  by 
General  Scott,  who  was  en  route  for 
Mexico,  and  who  called  for  the  *'  flower 
of  his  army." 

General  Taylor  sends  a  courier  to 
Gen.  Wool,  asking  him  to  hasten  to 
his  aid,  and  in  two  hours  the  General 
Was  on  his  way  to  Victoria. 


1846.  Bombardment  of  the  ^lormon  city  of 

Nauvoo,  111.,  and  the  exit  of  the  Mor- 
mons at  the  point  of  the  bayonet. 

"  First  comet  discovered  by  an  American 
astronomer,  Wm.  C.  Boyd. 

"  Louis  A;/assU  visited  the  United  States 
to  deliver  a  course  of  lectures  in  Bos- 
ton, and  to  study  the  geology  and  nat- 
ural history  of  this  country. 

"  TTar  of  race.i  in  Jamaica  caused  by  the  free 
trade  principles,  and  competition  be- 
tween the  fiee  lal)or  of  Jamaica  and 
the  sl.ave  labor  of  Cuba  and  Brazil. 
The  English  Government  sujjpressed 
this  war  with  great  severity, 

1847.  Jan.  8-9,    Battles  of  San  Gabriel  and 

Mesa,  in  California,  uuder  Gen.  Kear- 
ney.   The  enemy  were  defeated. 

"  Jan.  8.  Mexican  Congress  resolved  to 
raise  |15,000,000  on  the  property  of 
the  clergy  to  carry  on  the  war. 

"  Jan.  14.  lievolt  of  the  Mixicarui  in  New 
Jlexico  against  the  United  States  au- 
thorities. 

"  Jan.  24.  Battle  of  Canada,  in  New  Mex- 
ico— Americans  under  Col.  Price  are 
victorious. 

"  Fel).  22-23.  Battle  of  Buena  Vista,  by 
(Jen.  Taylor,  aided  by  Gen.  Wool,  The 
Mexicans  were  led  bv  Santa  Anna  with 
greatly  superior  numbers,  but  the  Mex- 
icans were  obliged  to  retreat  and  yield 
the  victory  to  inferior  numbers,  but 
superior  generalship  541 

"  Feb,  28,  Battle  of  Sacramento.  Col. 
Doniphan,  with  924  Americans,  de- 
feated 4,000  Mexicans, 

"  Mar.  1.  Gen.  Kearney  declares  Califor- 
nia a  part  of  the  United  States. . , ,  542 

Capture  of  Vera  Cruz. 

"  Mar,  29,  Vera  Cruz  taken  by  Gen.  Scott 
and  Commodore  Perry  with  army  and 
fleet.  This  was  considered,  with  the 
exception  of  Quebec,  the  most  strongly 
fortified  city  in  America. 

"  April  2.  Ah  arado  taken  by  Lieut.  Hun- 
ter. 

"  April  18.  Battle  of  Cerro  Gordo  fought. 
Santa  Anna  was  strongly  intrenched 
with  a  large  army.  Lee  and  Beaure- 
gard engineered  the  mountain  attack 
while  the  army  in  front  simultaneously 
opened  fire  upon  them.  The  Mexicans 
abandoned  their  works  and  beat  a 
hasty  retreat. 

"      Tuspan  taken  by  Commoi»)re  Perry. 

Lyndi's   Expedition   to  the  River 
Jordan  and  the  Dead  Sea. 

"  May.  Lieut.  W.  F.  Lynch,  of  the  United 
States  Navy,  made  an  application  to 
the  Hon.  John  Y.  Ma.son,  the  head  of 
the  Navy  Dei)artment,  fi^r  permission 
to  circumnavigate  ajd  thoroughly  ex- 
plore the  lake  Asphatites,  or  Dead  Sea, 
After  some  delay,  a  favorable  decision 
was  given  to  his  application.  The 
United  States  storeship  Supply  was 
placed  imder  his  command,  and  was 
laden  with  stores  for  the  American 
squadron  in  the  Mediterranean,  She 
also  carried  two  metallic  boats,  one  of 
copper,  the  other  of  galvanized  iron, 
for  the  use  of  the  expedition.  The 
meu'bers  of  the  expedition  were  four- 
teen in  number.  The  ten  seamen  ship- 
])ed  to  serve  as  crews  of  the  boat.s  were 
of  temperate  habits,  all  of  them  having 
pledged  themselves  to  abstain  from  all 
intoxicating  drinks. 


CHRONOLOGY. 


769 


1847.  The  expedition  set  out  from  New 
York,  November  3(!,  1847.  After  stop- 
ping at  Port  Mahon,  the  Supply  on 
February  10th  anchored  before  Smyrna. 
Tlience  Lieutenant  Lynch  jiroceeded 
to  Constantinople,  where,  by  the  influ- 
ence of  Mr.  Carr,  the  United  States 
resident  Minister,  an  audience  of  the 
Sultan  was  granted,  and  a  firman  pro- 
cured, giving  permission  to  explore  the 
Dead  Sea  and  the  River  Jordan.  From 
Con8tantino])le  he  returned  to  Smyrna, 
and  tlicnce  proceeded  to  Beirut  and 
Acre.  On  April  1,  1848,  the  party 
pitched  their  tents  on  the  south  bank 
of  the  Belus,  having  parted  from  the 
storeship  ISupphj,  which  now  stood 
out  to  sea.  The  expedition  directed 
its  route  toward  the  Sea  of  Galilee^ 
or  Tiberias,  as  the  first  point  in  their 
tour  of  observati(m. 

Lieutenant  Lynch,  in  order  to  trans- 
port his  baggage  and  boats  to  navigate 
the  inland  seas,  made  the  novel  ex- 
periment of  substituting  camels  for 
draught-horses,  which  proved  success- 
ful. IL'iving  mounted  his  boats  on 
low-wheeled  carriages  or  trucks,  three 
of  these  huge  animals  were  attached 
to  each  carriage,  two  abreast  and  one 
as  leader.  The  first  attempt  to  draw 
the  trucks  by  camels  was  witnessed 
by  an  eager  crowd  of  people.  The 
successful  result  taught  them  the  ex- 
istence of  an  unknown  accomplish- 
ment in  that  patient  and  powerful  ani- 
mal, which  tiiey  had  before  thought  fit 
<mly  to  plod  along  with  its  heavy  load 
upon  its  back.  On  the  4th  of  Aj^ril 
they  took  up  their  line  of  march,  lol- 
lowing  tlie  boats  with  sixteen  liorscs, 
eleven  loaded  camels,  and  a  mule.  The 
party  numbered  sixteen  in  all,  includ- 
ing the  dragoman  and  cook.  Tliey 
were  accompanied  by  fifteen  Bedouins, 
all  well  mi>unted.  The  metal  boats,  with 
flags  flving,  rattling  and  tumbling 
along,  mounted  on  carriages  drawn  by 
huge  camels,  the  officers  and  mounted 
sailors  in  single  file,  the  loaded  camels, 
the  sherifi'and  Sheikh  with  their  tufted 
sjjears  —  all  had  the  appearance  of  a 
triumphal  march. 

On  the  6th  of  Ajiril  the  party  reached 
the  Sea  of  Galilee.  "  Unable  to  restrain 
my  impatience,'^  says  Lieut,  Lynch,  "  I 
now  rode  ahead  with  Mustafa,  and  soon 
saw  below,  far  down  the  green  sloping 
chasm,  the  Sea  of  Galilee,  basking  in 
the  sunlight !  Like  a  mirror  it  lay 
embosomed  in  its  rounded  and  beauti- 
ful, but  treeless  hills.  How  dear  to  the 
Cliristian  are  the  memories  of  tiiat  lake, 

the  lake  of  the  New  Testament  

Tlie  roadside  and  the  uncultivated 
slopes  of  the  hills  were  full  of  flowers, 
and  alx)unded  with  singing  birds ; 
there  lay  the  holy  lake,  consecrated  by 
the  presence  of  the  Redeenn  r !  .  .  ,  . 
Near  by  was  the  field  where,  according 
to  tradition,  the  disciples  plucked  the 
ears  of  corn  upon  tlie  Sabbath;  yet 
nearer  was  the  spot  where  the  Saviour 
fed  the  famishing  multitudes,  and  to 

the  left  the  mount  of  Beatitudes  

Not  a  tree !  not  a  shrub !  nothing  but 
green  grain,  grass,  and  flowers,  yet 

acres  of  bright  verdure  Beyond 

the  lake  and  over  the  mountains,  rise 
majestic  in  the  clear  sky  the  snowy 
peaks  of  Mount  Ilermon." 

On  the  8th  of  April,  having  arrived 


at  Tiberias,  the  two  boats,  after  some 
difficulty  in  getting  tiiem  down  the 
mountain,  were  launched  into  the  Sea 
of  (Jalilce  with  their  flags  flying. 
"  Since  the  time  of  Josephus  and  the 
Romans,  no  vessel  of  any  size  had  sailed 
U])on  this  sea,  and  for  many,  many 
years,  but  a  solitary  keel  had  furrowed 
its  surface."  In  order  to  assist  the 
transportadon  of  his  goods,  Lieutenant 
Lynch  [)ur(hased  the  only  boat  used 
liy  the  misgoverned  and  listless  inhab- 
itants to  navigate  the  beautiful  lake 
of  Tiberias,  a  lake  which  was  filled 
with  fi>h  and  abounding  with  wild 
fowl.  This  boat  was  purchased  for 
about  twenty-one  dollars,  and  was  used 
by  the  inlud)itants  merely  to  bring  wood 
from  the  opposite  side  of  the  lake. 

On  the  luth  of  April,  the  expedition 
started  from  the  foot  of  the  lake,  and 
commenced  the  descent  of  the  river 
Jordan.  Notwithstanding  the  most 
diligent  inquiry  at  Tiberias,  they  could 
not  procure  any  reliable  information 
respecting  the  river.  They  found,  to 
their  consternation,  that  the  Jordan 
was  interrupted  in  its  course  by  fre- 
quent and  fearful  rapids.  In  some 
instances  they  had  to  clear  out  old 
channels,  to  make  new  ones,  and  some- 
times pluuged  with  headlong  velocity 
down  appalling  descents.  So  great 
were  the  difficulties  in  ^iassing  down 
the  river,  that  on  the  second  evening 
they  were  but  twelve  miles  in  a  direct 
line  from  Tiberias.  So  tortuous  is  the 
course  of  the  Jordan,  that  in  a  space  of 
sixty  miles  of  latitude,  and  four  or  five 
of  longitude,  it  travei  ses  at  least  two 
hundred  miles ! 

On  the  18th  of  April  they  rcfiched 
the  Dead  Sea,  and  found  its  northern 
shore  an  extensive  mud-flat,  with  a 
sandy  plain  beyond,  and  the  Very  type 
of  desolation.  Branches  and  trunks  of 
frees  lay  scattered  in  every  direction ; 
some  charred  and  blackened  by  fire, 
others  white  with  an  incrustation  of 
salt.  The  waters  of  the  sea  they  found 
a  nauseous  compound  of  bitters  and 
salt.  As  they  passed  on,  they  found 
scenes  "  where  there  was  no  vegetation 
whatever ;  barren  mountains,  frag- 
ments of  rocks  blackened  liy  sulphur- 
ous deposits,  and  an  unnatural  sea, 
with  low,  dead  trees  upon  its  margin, 
all  within  the  scojie  of  vision  bore  a 
sad  and  sombre  aspect." 

Near  the  southern  extremity  of  the 
Dead  Sea,  the  water  became  very  shal- 
low, from  one  to  two  fathoms  deejx 
AVhen  near  the  salt  mountain  of  Usdum, 
or  Sodom,  they  were  astonished  at  the 
appearance  of  a  lofty  round  pillar, 
s'auding  apparently  detached  from  the 
general  mass,  at  the  head  of  a  deep, 
narrow,  and  abrupt  clnsm.  ''We  im- 
mediately pulled  in  fir  the  shore,'' 
says  Lieutenant  Lynch,  "and  Dr. 
Ander.-on  and  I  went  up  to  examine  it. 
The  beach  was  a  soft,  slimy  mud,  in- 
crusted  with  salt,  and  a  short  distance 
from  the  water  covered  with  saline 
fragments  and  fiakes  of  bitumen.  Wc 
found  the  pillar  to  be  of  solid  salt, 
capped  with  carbonate  of  lime,  cylin- 
drical in  front  and  pyramidal  behind. 
The  upi)cr  or  rounded  part  is  about 
forty  feet  high,  resting  on  a  kind  of 
ovai  pedestal,  I'imiu  forty  to  sixty  feet 
above  the  level  of  the  sea.    It  slightly 


decreases  in  size  upward,  crumbles  at 
the  top,  and  is  one  entire  mass  of 
crystallization."  A  similar  p  liar  is 
mentioned  by  Josephus  as  having  l)een 
seeti  by  him,  and  he  in  his  History  ex- 
presses the  belief  of  its  being  the 
identical  one  into  which  Lot's  wife  was 
transformed. 

While  passing  over  and  encamping 
on  the  Ijorders  of  this  remarkable  sea, 
the  figures  of  each  one  of  the  expe- 
dition assumed  a  dropsical  appearance. 
The  lean  liad  become  stout,  and  the 
Stout  almost  corpulent ;  the  pale  faces 
had  become  florid  and  ruddy ;  more- 
over, the  slightest  scratch  festered, 
and  the  Ijodies  of  many  of  the  party 
were  covered  with  small  pustules.  'I'he 
men  complained  bitterly  of  the  irrita- 
tion of  their  sores,  whenever  the  acrid 
water  of  the  sea  touched  them  :  still  all 
had  good  appetites,  and  they  hoped 
for  the  best. 

On  the  2d  of  ]\ray  the  party  made 
an  excursion  to  Kerak,  containing  a 
population  of  about  300  families,  of 
whom  three-fourths  professed  Chris- 
tianity. They  found  these  Christians, 
though  impoverished  and  oppressed, 
as  kind  and  obliging  as  the  Moslems 
were  insolent.  On  tlie  10th  of  May 
they  left  the  Dead  Sea,  after  spending 
twenty-twt)  days  in  its  exploration. 

"  We  have,"  says  Lieutenant  Lynch, 
"  carefully  sounded  this  sea,  determined 
its  geographical  position,  taken  the 
exact  topography  of  its  shores  ascer- 
tained the  temperature,  width,  depth, 
and  velocity  of  its  tributaries,  collected 
specimens  of  every  kind,  and  noted 
the  winds,  currents,  changes  of  the 
weather.  And  all  atmospheric  phe- 
nomena The    inference  from 

the  Bibk\  that  this  entire  cha«m  was 
a  plain  sunk  and  '  overirhelmed '  by  the 
wrath  of  God.  seems  to  be  sustained  by 
the  extraordinary  character  of  our 

soundings  We    entered  upon 

this  seji  with  ctmflicting  opinions. 
One  of  the  party  was  skeptical,  and 
another,  I  think,  a  professed  unbeliever 
•of  the  Mosaic  account.  After  twenty- 
two  days'  close  investigation,  if  I  am 
not  mistaken  we  are  unanimous  in  the 
conviction  of  the  truth  of  the  Scriptural 
account  of  the  destruction  of  the  cities 
of  the  plain." 

Alter  leaving  the  Dead  Sea,  the 
party  proceeded  tow;rd  Jerusalem, 
where  they  arrived  on  the  17th  of  May. 
After  visiting  vaiious  places  of  interest 
in  and  aljout  the  citv,  they  proceeded 
to  Jaffa.  From  Jaffa  they  went  to 
Acre,  in  two  parties — one  under  the 
command  of  Lieutenant  Lynch,  in  an 
Arabian  lirig;  the  other  by  the  land 
route,  under  the  command  of  Lieu- 
tenant Dale.  From  .\cre  they  went  to 
Nazareth,  Naiu.  Mount  Tabor,  Tiberias, 
Bethsaidii,  to  the  source  of  the  Jordan, 
and  thence  to  Damascus  and  Ueirut. 
As  they  approached  the  latter  place, 
many  of  tlie  party  sickened ;  and  on 
the  25th  of  July  Lieutenant  Dale  died 
at  a  village  in  the  vicinity  of  Beirut, 
at  the  house  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Smith,  of 
the  American  Presbyterian  mission. 
From  Beirut  they  proceeded  to  M:tlta, 
where,  on  the  l'2tli  of  September,  the 
Snp/li/  being  ready,  the  exi)edition  re- 
embarked  for  the  United  States,  aud 
arrived  there  early  in  December. 


770 


CHRONOLOGY. 


1847.  Aug.  20.    Battles  of  Contrcras  and  Cbu- 


rubusco   5^G 

Sept.  8.    Gen.  Wortb  storms  Molina  del 

]{ay  •••  546 

Sept."  13.  Storming  the  citadel  of  Chapul- 
tcpec   546 


"  Sejjt.  14.  Tlio  American  army  enters 
the  City  of  Mexico,  carrying  every  post 
and  fortification,  swecpiu'?  every  ob- 
stacle before  tlicm.  Night  alone  s.aved 
the  terrible  destruction  of  i^aiita  Anna's 
army,  as  under  the  cover  of  darkness 
llie  Jlexicans  fled,  and  at  sunrise  the 
American  army  entered  the  city,  and 
the  Stars  and  Stripes  were  soon  float- 
ing above  the  Halls  of  the  Montezu- 
mas   547 

"  Sept.  13  to  Oct.  13.  Siege  of  Pucbia, 
held  by  the  Americans  against  the 
Mexicans.  The  Mexicans  were  re- 
pulsed by  Gen.  Childs   547 

"  Oct.  9.  Hiiamantla  taken  by  the  Ameri- 
cans under  Gen.  Lane. 

"  Oct.  20.  Port  of  Guayamas  bombarded 
and  captured  by  the  Americans. 

"  Dec.  31.  The  several  Mexican  States 
occupied  by  the  American  army  placed 
under  military  contributions. 

"      War  with  Mexico  ended. 

"  Agassiz  joined  the  coast  survey  expedi- 
tion. 

"  Comet  discovered  by  Maria  Mitchel  at 
her  private  observatory  in  Nantucket. 

Spirit  Rappings. 

"  Great  excitement  at  Rochester,  N.  Y., 
and  surrounding  country  caused  by 
mysterious  knocks,  noises,  and  pecul- 
iar and  strange  demonstrations.  The 
first  appearance  of  these  knockings  was 
at  Arcadia,  Wayne  County,  N.  Y.  The 
family  where  they  fiist  made  their  ap- 
pearance fled  frotn  the  house,  and  it  was 
afterward  occupied  by  Mr.  John  Fox. 
His  daughters  were  the  first  mediums 
through  which  this  mysterious  agency 
professed  to  communicate.  The  family 
removed  to  the  citv  of  Kochestcr,  and 
the  strange  manifestations  accompa- 
nied them.  Very  soon  these  strange 
proceedings  were  characterized  by  the 
name  of  *■  Spirit  rappings,"  and  nu- 
merous ''mediums"  were  soon  devel- 
oped, and  public  lectures  and  ])rivate 
seances,  where  table-tipping  and  writ- 
ing were  introduced,  were  held.  The 
suljject  iittracted  universal  interest  and 
attention,  and  within  three  years  the 
follower-  of  tiiis  new  sensation  num- 
bered hundreds  of  thousands,  with  a 
force  of  thirty  thousand  mediums. 
Several  iirominent  persons  pul)licly 
advocated  the  manifestations  as  coin- 
nninications  from  the  "Spirit  Lantl." 
I5ook3  were  written,  and  hundreds  of 
lecturer.s  thronged  the  pui)lic  i)lat- 
forms;  private  and  durk  nrclen  and 
ficancf»  were  held,  to  which,  cliieHy, 
the  ''demonstrations"  were  confined. 
From  tiiis  oiigin  has  sprung  the  great 
and  world-witle  doctrine  known  as 
Modern  S])iritualism.  The  sect  claims 
millions  of  convert-;,  scattered  through 
all  parts  of  the  world. 

"  Voyage  of  the  United  States  ship  Jamen- 
toirii,  witii  a  cargo  of  food  for  the 
starving  in  Ireland. 
. Los  Angeles,  the  capital  of  California, 
taken  l»y  Gen.  Kearney,  Com.  Stockton, 
and  Col.  Fremont.  Kearney,  after  or- 
giuiizing  a  system  of  government  for 


1847.  his  conquered  territory,  set  out  on  his 
march  for  .Mexico. 

Costa  Rica  adopted  a  Constitution,  pro- 
viding for  a  President  and  Vice-Presi- 
dent, elected  for  six  years,  and  a  Ilouse 
of  Representatives  composed  of  twelve 
men. 

ya/m  Quincey  Adams. 

1848.  Feb.  21.    Death  of  John  Quincey  Adams, 

sixth  President  of  the  United  States, 
stricken  down  by  paralysis  upon  the 
floor  of  Congress  while  in  the  act  of 
addressing  the  Speaker,  lacking  but  a 
few  months  of  eighty-one  years  of  age. 
Mr.  Adams  was  born  July  11,  1767,  in 
Quincy,  ]Ma^s.  He  was  the  son  of 
John  AfJams,  the  second  President  of 
the  United  States.  When  but  eleven 
years  old  he  accompanied  his  father  to 
Paris,  and  again  when  his  father  was 
sent  to  England  as  the  first  Minister 
Plenipotentiary  to  that  Court,  he  ac- 
companied him,  and  spent  the  time  in 
school,  first  in  Paris,  then  Amsterdam, 
and  attheLeyden  University.  When  but 
fourteen  years  of  age,  Mr.  Dana,  United 
States  Minister  to  Russia,  employed 
him,  as  his  private  secretary.  At  the 
age  of  fifteen  he  journeyed  alone  from 
St.  Petersburg  to  Holland,  through 
Sweden,  Denmark,  Hamburg,  and 
Bremen.  in  178>  he  returned  to 
America,  leaving  bis  father  at  the 
Coiut  of  St.  James.  Here  he  entered 
Harvard  College,  and  upon  h'S  gradua- 
tion, at  the  age  of  twenty,  he  delivered 
an  oration  which  attracted  much  at- 
tention, and  Mdiich  was  published  and 
widely  distributed,  an  event  of  rare  oc- 
currence. ]Mr.  Adams  entered  im- 
mediately upon  the  study  of  law  with 
Hon.  Tiieophilus  Parsons,  of  Newljurj'- 
port.  In  1790  he  opened  a  law-otfice 
in  Boston.  His  first  public  efforts  were 
in  defense  of  President  Washington's 
neutrality  proclamation.  In  1794,  wdien 
twenty-seven  years  of  age,  the  Presi- 
dent appointed  him  resident  Minister  at 
the  Netherlands.  In  July,  1 797,  he  was 
appointed  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to 
I'ortugal.  Upon  his  way  he  was  married 
in  London  to  Miss  Louisa  Catharine 
Johnson,  to  whom  he  had  been  previ- 
ously engaged.  She  was  the  daughter 
of  the  American  Consul  in  London,  a 
lady  of  much  beauty  and  intelligence. 
While  in  London  he  was  directed  to 
repair  to  the  Court  of  Berlin,  where  he 
ably  fultilled  all  the  objects  of  his  mis- 
sion. In  1802  he  was  cho.sen  as  State 
Senator  for  Massachusetts,  and  in  1804 
he  entered  the  United  States  Senate 
for  a  term  of  six  years.  He  was  alike 
the  firm  friend  of  Washington  and 
Jeflerson.  His  re])utation  immediately 
placed  him  among  the  most  influential 
mcmbe  s  of  tiiat  body.  He  sustained 
the  (ioverninent  in  its  measures  of  re- 
sistance to  the  en(  roachinents  of  (Jreat 
Britain.  In  isn,'5  Mr.  Adams  was  chosen 
Professor  of  Rhetoric  in  Harvard  Col- 
lego,  and  together  with  his  indefatig- 
able Senatorial  duties,  he  added  a 
course  of  lectures  to  be  delivered  be- 
fore the  class,  which  were  carefully 
culled  and  prefaced  by  a  review  of  the 
classics  and  a  vigorous  study  of  the 
literature  of  the  Old  World. 

Upon  the  outrage  of  the  British  Gov- 
ernment perpetrated  l)y  her  man-of-war, 
the  LcojHird^  upon  the  .\merican  frigate 


1848.  Chestapeal-e,  Mr.  Adams  presented  reso- 
lutions in  the  indignation  mee'ing 
called  in  Boston,  of  such  a  pionounced 
and  determined  character  against  the 
act  as  caused  him  to  be  denounced  hy 
the  Federal  party,  of  which  he  was  a 
member.  The  Legislature  of  Massa- 
chusetts were  so  much  displeased  with 
1  is  course  that  he  immediately  resigned 
his  seat  in  the  Senate.  He  was  bitterly 
persecuted  by  his  old  party  friends, 
but  he  maintained  his  convictions  of 
duty  and  retired  to  his  profession.  In 
1*509  President  Madison  appointed  him 
Minister  to  St.  Petersburg.  Mr.  Adams 
now  abandoned  the  Federalists  and 
allied  himself  with  the  Republican  party. 
A  warm  friendship  grew  up  between 
the  Kmperor  Alexander  and  .Mr.  Adams, 
whicli  laid  the  foundation  of  the  terms 
of  fiiendship  and  peace  which  have 
existed  l)etween  the  two  nations  until 
the  present  day.  While  in  Ru-sia  Mr. 
Adams  Uved  in  a  plain  way,  as  became 
the  Minister  of  a  Republic,  avoiding 
the  public  and  costly  entertainments  of 
the  foreign  Jlinisters,  and  gave  him- 
si  If  to  the  study  of  the  language  and 
history  of  Russin,  and  to  the  subjects 
in  which  his  Government  were  most 
interested.  In  181 1  President  Madison 
nominated  Mr.  Adams  to  a  seat  on  the 
bench  of  the  Su])reme  Court  of  the 
United  States,  but  he  declined  the 
honor,  preferring  to  serve  his  country 
in  a  more  active  and  efficient  way. 
!Mr.  Adams  was  subsequently  culled, 
with  Sir.  Gallatin  and  Mr.  Bayard,  to 
negotiate  a  treaty  of  peace  with  En- 
gland, which  was  secured  at  Ghent, 
Mr.  Adams  taking  the  leading  part. 
In  1815  he  was  again  appointed  .Minis- 
ter to  the  Court  of  England,  and  in 
1817,  upon  the  inauguration  of  Presi- 
dent Monroe,  he  was  chosen  as  Secre- 
tary of  State,  and  returned  to  his  native 
country  after  an  absence  of  eight  years, 
to  again  take  up  the  active  duties  of 
the  Government  at  home.  Mr.  Adams 
discharged  the  honorable  duties  of  his 
office  during  the  eight  years  of  Sir. 
Jlonroe's  Administration,  and  those 
duties  were  never  more  ably  dis- 
charged. 

Upon  the  4th  of  Sfarch,  1825,  John 
Quincey  Adams  became  President  of  the 
United  States,  after  a  most  exciting 
camjiaign.  Party  spirit  ran  high,  and 
the  disappointed  candidates  united  in 
their  assault  upon  the  President. 
Never  was  an  .Administration  so  cruel- 
ly assailed,  and  never  was  an  Adminis- 
tration more  pure  in  principles  and 
more  thoroughly  devoted  to  the  best 
intere-ts  of  the  country.  No  man  ever 
sat  in  the  Presitlential  chair  more  ably 
qualilied  to  fill  the  hi.gh  station  of 
Chief  Magistrate  of  a  nat.on,  tmd  never 
was  exalted  ability  and  genuine  virtue 
of  character  so  ungratefully  and  cruelly 
maligned. 

Upon  his  retirement  from  the  Presi- 
dential chair,  Mr.  Adams  repaired  to 
his  home  at  Quincy  and  to  his  studies, 
whiih  he  was  ever  prosecuting  with 
unabated  zeal.  In  every  jilace  and 
every  dejwrtment  of  life  Sir.  Adams 
was  a  close  student,  and  never  re- 
linquished his  unceasing  search  after 
knowledge.  But  he  was  not  long  to 
remain  in  retirement.  In  Nov.,  1880, 
he    was    elected    Representative  to 


CHRONOLOGY. 


771 


1848.  Congress.  Here  was  an  opportunity 
for  hiui  to  further  serve  his  country, 
and  he  shrunk  not  from  stepping  into 
a  lower  position  of  usefulness  when  liis 
services  were  needed.  And  most  hero- 
ically and  nobly  did  he  serve  her 
during  the  remaining  seventeen  years 
of  his  life.  Upon  entering  Congress 
he  announced  that  he  would  be  bound 
to  no  party,  lie  was  first  in  his  seat 
in  the  morning,  and  last  to  leave  it  in 
the  evening.  Not  a  measure  escaped 
his  scrutiny.  His  battle  for  freedom 
against  the  combined  pro-slavery  in- 
fluence of  the  South  was  one  of  daring 
heroism  and  sublimity.  He  was  re- 
peatedly threatened  with  indictment 
by  the  Grand  Jury,  with  expulsion 
from  the  House,  and  with  assassina- 
tion, but  nothing  could  intimidate  him 
or  move  him  from  the  one  grand  pur- 
pose of  bis  life,  the  defense  of  the 
principles  of  freedom  involved  in  a 
true  republic.  Once  Jlr.  Adams  pre- 
sented a  petition,  signed  by  several 
women,  against  the  annexation  of  Texas 
for  the  purpose  of  converting  it  into 
slave  States.  A  member  from  Mary- 
land said :  "  These  women  have  dis- 
credited not  only  themselves,  but  their 
section  of  the  country  by  turning  from, 
their  domestic  duties  to  the  conflicts 
of  political  life."  In  reply,  Mr.  Adams 
demanded  to  know  "  where  the  gentle- 
man got  this  principle."  "  Did  he  find 
it  in  sacred  history  "  that "  women  are  to 
have  no  opinions  or  actions  on  subjects 
relating  to  the  general  welfare? "  Here 
Mr.  Adams  unrolled  the  long  and  bril- 
liant list  of  illustrious  women  in  sacred 
and  profane  history  who  not  only  enter- 
tained "  opinions,"  but  who  expressed 
and  enforced  them,  and  commemorated 
them  by  deeds  of  valor  and  sufi"ering 
unsurpassed  by  the  examples  of  men  in 
history.  In  the  enthusiasm  of  his  elo- 
quence and  zeal  he  overwhelmed  and 
,  silenced  his  antagonists.  Mr.  Adams 
as  eloquently  pleaded  the  cause  of  the 
slave  as  that  of  his  Anglo-Saxon 
brother.  "The  rights  of  the  people," 
was  his  grand  motto,  and  for  these  he 
fought.  At  the  age  of  seventy-four 
years  he  ap|)eared  in  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States  to  plead  the 
cause  of  a  few  friendless  negroes — the 
Amistead  cajjtives — who  had  escaped 
from  the  grasp  of  the  man-stealers. 
His  effort  was  crowned  with  success, 
and  the  poor  Africans,  libeiated  and 
furnished  abundantly  with  implements 
of  civilized  life,  were  returned  to  their 
homes  from  whicli  they  had  been  so 
ruthlessly  torn. 

His  great  debate  of  eleven  days' 
duration,  when  he  withstood  the  whole 
House,  for  the  right  of  petition  in 
Congress  by  the  A  merican  people,  was 
the  triumphant  act  of  his  Congressional 
career.  It  was  one  of  the  grandest  and 
most  heroic,  moral,  and  intellectual 
triumphs  ever  accorded  to  mortal  man  ; 
and  the  results  of  that  glorious  achieve- 
ment will  be  enjoyed  by  the  unborn 
millions  of  this  great  Republic  while 
it  shall  have  an  existence. 

His  unique,  bold,  and  unprecedented 
victory  over  the  assumed  authority  of 
the  Clerk  of  the  House,  when  he  held 
that  august  body  for  four  days  in 
status  quo  upon  a  point  of  precedence 
and  "  parliamentary  usage,"  was  one 


which  will  long  be  remembered  by 
members  of  that  Congress  and  by  the  , 
American  people  as  a  masterly  stroke  ' 
of  policy  and  power  worthy  an  Alex- 
ander. Said  Mr.  Wise,  of  Virginia,  to 
Mr.  Adams  upon  that  occasion :  "  Sir, 
I  regard  it  as  the  proudest  hour  of 
your  life;  and  if,  when  you  shall  be 
gathered  to  your  t\ithers,  I  were  asked 
to  select  the  words  which,  in  my  judg- 
ment, are  best  calculated  to  give  at 
once  the  character  of  the  man,  I  would 
inscribe  y\\ion  your  toml)  this  sentence, 
'I  will  put  the  question  myself.' "  At 
the  age  of  seventy-five  ye.irs  Mr.  Adams 
met  the  cumbined  pro-slavery  element 
in  Congress,  who  came  crowding  to- 
gether into  the  House  ])repared  to 
crush  forever  the  gray-haired  veteran 
of  freedom.  In  view  of  the  efforts  the 
South  were  making  to  overthrow  the 
Government,  Mr.  Adams  had  presented 
a  petition  from  forty-five  citizens  of 
Haverhill,  IMass.,  praying  for  the  peace- 
able dissolution  of  the  Union.  The 
stormy  scene  which  followed  baffles 
description.  They  met  in  caucus  and 
prepared  resolutions  accusing  him  of 
high  treason,  and  of  insulting  the  Gov- 
ernment. On  the  28tli*  of  .January 
they  met  to  present  their  resolutions  to 
the  Plouse.  Mr.  Marshal,  of  Kentucky, 
during  a  breathless  silence,  read  them. 
Mr.  Adams  stood  alone.  The  whole 
pro-slavery  party  were  hurling  their 
secret  anathemas  against  him.  When 
Mr.  Marshal  closed,  ever}^  eye  was  fixed 
upon  that  brave  old  man,  whose  scat- 
tered locks  of  snow  seemed  like  a  halo 
of  glory  to  light  up  bis  grand  and 
majestic  face.  Casting  a  withering 
glance  of  defiance  at  his  assailants,  in 
a  clear  voice,  yet  deep  with  suppressed 
emotion,  he  said :  "  In  reply  to  ;  .is 
audacious,  atrocious  charge  of  high 
treason  I  call  for  the  reading  of  the 
first  paragraph  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence.  Read  it,  read  it!  and 
see  what  that  says  of  the  right  of  a 
j)eople  to  reform,  to  change,  and  to 
dissolve  their  Government."  During 
the  reply  of  Mr.  Adams  and  the  read- 
ing of  that  paragraph  the  impressive- 
ness  of  the  silence  and  the  emotion  of 
the  speaker  were  overwhelming.  Never 
was  there  a  grander  or  a  more  signal 
triumph.  After  several  ineffectual  at- 
tempts, his  discomfited  assailants  gave 
up  vanquished,  and  their  ignnminious 
resolution  was  laid  upon  the  table. 
The  following  year  Mr.  Adams  took  a 
tour  through  the  State  of  New  York. 
Such  an  ovation  as  greeted  him  at 
every  point  had  never  before  been  con- 
ferred upon  any  man.  Every  one  was 
anxious  to  get  a  view  of  that  "  Old 
Man  Eloquent,"  who  had  so  long  and 
so  valiantly  fought  the  nation's  battles 
for  freedom  in  her  halls  of  Congress. 

At  the  age  of  seventy-eight  he  par- 
ticip.ated  in  the  great  debate  on  the 
Oregon  question,  and  the  intellectual 
power  he  displayed  and  his  great  ac- 
curacy and  extent  of  knowledge  upon 
the  subject  under  diseussi(jn,  excited 
the  admiration  of  the  who'e  nation. 
On  the  17th  of  November  following  he 
had  an  attack  of  paralysis  while  on  the 
street  in  the  city  of  Boston,  but  he  so 
far  recovered  as  to  resume  his  official 
duties  the  following  winter.  As  he 
entered  the  House  on  the  10th  of  Feb- 


J48.  ruary  every  Member  rose  to  hia  feet, 
and  two  of  the  Members  formally  con- 
ducted him  to  his  seat.  I'.ut  he  took 
little  part  in  the  active  labors  of  Con- 
gress. On  the  21st  of  February,  1848, 
he  rose  to  present  a  paper,  and  in  the 
act  of  addressing  the  Speaker  he  was 
again  suddenly  stricken  down  with 
paralysis.  He  was  caught  in  the  arms 
of  the  Members  near  him  an<l  borne  to 
a  couch  in  the  rotunda.  As  he  revived 
to  consciousnes.^  he  opened  his  eyes 
and  calmly  gazing  aroutul  him,  ex- 
claimed:  "This  is  the  end  of  earth." 
After  a  pause  of  a  moment  he  added, 
"I  am  content."  In  a  short  time  he 
expired,  beneath  the  dome  of  that 
Capitol  which  had  so  often  resoundeil 
with  his  eloquent  pleadings  and  his 
masterly  logic. 

"  Feb.  2.  Treaty  of  Guadaloupe  Hidalgo, 
by  whicli  New  Mexico  and  I'pper  Cali- 
fornia were  ceded  to  the  L'nited  States, 
and  the  western  boundary  of  Texas 
fixed  at  the  liio  Grande.  This  war 
cost  the  United  States  nearly  25,0U0 
men  and  $160,000,000. 

"  Feb.  18.  Gen.  Scott  relinquishes  the 
command  of  Mexico  to  Gen.  Butler. 

Gold  Discovered  in  California. 

"  May.  Gold  discovered  in  California, 
at  Sutter's  Mill,  near  Sacramento,  by 
James  Marshall.  The  news  soon  sjiread 
over  the  State,  and  great  excitement 
prevailed.  All  classes  rushed  to  the 
mines.  Ships  were  deserted  by  their 
crews.  Soon  the  whole  world  was  elec- 
trified by  the  report  that  a  new  Gol- 
conda  had  been  discovered.  Thou- 
sands rushed  to  the  new  gold  fields 
from  evtrv  State  and  from  almost 
every  civilized  country.  In  a  little 
over  a  year  California  had  a  sufficient 
number  of  inhabitants  to  entitle  its  ad- 
mission as  a  State.  The  city  of  San 
Francisco  grew  up  like  "Jonah's 
Gourd."  Its  streets  were  soon  thronged 
with  daring  and  reckless  adventunrs 
from  all  pans  of  the  world.  Gambling 
became  the  daily  pastime  of  the  idle 
and  the  successful  miners,  and  murder 
was  of  almost  daily  occurrence.  Vigi- 
lance committees  were  appointed,  and 
for  five  years  justice  was  administered 
in  this  manni'r  with  telling  effect.  In 
1851)  law  and  order  was  estat)lished, 
and  for  many  years  California  flourished, 
and  was  the  great  El  Dorado  of  the 
West  in  point  of  mineral  wealth,  agri- 
culture, and  general  pro.>perity . . .  549 

Perfectionists. 

"  The  Oneida  Community,  in  the  State  of 
New  York,  another  Socialistic  order, 
was  established,  also  a  branch  at  Wal- 
lingford.  Ct.  This  is  a  religious  com- 
munity of  very  peculiar  ideas,  among 
wliich  are  "personal  holiness,"  "com- 
plex marriage,''  "  community  of  goods," 
etc.  They  are  a  very  industrious  and 
peaceable  community,  and  in  \w\v\t  of 
wealth  are  a  success.  But  they  num- 
ber, after  nearly  thirty  years'  experi- 
ment, less  than  four  hundred  members 

"  ;May  29.  Wisconsin  admitted  into  the 
Union. 

"      ]\Iissouri  Compromise  repealed  5.53 

"  Zadiary  Taylor  and  Millard  Fillmore 
Kere  elected  President  and  Vice-Presi- 
dent. 


772 


CHRONOLOGY. 


1848.  Corner-stone  of  Washington  Monument 

laid. 

"  Aufj.  13.  Oregon  territorial  bill,  with 
proliibitioQ  of  slaver}',  passed  by  Con- 
gress. 

"  Dec.  8.  First  deposit  of  California  gold 
in  the  mint.    Great  rush  for  California. 

1849.  Visit   of  Father  Mathew,  the  Catholic 

Apostle  of  Temperance,  to  the  United 
States.  600,000  are  converted  to  total 
abstinence  principles  through  his  la- 
bors. 

"  President  Taylor  issues  a  proclamation 
against  the  Cuban  filibusters. 

"  Captain  Minnie  invented  the  Minnie  con- 
ical bullet. 

"  Survey  of  the  boundary  lino  between 
Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  and  Mary- 
land, comprising  the  greater  part  of 
Mason  and  Dixon's  line. 

"  Cholera  again  visited  the  United  Sfates, 
spreading  far  and  wide  ;  the  victims 
in  St.  Louis  and  Cincinnati  number- 
ing 6,000  each. 

*'  Convention  of  delegates  met  at  Monterey 
to  frame  a  Constitution  lor  California. 

"  Great  riot  at  the  Astor  Phtce  Opera 
House,  instigated  and  led  by  the  friends 
of  Edwin  Forrest,  the  great  American 
tragedian,  upon  the  attempt  of  Mac- 
ready,  the  eminent  English  actor,  to 
play  upon  the  boards  of  that  theatre. 
See  biography  of  Forrest. 

*'     Great  fire  in  St.  Louis.    $3,000,000  lost. 

Murder  of  Dr.  Parkman. 

•*  Nov.  23.  Murder  of  Dr.  George  Park- 
inan,  a  noted  millionaire  of  Boston,  by 
Professor  John  W.  Webster,  of  Harvard 
College.  This  was  one  of  the  most 
remarkable  and  surprising  murders 
ever  recorded  in  the  annals  of  history. 
The  parties  were  both  men  of  eminent 
position  and  respectability.  The  bo:ly 
of  Dr.  Parkman  was  discovered 
through  the  susi)icions  of  the  janitor 
of  the  college,  and  the  continued  search 
of  the  Professor's  laboratory  and  rooms 
adjoining.  A  portion  of  the  body  was 
found  at  the  bottom  of  the  vault  of  a 
private  closet  opening  off  from  a  labo- 
ratory <m  the  basement  floor,  which 
contained  a  fuinace.  Buried  in  tan  in 
a  tea-chest,  and  covered  with  speci- 
mens of  minerals,  were  other  portions 
of  the  body,  and  in  the  ashes  of  the 
furnace  were  found  a  shirt  button,  a 
Imman  tooth,  blocks  of  mineral  teeth, 
and  a  lirge  number  of  fragments  of 
bone  beloufiing  to  a  human  body.  A 
large  hunting  -  knife,  a  double-edged 
sheath  knife,  a  saw,  hammer,  and  other 
articles  were  also  found.  Upon  this 
evidence  Professor  Webster  was  ar- 
rested. The  whole  community  and 
country  were  a|)palli<l.  flic  cause 
secuieil  Boinsignitie  int — a (iis])ute  about 
the  payment  of  a  small  sum  of  money 
which  the  I'rofessor  was  owing  Dr. 
Parkman — and  the  nuirder  so  ci  uel  and 
apparently  so  well  planned,  that  it 
seemed  impos-iible,  considering  the 
high  character  of  Prof  Webster  as  a 
scholar  and  i)rofes-icd  Christian.  Upon 
his  arrest  he  swallowed  a  strychnine 
powder,  which  he  had  |)rcj)are  1  anil 
carried  in  his  pocket,  but  his  great 
nervous  aiiiiation  prevented  its  action, 
and  he  survived,  was  tried  and  sen- 
tenced for  nuirder  in  the  lir>t  degree, 
ond  was  hung  upon  a  scaffold  in  full 


1849.  view  of  the  clas.sic  halls  where  he  had 
.so  long  filled  tin:  high  position  of  Pro- 
fessor of  Chemistry. 

"       Uitited  Stiitm  (johl  doHarJirxt  coined. 

"  Parliament  Houses  in  Mcmtreal,  Upper 
Canada,  burned  down  by  a  mob. 

"  Consiitution  forbidding  slavery  adopted 
for  California. 

"  Solouque,  President  of  Santo  Domingo, 
assumed  the  imijerial  title. 

James  K.  Polk. 

"  June  15.  Death  of  James  K.  Polk, 
eleventh  President  of  the  United 
States.  He  was  born  in  Mecklenburg 
County,  North  Carolina,  Nov.  2,  1793. 
His  father  was  a  farmer,  and  emigrated 
to  East  Tennessee.  In  181,j,  at  the  a^e 
of  twenty,  he  entered  the  University  of 
North  Carolina,  at  Ciiapel  Hill,  and 
piaduatcd  with  high  honors  in  1818. 
lie  very  soon  entered  the  law  office  of 
Felix  Grundy  in  Nashville,  and  when 
he  had  finished  his  legal  studies,  he 
established  himself  in  Columbia,  the 
seat  of  Maury  County.  His  success 
was  very  rapid.  Mr.  Polk  had  stored 
his  mind  with  knowledge,  and  sut)- 
jected  it  to  a  stilct  discipline,  and  with 
temperate  and  frugal  habits  his  success 
was  placed  beyond  jeopardy.  He  soon 
became  popular  as  a  public  speaker, 
and  was  an  effective  campaign  orator 
for  his  party.  His  manners  were 
courteous  and  winning,  and  he  won 
many  friends.  In  1823  he  was  elected 
to  the  Legislature  of  Tennessee.  His 
first  important  act  was  in  procuring 
the  passage  of  a  law  to  prevent  duel- 
ing. He  early  imbibed  State's  Kights 
principles,  and  gave  his  influence  to 
strengthen  the  State  Governments.  In 
1823  Mr.  Polk  was  chosen  a  il ember 
of  Congress,  and  for  fourteen  consecu- 
tive J  ears  he  was  continued  in  that 
oltice,  when  he  withdrew  to  accept 
the  Governorship  of  Tennessee.  In 
Congress  ]\Ir.  Polk  M'as  a  po])ular  Mem- 
ber, always  courteous  and  prompt,  and 
an  easy  and  pleasing  s])eaker.  and  was 
uj)pointed  Chairman  of  the  Committee 
of  Ways  and  Means.  He  was  a  worm 
supporter  of  President  Jackson  and 
his  measures,  and  during  five  sessions 
of  Congress  he  was  Speaker  of  the 
House,  and  never  had  a  personal  alter- 
cation with  a  single  Member  during 
his  fourteen  years  in  Congress.  Mr. 
I'olk  was  the  avowed  champion  of  the 
annexation  of  Texas,  and  in  1843  the 
Democratic  i)arty  made  him  their  can- 
didate for  President,  and  he  was 
elected  by  a  large  majority.  His  first 
Message  urged  the  immediate  an- 
nexation of  Texas  as  a  State.  War 
with  .Mexico  was  soon  announced,  and 
Mr.  Polk's  Administration  jjushed  it 
forwartl  with  great  vigor.  The  Mexi- 
cans were  hopelessly  defeated  and 
awfully  slaiuhtered.  Not  only  was 
Texas  annexed,  but  all  of  the  vast 
terriioi-y  of  New  Jlexico  and  Upper 
anil  Lower  (/"alifornia  was  adile<i  to 
the  territorial  area  of  the  United 
t-  tides. 

The  annexation  Bchcme  was  a  pro- 
slavery  measure,  and  Texas  was  de- 
8igne>l  by  the  South  for  a  slave 
State,  and  the  Adminisfr.ition  calleil 
for  *:i,00(),(>0  I  to  satisfy  Mexico  and 
induce  a  voluntary  surrender  of  Texas. 


1849.  To  this  appropriation  the  Northerrj 

Democrats  attached  what  was  called 
the  "  U  ihnot  Proviso,"  wljich  excluded 
the  annexation  of  territory  for  slave 
States.  To  this  the  .Vdministr  at  on 
and  the  whole  South  were  violen'ly 
opposed,  and  a  war  in  Congress  ensued". 
The  "  dissolution  of  the  Union  "  was 
threatened,  and  the  Proviso  was  re- 
considered and  rejected.  In  184!)  Mr. 
Polk  retired  from  office  and  repaired 
to  his  home  in  Nashville,  where  he 
died  the  loth  of  June  of  that  year. 
"  Col.  Lopez  attempts  to  revolutionize 
Cuba,  but  was  unsuccessful. 

JoJin  C.  Calhoun. 

1850.  March   31.     Death  of  John  Caldwell 

Calhoun,  an  eminent  .American  states- 
man of  South  Carolina.  ^Mr.  Calhoun 
graduated  at  Yale  College  in  1804, 
iinil  afterward  studied  law.  He 
entered  Congress  in  1811  at  the  age 
of  twenty-nine  years,  as  a  Detnocrat 
and  leader  of  the  war  party.  In  1817 
he  was  chosen  Secretary  of  War  by 
President  Jlonroe.  He  was  elected 
Vice-President  in  1824,  also  in  182S, 
and  became  an  advocate  of  free  trade 
and  State  sovereignty,  and  w:is  the 
author  of  the  South  Carolina  exposi- 
tion, which  aflSrmed  tliat  a  State  m:iy 
nullify  unconstitutional  liws  of  Con- 
gress, and  was  called  "  The  Nidlifiea- 
tion  Doctrine."  In  1832  he  entered  (he 
United  States  Senate.  Mr.  Calhoun 
finally  accepted  the  '•  tariff  com|  ro- 
mise"  of  Mr.  Clay.  As  a  deba  or,  Mr. 
Calhoun  ranked  foremost  among  the 
American  Senators,  and  wa-*  excelled 
by  none  except  Clay  and  Webster.  In 
1844  he  was  appointed  Secretary  of 
State  by  President  Tyler,  and  in  1*^43 
he  returned  to  the  Senate,  where  he 
remained  till  his  death.  Mr.  Calhoun 
o])posed  the  Mexican  war.  His  |,rivate 
character  was  without  reproaeh.  ,  He 
was  the  author  of  two  works  on  "  Gov- 
ernment," which  are  held  in  hig  i 
esteem  by  men  of  his  school  of  pol- 
itics. 

Oregon  Market  for  Girls. 

"  Congress  passed  the  Donation  Law.  giv- 
ing every  h)na  fide  settler  of  Oregon 
320  acres  of  land  ;  also,  giving  the 
same  amount  to  a  wife,  upon  conditions 
of  seti lenient  upon  it  within  a  given 
tune  and  remaining  four  years.  Very 
soon  nearly  all  the  girls  over  fourteen 
years  of  age  were  married  off,  and  old 
maids  were  scarce  in  Oregon, 

"  May  19.  ^4  jilihuntcrimj  cj-judition  of 
000  men  under  General  Lopez  attempt- 
ed the  liberation  of  Cuba  from  Spanish 
rule.  The  town  of  Cardenas  sur- 
rendered to  them. 

Uncle  Tom's  Cabin. 

"  "Uncle  Tom's  Cabin,"  a  novel  written 
ni)on  slave-life  in  the  South,  and  ]mb- 
lished  in  the  National  Era,  This  book 
caused  great  excitement  all  over  the 
North  and  «  as  extensively  read  in  the 
South.  It  \\as  translaied  and  sold  ia 
every  civilized  country  on  the  globe, 
and  was  prol)aMy  the  most  jxipular 
and  sensational  novel  ever  written. 
Watches  were  first  made  by  muchiutry  iu 


CHRONOLOGY. 


773 


1850.      the  United  States  at  Roxbury,  Mass., 
by  Denison  &  Howard. 

Fugitive  Slave  Law. 

"  Pa'^sage  of  the  notorious  '■'■Fugitive  Slave 
Laic"  introduced  by  Henry  Clay  in  his 
great  "0»i/i/6?/s  Bill.''''  Tliis  law  made 
every  foot  of  free  soil  upon  this  broad 
Republic  a  hunting-ground  for  slave- 
nolders  to  hunt  fugitives  who  had 
escaped  from  a  life  of  slavery.  And 
every  citizen  who  aided  or  harbored 
fugitives  was  subject  to  fines  and 
punishment. 

Zachary  Taylor. 

"  July  9.  Death  of  Zachary  Taylor,  twelfth 
President  of  the  United  States.  Mr. 
Taylor  was  born  on  the  24th  of  Novem- 
ber, 1784,  in  Orange  County,  Virginia. 
Wliile  very  young  his  father  emigrated 
to  Kentucky,  a  few  miles  from  the 
present  city  of  Louisville.  His  ad- 
vantages for  education  and  culture 
■were  very  limited.  In  1808  he  received 
a  commission  as  Lieutenant  in  the 
United  States  Army,  and  he  joined  the 
troops  in  New  Orlenns.  At  the  be- 
ginning of  the  war  of  1812  he  was  pro- 
moted to  the  rank  of  Captain  and  put 
in  command  of  Fort  Harrison,  which 
was  one  of  the  tirst  jjoints  of  attack  by 
Tecumseh.  His  gallant  defense  of  this 
fort,  when  attacked  the  4th  of  Septem- 
ber by  the  Indians,  gained  him  the 
rank  of  Major  by  brevet.  At  the  close 
of  the  war  Major  Taylor  resigned  his 
commission  and  returned  to  private 
life.  He  soon,  however,  returned  to 
the  army,  and  was  stationed  at  Green 
Bay,  Wis.  He  was  promoted  to  the 
rank  of  Colonel,  and  participated  in 
the  Black  Hawk  war.  He  continued 
for  twenty  yenrs  in  the  defense  of  the 
frontiers  against  the  Indians,  but  be- 
ing so  remote  from  civilization  that 
his  fame  extended  little  beyond  the 
limits  of  his  acquaintance.  He  was 
also  engaged  in  the  Seminole  war, 
after  which  he  obtained  a  change  of 
command,  and  was  appointed  over  the 
Department  of  the  Southwest,  and 
established  his  headquarters  at  Baton 
Rouge,  where  he  remained  for  live 
years. 

In  1845  Gen.  Taylor  was  ordered  to 
advance  into  Mexico.  He  accordingly 
marched  with  1,500  troops,  which 
were  soon  increased  to  4,000,  and 
established  his  little  army  at  Corpus 
Christi ;  but  in  1846  he  received  ex- 
plicit orders  from  Government  to  march 
to  the  Rio  Grande,  which  he  did,  im- 
plicitly obeying  the  orders  he  had  re- 
ceived, although  the  Mexicans  pro- 
tested, and  decl-ired  it  to  be  an  inva- 
sion of  their  country.  The  result  of 
this  expedition  we  have  given  in  full 
in  the  notes  on  the  Mexican  war,  also 
a  detailed  account  of  the  bravery  and 
generalship  of  Zachary  Taylor.  His 
brilliant  victory  at  Buena  Vista  secured 
his  lame  as  a  great  General,  and  in  the 
enthusiasm  of  the  triumph  the  Whig 
party,  taking  advantage  of  the  "favor- 
ing tide,"  placed  his  name  upon  their 
banner  as  their  future  President ;  and 
well  did  they  use  the  prestige  of  his 
popularity.  He  was  elected  in  the  fall 
of  1848  to  the  highest  office  iu  the  gift 


1850.  of  the  people.  General  criticism  pre- 
dicted a  great  failure  in  this  plain, 
homespun,  illiterate  soldier ;  but  his 
short  career  of  but  one  year  and  four 
months  proved  that  the  nation  had 
another  Jackson  in  firmness  and  in- 
tegrity of  character,  and  a  Harrison  in 
simplicity  and  honesty  of  purpose. 
He  died  universally  respected  and  re- 
vered, and  left  not  an  open  enemy  in 
the  world. 

Arctic  Expedition. 

"  Grinnell  Expedition  to  the  Arctic  Seas, 
under  command  of  Lieut.  E.  J.  De- 
Haven,  Dr.  E.  K.  Kane  accompanying 
the  expedition  as  naturalist  and  sur- 
geon. 

"  Sept.  9.  California  admitted  as  a  Free 
State. 

"  Sept.  9.  New  Mexico  and  Utah  orgaur 
ized  as  Territories. 

Jenny  Lind. 

"  Sept.  13.  Jenny  Lind,  the  '■'■Swedish 
Niglitingale,''''  gave  her  first  concert  in 
the  United  States  at  Castle  Garden, 
New  York.  The  receipts  were  about 
$30,000,  and  the  enthusiasm  exceeded 
anything  ever  witnessed  at  a  public 
concert  or  dramatic  entertainment  in 
the  United  States.  She  gave  one 
hundred  concerts  under  engagement 
and  direction  of  P.  T.  Barnum,  in  all 
the  large  cities  of  the  Union,  involving 
nearly  a  million  dollars  iu  total  re- 
ceipts. 

The  first  ticket  for  her  New  York 
concert  was  purchased  by  Genin,  the 
hatter,  for  which  he  paid  $225.  The 
proceeds  of  this  concert  were  devoted 
to  charitable  objects.  Ossian  E.  Dodge 
paid  $625  for  a  ticket  in  Boston.  'le 
highest  price  paid  for  a  ticket  to 
any  of  her  concerts  was  $650  by  Col. 
Wm.  C.  Ross,  of  Providence. 

During  her  stay  in  W^ashington  she 
was  visited  by  the  chief  and  eminent 
men  of  the  land,  and  the  most  dis- 
tinguished honors  were  paid  her  in 
every  city  that  she  visited.  When 
Jenny  Lind  bade  adieu  to  America,  she 
bore  the  hearts  of  the  American  people 
with  her.  Never  before  had  prima 
donna,  or  queen  of  song,  so  thorough- 
ly captivated  the  whole  nation,  as  did 
this  plain,  simple  Swedish  maiden  with 
her  pure,  sweet  nature,  and  her  unpar- 
alleled  gifts  and  sweetness  of  voice  and 
heart. 

"      Dahlgren's  cast-iron  gun  invented  by 

Admiral  Dahlgren. 
"     4J)oUtion  of  slave  traffic  in  Brazil. 

Great  Sea-Serpent. 

1851.  Appearance  of  a  great  sea-serpent  in  the 

Atlantic  along  tlie  coast  of  Elaine  and 
Massachusetts.  It  was  first  seen  in 
Penobscot  Bay  by  highly  respectable 
parties  who  had  a  close  view  of  the 
monster,  and  who  gave  a  description 
of  it  at  the  time.  They  saw  him  rest- 
ing on  the  water,  and  afterward  dart 
swiftly  out  to  sea.  He  was  also  seen  by 
several  sea  captains  in  this  vicinity. 
A  similar  serpent  was  seen  off  Plymouth 
Harbor,  Mass.,  within  a  quarter  of  a 
mile  of  those  who  saw  him.  He  was 
also  seen  l)y  several  prominent  men  of 
Boston,  and  described  by  them  quite 


1851.  accurately.  The  witnesses  all  agree  in 
the  main,  and  dcscril>ehis  length  from 
50  to  loo  feet,  and  his  size  from  two 
to  three  feet  in  thickness.  He  some- 
times appeared  to  have  largo  bunches 
along  the  entire  length  of  his  back, 
at  other  times  they  were  not  promi- 
nent, and  were  probably  caused  by  the 
motion  of  his  body  in  swimming.  The 
large  number  of  reliable  witnesses,  and 
the  general  harmony  (-f  their  testi- 
mony, removes  any  doubt  of  the  ex- 
istence of  an  animal  in  the  Atlantic 
waters,  commonly  called  the  "  Scar 
Serpent." 

"  April.  Erie  Railroad  completed, 
"  July  4.  Corner-stone  of  Capitol  exten- 
sion laid,  Daniel  Webster  delivering 
the  oration. 
"  Return  of  the  Grinnell  Arctic  Expedition, 
Dr.  Kane  reported  having  discovered 
an  open  polar  sea. 

Louis  Kossuth. 

"  Dec.  5.  Arrival  of  Louis  Kossuth,  the 
distinguished  Hungarian  exile.  Ho 
was  received  at  New  York  with  public 
honors,  such  as  had  been  shown  to  no 
foreigner  since  the  departure  of  La- 
fayette. He  made  an  extended  tour 
through  the  country,  and  was  every- 
where welcomed  as  the  eloquent  and 
distinguished  exponent  of  the  down- 
trodden cause  of  Democracy  in  Hun- 
gary and  in  Europe. 

"  Firat  asylum  for  idiots  in  the  United 
States,  established  in  New  York. 

California  Vigilance  Committees. 

"  Reign  of  Vigilance  Committees  in  Cali- 
fornia, wbich  proved  eflectual  in  check- 
ing crime  and  restoring  order  and 
public  safety  to  the  citizens, 

"      Revolution  in  Chili. 

"  Eclienique  chosen  President  of  Peru. 
Revolution  under  Castella. 

American  Yacht  Victory. 

"  Victorious  race  of  the  yacht  America^ 
in  the  great  international  regatta  in 
London,  the  prize  being  the  "  Cup  of 
all  Nations."  She  waa  built  by  George 
Steers,  of  Brooklyn,  and  commanded 
by  Com.  John  C.  Stevens,  of  New  York. 

Frightful  Catastrophe. 

"  A  panic,  caused  by  a  false  alarm  of  "fire,"' 
occurred  in  a  New  York  jJublic  school, 
containing  1,800  pupils.  Nearly  50 
children  were  instantly  killed  by  suffor 
cation,  and  many  seriously  injured  by 
jumping  from  windows,  and  from 
flight. 

"  Lopez  heads  another  expedition  to  Cuba 
with  50D  armed  men,  among  them  Col. 
Crittenden.  Not  meeting  with  the  ex- 
picted  support  on  the  part  of  the  (Cu- 
bans, both  Lopez  and  Crittenden  were 
taken  prisoners  and  executed. 

Henry  Clay. 

1852.  June  2G.    Death  of  Henry  Clay,  an  Amer- 

ican sta'e>man  and  orator  of  great  abil- 
ity and  rcnoan.  He  wa-  born  in  Vir- 
ginia. He  wa?  thrice  a  candidate  for 
President,  and  once  very  nearly  elect- 
ed. Henry  Clay  was  admitted  to  the 
bar  in  1797,  though  not  of  age.  He 


774 


CHRONOLOGY. 


1852.  set  up  an  office  in  Lexinpjton,  Ky.,  and 
eoon  acquired  a  lucrative  practice.  He 
was  a  favorite  t  rulor  ^luri^f^  tlie  Presi- 
dential canvass  for  Jefferson,  and  was 
chosen  to  represent  Fayette  County  in 
the  Legislature  in  1803,  and  in  180G 
chosen  to  fill  a  vacancy  in  the  U.  S. 
Senate,  though  but  29  years  of  age.  lie 
was  again,  in  1807,  elected  to  the  House 
of  Representatives,  and  chosen  Speak- 
er of  the  House,  where  he  proposed 
that  each  Member  should  clothe  him- 
self in  American  fabrics,  which  was  so 
sharply  stigmatized  by  Jlr.  Humphrey 
Marshall  that  it  led  to  a  duel  between 
them,  wherein  both  parties  were  slight- 
ly wounded.  In  1811  he  was  elected 
to  Congress,  and  was  the  first  day 
chosen  r^peaker.  During  his  term  the 
United  States  declared  war  with  Great 
Britain.  He  remained  in  Congress 
during  the  war  until  sent  by  President 
Monroe  to  Europe  to  negotiate  for 
peace,  a  service  which  he  rendered 
with  eminent  ability.  In  1825  Presi- 
dent Adams  chose  Mr.  Clay  as  Secretary 
of  State.  In  1844  Mr.  Clay  again  re- 
turned to  the  Senate,  where  he  re- 
mained till  his  death,  which  was  in  his 
76th  year.  In  conversation  and  on  the 
rostrum  Mr.  Clay  posses?ed  a  magical 
influence  even  over  his  enemies  and 
political  antagonists. 

Daniel  Webster. 

"  Oct.  24.  Death  of  Daniel  "Webster, 
LL.D.,  an  American  statesman  of  great 
renown.  Mr.  Webster  was  for  years  con- 
sidered the  lion  of  the  United  States 
Senate.  lie  was  born  in  Salisbury, 
N.  II..  Jan.  19,  1783,  of  poor  parents, 
and  received  but  few  educational  ad- 
vantages, and  prepared  himself  for  col- 
lege c  h  i  efiy  by  pri  vate  study ,  supporti  ng 
himself  at  college  by  teaching  school 
during  winters.  Young  Webster  be- 
came distinguished  while  in  college  for 
great  proficiency  in  his  studies  and  in  the 
debating  societies  of  the  college.  He 
graduated  in  1801,  and  began  the  study 
of  law  immediately  after,  and  during 
his  studies  acted  as  principal  of  an 
academy  in  ]Maine,  also  doing  copying 
and  (itfice-woi  k  to  aid  liiin.  He  was 
admitted  to  the  bar  in  1805,  and  soon 
rose  to  eminence  at  a  bar  where  Samuel 
Dexter,  Joseph  Story,  and  .leremiah 
Mason  were  at  the  hciglit  of  their 
fame.  He  was  elected  to  Congress  in 
1812,  and  was  appointed  Commissioner 
of  Foreign  Atiairs,  taking  a  prom- 
inent part  in  the  debates  on  the  war 
and  finances.  He  v/as  re-elected  in 
1814,  and  was  admitted  to  practice  at 
the  l)ar  of  the  Sujjreme  Court  at  Wash- 
ington in  181(5,  and  removed  to  Boston 
the  same  year.  In  1818  he  ranked 
among  the  most  distinguished  jurists 
of  the  country.  He  was  elected  a  Mem- 
ber of  Con-iress  from  the  city  of  Boston 
in  1H2C,  and  in  a  great  speech  made 
on  tlie  Creek  Ucvoiut'on,  establi.slied 
his  reputation  as  one  of  the  lirst  states- 
men of  the  age.  On  Junt"  17,  1825,  in 
his  address  at  llie  laying  of  the  corner- 
si  one  of  Hunker  Hill  Momiincnt,  he  made 
great  addition  to  his  ('auic  as  an  orator. 
In  1827  he  entered  the  United  States 
Henatc,  and  retained  his  scat  in  that 
body  until  1841.  In  1h:!0  he  made  his 
"great  tpeech"  in  reply  to  Ilayue,  of 


1852.      South  Carolina,  against  nullification. 

In  1830  he  received  the  elector.d  vote 
of  Massachusetts  for  the  Presidency. 
In  1859  he  made  a  brief  visit  to  Kurope, 
receiving  distinguished  attention  at 
the  Courts  of  England  and  France. 
In  1841  he  was  appointed  Secretary  of 
State  by  President  Harrison,  and  con- 
tinued in  the  office  by  Tyler,  but  re- 
signed his  post' in  May,  1843.  In  1843 
he  delivered  a  sp'endid  oration  at  the 
completion  of  Bunker  Hill  Monument. 
He  resumed  his  seat  in  the  United 
States  Senate  in  1845,  and  opposed  the 
admittance  of  Texas  as  a  slave  State 
and  the  prosecution  of  the  Mexican 
war.  Although  anti-slavery  in  his 
convictions,  he  supported  the  compro- 
mise measures  of  Clay,  including  the 
fugitive  slave  law,  which  cost  him  the 
majority  of  the  support  of  the  Whig  par- 
ty. Under  President  Fillmore  he  again 
became  Secretary  of  State.  His  last 
public  effort  at  speech-making  (except 
his  argument  in  the  Goodyear  patent 
case  at  Trenton,  N.  J.,  1852)  was  at 
the  laying  of  the  corner-stone  of  the 
Capitol  extension  at  Washington,  July 
4,  1851.  In  May,  1852,  he  was  thrown 
from  his  carriage  and  seriously  injured, 
near  Plymouth,  Mass.,  and  died  in 
October  of  the  same  year. 

Expedition  to  Japan. 

*'  Expedition  to  Japan  under  Com.  Perry, 
resulting  in  the  opening  of  the  ports 
of  that  Empire  to  American  trade  ami 
commerce  550 

"      First  street  railway  in  New  York. 

"  Treaty  of  commerce  between  Chili, 
France,  (ireat  Britain,  United  States, 
and  Sardinia. 

"  Independence  of  Paraguay  recognized 
by  Great  Britain,  and  Lopez  becomes 
Governor. 

"  Revolution  broke  out  in  Buenos  Ayres 
and  it  declared  for  independence. 

"  Branch  mint  established  in  San  Fran- 
cisco. 

"      Whig  Convention  in  Baltimore. 

"  Gen.  Winfield  Scott  nominated  for  Presi- 
dent, and  Mr.  Graham,  of  North  Caro- 
lina, Vice-President  550 

"  Aug.  Free  Soil  Convention  in  Pittsburg, 
nominated  John  P.  Hale  for  President, 
and  George  W.  Julien,  of  Ind.,  Vice- 
President   550 


Crystal  Palace. 

1853.  Grand  International  Industrial  Exhibi- 
tion in  New  York,  held  in  the  Crystal 
Palace,  a  colossal  building  compcjsed 
of  glass  and  iron,  and  erected  ex- 
pressly for  the  great  exhibition. 
"  !Mar.  4.  Franklin  Pierce  inaugurated 
President. 

"  Treaty  with  Mexico  for  the  purchase  of 
Arizona. 

"  New  Constitution  granted  Buenos  Ayres, 
copied  from  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States. 

"  Independence  of  Paraguay  recognized  by 
Great  Britain. 

Treaty  with  Russia. 

"  Treaty  with  Russ'a  guaranteeing  neu- 
trality of  the  Uniled  States  in  the  war 
of  the  allied  ])owers  of  Kurope  against 
that  power,  and  recognizing  the  pro])- 


1853.  erty  right  of  neutral  nations  wherever 
found   551 

"     Ex|)k)ralion  for  a  Pacific  Railroad. 

"  YtU'iw  Feter  again  visited  the  United 
States ;  and  in  the  city  of  New  Orleans, 
in  the  space  of  three  months,  ten  j)er 
cent,  of  the  whole  population  fell  vic- 
tims to  the  scourge. 

"  July  2.  Koszta's  release  demanded  of 
Smyrna  by  Capt.  Ingraham. 

"  Children's  Aid  Society  founded  in  New 
York  by  Charles  L.  Brace. 

filibustering. 

''  Filii)nstering  expedition  of  William 
Walker  to  Son ora,  Mexico.  He  landed 
at  a  small  town  called  La  Paz,  and 
meeting  with  little  resistance,  he  pro- 
claimed "An  Independent  Republic  of 
Lower  California,"  with  himself  Presi- 
dent. He  very  soon  evacuated  the 
premises  to  save  himself  and  company 
from  starvation,  lie  surrendered  him- 
self to  the  United  States  autliorities  at 
San  Diego,  and  was  tried  in  San 
Francisco  for  a  violation  of  the  neu- 
trality laws  and  acquitted   552 

Know-Nothings. 

1854.  American  or Know-Xothing  Society  fortaed, 

which  carried  the  elections  in  nearly 
all  the  Northern  States,  their  watch- 
word being,  ''Put  none  but  Americans 
on  guanW^  ''Let  Americans  rule 
Am  erica." 

"  Prohilition  law  passed  in  New  York  and 
Pennsylvania.   552 

Zoss  of  the  ^'Arctic!' 

"  Loss  of  the  steamship  Arctic,  Collins 
line,  through  collision  with  the  iron 
steamer  Vexta,  during  a  fog.  Hun- 
dreds of  lives  and  millions  of  treasure 
were  lost. 

"  Feb.  28.  American  mail-steamer  Black 
Warrior  seized  at  Havana. 

*'  Mar.  31.  Commercial  treaty  between 
United  States  and  Jajjan  signed..  .  551 

"  Stephen  A.  Douglas'  popular  sovereignty 
or  Kansas-Nebraska  bill  passed,  which 
caused  great  excitement  in  Congress 
and  all  over  the  country  552 

"  Virtual  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compro- 
mise  553 

"  First  Railroad  from  Lake  Michigan  to 
the  Mississip|)i — the  Rock  Islancl. 

"  June  12.  Bombardment  of  Greytown, 
Central  America,  by  the  .\merican  ship 
Ci/ane,  upon  refusal  of  the  authorities 
to  pay  alleged  damages  for  the  de- 
struction of  United  States  proj)- 
erty   551 

"  Aug.  2.  Reciprocity  treaty  with  (ireat 
Britain  ratified  respecting  the  New- 
founellaud  fisheries,  international  trade, 
etc   551 

"  Shooting  of  ^lalcolm  Taylor  by  McCrca, 
a  lawyer  in  K  insa.s,  during  a  political 
discussion.  lyiuch  excitement  ensued, 
and  the  people  threatened  to  Ivnch 
McCrea  '  5VJ 

"  Invmtion  of  the  iron-tower  for  iron-cla  1 
vessels  by  Ericsson. 

1855.  Attack  u|>oa  the  United  States  steamer 

]\<it(r  ]\'i'ch  in  the  River  Parana,  by 
the  Paraguayans. 
"      Completion    of    Niagara  Suspension 
Bridge. 

"  United  States  Court  of  Cla'ms  estab- 
lished. 


CHRONOLOGY. 


775 


1855.  Great  emigration  to  Kansas.  Opposi 
tioii  Govorniiients  were  formed  by  the 
pro-slavery  and  anti- slavery  jjartics. 
Election  riots  ensued  552 

IValker,  the  Filibuster. 

"  Nicaragua  invaded,  during  a  revolution, 
by  William  Walker,  with  a  band  of 
filibusters.  After  consitleraljle  skir- 
mishing he  captured  the  city  and  gar- 
rison of  Granada,  and  Kicaragua  was 
in  his  power.  A  negotiation  and 
treaty  of  peace  was  agreed  upon  be- 
tvveen  him  and  Corral,  the  leader  of 
the  Legitimists,  and  Don  Patricio  lii- 
vas  was  declared  Provisional  President, 
with  Walker  as  Gcneral-in-chief  of  the 
army.  But  soon  after,  detecting  Cor- 
ral in  a  plot  to  upset  the  new  Govern- 
ment, Walker  had  him  arrested,  tried 
by  court-martial,  and  shot  in  the  pres- 
ence of  the  whole  army. 

Walker's  success  emboldened  him  to 
aggressive  acts,  which  soon  brought 
his  overthrow,  and  he  was  compelled 
to  flee  to  the  United  States.  He  after- 
ward undertook  two  other  exjjeditions, 
which  in  like  manner  failed.  Ilis  last 
expedition  was  directed  against  the 
Bay  of  Islands,  in  possession  of  Great 
Britain,  but  which  was  about  to  be 
ceded  to  Honduras.  He  whs  captured 
by  British  olBcers  and  delivered  to  the 
Honduran  authorities,  by  whom  he 
was  imprisoned,  tried,  and  shot. . .  552 

"  July.  Dispute  with  Great  Britain  con- 
cerning the  attempt  to  recruit  for  the 
Crimean  army. 

"  Sept.  7.  First  Hebrew  Temple  in  the 
Mississijiiji  valley  consecrated  at  St. 
Louis. 

"  Oct.  17.  The  bark  Mauray  seized  at 
New  York  on  suspicion  of  being  in- 
tended for  the  Hussian  war  service — 
discharged  the  19tli. 

"  Oct.  24.  Snow  in  Louisville,  Ky.,  and 
Nashville,  Tenn. 

"  Dec.  23.  British  discovery  ship  Renolute, 
abandoned  in  the  Arctic  Sea  by  her 
crew,  was  brought  to  New  Loudon, 
Ct.,  by  a  whaler. 

Hoosac  Tunnel. 

1856.  Hoosac  Tunnel  begun.  This  tunnel  is 
one  of  the  grandest  achievements  in 
modern  engineering.  It  is  cut  through 
the  Hoosac  Mountain,  near  the  town 
of  Adams  in  the  north-western  part  of 
Massachusetts;  and  —  except  the  Mt. 
Cenis  Tunnel  through  the  Swiss  Alps — 
is  the  longest  tunnel  in  the  world, 
being  4J  miles  long,  and  in  its  widest 
point  26  feet  by  20,  and  24  feet  high, 
and  admits  of  two  lines  of  railroad 
trains.  It  is  on  the  Troy  and  Green- 
field line,  and  was  begun  by  that  rail- 
road, but  in  1854  the  State  passed  an 
Act  authorizing  a  loan  of  the  State 
credit  to  enable  them  to  complete  it. 
In  1862  the  State  assumed  the  entire 
responsibility  and  control  of  the  pro- 
ject. 

"      John  Brown's  victory  at  Ossawattomie. 

"      Ocean  telegraph  projected. 

"  Republican  party  established.  There 
were  three  parties  in  the  Pre?idential 
campaign.  Democratic,  Know-Nothiug, 
and  Republican  (or  Free  Soil). 

*'  Type-setting  machine  invented  by  Timo- 
thy Alden. 


1856.  Jan.  23.  Loss  of  the  Collins  steamer 
Pfmfic,  Capt.  Asa  Eldridge,  which  left 
Liverpool  for  New  York  on  this  date, 
after  which  it  was  never  heard  from. 

"  Feb.  Content  for  Speaker  of  the  House 
of  Representatives,  lasting  two  months, 
settled  by  placing  Nathaniel  P.  J5anks, 
of  IMjissachusetts,  in  the  chair. 

"  April  11.  Great  bridge  across  the  Mis- 
.*iissippi  at  Rock  Island  completed. 

"  April  15.  AftVay  at  Panama  between 
the  passengers  of  the  American  Transit 
Company  and  the  natives.  Thirty  pas- 
sengers killed  and  twenty  wounded. 

Assault  upon  Sumner. 

"  May.  Brutal  assault  of  Preston  S.  Brooks 
upon  Charles  Sumner  in  the  Senate 
Chamber,  occasioned  by  his  speech, 
"  ("rime  against  Kansas."  For  full  par- 
ticulars, see  biography  of  Sumner. 

"  May  18.  Trial  and  execution  of  the 
murderers  Casey  and  Corey,  by  the 
San  Francisco  Vigilance  Committee. 

"  First  wood-type  made  by  machinery  by 
Wm.  H.  Page. 

"  President  Pierce,  in  his  Message,  de- 
clared the  creation  of  a  free  State  Gov- 
ernment in  Kansas  an  act  of  rebel- 
lion 552 

"  May  28.  Dismissal  of  Mr.  Crampton, 
the  British  Envoy  at  Washington,  by 
our  Government  552 

"  June  17.  First  nominating  Republican 
Convention  held  at  Philadelphia. 
John  C.  Fremont  chosen  for  President, 
and  William  L.  Dayton,  Vice-President. 
The  two  important  planks  in  the  new 
platform  being  anti-slavery  and  anti- 
polygamy   552 

"  Introduction  of  sorghum,  or  Chinese 
sugar-cane. 

"  July.  Raising  of  the  safe  of  the  Ameri- 
can Express  Company,  wliich  was  lo.^t 
on  the  steamer  Atlantic  in  1852,  by  a 
Buftalo  diver.  Its  contents  were  well 
pre-erved. 

"  Aug.  10.  Lost  Island,  a  summer  resort 
on  the  Louisiana  coast,  submerged 
during  a  violent  storm  of  three  days; 
173  persons  were  lost. 

"  Aug.  21.  Famous  Charter-oak  at  Hart- 
ford blown  down. 

"  Aug.  28.  Dudley  Observatory  at  Albany 
inaugurated. 

"  Nov.  9.  Death  of  John  Middleton  Clay- 
ton, at  Dover,  Del. 

"  Dec.  The  Resolute  purchased  from  its 
discoverers,  and  refitted  by  the  United 
States,  is  presented  to  the  British 
Government,  at  Portsmouth,  England, 
by  Capt.  Hartstein,  on  behalf  of  the 
United  Stiites. 

"  Loom  patented  for  weaving  Axminster 
carpets,  by  Alexander  Smith  and  Hal- 
cyon tSkinner.  The  looms  of  this  es- 
tablishment at  Yonkers,  upon  the  Hud- 
son River,  produce  annually  20(i,(i00 
yards,  which  equals  the  whole  amount 
])roduced  annually  in  England. 

"  Political  alliance  between  Chili,  Ecuador, 
Peru,  and  Costa  Rica. 

Fenians. 

1857.  Organization   of  the  Fenian  Brother- 
hood under  the  name  of  the  Emmett 
Monument  Association. 
"      Feb.  16.    Death  of  Elisha  Kent  Kane  at 
Havana. 

"      Ma:ch  4.    James  Buclianan  inaugurated 


1857.      President,  with  John  C.  Breckenridge 

for  Vice-President  5  V2 

"  Robert  J.  W  alker  app  pinted  Territorial 
Governor  of  Kansas  by  the  Presi- 
dent 533 

Dred  Scott  Decision. 

"  Mar.  6.  The  famous  Dred  Scott  De- 
cision, by  Chiif  Justice  Taney,  was 
made  known;  a  passage  in  which 
these  words  found  exjjressioii,  "  Slaves 
have  no  rights  which  tho  white  man  is 
bound  to  respect,"  and  which  were 
generally  attrii)Utcd  to  that  do  iimeiit 
for  their  origin,  but  which  the  defend- 
ers of  Judge  Taney  claim  was  but  a 
quotation  of  the  sentiments  of  the  p< o- 
ple  at  the  time  the  Constitution  was 
written   55:3 

"  First  attempt  to  lay  the  Atlantic  Cable. 
It  was  coiled  upon  two  vessels,  the 
United  !5tates  steamship  Niayara  and 
the  British  steamer  Ayainemnon.  They 
proceeded  to  mid  ocean,  and  each  ves- 
sel sailed  toward  their  respective  coun- 
tries, laving  the  cal)le.  After  the  wire 
had  twice  broken,  the  attempt  was 
abau'loncd,  hut  renewed  again,  the 
end  being  fastened  at  VaKneia  Bay, 
and  payed  out  again  till  exhausted, 
when  the  other  vessel  joined  the 
wires  and  completed  the  emerprise. 
This  cable  worked  well  for  a  time,  but 
was  finally  abandoned. 

"  Patent  issued  to  CharKs  Alden  for  con- 
densed milk. 

Great  Financial  Crisis. 

"  A  great  and  extensive  financial  "  crash," 
caused  by  v,fild  speculation,  extrava- 
gance, and  "stock  gambling."  The 
terrible  effects  of  this  "crisis"  were 
felt  the  whole  length  and  breadth 
of  the  land.  The  rich  were  ruined  by 
thousands,  and  great  distress  prevailed 
among  the  poor. 

Murder  of  Dr.  Burdell. 

"  Mysterious  murder  of  Dr.  Burdell,  a 
wealthy  New  York  dentist,  in  his  own 
otfice.  Arrest  and  trial  of  Mrs.  Cun- 
ningham, the  well-known  "mi.-tress" 
of  the  doctor.  The  evidence,  which 
was  purely  circumstantial,  was  of  a 
very  strong  character,  and  the  com- 
munity and  the  whole  country  were 
convinced  of  her  guilt,  but  she  was  ac- 
quitted by  the  jury  for  want  of  legal 
proof  A  deep-laid  scheme  was  revealed 
soon  after  her  acquittal,  wliich  con- 
firmed her  guilt  in  the  minds  of  the 
public.  She  at  first  endeavored  to 
prove  that  she  was  the  legal  wife  of 
Dr.  Bnrdell,  but  her  certificate  of  mar- 
riage was  proven  a  "sham."  She  next 
attempted  to  prove  that  she  was  about 
to  become  a  mother,  and  actually  pre- 
tended to  be  in  labor,  when  the  phy- 
sician whom  she  had  engageil  to  at- 
tend her  turned  State's  evidence,  and 
revealed  the  whole  plot.  He  had  con- 
nived with  the  District  Attorney,  and 
at  the  time  of  her  j)retended  confine- 
ment the  officers  of  the  law  were  let 
into  the  house,  and  the  whole  shame- 
ful and  fraudulent  transaction  was  ex- 
posed. A  new-born  infant  was  pro- 
cured by  her  jihysician  "  from  a  ho:^- 
])ital,  and  for  which  Mrs.  ('unnini,'ham 
herself  had,  in  disguise,  appeareil  with 
a  basket,  and  carried  to  her  house. 


776 


CHRONOLOGY. 


1857.         The  whole  transaction  was  published 

far  and  wide — everybody  was  thormighly 
tDiirincc'l  of  her  <julU  of  the  crime  of 
nuirder;  yet,  tlie  law  in  the  hands  of  its 
nianiiiulators  held  this  bold,  bad  wom- 
an innocent  of  the  murder  of  Dr.  Hiir- 
dcll.  and  she  was  allowed  to  remain 
unmolested  afttr  ihe  revelation  of  the 
terrible  plot  which  she  had  laid  to  se- 
cure his  property ! 

Loss  of  ihe  "  Central  America^ 

"  Foundering  of  the  steamer  Central 
America  off  Cape  Ilattcras.  Over  400 
lives  and  |2,000,000  lost. 

"  Trouble  witli  the  Mormons  in  Utah. 
Col.  Johnston,  with  a  military  force, 
sent  out  to  enforce  the  laws. 

Mexican  Revoluiion. 

1857-GO.  The  Congress  of  l^fexico  adopted  a 
Constitution  and  provided  for  a  popu- 
lar election.  In  July,  General  Comoii- 
fort  was  elected  I'resident.  A  military 
rebellion  ensued,  and  the  new  Presi- 
dent was  driven  from  the  capitol  and 
General  Ziiloga  was  appointed  in  his 
place.  Meanwhile  Juarez,  the  great 
Indian  statesman,  master-spirit  and 
representative  of  Rcpul)licanism,  wdio 
was  also  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  and  President  fro  tern.,  accord- 
ing to  the  Constitution,  proceeded  to 
establish  his  Government  at  Vera  Cruz. 
A  reign  of  terror  and  outlawry  ensued, 
and  no  foreign  or  American  citizen 
was  safe  in  Mexico.  The  Republicans 
at  last  triumphed,  and  peace  was  re- 
stored. 

1857.  Sept.  15.    Brigham  Young  forbids  any 

armed  force  entering  Salt  Lake  City  on 
any  pretense ;  he  orders  the  Mormon 
troops  to  hold  themselves  in  readiness, 
and  declares  martial  law. 

"  Sept.  20.  The  Philadelphia  banks  sus- 
pend specie  payments. 

**  Oct.  14.  New  York  banks  suspend  specie 
payments. 

"  Oct.  15.  Boston  banks  suspend  specie 
payments. 

"  Dec.  12.  New  York  banks  resume  specie 
payments. 

"  Dec.  14.  Boston  banks  resume  specie 
payments. 

Religious  Revival. 

1857-8.  Great  religious  revival,  apparently  the 
result  of  the  "  crash  "  in  the  business 
and  financial  world,  the  ruin  of  which 
was  wide-spread.  Daily  prayer-meet- 
iugs  were  held  in  every  city  and  town. 

Aforphy,  the  Chess-Player. 

1858.  Wonderful  performances  of  Paul  Morphy, 

the  young  American  chess-player.  lie 
wa.s  considered  a  "  ])ro(ligy  "  at  chess 
when  a  lad,  and  at  the  age  of  22  he 
wa.s  voted  the  "  World's  Chess  Cham- 
l)ion.''' 

"  Aj)ril  10.  Death  of  Tliomas  Hart  Ben- 
ton 'it  Washington,  aged  70. 

"  Ai)ril  .30.  Congress  pas.sed  a  bill  admit- 
ting Kansas  into  the  Union,  nnder 
the  I.ecouii)ton  (pro-slavery)  Constitu- 
tion   553 

Exciting  Campaign. 
Lincoln  and  DouijM  campaign  in  Ulinois. 


1858.  These  popular  conipetitois  to  a  seat  in 
the  United  States  Senate  made  a  tour 
of  the  State,  ably  discussing  the  merits 
of  their  respective  parties.  It  was  one 
of  the  most  noted  jwlitical  campaigns 
upon  record. 
"  May  1«.  iMinnesota  admitted  to  the 
Union. 

Morrissey  and  Heenan. 

"  Bloody  and  brutal  prize-fight  between 
John  Morrissey  and  John  C.  Heenan. 
The  stakes  were  $2,500  a  side.  Mor- 
rissey was  declared  the  victor,  and 
hailed  as  the  champion  of  America. 
See  biography. 

"  Jan.  14.  Governor  Cumniing,  of  Utah, 
])ardons  all  treason  and  sedition  here- 
tofore committed  in  the  terr.tory. 
WiUium  II.  Seicnrd  announced  his  "  Irre- 
pressible Conflict"  doctrine,  which 
startled  the  country  and  aroused  the 
pro-slaverj-  element  to  much  opposi- 
tion. 

"  Aug.  3.  The  people  of  Kansas  voted  to 
reject  the  Lecompton  Constitution  by 
an  overwhelming  majority  553 

"  Aug.  16.  First  message  sent  across  the 
Atlantic  by  cable  from  Queen  Victoria 
to  President  Buchanan. 


Broderick  and  Terry  Duel. 

Sept.  13.  Duel  between  lion.  David 
IBroderick,  United  States  Senator  from 
California,  and  Hon.  D.  S.  Teriy,  Chief 
Justice  of  that  !>tate.  Broderick  was 
mortally  wounded  and  died  the  IPth. 
Terry  escaped  on  a  steamer  and  landed 
in  Sacramento. 

Two  American  vessels  captured  by  a 
Peruvian  steamer  by  order  of  Castella. 


Burning  of  the  "Austria." 

"  Sept.  Burning  of  the  steamship  .(^JMirza, 
from  Hamburg  to  New  York,  with  5o8 
persons  on  board,  and  but  07  of  all  the 
living  human  freight  were  saved.  The 
ship  took  fire  from  a  bucket  of  tar  which 
was  used,  with  a  hot  iron,  for  fumigat- 
ing the  ship.  This  was  one  of  the  most 
terrible  and  shocking  disasters  at  sea 
ever  recorded. 
1859.  The  Fenian  Organization  perfected  under 
the  active  and  efficient  agency  of  John 
O'iMahoney,  who  became  its  "  head 
center"  in  the  United  States. 

"      Feb.  10.    Treaty  between  United  States 
and  Paraguay. 

"      Fib.  14.     Oregon  admitted  into  the 
Union   653 


Petroleum. 

First  oil-well  bored  at  Titusville,  Pa.,  by 
Col.  Drake,  of  New  Haven,  Conn.,  and 
during  the  17  years  following,  the  total 
yield  from  the  Pennsylvania  oil-wells 
was  55,401, 31'J  bbls.  of  40  gals.  each. 


Great  Flood. 

Great  storm  and  flood  extending  over  the 
entire  Jliddle  and  part  of  the  Northern 
and  Southern  States — rain  falling  in 
torrents  forty  consecutive  hours — re- 
sulting in  iuimense  losiJ  of  property  and 
many  lives. 


The  Sickles  Affair. 

1859.  Feb.  27.    Shooting  of  Philip  Barton  Key. 

District  Attorney  for  the  District  of 
Columbia,  l)y  Hon.  Daniel  E.  Sickles, 
Member  of  Congress  from  New  York, 
for  the  seduction  of  his  wife  upon  her 
confession.  The  high  social  j  osilion 
and  eminent  respectability  of  the  par- 
ties concerned  in  tliis  latr.cntable  affair, 
and  the  great  beauty  and  popularity  of 
Mrs.  Sickles,  produced  the  mi  st  wide- 
spread and  intense  interest  and  excite- 
ment. 

Mr.  Sickles  met  IMr.  Key  upon  the 
public  streets  of  Washington,  in  open 
day,  and,  accusing  him  of  his  crime, 
shot  him  dead.  He  was  immediately 
arrested,  and  the  following  April  was 
trie  d  for  murder.  Great  excitement 
prevailed  during  the  whole  trial,  which 
was  published  entire  in  all  the  leading 
newspapers  of  the  land.  At  the  con- 
clusion of  the  trial  he  was  ac(|uitted. 
As  the  words  "not  guilty"  fell  from 
the  lips  of  the  foreman,  there  arose  one 
wild  and  tumultuous  hurrah  from  the 
vast  concourse  which  thronged  the 
court.  Cheer  after  cheer  went  up, 
which  was  repeated  by  the  multitude 
outside.  ]SIr.  Sickles  was  immcdiatily 
surrounded  by  a  host  of  triends,  who 
bore  him  in  triumph  from  the  court- 
room. The  news  of  his  acquittal 
spread  like  wiUlfii-e  throughout  the 
city  and  country,  and  was  received 
with  general  satisfaction. 

Mr.  Sickles  had  but  one  child,  a 
lovely  little  girl,  of  but  few  years  of 
age. 

Mrs.  Sickles  manifested  the  most  in- 
tense grief  and  remorse,  and  in  every 
possible  way  expressed  her  sorrow  and 
repentance  to  her  husband  and  friends. 
In  a  short  time  after  the  trial  her  hus- 
band forgave  his  erring  wife,  anil  re- 
ceived her  into  his  heart  and  home 
again.  But  this  ruined  and  sorrowful 
woman  lived  but  a  few  years  after  this 
terrible  tragedy. 

Jlr.  Sickles  afterward  served,  with 
honor  and  distinction,  in  the  war,  and 
was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  Major- 
General.  He  was  also  sent  as  ilinis- 
ttr  to  the  Court  of  Spain  immediately 
after  the  flight  of  Queen  Isabella. 
"  March.  The  Free-State  party  of  Kansas 
met  at  Wyandotte  and  framed  a  new 
Constitution,  which  was  duly  ratified 

by  the  people  553 

"  March  22.  Quito  destroyed  by  an  earth- 
quake. 

"  May  11.  Vicksburg  Convention  resolves 
in  favor  of  opening  the  slave  trade. 

"      Guayaquil.  S.  A.,  destroyed  by  lire. 

"      Worcester's  large  Dictionary  published. 

"  July  y.  (5en.  Harney  o  cupies  San  Juan 
Island,  W.  T. ;  danger  ot  collision  with 
Greit  Britain. 

Grand  March  of  the  Potato  Bug." 

"  First  appearance  of  tlie  "  Colorado 
beetle,"'  or  "  i)otato  bug,"  in  districts 
where  the  cultivated  potato  was  raised. 
This  insect  had  been  observed  as  quite 
common  on  tlie  Upper  Missouri  in  1824, 
feeding  on  a  wiltl  j)lant  railed  the 
sand-burr,  which  lu'longs  to  the  sumo 
genus  with  the  potato.  Its  first 
arrival  among  "civilized''  jwtatoes 
was  about  lOii  miks  we.-t  from  Omaha, 
where  the  insect  soon  increased  and 


CHRONOLOGY. 


777 


1859.  spread  at  a  marvelous  rate.  It  in- 
vaded Iowa  in  1861 ;  Wisconsin,  1862; 
and  by  1800  it  had  spread  over  the 
entire  country  west  of  a  line  from 
Chicago  to  St.  Louis.  In  1874  it  had 
reached  the  Atlantic  coast  in  numerous 
places,  thus  showinjj  their  rate  of 
travel  to  have  been  1,500  miles  in  a 
direct  line  within  fifteen  years,  besides 
spreading  over  an  area  of  500,000 
square  miles. 

John  Brown's  Capture  of  Harper  s 
Ferry. 

•  Oct.  16.  Captain  .John  Brown,  a  veteran 
Abolitionist,  had  long  cherished  a  de- 
sire to  liberate  the  negroes  of  the  South 
from  slavery.  He  had  been  a  life- 
long enemy  of  the  system,  and  a  rad- 
ical ami-slavery  man.  He  was  in  the 
Kansas  battles  for  I'rcedom,  and  par- 
ticipated in  the  battle  of  Ossawattomie, 
from  which  he  derived  the  name  of 
'•  Ossawattomie  Brown."  He  had  en- 
listed a  few  followers  in  his  scheme 
of  invading  Virginia  and  freeing  the 
slaves,  and  fully  expected  that  his  ap- 
pearance among  them  would  be  a 
'•  watchword  for  freedom,"  and  that, 
when  the  first  blow  was  struck,  they 
would  unanimously  rise  and  assert 
their  liberty.  His  plans  seem  like 
those  of  an  insane  mind,  more  than 
those  of  a  general,  or  an  experienced 
statesman.  With  a  little  handful  of 
men,  of  whom  seventeen  were  whites 
and  five  colored,  this  mistaken  philan- 
thropist and  fanatic  invaded  the  State 
of  Virginia,  and  succeeded  in  captur- 
ing the  Government  Armory  buildings, 
containing  a  vast  quantity  of  arms 
and  ammimitiDn,  the  railroad  bridge, 
and  taking  prisoners  the  keepers  of 
the  Arsenal,  the  watchmen,  and  bridge- 
tenders.  To  the  prisoners,  who  in- 
quired as  to  the  object  of  his  proceed- 
ings, he  answered:  "To  free  the 
slaves.''  To  the  question  by  what 
authority  it  was  done,  he  replied : 
"  By  the  avithority  of  God  Almighty." 
Brown  seemed  to  be  impressed  with 
the  idea  that  God  had  chosen  him  to 
be  the  instrumentality  in  freeing  the 
negroes  from  slavery. 

Soon  the  tidings  spread,  and  an 
armed  force  appeared.  They  attacked 
the  engine-house  where  Brown  and 
his  associates  were  gathered,  and  were 
repulsed  by  the  brave  old  man.  Several 
were  killed  on  both  sides.  Great  ex- 
citement prevailed.  Military  com- 
panies arrived  from  difierent  places. 

Tlie  news  spread  to  Washington, 
Baltimore,  and  Richmond,  and  pro- 
duced the  wildest  excitement,  and 
troops  were  instantly  ordered  to  the 
scene  of  action.  Col.  Robert  D.  Lee, 
with  a  company  of  United  States  Ma- 
rines and  two  field-pieces,  was  sent 
from  Waslimgton,  and  with  their  com- 
bined force  Brown  and  his  men  were 
finally  captured.  He  was  greeted  with 
execrations,  and  one  of  the  Government 
officers  struck  him  with  a  sabre  several 
times  in  the  face,  which  knocked  him 
down,  and  another  soldier  ran  a  bay- 
onet twice  into  the  body  of  the  pros- 
trate old  man.  But  he  was  protected 
from  further  violence  by  the  soldiers. 
He  was  immediately  indicted  for 
treason  and  murder  by  the  Virginia 


1859.  authorities.  lie  asked  for  time,  on 
account  of  his  severe  wounds,  which 
was  denied,  and  he  was  tried  on  the 
26th  of  October  in  Charlestown,  Va. 
Brown  being  unable  to  sit  up,  lay  upon 
a  mattress  during  his  trial,  which 
Listed  three  days.  He  was  found 
guilty  of,  the  charges  preferred,  and 
sentenced  to  he  hung  on  the  2d  of 
December.  On  being  asked  why  sen- 
tence should  not  be  jjassed  upon  him, 
he  replied,  in  a  gentle  and  mild  voice : 
"I  deny  everything  but  the  design  on 

my  part  to  free  the  slaves  That 

was  all  I  intended.  [  never  did  in- 
tend murder,  or  treason,  or  the  destruc- 
tion of  property,  or  to  excite  or  incite 
the  slaves  to  rebellion,  or  to  make  in- 
surrection." Ilis  kind,  gentle,  and 
patient  manner,  and  his  sincere  re- 
ligious fervor  deeply  impressed  even 
his  enemies ;  and  his  great  courage 
and  bravery  elicited  the  admiration  of 
all  who  witnessed  both  his  defense  at 
the  Arsenal  and  his  manly  fortitude 
during  his  trial.  Governor  Wise  said 
of  him  :  "  He  is  a  bundle  of  the  best 
nerves  I  ever  saw,  cut  and  thrust,  and 
bleeding  in  bonds.  He  is  a  man  of 
clear  head,  of  courage  and  fortitude, 
and  simple  ingenuousness.  He  is  cool, 
collected,  and  indomitable,  and  in- 
spired me  with  great  trust  in  his  in- 
tegrity as  a  man  of  trutli."  Two  of 
his  sons  were  shot  and  eleven  of  his 
men  were  killed ;  four  escaped  and 
the  rest  were  taken  prisoners. 

Upon  the  arrival  of  the  hour  for  his 
execution  he  walked  coolly  and  calmly 
out  of  the  jail,  his  countenance  radiant 
and  his  step  elastic.  A  colored  woman, 
with  a  chdd  in  her  arms,  stood  near. 
He  paused,  and  stoojjing,  kissed  the 
child.  The  colored  peojjle,  as  h 
passed,  blessed  him.  His  proud  and 
manly  bearing  as  he  ascended  the 
scaffold  and  calmly  gazed  about  him, 
and  his  great  courage  and  insensibility 
to  fear,  filled  even  the  armed  soldiers 
with  amazement.  His  firmness  and 
courage  continued  to  the  last.  He 
died  like  a  hero,  winning  the  admira- 
tion of  the  military,  the  sheiiff,  the 
jailor,  and  the  undertaker.  The  citizens 
were  not  permitted  to  witness  his 
execution.  His  body  was  sent  to  his 
family  at  North  Elba,  N.  Y.,  where  an 
eloquent  eulogy  Mas  pronounced  by 
Wendell  Phillips  at  the  place  of  bur- 
ial  553 

"  Nov.  11.  Buenos  Ayres  reunited  to  the 
Argentine  Re^jublic. 

Kansas  Free. 

"  Dec.  6.  An  undisputed  election  was  held 
in  Kansas  under  the  new  Constitution, 
and  Republican  officers  and  Members 
of  Congress  elected  553 

Great  Bonanza  Aline. 

"  Comstock  Lode  originally  discovered  by 
James  Fennimore,  known  as  "old 
Finney,"  who,  not  knowing  its  value, 
sold  it  to  P.  Comstock  for  an  old,  bob- 
tailed  Indian  pony  and  a  quantity  of 
whisky.  Comstock  himself  being 
ignorant  of  the  immense  value  of  the 
loile,  disjjosed  of  his  entire  claim  for 
some  $4,000  or  $5,000,  which  property, 
in  less  than  a  year,  suld  for  more 


1859.  than  |1, 000,000.  Under  the  manage- 
ment of  Flood  &  0'B:ien,  it  has  s  nco 
proved  to  be  the  richest  silver  mine  in 
ti.e  wo;  Id. 

"  The  Uni:ed  States  .sent  Mr  N'cLane  to 
recognize  the  Gover  ni.  nt  of  Juarez, 
with  » horn  he  negotiated  a  treaty 
sati.sfiirtory  t-  both  Governments. 

1860.  Triumph  of  M,xiciui    liU-i-tilixin  under 

Juarez,  over  the  Church  party,  after  a 
revolution  of  near  t\\ent.>  years. 

Embassy  from  Japan. 

"  Grand  Embassy  from  Japan,  with  a  treaty 
of  peace  and  commerce,  to  the  United 
States,  being  the  first  Ambassadors 
ever  sent  to  any  nationality  by  that 
empire.  The  Ambassadors  were  tri'ated 
with  great  respect  l.y  the  (.overnment 
officials  and  the  (itizcns  of  Washing- 
ton. The  peculiarity  of  their  dress, 
customs,  and  manners  excited  much 
curiosity. 

Prince  of  ]  Vales. 

"  Tour  of  tilt'  Prince  of  Wahx  through  the 
United  States.  He  was  everywhere 
received  with  marks  of  respict  and 
distinction,  and  the  unl)ounded  hospi- 
taliti(s  of  the  natiim  and  people  were 
extended  to  him. 

"  Expedition  of  C/iarlcs  Fnincis  ILill  to  the 
Polar  Sea  in  search  of  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  April  23.  Democratic  Convention  met 
at  Charleston,  S.  C,  to  nominate  can- 
didates for  the  office  of  Pre-ident  and 
Vice-President.  The  delegates  from 
the  "  Cotton  States"  withdrew,  and  the 
Convention  adjourned  to  meet  in  Bal- 
timore in  June   554 

Chicago  "  JFig7i>am." 

"  May  19.  Bepublican  Convention  met  in 
Chicago,  in  a  vast  building  erected  for 
the  purpose,  and  called  the  "  Wig- 
wam,'  and  nominated  Abr.iham  Lin- 
coln for  President,  and  Hannibal  Ham- 
lin, of  Maine,  for  Vice-President.  .  554 

"  The  Constitution  Union  (late  •' .\meri- 
can "  p  irty)  also  met  in  convention, 
and  nominated  John  Bell,  of 'I'enn.,  for 
President,  and  Edward  Everett,  of 
Mass.,  Vice-President   554 

Douglas'  nomination. 

"  June  18.  Democratic  Convention  met,  and 
Stephen  A.  Douglas  was  nominated 
for  President,  and  Herschel  V.  John- 
son for  Vice-President   554 

"  June  18.  The  same  day  the  seceding 
delegates  from  the  "  Cotton  States " 
nominated  John  C.  Hreckenridge,  of 
Ky.,  President,  and  Joseph  Lane,  from 
Oregon,  Vice-President   554 

The  "  Great  Eastern." 

"  June  28.  Arrival  at  New  York  of  the 
English  iron  steamship  Great  Eastern, 
J.  V.  Ilall,  commander,  being  the 
largest  vessel  ever  constructed  since 
Noah's  Ark,"  and  was  capable  of  car- 
rying 10,000  soldiers,  besides  her  crew 
of  400.  Her  arrival  had  been  expect- 
ed, and  great  interest  and  excitement 
were  caused  upon  the  announcement, 
The  wharves,  tmildings,  adjoining 
streets,  and,  indeed,  every  available 
spot  which  aflforded  a  view  of  tho 


778 


CHRONi)LOGY. 


18C0.  mammotli  steamer  was  densely  crowd- 
ed witli  anxious  spc'C'ators.  The  har- 
bor and  river  were  alive  with  all  man- 
ner of  craft  to  get  a  near  view  of  the 
great  and  wonderful,  world-renowned 
ship. 

The  passage  over  the  l)ar,  which  was 
considered  a  very  critical  unrlcrtfiking, 
was  conducted  by  Mr.  Mmphj,  who 
silently,  with  a  simple  wave  of  the 
hand,  indieating  to  the  helmsman  the 
course  to  be  pursued,  safely  and  skill- 
fully guided  this  huge  monster  of  the 
waves  over  the  dangerous  bar  and  into 
the  North  River.  Grandly  and  proudly 
she  moved  amid  a  sea  of  sails,  gay 
with  banners  and  streaming  pennant*, 
like  a  mighty  leviathan  in  the  mid-t 
of  a  school  of  flying  fish.  The  boom- 
iiig.of  cannon,  ringing  of  bells,  and  the 
shrill  shrieking  of  hundreds  of  steam- 
whistles,  together  with  the  music  of 
brass  bands,  and  the  clrmes  of  Trinity 
Church  pla\ing  "  liule,  Britannia,"  al- 
togi  thcr  made  a  scene  long  to  be  re- 
membered by  tiiose  who  witnessed  it. 
For  many  weeks  after  her  arrival,  the 
Oreat  Enstern  was  visited  by  tens  of 
thousands,  who  were  eager  to  inspect 
the  marvelous  structure.  Her  length 
was  680  feet,  and  she  was  of  about 
20,000  tons  burden  ;  10,000  tons  of  iron 
were  used  in  constructing  her  hull. 
The  force  used  in  moving  the  ma- 
chinery of  this  immense  ship  would 
drive  forty  of  the  largest  cotton  mills, 
which  give  employment  to  over  30,000 
operatives.  The  Great  Eastern  was 
used  for  laying  the  Atlantic  cable,  and 
proved  to  be  of  indispensable  value. 


Impending  Crisis. 

Great  agitation  in  Congre=s  over  a  book 
entitled  "The  Impending  Crisis," 
written  by  Hinton  K.  Helper,  showing 
l)y  arguments,  statistics,  and  examples 
that  slavery  was  injurious  to  the  inter- 
ests of  the  South  554 

July.  Death  of  Charles  Goodyear,  the 
inventor  of  the  process  of  harden 
ing  india-rubber.  Mr.  Goodyear  en- 
dured every  trial  which  the  poor  in- 
ventor is  subject  to,  and  at  last  died 
l)oor,  to  leave  a  rich  legacy  to  the  pul)- 
lic,  by  which  hundreds  and  thousands 
liave  become  wealthy,  and  the  public 
greatly  benefited. 


Magnificeni  Reception. 

Oct.  12.  Grand  ball  given  in  honor  of 
the  Piince  of  Wales  at  the  Academy  of 
Music  in  N(!W  York.  It  was  the  grcjitest 
affair  of  the  kind  ever  known  in  this 
ciiuntry.  Over  3,000  of  the  dite  of 
Js'cw  York  present. 


Eleciion  of  Lincoln. 

Nov.  0.  Aliraham  Lincr)ln  was  elected 
I'rcsident,  with  Hannibid  Ilaniliu  for 
Vice-I'rcsident.  (ireat  excitement  j)re- 
vaih'd  all  over  the  Union.  Universal 
rejoicing  (with  very  few  exceptions)  at 
the  North,  and  general  dissatisfaction 
at  the  Soutii.  Threats  of  secession  and 
fears  of  civil  war  causi^d  great  d<'j)res- 
sion  in  business,  and  the  Government 
credit  was  shaken  554 


Buchanan  favors  Secession. 

18G0.  Dec.  3.  President  Buchanan,  in  his 
Message,  advised  an  amendment  of  the 
Constitution — 1st,  in  favor  of  recogniz- 
ing the  rights  of  slave  holders  to  hold 
property  in  slaves  where  slavery  does 
or  may  exist;  2d,  in  favor  of  their  pro- 
tection by  Congress  in  this  right  in  all 
the  Territories  until  admitted  as  States  ; 
and  3(1,  in  favor  of  the  right  of  the 
master  to  cai>ture  his  slaves  who  had 
esca|)ed  to  another  State — thereby  at- 
testing the  validity  of  the  Fugitive 
Slave  Law.  The  Message  further  de- 
clares that  unless  this  amendment  was 
granted,  the  SoutJt  would  he  jmtijieil  in 
rcvolutiunary  resistance  to  the  Govern- 
ment 554 

"  Great  agitation  was  caused  in  Congress 
by  this  Message,  both  pro-slavery 
and  anti-slavery  members  denouncing 
it   554 

Secession  of  South  Carolina.  I 

"  Dec.  20.  Convention  met  in  Charleston, 
S.  C.  which  passed  an  ordinance  of  se- 
cession, and  ordered  the  seizure  of  the 
Federal  pro[)erty  within  the  limits  of 
the  State  554 

"  Dec.  21.  A  Senatorial  Committee  of  13 
met  to  consider  the  distracted  state  of 
the  country,  five  of  the  committee 
being  iLcpublicans,  five  from  the  slave- 
holding  States,  and  three  Northern 
Democrats.  The  committee  failed  to 
agree  554 

"  Dec.  29.  Major  Anderson,  with  a  small 
band  of  Federal  soldiers,  transferred 
his  command  from  Fort  Moultrie,  in 
Charleston  Harbor,  to  Fort  Sumter,  the 
principal  fort  of  defense.  The  remain- 
ing forts  were  immediately  seized  by 
the  State  authorities,  and  additional 
defenses  were  made  to  protect  the 
city  554 

"  Ecuador  invaded  by  Peru  under  Gen. 
Castella,  whose  assassination  was  at- 
tempted. 

"  The  Parro't  gun  introduced  by  Robert 
K.  Parrott,  and  was  extensively  used 
during  the  war  of  the  Rebellion. 

Secession  of  the  South. 

1801.  Jan.  7.  Florida  passed  a  secession  or- 
dinance 554 

"  Jan.  9.  Mississippi  joined  the  seceding 
States  554 

"  Jan.  11.  Alabama  passed  a  secession  or- 
dinance 554 

"  Jan.  19.  Georgia  united  with  the  seces- 
sion States  554 

"  Jan.  25.  Louisiana  joined  the  seceding 
States  554 

First  Act  of  Rebellion. 

"  Jan.  First  overt  act  of  the  Rebellion  was 
the  firing  upon  tlie  (iovertiment  steam- 
er Star  of  the  'West  by  the  South  Caro- 
lina State  troops  554 

"  Feb.  1.  Texas  joined  the  seceding 
States. 

"  Feb.  4.  Peace  Ccmventicm  assembled  in 
\Va.-*hington.  Delegates  from  all  the 
Northern  States  assend)led  555 

"  Feb.  4.  Delegates  from  the  seceding 
States  asseml)led  at  Montgomery,  Ala- 
bama, and  formed  a  new  compact, 
called  the   "Confederate    States  of 


1801.  America,"  and  established  a  Provision- 
al Government,  with  Jcfterson  Davis  as 
President  and  Alexander  H.  Stevens  as 

Vice-President  555 

Abraham  Lincoln,  the  President-elect  of 
the  United  States,  left  his  home  in 
Springfield,  111.,  amid  the  sorrowful 
and  universal  regret  and  secret  forebod- 
ings of  his  friends,  to  repair  to  the 
c.ipital  of  the  nation,  and  enter  upon 
the  arduous  duties  of  his  office. . .  555 

"  Feb.  14.  Jeffer.son  Davis  made  President 
of  the  Confederates.  He  raised  troops 
and  armed  for  war. 

"  Feb.  22.  The  President  tarried  in  Phila- 
delphia to  plant  the  flag  of  the  Union 
upon  the  Hall  of  Independence,  but  the 
gathering  storm  in  Baltimore  led  his 
friends  to  fear  for  his  safety,  and  he 
was  persuaded  to  take  the  night  train 
for  AVashington.  He  arrived  safely  at 
the  capital  the  following  moining.  555 

"  Feb.  2(i.  West  Virginia  was  admit'ed 
into  the  Union  556 

Inauguration  of  Lincoln. 

"  March  4.  The  inauguration  ceremonies 
of  President  Lincoln  were  attended 
with  the  protection  of  the  United 
States    troops    under  Lieut.-General 

Scott   555 

'      Overtures  for  a  peaceful  separation  from 

the  South  rejected  by  the  North. 
'      March  11.    The  seceding  States  met  at 
Montgomery  and  adopted  a  Constitu- 
tion, with  slavery  as  a  chief  corner- 
stone  555 

"  March  11.  Kansas,  Colorado,  and  Dakota 
organized  into  Territories   555 

Seizure  of  Southern  Forts. 

"  The  South  seized  the  most  of  the  defensive 
fortifications  within  their  borders, 
some  30  in  number,  mounting  over 
3,000  guns,  and  costing  $20,000,000. 
Also  the  navy  yard  and  arsenals  were 
seized,  together  with  the  entire  army 
of  the  frontier,  with  all  its  equipments, 
revenue  cutters,  mints,  custom-house", 
and  sub-treasuries,  amounting  to  ^20,- 
000,000  more  555 

Sumter  Bombarded. 

"  April  12.  Bombardment  of  Fort  Sum- 
ter, Gen,  Beaureganl  opened  fire  fri)m 
all  the  forts  and"  batteric'^.  Edmund 
Ruffin,  of  Virginia,  a  white-luiired  old 
man,  fired  the  fiist  gun.  ^^laj.  Ander- 
son, with  but  a  handfid  of  men,  and 
without  an  ounce  of  bread  in  store, 
bravely  defended  the  old  fort  for  34 
hours,  Capt.  Doubleday  firing  the  first 
gim.  He  received  the  unceasing  fire  from 
47  heavy  guns  and  mortars,  throwing 
2,3(U)  shot  and  980  shells  into  the  fort, 
during  which  not  a  man  was  hurt. 
After  the  barracks  had  been  burning 
for  several  hours,  the  magazine  sur- 
rounded by  fire  and  the  main  gates  of 
the  fort  destroyed,  Maj.  An.lerson  sur- 
rendered the  fort  to  the  rchels,  but 
only  upon  the  most  honorable  condi- 
tions 550 

Lincoln  Calls  for  75,000  Troops. 

"  April  15.  President  Lincoln  issued  a  call 
for  75,000  troops  to  suppress  the  Rebel- 
lion in  the  South,  and  was  answered 


CHRONOLOGY. 


779 


18G1. 


by  300,000 
list  


volunteers 


eager  to  en- 
  550 


Blockade  Proclamation. 

April  17.  President  Lincoln  issued  a 
proclamation  announcing  the  blockade 
of  the  Southern  ports. 

April  17.  Virginia  resolved  to  socede 
from  the  Union,  and  steps  were  taken 
to  secure  the  Federal  property  55G 


Baltimore  Mob. 

April  19.  The  6th  Massachusetts  Regi- 
ment, in  passing  through  Baltimore, 
■were  fired  upon  by  a  secession  mob ; 
a  company  of  tlie  regiment  returned 
tire,  and  11  of  the  mob  were  killed 
and  four  wounded.  Three  of  the  sol- 
diers were  slain  and  eight  wounded. 
Ten  unarmed  CompMiies  of  the  Phila- 
delphia Washington  Bmga.de  were  .ilso 
attacked  and  retired  to  Philadelphia. 
'J'liis  was  the  first  blood  shed  in  the 
Rebellion. 

April  20.  Large  amount  of  property  at 
the  navy  yard  and  fort  at  Norfolk,  Va., 
destroyed  by  the  Union  commander, 
Capt.  McCauley,  upon  the  aj^proach  of 
a  rebel  military  force  to  seize  it. .  .  .  556 

April  24.  The  rebels  occupy  the  fort 
and  hoist  their  flag  55G 

Maryland  Loyal. 

April  27.  The  Legislature  of  Maryland 
decided  not  to  secede  from  the 
Union.  556 


Colonel  EllsiL'orth. 

May.  Colonel  Ellsworth,  a  brave  and 
efficient  officer  in  command  of  the 
New  York  Fire  Zouaves,  was  shot  by 
Jackson  while  removing  a  secession 
flag  from  his  hotel  in  Alexandria. 
Jaclson  roas  in  turn  shot  by  Frank  E. 
Brownell,  a  Union  soldier   558 

May  2.  Missouri  turned  over  to  the  reb- 
els the  entire  control  of  the  military 
.ind  pecuniary  resources  of  the 
State  557 

May  3.  Government  calls  for  42,000  ad- 
ditional volunteers  for  three  years,  and 
ten  regiments  were  added  to  the  regu- 
lar army   556 

May  4.  A  large  Union  meeting  held  in 
Baltimore. 

May  6.  Tennessee  passed  an  ordinance 
of  secession  —  East  Tennessee  voting 
largely  against  it. 

Arkansas  ser-cded  from  the  Union. 

May  10.  Capt.  Lyon,  aided  by  Col. 
Blair,  at  the  head  of  6,000  armed 
Union  volunteers,  surrounded  the  State 
Guard  formed  at  Fort  Jackson,  in  the 
interests  of  the  Rebellion,  and  demand- 
ed its  surrender,  which  was  imme- 
diately complied  with  557 

May  12.  Gen.  Wm.  S.  Harney  took  com- 
mand of  the  Union  forces  in  Missis- 
sippi. He  entered  into  a  compact  with 
Gen.  Price,  the  rebel  leader,  to  re- 
store peace  to  Missouri,  which  act  was 
repudiated  by  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment, and  he  was  rei)laced  by  Gen. 
Lyon   557 

Miiy  13.  Gen.  Butler  occupied  the  city 
of  Baltimore   556 


West  Virginia  Repudiates  Secession. 

1861.  West  Virginia  met  in  Convention,  and 
formally  repudiated  the  secession  of 
the  State   556 

"  ]\Iayl6.  The  rebels  burn  several  bridges 
on  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  K.ll. .  . .  557 

"  May  20.  North  Carolina  passed  a  seces- 
sion ordihance.  Arkans:i8  also  re- 
solved to  secede  and  join  the  Con- 
federates  555 

"  May  20.  'J'he  arsenal  at  St.  Louis  was  de- 
fended by  its  commaiidiint.  Gen.  Lyon, 
and  secured  to  the  (iovernment,  and 
its  contents  transferred  to  Springfield, 
111   557 

Contraband. 

May  22.  Gen.  Butler  took  command  of  the 
Union  forces  at  Fortress  Monroe,  com- 
l)osed  of  15,000  raw  recruits,  but  who 
proved  gallant  soldiers.  Gen.  Butler 
protected  some  fugitive  slaves,  and  re- 
fused to  surrender  them  to  the  order 
of  their  master,  declaring  all  rebel  prop- 
erty contraband   558 

"     May  24.    10,000  Union  troops  advanced 
-    into  Virginia  by  order  of  Gen.  Scott. 

Fremont  in  Command. 

"  General  Fremont  appointed  to  the  com- 
mand of  the  Western  Department. 
He  took  vigorous  measures  to  put 
down  the  Rebellion  —  conjismting  the 
property  of  the  rcheh,  also  their  slaves. 
For  this  he  lost  prestige  with  the  War 
Department,  and  was  shortly  super- 
seded by  Hunter. 

"  Gen.  Scott  submits  four  courses  of  action 
to  the  President,  from  which  he  must 
choose.  1.  Ih  surrender  to  slavery 
half  the  territory  acquired  or  to  be  ac- 
quired. 2.  To  blockade  all  revolttu 
ports.  3.  To  say  to  the  seceding  States, 
'•  Wayward  sisters,  go  in  peace  ; "  or  4. 
To  conquer  the  Sou/h. 

"  June  1.  Gen.  Patterson,  with  20,000 
men,  advanced  from  Chambersburg, 
Pa.,  to  Hagerstown,  Md   558 

"  June  1.  The  Sarannuh,  a  rebel  privateer, 
captured  a  Union  merchantman. . .  561 

Stephen  A.  Douglas. 

"  June  3.  Stephen  Arnold  Douglas,  an 
American  statesman,  died  at  Chicago. 
He  began  the  jiractice  of  law  at  Jack- 
sonville, 111.,  and  before  he  was  twenty- 
two  years  of  age  was  elected  Attorney- 
General  of  the  State.  In  1835  he  be- 
came a  Member  of  the  Legislature;  in 
1837  he  was  appi.inted  Register  of  the 
Land-OHicc  at  Springfield;  in  1840  he 
was  appointed  Secretary  of  the  State;  in 
1841  he  was  elected  Judge  of  the  Su- 
preme Court  of  111.;  iti  1843  lie  was  elect- 
ed Member  of  Congress,  and  re-elected 
to  a  second  term  ;  in  1847  he  was  chosen 
United  States  Senator  for  the  term  of 
six  years,  which  position  he  continued 
to  hold  until  the  time  of  his  death  ; 
in  1853  he  was  candidate  for  {'resident 
of  the  United  States,  and  again  in 
1856,  and  received  a  nomination  also 
again  in  1860.  In  politics  he  was  a 
Democrat.  Mr.  Douglas  died  in  the 
midst  of  a  splendid  political  career, 
and  at  the  beginning  of  the  great  Civil 
war.  He  lived  long  enouirli  to  expnss 
the  strongest  feelings  if  loyalty  to  thv 
Government,  and  a  warm  sympathy  for 


1861.  its  noble  defenders  in  their  struggle  to 
maintain  its  Union. 

"      June  11.    Battle  at  liomney,  Va. 

"  June  11.  West  Virj^inia,  set  a;  art  a-  a 
new  State  by  the  unanimous  vote  of  the 
Slate  anfl  Governiiient,  was  formed  in 
accordance  with  the  Federal  Constitu- 
tion .   556 

"  June  14.  Joiinson  evacuated  Harper's 
Ferry. 

"      June.     (ien.  Price  attacked  Gen.  'S\a,- 

gruder,  and  alter  four  hours'  action, 

both  sides  re'.reab  d. 
"      June.     Battle  at  Fairfax  Court-Housc ; 

the  enemy  driven  out  553 

"      An  attac  k  upon  the  Confederate  battery 

iit  Big  Bethel  repulsed  558 

"      July  4.    Congress  met  in  extraordinary 

session. 

"      July  5.    Battle  near  Carthage,  Mo. 
"      July  11.    B  ittle  at  Hich  Mountain,  Va. 
"      July  18.    Battle  near  Centreville,  Va. 

Bull  Klin  Defeat. 

"  July  21.  Battle  of  Bull  Run,  commanded 
respectively  by  Generals  McDowell  and 
Beauregard. 

The  North,  impatient  of  delay,  were 
crying,  "  On  to  Richmond."  Gen. 
JleDowell,  with  30,00')  troops,  mostly 
volunteers,  attacked  the  main  body  of 
the  rebels  at  15ull  Uun.  The  recruits 
fought  bravely,  and  the  enemy  were 
repulsed,  but  being  reiiforced  by  Jack- 
son s  brigade,  they  rcndccd  the  f'glit. 
The  Union  troops  fought  gal  autly  and 
gained  the  plateau,  ichen  the  enemy 
were  again  reinforced  by  Joseph  E. 
Johnston's  army  under  Kirby  Smith. 
The  Union  army  now  began  a  retreat, 
after  thirteen  hours  of  severe  action, 
not  having  ones  been  reinforced.  Sud- 
denly a  strange  panic  seized  them,  and 
they  fled  in  wild  disorder,  leaving 
everything  behind  tliem.  In  this  bat- 
tle the  rebel  Gen.  T.  J.  Jackson  received 
the  name  which  he  carried  throughout 
the  war — "  Stonewall  Jackson  " — given 
him  by  one  of  his  officers,  who  said, 
"  There  stands  Jackson,  like  a  stone 
wall,"  facing  the  enemy  while  his  army 
were  ])reparing  to  retreat  558 

"  Destruction  of  the  Petrel,  a  rebel  pri- 
vateer, by  the  United  States  frigate 
St.  Lawrence.  The  Petrel  sank  at  the 
first  broadside  of  the  St.  Lairrence. 

"  July.  Stonewall  Jackson  invaded  Marv- 
land  5.58 

"  July.  Battleof  Laurel  Hill.  Gen.McCIel- 
lan,  with  Gen.  Itosecranz,  attacked 
the  rebel  forces  under  Genera's  Gamett 
and  Pegram,  driving  them  across  the 
mountains  to  Monterey  557 

"  Aug.  10.  Gen.  Sigel  repulsed  and  Gen. 
Lyon  killed  in  battle  at  Wilson's 
Creek  /iOO 

"  Aug.  16.  Gen.  Butler  succeeded  by  Gen. 
AVool. 

"  Aug.  28.  Bombardment  of  rebel  forts — 
Hatteras  aiul  Clark — by  Gen.  Butler. 

"  Aug.  2!).  The  forts  surrendered  by  t  om. 
Barron  561 

"  Aug.  30.  Fort  Morgan  abandoned  by 
the  rel)els. 

"  Aug.  31.  Fremont  issues  a  proclama- 
tion freeing  the  slaves  in  Mi.wuri. 

"  Sept.  3.  Massacre  on  Hanniiial  a'ld  St. 
Joseph  Railroad  ;  Platte  br  dge  burned. 

"  Sept.  10.  Battle  of  Carnifex  Ferry,  be- 
tween G(!nerals  Rosecranz  and  Floyd. 
A  short,  but  severe  action  took  place. 


780 


CHEONOLOGY. 


1861.      resulting  in  the  retreat  of  Floyd  in  the  1801. 

night  Sij? 

"      Sept.   1 3.     Kebel  privateer  Judah  de- '  " 

f-troycd  by  the  Federalists. 
"      Rebels   twice   defe  ited  in   attacks  on 

Cheat  Mountain,  West  Vir>rinia.  Col. 

John  A.  Washington,  proprietor  of 

IMount  Vernon,  killed  558 

"      Sept.   20.     t'ol.    Mulligan  surrenders 

Lexington,  ^lo.,  to  the  reliel  Gen.  Price 

:;tter  tifty-nine  hours  without  water. 

Lo^s,  'ij.'JOO  prisoners  and    a  large 

amount  of  gold. 
"      Oct.  IJattle  of  Green   Brier,  Va. 

Kebels  defeated  with  considerable  loss. 
"      Oct.  5.    Reliefs  attack  the  Union  troops 

at   Chicomacomico.  N.  C,  but  were 

<lestructively  sheiled  by  the  gun-boat 

MoitticdUi  and  drivi  n  off. 
"      TliC  Samnitah  captured  by  the  U.  S.  brig 

Pernj  5()1 

"      Oct.  9.     Rebels  repulsed  by  Wilson's 

Zouaves  at  Santa  Hosa  Island  561 

"      Oct.  11.     The  rebel  privateer  Nashville 

ran  the  bloikade  at  Charleston  and 

burned  an  American  mercliantman  in 

British  waters. 
"      Oct.  12.    IJepulse  of  the  rebel  ram  and 

firesliips  by  the  Union  fleet  at  S.  W. 

Pass. 

"  Escape  of  SlidcU  and  Ma.^on  from  Charles- 
ton. 

''  Oct.  21.  Battle  of  Fredericktown,  Mo. 
Jeff.  Tliompson's  flight  5H0 

"  Oct.  Lexington,  Mo.,  recaptured  by 
Union  troops. 

"  Gen.  \\ .  T.  r>h(rman  app' inted  to  the 
coMiMiaad  of  ihe  Ki  ntueky  forces  over 
Gen.  Anderson  560 

"  Oct  21.  Alliance  between  England, 
Fran<'e,  and  Spain  to  take  joint  pos- 
sess on  of  Mexic)  in  lieu  of  debts  con- 
tracted, and  rutrage-  coinniitted  upon 
tlieir  subjcets  bv  tlie  Mexicans. 
Oct.  21.  Bat'le  of  Bali's  1  luff.  Colonel 
linker  killed,  and  the  Unionists  de- 
fea  d.  The  slaughter  was  fe  .rful,  and 
Ge  Stone  was  charged  with  incf- 
ti  i  ncy. 

«'      (~ct.  29.    R.  1  els  defeated  at  Springfield, 
Mo.,  by  Zagonyi. 
Nov.   .    So.diers'Aid  Society  formed  at  i 
D  '.roit.  I 
Nov.  2.     Gen.  Fremont  Nujia-mled  hij 
(j<n.  llitn  ( and  his  bodyguard,  com- 
posed of  t.  e  best  iiiaterial  and  enlisted 
for  three  years,  was  tnuntertd  out  by 
I  (n.  McCieUaii   5li0 

"  Ni'V.  6.  Gen.  Giant  attacked  (Jen.  Polk, 
routing  and  burning  his  cainj),  raptur- 
ing the  gun?,  and  driving  the  enemy  to 
the  river.  (Jen.  Polk,  reinforced,  took 
p(.sscssion  of  Columbu*,  and  c.iused  the 
retreat  of  (Jrant,  who  saved  his  arms. 
L  iiifm  loss  400.    Rebel  loss  miO. 

"  Nov.  den.  Sf  ott  was  place<l  on  the  retired 
list  with  full  pay,  and  McClellan  made 
Gcneial-in-chief.  562 


Mason  ami  Sltdell. 

Nov.  7.  Capture  of  the  rebel  envoys, 
Ma'ion  and  Slidell.on  board  the  British 
Bteatm  r  Trent.  \n  the  liahania  channel, 
by  Captain  Wilkes,  of  the  1'.  S.  steain- 
ship  S'lii  Jiifinto.  They  were  l)rouglit 
back  to  tlie  United  States  and  contineel 
at  l-'oit  Warren,  nc  r  Boston,  but  were 
fmii  ly  surrendered  to  (ireat  Britain  by 
Secretary  Seward,  upon  the  illegality  of 
the  act — Cupt.  Wilkes'  failure  to  bring 


the  Trent  into  port  for  adjudication  by 
the  U.  S.  authorities. 
Nov.  7.     Port  Royal  bombarded  and 
taken  by  Gen.  Sherman  and  Com.  Du 
Pont. 

Nov.  7.  Springfield,  Mo.,  abandoned  to 
the  enemy  by  order  of  Gen.  McClellan, 
much  to  the  <lisadvantage  of  the  Union 
forces  in  Missouri  560 

Nov.  9.  Gen.  Nelson's  victory  in  East 
Kentucky. 

Nov.  9.    Gen.  Schoepf's  flight  from  E. 

Tennessee. 

Baltic  of  IJelinont,  Mo.  Gen.  Grant  attacks 
the  rebels,  damaging  ihem  seriously. 

Nov.  12.  Gen.  Halleck  appointed  to  the 
command  of  the  ]\Iissoun  Depurtment. 

Nov.  Raid  of  Price  through  ."Missouri, 
burning  villages  and  destroying  rail- 
road tracks,  and  regaining  Lexington 
and  other  points  on  the  Missis- 
sippi 574 

Nov.  19.  Missouri  passed  an  ordinance 
of  secession. 

Dec.  3.  Gen.  Phelps  Lands  on  Ship  Wand 
with  the  advance  of  Gen.  Iiutler's  ex- 
pedition. 

Dec.  4.  John  C.  Breckenridgc  expelUd 
from  the  United  Slcite.'s  Senate  by  a 
unanimous  vote. 

Dec.  6.  Beaufort  taken  by  Gen.  Sher- 
man. 

Dec.  15.  Gen.  Pope  routed  the  Con- 
federates from  Lexington,  capturing 
70  supi^ly  wagons  and  300  prison- 
ers 563 

Dec.  17.  Stone  fleet  sunk  to  block  up 
the  mouth  of  Savannah  River. 

Dee.  17-18.  Col.  Jeff.  C.  Davis  captured  a 
Confederate  camp  at  Miltbrd,  consist- 
\n'^  of  3  colonels,  17  ca|jtains,  1,000 
men,  and  l,OnO  stand  of  arms,  with 
tents,  baggage,  and  supplies. 

The  Confederates  were  now  strength- 
ened by  a  force  of  5,00u  It.tlians  under 
Gen.  Pike,  niaking  the  division  in  S. 
Missouri  30,000   562 

Gen.  Pope  defeats  the  rebels  with  great 
liiss  at  Shawne(!  Mound,  Mo. 

Dec.  20.  Gen.  Ord,  commander  of  the 
3d  Pennsylvania  Brigade,  was  .".ttacked 
by  the  Conletlerate  forces  under  Gen. 
Stuart.  Tlu^  enemy  were  defeated  with 
n  loss  of  230  men.  The  Union  loss 
beinK  9  killed  and  (10  wounded.  .  .  562 

Dec.  20.  Battle  of  Drainsville.  Gen. 
McCall  defeats  the  rebels. 

Dec.  2ih  Tybee  Island,  commanding  the 
a])proach  to  Savannah,  taken. 

Dec.  21.  Charltston  harbor  shut  by 
sinkinj);  a  stone  fleet  at  its  mouth. 

Dee.  27.  Vera  Cruz  occupied  by  French 
troops,  and  the  city  placed  under 
martial  law. 

Dec.  31.    Battle  of  ITuntersvillc  558 

"  31.  United  States  forces  to-day 
numliered  660,971,  22,000  sailor.<,  and 
24G  .ships  with  i,S!i2guns. 

Dec.  Brig.-Gen.  (Jrant  led  an  expedition 
from  Cairo  to  Belmont,  a  rebel  en- 
campment under  (Jon.  Polk.  Polk 
being  reinforced,  (!rant  retreated..  563 

Union  st<  amer  Fanny,  loaded  with  stores, 
captured  by  rebels  561 

Union  forces  attack  the  rebels  on  Croa- 
tan  Sound  by  land  and  water,  entirely 
routing  them.  'I'lie  slaughter  was 
immense  on  t  'i'  rebel  side,  as  there  was 
no  esca|)e,  being  surrounded  by  the 
hind  and  naval  forces  561 

Toni  Corwin  a;)|  ointed  as  United  States 
Minister  to  .Mt  xico. 


Liberalism  Triumphs  in  Mexico. 

1861.  President   Juarez  removes   all  spciial 
privileges  from  the   priesthood,  and 
sold  the  Church  propeity  to  the  people. 
"      Name  of  New  Granada  exchanged  for 

United  States  of  Colombia. 
"      Catling  gun   invented   by  Richard  J. 
Galling,  of  North  Carolina. 

Rarcy,  the  Horse-tamer. 

"  Wonderful  exploits  of  Rarey.  the  great 
horse-tamer.  He  tamed  the  wildest 
and  most  furious  horses  in  a  short 
time,  renchiring  them  as  tract  ible  and 
gentle  as  1-imbs,  trithnit  the  nae  of  the 
whip.  His  great  success  was  achieved 
solely  by  kindness  anel  through  his 
powerful  magnetic  influence. 

Sam^  Houston. 

"  Oct.  8.  Death  of  Sam.  Houston,  of  Tex- 
as. If? was  raised  in  Tennessee,  and 
gained  a  little  education,  when  he  went 
among  the  Indians  and  lived  with 
them  three  years,  and  was  adopted  by 
an  Indi:in  chief  as  his  son.  In  1811 
he  returned  to  his  family,  and  started 
a  school  for  his  maintenance  and  suc- 
ceeded well.  In  1813  he  enlisted  as  a 
common  soldier  in  the  U.  S.  army,  and 
by  his  good  conduct  was  i)romoted  to 
an  en<igncy;  in  1814  he  was  en- 
gaged under  Gen.  Jackson  in  fighting 
the  Creek  Indians,  and  was  three 
times  severely  woundi-d.  lie  succeed- 
ed in  fiaining  the  lasting  friendship  of 
Jackson,  who  j)rouioted  him,  and  he 
was  employed  to  make  a  treaty  with 
the  Ciicrokees.  The  winter  following 
he  went  to  Washinglon  with  a  delega- 
t'on  of  Indians.  In  181H  he  threw  up 
his  commission  and  settled  in  Nash- 
ville and  began  the  study  of  law,  and 
was  admitted  to  the  bar  after  six 
months'  study,  and  one  year  after  was 
elected  District  Attorney  (or  the  David- 
son District.  In  1823  lie  was  elected 
Member  of  Congress,  and  re-elected  in 
1825.  In  1827  he  was  chosen  Gov- 
ernorof  Tennessee.  In  Jan.,  1829,  he  was 
married,  and  in  three  months  separated 
from  his  wife,  when  he  again  went  to 
the  Cherokee  Nation,  who  receive<l 
him  kindly,  and  admitted  him  to  all 
the  rights  and  privileges  of  their  n.n- 
tion.  He  remained  with  them  till 
1832,  when  he  went  to  Washington  to 
defend  them  against  the  wrongs  in- 
flicted upon  them  by  the  Government 
agents.  Jlr.  Houston  received  the  aid 
of  Government  in  exposing  the  frauds 
of  the  agents — five  of  whom  were  re- 
moved. ^\  ith  one  of  these  —  Mr. 
Stansbury — he  bad  a  personal  rencoun- 
ter, and  his  opponent  was  severely 
beaten.  Jlr.  Houston  was  arrested 
and  brought  before  the  House  and 
j)ubliely  censured,  tried,  and  fined 
|")(i0,  but  the  President  remitted  him 
his  fine.  Soon  atter  he  removed  to 
Texas,  an<l  was  there  drawn  into  a 
Convention,  where  he  was  appointed 
upon  a  committee  to  draft  a  form  of 
Constitution  for  the  nev  State.  Mr. 
Houston  exerted  a  powtrful  influence 
in  Texas,  antl  at  the  coii..)U'ncemcnt  of 
the  Texan  war  with  Mexico  he  was  ap- 
jiointed  (ieneral  of  a  force  of  troops. 
In  1^3.")  he  was  elected  Commander-in- 
chief  of  the  Texan  army.    Ho  defeated 


CHRONOLOGY. 


781 


1861.  the  Mexicans  at  San  Jacinto,  and  took 
tlieir  General  (Santa  Anna)  prisoner. 
After  the  war,  be  was  elected  President 
of  the  Kepublic  of  Texas,  and  at  the 
close  of  his  term  he  became  a  Mem- 
ber of  Congress.  Leaving  the  finances 
of  Texas  in  a  prosperous  condition, 
after  bis  return  lie  was  again  elected 
her  President,  and  upon  her  admission 
into  the  Union  lie  was  elected  a  U.  S. 
Senator.  He  was  ever  a  friend  of  the 
Indians,  and  was  a  bold,  straightfor- 
ward defender  of  what  he  considered 
to  be  right.  He  was  strongly  opposed 
to  the  secession  of  the  South.  In  1859 
he  was  elected  Governor  of  Texas,  but 
retired  from  ofBce,  refusing  to  take 
the  oath  required  by  the  State  Consti- 
tution. 

Minnesota  Massacre. 

18G2  Indian  massacre  in  Minnesota.  The 
Sioux,  under  Little  Crow,  fell  upon  the 
white  settlements  at  New  Ulm,  Yellow 
Medicine,  Cedar  City,  Fort  Ridgely, 
and  Fort  Abercrombie,  and  butchered, 
in  the  most  cruel  and  shocking  man- 
ner, some  500  persons,  chiefly  defense- 
less women  and  children.  The  citi- 
zens were  unprotected,  and  their  only 
escape  was  by  flight.  Great  conster- 
nation ensued  all  through  the  North- 
west, and  troops  were  immediately 
sent  to  their  rescue.  The  Indians  in 
that  district  were  finally  subdued,  and 
the  leaders  in  the  massacre  were  exe- 
cuted 584 

"  Jan.  1,  Fort  Pickens  breaches  Fort 
Barancas  and  burns  the  navy  yard. 

"      Death  of  Lopez,  President  of  Paraguay. 

"  Gen.  Sam.  liamon  chosen  President  of 
Ecuador. 

"  Jan.  8.  Battle  of  Blue  Gap,  Va.  Rebels 
defeated. 

"  Hospital  boats  were  established  on  the 
Western  rivers,  and  cars  on  the  rail- 
road leading  from  the  scat  of  war. 

"  Jan.  10.  Johnson  and  Polk,  of  Missouri, 
expelled  from  the  U.  S.  Senate. 

"  Jan.  Edwin  M.  Stanton  succeeded 
Simon  Cameron  as  Secretary  of  War. 

"  Jan.  Col.  Garfield  attacks  the  Confed- 
erates in  S.  E.  Kentucky,  and  forces 
them  to  retreat  to  Virginia  563 

John  Tyler. 

^<  Jan.  18.  John  Tyler,  tenth  President  of  the 
United  States,  died  in  Richmond,  Va. 
In  IS.'JG  31  r.  Tyler  identified  himself 
with  the  Whig  party,  and  was,  by  that 
party,  nominated  to  the  Vice-Presi- 
dency on  the  ticket  with  Gen.  Harri- 
son, and  upon  the  death  of  the  latter, 
he  became  President  of  the  United 
States.  His  administration  was  very 
unpopular,  and  before  its  close  every 
member  of  his  Cabinet  had  resigned, 
and  lie  lost  the  confidence  of  the  Whig 
party  by  his  measures.  He  was  in  the 
Confederate  Congress  at  the  time  of 
his  death. 

"  Jan.  19.  Gen.  Geo.  H.  Thomas  took 
command  of  the  Union  forces  in  Ken- 
tucky, with  a  force  of  8,000  men. .  563 

"  Jan.  19.  Gen.  Thomas  was  attacked  by 
Gen.  Geo.  B.  Crittenden.  A  desperate 
conflict  raged,  resulting  in  the  retreat 
of  Crittenden's  army,  with  the  loss  of 
Gen.  Zollicoff"er  and  nearly  300  men. 
The  rebels  escaped  through  the  night, 


1862.      leaving  12  guns    and    equipments,  1 1862. 
1,500  horses,  and  all  their  army  mate-  i 

rial   563  1 

"      Jan.  80.    Ericsson's  Monitor  launched  at 
Greenpoint,  L.  I. 


Capture  of  Fort  Ifetiry. 

Feb.  2.  Com.  Foote,  with  seven  gun- 
boats, and  Gen.  Grant,  with  15,000  men 
on  stcambouts,  attacked  Fort  Henry 
antl  caiitured  it. 

Feb.  7-.S.  Battle  of  Roanoke  Island. 
Burn<idc  takes  the  island,  with  2,500 
prisoners. 

Fort  Donelson  Surrendered. 

Feb.  16.  Surrender  of  Fort  Donelson  to 
Gen.  Grant  by  Gen.  Buckner,  after 
84  hours  of  fighting  and  watching, 
taking  13,000  prisoners,  the  fort  being 
abandoned  by  General  Floyd  and  Col. 
Forrest  564 

Feb.  18.    First  regular  Rebel  Congress 

assembled  at  Richmond. 
Feb.  19.  Col.  Canby  confronted  by  a 
band  of  Texas  Rangers  at  Valverde, 
New  Jlexico.  Upon  the  death  of  Lieut. 
McCrae  and  the  loss  of  his  battery,  the 
Union  infantry  became  demoralized 
and  fled  precipitately   5(53 

Feb.  21.  Gordon,  the  slaver,  hung  at 
New  York. 

Feb.  22.  Cumberland  Gap  abandoned 
to  the  Unionists,  and  a  Confederate 
camp  surprised  and  captured  by  Gen. 
Garfield   563 

Feb.  22.  A  general  advance  toward 
Richmond  ordered  by  President  Lin- 
coln  568 

Feb.  At  Coche,  Ky.,  Gen.  Curtis  was 
attacked  by  a  band  of  Texas  cavalry, 
under  General  Albert  Rush,  which  K 
routed  after  a  short  engagement,  by 
an  impetuous  charge  of  1st  Indiana 
Cavalry.  Gen.  Curtis  then  marched 
to  Helena,  taking  a  large  number  of 
negroes  whom  the  rebels  had  em- 
ployed building  roads,  and  which 
were  entitled  to  their  freedom. . . .  562 

Feb.  22.  Jeff.  Davis  inaugurated  Presi- 
dent of  the  Confederate  States  for  six 
years. 

Feb.  Retreat  of  Gen.  A.  S.  Johnston 
from  Bowling  Green  to  Nashville  be- 
fore Gen.  O.  M.  Mitchel,  bringing  con- 
sternation to  the  citizens  of  Nashville, 
hundreds  of  whom  fled  in  terror  from 
the  city.  Gen.  Johnston  continuing 
his  flight  South,  and  the  Government 
and  Legislature,  also  the  bankers,  with 
their  specie,  following. 

Feb.  24.  Nashville  surrendered  to  Gen. 
Buell,  and  Gen.  Nelson  and  his  troops 
took  possession  of  the  city  564 

Mar.  3.  Columbus,  Ky.,  abandoned  by 
the  rebels  at  the  approach  of  Com. 
Foote  and  Gen.  Sherman  564 

Battle  of  Pea  Ridge. 

Mar.  7.  Battle  of  Pea  Ridge,  fought  by 
(Jens.  Curtis,  Sigel,  Osterhaus,  and 
Jeff.  C.  Davis,  lasting  three  days,  and 
resulting  in  the  complete  victorj'  of 
the  Union  forces.  The  rebel  forces 
were  30,0(i0  strong  under  Gens.  Price, 
Van  Dorn,  McCulloch,  Slack,  and  Mc- 
Into.sh.  The  Federal  hws  was  1,351. 
Rel)el  loss  not  ascertained,  but  must 
have  been  much  more.    Gens.  McCul- 


loch and  Mcintosh  killed,  and  Gens, 
Price  and  Slack  wounded  562 

Mar.  8.  The  CuwIk  rhmd  and  Conyrenit 
destroyed  by  tlie  rebel  ram  Mcrri- 
mac   .jCS 

Mar.  9.  The  Mrrrhnnr.  disal)led  and  put 
to  flight  by  the  little  Monitor,  which 
also  disabled  the  YorLtoirii. 

Mar.  10.  Rehels  evacnate  Manassas  Junc- 
tion, and  Union  forces  occupy  it. 

Mar.  13.  New  Madrid  evacuated  by  the 
Confederates,  after  a  heavv  cainif)nad- 
ing  by  (Jen.  Pope,  who  took  iinniedia'i! 
possession.  The  enemy  left  thiriy-thi  eo 
cannon,  several  thousand  sni:ill  arms, 
and  a  large  amount  of  other  war  ma- 
terial 5(14 

Mar.  14.  B'lttle  of  Newlern,  K  C.  Gen. 
iSurnside  defeat.'^  the  Confedei  ates,  and 
occupies  the  city  ;  capturing  6'J  can- 
non, two  steamboats  with  large  quai- 
tities  of  munitions,  and  5ud  prison- 
ers 563 

Mar.  23.  Battle  of  Winchester,  Va. 
Rebels  badly  defeated,  losing  l,0iJO, 
besides  prisoners. 

Mar.  25.  Fort  Mason  occupied  by  Union 
forces. 

Mar.  Soldiers'  Home  opened  at  Cairo 
by  the  Chicago  liranch  Conimittee. 

April  4.  Beginning!:  of  Peninsular  cam- 
paign. Army  of  Potomac  advance 
toward  Yorktown. 


Battle  of  SJiiloh,   or  rittsburg 
Landing. 

April  6-7.  Surprise  and  attack  of  the 
Union  army  under  Grant,  Sherman, 
and  Prentice  at  Pittsburg  Lan  ing : 
their  panic  and  retreat.  Generals 
Buell  and  Low  Wallace  come  to  ilie 
rescue,  and  the  tide  turned.  The 
rebels  were  driven  back  to  Corinth. 
Gen.  Halleck  taking  command,  he 
attacked  the  enemy  at  Corinth  and 
gained  possession  of  that  important 
railroad  center. 

April.  The  allied  powers  against  Mexico 
disagree,  and  the  English  and  Spanish 
commanders  of  the  expedition  re- 
turned to  Europe  and  left  the  French 
alone  to  settle  the  difficulty  w.tu 
Mexico. 


Island  No.  10. 

April  7.  Gen.  Pope,  having  cut  a  canal 
twelve  miles  long  acruss  the  Missouri 
peninsula  opposite  Island  No.  10,  at- 
tacked the  rebel  stronghold  under 
Gen.  McCown,  who  sunk  the  boats 
and  transports,  and  escaped  eastward, 
leaving  Gen.  McCall  to  surrender  the 
Island,  with  3  Generals,  273  oflicers, 
6,700  soldiers,  123  pieces  of  heavy 
artillery,  7,000  staiul  small  arms,  and  a 
large  quantity  of  ammunition  and  other 
stores  reported  in  the  capture  564 

April  11.  Surprise  and  capture  of 
iluntsville,  Ala.,  together  with  a  largo 
number  of  locomotives  and  cars,  l>y 
Gen.  O.  M.  Mitehel.  At  Russelville, 
Gen.  Mitchel  caj)tured  a  large  amount 
of  Confederate  property  without  loss. 

April  11.  Fort  Pulaski  surrendered  liy 
the  rebeli  ai\cr  thirty  hours'  bombard- 
ment. 

A])iil  16.    Slavery  aholished  in  District 

<'/  Cohimhia. 
April  17.   Bombardment  of  Fort  Pillow 


782 


CHRONOLOGY. 


1802.  by  Commodore  Foote,  lasting  two 
weeks,  with  little  etl'ect.  owing  to  the 
liigh  water,  which  prevented  the  co- 
operation of  the  land  forces  5C4 

Farragut' s  Great  Feat. 

"  April  24.  Com.  Farragut  ran  the  bat- 
teries oa  the  Mississifipi  Hiver  at  Fort 
Jackson,  destroying  that  fort  and  Fort 
St.  Piiilip,  also  twelve  Confederate 
gun-boats,  lie  proceeds  to  New  Or- 
leans. 

"  April  24.  Surrender  of  Fort  Ilenry  and 
Fort  Donelson  to  Com.  Foote  and  Cen. 
Giant  by  Buckner. 

"  April  25.  Fort  Macon,  N.  C,  taken  after 
eleven  hours'  fighting. 

Surrender  of  New  Orleans. 

"  April.  Com.  Farragut  with  his  fleet  ap- 
proaches New  Orleans.  'I'he  Confeder- 
ates burn  their  shipping  and  a  vast 
amount  of  property — 15,000  bales  of 
cotton,  and  ve>aels  richly  freighted 
with  merchandise — estimated  at  from 
$8,000,000  to  $10,000,000.  But  the 
city  made  no  resistance,  and  surrender- 
ed to  the  American  fleet. 

"  April  29.  Gen.  Mitchel  defeats  the  rebels 
and  captures  Bridgeport,  Ala. 

"  May  1.  Arrival  of  Gen.  Butler  in  New 
Orleans.  He  tikes  po-.ses-ion  of  the 
city,  marching  through  the  j^rincipal 
sfreitu,  from  the  Levee  to  the  Custom- 
House,  to  the  tune  of  Yankee  Doodle" 
viewed  by  50,0'i0  rebels  with  mingled 
feelings  of  curiosity  and  defiance. .  567 

"  May.  The  French  assume  the  offensive 
and  attack  the  Mexicans  at  Chiquihuite, 
but  were  repulsed  with  great  disaster 
to  their  forces. 

"  May  4.  McClellan  enters  Yoiktown,  the 
rel)els  having  fled  in  the  night. 

"  May  4.  Fight  between  rebel  ram  Mnllory 
and  the  Union  gun-b(>at  Cincinnati  ; 
biith  vessels  disabled  and  sunk  ;  the 
rebels  retreating  under  cover  of  smoke 
from  the  burning  gun-boats  which  the 
Cincinnnti  fired  before  sinking. 

"  May  5.  Battle  of  Williamsburg  t)etween 
(jen.  Hooker  and  Gen.  Magruder. 
liebels  evacuate  in  the  night. 

"  May  7.  Battle  of  West  Point,  Va. 
Rebels  driven  over  Cliiokalioininy. 

"  May  8.  Skirmish  at  Bull  Pasture  Mt. 
between  Genemls  Schenck  and  Milroy 
on  the  Union  side,  and  .folinslou  and 
Jackson  of  the  Coufetlerates  5C'J 

Surrender  of  Norfolk. 

"  May  10.  Norfolk  surrendered  to  Qen. 
Wool,  the  enemy  having  evacuated  it. 
together  with  the  navy  yard  and 
Portsmouth,  which  Gen.  Wool  also  re- 
po-sesseil. 

*'  May  Pi.  Seve  re  naval  fii:ht  on  the  Mi-i- 
sissippi  near  Fort  Wright.  Rebels 
defeiiti'd. 

'  May  1 1.  The  rebels  destroyed  their 
ctlebraled  iron-chni  Merriiiiic  nm\ 
spiked  200  cannon  bel'ore  leaving, 
(ien.  Hooker  (ought  desperately  for 
nine  hours  against  great  and  su|)erior 
forC"'s,  irith  30,000  Union  troops  tinder 
Mcd'lel  (in  in  his  sight,  uhich  were  not 
p<  rinitt<  d  to  ri  in  f'tirce  him   5(i0 

"  May  l;i.  S'eaiiKT  I'lun'ir  run  out  of 
(.  harleslou  by  Robert  .Snmlls,  a  negro. 

"      May   17.      Puebla   surrendered    to  the 


1802,  French  -with  15,000  men,  including 
1,000  officers. 

"  May  20.  .McClellan  within  eight  miles 
of  Richmond. 

"  May  22.  At  Front  Royal,  a  force  of  000  men 
under  Col.  Kcnly  was  captured  by  a 
detachment  of  rebel  cavalry  under 
command  of  Ashby  569 

"  May  23.  McClclJan  in  position,  five  miles 
from  Richmond. 

"  May  23.  Engagement  at  Louisburg,  W. 
Va.,  between  Col.  Crook,  United  States 
Army,  and  Gen.  Heath.  Unionists 
victorious. 

"      May  25.    Gen.  Banks  defeated  at  W^in- 
chester;  retreats  to  the  Potomac. 
May  30.     Halleck's  troops  occupy  Cor- 
inth ;  the  rebels  evacuating  569 

"  Mav  31.  McClellan  badly  beaten  at  Fair 
Oaks  by  Gen.  Hill. 

"  May  31.  Juarez  removed  the  seat  of  Gov- 
ernment from  Mexico  to  San  Luis 
Potosi. 

"  Union  troops  enter  Little  Rock,  Ark. 
Rebel  Government  running  off.. . .  570 

"  June  1.  Battle  of  Fair  Oaks  renewed 
under  Gen.  Sedgwick,  and  the  Union- 
ists recover  much  of  their  losses. 

"  June  1.  Gen.  Mitchel  summoned  to  com- 
mand Port  Roviil,  S.  Carolina. . . .  560 

"  Fremont  advancing  up  the  valley,  occu- 
pies Strasburg. 

"  June  4.  Fort  Pillow  and  Fort  Randolph 
evacuated  by  the  rebels  5G5 


Surrender  of  Memphis. 

June  G.  Surrender  of  Memphis  to  Com- 
modore llavis  after  a  desperate  fight  on 
the  river  between  the  rebels  and  Union 
gun-boats,  the  rebel  fleet  being  nearly 
annihilated,  while  not  a  man  was 
killed  on  the  Union  fleet. 

The  Union  gun-boat  Mound  City  blown 
up  by  a  rebel  ball,  which  passed  through 
her  steam  drum,  at  St.  Charles,  and 
nearly  all  on  board  perished. 

June  8.  Attack  on  Springfield,  Mo.,  by 
the  rebel  Gen.  Marmadukc,  with  4,000 
men,  who  was  gallantly  repulsed  by 
Gen.  Browne,  of  the  Mi'^souri  militia, 
with  a  little  band  of  1,200  meu. . .  583 

June  8.  Battle  of  Cnml-ei/i>,  Va.  Union 
forcrs  under  Fremont,  rebels  led  by 
Ewell.  Dcs[)erate  fighting,  and  retreat 
»)f  the  rebels  during  the  night  569 

June  9.  Shields,  with  3,000  men,  re- 
pulsed at  Fort  Republic  by  Jackson, 
witii  a  force  of  8,000   570 

June  10.  Gen.  Forey,  with  the  French 
troops,  entered  Mexico,  and  published 
a  manifesto  to  the  people  and  silenced 
the  Press. 

June  14.  Union  troops  repulsed,  with 
much  loss,  on  James'  Island,  near 
Charleston. 

June  16.  Gen.  II.  S.  Wright  advanced 
with  6,000  men  and  attacked  Seces- 
sionville,  commanded  by  Col.  Lamar, 
but  were  repulsed  with  a  loss  of  over 
500   584 

June  17.  Surrender  of  the  powerful 
iron-clad  Atlanta  to  ("apt.  John  Rogers, 
of  the  Weeliairk-en,  after  15  7ninutes^  en- 
gagement. 

June  19.  Slavery  abolished  by  net  of 
Congress  in  all  the  Territories. 

June  23.  The  rebel  (teneral  Dick  Taylor 
ca|)tured  Brashear  City,  the  Uniimists 
losing  1,000  pri-oneis,  10  luavy  guns, 
and  !f2,o0'i,o00,  anil  many  thousand 


1862. 


negroes,  libenited    by    Banks,  were 

forced  back  into  slavery  57'J 

June  24.  McClellan  begins  to  change 
his  base  "  to  James  River. 

Fope  in  Command. 

June  26.  Gen.  Pope  placed  in  command 
over  the  army  of  Virginia,  50,000 
strong. 

June  26.  Battle  of  MechanicsriUe  between 
Fitz  John  Porter  and  Jackson.  Heavy 
losses  on  both  siiles,  the  enemy  re- 
treating 570 

June  27.  Battle  of  Gaines  Mills,  Gen. 
Porter  engaged  with  35,000  against 
Gen.  Lee's  forces  of  00,0o(),  under  (ien. 
Jackson.  McClellan  holding  at  the 
same  time  60,000  trooi)s  on  the  other 
side  of  Chickahominy,  idly  watching 
the  rebels,  who  were  stationed  near 
with  but  25,0:iO  men.  The  Union 
forces  were  compelled  to  retreat  from 
overwhelming  odds,  after  a  desperate 
and  long-continued  struggle.   ...  570 

June  27.  Hooker  occupied  Frederic  City. 

June  27.  Meade  placed  in  command  of  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac. 

June  28.    Uooler  superseded  hy  Meade. 

June  28.  Kebel  General  Early  invaded 
York.  Pa.,  and  levied  a  large  sum  of 
money  upon  that  place. 

June  29.  Meade  advanced  to  South 
Mountain. 

June  29.    Longstreet  and  Hill  march 

toward  Gettysburg  and  order  Ewell  to 

meet  them  there. 
June  29.    Battiest  of  Savage  Station  and 

Peach  Orchard. 
June  30.    Battles  of  Wliite  Oak  Sicamp 

and    Charles    City    Cross-roads,  Jeff. 

Davis  and  Lee  atten<ling  in  per.^on. 

Union  forces  led  by  McCall,  Franklin, 

and  Slocum,  reinforced  by  Hooker  lato 

in  the  day. 
June  30.    Rattle  upon  the  James  River, 

with  Commodore   Porter's  fleet  and 

Heintzelman  upon  the  field.  McCall 

cai)tiire(l,  and  the  Union  forces  retre  it 

to  Malvern  Hill  on  James  River.. .  571 
July  1.    President  Lincoln  calls  for  600,- 

000  volunteers. 
July  1.    Att.ick  of  the  rebels  on  Malvern 

Hill;  their  repulse  and  the  decided 

victory  of  the  Union  forces  571 

July  2.    F.vacuation  of  Malvern  Hill — 

where  the  army  was  stromily  posted — 

by  order  of  (Jen.  McClellan. 

The  Union  losses  during  the  seven 

days'  battles  amounted  to  15,249. 
July  5.  Murfieesboro,  Tenu..  captured  by 

the  guerrilla  chieftain,  Forrest. 
July  7.     Battle  of  Bayou   de  Cache, 

Arkansas,  (ien.  Curtis  severely  defeats 

Pike. 

July  7.  Raid  of  ^lorgan  on  Cynthiana, 
Kv.,  and  his  repulse  by  Green  Clay 
Smith. 

July  8.  Surrender  of  Port  Hudson  by 
Gen.  Gardner  to  Gen.  Banks  578 

July  8.  Gen.  Lee  withdrew  his  forces  to 
Richmond. 

Hallcck  General-in-Chief. 

July  11.  Gen.  Ilallcck  appointed  Com- 
mander-in-cliief  of  the  Union  army  at 
Washington.  Gen.  Grant  succeeding 
him  at  Corinth  56 j 

July  13.  Murfreesboro,  Tcnn.,  taken  bv 
rehels,  capturing  the  garrison  with 
Gen.  Crittenden. 


CHKONOLOGY. 


783 


1863,  July  14.  Gen.  Pope  takes  command  of  the 
Army  of  Virginia,  and  issued  address. 
«'  July  15.  Battle  of  Fayetteville,  Ark. 
Major  Miller  tliorousrhly  beating  Gens. 
Rains,  Cotfee,  and  others. 
"  Ju'y  22.  Vicksburg  canal  completed  and 
found  useless.    Siege  postponed. 

Martin  Van  Buren. 

"  July  24.  Death  of  Martin  Van  T?uren, 
the  eighth  President  of  the  United 
States.  Jlr.  Van  Buren  was  born  in 
the  town  of  Kinderhook,  on  the  Hudson 
River,  in  the  State  of  New  York,  and 
was  of  Dutch  parentage.  He  was  a 
very  precocious  boy,  beginning  the 
study  of  law  at  the  ags  of  fourteen. 
He  remained  in  the  law-office  seven 
■\ears,  when  he  was  admitted  to  the 
Bar. 

Mr.  Van  Buren  early  became  an 
active  politician,  and  sided  with  the 
JeflFersonian  party,  and  was  a  consist- 
ent advocate  of  the  principles  which  he 
avowed. 

In  1812,  when  30  years  of  age,  he 
was  chosen  to  the  State  Senate,  and 
gave  his  support  to  Mr.  Madison's  Ad- 
ministration, lu  1818  he  was  appoint- 
ed Attorney-General. 

Mr.  Van  Buren  was  a  strenuous  op- 
poser  of  "  Universal  Suffrage,"  and 
contended  that  suffrage  should  he  pro- 
tected hy  intelligence,  virtue,  and  some 
property-interest  in  the  welfare  of  the 
State.  In  1821  he  was  elected  to  the 
United  States  Senate,  and  also  as  a 
member  of  a  convention  to  revise  the 
Constitution  of  his  native  State,  in 
which  his  course  secured  the  approval 
of  all  parties.  In  1827  he  was  re-elect- 
ed to  the  Senate.  In  1828  Mr.  Van 
Buren  was  chosen  Governor  of  the  State 
of  New  York.  In  politics  Mr.  Van 
Buren  was  justly  termed  a  ''wire- 
puller," for  his  schemes  were  always 
conducted  privately,  and  he  often  out- 
witted the  clearest  heads,  and  brought 
about  results  whicli  were  thought  to  be 
iQipossible  by  party  leaders. 

In  the  Presidential  campaign  which 
ran  the  names  of  Adams  and  Jackson 
as  candidates,  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  the 
chief  agency  through  which  Gen.  Jack- 
son was  elected.  President  Jackson 
appreciating  his  services,  tendered  him 
the  office  of  Secretary  of  State,  which 
was  accepted. 

President  Jackson  was  a  stanch 
friend  of  Mr.  Van  Buren,  and  urged 
his  nomination  as  his  successor.  He 
appointed  him  Minister  to  the  Court  of 
St.  James,  but  the  Senate  refused  to 
ratify  the  nomination.  He  was  shortly 
after  elected  as  Vice-President  at  the 
re-election  of  Jackson,  and  succeeded 
him  in  the  Presidential  chair,  which 
he  filled  but  one  term.  Mr.  Van 
Buren,  as  a  citizen,  was  respected  and 


1862.      cavalry,  and  Gen.  Blunt  in  turn  drove 

Coffer  across  the  Arkansas  line. 
"      Aug.  2.   Gen.  Pope's  advance  crosses  the 
Rapidan  and  occupies  Orange  Court- 


house  ,571 

Aug.  3.  Gen.  Ilalleck  orders  Gen. 
McClellan  to  retire  from  the  Peninsula 
xcitli  all  his  forces  571 


Rebel  Gen.  Jeff.  Thompson  defeated  with 
great  loss  near  Mrniphis. 

Au^?  4.  Draft  of  300,000  men  ordered, 
unless  volunteering  should  prevent. 

Aucr.  5.  Unsuccessful  attack  on  Baton 
Rouge  by  the  Confederates  under  Mnj.- 
Gen.  John  C.  Breckenridgc,  with  a 
loss  of  400  men  and  one  of  their  Gen- 
erals (Clarke)  567 

Aug.  6.  Rebel  ram  Arkansas  destroyed 
near  Vicksburg  by  Com.  Porter. 

Aug.  C.  At  Kirkville,  JIo.,  Col.  John 
McNeil,  with  a  force  of  1,000  cavalry 
and  6  guns,  attacked  a  band  of  Mis- 
souri partisans,  numbering  twice  his 
own,  under  Col.  Porter,  and  after  four 
hours'  severe  fighting,  defeated  them, 
killing  180,  wounding  500,  and  taking 
a  large  quantity  of  arras  562 

Aug.  8.  Battle  in  New  Mexico.  Gen. 
Canby  routing  rebels  under  Gen. 
Sibley,  who  was  killed  by  his  own 
men. 

Aug.  9.  Battle  of  Cedar  Mountain. 
Banks  defeated  by  Jackson.  Rebel 
Gen.  Winder  killed  and  Union  Gen. 
Prince  taken  jjrisoner. 

Aug.  11.  Gen.  Buell  surrendered  the 
garrison  at  Independence,  c(ms'sfirg 
of  812  men,  to  a  rebel  band  of  800 
under  Col.  Hughes  5()o 

Aug.  10.  Cavalry  raid  of  Col.  J.  J. 
Philli[is  into  Mississippi  as  far  as 
Granada,  destroying  fifty  locomotives 
and  five  hundred  cars. 

Aug.  24.  Gen.  Bragg's  army  invades 
Aliddle  Tennessee  and  Kentucky,  and 
retreat  of  Union  Gen.  Geo.  W.  Morgan 
to  the  Ohio  River. 

Aug.  26.  Skirmish  at  Lewisburg  be- 
tween Union  Gen.  W.  W.  Averill  and 
Col.  Geo.  S.  Patton  581 

Aug.  28.  Union  victory  at  Centreville 
under  command  of  Pope,  aided  by 
Kearney  and  Sigel,  and  reinforced  by 
Hooker  and  Reno  late  in  the  day. 
Longstreet  commanding  the  rebel 
forces  572 

Aug.  29-30.  Pope  defeated  near  Bull 
Run  and  Centreville  572 

Aug.  29.  Defeat  of  the  Union  force 
under  Gen.  Nelson  at  Richmond,  Ky., 
by  Gen,  Kirby  Smith. 

Surrender  of  Memphis. 

Surrender  of  Memphis  to  Com.  Foote, 
giving  the  Union  army  the  control  of 
the  Memphis  and  Charleston  Railroad. 

Race  between  Bragg  and  Buell. 

Gen.  Bragg's  raid  into  Kentucky,  and 
race  of  300  miles  between  Bragg  and 
Gen.  Buell,  with  their  respective 
armies,  to  gain  Louisville.  Bragg 
being  detained  by  a  burning  bridge, 
Buell  reached  Louisville  in  advance  of 
him. 

Buell  attacks  Bragg,  and  a  desperate 
ba'tle  was  fought'at  Perryville._  Bragg 
retreats  bv  night,  taking  an  immense 
quantity  of  plunder. 

Sept.    The  Union  forces  suffer  several  dc- 


1862.  feats  and  quite  severe  losses  from  ill- 
advised  expeditions  in  Southern  Louis- 
iana  579 

"  Sept.  1.  Battle  of  Chantilly,  Va.  Union 
army  victorious,  with  the  loss  of  Gen. 
Phil.  Kearney  and  tiie  brave  Gen. 

Isaac  J.  Stevens  572 

"  Sei)t.  2.  Gen.  Pope  sent  to  the  Northwest 
to  conduct  a  campaign  against  the 
Sioux  Indians  573 

Beau  Hickman. 

"  Sept.  2.  Death  of  Rolit.  S.  Hickman 
(known  in  Washington  for  many  ycara 
as  "Beau  Hickman'').  He  was  the 
most  successful  "  dead  beat"  that  ever 
humbugged  the  Capital,  and  was 
noted  for  the  elegance  of  his  dress  and 
manners.  He  lived  an  aimless  and 
useless  life,  and  died  in  the  most  abject 
poverty. 

"  Sept.  2.  Attack  on  the  rebels  under  Col. 
Poindexter  at  Chariton  Kiver  by  Col. 
Guitar,  who  drove  them  north,  where 
they  were  met  by  Gen.  Loan  and 
again  attacked  by  Gen.  Guitar,  who 
utterly  annihilated  the  command. 

"  Sept.  3.  Gen.  i\IcClellan  takes  command 
of  Pope's  division. 

"  Sept.  4.  Lee's  army  cross  the  Potomac 
{it  Poolesville,  Md. 

"  General  Porter  was,  in  like  manner, 
driven  back  upon  Gen.  McNeil  by  Gen. 
Loan,  and  compelled  to  disperse  his 
command  to  save  it  from  destruction. 
These  skirmishes  drove  the  enemy 
entirely  south  of  tlie  Missouri  River, 
where  they  remained  during  the 
war  562 

"  Sept.  10.  Death  of  Lopez,  Dictator  of 
Uruguay.  Succeeded  by  his  son, 
known  as  Marshal  Lopez. 

"  Sept.  11.  Battle  of  South  Mountain,  con- 
ducted hy  McClellan,  Gen.  Hill  aidin;^ 
the  rebel  forces.  Union  arms  victorious. 
Maj.-Geu.  Jesse  L.  Reno  killed.  .  . .  573 

"  Sept.  13.  Surrender  of  Harper's  Ferry  to 
the  rebels  by  Gen.  Miles  573 

Battle  of  Antietam. 

"  Sept.  16-17.  Battle  of  Antietam,  between 
Gen.  McClellan  and  Gen.  Lee.  Nearly 
100,000  men  engaged  on  each  bide. 
Battle  raged  for  fourteen  hours,  extend- 
ing four  miles  along  the  line.  Gen. 
McClellan  was  aided  by  Burnside, 
Hooker,  Mansfield,  Sumner,  and  Frank- 
lin ;  Gen.  Lee  by  Hood,  Hill,  Walker, 
and  McLaw.  The  Union  arms  were 
victorious.  Lee  retreated  across  the 
Potomac,  leaving  behind  40  of  their 
colors  and  2o,0o0  men  either  dead  or 
taken  prisoners. 

"  Sept.  19.  Gen.  GrifBn  crossed  the  river 
by  night  and  carried  eight  rebel  bat- 
teries on  Virginia  Bluffs. 

"  Sejit.  19.  Battle  at  luka.  Rosecranz 
wins,  against  superior  forces  under 
Gen.  Price,  who  retreats  in  the  night 
with  the  loss  of  1.438  men  574 

"  Sept.  20.  Gen.  Porter  was  ambushed  hy 
Gf  n.  Hill  and  drivm  back  to  the  river 
with  great  slaughter. 
Sept.  22.  Re-occupation  of  Harper's 
Ferry  by  Union  forces  under  Gen. 
Sumner. 

Emancipation  Proclamation  Issued. 

"  Sept.  22.  President  Lincoln  issues  a 
proclamation  abolishing  slavery  in  all 


beloved  for  his  many  virtues.  Great 
powers  of  self-control,  blended  with 
the  most  genial  and  happy  of  tempers, 
made  him  a  favorite  in  the  social 
circle  and  in  private  life.  Martin  Van 
Buren  died,  at  the  age  of  eighty  years, 
in  his  elegant  home  at  Lindeuwald,  on 
the  Hudson. 
Aug.  Maj.  Foster,  with  a  force  of  800 
men,  at  Lone  Jack,  was  defeated  by 
Colonels  Hughes  and  Coffer  with  a 
force  of  nearly  2,500  foot  soldiers  and 


784 


CHEONOLOGY. 


18G2.      tlie  States  tliat  slioukl  t)c  in  the  rebel-  j  18G5 
lion  on  the  1st  of  January,  186.'?. 

"  Gen.  Scbofii.-lcl,  in  command  of  Mis.souri, 
was  superseded  by  Gen.  Curtis.  Gen. 
Schofield,  with  10,000  men,  drove  the 
Confederates  from  Southwestern  Mis- 
souri  503 

"  Sept.  24.  Proclamation  of  suspension  of 
writ  of  habeas  ciji-j/us  in  military  cases. 

"  Oct.  The  Mexicans  prepare  to  resume 
hostilities.  Gen.  Bazaine  appointed 
Commander-in-chief  of  the  French 
forces — Gen.  Forey  having  repaired  to 
Mexico. 

"  Oct.  The  French  forces  in  Mexico  are 
reinforced  by  an  army  of  35,000  under 
Gen.  Forey,  who  marched  upon  Pu- 
cbla,  and  were  repulsed  by  heavy  loss 
by  Juarez. 

Oct.  3-4.  Battle  at  Corinth.  Desperate 
fighting  between  Rosecranz  and  Price. 
A  "  Bunker  Hill  "  encounter — the  reb- 
els throwing  away  their  arms,  and  flee- 
ing in  wild  disorder.  The  Union 
forces  engaged  numbered  15,700,  and 
the  Confederates  38,000   575 

"  Oct.  8-9.  Battle  at  Perry ville,  Ky.,  be- 
tween JlcConk's  division  of  IJuell's 
army  and  Gen.  Bnigg.  Surprise  and 
desperate  charge  by  the  enemy,  then 
their  defeat  and  precipitate  retreat, 
through  a  timely  and  rapid  charge  by 
Phil.  Sheridan   574 

"  Oct.  10-12.  Stuart's  rebel  cavalry  raid 
into  Pennsylvania;  they  seize  and  rob 
Chambersburg. 

"  Oct.  Buell  superseded  by  Maj.-Gen. 
Rosecranz   574 

"  Oct.  22  Gen.  Blunt  routs  the  rebels  at 
Maysville,  Ark. 

"  Gen.  AlcClellan,  after  repeated  orders,  ad- 
vances into  Virginia. 

"  Nov.  8.  Gen.  Burnside  assumed  com- 
mand of  the  army  of  the  Potomac,  and 
began  a  rapid  march  toward  Freder- 
icksburg.   Gen.  McClellan  relieved. 

Burnside's  Expedition. 

"  Gen.  Burnside,  with  11,000  troops,  and 
flag-officer  Goldsborough  in  command 
of  the  fleet,  conduct  an  expedition 
against  Roanoke.  They  destroy  the 
rebel  fleet  and  capture  the  forts,  and 
gain  command  of  the  whole  coast  of 
North  Carolina.  18G3. 

"  Nov.  28.  (Jen.  Blunt  defeats  tlie  rebel 
Gen.  Marmaduke  at  Cave  IJill,  Ark., 
with  heavy  loss. 

"  Dec.  Battle  at  Prairie  Grove  between 
Gen.  Blunt,  aided  by  Gen.  Heron,  and 
Confederate  Gen.  Hindnian,  resulting 
in  victory  to  the  Union  arms;  Gen. 
Stein,  aide  to  General  Ilindnian,  was 
killed  503 

Battle  of  Fredericksburg. 

Dec  13.  Battle  of  Fredericksburg; 
100,000  men  engaged  on  the  Union 
Bide,  and  80,0oO  On  the  rebel.  The 
Union  urniy  led  l)y  Burnside,  Confed- 
erates by  Gen.  Lee.  Tiie  rebels  were 
thoroughly  i)ostcd  on  the  terraced 
lieighus  above  the  city,  and  well  suj)- 
jjorled,  and  the  lighting  on  both  sides 
was  valiant  and  dt  sper;ite.  The  Union 
army  nearly  destr()yi'<l  th(?  city,  but 
faileil  to  gain  any  udv.-intage,  and,  at 
the  Ciirneat  solicitation  of  hi.s  olVi- 
ccrs,  Burnside  withdrew  from  action, 
and  at  the  close  of  the  irilh  removed 


his  forces  across  the  river.  The  Union 
loss  during  this  bloody  day  summed 
up  13,771,  including  killed,  wounded, 
and  missing.    The  rebel  loss  5,000. 

Banks  Supersedes  Butler 

Dec.  14.  Gen.  N.  P.  Banks  superseded 
Gen.  Butler  ^t  New  Orleans ;  Butler 
having  gained  4,000  soldiers,  including 
three  regiments  and  two  batteries  of 
negroes.  He  collected  $1,088,000  by 
taxation  and  confiscation,  after  feed- 
ing the  poor  of  tiie  city  to  the  extent 
of  $525,000,  whicli  sum  he  turned 
over  to  the  U.  S.  Treasury.  His  rigor- 
ous administration  of  lam  and  justice 
caused  a  reward  rt/'$10,000  to  he  offered 
for  his  hodij  dead  or  alive,  by  a  leading 
rebel  of  Charleston,  S.  C   507 

First  issue  of  Greenbacks. 

Dec.  20.  Col.  Muq)hy  surrendered  Holly 
Springs,  with  2,ii0i)  men,  including  a 
large  hospital  filled  with  sick  and 
wounded,  and  $4,000,000  worth  of 
property  to  Gen.  Van  Dorn,  under  com- 
mand of  Sherman. 

Dec.  23.  Jiff.  Davis  ismes  a  proclama- 
tioii  outlairing  Gen.  Butler. 

Dec.  20.  Com.  Porter's  guu-boats  opened 
fire  upon  Viclvsburg. 

Dec.  27-28.  Sherman  attacked  Vicks- 
burg  by  land,  and  carried  two  lines  of 
rifle-pits,  but  finding  the  city  impreg- 
nable, ho  retired  with  a  loss  of  1,734 
men. 

Dec.  Sherman  superseded  McCler- 
nand. 

Battle  of  Murfreesboro. 


after  successive  and  exhausting  com- 
bats against  superior  numbers.  The 
Union  forces  amounted  to  about  40,- 
000,  and  the  Confederate  60,000. 
Union  loss  1,533  killed,  7,243  wound- 
ed, 2,800  missing.  The  kilh'd  and 
wounded  of  the  enemy  amounted  to 
14,500. 

Dec.  31.  Monitor  founders  at  sea  off 
Cape  Ilatteras. 

Emancipation  Proclaimed. 

Jan.  1.  Great  Emancipation  Proclama- 
tion announced  to  be  in  force.  It  was 
long  contempLited,  but  as  a  "  war 
measure"  was  delayed  until  a  pro- 
pitious moment,  when  it  was  an- 
nounced, and  enthusiastically  received 
at  the  North.  By  this  act  more  than 
3,000,OoO  slaves  were  made  free. 

Jan  1.  Gen.  Magruder  attacked  the 
Massachusetts  troops  at  (Jalveston, 
Texas,  retaking  the  place.  In  co-oper- 
ation with  Jlagruder,  three  rebel  rams 
attacked  the  Union  fleet,  blockading 
the  bay,  and  capturing  the  llarrid 
Lane,  and  forced  the  commander  of  the 
Wcstfcld.  Renshaw,  to  blow  her  up,  in 
•which  act  he  lost  his  life  578 

Lyman  Beecher. 

Jan.  10.  Lyman  Beichcr,  D.D.,  died  in 
Brooklyn,  N.  Y.,  at  the  age  of  87  years. 
He  wa.s  an  American  clergyman,  and 
author  of  great  eminence,  and  father  of 
Henry  Waid  Beecher  ami  Mrs.  H.  B. 
t^towe.  ^Ir.  lieecher  enjoyed  a  large 
popularity  as  an    eloiiucut  and  aide 


1803.  minister  of  the  Go.^^pel,  and  an  unblem- 
ished reputation.  In  1832  he  was 
called  to  the  presidency  of  the  Lane 
Theological  Seminary  in  Cincinnati. 
Ohio,  which  post  be  maintained  until 
Lis  death. 

"  Jan.  11.  Gen.  Banks  attacks  the  enemy 
at  Carney's  Bridge,  defeating  them  and 
de-trojing  the  gun-boat  Cotton. .  .  578 

"  Jan.  II.  Arkansas  Post  surrendered  to 
Gen.  ^McClernand. 

"  Jan.  12.  Tlie  gun-boat  Ilatteras  sunk  by 
the  rebel  privateer  Alabama  at  Galves- 
ton 578 

"  Jan.  21.  Two  rebel  gun-boats  cnptured 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Sabine  573 

"  Jan.  27.  BiMubardmcnt  of  Fort  McAllis- 
ter, on  the  Ogeechee,  by  the  Monitor. 
No  results. 

"  Jan.  28.  Gen.  Hooker  succeeded  Burn- 
side over  the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 

"  Feb.  Soldiers'  Home  established  in 
Louisville  by  the  Kentucky  Branch 
Commission. 

"  Feb.  25.  Act  to  provide  a  national  cur- 
rency becomes  a  law. 

"  Feb.  28.  Rebel  steamer  Xash  ville  de- 
stroyed by  the  Montauk  on  the  Ogee- 
chee River. 

"  March.  Soldiers'  Home  established  in 
Cairo  by  the  Chicago  Branch  Commis- 
sion. 

"  March.  Col.  A.  D.  Streiglit  was  captured 
by  Gen.  Forrest,  after  a  running  fight  of 
nearly  loO  miles.  He  was  sent  to 
Libby  Prison  with  his  men,  numbering 
1,305. 

"  March  8.  Twenty-three  rebel  steamers 
cai)tured  up  the  Yazoo  River. 

"  March  9.  Gen.  Custer  succeeded  by  Gen. 
Schofield  in  command  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  Missouri   ....  584 

"  March  14.  Severe  bombardment  of  Port 
Hudson,  and  attempt  by  fleet  to  pass 
rebel  batteries. 

"  March  20.  Col.  A.  S.  Hall  defeated  Gen. 
Morgan,  at  Milton,  against  forces  vastly 
.cnpL'rior  to  his  own  570 

"  March  20.  Small-pox,  in  a  very  malig- 
nant form,  broke  out  in  the  French 
camp  at  Vera  Cruz,  and  reinforcements 
were  called  for. 

"  March  20.  The  French  attack  Puebh, 
and  begin  the  bombardment  of  the 
place. 

"  March  25.  Bcbcl  fort  destroyed  opposite 
the  Union  center,  by  spr  nging  a  mine, 
and  after  a  bloody  encounter  the  Union 
forces  took  jjossession  513 

"  March  30.  At  Somerset,  Ky.,  Gen.  Gil- 
moro,  with  a  force  of  l,20o,  routed  the 
rebel  Gen.  Pegram,  with  two  thousand 
five  hundred  men   583 

"  Ajiril  1.  Farrauut  runs  batteries  at 
Grand  Gulf  and  ravages  Red  River 
country. 

"  April.  The  French  occupy  one-half  of 
the  city  of  Puebla. 

"  A]iril  7.  Unsuccessful  attempt  by  Com. 
Pupont  to  take  Fort  Sumter,  with 
serious  slaughter  to  his  fleet. 

"  April  10.  Dorn  repulsed  at  Frank- 
lin l>y  Gordon  (i ranger  570 

"  A))ril  10.  Com.  Porter  succ<ssr'ully  ran 
the  battrrifs  at  ]'iclsbur(j  whh  his  flcit 
of  gun-bo;ds,  losing  but  one  boat,  the 
Tigres.*.  and  a  part  of  the  bargee. . .  577 

"  Aj)rii  27.  Chancellorsville  campaign 
begins. 

"  Ajiril  29.  Com.  Porter  atti(  kcd  the  rebel 
batteries  of  (Jrand  Gulf,  but  Gen. 
Grant  deciding  to  discontinue  the  as- 


CHEONOLOGT. 


785 


1863.      sauU,  Porter  ran  their  batteries  witliout 


injury  to  liis  fleet  577 

May  1.  Attack  on  Fort  Gibson  by  Mc- 
Clernand,  wliich,  with  Grand  Gulf,  were 
soon  evacuated  by  the  rebels  577 


Battle  of  ChanccllorsviUe. 

May  2-5.  Battle  of  Cluincellorsvllle  under 
Hooker  and  Lee.  Union  forces  en- 
gaged, 70,000  ;  rebel  forces,  50,000.  Re- 
sults undecided,  l)ut  losses  were  very 
lieavy  on  both  sides.  The  rebel  Gen. 
Stonewall  .Jackson  mortally  wounded, 
and  Gen.  Hooker  stunned  and  insen- 
sible for  a  time,  from  a  cannon-ball 
striking  a  jiillar  against  which  he  was 
leaning. 

May  2.  Col.  Grierson's  force  reaches 
Baton  Rouge  safe  after  fifteen  days' 
ride  through  Mississippi. 

Valandig ham's  Arrest. 

May  4.  Arrest  of  Valandigham  for 
publicly  expressing  sympathy  with  the 
South,  and  for  treasonable  language 
against  the  military  and  civil  adminis- 
tration. 

May  10.    Death  of  Stonewall  Jackson. 

May  15.  Battle  of  Edwards  Station. 
Enemy  defeated  by  Grant,  and  pursued 
to  black  River  577 

May  15.  Battle  of  .Jackson,  Miss.  Logan 
and  Crocker  defeating  the  rebels  and 
taking  their  place. 

May  16.  Battle  of  Baker's  Creek.  Grant 
compietely  routes  Pemberton,  who 
loses  4,000  men  and  39  guns. 

May  17.  Battle  of  Black  River  Bridge. 
Defeat  and  retreat  of  Pemberton  to 
Vicksburg.  Grant  captures  18  guns 
and  1,500  prisoners. 

Siege  of  Vicksburg  Began. 


May  18.  Gen.  Grant  closes  in  on  Vicks- 
burg and  begins  the  siege   577 

May  11).  Haines'  Bluff  evacuated  by  the 
enemy   578 


May  25.  Admiral  Porter  had  destroyed 
$10,000,000  worth  of  property  up  the 
Yazoo. 

June.  A  cavalry  force  under  Col.  Saun- 
ders entered  East  Tennessee,  and  cap- 
tured 500  prisoners,  burning  several 
important  bridges,  and  destroying 
a  large  quantity  of  rebel  stores. .  . .  583 

June.  Gen.  Rosecranz  captured  Shelby- 
ville  and  Tullahoma  en  route  for  Chat- 
tanooga  583 

Surrender  of  Fori  Hindman. 

June  11.  Fort  Hindman,  or  Arkansas 
Post,  surrendered  to  Gen.  McClernand 
with  17  cannon,  3,000  stand  of  arms, 
seven  stand  of  colors,  5,000  prisoners, 
and  large  quantities  of  munitions.  Gen. 
McClernand  destroyed  the  works,  and 
returned  to  Miliken's  Bend   577 

Rebel  Scare. 

The  rel)els  captured  the  Union  rams 
Queen  of  the  West  and  Indianola,  but 
blew  up  the  latter  on  the  approach  of 
a  counterfeit  ram — made  out  of  a  flat- 
boat,  witli  pork-barrels  for  smoke- 
stacks, and  mud-furnaces — sent  down 
the  river  by  Com.  Porter  577 

Rebels  under  I^ee  moving  North— Hook- 
er starts  to  meet  them. 


1803.  Henry  Ward  Beecher  visits  England,  and 
successfully  meets  the  opposition  to 
our  Government  amid  vast  atitl  tumult- 
uous mobs,  silencing  tliem.  and  win- 
ning applause  instead  of  hisses. 
"  June  14.  Attack  on  the  Union  forces 
under  Gen.  Milroy  at  Winchester  by  the 
rebel  Gons.  Ewell  and  Longstieet,  with 
a  large  force.  Milroy  having  but  a  few 
regiments,  maintained  his  ground  un- 
til the  afternoon  of  the  15th,  when  he 
retreated  toward  Martinsburg.  Four 
miles  out,  he  was  again  attacked  by 
another  division,  and  his  force  routed 
and  dispersed.  Hundreds  of  his  fugi- 
tive soldiers  were  taken  prisoners,  and 
the  loss  of  artillery  and  wagons  was 
extensive. 

"  June  15.  The  whole  rebel  army  enters 
Pennsylvania,  and  march  North  to 
within  13  miles  of  IIiirrislMirg.  Great 
excitement  jircvails  in  the  Northern 
States.  President  Lincoln  calls  on  the 
nearest  States  for  militia,  and  was 
promptly  responded  to. 

"      June  17.  Rebel  ram  captured  by 

the  Weeliawlcen  in  15  minutes. 

"  June  26.  Andreio  Hull  Foote  died  in 
New  York.  He  was  an  Americaii 
Rear-A.dmiral,  who  served  in  the  civil 
war  with  great  distinction. 

"  June  38.  Gen.  Meade  supersedes  Hooker. 
Lie's  forces  tcithin  four  miles  of  Har- 
risliurg. 

"  July  1.  Judge  Cooley,  of  the  New  Or- 
leans Bar,  iras  shot  in  a  duel  by  Col.  R. 
B.  Khett,  a  political  opponent. 

Morgan's  Raid. 

"  July  3.  Morgan  began  his  raid  through 
the  border  States,  capturing  prisoners 
and  destroying  property,  and  commit- 
ting the  meanest  acts  of  depredation 
and  hostility ,  robbing  the  mail,  and 
Ijlundering  private  citizens.  He  was 
ca])tured,  with  over  3,000  guerrillas, 
near  New  Lisbon,  O.,  by  Col.  Shackle- 
ford,  and,  with  several  of  his  officers, 
confined  in  the  Penitentiary  at  Colum- 
bus, from  which  he  escaped  in  Novem- 
ber, and  reached  Richmond,  Va.,  and 
again  entered  the  rebel  service,  and 
was  killed  the  following  year   581 

Battle  of  Gettysburg. 

"  July  1-4.  The  battle  of  Gettysburg,  be- 
tween Gens.  IMeade  and  Lcc,  was  one 
of  the  most  bloody  and  hard-fought 
battles  of  the  war.  The  armies  were 
each  about  80,000  strong.  They  fought 
desperately  for  three  days,  but  finally 
victory  crowned  the  Union  arms.  To- 
tal Union  loss  was  23,186.  Jleade  cap- 
tured 41  flags  and  13,621  prisoners. 
Lee  made  no  report,  but  his  supposed 
loss  was  18,000  killed  and  wounded, 
and  10,000  un wounded  prisoners. .  580 

Surrender  of  Vicksburg. 

"  July  4.  Surrender  of  Vicksburg.  The 
Gibraltar  of  the  Jlississippi,  with 
31,000  men,  surrendered  to  Gen.  Grant. 
The  campaign  had  been  canied  on 
with  great  vigor  fur  several  months. 
The  inhabitants  had  been  oliliged  to 
l)urrow  in  caves  and  holes  dug  out  of 
the  ground  to  protect  then;sclvcs  from 
the  fiery  storm  of  shot  and  shell  which 
continually  poured  upon  them.  Desti- 
tute  of   ammunition    and  necessary 


1863,  provisions,  the  rebels  at  last  capitu- 
lated. To  Gen.  McPherson  was  granted 
the  honor  of  formally  receiving  the 
surrender. 

"  July  8.  Surrender  of  Port  Hudson,  with 
7,000  men,  to  Gen.  Banks,  and  the 
Mississippi  is  thus  opened. 

Maxitnilian  declared  Emperor  of 
Mexico. 

"  July  10.  The  Provisional  French  Gov- 
ernment, set  up  in  Mexico  by  the  name 
of  Assembly  of  Notables,  numbering 
215  persons,  assembled  and  declared 
for  an  imperial  form  of  (iovernmcnt, 
and  Archduke  JIaximilian  of  Austria 
was  proclaimed  Emperor. 

"  July  10.  Gen.  Gilmorc  begins  his  at- 
tack on  Forts  Wagner  and  Gregg, 
Charleston. 

"  July  13.  Lee  rccrosses  the  Potomac  into 
Virginia. 

Riot  in  New  York. 

"  July  13-15.  Great  anti-draft  riot  in  New 
York.  The  mob  destroyed  the  Draft- 
office,  burned  the  buildings  and  the 
whole  block,  jjreventing  the  fire  depart- 
ment from  doing  their  duty.  March- 
ing through  the  city,  they  took  pos- 
session of,  and  destroyed  every  build- 
ing which  the  Government  officers 
occupied,  gaining  entire  control  of  the 
city,  and  holding  it  for  four  days. 
Negroes  were  indiscriminately  beaten 
and  murdered  in  the  mo.st  inhuman 
manner.  $3,500,000  damages  were 
claimed,  and  the  number  of  lives  lost 
was  variously  estimated  fr(mi  500  to 
1,000.  The  mob  was  finally  quelled, 
partly  by  the  militia,  partly  by  the 
efforts  of  Gov.  Seymour,  and  partly 
by  Archbishop  Hughes,  but  chiefly  by 
the  suppression  of  the  draft  and  the 
bounty  which  was  offered  in  its  stead. 

"  July  15.  lliot  in  Boston,  which  was  soon 
sui)pressed,  and  one  rioter  killed  and 
several  wounded. 

"  Aug.  16.  Rosecranz  begins  his  march 
upon  Chattanooga. 

QuantrelVs  Raid  in  Kansas. 

"  Aug.  21.  Quantrell's  raid  upon  Lawrence, 
I^an.  A  band  of  300  rebel  guerrilhis, 
headed  by  Quantrell,  a  desperado,  en- 
tered the  quiet  town  of  Lawrence  early 
in  the  morning,  and  surprised  the  sleep- 
ing inhal)itaiits,  burning  185  buildings, 
and  murdering  in  cold  blood  140  men 
(many  of  them  in  their  beds),  robbing 
stores,  banks,  and  private  dwellings 
promiscuously.  They  then  fled  like  so 
many  wild  savages  of  the  forest  from 
the  avenging  hand  of  .Justice.  The 
inhabitants  pursued  and  killed  100  of 
their  numlier. 

"  Aug.  23.  Shells  thrown  by  the  Union 
fleet  into  Charleston,  nearly  six  miles. 
Beauregard  protests. 

"  Sept.  3.  Gen.  Burnside  occupies  Knox- 
ville,  Tenn.  The  loyal  people  of  East 
Tennessee  receive  him  with  expressions 
of  intense  joy  at  their  deliverance. 

"  Sept.  0.  The  rebels  evacuate  Forts  Wag- 
ner and  Gregg  and  Gilmorc  occupies 
them. 

"  Sept.  9.  Surrender  of  Cumberland  Gap 
to  Burnside,  with  2,000  men  58^ 


786 


CHEONOLOGY. 


General  McCook. 

1863.  Sept.  11.  Death  of  Gen.  Edward  Stan- 
ton McCook.  lie  was  Territorial  Sec- 
retary, at  one  time,  and  Acting  Gov- 
ernf)r  of  Dakota.  He  was  assassinated 
at  Yankton,  by  W.  P.  Wintcrmute,  a 
banker  of  Yankton,  who  aspired  to  his 
position.  Gen.  McCook  was  the  fifth 
son  of  Gen.  Daniel  McCook,  of  New 
Lisbon,  Ohio,  who,  with  his  eight 
sons,  took  active  part  in  the  late  war ; 
the  father  and  three  sons  sealing  their 
patriotism  with  their  blood. 

Battle  of  Chickamauga. 

"  Sept.  19-20.  Battle  of  Chicamauga 
fought  by  Rosecranz  and  Gen.  Bragg. 
Union  army  defeated  the  second'day, 
and  -vvithdrow  to  Chattanooga,  except 
Gen.  Thomas,  who  stood  his  ground, 
■with  a  few  divisions,  for  several  hours, 
against  the  whole  rebel  army  of  70,000 
men,  till  night  closed  the  bloody  scene. 
The  total  Union  loss  was  10,351,  and 
Gen.  Bragg  reported  a  loss  of  18,- 
000   532 

William  Wheelwright. 

"  Sept.  26.  William  Wheelwright,  a  phi- 
lanthropist, died  in  London,  England, 
at  seventy-eiglit  years  of  age.  He  was  a 
citizen  of  IS'ewburyport,  Mass.,  long 
engaged  in  engineering  in  South 
America.  lie  iuiU  the  first  railxoay,  first 
gasicorlcs,fiird  irater-worlcs,  and  the  first 
iron  pier,  ever  established  in  South  Amer- 
ica. He  was  the  founder  of  the  Pacific 
Mail  Co.,  and  gave  to  benevolent  pur- 
poses, during  his  life,  more  than  $600,- 
000,  and  at  his  death,  left  nearly  $1,- 
000,000  to  found  a  scientific  school  in 
Newburyport,  Mass. 

Sherman's  March. 

"  Oct.  Gen.  Sherman,  with  his  ■whole 
army,  moved  from  Vicksburg  south 
into  Alabama,  repairing  the  railroad 
and  subsisting  on  the  invaded 
country  583 

Wheeler  s  Raid. 

"  Oct  2.  A  large  cavalry  force,  under 
cbel  Gen.  Wlieelor,  crossed  the  Ten- 
nessee and  burned  a  train  of  eight 
liundred  wagons — destined  for  Thomas 
at  Chattanooga — at  Anderson's  Cross 
]?oads,  a  large  quantity  of  supplies  at 
McMinnville  and  Warren.  He  was  re- 
pulsed at  Murfrecsboro  and  Farming- 
ton,  and  recrossed  the  Tennessee,  hav- 
ing di'.'stroyed  a  million  dollars  worth 
of  Government  property,  but  with  a 
loss  of  2,000  men  583 

"  Oct.  17.  Presulent  Lincoln  calls  for  300,- 
000  more  men. 
Oct.  IS.  Gen.  Orant  nsmmeil  command 
of  the  I)r]inrtmenl  of  the  Ohio.  Cum- 
b(rlan<l  and  Tennessee  armies  soon 
after  arrived  in  Chattanooga  583 

"  Oct.  20.  Gen.  Thomas  succeeds  Rose- 
cranz in  his  command. 

"  Oct.  27.  Gtn.  Hooker  encamped  in 
Lookout  Valley. 

"  Oct.  2S.  Hooker's  forces  take  Lookout 
Mountain   583 

*'      First  Sanitary  Fair,  for  the  relief  of 


1863.      soldiers,  held  in  Chicago,  the  net  pro- 
ceeds of  which  were  $72,000. 
"      First  Fenian  Congress  held  in  the  United 
States. 

"  Nov.  0.  Gen.  Averill  routed  a  rebel 
force,  under  Gen.  Echols,  at  Droop 
Mountain   581 

"  Nov.  6.  Col.  SJiackleford  attacked  at 
Kogersville  by  Gen.  W.  E.  Jones,  and 
750  men  captured. 

"  Nov.  7.  Gen.  ^leade  crosses  the  Rappa- 
hannock southward.   Lee  retiring. 

"  Col.  Woolford,  with  2,000  men,  attacked 
by  7,000  of  Longstreet's  men,  and  after 
fighting  several  hours,  Woolford  cut 
his  way  out,  leaving  his  battery  and  32 
wagons,  but  saving  the  most  of  his 
command   583 

"  Nov.  17.  Longstreet  begins  the  siege  of 
Knoxyille,  occupied  by  Burnside. 

Battle  of  Chattanooga. 

"  Nov.  24.  Battle  of  Chattanooga,  extend- 
ing from  Lookout  ^Mountain,  on  the 
left,  to  Missionary  Riilgc,  on  the  riglit. 
Hooker  sweeps  up  the  sides  of  Lookout 
Mountain  and  reaches  the  summit 
under  a  thick  fog,  driving  the  enemy 
down  the  precipitous  eastern  sides  of 
the  mountain,  ■while  Sherman  at  acks 
the  enemy's  right  at  Missionary  Ridge, 
and  Gen.  Thomas, with  25,000,  attacked 
the  center  before  Chattanooga.  The 
battle  raged  along  the  whole  line,  and 
at  midnight  the  enemy  ■was  in  full  re- 
treat, leaving  their  strong  positions 
■with  6,000  soldiers,  40  pieces  of  artil- 
lery, and  7,000  st;md  of  small  arms  in 
the  hands  of  the  Unionists.  The  Union 
losses  amounted  to  5,616;  the  rebel 
loss  not  reported  583 

"  Nov.  28.  Morgan,  and  six  of  his  officers, 
dig  out  of  Ohio  State  Prison. 

''  Nov.  28.  Longstreet  repulsed,  ■with  a 
loss  of  800   583 

"  Nov.  29.  Rebels  repulsed,  with  great 
slauffhter,  in  their  attack  on  Kuoxville. 


Banks'  Expedition  to  Texas. 

Gen.  Banks'  expedition  into  Texas.  He 
captures  the  rebel  forts  Esixjranza, 
Brazos  Island,  Point  Cabel,  and  Browns- 
ville, and  driving  out  the  enemy  west 
of  tlie  Colorado.  By  order  of  the 
Government.  Gen.  Banks  reluctantly 
abandoned  Texas  and  returned  to  New 
Orleans   579 

Erection  of  the  Oreat  Organ  in  the  Bos- 
ton Music  Hall,  the  largest  and  most 
perfect  instrument  of  its  kind  in 
America.  Its  weight  is  70  tons,  and 
has  5,474  pipes.    Its  cost  was  $60,000. 

Dec.  Kel)el  Gen.  Forrest  raided  through 
W.  Tennessee. 

Dec.  1.  Meade  crosses  the  Rapidan. 
Grant  concentrates  his  army  at  Chat- 
tanooga. 

Dec.  5.  Longstreet  raised  the  siege  of 
Knoxville  and  moved  east  583 

Dec.  6.  .Monitor  ^Verh^lwh■cn  sinks  at  her 
anchorage  at  Charleston,  and  31  men 
h)st. 

Sanitary  Fair  held  in  Cincinnati.  Net 

proceeds  were  $235,000. 
Dec.  8.  The  President  issues  his  amnesty 

proclamation. 
Dir.  16.     (icn.  Averill's  raid  destroys 

vast  rebel  supplies  at  Salem  in  S.  W. 

Viryinia. 


1864.  Jan.   Second  voyage  of  Hall  to  the  polar 
seas. 

"  Jan.  1.  Emancipation  anniversary  cele- 
brated by  many  colored  p(;ople. 

"  Advance  of  the  Union  forces  toward 
Richmond,  and  attack  of  the  enemy's 
■works  at  Hatcher's  Run,  but  failing  in 
success,  retired  to  their  position  before 
Petersburg  589 

"  Jan.  25.  Congress  gives  a  vote  of  thanks 
to  Cornelius  Vauderbilt  for  his  gift  of 
the  steamer  Vanderhilt  to  the  United 
States,  -vvorth  $800,0u0. 

"  Jan.  29.  Gen.  Palmer  occupies  Tunnell 
Hill.  Ga. ;  the  rebels  evacuating  in  the 
night. 

"  Jan.  Gen.  Rosecram  asmmcd  command 
of  the  Dej)artment  of  Miissotiri. . . .  587 

"      Feb.  1.    Draft  of  500,000  men  ordered. 

"  Feb.  7.  Gilmore's  advance  lands  at 
Jacksonville,  Fla.,  under  Gen.  Sey- 
mour. 

"  Rash  and  unsticcessful  expedition  of  Gen. 
Seymour  into  Florida,  and  battle  at 
Lake  City,  where  he  lost  half  his  force 
and  guns.  His  retreat  to  Jacksonville, 
leaving  the  dead  in  the  enemy's 
hands  586 

"  Feb.  8.  Colt's  armory,  Hartford,  Ct,  de- 
stroyed by  fire.    Loss,  $1,000,000. 

•'  Feb.  17.  IIoHsatonic  sunk  at  Charleston 
by  rebel  torpedo-boat  Davis,  which  also 
sank. 

"  Fel).  Gen.  Sherman  advanced  to  Me- 
ridian, destroying  a  great  amount  of 
railroad  property,  and  captured  400 
prisoners,  1,000  white  and  5,000  negro 
refugees   591 

"  Feb.  20.  Gen.  Seymour,  with  Gilmore's 
(roops,  severely  defeated  at  Olustee, 
Fla. 

"  Feb.  21-23.  Gen.  Smith  has  three  days' 
running  fight  with  Forresi;  and  others, 
in  Mississippi,  and  at  last  defeats  them. 

"  23.  Gen.  Palmer  drives  the  rebels  at 
Tunnell  Hill,  Ga. 

Kilpatrick' s  Raid. 

''  Feb.  28.  Kilpatrick's  raid  into  Virginia. 
He  approaches  within  two  miles  of 
Richmond.  Gen.  Dahlgreu  killed  in 
the  expedition. 

Gen.  Grant  in  Command. 

"  Mar.  2.  Gen.  Grant  made  Lieutenant- 
Gencral  of  the  Union  armies,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  re-organize  the  for.  es. 

"  Mar.  4.  A  free  State  Government  for 
Louisiana  was  inaugurated,  with  Gov. 
Ilahn  at  its  hea  1,  bet'ore  an  immense 
and  enthusiastic  multitude  in  Lafayette 
Square,  New  Orleans   580 

Red  River  E-xpediiion. 

"  Mar.  Ad.  Porter's  expedition  sailed  up 
the  Red  River  to  Alexandria,  captur- 
ing Fort  De  Russa,  with  ten  guns,  and 
283  prisoners  on  the  way  58G 

Thomas  Starr  King. 

"  Mar.  4.  Thomas  Starr  King,  an  eminent 
Unitarian  clergyman,  author  and  ora- 
tor, died  in  San  Francisco.  Mr.  Kin{j, 
like  the  great  majority  of  emi- 
nent Americans,  was  boin  poor,  and 
was  doi)endent  upon  his  own  exertions 
from  tlie  age  of  twelve  to  twenty  for 
his  own  support  and  education,  and 
the  support  of  his  widowed  mother  and 


CHEONOLOGY. 


787 


18G4.  family.  At  the  age  of  22  he  was  es- 
tablished in  his  father's  pulpit  and  over 
his  congregation,  which  he  filled  with 
great  acce23tance.  He  was  called  to 
Boston  in  1848,  and  in  1860  to  San 
Francisco.  He  had  in  the  meantime 
acquired  a  very  high  reputation,  as  an 
eloquent  and  effective  lecturer,  as  well 
as  preacher,  and  had  addressed  large 
audiences  all  over  the  United  States. 
Mr.  King  was  eminently  popular  in 
San  Francisco,  and  all  over  the  Pacific 
coast,  and  died  regretted  and  deeply 
mourned  by  hosts  of  friends  and  ad- 
mirers all  over  the  Northern  and  West- 
em  States. 

«'     Mar.  15.    The  President  calls  for  200, 
more  men  to  he  drafted  April  15th. 

"  Mar.  10.  Arkansas  votes  to  become  a 
free  State. 

"  Mar.  16.  Alexandria  surrendered  to 
Porter  without  a  struggle   586 

"  Mar.  17.  Gen.  Grant  assumes  entire  com- 
mand of  all  the  armies  of  the  United 
States. 

"  Mar.  28.  Battle  of  Crane  River,  La. 
Gen.  Smith's  forces  defeat  the  rebel 
Gen.  Taylor. 

*'  Mar.  31.  Juaez,  with  his  Cabinet,  Gov- 
ernment ofBcials,  and  a  band  of  sol- 
diers, took  possession  of  Monterey,  and 
established  tlie  national  capitol. 

"  April  4.  Gen.  Steele  attacked  by  Kirby 
Smith,  at  Jenkins'  FeiTy,  Ark.,  with 
superior  forces  under  Price,  but  after 
a  furious  battle.  Price  was  defeated, 
with  a  loss  of  2,300  men  and  three 
Generals  587 

"  April  4-23.  New  York  Sanitary  Com- 
mission Fair,  receipts  over  $1,000,000. 

"  April  8.  Defeat  of  Gen.  Banks  at  Sabine 
Cross  Roads  by  Kirby  Smith. 

"  April  9.  Smith  repulsed  by  Banks  at 
Pleasant  Hill  586 

*'  April  12.  Fort  Pillow  Massacke  un- 
der orders  of  the  notorious  guerrilla, 
Forrest,  which  was  a  relentless  and 
wholesale  murder  of  colored  men, 
women,  and  children,  by  the  most  cruel 
and  savage  means,  many  being  fastened 
in  the  tents  and  burned  alive,  and  the 
wounded  and  sick  were  made  to  stand 
up  and  be  shot  down  like  cattle  ;  the 
only  plea  being  that  the  loyal  white 
Southerners  were  "home-made  Yan- 
kees," and  the  colored  troops  "  nig- 
gers." This  dastardly  and  savage 
slaughter  will  remain  a  black  stain 
upon  the  history  of  Southern  warfare 
as  long  as  the  story  of  the  "  Great  Re- 
bellion "  is  remembered. 

*'  April  15.  Maximilian  accej)ts  the  croicn 
of  Mexico  from  the  French  deputation. 

"     April  19.    Porter's  fleet  aground  in  Red 

River  by  low  water  586 

"  April  20.  Plymouth,  N.  C,  surrendered 
to  the  rebels  by  Gen.  Wesscls,  with 
1,600  prisoners,  25  guns,  and  valuable 

stores  586 

"  Ai>ril  24.  Banks  defeats  the  rebels  un- 
der Gen.  Bee  at  Crane  River  586 

"  April  28.  Washington,  N.  C,  evacuated 
by  Union  troops;  the  ram  Albemarle 
controls  the  Sound. 

Shermaiis  Grand  March. 

"  May.  Sherman  began  his  march  to  the 
sea  through  the  heart  of  the  South. 
This  was  the  closing  drama  of  the 
campaign.  He  swept  everything  be- 
fore him.    Atlanta  taken  and  burned; 


1864.  Fort  McAllister  captured  ;  Savannah 
abandoned  by  tlie  Confederates  and 
taken  ;  Columbia,  8.  C,  burned,  and 
Raleigh,  N.  C,  taken  ;  the  Confederate 
army  under  Johnston  surrendering  at 
the  latter  place.  Charleston  also  was 
evacuated  after  a  siege  of  542  days. 

Sherman  before  Atlanta. 

"  May.  Gen.  Sherman,  with  100,000  men, 
comprising  the  army  of  the  Cumber- 
land under  Gen.  Thomas,  the  army  of 
Tennessee  under  Gen.  McPherson, 
and  the  army  of  the  Ohio  under 
Gen.  Schofield,  together  with  554 
pieces  of  artillery,  began  the  campaign 
against  Atlanta.  The  rebel  army  op- 
posing him  under  Gen.  J.  Johnston, 
numbered  60,000,  was  divided  into 
three  corps,  led  by  Generals  Hardie, 
Hood,  and  Polk. 

"  May  2.  Col.  Bailey  builds  dams  across 
Red  River,  and  by  raising  the  water, 
saves  Porter's  entire  fleet  586 

"  May  4.  Gen.  Butler,  in  co-operation  with 
Grant,  occupied  City  Point  up  the 
James  River,  and  began  intreneh- 
ments,  while  Col.  West,  with  a  cavalry 
force,  moved  up  the  north  bank  and 
occupied  Bermuda  Hundred. 

"  May  4.  Grant's  army  crosses  the  Rapi- 
dan  587 

"  May  5.  Sea-fight  in  Albemarle  Sound 
with  the  ram  Albemarle,  which  is 
driven  off. 

Battle  of  the  Wilderness. 

"  May  5.  The  battle  of  the  Wilderness  be- 
gan. This  was  the  longest  and  most 
terrible  engagement  of  the  war,  lasting 
from  the  5th  to  the  21st,  with  great 
loss  to  both  armies.  The  weather  Vi  s 
intensely  hot,  the  air  still  and  stifling. 
The  thickets  caught  fire,  and  amid 
the  fearful  carnage  and  din  of  war, 
the  flames  added  fresh  horror  to  the 
terrible  scene.  The  smoke  and  heat 
blinded  and  nearly  sufibcated  the 
soldiers,  who  fought  and  fell  amid  the 
trampling  legions  which  swept  over 
them  in  their  mad  fury,  leaving  them 
to  the  mercy  of  the  flames. 

General  Meade  reported  the  Union 
loss  at  39,791.  The  rebel  loss  was  not 
ascertained. 

"  May  7.  Sherman  advances  from  Chat- 
tanooga on  his  Atlantic  campaign. 

"  May  9.  Gen.  McPherson  forces  his  way 
through  Snake  Creek  Gap. 

"  May  10.  Gen.  Averill  beaten  at  Wyther- 
ville  by  a  heavy  force  under  John 
Morgan  590 

"  May.  Gen.  Crook  repulsed  by  Gen. 
McCausland  near  Dublin  Station.  .  590 

"  May  10.  Johnson  evacuated  Dalton,  and 
retreated  to  Resaca  591 

"  May  11.  Sheridan's  raid  to  the  enemy's 
rear,  destroying  ten  miles  of  the  Vir- 
ginia Central  Railroad  and  a  large 
quantity  of  supplies,  and  liberating 
400  prisoners.  Reaching  the  first  line 
of  works  around  Richmond,  he  en- 
countered the  enemy  and  killed  their 
General,  Stuart. 

"  May  15.  Engagement  between  Gen. 
bigel  and  Gen.  Brcckenridge,  who 
commanded  a  large  force.  Sigel  was 
defeated  and  driven  to  Cedar  Creek, 
losing  700  men,  0  guns,  and  a  part  of 
his  train  589 


1864.  May  15.    Battle  of  New  Market,  W.  Ya 
Sigel  defeated. 
"      May  15.    Banks'  troops  defeat  the  rebels 

at  Aroycllc's  Prairie,  La. 
'  May  15.  Johnston  evacuates  Resaca  and 
retreats  in  the  night  to  Oostenaula 
River,  pursued  by  the  Union  army. 
'  May  16.  Butler  attacked  Beauregard  at 
Drury's  Bluff  and  was  driven  into  his 
intrenchments  with  a  loss  of  4,000 
men. 

May  19.    Howard's  forged  proclamation 
for  400,000  troops  api^eared. 

Nathaniel  Hawthorne. 

'  May  19.  Death  of  Nathaniel  Hawthorne' 
an  author,  at  Plymouth,  N.  H.  Mr. 
Hawthorne  was  the  author  of  several 
widely- known  romances,  the  most 
noted  of  which  are  "  Tlie  Scarlet  Let- 
ter," a  weird  and  thrilling  tale,  and 
"The  House  with  Seven  Gables." 
Mr.  Hawthorne  was  appointed  United 
States  Consul  at  Liverpool  by  President 
Pierce,  who  was  his  life-long  friend. 
"  May  21.  Grant  advances  toward  Rich- 
mond to  the  North  Anna. 
"      May  23-24.     Grant  crosses  the  North 

Anna.    Lee  still  retiring. 
"      May  28.    Sheridan  had  a  cavalry  en- 
gagement  with    Fitzhugh   Lee  and 
routed  him,  with  a  loss  of  800  to  the 
rebels. 

"  May  28.  Attack  of  Johnston  upon  Mc- 
Pherson at  Dallas.    Johnston  rei)ulsed 

with  a  loss  of  3,000   591 

"  May  29.  Maximilian  arrives  at  'Vera 
Cruz. 

"  May  31.  Cold  Harbor  seized  by  Sher- 
idan   588 

"  June  1.  Sheridan  skirmishes  arotmd  the 
left  of  Lee  and  routes  a  body  of  cavalry, 
under  Wade  Hampton,  at  Trevilliaii 
Station,  taking  several  hundred  prison- 
ers. 

"  June  1.  Johnston  evacuates  Allatoona 
Pass,  and  falls  back  to  Kenesaw  Moun- 
tain, and  Sherman  occupies  it. 

Baitle  at  Cold  Harbor. 

June  2-8.  Grant's  advance  engage  the 
enemy  and  hold  their  ground  at  a  cost 
of  2,000  men. 
"  June  3.  Grant  makes  a  grand  assault  on 
the  enemy,  which  was  resisted  with 
terrible  force.  The  engagement  lasted 
but  twenty  minutes. 
"  June  5.  Gen.  Hunter,  having  sxicceeded 
Sigel,  had  an  encounter  with  Gen.  W. 
E.  Jones  at  Piedmont,  completely 
routing  him,  and  capturing  1,500 
prisoners,  3  guns,  and  3,000  small 
arms.  Gen.  Jones  and  a  large  num- 
ber of  his  men  were  killed  590 

"  June  12.  Grant's  army  crosses  the. 
Chickahominy,  and  take  jiosition  on  the 
south  side  of'the  James  River.  Grant 
hastens  to  Bermuda  to  aid  Butler  in 
the  capture  of  Peter--burg,  which  But- 
ler had  already  attacked  589 

Maximilian  in  Mexico. 

"  June  12.  Maximilian  enters  the  City  of 
Jlexico  amid  scenes  of  great  pomp  and 
military  parade. 
"  June  12.  Gen.  Burbridge  defeats  Mor- 
gan at  Cynthiana,  recapturing  many 
prisoners. 


788 


CHRONOLOGY. 


1804.  June  12-15.  Grant  moves  his  army  to 
the  south  side  of  .lames  River. 

"      June  13.    Fugitive  slave  hiw  repealed. 

"  June  14.  Enj^agemciit  between  Sherman 
and  Johnson.    Gen.  Folic  killed. 

"      June  14.    S/ierman  still  advancing. 

"  June  15.  Battle  of  Pine  Mountain.  Sher- 
man drives  the  rebels  back  to  their 
works. 

June  15.  Fifty  Union  officers,  prisoners, 
placed  under  fire  at  Charleston  by  the 
rebels. 

Grant  at  Petersburg. 

"  June  16.  Grant  makes  a  grand  assault 
on  Petersburg  ;  Lee,  with  the  most  of 
bis  army,  having  arrived  during  the 
previous  night.  'J  he  day  closed  with 
heavy  loss  to  the  Union  side,  and  no 
advantage  gained  589 

Siege  of  Petersburg. 

June  18.  Grant  again  assaults  the  enemy 
before  Petersburg,  and  is  again  re- 
pulsed with  loss.  lie  now  intrenched 
his  army,  and  besieged  the  city. . .  589 
"  June  18.  Hunter  attacks  Lynchburg, 
but  finding  it  heavily  reinforced  by  the 
arrival  of  General  Lee,  he  retreats, 
sharply  pursued  across  the  Alleghany 
to  Meadow  Blutf,  in  W.  Va  590 

'''' Kearsarge"  Sinks  the  '^Alabama." 

"  ■  June  19.  Naval  fight  between  the  rebel 
cruiser  Alabama,  Capt.  Semmes,  and 
the  United  States  gun-ho:it  Kearsarge, 
Capt.  Winslow,  off  Cherbourg,  France. 
After  an  hour's  engagement  the  Ala- 
hftma  ran  up  the  white  flag.  Capt. 
Semmes  jumping  overboard,  was  taken 
on  board  the  British  yacht  Deerlioiind. 
The  Alabama  sank  immediately.  The 
Kearsarge  picked  up  a  part  of  her  crew. 
She  did  not  lose  a  man  in  the  action, 
and  but  one  was  mortally  wounded. 

"  June  22.  Hood  attacks  Hooker  at  Kene- 
saw,  and  fails,  with  a  loss  of  800 
men   592 

*'  June  22.  Emancipation  amendment  sub- 
mitted to  the  States  by  Congress. 
June  22.  Butler  occupied  Deep  Bottom, 
ten  miles  from  Richmond,  and  throws 
a  pontoon  bridge  over  the  James  at 
that  point. 

"  June  24.  JIaryland  Constitutional  Con- 
vention adopts  emancipation  clause. 

'*  June  25.  Sheridan  has  a  successful 
cavalry  fight  on  the  Peninsula. 

"  June  27.  Thomas  and  McPherson  re- 
pulsed at  KencsHW,  by  Johnston's 
forces,  with  heavy  loss.  Gens.  Harker 
and  McCook  among  the  killed. . . .  591 

"  June  28.  Wilson  and  Kautz  attacked, 
and  their  troops  dispcrsctl  at  Double 
liidgo,  on  Nottoway  River. 

Chase  Resigns. 

"  June  30.  Salmon  P.  Chase  resigned  his 
post  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  after 
a  faithful  and  wonderfully  successful 
discharge  of  the  duties  of  the  office.  593 

Early  s  Raid. 

■         July  2.    Early  caused  Sigcl  to  retreat 
from  Martiiisburg  to  Maryland  Heights, 
leaving  heavy  stores  behind. 
"     July  3.    Sherman  occupies  Marietta  and 


1864.      Kenesaw  Mt.,  having  flanked  Johnston, 
and  compelled  him  to  evacuate.  . .  5'.i2 
"      July  5-13.    Early's  raid  into  ilaryland. 
"      July  9.    Johnston  retires   to  Opelika, 
and  is  soon  Eujjerseded  by  Hood,  who 

assumes  the  offensive  592 

"  July  9.  Attack  of  the  rebels  up(m  Gen. 
AVallace  near  .Frederick,  who  was 
forced  to  retreat. 
July  10.  Rousseau,  with  2,700  men, 
moves  into  Alabama  on  a  raid. 
"  Reb.  Gen.  Bradley  T.  Johnson  approaches 
Baltimore,    robbing    a  Philadelphia 

mail-train  and  the  passengers  590 

■*  July  12.  Earlifs  entire  army  irithiri  six 
miles  of  Washington.  A  skirmish  en- 
sues, and  disoovering  the  Union  forces 
to  be  more  than  double  his  own,  he 
retreats  across  the  Potomac  with  a 

vast  amount  of  plunder   590 

''  July  13-15.  Gen.  Smith  defeats  Forrest 
and  others  in  five  battles  in  Missis- 
sipj)i. 

"      July  15.    Six  steamers,  worth  $300,000, 

burned  at  St.  Louis  by  incendiaries. 
"      July  10.    Gold  about   this  time  at  its 
highest  in  New  York,  viz.,  284  per  cent. 
"      July  17.     Hood  succeeds  Johnston  in 
command  at  Atlanta. 
July  17.    Jaques  and  Gilmore  in  Rich- 
mond vainly  suing  for  peace. 
"      July  18.    Rousseau  destroys  an  immense 
value  in  railroads  and  provisions  in 
Alabama. 

"      July  18.    Oreelerfs  negotiations  with  the 

rebels  at  Niagara  come  to  naught. 
"      July  19.     Gen.   AVright,   following  in 
l)ursuit  of  Early,  was  repulsed  near 

Island  Ford  590 

"  July  20.  Averill  defeats  a  division  of 
Early's  command,  and  captures  four 
guns. 

Hood's  Defeat. 

"  July  20.  Hood,  with  his  entire  army, 
assailed  Sherman  five  miles  from  At- 
lanta, and  was  vigorously  repulsed, 
with  a  loss  of  5,000,  including  several 

Generals.    Union  loss  2,500   592 

''  July  22.  First  publication  of  statements 
concerning  the  "Order  of  American 
Knights." 

"      July  22.    Sherman  advanced  to  within 

two  miles  of  Atlanta  592 

"  July  22.  Uood  makes  a  grand  attack 
vpon  Sherman  without  success,  losing 
12,000  men,  18  stand  of  colors,  and 
5,000  small  arms.  Union  loss  3,722, 
including  General  McPherson  among 

the  killed   592 

"  July  24.  Early,  with  a  large  force,  falls 
upon  the  troops  of  Crook  and  Averill, 
driving  them  into  Maryland,  with  a 
loss  of  1,200  men,  including  (!cn.  Mul- 
ligan  590 

"  July  28.  Hood  again  attacks  Sherman, 
and  was  six  times  repulsed  with  heavy 

loss,  when  he  retreated   592 

"  July  30.  ^IcCausland  crossed  the  Poto- 
mac and  ai)proached  Cliamhcrsburg, 
and  demancied  a  ransom  of  .sr)O0,0()O, 
which  being  refused,  he  set  fire  to  the 
town  and  destroyed  two-thinls  of  it. 
"  July  30.  Krplosiiin  of  a  mine  iiiidir  the 
nbd  trorks  of  Petersburg,  resulting  in 
the  immediate  loss  of  a  garrison  of 
3i'0  men,  but  which  brouuhl  a  worse 
disaster  ui)on  the  Union  forces  which 
attemi)ted  crossing  the  crater;  4,400 
were  killed,  wounded,  and  taken  pris- 
oners. 


Farragut's  Fight  in  Mobile  Bay. 

1864.  Aug.  3.  Commodore  Farragut's  splendid 
achievement  in  Mobile  Bay.  He  si- 
lenced the  forts  at  the  entrance  of  the 
Bay,  fought  the  whole  Confederate 
fl',et,  and  captured  the  monster  ram 
Temtessee,  with  her  attendants.  Forts 
I\Iorgan  and  Gaines  soon  after  capitu- 
lated. 

"  Aug.  7.  Averill  totally  defeats  McCaus- 
land  and  other  rebels  at  ]^Ioorefield, 
"West  Virginia. 

"  Auii.  7.  Gen.  Sheridan  takes  command  of 
the  Middle  Department  590 

"  Aug.  8.  Fort  Gaines,  at  Mobile,  surren- 
dered to  Farragut  and  Granger. 

"  Aug.  10.  Canal  at  Dutch  Gap,  below 
Richmond,  begun. 

"  Aug.  18.  Battle  at  Reams'  Station. 
^Varren  holds  his  position  on  the  rail- 
road. 

"      Aug.  23.    Fort  Morgan,  at  Mobile,  sur- 
rendered to  Farragut  and  Granger. 
"      Aug.  23.    The  5th  Illinois  captured  by 

Shelby  near  Little  Rock,  Ark  587 

"      Aug.  2  >.    Second  battle  at  Reams'  Sta- 
tion— the  rebels  win. 
"      Aug.  "il.  McClellan  nominated  for  Presi- 
dent at  Chicago  593 

Evacuation  of  Atlanta. 

"  Aug.  31.  Hood  hastily  evacuated  At- 
lanta, blowing  up  magazines  and 
stores,  destroying  seven  locomotives 
and  81  cars,  and  a  large  amount  of 

cotton   592 

"  Sejjt.  4.  The  guerrilla,  Morgan,  shot  by 
tiil man's  men  at  Greenville,  East  Ten- 
n(?ssee. 

"  Sept.  5.  Sherman's  united  forces  occui)y 
Atlanta,  and  he  orders  a  removal  of 
the  citizens  either  North  or  South,  as 
they  should  prefer. 
"  Se|)t.  16.  Rebels  drive  2,500  cattle  safe 
ofl'from  behind  Gen.  Kautz's  lines. 

Early's  Retreat. 

"  Sept.  19.  Battle  on  the  Opequan  Creek, 
near  "Winchester,  between  Sheridan 
and  Early,  and  |)recipitate  retreat  of 
Eaiiy  through  ^Vinchester  to  Fisher's 
Hill,  leaving  behind  his  dead  and 
wounded,  and  nearly  3,000  prisoners, 
with  five  pieces  of  artillery  and  nine 
l)attie  flags.  The  Union  loss  was 
about  3,000.  including  Gen.  David  A. 
Russell,  killed.    The  rebels  lost  two 

Generals   590 

"      Sept.  19.    Lake  Erie  steamers,  Parsons 

and  Island  Queen,  seized  by  rebels. 
"  Sept.  22.  Sh^rid-an  pursued  Early,  and 
iigain  routed  him  at  Fisher's  Hill,  tak- 
ing 1,100  prisoners  and  Ki  guns.  Ear- 
ly continues  his  flight,  with  ^lleri(lan 
at  his  heels,  burning  and  devast-iting 
the  whole  valley  in  his  passage,  as  far 
as  Brown's  Gap  in  the  Blue  Ridge. 

.  Battle  at  Pilot  Knob. 

"  Sept.  27.  Price  attacked  Gen.  Ewing  at 
Pilot  Knob  with  a  force  of  10,000. 
Ewing,  having  but  1,200  men,  stoutly 
resisted  him  till  night,  when  he  blew 
uj)  his  W(U'ks  and  retreated  to  Rolla. 
Price  moved  North,  and  was  followed 
by  A.  J.  Smith,  with  0,000  men.  .  587 
"      Sei)t.  29.    Battle  at  Chapin's  Farm,  near 

.lames  River ;  rebel  works  taken. 
"     Se^.t.  29.    Butler  captured  Fort  Uorri- 


CHRONOLOGY. 


789 


1864.  son.  one  of  the  ou'posts  of  Richmond, 
with  fifteen  guns. 

"  Oct.  5.  BeatJio/ G.  B.  Lamar,  cdehrated 
as  a  banker  and  cotton  si^eculator 
during  the  war,  and  was  financial 
ag'ent  for  the  Confederate  Government, 
procuring  the  priming  of  their  notes 
and  bonds  in  New  York  city.  He  was 
arrested  by  order  of  the  Secretary  of 
War,  and  confined  in  the  Old  Capitol 
jirison  at  Washington,  and  after  his 
release  was  tried  for  bribery,  and  sen- 
tenced to  several  years'  imi)risonment ; 
but  his  sentence  was  remitted  by  Pres- 
ident Johnson. 

"  Oct.  9.  Battle  of  Round  Top  Mountain. 
Torbert  chasing  Rosser  twenty -six 
miles. 

"  Oct.  9.  Sheridan  attacked  by  Rosser  with 
a  large  body  of  cavalry,  but  he  defeated 
him,  and  took  300  prisoners  and  11 
guns,  causing  him  to  flee  rapidly  for 
2G  miles  590 

"  Oct.  12.  Death  of  Roger  Brool-e  Taney, 
Chief-Justice  of  the  United  States.  He 
was  appointed  to  this  high  office  by 
President  Jackson,  as  successor  to 
Chief-Justice  ^Marshall  in  1836,  which 
office  he  held  until  his  death. 

"  Oct.  18.  Price  reached  Lexington,  driv- 
ing Gen.  Blunt,  with  a  force  from 
Kansas,  before  him   578 

Battle  at  Marias  des  Cygnes. 

"  Fight  between  Price  and  Pleasanton  and 
tlie  united  forces  of  Curtis,  on  the  Big 
Blue  River,  Ark.  Price  routed  and 
fled  southward,  pursued  by  Pleasan- 
ton 587 

"  Sheridan  visits  Washington,  leaving  his 
army  under  command  of  Crook . . .  590 

Battle  of  Cedar  Creek. 

"  Oct.  19.  Early  being  heavily  reinforced, 
hearing  of  Sheridan's  absence,  made  a 
forced  and  secret  march,  and  reached 
the  Union  carajDS  at  Cedar  Creek  during 
the  night.  At  break  of  day,  under  a 
dense  fog,  with  a  deafening  yell,  and 
amid  the  blaze  and  crash  of  10,000 
muskets,  he  captured  the  camps,  and 
the  panic-stricken  army  fled  in  con- 
fusion before  a  line  of  battle  could  be 
formed.  The  army  pursued  to  the 
third  position,  occupied  by  Gen. 
Wright,  who  covered  the  retreat  of 
the  fugitive  army,  himself  retreating 
while  the  enemy  were  plundering  the 
deserted  camps  590 

"  Oct.  19.  Rebel  refugees  from  Canada 
rob  banks  and  citizens  at  St.  Albans, 
Vt. 

Sheridan's  Ride. 

"  Oct.  19.  Returning  from  Washington, 
Gen.  Sheridan  slept  at  Winchester, 
and  was  leisurely  ritling  along,  thirteen 
miles  from  the  front,  when  he  heard 
the  sound  of  battle,  and  soon  met 
the  flying  fugitives  of  his  army. 
Putting  spurs  to  his  horse,  he 
reached  the  front  by  ten  a.m.,  and 
cheering  the  disheartened  soldiers 
with  assurances  of  success,  and  assur- 
ing them  by  his  presence,  the  retreat- 
ing and  crestfallen  army  turned  and 
■were  suddenly  transformed  into  valiant 
soldiers,  eager  for  victory.  At  three 
P.M.  the  order  was  given  for  the  entire 
Union  liue  to  advance.    In  au  instant 


1864.  it  moved  swiftly  and  solidly  on  the 
enemy's  position,  under  a  tremendous 
fire  of  artillery  and  musketry.  Falling 
back,  they  were  again  roused  to  one 
grand  overwhelming  charge  by  their 
gallant  commander,  when  the  rebels 
gave  way,  antl  the  late  victorious  and 
exulting,  rebel  army  were  in  turn  now 
fleeing,  a  i^anic -stricken  mob,  before 
the  charge  of  the  brave  and  gallant 
Sheridan,  who  pursued  them  through 
Strasburg  to  Woodstock,  fifteen  miles 
beyond.  The  Union  army  slept  that 
night,  as  it  had  fought  all  day,  without 
food.  They  captured  1,5(J0  prisoners 
and  23  guns,  besides  retaking  the  24 
lost  in  the  morning.  This  notable  vic- 
tory closed  the  war  in  Shenandoah 

Valley  590 

''  Oct.  25.  Price  again  routed  by  Pleasan- 
ton at  Marias  des  Cygncs,  Ark.,  leaving 
8  guns,  1,000  prisoners,  two  Generals, 
and  other  officers  587 

Lieutenant  Cushing's  Feat. 

"  Oct.  27.  Rebel  ram  Albemarle  destroyed 
by  a  torpedo  in  the  Roanoke,  which 
Lieut.  Gushing  secretly  affixed  to  her, 
and  swimming  back  under  a  heavy  fire 
he  escaped  to  the  Union  vessels  in  the 
offing  586 

"  Oct.  31.  Plymoutti  retaken  by  a  fleet 
under  Com.  McComb  586 

Union  Supplies  Burned. 

"  Burning  of  Union  supplies  and  vessels  to 
the  amount  of  $1,500,000  at  Johnson- 
ville,  Tenn.  The  store  buildings  took 
fire  from  the  union  vessels,  which 
were  burned  to  prevent  their  capture 

by  the  enemy  592 

Nov.  8.     McClellan  resigns  liis  corn- 


Lincobis  Re-eleetion. 

Nov.  8.  Abraham  Lincoln  was  electee^ 
by  an  overwhelming  majority  to  a 
second  term  in  the  President's  Chair, 
with  Andrew  Johnson,  of  Tenn.,  as 
Vice-President,  the  soldiers  voting 
nearly  four  to  one  in  his  favor — the 
Republican  platform  being  "  The  Re- 
establishment  of  the  Union  without 
Slavery."  The  Democratic  platform, 
with  McClellan  for  its  candidate,  was 
either  the  separation  of  the  Union  or 
its  re-establishment  with  slavery. .  593 

Nov.  11.  Sherman  sent  his  last  message 
by  the  telegraph  connecting  with  the 
North,  ..severed  the  last  wire,  and 
moved  from  Atlanta,  scattering  the 
rebel  forces  before  him,  and  destroying 
the  railroads,  and  subsisting  upon  the 
invaded  territorj',  and  accumulating 
stores  for  the  future  supply  of  his 
army. 

Nov.  25.  A  gang  of  rehel  incendiarietfre 
several  Jwtels  in  New  York,  and  Bar- 
num's  Museum,  but  fortunately  without 
success. 

Nov.  30.  Battle  of  Franklin,  Tenn. 
Hood  attacks  Schofield,  and  after  a 
fierce  and  savage  fight  with  bayouets 
and  clubbed  muskets,  the  battle  ceased 
at  ten  p.m.,  with  victory  on  the  side  of 
the  Unionists— the  rebels  losing  6,000 
and  Union  loss  2,300   543 

Dec.  1 .  Hood  prepares  for  siege  before 
Nashville. 


Slavery  Abolished. 

1864.  Dec.  6.    The  Thirteenth  Amendmon'; 

to  the  Constitution  passed,  aijolish- 
ing  and  forever  prohibiting  slavery 
throughout  the  United  States. 

"  Dec.  6.  Salmon  I'.  Chase  appointed 
Chief-Justice  in  place  of  Roger  B. 
Taney,  deceased. 

"  Dec.  10.  Savannah  completely  beleaguer- 
ed, and  Sherman  commuricates  with 
the  fleet   595 

"      Dec.  18.    Capture  of  Fort  .McAllister. 

"  Dec.  15-16.  Battle  of  Nashville.  Hood's 
anny,  fiitally  defeated  by  Gen.  Thomas, 
fled  in  dismay,  pursued  by  Wilson's 
cavalry. 

"  Dec.  20.  Ecacuation  of  Savannah  hy 
Ilarden  595 

Capture  of  Savannah. 

"  Dec.  23.  Sherman  enters  Savannah  with 
his  army  and  captures  25,000  bales  of 
cotton,  150  cimnon,  and  large  quan- 
tities of  ammunition.  He  sends  the 
news  to  "  Preside  nt  Lincoln  as  a 
Christmas  jsresent  to  the  nation.".  595 

"  Dec.  18-20.  Gen.  Stoneman,  raiding  in 
Southwestern  Virginia,  has  a  severe 
fight  with  Breckenridge,  defeating 
him. 

"  Dec.  19.  The  President  orders  a  draft 
of  300,000  more  men  unless  prevented 
by  volunteers. 

"  Dec.  24-25.  Butler  and  Porter  attack 
Fort  Fisher,  N.  C,  in  vain. 

"      War  between  Ecuador  and  Spain. 

1865.  Jan.    Surrender  of  the  Republican  forces 

in  ]\Iexico,  under  Diaz,  to  the  Imperial- 
ists. 

"  War  declared  by  the  .\rgentine  Republic 
against  P.^.raguay. 

Freedmens  Bureau. 

"  Establishment  of  the  Freedmen's  Bureau, 
an  organization  to  protect  the  liberated 
slaves,  the  refugees  from  the  tyranny  of 
the  secessionists,  and  for  the  further 
protection  of  the  rights  of  Government 
property,  and  of  the  loyal  people  in  the 
South,  and  especially  for  the  education 
and  protection  of  the  colored  race. 
Gen.  Oliver  O.  Howard  appointed  its 
head,  or  chief  commander. 

"  Jan.  8.  Blair  and  Singleton  tisit  Rich~ 
mond  to  treat  for  peace. 

"  Jan.  16.  Surrender  of  Fort  Fisher  to 
Gen.  Terry,  after  a  terrible  resistance 
of  three  days,  and  the  accidental  blow- 
ing up  of  the  magazine,  killing  and 
wounding  300  of  tlie  victors  596 

"  Jan.  10.  Sherman  sets  apart  lands  for 
frcodmen  from  Charleston  southward. 

Bombardment  of  Wilmington. 

"  Jan.  22.  Wilmington,  N.  C,  surrendered 
to  Gen,  Terry,  after  sufi'ering  a  terrible 
fire  for  three  days.  The  next  morning 
the  magazine  blew  up,  killing  200 
Unionists  ami  wounding  loO  more. 

"  Jan.  31.  Constitutional  amendment 
abolishing  slavery  submitted  by  Con- 
gress to  the  States. 

"  Feb.  1.  Sherman  leaves  Savannah  and 
starts  northicard  595 

"  Feb.  3.  President's  conference  with  rebel 
commissioners. 

Surrender  of  Columbia. 

"  Feb.  17.  Columbia,  the  capital  of  South 
Carolina,  surrendered  to  Sherman  by 


790 


CHRONOLOGY. 


1865.  Gen.  Beaurcj^ard.  Gen.  Wade  Hamp- 
ton setting  fire  to  tlie  stores  of  cotton 
before  he  left;  the  flames  were  com- 
municated by  a  liigh  wind  to  the  city, 
and  a  great  portion  of  tbe  city  burned, 
in  spite  of  the  laliors  of  the  Union 
soldiers  to  prevent  the  spread  of  the 
flames   595 

Surrender  of  Charleston. 

"  Feb.  18.  Surrender  of  Charleston  by  its 
Mayor,  with  all  its  surrounding  forts, 
to  Gen.  Gilmorc,  and  its  occupation, 
first,  by  a  colored  regiment,  wearing 
the  National  uniform  and  bearing  the 
National  flag.  The  greater  portion  of 
tbe  city  was  destroyed  by  the  fire  from 
the  burning  cotton,  which  the  rebels 
set,  and  the  explosion  of  large  quantities 
of  powder,  killing  200  persons...  595 

"  Feb.  19.  Gen.  Schofield  captured  Fort 
Anderson.  Georgetown  hastily  evacu- 
ated 596 

"  March  8-9.  Gen.  Canby  captures  Spanish 
Fort  and  Fort  Blakely,  the  defenses  of 
Mobile. 

"  March  16.  Battle  of  Averysboro,  N.  C. 
Hardee  withstands   Sherman,  but  re- 

'       treats  in  the  night  596 

Emancipation     amendment    thus  far 

adopted  by  16  States. 
March  19-20.  Battle  at  Bentonville,TS.G. 
Johnston,  with  his  whole  army,  attacks 
a  division  of  Sherman's  army,  under 
Slocum.  .Johnston  hastily  retreated  in 
the  night  of  the  20th  596 

"  March  22.  Gen.  Thomas  sends  a  large 
force  of  cavalry,  under  Gen.  James  H. 
Wilson,  to  raid  in  Northern  Alabama. 
They  attacked  Forrest  at  Boyle's  Creek 
and  completely  routed  him  590 

"  March  25.  Rebels  take  Fort  Steadman, 
before  Petersburg,  but  are  quickly  ex- 
pelled, losing  2,500. 

"  Kennedy,  the  New  York  hotel  burner, 
hanged  at  Fort  Lafayette. 

"  March  27.  Sherman  turns  over  his  whole 
army  to  Schofield  anfl  hastens  to  City 
Point  to  consult  with  President  Lincoln 
and  Gen.  Grant  596 

Davis  Flees  from  Richmond. 

"  April  2.  La-;t  grand  assault  of  the  army 
of  the  Potomac  upon  the  Confederate 
forces  under  Gen.  Lee,  during  which 
the  rebel  Gen.  Hill  was  killed.  A 
telegram  the  same  day  from  Gen.  Lee 
to  Jert'.  Davis  reached  him  while  in 
church,  stating  that  Kichmond  must 
be  evacuated  that  evening,  sent  con- 
sternation throughout  the  city,  and 
Davis  fled  to  the  South,  closely  fol- 
lowed by  Lee. 

Fall  of  Richmond. 

"  April  n.  Richmond,  the  capital  of  the  Con- 
federate States,  surrendered.  Flight 
of  Jefferson  Davis,  the  Confederate 
President,  and  coinmander-in-thief  of 
the  Southern  armies.  The  city  was 
evacuated  by  night,  and  on  the  morn- 
ing of  the  third,  Gen.  Weitzel,  with  a 
colored  brigade,  entered  the  city  and 
planted  tiic  Stars  and  Strijjes  upon 
every  i)rominent  point.  The  morning 
of  the  fourtli  Pr(  si(KMit  Lincoln  ar- 
rived, and  leading  his  litth'  son  by  the 
hand,  walked  from  the  l)f>at-landing 
to  (icn(>ral  Weit/.crs  headquarters. 
The  colored  people   thronged  about 


1865.  liim,  blessing  him  as  he  passed,  and 
he  was  joyfully  received  by  the  re- 
maining white  people — the  rebel  cle- 
ment leaving  with  the  Confederate 
army. 

Lee  Pursued. 

"  Sheridan  and  Meade  ])ursued  Lee,  who 
was  fleeing  with  the  remnant  of  his 
army  toward  Danville. 

"  April  5.  Selma,  Ala.,  captured  with 
large  stores,  2,700  prisoners,  and  32 
guns.  Forrest  and  Rhoddy  escaping 
in  the  night. 

Sheridan  Captures  Lee's  Forces. 

"  April  6.  Sheridan  attacked  a  portion  of 
Lee's  forces  near  Sailor's  Creek,  cap- 
turing 10  pieces  of  artillery,  and  a 
train  of  400  wagons,  and  being  rein- 
forced, a  general  attack  was  made, 
which  resulted  in  a  decided  defeat  of 
the  enemy  and  a  capture  of  6,000  or 
7,000  prisoners,  with  (4ens.  Ewell  and 
Custis,  and  several  other  officers  of 
rank. 

"  April  7.  Grant  demanded  a  surren- 
der OF  THE  Southern  army. 

"  April  8.  Meade  and  Sheridan  continue 
the  pursuit  of  Lee,  and  capture  his 
provision  train  and  25  pieces  of  artil- 
lery, intercepting  his  flight. 

President's  Address. 

"  April  9.  Address  at  the  Executive  Man- 
sion, in  Washington,  of  President  Lin- 
coln, to  a  vast  concourse  of  jieople,  on 
the  reconstruction  of  the  Government. 

Surrender  of  Lee. 

"  April  9.  Last  charge  of  the  defeated 
enemy,  and  surrender  of  the  Southern 
army  under  Gen.  Robert  E.  Lee  to 
Lieut. -Gen.  U.  S.  Grant  at  Apj)omattox. 

"  April  11.  Blockade  changed  by  procla- 
mati(m  to  legal  closure  of  ports. 

"  April  12.  Canhy's  troojjs  enter  ^Mobile, 
the  siege  having  lasted  since  March 
11. 

"  April  12.  Montgomery  surrendered  to 
Wihon. 

"  April  13.  President  Lincoln  instructed 
the  Secretary  of  War  to  issue  an  order, 
putting  a  stop  to  further  drafting,  re- 
ceiving of  or  purchase  of  war  ma- 
terial; and  announced  the  speedy  re- 
moval of  restrictions  upon  trade  and 
commerce. 

"  April  14.  The  anniversary  of  the  sur- 
render of  Fort  Sumter  to  the  rebels; 
its  old  flag  was  again  raised  over  the 
battered  walls  by  thft  brave  and  gal- 
lant Anderson,  who  had  so  valiantly 
defended  it  in  1861. 

Assassination  of  Abraham  Lincoln. 

"  A])ril  14.  By  the  hand  of  the  assassin, 
John  Wilkes  Booth,  President  Lincoln 
was  shot,  while  witiiessinp;  a  i)lay  from 
a  private  box  in  Ford's  Theater,  Wash- 
ingtcm,  D.  C.  The  l)old  perpetrator  of 
the  deed  rushed  maiily  to  the  front  of 
the  box,  and,  with  a  drawn  dagger, 
leaped  upon  the  stage  below,  and 
escaped,  amid  the  terril)l(!  confusion 
which  ensued.  The  unconscious  and 
bleeding  form  of  the  President  was 
borne  across  the  street  to  a  private 
house,  where  he  expired  at  hall-jiast 
seven  the  next  morning,  surrounded  by 


1865,  his  Cabinet  and  the  leading  men  of  the 
Government,  with  his  family,  and  at- 
tended by  the  ablest  medical  skill  of 
the  city.  But  nothing  could  awake  to 
life  or  consciousness  the  giant  brain 
whose  motion  and  thought  was  forever 
stilled  by  that  fatal  messenger  of  death. 
As  the  lightning  sped  the  news  of  this 
terrible  tragedy  over  the  myriads  of 
wires,  from  one  end  of  this  vast  re- 
public to  the  other,  there  went  up  one 
universal  and  prolonccd  wail  of  grief 
and  anguish  from  the  hearts  of  its  loyal 
millions,  who  loved  and  revered  the 
n;ime  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  as  dutiful 
children  revere  the  name  of  a  beloved 
and  honored  parent.  Never  before  was 
this  great  nation  so  slwcle/l,  so  com- 
pletely overwhelmed  with  grief,  at  the 
death  of  any  man — ruler  or  civilian — 
as  that  caused  by  the  fall  of  their 
chieftain.  Strong  men  wept  who  were 
unacquainted  with  tears,  and  a  uni- 
versal pall  hung  over  the  hearts  of  the 
whole  people  like  the  cloudy  curtain 
which  darkened  the  noonday  sun  at 
the  Crucifixion  of  the  Saviour;  fir,  to 
millions  of  aching  hearts  he  had  been 
a  deliverer  from  a  cruel  bondage  as 
well  as  the  saviour  of  the  country  from 
the  hands  of  its  destroyers.  There  was 
not  a  hamlet  so  humble  or  remote  that 
did  not  re>pond  to  the  sorrowful  tidings 
with  the  emblems  of  mourning,  and 
cities  and  towns  seemed  almost  to  vie 
with  each  other  in  their  solenm  and 
funereal  pomp.  The  orators  and  poets 
gave  vent  to  the  universal  spirit  of 
sadness  in  lengthened  lines  of  eloquent 
eulogy  and  measured  metre  of  mourn- 
ful song,  and  all  hearts  took  up  the 
refrain, 

"  Gone,  in  his  noble  manhood,  down, 
We  blindly  question,  why  ? 
Wlipn  bells,  and  i^ims,  and  mufiled  drums 
Alone  make  sad  reply." 

It  was  truly  said  that  his  funeral 

procession  extended  fifteen  hundred 
miles — from  Washington  to  Spring- 
field, 111.  For  mile-;,  in  some  places, 
the  saddened  citizens  grouped  along 
tile  railway,  with  he;i(ls  uncovered  and 
eyes  overflowing  with  tears,  as  the 
solemn  funeral  train  swept  past.  He 
was  finally  interred  in  a  beautiful  and 
appropriate  tomb  in  Springfield,  where 
his  honored  dust  is  revered  as  some- 
thing sublimely  sacred. 

Abraham  Lincoln. 

Abraham  Lincoln  was  born  in  the  State 
of  Kentucky.  His  father,  Thomas 
Lincoln,  was  a  poor,  laboring  man,  «ho 
could  neither  read  nor  write,  but  who 
])osscsscd  a  warm  and  generous  nature. 
His  mother  had  K'f*^  mind  and 
person  which  Ibuinl  little  sco[)e  for  ex- 
ercise or  display  in  the  rude  pioneer 
life  to  which  slie  was  su'  jected.  But 
the  hidden  beauty  and  grace  of  her 
character  was  nobly  and  truthfully  re- 
veak'd  in  the  life  of  her  son.  In  speak- 
ing of  her,  long  years  after  her  (k-ath — 
for  Mr.  Lincoln  lost  his  mothe:  when 
but  ten  years  of  age — the  grateful  son 
exclaimed  :  "j\ll  that  I  am.  or  hope  to 
be,  I  owe  to  my  iingel-motlier ;  bless- 
ings on  her  memory."  So  extreme  was 
the  j)()verty  of  his  i>arents,  that  after 
more  than  ten  years  of  struggle  with 
hardship  and  privation,  his  father  sold 


CHRONOLOGY. 


791 


1805.  his  little  farm  and  removed  to  the 
wilderness  of  Indiana,  and  all  the 
eftects  of  the  fauiily,  with  themselves, 
were  carried,  a  seven  days'  journey,  on 
the  hacks  of  three  horses!  Here  the 
sturdy  pioneer  began  life  anew,  in  the 
forest.  Their  home  was  as  cheerless 
and  comfortless  as  it  is  possible  for  the 
reader,  in  this  land  of  {plenty,  to  con- 
ceive. And  here  grew  up,  amid  poverty 
and  privation  in  every  form,  the  boy 
who  was  destined,  not  only  to  till  the 
liifjhest  place  of  honor  in  a  great  and 
enlightened  nation,  and  who  should  be 
revered  and  almost  idolized  by  the 
jieople,  but  who  should  be  regarded,  by 
the  great  nations  of  the  Old  World,  as 
was  expressed  by  a  London  journal, 
after  his  assassination,  "as  the  hest,  if 
not  the  ablest,  man  then  ruling  over 
any  country  in  the  civilized  world." 
Step  by  step,  through  adversity  and 
trials,  through  poverty  and  the  most 
menial  and  laborious  toil,  this  coura- 
geous and  noble  boy  climbed  the  ladder 
which  leads  to  the  heights  of  worldly 
honor  and  fame. 

But  upon  the  threshold  of  life,  when 
laying  the  foundation  of  his  future 
greatness,  "  the  boy  gave  promise  of 
the  man"  in  the  clear  integrity  of 
character,  the  devotion  and  honesty 
of  purpose  and  principle,  the  modesty 
of  manner,  and  the  respect  and  ven- 
eration of  superior  worth  and  age — all 
together,  forming  the  basis  of  a  char- 
acter so  noble  and  so  pure  and  upright 
that  no  temptation  could  swerve  and 
no  power  could  corrupt.  There  is  a 
peculiar  charm  and  satisfixction  blended 
in  the  history  of  nearly  every  great 
and  good  man  which  this  country  has 
produced.  One  b}'  one  they  have 
risen  from  the  humble  walks  of  life 
and  from  the  lowly  vale  of  poverty  and 
the  field  of  manual  labor,  to  occupy 
positions  of  honor  and  trust,  as  the 
choice  of  a  f?-ee  people,  which  the 
pampered,  and  often  despised,  heredi- 
tary ruler  of  a  realm  might  well  envy. 
One  incident  in  the  character  of  the 
boy  will  illustrate  the  principle  of  the 
man.  He  was  employed  to  attend  a 
store  and  mill,  by  some  parties  for 
whom  he  had  faithfully  discharged  the 
duties  and  trust  of  an  arduous  under- 
taking, and  while  waiting  upon  custom- 
ers in  the  store,  he  took  six  .and  a 
quarter  cents  too  much  in  settling  a 
bill  of  goods  with  a  woman.  He  did 
not  discover  his  mistake  until  late  at 
night,  when  reckoning  up  his  accounts 
for  the  day,  but  before  he  slept  he 
walked  two  and  a  half  miles  and 
carried  the  money  to  her.  Again,  in 
weighing  out  some  tea  for  a  woman,  he 
found,  by  an  accidental  defect  in  the 
scales,  that  h''  had  given  her  scant 
weight  by  four  ounces,  lie  carried  her 
the  tea  as  soon  as  he  discovered  his 
mistake,  and  before  he  ate  his  breaic- 
fast  in  the  morning.  At  the  present 
day,  and  under  the  prevailing  moral 
code  among  tradesmen,  such  scrupulous 
adherence  to  the  principles  of  honesty 
would  meet  with  ridicule,  and  would 
often  cost  a  young  man  his  situation. 

In  1832,  when  the  Black  Hawk  in- 
vasion called  for  volunteers,  Abraham 
was  one  of  the  first  to  respond.  When 
the  Captain  of  their  company  was  to 
be  chosen,  there  were  but  two  can- 


didates: one,   a  Mr.  Kirkpatrick,  a 

man  of  extensive  influence,  and  ff)r 
wliom  Abraham  had  once  worked,  but 
wiio  was  so  overhearing  and  tyrannical 
that  he  left  his  employ,  and  the  other 
was  .\braham  Lincoln.  The  mode  of 
election  was  as  novel  as  it  was  simple. 
The  candidates  were  ])laeed  apart,  and 
each  one  was  at  liberty  to  take;  his 
place  by  the  candidate  of  his  choice. 
^'early  the  wiiole  company  were  soon 
gathered  around  Lincoln.  This  he 
felt  to  be  the  proudest  day  of  his  life. 
They  marched  to  the  scene  of  action. 
Zachary  Taylor  was  the  Colonel  of  the 
regiment  in  which  Lincoln  was  Captain. 
Black  Hawk  was  taken  prisoner  iind 
his  band  routed.  Upon  his  return 
home,  he  managed  to  borrow  a  few 
books,  and  began  to  prejiare  himself 
for  the  study  of  the  law.  His  student- 
life  would  appall  the  heart  of  any  mod- 
ern law  student.  His  study  was  usu- 
ally the  shade  of  an  oak  tree,  or  the 
one  room  of  a  log-cabin,  by  the  light 
of  the  log-fire  or  a  dim  tallow  candle. 
In  1834  Mr.  Lincoln  was  elected  to  the 
Legislature  of  Illinois.  When  it  as- 
sembled, he  trudged  on  foot  a  dis- 
tance of  one  hundred  miles  to  the 
capital,  with  his  "baggage"  tied  in  a 
bundle,  which  he  carried  upon  his  back. 
At  the  close  of  the  session  ho  walked 
back,  and  continued  his  studies,  sup- 
porting himself  by  surveying,  a  knowl- 
edge of  which  he  had  acquired  by 
private  study.  In  183G  he  was  re  elcct- 
ed  to  the  State  Legislature.  He  was 
now  27  years  of  age,  and  a  prominent 
man  in  the  State.  He  was  already  a 
fluent  and  eloquent  speaker.  It  was 
in  this  Legislature  that  Mr.  Lincoln 
first  met  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  and  here 
he  made  his  first  protest  against  ''le 
slave  power. 

At  the  close  of  the  session  he  en- 
tered the  law-office  of  JIajor  Stuart,  of 
Sijringfield,  as  his  partner.  The  capital 
was  removed  to  Springfield,  and  Mr. 
Lincoln,  by  successive  elections,  was 
continued  in  the  Legislature,  and  was 
recognized  as  the  leading  Whig  mem- 
ber. His  success  at  the  bar  was  rapid 
and  brilliant.  He  soon  gained  the 
confidence  of  the  public,  as  he  never 
would  advocate  a  cause  which  he  did 
not  believe  to  be  just,  and  no  cause 
was  too  unpopular  for  him  to  advo- 
cate where  he  thought  his  client  was 
in  the  right.  He  never  refused  to  ad- 
vocate the  cause  of  a  fugitive  slave, 
or  to  defend  a  man  who  was  charged 
with  the  crime  of  helping  a  fugitive 
on  his  way  to  Canada.  In  1847  Jlr. 
Lincoln  took  his  scat  in  the  national 
Congress,  having  been  elecied  by  a 
very  preat  majority.  Here  he  advo- 
cated the  reform  measures,  and  str(>nu- 
ously  opposed  the  Mexican  war.  At 
the  end  of  his  term  he  resumed  the 
practice  of  law.  L'lion  the  abron:ati(m 
of  the  Slissouri  Compromise,  which 
threw  open  the  great  and  free  terri- 
tories of  the  Northwest  to  the  inva- 
sion of  slavery,  the  indignation  of 
Mr.  Lincoln  was  thoroughly  aroused, 
and  he  became  convinced  that  there 
would  be  no  cessation  of  the  conflict 
until  either  slavery  or  freedom  should 
gain  the  victory. 

Mr.  Douglas,  with  whom  he  liad 
been  intimately  associated,  wjis  re- 


sponsible for  the  bill  which  repealed 
the  Compromise,  and  which  the 
North  regarded  us  his  bid  for  >outh- 
ern  votes  to  secure  the  Presidency. 
He  was  a  man  of  giant  intdlict  and 
great  j^opularity,  and  in  public  spcei'li- 
es  he  was  defending  the  "  Kansa-^-Ne- 
braska  "  bill.  'I'here  was  already  great 
excitement  arous(  d  concerning  it,  and 
the  whol(!  North  wiTe  stirred  to  a  feel- 
ing of  intense  opposition  to  the  arbi- 
trary encroachment  of  tlie  slave  pow.  r. 
Mr.  Lincoln  having  allied  himself 
with  the  H(!publiean  party,  was  pre- 
pared to  defend  its  issues,  and  there- 
fore he  challenged  Mr.  Douglas  to 
canvass  the  State  of  Illinois  with  him, 
both  to  speak  upon  their  respective 
party  issues  before  the  same  audience. 
Mr.  Douglas  acce))ted  the  challenge, 
and  ariangements  were  mafie  to  s|}eak 
in  seven  leading  towns.  These  meet- 
ings were  attended  by  a  vast  concourse 
of  people,  and  created  the  most  in- 
tense excitement  throughout  the  West. 
The  speeches  were  jiuMished  in  a 
pamphlet,  and  used  as  a  campaign 
document.  The  universal  verdict  was 
that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  the  victor. 
There  is  no  doubt  but  the  popularity 
he  acquired  in  this  campaign  secured 
his  nomination  for  the  Presidency. 
During  a  speech  he  was  at  one  time 
making  upon  the  issues  of  the  hour, 
he  was  interrupted  by  a  voice  from 
the  crowd:  "Mr.  Lincoln,  is  it  true 
that  you  entered  this  State  barefoot, 
driving  a  yoke  of  oxen  ?  "  For  a  mo- 
ment Mr.  Lincoln  paused,  during 
which  there  was  breathless  silence, 
then  deliberately  he  answered:  "I 
think  that  I  can  prove  the  fact  by  at 
least  a  dozen  men  in  this  crowd,  any 
one  of  whom  is  more  respectable  than 
the  questioner."  Resuming  the  elo- 
quent strain,  as  if  he  had  not  been  in- 
terrupted, he  said:  "Yes,  we  will 
speak  for  freedom  and  against  slavery 
as  long  as  the  Constitution  of  our 
country  guarantees  free  speech  ;  until 
everywhere  on  this  wide  land  the  sun 
shall  shine,  and  the  rain  shall  fall,  and 
the  wind  shall  blow  upon  no  man  who 
goes  forth  to  unrequited  toil." 

To  illustrate  the  peculiar  and  l:appy 
vein  of  humor  that  was  a  chief  attrac- 
tion of  his  nature,  the  following  wit- 
ticism is  <tpi'(>]ii).<! :  When  asked  by  a 
friend  how  he  felt  after  his  defeat  in 
the  Senatorial  election,  he  replied,  "  I 
felt  like  the  boy  who  had  stubbed  his 
toe — too  badly  to  laugh,  and  too  big 
to  cry." 

On  the  loth  of  June,  18C0,  the  Re- 
l)ublicans  met  in  Conventiim  at  Chi- 
cago. There  were  at  least  25,000 
delegates  and  strangers  in  the  city, 
who  were  drawn  by  the  Convention. 
The  citizens  of  Chicago  erected  an  im- 
mense building,  which  they  called  the 
"  Wigwam,"  for  the  accommodation 
of  the  meeting.  There  were  eleven 
candidates  for  whom  votes  were  east. 
It  was  generally  expected  that  Wni. 
H.  Seward  would  be  the  nominee. 
He  was  a  statesman  of  great  promi- 
nence and  popularity.  On  the  first 
ballot,  Mr.  Seward  received  173^  votes 
and  Abraham  Lincoln  172.  The  bal- 
loting was  now  confined  to  these  two 
candidates.  At  the  third  ballot,  Lin- 
coln was  elected,  by  the  transfer  of  the 


792 


CHRONOLOGY. 


18C5,  four  Ohio  votes  to  him.  Such  a 
scone  ;is  Ibilowid  Ijaffles  description. 
Pen  is  ina  lequate  to  portray  tlie  wild, 
tumultuous  ljurst  of  cutliusia<m  that 
shook  the  l)uildinir,  and  which  was 
repeated  in  a  iierf(!<'t  tempest  of  huzzas 
by  the  immense  tlirouj^  outside  the 
building  who  awaitecl  the  results, 
which  were  signaled  by  a  man  from 
the  roof  of  the  "  Wigwam."  "Fire 
the  salute !  Abe  Lincoln  is  nominated  ! " 
the  secretary  shouted  ;  and  the  tuxnult- 
uous  cheering  inside,  blending  Avith 
roars  of  applause  on  the  outside,  was 
so  deafening  that  the  thunders  of  the 
cannim  were  unheard  by  many  iipon 
the  platform.  When  the  committee 
who  were  to  await  upon  ^Ir.  Lincoln 
with  the  formal  announcement  arrived 
in  Springfield,  his  friends  sent  in 
several  hampers  of  wine  for  their  en- 
tertainment, but  true  to  his  princiijles 
of"  abstinence,''  he  returned  them  with 
words  of  kindness  and  gratitude. 
The  committee  met  in  Mr.  Lincoln's 
parlor.  At  tiie  close  of  the  ceremony 
he  said  :  "  As  a  suitable  conclusion  of 
an  interview  so  important,  courtesy 
requires  that  I  should  treat  the  com- 
mittee with  something  to  drink." 
Stepping  to  the  door  he  called,  "  Mary  ! 
JIary!"  A  young  girl  appiiared ;  he 
spoke  to  her  in  a  low  tone,  and  closed 
the  door.  Presently  the  };irl  entered, 
bearing  a  large  waiter  with  a  pitcher 
and  several  tumblers,  which  she  placed 
upon  a  tal)le  in  the  center  of  the  room. 
Mr.  Lincoln  arose  and  said:  "Gentle- 
men, we  must  pl'xlgo  our  mutual 
healths  in  the  most  healthy  beverage 
which  God  has  given  to  man.  It  is 
the  only  beverage  I  have  ever  used  or 
allowed  in  my  family,  and  1  can  not 
conscientiously  depart  from  it  on  this 
occasion.  It  is  pure  Adam's  ale  from 
tlie  spring."  Taking  a  tumbler,  be 
touched  it  to  his  lips,  and  his  guests 
followed  liis  example.  When  it  w.is 
known  that  Abe  Lincoln,  the  "  rail- 
splittcr"  and  the  "abolitionist,"  was 
elected,  the  rage  of  the  South  knew 
no  bounds.  No  language  was  bitter  or 
strong  enough  to  furnish  them  with 
invectives.  No  name  was  vile  enough 
for  them  to  apply  to  the  hated 
"Yankee"  who  would  sit  in  the 
Presidential  Chair  the  following  4th 
of  .March.  Four  days  after  his  election, 
a  l)ill  was  introduced  into  tlie  Legis- 
lature of  South  Carolina  calling  for 
10,01)0  volunteers;  her  two  United 
States  Senators  resigned  their  scats, 
and  a  Secession  Convention  was  called. 
From  this  time  on  the  South  insanely 
swelled  the  tide  of  treason,  and  State 
alter  State  fell  into  line,  and  deliod  the 
United  States  Government,  insulted 
her  ll  ig,  captured,  her  forts  and  arse- 
nals, and  Haunted  their  declarations  tf 
war  and  their  menaces  upon  every 
breeze.  Upon  the  api)roach  of  the 
I'risident  eh'Ct  to  Washington,  the 
spirit  of  secer.sion  was  so  ram])ant  that 
Mr.  Lincoln  yielded  to  the  entreaties 
of  his  friends  and  secretly  took  a 
night  train  at  Haltimore,  thus  evading 
the  assassinators  who  boldly  threat- 
ened his  life.  His  inaugunition  was 
attended  by  a  largo  military  force, 
und.  r  General  Scott.  Openly  every- 
thing jiassed  oil"  quietly,  I  ait  secretly 
the    "  den\on    of    destruction"  was 


18G5.  ])lotting  vengeance  and  death  to  the 
nation  and  her  noblo  defenders.  On 
the  12th  of  April  the  long-sm(mlder- 
ing  volcano  Iiurst  in  its  lury  upon 
Sumter.  Like  a  shock  from  an  electric 
battery,  the  news  at  lirst  paralyzed 
the  whole  North,  but  in  a  sudden  re- 
action, every  loyal  man  sprang  to  his 
feet  eager  to  give  his  life  for  his  coun- 
try. Never  since  the  British  fired  the 
fiist  shot  at  Le.\ington  were  the  loyal 
hearts  of  .Vmerica  so  wrought  up,  and 
so  unanimous  in  their  determination 
to  defend  their  national  life  and  honor; 
and  nobly  they  fullilled  their  pledges. 
The  liistory  of  that  fearful  homicidal 
struggle  is  written  in  the  blood  of  six 
himdred  thousand  victims  to  the 
"  God  of  War."  The  national  Govern- 
ment enlisted  2,080,523  soldiers,  and 
the  aggregate  cost  of  the  war  to  the 
Government  exceeded  $4,000,000,000, 
aside  from  the  desolation  and  ruin 
which  was  wide-spread  over  the  field 
of  action.  The  North  urged  the  issue 
of  a  prcolamation  of  emancipation. 
Mr.  Lincoln  replied  :  "  I  do  not  wish 
to  issue  a  document  that  the  whole 
world  will  see  must  be  inoperative  like 
the  '  Pope's  bull  against  the  comet.'  " 

At  length,  on  Sept.  20th,  Jlr.  Lincoln 
submitted  the  renowned  Proclamation 
of  Emancipation  to  his  Cabinet,  and 
the  22d  it  was  published  to  the  world. 
It  took  efl'ect  the  lirst  day  of  January, 
1803.  Great  excitement  followed  its 
final  announcement,  and  the  loyal 
])eople  of  the  North  were  little  less  re- 
joiced than  were  the  three  millions  of 
slaves  whom  it  liberated  forever  from 
a  cruel  bondage.  On  the  4th  of  March, 
1805,  Abraham  Lincoln  w'as  inaugu- 
rated the  second  time  as  President  of  the 
United  States,  and  just  one  month  from 
that  time  the  capital  of  the  Southern 
Confederacy  fell,  and  its  forlorn  Presi- 
dent fled  in  dismay,  see'A^ing  refuge  and 
finding  none.  Their  cause  wai.  lost, 
their  homes  desolated  and  ruined,  and 
themselves  disfranchised.  But  with  a 
desperation  born  of  madness,  the  spirit 
of  secession  attemi)ted  one  last  despair- 
ing blow  at  the  life  of  the  (iovernmcnt. 
A  .secret  and  diabolical  plot  was  laid, 
which  involved  the  assassination  of 
every  member  of  the  Cabinet,  but 
which,  from  some  unknown  reason, 
failed  of  accomplishment,  beyond  the 
murder  of  the  President  and  the  at- 
tempted assassiiuition  of  Secretary  Sew- 
ard. 

No  more  fitting  or  more  beautiful 
tribute  could  be  i)aid  the  character  of 
this  truly  great  and  good  man,  than  to 
quote  the  closing  paragrajjh  of  his  last 
inaugural  address,  delivered  in  the 
hour  of  his  country's  triumph,  and 
from  the  supreme  height  of  fame  to 
which  he  had  steadily  and  surely  ad- 
var.ced  in  the  mighty  march  of  human 
events.  Tho  loving  and  forgiving 
nature,  the  sweet  humility,  and  the 
beautiful  trust  and  submission  por- 
trayed in  these  words,  are  more  the 
language  of  the  meek  and  lowly  follower 
of  Jesus,  th;m  that  of  a  great  and  world- 
renowned  ruler  of  a  mighty  nation: 

" '  Woe  unto  the  world  because  of 
offenses,  for  it  must  needs  be  that 
offenses  come  ;  but  woe  to  that  man  by 
whom  the  ollVnse  coineth.'  If  we  shall 
su2)pose  that  American  j-lavery  is  one 


1805.  of  these  ofTenses.  which,  in  the  provi- 
dence of  God,  must  needs  come,  but 
which,  having  ccmtinucd  through  His 
appointed  time.  He  now  wills  to  re- 
move, and  that  He  gives  to  both  North 
and  South  this  terrilde  war,  as  the  woe 
due  to  those  by  whom  the  offense  cainc  ; 
shall  we  discern  therein  any  departure 
from  those  Divine  attrilnites  which  the 
believers  in  a  living  God  always  ascribe 
to  Him  ?  Fondly  do  wc  hope,  fervently 
do  we  pray,  that  this  mighty  scourge 
of  war  may  soon  pass  away.  Yet,  if 
God  will  that  it  continue  until  all  the 
"wealth  piled  up  by  the  bondman's  two 
hundred  and  fifty  years  of  unrequited 
toil  shall  be  simk,  and  until  every  drop 
of  blood  drawn  with  the  lash  shall  be 
paid  with  another  drawn  with  the 
sword,  as  was  said  three  thousand 
years  ago,  so  still  it  must  be  said :  '  The 
judgments  of  the  Lord  aro  true  and 
righteous  altogether.'  With  malice 
toward  none,  with  charity  for  all,  with 
firmness  in  the  right— as  God  gives  us 
to  see  the  right — let  us  strive  to  finish 
the  work  we  are  in,  to  bind  up  the 
nation's  wounds,  to  care  for  him  who 
shall  have  borne  the  battle,  and  for  his 
widow  and  his  orphans,  to  do  all  which 
may  achieve  and  cherish  a  just  and 
lasting  peace  among  ourselves  and  with 
all  nations." 

Assault  upon  Secretary  Se^vard. 

"  April  14.  Attempted  assassination  of 
Secretary  Seward  by  Payne,  Booth's 
confederate.  He  entered  the  sick 
chamber  of  ]\Ir.  Seward  under  pre- 
tense of  bringing  a  prescription  from 
his  physician — assaulted  and  wounded 
Mr.  Seward's  son  at  the  door,  fell  upon 
Mr.  Seward  upon  his  bed  and  stabbed 
liim  several  times  before  he  was 
arrested.  Great  consternation  ensued 
when  it  was  learned  that  it  was  a  result 
of  a  great  conspiracy,  among  the  rebels, 
to  assassinate  the  President  and  his 
Cabinet  r.ud  take  violent  possession  of 
the  Government. 

Valentine  Mott. 

"  April.  Death  in  New  York  of  Valentine 
Mott,  M.D.,  at  tho  age  of  eighty 
years,  caused  by  the  shock  of  the 
news  of  the  death  of  President  Lin- 
coln, which  he  received  in  perfect 
health,  and  which  completely  pros- 
trated him.  He  lived  but  ten  days 
after  receiving  the  sad  news,  and 
gradually  sank  away  like  one  who.sc 
vitality  liad  been  wasted  by  a  long  and 
fatal  disease.  Ho  was  the  most  emi- 
nent surgeon  America  ever  produced, 
and  a  man  of  rare  ability  and  Iai;ge 
sympathies,  which  the  long  jjractice 
of  surgery  had  not  blunted,  and  w  ith 
which  the  manner  of  his  death  proved 
hiui  to  be  eminently  endowed. 
"  April  13.  Inauguration  of  Andrew 
Johnson  as  President  of  the  United 
States. 

"      April  IC).    Coliimh'is  tahn  hy  Wihon. 
"      April  10.    M'i.4  Point,  iritfi  its  gurrixcn, 
caj'tund  by  Im  Grange  59C 

Sherman  s  Peace. 

"  April  18.  Agreement  between  Sherman 
and  Johnston  for  suspension  of  hostili- 
ties with  a  basis  for  ])eace,  which  was 
rejected  by  the  President. 


CHRONOLOGY. 


793 


Surrender  of  Macon. 

1865.  April  31.  Wilson  entered  Macon,  and 
1,200  militia,  with  five  Generals,  were 
surrendered  by  Gen.  Howell  Cobb.  597 

Capture  of  Booth. 

"  April  25.  Booth  discovered  in  a  bani  in 
Virginia,  and,  refusing  to  surrender, 
was  shot   5'Jl 

Johnstoti's  Surrender. 

"  K^vW  3().  Surrender  to  Gen.  Sherman 
and  disbandmcnt  of  Johnston's  army 
upon  the  same  terms  of  Lee's  sur- 
render. 

Loss  of  the  "  Sultajia."" 

"  April  2S.  Steamer  Sultana  burned  near 
Memphis.  1,500  souls  lost  out  of 
2,106. 

May  1.  An  alliance  formed  between 
Argentine  Republic,  Uruguay,  and 
Brazil  to  conquer  Paraguay. 

"  May  4.  Surrender  of  Qeti.  Dick  Taylor 
to  Oen.  Canby. 

"  May  9.  Assassiibs  of  Mr.  Lincoln  put  upon 
trial  at  Washington. 

Capture  of  Jeff.  Davis. 

"  Jlay  11.  Capture  of  the  rebel  President, 
Jefferson  Davis,  near  Irwinsville,  Ga., 
by  a  force  of  Wilson's  company  at 
Macon,  commanded  by  Lieut.-Cols. 
Pritchard  and  Harden.  He  was  dis- 
guised as  a  woman. 

Grand  Review  of  the  Army. 

"  May  2.3-24.  The  Union  army  at  Wash- 
ington pass  in  grand  review  before  the 
President  and  Cabinet,  Foreign  Minis- 
ters, and  a  vabt  concourse  of  people.  599 

Gen.  Smith's  Surrender. 

"  May  26.  Surrender  of  Gen.  Smith,  with 
his  entire  command,  to  Gen.  Canby,  in 
Texas. 

Last  Conflict. 

"  May  27.  Last  conflict  of  the  war  on  land 
took  place  on  the  Rio  Grande.  Gen. 
Stoughton,  with  a  superior  force,  drove 
Col.  I5arrett,  with  a  loss  of  80  men,  into 
Brazos. 

"  May  29.  President  Johnson  proclaims 
an  amnesty  with  14  different  excep- 
tions. 

"  May  30.  Second  Sanitary  Fair  at  Chi- 
cago.   A  fund  raised  of  $200,000. 

Burning  of  Union  Stores. 

"  June  10.  Oreatfire  at  NashviUe,l>urning 
eight  or  ten  million  dollars  worth  of  U. 
S.  stores  andproperty. 

"  June  15.  Last  rebel  fort  yielded.  Gal- 
veston quietly  occujiied  by  Admiral 
Thatcher. 

"  June  23.  Up  to  this  date  the  pirate 
Shenandoah  had  destroyed  10  whalers. 

"  Trade  restrictions  removed  and  blockade 
ended. 

Hanging  of  the  Assassins. 

"  July  7.  The  assassins,  Harrold,  Payne, 
Atzeroth,  and  Mrs.  Surratt,  hung  at 
Washington ;  the  others,  Arnold,  IMudd, 
Spangler,  and  McLaughlin,  imprisoned 
for  hie. 


1865.  July  13.    Barnurn's  Museum,  New  York, 
destroyed  hy  fire. 
"      Aug.  14.     (Jreat  Ketchum   forgery,  of 
some  $2,000,000,  di.scovered  in  New 
York. 

"  Aug.  15.  Wirz,  keeper  of  Andersonville 
prison,  put  upon  trial. 

"  Mississijipi'  unllifi'-d  secession  ordinance 
and  accepted  emancipation. 

"  Sept.  12.  Altd>ama  declared  the  ordinance 
of  secession  nitll  and  void,  abolished 
slavery,  and  repudiated  tlu;  rebel  debt. 
Sept.  14.  l{el)el  Indian  Chiefs  sign  treaty 
of  loyalty  with  the  United  States. 

"  Sept.  15.  South  Carolina  repealed  the  se- 
cession ordinance  and  declared  slavery 
abolished. 

"      Sept.  23.  Alabama  Convention  recognized 

emancipation. 
"      Sept.  29.    Gov.  Sharkey,  of  Mississippi, 

recognized  by  proclamation  the  rights 

of  the  negro. 
"      Oct.  2.  Government  of  Cuba  surrendered 

the  pirate  Stonewall  to  the  United 

States. 

"  Oct.  7.  North  Carolina  declared  secession 
7i  ull  and  void,  prohibited  slavery  in  the 
State  forever,  and  re2)udiated  the  rebel 
debt. 

"  Oct.  Earthquake  shock  in  California. 
Considerable  damage  done  to  prop- 
erty, and  much  excitement  caused. 

"  Oct.  11.  Alex.  Stephens  and  other 
prominent  rebels  released  from  Fort 
Warren. 

"  Oct.  11.  Ferguson  the  guerrilla  hung 
in  Nashville,  and  Magruder  the  guer- 
rilla hung  in  Louisville. 

"  Oct.  12.  Martial  law  declared  ended  in 
Kentucky  by  the  President. 

"  Oct.  25.  Florida  annulled  the  secession 
ordinance. 

"  Nov.  The  pirnte-ship  Shenandoah  crnised 
in  the  Pacific,  capturing  numer>  as 
Union  merchant  ships  and  whalers, 
and  during  this  month  proceeded  to  I 
the  Mersey  and  surrendered  to  the 
English  Government. 

"  Nov.  Napoleon  III.  rept/xliates  Maxi- 
milian and  his  Government  in  Mexico. 

Execution  of  Wirz. 

"  Nov.  10.  Wirz  executed  at  the  Old  Capi- 
tol prison. 

"  Nov.  13.  South  Carolina  passed  the  Con- 
stitutional Amendment. 

"  Dec.  1.  Writ  of  habeas  corpus  restored 
in  the  Northern  States  by  the  Presi- 
dent. 

"  Dec.  2.  Alabama  ratified  the  Aiiti-slavery 
Amendment. 

"  Dec.  4.  Georgia  declared  slavery  abol- 
ished, and  nullified  her  war  debt. 

"  Dec.  6.  Florida  declared  slavery  abol- 
ished. 

Thomas  Corwin. 

"  Dec.  18.  Death  of  Hon.  Thomas  Corwin, 
an  eminent  American  statesman,  in 
Washington,  D.  D.  In  1818  Mr.  Corwin 
was  admitted  to  the  bar,  and  by  his 
ability  as  an  advocate,  he  soon  gained 
an  extensive  practice,  and  was  first  sent 
to  the  Legislature  of  Ohio  in  1823,  and 
served  seven  years,  and  to  Congress  in 
1830.  In  1840  he  was  Governor  of 
Ohio.  In  1844  Mr.  Corwin  was  elected 
to  the  United  States  Senate.  In  1850 
he  was  api)ointed  Secretary  of  the 
United  States  Treasury,  and  at  the 
expiration  of  his  term  he  was  again 


1865.  elected  to  Congress,  and  re-elected: 

and  wlien  Mr.  Lincoln  became  Presi- 
dent, lie  ajij)ji.;ted  Mr.  Coruin  ilini.s- 
ter  to  ]\Iexico.  As  an  orator,  Mr. 
Corwin  was  singularly  ca].tivoting, 
and  his  kiiul,  genial  nature  made  him 
a  general  favorite,  although  his  sar- 
casm was  cutting,  yet  sj) ced  and  soft- 
ened by  a  sjjarkling  and  genuine  wit. 

"  Dec.  18.  Sec.  Seward  ofticially  de- 
clared sl.avery  abolished  throughout 
the  United  States. 

"  Dec.  28.  Florida  ratificl  the  Thirteenth 
A  mend  me  lit. 

"      Henry  Winter  Davis,  of  Maryland,  died. 

"      Agassiz  visits  Brazil. 

"  Peru  rejects  a  treaty  with  Spain  and 
forms  an  alliance  with  Chili. 

"  I>om  Pedro  emanci^iates  the  Government 
slaves. 

"  There  were  354  fires  this  year,  where  tho 
loss  was  upward  of  S~0.000.  at  which 
property  valued  at  $43,419,000  was  de- 
stroyed. 

"  Losses  by  fire  frnm  1855  to  18C5,  inclu- 
sive, amounted  to  $214.58«.O0O. 

"      Smithsonian  Institute    at  Washington 
badly  liurned;  tlie  meteorological  de- 
partment sufl'ered  severely. 
1865-1870.    W  ar  between  lirazil  and  Paraguay 
terminated. 

1866.  Jan.  13.     Order  by  Gen.  Grant  for  the 

l)rotcetion  of  loyal  citizens  in  the 
South. 

"      Jan.  22.    Free  School  bill  defeo.ted  in  the 

Tennessee  Senate. 
"     Apr.  2.    Proclamation  of  the  President 

declaring  the  insurrection  ended  in 

the  rebellious  States. 

Civii  Rights  Bill. 

"  Apr.  3.  Civil  Rights  bill  passed  the 
Senate  over  the  President's  veto  by 
a  vote  of  .33  to  15,  and  the  House  on 
the  9th,  by  a  vote  of  122  to  41,  and 
became  a  law. 

"  May  10.  Peru  and  Chili,  aided  by  Bo- 
livia and  Ecuador,  declared  war  with 
Spain. 

"  The  Spaniards  defeated,  withdraw  from 
Peruvian  waters. 

"  Brazil  opens  her  important  rivers  to  the 
commerce  of  foreign  nations. 

"  May  21.  Academy  of  ^Music  and  Uni- 
versity Medical  College  in  New  York 
burned. 

General  Scott. 

"  May  29.  Death  of  Brevet  Lieut.-Gen.  Win- 
field  Scott.  In  1S07  Gen.  Scott  obtained 
a  comn)ission  as  Captain  of  light  artil- 
lery. Recruiting  a  company,  he  was 
stationed  at  Baton  Rouge,  La.  In 
1812  he  was  a  Lieut. -Col.  in  the  2d 
artillery,  and  was  stationed  at  Black 
Rock.  He  was  taken  prisoner  at  tho 
battle  of  Queeustown  lleiglits.  and  was 
exchanged  in  January  following.  IIc 
was  wounded  in  the  b:ittle  of  Fort 
George,  and  again  at  the  battle  of 
Lundy's  Lane,  and  for  his  bravery  he 
W'as  breveted  "  Major -General,"  and 
Congress  voted  him  a  gold  medal,  and 
he  was  tendered  a  position  in  the 
Cabinet  as  Secretary  of  War,  which  he 
declined.  Gen.  Scott  commanded  tho 
troops  in  the  ISlack  Hawk  war  of  1833. 
In  1835  he  was  in  the  Creek  war.  He 
was  nominated  as  Whig  candidate  for 
President  in  1840,  but  declined  in 
favor  of  Harrison.   lu  1841  he  was 


794 


CHRONOLOGY. 


18G6.  placed  at  tlie  liead  of  tlie  army  as  Gen- 
cial-in-chicf,  and  upon  the  outl)reak 
of  the  war  with  Mexico,  he  was  ordered 
tliere,  and  arrived  in  time  to  capture 
Vera  Cruz.  April  IStli  he  defeated  tlie 
Mexican  army  under  Santa  Anna  at 
Cerro  Gordo,  and  continued  his  con- 
quests, every  stronghold  falling  before 
his  victorious  march,  until  the  14th  of 
May  he  entered  the  City  of  Mexico  in 
triumph.  This  virtually  ended  the 
war.  In  1852  Gen.  Scott  was  a^ain  a 
candidate  for  President,  and  was  de- 
feated by  Franklin  Pierce.  In  Feb., 
18oo,  he  was  breveted  Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor for  his  bravery  in  Mexico.  At 
the  commoncement  of  the  Rebellion 
lie  was  offered  every  inducement  by 
the  South  to  join  their  side,  but  his 
loyalty  withstood  them  ;  and  his  noble 
answer  to  a  commander  from  Virginia 
speaks  more  for  his  honor  than  volumes 
A\ritten  in  his  praise:  "I  have  served 
my  country  under  the  flag  of  the  Union 
for  more  than  fifty  years,  and  so  long 
as  God  permits  me  to  live  I  will  defend 
that  flag  with  my  sword,  even  if  my 
own  native  State  assails  it."  Feeling 
too  infirm  with  age  to  discharge  the 
duties  of  Commander-in-chief,  Gen. 
Scott  retirod  from  his  office  Oct.  31, 
1861,  and  in  Nov.  sailed  for  Europe  for 
his  health.  Gen.  Scott  was  the  author 
of  several  valuable  military  works,  and 
liis  Autobiography.  As  a  man,  Gen. 
Scott  possessed  great  physical  sym- 
metry, beauty,  and  strength.  He  was 
courteous  and  dignified,  and  a  gentle- 
man of  unsullied  honor,  and  bis  char- 
acter was  without  a  stain. 

Fenian  Invasion. 

t  "  June  1.  Fenian  invasion  into  Canada, 
under  command  of  Col.  O  Neil,  but  { 
wliich  was  soon  suppressed  by  the 
Canada  Volunteers  after  a  sharp  skir- 
mish. A  number  of  the  Fenians  were 
taken  prisoners,  and  nine  Volunteers 
killed  and  several  wounded. 

Four  tee  nf/i  Amendment. 

\  "      June  8.    The  14th  Constitutional  Amend- 
ment passed  the  Senate  by  a  vote  of 
to  11,  and  the  House,  on  the  I3th, 
by  a  vote  of  120  against  32. 

Leiuis  Cass. 

"  June  17.  Death  of  Hon.  Lewis  Cass,  an 
American  statesman.  Sir.  Cass  was 
admitted  to  the  bar  at  the  age  of  20, 
and  in  IMOG  he  took  a  seat  in  the  Ohio 
Legislature.  He  drafted  the  law  which 
CTiabled  the  authorities  to  arrest  .\aron 
]?urr.  In  1807  Mr.  Cass  was  Marshal 
of  the  State  of  Ohio,  and  in  1812  he 
entered  service  in  the  war  as  Col.  of 
the  Sd  Ohio  Volunteers.  He  was  after- 
ward i)romotcd  to  the  rank  of  Brig- 
adier-(ieneral.  In  1813  he  was  ap- 
jiointed  civil  Governor  ov<r  the  Ter- 
ritory of  Michigan,  and  Snpt.-Commis- 
sion(!r  over  Indian  Affairs.  Ho  was 
appointed  Secretary  of  War  under 
I'resident  .Jackson,  and  in  lH;iO  Minis- 
ter to  I'ranre.  In  \^\Tt  lie  was  elected 
to  th(!  I  nitcd  States  Seu'itc,  and  in 
1848  nominated  as  candidate  for  Presi- 
dent. In  lie  was  re-c  lected  to 
tin;  Senate,  anil  under  President  Hu- 
chanan  wa.s  appoMited   Secretary  of 


18G6.  State,  but  upon  the  President's  refus- 
inir  to  disp  itch  troops  and  supplies  to 
Major  Anderson  at  Fort  Sumter,  Mr. 
Cass  resigned  his  Secretaryship,  there- 
by closing  up  a  public  career  of  56 
years  of  continuous  duration. 

Burniiif;;  of  Portland^  Me. 

"  July  4.  A  fire  caught  from  a  fire-cracker 
thrown  among  some  shavings  in  a 
cooper-shop  by  a  boy,  which  spread, 
and  swept  away  one-half  of  the  city  of 
Portland,  passing  over  the  entire  busi- 
ness portion  of  the  city,  and  leaving 
Dot  a  vestige  of  property  in  its  track 
of  one  and  a  half  miles  long  by  one- 
fourth  of  a  mile  in  width.  Hundreds 
of  families  were  made  destitute,  and 
scores  of  wealthy  men  became  poor  in 
an  hour's  time.  1.600  buildings 
burned;  $15,000,000  destroyed;  in- 
surance $3,500,000.  Supplies  of  food 
and  clothing  poured  rapidly  in  for  the 
immediate  wants  of  the  people,  and 
aid  was  liberally  tendered  by  neigh- 
boring States  and  cities.  This  was 
the  first  of  a  scries  of  disastrous  fires 
which  in  a  few  years  followed,  sweep- 
ing from  the  face  of  the  earth  whole 
cities,  villages,  and  large  sections  of 
timbered  country. 

"  July  23.  Tennessee  Representatives  and 
Senators  admitted  to  Congress,  by  a 
resolution  passing  both  Houses. 

"  July  24.  File  in  Nashville,  Tcnn.  Loss 
$1,000,000. 

"  July  27.  Successful  laying  of  the  Atlan- 
tic cable. 

"      July  30.    New  Orleans  massacre. 

"      Vi.sit  of  Queen  Emma,  of  the  Sandwich 

Islands,  to  the  United  States. 
"      Indians  massacred  93  soldiers  near  Fort 

Kearney,  Neb. 
18C7.    Military  government  established  in  the 

rebellious  States  over  the  veto  of  the 

President. 

"  Tenure  of  Office  bill  pissed  by  Congress, 
limiting  the  powers  of  the  President  to 
removal  of  officials. 

"  Jan.  4.  Congress  passed  the  Confiscation 
and  Amnesty  bill. 

"  Jan.  11.  A  National  Equal-Rights 
League  Convention  of  colored  men  met 
at  Washington  and  adopted  an  address 
to  Congress  GDI 

"  Jan.  12.  The  New  York  Excise  bill 
went  into  operation. 

A  Daring  Feat. 

"  The  Koi^pnr'iel,  or  American  Life-Rafl, 
with  three  men,  crossed  the  Atlantic 
Ocean,  from  New  York  to  Southampton. 
It  was  a  frail  craft,  12i  feet  by  24,  and 
was  constructed  l)y  lashing  three  jioint- 
ed  c\linders  together  and  placing  a 
flooring  of  canvas  and  !)oards  upon  it. 
It  arrived  safely,  without  leakage  or 
damage  of  any  sort. 

"  Jan.  18.  Hamucl  Dotrniiig,  thelnst  Revo- 
lutuiiiary  soldier,  died  in  Ediuhurgh, 
N.  r.,  aged  105. 

N.  P.  Willis. 

"  Jan.  20.  Death  of  Nathaniel  Parker  Wil- 
lis, an  American  jioet,  essayist,  and 
journalist  of  wide  reputation.  He  was 
the  tiulhor  of  about  3o  volumes,  besides 
doing  constant  editorial  work,  wlrch 
lie  laboriou-ly  prosecuted  until  the  time 
of  his  death. 


1867.  Feb.  5.  All  Mexico,  except  the  cities  of 
Mexico,  Pucbla,  Queretaro,  and  Vera 
Cru7.,  was  in  the  hands  of  the  Re- 
])ublicans,  and  Maximilian  evacuated 
the  City  of  Mexico  and  repaired  to 
Queretaro.  The  Republicans,  under 
Gen.  Marquez,  immediately  occupied 
the  city. 

"      Feb.  7.    Mr.  Peabody  gave  $2,100,000 

for  education  at  the  South. 
"      Feb.  17.  Death  of  Dr.  A.  D.  Bache,  Chief 

of  the  Coast  Survey. 
"      March  1.    Nebraska  made  a  State— the 

37th. 

"  March  3.  Alaska  was  ceded  to  the 
United  States  in  consideration  of  the 
sum  of  $7,200,000. 

"  Ajiril  26.  Japanese  Commissioners  in 
Washington. 

"  May.  By  an  Act  of  British  Parliament 
the  Canadian  provinces  of  Ontario, 
Quebec,  New  Brunswick,  Prince  Ed- 
wards Island,  and  Nova  Scotia  were 
federally  united  into  one  Dominion  of 
Canada. 

''  Canada  purchased  the  Territory  belong- 
ing to  the  Hudson's  Bav  Co. 

"  May  13.  Jtff.  Davis  hailed  for  $100,- 
000. 

"  Slay  15.  Surrender  of  Maximilian  and 
his  army  to  the  Republicans,  brought 
about  by  the  treachery  of  Lopez,  the 
lK)som  friend  of  Slaximilian,  who,  it 
was  said,  received  the  sum  of  $48,000 
as  the  price  of  his  treason. 

"  June  13-14.  Trial  of  Maximilian  and  his 
leading  Generals,  Miramon  and  Meja, 
all  of  whom  were  sentenced  to  be  shot. 

"  June  19.  Execution  of  Maximilian  and 
his  two  leading  oflicers. 

"  Negotiations  opened  for  the  settlement 
of  the  Alabama  Claims  002 

"  July  1.  ''New  Dominion  of  Canada" 
inaugurated  at  Ottawa. 

"  July  15.  Gen.  Juarez  returned  to  the 
capital  of  Slexico,  after  an  absence  of 
four  years,  duiiiig  which  he  was 
constantly  fighting  in  the  defense  of  the 
Government.  He  was  enthusiastically 
received  by  the  Republicans. 

"  Aug.  12.  President  Johnson  removed 
Mr.  Stanton,  as  Secretary  of  War,  and 
authorized  Gen.  Grant  to  act  in  his 
place  ad  interim. 

"      Earthquake  in  Peru. 

"  Oct.  (>.  Juarez  elected  to  the  Presidency 
of  Slexico. 

"  Y'ellow  fever  in  New  Orleans.  1,673 
dying  from  it  in  the  month  of  Septem- 
ber. It  was  still  more  severe  through- 
out Texas. 

Flias  IIo7ve. 

"  Oct.  13.  Death  of  Elias  Howe,  inventor 
and  patentee  of  the  sewing-machine. 
Mr.  Howe  comjileled  his  first  sewing- 
machine  at  Cambiidge,  .Mass.,  in  1835, 
through  the  aid  of  an  old  friend  and 
school  -  fellow,  George  Fisher,  who 
loaned  him  the  money  to  complete  his 
work ;  but  receiving  nothing  but  ridi- 
cide  and  censure  from  the  incretlulous 
croakers  and  te'lish  mamif  icturers,  and 
without  money  to  i)rocure  his  patent, 
again  his  friend  Fisher  came  to  his 
rescue,  and  soon  the  niiichine  was  i)at- 
ented.  lUit  it  required  a  large  sum  to 
manufacture  the  machines  and  intro- 
duce them  to  the  public,  and  his  friend 
becoming  discouraged,  ceased  to  aid 
him  further,  and  he  abandoned  the 


CHRONOLOGY. 


705 


1867.  enterprise  for  a  time.  At  last,  through 
the  aid  of  his  fatlier  and  brother,  he 
took  it  to  Enpcland,  and  tlicre  found  a 
man  —  Mr.  Wm.  Thomas  —  who  was 
wilHng  to  risk  a  sum  sufficient  to  in- 
troduce the  machine  into  his  manufac- 
turing estal)lishmcnt,  but  beyond  this 
Mr.  Howe  could  get  no  aid  or  encour- 
agement, and  after  suffering  incredi- 
ble hardships,  pawning  his  model  and 
patent  papers  to  procure  the  means  to 
retm'n  home,  he  arrived  in  New  York 
with  a  half-crown  in  his  pocket— after 
an  absence  of  two  years — to  learn  that 
his  wife  was  dying  of  consumption. 
He  had  not  enough  money  to  reach 
her,  but  after  a  few  days'  delay,  he  ar- 
rived in  Cambridge  just  before  her 
death.  The  vessel  in  which  he  had 
shipped  his  little  eftects  in  England 
was  lost  at  sea,  and  it  seemed  that 
fate  indeed  was  against  him.  But  he 
soon  learned  that  in  his  absence  his 
machine  had  become  famous.  In- 
genious mechanics  had  constructed  its 
facsimiles,  and  which  had  been  intro- 
duced into  manufacturing  establish- 
ments. Mr.  Howe  soon  found  friends 
and  money  to  defend  his  rights,  which 
it  took  four  years  to  fully  establish. 
But  his  luck  now  all  turned,  and  his 
annual  revenue  increased  from  $300  to 
$300,000,  and  on  the  10th  of  Septem- 
ber, 1867,  his  patent  expired,  when 
it  was  calculated  he  had  realized  about 
$2,000,000,  besides  the  gold  medal  of 
the  Paris  Exposition,  and  the  Cross  of 
the  Legion  of  Honor,  as  a  compliment 
to  his  skill  and  accomplishment.  Dur- 
ing the  war,  Mr.  Howe  enlisted  and  did 
service  as  a  common  soldier,  and  used 
largely  of  his  means  to  aid  his  country 
in  prosecuting  the  war. 

"  Nov.  19.  Death  of  Gen.  Fitz  Greene 
Halleck,  at  Guilford,  Ct.,  aged  77. 

"  The  Fourteenth  Amendment  ratified  by  a 
majority  of  the  States. 

1868.  Jan.  6.    Death  of  Samuel  Nicolson,  in- 

ventor of  Nicolson  pavement,  at  Bos- 
ton, aged  76. 

"  Jan.  21.  Senate  transfers  jurisdiction 
over  the  Southern  States  trom  Presi- 
dent Johnson  to  Gen.  Grant. 

"  Feb.  24.  House  of  Representatives  voted 
to  impeach  President  Johnson. . .  .  002 

"  May  19.  Nomination  of  Gen.  Grant  for 
President  at  Chicago  by  the  Soldiers' 
and  Sailors'  Convention. 

"  May  22.  National  Republican  Conven- 
tion met  in  Chicago  and  nominate  d 
Gen.  Grant  for  President  and  Schuyler 
Colfax  for  Vice-President;  (!rant  poll- 
ing 650  votes  of  the  Ccmvention. 

A'/V  Carson. 
May  23.  Brevet  Brig. -Gen.  Christopher 
Carson, better  known  as  "Kit  Carson," 
a  famous  mountaineer,  trapper,  and 
guide,  died  trom  a  rupture  of  an  ar- 
tery in  the  neck  at  St.  Lynn,  Col.  He 
was  better  known  to  a  large  number  of 
Indian  tribes  than  any  other  white  man. 
He  was  the  guide  and  companion  of 
John  C.  Fremont  in  his  expedition  to 
California,  and  in  1858  he  drove  6,500 
sheep  over  the  Rocky  Mountains  to 
California — a  hazardous  undertaking. 
He  was  several  times  in  Washington 
on  official  business,  and  once  with  a 
delegation  of  Indians. 
"  The  President  censured  by  Congress  for 
the  removal  of  Gen.  Sheridan  from  the 


1868.      Governorship  of  the  Fifth  Military 
District  (Texas  and  Louisiana). 

James  Buchanan. 

"  June  1.  Death  of  .Lames  Buchanan,  15th 
President  of  the  United  States.  Mr. 
Buclianan  was  an  eminent  lawyer  in 
Pennsylvania  for  a  period  of  19  years, 
also  a  Member  of  the  State  Legislature 
from  1S14  to  1820,  when  h^  was  chosen 
a  iMember  of  Congress,  and  was  re- 
elected four  times.  He  was  appointed 
Jlinister  to  lJussia  by  President  Jack- 
son, but  held  the  place  only  two  years, 
and  on  his  return  in  18:33  was  elected 
United  States  Senator,  continuing  in 
the  Senate  twelve  years,  Mhcre  he  was 
considered  a  leader  of  the  Democracy. 
In  1845  he  entered  Mr.  Polk's  Cabinet 
as  Secretary  of  State.  He  was  a  con- 
sistent pro-slavery  advocate  during  all 
his  public  life.  President  Pierce  ap- 
pointed him  ^Minister  to  the  Court  of 
St.  James.  In  1850  Mr.  Buchanan  was 
nominated  for  President  by  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  and  was  elected  over  ex- 
President  Fillmore  and  Col.  Fremont 
as  opposing  candidates.  In  his  ad- 
ministration he  favored  the  South  in 
all  points  of  difference,  and  claiming 
to  be  desirous  of  preventing  a  Revolu- 
tion;  yet  he  declared  it  to  be  out  of 
his  power  to  use  coercion  to  prevent  it. 

Matheiii  Vassar. 

"  June  2.3.  IMathew  Vassar,  founder  of 
Vassar  College,  died  in  Poughkeepsie, 
N.  Y.  He  donated  an  aggregate  of 
$800,000  for  its  endowment,  repair, 
and  furnishing.  He  died  very  sud- 
denly while  addressing  the  trustees  at 
the  anniversary  of  its  opening. 

Daring  Train  Robbery. 

"  May  22.  A  daring  robbery  was  perpe- 
trated on  a  night -express  train,  at 
Marshfield,  Ind.,  a  station  about  31 
miles  out  from  Jeffersonville.  The  en- 
gineer stopped  the  train  to  take  water 
at  11:45  p.m.,  and  while  engaged  in 
oiling  the  machinery,  a  party  of  five  or 
six  men  stepped  out  from  behind  the 
water-tank  and  knocked  him  down, 
one  of  them  standing  over  him  with  a 
pistol,  threatening  to  blow  his  brains 
out  if  he  dared  give  the  first  alarm. 
Another  of  the  party  knocked  the  fire- 
man down  and  stood  guard  over  him 
with  a  drawn  weapon.  The  others 
]iassed  to  the  rear  of  the  express  car, 
uncoupled  it  from  the  passenger  car, 
and  mounting  the  engine,  started  up 
the  road,  leaving  the  passenger  car 
and  its  unsuspecting  occupants  in 
blissfLd  ignorance  of  tl:e  cause  of  the 
delay.  After  running  some  distance 
up  the  road,  the  robbers  entered  the 
e:-pre3s  car,  and  with  drawn  revolvers 
seized  the  express  messenger  and 
threw  him  overboard.  The  gang  then 
broke  open  the  safes  and  robbed  them 
of  their  contents  —  $90,000  in  green- 
backs. By  the  time  they  had  fully 
accomplished  this  work  they  had  got 
nearly  in  sight  of  Seymour.  Here  they 
disembarked,  leaving  the  car  on  the 
track.  Had  they  selected  the  night 
])reviou3  for  tlieir  raid,  they  would 
have  captured  more  than  double  the 
amount. 


Second  Train  Capture. 

1868.  July  10.  Another  attempt  was  mad.-  to 
rob  an  express  train  by  UKmbers  of 
tlie  same  gang,  which  was  Corlunately 
frustrated.  From  a  gathering  of 
thieves  at  Seymour,  it  became  evident 
that  another  robbery  was  eontemjilated. 
James  Flanders,  an  cnudnuir  of  the 
Ohio  and  ,Mis-issi])pi  Railroad,  was  en- 
abled to  gain  their  confidence,  and 
promised  to  stand  in  with  them  in 
(heir  robbery.  He  immediately  in- 
formed the  Express  Company,  and  a 
guard  of  six  men,  armed  to  the  teeth, 
were  placed  in  charge  of  the  treasure. 
"When  the  attempt  was  made,  they 
were  warmly  received,  anel  the  leader 
of  the  robbers,  Vol.  Ellis  or  Elliot,  as 
he  was  called,  was  shot  in  the  shoulder 
and  captured.  It  was  afterward  learn- 
ed that  the  would-be  robbeis  were  Vol. 
Elliot,  tJie  leader;  .lo'in  Mi)ore,  Fnink 
Sparks,  Charles  Roscbery,  Philip  Clif- 
t(  n,  and  Harry  Jam  il,  f-parks  had  a 
finger  shot  oft',  and  Moore  was  wounded 
twice  in  the  body.  The  robbers  re- 
treated, and  were  hotly  pursued  to 
Rockford,  Ind.  Crossing  the  river, 
they  gained  sight  of  the  robbers,  and 
succeeded  in  capturing  Charles  Hosc- 
hery  and  Philip  Chiton  ;  the  daise 
thickets  jircvented  their  capturing  the 
others.  These  men  were  known  to  be 
members  of  the  famous  Keno  gang, 
who  had  committeel  the  first  express 
robbery,  and  who  had  for  years  been 
the  terror  of  that  portion  of  Indiana, 
committing  murders,  highway  rob- 
beries, oucl  robbing  trains,  until  their 
l^resence  became  unendurable. 

Indiana  Vigilance  Committee. 

To  protect  themselves  against  a  re- 
curring of  these  outrages,  the  people 
of  Seymour  organized  a  Vigilance 
Committee.  None  but  the  meml)er8 
knew  who  actually  belonged  to  it,  but 
it  was  said  that  the  most  respectable 
and  best  men  in  the  community  were 
members.  The  order  had  its  grips, 
signs,  pass-words,  and  tokens  of  recog- 
nition, so  that  any  member  could  in- 
stantly tell  another  by  night  or  day 
without  uttering  a  single  word.  Iti 
motto  was,  "  Law  and  Order,  Peace  and 
Protection,  at  all  hazards."  At  least 
500  men  were  supposed  to  belong  to 
the  organization.  ( >n  the  20th  of  July, 
by  some  means  unknown  to  outsiders, 
the  Vigilance  Committee  secured  in- 
telligence that  the  three  men.  C  lifton, 
Roseliery,  and  Elliot,  were  to  be  taken 
by  the  offic  ts  to  Brownstown  that 
night,  and  the  committ'  e.  too  impatient 
to  await  the  course  of  law,  determined 
to  take  the  responsiI)ility  ujjon  them- 
selves and  mete  out  justice  to  the  three 
villaibs  as  they  saw  fit. 

Lynch- Law- 

That  night  they  quietly  gatliered  at  a 
spot  about  two  miles  west  of  Seymour. 
There  was  no  noise  or  confusion  about 
the  gathering,  and  there  was  no  ex- 
citement in  the  town.  The  train  was 
signaled  to  stop,  and  when  it  had  done 
so,  was  entered  liy  a  numl)er  of  men, 
who  demanded  that  the  three  prison- 
ers be  given  to  them.  The  guards 
were  slow  to  comply,  but  they  could 


J 


796 


CHRONOLOGY. 


18C8.  ofliT  no  efTectiml  resistance,  and  the 
men  were  torn  from  them  and  taken 
out.  Tlie  criminals  saw  in  the  stern, 
revengeful  faces  of  their  captors,  the 
terrible  import  of  the  moment*  In  the 
midst  of  the  darkness,  with  scores  of 
excited  and  merciless  men  around  them, 
they  were  hurried  away,  while  the  train 
was  allowed  to  move  on,  and  taken  a  few 
feet  up  a  narrow  lane.  Here  their  doom 
was  jxououneed,  and  a  few  minutes 
given  them  to  prepa' meet  their  fate. 
Few  words  passed  between  the  crim- 
inals and  their  executioners.  Words 
would  do  no  good,  and  when  all  hope 
had  fled,  the  men,  with  the  exception 
of  Clifton,  assumed  a  dogged  and  de- 
termined air,  and  neither  made  confes- 
sions nor  asked  for  mercy.  Clifton 
died  like  a  coward.  He  fell  on  his 
knees  and  wept  like  a  child,  swore  that 
he  Wiis  innocent  of  all  crime,  and  im- 
plored them  to  save  his  life.  Elliot, 
when  asked  to  confess  and  disclose  the 
names  of  those  who  were  with  him  in 
the  robbery,  said,  with  a  contemptu- 
ous sneer:  "  Confess  hell !  I'll  tell  you 
nothing.  You've  got  me  here — a 
thousand  of  you — now  do  your  worst." 
Rosebery  paid  not  a  word.  The  mob 
was  growing  impatient,  even  at  a  mo- 
ment's delay,  and  clamored  for  their 
death.  A  large  spreading  beech  tree 
was  chosen  l)y  the  committee,  and 
while  a  score  of  hnnds  were  tying  the 
pri>oners'  arms  behind  them,  low, 
stont  braoxibcs  were  found,  and  rough 
ropes  were  twisted  quickly  round  the 
necks  of  the  three  nun.  All  was  in 
readiness,  and  as  a  howl  of  vengeance 
went  up  from  the  mob,  Volney  Elliot, 
Charles  Koscbery,  and  Frelinghuysen 
C'lifton  were  swung  into  the  air,  and 
hung  by  the  neck  until  they  were  dead. 
It  is  said  they  struggled  greatly  and 
died  hard.  The  verdict  of  lynch-law 
executed,  the  crowd  quickly  dispersed, 
and  left  the  bodies  hanging.  At  11 
o'clock  the  coroner  proceeded  to  the 
spot,  cut  the  bodies  down,  an(l  held  an 
inquest  over  them.  The  verdict  simply 
was,  that  they  came  to  their  death 
from  strangulation  at  the  hands  of 
parties  unkiiov;n.  After  the  very  little 
time  consumed  in  coming  to  this  con- 
clusion, the  remains  were  given  to  their 
relatives,  ami  shortly  after  buried  in 
rough  Collins,  in  the  Seymour  Cemetery. 
'J'he  men  « ho  thus  sull'ered  death  at 
th  hands  of  an  outraged  peo;)le  were 
rais,ed  in  8(;ymour,  and  all  had  respect- 
iilil-  family  eonneelions  living  in  tiie 
neighborhood.  They  all  had  opjior- 
lunities  to  |)ursue  honest  and  remuner- 
ative avocations,  but  tht!y  picferred  to 
live  in  idleness,  and  to  emulate  the  vx- 
amph^-  of  tlio  Reno  Brothers"  family  in 
acquiring  by  robbcrv  wh:d  means  were 
necessary  for  their  support. 

Notice  of  ihc  Vii^ilancc  Committee. 

On  the  morning  after  the  lytiehing 
of  Klliot,  Woseliery,  and  (Jlifton,  the 
following  handbill  was  posted  at 
Seymour  : 

Attention,  Thieves. 

"Tl»c  attention  of  all  thieves,  robbers, 
assassins,  uiid  vagrants,  together  with 
their  aiders  and  alietlors  ami  sympa- 
thizers, ia  culled  to  the  doings  of  the 


1868.  'Seymour  Vigilance  Committee'  last 
night.  AYe  are  determined  to  follow 
this  up  until  all  of  the  classes  above- 
named,  whether  imported  or  to  the 
'manor  born,'  are  driven  from  our 
ini<lst.  Threats  have  been  made  of  re- 
taliati(m  in  case  we  resort  to  capital 
punishment.  In  answer  we  say,  should 
one  of  our  committee  be  harmed,  or  a 
dollar's  worth  of  property  of  any  honest 
man  be  destro'yt;d  by  persons  unknown, 
we  will  swing  by  the  neck  until  they 
are  dead  every  thieving  character  we 
can  lay  our  hands  on,  without  inquir- 
ing whether  we  have  the  persons  who 
committed  the  jiarticular  crime  or  not. 
This  aj)plies  not  only  to  Seymour,  but 
along  the  line  of  the  tM'o  roads,  and 
wherever  our  org.mization  exists.  Law 
and  order  must  prevail.  By  order  of 
the  Vi'zilance  Conimittee.  Seymour, 
Ind.,  July  21,  1868." 

Second  Execution. 

The  woik  of  the  committee  was  still  not 
accomplished.  Frank  Sparks,  John 
Moore,  and  Henry  J  irrell  were  arrested 
at  ^tna,  Coles  Co.,  III.,  and  were  taken 
to  Seymour,  under  guard.  The  engi- 
neer of  the  train  telegraphed  to  the 
Vigilance  Committee  at  Seymour  that 
the  men  were  aboard  the  train.  When 
the  train  arrived  at  Seymour,  the 
robbers  were  taken  and  placed  in  a 
wagon,  to  be  carried  to  i5rov,msville, 
Ind.  Whjn  near  the  place  where  the 
others  were  so  summarily  executed, 
men  suddenly  arose  from  nil  sides, 
seemingly  out  from  the  ground,  and 
were  all  well  armed.  The  prisoiicrs 
were  taken  to  the  same  tree  on  which 
the  others  were  hung,  and  immediately 
executed.  Moore  was  hung  in  sight  of 
the  house  where  he  was  born.  The 
coroner's  verdict,  in  this  case,  as  in  the 
others,  was  "  death  caused  by  hanging 
by  unknown  parties." 

Tragedy  at  Neiu  Albany —  The  Reno 
Brothers. 

"  Another  tragedy  was  enacted  at  New 
Albany,  Ind.,  on  Dec.  22.  The  cele- 
brated "  Keno  Brothers  "  (Simeon, 
Frank,  and  William)  and  Charles 
Auderscm,  who  were  engaged  in  the 
Express  robbery  of  May  22,  and  were 
the  most  notorious  robbers  in  the 
country,  escaped  to  Canada,  but  were 
arrested,  extradited,  and  taken  to  the 
New  .\lbany  jail.  The  Seymour 
Vigilance  (Jomniittee,  nearly  100  strong, 
wearing  red  ilannel  masques  which 
completely  concealed  their  features, 
arrived  at  New  -Mliany,  on  the  train 
from  Jellersoiiville,  about  3  o'clock  in 
the  morning.  They  jjlaced  patrols 
along  the  streets  and  around  the  jail, 
aroused  the  guards  in  thi^  sherift's 
otlice,  and  tie<l  them  h:ind  and  toot. 
They  next  entered  the  slierifl''s  room, 
nn<l  in  the  struggle  which  ensued,  he 
was  knotdied  down  and  shot  in  the 
elbow.  They  secun d  the  keys  of  the 
jail  and  cills.  and  took  the  i)risoners 
out  and  hung  them  from  the  corners  of 
tlie  c  riidors.  The  committee  wjrc  not 
in  the  jail  to  exceed  live  minutes,  and 
immediately  left  on  the  train.  For 
years  this  gang  had  liecn  a  terror  to 
the  citizens  of  Jucksun  Co.,  and  had, 


1868.  probably,  been  guilty  of  nearly  all  the 
burglaries  and  murders  committed  in 
that  part  of  the  State  of  late  years. 
The  most  of  the  gang  were  young  men 
from  good  families,  near  Seymour. 
"William  Reno  protestetl  his  innocence 
to  the  last,  and  was  confirmed  by  bis 
brother*.  Thus  ended  the  scenes 
of  swift  and  terrible  vengeance  meted 
out  by  an  outraged  community. 

There  is  no  doubt  but  the  provocation 
was  very  great,  and  that  these  and 
other  noted  criminals  had  repeatedly 
escaped  through  the  "  technicalities  of 
the  law  "  in  the  hands  of  its  manipu- 
lators. Yet  the  example  and  effect  of 
lynch-law  is  contagious  and  very  de- 
moralizing in  any  community.  And 
where  law  and  order  prevail,  there  is 
no  reason  why  good  citizens  should 
turn  criminals  in  order  to  punish  crime. 
Neither  will  they  do  so. 

Dr.  Nott. 

"  Eliphalet  Nott,  D.D.,  died  at  the  age  of 
'J2  years.  He  was  President  of  Union 
College,  Schenectady,  N.  Y.  He  was 
one  of  the  last  of  those  representative 
men  who  lived  in  the  period  of  our 
country's  infancy  and  purity.  When 
Washington,  Jefferson,  Monroe,  and 
Adams  were  in  the  zenith  of  their 
grandeur  and  usefulness  in  the  civil 
history  of  the  young  Kepuldic — when 
it  was  molded  by  men  of  great  truth- 
fulness, earnestness,  and  simplicity, 
and  a  degree  of  loyalty  to  coiuitry  and 
to  principle  which  is  so  rare  in  these 
d'.'.vs  of  noliticid  intrigues  and  personal 
amijiiions — Dr.  N  ^tt  readied  his  ma- 
jority, and  was  ordained  as  a  minister 
of  the  Gospel  when  Washington  was 
serving  his  seconil  term  as  President 
of  the  United  States,  and  when  the 
State  of  New  York  (to  which  he  had 
emigrated  fnmi  Connecticut)  was  "out 
West,"  and  Schenectady  was  in  the 
wilderness  and  upou  the  Ijorders  of 
ciulization.  Here,  in  this  wild  region, 
Br.  Nott,  with  his  young  wife,  settled, 
having  performed  their  wedding  jour- 
ney from  Connecticut  on  horseback. 
He  remained  here  but  ten  years,  when 
he  was  called  to  Albany  to  jjreach  in 
one  of  the  principal  churches,  and 
there  he  laid  the  foundation  of  his 
future  usefulness  and  greatness,  in  his 
talented  and  eloijuent  sermons,  and  his 
manly  and  consistent  character.  He 
was  but  a  little  over  30  years  old  when 
he  was  elected  President  of  Union 
College,  ami  where  he  spent  the  re- 
mainder of  his  days  in  laboring  to 
build  up  that  grand  old  institution  in 
the  days  of  its  poverty  and  infancy; 
not  neglecting,  however,  his  Cidling 
as  a  minister  of  the  Gospel,  and  his 
duty  to  society  and  the  world.  He  had 
the  good  fortune  to  be  the  inventor  of 
a  stove  which  gained  great  popu- 
larity— being  the  first  stove  patented 
which  burned  anthracite  coal  success- 
fully. It  became  a  somce  of  immense 
revenue  to  the  Doctor,  and  in  his  old 
age  he  was  enabled,  by  his  jirincely  en- 
dowments, to  place  Union  College  upon 
a  lirm  aud  lasting  foundation,  ancl  to 
reap  the  reward  of  a  life  devoted  to 
usefulness  and  iluty. 
"  July  4.  The  Pre  idenf  i.ssued  a  full  par- 
don !iud  umue-ly  piocluu  ation. 


CHRONOLOGY. 


797 


18G8.  July  22.  Wyoming  Territory  organized. 
"  July  28.  Mr.  Sewurd,  Secretary  of  State, 
issued  a  final  proclaniatioii  that  the 
Fourteenth  Amendment  to  tlie  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States  had  been 
adopted. 

"  Aug.  3.  Death  of  Gen.  Charles  G.  Hal- 
pine  (Miles  O'Reilly)  at  New  York. 

Thaddeus  Stevens. 

"  Aug.  11.  Death  of  Thaddeus  Stevens, 
an  American  statesman  and  reformer. 
Mr.  Stevens  was  a  graduate  of  Dart- 
mouth College  iu  lyl-t,  when  he  be- 
came a  school-teaclicr,  and  studied  law 
through  the  intervals  of  his  school 
hours  and  at  night.  lie  was  admitted 
to  the  bar  after  many  discouragements, 
and  arose  to  eminence  in  his  profes- 
sion. In  1838  he  became  an  active 
politician,  taking  part  with  the  Adams 
party.  In  1836  he  was  a  member  of 
the  Pennsylvania  State  Cnnstituiional 
Convention,  taking  an  active  part  in 
the  discussions  relative  to  framing  the 
Constitution ;  and  he  refused  to  sign 
the  document  because  it  restricted 
suffrage  on  account  of  color.  He  was 
a  Member  of  the  Penn.s_\  Ivania  Legis- 
lature during  the  intense  political  ex- 
citement that  f)!lou'ed  the  adoption 
of  the  Constitut'on.  From  1838  to 
1848,  Mr.  Stevens  took  no  especial 
part  in  politics,  practicing  his  profes- 
sion the  most  of  the  time;  but  in  the 
last-named  year  he  was  elected  to  the 
'J'hirty-second  Congress,  and  ardently 
opposed  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Com- 
promise, the  Fugitive  Slave  law,  and 
the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill.  In  1859 
Mr.  Stevens  was  again  returned  to  Con- 
gress, and  continued  there  for  seven 
terms,  during  the  last  of  which  he  met 
his  death. 


Great  Earthquake 
Wave. 


and  Tidal 


"  Aug.  IG.  Greatest  earthquake  and  tidal 
wave  ever  known  on  the  contiuent  of 
America  occurred  on  the  coast  of 
Ecuador  and  Peru,  extending  from 
Bolivia  to  Chili,  and  100  miles  inland. 
More  than  a  score  of  cities  and  large 
towns  were  utterly  destroyed,  besides 
a  great  many  small  villages  and  settle- 
ments ;  32,000  lives  and  $300,000,000 
were  lost.  Tidal  waves  forty  feet  high 
dehigcd  the  land,  carrying  ships  in- 
land for  half  a  mile,  and  leaving  them 
perfectly  wrecked. 

"  Sept.  Spanish  Revolution  led  to  a  rising 
of  the  friends  of  Cuban  independence. 

"  Cornell  Unidersity,  Ithaca,  N.  F.,  opened 
for  pupils  of  both  sexes.  This  mag- 
nificent institution  was  built  and 
endowed  by  the  benevolence  of  Ezra 
Cornell.    See  biography. 

Earthquake. 

"  Oct.  21.  Severe  earthquake  in  Califor- 
nia, doing  much  damage  to  property 
in  San  Francisco  and  other  places. 
All  business  was  suspended,  and  great 
excitement  prevail'^d.  The  shock  ex- 
tended over  a  great  jjortiou  of  the 
State. 

"  Revolution  in  Peru  against  President 
Prado.  Prado  resigns  and  embarks 
for  Chili.  July  28,  Col.  llalta  pro- 
claimed President. 


18G8.  Oct.  10.  Manuel  Carlos  Cespedea  issues 
an  address  to  the  Cubans,  proclaiming 
the  Republic  and  its  separation  fiom 
Spain. 

"  Oct.  20.  First  encounter  between  tl>e 
Cubans  and  Spanish  at  Las  Tumas. 

"  Nov.  3.  Gen.  Cirant  was  elected  Presi- 
dent and  Schuyler  Colfax  Vice-Presi- 
dent. 

"  Dec.  14.  "House  of  Representatives  de- 
nounces repudiation  of  the  national 
debt. 

Franklin  Pierce. 

18G9.  Death  of  Franklin  Pierce,  the  fourteenth 
President  of  the  United  w*<tates.  His 
father  was  a  Revolutionary  soldier,  and 
a  stanch  Democrat  of  the  Jeffersonian 
school. 

Franklin  was  born  in  Hillsborough, 
N.  H..  Nov.  23, 1S04,  and  was  a  bright, 
handsome  boy,  beloved  by  all  who 
knew  him  for  his  kind  and  amiable 
disposition.  At  the  age  of  sixteen  he 
entered  Rowdoin  College,  at  Brnnswick, 
Me.,  where  he  became  a  general  favor- 
ite. He  ranked  iiigh  as  a  student,  and 
graduated  at  the  age  of  twenty,  when 
he  began  the  study  of  law  with  Judge 
AVoodbury,  a  distinguished  lawyer. 
Soon  after  his  graduation  at  law  he 
was  elected  to  the  State  Legislature, 
and  served  four  years.  In  18o3  he  was 
elected  to  Congress,  where  he  warmly 
advocated  the  principles  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  and  was  a  strong  sup- 
porter of  the  Administration,  and  a 
personal  friend  of  President  Jackson. 
In  1837  Mr.  Pierce  was  chosen  as 
United  States  Senator.  It  was  just 
after  Mr.  Van  Buren  had  entered  upon 
his  Administration,  and  he  was  the 
youngest  member  in  the  Senate.  In 
1838  he  removed  to  Concord,  the  capi- 
tal of  his  native  State,  and  devoted 
himself  to  his  profession.  As  a  law- 
yer Mr.  Pierce  was  always  courteous 
and  kind,  and  it  is  said  that  he  was 
never  known  to  insult,  browlieat,  or  at- 
tempt to  terrify  a  witness.  Upon  the 
accession  of  Mr.  Polk  to  the  Presi- 
dency he  appointed  Jlr.  Pierce  At- 
torney-General of  the  United  States, 
which  otfice  he  declined,  also  the  nom- 
ination for  Governor  of  New  Hamp- 
shiie. 

When  war  with  SIcxico  was  declared 
Mr.  Pierce  received  the  appointment 
of  Brigadier-General  and  repaired  to 
Newport,  R.  I.,  where  he  embarked 
with  a  portion  of  hi.s  troops  for  Mexico. 
He  landed  ;it  a  place  called  Virgara, 
and  found  no  preparation  for  his  ad- 
vance, which  had  been  ordered.  There 
were  but  five  hundred  wild,  unbroken 
mules  for  h  s  use.  and  the  remainder 
had  to  be  caught  on  the  open  prairies 
and  tamed  to  the  bridle  and  harness. 
This  was  an  arduous  and  diliicult  task, 
as  the  heat  of  the  sun  was  so  intense 
that  the  men  could  not  be  exposed  be- 
tween the  hours  of  9  a.si.  and  4  p.m. 
Yet  with  great  exertion  the  wild  ani- 
mals were  caught  and  t  imed,  and  tlie 
march  began  July  14th,  through  a 
wilderness  infes  ed  Avith  roving  bands 
of  guerrillas,  who  watched  every  chance 
to  attack  them  from  every  height  and 
possible  aniliu-cado.  The  heat  of  the 
sun  and  the  heivy  sandy  roads  made 
their  progress  slow,  but  on  the  7th  of 
August  they  reached  the  main  body  of 


18C9.      the  army  under  (!cn.  Scott  at  Piiebln. 

He  arrived  with  hi-;  c()mi)any  of  2,400 
men  safely,  without  (he  loss  of  a  singh; 
wagon,  althougli  his  company  ha' I  suf- 
lered  quite  severely  from  tickness 
caused  by  the  extreme  heat.  (Jen. 
Pierce  arrived  in  time  to  take  an  act- 
ive part  in  the  closing  scenes  of  the 
war.  Upon  his  return  North  he  wits 
warndy  received  by  his  Irii  nds  and  the 
supporters  of  the  war  measures.  The 
compromise  measures  met  his  hearty 
approval,  and  he  strenuously  advocated 
the  "'Fugitive  Slave  Law."  This  en- 
deared him  to  the  South,  as  a  "  N'orth- 
ern  man  with  Southern  jjrinciples"  was 
alway.s  an  especial  favorite  iit  the  South. 
He  was  jiccordingly  noniinatetl,  June 
12th,  1852,  as  the'  candi<late  of  the 
Democratic  party  for  the  Presidency, 
and  was  elected  with  great  unanimity. 
His  A(bninistration  was  a  stormy  one, 
and  fiivored  in  every  way  the  siave 
power.  The  " irrepressil)le  conflict" 
grew  more  violent  and  strong  with 
every  fresh  accession  of  the  slave  power, 
until  law  was  disregarded,  and  in  the 
Western  frontiers  mob  law  ruled.  The 
polls  were  taken  possession  of  by  an 
armed  body  of  ruffians  from  Missouri, 
and  slavery  was  established  upon  the 
free  soil  of  Kansas.  Their  legal  enact- 
ments would  have  disgraced  savages ; 
yet;  President  Pierce  deemed  it  his  duty 
to  recoiiuize  this  bogus  Legislature 
and  their  enactments.  But  the  citizens 
arose  oimmne  nwl  proti;sted  in  a  peace- 
able manner  against  such  an  invasion, 
and  sent  a  petition  to  the  General  Gov- 
ernment for  redress.  The  President 
in  reply  issued  a  proclamation  declar- 
ing the  Legislature  of  Kansas  legiti- 
mate, and  that  its  laws  must  be  obeyed 
or  the  strong  arm  of  the  Government 
■would  be  put  forth  to  enforce  them. 
This  act  entirely  alienated  the  North 
from  the  President,  and  he  became  so 
unpopular  that  his  quondam  Southern 
friends  also  forsook  him,  and  he  re- 
tired to  the  privacy  of  his  home,  never 
more  to  be  disturbed  by  political  pref- 
erences or  emolument'^.  He  main- 
tained, however,  his  loyally  to  the 
Democratic  party,  although  he  took  no 
active  part  in  politics.  In  .social  life, 
Sir.  Pierce  maintained  his  high  reputa- 
tion as  a  kind  and  genial  neighbor,  a 
firm  friend,  and  an  amiable  and  accom- 
plished gentleman. 
"  Jan.  The  United  States  Senate  refused 
to  approve  the  act  of  the  Presiilent  in 
susjjending  the  Secretary  of  State,  Mr. 
Stanton.  Upon  this  (^m.  (irant  re- 
signed the  otlice.  and  President  John- 
son immediately  appointed  General 
Thomas  in  his  place.  The  Senate 
declared  the  President  hail  no  au- 
thority to  remove  the  Secretary  of 
State,  and  Jlr.  Stanton  refused  to  va- 
cate the  office,  (ien.  Thomas  was  ar- 
rested, but  was  immediately  released, 
as  it  was  the  President,  and  not  Gen. 
Thomas,  the  Senate  were  lighting. .  G02 

Impeachment  Trial. 

"  Feb.  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the 
United  States,  tried  for  high  crimes 
and  ndsdemeanors ;  thiity-five  M  m- 
bers  found  him  guilty,  and  nineteen  i.ot 
guilty;  he  was  ac(juitted. 

"  Feb.  6.  AW//';<ny/i<''7«4  ends  prosecutiou 
against  Jeff.  Davis. 


798 


CHRONOLOGY. 


1869.  Feb.  25.  Passage  of  the  Fifteenth  Amend- 
ment hill  tufratichising  the  colored 
man. 

"  March  4.  Inauguration  of  Gen.  Grant  as 
President. 

"  .  March  IC.  Amenilnient  bill  i)rcscnte(l 
by  Mr.  Juliun,  of  Ind.,  whic  h  provided 
for  woman  suffraf^c,  but  which  failed 
to  come  hefore  the  House. 

James  Harper. 

"  March  27.  Death  of  James  Harper,  an 
American  ])ublisher.  He  was  for  more 
than  50  years  the  head  of  the  publish- 
ing house  of  Harper  Bros. 

"  The  Supreme  Court  j)ronounced  Confed- 
erate money  to  be  worthless. 

"  April.  A  C'nistitwnt  AsseinUi/  proclaimed 
the  Rcpuhlic  <f  Cuba,  and  elected  "  Ces- 
pedes  "  President ;  the  total  abolition 
of  slavery,  and  the  introduction  of 
freedom  of  religion  were  among  the 
measures  decreed  by  the  Assembly. 
Tlie  war  was  carried  on  on  both  sides 
— particularly  that  of  the  Spaniards — 
with  great  severity. 

Pacific  Railroad  Completed. 

"  May  10.  Tlie  grand  event  of  the  Wth 
centKTy.  The  completion  of  the  great 
Pacific  Railroad —the  length  of  which 
is,  exclusive  of  branches,  over  2,000 
miles,  and  crossing  nine  distinct 
mountain  ranges,  which  were  tunneled 
in  several  pl;ices ;  also,  many  wonder- 
ful bridges  were  built,  spanning  chasms 
of  fearful  and  precipitous  depth.  This 
great  enter[)rise  was  begun  in  1862 
and  completed  in  1809.  It  was 
built  by  two  separate  companies;  the 
eastern  ])ortiou  by  the  Union  Pa- 
citic  Co.,  wiiieh  built  the  road  to  Og- 
den,  and  the  western  part  by  the  Cen- 
tral Pacific  Co.,  which  built  it  from 
San  Francisco  to  that  point.  As  the 
distance  between  them  grew  shorter, 
the  competition  and  excitement  grew 
more  intense.  About  2-3,000  men  and 
0,0(iO  teams  were  employed  along  the 
route,  and  as  they  neared  the  ))oint  of 
junction  every  nerve  was  stretched, 
and  the  excitement  almost  ecpi  ded  in 
intensity  a  race  between  continental 
giants.  1  he  eyes  of  the  whole  conti- 
nent were  lix- il  upon  them,  and  their 
daily  proirress  "as  reported  over  the 
wires  until,  when  the  eventful  loth  of 
..Mav  arrived,  and  the  last  rail  was  laid, 
and  tlur  last  spike  driven,  thousands 
of  anxio  IS  listeners  were  waiting  at 
e 'cli  end  of  the  route  for  the  >ignal 
when  th(!  la-t  blow  should  be  struck. 
There  they  stoi^d,  and  co  dd  the  won- 
derful telephone  have  had  a  develop- 
ment sulHciint  to  have  reverlxjrated 
the  sounds  of  the  falling  hammer,  the 
Ijiiture  would  have  been  complete. 
IJnt  in  their  igTi. .ranee  of  tlii.;  amazing 
and  »u'  sequc-ut  stridi!  of  sci<'nee,  they 
attached  tlu^  wiros  to  tlie  last  rail, 
that  earh  blow  of  the  sledge  shiudd 
be  reeord(;d  on  every  connecting  tele- 
graph instrument  between  San  Fran- 
cisco and  Portland,  ]\Ie.  Indeed,  from 
Boston  to  New  Orleans  the  wires  were 
hc-ld  in  reailiness  to  receive  not  only 
tlie  message  •'done.'  but  tlie  very  echo 
or  vibration  from  the  fallin.;  hammer. 
In  San  Francisco,  a  telegraph  wire 
was  attached  to  a  fifteen-iiudi  gun,  also 
to  all  the  lire  bells  in  the  city,  which 


1869.  were  rung  simultaneously  with  the 
tiring  of  the  gun  by  electricity.  All 
business  in  the  city  was  suspended, 
and  all  classes  united  in  a  grand  cele- 
bration. All  over  the  State  of  Califor- 
nia the  excitement  was  at  fever  heat. 
In  New  York  and  Washington  the  in- 
terest was  intense.  Chicago  celebrated 
the  event  on  a  magnificent  scale;  the 
procession  w!vs  very  unicpie,  and  was 
over  four  miles  long.  The  road  from 
Omaha  to  San  Francisco  cost  .$105,000,- 
000,  and  required  110,000  tons  of  iron 
rails,  1,1)00,000  fish  plates,  2,000,000 
bolts,  15,000,000  spikes, 500.000  cross- 
ties,  besides  millions  of  feet  of  timber 
not  estimated,  for  the  construction  of 
bridijcs,  culvert^,  and  roads.  By  means 
of  this  wonderful  highway  the  distance 
from  New  York  to  San  Francisco  was 
reduced  to  seven  days'  travel ;  from 
New  York  to  Japan  25  days. 

Great  Coal  Mine  Disaster. 

"  Avondale  Coal  Mine  disaster  in  Pennsyl- 
vania. A  fire  broke  out  in  the  fur- 
.  race,  and  the  shaft  was  consumed — 
the  fire  extending  to  the  mines  ;  vwre 
than  100  men  irere  suffocated  before  help 
could  reach  tluim. 

Great  Peace  Jubilee. 

"  June  15-20.  A  pe.ace  jubilee  and  musical 
festival  was  held  in  Boston  in  honor 
of  the  restoration  of  the  I'nion  of  the- 
States.  There  were  10,000  singers, 
and  an  orchestra  of  1,000  instruments, 
and  tens  of  thousands  of  spectators. 
It  was  held  in  the  Coliscvm,  an  im- 
mense building  erected  for  the  pur- 
pose, and  was  conducted  by  Prof.  P.  S. 
Gilmore. 

Grant  Favors  Labor. 

"  Eight-hour  system  with  ten  hours  pay 
for  Government  employes  ordered  by 
President  Grant. 

"  Colored  I'cnpltPs  Convention  in  Washing- 
ton. Frederick  Douglas  presiding,  pro- 
nounced against  emigration  to  Liberia. 
June  18.  Death  of  llcnrij  J.  Raymond, 
founder  and  editor  of  the  New  York 
Times,  in  New  York  city,  aged  49 
years. 

"  July  4.  National  Democratic  Convention 
met  in  New  York,  nominating  Sey- 
mour and  Blair. 

"  July  11.  Irish  National  Repuhlican  Con- 
vention held  in  Chicago,  adopting  a 
resolution  requesting  Congress  to  pass 
a  law  for  the  naturalization  of  foreign- 
ers af^er  one  year's  residence  in  the 
United  States. 

"  July  24.  French  Transatlantic  cable  laid 
in  the  Bay  of  Minon,  near  Brest,  reach- 
ed Duxbury,  Mass. 

"  Aug.  National  Labor  Convention  met  in 
Philadelphia,  re-aflirming  the  eight- 
hour  .system. 

"      Auir.  7.    Total  eclipse  of  the  sun. 

"  Temperance;  and  Prohibition  Convention 
met  in  Chicago. 

William  Pitt  Fesscnden. 

"  Sept.  8.  Death  of  Wm.  Pitt  Fesscnden, 
i,I..D  ,an  .\merican  statesman,  S(!nator, 
and  financier.  In  politics,  ilr.  Fesscn- 
den was  a  \Vhig.  In  ls;}9  he  was 
elected  to  the  State  Ucgislature.  In 


1869.  1840  he  was  elected  to  Congress.  In 
184.5  he  declined  a  renomination,  and 
returned  to  his  profession.  In  1848  he 
was  .igain  elected  to  fill  a  vacancy  in  the 
Senate;  two  years  following  he  served 
in  the  Legislature,  and  in  1845  he  re 
ceived  the  votes  of  his  party  in  the 
Legi>lature  for  a  seat  in  the  U.  S. 
Senate.  In  1854  he  again  entered  the 
U.  S.  Senate,  an'l  made  the  most 
eloquent  and  effective  speeches  ever 
made  against  the  Nebraska  bill,  and 
this  made  him  a  leading  man  of  the 
Senate.  In  1859  he  returned  to  the 
Senate  for  six  years.  Throughout  the 
war,  Mr.  Fesscnden  was  a  firm  ally  of 
the  Union  cause,  and  as  Chairman  of 
the  Finance  Committee,  he  aided  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  in  maintain- 
ing the  National  credit.  Upon  the 
resignation  of  Mr.  Chase  from  the 
office  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  he 
was  ap|)ointcd  in  his  place,  which  was 
the  most  important  one  in  the  Cabinet, 
and  the  responsibilities  of  which  he 
filled  to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  the 
people  and  the  salvation  of  the  country. 
He  was  again  re-elected  to  the  Senate 
for  six  years.  Mr.  Fesscnden  voted 
again.-t  the  impeachment  of  President 
Johnson,  which  made  him  unpopular 
for  a  while,  but  which  soon  wore  off, 
considering  his  consistoney  and  great 
usetulness.  Mr.  Fessenden's  character 
stood  high  in  the  nation,  at  home,  and 
abroad. 

"  Sept.  6.  Death  of  Gen.  John  A.  Rawlins, 
Secretary  of  War,  at  Washington,  aged 
38. 

"  Sept.  Destructive  flood  in  Virginia  ; 
forty  lives  lost  at  Harper's  Ferry, 
llielimond  Mas  overflowe(l,  and  ferry- 
boats instead  of  horse-cars  were  used 
in  the  streets.  The  loss  in  property  in 
the  State  amounted  to  millions. 

Black  Friday. 

"  Sept.  24.  The  terrible  Wall  Street  Panic. 
A  memorable  day  in  New  York.  'J'hc 
panic  was  produced  by  the  gamblers 
in  gold,  or  the  "bears"  and  "bulls" 
of  Wall  Street,  controlled  by  the  Fisk- 
Gould  ring,  who  ])roduced  a  "corner" 
on  gold,  selling  in  short  sums  until 
about  $15,000,000  were  thrown  upon 
the  market,  when  the  "  gambling  "  be- 
gan. The  railroad  stock  gamblers  had 
for  weeks  been  i)l!iying  a  desperate 
game,  and  the  excitement  becoming 
intense,  the  great  gold  "  manipulators  " 
of  Wall  Street  began  their  raid.  They 
ran  up  the  price  of  gold  from  137 J  to 
106.  The  bulls  "  went  into  the  fight 
determined  to  win  if  they  ran  gold  up 
to  200,  but  at  160  they  cdllapsed.  The 
Seen  tary  of  the  Treasury,  Mr.  Bcmt- 
well,  with  the  advice  and  by  order  of 
the  President,  sold  $4,000,000  of  gold 
on  the  street.  This  broke  uj)  the  "  cor- 
ner," and  saved  hundreds  from  ruin. 
The  Fisk-Gouhl  rin-r,  designing  to 
control  the  market,  had  imi)lored  the 
Secretarj'  to  loan  them  a  large  amount, 
but  the  (Jovernment  preferred  to  place 
the  g(dd  in  the  market.  The  total 
depreciation  in  stocks  and  gold,  for 
the  week  ending  October  1st,  amounted 
to  $100,000,000. 

The  (lold-room  presented  a  scene  of 
the  wildest  excitement.  IMoney  was 
loaneil  at   500  per  cent,  per  annum. 


CHRONOLOGY. 


799 


1869.  Wlien  tlie  bids  reached  155,  men 
shrieked  and  raved  like  wild  beasts. 
The  room  was  filled  with  curses,  and 
men  rushed  about  in  paroxysms  of  fury. 
Speyer,  a  large  operator,  became  crazed, 
and  raved  like  a  madman,  and  was 
taken  home  by  his  friends.  The  Stock 
Exchange  was  deserted,  all  rushing  to 
the  Gold-room  to  witness  the  death 
struggles  of  the  bulls. ''  The  scene 
outrivaled  any  low  gambling  den — men 
at  a  "  prize-tight "  do  not  so  utterly 
forget  themselves  and  their  humanity, 
as  did  these  great  W all  Street  brokers. 
They  were  more  like  a  pack  of  fam- 
ished wolves  coming  suddenly  upon 
fresh  blood.  Outside  the  excitement 
was  almost  as  intense.  New  Street  was 
packed,  and  all  travel  was  shut  out ; 
all  were  watching  with  strained  eyes 
the  dial  that  marked  the  fluctuations 
of  the  Gold-room.  The  struggle  to 
reach  the  Gold-room  was  worse  than  a 
scene  at  a  large  fire ;  men  were  push- 
ing and  jamming  to  get  out,  and  fight- 
ing to  get  in.  Fisk  and  Gould  left 
the  streets,  and  could  not  be  found. 
Men  were  everywhere  threatening  the 
life  of  Fisk.  The  bankers  and  brokers 
sent  2,232  messages  over  their  wires 
on  that  day,  and  the  other  lines  were 
in  proportion  burdened  with  the  ex- 
citing dispatches.  All  confidence  was 
destroyed  in  the  markets  and  in  trade. 
Millionaires  were  hourly  liecoming 
beggars,  and  mushroom  operators  sud- 
denly found  themselves  worth  millions 
less  than,  nothing.  Wholesale  dry-goods 
houses  refused  to  sell  goods,  as  they 
could  not  determine  the  prices  to  place 
upon  them. 

Explosion  at  Indianapolis. 

"  Oct.  1.  Bursting  of  a  portable  engine  on 
the  fair-ground  in  the  city  of  Indian- 
apolis. 15,000  ijersons  on  the  ground  ; 
between  twenty  and  thirty  killed,  and 
over  fifty  injured. 
Oct.  14.  A  terrible  hurricane  swept  over 
Cuba — the  most  severe  in  the  present 
century;  immense  damage  was  done 
to  property,  and  about  2,000  lives  were 
lost. 

George  Peabody. 

"  Nov.  4,  Death  of  George  Peabody,  the 
eminent  and  loved  benefactor  of  Eu- 
rope and  America.  Mr.  Peabody  was 
born  in  1795  at  Danvers,  Mass.  He 
served  as  a  grocery  clerk  from  11  to 
15  years  of  age,  when  he  went  into  the 
dry -goods  store  of  his  brother  in 
Newburyport.  At  the  age  of  twenty 
he  became  a  partner  of  Mr.  Elisha 
Riggs,  in  a  large  dry-goods  house  in 
Baltimore— Mr.  Riggs  furnishing  capi 
tal,  and  young  Peabody  the  business 
ability.  The  house  rapidly  increased 
in  business,  and  established  branch 
houses  in  New  York  and  Philadelphia. 
In  1829  Mr.  Peabody  became  the  head 
of  the  house  —  Mr  Kiggs  retiring.  In 
1837  he  settled  in  London,  and  four 
years  after  he  withdrew  from  the  firm 
and  established  a  bank  in  London, 
which  soon  became  the  headquarters 
for  American  news  intelligence  and 
acquaintance.  In  1852  Mr.  Peabody 
sent  a  present  of  $20,000  to  his  native 
town  of  Danvers  to  be  disbursed  in 
founding  a  library,  an  institute,  and  a 
lyceum,  which   he  subsequently  en- 


18G9.  dowed  to  the  extent  of  several  hun- 
dred thousand.  To  the  Grinnell  Ex- 
pedition to  the  North  Pole  he  gave 
$10,000.  In  1857  Mr.  Peabody  gave 
the  magnificent  sum  of  $300,000,  as 
the  first  installment  of  $500,000,  for 
the  establishment  of  an  institute  to 
promote  literature,  science,  and  the 
arts  in  Baltimore.  Later,  he  gave 
$500,(100  for  the  promotion  of  educa- 
tion in  the  South,  and  which  he  after- 
ward increased  by  several  endow- 
ments, making  his  public  benefactions 
in  America  reach  above  $1,000,000. 
But  his  most  worthy  and  princely  gifts 
were  to  the  poor  of  London.  As  an 
experiment  he  invested  the  sum  of 
$1,250,000  to  aid  the  industrious  poor. 
Ue  therefore  erected  four  great  build- 
ings called  by  his  name,  in  the  poorest 
quarters  of  London.  He  reduced  the 
rent  to  within  their  reach,  but  required 
them  to  keep  them  clean — a  require- 
ment which  many  of  the  tenants  who 
had  lived  in  squalor  all  their  days 
C(msidered  too  great  a  tax.  The  en- 
terprise did  not  seem  to  meet  with  the 
success  which  the  benefactor  wished. 
A  part  of  this  fund  was  reserved  to  re- 
lieve tenants  in  deserving  instances. 
Mr.  Peabody  made  his  last  visit  to  this 
country  on  "the  9th  of  June  preceding 
his  death.  The  American  sculptor 
Story  made  a  noble  statue  of  him 
which  was  erected  in  London  at  the 
expense  of  that  city,  and  upon  his 
death  Queen  Victoria  fitted  out  a  ship 
— which  was  joined  by  vessels  from  the 
American  squadron  in  the  Mediter- 
ranean Sea — to  bear  his  remains  back 
to  his  native  land,  where  they  repose 
among  the  honored  and  hallowed  of 
our  country's  great  and  noble  bene- 
factors. 

"  Nov.  11.  Death  of  Robert  .L  Walk  r, 
statesman  and  publicist,  at  Washing- 
ton, aged  68. 

Albert  D.  Richardson. 

"  Nov.  25.  Assassination  of  Albert  D. 
Richardson,  the  well-known  author 
and  journalist.  He  was  shot  in  the 
New  York  Tribune  counting-room  by 
Daniel  McFarland,  upon  the  alleged 
intimacy  of  Richardson  with  Mrs. 
McFarland,  who  had  recently  been  di- 
vorced from  him.  Mr.  Richardson  died 
on  the  morning  of  Dec.  2.  In  March, 
18G7,  McFarland  had  attempted. to  take 
the  life  of  Mr.  Richardson,  who  was 
escorting  Mrs.  McFarland  home  from 
the  Winter  Garden  Theater,  where  she 
was  employed  as  an  actress.  Mrs.'  Mc- 
Farland had  separated  from  her  hus- 
band upon  alleged  cruelty  and  failure 
to  support  her  and  her  children.  The 
situation  in  the  theater  had  been  pro- 
cured for  her  by  Mr.  Sydney  Howard 
Gay,  managing  editor  of  the  New  York 
Tribune,  through  the  intercession  of 
Mrs.  Sinclair,  wife  of  the  publisher  of 
that  paper,  and  also  of  Mr.  Richardson, 
who  was  a  corresjiondent  of  the  Trib- 
une. Mrs.  McFarland  was  a  woman 
of  fine  literary  talents  and  a  splendid 
reader.  She"  had  many  influential 
friends,  and  among  them  several  of 
the  Tribune  staff,  wlio  were  interested 
in  her  welfare.  She  was  always  es- 
corted home  from  the  theater  by  some 
one  of  her  friends,  and  on  this  partic- 
ular evening  Mr.  Browne  and  MissGil- 


1869.  bcrt  had  engaged  to  see  licr  home,  but 
finding  he  could  not  fulfill  his  engage- 
ment, Mr.  Browne  requested  Mr.  Rich- 
ardson to  call  at  the  theater  and  ac- 
company her  to  her  home.  It  was  a 
stormy  night,  and  Mr.  McFarland  had 
watched  her,  and  crept  up  behind 
Richardson  and  shot  him  in  the  back. 
He  fired  four  shots,  but  one  of  which  . 
took  cfl'ect.  Mr.  liichardson  grasped 
and  held  him  until  a  i)oliccman  arrest- 
ed him.  The  wound  was  not  fatal, 
and  Mr.  Richardson  was  confined  to 
his  room  hut  one  week.  Mr.  McFar- 
land claimed  that  Mr.  Richardson  had 
alienated  the  affections  of  his  wife 
from  him — tliat  there  had  been  a  crim- 
inal intimacy  l)etween  them;  that  a 
frautlulent  divorce  had  been  obtained 
through  Mr.  Richardson's  efforts,  and 
that  an  elopement  and  marriage  had 
taken  place ;  all  of  which  was  openly 
denied  by  Jlr.  Richardson  and  Mrs. 
McFarland  and  her  friends.  Upon 
the  trial,  it  was  abundantly  proved  by 
the  most  respectable  and  reliable  wit- 
nesses that  every  one  of  these  charges 
were  false ;  and  that  not  until  Mrs. 
McFarland  had  formally  parted  from 
her  husband,  and  was  dependent  upon 
the  sympathy  and  aid  of  her  friends 
for  protection  and  influence  in  procur- 
ing a  support  for  herself  and  children, 
did  Mr.  Richardson  show  her  any  at- 
tention beyond  which  any  high-mind- 
ed and  generous  gentleman  would  Ijc- 
stow  upon  a  lady  needing  sympathy 
and  aid.  It  was  also  abundantly 
proved  that  Mr.  McFarland  was  a  va- 
grant —  a  man  of  dissolute  habits, 
of  a  hasty  and  violent  temper,  over- 
bearing and  exacting,  and  that  he  had 
utterly  neglected  his  family  and  re- 
fused to  support  them.  It  was  also 
proven  that  Mrs.  McFarland  was  a 
woman  of  modest  and  retiring  man- 
ners, patient  and  forbearing,  indus- 
trious and  studious  in  her  habits,  and 
was  much  beloved  by  a  large  circle  of 
friends ;  that  for  many  years  she  had 
borne  in  silence  his  abuse,  which,  when 
he  was  under  the  influence  of  liquor, 
was  of  a  desperate  and  dangerous  nat- 
ure. McFarland  was  tried  for  the 
murder  of  Mr.  Richardson  in  New 
York,  and  was  acquitted  upon  the  plea 
of  insanity. 

"      Katimal  Wommis  Suffrage  Contention, 

Rev.  Henry  Ward  Beecher  presiding. 
"      Convention  in  Memphis,  Tenn.,  to  dis- 
cuss the  Coolie  question. 
"      Dec.  10.  National  Colored  Dilior  Conten- 
tion, which  sent  a  delegation  congratu- 
lating President  Grant,  and  offering 
him  the  support  of  all  colored  lalwrers, 
because  he  had  opened  the  gates  of  the 
navy  yard,  and  other  departments  of 
skilled  labor,  to  their  race. 
"      Babcock  fire  extinguisher  first  patented 

in  the  United  States. 
"      10,000  Protestants  in  the  Argentine  Re- 
public. 

"  The  census  makes  the  value  of  the 
United  States  $31,000,000,000. 

Edwin  M.  Stanton. 

"  Dec.  U.  Death  of  Edwin  M.  SUnton, 
LL.D.,  statesman  and  Cabinet  officer. 
Jlr.  Stanton  was  born  in  Steubenville, 
O.,  Dec.  24,  1815,  and  graduated  at 
Kenyon  College,  O  ,  in  1833.    Ue  grad- 


800 


CHRONOLOGY. 


1809.  iiatcd  at  law  in  the  office  of  Judge 
Tapjjan,  an  eminent  jurist  of  Oliio,  and 
began  practice  in  Cadiz,  O.,  in  1836, 
and  in  1839  he  became  a  partner  with 
the  Judge.  In  1842  lie  was  elected  re- 
porter of  the  decisions  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  Ohio,  and  prepared  the  vol- 
umes for  the  press. 

In  1860  Mr.  Stanton  was  appointed 
to  his  first  position  as  a  Government 
officer,  lie  received  the  appointment 
of  Attorney-General  from  President 
Huchanan,  as  successor  of  Judge  Black. 
January  11,  1802,  Prcsideut  Lincoln 
chose  ^"Mr.  Stanton  for  Secretary  of 
War.  His  able  and  unceasing  labors 
in  this  department  through  the  war 
are  too  well  known  to  require  a  de- 
tailed account.  His  duties  and  obliga- 
tions were  more  arduous  tiian  were  those 
of  any  other  member  of  the  Cabinet, 
the  "  weight  of  the  war  "  resting  upon 
his  shoulders.  Under  President  John- 
son his  stanch  fidelity  to  the  interests 
of  the  Union,  and  his  uncompromising 
adherence  to  the  principles  of  loyalty, 
and  to  the  vigorous  prosecution  of  the 
war,  caused  him  to  be  feared  by  the 
President  and  hated  by  the  enemies  of 
the  Government,  both  North  and  South. 
Mr.  Johnson  sought  in  every  way  to 
force  his  resignation,  which  Mr.  Stan- 
ton as  stoutly  resisted.  Finally,  in 
August,  1807,  the  President  superseded 
him,  placing  Gen.  Grant  in  his  seat, 
<ul  interim.  But  Mr.  Stanton  refused 
to  vacate,  holding  his  seat  through  the 
impeachment  trial  of  the  President, 
but  resigning  upon  the  failure  of  the 
jury  to  find  him  guilty. 

He  DOW  sought  rest  and  the  restora- 
tion of  his  health,  which  had  been 
greatly  impaired  by  his  incessant  and 
herculean  labors.  In  December,  1869, 
President  Grant  nominated  him  for 
Assistant  Justice  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  in  the  place  of  Judge  Grier,  re- 
signed ;  but  Mr.  Stauton  died  before 
his  commission  was  made  out,  and 
died  a  poor  man,  not  leaving  a  sufficient 
siqjpoi-t  for  his  family.  Congress  voted 
a  year's  sahu-y  as  Justice  of  the  Su- 
preme Court  to  be  paid  to  his  family, 
and  tlie  friends  of  Mr.  Stanton  through- 
out the  country  made  up  a  memorial 
fund  and  presented  to  them.  Mr.  Stan- 
ton made  some  enemies  by  his  arbi- 
trary manner,  which  was  greatly  ag- 
gravated by  the  perplexing  and  re- 
sponsible position  which  he  held  as  Sec- 
retary of  War  through  the  great  Re- 
bellion ;  but  his  loyalty  to  the  Govern- 
ment, and  his  strict  integrity  of  char- 
acter as  without  a  blemish ;  his 
great  ability  as  a  statesman  was  never 
questioned. 

"  Schenck's  bill,  requiring  all  national  ob- 
ligations to  be  paid  in  coin,  passed. 

Terrible  Explosion. 

"  Dec.  10.  Explosion  of  2,000  pounds  of 
gunpowder,  .'iOO  pounds  of  compound, 
and  3, 0(10  pounds  of  nitro-glycerine  at 
once  in  a  torpedo  factory  at  Titusvillc, 
Pa.  This  terrible  explosion  took  place 
al)out  one  mile  from  the  center  of  the 
town,  and  shook  the  whole  city.  For 
100  yards  in  every  direction  the  earth 
was  torn  up  as  in  a  newly-jjlowcd 
field  ;  trees  one  foot  in  diameter  were 
cut  oQ'  and  torn  into  fragments ;  heavy 


1869.  logs  were  hurled  through  the  air  and 
over  the  tree  tops  a  distance  of  one- 
eighth  of  a  mile;  doors  and  windows 
fully  one-fourth  of  a  mile  away  were 
driven  in  and  broken  to  slivers ;  ani- 
mals and  fowls  were  frightened  and 
fled  in  every  direction ;  men  were 
stunned  by  the  shock  ;  and  not  a  build- 
ing in  the  city  but  felt  the  efi"ects  of  the 
terrible  concussion.  There  was  but 
one  man  in  or  about  the  buildings,  and 
he  was  literally  blown  into  fragments. 
The  effect  upon  the  people  and  build- 
ings in  the  vicinity  was  precisely 
like  that  produced  by  an  earthquake. 

"  Major  PoweWs  Colorado  exploring  expedi- 
tion started  out.  The  expedition  was 
organized  at  Normal,  111.,  by  Major 
Powell,  of  the  Normal  University. 

Cuban  Insurrection. 

"  Insurrection  in  Cuba.  The  insurgents 
desired  to  have  the  independence  of 
Cuba  recognized  by  the  United  States, 
but  the  Government  declined,  and 
maintained  an  attitude  of  neutrality, 
except  that  she  endeavored  to  negoti- 
ate with  Spain  in  reference  to  settle- 
ment of  the  Cuban  troubles  favorable 
to  Cuba. 

1870.  Fifteenth  Amendment,  giving  the  ballot 

to  the  colored  man,  became  a  part  of 
the  Constitution. 

Geo.  D  Prentice. 

"  Jan.  22.  Death  of  Geo.  Dennison  Prentice, 
an  American  journalist  of  considerable 
note,  and  of  much  publicity  in  the 
West.  He  became  the  cditor-in-cliief 
of  the  Louisville  Journal  in  1831,  and 
under  his  charge  it  rose  to  be  the  lead- 
ing journal  of  the  West.  As  a  writer, 
Mr.  Prentice  was  graceful  in  style, 
spicy  in  humor,  and  sarcastic  and 
severe  in  criticism.  When  the  South 
began  the  secession  movement,  Mr. 
Prentice  stoutly  opposed  the  efforts  to 
drag  the  State  of  Kentucky  into  the 
vortex,  and  it  was  largely  due  to  the 
unceasing  fidelity  of  that  journal  that 
they  did  not  succeed.  Being  embar- 
rassed in  finances  during  the  war,  the 
controlling  inlluence  of  the  paper 
passed  into  other  hands,  who  were  less 
rigorous  in  maintaining  the  Union,  and 
for  a  short  time  he  witlidrew  from  the 
editorial  charge.  The  loss  of  a  son 
who  fell  in  battle  in  the  Southern 
army,  and  other  afflictions  and  trials, 
rendered  his  declining  years  sad  and 
sorrowful.  Mr.  Prentice  was  also  a 
poet  of  no  mean  ability,  and  although 
he  never  ])ublished  his  poems  in  book 
form,  "  they  still  live."  He  was  also  a 
contributor  to  Harpers  Monthly.  He 
was  a  bitter  opponent,  but  a  warm  and 
generous  friend. 

Wesley  Harper. 

"  Feb.  14.  Death  of  Wesley  Harper,  of 
the  firm  of  Harper  &  ]?ros.  Wesley 
was  the  literary  correspondent  of  the 
firm,  and  during  the  forty  years  in 
which  he  conducted  the  correspondence, 
it  was  said  of  him  that  he  never  for- 
got to  be  courteous  or  considerate  of 
the  feelings  of  others,  and  that  he  had 
not  an  enemy  among  the  thousands 
with  whom  he  corresponded,   lie  died 


1870.      as  he  had  lived,  in  charity  and  peace 
Mith  all  men. 

Anson  Burlingamc. 

"  Feb.  23.  Anson  Burlingamc,  an  Amer- 
ican statesman  and  diplomatist,  died  in 
St.  Petersburg,  Russia.  He  was  Minis- 
ter Plenipotentiary  from  the  United 
States  to  China  from  1861  to  1807,  and 
Ambassador  from  the  Empire  of  China 
to  the  Western  Powers  trom  1807  to 
1870.  Mr.  Burlingamc  was  educated 
in  the  University  of  Michigan,  and  in 
the  Cambridge  Law-School.  He  was  a 
member  of  the  34th,  3.'5th,  and  30th 
Congresses.  His  scathing  rebuke  of 
Preston  S.  Brooks  for  his  assnult  upon 
Senator  Sumner,  led  to  a  challenge  for 
a  duel  from  the  insulted  Southerner, 
who  declined  to  fight,  fearing  to  pass 
through  the  "  enemy's  country "  in 
reaching  Clj/ton,  Canada — the  spot 
designated  by  Mr.  Burlingamc.  Mr. 
Burlingamc  died  in  the  midst  of  his 
])opularity,  and  just  before  he  had 
completed  the  greatest  diplomatic 
work  ever  assigned  an  American  Min- 
ister. 

Battle  of  the  Blondes. 

"  Feb.  24.  Horse-whipping  of  Wilbur  F. 
Storey,  editor  of  the  Chicago  Times, 
for  alleged  slander,  by  Lydia  Tliomiv 
son  and  Miss  ^larkham,  of  the  "  Blonde 
Burlesque  Troupe."  These  ladies,  in 
company  with  Mr.  Markham,  business 
manager  for  the  troupe,  and  several 
others,  met  Mr.  Storey  in  front  of  his 
residence  on  Wabash  Avenue,  and  in- 
flicted some  twenty  lashes  upon  his 
head  and  person  with  a  rawhide.  Mr. 
Storey  stoutly  resisted,  and  the  whole 
assaulting  party  were  tnken  before  the 
Armory  police  court  on  a  charge  of  dis- 
orderly conduct,  and  were  tried  and 
fined  llOO  each. 

General  Thomas. 

"  March  28.  Death  of  Geo.  Henry  Tliomas, 
Maj.-Gen.  of  the  U.  S.  A.,  one  of  the 
ablest  and  most  successful  of  the  mili- 
tary chiefs  of  the  civil  war.  General 
Tliomas  was  born  and  raised  in  Vir- 
ginia, and  belonged  to  the  F.  F.  V.'s. 
He  was  educated  at  West  Point.  Yet, 
when  Sumter  was  fired  upon,  he  de- 
clared for  his  country,  and  the  day  the 
flag  was  lowered  from  the  walls  of  Fort 
Sumter,  he  reported  for  duty  at  Car- 
lisle barracks,  I'a.,  and  in  May  he  led  a 
brigade  into  Maryland,  from  Chambers- 
burg  to  Williamsport,  and  on  Juno 
16  he  crossed  the  I'otomac  in  full  uni- 
form, to  invade  Virginia,  and  fight  his 
old  commanders,  who  had  turned 
traitors  to  the  Government  ho  loved 
and  cherished.  All  through  the  long 
and  bloody  strife,  Gen.  Thomas  was  in 
the  field,  an  active,  faithful,  and  elfect- 
ive  officer,  never  flinching  from  duty, 
never  betraying  discouragement,  or  a 
lack  of  those  high  and  moral  principles 
which  engaged  his  invaluable  services 
in  defense  of  his  country's  life  and 
honor.  In  private  life,  Gen.  Thomas' 
reputation  was  without  a  stain,  and  ho 
died  in  the  enjoyment  of  his  country's 
confidence,  admiration,  and  gratitude. 

Mrs.  Willard. 
"      April  15.     Mrs.  Emma  Hart  Willard 
died  in  Troy,  N.  Y.    bhe  was  an  cdu- 


CHRONOLOGY. 


801 


1870.  cator  and  author,  and  the  pioneer  in  the 
higher  education  of  women  in  this 
country.  Slie  was  next  to  the  youngest 
in  !i  family  of  17  children,  and  2)er- 
formed  her  allotted  share  of  the  domes- 
tic duties  of  the  family,  while  prosecut- 
ing, with  a  wonderful  energy,  the 
studies  which  presented  themselves  to 
her;  mastering  astronomy  in  her  14th 
year,  studying  it  chiefly  by  moonlight 
on  the  horse-block  in  front  of  tlie 
door.  She  had  two  years'  study  in  the 
village  academy,  and  then  engaged  as 
teaclier  in  the  district  school,  where 
she  became  noted  as  a  proficient  teach- 
er. Her  marriage  to  Dr.  John  Willard 
interrupted,  for  some  time,  her  calling 
as  a  teacher.  In  1814,  financial  re- 
verses, however,  induced  her  to  open 
a  boarding-school  for  girls  in  Middle- 
biu-y.  Her  school  prospered,  and  her 
sphere  enlarged,  for  which  she  qualified 
herselt'  by  hard  study  at  nights, 
mastering  the  advanced  sciences, 
which,  one  by  one,  she  introduced 
into  her  school.  But  feeling  tlie  need 
of  enlarged  privileges,  she  laid  her 
desires  and  plans  before  Gov.  Clinton, 
who  gave  the  movement  a  warm  sup- 
port, and  in  181'J  she  opened  her 
school  in  Waterford  In  1820  the 
citizens  of  Troy  offered  her  a  building 
if  she  would  remove  her  school  to  that 
city.  She  acceiJted  it,  and  in  18'21 
opened  her  subsequently  famous  Sem- 
inary there.  In  1825  her  husl)and 
died,  and  the  entire  charge  of  the  in- 
stitution rested  upon  her.  She  con- 
tinued to  successfully  manage  the 
school  till  1838,  when  her  son  and  his 
wife  relieved  her  of  further  care.  After 
her  retirement  she  became  much  inter- 
ested in  common  schools,  and  labored 
for  their  elevation.  In  1S,54  she  attend- 
ed the  World's  J>ditorial  Congress  in 
London.  She  published  successively  a 
series  of  geographies  and  atlases,  a 
history  of  the  United  States,  and 
many  other  important  historical  and 
miscellaneous  works  of  much  value. 
She  was  a  woman  who  lived  and  moved 
a  generation,  at  least,  in  advance  of  her 
age.  and  her  wonderful  achievements 
in  behalf  of  a  higher  life  and  educa- 
tion for  woman  will  attach  her  name 
to  the  list  of  the  world's  great  movers 
and  benefactors. 
"  May  4.  Death  of  Zerah  Colbum,  the 
great  locomotive  engineer,  manufac- 
turer, and  editor.  He  was  nephew  and 
namesake  of  the  celebrated  mathema- 
tician of  New  England.  Mr.  Colburn, 
through  overwork  of  brain  and  mental 
depression,  became  perfectly  insane, 
and  while  in  one  of  his  fits,  he  strayed 
away  from  his  friends,  and  died  by  his 
own  hand. 

"  July  12.  Admiral  DahJgren,  of  the 
United  States  Navy,  died  in  Washing- 
ton from  a  gun-shot  wound  received  in 
action.  He  was  the  inventor  of  the 
celebrated  gun  l)earing  his  name,  also 
of  a  smaller  rifled  cannon.  He  was  a 
brave  and  efBcient  officer,  and  a  digni- 
fied and  courteous  gentleman.  His 
death  was  a  great  less  to  the  nation. 

T/ie  Nathan  Murder. 

"  July  28.  Murder  of  Benjamin  Nathan,  a 
wealthy  and  influential  member  of  the 
Stock  Exchange,  and  brother-in-law 


1870.  of  Judge  Cardozo,  in  his  own  bed- 
chamber in  his  elegant  brown-stone 
mansion  near  Fifth  Avenue,  New  York. 
His  two  sons  and  two  daughters,  a 
man  and  a  woman-servant  were  in  the 
house  at  the  time — the  woman-servant 
sleeping  in  a  room  adjoining  Mr. 
Nathan's  room — and  not  an  inmate  of 
the  hou^e  was  disturbed.  The  win- 
dows of  his  room  were  open  toward 
the  street,  and  the  hackmen  opposite, 
and  the  clerks  and  watch  at  the 
Fifth  Avenue  Hotel  never  heard  a 
sound.  A  policeman  was  stationed 
at  the  corner,  but  a  few  rods  from  the 
house,  yet  he  had  no  knowledge  of  any 
irregular  acts  or  deeds  of  violence  be- 
ing committed  in  the  neighborhood. 
Yet  the  appearance  of  the  body  and 
the  room  indicated  a  terrible  struggle 
between  Mr.  Nathan  and  his  mur- 
derers. His  body  was  covered  with 
blood,  and  nine  distinct  and  fearful 
gashes  and  bruises  were  found  upon 
his  head  and  face.  The  ceiling,  door- 
posts, and  the  carpet  around  the  body 
were  covered  and  soaked  with  blood. 
The  safe  in  the  room  adjoining  had 
been  opened,  and  the  contents  were 
scattered  about  the  room.  Two  gold 
watches  were  taken,  and  the  diamond 
^tuds  were  torn  from  his  shirt  bosom. 
Mr.  Nathan  was  a  native  of  the  United 
States,  and  was  59  years  of  age.  The 
greatest  excitement  prevailed,  and  the 
utmost  vigilance  and  perseverance 
were  used  by  the  police  and  detective 
officers,  yet  no  clew  or  suspicion  of  the 
crime  could  be  attached  to  any  indi- 
vidual. A  reward  of  $30,000  was 
offered  by  the  Mayor  of  the  city  for 
the  arrest  and  conviction  of  the  person 
or  persons  M  ho  committsd  the  murder, 
and  the  following  rewards  for  the  re- 
covery of  property  taken:  $1,000  e- 
ward  was  offered  for  the  identification 
and  recovery  of  each  and  every  one  of 
the  diamond  studs ;  $1,500  for  the 
identification  and  recovery  of  a  fine 
gold  watch  or  the  chain  and  seals  at- 
tached ;  $300  for  information  leading 
to  the  recovery  of  an  old-fashioned  gold 
watch  ;  $300  for  the  recovery  of  a  gold 
medal,  the  size  of  a  silver  dollar,  and 
$100  for  a  full  and  detailed  description 
of  this  medal ;  $1,000  for  the  identifi- 
cation of  the  instrument  used  in  the 
commission  of  the  deed,  and  which 
was  found  lying  in  the  vestibule  be- 
tween the  inner  and  outside  door  lead- 
ing to  the  street.  It  was  a  piece  of 
wrought-iron,  IG  inches  in  length,  and 
turned  up  at  each  end,  and  sharp.  It 
is  known  as  a  "  dog,"  and  is  used  by 
ship-carpenters  and  other  mechanics. 
Also,  $800  were  ofl"crod  to  the  man 
who,  on  the  night  of  the  murder,  was 
seen  to  ascend  the  steps  of  Mr.  Nathan's 
house  and  pick  up  a  piece  of  paper 
and  walk  away  with  it,  if  he  would 
come  and  return  the  paper.  The  pay- 
ment of  these  rewards  was  guaranteed 
by  Mrs.  Emily  Nathan,  the  widow  of 
the  murdered  man.  In  addition  to 
these  rewards,  the  sum  of  $10,000  was 
offered  by  the  Stock  E.xchange  for  the 
arrest  and  conviction  of  the  assassin. 
Wa'^hington  Nathan,  the  second  son 
of  Mr.  Nathan,  was  closely  watehed 
and  strictly  examined  for  a  season,  but 
no  evidence  leading  to  a  reasonable 
susi)icion  of  his  guilt  was  found.  The 


1870.  coroner's  verdict  was  rendered  in  the 
following  lanfjuage  :  "  That  Benjamin 
Nathan  came  to  his  death  by  wounds 
inflicted  upon  his  head  by  an  instru- 
ment known  as  a  '  dog  '  in  the  hands 
of  a  person  or  persons  to  the  jury  un- 
known, on  the  morning  of  July  21), 
1870." 

Farragut. 

"  Aug.  14.  Death  of  David  Glascoc  Far- 
ragut, Admiral  of  the  United  States 
Navy,  and  one  of  the  most  illustrious 
of  naval  commanders.  His  father 
served  seven  years  in  the  American 
army,  and  during  the  Revolution  was 
promoted  to  the  rank  of  M.ajor.  David, 
at  the  age  of  eleven  years,  was  admit- 
ted as  niitlshipman  on  board  the  fa- 
mous frigate  Essex  (Commodore  David 
Porter)  during  her  celebrated  two 
years'  cruise  in  the  Pacific  and  her 
final  capture,  when  155  men  were  lost 
in  the  fight.  David  was  slightly 
wounded,  paroled,  and  sent  to  New 
York.  He  accompanied  Mr.  Folsom 
(the  Consul  to  Tunis),  where  he  con- 
tinued his  studies,  becoming  familiar 
with  the  Arabic  and  Turkish  languages, 
also  later  with  most  of  the  European 
languages.  When  the  war  broke  out 
he  was  living  in  Norfolk,  Ya.,  and 
was  so  bold  in  his  expressions  of 
abhorrence  at  the  disloyalty  of  the 
citizens  that  they  informed  him  he 
could  not  remain  in  Norfolk  and  ex- 
press such  sentiments.  When  the 
navy  yard  at  Norfolk  was  destroyed 
by  Commodore  McCauley,  Farragut 
left  Norfolk  destitute  of  funds  to  con- 
vey him,  and  with  difficulty  reached 
New  York.  After  i)lacing  his  family 
in  safe  quarters,  he  offered  his  services 
to  the  Government,  but  he  had  no  ship, 
and  for  nine  months  this  great  and 
noble  naval  officer  had  to  remain  idle, 
waiting  for  an  opportunity  to  aid  the 
Government,  while  unworthy,  disabled, 
and  incompetent  officers  were  being 
tested  and  discharged.  Jan.  20,  he 
was  appointed  to  lead  the  fleet  in  the 
attack  on  New  Orleans,  and  Feb.  3d 
he  sailed  in  the  Hartford  from  Hamp- 
ton Roads.  He  arrived  at  Ship  Island 
the  20th.  and  was  two  months  in  plan- 
ning and  preparing  for  his  grand 
attack  on  the  metropolis  of  the 
southwest.  Overcoming  diflBculties 
which  would  have  appalled  a  man 
of  less  energy  and  daring,  he  finally 
made  the  assault,  which  terminated 
in  one  of  the  fzrandest  achievements 
ever  accomplished.  Commodore  Far- 
ragut was  promoted  to  the  highest 
naval  office  in  the  gift  of  the  nation, 
and  presented  with  a  purse  of  $50,000 
from  the  merchants  of  New  York  for 
his  invaluable  services  rendered  to  the 
national  commerce,  as  he  had  been  loo 
busy  fighting  the  enemy  to  make 
profits  either  in  capturing  blockade- 
runners  or  Seizing  cotton.  After  the 
war  closed,  he  went  abroad  on  a  cruise 
in  the  Fraidlin,  and  he  everywhere 
met  with  the  most  distinguished  con- 
sideration and  regard. 

"  Aug.  22.  President  Grant  issued  a  proc- 
lamation of  neutrality  in  relation  to 
the  Franco- German  war,  and  also  pro- 
hibiting the  American  forts  from  be- 
coming depots  for  mati  rials  of  war.  605 


802 


CHRONOLOGY. 


1870.  Admusion  of  Jicrels,  the  first  colored  Sen- 
ator, to  Congress. 

"  Reconstruction  of  tlic  South  accomplish- 
ed by  the  admission  of  Iteprescntatives 
in  Conf^ress  from  Va.,  ]\Iis8.,  and  Tex. 

"  Aug.  National  Labor  Convention  held 
in  Cincinnati,  which  voted  the  im- 
mediate formation  of  an  independent 
political  orjjani/.ation  known  as  the 
National  Labor  Ke'brm  party. 

"  Aug.  22.  Proclamation  of  neutrality  is- 
sued by  Pres.  Grant,  enjoining  Ameri- 
can citizens  not  to  take  any  part  in  the 
Franco-(}erTnan  conflict. 

"      Irish  National  Congress  in  Cincinnati. 

Ku-Klux  Klan- 

"  Ku-Rluxism  investigated,  and  a  dark 
revelation  of  murder,  whipping,  and 
violence  used  to  intimidate  the  Union 
men  and  negroes  for  jjolitical  purposes 
by  that  secret  and  dangerous  organiza- 
tion. 

Ge}i.  Lee. 

"  Oct.  12.  Death  of  Robert  Edward  Lee, 
LL.D.,  an  American  soldier  and  educa- 
tor, and  son  of  (ien.  Henry  Lee,  "  the 
Light-horse  Harry"  Lee  of  the  Revolu 
tionary  war,  the  personal  and  political 
friend  of  Gen.  Washingtcra.  Robert  E. 
Lee  was  a  graduate  of  West  Point  in 
1829.  lie  was  a  Captain  in  the  regular 
army  when  the  Mexican  war  broke  out, 
and  when  Scott  invadod  Mexico  Lee 
was  appointed  chief-engineer  of  the 
army  under  Gen.  Wool ;  and  Gen.  Scott 
attributed  the  reduction  of  Vera  Cruz  to 
Lis  skill;  and  in  recognition  of  his  valu- 
able services  he  was  placed  on  the  Gen- 
eral's btatf,  and  after  the  battle  of  Cerro 
Gordo,  he  was  breveted  Major ;  and 
for  his  gallant  and  meritorious  conduct 
at  Contreras  and  Churubusco  he  was 
raised  to  the  rank  of  Lieut. -Col.,  and 
in  September  of  the  same  year  he  re- 
ceived tiie  brevet  rank  of  Colonel  for 
services  at  Chapultepec.  In  1852  lie  was 
assigned  the  important  post  of  Super- 
intendent at  West  Point,  retaining  his 
field  rank.  In  1855  Col.  Lee  took  com- 
mand of  a  cavalry  regiment  which  had 
been  ordered  to  Texas,  where  he  re- 
mained tdl  1859,  fighting  Indians  and 
performing  garrison  duty.  He  then 
returned  to  Washington  and  took  an 
active  part  in  capturing  .lohn  Hrown, 
and  hunting  down  his  feeljleband;  but 
it  is  recorded  of  him  that  his  vigilance 
and  firmness  saved  the  prisoners  from 
the  fury  of  the  mob.  On  the  IGth  of 
March,  18G1,  he  was  commissioned 
Colonel  of  the  First  Cavalry,  and  on 
April  20th  he  sent  in  his  resignation 
to  Gen.  Scott.  lie  was  soon  after  ap- 
pointed commander  of  the  Confederate 
forces  in  Virginia,  and  served  after- 
■ward  for  a  time  on  the  coast  with 
headquarters  in  Charleston  ;  but  he  was 
shortly  placed  in  command  of  all  the 
Confederate  forces,  which  position  he 
occupied  to  the  end  of  the  war,  or  until 
liis  tinal  surrender  to  Gen.  Grant.  Gen, 
Lee  was  a  man  marked  by  native  gen- 
ius, and  highly  endowed  with  manly 
courage  and  physical  beauty,  and  was 
greatly  endeared  to  the  South,  who 
truly  mourned  their  chieftain. 

Albert  Barnes. 

"  Doc.  24.  Death  of  Albert  Barnes,  D.D., 
an  American  clergyman,  scholar,  and 


1870.  author,  in  Philadelphia.  He  was 
of  the  New  School  Presbyterian  de- 
nomination. He  was  tried  for  heresy 
by  the  Old  School  ])arty  and  adjudged 
guilty.  This  action  led  to  tlie  disrup- 
tion of  the  Presbyterian  Church  in 
1837.  He  was  the  autlior  of  Notes 
on  the  New  Testament  "  in  eleven  vol- 
umes, also  "Inquiry  into  the  Scripture 
views  of  Slavery,"  "  Life  of  St.  Paul," 
etc.  He  acquired  the  title  of  D.D. 
from  two  or  three  colleges  in  the 
United  States,  and  from  a  foreign  uni- 
versity. 

"  First  narrow-gauge  railway  in  the  world 
built — the  Denver  and  Rio  Grande. 

"  The  population  of  the  United  States 
numbered  40,000,000. 

"  Manitoba  made  into  a  separate  province. 
Lopez,  President  of  Paraguay,  killed,  since 
which  Paraguay  has  been,  though  nomi- 
nally a  republic,  under  control  of  Brazil. 

"      Great  earthquake  in  Guatemala. 

1871.  The  treaty  of  Washington. 

"  Impeachment  of  Gov.  Holden,  of  North 
Carolina,  for  malfeasance  in  office. 

"  Ku-Khix  hill  passed  by  Congress  and  en- 
forced in  Southern  districts  infested 
by  them. 

"  Agitation  of  the  Civil  Service  question, 
and  a  Board  of  Commissioners  ap- 
pointed. 

"  Labor  Reform,  Woman  Suffrage,  and 
Colored  Ctrnventions  held  in  St.  Louis. 

"  Meeting  of  the  Alabama  Claims  Commis- 
sioners in  Washington,  Fish  presiding. 

"  Congress  passed  an  Act  creating  an  im- 
mense public  park  near  the  head  waters 
of  the  Yellowstone. 

George  Ticknor. 

"  Jan.  20.  Geo.  Ticknor,  LL.D.,  an  eminent 
scholar,  professor,  and  author,  died  in 
Boston.  ]\Ir.  Ticknor  was  a  graduate  of 
Dartmouth  College  in  1807.  In  1820  he 
became  Professor  of  Languages,  Liter- 
ature, and  BeJlesi  Lettrex  in  Harvard 
College,  from  which  he  retired  in  1835. 
In  1849  Mr.  Ticknor  published  his 
"  History  of  Spanish  Literature."  As 
a  scholar,  perhaps  few  men  in  America 
excelled  him,  while  none,  unless  ex- 
cepting Edward  Everett,  had  a  mem- 
ory so  well  stored  with  personal  associ- 
ations with  brilliant  literary  men  and 
women  of  this  country  and  Europe. 
He  was  a  personal  friend  of  Goethe, 
Lord  Byron,  Sir  Walter  Srott,  Madiime 
de  Staei,  Wordsworth,  and  many  other 
distinguished  persons.  To  y\v.  Tick- 
nor, more  than  any  one  else,  were  the 
people  of  Boston  indebted  for  the  plan- 
ning and  organization  of  their  great 
])nblic  library,  which  labors  he  per- 
formed after  liis  sixtieth  year.  His  pre- 
liminary report  led  Mr.  Bates  to  make 
bis  magnificent  donations. 

Alice  Gary. 

"  Feb.  12.  Miss  Alice  Cary,  an  American 
jioetess  and  literary  writer  of  wide 
reputation,  died  in  New  York  city. 
She  enjoyed  the  jjublic  favor  to  a  far 
greater  extent  than  many  later  and 
more  brilliant  writers  for  the  press. 
Her  writings  wore  characterized  by  a 
native  grace  and  sweetness,  and  a  con- 
scientious regard  for  the  true  and  the 
beautiful,  rarely  found  in  literary  writ- 
ers of  the  present  day.    She  was, 


1871.  though  an  invalid  much  of  her  life,  an 
unceasing  worker,  and  her  active 
mind  never  lacked  resources  to  fill  the 
flying  moments  witii  sweet  snatches 
of  song  or  fairy  tales  of  romance. 
She  was  the  author  of  many  volumes, 
besifles  being  a  constant  contril>utor 
to  the  leading  literary  jiiurnals  of  the 
day.  For  nearly  thirty  years  Alice 
and  her  sister  Plicbe  lived  in  a  quiet 
little  home  in  New  York  city,  which 
was  ever  the  favorite  resort  of  the 
literati  of  the  country.  Her  last  ill- 
ness was  long  and  painful,  yet  it  was 
borne  with  a  cheerfulness  rarely  found 
ujjon  a  bed  of  death. 

Nitro-  Glycerine. 

"  May  19.  Explosion  of  400  lbs.  of  nitrcr 
glycerine  in  cans  loaded  upon  a  wagon 
en  route  from  Titusville  to  Tideoute, 
Pa.  The  driver,  horses,  and  wagon 
were  blown  to  atoms.  A  large  circular 
excavation,  four  or  five  feet  deep  and 
twelve  feet  in  diameter,  was  made  in 
the  middle  of  the  road.  The  fences 
and  trees  for  a  considerable  distance 
around  were  shattered  into  fragments. 
A  barn,  forty  rods  away,  was  blown  to 
pieces,  and  the  whole  vicinity  was  a 
perfect  wreck.  The  butt  end  of  the 
driver's  whip  was  driven  a  distance  of 
one-fourth  of  a  mile  through  a  win- 
dow, and  knocked  a  woman  senseless. 
Several  persons  remote  from  the  scene 
were  so  stunned  by  the  terrilic  shock 
as  to  become  quite  ill.  The  shock  was 
described  as  very  similar  to  that  of  an 
earthquake. 

Vallandig/iam. 

"  June  17.  Death  of  Clement  L.  Vallandig- 
ham,  a  Democratic  jiolitical  leader  in 
Ohio.  Mr.  Vallandigham  was  suc- 
cessively a  teacher,  lawyer.  Member 
of  Legislature,  and  editor  of  a  news- 
])aper,  I'he  Dayton  Empire.  He  ran 
for  Congress  in  1857  against  Lewis  D. 
Campbell,  and  though  declared  de- 
feated, contested  the  seat  and  won  it. 
He  served  in  the  Thirty-sixth  and 
Thirty  -  seventh  Congress,  and  was 
conspicuous  for  his  bold  Htterances 
against  the  Administration.  Upon  his 
roturn  to  Ohio  from  Congress,  his 
public  speeches  against  the  war  and 
the  Administration  were  of  such  an  in- 
fiammatory,  bitter,  and  violent  nature, 
that  Gen."  Burnside,  the  Commander 
of  that  department,  ordered  his  arrest. 
He  was  court-martialed,  convicted, 
and  sentenced  to  close  confinement 
during  the  war.  President  Lincoln 
changed  his  sentence  to  banishment 
across  the  lines.  He  was  coldly  re- 
ceived by  the  Southern  leaders,  and 
soon  escaped  through  the  blockade  to 
Canada  by  the  Bermudas.  AVhilc  in 
exile  he  was  nominated  for  Governor 
of  Ohio,  but  was  defeated  by  Hon. 
John  Brough  by  ovci  100.000  votes. 
He  returned  imdisturbcd  to  Ohio,  and 
was  a  member  of  the  National  Demo- 
cratic Congress  at  Chicago  in  1864; 
and  just  before  his  death  he  advocated 
the  i)emocr.itic  "  New  Departure.'' 

"  July  12.  Great  riot  in  New  York  be- 
tween the  Irish  factions — the  Orange- 
men and  Homan  Catholics ;  07  killed 
and  117  wounded. 


CHRONOLOGY. 


803 


1871.  July  16.    First  exposure  of  "  Tammany 
King  "  iu  the  New  York  Times. 

Phebe  Cary. 

"  July  31.  Miss  Phebe  Cary  died  at  Ncw- 
jiort,  R.  I.  Slie  was  sister  to  Alice 
Cary,  the  poetess ;  lierself  a  poetess 
and  writer  of  much  note.  Phebe  be- 
gan writing  verses  at  the  age  of  17 
years,  and  soon  her  hymns,  songs,  and 
household  lyric^  became  eagerly  sought 
for,  and  read  in  thousands  of  homes. 
She  was  the  "  housekeeper "  in  the 
little  home  of  the  sisters  (Alice  being 
an  invalid),  and  her  spare  time  was 
devoted  to  contributing  her  rich  and 
varied  thoughts  and  fancies  to  the 
literary  press  of  th(^  day.  Her  death 
soon  followed  that  of  her  sister,  for 
whom  her  grief  was  intense  and  incon- 
solable. 

Aug.  4.  Mrs.  Lydia  Shankland,  a  cente- 
narian in  Hillsboro,  N.  C,  died  at  the 
age  of  112  years.  At  the  time  of  the 
Revolutionary  war  she  was  a  young 
woman. 

Oct.  9.  Earthquake  shocks  felt  in  the 
Atlantic  States. 

Burning  of  the  City  of  Chicago. 

Oct.  8-9.  This  was  the  most  destructive 
conflagration  recorded  in  the  history  of 
civilized  nations,  sweeping  over  2,124 
acres  of  ground,  or  73  miles  of  streets, 
destroying  17,450  buildings  and  their 
contents,  with  a  loss  of  ^^$200,000,000 
and  hundreds  of  humau  lives.  The 
wind  had  been  blowing  strongly  from 
the  south-west  for  several  days,  and 
not  a  drop  of  rain  had  fallen  for 
weeks.  The  tire  originated  in  a  small 
shed  or  stable  in  the  rear  of  137  De 
Koven  Street,  on  the  west  side  of  the 
city,  at  half-past  nine  o'clock  Sunday 
evening.  When  once  started,  among  a 
class  of  wooden  buildingis  and  shanties, 
and  adjacent  to  a  number  of  shingle 
and  planing  mills  and  factories,  no 
power  could  arrest  the  flames.  They 
leaped  and  darted  across  streets  and  over 
high  blocks,  consuming  everything  iu 
their  mad  fury.  The  river  afforded  no 
barrier  to  their  progress,  and  often  the 
flames  started  up  several  blocks  in  ad- 
vance, ignited  by  burning  shingles, 
boards,  and  sometimes  heavy  planks, 
which  were  carried  like  feathers  before 
the  wind.  The  water-works  were  de- 
stroyed early  in  the  night,  and  no 
further  eflbrts  could  be  made  to  arrest 
the  progress  of  destruction.  The  wind 
increased  to  a  perfect  gale,  filling  the 
air  with  coals,  brands,  and  burning- 
fragments  of  every  description,  often 
hurling  heavy  doors  and  sections  of 
roofing  and  awnings  through  the  air 
with  relentless  fury,  rendering  passage 
through  the  streets  extremely  perilous. 
After  all  hope  of  saving  the  city  was 
abandoned,  then  began  the  wild  rush 
of  thousands  of  human  beings  for  a 
place  of  safety. 

By  four  o'clock  Monday  morning  all 
the  bridges  were  burned  except  one  on 
the  main  branch,  and  the  tunnels 
were  but  furnaces,  through  which  the 
smoke  and  flames  poured  with  the  fury 
of  a  hurricane.  Soon  escape  was  im- 
possible for  a  large  number  who  were 
hemmed  in  on  the  south  side.  There 


1871.  was  but  one  avenue  left,  and  that  the 
lake.  Already  the  shipping  was  on 
file,  and  every  large  building  adjacent 
to  the  water  was  in  flames.  But,  with 
the  desperation  of  despair  these  un- 
fortunate creatures  rushed  into  the 
water.  A  few  boats  and  vessels  had 
escaped,  and  some  were  rescued  on 
these,  and  the  railroad  cars  from  the 
south  b(Nro  away  the  flying  fugitives 
until  the  burdened  trains  begun  to 
take  fire.  It  was,  indeed,  a  race  for 
life,  and  for  a  time  the  flames  seemed 
sure  to  win.  On  and  on  they  swept 
to  the  northward,  through  the  old 
cemetery  and  over  Lincoln  Park, 
carrying  destruction  to  everything  in 
their  march.  But  one  house  in  the 
long  and  devastating  track  of  this 
fiery  hurricane  was  left  standing, 
and  that,  being  in  the  center  of  a 
block,  and  defended  by  a  score  of 
liands,  had  been  covered  by  wet  carpets 
and  blankets,  which  were  constantly 
replenished  with  water  from  a  large 
cistern.  No  tongue,  or  pen,  or  human 
power  can  depict  that  fearful  carnival 
of  flame  which  surged,  with  resistless 
power,  for  over  thirty  hours.  At  last  it 
reached  the  northern  limits  of  the  city, 
and  there  expired  for  want  of  prey. 

The  news  of  this  terrible  disaster 
reached  the  farthest  extent  of  civili- 
zation before  the  smoke  had  cleared 
awav,  and  from  everv  nook  and  corner 


Burning  of  Peshtigo. 

1871.  Oct.  9.  The  burning  of  this  little  town 
with  neiirly  every  one  of  its  inhabitants 
was  the  saddest  and  most  shocking 
feature  of  any  of  the  great  and  disas- 
trous tires  which  swept  over  the  country 
during  tiiis  ever  memorable  year.  This 
was  a  village  of  several  hundred  inhaij- 
itants,  who  were  engaged  in  the  lum- 
ber business,  there  being  large  saw-mills 
upon  the  stream.  The  fire  came  with 
a  tornado  of  wind;  suddenly,  and  with- 
out a  moment's  warning,  it  fell  like  a 
vast  flaming  thunderbolt  from  heaven 
and  wiped  the  little  hamlet  out  of  ex- 
istence. The  frantic  ])eoj)le  ran  for  the 
river  and  the  clearerl  fields  ;  the  water 
was  filled  with  floating  logs  and  tim- 
bers, and  tlie  poor  distracted  cattle  also 
took  refuge  in  the  river ;  many  of 
the  people  were  crushed  and  drowned 
who  were  not  burned  upon  its  banks  ; 
and  all  who  sought  shelter  in  the  forest, 
or  in  the  open  fields,  were  burned — 
literally  roasted  alive.  .\  few  only  es- 
caped to  tell  the  dreadful  tale.  Tlie 
spectacle  after  the  fire  was  exhausted 
was  one  of  the  most  heart-rending  that 
ever  was  witnessed.  Thousands  of 
people  ^^sited  the  spot,  and  to  the 
few  survivors  aid  was  prom^jtly  given. 

Gen.  Anderson. 


of  this  wide  continent  began  to  pour  in 
such  large  supjjlies  of  food,  clothing, 
and  everything  necessary  for  the  sus- 
tenance of  life,  that  in  less  than  forty- 
eight  hom-s  there  was  abundance  for 
present  need.  Millions  of  dollars 
besides  were  sent  to  support  the 
'•pauper  city,"'  and  to  build  houses 
and  store  them  for  the  shelter  of 
thousands  through  the  cold  winter. 
$7,000,000  were  contributed  for  t^^is 
purpose. 

The  nations  of  Europe  sent  profitrs 
of  sympathy  and  aid.  And  while  the 
Samaritans  were  busy  at  their  work  of 
mercy,  the  thieves  and  plunderers  were 
also  on  the  alert,  and  a  reign  of  terror 
was  imminent.  But  Gen.  Phil.  Sheridan, 
with  a  detachment  of  regulars,  soon 
restored  order  and  afforded  protection 
to  life  and  property.  The  wonderful 
charities  which  were  so  freely  be- 
stowed were  only  paralleled  by  the 
mnrvclous  energies  displayed  by  the 
citizens  of  Chicago  in  her  restoration. 
In  less  than  three  years  scarce  a  vestige 
of  the  great  fire  remained,  and  the 
city  was  rebuilt  more  solidly  and  beau- 
tifully than  before,  and  the  business 
l)art  greatly  extended.  It  seemed  like 
the  work  of  magic,  and  is  a  striking 
illustraticm  of  the  enterprise  of  the  age 
in  which  we  live. 

Great  Forest  Fires. 

Oct.  9.  Gnat  fires  in  the  forests  of  North- 
ern Michigan  and  Wisconsin,  sweeping 
over  large  districts  of  heavily-timbered 
country,  burning  the  green  pine  trees  as 
though  they  were  the  driest  tinder, 
and  enveloping  small  villages,  settle- 
ments, and  saw-mills  with  a  cordon  of 
fire,  rendering  all  eflbrts  to  escape 
futile.  Millions  of  dollars  in  properly 
and  lumdreds  of  human  lives  were 
thus  destroyed. 


Oct.  20.  Maj.-Gen.  Robert  Anderson  died 
at  Nice,  France.  Gen.  Anderson  was  a 
graduate  from  West  Point  as  an  artil- 
lery officer,  lie  served  as  a  Colonel  in 
the  Black  Hawk  war,  and  served  in  the 
Florida  war  with  great  acceptance. 
He  was  aide-de-camp  to  Gen.  Scott,  and 
in  1841  he  was  promoted  to  a  cap- 
taincy of  artillery.  He  was  in  the 
Mexican  war  under  Scott,  and  was 
wounded  at  the  battle  of  Jfoiino  del 
Rey.  Ho  was,  for  his  bravery,  breveted 
Major.  Until  the  breaking  out  of  the 
Rebellion  he  was  a  very  useful  and 
efficient  officer  in  the  U.  S.  Army,  and 
Governor  of  a  Jlilitary  Asylum  at 
Harrodsburg,  Ky.,  which  institution  he 
founded.  Gen.  Scott  selected  him  to 
command  the  fort  at  Charleston  from 
full  confidence  in  his  integrity,  al- 
though he  was  by  birth  and  marriage 
a  Southern  man.  John  B.  Floyd,  a 
noted  secessionist,  was  Secretary  of 
War  under  Pres.  Buchanan,  and  on 
Anderson's  appointment  to  the  post, 
they  refused  him  a  battalion,  allowing 
liim  but  two  skeleton  companies,  and 
after  his  arrival  at  Fort  Moultrie  ho 
constantly  appealed,  but  in  vain,  for 
reinforcements  and  supplies  (see  notes 
on  Fort  Sumter). 

Hall  made  a  third  and  last  voyage  to  the 
Arctic  seas. 

Nov.  Russian  Minister  Catacazy  dis- 
missed for  discourtesy  to  the  United 
States  authorities. 

Nov.  8.  Death  of  Capt.  Hall  on  board 
the  Polaris  in  the  Arctic  seas. 

Nov.  28.  Death  of  Mrs.  Bridget  Carroll, 
an  Irish  cintenarian,  in  N.  Y.  city, 
aged  102  years;  married  at  33  and  had 
lb  children,  37  grandchildren,  and  4 
great-grandchildren.  At  the  age  of 
94  she  had  not  an  unsound  tooth  in 
her  head,  and  just  before  her  death 
she  could  thread  the  finest  cambric 
needle  without  the  aid  of  spectacles. 


804 


CHRONOLOGY. 


Grand  Duke  Alexis. 

1871.  Visitof  the  Grand  Duke  Alexis,  son  of  the 
Emperor  Alexander  of  lUissia,  to  the 
United  States,  his  extended  tour  over 
the  land,  and  his  generous  welcome  by 
the  i)eopIe. 

Thomas  Eiuing. 

"  Death  of  Thomas  Ewing,  LL.D.,  an 
American  jurist  and  statesman.  Mr. 
Ewing  was  the  father  of  Gen.  Thomas 
Ewing,  Jr.,  and  father-in-law  of  Gen. 
William  T.  Sherman.  Mr.  Ewing  re- 
ceived in  I8I0  the  first  bachelor's  de- 
gree ever  granted  in  Ohio.  He  then 
studied  law,  and  was  admitted  to  the 
bar  in  1816.  In  1831  he  entered  the 
U.  S.  Senate.  In  politics  Mr.  Ewing 
■was  a  Whig,  and  was  associated  with 
Clay  and  Webster  in  opposition  to 
President  Jackson.  In  1841  he  became 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  under  Har- 
rison. 

Stanley. 

"  Visit  of  Henry  M.  Stanley,  of  the  Her- 
Expedition,"  to  Africa,  in  search  of 
the  lost  traveler  —  Dr.  Livingstone. 
Mr.  Stanley  reached  Zanzibar  in  due 
time,  and  after  a  tedious  journey 
through  the  wilds  of  Africa,  he  met 
the  object  of  his  search  in  Ujiji  in 
November.  Remaining  with  Living- 
stone about  four  months,  in  August  he 
reached  London ;  and  "upon  the  wings 
of  the  wind  "  the  whole  world  was 
made  acquainted  with  the  result  of  bis 
wonderful  travels  through  tlie  jungles 
of  Africa,  the  peculiar  and  almost  mi- 
raculous meeting  with  the  celebrated 
Dr.  Livingstone,  whom  the  world  re- 
garded as  lost,  electrified  all  the  civil- 
ized nations  of  the  earth,  with  a  pecul- 
iar ."iympathy  in  the  great  traveler  and 
his  already  famous  discoverer.  Mr. 
Stanley  immediately  began  writing  a 
book  with  a  detailed  account  of  his 
journey,  with  which  the  world  is  al- 
ready familiar. 

"     Revolution  in  (Jnatemala. 

"  British  Columbia  taken  into  the  Do- 
minion. 

"  City  of  Buenos  Ayres  visited  by  yellow 
fever,  and  26,000  persons  died  in  100 
days. 

"  Tlie  Ku-Klux  bill  passed  by  Con- 
gress   606 

"  Civil  Service  Reform  question  agitated, 
and  a  board  of  civil  service  commis- 
sioners appointed  006 

"  Statistics  of  the  United  States  census  ft)r 
1870  published,  giving  the  population 
of  the  United  States  38,113,253  606 

"  A  Joint  Commission  appointed  between 
the  United  States  and  (ireat  Britain 
to  examine  all  cases  in  disjjute.  The 
Commission  met  at  Washington  on 
Feb.  27th,  and,  after  a  lengthy  discus- 
sion, the  Washington  treaty  was 
signed   607 

"  Agassiz  started  on  a  voyage  round  Cape 
Horn; 

Credit  Mohilicr. 

"  This  year  the  groat  '■•Credit  ^fohi!icr" 
scandal,  which  involvccl  several  promi- 
nent Government  ofHcial-:,  including 
the  Vice-President,  was  developed.  It 
was  an  extensive  corporation  of  stock- 
liohler-:  of  the  I  nion  Pacific  Railroad, 
uf  which  Uakeii  Ames,  a  Uultecl  Stutea 


1871.  Congressman  from  Massachusetts,  was 
the  leading  spirit.  It  was  claimed 
that,  througli  tuibery.  prominent  Con- 
gressmen and  United  States  officials 
had  voted  large  sums  of  money  for  the 
building  of  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad. 
Large  profits  were  derived  from  this 
money  over  the  actual  cost  of  construc- 
tion, a  share  of  which  fell  to  the  stock- 
holders of  this,  corporation. 

Stokcs-Fisk  Tragedy. 

1873.  Jan.  6.  James  Fisk  was  shot  by  Edward 
S.  Stokes  at  the  G  rand  Central  Ho- 
tel, in  New  York.  A  woman  the 
cause  of  the  crime  —  Mrs.  Helen  Jose- 
phine Mansfield,  an  actress,  playing  in 
minor  parts  in  Western  towns.  In 
her  travels  she  met  an  actor,  Frank 
Lawler,  to  whom  she  was  afterward 
married.  She  was  a  showy  woman, 
and  upon  her  appearance  in  New  York 
she  was  at  once  surrounded  by  a  num- 
ber of  admirers.  Iler  husband  becom- 
ing jealous,  she  ajjplied  for  and  ob- 
tained a  divorce.  Hearing  of  Mr. 
Fi>k's  generosity  toward  unfortunate 
actors  and  actresses,  she  sought  an  in- 
troduction, and  it  socm  became  appar- 
ent that  she  had  captured  Fisk's  heart. 
She  accompanied  him  to  balls,  thea- 
ters, and  parties,  and  rode  with  him 
beliind  his  four-in-hand,  at  all  times 
occupying  the  post  of  honor.  At  the 
grand  pui>lic  ball  in  the  Academy  of 
Music  she  was  gazed  at  by  the  throng 
on  the  floor,  as  she  sat  like  a  queen 
in  the  best  proscenium  box.  At  this 
time  she  was  living  in  her  own  house, 
presented  by  Fisk,  which  cost  S"'0,- 
000,  and  was  mortgaged  for  $20,000 
more  —  the  furniture  costing  $10,000. 
The  lawful  wife  of  iMr.  Fisk  was  living 
in  Boston  at  this  time.  The  acquaint- 
ance between  Fisk  and  Stokes  at  this 
date  was  of  a  purely  business  charac- 
ter. Becoming  more  intimate,  Fisk 
invited  Stokes  to  dinner  at  Mrs.  Mans- 
field's house,  when  he  became  capti- 
vated by  the  handsome  face  of  its  mis- 
tress, and  as  Stokes  was  handsome  and 
gay,  and  much  superior  to  Fisk  in  social 
attainments,  Mrs.  Mansfield  "  took  a 
fancy"  to  her  guest.  Fisk,  though 
naturally  unsuspecting,  soon  became 
jealous  of  liis  rival;  and  the  preference 
which  l)is  mistress  showed  her  new 
lover  exasperated  him,  and  he  watched 
for  an  ojjportunity  to  dislodge  his  ri- 
val. Stokes  soon  gave  him  an  oppor- 
tunity. Being  mutually  interested  in 
an  oil  company.  Stokes  drew  heavily 
from  tlie  trcMsnry,  and  Fisk  had  him 
arrested  for  embezzlement.  War  was 
now  declared,  and  Mrs.  Mansfield  took 
open  sides  with  Stokes.  Fisk  had  the 
money,  but  Stokes  had  possession  of 
the  woman.  Fisk  carried  on  the  war 
so  hotly  against  Stokes  that  he  sued 
Fisk  for  libel,  having  previously  sued 
him  for  false  imprisonment  in  the  al- 
lei;ed  embo/.zlement  case,  and  which 
Fi-k  settled  l)y  paying  $10,ii00  dam- 
ages. The  day  of  the  trial,  Stokes 
a])i)earod  "  dressed  uj)  like  a  count," 
in  comi)any  with  Mrs.  Mansfield  ar- 
rayed in  the  height  of  fashion.  Fisk 
was  not  jircsent,  but  was  represented 
by  his  counsel.  'I  he  trial  that  tlay  was 
an  exciting  and  stormy  one,  and  waa 
adjourned  for  oue  week.    While  at 


luncli  at  Delmonico's,  immediately 
after  the  trial,  Mokes  learned  that 
Fisk  had  procured  an  indictment 
against  him  for  conspiracy.  He  im- 
mediately repaired  to  the  Grand  Cen- 
tral Hotel  in  search  of  Fisk.  Arriving 
at  the  head  of  the  stairway  on  the  sec- 
ond floor,  leading  from  the  ladies'  en- 
trance, he  saw  Fisk  ascending  the 
stairs,  and  raising  a  revolver  he  imme- 
diately fired  two  shots  at  his  enemy, 
muttering  some  unintelligible  words  at 
the  same  time.  One  of  the  shots  en- 
tered Fisk's  abdomen,  and  he  stag- 
gered back  a  dying  man,  and  was  car- 
ried to  one  of  the  hotel  parlors. 
Stokes  made  no  attempt  to  escape, 
and  was  soon  under  arrest.  He  was 
identified  by  Fisk,  and  then  locked  up. 

Stokes  was  indicted  for  murder  in 
the  first  degree,  and  on  Jan.  6,  1873, 
he  was  sentenced  to  be  hanged  on  the 
28th  of  the  following  month,  but  a  new 
trial  was  granted  and  the  death-sen- 
tence annulled,  and  he  was  finally  sen- 
tenced, on  Oct.  29,  to  four  years  im- 
prisonment in  New  York  State  prison. 
He,  however,  was  detained  in  the 
Tombs  about  one  year  and  nine  months 
before  being  sent  to  Auburn,  during 
which  time  he  was  the  most  noted 
criminal  in  the  country,  as  many  as 
500  applications  for  passes  being 
granted  in  one  day  to  persons  who 
wished  to  get  sight  of  him.  His 
father  and  brother  were  his  most  con- 
stant visitors,  but  neither  his  wife  or  lit- 
tle seven-year-old  daughter  ever  visited 
him.  He  kept  the  picture  of  his  little 
daughter  hanging  on  the  cell  wall. 
His  wife  obtained  a  legal  divorce  from 
him,  and  Mrs.  Mansfield  immediately 
rci)aired  to  Paris,  where  she  had  sev- 
eral romantic  adventures,  one  of  which 
was  with  a  rich  Count,  whose  financ  al 
ruin  she  accomplished.  She  after- 
ward returned  to  the  United  States 
and  took  up  her  residence  in  Phila- 
delphia. The  whole  period  of  Stokes' 
imi)risonment  in  the  Tombs,  Sing  Sing, 
and  at  Auburn,  was  four  years,  nine 
months,  and  twenty-one  days.  He 
w  as  discharged  from  Auburn  Oct  28, 
1876. 

Jim  Fisk. 

James  Fisk  was  the  son  of  a  peddler,  and 
barely  received  a  common  school  edu- 
cation. After  serving  as  a  waiter  in  a 
hotel  and  member  of  a  circus  company 
for  a  time,  he  joined  his  father  in  ped- 
flling,  and  after  a  time  he  bought  his 
father  out,  and  then  employed  him  to 
visit  the  rural  districts,  while  he  him- 
self visited  the  larger  towns  and  vil- 
lages. His  horses  were  always  gay. 
and  his  wagons  i)right  and  showy,  and 
himself  si)arkling  with  wit,  humor,  and 
good-natured  impudence,  for  which 
he  afterward  became  so  famous.  He 
l)rospered  very  rajjidly,  and  soon  be- 
came a  salesman  in  the  Boston  house 
where  he  bought  his  supplies.  Soon 
he  became  a  j)artncr.  He  made  some 
excellent  bargains  with  the  (Jovern- 
ment  during  the  war,  and,  it  is  said, 
made  n  hapi)y  stroke  smuggling  cotton 
through  the  lines.  In  four  yc.irs  Mr. 
Fisk  retired  from  the  firm  with  capital 
enough  to  start  a  store  of  his  own, 
and  in  four  mouths  his  money  was  all 


CHEONOLOGY. 


805 


1872.  gone.  He  soon  after  appeared  in  New 
York,  and  opened  a  broker's  office  in 
Broadway,  his  entire  capital  consisting 
in  (if  reports  can  be  believed)  a  bor- 
rowed silver  watch;  and  when  he  in- 
troduced himself  to  the  favor  of  Daniel 
Drew,  by  negotiating  for  him  the  sale 
of  the  Bristol  line  of  steamboats,  he 
was  practically  penniless.  Mr.  Drew 
first  set  him  up  as  a  broker  in  partner- 
ship with  Belden,  and  employed  the 
new  tirm  in  carrying  on  his  famous 
war  with  Cornelius  Vanderbilt  for 
possession  of  the  Erie  Railroad.  In 
Oct.,  18G7,  Fisk  was  one  of  three  con- 
testants for  the  office  of  Director,  and 
a  compromise  resulted  in  the  election 
of  Fisk  and  Gould  as  Directors  of  the 
Erie  Railroad;  and  from  this  point 
dates  Mr.  Fisk's  memorable  and 
stupendous  railroad  and  commercial 
schemes,  the  magnitude,  daring,  and 
success  of  which  almost  surpass  com- 
prehension or  belief,  and  reads  more 
like  an  Arabian  or  fairy  tale  than 
practical  and  real  business  transactions, 
risk  and  Gould  now  began  their  spec- 
ulations and  gambling  in  railroad 
stocks,  and  were  soon  able  to  enumerate 
their  gains  by  millions.  Not  satisfied 
with  these  brilliant  gains,  Fisk  and 
Lis  partners  began  to  speculate  in  gold, 
and  in  September,  1869,  they  brought 
on  that  crisis  which  will  long  be  re- 
membered in  the  history  of  "  Wall 
Street"  as  "Black  Friday."  Next 
Fisk  purchased  the  Eighth  Avenue 
Opera  House,  New  York,  and  leased  a 
part  for  the  Erie  Railroad  offices ;  he 
managed  the  theater  himself.  He  then 
bought  the  Fifth  Avenue  Theater,  a 
summer-garden  in  the  city,  for  the 
purpose  of  a  restaurant;  two  lines  of 
steamboats  plying  between  Fall  River 
and  New  York  and  Bristol  and  New 
York,  and  bought  a  ferry  line  across 
the  Hudson.  He  became  Colonel  of 
the  Ninth  Regiment  of  the  New  York 
State  Guard,  and  was  figuring  for  a 
Brig.-Generalship  at  the  time  of  his 
death.  He  bought  coaches,  express- 
wagons,  and  lands  ;  houses,  too,  which 
lie  furnished  with  barbaric  splendor, 
and  filled  them  with  opera-boufie  sing- 
ers and  other  celebrities  of  like  grade. 

Samuel  Morse. 

"  Samuel  F.  Jlorse,  LL.D.,  the  inventor  of 
the  electric  telegraph,  a  painter  and 
author,  died  this  year.  Mr.  Morse  was 
one  of  the  founders  of  the  National 
Academy  of  Design  in  New  York,  and 
its  first  President,  and  a  lecturer  on 
fine  arts  at  the  New  Y'^ork  Athenaeum. 
Mr.  Morse  was  also  a  fine  portrait 
painter.  His  great  invention  was 
virtually  perfected  while  on  a  home- 
ward voyage  from  Europe,  in  1832,  and 
the  recording  apparatus  and  essential 
features  were  sketched  upon  pai)er 
before  leaving  the  vessel,  but  it  was  not 
till  1835  that  a  line  was  put  up,  con- 
sisting of  a  half-mile  of  wire,  and  the 
experiment  tested.  In  18-37  he  gave 
publicity  to  his  Ciiterprise,  by  an  ex- 
hibition at  the  University,  and  the 
same  year  filed  his  caveat  at  the  Patent 
Office  in  Washington,  but  not  till  1H43 
could  he  get  the  attention  of  Congress 
or  any  material  aid  to  his  enterprise, 
and  only  in  the  extreme  hurry  of  the 


1872.  last  session,  at  the  hour  of  midnight, 
after  his  hopes  had  all  departed,  did 
Congress  grant  him  the  sum  of  S:30,0(J0 
to  experiment  upon  his  invention. 
And  when  but  §7,000  of  the  money  was 
left,  and  he  proved  the  laying  of  the 
wires  in  the  ground  a  failure,  Mr.  Ezra 
Cornell  came  to  his  rescue,  and  sug- 
gested the  elevation  and  stretching  of 
the  wire  upon  poles ;  this  proved  a 
success,  and  saved  Mr.  Morse  from  dis- 
couragement and  defeat.  With  the 
details  of  the  history  of  the  telegrapli 
the  public  are  familiar,  and  its  grand 
achievements  are  acknowledged  by 
every  nation  under  the  sun. 

"  Congress  voted  the  abolition  of  all  po- 
litical disabilities  placed  upon  the 
Southern  people,  excepting  those  who 
had  been  leaders  in  the  Rebellion. 

"  Northwestern  Boundary  Question  settled 
by  the  Emperor  of  Germany,  who 
acted  as  arbiter  between  England  and 
America,  granting  and  establishing 
the  claims  of  the  United  States. 

"  Jan.  18.  Severe  storm  at  Aspinwall;  the 
shipping  and  mole  were  damaged  to 
the  extent  of  $500,000. 

"  "New  Departure''  of  the  Democratic 
party  under  the  initiative  of  Vallandig- 
ham,  and  supported  by  Adams  and 
Chase. 

Labor  Reform  Convention. 

"  Feb.  Labor  Reform  party  held  a  Con- 
vention in  Columbus,  O. ,  nominating 
Judge  Davis,  of  111.,  for  President  and 
Joel  Parker,  of  New  Jersey,  for  Vice- 
President.  Mr.  Davis  declined,  and  a 
convention  of  workingmen  met  at 
Philadelphia  and  nominated  Charles 
O'Conor,  of  New  York,  President . .  G07 

Colored  Convention. 

"  Na'tional  Colored  Convention  met  in  New 
Orleans,  indorsing  Grant's  Adminis- 
tration, and  tendering  thanks  to  Charles 
Sumner  for  his  continued  efforts  in  be- 
half of  the  colored  people  Gn7 

"  Feb.  17.  The  Ministers  Plenipotentiary 
of  Costa  Rica,  Guatemala,  Honduras, 
and  San  Salvador  signed  a  treaty  for 
the  formation  of  a  Central  American 
Union,  consisting  of  the  several  inde- 
pendent republics. 
March.  A  ship-canal  successfully  sur- 
veyed across  the  Isthmus  of  Panama, 
by  an  expedition  from  New  York. 

Greeley  s  Nomination. 

"  May  1.  The  Liberal  Republican  party 
held  a  Convention  in  Cincinnati,  Ohio, 
nominating  Horace  Greeley  for  Presi- 
dent and  Gratz  Brown,  of  Missouri, 
for  Vice-President. 

"  June  5.  Regular  Republican  Convention 
met  at  Philadelphia,  nominating  by 
acclamation  Ulysses  S.  Grant  for  Presi- 
dent and  Henry  Wilson  for  Vice- 
President. 

"  July  9.  Regular  Democratic  Convention 
held  in  Baltimore,  indorsing  the  nom- 
ination of  Horace  Greeley  by  the  Liberal 
Republicans. 

James  Gordon  Bennett. 

"  June  1.  Death  of  James  Gordon  Ben- 
nett, a  noted  and  remarkable  journal- 
ist, engaged  for  fifty  years  iu  the  press, 


1872.  and  founder,  editor,  and  proprietor  of 
the  N.  Y.  ILrnhl.  He  was  a  nominal 
Catholic,  but  liberal  in  faith.  Was 
born  in  Scotland,  and  sent  to  school  to 
study  for  the  priesthood,  ljut  soon 
found  he  had  mistaken  his  calling. 
Reading  the  Autf)biography  of  Frank- 
lin, he  ditermined  to  emigrate  to 
America,  and  landed  witli  but  $25  iu 
his  pocket.  He  finally  arrived  in  Bos- 
ton without  any  funds,  and  wandered 
about  hungry  for  two  days,  looking 
for  work.  He  found  a  job,  reading 
proof,  in  the  ijublishing  house  of  Wells 
«fc  Lill}'.  He  next  went  to  South  Caro- 
lina as  a  teacher ;  next  to  New  York 
in  1834,  and  started  a  commercial 
school,  which  failed ;  then  he  tried 
lecturing  on  political  economy,  which 
also  proved  a  failure.  Again  he  tried 
the  newspapers  as  rejjorter,  paragraph- 
ist,  poet,  and  general  utility  man.  In 
1825  he  bought  the  Sumliiy  Courier 
on  credit,  but  soon  gave  it  up.  He  next 
connected  himself  with  the  Democratic 
National  Advertiser,  and  that  journal 
changing  hands  and  politics,  he  left  it 
and  joined  the  late  M.  M.  Noah  as  as- 
sistant editor  of  the  Enquinr.  Mr. 
Bennett  now  interested  himself  in  pol- 
itics, and  joined  the  Tammany  Society, 
and  soon  manifested  that  cynical  spirit 
which  was  so  characteristic  of  his 
writings.  In  1828  he  went  to  Wash- 
ington as  correspondent  for  the  En- 
quirer, and  there  made  his  first  de- 
cided hit.  He  read  the  letters  of  Hor- 
ace Walpole  in  the  Congressional  Li- 
brary, and  attempted  a  similar  vein  in 
his  correspondence  for  the  Enquirer, 
which  attracted  much  notice,  and  was 
extensively  copied. 

Mr.  Bennett  was  earning  at  this 
time,  fro.n  various  labors  with  his  pen, 
from  $5  to  $12  per  week.  At  his  sug- 
gestion the  Enquirer  was  consolidated 
with  another  paper  ;ls  the  Courier  awl 
Enquirer,  under  James  Walson  Webb, 
with  young  Bennett  as  assistant,  and 
which  soon  became  the  leading  news- 
paper of  the  times  ;  but  after  three  years 
the  editor  and  young  Bennett  sepa- 
rated from  a  dilTerence  of  ix)litical  opin- 
ion, and  Bennett  started  a  cheap  jiarty 
paper,  devoted  to  the  support  of  Jackson 
and  Van  Buren,  which  lived  but  thirty 
days.  Then  he  went  to  Philadelphia 
"with  the  wreck  of  his  savings  and 
placed  them  in  a  Jacksonian  paper 
called  77ie  Pennsylvanuin,  and  ap- 
pealed to  the  party  for  help,  which  was 
refused;  and  giving  up  the  venture, 
he  returned  to  New  York.  He  en- 
deavored to  get  employment  on  the 
Sun,  but  failed.  Herein  really  lay  his 
first  good  luck,  for  he  resolved  to  trust 
no  more  to  jjoliticians,  and  the  result 
was  Tiie  New  York  Herald,  the  first 
number  of  which  appeared  in  May, 
1835,  price  one  cent,  and  for  sale  every- 
where. Two  joung  printers  agreed  to 
print  it  and  take  tlie  risk  of  sharing 
the  profits  or  losses,  under  the  firm  of 
"James  Gordon  Bennett  &  Co."  The 
publishers'  office  was  a  deep  cellar  at 
No.  20  Wall  Street,  where  all  the  busi- 
ness of  the  concern  was  transacted, 
with  a  plank  supported  by  two  flour 
barrels  for  a  desk.  The  pai)er  w  as  a 
small,  four-page,  indepen(leut,  sharp, 
cynical,  and  witty  little  sheet,  and  soon 
became  very  popular.   It  offended  all 


80G 


CHRONOLOGY. 


1872,  parties  and  all  creeds  ;  was  denounced 
by  the  Catholics  for  blasphemy,  and 
shocked  the  sense  of  decency  of  the 
Protestants,  but  people  wonbl  huy  it. 
When  four  months  old  the  paper  was 
burned  out,  hut  he  raked  it  out  of  the 
ashes  and  started  again  as  sole  proprie- 
tor, doing  all  the  labor,  writing,  office- 
work,  reporting,  and  everything  him- 
self. In  seven  years,  unaided,  he  made 
the  paper  worth  $1,000,000,  with  a  cir- 
culation of  20,000.  During  the  war 
the  circulation  was  more  than  doubled. 
It  employed,  in  addition  to  its  regular 
force,  63  war  correspondents  at  a  great 
expense.  He  always  paid  liberally  for 
news  items,  and  once  gave  to  a  news 
reporter  $25  for  a  news  telegram  of 
three  words,  which  had  cost  but  $1. 
At  another  time  he  ordered  $100  to  be 
paid  to  a  contributor  for  an  article  of 
six  columns  which  had  been  contracted 
for  at  $8  per  coliunn,  adding  to  the 
editor,  by  way  of  ex])lanation,  "  He 
may  have  something  else  as  good,"  in 
which  he  was  not  deceived  ;  the  corre- 
spondent proved  to  be  very  valuable  to 
the  paper.  His  one  object  was  the 
success  of  the  Herald,  which  he  sought 
regardless  of  means  or  consequences, 
and  never  endeavored  to  please  any  one 
but  himself,  and  succeeded  in  that  and 
•was  happy.  Mr.  Bennett  was  a  strictly 
temperate  and  virtuous  man,  with 
neither  low  habits  or  idle  hours,  and 
was  an  indefatigable  worker.  In  these 
things  his  great  success  lay. 

Alabama  Claims. 

•*  Final  settlement  of  the  Alabama  Claims, 
which  grew  out  of  the  acts  of  several 
vessels,  some  of  them  built  and  man- 
ned in  Great  Britain,  and  others  sailed 
from  Confederate  ports  under  command 
of  tlie  secessionists,  and  were  used  as 
cruisers  by  the  rebels.  They  destroyed 
millions  of  dollars  worth  of  United 
States  property  on  the  seas,  and  were 
permitted  to  sail  into  English  jjorts 
and  take  on  supplies  of  provisions  and 
coal.  $16,250,000  were  awarded  to 
the  United  States  by  Great  Britain. 

Peler  Cartwright. 

«»  Sept.  25.  Death  of  Peter  Cartwriglit,  an 
eccentric,  but  useful  Methodist  preacher 
in  Sangamon  Co.,  111.  His  father  was 
a  soldier  of  the  Revolution,  and  about 
1790  removed  with  his  family  to  Ken 
tucky,  and  here,  in  this  Western 
wilderness,  Peter  Cartwright  was 
raised,  and  his  education  was  acquired 
by  hunting,  fishing,  horse-racing, 
dancing,  and  all  kinds  of  jollity  ancl 
mirth,  amid  the  wilds  of  the  far  West, 
and  amid  all  the  hardships  jjossible  to 
a  pioneer  life.  When  Ki  years  of  age 
he  waa  convicted  of  his  sins  at  a  camp- 
meeting,  where  Inmdreds  were  con- 
verted, and  ho  was  soon  pronounced 
converted,  when  he  immediately  started 
out  as  a  local  preaelicr,  and  soon  was 
admitted  into  tlic  rcgidar  ministry  of 
the  M.  K.  Church,  lie  contiiiuecl  to 
preach,  and,  at  times,  engaged  in 
]iolitics.  ill!  was  once  eieclcd  to  the 
Legislature  «)f  Illinois,  and  waa  victor 
in  many  contentions  by  his  ready  wit 
and  resolute  spirit.  He  was,  for  more 
than  fifty  years,  u  Prceiding  Elder,  and 


1872.      saw  the  M.  E.  Church  rise  in  the  U. 

S.  from  a  membership  of  72,S74  to 
1,008,  :114.  He  was  a  powerful  preacher 
and  laborious  pastor,  and  much  beloved 
by  the  Church. 

Epizootic. 

'  Sept.  30.  First  appearance  of  the  epizootic 
in  America  was  in  Toronto,  Ontario, 
and  in  New  York,  Oct.  18,  when  in  ten 
days  40,000  horses  were  attacked  by  it, 
and  13,000  in  Brooklyn,  and  in  less 
than  two  months  it  had  traveled  over 
the  entire  Atlantic  slope,  appearing  in 
Galveston,  Texas,  and  reaching  Colo- 
rado, AVj'oming,  and  Nevada  in  Jan.. 
1873,  and  California  a  few  days  later. 
The  disease  proved  to  be  a  very  old 
one  under  a  new  name.  It  began 
about  415  B.C.,  re-appeared  in  a.d.  330, 
and  at  intervals,  to  the  present  time, 
although  this  was,  perhaps,  its  first 
visit  to  the  New  World,  and  was 
evidently  an  epidemic,  and  during  its 
prevalence  was  the  cause  of  much  in- 
convenience to  man  and  great  sufiering 
to  domestic  animals. 
'  Oct.  10.  Death  of  Mrs.  Sarah  Payson 
Willis  Parton,  authoress,  better  known 
as  Fanny  Fern,  in  New  York,  aged  61. 
She  was  the  sister  of  the  noted  author 
and  poet,  N.  P.  Willis,  and  wife  of  the 
popular  historian,  James  Parton.  Mrs. 
Parton  was  one  of  the  most  spicy  and 
popular  newspaper  essayists  and  au- 
thors of  this  country.  She  was  widely 
known  from  her  newspaper  sketches, 
called  "  Fern  Leaves,"  also  as  the  author 
of  several  interesting  works  of  fiction. 
'  Nov.  At  the  election  in  Rochester,  N. 
Y.,  Susan  B.  Anthony  and  fifteen 
other  ladies  voted,  for  which  illegality 
they  were  duly  arrested. 

Gen.  George  Meade. 

■'  Nov.  C.  Death  of  Georije  Gordon  Meade, 
LL.D.,  Maj.-Gen.  U.S.A.  Gen.  Meade 
was  a  graduate  of  West  Point  in  1835, 
and  in  1830  he  resigned  his  commis- 
sion in  the  artillery  on  account  of  ill- 
health,  and  became  a  civil  engineer. 
But  in  1842  lie  again  entered  the  army 
as  Second  Lieutenant  in  the  corps  of 
Tojmgraphical  Engineers,  and  served 
in  that  capacity  in  the  Jlexican  war 
upon  the  staff  of  Gen.  Taylor,  and 
afterward  that  of  Scott,  in  which 
servace  he  distinguished  himself,  and 
was  promoted  upon  his  return  to  Phila- 
delphia. During  the  interval  between 
the  Mexican  and  Civil  wars,  Mr.  Meade 
was  engaged  in  the  survey  of  the 
northern  lakes.  Hut  upon  the  call 
of  the  (iovenimcnt  for  men,  he  was 
ordered  to  report  at  Washington,  where 
he  was  made  aBrig.-Gen.  of  Volunteers 
in  command  of  tlie  Second  Brigade. 
In  the  advance  on  Richmond,  Gen. 
Meade  was  severely  wounded,  but  was 
able  to  conduct  liis  command  with 
bravery  throughout  the  Maryland 
campaign.  At  Antietam  he  was 
slightly  wounded,  nml  had  two  horses 
shot  under  him.  On  Nov.  2!).  18(12,  he 
was  aj)pointe(l  ^laj.-Gen.  of  Volunteers, 
and  took  part  in  the  battle  of 
Fredericksburg.  In  .lune,  18(13,  he  was 
unexpectedly  called  to  succeed  Hooker 
in  command  of  tlie  ,\rmy  of  the  Poto- 
mac, numbering  10(),0()()  men. 

His  army  I'ought  iu  the  battles  of  the 


1872.  Wilderness,  Spottsylvania  Court-house, 
and  Cold  Harbor,  and  was  emplo\  ed 
in  the  siege  of  Petersburg.  In  the 
next  year  Gen.  Meade  was  promoted 
to  a  Brigadier-Generalship  in  the  U. 
S.  A.  Gen.  Meade  was  a  true  patriot 
and  brave  soldier,  and  was  greatly 
esteemed  by  his  fellow-citizens,  and 
upon  his  death  the  funeral  honors  paid 
to  his  remains  were  only  excelled  by 
those  bestowed  upon  the  martyred 
President. 

The  National  Grangers. 

"  Being  a  secret  organization  or  move- 
ment among  the  laboring  classes, 
especially  the  farmers,  to  unite  the 
people  through  a  system  of  universal 
co-operation  between  producers  and 
consumers.  The  movement  extended 
nearly  over  the  entire  Union,  embrac- 
ing all  laboring  or  producing  classes. 

"  Oct.  Conspiracy  against  the  Govern- 
ment of  Costa  Kica  discovered  and 
defeated. 

Great  Boston  Fire. 

"  Nov.  9.  A  fire  broke  out  in  the  heart  of 
the  city  of  Boston  and  destroyed  800 
buildings,  chiefly  of  tine  granite  and 
marble,  which,  as  in  the  great  fire  of 
Chicago  the  year  previous,  crumbled 
down  like  chalk  before  the  devouring 
flames.  Nearly  65  acres,  covered  with 
commercial  jjalaces  and  fine  and  ap- 
jjarently  indestructilile  buildings,  were 
swept  over,  and  left  a  mass  of  shapeless 
and  charred  ruins.  The  most  as'onish- 
ing  feature  of  the  Boston  fire  is  that 
there  was  no  gale  as  at  Chicago,  yet 
the  flames  were  perfectly  uncontrollable. 
(iun])o\vdcr  was  extensively  used  in 
blowing  up  the  buildings;  but  the 
streets  were  so  narrow  and  the  build- 
ings so  high  that  the  firemen  were 
batfled  in  tlieir  efforts.  At  last,  after 
many  of  the  brave  fellows  had  lost 
their  lives,  and  the  very  heart  was 
burned  out  of  the  city,  they  gained  a 
victory  over  the  "  fiery  demon  "  and 
stayed  the  progress  of  his  march. 
The  loss  was  estimated  at  $85,000,000 
and  the  number  of  lives  considerable. 

Horace  Greeley. 

"  Nov.  29.  Horace  Greeley,  an  American 
reformer  and  founder  of  the  New  York 
Triliune,  died  in  Westchester  Co.,  N.  Y. 
>Ir.  Greeley  was  born  of  i)oor  parents, 
in  the  town  of  Amherst,  N.  H.,  in  1811, 
and  worked  upon  a  farm  till  he  was  15 
years  of  age,  when  he  entered  the 
printing-oftice  of  the  Northern  Spec- 
tator in  Ea.st  Poultney,  Vt.,  as  an  ap- 
prentice, where  he  remained  over  four 
years,  mustering  his  tratle  in  all  its 
branches.  He  then  went  to  Erie,  Pa., 
and  found  employment  in  a  news- 
))aper  ollice,  where  he  made  many 
friends,  and  was  offered  a  partnership 
in  the  business,  though  but  twtnty 
years  oUl.  In  Aug.,  18!1.  Horace 
Greeley  arrived  in  New  York  with 
only  ten  dollars  in  his  pocket,  and  a 
scanty  wardrobe  tied  up  in  a  bundle. 
He  litid  never  seen  a  city  of  such  size, 
and  was  utterly  ignorant  of  its  ways 
and  wonders.  He  began  to  searcli  for 
work,  but  his  verdant  appearance  was 
much  against  him,  and  he  was  told  by 


CHEONOLOGY. 


807 


1872.      Mr.  David  TIall,  the  editor  of  the 

Journal  of  Commerce,  that  he  believed 
him  to  be  a  runaway  apprentice  from 
some  country  printing-oliice.  Becom- 
ing discouraged,  and  his  money  about 
gone,  he  resolved  to  leave  the  city,  but 
in  the  evening  he  fell  in  with  some 
young  Irishmen  who  took  an  interest 
in  the  wandering  printer,  and  directed 
him  to  the  printing-office  of  Mr.  John 
T.  West,  who  had  a  piece  of  work  so 
difficult  that  no  printer  acquainted  in 
the  city  could  be  induced  to  accept  it. 
It  was  the  composition  of  a  miniature 
New  Testament  in  a  curiously  intricate 
style  of  typography.  But  nothing 
daunted,  this  "green  country  boy" 
undertook  the  job,  and  by  laborious 
and  constant  application  from  twelve 
to  fourteen  hours  each  clay  he  could 
earn  six  dollars  per  week.  Mr.  Greeley 
next  entered  the  office  of  the  Spirit  of 
the  Times,  and  becoming  soon  on  in- 
timate terms  with  the  foreman  of  the 
office,  the  two  entered  a  partnership  to 
establish  a  job  printing-office,  and  took 
a  contract  to  print  a  cheap  daily  news- 
paper to  be  sold  on  the  streets,  but 
owing  to  the  incompetency  of  its  editor 
it  proved  a  failure,  but  the  job  office 
continued  to  prosper.  His  partner  was 
soon  after  drowned,  and  he  procured 
another,  and  in  a  short  time  the  new 
firm  started  a  weekly  newspaper  called 
The  New -Torl'er,  Mr.  Greeley  being 
the  editor  and  his  companion  the  pub- 
lisher. This  paper  lived  for  over  seven 
years,  and  arose  from  one  dozen  sub- 
scril)ers  to  over  9,000,  but  being  con- 
ducted on  the  credit  system,  was  a  los- 
ing speculation  financially.  Next  Mr. 
Greeley  became  editor  of  the  Jeffersoni- 
an,  a  Whig  campaign  paper,  which  at- 
tained a  subscription  of  15,000,  and  was 
admirably  conducted.  During  the  Har- 
rison campaign  Mr.  Greeley  conducted 
the  Log  Cabin,  which  was  subsequently 
merged  into  the  N.  T.  Tribune,  which 
paper  Mr.  Greeley  was  identified  with 
till  the  time  of  his  death.  The  orig- 
inal list  of  Trihnie  subscribers  num- 
bered 600,  and  at  the  end  of  the  first 
year  its  success  was  established.  The 
high  character  of  that  journal  under 
Mr.  Greeley's  supervision  is  so  well 
established  that  it  is  unnecessary  to 
detail  its  history.  Mr.  Greeley  was  a 
Whig  in  politics,  and  a  liberal  thinker. 
He  was  elected  to  Congress  in  1848  to 
fill  a  vacancy,  and  never  afterward  was 
a  member  of  any  deliberate  body  ex- 
cept the  late  Constitutional  Conven- 
tion of  New  York.  His  greatest  power 
was  exerted  in  the  editorial  chair, 
although  his  career  as  a  lecturer  was 
successful.  Mr.  Greeley  was  the  author 
of  several  minor  works,  the  most  in- 
teresting of  which  was  "  Recollections 
of  a  Busy  Life,"  which  was  his  auto- 
biography. Mr.  Greeley  joined  the 
Republican  party  at  its  start,  being 
one  of  its  founders.  When  the  war 
was  over  (which  he  aided  in  every 
laudable  way)  he  was  exceedingly 
anxious  for  peace,  and  bearing  no 
malice  to  the  South,  he  became  one  of 
the  bondsmen  to  J  eff.  Davis,  which  act 
lost  him  an  eleciion  to  the  Senate  and 
made  him  very  unpopular  for  a  while; 
but  he  still  claimed  lie  had  done  right. 
Upon  his  nomination  to  the  Presidency 
in  1872,  the  stormy  campaign  and 


vituperous  abuse  of  the  press,  together 
with  the  sickness  and  death  of  his 
wife,  and  lastly  his  defeat  at  the  flec- 
tion, and  his  continued  mental  labors, 
all  culminated  in  the  wreck  of  his 
noble  intellect  and  his  sad  death.  But 
whatever  may  have  been  said  of  Mr. 
Greeley  during  the  excitement  of  a 
political  campaign,  no  man  could  bear 
him  any  malice,  for  his  character  was 
singularly  pure  and  his  nature  one  of 
the  most  frank  and  utiscllish  u])on  the 
political  records  of  any  nation  or 
peoj^le. 

W?n.  If.  Seward. 

Wm.  Henry  Seward,  LL.D.,  an  eminent 
American  statesman,  died  at  Auburn, 
N.  Y.  At  a  very  early  age  Mr.  Sew- 
ard evinced  a  great  fondness  for 
books  by  running  away  from  home  to 
go  to  school,  and  at  nine  years  of  age  he 
was  sent  to  Farmers'  Hall  Academy 
in  Goshen,  and  before  he  was  fifteen 
he  was  pronounced  ready  for  college. 
In  1816  he  entered  Union  College,  from 
which  he  graduated  with  high  honors.* 
He  studied  law  with  John  Anthoit,  in 
New  York,  and  afterward  with  Ogden 
Hoflman  and  John  Duer,  in  Goshen, 
and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1822, 
and  the  year  following  he  formed  a 
partnership  with  Judge  Miller,  in  Au- 
burn, whose  daughter  he  married  in 
1824.  He  soon  became  distinguished 
at  the  bar  for  originality  and  inde- 
pendence, and  shortly  acquired  a  large 
practice  and  high  reputation.  In  1827 
Mr.  Seward  became  the  champion  of 
the  Greeks,  and  by  his  eloquence  se- 
cured large  contributions  to  the  funds 
raised  in  this  country  for  their  defense. 
In  1828  Mr.  Seward  was  called  to  pre- 
side over  one  of  the  lar{;est  political 
conventions  ever  held  in  the  Statf  of 
New  York,  which  duty  he  discharged 
with  great  ability.  In  1830  Mr.  Sew- 
ard was  elected  State  Senator  by  the 
anti-Masonic  party,  and  at  the  same 
time  he  became  ex  officio  a  judge  in 
the  highest  Court  in  the  State,  and  the 
peer  of  venerable  and  distinguished 
men,  and  he  then  began  his  active  la- 
bors in  the  field  of  reform,  all  the  re- 
forms of  the  day  receiving  his  earnest 
support.  In  1833  Mr.  Seward  visited 
Europe,  and  his  published  letters — 80 
in  number  —  written  during  his  few 
weeks'  travel,  added  greatly  to  his 
growing  popularity.  When  but  33 
years  of  age  he  was  nominated  for 
Governor  of  New  York,  but  his  youth 
was  the  argument  against  him,  and  he 
was  defeated  by  Marcy.  In  1838  he 
was  elected  Governor  Ijy  10,000  major- 
ity over  Gov.  Marcy,  and  took  his  seat 
at  37  years  of  age,  as  the  first  Whig 
Governor  of  the  Empire  State,  and  his 
infiueuce  was  largely  felt  in  shaping 
the  political  issues  which  followed 
during  the  next  20  years;  also,  in  re- 
forming many  erroneous  statutes,  and 
expunging  some  inhuman  and  unjust 
laws  from  the  statute  books.  Jlr.  Sew- 
ard's career  as  a  lawyer  was  a  very 
brilliant  one,  and  his  gubernatorial 
administration  was  marked  with  many 
noble  and  reformatory  acts.  In  poli- 
tics Mr.  Seward  was  a  ^Vhig,  and 
acted  with  his  ])arty  in  all  its  measures 
until  1852,  when  he  refused  to  support 
the  platform,  although  approving  its 


candidate  for  President — Gen.  Scott. 
Mr.  Seward,  in  1818,  took  a  decided 
stand  for  freedom  against  .slavery, 
which  he  subsequently  so  graphically 
expressed  in  his  great  spiecli  on  tiie 
"Irrepressible  Confiict."  Mr.  Seward 
was  elected  to  the  I'nited  States  Sen- 
ate ill  lH-19,  ami  com  uued  in  the  Sen- 
ate till  he  was  appointed  Secretary  of 
State  by  President  Line. In.  He  was 
a  champion  of  the  Republican  party 
in  the  Sen;ite  almost  from  its  first  rise, 
and  fought  valiantly  for  its  measures 
for  frec'dom.  As  a  statesman  he  had 
no  superior,  and  he  filled  the  ofiice  of 
Secretary  of  State  with  great  ability 
and  acceptance  to  the  tiovernment. 
At  the  convention  which  nominated 
Abraham  Lincoln  for  President,  Mr. 
Seward  received  17:i  votes  for  the  of- 
fice. At  the  same  time  the  President 
was  assassinated,  an  accomplice  at- 
tempted tne  Hfe  of  Mr.  >ewar(l,  who 
was  upon  a  sick-bed.  He  was  stabbed 
in  the  throat,  and  his  life  was  de- 
spaired of  for  some  time,  but  he  finally 
recovered,  and  remained  in  the  Cabi- 
net till  the  close  of  .Mr.  Johnson's 
Presidency,  carrying  out  the  policy  of 
Mr.  lancoln  and  the  Government,  al- 
though often  assaulted  by  politicians 
and  severely  criticized  by  the  public; 
yet  time  has  confirmed  m  my  acts, 
which  at  the  period  of  great  excite- 
ment seemed  inconsistent  with  the 
princi])les  of  his  party.  In  lxi\9  Mr. 
Seward  journeye<l  through  California 
and  Mexico,  and  in  August,  1870,  he, 
with  several  members  of  his  family, 
set  out  upon  a  tour  around  the  world, 
visiting  all  the  principal  countries,  and 
was  everywhere  received  with  great 
honor,  and  everywhere  making  Lini- 
Sblf  familiar  with  the  Governments, 
policy,  races,  productions,  and  com- 
merce of  the  countries  he  visited,  and 
returned  from  his  tour  October  Htli, 
1871,  and  prepared  a  narrative  of  his 
journey,  which  was  puhlished  soon 
after  his  death.  Mr.  Seward  was  a 
voluminous  writer,  but  his  speeches, 
essays,  and  State  papers  have  not  as 
yet  been  fully  collected. 

Edivin  Forrest. 

Dec.  12.  Edwin  Forrest,  an  eminent 
American  tragedian,  died  in  Philadel- 
phia, his  native  city.  At  the  age  of 
eleven  Jlr.  Forrest  exhibited  a  strong 
aptitude  and  taste  for  declamation  and 
tragedy,  and  participated  in  representa- 
tiims  before  the  Amateur  I)raniatic 
Club  of  Philadelphia,  of  which  he  was 
a  member.  His  first  appearance  upon 
the  regular  stage  was  in  the  Walnut 
Street  Theater,  Nov.  27,  1820,  acting 
the  part  of  Norml  in  Home's  play 
of  "  Douglass.''  In  1S25  he  first  met 
Edward  Kean,  whose  attention  and 
commendation  he  attracted  while  act- 
ing lago  to  his  Othello.  From  this 
time  forward  his  success  was  assured, 
and  he  soon  after  made  an  engage- 
ment at  ^;8o0  per  annum.  His  first 
great  triumph  was  in  the  B<iwery, 
N.  Y.,  where  he  remained  nearly  three 
years,  and  then  he  accepted  an  en- 
gagement at  the  Park,  w  here  he  re- 
mained, and  long  enjoyed  a  high  i)op- 
ularity.  At  the  age  of  28  Mr.  Forrest 
was  a  man  of  magnificent  personal 


808 


CHKONOLOGY. 


1872.  presence  and  masculine  beauty.  He 
possessed  a  voice  of  marvelous  power 
and  sweetness,  and  enjoyed  the  un- 
bounded popularity  of  liis  country  as  a 
traf^cdian,  with  the  fullest  conlidence 
in  his  own  powers  tlint  he  was  the 
greatest  of  living  tragedians.  In  1835  he 
sailed  for  Europe;  and  in  October, 
18:36,  lie  appeared  at  Drury  Lane  as 
Sparticus  in  the  "  Gladiator  " — a  play 
produced  in  1831,  and  written  with  a 
special  view  to  fit  his  peculiar  talents. 
In  London  l\Ir.  Forrest  became  the  lion 
of  the  hour,  and  at  that  time  received 
especially  kind  treatment  from  Mr.  Mac- 
ready,  who  afterward  became  his  most 
bitter  enemy  and  rival.  In  18.37  he  mar- 
ried Miss  Catherine  Norton  Sinclair,  an 
English  lady,  and  soon  returned  to 
America,  making  his  first  professional 
appearance  in  Philadelphia,  where  he 
was  enthusiastically  received,  afterward 
visiting  New  York  and  otiier  cities,where 
liis  popularity  steadily  increased.  In 
1845  he  made  liis  second  visit  to  London 
in  company  with  Mrs.  Forrest,  and  they 
■were  welcomed  in  the  best  and  most 
intelligent  society  in  London  and  Edin- 
burgh. At  the  Princess  Theater,  Lon- 
don, Mr.  Forrest  was  hissed  in  his 
play  of  Mnrhcth — a  character  wholly 
unsuited  to  h  s  style  of  acting — which 
Mr.  Forrest  highly  resented,  and  at- 
tributed to  the  influence  of  Macready, 
and  hastily  indulged  in  the  most  bit- 
ter aspersions  against  him.  He  visited 
the  theater  in  Kdin burgh  where  Mac- 
ready  was  playing  Hamlet,  and  stood 
up  conspicuously  in  a  private  box  and 
liissed  him.  This  rash  act  nearly  cost 
Mr.  Forrest  his  great  popularity  in 
Great  Britain.  About  two  years  after 
his  return  to  America,  Macready  was 
playing  yfichcth  in  Astor  Place  Opera 
Ilouse,  N.  Y.,when  a  mob,  composed 
of  Mr.  Forrest's  friends,  assaulted 
liim,  when  a  fearful  scene  ensued,  re- 
sulting in  killing  22  men  and  wound- 
ing 36  others.  The  succeeding  year 
Mrs.  Forrest  sued  for  a  divorce,  which 
was  granted  in  her  favor,  on  all  points, 
two  years  afterward,  with  an  alimony 
of  |;:i,000  a  year,  the  payment  of  which 
Mr.  Forrest  resisted  for  twenty  years. 
Mr.  Forrest  contiinied  his  career  as  an 
actor  till  1858,  amassing  a  large  fortune, 
which  he  used  extensively  in  the  pur- 
chase of  a  fine  residence  and  a  mag- 
nificent dramatical  library  in  Philadel- 
phia. In  1860  Mr.  Forrest  again  re- 
turned to  the  stage,  and  continued 
playing,  at  intervals,  till  1871,  when  ill- 
ness comiielled  him  to  retire. 
*'  Judge  liernard's  removal  anil  disqualifi- 
cation for  corruption  in  office. 

George  Cat/in. 

•*  Dec.  22.  George  Catlin,  an  American 
artist  and  author,  died,  at  the  age  of 
76.  In  1H2!>  Mr.  ("atlin  began  studying 
the  life  and  habits  of  the  Aborigines  of 
America,  with  the  view  of  preserving 
their  history  upon  canvas.  In  1831  he 
visited  most  of  the  tril)es  east  of  the 
AIississi[);ii,  and  ])ainted  the  portraits 
of  their  chiefs  and  celebrities.  He 
visited  Ulack  Hawk  and  painted  liis 
portrait.  He  next  descended  the 
Missouri  River  from  the  mouth  of  the 
Yellowstone  to  St.  Louis,  with  two 
men,  in  a  canoe,  steoring  it  himself  the 


whole  distance,  visiting,  in  the  mean- 
time, the  numerous  tril)es  of  Indians 
adjacent,  and  painted  many  of  the 
faces  and  scenery.  He  was,  during  the 
trip,  corresijondent  of  the  New  York 
Spectator,  which  letters  were  subse- 
quently published  in  a  volume  entitled 
"  Catlin's  Life  among  the  North 
American  Indians."  In  1840  he  went 
to  Europe,  taking  his  paintings,  which 
he  exhibited  in  London  for  three  years. 
In  1852  he  explored  the  interior  of 
South  America,  interviewing  its  various 
tribes  of  wild  Indians.  Mr.  Catlin 
traveled  very  extensively  in  liis  own 
land,  and  was  considered  the  best  in- 
formed man  in  the  world  on  Indian 
life  and  customs.  lie  was  the  author 
of  several  valuable  books. 
Book-sewing  machine  patented  by  Henry 

Thompson,  of  Connecticut. 
United  States  had  60,852  miles  of  rail- 
road. 

A  fatal  and  unknown  distemper  visited 
Brazil  and  carried  off,  in  three  towns, 
13,000  out  of  18,000  inhabitants. 
1873.  Feb.  Death  of  a  centenarian.  Miss  Becky 
Kitchen,  of  Soutliami)ton  Co.,  Va., 
aged  120  years. 
"      Feb.  17.    Extensive  fire  in  Sing  Sing,  N. 

Y.,  $150,000  damages. 
"      March  2.    Death  of  Eld.  Jacob  Knapp, 
the  famous  revivalist,  at  Kockford,  111. 

Wreck  of  the  ''Atlantic" 

"  April  1.  "Wreck  of  the  ocean  steamer 
Atlantic.    535  lives  were  lost. 

Modoc  Massacre. 

"  April  11.  Gen.  R.  A.  Canby  was 
murdered  by  the  Modoc  Indians  in  the 
Lava  Beds  of  N.  California.  He  was  a 
graduate  of  West  Point  in  1839,  in  the 
same  class  with  Gen.  Halleck,  and 
served  in  the  Florida  war  from  1839  to 
1842.  He  served  through  the  Mexican 
war  as  First  Lieutenant,  Captain, 
Lieutenant-Colonel,  Major  of  Infantry, 
etc.,  and  attained  distinction  for  his 
bravery  and  ])urity  of  character.  He 
was  employed  by  the  Government  to 
bring  the  Modocs  to  accept  the  terms 
offered  them  by  the  Government ;  in 
which  expedition,  through  the  effort  to 
use  practicable  measures  and  moral 
suasion  with  the  savages,  this  noble 
and  gallant  officer  lost  his  life. 

Colfax  M assacre. 

"  Massacre  of  over  100  negroes  at  Colfax, 
Grant  Parish,  La.,  by  the  '-White 
League"  setting  fire  to  the  Court-house 
where  nearly  400  nc-grocs  were  con- 
gregated for  defense,  and  shooting 
them  down  when  they  attempted  to 
escape. 

Salmon  P.  Chase. 

"  May  7.  Death  of  Hon.  Salmon  P.  Chase, 
liL.D.,  an  American  statesman.  Gov. 
of  Ohio,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and 
Chief- Justice  of  the  United  States. 
The  first  act  which  brought  ]Mr.  ('liase 
into  i)olitical  notice  was  his  defense  of 
Jas.  (!.  Hirney,  as  the  preserver  of  his 
life,  when  the  latter  was  attacked  by 
a  jiro-slavery  mob  in  1''36  in  Cincin- 
nati, during  which  Mr.  Ibrney's  pajier 
was  destroyed.  Also,  in  1837,  Mr. 
Chase's  noble  defense  of  a  fugitive 


slave  woman,  upon  the  occasion  of 
which  one  of  the  oldest  and  ablest 
lawyers  in  the  Court  remarked  : 
"There  is  a  promising  young  man 
who  has  just  ruined  himself"  From 
this  time  onward  Mr.  Chase  was  a 
bold,  able,  and  consistent  opponent  of 
the  slave  ])ower,  wielding  a  national 
influence  in  the  United  States  Senate, 
and  in  all  his  legal  discussions  and 
juilicial  acts  carrying  out  the  principles 
of  humanity  and  justice  which  made 
his  name  a  power  to  his  party  and  a 
terror  to  his  ojjponents.  Jlr.  Chase 
was  the  acknowledged  champion  of 
the  anti-slavery  party,  defending  them 
and  building  up  their  principles  with 
his  masterly  logic  and  legal  prowess. 
In  the  Senate  he  made  his  talents 
particularly  noticeable  by  his  able 
advocacy  of  economy  in  the  national 
finances  of  the  Pacific  Railroad  by  the 
shortest  route,  the  homestead  move- 
ment, cheap  postage,  ocean  navigation, 
etc.  In  18')5  Mr.  Cliase  was  electccl 
Governor  of  Ohio,  and  at  the  close  of 
his  first  term  he  was  renominated 
Governor  by  acclamation,  and  elected 
by  the  largest  vote  ever  given  for  a 
Governor  in  Ohio.  His  appointment  as 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  in  President 
Lincoln's  Cabinet  was  the  crowning  op- 
portunity for  displaying  his  greatest 
ability;  and  his  wonderful  success  in 
conducting  the  financial  ship  through 
the  storms  and  tempests,  and  over  the 
rocks  of  a  protracted  civil  war  was  a 
constant  and  happy  surprise  both  to  his 
friends  and  the  nation.  In  1864  Presi- 
dent Lincoln  nominated  him  for  Chief- 
Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court,  as  suc- 
cessor to  Roger  P.  Taney,  deceased, 
which  was  immediately  confirmed  by 
the  Senate.  This  position  he  filled 
with  great  ability  and  dignity,  al- 
though taking  the  seat  with  physical 
strength  greatly  impaired  by  the 
stupendous  labors  of  the  past  three 
years.  Mr.  Chase  was  called  to  some 
duties  which  had  fallen  upon  no  other 
Chief -Justice  presiding  before  him. 
The  President  of  the  United  States 
was  tried  for  impeachment,  and  al- 
though party  spirit  ran  high,  no  fault 
was  found  with  his  course  as  presid- 
ing officer.  That  Mr.  Chase  died  a 
poorer  man  than  when  he  first  accepted 
office  (and  this  in  days  of  great  polit- 
ical corruption  and  dishonesty,  and 
when,  with  a  word  or  turn  of  the 
hand  he  might  have  commanded  mil- 
lions) speaks  more  in  his  praise  than 
volumes  written  in  his  honor  or  costly 
marble  monuments  erected  to  his 
memory. 

Oakes  Ames. 

May  8.  Oakes  Ames,  M.C.,  an  extensive 
manufacturer,  railroad  builder,  and 
financial  operator,  died  in  Eaton,  Mass. 
He  was  n  large  stockholder  in  the  U. 
P.  Railroad,  and  contracted  to  build  the 
greater  part  of  the  east  section  of  the 
road,  transferring  his  contract  to  a 
corjionition  ealieti  the  "Credit  Mobilier 
of  .\inerica,"  of  which  he  was  one  of 
the  largest  stockholders.  With  James 
Brooks,  of  New  York,  ^Ir.  Ames  was 
censured  by  the  vote  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  for  the  "  Credit 
Mobilier"  transaction.  Mr.  .\nies  was 
reputed  to  be  worth,  at  the  time  of  his 


CHRONOLOGY. 


809 


1873.      death,  between  five  and  six  million 
dollars. 

Lewis  Tappan. 

"  June  21.  Death  of  Lewis  Tappan,  a 
zealous,  consistent,  and  able  advocate 
of  anti-slavery  principles.  Mr.  Tappan, 
with  his  brother  Arthur,  established 
the  Journal  of  Commerce  in  1838.  He 
was  also  associated,  with  his  brother, 
in  mercantile  business,  and  in  the  finan- 
cial crash  of  1837,  the  firm  failed, 
with  liabilities  for  upward  of  a  mil- 
lion dollars,  which  were  afterward  p^wZ 
in  full.  Mr.  Tappan  was  subjected  to 
great  opprobrium,  and  often  violent 
persecution,  for  his  principles;  also 
j)ersonal  violence  at  the  hands  of  a 
mob,  which  sacked  his  house  and 
destroyed  his  furniture.  He  was  the 
most  prominent  founder  of  the  Amer- 
ican Missionary  Society,  also  the  Anti- 
Slavery  Missionary  Organization,  and 
was  successively  its  treasurer  and 
president.  He  was  publishing  the  life 
of  his  brother,  and  had  just  sent  the 
sheets  to  the  press,  when  he  was  struck 
with  paralysis. 

Hiram  Powers. 

"  June  27.  Hiram  Powers,  an  American 
sculptor,  died  at  Florence,  Italy.  Mr. 
Powers  acquired  his  first  knowledge  of 
sculpture  from  a  Prussian  sculptor  in 
Cincinnati,  who  was  engaged  on  a  bust 
of  Gen.  Jackson.  Mr.  Powers  after- 
ward had  charge  of  the  waxwork  depot 
of  the  Western  Museum  of  that  place, 
for  several  years.  After  a  short  stay  in 
Washington,  where  he  modeled  the 
busts  of  some  prominent  men,  Mr. 
Nicholas  Longworlli  iielping  him,  and, 
with  what  money  he  had  saved  from 
his  earnings,  he  visited  Florence. 
After  a  year's  residence  in  Italy,  he 
produced  his  statue  of  "  Eve,"  which 
masterpiece  secured  him  a  reputation. 
The  next  year  he  produced  the  model 
of  his  "  Greek  Slave,"  the  most  popular 
of  all  his  works.  lie  continued  to 
■work  and  rise,  and  when  the  Crystal 
Palace  in  England  requested  represent- 
ative works  from  the  world's  chief 
artists.  Powers  produced  "  America," 
which  added  fresh  laurels  to  his  fame. 
Mr.  Powers  invented  a  process  of 
modeling  in  plaster  which  greatly 
aided  and  expedited  the  labors  of  the 
sculptor. 

American  Victory. 

"  June  29.  The  Great  Rifle  Contest  at 
Dollymount,  near  Dublin,  Ireland  ;  the 
American  team  beating;  Col.  Bodine 
making  the  last  shot.  Gross  American 
total,  967;  gross  Irish  total,  929  ;  difier- 
ence  in  favor  of  America,  38. 

"  July.  Beecher  and  Tilton  scandal  breaks 
out. 

Great  Strnv-Storm. 

"  Great  and  extensive  snow-storm  and 
severe  cold  in  Minnesota  and  Nebraska. 
Very  many  lives  were  lost. 

Dixon  Bridge  Disaster. 

"  Falling  of  the  bridge  at  Dixon.  HI.,  which 
was  covered  with  people  witnessing  a 
baptismal  rite  iL  the  river.  100  lives 
were  lost, 


Salary  Grab  Bill. 

1873.  Salaries  of  the  Government  officers  and 
Jlembers  of  Congress  increased,  to 
which  great  olijcction  was  raised 
throughout  the  country.  The  Members 
of  Congress  refusing  to  draw  their  in- 
creased pay,  the  portion  of  the  bill 
relating  to  them  was  repealed. 

Great  Storm. 

"  Aug.  A  great  storm  raged  along  the 
Atlantic  cost.  100  vessels  went  down 
in  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  and  170 
sailing  vessels  and  12  steamers  lost  in 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 

"  Aug.  27.  National  Temperance  Society 
held  at  Saratoga,  N.  Y. 

The  Great  Financial  Crash. 

"  Sejjt.  19.  Upon  this  day  culminated  the 
pent-up  volcano  of  financial  corruption 
which  had  for  years  been  gathering  its 
forces.  For  months  it  had  been  feared, 
and  with  terrific  force  its  fury  was  now 
poured  upon  Wall  Street,  utterly  para- 
lyzing all  business.  Tiie  final  crash  was 
the  news  that  the  banking-house  of 
Jay  Cooke  &  Co.,  the  best-known  and 
most  enterprising  house  in  the  coun- 
try, had  failed,  and  that  the  Wash- 
ington and  Philadelphia  branches  of 
the  firm  had  also  gone  under.  Deposits 
of  corporations  and  private  persons 
were  held  by  this  firm  to  the  amount 
of  $5,000,000.  Tile  stock  markets 
broke,  and  securities  were  sacrificed  in 
the  most  reckless  manner.  Five  im- 
jDortant  banks  followed  in  the  crash, 
and  ruin  and  consternation  spread 
throughout  the  country.  The  credit 
and  prosperity  of  the  country  received 
a  severe  shock.  The  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  made  the  announcement,  r '  the 
opening  of  the  Forty-third  Congress, 
"That  to  meet  the  falling  off  in  the 
revenues  of  the  Government,  he  must 
needs  have  recourse  to  taxation." 
.  "  Oct.  3.  Execution  at  Fort  Klamath, 
Oregon,  of  the  Morloc  Indians  who 
murdered  Gen.  Canby  and  Peace  Com- 
missioner Thomas — "Captain  Jack," 
"  Schonchin,"  "  Boston  Charlie,"  and 
"  Black  Jim." 

A  Great  Hunter. 

"  Oct.  23.  Death  of  Robert  Sixbury,  at 
the  age  of  1 1 0  years.  He  was  a  noted 
hunter,  living  on  the  ".lohn  Brown 
Tract,"  in  Jefferson  County,  N.  Y.  He 
acquired  a  great  reputation  as  a  hunt- 
er in  New  York,  where  he  had  slain 
over  2,200  deer.  It  was  said  he  used 
alcoholic  stimulants  to  excess,  and 
"never  with  any  conscientious  scru- 
ples." At  80  years  of  age  he  met  with 
an  accident  which  necessitated  the 
amputation  of  one  of  his  legs,  and  be 
assisted  the  doctor  in  the  operation, 
which  he  survived  for  a  period  of  30 
years,  and  retained  his  vigor  to  the 
last. 

Cyrus  Wakefield. 

"  Oct.  2<).  Death  of  Cyrus  Wakefield,  an 
extensive  importer  and  manufacturer, 
of  Boston.  Mass.  He  originated  and  es- 
tablished the  rattan  business  in  South 
Reading,  Mass.,  where  his  business 
covered  seven  acres  of  ground,  and  the 


1873.  pay-roll  of  which  foots  up  to  $o5,000 
per  month.  Tlie  name  of  the  town 
was  changed  to  Wukelield  in  ins 
honor,  to  wiiich  lie  had  c<intributed  a 
town  hall,  costing  §luO,OuO. 

JoJin  C  Hceiian. 

"  Oct.  28.  John  C.  Hccnan,  a  noted  pugil- 
ist and  prize- fighter,  died.  He  was 
called  the  "  Bi  nicia  Boy,"  i)ecause  he 
worked  in  a  blacksmith's  siiop  in  Be- 
nicia,  Cal.,  at  the  time  he  lirst  entered 
the  list  of  "  prize-tighters."  His  first 
"  prizi -light "  wa^  with  .lohn  Morrisscy, 
in  ]8')8  —  Morrissi'v  winniiiir.  Tiie 
most  notable  feature  in  Ilecnaii's  sub- 
sequent ]ii ol'essional  career  was  the 
p;irt  he  took  in  the  great  "  Interna- 
tional Match  "  between  England  and 
America — Savers  appearing  as  the 
chiimpion  of  the  former,  and  ilevnan 
of  the  latter.  Tliis  brutal  and  dis- 
graceful fi<,dit  was  witnes-ed  by  a  vast 
inultituile  from  all  parts  of  the  king- 
dom antl  the  Contin<iit,  including  also 
many  from  America,  and  liritisli  lords 
and  noV)lemen  not  a  few.  'I  he  affair 
resulted  in  a  drawn  battle.  Afterward 
Heenan  was  beaten  in  Englan<i  by 
King,  and  never  after  entered  the  ring. 

The  ''Virginias." 

"  Oct.  31.  Capture  of  the  Vir>/iniu»,  an 
American  ship,  near  Jamaica,  by  the 
Spanish  steamer  Tornailo,  and  taken 
to  Santiago  de  Cuba,  with  170  passen- 
gers, lOl  of  which  were  shot  by  the 
Spanish  authorities  of  Cuba  under  the 
pretext  that  they  were  filibusters. 
The  United  States  and  British  Consuls 
])rotested  in  vain. 
Nov.  Loss  of  the  steamship  Ville  du 
Jhtrre  from  Europe  to  New  York.  22G 
lives  lost. 

/o//n  T.  Hah. 

"  Nov.  18.  Death  of  John  Parker  Hale, 
LL.D.,  an  American  Senator  and  di- 
plomatist. He  was  a  graduate  of 
Bowdoin  College  and  was  ajjpointed 
United  States  District  Attorney  for 
New  Hampshire.  He  was  elected  by 
the  Democrats  to  the  United  States 
Congress,  where,  in  opposition  to  the 
sentiments  of  his  party  —  then  in  the 
height  of  its  power  —  he  took  sides 
with  the  anti-slavery  element.  In  1847 
he  was  elected  to  the  United  States 
Senate,  where  he  betrayed  the  fame 
bold  and  intrepid  spirit  which  char- 
acterized his  stand  in  Congress,  by 
opposing  the  compromise  measures  of 
Henry  Clay,  and  exposing  the  intrigues 
of  the  slave  power  with  tiie  eloquence 
and  earnestness  of  an  Adams.  In  18.'i2 
he  was  the  candidate  of  tiie  Free  Soil 
party  fiir  President.  Mr.  Hale  was  an 
able  and  valua'ile  Menil)er  of  the 
United  States  Senate  for  16  years. 
President  Lincoln  appointed  him,  in 
18()0,  Minister  to  Sj)ain,  wiiicii  post 
he  filled  for  four  years,  and  returning 
from  wliicii,  witii  broken  health,  ho 
repaired  to  lii:<  home  among  the  New 
Hampshire  iiills;  since  wiiich  time  he 
had  taken  no  part  in  public  affairs. 

Stephen  Smith. 

"  Nov.  Death  of  Stephen  Smith,  a  noted 
colored  citizen  of  Gcrmantown,  Pa. 


810 


CHEONOLOGY. 


1873.  At  the  ajje  of  18  lie  purchnsed  his 
own  frccdoui,  and  eventually  acquired 
a  large  fortune,  which  he  used  with 
great  liberality  for  the  benefit  of  his 
race.  He  was  a  preacher  in  the 
Methodist  Church,  and  built,  at  his  own 
expeiise.  the  "  Ziou  Methodist  Church," 
of  Philadelphia. 
"  Nov.  22.  Tweed  sentenced  to  twelve 
years  imprisonment. 

Leivis  P.  Gibhard. 

«  Nov.  30.  Lewis  P.  Gibhard,  M.D.,  an 
eminent  physician  and  medical  writer, 
died  at  tlie  age  of  83  years.  He  was 
the  oldest  medical  practitioner  in 
Philadelphia,  and  was  also  the  leader 
in  establishing  the  first  temperance  so- 
ciety in  Pennsylvania  —  numbering 
three  persons,  chairman,  secretary,  and 
treasurer — in  his  own  parlors. 

Louis  Agassiz. 

"  Dec.  14.  Death  of  Louis  Agassiz,  the 
most  eminent  of  modem  scientists, 
also  a  naturalist  and  author,  at  Cam- 
bridge, Mass. 

Sarah  Grhnke. 

"  Dec.  Death  of  Snrali  Grimke,  an  elo- 
quent and  early  advocate  of  anti- 
slavery  principles.  She  was  a  daugh- 
ter of  Chief-.Justice  Grimke,  of  South 
Carolina,  and  a  member  of  the  Society 
of  Friends.  She,  together  with  her 
sister,  Angelina,  emancipated  their 
slaves,  and  came  North  to  lecture  on 
slavery.  They  were  educated  and  ac- 
complished ladies,  and  their  purity  of 
character  and  deep-toned  piety  gave 
tliem  great  influence  in  their  public 
course.  They  w^ere  ready  writers  as 
we  1  as  eloquent  speakers,  and  were 
also  among  the  earliest  advocates  of 
the  enlirgement  of  woman's  sphere. 

"  Dec.  Escape  of  Tweed  from  the  New- 
York  County  jail. 

"  A  decision  was  rendered  by  the  Su- 
preme Court  of  niinois  in  the  case  of 
jMyra  Hradwell  against  the  State  of  H- 
linois,  refusing  her  a  license  to  practice 
law,  on  the  ground  that  she  was  a 
woman. 

"  The  population  of  Patagonia  in  1873 
was  S69. 

"  Autom\tic  signal  telegraph  was  intro- 
duced and  applied  in  New  York. 

"  The  free  postal  (k'livery  was  adopted  in 
all  cities  containing  20,000  inhabit- 
ants, and  the  penny  postal  cards  intro- 
duced. 

March  of  Mexico- 

"  During  the  year  1873,  Mexico  made  some 
gigantic  strides  toward  the  freedom 
for  which  she  had  so  hmg  struggled. 
In  October  she  enacted  a  law  severing 
Church  and  State,  and  declared,  by 
c  ivil  enactments,  "  that  henceforth  no 
religious  denominations  were  to  be 
speeinTly  favored  by  the  Government." 
"That  no  religious  corporation  may 
jjossess  any  ])rop('rty,  except  under  dis- 
tinct ])rovisiotis  recoj^nizetl  in  the  Con- 
stitution." Ueligious  oaths  in  courts 
o  justice  were  aliolislied,  and  a  simple 
declaration  substituted  in  all  cases. 
"Tli;it  iiiarrirtge  was  hencetiirfh  to  be 
]»in'ly  a  '  civil  contract,' and  its  legiti- 
mization an  alTair  of  the  civil  authorities 


1873.  alone."  "  That  the  State  refuses  to  recog- 
nize any  monastic  vows  as  binding,  and 
that  any  person  belonging  to  any  re- 
ligious order  can  leave  it  at  any  time 
of  his  own  free  will." 

IVornaii's  Crusade. 

1874.  This  year  witnessed  the  most  wide-spread 
and  inteiise  excitement  upon  the  sub- 
ject of  temperance.  It  began  in  a 
small  town  in  Ohio,  and  was  the  result 
of  the  efibrts  of  a  band  of  women  who 
visited  the  saloons,  holding  prayer- 
meetings  and  singing  religious  songs 
and  hymns.  When  refused  admittance 
to  the  saloons,  they  held  their  meetings 
upon  the  sidewalk  in  front.  In  some 
places  the  saloon-keepers  used  violence 
in  driving  the  women  from  their  place 
of  business  and  from  the  sidewalks, 
and  in  a  few  instances  mobs  of  lawless 
men  congregated  and  insulted  the 
women  with  coarse  and  brutal  language; 
but  in  almost  every  instance,  after  two 
or  three  attempts,  the  proprietors  would 
politely  open  their  doors  and  invite  the 
ladies  in,  and  often  seated  their  rooms 
in  anticipation  of  tlieir  visit,  and  aided 
them  in  every  respectful  way  to  carry 
on  the  meetings.  In  most  places,  as  a 
result  of  these  meetings,  the  majority 
of  the  saloons  were  closed,  and  the 
proprietors  converted  to  the  temperance 
cause,  many  of  them  professing  to  be 
converted  to  Christianity. 

The  eftects  of  these  meetings  were 
most  solemn  indeed,  and  often  during 
the  exercises  all  business  in  the  town 
would  be  suspended,  and  the  people 
would  gather  in  multitudes  to  witness 
the   unusual   and   deeply  impressive 
scenes.      Usually    the    women  met 
together  in  their  churches,  and  held  a 
season  of  prayer,  and  appointed  their 
leaders,  arranging  their  programme  in 
a    systematic    manner.     They  then 
marched  in  a  procession,  during  the 
tolling  of  bells,  and  the  solemn  hush  of 
the  multitudes,  men  uncovering  their 
beads,  and  all  countenances  betraying 
the  solemnity  of  the  occasion.  The  lead- 
ing and  influential  ladies  of  the  towns 
who    were    church-members  usually 
gave  their  influence  to,  and  aided  the 
movement,  and  their   husbands  and 
the    ministers    of    the  evangelical 
churches  sustained   them  with  their 
countenance    and    prestige,  thereby 
giving  character  to  the  unusual  and 
eccentric  proceeding.     Dr.  Dio  Lewis 
gave  the  movement  his  hearty  co-oper- 
ation ;   and   large    and  enthusiastic 
meetings  were  held,  which,  lor  a  time, 
swept  everything  before  them,  spread- 
ing East  and  West,  until  nearly  every 
>;orthern  State  was  infected  with  the 
excitement.    The  results,  for  a  time, 
seemed  to  be  very  flattering,  and  a 
fresh  impetus  was  given  to  the  tcmjjer- 
ance  cause.    But  the  reaction  which 
follows   all   great   excitements,  in  a 
measure  followed  this ;  yet,  in  Ohio 
the  cause  of  intemperance  in  many 
towns    received    a    (leath-l)low,  and 
hundreds  of  thousands  throughout  the 
country  signed  the  jjlcdge.     liut  the 
growing  conviction  among  temperance 
l)eo])le,  that  this  was  not  the  most 
judicious  manner  of  jiromoting  the 
cause,  resulteil  in  a  gradual  decline  of 
the  moTcmcut.   The  most  cilectual  and 


1874.  lasting  results  were  the  co-operaticn 
which  it  aroused  among  the  ministers 
and  churches  and  the  creation  of  a 
healthy  public  sentiment  in  favor  of 
temperance. 
"  Bursting  of  a  reservoir  at  Middleficld, 
Mass.,  destrojing  a  great  amount  of 
life  and  property  C08 

King  Kalakaua. 

"     Visit  of  King  Kalakaua,  of  the  Sandwich 
Islands.    First  instance  of  a  reigning 
croirned  head  entering  the  United  States. 
"      Senate  passed  a  bill  to  resume  specie 

payment  in  1879. 
"     The  revision  of  the  United  States  Statutes 
adopted  by  Congress. 
Inflation  ot  the  currency  voted  by  Con- 
press. 

Bill  to  increase  greenbacks  $400,000,000 

vetoed  by  the  President. 
Compromise  currency  bill  signed  by  the 
President. 

Kellogg  Government  overthrown  in 
Louisiana  and  restored  by  the  President 
in  five  days.  * 

Mary  Anne  Hawkins. 

Mar  2.  Death  of  Mary  Anne  Hawkins, 
a  noted  philanthropist  and  friend  of 
friendless  women  and  children.  She 
was  one  of  the  founders  and  President 
of  the  Female  Guardian  Society  and 
Home  for  the  Friendless  in  New  York 
city. 

Charles  Sumner. 

Mar.  11.  Charles  Sumner,  the  eminent 
American  statesman,  scholar,  and  au- 
thor, died  in  Washington.  Mr.  Sum- 
ner was  a  graduate  of  Harvard  College, 
having  previously  been  a  pupil  at  the 
Boston  Latin  School.  He  studied  law 
under  Mr.  .Tustice  Story,  and  was  ad- 
mitted to  the  bar  in  1834;  he  began 
practice  in  Boston,  and  soon  surpassed 
the  young  men  in  his  profession.  His 
first  public  office  was  Reporter  of  the 
United  States  Court.  He  published 
three  volumes  of  Judge  Story's  decis- 
ions, at  the  same  time  editing  the 
American  Jurid.  He  kctured  before 
the  Law  School  in  the  absence  of 
Judge  Story  and  Prof.  Greenleaf  the 
first  three  winters  after  his  entering 
the  profession,  and  with  so  much  suc- 
cess that  he  was  urged  to  take  a  pro- 
fessor's chair.  In  1837  he  visited  Eu- 
rope, and  became  acquainted  with  the 
mo-t  eminent  jurists,  publicists,  and 
distinguished  scientists,  and  visited 
the  hiijrhest  courts,  and  both  Houses 
of  the"  English  Parliament.  In  1843 
he  began  his  career  as  a  i)ublic  lec- 
turer. He  op])osed  the  ^Mexican  war, 
and  the  pro-slavery  interests  which 
induced  it,  with  great  ability  and  elo- 
quence. In  184ti  he  announced  before 
the  Whig  Convention  his  uncompro- 
mising hostility  to  slavery.  In  1843 
Mr.  Sumner  abandoned  the  Whig  party 
and  allied  himself  to  the  Free  Soilers. 
Mr.  Sumner  was  a  voluminous  writer, 
though  everything  from  his  pen  was 
caretully  ])repared  and  retouched  till  it 
satislied  his  fastidious  tiistes.  He  suc- 
ceeded Daniel  Webster  in  the  United 
States  Senate,  and  in  his  i)olitical 
principles  he  stooil  almost  alone  in  the 
Senate  Chamber.  From  the  first  his 
political  opponents  feared  his  power 


CHRONOLOGY. 


811 


1874.  and  eloquence  to  the  extent  that  they 
never  allowed  him  to  gain  the  floor, 
"when  possiblo  by  strategy  or  device  to 
prevent  it,  and  he  was  for  nine  months 
a  Member  of  the  Senate  before  he 
found  an  opijortunity  to  make  his  first 
speech.  His  great  speech  on  "  Tlie 
Crime  against  Kan?as,"  made  on  the 
lUth  of  iMay,  was  the  direct  cause  of 
the  liarbarous  assault  upon  him  by 
Preston  S.  Brooks,  a  jMember  of  Con- 
gress from  South  Carolina.  This  act  of 
blooily  violence  transpired  on  the  23d 
of  May  —  the  only  instance  on  record 
of  a  great  and  honored  statesman  be- 
ing brutally  struck  down  while  in  his 
seat  in  the  Senate  Chamber  of  his 
country's  capital,  and  left  there  lying 
prostrate  and  insensil)le  until  r3moved 
by  his  friends.  The  injuries  Mr. 
Sumner  received  at  the  hands  of  this 
ruiBan  debarred  bim  from  public 
duty  for  four  years.  lie  was  a  man 
to  be  feared,  as  well  as  admired,  for 
his  masterly  eloquence  when  directed 
against  any  great  national  evil  lett  no 
nook  or  hidi"ng- place  for  its  ghastly 
form.  To  his  great  learning  he  added 
the  most  elegant  accomplishments  and 
the  sternest  purity  of  purpose  and  in- 
tegnty  of  character.  And  of  Charles 
Sumner  it  may  also  be  added,  his 
hands  were  clear  from  bribes. 

"  Mar.  13.  Death  of  Christian  Sharps,  in- 
ventor of  the  celebrated  Shaqjs'  rifle. 

''  Mar.  Riot  in  Pennsylvania  by  the  work- 
men of  the  Erie  Railroad  at  Susque- 
hanna, but  was  quelled  by  State  troops 
without  bloodshed  608 

First  Jiegii/ar  Lady  Physician. 

"  Mar.  Death  of  Mrs.  Van  Tassell,  a  mis- 
sionary among  the  Ottawa  Indians,  and 
a  physician,  commencing  her  medical 
studies  at  58  years  of  age.  She  was 
the  first  woman  eve?'  admitted  to  the  full 
course  of  medical  lectures  in  this  coun- 
try. She  spent  several  years  as  a 
medical  practitioner  in  Memphis,  Tenn. 

Second  Chicago  Fire. 

"  Another  extensive  fire  occurred  in  the 
newly-built  portion  of  the  city,  destroy- 
ing a  great  number  of  very  tine  build- 
ings. The  loss  was  estimated  at 
$i,000,000. 

Gerrit  Siniih. 

"  Gerrit  Smith,  an  eminent  American 
jihilanthropist,  reformer,  and  states- 
man, died  in  New  York  city.  His 
father,  Peter  Smith,  was  at  one  time 
associated  with  John  J.  Astor  in  the 
fur  trade,  and  was  subsequently  the 
largest  laud  -  holder  in  New  York. 
Gerrit  graduated  at  Hamilton  College 
in  1818  with  the  highest  honors  of  his 
class.  Upon  his  21st  birthday  his 
father  presented  him  with  a  deed  of 
the  entire  township  of  Florence  in 
Oneida  Co.,  N.  Y.  He  studied  law, 
that  he  might  the  better  manage  his 
large  interests,  and  also  that  he  might 
be  able  to  aid  the  poor  and  unfortunate. 
At  a  very  early  age  he  was  employed 
by  his  father  in  the  management  of  his 
immense  laudtd  estates,  and  soon  his 
father  gave  the  entire  business  into  his 
hands ;  and  although  the  youngest  son, 
bis  father  made  him  the  executor  of 


1874.  bis  will.  His  integrity  of  character 
was  so  great  and  so  well  established, 
that  John  Jacob  Astor  loaned  him  the 
sum  of  $-i5u,000,  with  only  a  verbal 
promise  tliat  he  would  execute  mort- 
gages on  certain  tracts  of  land  a.s  se- 
curity for  its  repayment,  not  requiring 
even  a  memorandum  of  the  trans- 
action. Mr.  Sniitli,  the  owner  of  large 
tracts  oi"  land  in  fnty-two  out  of  tlie 
sixty  counties  of  the  State,  becoming 
convinced  that  land  monopoly  was  a 
■wr<mg  to  the  ])oor,  pmci'eded  in  1842 
to  give  away  200,000  acr(  s,  in  parcels 
of  about  .50  acres,  to  deserving  poor 
■white  and  black  men,  and  in  many 
cases  aiding  them  to  erect  cheap  and 
comfortal)le  houses,  requiring  of  tliein 
only  that  they  live  upon  an<i  cultivate 
their  lands.  Mr.  Smith  founded  the 
Orphans'  Asylum  in  Oswego,  N.  Y., 
and  helped  to  maintain  it.  He  also 
established,  at  a  later  period,  a  farm- 
ing region  in  Essex  County  for 
colored  people,  and  presented  John 
Brown  (•'  Ossawattomie  '')  a  farm,  that 
he  might  teach  the  colored  people 
how  to  till  their  lands  in  a  northern 
clime.  His  gifts  of  land  and  money 
continued  until,  at  the  time  of  his 
death,  he  retained  scarcely  one-eighth 
of  bis  original  estate.  Mr.  Smith  was 
one  of  the  very  first  to  become  inter- 
ested in  the  condition  of  the  African 
slaves  in  this  country,  and  was  one  of 
the  most  genuine  abolitionists  to  the 
time  of  his  death,  and  a  zealous  and 
able  defender  of  their  rights  and  in- 
terests. He  gave  liberally  of  bis  means 
to  aid  the  anti-slavery  cause,  and  his 
voice  and  pen  were  ever  used  in  the 
advocacy  of  reforms.  He  was  a  thorough 
and  consistent  temperance  man,  and 
an  advocate  of  peace,  and  labored 
heartily  for  the  emancipation  of  wor  an 
from  her  leg^.l  disabilities,  and  advo- 
cated her  right  to  sufirage,  and  sought 
earnestly  for  reform  in  the  management 
of  prisons.  In  1852  many  voters  of 
both  political  parties  in  Madison  and 
Oswego  Counties  invited  him  to  ac- 
cept a  nomination  for  Congress,  and 
accepting,  he  was  elected  over  both 
the  \Vhig  and  Democratic  candidates. 
He  remained  in  Congress  only  through 
the  first  session ;  liis  health  being 
somewhat  infirm,  and  anxious  for 
rest,  he  retired  lo  his  home.  While 
in  Congress  he  advocated  almost  single- 
handed  and  alone  his  views  on  slavery, 
temperance,  homesteads,  reciprocity 
treaty,  and  the  Nebraska  bill.  Mr. 
Smith's  hospital  ty  at  home  was  un- 
bounded, and  the  black  man  and  the 
■white  man  were  ecpial  guests  at  his 
board.  His  most  important  books 
were  his  "  Speeches  in  Congress,  by 
Gerrit  Smith,"  "  The  Theologies," 
"Nature's  Theologies,"  and  "Letters 
to  Albert  liarncs." 
"  Death  of  Mrs.  Beaton,  a  centenarian  of 
Southampton  Co.,  Va.,  aged  104  years. 

Siamese  Twins. 

"  Death  of  the  Siamese  t^wins,  Chamj  and 
Eng,  at  Mount  .\iry,  N.  C.  These  un- 
fortunate creatures  were  for  twenty- 
five  years  publicly  exhibited  in  Europe 
and  Ameiica,  when  after  acquiring  a 
joint  fortune  of  about  $80,000,  and  at 
the  age  of  45,  they  settled  down  as 


1874.  farmers  in  North  Carolina,  and  married 
two  sisters,  by  w  lioni  they  liad  each  a 
number  of  children,  two  of  the  num- 
ber being  deaf  and  dunil).  Tliey  were 
connected  together  at  the  side  liy  a 
fleshy  caitilagii  ous  l);ind  about  eight 
inches  in  length,  compelling  tlieni  to 
partly  face  each  <.ther.  (  hang's  death 
occurred  about  two  and  a  hall'  hours 
before  Knij's,  and  was  caused  by  <  on- 
gcstion  of  the  lungs,  and  Kiig's  death 
was  from  no  ap])arent  cause,  but  the 
nervous  sliock  produced  by  the  death 
of  his  brother. 
"  Deatli  of  Maj.-Gen.  Morgan  L.  Smith. 
United  States  Vols.,  a  gall  int  oflicer  in 
the  .Mexican  and  late;  civil  wa'-,  arid  for- 
mer United  States  Con-ul  at  Honolulu. 
He  served  in  most  of  the  battles  in  the 
Soutliwe>t  under  Gen.  Grant.  Gen. 
Sherman  said  of  him  :  "  He  was  one  of 
the  bravest  men  in  action  1  ever  knew." 

Millard  Fillmore. 

"  Death  of  .Millard  Fillmore,  thirteenth 
President  of  the  United  States.  Mr. 
Fillmore  was  born  at  Sun)ner  Hill, 
Cayuga  Co.,  N.  Y.,  January  7,  l80o. 
His  tather  was  a  farmer  in  humble 
circumstances,  and  unable  to  give 
bis  son  an  education  more  than  be 
could  receive  at  the  common  tiict 
schools.  At  the  age  of  fourtirn,  Millard 
was  apprenticed  to  a  clothier,  about 
loo  miles  from  his  home,  in  the  wilds 
of  Western  New  York.  Here  he  found 
access  to  a  small  library,  and  his 
evenings  ■were  spent  in  reading.  Soon 
his  thirst  for  knowledge  became  in- 
satiable; he  read  the  be>t  works  upon 
history,  biography,  and  oratory  which 
could  be  procured  by  his  limited  oppor- 
tunities. The  elevating  influences  of 
bis  reading  afl'ected  his  manneis,  his 
speech,  and  his  whole  character.  At- 
tracted by  the  prepossessing  appearance 
of  the  young  clothier.  Judge  Wood 
made  bis  acquaintance,  and  advised 
bim  to  study  law.  Having  no  means 
of  bis  own,  or  friends  ■who  could  help 
liira,  he  could  but  state  his  circnm- 
stances,  and  decline  the  kindly  advice. 
But  the  Judge,  having  so  much  co-i- 
fidence  in  the  natural  abilities  and  in- 
tegrity of  young  Fillmore,  oft'ered  to 
take  him  into  his  own  office,  and  lean 
him  the  money  required  to  complete 
bis  outfit  and  meet  his  expenses.  The 
generous  ofl'er  was  most  gratefully  ac- 
cepted, and  he  immediately  entered 
upon  the  arduous  undertaking. 

During  the  winter  months  lie  taught 
school  that  he  might  not  incur  too 
heavy  a  debt,  or  burden  the  generosity 
of  his  benefactor.  After  two  years' 
study  in  Judge  Wood's  office  he  entered 
a  law-oflicc  in  Bufiiilo,  and  in  the  same 
manner  he  prosecuted  his  studies, 
alternately  teaching  or  by  some  active 
lat)or  supporting  himself  At  the  ago 
of  23  he  was  admitted  to  the  Court  of 
Common  Pleas,  lie  now  commenceil 
the  practice  of  law  in  the  little  village 
of  Aurora,  on  the  banks  of  Cayuga 
Lake,  and  in  18"2(i  be  married  .Miss 
Abigail  Powers,  daughter  of  Rev. 
Lemuel  Powers,  a  lady  of  refinem  i  t 
and  great  moral  worth. 

In  1829,  ilr.  Fillmore  took  his  seat 
in  the  House  of  Assembly  of  the  t-tatc 
of  New  York,  as  the  Keprcscntative 


812 


CHEONOLOGT. 


1874.  from  Eric  Countv,  and  tlie  same  year 
lie  entt-red  into  partnership  with  an 
elder  member  of  tlic  l);ir  in  Buffalo. 
In  the  As -emhly,  Mr.  Fillmore  gave  his 
sympathies  an<l  vote  with  the  Whig 
jiarty,  and  in  the  autumn  of  1«3'2  he 
was  elected  to  a  scat  in  the  United 
States  Congress,  which  he  filled  for  two 
years.  In  ls:i7  he  was  re-elected  to 
Congress,  and  industriously  applied 
himself  lo  the  duties  devolved  upon  him. 
His  lahors  often  recjuired  the  draft- 
ing of  resolutions  in  the  Committee- 
room,  whicii  he  was  able  to  defend 
against  skillful  opponents.  His  mental 
resources  and  abilities  as  a  debater 
were  aliove  the  average  of  our  Repre- 
sentatives. Mr.  Fillmore  declined  a 
third  term,  although  nominated  by 
acc'amation  in  a  convention  of  his  con- 
stituents. In  the  year  1847  he  was 
elected  Comptroller  of  the  Slate  of  New 
York,  and  ihereforc  lie  removed  to  the 
State  Capital.  It  was  universally  ad- 
mitted that  the  duties  of  this  office 
were  never  more  faithfully  discharged. 

In  the  fall  of  1818,  Millard  Fdlmore 
was  elected  V'ice-Pre-ident,  with  Gen. 
Zaehary  Taylor  for  President.  In  .lulv, 
1849,  the  death  of  President  Taylor 
occurred,  and  as  a  constitutional  pro- 
vision, the  \  ice-Presi(lent  must  till  the 
oflice  fur  the  remainder  of  the  term. 
Accordingly,  he  was  duly  inaugurated, 
and  pMceeded  to  execute  the  laws  of 
the  United  States  as  their  Chief  Magis- 
trate. The  odious  Fugitive  Slave  law 
was  in  f  .rce,  and  President  Fillmore 
felt  it  to  be  his  duty  to  enforce  this 
law,  much  to  h  s  i.Jury  aniong  his  own 
party  at  the  North.  'J'lie  famous  com- 
proinis?  measuies  were  adopted,  under 
Mr.  Fillmiire's  Administration,  and  the 
expedition  to  .Japan  .'jent  out.  lie  was 
warmly  api)r(ciatcd  at  the  South,  as 
w^is  every  Nortiiern  man  of  prominence 
who  favored  their  measures.  In  1855, 
at  the  clo  e  of  his  term  of  office.  Pres- 
ident Fillmore  visi  ed  Europe,  where  he 
sjjcnt  a  year,  receiving  marks  of  dis- 
tinguished favor,  Siich  as  his  position 
demanded.  In  1850  liis  name  was 
again  brought  out  as  candidate  for  the 
Presidenc/  by  the  '"Know-Nothing"' 
party,  but  Mr.  Buchanan,  the  Demo- 
cratic candi  late,  wis  elected.  Mr. 
Fillmore  lived  in  reiirenient  in  the  in- 
terior of  New  York,  until  his  death,  at 
the  age  of  74  years.  Ills  sympathies, 
if  not  with  the  South  in  the  Rebellion, 
wert!  never  extended  to  the  \orth  by 
word  or  deed,  and  he  was  accordingly 
f'  rgotten  l)y  both.  Such  arc  the  vicis- 
situdes of  human  life  and  events. 

Judge  Rdmonds. 
A])ril  5.  Death  of  .ludge  Edmonds,  an 
al'lc  New  York  Jurist  and  |)hihintliro- 
pist.  For  S'-ven  years  he  occupied  the 
positions  of  (Mrcuit  .Judges,  .ludge  of  the 
Su|)ren)o  Court,  and  .ludge  of  the 
Court  of  .\ppeals.  Through  his  efforts 
corporal  ])unishmcnt  was  alxtlished  in 
the  New  York  Slate  pris<ms,  and  u 
Bcrii's  of  rewar<ls  for  good  behavior  in- 
stituted. Judge  Kdmonils  was  a  zeal- 
ous devotee  of  S|)iriiualism.  himself  a 
medium,  and  the  author  of  a  work  en- 
titled' '■  Spiritualism." 

A  Gnat  Jiivrnlor. 
"      April  1:5.    Death  of  James  Bogardus,  an 


1874.  eminent  American  scientist  and  in- 
ventor. Among  his  numerous  inven- 
tions were  the  •'  rimi-llier  "  for  cotton 
spinning  now  in  general  use,  an  ec- 
centric mill,  an  engraving  machine 
which  cut  the  steel  die  for  the  gold 
medal  for  the  American  Institute,  and 
a  dry  gas-meter,  for  which  he  received 
a  gokl  medal.  In  England  he  pro- 
duced a  metallic  engraving  machine, 
and  received  a  prize  from  the  Biitish 
Government  for  the  best  plan  for  man- 
ufacturing pos' age-stamps,  out  of  2,()00 
applicants.  He  invented  a  machine 
for  pressing  glass.  He  built  the  first 
cast-iron  building  in  the  Uniied  States 
in  New  York — a  building  five  stories 
liigh  and  ninety  feet  in  length  ;  and 
he  sul>soquently  became  a  contractor 
for  building  iron  warehouses.  He  also 
invente  l  a  i)Yrometer  of  great  delicacy 
and  accuracy. 

"  Ai)Hl  2i.  Tiie  President  vetoed  a  bill 
for  inconvertible  paper  money. 

"  President  (irant  settled  the  Arkansas 
gubernatorial  warfare  by  recognizing 
Baxter  as  Governor,  and  warning 
Brooks  and  his  fellow  insurgents  to 
disperse. 

Mill  River  Disaster. 

"  May  10.  A  terrible  disaster  occurred  in 
tile  town  of  \Villiamsi)urg,  Hampshire 
County,  JIass.,  by  which  147  persons 
lost  their  lives  and  1,200  were  left  des- 
titute. Over  §1,000,000  of  property 
was  destroyed.  It  w-as  caused  by  a 
defective  reservoir  of  100  acres  in  ex- 
tent. Three  villages  were  almost  en- 
tirely swejit  away,  and  twelve  miles  of 
territory  laid  waste.  Twelve  mills 
were  destroyed,  and  hundreds  of  cattle 
and  horses  ])crislud  in  the  flood.  It 
had  for  a  long  time  been  considered 
insecure,  as  it  was  but  an  earthen  dam, 
with  a  sione  overflow  at  the  outlet  of  the 
reservoir,  which  should  liavebeen  built 
entirely  of  solid  masonry,  but  the  fru- 
gality of  the  owners  overcame  their- 
better  judguK'nt,  and  a  cheap  dam  was 
built,  the  result  of  which  cupidity  cost 
over  lot)  people  their  lives  and  several 
hundred  their  lir)ines,  their  earnings, 
and  all.  The  shock  was  as  sudden  as 
it  was  ai)])alling.  The  mills  were  in 
full  operation,  and  w  ith  but  a  monu-nt's 
warning  tiic  frightened  operatives 
rushed  from  the  buildings  but  to  be, 
overtaken  with  tin-  flood  which  swept 
through  the  streets  with  the  velocity 
of  a  fast  railroad  train,  bearing  ilihrh  to 
the  height  of  ihirty  feet  bclbre  it. 
The  largest  brick  buildings  yielded  to 
the  flood,  ami  were  crushed  like  an 
egg-shell.  'fhose  only  esca|)ed  who 
reached  the  hills,  except  a  few  who 
were  saved  in  floating  frame  dwellings. 
The  valley  jiresented  a  horrible  jiicture 
to  those  who  returned  to  witness  the 
ruin  of  their  homes,  their  jjropcrly,  and 
to  gatln  r  up  their  dead.  Scatten'd  all 
through  that  winding  valley  of  ileath 
wcrt'  the  relics  of  once  happy  homes, 
trei's  torn  from  their  roots,  huge  boil- 
ers battered  and  bruised,  wrecks  of 
buildings,  and  l}ic  bodu'x  of  the  (had, 
all  li  lt  in  one  wild  waste  of  ruin,  either 
buried  in  the  mud,  or  entangled  amid 
the  tree  tops  and  amid  the  (fdn-iii  of 
<lesl ruction,  toin,  mangled,  and  ghastly. 
H  scene  never  to  be  forgotten.  ;j;65,o6o 


1874.      were  raised  in  New  England  towns 
and  New  Y'ork  for  the  immediate  re- 
lief of  the  inhabitants. 
"      Jlay  23.    Senate  passed  the  Civil  Rights 
bill. 

"  June  1.  Gen.  Bristow  confirmed  by  the 
Senate  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

Henry  Grintiell. 

"  June  :50.  Death  of  Henry  Grinncll,  an 
eminent  New  Y'ork  nx-rchant  and  phi- 
lanthropist, and  one  of  the  members  of 
the  extensive  shipping  house  of  Grin- 
ncll, Minturn  &  Co.  In  1850  Mr.  Grin- 
ncll fitted  out.  at  his  own  expense,  an 
expedition  to  search  for  ^ir  John  Frank- 
lin, the  lost  traveler.  'I'his  expedition 
was  j)!aced  in  command  of  Lieut  E.  J. 
De  Haven.  The  unknown  land  dis- 
covered in  latitude  15'  24  21 '  by  this 
expedition  was  named  Grinnell  Land. 
Together  with  ^Ir.  fieo.  Pi  abody.  in 
18")3,  he  expended  5;5o,00O  upon  another 
expedition,  which  was  placed  in  charge 
of  Dr.  Kane.  He  was  also  much  in- 
terested in  the  expedition  of  Capt. 
Hall. 

Church  and  State. 

"  Struggle  of  the  Roman  Catholic  priest- 
hood in  IJrazil  for  the  supremacy  of 
power.  The  Cabinet  ^linister.  Vis- 
count Caravella,  declared  "that  the 
sovereignty  of  Brazil  can  not  admit 
another  sovereign  over  it,"  also,  ''that 
the  Bishop  of  Olinda,  by  his  interdict 
again-t  the  Freemasons,  had  violated 
the  Constitution  of  the  empire." 

Grasshopper  Raid. 

"  Great  devastation  caused  by  the  grass- 
hoppers throughout  the  Nor.liwest, 
especially  in  Kansas,  Nebraska,  31is- 
souri,  Iowa,  and  Minnesota,  during 
this  and  the  following  year. 

Charlie  Ross. 

"  July  1.  The  abductirn  of  a  little  boy  of 
four  years  of  age,  son  of  Christian  K. 
Ross,  of  (Jermantown,  Pa.,  a  suburb 
of  Philadelphia.  He  was,  with  his 
brother,  aged  six  years,  ])laying  upon 
the  sidewalk  before  his  father's  house, 
when  two  men  in  a  wagon  enticed 
them  with  candy  and  a  promise  of 
fire-crackers  to  get  into  the  wagon  and 
take  a  ride.  They  drove  in  a  zigzag 
direction  about  eight  miles,  when  ih<'y 
gave  the  ehUst  hoy  twenty-five  cent", 
and  told  him  to  go  into  a  shop  and 
buy  siuue  lire-crackers.  As  soon  as  he 
entered  the  store  they  drove  off  with  the 
little  one,  and  were  never  seen  or  heard 
from  again,  until  they  were  both  shot 
while  in  the  act  of  committing  a  bur- 
glary four  months  aftir.  In  ahout  a 
week  after  the  child  was  stolen,  one 
of  the  abductors  wrote  Mr.  Ross  a  let- 
ter, in  which  ho  proposed  to  deliver 
up  the  child  for  a  large  ransom.  This 
was  the  first  case  of  brigandage,  or 
holding  a  ])erson  or  child  for  a  ransom, 
ever  attempted  in  this  country.  In 
the  correspondence  bi>tween  the  father 
anil  the  alxluctors.  they  olfered  to  de- 
liver the  child,  safe  and  sound,  to  his 
parents,  for  the  sum  of  $'20,0OO,  pro- 
vided Mr.  Ross  would  pledge  his  sa- 
cred word  and  honor  that  they  should 
suffer  no  harm  fiom  the  transaction. 


CHRONOLOGY. 


813 


1874.  The  detectives  and  chiefs  of  police 
■were  much  opposed  to  Mr.  Ross  ac- 
cepting such  a  proposition,  as  the  re- 
sult would  prove  very  disastrous  to 
the  safety  of  little  children  in  the  fu- 
ture, as  they  felt  very  positive  in 
being  able  finally  to  discover  the  child 
and  secure  his  abductors. 

The  subsequent  unsuccessful  search, 
the  bold  and  desperate  attempt  of  his 
abductors  to  procure  a  large  ransom 
for  the  stolen  child,  their  actual  cor- 
respondence with  the  father  during  a 
period  of  four  months,  and  their  final 
capture  and  tragical  death  while  rob- 
bing a  house,  and  the  utter  failure  of 
the  combined  eflbrts  of  the  police  and 
detective  forces  of  the  country  to  dis- 
cover the  child,  altogether  form  a 
story  of  startling  and  thrilling  interest 
in  the  annals  of  crime.  The  news 
soon  spread  over  the  entire  civilized 
world,  and  anxious  and  sympathetic 
parents  from  all  parts  of  Europe  and 
America  sent  letters  of  condolence  and 
sympathy  to  the  afflicted  parents.  The 
sleepless  vigilance  of  anxicms  and  out- 
raged humanity  was  constantly  on 
the  alert,  and  hundreds  of  letters  and 
dispatches  from  all  ])arts  of  the  coun- 
try were  received  by  Mr.  Ross,  de- 
scribing children  who  were  found,  or 
had  been  seen  under  suspicious  cir- 
cumstances, and  whom,  it  was  claimed, 
answered  the  description  of  the  "  lost 
Charlie."  The  constant  and  terrible 
anxiety  of  the  parents,  and  their  cease- 
less efforts  to  find  their  lost  darling ; 
the  wasting  of  a  fortune  in  the  fruit- 
less search,  together  with  the  thriOing 
story  of  his  abduction,  with  the  details 
of  the  correspondence  and  search,  also 
the  killing  of  his  abductors,  are  all  re- 
lated in  a  simple  yet  graphic  manner 
in  the  book  entitled  "  Charlie  Ross, 
the  Kidnapped  Child,"  by  his  father, 
Christian  K.  Ross.  Mr.  Ross  has 
spent  over  $50,000  for  the  recovery 
of  his  child,  and  still  hopes  to  find 
him.  The  Governor  of  Pennsylvania 
recently  appointed  Mr.  Ross  to  a  pub- 
lic office,  he  being  now  a  poor  man. 
On  the  14th  of  December  two  burglars 
were  surprised  and  shot  while  in  the 
act  of  robbing  a  house  in  Bay  Ridge, 
L.  I.,  by  Mr.  Van  Brunt  and  his  son. 
One  of  the  burglars  was  shot  dead  on 
the  spot,  and  the  other  lived  but  a 
short  time.  Before  he  died  he  con- 
fessed that  he  and  his  companion  were 
the  abductors  of  Charlie  Ross;  that 
their  names  were  Moshier  and  Doug- 
lass, and  that  Moshier,  the  man  who 
■was  shot  dead,  was  the  one  who  held 
the  child  in  custody,  but  that  he 
(Douglass)  could  not  tell  where  the 
child  was  secreted.  This  is  the  last 
that  has  ever  been  heard  from  Charlie 
Ross. 

"  July  14.  Another  large  fire  in  Chicago, 
destroying  a  vast  amount  of  prop- 
erty  608 

Great  Flood  at  Pittsburg. 

"  July  27.  Great  flood  at  Pittsburg  and 
Alleghany  City ;  about  200  lives  and  a 
vast  amount  of  property  destroyed.  608 
Aug.  The  steamer  "  Pat  liogers  "  de- 
stroy edhij  fire  on  the  Ohio  River,  and  25 
lives  lost  ,  608 

"     Aug.    Riots  at  Austin,  Miss.,  between 


1874.  negroes  and  whites;  also  insurrection 
in  Trenton,  Teim. 

"  Aug.  7.  A  snow-storm  occurred  in  New 
Hampshire  608 

Fzra  Cornell. 

"  Dec.  9.  Ezra  Cornell  died  at  New  York. 
Mr.  Cornell  was  a  philanthropist  and 
patron  of  education.  lie  acquired  his 
fortune  in  connection  with  the  tele- 
graph business,  conceiving  the  idea  of 
supporting  the  wires  upon  jjoles — as 
now  universally  i)racticed — and  con- 
structing the  principal  lines  through 
the  Eastern  States.  Mr.  CornelFs  first 
public  benefaction  was  a  gift  of  a  pub- 
lic librai-y  and  building  to  tlic  city  of 
Ithaca,  N.  Y.  His  second  and  munificent 
gift  to  the  public  was  the  founding  and 
endowment  of  "  Cornell  University." 

"  At  the  close  of  this  year  there  were  72,- 
623  miles  of  railroad  in  operation  in 
the  United  States. 

"  Nearly  $6,000,000  of  the  Public  Debt  can- 
celed this  fiscal  year. 

"  There  were  5,830  failures  in  business  this 
year. 

Bcecher  Trial. 

1875.  Trial  of  Henry  Ward  Beeehcr,  pastor  of 

Plymouth  Congregational  Church, 
Brooklyn,  N.  Y.,  for  adultery  with 
Mrs.  Theodore  'I'ilton,  as  charp;ed  by 
her  husband.  Mr.  Tilton  being  a 
prominent  literary  man,  and  editor  of 
the  New  York  Independent,  also  a  very 
intimate  friend  of  Mr.  Beecher.  The 
trial  was  the  most  noted  and  intensely 
exciting  one  of  the  kind  in  the  annals 
of  the  world's  history.  Its  results  were 
most  indefinite  and  unsatisfactory  to 
the  pco])le,  the  jury  disagreeing,  and 
no  verdict  rendered.  The  leading 
■witnesses  were  prominent  Christ' j.ns 
and  intelligent  and  influential  citizens, 
and  bore  the  most  conflicting  testimony. 

"  Jan.  9.  Death  of  Dr.  Samuel  Oridley 
Howe,  the  distinguished  philanthropist, 
aged  74  years. 

"  Jan.  10.  Death  of  Gen.  Gordon  Granger, 
at  Santa  Fe,  Mexico. 

"  Jan.  15.  Gold  the  lowest  for  this  year, 
lllf. 

"  Jan.  25.  Death,  in  Fitchburg,  Mass.,  of 
Rev.  George  T.  Trask,  the  anti-tobacco 
apostle,  aged  78  years. 

The  Keclcy  Motor. 

"  Invention  of  a  motive  power  which 
seemed  to  promise  a  revolution  in  the 
entire  mechr^nical  world.  It  is  claimed 
by  Mr.  Keeley,  the  inventor,  that  he 
has  discovered  a  new  power  or  force 
in  nature  which  will  produce  a  pressure 
of  50,d00  pounds  to  the  squ;ire  inch,  by 
the  condensation  of  air  and  water,  and 
that  it  will  accomplish  all  that  ste;im 
or  gunpowder  can  do,  and  yet  render 
an  explosion  harmless.  Also,  that  an 
engine  of  5,000  horse-jjower  will  occupy 
no  more  space  than  an  ordinary  steam- 
engine.  Tliis  subject  has  caused  a  great 
deal  of  excitement  among  mechanical 
and  scientific  men.  Several  prominent 
scientists  and  practical  machinists 
have  examined  it  and  tested  its  power, 
and  pronounce  it  a  success.  But  it 
yet  remains  for  the  public  to  be  con- 
vinced of  the  practicability  of  the 
wonderful  claims  of  this  new  discovery, 


1875.      as  it  has  not  yet  been  made  a  practical 
success. 

"  Feb.  15.  Great  fire  at  Port  au  Prince, 
llayti.    500  houses  burned. 

"  Feb.  25.  Falling  of  a  wall  upon  the  roof 
of  St.  Andresv's  Cliuicti  in  New  York 
city,  during  religious  service.  A  p  nic 
ensued,  and  five  persons  were  killed 
and  thirty  wounded. 

"  Mareh.  Colorado  admitted  to  the 
Union  as  a  State. 

"  Mareh  8.  Damages  of  .$0,537,000  award- 
ed against  Tweed  in  civil  suit. 

"  March  20.  Destructive  tornado  in 
ticorgia.  Great  loss  of  life  and  prop- 
erty. 

"  Manh-.\pril.  Yellow  fever  in  the  city 
of  Buenos  Ayrcs,  S.  .A.;  the  number  of 
vic  tims  exceeded  13,000. 

"  April  13.  Death  of  Sauuu-I  R.  Wells,  well 
known  ])rofessor  ot  |  hrenology,  and 
proprietor  of  the  I'hrenoloijir/il  J(nirniil. 
He  wa<,  for  manv  years,  associated  ■with 
the  Fowlers  in  the  advancement  of  the 
science  ot  Phrenology. 

"  April  2-2.  John  llaiijer,  senior  member  of 
the  firm  of  ''liaiper  Brothers,"  died, 
aged  78. 

"  Aprd  25.  JUirning  of  three  steamers  at 
the  New  Orleans  levee ;  filty  lives  were 
lost. 

"  A])ril-May.  Great  flf)ods  in  the  South. 
Large  portions  of  Arkansas  and  Loui-i- 
ana  inundated.  Great  su tiering  among 
the  inhaliitants,  especially  among  the 
laboring  classes  and  freedmen.  Large 
contributions  were  sent  from  the 
North. 

"  May.  Extensive  forest  fires  in  Michigan, 
Pennsylvania,  New  Y'ork,  and  Canada, 
with  great  loss  of  property  and  some 
lives. 

"  Appearance  of  grasshoppers  in  Iowa  in 
great  numbers. 

Trial  of  Prof.  Sicing. 

"  May  5.  Trial  of  Prof  Swing,  by  the 
Presbytery  of  Chicago,  upon  the 
charges  of  herc'^y  and  unf  dthfulncss  in 
duty  as  a  pastor,  preferred  l)y  Mr.  Pat- 
ton.  In  other  words,  I'rof.  Swing  was 
arraigned  bef  >re  the  Chicauo  Presby- 
tery for  not  being  faithful  to  the  doc- 
trines of  the  Westminster  Confession. 
The  trial  lasted  fifteen  days,  and  re- 
sulted in  his  acquittal  by  the  Presbytery 
of  Chicacro  by  a  three-fourths  vote. 
Prof.  Swing  subsequently  -withdrew 
from  the  Presbytery,  and  Mr.  McVick- 
er's  theater  was  hired  or  church 
services  on  Sunday  morinngs,  where 
be  has  since  preached  to  very  large 
audiences  as  pastor  of  a  new  and  in- 
dependent congregation,  called  the 
"Central  Churcii."  Prof.  Swing's  ser- 
mons have  since  been  regularly  re- 
ported and  published  iu  the  leading 
newspapers  of  the  city. 

Dr.  Susan  Dimniick. 

"  May  9.  Dr.  Susan  Dimmick,  of  Boston, 
was  lost  on  the  Sr/ii//er,  which  was 
wrecked  on  the  coast  of  Cornwall,  Eng., 
and  over  300  lives  were  lost.  Slio 
was  twice  refused  adnuttance  into  the 
Medical  School  of  Harvard  University, 
and  went  to  Zurich,  Sw  itzerland.  where 
she  graduated  with  high  honors.  She 
also  studied  in  Vienna,  and  returned 
to  Boston,  w  here  she  became  resilient 


814 


CHEONOLOGY. 


1875.      physician  of  a  bospital  for  women  and 
children. 

John  C  Breckcnritige. 

"  May  17.  Dcatli  of  John  C.  Brcckenridge, 
at  Lexington,  Ky.  Mr.  Breckcnridge 
was  chosen  for  Vice-President  of  the 
United  States,  with  Mr.  James  Hu- 
clianan  Pre-ident,  and  in  ISliO  he  was 
the  caniliihite  for  President  of  a  section- 
al party  at  the  South,  and  in  the  same 
year  he  was  elected  as  U.  S.  Senator 
and  defended  the  Southern  Confederacy 
and  secession  in  the  Senate.  Soon 
after  he  joined  the  Confederate  army, 
antl  in  I)ecemljer,  1801,  was  expelled 
from  the  Senate.  In  tiie  summer  fol- 
lowing he  was  appointed  a  Major-Gen- 
eral  by  the  (Jonfederacy,  and  served 
through  the  war  of  the  Kebellion.  He 
was  Secretary  of  War  in  Jefferson  Davis' 
('al)inet  at  the  time  of  the  surrender  of 
the  South,  and  went  inunediately  to 
Europe,  where  he  remained  till  1868. 
when  he  returned  and  devoted  himself 
to  his  i^rofession  as  a  lawyer. 

Great  Earthquake. 

"  May  18.  Earthquake  in  New  Granada, 
S.  A.  Six  cities  destroyed.  The  city 
of  Cucuta  entirely  obliterated ;  16,000 
lives  were  lo  t. 

"  May  27.  Burning  of  the  French  Catholic 
Cliurch  at  Ilolyoke,  Mass.,  during  a 
celebration.    To  lives  were  lost. 

"  May  oO.  Loss  of  the  steamer  Viclsburg, 
from  Montre  1  to  Liverpool.  She  went 
down  in  a  field  of  ice.  83  lives  were 
lost. 

"  June  1.  National  Temperance  Conven- 
tion met  in  Chicago. 

"  June  14.  Di'atli  of  Samuel  G.  Drake,  a 
not  d  American  antiquarian,  and 
author  of  early  American  and  Indian 
histories. 

"  June  16.  Explosion  in  a  manufactory  of 
fireworks  in  Bost-n,  Mass.  Six  per- 
sons killed  and  three  seriously  injured. 

/^lot  in  South  America. 

"  June  20.  Terrible  riot  at  San  Miguel,  a 
city  in  the  republic  of  San  Salvador,  S. 
A.,  among  the  lower  classes,  instigated 
by  a  sermon  preached  again-t  the  civil 
authorities  by  a  priest  named  Palacois. 
The  garrison  were  nearly  all  assassi- 
nated, and  many  prominent  persons 
killed.  The  town  was  then  burned  by 
pouring  kerosene  over  buildings.  The 
iiritish  shi])  Funtoiufi  landed  a  large 
company  of  marines,  who  iiastened  to 
i\\v,  rescue.  'I  he  damage  was  estimated 
at  |;  1,000,000. 

"  Doesticks." 

"  June  25.  Dca'h  of  Mortimer  Tluimjison, 
a  liumorous  writer,  well  known  as 
"Doesticks."  lie  married,  for  his 
second  wife,  the  daughter  of  Mrs.  James 
Parton.or  "  Fanny  Fern."  His  literary 
name  was  "  Q.  K.  Philander  Doesticks, 
P.  15." 

"  July  5.  Hailroad  collision  on  Long 
Island;  fifteen  persons  killed  and  over 
twenty  injured. 

Mrs.  Cclia  Burhif^h. 

.   "      July  7.    De.ath  of  Mrs.  Celia  Burleigh, 
ul  Syracuse,  N.  Y.   She  was  a  preacher 


1875.      and  reformer,  and  the  widow  of  Wm. 

II.  Burleigh,  a  strong  and  i)oi)ular  ad- 
vocate of  anti-slavery  and  Woman's 
I{ighls  principles.  iSIrs.  Burleiirh  was 
the  first  President  of  the  Woman's 
Club  of  Brooklyn,  and  took  an  active 
part  in  the  advocacy  of  Woman  Suffrage 
and  other  reform  movements.  Upon 
the  death  of  her  husband,  she  i)repared 
herself  for  the  ministry,  and  was  pastor 
of  a  Unitarian  Church  in  lirooklyn. 
Conn.  Mrs.  Burleigh  had  a  wide  repu- 
tation as  an  able  writer  and  eloquent 
speaker. 

Frank  Blair. 

"  July  8.  Death  of  Hon.  Francis  Preston 
Jilair,  .Jr.,  at  St.  Louis,  an  eminent  poli- 
tician and  Congressman.  He  was  in 
iJ^OS  a  (candidate  for  Vice-President  on 
the  ticket  with  (;ov.  Seymour,  o'f  New 
York,  as  President. 

Donaldson  s  Balloon  Ascension. 

"  July  15.  Balloon  ascension  of  Prof. 
Donaldson  and  Newton  S.  Grimwood, 
a  Chitwjo  Jourmtl  reporter,  from  the 
Hippodrome  in  Chicago.  These  bold 
and  daring  arl  venturers  ascended 
amid  a  vast  and  tumultuous  crowd  of 
spectators  at  5  fTclock  p.m.  A  stift' 
breeze  was  blowing  from  the  south- 
west at  the  time,  which  took  them  in 
a  north-cast  direction  over  the  lake. 
The  breeze  swelled  to  a  hurricane  be- 
fore midnight.  A  small  schooner 
sighted  the  balloon  at  7  o'clock  about 
twelve  miles  north  of  Chicago  and 
thirty  miles  from  the  shore,  and  but  a 
mile  and  a  half  from  the  vessel.  It 
was  skimming  along  the  surface  of  the 
lake.  The  captain  realizing  their 
danger,  headed  his  vessel  in  their  di- 
rection, but  before  he  could  reach  it 
there  was  a  sudden  lightcninj^  of  the 
car  and  the  balloon  shot  rapidly  up- 
ward and  was  scon  lost  to  sight.  That 
was  the  last  that  was  ever  heard  of  the 
balloon  and  its  daring  and  reckless 
aeronaut.  Professor  Donaldson.  The 
globe  was  a  cotton  one,  and  badly  bat- 
tered and  patched,  and  presented  a 
threadbare  and  flimsy  appearance,  and 
many  of  the  spectators  predicted  its 
destruction  and  the  sacrifice  of  its  bold 
occupants  at  the  time  of  starting. 

Andrew  Johnson. 

"  July  31.  Death  of  Andrew  Johnson, 
seventeenth  President  of  the  United 
States,  in  Carter  County,  East  Tennes- 
see. Mr.  Johnson  was  born  at  Ralei<rli, 
N.  C,  Dec.  29,  1S08.  His  father  died 
when  he  was  but  four  years  old,  and  at 
ten  he  was  apprenticed  to  a  tailor, 
wliom  he  served  seven  years.  He  was 
not  at  school  a  day  of  his  life.  While 
learning  his  trade  he  learned  his  letters, 
and  borrowed  books  and  learned  to 
read.  When  he  had  learned  his  trade, 
he  found  eni])loyment  as  a  journeyman 
tailor  two  years,  and  after  working  a 
short  time  in  Uah'igh,  he  emigrated  to 
Tennessee,  taking  with  him  his  mother, 
who  was  now  dependent  on  h\m  for 
support.  He  married  in  Greenville, 
Tenn.,  and  commenced  business  there. 
His  wife  taught  him  to  write  and 
cipher,  and  the  first  oHict-  he  held  was 
that  of  Alderman,  to  which  he  was 
elected  in  18J8,  and  which  he  held  for 


1875.  three  years.  In  1830  he  was  chosen 
Mayor  of  his  town,  and  in  1835  was 
sent  to  the  State  Legislature,  and  again 
in  1839  by  a  large  majority.  In  1841 
he  was  elected  to  the  State  Senate, 
and  in  1843  to  Congress,  in  which  he 
served  till  1853,  and  was  a  conspicuous 
advocate  of  President  Polk's  measures. 
In  1853  he  was  elected  Governor  of 
Tennessee,  and  re-elected  in  1855,  and 
in  1»57  to  the  U.  S.  Senate  for  a  full 
term.  On  tlie  ojjcning  of  the  war  he  was 
found  on  the  side  of  the  Union,  de- 
nouncing secession  in  a  bold  and  un- 
reserved manner,  which  made  him  very 
popular  at  the  North,  but  at  the  South 
he  was  burnt  in  efhgy,  and  on  his  re- 
turn to  I'ennessee  his  life  was  threat- 
ened, and  he  fled  to  the  North  as  a 
fugitive  from  tyranny.  President  Lin- 
coln appointed  him  Provisional  Gov- 
ernor of  Tennessee  before  his  term  in 
the  Senate  had  expired,  and  gave  him 
the  rank  of  Brigadier-General  of  Vol- 
unteers. 

He  ruled  Tennessee  upon  terms  of 
justice  and  strict  loyalty  to  the  Federal 
Government,  and  brought  her  back 
into  the  Union.  In  1804  he  was  elected 
Vice-President  with  Mr.  Lincoln  re- 
elected as  President,  and  upon  the  as- 
sassination of  the  latter  he  took  the 
President's  chair  April  15,  1865.  His 
efforts  to  recon-truct  the  Union  were 
not  well  received  by  Congre>s,  and  the 
Eepublican  majoiity  repudiated  his  acts, 
and  proceeded  to  reconstruct  the  South- 
ern States  upon  a  different  basis. 
From  this  time  on  he  was  at  variance 
with  Congress,  and  vetoed  no  less  than 
nineteen  bills.  His  enmity  of  the  Sec- 
retary of  NVar  was  so  great  that  on 
Aug.  12,  1807,  he  suspended  him  from 
oftice  and  appointed  Gen.  Grant  in  his 
place.  The  Senate  refused  to  sanction 
the  act,  and  Gen.  Grant  resigned  the 
otBce  into  Mr.  Stanton's  hands.  Upon 
making  the  sec(md  attempt  to  remove 
Stanton,  the  House  of  Representatives 
passed  a  resolution  that  tlie  President 
be  impeached.  At  the  close  of  the 
trial.  May  20th,  at  the  final  vote,  thirty- 
five  voted  "guilty"  and  nineteen  "not 
guilty."  A  two-thirds  vote  not  being 
obtained,  the  President  was  acquitted. 
His  last  act  in  opposition  to  Congress 
was  in  Deceml)er,  1S68,  when  he  issued 
a  i)roclamation  of  full  pardon  to  every- 
body who  had  ]>articipated  in  the  Re- 
bellion. Upon  his  return  to  Tennessee 
he  v/as  defeated  as  a  candidate,  both 
for  the  U.  S.  Semite  and  lor  Congrcss- 
man-at-Large,  but  in  Jan.,  l'^75,  he  was 
elected  to  theU.  S.  Senate,  holding  his 
scat  iluring  the  brief  extra  session  in 
I^Iarcli.  Mr.  Johnson's  career  as  Presi- 
dent was  so  at  variance  with  his  loy- 
alty during  the  outbreak  of  the  Rebel- 
lion, and  also  during  his  jjolitical 
career  through  and  after  the  war,  until 
he  became  Vice-President,  that  it  w.as 
regarded  as  enigmatical  and  suspicious 
by  the  North  ;  ami  the  bright  fame  he 
enjoyed  from  his  true  and  uncomjiro- 
niisint;  loyalty  was  shadowed  by  a  dark 
cloud  which  settled  over  the  closing 
years  of  his  otherwise  noble  and  useful 
life. 

Nc7uton  S.  Gritmvood. 

"      Aug.    The  body  of  Newton  S.  Grim- 
wood,  the  comjianion  of  Prof.  Donald- 


CHRONOLOGY. 


815 


1875.  son  in  his  disastrous  aerial  voyage,  was 
found  on  the  eastern  shore  of  Lake 
Michigan,  between  Stony  Creek  and 
Montague,  by  a  mail  carrier,  in  a  partial 
state  of  decomposition,  and  partially 
buried  in  the  sand.  A  bursted  life- 
preserver  was  fastened  around  his 
body.  The  whole  country  adjacent  to 
the  lake  was  thoroughly  searched  for 
Prof  Donaldson  and  his  missing  bal- 
loon, but  they  were  never  heard  from 
after. 

Ku-Klux  in  Illinois. 

"  A  band  of  outlaws  and  desperadoes  in 
disguise  infested  portions  of  Illinois, 
whipping  and  murdering  citizens  and 
destroying  their  property.  The  citi- 
zens formed  themselves  into  committees 
of  scouts,  under  permission  of  the 
Governor,  and  scoured  the  whole 
country.  The  band  was  finally  broken 
up  and  dispersed. 

Troubles  in  Mexico. 

"  Threatened  revolution  in  Mexico  caused 
by  the  passage  of  liberal  laws.  The 
Ultramontane  clergy  incited  the  masses 
to  resistance  and  bloodshed.  The 
priests  placed  themselves  at  the  head 
of  armed  bands  and  imposed  contribu- 
tions upon  the  defenseless  villages. 
The  national  troops,  however,  over- 
powered them,  and  those  that  did  not 
escape  to  the  mountains  were  hanged. 
IJanils  of  insurgents  bade  defiance 
to  the  Government,  and  plundered  and 
pillaged  the  citizens  along  the  line, 
both  in  Mexico  and  Texas,  which 
threatened  trouble  with  the  United 
States. 

"  Aug.  6.  Assassination  of  Don  Gabriel 
Garcia  Moreno,  President  of  Ecuador, 
in  the  royal  palace  at  Quito,  by  mem- 
bers of  a  secret  society,  which  were 
numerous  in  South  America  and 
Europe. 

"  Aug.  Death,  at  Oberlin,  of  Rev. 
Chns.  G.  Finney,  President  of  Oberlin 
College,  also  evangelist  and  reformer. 

*'  Aug.  23.  Wm.  Cyrus  Nutt,  D.D.,  late 
I'resident  of  the  University  of  Indiana, 
died  at  Bloomington,  Ind.  He  was 
the  first  President  of  Asbury  Univer- 
s-ity,  at  Greencastle,  Ind.,  organizing 
that  college  with  three  scholars  in  a 
room  12  X  15  feet. 

"  Aug.  26.  Sudden  suspension  of  the 
great  California  Bank.  Intense  excite- 
ment in  San  Francisco,  resembling 
"  Black  Friday "  in  New  York,  and 
$1,400,000  were  paid  out  this  day.  The 
bank  had  a  capital  of  $5,000,000. 

William  Ralston. 

"  Aug.  27.  Suicide  of  William  Ralston, 
President  of  the  California  Bank,  by 
drowning.  Mr.  Ralston  was  the  "  Jay 
Gould"  of  the  Pacific  Coast;  a  man 
of  large  liberality  and  princely  hospi- 
talities. He  lived  in  a  lai'f;e  baronial 
mansion,  twenty-five  miles  south  of  San 
Francisco,  at  San  Mateo,  and  drove  a 
splendid  team  of  horses  to  the  ciiy  al- 
most daily. 

Mr.  Ralston  began  life  as  a  shoe- 
maker, but  soon  found  a  more  con- 
genial position  as  a  clerk  on  a  Missis- 
sippi steamer.  From  this  position  he 
became  connected  with  a  line  of  Cali- 


1875.  fornia  steamers,  and  finally  settled  down 
in  San  Francisco  and  started  a  bank. 
His  great  abilities  as  a  financier  were 
soon  developed,  and  he  became  Presi- 
dent and  Director  of  the  Bank  of  Cali- 
fornia, which,  under  his  management, 
grew  to  colossal  jjroportions,  and  was 
considered  the  great  financial  pillar 
of  the  State.  But  the  almost  universal 
example  Of  the  extravagance  and  wild 
spirit  of  adventure  and  reckless  squan- 
dering of  money,  gained  by  specula- 
tion and  gambling,  and  also  of  the 
quick  departure  of  wealth  so  suddenly 
made,  was  strikingly  repeated  in  the 
history  of  Wm.  Ralston.  His  style  and 
manner  of  living  were  more  than 
princely.  Like  his  prototype,  .Hm  Fisk, 
he  must  invest  in  a  hotel,  which 
should,  when  completed,  be  pronounced 
the  grandest  in  the  world,  and  which 
would  cost  the  modest  sum  of  three 
million  dollars.  Mining  and  "  stock 
gambling  "  formed  another  feature  in 
which  Ralston  imitated  Fisk,  and  upon 
which  he  "  staked  a  fortune,''  but  un- 
like Fisk,  he  lost.  Unfortunately  for 
him,  the  great  "  bonanza"  holders  and 
controllers  of  the  Comstock  mine 
(Flood  and  O'Brien)  were  better  versed 
in  that  department  of  gambling  than 
their  victim.  They  sold  him  rapidly, 
advancing  shares  at  "fancy  prices" 
and  in  fabulous  amounts.  lie  had 
risked  the  capital  of  the  bank  as  freely 
as  he  did  his  own  personal  property. 
Soon  the  shares  began  to  fall  faster 
than  they  had  risen.  A  run  came 
upon  the  bank,  its  credit  was  shaken, 
and  worst  of  all,  the  heartless  con- 
trollers of  that  vast  monopoly  turned 
bankers  also,  and  refused  all  accommo- 
dation to  the  rival  house;  and  when 
the  crash  came,  nothing  was  left  the 
doomed  man  but  a  choice  of  death  bv 
his  own  hand,  or  a  life  of  reproaci., 
humiliation,  and  poverty. 
"  Sept.  Trinl  of  William  Westervelt  for 
mmj^Ucity  in  the  ahdiiction  and  con- 
ccalihg  of  the  "  stolen  child,''''  Charlie 
Boss.  He  was  found  guilty,  and  sen- 
tenced to  the  Penitentiary  for  seven 
years. 

I'asl  Mail. 


Sept.  17.  Arrival  of  the  first  fast  mail 
train  in  Chicago  at  6.21  a.m.,  which 
left  New  York  at  4.17  a.m.  the  10th. 
The  train  was  brought  into  Chicago 
by  Mr.  Frank  Osgood,  of  Elkhart,  Ind., 
who  had  to  make  twenty  five  minutes 
of  lost  time  in  one  hundred  and  one 
miles.  He  fainted  in  the  cab  when 
the  train  reached  the  depot,  so  great 
had  been  the  strain  upon  his  nerves 
and  his  mental  anxiety.  They  arrived 
several  minutes  before  the  expiration 
of  the  allotted  time. 

Sept.  Severe  hurricane  on  the  Island  of 
St.  Thomas. 

Sei)t.  28.  Terrific  gale  at  Charleston, 
S.  C. ;  damages  $250,000. 

Oct.  5.  The  liiglust  price  of  gold  for 
the  year  1875  was  on  this  day.  117 J4. 

Oct.  7.  Town  of  Iquique,  Peru,  de- 
stroj'cd  by  fire. 

Invention  of  the  life  or  surf-car,  by  Capt. 
Ottinger,  for  saving  people  on  wrecked 
vessels  in  storms,  when  the  life-boat 
can  not  be  used. 

Oct.  11.    Death  of  Isaac  Merrill  Singer, 


1875.  inventor  of  the  Singer  Sewing  Sla- 
cliine,  in  Torquay.  Eng. 
"  Oct.  26.  Great  fire  in  Virginia  City,  Ne- 
vada ;  tho  business  portion  completely 
destroyed.  Loss  estimated  at  $4,000,- 
000. 

"      Nov.  4.     Steamship  Pact  fie  foundered 

between  San  Francisco  and  Portland  ; 

nearly  200  lives  lost. 
"     Nov.  9.    Burning  of  the  steamship  City 

of  Waco  off  Galveston  bar;  nearly  10 

lives  lost. 

"  Nov.  17.  Coast  packet  Empire  lost  at 
New  Orleans ;  14  passengers  and  sev- 
eral of  the  crew  lost. 

Henry  Wilson. 

"  Nov.  22.  Henry  Wilson,  Vice-President 
of  the  United  States,  died  of  a])oplexy 
at  Washington,  D.  C.  He  was  born 
in  Farmin'.iton,  N.  H.,  Feb.  6th,  1812. 
His  father's  name  was  Colbath,  and 
was  a  poor  farm  laborer,  and  aj)pren- 
ticed  his  son,  at  the  age  of  ten  years, 
to  a  farmer  in  his  native  town.  He 
went  to  school  about  one  year,  at  in- 
tervals, during  the  eleven  years  of  his 
apprenticeship.  At  the  age  of  21,  by 
an  act  of  the  Legislature,  he  assumed 
the  name  of  Henry  Wilson,  and  the 
same  year  he  walked  to  Natick,  Ma.ss., 
and  hired  himself  to  a  shoemaker  till 
lie  learned  the  trade.  Ho  worked  two 
years,  and  earned  some  money  and  re- 
turned to  New  Hampshire,  and  studied 
in  the  academies  of  Stafford,  Wals- 
borough,  and  Concord,  but  losing  his 
earnings  by  the  failure  of  the  man  to 
whom  he  iiad  intrusted  them,  he  was 
compelled  to  return  to  Natick  and  re- 
sume work  as  "a  shoemaker.  Here  he 
took  an  active  part  in  forming  and 
sustaining  a  debating  society  among 
the  young  men  of  the  town.  In  1835 
be  took  an  active  part  in  the  anti-slav- 
ery discussions,  then  so  prominent  a 
question  in  debate.  In  1838  he  made 
his  first  visit  to  Washington,  and 
there  the  vivid  impressions  made  upon 
his  mind  by  tlie  slave-trade  and  prac- 
tice in  the  District  of  Columbia  for- 
ever fostered  an  undying  hatred  of  the 
system  in  his  manly  and  generous  nat- 
ure. His  first  active  participation  in 
politics  was  in  the  *'  Harrison  cam- 
paign" of  1840,  and  during  the  next 
five  years  he  was  three  times  elected  a 
Representative  to  the  Legislature  fiom 
Natick,  and  twice  a  State  Senator  from 
Jliddlesex  County.  In  1845  he  took 
an  active  part  in  opposing  the  admis- 
sion of  Texas  as  a  slave  State.  In 
1846  he  offered  a  resolution  in  the 
Legislature  against  slavery,  and  8U[)- 
ported  it  by  an  elaborate  and  compre- 
hensive speech.  In  1848  he  was  a 
delegate  to  the  Whig  National  Con- 
vention in  Philadelphia,  and  witlnlrew 
from  the  Convention,  after  making  his 
protest,  on  the  rejection  of  the  anti- 
slavery  resolutions.  He  edited  the 
Boston  Hepuhlican  for  two  years  in  tho 
interest  of  the  Free  Soil  party.  In 
1850  and  '51  he  was  again  a  Member 
of  the  Massachusetts  State  Senate,  and 
was  President  of  the  Senate  both 
terms.  In  lf:<52  he  was  President  of 
the  Free  Soil  National  Convention,  at 
Pittsburg,  Chairman  of  the  National 
Committee,  and  candidate  for  Con- 
gress, but  failed  in  the  clec'.ion  by  1)3 


816 


CHRONOLOGY. 


1875.  votes.  In  18")5  he  was  elected  to  suc- 
ceed Edward  Everett  in  the  United 
States  Senate.  Jlr.  Wilson  aided  in 
organizing  the  RepuhHcan  party  on 
the  basis  of  opposition  to  the  extension 
of  slavery,  and  when,  on  the  22d  of 
May,  1850,  Mr.  Sumner,  his  colleague, 
■was  assaulted  by  Preston  S.  Brooks, 
of  South  Carolina,  Mr.  Wilson,  in  a 
speech  to  the  Senate  the  next  morning, 
denounced  the  act  as  "  brutal,  murder- 
ous, and  cowardly,''  and  for  this  Inu- 
guage  be  was  challenged  by  Brooks  for 
a  duel,  but  he  honoraoly  declined  on  the 
ground  that  dueling  is  a  barbarous  and 
unlawful  practice,  while  he  stated  that 
he  believed  in  the  right  of  self-defense  in 
the  broadest  sense.  From  this  time  on, 
Mr.  Wilson  was  constantly  in  public 
political  service,  and  rapidly  rose  in 
popularity,  and  soon  became  one  of 
the  acknowledged  champions  of  Ameri- 
can liberty,  independent  of  caste  or 
color,  in  the  Senate,  the  pres^,  and  at 
the  b.illot-box.  In  1873  Mr.  Wilson 
was  elected  to  the  Vice-Presidency 
■with  Gen.  Grant.  In  187.3  he  was 
stricken  with  paralysis,  from  which 
he  never  fully  recovered.  He  was  the 
author  of  the  following  works:  ''His- 
tory of  the  Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Slave 
Power,"  in  two  volumes  ;  "  History  of 
the  Anti-Slavery  Measure  in  Congress ; " 
"  Military  Measures  of  the  United 
States  Congress,"  and  several  others. 
Mr.  Wilson's  public  life  was  not  cloud- 
ed by  one  dishonorable  act,  and  he 
maintained  his  loyalty  and  political 
integrity  to  the  last  of  his  career,  and 
he  was  deeply  and  sincerely  mourned. 
"  Nov.  28.  Nearly  one-half  of  the  town  of 
Tuscumbia,  Ala.,  destroyed  by  a  storm 
of  wind  and  rain ;  12  persons  killed. 


William  B.  Astor. 

Nov.  24.  Benth  of  VTm.  B.  Astor,  eldest 
son  and  principal  heir  of  .John  Jacob 
Astor.  Mr.  Astor  contributed  largely 
to  public  charities,  and  ma<le  several 
private  presents  of  value  while  living. 
Mr.  Astor,  following  the  example  of 
his  father,  invested  largely  in  real 
estate,  and  built  mostly  lirst- class 
houses.  His  rent-rolls  were  enormous, 
and  at  80  years  of  ago  he  is  said 
to  have  owned  720  houses;  in  1875 
he  paid  taxes  on  ^;1G. 000,000  worth 
of  real  estate  in  New  York  city,  and 
the  probable  value  of  his  estate  at  the 
time  of  his  death  was  about  $4.'},000,000. 

Dec.  1.  Sinking  of  the  steamer  Sunny- 
side  on  tha  Hudson  River;  11  persons 
drowned. 

Dec.  4.  Escape  of  Tweed  from  the  cus- 
tody of  the  SiicrifT  of  New  York  County. 

Dec.  17.  Burning  of  the  Pacific  Mail 
steamer  J(t]i(in,  from  San  Francisco  to 
Yokohama;  a  great  number  of  lives 
lost. 

Dec.  28.  Firc-damj)  explosion  in  the 
Hutchinson  mines,  near  Kensington, 
Pa. ;  several  Wwm  were  lost. 

Dec.  New  Constitution  of  Nebraska 
ratified  by  the  people. 

Duiing  the  jm-sent  year  the  public  debt 
wa.s  reduced  sfl 4",:U4.5U.K4,  and  the 
contract  for  refunding  it  renewed. 

Bolivian  Itcvolution  suppressed  and  the 
leaders  banished. 

P.cligious   agitation   in  Mexico.  The 


1875.  Church  party  endeavor  to  incite  the 
mob  element  to  deeds  of  violence. 

Moody  afid  Sankey. 

"  Beginning  of  the  great  revivals  con- 
ducted by  Jloody  and  Sankey.  Their 
first  meeting  was  held  in  Brooklyn, 
N.  Y.,  in  a  skating-rink,  there  being 
no  other  building  large  enougli  to  hold 
the  audiences.  In  Philadelphia  the 
meetings  were  held  in  a  freight  depot 
fitted  up  for  the  purpose,  and  in  Chi- 
cago a  "  Tabernacle"  was  built  by  .loha 
V.  Farwell  expressly  for  the  meetings, 
seating  comfortably  8,000  people.  In 
every  place  wdiere  these  evangelists 
labored  great  and  intensely  interested 
audiences  attended,  and  the  most  per- 
fect order  and  quiet,  reigned  through- 
out the  exercises.  The  preaching  was 
not  (>f  a  nature  to  excite  fanatical  dem- 
onstration, but  was  deeply  impressive, 
and  thousands  of  people  claimed  to 
have  been  converted.  The  singing  of 
Mr.  Sankey  'n  as  the  great  and  attract- 
ive feature  ■which  drew  the  masses 
outside  of  the  churches,  and  which 
charmed  every  ear  that  heard  it. 

"  Forest  fires  in  Pennsylvania.  Property 
to  the  amount  of  $3,000,000  destroyed. 

"  Great  inundation  in  T(X<is.  Four  hun- 
dred lives  were  lost. 

"  Severe  storms  in  the  South.  Three  hun- 
dred lives  lost. 

"  Threatened  disturbances  in  Louisiana 
checked  by  the  military  under  Gen. 
Sheridan. 

Amnesty  Bill. 

1876.  Jan.  Debate  on  the  Amnesty  bill,  a  Demo- 

cratic measure,  which  proposed  grant- 
ing pardon  to  all  the  participants  in 
the  Hebellion  who  had  been  excluded 
from  previous  pardons  The  bill  re- 
ceived the  support  of  172  votes,  97 
voting  against  it;  a  two-thirds  ma- 
jority not  being  secured  it  "was  declar- 
ed lost.  A  second  debate  followed, 
whi^h  was  characterized  by  a  great 
deal  of  bitterness  and  party  strife,  with 
like  results. 
"  Serious  difficidties  between  the  Ameri- 
cans and  Chinese  in  California,  and 
great  opposition  to  Chinese  emigra- 
tion. The  white  pojiulation  in  Contra, 
Costa  County,  expelled  the  Chinese  by 
force  and  burned  their  houses  and 
property. 

W/iisky  War. 

"  War  up(m  the  "  Whisky  Kings,"  by  Sec- 
retary Bristow,  of  the  United  States 
Treasury. 

"  Indictment  of  Gen.  Babcock,  Private 
Secretary  and  personal  friend  of  Presi- 
dent Grant,  for  comjjlicity  in  the 
whisky  frauds.  A  general  investiga- 
tion revealed  the  most  corrupt  and 
wide-si)read  combination  among  rev- 
enue officers,  distillers,  and  wholesale 
venders  to  defraud  the  Government. 

"  Feb.  5.  The  gallery  in  Robinson's  Opera 
House,  Cincinnati,  gave  way  during  a 
Sunday-school  festival ;  twelve  lives 
were  lost  anil  a  score  of  persons 
injured. 

"  Feb.  M.  Destructive  fire  on  Broadway, 
N.  Y.    Loss  4;r$,000,0()0. 

"  Feb.  10.  Death  of  Hon.  Reverdy  John- 
son, the  distinguished  jurist,  in  An- 
napolis, Md.,  ageil  71). 


1876.  Feb.  12.  Explosion  in  a  colliery  at  West 
Pittsburg,  Pa.;  several  killed  and 
wounded. 

"     Feb.  17.  Death  of  Rev.  Horace  Bushnell, 
DD.,  in  Hartford,  Ct,  aged  60. 

Charlotte  Cushman. 

"      Feb.  18.    Death  of  Charlotte  Cushman, 
great  American  singer  and  actress.  She 
was  one  of  the  most  talented  and  ac- 
complished women  of  her  day.    As  a 
singer,  her  career  was  short ;  losing  her 
voice,  she  studied  for  the  stage,  and  as 
an  actress,  her  fame  was  world-wide. 
She  acquired  a  large  fortune  and  the 
universal   respect  and  esteem  of  all 
classes  at  home  and  abroad. 
"      Feb.  28.    Sleeping-car  thrown  from  the 
track  and  burned  on  the  Harlem  Rail- 
road  extension ;  several  were  killed, 
among  whom  Mr.  Bissell  and  son,  of 
the   Sherman   House,  Chicago,  were 
burned  in  the  car. 
"      March.    Terrible   ravages   of  the  hog 
cholera  throughout  the  Western  States, 
especially  Illinois. 
'     March  6.    Burning  of  the  Old  People's 
Home,  a  Catholic  charitable  institution, 
in  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.    Eighteen  aged  and 
decrepit   men    were    suflbcated  and 
burned  to  death. 
March  6.    Freight  train,  with  one  pas- 
senger car,  fell  through  a  bridge  on  the 
Baltimore  &  Ohio  Railroad  and  killed 
eleven  persons. 
"      March  30.     Bursting  of  a  reservoir  at 
Worcester,  Mass.     The  flood  carried 
everything  before  it  for  nine  miles,  and 
finally  settled   upon  a  large  tract  of 
meadow   land.      Millions  of  dollars 
worth  of  property  was  destroyed,  but 
no  lives  were  lost. 

Alexander  T.  Sie^vart. 

"  April  10.  Death  of  Alexander  T.  Stew- 
art, the  proprietor  of  the  largest  retail 
dry-goods  house  in  the  world.  His 
personal  wealth  was  estimated  at  $50,- 
t)i>0,000  at  the  time  of  his  death.  He 
left  no  blood  relniives,  and  the  bulk  of 
his  e^tate  was  given  to  his  wife.  He 
bequeathed  1 1,000,000  to  Judge  Hilt(m, 
whom  he  made  one  of  the  executors  ot 
his  will  Mrs.  Stewart  was  appointed 
in  his  will  to  carry  out  all  his  charitable 
j)lans,  one  of  which  was  the  building 
of  a  mammoth  and  magnificent  hotel 
at  Fourth  Avenue  and  32d  Street,  New 
York,  as  a  "Home  for  Working 
AVomen."  The  house  was  built  and 
opened  under  the  supervision  of  Judge 
Hilton,  but  the  terms  were  in  keeping 
only  with  high-salaried  clerks,  and  the 
restrictions  were  such  as  no  high- 
minded  and  intelligent  woman  could 
submit  to.  Therefore  the  "  Home  for 
Working  Women  "  became  a  miigniti- 
cent  failure,  and  was  converti'd  into 
a  hotel.  Mr.  Stewart's  public  charities 
were  munificent.  He  sent  a  ship-loail 
of  provisions  to  Ireland  durin.;  the 
famine  of  1846,  a  ship-load  oi  llour  to 
France  for  the  sufl'erers  in  the  Franco- 
German  war,  and  to  the  sufferers  by  the 
Chicago  fire  he  sent  foO,000. 
"  May  7.  Death  of  Buell  Sprague,  at 
Flushin;^,  L.  I.,  an  eminent  American 
clergyman,  and  author  of  many  religiouK 
and  literary  works. 
"      May  17.    Boiler  explosion  on  the  steamer 


CHRONOLOGY. 


817 


18T6.  Pat.  Cleyhourne  on  the  Mississippi 
River;  nine  persons,  including  the 
captain,  were  killed. 
"  May  18.  Greenback  National  Convention 
met  in  Indianapolis,  and  nominated 
Peter  Cooper,  of  New  York,  for  Presi- 
dent, with  Senator  Booth,  of  California, 
for  Vice-President. 

General  Custer. 

"  May  25-26.  Shocking  massacre  of  Gen. 
Custer  and  his  entire  company  by  the 
Indians  of  Big  Little  Horn  River, 
Yellowstone  country.  The  prudence 
of  Major  Reno,  and  the  timely  arrival 
of  Gen.  Terry,  saved  the  whole  ex- 
pedition from  the  same  fate.  Gen. 
Custer  was  a  valued  and  brave  officer 
in  the  war  of  the  Rebellion.  His  first 
position  was  that  of  Staff  Officer  under 
l$rig.-Gen.  Kearney.  He  was  f)ne  of 
Gen.  McClellan's  aides  during  the  Pe- 
ninsular campaign,  and  was  afterward 
made  Brigadier-General  of  cavalry, 
having  two  horses  shot  under  him  at 
the  battle  of  Gettysburg,  and  his 
brigade  led  the  column  in  Sheridan's 
raid  toward  Richmond.  In  July,  1866, 
lie  was  made  Lieutenant-Colonel  of  U. 
S.  cavalry,  with  the  brevet  rank  of 
Major-General,  and  was  thereafter  en- 
gaged in  the  fr<mtier  service.  Gen. 
Custer  was  one  of  the  most  courageous 
and  dashing  cavalry  leaders  in  the 
service.  His  achievements  during  the 
war  were  of  the  most  brilliant  kind. 

"  May  30.  Great  fire  in  Quebec ;  nearly  500 
houses  destroyed. 

Sitting  Bull. 

"  This  year  is  memorable  for  the  Indian 
war  between  Sitting  Bull  with  his  hos- 
tile bands  and  Gen.  Crook  with  his 
command  of  2,000  men,  who,  during 
eight  months,  marched  3,300  miles. 
370  Indians  were  captured,  350  killed, 
450  wounded,  395  lodges  destroyed, 
which  represented  the  homes  of  3,000 
Indians. 

Centennial  Exposition. 

"  Grand  Centennial  Exposition,  or  celebra- 
tion of  the  one  hundredth  birthday  of 
the  United  States  Republic,  in  Phila- 
delphia. The  whole  nation  was  repre- 
sented by  the  most  skillful  and  com- 
plete workmanship  of  her  artisans. 
All  enterprises  and  industries  being 
represented,  from  the  simplest  me- 
chanical contrivance  to  the  grandest 
achievements  of  art.  All  nations  of  the 
earth  were  invited  to  participate,  and 
most  of  them  were  represented  with 
their  beautiful  wares  and  the  products 
of  their  wonderful  skill  and  workman- 
ship. The  main  building,  composed 
of  iron  and  glass,  covered  an  area  of 
more  than  twenty  acres,  and  costing 
upwards  of  $1,500,000.  The  horticul- 
tural grounds  occupied  a  space  of  about 
forty  acres.  The  sum  of  $0,500,000 
was  expended  in  buildings  and  getting 
the  grounds  in  order.  The  total  re- 
ceipts more  than  doubled  that  of  any 
world's  fair,  being  $8,122,409.  The 
Centennial  Exposition  was  a  grand 
success,  nothing  happening  to  hinder 
the  progress  or  mar  the  perfect  order 
of  the  programme  from  l)eginning  to 
end.    It  opened  July  4th  with  most 


1876.  appropriate  and  imposing  ceremonies, 
and  was  attended  by  the  chief  digni- 
taries of  our  own  country  and  many 
eminent  representatives  from  the  vari- 
ous nations  of  the  earth.  Dom  Pedro 
If.,  Emperor  of  Brazil,  was  the  only 
crowned  represenbitive  of  earth's  mon- 
archies present. 
"  June  3.  A  bill  passed  in  the  Senate 
authorizing  the  President  to  appoint 
five  commissioners  to  treat  with  the 
Sioux  Indians  for  the  cession  of  the 
Black  Hills  region. 

Santa  Anna. 

''  June  20.  Death  of  Antonio  Lopez  De 
Santa  Anna,  a  Mexican  General,  in 
the  City  of  Mexico.  Santa  Anna  began 
his  military  career  in  1821  against  the 
Royalists,  and  in  1822  was  given  the 
command  of  Vera  Cruz,  but  his  in- 
subordination led  to  his  dismissal,  and 
he  took  revenge  by  aiding  in  the 
downfall  of  the  Emperor  Iturbide,  after 
he  had  repelled  the  Spanish  invasion 
under  Borradas.  In  September,  1829, 
he  was  made  Minister  of  War  and 
Commander-in-chief  of  the  army,  and 
subsequently  headed  two  successful  in- 
surrections, and  in  March,  1833,  he  was 
mude  President,  but  though  a  favorite 
with  the  army,  he  was  unpopular  with 
the  nation,  being  suspected  of  aiming 
at  the  imperial  crown.  During  his 
Presidency  several  insurrections  broke 
out,  the  most  formidable  of  which  was 
crushed  by  him  on  May  11,  1835. 
Upon  the  insurrection  in  Texas,  Santa 
Anna  took  the  field  in  person,  and  was 
instrumental  in  the  perpetration  of 
several  savage  massacres,  and  was 
routed  and  taken  prisoner  by  Sam. 
Houston  at  San  Jacinto  and  banished. 
He  was  recalled  to  Jlexico  in  1846  and 
appointed  Generalissimo  of  the  Mrvi- 
can  army  and  Provisional  President, 
and  was  defeated  in  every  battle;  and 
soon  after  the  fall  of  Mexico  he  re- 
signed the  Presidency,  and  with  the 
permission  of  the  American  Com- 
mander-in-chief he  sailed  for  Jamaica 
on  April  5,  1848.  In  1853  Santa  Anna 
returned  to  Mexico,  and  was  received 
with  enthusiasm  by  the  people,  and 
appointed  President ;  but  he  soon 
fomented  a  new  revolution  and  was 
appointed  President  for  life.  But  his 
despotic  rule  brought  about  the  revolu- 
tion under  Alvarez,  which  resulted  in 
the  abdication  of  Santa  Anna  and  his 
exile  to  Havana.  During  the  French 
invasion  he  returned  to  Mexico,  but 
rising  disturbances  led  to  his  banish- 
ment in  1864.  He  was  appointed  Grand 
Marshal  of  the  empire  by  Maximilian, 
but  was  implicated  in  a  conspiracy 
against  the  Emperor  in  1805  and  he 
again  retired  from  Mexico.  In  1867 
he  made  a  last  attempt  to  gain  the 
ascendency  in  Mexico,  but  was  taken 
prisoner  at  Vera  Cruz  and  condemned 
to  death.  He  was  pardoned  l>y  Juarez 
on  consideration  of  his  quitting  the 
Mexican  soil  forever,  and  he  came  to 
the  United  States.  After  the  death  of 
Juarez  he  was  permitted  to  return  to 
Mexico. 

"  June  27.  Democratic  National  Conven- 
tion met  at  St.  Louis,  nominating  Gov. 
Samuel  J.  Tildcn.  of  N.  Y..  for  Presi- 
dent, with  lion.  Thomas  A.  Hendricks, 
of  Indiana,  for  Vice-President. 


1876.  June.  Winslow  released  at  London. 
Extradition  thus  ended. 

"  July.  Hamburg.  S.  C'.,  massacre  of  negro 
militiamen  by  Butler  and  others. 

"  July  4.  Terrilic  storm  in  Iowa.  Forty- 
two  persons  drowned  in  the  village  of 
Rockdale. 

"  July  9.  Castle  Garden,  N.  Y.  City,  de- 
stroyed by  fire. 

"  July  10.  Burning  of  the  propeller  St. 
Clair  on  Lake  Superior.  Seventeen 
passengers  and  ten  of  the  crew  lost. 

Sullivan — Hanford. 

"  Aug.  7.  Shooting  of  Francis  Hanford, 
Principal  of  the  North  Division  High- 
School,  Chicago,  111.,  by  Alexander 
Sullivan,  Secretary  of  the  Board  of 
Public  Works,  upon  the  alleged  public 
insult  offered  liis  wife  in  charges  ])re- 
ferred  against  her  by  Mr.  Hanford  be- 
fore the  City  Council,  and  which  Mr. 
Hanford  refused  to  retract.  In  the 
communication  (which  Mr.  Hanford 
declared  to  have  been  a  confidential 
note  to  one  of  the  Aldermen,  and 
which  he  very  injudiciously  read  be- 
fore the  Council)  Mr.  Hanford  charged 
Mrs.  Sullivan  with  "  being  the  insti- 
gator of  all  the  deviltry  connected 
with  the  legislation  of  the  Board  of 
Education.  That  her  influence  with 
the  Mayor  had  secured  the  dismissal 
of  the  Secretary  of  the  Board  of  Public 
Works,  and  the  appointment  of  her  hus- 
band in  his  place;  also  of  being  con- 
nected with  a  'ring'  which  controlled 
the  Board  of  Education,  and  which 
was  hostile  to  Mr.  Pickard,  the  General 
Superintendent  of  the  City  Schools," 
etc.  Mr.  Sullivan  arrived  at  the  Coun- 
cil Chamber  just  after  the  communica- 
tion had  been  read,  and  upon  recei\Tng 
a  copy  of  the  same,  also  being  in- 
formed that  Mr.  Hanford  was  the  au- 
thor, he  repaired  immedratcly  to  the 
house  of  Sir.  Hanford,  in  company 
with  his  wife  and  brother,  and  in  the 
presence  of  several  of  31  r.  Han  ford's 
friends,  also  of  Mrs.  Hanford,  he  de- 
manded an  immediate  and  written  re- 
traction, that  he  might  have  it  pub- 
lished in  the  morning  papers,  to  coun- 
teract the  statement  which  had  been 
read  before  the  Council,  and  which 
would  also  appear.  ]Mr.  Hanford  de- 
clared that  he  was  able  to  fully  sub- 
stantiate what  he  had  said,  and  would 
proceed  to  do  so  at  the  proper  time 
and  place.  Mr.  Sullivan  demanded 
immediate  retraction,  and  >Ir.  Hanford 
refused,  whereupon  Mr.  Sullivan,  call- 
ing him  a  villain  and  a  dog,  struck 
him,  and  they  both  fell  to  the  ground. 
The  jiarties  were  here  separated,  when 
Mrs.  Sullivan  and  her  husband's  broth- 
er came  up,  and  a  scufile  ensued  be- 
tween them  and  5Ir.  Hanford,  during 
which  Mrs.  Sullivan  called  out  that 
Jlr.  Hanford  had  >truck  her.  Mr. 
Sullivan  immediately  produced  a  pis- 
tol and  shot  Mr.  Hanford,  who  wjw 
carried  into  the  house,  where  he  died 
in  half  an  hour.  Mr.  Sullivan  was  ar- 
rested and  examined  before  a  coro- 
ner's jury,  who  rendered  the  following 
verdict : 

"That  the  said  Francis  Hanford, 
now  lying  dead  at  No.  267  Oak  Street, 
in  the  city  of  Chicago.  County  of 
Cook,  and  State  of  Illinois,  came  to 
his  death  on  the  7th  day  of  Auijust, 


818 


CHKONOLOGY. 


1876.  1876,  from  a  pistol-shot  wound  inflict- 
ed by  a  pistol  or  revolver  in  the  hands 
of  Alexander  Sullivan,  and  therefore 
we,  the  jury,  rccomnieud  the  coroner 
to  hold  said  Alexander  Sullivan  for 
further  examination  before  the  Crim- 
inal Court  without  bail." 

Su//ivan's  Trial. 

"  The  first  trial  of  Alexander  Sullivan  for 
the  murder  of  Francis  Ilanford,  began 
October  16th,  in  the  Criminal  Court 
of  C;hicago,  l)eforc  Judge  McAllister, 
the  only  Judge  in  the  county  who,  as 
alleged,  was  not  prejudiced  against 
him.  The  Court  was  crowded  with 
spectators.  Great  difficulty  was  ex- 
perienced in  securing  a  jury.  The 
fourth  day  the  12th  juror  was  secured, 
and  proceedings  began.  Counsel  for 
the  defense,  W.  W.  O'Brien,  Thomas 
Moran,  and  Leonard  Swett;  Col.  Van 
Arman  assisted  Charles  Reed,  the 
State's  Attorney,  in  the  prosecution. 
On  Wcdnasday,  Oct.  24th,  at  5.30  p.m., 
the  jury  retired.  When  tlicy  returned, 
they  declared  a  disagreement  of  eleven 
to  one;  whereupon  Judge  McAllister 
discharged  the  jury,  and  admitted  ^Ir. 
Sullivan  to  bail.  After  the  trial  there 
was  a  good  deal  of  dissatisfaction  ex- 
pressed as  to  its  results.  A  petition 
was  circulated,  and  signed  by  8,000 
persons,  citizens  of  the  county,  pray- 
ing the  resignation  of  Judge  McAllis- 
ter. The  petition  was  presented  to 
him  in  the  Court-room  by  a  commit- 
tee of  rcspRCtablc  and  dignified  gentle- 
men of  the  county,  to  which  he  paid 
no  attention,  except  to  order  his  clerk 
to  put  it  on  file. 

The  second  trial  of  Mr.  Sullivan  for 
the  murder  of  Francis  Hanford  began 
Feb.  2Stb,  1877,  and  closed  March  9th, 
when  the  jury  retunied  a  verdict  of 
"Not  guilty,"  and  Mr.  Sullivan  was 
released,  and  walked  out  of  Court  a 
free  man  amid  the  cheers  and  con- 
gratulations of  his  friends. 
Aug.  15.  Entire  business  portion  of 
Westport,  N.  Y.,  dcstroved  by  fire. 
"  Aug.  19.  Death  of  lion.  Michael  C. 
Kerr,  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Kepre- 
sentatives,  aged  49  years. 
Sept.  1.  Isaac  Washburn  died  at  Liver- 
more,  Me.,  at  the  age  of  ninety-one 
years.  lie  was  the  father  of  ex-Qov. 
Washburn,  of  Maine,  Elihu  B.  Wash- 
burn, Minister  to  France,  and  ex-Qov. 
Cadwalader  C.  Washburn,  of  Wiscon- 
sin. 

"  Sept.  4.  Town  of  St.  Ilyacinthc,  Ontario, 
destroyed  by  fire.  600  houses  burned 
and  4,000  people  homeless. 

The    Yonger  Brothers  and  the 
Northfield  Bank  Robbery. 

"  Sept.  7.  Bold  attempt  of  eight  armed 
desperadoes  on  horseback  to  rob  a  bank 
in  open  day,  in  Northfield,  Price  Coun- 
ty, Minn.  Five  of  the  pang  remained 
outside  to  guard  the  entrance,  shoot- 
in>j  indiscriminately  to  frighten  the 
citizens,  wliile  the  other  three  entered 
the  bank,  sjjringing  over  the  counter, 
anti  holding  a  knitc  at  the  throat  of  the 
cashier,  J.  ('.  Haywood,  ordering  him 
to  open  the  vault,  while  the  other  two 
compelled  the  assistant  cashier  and 
clerk  to  hold  up  their  hands,  llay- 


1876.      wood  refused  to  open  the  vault,  and 
they  shot  him  dead  on  the  spot.  They 
then  ordered  his  assistant  to  open  it, 
but  he  denied  knowing  the  combina- 
tion, and  ran  out  of  tlie  back  door,  re- 
ceiving a  wound   in   the  shoulder. 
Meanwhile  the  citizens  collected,  and 
opened  fire  upon  the  robbers  outside, 
killing  two  and  wounding  one.  The 
remaining  five  escaped,  carrying  the 
wounded  one  Hlong.  They  failed,  how- 
ever, in  securing  the  money.  Great 
excitement  prevailed,  and  the  whole 
country  were  aroused  and  in  hot  pur- 
suit.   But  for  two  weeks  they  were 
unable  to  capture  them.    Upon  the 
21st  of  September,  four  of  them,  on 
foot,  entered  the  farm-house  of  Mr. 
Sanborn,  eight  miles  from  Medalia,  to 
procure  food.    A  son  of  the  farmer, 
seventeen  years  of  age,  against  the 
wishes  of  his  father,  took  a  horse  from 
the  stable  and  rode  as  fast  as  he  could 
to  Medalia,  and  aroused  the  citizens, 
and  about  fifty  men,  armed  and  on 
horseback,  pursued  them.    They  came 
upon  the  robbers  five  miles  west  of 
the  town,  while  they  were  crossing  a 
marsh,  which  the  pursuers  could  not 
cross  with  their  horses.     They  sur- 
rounded the  marsh,  and  found  theni 
secreted  on  one  side  in  the  bushes  and 
tall  grass.    The  reckless  fellows  fired 
upon  their  pursuers,  who  returned  it, 
wounding    three    and    killing  one. 
Three  of  the  gang  confessed  to  being 
the  notorious  "Yonger  Brothers,"  well 
known  as  robbers  and  highwaymen. 
They  were  the  most  cool  and  desiderate 
of  characters,  and  defended  themselves 
to  the  last  with  a  courage  worthy  of  a 
better  cause.     They  were  tried  and 
plead  guilty,  and  were  sentenced  to 
three  years  in  the  Penitentiary. 
Sept.  8.    Tweed  arrested  at  Vigo,  Spain, 

and  returned  to  the  United  States. 
Sept.  12.  Death  of  Henry  Alexander  Wm, 
Governor  of  Virginia  and  Brig.-Gen.  in 
the  Confederate  army,  aged  70  years. 

Bishop  Janes. 

Sept.  18.  Death  of  Rev.  Edmund  Slover 
Janes,  Senior  Bishop  of  the  M.  E, 
Church. 

Sept  22.  Disaster  on  the  Pan-IIandle 
Railroad  near  Columbus,  O.  Four  cars 
rolled  down  an  embankment.  Over 
thirty  persons  seriously  injured  and 
four  killed. 
Yellow  ferer  at  SarannaJi.  Augusta,  and 
Brunswick,  Ga.  Out  of  a  population 
of  2,500  in  Brunswick,  there  were  600 
cases.  The  Howards  of  New  Orleans 
sent  physicians  and  nurses. 

Mollie  Maguires. 

Oct.  Trials,  sentences,  and  executions  of 
Mollie  Maguircs  in  the  mining  districts 
of  Pennsylvania.  A  dangerous  Order 
and  secret  organization  which  com- 
mitted many  cold-blooded  murders. 
Oct.  12.  A  terrible  boiler  explosion  in 
Pittsburg,  Pa.  Sixty  persons  buried 
in  the  ruiu'^ ;  fitty-seven  killed  and 
wounded.  The  shock  was  felt  dis- 
tinctly two  miles  from  the  wreck.  The 
ruins  to(>k  fire  and  the  scene  was 
heart-rending. 
Nov.  Woman's  National  Temperance 
Conventiim  held  in  Cleveland  ;  sixteen 
States  represented. 


1876.  Dam  of  the  great  Lynde  Brook  Reservoir, 
near  Worcester,  Mass.,  gives  way,  and 
a  vast  amount  of  property  destroyed. 

Attempt  to  Rob  Lincoln  s  Grave. 

"  Nov.  7.  Dastardly  attempt  to  rob  the 
grave  of  President  Lincoln,  at  Spring- 
field, 111.,  by  a  couple  of  desperadoes, 
3Iullins  and  Hughes.  They  were 
tried  June  1,  1877,  found  guilty,  and 
sentenced  to  one  year  each  in  the 
Penitentiary. 
Senate  pas-ed  a  bill  reducing  the  salaries 

of  all  Government  officials. 
Nov.  16.  -Revolution  in  Mexico;  defeat  of 
the  Government  armv  under  Gen.  Diaz. 
Nov.  18.    Fall  of  Puebla. 
Nov.  21.   Flight  of  President  Lerdo  from 
the   capital  with   half  a   million  in 
money,  escorted   by   1,000  men,  16 
carriages,  and  100  extra  horses. 
Nov.  23.    Gen.  Diaz  enters  the  City  of 
Mexico  in  the  midst  of  splendid  demon- 
stration, and  the  leading  towns  and 
cities  declare  allegiance  to  his  Govern- 
ment. 

Nov.  24.     Lerdo's  escort  forsake  him, 

leaving  him  but  300  men. 
Nov.  3f».    Geu.  Diaz  was  officially  an- 
nounced as  Provisional  President. 
War  between  San  Salvador  and  Guate- 
mala. 

Revolution  in  Honduras. 
Col.  Balta,  President  of  Peru,  was  mur- 
lerod,  and  was  succeeded  by  Prado, 
who  was  elected  for  four  years. 

Burning  of  the  Brooklyn  Theater. 

Dec.  5.  Burning  of  the  Brooklyn  Theater, 
which  took  fire  from  the  wind  blowing 
one  of  the  flies  upon  the  stage  against 
a  gas-jet,  which  was  unprotected.  276 
lives  were  reported  lost,  among  whom 
were  H.  S.  Murdock,  a  very  popular 
actor,  and  Claude  Burroughs,  a  young 
actor  of  rising  reputation.  Tho 
majority  of  these  unfortunate  victims 
were  from  the  third  tier,  and  the  great 
destruction  was  caused  by  the  stair- 
ways and  lobby  giving  way,  precipitat- 
ing the  whole  mass  below,  kdling  and 
smothering  them  in  a  great  heap,  for 
the  terrible  holocaust  awaiting  them. 

Extraordinary  M eteor. 

Dec.  21.  Passage  of  an  extraordinary 
meteor  from  S.  E.  to  N.  W..  which  was 
witnessed  from  Kansas  to  Pennsylvania 
and  from  Wisconsin  to  Kentucky,  and 
described  as  being  as  large  as  an 
ordinary  washtub,  with  a  tail  nearly 
400  feet  in  length,  producing  a  noise, 
in  some  places,  which  was  described 
as  louder  than  a  whole  battery,  and 
lighting  up  the  sky  with  a  vivid 
glow. 

Cremation. 

Dec.  6.  The  first  furnace  built  at  Wash- 
ington, Penn.,  by  Dr.  F.  J.  Le  Moiue, 
and  cost  $1,600. 
Dec.  6.  The  first  pidilic  cremation  was 
that  of  the  body  of  Bnron  de  Palm. 
The  body  was  pfaced  in  the  retort  at 
8i  A.  M.,  and  at  10.40  the  cremation 
was  declared  to  be  complete.  Tho 
direct  cost  of  the  operation  was  |7.04. 
The  body  was  wrapped   in  a  sheet 


CHRONOLOGY. 


819 


1876.  saturated  -with  alum,  to  prevent  ex- } 
posure  after  the  eloth  was  burned  away, 
and  was  surrounded  witli  llowers  and 
evergreens.  About  an  hour  after  the 
burning  began,  a  rose-colored,  misty 
light  surrounding  the  body  was  ob- 
.served.  In  another  hour,  the  body 
bad  become  red-hot,  and  the  rosy  mist 
Lad  turned  to  a  golden  color.  The 
ashes  of  the  deceased  were  placed  in  an 
urn  made  for  that  purpose. 

Ashtabula  Horror. 

"  Dec.  29.  A  disaster,  the  most  appalling 
in  its  nature  which  ever  occurred  in 
the  history  of  railway  travel,  took  place 
at  a  bridge  near  Ashtabula  station  in 
Ohio,  at  about  eight  o'clock  in  the 
evening.  A  passenger-train  of  eleven 
cars,  bearing  ICO  human  beings,  went 
down  with  the  bridge  into  a  dreadful 
chasm  70  feet  in  depth  and  into  the 
creek  below,  the  wreck  taking  fire  im- 
mediately. The  weather  was  extremely 
cold,  and  a  blinding  snow-storm  was 
driving  before  a  furious  gale.  One 
hundred  persons  were  killed  outright 
or  burned  to  death.  The  flames  spread 
so  rapidly,  and  the  heat  was  so  great, 
that  those  buried  in  the  dt'bris  or  held 
fast  in  the  wreck  could  not  be  extricated, 
and  were  left  to  their  fate.  But  two 
or  three  of  the  sixty  persons  rescued 
escaped  injury,  and  several  died  from 
their  wounds.  Taken  altogether,  this 
was  the  most  terrible  railroad  disaster 
which  has  ever  occurred  in  this  coun- 
try. Mr.  P.  P.  Bliss,  the  noted  revival 
singer,  with  his  wife,  were  among  the 
victims. 

T/ie  Coroner's  Verdict. 

The  verdict  of  the  coroner's  jury  in 
the  Ashtabula  disaster,  was  "  that  the 
fall  of  the  bridge  was  the  result  of  de- 
fects and  errors  made  in  designing, 
constructing,  and  erecting  it ;  that 
the  railroad  company  continued  to  use 
this  bridge  for  over  ten  years  without 
attempting  to  discover  the  defects, 
•which  were  perfectly  apparent  to  any 
practical  engineer;  also,  that  the  cars 
•were  not  heated  with  a  proper  ap- 
paratus, so  that  fire  could  be  imme- 
diately extinguished  in  case  of  acci- 
dent ;  that  the  failure  to  use  the  steam- 
pump  in  the  pumping-house,  and  the 
means  prepared  to  extinguish  the  fire 
was  the  direct  fault  of  those  who  were 
first  on  the  ground ;  also,  that  the 
chief  engineer  failed  to  use  the  fire- 
engine  and  hose  in  extinguishing  the 
flames  before  the  bodies  of  the  victims 
were  consumed  ;  and  for  the  casualty 
and  its  fearful  results  the  railroad  com- 
pany were  responsible. 

Belknap's  Fall. 

•*  This  year  was  noted  for  the  exposure  of 
"  ofiicial  corruptions "  and  "  wicked- 
ness in  high  places."  The  "  Whisky 
Frauds,"  involving  the  President's 
Private  Secretary  and  several  revenue 
oflBcers ;  the  "Emma  Mine"  scandal, 
involving  the  name  of  Gen.  Schenck  ; 
and  last,  though  not  least,  the  Secretary 
of  War,  Gen.  Belknap,  charged  ■n'ith 
"  bribery,"  or  with  selling  Govern- 
ment appointments.  Mr.  Caleb  B. 
Marsh  testified  to  paying  the  wife  of 


I  1876.  Secretary  Belknap  $12,000  per  annum 
for  the  post  tradership  of  Fort  Sill. 
After  a  time  he  found  that  he  could 
not  afford  to  pay  such  a  ])remium,  and 
Mrs.  Belknap  agreed  to  accept  of 
$0,000  per  annum  while  he  held  the 
l>ost.  One  of  the  worst  features  of 
this  fraud  was  the  fiot  that  this  money 
was  directly  extorted  from  the  poor 
soldiers,  who  were  compelled  to  pay 
exorbitant  prices  for  all  their  supplies, 
as  the  post  trader,  in  order  to  make 
sufficient  profits  to  meet  this  "  pre- 
mium," and  also  make  his  own  esti- 
mated profits,  must  sell  an  inferior 
article  of  goods  at  advanced  prices. 
Marsh  also  testified  that  this  money 
was  paid  Mrs.  Belknaj)  through  her 
husband,  the  Secretary  of  War.  Mr. 
Belknap  did  not  deny  the  charge,  but 
immediately  sent  in  his  resignation, 
which  was  accepted  by  the  President, 
who  was,  however,  not  aware  of  the 
Secretary's  bribery  at  the  time.  Mr. 
Belknap  was  immediately  arraigned 
before  the  Senate  and  tried  for  im- 
peachment— 37  voting  "  guilty  "  and 
25  "  not  guilty."  A  two-thirds  vote 
being  required  to  convict  him,  it  •was 
ordered  that  a  judgment  of  acquittal 
be  entered,  and  this  court  of  impeach- 
ment adjourned  sine  die. 

Blue  Glass  Mania. 

1877.  Jan.     Wonderful  experiments  of  Gen. 

Pleasonton  with  blue  glass  as  a  healing 
medicine,  and  the  marvelous  cures 
which  he  claimed  as  resulting  from  its 
use  in  windows,  caused  a  general 
excitement  throughout  the  country, 
and  advertising  received  a  fresh  im- 
petus. "Blue  glass"  was  offered  for 
sale  in  wonderful  quantities  and  at 
marvelous  jDrices.  Ilis  theory  claimed 
that  the  sunlight  admitted  through  bVje 
glass  gave  a  fresh  impetus  to  aie 
growth  of  vegetation  and  imparted  life 
and  health  to  the  sick. 
"  Jan.  3.  Great  fire  in  Lykens  (Pa.)  coal 
mines.  1,000  men  thrown  out  of  em- 
ployment. 

"  Terrific  fire-damp  explosion  in  a  coal 
mine  near  Pittsburg;  six  men  killed 
and  seven  wounded. 
"  At  a  fire  in  Montreal,  Ontario,  the  red- 
hot  walls  of  a  burning  brick  building 
fell  outward  and  buried  over  a  score  of 
firemen  beneath  them ;  nine  were 
killed  outright  and  ten  were  very 
seriously  injured. 

Great  Political  Excitement. 

"  Great  excitement  prevailed  over  the 
whole  Union  in  consequence  of  the 
contested  election  of  the  President. 
According  to  the  official  returns, 
Rutherford  B.  Hayes  was  declared 
elected  by  a  majority  of  one.  The  con- 
test arose  over  the  official  correctness 
of  the  certificates  of  Florida,  South 
Carolina,  and  Louisiana,  which  were 
questioned  by  the  Democratic  party. 
A  committee  was  chosen  to  investigate 
the  matter,  composed  of  Senators, 
Bepresentatives,  and  Judges  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  which  decided  in 
favor  of  the  election  of  Hayes  over  Mr. 
Tildcn,  the  Democratic  candidate. 
"  Federal  troops  withdrawn  from  South 
Carolina  and  Louisiana. 


Raw/iide — Duel. 

1877.  Jan.  3.  James  Gonlon  Bennett,  ])roprictor 
of  the  Kew  York  Herald,  wa.s  jjuijlicly 
wliii)ped  on  Fifth  Avenue,  New  York, 
by  Frederick  May,  whose  sister  Ben- 
nett was  engaged  to  marry.  The 
trouble  originated  in  the  alleged  dis- 
respect shown  Miss  Slay  and  lur 
family  by  his  failure  to  appear  ni)on 
the  evening  set  for  the  marriage 
ceremony  to  take  place.  This  alterca- 
tion resulted  in  a  challenge  from  Ben- 
nett to  fight  a  duel,  whidi  took  ])l:icc 
Jan.  8th,  in  Maryland.  Neither  of  the 
principals  were  injured,  and  Bennett 
sailed  immediately  for  Europe. 

Vanderbilt. 

"      Jan.  4.    Death  of  Cornelius  Vanderbilt. 

a  great  capitalist  and  railroad  king. 
He  was  born  on  Stafen  Island  in  1794. 
At  the  age  of  16  he  bought  a  vessel, 
and  at  the  age  of  18  he  owned  two  and 
was  captain  of  another,  and  when  19 
he  married,  and  bought  sloojjs  and 
schooners,  and  when  23  years  of  age 
was  worth  $9,000,  and  free  from  debt. 
When  he  was  30  years  old  he  had  full 
control  of  the  Gibbons  line  of  steam- 
ers, which  he  brought  up  to  paving 
$40,000,000.  Mr.Vanderbiltnow  turned 
his  attention  to  railroad  speculations, 
buying,  building,  and  controlling  them, 
until  he  was  the  acknowledged  Kail- 
road  King.''  He  managed  a  line  of 
road  2,128  miles  in  length,  the  aggre- 
gate value  of  which  was  estimated  at 
$149,000,000,  half  of  which  belonged 
to  Mr.  Vanderbilt  and  his  family.  At 
the  time  of  his  death  his  wealth  was 
variously  estimated  at  from  $00,000,- 
000  to  §100,000,000,  all  but  $15,000,000 
of  which  he  left  to  his  son  William. 
His  will,  however,  was  contested. 
"William  succeeded  his  father  as  Presi- 
dent of  the  New  York  Central  Railroad. 
Mr.  Vanderbilt  gave  $700,000  to  Van- 
derbilt University  in  Nashville,  Tenn., 
and  $50,000  to  the  Church  of  the 
Strangers  in  New  York. 

Reign  of  Terror  in  South  America. 

"  Jan.  12.  Civil  war  in  Colombia  between 
the  Liberals  and  Conservatives.  Gen. 
Pena,  at  the  head  of  2,500  wild  and 
reckless  desperadoes  and  drunken 
thieves,  advanced  from  town  to  town, 
sacking,  robbing,  and  destroying  every- 
thing in  their  path,  killing  every  Con- 
servative without  distinction.  The 
city  of  Coli  was  utterly  ruined,  and  the 
most  of  its  male  citizens  destroyed 
with  their  homes  and  property. 

"  Jan.  13.  Heavy  earthquake  in  Southern 
California. 

"  Jan.  24.  Fire  in  Bolton  collieries  ;  15 
lives  lost. 

Commodore  Wilkes. 

"  Feb.  8.  Death,  in  Washington,  of  Charles 
Wilkes,  an  American  naval  officer  and 
explorer  of  much  renown.  He  sailed, 
in  1838,  with  a  squadron  of  five  vessels, 
to  explore  the  southern  seas  and 
islands,  the  Pacific  coast,  and  the 
Columbia  River,  He  returned  in  1842, 
and  published  a  description  of  hia  ex- 
pedition. During  the  war  of  the  Rebel- 
lion Capt.  Wilkes  did  excellent  scrrico 


820 


CHRONOLOGY. 


1877.  in  the  navy,  and  was  commissioned  as 
Commander,  and  placed  first  on  the 
list.  He  captured  tlie  notorious  rebel 
commissioners,  Mason  and  Slidell,  for 
-which  he  received  a  vote  of  thanks 
from  Congress,  but  liis  action  was  not 
approved  by  the  President,  up(m  the 
ground  of  illegality,  and  the  commis- 
sioners were  surrendered.  In  1866  he 
received  the  commission  of  Rear  Ad- 
miral on  the  retired  list. 

"  Feb.  27.  Meeting  of  the  Alabama 
Claims  Commissioners,  in  Washington, 
with  Secretary  Fish  presiding. 

"  Mar.  Bursting  of  the  Staffordsville  reser- 
voir, on  the  east  branch  of  the  Wil- 
limantic.  Conn.,  causing  great  destruc- 
tion of  property. 

Execution  of  Lee,  the  "Mountain 
Meadow  "  M urderer. 

"  Mar.  2.'?.  Execution  of  John  D.  Lee, 
one  of  the  leaders  in  the  "Mountain 
Meadow  "  massacre,  a  wholesale  butch- 
ery of  an  emigrant  train  by  the  Mor- 
mons over  twenty  years  before.  Lee 
was  shot  on  the  very  ground  where  the 
massacre  occurred.  He  made  out  a 
written  statement,  confessing  com- 
plicity in  the  crime,  but  declared  that 
he  was  forced  to  carry  out  the  "orders 
of  the  council,"  which  were  given  by 
Bishop  Geo.  A.  Smith,  Brigham 
Young's  first  counselor  and  right-hand 
man,  and  that  he  was  sacrificed  by  the 
Mormon  leaders,  and  was  not  responsi- 
ble for  the  massacre;  that  he  repented 
having  anything  to  do  with  it  at  the 
time,  but  that  he  was  forced  to  carry 
out  the  project  or  lose  his  life.  The  wit- 
nesses in  the  case,  however,  proved  the 
entire  guilt  of  Lee.  They  were  Mor- 
mons, and  bore  united  testimony,  yet 
a  Mormon  jury  refused  to  convict  the 
participators. 

The  evidence  in  the  case  showed 
that  the  emigrants  were  decoyed  from 
their  camp  under  pretensions  of  friend- 
ship and  assurances  of  protection, 
when  they  were  suddenly  tired  upon, 
and  all  but  the  youngest  children,  who 
would  not  be  able  to  remember  the  oc- 
currence, were  killed.  The  wounded 
had  their  throats  cut  or  their  brains 
were  beaten  out  by  the  Indians,  as  it 
was  claimed.  They  were  left  on  the 
ground,  piled  in  heaps,  for  the  wolves 
and  wild  beasts  to  devour.  Their 
property  was  sold  at  auction  under  the 
express  order  r)f  President  Young.  Over 
100  innocent  victims  perished  in  this 
bloody  slaughter  by  the  hands  of  a 
cla^iS  of  people  claiming  to  be  the 
"  Saints  of  God,"  and  the  only  true 
Church  of  Ooil  on  enrth  !  Tiiat  other 
participators  in  this  bloody  butchery, 
and  especially  the  "  heads  of  the 
Mormon  Church,"  were  not  arrested 
and  brought  to  justice,  is  a  standing 
question  tor  our  Government  to  answer, 
and  will  remain  a  black  and  cursed 
stain  upon  its  honor  while  it  has  a 
history. 

Southern  Hotel. 

"  April  11.  linrnin'j  of  the  great  Southern 
Hotel,  at  St.  Imuis,  six  stories  in  height 
and  covering  nearly  a  block.  Twenty 
])erson3  perished  and  several  others 
8upj)03ed  to  be  lost.  A  number  lost 
their  lives,  or  were  nmimcd  for  life,  by 


1877.  jumping  from  the  windows,  and  sev- 
eral slipped  from  the  ropes  and  were 
dashed  upon  the  pavement  below.  It 
was  a  terrible  disaster,  and  caused  a 
general  inquiry  into  the  best  means  of 
protecting  life  by  fire-escapes,  and  also 
into  the  best  mode  of  constructing 
fire-proof  hotels. 

"  F arson  Brownlou-." 

"  April  29.  Death  of  William  Ganaway 
Brownlow,  a  clergyman,  journalist,  and 
politician,  at  Knoxville,  Tenn.  Mr. 
Brownlow  was  born  in  Virginia  in 
1805  ;  entered  the  Methodist  minis- 
try in  1826,  and  for  ten  years  was  an 
itinerant  preacher.  Mr.  Brownlow  be- 
came interested  in  politics  during  the 
Administration  of  John  Quincey  Adams, 
and  opposed  the  "  Nullification  Meas- 
ures" of  the  South.  He  began  edit- 
ing the  Knoxville  Whig  in  1837,  and 
was  soon  known  as  the  "  fighting  par- 
son," from  his  radical  and  combative 
editorials  and  lectures.  In  politics 
Mr.  Brownlow  was  a  Democrat  and 
pro-slavery,  but  he  was  loyal  to  the 
Government,  and  a  virulent  opposer  of 
secession.  He  was  arrested  for  treason 
against  the  Confederacy  in  1861,  and 
was  imprisoned  till  March,  1862,  when 
he  was  sent  within  the  Union  lines. 
He  traveled  and  lectured  extensively 
through  the  North,  and  returned  to 
Tennessee  in  1864,  becoming  its  Gov- 
ernor in  1865.  In  1809  he  was  elected 
to  the  United  States  Senate  for  a  term 
of  six  years,  after  which  he  again  re- 
sumed the  editorial  control  of  the 
Whig. 

Chisholm  Tragedy. 

"  April  29.  Cold-blooded  assassination  of 
Judge  Chisholm,  of  Kemper  County, 
Miss.,  and  the  killing  of  his  little  son 
and  wounding  of  his  brave  young 
daughter  of  18,  who  died  of  her 
wound  soon  after.  This  tragedy,  and 
the  fact  that  every  physician  in  the 
place  refused  to  attend  upon  her  dying 
father  and  herself,  reveal  the  state  of 
terrorism  which  prevailed  under  the 
reign  of  the  "  White  League  "  in  the 
South.  An  armed  band  of  200  "  chiv- 
alrous "  white  men  attacked  this 
family,  and  after  the  brave  young  girl 
had,  with  her  right  arm,  parried  the 
guns  of  several  of  those  "courageous 
defenders  of  their  rights,"  which  were 
placed  almost  against  her  father's 
l)reast,  while  with  the  other  arm  around 
her  wounded  father's  neck,  she  received 
a  wound  which  shattered  her  right 
hand,  and  was  si.x  times  wounded  in 
one  of  her  legs.  Her  father  at  last 
fell,  pierced  with  eleven  balls.  He  stdl 
lived,  ami  with  the  help  of  one  of  the 
guards,  this  heroic  girl  helped  to  bear 
her  father  to  their  home,  a  distance  of 
over  100  yards.  Her  young  brother  of 
thirteen  years  was  shot  dead  while 
clinging  to  his  father.  Gov.  Stone,  of 
Mis-s.,  refused  to  send  aid  and  protec- 
tion to  this  distressed  family.  The 
great  crime  for  which  Judge  Chisholm 
was  guilty  was  his  stanch  adherence 
t'l  the  (iovernment,  and  his  attempt  to 
enforce  the  laws  as  sheriflf  of  the 
county. 

"     May.    Yellow  fever  in  Florida. 


1877.  Mav.  Terrible  forest  fires  in  Northern 
New  York.  "WHiole  counties  devas- 
tated and  everything  swept  away  ;  the 
people  left  destitute  and  fleeing  in 
ever}'  direction  for  their  lives. 
"  May  6.  Surrender  of  900  hostile  Indians 
under  Crazy  Horse,  at  the  Red  Cloud 
Agency. 

"  May.  Fire-damp  explodon  at  the  Wades- 
ville  Shaft  Colliery  of  the  Philadelphia 
and  Reading  Coal  and  Iron  Co.  Seven 
lives  were  lost. 

"  May  9.  Earthquake  and  tidal  wave  in 
Peru ;  several  towns  destroyed  and 
6(i0  lives  lost;  many  ships  were  de- 
stroyed. Loss  of  property  amounted 
to  $20,000,000. 

"  May.  Land  slide  in  St.  Genevieve,  Cana- 
da ;  ten  persons  buried  alive. 

"  May  9.  Death  of  Commodore  Benjamin 
J.  Totten,  aged  71. 

Rockford  Disaster. 

"  May  11.  The  fall  of  the  dome  of  the 
new  Court-house  at  Rockford,  111.,  kill- 
ing nine  men  outright  and  wounding 
eleven  more.  The  coroner's  jury  de- 
cided that  the  cause  was  produced  by 
the  incompetency  and  neglect  of  the 
architect,  also  the  neglect  of  the  super- 
visors to  examine  the  work  and  see 
that  it  was  properly  executed. 

Wholesale  Poisoning. 

May  14.  Poisoinng  of  sijty  miners  at 
Sheator,  111.,  the  result  of  a  quarrel 
among  the  striking  employes.  All  of 
the  miners  recovered. 

P.  T.  Barnum. 

"  May  18.  P.  T.  Barnum  ofll'red  a  reward 
ofSlO.OOO  for  the  restoration  ofChariie 
Ross  to  hisjjarents,  pledging  his  honor 
not  to  take  any  steps  to  seek  out  or 
punish  the  parties  involved  in  his  sur- 
render. This  ofi'er  was  sanctioned  by 
the  parents  of  the  lost  child. 

Fletcher  Harper. 

"  May  29.  Death  of  Fletcher  Harper,  the 
last  of  the  four  brothers  who  founded 
the  House  of  Harper  Brothers  in  New 
York.  Fletcher  had  charge  of  the 
Literary  Department,  and  suggested 
both  the  Weekly  and  the  Bazar. 

End  of  Fenianism. 

"  May  29.  A  gathering  of  Fenians,  to  the 
number  of  1,500,  was  dispersed  at  Ma- 
lone,  N.  Y.,  by  a  body  of  United  States 
troops.  They  were  congregated  with- 
out means  of  carrying  on  an  aggressive 
warfare — without  money  or  friends  to 
back  them,  and  were  at  the  time  the 
troops  arrived  subjects  of  charity  in 
the  city.  Their  jjrominenl  otliceis 
agreed  to  discountenance  any  further 
hostilities  on  the  .\mcrican  Continent 
The  memliers  were  generally  discour- 
aged, and  willing  to  disband  and 
abaud  m  tl:c  enterprise  and  go  home. 

Great  Forest  Fires. 

"  Mav  30.  Groat  forest  fires  in  Wisconsin 
and  Michigan;  over  l,5()0,000,00u  feet 
of  stiinding  pine  logs  burned. 

"  May.  Great  forest  fires  in  Saguenay 
County,  Canada.    Over  1,000  families 


CHRONOLOGY. 


821 


1877.  were  rendered  homeless  and  perfectly 
destitute.  The  conflagration  covered 
a  space  of  1,500  square  miles;  15  per- 
sons known  to  have  lost  their  lives. 

John  Lothrop  Motley. 

Death  of  John  Lothrop  Motley,  LL.D. 
Mr.  Motley  was  a  historiiin  of  consid- 
erable fame.  He  was  the  author  of 
the  "History  of  New  Netherlands," 
"Rise  of  the  Dutch  Republic,"  and 
other  works. 

"  June  1.  Onota,  Mich.,  burned;  300 
people  rendered  homeless. 

"  ^  June  4.  Destructive  tornado  in  Illinois, 
at  Mount  Carmel.  Sixteen  lives  were 
lost,  and  property  amounting  to  five 
hundred  thousand  dollars  destroyed. 

"  June.  Fire  in  Maiblehead,  Mass.  Sev- 
eral large  shoe-factories  and  about 
seventy  dwellings  burned. 

Ostracism. 

*'  June  13.  Refusal  of  Judge  Hilton  to 
admit  James  Seligman,  a  well-known 
and  influential  banker  of  New  York, 
and  his  family  to  his  hotel  in  Saratoga, 
the  Grand  Union,  declaring  that  he 
could  not  open  his  liouse  to  Jews  on 
account  of  a  prejudice  existing  against 
them  among  the  class  who  patronized 
his  hotel.  The  affair  created  a  great 
deal  of  newspaper  comment  and  criti- 
cism throughout  the  country,  the  press 
generally  condemning  .Tudge  Hilton 
in  severe  terms.  A  great  deal  of 
excitement  was  aroused  among  the 
Jews  as  a  class,  since  Mr.  Seligman 
had,  with  his  family,  for  a  period  of 
half  a  score  of  years,  been  regular  sum- 
mer guests  at  Hilton's  hotel 

Great  Fire  iti  St.  John. 

June  20.  Destructive  fire  in  St.  John, 
N.  B.  The  principal  part  of  the  city, 
or  forty  blocks,  were  destroyed,  and 
thirteen  lives  reported  to  be  lost,  and 
many  were  missing.  The  loss  in  prop- 
erty was  valued  at  from  $10,000,000  to 
$12,000,000.  It  was  a  terrible  disaster 
to  the  Province,  as  the  fire  was,  in 
proportion  to  the  size  of  the  city, 
greater  than  even  that  of  Chicago  or 
Boston,  and  the  same  appalling  cir- 
cumstances attended  this  also.  The 
very  elements  seemed  combined  to 
overpower  the  might  and  wisdom  of 
man,  and  make  the  destruction  com- 
plete. Aid  was  immediately  forwarded 
from  Canada  and  New  England,  and 
subscriptions  were  raised  in  most  of 
the  large  cities  throughout  the  Union 
for  the  relief  of  the  sufi'erers. 

Robert  Dale  Owen. 

"  June  24.  Death  of  Robert  Dale  Owen, 
an  American  author,  at  Lake  George, 
N.  r.  He  was  the  son  of  Robert 
Owen,  of  Socialistic  renown,  and  like 
his  father,  advocated  to  an  extent 
similar  principles.  He  was  for  a  long 
time  a  resident  of  New  Harmony,  the 
society  and  town  which  his  father 
established.  Mr.  Owen  was,  from  1843 
to  1847,  a  Member  of  Congress,  and 
was  one  of  the  founders  of  the  Smith- 
sonian Institute.  In  1850  lie  was  a 
member  of  the  Convention  which 
amended  the  Constitution  of  Indiana, 


1877.  in  which,  and  also  in  the  State  Legis- 
lature, he  introduced  measures  secur- 
ing to  the  women  of  Indiana  independ- 
ent rights  of  property.  From  1855-8 
he  was  Minister  to  Naples.  Mr.  Owen 
was  for  many  years  a  strong  advocate 
of  Spiritualism,  and  wrote  several 
works  in  its  defense  ;  also  a  number  of 
works  on  reform. 
"  June  25.  Violent  wind-storms  in  Ohio. 
Ill  inois,  Iowa,  and  Nebraska,  doing 
much  damage  to  property  and  destroy- 
ing many  lives. 

M oUie  M aguires. 

"  June  27.  Hanging  of  six  Mollie  Ma- 
guires  at  Pottsville,  Pa.  This  organi- 
zation dates  back  to  1842,  and  to  Ire- 
land for  their  origin.  They  were 
then  known  as  Ribbonmen  of  Ireland, 
and  were  organized  in  resistance  to 
paying  rents.  A  branch  of  this  so- 
ciety was  organized  in  the  United 
States,  and  known  as  the  "  liuckshots," 
who  became  so  formidable  in  18G3 
that  the  courts  in  Carbon  Co.,  Pa., 
were  powerless  to  execute  a  criminal 
who  belonged  to  that  Order.  The  Order 
known  as  the  "Ancient  Order  of 
Hibernians,"  became  merged  into  the 
IVIollie  M  aguires,  which  society  was 
instituted  in  New  York,  March  10, 
1871,  and  was  also  incorporated  under 
the  laws  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania. 

James  McParlan,  an  agent  of  Allan 
Pinkerton,  the  great  United  States 
detective,  was  employed  to  search  out 
the  nature  and  secrets  of  this  society, 
and  he  was  for  a  long  time  a  recognized 
member  of  the  Order  and  participator 
in  their  operations,  in  so  far  as  he 
•  could  do  so  without  committing  any 

overt  criminal  act.  He  discovered 
their  crimes  and  their  extensive  opera- 
tions, and  was  the  means  of  detecting 
a  large  number  of  the  ring-leaders  r  id 
bringing  them  to  justice.  Vigilance 
Committees  were  formed,  and  the  Mol- 
lies were  hunted  and  vigorously  pur- 
sued. The  mountains  were  infested 
with  them,  and  murders  were  of  fre- 
quent occurrence. 

Colorado  Stone  Man  or  Petrified 
Giant. 

"  Again  were  the  public  humbugged  and 
the  scientists  hoodwinked  by  another 
"  petrified  man."  Tliis  last  wonder  was 
"dug  up"  at  Colorado  Springs,  and 
Barnum's  agent  was  forthwith  dis- 
jjatched  to  "  interview  "  it ;  an  interest 
was  purchased,  and  preparations  were 
made  to  "  bring  it  out "  under  the 
auspices  of  the  "  great  showman."  But, 
alas,  for  the  aspirations  of  the  devoted 
modern  humbuggers,  the  wonder  was 
exposed,  and  another  "  Cardiff  giant" 
was  revealed  with  all  his  "  perfections 
of  art."  The  thing  was  concocted  by 
the  same  gigantic  brain,  and  j)er- 
fected  in  a  remote  hamlet  of  Pennsyl- 
vania and  carried  to  Colorado  and 
buried.  Its  original  cost  was  $41.45. 
It  was  composed  of  Portland  cement, 
and  cast  in  molds  separately  and  put 
together. 

"  Extra  session  of  Congress  called  by  the 
President. 

"  July  7.  Pensaukee  Station,  El.,  de- 
stroyed by  a  tornado;  six  lives  were 
lost. 


Railroad  and  Labor  Strikes. 

1877.  July-Aug.  Great  and  extensive  labor 
strikes  occasioned  by  a  general  reduc- 
tion of  ten  per  cent,  in  wages.  The 
strike  began  with  train  hands  on  the 
Baltimore  and  Ohio  Itailroail  on  July 
14th,  and  spread  raj)i(lly  over  all  the 
roads  between  New  England  and  the 
Mississippi  River.  No  fnights  were 
allowed  to  move  either  way  on  several 
roads.  On  the  18th  the  Governor  of 
West  Virginia  called  \\\wn  the  National 
Government  for  aid.  The  President 
responded  promptly  by  sending  a  mili- 
tary company,  and  issuing  a  proclama- 
tion to  the  rioters.  The  strike  now 
extended  to  the  Pennsylvania  and 
Erie  Railroads,  and  at  Pittsburg  it  as- 
sumed its  most  formidable  proportions. 
The  freight  men  refused  to  go  out  with 
their  trains  because  the  company  had 
increased  their  work  without  increasing 
their  pay.  The  (Jovernor  of  Maryland 
called  out  the  troops,  and  the  rioters 
attacked  them  while  marching  thro\igh 
Baltimore.  The  regiment  returned  the 
fire,  killing  eight  and  wounding  many 
others.  The  Governor  of  Pennsylvania 
sent  the  18th  Regiment  to  suppress  the 
riot  at  Pittsburg.  They  were  so 
stoutly  resisted  by  the  mob  that  they 
resorted  to  the  round- house  for  defense. 
They  were  vigorously  besieged  here  by 
the  rioters,  wdio  had  procured  three 
cannon  and  suflicient  arms  to  make  a 
formidable  assault.  The  mob  now 
began  burning  the  property  of  the  rail- 
road company.  A  mile  in  length  of 
cars  were  on  fire,  and  the  greater  por- 
tion of  them  were  filled  with  merchan- 
dise. Some  of  these  burning  cars  they 
pushed  against  the  round-house, setting 
it  on  fire,  and  driving  out  the  soldiers 
and  causing  them  to  retreat.  The 
flames  rapidly  spread,  but  the  fire  de- 
partment were  powerless  to  protect  the 
railroad  property,  as  the  mob  forbid 
their  attempting  it.  But  the  property 
of  citizens  was  protected,  and  when  any 
building  of  a  private  citizen  caught 
fire,  the  rioters  immediately  helped  to 
suppress  the  flames.  The  railroad 
company  lost  about  |5,000,0(i0,  and 
about  50  men  were  killed  and  100 
wounded.  The  depredations  were 
mostly  committed  by  tramps,  vaga- 
bonds, and  thieves,  who  swelled  the 
ranks  of  the  rioters  and  plundered 
the  trains  and  the  property  of  private 
citizens.  The  originators  of  the  strike 
proposed  only  to  jirevent  any  work  or 
passage  of  freights  over  the  difierent 
roads,  but  tramps  and  thieves  made  it 
an  occasion  to  jiillage  and  plunder,  and 
flocked  like  vultures  to  the  banquet. 
It  soon  reached  Chicago,  but  the  labor 
element  had  become  somewhat  appalled 
by  the  forward  movement  of  the  roughs 
and  idle  vagabonds  who  were  deter- 
mined to  take  everything  into  their 
own  hands  and  ruin  the  city.  A  mob 
of  nearly  l,5u0  collected  and  marched 
through  the  streets  to  the  different  car 
shops  and  freight  houses,  also  to 
several  manufacturing  establishments, 
compelling  the  workmen  to  cease. 
They  also  took  possession  of  the  stock 
yard'*,  and  labor  and  business  was  lor 
a  short  time  suspended.  A  few  depreda- 
tions were  committed,  and  street  cars 
and  omnibuses,  in  a  few  places,  were 


822 


CHRONOLOGY. 


1877.  stopped.  After  several  slight  skir- 
mishes the  police  finally  succeeded  iu 
quelling  the  mob. 

Stanleys  Return. 

"  Aug.  Return  of  Henry  M.  Stanley,  the 
great  African  explorer,  from  his  sec- 
ond visit  to  Africa,  where  he  remained 
nine  months  making  many  geographic- 
al and  scientific  discoveries.  Since 
his  return  he  has  prepared  a  lar<re 
work,  with  a  full  account  of  his  travels 
and  discoveries. 

"  Burning  of  a  piano  factory  in  New  York ; 
many  lives  were  lost. 

Wm.  B.  Ogden. 

"  Aug.  3.  Death  of  William  B.  Ogden  in 
New  York  City.  Mr.  Ogden  was  born 
in  Delaware  County,  N.  Y.,  and  went  to 
Chicago  in  1835.  He  was  its  first 
Mayor,  and  one  of  its  founders,  being 
largely  interested  in  its  enterprises  and 
progress.  In  18G0  he  was  a  Member 
of  the  State  Senate.  Mr.  Ogden  was 
the  founder  of  a  large  lumbering  estab- 
lishment in  Peshtigo,  AVis.,  and  built 
up  almost  the  entire  town,  which,  to- 
gether with  his  large  mills,  were  de- 
stroyed by  the  great  hurricane  of  fire 
that  swept  over  the  country,  Oct.  9th, 
1871,  leveling  Chicago,  and  whole 
townships  and  large  districts  of  coun- 
try in  Michigan  and  Wisconsin.  Mr. 
Ogden's  lumbering  establishment  at 
Peshtigo  was  one  of  the  largest  in  the 
world.  Mr.  Ogden  was  a  man  of 
great  energy  of  character,  and  was  in- 
terested in  everything  that  advanced 
the  public  good,  and  was  a  very  prom- 
inent man  in  the  West.  He  was  the 
first  President  of  the  Pacific  Railroad 
Company,  and  also  the  first  President 
of  Rush  Medical  College.  He  also 
gave  encouragement  and  aid  to  all  the 
scientific  and  benevolent  societies  of 
Chicago.  Mr.  Ogden  removed  to  New 
York  in  1866,  where  he  devised  a 
plan  for  an  underground  railway 
through  the  city  in  connection  with 
the  question  of  rapid  transit. 

Brighatn  Young. 

"  Aug.  29.  Death  of  the  great  Mormon 
leader.  Gov.  Youn;^,  of  Utah.  He  was 
Mormon  President,  Prophet,  and  High- 
Priest,  and  the  founder  of  Salt  Lake 
City.  Also  the  founder,  in  the  very 
heart  of  the  Continent,  of  the  nefarious 
and  heathenish  system  of  polygamy, 
and  successfully  defied  the  great  and 
powerful  Government  of  the  United 
States,  and  set  up  a  religious  and  j)o- 
litical,  or  Church  and  State  Govern- 
ment, with  him'-clf  as  the  head  and 
chief  ruler,  and  instituted  and  en- 
forced laws  and  regulations,  and  ex- 
ecuted the  violators  of  the  same  with- 
out mercy  or  interference,  by  a  secret 
order  or  system  known  as  the  Danites, 
of  which  he  was  chief.  He  was  aided 
by  twelve  chosen  agents,  whom  he 
was  pleased  to  call  the  "  Twelve  Apos- 
tles," The  United  States  sent  Govern- 
ment officials  there  and  established  a 
United  Slates  District  (.'ourt,  with 
Judge  Drummond  to  preside.  But  he 
was  compelled  to  adjourn  his  Court 
sine  die,  at  the  iK)int  of  the  l)owi<'- 
knifo  by  a  Mormon  mob,  instigated  by 


1877.  sermons  from  the  heads  of  the  Church. 
Brigham  Young  ruled  in  Church  and 
State  with  more  ])ower  than  any  mon- 
arch of  earth.  He  was  grand  tithing 
master,  and  never  gave  any  account  of 
or  reported  the  amount  of  receipts ; 
and  at  the  time  of  his  death  had  ac- 
cumulated a  large  fortune.  At  the 
time  of  his  death.  Young  had  twenty 
living  wives  and  eight  dead,  besides 
54  "  spiritual  wives,"  sealed  to  him  for 
eternity,  and  was  the  father  of  sixty- 
four  children. 

"      Sept.  28.   Great  fire  in  Providence,  R.  I. ; 

loss  $675,300  and  three  lives. 
"      Sept.  29.    Death  of  Henry  I^Ieiggs,  the 

great  railroad  contractor,  in  Peru,  South 

America. 

"  Oct.  10.  Loss  of  the  schooner  Magellan 
on  Lake  Michi<ran  ;  eight  lives  lost. 

"      Oct.  19.   Army  appropriation  l)ill  passed. 

"  Oct.  20.  Great  fire  in  Portland,  a  sub- 
urb of  St.  John,  New  Brunswick ;  loss 
$300,000  and  several  lives. 

"  Oct.  24.  Loss  of  tlie  Huron  off"  the  coast 
of  North  Carolina;  nearly  100  lives 
lost. 

Oliver  P.  Morton. 

"  Nov.  1.  Death  of  Oliver  Perry  Morton, 
United  States  Senator  and  great  "  war 
Governor  "  of  Indiana.  He  raised  funds 
for  carrying  on  the  State  Government 
and  for  tlie  support  of  the  Federal 
authorities  during  the  war  on  his  own 
responsibility,  as  the  Democratic  Legis- 
lature opposed  his  using  the  State 
funds  for  that  purpose.  He  wielded 
more  influence  in  the  Republican  party 
than  almost  any  other  man  since  the 
war.  Mr.  IMorton  was  the  champion 
of  the  Fifteenth  Amendment,  and  re- 
ceived the  second  highest  number  of 
votes  on  the  Republican  ticket  for 
President  in  the  canvass  that  elected 
Hayes. 

"  Nov.  4.  Earthquake  shocks  felt  in  New 
England,  Middle  States,  and  Lower 
Canada. 

"      Nov.  15.     Earthquake  shocks  felt  in 

Iowa,  Nebraska,  Kansas,  and  Dakota. 
"      Nov.  23.     Fishery  Commission  sitting 

at  HaliAix,  N.  S.,  gave  a  verdict  against 

the  United  States,  and  awarded  Great 

Britain  the  sum  of  .t5,50H,0u0. 
"      Dec.  5.    Loss  of  the  Pacific  steamship 

Atainca  ofi"  Chili,  with  72  lives. 
"     Dec.  8.    True  bill  louud  against  General 

Babcock   by  the  grand  jury  of  St. 

Louis.    The  verdict  of  tlie  trial  was 

favorable  to  Gen.  Babcock. 
"      Dec.  20.    Explosion  in  a  confectionery 

manufactory,  New  York  City  ;  10  killed 

and  42  injured. 
"      Kn-Klnx  hill  pft.sitetl  by  Congress. 
"      Loss  of  the  steamer  Alabama,  with  70 

lives. 

''  Agitation  of  the  civil  service  question, 
and  a  Board  of  Commissioners  ap- 
pointed. 

1878.  Jan.    Agitation  of  communistic  princi- 

ples among  the  laboring  classes;  es- 
pecially active  in  ChicMgo. 
"      Jan.    Mexican  raids  into  Texas. 

Nitro-  Glycerine. 

"  Jan.  2.  Fearful  nitro-glycorinc  cx))lo- 
sion  on  board  a  freight  train  on  the 
Northwestern  Railroad,  near  Lake  Su- 
jx'rior.  S(>v(n  men  were  instantly 
killed  and  several  seriously  injured. 


1878.  Jan.  13.  "Wreck  of  the  steamer  Metrop- 
olis, from  Philadelphia  to  Brazil,  on  the 
coast  of  North  Carolina ;  100  lives  were 
lost. 

"  Jan.  16.  Death  of  Samuel  Bowles, 
editor  of  the  Springfield,  Mass.,  Re- 
publican,  and  one  of  the  most  noted 
journalists  of  America,  aged  52  years. 

Great  Theological  Discussion. 

"  Jan  .-Feb.  Great  discussion  throughout 
the  theological  world  upon  the  nature 
of  future  punishment,  and  concerning 
the  existence  and  origin  of  a  place 
called  "  Hell."  The  discussion  was 
started  by  a  sermon  preached  by  Rev. 
Henry  Ward  Beecher,  in  which  he  ig- 
nored the  existence  of  a  place  of  tor- 
ment and  the  doctrine  of  literal  tor- 
ment or  punishment  after  death. 

"  Feb.  11.  Death  of  Hon.  Gideon  Welles, 
ex-Secrctary  of  War,  in  Hartford,  Conn., 
aged  75  years. 

Cremation. 

"  Feb.  15.  The  body  of  Mrs.  Pittman, 
wife  of  Benn  Pittman,  of  Cincinnati,  of 
phonographic  notoriety,  was  cremated 
at  W^ashington,  Pa.,  by  Dr.  Le  Moyne. 

"  Mar.  2.  Tornado  in  Casey  County.  Ky. 
Great  destruction  of  property  and  sev- 
eral lives  lost. 

Ben.  Wade. 

"  Mar.  2.  Death  of  Benjamin  Franklin 
Wade,  an  American  Senator  of  great 
ability  and  moral  force  of  character. 
Mr.  Wade,  like  the  great  majority  of 
American  statesmen,  arose  from  ob- 
scurity and  worked  his  way  up,  by  his 
own  manly  and  untiring  exertions,  to  a 
position  of  great  eminence  and  respon- 
sibility in  the  Government.  He  was 
first  an  Ohio  State  Senator  in  1837,  and 
a  United  States  Senator  from  1851  to 
18G9.  He  was  ever  a  firm  and  consist- 
ent opponent  of  slavery  and  the  slave 
power,  and  opposed  all  its  measures. 
Upon  the  assassination  of  President 
Lincoln  he  became  President  of  the 
Senate  pro  tern,  and  acting  Vice-Presi- 
dent. Mr.  Wade  was  a  stanch  and  noble 
defender  of  the  rights  of  the  people, 
and  especially  of  the  African  slave,  and 
politically  he  was  never  contaminated 
by  compromise  of  principle  or  political 
corruption. 

"  Mar.  4.  Bayard  Taylor's  appointment  as 
Jlinister  to  Germany  confirmed  by  the 
Senate. 

Flood  in  California. 

"  Mar.  Disastrous  flood  in  California.  The 
levees  of  the  Sacramento  River  gave 
way,  and  a  vast  amount  of  farming 
lands  flooded.  Houses  were  swept 
away,  and  large  numbers  of  horses, 
cattle,  and  sheep  were  drowned.  The 
daiiia<;c  amounted  to  several  millions. 

Orangemen  and  Catholics. 

"  Mar.  18.  Riot  in  Toronto,  Canada,  on 
the  occasion  of  a  lecture  by  the  Irish 
cham])ion,  O'Donovan  Rossa.  A  mob 
of  7,0o0  roughs  surrounded  the  hall, 
breaking  all  the  window -glass  with 
missiles,  and  driving  the  speaker  and 
audience  from  the  building ;  300  i)er- 
sons  were  injured— 20  by  pistol-shots. 


CHRONOLOGY. 


823 


1878.  Tlie  affair  ended  in  a  prolonged  fight 
between  the  Oranffcmen  and  Catholics. 

"  Mar  24.  Hanging  of  three  Mollie  Ma- 
guires  in  Bloomsburg,  Pa. 

"  .  Mar.  Overthrow  of  Ultratnontanism,  or 
rnle  of  the  priesthood,  in  Lower  Cana- 
da. The  Church  had  controlled  all 
the  offices  in  the  Province  until  the 
Government  assumed  the  entire  juris- 
diction. 

Gray's  Telephone. 

"  Practical  development  of  the  telephone, 
invented  by  Elisha  Gray,  of  Chicago,  in 
187-4,  which,  in  the  language  of  the 
inventor,  will  transmit  vocal  sounds 
telegraphically.  It  is  the  object  of 
this  invention  to  transmit  the  tones  of 
the  human  voice  through  a  telegraphic 
circuit,  and  reproduce  them  at  the 
other  end  of  the  line,  so  that  actual 
conversation  can  be  carried  on  by  per- 
sons a  long  distance  apart.  This  won- 
derful invention  has  more  than  fulfilled 
the  office  which  its  sanguine  inventor 
predicted  for  it,  and  has  opened  up  a 
new  era  in  the  marvelous  progress  of 
science  and  the  grand  march  of  events. 
In  the  summer  of  1870  Professor  A.  G. 
Bell,  of  the  Boston  University,  pro- 
duced an  instrument,  or  telephone  ap- 
paratus, by  which  articulate  speech 
could  be  transmitted  over  an  electric 
circuit  and  reproduced  with  distinct- 
ness. 

Professor  A.  E.  Dolbear  also  added 
an  improvement  to  the  telephone  the 
same  year.  In  1878  the  invention  be- 
came of  practical  utility,  and  was  quite 
extensively  used. 

Mr.  Thomas  A.  Edison,  of  Menlo 
Park,  N.  J.,  has  also  invented  a  tele- 
phone. 

Edison  s  Phonograph. 

"  The  phonograph,  or  sound-recorder,  is  a 
device  for  permanently  recording  and 
faithfully  reproducing  at  any  time  or 
place  all  kinds  of  sounds,  including 
those  of  the  human  voice.  The  speak- 
ing phonograph  was  invented  by  Mr. 
Thomas  A.  Edison,  and  is  a  purely 
mechanical  invention,  no  electricity 
being  used.  It  is,  however,  somewhat 
allied  to  the  telephone,  in  consequence 
of  the  fact  that,  like  the  latter,  its 
action  depends  upon  the  vibratory 
motions  of  a  metallic  diaphragm, 
capable  of  receiving  from  and  trans- 
mitting to  the  air  sound  vibrations. 
When  a  person  speaks  into  the  mouth- 
piece of  the  instrument,  which  will 
cause  the  diaphragm  to  vibrate,  and 
as  the  vibrations  of  the  latter  corre- 
spond with  the  movements  of  the  air 
producing  them,  soft  and  yielding  tin- 
foil will  become  marked  along  the  line 
of  the  groove  by  a  series  of  indenta- 
tions of  different  depths,  produced  by 
a  peculiar  mechanical  combination, 
varying  with  the  amplitude  of  the 
vibrations  of  the  diaphragm,  or,  in 
other  words,  with  the  inflections  or 
modulations  of  the  speaker's  voice. 
These  inflections  may  therefore  be 
looked  ujion  as  a  sort  of  visible  speech, 
which,  in  fact,  they  really  are.  If 
now  the  diaphragm  is  removed,  and 
a  cylinder  turned,  we  have  only  to 
replace  the  diaphragm  and  turn  in 
the  same  direction  as  at  first  to  hear 
repeated  all  that  has  been  spoken  into 


1878.      the  mouthpiece  of  the  apparatus.  A 

stylus  by  this  means  ln'iiig  caused  to 
traverse  its  former  path,  and  conse- 
quently rising  and  falling  with  the 
depressions  in  the  foil,  its  motion  is 
communicated  to  the  diaphragm,  and 
thence  through  the  intervening  air  to 
the  ear,  where  the  sensation  of  sound 
is  produced. 

The  articulation  and  quality  of  the 
phonograph,  although  not  yet  per- 
fect, is  full  as  good  as  the  telejjhone 
was  si.x  months  ago.  The  instrument, 
when  perfected  and  moved  by  clock- 
work, will  undoubtedly  reproduce 
every  condition  of  the  human  voice, 
including  the  whole  world  of  expres- 
sion in  speech  and  song. 

The  above  brief  description  of  the 
phonograph  was  condensed  from  the 
article  in  Scrilmer'H  Monthly  for  April, 
1878,  from  the  pen  of  C.  B.  Prescott. 
"  April.  A  riot  occurred  among  the 
miners  at  Coal  Creek,  Ind.,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  proj)rietors  hiring  ne- 
groes to  work  in  the  mines.  There 
existed  a  "Union"  among  the  miners, 
which  determined  to  drive  out  the 
colored  men.  Three  negroes  were 
killed  in  the  riot. 
"  April  7.  Burning  of  a  portion  of  the 
poor-house  of  Steuben  County,  N.  Y. 
One  of  the  insane  inmates  set  fire  to 
the  building,  and  16  persons  perished 
in  the  flames. 

Wm.  M.  Tweed. 

"  April  12.  Death  of  William  Marcy 
Tweed,  the  great  "Tammany  Ring" 
leader,  in  the  jail  in  New  York  city. 
He  was  the  moving  power  in  the  rob- 
beries connected  with  the  Municipal 
Government,  when  $50,000,000  were 
stolen  from  its  treasury. 
"  April  14.  Earthquake  in  Venezuela,  de- 
stroying the  town  of  Cucua. 

Cyclone  in  Iowa. 

"  April  21.  The  most  terrific  tornado  that 
was  ever  experienced  in  Iowa,  accom- 
panied by  hail  of  enormous  size,  swept 
over  Jefl'erson  County,  destroying  many 
lives  and  a  vast  amount  of  prop- 
erty. Its  track  was  from  one  and  a 
half  to  half  a  mile  in  width,  and  ex- 
tended forty  miles,  carrying  terror, 
devastation,  and  death  in  its  track. 

John  Morrissey. 

"  May  1.  Death  of  John  INIorrissey,  prize- 
fighter, gambler,  and  United  States 
Senator,  in  Saratoga,  N.  Y. 

Morrissey  was  born  of  very  poor 
Irish  parents  in  Ireland,  and  came 
with  his  jjarents  to  America  when  but 
three  years  of  age.  He  was  raised  in 
poverty,  in  the  citv  of  Troy,  N.  Y., 
and  ail  the  education  he  possessed 
lie  acquired  himself,  independent  of 
schools,  learning  to  read  and  write 
after  he  was  19  years  old.  He  grew 
up  a  very  strong,  athletic  boy,  and 
working  for  several  years  in  rolling- 
mills  and  stove  -  foundries,  greatly 
aided  in  the  development  of  his 
muscles.  He  was  for  several  years  the 
leader  of  a  party  of  roughs  and 
rowdies  in  Troy  known  as  the  "  Down- 
town party,"  'while  the  "  Up-town 
party"  was  led  by  O'liourke  and 


1878.      Mackey,  two  bullies  of  local  renonn. 

O'Uourke  had  wliippeil  every  bully  in 
the  surroundinij  c  ountry.  \\v  was  '24 
years  of  age,  and  a  powerfully-built 
man.  Morris-;oy  was  but  IH,  \<t  he 
was  then  a  vi(!tor  among  pugilists. 
Upcm  the  first  attack  of  O'Houikc 
Morrissey  gave  him  a  sound  tlirashing. 
He  was  now  a  "  hero,"  and  Ijucame 
noted  among  sporting-men  through- 
out the  country. 

In  1848-9  he  was  a  deck-hand  on  a 
North  River  steamer,  and  in  IH.It 
married  the  daughter  of  its  caittain. 
In  1850,  with  a  companion  nanu-d 
Cunningham.  ^Morrissey  started  for 
California.  Neither  of  them  had  suffi- 
cient means  to  carry  them  there,  so 
they  slipped  on  board  a  vessel  l)oiind 
for  the  new  "Eldorado"  and  hid 
among  the  storage,  and  after  three 
days  made  their  appearance.  When 
called  upon  for  their  tickets,  they  con- 
fessed their  ])lan,  and  the  captain  as- 
sured them  that  they  should  never 
reach  California,  but  that  he  would 
send  them  home  by  the  first  steamer, 
and  that  they  should  work  their  pass- 
age at  heaving  coal.  But  when  the 
vessel  reached  Cliagres,  the  natives 
surrounded  it  in  their  canoes,  and 
^Morrissey  and  hi.s  comrade  slipped 
over  its  side  and  dropped  into  one  of 
the  boats,  and  taking  the  oars,  told 
the  native  he  would  save  his  life  only 
by  keeping  still.  They  rowed  to  the 
shore  and  walked  to  Panama,  a  dis- 
tance of  nearly  forty  miles,  where,  with 
their  small  capital,  they  began  gam- 
bling, and  were  soon  in  possession  of 
$700.  But  this  being  barely  half  the 
amount  required  to  carry  them  to  San 
Francisco,  they  continued  to  gamble 
until  they  lost  it  all.  Again  reduced 
to  their  first  extremity,  they  watched 
their  chance,  and  when  vigilant  officers 
were  everywhere  on  the  alert  to  prevent 
hundreds  of  idle  fellows  from  shipping 
under  the  same  circumstances,  they 
slipped  on  board  the  lading  schooner 
which  transported  the  cargo  to  the 
Pacific  steamer.  Arriving  alongside, 
they  watched  their  opportunity,  pick- 
ed up  a  large  packing-case,  and 
carried  it  on  board.  They  were  not 
discovered,  and  once  safely  aboard  the 
vessel,  they  forgot  to  return.  The 
next  morning:,  seeing  a  boy  severely 
boxed  by  a  large,  tine-looking  man, 
Jlorrissey  demanded  of  him  his  reason 
for  striking  the  boy,  and  severely  cen- 
sured the  act  as  mean  and  cowardly, 
lie  was  informed  that  it  was  the  cajj- 
tain  of  the  vessel  whom  he  was  rejiri- 
manding,  and  when  called  upon  for 
his  ticket,  and  being  obliged  to  confess 
his  duplicity,  the  captain  said  he 
would  put  them  ashore  at  Acapuico,  as 
he  thought  that  would  be  sufficient 
punishment  for  them. 

But  seemingly  destined  to  good 
luck,  Morrissey  and  his  companion 
were  unexpectedly  relieved  from  their 
embarrassing  situation.  The  vessel 
was  short  of  provisions,  and  a  mutiny 
arose  among  the  steerage  passengers. 
For  a  reason  unknown  to  Morrissey,  the 
captain  appealed  to  him  and  his  com- 
rade to  stand  by  him  and  the  officers 
of  the  vessel.  Morrissey  gladly  com- 
plied, and  the  captain  armed  them 
each  with  a  cutlass   and  two  six- 


824 


CHRONOLOGY. 


1878.  shoot'TS,  and  when  the  mutineers  ap- 
peared, seei'ifj  Morrissey  and  Cunning- 
ham at  the  head  of  tlie  force,  they  im- 
mediately desisted,  and  were  brought 
to  terms  by  tlic  exphinations  of  tlie  cap- 
tain, and  his  promise  to  do  the  best 
for  them  in  liis  power.  The  captain 
yavc  Jlorrissey  and  Cunningham  a 
state-room  and  a  seat  at  the  first  table 
for  tlie  rest  of  the  voyage.  Arriving 
in  San  Francisco,  Morrissey's  friends 
raised  his  fare  from  Panama  among 
them  and  tendered  it  to  the  captain, 
which  was  refused,  and  with  the 
money  he  set  up  a  gambling  saloon 
in  the  city.  He  rapidly  accumulated 
means,  and  when  a  gold  excitement 
broke  out  in  the  British  Possessions, 
together  with  several  adventurers  like 
himself,  purchased  a  small  vessel, 
well  equipped  with  guns  and  ammuni- 
tion, and  started  for  the  place.  The 
character  of  the  vessel,  and  the  ap- 
parent object  of  its  mission,  prevented 
the  Custom  -  house  authorities  from 
giving  them  a  clearance,  and  they 
slipped  off  in  the  night  without  their 
papers,  and  sailed  as  pirates  in  the 
eyes  of  the  law.  It  was  a  perilous 
undertaking,  as  the  distance  w.as  2,000 
miles,  and  the  coast,  for  a  long  dis- 
tance, a  rough  and  dangerous  one,  and 
the  British  men-of-war  which  they 
were  liable  to  encounter  would,  if  they 
were  overhauled  and  found  to  be  sail- 
ing without  any  proi)er  identification, 
arrest  them  as  pirates  and  hang  them 
to  the  yard-arm.  But  nothing  daunted, 
they  sailed  on  and  reached  the  j)lace 
without  interference;  but  finding  the 
prospect  a  poor  one  for  making  their 
fortunes,  they  resolved  to  return  to  San 
Francisco.  On  their  way  back  they  put 
in  at  Vancouver,  a  British  port,  and 
found  a  British  man-of-war  in  the 
harbor.  They  were  in  a  predicament, 
and  Morrissey  advised,  as  the  best 
show  they  could  make,  to  board  the 
ship  first  and  state  their  business, 
and  give  the  captain  all  the  news  they 
possessed  cf)ncerning  the  new  gold- 
tields,  and  thus  detract  his  attention. 
The  card  was  a  lucky  one,  and  took 
amazingly,  as  the  British  vessel  was 
bound  for  the  new  gold  region,  and 
the  captain  thanked  them  kindly  for 
their  information,  and  asked  them  to 
dine  on  board  the  ship.  Morrissey's 
companions  were  alarmed  at  their  de- 
lay, and  feared  that  their  comrades 
had  certainly  been  cither  placed  in 
irons  or  summarily  dispatched  as 
))irate9.  But  upon  their  return  t<)  the 
s('hooner,  they  had  a  jollification  over 
their  "good  luck,"  and  during  the 
night  they  slipped  out  of  the  harbor 
ancl  disai)i)e:ired  before  the  British  crew 
could  return  their  friendly  visit.  Be- 
turning  to  San  Francisco,  they  sold 
their  vessel ;  and  as  there  was  great 
excitement  among  the  roughs  on  ac- 
count of  a  pri7,e-fi<;lit  which  had  oc- 
curred the  day  of  their  arrival,  and 
the  victor  had  challenged  any  man  in 
California  to  meet  him,  Morrissev's 
friends  arranged  for  a  fight  for  |1,000 
a  side.  They  met,  and  Morrissey 
whippecl  the  champion  in  ten  ndnutes. 
The  H;ime  year  Morrissey  challenged 
any  man  in  America  to  fight  him  at 
♦  llj.OOl)  a  side.  The  friends  of  Tom 
llyer  took  up  the  challenge,  but  llyer 


1878.  backed  out.  In  185.3  Morrissey  whip- 
ped Yankee  Sullivan  at  $1,000  a  side. 
J^Iorrisscy  won  in  fifty  seven  minutes. 
His  last  fight  was  with  Heenan,  in 
Canada,  at  $2,.500  a  side,  Morrissey 
beating  in  twenty-one  minutes.  He 
set  up  a  sporting-house  in  New  York 
on  his  return  from  California,  where 
he  made  a  good  deal  of  money.  He 
visited  England  and  Ireland,  and  wit- 
nessed the  fight  between  Heenan  and 
Sayers. 

In  1861  Morrissey  began  operations 
in  Wall  Street;  but  he  soon  lost  $50,- 
000 — all  that  he  had — in  the  raid,  with 
the  Common  Council,  against  Vander- 
bilt.  He  borrowed  money  and  started 
a  club-house  in  Saratoga. 

During  the  war  his  operations .  in 
Wall  Street  were  very  heavy,  and  he 
made  large  sums  of  money.    In  1800 
Jlorrissey  was  nominated  for  Congress, 
and  was  elected  by  an  overwhelming 
majority.    The  Members  of  Congress 
were  averse  to  recognizing  him,  and 
none  were  willing  to  introduce  him. 
But  Morrissey  showed  moral,  as  well 
as  physical,  courage,  and  asked  Mr. 
Garfield,  of  Ohio,  to  introduce  him. 
Mr.  Garfield  assented,  and  presented 
John  Morrissey  to  the  United  States 
Congress,  as  a  Representative  from  the 
Fifth  District  of  New  York  City.  He 
was  again  elected  to  Congress,  in  186S, 
by   13,000  majority.     Morrissey  was 
treated  with  respect,  and  was  never  re- 
fused a  favor  in  Congress.    His  bear- 
ing was  universally  conceded  to  have 
been  modest,  gentlemanly,  and  intel- 
ligent, and  he  was  never  guilty  of  ac- 
cepting a  bribe  or  betraying  his  con 
stituents.   In  18G9,  on  "  Ulack  Friday," 
Morrissey  lost  $600,000,  but  he  paid  up 
every  debt,  and  started  anew  in  a  club 
house  at  Saratoga  the  following  year. 
His  house  cost  $250,000,  and  was  con- 
sidered the  finest  of  its  kind  in  the 
world.    In  1871  he  started  a  political 
movement  known  as  ''  Young  Democ- 
racy," for  which  he  was  expelled  from 
the  Tammany  Democracy.    lie  joined 
the  new  Tammany  Hall  when  it  was 
reorganized,  and  became  a  leader,  but 
he  boasted  that  he  never  held  oflice,  or 
held  a  draft  on  the  treasury,  and  had 
never  made  one  dollar  out  of  the  City 
of  New  York,    In  1875  Morrissey  was 
elected  to  the  State  Senate  of  New 
Y'ork,  where  he  served  with  credit ;  he 
opi>osed  all  the  measures  of  tltc  "  ring  " 
eftcctually.    In  1877  he  defeated  Schell 
as  a  candidate  for  State  Senator  from 
the  Seventh  District,  one  of  the  most 
aristocratic  portions  of  New  York.  In 
the  contest  to  win,  he  worked  himself  to 
death.  When  his  affairs  were  all  settled, 
it  was  found  that  he  was  worth  only 
about  $30,000,    Although  controlling 
large  amounts  of  capital,  .Morrissey  was 
strictly  honest  in  his  moneyed  transac- 
tions.   Had  he,  when  a  boy,  received 
the  education  his  natural  talents  re- 
quired, and  had  he  been  fortunately 
born  in  a  sphere  of  lif«  in  which  he 
could  have  received  early  moral  and 
religious   culture    and   training,  his 
career  wnuld  never  have  l)ecn  among 
prize-fighters  and  gand)lers.    He  had 
an  innate  sense  of  moral  rectitude  and 
justice  which  many  who  were  reared 
untler  far  more  favorable  surroundings 
are  destitute  of.    When  we  consider 


1878.  the  destitution  and  ignorance  of  his 
condition  and  surroundings  in  child- 
hood and  early  manhood,  the  great 
wonder  is  that  he  could  maintain  any 
integrity  whatever.  But  that  a  candi- 
date from  the  metropolis  of  this  great 
and  enlightened  republic  could  be 
electc'l  to  a  seat  in  its  National  Con- 
gross,  from  the  very  lowest  walks  in 
life,  a  man  with  no  reputation  but  that 
of  a  bully  or  prize-fighter,  a  gambler, 
and  snloon-keejjer;  and  who  had  often 
been  indicted  for  crimes,  and  who  had 
served  a  term  in  the  Penitentiary,  and 
was  leader  among  the  lowest  class  of 
roughs  in  a  great  city,  is  a  severe  com- 
ment upon  our  standard  of  moral  and 
political  purity.  It  also  fairly  illus- 
trates the  weak  point  in  the  form  of  our 
great  and  free  Government,  i.  e..,  placing 
the  ballot  within  reach  of  the  ignorant 
and  degraded  upon  the  same  basis  as 
that  of  the  intelligent  and  educated 
citizen, 

"  May  2.  Great  explosion  in  the  Wash- 
burn flour  mills  at  Minneapolis,  Minn  , 
the  largest  flouring  mill  in  the  world, 
causing  the  destruciioa  by  fire  of 
several  other  large  mills.  Total  value, 
$1,. 500,000.    17  lives  were  lost. 

"  May  10.  Senate  passed  the  Bankrupt 
Repeal  bill,  which  should  be  operative 
from  Sept.  1. 

"  May  12.  Death  of  Catherine  E.  Beecher, 
sister  of  Henry  Ward  Beecher  and 
Mrs.  Stowe.  She  was  a  well-known 
author,  and  a  woman  of  rare  sense  and 
virtue.   Aged  77  years. 

''  May  17.  Potter's  resolution  passed, 
which  proposed  an  investigation  of  the 
alleged  election  frauds  in  Florida  and 
Louisiana.  The  Republicans  refused 
to  vote  on  the  resolution. 

Cyclone  in  Wisconsin. 

"  May  25.  A  terrible  tornado  in  Southern 
Wisconsin,  which  swept  across  the 
State  from  Minend  Point  to  Milwaukee. 
Jefferson  County  suffered  severely  ;  the 
town  of  Oakland  was  swept  with  the 
"  besom  of  destruction,"  and  over  $50,- 
000  worth  of  projierty  destroyed  in 
this  town  alone.  The  cyclone  passed 
over  Cedar  Lake,  sucking  up  the  water, 
which  was  precipitated  with  immense 
force  upon  the  land,  which  appeared, 
after  the  storm  had  abated,  as  if  the 
Mississippi  had  swept  over  it.  There 
was  nothing  which  could  stand  before 
its  awful  fury.  The  largest  trees  were 
twisted  into  shreds,  or  snapped  oft 
like  pipe-stems.  Horses,  cattle,  men, 
wagons,  and  portions  of  buildinirs  were 
carried  through  the  air  like  feathers. 
The  track  of  this  cyclone  varied  from 
10  to  150  rods  in  width,  and  was  but 
a  little  over  one  hour  in  traversing  the 
State  from  Mineral  Point  to  Lake 
Michigan.  A  large  number  of  porsous 
were  injured  and  many  killed. 

Wiiiiam  CuUcn  Bryant. 

"  June  12.  Death  of  William  CuUcn  Bry- 
ant, the  eminent  American  poet,  at  the 
age  of  eighty-four  years.  The  la>-t 
work  of  Mr.  Bryant  was  the  delivery 
of  an  address  at  the  unveiling  of  a 
bust  of  .Mazzini  in  Central  Park,  New 
York.  He  spoke  in  the  open  air,  a 
friend  holding  an  umbrella  over  his 
bead  during  its  delivery,  but  while  he 


CHRONOLOGY. 


«25 


1878.  was  delivering  the  peroration  he  stood 
ill  the  glare  of  the  sun.  Immediately 
upon  reaching  the  house  of  his  friends, 
where  hewas  invited  to  dine,  lie  fell 
insensible  upon  the  threshold,  but  re- 
covered so  as  to  reach  his  home  the 
same  day,  from  which  he  never  again 
departed  until  lie  was  carried  to  his 
long  home  in  the  beautiful  cemet<>ry. 
Mr.  Bryant  was  born  in  Cummingtoii, 
Mass.,  in  1794.  At  the  age  of  ten  lie 
was  a  very  precocious  boy,  and  an  ad- 
vanced scholar  for  his  years.  He  be- 
gan writing  verses  at  that  age,  and 
when  thirteen  he  wrote  a  political  sat- 
ire in  rhyme  which  was  widely  pub- 
lished. At  sixteen  he  entered  Wil- 
liams College  as  a  Sophomore,  and  re- 
mained two  years;  but  his  father  not 
being  able  to  pay  his  expenses,  he 
left  college  and  began  the  study  of 
law,  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  at 
the  age  of  twenty-one.  He  continued 
the  practice  of  law  till  he  accepted  the 
editorial  chair  of  the  Eveniug  Post. 
He  wrote  "  Thanatopsis "  when  but 
seventeen,  and  six  years  later  liis  fa- 
ther, finding  it  among  his  papers,  sent 
it  to  the  North  Amerimn  Review  for 
publication.  When  twenty -one  he 
was  persuaded  to  publish  a  volume  of 
poems,  which  appeared  under  the  title 
of  "The  Ages."  These,  with  the  lit- 
erary gem,  "Thanatopsis,"  established 
his  reputation  as  a  jioet  of  the  first 
order.  In  1825  Mr.  Bryant  became 
connected  with  the  New  York  Evening 
Post,  which  he  has  since  edited  with 
great  ability.  Mr.  Bryant  was  quite 
an  extensive  traveler,  having  visited 
the  principal  parts  of  his  own  country 
and  made  several  trips  to  Europe ; 
also  a  visit  to  Kgypt  and  Syria.  Dur- 
ing his  travels  he  wrote  letters  of  de- 
scription to  the  Post.  In  his  seventy- 
first  year  he  began  the  translation  of 
the  "Iliad"  from  the  Greek,  laboring 
four  years  upon  it.  He  then  translated 
the  "  Odyssey,"  which  required  two 
years.  Since  tlie  completion  of  his 
translation  of  Homer,  in  connection 
with  Mr.  Gay,  he  began  a  history  of 
the  United  States,  which,  when  com- 
pleted, would  fill  several  volumes,  but 
which  he  left  unfinished.  By  this  rec- 
ord of  his  labors,  we  see  tliat  he  was 
an  untiring  worker,  and  whatever  his 
hands  or  brain  found  to  do,  he  did 
with  his  might,  and  lived  almost  to 
the  age  o^ fourscore  and  ten. 

Judge  Breese. 

"  June  27.  Death  of  Sydney  Breese, 
Judge  of  the  Illinois  Supreme  Court, 
at  Pinckneyville,  111.  For  twenty-five 
years  Judge  Breese  had  filled  this  hon- 
orable and  important  position  with 
eminent  ability.  He  was  a  finislied 
scholar,  a  distinguished  jurist,  a  useful 
and  valued  citizen,  and  an  honest 
man.  The  bar  of  Chicago  joined  with 
that  of  the  State,  and  sent  a  delegation 
to  pay  their  honors  to  the  memory  of 
the  venerable  and  renowned  Judge. 
The  flng  of  the  State-House  dome  was 
at  half-mast,  and  special  trains  were 
tendered  by  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi 
Railroad  on  the  occasion  of  the  funeral. 

*'  Agitation  of  the  third  "Presidential 
term "  question,  in  reference  to  the 
election  of  ex-President  Grant  for  a 


1878.     third  term  as  President  of  the  United 
States. 

"  June-July.  Riot»  in  St.  lyouis  between 
the  Mayor  and  his  marshals  and  the 
Metropolitan  police;  also  between  the 
Illi  nois  and  St.  Louis  Railroad  Com- 
pany and  the  citizens. 

"  June-July.  Gen.  .John  C.  Fremont  con- 
firmed as  Governor  of  Arizona. 

"  July.  Indian  outbreak  in  Washington 
Territory.  Bnttle  of  Willow  Springs  ; 
43  soldiers  killed.  Generals  Howard 
and  Miles  finally  rout  the  Indians. 

"  July.  National  Hebrew  Convention  in 
Milwaukee,  Wis.,  composed  of  the 
leading  orthodox  Jews  of  the  United 
States. 

"  July  2.  Burning  of  the  Anchor  Line 
steamer  Capital  City,^''  on  the  Missis- 
sippi River  at  Memphis,  during  a  stiff 
gale;  the  flames  communicating  with  a 
large  elevator,  it  was  also  burned  down. 
Twenty  bags  of  Government  mail  were 
destroyed,  and  two  lives  lost.  The 
total  loss  from  the  fire  was  $250,000. 

From  Quebec  io  the  Gulf  of  Mexico 
in  a  Paper  Canoe. 

"  July  4.  Nathaniel  H.  Bishop  started 
from  Quebec,  Canada,  with  a  large 
canoe  with  sails,  to  make  a  trip  to  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico.  He  exchanged  his 
boat  for  a  paper  canoe  on  tlie  way  in 
one  of  the  New  England  ports,  and 
went  on  his  way,  performing  the  jour- 
ney pleasantly  and  safely  in  nine 
weeks'  time. 

Sutro  Tunnel. 

"  July  8.  Completion  of  the  Sutro  Tunnel, 
which  connects  the  Comstock  and  Sav- 
age silver  mines  in  Nevada.  The  tun- 
nel was  designed  and  constructed  by 
Adolph  Sutro.  He  was  nine  yea^s  en- 
gaged in  this  wonderful  enterp  -se, 
which,  for  the  vastness  of  the  under- 
taking, and  the  many  o])stacles  to 
overcome,  challenges  the  admiration  of 
the  world,  as  one  of  the  most  gigan- 
tic feats  in  the  history  of  modern  engi- 
neering. 

This  tunnel  is  located  over  2,000  feet 
below  the  surface  of  the  earth,  and  is 
four  miles  in  length,  being  ten  feet 
high  by  fourteen  in  width.  Its  object 
is  to  facilitate  the  operations  in  the 
mines — to  save  the  enormous  expense 
of  pumping  water  and  of  hoisting  ore 
2,000  feet  by  machinery ;  of  transport- 
ing miners  to  the  dificrent  drifts,  witli 
increased  safety  to  fife  and  limb;  the 
enormous  saving  in  wood  and  steam- 
power,  and  securing  ventilation  in  the 
mines.  The  cost  of  this  wonderful 
enterprise  was  $3,500,000  in  gold. 

Mr.  Sutro,  after  repeated  eff()rts  to 
secure  assistance  in  Calitbrnia  among 
the  great  mining  stockholders,  who 
repeatedly  pledged  their  assistance 
and  as  often  violated  their  pledges,  and 
failing  to  raise  sufficient  means  in  New 
York,  owing  to  the  adverse  infiuence 
brought  to  bear  against  him  by  the 
California  capitalists,  he  repaired  to 
England,  and,  after  repeated  efforts, 
succeeded  in  securing  suflicicnt  aid 
from  the  great  EngUsh  house  of  51. 
Calmot  Bros,  to  complete  his  gigantic 
undertaking. 

Mr.  Sutro  will  be  gratefully  remem- 
bered when  the  powerful  moneyed 


1878.  capitalists  who  combined  against  him 
and  his  enterprise  sliall  sluiiilxr  in 
forgotten  graves,  and  Ids  iinnic  will 
long  be  revt^red  by  llmse  who  go  down 
into  the  bowels  of  the  earth  to  bring 
forth  its  treasures  to  enrich  the  sons 
of  men. 

Orangemen. 

"  July  12.  Panic  in  Montreal  caused  by  a 
threatened  riot  among  the  Orangemen 
and  Catholics  upon  the  eontcmplate(| 
grand  parade  of  the  Orangenn-n  on 
that  day.  Great  excileiiu  nt  i)r('\  ;nled 
in  the  city,  and  mobs  were  form  ng 
among  the  Iri^h  (Catholics  to  ])revent 
their  marching.  The  alarm  became 
a  real  panic,  when  tlu;  Mayor  sent 
for  several  thousand  of  Gdvcrnnu-nt 
troops,  who  dispel sed  the  Orangemen 
without  bloodshed,  and  quiet  was 
once  more  restored.  This  was  the 
second  attempt  in  Montreal  to  break 
up  the  parade  of  the  Orangemen  in 
that  city  by  the  Catholic  element, 
a  riot  having  occurred  in  1H77. 

The  historij  of  the  Orauqemi  n  dates 
back  to  Nov".  21,  l(i8M,  when  the  Order 
first  had  an  existence.  It  was  est  ib- 
li>hed  at  Kxeter,  Kngland,  and  a  dec- 
laration of  its  princijiles  was  drawn 
up  by  Bishop  I'urnet,  the  si'/ners 
pledging  themselves  tosupport\\  illiain, 
Prince  of  Orange,  who  was  a  Protest- 
ant. The  Order  was  then  called  the 
"  Orange  Confederation."  and  has 
been  perpetuated  in  Eni;land  and 
Ireland  under  different  names  ever 
since.  The  first  Orange  Lodge  dates 
back  to  September  21,  1795,  its  jiro- 
claimed  object  being  si  If- defense, 
maintenance  of  Protestantism,  and  of 
British  domination.  It  spread  very 
rapidly.  Its  first  (irand  Master  in 
Ireland  was  Thomas  N'erner.  In  1S27 
it  became  established  in  Cana  la.  and 
has  since  been  one  of  the  in-titutinns 
of  the  country.  Ogle  H.  Gowan  was 
the  first  (Jrand  ^Master  of  Canada. 
They  are  stronuly  loyal  to  the  British 
Government,  and  a  large  majoritv  of 
the  public  men  belong  to  tiie  Order. 
It  wields  a  strong  politi  al  iliflucnee 
in  Canada,  and  has  l.tiOO  lodg  s,  with 
a  membership  of  200,000. 

Sunstrokes. 

"  July  20.  During  the  week  ending  .Tuly 
20,  145  persons  died  from  excessive 
heat  in  tlie  city  of  St.  Louis,  Mo.,  and 
over  50  in  Chicago. 

"  July  20.  Death  of  "Minnie  Warren," 
the  dwarf-wife  of  5Iaj.  Newell  (aUo  a 
dwarf)  and  sister  of  Airs.  Tom  Thumb. 

"  July  29.  Total  eclijiHC  of  the  sun.  seen  in 
the  United  States  in  a  jiath  11(5  miles 
wide,  extending  through  the  Western 
Territories,  from  the  liritisli  Posses- 
sions to  the  Gulf  of  .Mexico. 

"  For  the  year  ending  icith  July,  187S,Jif- 
teen  MoUie  Maguirrs  tcere  hung. 

"  July-Aug.  Uiiprecedentetl  and  prolonged 
he^it  all  over  the  United  States.  Great 
suffering  and  many  deaths  in  conse- 
quence. 

"  Aug.  7.  Fearful  disaster  on  the  Pan- 
Handle  Railroad,  caused  by  a  collision 
between  an  emigrant  passenger  Irnin 
and  a  freight  train.  15  i)ersons  were 
killed  outright  and  50  injured. 

"     Aug.  7-9.   Terrible  storms  in  Ccatral 


826 


CHRONOLOGY. 


1878.  Illinois,  sweeping  across  the  State, 
doing  mucli  damiige. 
"  Aug.  9-10.  Uiijirectidented  rain-storms, 
accompanied  by  the  most  terrific 
electrical  discliarges.  and  with  hail  of 
unusual  size,  visited  New  England, 
Northern  New  York,  and  a  part  of 
Eastern  Ontario,  extending  over  a  space 
of  *jO0  miles.  Four  persons  were  killed 
by  lightning,  50  were  shocked,  and  50 
buildings  were  burned  and  about  that 
number  injured. 
Aug.-Sept.  Chinese  Embassy,  among 
whom  were  several  Chinese  ladies,  visit 
the  United  States.  They  arrive  in 
San  Francisco  and  cross  the  Conti- 
nent by  rail,  visiting  the  chief  cities 
on  their  way  to  Washington,  where 
they  were  cordially  received  by  the 
President  and  his  Cabinet. 
**  Sept.  3-8.  Grand  parade  and  national 
tournament  of  firemen  in  Chicago ;  pro- 
cession three  miles  in  length. 


1878.  Sept.  12.  Unprecedented  rain-storm, 
accompanied  by  heavy  wind,  through 
Western  Ontario,  Ohio,  and  Pennsyl- 
vania. 100  bridges  swept  away  in 
Ontario,  and  the  damage  to  property 
in  X(  rthern  Ohio  alone,  amounted  to 
13,000,000. 

Silver  Bill. 

"  Silver  hill  passed  both  Houses  of  Congress 
by  more  than  a  two-thirds  vote.  It  was 
vetoed  by  President  Hayes,  but  im- 
mediately passed  again  over  his  veto. 
Under  this  law  the  United  States  Mint 
proceeded  to  coin  the  new  silver  dollar. 

"  Su^ar  made  from  the  common  corn-stalk, 
by  Prof  Collier,  chemist  of  the  Agri- 
cultural Department. 

"  Sept.  15.  Railroad  disaster  at  Tnriff- 
ville,  Conn.  An  over-crowded  excur- 
sion train,  returning  from  the  Moody 
and  Sankey  meetings  at  Hartford,  fell 


1878.      through  a  trestle-bridge,  and  16  per- 
sons were  killed  and  40  injured. 

Yellow  Fever. 

"  Aug.-Oct.  Terrible  visitation  of  yellow 
fover  in  the  South.  It  first  made  its 
appearance  in  New  Orleans,  and  rapid- 
ly spread  to  the  cities  and  towns  alon^ 
the  Mississippi  River,  carrying  conster- 
nation and  death  into  every  household. 
The  people  fled  in  terror  and  dismay, 
until  some  towns  were  almost  depopu- 
lated. To  October  4th  there  were 
10,218  cases  and  3,000  deaths  in  New 
Orleans,  and  the  fever  still  raging. 
The  suffering  from  destitution  was 
fearful,  and  40,000  were  reported  Oc- 
tober 1st  as  destitute  of  the  means  of 
subsistence.  Immense  subscriptions 
and  donations  of  money,  clothing,  and 
food  were  sent  from  the  North. 


GE  O.RGE  W.  WALLIN  G, 

SUPERINTENDENT  OT  POLICE  OF  NEW  YORK  CITY, 


PATRICK  CAMPBELL, 

SUPERINTENDENT  OF  POLICE  OF  BROOKLYN 


I 
I 


I 


i 


<'A  WORIC  OF  ABSORBING  INTEREST,  NOT  ONLY  TO  THE  POLICE,  BUT  TO  THE  PEOPLE  (JENERALLY." 

•  »-«  

A  CONCISE  HISTORY 

THE  POLICE  JIND  POLICE  DEP/RTMEf(TS 

OF  THE  CITIKS  OF 

NEW    YORK   AND  BROOKLYN, 

FROM  THE  YEAR  1658  TO  SEPTEMBER  1,  1870 ;— A  RERIOD  OF  221  YEARS. 

INCLUDING  AN 

IMPARTIAL  NARRATIVE  OF  MANY  STARTLING  SCENES  IN  WHICH  THEY,  AS  THE 

PEOPLE'S  GUARDIANS,  HAVE  PARTICIPATED. 

TO  WHICH  IS  ADDED 

THE  NAME  OF  EACH  MEMBER  OF  THE  FORCE,  SEPTEMBER  i,  1879. 

[Copyright,  1879,  by  Henry  S.  Allen.] 


TO 

THE  POLICE  OF  NEW  YORK  CITY  AND  BROOKLYN, 

WHOSE 

UNTIRING  WATCHFULNESS  AT  ALL  TIMES,  AND  WHOSE   UNEXCELLED  VALOR   SHOWN   IN   THE  SEVERAL 
CRITICAL  PERIODS  OF  THE  CITIES'  AND  THE  NATION'S  EXISTENCE,  COMMEND  THEM  TO 
THE  ADMIRATION  AND  PRAISE  OF  ALL  CIVILIZED  PEOPLE, 

MlovU  is  ^Icspcctfulhj  tJc(UcatccT. 


PREFATORY. 

The  lack  of  authentic  record  has  thrown 
an  air  of  mystery  and  doubt  around  the  be- 
ginnings of  many  great  movements  in  human 
history. 

Aside  from  military  control,  very  little  is 
known  of  the  early  methods  adopted  for 
keeping  the  peace  in  New  York  and  Brook- 
lyn. 

The  duties  now  required  of  the  Police  De- 
partment have  at  different  periods  been  per- 
formed wholly,  or  in  part,  by  officials  known 
as  Watchmen — The  Watch — Constables — 
Scouts — Sheriffs — Deputy  Sheriffs — Special 
Deputy  Sheriffs — Special  Deputies— Depu- 
ties— i^Iayor  s  Aids — Detectives — The  Pa- 
trol— Patrolmen — Policemen — The  Police — 
The  Police  Force — The  Force — The  Police 
Department. 

The  variety  of  duties  demanded  of  the 
force  is  very  great.  The  efficiency  of  the 
department  as  well  as  the  strength  of  its 
hold  upon  the  public  confidence  is  propor- 
tioned to  its  freedom  from  political  partisan- 
ship. 

The  qualifications  for  a  good  policeman 
are  robust  health,  unflinching  courage,  cor- 
rect morals,  quick  apprehension,  good  judg- 
ment, a  well-balanced  mind,  an  honest  citizen. 

Almost  every  rank  in  society  contributes 
to  its  lists  of  membership,  and  nearly  every 
occupation  has  representatives  on  its  muster- 
rolls. 

The  peace,  welfare,  and  good  order  of  the 
city  ;  the  safety  of  life  ;  the  security  of  prop- 


erty, have  always  been  objects  of  paramount 
importance  with  the  police  departments.  In 
the  efforts  made  to  secure  these  results,  there 
have  been  instances,  not  a  few,  of  self-sacri- 
fice, of  cool  intrepidity,  of  personal  daring, 
which  have  called  out  the  warmest  expres- 
sions of  admiration  and  gratitude. 

The  quiet,  industrious,  well-disposed  peo- 
ple, who  constitute  the  great  bulk  of  the 
population  of  our  cities,  really  know  but 
little  of  the  desperate  character  of  the  crim- 
inal classes  with  which  the  police  force  con- 
tinually war  while  striving  to  hold  them  in 
subjection  to  the  restraints  of  wholesome  law. 

It  is  no  shadowy,  theoretical  system  of 
offense  —  sacrilege,  lust,  fraud,  imposition, 
violence,  robbery,  and  homicide,  which  the 
force  confront,  but  real  murderers,  highway- 
men, poisoners,  forgers,  parricides,  robbers, 
and  ravishers  with  whom  they  grapple, 
with  cool,  competent  villains  who  have  al- 
ready murdered,  robbed,  ravished,  waylaid, 
plundered,  pillaged,  burned,  and  are  anxious- 
ly waiting  opportunities  to  repeat  these  atro- 
cities. There  are  hundreds  of  desperate 
characters  in  these  two  cities  who  have  so 
low  an  estimate  of  human  life  that  would 
kill  a  man,  woman,  or  child  in  order  to  get 
possession  of  ten  dollars,  with  as  little  hesi- 
tation as  they  would  crush  a  bug  or  a  toad. 

This  class  is  not  recruited  wholly  from 
what  is  called  the  "  lower  class."  They  are 
gathered  from  the  well-dressed  and  from  the 
ill-dressed  ;  from  the  higher  planes  and  the 
lower  planes,  and  from  all  the  intermediate 
planes  of  social  life — from  the  grossly  igno- 
rant and  from  the  highly-educated  (not  the 
7C/^'//-educatedj  ;  from  coarse,  brutal  men,  and 


from  delicate,  lovely  women.  And  connect- 
ed with  this  fearful,  infernal  array,  by  a 
thousand  intimate  affinities,  is  a  still  larger 
array  of  unsuspecting,  innocent  persons,  who 
are  in  no  degree  aware  of  the  guilt  that  at- 
taches to  these,  their  sometime  associates 
and  friends. 

Upon  the  discover)'  of  some  hideous  crime 
committed,  the  entanglement  of  the  inno- 
cent with  the  guilty,  brings  into  play  ele- 
ments of  interest  and  sympathy  which  are 
perplexing  and  difficult  of  control. 

It  not  unfrequently  happens  that  dispar- 
agement of  the  official  is  attempted  in  order 
to  shield  the  offender.  The  motives  of  the 
officer  are  doubted  ;  his  methods  criticised  ; 
his  ability  questioned  ;  his  sagacity  ridiculed, 
and  his  judgment  hooted. 

It  is  not  claimed  that  the  police  system 
has  reached  such  a  stage  of  perfection  as  to 
exempt  it  from  wholesome  criticism.  But 
it  has  the  right  to  challenge  an  honest, 
searching  comparison  with  any  other  equally 
numerous  class  of  citizens  in  respect  to  the 
efficient  and  faithful  discharge  of  private  or 
official  duties  and  trusts. 

The  right-minded  portion  of  the  commu- 
nity should  well  understand  that  the  vio- 
lently harsh  and  indiscriminate  censure  with 
which  the  force  is  assailed  has  its  origin  in 
either  political  animosity  or  in  certain  moral 
obliq.uiiics  that  are  held  in  check  only  by 
the  force  which  is  thus  persistently  ma- 
ligned. 

Whenever  the  vagabond,  ruffian  element 
obtain  a  hearing,  it  is  rcr.-sonable  to  expect 
that  their  bitterest  denum  iations  should  be 
in  defama'.ioa  of  that  are-  cy  which  compels 


82S6 


History  of  the  Police. 


a  wholesome  respect  for  the  usages  and  laws 
of  civilized  society. 

The  police  force  is  selected  frojn  the  peo- 
ple. It  exists  for  the  protection  of  the  peo- 
ple ;  and  it  is  amenable  to  the  people. 

NARRATIVE. 

1658. — New  Amsterdam  seems  to  have  had 
a  platoon  of  eight  men,  who  are  referred 
to  as  "  The  Rattle  Watch." 

1669. — In  this  year  mention  is  made  in  the 
records  for  the  first  time  of  the  "  Constable 
of  Brooklyn."  This  official,  Michael  Le- 
nell,  besides  other  prescribed  duties,  was  "  to 
whip  and  punish  offenders,  raise  the  hue  and 
cry  after  murderers,  thieves,  robbers,  and 
burglars  —  to  apprehend  without  warrant 
such  as  were  overtaken  with  drink,  swearers. 
Sabbath-breakers,  vagrant  persons  or  night- 
walkers,  and  them  to  keep  in  safe  custody 
till  opportunity  serves  to  bring  them  before 
the  next  Justice  of  ye  Peace  for  further  ex- 
amination." And  also  "  on  the  death  of 
any  person  to  inquire  into  the  manner  of 
his  death,  and  search  after  the  estate  of  the 
deceased — to  record  every  man's  particular 
mark ;  to  see  each  man's  horse  and  colt 
branded ;  to  pay  the  value  of  an  Indian  coat 
for  each  wolf  killed  ;  to  cause  the  wolf's  head 
to  be  naylcd  over  his  door  there  to  remain, 
as  also  to  cut  ofT  both  eares  in  token  that 
the  head  has  been  paid  for." 

CONSTABLES  OF  UREUCKt-KN   FROM   1669  TO  169O. 

1669.  Michael  Lcnell,  i6?.2.  Martin  Ryerson, 

1671.  Lambert  Johnson,  1683.  Jan  Curnelis  Dam, 

1675.  Andries  Juriansen,  1684.  Thomas  Ffardon, 

1676.  Cornelius  Corson,  1687.  John  Acrtsen, 

1678.  Thomas  Lambcrtse,    1689.    Jacobus  Hcarvis. 

1679.  John  Aarcscn,  1690.    Julian  ticndnickse. 
i63o.    Andreas  Juriansen, 

1676. — Under  the  English  regime,  in  New 
York,  the  Watch  were  required  to  furnish 
themselves  with  good  serviceable  fire-arms 
and  six  charges  of  ammunition,  and  "  in 
turn,"  report  to  the  Captain  at  sun-down, 
and  for  failure  or  neglect,  they  were  subject 
to  fine.  The  "Stadt  Huys,"  or  City  Hall  at 
Coenties  Slip,  was  furnished  with  cells  for 
prisoners,  who  were  chifly  turbulent  negro 
slaves,  or  disorderly  sailors  on  shore  from 
the  shipping  in  the  harbor. 

1692,  Nov.  8. — The  Court  of  Sessions,  in 
Kings  Co.,  ordered  "  the  Constables  of  each 
town  to  see  that  each  town  erect  a  good  pair 
of  stocks  and  a  good  pound,  and  fail  not  at 
your  peril." 

1695,  Nov.  12. — The  Kings  Co.  Court  of 
Sessions  "  ordered  the  Constables  on  Sun- 
days to  take  law  for  the  apprehension  of  all 
Sabbath-breakers,  and  to  search  all  ale- 
houses and  other  suspicious  places  for  all 
prophaners  and  breakers  of  the  Sabbath 
daye,  and  bring  them  before  a  Justice  of  the 
Peace  to  be  dealt  with  according  to  law,  and 
for  any  default  or  neglect  hereof,  pay  a  fine 
of  six  shillings." 

1697. — Four  good  and  honest  inhabitants 
of  New  York  City  were  appointed  "  to  go 
round  the  city  from  nine  o'clock  in  the 
cvcnin";  till  break  of  day,  with  a  bell,  pro- 
claim tlie  state  of  the  weather  and  the  hour 
of  the  night."    They  received  a  little  pay. 

NEGRO  PLOT. 

1 7 1 2. — The  fear  of  an  uprising  of  the  negro 
slaves  in  New  York  caused  great  alarm. 
Many  arrests  were  made,  and  a  white  man 
and  nineteen  negroes  were  executed. 

1735- — "The  Watch,"  in  New  York,  was 
enlarged  during  this  year  so  as  to  muster  ten 
men  and  two  Constables;  and  a  still  further 
increase  was  soon  afterward  made,  so  that 
they  numbered  three  hundred.  A  promi- 
nent part  of  their  uniform  was  a  strong 


leather  hat,  to  be  worn  while  on  "the 
watch ; "  hence  their  pet  name  of  "The 
Leather  Heads,"  which  title  they  retained 
many  years. 

SECOND  NEGRO  PLOT. 

1741. — A  second  "  negro  plot"  to  bum  the 
city  aroused  the  people  to  a  high  pitch  of 
excitement.  Arrests,  trials,  convictions,  and 
executions  followed  in  rapid  succession. 
Four  whites  were  executed  ;  fourteen  ne- 
groes burned  at  the  stake  ;  eighteen  hanged, 
and  seventy-one  were  transported. 

1768. — Garret  Middagh's  "negro  fellow, 
Caesar,  stole  valuables  from  widow  Rapelye 
in  Brooklyn,  at  the  Ferry."  He  was  arrest- 
ed by  the  constable  ;  tried  and  convicted. 
His  execution  took  place  September  15th. 

THE  DOCTOR'S  RIOT. 
1 788. — Body  snatching,  or  robbing  the  grave 
for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  subjects  for  dis- 
section, awakens  the  deepest  feelings  of  retal- 
iation and  revenge  on  the  part  of  those  who 
have  suffered  loss,  and  the  sympathy  of  the 
community  is  easily  enlisted  in  their  behalf. 

Medical  students  connected  with  the  City 
Hospital  and  with  Columbia  College,  to- 
gether with  doctors  and  surgeons,  were 
charged  with  complicity  in  this  business  of 
commercial  resurrection. 

The  anger  and  hate,  caused  by  repeated 
alleged  desecrations  of  the  grave,  were  vio- 
lent and  keen.  Many  of  the  supposed  of- 
fenders were  prudent  enough  to  leave  the 
city,  and  the  civil  and  military  authorities, 
with  the  utmost  difficulty  saved  the  struct- 
ures named  from  destruction  at  the  hands 
of  the  indignant,  unreasoning  populace. 

THIRD  NEGRO  PLOT, 

1796. — Fears  of  another  plot  among  the 
negro  slaves  to  destroy  the  city,  is  thus  no- 
ticed in  a  newspaper,  the  Minerva,  Dec.  14  : 

"  Serious  cause  of  alarm  !  Citizens  of  New 
York  ! !  You  are  once  more  called  upon  to 
attend  to  your  safety  ! !  Rouse,  fellow-citi- 
zens ;  double  your  watch,  and  confine  your 
servants  ! ! " 

"  The  Watch  "  were  alert,  and  the  "  fire- 
fever  "  soon  died  out. 

1811. — The  TRINITY  CHURCH  RIOT,  was 
caused  by  the  refusal  of  the  Faculty  of 
Columbia  College  to  grant  a  diploma  to  a 
graduate  for  disobedience  in  the  preparation 
and  delivery  of  a  commencement  oration. 
The  excitement  among  the  official  dignitaries 
present  in  the  church  was  intense.  The  in- 
terference of  the  police  was  demanded,  and 
upon  their  arrival  the  "  Commencement  E.x- 
ercises  "  abruptly  terminated.  A  long,  bit- 
ter controversy  followed. 

SPRING  election  RIOTS  IN  NEW  YORK  CITY. 

1834,  April. — The  municipal  elections 
were  held  during  three  consecutive  days. 
The  election  districts  were  large,  and  the 
number  of  polling-places  comparatively  few. 
There  was  no  registry  law,  which  rendered 
repeating  possible.  These,  and  other  causes, 
brought  large  numbers  of  men  together  on 
election  days  to  vote.  In  some  of  the  close- 
ly contested  Wards  the  crowds  swelled  to 
immense  proportions,  preventing  access  to 
the  polls,  unless  the  voter  had  the  strength 
and  courage  to  force  his  way  through  masses 
of  mi-n  half  crazed  with  drink,  and  wholly 
maddened  by  the  rivalries  of  party  strife. 
From  l.ot  debate,  the  change  to  blows  was 
easily  made,  and  in  a  very  short  space  of 
time  thousands  of  angry  men  engaged  in 
pounding  each  other  with  clubs  and  fists, 
with  all  the  fierceness  of  savages.    The  tu- 


mults about  the  polling  booths  extended, 
and  the  city  was  soon  tossing  and  heaving 
on  the  tide  of  human  passion.  The  mayor, 
with  the  small  force  of  "  watchmen  "  at  his 
command,  was  unable  to  manage  and  con- 
trol the  mobs,  and  he  called  to  his  as- 
sistance the  military,  under  the  command 
of  Gen.  Sanford. 

THE  CITY  OF  BROOKLYN  INCORPORATED. 

1834,  May  2oth.  —  The  Common  Council 
elected  George  Hall  mayor.  Samuel  Doxey 
was  appointed  "  First  \Iarshal."  Six  mar- 
shals were  also  appointed. 

1834,  Dec.  22. — The  Common  Council  of 
Brooklyn  ordered,  "  That  the  Police  Com- 
mittee employ  some  suitable  person  as  Head 
Police  Officer,  and  such  other  officers  as 
may  be  necessary  to  cause  the  peace  to  be 
kept,  particularly  on  Sundays  and  nights." 

THE  ANGEL  GABRIEL  IN  BROOKLYN. 

1834.  — An  enthusiastic  street  preacher  was 
in  the  habit  of  blowing  a  horn  to  call  an 
audience,  hence  his  title.  The  peculiar  style 
of  his  oratory,  the  boldness  of  his  utterances, 
and  the  vigor  with  which  he  pressed  his 
arguments  awakened  an  intense  earnestness 
on  the  part  both  of  those  who  favored  and 
of  those  who  denounced  his  doctrines.  The 
gatherings  swelled  to  thousands,  and  on  one 
Sunday  afternoon,  in  July,  at  the  comer  of 
Atlantic  avenue  and  Smith  street,  the  crowd 
was  immense,  and  unusually  excited.  Large 
numbers  had  come  over  from  New  York  a§ 
an  escort  to  the  "angel."  On  the  return, 
the  procession  was  assailed  with  great  fury 
as  they  neared  the  ferrj%  particularly  in 
Main  street  and  Water  street.  Police  offi- 
cers, John  S.  Folk,  Joel  Smith,  and  others, 
handled  the  force  with  great  ability  and 
eminent  success.  The  fight  was  fierce  and 
bloody.  Clubs,  paving-stones,  bludgeons, 
pistols,  and  brick-bats  were  used  so  heartily 
that  many  were  dangerously,  and  some 
fatally,  wounded.  A  ship  had  recently  dis- 
charged a  cargo  of  "  Cam  "  wood  on  a  deck 
near  the  ferry.  The  owners  claimed  a  loss 
of  seven  tons  of  wood,  which  happened  to 
be  of  convenient  size  and  length  for  the 
rioters  to  use.  The  police  were  highly  com- 
plimented for  the  courage  and  daring  dis- 
played throughout  the  riot. 

1835,  March  16.— The  Police  Committee 
of  the  Common  Council  of  Brooklyn  recom- 
mended Samuel  Vunck  as  Head  Police  Offi- 
cer, and  he  was  appointed.  By  subsequent 
action  of  the  Common  Council,  Samuel 
Vunck,  Head  Police  Officer,  was  paid  three 
hundred  dollars ;  Samuel  Doxey,  First  Mar- 
shal, one  hundred  dollars,  and  each  of  the 
other  Marshals  fifty  dollars  per  annum,  as 
salary. 

1835,  June  8th.— The  Brooklyn  Common 
Council  resolved  :  "That  the  watchmen  be 
considered  as  being  on  duty  from  sunset  to 
sunrise,  and  that  they  quell  any  disturbance 
whatsoever,  and  be  allowed  suitable  com- 
pensation for  extra  service." 

THE  ABOLITION  RIOTS  IN  NEW  YORK. 

1835. — The  fearless,  steady  efforts  made 
by  men,  who  considered  slavery  a  crime,  to 
keep  their  own  views  and  sentiments  upon 
that  question  before  the  communiu  ,  awaken- 
ed bitter  and  open  opposition.  The  Aboli- 
tionists were  very  aggressive  in  their  meth- 
ods. Slavery,  and  all  who  sympathized  with 
slavery,  were  characterized  in  plain  words 
of  bold  denunciation  in  .sermons,  essays, 
speeches,  and  newspaper  articles.  The  de- 
fence of  slavery  took  on  all  varieties  of 
form  ;  personal  harm  and  abuse  was  not  un- 


ERRATUM. 

On  page  828  b,  right  hand  column,  "  The  Angel 
Gabriel  in  Brooklyn,  1834,"  should  read  1854  instead 
of  1834,  and  follow  after  1851-2  on  page  828  c. 


History  of  the  Police. 


frequent.  Prominent  Abolitionists  were 
assaulted  their  lives  put  in  peril,  their  busi- 
ness broken  up,  and  their  houses  and  furni- 
ture destroyed.  The  police  and  military 
combined  were  often  required  to  defend  as- 
semblies, gathered  in  churches  and  public 
halls,  from  formidable  mobs  of  lawless,  bru- 
tal ruffianly  men,  who  emphasized  their  ob- 
scene and  blasphemous  shouts  with  showers 
of  stones,  rotten  eggs,  and  brick-bats.  The 
church  buildings  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Ludlow, 
Dr.  Cox,  and  other  clergymen  were  attacked ; 
the  doors  and  windows  stoned  open,  the 
walls  defaced,  and  the  furniture  destroyed. 
Their  residences,  as  also  the  houses  of 
Messrs.  Tappan  and  other  prominent  Aboli- 
tionists, were  broken  open,  and  chairs,  sofas, 
pictures,  tables,  beds,  bedding,  crockery,  and 
mirrors  piled  in  the  streets  and  burned  with 
all  the  usual  mob-accompaniments  of  filth 
and  ribaldry.  The  police  were  everywhere 
active  and  alert,  under  the  skillful  man- 
agement of  Mayor  Lawrence,  and  Justice 
Lowndes,  aided  by  the  military,  under  Col. 
Stevens,  to  save  life  and  property,  and  to 
preserve  the  peace  of  the  city.  Their  untir- 
ing efforts  were  not  crowned  with  complete 
success.  Lawlessness  and  great  disorder 
pervaded  the  city. 

THE  stonecutters'  riot. 

1035. — The  convicts  at  Sing  Sing  State 
Prison  dressed  building  material  to  some 
extent,  and  contractors  were  able  to  buy 
prison-cut  stone  cheaper  than  workmen  in 
the  city  could  furnish  it.  Parades  and  pro- 
cessions of  stonecutters,  with  banners  and 
placards  asserting  their  grievances  and  rights, 
kept  the  people  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Uni- 
ersity  buildings  in  great  fear,  lest  an  at- 
;mpt  to  demolish  that  structure  would  be 
.uccessful.  The  watchmen  and  military 
were  on  duty  four  days  and  nights,  when 
the  excitement  died  away,  and  work  on  the 
University  buildings  was  resumed. 

1S37. — The  Halls  of  Justice  (Tombs)  com- 
pleted and  occupied. 

THE  FLOUR  RIOTS. 

1837. — A  short  grain  crop  and  other  unfor- 
tunate occurrences  combined,  advanced  the 
price  of  flour  to  twelve  dollars  a  barrel,  and 
coal  to  ten  dollars  per  ton,  causing  great 
suffering.  It  was  alleged  that  the  large 
quantities  of  grain  used  for  purposes  of  dis- 
tillation was  the  cause  of  the  high  price ; 
by  others,  that  the  rich  had  combined  to 
oppress  the  poor.  High  prices  for  the  ne- 
cessaries of  life,  and  a  low  price  for  labor, 
made  the  task  of  the  agitator  and  dema- 
gogue in  stirring  up  strife  an  easy  one. 

1837,  Feb.  lo.^Placards  were  posted  all 
over  the  city : 

"  BRE.A.D,  Meat,  Rent,  Fuel  ! 

"THE    VOICE    OF    THE    PEOPLE    SHALL  BE 
HEARD,  AND  WILL  PREVAIL. 

"  The  people  will  meet  in  the  Park  at  four 

o'clock,  RAIN  OR  SHiNE,  MONDAY  AFTER- 
NOON, to  inquire  into  the  cause  of  the 
present  unexampled  distress,  and  to  devise 
a  suitable  remedy." 

1837,  Feb.  12. — A  rough  mob  of  four  or  five 
thousand  persons  gathered  in  the  park  in 
response  to  the  above  notices,  and  were 
harangued  by  adroit  speakers.  One  of  the 
speakers  closed  his  address  with  :  "  Fellow- 
citizens,  Mr.  Eli  Hart  has  53,000  barrels  of 
flour  in  his  store ;  let  us  go  and  offer  him 
eight  dollars  a  barrel  for  it,  and  if  he  will 
not  take  it " — the  remainder  of  the  sentence 
was  left  for  his  auditors  to  fill  out.    A  rush 


from  the  park  to  Washington  street,  near 
Dey  street,  was  made,  and  instead  of  an  of- 
fer of  "eight  dollars  a  barrel  for  his  flour," 
Mr.  Hart's  store  was  broken  in  ;  six  hundred 
barrels  of  flour  thrown  from  the  upper  stories 
on  to  the  side  walk,  one  facetious  ruflian  call- 
ing out,  as  he  pitched  it  down,  "  Here  goes 
flour  at  eight  dollars  a  barrel ! "  One  thou- 
sand bushels  of, wheat  were  also  destroyed, 
together  with  all  the  papers  and  books  of 
the  house.  Other  grain  and  flour  stores  were 
threatened,  but  by  the  timely  action  of  the 
authorities  no  further  serious  damage  oc- 
curred. Forty  of  the  mob  were  arrested  ;  a 
few  were  sent  to  State  Prison  ;  but  the  ring- 
leaders escaped.  Flour  was  higher  the  next 
day. 

1S45. — George  W.  Matsell  was  appointed 
Chief  of  the  Police  for  New  York  city,  and 
held  the  office  until  1857. 

1849,  May  10. — The  Astor  Place  Riot, 
seems  to  have  grown  out  of  the  rivalries 
and  animosities  of  two  play  actors  of  differ- 
ent nationalities.  Edwin  Forrest  had  a  large 
following  of  enthusiastic  admirers,  who 
were  unwilling  that  a  foreign  artist  should 
occupy  a  higher  place  in  the  public  esti- 
mation than  did  their  own  favorite.  Mr. 
Macready's  friends  were  equally  earnest, 
numerous  and  respectable.  Each  actor  was 
filling  a  short  engagement  in  different  the- 
aters in  the  city,  at  the  same  time.  In  order 
to  secure  fair  play  for  Mr.  Macrcady,  a  strong 
police  force  v.'as  placed  within  the  Astor 
Place  Opera  House,  and  a  guarding  force 
of  police  and  military  were  in  the  streets 
about  the  theater.  The  turbulency  of  the 
audience  within  and  the  violent  demonstra- 
tions of  the  crowds  without,  were  quite  be- 
yond the  ability  of  the  police  to  control. 
Tlie  destruction  of  the  building  was  threat- 
ened, and  was  imminent ;  its  destruction 
would  involve  a  loss  of  life  as  well  as  of  prop- 
erty. The  authorities  became  aware  of  the 
fact,  that  the  physical  endurance  of  tl 
"  hemmed  in  "  police  force  was  rapidly  dim- 
inishing, and  that  the  numerical  strength 
of  the  mob  was  very  rapidly  increasing. 
In  this  fearful  emergency,  and,  probably, 
not  one  moment  too  soon,  the  "citizen  sol- 
diery" was  ordered  to  deliver  its  first  fire 
of  shotted  muskets  into  the  faces  of  Ameri- 
can citizens ;  twenty-two  were  killed  and 
forty  wounded.  The  riot  was  over;  the 
mob  was  gone  ;  authority  and  the  dead  held 
the  place. 

popular  vote. 

1 85 1-2. — In  Brooklyn,  the  Chief  of  Police 
and  Captains,  were,  for  several  years,  elected 
by  the  people.  John  S.  Folk  was  the  lirst 
elected  Chief  of  Police,  and  Joel  Smith  one 
of  the  first  elected  Captains.  There  were, 
then,  four  precincts,  to  each  of  which,  there 
was  a  complement  of  about  twenty-five 
men. 

FERNANDO  WOOD  VS.  METROPOLITAN  POLICE. 

1857,  June  1st. — By  legislative  enactment 
the  counties  of  New  York,  Kings,  West- 
chester, Richmond,  and  a  part  of  Queens 
county,  formed  the  Metropolitan  Police 
District.  The  Governor  of  the  State  of 
New  York,  with  the  consent  of  the  Senate, 
was  authorized  to  appoint  five  police  com- 
missioners, who,  in  connection  with  the 
mayors  of  the  two  cities,  as  cx  ojfficio  mem- 
bers, were  to  assume  the  entire  control  and 
many.gement  of  all  matters  relating  to  the 
police  within  the  district. 

The  commissioners  thus  appointed  were  : 
Simeon  Draper,  Jacob  Chadwell,  and  James 
W.  Nye,  of  New  York ;  James  S.  T.  Strana- 


han,  of  Kings,  and  James  Bowen,  of  West- 
chester couniies. 

Fernando  Wood,  mayor  of  New  York,  re- 
fused to  re*:ognize  the  authority  of  the 
newly  created  commission,  and  declined  to 
disband  the  Municipal  Police  force  and  de- 
liver the  property. 

Thus  there  were  two  police  organizations 
in  existence.  The  legality  of  each  was  dis- 
puted by  the  other. 

The  service  of  certain  legal  papers  upon 
Mayor  Wood  was  resisted  by  the  Municipal 
Police,  who  were  in  possession  of  the  City 
Hall.  An  encounter,  lx>th  fierce  and  bloody 
ensued.  The  Seventh  Regiment,  fortunate- 
ly passing,  route  for  Boston,  on  a  ple.isurc 
excursion,  was  called  in  to  aid  the  Metropol- 
itan Police  Department.  The  papers  were 
served  on  the  belligerent  mayor,  and  the 
question  of  the  "constitutionality  of  the  law" 
went  to  the  courts  for  decision. 

During  this  struggle  for  control  six  men 
were  killed  and  about  a  hundred  wounded. 

DECISION  OF  THE  COURT  OF  APPEALS. 

1857,  July  I. — The  Court  of  Appeals  af- 
firmed the  constitutionality  of  the  Metropol- 
itan Police  Act;  many  members  of  the  Mu- 
nicipal Police  becoming  enrolled  in  the 
Metropolitan  Police,  all  open  opposition  at 
once  ceased. 

In  Brooklyn  the  Metropolitan  Police  Act 
went  into  operation  without  arousing  oppo- 
sition or  creating  disorder.  John  S.  Folk 
was  appointed  Deputy  Superintendent  and 
Inspector  of  Police,  and  performed  all  the 
duties  of  the  position  to  the  satisfaction  of 
the  entire  community  during  the  thirteen 
years  in  which  the  Metropolitan  system  was 
in  existence, 

"  THE  DEAD  RABBITS"  RIOT. 

1857,  July  4. — "The  Dead  Rabbits"  and 
"The  Roach  Guards"  were  hostile  factions, 
representing  the  lower  strata  of  society  in 
the  \  icinity  of  Center,  Baxter,  White  and 
Leonard  streets. 

The  recent  troubles  in  tlie  Police  Depart- 
ment had  in  a  measure  increased  the  ill  will 
between  these  rowdy  gangs  of  young  men. 
Patriotism  on  the  "  Glorious  Fourth  "  took 
the  form  of  fierce  fight,  which  involved  the 
police  force  as  well  as  the  military.  The 
casualties  reported  were  six  killed,  thirty 
wounded. 

THE  BREAD  RIOT. 

1857.  — The  "financial  crash"  in  the  autumn 
of  this  year  threw  large  numbers  of  workmen 
out  of  employment,  and  at  times  threatened 
the  peace  of  the  city ;  but  by  careful  fore- 
sight the  dangers  were  avoided.  Central 
Park  improvements  and  other  public  works 
furnished  work  for  large  numbers ;  while 
soup-houses  and  other  agencies  came  in  as 
timely  relief. 

YELLOW  FEVER  RIOT. 

1858.  — The  idea  of  a  permanently  located 
quarantine  on  Staten  Island  was  very  obnox- 
ious to  property  owners  and  residents  in  the 
neighborhood  of  the  buildings.  In  July  the 
buildings  were  threatened  ;  and  before  the 
police  could  reach  the  place  the  populace 
took  possession,  removed  the  sick  and  dis- 
abled, and  then  burned  the  buildings. 

RIOT  WEEK. 

1S63. —  The  riot  commenced  on  Monday, 
July  13th,  and  was  not  fullv  suppressed  until 
the  following  Friday.  A  draft  of  men  to  fill 
out  the  quota  for  the  army  had  been  in 


History  of  the  Police. 


progess  during  the  preceding  Saturday,  at 
1,190  Broadway  and  at  Third  Avenue  and 
Forty-sixth  street,  under  the  management 
and  control  of  United  States  Provost  Mar- 
shals and  a  few  sick  and  crippled  soldiers 
of  the  Invalid  Corps. 

All  the  regularly-organized  Militia  regi- 
ments were  ofT  at  the  front  in  the  service  of 
the  Government. 

ONLY  THE  POLICE. 

The  Metropolitan  Police  force,  of  about 
two  thousand  men,  was  the  only  protection 
for  the  large  area  included  within  the  Metro- 
politan Police  District,  comprising  the  coun- 
ties of  Westchester,  New  York,  Richmond, 
Kings,  and  a  part  of  Queens  County.  A 
population  of  a  million  and  a-half  of  people, 
with  all  the  interests  of  the  metropolis  of 
the  nation  guarded  so  feebly,  seems  almost 
like  ollering  a  premium  upon  disorder. 

When  it  is  known  that  the  muster-roll  of 
the  force  is  always  diminished  by  sickness, 
by  absence  on  leave,  by  detail  for  special 
duty,  the  reason  for  the  astounding  fact,  that 
at  no  one  time  during  the  week  w-ere  there 
eight  hundred  policemen  on  hand  for  service, 
becomes  apparent. 

THE  FIENDS  MUSTER. 

It  is  now  well  known  that  during  the  pre- 
ceding Sunday  and  Sunday  night,  in  answer 
to  special  secret  summons  sent  to  Boston, 
Chicago,  Buffalo,  Philadelphia,  Baltimore, 
and  smaller  towns,  hordes  of  desperate  men 
had  come  to  the  city,  and  were  lying  in  the 
dens  and  dives  waiting  for  the  time  when 
they  should  be  called  to  join  the  uprising, 
and  share,  with  their  city  friends,  in  the  pil- 
lage and  the  sack. 

THE  WEAPONS. 

All  through  the  night  these  miscreants 
were  hard  at  work  gathering  their  piles  of 
paving-stones,  scrap-iron,  boulders,  bricks, 
on  to  the  roofs  and  into  the  upper  stories. 
Bludgeons,  ax-handlcs,  and  pickaxes  were 
placed  in  convenient  corners  ;  muskets,  pis- 
tols, hatchets,  crow-bars,  and  sledge-ham- 
mers were  distributed  to  those  able  and 
willing  to  use  them.  Butcher-knives  and 
old  fdes  were  ground  to  an  edge ;  ice-picks, 
fire-pokers,  and  spades,  sharpened  to  a 
point ;  rivets  were  taken  out  of  the  big 
shears,  so  that  one  pair  would  make  weap- 
ons for  two. 

THE  MOR'S  spies. 

Thus  the  preparations  for  arson  and  mur- 
der went  on,  while  discreet  spies  crept  quietly 
about  the  town,  and  up  to  Monday  noon  care- 
fully noted  the  security  and  quietude  of  the 
citizens.  Evidences  of  preparation,  of  leader- 
ship, of  direction,  and  control  are  abundant 
and  convincing.  The  broad  programme 
seems  to  have  been — Stop  the  draft,  kill  the 
niggers,  go  through  the  nice  houses,  secure 
arms  and  ammunition,  wipe  out  the  police, 
and  keep  moving. 

PERFECT  PEACE. 

Good  people  went  to  church  on  Sunday, 
slept  quietly  through  the  night,  took  their 
coffee,  and  read  the  i)apcrs  Monday  morn- 
ing, in  which  they  found  no  indications  of 
an  impending  riot.  The  civil  authorities 
had  some  weak  apprehensions  of  annoyance, 
but  hatl  no  fear  of  any  great  flangcr.  The 
I'rovost- Marshal's  ofliccs  at  Broad- 
way, and  at  Third  Avenue  and  Forly-sevciilh 
■  Street,  were  strengthened  by  tlie  addition 
of  extra  policemen. 


Seldom,  if  ever  before,  have  such  mighty 
interests  been,  apparently,  so  slightly  guard- 
ed. Ten  thousand  desperadoes  lying  in  wait, 
crouching,  ready  to  spring  at  the  throats  of 
the  quietly-sleeping,  who  were  protected  by 
less  than  five  hundred  policemen,  whose 
main  weapon  of  offence  and  defence  was  a 
thirty-inch  locust  club.  The  police,  as  well 
as  the  citizens,  were,  as  yet,  almost  ignor9.nt 
of  the  eflicient  resources  of  a  club  in  the 
hands  of  skillful,  courageous  men.  Its  latent 
virtues  were  soon  brought  out. 

COMMISSIONERS. 

Commissioners  Acton  and  Bergen  now  had 
thrown  upon  them  duties  of  the  most  trjang 
sort,  which  they  took  hold  of  and  discharged 
as  though  they  were  mere  routine.  Ques- 
tions of  the  gravest  importance  were  cor- 
rectl}'  solved  without  hesitation  ;  events  of 
the  most  startling  character  were  quietly 
provided  for  on  the  instant ;  plans  to  thwart 
deep-laid  plots  were  matured  with  great  sa- 
gacity and  carried  forward  to  a  successful 
issue,  which  showed  the  coolest  judgment ; 
labors  were  performed  that  required  a  de- 
gree of  endurance  bordering  on  the  marvel- 
ous. 

INSPECTORS. 

What  a  remarkable  quartette  of  inspec- 
tors were  Daniel  Carpenter,  George  W. 
Dilks,  James  Leonard,  and  John  S.  Folk! 
Each  one  a  giant,  ready  to  go,  yet  willing  to 
wait ;  anxious  to  prevent  a  riot,  yet  de- 
termined to  put  It  down  when  it  had  once 
started  ;  prompt  to  take  command,  quite 
willing  to  obey ;  ready  to  lead  in  a  hazard- 
ous charge,  vigorously  pushing  every  onset, 
carry-ing  every  attempt,  and  holding  the  po- 
sition when  captured.  They  were  well- 
chosen  men,  fortunately  occupying  places 
of  high  trust,  and  most  worthily  did  they 
meet  their  responsibdities. 

THE  TELEGRAPH. 

In  the  ordinary  working  of  the  police 
department,  one  of  its  most  efficient  agencies 
is  the  telegraph.  Early  in  the  riot  tele- 
graph-poles were  cut  down,  and  the  wires 
broken  and  stolen.  The  work  of  re-opening 
and  keeping  open  communication  with  the 
city  stations  and  with  the  country  was  a 
labor  demanding  the  utmost  courage,  per- 
severance, and  caution.  To  put  up  a  new 
line  under  the  watchful  eyes  of  murderous 
villains,  who  had  just  destroyed  the  old  one, 
would  appear  impossible.  Yet  this  is  what 
the  men  of  the  Telegraphic  Bureau  accom- 
plished, taking  the  risk  of  instant  death  in 
case  of  discovery.  The  hazards,  labors,  and 
endurance  of  the  Telegraphic  Corps  were 
not  surpassed  by  any  other  branch  of  the 
police  ser\'ice.  Their  labor  during  the  first 
four  days  of  the  riot  exceeded  that  of  the 
entire  preceding  month. 

James  Crowley,  Superintendent ;  Edward 
Polhemus,  Assistant-Secretary,  and  Messrs. 
Chapin,  Durell  and  Lucas,  operators,  devoted 
themselves  to  their  severe  and  constant 
duties  with  a  singleness  of  purpose  which 
won  for  them  the  highest  admiration. 

DETECTIVES. 

The  Detective  Force,  composed  of  John 
Young,  chief;  M.  B.  Morse,  clerk,  with  the 
Messrs.  Bennett,  McCord.  Farley,  Roach, 
Radford,  Smith,  Slowev.  Dusenbury,  Mc- 
Donald, Elder,  Eustace,  \Vilson,  Kelso,  Tier- 
nan,  and  Kcefe,  as  members,  i)erf<)rnied  an 
I  amount  of  dangerous  service  which  entitled 


them  to  the  lasting  gratitude  of  the  com- 
munity. 

A  detective's  work,  at  all  times,  requires  a 
rare  combination  of  intelligence,  skill,  cour- 
age, shrewdness,  and  sagacity. 

In  this  uprising,  among  all  the  uproar 
and  confusion,  a  detective's  duties  and  dan- 
gers were  increased  a  thousand-fold. 

Were  the  mob  to  get  a  hint  of  his  real 
character,  they  would  have  killed  him  on 
the  instant.  Yet  he  could  only  learn  their 
plans  by  being  with  them  and  join  with 
them,  help  form  plans,  and  assist  in  carry- 
ing the  plans  into  execution,  and  then  to 
get  away  with  his  information,  all  in  so  nat- 
ural a  manner  that  a  genuine  thief  would 
think  him  one  of  his  own  class. 

THE  FIRST  VICTIM. 

The  opening  scene  of  this  terrible  drama 
was  deeply  deplorable.  Superintendent  of 
Police,  John  A.  Kennedy,  started  from  Po- 
lice Headquarters  alone,  in  citizen's  dress,  at 
about  10  o'clock,  a.  .m.,  Monday  morning, 
for  the  purpose  of  a  personal  inspection  of 
the  infected  districts.  Before  12  o'clock, 
noon,  he  was  brought  back  to  the  Head- 
quarters unconscious,  nearly  naked  ;  smeared 
with  blood  and  mud,  his  body  a  mass  of 
bruises,  his  hands  and  arms  hacked  with 
knives,  his  face  so  swollen  as  to  be  unrecog- 
nizable. 

This  treatment  of  the  active  head  of  the  Po- 
lice Department,  by  the  rufhan  clement,  was 
a  sharp  warning  of  what  was  to  be  the  char- 
acter of  the  coming  struggle,  and  ner\ed 
every  man  for  the  light  which  all  saw  was 
close  at  hand.  Outside  of  the  department 
it  was  understood  that  Kennedy  was  killed, 
causing  great  joy  to  one  party,  and  a  grim 
determination  on  the  part  of  the  other. 

ONE  IN  COMMAND. 

Commissioner  Thomas  C.  Acton,  now 
the  legal  head  of  the  police  force,  assumed 
immediate  control,  and  with  irresistible 
and  unfaltering  energy  carried  on  the  con- 
test to  the  triumphant  finish.  A  massing 
of  the  entire  reserve  force  at  the  Head- 
quarters in  Mulberrj'  street,  near  Bleecker, 
was  ordered  so  as  to  be  able,  by  the  aid 
of  information  gathered  from  the  tele- 
graphic and  detective  corps,  to  launch  a 
sufficient  force  against  a  mass  of  rioters,  to 
shatter  and  scatter  them  at  the  first  dash. 
The  wisdom  of  this  movement  will  be  fully 
comprehended  from  the  fact,  that  after  they 
were  once  in  hand  the  police  won  in  every 
battle  (and  there  were  more  than  fifty)  with 
the  mob. 

THE  MOB  MARCH. 

Early  in  the  morning  of  Mondaj'  there 
began  a  simultaneous  broad  movement 
of  the  vagabond  uneasy  elements  along 
the  west-side  avenues,  heading  up  town, 
and  swarming  into  an  open  space  near  Cen- 
tral Park.  A  short  time  was  spent  in  con- 
sultation, then  the  mass  made  a  return 
movement  in  two  streams  down  Sixth  and 
Fifth  avenues  to  Forty-sixth  and  Forty-sev- 
enth streets ;  again  turning  across  town  to 
Third  avenue  along  which  they  poured,  com- 
pletely filling  it  from  curb  to  curb,  with  a 
filthy,  ill-smelling  mass,  armed  with  every 
conceivable  sort  of  deadly  weapon,  filling  the 
air  with  bla.=phemous  shouts  and  impreca- 
tions. 

SWARMS. 

The  numbers  had  increased,  so  that  it 
took  thirty  minutes  to  pass  a  given  point. 
I  Fifty  thousand  is  thought,  by  those  who  wit- 


Hisloi  y  of  llic  Police. 


828^ 


broken  bricks,  ashes,  and  cinders  to  be 
stolen. 

DETECTIVKS  RF.PORT. 

Skillful  detectives  mingled  with  the  mov- 
ing throng,  and  learned  that  the  route 
would  lead  the  mob  to  the  Colored  Orphan 
Asylum  on  Fifth  avenue,  between  Forty-third 
and  Forty-fourth  streets  ;  that  Mayor  Op- 
dyke's  house,  (arthcr  down  the  avenue,  was 
to  be  sacked  ;  that  Police  Headquarters  was 
a  bad  place,  and  had  only  a  few  men  to  take 
care  of  it;  that  the  La  Fargc  House  had 
negro  waiters  ;  and  that  the  only  song  which 
awakened  enthusiasm,  affirmed  —  "We'll 
hang  old  Greeley  on  a  sour  apple  tree  ! "  As 
these,  and  other  similar  reports  were  brought 
in  by  trustworthy  men  from  all  along  the 
column,  the  designs  of  the  rioters  became 
known,  and  such  means  as  were  possible 
were  taken  to  thwart  them. 

ORPHAN  ASYLUM. 

The  Superintendent,  Wm.  E.  Davis,  of  the 
Colored  Orphan  Asylum,  was  notified,  and 
instant  steps  taken  to  remove  the  two  hun- 
dred and  thirty-three  infant  children  and  the 
matrons  and  nurses  to  the  Twentieth  Police 
Station,  Capt.  Walling,  and  other  places  of 
safety.  As  the  babies  and  nurses  went  out 
of  the  rear  doors,  the  feebly  barricaded  front 
doors  were  broken  down,  and  the  mob  took 
possession  of  the  soothing  syrup  and  nursing 
bottles,  the  rattles  and  ornaments,  the  cast- 
ofl  clouts  and  soiled  rags  of  these  black  or- 
phan babies,  as  memorials  of  their  success 
and  trophies  of  their  prowess.  Furniture 
that  was  too  heavy  for  removal  was  broken 
and  chopped,  apparently  with  no  other  than 
a  wild  desire  to  destroy. 


It  was  decided  to  offer  the  command  of 
the  battalion  of  two  hundred  men  to  In- 
spector Daniel  Carpenter,  stating  to  him  the 
gravity  of  the  occasion,  the  tremendous  odds 
to  be  encountered.  His  reply  was  prompt 
land  to  the  point.  Drawing  himself  up  to 
his  full  height,  and  lifting  his  hand,  with  a 
terrible  oath  lie  replied  :  "  I'll  go,  and  I'll  win 
that  fight,  or  Daniel  Carpenter  will  never 
come  back  a  live  man." 

"  Fall  in,  men,  fall  in  ; "  and  two  hundred 
men  took  position. 

"  Inspector,  make  no  arrests,"  said  Acton. 
Carpenter's  reply  was  heeded  and  acted  out. 

"  Men,  we'll  win.  Make  no  arrests.  Strike 
quick  and  strike  hard  ! " 

THE  FIRST  BATTLE. 

The  quick  march  which  followed  from 
Mulberry  street  to  Broadway  is  without 
parallel.  Two  hundred  here,  twenty  thou- 
sand there.  Carpenter  halted  as  he  reached 
Broadway.  Detaching  two  companies  of  fif- 
ty men  each,  he  sent  them  by  parallel  streets, 
on  the  right  and  left  of  Broadway,  up  to 
Fourth  street,  with  orders  to  come  down 
on  the  mob  column,  fr(jm  both  directions 
and  cut  it  in  two  at  Fourth  street,  and  ham- 
mer the  two  ends,  while  the  other  hundred 
men  were  to  pound  them  in  front.  At  the 
command  to  "charge"  the  avenging  flails 
were  let  fly,  and  began  their  fearful  play  upon 
heads,  necks,  shoulders,  and  shins,  with 
such  suddenness  and  power,  as  to  send,  in  less 
than  ten  minutes,  all  who  were  not  writhing 
and  groaning  on  the  pavement,  down  the  side 
streets  howling  and  yelling,  shrieking  and 
bellowing,  toward  their  homes. 

THE  FIRST  VICTORY. 


nessed  the  march,  to  be  a  fair  estimate  of 
this  assemblage.  It  was  into  this  swarm  that 
Superintendent  Kennedy  had  walked,  with 
such  serious  results,  a  short  time  previous. 

OPENING. 

While  they  were,  apparently,  waiting  un- 
decided where  next  to  move,  or  at  what  to 
strike,  there  were  side  diversions  gotten  up, 
on  the  instant,  in  various  ways.  One  such 
was  the  appearance  of  the  "Invalid  Corps" 
from  the  Park,  which  fired  a  volley  into  and 
over  the  crowd,  for  which  act  of  stupidity 
they  were  soundly  punished  by  having  their 
own  heads  battered  with  the  clubbed  mus- 
kets pulled  from  their  grasp  by  the  excited 
rabble.  Another  little  sharp,  praiseworthy 
eflfort  was  the  spunky  facing  of  this  immense 
herd  by  Sergeant  McCredie  with  a  squad  of 
fourteen  men,  and  charging  them  with  the 
greatest  spirit  and  bravery.  He  was  met 
with  a  perfect  shower  of  stones,  brick-bats, 
pistol  shots,  and  club  whacks  from  the  front, 
the  rear,  and  from  the  roofs.  Only  five  of 
his  men  were  unhurt,  and  "  fighting  Mac  " 
himself  escaped  death  by  being  slipped  in 
between  two  mattrasses  by  a  young  German 
woman,  whose  protection  he  sought.  A  gun 
factory  at  the  corner  of  Second  avenue  and 
Twentieth  street  was  known  to  contain 
arms.  It  was  only  protected  by  thirty-five 
members  of  the  Broadway  squad  who  made 
a  brief,  but  stubborn  resistence.  When  it  was 
seen  that  this  handful  could  not  be  re-en- 
forced, they  were  ordered  to  leave  the  build- 
ing, which  they  accomplished  at  great  peril ; 
immediately  afterward  the  pillage  com- 
menced, every  villain  who  could,  arming 
himself  with  a  musket,  breaking  and  render- 
ing useless  all  that  could  not  be  taken  away. 
While  the  armory  was  being  attacked,  an- 
other mob  was  sacking  and  burning  houses 
on  Lexington  avenue,  from  which  the  occu- 
pants fled  for  life,  leaving  everything  to  the 
inrushing  horde. 

HOTEL  SACKED  AND  BURNED. 

Bull's  Head  Tavern,  in  Forty-sixth  street, 
was  attacked  by  an  immense  crowd,  and 
after  a  few  minutes  of  pounding  and  chop- 
ping with  axes  in  the  hands  of  ten  powerful 
men,  the  doors  were  knocked  from  their 
hinges,  the  window-shutters  smashed  in, 
and  the  hotel  was  instantly  filled,  every 
part  ransacked  —  parlors,  pantries,  store- 
rooms, kitchen,  bed-rooms,  and  sitting- 
rooms  stripped  of  everything  eatable,  drink- 
able, or  portable,  then  set  on  fire  and  burned 
to  the  ground. 

SAMPLE  OF  MOB  WORK. 

Another  mob  of  seven  or  eight  hundred 
visited  the  negro  houses  in  Baxter  street, 
rushing  the  negroes  out  of  their  homes,  club- 
bing, pelting,  and  bruising,  and  maiming  all 
that  came  in  their  reach  ;  then  going  on  to 
Chatham  street,  where  they  assailed  Samuel 
Crooks'  eating  saloon,  and  assaulted  the 
colored  waiters.  The  City  Hall  Park  was 
filled  with  a  turbulent  crowd  which  muttered 
threats  at  the  nevvspape^v  offices,  being  par- 
ticularly bitter  against  Greeley's  Tribune. 
The  entire  block  between  Twenty-eighth  and 
Twenty-ninth  streets,  BroadVvay,  was  sacked 
and  burned.  The  swarm ing  thousands  that 
attended  the  burning  of  this  block  labored 
with  the  utmost  speed  in  piling  each  other 
to  the  limit  of  endurance,  and  then  stag- 
gering off  to  deposit  their  loads  of  costly 
goods,  returning  with  friends  to  repeat  the 
process  until  there  remained  nothing  but  | 


FIREMEN  ASSAULTED. 

Chief-engineer  Decker,  in  his  earnest  ef- 
forts to  save  the  building  from  burning,  was 
twice  knocked  down,  then  pitched  into  he 
street.  Assistant-e'igineers  Lamb  and  Lew- 
is, with  a  dozen  devoted  firemen,  made 
every  possible  effort  to  save  the  Asylum, 
but  were  overpowered,  driven  off,  and  the 
massive  structure  was  soon  a  roaring  flame, 
to  the  great  delight  of  ten  thousand  shout- 
ing vagabonds  who  assisted  at  the  conflagra- 
tion. 

DOWN  BROADWAY, 

Proceeding  to  Mayor  Opdyke's  residence 
they  saluted  him  with  oaths,  threats,  yells, 
and  ribald  jeers,  but  were  dissuaded  from 
then  carrying  out  their  fiendish  purposes  by 
Judge  Barnard,  who  addressed  them  from 
the  steps  of  an  adjoining  house. 

In  the  mean  time,  in  answer  to  President 
Acton's  summons,  the  police  had  been  com- 
ing in  by  "  twos,  fives,  and  tens,"  to  the  head- 
quarters in  Mulberry  street. 

The  Commissioners  had  been  kept  ad- 
vised of  the  progress  of  the  mob  up  to  their 
leaving  Mayor  Opdyke's,  on  their  march 
down  Broadway.  Their  number  must  have 
been  many  thousands — a  motley  crowd — 
elated  with  recent  success,  maddened  with 
drink,  armed  with  every-  conceivable  sort  of 
deadly  weapon,  and  receiving  accessions  con- 
stantly, their  formidable  look  drove  peace- 
ably disposed  people  off  the  street,  and  closed 
up  all  places  of  business. 

THE  CRISIS. 

At  the  headquarters.  Chief  Clerk  Hawley 
said  to  the  Commissioners :  "  Gentlemen, 
the  crisis  has  arrived.  A  battle  has  got  to 
be  fought,  and  won.  too,  or  all  is  lost." 


As  this  mass  of  devilish  nastiness  slid  out 
of  Broadway  toward  the  docks,  and  the 
sturdy  battalion  stood  victors,  the  windows 
went  up  and  cheer  upon  cheer  greeted  the 
heroes. 

This  first  victory  was  hailed  as  an  omen 
of  coming  triumphs  and  of  final  success. 

Yet  all  seemed  to  comprehend,  as  a  fact 
established,  that  the  night,  near  at  hand, 
would  be  one  of  great  trial,  and  that  great 
efforts  were  demanded  to  meet  the  expected 
perils. 

THE  SITUATION  EXPLAINED. 

The  exact  situation  was  made  known  to 
the  military  authorities  of  the  city,  the  state, 
the  nation,  New  Jersey,  Massachusetts,  Con- 
necticut, Rhode  Island,  and  aid  asked.  As 
one  result  of  this  application,  Brevct-Briga- 
dier-Gencral  Harvey  Brown,  of  the  U.  S.  A., 
repaired  to  the  Police  Headquarters,  where 
he  established  his  own  headquarters,  and 
throughout  the  remainder  of  the  week  gave 
himself  and  his  command  to  a  hearty  co-op- 
eration with  the  civil  authorities. 

IMMENSE  MOB  AT  CITY  HALL  PARK. 

While  the  Department  made  preparations 
the  rioters  were  busy  from  Westchester  to 
Brooklyn,  and  the  whole  community  was 
becoming  thoroughly  alarmed.  Crowds  were 
gathering  in  the  park.  Railroad  cars  were 
searched  for  negroes.  Greeley  was  hunted 
for  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Tribiou- ofhcc.  Capt. 
Warlow,  of  the  First  Precinct,  twenty-nine 
Broad  street,  and  Capt.  Thorne.  of  the  City 
Hall,  attacked  and  quickly  dispersed- riotous 
crowds  in  the  neighborhood  of  Printing 
House  Square,  driving  them  up  Chatham 
street,  and  down  Frankfort  and  Spruce 
streets.    As  soon  as  the  police  stopped  the 


828/ 


History  of  the  Police. 


pursuit,  the  crowd  returned  with  a  renewal 
of  riotous  demonstrations. 

ECOND  GREAT  VICTORY. 

In  the  early  part  of  the  evening  the  crowd 
had  completely  filled  the  park  again,  and 
weie  attacked  and  roughly  handled  by  a 
hundred  men  under  Inspector  Carpenter, 
and  Inspector  Folk  with  one  hundred  and 
forty  men  from  the  Brooklyn  force. 

The  rapid  and  deadly  work  performed  in 
this  charge  in  the  park,  was  in  no  way  infe- 
rior to  that  done  a  few  hours  before  up 
Broadway. 

The  burning  of  postmaster  Wakeman's 
house,  in  Eighty-sixth  street,  was  among 
the  last  acts  of  barbarism  enacted  during 
the  first  day  of  the  riot. 

TUESDAY. 

July  14. — At  the  opening  of  the  second 
day  of  riot  and  disorder,  a  few  marked  facts 
stood  in  bold  outline,  which  were  well  known 
to  all  parties. 

First — That  not  less  than  one  hundred 
thousand  idle  people  had  appeared  in  the 
streets  during  the  previous  day  and  night. 

Second — That  the  party  of  good  order 
was  as  thoroughly  in  earnest  as  was  the 
party  of  disorder. 

Third — That  a  compact,  well-drilled,  well- 
handled  battalion  of  two  hundred  policemen 
would  drive  through  a  crowd  of  twenty 
thousand  gathered  as  a  mob  and  disperse 
them. 

J-'ourt/i — That  the  dispersed  crowd  would 
quickly  reform  only  a  few  blocks  away,  and 
begin  anew  their  work  of  death  and  de- 
struction ;  and  thus  by  their  overwhelming 
numbers  eventually  tire  and  wear  out  the 
police. 

encouraged. 

The  police  force  had  the  prestige  of  a  re- 
markable success  in  the  encounters  of  Mon- 
day. They  were  immensely  strengthened 
by  the  presence  of  a  large  force  of  special 
policemen,  and  still  further  strengthened  by 
the  presence  of  General  Brown  and  three 
hundred  troops,  equipped,  drilled,  and  ready 
to  co-operate. 

As  early  as  five  o'clock  a.m.  telegrams  be- 
gan to  come  in,  showing  that  mischief  had 
began.  The  north  part  of  the  city  was  alive 
with  gathering  crowds,  and  from  the  Si.xth 
avenue  on  the  west  side  to  the  Second  ave- 
nue on  the  east,  and  nearly  as  far  down  as 
Broome  street,  the  streets  were  black  with 
masses  of  e-xcited  men. 

NOT  A  WHEEL  IN  MOTION. 

Stores  and  business  places  were  very  gen- 
erally shut  up,  and  in  many  instances  me- 
chanics and  workingmen,  instead  of  going 
to  work  in  shops  and  factories,  stood  on 
the  sidewalks,  and  as  the  tramping  throng 
crowded  past,  were  induced  or  forced  to  join 
the  excited  multitude.  Public  conveyances 
nearly  all  stopped  ;  people  trembled  as  they 
peered  into  the  streets  and  saw  them  tilled 
with  strange-appearing  crowds.  Scattered 
all  through  the  throngs  dirty,  ferocious- 
looking  women  were  seen,  gesticulating  as 
wildly,  and  talking  as  fiercely,  as  the  most 
vulgar-looking  man-villain. 

DISPERSIC  TIIKM. 

The  authorities  had  determined  to  dis- , 
perse  the  crowds  at  the  earliest  moment  | 
possible,  after  knowing  that  a  gathering  was 
taking  place.    The  telegraph  was  the  main  1 


reliance  for  getting  early  reliable  informa- 
tion upon  this  point.  In  carrying  out  this 
purpose  the  military  was  to  support  the  po- 
lice, which  was  the  proper  party  to  begin 
the  work.  It  sometimes  happened  that  the 
mob  assembled  with  such  rapidity  that  upon 
the  arrival  of  the  force  at  a  point  named,  the 
streets  were  blocked  for  a  dozen  squares,  the 
houses  crammed  full  to  the  top  story,  and 
the  roofs  covered  with  desperate  men."  In- 
spector Carpenter  came  upon  such  a  mass  at 
Twenty-first  street  and  Second  avenue, 
which  received  him  with  hoots,  yells,  and 
oaths,  but  offered  no  violence. 

Following  the  avenue  to  Thirty-second 
street.  Carpenter  and  his  men  found  them- 
selves in  the  heart  of  a  dense  crowd,  which 
stopped  their  progress  and  began  an  assault 
upon  them  from  all  sides,  and  from  the  win- 
dov/s  of  the  houses  as  well  as  from  the  roofs, 
making  hot  work  by  discharging  stones,  old 
iron,  brick  bats,  and  bullets  upon  them. 
Other  efforts  failing  to  dislodge  the  rioters, 
fifty  policemen  were  ordered  to  clear  the 
houses. 

All  the  stories,  from  the  street  to  the  roof, 
must  be  traversed,  through  narrow  doors, 
along  winding  halls,  up  steep  stairways,  and 
rickety  ladders,  only  wide  enough  for  two  or 
three  men  to  move  abreast,  until  the  scuttle, 
through  the  roof,  is  reached,  out  of  which 
only  one  man  at  a  time  can  crawl,  and  at 
every  turn  and  landing  the  progress  is  dis- 
puted by  athletic  fellows,  fully  equipped 
with  formidable  weapons.  These  indoor 
fights  were  mainly  hand-to-hand  struggles, 
where  a  well-aimed  club  blow  knocked  aside 
a  knife  thrust,  or  parried  a  well-delivered 
blov.'  from  a  bully' s  fist.  As  they  slowly 
worked  their  way  upward  an  occasional  mis- 
creant would  slip  past,  only  to  receive  pun- 
ishment from  those  stationed  in  the  lower 
rooms  or  in  the  street.  By  careful  watching 
in  the  streets  many  desperate  men  were 
picked  off  when  they  showed  at  the  windows 
or  at  the  edge  of  the  roof. 

After  an  hour's  terrible  struggle  the  houses 
were  cleared  and  the  mob  scattered,  leaving 
behind  them  a  large  number  of  mauled,  crip- 
pled, helpless,  and  several  dead  men. 

The  streets  were  speckled  with  bodies. 

FIGHT  AT  THE  WIRE  FACTORY. 

Several  thousand  carbines  were  known  to 
be  in  a  wire  factory  at  Second  avenue  and 
Twenty-second  street,  and  the  mob  made  an 
attack  upon  it  to  secure  the  carbines. 

Inspector  Geo.  W.  Dilks,  with  two  hun- 
dred men,  started  for  the  factory,  which  he 
found  in  the  possession  of  thousands,  who 
were  rapidly  distributin";  the  guns. 

The  appearance  of  only  two  hundred  men 
to  retake  the  factory  and  regain  the  guns 
was  greeted  with  shouts  of  derision  and  de- 
fiance. Without  losing  a  minute  of  time,  or 
a  puff  of  breath  in  parley,  Dilks  drove  his 
compact  battalion  steadily  through  the 
mass,  strewing  the  sidewalks,  gutters,  and 
pavements  with  senseless,  bleeding  vaga- 
bond carcases.  Upon  reaching  the  entrance 
to  the  factory,  the  order  to  assault  and  take 
it  was  obeyed  with  such  spirit  and  dash  as 
to  warrant  success.  The  doors  were  forced, 
the  stairs  won  step  by  step,  inch  by  inch; 
the  rooms  were  gained,  the  building  cleared 
of  rioters,  who  were  fearfully  punished 
throughout  this  long  and  desperate  fight. 

The  number  killed  was  unknown,  but  some 
idea  of  the  fierceness  of  the  combat  may  be 
inferred  (rom  the  fact  that  one  surgeon  alone 
dressed  the  heads  of  twenty-one  rioters,  who 
appeared  to  be  wounded  unto  death. 


Unfortunately  the  police  overlooked  sev- 
eral boxes  of  guns,  and  the  mob  made  a  sec- 
ond attempt  upon  the  factory,  which  was  re- 
pelled by  Capt.  Helm,  with  a  small  squad  of 
police — quite  too  small  in  numbers  to  with- 
stand the  infuriated  and  fast  growing  crowd. 
Inspector  Dilks,  with  a  fresh  two  hundred 
police,  accompanied  by  Capt.  Franklin's 
company  of  militarj-,  shortly  returned  and 
resumed  the  fight.  The  air  was  thick  with 
missiles  thrown  from  the  roofs.  Paving 
stones  by  cart  loads  were  showered  upon 
the  heads  of  the  police  and  military.  Re- 
peated warnings  to  disperse  being  answered 
only  by  shouts  of  defiance  and  renewed 
showers  of  stones,  the  military  were  ordered 
to  fire,  and  several  well-aimed  volleys  were 
delivered  with  terrible  effect ;  the  mob  re- 
treating. 

WHO? 

In  one  of  the  many  rushes  or  charges 
made  by  the  mob  upon  the  force,  an  active 
man  had  shown  great  courage,  accidentally 
he  tripped,  and  in  falling  was  caught  on  an 
iron  picket,  where  he  hung  by  the  chin, 
struggled  awhile  and  died.'  Capt.  Hedden 
saw  the  corpse,  lifted  it  from  the  spike  and 
laid  it  on  the  sidewalk.  An  examination 
showed  that  underneath  a  filthy  shirt  and 
dirty  overalls  he  wore  fine  cassimere  trows- 
ers,  a  rich  vest,  and  an  elegantly  embroider- 
ed linen  shirt.  The  features  and  general 
appearance  indicated  a  young  man  from  a 
grade  in  society  much  above  his  present  as- 
sociations. 

In  the  mean  while,  all  over  the  city,  mobs 
were  starting  into  active  existence,  firing 
buildings,  levying  contributions  upon  citi- 
zens on  the  threat  of  burning  their  stores  or 
dwellings  in  case  of  non-payment ;  chasing, 
catching,  and  hanging  negroes ;  cutting  tele- 
graph poles,  and  tearing  up  railroad  tracks. 
Mayor  Opdyke's  house  was  sacked,  as  were 
also  the  residences  of  other  eminent  citizens. 

Col.  O'Brien  of  the  Eleventh  New  York 
Volunteers  w'as  murdered  in  a  manner  so 
fiendlike  that  a  tribe  from  the  Cannibal 
Islands  would  have  turned  from  the  scene 
in  disgust. 

A  copy  from  telegraphic  despatches  will 
give  a  faint  idea  of  the  condition  of  the 
city  on  Tuesday  forenoon  : 

HELP. 

10:20.  From  Thirteenth. —  Send  military 
here  immediately. 

10:22.  To  Seventh. — Find  military  and 
send  to  Thirteenth  street  forthwith. 

10:45.  From  Sixteenth. — A  mob  has  at- 
tacked Janes'  soap  factor)'.    Stores  all  closed. 

10:50.  To  Twenty-sixth. — Tell  Inspector 
Leonard  to  send  100  men  here  forthwith. 

10:55.  To  Twentieth. — From  Gen.  Brown. 
— Send  to  arsenal  and  say  a  hea\y  battle  is 
going  on.  Capt.  Wilkins  and  company  of 
regulars  will  report  to  me  here  at  once. 

ir:i8.  From  Sixteenth. — Mob  is  coming 
down  to  station-house.    We  have  no  men. 

11:20.  From  Eighteenth.  The  mob  is  very 
wild,  comer  of  Twenty-second  and  Second 
I  avenue.  They  have  attacked  the  Union 
Steam  Factory. 

I  11:35.  From  Twentieth. — Send  one  hun- 
dred men  to  disperse  mob  assailing  Mayor 
Opdyke's  house. 

1     11:35.  To  Twenty-si.xth  —  Send  another 

!  hundred  men  here  forthwith. 

j     11:38.  To  Twenty-first. — Can  you  send  a 

few  men  here  ? 

11:40.  From    Twenty-second. — The  mob 

has  gone  to  Mr.  Higgins's  factory,  foot  of 
I  Forty-third  street,  to  burn  it. 


1 


History  of  the  Police. 


828^ 


11:45.  From  Eighteenth. — What  shall  we 
do  ?    The  mob  is  4,500  strong. 

Answer  :  Clear  them  down,  if  you  can. 

11:50.  From  Eighteenth. — We  must  leave; 
the  mob  is  here  with  guns. 

11:50.  From  Twentieth. — The  mob  tear- 
ing up  track  on  Eleventh  avenue. 

11.58.  The  mob  have  just  sacked  a  large 
gun  store  on  Grand  street,  and  are  armed, 
and  are  on  the  way  to  attack  us. 

12:10.  To  Fifteenth. — Send  your  men  here 
forthwith. 

12:35.  From  Twentieth. — Send  two  hun- 
dred men  forthwith  to  Thirty-fifth  street 
arsenal. 

•  12:36.  From  Twenty-first. — The  mob  have 
just  broken  open  a  gun  store  on  Third  ave- 
nue, between  Thirty-sixth  and  Thirty-sev- 
enth streets,  and  are  arming. 

12:40.  From  Twenty-first. — Send  help;  the 
crowd  is  desperate. 

These  urgent  appeals  for  help  were  kept 
up  from  daylight  to  midnight  for  three  days 
in  succession.  Clear  heads,  untiring  energy, 
sleepless  vigilance,  and  almost  superhuman 
endurance,  could  only  meet  the  demands  of 
such  an  occasion. 

HELP  COMING. 

The  department  was,  however,  in  receipt 
of  aid  and  support  of  the  most  encouraging 
and  substantial  kind  from  all  quarters. 
Troops  and  warlike  appliances  from  forts  in 
the  vicinity,  and  from  the  Navy  Yard,  were 
in  readiness.  Formidable  gunboats  took 
positions,  which  guarded  important  finan- 
cial interests.  Men  eminent  in  social  posi- 
tion volunteered  their  services.  Gov.  Sey- 
mour had  given  the  great  weight  of  his  per- 
sonal and  official  influence,  by  co-operating 
with  the  local  authorities  in  all  their  efforts 
to  annihilate  the  mob,  and  thus  save  the 
imperilled  city. 

Thus,  although  the  commotion  and  car- 
nage was  frightful  and  great,  the  Commis- 
sioners felt  sure  of  their  ability  to  hold  their 
grip  on  the  monstrous  thing  and  to  finally 
strangle  it. 

The  frantic  hordes,  as  they  roamed  and 
raved  through  the  streets,  took  careful  note 
of  points  that  gave  evidence  of  being  likely 
to  yield  large  returns  in  plunder,  as  well  as 
give  an  opportunity  to  wreak  vengeance  on 
honest,  industrious  citizens,  whom  they  re- 
garded as  being  their  natural  foes.  Hence 
the  attacks — not  unfrequently  repeated  at- 
tacks— on  the  Tribune,  the  Times,  Mayor 
Opdyke,  Post-master  Wakeman,  Mr.  Gibbon, 
Mr.  Sinclair,  Mr.  Edgar  A.  Ketcham,  prom- 
inent hotels,  and  business  houses. 

GETTING  AND  GIVING  FITS. 

Brooks  Brothers'  clothing-house  in  Catha- 
rine street  seemed  to  be  an  inviting  place  to 
attack.  Good  places  for  thieves  to  hide  and 
in  which  to  secret  plunder  were  near.  The 
store  was  large  ;  rich,  ready-made  clothing 
is  easily  handled  and  quickly  put  to  use. 
At  dark,  the  surrounding  streets  literally 
swarmed  with  human  vermin.  The  doors 
under  attack  soon  gave  way,  and  the  build- 
ing was  in  the  hands  of  an  active  mob,  which 
carried  away  piles  of  manufactured  goods 
and  bolts  of  uncut  cloth. 

The  night  was  very  dark.  The  street- 
lamps  in  the  vicinity  were  turned  out,  and 
the  lights  in  the  adjacent  houses  extinguish- 
ed ;  but  the  mob,  inside  the  clothing-house, 
the  better  to  carry  on  their  work,  had  lighted 
up  the  whole  building.  It  was  a  strange 
sight.  The  thousands  outside  all  anxious 
to  get  within  to  secure  a  share  of  the  plun- 


der; those  within  and  loaded,  still  more 

anxious  to  get  away  to  a  safe  deposit. 

The  doors  and  stairways  were  all  too  nar- 
row for  this  occasion,  therefore  the  scram- 
bling and  plunging  was  of  the  wildest  kind 
imaginable.  When  the  police  charged  in 
from  out  the  darkness  upon  this  busy  gang  of 
freebooters,  the  scene  that  followed  beggars 
description.  Some  of  the  thieves  attempted 
to  rush  through  the  police  and  escape  ;  some 
showed  fight ;  .some  fell  on  their  knees  and 
begged  for  mercy ;  others  hid  in  corners  and 
under  overthrown  heaps  of  clothing;  still 
others  sought  safety  by  leaping  from  win- 
dows. But  ever^'where,  out-doors  and  in, 
up-stairs  and  down-stairs,  in  the  sales-rooms 
and  in  the  closets,  on  the  first  story,  and  in 
all  the  stores,  the  club  swung  and  fell  with 
withering  effect. 

NO  QUARTER. 

By  this  time  the  police  had  had  repeated 
opportunities  to  know  that  the  meeting  with 
a  burly  ruffian  under  such  conditions  was 
a  question  of  life  or  death,  and  often  the 
argument  was  begun  and  ended  with  one 
swing  of  the  locust. 

There  were  opportunities  in  this  battle  for 
the  police  to  use  the  revolver,  and  they  were 
all  improved  with  deadly  results. 

An  attempt  to  burn  Harlem  Bridge  failed 
on  account  of  the  timber  having  been  soaked 
by  the  rain.  Numberless  attempts  to  burn 
in  all  parts  of  the  city  were  made  ;  some 
successful,  others  were  frustrated  ;  the  mob 
was  wild  and  malignant,  the  people  feverish 
and  fearful ;  and  by  two  o'clock  in  the  morn- 
ing all  were  worn  out  and  wanted  sleep.  All 
except  Commissioner  Acton.  He  kept 
awake. 

WEDNESDAY. 

July  15. — There  was  a  hush  all  over  the 
city,  excepting  at  the  Police  Headquarters. 
Broadway  wore  a  Sunday-morning  look.  No 
stages,  trucks,  express -wagons,  hand -cart  ■ 
nor  carriages  were  moving ;  shop-shutters 
were  not  taken  down  nor  windows  opened. 

But  to  show  the  disposition  of  the  riotous 
classes,  a  reference  again  to  the  records  of 
the  Telegraphic  Dispatch-book,  for  this 
date,  will  be  the  shortest  method. 

It  will  be  well  to  notice  that  these  few  ex- 
tracts embrace  almost  the  entire  city. 

ARTILLERY  PRACTISE. 

Early  in  the  morning  a  call  was  made  for 
help  to  disperse  a  crowd  of  some  five  thou- 
sand that  were  sacking  houses  and  hanging 
negroes  at  Eighth  avenue  and  Thirty-second 
street.  Capt.  Howell  and  the  Eighth  Regi- 
ment of  Artiller>^  answered  the  call,  and  were 
met  with  showers  of  stones,  slung-shots,  and 
brickbats.  Expostulations  were  met  by  re- 
peated volleys  of  missiles,  until  the  howitzers 
were  brought  to  bear,  and  five  or  six  rounds 
tore  through  and  through  the  crowd  with 
deadly  effect,  leaving  the  street  covered  with 
the  dead  and  the  dying.  The  howitzer  shots 
had  a  depressing  effect  on  the  mob. 

HELP  !  HELP ! 

12:20.  From  Twenty-first. — Building  cor- 
ner of  Thirty-third  street  and  Second  avenue 
is  set  on  fire  by  the  mob. 

12:50.  From  Fifteenth.  —  Send  assistance 
to  the  Twenty-first  Precinct,  they  are  at- 
tacking it. 

12:55.  Twenty-si.xth. — It  is  reported  that 
Government  stores,  Greenwich  street,  are 
on  fire.    Fired  by  the  mob. 

1:10.  From  Twenty-seventh. — Send  more 
men  here  forthwith. 


1:25.  From  Fourth. — Fire  corner  of  Cath- 
arine street  and  East  Broadwav. 

1:45.  Report  from  Eleventh  Precinct  says : 
I?ands  of  robbers,  of  fifty  to  one  hundred 
each,  are  breaking  into  stores  in  Houston 
near  Attorney  street. 

1:47.  From  Twenty-ninth. — The  mob  have 
cleared  Twenty-first  Precinct  Station-house. 
I     2  P.M.  From  Twenty-ninth. — A  large  mob 
j  surrounded  Capt.  Green's  house,  Twcnly- 
eigiith  street  and  Third  avenue.   He  escaf>ed 
;  out  of  the  back  window.    They  threatened 
to  hang  him. 

I  3:10.  To  Eleventh. — Send  to  foot  of  Four- 
teenth street,  East  River,  and  if  military  is 
there,  send  word  forthwith. 

3:15.  From  Twenty-fourth. — Mob  are  firing 
the  buildings  on  Second  avenue  near  Twenty- 
eighth  street.  Immediate  assistance  is  re- 
quired.   Negroes  are  fleeing  for  their  lives. 

3:25  From  Twentieth. — The  mob  are  sack- 
ing houses  at  Twenty-seventh  street  and 
Seventh  avenue.   We  have  no  force  to  send. 

3:30.  There  is  an  attack  on  the  colored 
people  in  Second  avenue,  between  Twenty- 
eighth  and  Twenty-ninth  streets. 

3:40.  From  Eleventh. — Send  to  242  Stan- 
ton street,  and  take  possession  of  five  thou- 
sand cavalry  swords  which  the  mob  are  trj- 
ing  to  capture. 

3:45.  To  Twenty-first. — How  do  things 
look  ?  Ans. — Very  bad ;  large  crowd  in 
Thirty-fifth  street  near  Third  avenue,  and 
no  assistance  from  adjoining  precincts. 

4  P.M.  To  Twenty-first. — What  is  going 
on  Ans. — The  mob  have  captured  five  or 
six  negroes,  and  are  preparing  to  hang 
them  ;  be  quick  with  reinforcements. 

4:43.  From  Twentieth. — News  just  come 
in  that  the  mob  are  about  to  attack  Twenty- 
third  Precinct  Station-house. 

5:15.  From  Sixteenth. — Send  us  one  hun- 
dred special  shields  and  clubs,  the  citizens 
are  arming  up  well. 

5:15.  From  Twenty-ninth. — Who  feeds  the 
special  men  }  Ans. — You  must,  far  as  able. 
Reply. — No  money.  Ans. — It  makes  no  dif- 
ference ;  they  must  be  fed  ;  we  are  respon- 
sible. 

5:20.  From  Twenty-ninth.  —  The  rioters 
arc  now  on  Seventh  avenue  and  Twenty- 
eighth  street.  They  have  just  killed  a  ne- 
gro ;  say  they  are  going  to  cut  off  the  Cro- 
ton  ;  they  have  pickaxes  and  crow-bars,  also 
say  they  will  cut  off  the  gas,  so  reported  by 
one  of  our  men  who  has  been  in  the  crowd  ; 
they  were  about  to  fire  corner  of  Twenty- 
!  eighth  street  and  Seventh  avenue  when  he 
came  away. 

5:25.  From  First.— Riot  at  Pier  4,  North 
River  ;  they  have  killed  negroes  there. 

The  city  was  filled  with  apprehension  and 
dread.  What  with  the  surging  of  wild 
crowds,  the  pillaging  and  burning,  the  thun- 
dering of  cannon,  and  the  ringing  of  fire- 
bells,  the  horrors  of  Wednesday  night  were 
scarcely  less  than  the  preceding  night. 

FORTUNATE  BROOKLYN. 

Brooklyn  had  been  so  thoughtfully  cared  for 
by  Inspector  Folk  and  his  luell-discipUned 
force,  that  the  gathering  crozuds  of  ruffians 
were  scattered  to  the  winds  before  their  mis- 
chievous plans  could  be  carried  into  effect. 
Never  before  was  the  adage,  "An  ounce  of 
prevention,"  etc.,  so  well  eKemplified,  as  in 
the  general  quiet  of  the  city  of  Brooklyn 
during  the  RIOT  week.  Fires  were  kindled, 
Wednesday  night,  in  Shaw's  and  Fancher's 
grain  elevators,  Atlantic  Dock ;  and  in 
Wheeler's  stores  ;  but  by  the  timely  arrival 
of  the  police,  and  their  prompt  action,  the 


828// 


History  of  the  Police. 


fires  were  put  out,  the  mob  dispersed  with 
but  trifling  loss,  and  no  wide-spread  excite- 
ment. 

HELP  AT  HAND, 

At  about  half-past  4  o'clock,  Thursday 
morninfi;,  with  a  firm  tread  and  steady  col- 
umn, the  Seventh  Regiment  marched  up 
Broadway,  "  hon'c  again  "  from  the  war. 

July  16. — The  presence  of  city  regiments, 
also  of  regiments  belonging  to  other  lo- 
calities, on  their  homeward  route  from  the 
front,  was  hailed  by  both  police  and  citizens 
as  a  sure  relief  from  further  mob  domina- 
tion. But  the  mob  were  not  yet  completely 
quelled.  A  few  more  despatches,  copied 
from  the  police  records,  will  give  an  idea  of 
the  mob's  vitality  and  malignity. 

1:25  P.  M.  From  Twenty-first. — The  mob 
has  charged  our  military,  about  twenty-five 
in  number,  and  driven  them  into  Jackson's 
foundry,  First  avenue  and  Twenty-eighth 
street.  The  mob  are  armed,  and  every  time 
a  Regular  shows  himself  they  fire.  A  few 
good  skirmishers  would  pick  off  these  rifle- 
men, and  relieve  the  military. 

1:54.  From  Twenty-first. — Send  military 
assistance  immediately  to  First  avenue  and 
Twenty-eighth  street.  The  mob  increases 
and  will  murder  the  military  force.  A>is. — 
They  are  on  their  way  up. 

THE  DEATH  STRUGGLE. 

In  the  fierce  battle  that  followed,  the  mili- 
tary were  reinforced  largely,  and  still  were 
driven  by  the  mob  ;  and  again  reinforced  by 
regiments,  including  the  Seventh  ;  then  by  a 
steady  and  liberal  use  of  all  the  means  at  the 
command  of  artillery  and  infantry  they  were 
dislodged  from  the  houses.  Many  other  col- 
lisions occurred  in  all  parts  of  the  city,  but 
the  police  and  their  earnest  co-workers,  the 
military,  were  irresistible.  The  fourth  night 
of  terror  was  passing,  and  the  Commissioners 
were  able  now  to  call  the  names  of  over  one 
thousand  special  volunteer  policemen ;  the 
military  was  swelled  to  formidable  propor- 
tions by  the  steady  arrival  of  returning  regi- 
ments. Acton  had  his  clutch  on  the  throat 
of  the  foul  thing  still,  and  he  was  deter- 
mined to  hold  on  until  it  was  strangled  dead. 
The  operation  lasted  an  hundred  hours. 

MAYOR  OPDYKE'S  PROCLAMATION. 

July  17.  Fifth  day  of  the  riot. — Brief  ex- 
tracts from  oflicial  documents  are  given. 
Mayor  Opdyke. — "The  riotous  assemlslages 
have  been  dispersed.  Business  is  running 
in  its  usual  channel.  The  police  are  every- 
where alert.  The  authorities  have  the  abil- 
ity and  the  will  to  protect  you." 

COMMENDATION   FROM  A  UNITED  STATES 
OFFICER. 

Gen.  Harvey  Brown,  in  relinquishing  his 
command,  says  :  "  Having,  during  the  in- 
surrection, been  in  immediate  and  constant 
co-operation  with  the  Police  Department 
of  this  city,  he  desires  the  privilege  of  ex- 

Rressing  his  unbounded  admiration  of  it. 
ever  in  our  civil  or  military  life  has  he  ever 
seen  such  untiring  devotion  and  such  effi- 
cient service.  To  President  Acton  and 
Commissioner  Bergen  he  offers  his  thanks 
for  their  courtesy  to  him,  and  their  kindness 
to  his  command.  The  only  merit  1  can 
claim  in  the  performance  of  the  duty  which 
has  given  me  the  high  distinction  of  your 
approbation,  is  that  o?  an  honest  singleness 
of  purpose  in  seconding  the  very  able  and 


energetic  efforts  of  the  President  of  the 
Metropolitan  Police,  Mr.  Acton,  to  whom, 
in  my  opinion,  more  than  to  any  other  one 
man,  is  due  the  credit  of  the  early  suppres- 
sion of  the  riot." 


COMMISSIONERS    OF    POLICE  COMPLIMENT 
THE  FORCE. 

The  following  extract,  from  an  "  Address 
to  the  Force  "  by  the  Commissioners  of  Po- 
lice, is  a  well-merited  tribute  to  the  parties 
named  therein  : 

"  Of  the  Inspectors,  Captains,  and  Ser- 
geants of  police,  who  led  parties  in  the  fear- 
ful contest,  we  are  proud  to  say  none  faltered 
or  failed.  Each  was  equal  to  the  hour  and 
the  emergency.  Not  one  failed  to  over- 
come the  danger  however  imminent,  or  to 
defeat  the  enemy  however  numerous.  Es- 
pecial commendation  is  due  to  Drill-Ser- 
geant  Copeland,  for  his  most  valuable  aid  in 
commanding  the  movements  of  larger  de- 
tachments of  the  police. 

"  The  patrolmen,  who  were  on  duty,  fought 
through  the  numerous  and  fierce  conflicts 
with  the  steady  courage  of  veteran  soldiers ; 
and  have  won,  as  they  deserve,  the  highest 
commendations  from  the  public,  and  from 
this  Board.  In  their  ranks  there  was  neither 
faltering  nor  struggling.  Devotion  to  duty 
and  courage  in  the  performance  of  it  were 
universal. 

"  Mr.  Crowley,  the  Superintendent  of  the 
Police  Telegraph,  and  the  attaches  of  his 
Department,  by  untiring  and  sleepless  vigil- 
ance in  transmitting  information  through 
more  than  ten  days  and  nights,  have  more 
than  sustained  the  high  reputation  they 
have  always  possessed.  Through  all  these 
bloody  contests  they  have  demeaned  them- 
selves like  worthy  members  of  the  Metro- 
politan Police. 

"  Sergeant  Young,  of  the  detective  force, 
aided  by  Mr.  Newcomb  and  other  special 
patrolmen,  rendered  most  effective  service 
in  arranging  the  commissary  supplies  for  the 
large  number  of  police,  military,  special  pa- 
trolmen, and  destitute  colored  refugees, 
whose  subsistence  was  thrown  unexpectedly 
upon  the  Department.  The  duty  was  ardu- 
ous and  responsible,  and  was  performed  with 
rigor  and  fidelity. 

"  The  public  and  the  department  owe  a 
debt  of  gratitude  to  the  citizens  who  volun- 
tarily became  special  patrolmen,  some  three 
thousand  of  whom,  for  several  days  and 
nights,  did  regular  patrolman's  duty  with 
great  effect.  In  the  name  of  the  public,  and 
of  the  Department  in  which  they  were  vol- 
unteers, we  thank  them." 

July  18. — There  being  about  ten  thousand 
troops  in  the  city,  any  farther  massing  was, 
by  direction  of  the  Governor,  prevented. 

July  19. — Sunday. — Good  order  reigned 
from  the  Battery  to  Harlem. 

August  3. — At  the  Court  of  General  Ses- 
sions, twenty  of  the  rioters  were  indicted,  of 
whom  nineteen  were  convicted.  The  aggre- 
gate term  of  their  imprisonment  was  about 
one  hundred  years.  From  records  and  reli- 
able sources,  it  appears  that  three  policemen 
lost  their  lives  ;  a  large  but  unknown  num- 
ber of  citizens  and  officers  were  wounded  ; 
twelve  negroes  were  hanged,  and  many 
others  disappeared. 

The  loss  in  the  city,  in  property,  was  not 
much  short  of  three  million  dollars  ;  nine- 
teen of  the  rioters  were  sentenced  to  State 
Prison,  and  probably  fifteen  hundred  were 
killed  or  died  in  consequence  of  injuries 
received, 


1870,  May  1st. — Organization  of  the 
Department  of  Police,  Brooklyn; 

com.missioners,  etc.  : 
Daniel  D.  Briggs,  President. 
Isaac  Van  Anden,  Treasurer. 
Martin  S.  Kalbefleisch,  Mayor,  Commis- 
sioner ex-ojjicio. 

Patrick  Campbell,  Chief  of  Police,  {vice 
Folk.) 

orange  riot  at  ELM  PARK,  NEW  YORK 
CITY. 

1870,  July  12. — Twenty-five  hundred  men, 
women,  and  children  in  gala  dress,  and  in 
regalia  of  the  Orange  Lodges,  were  peace- 
ably and  quietly  enjoying  the  rural  sports 
and  festivities  of  a  picnic  in  Elm  Park, 
Eighth  avenue  and  Ninetieth  street.  There 
having  been  no  intimation  of  trouble  at 
their  picnic,  no  precautions  were  taken. 
About  five  hundred  Ribbonmen  armed  with 
bludgeons  and  stones,  made  a  furious  attack 
upon  the  party.  Being  encumbered  with  all 
the  material  and  baggage  of  a  social  gather- 
ing, and  wholly  unarmed,  nothing  but  a 
show  of  resistance  and  protection  could  be 
offered.  A  small,  gallant  force  of  police- 
men soon  came  to  help  them,  and  under 
their  escort  a  portion  of  the  pic-nic  party 
moved  in  procession  homeward,  while 
others  took  refuge  in  the  cars  of  the 
Eighth  avenue  road.  The  assault  was  here 
renewed,  the  sides  of  the  cars  being  broken 
in  with  stones.  The  screams  and  shrieks  of 
women  and  children,  mingled  with  oaths  and 
shouts  of  the  attack,  were  heard  blocks 
away.  The  scene  was  terrific  until  a  party 
of  police  was  assembled,  sufficiently  strong 
to  protect  the  living  and  move  the  dying 
and  dead.  Large  numbers  were  wounded, 
and  five  killed. 

ORANGE  RIOT. 

1S71,  July  9. — Superintendent  Kelso  is- 
sued an  order  forbidding  the  contemplated 
procession  of  Orange  Lodges  on  the  12th  of 
July. 

1871,  July  II. — Gov.  John  T.  Hoffman  is- 
sued a  proclamation  in  which  he  says : 
"The  order  heretofore  issued  by  the  police 
authorities,  in  reference  to  processions  on 
the  1 2th  of  July,  being  duly  revoked,  I  hereby 
give  notice  that  any  and  all  bodies  of  men 
desiring  to  assemble  in  peaceable  procession 
to-morrow,  the  12th  inst.,  will  be  permitted 
to  do  so.  They  will  be  protected  to  the  full- 
est extent  possible  by  the  military  and  police 
authorities.'' 

1871,  July  12. — In  consequence  of  these 
conflicting  orders,  the  procession  numbered 
only  ninety  men,  which  was  escorted  by  five 
hundred  policemen  under  command  of  In- 
spectors Walling  and  Jamieson,  and  by  the 
Si.\th,  Seventh,  Ninth,  Twenty-second  and 
Eighty-fourth  regiments,  under  General  Va- 
rian.  To  be  in  readiness  to  act  promptly  in  an 
emergency.  Gov.  Hoffman  and  staff  were  quar- 
tered in  the  Superintendent's  room  at  Police 
headquarters ;  General  Shaler  and  staff  were 
quartered  in  the  Fire  Marshal's  office,  and 
the  Police  Commissioners  were  in  their  own 
rooms  receiving  reports  from  the  v'arious  pre- 
cincts. Masses  of  excited  people  gathered 
along  the  line  of  the  route,  and  assailed  the 
procession  with  pistol  shots  and  volleys  of 
stones  from  the  sidewalks,  comers  of  the 
streets,  and  from  the  roofs.  At  Twenty- 
eighth  street  and  Eighth  avenue,  a  halt  was 
ordered.  While  standing  "at  rest,"  a  shot 
from  a  second-story  window  of  a  house  on 
the  north-west  corner  was  fired  and  struck 
a  member  of  the  Eighty-fourth  regiment. 


History  of  the  Police. 


828? 


Instantly  a  line  of  rifles  was  leveled  at  the 
spot,  without  orders,  and  a  volley  from  the 
Eighty-fourth,  Ninth,  and  Sixth  regiments 
followed.  While  the  regiments  reloaded, 
the  police  cleared  the  avenue  and  side 
streets,  and  the  march  was  resumed.  Much 
indignation  was  expressed  that  the  troops 
should  fire  without  orders,  and  fire  so  wildly 
as  to  shoot  some  of  their  own  men.  Two 
of  the  escorting  force  were  killed,  and 
twenty -four  wounded;  of  the  populace, 
thirty-one  were  killed,  and  seventy-seven 
wounded,  making  in  all,  one  hundred  and 
'twenty-eight  victims. 

1872,  May  21.— Brooklyn  Police  Depart- 

ment; Commissioners,  etc.: 
Tames  Jourdan,  President. 
Daniel  D.  Briggs,  Treasurer. 
Sigisimund  Kauffman,  Commissioner. 
Patrick  Campbell,  Chief  of  Police. 
John  S.  Folk,  Inspector  of  Police. 

1872,  July  7. — Officer  John  Donahue. 
of  the  Brooklyn  force,  while  attempting  to 
disperse  members  of  the  "  Battle  Row " 
gang,  at  midnight,  in  front  of  the  low  grog- 
ery  of  Hugh  McGoldrick,  alias  Crow,  at  No. 
161  North  First  street,  was  set  upon  and 
murdered.  John  Rogers,  the  leader  of  the 
gang,  was  executed  for  the  crime. 

1873,  Aug.  4.— Department  of  Police  and 
Excise,  Brooklyn,  Commissioners,  etc.  : 

James  Jourdan,  President. 
Daniel  D.  Briggs,  Treasurer. 
James  L.  Jensen,  Conir.  {vice  Kauffman, 
resigned). 

1873,  Aug.  22. — Patrick  Campbell,  Chief 
of  Police  (relieved  from  duty). 

1873,  Oct.  7. — John  S.  Folk,  Superintendent 
of  Police. 

George  A.  Waddy,  Inspector  of  Police. 

1875,  July  7. — Department  of  Police  and 
Excise,  Brooklyn,  Commissioners,  etc.: 

Daniel  D.  Briggs,  President  (died  July  3, 
1876). 

John  Pyburn,  Com'r.  (in  charge  of  Excise 
Bureau). 
Wm.  B.  Hurd,  Treasurer. 

1875,  Aug.  12. — Patrick  Campbell,  Super- 
intendent {vice  Folk). 

1876,  July  2. — Officer  Edward  Scott,  of  the 
Brooklyn  force,  received  injuries  from  a 
stone  thrown  by  one  of  the  "Jackson  Hol- 
low gang,"  from  the  effects  of  which  he 
died. 

1876,  July  20. — Department  of  Police  and 
Excise,  Brooklyn,  Commissioners,  etc.  : 

James  Jourdan,  President. 

1876,  December  5. — Officer  Patrick  Mc- 
Keen,  of  the  Brooklyn  force,  lost  his  life  in 
the  Brooklyn  theater  tire. 

1877,  Nov.  5. — Department  of  Police  and 
Excise,  Brooklyn,  Commissioners,  etc.  : 

Rodney  C.  Ward,  Treasurer. 

Thomas  F.  White,  Excise  Bureau. 

1878,  Jan.  2. — Officer  John  Thompson,  of 
the  mounted  squad,  Brooklyn  force,  received 
injuries  while  attempting  to  stop  a  runaway 
horse  on  the  19th  ultimo,  which  resulted  in 
his  death  this  day. 

the    TOMPKINS    square  COMMUNISTS 

riot. 

1877,  July  25th. — Within  the  last  score  of 
years  great  numbers  of  the  worthless,  vaga- 
bond revolutionary  element  of  Europe  have 
found  shelter  and  protection  in  the  United 
States.  New  York  and  Brooklyn  have  had 
the  ill-fortune  to  harbor  large  numbers  of 
them.     They  constitute  a  class  without  a 


able  as  citizens.  Among  them,  in  more  or 
less  intimate  relationship,  are  found  com- 
munists, internationalists,  socialists,  and  la- 
bor reformers  of  varied  stripes.  Differing 
with  each  other  in  some  respects,  they  are 
at  perfect  agreement  on  one  great  point, 
namely,  that  modern  society  should  be 
completely  destroyed. 

The  workings  of  these  destructives  can 
be  traced  in  all'  the  large  cities  and  towns, 
to  manufacturing  and  mining  centers,  and 
into  agricultural  districts  wherever  tramps 
are  found. 

The  controlling  influences  emanate,  of 
course,  from  a  few  large  cities.  A  mighty 
effort  on  the  part  of  the  leaders  was  made 
for  the  purpose  of  producing  startling  re- 
sults, by  holding  "labor-reform  meetings" 
in  every  city,  town,  and  village  in  the  United 
States  on  the  4th  of  July,  1877. 

One  of  the  "  startling  results "  of  those 
meetings  was  the  "  railroad  strikes  "  and  the 
"threats  of  railroad  strikes,"  from  Maine  to 
Iowa,  which  occurred  in  the  early  part  of 
July,  1877. 

All  the  great  lines  of  railroads  centering 
in  New  work  were  disturbed,  and  traffic  on 
them  suspended.  Disorders  of  the  gravest 
character  were  set  in  motion,  and  were 
quelled  only  after  great  loss  of  life  and  prop- 
erty by  the  intervention  of  the  military. 

Those  v/ell  qualified  to  judge  place  the 
number  of  sympathizers  with  those  atrocious 
doctrines  at  one  hundred  thousand,  within 
a  radius  of  ten  miles  from  the  City  Hall  in 
New  York.  The  agitation  throughout  the 
country  in  early  July  was  taken  by  the  lead- 
ers in  New  York  as  an  omen  that  the  time  for 
action  had  come. 

A  grand  demonstration  was  projected,  to 
be  held  in  Tompkins  Square,  for  the  evening 
of  July  25th.  The  Park  Commissioners 
granted  the  use  of  the  square  for  the  occa- 
sion. The  Police  Commissioners  refused 
the  request  for  a  street  parade,  and  also  d  - 
clined  the  request  made  to  keep  the  police 
away  from  the  meeting. 

In  order  to  understand  the  serious  nature 
of  the  occasion,  and  to  get  an  idea  of  the 
wide  stretch  of  the  disorders,  and  to  show 
the  immediate  connection  between  the  riots 
in  the  country  and  the  disorders  in  the  city, 
an  extract  or  two  from  official  public  docu- 
ments are  here  given. 

Gov.  Robinson,  under  date  of  July  22d, 
1877,  issued  a  proclamation,  in  which  he 
says  :  "  That  the  business  of  the  said  road 
(Erie  Railway),  and  the  running  of  trains, 
have  been  interrupted  by  violence,  which 
the  civil  authorities  are  unable  to  suppress. 
I,  Lucius  Robinson,  Governor  of  the  State 
of  Nev/  York,  command  all  persons  engaged 
in  such  unlawful  acts  to  desist  therefrom. 
Unless  the  state  is  to  be  given  over  to  an- 
archy, its  whole  power  must  be  exerted  to 
suppress  violence  and  maintain  order,  to 
j  protect  its  citizens  and  the  business  of  the 
country  from  lawless  interruption ;  to  the 
maintenance  of  the  supremacy  of  the  law, 
the  protection  of  the  lives,  liberties,  and 
rights  of  all  classes  of  citizens,  the  whole 
power  of  the  state  will  be  evoked,  if  neces- 
sar)'." 

FROM  MAJOR-GEN'L  ALEXANDER  SHALER. 

"New  York,  July  i\th,  1877. 

"  In  obedience  to  orders  from  the  Com- 
mander-in-Chief this  division  will  assemble, 
armed  and  fully  equipped,  at  the  armories 


trait  of  character,  which  makes  them  dcsir-  '  of  the  several  organizations  without  delay." 


FRO.M  HIS  honor  THE  MAYOR,  SMITH  ELY,  JR. 

"New  York,  July  24//;,  1877. 
"  Gen.  Alex.  Shaler  : 

"  Dear  Sir  :  In  the  event  of  an  order  from 
the  Commander-in-Chief  directing  you  to 
dismiss  the  organizations  of  your  command, 
now  at  their  resijcctivc  armories,  before  ll)c 
evening  of  the  25th  iiist.,  I  would  respect- 
fully request  you  to  retain  under  arms,  and 
ready  for  active  duty,  not  less  than  three 
regiments  of  infantry,  and  a  battery  of  artil- 
lery. 

from  major-gen'l  Alexander  shaler. 

"  New  York,  July  25///,  1877. 
"  To  Wm.  F.  Smith,  Pres'/  of  Police  Depart- 
ment, City  of  New  York  : 
"  Dear  Sir :  The  Seventh  Regiment,  the 
Twenty-second  Regiment,  the  Twelfth  Regi- 
ment, and  the  Seventy-first  Regiment,  are 
now  assembled  at  thcLr  respective  armories, 
ecjuipped  for  service,  armed  with  breech- 
loaders, and  are  supplied  with  forty  rounds 
of  ammunition  per  man,  ready  to  aid  the 
police  in  the  suppression  of  any  riot,  tumult, 
or  disturbance  of  the  public  peace,  and  to 
obey  orders  and  instructions  given  by  the 
police  for  that  purpose." 

Ammunition  was  distributed  to  both  ar- 
tillery and  cavalry. 

The  Police  Commissioners  and  Superin- 
tendent Walling  had  so  judiciously  placed 
the  police  force  that  about  one  thousand 
men  were  within  easy  reach  of  the  square. 
The  ferries,  piers,  transportation-depots, 
passenger-depots,  steamboat-landings,  and 
many  important  buildings  were  carefully 
guarded.  The  employes  in  many  large  est- 
ablishments were  deputized  as  special  po- 
licemen, armed,  organized,  and  in  readiness 
for  special  service.  Detectives  from  the 
Central  Office  covered  almost  the  entire 
city,  and  in  connection  with  the  telegraphic 
department,  kept  the  officials  at  headquar- 
ters fully  informed  of  any  gathering  of  men 
in  any  part  of  the  city. 

These  wise  precautions  were  not  unknown 
to  the  desperadoes  who  had  arranged  for  the 
uprising.  Seeing  the  hopeless  condition  of 
their  plot,  the  leaders  permitted  their  ora- 
tors to  amuse  the  twenty  thousand  who  had 
collected  in  the  "  square,"  with  a  display  of 
cheap  declamation  against  the  tyranny  of 
the  police. 

Before  half-past  nine  o'clock  the  meeting 
had  adjourned,  and  the  square  was  empty. 

In  defiance  of  the  regulations  against 
street  processions  without  permission  grant- 
ed, a  procession,  with  the  usual  display, 
commenced  parading  in  the  neighboring 
streets  and  avenues.  Giving  no  heed  to  re- 
peated summons  to  disperse,  an  energetic 
charge  by  some  two  hundred  policemen  was 
made,  which  effectually  cleared  the  streets 
and  ended  the  demonstration. 

It  is  now  known  that  the  successful  begin- 
ning of  mob  violence  in  New  York  was  to 
be  the  signal  for  the  same  kind  of  work  to 
be  started  in  other  cities.  By  this  prompt, 
energetic  action,  the  Police  Department  of 
New  York  averted  a  national  calamity. 

The  mob  spirit,  and  mob  rule,  will  not  be 
permitted  to  get  a  firm  hold  on  American 
soil. 

The  baton  of  the  American  policeman, 
and  the  red  rag  of  the  European  commun- 
ist, represent  antagonistic  ideas,  which  arq 
not  likely  to  affiliate  or  fraternize. 

cutting  down  the  pay-rolls. 
1879,  Jan.  I. --The  Board  of  Police  Com- 
missioners for  the  Citv  of  New  York  ordered 


828/ 


History  of  the  Police. 


a  reduction  of  twenty  per  cent,  in  the  pay  of 
the  force.  Immediate  relief  from  this  action 
was  sought  by  bringing  the  matter  before 
the  courts. 

Judge  Donahue's  decision  was  adverse  to 
the  proposed  reduction,  as  was  also  the  de- 
cision of  Judge  Ingalls. 

The  Court  of  Appeals  affirmed  the  deci- 
sions of  the  lower  courts. 

All  arrearages  of  pay  were  promptly  met, 
and  the  pay-rolls  were  not  changed. 

A  MODEL  ORGANIZATION. 

1879,  July  I. — The  Police  Mutual  Aid  As- 
sociation for  New  York,  Brooklyn  and  Yonk- 
ers,  was  formed  October  13,  1866.  Sergeant 
Wm.  H.  LefTerts,  President;  Aaron  Butts, 
Secretary.  The  officers  perform  their  duties 
without  pay, 

On  the  death  of  a  member  each  living 
member  pays  fifty  cents  into  the  treasury, 
all  of  which  is  promptly  forwarded  to  the 
legal  heirs  of  the  deceased. 

Since  the  formation  of  the  society,  418 
members  have  died,  and  8501,797  have  been 
paid  to  the  families  of  deceased  members. 

The  present  membership  is  2,502. 

The  cost  to  each  member,  who  has  paid 
all  the  assessments  from  the  organization  to 
the  present  time,  has  been  $198.  or  $15.23 
per  annum. 

HORATIO  SEYMOUR. 

1879,  August  18. — Under  this  date  Ex- 
Gov.  Seymour  makes  the  following  state- 
ment, which  is  alike  creditable  to  himself 
and  the  police  force : 

"The  draft  riots  of  1863  were  put  down 
mainly  by  the  energy,  boldness,  and  skill  of 
the  Police  Department.  In  saying  this  I  am 
certainly  not  influenced  by  prejudice,  for  the 
force  was  politically,  and,  in  some  degree 
personally,  unfriendly  to  myself.  Indeed, 
in  their  reports  they  have  not  seen  fit  to 
make  mention  of  any  co-operation  on  my 
part  with  their  efTorts.  But  they  did  their 
duty  bravely  and  efficiently.  They  proved 
that  the  city  of  New  York  could,  by  its  po- 
lice alone,  in  the  absence  of  its  military  or- 
ganizations, cope  with  the  most  formidable 
disorders.  I  do  not  know  of  any  instance 
in  history  where  so  many  desperate  men 
were  shot  down  mainly  by  the  police  of  a 
city.  More  than  a  thousand  of  the  rioters 
were  killed  or  wounded  to  death.  Yet  so 
little  justice  has  been  done  to  the  city  of 
New  York  that  many  think  it  was  protected 
by  the  forces  of  the  United  States.  In  fact, 
the  Navy-yard,  the  vast  amounts  of  military 
stores  of  the  General  Government,  and  its 
money  in  the  Sub-Treasury,  were  mainly 
protected  by  the  civil  officers.  So  protected 
while  the  military  organizations  of  the  State 
were  absent  in  Pennsylvania  in  answer  to  an 
appeal  from  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  to  help  it  against  an  invasion  of  Gen- 
eral Lee.  Even  (ieneral  Grant,  in  one  of  his 
papers,  spoke  of  the  riot  in  New  York  as  an 
occasion  when  the  General  Government  had 
helped  State  or  local  authorities  to  maintain 
peace  and  order.  I  wrote  to  him  correcting 
this  error,  and  it  gives  me  pleasure  to  say 
that  he  received  my  communication  in  a 
spirit  of  courtesy  and  of  fairness,  which  ever 
marks  the  character  of  an  honorable  man. 
It  is  now  time  that  justice  should  be  done 
the  city  of  New  York  in  this  matter,  and  in 
the  hope  that  such  justice  may  be  done  I 
repeat  these  facts." 


BIOGRAPHIC. 

The  immense  interest  put  into  the  keep- 
ing of  the  Superintendents,  Inspectors,  and 
Captains  of  police,  gives  an  importance  to 
the  selection  of  men  to  fill  these  positions 
which  attaches  to  no  other  within  the  whole 
range  of  official  life. 

No  man  whose  record  is  tainted  with  hints 
at  peculation,  or  with  any  perversion  of 
justice,  or  with  winking  at  crime,  or  with 
swerving  from  the  truth,  or  with  flinching 
in  the  face  of  danger  can  ever  expect  to 
reach  and  retain  those  places  of  high  trust 
and  responsibility. 

That  a  man  has  been  promoted  to  so  high 
a  position,  is  equivalent  to  giving  him  the 
highest  possible  endorsement.  The  fact 
that  these  official  positions  are  filled  by 
men  who  ha\'e  reached  them  from  the  com- 
mon walks  of  life,  without  the  aid  of  wealth 
or  high  family  connection,  is  a  matter  full 
of  encouragement  to  personal  manhood  and 
effort.  Any  attempt  at  eulogy  would  be  out 
of  place  in  the  brief  sketches  of  personal 
history  which  follow.  Little  more  than  the 
bare  mention  of  the  nativity  and  dates  of 
promotion  will  be  given,  as  their  work  is 
still  unfinished,  and  the  time  for  a  complet- 
ed biography  has  not  yet  arrived. 

SUPERINTENDENT  WALLING. 

Geo.  W.  Walling  (of  the  New  York  De- 
partment) was  born  May  ist,  1823,  in  Mid- 
dletown,  Monmouth  County,  New  Jersey. 
He  received  a  good  common  school  educa- 
tion in  his  native  place,  and  afterward  occu- 
pied the  position  of  clerk  in  a  country 
store,  kept  by  his  father  at  Keyport,  New 
Jersey. 

His  connection  with  the  New  York  police 
force  began  December  22d,  1847,  when  he 
was  appointed  patrolman.  His  promotions 
on  the  force  were  to  the  rank  of  Captain, 
September  30th,  1852;  to  the  rank  of  In- 
spector, November  21st,  1866,  and  to  the 
rank  of  Superintendent,  July  23d,  1874. 
These  years  of  constant  police  service  have 
been  marked  with  periods  of  excitement  and 
disorder,  which  have  threatened  the  exist- 
ence of  the  city  and  the  nation.  But  how 
imminent  soever  the  peril,  or  overwhelm- 
ing the  odds,  the  prolTer  or  necessity  for 
conflict  has  always  been  promptly  accepted 
and  quickly  decided.  The  police  have  never 
been  defeated  in  a  charge  when  led  by 
George  W.  Walling.  A  complete  forgetful- 
ness  of  self,  in  the  presence  of  danger,  seems 
to  be  characteristic  of  the  class  of  men  from 
which  the  highest  type  of  policemen  are 
taken.  How  shall  the  public  interests  be 
best  promoted  }  is  always  the  main  question. 
.'Xnd  in  the  subject  of  this  sketch,  this  idea 
has  had  full  development  during  a  long  life 
of  great  official  activity. 

The  Central  Office  in  New  York  is  the 
focal  point  for  police  information  for  the 
continent.  All  over  the  land  persons  are  to 
be  found  who  gratefully  acknowledge  the 
courtesy  and  promptitude  of  the  affable  and 
capable  Superintendent  of  the  New  York 
Police  Department. 

SUPERINTENDENT  CAMPHELL,   OF  THE 
BROOKLYN  POLICE  DEPARTMENT. 

Tiie  early  years  of  Superintendent  Camp- 
bell's life  were  not  widely  difTcrcnt  from  those 
of  thousands  of  other  American  youths,  who 
have  commenced  their  career  free  from  all 
the  embarrassments  of  riches. 

Such  advantages  as  the  common  schools 


of  the  city  then  afTorded  were  improved, 
supplemented  by  instruction  in  the  night 
schools  of  the  period.  The  plucky  bustle 
and  tug  of  a  boy  of  all  work  about  a  printing 
office,  lead  by  a  natural  and  easy  transition 
to  an  apprenticeship,  then  to  other  and 
higher  positions  until,  during  a  period  of 
some  twenty  years,  all  the  various  positions 
from  "  printer's  devil  "  to  Superintendent  of 
the  Eagle  office  had  been  under  his  man- 
agement and  control. 

Patrick  Campbell  was  born  January  12th, 
1827,  in  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  and  at 
an  early  age  came  with  his  parents  to  Brook- 
lyn. He  learned  the  business  of  compositor 
on  the  Brooklyn  Eagle,  with  which,  in  vari- 
ous capacities,  he  was  connected  about 
twenty  years.  He  was  appointed  Inspector 
of  Customs  during  the  administration  of 
President  Pierce,  and  held  that  office  seven 
years.  In  1866,  he  was  elected  sheriff  of 
kings  County,  and  held  the  office  one  term 
of  three  years.  Upon  the  formation  of  the 
present  police  system  in  Brooklyn,  Mr. 
Campbell  was,  January  1st,  1870,  appointed 
Chief  of  Police ;  and  by  a  change  in  the 
charter  of  the  city  was  relieved  from  duty 
August  22d,  1873.  On  the  12th  of  August, 
1875,  he  was  appointed  to  the  position  which 
he  now  holds,  that  of  Superintendent  of 
Police  in  Brooklyn. 

INSPECTOR  DILKS. 

George  W.  Dilks  was  born  December  16th, 
1 8 16,  in  New  Brunswick,  New  Jersey.  His 
education  was  commenced  in  the  Lancas- 
trian school,  New  Brunswick,  and  completed 
in  public  school.  No.  10,  New  York  City. 
He  was  apprenticed  to  Charles  King,  editor 
of  the  New  York  American,  and  learned  the 
business  of  compositor  on  that  paper.  On 
the  15th  of  August,  1848,  he  was  appointed 
Assistant-Captain,  and  assigned  to  the  Fif- 
teenth Police  Precinct.  He  was  promoted 
to  the  rank  of  Captain  (same  precinct), 
April  8th,  1853,  and  on  the  second  of  May, 
i860,  he  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  In- 
spector of  Police,  which  office  he  has  con- 
tinuously filled  ever  since.  On  every  occa- 
sion, when  the  police  have  been  called  upon 
to  quell  a  disturbance,  tumult,  or  riot.  In- 
spector Dilks  has  been  an  active  participant 
and  an  important  factor.  In  the  early  years 
of  office,  as  Inspector,  he  had  charge  of  all 
the  eastern  wards  of  the  city,  and  in  con- 
nection with  Inspector  John  S.  Folk,  of 
Brooklyn,  completely  reformed  the  system 
of  police  duty  in  that  city.  In  the  formida- 
ble riot  of  July,  1863,  the  work  of  gathering, 
organizing  into  companies,  and  preparing 
the  police  for  an  emergency,  was  a  labor 
that  could  only  be  performed  by  oflicers  of 
long  and  active  experience  in  the  Depart- 
ment, who,  to  a  quick  appreciation  of  the 
necessities  of  the  occasion,  could  add  an  en- 
ergy' and  zeal  that  never  flagged  or  cooled. 
All  the  day  and  all  the  night  of  Monday, 
July  13th,  Inspector  Dilks,  in  connection 
with  Drill-Ofl[icer  T.  S.  Copeland,  and  other 
indomitable  souls,  were  engaged  upon  this 
important  duty. 

In  the  desperate  battle  next  day  with  the 
mob,  for  the  possession  of  the  four  thousand 
carbines  in  the  wire  factor)-  at  Twenty-sec- 
ond street  and  Second  avenue,  the  honors 
of  the  victor)'  were  shared  between  the  gal- 
lant two  hundred  men  who  fought,  and  the 
invincible  Inspector  who  led  the  charge. 
A  whole  generation  has  come  and  gone 
since  George  W.  Dilks  began  his  persistent 
battle  in  behalf  of  peace  and  good  order  in 
New  York,  and  to-day  his  vigor  is  not  abated. 


History  of  the  Police. 


828/6 


INSPECTOR  WADDY. 

George  A.  Waddy  was  born  in  the  city  of 
New  York,  October  26th,  1826.  His  family 
tradition  connects  him  with  the  early  puri- 
tans of  New  England,  and  with  the  Sewards 
of  New  York. 

He  was  apprenticed  to  a  builder,  and 
worked  at  that  trade  until  his  appointment 
on  the  Brooklyn  Police  force,  January  8th, 
1851. 

During  the  "  cholera  season  "  he  was  de- 
tailed as  Health  Warden. 

In  June,  i860,  he  was  promoted  to  the 
rank  of  sergeant,  and  assigned  to  the  Ninth 
Sub-precinct,  and  the  following  year  was 
promoted  to  the  rank  of  captain,  and  put  in 
command  of  the  Ninth  Precinct. 

The  vicious,  unruly  element  which  infest- 
ed the  Fourth  Precinct  required  the  pres- 
ence of  a  judicious,  able  o%:er,  and  in  1865 
Captain  Waddy  was  transferred  to  that  pre- 
cinct, which  was  at  once  greatly  improved 
in  its  moral  tone.  The  change  was  so  marked 
that  the  citizens  testified  their  apprecia- 
tion of  his  services  by  making  him  a  present 
of  a  solid  silver  writing-set,  valued  at  $Soo. 

In  consequence  of  certain  changes  in  the 
charter  of  the  city  he  was  legislated  out  of 
office  in  1870. 

In  June,  1872,  he  was  re-appointed  captain, 
and  in  October,  1873,  he  was  promoted  to 
the  rank  of  Inspector  of  Police,  vice  John 
S.  Folk,  promoted  to  the  rank  of  Superin- 
tendent of  Police. 

Great  energy-  and  promptitude  marks  the 
official  life  of  Inspector  Waddy. 

His  complete  success  in  "  working  up " 
thirteen  murder  cases  has  given  him  a  high 
standing  in  the  ranks  as  a  detective  in  intri- 
cate criminal  cases.  In  the  suppression  of 
tumults  and  riots  he  has  been  singularly  for- 
tunate ;  as  instances,  the  "  Angel  Gabriel  " 
riot,  the  "  East  New  York  mutiny,"  the 
"  New  York  draft  riots,"  the  "  Jamaica  riot," 
the  tumult  with  the  'longshoremen,  are  gi\'en, 
in  all  of  which  he  actively  participated. 
During  all  these  years  of  service  he  has 
never  been  reprimanded  or  fined  for  any 
lack  or  neglect  of  duty. 

INSPECTOR  THORNE. 

Thomas  W.  Thorne  was  born  June  loth, 
1823,  at  Marlboro,  Ulster  County,  Nev/  York. 
He  was  educated  in  the  Madison  St.  school  in 
this  city,  A.  V.  Stout,  principal.  He  learned 
the  trade,  and  followed  the  occupation  of 
carpenter  until  July  loth,  1852,  when  he 
joined  the  Police  Force  of  New  York  as  pa- 
trolman, and  was  assigned  to  the  Seven- 
teenth Precinct  for  duty.  His  promotions 
have  been  to  the  rank  of  sergeant,  Septem- 
ber — ,  1859;  to  captaincy,  September  — , 
1861,  and  to  the  office  of  inspector,  April 
20th,  1872.  He  was  admitted  to  the  bar  of 
New  York  in  1869,  as  attorney  and  counsel- 
lor-at-law.  His  early  connection  with  the 
Police  Force  was  in  the  "  down-town  "  pre- 
cincts, which  were  known  to  require  the 
presence  of  an  able,  prompt  official  to  con- 
trol them.  Such  parts  of  the  city  as  were 
invested  with  mock  auction  swindlers,  emi- 
grant runners,  low  resorts  for  vile  characters, 
dance-houses,  gambling  hells,  rat-pits,  and 
all  that  sort  of  criminality,  gives  to  an  earn- 
est man  full  scope  and  play  for  all  his  ener- 
gies ;  and  Captain  Thorne  enjoyed  abund- 
ant opportunities  in  this  direction  in  the 
localities  to  which  he  was  assigned. 

"  The  occasion  makes  the  man,"  has  passed 
into  a  proverb.  Captain  T.  W.  Thorne  was 
favorably  known  to  the  citizens  of  New 


York  long  before  the  occurrence  of  the 
great  riot.  Yet  that  occasion  developed 
qualities  which  had  had  no  opportunity,  till 
then,  for  full  play.  Tlie  elements  of  a  lead- 
er must  exist  in  the  man,  otherwise  the  hero 
will  not  appear  when  the  trial  hour  comes. 
The  Twenty-sixth  Precinct,  of  which  T.  W. 
Thorne  was  Captain,  in  1863.  embraced  the 
surroundings  of  the  City  Hall ;  and  was  the 
focus  of  disorder  in  the  lower  part  of  the 
city  during  the  riot,  and  right  worthily  did 
ever)-  member  of  the  force  in  that  Precinct 
maintain  the  honor  of  the  Department 
throughout  the  fearful  struggle. 

Captain  Thorne,  and  his  efficient  ser- 
geants, were  in  constant  and  active  employ- 
ment in  charging  the  crowds  in  the  Park, 
in  driving  the  obstinate  mob  through  the 
side-adjoining  streets,  in  clubbing  gangs  of 
incendiaries  out  of  the  printing  offices, 
against  which  fierce  attempts  at  destruction 
were  directed.  As  aid  to  Inspector  Leonard, 
his  labors  were  constant  and  arduous. 
Throughout  a  long  sen-ice,  both  before  and 
since  that  event.  Inspector  Thorne  has  held 
the  confidence  and  regard  of  the  community 
for  devotion  to  duty,  singleness  of  purpose, 
and  eminent  success  in  all  the  positions 
which  he  has  been  called  to  fill. 


INSPECTOR  MURRAY. 

Promotions  in  the  police  service  are  pro- 
verbially cautious  and  slow.  Long  years  of 
patient  endurance  and  unfaltering  devotion 
to  duty  are  sometimes  rewarded  with  pro- 
motion to  the  highest  positions  in  the  De- 
partment. When,  therefore,  a  young  man, 
after  only  eleven  years  of  service,  passes 
through  all  the  grades,  from  patrolman  to 
inspector,  the  conclusion  is  inevitable,  that 
it  is  either  a  case  of  rare  merit  or  of  peculiar 
favoritism.  That  favor  has  had  nothing  to 
do  in  rapidly  advancing  Mr.  Murray  is  plain- 
ly shown  by  the  fact  that  the  entire  cu.n- 
mand  have  most  heartily  endorsed  the  ac- 
tion of  the  Board  of  Police  Commissioners, 
and  none  more  cordially  than  his  associates 
in  the  force.  The  record  of  Mr.  Murray,  in 
connection  with  the  service,  is  brilliant,  and 
fortunate  without  parallel.  A  single  in- 
stance here  must  suffice;  for  the  simple  rea- 
son that  the  career  of  this  quiet,  modest, 
urbane  gentleman  has  only  just  commenced. 
During  the  eight  months  preceding  his  ele- 
vation to  the  post  he  now  occupies,  which 
embraces  the  period  of  his  captaincy,  he 
captured  and  secured  the  conviction  of  crim- 
inals, the  aggregate  terms  of  whose  impris- 
onment in  the  penitentiary  is  five  hundred 
years.  Four  of  them,  the  "  Astoria  masked 
burglars,"  receiving  a  sentence  which  con- 
signed them  to  prison  for  ninety-three  years 
in  the  aggregate. 

William  Murray  was  born  in  New  York 
city,  June  27th,  1844;  received  his  education 
in  Grammar  School  Number  Eleven,  in  the 
Sixteenth  Ward.  At  the  age  of  seventeen  he 
enlisted  in  the  Eleventh  New  York  Volun- 
teers, "  Ellsworth's  Zouaves,"  and  remained 
connected  with  the  regiment  during  its  term 
of  ser\-ice.  He  was  appointed  patrolman. 
May  24th,  1866.  Appointed  roundsman,  Oc- 
tober 15th,  1870,  and  assigned  to  the  Twen- 
ty-seventh precinct.  He  was  promoted  to 
the  rank  of  sergeant,  October  5th,  1871,  and 
then  promoted  to  the  rank  of  captain,  Octo- 
ber 2d,  1876;  and  on  the  ist  of  June,  1877, 
he  was  promoted  to  the  office  of  Inspector 
of  Police,  which  position  he  now  fills. 


INSPECTOR  MCDERAfOTT. 

John  McDcrmott  was  born  August  26th, 
1833,  in  Troy,  New  York,  and  was  educated 
in  the  public  schools  of  that  city. 

Coming  to  New  York  in  1845,  he  learned 
the  business  of  a  mason,  and  followed  that 
occupation  until  his  appointment  as  patrol- 
man on  the  police  force,  December  24th, 
1859,  being  assigned  to  the  Seventeenth 
Precinct.  His  subsequent  promotions  were 
to  rank  of  roundsman  in  January,  1S63;  to 
the  rank  of  .sergeant,  December  14th,  1865, 
and  assigned  to  the  command  of  the  Second 
District  Court  Squad,  Fcbruarj'  16th,  1869. 
(3n  the  23d  of  September  he  was  made  Act- 
ing-Captain, in  command  of  the  "  Broadway 
Squad  ;  "  and  on  the  ninth  of  October  of  the 
same  year,  he  was  promoted  to  the  full  rank 
of  Captain.  He  was  elevated  to  the  rank  of 
Inspector  of  Police,  May  31st,  1872,  which 
position  he  now  fills.  Thus,  within  twenty 
years  he  has  filled  all  the  several  positions 
of  trust  within  the  gift  of  the  Commission- 
ers, to  the  satisfaction  of  the  Board,  to  the 
welfare  of  the  commonwealth,  and  with 
great  credit  to  himself. 

To  a  man,  who,  by  nature,  has  a  fondness 
and  taste  for  the  orderly  and  methodical  du- 
ties of  the  police  service,  any,  and  every  op- 
portunity which  offers,  is  turned  to  good  ac- 
count in  preparing  for  such  ser\'ice  when- 
ever, in  after  life,  the  time  may  arrive  for 
putting  it  into  actual,  practical  use. 

Thus  it  happens  that  the  two  years  (from 
1845  to  1847J,  which  were  passed  by  Mr. 
McDermott,  in  daily  connection  and  inter- 
course with  the  late  General  Robert  E.  Lee, 
then  a  Captain,  and  stationed  at  Fort  Hamil- 
ton, was  an  admirable  preparation  for  the 
stern  duties  of  the  police  service,  which  has 
occupied  so  large  a  portion  of  his  acti\  c  life. 

The  example  of  such  quiet  persistent  de- 
votion to  duty,  strict  unvarj  ing  drill,  ready 
and  prompt  obedience,  e.xerts  a  powerful 
control  upon  all  who  are  brought  within  the 
magic  circle  of  its  influence. 

Many  of  the  best  qualities  which  go  to 
make  a  good  military  commander  are  re- 
quired to  produce  an  efficient  police  officer. 
The  prominent  traits  of  character  must  be 
essentially  the  same  in  either  branch  of  ser- 
vice, and  each  may  learn  profitable  lessons 
by  carefully  studymg  the  best  models  of  the 
other.  Inspector  McDermott's  official  life 
has  been  eventful,  fortunate,  and  particularly 
successful. 

The  murder  of  Samuel  Hoffman  by  Dr. 
Lowenberg,  November  14,  1S61,  was  worked 
up  by  Inspector  McDermott,  and  resulted  in 
conviction,  and  a  sentence  of  imprisonment 
for  life  in  the  State  Prison. 

A  trio  of  colored  desperadoes  broke  into 
the  premises,  84  West  Houston  street,  in 
March,  1S70,  and  secured  a  large  amount  of 
valuable  property,  but  were  themselves  se- 
cured by  the  Inspector,  who  had  the  good 
fortune  to  see  them  safely  incarcerated  in 
prison,  one  for  ten  years,  the  others  for  eight 
years  each.  Many  other  similar  cases  have 
been  by  him  brought  to  an  equally  success- 
ful termination. 

If  it  were  proper  to  apply  the  terms  used 
by  fishermen  in  their  avocations  to  the  work 
done  by  the  police  force,  in  catching  the  in- 
mates of  "dance  houses,  gambling  hells,  and 
keno  quarters,"  Inspector  McDermott  would 
get  the  credit  of  having  made  some  of  the 
"  biggest  hauls  "  ever  made  in  the  city ;  for 
example,  the  catch  of  seventy-five  prisoners 
and  all  the  implements  of  the  game  at  Lafay- 
ette Hall,  corner  Houston  and  Prince  streets. 


828/ 


History  of  the  Police. 


the  first  ever  made  in  the  city.  Also,  three 
hundred  prisoners  at  one  time,  caught  in  a 
"  dance  house,"  corner  of  Grand  and  Eliza- 
beth streets,  in  the  winter  of  1874. 

During  all  the  dangers  and  hardships  of 
the. riot  week,  in  1863,  Inspector  McDermott 
was  on  constant  duty,  and  was  present  in 
places  where  the  peril  was  greatest,  and  the 
the  fighting  fiercest,  viz. :  In  the  Trihune 
building,  at  Twenty-second  street  and  Sec- 
ond avenue,  and  at  Thirty-second  street, 
between  Si.xth  and  Seventh  avenues. 

In  the  Orange  Riots  of  1871,  the  fighting 
was  chiefly  in  the  vicinity  of  the  i6th  Pre- 
cinct, then  in  command  of  Inspector  McDer- 
mott. 

In  all  the  great  conflicts  between  order 
and  disorder  which  have  taken  place  in  the 
city  since  his  connection  with  the  Police  De- 
partment, the  record  of  Police  Inspector 
McDermott  has  been  one  of  the  most  honor- 
able. 

MANHOOD. 

There  is  no  class  of  men  in  the  communi- 
ty, whose  work  is  beset  with  dilficulties  and 
peculiarities  so  exacting  and  harassing,  as 
that  of  policemen. 

Their  duties  bring  them  in  contact  with 
all  grades  of  people,  whose  interests  are  of 
the  most  important,  delicate,  and  conflicting 
nature.  It  is  no  unusual  thing  for  a  police- 
man to  encounter  elegantly  dressed,  genteel- 
appearing  people,  whom  he  suspects,  perhaps 
knows,  to  be  thoroughly  depraved  charac- 
ters. On  the  instant  he  must  decide  whether 
to  allow  the  culprits  to  escape  or  to  arrest 
them.  The  evidence,  to  his  mind,  warrants 
him  in  taking  them  into  custody.  Resist- 
ance is  overcome,  and  the  officer  is  de- 
nounced for  acting  up  to  his  convictions  of 
duty.  The  policeman  must  decide  and  act 
at  once.  Suppose  he  waits  for  positive 
proof  before  he  decides  to  act.?  In  that 
event  a  dangerous  character  is  left  at  large: 
and  the  community  suffers  from  his  too 
great  caution.  Suppose  he  is  mistaken  and 
an  innocent  party  is  roughly  handled  }  It 
is  an  unfortunate  error.  An  error  in  fact ; 
but  a  praiseworthy  intention  prompted  the 
act.  Which  of  these  two  supposed  cases  is 
to  be  approved,  or  which  condemned 

A  magistrate  hears  evidence,  hears  argu- 
ment, deliberates,  weighs  the  evidence, 
doubts,  "  reserves  decision,"  and,  not  un- 
wisely, gives  the  culprit  the  benefit  of  the 
doubt. 

This  is  a  simple,  sample  illustration,  of  a 
peculiarity  which  surrounds  the  daily  rout- 
ine work  of  the  average  policeman. 

It  is  not  the  rule  adopted  by  a  majority  of 
men  to  estimate  the  character  of  an  entire 
class  by  the  acts  and  doings  of  individual 
members  of  that  class. 

If  degenerate  judges,  doctors,  lawyers, 
ministers,  merchants,  and  financiers  were  to 
be  urged  as  the  proper  representatives  of 
their  various  guilds,  the  idea  would  be  re- 
ceived with  contempt. 

Men  arc  not  in  the  habit  of  throwing  aside 
as  worthless  an  entire  package  of  money  if 
there  happens  to  be  found  a  spurious  coin 
in  the  parcel ;  much  less  do  they  denounce 
all  money  as  worthless  and  fraudulent. 

Policemen  average  well  as  men  with  men. 
As  an  organization,  spread  over  the  entire 
land,  policemen  claim  that  their  record,  in 
support  of  the  welfare  and  best  interests  of 
the  country,  is  such  as  to  entitle  them  to 
the  confidence  and  protection  of  the  com- 
■munity,  as  against  the  careless,  flippant, 
cruel  assaults  of  portions  of  the  newspaper 
press. 


As  conservators  of  the  public  peace,  the 
duties  of  the  press  and  the  police  are  not 
antagonistic. 

EX-PRESIDENT  ACTON. 

Thomas  C.  Acton,  of  New  York  City,  was 
appointed  Police  Commissioner  by  Edwin 
D.  Morgan,  Governor  of  the  State,  March 
15,  i860.  The  appointment  was  unsought. 
Ha  was  made  President  of  the  Police  Com- 
mission, January  7,  1863,  and  was  continued 
in  that  ollice  during  the  seven  succeeding 
years,  when,  by  command'of  the  best  medical 
advisers,  and  in  opposition  to  the  expressed 
wishes  of  the  entire  community,  he  with- 
drew from  the  Department  by  resignation, 
May  I,  1869. 

These  years  of  Mr.  Acton's  presidency 
were  among  the  most  eventful  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  city.  The  Rebellion,  the  great 
riot,  the  constant  rush  of  troops  through  the 
city  to,  or  from,  the  seat  of  war,  with  ac- 
companying crowds  of  civilians,  the  prepar- 
ing of  the  material  and  munitions  of  war,  the 
centering  here  of  the  great  financial  interests 
of  the  nation  in  this,  its  life-struggle — all 
these  were  in  addition  to  the  usual  police 
routine  work  in  ordinaiy  times,  and  in- 
creased by  their  aggregated  weight,  the 
difficult  work  of  making  an  effective  Po- 
lice Department,  which  was  the  real  prob- 
lem to  be  solved.  That  it  7uas  solved  ;  a 
good  system — "  the  Metropolitan  Police  Sys- 
tem " — well  administered  under  President 
Acton,  is  proof.  A  healthy,  moral  tone  per- 
vaded the  service.  Neither  nepotism  nor 
favoritism  gangrened  the  Department.  One 
idea  soon  gained  complete  possession  of 
the  force,  and  had  much  to  do  with  its 
steady  moral  growth,  namely,  that  at  aU 
times,  and  on  all  occasions,  full,  equal,  and 
exact  justice  would  be  meted  out  to  every 
man  in  the  Department;  that  no  outside 
pressure  could  be  brought  that  would  screen 
a  guilty  olfic  er,  or  shield  liiin  from  Dunish- 
ment,  and  that  no  ofBcer  should  be  made  to 
suffer  for  the  proper  and  honest  perfor- 
mance of  the  duties  belonging  to  his  station. 
A  wise  regard  for  the  best  interests  of  the 
State  would  have  made  the  system,  as  then 
existing,  co-extensive  with  the  boundaries 
of  the  State. 

CAPTAINS  OF  THE  NEW  YORK 
PRECINCTS. 

Captain  Charles  W.  Caffrv,  of  the  First 
Precinct,  is  one  of  the  oldest  officers  on  the 
force,  having  served  undertheold  Municipal 
system,  then  joined  the  Metropolitan  force. 
He  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  captain  by 
Commissioners  Acton  and  Hcrgen.  He  has 
a  personal  pride  in  having  the  police  of  his 
native  city  equal  the  best  in  the  world. 

Captain  Jeremiah  Petty,  of  the  Fourth 
Precinct,  is  also  a  New  Yorker  by  birth,  and 
shares  with  all  other  good  citizens  the  hope 
that,  in  all  the  changes  which  the  Police  De- 
partment of  New  York  may  undergo,  there 
will  be  a  steady  advance  in  its  efficiency. 
He  is  most  highly  honored  by  those  who 
know  him  best. 

Captain  Joseph  R.  Eakixs,  of  the  Fifth 
Precinct,  is  a  strict,  careful  disciplinarian — 
always  attentive  to  the  performance  of  duly 
— and  enjoys  the  esteem  of  the  community 
and  the  confidence  of  his  superiors.  New 
York  is  his  native  city. 

Captain  John  McElwain,  of  the  Seventh 
Precinct,  has  a  record  as  a  man  and  an  offi- 
cer creditable  and  satisfactory. 


Captain  Charles  McDonnell,  of  the 
Eighth  Precinct,  is  an  officer  of  great  effi- 
ciency, energy,  and  of  a  full  share  of  manly 
courage  and  decision. 

Captain  William  C.  F.  Berghold,  of  the 
Ninth  Precinct,  has  but  recently  taken  charge 
of  the  precinct,  and  to  the  entire  satisfaction 
of  all  concerned.  His  efl[orts  are  in  the  direc- 
tion of  advancement  and  progress. 

Captain  Anthony  J.  Allaire,  of  the 
Tenth  Precinct,  after  a  highly  creditable 
service  in  the  war  of  the  rebellion,  has  taken 
honorable  rank  in  the  force  as  a  thoroughly 
tried  and  capable  officer.  He  was  an  ap- 
pointee of  Commissioner  Acton. 

Captain  Thomas  Cherry,  of  the  Eleventh 
Precinct,  was  a  member  of  the  Metropolitan 
force,  and  brought  with  him  to  the  Klunic- 
ipal  force  a  record  of  being  a  good  officer 
and  a  popular  man,  which  record  he  ably 
maintains. 

Captain  Thaddeus  C.  Davis,  of  the 
Twelfth  Precinct,  has,  at  times,  had  the 
drawback  of  ill-health,  yet  he  has  main- 
tained a  high  standing  for  efficiency  as  an 
officer,  and  his  record  will  bear  the  closest 
scrutiny. 

Captain  Theron  S.  Copeland,  of  the 
Thirteenth  Precinct,  stands  out  grandly 
prominent  as  a  tactician  and  drill-master. 
His  labors  during  "  Riot  Week  "  were  of  the 
most  arduous  and  exacting  kind.  By  his 
admirable  management  and  skill,  several 
able  villains  are  doing  service  for  the  State 
on  long  sentences  for  great  crimes. 

Captain  John  J.  Brogan,  of  the  Four- 
teenth Precinct,  has  had  a  long  experience 
on  the  force,  and  from  the  first  has  steadily 
risen  in  the  estimation  of  those  who  have 
had  official  relations  with  him.  His  ambi- 
tion is  to  see  his  native  city  wcH  policed. 

Captain  Thomas  Byrnes,  of  the  Fifteenth 
Precinct,  has  held  the  post  of  captain  for 
many  years,  to  the  general  acceptance  of  his 
superiors  and  of  the  citizens  at  large. 

Captain  Thomas  M.  Ryan,  of  the  Six- 
teenth Precinct,  takes  charge  of  this  precinct 
with  an  excellent  record,  which  he  is  rapidly 
brightening  by  his  untiring  watchfulness 
and  unfiagging  zeal  in  behalf  of  good  order 
and  decorum. 

Captain  John  H.  McCullagh,  of  the 
Seventeenth  Precinct,  has  always  merited 
and  received  the  approval  and  confidence 
of  those  who  have  entrusted  him  with  posi- 
tions of  responsibility.  A  most  competent 
and  trustworth}'  official. 

Captain  William  H.  Clinchy,  of  the 
Eighteenth  Precinct,  is  entirely  reliable  in 
an  emergency,  and  true  to  the  line  of  duty 
on  all  occasions.  He  makes  friends  of  the 
most  desirable  classes,  and  enemies  only  of 
the  most  desperate. 

Captain  John  J.  Mount,  of  the  Nine- 
teenth Precinct,  was  a  good  soldier  in  the 
war  of  the  rebellion,  and  has  proved  to  be 
an  equally  valuable  member  of  the  force  in 
every  position  which  he  has  been  called 
upon  to  fill. 

Captain  George  Washburn,  of  the  Twen- 
tieth Precinct,  is  another  who  has  supple- 
mented a  good  war  record  by  an  equally  en- 
ergetic record  on  the  police  force. 

Captain  Michael  \.  Murphy,  of  the 
Twenty-first  Precinct,  has  been  a  long  time 
in   service,  from  the  days  of  Smith  and 


History  of  the  Police. 


828W 


Manierre.  Always  the  active,  efficient,  pop- 
ular official,  and  the  genial,  cordial  gentle- 
man. 

Captain  John  J.  Ward,  of  the  Twenty- 
second  Precinct,  merits  and  receives  the 
commendations  of  all  good  citizens,  for  a 
uniform,  persistent  performance  of  all  the 
duties  which  belong  to  an  official  in  the 
public  service  to  which  he  is  attached. 

Captain  John  M.  Robbins,  of  the  Twen- 
ty-third Precinct,  was  the  Chief  of  Police 
IN  MORRiSANiA  prior  to  its  annexation  to 
New  York.  He  fully  sustains  the  high  opin- 
ion which  was  awarded  him  by  his  elevation 
to  the  position  which  he  formerly  occupied. 

Captain  William  Schultz,  of  the  Twen- 
ty-fourth Precinct,  is  always  afloat,  having 
his  headquarters  on  the  Seneca.  The  cap- 
tain is  a  German  and  a  sailor.  He  enjoys 
the  reputation  of  being  a  thoroughly  capa- 
ble and  efficient  officer. 

Captain  Ira  S.  Garland,  of  the  Twenty- 
fifth  Precinct,  "  Broadway  Squad,"  was  ap- 
pointed by  Commissioner  Acton,  and  has 
had  a  record  long  noted  for  all  that  goes  to 
make  an  officer  of  the  finest  type.  Often 
tried ;  always  ready ;  never  found  wanting. 
Of  such  men  the  city  is  proud. 

Captain  Edward  Walsh,  of  the  Twenty- 
sixth  Precinct,  performs  all  the  duties  of  his 
position  with  great  credit  to  himself,  and  to 
the  satisfaction  of  his  superiors,  and  to  the 
profit  of  the  commonwealth. 

Captain  John  Sanders,  of  the  Twenty- 
seventh  Precinct,  is  a  native  of  New  York 
city,  and  brings  a  clear  head  and  an  earnest 
heart  to  the  work  of  furthering  the  best  in- 
terests of  the  Department. 

.Captain  Peter  Yule,  of  the  Twent)--- 
eighth  Precinct,  had  charge  formerly  of  the 
Sanitary  Squad,  in  which  position  he  was 
competent  and  attentive.  He  brings  none 
other  than  good  qualities  into  his  new  posi- 
tion. 

Captain  Alexander  S.  Williams,  of  the 
Twenty-ninth  Precinct,  has  made  a  reputa- 


tion for  being  very  prompt  and  thorough  in 
his  dealings  with  the  rowdy  rough  clement. 
He  is  less  popular  with  Ihcm  than  with  the 
quiet,  orderly,  law-abiding  part  of  the  com- 
munity. He  is  a  valuable,  thoroughly  reli- 
able member  of  the  force ;  with  good  execu- 
tive ability,  and  no  lack  of  courage  and 
dash. 

Captain  James  M.  Leary,  of  the  Thirtieth 
Precinct,  is  comparatively  a  young  olficer, 
with  fine  pro.spects  and  an  unlimited  field 
for  development,  which  he  seems  deter- 
mined to  develop  to  the  utmost. 

Captain  Edward  Tynan,  of  the  Thirty- 
first  Precinct,  recently  transferred  from  the 
Fourteenth  Precinct,  has  a  good  opportun- 
ity to  make  a  record  second  to  no  other  in 
the  Department.  Perseverance,  energy  de- 
termination, and  skill  will  secure  abundant 
success. 

Captain  Henry  V.  Steers,  of  the  Thir- 
ty-second Precinct,  has  for  several  years 
past  been  Chief  of  Police  of  Tremont.  He 
is  an  officer  of  experience,  of  sterling  worth, 
and  of  unbending  integrity. 

Captain  Thomas  Killilea,  of  the  Thirty- 
third  Precinct,  came  into  the  force  through 
the  friendly  graces  of  Judge  Bosworth,  who 
held  him  in  high  regard,  and  his  record  war- 
rants the  conclusion  that  the  judge  made  a 
wise  selection  in  appointing  a  good  man  to 
a  good  position. 

Captain  Theron  R.  Bennett,  of  the 
Thirty-fourth  Precinct,  is  an  officer  of  the 
best  stamp.  Many  years  of  service  have 
tested  the  manly  traits  of  his  character,  and 
brought  them  out  into  strong  and  favorable 
relief. 

Captain  George  W.  Gastlin,  of  the 
Steamboat  Squad,  is  an  old  officer  of  tried 
and  sterling  qualities,  which  are  all  brou_^ht 
into  full  play  in  the  prominent  position 
which  he  ably  fills. 

Captain  James  Kkaly,  of  the  Detective 
Squad,  occupies  a  position  which,  in  the  es- 
timation of  the  general  public,  is  one  of  the  I 


most  important,  arduous,  and  honorable  in 

the  service. 

Captain  Henry  Hedden,  Spfcial  Service, 
is  remembered  as  bearing  a  leading  part 
with  Inspector  Dilks,  and  other  clii\alrous 
spirits,  in  that  sharpest  of  all  the  great  riot 
fights,  the  attack  and  capture  of  the  Wire 
Factory  in  Second  avenue.  One  of  the  old 
and  good  men  of  the  force. 

Captain  Henry  D.  Hooker,  Nineteenth 
Sub-IVecinct.  Rogues,  in  their  luustc  to  get 
out  of  the  city,  have  a  dilficult  gauntlet  to 
run  in  escaping  the  Argus  eyes  of  the  Grand 
Central  Depot  Squad,  who  have  a  keen 
memory  of  the  personnel  of  thieves  and 
burglars. 

The  captains  of  the  Brooklyn  pre- 
cincts, are  a  class  of  men  wiiolly  devoted 
to  their  profession,  and  thoroughly  compe- 
tent to  the  performance  of  all  the  great  vari- 
ety of  duties  involved.  Having  had  experi- 
ence in  the  working  of  the  various  grades  of 
the  service,  through  which  they  have  passed 
m  reaching  the  responsible  positions  they 
now  occupy,  they  are  amply  fitted  for  carry- 
ing into  elTective  operation  all  the  intricate 
details  of  shielding  a  great  city  from  harm 
and  loss.  A  watchful  interest,  a  wise  pre- 
caution, and  a  prompt  exercise  of  decisive 
measures  in  everything  which  afFects  the 
public  welfare  is  characteristic  of  them. 

No  half-hearted  measures,  no  slovenly- 
performed  duties,  no  partial  examination  of 
a  subject,  no  doubtful  }^ucss  respecting  a 
matter  on  the  part  of  a  subordinate  is  ever 
accepted  by  the  captains  of  the  Brooklyn 
precincts.  A  love  for  their  work,  a  pride 
in  its  prompt  performance,  and  the  ability 
to  infuse  a  sim.ilar  laudable  ambition  into 
their  subordinates  had  brought  the  Brook- 
lyn Police  Department  to  an  efficiency  sur- 
passed by  no  other  city  in  the  Union.  Dur- 
ing the  past  few  years,  the  entire  Depart- 
ment has  shared  in  bringing  to  a  successful 
termination  several  criminal  cases,  which 
have  attracted  a  world-wide  attention,  and 
which  are  regarded  as  being  among  the  most 
celebrated  cases  of  detective  skill  of  the 
century. 


Names  of  each  Officer  and  Patrolman  in  the  Police  Department  of 

New  York,  August  ist,  1879. 


Morrison,  James  E  Commissioner. 

Wheeler,  De  Witt  Clinton . . 

MacLean,  Charles  F   " 

French,  Stephen  P   " 

Walling,  George  W..  .Sjiperintendent. 

Dilks,  Geo.  W  Inspector. 

Thorne,  Thomas  W. . .  " 

McDermott,  John   " 

Murray,  Wm   " 

Hawley,,  Seth  C. .  Chief  Clerk. 

Kipp,  William  H .  .First  Deputy  Clerk. 

Crowley  James . .  Superintend' t.  of  Telegraph. 

Hopcraft,  George. .  Sttperintendent' s  Clerk. 

Gott,  George  P. . .  Book-keeper. 

O'Brien,  John  J..  Chief  Bureau  of  Elections, 

Henry  Morris  H. . .  Chief  Surgeon. 

Ensign,  Wm.  H  Surgeon, 

Dorn,  John  H  

McLeod,  Samuel  B   " 

Cook,  Stephen  B   " 

Maclay,  A.  W   " 

Wade,  Charles  H   " 

Phelps,  Charles   " 


First  Precinct. 

CAPTAIN. 

Caffry,  Charles  W. 

SERGEANTS. 
Rork,  Arthur 
Oates.  Patrick 
McCUntock,  Andrew 
Linden,  William  J. 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Plott,  Francis 
llagan,  Henry 
llrookheim,  Julius  A. 
Halpin,  Henry 

DOORMEN. 

Burrell,  William  U. 
Van  Dusen,  Charles  H. 

PATROLMEN. 

Arnold,  Daniel  S. 
liurke,  James 
Briggs,  Rufus  C. 
Buckley,  John 
Bloch,  Kenry 
Bentley,  George  W. 
Byrnes,  James 
Carr,  John  H, 
Carlin,  Francis 
Corrigan,  Robert 
Coyle,  Charles  J. 
Cunningham,  'Ihomas  M. 
Cotter,  William 
Collins,  Michael 
Drought,  Henry 
Daley,  Lawrence  C. 
Davis,  John  L. 
Doyle,  Daniel 
Dclan'jy,  John 
Doyle,  John  J. 
Krwni,  Robert 
Elder,  John  W. 
Ellis,  Samuel 
J  lanagan,  James 
Unnigan,  Samuel 
Flannery,  Michael 
Fitzpatnck,  Daniel 
Flannery,  Patrick 
Ganly,  Richard 
Glynn,  Joseph 
Goodwin,  William 
Grilhn,  Michael 
Golden,  Anthony  J. 
GilfeatlJer,  Micliael 
Hargrove,  Thomas 
Hagan,  Francis 
Hagan,  Charles 
Kenncally,  Patrick 
Long,  William 


Lehne,  Henry 

Lindsay,  Thomas 
Murray,  James 
Mongan,  James 
Moritz,  George 
Murphy,  Joseph 
Murphy,  James  M. 
Moran,  John 
McCoy,  Matthew 
Mead,  Joseph  W. 
Moran,  Edward 
Mulvey,  James 
Merckle,  Christian 
Muldoon,  William 
McCormick,  John  W. 
Murphy,  John 
Morris,  Patrick  T. 
Murphy,  Maurice 
Mackin,  Thomas 
Newton,  John 
Newell,  William  T, 
O'Mally,  Michael 
O'Connor,  James 
O'Donnell,  Peter 
Oates,  James 
Peters,  John 
Pelton,  William 
Quinn,  James  P. 
Ryan,  Timothy 
Ryder,  Dermott 
Reiss,  Frederick 
Raliegh,  John 
Scanlon,  Patrick 
Sullivan,  Florence  J, 
Shea,  Henry 
Sims,  William,  Jr. 
Sheridan,  Peter 
Sloan,  James  A. 
Terry,  William  D. 
Trass,  Henry  P. 
Theime,  Allied  B. 
Uhl,  Peter 

Wooldridge,  Stephen  B. 
Woodward,  Frank 
Webber,  Edward 


Fourth  Precinct. 

CAPTAIN. 

Petty,  Jeremiah 

SEKGEANTS. 

Brophy,  James  J, 
i'  itzgcrald,  John  J. 
Moloney,  John  t . 
Ryan,  Peter 

ROUNDSMEN. 


Central  Office. 

Turner,  James  S  Surgeon. 

Doran,  Thomas  J   " 

Peterson,  Robert  S.,  jr   " 

Smith,  Le  Grand   " 

Purroy,  Francis  M   " 

Varian,  William  A   ...  " 

Clements,  James  W,  G   " 

Lyon,  Samuel  K   " 

Dexter,  B.  F  

Fluhrer,  W.  F   " 

Matthews,  David   " 

Parker,  Ely  S  Deputy  Clerk. 

Bower,  Humphrey   " 

Hawley,  Seth,  jr   " 

Clark,  Vincent   " 

Hallenback,  M.  O  

Delamater,  William   " 

Gay,  Edmund  C   " 

Doane,  Charles  F   " 

Terwilliger,  James   " 

Kavanagh,  John   " 

Masterson,  Peter   " 

McCarthy,  Joseph  H   " 

Precincts. 


Colton,  Chas.  S. 
I  Cromley,  James 


McCarthy,  John 
Murphy,  Francis 
Sbarboro,  Augustus 

PATROLMEN. 

Adamson,  Richard 
Ahearn,  William  H. 
liarry,  Pat'k  J. 
Buckley,  James  F. 
Barrett,  Thomas 
Barron,  Edward  J. 
Butterly,  John 
Baker,  Charles  S. 
Barnwell,  Patrick 
Crowley,  Michael 
Canovan,  John 
Cooper,  Alartin 
Carr,  Gilbert 
Cretden,  Pat'k  H. 
Curley,  John  F. 
Conovan,  John 
Clinton,  James 
Collins,  Denis 
Courtlander,  Fred.  J. 
Canty,  Patrick 
Collins,  James 
Callihan,  Dan'l  J. 
Clarker,  John  T. 
Draffin,  James 
Dunn,  John 
Foley,  William 
Flanigan,  John 
Farrington,  John 
Flynn,  Thomas 
Fineken,  Chas.  W.  H. 
Gibson,  Geo.  W. 
Gardner,  Jos,  A. 
Gerl.ach,  Charles 
Giroux,  Michael  E. 
Glatt,  Geo.  C. 
Gunn,  Francis 
Hawkins,  John 
Heaviside,  Henry 
Heaviside,  William 
Hotalling,  John  E. 
Hoyt,  Aaron  H. 
Hardgrove,  John 
Hickey,  John 
Johnson,  Albert  B. 
Kearns,  John 
Keogh,  Nlartin 
Kenneally,  Patrick 
Kelly,  Ch.irles  F. 
Kingston,  Samuel 
Keeling,  John  R. 
Kiernan,  John 
Kelly,  Peter 
Kullec.  Albert 
Lamb ,  Peter  P. 
Lewis,  Daniel 
Logan,  George 
Levy,  Wolf 
Leahy,  Michael 


Langan,  James  J. 
Miller,  Adolph  L. 
Meincke,  Charles 
Mullally,  Patrick 
Musgrave,  John 
McCabe,  Edward 
Mulligan,  Joseph 
Mackey,  William 
Murphy,  James 
Murphy,  Patrick 
Murphy,  Daniel  J, 
Meyers,  Ernest  H. 
Mailon,  Francis 
McDonald,  Hugh 
Mctjuaid,  James 
McGinley,  Patrick 
Mullaney,  James 
Nolan,  John 
Olvany,  Hugh 
O'SuUivan,  Patrick 
O'Leary,  Timothy 
O'Brien,  Thomas  J. 
Rabbailt,  Christoplie 
Ryan,  Edmund 
Rooney,  Michael 
Scallin,  Patrick 
Sage,  Herbert  R. 
Smith,  Chas,  W. 
Van  Riper,  Jacob  S. 
Vail,  Oliver 
Tierney,  Thoma:; 
Wood,  Alburtus 
Weinkauff,  Otto 
Wright,  Gilbert  L. 

DOORMEN, 

Flood,  Charles 
Sharp,  Edgar 


Fifth  Precinct. 

CAPTAIN. 

Eakins,  Joseph  B. 

SERGEANTS. 

De  Shays,  Miles 
De  Lameter,  Edward  R. 
Doran,  Patrick  H. 
Thompson,  William 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Slauson,  Edgar  S. 
Hayes,  Edward 
Carey,  James  F. 
Orr,  Robert 

PATROLMEN. 

Alberts,  August 
Anihes,  William 
Becker,  George 


Sit^  inert,  George  Deputy  Clerk. 

Saterlee,  F.  Lc  Roy   " 

Waterman,  S   " 

McDonnell,  P.  W  

Stone,  George  B  

Wood,  Robert  L   " 

Moe,  Isaac  L   " 

Dickinson,  A.  M   " 

Mellish,  George  H  Stenographer. 

Craig,  Daniel  W   " 

Cozzens,  Edw'd . .  Clerk  at  House  of  Detention, 

Wynne,  James  J  Telegraph  Operator. 

McGrath,  James   " 

Lucas,  James  A   " 

Brcnnan,  M.  R   " 

Coonan,  Joseph   " 

May,  William.  .President's  Secretary. 

St.  John,  Charles  A.  .Property  Clerk. 

Webb,  Jacob . .  Janitor. 

Keirnan,  John.  .Mechanic. 

Co.x,  Thomas  J.,  jr. .  Telegraph  Line  Man. 


Bingham,  Earnest  K. 

Bird,  Edmund 

Boyle,  Thoma* 

Bow,  Michael 

Brcen,  Richard 

Budds,  John 

Callaghan,  Thom.as 

Carlin,  Thomas 

Cashman,  Edward 
j  Chapman,  Henry 
1  ClarK,  Francis  J. 

Coffee,  Daniel 

Coffee,  Patrick  J. 

Cole,  HeniT  W. 
I  Coughlin,  Joseph 
I  Crawford,  David 
I  Delanoy,  Chariest 

Donovan,  John 
j  Doyle,  William 
I  F.ay,  John 
;  Farley,  Dermott 

Farley,  John  J. 
I  Fennell,  William  H. 

Ferdon,  Simeon  L. 

Foster,  Robert  W. 

Fogany,  Dennis  J. 

Fl     t,  Charles 

G      nd,  Thomas 

Gilbert,  Frederick 
I  Glinn,  Slauri  3 

Hall,  Joseph 

Halfpenny,  Robert 

Hammond,  George 

Handy,  Martin 

Hawley,  Ira  D. 

H-     -y,  Michael  J. 

Huntsingcr,  John  B. 

Jackson,  David  H. 

"Kavanagh,  James 

Kellv,  James 

K  :   r,  John  H. 

Kennedy,  Dcclan 

Kennedy,  Edward 

King,  Elbert  S, 

Morganucck,  William 

McCarthy,  Dennis 

McCullagh,  Patrick 

SicDermott,  Thomas 

McMahon,  John 

Naton,  Peter 

Naughton,  Michael 

O'Connor,  Joseph 

O'Reilly,  Patrick 

P..i;.i;r,  John  J. 

Pierce,  Rodney  C. 

Pike,  Charles  S. 

Phillips,  George  A. 

Randall,  tharles  B. 

Randall,  George  M. 

Roche,  William 

Ryckman,  NichoLis  A. 

Silbcrics,  Theodore  W. 

Skidmore,  George  M. 

Smith,  John  E. 


Snyder,  George 
Spolasco,  William 
Stephenson,  John  T. 
Stoddard,  Elliot  M. 
Sullivan,  Cornelius 
Sullivan,  Patrick 
Sullivan,  Thomas  J. 
Woodruff,  Seldon  A. 

DOORMAN. 
Cromie,  William 
Robinson,  James 


Seventh  Precinct, 

CAPTAIN. 

HcElwain,  John 

SERGEANTS. 

Lonsdale,  James 
Fuller,  James  K. 
Randall.  Frank  B. 
Snyder,  Charles 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Carbctt,  _John  I. 
Walsh,  Edward 
Palmer,  John  T. 
Brennan,  George 

PATROLMEN. 

Be.im,  William  S. 
Blonk,  Geo.  W. 
Behan,  James 
Braistcd,  Geo.  R. 
Cook,  David 
Crook,  John 
Coniin,  Martin  F. 
Cahill,  Patrick 
Combs,  John  E. 
I  Doyle,  Patrick  F. 
English,  Patrick 
Fitzgerald,  Robert 
Fellows.  Samuel  B. 
F.arley,  John 
Griffin,  Thomas 
Glynn,  Patrick 
Gilmorc.  Michael 
Gannon,  John 
Gibson,  Henry  C. 
HajEKerty,  James 
Hircne.  Henry 
Holly,  Harvey  S. 
Judge,  Owen 
ICennedy,  Patrick 
Larkin,  Patrick 
Landscadcl,  John 
Lcc,  .Nlichaef 
Mohr,  John 
Moloney,  John 
McSwccny,  John 


Names  of  each  Officer  and  Patrolman  in  ihe  Police  Department  of  Nezu  York. 


McCarthy,  James 
Martin,  Michael 
Maher,  Jolin 
McMahon,  James 
Mullery,  Ktlward 
Moyland,  Jeremiah 
Powell,  Aluiizo 
Parsons,  John 
Patterson,  John 
Preston,  James 
Quinn,  James 
Quigley,  Thomas 
Rogers,  John  H. 
Rowan,  ftlicliael 
Riordan,  James 
Reasan,  James 
Stapleton,  Thomas 
Shalvey,  Kdward 
Skelling,  Matthew 
Sarvis,  James 
Thompson,  William 
Walker,  James 
Wilkinson,  Winslow  L 
Waters,  Thomas  J. 

DOORMEN. 

McDonald,  Michael 
Williams,  Iliram 


Eighth  Precinct. 

CAITAIN. 

McDonnell,  Charles 

SERGEANTS. 

Knight,  Edward 
Oaynor,  James 
Rcilly,  Thomas 
McNally,  Patrick 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Barry,  Richard  J. 
Cooper,  James  <). 
Larkin,  Kdward  H. . 
Melly,  Patrick 

PATROLMEN. 

Albertson,  Charles  L. 
Browning,  August 
Bliss,  Charles  R. 
Burke,  John  G. 
Bru^h,  Joseph  C. 
Burgoyne,  Kdward  A. 
B  irtley,  David 
Brcjwn,  James  M. 
Beard,  William  J. 
Black,  I'homas 
Connell,  James 
Cummisky,  James 
Denning,  Michael 
De  Voursney,  Charles  H. 
Dyckman,  David  W. 
Donahue,  Michael  C. 
Daab,  i'hilip 
Dougherty,  John 
Doess,  Jacob  H. 
Dunn,  James 
Kvanhoe,  Frank  N, 
Frost,  George  C. 
Finnerty,  John 
Fletcher,  George 
Gilligan,  Anthony 
Hiimracll,  Adolph 
Hen/e,  William 
Haugh,  Patrick 
}tart,  Robert  K. 
Hendricks,  Jacob  M. 
Harty,  Patrick 
Harvev  David 
Kenny,  Charles  B. 
Kilpatrick,  John  M. 
Kennedy,  Kclward 
Knox.  William  J. 
I.awlcr,  'I'hom.as  F. 
McDonald,  Charles  A, 
Mains,  Alexander 
Miller,  Clemens 
McLaughlin,  Patrick  D. 
Mt.ran,  Thomas 
M.-u;uire,  Patrick 
Murphy.  John 
Moore,  James 
McCue,  John 
Monahan.  Peter  J. 
N.ish,  William  H. 
(J'Neil.  Peter 
Quiglcy,  James 
(,>uick.  Abraham 
Ruland,  (iardiner 
Rice,  Bernard  J. 
Ryan,  John 
Kcic'iert,  l^uis 
Ryan,  Jaines 
Reynolds,  John 
Scliult,  John  H. 
Sweeney,  Michael  I'. 
Savtrcool,  lohn  (). 
Sheridan,  James  H. 
Sirope,  Kira  I). 
'I'hoinjBon,  F.ugene 
Vallely.  Purick  W. 
W'iill,  (ieorge 
VV'hclan,  Patrick 


Watson,  John 
Walsh,  ^Ilcbael 
West,  William  H. 
Wavle,  Oscar 

DOORMEN. 

Blunt,  John  H. 
Burke, "William 


Ninth  Precinct. 

CAPTAIN. 

Berghold,  William  C.  F. 

SERGEANTS. 

Carpenter,  Thomas  H.  B, 
Croker,  John  A. 
Wilson,  James  B. 
Woodward,  Charles  W. 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Breashell,  William  H. 
Brush,  Jacob  J. 
Lindeman.  Ernest 
Webster,  William 

PATROLMEN. 

Burkitt,  Thomas 
Bowker,  Gustavus  G. 
Burleigh,  Thomas 
Bower,  William 
Brennan,  James  F. 
Beatty,  William 
Burke,  Richard 
Cargill,  William 
Casey,  Hugh 
Conklin,  Kdgar  W. 
Conklin,  Taylor 
Creighton,  John  G. 
Carey,  Edmund  C. 
Copeland,  Martin 
Coughliii,  Patrick 
Cross,  Adam  A. 
Clinchy,  Arthur 
Davenport,  Charles  O. 
Doughty,  William 
De  Nyse,  Augustus  M. 
KIlis,  Adno 
Eastwood,  William 
Flanagan,  John 
Fielding,  Frederick  R. 
Gibbons,  David  M. 
Henderson,  Joseph  B. 
Hayes,  John 
Helmc,  (ieorge  E. 
Hackett,  Daniel  P. 
Howell,  John  M. 
Kelly,  Robert 
Kiernan,  John 
Kavanagh,  Thomas 
Lowe,  William  R. 
Lally,  Michael 
Miller,  Israel  W. 
Moor,  William 
Maloney,  Martin 
McDonald,  Michael 
McGloin.  John  W. 
Malarky.  Bernard 
Matthews,  John  M. 
Norris,  James 
Noble,  John  W. 
O'Donohue,  Thomas 
O'Neil,  Lawrence 
Pitcairne,  Robert  B. 
Poppe,  John 
Phyfe,  David 


Quinn,  Robert 
Rev 
RyH 


Rev-ir,  Jaoob 

.  Her,  William  J. 
Sharpe,  George  D. 


Saver,  (Jeorge  W. 
.Schryver,  John  B. 
Sullivan,  Daniel 
.Scanlon,  Michael 
Shiel,  John  J. 
Stoker,  John  H. 
Townsend,  John 
Taylor,  John  G. 
Todd,  OrviUcA. 
T.iylor,  John 
Tewhy,  John  J. 
Veitch,  Thomas 
Valieant,  John 
Van  Wart,  John  L. 
Ward,  MicK.->el 
Williamson,  Charles 
Wood,  John  A. 
Welsh,  Patrick 
Walling,  G.arrett  S. 
Wheeler,  Owen 

DOORMEN. 

Gardner.  George  E. 
McPartlin,  Owen 

Tenth  Precinct. 


CAPTAIN. 

Allaire,  Anthony  J. 

SP.miHANTS. 

Christie,  William  H. 


Dahlgren,  Gustave 
Grainger,  Charles  M. 
Creeden,  Timothy  J.  (Act'i 


ROUNDSMEN. 

Bell,  Thom.is 
Malon,  Francis 
Melly,  Peter 
McGuire,  Patrick 

PATROLMEN. 

Agnew,  John 
Arnold,  Michael 
Arfken,  Geo.  L. 
Brennan,  Patrick 
Boyle,  George  W. 
Bath,  D.avid  W. 
Bayer,  Etienne 
Bush,  Nathaniel  D. 
Brady,  Christopher 
Chrystal,  Thomas  J. 
Creed,  John  J. 
Cowen,  James 
Carstens,  John 
Cullcn,  James  J. 
Dokell,  Dietrick  W 
Dempsey,  Patrick 
Dyruff,  Charles 
Elterich,  John 
Ellis,  Robert  H. 
Flynn,  James 
Fuchs,  Frank  J. 
Gass  Valentine 
Germain,  Franklin 
Heron,  John 
Hughes,  William  H. 
Haggerty,  Jonathan 
Hull,  Percival 
Hughes,  Francis 
Hes<,  George  A. 
Harris,  Michael 
Herrick,  John  J. 
Inteman,  Herman 
Johnson,  Michael 
Kane,  Bernard 
Kelsey,  James  R. 
Kiernan,  James 
Layton,  John  H. 
Lane,  Patrick  J. 
Mead,  Isaac 
Madden,  Daniel 
Masterson,  Patri^ck 
Mueller,  Fer'd  G". 
McCauley,  Hugh 
McCarthy,  Cornelius 
McCauley,  Neil 
Newman,  Edward 
Nixon,  William  B. 
O'Day,  Martin 
Ryan,  Dennis  F. 
Ryan,  Patrick  H. 
Smock,  Geo  S. 
Stutt,  William 
Sullivan,  Richard 
Steele,  Geo.  W. 
Van  Huskirk,  Edgar 
White,  Michael 
Walker,  Michael 
Wade,  John 

DOORMEN. 

English,  Samuel 
Moore,  Patrick  H. 


Eleventh  Precinct. 

CAPTAIN. 

Cherry,  Thomas 

SERGEANTS. 

Ahe.trn,  Thomas 
Griffith  Philip  M. 
Mead,  James  S. 
Webb,  William  H. 
Wassncr,  John  (Acting) 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Flanagan,  John 
Howell,  Afonzo 
Schauwacker,  Charles  L. 
Schroth,  Ernest 

PATROLMEN. 

Alexander,  David  W. 
Andesner.  Anton 
Baker,  John 
Breen,  John 
Brennen.  Patrick 
Brown,  Henry  M, 
Caprano,  Jacob 
Carland,  William 
Ciirry,  James 
Calhoun,  Patrick  F. 
D.illon,  William 
Donnelly,  Peter  J. 
Donnelly,  Francis 
Durkin,  William  P. 
Fleming,  James 
( ira'.sicic,  George 
HcfTcrrian,  Michael 
Holbrook,  Peter 
Kelly,  Andrew 
Kccnan,  James 


Kettner,  Joseph  R. 
Kreamer,  Reinhold 
Leach,  Robert  M. 
Lahert,  Richard 
McAleer,  Patrick 
Mulligan,  James 
McDermott,  Charles 
O'Connell,  Slichael 
O'Connor,  Charles 
Rohloff,  Albert 
Raduns,  Frederick  A. 
Reilly,  William 
Sassc,  Ernest  A. 
Saul,  Joseph  A. 
Saul,  William  H. 
Sheridan,  John 
Taylor,  William  H. 
Van  Ranst,  James 
White,  Morris 
Wohltman,  Claus 

DOORMEN. 

Burden,  Henry 
Ryan,  James 


Twelfth  Precinct. 

CAPTAIN. 

Davis,  Thaddeus  C. 

SERGEANTS. 

MuUin,  Washington 
Armstrong,  George 
Boehme,  Christopher 
Sullivan,  William  W. 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Thompson,  Walter  L. 
Delaney,  William 
McKcnna,  Felix 
Luersson,  Augustus 
Campbell,  Matthew 

PATROLMEN. 

Allaire,  Charies  D. 
Brennan,  Michael 
Crout,  George  W. 
Culhane,  Thomas 
Corell,  Adam 
Carter,  Thomas  J. 
Doran,  Bernard 
Deery,  Jefferson 
Dwyer,  John 
Eagan,  Thomas 
Kagan,  John 
Files,  David  L. 
tjorman,  Thomas 
Gallagher,  John 
Golden,  David 
Grant,  Jerome  T. 
Holmes,  Theophilus 
Hanna,  John 
Joyce,  John  J. 
Jacoby,  Henry 
Kavanagh,  John 
Kain,  Peter 
Lake,  William  H. 
Lcnz,  Charles 
Moller,  Ernest  F. 
Morey,  James  N. 
Miner,  Charles 
Murphy,  Patrick 
McCabe,  John 
Montgomery,  James  C. 
McKei.zie,  Charles  H. 
Nafew,  Henry  B. 
Niggesmith,  George  F. 
Phen.ar,  Orlando  R. 
Paton,  George  T. 
Paret,  Stephen 
Reed,  Albert 
Renck,  William  H. 
Regan,  Willi.am 
Riley,  James 
.Slgna,  Henry  A. 
.Smallcy,  Lorenzo  D. 
Sullivan,  Joseph 
Smith,  Patrick 
Shea,  James 
Tompson,  Bernard  C. 
Torbush,  Henry  W. 
Torbush,  John  H. 
Van  Orden,  Henry  C. 
W.ilker,  Richard 

DOORMEN. 

Dooley,  Thomas  F. 
Malone,  Joseph  A. 


Thirteenth  Precinct. 

CAPTAIN. 

Copeland,  Theron  S. 

SERGEANTS. 

Doyle,  Andrew 
Thompson,  Theron  T. 
Pickett,  Patrick  H. 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Farley,  Thomas 


Wandling,  Charles 
Harris,  John 
Griffith,  Charles  W. 

PATROLMEN. 

Beveridge,  William 
Banmgarten,  Ignatz 
Br.ady,  William 
Birmingham.  Bernard  F. 
Benjamin.  Charles  E. 
Coughlin,  James 
Dixon,  Christopher 
Delaney,  Thomas 
Gorman,  Michael 
Grady,  Edward 
Hays,  Jeremiah 
Healy,  John 
Johnson,  James  H. 
Jepson,  James  C. 
Jiidson,  Charles  F. 
King,  John 
Larkin,  Kerin  J. 
Livingston,  Abrah.am 
Lemlein,  Nathan 
Looney,  William 
Meiers,  Max 
Masterson,  Michael 
Maguire,  James 
Moncrief,  Ambrose 
McCafferty,  Thomas 
McDermott,  John 
McCauley,  John 
McGeorge,  Arthur  B. 
McSherry,  Mathew 
Moran,  Peter 
O'Brien,  Stephen 
O'Connor,  John 
Owens,  Bartholomew 
Parish,  James 
Pierce,  Edward 
Raymond,  John 
Rowland,  Theodore  V.  W. 
Schofield,  Francis 
Shellard,  Stephen 
Stack,  Patrick 
Smith,  James 
Smith,  Francis 
Wood,  George  W. 
Walsh,  Edward 

DOORMEN. 

Hathaway,  Wm.  N. 
Rutledge,  David 


Fourteenth  Precinct. 

CAPTAIN. 

Brogan,  John  J. 

SERGEANTS. 

W.arts,  Alexander  B. 
Lamey,  Michael 
Horbelt,  Marcus 

ACTING  SERGEANT. 

Mangin,  Thomas  H. 

ROUNDS.MEN. 

Campbell,  John 
McC.trthy,  Daniel  J. 
Grant,  Donald 
Hanley,  Owen 
O'Brien,  David 
Sherwood,  James  F. 

PATROLMEN. 

Ad.ams,  Willi.am 
Brodrict,  George 
Brennan,  Edward 
Bates,  Sulliv.\n  E. 
Buckin,  Edward 
Bowes,  Thomas 
Crowley,  Francis  B. 
Croker,  Walter 
Coyle,  Thomas  J. 
Crowley,  Michael 
Cully,  Patrick 
Connor,  James  I. 
Davis,  Charles  H. 
Dolan,  Patrick 
Duggin,  Daniel 

F.  ltrich,  Richard 
Ewing,  John 
Fosket,  Alonzo 
Fraiier,  Daniel 
Fisher,  Frederick  E. 
Fields,  Richard 
Fellman,  Philip 
Foody,  Michael 

G. alligan,  Edward 
Ciilroy,  Mich.icl 
Gilman,  Frederick 
Gr.ay,  Thomas 
(•ibbs,  Patrick  J. 
Cfilhooly,  James  H. 
Gohl,  Christian 
(irosiean,  Eugene  D. 
Hughes,  Francis 
Hart,  James  J. 
Hogaii,  Thomas 
Hunter.  lames 
Hogan.  Michael 
Hildcrbrand,  Joseph 


Higgins,  Peter  H. 
Hines,  James  F. 
Horgan,  Bartholomew 
Jones,  Henry  F. 
Junker,  Max 
Facobs,  George  R. 
Jacoby.  Henry  F. 
Kelly,  Patrick 
Kenny,  John 
Kelly,  Bartholomew 
I.ay,  Jacob 
Laydon,  John 
Lynch,  ^fichael 
j  Lane,  Joel 
Leeson,  George  F. 
Long,  Thomas 
McGrade,  Hugh  J. 
Mitchell,  Thomas  D. 
Maher,  James 
Masterson,  John  F. 
McGuire,  James 
Matear,  William  J. 
Maynard,  Edward  D. 
McGrath,  James 
Meyer,  Charles 
Mocn,  Thomas  F. 
Maloney,  Owen 
McGuire  Thomas  H. 
McNamara,  John 
Nealis,  James 
Nowak,  Augustus 
Nugent,  Frank  J. 
O'Reilly,  Thomas 
O'Connor,  Richard 
O'Sullivan,  John 
O'Reilly,  IJernard 
Palmer,  Augustus  B. 
Plath.  John  H. 
Pfaehler,  Emil  L. 
Quinn,  James 
Relyea,  Henry 
Roberts,  Mortimer  H. 
Rodgers,  Reuben  P. 
Sweeney,  Bernard 
Sullivan  Michael 
Schmitz,  Henry 
Shea,  John 
Siems,  John 
Shiels,  John 
Tighe,  Robert  A. 
Wynne,  Thomas 
Wilson,  Frank 
Weinburg,  Joseph 


Coflfin,  Stephen  J. 
Brown,  RoDert 


Fifteenth  Precinct. 

CAPTAIN. 

Byrnes,  Thomas 

SERGE.ANTS. 

DougLass,  Joseph 
King,  James  M. 
Kellaher,  John 
Smicck,  Wm.  B. 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Brady,  James 
CLark,  Hugh 
Doherty,  Michael 
Flannery,  Thomas 
Wells,  Horace  M. 

PATROLMEN. 

Burke,  L.awrence 
Brooks,  James  A. 
Cannon,  James  E. 
Casserly,  Patrick 
Colton,  Thomas  W. 
Clune.  Patrick 
Cunningham.  John 
Davidson,  Samuel 
Dougherty,  John 
Doherty,  S.amuel 
Donohue,  James 
Doyle,  James 
Dunn,  Edward 
Finnerty,  Rcim 
Fogarty,  John 
Gaughan,  Thomas 
Gilgar,  F'dward 
GoUe.  Julius  A. 
Goncy,  Michael 
Hanley,  Ch.arles 
Hicinbothem,  Robert 
Henry,  James  L. 
Ivory,  Joseph 
Kenny,  Peter 
Kennedy,  Edward  T. 
Killile.a,  John 
Kilkenny,  J.->mes 
Kershon,  John  H. 
Uike,  Franklin  W. 
I^ary,  Corneilius 
Le.tcock,  Joseph 
Lefferts,  Harmon 
Ixrnistere,  Peter 
Loughlin,  lieorgc 
Mead,  Henry 
Moore,  James 
Moure,  Thomas  A. 


Names  of  each  Officer  and  Patrolman  in  the  Police  Department  of  New  York. 


3 


Moffitt,  Thomas 
Moxley,  Francis  Q. 
Mulcafiy,  William 
McNamara,  Daniel 
McAdams,  James 
McDermott,  Peter 
McGinn.  John 
McCiowan,  John  H. 
McGowan,  Thomas 
McCormack,  \Vm.  H. 
Northrup,  Benjamin  B. 
O'Keefe,  John  M. 
Orser,  Charles  H. 
Reilly,  James,  No.  i 
Keilly,  lames.  No.  2 
Reilly,  Edward 
Ruland,  John 
Parker,  Seymour  V. 
Poe,  John  J. 
Scullion,  Thomas 
Seaman,  Samuel  B. 
Slerin,  Edward 
Smith,  Michael 
Sullivan,  John  S. 
Sullivan,  James 
Telly,  David  A. 
Tesparo,  Benjamin 
Van  Norden,  John 
Warren,  William 
White,  Manuel  A. 
Watson,  James 
Wiley,  Michael  W. 
Zukell,  Leopold  F. 

DOORMEN. 

Reilly,  James  F. 
Waters,  Peter 


Sixteenth  Precinct. 

CAPTAIN. 

Ryan,  Thomas  M. 

SERGEANTS. 

Blair,  William 
Polhamus,  Daniel 
Taylor,  John  J. 
Thompson,  John 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Aitkin,  Henry 
Dark,  Nathaniel 
McArthur,  Silas 
Weiss,  Hermann 

PATROLMEN. 

Banker,  John 
Butcher,  John 
Brennan,  James 
Coffey,  William  S. 
Cole,  Ambrose  H. 
Carpenter,  Wilbur  F. 
Cahill,  Bernard 
Clark,  Thomas 
Connor,  Michael 
Campbell,  Robert  F.  M. 
Curtiss,  Frank  H. 
Connor,  George 
Cairns,  William 
Dunn,  Patrick 
Decker,  Milton  F. 
Faut,  Michael  R. 
Fay,  Patrick 
Furguson,  John 
Gill,  George  W. 
Gray,  William 
Grier,  Arthur 
Heath,  John  W. 
Hooks,  John 
Hughes,  Alexander 
Johnston,  John 
Kelly,  Michael 
Kelly,  Patrick 
King,  Henry  C. 
Kornman,  Frederick  W. 
Lewis,  Frederick  R. 
Livingston,  Henry  A. 
Logue,  Phillip 
Lahey,  Patrick 
Murray,  Daniel 
Mooney,  Owen 
Mantle,  James  W. 
Madden,  James  F. 
McEvoy,  John 
McGuire,  Thomas 
HcDougall,  Alexander 
McGloin,  Patrick 
Nixon,  Robert 
O'Reilly,  Michael 
O'Brien,  John  D. 
Phelan,  Thomas 
Rodgers,  Owen 
Rourke,  John 
Riker,  Abraham 
Schmidt,  Adolph  H. 
Smith,  James 
Sinclair,  John 
Sands,  Joseph 
Taylor,  David  H 
Thomas,  Morgan 
Tallon,  Lawrence 
Wall,  Thomas  F. 
Wilson,  Richard 
Yaeger,  Michael  C. 


DOORMEN. 

Hanowcr,  Morris 
Perkins,  James 

Seventeenth  Precinct. 

C.\PTA»J. 

McCulIagh,  John  H. 

SERGEANTS. 

Crowley,  David  H. 
Haggerty,  Joseph 
Welsing  Jacob 
Little  George 

McEveety,  Bernard  (Acting) 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Gallagher,  John 
Kenny,  James  E.  J. 
Hanley,  J,ames 
Protz,  Frederick 

PATROLMEN. 

Ahem,  James 
Archibald,  Daniel 
Bissert,  Michael 
Benkers,  Henry 
Bolger,  Patrick 
Boylston,  Martin 
Bernstein,  Charles 
Blass,  Philip 
Buhler,  John  J. 
Brewer,  Charles  E. 
Cunningham,  Michael  C. 
Carroll,  Martin 
Curry,  James 
Doyle,  Edward  H. 
Dooley,  Martin 
Dyer,  James  S. 
Farley,  Peter 
Flynn,  Michael 
Finnigan,  William  B. 
Gleeson,  Thomas 
Gill,  Floyd 
Ginley,  Patrick 
Hartling,  William 
Haas,  George 
Kiernan,  Thomas 
Keely,  Edward  J. 
Kelly,  William 
Keating,  John  A. 
Kiely,  John 
Leddy, John 
Long,  John 
Latham,  George 
Leonard,  Patrick 
Mayforth,  George 
McGearty,  Patrick 
McArdle,  Patrick 
Mclnerney,  Daniel  J. 
McGrath,  Patrick 
McDonald,  John 
Marsh, 'George 
Nealis,  Daniel 
Nealis,  James 
O'Rourke,  Hugh 
Rielly,  Peter 
Robinson  Edward  K. 
Rose,  Peter 
Robb,  Matthew 
Reid,  Cornelius 
Reid,  Maurice 
Reid,  Thomas  H. 
Schwenk,  Henry 
Seery,  John 
Sullivan,  David 
Smith,  Matthew 
Stepper,  Martin 
Schleissner,  Louis 
Tracey.  Maurice 
Wiehe,  Jacob 
Walton,  Patrick 
Wilkinson,  John 
Weiss,  George 

DOORMEN. 

McCormach,  William  H. 
Worden,  Alfred  W. 


Eighteenth  Precinct. 

CAPTAIN. 

Clinchy,  William  H. 

SERGEANTS. 

Thompson,  Andrew  J. 
Fanning,  Michael 
McCullagh,  John 
Porcher,  William 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Campbell,  James 
Coon,  Samuel  H. 
Near,  Emmet 
Reid,  William  S. 

PATROLMEN. 

Brennan,  James 
Brennan,  John 
Brutton.  Hugh 
Baker,  Frank 


Buttlinger.  Edward 
Carroll,  William 
Corey,  John  V.  B. 
Christopher,  Benjamin 
Carter,  Jesse 
Covert,  Geo.  H. 
Clark,  William 
Dcevcs,  Wm.  B. 
Dooley,  Charles  O. 
Dunn,  John 
Farrell,  John 
Falvey,  Timothy 
I'erguson  Samuel  T. 
Flood,  James  C. 
Genow,  David 
Gaffiiey,  Bartholomew 
Goldrick,  James  T. 
Gibbons,  I'homas 
Godfrey,  George 
Harding,  Peter 
Hcaly,  John 
Hogan,  Richard 
Hatlon,  John 
Harris,  William 
Hennessey,  Jeremiah,  J. 
Herlihy,  John  D. 
Jeffrey,  Jesse 
Jewell,  Charles  E. 
Johnson,  Joseph 
Joyce,  Redmond  J. 
Joyce,  Michael  T. 
Kern,  Jacob  B. 
Kirtland,  George  R. 
Keirnan,  Bernard 
Klien,  Julius  J. 
Lacey,  Edward  J. 
Levy,  Alexander 
Leamy,  Joseph 
Mulry,  Thomas  W. 
Mulvey,  Thomas 
Meehan,  Cornelius 
Malloy,  Michael 
Monahan,  James  E. 
McCarthy,  Thomas  J. 
McCarthy,  Justin 
McGee,  John 
McBride,  Manus 
McKenna,  Patrick 
McGrann,  William  F. 
Nolan,  Michael 
Nugent,  John 
Norton,  Edward 
O'Neill,  Thomas 
O'Neill,  John,  (No.  i) 
O'Neill,  John,  (No.  2) 
Pearson,  Thomas 
Quigley,  James 
Reilly,  John  J. 
Smith,  George  W. 
Smith,  Michael 
Sherwood,  Nathan  B. 
Shultis,  Albert 
Schroff,  Charles  S. 
Schoell,  Charles 
Stewart,  Oliver  V. 
Stack,  Maurice 
Schenck,  George  A. 
Toury,  Edward  C. 
Tieman,  Charles 
Waters,  Benjamin 


Dore,  Michael 
McNulty,  Francis 
Whalen,  Patrick 

Nineteenth  Precinct. 

CAPTAIN. 

Mount,  John  J. 

SERGE.\NTS. 

Bumstead,  Theodore 
Norris,  Walter 
Vredenburgh,  Watson 
Webb,  Robert  O. 

ROLNDSMEN. 

Green,  Patrick 
Golden,  Judson 
Minnie,  John  D. 
Minnick,  John 

PATROLMEN. 

Abbot,  Nathaniel,  B.  Sr. 
Abbott,  Nathaniel,  B.  Jr. 
Breen,  Patrick 
Bennett,  Thomas 
Bennett,  George  A. 
Brunner,  Jacob 
Castle,  Geo.  A. 
Chapman,  Robert  A. 
Cummings,  Patrick 
Campbell,  Samuel  J. 
Clarson,  Lawrence 
Corbett,  Henry  O. 
Crowe,  James 
Dixon,  William 
Ditmar,  Montgomery 
Donohue,  Andrew 
Donohue,  Jeremiah 
Davis,  Joseph  L. 
Devery,  John 
Dunlop.  Robert 


F.agan,  Daniel 
Edmiston,  Robert 
Fallon,  Timothy 
Fogarty,  Charles 
Fii/patnck,  James 
Farrell,  John  J. 
Flynn,  Michael 
Garity,  James 
Granger,  William 
Goodcnough,  Theodore 
(iidley,  Louis 
Kerns,  Thoma«  F. 
Kirby,  Cornelius 
Kelz,  August 
Kiernan,  Edward 
Kelly,  Thomas 
Lord,  Patrick 
Lane,  Patrick  B. 
March.ay,  John  M. 
Maloncy,  James 
McGowan,  John 
McMahon,  Edward 
McCarthy,  Michael 
O'Connor.  Daniel 
O'Brien,  Bernard 
O'Brien,  Patrick 
Phillips,  Abraham 
Phillips,  Charles  H. 
Phillips,  James  K. 
Price,  Alexander 
Regan,  David 
Roe,  Thomas  W. 
Roff,  Stephen 
Raywood,  Thomas 
Reilly,  Patrick  W. 
Stainkamp,  Henry 
Sullivan,  ^Iichael 
Tooker,  J.acob 
Tully,  Bernard 
Vail,  Robert  J. 
Walsh,  Robert 

DOORMEN. 

Crosby,  James  C. 
Markley,  Charles  A. 


Twentieth  Precinct. 


CXPTAIN. 

Washburn,  George 

SERGEANTS. 

Havens,  George  H. 
Woods,  Henry 
Comber,  Charles  N. 
Allen,  Myron 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Lane,  Patrick  J. 

Osborne,  George  P. 
I  Carmick,  Stephen 
■  McCarthy,  Francis  J. 

PATROLMEN. 

Armstrong,  Henry 
Buckley,  John 
Burke,  William  (No.  t) 
Burke,  William  (No.  2) 
Beglan,  Eugene 
Boylan,  Henry 
liaker,  Thomas 
Byrne,  William 
Carroll,  Henry  B. 
Carolan,  Patrick 
Cogans,  John 
Carroll,  James 
Delany,  Daniel 
Doyle,  Joseph  T. 
Donohue,  John 
Donohue,  Timothy 
Devery,  William  S. 
Edwards,  James 
Fleming,  John  W. 
Fj-ederick,  John  D. 
Fitzpatrick,  Philip 
Finerty,  Martin 
Fitzgerald,  Maurice 
Foley,  Thomas 
Halliday,  John 
Hanrahan,  John 
Jaques,  Thom.as 
Kelk,  George  S. 
Leddy,  Hugh 
Lawrence,  Edward  II. 
Leech,  James 
Mulligan,  Patrick 
.\Lalone,  Michael 
Murphy.  John 
Murphy,  Edward  . 
Minnerly,  .^bram 
McCormick,  Thomas 
McDermott,  John 
McLeavy,  Charles 
McTaggart,  Francis 
McConncll,  John 
McDonnell,  John 
McCoy,  William  F. 
O'Connor,  David 
Plcss,  Charles  H. 
Phelan,  Michael 
Pigott,  John 
Reilly,  Eugene 
Reilly,  Thomas 
Reilly.  William 


Rooncy,  Nicholas 
Robinson,  Robert 
Ryan,  Patrick 
Stanton,  William  B. 
Stevens.  Lcroy 
Smith,  Andrew 
Smith,  Philip  H. 
Walsh,  Francis 
Wyalt,  Hcrm.an 
Wall,  Christopher 

DOORMEN. 

McCIary,  Georpc  C. 
Kennedy,  Patrick 


Twenty- First 
Precinct. 

CAPTAIN. 

Murphy,  Michael  J. 

SERGEANTS. 

James,  Thomas  N. 
Colcgrove,  Edward 
Fitzgerald,  John 
Hathorne,  John  B. 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Cassidy,  Philip 
r)elaney,  John 
Kelly,  John  P. 
Murphy,  Thomas 

PATROLMEN. 

Anderson,  Alfred 
Brophy,  Thomas 
Carney,  Matthew 
Cavanagh,  John 
Clinton,  Lawrence 
Crean,  John 
Cronin,  Dennis 
Cahill.  Richard 
Campbell,  John  W. 
Donnelly,  Thomas 
Dickey,  John 
Delaney,  Peter 
Eulncr,  Henry 
Eddy,  Charles  D. 
Flood,  Edward 
Foley,  John 
Fahey,  James 
Grennan,  John 
Gall.agher,  Terrcncc 
Goniglc,  William 
Gilmorc,  John 
Gaffney,  James  J. 
Garside,  John  W. 
Hartigan,  Michael 
Heenan,  James 
Hickey,  William 
Kilmartin,  James 
Klingc,  Emile 
Leahy.  David 
Lawlor,  James 
Lott,  Charles 
Lcary,  Dennis 
Mc/Vrec,  John 
Meagher,  John. 
Molloy,  John 
Marron,  Patrick 
NlcNamara,  Thomas 
McCue,  Dennis 
McCarthy,  Dennis 
McCarty,  Cornelius  J. 
Maguire,  John 
McCarthy,  John  J. 
Martin,  David 
Nealis.  Patrick 
O'Rourke.  Bernard 
Pellett,  Henry  H. 
Roberts,  Robert 
Reilly,  Bernard 
Sam  mis,  James  R. 
Sullivan,  Morris 
Shorten,  John 
Taylor,  John 
Whalcn,  Edw.ird 

DOORMEN. 

Conwell,  James 
Edwards,  Robert  L. 


Twenty-Second 
Precinct. 

CAPTAIN. 

Ward,  John  J. 

SERGEANTS. 

Brown,  Stephen  F.. 
Cortright,  Moses  W. 
Rooncy,  Nlichacl  M. 
Tuck,  Rlatthew 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Crook,  Alfred 
Conway,  Jamea 
O'Neill.  Francis 
Walsh,  Patrick 


PATROLMEN. 

Beck,  Charles  A. 
Burke,  W  iltcr 
Barnes,  I.cverctte 
Byrne,  Peter 
llohan,  Charles 
Black,  lamer,  B. 
Butts,  Heniy 
Brown ,  John 
Brooks,  .Michael 
Clarkin,  Thomas 
Curran,  Peter 
Coitrell.  Joseph 
Corey,  Nlichacl 
Crowley,  Michael 
Coltrcll,  John 
Corballis,  Thomas  F. 
Cliffoid,  Thomas 
Casey,  William 
Doorlcy,  James 
Dalton,  '1  homas 
Dunn,  John 
Fitchcn,  William  F. 
Farrell,  Peter  H. 
Grier,  Waller 
Glass,  George  W. 
Goelzgcr,  Frederick 
Gick,  George 
(ilcnan,  J/>nn  F. 
Gilligan,  Michael 
Hildrith,  Lotin  II. 
Holmes,  William 
Hurlbut,  Henry 
Havey,  Philip 
Haff,  James  S. 
Knox,  John  L. 
Kuly,  Thomas 
Lavelle,  Francis 
Lynch,  James 
Lindcberg,  John 
McKcon,  William 
Malone,  George  P. 
McDonnell,  Peter 
McGinn,  John  G. 
McGinlcy,  Patrick 
McLaughlin,  John  B. 
Mints,  John  G. 
Maher,  James 
McArdle,  Henry 
McDowell,  John 
Mooney,  Andrew  B. 
Nugent,  Peter 
Powers,  Thomas 
Richards,  George  W. 
Rabbit,  Patrick 
Swayze,  Milton 
Swam,  William 
Soule,  Samuel 
Tennis,  John 
Townsend,  George  A. 
Thompson,  Brainard  M. 
Vallely,  James  F. 
Wolters,  Louis 
Webster,  Daniel 


Malone,  Henry 
Webster,  Joseph  T. 


Twenty-Third 
Precinct. 

CAITAIN. 

Robbins,  John  M. 

SERGEANTS. 

Huff,  Thomas 
Devoc,  W.ishington  T. 
Buddinglon  Charles  C. 
Sheehan,  .Michael 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Byrnes,  Patrick  F. 
Gallagher,  1  homas 
Griffcn,  Dennis 
Sweeney,  Jeremiah 

PATROLMEN. 

Acker,  Jacob 
Barrett,  Michael 
Blongey,  Nelson 
Burbank,  Edward  E. 
Casey.  James 
Crowley,Jame5 
Cromie,  Robert  J. 
Donovan,  John  J . 
F.gan,  Thomas  J. 
Farrell.  John  D. 
Ford,  Dennis 
Fleming,  .Michael 
Greene,  Thomas  S. 
Godfrey,  John 
Hughes,  1  homas 
Hartman,  (.  harles 
Janvain,  Dennis 
Ixinkenon  .Martin 
Loonam,  Charles 
Murtha,  Patrick 
McCarthy,  John  D. 
McClellan,  Jaines 
Morrell,  lohn  J. 
Morili,  Theodere  A. 
Mulhein,  Thomas 
Murtha,  Bernard 


Names  of  each  Officer  aiid  Patrolman  in  the  Police  Department  of  New  York. 


McCauley,  Michael 
Meyer,  Robert  L. 
McEnroe,  Bernard  F. 
Meancy,  Philip 
0'l>onncll,  Heinard 
O'Reillcy,  Chnrlcs 
Pencil,  Kdward 
Petlit,  Bernard 
Phclan,  John 
Plant,  Francis  J. 
Palmer,  George  M, 
Panel,  Anthony  J. 
Ross,  John 
Roberson,  Alfonzo 
Reilley,  James 
Regan,  Michael 
Rennie,  George  \V.  D. 
Redgate.  Stcimcn  F. 
Read,  William 
Smith,  Hewlett 
Slattery,  Patrick 
Stevens,  James  G. 
Sawyer,  Joseph 
Scibert,  John  N. 
Sullivan,  Daniel  W. 
Smith,  Philip  H. 
Waldron,  Charles  W. 
Woods,  Bernard  P. 
Zwickert,  Anthony 

DOORMEN. 

Brcslin,  Patrick 
Empire,  George  H. 


I  Oilligan,  John  C. 
j  Haley,  Owen 
,  Hornan,  Ch.irles  E 
i  Hall,  David  D. 
;  Ives,  Willis  D. 
\  King,  James  T. 
i  Kane,  !Michacl 

Lyons,  Patrick  H. 

Leddy,  Patrick  H. 

Murpny,  Michael  R. 

McCahill,  John 

Miller,  Eustis 

Oakley,  John 

Phillips,  John  W. 

Pilkington,  James 

Pratt,  Oliver  A. 

Quinlan,  Daniel  J. 

Robinson,  Alexander  J 
I  Robbins,  Albert  E. 

Rowley,  Andrew  H. 

Smith,  Christopher 

Smyth,  Charles 

Schneider.  Rcinhard 

Seaman,  Wait  S. 

Salig,  Louis 

Taylor,  John 

Tyler,  Edward  O. 

Van  Nosdall,  John  G. 

DOOKMEN. 

Barney,  Hugh  S. 
Van  Dyke,  James  A. 


Twenty-Fourth 
Precinct. 

CAPTAIN. 
Schultz,  William 

SEItGEANTS. 
Frith,  Obed 
Reid,  Thomas 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Guerker,  William 
ones,  James 
hier,  Charles  A.  L. 

PATROLMEN. 

Adier,  Anton 
Dougherty,  John  E. 
Gibson,  Joseph  H. 
Hand,  Henry 
Harvey,  John 
Kruger,  Frederick  W. 
Kelly,  Francis 
Keon,  Mile's 
Kelly,  Patrick  H. 
Kennedy,  Joseph 
Lawlor,  I'atrick 
Martin,  John 
McGuckin,  John 
McCormack,  Thomas 
Parks,  Christopher 
Quigley,  Daniel 
Rhoades,  Daniel 
Smith,  George  E. 
Skuse,  Thomas 
Voss,  Ferdinand 
Woram,  Charles  B. 

DOORMAN, 
Flynn,  Daniel 

Twenty- Fifth 
Precinct. 

CAPTAIN. 

Garland,  Ira  S. 

SERGEANTS. 

Bird,  Isaac 
Gay,  John  T. 
Groo,  John  R. 

ROINDSMEN. 

Rodermond,  Pcarsal' 
Wildray,  Orlando 
Lewis,  I.cster 
Reid,  Cornclitis 

PATROLMEN 

Aiken,  George  H. 
Beatty,  Thom.TS 
Burns,  Edward 
Hritton,  John 
Byrne,  Daniel 
B.ilton,  Christopher 
Chirk,  John  D. 
Dyckman,  Jacob  W. 
Dark,  William  D. 
Downing,  Miirlimcr 
Ilowling,  Simon 
Dotty,  Theodore  M. 
Follis,  Patrick  ■ 
Eraser,  Alexander 
•Flannery,  I.awrcnce 
Foster,  lames 
Fino,  Niauricc 
GimsoD,  Robert 


Twenty-Sixth 
Precinct. 

CAPTAIN. 
Walsh,  Edward 

SERGEANTS. 

Conlin,  Peter 
Ely,  Joseph  M. 
Kass,  George  B. 
Miner,  Henry  J. 
Whitcomb,  Edwin  P. 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Barrett,  John 
Coleman,  Nathan  H. 
Ilealy,  Francis  J. 
Spence,  Henry 
Sheldon,  Charles  O. 

PATROLMEN. 

Blackwood,  Sylvester 
Brady,  John 
Byrne,  John 
Brice,  Henry 
Breshn,  Thomas 
Burns,  George 
Coogan,  Patrick 
Cook,  Joseph 
Cornell,  Christian  F. 
Davis,  George 
Disbrow,  John  T. 
Doyle,  Thomas 
Fisher,  Isaac  R. 
Ficudc,  Theodore  C. 
Growden,  Peter 
Gahan,  Francis 
Hodge,  Alexander 
Howe,  James  A. 
Howe,  Henry  Q. 
Hart,  Peter 
Hunt,  Peter 
HoUoway,  Richard 
Hussey,  Edward 
Jackson,  David 
Kush,  Charles 
Kclahan,  John 
Kcnncally,  Thomas 
Kennedy,  Patrick 
Kennedy,  Timothy 
Lewis,  Edward 
Lynch,  Patrick 
Mullcr,  George  H.  F. 
Martin,  Simon 
Martin,  Richard 
Munier,  Charles  V. 
Murphy,  John 
McGr.ade,  Michael 
McCort,  Peter 
McBridc,  Thomas 
Noyes,  Itenjamiu  A. 
Place,  James  H. 
Parker.  John  S. 
Pope,  David 
Pierce,  Charles  E. 
Rhodes,  William  H. 
Reilly,  Philip 
Shea,  Patrick 
Simms,  William 
Sutton,  William  H. 
Travcr,  Joshua  R. 
Tcrliuiie,  Lewis  M. 
Van  Zandt,  Cornelius 
Walker,  John 
Welling,  Edward 

DOOKMBN. 

Kiernan,  Patrick 
Vyse,  Jacob 


Twenty- Seventh 
Precinct. 

CAPT/UN. 

Sanders,  John 

SERGEANTS. 

Slater,  Lemuel  S. 
Welsh,  Richard 
WiU.ard,  Thomas  E. 
Hcape,  Thomas  L. 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Clark,  John 
Cahill,  Dennis 
Muset,  Edward 
Warner,  Augustus  W. 

PATROLMEN. 

Archer,  George 
Brennan,  James 
Brogan,  Patrick 
Brooks,  Daniel 
Burns,  James 
Cooke,  William  H. 
Coughlui,  Thomas 
Curran,  Daniel 
Carroll,  James 
Daltcn,  William 
Dunleavy.  Charles 
Dennin,  Thomas 
Fay,  Thomas 
Feeney,  Patrick  T. 
Flanagan,  Patrick 
Flannery,  Thomas 
Flynn,  William 
Fenker,  Henry 
Gilmartin,  John 
Glass,  St.  Clair 
Grace,  Edward 
Gray,  James 
Hagan,  Thomas 
Hamilton,  Archibald 
Henchy,  Peter  M. 
Humphreys  James 

Hurley,  John  J. 

Hill,  Daniel  H. 

Hoyt,  Plum 
Jordan,  John  M. 
Jordan,  Timothy 

Kennedy,  Jeremiah 

Looram,  Alatthew 

Leary,  Richard 

Londrigan,  William 

Lally,  William 

Malley,  James 

Markey,  John 

McDermott,  Michael 

McDermott,  Stephen 

McDonald,  John 

McEvoy,  Joseph  J. 

Meany,  John  A. 

Mulrooney,  Michael 

Murphy,  Michael 

Mulvey,  Thomas 

Murray,  Michael 

McCormack,  John 

McDermott,  James 

Moffit,  George 

Murphy  James  D. 

O'lJrien,  John  J. 

O'Callahan,  David 

O'Sullivan,  William  M. 

Pendergast,  Patrick 

Probst,  Frederick 

Powers,  Patrick 

Park,  Charles 

Roach,  Maurice 

Ryan,  John 

Sands,  Charles  D. 

Scanlon,  Edward 

SchciTmyer,  Timothy 

Scully,  Cornelius 

Sccore,  Francis 

Shaw,  George  D. 

Sheridan,  J.imes 

Tucker,  Cieorge  R. 

Tuite,  James  L. 

Tyrrell,  James 

Van  Alstyne  Lloyd 

Wcldon,  Patrick 

Weber,  Francis  D. 

Wcibberger  Emanuel 

White,  Frederick  S. 

DOORMEN. 

Cullen,  Michael 
Peabody,  William  H. 

Twenty-Eighth 
Precinct. 

CAPTAIN. 

Yule,  Peter 

SERGEANTS. 

Russell,  William  A. 
Roberts,  Henry 
Hamilton,  John 
Smith,  Elbert  O. 


ROUNDSMEN. 

Dalbeck,  Joseph  F. 
Magee,  \V  illiara 
Martin,  Hugh 
Ohr.i,  Herman  S. 

PATROLMEN. 

Brennan,  Edward 
Back,  Emeil 
Curtin,  John  H. 
Clarkin,  Peter 
Coyne,  James 
Collins,  William 
Cornish,  Henry  F. 
Doty,  William  A. 
Donoghue,  Thomas 
Egan,  John 
Fulmer,  George  W. 
Flandrow,  George  A. 
Gath,  Robert  D. 
Hickey,  Thomas 
Kain.  Louis 
McDermott,  John  J. 
McGill,  James 
Morrell,  Jefferson 
McDivitt,  William 
Mechan,  Bernard 
McConnell,  Hugh 
McCadden,  Henry 
Malloy,John  T. 
Mahoney,  Patrick  S. 
McCormack,  Thomas 
Nally,  James  F. 
O'Rourke,  Thomas 
Paul,  Jesse  P. 
Peck,  Henry  W. 
Quigley,  James 
Roach,  John 
Runge,  Ale.xander  F. 
Reid,  George 
Ramsey,  Robert 
Ryan,  John 
Roach,  John  T. 
Smith,  John 
Salmon,  John 
Shiels,  Michael 
'I'obin.  Thomas 
Van  Lcvven,  Eli 
Ward,  Mich.acl 
White,  Patrick 
Wade,  Bernard 
White,  Henry  P. 
Woodson,  Benjamin  C. 
Wood,  Edward 
Wilson,  Harrison 

DOORMEN. 

Gillen,  John 
Mee,  James 

Twenty- Ninth 
Precinct. 

CAPTAIN. 

Williams,  Alexander  S. 

SERGEANTS. 

Keating,  Stephen 
Stewart,  Joseph 
Tims,  Oliver 
Westervelt,  Josiah  A. 

Roi^NDSMEN. 
Carley,  Thomas 
Donovan,  James 
O'Hara,  Patrick 
Price,  James  K. 
W.allace,  Robert  J. 
Waterman,  John  S. 

PATROLMEN. 

Andre,  John  C. 
B.^rrett,  Richard 
Coen,  Thom.'xs 
Crinnon,  Patrick 
Connolly,  Lawrence 
Conklin,  John 
Connor,  Lewis 
Crowley,  Daniel 
Chapman,  George  S. 
Clark,  Charles  E. 
Clinchy,  .'Vlcx.-uidcr 
Dc  Bow,  James 
Dunlop,  John 
Duff,  James 
Davis,  David 
Evans,  Isa-ic 
Erskine,  David  W. 
Foley,  James 
Fleming,  Thomas 
Fanning,  Edward 
Farley,  Michael 
Fay,  Martin 
Gillespie,  Edward 
Gaw, John 
Grassick,  John 
Gilgan,  Hugh 
Genorc,  J<»hn  H. 
Gilbridc,  Thom.is 
Hill,  Thomas 
Haughey,  William  R. 
llogan,  Patrick 
UuVse,  George  B. 


Hunt,  Jesse 
Jerfies,  John 
Jagles,  Henry 
I  Klinge,  Hector 
Kelly,  John 
Kelly,  William 
Kemp,  John 
Kennedy,  Henry  A. 
Ketchum,  Chester  L. 
Lewis,  Charles  W. 
Leroy.  William  W. 
Link,  Charles 
Landers,  John 
Markey,  Andrew 
AIcGoldrick,  Edward  J. 
McCormick.  James 
Mangam,  John 
Mohr,  Philip 
Madigan,  John 
Mathison,  Daniel 
McGrath  James 
Martin,  Christopher  E. 
McCool,  James 
McArdle,  Bernard 
Miller,  Harvey 
Mullin,  Zabriskie  H. 
Martens,  Frederick  W. 
Meade,  Joseph 
Nolan,  George 
Neihoff,  Henry 
Nelson,  Augustus 
Nolan,  Michael 
Neylan,  John 
Phelps,  William 
Parkerson,  Charles  H. 
Posthoff,  Frederick  W. 
Quinn,  Lawrence  R. 
Robinson,  William 
Ringler,  Frederick 
Remley,  Napoleon  B. 
Rooney,  Patrick 
Roberts,  John 
Smith,  Philip 
Stuart,  Thomas 
Schmittbercer,  Max  F. 
Stoddart,  David 
ShiU,  Henry  H. 
Shaw,  George  E. 
Savage,  Michael 
Tripp,  Harrison 
Tobias,  William  E. 
Terpening,  Absalom  A. 
White,  John  H. 
Weeks,  Philander  S. 
Wilson,  James  A. 
Weigand,  John 
Wagner,  Herman 

DOORMEN. 

Dempsey,  Thomas 
Riggs,  John  H. 


Thirtieth  Precinct. 

CAPTAIN. 

Lcary,  James  M. 

SERGEANTS. 

Phillips,  Burnett  L. 
Wilson,  Charles  R. 
Weston,  Cornelius 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Fresenius,  Charles 
Thuman,  Frederick 

PATROLMEN. 

Boyle,  John 
Carroll,  Mich.iel 
Connolly,  Michael  J. 
Crowley,  John 
Dunn,  Christopher 
Elting,  Josiah 
Falconer,  Bernard 
Geiger,  Nicholas 
Gilliland,  Hartshorn  W. 
Hcyn,  Charles  A.  F. 
Hamilton,  Jeremiah  P. 
Jefferson,  John 
Kerns,  Thomas  H. 
Kinslcr,  George  A. 
Kehoe,  William 
Kelly,  John 
Lavinder,  George 
Larkin,  Martin 
Meyer,  Adam 
McLaughlin,  Thomas 
Moody,  James 
Mitchell,  John 
Nevins,  John  R. 
O'Brien,  Thom.-is 
t)rpen,  Henr>'  M. 
Peary,  George  H. 
<^uinn,  James 
Siebelt  Gustavus 
Tully,  Michael 
Vosburg,  Abram 
WiUor.,  William  B. 

DOOKXIEN. 

Creeman,  Michael 
Lear,  Thomas  S. 


Thirty-First 
Precinct. 

CAPTAIN. 

Tynan,  Edward 

SERGEANT*. 

Fitzgerald,  John 
Kass,  William 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Ronk,  John  E. 
Kunzman,  Clement 
McArthur,  John 

PATROLMEN. 

Back,  George  F. 
Cooney,  John 
Connor,  James 
Cahill,  William 
Dowling.  Michael 
Darke,  James 
Flahive,  John  H. 
Gearv',  Slichael 
Hughes,  Alexander 
Hogan,  Matthew 
Hammond.  Henry 
Haines,  Robert 
Isbell,  Adelbert 
Kinnaird,  Samuel  W. 
Keenan,  Patrick 
Lober,  Frank 
Moclare,  Dennis 
McNamee,  Michael 
McElgunn,  James 
McLaughlin,  James 
McKenna,  Francis 
Pratt,  Daniel 
Roff,  William  H. 
Richardson,  Peter 
Stahl,  John 
Shields,  John 
Smith,  \  alentine 
Stapleton,  Patrick 
Twine,  George  H. 
Troll,  Anton 
Titus,  William  Q. 
Timey,  Lancelot  J. 
Whalen,  Patrick 
Wilsie,  Alexander 

DOOR.MEN. 

Baird,  Alexander 
Killilia,  Michael 

T  h  i  r  t  y  -  S  e  c  0  n  d 
Precinct. 

CAPTAIN. 

Steers,  Henry  V. 

SERCEA.STS. 

Carpenter,  Edward 
McAvoy,  Thomas  F. 
Reynolds,  De  Los 
Woodward,  Eugene  T. 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Fisher,  Franks  C. 
Mead,  Willi.am  H. 
Watson,  John 
Wagner,  Watson  H. 

PATROLMEN. 

Archer,  William  H. 
Barry,  Patrick 
Brown,  John 
Brophy,  Mich.->el 
Byms,  Edward 
Cox,  Hatfield  S. 
Conway,  Charles 
Crosby,  James 
Clapp,  Ira  M. 
Curry,  Harrison 
Doncourt,  Leon 
Duffy,  Thomas 
Eckersley,  John  W. 
Eldridge,  Richard  S. 
Ferris,  Arthur 
Francis,  Charles  H. 
Flannagan,  William 
Foley,  David 
Gray,  George 
Graham,  William  T. 
Green,  Harry 
Griffith,  Eugene 
Haas,  Edward 
Hahn,  William 
Hogan,  Patrick 
Joyce,  Thomas  C. 
Keaniey,  Thomas 
Kirley,  .Michael 
LeN-y,  Hirain 
Leonard,  Bernard  J. 
Loomis,  lames 
M.illoy,  John 
Moore,  John  G. 
McKinnon,  Hugh 
O'Connell,  William 
Phillips,  Henry  W. 
Quint.itd,  Chauncey  T. 
Keville.  Philip  K. 


Names  of  each  Officer  and  Patrolman 


in  the  Police  Department  of  New  York.  5 


Robinson,  Albert  D. 
Ryer,  Samue!  B. 
Shoemaker,  Nelson 
Simpson,  Samuel  W. 
Slott,  Henry  C. 
Tcrwilliger,  Josiah  C. 
Thayer,  Joseph  H. 
Treanor,  James 
Van  Cott  Charles 
Walters,  Leonard 
Weed,  Frank  G. 
Wilkins,  Augustus 
Winner,  George  H. 

DOORMEK. 

Mangin,  Thomas 
O'Neil,  Robert 


Thirty-Third 
Precinct. 

CAITAIN. 

Killilea,  Thomas 

SERGEANTS. 

Ten  EycH,  Henry 
Swift,  Michael  H. 
Conners,  Patrick 
Fitzgerald,  Francis 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Sprague,  Josiah  H. 
Dennerlein,  George 
Daily,  Michael 

PATROLMEN. 

Antinelli,  Francis 
Bradley,  Thomas 
Cashin,  Patrick 
Condon,  John  H. 
Connelly,  Bernard 
Chandler,  Hiram 
Clarke,  James  C. 
Conklin,  James  E. 
Esch,  Robert 
Heinz,  Henry 
Muldoon,  John 
Mouligan,  Adam 
McDonough,  Francis 
McKenna,  Patrick 
McAuley,  James  A. 
Nicholson,  George 
Quinn,  Henry 
Riley,  James  H. 
Rielly,  John 
Rector,  Albert 
Schorske,  Henrj' 
Smith,  William  A. 
Toerner,  August  H. 
Tallon,  James 
Wilkins,  J.acob  R. 
Willow,  Augustus 

DOORMEN. 

Bailey,  William  H. 
McNally,  John 

Thirty-Fourth 
Precinct. 

CAPTAIN. 

Bennett,  Theron  R. 

SERGEANTS. 

Blake,  Isaac  D. 
McConnell,  Wm.  H. 
McDonald,  Albert  W. 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Haradon,  Nelson 
Thompson,  John  J. 

PATROLMEN. 

Armstrong,  John 
Austin,  Elijah  L. 
Arctander,  Arthur 
Burras,  George  S. 
Bogart,  William  H. 
Buckbee,  James 
Brady,  Michael 
Bolster,  David  R. 
Clark,  Lawrence 
Durie,  David 
Dennerlein,  John 
Hallick,  Whitman  P. 
Hanlon,  Timothy 
Kernan,  I'homas 
Martineau,  Cornelius 
McKeown,  Joseph 
Nash,  Lansing  S. 
O'Reilly,  Hugh 
O'Keefe,  Daniel 
Pinckney,  Samuel  T. 
Parker,  John  F. 
Sheldon,  Samuel  G. 
Sealey,  David 
Vaughan,  Patrick 
Weeks,  John  H. 


DOORMEN. 

McGrath,  Michael 
Roan,  Patrick 

Til  i  rty-Fi  fth 
Precinct. 

CAPTAIN. 

Kennedy,  Thos.  J. 

SERGEANTS. 

Wright,  John  T. 
Miller,  James  J. 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Lucas,  Edward 
Norton,  James  J. 

PATROLMEN. 

Ackerson,  Wm.  T. 
Bouman,  Edward 
Cummings,  Geo.  H. 
Dakin,  Wm.  H. 
Holmes,  Wm.  J. 
Kellerhouse,  Albert 
Lamb,  Bernard 
McCarthy,  Moses 
McKeon,  Bernard 
Neil,  Robert 
Popp,  Christian 
Ryder,  Paul 

DOORMEN. 

Brundage,  Solomon  F. 
Lawrence,  Thomas  C. 


First  Inspection 
District. 

INSPECTOR. 

Murray,  William 

SERGEANTS. 

Young,  Robert 
Meakim,  William 

ROUNDSMEN. 

O'Toole,  William 
Cosgrove,  William  F. 

PATROLMEN. 

Caddell,  Francis 
Connors,  George 
Langton,  Henry  K. 
Myers,  Bernard 
Schulem,  Lefoy 
Sullivan,  Edward 

DOORMAN. 

Golden,  Thos.  F.  J. 


Second  Inspec- 
tion District. 

INSPECTOR. 

Dilks,  George  W. 

SERGEANTS. 

Grant,  John  H. 
Suttie,  George  L. 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Barlow,  Henry  T. 
Folk,  John  W. 
Frink,  William  E. 
Hasson,  William  H. 

PATROLMEN. 

Denning,  Francis 
Gallagher,  Edward 
Hogan,  Michael  J. 
O'Connell,  David 
Reynolds,  Thomas 

DOORMAN. 

Kerrigan,  James 


Third  Inspection 
District. 

INSPECTOR. 

McDermott,  John 

SERGEANT. 

Robb,  Frank  W. 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Taylor,  William  H. 
Dean,  William 
Harley,  John  J. 


Fourth  Inspec- 
tion District. 

INSPECTOR. 

Thome,  Thomas  W. 

SERGEANT. 

Brooks,  Nicholas 
Fownes,  George  E. 
Thatcher,  James  R. 

ROUNDSMAN. 

Kirchner,  William  F. 

PATROLMEN. 

Bush,  Charles  E. 
Selleck,  Joseph  H. 

DOORMAN. 

Logue,  James 

Nineteenth  Sub- 
Precinct. 

SERGEANTS. 

Ferris,  Jerome  H. 
Hooker,  Henry  D, 

ACTING-SERGEANTS. 

Bevans,  George  R, 
Goodall,  Enoch  H. 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Armstrong,  Henry 
Magann.  Richard  F. 
McCullagh,  James 

PATROLMEN. 

Anderson,  George 
Cook,  George 
Cuff,  John  T. 
Cunningham,  Daniel 
Dunn,  Bernard 
Files,  Jacob 
Foy,  Thomas 
Gilpin,  John 
Gleason,  Timothy 
Haagan,  August 
Halliday,  Joseph 
Herring,  William 
Hirner,  Theodore  F. 
Hitchcock,  Daniel  H. 
Irving,  John 
McMahan,  Dennis 
Murphy,  Peter 
Murphy,  Thomas 
Murtagh,  Michael 
O'Connor,  Edward 
Reynolds,  Thomas 
Schneittacher,  Isaac 
Walsh,  William 
Young,  James 

DOORMEN. 

Farley,  Philip 
Walling,  Leonard 

Members  of  the 
Mounted  Squad. 

SERGEANT. 

Revell,  William  A. 

ROUNDSMEN. 

CofFy,  Richard 
Gannon,  James 
Mc.Millen,  William  B. 
Morgan,  Thomas 

PATROLMEN. 

Bicknell,  George 
Breen,  John 
Brun.i,  ^Iartin 
Feuerstein,  Adam 
Holland,  Thomas  B. 
Huston,  William  J. 
Kenney,  James  F. 
Lawler,"  William 
McNamara,  John 
Mitchell,  Anthony 
Moynihan,  Daniel  C. 
Nelson,  William 
Nevin,  William  A.  C. 
Rdgan,  Edward 
Simons,  Edwin  H. 
Waters,  Thomas 
Wayland,  Henry 

DOORMEN. 

Brandon,  David 
Kavanagh,  Thomas 

First  Police  District 
Court  Squad. 

SERGEANT. 

Woodruff,  Henry  H. 


ROUNDSMAN. 

Boleman,  Richard 

PATROLMEN. 

Aignier,  Gabriel 
Anderson,  George  J. 
Dwycr,  Henry  S. 
Gardener,  Joseph  A. 
Hanifen,  Jonn 
Hill,  John  R. 
Irvin,  George 
Murray,  Andrew 
Robinson,  John 
Schwarz,  Jacob 
Speight,  Alfred  C. 
Vermilyea,  Jerome 

Second  Police  District 
Court  Squad. 

SERGEANT. 

Williams,  Charles  F. 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Fawsett,  Francis 
Warlow,  Jacob  B. 

PATROLMEN. 

Buckridge,  Stephen 
Geary,  Richard 
Jolly,  Patterson 
Kelly,  Michael 
Moore,  Wm.  W. 
McSally,  Peter 
Murray,  John 
Michalis,  Wm.  L. 
Schmith,  Peter 
Town,  John  B. 
Van  Duser,  Charles  E, 
White,  John 
Wilson,  Robert 

Third  Police  District 
Court  Squad. 

SERGEANT. 

Long,  Louis  P. 

PATROLMEN. 

Albin,  Isaac  H. 
Bernholz,  Louis 
Bell,  James 
Kartell,  James  W. 
Kennedy,  Edward 
Kiernan,  Hugh 
Linindoll,  Stephen  C. 
Ryan,  Piitrick 
Stilwell,  Nathan  W. 

ROUNDSMAN. 

Reilly,  Terence 

Fourth  Police  District 
Court  Squad. 

SERGEANT. 

Sylvester,  Oliver 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Muldoon,  Patrick  T. 


PATROLMEN. 

Butts,  Aaron 
Church,  Gcorec  W. 
Harrington,  Warren 
Horton,  Hanford 
O'Brien,  Tlioma.s 
Palmer,  William  H. 
Quinn,  Henry  M. 
Waller,  GcorKC  F. 
Woolfc,  George  E. 

DOORMAN. 

Waterman,  Charles 

Central  Office 
Sciuad. 

CAPTAIN. 

Gunner,  John 

SERGEANTS. 

Simonds,  William  H. 
Beeching,  John 

ACTLVG-SERGEANT. 

Pratt,  Joseph  H. 

ROUNDSMEN. 
Smith,  Michael 
Walsh,  John 
Wiseburn,  Cieorge  D. 
Haggerty,  John  W. 

PATROLMEN. 

Beat,  Albert 
Connor,  Robert 
Dymond,  Martin 
Fcrdon,  James 
Ferre,  Solomon 
Fuller,  Charles  X, 
Green,  Henry 
Gastlin,  George 
Hanken,  Richard 
Hawkey,  Richard 
HiUlenbrand,  Henry 
Jephson,  Robert 
Luerssen,  Imer  D. 
Miller,  Harvey  P. 
Mullanc,  Patrick 
McConnell,  John 
McPherson,  James  A, 
Plunkelt  William  H. 
Quackenbush,  Robert  H. 
Quintan,  Martin 
Schick,  Carl  H. 
Siiith,  Patrick 
Simmons,  Charles  J. 
Stu.irt,  .Mexander 
Yuungs,  Theodore  F. 
Walmsley,  Stephen  B. 

DOORMEN. 

Adams,  llichard 
Ahrens,  Jacob 
Fay,  John 

House  of  Deten- 
tion Squad. 

SERGEANT. 

Combs,  Charles  M. 

DOORMAN. 

McCamman,  Samuel 


Thompson.  James  P. 
Von  Gcrichlon,  Jacob 
Williamson,  Alvan  H. 
Wood,  Jeremiah 
Wooliey,  Joseph  H. 

DOORMAN . 

Liithcr,  William 

Special  Service 
Squad. 

CAPTAIN. 

Heddeo,  Henry 

ROUNDSMAN. 

Stevens,  David 

PATROLMEN. 

Adams,  James 
Armstrong.  John  G. 
Brooks,  William  H. 
Cropsey,  John  W, 
Dcnnison,  George  W, 
Finncriy,  Francis 
Hayes,  John  (i. 
Houghton,  Jonas  A. 
Hewitt,  Gecrec  H. 
Immen,  Charles  D. 
Lidgale,  Ebenezer 
Myers,  Russell 
Murphy,  Mylcs 
McDulfie,  James 
Rockwell.  James  D. 
Rogers,  Benjamin  H. 
Schultz,  Alfred  P. 
Smith  Alexander  D. 
Smith,  John  D.  B. 


Steamboat 
Squad. 

CAPTAIN. 

Gastlin,  George  W. 

SERGEANTS. 

Ban6eld,  Francis  J. 
Holbrow,  Tunis  v. 
Rcinisch,  Charles  H. 

ROINDS.MEN. 

Spence,  Geoiige 
Strauss,  William 
Buckley,  Edward  J. 
Graham,  Alexander 
Bynies,  Patrick 
^IcUllghl^n,  Wm.  W. 

PATROLMEN. 

Adamsky  Simon 
Allen,  Christopher 
Byrnes,  Thomas 
Beekman,  Gerard  E. 
B.Tssford,  Hcil 
Brady,  1  homas 
Beerdcn,  Samuel 
Bennett.  John  .M. 
Bleil,  Philip  C. 
Brown,  Fraiici\ 
Brown,  John  n. 
Bedell,  Henry 
Brennan,  Thomas 
Clinchy,  George 
Cox,  John 
Cody,  Daniel 
Collard,  Edward 
Crittenden,  Charles  W. 
Corvin.  Patrick  J. 
Clark,  Willi.im 
Connor,  Patrick 
Carson,  James 
Camcs,  Peter  M. 
Cox,  Samuel  S. 
Dunn,  Bernard 
Drucker,  Abraham 
Dinsmorc,  Jacob  N. 
Dc  C*ann,  Louis 
Dooley,  Christopher 
Delaney,  James 
Eberhard,  Frederick 
Fulmer,  Henry 
Gannon,  Michael 
Gabriel,  Charles 
Grogan,  Timothy 
Green.  William 
Griesel,  Conrad  H. 
Gardner,  William 
Hayes,  Felix 
Hey,  Eibo 
Hawks.  Justus 
Harty,  Thomas 
Haverty,  Thomas 
Holmes.  Richard 
Hill,  Lewis  E. 
Hiichman.  Samuel  L. 
Harney,  Thomas 
Hoean,  Thomas 

iacKson,  Simon 
^eough,  John 
Kearney,  Patrick 
Ketcham,  Silas 


Foly,  Cornelius 
Kellerd,  Michael 
Kohles,  John 
McVoy,  Patrick 
Thuyes,  James  M. 
Uhl,  Morris 
Willits,  John  J. 

Fifth  Police  District 
Court  Squad. 

SERGEANT. 
Barrett,  George  W. 

PATROLMEN. 

Bennett,  James  P. 
Flanagan,  Michael 
Hitchcock,  Harvey  N. 
McArthur,  James 
Norton,  Patrick 
Sheehan,  Daniel 
Sinclair,  William 
Walters,  Jacob 


Sanitary  Com- 
pany. 

SERGEANT. 

Lefferts,  William  H. 


Detective  Squad. 

CAPTAIN. 

Kealy,  James 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Dickson,  John  F. 
Hubbard,  Stephen 
Keims,  Patrick 

PATROLMEN. 

Adams,  Thomas  F. 
Gumming,  James 
Cruise,  WillLim 
Dunn,  John  J. 
Dorcy,  Josepn  M. 
Dilks,  George  H. 
Dusenbury,  Thomas 
Ferris,  Thomas 
Golden,  Timothy 
Handy,  Edward 
Hagan,  John 
King,  Richard 
Lyon,  Holly  C. 
McConnell,  Matthew 
McCormack,  Thomas 
McNaughl,  Robert 
Moran,  James 
Nivcn,  George 
Radford,  George  J. 
Rogers,  Sil.is  W. 
Shelley,  Michael  F. 
Tieman,  John  C. 


6 


Names  of  each  Officer  and  Patrolman  in  the  Police  Department  of  New  York. 


Kroner,  Frederick 
Ltaycraft,  Charles  C. 
Lym:in,  George 
Lynch,  George 
I.;>ird,  Thomas  J. 
Law,  Charles  R. 
Miller,  Christian 
SicPherson,  John 
Martin,  Nicholas 


McCafferty,  Jeremiah 
Mcllhargy,  Alexander 
Mallen,  James 
Montgomery,  Robert 
Mabie,  Aaron 
Meyn,  Einar 
Matthews,  Michael 
Mountjoy,  William 
McGuire,  Matthew 


McCarthy,  Charles 
McParlan,  Thomas 
Murphy,  Patrick 
Mahoney,  John  O. 
McCuIlough,  ^ohn 
O'Connell,  Nicholas 
O'Connell,  John 
O'Ryan,  Michael 
Ogden,  Amos  B, 


Osborne,  William  W. 
O'Lcary,  Dennis 
Robinson,  Samuel 
Reilly,  Robert  P. 
Riley,  Augustus  J. 
Reilly,  Matthew  C. 
Rack,  Garrett 
Simington,  James  H, 
Standish,  John  F, 


Sullivan  John  J. 
Schneider,  William 
Sanford,  Nathan  B. 
Shaw,  Henry 
Stevenson,  Robert 
Taylor,  Edward  C. 
Tuthill,  Andrew  P. 
Thomas,  William  H. 
Vanbuskirk,  George 


I  Van  Ranst,  Horace  E. 
I  Warner,  George 
I  Wright,  William 

Walsh,  John 

Walsh,  Michael 

Waters.  Michael 

Wood,  Enos  V. 

DOORMAN. 

Wright,  Richard  U. 


Names  of  each  Officer  and  Patrolman  in  the  Police  Department  of 

Brooklyn,  September  ist,  1879. 


Jourdan,  James  President. 

Lcich,  Oliver  B  Commissioner. 

Pyburn,  John   " 

Perry,  JohnC  Counsel. 

Campbell,  Patrick  Superintendent. 

Waddy,  George  A  Inspector. 

Jewett,  Henry  S  Drill  Officer. 

EXECUTIVE  DEPARTMENT. 

Richards,  Samuel  Chief  Clerk. 

Thornc,  A.  B  Fire  Marshal. 

Parr,  Harlow  Dept.  Clerk. 

Langford,  E.  L  Book-keeper. 

Rowley,  A.  S  Property  Clerk. 

Jenkins,  Fred.  L. . .  .Clerk  to  Superintendent. 
Liflchild,  James  General  Clerk. 


First  Precinct. 

CAPTAIK. 

Campbell,  James 

SERGEANTS. 

McNamara,  Michael  A. 
Bellow,  Henry 
liurford  \Vm.  J. 
E.ison,  John  W. 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Powncyjjohn 
Harold,  Thomas 

DETECTIVE. 

Chambers,  Charles 

PATROLMEN. 

Applegate,  Daniel  B. 
r.oylan,  James  J. 
Burns,  John  H. 
Bull,  Nath.in  C. 
Brown,  Samuel  H. 
Carpenter,  William 
Collins,  Thomas  H. 
Cadley,  Joseph 
Campbell,  M. 
Conklin,  William  A. 
Doiilon,  John  J. 
Dunham,  William  P. 
Fields,  William  A. 
(Vnrdiner,  James 
Howard,  Charles  L. 
Hillberg,  John  M. 
Kehoe,  Patrick  J. 
Kelley,  J.is.  H. 
Lowrcy,  John  K. 
Lowcry,  Daniel  J. 
I.CCS,  Alexander 
McDermott.  John 
Malnney,  Michael 
Maliuhcrg,  Charles 
McKcnna.  John  W. 
MtCormack,  Peter 
McLaughlin,  T).. 
O'Halloran,  John 
Peterson.  H.  C. 
(^uinn,  Thomas, 
Reeves,  James  D. 
Kyan,  James  E. 
Rickard,  Patrick 
Riley.  Edgar  C. 
Koddy,  James 
Smith,  Joel,  Jr. 
Sherman,  Charles  A. 
Terwilliger,  Abram 
Terry,  Hcniamin 
'I'ierney,  'I'lioma*  P. 
Van  Wicklcn,  William 
Vaughan,  'I'liom.-u  W. 
White,  Jan.es  P. 


DOOEMF.N. 

Harris,  Reuben  J. 
Keenan,  Owen 

Second  Precinct. 

CAPTAIN. 

Crafts,  Rufus  W. 

SERGEANTS. 

Clancy,  John  J. 
Canaugher,  Joseph 
Cain,  John 
Healey  Jacob  E. 

roi;ndsmen. 

Vclsor,  Henry  C. 
McCarty,  Michael 

DETECTIVE. 

Campbell,  Michael 

PATROLMEN. 

Bedell,  Walter 
Bloomfield,  Robert 
Boone,  T.  E. 
Carricolia,  Antonio 
Coddington,  Theodore 
Colgan,  John 
Donnelly,  Patrick 
Dougherty,  John 
Dougherty,  Edward 
Doyle,  Christopher  J. 
Evans,  George 
Earlcy,  Francis 
Falliard,  Frank 
(fcltins,  John 
Graham,  Henry 
Grant,  Jones  (». 
Horan,  Edward 
Hurst,  John 
Kec,  John 
Kierney,  John 
Larkins,  Simon 
Mcl.-iughlin,  Henry 
McNally,  Peter 
Quiglcy,  Wm. 
Rogers,  !*hilip 
Ryan,  James 
Simonson,  Geo. 
Turner,  Duncan 


Burns,  Patrick 
Cannon,  James 


Central  Office. 

Hannam,  Charles  Stenographer. 

Wilkes,  Daniel  Messenger 

BOARD  OF  SURGEONS. 

Rooney,  A.J  President. 

Hopkins,  George  G.    Watt,  James. 
Malone,  Edward.       Burdick,  J.  T. 

BUREAU  OF  EXCISE. 

Wade,  M.  H  ,   Cashier. 

Shaurman,  Nelson  Inspector. 

Geihel,  George   " 

Harrison,  Patrick   " 

Wood,  Charles  W  

Keenan,  Patrick   " 

Precincts. 


Third  Precinct. 

CAPTAIN. 

Leavey,  Patrick  H. 

SERGEANTS. 

C.idden,  William  J. 
Kellett,  Henry 
McCuIlough,  Thomas 
Walsh,  Thomas 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Ferry  Dar.iel 
McGann,  Richard 

DETECTIVES. 

Mahoney,  Cornelius  J. 
Roach,  James  H. 

PATROLMEN. 

Brady,  Charles 
Beatty,  John 
Campbell,  Joseph 
Conncry,  1  homas 
Cullen,  Dennis 
Cullen  Thomas 
Doran,  John 
Dreeland,  James 
Dillon,  Thomas 
Dicckman,  Robert 
Earley,  Thomas 
Fitzmorris,  James 
Flushing,  George  J. 
FarrcU,  Thomas 
Fagan,  Patrick 
Gilligan,  Michael 
Grey,  Michael 
Keylaher,  Michael 
Keenan,  Patrick  J. 
Lewis,  John 
Lunney,  lames 
Lowe,  John 
Lynch,  James  E. 
Maloney,  John 
Murtha,  William 
Mooncy,  Peter 
>IcDermoit,  J.imes 
Murray,  Joseph 
Mc Kitty,  Bartholomew 
McLaughlin,  M. 
O'Brien,  Thomas 
O'Rorke,  James 
Ryan,  Patrick 
Rliattigan,  William 
Rorke,  Patrick 
Reilly,  lames 
Reilly,  Iternard 
Reilly,  John  J. 
Rock,  1  >ennis 
Rhaltigan,  Christopher 
Stone,  James  .M. 
Stodd.ird,  Francis 


Shields,  Edward 
Smith,  Andrew 
Walker,  Edward 


Farrell,  John 
O'Donnell,  Hugh 


Fourth  Precinct. 

CAPTAIN. 

McLaughlin,  Patrick  H. 

SERGEANTS. 
Carpenter,  James  M. 
Dyer,  Edwin 
Kelly,  William  P. 
Martin,  Stephen 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Van  Brunt,  Albert  J. 
Raynor,  George  W. 

DETECTIVES. 

Shaiighnessey,  Thomas 
Price,  Joseph 

PATROLMEN. 

Appelgate,  Willi.im 
Allen,  Thomas  S. 
Carbury,  Michael 
Carroll,  James 
Cleary,  William 
Delchanty,  Lawrence 
Dolan,  Thomas 
Davy,  ^^ichael 
Fitzpatrick,  Patrick 
Gilhardt,  John  H. 
Goodale,  Joseph  W. 
Hand,  George  W. 
Holliday,  Matthew  H. 
Haggerty,  F. 
ILiyes.  Peter  P. 
Killiam,  James 
Kelly  James  J. 
Lennen,  Henry  A. 
Lyons,  Joseph 
Martin,  John 
Martens,  Christopher 
>ioore,  George  B. 
McCaffrey,  CTwen 
McAvoy,  Peter  J. 
NIcClosltey,  James 
McLaughlin,  James 
McMahon,  Edward 
Noonan,  Edward 
Olson,  Oliver  C. 
Outhouse,  WaiTen 
Perrine,  William  A. 
Pears.ill,  Alevandcr  C. 
Penfold,  Franklin  E. 


Josue,  Max  Clerk. 

Cook,    " 

BUREAU  OF  STEAM  BOILER  INSPECTION. 

Powers,  Thomas  F. .  .Examining  Engineer. 

Kelly,  John  C.        Wood,  John  W. 
Webb,  James  W  Clerk. 

BUREAU  OF  TELEGRAPHY. 

Flanley,  George  H  Superintendent. 

Gear,  Wm.  R  Operator. 

Cornell,  Thomas  J   " 

McKelvey,  James  J   " 

Williams,  Thomas   " 

McConnell,  David  Lineman. 

McConnell,  Wm  Ass't  " 


Quinn,  James  W. 
Ryan.  James  J. 
Skelton,  Alonzo 
Sutton,  John  A. 
StoUsworthy,  George 
WooUake,  John  C. 
Wilson,  T.  P. 

DOORMEN. 

Butler,  Charles  D. 
Devlin,  Michael 


Fifth  Precinct. 

CAPTAIN. 

Woglom,  Cornelius 

SERGEANTS. 

Bunce,  George  W. 
Brennan,  John 
Battersby,  A.  L. 
Hatlett,  James  G. 

ROUNDSMEN. 
Nicholson,  Geo. 
Travis,  Joshua  T. 

PATROLMEN. 

Baker,  John 
Bell,  William 
Bell,  George 
Brown,  Efiward 
Brown,  Edmund 
Berrian,  John  H. 
Brinkerhoff,  Abraham 
Burrill,  RoBert  L. 
Clcar>',  Richard 
Cmtwell,  Thom.-»s 
Corcoran,  John  C, 
Clougher,  Thomas 
Dredger,  Seymour 
Dunn,  Robert, 
Dunnigan,  Peter 
Fisk,  Alonzo 
Flaherty,  Peter 
Forbes,  Alonzo 
Gales,  William 
(larrison,  Robert 
Guischard,  William  H. 
Gillmore.  William 
Hayes,  William 
Ho.adley,  J.imes  W. 
Holland,  Thomas 
Hines,  William 
Holmes,  Edward 

amcs 
Kennedy,  Michael 


Kelly,  U 
dy. 

Lynch,  Patrick 
Lee,  James 
Lyons,  Patrick 
Niangam,  Harvey 
Masters,  William 


Marryatt,  Edward 
McCallian,  John 
O'Brien,  Philip 
Phalan,  Timothy 
Poole,  Albion  A. 
Quinn,  Charles 
Quinn,  Albert  A. 
Reardon,  Daniel 
Sennett,  Leonard 
Scott,  Thomas 
Simons,  Joseph  H. 
Smith,  John  A. 
ScuUen,  Charles 
Travis,  Geo.  W. 
Trenchard,  John 
Ward,  Henry 

DOORMEN. 

Richardson,  William  A. 
Wolf,  George 


Sixth  Precinct. 

CAPTAIN. 

Worth,  Lewis 

SERGEANTS. 
Boch,  Nicholas 
Ward,  lames 
WormcU,  John  W. 
Kilzer,  W.  H. 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Gorman,  H.  F. 
Johnston,  A. 

DETECTIVE. 

Ennis,  James 

PATROLMEN. 

Adami,  John 
Bennett,  Abraham  V. 
Corby,  James 
Coserove,  George 
Daily,  P. 

Dickerman,  George 
Fonda,  (icorge  D. 
Feiccnbaum,  Gustav 
Fickett,  Cyrus  K. 
Fagan.  Joseph 
Finnegan,  Michael 
Fielding,  J.  F. 
Frey,  Adam 
Goodell,  Charles 
Good,  Theodore  A. 
Hendricks,  William 
Hirst,  Samuel 
Hiiies,  Martin 
Hopping,  Daniel 
L;\nRridKe,  John  B. 
Miller,  Henry 


Names  of  each  Officer  and  Patrolman  in  the  Police  Department  of  Brooklyn. 


Mills,  Andrew 
Mulledore,  Emanuel 
Mullen.  James 
Poole,  Henry  H. 

COURT  OFFICER. 

Robertson,  Thomas 

PATROLMEK. 

Ruaff,  John 
Shanley,  John 
Smith,  Thomas 
Valentine,  John 

COURT  OFFICER. 

Worth,  Philip 

PATROLMAN. 

Ward,  Henry 

DOORMEK. 

Beuhler,  George 
Grennan,  Bernard 

Seventh  Precinct, 

CAPTAIN. 

Rhodes,  George  R. 

SERGEANTS. 

De  Bevoise,  James  G. 
Elliott,  Leonard  \V. 
Reardon,  John 
Reid,  Robert  W. 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Green,  James 
Stillewagon,  Samuel 

DETECTIVE. 

Butts,  William  H. 

PATROLMEN. 

Baker,  Thomas  H. 
Cusick,  Patrick 
Dolten,  Alexander  B. 
Dill,  David  W. 
Dugan,  Arthur 
Fitzsimmons,  James 
Knapp,  Allen  R. 
Kelley,  'I'homas  J. 
Lent.  Ferris 
McKillop,  Michael 
Newcomb,  J.  P. 
Permento,  John 
Quein,  George 
Reed,  Francis  B. 
Reilley,  John 
Seaman,  Selah  D. 
Shannon,  John 
Terriere,  William 
Whaley,  James 
Walsh,  James 

DOORMEN. 
Brennan  John, 
Tinkey,  Abraham 


Eighth  Precinct. 

CAPTAIN, 

Smith,  Joel 


SERGEANTS. 

Brown,  William  H. 
Graham,  John 
Lloyd,  L.  W. 
Porter,  Joseph 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Owens,  Martin 
Doyle,  James 

DETECTIVE. 

Druhen,  Thomas  L. 

PATROLME-N. 

Buchanan,  Edward 
Creighton,  Edward 
Delaney,  Martin 
Folen,  Thomas 
Goeller,  Thomas 
Hancock,  Samuel 
Jacques,  John 
Kirton,  Robert 
Lloyd,  John  F. 
McCue,  Charles 
McKelvy,  Wm. 
McKearney,  John 
Morrel,  William 
Ryan,  Edward 
Ruble,  Thomas 
Summers,  Patrick 
Van  Wicklen,  Garret 
Wright,  John 

DOORMEN, 

Boden,  Patrick 
Whalen,  Patrick 


Eighth  Sub-Precinct. 

SERGEANTS. 

Barr,  John,  Com'd'g  Sergt. 
Morrell,  John 
DriscoU,  Dennis 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Brady,  Felix 
Kirby,  John  W. 

DETECTIVE. 

Connor,  John 

PATROLMEN. 

Brown,  John 
Healy,  John 
Mulreau,  John 
Conlon,  John 
Crockett,  Joseph 
Lennon,  Martin 
Campbell,  William  G. 
Bennett.  Thomas 
Dunn,  William 
McGrath,  P. 
McGowan,  H. 
Sullivan,  P. 

DOORMEN. 

Morrell,  Joseph 
Hoff,  Leonard 


Ninth  Precinct. 

CAPTAIN. 

Leich,  Oliver  B. 

SEKCBANTS. 

Latty,  Richard 
Holbrook,  Melen  T. 
Strom;,  Ch.-u-les 
Campbell,  James 

DETECTIVE. 

Kelly,  Henry  C. 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Lawson,  David  V.  W. 
Nelson,  William  A. 

PATROLMEN. 

Amerman,  George  P. 
Abercrombie,  John 
Ashton,  James  M. 
Babcock,  Charles  H. 
Buchanan,  John 
Clark,  James  L. 
Colgan,  John 
Dodge,  Anson  G. 
Dohen,  Dennis  S. 
Devlin,  IJarnard 
Goud,  James  T. 
Goodwin,  John  A, 
Hallman,  Julius 
Kcye5,  John  T. 
Lackey,  James 
Logan.  Moses 
Matt,  Samuel 
Murphy,  Thomas  C. 
Nelson,  Thomas 
Nail,  Jacob 
O'Connell,  Daniel 
O'Rilcy,  Miles 
Quigley,  James 
Riley,  Hugh 
Stacom,  Francis 
Smith,  Oliver  H. 
Tallmann,  Geo.  F. 
Williams,  John 
Wooldridge,  Andrew  J. 

DOORMEN. 

Currin,  Neil 
Rogers,  William  F. 


Ninth  Sub- 
Preeinct. 

SERGEANTS. 

Dunn,  James 
Willm.-»rth,  T.  C. 
Buckholz,  George  A, 

ROUNDSMEN. 

Donaghy,  John 
Rudd,  John  H. 

PATROLMEN. 

Cring,  George, 
Clayton,  Elias 
Drum,  John 
Eagleson,  Lewis 
Herschaft,  G. 
Jarvis,  John 
Kane,  James 
Kellog,  George  E. 


Lunsman,  Charles 
Lewis,  Jesse 
Klcine,  John  H. 
Moore,  James 
Moore,  John 
Mills,  William  E. 
McCormack,  Thomas 
Wcsterfield,  Charles  W. 

MOUNTED. 

Gaus,  Edward  A. 
Hamer,  George  W. 

DETECTIVE. 

Mullen,  James 


DOORMEN. 

Bagot,  Thomas  R. 
Wilmott,  John 


Tenth  Precinct. 

CAPTAIN. 

Mackellar,  John 

SERGEANTS. 

Carman,  Charles  B. 
Lamb,  James  W. 
Masterson,  Nicholas 
Metcalf,  Henry 

ROUNDSMEN. 

B.irry,  Peter  J. 
Cole,  Bernard 

DETECTIVE. 

Lenehan,  James 

PATROLMEN, 

Anderson,  William 
Bannon,  John 
Broderick,  Michael 
Burke,  Patrick  C. 
Campbell,  Patrick 
Clarke,  John 
Casey,  Thomas 
Coffey,  Jeremiah 
Curran,  Bartholomew 
Cassidy,  Richard 
Downey,  Michael  T. 
Doyle,  John 
Freel,  Hugh  M. 
Garvey,  M. 
Hayes,  Patrick 
Hawxhurst,  Will, 
Heavey,  James 
Herman,  Ed. 
Hennigar,  Charles  E, 
Kenna,  Peter 
Mahoney,  David 
Mara,  John 
Meagher,  Edward 
Murphy,  Thomas  J. 
Murphy,  John 
McDonough,  H. 
McMahon,  David 
McKie,  Thomas 
McArlhur,  William  H. 
McMalion,  Edward 
McGrath,  Terrence 
O'Connor,  Michael 
O'Shaughnessey,  James 


Reynolds.  James  G. 
S-ivage,  William 
Velsor,  Benjamin  F. 
Walsh,  Philip 

DOORMEN. 

Dunne,  James 
Hall,  Samuel 


Eleventh  Precinct. 

CAPTAIN. 
Reilly,  Edward 

SERGEANTS. 

Gill,  Timothy 
Kcnney,  James 
Shepherd.  James 
Slattcry,  Patrick 

ROUNDSMEN. 

McMahon,  John 
McMillan,  Daniel 

DETECTIVE. 

Daly,  Daniel 

PATROLMEN. 

Breden,  August 
Cain,  James 
Cahill,  Edward 
Cleary,  Philip 
Cumniings,  Peter 
Darby,  Patrick 
Fitzsimons,  Edward 
Flood,  James 
Gillen,  William  J, 
Holran,  David 
Keleher,  Miles 
Kecnan.  Michael 
McCauley,  James 
Mulligan,  Patrick 
Oberley,  Hubert 
Pelham,  \yilliam 
Roche,  Michael 
Travis,  Dennis 

DOORMEN, 

Bryne,  John 
O'Reilly,  John 


Twelfth  Precinct. 

CAPTAIN. 

Riley,  John 

SERGEANTS, 

Barwick,  William 
Gregory,  William 
Murphy,  Thomas 
Sheridan,  John 

ROUNOS.MEN. 

Cimey,  Neil 
O'Brien,  Thomas  E. 


PATROLMEN. 

Chichester,  George  W. 
Corwin,  J.  Addison 


I  Dingle,  John  W. 
Dailcy,  (Jeorgc  M. 
l)ur>*cc,  Richard 
Gibson,  William 
(lillcspic,  Patrick 
Guise,  Alexander  L. 
Hackcl,  Patrick 
Hill,  Henry  C. 
Lennon,  U  illiam 
Morrell,  Theodore  C. 
Menzel,  Frank  G. 
O'Neil,  lohn 
Owens,  Luke 
Pearcc,  George  T. 
Tuitc,  Edward 
Wells,  Calvin  H. 
Whiting,  M.-ilcolm 
.Stockholm,  George  E 


DOORMEN, 

Farrel,  Roger 

Linehan,  Bartholomew  J, 


Thlpteenth 
Precinct, 

CAPTAIN. 

Kaiser,  WUUam  J, 

SERGEANTS, 

Carr,  John 
Meekes,  William 
Smith,  Richard  B.  G. 
Strong,  William  M. 

ROUNDSMEN.  ' 

Babcock,  Lucien 
Cornell,  Joseph  A. 

PATROL»IAS. 

Shea,  John  (detailed  acting 
detective.) 

DETECTIVE. 

Ihne,  William 

PATROLMEN, 

Brady,  John 
Bums,  Francis 
Collins.  Joseph 
Freestine,  James 
Haslach,  Peter 
Jamicke,  Arthur 
Alaloy,  John 
Martin,  Charles 
McCann.  Henry 
Miles,  James 
Morrow,  John 
Perdue,  John 
Schumacker,  John 
Tilton,  Charles  H. 
Downey,  William 
Spellman.  Dennis 
White,  William  A, 
Powell,  Daniel  S. 
Urell,  Joseph 

DOORME.N, 

Kocppel,  Henry 
La  us,  Jacob 


I  ]^  D  E  X. 


Absrorombie,  General,  In  command  in 

America,  356,  357. 
Aborigines,  dexterity  of  the,  with  the 

bow  and  arrow,  196. 
Acadia,  account  of,  23,  35. 
Argol's  attack  upon,  230. 
Dispute  with  the  New  Englanders, 
351. 

Acosta,  his  history  quoted,  195. 
Adams,  John  (see  Foreign  AfEalrs),  488. 

Elected  President,  500. 

First  Inaugural  of,  500. 

The  Administration  of,  500. 

His  course  as  President,  523. 

Noticed,  498,  499. 
Adams,  John  Quincy,  Oration  on  Gen- 
eral Lafayette,  413,  413. 

Elected  President,  518. 

His  Inaugural,  519. 

Addres.s  to  Lafayette,  530. 
Adams,  Samuel,  excepted  from  the 

benefit  of  pardon,  383. 
Africa,  Portuguese  explorations  in,  75. 

Sir  J ohn  Hawkins'  slave  voyages  to, 
213. 

Agriculture,  general  summary  of,  609. 
Alabama,  Gen.  Wilson's  raid  through, 
596. 

"  Alabama,"  destroys  the  "  Hatteras," 
578. 

Destroyed  by  the  "  Kearsarge,"  594. 
Alabama  Claims,  negotiations  upon, 
commenced,  603. 
The  Treaty  for  the  settlement  of,  607. 
Albemarle,  N.  C,  endeavors  to  organ- 
ize the  settlement  of,  387. 
Cartwright,  made  Governor  of,  291 . 
Miller  succeeds  him,  391. 
"Albemarle,"  destruction  of  the,  586. 
Alexander  the  Great,  expedition  of,  71. 
Algiers,  war  against,  514. 
Allen,  Ethan,  C'ol.,  captures  Ticondero- 
ga,  387. 
Biographical  notice  of,  388. 
Almagro,  his  march  in  Chili,  150. 
Alvarado,  the  courage  of,  301. 
Amadas,  Philip,  noticed,  15. 
Amboy,  N.  J.,  port  of  entry  established 
at,  348. 

America,  discovery  of,  8,  9,  11,  80. 
Negroes  imported  into,  96. 
A  view  of,  when  first  discovered,  93. 
A  system  of  war  universal  in,  111. 
Religion  of  the  aborigines,  114. 
Amusements  of  tlie  aborigines,  115. 
Ancient  Spanish  trade  in,  168,  169. 
First  English  settlements  in,  213. 
See  South  America. 
The  rise  of  liberty  in,  331. 
State  of  literature  in  1670,  333. 
Some  account  of  early  printers  in,  374. 
Russian  discoveries  in,  193. 
See  North  A  merica. 
American   Aimy,   Washington  takes 

command  of,  387. 
Sufferings  in  the,  during  the  winter 

of  1776,  77,  405. 
Campaign  of  1777,  411,  436. 
Inflammatory  addresses  sent  into  the, 

by  the  royalists,  463. 
Campaign  of  1778,  441. 
SufEerings  of  the,  in  the  Southern 

Campaign,  460. 
Campaign  of  1779,  447. 
Campaign  of  1780,  in  the  Northern 

States,  457,  463. 
Reorganization  of  the  Southern,  un- 
der Gen.  Greene,  473. 
Operations  in  Virginia,  1781,  478. 
Campaign  of  1781,  472. 
The  Campaign  of  1783,  486. 
Disbanding  of  the,  of  the  Revolution, 

493. 

American  Colonies,  population  of  the, 
at  the  close  of  the  IVth  century, 
338. 

General  review  of  their  State  from 

1674  to  1708,  349. 
Refused  to  be  taxed,  363,  367. 
American  Independence,  fifteenth  anni- 
versary celebrated,  533. 


American  Navy,  formation  of  the,  387. 
American  Revolution,  foieign  affairs 
connected  with  the,  468. ' 
Treatment  of  prisoners  in,  484. 
Condition  of  political  parties  during 

the,  490. 
Advantages  of  the,  491. 
Influences  of  the,  on  the  people,  493. 
Americus  Vespucius,  biography  of,  10. 
Ames,  Fisher,  noticed,  356. 
Amherst,  General,  noticed,  356,  358. 
Anacostia,  discovery  of,  11. 
Anderson,  Robert,  Gen.,  in  command 
at  Fort  Moultrie,  554. 
In  command  of  the  Department  of 
Kentucky,  560. 
Andre,  Major  John,  notice  of,  431. 
Hung  as  a  spy,  465. 
Notice  of,  466. 
Andros,  Sir  Edmund,  account  of,  331. 
His  attack  on  Saybrook,  Conn.,  363. 
His  devotion  to  arbitrary  power,  3()7. 
Appointed  Captain-General  of  New 

England,  367. 
The  impeachment  of,  370. 
Appointed  Governor  of  Maryland,  384. 
Administration  of  the  government  of 

New  York,  307. 
Reappointed  Governor  of  New  York, 
310, 311. 

Reference  to  the  character  of,  345. 
Animals,  degeneracy  of  European,  in 

America,  191. 
Antietain,  the  battle  of,  573. 
Ajchdale,  John,  appointed  Governor  of 

Carolina,  397. 
Arctic  Expedition  sails  from  New  York, 

553. 

Argal,  Sir  Samuel,  Capt.,  account  of 

his  voyage  to  Virginia,  33. 
Operations  of,  in  Acadia,  36. 
Biography  of,  34. 

His  attack  on  the  French  at  Acadia, 
330,  233. 

Ar^ntine  Republic,  see  Paraguay,  183. 
Arkansas,  secession  of,  557. 

Operations  in,  587. 
"Arkansas  "  ram,  destruction  of,  567. 
Arkansas  Post,  capture  of,  577. 
Army  of  the  Potomac,  organized  by 
Gen.  McClellan,  563. 

Inactivity  of  the,  568. 

Gen.  Pope  takes  command  of,  571. 

McClellan  recalled  to  the  command 
of,  573. 

Burnside  takes  command  of,  574. 
Bumside  relieved  of  the  command 
of,  579. 

Hooker  appointed  to  command  of, 
579. 

Armstrong,  ,  American  minister  at 

Paris,'  507. 
Arnold,  Benedict,  at  Ticonderoga,  387. 

At  Quebec,  390. 

At  Ridgetield,  Conn.,  411. 

Biography  of,  431. 

His  treason  discovered,  465. 

Account  of  hifi  escape,  467. 

Address  to  Americans,  470. 

His  operations  in  Virginia,  472. 
Art  and  Science  in  Mexico,  303. 
Asgill,  Captain,  the  case  of,  485. 
Ash,  General,  at  Briar  Creek,  451. 
Ashley  River,  settlement  on  the  banks 
of,  290. 

Assumption,  see  Anacostia,  11. 
Atlanta,  Sherman's  campaign  against, 
591. 

"Atlanta,"  capture  of  the,  584. 
Atlantic  and  Pacific  canal,  604. 
Ascough,  Sir  George,  expedition  of,  to 
Virginia,  336. 

Bacon,  Nathaniel,  bis  rebellion  in  Vir- 
ginia, 328. 
Death  of,  339. 
Bainbridge,  Capt.,  see  Macedonian,  509. 
Baird,  Sir  James,  operations  in  Georgia, 
444 

Baker,  - — ,  Gen.,  killed  at  Ball's  Bluff, 
561. 


Ball's  Bluflf,  the  battle  of,  «!1. 
Baltimore,  Lord,  account  of,  .59. 
Account  of  his  landing  in  Marjiand, 

377. 
Noticed,  338. 
Balta,  Jose,  his  proclamation  in  refer- 
once  to  Cuba,  179. 
Banks,  N.  P.,  Gen.,  succeeds  Gen.  But- 
ler at  New  Orleans,  5G7. 
Operations  in  West  Virginia,  56S. 
Retreat  to  Winchester,  569. 
At  Culpepper  Court-house,  V^a.,  571. 
Red  River  expedition,  578. 
Operations  in  Louisiana,  579. 
See  Red  River,  586. 
Baptists,  persecutions  of  the,  2i5. 
Barehy,  Robert,  Quaker  Governor  of 

N.  J.,  331,333. 
Barron,  Coiiiinodore,  see  the  affair  of 

the  Chesapeake,  50(!. 
Barton,  Lieut-CoL,  surprises  Gen.  Prcu- 

cott,  436. 
Bath,  Va.,  engagement  at,  568. 
Baton  Rouge,  battle  at,  567. 
Baum,  Lieut.-Col.,  defeated  at  Benning- 
ton, 429. 

Baylor,  Lieut.-Col.,  massacre  of  his 

party,  443. 
Bayou  leche,  operations  at,  578. 
Beau  Sejour,  capture  of,  ^54. 
Beauregard,  G.  T.,  Gen.,  see  Bull  Run. 

In  command  of  the  West,  ."JO^ 
Bees  imported  to  America,  340. 
Behaim,  Martin,  a  rival  to  Columbus, 

8. 

Behring,  discoveries  of,  noticed,  193. 
Belcher,  Governor  of  Mass.,  noticed, 
351. 

Belknap,  Jeremy,  biographies  of  early 
discoverers,  by,  1. 

Bellamont,  Earl  of,  appointed  Governor 
of  N.  Y.,  N.  H.,  and  Mass.,  373. 
Noticed,  313. 

Belmont,  Me.,  battle  of,  560. 

Bennington,  Vt,  the  battle  of,  438, 439. 

Bentonville,  N.  C,  fight  at,  596. 

Berkeley,  Sir  Wilh,  .n,  noticed,  235. 
Visits  the  Carolinas,  387. 
Buys  New  Jersey,  316. 

Berlin  Decree,  concerning  navigation  of 
the  high  seas,  506. 
Revocation  of,  507. 

Berry,  Sir  John,  account  of,  330. 

Big  Bethel,  Va.,  battle  of,  558. 

Beveriey's  Ford,  Va.,  fight  at,  580. 

Biddle,  "Niehohi-s,  Captain  in  the  Revo- 
lution, noticed,  444. 

Birds  on  the  ocean,  187. 

Biron,  discoverer,  biography  of,  1. 

Birthday  of  a  Prince,  celebrated  In 
Mar>-land,  383. 

Black  Hawk  War,  account  of,  534. 

Black  Stocks,  fight  at,  4<!3. 

Blaekwell,  Capt.  John,  appointed  dep- 
uty (iovernor  of  Pennsylvania,  333. 

Bladeusburg,  battle  of,  51'^. 

Blake,  .Joseph,  appointed  Governor  of 
Carolina,  397. 

Blunt,  J.  G.,  Gen.,  at  Prairie  Grove, 
563. 

Boats,  account  of  those  of  the  abori- 
gines, 197. 
Bolivar,  Simon,  works  of,  in  South 

America,  173. 
Boone ville,  Mo.,  tattle  of,  559. 
Boston,  Mass.,  foundation  of,  344. 
The  people  of,  described  as  a  "  crew 

of  rascals  and  rebels,"  3<>5. 
Insurrection  in,  in  1689,  868. 
Hospitality  of  the  people  of,  376. 
British  troops  shut  up  in,  387,  395. 
Small-pox  breaks  out  In,  395. 
Evacuated  by  the  British,  396. 
Burgoyne's  troops  sent  to,  after  cap- 
ture, 433. 

Boston  Massacre,  the  account  of,  366. 
Boston  Port  Bill,  passage  of  the,  368. 

It^  effect  in  America,  369. 

Proceedinirs  of  the  colonies  in  consc- 
(lui'iice  of,  370. 
Bovadiila,  Francis  de,  account  of,  83. 


Braddoek,  Gen.,  death  of,  354. 
Bradford,  William,  biography  of,  47. 
Hra<lstreet,  Kimon,  noliccd,  358. 
Bradstreet,  Col.,  cajiturcB  FortFrontIg 
nac,  357. 

Bragir,   Braxton,   Gen.,  operations  io 

Kentucky,  574. 
Branch,  L.  O'H.,  (;(n.,  death  of.  573. 
Bnindy  SUitloti,  Va.,  tight  at,  ."i-Sl. 
Bniiidywine,  the  battle  of,  413. 
Br  inford,  Conn.,  foundation  of,  246. 
Brasher  City,  capture  of,  57St. 
Brazil  taken  possession  of  by  Cabral, 

8<i,  87. 

The  independence  of,  173. 
Account  of  later  events  In,  180. 
See  Paragiiiiy,  185. 
Idea  of  property  in,  19.5. 
Breckenriilge,  John  C,  openly  declare* 
for  the  South,  5(M). 
At  the  battle  of  Baton  Rouge.  .567. 
Breda,  cffeeUs  of  the  treaty  o^  306. 
Brewster,  William,  account  of,  50. 
Briar  Creek,  S.  C,  affair  at,  451. 
BridgewaU^r,  battle  of,  511. 
Briti.sh  encourage  insurrection  In  the 

South,  450. 
British  Parliament,  proceedings  of  the, 
against  the  colonies,  396. 
Plan  for  reducing  the  colonies,  .398. 
Broadhead,  Col.,  expedition  against 

the  Indians,  456,  457. 
Broad  River,  fight  at,  4»i2. 
Brooke's  Gazetteer,  ijuoted,  9. 
Brookfleld,  Mass.,  lndi:in  atuickon,  659. 
Brownist-s,  account  of  the,  337. 
John  Udall,  account  of,  237. 
Elizabeth  and  the,  237. 
Brown,  John,  his  adventure  at  Harper* 

Ferrv,  553. 
Bryan,  Col.,  see  Tryon  Co.,  N.  C,  459. 
Buchanan,  James,  the  administration 
of,  553. 

Account  of  his  administration,  554. 

Pro-slavery  messages  of,  555. 

South  Carolina  secession,  555. 
Buckner,  Gen.,  at  Fort  Donclson,  551. 
Bnena  Vista,  the  battle  of,  541. 

Buford,  ,  Col.,  at  Waxhaws,  458. 

Bull,  Capt.,  defends  Saybrook,  Conn., 
263. 

Bull  Pasture  Mountain,  Va.,  battle  of. 
569. 

Bull  Run,  the  battles  of,  558. 
Bunker  Hill,  the  battle  of,  382,  383. 
Bunker  Hill  Monument,  comer-stone 
laid,  518. 

Burgoyne,  Gen.  John,  his  campaign  ot 
1777,  436,  427. 
At  Crown  Point,  427. 
Surrender  of,  433. 
Troops  of,  sent  to  Boston,  434. 
Burke,  Edmund,  speaks  on  the  Ameri- 
can Question,  379. 
Bnniet,  William,  Gov.,  noticed,  351. 
Buniside,  A.  E.,  in  North  Carolina,  567. 
Assumes  command  of  the  Army  of 

the  Potomac,  574. 
See  Fredericksburg,  Va.,  57T>. 
Relieved  of  his  coinman<l,  57V. 
At  Cumberland  Gap,  5X2. 
Burr,  Aaron,  noticed,  389. 
Bushnell,   David,  invents  snbmarine 
boat,  493. 

Butler,  B.  F.,  Gen.,  at  Ship  Island,  5»'i6. 
His  Bttcmiit  to  capture  Richmond. 
587. 

Attempt  at  Fort  Fisher,  506. 

See  Li'fle  Bethel. 
Butler,  John,  "  Continental  Tory,"  no- 
ticed, 455. 
Butler,  Zebalon,  account  of,  4&5. 

Cabot,  John,  discoveries  of,  10. 
Cabot,  Sebatian,  life  and  discoveries 

of,  10. 
Account  of,  211. 
Cabral  takes  possession  of  Brazil,  S6,  87. 
Cache  River,  Ark.,  battle  at  the,  563. 
Caldwell,  Rev.  James.  British  oatiagee 

committed  on,  463. 


828 


INDEX, 


California,   operations  in,  (luring  the 
Mexican  war,  543,  044. 

See  C'iiialo:i. 

Noticed,  Ki'J. 
Calvert,  Leonard,  biography  of,  59. 
Calvert,  George,  biography  of,  59. 
Calvert,  Cecilius,  biography  of,  59. 

See  Lord  Baltimore. 
Camdeu,  S.  C,  affair  at,  4.59. 

Battle  of,  4(>0. 
Caini)hell,  Lieut-CoL,  see  Georgia,  444. 
Campbell,  Lord  William,  Governor  of 

South  Carolina,  39.3. 
Canada,  discovery  of,  13,  25. 

Taken  by  the  F^nglish,  343. 

Operations  of  the  English  in,  3.57  3.59. 

Arnold's  e.vpedition  into,  'SSS,  3S9. 

Congress  scnd-s  three  coramissionecs 
to  ''gain  over"  the  inhabitant' 
39L 

Spear'.s  raid  into,  GOl. 
Canals,  general  account  of,  620. 
Cauby,  E.  K.  S.,  Gen.,  noticed,  .563. 

Operations  against  Mobile,  597. 
Cannibullsiu  in  Florida,  19.5. 
Canonchet,  see  Uubbard's  Narrative, 
654. 

Canso,  Qshcries  at,  3.5. 
Cape  Breton,  origin  of  the  name,  11. 
Carolinas,  the  reasons  for  the  settle- 
ment of,  386. 

An  assembly  instituted  in,  387. 

The  early  settlers  of,  388,  390. 

Stevens  appointed  Governor,  388. 

Slavery  in  the,  390. 

Democracy  unpopular  in,  388. 

Constitution  of,  389. 

Emigration  to,  389. 

Agragian  laws  in,  290. 

Attacks  of  the  Spaniards  on  the  set- 
tlers of  the,  290. 

Dutch  emigrants  to,  391. 

Political  and  civil  troubles  in,  391, 
393. 

Administration  of  Joseph  West  in, 
293. 

Indian  wars  in,  293. 

Further  emigration  to,  294. 

Moreton,  Joseph,  appointed  Gover- 
nor of,  394. 

His  administrative  course,  89.5. 

Colleton  appointed  Governor  of,  29.5. 

Philip  Ludwell  appohited  Governor, 
396. 

Rice  cultivated  in,  297. 

Indian  wars  in,  298. 

Buryinii-grouuds  in  tlie,  300. 

Kevolution  in  the  governraeut  of,  353. 

Distresses  in,  in  1(79,  447. 
Caribbees,  account  of  the,  197. 
Carleton,  Sir  Guy,  Governor  of  Can- 
ada, noticed,  388,  391. 
Carnifex  Ferry,  battle  of,  .557. 
Carrera,  Don  Juan,  notice  of,  173. 
Carrick's  Ford,  Va.,  battle  of,  557. 
Carroll,  Charles,  noticed,  391. 
Carteret,  Sir  George,  buys  New  Jersey, 
316. 

Death  of,  330. 
Carteret,  Philip,  governs   East  New 

Jcrsev,  318. 
Cartier,  James,  discoveries  of,  11. 
Can-er,  John,  biography  of,  44. 
Catholics  found  Vfaryland,  284. 
Cecilins,  Lord  Baltimore,  the  death  of, 
281. 

Account  of  him,  281,  283. 
Cedar  .Mountain,  Va.,  battle  of,  571. 
Ccntreville,  Va.,  operations  of  General 

Pope  near,  573. 
Census  of  1801,  noticed,  .504. 
Chadd's  Ford,  imgagement  at,  413. 
Champion  Hills,  battle  of,  .577. 
Cliaiii|ilaiii,  Samuel,  his  travels,  24. 
Chaiu  ellorsvllle,  Va.,  the  battle  of,  579. 
Charles  II.,  notice  of,  234. 

Kestopation  of,  33(J. 

Ills  friendship  for  the  Quakers,  346. 

Opens  a  state  of  trade  in  America, 
168. 

Charieston,  S.  €.,  foundation  of,  390. 
British  attack  on,  397. 
(ien.   Provost's  operations  around, 
451. 

Oen.  Lincoln's  defence  of  in  1780, 458. 

Fall  of,  1780,  483. 

The  fall  of,  .595. 
Chnrlestown,  Mass.,  foundation  of,  344. 

Tbt:  bun  Inu'  of,  ;fsi. 
Cheat  .Mountain,  Va.,  battle  of,  .5.58. 
Chepulteper,  the  battle  of,  .54<>,  547. 
Cherokee    Indians,  I'lckens'  expedi- 
tion against  the,  457. 


Cherry  Valley,  massacre  in  the,  456. 

"Chesapeake,"  the  affair  of  the  "Leo- 
pard" ami  the,  .506. 
Reparation  in  the  case  of,  508. 
Action  with  the  "  Shannon,"  510. 

Chichelcy,  Sir  Henry,  Governor  of  Vir- 
ginia, 2^i0. 

Chit-kahorainy  River,  Va.,  operations 
on  the,  570. 

Cbickamauga,  the  battle  of,  583. 

Chihuahua,  tbe  battle  of,  543. 

Chili,  struggles  for  independence  in, 
173. 

The  progress  of,  178,  196. 
Agricniture  and  industries  of,  186. 
Chippewa,  the  battle  of,  511. 
Cholula,  Cortes's  visit  to,  134. 
Christian  As.sociations,  the  work  of, 

during  the  war,  .588. 
"  Christian  Commission  on  the  battle 

field,"  the,  .596. 
Church,  Benjamin,  see  King  Philip's 

war,  681. 

Church,  Thomas,  history  of  King  Phil- 
ip's war,  bj%  681. 

Churches  in  New  England,  375. 

Churubusco,  the  battle  of,  .546. 

Ciualoa,  the  political  state  of  the  peo- 
ple of,  19.5. 
Indolence  of  the  people  of,  196. 

"Cincinnati,"  origin  of  the  society  of 
the,  494. 

Civil  Service  Reform,  606. 

Clarke,  Maj.  M.  L.,  report  of  the  battle 
of  Chihuahua,  .543. 

Clermont,  S.  C,  British  blockhouse  at, 
destroyed,  473. 

Clergv,  manners  of  the,  in  New  Spain, 
306. 

Cleyborne,  William,  his  rebellion  in 
Maryland,  378,  380. 

Climate,  notes  on,  190,  191,  193. 

Clinton,   George,  elected  Vice-Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  500. 

Clinton,  Sir  Henrv,  operations  of,  in 
1780,  at  the  So'uth,  457. 
His  proclamation  to  the  people  of  the 

South,  4.59. 
Leaves  the  Carolinas  for  New  York, 
459. 

Correspondence  with  Washington  on 

the  case  of  Andre,  467. 
Cold  Harbor,  the  battle  of,  .589. 
Coligni,  the  French  colony  of,  noticed, 

386. 

Colleton,  James,  appointed  Governor 

of  Carolina,  295. 
Columbia,  S.  America,  the  Republic  of, 

formed,  173. 
Columbia,  S.  C,  the  sacking  of,  .581. 

Capture  of,  by  Sherman,  .59.5. 
Columbus,  Christopher,  biography  of,  4. 

Death  of,  8. 

Paul's  letters  to,  9. 

Biography  of,  76. 

Landing  of,  80. 

Account  of  his  discoveries,  81,  87. 
His  arrival  in  Palos,  83. 
A  prisoner,  88. 
Death  of,  90,  187. 

His  account   of  the  aborigines  of 

America,  188. 
Noticed,  188,  189. 
Noticed,  210. 
Commerce  and  Navigation,  611. 
Communism  in  the  Revolution,  49  i. 
Comptou,  Bishop,  sec  William  Penn, 
335. 

Conciliation,  attemi)t  at,  between  Eng- 
lanil  and  America,  419. 
Failure  of  atteni[>t  at,  444. 

Conciliatory  Bills,  see  Conciliation. 

Confederate  States  of  America,  organ- 
ized, .5.55. 

Congress  of  1774,  meeting  of  the,  373. 
Its  Declaration  of  Ki-.;hls,  374. 
Addros  to  the  people  of  Great  Brit- 
ain, 375. 

Proceedings  in  Great  Britain  in  ref- 
erence to  the,  376. 

Devises  means  to  relieve  the  distress- 
es of  the  people  in  1780,  4<>4. 
Connecticut,  foundation  of,  246. 

Dispute  with  Massachusetts  respect- 
ing taxes,  35:5. 

Estjibllshed  by  Royal  Chortcr,  259. 

Reception  of  Koval  Commissioners 
by  the  people  of,  260. 

Dciiioeratle  constit\ition  of,  37.5. 

Courteous  demeanor  of  the  people  of, 
276. 

Boundary  with  New  York  determin- 
ed, 305. 


Massachusetts  boundary  settled,  350. 

British  operations  in,  in  1779,  454. 

Troops  of,  in  1780,  mutiny,  463. 
Conscription  at  the  South,  .585. 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  adopt- 
ed, 4'.«. 

"  Constitution,"  the,  and  the  "  Guer- 

riere,"  508. 
Continental  Army,  organization  of,  385, 

386. 

Continental  Congress,  meeting  of  the, 
384. 

Work  of,  in  1775,  395. 
Changes  in  its  place  of  assembling, 
424. 

Continental  Money,  see  Finance. 
Contreres,  battle  of,  546. 
Coodc,  John,  seditious  operations  of, 
2»4. 

Cooper,  Michael,  Captain,  his  voyage 

to  V'irginia,  27. 
Cook,  Capt.,  discoveries  of,  noticed, 

193. 

Corinth,  battle  of,  565. 
Cornbury,  Lord,  succeeds  BeUamont  as 
Governor  of  N.  Y.,  314. 
His  government  and  death,  315. 
Appointed  Governor  of  New  Jersey, 
333. 

Cornwallis,  Lord,  at  the  battle  of  Ger- 

mantown,  435. 
Movement  of  General  Gates  in  1780 

against,  460. 
Proclamation  of,  1780,  461. 
Retreat  of,  4t:2. 

Prepares  to  invade  North  Carolina, 
473. 

Operations  of,  in  North  Carolina,  475. 
His  march  to  Virginia,  478. 
At  Yorktown,  478. 
Letter  to  General  Washington,  481. 
Surrender  of,  483. 
Effect  of  the  capture  of,  486. 
Cortes,  Conquest  of  New  Spain  by, 
117. 

Notices  of,  133,  134, 137, 129. 
At  TIascala,  133. 
At  Cholula,  134. 

The  cruelties  of,  198,  300,  noticed, 
1!)9,  300. 

Cotton,  the  production  and  uses  of, 
610. 

Cotton,  John,  Rev.,  noticed,  244. 

"Counterblast  against  Tobacco,"  23(^ 

Courts  of  Justice,  establishment  of,  in 
America,  305. 

Cowpens,  S.  C,  battle  of,  473. 

Crampton  Gap,  Md.,  battle  of,  573. 

Cranfield,  Governor  of  New  Hampshire, 
dilhculties  attending  his  govern- 
ment, 3()3. 

Crawford,  Colonel,  expedition  against 
the  Sandusky  Indians,  457. 

Creek  Indians,  treaty  with  the,  .533. 

Crittenden  Compromise,  the,  555. 

Cromwell,  Oliver,  noticed,  354,  357. 
Beneficial  to  America,  3.5.5. 

Cross  Keys,  Va.,  battle  of,  .569. 

Crown  Point,  General  Winslow's  expe- 
dition against,  355. 
Capture  of,  888. 

Cuba,  the  conquest  of,  90,  91. 
Course  of  Peru  in  the  cause  of,  179. 
The  ]>urchase  of,  considered,  553. 

Cul[)epper,  Lord,  noticed,  3:50. 
The  tri'il  of,  in  England,  293. 

"  Cumberliiid,"  sinking  of  the,  568. 

Cunilierland  Gap,  Gen.  Bnigg's  opera- 
tions in,  574. 
Hebels  captured  at,  583. 

Currency,  condition  of,  in  1780,  403. 

Curtis,  "General,  operations  in  West- 
cni  Dejiartinent,  563. 

Cushins;,  Lieut.,  see  "  Albcnnarlo," 
.5.86. 

Cushman,  Robert,  biograjihy  of,  51. 
Cynthiana,  Ky.,  raid  in,  5(4. 

Dmiloren,  Ulrie,  Col.,  death  of,  .587. 

Dale,  Sir  Thomas,  the  administration 
of,  3i3. 
Bioirrai.hy  of,  33. 

Dancing,  a  French  teacher  of,  In  Caro- 
lina, in  1700,  3it8. 

Danbury,Conn.,Trj  on'8  descent  on,  411. 

Dare,  .\nanias,  the  birth  of,  16. 

Davis,  Jt^fferson,  the  capture  of,  598. 

Dcane,  Silas,  ai.pointcd  Commissioner 
to  France,  437. 

Decatur,  Capt.,  see  Macedonian,  509. 

Deception,  a  curious  one,  5. 

Declaration  of  ludependcnco,  fac-slnillc 
of,  406. 


Signing  the,  408. 
De  Croix,  Marquis,  noticed,  170. 
Deep  Bottom,  Butler  at,  .589. 
Deerlield,  Mass.,  ludian  attack  on,  040, 
080,  681. 

De  Fuca,  John,  biography  of,  10. 
De  Grasse,  Count,  in  Virginia,  479. 
De  Kalb,  Maj.  Gen.,  noticed,  459. 

Death  of,  460. 
Delaware,  settlement  of  Swedes  in,  301 

Dutch  claim  to,  301. 

Settlement  of  the  Dutch  in,  838. 

Renewal  of  Disputes  in,  330. 

German  Quakers  in,  328. 
Delaware  Indians,  release  their  right  to 

land  east  of  the  Mississippi,  5)5. 
Delaware  Bay,  destruction  of  American 

shipping  in,  .509. 
Delaware,  Lord  Thomas,  biography  of, 

Noticed,  23,  319,  343. 
De  Monts,  M.,  account  of,  34. 
Denton,  his  description  of  New  York, 
346. 

De  Ruvter,  ordered  to  recapture  Ne.w 
York,  305. 

De  Soto,  Ferdinando,  life  and  discover- 
ies of,  13. 

De  Estaing,  Count,  arrives  in  America 
with  the  French  fieet,  441. 
At  Rhode  Island,  443. 
Arrives  in  Georgia,  453. 
Detroit,  the  erection  of  British  batter- 
ies at,  508. 
Dickinson,  John,  his  writings  against 
taxation.  361. 
Noticed,  493. 
Dieskau,  John  Harmand,   notice  of, 
355. 

Donaldsonville,  La.,  attack  on,  579. 
Dongan,  Colonel,  appointed  Governor 

of  New  York,  308. 
Character  of,  309. 
Doniphan,  Colonel,  see  New  Mexico, 

542. 

Donap,  Count,  the  death  of,  435. 

"Don't  give  up  the  Ship,"  see  Law- 
rence, 510. 

Dorchester,  Mass.,  foundation  of,  244. 
The  Heights  of,  occupied  by  the 
Americans,  396. 

Dorchester,  S.  C,  foundation  of,  297. 

Drake,  Sir  Francis,  exuedition  of,  212. 

Dranesville  Va.,  battle  of.  5»',3. 

Drayton,  William  Henry,  noticed,  439. 

Dretl  Scott  Case,  account  of  the,  5.53. 

Drumnioud,  Governor  of  the  Carolinas, 
387. 

Dudley,  Thomas,  noticed,  344. 

Duke  of  York,  the,  his  code  for  the 
government  of  New  York,  305. 

Dunmore,  Lord,  his  operation.^  at  Wil- 
liamsburg, V'a.,  39o,  3'.>5. 
Message  of,  to  Va.  Assembly,  393. 

Dui)ont,  S.  F.  Com.,  see  Port  Royal 
561. 

Dutch,  reductlou  of  the.  In  New  York 
360. 

Settle  at  New  Netherlands,  300. 
Difficulties  with  the  people  of  Con 

necticut,  303. 
Declare  war  against  the  English,  305 
Their  relations  with  the  Indians,  303 

Early  Discoverers,  biographies  of,  L. 
Earth,  ancient  idea  of  the  form  of,  187. 
East  Florida,  (Jen.  Robert  Howe's  ex 

pedition  against,  444. 
East  Jersey  governed  by  Quakers,  331. 
Eaton,  Wiilianj,  heroic  ilceils  of,  504. 
"Ebcuezer,"  the  Puritan's,  ;144. 
Eccles,  Solomon,  persecution  ol^  m 

anecdote,  lUti. 
Ecuador,  insurrection  at,  173. 
Educatiim,  account  of,  614. 

See  Harvard  Collecre,  348. 
Eliot,  John,  Rev.,  noticed,  344. 

His  work  among  the  Indians,  252. 
Elizabeth,  Queen,  her  course  with  Sir 
Walter  KaU  igh,  1.5. 
Expeditions  during  her  reign,  213. 
Eiizalicthtowii,  N.  J.,  foundation  of, 
317. 

Ellsworth,  E.  E.,  Col.,  death  of,  558. 
Eudicot,  John,  (iovemor  of  New  Eng- 
land, noticed,  251. 
England,  see  slaves,  313. 

War  wiMi  France,  353. 

The  debt  of,  in  1  tlW,  :>59. 

Proposes  to  tax  the  colonies,  360. 

War  with  Holland,  469. 
"  Epervier,"  capture  of  the,  513. 
Ericsson,  Capt.,  sec  "Monitor,"  668- 


INDEX. 


820 


Esquimaux,  their  weapons  of  war  and 

the  chase,  196. 
"Essex,"  capture  of  the,  512. 
Evans,  John,  see  Pennsylvania,  65. 
Evans,  Thomas  W.,  M.D.,  bis  liberality 

during  the  French  -  German  war, 

606. 

Evarts,  William  M.,  defends  President 
Johnson  against  Impeachment,  602. 
See  the  Washington  Treaty,  607. 
Eutaw  Springs,  the  battle  of,  478. 

Faikfield,  Conn.,  Tryon's  descent  on, 
411. 

British  atrocities  at,  447. 
Fair  Oaks,  battle  of,  570. 
Falmouth,  Mass.,  destruction  of,  387. 
Farragut  attacks  the  forts  in  Mobile 

Bay,  594. 
Federalists  noticed,  500. 

Feudal,  ,  seditious  designs  of,  283. 

Ferdinand,  K.ng,  see  Columbus. 
Ferguson,  Major,   operations    of,  in 

North  Carolina,  461. 
Fifteenth  Amendment  proclaimed,  603. 
Fillmore,  Millard,  the  administration 

of,  550. 

Finances  in  New  England  in  1730,  351. 
During  the  Revolution,  391. 
History  of  Continental  paper  cur- 
rency, 452. 
Distress  occasioned  by  the  condition 

of  the,  471. 
Progress  in  1870,  605. 
The  panic  of  1873,  608. 
Fisheries  Bill,  passage  of  the,  379. 
Five  Nations  of  Indians,  noticed,  305, 
311,  313,  317. 
Their  relations  to  the  Dutch,  308. 
Five  Forks,  Va.,  battle  of,  597. 
Fletcher,  Governor  of  New  York,  his 
vigorous  government,  312. 
Appointed  Governor  of  Pennsylvania, 
333. 

Florida,  the  discovery  of,  93,  93. 
Narvaez's  expedition  into,  195. 
See  East  Florida. 
Spanish  settlements  in,  290. 
Account  of  its  historj',  290. 
Gen.  Oglethorpe's  operations  in,  352. 
Spanish  expeditions  against  EngJish 
in,  468. 

Ceded  to  the  United  States,  517. 
George  McGregor's  expedition  into, 
517. 

Indian  troubles  in,  533. 
War  continues  in,  534. 
Gen.  Seymour's  operations  in,  586. 
Floyd,  John  B.,  Gen.,  operations  in 
West  Virginia,  557. 
At  Fort  Donelson,  564. 
Foote,  A.  H.,  Com.,  at  Forts  Donelson 

and  Henry,  563. 
Foreign  affairs  in  1780, 1781,  468. 
Forrest,  N.  B.,  Gen.,  action  at  Gun- 
town,  591. 
Forests,  effects  of,  on  climate,  191. 
Fort  Chamblee,  reduction  of,  388. 
Fort  Donelson,  capture  of,  5ti3. 
Fort  Du  Quesne,  attack  on,  354. 
Fort  Fisher,  expedition  against,  596. 
Fort  Froutignac,  expedition  against, 
355. 

Fort  Gaines,  capture  of,  594. 
Fort  Gaspereau,  capture  of,  354. 
Fort  George,  L.  I.,  reduction  of,  468. 
Fort  Granby,  British  evacuate,  477. 
Fort  Hatteras,  capture  of,  561. 
Fort  Henry,  capture  of,  563. 
Fort  Jackson,  capture  of,  566. 
Fort  Morgan,  capture  of,  594. 
Fort  MovStrie,  S.  C,  British  attack  on, 
397. 

Fort  Pillow,  attack  on,  564. 
Fort  Pulaski,  tjie  reduction  of,  584. 
Fort  Schuyler,  mutiny  at,  463. 
Fort  St.  Philip,  capture  of,  566. 
Fort  Steadman,  capture  of,  597. 
Fort  Sumter,  attack  on,  by  the  Con- 
federates, 554. 

Naval  assault  on,  584. 

Bombardment  of,  585. 
Fort  Washington,  the  reduction  of,  402. 
Fort  Watson,  N.  C,  capture  of,  476. 
Fort  William  Henry,  seige  and  capture 
of,  355. 

Fox,  George,  the  character  of,  342. 

See  Quakers,  255. 
France,  war  with  England,  353. 

Alliance  with  the  United  States,  434. 

Fresh  ti-oops  from,  arrive  at  Khode 
Island,  465. 

See  Guntown,  478. 


See  Rochambeau,  480,  481. 

Armed  vessels  of,  excluded  from 
American  waters,  507. 

Dilliculties  witli,  in  1834,  533. 

See  D'Estaign. 
Franklin,  Benjamin,  Dr.,  examined  be- 
fore the  House  of  Commons,  326. 

Letter  to  Charles  Thomson  on  the 
passage  of  the  Stamp  Act,  361. 

In  England  in  1774,  377. 

Noticed,  391. 

Visits  Cambridge,  395. 

Correspondence  with  Lord  Howe,  399. 

Meets  Lord  Howe  on  Stateu  Island, 
401. 

Biography  of,  4.35. 
Sent  to  France,  435. 
Letter  to  Strahan,  430. 
See  peace  of  1782,  489. 
Frazer,  General,  killed  at  Stillwater, 
432. 

Fredericksburg,  Va.,  battle  of,  579. 
Free  Quakers,  notice  of,  3:^4. 
Fremont,   J.  C,   Gen.,   appointed  to 
command  in  the  Western  Depart- 
ment, 560. 

See  California,  544. 

In  West  Virginia,  569. 
Freneau,  Philip,  noticed,  493. 
French,  cruelties  of  the,  312. 
French  settlers  in  Acadia,  220. 
French  fleet  reaches  America,  441. 
French-German  war,  606. 
French  and  Indian  war,  the,  312. 

1755,  350,  354. 
Frenchtown,  the  massacre  at,  509. 
Frobislier,  JIartin,  expedition  of,  212. 
Froutignac,  Count,  Governor  of  Canada, 
notice  of,  269. 

His  proposed  attack  on  Massachu- 
setts, 273. 

Noticed,  311. 
Froutignac,  Fort,  capture  of,  357. 
Front  Royal,  Va.,  battle  at,  569. 

Gadsden,  Gov.,  noticed,  461. 
Gadsden  Treaty,  amendment  to  the, 
550. 

Gage,  Governor,  orders  the  Assembly 
of  Massachusetts  to  meet  at  Salem, 
373 

Gaines'"  Mills,  Va.,  battle  of,  570. 
Garfield,  James  A.,  Gen.,  operations  of, 

in  S.  E.  Kentucky,  563. 
At  Pound  Gap,  563. 
Gasca,  his  government  in  Peru,  148, 

150. 

Gates,  Horatio,  appointed  Adjutant- 
General,  386. 
Apjjointed  to  command  in  Canada, 
392. 

Captures  Burgojnne's  army,  433. 
Biographical  record  of,  433. 
Proclamation  to  the  people  of  the 

South,  460. 
At  Hillsborough,  N.  C,  463. 
Conduct  of,  considered,  463. 
.  Noticed,  459,  460,  461. 
Gates,  Sir  Thomas,  biography  of,  32, 
215,  219. 

Gauley  Bridge,  Va.,  battle  of,  557. 
Geography,  ignorance  of  the  ancients 

concerning,  186. 
Georgia,  the  colonization  of,  338. 

Settlement  of,  352. 

See  Oglethorpe. 

Early  condition  in  the  Revolution, 
395. 

Operations  in,  in  1778,  444. 
Operations  in  1780,  457. 
Military  operations  in,  in  1781,  473, 
473. 

Georgetown,  8.  C,  destruction  of,  477. 
Genuantown,  Pa.,  battle  of,  424. 
Gettysburg,  the  battle  of,  580. 

National  Cemetery  at,  585. 
Gibraltar,  account  of  the  condition  of, 
468. 

Gilbert,  Bartholomew,  biography  of,  38. 
Gilbert,  Humphrey,  biography  of,  14. 
Glendale,  Va.,  battle  of,  571. 
Gloucester,  Va.,  surrender  of,  481. 
Goffe,  Judge,  account  of,  257. 
Promises  of  Stayvesant  concerning, 
303. 

Gomez,  discoveries  of,  13. 
Gorges,  Fernando,  Sir,  his  discoveries, 
•X. 

His  depredations  on  the  Indians, 
310. 

Hi.*  depredations  on  the  Indians,  340. 
Noticed,  243. 
Gorton,  Samuel,  account  of,  348. 


Gosnold,  Bartholomew,  discoveries  of, 
17 

Biography  of,  38. 
See  Virginia,  21.5. 
Grand  Gulf,  Com.  Porter's  attack  on, 
577. 

Grangers,  movement  of  the,  608. 
Grant,  Ulysses  8.,  Gen.,  at  Belmont, 
Mo.,  .500. 

At  Forts  Henry  and  Donelson,  563. 

At  Vickubnrg,  5i>5. 

At  tlie  battle  of  luka,  574. 

Made  Lieut.  General  and  called  to 
Washington,  .587. 

See  Vicksburg,  577. 

Advances  on  Richmond,  587,  597. 

Elected  President,  602. 

His  administration,  (K)3. 

His  second  election,  ()07. 
Great  Britain,  sentiments  and  opinions 
of  the  Americans  concerning  the 
sovereignty  of,  at  the  close  of  the 
17th  Century,  3:W,  340. 

Situation  of,  in  1779,  4.50. 

Resolves  to  abandon  oBensive  opera- 
tions in  America,  486. 

Armed  vessels  of,    excluded  from 
American  waters,  507. 

Declaration  of  war  in  1813  against, 
.508. 

Greeley,  Horace,  see  Peace,  .593. 
Greene,   Nathaniel,    appointed  Brig. 
Gen.,  38»i. 

At  Monmouth  Court  House,  442. 

See  Rhode  Island,  443. 

Biocraphical  notice  of,  472. 

In  command  at  tlie  South,  473. 

At  the  River  Yadkin,  474. 

Recrosses  the  River  Dan,  475. 

Battle  with  Lord  Rawdon  at  Cam- 
den, 476. 

His  appeal  to  the  Quakers,  476. 

At  the  Siege  of  Ninety-Six,  477. 

Operations  in  the  Carolinas,  477. 

At  Eutaw,  478. 
Greenland,  discovery  of,  312. 
Green's  Farms,  Conn.,  destruction  of, 
447. 

Grenville,  Richard,  biography  of,  15. 
Grey,  Major  General,  see  Massacre  at 

Tappan,  443. 
Greytown,  bombardment  of,  551. 
Groton,  Conn.,  Indian  attack  on,  050. 
Groveton,  battle  of,  572. 
Guaymas,  the  attack  on,  548. 
Guilford,  Conn.,  foundation  of,  346. 
Guilford,  N.  C,  bp   le  iiear,  475. 
Guntown,  action  at,  591. 
Gnyandotte,  Va.,  surprise  at,  558. 
Gwynneth,  Owen,  noticed,  3,  4. 

Hadlet,  Mass.,  Indian  attack  on,  640. 
Hiikluyt,  Richard,  noticed,  215. 
Hale,  Nathan,  Andre's  reference  to, 
466. 

HaUeck,  H.  W.,  Gen,,  see  Missouri,  563. 

Appointed  Commander-in-chief,  574. 
Hamilton,  Alexander,  his  character, 
493,  499. 

Hamilton,  Andrew,  see  Pennsylvania. 
Hancock,  John,  chosen  President  of 
Mass.  Provincial  Congress,  3T3. 
Pardon  denied  him,  383. 
Chosen  President  of  the  Continental 

Congress,  384. 
In  command  at  Rhode  Island,  44.3. 
Hancock,  W.  S.,  Gen.,  at  Williamsburg, 
.569. 

Hanging  Rock,  S.  C,  affair  at,  4,59. 
Hanover  Court-house,  battle  of,  570. 
Harmar,  (ien.,  see  Indians,  498. 
Harper's  Ferrj-,  Va.,  John  Brown's  raid 
at,  5.")3. 

Destruction  of  public  works  at,  5.56. 
Investment  of,  573. 
"Harriet  Lane,"  capture  and  destruc- 
tion of,  578. 
Harrison,  Wm.  Henry,  the  administra- 
tion of,  ^H). 
Death  of,  536. 
See  Wabash,  !m. 
See  Thames,  510 
Harrison's  Bar,  McClellan's  army  re- 
treat to,  571 
Hartford  Convention,  account  of  the, 
.513. 

Hartlev,  D.,  noticed,  379. 

Harrard  College,  establishment  of,  348. 

Noticed,  274': 
Harvey,  Sir  John,  nppohit«d  Governor 

of  Virginia,  224. 
Haverhill,  Mas8.,  Indian  attack  on,  653. 
Hawkins,  Sir  John,  see  slaves,  213. 


Heat,  curious  Idcaa  of  the  ancients  con- 

ceniing  it  in  the  torrid  zones,  187. 
Hcatli,  .Sir  Koliert,  ii<itlei-(l,  2NJ. 
Heath,  William,  ap|>oiul<d  Brig.-Gcn'l, 

Helena,  Ark.,  attack  on,  .578. 
Henchman,  Daniel,  account  of  Indian 

atrociliet.  in  Ni  w  England,  6.V>. 
Hendrick,  the  .Mohawk,  deatli  of,  '/M. 
ileiirv,  I'atriek,  ^ce  W  illiaiunlmrg,  Vu., 

Heriot,  Tliomas,  his  history  of  Vir- 
ginia, 1,5. 
See  Virginia,  214. 

Herron,  Gen.,  at  Prairie  Grove,  W^i. 

Hes>iaii  troops  engaged  liy  llic  Brttisli, 
397. 

"  He  wlio  does  not  work,  shall  not  cat," 

240. 

Hispaniola,  voyage  of  discovery  to,  88. 

lloehelega,  see  Canada,  12. 

Holland,  its  war  witli  England,  4C9. 

Hollander,-*  in  .New  England,  24. 
Avarice  of,  25. 

Hoiidny,  how  niude,  15. 

Hooker,  Joseph,  Gen.,  appointed  to  the 
conmiand    of  the    Army   of  the 
Potomac,  579. 
At  Fredericksburg,  57tt. 
Sec  Atlanta  campaign,  .583,  .591. 

Hooker,  Thomas,  noticed,  244. 

Hoi)kinson,  Francis,  noticed,  493. 

"  Hornet,"  case  of  the,  and  the  Pea- 
cock, 509. 

Howe,  Admiral,  Lord,  arrived  at  New 
York,  397. 
Correspondence  witli  Dr.  Franklin, 

S!t!t,  400. 
Death,  the  notice  of,  :i57. 
Howe,  Robert,  Gen.,  expedition  against 
East  Florida,  444. 
See  Georgia. 
Howe,  Sir  William,  noticed,  :197. 
Operations  of,  in  New  Jersey,  411. 
Lands  in  -Maryland,  412. 
At  Braiidywine,  412. 
Takes  possession  of  Philadelphia,  424. 
nuamanlla,  affair  at,  .517. 
Hubbard,  William,  narrative  of  the  In- 
dian wars,  62:i. 
Huddy,  Capt.,  sufferings  of,  485. 
Hudson,  Henry,  biography  of,  20. 

His  voyage  of  discovery,  3<K). 
Huguenots  arrive   in  the  Carolinas, 
•_86. 
Noticed,  205. 
Huger,  Gen.,  noticed,  474. 
Hull,  Isaac,  see  "  Constitution,"  508. 
Hunt,     Thomas,    sells    Indians  Into 

slaven',  2:i. 
Hutchinson,  Governor,  his  course  with 
the  people  of  Massachusetts,  366, 
867. 

Hntchinson,  Anne,  account  of,  57. 
Noticed,  247. 

Ilxinois,  account  of  P.  Gabriel  Maa* 
ert's  travels  in,  195. 
Admitted  to  the  Union,  517. 
Immigration,  612. 

Independence,  fac-simile  of  the  Dec- 
laration of,  406. 

Indiana,  Confederate  forces  enter,  581. 

"Indianola,"  capture  of  the,  577. 

Indians,  Hubbard's  history  of,  quoted, 
49. 

See  biographies  of  early  discoverers. 

Sold  as  slaves,  23. 

Sec  King  I'hilip,  2<i2. 

Massacre  by,  in  Virginia  In  1623,  23. 

Sec  Slaughter,  311. 

Noticed,  100,  108. 

The  Natchez,  110. 

Account  of  the  habits  and  appearance 

of,  1<.«,  IIM. 
Vanitv  of  the  men,  1!I6. 
The  revengeful  temper  of  the,  195. 
Methods  of  war,  195. 
As  miners,  205. 

Excluded  from  the  priesthood,  30CL 
Troubles  with  the,  in  Virginia,  222, 
223. 

Puritan  dealings  with  the,  240. 
Troubles  in  Massachusetts,  244. 
John  Eliot's  work  among  the,  2")2. 
Sir  William  Phijjp's  treaties  wllli, 
272. 

War  of  the.  In  Carolina.  293. 
Five  Nations,  noticed,  305. 
The  wars  of  1677,  »>8. 
The  Adirondack,  :{08. 
Jesuit  miseious  checked  among  tlii^ 
316. 


830 


INDEX. 


Inc-iJent  of  the  dvinij  old  Indian  King 
at  Burliiifjton/N.  J.,  32:5. 

Peau'*  tn'iitiiK'nt  of  the,  3:27. 

Number  of,  iu  the  American  colonies 
in  170(1,  341. 

Some  singular  questions  by,  concern- 
ing relifflon,  Si2. 

Belief  in  witel^ci^ft,  344. 

Inroads  of  the,  350. 

See  Yaraa««ee,  35"J. 

Their  use  it.  Burgoyxie's  campaign, 
•tiS. 

Account  of  fxpeditioi's  during  the 
Revolution  into  the  eo  iotry  of,  455. 

Massacre  of  civilized,  45V. 

The  Urcek  war  of  17SK),  4'.»S. 

Defeat  of  St.  Clair  by,  4'.»'J. 

Gen.  Harrison's  attack  on  the  Wa- 
bash, 50S. 

Operations  of  the,  in  the  South,  see 
Andrew  Jackson,  511. 

See  Creek  treaty,  !y2i. 

See  Kansas  Indians. 

See  Osasfes,  ^>S>. 

In  alliance  with  the  Confederates,  563. 

Hubbard's  Narrative  of  the  wars  of 
the  0:33. 

See  Northern  Campaign  of  1777. 

Paul's  letters  to  Columbus  concern- 
ing the  discovery  of  the,  9. 
Indus,  the  tides  of  the,  187. 
Irving,  Washington,  his  Knickerbocker 
History  of  New  York  referred  to, 
34i>. 

Isabella,  Queen,  see  Columbus,  78. 
Islaud  No.  10,  rebels'  retreat  to,  5ij4. 
luka,  the  battle  of,  574. 

Jackson,  Andrew,  defeats  the  South- 
ern Indians,  511. 

At  the  battle  of  New  Orleans,  513. 

Elected  President,  and  his  iuaugural, 
5Zi. 

Considers  nullification,  533. 
Vetoes  the  United  States  Bank  bill, 
5:«. 

James  II.,  his  designs  upon  Massachu- 
setts, aeti. 
Noticed,  21.5,  21G. 

Jtmes  Kiver,  Butler's  operations  on, 
588. 

Jamestown,  Va.,  settlement  of,  37,  217. 

Character  of  tlie  settlers  of,  217. 

The  massacre  at,  2\ii. 
Japan,  Expi  ditiou  to,  .550. 
"Java,"  naval  ent^ageinent,  509. 
Jay,  John,  see  Peace  of  1782,  4S9. 
Jetfcrson,  Thomas,  noticed,  499,  500. 

Elected  Presid  ;nt,  .503. 

First  Inaugural  of,  5U:3. 

Re-elect-jd  President,  508. 

Quoted,  518. 
Jeffries,  Judire,  the  cruelties  of,  347. 
Jefferys,  Col  ;nel,  account  of,  2:j0. 
Jesuit  Mis.si  ms,  establi^hment  of,  in 
Acadia,  2o. 

Laws  in  reference  t'),  257. 

Mi-sions  of,  checked  among  the  In- 
dians, 310. 
Johnson,  Andrew,  administration  of, 
599. 

His  difficulty  with  Congress,  COO. 
His  person  il  policy,  001. 
Atteinpt  -d  irape  xhment  of,  003. 
Johnson,  Sir  John,  see  Norlliern  Cam- 
paign, 4;J0. 
See  Indians,  150. 
Johnson,  Sir  William,  at  Fort  Niagara, 
357. 

Johnson's  Landing,  battle  of,  577. 

K  ansas,  commencement  of  troubles  in, 
r)52. 

Kearney,  General,  sec  New  Mexico, 
.'►42. 

"  Kcarsarge  "  destroys  the  "  Ala- 
liaina,  '  .594. 

Kcift,  William,  Governor  of  New  Neth- 
erlands, Ills  ndndnistration,  301. 

Ki  ilh,  Georgi',  sec  Quakers,  :5;i3. 

Kelly's  Kord,  the  battle  of,  .581. 

Kerichaw  .\Io\intain,  battle  of,  591. 

Kentuckv,  attempt  to  take  Iter  out  of 
the  Onion,  5.57. 

Kenistown,  Vu.,  battle  of,  568. 

Kettle  Creek,  (ia.,  notion  at,  451. 

Kidd,  ra|)taln,  notice  of.  Mi. 

Kirksvllle,  M  k.  battle  of,  .503. 

King  Philip's  War,  account  of,  203. 

King's  MounUiin,  account  of  the  battle 
of,  402. 

Kinney,  Colonel,  sea  Nicaragua,  551, 

oca. 


Kniphausen,  Ciencral,  at  Fort  Wash- 
ington, 402. 

Knowlton,  Lieut-Col.,  death  of,  403. 

Knox,  General,  noticed,  499. 

Kosta,  Martin,  the  case  of,  550. 

Ku-Klux  organizations,  005. 

Kyrle,  Sir  Kichard,  appointed  Governor 
of  Carolina,  294. 

LxBOR  Conventions,  604,  605. 
Labrador,  discovery  of,  213. 
Lafayette,  Gen.,  wounded  at  Brandy- 
wine,  413. 

John  Quincv  Adams'  oration  on,  413. 

See  Rhode  fsland. 

Visit  to  tlie  United  States,  518. 

Reply  to  the  Address  of  John  Quincy 
Adams,  531. 

Noticed,  478. 
Lake  Cliamplain,  discovery  of,  30. 

Military  and  naval  operations  on,  393. 
Lake  Erie,  the  battle  of,  510. 
Lake  George,  discovery  of,  26. 
Lancaster,  Mass.,  Indian  troubles  at, 
046. 

Lane,  Joseph,  Gen.,  noticed,  547. 
Lane,  Ralph,  Governor  of  Virginia,  15. 
Langdon,  John,  noticed,  373. 
Laud,  Archbishop,  noticed,  240. 
Laurens,  Henry,  elected  President  of 

Congress,  425. 
Capture  of,  ou  his  way  to  Europe, 

469. 

Released  from  imprisonment  in  the 

Tower  of  London,  483. 
Account  of  his  imprisonment,  482, 

483. 
Noticed,  440. 
See  Peace,  489. 
Laurens,  John,  appointed  Special  Min- 
ister to  France,  4^0. 
His  bravery  at  Yorktown,  481. 
Noticed,  443. 

Lawrence,  ,  his  last  words,  510. 

Lawrence,  Kansis,  descent  of  Qu.an- 

trell  on,  584. 
Lawrence's  Neck,  capture  of,  by  Col. 

Nelson,  40.5. 
Lee,  Arthur,  ajjpointed  Commissioner 

to  France,  4.37. 
Lee,  Charles,  appointed  Major-Gencral, 
380. 

At  Monmouth  Court-house,  441. 
Biographical  sketch  of,  441. 
Lee,  Henry,  Major,  captures  block- 
house at  Paul  us  Hook,  450. 
Lee,  Robert  E.,  Gen.  (see  Virginia),  — . 
See  Antietam,  574. 
In  Pennsylvania,  580. 
At  Williamsport,  Md.,  581. 
"Lee,"   privateer,  captures  tho  brig 

"  N.ancy,"  387. 
Lcisler,  (Jovenior,  noticed,  310. 
"Leopard,''  the  affair  of  the  "Chesa- 
peake" and  tlie,  506. 
Lepcarbot,  Marc,  writings  of,  34. 
Lcwisburg,  Va.,  battle  of,  569. 
Lexington,  the  battle  of,  liSl. 
Liberty,  the  rise  of,  in  America,  221. 
Lincoln,  Abraliam,  account  of  his  ad- 
ministration, 55.5. 
The  Southern  Commissioners  visit 

him,  .5.55. 
Attack  on  Sumter,  556. 
Proclamation   blockading  Southern 

ports,  550. 
Proclamation  abolishing  Slavery,  57.5. 
£manci]>ation  Proclamation,  5?^. 
Address  at  Gettysburg,  5S.5. 
Amnesty  Proclamation,  5S5. 
Second  inauguration  of^  594. 
"The  assassination  of,  599. 
Lincoln,  Benjamin,  General,  sec  Geor- 
gia and  the  Caroliuas. 
Noticed,  459. 
Literature,  state  of,  in  America  iu  1670, 
232. 
Notice  of,  493. 
"Little  Belt"  English  war  ship,  case 
of,  ,508. 

I.,ittle  Egg  Harbor,  expedition  against, 
44:t. 

Livingston,  If.  B.,  Col.,  noticed,  443. 

Loan,  Ben.,  Gen.,  noticed,  563. 

Locke,  John,  noticed,  334. 

Logan,  James,  of  Pennsvlvanla,  liter- 
ary ae(iuirements  of,  :5;57. 

Logan  s  Cross  Roads,  Ky.,  battle  of, 
.5(53. 

London,  the  great  fire  in,  261. 
Lone  Jack,  battle  of,  563. 
Long^lsland  granted  to  Lord  Stirling, 


The  battle  of,  and  retreat  from,  399, 
400  401. 

Long   Parliament,  authority  of  the, 

questioned,  854. 

Looking-glasses  made  of  stone,  and 
used  by  men  only,  196. 

Lookout  Mountain,  battle  of,  583. 

Lopez,  President,  his  c<mrBe  in  refer- 
ence to  the  movement  of  Brazil,  181. 
Noticed,  183,  183,  184. 

Lopez,  General,  garottcd  at  Havana,  550. 

Lord  Baltimore,  see  Cecilius. 
See  Charles. 
See  William  Penn. 

Ldrds  Commissioners  for  trade  and 
I)lantations,  creation  of,  :}40. 

"Loval  Ainericaus,"   depredations  of 
the,  40:j. 

Louisbourgh,  the  conquest  of,  340. 

The  attack  on,  3.53,  3.55,  350. 

Surrender  of,  3.56. 
Lotiisiana,  1  he  sUite  of  affairs  in,  in  1795, 
499. 

The  acquisition  of,  504. 
A  free  state  government  organized, 
•580. 

Operations  of  the  British  in,  in  1813, 
513. 

Lovelace,  Lord,  appointed  Governor  of 

New  Jersey,  '62'i. 
Ludwell,  Philip,  appointed  Governor  of 

Carolina,  290. 
Lyman,  Phineas,  Gen.,  notice  of,  35.5. 
l.ynde.  Major,  betrays  his  soldiers  to 

the  Confederates,  563. 
Lyon,  Nath.,  in  command  in  Missouri, 

557. 

At  Springfield,  Mo.,  559. 
Killed  at  Wilson's  Creek,  560. 

"  Macedoniam,"  capture  of  the,  509. 
Mackinaw,  the  affair  at,  in  1813,  508. 
Madison,  James,  elected  President  of 

the  United  States,  .507. 
Hi.s  inaugural  address,  507. 
Madoe,  biography  of,  3. 
Magaw,  Col.,  at  ^ort  Washington,  403. 
Magellan,  Ferdinand,  discoveries  of, 

134. 

Magellan,  noticed,  213. 
Maine,  early  discoveries  in,  36. 
Proceedings  of  royal  commissioners 

in,  300,  201. 
"  Temporarj'  government  of,"  266. 
Militarv  operations  in,  450. 
Admitied  t  >  the  Union,  517. 
"Mallory,"  Confederate  gunboat  sunk 

i]i  the  Mis>issippi,  .565. 
Malvein  Hill,  Va.,  battle  of,  571. 
Manhattan,  sec  New  York. 
Manly,  Robert,  Capt.  of  privateer  Lee, 

noticed,  387. 
Mansfield,  Lord,  noticed,  397. 
Manufactures  in  the  United  States,  631. 
"  Marching  on  Riclimoud,"  illustrated, 
573. 

Marion,  General,  noticed,  461. 
See  southern  campaign  of  the  Amcri- 

cain  army. 
Captures  l<\)rt  Watson,  476. 
Markhain,  William,  liis  dealings  with 
the  i'ennsylvania  Indians,  327. 
Noticed,  ;>31. 
Martha's  Vineyard,  discovery  of,  31.5. 
Martin,  Governor  of  North  Carolina, 
his  course  during  the  Revolution, 
394. 

Maryland,  settlement  of,  59. 
History  of,  277. 

Growtii  of,  under  Lord  Baltimore's 

government,  378. 
Indian  tronl)les  in,  279. 
Religious  differences  in,  279. 
Condition  of,  in  1(>06,  280. 
Strii  t  observance  of  Sunday  in,  383. 
AndroK  appointed  Governor  of,  284. 
Slavery  in,  38.5. 
Secession  of,  .55(!. 
Confederate  army  enters,  573. 
Masert,  P.  (iabriel,  his  travels  in  Illi- 

Tiois,  195. 
Mason,  James  M.,  capture  of,  561. 
.Mason,  John,  biography  of,  '36. 
Massachusetts,  account  of   the  first 
(iovernor  of,  57. 
Trouble  with  Virginia,  225. 
Growth  of  the  colony  of,  24.5. 
Dispute  with  Counccticut  respecting 

taxes,  3.5;f. 
Reception  of  royal  commissioners  by 

the  people  of,  360. 
Thrcatene<l  allerution  of  th«  constitu- 
tion of,  'Xb. 


Liberty  of  worship  granted  in,  365. 
Tempr)rary  government  of,  366. 
Boundary  between  and  Connecticut, 
settled,  a50. 
Massachusetts  Bay,  settlement  at,  34L 
Massachusetts    Provincial  Congress 

meets  at  Concord,  373. 
Massasoit,  the  Indian  chief,  see  In- 
dians, 48. 
Matamoras,  the  capture  of,  540. 
Mather,  Cotton,  his  "  Mdgualia  ChrisU 
Americana,"  274 
Noticed,  344. 
Mather,  lucerease,  see  witchcraft,  271, 

Noticed,  344 
Matthews,  General,  see  Colyer's  de- 
scent on  Virginia,  447. 
Maximilian,  set^  Mexico,  6(X). 
Mazatlan,  ca|iture  of,  548. 
McClellan,  George  B.,  operations  in 
West  Virginia,  557. 
In  command  of  the  Army  of  the 

Potomac,  5(!2. 
Operations  on  the  Virginia  peninsa- 
lar,  509. 

His  retreat  from  West  Point,  Va., 
570. 

Again  called  to  the  command  of  tho 

Army  of  the  Potomac,  573. 
At  Antietam,  573. 
Aixain  relieved,  574. 
MeCrea,  Miss,  the  murder  of,  428. 
McClernand,  John  A.,  General,  sea 

Forts  Henry  and  Donelson,  563. 
MeCulloch,  Beii,  General,  killed  at  Pea 

Ridge,  503. 
McDowell,  Irwin,  General,  at  Bull  Ruu, 
559. 

McDowel,  Colonel,  noticed,  462. 
McGregor,  Gregor,  his  expedition  Into 

Florida,  517. 
McHcnry,  James,  noticed,  499. 
McPberson,  (iencral,  see  Atlanta  cam- 
paign, 591. 
Death  of,  .5i>3. 
Mechanicsville,  Va.,  battle  of,  570. 
Medtield,  Mass.,  Indian  tight  at,  (>47. 
"  Merrimac,"  attack  ou  the  "  Congress" 

and  '■  Cumberlaiul,"  508. 
Mexico,  history  of,  3. 
See  New  Spain. 
The  siege  of,  133. 

Estimated  number  of  people  in,  203. 
How  government  was  supported  in, 
203. 

Con(iuest  of,  noticed,  212. 
The  war  with,  539. 

Troops  of   France  in,  to  support 

Maximilian,  (iOO. 
Amendment  of  the  Gadsden  treaty, 

.55t>. 

Mexicans,  view  of  the  manners  of  the, 
1.50. 

Miantonima,    sec    Hubbard's  Indian 

wars,  63(!. 
Milan  Decree,  revocation  of,  507. 
Milford,  Conn.,  fouudation  of,  246. 
Milford,  Mo.,  rebels  captured  at,  563. 
Miller,  ,  appointed  Governor  of 

Alt)cmaric,  N.  C,  291. 
His  career,  2i)2. 
Milloken's  Bend,  cng-.igement  at,  577. 
Mine  Run,  battle  at  5Sl. 
Mines  and  mining,  61.5. 
Miivisink,  buniiug  of,  by  Indians,  i56. 
Minnesota,  admitted  to  the  Union,  553. 
Minorca,  tlie  surrender  of,  48(i. 
Mississippi,  admitted  to  the  Union,  517. 
Mississippi  River,  nuval  occurrences  on 

the,  565. 

Missouri,  admitted  to  the  Union,  517. 
Compromise,  repeal  of  the,  553. 
Secession  movement  in,  557. 
Gen.  Price's  operations  iu,  559. 
Mitchell,  O.  M.,  Gen.,  operations  In 
Tennessee,  5iG0. 
Death  of,  .50«j. 
Mobile,  General   Canby'i  opcraUonb 

against,  597. 
Moct,    Captain,   destroys  Falmouth, 

Mass.,  387. 
Molino  del  Rey,  attack  on,  540. 
"Monitor,"  the  flght  at  Newport  News, 

ms. 

Monk's  Comer,  Ga.,  affair  at,  458. 
Moneton,  (ieneral,  at  Quet>ec,  ;i58. 
Monmouth  Court-house,  the  battle  at, 
411. 

Monroe,  James,  acconnt  of  his  admin 

istration,  515. 
Moutealm,  General,  captnrcs  Oswego 

855. 


INDEX. 


831 


At  Que  )ec,  35S. 
Monterey,  Mexico,  the  battle  of,  540. 
Mouteziima,  his  power  iu  Mexico,  119, 

lao. 

Gives  presents  to  Cortcz,  130. 
Moutgouicry,  Richaril,  appoiuted  Brig- 
auier-General,  3S(i. 
In  commaud  in  Canada,  383. 
In  Montreal,  3S9. 
Killed  at  Qacbec,  391. 
>Iontrcal,  the  capitulation  of,  359. 
Evacuation  of,  389. 

Morcton,  ,  appointed  Governor  of 

the  (Jarolinas,  394. 

Moore,  ,  Col.,  see  Tryon  County, 

N.  C,  459. 
Moore's  Creek  Bridge,  fight  at,  395. 
Moore,  Jaiues,  Governor  of  South  Car- 
olina, his  administration,  398. 
Moors,  occupation  of  Portugal  by  the, 
74. 

Morgan,  Daniel,  General,  noticed,  473, 
a74. 

At  Cowpens,  474. 
Retreat  of,  after  Cowpens,  474 
Morgan,  John,  Gen.,  Confederate  oper- 
ations in  Tennessee,  574. 
His  raid  into  Indiana,  581. 
Morgan,  Henry,  the  buccaneer,  account 
of,  394. 

Morris,  Gouverneur,  noticed,  439. 
Morris,  Robert,  noticed,  440. 

See  Finances. 
Morse,  Jedediah,  his  geography,  493. 
Moryson,  Colonel,  account  of,  330. 
"Mother  Country,"  use  of  the  term, 
275. 

Moultrie,  General,  at  Sullivan's  Island, 
397. 

In  Carolina  and  Georgia. 

"Mound  City,"  destruction  of  the 
Union  gunboat,  505. 

Mount  Desert,  Jesuits  settle  atj  36. 

Mud  Island,  Pa.,  attack  on,  43o. 

Mulligan,  Colonel,  heroic  defence  at 
Lexington,  Mo.,  560. 

Mumford,  Mrs.  B.,  hung  at  New  Or- 
leans, 587. 

Nantucket,  discoveiy  of,  25. 
Napoleon  1.,  see  RambouUlet  Decree, 
507. 

NaiTagausett  Indians,  war  with  the, 
351. 

See  Hubbard's  Indian  Wars,  639. 
Narvaez,  incident  of  his  expedition  into 
Florida,  195. 

Noticed,  13. 
Nashville,  battle  of,  593. 

General  Thomas  at,  S93. 
"N*shville,"  steamer,  destroyed,  584. 
National  debt,  593. 

Naval  engagements  during  the  Revolu- 
tion, see  Biddle,  Manly,  445. 
Naval  allairs  in  1783,  48G. 
Naval  events,  later,  584,  450,  457,  594. 
Navigation,  507. 

Navigation  Acts,  how  received  by  the 

colonists,  364. 
Ne^'oes  imported  into  America,  96. 

Employment  of,  as  soldiers,  585. 
Negro  slavery  introduced    into  Vir- 
ginia, 319. 
Nelson's  Farm,  Va.,  battle  of,  571. 
Nelson's  Ferry,  British  evacuate,  477. 
Newbern,  N.  C,  capture  of,  567. 
New  England,  origin  of  the  name,  33. 

Settlement  of,  38. 

Winslow's  account  of  the,  66. 

Slaverj'  in,  333. 

Settlemeut  of,  334. 

OenenU  considerations  for  the  plan- 
tation of,  341. 

Religious  questions  in,  343. 

Condition  of  affairs  in,  in  1638,  348. 

Population  of,  349. 

Kissing  prohibited  in,  350. 

Dispute  of  the  people  of,  with  the 
French  in  Acadia,  2oh 

Platform  of  Church  discipline  in,  253. 

Emigration  of  clergymen  to,  259. 

Religious  intolerance  in,  363. 

Indian  warfare  in,  363. 

Piety  revived  in,  2i)o. 

Education  and  habits  of  the  people 
of,  274.  . 

Commerce  of,  in  1720,  275. 

Religion  in,  375,  376. 

Settlers  from,  live  at  Cape  Fear,  387. 

Hubbard  narrative  of  the  Indian  wars 
of,  633. 

"New  England's  Tryals,"  a  book  cnti- 
Uod,  23. 


Newfoundland,  discovery  of,  11,  14, 

New  France,  surrender  of,  to  the  Eng- 
lish, 359. 

New  Hampshire,  the  claims  of  Mason 
to,  260. 

Proceedings  of  Royal  Commissioners 

in,  361),  361. 
State  of  atlairs  in  1677,  303. 
"Temjjorary  government  of."  206. 
New  Haven,  foundation  of,  34*). 

Destruction  of,  447. 
New  Holland,  notice  of,  195.  " 
New  Hope  Church,  battle  of,  591. 
New  Jersey,  the  hi:>tory  of,  316. 
See  Carteret  and  Berkcly,  316. 
Its  ancient  name,  317. 
Boundaries  of,  adjusted,  351. 
Attempt  to  establish  direct  trade 

from,  to  Europe,  318. 
Quakers  disturbed  in,  318. 
Operations  in  1780,  4()3. 
New  Madrid,  Mo.,  investment  of,  564. 
New  Mexico,  General  Kearney's  opera- 
tions in,  543. 
New  Netherlands    captured  by  the 
English,  304. 
See  >rew  York. 
New  Orleans,  attack  on,  and  capture 

of,  513,  506. 
New  Plymouth,  settlement  of,  by  the 
Puritans,  340. 
"Temporary  government  of,"  366. 
Newport,  Capt.  Christopher,  biography 
of,  37. 

Vo3'age  to  Virginia,  216. 
New  Spain,  history  of  the  conquest  of, 
by  Cortez,  117. 
Monasteries  in,  206. 
Manners  of  the  clergy  in,  306. 
The  mines  of,  209. 
Production  of  salt  in,  309. 
Newspapers   during  the  Revolution, 
493. 

History  of,  616. 
New  York,  early  settlement  of,  28,  31. 
The  reduction  of,  proposed,  360. 
History  of,  300. 

Captured  from  the  Dutch,  304. 
See  New  Netherlands. 
See  Manhattan. 
See  Wouter  Van  TwiUer. 
See  William  Keift. 
See  Peter  Stuyvesant. 
The  Duke's  Code  noticed,  305. 
Boundary  with  Connecticut  deter- 
mined, 305. 
Jacob  Leisler's  operations  in,  310. 
See  Nicholson. 
See  Sloughter. 
English  government  of,  313. 
Emigration  to,  315. 
The  clergy  in,  315. 

Prevalence  of  Dutch  language  in, 
315. 

Slavery  in,  316. 

Reverts  to  the  dominion  of  Holland, 
and  is  again  restored  to  the  Eng- 
lish, 317. 

Denton's  description  of,  346. 

Boundary  of,  adjusted,  351. 

Position  of  affairs  in,  just  before  the 
surrender  of  Cornwidlis,  480. 

The  evacuation  of,  494. 
Niagara,  Shiriey's  expediUou  against, 
355. 

Niagara,  Fort,  the  reduction  of,  357. 
Nicaragua,  difficulty  with,  551. 

See  William  Walker,  553. 
Nicholson,    his   operations  in  New 
York,  310. 

Nicolls,  ,  appointed  Governor  of 

New  York,  304,  305. 
Ninety-six,  S.  C,  affiur  at,  459. 

The  siege  of,  477. 
Non-Intercourse  considered,  507. 
Norfolk,  Va.,  fight  near,  1775,  39i. 
Destruction  of,  1776,  394. 
Seizure  of  navy  yard  and  destruction 

of  property  at,  556. 
Destruction  of  the  navy  yard,  etc.,  at, 
569. 

Norton,  John,  noticed,  358. 
North,  Lord,  his  course  against  the 
colonists,  380. 
His  ambition,  397. 
North  America,  history  of,  by  James 
Graham,  309. 
Appendix  to  the  history  of,  338. 
Prospects  of  the  colonies  of,  at  1700, 
338. 

Northampton,  Mass.,  Indian  assault  on, 
651. 


North  Carolina,  history  of,  285. 
How  named,  398. 
The  growth  and  progress  of,  393. 
Slavery  in,  398. 

Early  condition  in  the  Revolution,  391. 
Operations  of  Major  Ferguson  in,  461. 
Operations  of  General  Cornwallls  In, 
475. 

Bumside's  operations  In,  567,  568. 
Union  successes  hi,  596. 
Northern  campaign,  account  of  the 
436,437. 

Nor  walk.  Conn.,  Lyon's  descent  on, 
411. 

Burning  of,  447. 

Novo  Cosaria,  ancient  name  of  New 
Jersey,  316,  317. 

Nulification  in  South  Carolina  con- 
sidered, 538. 

OoLETnouPE,  James,  noticed,  353. 
His  operations  in  Florida,  3.53. 

Ohio  admitted  to  the  Union,  50t. 

Onondaga,  Goose  Van  Schaick's  expe- 
dition to,  456. 

Ontario,  Lake,  attempt  to  build  a 
squadron  on,  509. 

Orellana,  account  of  his  voyage,  201. 

Oswego,  capture  of,  3.55. 

Otto,  .M.,  remarks  on  the  discoveries  of 
Columbus,  9. 

Ovando,  Nicholas  dc,  account  of,  83. 

Owen,  Dr.  John,  invited  to  America, 
359. 

Pacific  Ocean,  how  named,  134. 

Pakonham,  Sir  Edward,  see  New  Or- 
leans, 513. 

Palo  Alto,  the  battle  of,  540. 

Paoli  Tavern,  Pa.,  Americans  surprised 
at,  434 

Paper  money  in  Massachusetts,  350. 
Paragtiay,  the  independence  of,  174. 

Alliance  against  the  people  of,  181. 

War  in,  183,  183,  185. 
Parker,  Sir  Peter,  at  SuUivan's  Island, 
398. 

Patagonlans,  some  account  of  the,  193. 
Patrons  of  husbandry,  the,  608. 
Paul,  the  physician,  his  atlas  to  Colum- 
bus, 9. 

Paulding,  John,  see  Major  Andre,  466. 
Paulus  llook,  capture  of  block-house 
at,  450. 

Peace  in  17S3,  see  Foreign  Affairs,  483. 

Negotiations  for<he,  489. 

Attempts  to  proc.  re,  593. 
Peace  Convention,  1800,  555. 
Pea  Ridge,  battle  of,  563. 
Peekskill,  N.  Y.,  destruction  of  Ameri- 
can stores  at,  411. 
Pembciton,  Gen.,  see  Vicksbur^,  578. 
Penn,  William,  biography  of,  60. 

His  intei-view  with  Lord  Baltimore, 
383. 

His  advice  to  Quakers  concerning 
New  Jersey,  330. 

Historical  notice  of,  333. 

Securing  the  charter  of  Pennsylva- 
nia, 321,  326. 

Compared  to  John  Wesley,  325. 

His  ideas  of  a  good  government,  337. 

Uls  government  of  Pennsylvania,  330, 
331. 

Establishes  educational  institutions 
iu  Pennsylvania,  3:33. 

Deprived  o'f  his  government  and  re- 
instated, 333. 

His  controversy  with  Lord  Baltimore, 
339. 

Treaty  with  the  Indians,  329. 
Voltaire's  opinion  of  the  treaty  of, 
339. 

Returns  to  England,  335,  3:56. 
The  last  days  of,  348. 
Pennsylvania,  settlement  of,  00. 
History  of,  33:3. 

Fletcher  appointed  Governor  of,  3.33. 
Dissensions  among  the  Quakers  in, 
333. 

Renewal  of  disputes  with  Delaware, 
336. 

Population  of,  in  170S,  337. 
Literature  in,  3:37. 

The  Planter's  speech  to  his  neigh- 
bors and  countrymen  of,  347. 
Successes   of  General  Sir  William 

Howe  in,  435. 
Insurrection  in  1791,  498. 
Lee's  army  enters,  5vS(). 
Pennsylvania  Line,  revolt  of  the,  470. 
Penobscot,  Me.,  attack  on  British  post 
at,  450. 


Pensions,  Washington  prnpoacs,  444. 

Pcquot  Indians,  noticed,  49. 

Destruction  of  tlie,  639. 
Pcquot  wars,  account  of,  2K5. 
Pcriplas  Haiinoiiis,  account  of  Uia.  18& 
Peru,  ci)n<iuc8t  of,  136. 

Civil  wars  in,  140,  149. 

Later  dilUculties  in,  175. 

Progress  of,  178. 

Course  of,  in  the  case  of  Cuba,  179. 
Mode  of  building  in,  204. 
Taxation  in,  305. 
ConcpU'st  of,  313. 
Peruvians,  view  of  the  manners  of  the, 
150. 

Property  nmongtho,  163. 
Perry,  Com.,  sec  Lake  Erie,  .510. 
Peters,  Hugh,  Rev.,  notice  of,  345. 
Petersburg,    V;«.,    General  Amold't 
operations  .it,  473. 

Butler's  attack  on,  5S9. 
"  Petrel,"  privateer,  sinking  of  the,  561. 
Philadel|)hia,  laid  out  after  the  plan  of 
ancient  Babylon,  330. 

The  Friends' '  public  school  of,  c»- 
tablishcd,  333. 

Capture  of,  by  the  British,  424. 

Evacuated  by  the  British,  441. 
Philippine  Islands,  discovery  of,  134. 
Philip's  war,  romantic  adventures  and 
escapes  during  the,  344. 

Noticed,  653,  659. 
Philips,  Sir  William,  notice  of.  968. 

llis  expedition  to  Quebec,  2C9. 

His  connection  with  the  witchcraft 
trials,  273. 

Departure  for  England,  273. 
Phoenicians,  discoveries  of  the,  70,  71. 
Pickens,  Col.,  at  Kettle  Creek,  Ga.,  45L 

Expedition  against  the  southern  In- 
dians, 457. 

Southern  militia  under  his  command, 
473. 

Noticed,  474. 
Pickering,  Timothy,  noticed,  499. 
Pierce,  Franklin,  account  of  the  »d- 

ministration  of,  550. 
Pierce,  John,  see  New  England,  38. 
Pilgrims,  embarkation  of  the,  212. 

Landing  of  the,  2:38. 
Pillow,  Gideon  J.,  Gen.,  see  Mexico,  546. 

At  Fort  Donelson,  564. 
Piucknev,  Colonel,  at  Sullivan's  Island 

in  1780,  457. 
Pinzcn,  Vincent  Yanez,  voyage  of,  87. 
Piracy,  see  Henrv  Morgan,  3'.>4. 

See"  Captain  Kidd,  3l4. 
PiscaUiway,  N.  J.,  foundation  of,  317. 
Pitt,  William,  Earl  of  Chatham,  uoUcfl 
of.  356. 

See  Stamp  Act,  363. 
Pittsburg  Landing,  battle  of,  565. 
Pizarro,  conquest  of  Peru  by,  136. 

At  Caxamalea.  200. 

Noticed,  201,  302. 
Plattsburgli,  battle  of,  511. 
Plymouth,  .Mass.,  settlement  at,  234. 

Reason  for  the  slow  increase  of  colo- 
nists in,  343. 

Indian  attack  on,  053. 

See  John  Cawer's  Biographv,  44. 
Plymouth,  N.  C,  attack  on,  586. 
Pocahontas  saves  the  life  of  Captair 
Smith,  17. 

Marries  John  Rolfe,  23. 

See  Captain  John  Smith,  218. 

Seizure  of,  and  her  marriage,  220. 
Police,  origin  of.  In  .\merica,  Mi. 
Polk,  James  K.,  adm^ni^tnltion  of,  Ti^. 
Polk,  Leonidas,  Gen.,  at  Belmont,  Mo. 
5(iO. 

Death  of.  591. 
Pomcroy,  Seth,  Col.,  noticed,  373. 

Appointed  Brig.-Gen'l,  386. 
Ponce  de  Leon,  expedition  and  deat}. 

of,  13, 135. 
Pope,  John,  Gen.,  takes  command  ol 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  571. 

Succeeded' by  MqClcllan,  573. 

His  failure  iii  Virginia,  5?3. 
Porter,  Fitz-John,  Gen.,  the  case  of,  572, 
Port  Gibson,  the  battle  of,  577. 
Port  Hudson,  the  reduction  of,  577. 

Farragut  passe.*  the  batteries  at,  578 

Surrender  of,  578. 
Port  Republic,  Va.,  battle  of,  569. 
Port  Royal,  attack  on,  rm. 
Portsmouth,  N.  IL,  patriotic  proceed 

ings  at,  373. 
Portuguese,  enterprise  of  tlic,  74 

Voyages  of  the,  75. 
Postiil  treaty  with  France,  608. 
Potobi,  the  mines  of,  307. 


833 

Powel,  David,  lii8  history  of  Wales,  2. 
I'owluitan,  see  John  Smith,  218. 
I'rairic  Grove,  battle  of,  563. 
I'ratt,  Phiiiebas,  advciiturc  of,  55. 
I'reblc,  Com.,  see  Tripoli,  .505. 
I'reble,  Jedediah,  noticed,  373. 
I'reseott,  General,  capture  of,  426. 
Tresidents  of  the  United  States,  por- 
traits of,  4D4. 
Prcvost,  Maj.-Gen'l,  see  Georgia,  444. 
I'riee,  Sterling,  Gen.,   operations,  in 

Missouri,  5.59. 
Prince,  etironolojjy  of,  quoted,  13. 
Princeton,  victory  at,  405. 
Pring:,  Martin,  biography  of,  38. 
Printing  press  not  to  be  allowed  in 
New  England,  2C7. 

First  in  Carolina,  299. 

Establislimcnt  of  the,  in  America, 
274,  340. 

Prisons  all  to  be  workhouses,  see  Wil- 
liam Pcnn,  328. 

Prisoners,  treatment  of,  during  the 
Kevolution,  484. 

Privateers  in  the  Revolution,  387. 
1800,  1SC5,  operations  of  Southern, 

.501. 
Noticed,  425. 

Prophet's  Town,  destruction  of,  508. 

Protestant?,  persecution  of  English, 
212. 

Public  debt  of  the  United  States  at 
tlie  close  of  each  administration, 
018. 

Puebla,  attack  on  the,  547. 
Purchns'  Pilgrims,  quoted,  13,  2.3,  41. 
Puritans,   establishment  of    the,  in 
America,  27. 

List  of  the,  who  settled  Massachu- 
setts Bay,  45. 

Settlements  of,  in  America,  236. 

Accounts  of  the,  236,  237,  238. 

Sufferings  of  the,  239,  214. 
Putnam,  Israel,  noticed,  356. 

Appointed  >taj.-Geu'i,  386. 

At  Princeton,  405. 

At  Horse  Nccli,  448. 

Biographical  notice  of,  449. 

QcAKEBS,  see  Pennsylvania,  61. 

Importation  of,  prohibited,  226. 

Persecutions  of  the,  255. 

Sullerings  of,  in  New  Jersey,  318,  319. 

Sec  BvUinge  and  Fenwick,  319. 

See  VVilliam  Penu,  319. 

Settle  in  West  Jersey,  320. 

Dissension  among  the,  ia  Pennsylva- 
nia, 333. 

Sec  Free  Quakers,  334. 

Lydia  Wardell's  account  of  tbe  suf- 
ferings of,  343. 

See  Solomon  Ecclcs,  346. 

Anecdotes  of  the,  317. 

General  Greene's  appeal  to  the,  476. 
Quebec,  the  capture  of,  358. 

Siege  and  capture  of,  390. 

Retreat  of  the  Americans  from,  303. 
"Queen  of  the  West,"  capture  of  the, 
.577. 

Destroyed,  578. 

RA.ii,noAD9,  general  account  of,  61S. 
Raleigh,  Sir  Walter,  biography  of,  15. 

Account  of,  31,  213. 

Voyage  to  Virginia,  214. 
Rambouillet  Decree,  the,  507. 
Randolph,  Peyton,  chosen  president  of 
the  Congress  of  1774,  374. 

See  Navigation  acts,  264. 
"  Randolph,"  blowing  up  of  the  frigate, 
444. 

Itappabannock  Station,  battle  of,  581. 
liawdon,  Lord,  in  command  at  Cam- 
den, 476. 
Raymond,  Miss.,  battle  of,  577. 
Rel-(l,  Joscpli,  noticed,  440. 
Red  Bank,  Pa.,  attack  on,  425. 
Red  River  Expedition,  the,  536. 
Religions  jjrevailing  in  New  England 
in  1720,  275,  276. 
State  of,  in  the  Carolinas,  3S9. 
Sute  of,  In  New  Jersey,  319. 
Of  llic  Indians, 
/See  Puritans  and  Browntsts. 
R.;nr),  Jesse  L.,  Gen.,  death  of,  573. 
Rf  pntilicans,  noticed,  500. 
Rcsaca,  b.iltle  of,  591. 
Resaea  do  la  Pal  na,  the  battle  of,  54<). 
Rhode  Island,  news  of  the  restoration 
received  In,  2.59. 
Estibllshed  by  Royal  charter,  259. 
Policy  of  Royal  "Couimissioucrs  In, 
200. 


I  N  D  E  X 


Democratic  ('onstitntion  of,  275. 
Condition  of,  early  in  the  Revolution, 
399. 

British  take  possession  of,  403. 
Operations  in,  in  1778,  4-41. 
D'Estaing's  attack  on,  413. 
Kice,  the  cultivation  of,  introduced  into 

the  Carolinas,  297. 
Rich  Mt)untiiiu,  Va.,  the  battle  of,  557. 
Richmond,  Va.,  attempted  capture  of, 
571. 

Butler's  attempt  to  capture,  587. 

Grant  advances  on,  587. 

Capture  of,  598. 
Ridgetield,  Conn.,  affair  at,  411. 
Rio  Grande,  battle  on  the,  599. 
Rio  San  Gal)rie!,  battle  of  the,  544. 
Roanoke  Island,  battle  of,  507. 
Roberts,  Col.,  death  of,  451. 
Robertson,  Willi.am,  D.D.,  "  History  of 

South  America,"  68. 
Robinson,  John,  biography  of,  43. 

See  "Mgrims,  238,  239. 
Rocky  \rount,  S.  C,  Sumter's  attack 
on,  459. 

Rodney,  Admiral,  sec  Foreign  Affairs, 
470. 

Fight  with  the  French  fleet,  4«7. 
Rodney's  Island,  some  account  of,  5. 
Rogers,  Robert,  Major,  noticed,  357. 
Rogersville,  Ky.,  tiglit  at,  574. 
Rolfe,  John,  marries  Pocahontas,  220. 
Romans,  discoveries  of  the,  71. 

Account  of  the,  72,  73. 
Ronincy,  Va.,  engagement  at,  508. 
Rosecrans,  General,  operations  in  West 
Virginia,  5.57. 

See  luka,  574. 

See  Stone  River,  576. 

His  advance  on  Chattanooga,  582. 

Defeat  at  Cliickamauga,  .583. 
Rosier,  James,  observations  on  a  voy- 
age to  America,  41. 
Roxbury,  Mass.,  foundation  of,  244 
Rush,  Benjamin,  Dr.,  noticed,  444. 
Russia,  positi  on  of,  in  reference  to  the 
United  States,  during  the  Revolu- 
tion, 409. 

Rust,  Albert,  General,  at  Cache  River, 
502. 

Rutledge,  John,  his  services  in  Georgia 
451. 

Rutherford,  General,  noticed,  459,  461. 

Sabine  City,  expedition  against,  579. 
Sackett's  Harbor,  attack  oci,  509. 
Salmon  Falls,  N.  II.,  Indian  battle  at, 
66S. 

Saltillo.  the  battle  of,  541. 

Sandusky,  expedition  against  the  In- 
dians at  and  near,  457. 

"  San  Francisco,"  steamer,  lost,  5.50. 

Sanitary  Commission,  the  labors  of, 
588. 

San  Juan,  affair  of,  551. 
San  Salvador,  discovery  of,  210. 
Santa  Anna,  see  .Mexico,  546. 
Santa  Isabel,  battle  of,  547. 
Sassacus,  the  Pequot  chief,  noticed, 
240. 

See  Hubbard  "Indian  Wars,"  629. 
Savage's  Station,  Va.,  battle  of,  571. 
Savalet,  an  old  mariner,  34. 
Savannali,  Ga.,  reduction  of,  450,  453. 

Ca[)tiircd  by  General  Sherman,  .595. 
"Savannah,"  privateer,  escape  of  the, 
561. 

Capture  of,  .501.  ' 
Say,  Lord,  noticed,  257. 

See  Connecticut. 
Saybrook,  Conn.,  Andres'  attack  on, 
263. 

Seholield,  General,  noticed,  .5('>3. 
Sehuvler,  I'liilij),  appointed  Major-Gen- 
eral,  3S(i. 

In  command  of  expedition  to  Can- 
ada, 388. 

Major,  see  French  and  Indian  War, 
313. 

Science  in  Mexico,  202. 
Scheiiek,  Robert  C.,  Gen.,  see  Vienna. 
Scott,  Winlicld,  Gen.,  see  Mexico,  54.5. 
Superseded  In  command  at  Washing- 
ton, .501. 
Sele,  Lord,  noticed,  257. 

.See  Coinieetieut. 
"Self-I^ove,"  Robert  Ciishman's  dis- 
course on,  51. 
Seminole  War,  aeeout  t  of  the,  .5.33,  5W. 
Sevier,  General,  noticed,  402. 
Si(Tra  Gordo,  battle  of,  ,54.5. 
.siiaft'  sl)ury,  Lord,  his  defence  of  Cul- 
pepper, 29:3. 


His  admiration  of  John  Locke,  345. 
Sharpsburg,  the  battle  of,  573. 
Shelby,  General,  noticed,  402. 
Sheridan,  General,  appohited  to  the 
command  of  the  Middle  Dtfpart- 
nient,  .590. 
Battle  of  Winchester,  591. 
His  operations  in  Virginia,  588,  589, 
.590,  .591. 

Operations  around  Richmond,  598. 

Sherman,  W.  T.,  Gen.,  in  command  of 
the  Department  of  Kentuckj',  560. 
The  campaign  against  Atlanta,  .591, 

•     594,  595. 

Shiloh,  battle  of,  565. 

Shirley,  General,  in  the  French  and  In- 
dian war,  3.54. 

Sibley,  H.  F.,  Gen.,  organizes  a  rebel 
brigiide  in  Texas,  503. 

Sickles,  Daniel  E.,  Gen.,  see  Army  of 
the  Potomac,  580. 

Sigel,  Franz,  Gen.,  operations  in  Mis- 
souri, 5(io. 
Noticed,  562. 

Silliman,  General,  at  Ridgcfield,  Conn., 
411. 

Silver  Bluff,  S.  C,  British  evacuate, 
477. 

Sioux  Indians  open  war  on  the  whites, 
.584. 

Skene,  Colonel,  at  Bennington,  429. 
Skcnesborough,  affair  at,  427. 
Slaves,  carried  to  America  by  Sir  John 
Hawkins,  213. 
Used  in  the  Revolution,  394. 
Slavery,  how  practiced  by  the  early 
discoverers,  23. 
In  New  England,  276. 
In  Marvland,  278. 
In  New  Jersey,  323. 
In  Pennsylvania,  335. 
President  Lincoln  issues  a  proclama- 
tion abolishing,  under  conditions, 
575. 

Forever  prohibited  in  the  United 

States,  594. 
See  Missouri  Compromise. 
Slave  Trade,  note  on  the  origin  of  the, 

ail. 

Slidell,  John,  capture  of,  .561. 
Sloughter,  Gov.,  noticed,  311. 
Smith,  John,  his  voyage  to  Virginia, 

Life  "of,  18. 

Life  saved  by  Pocahontas,  17. 

True  Travels  of,  24. 

Noticed,  210. 
Smith,  Persifer,  Gen.,  see  Mexico,  546. 
Smith,  Sir  Thomas,  biography  of,  31. 

Ai)p;)inted  Governor  of  the  Carolinas, 
290. 

Introduces  the  cultivation  of  rice, 
297. 

Soeietv  of  the  Cincinnati,  origin  of, 
494. 

Somers,  Sir  George,  biography  of,  32. 

Noticed,  215,  219. 
"  Sons  of  Liberty,"  organized  at  the 

West,  587. 
South  America,  Robertson's  history  of, 
68. 

South  Carolina,  history  of,  285. 

Tlic  growth  and  progress  of,  298. 

Slavery  in,  '^08. 

British  Incursion  Into,  451. 

Secession  of,  5.54. 

Union  operations  in,  in  1802,  .584. 
Southern  Campaiirn  of  1730,  see  Amcr- 

ican  Army,  457. 
"  Southern  Sympathizers,"  see  585. 
Southwest  Cteck,  N.  C,  affair  at,  596, 
Spain,  voyages  of  discovery  set  out 
from,  7(i,  88. 

The  decline  of,  170. 

Failure  of  her  colonial  system,  171. 

Slate  of  industry  in,  207. 

Integrity  of  merchants  In,  307,  208. 

Money  In,  208. 

Declares  war  against  Gre'",t  Britain, 
4.50. 

See  Florida,  468. 
Spear,  Cleneral,  his  raid  into  Canada, 
601. 

Spencer,  Joseph,  appointed  Brig. -Gen., 
3S(). 

Spottsvlvania  Court-house,  the  battle 
of,"  5S7. 

Sprinirtleld,  N.  J.,  burning  of,  463. 
Spnni;lleld,  Mo.,  attack  on,  583. 

Battle  of,  .5.59. 
Stamford,  Conn.,  f.>uudatlon  of,  346. 
Stamp  .Vet,  paKsa;;:e  of  the,  361. 

Its  elTect  in  America,  36'2. 


Repeal  of  the,  363. 
Standish,  Miles,  biography  of,  55. 

Bravery  of.  239. 
"Star  of  "the  West,"  steamer,  fired  Into 

by  the  secessionists,  554. 
Starke,  John,  Gen.,  at  the  battle  ol 
Bennington,  429, 
Biography  of,  439. 
State  Rights,  an  opinion  on,  518. 
States  General,  the,  see  Foreign  Affairs, 
409. 

Steamships,  the  Collins  Line,  ,5.52. 
Steele,  Gen.,  operations  in  Arkansas, 
587. 

Stevens,  Samnel,  appointed  Governor 

of  Carolina,  3S8. 
His  course  of  government,  288. 
Stillwater,  N.  T.,  the  battle  of,  430. 
Stipends  of  tobacco  for  clergymen,  351. 
Stirling,  General,  Lord,  attempt  of,  on 

Staten  Island,  463. 
Stith,  Wm.,  his  history  of  Virginia,  15. 
St.  Lawrence  River,  discovery  of,  11. 
St.  Leger,  Col.,  notice  of,  427. 
St.  John's,  engagement  at,  388. 
St.  John's  Island,  discovery  of,  211. 
St.  Vincennes,  the  affair  at,  456. 
Ston^Point,  capture  of,  by  Gen.  Wayne, 

Stone  Ferry,  Provost's  attack  on,  451. 

Stone  River,  battle  of,  576. 

Stuart,  J.  E.  B.,  Gen.,  at  the  battle  of 

Dranesville,  562. 
His  operations  in  Thoroughfare  Gap, 

572. 

Stuyvesant,  Peter,  Governor  of  New 
Netherlands,  his  administration, 
302. 

His  conrse  at  the  capture  of  New 
Netherlands,  304. 
Submarine  Navigation,  see  David  Bush- 

nell,  492. 
Sullivan,  John,  Gen.,  noticed,  373. 
Appt.  Brig. -Gen.,  386. 
In  Rhode  Island,  443. 
His  expedition  against  the  Indians, 
456. 

Sullivan's  Island,  S.  C,  fight  at,  397. 
Sumter,    General,   operations    of,  nt 
Williamson's  Plantation,  S.  C,  459. 
At  Black  Stocks,  462. 
See  Ferguson. 
Sumter,  f'ort,  the  attack  on,  556. 
Superstition    prevalent    in  Spanish 

America,  206. 
Sutherland's  Station,  Va.,  battle  at,  597. 

Talambo  Riots,  the,  176. 

Talbot,  Major,  captures  the  schooner 

Pi^ot,  446. 
Talmaage,  Major,  reduction  of  Fort 

George  by,  408. 
Tappan,  N.  Y.,  m.assacre  at,  443. 
Tarleton,  Colonel,  operations  of,  in 
Carolina  and  Georgia,  458. 
At  Black  Stocks,  462. 
Wounded,  475. 
Noticed,  473,  474,  475. 
Tavlor,  Zaeharv,  Gen.,  sea  Mexico,  539. 
Elected  President,  549. 
Account  of  his  administration,  549. 
Death  of,  .550. 
Taxation,  England  proposes  for  the 

American  Colonies,  360. 
Tea,  destruction  of,  by  the  Colonists, 
367,  308. 

Proceedings  of  the  British  Farlia- 
raent  in  reference  to  the  destruc- 
tion or,  afiS. 
Tecumseh  persuado*  the  Indians  to 

light  the  whites,  511. 
Teiniessee,  attempt  to  secede,  5.56. 
Operations  of  Gen.  ZoUikolIcr  in,  500. 
Rebel  operations  in,  576. 
Texas,  annexation  of,  539. 

Sibley's  rebel  brigade  of,  563. 
Terrv,  A.  H.,  (Jen.,  see  Fort  Fisher. 
Thames,  the  battle  of  the,  510. 
Third  Term,  considered,  .506. 
Thomas,  (icorgc  H.,  Gen.,  operates 
against  Zoflicoffer's  army  In  Ky., 
5(>3. 

Thomas,  John,  appointed  Brig. -Gen., 
386 

Deatli  of,  392. 
Thomson,  Charles,  chosen  Secretary  of 

the  Congress  of  1774,  374. 
Tieonderoga,  notice  of,  355. 
Aln-rerombie's  attack  on,  357. 
Cai)ture  of,  3.87. 
Evaeiiition  of,  427. 
Tilgbnian,  Lloyd,  Gen.,  at  Fort  Henry 
563. 


INDEX. 


833 


'^aecalI^  Cortez'  march  to,  I2',i. 
Tobacco,  its  introduction  into  England, 

Cultivated  in  Virginia,  220. 
Kiiiii'  James'  "Counterblast,"  330. 
Stipends  for  clergymen,  o51. 
Townsend,  (ieneral,  at  Quebec,  358. 
"Trent,"  British  steamer,  capture  of 

Slidell  and  Mason,  .'5til. 
Trenton,  N.  J.,  the  battle  of,  401,  405. 
Tripoli,  dillleulties  with,  504. 
Trumbull,  Jonathan,  noticed,  403. 
Tryon,  Maj. -General,  operations  of.  In 
Connecticut,  411. 
liis  atrocities  in  Connecticut,  447. 
Tryon  County,  N.  C,  operations  of 
Koyalists  in,  4.59. 
Betrays  his  soldiers  to  the  Confeder- 
ates, 5G3. 

Tunstall's  Station,  Gen.  Stuart  captures 
Twiggs,  General,  see  Mexico,  546. 

federal  stores  at,  570. 
Tybee,  British  forces  arrive  at,  457. 
Tyler,  John,  administration  of,  5o7. 
Tyre,  some  account  of,  186. 

Udall,  John,  account  of,  237. 
Union  Armies  mustered  out  of  service, 
599. 

United  States,  Treaty  with  France,  434. 
Constitution  of,  adopted,  496. 
War  with  Mexico,  539. 
Increased  salaries  of  the  offlcers  of 
the,  607. 

Statement  of  tUe  Public  Debt  of  the, 
617. 

United  States  Bank,  the  case  of,  533. 
Uruguay,  see  Paraguay,  183. 

Vai.encia,  General,  the  capture  of,  548. 

Valla ndigllam,  C.  L.,  arrest  of,  585. 

Valparaiso,  the  bombardment  of,  177. 

Valvcrdc,  battle  of,  563. 

Van  Buren,  Martin,  appointed  Secre- 
tary of  State,  !)27. 
The  administration  of,  535. 

Vane,  Sir  llenry,  account  of,  57. 
Reference  to,  245,  342. 

Vau  Schaick,  Goose,  Col.,  expedition 
to  Onondaja,  456. 

Van  Twiller,  Wouter,  Goveraor  of  New 
Netherlands,  his  administration, 
301. 

Van  Wart,  Isaac,  see  Major  Andre, 
466. 

Velasquez,  see  Mexico  and  New  Spain, 
Vera  Cruz,  siege  and  capture  of,  545. 
Verazzani,  John,  discoveries  of,  11. 
Verplanck's  Landing,  affair  at,  4.50. 
Vespucius,  Americus,  discoveries  of, 
10. 

Vlcksburg,  opening  of  the  siege  of, 
5&5. 

The  investment  of,  578. 
Vienna,  Va.,  affair  at,  .5.58. 
Virginia,  early  discovery  of,  15,  31. 

The  first  white  child  born  in,  16. 

Smitli's  voyage  to,  17. 

Captain  Samuel  Argol'a  visit  to,  23. 


Captain  Michael  Cooper's  voyage  to, 
37. 

Noticed,  33,  34,  37,  33,  30. 

lli.stury  of,  by  James  Grahame,  210. 

Sir  Walter  Kaleigh's  voyage  to,  31-4. 

Sec  Capt.  Newport,  316. 

Sir  Thomas  Dale's  rules  and  articles 

for  the  government  of,  319. 
Dissolute  people  transported  to,  331. 
Wife  buying  in,  331. 
Further  distresses  and  dilllculties  in, 

334. 

Revolt  of  the  colony,  335. 
Bacon's  rebellion  in,  33S. 
The  growth  of,  331. 
Beverley's  history  of,  331,3,33. 
Military   and  naval   operations  in, 
393. 

Royal  Government  ceases  in,  394. 
Sir  George  Collyer's  descent  on,  447. 
General  Arnold's  operations  in,  473. 
Secession  of,  556. 

McClcllan's  operations  on  the  Penin- 
sula, 568,  570. 

Minor  cngiigements  in  1864,  .589. 

Sheridan's  operations  in,  .590. 

Virginia  Company,  account  of  the, 
23:3, 23.5. 

"  Vii-ginius,"  the  case  of  the,  608. 

Wainman,  Sir  Fernando,  biography  of, 
33. 

Waldeckers,  capture  of  a  party  of, 
405. 

Wales,  Powel's  history  of,  3. 
Walker,  William,  invasion  of  Nicara- 
gua, 552. 

Wallace,  Low,  Gen.,  see  Fort  Donel- 
son,  5(i4. 

War  of  1813,  commencement  of,  508. 
Naval  operations  in  the,  509. 
Campaign  in  Canada,  509. 
The  blockade  of  the,  511. 
Ward,  Artemus,  appointed  Major-Gen'l, 
386. 
Noticed,  373. 
Warden,  Lydia,  her  account  of  the  siif- 

fering.s  of  the  Quakers,  343. 
Warner,  Capt.  Seth,  captures  Crown 

Point,  388. 
Warren,  Joseph,  Gen.,  death  of,  3S4. 
Warsaw,  Mo.,  burning  of,  .562. 
Washington,  George,  portrait  of,  353. 
In  the  French  and  Indian  war,  354, 
357. 

Appointed  commander-in-chief  of 
the  Continental  army,  386. 

Takes  command  at  Cambridge,  386. 

Takes  possession  of  Dorchester 
Heights,  396. 

At  Long  Isl  ind,  399. 

At  New  York,  401. 

At  Fort  Lee,  403. 

At  Trenton,  403. 

Crosses  the  Delaware,  403. 

Recrosses  the  Delawiu-e,  404. 

At  Morriftown,  411. 

At  Middlebrook,  411. 

At  Brandy  wine,  413. 


At  Qermantown,  4ii4. 

lliH  operations  in  I'ennsvlvania,  426. 

At  Valh^y  Fi)rge,  436,  410. 

At  .Monmouth  Court-house,  4tl. 

Proposes  half-pay  pensions,  4-1-t. 

Th;inked  by  Congress,  449,  4.50. 

Calls  for  supplies  for  his  artny,  464. 

The  case  of  .Major  Andre,  467. 

At  Clies,ter,  Pa.,  481. 

On  liis  disbanding  the  army,  49.3. 

Parts  wiUi  his  olUcers,  494. 

His  circular  letter,  495. 

Administration  of,  4!K). 

His  first  inaugural,  496. 

On  the  French  Treaty,  493. 

Second  inaugural,  .500. 

Retires  to  .Mount  Vernon,  'MO. 

Farewell  aildress,  .5(X). 

Noticed,  441,  443,  459,  4&i,  465,  473, 
481.  483,  484,  488,  493,  494,  498, 
499.  >       >      -I  > 

Dcatli  of,  ,503. 
Washington,   Licut.-Col.,    destroj's  a 
block-liouso  at  Clermont,  S.  C, 
473. 

Washington  City,  British  burn  public 

buildings  in,  513. 
Washington  Treaty,  the,  697. 
"Wasp,"  eai)turebf  the,  509. 
Cai>tures     the     "  Reindeer "  and 
"  Avon  "  and  is  lost  at  sea,  513. 
Waxhaws,  S.  C,  light  at,  4.58. 
Wavne,  Anthony,  captures  Stony  Point, 
449. 

Weapons,  see  aborigines,  196. 

Webster,  Daniel,  see  uulllflcation. 
Noticed,  5,36,  .537. 

Wedderburne,  inveigles  against  Dr. 
Franklin,  366. 

Weniys,  Major,  operations  of,  on  the 
Pedee,  461. 

Wesley,  Jolin,  compared  to  William 
Penn,  .335. 

Western  Military  Department,  opera- 
tions in,  .5t)0. 

West  Point,  Va.,  battle  of,  .569. 

West  Virginia,  military  operations  In, 
.557. 

Operations  of  Gen.  Banks  in,  568. 

Minor  battles  in,  581. 
Wevmouth,  George,  biography  of,  38. 

Voyage  of,  41. 
Whalley,  Judge,  account  of,  357. 

Promises  of  Stuyvcaant  concerning, 
303. 

White,  Rev.  Mr.,  of  '  Drchester,  Mass., 

noticed,  341. 
Wife-buying  in  Virginia,  231. 
Wilderness,'  the  battle  of  the,  587,  .5.38. 
Wilkes,  Charles,  Com.,  captures  Slidell 

and  Mason,  561. 
William  and  Mary  College,  Va.,  origin 

of,  331. 

Williams,  D.avid,  see  Major  Andre,  466. 
Williams,   Roger,  creates  dissensions 

among  the  Puritans,  344. 
Williamsburg,  Va.,  powder  difficulty 

there,  393. 
Battle  of,  568. 


I  WUllainson,  Gen.,  expedition  agalDlt 
tli<;  Itiilhins,  -1.57. 
Willi. imson'rt  I'laiitallon,  S.  C;.,  General 

Sumter'g  oiierations  ut,  459. 
Wilson's  Creek,  .Mo.,  lialtlr!  of,  .560. 
Wilson,  J.  II  ,  Gen.,  see  Alaliaiiiu,  500 
Winchester,  Va.,  battle  of,  .569. 
Sheridan's  battle  of,  ,591. 
Milroy  defeated  at,  580. 
Wind,  eftect  of,  in  dllTcrent  coantrlcs. 
190. 

Win-ilow,  Edward,  biography  of,  53. 
Winslow,  Jolin,  his  account  of  New 

England,  66. 
Winslow,  Maj. -Gen.  John,  notico  of, 

:{55. 

Winthrop,  John,  Governor  of  Connect- 
lent,  account  of,  .53. 
Ai)poiiitcd  (iovcrnor  of  Ma8.sacba- 

setts  Bay,  ZU. 
Impeachment  and  trial  of,  3.53. 
Noticed,  311,  341. 
Winthrop,  Major  Theodore,  death  of, 
553. 

Wise,  O.  Jennings,  killed  at  Roanoka 

Island,  .567. 
Witcher.ift,  account  of,  in  America,  371. 
Trial  for,  in  Carolina,  293. 
Indian  belief  in,  344. 
Wolcott,  Oliver,  noticed,  490. 
Wolfe,  the  death  of,  at  Quebec,  notice 
of,  358. 

Women  of  the  Revolution,  patriotisia 
of  the,  461. 
See  Rev.  James  Caldwell,  463. 
Sec  .Mrs.  .Mottc,  476. 
W(micn'8  Rights  Conventions,  604. 
Woostcr,  David,  appointed  Brigadier- 
General,  3S6. 
At  Ridf^eUeld,  Conn.,  411. 
Woodbridge,  N.  J.,  foundation  of,  317. 
Wool,  John  E.,  Maj. -Gen.,  see  Mexico, 
•54l. 

Worden,  Lieutenant,  wounded  in  the 
"Monitor  "fight  at  Newport  News, 
Va.,  5»18. 

Wright,  Sir  James,  Governor  of  Geor- 
gia, noticed,  395. 
Wyat,  Sir  Francis,  biography  of,  36. 
Wyoming,  the  Indian  massacre  ut,  455. 

Yale  Colleqb,  building  of,  350. 
Yeamans,  John,  of  Clarendon,  N.  C, 
ncticed,  387. 

The  bad  administration  of,  391. 
Ycardlcy,  Sir  George,  biography  of,  34, 

Appointed  Governor  of  Virginia,  334, 

Account  of,  234. 
York,  Va.,  surrender  of,  4?1. 
Yorktown,  the  surrender  at,  483. 

Investment  of,  be^ran,  481. 
Yupa,  description  of,  197. 

Zagonti,  bravery  of,  at  Spriugtield, 

Mo.,  500. 
Zcno,  Nieolo,  noticed,  3. 
ZoUicoffcr,  Oeu.,  operations  In  Toim03 

see,  560. 
Death  of,  563. 


INDEX  TO  APPENDIX. 


U.  S.  Statutes,  Revision  of,  731. 

Chattanooga  Convention,  731. 

National  Grangers,  731. 

U.  S.  Debt,  1874,  731. 

Cabinet  Changes,  1875,  721. 

Trade,  State  of,  1875,  731. 

Cabinet  Ch.anges,  1876,  731. 

Centennial  Exhibition,  731. 

Presidential  Nominations  and  Elec- 
tion, 1876,  731. 

President  Hayes'  First  Message,  731. 

U.  S.  Cabinet,  1877,  731.      •  [723. 

Slate  Constitutional  Amendments, 

Common  Schools,  State  of,  722. 

Session  Fortv-fourth  Congress,  723. 

CollegoR,  Remarks  on,  722. 

Writers  and  Publishers,  "23. 

News  Comp.inics,  Formation  of,  723. 

Indian  Affairs,  72.3. 

General  Grant,  733. 

Labor  Strikes  and  Riots,  733. 

Immigrations,  Condition  of,  734. 

Americans  Abroad,  724. 

Banks,  Insurance  and  Trust  Com- 
panies, Failures  of,  724. 

Brooklyn  Theatre,  Fire  in,  734. 

Silver  Bill,  Passage  of,  724. 

Silver  Bill,  Effects  of  its  Passage, 

Fishery  Question  Award,  734.  [734. 

Government  Savings  Banks,  734. 

Foreign  Trade,  State  of,  734. 

Mexico  and  United  States,  734. 


Samoan  Islands,  Treaty  with,  734. 
Fresh  Meats,  Foreign  Demand,  734. 
Imports,  724. 
Exports,  724. 

Movements  of  Bullion,  724. 
School  Statistics  (1876),  73.5. 
Theological  Seminaries,  725. 
Universities  and  Colleges,  725. 
Expenditures  of  Public  Schools,  726. 
Law  Schools,  720. 
Universities,  etc.  (1876),  726. 
Public  Debt  of  U.  S.,  (1877),  727. 
Coin  and  Bullion  in  U.  S.  Treasury, 
727. 

Newspapers  and  Periodicals  in  the 
United  States  (1870-77),  727. 

Dairy  Products,  727. 

Gold  and  Silver,  Production  of,  727. 

Railroads  and  Population,  728. 

Pen.'^ions  Paid  by  the  United  States 
in  1877,  728. 

Public  Lands,  738. 

Brazil. 

General  Description,  738. 
Dom  Pedro,  Sketch  of,  738. 
Revenues,  etc.,  728. 
Boundary  Questions,  728. 
Slaverj',  State  of,  728. 
Form  of  Qovemment,  728. 
Size,  Population,  Army,  etc.,  738. 
Agriculture,  State  of,  729. 


Cnii.1. 
Population,  739. 
Commerce,  739. 
Revenue,  729. 

National  Guard,  Navy,  etc.,  729. 

ECUADOK. 

Population,  State  of  Trade.  Army 
and  Navy,  Coast  Improvements. 
729.  President,  A.  Borrorero,  T30. 
Peru. 

Boundaries  and  Population,  730. 

President  Pardo,  730. 

Army,  Navy,  Manufactures,  730. 

Revenues,  Railroads,  etc.,  730. 
Uktiguay. 

President,  L.  Latorr,  730. 

Surplus  Revenue,  730. 

Horse-cars  Introduced,  730. 
Bolivia. 

Government,  7'V). 

President,  Army,  etc..  730. 

Trade  and  Coniinerco,  730. 

Railroads,  7.30. 

Revolts,  730. 
Argentine  RErtrBLic. 

Population,  Boundaries,  and  Govern- 
ment, 730. 

Trade,  Great  Exter.sion  of,  730. 
Guatemala. 

Government,  Revenue,  7:>0. 

Horses,  Improvement  of,  7:i0. 

ImporU,  Steamers,  etc.,  730. 


Costa  Rica. 

Revolution,  730. 

Revenue,  Incrr-ase  of,  730. 

Extent  of  Countrj',  Imports,  Ex- 
ports, etc.,  730. 

British  Consul  Forced  to  Leave,  730. 
Central  America. 

Attempt  to  Settle  Basis  of  a  Con- 
federacy, 730. 
Nicaragua. 

Boundaries,  Population,  Export*. 
Ship-Canal,  Government,  etc.,  730. 
Venezuela. 

Education,  Government,  Army,  etc., 
Couimbia.  '  [TM, 

Bounduries,  731. 

Population,  r.51. 

Government,  TSl. 

Isthmian  Railway,  731. 

Commerce,  Debts,  etc.,  7:11. 
Paraguay. 

Condition  of  Colonization,  731. 

Government.  Til. 

Debt,  Navv,  Trade,  Returns,  733. 

Navigation,  733. 
Mexico. 

Boundarfe.a,  Population,  732. 

Trade,  Coininen  r,  Debt,  733. 

Changes  of  Government,  733. 

lm|>ortaiit  St.itisties  and  Remarks 
on  Traile  and  Commerce,  TJ3. 

General  Remarks,  733, 


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